A43288	----	Præcipiolum: or The immature-mineral-electrum The first metall: which is the minera of mercury. By Joh. Bapt. Van-Helmont. Præcipiolum. English Helmont, Jean Baptiste van, 1577-1644. 1683 Approx. 29 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43288 Wing H1400A ESTC R221905 99833150 99833150 37625 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43288) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 37625) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2171:07) Præcipiolum: or The immature-mineral-electrum The first metall: which is the minera of mercury. By Joh. Bapt. Van-Helmont. Præcipiolum. English Helmont, Jean Baptiste van, 1577-1644. [2], 47-69, [1] p. printed for William Cooper, at the Pelican in Little Britain, London : 1683. Signatures: [pi]² D E³. Sold separately, but also intended to be issued as part of: "Collectanea chymica", 1684. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Mercury -- Metallurgy -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PRAECIPIOLVM : OR THE Immature-Mineral-Electrum . THE FIRST METALL : Which is the MINERA OF MERCVRY . By Joh. Bapt. Van-Helmont . LONDON , Printed for William Cooper , at the Pelican in Little Britain . 1683. Electum Minerale Immaturum ( id est ) Metallus primus est Minera Mercurii . TAKE of the best Argentum vivum , which you shall Distil from its own Minera , that is of the best Hungarian Minera which shall hold abundance of Argentum vivum , one pound will hold twelve , thirteen or fourteen ounces of Quicksilver , you shall distill this Minera , ( first pulverized ) in a Glass Retort with a Receiver , then you shall squeeze the Mercury divers times through Leather . If you cannot get any Minera Mercurii Hungarici , take Spanish Mercury , which is the best after the Hungarian , squeeze it through Leather divers times . If you cannot get this Spanish Mercury , take of the best Argentum vivum , that is to say , if you put a little of it into a Silver Spoon , and hold the Spoon over glowing Coals , and when the Mercury flyes away it leaves a yellow or white spot in the Spoon , this Mercury will serve , but if the Mercury leave a black spot , it is not good for any Work. Take the Mercury which leaves a yellow or white spot in the Spoon , wash it ten or twelve times with Salt and Vineger , and then squeeze it as many times through Leather , that it may be purged from its outward foulness , the Hungarian and Spanish Mercury are clean of themselves and need no washing . Imprimis , y●u are to separate the Mercurium coagulatum from the Mercurius Vivus , without any corrosiveness , and that the Mercurius Vivus shall be alive still , and so clear as a Venice Looking-gloss : Which Mercury coagulate Paracelsus , and Helmont calls Praecipiolum or Mercurius Coagulatus , and that it shall be separated dead from its own Minera , and that the Mercury Vivus shall be still alive after that the Praecipiolum is separate from it , and that the Corpus Mercurii vivi is the Praecipiolum Minera , and that the Electrum Minerale immaturum ▪ is the Mercurii vivi Minera . Item Helmont & Paracelsus mentions that when the Argentum Vivum or Mercurius Vivus shall come to his loca destinata , that then the Argentum vivum shall leave his Praecipiolum behind him in the form of a coagulated Mercury , and the Mercurius Vivus will go away alive and remain a Mercurius Vivus . The loca destinata , where the Argentum vivum shall leave the Semen Mercurii , and the Praecipiolum is Gold and Silver , Gold is the best place , by reason of the Fixation and Purity , and next to Gold is Silver . In this Praecipiolum lyeth hidden the whole Art of the true Chymistry . If a Chymist know not how to make or separate that Praecipiolum from Mercurius vivus , he will fail of the whole Art. This Praecipiolum is the matter whereof shall be made the Philosophers Mercury , that is , when it is reduced to his first matter , that is in a clear Water , like the Water which runs out of our Eyes now and then , and is slippery : This Water will eat and drink his own Flesh and Blood , and multiply it self with it ad infinitum , and this Water will bring all Gold and Silver into their first matter , before Praecipiolum is brought into his first matter , ( it is when it is prepared Philosophically without Corrosiveness ) it will cure triplicem Hydropem , podagram , morbum venerium and also many more sicknesses . The Philosophers call Argentum vivum their Wine , and the Praecipiolum they call their Tartar , both maketh the Philosophers Spiritum vini Philosophicum , which they call now and then , Astrum Mercurii , Spiritum Mercurii , their Fire their Sal Minerale & Sal Armoniacum , their Horse-dung their , Balneum Mariae , and an hundred more names to deceive the People . Processus compositus Praecipioli . Take in the Lords Name of the Mercury which is well purged : ten parts of our Gold or of our Silver , ( not common Gold or Silver as the common-people make use of it ) take ours , that is to say , Gold which is well refined through Antimony , or if you will make it with Silver refine it with Lead , and purge those both very well from their Dross and foulness : If you have ten parts of our Mercury . Take one part of our Gold or Silver made to fine leaves or made into fine Powder with a File , and make an Amalgama of them both in a warm Glazen or Marbel Morter , and with a Pestel of Glass mix it well , and then put this Amalgama into a Retort ( as I shall give you direction below ) and put it into an Earthen Copel or Earthen Pan , with one part of clear Sand , and three times as much sifted Ashes , and cover it with another Earthen Pan , and put to it a little Receiver , without luting , and then make Fire in your Furnace , and give an indifferent heat , and distil the Mercurium from our Gold and Silver with an indifferent heat , now and then , then take the Pan from it : If you see the Mercury is distilled from the Gold or Silver , cover it again and let the Fire go out . The next morning take your Retort and Receiver from the Furnace or out of the Sand , your Mercury will lye some part in the Receiver , and some part will hang in the Neck of the Retort , which you shall wipe off with a Feather , to the other Mercury which is in the Receiver . If you will , you may now and then hold a glowing Coal under the Neck of the Retort that the Mercury may run into the Receiver . When you have separated the Mercurium , then scrape the Gold which will lye at the bottom of the Retort with a crooked Iron , from the bottom of the Retort , and take it out , and put it into a Glass Morter and powder it small , then mingle or Amalgamate your Mercury with it again by degrees or by little and little , and put your Amalgama again into the Retort , and if you shall find any Powder that will not go into the Mercury , do not cast it away , but put it with the Amalgama into the Retort ( or else you will lose your Praecipiolum ) and distil it again as it is mentioned . Now and then take the Earthen Pan from it to see if the Mercury be almost gone over , and if it be almost gone over , let the Fire go out , and cover with the Earthen Pan again , and let it stand until the next morning , and then take the Retort and the Recipient again from the Furnace or out of the Sand , and wipe your Mercury again with a Feather out of the Neck of the Retort into the other Mercury in the Recipient , and scrape again with your crooked Iron , your Gold out of the Retort as you did before , and put it again into your Glass Morter , ( observe you shall distil so that the Argent vive go from the Gold , and that not any Mercury may be found nor be seen by your Gold which remaineth at the bottom of the Retort . ) And then take your Glass Pestel , and Powder again your Gold very small , and Amalgame your Mercury again with your Gold , by little and little , as before is mentioned . You will find that the Gold and Mercury will not well mix together as it did in the first and second time . Then take it and put it again in the Retort and distil it again as it is mentioned , not casting any Powder away , which you will think to be faeces , if you do cast it away , you will I say lose your Praecipiolum . And when the Mercury is distilled away from the Gold again , take your Glass out of the Furnace or out of the Sand copel , scrape your Gold with the crooked Iron , again out of your Retort and you shall find that your Gold is much encreased , if you should weigh it ; the reason is your Gold is the Load-stone , which hath attracted the Praecipiolum , or your Gold is the Cask wherein the Philosophers Wine hath let fall its Tartar which Paracelsus & Helmont calls Praecipiolum . Now how shall the Philosophical Tartar or Praecipiolum be separated from our Gold ? Take your Gold which you have scraped out of the Retort , and put it into your Glassen Morter , and pouder it very small with your Glass Pestel and mingle your Mercury by degrees as by little and little . Your Mercury will hardly mix with the Gold , the reason is , the Gold is full of the Praecipiolum , and then it is time to separate the Praecipiolum from the Gold and Mercury , which is a Womans work , when her Cloaths , are foul , she washeth them from their foulness . The same way you must cleanse your Praecipiolum from your Gold and Mercury as followeth . When you have the sign that your Mercury will hardly mix with your Gold , and your Gold will not enter into your Mercurium vivum , then power on it the clearest and fairest Water ( distilled is best ) that it may go over three Fingers breadth your Gold and Mercury , then wash it well , stirring it with your Pestel the Gold and the Mercury and the Water together which is in the Morter , I say you shall wash it together very well , until you see your Water is discoloured blewish black : Then is the sign that the Gold doth let fall the Tartarum or Praecipiolum in the Water and maketh it blewish black , then power off the Water into a Glass ( observe that not any Mercury may fall with the powring out the blewish Water ) then powr more fresh Water upon your Gold and Mercury , and wash it again as is mentioned , and when your Water is blew again powr off the Water to the former Water in the Glass , and thus continue washing till your Water remain white , then power this Water to the other Water in the Glass , and cover your Glass very close , that not any foulness may fall into the Glass . Observe that your Gold will go again into the Mercury , when that Praecipiolum is washed away as Wax goes in melted Butter . Take your Amalgama abovesaid , make it dry upon warm Ashes very softly with a Spunge , and by a little heat that the Amalgama may be dryed and when it is dry put it again in the Retort , and distil it as is before mentioned with the Mercury as with cohobating ; that is to say in distilling your Mercury , so often from the Gold that the Gold will hardly mix with the Mercury , and this is the sign that the Gold hath attracted enough from the Praecipiolum , and then it is time to separate with washing your Praecipiolum from your Amalgama . Now observe , I gave you Charge that you should keep your Glass wherein you put your blewish Water : which will be clear , and a Powder settled at the bottom , which is some of the Praecipiolum . Then power off the clear Water from the Praecipiolum without disturbing the Water , as soon as you can into another Glass : Now when you have that sign , that your Gold will not mix well with your Mercury , or not without great Trouble , then power the same Water , which you powred off from your Praecipiolum into another Glass , as it is mentioned upon your Amalgama , and wash it again , and when your Water is blewish power off the Water to your Praecipiolum into another Glass , as it is afore mentioned , upon your Amalgama , and wash it again , till all your Water hath washed away the Praecipiolum , and then stop your Glass again that no foulness fall into it , then take your Amalgama and dry it again very gently , and distil again , as is mentioned , till you have the sign , and then you shall wash it again with the first Water , and you shall find that your Praecipiolum will Augment or increase daily . Thus stilling and washing shall you continue till the Mercury is freed from its Mercury coagulated or Praecipiolum . Observe if the Water should grow less add to it now and then fresh Water . Now the sign is when the Mercurius hath lost all its Sperm , or its Tartar , or its Mercury coagulate , or its Praecipiolum : The Mercury and the Gold will mix always well together , and if you should distil it a thousand times that Gold and Mercury the one from the other , and if you should wash it a thousand times the one from the other with fresh Water , the Water will be clear , not blewish and so long as the Praecipiolum is in the Mercury , the Gold and Mercury will hardly mingle one with another , and then when you would have it mix together you must wash it , and then it will lovingly mix again when it is washed : So I say when your Praecipiolum is all separated from the Mercury , if you should a thousand times distil your Mercury from your Gold , it will mingle always lovingly together , and you will not find any Powder left , it will go all into the Mercury and your Water remain clear and white . Now further to our intent , as to make or prepare your Praecipiolum for a Medicine , power your clear Water , from the Powder which lyes at the bottom , in the Glass that no Water may be left by the Powder . Put the Glass upon a little warm Ashes that the Powder may be dryed , the Powder will look blewish yellow ; also , put the powder into a little Cucurbit Glass , and distil five or six times Spiritus vini from it , then your Praecipiolum is made ready for a Medicine . The Dose two Grains , or three at the most ▪ Compositio Aquae Albuminum Ovorum . Take a good quantity of Eggs , boyl them very hard , then take the Whites and cut them very small , and distil them per Cineres per Alembicum very softly , till you have gotten all the Water from the Whites , then take the Egg-shels , burn them to Ashes , and put those in a Retort , and power upon them their own Water , and distil it per arenam very strongly , and then power this Water upon the Ashes again , and distil it again , thus continue five or six times , the Water is ready for the Praecipiolum , the Mercurys coagulated Salt. You may remember I gave you Instruction , that you should pour off the clear Water from the Praecipiolum , and you should make dry the Praecipiolum , and that Praecipiolum bring to a Medicinal Powder , or you shall bring all Mettals , Principally his own Body into his first matter , which cannot be done without the Praecipiolum Salt , which is hidden in the Water you powred from the Praecipiolum , the same Water filter through a gray paper , and set the Water to evaporate in a round Glass very softly in Ashes , when the Water is evaporated away , you shall find at the bottom of the Glass a yellow whitish Salt , which is the Salt of the Praecipiolum , and the Clavis of the Philosophers , wherewith they do unlock the Lock of the Praecipioli , and bringeth the same to his first matter . If you know not this Salt , you know nothing of the true Chymistry : This Salt doth decrease in the decrease of the Moon , and increaseth at the full-Moon , and one Grain will Purge very softly all Podagrous , Venemous and Hydropical Humors with two Grains of your Praecipioli prepared . How to bring the Praecipiolum into his first or slippery matter . Take your Salt and twice as much of your Praecipolum , when it is made dry first dissolve your Salt in fair warm Water , and power it upon the Praecipiolum , and evaporate it away very gently in warm Ashes with a gentle Fire ; then take your Praecipiolum with its one Salt and put it into a little Retort , nip the Neck of the Retort very close , or melt it together , or Seal it with Hermes Seal , then put it into Balneum vaperosum and let it stand six Weeks in digestion or to putrifie , and it will turn to a slimy Water , then take your Retort , and open the Neck , then lay your Retort in a Sand Furnace and cover your Retort with an Earthen Pan , and lay a Receiver well luted , and first give a slow Fire , then a stronger , and this continue till your Spirits be well resolved into Water , first your Spirit will come in form of a white Cloud , and at last in the form of red Clouds or red Smoak , and give Fire so long till all your Spirits be come over into clear white Water , and when you have this sign , take your Receiver from the Retort , and stop the Receiver very well with Wax that no Spirit may fly away : Then let your Fire go out , then take the matter which remaineth in the Retort out of the Retort , and put the same into a Bolthead and stop it well , and set it in a warm place , then take your Spirits which are in the Receiver and rectifie them once , and keep those Spirits very carefully . Observe this ▪ you may remember , when the Praecipiolon hath lost its Mercury that the same Mercury , will be so bright , as a Venus Lookinglass ; take the same bright Mercury and dissolve him in your before-mentioned Spirit , as now followeth . Take one part of your bright Mercury and put it into a Bolthead , and power upon it two parts of your Spirit of Mercury , and stop it very close and let it stand in a little warmth , and the Mercury will dissolve or melt in your Spirit , and then distil it together through a Retort in Sand , and again take one part of your bright Mercury and put it into a Bolthead , and power upon it two parts of your Spirit and set it in a warm place and the Mercury will melt in the Spirit ; then distil again through a Retort in Sand , and it will come over in the form of Water ; this continue as long until the half part of your bright Mercury is brought to a clear Water , when you have this clear Water , keep it very close stopped with Wax , and take your Powder , which I gave you to keep in a Bolt-head , and place it very deep in a Sand Copel , and give it a very strong Fire for twenty and four Hours , then let the Fire go out of the said Copel , and stir the Powder with a Wooden-stick , and power upon it the half part of your clean Mercurial Water , and stop the Glass or melt the Glass-mouth together ; then shake it , and let it stand in a warm place for three or four days in digestion , powr off this into another Glass , and powr upon the remainder of the Powder another half of the Water and stop or melt the mouth of the Glass again , and let it stand again for three or four days in a warm place in digestion ; then powr it out to the former Water , and stop the Glass , or melt the mouth of the Glass very close , that no Spirit may fly out or fly away , and let it stand in your Balneo Vaporoso eight days , and then distil it through a Retort , and if any stuff shall remain in the Retort , which will be very little , powr upon it your Spirit again , and distil it over until all is gone over . Now is the Salt with his own Spirit mixt together and brought into the first matter , keep it very well stopped . This is the Water that the Philosophers have given divers , yea above a hundred Names unto it as their Horse-dung , their Balneum Mariae , their Calx Vive , and in short , this is the Philosophers true Fire , without this Fire or Water no man can do any true Work in Chimistry . The Philosophers having brought forth this Salamander , which Salamander will never waste in the Fire , the longer the stronger . This Water will increase or multiply per Infinitum , that is to say , if all the Sea should be Mercury it will turn the same into the first matter . First you must wash your Mercury with Salt and Vinegar divers times , and at last with Water to wash away the Salt , then mix this Mercury with Calx Vive and calcined Tartar , and distil it in a Retort in a Sand Furnace , and lay to it a Receiver , filled almost half full with Water , and when your Mercury is dry , then squeeze him eight or ten times through Leather , and then is your Mercury well purged from his uncleanness . This is the Mercury you shall use in multiplying your Spirit or Astrum Mercurii . Take of this Mercury purged one part , and of your Spirit or Astrum Mercurii two parts , put them together mixt into a Bolt-head , stop well the Bolt-head , and let it stand in a warm place one Night , and your Mercury will melt in your Spirit or Astrum Mercurii , and turn it into Water , and then distil it through a Retort , and thus you may do by repeating your Water with fresh Mercury as long as you please . This Water will bring or dissolve all Stones and Gold and Silver into their first matter , Item , it will bring Gold and Silver over with him , through a Retort , and that Gold and Silver will never be separated one from the other . The reason is , Gold and Silver and all metals be of the same Nature , and have beginning from the same Water ; there is nothing in the World , but hath its beginning from it . The Vniversal Medicine . Take of fine Gold that is made fine Powder ( that is to say , take the same Gold , which did remain , when you made your Praecipiolum ) one part of your finest Silver , made to fine Powder two parts , put every metal by it self into a Glass , power upon each your Astrum Mercurii , that it may go over it one finger breadth , and stop each Glass very close , and let it stand in a warm place for eight days together , and your Gold and Silver will be almost dissolved into Water , then powr off the Water every one by it self in a Glass , and power more Water to the Gold and Silver which did remain , and let it stand eight days in a warm place , and then powr your Waters off to your former Waters , and all your Gold and Silver will be dissolved into Water , and there will remain some faeces ; then take of both these Waters of each the fourth part , and put them together in a Bolt-head , that no more of the Bolt-head be empty then three parts , and Seal your Bolt-head or melt your Bolt-head mouth very close , and put your Bolt-head into an Athanor with your matter into a continual warm heat until it do come to a fixed red Stone or Powder ; before it do come to a red Powder , will appear in your Bolt-head many Colours , as black , green , yellow and red , and when it is red and a Powder , then take your Bolt-head and bury it in a Sand Copel very deep and give by degrees Fire , and at last a very strong Fire , and it will melt as Wax , and let it stand one whole week , or the longer the better , then take it out and let it cool , and break your Glass and you will find a fixt Stone , or Powder as red as Scarlet , I did give you Charge that you should keep three parts of your Gold and Silver which was dissolved into Water , put both these Waters together in a Retort , distil them , and both the Gold and Silver will go with the Water over through the Retort , with which Water you shall multiply your Medicine . Now take one part of your Medicine made into fine Powder , and put it into a little Bolt-head , and poure upon it twice as much of your Water , as of Gold and Silver , and Seal it again , and set it into your Athanor again , until it do come into a red Powder , and then put it again into the Sand , for to give him the Fixation , that he may melt like Wax : Upon such a way you may multiply your Medicine ad Infinitum , and your Powder will dissolve in any Liquor . Now as to make your Astrum Horizontale , or your Golden fixt Praecipitate . Take the Gold that remaineth over in the working of your Praecipiolum , and make it into a Powder , dissolve it in your Astrum Mercurii as much as you will , distil through the Retort once or twice , and your Gold will go over along with your Water , and will never be separated one from the other , they are both of one Nature . Now take your Praecipiolum which is made dry , ( I do not mean your Praecipiolum which is made already dry to a Medicine ) put it into a little Glass Cucurbit , and pour upon it your Golden Astrum Mercurii , and distil it from it three or four times very slowly , and at last very strong , and your Praecipiolum will be red and fixed , if you will you may do the same with Mercury purged , it will fix the same to a red Powder , and you may do this work with Silver , and with your Praecipiolum or Argentum vivum purgatum . No man can find out all those Secrets which are hidden in this Philosophical Menstruum . The Oyl of Gold. Take one part of Gold , five or six parts of the best Mercury , mix them both together , and then distil the Mercury from the Gold , and then mix the same Mercury again with the Gold , and this continue until your Gold will not mix with your Mercury , then take the Gold and grind it , and put it into a clean Crusible and Calcine it , till it be almost red-hot , and then extinguish your Gold in the best rectified Spirit of Vineger , when it is extinguished pour off your Vineger from the Gold : make your Gold dry , and then make it hot again , then again extinguish it in your former Vineger , and this repeat five or six times , and then , take your Gold and make it dry , and Amalgame it again with the aforementioned Mercury , and distil it again as at the first , and this do so long until the Gold will not mix with your Mercury , and then Calcine your Gold again , and extinguish it in the former Vineger five or six times , if your Vineger decay or waste you may add to it some more fresh Vineger . And this you may continue until you think there is no strength left in your Mercury : Then you must take fresh Mercury and go to work as before , and so continue , till you think you have enough from the Gold. Then take your Vineger which is impregnated with the whole Essence of Gold , Evaporate it , or distil it very softly off , and it will lye at the bottom , like a yellow Salt , which you shall dissolve in fair distilled Rain Water ; filter it and evaporate it again softly , and then put it into a little Retort , and place it in Sand , with an indifferent large Receiver for it , and give a Fire by degrees and it will come over in a white Spirit like Smoak , and then it will come over red like Saffron , and when it is resolved into a red Liquor , let the Fire go out and keep it for use , the Dose is three or four drops . This is ( saith the Author ) one of the greatest Medicines under the Sun , and you can hardly get a better . Three drops , are able to extinguish any sickness , and in this Oyl of Gold is the greatest Secret of Nature . With this Liquor Reymond Lully figureth Mercury in Exenterata Natura . These Processes was by a German given to Mr. Richard Pratt , who lived some time in Hantshire and cured the German of a Sickness , for which Kindness the German gave him these Processes , protesting that they were some of Van-Helmonts , and Mr. Pratt gave them to Mr. Yalden minister of Compton near Godlyman in Surry , who sent them to Dr. Salmon to Print , which he neglecting , some Years they were sent with Dr. Antonies's Recipe of his Aurum potabile to William Cooper to Print for the benefit of the Publick , and since I receiv'd them , I find Dr. Salmon hath newly Printed them in his Doron Medicum called Liquor Aureus , Lib. 2 d. Book 11. Sect. 2. page 520 to 523. As for the Electrum minerale Immaturum which he calls Idea , vide Doron lib. 1. Cap. 27. page 315. to 326. But so very much mangled and altered by putting in feigned Names , when indeed he receiv'd all of them in their proper known Names as you have them here Printed one purpose to prevent mens being deceived , for Mr. Yalden is a Man of so Christian a Temper , that he thirsteth to do all the good he could in this World , the Truth hereof his poor Parishioners and Neighbours will sufficiently testifie . Therefore to undeceive the World , and to save men from false Broyleries and Chargeable Expenses , I have here Printed the true Copy as Mr. Yalden sent it to me , W. C. B. FINIS . 
A42815	----	A further discovery of M. Stubbe in a brief reply to his last pamphlet against Jos. Glanvill. Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 1671 Approx. 93 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42815 Wing G811 ESTC R23379 12068225 ocm 12068225 53421 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42815) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53421) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 70:8) A further discovery of M. Stubbe in a brief reply to his last pamphlet against Jos. Glanvill. Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. Stubbe, Henry, 1632-1676. [4], 34 [i.e. 35] p. Printed for H. Eversden ..., London : 1671. "To the reader" signed: J. Glanvill. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A FURTHER DISCOVERY OF M. Stubbe , IN A BRIEF REPLY TO HIS LAST PAMPHLET AGAINST JOS. GLANVILL . LONDON , Printed for H. Eversden , and are to be sold at his Shop under the Crown Tavern in Smithfield . MDCLXXI . TO THE READER . I Writ the following Letter in a present warmth , upon reading of M. Stubbe's last Pamphlet ; but being called by my Occasions to Oxford , and London , I perceiv'd , that he is now known , and consequently , that my Work is at an end : For he hath proved , to the satisfaction of all sober Men , by his Talk , and by his Writings , that the harshest things I said of him were just , and true , and hath so managed Matters , as if he had design'd to save me further labour to expose him : Upon this Consideration , I resolved once , to have laid by these Papers , judging that it could not he expected that any Man in his w●…ts should have more to do with such an Adversary ; especially since all he hath said , or is like to say for ever , is already answer'd in my former Account of his Spirit , and Performances : But some Worthy Men ( who yet have the Opinion of M. S. that ●…e deserves ) advised , that since I had written , I should publish , and give him this other Blow , that so while he was staggering under the former , he might he laid flat by this . I have now complied with the Advice ; but am inclined , for the future , to let the Impertinent talk alone : For I think a Man may with as much Reputation write against the Wits of Bedlam , as against this crackt Fop of W●…rwick . 'T is like I shall scarce take so much notice of him henceforth , as to read what he scribles further . I said indeed in my former Book ( and have mentioned the same Designs in this ) that I would examine his Quotations , and give another Account of the Ignorance and Impertinency of his Reasonings : But I find all sober Men are well satisfied already ; and when I sate down to consider Matters closely , I saw , that though all he pretends were granted to be true , yet the Design and Substance of my first Book is sa●… ; and all I should have to do , would be to shew how he perverts the Sence of Authors , and how foolishly , and to no purpose he argues from them . Of both these I have already given proof enough , so that those that consider , and read my Books without prejudice , are convinced ; and for those that do not , it would be to little purpose 〈◊〉 amuse my self with them . For this Answer , it will not take up much of his time , that hat●… a mind to peruse it ; and those that have not the humour to read , need not be concern'd ; I writ it by the intervals of three days , which I mention not to boast my Expedition , but because I would not have it thought , I make dealing with this Prate-rost any part of my Bu●…ness . The Printing was deferr'd till now , upon the account of my irresolution after I had written . I have dealt somewhat plainly with him in some Places , to try whether down-right Chastisement will bring him to himself ( if he be not most himself , when he is most extravagant ) What is Railing when 't is unmerited , is Honesty when ' 〈◊〉 deserv'd , and needed ; and if in any Case in the World , sharp Reproof is blameless , it ought to be allowed in this . It would be look'd upon as flatness , or fear , if I should d●…l softly with such an Adversary , who , like the other Enemy of Mankind , goes up and down , seeking whom he may devour : I have therefore treated him with plainness of Reproof ; and if any thing bite in my Expressions , 't is their Truth . Those that know the Merits of M. Stubbe , will justifie this way of proceeding with Him ; And those that judge without knowing the Cause , may conclude what they think fit . London , Feb. 14. J. GLANVILL . A LETTER TO M. STUBBE . M. STUBBE , I Have received two Letters from you , since the coming forth of my Book ; but I gave them no Answer , because there was nothing in them to be answer'd , but the old Vertues , Falshood , Impudence , and Impertinence : And indeed I forbore for this Reason also , because it is dangerous , for a Man to trust himself with such a malicious Calumniator , in private : Since you make so little reckoning of traducing Publique Writings , what can be expected in your Accounts of Transactions , that are without Witness ? This day , Jan. 12. I received your last Pamphlet in which I am concern'd : How long it hath been abroad , I know not ; it came to me by accident , out of the Countrey ; But by some things , I guess , it hath been a pretty while extant . I mention this , that you may not brag , according to your fashion , that I have taken a great deal of time ( forsooth ) to answer you : Good Man ! There needs no study , but to consider , whether 't is prudent to have any more to do with such an hair-brain'd Impertinent , or not : And I must confess , I have been kept in some irresolution between Solomon's seeming contradictory Advices , of not answering , Prov. 26. 4. and answering , ver . 5. I determine now on the side where Charity to you lies , whatever prejudice I may do my self , by wrestling with one , whom a Man cannot touch without defilement . When I writ my last Book , I foresaw what I must expect : If those Eminent Persons that never descended to provoke you , are branded with such infamous Scurrilities in your pestilent , inve●…med Scribli●…gs ; What may I look for , that have so little of their Worth to secure me ; and have done so much to exasperate your malice , and to provoke your most direful displeasure ? If Dr. Wallis , Dr. Spratt , M. Henshaw , M. Evelyn , Dr. Merrett , and now Dr. More , with the ROYAL SOCIETY in Common , and all that dare to differ from your Opinion , are so often , and v●…hemently stigmatized by you , for gross 〈◊〉 , Illiterate Fools , Prattle boxes , Liars , Contemptible Adversaries , Impostors , Catch ▪ Potterels Fops , Lories , Cheats , and poor Devils ; And Cart-loads more of such Di●…t , ●…e heaped upon THEM ; what could I think would be my Portion , after I had so stung , and exposed you by my Reflections ? I assure you , I look'd for the dregs of your Venom , and all the Names , and Epithets of ●…ility , and Reproach that are yet behind in your Dunghil-fat Invention . Accordingly , you take care not to disappoint my Expectations . By your foaming , and tearing , I perceive my Arrows stick in your Sides , and I look for more raging yet : All this is but moribundi animal●…li indicium . For your private Letters , I let them lie , because they were private ; only I admonish you , when you write again , to endeavour to write Sence ; For both your Letters abound with palpable Non-sence , and false English , though I had taken notice , and admonish'd you of several of those ●…lts in your Books . But I doubt you think your self too Learned to stoop to Common Se●…ce , and will despise this Advice . My present Business is with your last Preface against m●… ▪ And pray , M. Praefacer , how many Praefaces do you intend ? You quote a Praeface against Glanvil , in your Censure of the History of the Royal Society : The Animadversions on Plus Ultra area kind of Praeface , ( though to no body ●…nows what ) In your Letter to Dr. Merrett you threaten a Praeface again against Glanvil , and the Rest , when that against him is publish'd ; And here 's a Praeface too . Prith●… , Harry , which of the Praefaces is this ? Distinguish them , that we may know when we have all , and then tell us , where are the Houses , for these large Gates . YOU begin these ignorant , and foul Papers with a Charge against my Method of dealing with you : And if you had Answer'd what I say to render such a Procedure fit and necessary , in my PRAeFACE , your Complaint might have signified more ; but now 't is idle , and precarious . I●… did not , you say , beseem a Christian , much less a Divine of the Church of England , [ p. 34. ] We have seen too much of the Genius of your Case-Divinity , Good Sir , to believe you without Proof [ see my Praeface ] Why , I pray , was such a Course misbecoming such Relations ? If a Christian , and a Divine of the Church of England , be assaulted with publique Slanders and Reproaches , may he not endeavour , in his ow●… defence , to weaken the Credit of the Slanderer , by letting the World see , how foul a Mouth he hath , and how little his Cal●… are to be regarded ? If such an infantous P●…son set himself to rail at , and disgrace a Great Body of Worthy and Ingenious Men , and so to beget enmity between Them , and other Venerable , and Learned Societies , If he shall causelesly reproach them with Designs destructive to the Government in Church and State , and of fatal Tendency to the Famous Fountains of Learning , the Universitie●… of the Kingdom ; May not a Christian , and a Divine of the Church of England , endeavour to prevent the mischief such bold Falshoods may do , by representing , that those Charges are malicious , and that the Libeller hath been ever a spightful Inveigher against all the most Sacred Interests , and hath publickly , and fiercely endeavoured the destruction of all those Things , for which he now pretends so zealous , and concern'd a Kindness ? If a Boutesew , or Common Barreter attempt to set all where he comes together by the Ears , and to beget hatred , and animosities between those , that were Friends , and at Peace ; may not one that knows his Practices , though a Christian , and a Divine of the Church of England , warn his Neighbours to beware that they heed him not , and tell them ( to hinder the Storms that he might raise ) what his Temper is , and what Pranks he hath plaid in other Places , and Times ? If any of the Sheep should fawn upon the Wolf in Sheeps clothing , and follow him where he leads ; may not a good Shepherd pluck of the Disguise , and shew the Flock what he is ? What think you , M. Casuist , May a Christian , and Divine lawfully do thus , or not ? If so , I am justified ; I have done no more ; and I proceeded that way with you , for those ends : But if you say not , produce your Proof . But you intimate further , [ ib. ] That I have viola●…d the Act of Indempnity . If you think so in earnest , the Law is open , take your Course . It is the Common Method of the Enemies of the Government to clamour against those that mind them of their Villanies , and the Miseries of the late Times ( though with a pious Design , to prevent the like for the future ) as Violaters of the Act of Indempnity . They would fain have all that is past , be forgotten , that they ●…ight do the same Things , and promote the same Designs again . We must by no means acquaint the growing Generation with the base Tricks , and barbarous Actions of the Patrons of the Cause , that the Nation may forget how , and by whose ●…ans the Deluge of Ruine came upon us ; and so may be induced to hearken to the same Pretences , and to be led into new Miseries by the same Spirit , and Practices . 'T is become an usual thing to upbraid Ministers with the breach of the Act of Indempnity , when upon the ▪ Thirtieth of January They warn the People of the danger of Re●…ellion , and those Pretences that lead to it , by the Example of the late Times , and the Villanies of the Projectors , and Maintainers of the Horrid War : And just after this manner have I broken the Act of Indempnity . The sence of what I have writ as to ●…his matter , is , Hearken not to M. Stubbe's Pretences for Monarchy , the Church , Universities , and Learning ; His Kindness is to be suspected of Hypocrisie , and Falshood : For see what he hath done against Them , in the Times of their Distress and Ruines ! For your other Pretences against my way of dealing with you , they are equally frivolous . It may ( say you ) raise discontents , and jealousie in others , whose Crimes transcended yours . If you judge modestly , you need not fear that ; 'T is to be hoped there are scarce any such on this side Charing-Cross , Tyburn , and Tower-Hill : But if there be , and they have the impudence to promote turbulent and seditious Designs , under a pretext of a great Zeal , and concern for the King , and Church ; 'T will be fit that those , who are in danger of being abused by them , should be made acquainted with their former good Inclinations , and Practices , when their Pretences were as specious , as now . For others that hav●… offended , and demean themselves modestly , as becomes Pe●…tents , they have no reason to apprehend any thing from such a Course taken with you , who are so infinitely distant from modesty , and all things else , that beseem a Convert . But 't was strange , you say , to find as it were St. Paul upbraided with what he did , at the death of St. Stephen [ ib. ] The just exposing you , is , as it were , an upbraiding of St. Paul : Strange indeed ! I am glad you have so good an opinion of St. Paul , as to compare your self with him . Pray how long hath the Apostle been so much in your favour ? Bu●… in earnest , Is what I have done like upbraiding St. Paul ? Have you such Evidences to shew for your Conversion ? Have you given such proofs of it ? or rather , Have you afforded any Demonstration of your Repentance , besides the Repetition of your Crimes ? Read my Pr●…face , good St. Harry , and be silent for ever after , as to this matter . You proceed , [ To aggravate the malignity of my Temper , 't is mad●… my fault that I defend M. H. in some Grammatical Questions , against a Member of the Royal Society , p. 35. ] The malignity of your Temper is not inferr'd from your Defence of M. H. but from your malicious , scurrilous opposition of so Learned a Man as Dr. Wallis , and the vile Names of contempt you fasten on him , as is evident , p. 31. & 32. of my Praefatory Answer , where some of the foul , slanderous stuff is exposed to view : So that this Period is a gross ●…alshood ; And 't is impossible for you to make any shew of Defence , bu●… by taking refuge in Lying , and Impertinence . This you do again , in the immediate next words [ I am revil'd with opposing M. B. in his Holy Commonwealth , and Key for Catholicks . ] This is an untruth also : 'T is not the opposing M. B. that is the thing objected ; but your scurrilities towards him , are mentioned as another Instance of your Civility . Look again into my Book , p. 33. and ( if possible ) blush at this lying , and palpable impudence . But , as if you could not speak a word without falsifying , you add [ And to shew how bar●…arous my demeanour was towards him , after the Elogies of Reverend , Learned , and Ingenious , he is said to be a Person worthy of great respect ; and our Eccholius adds , that he can scarce forbear affirming concerning him , as a Learned Doctor of our Church did , That he was the only Man that spoke Sence in an Age of Non-sence . ] M. Stubbe , have you forsworn to speak Truth ? and will you give your self the trouble to prove further , what ●…very one believes of you already ? Did I , to shew the Bar●…arousness of your Demeanour , give M. B. the Elogies of Lea●…ned , and Ingenious , and add the other Passage you mention , to that purpose ? Pray borrow a pair of double Spectacles from your Friend M. Cross , and look again into my Book , where I represent your Demeanour ; if you find those Elogies there , or the other Passage , I 'le be bound to believe you , yea even when you Romance about Jamaica . What you cite , is in my PHILOSOPHIA PIA , which was written before any thing against you , and when you were not at all in my thoughts : How is it then , you have the impudence to publish , that those Passages were to shew the barbarousness of your demeanour to M. B ? What an obnoxious Falsifier are you ? In the next Period you say [ I shall not recriminate upon M. Glanvil ; There is Disloyalty which extends beyond Writing ; It may be found in Praying , Preaching , and Communicating with Rebellious Schismaticks . ] Do you mean to vent two or three gross Untruths more in this place ? or do you only write at your usual rate of impertinence ? If you mean , that I am guilty of any Disloyalty in Preaching , Praying , and Communicating with Schisntaticks , or ever were , 't is a s●…andalous , shameless Falshood , as many hundreds can witness . How disloyal my Preaching is , you may see , if you please , in my Sermon on the ●…gs Murder , printed two or three years ago ; and how quite contrary the truth is , to what you would maliciously insinuate , both in this , and the other Particulars , all Men that ever knew me since I Preach'd , can attest . And I never was in a Pulpit above four or five times till the Return of the King , though I was Master of Arts some Years before . So silly a Romancer are you ; or if you will not own it here , you must confess that you meant nothing to the purpose by your Words . In the following Sentence [ p. 37. ] You phancy you may have the advantage of the Excuse of Education , and being bred in ill Times , as well as I : But , my Friend , There is di●…rence between a Negative Loyalty , and Active Ui●…lany , between only living , and breathing in a bad Air , and endeavouring to spread the infection of it further , and to make it more Pestilential , and Fatal . I say no more ; You understand me . Well! Thus I aggravated the malignity of your Temper , and thus you have Answer'd . But what 's become of all the other Instances of your ridiculous Boastings , abominable S●…urrilities , Treasonable Invectives , impious Endeavours to destroy Laws , Religion , and Learning ? You think 't is the best way to cover them with Silence , and to insinuate to those that have not read my Book , that when I talk of the malignity of your Temper , I mean only , That you writ a Defence of M. H. in some Grammatical Questions , and opposed M. B. in his Holy Commonwealth , and Key for Catholicks . Cunning Shu●…er ! But when you mention these Instances , why don't you add , what mighty things you boasted of your self , and what vile Names you call'd Dr. W. in your Defence of M. H ? And why don't you tell your Reader , that when you opposed M. B. in his Holy Commonwealth , and Key for Catholicks , it was only in those things in which he opposed Sir H. V. and the most extravagant Phantasticks ? But this was not for your purpose , and therefore Mum. You opposed M. B's Holy Commonwealth , you say ; and some , you phancy , may think , that you writ against the Errors of that recanted Book : So that hereby you would in●…uate a good Opinion of your self , and a bad one of me , as making your writing against such a Discourse , an Instance of the malignity of your Temper . You have no other way to defend your self , but by either downright Falshood , or such Tricks of Legerdemain , and Cousenage . To go on with you ; You tell your Reader [ ib. ] That I give no Reparation to the Physician●… for my injurious words [ Plus Ultra , pa. 7. 8. ] Had I spoken any there about Physicians , or , did I think that any one Physician , that doth not want Physick himself , understands me to have as much as meant any thing to their prejudice , I should give them what Reparation they can expect : But all that you have objected about the Cut-Finger , and the Injury done your Faculty , I have proved to be meer impertinent Malice , that longed to pick a Quarrel . And I shall now give you a further Account of that whole Paragraph you have transcribed , and raised such Clamours against . If in Discoursing of it I can shew , that the substance of those Periods , and the most obnoxious Passage there , is to be found largely , and often insisted on by so Great , Learned , and Wise a Man as my LORD BACON , I hope I may be excused for having spoken after so profound , and celebrated a Philosopher , that was no Enemy to Physicians , or any sort of Learned Men. I repeat my Periods as you have cited them : [ The Modern Experimenters think that the Philosophers of elder Times , though their Wits were excellent , yet the Way they took was not like to bring much advantage to Knowledge , or any of the Uses of Humane Life , being for the most part that of Notion and Dispute , which still runs round in the Labyrinth of Talk , but advanceth nothing . Plus ult . p. 7. ] I say , the Experimenters think , and undertake to represent the Sence of some of those Philosophers , as I apprehended it . My Thoughts were chiefly on my Lord Bacon . Let us see now whether that Great Man hath not declared what I say the Experimenters think . [ Antiquis Au●…horibus suus constat honos , atque adeo omnibus ; quia non ingeniorum , aut Facultatum inducitur comparatio , sed viae , Nov. Organ . Aph. 32. ] Again , Aph. 61. [ Nihil illis ( sc. Antiquis ) detrahitur , quum de via omnino quaesti●… est . ] Thus you see , without detracting from the Wits of the Ancients , he questions the WAY they took , for the Advancement of Knowledge ; and that he thought it to be unfr●…ful , appears further from almost his whole Book ; 〈◊〉 , from the Praef. p. 2. De utilitate dieendum est , sapientia●… istam , quam à Grae●… po●…issimùm hausimus , PUERITIAM quandam scientiae vid●…ri , atque habere quod proprium est PUERORUM ; ut ad garriendum prompta , ad generandum invalida , & immatura ●…it ; controverst●…rum ferax , operum eff●…ta est : ] And so he goes on comparing that State o●… Learning to the Fable of Scylla . Again , Aph. 71. Scientiae quas habem●… ferè à Graecis fluxerunt , erat autem scientia Graecorum professoria , & in disputationibus e●…usa ; quod genus inquisitioni veritatis adversissimum est ; ] and he proceeds to the same purpose . Thus you see , that that Famous Experimenter thought , that the WAY of the Ancients , was not like to bring much advantage to Knowledge , being that of Notion , and Dispute . And that This runs round in a Labyrinth of Talk , advancing nothing , The same Great Author saith , [ Si — id minimè eventurum fuisset , quod per Annos his mille jam fieri videmus : Nempe , ut scientiae suis hereant vestigiis , & in eodem fere statu maneant , neque augmentum aliquod memorabile sumpserunt ; quin potius , in primo Authore maximè floru●…rint , & 〈◊〉 declinaverint . Aph. 74. ] And Aph. 94. he encourageth Philosophical Hope with this Consideration , That the little progress that is made in Knowledge , is not from the difficulty of the Thing , so much , as from the error of the Way . Thus that great Philosopher justifies the former part of the recited Paragraph to a Tittle , and you see I had reason , when I writ , that the Experimenters thought as I said . But you quote me further : [ And the unfruitfulness of those Methods of Science , which in so many Centuries , never ●…ought the World so much practical beneficial Knowledge ●… would help to cure a Cut Finger , is a palpable Argument , that there were Fundamental Mistakes , and that the Way was not right . ] My Lord Bacon makes this the grea●… sign of the Error of the Ancient WAYS , Aph. 74. and in divers other places ; They produced DISPUTES , but not WORKS , Praef. p. 2. Aph. 71. And he gives the reason of their 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habem●…s , 〈◊〉 al●…d sunt qu●…m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inventarum , non modi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de●…gnationes 〈◊〉 operum , Aph. 8. ] How much less is this , than what I said ? And upon the supposition of these things , I might well add , [ If the Moderns cannot shew more of the Works of their Philosophy in six Years , than the Aristot●…lians can produce of theirs , in thrice so many hundr●…d , let th●…m ●…e loaded with all the contempt , which is usually the reward of vai●… ; and u●…profitable Projectors . ] It is apparent , and I have shewn , that the WAY by Experiments hath produced Works ; But my Lord ●…acon , and the reason of the thing say , the WAY of ●…otion can produce none . And now , M. Caviller , did you ever read my Lord ●…acon , or did you not ? If not , for all your boasts of great reading , You are not acquainted with some of the Authors of greatest note ; And 't is a shame for you to write against the Experimental Philosophers , and not to have read the Founder and one of the Chiefest Men of that Way . If you have read him , you know he said all this that I write the Experimenters thought ; and why did you pass it by in Him , who was the Author ; and insisted so largely upon it , and so malici●…usly censure it in me , that spoke after him in two , or three tran●…ent Passages ? If these Periods in my Book were th●… oc●…asion of the Quarrel , as you say , why was not the Quarrel begun before ? Are the Physicia●…s more injur'd by my writing those things , than by my Lord Baeon's ? Is my saying what he thought , a greater Affront to the Ancients , than his declaring to the World the same himself ? No , no , M. Stubbe , 't is evident from hence , That this was not the reason of your writing , but the occasion that you made ; You knew that your cavilling could not injure my Lord Bacon , but thought it might expose me , and other Friends of the Experimental Way , to the displeasure of the ignorant , envious , and misinform'd ; 'T was not any concern for the Honour of the Ancients , and your Faculty , that ingaged You ; For then you would have end●…avoured their Vindication against my Lord Bacon , ( if you had thought them so injured by those Sayings ) But 't was a malevolent , envious humour against the Royal Society , and its Friends , was the cause of your impudent Assaults . And 't is further apparent , that what you pretend was not the reason of your beginning this War ; For no Man alive , but you , can perceive any the least Reflection upon the Physicians in those Periods . I speak of the Ancient Methods of Philosophising in Physiology , and with the excellent Ver●…lam , complain , that they were notional , and unfruitful : So that I meant the particular Hypotheses , and not the more general Principles , and Rules , of which you speak , which were raised from Observation , and Experiment : These , no doubt , all the Ancient Physicians used , and with happy success ; and 't is the very method of the Modern Experimental Men ; So that I could not be supposed to mean this . I spake of the Natural Philosophers , and their Methods , which were made up of Notion , and ministred to everlasting Disputes . But you pretend to have demonstrated , that even this way was much more advantageous , than I allow it , [ p. 38. ] I wish you would tell us , where we might find the Demonstrations against those Complaints of my Lord Bacon . You talk of the Doctrine of the E ; e , emts being the occasion of Plaisters , of Galen's regulating of Mixtures , and Discoveries by those Principles , [ p. 38. 40. ] and of Druggists explaining the Use of Medicaments according to this Doctrine , [ Animad . on Plus Ult. pag. 159. ] These , forsooth , you have demonstrated ; That is to say , Physicians have chosen the Materials of their Compositions , hot , or dry , cold , or moist , as they found them for their purpose , according to this degree , or another ; and have used these common Words of Elements , Qualities , and Degrees , to express themselves by : Therefore the Hypotheseis of naked Materia prima , Substantial ●…orms , and Real Qualities is not unprofitable : Who can chuse but take such Arguments , for Demonstrations ? Well! The Conclusion follows [ p. 39. ] From whence it is Demonstrated , that since not only Cut Fingers , but even all Diseases were cured by them , ( viz. Galenical Physicians ) 't is unjust , and intolerable for us to be upbraided with the sterility of that Philosophy — ] Who ever denied that Diseases were cured by these Physicians using Reason , Experience , and General Rules ? But when do you prove , that the Doctrine of First Matter , and Forms did directly , and of it self lead to any Discovery , by which they were assisted in their Cures ? This , I told you , was my meaning in the Words , which you force to the sence which best fits your malicious purpose ; And to what end then , do you keep such a vapouring , and impertinent ad●… about the Peripateticks , that have been Inventors , and the Galenists , to whom we have been obliged ? But you have a mind to find your self work , though it be but to pick Straws . You recite my Answer to your clamorous , and impertinent Opposition of the fore-quoted Paragraph ; viz. that I ●…oké not of the Methods of Physick , or Chirurgery , or any Practical Arts ; but of the way of Notion and Dispute , which , I said , produced no practical , beneficial Knowledge , by its own proper , native virtue ; I said , I denied not , that the Peripatetical , and other Notional Philosophers had Practical Knowledge , or were Discoverers ; but that they learnt their Knowledge , or made their Discoveries by the disputing Methods of Physiology ; These were the things I denied . I quot●… my Lord Bacon for my Negative ; and I have proved it from the nature of those Principles ; in my Answer to Dr. Mer. Causubon , and elsewhere : I now confirm it from the Authority I cited ; Thus then that Philosopher speaks [ Nov. Organ . Aph. 8. ] Opera quae jam inventa sunt , casui debentur , & experientiae , magis quam Scientiis . ] And if that Illustrious Man be to be believed in what he saith of the Aristotelian Philosophy , No Works can be expected from it . Aristotelis Philosophia , postquam caeteras Philosophias ( more Ottomanorum erga ●…res suos ) pugnacibus confutationihus contrucidasset ; de singulis pronunciavit ; & ipse rursus quaestiones , ex ●…bitrio suo subornat , deinde conficit , ut omnia certa sint & de●…ta . [ Aph. 76. ] and elsewhere , the speaks thus of Aristotle , : Philosophiam Naturalem Dial●…ctocâ sua corrupit magis uhique sollicitus quomodo quis respondendo se explicet , & aliquid reddatur in verbis positivum , qu●…m de in●…ernâ rerum veri●…e , [ Aph. 63. ] I suppose I need not spend time to shew how little fruit we can reasonably expect from a Philosophy so temper'd : And when you , M. Stubbe , have proved , that the Peripatetick Hypotheseis of Materia , Forma , Privatio , &c. have any direct tendency towards the making useful Discoveries , you may have leave to vapour , as much as you please , without controul . But my Defence , you say , is false , and you endeavour'd to prove it by the same impertinent Allegations , which I cited from you before . You add , 'T is strange , that I declare I spoke not of the Methods of Physick and Chirurgery , or any Practical Art , since the Aristotelians and Galenists did not act as pure Empericks , but as Men guided by a Series of Principles , and a Theory which they deem'd Scientifical [ p. 41. ] They proceeded , no doubt , by General Rules , drawn from Observations in their Art , and therefore acted not as pure Empericks ; p●…ricks that the Scientifical Theory they were directed by , was any Hy●…eseis in Philosophy , you must prove ; Till then , I shall be unconcern'd in your goodly Demonstrations . At the end of your long Impertinence about my affronting the Physicians , You say , 't is not possible for you to divine what I mean by Notion , [ p. 42. ] when I speak of the way of Notion , and Dispute . Are you in earnest , M. Stubbe , and is it impossible for you to Divine ? I perceive then you are no C●…rer : For I told you as plainly , as I could speak , what I meant ; and you recite my words [ p. 40. ] in which I told it you . Have you been all this while disputing against wh●… I said , and y●… say at last , that you do not know what I m●… ? You demur , whether it were Peripatetick Physiology , or Logical , or Metaphysical Disputes ; after you have recited my words , where I tell you I meant the disputing Methods of Physiology , you dispute against this meaning , and when you have done , say , 't is impossible for you to divine . If you had looked but a Leaf back in your own Book , you need not have been put to the trouble of d●…ning : But your hot-head hath not the patience to consider any thing . Thus have you endeavour'd to render me odi●… to Physici●… , b●… with so little sueces●… , that I never heard of any P●… els●… , that thought his Faculty concern'd in the P●…agraph on which you fasten . YOur next At●…mpt is to confirm your Slander of my di●…ction to the UNIVERSITIES ; than which , nothing is More unjust , and false . For what have I ever said , or done that can be ground for such a C●… ? Did I ever endeavour to expose the 〈◊〉 to the ●…ry of wild P●…sticks in the days of their danger ? Did I ever write against THEM , Their Degrees , Habits , and L●…arning , as Popi●… , and A●…tichristian ? Did I ever Print 〈◊〉 for the overthrow of their A●… Con●…s ? If I had done any of this ( as you know who did ) there had been some colour for the Imputation . But on the contrary , I always esteemed Them , as one of the greatest Blessings our p●…ous Ancestors had bequeathed to us ; as the Lights of the Kingdom , and the great Instruments of Some of the happiest Priviledges we enjoy above the ●…arbarous Nations ; I have always heartily prayed for their Prosperity , and depre●… their Mu●…es ; I have expressed my Affections in publick Pr●…ons , and in private good Wishes : Now what could I have done more to testifie my Respects , Duty , and G●…titude to the Universities ? And what have I done to deserve so foul , and odious a Character , as that of an Enemy to those Illustrious Nurseries of Knowledge ? All that You , that is , Malice it self , do , or can pretend , is , That I have writ against the Perip●…cal Philosophy , and given a d●… or two against affected , and insignificant Terms of Art ; and that I think meanly of those Notional Studies , in comparison of the Practical , Experimental Philosophy : This is the sum of the Paragraph you quote out of my Plus Ultra , In which I endeavour to secure the University-Establishments from Diminution , and confess the usefulness even of those Studies to some purposes , among the Acade●…ick Youth . Hence you conclude , according to your usual Logick , [ p. 45. ] That I take the Universities for Assemblies of an ignorant , and stupid sort of Men , that were to be amused , and deceived by Equivocations . Why so , I pray you ? Because I profess an Esteem for the Venerable 〈◊〉 , [ ibid. ] You fancy , I perceive , I meant the ●…enches : A pre●…ty Equi●… indeed ▪ And I style them Fountains of Learning , but tell not what those Words import ; You ask me , Whether it was not , because the New Philosophy was so much promoted , and the Royal Society as it were 〈◊〉 there ? I thought there had not been need of my explaining , what I meant by Learning , when I styled the Universities the Fountains of it . For your satisfaction , Sor●…pulous Sir , I tell you now , that I meant Moral Philosophy , Anatomy , Mathematicks , Languages , History , and Divinity , of all which parts of Learning there are Publique Professors there ; and all which are studied by many Worthy Members of those Venerable Bodies , which from time to time ●…e and do send abroad Men famous in those useful sorts of Knowledge . These Studies I esteem as I ought , and honour the Universities highly on the account of the Advantages they afford for the attainment of those profitable and excellent kinds of Learning . As for the Natural Philosophy , and Metaphysicks that are taught the Junior Students , my thoughts of them , I confess , are di●…erent ; but yet I say they are not to be thrown off , [ Letter con●… . Arist. p. 2. ] Because the Statutes require Exercises in them , and 〈◊〉 are dangerous . On this you comment , and intimate , that I make them useless as to all other purposes ; which is false , and injurious . In my Letter concerning Arist. [ p. 2. ] I have acknowledged other Uses of those first Studies : I here transcribe some of those Periods . [ I should never have been so disingenuous , and undutiful as to form a Project so inconvenient , and hazardous in the event , as to discourage young Students from a Method of Studies , the Constitutions of the Place they live in , hath enjoyn'd them ; which indeed , considering the Circumstances wherein things stand , 't is in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they should be verst in , since that Philosophy is ●…rought into the 〈◊〉 Theology of Europe ; which therefore could not be comprehended , without an insight into those Hypo●…eseis : Nor can a Man make a reasonable choice of his ●…rin-ciples : 〈◊〉 he have some knowledge of all that offer themselves Candida●… for his favour 〈◊〉 and a 〈◊〉 Mans Belief i●… not Ch●…nce , 〈◊〉 Ele●…on ; besides which , it enlargeth , and e●…nobles the Minds of Men , to furnish them with variety of Conception , and takes them off from doating on the beloved Conclusions of their private and narrow Principles . [ Answ. to White , p. 18. ] You see , M. Prater , that I have declared my approbation of those pr●…inary Studies as to other purposes , besides compliance with Statutes ; and therefore your Malice is toothless . I gave those Studies their due , though I did not allow them useful , either for the giving an account of Nature , or promoting any Works for the Uses of Life . Aud when I considered , that these ought to be the Ends of the Real ●…hilosophy , I diverted from the Notional , about which my first thoughts had been imployed . This is the sum , and sence of these Passages you quote from me to render odious , [ p. 44. ] You force from them several vile Consequences which you kindly bestow on me , as if they justified those that discouraged Gentlemen from the Universities , and intended to overthrow the ancient , and necessary Education of this Island , [ p. 47. ] Which things , how well they follow , I leave to any Man to consider , that will judge impartially of what I have said . Is there nothing ( think you ) to be done at Oxford , or Cambridge , as you quaery , [ p. 46. ] if Peripatetick Philosophy be useless as to Discoveries , and Inventions ? Doth it signifie nothing to capable , and ingenious Youth , to have their Minds exercised in a way of Reasoning , though about things , that will not signifie in the World of Business ? Is there nought else to be learnt in the Universities , besides the niceties about 〈◊〉 , and Forma , and dependent Notions ? Will it do young Gentlemon any hurt to be instructed in Morality , History , Mathematicks , and other such useful matters ? And are not these worth their going to Oxford , and Cambridge , though they should not receive much benefit for their Purposes from the Peripatetick Philosophy ? For shame , M. Stubbe , leave this course of malicious cavilling ; and consider whether by such Suggestions , which speak as if there was nothing to be learnt in the Universities , but a few Notions about Ens , and Materia prima , you do Them not more disparagement , than you can prove any Virtuoso ever did , or intended . And let me ask you , Whether you think in earnest , that whoever judgeth the Peripatetick Principles Notional , and useless in the sence I have declared , ought ipso facto to be reputed an Enemy to the Universities , and their Learning ? If so , what think you of my Lord Bacon ? Either acquit the Virtuost with him , or condemn him with the Virtuosi . The things that follow under this Head are contemptible , and are either answer'd already , or deserve no answer . I have sufficiently shewn in the beginning of my Praeface , that the Account I gave of you out of your Writings was no Digression , as you term it , [ p. 48. ] but most necessary to be done as an Introduction to an Answer : What becomes me to do more , I have promised at my first convenient leisure . You might , methinks , content your self with the morsel I have already given you ; but the rest shall follow . My Sallies against M. Cross , which you object to me [ ib. ] were very requisite ; For you are the Squire to that Knight of the Sp●…acles . You say 't is a Year and half since I began to collect your Books . Perhaps so ; But I could not procure them all till after your Animadversions were extant . I received that Book of yours against me in June , as I take it ; and the Month following my Answer was in the Press ( though the Praeface and Post-script were written after ) It could not be finish'd before the end of the Term , and so it slept all the long Vacation ; and the beginning of next Term it had some stops put to its finishing , by some extraordinary Occasions of my Printer . So that it was not the Work of so much time , and labour as you pretend , M. Tell-troth : And when you say , [ ib. ] That I omitted to Preach at Bath for many Weeks , excusing my self by the pretext of writing against you . I reply , that I never omitted Preaching twice a week , when I was at home , ( besides very frequent occasional Sermons ) ever since I was a Publick Minister , except when I have been sick , or lent my Pulpit to a Friend : I never excused my self from preaching , by my writing , or any other Business whatsoever ; Nor did I ever decline it in 〈◊〉 own Parishes , when any accidental Occasion required my Labours in that kind . 'T is true , I did not preach at Bath during the time of my writing against you ; but 't was because Bath was not then the Place of my residence , but my other Pari●… , and I divide my time between them : 〈◊〉 was then in my Course at Froome ; but never omitted preaching : as many hundreds can witness . So that what you say here , is either a down-right falshood , or a silly , impertinent Equivocation . What hard fortune have I , to be sorced to deal with an Adversary , whose whole strength is in cavilling , and lying ▪ But it follows , that after all , I understood not the State of the Question , [ ib. ] I understood , Impertinent , that the first Q●…estion between M. Cross , and me , was , Whether the Moderns had not gr●…atly advanced Knowledge , since the days of Aristotle ? I gave accounts in my Plus Ultra of Modern Improvem●…nts ; In a C●…llection of remarkable Instances . You fall foul upon that Book , but say nothing to the Question ; only you carp at Errors of the Press , and voluminously oppose some accidental Passages , catching at a word here , and another there , and fight against the Shadows of your own Imagination , the malicious Interpretations which you make but my 〈◊〉 will not afford ; so that in the whole menage , you have prov'd your self a pr●…tling I●…pertinent : This I have shewn by Instances in my Praefatory Answer . And whatever was the Question between M. Cross , and my self ( of that I have given Accounts elsewhere ) The Question between You and I is , Whether you are not Impertinent in all you have said against Plus Ultra ? This I affirm , and have beg●… the Proof : For the particular things you mention , I engaged to give in my Accounts of them in due time ; But this I must tell you , Let them be determined , which way they will , The first , and main Question about Modern Improvements , will not be concern'd in the Decision ; For if Antiquity was not so shy of , and altogether unacquainted with Anatomy ; If the Graecians , and Followers of Aristotle did know Chymistry ; If the Ancient A●…otelian Philosophy hath advanced some Practical Knowledge ; If the Inventions attributed to the Virtuosi belong not to them ; If the Moderns cannot shew ●…ore Fruits of their Philosophy in a short time , than the Aristotelians of theirs in so many hundred years , which you say are the Questions , [ p. 48 , 49. ] I say , If these fall as you would have them , yet it follows not , that Anatomy , and Chymistry have not been much improved in latter Ages ; It follows not , that the Aristotelian Philosophy is as operative , and useful as the Experimental ; It follows not , that the Virtuosi have been no Inventors , nor Improvers ; In fine , it follows not , that Knowledge is not highly advanced beyond its Ancient Stature ; and so consequently , upon the whole , it follows not , that M. Stubbe is not a Cavilling Impertinent ; or that I am bound to follow him in all his Wild-Goose Chases . So that , Gentle Sir , I have not mistaken in my beginning with you , but stand upon my old Ground , that That useful Knowledge is much advanc'd , in the Instances I have produced , and by the Persons I have mentioned ; and that we may probably expect greater ●…mprovements of it from the Royal Society , and other Experimental Philosophers . Except you disprove me in these Particulars , my Main Cause is safe , and you will shew your self but a Caviller , though you write as long as your Head is hot . You say , All the Learning I flourish with , is but the Remains of a treacherous Memory , which some Years ago studied something , [ p. 49. ] Though my Memory , M. Stubbe , be not so good as yours , yet I am contented , since I have not so much need of a good Memory , as you . And I had much rather have my Learning in my Judgment , than in my Memory . Flourishing with Quotations , where they are not necessary , I always looked upon as a piece of Pedantry , and vain Ostentation . But you fall severely on two Passages in my new Book . The first is , my making FUST , or GOTHENBERG to have found out Printing ; whereas , you say , I might have learn'd out of Hadrianus Junius , that it was found out by another at Harlem , [ p. 49. ] But I am inform'd by Polydore Virgil , That the Author was Jo. G●…tenberg of Mentz , to whom Dr. Hackwell adds the Authorities of Palmerius , Melchior Guilandrinus , Chasaneus , Veigni●…r , Bibliander , Arnoldus , and Munster : But Peter Ramus , and others ascribe it to JoFust of Mentz also ; And why might not I mention these as the Authors of Printing , after such Authorities ? And why must I be bound to believe Hadrianus Junius concerning the Man of Harlem , before those other Famous Writers ? This is one of your cavilling Tricks , when I affirm any thing , though f●…om never so good Authors , if you can find any one to speak otherwise , His is presently made the infallible Authority , and I am upbraided with Illiterateness , and want of Reading . By the same course I could prove you as illiterate an 〈◊〉 , as ever spoild Paper . The second Passage , from whence I am concluded very illiterate , is my mentioning of Flavius Goia , as the Discoverer of the Compass . This is an Error of the Press ▪ It should have been Flavius , or Goia . I am confident it was so in my Copy : For I was sensible of the mistake committed about it elsewhere . And you confess some ascribe it to one , and some to the other . Now you tell your Reader [ p. 50. ] that you have added 〈◊〉 to satisfie all men , that I am not at all acquainted with Books . Whether I am so , or no , I will not dispute ; but whether this ca●… be inferr'd from the Premises , let the Reader judge . Illiterateness ▪ and unacquaintance with Books , are the Imputations of course against all , that you call the Virtuosi . You design , no doubt , by the Charg●… , to insinuate , that You are the only Man of Reading , and that no Man may pretend to Learning , but your self . We must always premis●… , when we speak before such wise men ●…s you , [ A●… a Fool may say ] This you say is for the benefit of ordinary Conversation ; and 't would be equally beneficial , for you to premise when you quote Authors , [ A●… I learn'd from such an Index ] And when you Reason , [ A●… a Madman may discourse . ] But the great Exploit is behind , and you thus express your self , [ p. 51. ] That I may give the World an Instance of that Impudence , with which M. Glanvil demeans himself in this Effort of a desperate Ignorance , I shall set down what he replies to me about the Deceitfulness of Telescopes . ] You gave Instances just now about the Authors of Printing , and the Compass , to satisfie all men of my unacquaintance with Books : And now you intend to give a great one of my Ignorance , and Impudence : But see to it , that i●… hold good , or else the Instance will be an undeniable one of your own . You said then , as you repeat here ▪ That if M. Cross was in an Error , about the deceitfulness of Telescopes , you were sure , M. Boyle 〈◊〉 in the same . The Error that I object to M. Cross , as to this matter , which you attempt to vindicate , is set down [ p. 65. of my R●…us Ultra ] and it was ▪ That Dioptrick Glasser were all fal●… ▪ and deceitful , presenting us with Objects that were not ▪ Now if it can be inferr'd from M. Boyle's Discourse , that He aff●…rmed All Telescopes to be thus deceitful , you have reason for saying , he was in the same Error with M. Cross : If this cannot be proved , you must seek another Instance to shew my Ignorance and Impudence , and to justifie your own Modesty and Knowledge . Let us briefly examine the matter then : Your reason of M. Boyle's being in M. Cross's Error , is in short this ; He sought the Maculae and Faculae Solares , but could not discover them in many months , though some other Astronomers that ●…it before him , did pr●…nd to see them every day ; and yet he wan●…ed not excellent Telescopes , nor omitted any requisite Circumstance . This is the sum of what you repeat , [ p. 52. ] Hence you would argue ( if you intend sence ) That All Telescopes are deceitful ; otherwise you cannot prove by it , that M. B. was in M. Cross's Error . To this I reply [ p. 176 , 177. of my Pref. Answ. ] to this purpose , M. Boyle saith nothing , in the Place quoted by you , that tends to the proving the deceitfulness of Telescopes ; or that he believes them Fallacious ( I spoke indefinitely , and meant of all Telescopes ) For that was the Error of M ▪ C. which I mentioned [ Plus ●…tra p. 65. ] and which you undertook to justifie . To prove this , I say , That he imputes it not ●…o the Glasses , that he could not see those Macul●… and 〈◊〉 , but seems a little to blame those 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 so ●…itten of them , as to make their Readers presum●… that some of them are always to be seen 〈◊〉 . But M. B. I said , 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 many months discover 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 they appear'd so much seldomer then , it s●…ems , ●…han they did before . These are his Words , [ Phys. E●…ays , p. 103. ] which is a ridiculous Argume●…t to prove the deceitfulness of Telesc●… . This is 〈◊〉 sum of my 〈◊〉 ▪ which you repeat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the 〈◊〉 , you tell us , that the Solidi●…y of yours ●…ay appear . You cite M. Boyle's Words 〈◊〉 , to the 〈◊〉 ●…tis to be supposed . I study brevity , and 't would be too long to recite it ●…fter you ; In short , he saith , That even Mathematicians do sometimes deliver ●…bservations that do not hold 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . when they are without the bounds of purely Mathematical Discipline . And he suggests two Reasons of their failing , viz. the Nature of the 〈◊〉 , Matter , and its Affections ; and the necessary imper●…ion of the Instrument●… they use . Under the first Head he delivers the Instance of his missing the 〈◊〉 and Faculae in the Sun , as 't is evident [ p. 103. ] Those Objects 〈◊〉 inconstant ; They appear'd , he saith , It seems seldomer than they did before ; They were not there , at least in tha●… degree , the one sort of lightsomness , the other of darkness , as when others had sought them : For this Reason he 〈◊〉 them ; and not because his Glasses did deceive him , as I answered before . And that he imputed this to the Objects , not the Instrument , 't is apparent : for he mentions the difference in Observations that ariseth from Their imperfections , after he had done with this Instance , and evidently supposeth what he said of the Maculae , and Faculae to appertain to the first Head , in these words , And as the Nature of the Material Object wherewith the Mathematician is conversant , may thus deceive the expectations grounded on what he delivers , so may the like happen by the reason of the imperfection of the Instruments — ib. ] 'T is most apparent ●…rom hence , that my Answer to your Impertinency was solid , and invincible . The reason M. Boyle could not see those Spots and Brightnesses , was because their appearance was inconstant ; they were not in the Sun when he look'd after them , or not so considerable as to be visible ; and not because his Telescopes were d●…ceitful . So that , my Friend , you are i●…verably lost ; and what you add , [ p. 55. ] after the Period repeated out of M. Boyle , is lamentably impertinent . 'T is evident , you say , out of his Discourse , that he believes , that Mathematicians , when they consider Matter with its Figure , Quantity , and other Affections ; are not so accurate , as in those other parts of pure Mathematicks . Here first you evidently misrepresent M. Boyle ; he saith [ p. 102. ] that they are not so accurate when they deliver Observations , concerning such things , wherein 't is not only Quantity , and Figure , but Matter , and its other Affections , that must be considered : You say , 't is evident M. Boyle believes the Mathematicians no●… so accurate , when they consider Matter with its Figure , Quantity , and other Affections , [ p. 55. ] But ( 2. ) They are not so certain indeed when they deal in Matter , and its Affections ▪ for These are variable , and uncertain : And to this M. Boyle refers his Discourse of the Maculae and Faculae , as I have proved . But you argue , that M. Boyle confesses , that Observations taken by Telescopes cannot but be subject to many Imperfections , upon the account of their being made by Instruments , that ar●… framed by the Hands , and Tools of Men ; And therefore , he did not believe such a certainty in Telescopes , as exemp●…s from F●…llacy , [ ib. ] This is a New Argument , and not that you undertake to defend ; and whatever is like to become , of it , the other is 〈◊〉 , and de●…perate . But to this also I say , First , When I affirm Telescopes are not so deceitful as the Spectacle-Philosopher phancled , I mean , that the ●…est , and most perfect are not ▪ and I hope you will give me leave to use that Logical Rule ( as your self does elsewhere ) Analogum pe●… se positum , stat pro famosiori ●…gnificato . ( 2. ) When I said , that ●…elescopes do not deceive , I meant , That they do not 〈◊〉 ably imp●…se upon us in ●…epresenting Objects which are not . This was the Error I apprehended in M. Cross's Discourse , who would not allow the modern Discoveries in the Heavens , upon the account of the pretended Deceitfulness of Telescopes . And he seemed to suggest , that those Tubes shew us things , that were no where , but in the Glass , when they represent the new Phaenomena we talk of , such for instance , as the Satellites of Jupiter , the Ring about Saturn , and the Spo●…s in the S●… . And now will the Argument you bring from M. Boyle , from the Imperfection of material Instruments , in●…er such a 〈◊〉 in Telescopes , or argue that that excellent Philosopher thought them so fallacious ? If not , as certainly even you have not the Impudence to affirm , Then you have not yet proved , that M. Boyle was in the same Err●…r with M. Cross. But you return again to the old Argument ; M. Boyle doth not say , They , viz. the Spots , and Brightnesses , were not there ; but that he could not see them of a long time . Indeed , M. Harry , either your Eyes are as defective , as you pretend M. Boyle's Telescopes to have been ; or you think it not fit to report after Them : For M. Boyle doth say , They were not there ; his Words are , as I have often cited them , which have , during many months at least , appeared so much sol●…mer , than it seems they did before . When I read this Period , as 't is quoted by you , I was surprised ; For you recite it thus , [ I could not detect any of those Solar Spots which having dured many months at least , appeared so much seldemer , than it seems they did before , [ p. 53. ] At the former part of the Words , [ which having dured many Months at least ] I was startled ; for they had the appearance of something in your favour , which I had not observed , and I could not imagine , how M. Boyle should know they had dured for many Months , if they did not appear . I turn'd therefore to the Passage in M. Boyle's own Book , and there I found you had falsified his Words , and that the Saying which made me wonder , was not his , but yours . Was there now ever such a piece of Impudence as this , in quoting Authors ? You undertake to give the World an Instance of that Impudence with which , you say , I demean my self in the effort of a Desperate Ignorance , and that the World may see the Solidity of your Answer , as you brag ; You cite my Words , and a long Discourse from M. Boyle , in which is the thing in controversie between us , [ p. 52. ] You say , 'T is not your Intention to abuse the Reader with false Citations , or amuse him with a great Confidence , grounded upon an Author that he hath not at hand , [ p. 53. ] Thus you Praeface to your Citations from M. Boyle , and conclude it thus , I have set down the Passage faithfully , without changing an Expression , [ p. 56. ] And after all this , would not any one think , you do it faithfully ? Could it be supposed that You would misquote your Author's Words to make him speak to your purpose , after your having called the World to observe how you would order me here , and shew my Ignorance , and Impudence ; After such Pretences of fair dealing ; After you had pr●…fessed against false Citations , and twitted your Adversaries for accusing you with such Dealing ? Could it , I say , be imagined that You should falsifie so known an Author as M. Boyle , and when you cite a long Discourse from him , and have an Adversary concern'd that is not quite stupid ? I protest , Though I know you , yet I did not imagine you could be so frontless , a●…d therefore pored upon the Passage in your Citation a good while , before I could suspect you so much , as to turn to the Original . Well Let this stand for a most remarkable Instance of your Faithfulness in quoting Authors ; And henceforth be not so imp●…dent , as to pretend , that the Virtuosi abuse you in the Charge of falsifying in Quotations . But I return to your Arguments : You ask , to what purpose was the Discourse about the deceivableness of Op●…ioks , if M. Boyle supposed his Glasses true , and that the Spots were absent at that time , [ p. 56. ] Here you again impose upon your Reader , and in●…nuate another falshood , viz. that M. Boyle was discoursing about the deceivableness of Opticks , when it is nothing so ; This was not his design here , He is only shewing that Math●…aticians may be deceived in their Observations about material Objects , upon the account of the Nature of the Things , and the imperfection of the Instruments he useth ; as 't is evident , [ p. 102. ] And the Instance under debate is produced to shew the former , as I have proved . Thus are you unfortunate in all your Attempts to vindicate your self from the Charge of Impertinence . And now let the Reader judge , whose Ignorance and Impudence you have discovered , mine , or your own . Let this be an Instance , how you can reason , and how well you are able to understand and use the Authors you cite . I see how I am like to be An●…wer'd , where I discover your other Imper●…cies , and Fo●…es . This you pitch'd upon as a thing , wherein you could shame me , as you phancied : In the other Instances you were not sure to make the matter so evident , and give such clear proof of your advantages ; and therefore this is chosen ; with your Performances here , You will stand , or fall . And now , Go thy ways , pratling Impertinen●… , and n●…ver pretend to Reason more ; Swagger on , and call Names , and boast great Performances , and quote seraps by Indexes , and pervert Authors : But take care of coming to close arguing , or of pretending any more to speak to purpose ; Thes●… ar●… not suitable to the abilities of whi●…ing Scriblers , and Red-hot Heads . The things you talk to have demonstrated about Telescopes [ p. 56. ] I have demonstrated already to be Impertinent ; and I am no ways concern'd in Them : I never denied , but that there was great difference in the Representations o●… Objects made by Telescopes , as they are longer , or shorter , of purer , or of darker Metals , &c. And there is no doubt , but a great reason of the difference between Astronomers about the celestial Phaenomena , ariseth from the difference between the Telescopes they imploy . I never said , that they were All perfect and infallible in minute Particulars ; But that all were not deceitful , and did not present to us meer Phantastical Objects , that had nothing Real : So that in all your Argumentations here , you have spent your Strength upon Shadows . Let the Reader compare , as you would have him , and judge . I Have done with your Argumentative part . That which follows is very pretty . You desired me , you say , That I would not multiply Lies . Indeed ! But don't you remember , M. Stubbe , when I upbraided you to your face at Bath , in the presence of Dr. C. with sundry gross Falshoods you had Printed , of the Bishops Reprimand ; of the Uirtuost's contributing to my Book ; and o●… Their , or some other Correctors , sending it home to me blotted , and altered , &c. Do not you remember how little you could say for your self , and how unable you were to justifie those Reports ? Don't you remember the Guinny You paid me for one of your Tales , which I disprov'd after a Wager ? These things you know well , and cannot defend your self ; and therefore endeavour to divert Mens Eyes from your own Faults , by impudently charging me with them . I never said any thing of you , that I will not justifie to a tittle ; and I have enough behind unsaid , to shame any Man in the World , but You. But I 'le consider a little , how you make good your charge : You have demonstrated , you say , to the Royal Society , under a Notaries hand , That your Head is not Red , though I say it . Did I so ? I pray where ? If I never said this , as you relate it , Pray who is the Liar then ? I said in my Praeface , that your Head was Red hot ; Is there no difference between Colour , and Degree of Heat ? You writ me , that you had convicted me to my Lord Brounker for a Lyar in this Instance , and made your self ridiculous at Oxford , by plucking off your Periwig , and shewing your Head to every Freshman , to demonstrate your charge of lying against me : But you were so much mistaken , that thereby you demonstrated what I said true ; For every one took it for an Evidence that your Head was Red-hot . You convey'd ( as I hear ) Locks of ●…lair into divers Parts , to convince the World by Experiment of the Lies of the Virtuosi ; You sent it , You say , by a Publick Notary to the Royal Society . If any one else had told me this , but your self , I should have thought he had abused you . Did ever a crackt-brain'd Noddy do any thing more ridiculous than this ? Have you not demonstrated , how fit you are for Bedlam by it ? Did you not perceive how every one laugh'd you to scorn for your Demonstration ? I protest , I pity you , and am afraid that some will thin●… , that I am not well in my Wits , because I seriously answer such a Lom of Bedlam . And having said this , I must expect next to be branded for a Liar , for the Expression ; and you will , 't is like , send the Royal Society a Certificate from the Clerk of the Parish where you were Christned , that your Name is not ●…om . This will be as necessary to clear you , as the Lock of Hair , with the Hand of the Publick Notary : And I can look for no less from such an Hair-brain'd Impertinent . But , mischief on 't , I 'm fallen again under your Correction , and must expect you should demonstrate to the next Coffee-house , that I told a Lie , when I gave you the Epithet of Hair-brain'd , by shewing your almost Bald Pate ; And what pity it is , that you can't send your Head to the Royal Society by the next Carrier , to convince them ! They will at least expect a Certificate from the Barbers of Warwick . But after all your Demonstrations , If I had said your Head was Red , I had not been such a Liar neither ; it was direct Carrot , last time I saw it : but perhaps Jamaica , and a Periwig have metamorphos'd your Noddle since . Well! This is one Instance of my Falsifying , which you triumph in much , as a sensible Confutation of the Virtuosi . Another Instance is , my abusing you for styling your self Physician for his Majesty in the Island of Jamaica , [ ib. ] In a Letter to me you insist much on this ; You tell me what Stipend the King gave you ; That you had his Majesti●…s Warrant ; And that , my Lord This Body , and Sir That Body , knows ; You write me , you 'l Print the Warrant , and inform me where it is to be seen . Pray in the next Letter tell me who gave you the Licence to sell Chocolate in Jamaica ; and by all means Print the Warrant : For without that , the World will never be convinc'd that my Raillery [ Praef. p. 9. ] is Lying . Well! These are the great Instances to prove that neither my Duty to God , nor regard to the Ministry could restrain me from the Exorbitances of Lying , [ p. 57. ] You have , you say , collected more Instances , though they are not such great ones , it seems , as these ; And call upon me vehemently in your last Letter , to know where I will be convicted : You have one Lie you tell me notorious to be proved ; and you will cause Oath to be made , That you were never entertain'd with dear Welcom at M. Cross ' s House . Alas ! That 's pity : You were there , you say ; and will any one swear that you were not welcom ? I hope your Friend told you , you were welcom ; and will any swear the contrary ? Take heed of producing that Affidavit , Good Sir , for it will prove M. Cross a Liar , as well as the Virtuoso . But to return to your Praeface : One Lie , you say , you must take notice of briefly , and 't is this ; That M. Cross did hire you to oppose Ecebolius , [ p. 58. ] What Ecebolius was that , who said so ? I writ no such Words : I insinuated what I thought , and had heard in other terms ; and if I Lied , it was in thinking , and hearing , and giving some hints of what was reported , and was likely enough to be believ'd . But you say , you never call'd him Old ; and yet confess , you said you would in part rescue the poor old man : How much different is this , pray , in substance from my Report ? I writ , that you said , M. Cross had been asleep these forty years , and knew not what the World bad been doing : But you ●…em to insinuate that I spoke falsly here ; for you said , He had been as it were asleep , or buried for these thirty or forty years , — and knew not the Transactions of the Learned World , [ p. 58. ] What a strict Casuist are you ? The altering of a Word in the report of a Saying , though the Sence be retain'd , is a Lie. 'T is to be suppos'd you have another Case-Divinity for your self , and your Friends : But remember , you confess you said M. Cross hath been as it were asleep these thirty or forty years : And was he not as it were asleep , when he neglected to bid you Welcom at his House ? If your Witness will swear that you took him napping , it may signifie something to prove that you were not entertain'd with dear welcom . What follows in this Page is to inform the Reader , that M. Cross gave you but Village-entertainment at his House , only a Bottle or two of Wine at Bath ; and did never make you a Present . I thought there was somewhat in 't , that you now publish him for a Seven Sleeper , that knows not the Transactions of the Learned World , and one that needs you to res●…ue him . However it falls out , 'T is like you thought he would be more grateful , when you began in his Quarrel , and when the first kind Intercourse of Letters past between you . But no more of this . You nibble at the sincerity of the Witne●…es to my Relation ; They are both Scholars , Masters of Arts , and Persons whose Veracity hath never yet been call'd into question : So that you cannot prejudice the Reputation of their Truth with those that know them . And if two capable , and ingenuous Persons , who were attentive to a Conference , cannot tell , when the main Particulars of it are recited to them , whether they were so , or not , their Memories must be very bad : And if they shall attest known Falshoods , their Inclinations must be worse . But the Testimony needs no more Words to confirm it . The Remainder of your Praeface is after your old rate of Impudence , and Folly , and requires only to be laugh'd at ; and indeed the whole needed not any other Answer from Froome , Jan. 16. Your Friend to chastise you , J. G. POST-SCRIPT . I Had almost forgot to take notice of your Kindness , in styling me Chaplain to M. Rous , a Member of the Rump-Parliament . ] To shew the feebleness of your Malice , I add a little concerning this . Being not related to any Foundatio●… in Oxford , but living there a Commoner , I resolved , as soon as I had taken my Degree of Master of Arts , to remove to London ; Accordingly an opportunity was offered , and I was invited to live with M. Francis Rous , as his Chaplain : I accepted the Offer : But knew , and had heard no more of that Gentleman , but that he was a very grave and Learned Man , and Pro●…ost of Eaton-College . In his House I lived somewhat above half a Year , in a private way of following my Studies , without being concern'd in any Publique Matters . That my Patron was a Member of the Rump-Parliament , I n●…ver heard , but from you , and do not know how true it is yet . He died a good while before the Name of RumpP●…rliament was started , and I believe was too honest and intelligent to have any active hand with those Men , in their destructive Projects . But in whatever he was concern'd as to the Publique , I was unacquainted with those Affairs , and was so young , as that I did not then understand the State of the Case between the King , and Parliament , and had been hitherto bred under such invin●…ible 〈◊〉 , that without being miraculously inlightned , 't was impossible I shoul●… know the Villany of those , that had be●…n in Rule ever since I could well remember ; For at the time of my being with M. Rous , I was not above 22 Years of Age. And pray now , M. Rous , how am I obnoxious for living with M. Rous ? Was this like serving Sir H. Vane in a Publique , malicious , impious , and treasonable Opposition of Monarchy , Ministry , Universities , Churches , and all things Civil , and Sacred ? I tell you , M. Stubbe , I n●…ver did any thing , and to my best remembrance never said any thing in the late times , in which I was a Child , that could need any favour from an Act of Indempnity ; and I dare say , there is not a Man born since 1636. less obnoxious to the Church and Government : And therefore , my Friend , you shall not draw me into a Copartnership with you in your Guilt . And you might have spared calling me Rene●…ado Presbyter , as you do [ p. 34 , the first of your Praefaces , ] I never concern'd my self about the Disputes of Church-Gouernment , till the Year before the King 's coming in , when , upon Inquiry into the matter , my Judgment voted for Episcopacy , and accordingly I suddenly took Orders upon His Majesties Return , from the Bishop of Lincoln ; but never was in any before : So that you might with as much justice have call'd me Quaker ( which another Huff did ) as Presbyterian . But now I remember , you are not to mind what truth , or justice there is in the Imputations you bestow : If they signifie Reproach , 't is sufficient for your purpose . And that you regard nothing else in the Characters you bestow , 't is further evident from your styling me Ecebolius , who was a shuffling Apostate , and one that I should say was like a Physician of Warwick , but that he repented . And why Ecebolius , I pray ? I never joyn'd my self with any of the Sects ; I never frequented their Meetings ; I never espoused their Principles ; I never received Sacrament , or Orders , or Preferment from them . On the contrary , I overcame the Prejudices of Education even in those times ; and as soon as ever I had inquired , pleaded for the Constitutions of the Church of England , and declared against the Practices and Opinions of the Prevailing Parties , though it were against my Interest , and exposed me to the displeasure of those that could prefer or ruine me . This I did , when there were no hopes of better Times : And how come I then to be Ecebolius ? But cry you mercy Sir , now I think on 't , you are not to be ask'd a Reason for any thing you say , or do ; Reason is too cold a thing for your temp●…r of Head. To shew that your Stock of Scurrilities was not out , notwithstanding all your vast Expences in this kind , You fall anew upon the Virtuosi , with the Titles of Lor●…es , second sort of worthless Fanaticks , Alumbradoes in Religion , and all Sciences , [ Reply , p. 21. ] In a Letter to me , You say all your Adversaries are ●…enegadoes , and that the Royal Society understand neither History nor Sence . You write in that Letter , that you will tell Foreigners of their Cheats , and destroy their Repute ; which is never to be saved but by timely submission — You have made them , you say , to disclaim their History , [ Reply , p. 21. ] And add , that you will make them , not only to disown the Book , but the Contents thereof , [ ib. ] Don't you think that every Man that shall read this , will look upon you as distracted ? What do you mean to give me the advantage of so many new Arguments of your Madness , when I have abundantly too many already ? 'T is pretty to observe , how your wild rage vents it self against Dr. More . You represented him as one that had deserted the Royal Society , and commended him then : But when he disproved your falshood in that , and other Particulars , you recane your Commendations , and rail against him with all imaginable rancour , and vehemence . You had said ; He was a Member heretofore of the Royal Soci●…ty , but allows nothing to it now : And would not any one have interpreted the meaning of these Wor●…s to have been , That he was not of it now ? What else doth Peretofore signifie ? This Dr. More disproved ; and in his Letter to me , added the other Sence of the latter part of your Words , on which you now insist , viz. His allowing nothing to the Weekly Contributions ; which indeed is a possible , but I thought a ridiculous meaning . Dr. More call'd it a skue and crooked Quibble , confess'd it to be true , but did not think it meant ; And I avow , I was so far from believing this to be your Sence , that I thought it almost ridiculous to suppose it ; and therefore I le●…t out the whole Passage . This I answer to what you say to me for the omission , in one of your Letters . M. Stubbe , I have almost done with you for the present ; only give me leave to ask you a few Questions between you , and me . Your great Pretences are the Interests of Monarchy , and Religion ; Pray do you remember what a certain Physician for His Majesty in Jamaica , advised Col. D. in that Island ; and when he was slighted by that Loyal Gentleman , what he counsell'd my Lord M. in the same place ? Do you remember who talk'd of several hundred Gospels that were of old , and made those we have to owe their Credit to Chance , in a Discourse to me and two others of Oxford ? Can you call to mind who told me at Sir J. L's Table at Bath , That being sick , he prepar'd himself for Death with Lucretius , and Beregardus , and being ask'd , whether he had not the Bible to help prepare him , made a pish of it , and said , That he had not seen a BIBLE in seven Years before , and that it was good for nothing but to make Folks humorsom ? Do you remember who affirm'd to me , in the Presence of Sir F. H. and other Gentlemen , That there was no more reason to believe there is a God , than to believe there is none ; That he believ'd it , because he could not help it ; and could not help it , because he was carried by an unaccountable impulse ; That the Arguments to prove a Deity , drawn from that Wisdom , Beauty , Order , and Usefulness that is in the Frame of the Creation , signifie nothing , because We cannot tell what Is Wisdom , Beauty , or Order ? Do you not know the Gentleman that discours'd thus ? And have you not forgot the Letter that my Lord M. hath of the same Person 's , and with what carnestness he beseech'd his Lordship not to let it be seen by the Virtuosi , for fear of his being ruined by it ? Are you not acquainted with the Ecebolius that hath done , and said these things si●…ce his Conversion , and Confirmation ? If you are , advise him to talk no more for shame of his Zeal for Monarchy , and Religion . You see what I could say . Put these Passages into your Hint-box , or into your Snuff-box , if you think flt . I thought here to have left you , but I must add a Paragraph or two more . In the Praeface of my last Answer I say , that your Ap●…logy of Serving a Patron , would justifie Faux , Ravillac , and the Stubbes that were hang'd for Treason in former Reigns : And you seem very angry in your Letters , that I thus disgrac'd your Family , and challenge me to give an Instance of any Stubbes that were hang'd : I perceive by it , that you are not acquainted with your own Pedigree ; I 'le therefore inform you , that you are not the first of the Name who hath deserved well of Monarchy . In M. Heath's Chronicle of the Civil Wars of England , p. 856 , 857. Edw. 2. you will find among divers others convicted of a Conspiracy against the King , Bishops , and Government , one Francis Stubbes , a Cheesemonger , was executed with his Accomplices , and Quarter'd as a Traytor . And another Name-sake of yours , John Stubbes , had his Right Hand cut off on a Scaffold erected in Palace-yard , for a Seditious Book , intituled Vorago , in which he vented abominable Reproaches against the Queen , and for that was so punish'd , as you may see in Cambden's Elizabeth . You may thank God , and a Gracious King , that you have had a better Fate than those others of your Name : I wish you may never meet with the Reward of your Deserts , as those other Stubbes did ; but may repent , and be wise on this side the Place , where many Friends part . FINIS . 
A28309	----	The novum organum of Sir Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Albans epitomiz'd, for a clearer understanding of his natural history / translated and taken out of the Latine by M.D. Novum organum Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. 1676 Approx. 112 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28309 Wing B310 ESTC R38681 17890949 ocm 17890949 106723 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28309) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 106723) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1115:7) The novum organum of Sir Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Albans epitomiz'd, for a clearer understanding of his natural history / translated and taken out of the Latine by M.D. Novum organum Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. M. D. [4], 32 p. Printed for Thomas Lee ..., London : 1676. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Methodology. Natural history -- Pre-Linnean works. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Kirk Davis Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Kirk Davis Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE NOVUM ORGANVM OF Sir FRANCIS BACON , BARON of VERULAM , Viscount St. Albans . EPITOMIZ'D : For a clearer understanding of his NATURAL HISTORY . Translated and taken out of the Latine by M. D. B. D. LONDON , Printed for Thomas Lee at the Turks-head in Fleetstreet . 1676. LICENS'D Jan. 26. 1675. Roger L'Estrange THE PREFACE TO THE READER . I Need not recommend to your perusal this useful Treatise , seeing that it proceeds from such a Genius , whose most trivial conceptions have obtained the esteem of his Age , not inferiour in Learning to any of the former . He was a person of a sound judgement , sharp wit , vast comprehension , and of extraordinary abilities both natural and acquir'd . But I need not run over the praises of a person so well known amongst us to oblige my Reader to a kind reception , and favourable interpretation of this obscure , but useful Book : For the things therein contained are so excellent in themselves , and so well designed , that we may be inclinable of our own accord to embrace and peruse them . The Authors purpose , as you may 〈◊〉 , is to censure the limitations of Sciences to the bounds prescribed to us , by the shallow pates of some of former Ages , to discover the mistakes of our understandings , to point at the sources from whence they proceed , to rectifie the common errours of men , backed by ill grounded Axioms , to direct us to a right interpretation of Nature's Mysteries , and oblige us to settle our judgements , upon better and sounder principles than ordinary ; his purpose is to open to us a Gate to a greater Proficiency and improvement in all kind of Learning , to pull down the Wals of Partition , and remove the Non plus ultra , that we might sail to those Indies full of Gold and Jewels . I mean the Sciences not yet discovered to our World , and fetch from thence all the Rarities , the Knowledges , and Inventions , that might pleasure and benefit our humane life . For that purpose he adviseth us not to take things and notions too much upon Trust , but to ground our belief upon Practice , and well ordered experience . He layes down several Principles , which may seem strange and new ; but if they be rightly examined , we shall find them naturally proceeding from the nature of things . I confess the most excellent conceptions are wrapped up in obscure terms , and in such new contrived expressions , that King James at the first perusal judged this Novum Organum to be past all Mans understanding . But we may consider , that a new Method , and new Things and Principles deserve new expressions , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaks not to the Vulgar , but unto the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 other Lands never found out 〈◊〉 and adviseth them in 〈◊〉 to seek and to proceed on without minding the discourage 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of our Predecessors in Learning . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 upon as a seasonable Addition to his Matural History , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have made it too 〈◊〉 , I have been desired to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Directions as might be answerable to that subject . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after a serious perusal , I did scarce know what was to be set aside ; for all the things things therein contained , are so material and seasonable , that I have wondred , that our English Curiosi have not had the desire to study and understand the directions that are 〈◊〉 given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their mistaken 〈◊〉 . In such a Case , that this Novum Organum might be the better intelligible , a meer interpretation is not sufficient , in regard of the Authors difficult and new found expressions , a Comment weuld be required , which if it were well and judiciously composed according to the Authors true meaning and intent , I am perswaded every one 〈◊〉 be of my Judgement , that it is the best and most useful Treatise of our Dayes for the purpose that is designed . I am perswaded that it might be of a singular use to such Vertuosi amongst us , as are not perfectly acquainted with the Latine Tongue , and yet imploy their Time and Studies in the improvement of their abilities , and finding out inventions useful to the Life of Man , for it would supply them with such principles as their 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 might wonderfully improve in new discoveries . I was sorry 〈◊〉 my , Pen was limited to so few sheets , and that I had not the liberty to make the whole Organum appear in our Language . For brevity sake therefore I have in some places shortened the Authors expressions . 〈◊〉 this will be sufficient to give a taste of the whole , which such 〈◊〉 understand the Language of the Learned may peruse at their leasure , Vale. M. D. Part of the Novum Organum , OR , APHORISMS OF THE Interpretation of NATURE and KINGDOME of MAN. Taken out of the First Book . MAN , Natures Minister and Interpreter , acts and understands only so much of the ordering of Nature , as he hath observed by the assistance of Experience and Reason : more he neither doth , nor can apprehend . Neither the Hand alone , nor an Understanding eft to it self , can do much . Things are performed by instruments and helps , which the 〈◊〉 needs as much as the Hand . Now as 〈◊〉 Instruments assist and govern the Hands motion , likewise the instruments of the Understanding prompt and advise it . Humane Knowledge and Power are co-incident in the same , or happen to be alike , because ignorance of the Cause renders the Effect unintelligible : for Nature is not overcome without submission , and that , which in Contemplation stands instead of the Cause , in Operation serves as a Rule . As to Operation , Man can do no more but only apply or remove natural Bodies . The rest Nature willingly compleats . The Mechanick , the Mathematician , the Physitian , the Chymist , and the Magician are variously concerned in natural Operations , but as it happens at present their attempts are but slight , and their successes inconsiderable . It were an extravagancy , and a plain contradiction to expect the accomplishment of those things , which were never yet done unless by means never yet attempted . Even those Operations which are found out are rather to be ascribed to Chance and Experience than to Sciences ; for the Sciences , which are now professed amongst us , are nothing else , but an adorning and a setting forth of things formerly invented , not the modes of Invention or the desigments of new Operation . The Cause and Origine almost of all the Mischiefs , that happen in Sciences , is this alone , that we too much admire and set up the strength and power of our understanding , and we neglect the true helps and aids thereof . Natures subtilty far exceeds the subtilty of our Sense , or that of our Understanding ; so that the delicate meditations of Mankind , their speculations and inventions are but foolish things , if they were narrowly searched into . As Siences commonly so called are unprofitable for the invention of Operations , so the Logick now in use is not conducible to the finding out of true Sciences . The Logick , which we now use tends to the establishment and confirmation of Errours , which are founded in vulgar notions rather than to a serious enquiry after Truth , therefore it is more hurtful than profitable . A Syllogisme is not used amongst the principles of Sciences , and in medial axioms it is imployed in vain , for it falls much short of Natures subtility . It hath therefore a command over assent , not over the things themselves . A Syllogisme consists of Propositions , Propositions of Words , Words interpret Notions , therefore if Notions , the basis of Things be confus'd , and rashly abstracted from things , nothing will be firm that is built upon them , therefore our only assurance is in a right induction . There is no soundness in Logical and Physical Notions , neither substance , nor quality , action , passion , nor being it self , are proper Notions , much less heavy , light , thick , thin , moist , dry , generation , corruption to attract , to expel element , matter , form , &c. All these are phantastical and ill designed . The Notions of the lower Species , as a man , a dog , a dove , and the immediate apprehensions of our senses ; namely , hot , cold , white , black , don't much deceive us , and yet nevertheless by the fluidity of matter and m●xture of things they are sometimes confounded . All other Notions , which men have hitherto used are aberrations , and are neither duely nor truely abstracted , and raised from the very things themselves . The things that are already invented in Sciences , are such as most commonly depend on vulgar Notions . If any will search into the more inward , and remote mysteries of Nature , he must make use of Notions and Axioms , abstracted from things in a more certain and solid manner , that the working of the Understanding may be better and surer . There are and may be two ways of searching and finding out truth : one from Sense and perticulars leads to the most general Axioms , and out of those Principles and their unquestionable Authority judges and finds out middle Axioms . This way is much in use . The other raiseth Axioms from Sense , and perticulars by a continual and gradual ascent it proceeds at last to generals . This is a true way but not yet attempted . The Understanding left to it self goes the former way , observing a Logical method ; for the mind delights to leap to generals , that it might acquiesce there , and after a little stay it loaths Experience . But these evils are now at length augmented by Logick for the pomp of disputations . An Understanding left to it self , accompanied with sober , patient , and grave Wit , if not hindred by former 〈◊〉 , essays the other way , which is right but not successful ; because when the Understanding is not directed and assisted , is but weak , and unable to overcome the obscurity of things . Either way derives its beginning from sense and perticulars , and acquiesces in things most general . But yet they differ very much , for the one does lightly run over experience and perticulars ; the other converses in them in a right and methodical manner . Again the one layes down at first , certain abstract and un profitable generals . The other rises by degrees to these things , which indeed are more known to Nature . It can never be that Axioms framed by arguing , for finding out new Operations , should be of any value , because the subtilty of Nature doth far surprise the acuteness of disputation . But Axioms rightly abstracted in order from perticulars , do easily discover and shew forth other new perticulars , and therefore by that means Sciences became active . The Axioms now in use sprang from small and slender experience , and a few common perticulars , they are for the most part made and enlarged according to their measure , so that it is no wonder , if they lead not to new perticulars . Now if by chance any instance not observed or known before , offer it self , the Axiome is salved by some friviolous distinction ; whereas it is more proper , that the Axiom it self should be mended . That humane reason , which we use in Natures assistance , we are wont to call anticipations of Nature , because it is rash and hasty . But that reason , which is rightly extracted out of things , we call interpretation of Nature . An icipations are strong enough to gain consent , seeing that if all men were equally and conformably made , they would agree well enough among themselves . To speak plainly , no right judgement can be made of our way , nor of those things which are found out agreeable unto it by anticipations , I mean by the reason now in use : because we cannot desire any one to stand to the judgement of that thing which is it self called in question . It is no easie matter to deliver , or explain those things which we have produc'd ; because things new in themselves are to be understood by the Analogy they have with old ones . Borguas tells us of the French Expedition into Italy , that they came with chalk in their hands to mark out their Inns , and not with arms to break through them . Our design is the same , that our doctrines might be admitted by well disposed and capacious Souls , for there is no need of confutations , where we disagree in the very principles , notions , and forms of demonstration . Their reason , who held non-comprehension , and our way do in some sort agree in the beginning , but they vastely differ and are opposite in the end , for they absolutely affirm , that nothing can be be known , but we say not much can be known in Nature , in that way as it is now handled . They by their assertion destroy the authority of Sense and Understanding , we study and give remedies to help them . Idols , mistakes , and mis-apprehensions , which now possesse , and are deeply rooted in Mans Understanding , so besiege the minds of Men that Truth can hardly get admission , but if it should they would hinder and disturb the restoration of Sciences , unless Men being fore warned would arm themselves against them , as much as they could . There are four sorts of Idols or false Images , which besiege Mens minds : we , for distinction sake , have called them first Idola Tribus . 2. Idola Specus . 3. Idola Fori . 4. 〈◊〉 Theatri . The raising Notions and Axioms by true induction is doubtless a proper remedy to drive away and remove these Idols , yet their indication is of great use , for the doctrine of Idols conduces to the interpretation of Nature ; even as the doctrine of Sophistical arguments doth to vulgar Logick . Idola 〈◊〉 are founded in humane Nature it self , and in every Family and Stock of Mankind . For humane sense is safely affirm'd to be the measure of things . On the contrary , all the conceptions both of sense and reason are taken from the analogy of Man , not the analogy of the Universe . Humane Understanding is like an unequal looking-glass to the rayes of things , which mixing its own Nature with the Nature of things , doth wrest and infect it . Idola Specus are the mis-apprehensions of every individual Man. For every one hath besides the mistakes of humane Nature in genéral , a den or individual cave , where the hight of Nature is obscured and corrupted . This happens either through every Mans singularity ; or through education and conversation among others , or by reading of Books and the authorities of them who are honoured and admired by every one , or through the different impressions which occur in a prepossessed and predisposed , or in a calm and equal mind , or the like : so that the Spirit of man , as it is placed or qualified in every Man , is a various , a troubled , and a fortuitous thing ; wherefore Heraclitus said well , that men sought after Siences in lesser worlds , and not in the great and common World. There are also Idols or mis-apprehensions arising from the mutual contracts , and also ciations of Men , which by reason of humane commerce and society we call Idola Fori : For Men are associated by speech , but words are imposed according to the vulgar capacity ; therefore a vitious and an improper imposition of words doth wonderfully mislead and clog the Understanding . Neither the definitions and explications , wherewith learned men are wont to defend and vindicate themselves in some things , do mend the matter for words , do plainly force the Understanding and disturb all things , they lead men into many idle controversies and foolish inventions . Lastly there are Idols or misapprehensions , which are entered into Mens minds from divers opinions of the Philosophers , as also from the 〈◊〉 Laws of demonstrations : these we call Idola Theatri . Because all the kinds of Philosophy , which have been invented and received we look upon as so many Fables produced and acted to make fictitious and senical Worlds . Neither speak we of those amongst us , or only of the ancient Philosophers and Sects ; seeing many the like Fables may be composed and made , because the causes of the different errours are for the most part common ; neither do we understand this only of universal Philosophy , but also of many Principles and Axioms of Sciences which have prevailed by tradition , credulity and neglect . But of all these kinds of Idols we must speak more largely and distinctly , that so the humane intellect may take more heed . Humane Understanding is inclinable of it self to suppose a greater order and equality in things than it finds . And whereas many things in Nature are monodical and altogether unlike , yet it appropriates to them parallels , correspondencies , and relatives , which are not from hence , are derived those Figments . In Coelestial Bodies all things are moved by perfect Circles . In the mean time they reject Spiral and Serpentine lines , retaining yet the names : From hence it is , that the Element of Fire is introduced to make a quaternion with the other three , which are within the reach of our senses . To the Elements also , as they call them , fancy ascribes to them a double proportion of excess in their mutual rarefaction , and such like dreames are invented . Nor is this vanity predominant in opinions only , but also in simple notions The Humane Understanding attracts all other things to give its suffrage and consent unto those things which once please it , either because they are received and believed , or because they delight . And though a greater strength and number of contrary instances occur , yet it doth either not observe , or contemn them , or remove , or reject them by a distinction not without great and dangerous prejudice , by which an inviolable authority remains in those former conceptions . Therefore he gave a right answer , who , when a list of the Names of such as had paid there their vows for escaping the danger of Shipwrack , was shewn to him hung up in a Temple , and when he was questioned whether he did not acknowledge the Deity of the gods ? He in answer demanded what was become of their pictures who had perished after that they had paid their Vows ? There is almost the same reason for all Superstition , as in Astrological dreams , presages , &c. Men delight in such vanities , they mind the events when they come to pass , but when they fail , which is very often , they neglect and pass them by . But this evil more subtilly invades Philosophy and Sciences , wherein that which once takes , infects and corrupts the rest , though more firm and better . But in case this delight and vanity were wanting , yet it is a proper and perpetual error in Humane Understanding , to be rather moved and stirred up by affirmatives than by negatives , although in truth it ought to be indifferent to both : Yet on the other hand the strength of a negative Instance is greater in constituting every Axiom . Humane Understanding is for the most part moved with those things , which suddenly and at once effect and reach the mind , and wherewith the fancy is wont to be filled and puffed up . As for the rest it supposes and fancies to have them in a kind of inperceptible manner , even like those few things that possess the mind . But as to that quick running over remote and heterogeneous instances , whereby Axioms are tried as it were by fire , the Understanding is altogether slow and unable , unless severe Laws and violent commands be imposed upon it . Humane Understanding cannot rest , but still desires more and more , though all in vain . Therefore it is not to be imagined that Heaven should hear any extream or extime parts ; for it may be alwayes necessarily urged , that there is something further . Again it cannot be conceived how Eternity hath run along until now , because there is a common distinction usually admitted , that it is infinite a parte ante & a parte pòst , which can in no wise be proved , for then it would follow that one infinite is greater than another , and that an infinite consumeth and tends to a finite . The like nicety occurs through the weakness of our imagination concerning lines alwayes divisible , but this mental infinity more dangerously interposes in the invention of causes : For whereas Universals chiefly ought to be in a positive nature , as they are found out , being not really causable , yet the Humane Understanding being unable to rest , still desires things more known , but whiles it tends to further things it falls back to nearer ones , viz. Final causes , which indeed arise rather from Humane Nature , than the nature of the Universe . Out of this Fountain Philosophy is strangely corrupted . But he is equally an unskilful and a slight Philosopher , who seeks out a cause in primary universals , as he who desires it not in subordinate and subaltern things . Humane Understanding is not an Ignis fatuus a meer light , but it receives an impression from the Will and the Affections , which produces the reason why it desires Sciences , for what a Man had rather have true , that he resolves to believe . Therefore he rejects difficult things , through impatiency of inquiry ; sober things , because they confine the hope ; the high Mystery of Nature , because of our natural Superstition ; the light of experience , because of an arrogancy and pride , least the mind should seem to converse in vile and transitory affairs , he rejects Paradoxes being too much over-ruled by the mistakes of the vulgar . Lastly affection qualifies and infects the Soul many wayes which cannot be conceived . But the greatest hinderance of the Humane Understanding , and its most dangerous errors proceed from the dulness , unsufficiency , and deceptions of the senses : those things which make impressions on the senses are of a greater weight than others of a higher nature , that do not affect them : Therefore contemplation most commonly ends with the sight , insomuch that there is little or no observation made of invisible things . Therefore the actings of the Spirits shut up in sensible bodies are hid from us . And all subtil transformation , that happens in the parts of the grosser things , which we commonly stile alteration , but is in Truch a subtil metaschematism escapes also our knowledge . Nevertheless , if these two that we have named be not found out , there can be no great matter performed in the works of nature . Again the nature of common air , and of all Bodies which in thinness surpass the air , they being many in number are almost unknown , for sense in it self is a weak and an erroneous thing , nor do the Organs conduce much to enlarge or sharpen the senses , but the truest interpretation of Nature is made by instances , and by fit and proper experiments , when sense judges of the experiment , the experiment of Nature , and of the thing it self . The Humane intellect is by its own Nature carried on to abstracts , and those things which are unstable it fancies to be constant . But it is better to dissect Nature than abstract her , which was done by Democritus's School . By that means he searched further than the rest into Nature . For that purpose we must rather examine matter , its schemes and transformations , its pure acts and the Law of action and motion . Forms are but the invention of mens brains , unless you will call the Laws of the act forms . Of this kind are those false imaginations , which we call Idola Tribus , they proceed , either from the equality of the substance of the humane Spirits or the prepossessions , coarctations , and turbulent motions thereof , or from the inspirations of the passions , or disagreement of the senses , or the manner of impression . Idola Specus proceed from the proper nature of every individual mind or body , as also from education , custome or other casualties , which kind though various and manifold , yet more especially we propound those which require most caution , and have greatest power to defile the Understanding , and render it 〈◊〉 contemplations of Nature and most simple Bodies only disturb and impair the Understanding , but contemplation of Nature and of Bodies compound , and in their configuration astonish and dissolve the intellect , This is most evident in the School of Hencippus and Democritus compared with other Philosophy , for it so much considers the particles of things , that it almost neglects their frames : and others so amazedly behold them , that they cannot arrive to Natures simplicity . These contemplations therefore are to be altered and interchangeably assumed , that the Understanding at the same time , may be made penetrating and capable , and those inconveniencies we speak of be avoided with the false notions proceeding from them . Let therefore your speculative prudence be so disposed in expelling and removing the Idola Specus , which proceed either from the predominancy , or excess of composition and division , or from our affection to the times , or from large and small Objects . In general let every one , who studies the nature of things , chiefly suspect that which captivates his Understanding , and so much the greater heed is to be taken in these opinions , that the Understanding may be kept equal and pure . But Idola Fori are the most troublesome of all , which , by a confederacy of words and names , have 〈◊〉 themselves into the Understanding . For men believe that their Reason governs words , but so it happens that words retort and reflect their power upon the Understanding . This hath made Philosophy and Sciences Sophistical and unactive . Now words are for the most part accommodated to vulgar capacities , and by lines most apparent to common apprehensions they divide things . But when a sharper intellect , or more diligent observation would transfer those lines , that they might be more agreeable to Nature ; words make a noise : from hence it comes to pass , that the great and solemn disputations of learned men , often end in controversies concerning words and names , with which , according to the custome and prudence of Mathematicians 't were a wiser way to begin , and to reduce them into order by definitions . And yet definitions in natural and material beings cannot remedy this evil because they also consist of words , and words beget words , so that it is necessary to have recourse to perticular instances , and their ranks and orders , as we shall presently shew , when we come to the manner and reason of constituting notions and Axioms . Mis-apprehensions forced by words upon the Understanding are of two sorts . 1. The names of things which are not : for as there are things which through inadvertency wanting a name , so are there names without things , through a Phantastical supposition . 2. Or the names of things which are but confused , ill determined , rashly , and unequally abstracted from things . Of the first sort are Fortune , the Primum Mobile , the Planetary Orbs , the Element of Fire , and such like fictions arising from vain and false speculations . This kind is easier cast out , because it is exterminable by a continued abnegation and antiquation of such speculations . But the other sort is perplex'd and deeply rooted , proceeding from an ill and unskilful abstraction . For example sake , take any word , Humidum if you please , and let us see how its various significations agree , and we shall find this word Humidum to be nothing else but a confused note of divers actions enduring no constancy or reduction ; for it signifies that which easily circumfunds it self about another body , and is in it self indeterminable and inconsistent , that which easily gives place on all sides , and easily divides and dissipates , and as easily collects , and reunites it self , that which easily flowes and moves , easily adheres to another body and moistens it , that which is easily reduced into a liquid , or melts , having been before consistent or solid : Therefore if you consider the predication and imposition of this word taken in one sense the Flame is moist , in another sense the Air is not moist . In one sense again small dust is moist , in another glass is so . Whence it is evident , that this notion was only rashly abstracted from waters and common liquors without any due verification . In words also there are certain degrees of pravity and error , less vitious are the names of some substances , especially the lowest Species well deduced , for the notion of Chalk and Clay is good , the notion of Earth bad , more vitious are the actions of Generation , Corruption , Alteration : The most vitious qualities , excépt the immediate objects of sense , are heavy , light , rare , dense , &c. And yet even among these it cannot be helped but some notions will be better than others , accordingly as more copious matter supplies Humane sense . The other mistakes named Idola Theatri , are not innate , nor secretly wrought in the Understanding , but by fabulous speculations , and the perverse Laws of demonstrations plainly infused and received . But in these to undertake or endeavour a confutation is not agreeable to what we have spoken . For seeing that we neither agree in our principles nor demonstrations all disputation it taken away . But this is good luck for the Ancients , that they may preserve their reputation , for nothing is detracted from them , seeing the way is so questionable . Because a lame Man , as they say , in the way , out goes a Racer out of the way , for t is evident the stronger and nimbler he is , the greater is his aberration , whiles he is out of the way . But such is our manner of inventing Sciences , that we attribute not much to the sharpness and strength of wit , and yet we almost equalize them , for even as the describing of a right line or perfect Circle much depends on the 〈◊〉 and exercise of the hand , 〈◊〉 it be done meerly by the hand , but if a rule or compasses be used , there is little or no such dependancy upon the hand : So fares it exactly with our Reason , Although there be no particular use of confutations , 〈◊〉 yet we must say something of the Sects and Kinds of these Theories , and afterwards of their outward signs , because they are in a bad condition , and lastly of the causes of so much unhappiness , and so long and general a consent in error , that Truth may have an easier access , and the Humane Understanding may be more throughly purged , and rid of these mistakes . Idola Theatri or theoretical mistakes are many , and may be more , and in time to come will be , for unless mens wits had been employed about Religion and Divinity during many Ages , and also about civil Governments , especially Monarchies , they had 〈◊〉 such novelties in contemplations . So that Men addicted unto them , ran the hazard of their fortunes , not only deprived of a reward , but also exposed to contempt and envy . Doubtless many more Sects of Philosophy , and Theories like to those , which once in great varieties flourished amongst the Grecians , had been introduced : for as upon the etherial Phoenomena's more figures of Heaven may be formed , likewise many more various opinions may be as easily founded and established upon the Phenomena's of Philosophy : Now the Fables of this Theater are like those that are acted on the poetical Stage , whence it comes to pass , that Scenical and 〈◊〉 narrations are more quaint and elegant than those taken out of true history , and better please the Readers . In general either much out of little , or little out of much is assumed into Philosophical matter , so that on all sides , Philosophy is founded on the too narrow basis of experience , and Natural History , and determines out of fewer things than it ought ; for the rational sort of Philosophers snatch from experience several vulgar things , and they to neither certainly found out , nor diligently examined or tried , the rest they place in meditation , and the exercise of wit. There is another sort of Philosophers , who have bestowed a great deal of pains in few experiments , and from thence have presumed to draw and frame a Philosophy strangely wresting all other things thereunto . There is also a third sort of them , who intermingle divinity , and traditions of Faith and Adoration amongst whom the vanity of some has inclined them to seek and derive Sciences from Spirits and Demons . Therefore the stock of Errours and false Philosophy is threefold , namely Sophistical , Emperical , and Superstitious . Of the first kind Aristotle is an evident Example . By his Logick he corrupted natural Philosophy made the world consist of Categories attributed to the humane Soul , a most noble substance , a genus made up ofsecondary notions , transacted the business of dense and rare , whereby bodies under go greater or 〈◊〉 dimensions or spaces by the cold distinction of act and power . He asserted only one proper motion to be in all bodies , and if they had any other , that he said was from another ; many more things he affirmed according to his fancy , which he imposed upon Nature , being every where more solicitous how he might explain himself in answers , and make any thing positive in words , than of the internal truth of things . This plainly appears if you compare his Philosophy with others famous amongst the Grecians , for the Homoiomera of Anaxagoras , the Atoms of Lencippus , and Democritus , the Heaven and Earth of 〈◊〉 , the discord and concord of Empedocles , Heraclitus's resolution of Bodies into the adiaphorous nature of Fire , and the replication of them to density , have something of natural Philosophy in them , and a relish of nature and experience : whereas Aristotles Physicks are nothing but logical notions , which under a more specious name , not nominal but more real he retracts in his Metaphysicks , nor let not that move any one , that in his Books of Animals , in his Problems and other Treatises he frequently useth Experiments . For he first decreed them , neither did he rightly consult experience in establishing his Determinations and Axioms , but after he had determined them according to his pleasure , he made experience a slave to his fancies : And upon this account he is more to be blamed than his modern Followers , I mean a Sect of Scholastical Philosophers , who have altogether forsaken experiments . But the Emperical kind of Philosophy brings forth more deformed and monstruous opinions than the Sophistical or rational , because it is not founded in the light of common notions , which though slender and superficial is notwithstanding in some measure universal and conducive to many things , but in a few narrow and obscure experiments . And therefore to those who daily converse in such experiments , and have thereby corrupted their fancy , this Philosophy seems probable and certain , but to others incredible and vain . A notable example whereof we find in the Chymists and their opinions , but now scarcely any where else , unless in Gilberts Philosophy . However we must by no means omit a caution concerning this Philosophy , because we inwardly foresee and presage that if men awakened by our precepts , shall at last betake themselves to experience , bidding adieu to Sophistical doctrines , they will sustain some damage , through a praemature and inconsiderate haste of the understanding , by soaring too soon to generals and principles , which evil we ought to prevent . But the corruption of Philosophy through superstition and intermixed Divinity extends it self further , and works much mischief , both to Philosophy in general and particular . For the humane understanding is no less obnoxious to the impressions of Fancy , than to the impressions of vulgar notions . For the contentious and Fallacious kind of Philosophy ensnares the Understanding , but the other kind being phantastical , swoln and Poetical doth rather flatter it . For there is in Man a certain ambition of the Understanding as well as in the Will , especially in sublime and elevated Wits . Of this kind you have an example amongst the Grecians , especially in Pythagoras , but joyned with gross superstition , but more dangeroufly and subtilly in Plato , and his School . This kind of evil is found in the parts of other Philosophers ; by the introduction of abstract Formes , final Causes , first Causes , and frequent omitting the medial , and the like . Wherefore take great heed to this matter , for it is the worst of evils to defie errors , and to adore vain things may be well accounted the plague of the Understanding . Some modern Men guilty of much levity , have so indulged this vanity , that they have essayed to found natural Philosophy in the first Chapter of Genesis , the Book of Job , and other places of Holy Writ , seeking the living among the dead . Now this vanity is so much the more to be check'd and restrained , because by unadvised mixture of divine and humane things , not only a phantastical Philosophy is produced , but also an Heretical Religion . Therefore it is safe to give unto Faith with a sober mind , the things that are Faiths . Hitherto our Excellent Author hath spoken of the bad authority of Philosophy , founded in vulgar notions , a few Experiments , or in Superstition : he examines next the depraved matter of Contemplation especially in natural Philosophy . He proceeds next to discover to us by what means demonstrations lead us into errors and mistakes , and concludes that experience is the best demonstration , if it be founded upon mature Experiments . He discourses afterwards of the several sorts of Philosophers among the Greeks , and takes notice of their imperfections , of their ignorance in ancient History , and in Cosmography , so that they could not be acquainted with so many experiments , as the Learned of our dayes . Afterwards he discourseth of the causes of Errors , and of their long continuance in credit in the World , that none might wonder how it comes to pass that some in these last Ages , find so many mistakes in the Learning and Wit admired in former Ages . The first Cause of the small prosiciency in Sciences , he saith , is the streights of time , and their ignorance of former Times : for their Observation had not scope enough , nor sufficient assistance from true History , to gather right and judicious Experiments . In the second place another Cause of great moment certainly offers it self ; namely that in those times , when the wits of men and Learning flourished most or but indifferently , Natural Philosophy had the least share in humane contemplations : nevertheless this ought to be accounted the great Mother of Sciences : for all Arts and Sciences , pluck'd away from this Root . may perhaps be polished and accommodated to use , but they will never grow . Now it is evident , that since the Christian Faith was embrac'd and encreas'd the most part of the rarest Wits applied themselves to Divinity . To this end large rewards were propounded , and all manner of helps plentifully afforded . This study of Divinity took up the third part or period of time amongst us Europeans , and the more because about that time Learning began to flourish , controversies touching Religion did wonderfully increase : but in the preceding Age , during the second period among the Romans , the chiefest meditations and studies of Philosophers were imployed and spent in Moral Philosophy , which was then the Heathens Divinity . Moreover the greatest Wits in those dayes for the most part applied themselves to Civil affairs , by reason of the Roman Empires greatness , which required the labours of many men . But that Age wherein Natural Philosophy seem'd chiefly to flourish among the Grecians was a parcel of time of small continuance , for even in ancienter times , those Seven , called Wisemen , all except Thales , applied themselves to Moral Philosophy and Politicks . And in after times , when Isocrates had brought down Philosophy from Heaven upon Earth , Moral Philosophy prevailed further still , and diverted mens thoughts from physiological speculations . That very period of time also , wherein Physick Enquiries flourished was corrupted and spoiled with contradictions , and new determinations . Wherefore Natural Philosophy in every one of those periods , being greatly neglected or hindred , 't is no wonder men profited so little in it , seeing they altogether minded other things . Add moreover , that those who studied Natural Philosophy , especially in these modern times , did not wholly addict themselves thereunto , unless perhaps you may alledge the example of some Monk in his Cell , or Nobleman in his Country House . So at length it was made but a passage and draw-bridge to other things . This , this famous Mother of Sciences , was basely thrust down into servile offices , and made a drudge to wait upon Medicine , or the Mathematicks ; and again to wash the immature wits of young men , and give them a superficial mixture , that they might afterwards be the better qualified to receive of another . In the mean while let no man expect a great progress in Sciences , especially in the practical part , unless natural Philosophy be produced to particular Sciences , and those again reduced to Natural Philosophy : for hence it comes to pass , that Astronomy , Opticks , Musick , many Mechanichal Arts , Physick it self , and what is more wonderful , even Moral Philosophy , Politicks , and Logick , have for the most part no considerable depth , but languish in the surface and variety of things , because when once these particular Sciences are divided , they are no longer nourished by Natural Philosophy , which out of the Fountains and true contemplations of motions , rayes , sounds ; texture and figuration of Bodies , affections , and intellectual apprehensions , communicates new strength and augmentation to them . And therefore 't is no wonder , that Sciences grow not since they are separated from their roots . Another great and powerful cause , why Sciences are so little advanced , is this , that race cannot rightly be run , where the Goal is not rightly placed and fixed . Now the true and legitimate mark of Sciences is to enrich Mans life with new inventions and forces . But the greater number of men know nothing of this , because they are mercenary and professory , unless it happens that some Artist of a sharper wit , and ambitious of Glory , studies some new inventions , which commonly tends to his own undoing . Therefore most Men are so far from propounding to themselves the advancement of Arts and Sciences , that even out of those things that they have , they seek no more than what may be converted into professory use , gain , reputation , or the like advantages . And if any one amongst the multitude seeks knowledge ingeniously and for it self , yet you will find he doth this rather to obtain variety of contemplations and precepts , than for the rigid and severe inquiry of Truth . Again suppose another more severely enquires after Truth , yet even he propounds to himself such conditions of Truth as may satisfie his mind and understanding in reference to the causes of things known long ago , not those which may give fresh pledges of operations or new light to Axioms , The end therefore of Sciences being not yet rightly defined , or well assigned by any body , no wonder if Error and mistakes attend those things which are subordinate thereunto . The Noble Author condemns next the erroneous wayes which conduct to Sciences ; namely obscure Traditiòns , giddy Arguments , the windings of Chance or unclean Experience ; and wonders that none yet have recommended sense , and well ordered Experience , which he supposes to be partly caused by a great mistake . That the Majesty of Humane Understanding is impaired with long conversing in Experiments and particular things , subject to sence , and determined to matter ; especially seeing these things are laborious in the inquiry , ignoble in the meditation , harsh in discourse , illiberal in the practice , infinite in number , and full of subtilty . Again the reverence of Antiquity , and the authority and consent of those who have been accounted great men in Philosophy , has detained and inchauted men from making any progress in Sciences . As for Antiquity the opinion which men entertain of it , is idle and incongruous to the word it self , for the old age , and great age of the world are terms equivolent to antiquity , and ought to be attributed to our times , not to the youthful age of the world , that wherein the Ancients lived . For that Age in respect of ours was greater and ancienter , in respect of the World it self , lesser and younger : and therefore in like manner , as we expect a greater knowledge in Humane Affairs , a more mature and a riper judgement from an Old Man than from a Young Man , by reason of his Experience , and the variety and plenty of things which he hath seen , heard , observed , and understood , so also far greater matters may rationally be expected from our Age , than from the ancient times , if it would but know its strength , and were willing to try and mind things , because we live in the Worlds old Age , and are stored with infinite experiments , and advanced in our noble Observations . The discoveries of other Lands unknown to former Ages are no small helps to our experience . Besides it is a great weakness to attribute so much to ancient Authors , for Truth is the Daughter of Time not of Authority , and the ancientest times are the youngest in respect of the World. The other cause of mens mistakes is their admiring the operations which can shew grey hairs , and a too great esteem of liberal Arts and Learning already found out , which is an act of simplicity and childishness . But the greatest damage hath happened to Sciences through pusilanimity ; and the smalness of those tasks , which humane Industry hath proposed to it self , and yet , what is worst of all , that pusilanimity is accompanied with Arrogance and disdain . Moreover Natural Philosophy in all Ages hath had a troublesome and harsh Enemy ; namely Superstition , and a blind immoderate zeal of Religion . Lastly the way to all Reformed Philosophy hath been blocked up by the unskilfulness of some Divines , who were afraid least a deeper enquiry should dive into Nature beyond the bounds of Sobriety , traduce and falsly wrest those things , which are spoken of Divine Mysteries in the sacred Writings , against Searchers of divine Secrets : Others cunningly conceive , if the means be unknown , which they think greatly concerns Religion , all things may more easily be referred to the deity . Others from their example fear least motions and mutations in Philosophy should terminate in Religion . Again all things in the manners and institutions of Schools , Universities , Colledges ; and the like places destimated for learned Men , and getting Learning , are found to be against the advancement of Sciences , &c. But the greatest Obstacle in the progress of Sciences , and new undertakings thereof is discerned in the dispairing of men , and a supposed impossibility , for even wise and grave men are wont to diffide in these things , pondering with themselves the obscurity of Nature , shortness of Life , deception of the Sences , weakness of judgement , difficulty of Experiments , and the like , &c. We must take our beginnings from God , in what we are about , for the excellent nature of Good therein it manifestly from God , who is the Author of Good , and Father of Lights . The Foundations of Experience , for we must descend to them , have hitherto been either none at all or very weak ; neither hath a sufficient System of particulars been any wayes as yet found outand congested , either in number , kind , or certainty , able to inform the understanding . In the plenty of Mechanical Experiments , there is discovered a great want of such as assist or tend to the information of the understanding , &c. Not onely a greater plenty of Experiments is to be sought , and procured , differing in kind from what ever was yet done . But also another method , order and process are to be introduc'd , for the continuing and promoting of Experience . For wandring Experience , guided by it self , is a meer cheat , and doth rather amaze men than inform them . But when Experience proceeds regularly , orderly , and soberly , there may be some better hope of Sciences . Seeing there is such a great number , and as it were an Army of particulars , but so scattered and diffused , that they disgregate and confound the understanding , we can expect no good from the skirmishes , light motions , and transcursions of the understanding , unless by fit , well disposed , and exact Tables , there be an instruction , and co-ordination of those things which appertain to the subject of our enquiry : and the mind be applyed to the preparatory and digested helps of these Tables . But when this plenty of particulars is rightly and orderly placed before our eyes we must not presently pass to the Inquisition , and Invention of new particulars or operations , or if we do we must not rest in them , &c. We must not permit the Understanding to leap or fly from particulars to remote and general Axioms , such as are called the principles of Arts and Things , or by their constant verity to prove or discuss medial Axioms . But then Men may hope well of Sciences , when by a true Scale , and continual not intermitted degrees , we ascend from particulars to lesser Axioms , then to medial , for some are higher than others ; and lastly to universals ; for the lowest Axioms differ not much from naked Experience , but the supressive and more general which occur , are rational and abstracted , and have no solidity . The medial therefore are those true solid and lively Axioms , wherein mens fortunes and estates are placed , and above those also are those more general , if not abstracted , but truely limited by these medial or middle Axioms . Therefore the humane understanding needs not feathers but lead and weights to hinder its leaping and flying . But this is not yet done , when it is we may have better hope of Sciences . Now in constituting an Axiom another form of induction contrary to what was formerly , or is now used , is found out , and that not onely to prove or invent Principles , as they call them , but also lesser and medial Axioms , ye all . For that induction , which proceeds by simple enumeration , is a childish thing , and concludes precariously , being exposed to the danger of a contradictory instance . And yet most commonly it gives judgement from fewer instances than it ought , or from those onely which are at hand . But that induction which would induce to the invention and demonstration of Arts and Sciences , must separate Nature by due rejections and separations , and , after sufficient negatives , conclude upon affirmatives , which thing is not yet done , nor so much as attempted , unless by Plato only , who indeed , to examine definitions and Ideas , doth in some measure use this form of Induction . But for the good and lawful institution of such an induction or demonstration . many things are to be used , which never yet entered into any mortal mans heart , so that greater pains is to be taken herein than was ever yet spent in a Syllogism . Now the help of this induction is not onely to be used in finding out Axioms , but also in terminating motions , for certainly in this induction our greatest hope is placed . Far more and better things , yea and in shorter time , are to be expected from the reason , industry , direction , and intention of men , than from chance the instinct of Animals , which hitherto have given the beginning to Inventions . This also may be brought as an encouragement , that some things which are found out , are of that kind , that before their production it could not easily come into mans mind to imagine any thing of them , for every body despised them as impossible , as the use of Guns the invention of Silk , the Seamans needle , &c. Therefore we hope there are in Natures bosome many secrets of excellent use , which have no alliance nor paralellism , with the things already invented , but are placed out of Fancies Road , not as yet found out , which doubtless after many revolutions of Ages shall at last come forth , even as those former did . But by the way we now declare , they may speedily and suddenly be both anticipated and represented . We must not omit another thing , which may raise up our hope . Let men reckon the infinite expence of Wit , time , and money , which they are at in things and studies of far lesser use and value ; the least part whereof , were it converted to sound and solid things , would conquer all difficulty . Had we a man among us , who would de facto answer Nature's Queries , the Invention of all Causes and Sciences would be the study but of a few years . Some without doubt , when they have read over our History and Tables of Invention , may object that something is less certain , or altogether , false in our experiments , and therefore perhaps will think with himself , that our inventions are founded on false foundations , and dubious principles . But this is nothing , for such things must needs happen at first , for it is all one as though in writing or printiug some one Letter or other should be misplaced , which does not usually hinder the Reader , for such errors are easily corrected by the sence , &c. Many things also will occur in our History and Experience , first slight and common , then base and mechanical , lastly too curious , meerly speculative , and of no use , which kind of things may divert and alienate the studies of men . Now for those things which seem common , let men consider , that they themselves are wont to do no less than refer and accommodate the causes of rare things to these which are frequently done , but of things daily happening they enquire not the causes , but take them for granted . And therefore they inquire not into the causes of weight , coelestial rotation , heat , cold , light , hard , soft , slender , dense , liquid , concistent or solid , animate and inanimate , similar dissimilar , nor lastly Organical , but dispute and judge of other things , which happen not so frequently and familiarly by these as being evident , manifest , and received . But we , who know well enough , that no judgement can be made of rare and notable things , much less new things be brought to light without the causes of vulgar things , and the causes of causes rightly examined and found out are forced necessarily to receive the most vulgar things into our History : Furthermore we perceive nothing has hindred Philosophy more , than because things familiar and frequently happening do not stay and detain the contemplation of men , but are entertained by the by , and their causes not inquired into , so that information of unknown matters is not oftner required than attention in known things . Now as touching the vileness and dishonesty of things , they are no less to be entertained in Natural History than the richest and most precious things , nor is Natural History thereby polluted , for the Sun does equally visit Pallaces and Sinks , and yet is not defiled . Again we do not build or dedicate a Capitol or Pyramid to the Pride of men , but we found an holy Temple for the worlds pattern in humane Understanding . Therefore we follow our Copy for whatsoever is worthy of essence is worthy of Science , which is the image of Science , but vile things subsist as well as costly ones . Moreover , as out of some putrid matters , as musk and civet , sometimes the best odours come , even so from low and sordid instances sometimes excellent light and information flowes . Before all things we have and must speak first of this thing , viz. That we how at first setting out , and for a time , seek only lociferous not fructiferous Experiments , according to the examples of Divine Creation , which only produced Light on the first day , and bestowed a whole day upon it , not intermingling with it , in that day , any material Work. If any one therefore think these things are of no use , it is all one as if he should think Light useless , because it is indeed no solid nor material being ; for we may truely affirm , that the light of simple Natures being well examined and defined , is like Light which affords passage to all the secret Rooms of Operations , drawing after it all the companies and troops of Operations , and potentially comprizing the Fountains of most noble Axioms , yet in it self it is not of so great use : Thus the Elements of Letters of themselves and separately signifie nothing , neither are of any use , but yet are like the first matter in the composition , and preparation of every word . Thus the seeds of things strong in power are as to use , except in their increase of no value , and the scattered beams of Light unless they unite together , become unbeneficial to men . Some also will doubt rather than Object , whether we speak only of Natural Philosophy , or else of other Sciences ; namely , Logick , Ethicks and Politicks to be perfected according to our way . But we surely understand what we have said of all this , and as vulgar Logick , which rules things by syllogism , belongs not onely to natural , but to all Sciences . So ours , which proceeds by induction , compriseth all things ; for we make an History and inventory Tables , as well of Anger , Fear , Modesty , &c. as of Politick Examples , and so of the mental motions of memory , composition and division , judgement and the rest , no less than of heat and cold , or light and vegetation , &c. But as our method of interpretation after History is prepared and ordered , doth not only behold mental motions and discourses , as common Logick , but also the nature of things . So we govern the Understanding , that it may apply it self in a perfect and apt manner to the nature of things . But that ought by no means to be doubted , whether we desire to destroy and demolish the Philosophy , Arts , and Sciences which we use , for we on the contrary willingly allow their use , cultivation , and honour ; nor do we any wayes hinder , but that those which have been in credit , may nourish disputations , adorn Orations , be used in professory employments . Lastly , like currant money , be received among men by consent . But how truely we profess this very thing , which we mention concerning our affection and good will towards allowed Sciences , our publick Writings , especially our Books of the Advancement of Learning declare and attest . It remains that we now speak somewhat cóncerning the excellency of the End. Had we before treated 〈◊〉 these things , our expectations probably had better succeeded , but now we are in hopes , that all prejudices being removed , these matters may perhaps be of more weight . For though we had perfected and compleated all things , nor had called others to share in our labours , yet should we have refrained these words lest we might be thought to proclaim our own merits , but seeing the industry of others is to be sharpened , and their minds to be stirred up and inflamed , 't is fit we put men in remembrance of some things . First then the Introduction of noble Inventions seems to carry the greatest sway amongst humane actions , as former ages also have judged ; for they gave divine honor to the Inventors of things , but to those who were meritorious in civil affairs , as the founders of Cities and Empires , Lawgivers , 〈◊〉 of their Countreys from temporal evil , Destroyers of Tyranny &c. they only decreed heroick honor . Inventions also , are the new creations , they are man's Glory , they cause him to be a God to the rest of mankind . New inventions are of a wonderful consequence as the Art of Printing , Gun-powder , and the Sea mens compass . These three have changed the Face and State of affairs in the whole World. First , in Learning . Secondly , in Warfare . Thirdly , in Navigation . There are three sorts of ambition , the first desires to enlarge man's own power over Countries and People , this is common and ignoble , the Second , endeavours to enlarge other mens , as our Prince's Dominions , this hath more dignity , but no less desire . But if any one endeavours to restore and inlarge 〈◊〉 power and dominion of mankind , over the university of things , doubtless this ambition is sounder , and nobler than the other two : Now mans dominion over things consists onely in Arts and Sciences , for nature is not trusted , but by obedience . It is now high time that we propound this art it self of interpretating nature , wherein though we suppose we have given most true and profitable precepts , yet we do not attribute unto it any absolute necessity or perfection , as though nothing could be done without it . For we are of opinion if men had by them a just History of Nature and Experience , and would diligently study it , and could command themselves in two things ; first in putting away received opinions and notions . Secondly , in forbearing a while generals and subgenerals , they would by the proper and genuine strength of the understanding , without any art , light upon our form of interpretation ; for interpretation is the true and natural work of the mind , all obstacles being first removed : But certainly our presents will make all things more ready and sure . Nevertheless we do not affirm that nothing can be added unto them . On the contrary we , who consider the mind not only in its own faculty , but as it is united with things ought to determine , that the art of invention may grow and increase with things invented . Part of the Novum Organum , OR , APHORISMS OF THE Interpretation of NATURE and KINGDOME of MAN. Taken out of the Second Book . IT is the business and intent of humane power to produce and superinduce a new nature , and new things upon a body given to it ; but it is the business and purpose of humane science , to find out the true form of this body , or the right difference , or the essence of nature , called natura naturans , or the Fountain of emanation : these words we use , because they express the thing , and discover it best . Now to these works of the first rank there be two of a second and inferior sort , that are subordinate . To the first , the transformation of concrete bodies from one to another within possible limits . To the second , invention in all generation and motion of a Secret proceeding continued from an apparant efficient and vissible matter to a new form ; as also the invention of an hidden schism of resting bodies not in motion . Although the ways leading to the power and humane science , be nearly allied and almost the same , nevertheless it is the safest , because of that old and pernicious custome , of spending time in abstracts to begin and raise sciences from their very foundations , which look upon the active part in order , that it might consume and determine the active part , therefore we must see to some nature to be superinduced upon another body , what precept or direction any should require for that purpose , and that in an easie and plain expression . For example , suppose any should desire to cover over Silver with the yellow colour of Gold , or give unto it an increase of weight , with a regard to the Laws of matter , or to make an obscure stone become transparant , or glass gluttinous , or to cause a body not vegetable to grow ; we must see in such a case what direction or deduction may cheifly he desired , first a person would doubtless wish for something of a like Experiment to be shewn unto him , which might not fail in the operation , nor deceive in the undertaking . Secondly , he would desire some directions which might not bind him , and force him to certain mediums , and particular ways of acting , for it may be , that he may be unable to purchase , and procure unto himself such mediums , therefore if there be any other mediums and other methods of acting , besides that direction of producing such a nature , it may perhaps be of such things , as are in the power of the Worker ; yet notwithstanding he may be excluded from the 〈◊〉 of such , things by the narrowness of the Rule , so as that he shall meet with no 〈◊〉 . Thirdly , he may desire , that 〈◊〉 may be shewn unto him , which may not be altogether so difficult , as the operation that is in question , but that comes nearer to the practise . Therefore it is 〈◊〉 , that every true and perfect Rule of working be certain , 〈◊〉 , and well designing , or in order to action : therefore this is the same as the invention of a true form , for the form of any nature is such , that when it is supposed the nature it self must needs follow , therefore it is always present , wherever that nature is , it be speaks it in general and 〈◊〉 it . Such is the form of a thing that when it is taken away the 〈◊〉 of the thing is removed . Therefore it is always 〈◊〉 from it , when that nature is absent , and is in it alone . 〈◊〉 , a true form is such , that it deduceth the nature of a thing out of the Fountain of being , which is common to many , and more 〈◊〉 than the nature , as they speak , than the form . Therefore the Rule of knowing a true and perfect Axiom is this , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 found out which might be convertible with the nature given , and yet be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a more known nature , like as of a true genus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the one active , the other speculative , are the same in effect , and what is most useful in operation is most true in speculation . But the Rule or Axioms of transforming bodies are two fold . The 〈◊〉 consider'd a body , as a troop or conjugation of simple 〈◊〉 , as in 〈◊〉 these things do meet , that it is yellow , weighty , and of such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be beaten thin and drawn into wire , of such a bigness that it is not volatile , and that it loseth nothing by fire , that it is to be run in such a manner , that it is to be separated and loosned by such means , and the like of the other natures or properties of Gold. Therefore such an Axiom deduceth the thing from the forms of the simple 〈◊〉 or properties , for he that knows how to bring new forms and methods of yellow , of weight , of fluidity , &c. he will see and take care of their graduations and means , that all these be conjoined in one body from whence transformation into Gold may be expected . Therefore this manner of marking belongs to the primary action , for there is the same method required in bringing forth one simple nature , as many ; onely man meets with more difficulty in working , when he is to joyn together many natures , which meet not of themselves unless by the ordinary and usual ways of nature ; nevertheless we may affirm that the method of working , which considers the 〈◊〉 natures , though in a concrete body , proceeds from those things , which in nature are constant , eternal , and universal , and open a wide door to mans ability , which as affairs are now manag'd our humane understanding can scarce comprehend or represent . But the Second kind of Axioms , which depends from the invention of a secret proceeding , acts not by simple natures , but by concrete bodies , as they are found in natures ordinary course ; for example , suppose an Inquisition is made from what beginnings , how , and in what manner Gold , or any other Metal , or Stone is generated from its first matter and deform substance until it comes to a perfect mineral , likewise in what manner Herbs grow , form their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the sap in the earth , or from the seed until it riseth up to be a plant with all the succession of motion , and the divers , and continued endeavours of nature . Likewise of the ordinary generation of animals from their conception to their birth , in like manner of all other bodies . But this inquisition relates not onely to the generation of bodies , but also to other motions and workings of nature ; for example , suppose an inquisition be made into the universal series , and continued manner of nourishment , from the 〈◊〉 reception of the Food , until it turns into the substance of the body ; likewise of the voluntary motion in animals , from the 〈◊〉 impression of the fancy , and repeated endeavours of the spirits , to the movings and turnings of the Arters , or of the outward motion of the tongue , and lips , and other instruments to the giving of articulate 〈◊〉 ; for these things relate to concrete or collegious bodies , and in operations they are lookt upon as particular and special custom of nature , not as fundamental , and common Laws , which constitute forms . But we must needs 〈◊〉 , that this method seems to be the most expedite , the most likely and 〈◊〉 and more than the other primary . 〈◊〉 wise the operative part , which answers this speculative , doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , working from those things , which are commonly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things near at hand , or from those things to other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 highest and radical operations upon nature depend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Axioms . Moreover , when man hath not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but onely of knowing and beholding , as in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not within mans reach he cannot change nor alter them . 〈◊〉 the inquisition of the fact it self , or of the truth of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the knowledge of causes and agreements , relates to the primary and universal Axioms of simple 〈◊〉 as the nature of voluntary relation , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the load stone , and many others ; which are more common than the 〈◊〉 : neither can any body hope to terminate the question , whether in the daily motion , the earth doth in truth come round , or the Heavens unless he understands 〈◊〉 the nature of voluntary rotation . The hidden proceeding , which we have mentioned , is otherwise , so that our humane understanding , as it is now wrapt up in 〈◊〉 , cannot easily search into it ; neither do we 〈◊〉 certain measures , 〈◊〉 , or degrees of proceeding visible in bodies , but that continued proceeding , which for the most part is not subject to our senses . For example , In all generation and transformation of bodies , we must inquire what is last , and what flies away , what remains , what is added , what dilates it self , what is drawn to it , what is united , what is separated , what is continued , what is cut off , what means , what hinders , what commands , and what yields , and many other things . Again , neither are we to enquire after these things in 〈◊〉 and transformation of bodies , but in all other alterations and motions we are likewise to enquire , what proceeds , and what succeeds , what is most fierce , and what is most remiss , what gives the motion , what commands , and the like . All these things are unknown to , and never handled by the Sciences , which are composed by the grossest and the unablest wits . Seeing 〈◊〉 natural action is transacted by the least beginnings , or by such as are so small , that they are not to be perceived by our senses , no body can hope to rule or turn nature , unless he can comprehend and take notice of them in a due manner . Out of the two kinds of Axioms , which are already mentioned , Philosophy and Sciences are to be divided , ( the common received words which approach the nearest to the discovery the of things , being applied to our meaning ) namely that the inquisition of forms , which in reason according to their own Laws are eternal and unmovable , constitutes the Metaphysicks ; but the inquisition of the efficient , of the matter , of the secret proceeding , and hidden schismatism , all which things regard the common and ordinary course of nature , not the foundamental and eternal Laws , should constitute the Physicks . Now to these are subordinate two practical Sciences , to Physick the Mechanick is subordinate , and to the Metaphysicks , the better sort of Magick , in regard of its large ways and greater command in nature . Now that we have thus described our doctrine we must proceed to the precepts in a right and orderly manner ; therefore the discovery of the interpretation of Nature contains chiefly two parts . The first tends to the drawing out and raising Axioms from experience ; the second teacheth how to take and derive Experiments from new Axioms . The first part is divided in a threefold manner into three ministrations ; into that which relates to sense , into that which relates to the memory , and to that which relates to the mind or understanding . First we must have a Natural and Experimental History ; sufficient and good , which is the foundation of the thing : It must not be feigned or contrived onely , but we must find what Nature doth , or bears . But the Natural and Experimental History is so various and scattered that it confounds and disturbs the understanding ; unless it be limited and placed in a right order ; therefore we must form some tables and ranks of instances in such a manner and order , that the understanding may work upon them . Which , when it is done , the understanding left to it self , and moving of it self , is not sufficient , but unable , for the working of Axioms , unless it be ruled and assisted ; therefore in the third place a lawful and true induction is to be brought in , which is the Key of the Interpretation ; we must begin at the End and proceed back-wards to the rest . An inquisition of forms proceeds in this manner , first , upon nature given , we must bring to the understanding all the instances of notes , that agree in the same Nature , though by different matters ; Therefore such a collection is to be Historical , without any hasty contemplation or greater subtilty than ordinary , for example in the inquisition of the form of Hot. Convenient Instances in the Nature of Hot. 1. THe Sun beams chiefly in Summer ; and at Noon . 2. The Sun beams beaten back and pressed together ; specially between Mountains , Walls , and through Burning-glasses . 3. All fiery Meteors . 4. Fiery Thunderbolts . 5. The bursting forth of flames out of the Caves of Mountains , &c. 6. All Flame . 7. All solid bodies of fires 8. Hot and Natural Baths . 9. All liquids heated or boiling . 10. Vapors and hot smoak , and the air it self , which receives a strong and furious heat , when it is shut up , as in all places of reflection . 11. Some kind of storms , by the constitution of the air , when there is no respect to the time of the year . 12. The air shut up in subterraneous Caves , chiefly in winter . 13. All hair and shag , as wooll , the skins of beasts , feathers , have something of heat . 14. All bodies , as well solid as liquid , as well thick as thin , as the air , may be heated for a time . 15. Sparks of fire out of Iron or steel , when they are struck out . 16. All bodies rubb'd together as a stone , wood , cloth , &c. So that the axle-trees , and wheels of Carts sometimes are enflamed . And the custome amongst the Western Indians is to make fire by rubbing . 17. All green Herbs , and moist , shut up close together , as Roses , Pease in a basket , and Hay , if it he laid up wet will often take fire . 18. Lime watered . 19. Iron when it is first dissolved by strong waters , in glass without any assistance of fire , and likewise Pewter , &c. which is not so hot . 20. All animals chiefly in their inwards , though the heat in insects , because of the smalness of their bodies cannot be perceived by our feeling . 21. Horse-dung and the new excrements of such like creatures . 22. Strong oil of Sulphur and Vitriol performs the office of heat in burning linning . 23. The oyl of wilde Majoram , and the like , doth the office of heat in burning bones and teeth . 24. The strong spirit of wine well rectified performs the office of heat , so that if the white of an Egg be cast into it , it will thicken and whiten almost in the same manner , as when it is boiled , and cloth being cast into it will burn , and be brown as a toasted piece of bread . 25. All sweet sents , and hot herbs , as dragon wort , cresses , &c. Although the hand feels not their heat , neither when they are entire , nor when reduced to ashes , but when they are chewed a little , they heat the tongue , and the pallet , as if they did burn . 26. Strong vinegar , and all things acide or sharp , are hot in a member , where there is no * Epidermis , as in the eye and tongue , and in a wounded part , or where the skin is taken off , they cause pain like to that of heat . 27. Also extroardinary cold seems to be burning . 28. Garlick . This List we are want to name the Table Essence and Presence . Secondly , we must examine with our understanding the instances which are deprived of * nature given . The Instances at hand which have not the nature of heat . THe beams of the Moon , of the Stars , and of the Comets seem not to be hot to our feeling , for we may observe that the greatest frosts are in the full Moon , but the fixed and bigger Stars , when the Sun goes under them , or draws near them , they are thought to be heated by the heat of the Sun , as when the Sun is in Leo , or in the Dog Days . The Sun beams , in the middle region of the air , are not hot : The reason is , because that region is not near enough to the body of the Sun , from whence the beams burst forth , nor to the earth that reflects them back ; therefore this is plain , upon the tops of mountains , which are not the highest , snow abides upon them alwayes . But on the contrary , some have taken notice , that on the top of the Pick of Tenerif , and on the top of the Mountains of Peru , there is no snow to be seen , but upon the sides of these hills snow remains ; therefore the air on the top of those Mountains is not cold , but subtil and sharp , so that in the mountains of Peru it pricks and offends the eyes with its sharpness , and the stomack , so that it makes men inclinable to vomit . The Ancients have taken notice , that , on the top of mount Olympus , the air is so subtil , that such as climb up to the top , must carry with them spunges dipt in water and vinegar , and often put them to their mouths and noses , because the air is there so subtil , that it sufficeth not for respiration . They say also that there is there so great a calm , free from all rain , storms , snow and winds , that some who sacrificed there , upon Jupiters altar , having made with their fingers an impression in the Ashes upon the Altar , the next year the same Letters and impression were to be seen without the least alteration . And such as venture up to the top of the Pick of Tenerif go by night and not by day , they are called upon a little after the rising of the Sun by their guides to hasten down again , because of the danger , as it seems , caused by the subtilty of the air , for fear that it should stiffle the spirits . The reflection of the Sun beams near the northern pole are very weak and inefficacious in matter of heat . Let this Experiment be tried , take a Looking Gloss made contrary to the burning-glasses , and put it between your hand , and the Sun beams , and take notice whether it don't diminish the heat of the Sun , as the burning-glass increaseth it . Try this other Experiment , whether by the best and strongest burning-glasses it is not possible to gather together the beams of the Moon in one point , and cause thereby a small degree of warmth . Try also a burning-glass upon any thing that is hot , but not luminous or shining , as upon hot urine , or hot stone , which is not fiery or upon boiling water or the like , and see whether it increaseth not the heat , as at the rayes of the Sun. Try also a burning glass before the flame of the fire . The Comets have not always the same effects in encreasing the heat of the year , though some have observed that grievous droughts have succeeded them . Bright beams , and columns , and * Chasmata , and such like meteors appear more frequently in the winter than in the Summer , and especially in great frosts , when the air is very dry . Thunder and Lightnings seldom happen in Winter , but in the time of great heats . But falling Stars are thought to consist for the most part of a thin substance , bright and kindled , near a kin to the strongest fire . There are some Lightnings that yield light but don't burn , such happen alwayes without thunder . The breaking out , and eruptions of flames are to be seen in cold regions as well as in hot , as in Istandia , Greenland , as the trees which grow in cold Countreys are more combustible , more full of Pitch , and Rosom , than others that grow in hot Regions . All flame is hot , more or less : Nevertheless , they say , that Ignus fatuus , which lights sometimes against a wall , hath but little heat : it may be like the flame of the spirit of wine , which is mild and soft ; but that flame is yet milder , which some credible and discreet Historians affirm to have been seen about the hair and heads of Boys and Girls , which did not so much as singe the hair , but did softly wave above them . Every thing that is fiery , when it turns into a fiery red , when it should not yield any flame , it is always hot . Of hot Baths , which happen by the scituation and nature of the Sun , there hath not been sufficient inquiry . All boiling liquors in their own nature are cold , for there is no liquor to be toucht , which is so naturally , which remains always hot ; heat therefore is given to it for a time , as an acquired nature or quality ; so that the things themselves , which are in their operations most hot , as the spirit of Wine , some chymical Oiles , and the Oyl of Vitriol , and of Sulphur , and the ike , which at the first touching are cold , but soon after they burn . There is a doubt whether the warmth of wool , of skins , and of feathers , and the like , proceed not from some small inherent heat , as it riseth from animals , or whether it proceeds not from a fatness and Oyliness , which is agreeable to warmth , or whether it comes not from the inclusion and fraction of the Air. There is nothing Tangible , or yielding spirit , but is apt to take fire : yet many things differ in this , that some receive heat sooner , as Air , Oyl , and water ; ohers not so quickly , as Stone , and Metals . There can be no sparks struck out of Stone , or Steel , or out of any other hard substance , unless some minute parts of the substance of the Stone or Metal be also struck out . There is no Tangible Body to be found , but becomes warm by rubbing ; therefore the Ancients did fancy , that the heavenly Globes had no other warmth or vertue to cause heat , but that which was derived to them from the 〈◊〉 of the air , when they were rowled about in their swift and surious course . Some Herbs and Vegetables , when they are green and moist , seem to have in them some secret heat ; but that heat is so small , that it is not to be perceived by feeling when they are single , but when they are heaped together , and shut up , that their spirits cannot escape out into the air , but encourge one another , then the heat appears , and sometimes a flame in convenient matter . New lime becomes hot when it is sprinkled with water , either because of the union of heat , which before was dispersed . or by the irritation and exasperation of the spirits of water and of fire ; for there is a kind of conflict and antiperistasis . How the heat is caused will easily appear , if instead of Water , Oyl be cast into it , for Oyl , as well as Water , Unites the Spirits shut up , but it will not Irritate or anger them . All dung of Animals , when it is old , hath the power of heating , as we may see in the fatting of ground . Aromatick substances , and Herbs sharp at the taste , are much hotter when they are taken inwardly ; we may try upon what other substances they discover any hot vertue . The Seamen tell us , that when heaps and lumps of Spices or Aromatick substances , are long shut up closs , and then opened , there is some danger for such as stir them , or take them out first ; for the fumes that arise from them are apt to inflame the spirits , and to give feavers . Likewise an Experiment may be tried , whether their dust will not be able to dry Bacon , and other flesh hung over it , as over the smoak of a fire . There is an accrimony or penetration in cold things , as Vinegar , and Oyl , of 〈◊〉 , as well as in hot , as in the Oyl of wilde Marjoram , and the like ; therefore they cause a like pain in animals , and in inanimate substances they dissolve , and confirm the parts . In animals there is no pain but is accompanied with a certain sense of heat . Cold and hot have many effects common to them both , tho produced in a different manner ; for snow seems to burn the hands of children , and cold preserves flesh from putrefaction , as well as fire , and heat draws together some substances to a lesser bulk as well as cold . A Table of degrees , or of such things as are comparatively hot . WE must first speak of those things , which seem not to the feeling to be hot , and yet are so potentially afterwards : we shall descend to mention such things as are actually , or at the feeling hot ; and to examine their strength and degrees of heat . 1. Amongst the solid and Tangible bodies , there is none found , which is hot naturally or Originally , neither Stone , nor Metal , nor Sulphur , nor any Mineral , nor Wood , nor Water , nor the Carcase of any anima ; but in baths there is hot water by accident , either by subterraneous flames , as fire ; such as is in Etna , and many other mountains , or by the conflict of bodies , as heat is produced in the dissolution of Iron and Pewter . Therefore our feeling cannot be sensible of any degree of heat in inanimate substances , but they differ in their degrees of cold , for Wood is not so cold as Metals . 2. But touching things that have heat potentially in them , and that are ready to kindle , there are many inanimate substances of that nature , as Sulphure , Naptha , Salt-peter , &c. 3. Those things which before were inflamed , as the Horse dung , by an animal heat , or lime , ashes , and soot ; by the fire they yet retain certain relicks of their former heat . Therefore there are certain distillations , and separations of bodies , effected by the heat of Horse dung ; and the heat is raised in lime by Water , as we have already said . 4. Amongst the Vegetables there is no plant , nor part of a plant as the droppings , or sap , which seems to our feeling to be hot . 5. There is no part of dead animals nor any thing separated from them , which appears hot , nor the Horse dung it self , unless it be shut up , and buried close . But nevertheless all dung seems to have heat potentially in it , as may appear by the improvement of the ground . Likewise the Corpses of dead animals have the same secret heat potentially ; therefore in Church-yards , where they are daily buried , the ground hath by that means acquired a secret heat , which soon consumes a Carcase newly buried , and sooner than other earth . 6. Whatsoever fatness the ground , as all sorts of dung , Chalk , Sea-sand , Salt , and the like have a secret disposition and tendency to heat . 7. All Putrefaction hath some beginnings of a little heat , though not to that degree as to be perceived by feeling 8. The first degree of heat of those things , which are to be felt . To be hot by feeling is the heat of animals , that have a great Latitude of degrees ; for the lowest degree , as in insects , is not to be perceived by touching . The highest degree scarce attains to the degrèe of heat of the sun beams in the hottest Regions and Times : Nevertheless it is reported of Constantine and of several others , that they were naturally so hot , and their constitution so dry , that in several violent feavers their bodies did burn so much , that when any did but touch them with the hand it would seem to burn a while after . 9. All animals do encrease their heat by motions and exercise , by Wine , good Chear , and Venery , and in burning Feavers , and pain . 10. All animals in the intervals of Feavers are ceased with Cold and shivering at first , but a little after they burn the more . 11. We may further inquire and compare the heat of several animals , as of Fishes , four Footed Beasts , Serpents , Birds , and according to their several species , as in a Lyon , in a Kite , or a Man ; for , according to the common opinion , Fishes are inwardly less hot , Birds most , especially , Pigeons , Hawks , and Austriches . 12. Let us inquire further of the heat compared in the same animal with the several parts and members , for Milk , Blood , Seed , Eys , are of a moderate degree of warmth , and less hot then the exterior flesh of animals , when it moves and is stirred about , but what degree of heat is in the brain , stomack , heart , and other parts , was never yet found out . 13. All animals , during the Winter and in Cold storms , are outwardly cold , but inwardly they are thought to be hotter than in summer . 14. The Coelestial heat , in the hottest Regions , times of the Year , and Day , is not so hot as burning Wood , Straw , or Linnen , neither doth it burn but through a glass . 15. The Astrologers inform us , that some Stars are hotter th another , Amongst the Planets , next to Sol , Mars is the hotest , afterwards Jupiter , then Venus , but Luna is thought to be Cold , and Saturn colder : Amongst the fixed Stars Sirius is the hottest , then cor Leonis or Regulus , afterwards the Dog Star , &c. 16. The Sun warms most when he is nearest to our Zenith , over our Heads ; the same we may think of the other Planets , according to their degree of heat , for example , Jupiter is hotter when he is under Cancer or Leo , than when he is under Capricornius or Aquarius . 17. The Coelestial heat is increased three several ways , Namely , when the Globe is over our heads , when it draw near by proplnquity , and by a conjunction or association of several Stars . 18. There are several degrees of heat in flames , and fires in strength and weakness . 19. I Judge that the flame , that bursts forth and proceeds from certain imperfect metals , is very strong and fierce . 20. But the flame of thunder seems to be fiercer than all other flames , for sometimes it hath dissolved Iron it self into drops , which all other flames cannot do . 21. In things set a fire there is also a different degree of heat , we esteem the weakest to be burn'd Linnen , or Tinder , touch Wood or Match ; after them the weakest fire is that of a burnt coal , and laths set a fire : But the hottest we think to be Metal inflamed , as Iron and Copper , &c. 22. Motion increaseth heat , as we may perceive by blowing with bellows : for some of the harder sort of Metals are not to be dissolved , or liquefied by a dead fire , unless it be Stirred up by blowing . 23. We Judge that the great fires that happen , when the Wind blows hard , do struggle and strive more against the wind than they do yield to it , for the flame in such a case flies back with a greater fierceness when the Wind yeilds than when it drives it . By the common fire , especially by the subterraneous fires , which are the remotest and shut up clossest from the rayes of the Sun , you may expel the Caelestial Nature from the form of hot . By the heating of bodies of all sorts , I mean of Minerals , of Vegetables , and of the exterior parts of Animals , of Water , of Oile , &c. In drawing them nearer to the fire or any hot body you may expel all variety , and subtil texture of bodies . By Iron or other fiery Metals , which may heat other bodies without minishing ought of the weight or substance , expel the mixture of the substance of another hot thing . Here follows several other directions and precepts most useful , if well understood ; but because I am limited I proceed to the other helps of natures interpretation recommended by the worthy Author . First , He placeth prerogatives of instances . Secondly , Helps of induction . Thirdly , Arectification of induction , &c. Amongst the prerogatives of instances the solitary instances are first . They are such as discover the nature , which is inquired after in such subjects , which have nothing common with other subjects , except that Nature . And again , such as discover not the nature inquired for in such subjects , which are like in all things with other subjects , unless it be in the Nature it self , for example , if the Nature of Colour , is inquired into , the solitary instances are Gems of Christal , which yeild not not only a color in themselves , but cast it upon a Wall. They have nothing common with the fired colours in flowers , coloured Gems , Metals , Wood , &c. unless it be the Colour ; from whence it may easily appear , that colour is nothing else but a Modification of the Image of light cast into , and received in the first kind , by divers degrees of lightning upon the body ; in the Second , by the textures and various schesmatisms of the body . The Second are the instances called Migrantes , they are such in which the nature inquired for passeth to the generation , when before it was not , or contrariwise passeth to corruption , when it was before these instances are useful for a right understanding of the nature of things , and to direct us to practise ; for example , suppose the nature of whiteness be inquired into , the instance putting to generation is whole glass , and glass beaten to with powder , likewise simple water , and water stirred about into froth , for whole glass and water are transparent , not white , but glass beaten and water turned into froth , are not transparant , but white ; therefore we must inquire what happens from that change or passage to glass or water ; for it is evident that the form of whiteness is conveighed in by the contusion of the glass , and the stirring of the water , and there seems to be nothing added besides the communition of the parts of glass and water , and the mixture of the air . By these instances we may understand such as pass , not onely to generation and privation , but such as proceed to Majoration and Minoration ; for they tend also to discover to us the true forms of things . The Third assistances are named offensive , they are such as discover the nature inquired , for nakedly and in it self also , in its rise , and highest degree of power , free from all impediments ; for as every body receives the forms of many natures conjoyned , so as that in the concrete one weakness depresseth , breaks , and binds another , by that means every form is obscured : Now there are some subjects to be found in which the nature sought for is above the rest in its full vigor , either by the absence of the impediment , or by the predominancy of its vertue . These Instances do chiefly discover the nature of forms . For example , if you inquire for the nature of weight take quick-silver , which is the heaviest of all other things beside Gold , which is not much heavier : But the instance of quick-silver is more proper to discover the nature of weight , than Gold ; because Gold is solid and close , but quick-silver is liquid and full of spirits ; nevertheless it is heavier than Diamonds , and the most solid things , from whence we may understand the form of weight , which consists in the abundance of the matter , not in the compactness and closeness of the thing . The Fourth instances are named clandestine . They shew the nature inquired for in its lowest power , and as it were in the Cradle and beginning , rising and hid under a contrary nature that domineers over it . These instances are of great consequence to find out the forms of things , for example , if we inquire for the nature of solid ; the clandestine instances are such as discover a weak , and lowest degree of consistency , a solidity in a fluide substance , as in a buble of water , which is as a thin skin of solidity determined and made of a watery body . By this example , and by snow , froth , and melted Metals , we may understand that liquid and solid , are but ordinary notions , agreeable to the sense , for in truth there is in every body a liquidity which is weaker and more infirm in bodies homogeneous , as water , but stronger in heterogenious , therefore the conjunction to an heterogeneous body unites and joyns together , but the insinuation of the homogeneous dissolves and loosens . The fifth sort of Instances are named Constitutive . They are such as constitute a species of the nature inquired into , as a lesser form , for as the lawful forms which are convertible with the natures sought for , are hid in secret , & are not easily to be found , the thing it self and the weakness of our intellect requires that the particular forms be not neglected , but be diligently inquired into , for whatsoever unites nature , although in an imperfect manner , it shews a way to find out forms . For example , if any desires to understand nature of memory , or that which excites or helps memory , the constitutive instances are order and distribution , which evidently help our memory , also places in an artificial memory , &c. So that there are six lesser forms of those things which help memory ; namely ; limitation , a reducement of intellectual matters , to a sensibility an impression into a strong affection , an impression into a pure and disingaged mind , a multitude of helps and a former expectation . The Sixth are consormable instances or proportioned , for they shew similitudes , agreements , and conjugations of things , not in the lesser forms , as the constitutive instances do , but in a concrete body . They shew and discover a certain agreement between bodies , although they don't much 〈◊〉 to find out 〈◊〉 , nevertheless they are very beneficial to reveal the Fabrick of several parts of the universe , and in its members they make a kind of dissection , and therefore they lead us , as it were , by the hand to high and noble axioms . For example , these are conformable Instances , a looking glass and an eye , the make of the ear , and the places where the Eccho sounds , but of which conformity , besides the observation of resemblance , which is very useful for many things , it is easie to gather and form this Axiom , viz. that the organ for the senses , and the bodies , that send back the sounds to the sense , are much alike . Again , the understanding being from hence informed , may easily rise to another Axiom higher and more noble ; namely , that there is no 〈◊〉 between the Consents , or Sympathies , of Sensible Bodies , and such as are inanimate without sense , unless it be that in the former , there is an animal spirit in the body , fitted to receive and entertain it , but in the latter there is none . Therefore as many consents as there are in inanimate bodies , so many senses there might be in animals , if there were as many holes or perforations in the animate body , for the animal spirit to move and fly to the member rightly disposed , as a right organ , &c. Another conformable instance is the root of a plant , and the branches . Every vegetable swells and pushes out its parts round about as well downwards as upwards neither is there any Difference between the roots and branches , but only that the root is shut up in the Earth and the branches , spread in the air and the Sun , for if any one will but take a tender branch that grows , and turn the top towards the ground , though it toucheth not the earth , it will push forth a Root and not a Branch . And on the contrary , if the earth be put upon a plant , and be prest with a stone or other hard substance that might hinder the plant from spreading up , it will bring forth branches in the ground and underneath . Other conformable instances are the Gum of Trees , and the most part of the gems of Rocks , for either of them are but the exudations and sweatings , the first out of the sap of trees , the Second out of Rocks , from hence proceeds the clearness and splendor of both . Namely from the thin and subtil percolation from hence it is also that the hairs of animals are not so beautiful and of such a lively colour as the plumes of birds , for their sweat is not so fine when it issues out of their skin as when it comes out of a Feathers . Other conformable instances are the Fins of Fishes , and the Feet of four Footed Beasts , or the Feet and Wings of Birds unto which Aristotle adds four Circles in the motion of Serpents . Therefore in this great Fabrick of the World the motion of living creatures seems to be performed by four Arters or flexions . Also in terrestrial animals the teeth , and in birds , their bills are alike , from whence it is evident that in all perfect animals there is a certain hard substance that draws to the mouth . The Seventh are irregular instances , such as discover bodies in their whole , which are extravagant and broken off in Nature , and do not agree with other things of the same gender , but are only like to themselves , therefore stiled Monodicae . They are useful to raise and unite nature , to find out the genders and common natures , to limit them by their true differences . Neither are we to desist from an inquisition until the properties and qualities , which are found in such things as are thought to be miracles in nature , may be reduced , and comprehended under some form or certain Law , that all irregularity and singularity might be found to depend upon some common form . Such instances are the Sun and Moon amongst the Stars , the Loadstone among the Stones , quick-silver amongst metals , the Elephant , amongst the four Footed Beasts , &c. The eighth sort of instances are named Diviantes , because they are Natures errors , and Monsters , when Nature declines and goes aside from its ordinary course . The use of these is to rectifie the understanding , to reveal the common Forms ; neither in these ought we to desist from the inquisition until we have found out the cause of the deviation . But this cause doth not rise properly to any Form , but onely to the hidden proceeding to a Form , for he that knows the ways of Nature , he shall with more ease observe its deviations . And again , he that understands its Deviations can better discover its ordinary ways and methods . The Ninth sort of instances are Named Limitanea , such as discover the species of bodies , which seem to be composed of two species , or the Rudiments between one species and another : such are Flies between rottenness and a plant , certain Comets between stars and fiery meteors , Flying , Fishes , between Birds , and Fishes , &c. The Tenth are instances of Power , which are the noblest , and the most perfect , as the most excellent in every art ; for as this is our business chiefly , that Nature should be obedient and yield to the benefits of men ; it is fitting , that the works , which are in the power of men , as so many provinces , be overcome and subdued , should be taken notice of , and reckoned specially such as are most plain and perfect , because from them there is an easier and a nearer way to new inventions , never found out before . The Eleventh instance are stiled Comitatus and Hostiles . They are such as discover a concrete body such in which the nature inquired after , doth always follow it as an individual companion , and on the contrary , in which the Nature required doth always fly from it , & is excluded out of its company as an enemy : for out of such instances propositions may be formed , which may be certain , universal , affirmative , and negative , in which the subject shall be such a body in concrete , & the predicate the nature it self that is sought , for example if you seek for hot the Iustantia comitatus is the flame , &c. The Twelth are subjunctive , &c. The Thirteenth are instances of Union which confound and joyn together Natures , which are esteemed to be heterogeneous , and for such are noted and confirmed by the received divisions . For example , if the nature required is hot . That division seems to be good and authentick , that there are three kinds of heat ; the Coelestial , the animal , and that of the fire . These heats especially one of them being compared with the other two , are , in essence and species , or by a specifick nature , differing and altogether heterogeneous ; for the heat of the Coelestial Globes , and the animate heat , encourage and help generation ; but the heat of the fire corrupts and destroyes . It is therefore an instance of Union . This experiment , is common enough when the branch of a vine is brought into the house , where there is a continual fire , by which the Grapes will ripen a month sooner than those that are in the air : so that fruits may be brought to Maturity when they hang upon the tree by the fire , whereas , this seems to be a work proper only to the Sun. Therefore the understanding is perswaded from hence to inquire , what are the differences which are really between the heat of the Sun and that of the fire ; from whence it happens that their operations are so unlike , and they nevertheless partake of the same common nature . The differences are found to be four . First , that the heat of the Sun in respect of the heat of the fire is a degree much milder and more favourable . Secondly , That it is conveyed , to us through the air , which of it self is humide . Thirdly , and chiefly that it is very unequal , sometimes drawing near and increasing in strength , anon departing and diminishing , which very much contributes to the generation of bodies . Fourthly , that the Sun works upon a body in a long space of time ; but the working of the fire , through mens impatiency , performs the business in a shorter time . If any will be careful to attemper and reduce the heat of the fire to a more moderate and milder degree ; which may be done several ways , if he will besprinkle it , and cause it to send forth something of humidity ; cheifly if he imitates the Suns inequality . Lastly , if he stayes a little , by this means , he shall imitate or equal , or in some things cause the fires heat to be better than the Suns . The Fourteenth sort of instances are the Judicial , which is when an inquisition is made , and the understanding is placed in an Equilibrium , in an uncertainty where to assign the cause of the Nature inquired for . For example , suppose any man seeks the cause of the flux and reflux of the sea twice a 〈◊〉 . This motion must needs proceeds from the progress and regress of the waters , in the manner of water troubled up and down in a bason , which when it toucheth the one side of the bason , it leaves the other . Or it must proceed from the rising and falling of the waters in the bottom , as boiling water : now there is a doubt unto which of these causes the ebbing and flowing , or flux and reflux of the sea is to be assigned ; which if the first of these be asserted , then it will follow , that when the flux is on this side , the 〈◊〉 will be at the sametime on the other . But Acosco with some others have found after a diligent inquiry , that upon the Coast of Florida , and upon the Coast of Spain , and Africa , the ebbing and flowing of the Sea happens at the same moment of time . This question is further examined in the Original . The Fifteenth sort of instances are of divorce , because they discover the separations of those 〈◊〉 which often meet . The Sixteenth are the Instances of the lamp , or of the first information , which assist the sense , for as all interpretation of nature begins by the sense , and from the perception of the sense leads by a right and straight-way to inform the understanding , which are the true notions and axioms ; it must needs be , that the more copious and exact the representations of the senses are , so much the better and the happier all things must succeed . The Seventeenth sort of Instances are stiled of the Gate , because they help the immediate actions of the senses . Amongst the senses , it is certain that the sight is the chief , in regard of information ; therefore we must seek assistances to this sight . The eighteenth are Instances called Citantes , which deduce that which is not sensible to be sensible . The Nineteenth are Named Instances of supplement , because they supply the understanding with a right information when the senses fail , therefore we must Fly to them , when we have no proper instances . This is done in a two fold manner , either by Gradation , or by Analogy . For example , the Medium is not to be found which stop the Load-stone in moving the Iron , neither gold , if we put it between , nor silver , nor stone , nor glass , nor wood , &c. Nevertheless after an exact tryal , there may be a certain medium sound , which might dull its vertue more than any thing else comparatively , and in some degree , as that the loadstone should not be able to drawIron to it self through gold of such a thickness , &c. The Twentieth sort are stiled Instances persecantes , because they cut nature asunder , &c. The One and Twenty sort are instances of the Rod , or of non ultra . The Two and Twentieth are called Instances Curriculi . They measure nature by the moments of time , as the instances of the Rod measure it by the degrees of space . For all motion and natural action is performed in a time , some quicker , some softer , &c : The Three and Twentieth sort are instances Quanti , &c. The Four and Twentieth sort are instances of Predominancy , The 25. sort are called Innuentes , because they discover and design the benefits of men . The Six and Twentieth sort are named Instantiae Polychrestas . The Seven and Twentieth are the Magick instances . They are such in which the matter or the officient is but little and slender , if compared with the greatness of the work , or of the effect that follows , in somuch that though they are common , they are looked upon as miracles , &c. I am forced to out short , and abbreviate many excellent directions , and to pass over several weighty observations , because I am limited . However this abbreviation may give the Reader 〈◊〉 of the whole . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28309-e2080 * Or skin to cover such as covers the body . * Natura data . * Gaping of the firmament . 
A35745	----	A discourse of a method for the well guiding of reason, and the discovery of truth in the sciences Discours de la méthode. English Descartes, René, 1596-1650. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A35745 of text R22748 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing D1129). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 123 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 69 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A35745 Wing D1129 ESTC R22748 12125249 ocm 12125249 54569 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35745) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54569) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 92:1) A discourse of a method for the well guiding of reason, and the discovery of truth in the sciences Discours de la méthode. English Descartes, René, 1596-1650. [10], 127 p. Printed by Thomas Newcombe, London : 1649. Translation of: Discours de la méthode. Written by René Descartes. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Cushing Collection, Yale University Medical School Library. eng Science -- Methodology -- Early works to 1800. A35745 R22748 (Wing D1129). civilwar no A discourse of a method for the well-guiding of reason, and the discovery of truth in the sciences. Descartes, René 1649 24615 6 0 0 0 0 0 2 B The rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Discourse OF A METHOD For the well guiding of REASON , And the Discovery of Truth In the SCIENCES . LONDON , Printed by Thomas Newcombe . MDCXLIX . To the Vnderstanding READER . THe Great Des Cartes ( who may justly challenge the first place amongst the Philosophers of this Age ) is the Author of this Discourse ; which in the Originall was so well known , That it could be no mans but his own , that his Name was not affix'd to it : I need say no more either of Him or It ; He is best made known by Himself , and his Writings want nothing but thy reading to commend them . But as those who cannot compasse the Originals of Titian and Van-Dyke , are glad to adorne their Cabinets with the Copies of them ; So be pleased favourably to receive his Picture from my hand , copied after his own Designe : You may therein observe the lines of a well form'd Minde , The hightnings of Truth , The sweetnings and shadowings of Probabilities , The falls and depths of Falshood ; all which serve to perfect this Master-piece . Now although my after-draught be rude and unpolished , and that perhaps I have touch'd it too boldly , The thoughts of so clear a Minde , being so extremely fine , That as the choisest words are too grosse , and fall short fully to expresse such sublime Notions ; So it cannot be , but being transvested , it must necessarily lose very much of its native Lustre : Nay , although I am conscious ( notwithstanding the care I have taken neither to wrong the Authours Sense , nor offend the Readers Ear ) of many escapes which I have made ; yet I so little doubt of being excused , That I am confident , my endeavour cannot but be gratefull to all Lovers of Learning ; for whose benefit I have Englished , and to whom I addresse this Essay , which contains a Method , by the Rules whereof we may Shape our better part , Rectifie or Reason , Form our Manners and Square our Actions , Adorn our Mindes , and making a diligent Enquiry into Nature , wee may attain to the Knowledge of the Truth , which is the most desirable union in the World . Our Authour also invites all letterd men to his assistance in the prosecution of this Search ; That for the good of Mankinde , They would practise and communicate Experiments , for the use of all those who labour for the perfection of Arts and Sciences : Every man now being obliged to the furtherance of so beneficiall an Undertaking , I could not but lend my hand to open the Curtain , and discover this New Model of Philosophy ; which I now publish , neither to humour the present , nor disgust former times ; but rather that it may serve for an innocent Divertisement to those , who would rather Reform themselves , then the rest of the world ; and who , having the same seeds and grounds , and knowing That there is nothing New under the Sun ; That Novelty is but Oblivion , and that Knowledge is but Remembrance , will study to finde out in themselves , and restore to Posterity those lost Arts , which render Antiquity so venerable ; and strive ( if it be possible ) to go beyond them in other things , as well as Time : Who minde not those things which are above , beyond , or without them ; but would rather limit their desires by their power , then change the Course of Nature ; Who seek the knowledge , and labour for the Conquest of themselves ; Who have Vertue enough to make their own Fortune ; And who prefer the Culture of the Minde before the Adorning of the Body ; To such as these I present this Discourse ( whose pardon I beg , for having so long detain'd them from so desirable a Conversation ; ) and conclude with this Advice of the Divine Plato : Cogita in te , praeter Animum , nihil esse mirabile . A DISCOURSE OF A METHOD , For the wel-guiding of REASON ; AND The discovery of TRUTH in the SCIENCES . IF this Discourse seem too long to be read at once , it may be divided into six parts . In the first , are divers Considerations touching the Sciences . In the second , the principall Rules of that Method which the Author hath studyed . In the third , some of those in morality , which he hath drawn from this Method . In the fourth , the reasons whereby the existence of God and of the humane Soul is proved ; which are the grounds of his Metaphysicks . In the fift , the order of these Physicall questions , which he hath examined , and particularly the explication of the hearts motion ; with some other difficulties relating to Physick ; as also the difference between our Souls and those of beasts . In the last , what he conceives requisit to make a further inquiry into Nature , then hath hitherto been made . And what reasons induc'd him to write . PART . I. RIght understanding is the most equally divided thing in the World ; for every one beleevs himself so well stor'd with it , that even those who in all other things are the hardest to be pleas'd , seldom desire more of it then they have ; wherein it is not likely that all Men are deceived : But it rather witnesseth , That the faculty of right-judging and distinguishing truth from falshood ( which is properly call'd , Understanding or Reason ) is naturally equal in all Men . And as the diversity of our Opinions , is not , because some are more reasonable then others ; but only that we direct our thoughts several ways , neither do we consider the same things . For 't is not enough to have good faculties , but the principal is , to apply them well . The greatest Souls are as capable of the greatest Vices , as of the most eminent Vertues : And those who move but very slowly , may advance much farther , if they always follow the right way ; then those who run and straggle from it . For my part , I never presum'd that my Minde was more perfect in any thing then an ordinary Mans ; nay , I have often wish'd to have had my thoughts as quick , my imagination as clear and distinct , and my memory as large and as ready as some other Men have had . And I know no Qualities which serve more then those to the perfection of the Minde ; for as for Reason or Understanding , forasmuch as it is the only thing which makes us Men , and distinguisheth us from beasts , I will beleeve it to be entire in every One , and follow herein the common opinion of the Philosophers , who say , That there is only more or less among the Accidents , and not amongst the Forms or nature of the Individuals of one species . But I shall not stick to say , That I beleeve my self very happy , in having encountred from my youth with certain ways which have led me to considerations and Maximes , from which I have found a Method ; whereby methinks , I have the means by degrees to augment my knowledg , and by little and little to raise it up to the highest pitch , whereto the meaness of my capacity , & the short course of my life can permit it to attain . For I have already reaped such fruits from it , that although in the judgment I make of my self , I endevour always rather to incline to mistrust , then to presumption . And looking on the divers actions and undertakings of all Men , with the eye of a Philosopher , there is almost none which to me seems not vain and useless . Yet I am extremely satisfied with the Progress , which ( as it seems to me ) I have already made in the search of Truth , and do conceive such hopes for the future , That if among the employments of Men , purely Men , there is any solidly good , and of importance , I dare beleeve it is that which I have chosen : Yet it may be that I deceive my self , and perhaps it is but a little Copper and Glass which I take for Gold and Diamonds . I know how subject we are to mistake in those things which concern us , and how jealous we ought to be of the judgment of our friends , when it is in our favor . But I should willingly in this Discourse , trace out unto you the ways which I have followed , and represent therein my life , as in a Picture , to the end , that every one may judge thereof ; and that learning from common Fame , what mens opinions are of it , I may finde a new means of instructing my self ; which I shall add to those which I customarily make use of . Neither is it my design to teach a Method which every Man ought to follow , for the good conduct of his reason ; but only to shew after what manner I have endevoured to order mine own . Those who undertake to give precepts , ought to esteem themselves more able , then those to whom they give them , and are blame-worthy , if they fail in the least . But proposing this but as a History , or if you will have it so , but as a Fable ; wherein amongst other examples , which may be imitated , we may perhaps find divers others which we may have reason to decline : I hope it will be profitable to some , without being hurtfull to any ; and that the liberty I take will be gratefull to all . I have been bred up to Letters from mine infancy ; & because I was perswaded , that by their means a man might acquire a clear and certain knowledg of all that 's usefull for this life , I was extremely desirous to learn them : But as soon as I had finish'd all the course of my Studies , at the end whereof Men are usually receiv'd amongst the rank of the learned . I wholly changed my opinion , for I found my self intangled in so many doubts and errors , that me thought I had made no other profit in seeking to instruct my self , but that I had the more discovered mine own ignorance . Yet I was in one of the most famous Schools in Europe ; where I thought , if there were any on earth , there ought to have been learned Men . I had learnt all what others had learnt ; even unsatisfied with the Sciences which were taught us , I had read over all Books ( which I could possibly procure ) treating of such as are held to be the rarest and the most curious . Withall , I knew the judgment others made of me ; and I perceiv'd that I was no less esteem'd then my fellow Students , although there were some amongst them that were destin'd to fill our Masters rooms . And in fine , our age seem'd to me as flourishing and as fertile of good Wits , as any of the preceding , which made me take the liberty to judg of all other men by my self , and to think , That there was no such learning in the world , as formerly I had been made beleeve . Yet did I continue the esteem I had of those exercises which are the employments of the Schools : I knew that Languages which are there learnt , are necessary for the understanding of ancient Writers , That the quaintness of Fables awakens the Minde ; That the memorable actions in History raise it up , and that being read with discretion , they help to form the judgment . That the reading of good books , is like the conversation with the honestest persons of the past age , who were the Authors of them , and even a studyed conversation , wherein they discover to us the best only of their thoughts . That eloquence hath forces & beauties which are incomparable . That Poetry hath delicacies and sweets extremly ravishing ; That the Mathematicks hath most subtile inventions , which very much conduce aswel to content the curious , as to facilitate all arts , and to lessen the labour of Men : That those writings which treat of manners contain divers instructions , and exhortations to vertue , which are very usefull . That Theology teacheth the way to heaven ; That Philosophy affords us the means to speake of all things with probability , and makes her self admir'd , by the least knowing Men . That Law , Phpsick and other sciences bring honor and riches to those who practice them ; Finally that its good to have examin'd them all even the falsest and the most superstitious , that we may discover their just value , and preserve our selves from their cheats . But I thought I had spent time enough in the languages , and even also in the lecture of ancient books , their histories and their fables . For 't is even the same thing to converse with those of former ages , as to travel . It s good to know something of the manners of severall Nations , that we may not think that all things against our Mode are ridiculous or unreasonable , as those are wont to do , who have seen Nothing . But when we employ too long time in travell , we at last become strangers to our own Country , and when we are too curious of those things , which we practised in former times , we commonly remain ignorant of those which are now in use . Besides , Fables make us imagine divers events possible , which are not so : And that even the most faithfull Histories , if they neither change or augment the value of things , to render them the more worthy to be read , at least , they always omit the basest and less remarkable circumstances ; whence it is , that the rest seems not as it is ; and that those who form their Manners by the examples they thence derive , are subject to fall into the extravagancies of the Paladins of our Romances , and to conceive designes beyond their abilities . I highly priz'd Eloquence , and was in love with Poetry ; but I esteem'd both the one and the other , rather gifts of the Minde , then the fruits of study . Those who have the strongest reasoning faculties , and who best digest their thoughts , to render them the more clear and intelligible , may always the better perswade what they propose , although they should speak but a corrupt dialect , and had never learnt Rhetorick : And those whose inventions are most pleasing , and can express them with most ornament and sweetness , will still be the best Poets , although ignorant of the Art of Poetry . Beyond all , I was most pleas'd with the Mathematicks , for the certainty and evidence of the reasons thereof ; but I did not yet observe their true use , and thinking that it served only for Mechanick Arts ; I wondred , that since the grounds thereof were so firm and solid , that nothing more sublime had been built thereon . As on the contrary , I compar'd the writings of the Ancient heathen which treated of Manners , to most proud and stately Palaces which were built only on sand and mire , they raise the vertues very high , and make them appear estimable above all the things in the world ; but they doe not sufficiently instruct us in the knowledg of them , and often what they call by that fair Name , is but a stupidness , or an act of pride , or of despair , or a paricide . I reverenc'd our Theology , and pretended to heaven as much as any ; But having learnt as a most certain Truth , that the way to it , is no less open to the most ignorant , then to the most learned ; and that those revealed truths which led thither , were beyond our understanding , I durst not submit to the weakness of my ratiocination . And I thought , that to undertake to examine them , and to succeed in it , requir'd some extraordinary assistance from heaven , and somewhat more then Man . I shall say nothing of Philosophy , but that seeing it hath been cultivated by the most excellent wits , which have liv'd these many ages , and that yet there is nothing which is undisputed , and by consequence , which is not doubtfull . I could not presume so far , as to hope to succeed better then others . And considering how many different opinions there may be on the same thing , maintain'd by learned Men , and yet that there never can be but one only Truth , I reputed almost all false , which had no more then probability in it . As for other Sciences , since they borrow their Principles from Philosophy , I judg'd that nothing which was solid could be built upon such unsound foundations ; and neither honour nor wealth were sufficient to invite me to the study of them . For ( I thank God ) I found not my self in a condition which obliged me to make a Trade of Letters for the relief of my fortune . And although I made it not my profession to despise glory with the Cynick ; yet did I little value that which I could not acquire but by false pretences . And lastly , for unwarrantable Studies , I thought I already too well understood what they were , to be any more subject to be deceived , either by the promises of an Alchymist , or by the predictions of an Astrologer , or by the impostures of a Magician , or by the artifice or brags of those who profess to know more then they do . By reason whereof , as soon as my years freed me from the subjection of my Tutors , I wholly gave over the study of Letters , and resolving to seek no other knowledge but what I could finde in my self , or in the great book of the World , I imployed the rest of my youth in Travell , to see Courts and Armies , to frequent people of severall humors and conditions , to gain experience , to hazard my self in those encounters of fortune which should occurr ; and every-where to make such a reflection on those things which presented themselves to me , that I might draw profit from them . For ( me thought ) I could meet with far more truth in the discourses which every man makes touching those affairs which concern him , whose event would quickly condemn him , if he had judg'd amisse ; then amongst those which letter'd Men make in their closets touching speculations , which produce no effect , and are of no consequence to them , but that perhaps they may gain so much the more vanity , as they are farther different from the common understanding : Forasmuch as he must have imployed the more wit and subtilty in endeavouring to render them probable . And I had always an extreme desire to learn to distinguish Truth from Falshood , that I might see cleerly into my actions , and passe this life with assurance . It s true , that whiles I did but consider the Manners of other men , I found little or nothing wherein I might confirm my self : And I observ'd in them even as much diversity as I had found before in the opinions of the Philosophers : So that the greatest profit I could reap from them was , that seeing divers things , which although they seem to us very extravagant and ridiculous , are neverthelesse commonly received and approved by other great Nations , I learn'd to beleeve nothing too firmly , of what had been onely perswaded me by example or by custom , and so by little and little I freed my self from many errors , which might eclipse our naturall light , and render us lesse able to comprehend reason . But after I had imployed some years in thus studying the Book of the World , and endeavouring to get experience , I took one day a resolution to study also within my self , and to employ all the forces of my minde in the choice of the way I was to follow : which ( me thought ) succeeded much better , then if I had never estranged my self from my Country , or from my Books . PART . II. I Was then in Germany , whither the occasion of the Wars ( which are not yet finished ) call'd me ; and as I return'd from the Emperors Coronation towards the Army , the beginning of Winter stopt me in a place , where finding no conversation to divert me and on the other sides having by good fortune no cares nor passions which troubled me , I stayd alone the whole day , shut up in my Stove , where I had leasure enough to entertain my self with my thoughts . Among which one of the first was that I betook my self to consider , That oft times there is not so much perfection in works compos'd of divers peeces , and made by the hands of severall masters , as in those that were wrought by one only : So we may observe that those buildings which were undertaken and finished by one onely , are commonly fairer and better ordered then those which divers have laboured to patch up , making use of old wals , which were built for other purposes ; So those ancient Cities which of borough● , became in a succession of time great Towns , are commonly so ill girt in comparison of other regular Places , which were design'd on a flatt according to the fancy of an Engeneer ; and although considering their buildings severally , we often find as much or more art , then in those of other places ; Yet to see how they are rank'd here a great one , there a little one , and how they make the streets crooked and uneven , One would say , That it was rather Fortune , then the will of Men indued with reason , that had so disposed them . And if we consider , that there hath always been certain Officers , whose charge it was , to take care of private buildings , to make them serve for the publique ornament ; We may well perceive , that it 's very difficult , working on the works of others , to make things compleat . So also did I imagine , that those people who formerly had been half wilde , and civiliz'd but by degrees , made their laws but according to the incommodities which their crimes and their quarrels constrain'd them to , could not be so wel pollic'd , as those who from the beginning of their association , observ'd the constitutions of some prudent Legislator . As it is very certain , that the state of the true Religion , whose Ordinances God alone hath made , must be incomparably better regulated then all others . And to speak of humane things , I beleeve that if Sparta hath formerly been most flourishing , it was not by reason of the goodness of every of their laws in particular , many of them being very strange , and even contrary to good manners , but because they were invented by one only , They all tended to One End . And so I thought the sciences in Books , at least those whose reasons are but probable , and which have no demonstrations , having been compos'd of , and by little and little enlarg'd with , the opinions of divers persons , come not so near the Truth , as those simple reasonings which an understanding Man can naturally make , touching those things which occurr . And I thought besides also , That since we have all been children , before we were Men ; and that we must have been a long time govern'd by our appetites , and by our Tutors , who were often contrary to one another , and neither of which alwayes counsel'd us for the best ; It 's almost impossible that our judgment could be so clear or so solid , as it might have been , had we had the intire use of our reason from the time of our birth , and been always guided by it alone . It s true , we doe not see the houses of a whole Town pull'd down purposely to rebuild them of another fashion ; and to make the streets the fairer ; But we often see , that divers pull their own down to set them up again , and that even sometimes they are forc'd thereunto , when they are in danger to fall of themselves , and that their foundations are not sure . By which example I perswaded my self , that there was no sense for a particular person , to design the Reformation of a State , changing all from the very foundations , and subverting all to redress it again : Nor even also to reform the bodies of Sciences , or the Orders already established in the Schools for teaching them . But as for all the Opinions which I had till then receiv'd into my beleef , I could not doe better then to undertake to expunge them once for all , that afterwards I might place in their stead , either others which were better , or the same again , as soon as I should have adjusted them to the rule of reason . And I did confidently beleeve , that by that means I should succeed much better in the conduct of my life , then if I built but on old foundations , and only relyed on those principles , which I suffer'd my self to be perswaded to in my youth , without ever examining the Truth of them . For although I observ'd herein divers difficulties , yet were they not without cure , nor comparable to those which occurr in the reformation of the least things belonging to the publick : these great bodies are too unweldy to be rais'd , being cast down , or to be held up when they are shaken , neither can their falls be but the heavyest . As for their imperfections , if they have any , as the only diversity which is amongst them , is sufficient to assure us that many have . Custome hath ( without doubt ) much sweetned them , and even it hath made others wave , or insensibly correct a many , whereto we could not so well by prudence have given a remedy . And in fine , They are alwayes more supportable , then their change can be , Even , as the great Roads , which winding by little and little betwixt mountains , become so plain and commodious , with being often frequented , that it 's much better to follow them , then to undertake to goe in a strait line by climbing over the rocks , and descending to the bottom of precipices . Wherefore I can by no means approve of those turbulent and unquiet humors , who being neither call'd by birth or fortune to the managing of publique affairs , yet are alwayes forming in Idea , some new Reformation . And did I think there were the least thing in this Discourse , which might render me suspected of that folly , I should be extremely sorry to suffer it to be published ; I never had any designe which intended farther then to reform my own thoughts and to build on a foundation which was wholly mine . But though I present you here with a Modell of my work , because it hath sufficiently pleased me ; I would not therefore counsell any one to imitate it . Those whom God hath better endued with his graces , may perhaps have more elevated designes ; but I fear me , lest already this be too bold for some . The resolution only of quitting all those opinions which we have formerly receiv'd into our belief , is not an example to be followed by every One ; and the world is almost compos'd but of two sorts of Men , to whom it 's no wayes convenient , to wit , of those , who beleeving themselves more able then they are , cannot with-hold themselves from precipitating their judgments , nor have patience enough to steer all their thoughts in an orderly course . Whence it happens , that if they should once take the liberty to doubt of those principles which they have already received , and to stray from the common road , they could never keep the path which leads strait forwards , and so , would straggle all their lives . And of such who having reason and modesty enough to judg that they are less able to distinguish truth from falshood then others , from whom they may receive instruction , ought much rather to be content to follow other Mens opinions , rather then to seek after better themselves . And for my part , I had undoubtedly been of the number of those latter , had I never had but one Master , or had I not known the disputes which have alwayes hapned amongst the most learned . For having learnt from the very School , That one can imagin nothing so strange or incredible , which had not been said by some one of the Philosophers ; And having since observ'd in my travails , That all those whose opinions are contrary to ours , are not therefore barbarous or savage , but that many use as much or more reason then we ; and having consider'd how much one Man with his own understanding , bred up from his childhood among the French or the Dutch , becomes different from what he would be , had he alwayes liv'd amongst the Chineses , or the Cannibals : And how even in the fashion of our Clothes , the same thing which pleas'd ten years since , and which perhaps wil please ten years hence , seems now to us ridiculous and extravagant . So that it 's much more Custome and Example which perswades us , then any assured knowledg ; and notwithstanding that plurality of voices is a proof of no validity , in those truths which are hard to be discovered ; for that it 's much more likely for one man alone to have met with them , then a whole Nation ; I could choose no Man whose opinion was to be preferr'd before anothers : And I found my self even constrain'd to undertake the conduct of my self . But as a man that walks alone , and in the dark , I resolv'd to goe so softly , and use so much circumspection in all things , that though I advanc'd little , I would yet save my self from falling . Neither would I begin quite to reject , some opinions , which formerly had crept into my belief , without the consent of my reason , before I had employed time enough to form the project of the work I undertook , and to seek the true Method to bring me to the knowledg of all those things , of which my understanding was capable . I had a little studyed , being young , of the parts of Philosophy , Logick , and of the Mathematicks , the Analysis of the Geometricians , and Algebra : Three arts or sciences which seem'd to contribute somewhat conducing to my designe : But examining them , I observ'd , That as for Logick , its Sylogisms , and the greatest part of its other Rules , serve rather to expound to another the things they know , or even as Lullies art , to speak with judgment of the things we are ignorant of , then to learn them . And although in effect it contain divers most true and good precepts , yet there are so many others mixed amongst them , either hurtfull or superfluous , That it 's even as difficult to extract them , as 't is to draw a Diana or a Mercury out of a lump of Marble , which is not yet rough-hewn ; as for the Analysis of the Ancients , and the Algebra of the Moderns ; besides that , they extend only to matters very abstract , and which seem to be of no use ; The first being alwayes so tyed to the consideration of figures , That it cannot exercise the understanding , without very much tiring the imagination . And in the latter they have so subjected themselves to certain Rules and cyphers , that they have made a confus'd and obscure art which perplexeth the minde , in stead of a Science to instruct it . For this reason , I thought I ought to seek some other Method , which comprehending the advantages of these , they might be exempt from their defects . And as the multitude of Laws often furnisheth excuses for vice ; so a State is fair better polic'd , when having but a few , they are very strictly observ'd therein : So , instead of the great many precepts whereof Logick is compos'd , I thought these four following would be sufficient for me , if I took but a firm and constant resolution not once to fail in the observation of them . The first was , never to receive any thing for true , but what I evidently knew to be so ; that 's to say , Carefully to avoid Precipitation and Prevention , and to admit nothing more into my judgment , but what should so clearly and distinctly present it self to my minde , that I could have no reason to doubt of it . The second , to divide every One of these difficulties , which I was to examine into as many parcels as could be , and , as was requisite the better to resolve them . The third , to lead my thoughts in order , beginning by the most simple objects , and the easiest to be known ; to rise by little and little , as by steps , even to the knowledg of the most ●●xt ; and even supposing an Order among those which naturally doe not precede one the other . And the last , to make every where such exact calculations , and such generall reviews , That I might be confident to have omitted Nothing . Those long chains of reasons , ( though simple and easie ) which the Geometricians commonly use to lead us to their most difficult demonstrations , gave me occasion to imagine , That all things which may fall under the knowledg of Men , follow one the other in the same manner , and so we doe only abstain from receiving any one for true , which is not so , and observe alwayes the right order of deducing them one from the other , there can be none so remote , to which at last we shall not attain ; nor so hid , which we shall not discover . Neither was I much troubled to seek by which it behooved me to begin , for I already knew , that it was by the most simple , and the easiest to be discern'd . But considering , that amongst all those who formerly have sought the Truth in Learning , none but the Mathematicians only could finde any demonstrations , that 's to say , any certain and evident reasons . I doubted not , but that it was by the same that they have examin'd ; although I did hope for no other profit , but only that they would accustome my Minde to nourish it self with Truths , and not content it self with false Reasons . But for all this , I never intended to endevour to learn all those particular Sciences which we commonly call'd Mathematicall ▪ And perceiving , that although their objects were different , yet did they nevertheless agree altogether , in that they consider no other thing , but the divers relations or proportions which are found therein ; I thought it therefore better to examine those proportions in generall , and without supposing them but in those subjects , which might the more easily serve to bring me to the knowledg of them . But withall , without any wayes limiting them , That I might afterwards the better fit them to all others whereto they might be applyed . Having also observ'd , That to know them , it would be sometimes needfull for me to consider every one in particular , or sometimes only to restrain them , or comprehend many together ; I thought , that to consider them the better in particular I ought to suppose them in lines , for as much as I find nothing more simple , nor which I could more distinctly represent to my imagination , and to my sences ; But to hold or comprehend many in one , I was oblig'd to explain them by certain Cyphers the shortest I possibly could , and that I should thereby borrow the best of the Geometricall Analysis , and of Algebra , & so correct all the defects of the one by the other . As in effect I dare say , That the exact observation of those few precepts I had chosen , gave me such a facility to resolve all the questions whereto these two sciences extend ; That in two or three months space which I employed in the examinanation of them , having begun by the most simple and most generall , and every Truth which I found being a rule which afterwards served me to discover others ; I did not only compasse divers truths which I had formerly judged most difficult , But me thought also that towards the end I could determin even in those which I was ignorant of , by what means and how farr it was possible to resolve them . Wherein perhaps I shall not appear to be very vain if you consider , That there being but one truth of every thing , who ever finds it , knows as much of it as one can know ; And that for example a child instructed in Arithmatick having made an addition according to his rules , may be sure to have found , touching the sum he examined , all what the wit of man could finde out . In a word the method which teacheth to folow a right order , and exactly to enumerate all the circumstances of what we seek , contains , whatsoever ascertains the rules of Arithmatick . But that which pleas'd me most in this Method was the assurance I had , wholly to use my reason , if not perfectly , at least as much as it was in my power ; Besides this , I perceived in the practice of it , my minde by little and little accustom'd it self to conceive its objects more clearly and distinctly ; and having not subjected it to any particular matter , I promised my self to apply it also as profitable to the difficulties , of other sciences as I had to Algebra : Not that I therefore durst at first undertake to examine all which might present themselves , for that were contrary to the order it prescribes . But having observ'd that all their principles were to be borrowed from Philosophy , in which I had yet found none that were certain , I thought it were needfull for me in the first place to endevor to establish some , and that this being the most important thing in the world , wherein precipitation and prevention were the most to be feared , I should not undertake to performe it , till I had attain'd to a riper Age then XXIII . which was then mine . Before I had formerly employed a long time in preparing my self thereunto , aswel in rooting out of my minde all the ill opinions I had before that time received , as in getting a stock of experience to serve afterwards for the subject of my reasonings , and in exercising my self always in the Method I had prescribed . That I might the more and more confine my self therein . PART . III. BUt as it is not enough to pull down the house where we dwell , before we begin to re-edify it , and to make provision of materials and architects , or performe that office our selves ; nor yet to have carefully laid the design of it ; but we must also have provided our selves of some other place of abode during the time of the rebuilding : So that I might not remain irresolute in my actions , while reason would oblige me to be so in my judgments , and that I might continue to live the most happily I could , I form'd for my own use in the interim a Moral , which consisted but of three or four Maximes , which I shall communicate unto you . The first was to obey the lawes and customes of my Country , constantly adhaering to that Religion wherein by the grace of God I had from mine infancy bin bred . And in all other things behaving my self according to the most moderate opinions and those which were farthest from excesse , which were commonly received in practice by the most judicious Men , amongst whom I was to live : For beginning from that very time , to reckon mine own for nothing , because I could bring them all to the test , I was confident I could not do better then follow those of the deepest sense ; and although perhaps there are as understanding men amongst the Persians or Chineses as amongst us , yet I thought it was more fit to regulate my self by those with whom I was to live , and that I might truly know what their opinions were , I was rather to observe what they practic'd , then what they taught . Not only by reason of the corruption of our manners , there are but few who will say , all they beleeve , but also because divers are themselves ignorant of it ; for the act of the thought by which we beleeve a thing , being different from that whereby we know that we believe it , the one often is without the other . And amongst divers opinions equally receiv'd , I made choise of the most moderate only , as well because they are always the most fit for practice , and probably the best , all excess being commonly ill ; As also that I might less err from the right way , if I should perhaps miss it , then if having chosen one of the extremes , it might prove to be the other , which I should have followed . And particularly I plac'd amongst extremities , all those promises by which we somwhat restrain our liberty . Not that I disapproved the laws , which to cure the inconstancy of weak minds , permit us when we have any good design , or else for the preservation of Commerce , one that is but indifferent , to make vows or contracts , which oblige us to persevere in them : But because I saw nothing in the world remain always in the same state ; and for mine own particular , promised my self to perfect more and more my judgment , and not to impair it , I should have thought my self guilty of a great fault against right understanding , if because I then approved any thing , I were also afterwards oblig'd to take it for good , when perhaps it ceased to be so , or that I had ceased to esteem it so . My second Maxime was , To be the most constant and resolute in my actions that I could ; and to follow with no less perseverance the most doubtfull opinions , when I had once determined them , then if they had been the most certain . Imitating herein Travellers , who having lost their way in a Forrest , ought not to wander , turning now this way , and then that , and less to abide in one place ; but stil advance straight forwards , towards one way , and not to change on slight occasions , although perhaps at first Chance only mov'd them to determine that choice : For by that means , if they do not go directly whither they desire , they will at least arrive somewhere where they will probably be better then in the midst of a Forrest . So the actions of this life admitting often of no delay , it s a most certain Truth , That when it is not in our power to discern the truest opinions , we are to follow the most probable : Yea , although we finde no more probability in the one then in the other , we yet ought to determine some way , considering them afterwards no more as doubtful in what they relate to practice ; but as most true and certain ; forasmuch as the reason was so , which made us determine it . And this was sufficient for that time to free me from all the remorse and repentance which useth to perplex the consciences of those weak and staggering minds , which inconstantly suffer themselves to passe to the practice of those things as good , which they afterwards judge evill . My third Maxime was , To endevour always rather to conquer my self then Fortune ; and to change my desires , rather then the order of the world : and generally to accustome my self to beleeve , That there is nothing wholly in our power but our thoughts ; so that after we have done our best , touching things which are without us , all what 's wanting of success in respect of us is absolutely impossible . And this alone seem'd sufficient to hinder me from desiring any thing which I could not acquire , and so to render me content . For our will naturally moving us to desire nothing , but those things which our understanding presents in some manner as possible , certain it is , that if we consider all the good which is without us , as equally distant from our power , we should have no more regret for the want of those which seem due to our births , when without any fault of ours we shall be deprived of them , then we have in wanting the possessions of the Kingdoms of China or Mexico . And making ( as we say ) vertue of necessity , we should no more desire to be in health being sick , or free being in prison , then we now do , to have bodies of as incorruptible a matter as diamonds , or wings to fly like birds . But I confess , that a long exercise , and an often reiterated meditation , is necessary to accustom us to look on all things with that byass : And I beleeve , in this principally consists , the secret of those Philosophers who formerly could snatch themselves from the Empire of Fortune , and in spight of pains and poverty , dispute felicity with their Gods . for imploying themselves incessantly in considering the bounds which Nature had prescribed them , they so perfectly perswaded themselves , That nothing was in their power but their thoughts , that , that onely was enough to hinder them from having any affection for other things . And they disposed so absolutely of them , that therein they had some reason to esteem themselves more rich and powerfull , more free and happy then any other men ; who wanting this Philosophy , though they were never so much favoured by Nature and Fortune , could never dispose of all things so well as they desired . Lastly , To conclude these Morals , I thought fit to make a review of mens severall imployments in this life , that I might endeavour to make choice of the best , and without prejudice to other mens , I thought I could not do better then to continue in the same wherein I was , that is , to imploy all my life in cultivating my Reason , and advancing my self , as far as I could in the knowledge of Truth , following the Method I had prescribed my self . I was sensible of such extreme contentment since I began to use this Method , that I thought none could in this life be capable of any more sweet and innocent : and daily discovering by means thereof , some Truths which seemed to me of importance , and commonly such as other men were ignorant of , the satisfaction I thereby received did so possesse my minde , as if all things else concern'd me not . Besides , that the three preceding Maximes were grounded only on the designe I had , to continue the instruction of my self . For God having given to every one of us a light to discern truth from falshood , I could not beleeve I ought to content my self one moment with the opinions of others , unlesse I had proposed to my self in due time to imploy my judgment in the examination of them . Neither could I have exempted my self from scruple in following them , had I not hoped to lose no occasion of finding out better , if there were any . But to conclude , I could not have bounded my desires , nor have been content , had I not followed a way , whereby thinking my self assured to acquire all the knowledge I could be capable of : I thought I might by the same means attain to all that was truly good , which should ever be within my power ; forasmuch as our Will inclining it self to follow , or fly nothing but what our Understanding proposeth good or ill , to judge well is sufficient to do well , and to judge the best we can , to do also what 's best ; to wit , to acquire all vertues , and with them all acquirable goods : and whosoever is sure of that , he can never fail of being content . After I had thus confirmed my self with these Maximes , and laid them up with the Articles of Faith , which always had the first place in my Belief , I judg'd that I might freely undertake to expell all the rest of my opinions . And forasmuch as I did hope to bring it the better to passe by conversing with men , then by staying any longer in my stove , where I had had all these thoughts : before the Winter was fully ended , I returned to my travels ; and in all the nine following yeers I did nothing but rowl here and there about the world , endeavouring rather to be a spectator , then an actor in all those Comedies which were acted therein : and reflecting particularly on every subject which might render it suspected , or afford any occasion of mistake . In the mean time I rooted out of my minde all those errours which formerly had crept in . Not that I therein imitated the Scepticks , who doubt onely to the end they may doubt , and affect to be always unresolved : For on the contrary , all my designe tended onely to fix my self , and to avoid quick-mires and sands , that I might finde rock and clay : which ( me thought ) succeeded well enough ; forasmuch as , seeking to discover the falshood or uncertainty of those propositions I examined , ( not by weak conjectures , but by clear and certain ratiocinations ) I met with none so doubtfull , but I thence drew some conclusion certain enough , were it but onely this , That it contained nothing that was certain . And as in pulling down an old house , commonly those materials are reserved which may serve to build a new one ; so in destroying all those my opinions which I judg'd ill grounded , I made divers observations , and got severall experiences which served me since to establish more certain ones . And besides I continued to exercise my self in the Method I had prescibed . For I was not only carefull to direct all my thoughts in generall according to its rules , but I from time to time reserv'd some houres , which I particularly employd to practice it in difficulties belonging to the Mathematicks , loosening from all the principles of other Sciences , which I found not stable enough , as you may see I have done in divers explain'd in my other following discourses . And thus not living in appearance otherwise then those who having no other business then to lead a sweet and innocent life , study to separate pleasures from vices , and use honest recreations to enjoy their ease without wearinesse ; I did not forbear to pursue my design , and advance in the knowledg of truth , perhaps more , then if I had done nothing but read books or frequent learned men . Yet these nine years were vanished , before I had engaged my self in those difficulties which use to be disputed amongst the learned ; or begun to seek the grounds of any more certain Philosophy then the Vulgar : And the example of divers excellent Men , who formerly having had the same designe , seem'd not to me to have succeeded therein , made me imagine so much difficulty , that I had not perhaps dar'd so quickly to have undertaken it , had I not perceiv'd that some already had given it out that I had already accomplished it . I know not whereupon they grounded this opinion , and if I have contributed any thing thereto by my discourse , it must have been by confessing more ingeniously what I was ignorant of , then those are wont to do who have a little studyed , and perhaps also by comunicating those reasons , I had to doubt of many things which others esteem'd most eminent , rather then that I bragg'd of any learning . But having integrity enough , not to desire to be taken for what I was not , I thought that I ought to endeavour by all means to render my self worthy of the reputation which was given me . And 't is now eight years since this desire made me resolve to estrange my self from all places where I might have any acquaintance , and so retire my self hither in a Country where the long continuance of the warre hath established such orders , that the Armies which are intertain'd there , seem to serve onely to make the inhabitants enjoy the fruits of peace with so much the more security ; and where amongst the croud of a great people more active and solicitous for their own affaires , then curious of other mens , not wanting any of those necessaries which are in the most frequented Towns , I could live as solitary and retired as in the most remote deserts . PART . IIII. I Know not whether I ought to entertain you with the first Meditations which I had there , for they are so Metaphysicall and so little common , that perhaps they will not be relished by all men : And yet that you may judge whether the foundations I have laid are firm enough , I find my self in a manner oblig'd to discourse them ; I had long since observed that as for manners , it was somtimes necessary to follow those opinions which we know to be very uncertain , as much as if they were indubitable , as is beforesaid : But because that then I desired onely to intend the search of truth , I thought I ought to doe the contrary , and reject as absolutely false all wherein I could imagine the least doubt , to the end I might see if afterwards any thing might remain in my belief , not at all subject to doubt . Thus because our senses sometimes deceive us , I would suppose that there was nothing which was such as they represented it to us . And because there are men who mistake themselves in reasoning , even in the most simple matters of Geometry , and make therein Paralogismes , judging that I was as subject to fail as any other Man , I rejected as false all those reasons , which I had before taken for Demonstrations . And considering , that the same thoughts which we have waking , may also happen to us sleeping , when as not any one of them is true . I resolv'd to faign , that all those things which ever entred into my Minde , were no more true , then the illusions of my dreams . But presently after I observ'd , that whilst I would think that all was false , it must necessarily follow , that I who thought it , must be something . And perceiving that this Truth , I think , therefore , I am , was so firm and certain , that all the most extravagant suppositions of the Scepticks was not able to shake it , I judg'd that I might receive it without scruple for the first principle of the Philosophy I sought . Examining carefully afterwards what I was ; and seeing that I could suppose that I had no body , and that there was no World , nor any place where I was : but for all this , I could not feign that I was not ; and that even contrary thereto , thinking to doubt the truth of other things , it most evidently and certainly followed , That I was : whereas , if I had ceas'd to think , although all the rest of what-ever I had imagined were true , I had no reason to beleeve that I had been . I knew then that I was a substance , whose whole essence or nature is , but to think , and who to be , hath need of no place , nor depends on any materiall thing . So that this Me , to wit , my Soul , by which I am what I am , is wholly distinct from the Body , and more easie to be known then it ; and although that were not , it would not therefore cease to be what it is . After this I considered in generall what is requisite in a Proposition to make it true and certain : for since I had found out one which I knew to be so , I thought I ought also to consider wherein that certainty consisted : and having observed , That there is nothing at all in this , I think , therefore I am , which assures me that I speak the truth , except this , that I see most cleerly , That to think , one must have a being ; I judg'd that I might take for a generall rule , That those things which we conceive cleerly and distinctly , are all true ; and that the onely difficulty is punctually to observe what those are which we distinctly conceive . In pursuance whereof , reflecting on what I doubted , and that consequently my being was not perfect ; for I clearly perceived , that it was a greater perfection to know , then to doubt , I advised in my self to seek from whence I had learnt to think on something which was more perfect then I ; and I knew evidently that it must be of some nature which was indeed more perfect . As for what concerns the thoughts I had of divers other things without my self , as of heaven , earth , light , heat , and a thousand more , I was not so much troubled to know whence they came , for that I observed nothing in them which seemed to render them superiour to me ; I might beleeve , that if they were true , they were dependancies from my nature , as far forth as it had any perfection ; and if they were not , I made no accompt of them ; that is to say , That they were in me , because I had something deficient . But it could not be the same with the Idea of a being more perfect then mine : For to esteem of it as of nothing , was a thing manifestly impossible . And because there is no lesse repugnancy that the more perfect should succeed from and depend upon the less perfect , then for something to proceed from nothing , I could no more hold it from my self : So as it followed , that it must have bin put into me by a Nature which was truly more perfect then I , and even which had in it all the perfections whereof I could have an Idea ; to wit , ( to explain my self in one word ) God . Whereto I added , that since I knew some perfections which I had not , I was not the onely Being which had an existence , ( I shall , under favour , use here freely the terms of the Schools ) but that of necessity there must be some other more perfect whereon I depended , and from whom I had gotten all what I had : For had I been alone , and depending upon no other thing , so that I had had of my self all that little which I participated of a perfect Being , I might have had by the same reason from my self , all the remainder which I knew I wanted , and so have been my self infinite , eternall , immutable , all-knowing , almighty ; and lastly , have had all those perfections which I have observed to be in God . For according to the way of reasoning I have now followed , to know the nature of God , as far as mine own was capable of it , I was onely to consider of those things of which I found an Idea in me , whether the possessing of them were a perfection or no ; and I was sure , that any of those which had any imperfections were not in him , but that all others were . I saw that doubtfulness , inconstancy , sorrow and the like , could not be in him , seeing I could my self have wish'd to have been exempted from them . Besides this , I had the Ideas of divers sensible and corporeall things ; for although I supposed that I doted , and that all that I saw or imagined was false ; yet could I not deny but that these Ideas were truly in my thoughts . But because I had most evidently known in my self , That the understanding Nature is distinct from the corporeall , considering that all composition witnesseth a dependency , and that dependency is manifestly a defect , I thence judged that it could not be a perfection in God to be composed of those two Natures ; and that by consequence he was not so composed . But that if there were any Bodies in the world , or els any intelligences , or other Natures which were not wholly perfect , their being must depend from his power in such a manner , that they could not subsist one moment without him . Thence I went in search of other Truths ; and having proposed Geometry for my object , which I conceived as a continued Body , or a space indefinitely spred in length , bredth , height or depth , divisible into divers parts , which might take severall figures and bignesses , and be moved and transposed every way . For the Geometricians suppose all this in their object . I past through some of their most simple demonstrations ; and having observed that this great certaintie , which all the world grants them , is founded only on this , that men evidently conceived them , following the rule I already mentioned . I observed also that there was nothing at all in them which ascertain'd me of the existence of their object . As for example , I well perceive , that supposing a Triangle , three angles necessarily must be equall to two right ones : but yet nevertheless I saw nothing which assured me that there was a Triangle in the world . Whereas returning to examine the Idea which I had of a perfect Being , I found its existence comprised in it , in the same manner as it was comprised in that of a Triangle , where the three angles are equall to two right ones ; or in that of a sphere , where all the parts are equally distant from the center . Or even yet more evidently , and that by consequence , it is at least as certain that God , who is that perfect Being , is , or exists , as any demonstration in Geometry can be . But that which makes many perswade themselves that there is difficulty in knowing it , as also to know what their Soul is , 't is that they never raise their thoughts beyond sensible things , and that they are so accustomed to consider nothing but by imagination , which is a particular manner of thinking on materiall things , that whatsoever is not imaginable seems to them not intelligible . Which is manifest enough from this , that even the Philosophers hold for a Maxime in the Schools , That there is nothing in the understanding which was not first in the sense ; where notwithstanding its certain , that the Ideas of God and of the Soul never were . And ( me thinks ) those who use their imagination to comprehend them , are just as those , who to hear sounds , or smell odours , would make use of their eys ; save that there is yet this difference , That the sense of seeing assures us no lesse of the truth of its objects , then those of smelling or hearing do : whereas neither our imagination , nor our senses , can ever assure us of any thing , if our understanding intervenes not . To be short , if there remain any who are not enough perswaded of the existence of God , and of their soul , from the reasons I have produc'd , I would have them know , that all other things , whereof perhaps they think themselves more assured , as to have a body , and that there are Stars , and an earth , and the like , are less certain . For although we had such a morall assurance of these things , that without being extravagant we could not doubt of them . However , unless we be unreasonable when a metaphysicall certainty is in question , we cannot deny but we have cause enough not to be wholly confirm'd in them , when we consider that in the same manner we may imagine being asleep , we have other bodies , and that we see other Stars , and another earth , though there be no such thing . For how doe we know that those thoughts which we have in our dreams , are rather false then the others , seeing often they are no less lively and significant , and let the ablest men study it as long as they please , I beleeve they can give no sufficient reason to remove this doubt , unless they presuppose the existence of God . For first of all , that which I even now took for a rule , to wit , that those things which were most clearly and distinctly conceived , are all true , is certain , only by reason , that God is or exists , and that he is a perfect being , and that all which we have comes from him . Whence it follows , that our Idea's or notions , being reall things , and which come from God in all wherein they are clear and distinct , cannot therein be but true . So that if we have very often any which contain falshood , they cannot be but of such things which are somewhat confus'd and obscure , because that therein they signifie nothing to us , that 's to say , that they are thus confus'd in us only , because we are not wholly perfect . And it 's evident that there is no less contrariety that falshood and imperfection should proceed from God , as such , then there is in this , that truth and falshood proceed from nothing . But if we know not that whatsoever was true and reall in us comes from a perfect and infinite being , how clear and distinct soever our Idea's were , we should have no reason to assure us , that they had the perfection to be true . Now after that the knowledge of God , and of the Soul hath rendred us thus certain of this rule , it 's easie to know ; that the extravaganceys which we imagin in our sleep , ought no way to make us doubt of the truth of those thoughts which we have being awake : For if it should happen , that even sleeping we should have a very distinct Idea ; as for example , A Geometritian should invent some new demonstration , his sleeping would not hinder it to be true . And for the most ordinary error of our dreames , which consists in that they represent unto us severall objects in the same manner as our exterior senses doe , it matters not though it give us occasion to mistrust the truth of those Ideas , because that they may also often enough cozen us when we doe not sleep ; As when to those who have the Jaundies , all they see seems yellow ; or , as the Stars or other bodies at a distance , appear much less then they are . For in fine , whether we sleep or wake , we ought never to suffer our selves to be perswaded but by the evidence of our Reason ; I say , ( which is observable ) Of our Reason , and not of our imagination , or of our senses . As although we see the Sun most clearly , we are not therefore to judge him to be of the bigness we see him of ; and we may well distinctly imagine the head of a Lion , set on the body of a Goat , but therefore we ought not to conclude that there is a Chimera in the world . For reason doth not dictate to us , that what we see or imagine so , is true : But it dictates , that all our Idea's or notions ought to have some grounds of truth ; For it were not possible , that God who is all perfect , and all truth , should have put them in us without that : And because that our reasonings are never so evident , nor so entire while we sleep , as when we wake , although sometimes our imaginations be then as much or more lively and express . It also dictates to us , that our thoughts , seeing they cannot be all true by reason that we are not wholly perfect ; what they have of truth , ought infallibly to occur in those which we have being awake , rather then in our dreams . PART . V. I Should be glad to pursue this Discourse , and shew you the whole Series of the following Truths , which I have drawn from the former : But because for this purpose , it were now necessary for me to treat of severall questions , which are controverted by the learned , with whom I have no desire to imbroil my self , I beleeve it better for me to abstain from it ; and so in generall onely to discover what they are , that I may leave the wisest to judge whether it were profitable to inform the publick more particularly of them . I alwayes remained constant to my resolution , to suppose no other Principle but that which I now made use of , for the demonstration of the Existence of God , and of the Soul ; and to receive nothing for true , which did not seem to me more clear and more certain then the demonstrations of Geometry had formerly done . And yet I dare say , that I have not onely found out the means to satisfie my self , in a short time , concerning all the principall difficulties which are usually treated in Philosophy . But that also I have observed certain Laws which God hath so established in Nature , and of which he hath imprinted such notions in our Souls , that when we shall have made sufficient reflections upon them , we cannot doubt but that they are exactly observed in whatsoever either is , or is done in the World . Then considering the connexion of these Laws , me thinks , I have discovered divers Truths , more usefull and important , then whatever I learn'd before , or ever hop'd to learn . But because I have endeavoured to lay open the principall of them in a Treatise , which some considerations hinder me from publishing ; I can no way better make them known , then by relating summarily what it contains . I had a designe to comprehend all what I thought I knew , before I would write it , touching the nature of material things . But even as Painters , not being able equally well to represent upon a flat all the severall facies of a solid body , chuse the principall of them , which they place towards the light ; and shadowing the others , make them appear no more then they do to our sight : So , fearing lest I should not bring into this Discourse all which was in my thoughts , I onely undertook to set forth at large my conceptions touching the light ; and upon that occasion to add somewhat of the Sun , and of the fix'd Stars , by reason that it proceeds almost all from thence ; of the Heavens , because they transmit it ; of the Planets , of the Comets , and of the Earth , because they cause it to reflect ; and in particular , of all Bodies which are on the earth , whether for that they are either coloured , or transparent , or luminous ; and last of all , of Man , because he is the Spectator thereof . As also , in some mnner to shadow out all these things , and that I might the more freely speak what I judg'd , without being obliged to follow , or to refute the opinions which are received amongst the Learned , I resolved to leave all this world here to their disputes , and to speak onely of what would happen in a new one , if God now created some where in those imaginary spaces matter enough to compose it , and that he diversly and without order agitated the severall parts of this matter , so as to compose a Chaos of it as confused as the Poets could feign one : and that afterwards he did nothing but lend his ordinary concurrence to Nature , and leave her to work according to the Laws he hath established . Thus first of all I described this Matter , and endevoured to represent it such , that me thinks there is nothing in the world more clear , or more intelligible , except what was beforesaid of God , and of the Soul . For even I expresly supposed that there was in it none of those forms and qualities which are disputed in the Schools ; nor generally any thing but that the knowledge thereof was so naturall to our understandings , that we could not even feigne to be ignorant of it . Besides , I made known what the Laws of Nature were ; and without grounding my reasons on any other principles , but on the infinite perfections of God , I did endeavour to demonstrate all those which ●●ght be questioned , and to make them appear to be such , that although God had created divers worlds , there could have been none where they were not observed . Afterwards I shewed how the greater part of the Matter of this Chaos ought , according to those Laws , to dispose and order it self in a certain manner , which would make it like our Heavens : And how some of these parts were to compose an Earth , and some Planets and Commets , some others a Sun and fix'd Starrs . And here enlarging my self on the subject of Light , I at length explain'd what that light was , which was to be in the Sun and Stars ; and thence how it travers'd in an instant the immense spaces of the Heavens , and how it reflected it self from Planets and Commets towards the Earth . I added also divers things touching the substance , situation , the motions , and all the several qualities of these heavens and these stars : So that I thought I had sa●● enough to make known , That there is nothing remarkable in those of this world , which ought not , or at least could not appear altogether like to these of that world which I described . Thence I came to speak particularly of the Earth ; how , although I had expresly supposed , that God had placed no weight in the Matter whereof it was composed ; yet all its parts exactly tended towards its center : How that there being water and air upon its superficies , the disposition of the Heavens , and of the Starrs , and chiefly of the Moon , ought to cause a floud and an ebb , which in all circumstances was like to that which we observe in our Seas ; And besides , a certain course aswel of the water , as of the air , from East to West , as is also observed between the Tropicks : How the Mountains , the Seas , the Springs and Rivers might naturally be form'd therein , and Metals run in the mines , and Plants grow in the Fields , and generally all bodies be therein engendered which are call'd mixt or composed .. And amongst other things , because that next the Stars , I know nothing in the world but Fire , which produceth light , I studied to make all clearly understood which belongs to its nature ; how it 's made , how it 's fed , how sometimes it hath heat onely without light , and sometimes onely light without heat ; how it can introduce several colours into several bodies , and divers other qualities ; how it dissolves some , and hardens others ; how it can consume almost all , or convert them into ashes and smoak : and last of all , how of those ashes , by the only violence of its action , it forms glass . For this transmutation of ashes into glass , seeming to me to be as admirable as any other operation in Nature , I particularly took pleasure to describe it . Yet would I not inferre from all these things , that this World was created after the manner I had proposed . For it is more propable that God made it such as it was to be , from the beginning . But it 's certain , and 't is an opinion commonly received amongst the Divines , That the action whereby he now preserveth it , is the same with that by which he created it . So that , although at the beginning he had given it no other form but that of a Chaos ( provided , that having established the Laws of Nature , he had afforded his concurrence to it , to work as it used to do ) we may beleeve ( without doing wrong to the miracle of the Creation ) that by that alone all things which are purely material might in time have rendred themselves such as we now see them : and their nature is far easier to conceive , when by little and little we see them brought forth so , then when we consider them quite form'd all at once . From the description of inanimate Bodies and Plants , I pass'd to that of Animals , and particularly to that of Men . But because I had not yet knowledge enough to speak of them in the same stile as of the others ; to wit , in demonstrating effects by their causes , and shewing from what seeds , and in what manner Nature ought to produce them ; I contented my self to suppose , That God form'd the body of a Man altogether like one of ours , aswel in the exteriour figure of its members , as in the interiour conformity of its organs ; without framing it of other matter then of that which I had described ; and without putting in it at the beginning any reasonable soul , or any other thing to serve therein for a vegetative or sensitive soul ; unless he stirr'd up in his heart one of those fires without light which I had already discovered ; and that I conceiv'd of no other nature but that which heats hay when it s housed before it be dry , or which causeth new Wines to boyl when it works upon the rape : For examining the functions which might be consequently in this body , I exactly found all those which may be in us , without our thinking of them ; and to which our soul ( that is to say , that distinct part from our bodies , whose nature ( as hath been said before ) is onely to think ) consequently doth not contribute , and which are all the same wherein we may say unreasonable creatures resemble us . Yet could I not finde any , of those which depending from the thought , are the onely ones which belong unto us as Men ; whereas I found them all afterwards , having supposed that God created a reasonable soul , and that he joyn'd it to this body , after a certain manner which I describ'd . But that you might see how I treated this matter , I shall here present you with the explication of the motion of the heart , and of the arteries , which being the first and most general ( which is observed in animals ) we may thereby easily judge what we ought to think of all the rest . And that we may have the less difficulty to understand what I shall say thereof , I wish those who are not versed in Anatomy , would take the pains , before they read this , to cause the heart of some great animal which hath lungs , to be dissected ; for in all of them its very like that of a Man : and that they may have shewn them the two cels or concavities which are there : First that on the right side , whereto two large conduits answer , to wit , the vena cava , which is the principal receptacle of bloud , and as the body of a tree , whereof all the other veins of the body are branches ; and the arterious vein , which was so mis-call'd , because that in effect its an artery , which taking its origine from the heart , divides it self after being come forth , into divers branches , which every way spred themselves through the lungs . Then the other which is on the left side , whereunto in the same manner two pipes answer , which are as large , or larger then the former ; to wit , the veinous artery , which was also il named , forasmuch as it s nothing else but a vein which comes from the lungs , where it s divided into several branches interlaid with those of the arterious vein , and those of that pipe which is called the Whistle , by which the breath enters . And the great artery , which proceeding from the heart , disperseth its branches thorow all the body . I would also that they would carefully observe the eleven little skins , which , as so many little doors , open and shut the four openings which are in these two concavities ; to wit , three at the entry of the vena cava , where they are so disposed , that they can no wayes hinder the bloud which it contains from running into the right concavity of the heart ; and yet altogether hinder it from coming out . Three at the entry of the arterious vein ; which being disposed quite contrary , permit only the bloud which is in that concavity to pass to the lungs ; but not that which is in the lungs to return thither . And then two others at the entry of the veinous artery , which permits the bloud to run to the left concavity of the heart , but opposeth its return . And three at the entry of the great artery , which permit it to go from the heart , but hinder its return thither . Neither need we seek any other reason for the number of these skins , save only that the opening of the veinous artery , being oval-wise , by reason of its situation , may be fitly shut with two ; whereas the other , being round , may the better be clos'd with three . Besides , I would have them consider , that the great artery and the arterious vein are of a composition much stronger then the veinous artery or the vena cava . And that these two later grow larger before they enter into the heart , and make ( as it were ) two purses , call'd the ears of the heart , which are composed of a flesh like it ; and that there is always more heat in the heart then in any other part of the body . And in fine , that if any drop of bloud enter into these concavities , this heat is able to make it presently swell and dilate it self , as generally all liquors do , when drop by drop we let them fall into a very hot vessel . For after this I need say no more for to unfold the motion of the heart , but that when these concavities are not full of bloud , necessarily there runs some from the vena cava into the right , and from the veinous artery into the left ; for that these two vessels are always full of it , and that their openings which are towards the heart cannot then be shut : But that assoon as there is thus but two drops of bloud entred , one in either of these concavities , these drops , which cannot but be very big , by reason that their openings whereby they enter are very large , and the vessels whence they come very full of bloud , are rarified and dilated because of the heat which they find therein . By means whereof , causing all the heart to swel , they drive and shut the five little doors which are at the entry of the two vessels whence they come , hindering thereby any more bloud to fall down into the heart , and continuing more and more to rarifie themselves , they drive and open the six other little doors which are at the entry of the other two vessels whence they issue , causing by that means all the branches of the arterious vein , and of the great artery , to swel ( as it were ) at the same time with the heart : which presently after fals , as those arteries also do , by reason that the bloud which is entred therein grows colder , and their six little doors shut up again , and those five of the vena cava , and of the veinous artery open again , and give way to two other drops of bloud , which again swell the heart and the arteries in the same manner as the preceding did . And because the bloud which thus enters into the heart , passeth thorow those two purses , which are call'd the ears ; thence it comes , that their motion is contrary to the heart's , and that they fall when that swels . Lastly , That they who know not the force of Mathematical demonstrations , and are not accustomed to distinguish true reasons from probable ones , may not venture to deny this without examining it , I shall advertise them , that this motion which I have now discovered , as necessarily follows from the onely disposition of the organs ( which may plainly be seen in the heart , ) and from the heat ( which we may feel with our fingers , ) and from the nature of the bloud ( which we may know by experience , ) as the motions of a clock doth by the force , situation and figure of its weight and wheels . But if it be asked , how it comes that the bloud of the veins is not exhausted , running so continually into the heart ; and how that the arteries are not too full , since all that which passeth thorow the heart dischargeth it self into them : I need answer nothing thereto but what hath been already writ by an English Physician , to whom this praise must be given , to have broken the ice in this place , and to be the first who taught us , That there are several little passages in the extremity of the arteries whereby the bloud which they receive from the heart , enters the little branches of the veins ; whence again it sends it self back towards the heart : so that its course is no other thing but a perpetuall circulation . Which he very wel proves by the ordinary experience of Chirurgians , who having bound the arm indifferently hard above the the place where they open the vein , which causeth the bloud to issue more abundantly , then if it had not been bound . And the contrary would happen , were it bound underneath , between the hand and the incision , or bound very hard above . For its manifest , that the band indifferently tyed , being able to hinder the bloud which is already in the arm to return towards the heart by the veins ; yet it therefore hinders not the new from coming always by the arteries , by reason they are placed under the veins , and that their skin being thicker , are less easie to be press'd ; as also that the bloud which comes from the heart , seeks more forcibly to passe by them towards the hand , then it doth to return from thence towards the heart by the veins . And since this bloud which issues from the arm by the incision made in one of the veins , must necessarily have some passage under the bond , to wit , towards the extremities of the arm , whereby it may come thither by the arteries , he also proves very well what he sayes of the course of the bloud through certain little skins , which are so disposed in divers places along the veins , which permit it not to pass from the middle towards the extremities , but onely to return from the extremities towards the heart . And besides this , experience shews , That all the bloud which is in the body may in a very little time run out by one onely artery's being cut , although it were even bound very neer the heart , and cut betwixt it and the ligature : So that we could have no reason to imagine that the bloud which issued thence could come from any other part . But there are divers other things which witness , that the true cause of this motion of the bloud is that which I have related . As first , The difference observed between that which issues out of the veins , and that which comes out of the arteries , cannot proceed but from its being rarified and ( as it were ) distilled by passing thorow the heart : it s more subtil , more lively , and more hot presently after it comes out ; that is to say , being in the arteries , then it is a little before it enters them , that is to say , in the veins . And if you observe , you will finde , that this difference appears not well but about the heart ; and not so much in those places which are farther off . Next , the hardnesse of the skin of which the artery vein and the great artery are composed , sheweth sufficiently , that the bloud beats against them more forcibly then against the veins . And why should the left concavity of the heart , and the great artery be more large and ample then the right concavity , and the arterious vein ; unless it were that the bloud of the veinous artery , having bin but onely in the lungs since its passage thorow the heart , is more subtil , and is rarified with more force and ease then the bloud which immediately comes from the vena cava . And what can the Physicians divine by feeling of the pulse , unlesse they know , that according as the bloud changeth its nature , it may by the heat of the heart be rarified to be more or lesse strong , and more or lesse quick then before . And if we examine how this heat is communicated to the other members , must we not avow that 't is by means of the bloud , which passing the heart , reheats it self there , and thence disperseth it self thorow the whole body : whence it happens , that if you take away the bloud from any part , the heat by the same means also is taken away . And although the heart were as burning as hot iron , it were not sufficient to warm the feet and the hands so often as it doth , did it not continue to furnish them with new bloud . Besides , from thence we know also that the true use of respiration is to bring fresh air enough to the lungs , to cause that bloud which comes from the right concavity of the heart , where it was rarified , and ( as it were ) chang'd into vapours , there to thicken , and convert it self into bloud again , before it fall again into the left , without which it would not be fit to serve for the nourishment of the fire which is there . Which is confirm'd , for that it s seen , that animals which have no lungs have but one onely concavity in the heart ; and that children , who can make no use of them when they are in their mothers bellies , have an opening , by which the bloud of the vena cava runs to the left concavity of the heart , and a conduit by which it comes from the arterious vein into the great artery without passing the lungs . Next , How would the concoction be made in the stomach , unlesse the heart sent heat by the arteries , and therewithall some of the most fluid parts of the bloud , which help to dissolve the meat receiv'd therein ? and is not the act which converts the juice of these meats into bloud easie to be known , if we consider , that it is distill'd by passing and repassing the heart , perhaps more then one or two hundred times a day ? And what need we ought else to explain the nutrition and the production of divers humours which are in the body , but to say , that the force wherewith the bloud in rarifying it self , passeth from the heart towards the extremities of the arteries , causeth some of its parts to stay amongst those of the members where they are , and there take the place of some others , which they drive from thence ? And that according to the situation , or the figure , or the smalnesse of the pores which they meet , some arrive sooner in one place then others . In the same manner as we may have seen in severall sieves , which being diversly pierc'd , serve to sever divers grains one from the other . And briefly , that which is most remarkable herein , is the generation of the animal spirits , which are as a most subtil wind , or rather , as a most pure and lively flame , which continually rising in great abundance from the heart to the brain , dischargeth it self thence by the nerves into the muscles , and gives motion to all the members ; without imagining any other reason which might cause these parts of the bloud , which being most mov'd , and the most penetrating , are the most fit to form these spirits , tend rather towards the brain , then to any other part . Save onely that the arteries which carry them thither , are those which come from the heart in the most direct line of all : And that according to the rules of the Mechanicks , which are the same with those of Nature , when divers things together strive to move one way , where there is not room enough for all ; so those parts of bloud which issue from the left concavity of the heart tend towards the brain , the weaker and less agitated are expell'd by the stronger , who by that means arrive there alone . I had particularly enough expounded all these things in a Treatise which I formerly had design'd to publish : In pursuit whereof , I had therein shewed what ought to be the fabrick of the nerves and muscles of an humane body , to cause those animall spirits which were in them , to have the power to move those members . As we see that heads a while after they are cut off , yet move of themselves , and bite the ground , although they are not then animated . What changes ought to be made in the brain to cause waking , sleeping , and dreaming : how light , sounds , smels , tasts , heat , and all other qualities of exteriour objects , might imprint severall Ideas by means of the senses . How hunger and thirst , and the other interiour passions might also send theirs thither . What ought to be taken therein for common sense , where these Ideas are received ; for memory which preserves them ; and for fancy , which can diversly change them , and form new ones of them ; and by the same means , distributing the animal spirits into the muscles , make the members of the body move in so many severall fashions , and as fitly to those objects which present themselves to its senses ; and to the interiour passions which are in them , as ours may move themselves without the consent of the Wil. Which wil seem nothing strange to those , who knowing how many Automatas or moving Machines the industry of men can make , imploying but very few pieces , in comparison of the great abundance of bones , muscles , nerves , arteries , veins , and all the other parts which are in the body of every Animal , will consider this body as a fabrick , which having been made by the hands of God , is incomparably better ordered , and hath more admirable motions in it then any of those which can be invented by men . And herein I particularly insisted , to make it appear , that if there were such Machines which had organs , and the exteriour figure of an Ape , or of any other unreasonable creature , we should finde no means of knowing them not to be altogether of the same nature as those Animals : whereas , if there were any which resembled our bodies , and imitated our actions as much as morally it were possible , we should always have two most certain ways to know , that for all that they were not reall men : The first of which is , that they could never have the use of speech , nor of other signes in framing it , as we have , to declare our thoughts to others : for we may well conceive , that a Machine may be so made , that it may utter words , and even some proper to the corporal actions , which may cause some change in its organs ; as if we touch it in some part , and it should ask what we would say ; or so as it might cry out that one hurts it , and the like : but not that they can diversifie them to answer sensibly to all what shall be spoken in its presence , as the dullest men may do . And the second is , That although they did divers things aswel , or perhaps better , then any of us , they must infallibly fail in some others , whereby we might discover that they act not with knowledge , but onely by the disposition of their organs : for whereas Reason is an universal instrument which may serve in all kinde of encounters , these organs have need of some particular disposition for every particular action : whence it is , that its morally impossible for one Machine to have severall organs enough to make it move in all the occurrences of this life , in the same manner as our Reason makes us move . Now by these two means we may also know the difference which is between Men and Beasts : For 't is a very remarkable thing , that there are no men so dull and so stupid , without excepting those who are out of their wits , but are capable to rank severall words together , and of them to compose a Discourse , by which they make known their thoughts : and that on the contrary , there is no other creature , how perfect or happily soever brought forth , which can do the like . The which happens , not because they want organs ; for we know , that Pyes and Parrots can utter words even as we can , and yet cannot speak like us ; that is to say , with evidence that they think what they say . Whereas Men , being born deaf and dumb , and deprived of those organs which seem to make others speak , as much or more then beasts , usually invent of themselves to be understood by those , who commonly being with them , have the leisure to learn their expressions . And this not onely witnesseth , that Beasts have lesse reason than men , but that they have none at all . For we see there needs not much to learn to speak : and forasmuch as we observe inequality amongst Beasts of the same kind , aswell as amongst men , and that some are more easily managed then others ; 't is not to be believed , but that an Ape or a Parrot which were the most perfect of its kinde , should therein equall the most stupid child , or at least a child of a distracted brain , if their souls were not of a nature wholly different from ours . And we ought not to confound words with naturall motions , which witness passions , and may be imitated by Machines aswell as by Animals ; nor think ( as some of the Ancients ) that beasts speak , although we do not understand their language : for if it were true , since they have divers organs which relate to ours , they could aswell make themselves understood by us , as by their like . It s likewise very remarkable , that although there are divers creatures which express more industry then we in some one of their actions ; yet we may well perceive , that the same shew none at all in many others : So that what they do better then we , proves not at all that they have reason ; for by that reckoning they would have more then any of us , and would do better in all other things ; but rather , that they have none at all , and that its Nature onely which works in them according to the disposition of their organs . As wee see a Clock , which is onely composed of wheels and springs , can reckon the hours , and measure the times more exactly then we can with all our prudence . After this I had described the reasonable Soul , and made it appear , that it could no ways be drawn from the power of the Matter , as other things whereof I had spoken ; but that it ought to have been expresly created : And how it suffiseth not for it to be lodg'd in our humane body as a Pilot in his ship , to move its members onely ; but also that its necessary it be joyned and united more strongly therewith to have thoughts and appetites like ours , and so make a real● man . I have here dilated my self a little on the subject of the Soul , by reason 't is of most importance ; for , next the errour of those who deny God , which I think I have already sufficiently confuted , there is none which sooner estrangeth feeble minds from the right way of vertue , then to imagine that the soul of beasts is of the same nature as ours , and that consequently we have nothing to fear nor hope after this life , no more then flies or ants . Whereas , when we know how different they are , we comprehend much better the reasons which prove that ours is of a nature wholly independing from the body , and consequently that it is not subject to die with it . And that when we see no other cause which destroys it , we are naturally thence moved to judge that it 's immortall . PART . VI . ITs now three years since I ended the Treatise which contains all these things , and that I began to review it , to send it afterwards to the Presse , when I understood , that persons to whom I submit , and whose authority can no lesse command my actions , then my own Reason doth my thoughts , had disapproved an opinion in Physicks , published a little before by another ; of which I will not say that I was , but that indeed I had observed nothing therein , before their censure , which I could have imagined prejudiciall either to Religion or the State ; or consequently , which might have hindred me from writing the same , had my Reason perswaded mee thereto . And this made me fear , lest in the same manner there might be found some one amongst mine , in which I might have been mistaken ; notwithstanding the great care I always had to admit no new ones into my belief , of which I had not most certain demonstrations ; and not to write such as might turn to the disadvantage of any body . Which was sufficient to oblige me to change my resolution of publishing them . For although the reasons for which I had first of all taken it , were very strong ; yet my inclination , which alwayes made me hate the trade of Book-making , presently found me out others enough to excuse my self from it . And these reasons on the one and other side are such , that I am not only somewhat concern'd to speak them ; but happily the Publick also to know them . I never did much esteem those things which proceeded from mine own brain ; and so long as I have gathered no other fruits from the Method I use , but onely that I have satisfied my self in some difficulties which belong to speculative Sciences , or at least endeavoured to regulate my Manners by the reasons it taught me , I thought my self not obliged to write any thing of them . For , as for what concerns Manners , every one abounds so much in his own sense , That we may finde as many Reformers as heads , were it permitted to others , besides those whom God hath established as Soveraigns over his people , or at least , to whom he hath dispensed grace and zeal enough to be Prophets , to undertake the change of any thing therein . And although my Speculations did very much please me , I did beleeve that other men also had some , which perhaps pleas'd them more . But as soon as I had acquired some generall notions touching naturall Philosophy , and beginning to prove them in divers particular difficulties , I observed how far they might lead a man , and how far different they were from the principles which to this day are in use ; I judg'd , that I could not keep them hid without highly sinning against the Law , which obligeth us to procure , as much as in us lies , the general good of all men . For they made it appear to me , that it was possible to attain to points of knowledge , which may be very profitable for this life : and that in stead of this speculative Philosophy which is taught in the Schools , we might finde out a practicall one , by which knowing the force and workings of Fire , Water , Air , of the Starrs , of the Heavens , and of all other Bodies which environ us , distinctly , as we know the several trades of our Handicrafts , we might in the same manner employ them to all uses to which they are fit , and so become masters and possessours of Nature . Which is not onely to be desired for the invention of very many expedients of Arts , which without trouble might make us enjoy the fruits of the earth , and all the conveniencies which are to be found therein : But chiefly also for the preservation of health , which ( without doubt ) is the first good , and the foundation of all other good things in this life . For even the minde depends so much on the temper and disposition of the organs of the body , that if it be possible to finde any way of making men in the generall wiser , and more able then formerly they were , I beleeve it ought to be sought in Physick . True it is , that which is now in use contains but few things , whose benefit is very remarkable : But ( without any designe of slighting of it ) I assure my self , there is none , even of their own profession , but will consent , that whatsoever is known therein , is almost nothing in comparison of what remains to be known . And that we might be freed from very many diseases , aswell of the body as of the mind , and even also perhaps from the weaknesses of old age , had we but knowledge enough of their Causes , and of all the Remedies wherewith Nature hath furnished us . Now having a designe to employ all my life in the enquiry of so necessary a Science ; and having found a way , the following of which me thinks might infallibly lead us to it , unless we be hindred by the shortness of life , or by defect of experiments . I judg'd that there was no better Remedie against those two impediments , but faithfully to communicate to the publique , all that little I should discover , and to invite all good Wits to endevour to advance farther in contributing every one , according to his inclination and power , to those Experiments which are to be made , and communicating also to the publique all the things they should learn ; so that the last , beginning where the precedent ended , and so joyning the 〈◊〉 and labors of many in one , we might all together advance further then any particular Man could do . I also observ'd touching Experiments , that they are still so much the more necessary , as we are more advanc'd in knowledg . For in the beginning it 's better to use those only which of themselves are presented to our senses , and which we cannot be ignorant of , if we do but make the least reflections upon them , then to seek out the rarest and most studied ones . The reason whereof is , that those which are rarest , doe often deceive , when we seldome know the same of the most common ones , and that the circumstances on which they depend , are , as it were , always so particular , and so small , that it 's very uneasie to finde them out . But the order I observed herein was this . First , I endevoured to finde in generall the Principles or first Causes of whatsoever is or may be in the world , without considering any thing for this end , but God alone who created it , or drawing them elsewhere , then from certain seeds of Truth which naturally are in our souls . After this , I examined what were the first and most ordinary Effects which might be deduced from these Causes : And me thinks that thereby I found out Heavens , Starrs , an Earth ; and even on the Earth , Water , Air and Fire , Minerals , and some other such like things , which are the most common , and the most simple of all , and consequently the most easie to be understood . Afterwards , when I would descend to those which were more particular , there were so many severall ones presented themselves to me , that I did beleeve it impossible for a humane understanding to distinguish the forms and species of Bodies which are on the earth , from an infinite number of others which might be there , had it been the will of God so to place them : Nor by consequence to apply them to our use , unless we set the Effects before the Causes , and make use of divers particular experiments ; In relation to which , revolving in my minde all those objects which ever were presented to my senses , I dare boldly say , I observed nothing which I could not fitly enough explain by the principles I had found . But I must also confesse that the power of Nature is so ample and vast , and these principles are so simple and generall , that I can observe almost no particular Effect , but that I presently know it might be deduced from thence in many severall ways : and that commonly my greatest difficulty is to finde in which of these ways it depends thereon ; for I know no other expedient for that , but again to seek some experiments , which may be such , that their event may not be the same , if it be in one of those ways which is to be exprest , as if it were in another . In fine , I am gotten so far , That ( me thinks ) I see well enough what course we ought to hold to make the most part of those experiments which may tend to this effect . But I also see they are such , and of so great a number , that neither my hands nor my estate ( though I had a thousand times more then I have ) could ever suffice for all . So that according as I shall hereafter have conveniency to make more or fewer of them , I shall also advance more or lesse in the knowledge of Nature , which I hop'd I should make known by the Treatise which I had written ; and therein so clearly shew the benefit which the Publick may receive thereby , that I should oblige all those in general who desire the good of Mankinde ; that is to say , all those who are indeed vertuous , ( and not so seemingly , or by opinion only ) aswell to communicate such experiments as they have already made , as to help me in the enquiry of those which are to be made . But since that time , other reasons have made me alter my opinion , and think that I truly ought to continue to write of all those things which I judg'd of any importance , according as I should discover the truth of them , and take the same care , as if I were to print them ; as well that I might have so much the more occasion throughly to examine them ; as without doubt , we always look more narrowly to what we offer to the publick view , then to what we compose onely for our own use : and oftentimes the same things which seemed true to me when I first conceived them , appear'd afterwards false to me , when I was committing them to paper : as also that I might lose no occasion of benefiting the Publick , if I were able , and that if my Writings were of any value , those to whose hands they should come after my death , might to make what use of them they think fit . But that I ought not any wayes to consent that they should be published during my life ; That neither the opposition and controversies , whereto perhaps they might be obnoxious , nor even the reputation whatsoever it were , which they might acquire me , might give me any occasion of mispending the time I had design'd to employ for my instruction ; for although it be true that every Man is oblig'd to procure , as much as in him lies , the good of others ; and that to be profitable to no body , is properly to be good for nothing : Yet it 's as true , that our care ought to reach beyond the present time ; and that it were good to omit those things which might perhaps conduce to the benefit of those who are alive , when our designe is , to doe others which shall prove farr more advantagious to our posterity ; As indeed I desire it may be known that the little I have learnt hitherto , is almost nothing in comparison of what I am ignorant of ; and I doe not despair to be able to learn : For it 's even the same with those , who by little and little discover the truth in Learning ; as with those who beginning to grow rich , are less troubled to make great purchases , then they were before when they were poorer , to make little ones . Or else one may compare them to Generals of Armies , whose Forces usually encrease proportionably to their Victories ; and who have need of more conduct to maintain themselves after the loss of a battail , then after the gaining one , to take Towns and Provinces . For to endeavour to overcome all the difficulties and errours which hinder us to come to the knowledg of the Truth , is truly to fight battails . And to receive any false opinion touching a generall or weighty matter , is as much as to lose one ; there is far more dexterity required to recover our former condition , then to make great progresses where our Principles are already certain . For my part , if I formerly have discovered some Truths in Learning , as I hope my Discourse will make it appear I have , I may say , they are but the products and dependances of five or six principall difficulties which I have overcome , and which I reckon for so many won Battails on my side . Neither will I forbear to say ; That I think , It 's only necessary for me to win two or three more such , wholly to perfect my design . And that I am not so old , but according to the ordinary course of Nature , I may have time enough to effect it . But I beleeve I am so much the more obliged to husband the rest of my time , as I have more hopes to employ it well ; without doubt , I should have divers occasions of impending it , should I publish the grounds of my Physicks . For although they are almost all so evident , that to beleeve them , it 's needfull onely to understand them ; and that there is none whereof I think my self unable to give demonstration . Yet because it 's impossible that they should agree with all the severall opinions of other men , I foresee I should often be diverted by the opposition they would occasion . It may be objected , These oppositions might be profitable , as well to make me know my faults , as if any thing of mine were good to make others by that means come to a better understanding thereof ; and as many may see more then one man , beginning from this time to make use of my grounds , they might also help me with their inventions . But although I know my self extremely subject to fail , and do never almost trust my first thoughts ; yet the experience I have of the objections which may be made unto me , hinder me from hoping for any profit from them ; For I have often tried the judgments as well of those whom I esteem'd my friends , as of others whom I thought indifferent , and even also of some , whose malignity and envie did sufficiently discover what the affection of my friends might hide . But it seldom happened that any thing was objected against me , which I had not altogether foreseen , unless it were very remote from my Subject : So that I never almost met with any Censurer of my opinions , that seemed unto me either less rigorous , or less equitable then my self . Neither did I ever observe , that by the disputations practised in the Schools any Truth which was formerly unknown , was ever discovered . For whilest every one seeks to overcome , men strive more to maintain probabilities , then to weigh the reasons on both sides ; and those who for a long time have been good Advocates , are not therefore the better Judges afterwards . As for the benefit which others may receive from the communication of my thoughts , it cannot also be very great , forasmuch as I have not yet perfected them , but that it is necessary to add many things thereunto , before a usefull application can be made of them . And I think I may say without vanity , That if there be any one capable thereof , it must be my self , rather then any other . Not but that there may be divers wits in the world incomparably better then mine ; but because men cannot so well conceive a thing and make it their own , when they learn it of another , as when they invent it themselves : which is so true in this Subject , that although I have often explain'd some of my opinions to very understanding men , and who , whilest I spake to them , seem'd very distinctly to conceive them ; yet when they repeated them , I observ'd , that they chang'd them almost always in such a manner , that I could no longer own them for mine . Upon which occasion , I shall gladly here desire those who come after me , never to beleeve those things which may be delivered to them for mine , when I have not published them my self . And I do not at all wonder at the extravagancies which are attributed to all those ancient Philosophers , whose Writings we have not ; neither do I thereby judge , that their thoughts were very irrationall , seeing they were the best Wits of their time ; but onely that they have been ill convey'd to us : as it appears also , that never any of their followers surpass'd them . And I assure my self , that the most passionate of those , who now follow Aristotle , would beleeve himself happy , had he but as much knowledge of Nature as he had , although it were on condition that he never might have more : They are like the ivie , which seeks to climb no higher then the trees which support it , and ever after tends downwards again when it hath attain'd to the height thereof : for , me thinks also , that such men sink downwards ; that is to say , render themselves in some manner lesse knowing , then if they did abstain from studying ; who being not content to know all which is intelligibly set down in their Authour , will besides that , finde out the solution of divers difficulties of which he says nothing , and perhaps never thought of them : yet their way of Philosophy is very fit for those who have but mean capacities : For the obscurity of the distinctions and principles which they use causeth them to speak of all things as boldly , as if they knew them , and maintain all which they say , against the most subtill and most able ; so that there is no means left to convince them . Wherein they seem like to a blinde man , who , to fight without disadvantage against one that sees , should challenge him down into the bottom of a very dark cellar : And I may say , that it is these mens interest , that I should abstain from publishing the principles of the Philosophy I use , for being most simple and most evident , as they are , I should even do the same in publishing of them , as if I opened some windows , to let the day into this cellar , into which they go down to fight . But even the best Wits have no reason to wish for the knowledge of them : for if they will be able to speak of all things , and acquire the reputation of being learned , they will easily attain to it by contenting themselves with probability , which without much trouble may be found in all kinde of matters ; then in seeking the Truth , which discovers it self but by little and little , in some few things ; and which , when we are to speak of others , oblige us freely to confesse our ignorance of them . But if they prefer the knowledge of some few truths to the vanity of seeming to be ignorant of nothing , as without doubt they ought to do , and will undertake a designe like mine , I need not tell them any more for this purpose , but what I have already said in this Discourse : For if they have a capacity to advance farther then I have done , they may with greater consequence finde out of themselves whatsoever I think I have found ; Forasmuch as having never examined any thing but by order , it 's certain , that what remains yet for me to discover , is in it self more difficult and more hid , then what I have already here before met with ; and they would receive much lesse satisfaction in learning it from me , then from themselves . Besides that , the habit which they would get by seeking first of all the easie things , and passing by degrees to others more difficult , will be more usefull to them , then all my instructions . As I for my part am perswaded , that had I been taught from my youth all the Truths whose demonstrations I have discovered since , and had taken no pains to learn them , perhaps I should never have known any other , or at least , I should never have acquired that habit , and that faculty which I think I have , still to finde out new ones , as I apply my self to the search of them . And in a word , if there be in the world any work which cannot be so well ended by any other , as by the same who began it , it 's that which I am now about . It 's true , That one man will not be sufficient to make all the experiments which may conduce thereunto : But withall , he cannot profitably imploy other hands then his own , unlesse it be those of Artists , or others whom he hires , and whom the hope of profit ( which is a very powerfull motive ) might cause exactly to do all those things he should appoint them : For as for voluntary persons , who by curiosity or a desire to learn , would perhaps offer themselves to his help , besides that commonly they promise more then they perform , and make onely fair propositions , whereof none ever succeeds , they would infallibly be paid by the solution of some difficulties , or at least by complements and unprofitable entertainments , which could not cost him so little of his time , but he would be a loser thereby . And for the Experiments which others have already made , although they would even communicate them to him , ( which those who call them Secrets would never do , ) they are for the most part composed of so many circumstances , or superfluous ingredients , that it would be very hard for him to decypher the truth of them : Besides , he would find them all so ill exprest , or else so false , by reason that those who made them have laboured to make them appear conformable to their principles ; that if there were any which served their turn , they could not at least be worth the while which must be imployed in the choice of them . So that , if there were any in the world that were certainly known to be capable of finding out the greatest things , and the most profitable for the Publick which could be , and that other men would therefore labour alwayes to assist him to accomplish his Designes ; I do not conceive that they could do more for him , then furnish the expence of the experiments whereof he stood in need ; and besides , take care only that he may not be by any body hindred of his time . But besides that , I do not presume so much of my Self , as to promise any thing extraordinary , neither do I feed my self with such vain hopes , as to imagine that the Publick should much interesse it self in my designes ; I have not so base a minde , as to accept of any favour whatsoever , which might be thought I had not deserved . All these considerations joyned together , were the cause three years since why I would not divulge the Treatise I had in hand ; and which is more , that I resolved to publish none whilest I lived , which might be so general , as that the Grounds of my Philosophy might be understood thereby . But since , there hath been two other reasons have obliged me to put forth some particular Essays , and to give the Publick some account of my Actions and Designes . The first was , that if I failed therein , divers who knew the intention I formerly had to print some of my Writings , might imagine that the causes for which I forbore it , might be more to my disadvantage then they are . For although I do not affect glory in excess ; or even , ( if I may so speak ) that I hate it , as far as I judge it contrary to my rest , which I esteem above all things : Yet also did I never seek to hide my actions as crimes , neither have I been very wary to keep my self unknown ; as well because I thought I might wrong my self , as that it might in some manner disquiet me , which would again have been contrary to the perfect repose of my minde which I seek . And because having alwayes kept my self indifferent , caring not whether I were known or no , I could not chuse but get some kinde of reputation , I thought that I ought to do my best to hinder it at least from being ill . The other reason which obliged me to write this , is , that observing every day more and more the designe I have to instruct my self , retarded by reason of an infinite number of experiments which are needful to me , and which its impossible for me to make without the help of others ; although I do not so much flatter my self , as to hope that the Publick , shares much in my concernments ; yet will I not also be so much wanting to my self , as to give any cause to those who shall survive me , to reproach this , one day to me , That I could have left them divers things far beyond what I have done , had I not too much neglected to make them understand wherein they might contribute to my designe . And I thought it easie for me to choose some matters , which being not subject to many Controversies , nor obliging me to declare any more of my Principles then I would willingly , would neverthelesse expresse clearly enough , what my abilities or defects are in the Sciences . Wherein I cannot say whether I have succeeded or no ; neither will I prevent the judgment of any man by speaking of my own Writings : but I should be glad they might be examin'd ; and to that end I beseech all those who have any objections to make , to take the pains to send them to my Stationer , that I being advertised by him , may endeavour at the same time to adjoyn my Answer thereunto : and by that means , the Reader seeing both the one and the other , may the more easily judge of the Truth . For I promise , that I will never make any long Answers , but only very freely confesse my own faults , if I find them ; or if I cannot discover them , plainly say what I shal think requisite in defence of what I have writ , without adding the explanation of any new matter , that I may not endlesly engage my self out of one into another . Now if there be any whereof I have spoken in the beginning , of the Opticks and of the Meteors , which at first jarr , by reason that I call them Suppositions , and that I seem not willing to prove them ; let a man have but the tience to read the whole attentively , and I hope he will rest satisfied : For ( me thinks ) the reasons follow each other so closely , that as the later are demonstrated by the former , which are their Causes ; the former are reciprocally proved by the later , which are their Effects . And no man can imagine that I herein commit the fault which the Logicians call a Circle ; for experience rendring the greatest part of these effects most certain , the causes whence I deduce them serve not so much to prove , as to explain them ; but on the contrary , they are those which are proved by them . Neither named I them Suppositions , that it might be known that I conceive my self able to deduce them from those first Truths which I have before discovered : But that I would not expresly do it to crosse certain spirits , who imagine that they know in a day al what another may have thought in twenty yeers , as soon as he hath told them but two or three words ; and who are so much the more subject to erre , and less capable of the Truth , as they are more quick and penetrating ) from taking occasion of erecting some extravagant Philosophy on what they may beleeve to be my Principles , and lest the fault should be attributed to me . For as for those opinions which are wholly mine , I excuse them not as being new , because that if the reasons of them be seriously considered , I assure my self , they will be found so plain , and so agreeable to common sense , that they will seem less extraordinary and strange then any other which may be held on the same Subjects . Neither do I boast that I am the first Inventor of any of them ; but of this indeed , that I never admitted any of them , neither because they had , or had not been said by others , but only because Reason perswaded me to them . If Mechanicks cannot so soon put in practise the Invention which is set forth in the Opticks , I beleeve that therefore men ought not to condemn it ; forasmuch as skill and practice are necessary for the making and compleating the Machines I have described ; so that no circumstrance should be wanting . I should no less wonder if they should succeed at first triall , then if a man should learn in a day to play excellently well on a Lute , by having an exact piece set before him . And if I write in French , which is the language of my Country , rather then in Latin , which is that of my Tutors , 't is because I hope such who use their meer naturall reason , wil better judge of my opinions , then those who only beleeve in old Books . And for those who joyn a right understanding with study , ( who I only wish for my Judges ) I assure my self , they will not be so partiall to the Latin , as to refuse to read my reasons because I expresse them in a vulgar tongue . To conclude , I will not speak here in particular of the progresse I hoped to make hereafter in Learning ; Nor engage my self by any promise to the Publick , which I am not certain to perform . But I shall onely say , That I am resolved to employ the remainder of my life in no other thing but the study to acquire some such knowledge of Nature as may furnish us with more certain rules in Physick then we hitherto have had : And that my inclination drives me so strongly from all other kind of designes , chiefly from those which cannot be profitable to any , but by prejudicing others ; that if any occasion obliged me to spend my time therein , I should beleeve I should never succeed therein : which I here declare , though I well know it conduceth not to make me considerable in the world ; neither is it my ambition to be so . And I shall esteem my self always more obliged to those by whose favour I shal without disturbance enjoy my ease , then to them who should proffer me the most honourable imployment of the earth . FINIS . 
A44322	----	Lectures de potentia restitutiva, or, Of spring explaining the power of springing bodies : to which are added some collections viz. a description of Dr. Pappins wind-fountain and force-pump, Mr. Young's observation concerning natural fountains, some other considerations concerning that subject, Captain Sturmy's remarks of a subterraneous cave and cistern, Mr. G.T. observations made on the Pike of Teneriff, 1674, some reflections and conjectures occasioned thereupon, a relation of a late eruption in the Isle of Palma / by Robert Hooke ... Hooke, Robert, 1635-1703. 1678 Approx. 106 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A44322 Wing H2619 ESTC R38967 18202145 ocm 18202145 107034 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A44322) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107034) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1125:2) Lectures de potentia restitutiva, or, Of spring explaining the power of springing bodies : to which are added some collections viz. a description of Dr. Pappins wind-fountain and force-pump, Mr. Young's observation concerning natural fountains, some other considerations concerning that subject, Captain Sturmy's remarks of a subterraneous cave and cistern, Mr. G.T. observations made on the Pike of Teneriff, 1674, some reflections and conjectures occasioned thereupon, a relation of a late eruption in the Isle of Palma / by Robert Hooke ... Hooke, Robert, 1635-1703. Papin, Denis, 1647-1714. Young, James. Sturmy, Samuel, 1633-1669. G. T. [1], 56 p., [1] folded leaf of plates : ill. Printed for John Martyn ..., London : 1678. Errata: p. 56. Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Springs (Mechanism) -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2004-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LECTURES De Potentia Restitutiva , OR OF SPRING Explaining the Power of Springing Bodies . To which are added some COLLECTIONS Viz. A Description of Dr. Pappins Wind-Fountain and Force-Pump . Mr. Young's Observation concerning natural Fountains . Some other Considerations concerning that Subject . Captain Sturmy's remarks of a Subterraneous Cave and Cistern . Mr. G. T. Observations made on the Pike of Teneriff , 1674. Some Reflections and Conjectures occasioned thereupon . A Relation of a late Eruption in the Isle of Palma . By ROBERT HOOKE . S. R.S LONDON , Printed for John Martyn Printer to the Royal Society , at the Bell in St. Pauls Church-Yard , 1678. Tab. V. a Hypothes is D. i Chr. i Wren . Equ . Potentia Restitutiva , OR SPRING . THe Theory of Springs , though attempted by divers eminent Mathematicians of this Age has hitherto not been Published by any . It it now about eighteen years since I first found it out , but designing to apply it to some particular use , I omitted the publishing thereof . About three years since His Majesty was pleased to see the Experiment that made out this Theory tried at White-Hall , as also my Spring Watch. About two years since I printed this Theory in an Anagram at the end of my Book of the Descriptions of Helioscopes , viz. ceiiinosssttuu , id est , Vt tensio sic vis ; That is , The Power of any Spring is in the same proportion with the Tension thereof : That is , if one power stretch or bend it one space , two will bend it two , and three will bend it three , and so forward . Now as the Theory is very short , so the way of trying it is very easie . Take then a quantity of even-drawn Wire , either Steel , Iron , or Brass , and coyl it on an even Cylinder into a Helix of what length or number of turns you please , then turn the ends of the Wire into Loops , by one of which suspend this coyl upon a nail , and by the other sustain the weight that you would have to extend it , and hanging on several Weights observe exactly to what length each of the weights do extend it beyond the length that its own weight doth stretch it to , and you shall find that if one ounce , or one pound , or one certain weight doth lengthen it one line , or one inch , or one certain length , then two ounces , two pounds , or two weights will extend it two lines , two inches , or two lengths ; and three ounces , pounds , or weights , three lines , inches , or lengths ; and so forwards . And this is the Rule or Law of Nature , upon which all manner of Restituent or Springing motion doth proceed , whether it be of Rarefaction , or Extension , or Condensation and Compression . Or take a Watch Spring , and coyl it into a Spiral , so as no part thereof may touch another , then provide a very light wheel of Brass , or the like , and fix it on an arbor that hath two small Pivots of Steel , upon which Pivot turn the edge of the said Wheel very even and smooth , so that a small silk may be coyled upon it ; then put this Wheel into a Frame , so that the Wheel may move very freely on its Pivots ; fasten the central end of the aforesaid Spring close to the Pivot hole or center of the frame in which the Arbor of the Wheel doth move , and the other end thereof to the Rim of the Wheel , then coyling a fine limber thread of silk upon the edge of the Wheel hang a small light scale at the end thereof fit to receive the weight that shall be put thereinto ; then suffering the Wheel to stand in its own position by a little index fastned to the frame , and pointing to the Rim of the Wheel , make a mark with Ink , or the like , on that part of the Rim that the Index pointeth at ; then put in a drachm weight into the scale , and suffer the Wheel to settle , and make another mark on the Rim where the Index doth point ; then add a drachm more , and let the Wheel settle again , and note with Ink , as before , the place of the Rim pointed at by the Index ; then add a third drachm , and do as before , and so a fourth , fifth , sixth , seventh , eighth , &c. suffering the Wheel to settle , and marking the several places pointed at by the Index , then examine the Distances of all those marks , and comparing them together you shall find that they will all be equal the one to the other , so that if a drachm doth move the Wheel ten degrees , two drachms will move it twenty , and three thirty , and four forty , and five fifty , and so forwards . Or take a Wire string of twenty , or thirty , or forty foot long , and fasten the upper part thereof to a nail , and to the other end fasten a Scale to receive the weights : Then with a pair of Compasses take the distance of the bottom of the scale from the ground or floor underneath , and set down the said distance , then put in weights into the said scale in the same manner as in the former , trials , and measure the several stretchings of the said string , and set them down . Then compare the several stretchings of the said string , and you will find that they will always bear the same proportions one to the other that the weights do that made them . The same will be found , if trial be made , with a piece of dry wood that will bend and return , if one end thereof be fixt in a horizontal posture , and to the other end be hanged weights to make it bend downwards . The manner of trying the same thing upon a body of Air , whether it be for the rarefaction or for the compression thereof I did about fourteen years since publish in my Micrographia , and therefore I shall not need to add any further description thereof . Each of these ways will be more plainly understood by the explanations of the annexed figures . The first whereof doth represent by AB the coyl or helix of Wire , C the end of it , by which it is suspended , D the other end thereof , by which a small Scale E is hanged , into which putting Weights as FGHIKLMN , singly and separately they being in proportion to one another as 12345678 , the Spring will be thereby equally stretcht to o , p , q , r , s , t , u , w , that is , if F stretch it so as the bottom of the Scale descend to o , then G will make it descend to p , H to q , I to r , K to s , L to t , M to u , and N to w , &c. So that xo shall be one space , xp , 2 , xq , 3 , xr , 4 , xs , 5 , xt , 6 , xu , 7 , xw , 8. The second figure represents a Watch Spring coyled in a Spiral by CABBBD , whose end C is fixed to a pin or Axis immovable , into the end of which the Axis of a small light Wheel is inserted , upon which it moves ; the end D is fixed to a pin in the Rim of the Wheel yyyy , upon which is coyled a small silk , to the end of which is fixed a Scale to receive the weights . To the frame in which these are contained is fixed the hand or Index z ; then trying with the former weights put into the Scale E , you will find that if F put into the Scale E sinks the bottom of it x to o , then G will sink it to p , and H to q , I to r , K to s , L to t , and z will point at 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 on the Wheel . The trials with a straight wire , or a straight piece of wood laid Horizontal are so plain they need not an explication by figure , and the way of trying upon Air I have long since explained in my Micographia by figures . From all which it is very evident that the Rule or Law of Nature in every springing body is , that the force or power thereof to restore it self to its natural position is always proportionate to the Distance or space it is removed therefrom , whether it be by rarefaction , or separation of its parts the one from the other , or by a Condensation , or crowding of those parts nearer together . Nor is it observable in these bodys only , but in all other springy bodies whatsoever , whether Metal , Wood , Stones , baked Earths , Hair , Horns , Silk , Bones , Sinews , Glass , and the like . Respect being had to the particular figures of the bodies bended , and the advantagious or disadvantagious ways of bending them . From this Principle it will be easie to calculate the several strength of Bows , as of Long Bows or Cross-Bows , whether they be made of Wood , Steel , Horns , Sinews , or the like . As also of the Balistae or Catapultae used by the Ancients , which being once found , and Tables thereof calculated , I shall anon shew a way how to calculate the power they have in shooting or casting of Arrows , Bullets , Stones , Granadoes , or the like . From these Principles also it will be easie to calculate the proportionate strength of the spring of a Watch upon the Fusey thereof , and consequently of adjusting the Fusey to the Spring so as to make it draw or move the Watch always with an equal force . From the same also it will be easie to give the reason of the Isochrone motion of a Spring or extended string , and of the uniform sound produced by those whose Vibrations are quick enough to produce an audible sound , as likewise the reason of the sounds , and their variations in all manner of sonorous or springing Bodies , of which more on another occasion . From this appears the reason , as I shall shew by and by , why a Spring applied to the balance of a Watch doth make the Vibrations thereof equal , whether they be greater or smaller , one of which kind I shewed to the right Honourable the Lord Viscount Brounker , the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq and Sir Robert Morey in the year 1660. in order to have gotten Letters Patents for the use and benefit thereof . From this it will be easie to make a Philosophical Scale to examine the weight of any body without putting in weights , which was that which I mentioned at the end of my description of Helioscopes , the ground of which was veiled under this Anagram , cediinnoopsssttuu , namely , Vt pondus sic tensio . The fabrick of which see in the three first figures . This Scale I contrived in order to examine the gravitation of bodies towards the Center of the Earth , viz. to examine whether bodies at a further distance from the Center of the Earth did not lose somewhat of their power or tendency towards it . And propounded it as one of the Experiments to be tried at the top of the Pike of Teneriff , and attempted the same at the top of the Tower of St. Pauls before the burning of it in the late great Fire ; as also at the top and bottom of the Abby of St. Peters in Westminster though these being by but small distances removed from the Surface , I was not able certainly to perceive any manifest difference . I propounded the same also to be tried at the bottom and several stations of deep Mines ; and D. Power did make some trials to that end , but his Instruments not being good , nothing could be certainly concluded from them . These are the Phenomena of Springs and springy bodies , which as they have not hitherto been by any that I know reduced to Rules , so have all the attempts for the explications of the reason of their power , and of springiness in general , been very insufficient . In the year 1660. I printed a little Tract , which I called , An Attempt for the explication of the Phenomena , &c. of the rising of water in the pores of very small Pipes , Filtres , &c. And being unwilling then to publish this Theory , as supposing it might be prejudicial to my design of Watches , which I was then procuring a Patent for , I only hinted the principle which I supposed to be the cause of these Phaenomena of springs in the 31 page thereof in the English Edition , and in the 38 page of the Latine Edition , translated by M. Behem , and printed at Amsterdam , 1662. But referred the further explication thereof till some other opportunity . The Principles I then mentioned I called by the names of Congruity and Incongruity of bodies . And promised a further explanation of what I thereby meant on some other occasion . I shall here only explain so much of it as concerns the explication of this present Phaenomenon . By Congruity and Incongruity then I understand nothing else but an agreement or disagreement of Bodys as to their Magnitudes and motions . Those Bodies then I suppose congruous whose particles have the same Magnitude , and the same degree of Velocity , or else an harmonical proportion of Magnitude , and harmonical degree of Velocity . And those I suppose incongruous which have neither the same Magnitude , nor the same degree of Velocity , nor an harmonical proportion of Magnitude nor of Velocity . I suppose then the sensible Universe to consist of body and motion . By Body I mean somewhat receptive and communicative of motion or progression . Nor can I have any other Idea thereof , for neither Extention nor Quantity , hardness nor softness , fluidity nor fixedness , Rarefaction nor Densation are the proprieties of Body , but of Motion or somewhat moved . By Motion I understand nothing but a power or tendency progressive of Body according to several degrees of Velocity . These two do always counterballance each other in all the effects , appearances , and operations of Nature , and therefore it is not impossible but that they may be one and the same ; for a little body with great motion is equivalent to a great body with little motion as to all its sensible effects in Nature . I do further suppose then that all things in the Universe that become the objects of our senses are compounded of these two ( which we will for the present suppose distinct essences , though possibly they may be found hereafter to be only differing conceptions of one and the same essence ) namely , Body , and Motion . And that there is no one sensible Particle of matter but owes the greatest part of its sensible Extension to Motion whatever part thereof it ows to Body according to the common notion thereof : Which is , that Body is somewhat that doth perfectly fill a determinate quantity of space or extension so as necessarily to exclude all other bodies from being comprehended within the same Dimensions . I do therefore define a sensible Body to be a determinate Space or Extension defended from being penetrated by another , by a power from within . To make this the more intelligible , Imagine a very thin plate of Iron , or the like , a foot square , to be moved with a Vibrative motion forwards and backwards the flat ways the length of a foot with so swift a motion as not to permit any other body to enter into that space within which it Vibrates , this will compose such an essence as I call in my sense a Cubick foot of sensible Body , which differs from the common notion of Body as this space of a Cubick foot thus defended by this Vibrating plate doth from a Cubick foot of Iron , or the like , throughout solid . The Particles therefore that compose all bodies I do suppose to owe the greatest part of their sensible or potential Extension to a Vibrative motion . This Vibrative motion I do not suppose inherent or inseparable from the Particles of body , but communicated by Impulses given from other bodies in the Universe . This only I suppose , that the Magnitude or bulk of the body doth make it receptive of this or-that peculiar motion that is communicated , and not of any other . That is , every Particle of matter according to its determinate or present Magnitude is receptive of this or that peculiar motion and no other , so that Magnitude and receptivity of motion seems the same thing : To explain this by a similitude or example . Suppose a number of musical strings , as ABC+DE , &c. tuned to certain tones , and a like number of other strings , as a , b , c , d , e , &c. turned to the same sounds respectively , A shall be receptive of the motion of a , but not of that of b , c , nor d ; in like manner B shall be receptive of the motion of b , but not of the motion of a , c or d. And so of the rest . This is that which I call Congruity and Incongruity . Now as we find that musical strings will be moved by Unisons and Eighths , and other harmonious chords , though not in the same degree ; so do I suppose that the particles of matter will be moved principally by such motions as are Unisons , as I may call them , or of equal Velocity with their motions , and by other harmonious motions in a less degree . I do further suppose , A subtil matter that incompasseth and pervades all other bodies , which is the Menstruum in which they swim which maintains and continues all such bodies in their motion , and which is the medium that conveys all Homogenious or Harmonical motions from body to body . Further I suppose , that all such particles of matter as are of a like nature , when not separated by others of a differing nature will remain together , and strengthen the common Vibration of them all against the differing Vibrations of the ambient bodies . According to this Notion I suppose the whole Universe and all the particles thereof to be in a continued motion , and every one to take its share of space or room in the same , according to the bulk of its body , or according to the particular power it hath to receive , and continue this or that peculiar motion . Two or more of these particles joyned immediately together , and coalescing into one become of another nature , and receptive of another degree of motion and Vibration , and make a compounded particle differing in nature from each of the other particles . All bulky and sensible bodies whatsoever I suppose to be made up or composed of such particles which have their peculiar and appropriate motions which are kept together by the differing or dissonant Vibrations of the ambient bodies or fluid . According to the difference of these Vibrative motions of the Incompassing bulks . All bodies are more or less powerful in preserving their peculiar shapes . All bodies neer the Earth are incompassed with a fluid subtil matter by the differing Velocity of whose parts all solid bodies are kept together in the peculiar shapes , they were left in when they were last fluid . And all fluid bodies whatsoever are mixed with this fluid , and which is not extruded from them till they become solid . Fluid bulks differ from solids only in this , that all fluids consist of two sorts of particles , the one this common Menstruum near the Earth , which is interspersed between the Vibrating particles appropriated to that bulk , and so participating of the motions and Vibrations thereof : And the other , by excluding wholly , or not participating of that motion . Though the particles of solid bodies do by their Vibrative motions exclude this fluid from coming between them where their motions do immediately touch , yet are there certain spaces between them which are not defended by the motion of the particles from being pervaded by the Heterogeneous fluid menstruum . These spaces so undefended by the bodies and Vibrative motion of the particles , and consequently pervaded by the subtil incompassing Heterogeneous fluid are those we call the insensible pores of bodies . According to the bigness of the bodies the motions are , but in reciprocal proportion : That is , the bigger or more powerful the body is , the flower is its motion with which it compounds the particles ; and the less the body is , the swifter is its motion . The smaller the particles of bodies are , the nearer do they approach to the nature of the general fluid , and the more easily do they mix and participate of its motion . All solid Bodies retain their solidity till by other extraordinary motions their natural or proper motions become intermixed with other differing motions , and so they become a bulk of compounded motions , which weaken each others Vibrative motions . So that though the similar parts do participate of each others motions , whereby they indeavour to joyn or keep together , yet do they also participate of an Heterogeneous motion which endeavours to separate or keep them asunder . And according to the prevalency of the one or the other is the body more or less fluid or solid . All bodies whatsoever would be fluid were it not for the external Heterogeneous motion of the Ambient . And all fluid bodies whatsoever would be unbounded , and have their parts fly from each other were it not for some prevailing Heterogeneous motion from without them that drives them more powerfully together . Heterogeneous motions from without are propagated within the solid in a direct line if they hit perpendicular to the superficies or bounds , but if obliquely in ways not direct , but different and deflected , according to the particular inclination of the body striking , and according to the proportion of the Particles striking and being struck . All springy bodies whatsoever consist of parts thus qualified , that is , of small bodies indued with appropriate and peculiar motions , whence every one of these particles hath a particular Bulk , Extension , or Sphere of activity which it defends from the ingress of any other incompassing Heterogeneous body whilst in its natural estate and balance in the Universe . Which particles being all of the same nature , that is , of equal bodies , and equal motions , they readily coalesce and joyn together , and make up one solid body , not perfectly every where contiguous , and wholly excluding the above mentioned ambient fluid , but permitting it in many places to pervade the same in a regular order , yet not so much but that they do wholly exclude the same from passing between all the sides of the compounding particles . The parts of all springy bodies would recede and fly from each other were they not kept together by the Heterogeneous compressing motions of the ambient whether fluid or solid . These principles thus hinted , I shall in the next place come to the particular explication of the manner how they serve to explain the Phaenomena of springing bodies whether solid or fluid . Let AB represent a line of such a body compounded of eight Vibrating particles , as 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , and suppose each of those Particles to perform a million of single Vibrations , and consequently of occursions with each other in a second minute of time , their motion being of such a Velocity impressed from the Ambient on the two extreme Particles 1 and 8. First , if by any external power on the two extremes 1 and 8 , they be removed further asunder , as to CD , then shall all the Vibrative Particles be proportionably extended , and the number of Vibrations , and consequently of occursions be reciprocally diminished , and consequently their endeavour of receding from each other be reciprocally diminished also . For supposing this second Dimension of Length be to the first as 3 to 2 , the length of the Vibrations , and consequently of occursions , be reciprocally diminished . For whereas I supposed 1000000 in a second of the former , here can be but 666666 in this , and consequently the Spring inward must be in proportion to the Extension beyond its natural length . Secondly , if by any external force the extreme particles be removed a third part nearer together than ( the external natural force being alway the same both in this and the former instance , which is the ballance to it in its natural state ) the length of the Vibrations shall be proportionably diminished , and the number of them , and consequently of the occursions be reciprocally augmented , and instead of 1000000 , there shall be 1500000. In the next place for fluid bodies , amongst which the greatest instance we have is air , though the same be in some proportion in all other fluid bodies . The Air then is a body consisting of particles so small as to be almost equal to the particles of the Heterogeneous fluid medium incompassing the earth . It is bounded but on one side , namely , towards the earth , and is indefinitely extended upward being only hindred from flying away that way by its own gravity , ( the cause of which I shall some other time explain . ) It consists of the same particles single and separated , of which water and other fluids do , conjoyned and compounded , and being made of particles exceeding small , its motion ( to make its ballance with the rest of the earthy bodies ) is exceeding swift , and its Vibrative Spaces exceeding large , comparative to the Vibrative Spaces of other terrestrial bodies . I suppose that of the Air next the Earth in its natural state may be 8000 times greater than that of Steel , and above a thousand times greater than that of common water , and proportionably I suppose that its motion must be eight thousand times swifter than the former , and above a thousand times swifter than the later . If therefore a quantity of this body be inclosed by a solid body , and that be so contrived as to compress it into less room , the motion thereof ( supposing the heat the same ) will continue the same , and consequently the Vibrations and Occursions will be increased in reciprocal proportion , that is , if it be Condensed into half the space the Vibrations and Occursions will be double in number : If into a quarter the Vibrations and Occursions will be cuadruple , &c. Again , If the conteining Vessel be so contrived as to leave it more space , the length of the Vibrations will be proportionably inlarged , and the number of Vibrations and Occursions will be reciprocally diminished , that is , if it be suffered to extend to twice its former dimensions , its Vibrations will be twice as long , and the number of its Vibrations and Occursions will be fewer by half , and consequently its indeavours outward will be also weaker by half . These Explanations will serve mutatis mutandis for explaining the Spring of any other Body whatsoever . It now remains , that I shew how the constitutions of springy bodies being such , the Vibrations of a Spring , or a Body moved by a Spring , equally and uniformly shall be of equal duration whether they be greater or less . I have here already shewed then that the power of all Springs is proportionate to the degree of flexure , viz. one degree of flexure , or one space bended hath one power , two hath two , and three hath three , and so forward , And every point of the space of flexure hath a peculiar power , and consequently there being infinite points of the space , there must be infinite degrees of power . And consequently all those powers beginning from nought , and ending at the last degree of tension or bending , added together into one sum , or aggregate , will be in duplicate proportion to the space bended or degree of flexure ; that is , the aggregate of the powers of the Spring tended from its quiescent posture by all the intermediate points to one space ( be it what length you please ) is equal , or in the same proportion to the square of one ( supposing the said space infinitely divisible into the fractions of one ; ) to two , is equal , or in the same proportion to the square of two , that is four ; to three is equal or in the same proportion to the square of three , that is nine , and so forward ; and consequently the aggregate of the first space will be one , of the second space will be three , of the third space will be five , of the fourth will be seven , and so onwards in an Arithmetical proportion , being the degrees or excesses by which these aggregates exceed one another . The Spring therefore in returning from any degree of flexure , to which it hath been bent by any power receiveth at every point of the space returned an impulse equal to the power of the Spring in that point of Tension , and in returning the whole it receiveth the whole aggregate of all the forces belonging to the greatest degree of that Tension from which it returned ; so a Spring bent two spaces in its return receiveth four degrees of impulse , that is , three in the first space returning , and one in the second ; so bent three spaces it receiveth in its whole return nine degrees of impulse , that is , five in the first space returned , three in the second , and one in the third . So bent ten spaces it receives in its whole return one hundred degrees of impulse , to wit , nineteen in the first , seventeen in the second , fifteen in the third , thirteen in the fourth , eleven in the fifth , nine in the sixth , seven in the seventh , five in the eighth , three in the ninth , and one in the tenth . Now the comparative Velocities of any body moved are in subduplicate proportion to the aggregates or sums of the powers by which it is moved , therefore the Velocities of the whole spaces returned are always in the same proportions with those spaces , they being both subduplicate to the powers , and consequently all the times shall be equal . Next for the Velocities of the parts of the space returned they will be always proportionate to the roots of the aggregates of the powers impressed in every of these spaces ; for in the last instance , where the Spring is supposed bent ten spaces , the Velocity at the end of the first space returned shall be as the root of 19. at the end of the second as the Root of 36. that is , of 19 + 17. at the end of the third as the the Root of 51. that is of 19 + 17 + 15. At the end of the fourth as the Root of 64. that is of 19 + 17 + 15 + 13. at the end of the tenth , or whole as the Root of 100. that is as √ 19 + 17 + 15 + 13 + 11 + 9 + 7 + 5 + 3 + 1 , equal to 100. Now since the Velocity is in the same proportion to the root of the space , as the root of the space is to the time , it is easie to determine the particular time in which every one of these spaces are passed for dividing the spaces by the Velocities corresponding the quotients give the particular times . To explain this more intelligibly , let A in the fourth figure represent the end of a Spring not bent , or at least counterpoised in that posture by a power fixt to it , and movable with it , draw the line ABC , and let it represent the way in which the end of the Spring by additional powers is to be moved , draw to the end of it C at right Angles the Line C 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D d , and let CD represent the power that is sufficient to bend or move the end of the Spring A to C , then draw the Line DA , and from any point of the Line AC as BB. Draw Lines parallel to CD , cutting the Line DA in E , E , the Lines BE , BE , will represent the respective powers requisite to bend the end of the Spring A to B , which Lines BE , BE , CD will be in the same proportion with the length of the bent of the Spring AB , AB , AC . And because the Spring hath in every point of the Line of bending AC , a particular power , therefore imagining infinite Lines drawn from every point of AC parallel to CD till they touch the Line AD , they will all of them fill and compose the Triangle ACD . The Triangle therefore ACD will represent the aggregate of the powers of the Spring bent from A to C , and the lesser Triangles ABE , ABE will represent the aggregate of all the powers of the Spring bent from A to B , B , and the Spring bent to any point of the Line AC , and let go from thence will exert in its return to A all those powers which are equal to the respective ordinates BE , BE , in the Triangles , the sum of all which make up the Triangles ABE , ABE . And the aggregate of the powers with which it returns from any point , as from C to any point of the space CA as to BB , is equal to the Trapezium CDEB , CDEB , or the excesses of the greater Triangles above the less . Having therefore shewn an Image to represent the flexure and the powers , so as plainly to solve and answer all Questions and Problems concerning them , in the next place I come to represent the Velocities appropriated to the several powers . The Velocities then being always in a subduplicate proportion of the powers , that is , as the Root of the powers impressed , and the powers imprest being as the Trapezium or the excess of the Triangle or square of the whole space to be past above the square of the space yet unpassed ; if upon the Center A , and space AC , ( C being the point from which the Spring is supposed let go ) a Circle be described as CGGF , and ordinates drawn from any point of CA the space to be past , as from B , B , to the said Circle , as BG , BG , these Lines BG , BG , will represent the Velocity of the Spring returning from C to B , B , &c. the said ordinates being always in the same proportion with the Roots of the Trapeziums CDEB , CDEB for putting AC = to a , and AB = b , BG will always be equal to √ aa — bb , the square of the ordinate being always equal to the Rectangle of the intercepted parts of the Diameter . Having thus found the Velocities , to wit , BG , BG , AF , to find the times corresponding , on the Diameter AC draw a Parabola CHF whose Vertex is C , and which passeth through the point F. The Ordinates of this Parabola BH , BH , AF , are in the same proportion with the Roots of the spaces CB , CB , CA , then making GB to HB as HB to IB , and through the points CIIF drawing the curve CIIIF , the respective ordinates of this curve shall represent the proportionate time that the Spring spends in returning the spaces CB , CB , CA. If the powers or stiffness of the Spring be greater than what I before supposed , and therefore must be expressed by the Triangle CdeA . then the Velocities will be the Ordinates in an Ellipse as C 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 N , greater than the Circle , as it will also if the power be the same , and the bulk moved by the Spring be less . Then will the S-like Line of times meet with the Line AF at a point as X within the point F. But if the powers of the Spring be weaker than I supposed , then will C 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ee+A represent the powers , and C 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O the Ellipsis of Velocity , whose Ordinates B 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , B 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , AO will give the particular Velocities , and the S-like Line of time will extend beyond N. The same will happen supposing the body ( moved by the Spring ) to be proportionately heavy , and the powers of the Spring the same with the first . And supposing the power of the Spring the same as at first , bended only to B2 , and from thence let go B2EA is the Triangle of its powers , the Ordinates of the Circle BgL are the Lines of its Velocity , and the Ordinates of the S-like Line BiF are the Lines of time . Having thus shewed you how the Velocity of a Spring may be computed , it will be easie to calculate to what distance it will be able to shoot or throw any body that is moved by it . And this must be done by comparing the Velocity of the ascent of a body thrown with the Velocity of the descent of Gravity , allowance being also made for the Resistance and impediment of the medium through which it passes . For instance , suppose a Bow or Spring fixed at 16 foot above a Horizontal floor , which is near the space that a heavy body from rest will descend perpendicularly in a second of time . If a Spring deliver the body in the Horizontal line with a Velocity that moves it 16 foot in a second of time , then shall it fall at 16 foot from the perpendicular point on the floor over which it was delivered with such Velocity , and by its motion shall describe in the Air or space through which it passes , a Parabola . If the Spring be bent to twice the former Tension , so as to deliver the body with double the Velocity in a Horizontal Line , that is , with a Velocity that moves 32 foot in a second , then shall the body touch the floor in a point very near at 32 foot from the aforesaid perpendicular point , and the Line of the motion of the body , so shot shall be moved in a Parabola , or a Line very near it , I say very near it , by reason that the Impediment of the medium doth hinder the exactness of it . If it be delivered with treble , quadruple , quintuple , sextuple , &c. the first Velocity it shall touch the floor at almost treble , quadruple , quintuple , sextuple , &c. the first distance . I shall not need to shew the reason why it is moved in a Parabola , it having been sufficiently demonstrated long since by many others . If the body be delivered by the Spring at the floor , but shot by some Angle upwards , knowing withwhat Velocity the same is moved when delivered , and with what Inclination to the Perpendicular the same is directed , and the true Velocity of a falling body , you may easily know the length of the Jactus or shot , and the time it will spend in passing that length . This is found by comparing the time of its ascent with the time of the descent of heavy bodies . The ascent of any body is easily known by comparing its Velocity with the Angle of Inclination . Let ab then in the fifth Figure represent 16 foot , or the space descended by a heavy body in a second minute of time . If a body be shot from b , in the Line bf with a Velocity as much swifter than that equal motion of 16 foot in a second , as this Line bf is longer than ab the body shall fall at e ; for in the same space of time that the oblique equal motion would make it ascend from bd to ac , will the accelerated direct motion downward move it from ac to bd , and therefore at the end of the space of one second , when the motions do equal and balance each other , the body must be in the same Horizontal Line in which it was at first , but removed asunder by the space be , and for the points it passeth through in all the intermediate spaces this method will determine it . Let the Parallelogram abpq then represent the whole Velocity of the ascent of a body by an equal motion of 16 foot in a second , and the Triangle pqr represent the whole Velocity of the accelerated descending motion , pb is then the Velocity with which the body is shot , and p is the point of rest where the power of Gravity begins to work on the body and make it descend . Now drawing Lines parallel to aqr , as s tu , st gives the Velocity of the point t ascending , and tu the Velocity of the same point t descending . Again , pbst signifies the space ascended , and ptu the space descended , so that subtracting the descent from the ascent you have the height above the Line bd , the consideration of this , and the equal progress forwards will give the intermediate Velocities , and determine the points of the Parabola . Now having the Jactus given by this Scheme or Scale , appropriated to the particular Velocity , wherewith any body is moved in this or that line of Inclination , it will be easie to find what Velocity in any Inclination will throw it to any length ; for in any Inclination as the square of the Velocity thus found in this Scale for any inclination is to the square of any other Velocity , so is the distance found by this Scale to the distance answering to the second Velocity . I have not now time to inlarge upon this speculation , which would afford matter enough to fill a Volume , by which all the difficulties about impressed and received motions , and the Velocities and effects resulting would be easily resolved . Nor have I now time to mention the great number of uses that are and may be made of Springs in Mechanick contrivances , but shall only add , that of all springy bodies there is none comparable to the Air for the vastness of its power of extention and contraction . Upon this Principle I remember to have seen long since in Wadham Colledge , in the Garden of the learned Dr. Wilkins , late Bishop of Chester , a Fountain so contrived as by the Spring of the included Air to throw up to a great height a large and lasting stream of water : Which water was first forced into the Leaden Cistern thereof by two force Pumps which did alternately work , and so condense the Air included into a small Room . The contrivance of which Engine was not unknown to the Ancients , as Hero in his Spiritalia does sufficiently manifest , nor were they wanting in applying it to very good uses , namely , for Engines for quenching fire : As Vitruvius ( by the help of the Ingenious Monsieur Claude Perraults interpretation ) hath acquainted us in the Twelfth Chapter of his Tenth Book , where he endeavours to describe Ctesibius his Engine for quenching fire . Not long since a German here in England hath added a further improvement thereof by conveying the constant stream of water through Pipes made of well tanned and liquored Leather , joyned together to any convenient length by the help of brazen Screws . By which the stream of water may be conveyed to any convenient place through narrow and otherwise inaccessible passages . The ingenious Dr. Denys Pappin hath added a further improvement that may be made to this Ctesibian Engine by a new and excellent contrivance of his own for making of the forcing Syringe or Pump , which at my desire he is pleased to communicate to the Publique by this following Description , which he sent me some time since . Dr. Pappins Letter containing a Description of a Wind-Fountain , and his own particular contrivance about the forcer of its Syringe . SInce the Artificial Fountain you have seen at Mr. Boyles ( which was of my making upon his desire ) hath been so pleasing to you as to make you desire to see my description thereof , I cannot doubt but the same will be as grateful also , and well received by the Publick , especially when they shall therein find a remedy for one of the greatest inconveniences of forcing Pumps , which are of so great use for raising of water , and quenching of fires . This was the occasion of my sending you this present description , which would not have been thus prolix had it been only for your self . In the Figure then AA is the Receptacle or body of the Fountain careful sodered in all places , BB is the Pump , CC the Plug or forcer , D a Pipe in the middle of the Plug , which is perfectly shut and stopped when the Plate EE is forced down upon it , EE is the Plate with a hole in the middle , upon which is sodered a Pipe F , which serves for a handle to move the Plug up and down . G is a Cock at the top of the Pipe , which serves to moderate the Jetto or stream . HH is a Valve at the bottom of the Pump , which openeth outward for the passage of the water out of the Pump into the Fountain or Receptacle . II is a Cross at the top of the Plug to hinder the Plate EE from being drawn or separated too far from the hole D in working it to and fro . KK are two Pins serving both to force down and keep open the Valve HH . LL are two Appendices sodered unto the top of the Pipe FF , serving both for a handle to the Rod of the forcer , and also to keep down the forcer . MM are two other appendices or buttons fastned at the top of the two small pillars NN , so as to turn upon the same , and serve to hasp or button down the ends LL of the handle of the forcer that it be not driven up again . OO is the Basin for receiving the water that falls from the Jet or stream from which it may be forced again into the Fountain or Receptacle . For charging this Machine the Basin OO must first be filled with water , and then the Pump must be worked to and fro . In doing of which , when the Plug is drawn upwards the water in the Basin runs in through the cross ( through which the Rod FF passes , ) where finding the hole D open it fills the spaces of the bottom of the Pump ; then the Pump being thus filled , the Plug is to be forced downwards , whereby the Plate EE being closely applied to the brims of the hole D hinders the water from returning back again through the same , but is forced through the valve HH into the Fountain AA . And by repeating this operation all the water of the Basin OO is easily forced into the aforesaid Fountain , whereby all the Air that was therein contained is compressed more or less according as more or less water is forced in , and kept in that compression by the valve H H , which hinders the water that it cannot return through the same . But when you desire to have it return , you force down the Plug hard against the bottom or plate , which by the help of the aforesaid Pins or Appendices KK force , and keep open the valve HH , and the Rod F being kept fast down in this posture by the aforesaid Buttons or Hasps MM , upon opening the Cock G the water returneth through the valve HH , so kept open , through the hole D , and through the whole length of the Pipe F. This way of putting a valve into the Plug of forcing Pumps will be of great use for all such as serve for supplying Towns with water , and for quenching of fire , as preventing a great inconvenience to which the common Pumps are usually subject from the Air which is apt to be generated within them , which Air upon working the said Pump remaining below the forcer , and by its Expansion when the Plug is drawn upwards , hindring the water from filling the whole Cavity beneath it , and by its Condensation when the Plug is forced downwards , losing a great part of the strength of the force , much of the effect of the said Machine is frustrated . For preventing of which Inconvenience care is to be taken that the water in all these forcing Pumps be admitted by the top thereof as in the present Machine , whereby whatever Air shall be generated below the Plug , will readily rise into the hole D as being the highest place next the Plate EE , from whence when by the drawing up of the Plug the Plate is lifted from the brims of the hole D the Air will readily slip up , and the water as readily descend and fill all the parts of the Pump below the Plug . As I have often experimented in this present Machine . Some Persons may object against these kind of valves , assupposing the pressure of the water to be on the wrong side thereof . But it is easie to be noted that this objection is groundless , since it is the same thing whether the Plate be pressed against the Rim of the valve , or the Rim of the valve against the plate . In common valves the Pressure of the water forceth the Plate against the Rim : But in this the Rim against the Plate ; for the remaining solid Rim of the valve , being made thrice as big as the hole or Cavity thereof , the pressure of the water against that Rim forceth the said Rim against the Plate in the middle three times harder than if the pressure of the water lay only on the plate of the value , the same would be pressed against the Rim. To this Discourse of an Artificial Fountain I thought it not improper to add an ingenious Discourse of M. James Young of Plimouth conteining his own Observations and Opinion concerning natural Fountains and Springs . SIR , HAving now gained time , from my other avocations , I have drawn up those observations . I told you I had made in my travels , which had confirmed in me the opinion of my Lord Bacon , that Fountains and Springs were the Percolation of the Sea ; not ( as your self , Mr. Ray , &c. do assert ) from the rains descent into the Earth , I now represent them to your consideration , rather as an Apology ( because they seem rational ) to excuse , than Arguments to justifie and avow the presumption of my dissent . The first shall be the Phaenomena , I observed at Isle de Mayo , which lieth in the Torrid Zone , about thirteen degrees and 30 minutes , North from the Equator . It 's about six Leagues long , and four broad , the wind bloweth constantly North East , or thereabout , and without rain , except three weeks in July , when it hath many showers ; I here send you a Map of the Island , as exactly as I could draw it . I was there two Voyages , and each remained a full month , the best part of which I spent in hunting , and ranging the Island ; there runneth through the middle of it a Rivulet , of very pure water ; It takes its rise from the bottom of two Hills , which lie on the North East end ; The stream at the place marked D , is about fourteen foot wide and two deep ; other than which there is no fresh water on the whole Island , except what our people dig out of the sand between the Ocean and the salt Pond . The said Pond is in a large Bay , at the West side of the Island , which hath from one point to another a bank of Sand , about two or three foot above water , covering the Bay like a string to a Bow , the said bank in the Flemish Road is about 150 foot wide , at the English Road it is as broad again ; there is never any sensible ebbing or flowing of the Sea , only at full Moons , or a day before . It riseth in high Billows , which break over the Bank , at the North end of the Pond , where it is lowest : By which means the Pond is replenished with water , which condenseth into Salt in two days . The Sand dividing the said Pond and the Sea is very fine and loose . Now because the before-mentioned Rivulet disembogues far from the Roads at an inconvenient place for Boats , they are constrained to dig Wells , in the midst of the bank of Sand , between the Pickle of the salt Pond and the Sea , the manner thus : They first dig a pit about eight foot deep , and therein lay two Hogsheads , the one on the top of the other , the head out of both save the lowermost of the deepest ; the sides of both are also full of Gimlet holes , and the sand laid close to them : After twenty four hours they have three or four foot of very clean water in them , which being dipped out , you plainly see the new water strain gently through those holes in the sides of the Cask : After which , in a days time , one man attending it , may draw about ten Hogsheads or more of water , a little tasting of Salt , not so much but that it is drinkable , and very fit to boyl meat in , and is used by those that come there to load Cattle , for their common drink . I have in the Map placed the Sign O where our Well was made . The next observations , pertinent to this subject I made at the Island Lipari , near Sicily , about sixteen Leagues from Messina ; it is famous for the best Raisins in the Mediterranean ; there is on it a large Castle , a small Town , many Vineyards , and about one hundred Families , besides some Religiose . I judge it wants a fifth part of the bigness of the Isle de Mayo , it is mostly very high Land , especially one Mountain , on which stands a Watch Tower , whence a man may see a monstrous distance at Sea , as is confirmed by de Ruyter . In the relation he gives the States of Holland , wherein he tells them , that from that place they discerned the French Fleet 's approach long before they could from any other part , either of their own or the other Island . I am sure it is much higher than either that at the Isle de Mayo , or any I have seen in England , and yet on this fair fruitful Island springs not one drop of water , the Inhabitants storing themselves with rain , which falling very frequently , they are careful to preserve in Cisterns , divers essays have been made in the most promising part of it to find Springs by digging Wells , one of those which I saw was without doubt the deepest in Europe , I remember not the exact profundity as they related it , but I have not forgot , that throwing in a stone it was long ere it got to the bottom , and then returned such a noise as it had been the discharge of a Musquet . The cause of this driness was by the people thought to be subterranean heats , absuming the water , but no such thing appearing , to the sense of those that digged the Wells , I gave no faith to that persuasion ; they fancy such heats partly from the want of water , but mostly because the four adjacent Islands , Stromboli , Vulcano , Vulcanella , and M. Aetna , are constantly burning , and very near them . The obvious earth of this place is loose , and in all apparent qualities very good , but by the heaps that had been thrown up , in digging the Wells , I saw the inferiour earth was clammy , or like clay , that had some greasie gummous matter commixed , This the Religious told me was the very kind of Sulphur which constantly boyled out of the burning Cranny on Vulcanella ; and wherewith all those Islands abounded , not excepting their own , though it were not yet kindled . For my third observation , I will go no farther than the place of my present abode , Plimmouth , in which on a kind of Piazza , commonly called the New-key , ( a plat of ground got in from the Sea ) is a Well , which ( before the ever famous Sir Francis Drake by cutting a Rivulet of thirty miles procured us water in great plenty ) was of common use , having ( as at this day ) a Pump in it ; about seven years since ( being before the Key was inlarged ) the Well was not above eight foot from the edge thereof , over which the Sea would frequently flow , when a high outwind and a Spring Tide concurred , I say this Well , though so near the Sea , yieldeth clean water , and as sweet as a mixture of three parts fresh and one of salt water would be . About an hundred yards from that , on ground a little rising , is a very large Well , which supplieth three or four Brew-houses , by whose drink it is evident that the water hath not wholly quitted its salt . It is to be noted , that Plimmouth lieth on a Peninsula three miles long , and two broad , the Isthmus about two thirds of a mile wide , and not very high from the surface of a full Sea. There are many Wells in it , those near the Sea are saltish , those farther from it the less so . My fourth observation I take from the late famous French Traveller Monsieur Taverner , who in his first Volume , discoursing of the Coast of Coromandel , &c. he saith they there want fresh water , and are constrained to make pits of two foot deep in the sand by the Sea to find it . The fifth observation , and which I would call the most significant , were I assured of its truth , I had from a very ingenious Chirurgeon , who had used the West Indias , that there is in that Sea an Island called Rotunda , of a figure agreeable to its name , which , though very small , hath on it , arising in the middle , a Spring of a very large stream of water , at which our Ships frequently furnish themselves in their Navigation , he affirmed that it raineth there but once a year , as at the Isle de Mayo ; saying withal , that the Island is so short of a proportion big enough for the stream , that if it constantly rained , it could not be supply enough to maintain so large an Efflux . My sixth and last , is the relation of Dr. Downes concerning Barbadoes , viz. that all their Springs were formerly very near the Sea ; that up in the Country they supplied themselves from the rains by digging pits in the earth , able to contain great quantities , and there preserving it ; which they did a very long time ( the rains being there as unfrequent as at the Isle de Mayo ) and that without any sensible diminution by penetrating and descending into the earth ; and to prevent the loss thereof by the exhalations of the Sun they covered it with leaves , &c. but that now by digging deeper they find Springs so plenty that no Plantation is without one . From all these observations the following consectaries do mechanically result . From the first it appeareth that some Springs have manifestly their source from the Sea ; that sand sweetens transcolated Sea-water , and that even pickle strained through it loseth much of its saltness thereby , all which is evident from the Well therein mentioned , whose water could not possibly be other than what soaked in from the Pond and the Ocean . Hence also is manifest , that constant and large Fluxes of water may be made for eleventh months without rain to refill the subterranean Cisterns , supposed by you to supply them ; this appears from the River running through the Island , by whose banks I found ( it being April when I was there , at which time they had been ten months without rain ) thsh after their showers it could run but little larger that it did after so tedious a want of them . I had forgot to intimate in the relation , that those two Hommets , A. are craggy Rocks , whereon live a great number of Goats , and are consequently very unfit , if not incapable , either to receive , or contain the Magazine for the supply of the Rivulet . From the second it is manifest , that higher Mountains of earth , and consequently more likely to receive and contain sufficient quantity of rain-water to beget and supply Springs and Rivers have not always that effect , although there was one great advantage more added here , viz. a clammy tyte earth in the bottom to make the supposed Cistern the better able to contain the store . I say , that frequent rain to fill , high Mountains to contain , loose pervious earth to receive , and a well luted bottom to support and retain ( being all the qualifications and circumstances supposed necessary to make and continue Springs according to the modern Hypothesis ) though all here concurred , did notwithstanding fail of producing that effect . From the same it is also manifest , that where Springs fail , without want of the causes that Hypothesis supposeth necessary to produce them , the occasion hath been from an apparent defect in the other ( that is the imperviousness of the earth through which the water must pass before a Spring can be produced ) both these appeared at Lipary , where the general effect a Spring or fountain was wanting , together with the causes of our Hypothesis , though those of the other were manifestly existent , and with all the advantages necessary : It seeming to me a very rational conjecture , that the greasie clammy Sulphur , wherewith that earth was impregnated , did by oppilating it hinder the insinuation of the Sea into it . From the third observation you have the first deduction confirmed , viz. That Springs are sometimes manifestly from the Sea ; That earth sweetens Sea-water by Percolation ; And that the nearer Springs are to the Sea , the more they retain of their pristine saltness , and lose it by sensible degrees , as they insinuate farther through it . By the fourth the same is confirmed . The fifth proveth , that large streams flow without any possibility of being supplied by rain , both for want of such rain , and of dimensions to receive and contain it . The sixth doth evidence , that rain doth not penetrate the Surface of the earth , even in a very dry parched Country , and in the Torrid Zone , and yet that Springs are under it , which at once proves ours , and refutes the other opinion ; the former appears by the water in those made Ponds , lying there for a long time without any sensible loss thereof by its leaking into the earth : The later by the Wells near the Sea , and those found since under that impervious Land. He that is not altogether a stranger to the weight , pressure , and Elasticity of the air , the ascension of liquors through Filters , and some other resembling Phaenomena , would not account the like motion of the transcolated water to high hills , to be an objection of any force against this Hypothesis , but sure such solutions are no less beyond my ability than design . Finding I have Paper enough left , I will presume to trouble you with one rare appearance more , that occurred to one Mr. Brasey of this Town , an aged and very fat man , who by taking Spirit of Vitriol in his mornings draughts ( to which he was advised as a remedy to asswage the exuberance of his belly ) found that it had no effect on his body ; but that a bundle of Keys , which he used to carry always about him , and that wonted to be very smooth and bright , of a sudden became black and rusty , though he never handled the Spirit , nor carried it in his pocket , so that we concurred in opinion that the sudorous Effluvia of his body , impregnated with the Acid Spirit , had occasioned it . If so , It 's very wonderful , that so small a quantity thereof , when diluted with so much juice as is contained in such a corpulent man , should even insteam and the insensible Emanations make impressions on smooth Iron , mauger the perpetual attrition , by carrying them in his Pocket , whereby such an effect ( one would think ) should be prevented , or soon rubbed of . — I was going to make some reflections on this notable accident , but I consider , &c. — Plimmouth May 5. 1678. James Young. THE Original of Springs is that which hath exercised the Pens of many learned Writers , and very various have been the conjectures concernning it . But amongst all I have met with I conceive none more probable than that which seems to fetch its original from the History of the Creation mentioned in Holy Writ ; that is , that there is a Magazine of waters above as well as a Receptacle of waters upon or beneath the Surface of the Earth : And that the Air is that Firmament which separates between the upper and lower waters , and between these two is the circulation of waters ( or bloud of the Microcosm , if I may so call it ) performed . The water being sometimes by a particular constitution of the Air assisted by heat , rarified and separated into minuter parts , and so reduced into the form of Air , and thereby being divided into Particles really smaller than those of the air in compassing , and agitated with a greater degree of motion , they take up more space , and so become lighter than the Ambient , and are thereby elevated and protruded upwards till they come to their place of poise or Equilibrium in the Air ; At other times by a differing constitution of the Air and deficiency of heat they lose their agitation , and many of them again coalesce , and so having less motion they condense and revert into water , and so , being heavier than the incompassing Air , descend down again to the Earth in Mists , Rain , Snow , Hail , or the like . That there is such a Circulation I think there is none doubts , but still it remains a difficulty ( with those persons that grant this ) that all Rivers and Springs should have their original from the water that falls or condences out of the Air. To persuade such persons it may not possibly be unsuccessful to mention : First , That the great inundations or overflowing of Rivers manifestly proceed either from the Rain that immediately falls , or from the melting of Snow or Ice that hath formerly fallen on the more eminent parts of Mountains ; to confirm which , Histories enough might be brought were it necessary of Nilus , Niger , &c. Secondly , That it hath been observed and computed that communibus annis & locis ; there falls water enough from the Sky in actual Rain , Snow , or Hail upon the Surface of England to supply all the water that runs back into the Sea by the Rivers , and also all that may be supposed to evaporate ; nay , though the quantity of the first be supposed twice as much as really it is . This I have been assured by those that have both experimented and calculated it . Thirdly , That there is not yet certainly ( that I know or have heard of ) any other way of making salt water fresh , but by Distillation ; which , had there been such an Art , it would in all probability have been made use of , and so there is little probability that the Springs at the top of a high Hill should proceed from the Sea-water strained through the earth . But were there such a filtration known I hinted in my Attempt , published anno 1660 about Filtration , how somewhat of that kind might be explained . Fourthly , That this Operation is constantly and most certainly performed by Nature both in exhaling and drawing up fresh steams and vapours from the Sea , and all moyst bodies , and in precipitating them down again in Rain , Snow , Hail , but of the other we have no certainty . Fifthly , I have observed in several places where a Tree hath stood upon an high Hill , singly and particularly at the brow of Box Hill near Darking in Surry , that the body of the Tree is continually wet , and at the root some quantity of water , which is always soaking and gliding down from the Branches and body of the Tree , the leaves , sprigs , and branches of the said trees collecting and condensing continually the moyst part of the Air , the same being indeed a true and lively representation of a River . Nor has it been my observation alone , but the same is mentioned by divers Authors : And it is affirmed by some Authors , that there are some Islands in the Torrid Zone which have no other water in them than what is condensed out of the Air by the Trees at the tops of the Hills , and converted into drops of Rain . Sixthly , That it is generally observed , whereever there are high Hills there are generally many Springs round about the bottoms of them of very fresh and clear water , and often times some which rise very near the tops of them , which seems to proceed from their great elevation above the other plain superficial parts of the earth , whereby the Air being dashed and broken against them , they help to condense the vapours that are elevated into the higher and cooler Regions of the Air , and so serve like Filtres to draw down those vapours so condensed , and convey them into the Valleys beneath , And hence it is very usual in Countries where there are high Hills to see the tops of them often covered with clouds and mists , when it is clear and dry weather beneath in the Valleys . And in the passing through those clouds on the top I have very often found in them very thick mists and small rain , whereas as soon as I have descended from the higher into the lower parts of the Hills , none of that mist or rain hath fallen there , though I could still perceive the same mists to remain about the top . Consonant to this Observation was one related to me by an ingenious Gentleman Mr. G. T. who out of curiosity with other Gentlemen whilst he lived in the Island of Teneriff , one of the Canaries made a journey to the top of that prodigious high Mountain , called the Pikc. The substance of which ( to this purpose ) was , that the Caldera or hollow Cavity , at the very top thereof he observed to be very slabby and moyst , and the earth to slip underneath his feet , being a very moyst soft Clay or Lome like mortar . And farther , that at a Cave , not far from the top , there was a great quantity of very fresh water , which was continually supplied , though great quantities of Ice were continually fetch'd from thence , and carried down into the Island for cooling their Wines . Consonant to which Observation was that which was related to me by the Inquisitive Mr. Edmund Hally made in St. Helena whilst he stayed there to observe the places of the Stars of the Southern Hemisphere , in order to perfect the Coelestial Globe . Having then placed himself upon one of the highest Prominences of that small Island , which he found to be no less than 3000 foot Perpendicularly above the Surface of the Sea next adjoyning , supposing that might be the most convenient place for his designed observation ; He quickly found his expectation much deceived as to that purpose for which he chose it ; for being gotten so high into the Air the motion of it was so violent as much to disturb his Instruments ; but which was more , he found such abundance of mists and moysture that it unglued the Tubes , and covered his Glasses presently with a Dew ; and which was yet more , the foggs and mists almost continually hindred the sight of the Stars . But upon removing to a lower station in the Island he was freed from the former Inconveniences . I could relate many Histories of this nature , whereby it seems very probable , that not only Hills , but Woods also , do very much contribute to the condensing of the moysture of the Air , and converting it into water , and thereby to supply the Springs and Rivulets with fresh water : And I am confident , whosoever shall consider his own observation of this nature , and compare them with this Theory , will find many arguments to confirm it . However , Nullius in verba , Let Truth only prevail , and Theories signifie no further than right reasoning from accurate Observations and Experiments doth confirm and agree with them . Having thus delivered here somewhat of my own thoughts concerning Springs and Rivers , finding among some of my Papers a Relation , wherein a very strange subterraneous Cistern is mentioned , I have here subjoyned it as I received it from Mr. Thomas Alcock from Bristol who together with Sir Humphry Hooke was by whilst Captain Samuel Sturmy made this inquiry , and who by interrogatories made to him , penn'd this Relation for him as it follows verbatim . IN pursuance of His Majesties Commands to me at the presenting of my Mariners Magazine , I have with much diligence , some charge and peril endeavoured to discover that great Concavity in the earth in Glocestershire , four miles from Kingrode , where His Majesties great Ships ride in the Severn . And I find by experience that what has been reported of that place is fabulous , whilst I thus describe it . Upon the second of July 1669. I descended by Ropes affixt at the top of an old Lead Oare Pit , four Fathoms almost perpendicular , and from thence three Fathoms more obliquely , between two great Rocks , where I found the mouth of this spacious place , from which a Mine-man and my self lowerd our selves by Ropes twenty five Fathoms perpendicular , into a very large place indeed , resembling to us the form of a Horse-shoo ; for we stuck lighted Candles all the way we went , to discover what we could find remarkable ; at length we came to a River or great Water , which I found to be twenty fathoms broad , and eight fathoms deep . The Mine-man would have perswaded me , that this River Ebbed and Flowed , for that some ten fathoms above the place we now were in we found the water had ( sometime ) been , but I proved the contrary by staying there from three hours Floud to two hours Ebb , in which time we found no alteration of this River ; besides , it's waters were fresh , sweet , and cool , and the Surface of this water as it is now at eight fathom deep , lies lower than the bottom of any part of the Severn Sea near us , so that it can have no community with it , and consequently neither flux nor reflux , but in Winter and Summer , as all Stagna's , Lakes , and Loughs ( which I take this to be ) has . As we were walking by this River thirty two fathoms under ground , we discovered a great hollowness in a Rock some thirty foot above us , so that I got a Ladder down to us , and the Mine-man went up the Ladder to that place , and walk'd into it about threescore and ten paces , till he just lost sight of me , and from thence chearfully call'd to me , and told me , he had found what he look'd for ( a rich Mine ; ) but his joy was presently changed into amazement , and he returned affrighted by the sight of an evil Spirit , which we cannot perswade him but he saw , and for that reason will go thither no more . Here are abundance of strange places , the flooring being a kind of a white stone , Enameled with Lead Oare , and the Pendent Rocks were glazed with Salt-Peter which distilled upon them from above , and time had petrified . After some hours stay there , we ascended without much hurt , other than scratching our selves in divers places by climing the sharp Rocks , but four days together after my return from thence I was troubled with an unusual and violent Headach , which I impute to my being in that Vault . This is a true account of that place so much talk't of , described by me Samuel Sturmy . Having given you a Relation of something very low within the bowels of the Earth , I now shall add , An account of a Iourney made to the highest part of the earthby my Ingenious Friend Mr. G. T. as I collected it out of the Memorials which he writ at the time of making it ; The particulars whereof were , THat August the twentieth , 1674. about Nine in the morning , in company with Dr. Sebastian de Franques , Mr. Christopher Prancis , Mr. Thomas Proudfoot , together with a Guide , and two other men with horses to carry themselves and necessary provision for the Journey , he set out from They passed up a Hill , which was very steep , till they came to the Pinal or Wood of Pines . This Wood lieth very high in the Island , and extendeth it self from one end of the Island to the other , and is in many places of a great Breadth , and is very frequently covered with a Bruma , fog , or mist , which is so thick as to darken and hinder the appearance of the Sun through it , and so moyst as to make one wet in passing through it . Through this Wood they rode by a pretty steep ascent near two Leagues , crossing it till they came to the further or _____ side , where alighting they rested themselves under a Pine , and Dined . And the fog , which had accompanied them through the whole Wood , here left them , and the Sun appeared . From hence they parted about one in the Afternoon , and after an ascent of about half a mile of very bad stony way they came to a sandy way , which for about the length of a League was pretty plain ; but then they began to ascend a sandy hill , which for half a League farther was pretty steep , which having passed they arrived at the foot of the Pike . Here they alighted , and then rested themselves for some time , then taking horse again , they began to ascend the Pike it self . This part of it was so steep that the way up it is made by several turnings and windings to and fro to ease and alleviate the steepness of the ascent , which were otherwise unpassable for horses . All this part seems to be nothing else but burnt stones and ashes , which may have formerly tumbled down from the higher parts of the Pike . At this place they alighted , and unloaded their horses of the Provision of Victual and water which they were forced to carry with them for their own accommodation , as also of the Provender for their horses . And presently set themselves to provide against the inconveniences of the ensuing night by getting together in the first place a good quantity of the wood of a small shrub , called Retamen , not much unlike our English Broom , which grows there pretty plentifully , and when dry burns very well ; then , having gotten wood enough , they endeavoured to shelter themselves against the piercing cold wind by heaping up a wall of stones on the windward side , and making a good fire of the dry shrubs they had collected to warm themselves . But so furious was the wind which came pouring down from each side of the Mountain that it blew the smoak and ashes into their eyes , and forced them ( though much to their Regret by reason of the extreme piercing coldness of the Air ) to remove their fire farther off . And to keep themselves as warm as they could by lying down upon the ground very close together . Thus they passed the night together as well as they could , but with very little sleep , partly by reason of the cold , and partly for the continual expectation they had of the moment when their Guide would call them to be mounting up the Pike , which is usually about two or three hours before day , to the end that they may get up to the top before the rising of the Sun. For at the rising of the Sun the Air is the most clear , and all the Islands of the Canaries round about may be then plainly discovered . But at two a clock , when they should have been on their Journey , the wind continued to blow with such violence , that their Guide would by no means venter to go up for fear least in the climbing up some steep places the wind should encounter any of them , and hurl them headlong down , so that they were forced to continue and shelter themselves in their bad Lodgings till the Sun arose , and had got some mastery of the wind . About six a clock therefore they set forwards on their enterprise , having first taken each of them his dish of Chocolatte to fortifie their stomachs the better against the cold , so with their Bottle of Strong-water in their Pockets , and Staves in their hands , they began to mount the Pike , the way being just such as they had passed the night before , but much more steep , and continued on till they came to the Mal pays , or stony way , which may be about half a mile from the place where they lay ; This stony way lieth upon a very steep ascent , and is compounded of abundance of stones which lie hollow and loose , some of them of a vast prodigious bigness , and others of them smaller , in such manner as if they had been thrown up there by some Earthquake , as the Author conjectures with very great probability . In the clambring up these stones they took great care in placing their steps on such of them as were more firm for fear of slipping or tumbling so as to break their Legs or Arms. With this difficulty they ascended till they came to the Cave which he conjectures to be about three quarters of a mile distant from the beginning of the stony way . At this Cave they found several persons who were come thither to get out Ice to carry down into the Island , some of which were below in the Cave , digging Ice which was very thick , others remained above . They found the mouth of the Cave about three yards high , and two yards broad ; and being all of them desirous to descend into it , by a Rope fastned about their bodies under their armpits they were all one after another let down into it till they came to set their feet upon the Ice , which is about sixteen or eighteen foot from the mouth . The Cave is not very large , but full of water and Ice , which at the time when they were there lay about a foot under the Surface of the water , though the men that usually go thither said that at other times they found the Ice above the water , which makes many to suppose that it ebbs and flows by means of some secret entercourse that it may have with the Sea , they averring that they have seen it emptying of it self . But this Gentleman so soon as ever he came down fixt his eye upon a stone that lay just above the Superficies of the water , and observed very diligently but could not in all the space that he staid there , which was half an hour , find it either increase or diminish , which makes him believe that the fulness or emptiness of the water may rather proceed from those thick fogs and mists which are generally on the top , and which hinder the Pike from being seen sometimes for twenty , thirty , nay , forty days together ; except only just at the rising or setting of the Sun , though at some other times it happens also that the Air is clearer , and the Pike may be seen perhaps for a month together . From these mists he conceives at some times much water may be collected at the upper parts of the Pike , and soaking down may not only supply , but increase the water in the Cave ; and consonant to this Hypothesis he observed whilst he was there , that there was a continual gleeting and dropping of water in six or seven places from the sides of the Cave , which droppings he supposes may be greater or less according as those fogs do more or less encompass it , or stay about it a longer or shorter time ; He judges also that there may be some other more secret ways both for the conveying water into and out of the said Cave than those droppings , but supposes them to proceed from the aforesaid fogs . Hence he concludes when the Air is clear , and none of those fogs condensed about the Hill , the water in the Cave must necessarily decrease . And that wich confirmed him the more in this opinion was that when he came to the very top of the Pike , he found the earth under him so very moyst , that it was like mud or morter , and might be made into Paste as by experiment he found which he conjectures could no ways be caused by the wind or clear Air , which is rather drying and consuming of moisture , but must proceed from the fogs or mists which are above the very top of the Pike . He further took notice in the Cave that upon the sides and top thereof there grew a snow-white furring like Saltpeter , which had a kind of saltish taste , some of which he gathered and brought back with him to England to have it examined . After about half an hours stay in the Cave , which they found warmer than without in the open Air , they were all pulled up again , and proceeded forward in their Journey by continuing to clamber up the stony way , which lasted till they came to the foot of that part of the Mountain which is called the Sugar-loaf , by reason that at a distance from the Island it appears of that shape , as it doth also even when you are at it . The distance of this place from the Cave they judged to be about half a mile , but the way much more steep and ascending than the former part of the stony way , and extreme troublesom to pass , their feet sinking and slipping down again almost as much as they could stride upwards , so that they concluded it the most painful of all ; however , persisting in their endeavours , after many times resting themselves , they gained the top , which they conceive might be about half a mile higher . The very top they found not plain , but very Rocky and uneven , and in the middle thereof a deep hole ; the outside of this top this Gentleman conceived might be about a quarter of a mile round about on the outside . This hole he conceived to be the mouth of a Vulcano which hath formerly been in that place , for even at that time whilst they were there much smoak ascended out of several holes and chinks of the Rocks , and the earth in divers parts was still so very hot as to be very offensive to their feet through their shooes , and he observed Brimstone thrown up in several places , of which he collected some , and brought back with him to England . From this place may be seen in a clear day all the six adjacent Islands , but the weather being then somewhat thick and hazy , they could discover none but the grand Canaries , Palm , and the Gomera , which last , though distant near eight Leagues from the bottom of the Pike seemed yet so near unto them as if it had been almost under them . The rest of the Islands they could discover whereabout they lay by means of a kind of white cloud hanging on them , but they could not discern the Islands through those clouds . Here they tried their Cordial Waters which they carried in their Pockets , but found them not to abate of their usual strength , and become cold and insipid as fair water , as several had positively averred to him that they had found it , but he conceived them to be very much of the same nature and strength that they were of before they were carried up , which he supposes to be by reason of their arriving at the top so late . After they had stayed on the top about an hour , and satisfied themselves in observing such things as they were able , they descended again with very much facility , and came to the Stancia about eleven of the clock , where they dined , and thence about one in the Afternoon set forwards for the Villa , where they arrived that afternoon about five that Evening . After their return they found their faces ( by reason of the heat of the Sun , and the parching subtil wind ) to cast their skins . He did not measure the Perpendicular height of the Hill himself , but says that he hath been informed by divers skilful Seamen , ( who by their best observation have taken the height of it ) that it is between three and four miles perpendicularly above the Sea. IN this Relation it is very remarkable : First , that this prodigious high Hill is the Product of an Earthquake , and seems heretofore to have been a Vulcano , or burning Mountain , like those of Aetna , Vesuvius , Hecla , &c. though at present it hath only fire enough left to send forth some few sulphureous fumes , and to make the earth of the Caldera or hollow pit at the very top thereof in some places almost hot enough to burn their shooes that pass over it . And possibly in succeeding Ages even this little fire may be quite extinct , and then no other sign thereof may be left but a prodigiously high Rock or spiring Mountain , which in tract of time may by degrees waste and be diminished into a Hill of a more moderate height . Now as this Hill seems very evidently to be the effect of an Earthquake , so I am apt to believe that most , if not all , other Hills of the world whatever may have been the same way generated . Nay , not only all the Hills , but also the Land which appears above the face of the waters . And for this I could produce very many Histories and Arguments that would make it seem very probable , but that I reserve them in the Lectures which I read of this subject in Gresham Colledge in the years 1664 , and 1665. which when I can have time to peruse I may publish Therein I made it probable that most Islands have been thrown up by some subterraneous Eruptions . Such is the Island of Ascension , the Moluccas , &c. Secondly , that most part of the Surface of the Earth hath been since the Creation changed in its position and height in respect of the Sea , to wit , many parts which are now dry Land , and lie above the Sea , have been in former Ages covered with it ; and that many parts , which are now covered with the Sea , were in former times dry Land. Mountains have been sunk into Plains , and Plains have been raised into Mountains . Of these by observations I have given instances , and shewed that divers parts of England have in former times been covered with the Sea , there being found at this day in the most Inland parts thereof sufficient evidences to prove it , to wit , Shells of divers sorts of Fishes , many of which yet remain of the animal substance , though others be found petrified and converted into stone . Some of these are found raised to the tops of the highest Mountains , others sunk into the bottoms of the deepest Mines and Wells , nay , in the very bowels of the Mountains and Quarries of Stone . I have added also divers other instances to prove the same thing of other parts of Europe , and have manifested , not only that the lower and plainer parts thereof have been under the Sea , but that even the highest Alpine and Pyrenean Mountains have run the same fate . Many Instances of the like nature I have also met with in Relations and observations made in the East as well as in the West Indies , Of all which strange occurrences I can conceive no cause more probable than Earthquakes and subterraneous Eruptions which Histories do sufficiently assure us have changed Sea into Land , and Land into Sea , Vales into Mountains sometimes , into Lakes and Abysses at other times ; and the contrary — unless we may be allowed to suppose that the water or fluid part of the earth which covered the whole at first , and afterward the greatest part thereof , might in many Ages and long process of time be wasted , by being first raised into the Atmosphere in vapours , and thence by the diurnal , but principally by the annual motion thereof be lost into the aether , or medium through which it passes , somewhat like that wasting which I have observed to be in Comets , and have noted it in my Cometa : Or unless we may be allowed to suppose that this fluid part is wasted by the petrifaction and fixation of such parts of it as have fallen on the Land and Hills , and never returned to fill up the measure of the Sea , out of which it was exhaled , for which very much may be said to make it probable that the water of the earth is this way daily diminished . Or unless ( since we are ascertained by observations that the direction of the Axis of the earth is changed , and grown nearer the Polar Star than formerly ; that the Magnetism or Magnetical Poles are varied , and do daily move from the places where they lately were , and that there are other great and noted changes effected in the earth ) we may be allowed to conceive that the Central point of the attractive or gravitating power of the earth hath in long process of time been changed and removed also farther from us towards our Antipodes , whence would follow a recess of the waters from these parts of the world to those , and an appearance of many parts above the surface of the water in the form of Islands , and of other places formerly above the Sea now in the form of Mountains , so to continue till by the libration or otherways returning motion thereof it repossess its former seat and place , and overwhelms again all those places which in the interim had been dry and uncovered with the return of the same water , since nothing in nature is found exempt from the state of change and corruption . Further , it is probable that Earthquakes may have been much more frequent in former Ages than they have been in these latter , the consideration of which will possibly make this Assertion not so Paradoxical as at first hearing it may seem to be ; though even these latter Ages have not been wholly barren of Instances of the being and effects of them , to convince you of which I have hereunto subjoyned a Relation and account of one very newly which hapned in the Isle of Palma among the Canaries . Next , the clearness of the Air is very remarkable , which made an Island which lay eight Leagues off to look as if it were close by . To this purpose I have often taken notice of the great difference there is between the Air very near the lower Surface of the Earth , and that which is at a good distance from it ; That which is very near the earth being generally so thick and opacous that bodies cannot at any considerable distance be seen distinctly through it : But the farther the eye and object are elevated above this thick Air , the more clear do the objects appear . And I have divers times taken notice that the same object seen from the top and bottom of a high Tower hath appeared twice as far off when seen at the bottom as when seen at the top : For the Eye doth very much judge of the distance of Objects according as the Density of the Air between the Eye and Object doth represent them . Hence I have seen men look of Gigantick bigness in a fog , caused by reason that the Fog made the Eye judge the Object much farther off than really it was , when at the same time the visible Angle altered not . This great thickness of the lower Air is sufficiently manifest in the Coelestial bodies , few of the fixt Stars or smaller Planets . being visible till they are a considerable way raised above the Horizon . The third remark about the moistness of the fogs , and the production of water at that height I have before insisted on . Only the almost continual fogs that this Gentleman observed in the Wood they passed is very remarkable for the origine of Springs . Nor shall I say any thing concerning the vast perpendicular height of the same , but for a close of this present collection I shall add the short account of the Eruption which lately hapned in the Palma . A true Relation of the Vulcanos which broke out in the Island of the Palma Novemb. 13. 1677. SAturday the thirteenth of November 1677. a quarter of an hour after Sun-set hapned a shaking or Earthquake in the Island of St. Michael de la Palma , one of the Canary Islands , from the lower Pyrenna , and within a League of the City unto the Port of Tassacorte , which is accounted thirteen Leagues distant along the Coast , but more especially at or about a place called Fuencaliente , being seven Leagues from the Town to the Southwards . The trembling of the earth was observed to be more frequent and violent than elsewhere , and so it continued till Wednesday the 17. ditto . The People thereabouts were much affrighted , for besides the Earthquake there was often heard a thundring noise as in the bowels of the earth on a Plain called the Canios , which is before you come to the great descent towards the Sea , where the hot Baths stand , or the holy Fountain ; likewise at the ascent from the aforesaid Plain upwards at the great and wearisom Hill , called Cuesta Cansada , and until the Mountain of Goatyards , and the same day in and about the said places mentioned , the Earth began to open several mouths , the greatest of them upon the said Goat Mountain , being distant from the Sea a mile and an half , and from the said opening came forth a very great heat and smell of Brimstone ; and the same day , an hour before Sun-set at one of the mouths of the wearisom Hill was a trembling thereabout with more violence than any of the four days before ; and a great and black smoak came forth with a terrible thundring noise , opening a very wide mouth , and throwing out much fire , with melted Rocks and stones ; and immediately after at another place eighty paces below hapned the like terrible noise and sight , and in less than a quarter of an hour after there opened to the quantity of eighteen mouths towards the foot of the said Mountains , and there issued out fire , melted Rocks , and other bituminous matter from all the said mouths , and was presently formed into a great River of fire , which took its course over the first mentioned Plain , slowly going down towards the said holy Fountain ; but it pleased God , being come within eight spaces of the Brink of the said great descent , it turned a little on the right side , and took its course with a very great fall towards the old Port , which is that which was first entred by the Spaniards when they took the Islands . Friday the nineteenth at two a clock in the afternoon in the aforesaid Mountain of Goats , on the other side of Tassacorte , there opened another mouth with much smoak and stones of fire , and so closed again . But the next day ( the twentieth ) it began again to smoak , and continued with great trembling and noise in the bowels of the Earth until Sunday the twenty first at noon , when with many flashings of fire , and a greater thundring noise it finished that opening of that monstrous birth , casting up into the Air both fire and stones , and at night the smoak ceasing , the thundring noise , fire and stones increased , forcing great fiery stones so high into the Air as we lost sight of them ▪ and with such violence sent them upwards that according to the best judgment they were five times longer in falling down , which stones or Rocks were observed to be bigger than a Hogshead , ; and what was most to be admired was , that these breaking in the Air , and changing into many several shapes , distinctly appearing , yet notwithstanding did reunite again in falling down . Munday the twenty second it began again to cast forth black smoak for two hours time , and after to thunder , and throw up fire and stones with great violence . Tuesday the twenty third at noon it smoaked again , and from thence until night there was terrible thundring noise , and casting up of fire and stones more fierce than before ; and about nine of the clock at night a very great trembling of the earth was felt , and presently after followed three great stones of fire in the form of Globes which were forced about half a League in height , and then like Granadoes broke in the Air with very great noise . Wednesday the twenty fourth it was for an hours time very quiet , and after it began with greater force than ever before , by reason that some of the lower and first mouths were partly stopt , with which the aforesaid River of fire ceased from running , after it had dammed up the Bay of the old Port , with burnt and melted Rocks and Stones , and other matter wherewith the said River had run , and had forced the Sea backward above a Musquet shot at random , and near twice as much in breadth . It ran into the Sea above sixty paces . What fell into the Sea went congealing with a great smoak , what came after , forced and ran over that which went before , so that the smoak was very great many paces within the Sea , as far as seven fathoms depth , which caused many men to imagine that some such like Vulcano had opened under the Sea in the said seven fathoms depth . This night it cast up some stones like great fiery Globes as the former . Thursday the twenty fifth it proved yet more violent than ever with thundring noise and flashes of fire . Friday the twenty sixth , the mouth that was at the foot of the Mountain began again to cast up as much fire and stones as ever , and formed two other Rivers ; the one taking its course to Leeward of the first River leading toward the Rocks called de los Tacosos ; and the other took its way to windward of the first , directly towards the Bathes or Holy Fountain ; and in this entrance the mouth of the Monntain was observed to be more quiet , though it cast up much ashes like black small sand . What dammage appears to have been done from its beginning to this day the twenty sixth of November , being of thirteen days continuance , hath been about nine or ten Country Houses burnt , besides Out-houses , and great Cisterns for water , which are the poor Peoples only Remedy in those parts , and upwards of three hundred Acres of ground are quite spoiled , being covered with Rocks , Stones , and other Rubbish and Sand ; and if , ( which God defend ) the said Vulcano do longer continue , the damage must be far greater , especially if any other mouth should break out higher , as it is much feared , by reason the earth in some places doth open with appearances as at first , so that all about that circuit of the Fuencalliente will be lost ; and for what already hapned , and yet continues with much terrour , besides the fears of more in other parts thereabout , the Inhabitants do leave their Habitations , and like poor distressed people seek relief at the City , and many leave the Island to seek their fortunes in the others . From the twenty sixth of November , that the aforesaid Relation was sent for Teneriff by the Chamber of this Island unto the General , the said Vulcano continueth fierce ▪ and without ceasing , rather more than less , with a terrible thundring noise , casting up Fire , Stones , Rocks , and black Ashes , and the three Rivers of Fire still running into the Sea , and hath now dammed up all the Baths and holy Fountain , to the great detriment of the Island , that yearly received a great benefit thereby , besides many damages dayly added to the former . Several other mouths have since opened in the like dreadful manner near about the same place , we see the great smoak by day , and hear the thunder and noise , like the shooting off of many Cannons , and by night see also much of the fire very high in the Air from this City , which is one and twenty miles from it . We are now at the eleventh of December , and fear we shall have more to write to you by the next . Other Letters of the thirtieth of December mention , that it then contined much at one as before ; and since others of the nineteenth of January say , it is yet as dreadful as ever , and little likelihood of ceasing ; from the thirteenth of November that it began to the nineteenth of January is about ten Weeks that it hath burnt ; and the last Letters mention abundance of Ashes or black Sand forced into the Air , and carried all over the Island , falling thick like Rain , and frequently gathered in the City , in the Streets , Houses , and Gardens , though seven Leagues off . FINIS . ERRATA . PAge 10. line 15. read the other , viz. the vibrating . l. 16. participates . l. 17. & 18. r. Vibrationsh thereof , but all Solids do exclude that menstruum , or participate not of its motion . p. 14 , l. 11. for length r. number . l. 12. r. occasions will be . p. 15. l. 6. r. LMNO . l. 12. r. have of Elasticity is . p. 18. l. 29. r. equal to ten . p. 42. l. 12. r. from Oratava . l. 12. r. or Southeast side . p. 42. l. 9. for Prancis r. Francis. 
A26553	----	Academia scientiarum, or, The academy of sciences being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences, with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science : in English and Latine / by D. Abercromby ... Abercromby, David, d. 1701 or 2. 1687 Approx. 176 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26553 Wing A77 ESTC R6380 11966133 ocm 11966133 51707 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26553) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51707) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 46:4) Academia scientiarum, or, The academy of sciences being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences, with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science : in English and Latine / by D. Abercromby ... Abercromby, David, d. 1701 or 2. [24], 179, [12] p. Printed by H.C. for J. Taylor, L. Meredith, T. Bennet, R. Wilde ..., London : 1687. English and Latin on opposite pages. First ed. Cf. Wing. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Intellectual life. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Licens'd , Feb. 23. 1687. R. Midgley . Academia Scientiarum : OR THE Academy of Sciences . Being a Short and Easie Introduction TO THE KNOWLEDGE Of the Liberal ARTS AND SCIENCES . WITH The Names of those Famous Authors that have written on every particular Science . In English and Latine . By D. ABERCROMBY , M. D. LONDON , Printed by H. C. for J. Taylor , L. Meredith , T. Bennet , R. Wilde , Booksellers in St. Paul's Church-yard , Amen-corner , and Ludgate-hill , 1687. TO ALEX. CAMPBELL , OF CALDER The Younger , Eldest Son to Sir HUGH CAMPBELL , Knight Baronet , and Baron of CALDER . SIR , BEing of a temper quite contrary to the flatering Genius of this Age , I shall not follow the Example of most Writers of Dedicatory Epistles , and try your Patience with long Encomiums either of Yourself , or of your Family , since the Histories , and publick Records of the Kingdom of Scotland , have given the Publick so clear , and so full an account of its Antiquity ; as likewise of the Vertue , Generosity , great Atchievements , and unshaken Loyalty of your Illustrious Ancestors Yet I hope I shall not offend your Modesty , if I say , 't is the general opinion of all your Acquaintances , both at home and abroad , that as you follow in your greener years so closely their footsteps through the Temple of Vertue , to that of Honour and Glory , so you may perhaps , impove ( if possible ) to a Higher pitch , those very Great and Heroick Qualities they first excell'd in . May not I then b● allowed to say , without the least suspicio● of flattery , that you are not only th● la●ful Successor of the most Ancient , mo● Noble , and Loyal Family of the Thai● of Calder , and of their Estate and For ▪ tune , but also , that you are already possess'd of these good and great Endowments both of Body and Mind , which made them capable of the great Employments they were intrusted with , and enabled them on all occasions to render the Kings of Scotland and Great Britain such signal Services , as can never be forgotten . But not intending a Panegyrick , which I know would be uneasie to you , who hates the least appearance of flattery , I shall not insist on this Subject ; I must only tell you , that this small Treatise , since 't is the Academy of Sciences , could not but claim a peculiar Right to your Patronage , since you have given so singular and convincing proofs of your being thoroughly acquainted with the Subject it treats of ; for having seen by a lucky chance , before I had any acquaintance with yourself , your very learned and accurate Book , I found it to contain in short , almost all kind of useful Learning , the Systems both of the New and Old Philosophy , the choicest Flowers of Rhetorick ; as likewise evident marks of a not ordinary Piety and Loyalty , especially when you conclude the whole with your Father's , as well as your own dutiful Asserting and declaring for his Sacred Majesty , who now Reigns , ( then Duke , ) his undoubted Right of Succession , in expressions full of affection and zeal to his Person and Service , and that at a time when Loyalty and Duty of Subjects to the Royal Family , were not only seasonable , but seem'd to be necessary ; and you being hardly past the Sixteenth year of your age , I could not but be surprised , instead of promising Buds , to find so early Fruits both of Vertue and Loyalty . While this directed me whither I should send this small Present , it rais'd my Thoughts in revising of it with a Paulo majora canamus , to reform it so as to make it suitable to your Character , and give it the better pretence to your Acceptance . Only I hope , that as Travellers find some pleasure when settled at home , to review in a small Map , those vast and pleasant Countries they have visited abroad , so it may perhaps , prove some diversion in your spare hours , to consider now and then those very many Arts and Sciences , which both at home and abroad you have practised , and so successfull studied in larger Volumes . Though I treat nothing a fond , as the French speak , or thoroughly and to the bottom , yet besides some not despicable hints of the Material Principles of most Arts and Sciences , I do point every where at the Famed Authors , and greatest Masters of every Art and Science , that they may supply you with what my design'd brevity , and the scope of this Treatise , would not allow me to enlarge upon ; and so this not unpleasant method , whatever you think of the performance , may perhaps reconcile you to my design , of adding , though but little , to your greater improvements , while at the same time I shew to the World with what zeal I am , SIR , Your truly Affectionate Friend , and Humble Servant , D. Abercromby . Nobilissimo , Clarissimoque Domino . D. ALEX. CAMPBELL , A CALDER Juniori , D. HUGONIS CAMPBELL , Equitis Baronetti , & Baronis Calderae , filio natu maximo . Nobilissime Domine , CUM proclivem adeo in adulationem hujus saeculi genium omnino oderim praeter orum fere omnium morem qui mecaeati suo opusculum quodpiam inscri●nt , neque in tuas ipsius , neque in Familiae tuae laudes multis excurram , cum praesertim Historia ipsa publicaque Regni Scotiae instrumenta , non antiquissima solum ejusdem stemmata , sed & virtutem , fortitudinem , ingentia sacta , inconcussamque semper in reges nostros illustrium majorum tuorum fidem nec semel , nec paucis divulgarint . Nihil tamen , spero , proferam quod prae modestia aegrius ferre debeas , si dixero cum omnibus sive Britannis , sive exteris quibus non de facie tantum notus es , eorum te vestigia quamvis adhuc tantum aerate florentem per Templum Virtutis ad Templum Honoris & Gloriae , tam presso pede insequi , ut quibus illi aliquando dotibus claruere , has rerum a te gerendarum splendore illustriores forte aliquando fore , nec immerito , nec solus conjiciam . Quidni igitur hoc loco absque ulla adulationis suspicione liceat mihi profiteri te non modo conspicuum antiquissimae , nobilissimae , fidissimaeque regibus nostris Familiae , ac Thannorum Calderae , opumque , quibus potiuuntur , legitimum haeredem , sed videri etiam donatum a natura iis sive corporis sive animi ornamentis , quae ipsis ad sublimia quaeque regni munera additum aperuerunt , quibus ii recte administrandis insignia Regibus tum Scotiae , tum magniae Britanniae obsequia nulla proinde oblivione delenda pro re nata praestitere . Sed cum nullam hic Panegyrim mihi proposuerim , utpote quae tibi vel levissimam adulationis speciem refugienti ingrata foret , huic argumento pluribus non immorabor ; hic tantum dicam tractulum hunc , cum Academia Scientiarum sit , vel eo nomine tuo deberi patrocinio quod illius argumentum intime te , penitusque nosse indiciis haud obscuris non ita pridem demonstraveris , cum enim propitio mihi casu in librum a te sane perquam docte eleganterque conscriptum prius quam mihi notus fores , incidissem statim eo paucis , compendioque animadverti contineri non veteris modo novaeque Philosophiae Systemata , sed & omnem fere utilorem & alicujus momenti doctrinam , flosculosque etiam Eloquentiae selectiores , nec non conspicua Pietatis in Deum , Fideique in Regem ubique indicia , ibi praesertim ubi sub finem operis , tuo ipsius Patrisque tui nomine , Regis nunc regantis ( tum Ducis Eboracensis ) certissimum avitum ad diadema jus , spirantibus ubique tuum in ipsum amorem verbis pro officio declaras , eoque tempore quo debitae regiae Familiae fidei , obedientiaeque declaratio non opportuna tantum , sed & necessaria omnino videbatur ; cumque annum jam sextum supra decimum vix implevisses non potui non mirari maturos adeo tuo in hortulo solidae virtutis fructus , e quo teneriores tantum adhuc flosculi habita aetatis ratione expectari poterant . Dam haec me impellerent ut tuo tractatulum hunc nomini inscriberem novam mihi provinciam imposuerunt ut eum scilicet ad limam denuo revocarem , quo jam tuo dignior aspectu quantumvis tibi semper impar , faciliorem ad te aditum inveniret . Illud tantum sperare mihi liceat , ut qui longinquas regiones peragrarunt , domum reduces non absque voluptate aliqua exigua eas in Mappa revisunt , ita futurum tibi negotiis magis seriis libero non injucundum contemplari varias illas Scientias Artesque quas tanto successu grandioribuse voluminibus conquisitas , domi ●orisque foeliciter exercuisti . Caeterum licet nihil hic penitius attingam , praeter non contemnenda Artium plerarumque , ac Scientiarum principia , celebriores ubique Authores indico , ut ea tibi pluribus subministrent , quae paucis tantum proposita mihi brevitas ipseque tractatuli hujusce scopus a me exigebant ; hac itaque non injucunda scribendi methodo , quicquid de opere ipso censeas , forte fiet ut & concilium meum probes , & propositam mihi metam ; eo enim hoc opusculo collimavi , ut quidpiam quamvis modicum praeclaris animi tui ornamentis adderem , dum interim palam profiteor quam non ficte haberi velim tibi , tuoque ubi res feret , obsequio addictissimus . David Abercromby . THE PREFACE . BEcause of the shortness of Humane Life , and the little leisure of most Men to read large Volumes , an accurate and easie method for attaining to a general , and yet in some measure , sufficient Knowledge of most Arts and Sciences , has been long wish'd for , but never , for ought I know , undertaken , or at least , so compendiously , and so usefully performed , by any perhaps , either at home or abroad . For , 1. I have set down in these Papers , a part of what I judg'd most material in every Science ; as likewise fittest for every common capacity , that so this Treatise may prove of a more general use . 2. I have called it the Academy of Sciences , because here , as in an Academy , you may learn most of the noblest Arts and Sciences , especially if you peruse often what is offered to you in these few sheets : But if you desire to know more , though perhaps most Gentlemen will think this enough , I have supplied you with good Authors , who will give you a further , Instruction , if you are at leisuure to consult them . 3. The Virtuosi are concern'd in this Treatise , because it contains an Abridgment of what they have already learn'd , together with the Names of the Famed Authors that have treated of the Subject ; which is no inconsiderable advantage , the Learned as well others , being sometimes at a loss when they write Books , what Authors treat of this or that Subject ; wherein by having this Treatise at hand , they may be soon satisfied . I have written it both in English and Latine , to gratifie such as understand but one of the said Tongues . 4. For methods sake , in the order of the Sciences set down here , I have followed the Alphabet as far as conveniently I could , beginning with those whose first letter of their Names is A , and then with those whose first letter is B , &c. which engag'd me to keep the Greek and Latine Names , as the most known , and the fittest for this purpose . I need not now tell you , that this Treatise is of singular use to all sorts of Persons , of what condition soever , and not to Scholars only , but likewise to Masters , who have here in a few lines , what they may teach such as are committed to their trust ; yea , the very Ladies themselves , by the perusal of this Treatise , and a little help , may be furnish'd with such a variety of Knowledge , as may supply their not being bred in Universities . PRAEFATIO . CUM per humanae vitae brevitatem , otiumque ingentia evolvere volumina plerisque hominum non liceat , accuratam , facilemque methodum qua generalem quis , & tamen quae aliquatenus sufficiat , Artium praecipuarum Scientiarumque notitiam assequeretur , diu multumque plurimi exoptarunt , quam tamen indigenarum nemo , quod sciam , aut etiam alienigenarum scribendam adhuc suscepit , aut eo saltem , quo hic tradita est , compendio , fructuque forte hactenus conscripsit : primo enim quicquid praecipui quavis in Scientia momenti , & quicquid communem ad captum magis appositum judicavi , idcirco adduxi in medium ut eo pluribus tractatulus hic usui foret . 2. Academiam Scientiarum inscripsi ; hic enim velut in Academia Artes plerasque , Scientiasque nobiliores discere poteris si praesertim saepius relegas quae breve hoc scriptum tibi proponit : At si penitius omnia , pluraque scire volueris , quamquam nobilium plerique sat multa haec forte existimaturi sint , probatos tibi suggessi Authores , qui te plura docebunt si quidem per otium eos consulere tibi liceat . 3. Jam eos quoque qui ingenuis artibus ingenium excoluere opusculum hoc spectat , utpote eorum compendium quae jam didicere , complexum , celebriorumque propofito super argumento nomina Authorum : Quod non exiguae quid utilitatis est cum etiam docti aliquando , perinde atque alii nesciant , dum libros scribunt , quis de hac , illave re egerit ; quod seposito hujuscemodi ad usum hoc libello cito discent . Caeterum tum Anglico eum , tum Latino idiomate eo consilio scripsi , ut ●is inservirem qui alteram linguarum ●llarum non intelligerent . 4. Methodi gratia in serie Scientiarum hic exhibita , Alphabeti ordinem , quantum commode potui secutus sum , initio ab iis ducto quarum homina littera A , tum ab iis quarum homina littera B inchoat , &c. unde factum est ut voces Graecas & Latinas , utpote maxime notas , huncque in scopum magis idoneas retinuerim . Frustra jam hic subjungerem tractatulum hunc summe utilem fore omni hominum generi , aetati , conditioni , neque discipulis tantum , sed & Magistris quae hic perpaucis habent quae suae commissos curae docere queant : Quin etiam ipsae faeminae hujus tractatuli lectione exiguaque docentis opera eam cognitionis varietatem compare sibi poterunt , quae educationis , qua carent , Academicae , supplementum quoddam videri possit . Some Books Printed for , and Sold by John Taylor , at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard . A Free Enquiry into the Vulgarly Receiv'd Notion of Nature , made in an Essay , address'd to a Friend . In English and Latine , for the Benefit of Forreiners . By R. B. Fellow of the Royal Society . The Declimations of Quintilian , being and Exercitation or Praxis upon his Twelve Books , concerning the Institution of an Orator . Translated ( from the Oxford Theater Edition ) into English , by a Learned and Ingenious Hand , with the Approbation of several Eminent Schoolmasters in the City of London . The Happy Ascetick , or the best Exercise ; with a Letter to a Person of Quality , concerning the Lives of the Primitive Christians . By Anthony Horneck , D. D. Preacher at the Savoy . THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES . ACADEMIA SCIENTIARUM . Section I. Algebra . ALgebra , or the Analytical Doctrine , is the Art of finding an unknown Magnitude , taking it as if it were known , and finding the equality between it and the given Magnitudes : It implieth then a dissolving of what is suppos'd to be compounded , which is meant by the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Resolution : This Name may upon this account be given to the common operations of Arithmetick ; as for instance , to what we call Substraction , Division , Extraction of Roots , &c. for Substraction is nothing else but a Dissolution or Resolution of what is suppos'd to be compounded , or made up by Addition ; and Division a resolution of what is suppos'd to be made up by Multiplication ; as likewise Extraction of the square Root , is a resolution of what is supposed to be made up by squaring : But such resolutions being easie , are not called Algebra , for the resolution of things , whereof the composition is more intricate , is more properly understood by this harsh word . The Arabs call it Algibr Walmokabala , from the first of these two words we call it Algebra , which taken together , imply the Art of Restitution and Resolution . Lucas de Burgo , the most ancient European Algebrist , calls it the Rule of Restauration and Opposition . And indeed , this is its chief work ; a quantity unknown , which they commonly call Root , is supposed by Additions , Substractions , Multiplications , Divisions , and other like Operations , to be so chang'd , as to be made equal to a known quantity compared with it , or set over against it ; which comparing is commonly called Equation , and by resolving such an Equation , the Root so changed , transformed or luxated , is in a manner put into joynt again , and its true value made known , for the word Giabara , from which the word Algebra is derived , does signifie , to restore or set a broken Bone or Joynt . Theo says , that Algebra was invented by Plato ; however the chief Writers of Algebra are those whose names I have set down here , to gratifie such as would learn this noble Art. Lucas Pacciolus , or Lucas of Burgo , a Minorita Fryer , wrote an Italian Treatise of Algebra , in Venice , 1494. a little after the Invention of the Art of Printing ; there he mentions Pisanus , and several others that had written on the same Subject before him , but their Works are not Extant . Harriot , Oughtred , Descartes , Huddenius , Gelleus , Billius , and lately the fam'd Dr. Wallis has written a large Volume on this Subject . Sectio Prima . Algebra . ALgebra sive Doctrina Analytica est ars inveniendi magnitudinem incognitam eam accipiendo quasi cognita foret , inveniendoque aequalitatem eam inter , datasque magnitudines . Sonat itaque Resolutionem ejus quod compositum supponitur , hicque Graecae vocis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sensus est : Hoc proinde nomen tribui poterit communibus Arithmeticae operationibus , puta Substractioni , Divisioni , Extractioni radicum quadratarum , &c. Substractio enim nihil aliud est quam resolutio ejus quod ex Additione supponitur emersisse , compositi , Divisio quid ? nisi resolutio ejus quod ex Multiplicatione supponitur emersisse , compositi , Extractioque radicis quadratae nil aliud est quam resolutio ejus quod ex quadratione supponitur emersisse , compositi : Sed hujuscemodi resolutiones utpote faciliores Algebrae nomine intelligendae non veniunt , difficilium enim compositionum resolutio barbara hac voce , & magis proprie intelligitur . Arabibus dicitur Algiabr Walmokabala , a priore voce nos Algebram dici mus , geminae eae voces simul sumptae artem restitutionis , ac resolutionis sonant . Lucas Burgensis antiquissimus inter Europaeos Algebrista Algebram Restaurationis & Oppositionis regulam vocat . Et reipsa praecipuum hoc ejus opus est , quantitas adhuc incognita quam vulgo Radicem dicunt , quibusdam Additionibus , Subductionibus , Multiplicationibus , Divisionibus , aliisque ●d genus operationibus ita supponitur mutata , ut tandem aequalis fiat quantitati notae eidem comparatae , aut e regione ejusdem collocatae , quae comparatio aequatio dici solet : Hujus autem aequationis resolutione radix hunc in modum mutata , aut quasi luxata , priori rursus , ut ita dicam , situi restituitur , verusque ejus valor innotescit , vox enim Giabara unde Algiabr desumitur , fracti ossis restaurationem sonat . inventam asserit a Platone Algebram Theo ; ut ut sit praecipui Algebrae Scriptores hi sunt quorum nomina hic appono in eorum gratiam qui nobilem hanc artem discere voluerint . Lucas Pacciolus , aut Burgensis , Italicum de Algebra Tractatum scripsit Venetiis Anno nonagesimo quarto supra millesimum quadringentesimum ●aulo post inventam Typographiam ; ●bi commemorat Pisanum , aliosque ●on paucos qui de eodem argumento ●rius scripserant , at eorum opera jam ●on extant . Harriotus , Oughtredus , Cartesius , Huddenius , Gelleus , Billius , ●c nuperrime celeberrimus Vallisius ●oc super argumento amplum volu●en edidit . Sect. II. Arithmetick . ARithmetick is the Art of Numbering ; 't is either Practical or Speculative ; the Speculative Arithmetick contains some general truths relating to Numbers : As for instance , Unity is the beginning of every Number ; a Number is a Multitude compounded of Unites . An even part of a Number is that which by Multiplication produceth that number . As 2 is an even part of 10 , because 2 multiplied by 5 , give 10. An uneven part of a number is that which by Multiplication produceth not that number . Thus 3 is an uneven part of 10 , because however multiplied , it shall never produce this number 10. The proportion of Numbers is either according to their excess , defect , or equality , for that thing has some proportion to another that is either less , greater , or equal . A perfect number is that which is equal to all its even parts : The first perfect number is 6 , for all its even parts are 1 , 2 , 3 , which together give 6. The next perfect Number is 28 , for all its even parts are 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 , 14 , which by Addition give 28. These ensuing notions likewise may be referr'd to the Speculative part of Arithmetick , To Multiply one number by another , as 4 by 2 , is to take the Multiplicand 4 as many times as the Unity may be taken in the Multiplicator 2 , and so 4 being multiplied by 2 , the Product must be 8. To divide one number by another ; as for instance , 8 by 2 , is to find out how many times 2 are contained in 8. A plain number is the product of two numbers multiplied the one by the other ; 12 then is a plain number , because it is the product of 6 multiplied by 2. A Solid number is the product of three numbers multiplied , such is 24 , because 't is the product of those three numbers multiplied 2 , 3 , 4 , for multiplying 2 by 3 I have 6 , and 6 by 4 I have 24. A Square number is the product of two equal numbers muitiplied by one another , or of the same number multiplied by itself . 4 Is a Square number , as being the product of 2 multiplied by 2 , and 2 is called the Square Root . A Cube is the product of three equal numbers , or of the same number thrice taken ; for if you multiply 2 by 2 , you have 4 ; and if you multiply 4 by ● again , you have 8 , and 8 is called th● Cube Root . That part of Arithmetick that relate● to the Practice , contains , First Addition , which is the gathering of man● numbers into one Sum ; as if I add ● to 6 , the whole is 8. Secondly Substraction , as if I take 4 from 6 , ther● remains 2 ▪ Thirdly , Multiplication as if I enquire how many are four time● six , and I find 24. Fourthly , Division , as if I enquire how many times ● are contained in 24 , and I find the● to be contain'd four times in 24. Fifthly , the Fractions . Sixthly , th● Decimal Fractions , invented to supply broken numbers , very troublesome to Practitioners . Seventhly , the Extraction of Roots , Cubic and Square ▪ Eighthly , the four Rules of Proportion , of Society , Alligation , Falshood , the Doctrine of Progressions . We may reckon the ensuing Authors among the best Arithmeticians . Simon Stevinius invented the Decimal Fractions ; Neper supplies troublesome and intricate Divisions by his Rabdologick Plates , and his Logarithms ; and Tacquet has given us both the Theory , and the Practice of Arithmetick ; Euclid in the 7 , 8 , 9 , and 10 of his Elements of Geometry ; Jordanus , Nemorantius , Francis Maurolycus , Barlaamon , &c. Sectio Secunda . Arithmetica . ARithmetica est ars numerandi ; est autem practica aut speculativa ; haec manifeste vera quaedam , & generalia de numeris pronunciata complectitur : Cujuscemodi ea sunt quae sequuntur . Omnis numeri principium est unitas ; numerus est multitudo ex unitatibus composita . Pars aliquota numeriea est quae numerum metitur . Ita numerus hic 2 est pars ●iquota numeri hujus 10 , quinquies ●im 2 sunt 10. Pars aliquanta numeri est ea quae ●umerum non metitur . Ita numerus ●ic 3 est pars aliquanta numeri hujus ●o ; ter enim sumptus dat 9 , & qua●er dat 12. Proportio numerorum est nume●orum consideratio juxta excessum , defectum aut aequalitatem : Illud ●nim ad aliud proportionem habet , quod aut minus , aut majus , aut aequale est . Perfectus numerus dicitur qui omnibus suis partibus paribus aequalis est . Primus perfectus est 6 , illius enim omnes partes pares seu aliquotae sunt 1 , 2 , 3 , quae simul additae dant 6. Secundus est 28 ; nam illius omnes partes aliquotae seu pares sunt 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 , 14 , quae simul additae 28 producunt . Subsequentes pariter notiones ad Arithmeticam speculativam referri poterunt . Unum numerum per alium ●ultiplicare seu in alium ducere ut 4 ●n 2 est toties sumere multiplicandum ● quoties sumi potest in multiplicatore ● unitas : Quare si 4 ducas in 2 , summa ●utura est 8. Unum numerum divi●ere per alium ut 8 per 2 nihil aliud est quam invenire quoties 2 conti●eantur in 8. Numerus planus a duo●us numeris in se invicem ductis producitur , 12 igitur est numerus planus quia producitur a numero 6 in 2 ducto . Solidus numerus a tribus numeris multiplicatis oritur : Ejusmodi est 24 , ex tribus enim hisce numeris multiplicatis emergit 2 , 3 , 4 ; si enim 2 duco in 3 habeo 6 , & si duxero 6 in 4 , ha●eo 24. Numerus quadratus producitur a duobus aequalibus numeris inse invicem ductis , cujusmodi est 4 : Oritur enim a numero 2 in 2 ducto , qui radix quadrata dicitur . Cubus oritur ex multiplicatione trium numerorum aequalium , aut ejusdem numeri ter assumpti ita 8 cubus primus ex multiplicatione numeri 2 ter assumpti , producitur , si enim 2 ducas in 2 habes 4 , & si 4 rursus ducas in 2 habes 8 , & 2 radix cubica dicitur . Pars illa Arithmeticae quae spectat praxim complectitur primo Additionem quae est plurium numerorum in unam summam collectio , ut si addam 2 huic numero 6 summa integra futura est 8. Secundo , Substractionem ut si 4. subduco e numero 6 , supersunt 2. Tertio , Multiplicationem , ut si inquiram quot constituant quater 6 , comperiam 24. Quarto , Divisionem ut si inquiram quoties 6 contineantur in 24 comperioque in 24 quater contineri . Quinto , Fractiones . Sexto , Fractiones Decimales ad supplementum Fractionum practicis permolestarum excogitatas . Septimo , Extractionem radicum cubicarum , ac quadratarum . Octavo , Regulas proportionum , societatis : alligationis , falsi , & doctrinam progressionum . Annumerare possumus sequentes Authores primis Arithmeticis . Simo●em Stevinium fractionum decemalium ●nventorem ; Neperum Scotum qui divisionis molestiam laminis suis rabdologicis , & logarithmis omnem sustu●it ; Tacquetum qui Arithmeticae , & Theoriam , & praxim tradidit ; Eucli●em 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , Elementorum , Jor●anum , Nemorantium , Franciscum Maurolicum , & Barlaamontium , &c. Sect. III. Judiciary Astrology . JUdiciary Astrology is that Science , by the help of which Men pretend to judge of things to come , and more especially of Mens Good and Bad Fortunes . The Judiciary Astrologers do ascribe considerable vertues to the different Conjunctions amd Aspects of the Stars . They distinguish five kinds of mutual Aspects among the Planets : The first is called a Sextile , when one Planet is distant from another the sixth part of the Circuit of the Heavens , that is to say , 60 degrees . The second is called a Quartile , when the distance is but the fourth part of the circle or 90 degrees . The third is called a Trine , when the distance is but the third part of the circle , or 120 degrees . The fourth is called an Opposition , when the two Planets are in the two opposite points of the circle , and distant from one another 180 degrees . The fifth is called a Conjunction , when the two Planets are in the same Sign of the Zodiack . Astrologers divide the Heavens into twelve equal parts , which they call Houses ; they say that every Planet has eight dignities , viz. House , Exaltation , Triplicity , Term , Chariot or Throne , Person , Joy , Face . They say the Stars were not only made to give light : Hence 't is they take the station , direction and retrogradation ( as they speak ) of a Planet to be a certain reeling , or spinning of Fates and Fortunes : They distinguish all the Constellations into so many Triangles or Trigones : The first is the fiery Trigone , comprehending Aries , Leo , Sagittarius ; the second is the Earthly , comprehending those ensuing Constellations , Taurus , Virgo , Capricornus ; the third is the Aerial , comprehending Gemini , Libra , Aquarius ; the fourth Trigone is the Watery , comprehending Cancer , Scorpius , Pisces . If you desire to know more particularly the Principles of this Science , you may consult these following Authors . Vannius , Butler , Cardan , Gadbury , Albottazen , Haly , Julius Firmicus , Johannes Jovianus Pontanus , Pezelius , &c. Secttio Tertia . Astrologia Judiciaria . AStrologia Judiciaria ea est Scientia cujus ope de rebus futuris homines pronunciant , ac praesertim de faelici aut infaelici cujusque fato . Astrologi Judiciarii insignes ascribunt virtutes diversis conjunctionibus , aspectibusque planetarum . Quinos distinguunt aspectus planetarum . Primus dicitur Sextilis cum distat planeta unus ab alio sexta parte circuli , hoc est 60 gradibus . Secundus vocatur Quadratus cum distant invicem quarta parte ejusdem circuli , hoc est 90 gradibus . Tertius dicitur Trigonus quando tertia tantum parte , seu 120 gradibus . Quar●us Oppositionis cum uterque planeta sibi oppositi sunt , disjunctique 180 gradibus . Quintus est Conjunctionis cum duo planetae sunt in eodem signo Zodiaci . Universum Coeli ambitum secant Astrologi in duodenas partes aequales , quas vocant domos seu domicilia . Octonas planetarum dignitates numerant , quae sunt domus , exaltatio , trigonus , terminus , carpentum , persona , gaudium , facies . Stellas dicunt non creatas tantum ad orbem illuminandum : Unde aiunt stationem , directionem & retrocessum planetae esse nescio quam fatorum revolutionem , ac quasi netionem : Constellationes omnes distinguunt tot in triangula seu trigona : Primum trigonum igneum dicitur , complectiturque Arietem , Leonem , Sagittarium ; secundum terrestre appellatur , continetque Taurum , Virginem , Capricornum ; tertium aerium est complexum Geminos , Libram , Aquarium ; quartum appellatione aqueum , continet Cancrum , Scorpium , Pisces . Si propius hujus Scientiae principia intueri volueris , consulere poteris hos sequentes Authores , Vannium , Butlerium , Cardanum , Gadburium , Justinum , Philippum Melanctonum , Origanum , Ptolomaeum , Albohazen , Haly , Julium Firmicum , Johannem Jovianum Pontanum , Pezelium , &c. Sect ▪ IV. Astronomy . AStronomy gives us an account of the Motions of Coelestial Bodies , of of their distance , order , bulk , &c. The Babylonians will have Belus to have been the Inventor of it , the Aegyptians Mercury , the Moors Atlas and Hercules , the Grecians Jupiter , Orpheus and Atreus , the Scythes Prometheus . We may divide it into two Parts , the one Spherical , and the other we may call Systematical The Spherical is that part of Astronomy which treateth of the Sphere , whether Artificial or Natural ; the Artificial Sphere is made up of ten circles , whereof six are great ones , because they divide the whole Sphere into two equal parts , such we reckon the Horizon , the Meridian , the Equator , the two Colures , and the Zodiack . The little Circles are those that divide the Sphere into two unequal parts , as the two Tropicks , and the two Polar Circles : Every circle is divided into sixty parts , which they call first minutes ; and each Minute likewise into sixty parts , which we call second Minutes . The Natural Sphere , or the Coelestial Globe , besides the foregoing Circles , offers to our view divers Constellations : The Antients reckon'd eight and forty , comprehending in this number all the Stars to be seen in Greece , and all the known Parts of the World ; 12 of those Constellations are contain'd in the Zodiack , 21 are to be seen toward the North , and 15 towards the South ; but of late there are twelve other Constellations discovered towards the South . The Systematical Astronomy , which others call the Theorical , is that part which by the help of some Engines and Orbs , offers to our view those Coelestial Motions which are not so obvious to every common understanding . This part of . Astronomy comprehends several Hypotheses , as that of Anaxagoras and Democritus , who allowed a free motion to the Stars , but of no first Mover , or Primum mobile : Neither did they admit any second motion towards ihe East , but a simple motion only towards the West ; so in their Opinion , those Stars only could be said to move toward the East , that moved more slowly towards the West . There is another Hypothesis that considers the Stars as tied to solid Spheres ; and who hold this Hypothesis , hold likewise the Earth to rest in the Centre of the World. Copernicus allows motion to the Earth ; he fixeth the Sun in the Centre of the World , though it turns round about its own Axis within seven and twenty days , as 't is manifest by the motion of its spots . 1. In this System , the Orb of the sixed Stars is immoveable . 2. Mercury turns round the Sun in almost three months . 3. Venus in four months and a half , and the Earth itself in twelve months , and round the Earth the Moon tarneth every month . 4. Mars's revolution round the Sun is ended in almost two years , as Jupiter's in twelve years , and Saturn's in thirty . Tycobrahe orders his System thus : First the Firmament , or the Sphere of the fixed Stars , the Earth being the Centre of the World ; then the Orbs of Saturn , Jupiter and Mars ; Venus and Mercury turn round the Sun , and the Moon round the Earth . The Old System was ordered thus : The Earth was the Centre of the World , above it were plac'd the Planets and Heavens in this order ; the Moon , Mercury , Venus , the Sun , Mars , Jupiter , Saturn , the two Chrystalline Heavens , and the Primum mobile . Authors . Ptolomy , Aratus , Eudoxus , Calippe , Tycobrahe , Gassendy , de Billy , Courcier , de Sacrobosco , Fracastorius , Galilaeus . Sectio Quarta . Astronomia . AStronomia describit corporum Coelestium motum , distantiam , ordinem , magnitudinem , &c. Illius inventorem Babylonii volunt esse Belum , Aegyptii Mercurium , Mauri Atlantem & Herculem , Graeci Jovem , Orpheum & Atreum , Scythae Prometheum . Eam dividere possumus geminas in partes , alteram Sphaericam , alteram appellare possumus Systematicam . Sphaerica est ea pars Astronomiae quae agit de Sphaera , sive arte facta , sive naturali : Sphaera arte facta constat 10 circulis quorum 6 sunt majores quia dividunt Sphaeram in duas partes aequales ; cujusmodi numeramus horizontem & meridianum aequatorem , colurosque duos aequinoctii , & solstitii , & zodiacum . Minores circuli sunt ii qui Sphaeram in duas partes inaequales dividunt : Cujusmodi sunt duo tropici , totidemque polares : Quivis circulus dividitur in gradus 360 , & quivis gradus in 60 particulas , quas prima minuta vocant ; & minutum primum in sexaginta partes quas secunda minuta dicimus . Sphaera naturalis , seu Globus coelestis praeter commemoratos circulos aspicientibus exhibet varias constellationes : Antiqui octo supra quadraginta constellationes numerabant : Quo numero comprehendebant omnes stellas in Graecia conspicuas , atque in omnibus cognitis tum mundi partibus : 12 constellationes continebat zodiacus , 21 apparent ad boream , 15 ad austrum , versus hanc partem duodecim nuper aliae detectae sunt . Astronomia Systematica quam alii Theoricam vocant est ea Astronomiae pars quae aspectui nostro exhibet ope quarundam Machinarum Orbiumque eos coelestes motus qui omnibus non aeque obvii sunt . Haec Astronomiae pars varias complectitur hypotheses cujusmodi est hypothesis Anaxagorae ac Democriti , qui motum astris liberum assignabant sed nullum admittebant Primum mobile ; neque ulla proinde solidis Sphaeris alligabant sydera : Nec ullum secundum in ortum concedebant motum , sed simplicem tantum in occasum : Ita juxta eorum sententiam ea tantum sydera moveri dicuntur in ortum , quae lentius moventur in occasum : Alia quaedam est hypothesis quae sydera , ut solidis alligata Sphaeris intuetur ; quique hanc hypothesim tenent terram in centro mundi quietam volunt . Copernicus motum terrae attribuit ; solem constituit in centro mundi immotum , licet proprium circa axem moveatur spatio viginti septem dierum ut patet e motu ejusdem macularum in hoc systemate . 1. Orbis fixarum immotus est . 2. Mercurius spatio fere trium mensium circa solem vertitur . 3. Venus intra quatuor menses , & semissem , terraque ipsa duodecim mensibus , circaque terram quolibet mense gyrat Luna . 4. Martis periodus circa solem absolvitur duobus fere annis , ut Jovis duodecim , Saturnique spatio triginta annorum . Suum Tycobrahe systema ita constituit . Firmamentum , seu coelum fixarum primo loco statuit : Mundi centrum terra est ; fixarum coelo succedit coelum Saturni , tum Jovis , & Martis , Venus & Mercurius circa solem gyrant luna circa terram movetur . Antiquum systema ita se habebat : Terra mundi centrum occupabat ; supra illam erant aqua , aer , & ignis , succedebant planetae coelique hoc ordine , Luna , Mercurius , Venus , Sol , Mars , Jupiter , Saturnus , Firmamentum , duo coeli chrystallini Primum mobile . Authores . Ptolomaeus , Aratus , Eudoxus , Calippus , Tycobrahe , Gassendus , Billius , Courcierius , de Sacrobosco , Fracastorius , Galilaeus . Sect. V. Military Architecture . ARchitectonica Militaris , or Military Architecture , is the Art of Fortifying . This Art teacheth us how to encline towards the Angles of a Poligone , that is , a Figure of many Angles , certaines lines upon which the Fortress is to be built in such a manner , that the Enemy by whatever side he makes his approach , may be beat back by the lesser number . Every point of the circumference of the Fortress must be defended by some other part of the same . According to the Holland method of Fortifying , the Angle of the Bastion , or the Flanqued , and Defended Angle exceeds always by 15 degrees the half of the angle of the Polygone ; upon this account 't is that the angle of the Bastion is never streight , or of 90 degrees , unless in a place defended by 12 Bastions ; but in places defended by more than 12 , it is always streight . According to tht French method , if the Polygone be a triangle , the angle of the Bastion contains 45 degrees ; if it be a Pentagone , or of five angles , it contains 78 degrees ; if the Polygone have more than five sides , the angle of the Bastion is streight , or is open 90 deg . Authors . Errard of Barleduc , Samuel Marolois , Adam Fritach , Stevin in Italian , de Lorini , del Cavallero Francisco Tensimi , del Cavallero Alessandro Barone , de Groote , Herigone . Sectio Quinta . Architectonica Militaris . ARchitectonica Militaris est ars muniendi , ars autem muniendi docet qui inclinare debeamus ad angulos polygoni hoc est figurae variis terminatae angulis lineas quasdam super quibus propugnaculum aedificandum est , ita ut hostis quacumque parte invadat , minoribus viribus repelli possit . Omne punctum in procinctu munimenti debet defendi ab alia parte . Juxta methodum muniendi Hollandicam angulus propugnaculi , aut defensus excedit semper quindecim gradibus semissem polygoni , quamobrem angulus propugnaculi nunquam est rectus nisi locus duodecim propugnaculis defenditur , quoties autem locus pluribus , quam duodecim propugnaculis munitur , rectus semper est . Juxta Gallicam muniendi methodum si munitum polygonum triangulum fuerit , angulus polygoni est graduum 46 , si pentagonum fuerit , angulus propugnaculi est gradibus 78 ; si polygonum constet pluribus quam quinque lateribus , angulus propugnaculi est rectus , aut 90 graduum . Authores . Errardus Barneto-duceus , Samuel Marolois , Adamus Fritachius , Stevinius Italice , de Lorini , Franciscus Tensimi , Herigonius , &c. Sect. VI. The Military Art. THe Military Art of the Greeks and the Romans was on several accounts different from that of this Age. Of old an ordinary Grecian Army did contain 28672 , among whom we reckon not those that were upon the Elephants , who were sometimes in greater numbers , sometimes in lesser . This Army was divided into Horse and Foot : The Foot was divided again into Oplites and Psiles , the Oplites were those that wore a heavy Armour , the Psiles were slightly Arm'd . The number of the Oplites was always double of the number of the Psiles , and the Psiles double of the number of the Cavalry . All the Oplites of the Phalange were put in one Battalion , whereof the Front contained 256 men , and the Wing 16. Of all the Psiles of the Phalange , the Grecians made two Battalions , each having 128 men on a breast , and 8 in the slanks ; all the Cavalry of the Phalange was divided into 16 squar'd Turmes or Troops , whereof each did contain 64 men . In a Grecian Army made up of four Phalanges , there were four Battalions of Oplites , 8 of Psiles , and 64 Troops of Horse . In a Roman Legion there were four different sorts of men , not only as to Age , Riches , Warlick Science , but likewise on the account of their Arms , and way of Fighting ; for of the younger and poorer sort ( as Polybius assures us ) they made their Velites ; those that were somewhat above them upon the account of their age and riches , were Halbardeers , or Hasteries ; such as were richer , and in the full vigour of their age , were Princes ; and the oldest and most experimented , were the Triaries . The number of the Soldiers of every one of those different sorts , was different in different times , according as the Legion was less or more numerous . When the Legion did amount to 4200 , as it did in Polybius his time , there were 600 Triaries in the Legion , and 1200 of every one of the three other sorts , to wit , of Princes , Hastaries , and Velites . When the Legion was more numerous , those three different sorts were likewise encreased , the Triaries only excepted , who were always the same number . In the Militia of this Age , there is no such repartition observed , the Armies being not always divided into parts made up of the samo numbers ; for some Regiments have 10 Companies , others 15 , others 20 , &c. Likewise the Compapanies have not always the same number , some being a hundred men strong , others one hundred and twenty , others one hundred and fifty , &c. In this Age an Army is drawn up in Battel , or three Lines , and the French divide sometimes every Line into several little Bodies ; the Turks give sometimes to their Army the figure of a Cer●sont . The Camp , especially if the Enemy be near , ought to be in some place where there is a great abundance of Water , and Provisions : And if the Army is to make a long stay , 't is to be observed if the Air be good . Ye are not to Encamp near a Hill , which being taken by the Enemy , might incommode your Camp. Authors . Polybius , Stevin , Herigone . Sectio Secta . Ars Bellica . ARS Bellica , seu Militaris tum Graecorum , tum Romanorum varie discrepabat ab hodierna recentiorum . Communis Graecorum exercitus numerabat 28672 , quibus non annumeramus qui Elephantis insidebant qui non eundem semper numerum conflabant , sed interdum majorem , minorem interdum . Hic exercitus dividebatur in equites , peditesque , pedites rursus in Oplitas & Psilos , Oplitae erant gravis armaturae milites , Psili levis armaturae . Numerus Oplitarum duplus erat numeri Psilorum , & Psili equitum numerum geminabant . Omnes Oplitae unius Phalangis uno colligebantur in agmine cujus frons constabat 256 , & ala 16. Ex omnibus Psilis Phalangis constituebant Graeci duo agmina , a fronte stabant viginti octo supra centum , a latere octo . Omnes equites Phalangis distribuebantur in turmas quadratas sedecim , quarum quaelibet quatuor supra sexaginta milites continebat . In exercitu Graeco ex quadruplici Phalange conflato quatuor erant agmina Oplitarum , octo Psilorum , & sexaginta quatuor turmae equitum . Romana legio quatuor complectebatur hominum Genera diversa non aetate tantum , divitiis , scientiaque Bellica , sed & armis , modoque pugnandi : Ex junioribus enim , pauperioribusque , ut testatur Polybius seligebantur Velites , ex proximis hastarii , ex aetate florentibus Principes , senioresque , & magis experti seligebantur in Triarios . Numerus militum ex quibus diversi illi ordines constabant diversis temporibus diversus erat ; prout legio magis , minusque numerosa erat . Cum legio constabat ducentis supra quatuor millia , ut temporibus Polybii constabat ; sexcenti erant Triarii in legione , ducenti supra mille in quovis ordinum reliquorum , scilicet Principum , Hastariorum , & Velitum : At numerosiore jam legione tres varii ordines numerosiores omnes reddebantur , exceptis tantum modo Triariis quorum numerus idem semper erat . In Militia hujus saeculi nulla hujusmodi distributio observatur , cum exercitus non dividatur in partes eodem semper numero constantes : Quaedam enim legiones constant 10 cohortibus quaedam 15 , quaedam 20 , paucioribus aut pluribus ; cohortes pariter non semper eodem constant numero : Quaedam enim constant 100 militibus , aliae 120 , aliae 150 &c. Hoc saeculo exercitus pugnaturus in tres ordines distribuitur ; Galli unumquemque ordinem in varia agmina quandoque distribuunt , Turcae exercitum interdum ordinant in formam lunae crescentis . Castra , maxime si in propinquo fuerit hostis debent figi in loco tuto ubi magna adsit aquarum copia , commeatusque , & si diuturnior esse debeat exercitus mora , videndum an aura illic salubris sit . Cavendum autem imprimis ne castra prope montem statuantur , qui ab hoste occupatus exercitui noxius esse posset . Authores . Polybius , Stevinius , Heregonius . Sect. VII . Cosmography . COsmography is a Description of the World , and its chief Parts .. The World is the Highest Heaven , and whatever it contains , it is divided into the Sublunary Region , and the Coelestial : The Sublunary Region is obnoxious to divers Changes , and is contained in the concave surface of the Orb of the Moon : It contains the four Elements , the Earth , the Water , the Air , the Fire . The Semi-diametre of the Earth contains about 3436 Italian miles . The ordinary depth of the Sea is 500 Geometrical paces . The Surface of the Earth is almost equal to the Surface of the Sea , and somewhat higher , because we see that Rivers from their first rise to the Sea go always downwards . The Divines think that the Earth was entirely round , and surrounded with Waters on all sides , but after God had commanded the Waters to retreat , so many Hills were made as there are Concavities to receive the Seas . The Coelestial Region is that part of the World which is extended from the concave surface of the Heaven of the Moon , to the convex surface of the Highest Heaven ; which space comprehends the Heavens of all the Stars . Astronomers distinguish three sorts of Spheres ; the first is streight , when the Equator maketh streight angles with the Horizon ; the second is oblique , when the Intersection of the Horizon and Equator makes oblique angles ; the third is the Parallel Sphere , when the Equator and the Horizon are joyned together . Astronomers conceive ten Points , and ten chief Circles in the concave superficies of the first Mobile : The Points are the two Poles of the World , the two Poles of the Zodiack , the two Equinoctial , and two Solsticial Points , Zenith and Nadir . The Circles are the Horizon , Meridian , Equator , Zodiack , the Colures of the Equinox , and the Colures of the Solstice . The Cancer and Capricorne , the Arctick and Antarctick circles ; by Zenith and Nadir we understand two points , the first directly answering to our Heads , and the second to our Feet . Astronomers fancy divers Motions in the Heavens : the Primum Mobile turns round with it all the other Orbs in 24 hours . They allow to the other Heavens under the first Mobile a motion of Libration from the North to the South , and from the South to the North. The Eclipse of the Moon is a real privation of its light , by the interposition of the Earth between it and the Sun. The Eclipse of the Sun is not a real privation of light , because the Sun Eclips'd , is only hid from our eyes by the interposition of the Moon . All the Eclipses of the Moon are universal , or seen by all such as see the Moon ; all the Eclipses of the Sun are Particular ones , or not seen by every one that sees the Sun. There are five Zones , one Torrid , two Temperate , and two Cold ones . The torrid Zone is comprehended between the two Tropicks ; its breadth is 47 degrees , if we reckon according to the common Calcul 23 ½ on each side of the Equator ; the two temperate Zones are contain'd between the Tropicks and the Polar Circles , whereof one is South , and the other North ; the breadth of both is 43 degrees . The cold Zones are contain'd within the Polar Circles , distant from the Poles of the World 23 degrees ½ . Authors . Peter Aerte his World , in five Vol. Herigone , Garcy , Adrianus Metius . Sectio Septima . Cosmographia . COsmographia est descriptio mundi , praecipuarumque ejusdem partium . Mundus est caelum altissimum , & quicquid eo comprehenditur , dividitur in regionem sublunarem , & coelestem , regio sublunaris variis est obnoxia mutationibus , contineturque concava caeli lunaris superficie , quatuor complectitur elementa , terram , aquam , aerem , ignem . Semi-diameter terrae quadringenta fere & triginta sex supra tria millia , milliaria Ilalica complectitur . Communis marium altitudo est passuum Geometricorum quingentorum . - Superficies terrae est fere aequalis superficiei maris , atque aliquanto altior , quia animadvertimus flumina ab ipsa origine ad mare descendere , seu deorsum tendere . Putant Theologi terram initio rotundam fuisse , atque aquis undique circumcinctam : Sed postquam Deus aquas recedere jussisset , tot erupere montes , quot sunt concavitates aquis marinis recipiendis idoneae . Regio coelestis est ea pars mundi quae porrigitur a superficie concava coeli lunaris ad superficiem convexam altissimi coeli , quod spatium coelos omnium stellarum comprehendit . Astronomi triplicem sphaeram distinguunt prima est sphaera recta quando aequator rectos cum horizonte angulos constituit ; secunda est obliqua cum intersectio aequatoris , & horizontis constituit obliquos , tertia est parallela cum aequator , & horizon sibi congruunt , aut conjunguntur . Astronomi in concava primi mobilis superficie concipiunt 10 puncta , totidemque primarios circulos : Puncta sunt duo mundi poli , duo poli zodiaci , duo puncta aequinoctialia , duo puncta solsticialia , Zenith & Nadir . Circuli sunt horizon , meridianus , aequator , zodiacus , colurus aequinoctiorum , colurus solstitiorum , Tropicus Cancri , & capricorni , duoque polares : His vocibus Zenith & Nadir intelligimus duo puncta ex diametro opposita , alterum , scilicet zenith vertici nostro imminens , alterum nempe nadir , pedibus oppositum . Astronomi varios concipiunt in coelis motus . Primum mobile reliquos secum coelos 24 horarum spatio circumducit : Reliquis sub primo mobili coelis addunt motum librationis a septentrione in austrum & ab austro in septentrionem . Eclipsis lunae est vera luminis privatio interjectu terrae lunam inter & solem : Eclipsis solis non est realis privatio luminis . Sol enim deficiens tegitur tantum ab oculis nostris interpositu lunae . Omnes Eclipses lunae sunt universales aut conspicuae omnibus corpus lunare eo tempore intuentibus ; omnes Eclipses solis sunt particulares , aut non conspicuae omnibus qui solem ipsum intueri possunt . Quinque sunt Zonae , una torrida , duae temperatae , duaeque frigidae , torrida Zona comprehenditur duobus Tropicis : Ipsius latitudo est vulgari calculo 47 graduum ; nempe 23 ½ cis , ●ltraque aequatorem ; duae temperatae comprehenduntur tropicis , & polari●us circulis quorum alter meridiona●is alter borealis est , utriusque latitudo est graduum 43 ; frigidae Zonae comprehenduntur polaribus circulis dissi●is a mundi polis grad . 23 ½ . Authores . Petrus de Aerte , seu mundus ipsius ● voluminibus , Herigonius , Garcaeus , Adrianus Metius . Sect. VIII . Catoptrick . CAtoptrick is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Looking-glass , because it treats of the Rays , as being reflected by polish'd Bodies . This Science demonstrates these following Propositions . 1. If a Ray falling upon a glass , make equal angles , 't is reflected into itself . 2. Rays reflected from plain and convex glasses , do neither come together , nor are equi-distant . 3. Heights and Depths seem to be overturned in Convex glasses . 4. In Convex glasses , what is on the left hand , appears to be on the right ; and what is on the right hand , appears to be on the left . 5. If the eye were in the centre of ● Concave-glass , it would see nothing but itself . Authors . Euclid and Peter Herigone have written on this Subject . Sectio Octava . Catoptrica . CAtoptrica derivatur a Graeca voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod speculum sonat , quia agit de radio ut reflexo a laevigatis corporibus , sequentes propositiones demonstrat . 1. Si radius in qualecumque speculum cadens aequales facit angulos ipse in seipsum reflectitur . 2. Radii a planis , convexisque speculis reflexi neque mutuo concurrent , neque erunt paralleli . 3. Altitudines & profunditates in convexis speculis inversae apparent . 4. In speculis convexis sinistra videntur dextra , & dextra sinistra . 5. Si oculus ponatur in centro speculi concavi seipsum tantum cernet . Authores . Euclides , & Petrus Herigonius hoc super argumento scripserunt . Sect. IX . Chymistry . CHymistry is the Art of Analysing , or Resolving Bodies by the operation of the fire into their compounding principles . The Chymists do generally affirm Mercury , Salt , and Sulphur to be the compounding principles of all compounded things ; which Doctrine is learnedly and solidly confuted by the English Philosopher , I mean the Famous Robert Boyle in his Sceptical Chymist . Yet it cannot be denied but that it is useful and necessary likewise to mankind , upon the account of those many excellent Medicines it prepares to the great advantage of Physicians , and ease of their Patients , whereof these ensuing are some of the most considerable . 1. Aurum fulminans , or thundering Gold ; a very good Sudorifick ; it may be taken in the Measles from 2 grains to 6 in any convenient Electuary ; it stops Vomiting , and is a hindrance to the activity of Mercury , or Quick-silver . 2. Vitriolus Lunae taken inwardly , is prevalent against the Dropsie , and the Head-ach , of what sort soever ; you may take it from 2 grains to 6 in any Specifick water ; it is likewise a moderate purger . 3. Sal Jovis , is a great drier . 4. Magisterium Bismuth , softeneth the skin , and is good against Scabs and Itch , if you mix a drachm of it with 4 ounces of water , because it is a great destroyer of Salts and Acids , two general causes of most Distempers . 5. Sal Saturni taken inwardly , prevaileth against the Squinancy , the overflowing of the Flowers , Piles , Dysentery ; you may take it from 2 grains to 4 in Plantain-water . 6. Oleum Saturni cleanseth and drieth up Ulcers . 7. Spiritus ardens Saturni resisteth powerfully putrefaction ; it is beneficial to such as are troubled with too much Melancholy . You may take it from 8 to 16 drops , in any convenient liquor , a fortnight together . 8. Crocus aperitivus martis has a a peculiar vertue against all distempers occasioned by obstructions ▪ You may take it from 2 grains to 2 scruples in Lozenges or Pills . 9. Crocus martis astringens is of a peculiar vertue against the glitting of the Yard , the overflowing of the monthly Flowers and Piles ; you may take it from 15 grains to a drachm in Lozenges or Pills . 10. Mars Diaphoreticus cures effectually the most melancholy distempers , as likewise Quartan-Agues ; you may take it from 10 to 20 grains in Pills , or any convenient Liquor . 11. Sublimatum corrosivum eats up superfluous flesh , and drieth up Ulcers . 12. Sublimatum dulce , or Aquila alba , is very good against all Venereal Distempers ; 't is a great Deobstruent , and killer of worms ; it may be taken in Pills from 6 grains to 30 : 'T is a mild purger . 13. Praecipitatum rubrum drieth up wounds , and consumeth superfluous or proud flesh . 14. Turbith minerale , or The Yellow Praecipitate , is a strong purger , and worketh both upwards and downwards ; 't is good against Venereal Distempers ; you may take it in Pills from 2 gr . to 6. 15. Crudum Antimonium is a Sudorifick , but if you boyl it in any acid liquor , it will provoke you to vomit . 16. Regulus Antimonii purgeth upwards and downwards , if mixed with any Cathartick or Purger . 17. Vitrum Antimonii is the strongest Vomitory that is made of Antimony . 18. Antimonium Diaphoreticum resisteth powerfully Poison , and is likewise good against contagious Distempers , and against the Measlles . 19. Flores Antimonii provoke to Vomit ; and Rubri flores Antimonii as yet more ; you may take them both from 2 gr . to 14 , taking every quarter of an hour a spoonful of Broth wherein you have boyl'd a competent quantity of the Cream of Tartar. 20. Sulphur Antimonii is prevalent against the Distempers of the Breast ; you may take 6 grains of it in any appropriated liquor . Authors . Paracelsus , Beguinus , Helmontius , and the deservedly Renowned Robert Boyle , &c. Sectio Nona . Chymica . CHymica est ars reducendi corpora vi ignis in ea ex quibus constant principia . Fatentur Chymicorum plerique , asseruntque Mercurium , Sal , Sulphur , esse tria ut loquuntur , prima , seu constituentia omnium rerum compositarum principia : Quam doctrinam erudite more suo , ingenioseque ac solidis argumentis confutat Philosophus Britannicus celeberrimus merito Boylius in Chymico suo Sceptico . Nemo tamen inficias ierit Chymiam & utilem esse generi humano , & necessariam ob tot generosa quae parat medicamenta non mediocri medicorum emolumento , magnoque commissorum ipsis aegrorum levamine : Quae hic subjunguntur , quaedam sunt ●e praecipuis . 1. Aurum fulminans sudores provocat ; adhiberi potest adversus morbillos , minima dosis sit gr . 2 maxima gr . 6 sistit vomitum , obstatque activitati Mercurii . 2. Vitriolus lunae interius sumptus praevalet contra Hydropem , & quemcumque capitis dolorem : dosis minima gr . 2 maxima 6 in quacumque aqua specifica ; leniter quoque purgat . 3. Sal Jovis valde desiccat . 4. Magisterium Bismuth , emollit carnem , valetque contra scabiem & pruriginem si illius drachmam quatuor unciis aquae commisceas , quia salia , & acida , geminas plerumque morborum causas destruit . 5. Sal Saturni , si sumatur interius praevalet contra anginam , immoderatum menstruorum fluxum , Haemorrhoides , Dysenteriam ; dosis minima gr . 2 , summa 4 , in aqua plantaginis . 6. Oleum Saturni purgat , exsiccatque Ulcera . 7. Spiritus ardens Saturni potenter resistit putrefactioni ; nimia melancholia dejectis prodest : dosis 6 , 8 aut 16 guttae in quovis conveniente liquore per quatuordecim dies . 8. Crocus aperitivus martis peculiari virtute pollet adversus morbos ab obstructionibus ortos : dosis minima gr . 2 summa scrupuli duo in trapeziis , aut pilulis . 9. Crocus martis astringens peculiariter valet contra stillicidium penis , nimium menstruorum fluxum , & hoemorrhoides ; dosis ima gr . 15 , summa , drachma in trapeziis , aut pilulis . 10. Mars Diaphoreticus reipsa curat plerosque morbos a melancholia ortos , atque febres etiam quartanas ; dosis 10 aut 20 gr . in pilulis , aut conveniente quopiam liquore . 11. Sublimatum corrosivum exedit superfluam carnem , exsiccatque Ulcera . 12. Sublimatum dulce , aut Aquila alba pollet adversus omnem veneream intemperiem : insigniter Deobstruit , vermiumque excidium est ; si in pilulis sumitur ; minima dosis gr . 6 summa gr . 30 ; leniter purgat . 13. Praecipitatum rubrum exsiccat vulnera , consumitque superfluam carnem . Turbith menerale , aut Praecipitatum flavum valide purgat superne & inferne , valet adversus morbos venereos ; dosis ima in pilulis gr . 2. summa gr . 6. 15. Crudum Antimonium est sudorificum , sed si illud in acido quopiam liquore concoquas , vomitum provocabit . Regulus Antimonii Cathartico cuipiam immixtus superne , inferneque purgat . 17. Nihil ex Antimonio fit , quod po●entius Vitro Antimonii vomitum ex●itet . 18. Antimonium Diaphoreticum re●istit potenter veneno , valetque contra morbos contagiosos , & morbillos . 19. Flores Antimonii vomitum pro●ocant fortiusque , adhuc , Rubri flores Antimonii ; amborum dosis ima gr . 2 ●umma 15 , sume interim quovis qua●rante horae Cochleare jusculi in quo ●remoris tartari sufficiens mensura ●octa fuerit . 20. Sulphur Antimonii pollet adversus omnes pectoris morbos ; dosis ●r . 6 in quovis idoneo liquore . Authores . Paracelsus , Helmontius , Beguinus , meritoque celeberrimus ubique Boy●ius . Sect. X. Dioptrick . DIoptrick is that part of Astrology that searcheth out by Instruments the distance of the Sun , Moon , and other Planets . If you take it more generally , its chief end is to shew the apparent changes of our sight , and of visible objects look'd into through Prospective glasses . It treats of the broken or refracted Rays of light , and this is its chief principle : When a Ray passeth through a thin middle into a thicker , it breaks in the Superficies of the thicker towards the perpendicular line ; and when it passeth through a thick middle , or medium , to a thinner it deviates from the perpendicular line , which this obvious experiment demonstrates . Lay an Image , or any other visible object , in the bottom of a Vessel , and then go back till it vanish out of your sight ; now if you fill this Vessel with water , it shall presently be visible again , because the Ray coming from your eye , breaks downwards in the superficies of the water , as the same going streight up to the superficies of the water deviates from the perpendicular , because of the thinner air towards the eye , which renders the object visible again . This Science treats likewise of Convex and Concave glasses , as they may work some change in the sight , and may help it . It gives ▪ an account of those whom Aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who see remote things distinctly , and nearer objects confusedly ; and why those whom we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , see both the remote and nearer objects confusedly . It teacheth likewise amongst other things , 1. That those whom we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see distinctly some things that are represented by Convex glasses in a streight situation . 2. That they see not distinctly through a Convex glass any of those objects that are overturn'd . 3. It sheweth the influence of Glasses applied one to another upon our sight . Authors . Kepler , Maurolycus , Euclide , &c. have written of this curious Science . Sectio Decima . Dioptrica . DIoptrica ea Astrologiae pars est quae instrumentis quibusdam distantiam Solis & Lunae , aliorumque planetarum indagat . Eam in genere si spectes , praecipuus ejusdem scopus est indicare apparentes visus mutationes , objectorumque per vitra optica ut microscopia , megaloscopia inspectorum , agit de radio fracto ; hocque primarium hujus scientiae principium est : Cum radius lucis progreditur a tenuiore medio ad dentius , frangitur versus perpendicularem in superficie spissioris ; cumque progreditur a medio spissiore ad tenuius , deviat a perpendiculari . Quod obvio hoc experimento manifestum fit : Imaginem aut quodvis aliud conspicuum objectum infundo vasis cujuspiam colloca : tum recede donec objectum non amplius appareat : Jam si vas hoc aqua impleas , oculis se mox imago oggeret : Quia radius lucis ab oculo ad fundum vasis porrectus frangitur deorsum in superficie aquae versus Perpendicularem , ut idem ad superficiem ascendens ob tenuiorem aerem deviat a perpendiculari versus oculum , unde fit ut objectum rursus conspiciendum se praebeat . Insuper haec Scientia agit de convexis concavisque vitris , quatenus visum aut variare , aut juvare possunt . Redditque pariter rationem cur ii quos Aristoteles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat , remota distincte videant , propinqua confuse ; & cur ii quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus tum remota , tum propinqua objecta confuse videant . Inter alia pariter docet , 1. Eos quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus , quaedam videre distincte quae a vitris convexis recto in situ exhibentur . 2. Minime eos videre distincte per vitra convexa ullùm eorum objectorum quae eversa sunt . 3. Ostendit vitrorum sibi invicem junctorum in visum nostrum operationem . Authores . Keplerus , Maurolycus , Euclides , &c. de curiosa hac Scientia scripsere . Sect. XI . Moral Philosophy . EThica is that Art which directs us how to act always conformably to right reason : It s chief principle is this , Do as you would be done by . It teacheth us that God is our last end , because he only is Bonum Sufficiens , the Sufficient Good , nothing else being able to content us . It teacheth likewise that we can never love any thing but under the shew and appearance of Good , whereof it offereth three sorts , Honour Profit and Pleasure . God alone is our Objective Beatitude or Happiness , ( as they speak in the Schools , ) our Formal Beatitude is that operation of the Mind by which we possess God , which is the Intuitive Vision or Contemplation of God. This Art sheweth that the Internal Principles of Humane Actions are either Natural , as Powers ; or Acquired , as Habits : That the Understanding moves the Will to act , and the Will our Understanding ; that a Habit being generated by the repetition of Acts , giveth the Soul not the real power of acting , but only enables it to act more easily . Authors . Aristotle , Seneca , Plato , Cicero , &c. Sectio Undecima . Ethica seu Moralis Philosophia . HAEC ea est ars quae nos ad agendum in omnibus conformiter rectae rationi dirigit : Primarium ipsius principium hoc est , Quod tibi vis fieri , & alteri feceris . Docet Deum esse ultimum nostrum finem quia ille solus est Bonum Sufficiens , cum nihil aliud beatos nos efficere queat : Docet pariter nihil nos amare posse nisi sub specie boni , cujus triplex genus proponit Jucundum , Utile Honestum . Beatitudo nostra Objectiva , ut loquuntur Scholae , solus Deus est , Formalis nostra Beatitudo est ea mentis operatio qua Deum possidemus , Intuitiva scilicet Dei Visio . Hic Habitus docet principia interna actionum humanarum , aut esse nobis congenita , cujusmodi sunt Potentiae ; aut acquisita , cujusmodi sunt Habitus ; docet intellectum movere voluntatem ad agendum , & vice versa ; habitum actuum repititione productum , animae tribuere non ipsam quidem agendi facultatem , seu potentiam , sed majorem quamdam facilitatem . Authores . Aristoteles , Seneca , Plato , Cicero , &c. Sect. XII . Geography . GEography is the Description of the Earth , and its chief Parts .. Because Geographers talk much of the Longitude and Latitude of a place , 't is of some use to know what is meant by these two words . The Longitude then of a place , or its distance from the East , is an Arch of the Equator intercepted between the Semicircle of the first Meridian , and the Meridian of the place , according to the order of the Signs . The Latitude of a place , or its distance from the Equinoctial line , is the arch of the Meridian , intercepted between the Equator and the place proposed , being always equal to the elevation of the Pole , which is the arch of the Meridian intercepted between the conspicuous Pole and the Horizon , because the latitude of a place , as likwise the height of the Pole , together with the arch of the Meridian intercepted between the Pole & the Zenith , are equal to the fourth part of the Meridian or the Quadrant . The whole World is now divided into four Parts , Europe , Asia , Africa , and America : Europe is bounded towards the North by the Hyperborean Sea , towards the West by the Atlantick Sea , and the Herculean by the Streights of Gibraltar and by the Ocean ; towards the East by the Egean Sea , the Hellespont , Propontis , Bosphorus Thracius , the Streights of Caffa , the Meotide Lake , the River Tanais , &c. till you come to a little Town called ●uria , from whence 't is bounded by a white line till you come to the White Sea. The chief Parts of Europe are Germany , Spain , France , Great Britain , Switzerland , the Low Countries , Ireland , Denmarck , Norway , Swedeland , Poland , Italy , Croatia , Sclavonia , Dalmatia , Albania , Grecia , Thracia , Bulgaria , Servia , Bosnia , Russia , Hungaria , Transylvania . Asia is bounded towards the North by the Scythian Sea , towards the East by the Sea called Eoum , towards the South by the Indian Sea or the Red Sea , towards the West by the Arabick Sreights and the Interne Sea. Africa is joyn'd to Asia by an Isthme , or a narrow piece of Ground dividing two Seas : 'T is bounded by several Seas , towards the East by the Red Sea , towards the South by the Ethiopian Sea , towards the West by the Atlantick Sea , towards the North by the Interne Sea. The chief Parts of Africa we reckon to be those following , Barbary Biledulgeride , Sarra , the Countrey of the Negroes , Egypt , Ethiopia both superior and inferior , the Kingdom of the Abyssins . America was wholly unknown to the Antients till about the year 1492 , it was discovered by Christopher Columbus , a Genoese , in the name of Ferdinand King of Castile . 'T is called America from Americus Vespucius , a Florentine , who the first after Columbus , in the Year 1497 , under the auspices of the King of Portugal , discover'd that Part of it that lyes beyond the Equinoctial line . America is divided into two Parts , the one Norrhern , and the other Southern , or the Peruane America ; they are both divided by an Isthme . The Northern America is called the Mexican , from its chief City Mexico . We know only those Countreys that lye near the shore , as Canada , the Land of Labrador , the adjacent Islands , New France or Norimbegra , Virginia or Apalchen , Florida , New Spain , New Grenade , California , Quivira , Ananian , Jucatan , Guatimala , Hondura , Nicaragna . In the Southern America you have Castile , the Golden Peru , Chili , Chica , the Countrey of the Pantagons , Brasilia , Caribana , Guiiana , Biquiri or the Countrey of the Amazons , Paguan , Picoram , Moxos , Uram , Charchas . Authors . Ptolomy , the Great Atlas , the English Atlas , Ortelius , Strabo , Solinus , Pomponius Mela , Philipp Cluvier , &c. Sectio Duodecima . Geographia . GEographia est descriptio terrae praecipuarumque ejus partium . Quia Geographi multum loquuntur de Longitudine ac Latitudine loci , utile fuerit scire quid reipsa sint . Longitudo itaque loci , aut ipsius distantia ab ortu , est arcus aequatoris inter semicirculum primi meridiani , & meridianum loci secundum ordinem signorum interceptus . Latitudo loci aut ejusdem distantia a linea aequinoctiali est arcus meridiani interceptus aequatorem inter , & locum propositum , estque semper aequalis elevationi poli , quae est arcus meridiani horizontem inter , & conspicuum polum interceptus , quod tam latitudo loci , quam elevatio poli cum arcu meridiani inter polum & zenith intercepto , aequent quadrantem meridiani . Totus terrarum orbis nunc dividitur in quatuor partes , Europam , Asiam , Africam , Americam : Europa terminos habet a septentrione Mare Hyperboreum , aut septentrionale , ab occidente Mare Atlanticum , fretum Herculeum , & Oceanum , ob ortu Mare Aegaeum , Hellespontum , Propontidem Bosphorum Thracium , Bosphorum Cimmerium , Lacum Maeotim , Tanais fluenta usque ad oppidum Tuia , inde lineam rectam ad sinum usque Granduicum , seu Mare Album . Praecipuae Europae partes sunt , Germania , Hispania , Gallia , Magna Britannia , Helvetia , Belgium , Dania , Suedia , Polonia , Italia , Croatia , Sclavonia , Dalmatia , Albania , Graecia , Thracia , Bulgaria , Servia , Bosnia , Russia , Hungaria , Transylvania . Asia terminatur versus septentrionem Mari Scythico , versus ortum Mari Eoo , versus meridiem Mari Indico , aut Rubro , versus occidentem sinu Arabico & Mari Interno . Africa Isthmo jungitur Asiae , terminos habet varias circum maria , ab ortu mare Rubrum , a Meridie Aethiopicum , ab occasu Atlanticum , a septentrione internum . Praecipuas Africae partes sequentes numeramus , Barbariam , Biledulgeridem , Sarram , Regionem Nigritarum , Aegyptum Aethiopiam utramque superiorem & inferiorem , Regnum Abyssinorum . America antiquis prorsus incognita fuit , donec sub annum quadringentesimum nonagesimum secundum supra millesinum detecta fuit a Christophoro Columbo Genuensi nomine Ferdinandi Regis Castiliae . America dicitur ab Americo Vespucio Florentino qui primus post Columbum anno 1497. sub auspiciis Regis Lusitaniae eam partem continentis detexit quae ultra lineam aequinoctialem jacet . America dividitur duas in partes alteram septentrionalem , meridionalem alteram aut Peruanam ; utraque Isthmo dividitur , septentrionalis America vocatur Mexicana a praecipua ejusdem civitate Mexico ▪ Regiones tantum littoribus adjacentes novimus , nempe Canadam , terram Laboratoris , atque insulas adjacentes , Novam Franciam sive Norimbregram , Virginiam sive Apalchen , Floridam , Novam Hispaniam , Novam Granatam , Californiam , Quiviram , Ananian , Jucatan , Guatimalam , Honduram , Nicaragnem . In meridionali America sunt Castilio Aurea , Peruvia , Chili , Regio Pentagonum , Brasilia , Caribana , Guiiana , Biquiri , Paguam , Picoram , Moxos , Uram , Charchas . Authores . Ptolomaeus , Magnus Atlas , Ortelius , Strabo , Solinus , Pomponius Mela , Philippus Cluverius . Sect. XIII . Geometry . THis Science teacheth us how to Measure the Earth , and to set limits to every Mans Lands ; 't is entirely contain'd in the Fifteen Books of Euclid's Elements : The first thirteen are acknowledg'd by all to be undoubtedly of this Author ; the two last are ascrib'd by some to Hipsicles of Alexandria . Euclid's Elements may be divided into four Parts ; the first Part , contain'd in the first six Books , treats of Plains ; the second , consisting of the three other following Books searcheth into the properties of Numbers ; the third Part of Euclid's Elements , consisting of the tenth Book only , treats of commensurable and incommensurable Lines ; and lastly , the fourth Part comprehending the remaining Books , treats of Solids , or Bodies . The first part of Euclid's Elements is again threefold ; the first four Books treat of Plains absolutely considered , of their equality and inequality ; the fifth treats of the proportion of Magnitudes in general ; the sixth sheweth the proportion of plain Figures . Geometry may be divided into these three subordinate parts , Altimetry , Planimetry , and Stereometry ; Altimetry is the Art of measuring streight Lines , Planimetry is the Art of measuring Surfaces , Stereometry is the Art of measuring Solids or Bodies . A line is measured by a line of a known magnitude , and a superficies or surface by a square of a known magnitude , and Solids are measured by a Cube of a known bulk . Authors . Euclid , Hero Mechanicus ▪ Fournierius , Malapertius , Maginus , Clavius , Nicolaus Tartalea in Italian , Adrianus Metius , Samuel Marolois , Simon Stevin , and Daniel Sant Bech . Sectio Decima tertia . Geometria . HAEC Scientia docet nos qui terram metiamur , atque unius cujusque praediis limites praescribamus : Integra continetur quindecim Libris Elementorum Euclidis : Priores tredecim sine ulla controversia Euclidi ascribuntur ab omnibus , posteriores vero duo , a quibusdam Hypsicli Alexandrino tribuuntur . Elementa Euclidis dividi possunt in quatuor partes ; quorum prima pars sex prioribus libris contenta , agit de planis ; secunda , quae ex tribus sequentibus conflatur , affectiones numerorum examinat ; tertia pars Elementorum Euclidis , quae solo libro decimo constat , de lineis commensurabilibus , ac incommensurabilibus agit ; quarta denique pars , quam residui libri constituunt de solidis , aut corporibus disserit . Prima pars Elementorum Euclidis rursus triplex est ; priores enim qua●uor libri agunt de planis absolute spectatis , de eorum aequalitate , aut inaequalitate ; quintus disserit de proportionibus magnitudinum in genere ; sextus planarum figurarum proportiones exponit . Geometria dividi potest in has tres partes subordinatas , in Altimetriam , Planimetriam , & Stereometriam ; Altimetria est ars dimetiendi lineas rectas , Planimetria est ars dimetiendi superficies , Stereometria est ars dimetiendi solida , sive corpora . Lineas metiuntur lineae notae magnitudinis , superficiem metitur quadratum mensurae notae , solidaque metitur cubus notae molis . Authores . Euclides , Hero Mechanicus , Fournierius , Malapertius , Maginus , Clavius , Nicolaus Tartalea Italice , Adrianus Metius , Samuel Marolois , Simon Stevinius , Daniel Sant Bechius . Sect. XIV . The Art of Dialling . GNomonica is the Art of Dialling , or of making Sun-dials . Of Sun-dials there are two sorts , some are Pendulums , and others are Fix'd ones . The Pendulums are those that being hung up , or held up , shew the hours by the height of the Sun , as the Astrolabe , the Cylinder , the Quadrants , the Astronomical Rings , and others of the same kind . The Fixed-dials require a certain situation , to shew the hours by the motion of the Sun from East to West , and upon this account they are more exact than the Pendulums . The Centre of the Dial , is that point of the plane of the Dial in which the axis of the World is cut by the plane . The perpendicular Style is a streight line drawn from the centre of the Earth to the plane of the Dial : The centre then of the World , or of the Earth in a Dial , is the top of the style , which is perpendicular to the plain of the Dial. The Pole of the plane of the Dial , is the Pole of a great circle equi-distant from the plane of the Dial. In all Astronomical Dials , that part of the style which by its shadow sheweth the hour , must be in the axis or axle-tree of the World. The Italians reckon 24 hours , beginning from the setting of the Sun ; the Babylonians reckon as many from the rising of the Sun , to the going down of the same ; but in the old Dials , the hours of the day , and of the night , are reckon'd separately , viz. 12 from the rising of the Sun , till the going down of the same ; and as many from the setting of the Sun , till the rising of the same . Authors . Maurolycus , Ptolomaeus , Kircherus , &c. Sectio Decima quarta . Gnomonica . GNomonica est ars construendi horologia solaria . Horologia solaria dividuntur in pendula , & fixa : Pendula sunt ea quae appensa , aut manu suspensa , horas indicant ope altitudinis solaris : Cujusmodi sunt Astrolabium , Cylindrus , Quadrans , Annuli Astronomici , aliaque ejusdem generis . Horologia stabilia , seu fixa , requirunt situm quemdam ut ostendant horas ope motus solis ab ortu in occasum , ideoque accuratiora sunt pendulis . Centrum horologii est punctum plani horologii , in quo axis mundi secatura plano . Stylus perpendicularis est recta a centro terrae ad planum horologii ducta , unde centrum mundi , sive terrae in horologio est vertex styli plano horologii normalis . Polus plani horologii , est polus magni circuli paralleli plano horologii . In omni horologio Astronomico ea pars styli quae umbra horam ostendit , debet esse in axe mundi . Itali numerant horas 24 initio ducto ab occasu solis ; Babylonii numerant totidem initio ducto ab ortu solis ; sed in antiquis horologiis horae diei , noctisque separatim enumerantur , duodecim scilicet enumerantur ab ortu solis ad occasum , totidemque ab occasu ad ortum . Authores . Maurolycus , Ptolomaeus , Kircherus , &c. Sect. XV. Grammar . GRammar is the Art of Writing and Speaking well ; it treats of Words and the Construction of Words . This Art considereth two things in Words , the Letters , and the Syllables ; as likewise two sorts of Letters for some sound alone , and are called Vowels , as a , e , i , o , u , ; others sound not alone , but together with some other letter , and they are called upon this account Consonants , as these following , b , c , d g k , p , q , t , which letters are called Mutes , as f , l , m , n , r , s , x , z are called half Vowels . A Syllable that has a full sound is made up either of a Vowel and a Consonant , or of Vowels and Consonants . In Words , Grammar considereth their accent or tone , whether acute , or grave , or mean ; their Derivation and Etymology , their Composition and Simplicity ; their numbers ; if the word be a Noun , Plural , singular ; their Cases , Nominative , Genitive , Dative , Accusative , Vocative , Ablative : If the word be a Verb , it considereth the Tenses , as Present , Imperfect , Perfect , Future or to come . It teacheth the Art of Construing words one with another , as the Adjective with the Substantive , in order to make a congruous Speech ; either continued or interrupted : It distinguisheth the sentences by three notes , which we commonly call Comma , Semicolon , Colon , or as the Latins speak , Punctum . The first is a short pause of respiration , which we express thus ( , ) the second is a longer pause , which we express thus ( ; ) the third is a full pause , and finisheth the sense , which we mark thus ( . ) Chief Authors . Alvares and Despauter . Sectio Decima quinta . Grammatica . GRammatica est Ars recte loquendi , scribendique ; agit de vocibus , vocumque constructione . Duo contemplatur in vocibus literas & syllabas , ut pariter duo genera literarum quaedam enim solitarie sonant , & vocales dicuntur , ut a e , i , o , u , ; quaedam solitarie non sonant , sed simul cum alia quapiam litera , & propterea consonantes dicuntur , cujusmodi sunt hae literae oppositae b , c , d , g , p , q , t , quae literae dicuntur mutae , ut f , l , m , n , r , s , x , z dicuntur semivocales . Syllaba quae integrum habet sonum , constat vel unica vocali , vel vocali addita consonante , vel vocalibus simul & consonantibus . In vocibus Grammatica considerat accentum , seu tonum , sive acutum , sive gravem , sive medium , earum derivationem , originem , atque etymologiam , compositionem , simplicitatem , Numeros , si quaestio de Nomine sit , Singularem , Pluralem ; Casus , Nominativum , Genitivum , Dativum , Accusativum , Vocativum , Ablativum ; si quaestio de Verbo sit , considerat Tempora , ut Praesens , Imper●ectum , Praeteritum , Futurum . Docet qui voces simul construere debeamus , ut Adjectivum cum Substantivo , ut fiat oratio congrua , continua , aut interrupta ; distinguit sententias tribus hisce notis , quas designamus appellationibus hisce Comma , Semicolon , Colon , aut ut Latini loquuntur , punctum . Prima nota indicat brevem a respirando cessationem , quam exprimimus hunc in modum ( , ) secunda est diuturnior cessatio quam exprimimus hunc in modum ( ; ) postrema est plena cessatio , sensumque absolvit , quam ita notamus ( . ) Authores primae notae . Alvares , Despauterius , &c. Section XVI . Hydrography . HYdrography is a Description of the Waters , especially the Seas . The Sea is the general Collection of Waters , 't is divided into the Ocean and Mediterranean Sea : The Ocean is that Sea which surrounds the whole Earth , 't is divided into the great Ocean , Gulfs and Streights . The Ocean hath four different names , from the four opposite points of the World , from the East , 't is called the Eastern Sea ; from the South , the Southern ; from the North , the Northern ; 't is divided into three vast Seas , Indian , or Red Sea ; the Atlantick Sea , so called from Atlas , a Hill in Mauritania ; and the Pacifick Sea. The Indian Sea reacheth from the Islands of Sumatra and Java to the Promontory of Good Hope , its chief Gulfs are the Ganget●ck Gulf , or the Gulf of Bengala , whose longitude is 120 deg . latitude 16 deg . the Persick Gulf , or Elcatif Sea , whose longitude is 76 deg . latitude 26 ; the Arabick Gulph , or the Red Sea , commonly called Mar di Meca , whose longitude is 70 deg . latitude 20 ; the Barbarick Gulf , whose longitude is 70 deg . latitude 4. These are the chief Islands of the Ocean , Lerne , or Madagascar , or the Island of St. Laurence , longit . 75 deg . lat 20. Discuriada , or Zocotara , longit . 48 deg . lat . 11. the Maldives , longit . 105. lat . 5. Nanigeris , commonly called Zeilan , longit . 113. lat . 6. Taprobana , Sumatra , longit . 130. lat 0. Java the Great , longit . 140. lat . 10. We reckon among the chief Islands of the Atlantick Sea , Albion , or Great Britain , longit . 22. lat . 52. Ireland , longit . 13. lat . 54. Hesperides , or the Islands of the Cap vert , longit . 353. lat . 17. Cuba , longit . 295. lat . 22. Jamaica , 298. lat . 18. The Pacifick , or Southern Sea , lies between Asia , America , and the Magellanick Gulf ; its chief Islands are Japan , longit . 170. lat . 36. The Molucs , longit . 157. lat . 1. Salomon's Islands , longit . 195. lat . 10. Authors . Herigone , Ortelius , Pomponius Mela , Joachim , Vadiam , Fournier . Sectio Decima sexta . Hydrographia . HYdrographia est descriptio Aquarum , maxime Marium . Mare est generalis aquarum collectio , dividitur in Oceanum , & Mare Mediterraneum : Oceanus est mare quod universam terram ambit , dividitur in vastum , sinuosum , & fretum . Oceanus quatuor sortitur appellationes a quatuor cardinalibus mundi partibus , ab oriente Eous dicitur , ab occidente Occiduus , a meridie Australis , a septentrione Septentrionalis ; dividitur in tria vasta maria Indicum , sive Rubrum , Atlanticum a● Atlante Mauritaniae monte sic dictum , & in Pacificum . Oceanus Indicus porrigitur ab Insulis Sumatra , & Java usque ad Caput Bonae Spei : Ejus praecipui Sinus sunt Gangeticus , sive Bengalensis , cujus longitudo 120 graduum , latitudo 16 graduum . Sinus Persicus , cujus longit . 76 graduum , latitudo 20 graduum . Sinus Arabicus , aut Mare Rubrum , vulgo Mar di Meca , cujus longit . 70. lat . 20. Sinus Barbaricus , sive Mare Asperum , cujus longit . 70. lat . 4. Primariae Oceani Insulae sunt Lerne , aut Madagascar , seu Insula Sancti Laurentii , cujus long . 75. lat . 20. Discuriada aut Zocotara , cujus long . 48. lat . 11. Maldiviae , longit . 105. lat . 5. Nanigeris , vulgo Zeilan , cujus longit . 113. lat . 6. Taprobana , Sumatra , longit . 130. lat . 0. Java Major , longit . 140. lat . 10. Praecipuae Insulae Maris Atlantici sunt Albion , sive Magna Britannia , ●ujus longit . 22. lat 52. Hibernia , ●ujus longit . 13. lat . 54. Hesperides , ●ut Insulae Promontorii viridis , longit . ●arum Insularum 353. lat . 17. Cuba , ●ujus longit . 295. lat . 22. Jamaica , ●ujus longit . 298. lat . 18. Mare Pacificum , sive Meridionale ●cet inter Asiam , Americamque , & ●retum Magellanicum ; Praecipuae ejus ●nsulae sunt Japonia , cujus longit . 170. ●t . 36. Molucae , longit . 157. lat . 1. ●nsulae Salomonis longit . 195. lat . 10. Authores . Herigonius , Ortelius , Pomponius Me● , Joachimus , Vadiamus , Fournierius . Sect. XVII . Logick . LOgick is the Art of Disputing wel● The three operations of the Min● make up its whole object , which are Apprehension , Judgement or Affirmation and Illation . It teacheth , that the truth of any of those three operations consist● in their confirmity to their objects : S● this compounded Apprehension , Go● Almighty , is true , because I apprehen● God to be , what he really is , that i● Almighty ; you may easily apply this t● the other two Operations . It s two chief Principles are these Dictum de omni , and Dictum de nullo : The first signifieth , that whatever 〈◊〉 generally affirmed of any thing , m●… likewise be affirm'd of whatever is contain'd under that thing , as if I s●… Every Animal is a living Creature , th●… it follows , that a Bird is a living Cre●tur● ▪ The second signifieth , that what ever is generally denied of any thing is denied likewise of whatever is contain'd under that thing ; as if I say No Animal is a Stone , then I may , an cught likewise to say , No Bird is Stone , No Man is a Stone , &c. Logick teacheth the Art of making Syllogism , which consisteth of three Propositions , whereof the first two being granted , the Conclusion must necessarily b● granted , because it was already implicitely admitted by him , who admitted of the Premises : As 't is evident in this Syllogism , Every Man is a living Creature , Peter is a Man , ergo , Peter is a living Creature . Logick is natural to all Mankind , because 't is nothing else but the use of our Reasoning Faculty . Artificial Logick is made up of some Rules and Precepts that help our Reasoning Faculty . Authors . Aristotle , Arriaga , Ruvius , Guilminot , &c. Sectio Decima septima . Logica . LOgica est ars recte disserendi : Ipsius objectum sunt tres mentis ●perationes ; Apprehensio , Judicium ●ut Affirmatio , & Illatio . Docet ●eritatem illarum operationum in ea●um cum ipsis objectis conformitate esse positam ; ut composita haec apprehensio , Deus Omnipotens , est vera , ●uia apprehendo Deum , ut reipsa est omnipotentem : Quod reliquis operationibus applicari facile potest . Duo praecipua Logicae principia sunt ista , Dictum de omni , & Dictum ●e nullo : Prius significat quicquid generaliter affirmatur de re quapiam , affirmari idem posse de omnibus sub eadem contentis , ut si dicam , omne animal est vivens , licebit dicere omnis volucris est vivens . Posterius ●nnuit , quicquid generaliter negatur de quapiam re , negari posse idem de omnibus eadem comprehensis ; ut si dicam , Nullum animal est lapis ; licebit etiam dicere , Nulla volucris est lapis ; Nullus homo est lapis , &c. Logica docet artem conficiendi Syllogismi , qui constat tribus propositionibus : Quarum duae primae si semel admittantur , tertia necessario admitti debet , quia jam tacite admissa est ab eo qui duas primas admisit , ut patet in hoc Syllogismo , Omnis homo est animal , Petrus est homo , ergo , Petrus est animal . Logica congenita est humano generi , cum nihil aliud sit quam facultatis nostrae rationalis exercitium . Artificialis Logica sunt praecepta quaedam hanc facultatem juvantia . Authores . Aristoteles , Arriaga , Ruvius , Guilminotius , &c. Sect. XVIII . Metaphysick . THis Science considers Beings , as abstracted from all matter ; and is so called , because it treats of things somewhat besides , above , or beyond Nature . It considereth two things in a Being , 1. It s Essence , which seems to have a real Being , though it does not exist , as a Rose in the midst of Winter . 2. It s Existence , which is actually in being , or by which a thing is actually in being , as the existence of a Rose is that by which it now is . It considereth three properties of every Being , its Unity , Goodness , and Truth ; Unity is that by which a thing is one , and not many . Truth or Verity , is the conformity of any thing to its real or consistent Principles , as true Gold consists in its conformity to the principles of this Metal . The Metaphysical Goodness of things , is that essential perfection which is agreeable to them . This Science treats likewise of Powers , Acts , Principles , and Causes , and proves , in opposition to Aristotle , and other ancient Philosophers , that the World was not eternal . Authors . Aristotle , Vasques , Suares , Valentia , &c. Sectio Decima octava . Metaphysica . HAEC Scientia considerat Entia , ut abstracta ab omni materia , nomenque hoc trahit inde quod agat de rebus aliquatenus praeter , vel supra , aut ultra naturam . Duo in Ente contemplatur , 1. Essentiam , quae videtur esse verum Ens licet non existat , ut Rosa media Hyeme . 2. Existentiam quae actu in rerum natura est , aut vi cujus aliquid actu existit , ut existentia Rosae est id vi cujus Rosa nunc existit . Contemplatur tres in quovis Ente proprietates , Unitatem , Bonitatem , Veritatem : Unitas est id vi cujus quidpiam est unum , & non multa . Veritas est conformitas unius cujusque rei cum principiis veris , & constituentibus , ut veritas Auri , aut Aurum verum est ejusdem conformitas cum constituentibus hujusce Metalli principiis . Metaphysica Bonitas rerum est essentialis illa perfectio quae rebus congruit . Haec Scientia agit pariter de potentiis , actibus , principiis , causis , contraque Aristotelem , aliosque antiquos Philosophos , probat mundum non fuisse aeternum . Authores . Aristoteles , Vasques , Suares , Valentia , &c. Sect. XIX . Musick . MUsick is a Science which teacheth us what belongs to the Theory and Practice of Harmony . Melody is that which has a certain order compounded of Sounds and Intervals . This Science treats of these seven ensuing things , of Sounds , of Intervals , of Genders , of Constitutions or Systems , of Tunes , of Changes , of the making of Melody . The Sound is a gentle falling of the voice upon the Note . The Interval is comprehended under two Sounds , the one sharper than the other . Authors . Guido Aretine , in the Year 1028 , Invented these six Syllables , ut , re , mi , fal , sol , la , of which mi , fa , or fa , mi , imply a half Tune , and the others following one another signifie a greater or lesser Tune ; Euclid , Ptolomy , Aristoxenus , Faber Stapulensis , Boetius , John Kepler , Salinas , Zarlins , and Vincentius Galilaeus in Italian . Sectio Decima nona . Musica . MUsica est Scientia quae Theoriam Praximque Harmoniae docet . Concentus est id quod certum habet ordinem ex Sonis & Intervallis compositum . Haec Scientia de septem hisce sequentibus agit , de Sonis , de Intervallis , de Generibus , de Constitutionibus , de Tonis , de Mutatione , de Melopaeia . Sonus est concinnus vocis casus ad unam extensionem : Intervallum est id quod continetur duobus sonis acumine , & gravitate differentibus . Authores . Guido Aretinus , anno salutis 1028 , invenit has sex Syllabas , ut , re , mi , fa , sol , la , quarum mi , fa , vel fa , mi , dimidium Tonum significant , ac sequentes sese invicem aliae Tonum absque discrimine majorem aut minorem ; Euclides , Ptolomaeus , Aristoxenus , Faber Stapulensis , Boetius , Joannes Keplerus , Salinas , Zarlinus , Vincentius Galilaeus Italice . Sect. XX. The Mechanicks . THis Science considereth the quantity of Moving forces , and of Duration of the time in which the Motion is performed . The gravity of a Body , is a certain capacity of falling downwards ; the center of gravity , is that place or point from which if we conceive the Body to be suspended , whatever situation you may give it , it shall retain the same . The Center of Magnitude , and of gravity , are not always the same , as 't is evident in a Bowl half Lead , half Wood. The Pendula diameter of gravity , or the handle , is a streight line drawn through the center of gravity perpendicularly to the Horizon . No weight can rest , unless the pendula diameter of gravity , or handle , pass through the place upon which it leans , or from which the weight is suspended . In all Planes , the center of the figure , is likewise the center of gravity . This Art teacheth in general , how to find out the ponderousness of every thing , and how to move things with little strength . We must not forget in this place a sort of Mecbanism , the knowledge whereof is of great concern for the good of Mankind ; I mean that of Trusses , and Instruments fit for restoring by degrees , any part of the Body to its natural place and situation . The burst Peritonaeum sometimes gives way to the Intestines , at other times to the Caul . and not seldom , to both , to get out of their natural place , into the Groins , or the Scrotum , there causing a Rupture , called Enterocele , or Hernia intestinalis ; if the Bowels come out , an Epiplocele , or Hernia omentalis ; if the Omentum or Caul be out . The Peritonaeum is made up of two strong , but soft Membranes , which do so contain whatsoever is included in the Belly , that , when sound , nothing can fall out . In Women , the Os pubis is its utmost limit . In Men , its outermost Membrane reacheth further , and constitutes the first proper coat of the Testicles . In the Groin , it comprehends the seminal Vessels , as in a Sheath , called Processus , which being stretched or inlarged , or coming to burst , is the immediate cause of the lately mentioned Ruptures . We must not nevertheless imagine , that the Peritonaeum cannot be distended , and burst in other places , and therein to cause a Rupture . The causes which make the Peritonaeum to Burst or Dilate , are falling , leaping , beating , bearing of heavy burthens , strong Vomitings or Coughing , Obstipation of the Belly , Winds pent in , and vehement motions of the Body . But I can do no greater service to the Publick , than to inform the World of two of the best Artists I know of in this kind , both living together in Black Fryers , in London , I mean the Famed Robert Smith , a Scotch Gentleman , and his Son-in-Law , Thomas Jewel , who give daily succesful proofs of their Skill in this kind of Mechanism , their Trusses of what kind soever being so light , so easie , and so fitted to all the motions of the Body , that they are not at all troublesome . They likewise cure effectually any Deformity in humane Bodies , occasioned by the preternatural bending outwards , inwards , or downwards , of any part thereof , and by such ingenuously contrived Engines , as force Nature gently into its first place and situation . Authors . Aristotle , Henry Monenthole , Joseph Blancan , Guid Ubald , Stevin , Hero , Robert Vulturius , Cedren , John Baptista Porta , Joseph Boillot , Ranelli , Barbette , Brown , &c. Sectio Vigesima . Mechanica . MEchanica est Scientia quae quantitates virium moventium , & temporum in quibus fit motus considerat . Gravitas corporis est quaedam potentia ad descensum . Centrum gravitatis est punctum ex quo vel sola cogitatione suspensum corpus , quemcumque situm dederis retinet . Centrum gravitatis , & centrum magnitudinis non sunt semper idem , ut patet in Sphaera plumbo ▪ lignea . Pendula gravitatis diameter , aut ansa est linea recta ducta per centrum gravitatis acta Horizonti perpendicularis . Nullum pondus quiescere potest nisi pendula gravitatis diameter , aut ansa transeat per locum cui innititur , aut e quo suspenditur corpus . In omni Plano figurae centrum , centrum quoque gravitatis est . Haec ars docet in genere modum reperiendae ponderationis , rerumque exiguis viribus movendarum methodum . Non est praetermittendum hoc loco aliud genus mechanismi cujus notitia non parum humano generi profuerit ; de mechanismo loquor , fasciarum , instrumentorumque , aut machinarum quibus paulatim quaevis corporis pars ad debitum a natura situm reducatur . Rupto Peritonaeo interdum intestina , omentum interdum , saepe & intestina , & omentum loco naturali excidunt in inguina , aut Scrotum , ibique Hernia producitur , dicta Enterocele , aut Intestinalis , si prolabantur Intestina , vel Epiplocele , aut Hernia Omentalis si Omentum excidat . Peritonaeum gemina valida quidem sed molli constat membrana , quae ita concludit quicquid imo ventre comprehenditur , ut cum sanum corpus est nihil procidere possit . Peritonaeum in mulieribus Osse pubis terminatur : In viris Tunica exterior ulterius procedit , ac Testiculorum involucrum primum proprium constituit . In Inguine vasa seminalia comprehendit , instar vaginae , Processus dictae : Processus hic laxatus , Dilatatus aut Ruptus est immediata herniarum mox commemoratarum causa : Non est tamen existimandum Peritonaeum non posse distendi , rumpique etiam aliis in locis ibique Herniam producere . Causae Peritonaei Rupti , aut Dilatati hae fere sunt , lapsus , saltatio , percussio , gravium onerum gestatio , vomitus violentior , aut tussis , constipatio ventris , flatus reclusi , vehementiorque omnis corporis motus . Sed nihil forte utilius rei Publicae praestitero , quam si hic nominatim indica vero duos peritissimos quos quidem norim hujusmodi mechanismi artifices simul conviventes Londini in ea regione urbis quae Black Fryers , dicitur ; sunt autem ii celebris Robertus Smith Scotus , ejusque gener Thomas Jewel , qui quotidiana magnoque successu suae hoc in genere mechanismi peritiae experimenta exhibent : Ipsorum enim fasciae cujuscumque generis , sive contra hernias Intestinales , sive Omentales , sive Umbilicales , sive Ventosas , aut contra aquosas , adeo leves sunt , gestatuque faciles , omnique corporis motui ita obsecundant , ut nihil omnino molestiae gestantibus secum afferant . Reipsa quoque praenominati tollunt quamcumque humanorum corporum deformitatem a praeternaturali partis cujuspiam extrorsum , introrsum , aut deorsum distentione ortam , instrumentisque ac machinis ingenii ejusmodi quibus natura suaviter ad pristinum situm reducatur . Authores . Aristoteles , Henricus Monentholus , Josephus Blancanus , Guidus Ubaldus ' Stevinus , Hero , Robertus Vulturius , Cedrenus , Joannes Baptista Porta , Josephus Boillotus , Augustus Ranelli , Paulus Barbettus , Johannes Brownius , &c. Sect. XXI . Medica : Or the Art of Conserving and Curing Humane Bodies . HErmes Trismegistus , a Fam'd Physician in Egypt , invented this necessary Art : 'T is either Empirical , that is , grounded upon meer Experience ; or Dogmatical , that is , grounded both upon Reason and Experience : Hippocrates and Galenus were the chief Masters of the Dogmatical part . This Art is either Speculative or Practical ; the former considereth , 1. The nature , and the outward causes of Distempers , as the six things that are called not natural , because they are not the constituent parts of our Bodies , such we reckon the Air , Meat , Drink , Sleep , Watching , Motion and Rest , what we throw off , and what we retain , Excreta & Retenta ; our Passions , Plethora , or fulness , Cacochymy , or an ill habit of our bloud . 2. It searcheth into the internal causes of our Distempers , as Wind , Worms , Acids . The practical part of this noble and useful Art relates to the method of Curing , which is either performed by Alteration or Evacuation . Whether this Evacuation be wrought by Bleeding , Vomiting , Stool , Urine , Sweat , or insenble Transpiration ; and upon this account , its true object is the whole Materia Medica , or whatever may be subservient to the Physician 's intention in either of the three Kingdoms , I mean , Animal , Vegitative , and Mineral . The whole Materia Medica may be reduc'd to the ensuing Heads . 1. the Attenuating Remedies , as Elicampe Roots , Wormwood Leaves , Camomile Flowers , the hot Seeds , Juniper , and Lawrel Berries , old Tallow , and Grease , especially that of a Wolf , and of a Bear , most Oyls , as of bitter Almonds , Walnuts , &c. the Plaisters of Betony , Diachylon , Oxycroceum , &c. 2. The Softening , as Marsh mallow Roots , Briony Roots , &c. 3. Such as dissolve Clots , as the Roots of round Birthwort . 4. The Deterging , as the Roots of Gentian , and Birthwort . 5 The Epicerasticks , that by a moderate moisture take off the sharpness of the humour , as Mallow , and Marsh-mallow Roots . 6. Alexipharmaca , that resist Venome , as Angelica Root . 7. The Thickening , as the Roots of Bugloss and Plantain . 8. The Cathartick , which either purge the Bile , as Cassia , Manna , Tamarinds , &c. or the Phlegm , as Carthamy , wild Saffron , Agarick , Turbith , Jalep , or the Melancholy , as Sena Oake-Fern , or the Watery Humours , as Dwarf Elder , Elder-seed , Bark , Juice , Mechoaca . 9. The Vomitory , whether milder ones , as Sarabacca Leaves bruised in Dill Water , or stronger ones , as the Spirit of Tobacco , the Infusion of Tobacco , Crocus Metallorum , &c. 10. Diureticks , as Radish Roots , Parseley Roots , &c. 11. The Sudorificks , as Harts horn , Diascordium , Angelica Roots , &c. 12. The Repelling Remedies , as the Sloe-tree Roots , Tormentil Roots , &c. 13. The Emplasticks that stop the passages of the Body , as Lilly Roots , wild Comphry Roots , &c. 14. The Absorbing Remedies , which by a great faculty of drying , consume the moisture , as all Cenders , Vineger , Brine , &c. 15. The Blistering , which raise Blisters , as the Cantharides , Mustard , Garlick , Water-cresses . 16. The Suppurating , that generate matter , as Marsh-mallow Roots , white Lilly Roots . 17. The Vulnerary , as Tormentil Roots , the Roots of both Comphreys . 18. The Sarcoticks , that remove whatever may hinder the breeding of Flesh , as the Roots of Birthwort , Tragacanth , Dragons Bloud , Sarcocolla , &c. 19. The Epuloticks , that generate a Callus , or Scarr , as Dragons Bloud , Myrtle Leaves . 20. The Anodines , as Marsh-mallows , and Lilly Roots . 21. The Narcoticks , which take away all feeling , as Oyl of Palm , Laurel , Turpentine , Opium , &c. 22. The Hypnoticks , that cause Sleep , as Requies Nicolai , Diascordium , Laudanum opiatum , &c. 23. Such as stop Bleeding , as Corals , the Bolus , Seal'd Earth . 24. The Cephalicks , as the Roots of Birthwort , Betony Leaves , Galanga . 25. The Errhina , that purge the Brains and the Breast , by bringing down the superfluous pituite lying about the Meninges , as the Juice of Betony , the Powder of white and black Hellebore . 26. The Ophthalmicks for the Eyes , as Eye-bright , and Celadine water , and also their Juices . 27. Otica , that ease the pains of the Ears , as Laurel Leaves , Leeks , Radishes . 28. The Cardiacks , as the Roots of Zodoaria , Great Leopards Bane , Thistle , and Balm water . 29. The Bechick , that render the humours contained in the Lungs and the Breast , fit to be thrown up , as the Syrup of ground ▪ Ivy. 30. The Aromaticks , as Roots of Cyperus . 31. Splenica , such as cure the Spleen , as the Powder of Style , Valerian Roots . 32 , The Nephritcks , that help the Reins , as Marsh-mallow Roots , Sal Prunella , &c. 33. The Lithontripticks , that break the Stone , as Elecampane Roots , Galanga , &c. 34. The Hystericks , that cure Hysterical Fits , as Purslain Seed , the Seed of Agnus Castus , the Trochisques of Myrrh , &c. 35. The Arthriticks , that prevail against the Gout , as Elecampane Roots , Night-shade , Plaintain , Marsh-mallow Leaves . Authors . Hippocrates , Galen , Trallian , Actuarius , Cornelius Celsus , Avicenna , Sennertus , Riverius , Macasius , Regius , Willis , Barbette , Harvey the Inventor of the Circulation of the Bloud . Sectio Vigesima prima . Medica : Sive Ars Conservandi & restaurandi Humani Corporis . HErmes Trismegistus celebris apud Aegyptios medicus necessariae hujusce artis inventor dicitur : Est autem aut Empirica , hoc est quae mera experientia , aut Dogmatica , quae ratione & experientia nititur : Medicinae Dogmaticae praecipui magistri extitere Hippocrates & Galenus . Est aut speculativa aut practica ; prior considerat , 1. Naturam , causasque externas morborum , ut sex res dictas non naturales quia non sunt partes corporis humani constituentes , cujusmodi censemus aerem , cibum , potum , somnum , vigilias , motum , & quietem , excreta , & retenta , animi pathemata , plethoram , sive Plenitudinem , Cacochymiam , sive pravum sanguinis habitum . 2. Scrutatur internas morborum causas , puta flatus , vermes , acidum . Practica pars nobilis hujus , utilisque artis methodum medendi spectat , quae posita est in Evacuatione , & Alteratione , quocumque demum modo evacuatio contingat , sive venae sectione , sive vomitu , dejectione , sudore , urina , aut insensibili transpiratione ; quocirca verum ipsius objectum est tota materia medica , aut quicquid in regno Animali , Vegetabili , & Minerali , Medici scopo inservire poterit . Porro totam materiam medicam ad sequentia capita reducere fere possumus . 1. Attenuantia , ut Radices Aenulae Campanae , Folia Absinthii , Flores Camomillae , Semina Calida , Baccae Juniperi , Lauri , Axungiae vetustiores maxime Vulpina , & Ursina , Olea pleraque , ut amygdalarum Amararum , Nucum , &c. Emplastra de Betonica , Diachylon , Oxycroceum , &c. 2. Emollientia , ut Radices Altheae , Bryoniae . 3. Grumos dissolventia , ut Radices Aristolochiae rotundae . 4. Detergentia , ut Radices Gentianae , Aristolochiae . 5. Epicerastica quae moderata humidate Acrimoniam humorum obtundunt , ut Radices Malvae , & Altheae . 6. Alexipharmaca quae resistunt Veneno , ut Radix Angelicae . 7. Condensantia , ut Radices Buglossae , & Plantaginis . 8. Cathartica que vel purgant Bilem , ut Cassia , Manna , Tamarindi , &c. vel Phlegma , ut Carthamus , Crocus Sylvestris , Turbith , Jalap , vel Melancholiam , ut Sena , Polypodium quercinum , vel Humores aquosos , ut Sambuci , & Ebuli Semen , Cortex , Succus , Mechoaca . 9. Vomitoria , sive mitiora , ut asari folia , aut validiora , ut Spiritus Nicotianae , Infusio Nicotianae , Crocus Metallorum . , &c. 10. Diuretica . ut Radices Raphani , Apii . 11. Sudorifica , ut Cornu cervi , Diascordium , Radices Angelicae . 12. Repellentia , ut Radices Pruni Sylvestris , Tormentillae , &c. 13. Emplastica quae corporis meatus obstruunt , ut Radices Symphiti , & Liliorum . 14. Absorbentia , quae valida exsiccandi vi absumunt humorem , ut omnes Cineres , Acetum , Muria . 15. Vesicatoria , quae vesicas excitant , ut Cantharides , Sinapi , Allium , Nasturtium . 16. Suppurantia , a quibus pus generatur , ut Radices Althaeae , Liliorum Alborum , &c. 17. Vulneraria , ut Radices Tormentillae , Consolidae utriusque . 18. Sarcotica , quae removent quicquid Carnis generationem prohibet , ut Radices Aristolochiae , Tragacantha , Sanguis Draconis , Sarcocolla . 19. Epulotica , quae callum generant , aut cicatricem , ut Sanguis Draconis , Folia Myrthi . 20. Anodina , ut Radices Althaeae , Radices Liliorum . 21. Narcotica , quae omnem sensum tollunt , ut Oleum Palmae , Lauri , Terebinthinae , &c. 22. Hypnotica , quae somnos conciliant , ut Requies Nicolai , Diascordium , Laudanum opiatum , &c. 23. Sanguinem Sistentia , ut Coralliae , Bolus , Terra Sigillata , &c. 24. Cephalica , ut Radices Aristolochiae , Galangae , Folia Betonicae . 25. Errhina , quae cerebum purgant & Thoracem , educta superflua circa meninges pituita , ut Succus Betonicae Pulvis albi & nigri Hellebori . 26. Ophthalmica , ut aquae & succi Euphrasiae , & Chelidoniae . 27. Otica , quae levant aurium dolorem , ut Folia Lauri , Radices Porri , Raphani . 28. Cardiaca , ut Radices Zedoariae , Doronici , aquae Cardui Benedicti , & Melissae . 29. Bechica , quae humores in Thorace , & pulmone conclusos ad faciliorem Tussiendo ejectionem disponunt , ut Sirupus & succus hederae terrestris . 30. Aromatica , ut Sirupi Absinthii , & Betonicae . 31. Splenica , ut Pulvis ex Chalybe , Radices Valerianae . 32. Nephritica , ut Radices Althaeae , Sal Prunellae . 33. Lithontriptica , quae calculum frangunt , ut Radices Aenulae Campanae , Galangae . 34. Hysterica , ut semen agni casti , Portulacae , Trochisci de Myrrha . 35. Arthritica , quae valent adversus Podagram , & Chiragram , ut Radices Aenulae Campanae , Folia Solani , Plantaginis , Althaeae . Authores . Hippocrates , Galenus , Trallianus , Actuarius , Cornelius Celsus , Avicenna , Sennertus , Riverius , Macasius , Regius , Willisius , Barbetius , Harveius circulationis Sanguinis Inventor , &c. Sect. XXII . The Art of Sailing . ARS Nautica , or Histiodromica , is that Art which teacheth how to direct a Ship through the Seas , to the propos'd Harbour . This Art requireth the knowledge of the Mariners Compass , and the Lead , of the Sea-coasts , Capes , Rocks , Promontories , Harbours , of the distances of one place from another , of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , of the latitude and longitude of every place . It requireth likewise the knowledge of several Instruments fit to take the latitude of a place , as of the Cross-staff , of the Quadrant , of the Nocturnal , of the Plane Scale , of Gunter's Scale , &c. The Mariners Compass is a round Plane , whose circumference is divided into 32 equal parts , by streight lines , called Rhombs , passing through the center . The height of the Pole , of so great benefit to Sailers , is found out thus : Observe first the height of the Sun at Noon-day , with an Astrolabe , or some other Instrument of that kind ; then take the declination of the Sun , from the height , if the Sun declines from the Equator towards the Northern Pole ; or add the declination of the Sun , to the observed height , if the Sun declines towards the Southern Pole ; the remaining number , or the sum made up by Addition , gives you the height of the Equator , whose Complement to 90 degrees ( as they speak ) is always the height of the Pole. Thus if the height of the Equator above our Horizon be 60 deg . the height of the Pole is 30 deg . because 30 added to 60 , make up 90 ; and if the Pole be elevated but 10 deg . the height of the Equator is 80 , because this number is the Complement of that . If their could be an Hour Glass , or ● Clock , so contriv'd , as to fall but very little short of the Measure of Time ▪ with the help of this Clock , to the great advantage of Sailers , the differences of the longitudes might be found after this manner : When the Ship sets off , let the Clock shew the hour in the place from whence you sail'd , without discontinuing : If then we would know the longitude of the place in which we now are , let us , by observation of the Sun , find the hour in that place we chance to be in ; which if it be the same pointed at by the Clock , or shewn by the Glass , 't is certain we are in the same Meridian we were in at our first setting out ; but if we find by observation , more hours than the Clock pointeth at , we have made a progress towards the East ; if we find fewer hours , we are gone towards the West ; and the differences of the longitudes may easily be known , if the differences of the hours be converted into degrees , and minutes of degrees . Authors . Seller , Everard , Wright , &c. Sectio Vigesima secunda . Ars Nautica . ARS Nautica , sive Histiodromica ea est quae docet qui dirigi debeat navis per maria ad propositum portum . Haec ars requirit notitiam pyxidis Nauticae , & Bolidis , orae Maritimae , Promontoriorum , Rupium , Portuum distantiarum inter loca , aestuum Maritimorum , latitudinis & longitudinis cujusque loci , instrumentorum pariter variorum ad investigandam syderum altitudinem , ut Baculi decussati , Quadrantis , Nocturnalis , Scalarum planarum , Scalarum Gunteri , &c. Pyxis Nautica est planum rotundum , cujus circumferentia in 32 partes aequales dividitur rectis lineis per centrum transeuntibus quae Rhombi dicuntur . Altitudo poli Navigantibus adeo utilis sic invenitur : Observa primo Meridianam solis altitudinem ope astrolabii , aut alterius cujuspiam instrumenti , tum substrahe declinationem solis ex altitudine jam inventa solis , ope instrumenti , si declinatio solis versus polum conspicuum sit , aut adde declinationem solis observatae altitudini si sol declinaverit versus polum meridionalem , residuum aut summa futura est altitudo aequatoris , cujus complementum est semper altitudo poli : Itaque si altitudo aequatoris supra horizontem nostrum sit graduum sexaginta , altitudi poli futura est graduum triginta : Quia si addas 30 ipsis 60 , summa futura est 90 ; & si polus 10 tantum supra horizontem gradibus extet , aequator supra eundem extabit 80 , quia hic numerus est complementum illius . Si posset construi Clepsydra , aut horologium quod ab accurata mensura temporis parum aberraret : Illius ope inveniri possent hoc modo longitudinum differentiae : Aptetur horologium ita ut dum solvit navis ostendat horas loci unde discedimus , deinde inter navigandum nunquam cesset : Cumque libuerit scire longitudinem loci in quo sumus , ex observatione coelesti inquiratur illius loci hora , quae si omnino convenerit cum hora quam horologium indicat , certum erit nos esse sub eo unde discessimus meridiano , si vero plures horas observatione invenimus , quam horologium indicet , progressi sumus versus ortum , si pauciores defleximus versus occidentem , dignosceturque differentia longitudinum , si reducantur differentiae horarum in gradus , & minuta graduum . Authores . Sellerius , Everardus , Wrightius , &c. Sect. XXIII . Opticks . THE Opticks , or Optica , gives us an account of various appearances of Objects . This Science treats of the streight Ray , as the Catoptrick of the reflected , and the Dioptrick of the refracted or broken Ray. These following Definitions belong to the Opticks . The proper Objects of Sense , are those that can be known but by one sense ; and the common Objects , such as may be known by more than one sense . Light and Colour , are the proper Objects of our sight ; the Light , upon its own account ; and the Colour , by the help of Light. These following things , are the common Objects of our Senses , Bulk , Figure , Place , Situation , Distance , Continuity , Discontinuity , Motion , and Rest. The visuel Rays , are the streight lines , by which the frame of the visible Object is in a manner carried to the eye . We may reckon among the chief principles of this Science , these following . The visible object radiates from all its least parts , to all the least parts of the Medium , to which one may draw a streight line . That is seen , and that only , from which to the eye the visuel Ray may be eztended . The more bodies there appear between the eye and the object , the more remote the objects appear to be . The Convergent Rays , are those that departing from the object , come together : Such are , the Rays of diverse parts of the object , which cut one another in the Chrystalline humor . The Divergent Rays , departing from the object towards the eye , recede from one another : The Rays of every point of the object , are divergent , till they come to the Chrystalline humour , beyond which they come together again towards the Retina . We may reckon these following Propositoins amongst the most considerable of the Opticks . No visible object is seen at first altogether , and perfectly . Magnitudes being in the same streight line , the remoter seem to be the lesser . Parallel intervals seem to be nearer one another , the farther they are from the eye . Rectangle Magnitudes being seen at a distance , seem to be round . Equal Magnitudes being under the eye , those that are farthest from the eye , seem to be highest . Authors . You may reckon amongst the best Masters of the Opticks , Euclid , Aquilonius , Scheiner , Vitellio , Alhazane , Herigone , &c. Sectio Vigesima tertia . Optica . OPtica variae objectorum apparentiae causas demonstrat . Agit de radio recto , ut Catoptrica de reflexo , & Dioptrica de refracto . Ad Opticam spectant sequentes definitiones . Propria objecta sunt ea quae ab uno tantum sensu percipi possunt . Communia sunt ea quae a pluribus sensibus percipiuntur . Lumen & color sunt propria visus nostri objecta , lumen quidem ratione sui , color ope lucis . Communia visus objecta sunt ea quae sequuntur , quantitas , figura , locus , situs , distantia , continuitas , discontinuitas , motus , & quies . Radii visorii rectae lineae sunt , quibus forma aspectabilis objecti ad visum porrigitur . Inter praecipua hujus Scientiae principia sequentia numerare licet . Visibile radiat e quolibet sui puncto ad quodlibet punctum medii ad quod recta duci potest . Id omne & solum videtur a quo ad oculum radius Opticus extendi potest . Quo plura corpora oculum inter , & objectum apparent , eo remotius existimatur objectum . Convergentes radii sunt ii qui recedendo ab objecto simul coeunt . Ejusmodi sunt radii variorum punctorum objecti qui se mutuo in humore Chrystallino secant . Divergentes radii progrediendo ab objecto versus oculum recedunt a se invicem donec ad humorem Chrystallinum pervenerint ultra quem versus retinam coeunt . Annumerare possumus praecipuis Opticae ; propositiones sequentes . Nullum visibile objectum simul totum , & perfecte videtur . Magnitudinum in eadem recta quae remotiores videntur , minores apparent . Parallela intervalla eo magis ad se invicem accedere videntur quo sunt remotoria ab oculo . Rectangulae magnitudines procul visae apparent rotundae . Aequalium magnitudinum sub oculo quae remotiores , videntur altiores . Authores . Inter praecipuos Opticae doctores censere possumus Euclidem , Aquilonium , Alhazenum , Scheinerum , Vitellionem Herigonium , &c. Sect. XXIV . Perspective . PErspective representeth every object seen in some Diaphane , or transparent Medium , through which the visual Rays are terminated or bounded on the object ; and generally what ▪ is seen through something , as through the Air , Water , Clouds , Glass , and the like , may be said to be seen in Perspective . The chief Contents of this Science , may be referred to these following Heads . The Ray is a streight line drawn from the Eye to the Glass perpendicularly . That point is called Primary , on which falls a perpendicular line drawn from the Eye to the Glass . The projection of a line , is not a crooked line . The object being a Point , there is but one visual Ray drawn from the Object to the center of the Eye , and this Ray is called the Axis , or Centrical , as being the most vivid , and the strongest of all . If the Object be a streight line , the visual Rays make a triangle . If the Object be a Surface , plane or spherical , the visual Rays represent a Pyramide . Ichonography is the Pourtraiture of the Platform or Plane upon which we would raise any thing . Orthography is the Pourtraiture of the fore part of the Object . Scenography representeth the Object wholly elevated and perfect , with all its Dimensions and Umbrages on all sides . The Horizontal line in Perspective , is taken from the height of our eye : This is the chief piece of the Picture , and which ought to be the rule of the dimensions and height of the Figure . The point of Perspective , or sight , is made by the centrical Ray above the Horizon . Authors . Amongst the chief Writers of Perspective , you have Roger Bacon , John Baptist Porta , Stevin , Marole , John Cousin , Daniel Barbaro , Vignola , Serlio , du Cereau , Salomon de Caus , Guidus Ubaldus , Niceronius , &c. Sectio Vigesima quarta . Perspectiva . PErspectiva quodlibet objectum exhibet conspectum permedium quodpiam diaphanum , per quod radii visorii transeuntes terminantur ad objectum , & generaliter loquendo quicquid per aliud quidpiam videtur , ut per aerem , per aquam , per nubes , per vitrum , & quaecumque alia sunt ejusmodi , dici possunt videri in Perspectiva . Quae praecipui momenti haec Scientia continet ad sequentia Capita reduci queunt . Radius primarius est recta ab oculo in vitrum ad angulos rectos ducta . Primarium punctum dicitur id in quod cadit perpendicularis ab oculo in vitrum ducta . Projectio lineae non est linea curva . Cum objectum est punctum unicus tantum est radius visorius ab objecto ad centrum oculi ductus , hicque radius dicitur Axis , aut radius Centricus , estque omnium vivacissimus , ac fortissimus . Si objectum recta sit linea , radii visiorii conflant triangulum . Si objectum sit superficies plana , aut sphaerica , radii visiorii conficiunt pyramidem . Ichonographia est delineatio plani super quod erigere quidpiam volumus . Orthographia est delineatio anterio●is objecti partis . Scenographia exhibet objectum omnino elevatum , perfectumque una cum omnibus ejusdem dimensionibus , um●risque undique . Linea horizontalis in Perspectiva ●ucitur ab altitudine oculi : Haec prae●pui in pictura momenti est , regu●que esse debet dimensionum , altitu●numque figurae . Punctum Perspectivae , aut visus fit ●entrico supra horizontem radio . Authores . Inter praecipuos Perspectivae scriptores hi censentur Rogerius Bacco , Johannes Baptista Porta , Stevinius , Marolus , Johannes Cousinus , Daniel Barbaro , Vignola , Serlio , du Cereau , Salomon de Caus , Guidus Ubaldus , Niceronius , &c. Sect. XXV . Poetry . POetry is the Art of making Verse and Poems : In order to this , 〈…〉 teacheth the quantity of Syllables , whether they be short or long , doubtful 〈…〉 common , I mean , either short or long 〈…〉 pleasure . It teacheth what feet every Verse compounded of , that feet are made Syllables of different quantities , as Spondee consists of two long syllables ; for instance , Doctos , and Pyrrichius ; of two short , as Rota ; a Dactyle consists of one long , and two short , as Pectora . A Poem implieth a Fiction : Upon this account , Verses that contain no Fiction , are not strictly considered ▪ a Poem ; and he that gives a meer Matter of Fact , without any ingenious Fiction adapted to the Subject , is rather styl'd a Versificator , than a Poet. Verses are either denominated from their Inventors , as Sapphick Verses , from the Greek Poetress Sappho , the first Inventress ; as Pindarick , from Pindarus , or from the feet whereof they consist ; as Iambick , from the Iambick● of which they are compos'd , or from th● matter they express ; as Heroick , from the Praises of Great Men ; as Elegiack from sad Narratives , or from the number of feet , as Hexameter , and Pent● meter , the first having six , and the othe● five . The Scansion of a Verse , is the measuring of a Verse by its feet . The Cesure is the making of a short syllable long at the end of a foot . Authors . Aristotle , Horace , Alvares , Despauter , Waller , Cowley , Dryden , & . Sectio Vigesima quinta . Poetica . POetica est ars pangendorum carminum quem in scopum docet quantitatem syllabarum an scilicet sint longae , breves , dubiae , aut communes , hoc est pro arbitrio , breves aut longae . Docet ex quibus pedibus quilibet versus constet , pedesque constare ex syllabis variae quantitatis , Spondaeum puta , duabus longis , ut Doctos , Pyrrichium ; ex duabus brevibus , ut Rota ; Dactylum ex una longa & duabus brevibus , ut Pectora . Poema fictionem necessario requirit : Quare versus nullam fictionem complexi stricte loquendo Poema dici nequeunt : Qui rem absque ingenioso ullo commento , ut reipsa contigit , carmine describit , Versificator potius quam Poeta dicendus est . Versus denominantur aut ab inventoribus , ut Sapphici versus a puella Graeca quae Sappho dicebatur , prima inventrice , ut Pindarici a Pindaro ; aut a pedibus ex quibus constant , ut Iambici ab Iambis , ex quibus fiunt ; aut a materia quam exprimunt , ut Heroici a laudibus Heroum , Elegiaci a maestis narrationibus ; aut a numero pedum , ut Hexameter , & Pentameter a numero pedum sex , & quinque . Scansio versus est ejusdem ope pedum dimensio . Caesuta est productio syllabae brevis sub finem pedis . Authores . Aristoteles , Horatius , Alvares , Despauterius , &c. Sect. XXVI . Philosophy . PHilosophy , if we take it generally , is the love of Wisdom ; if more particularly , the knowledge of Natural Bodies , or of the Natural Causes of Things : The Aristotelian Philosophy acknowledgeth three Principles of every thing , Matter , Form , and Privation ; for we can conceive nothing to be generated without these three ; for if I conceive the generation of fire in wood , I must of necessity apprehend the Wood as the Matter , as likewise the Privation of the Fire in the Wood , and also the Form of Fire taking place of that of Wood. This Philosophy resolveth all difficulties relating to Bodies , by Matter , Privation , and Form , Occult Qualities , and such like pretences to humane Ignorance : So every Mixt , according to Aristotles Principle , is compounded of Matter and Form : This Matter , the Peripateticks call the Subject of all Forms ; and this Form , the Act of Matter ; and both together , the two compounding Principles of all compounded Things Aristotles Followers teach , that Nature is such an Enemy to a Vacuum , that to shun it , she forceth heavy things upwards , and light things downwards . The New Philosophy holds but two simple Principles of all things , Matter , and Motion ; that , as the Material Cause ; this , as the Efficient . The Formal Cause of things , which School-men call a Substantial or Accidental Form , being nothing else , according to the Modern Philosophers , but a certain Texture of the compounding Particles ; and by the variety of Textures every where obvious , or by the various Modifications of Matter , they give us a rational account of all the differences we observe among Corporeal Beings . Authors of the School Philosophy . Aristotle , and all his Commentators , as Averroes , Alexander Aphrodisaeus , &c. Authors of the New Philosophy . Descartes , Verulam , the Honourable Robert Boyle , who in not a few things , has out-done them both , and is deservedly styl'd abroad , The English Philosopher ; he being indeed , the Honour of his Nation , as well as of his Family . Sectio Vigesima sexta . Philosophia . PHilosophia si latius sumatur , amorem sapientiae sonat , si propius & specialius , est corporum naturalium , aut naturalium causarum cognitio . Philosophia Aristotelica agnoscit tria rerum dum generantur principia , Materiam , Formam , & Privationem . Nihil enim generari concipimus nisi haec tria concipiamus : Si enim concipio generationem ignis in ligno , necessario concipio lignum , ut materiam , & privationem pariter ipsius in ligno , formamque ignis formae ligni succedentem . Haec Philosophia omnes fere difficultates ad corpora spectantes ope materiae , privationis , & formae resolvit , atque occultarum qualitatum beneficio , aliisque humanae ignorantiae velamentis ; unumquodque igitur mixtum juxta Aristotelica principia componitur ex materia , & forma : Hanc materiam vocant Peripatetici Subjectum omnium formarum , & hanc formam Actum materiae , componentiaque duo principia si simul sumantur , omnium rerum compositarum . Aristotelis Sectatores docent Naturam Vacuo adeo esse inimicam , ut illius vitandi gratia gravia sursum cogat , & levia deorsum . Nova Philosophia duo admittit simplicia omnium rerum principia Materiam , & Motum , illam ceu causam Materialem hanc ut Efficientem . Formalis enim rerum causa , quam Scholastici formam Substantialem vocant , aut Accidentalem , nihil aliud est juxta Philosophos recentiores , quam textura quaedam partium componentium . Hacque contextus varietate ubique obvia , aut variis materiae Modificationibus , rationalem , facilem , obviamque nobis reddunt rationem omnium quae observamus , corporea inter entia discriminum . Authores Philosophiae Scholasticae . Aristoteles ejusque Commentatores , ut Averroes , Alexander Aphrodisaeus , &c. Authores novae Philosophiae . Gassendus , Cartesius , Verulamius , illustrissimus Robertus Boylius , qui in multis his omnibus palmam praeripuit , meritoque Philosophus Britannicus cognominatur ; est que reipsa Nationis suae , & nobilissimae Familiae ornamentum & decus . Sect. XXVII . Rhetorick . RHetorick is the Art of Speaking well ; the duty of a Rhetorician , is to speak pertinently to the Subject , in order to perswade , and his chief scope must be to perswade by his discourse . Rhetorick consists of four parts , Invention , Disposition , Elocution , and Pronounciation : Invention is the contriving of an Argument fit to perswade , and those Arguments are always taken from some of these ensuing Heads . 1. From the Definition , when we declare what the thing is . 2. From the Division , when we distribute a thing into all its parts . 3. From the Etymology , when we shew its Origine and signification . 4. From the Species , when we frame an Argument from that particular kind of thing the Subject we treat of , belongs to . 5. From the Genus , when we bring some proof from that general thing the Subject we treat of , is contain'd under . 6. From the Similitude . 7. From the Dissimilitude . 8. From Contraries . 9. From Opposites , that can never concur together . 10. From Comparison . 11. From the four Causes , Efficient , Material , Formal , and Final . 12. From the Antecedents and Consequents of a thing . Disposition is the orderly placing of the things invented : This orderly placing consists of five things ; Exordium , by which the Speaker prepares the minds of his Auditors , to what he is to say . Proposition , when the Orator declares what he intends to make out . Narration , when he relates the Matter of Fact , with all its circumstances . Confirmation , when he proves his Proposition . Peroration , when the Orator endeavours to move the affections of the Hearers , by a fit Elocution . Elocution , made up of Tropes , as they speak in the Schools , by which Words change their signification ; and of figures , which are an Elegant , and not Vulgar manner of speaking , is the ornament of Speech . Pronunciation relates to the Voice , and the Gesture ; by the first , we please the Ear ; by the second , the Sight . These forementioned things ( necessary to the compleating of an Orator ) being seldom found together in any Eminency , gave occasion to Cicero to say , that We scarce find a good Orator in a whole Age. Authors . Aristole , Cicero , Suarez . Sectio Vigesima septima . Rhetorica . RHetorica est ars bene dicendi ; officium Rhetoris est loqui apposite ad scopum hoc est ad persuadendum ; praecipuus enim ipsius scopus est persuadere dictione . Rhetorica quatuor constat partibus , Inventione , Dispositione , Elocutione , Pronunciatione : Inventio est excogitatio argumenti ad persuadendum idonei ; haec autem argumenta ducuntur semper ab aliquo sequentium capitum . 1. A Definitione , cum declaramus quid res sint . 2. A Divisione , cum rem distribuimus in omnes partes . 3 , Ab Etymologia , cum indicamus ejusdem originem & significationem . 4. A Specie , cum argumentum quodpiam ducimus a particulari illa rerum specie , ad quam res , de qua agimus spectat . 5. A Genere , cum probationem de sumimus a generali illa re , sub qua id quod sub litem cadit , continetur . 6. A Similitudine . 7. A Dissimilitudine . 8. A Contrario . 9. Ab Oppositis , quae nunquam concurrere queunt . 10. A Comparatione . 11. A Quatuor causis , Efficiente , Materiali , Formali , & Finali . 12. Ab Antecedentibus & Consequentibus . Dispositio est ordinata rerum inventarum collocatio : Haec ordinata collocatio his quinque constat , Exordio , quo parat Orator auditorum animos ad ea quae dicturus est . Propositione , cum Orator quid probaturus sit exponit . Narratione , cum materiam facti omnibus vestitam appendicibus enarrat . Confirmatione , cum propositionem suam probat . Peroratione , qua conatur Orator auditorum animos apta Elocutione movere . Elocutio , composita ex Tropis , quibus voces ad alienam significationem traducuntur , & figuris quae sunt elegantes , & non vulgares loquendi formulae , est totius Orationis ornamentum . Pronunciatio spectat vocem , & gestum , ista recreamus aurem , hac oculum : Praememorata haec quae in perfecto Oratore requirimus cum vix uspiam simul summo in gradu concurrant , impulerunt Ciceronem ut dicere● vix singulis aetatibus singulos tolerabiles Oratores extisse . Authores . Aristoteles , Cicero , Suares . Sect. XXVIII . The Doctrine of the Sphere . SPhaerica is a Science which treats of the Sphere , whether Artificial or Natural . The Sphere is a solid figure comprehended under one surface , to which all the streight lines drawn from one of those points that are within the figure , are equal one to another . The Center of the Sphere , is the forementioned point . The Axis of the Sphere , is a streight line drawn through the Center , and terminated on each side in the surface of the Sphere ; about which the Sphere turneth round . The Poles of the Sphere , are the two extreme points of the Axis . This Science demonstrates these following Propositions . 1. The Sphere toucheth but in one point the Plane by which it is not cut . 2. In the Sphere , great Circles cut one another into equal parts ; and if they divide one another into equal parts , they are great Circles . 3. In the Sphere , the Pole of a great Circle is distant from the circumference of the same Circle , a full Quadrant , or a fourth part of the great Circle . 4. In the Sphere , Parallel Circles are about the same Poles ; and Circles that are about the same Poles , are Parallel . 5. In the Sphere , there are no more than two Circles , both equal-distant and equal . This Science teacheth how to find the Center , and the Pole of any Sphere , and sheweth likewise all the properties of the Circles of the Sphere . Authors . Theodosius , Maurolycus , Sacrobosco , Clavius , Mestlinus , Blancanus . Sectio Vigesima octava . Sphaerica . SPhaerica est Scientia quae agit de Sphaera , sive arte facta , sive naturali . Sphaerica est figura solida comprehensa una superficie , ad quam ab uno eorum punctorum quae intra figuram sunt , omnes rectae lineae ductae sunt aequales inter se. Centrum Sphaerae est punctum praememoratum . Axis Sphaerae est recta per centrum ducta & utrimque terminata in superficie Sphaerae circa quam volvitur Sphaera . Poli Sphaerae , sunt duo extrema puncta axis . Haec Scientia sequentes propositiones demonstrat . 1. Sphaera Planum a quo non secatur , non tangit in pluribus punctis uno . 2. In Sphaera , maximi circuli sese mutuo bifariam secant , & qui sese mutuo bifariam secant , sunt maximi . 3. In Sphaera , polus maximi circuli abest a circumferentia ejusdem circuli quadrante maximi circuli . 4. In Sphaera , paralleli circuli circa eosdem polos sunt , & qui circa eosdem polos in Sphaera sunt , sunt paralleli . 5. In Sphaera non sunt plures circuli aequales , & paralleli quam duo . Haec Scientia praeterea docet qui centrum , polumque cujuscumque Sphaerae invenire possimus , indicatque pariter proprietates circulorum Sphaerae . Authores . Theodosius , Maurolycus , Sacrobosco , Clavius , Mestlinus , Blancanus . Sect. XXIX . Divinity . THeology , or Divity , is wholly directed to the Glory of God , and Salvation of Mankind . The Speculative part of it , proposeth to us things that we are to believe , as whatever concerns Gods Attributes and Perfections , the Immortality of our Souls , and whatever is contain'd in the Apostolick Creed . The Practical part , proposeth to us things that we are to do , viz. whatever is contain'd in the Decalogue . The immediate object of Divinity , as it relates to Christians , we reckon whatever concerns Christ , directly , or indirectly ; as in general , the Old and New Testament . And in particular , the Prophecies relating to his Coming , his Miracles , his Doctrine , and the Conversion of the World by his Apostles : If then , a Man knew no other Divinity , but that which gives an account of Gods Attributes , he is not upon this account a Christian Divine , but a Philosopher , or Deist . Christian Divinity , besides the aforesaid things , teacheth all kind of Vertues , as Charity , Humility , Patience , Chastity , Adoration , Prayer to , and Praise of God , Faith , Obedience , Repentance , &c. It will have us moreover to pardon and love our very Enemies ; which no other Religion Commands : It offers to us the fundamental points of Christian Religion , Christs Godhead , Passion , Death , Resurrection , &c. and ( as I was saying ) whatever is contained in the Creed . Authors . The Master of Sentences , Thomas Aquinas , Scotus , Hammond , Lightfoot , and several other Doctors of the Church of England . Sectio Vigesima nona . Theologia . THologia ad Dei gloriam , salutemque animarum tota dirigitur . Speculativa pars proponit nobis credenda , ut quae spectant ad attributa divina , immortalitatem animae , quaeque in symbolo Apostolorum continentur . Pars practica facienda nobis proponit , quaecumque scilicet Decalogus nobis exhibet . Theologia prout spectat Christianos , immediatum habet objectum quicquid refertur ad Christum directe , aut indirecte ut in genere tum Antiquum , tum novum Testamentum ; & magis speciatim Prophetias ad ipsius adventum spectantes , miracula , doctrinam , hominumque ab Apostolis conversionem : Quocirca si nullum quis aliam noverit Theologiam quam quae divinorum attributorum reddit rationem non hoc nomine Christianus Theologus , sed Philosophus potius , aut Deista merus dici debet . Theologia Christiana praeter superius commemorata docet omnia virtutum genera , humilitatem , patientiam , castitatem , adorationem , orationem , laudem Dei , fidem , obedientiam , paenitentiam , &c. Vult insuper nos non tantum remittere injuriam , sed & diligere inimicos : Quod nulla nisi Christiana religio injungit . Proponit nobis religionis Christianae fundamenta , Christi Deitatem , passionem , mortem , resurrectionem , &c. atque ut superius dicebam quicquid in symbolo continetur . Authores . Majister Sententiarum , Thomas Aquinas , Johannes Duns Scotus a patria , Hamm●ndius , Lightfootius , aliique quam plurimi Ecclesiae Anglicanae Doctores . Sect. XXX . Spherical Trigonometry . SPherical Trigonometry teacheth us to measure Spherical Triangles , that is Triangles in the surface of the Sphere , made by the Arches of great Circles . Those sides of a Spherical Triangle are of the same kind that both exceed , or both fall short of 90 degrees ; but they are of a different sort , if the one exceed , and the other fall short of 90 degrees . This Science demonstrates these following Propositions . 1. In all Spherical Triangles , any side whatsoever , is less than a Semi-circle . 2. In all Spherical Triangles , any two sides , howsoever they be consider'd , are greater than the third . 3. Of a Spherical triangle equilateral , if each side be a quadrant , or of 90 deg . all the angles are streight ; and if each side be less than the quadrant , all the angles are obtuse . 4. In all Spherical triangles , when the angles are all acute , all the arches are less than the quadrant . 5. In all Spherical triangles , the three angles are greater than two streight angles , and lesser than six . Authors . Kepler , Afraganius , Julius Higinus , Garcaeus , Robert Hues , Adrianus Metius . Sectio Trigesima . Trigonometria Sphaerica . TRigonometria Sphaerica docet nos modum dimetiendi triangula Sphaerica , hoc est triangula ex tribus arcubus maximorum circulorum , in superficie Sphaerae composita . Latera ea trianguli Sphaerici ejusdem sunt affectionis quae simul excedunt , aut deficiunt a quadrante , aut nonaginta gradibus , sed non sunt ejusdem generis si unum latus excedat , & alterum sit infra nonaginta gradus . Haec Scientia sequentes hasce propositiones demonstrat . 1. In omni triangulo Sphaerico quodvis latus quomodocumque sumptum est minus semi-circulo . 2. In omni triangulo Sphaerico duo latera reliquo sunt majora quomodocumque sumpta . 3. Omne triangulum Sphaericum aequilaterum , si singula latera sunt quadrantes , habet singulos angulos rectos , si vero quadrante minora , ob , tusos . 4. In omni triangulo Sphaerico cujus omnes anguli sunt acuti arcus singuli quadrante minores sunt 5. Omnis trianguli Sphaerici tres anguli duobus quidem rectis sunt majores , sex vero rectis minores . Authores . Keplerus , Afraganius , Julius Higinus , Garcaeus , Robertus Hues , Adrianus Metius . Sect. XXXI . The Rectiline Trigonometry . THe Rectiline Trigonometry teacheth us how to measure Triangles made of streight lines . A streight line , is the shortest way between two extremes . Between two extremes , there can be but one streight line . Two streight lines can not cut one another , but in one point . An angle is measured by degrees , so a streight angle is an angle of 90 degrees , an acute angle is an angle of fewer than 90 , as an obtuse angle contains more than 90 degrees . A line falling even down upon another line , without inclining either to the one side , or to the other , is called a Perpendicular line , and makes two streight angles . Parallel lines , are those that are equidistant one from another . This Science demonstrates this Proposition , of great use in Mathematicks , that the three angles of all Rectiline triangles , are equal to two streight ones . All the angles of a triangle , may be acute , but there can be but one streight , or obtuse . If one of the three angles of a triangle be streight , the two others are equal to a streight angle . Who knows the degrees of two angles , knows the degrees of the third , because all three make up 180 degrees . All the angles of a triangle being equal , all the sides are likewise equal . Authors . Euclid , Clavius , Arnauld ; Malapertius , Fournier , &c. Sectio Trigesima prima . Trigonometria Rectilinea . TRigonometria Rectilinea docet qui triangula ex rectis lineis composita metiri oporteat . Linea recta est brevissima duo inter extrema via . Duo inter extrema unica tantum duci potest recta . Duae rectae nequeunt se invicem nisi in puncto secare . Angulum metiuntur gradus , angulus rectus est angulus 90 graduum , acutus angulus graduum pauciorum , angulus obtusus plures nonaginta gradibus gradus continet . Linea in aliam utrimque incidens ex aequo Perpendicularis dicitur , duosque utrimque rectos angulos constituit . Lineae parallelae , sunt lineae aequo a se invicem intervallo dissitae . Haec Scientia non exiguae Mathematicis in disciplinis utilitatis hanc propositionem demonstrat , omnis trianguli Rectilinei tres anguli duobus rectis sunt aequales . Omnes anguli trianguli rectilinei possunt esse acuti , sed unus tantum rectus esse potest , aut obtusus . Si unus trium angulorum trianguli sit rectus , duo reliqui recto aequales sunt . Qui novit duorum angulorum gradus tertii anguli gradus novit , simul enim tres anguli conficiunt numerum 180. Quoties omnes anguli trianguli sunt aequales , omnia latera quoque aequalia sunt . Authores . Euclides , Cicero , Clavius , Arnauld , Malapertius , Fournierius , &c. AN APPENDIX , Pointing at some of the chief Authors of this , and the foregoing Ages . By Authors , here are meant , those that are really such , and the first Inventors of any useful piece of Knowledge . READER , THou mayest rest satisfied with this very short and imperfect account of some of the chief new Inventions , either of this , or of the past Ages , since I design , at more leisure , to write a larger Treatise of this Subject , as likewise to set down the particular times every thing was Printed in , that so the unjust dealing both of Domestick and Foreign Transcribers , who have so often stolen the greatest , or ( at least ) the best part of their Writings from the Honourable Robert Boyle , Hook , Descartes , Gassendi , and Others , may to their confusion , be discovered ; and to the great encouragement of all ingenious Men , who shall the more willingly venture abroad their Notions , and new Contrivances , in what kind soever , if they ▪ are once secured from usurping Authors . I shall begin with the deservedly Famous Robert Boyle , though I may dispatch in one word , what relates to this Noble Author , if I say , as truly I may , that whatever he has publish'd , is in every respect new , both as to the subject it self , the Arguments he proposeth , and the particular Method : But because the curious Reader will not be satisfied with this general account , I come to particulars , but shall speak but of a very few things , as designing , at greater conveniency , a more accurate History of this Great Author's new Contrivances , whether Notions , Engines , or Experiments . As likewise whatever the Natives of this Island have invented towards the promoting of useful Learning . The famous Air-Pump was invented by the Honourable Robert Boyle : He giveth a full account of it , in his Discourse of Physico Mechanical Experiments ; by the help whereof , he proves the Elastick Power and Spring of the Air , and several other wonderful Phaenomena's relating to the nature , spring , expansion , pressure , weight of the Air , &c. He contrived the Experiment concerning the different parts and redintegration of Salt-Peter ; whence he concludes , that motion , figure , and disposition of Parts , may suffice to produce all secondary affections of Bodies , and so banisheth the substantial forms and qualities of the Schools . But because I design a larger account in another Treatise of this Noble Author's new Inventions , I shall only tell you here , that his Physiological and Experimental Essays , his Sceptical Chymist , his Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy , his History of Cold , his Experimental History of Colours , his Hydrostatical Paradoxes , his Origine of Forms and Qualities , his Free Enquiry into the Receiv'd Notion of Nature , his Reconciliableness of Specifick Remedies to the New Philosophy , his History of Humane Bloud , his Discourse of Final Causes , not yet published ; as likewise all his other Treatises contain as many new Notions and Exepriments almost as lines . I shall not forget in this place , what that very Learned and Ingenious Gentleman , Sir Robert Gordon , of Gordistoun , has lately invented ; I mean , his famous Water-Pump , a piece of Mechanism , far beyond the Contrivances of all foregoing Ages , in this kind , as I shall easily make out by the following account of this useful Engine . This new Pump draweth twice as much water as any other ; it is wrought with half the force , and costs half the price , and takes up but half the room . The Experiment , performed at Deptford the Twenty Second of March , in presence of my Lord Dartmouth , and the Commissioners of the Navy ; appointed to give account of it to the King , was as follows . In a Sixth-Rate Frigat , this new Pump did fill the Gaged Cistern of two Tuns , in one minute and forty five seconds ; and the Shippump did the same in six minutes and some more , each Pump being wrought by four men . In a Fourth-Rate Frigat , this Pump being wrought by twelve men , did fill the Cistern in thirty one seconds ; and the Ship-Pump , being wrought by six men , fill'd it in four minutes and some more . The chief Authors of new Discoveries in Anatomy , we reckon to be these following : Fabricius ab aqua pendente discover'd the Valve of the Veins , as the Valve at the entrance of the great Gut Colon was found out by Bauhinus ; the Milky Veins of the Mesentery , by Asellius ; the Receptacle of the Chyle , hy Pequet ; the Ductus Virsungianus , by George Virsung , of Padua ; the Lymphatick Vessels , by Dr. Joliffe , Bartholin , and Olaus Rudbeck ; the internal Ductus salivaris in the Maxillary Glandule , by Dr. Wharton , and Dr. Glisson ; the Glandules under the Tongue , Nose and Palate ; the Vessels in the nameless Glandules of the Eye ; the Tear Glandule , by Nicolas Steno ; a new Artery , called Arteria Bronchialis , by Frederick Rusch ; the Circulation of the Bloud , by Dr. Harvey , though some , upon no very good grounds , ascribe it to Paulus Venetus , and others to Prosper Alpinus , and Andreas Caesalpinus . The Act of making Salt water Fresh , was lately invented in England , whereof the deservedly famous R. Boyle gave a very rational account , in a Letter written upon this Subject . Arithmetick was either invented , or much promoted by Pythagoras , by Euclid , not the Euclid that was Contemporary to Plato , and Hearer of Socrates , but the Famed Mathematician of that Name , who was after Aristotle , and at Ninety years distance from the former ; by Diaphantus , Psellus , Apuleius , Cardan , Gemma Frisius , Clavius , &c. Neper invented the Logarithms , by the help whereof we perform all the operations of Arithmetick by Addition and Substraction . He invented likewise an easie , certain and compendious way of accounting by Sticks , called Rabdology , as also Computation by Neper's Bones . The Telescope was invented by James Metius , of Amsterdam , though commonly ascribed to Galile , who indeed , improved it . Torricellius found the Barometer , whereby we weigh the Air itself . Printing , according to Polidore Vergile , was found by John Cuttemberg , of Ments , in Germany , though Others give the Honour to one Fust , of the same City ; and Some , to Lawrence , a Burgher of Harlem . The Chineses knew this Art before the Europeans . Flavius Goia , of Amalphis , in the Kingdom of Naples , is thought to be the Inventor of the Mariners-Compass , three hundred years since . FINIS . APPENDIX , Quosdam e praecipuis hujus , superiorumque saeculorum Authoribus indicans . Hic nomine Authorum intelliguntur ii , qui reipsa ejusmodi sunt , hoc est primi utilis cujuscumque Scientiae , seu cognitionis Inventores . AEQui bonique consulet Lector brevem hanc imperfectamque descriptionem eorum , quae sive hoc , sive praeterita saecula invenerunt ; cum enim per otium licebit , statui ampliorem hoc super argumento conscribere tractatum , ipsumque denotare tempus quo quidlibet e prelo in lucem prodiit , eo consilio ut Transcriptores tum domestici , tum extranei qui toties ties illustrissimo Boylio , Hookio , Cartesio , aliisque maximam aut praecipuam saltem lucubrationum suarum partem surripuere meritas ipso detecti furti pudore luant paenas : Quo fiet ut ingeniosi quique quaecumque de novo excogitant , facilius in lucem emissuri sint si tutos se ab Authoribus aliena usurpantibus noverint . Initium ducam a Roberto Boylio jure merito jam ubique celeberrimo , quamvis quae hic nobilem hunc Authorem spectant verbo absolvere queam , si dixero ut vere possum , quicquid ab ipso in lucem editum est esse omnino novum , sive argumentum ipsum spectes , sive rationes ab ipso propositas , sive denique peculiarem ipsius methodum : Sed quia his in genere dictis Lectoris curiositati factum satis non fuerit , propius quaedam attingam paucissima tantum commemoraturus , ut qui per otium accuratiorem scribere decreverim Historiam tum eorum quae magnus hic Author primus adinvenit puta Notionem Machinarum , Experiment orum , &c. Tum eorum quae indigenae hujus insulae ad utilium Scientiarum propagationem excogitarunt . Celeberrima Antlia Aeria ab illustrissimo Roberto Boylio excogitata fuit : Plenam ejusdem descriptionem tradit ibi ubi de Experimentis Physico-Mechanicis ; illius ope elasticam aeris virtutem , atque elaterem probat , variaque alia , quae merito miremur , Phaenomena ad naturam , elaterem , expansionem , pressionem , gravitatemque aeris spectantia . Primus ille Author experimenti est de diversis partibus , & redintegratione Salispetrae , unde concludit motu , figura , partiumque dispositione secundarias omnium corporum affectiones produci posse , proscribitque proinde substantiales Scholarum formas , & qualitates . Sed quia fusius alibi scribere statui de iis quae nobilis hic Author primus invenit , hic tantum suggeram , Physiologicis ipsius tent aminibus , atque Experimentalibus , Chymico Sceptico , Utilitate Experimentalis Philosophiae , Historia Frigoris , Experimentali Historia Colorum , Hydrostaticis Paradoxis , Origine Formarum & Qualitatum , Libera in Receptam Naturae Notionem disquisitione , Concordia Remediorum Specificorum & novae Philosophiae , Historia Humani Sanguinis , Dissertatione de Causis Finalibus , nondum edita ; variisque aliis ejusdem operibus , tot novas contineri Notiones , Experimentaque fere quot versus . Non praetermittam hoc loco quod doctissimus , ingeniosissim usque Rob. Gordonius , a Gordistoun eques , nuper● adinvenit ; notissimam scilicet jam ubique hauriendis Aquis Antliam , mechanismi quoddam genus , quod superiorum aetatum hoc in genere arte facta longe exsuperet , ut sequente utilis hujusce machinae descriptione facile demonstrabo . Nova haec Antlia duplo plus quavis alia aquarum trahit ; & dimidiis tantum viribus dimidioque solum constat pretio , & dimidium tantum modo implet locum . Experimentum hoc Deptfordii vigesimo secundo Martii coram Comite Darmouthensi Commissariisque classis regiae , ad rem ut reipsa erat Regi referendam constitutis ita se habebat . Imposita nova haec Antlia navi bellicae sexti ordinis mensuratam duorum doliorum Cisternam minuto uno , secundis quinque supra quadraginta implevit : Notaque navis Antlia idem sex minutis & aliqua parte septimi praestitit , utramque autem quatuor tantum operarii agebant . Navi bellicae quarti ordinis imposita coopera●tibus interim duodecim operario Cist●ruam secundis triginta , & uno implevit , navisque Antlia ope sex nautarum cand●●● quatuor minutis , & aliqua parte quinti implevit . Praecipuos rerum Anatomicarum detectores sequentes numeramus , vid. Fabricium ab aqua pendente , qui detexit Valvulas venarum , ut Valvula , sub introitum magni intestini quod Colon dicunt inventa fuit a Bauhino ; venae Lacteae mesenterii ab Asellio , receptaculum Chyli a Pequeto , ductus Virsungianus a Georgio Virsung Paduensi ; Lymphatica vasa a Doctore Joliffeo , Bartholino , & Olao Rudbeckio , internus ductus Salivaris in Glandula maxillari a Doctore Whartono , & Doctore Glissonio , Glandulae sub lingua , naso , palato , vasa sub innominata Glandula oculi , Glandula lacrymalis a Nicolao Stenone ; nova Arteria Bronchialis dicta a Frederico Ruschio , Circulatio Sanguinis ab Harvaeo ; quamvis alii quidam non sat probabiliter eam ascribant Paulo Veneto , ut nonnulli Prospero Alpino , & etiam Andreae Caesalpino . Ars aquae Salsae Dulcorandae inventa nuper in Anglia est , de qua celeberrimus merito Boylius conformia omnino rationi in Epistola quadam hoc super argumento scripsit . Arithmeticam aut invenerunt , aut multum promoverunt sequentes Authores , Pythagoras , Euclides , non is qui coaevus fuit Pl●toni , auditorque Socratis , sed celeberrimus Mathematicus hujus nominis qui post Aristotelem floruit , annis post priorem nonaginta ; Diaephantus , Psellius , Apuleius , Cardan●s , Gemma Frisius , Clavius , &c. Neperus invenit Logarithmos quorum ope omnia Arithmeticae praescripta exequimur sola Additione , & Substractione . Invenit pariter facilem , certam , brevemque numerandi methodum ope Baculorum , quam Rabdologiam dicunt , aut Computationem per Ossa Neperi . Telescopium inventum fuit a Jacobo Metio , Amstelodamensi licet vulgo Galilaeo tribuatur , qui quidem perfectius illud multo reddidit . Torricellius invenit Barometrum quo instrumento aerem ipsum metimur . Ars Typographica teste Polydoro Vergilio inventa fuit a Johanne Cuttembergio , Moguntiano , licet quidam hunc honorem tribuant cuidam Fustio ex eadem civitate , & nonnulli Laurentio civi Harlemensi . Sinenses hanc Artem prius Aeuropaeis noverant . Flavius Goia , ab Amalphi , in Regno Neapolitano creditur jam trecentis abhinc annis pyxidem Nauticam invenisse . FINIS . 
A42822	----	Plus ultra, or, The progress and advancement of knowledge since the days of Aristotle in an account of some of the most remarkable late improvements of practical, useful learning, to encourage philosophical endeavours : occasioned by a conference with one of the notional way / by Jos. Glanvill. Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 1668 Approx. 253 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 96 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42822 Wing G820 ESTC R14223 12336109 ocm 12336109 59785 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42822) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59785) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 211:9) Plus ultra, or, The progress and advancement of knowledge since the days of Aristotle in an account of some of the most remarkable late improvements of practical, useful learning, to encourage philosophical endeavours : occasioned by a conference with one of the notional way / by Jos. Glanvill. Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. [36], 149, [6] p. Printed for James Collins ..., London : 1668. Errata: p. [1] at end. Advertisements: p. [6] at end. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Science -- History. 2002-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-07 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur , Tho. Tomkyns , RR mo in Christo Patriac Domino D no Gilberto Divinâ Providentiâ Archiepisc . Cant. à Sacr. Dom. PLUS ULTRA : OR , THE Progress and Advancement OF KNOWLEDGE Since the Days of ARISTOTLE . In an ACCOUNT of some of the most Remarkable LATE IMPROVEMENTS OF Practical , Useful Learning : To Encourage PHILOSOPHICAL ENDEAVOURS . OCCASIONED By a Conference with one of the NOTIONAL Way . By Ios. GLANVILL . LONDON , Printed for Iames Collins at the Kings-Head in Westminster-Hall . 1668. TO THE Right Reverned Father in GOD , WILLIAM Lord Bishop of Bathe and Wells . MY LORD , T Is a common , and vain pretence in Dedications , That the Name of the Great Person is prefixed to keep off Censure : And if it would do so in earnest , the Author might secure himself upon easie terms ; and those that write Books , need not complain so much of the Tongues of the Envious , and the Ignorant : But the worst on 't is , they that use the Courtship , intend it for no other ; and know , that they are no more secure under the Title of their Patron , than a Man in Battle is behind a Target made with a Paper-Picture of St. George . But , my Lord , though I contemn those silly , Romantick kinds of Flatteries , yet I have a real need of your Lordship's Name , which , without this Vanity , I may use in my defence : since the Angry Gentleman , that gave occasion to the following Discourse , hath usurp'd it to give colour to his Reproaches . What are the Particulars , I have told your Lordship , and have mentioned them in some of the nearest ensuing Leaves . And since the Man of Disputations hath accused me for an Infidel , and framed a Story concerning your Lordship to confirm it , I think it not sufficient to confute the Charge , but must also shame the Legend : which , no doubt , your Name here prefixt , and the Assurance you were pleased to give me that it was not true , will do effectually . It becomes not me , my Lord , to suggest any Reflections to kindle your displeasure for this Invention , to which certainly your Lordship owes no great Acknowledgments : But to decline all things that look like Envy or Revenge , I humbly implore on his behalf , your Pardon of the Forgery ; and on my own , your Permission to deal with this Disputer . This perhaps some may judge a bold Offer , in one that pretends not great Matters , to undertake the Man of Gath ; but I have no dread of the formidable bulk of his Name and Arms ( and some think , Most of the famed Giants , were indeed but Men of ordinary stature . ) For the Reputation of a great Disputant , which my Assailant hath in this Country , it signifies no more with me , than that of a good Cudgel-player , or Master of Fence : and what this Doughty Man 's Art and Force is , I have seen so much , as instructs me , that there is no great reason to apprehend mighty Dangers from his Puissance . My Lord , I have no contempt of any Mans Parts or Person , that keeps himself within the bounds of Modesty and Civility : but for those that are confident , imperious , abusive , and assuming , I confess 't is hard for me to speak of them with much Complement or respect . And having taken the boldness to say all this , some perhaps may expect that I should have the Duty and Justice to say a great deal more ; and that I should celebrate your Lordship after the manner of Dedications : But I began with reproving one of those usual Vanities , and shall not end in the practice of another . Those Epistolary Praises are mostly intended for little , and go for nothing ; For Flattery and Poetick Youth have strain●d them to such a ridiculous height , that Wise men judge of them by the same measures , as they do the Courtships of Common Amours . I dare not therefore offer your Gravity and Wisdom such vulgar● and obnoxious Trifles ; but instead of those Fooleries , I give your Lordship the serious assurance of my affectionate Duty , with the most grateful acknowledgment of your Favours . And that your aged Head may be Crowned with all the Blessings of a long Time , and after that , with the full Glories of an happy Eternity , shall ever be the Prayer of , My Lord , Your Lordships obliged and dutiful Servant , Jos. GLANVILL . THE PREFACE TO THE REVEREND CLERGY OF THE Diocess of B. and W. FATHERS and BRETHREN , THE Respect I owe you , and the Relation the following Discourse hath to a Reverend Man of your Number , make me reckon my self obliged , in point of Civility and Decorum , to give you an Account of this Engagement ; Not that I think so meanly of YOU , or of my Cause , as to endeavour to bribe or flatter You into any partiality of judgment in my favour , which no doubt You would disclaim , and , I hope , I shall not need : But I judge an Information in some Particulars , may be necessary to a free and unprejudiced Examination of the things contained in these Papers . And I begin with the desire , That you would consider me as a Person that contemns all Wranglings , and vehemencies of Dispute ; and there is somewhat of Hell in all Wars : Especially I dislike and lament all Publick Controversies among those of the Sacred Function , by which , great disrepute and reproach have been brought both upon Them and It ; besides the other numerous Mischiefs they have done Religion , and the Peace of Men. And in those Differences , in which eager Theologues have been engaged , I have much pitied the meanness and disorders of their Spirits , in the disingenuity and violence of their Assaults ●●on one anothers Reputations , in ●●hich the Question was not concern● ; but the Cause of each , much dis●●ved by their respective abuses . By ●hich Premisals , You may perhaps ●●ink , that I am drawing up a Charge against my own Discourse , which relates a Controversie , and one with a Divine , that some possibly may judge too , not to savour in the menage of it , of so much Candour and modest Sweetness as I seem to recommend . The Answer of this , will be the first business of this PREFACE . Therefore , for the publishing the matter of a Dispute , and that which was privately begun , I have to say , That the Grave Man gave me occasion enough of Displeasure and Complaint , by the dreadful and most injurious Censure of Atheism , charged upon me , for saying no mo●● than that [ The Scripture not writ after the way of 〈◊〉 Methods ; and , that God 〈◊〉 those Holy Oracles did app●● himself much to the Imagin●tion of the Prophets . ] T●● former of which Sayings , is so evide●● to one that considers the Inspire● Writings , that it will no doubt re●● dily be granted by Wise men of a●● denominations in Religion ; and should much wonder it is by an● one made a question , but that we ar● fallen into an Age in which n● Truth and Evidence can secure an●● thing from the Captiousness of Dis●puters . For the other , I have th● Suffrage of all that ever pretended to understand any thing of the Prophetick Spirit , as I could at large make appear , if I thought any needed information and conviction in this mat●● , besides my Reverend Anta●●nist : Or , if I had neither Evi●●nce nor Authority to vouch me in ●ose Sayings ; yet the Charge of ●●heism , is like the bolt of one ●●at throws hard words in haste , and without aim or judgment . So that I had cause enough to be ●ngry at an Imputation so little agree●ng with the Discretion of a Wise man , ●he Charity of a Christian , or the Ci●●ility of a Gentleman ; And yet I did ●o more at first , but signifie to my Assailant , in a very modest and mild Letter , That I supposed he did not judge of me in his cold and conside●ate thoughts , according to all that ●●verity he vented in the heat of Pas●sion , upon the account of which , I was ready to pass by those undeserved vehemencies of Expression , and to entertain a civility and respect for him . This Letter the Grave Ma● received , but never returned me an Answer , but what I had from P●●lick Frame , which brought me dai● notice of his declaring me an Ath●ist in all places and Companies . The● foul indignities for a while I though● my self obliged to bear meekly , as b● came a Christian , and one that taugh● others Patience ; and accordingl● sate down quietly under the infam●● of that Tongue , expecting when 〈◊〉 would have spent its fury , and hav● done : But it was not content to 〈◊〉 lifie me abroad , but come into my Parish to wound me nearer , and a●fixt on me the same horrid imputation , before some of the People o● my Charge ; as if my Persecuter had designed , not only to undo my Re●putation , but also to defeat the Success of my Labours . These Carriages I thought very strange , and very unbecoming one who Preacheth that Charity that thinketh no Evil ; and yet still I bore , and did not repay in kind , hoping that Time and greater matters would at last have taken off the fierce Assailant from the persecution of my Name : But it seems the Gentleman could find nothing else so powerfully to ingage his Thoughts ; and therefore he multiplied Stories , and set his Invention on work , when Matter failed . He gave out , That my LORD BISHOP had writ him a Gratulatory Letter for his egregious Uindication of the Scriptures against me , and had also reproved my Atheism and Infidelity , in another . I was glad he spoke good things of our Reverend Diocesan , though at my Cost : but knew , as to what concerned my self , that it was the overflowing of his good-will towards the Bishop , who never spake or writ a● word to me of any such matter . And for the other part , I ask'd his Lordship , and he was pleased to assure me , that he never understood any thing of such a Business , before my inquiry . Besides which , he storied , as I am credibly informed , That I had sent him a Recantation ( for that interpretation he made of the respect of my Letter ) And if it had been so indeed , he hath much added to the credit of his own Ingenuity and Veracity , in publishing me for that , which he saith I have retracted and disowned . When therefore I saw , that a little Truth , which gave the colour and occasion , and a great deal of what was not so , for which there was no reason , were set on work to bespatter and traduce me ; When I perceived that my Patience was abused , and my Civility made an Argument of Cowardice and unmanly Compliance ; When I saw my Name exposed ( for which I ought to have a concernment upon another account , besides that of Self-love ) and the Effect of my Ministry like to be hindred by my silence and tameness under those Peproaches ; I thought it a duty both to my self , and those of my Charge , to give Publique Accounts of the whole Matter , that they who are capable of judging , may see how little cause some men have for their railing Insultations and Triumphs . I therefore resolved to prepare a Letter , I had writ to a private Friend about it , for the Publick ; and I have in such a way ordered my Castigations , that they make up a Discourse upon a very seasonable and general Subject : So that my Assailant hath only given the occasion of the Me●thod . And so tender I am of troubling others with my personal Matters● that I suffered my thoughts severa● times to cool , and should perhaps have reduced my mind to an idle indifferency under those former Slanders , had not my Reverend Adversary taken care to quicken the laziness of my Humour , and to war● my intentions of proceeding , by the continued abusive liberty of his Language ; the report of which , daily coming to my ears in fresh gusts as I was writing , did I confess excite in me a great contempt of that kind of Spirit , and occasioned me to express less deference and respect , than otherwise I should have done to this Assailant This . I mention for your pardon , because of his Profession ; the consideration of which indeed did urge me sometimes to more indignation , when I reflected , how unlike ●uch rough , injurious demeanour was , ●o what may be expected from those ●hat Minister in the Gospel of Peace and Love. So that though I am one that resent a certain ungentility ( besides the other unhandsom things ) in bitterness of Expression , yet I thought smartness of reproof to be here necessary and seasonable . And whoever shall consider the mild carriage of my Pen , when 't was ingaged in a Defence of one of my Books , against the assault of the Famous ALBIUS , will see there , that I use it not as an Offensive Weapon of War , and that my Humour is not fierce and abusive . I therefore crave your candour in those Periods , where I may seem less smooth to my angry Antagonist ; for I think it not proper to Complement , when he Strikes . And yet I am not at eye for eye , and tooth for tooth ; nor do I study strict retribution : But having a great Aversion in my Nature and my Principles , to the rude , disputing censorious , and implacable Spirit , cannot forbear giving my Style a●tincture of the disesteem , not to say contempt , I have for that Genius . I had here added some other things , which I thought fit for your notice , concerning the Matter of the black Charge ; and such as I conceive will help me to a better place in your thoughts , than the Dispute● would provide for me : But those Considerations would have swell'● this Preface to a disproportionate bulk● and therefore I have cast them into the latter end , where I hope you will take the pains to find them , and do me , and others that may be concerned , that right , as to weigh deliberately those Apologetical Remarques . And having signified this my desire , proceed to observe what more ●early relates to the main Subject of ●he Discourse it self , the chief design of which is , to encourage the freer and better disposed Spirits , to vigour and indeavour in the pursuits of Knowledge ; and to raise the capable and ingenuous , from a dull and drowsie acquiescence in the Discoveries of former Times ; by representing the great Encouragements we have to proceed , from modern Helps and Advancements . Of these I have given some Instances in the more remarkable Particulars : For I intend not a full and accurate History of all the late Improvements of Science ; but so much as may serve my aim of confuting the fond Saying of my Antagonist , and exciting of Philosophical Endeavours . In which , I confess , I had a principal eye upon the ROYAL SOCIETY , and the Noble Purposes of that Illustrious Assembly , which I look upon as the great ferment of useful and generous Knowledge ; and have said enough , I think , to justifie that Apprehension , in the following Sheets● . And because some pious men are afraid of an Institution they have heard but imperfectly of , and are jealous of what they have not had opportunities to understand , I have therefore given a succinct Account of the Reason , Nature , and Designs of that Establishment , for the information of such as have not met with their Excellent HISTORY . Besides which , I think fit to add here , That WE of the CLERGIE have no reason to apprehend danger from that Constitution , since so many Pious , Learned , and Excellent Persons of our Order , are Members of that Body . And for the prevention of those panick , causeless Terrours , I shall take the boldness here to name some of those Venerable and Worthy Ecclesiasticks . I find therefore in their Catalogue , The Most Reverend the Lords Archbishops of CANTERBURIE and YORK , The Right Reverend the Lords Bishops of ELY , LONDON , ROCHESTER , SARUM , WINTON ; and those other Reverend Doctors , Dr. Iohn Wilkins Dean of RIPPON , Dr. Edward Cotton Archdeacon of CORNWALL , Dr. RALPH BATHURST President of Trin. Coll. OXON . Dr. Iohn Pearson Margaret Professour of CAMBRIDGE , Dr. Iohn Wallis Professor of Geometry in OXFORD , Dr. William Holder , Dr. Henry More , Dr. Iohn Pell ; and I reserve for your nearer notice , an excellent Person of your Neighbourhood and Number , Dr. Iohn Beale , who in an Age that usually cools and sinks , as to the more active Designs , doth yet retain the vigour and vivacity of sprightly youth , with the judgement of the ripest years , and is unwearied in the noblest Activities and most generous Prosecutions . And now I hope that there is none of you guilty of so great an immodesty and irreverence , as to judge those Designs to have an evil Aspect upon Religion , which are subscribed and promoted by so many great and grave Divines , of such known Piety and Iudgment . And the mention of those Celebrated Names , may serve to remove another groundless suspicion which some have entertained , viz. That the Universities are undermined by this new Philosophick Society : For whoever phancieth or suggests that , casts a black Character upon the sagacity and faithfulness of those Reverend Men , who all have been Eminent Members of one or other of those Schools of Learning : and most of them do still retain a Relation to those ancient and venerable Bodies . But to supersede further Discourse about this here , I owe some things else to my self , which is to answer the Objection , of my opposing the great Name of ARISTOTLE . Concerning it , I have said . Some things in this Book , and more in others ; For the present therefore I shall content my self to suggest , That I am very ready to give chearful Acknowledgements to his Rhetorick , History of Animals , and Mechanicks , and could wish that these were more studied by his devoted Admirers : But for the notional and disputing parts of his Philosophy , it hath deeply troubled me , when I have considered how much they have taken up that Time , and those Endeavours , which should have been imployed in surveying the Works of GOD ; that magnifie and discover their Author , from which only the true Philosophy is to be obtained : And the zeal I have for the Glory of the Almighty discovered in his Creatures , hath inspired me with some smartness and severity against those Heathen Notions which have so unhappily diverted Learned men from the study of Gods GREAT BOOK , UNIVERSAL NATURE ; and consequently , robb'd Him of that Honour , and those Acclamations that are due to him , for those admirable Results of his Wisdom and Goodness . And now 't is high time to draw up to the last Requests I have to You , which are , That you would please to do me that right , deliberately to weigh my following accounts , which though I have designed to express with all imaginable perspicuity and clearness , yet I cannot expect that they should presently enter into Minds , that most ordinarily converse with another sort of Matters , upon an hasty and careless perusal . I say therefore , I appeal to the reflecting and considerate thoughts of attentive and judicious men , But for the hair-brain'd half-witted Censurers , that only tell the Leaves of Books , and pass Definitive Sentences at a venture , I except against their Verdicts , and contemn them . You see upon the whole , that I have dealt openly with my Antagonist , and have said all to himself and the Publick , and more than ever I did on any private occasion : Though I believe , that he that hath endeavoured skulkingly and by envious Arts to traduce me , would be ashamed to own that in the face of the light , and mine , which he hath reported in corners . Whether he intends to answer my Relations and Reflections , or sit down in a grave silence , I cannot tell . If he doth the former , I look that he should shew , either that there are no such Instances of Improvement in Knowledge , since Aristotle , as I have reckoned ; or , That they are no Advantage for the Increase of SCIENCE . If he proves either of these , his Return will be an Answer ; and I shall admire his Wit in an eternal respect and silence : But if he offers any thing else for a Reply , I appeal to you , whether it be like to be to purpose ? or , whether I shall have any need to trouble my self to rejoyn to an impertinence ? But on the other hand , if his Sageness resolve to sit down , and gravely to say nothing in Return ( which 't is like his Wisdom will counsel him to be best ) I expect from such an Ingenuity as his , that he should fall again to his little arts of Calumny , and deal with my Book as he hath with my Person , assault it behind with dirt and hard-names , and confute it with a Pish , or a great word or two , among his private Admirers . This no doubt will be the easiest way of Answering ; and those that have got great Reputation by Artifice , Chance , Uapouring , or the Ignorance of those they converse with , have commonly the prudence not to put it to the hazard of publick Tryals . I do not say , this is the Case of the Reverend Disputer ; let those that know , judge . However 't is , my Antagonist being of long standing in these Parts , is like to have the wind here ; and whether his Reply be publique or not , I reckon he will blow the DUST upon me : but if I have the SUN , as I hope , I shall have no reason to regret his Advantage . The Truth is , I desire to conflict in an open Champaigne , where there may be less danger of guile , treachery , and ambush : But I perceive my Adversary is for fighting in Dirty-lanes and among the Cole-pits , like the Irish among their Boggs . Let him enjoy the Empire of Learning in those Places , and whatever Triumphs over me he pleaseth . If YOU , Sirs , and the intelligent World favour the Iustice of my Cause , which , without disparagement to yours I cannot doubt , I have enough , and shall be content to permit the Disputer to clap his Wings , and crow at home , till he be ashamed and weary of his fond and causeless Orations . These are the things I thought fit to premise to my Discourse , to which now I remit your Eyes , without adding more , but the Respect and Service of , Reverend Sirs , Your humble Honourer and Servant , J. G. Modern Improvements OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE . To a Friend . CHAP. I. The INTRODUCTION . SIR , THE Inquiry of your last was very obliging , as it signified an affectionate concernment for me : And in testimony of my resentment of the Kindness , I shall be large and particular in my Return ; which I intend as full as my Affairs will permit , because I owe you some Account of the Modern way of Philosophy , and the ROYAL Colledge of Philosophers : And I do not yet know , but that I may have an occasion of making these things publick . Not tha● I am so fond to think my little contrasts fit subject for general Entertainment ; nor am I so tender and over-weening , as to make it a business to complain in Print of my private Injuries : But I foresee , the Relation I am about will afford me fit and ample opportunity to discourse things , which perhaps you may think worth your labour to consider . And what I have to say , tends either to the direct recommendation of the ways of Vseful Knowledge , or to the detecting the immorality , weakness , and vanity of the Spirit that opposeth it . Briefly then , as to your Inquiry about the Conference I had with the Grabe Person you mention ; You may please to know , That not long since I lighted into the Company of that Reverend Man , who , I suppose you have heard , hath a Reputation for Learning among his Neighbours , and is accounted a Philosopher in the Peripatetick way . I was glad of an opportunity of his Acquaintance , and approach'd him with that respect which I judged due to a person of that Gravity , and of whom I had heard advantageously . He had been speaking before I came , about Aristotle and his Philosophy ; And after our first Civilities were over , he renewed the Discourse , and applied it all to me . I confess I was not willing to begin an Acquaintance in a Dispute , in which I foresaw there might be danger of heat and animosity . This I intimated , and would have declined the occasion ; because , though I love modest and temperate Discoursing , yet I am a profess'd Enemy to all captious and resolv'd Oppositions , which for the most part run into wild Rambles , and end in Quarrels . But the Gentleman , it seems , had warm'd himself by the concernment he took in the Discourse , and was forward to prosecute the Argument in vindication and praise of Beloved Aristotle : Which Carriage , though I thought somewhat too young for the Gravity of that Appearance , and more becoming the pertness of a Sophister , than the Sagess of a Reverend Divine ; yet I abstain'd from any displeasing Reflection , and should quietly have permitted him to have satisfi'd himself in his Venerations of that Name , without interruption or disturbance : For I count it not civil to trouble any One in his Worship , or to profess to his face , a contempt of another Mans GODS . But the Grave Gentleman could not be content only to celebrate and admire his Aristotle ; but was pleased to take an occasion to make Comparisons , and to diminish the ROYAL SOCIETY . This Passage , I confess , I thought not handsom . And methinks the Reverence we owe to the ROYAL FOVNDER and PATRON of that Establishment , and the Respect that is due to PRINCES , PRIVY COVNSELLORS , and PRELATES ; to the most Learned Men of all Sorts and Professions , Mathematicians , Chymists , Physicians , Anatomists , Antiquaries , and Philosophers ; to the PRIME NOBILITY , and so many of the Learned and Ingenious amongst the GENTRY : I say , I thought that the Regard , which is a debt to such Persons as make up that Honourable Assembly , had been enough to procure it Civil usage among all that had but an indifferent proportion of Modesty and Breeding . And if there were nothing else to oblige men to Respectful Discourse of this Generous Company , I should think the Consideration of their Noble Aims , which no doubt are some of the Greatest , most August , and most Hopeful that ever were , should be sufficient to obtain them at least good words from all that are capable of understanding their Catholick intendments and prosecutions . And these , Sir , are not the little Projects of serving a Sect , or propagating an Opinion ; of spinning out a subtile Notion into a fine thred , or forming a plausible System of new Speculations : but they are Designs of making Knowledge Practical , and accommodating Mankind in things of Vniversal Benefit , by searching into the Creatures of God as they are in his World , and not criticizing upon the Images of them as they lye in that which the Phansies of Men have contriv'd . This my Reverend Assailant either did not know , or did not consider . But supposing that this Society had a design against adored Aristotle , or not so great an apprehension of him as he had been wont to instil into his Pupils , thought fit to bring it under his Corrections ; and at his disrespectful Discourse of that Assembly , I felt my self concerned . I therefore took occasion to speak from somewhat he had newly said , which was to this purpose , [ That Aristotle had more Advantages for Knowledge than the ROYAL SOCIETY or all the present Age had , or could have ; and for this strong Reason , because he did totam peragrare Asiam . ] This , Sir , you perceive was said in haste , when Consideration was not at home . And I was much surprised to hear an Assertion from one that had not lived in a Cell , which were scarce excusable in a Recluse , who had seen or known nothing of the World , but the Antique Venerable Images of a Religious House . And you will be sensible of the injustice and incogitancy of this saying , and conceive better things of the later Ages , when you reflect and think how many . Arts , Instruments , Observations , Experiments , Inventions and Improvements , have been disclosed to the World since the days of Aristotle , which are vast Advantages for Knowledge , and all Noble and Vseful Inquiries . But before I come to instance in these Particulars , I must premise , That the ROYAL SOCIETY , and those of that Genius , are very ready to do right to the Learned Ancients , by acknowledging their Wit , and all the useful Theories and helps we have from them : but they are not willing that those , however venerable Sages , should have an absolute Empire over the Reasons of Mankind . Nor do they think , That all the Riches of Nature were discovered to some few particular Men of former Times ; and that there is nothing left for the benefit and gratification of after-Inquirers . But They believe , There is an inexhaustible variety of Treasure which Providence hath lodged in Things , that to the Worlds end will afford fresh Discoveries , and suffice to reward the ingenious Industry and Researches of those that look into the Works of God , and go down to see his wonders in the deep . This , no doubt , the modesty and justice of the Ancients themselves would have confess'd . But besides this , the Modern Experimenters think , That the Philosophers of elder Times , though their Wits were excellent , yet the way they took was not like to bring much advantage to Knowledge , or any of the Vses of humane Life ; being for the most part that of Notion and Dispute , which still runs round in a Labyrinth of Talk , but advanceth nothing . And the unfruitfulness of those Methods of Science , which in so many Centuries never brought the World so much practical , beneficial Knowledge , as would help towards the Cure of a Cut finger , is a palpable Argument , That they were fundamental Mistakes , and that the Way was not right . For , as my Lord Bacon observes well , Philosophy , as well as Faith , must be shewn by its Works . And if the Morderns cannot shew more of the Works of their Philosophy in six years , than the Aristoteleans can produce of theirs in more than thrice so many hundred , let them be loaded with all that Contempt which is usually the reward of vain and unprofitable Projectors . But now , That this Procedure hath effected more for the information and advantage of Mankind , than all the Ages of Notion ; the Records of the Royal Society alone are a sufficient Evidence ( as the World will see , when they shall think fit to unfold their Treasure . ) I say then , the Mordern Philosophers arrogate nothing to their own Wit , above that of the Ancients : but by the reason of the thing , and material , sensible Events , they find they have an advantage by their Way . And a lame Child that slowly treads the right Path , will at last arrive to his Journeys end ; while the swift Footman that runs about in a Wood , wil lose himself in his wandrings . CHAP. II. The Ways of improving Useful Knowledge proposed . The Advantages this Age hath from the great advancements of Chymistry and Anatomy , AND having said this , I come to encourage your hopes in the present Philosophical Endeavours ; and to discourse more largely , what I could but suggest to the Reverend Disputer . And here I am to represent in as many material Particulars as I can now call into my thoughts , the Advantages for Vseful Knowledge , which the later Ages have beyond those of the days of Aristotle , and remoter Antiquity . And in order to this , I consider , That there are Two chief ways whereby Knowledge may be advanced , viz. ( 1. ) By inlarging the HISTORY of Things : And ( 2. ) By improving INTERCOVRSE and COMMVNICATIONS . The HISTORY of Nature is to be augmented , either by an investigation of the Springs of Natural Motions , or fuller Accounts of the grosser and more palpable Phaenomena . For the searching out the beginnings and depths of Things , and discovering the intrigues of remoter Nature , there are THREE remarkable ARTS , and multitudes of excellent INSTRVMENTS , which are great Advantages to these later Ages ; but were either not at all known , or but imperfectly , by Aristotle and the Ancients . The ARTS in which I instance , are CHYMISTRY , ANATOMY , and the MATHEMATICKS : The INSTRVMENTS , such as the MICROSCOPE , TELESCOPE , THERMOMETER , BAROMETER ; and the AIR-PVMP : Some of which were first Invented , all of them exceedingly Improved by the ROYAL SOCIETY . TO begin with the Consideration of the ARTS mentioned , I observe , That these were very little cultivated or used in Aristotles Times , or in those following ones in which his Philosophy did most obtain . For the FIRST , CHYMISTRY , it hath indeed a pretence to the great Hermes for its Author ( how truly , I will not dispute ) From him 't is said to 〈◊〉 come to the Aegyptians , and from ●em to the Arabians ; Among these it was ●●●nitely mingled with vanity and supersti●●ous devices : but it was not at all in use ●ith Aristotle and his Sectators . Nor ●oth it appear that the Grecians , or the ●●sputing Ages , were conversant in these ●seful and luciferous Processes , by which Nature is unwound , and resolv'd into the minute Rudiments of its Composition ; and by the violence of those Artful Fires it is made confess those latent parts , which , upon less provocation , it would not disclose . And now , as we cannot understand the frame of a Watch , without taking it into pieces ; so neither can Nature be well known , without a resolution of it into its beginnings , which certainly may be best of all done by Chymical Methods . And in those vexatious Analyses of Things , wonderful discoveries are made of their Natures , and Experiments are found out , which are not only full of pleasant surprise and information , but of valuable use , especially in the Practice of Physick ; For It directs Medicines less loathsome and far more vigorous , and freeth the Spirits , and purer parts , from the clogging and noxious appendices of grosser matter , which not only hinder and disable the Operation , but leave hurtful dregs 〈◊〉 the Body behind them . I confess , Sir , tha● among the Aegyptians and Arabians , th●● Paracelsians , and some other Moderns Chymistry was very phantastick , unintelligible , and delusive ; and the boasts , vanity , and canting of those Spagyrists , brought 〈◊〉 scandal upon the Art , and exposed it to suspicion and contempt : but its late Cultivatours , and particularly the ROYAL SOCIETY , have resin'd it from its dross , and made it honest , sober , and intelligible , an excellent Interpreter to Philosophy , and help to common Life . For they have laid aside the Chrysopoietick , the delusory Designs and vain Transmutations , the Rosie-crucian Vapours , Magical Charms , and superstitious Suggestions , and form'd it into an Instrument to know the depths and efficacies of Nature . This , Sir , is no small advantage that we have above the old Philosophers of the National way . And we have another , ( 2. ) In the Study , Vse , and vast Improvements of ANATOMY , which we find as needful to be known among us , as 't is wonderful 't was known so little among the Ancients , whom a fond Superstition deterr'd from Dissections . For the Anatomizing the Bodies of Men , was counted bar●arous and inhumane in elder Times : And 〈◊〉 observe from a Learned Man of our own , That the Romans held it unlawful to look on the Entrails . And Tertullian severely cen●ures an inquisitive Physician of his time , for this practice , saying , That he hated Man , that he might know him . Yea , one of the Popes ( I take it 't was Boniface 8. ) threatens to Excommunicate those that should do any thing of this then-abominable nature . And Democritus was fain to excuse his Dissection of Beasts , even to the great Hippocrates . Nor does it appear by any thing extant in the Writings of Galen , that that other Father of Physicians ever made any Anatomy of humane Bodies . Thus shie and unacquainted was Antiquity with this excellent Art , which is one of the most useful in humane Life , and tends mightily to the eviscerating of Nature , and disclosure of the Springs of its Motion . But now in these later Ages , Anatomy hath been a free and general Practice ; and particularly in this it hath received wonderful Improvements from the Endeavours of several worthy Inquisitors , some of them Ingenious Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY , as Sir George Ent , Dr. Glisson , and Dr. Willis . I instance in the most remarkable of their Discoveries briefly ; And those I take noti●● of are , The Valves of the Veins , discover'd by Fabricius ab Aquapendente ; Th● Valve at the entrance of the gut Colon● found , as is generally thought , by Bauhinus● The Milkie Veins of the Mesentery , by ●●●sellius ; The Receptacle of the Chyle , b● Pecquet ; and the Lacteae Thoracicae , by th● same Discoverer ; The Glandulae Lacte● Lumbares , by Bartholin ; A new Ductusi● the Testicles , by Dr. Highmore ; The Ductus Virsungianus , by Io. George Wirsung o● Padua ; The Lymphatick Vessels , by Dr● Ioliffe , Bartholin , and Olaus Rudbeck ; Th● internal Ductus Salivaris in the Maxillar● Glandule , by Dr. Wharton , and Dr. Glisson● The external Ductus Salivaris in the conglomerated Parotis , The Ductus of the Cheek● The Glandules under the Tongue , Nose , and Palate , The Vessels in the nameless Glandul● of the Eye , and the Tear-Glandule , by Nich● Steno ; The Sinus of the Veins , and their Vse , by Dr. Willis ; The Ductus Renales , by Laurentius Bellini ; A new Artery , called Arteria Bronchialis , by Fred. Ruysch . I add , the Origination of those Nerves which were of old supposed to arise out of th● substance of the Brain , but are found by late Anatomists to proceed from the Medull● Oblongata . And though the Succus nutritius be not yet fully agreed upon by Physicians , yet it hath so much to say for it self , that it may not unreasonably be mentioned among the New Inventions . But of all the modern Discoveries , Wit and Industry have made in the Oeconomy of humane Nature , the Noblest is that of the Circulation of the Blood , which was the Invention of our deservedly-famous Harvey . 'T is true , the Envy of malicious Contemporaries , would have robb'd him of the Glory of this Discovery , and pretend it was known to Hippocrates , Plato , Aristotle , and others among the Ancients : But whoever considers the Expressions of those Authors , which are said to respect the Circulation , will find , that those who form the Inference , do it by a faculty that makes all kind of Compositions and Deductions , and the same that assists the Enthusiasts of our days to see so clearly all our Alterations of State and Religion , to the minutest Particulars , in the Revelation of St. Iohn . And I think it may be as well concluded from the first Chapter of Genesis , as from the Remains of those Ancients ; who , if they had known this great and general Theory , how chance they spake no more of a thing , which no doubt they had frequent occasions to mention ? How came it to be lost without memory among their Followers , who were such superstitious porers upon their Writings ? How chance it was not shewn to be lodg'd in those Authors , before the days of Dr. Harvery , when Envy had impregnated and determined the Imaginations of those , who were not willing any thing should be found anew , of which themselves were not the Inventors ? But 't is not only the remotest Ancients , whom time hath consecrated , and distance made venerable , whose Ashes those fond men would honour with this Discovery : but even much later Authors have had the glory fastned upon them . For the Invention is by some ascribed to Paulus Venetus ; by others , to Prosper Alpinus ; and a third sort give it to Andreas Caesalpinus . For these , though either of them should be acknowledged to be the Author , it will make as much for the design of my Discourse , as if Harvey had the credit ; and therefore here I am no otherwise concerned , but to have Iustice for that Excellent Man : And the World hath now done right to his Memory , Death having overcome that Envy which dog's living Virtue to the Grave ; and his Name rests quietly in the Arms of Glory , while the Pretensions of his Rivals are creeping into darkness and oblivion . Thus , Sir , I have done with the Instances of Anatomical Advancements , unless I should hitherto refer the late Noble Experiment of Transfusion of the Blood from one living Animal into another , which I think very fit to be mention'd ; and I suppose 't is not improper for this place : Or however , I shall rather venture the danger of impropriety and misplacing , than omit the taking notice of so excellent a Discovery , which no doubt future Ingenuity and Practice , will improve to purposes not yet thought of ; and we have very great likelihood of Advantages from it in present prospect . For it is concluded , That the greatest part of our Diseases arise either from the scarcity , or malignant tempers and corruptions of our Blood ; in which cases Transfusion is an obvious Remedy ; and in the way of this Operation , the peccant Blood may be drawn out , without the danger of too much enfeebling Nature , which is the grand inconvenience of meer Phlebotomies . So that this Experiment may be of excellent use , when Custom and Acquaintance have hardned men to permit the Practice , in Pleurisies , Cancers , Leprosies , Madness , Vlcer , Small-Pox , Dotage , and all such like Distempers . And I know not why that of injecting prepared Medicines immediately into the Blood , may not be better and more efficacious , than the ordinary course of Practice : Since this will prevent all the danger of frustration from the loathings of the Stomach , and the disabling , clogging mixtures and alterations they meet with there , and in the Intestines , in which no doubt much of the Spirit and Virtue is lost . But in the way of immediate injection , they are kept intire , all those inconveniences are avoided , and the Operations is like to be more speedy and succesful , Both these noble Experiments are the late Inventions of the ROYAL SOCIETY , who have attested the reality of the former , that of Transfusion of Blood , by numerous Tryals on several sorts of brute Animals . Indeed the French made the Experiment first upon humane Bodies , of which we have a good account from Monsieur Dennis : But it hath also since been practiced with fair and encouraging success , by our Philosophical Society . The other of Injection , if it may be mentioned as a different Invention , was also the product of the same Generous Inventors ; though indeed more forward Foreigners have endeavoured to usurp the credit of both . This latter likewise hath succeeded to considerable good effects , in some new Tryals that have been made of it in Dantzick , as appears in a Letter written from Dr. Fabritius of that City , and printed in the Philosophical Transactions . CHAP. III. Another great Advantage of late Times , from the Improvements of Mathematicks ; particularly of Arithmetick , Algebra , and Geometry , discourst by Instances . I Proceed now to my THIRD Instance of ARTS ( if the Reverend Logician will give me leave to use the word in this large sense ) which are Advantages for deep search into Nature , and have been considerably advanc'd by the Industry and culture of late Times , above their ancient Stature . And the Instance was , ( III. ) THE MATHEMATICKS . That these are mighty helps to practical and useful Knowledge , will be easily confest by all , that have not so much ignorance as to render them incapable of information in these matters . And the Learned Gerand Vossius hath proved it by induction in particulars . And yet it must be acknowledged that Aristotle , and the disputing Philosophers of his School , were not much addicted to those noble Inquisitions : For Proclus the Commentator upon Euclide , though he gives a very particular Catalogue of the Elder Mathematicians , yet hath not mentioned Aristotle in that number . And though Diogenes Laertius takes notice of a Book he inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a Third , yet extant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Yet it appears not that these were things of very great value ; and Aristotle's Metaphysical procedure , even in Physical Theories , the , genius and humour of his Principles , and the aiery contentions of his Sect , are huge presumptions that this Philosopher was not very Mathematical . And his numerous succeeding Followers , were certainly very little conversant in those generous Studies . I have elsewhere taken notice , that there is more publish'd by those Disputing men on some paultry trifling Question about ens Rationis , and their Materia prima , than hath been written by their whole number upon all the vast and useful parts of Mathematicks and Mechanicks . There was a time when these were counted Coniurations ; and I do not very well know the reason of the Reverend Disputers displeasure at my Discourse about Dioptrick Tubes ( of which you will hear in the process ) except he was under the dread of some such phansie , and believed there was Magick in Opticks . It would require much skill in those Sciences , to draw up the full History of their Advancements ; I hear a very accurate Mathematician is upon it : And yet to fill up my Method , I 'le adventure at some imperfect Suggestions about the Inventions and Improvements of this kind : And I begin , ( I. ) With ARITHMETICK , which is the handmaid to all the other parts of Mathematicks . This indeed Pythagoras is said to have brought from the Phoenicians to the Graecians : but we hear no great matter of it till the days of Euclide : not the Euclide that was the Contemporary of Plato , and Hearer of Socrates ; but the famed Mathematician of that Name , who was after Aristotle , and at 90 years distance from the former . This is the first Person among the Ancients , that is recorded by the exact Vossius to have done any thing accurately in that Science . After him it was advanced by Diophantus , methodized by Psellus , illustrated among the Latins by L. Apuleius , and in later times much promoted by Cardan , Gemma Frisius , Ramus , Clavius , and divers more modern Artists , among whom I more especially take notice of that Ingenious Scot the Lord Napier , Who invented the Logarithmes , which is a way of computing by artificial Numbers , and avoiding the taedium of Multiplication and Division . For by this Method all those Operations are performed by Addition and Substraction , which in natural Numbers were to be done those longer ways . This Invention is of great use in Astronomical Calculations , and it may be applied also to other Accompts . Besides this , the same Learned Lord found an easie , certain , and compendious way of Accounting by Sticks , called Rabdology ; as also Computation by Napier's Bones : Both these have been brought to greater perfection by others , since their first Discovery ; particularly by Vrsinus and Kepler . To them I add the Decimal Arithmetick , which avoids the tedious way of computing by Vulgar Fractions in ordinary Accompts , and Sexagenaries in Astronomy ; exceedingly and lately improved by our famous Oughtred , and Dr. Wallis a Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY . ( If I should here subjoyn the Helps this Art hath had from the Works and Endeavours of Anatolius , Barlaam , Maximus Palanudes , Nemorarius , Florentinus Bredonus , Pisanus , Orentius ; and in this Age , from those of Adrianus Romanus , Henischius , Cataldus , Malapartius , Keplerus , Briggius , Crugerus , and a vast number reckon'd up by Vossius , I should be tedious on this Head ; and therefore I pass lightly over it , and proceed , ( II. ) To ALGEBRA , of universal use in all the Mathematical Sciences , in Common Accompts , in Astronomy , in taking Distances and Altitudes , in measuring plain and solid Bodies , and other useful Operations . The first noted Author in this Method was Diophantus , who lived long since the Idol of Disputers . He , and those other Ancients that used it , performed their Algebraical Operations by Signs and Characters suted to the several Numbers , and powers of Numbers , which they had occasion to use in solving Problems : But the later Mathematicians have found a far more neat and easie way , viz. by the Letters of the Alphabet , by which we can solve many Problemes that were too hard for the Ancients , as far as can be discovered by any of their remaining Works . For there were many affected Aequations ( as they call them ) that did not equally ascend in the Scale of Powers , that could not be solv'd by the elder Methods ; whereas the acute Vieta , a Mathematician of this last Age , affirms , he could resolve any Probleme by his own Improvements . Besides him , our excellent Oughtred another , lately mentioned , did much in this way . But the inimitable Des Cartes hath vastly out-done both former and later Times , and carried Algebra to that height , that some considering men think Humane Wit cannot advance it further . I will not say so much : but no doubt he hath performed in it things deserving vast acknowledgment , of which you shall hear more anon . And from hence I step , ( III. ) To the Consideration of GEOMETRY , which is so fundamentally useful a Science , that without it we cannot in any good degree understand the Artifice of the Omniscient Architect in the composure of the great World , and our selves . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the excellent saying of Plato ; and the Vniverse must be known by the Art whereby it was made . So that what Galileo notes of Aristotle , is a great sign of his defects , viz. That he reprehended his Venerable Master for his Geometrical Sublimities , accusing him that he receded from the solid Methods of Philosophizing , through his too much indulging that Study ; Which is so far from being likely , that Geometry is little less than absolutely necessary to solid and real Philosophy ; and as I intimated , 't is next to impossible to be a judicious and accurate Philosopher , and want it . Upon which account , Plato admitted none to his School , but those that were acquainted with that Science : Which practice the mentioned excellent Modern , notes to be directly opposite to the Peripatetick genius ; and some he knew great men of that way , dehorted their Disciples from it ; which he introduceth one applauding as a wise Counsel , since Geometry would detect and shame the futilities of that National way . But not to take too large a compass , this is certain , That Geometry is a most useful and proper help in the affairs of Philophy and Life . 'T is almost as clear from those former intimations , that Aristotle was not much enclined that way ; and we know that his late Sectators , have very seldome applied themselves to Geometrical Disquisitions . The Result of which is , We must expect the Advantages of this Science , from the declining of his and their Empire ; and I need not say expect it , they are both in present view . And if after this you require accounts of the Improvements Geometry hath received , since the foundation of that Tyranny by the Man of STAGYRA , I shall offer you the best I have ; and though I am conscious that they will be scant and defective , yet I hope sufficient for my present purpose . I note then from the celebrated Vossius , That Euclide was the first that brought Geometry into a Method , and more accurately demonstrated those Principles , which before were scattered among the Greeks and Aegyptians , and not so cogently or carefully proved . And Proclus reckons this Famous man as the Compiler and Demonstrator , not as the Inventor of the Elements ; and two of these Books ( viz. 14. & 15. ) are ascribed to Apollonius Pergaeus , who was his nearest Successor in Fame for Mathematical Abilities . This Geometrician improved the Science by four Books of Conicks , publish'd of old ; and three more have been lately ( in the year 1661. ) translated out of an Arabick Manuscript in the Duke of Tuscany's Library , and are now abroad . This Manuscript Iacob Golius procured out of the East . Besides which , this Magnus Geometra , as he was called , illustrated Euclide by his Learned Commentary upon him . But Archimedes of Syracuse , was a Person of the greatest renown for Geometrical and Mechanical Performances ; concerning which , Polybius , Valerius , Plutarch , Livy , and others , have recorded prodigious things . This great Wit carried Geometry from general and idle Speculation , to the use and benefit of Mankind ; whereas before him it was an ancient and perverse Opinion , That this Knowledge ought not to be brought down to vulgar Service , but kept up in abstractive Contemplations : upon which score Archytas and Eudoxus , those great Geometricians before Euclide , were scared from the Mechanical and Organical Methods , to the great hindrance of beneficial Improvements in that way . But the excellent Syracusian understood , that this Science is not debased , but promoted and advanced by such Accommodations ; and evinc'd the usefulness and excellency of Geometry , in his admirable Paradox proposed before King Hieron ( Datis viribus datum pondus tollere ) [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] This Mathematician flourish'd 160 years after the time of Aristotle , who hath the name of the most ancient that writ in Mechanicks , though that Book of his be not mentioned either by Archimedes , Athenaeus , Hero , or Pappus , Mechanical Authors ; and Cardan and Patricius affirm that Work to be none of Aristotle's : Whos 's ever it was , the Performance hath praise from the Learned , as explaining the general Causes of Mechanical Geometry . But Archimedes was more practical and particular : And though Plutarch in the Life of Marcellus affirms he writ nothing ; yet the contrary is abundantly proved by Gerard Vossius , who hath shewn that the Books extant under his Name , that contain so many great Maxims of Mechanicks , are genuine ; and both Strabo and Pappus mention them as his . The Design of Archimedes , of combining Mechanism and Geometrick Theory , was after happily promoted by Hero the Elder of Alexandria , who invented those ingenuous Automata , that move by Air and Wyres ; concerning which he writ a Book that was Translated by Fredericus Commandinus , as also he did another De Machinis Bellicis , by which he well improved Geometrick Mechanicks : And Pappus particularly celebrates his exactness in solving the Deliaick Problem , De Cubo duplicando , acknowledging that he took most of his own Accounts about that matter , from that exquisite Man. Next him , I mention Theodosius of Tripoli , who very much improved Geometry by his three Books De Figur a Sphaerica , which afforded great assistance to Ptolomy , Pappus , Proclus , and Theon , in their Mathematical Endeavours . Menelaus also , who lived in Trajan's time , contributed very much to the perfecting the Doctrine of Sphaericks , as Vitellio well knew , who was famous for those things which he borrowed from that Author . The Performances also of Ctesibius , who lived in the time of Ptolomaeus Physcon , are much celebrated by Pliny . He invented many things in Hydraulicks , and according to Athenaeus , he was the first Contriver of Musical Organs . These were Mechanical : but Geminus Rhodius the Master of Proclus Lycius , applied Logick to Geometry , out of particular Elements abstracting Vniversals . He demonstrated , That there are only Three similar Species of all Lines , viz. Right , Circular , and Cylindrical : And Perseus following his steps , enrich'd Geometry with the Invention of three kinds of Crooked Lines , the Parabole , Hyperbole , and Elipsis ; for which he express'd his extatick joy , as Thales , Pythagoras , and Archimedes did upon like occasions , in a Sacrifice to the Gods. But to be briefer , Pappus improved the Sphoericks ; Theon more methodically digested the Elements of Euclide ; Serenus Antinsensis discover'd , that the Section of a right Cylindre , is the same with the Elipsis of a right Cone ; Copernicus improved the Doctrine of Triangles ; Ramus corrected and supplied Euclide , where his Principles were defective ; Maurolicus writ first of Secant Lines ; Clavius much illustrated and promoted the Doctrine of Tangents , Secants , Triangles , Right Lines , and Sphaericks , besides what he did in his Comment upon Euclide . I might mention with These , the worthy Performances of Cusanus , Pitiscus , Snellius , Ambrosius Rhodius , Kepler , Franciscus à Schoten , and others , who contributed very eminently to the perfections and advancements of Geometry , and were late men . But none have done in it like the excellent Persons whom I reserve for my last mention ; The chief are Vieta , Des Cartes , and Dr. Wallis . CHAP. IV. Improvements in Geometry by Des Cartes , Vieta , and Dr. Wallis . IN order to my giving an account of some of their Performances , I must premise , That no great things can be done in Geometry , without the Analytical Method ; And though some Learned Men conceive the Ancients were acquainted with this way of resolving Problems , yet their skill in it went no higher than the Quadratick Order of Aequations , which They demonstrated by Circles and Right Lines , which They call'd Loca plana : but they were able to do nothing in the Cubical Aequations , or any of the Superiour Orders ; though they endeavour'd to cover their defects in this Art , by recourse ad Locos Solidos , ( viz. Conick Sections ) and Lineares , as they called them , such as the Helix , Conchoeides , and those of like nature . But those tortous and curved Lines being described Mechanically by Compound Motions , the Problems resolv'd by them are performed Organically by the hand and eye , not Geometrically . This was the State of the Analytick Art , as long as Learning flourish'd in Greece ; when That was subdued by the Barbarians , their Learning with their Country passed to the Arabians , and also to the Persians , as we have it from Hottinger and Bullialdus : But these Successors of the Greeks did not advance their Learning beyond the imperfect Stature in which it was delivered to them . In that condition it remained till Cardan and Tartaglia , who made some small addition towards the perfection of it ; For they gave some Rules for solving Cubical Aequations , which were certain in some cases , but not in all . Their Invention some other Mathematical men endeavoured to advance , laying down Rules for solving some Cubick and Biquadratick Aequations ; but could never find an universal way , that might reach all such : Yea indeed they utterly despaired , and held it impossible . At length appears Vieta , who by inventing the Method of Extracting Roots in the most numerous Aequations , and by converting the Signs used by the Ancients into Letters , brought Algebra to a very great perfection , as I have noted above ; and by enriching the Analytical Art , by the Accessions of his Exegetice Numerosa , and Logistice Speciosa , he hath contributed infinite helps to Geometry . After him , divers other Learned men polisht and adorned his Discourses ; among whom I mention chiefly our Countrymen Harriot and Oughtred , who altred Vieta's Notes to advantage , and invented Canons to direct our Operations in the Extracting of Roots , both in pure and adsected Aequations . But after these had thus improved the Analytick Art , and well assisted Geometry by it , Des Cartes appears , one of the greatest wits that ever the Sun saw , a Person too great for praise , designed by Heaven for the Instruction of the Learned World , and who no doubt will be the Object of its admiration , as long as there is any Learning in it . This wonderful man in a few Pages , opens a way to mighty Performances : He shews us how all the Problems of Geometry may be brought to such terms , that we shall need nothing to the Construction and Demonstration of them , but the knowledge of the length of certain right Lines ; and that , as all the Operations of Arithmetick are performed by Addition , Substraction , Multiplication , Division , and Extraction of Roots ( which is a species of Division ) So in Geometry , for the preparation of Lines that they may be known , nothing needs more to be done , than that others be added to them , or substracted from them ; or if the Line be single ( which that it may be the better referred to Numbers , may be called Vnity ) and beside that , two other Lines , that a Fourth be found which shall have the same proportion to one of these Lines , that the other hath to Vnity , which is the same with Multiplication ; or else , that by them a Fourth be found , which may have the same proportion to one of them , which Vnity hath to the other , which is the same with Division ; or lastly , That there be found between Vnity , and some other Right Line , two or more mean Proportionals , which is the same thing with the Extraction of Quadratick and Cubick Roots . And that he may justifie the introducing of Terms Arithmetical into Geometry , he observes , That the avoiding thereof was an occasion of much perplexity and obscurity in the Geometry of the Ancients ; of which he could give no other conjecture , but because they did not sufficiently understand the affinity and cognation of those Sciences . But if I should intend an exact History of all his Performances , I must transcribe Him ; for he hath said so much in little , that 't is impossible to abridge those his close Composures . I shall therefore only hint some principal things , referring you to his Writings for the rest . And I take notice first , That he hath proposed an Vniversal Method for the Solution of all Problems ; not only those propounded in Right Lines , Plains , and Solids : but also all that are made in Angles , a thing of most general Service in all parts of Mathematicks . By It he resolves the famous Proposition in Pappus , which was too hard for Euclide , Apollonius , and all the Ancients . He discourses the nature of crooked Lines , and shews which are fit to be used in Geometrical Demonstrations ; Gives Rules for the place where to apply our selves in the Demonstration of any Problem ; and tells us , that a Problem after it is brought to an Aequation , and reduced to its least terms , and the unknown Quantity is Quadratick , or of two dimensions , that then it may be demonstrated by a Right Lines and Circles : but if the Aequation , after it is reduced to its least Terms , leave the unknown Quantity , Cubick or Biquadratick , it must be demonstrated by some one of the Conick Sections . Whereas again , if after the Aequation reduced , the unknown Quantity remain of five or six Dimensions , or more , in infinitum , then the Demonstration must be performed by Lines more and more compound , according to the degree of Composition in the unknown Quantity of the Aequation . But because the way by Lines is perplext and tedious , he gives Rules to reduce Aequations of many Dimensions , to fewer . He shews how to fill up defects , when any Terms are wanting in the Aequation ; how to convert the false Roots into true , to avoid Fractions , and to lessen Aequations . He hath demonstrated by a Circle and Parabole the famous Problems so much agitated among the Ancients , viz. the Trisection of an Angle , and the finding two mean Proportionals between two Lines given , with more brevity and expedition than any that went before him . And this , Sir , shall suffice by way of intimation , concerning that Prince of Mathematicians and Philosophers . Since him , others have improved his Method . Schotenius hath demonstrated the Loca Plana of Apollonius : Hadderius hath added Inventions of use and pleasant speculation in his Tract of Reduction of Aequations . Florimundus de Beaune hath writ ingenious and profitable things de Natura & Limitibus Aequationum . But 't would be endless to attempt full Accounts of the Modern Advancements of this Science , or indeed those accessions of growth it hath had since Vieta . And whoever should go about it , must reckon to begin anew as soon as he hath finish'd what he intended , since Geometry is improving daily . I shall therefore add no more here , but only do right to an excellent Person of our own Nation , Dr. Iohn Wallis , a Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY , to whom Geometry is exceedingly indebted for his rare Discoveries in that Science . Particularly , he hath propunded a Method for the measuring of all kind of crooked Lines , which is highly ingenious ; and put an end to all future Attempts about Squaring the Circle , which hath puzzled and befooled so many Mathematicians , that have spent their thoughts and time about it . This he hath brought to effect as neer as it can be done , and shew'd the exact performance by rational Numbers impossible ; He hath proposed excellent ways for the measuring all kinds of Plains , and all multangular and solid Bodies . But 't is time now to proceed to the consideration of the next Mathematical Science , viz. CHAP. V. The late Improvements of Astronomy . ( 4. ) ASTRONOMY , one of the grandest and most magnifique of all those that lie within the compass of Natural Inquiry . I shall not look back to its beginning among the Chaldaeans , Aegyptians , and eldest Graecians , in which Times it was but rude and imperfect , in comparison to its modern Advancements . For the great Men among the Greeks are taken much notice of , but for very ordinary and trite things in this Science : As Anaximander Milesius , for teaching , That the Earth was Globous , and the Centre of the World not bigger than the Sun : Anaximines for affirming , That the Moon shone but with a borrowed Light ; That the Sun and It were Eclips'd by the Earths interposal ; and , That the Stars move round our Globe : And Pythagor as was the first that noted the obliquity of the Ecliptick . This Philosopher indeed was a Person of a vast reach , and said things in Astronomy very agreeable to late Discoveries : But the Disputers Omniscient Aristotle made very odd Schemes , not at all corresponding with the Phaenomena of the Heavens , as appears from his Hypotheses of Solid Orbs , Epicycles , Excentricks , Intelligences , and such other ill-contrived Phancies . Besides which , if I should descend to consider his now palpable Mistakes about the nature of Comets , the Galaxy , the Sphere of Fire under the Moon , and numerous other such , I should oblige my self to a large ramble . Wherefore to be as close as may be in these Notes , I observe , That after Aristotle , Astronomy was cultivated and improved by Theophrastus , Aratus , Aristarchus Samius , Archimedes , Geminus , Menelaus , Theon , Hipparchus , Claudius Ptolomaeus , and infinite others among the Greeks , Among later Authors , considerable things have been done in this way by both Latins and Arabians : To omit the latter , I shall give you some particular Instances of the other . Iohannes de Sacro Bosco ingeniously and methodically explained the Doctrine of the Sphere . Thebit first found the Motion of Trepidation . Regiomontanus published the first Ephemerides , and did excellent things in his Theoricks of the Planets . Wernerus stated the greatest Declination of the Sun. Albertus Pighius directed the way to find Aequinoxes and Solstices . Baersius framed perpetual Tables of the Longitudes and Latitudes of the Planets . Copernicus restored the Hypothesis of Pythagoras and Philolaus , and gave far more neat and consistent Accounts of the Phaenomena . Ioachimus made Ephemerides according to the Copernican Doctrine . Clavius invented a most useful demonstrative Astrolabe , and writ an exquisite Comment upon Sacro Bosco . But I conclude the last Century with the Noble Ticho Brahe , who performed the glorious Work of restoring the Fix'd Stars to their true places , the assignation of which before him , was rather by guess , than any competent Rules ; and the mistakes here , were the very root and foundation of most Errors in Astronomy . For which reason it was , that Copernicus left that earnest advice to his Scholar Ioachimus , that he should apply himself to the restitution of the Fix'd Stars ; for till this were done , there could be no hopes of attaining to the true places of the Planets , nor doing any thing to purpose in the whole Science . This ingaged the Noble Tycho to this Enterprise , and he made it the Foundation of all the rest . The Method he used is described by Gassendus . By the help of this noble Performance he reformed the elder Astronomical Tables , both the Ptolomaick and Copernican . And from his Observations of the new Star of 1572 , and six others in his time , he asserted Comets into their place among Heavenly Bodies , shattering all the Solid Orbs to pieces ; And he hath done it with such clear conviction , that even the Iesuits , whose thraldom to the Church of Rome , deters them from closing with the Motion of Earth , confess a necessity of repairing to some other Hypothesis than that of Ptolomy and Aristotle . I might add to this , That this generous Nobleman invented and framed such excellent Astronomical Instruments , as were by vast odds for use and convenience far beyond any of former times : Himself hath a Treatise concerning them . He hath also made exquisite Tables of the difference that Refractions make in the appearance of the Stars , and done more great things for Astronomical Improvement , than many Ages that were before him ; for which reason I could not pardon my self in a curt mention of so glorious an Advancer of this Science . The next Age after him , which is ours , hath made excellent use of his Discoveries , and those of his Elder , the famed Copernicus ; and raised Astronomy to the noblest height and perfection that ever yet it had among men . It would take up a Volume to describe , as one ought , all the particular Discoveries : But my Design will permit but a short mention . Therefore briefly , I begin with Galilaeo , the reputed Author of the famous Telescope ; but indeed the glory of the first Invention of that excellent Tube , belongs to Iacobus Metius of Amsterdam : but 't was improved by the noble Galilaeo , and he first applied it to the Stars ; by which incomparable Advantage , he discovered the Nature of the Galaxy , the 21 New Stars that compose the Nebulosa in the head of Orion , the 36 that conspire to that other in Cancer , the Ansulae Saturni , the Asseclae of Iupiters , of whose Motions he composed an Ephemeris . By these Lunulae 't is thought that Iupiters distance from the Earth may be determined , as also the distance of Meridians , which would be a thing of vast use , since this hath always been measured by Lunar Eclipses , that happen but once or twice a year ; whereas opportunities of Calculating by the occultations of these new Planets will be frequent , they recurring about 480 times in the year . Besides , to hasten off , Galilaeo discovered the strange Phases of Saturne , on while oblong , and then round ; the increment and decrement of Venus , like the Moon ; the Spots in the Sun , and its Revolution upon its own Axis ; the Moons libration , collected from the various position of its Maculae ; and divers other wonderful and useful Rarities , that were strangers to all Antiquity . Shortly after Galilaeo , appears Christopherus Scheiner , who by greater Telescopes viewed the Sun with a curled and unequal Superficies , and in or near the Horizon of an Elliptical figure . He found also , That that supposed uniform Globe of Light , was of a different complexion in its several parts ; some brighter than the main Body , as the Faculae ; others darker , as the Maculae . He made more than 2000 Observations of them , and described their Number , Magnitude , Situation , Figure , and Revolutions . But I must contract . Kepler is next , who first proposed the Elliptical Hypothesis , made very accurate and luciferous Observations about the Motions of Mars , and writ an Epitome of the Copernican Astronomy , in the clearest and most perspicuous Method , containing the Discoveries of others , and divers considerable ones of his own ; not to mention his Ephemerides , and Book about Comets . Ant. Maria Shirlaeus , with a new Telescope of a larger diameter than ordinary , discovered five other Stars more remote from Iupiter than his Satellites , and a kind of vapid Atmosphere about that Planet . Franciscus Fontana observed the same Star , with nine others never leaving it more than ten of its diameters ; and in 1636. and 1643. with 8. Anno 1645. with 5 , 1646. with 7. on other days with 6. varying their distances one to another , and not to be seen about Mars nor Saturn , nor without extending the Telescope more than was fitting for Fix'd Stars . These Satellites are observed to suffer a defection of their Light , when Iupiter interposeth between them and the Sun ; whence it is inferr'd , That they have their Light from It , and that Iupiter hath none of his own to impart to them . But to pass on lightly , Longomontanus described the World according to all the Hypotheses of Ptolomy , Copernicus , and Ticho Brahe . Iansonius Blaeu made far more perfect and exact Celestial Globes than any were extant before . Gassendus writ judiciously of the Stars about Iupiter , and of Mercury in the Sun , and gave the World most excellent Astronomical Institutions . Ismael Bullialdus inrich'd the Science with a new Method to find and easily compute the Paralaxes of Solar Ellipses . Hevelius drew a Graphical Description of the Moon in all its Phases , as it appear'd in the Telescope , accurately delineating its Spots , and shewing the inequality and mountanous protuberances of its surface , which lends light to a vast Theory . Both these last named are Fellows of the ROYAL SOCIETY . Of the Selenography of Hevelius , Ricciolus made an Improvement , both as to the Number , Figure , Magnitude , Site , Colour of the Maculae , and the Eminencies , Profundities , and Asperities of the Lunar Superficies . Martinus Hortensius found Mercury to have variety of Phases , like the Moon ; as , now Horned , then Gibbous , and at other times Round . But I conclude this Account with the most Worthy and Learned Prelate Dr. Seth VVard , now Lord Bishop of Sarum , who among his other excellent Performances in Astronomy , hath demonstratively proved the Elliptical Hypothesis , which is the most Plain and simple , and performed by fewer Operations than either of the other . This indeed was first discours'd of by Kepler , advanced by Bullialdus , but demonstrated by this accomplish'd and Venerable Bishop , an Honourable Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY . CHAP. VI. Improvements of Opticks and Geography . I Come next ( 5. ) To consider the OPTICKS , whose Improvements are of great importance in the matters of general Philosophy and humane Life ; since the ●●formations of Sense are the ground of ●oth , and this Science rectifies and helps the ●oblest of them . Concerning it , there was once a Book of Aristotle's extant , according to Laertius : but it hath submitted to Time. Since him , this Science hath been cultivated by Euclide , and the celebrated Archimedes , who is said to have done strange things by it , upon the Ships of Marcellus : As Proclus , who improved the Archimedean Artifices , destroyed a Fleet by his Specula Vstoria , that besieged Constantinople . Ptolomy of Alexandria made considerable Improvements of Opticks ; and Alhazenus the Arabian , is famous for what he did in It. From these , Vitellio drew his , and advanced the Science by his own Wit , and their Helps . Stevinus corrected Euclide , Achazen , and Vitellio , in some fundamental Propositions that were mistakes ; and in their room substituted considerable Inventions of his own . Roger Bacon our fam'd Countryman , whom Picus Mirandula calls the Phoenix of his Age , and Vossius , one Learned to a miracle , writ acutely of Opticks . He was accused of Magick to Pope Clement iv . and thereupon imprisoned : But the Accusation was founded on nothing but his skill in Mathematicks , and the ignorance of his Accusers . After these , the Dioptricks were improved by Kepler , Gassendus , Mersennus , and the noble and incomparable Des Cartes , who hath said the most clear , useful , and improvable things about it , that ever were extant on the Subject . But nothing hath so much advanc'd the Science , as the invention of the Telescope by Metius ; and that other of the Microscope , concerning which I have to say in the following Instances . I pass therefore to the last I shall mention in the Mathematicks , which is , ( VI. ) GEOGRAPHY . In this the Ancients were exceedingly defective . And Aristotle knew the World , by the same figure his Scholar conquer'd it . 'T is noted by the ingenious Varenius , that the most general and necessary things in this Science were then unknown ; as , The Habitableness of the torrid Zone ; The flux and reflux of the Sea ; The diversity of Winds ; The Polar propertie of the Magnet ; The true dimension of the Earth . They wanted Descriptions of remote Countries , concerning which both the Greeks and Romans had very fabulous Relations . They knew not that the Earth was encompassed by the Sea , and might be Sailed round . They were totally ignorant of America , and both the North and South parts of this Hemisphere ; yea , and understood very little of the remoter places of their own Asia . Iapan , the Iava's the Philippicks , and Borneo , were either not at all known , or exceeding imperfectly of old : But all these are familiar to the latter Times . Mexico and Peru , and the vast Regions of those mighty Empires , with the many Isles of the Great Sea are disclosed . The frozen North , the torrid Line , and formerly unknown South , are visited , and by their numerous Inhabitants found not to be so inhospitable and unkind to men , as Antiquity believed . The Earth hath been rounded by Magellan , Drake , and Candish . The great Motion of the Sea is vulgar , and its varieties inquiring every day : The diversities of Winds stated , and better understood : The Treasure of hidden Vertues in the Loadstone , found and used . The Spicy Islands of the East , as also those of the remote South and North , frequented , and the knowledge of that People and those Countries transmitted to us , with their Riches ; The most distant being Parts Travell'd and Describ'd . Our Navigation is far greater , our Commerce is more general , our Charts more exact , our Globes more accurate , our Travels more remote , our Reports more intelligent and Sincere ; and consequently , our Geography far more perfect , than it was in the elder Times of Polybius and Possidonius , yea than in those of Ptolomy , Strabo , and Pomponius Mela , who lived among the Caesars . And if It was so short in the flourishing Times of the Roman Empire , how was it before , in the days of Aristotle and the Graecians ? We have an Instance of it in the Great Macedonian , who thought the bounds of his Conquests to be the end of the World ; when there were Nations enough beyond them , to have eaten up the Conqueror , with his proud and triumphant Armies . So that here also Modern Improvements have been great ; and you will think so , if you compare the Geographical Performances of Gemma Frisius , Mercator , Ortelius , Stevinus , Bertius , and Guil. Blaeu , with the best Remains of the most celebrated Geographers of the more ancient Ages . CHAP. VII . That Useful Knowledge is to be aided by Instruments . Modern Instances of such . Of the Telescope , Microscope , and Thermometer . THus , Sir , I have touched upon some of the Improvements of the ARTS that search into the recesses and intrigues of Nature , with which latter Ages have assisted Philosophical Inquiries . And in these I see I have struck farther than I was aware , into the account of those things also which lead us to the grosser Phaenomena ; and my Remarques about Geography are all of that nature . However I shall not alter my Method ; but after I have discours'd the INSTRVMENTS I mentioned for Useful Knowledge , I shall consider somewhat of NATVRAL HISTORY , which reports the Appearances , and is fundamentally necessary to all the Designs of Science . As for the INSTRVMENTS then , that are next , before I come to give you the Notes I intend concerning them , I observe , That The Philosophy that must signifie either for Light or Vse , must not be the work of the Mind turned in upon it self , and only conversing with its own Idaeas ; but It must be raised from the Observations and Applications of Sense , and take its Accounts from Things as they are in the sensible World. The Illustrious Lord Bacon hath noted this as the chief cause of the unprofitableness of the former Methods of knowledge , viz. That they were but the Exercises of the Mind , making Conclusions , and spinning out Notions from its own native store ; from which way of proceeding , nothing but Dispute and Air could be expected . 'T was the fault that Great Man found in the Ancients , That they flew presently to general Propositions , without staying for a due information from Particulars , and so gradually advancing to Axioms : Whereas the Knowledge from which any thing is to be hoped , must be laid in Sense , and raised not only from some few of its ordinary Informations ; but Instances must be aggregated , compared , and critically inspected , and examined singly and in consort . In order to which Performances , our Senses must be aided ; for of themselves they are too narrow for the vastness of things , and too short for deep Researches : They make us very defective and unaccurate Reports , and many times very deceitful and fallacious ones . I say therefore , they must be assisted with Instruments that may strengthen and rectisie their Operations . And in these we have mighty advantages over Aristotle and the Ancients ; so that much greater things may well be expected from our Philosophy , than could ever have been performed by theirs , though we should grant them all the superiority of Wit and Vnderstanding their fondest Admirers would ascribe to those Sages . For a weak hand can move more weight by the help of Springs , Wheels , Leavers , and other Mechanick Powers , than the strongest could do without them . And that we really have these Advantages , must be shewn by Instance : I mentioned Five that are considerable to that purpose , which I took notice of among many others ; and they were the TELESCOPE , MICROSCOPE , THERMOMETER , BAROMETER , and AIR-PVMP . ( I. ) The TELESCOPE is the most excellent Invention that ever was , for assisting the Eye in remote Discoveries . The distance of the Heavens is so vast , that our unaided Senses can give us but extreamly imperfect Informations of that Upper World ; And the Speculations that Antiquity hath raised upon them , have for the most part been very mean , and very false : But these excellent Glasses bring the Stars nearer to us , and acquaint us better with the immense Territories of Light : They give us more Phaenomena , and truer Accounts ; disperse the shadows and vain Images of the twilight of naked sense , and make us a clearer and larger prospect . By these Advantages they inlarge our Thoughts , and shew us a more magnificent Representation of the Vniverse : So that by them the Heavens are made more amply to declare the Glory of God , and we are help'd to nobler and better-grounded Theories . I have mentioned in my Account of the Advance of Astronomy , some of the most remarkable Discoveries that have been made by these Tubes , which exceedingly transcend all the Imaginations of Elder Times ; and by the further improvement of them , other things may be disclosed as much beyond all ours . And the present Philosophers are so far from desiring that Posterity should sit down contented with their Discoveries and Hypotheses , that they are continually sollicitous for the gaining more helps to themselves , and those that shall follow , for a further progress into the knowledge of the Phaenomena , and more certain judgments upon them . So that these Glasses are exceedingly bettered since their Invention by Metius , and application to the Heavens by Galilaeo ; and several ingenious Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY are now busie about improving them to a greater height . What success and informations we may expect from the Advancements of this Instrument , it would perhaps appear Romantick and ridiculous to say ; As , no doubt , to have talk'd of the spots in the Sun , and vast inequalities in the surface of the Moon , and those other Telescopical certainties , before the Invention of that Glass , would have been thought phantastick and absurd . I dare not therefore mention our greatest hopes : but this I adventure , That 't is not unlikely but Posterity may by those Tubes , when they are brought to higher degrees of perfection , find a sure way to determine those mighty Questions , Whether the Earth move ? or , the Planets are inhabited ? And who knoweth which way the Conclusions may fall ? And 't is probable enough , that another thing will at last be found out , in which this lower World is more immediately concerned , by Telescopical Observations , which is , the most desired Invention of Longitudes ; upon which must needs ensue yet greater Improvements of Navigation , and perhaps the Discovery of the North-west Passage , and the yet unknown South . Whatever may be thought of these Expectations by Vulgar and narrow Minds , whose Theories and Hopes are confin'd by their Senses , those that consider , that one Experiment discovered to us the vast America , will not despair . But 't is time to pass from this , to a second Modern Aid , whereby our Sight is assisted , which is , ( II. ) The MICROSCOPE . The Secrets of Nature are not in the greater Masses , but in those little Threds and Springs which are too subtile for the grosness of our unhelp'd Senses ; and by this Instrument our eyes are assisted to look into the minutes and subtilties of things , to discern the otherwise invisible Schematisms and Structures of Bodies , and have an advantage for the finding out of Original Motions ; To perceive the exactness and curiosity of Nature in all its Composures ; And from thence take sensible Evidence of the Art and Wisdom that is in its Contrivance ; To disclose the variety of living Creatures that are shut up from our bare Senses , and open a kind of other World unto us , which its littleness kept unknown . This Instrument hath been exceedingly improved of late , even to the magnifying of Objects a thousand times , and many useful Theories have been found and explicated by the notices it hath afforded ; as appears by the Microscopical Writings of those ingenious Mechanicks , Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY , Dr. Power and Mr. Hooke . But ( III. ) The THERMOMETER was another Instrument I mentioned , which discovers all the small unperceivable variations in the heat or coldness of the Air , and exhibits many rare and luciferous Phaenomena , which may help to better Informations about those Qualities , than yet we have any . And as to this , I observe with the great Verulam , and the other Bacon the Illustrious Mr. Boyle , That Heat and Cold are the right and left hand of Nature . The former is the great Instrument of most of her Operations ; and the other hath its Interest . And yet the Philosophy of Aristotle hath neither done nor as much as attempted anything toward the Discovery of their Natures ; but contented it self with the jejune , vulgar , and general description , That Heat is a Quality that gathereth together things of a like nature , and severs those that are unlike ; and Cold congregates both . But now if we will know any thing deeply in the business of Rarefaction and Condensation , the Doctrine of Meteors , and other material Affairs of Nature , other Accounts about these things must be endeavoured ; and the bare informations of our Senses , are not exact enough for this purpose ; for their Reports in this kind are various and uncertain , according to the temper and disposition of our Bodies , and several unobserved accidental mutations that happen in them . This Instrument therefore hath been invented to supply their defects ; and it gives far more constant and accurate , though perhaps not always infallible Relations : but the justest are afforded by the Sealed Thermometer . And besides the Vses of this Instrument I suggested , it will help very much in framing the History of Weather , which may be applied to many excellent purposes of philosophy , and services of Life . CHAP. VIII . Of the Barometer and Air-Pump , and what Advantages we have and may further expect from these Instruments . But ( IV. ) The BAROMETER is another late Instrument very helpful to Vseful Knowledge . That there is gravity even in the Air it self , and that that Element is only comparatively light , is now made evident and palpable by Experience , though Aristotle and his Schools held a different Theory : And by the help of Quicksilver in a Tube , the way is found to measure all the degrees of Compression in the Atmosphere , and to estimate exactly any accession of weight , which the Air receives from Winds , Clouds , or Vapours . To have said in Elder Times , That Mankind should light upon an Invention whereby those Bodies might be weigh'd , would certainly have appeared very wild and extravagant ; and it will be so accounted for some time yet , till men have been longer and are better acquainted with this Instrument : For we have no reason to believe it should have better luck than the Doctrine of the Circulation , the Theory of Antipodes , and all great Discoveries in their first Proposals . 'T is impossible to perswade some of the Indians that live near the heats of the Line , that there is any such thing as Ice in the World ; but if you talk to them of Water made hard and consistent by Cold , they 'l laugh at you as a notorious Romancer . And those will appear as ridiculous among the most of us , who shall affirm it possible to determine any thing of the weight of the Wind or Clouds . But Experience turns the laugh upon the confident incredulity of the Scoffer ; and he that will not believe , needs no more for his conviction , than the labour of a Tryal . Let him then fill a Tube of Glass of some Feet in length , with Quicksilver ; and having sealed one end , let him stop the other with his Finger , and immerge that which is so stop'd into a Vessel of Mercury , the Tube being perpendicularly erected ; let him then substract his Finger , and he will perceive the Quicksilver to descend from the Tube into the subjacent Vessel , till it comes to 29 Digits or thereabouts ; there , after some Vibrations , it ordinarily rests . The reason that this remainder of the Mercury doth not descend also , is , because such a Mercurial Cylinder is just equiponderant to one of the incumbent Atmosphere that leans upon the Quicksilver in the Vessel , and so hinders a further descent . It is concluded therefore , That such a Cylinder of the Air as presses upon the Mercury in the Vessel , is of equal weight to about 29 Digits of that ponderous Body in the Tube . Thus it is when the Air is in its ordinary temper : but Vapours , Winds , and Clouds alter the Standard , so that the Quicksilver sometimes falls , sometimes rises in the Glass , proportionably to the greater or less accession of gravity and compression the Air hath received from any of those alterations ; and the Degree of increase beyond the Standard , is the measure of the additional gravity . This Experiment was the Invention of Torricellius , and used to little more purpose at first , but to prove a Vacuum in Nature ; and the deserted part of the Glass - Tube was by many thought an absolute void , which I believe is a mistake : But it hath been since improved to this Design of weighing the degrees of compression in the Air ; a thing that may signifie much , in giving us to understand its temper in several Places , on Hills and in Caves , in divers Regions and Climates , which may tend to the disclosing many excellent Theories and helps in humane Life . And the Air is so Catholick a Body , and hath so great an influence upon all others , and upon ours , that the advantage of such an Instrument , for the better acquainting us with its nature , must needs be very considerable , and a good Aid to general Philosophy . And who yet knows how far , and to what Discoveries this Invention may be improved ? The World a long time only rudely star'd upon the Wonders of the Loadstone , before its use was found for the advantage of Navigation ; and 't is not impossible , but that future Times may derive so much benefit one way or other from this Invention , as may equal its esteem to that of the Compass . The ROYAL SOCIETY , by their Care and Endeavours in the using this Instrument , give us hopes , that they will let none of its useful Applications to escape us . And I know not whether we may not mention it as the first great benefit we have from it , that it was an occasion of the Invention of Mr. Boyle's famous Pneumatick Engine : And this is the other Instrument I noted , and call'd ( V. ) The AIR-PVMP , concerning the usefulness of which , that excellent Person himself hath given the best Accounts , in his Discourse of Physico-Mechanical Experiments made in that Engine , by which he hath discovered and proved a rare and luciferous Theory , viz. the Elastick Power or Spring of the Air , and by this , hath put to flight that Odd Phancy of the Fuga Vacui , and shewn , that the strange Effects which use to be ascribed to that general and obscure cause , do arise from the native self-expansion of the Air. The extent of which Elastical Expansion , he hath found divers ways to measure by his Engine , which also discovers the influence the Air hath on Flame , Smoke , and Fire ; That it hath none in Operations Magnetical ; That it is probably much interspersed in the Pores of water , and comprest by the incumbent Atmosphere , even in those close retreats ; What operation the exsuction of the Air hath on other Liquors , as Oyl , Wine , Spirit of Vinegar , Milk , Eggs , Spirit of Vrine , Solution of Tartar , and Spirit of Wine ; The gravity and expansion of the Air under Water ; The interest the Air hath in the vibrations of Pendulums , and what it hath to do in the propagation of Sounds ; That Fumes and Vapours ascend by reason of the gravity of the Ambient , and not from their own positive levity ; The nature of Suction , the cause of Filtration , and the rising of Water in Siphons ; The nature of Respiration , and the Lungs illustrated by tryals made on several kinds of Animals , and the interest the Air hath in the Operations of Corrosive Liquors . These , and many more such like beneficial Observations and Discoveries , hath that great man made by the help of his Pneumatick Engine ; and there is no doubt but more , and perhaps greater things will be disclosed by it , when future ingenuity and diligence hath improved and perfected this Invention . ( For what great thing was absolute and perfect in its first rise and beginning ? ) And 't is like this Instrument hereafter will be used and applied to things yet unthought of , for the advancement of Knowledge and conveniences of Life . CHAP. IX . The Credit of Optick-Glasses vindicated , against a Disputing Man , who is afraid to believe his Eyes against Aristotle . THus , Sir , I have performed the first part of my promise , by shewing what Advantages the latter Ages , and particularly the ROYAL SOCIETY , have for deep search into things both by ARTS and INSTRVMENTS newly invented or improved , above those enjoy'd by Aristotle and the Ancients . To my Discourse about the Dioptrick Tubes , the Telescope and Microscope , the Reverend Disputer replied , [ That our Glasses were all deceitful and fallacious . ] Which Answer minds me of the good Woman , who when her Husband urged in an occasion of difference , [ I saw it , and shall I not believe my own Eyes ? ] Replied briskly , Will you believe your own Eyes , before your own dear Wife ? And it seems this Gentleman thinks it unreasonable we should believe ours , before his own dear Aristotle . For an assurance of the credit of those Glasses , I told him he might try them upon objects near , and easily visible by the unassisted sight ; and if he made the tryal , he would find they altered the objects in nothing but their proportions , which are represented larger for the advantage of vision in things small and remote ; and we have all the like reasons to distrust our Eyes , as these Glasses ( for their informations are the same in all things , but the mentioned difference ) and there is no man so much a fool , as not to make allowances for that . Never was any yet so grosly deceived by the Microscope , as to be perswaded that a Flea is as big as a Lobster ; nor did the Telescope ever make any one believe that the Moon was at the end of his Tube : But if the former represents that little Creature as bristled and Ja●ar'd , and the other makes the Planet mountanous and uneven , we have no reason to believe but that their reports are sincere , though our unaided Senses are too gross to perceive either the one or other ; since , if the mentioned bristles and ja●ars are in the Glass , and nor in the Animal , they would appear in like manner in all the small Creatures which in the same light and position are look'd on through the Microscope : And if the ruggedness of surface were in it , and not in the Moon , the same would be seen upon all other distant objects , that are view'd through the other Optick Instrument . And if there be deceit in those Glasses , Seamen had need beware how they trust them , since the Flags which appear to be those of their Friends in the Perspective , may be really the Colours of their Enemies . Upon these accounts , Sir , which afford plain and sensible evidence , I wondered much at the Disputers strange suspicion , which had been scarce pardonable in a vulgar head ; and I know not what to call it in one , that would be thought a Philosopher : But the wary man gave a reason , which made me as much wonder at his Argument , as his Doubt . And to this attend Ye Philosophers of the ROYAL COLLEDGE , and prepare your selves to answer a Demonstration from Experience , against your Glasses ; Raise your Expectations for a wonderful , convictive Experiment ; Let the Mountains travel , and the Birth will follow . [ Take two Spectacles ( saith the Experimental Sage ) use them at the same time , and you will not see so well as with one singly . ] Therefore your Microscopes and Telescopes are impostors . This man , Sir , is a Logician , and no doubt you perceive so . O how I admire this rare faculty of arguing ! How dull are our Wits , to those subtile , Eagle-ey'd Schoolmen , who see Conclusions so far off , through the more unerring Telescopes of their own piercing Understandings ? Did ever old man before make this use of his Spectacles ? But to leave wondring , let 's endeavour to understand this Philosophy of Chue . How a man may see by Spectacles , that Perspectives are deceitful . [ We can see better through one pair , than two ] saith the deep Philosopher . Most sagely observ'd ! The Argument begins strongly : But in the Name of Aristotle , whence comes the Consequence ? Therefore Perspectives are fallacious . One Proposition for Sence , And th' other for Convenience . This fits his purpose to discredit new Discoveries , 't is no matter how it follows . This Gentleman , you must know Sir , useth to have his word taken among his admiring Neighbours , and so is not wont to be put to the trouble of proving : but I was so unmannerly as to expect it , chusing rather to see with mine own Eyes , than his infallible Spectacles . We can see better — saith the Disputer . How doth he know that ? If Perspectives deceive us , though naked sense witness for them , Why may not his single Spectacles be as deceitful as they ? These represent things bigger than they are to the unaided sight ; and the Philosophical Glasses do but the same thing , in a higher degree of magnifying the Object . But we allow him the benefit of his single Spectacles , though he will not be so courteous to our Glasses , and confess his Reverend Experiment of the use of two , but are inquisitive about the Consequence . The Reason of which certainly must be ( if any be intended in it ) that our Telescopes and Microscopes have a Glass at each end , which the Man of Sapience thinks answers the two pair of Spectacles , and therfore must render the Representation deceitful . If this Philosopher had spared some of those thoughts to the profitable Doctrine of Opticks , which he hath spent upon Genus and Species , we had never heard of this Objection , which is as much a reason against the credit of all perspective Glasses whatsoever , as the Philosophical ones he would discredit . And without more Opticks than those of natural Vnderstanding , he might , if it had pleased him , have known , that we see better through the two Glasses in Perspectives , than any single one ; because they are so fashioned and ordered , that the visive rays are better gathered and united by them for the advantage of sight : But in the two Spectacles , the case is contrary . These things I suggested , and some others from the Dioptricks , in which this Sage Person was pleased then to conceal his knowledge ; and how great that was in these matters , will appear by the Learned Problem he proposed at this period of our Discourse , viz. [ Why we cannot see with two pair of Spectacles , better than with one singly ? For , saith the Man of Axioms , Vis unita fortior ? ] A pleasant piece of Philosophy this ; and I 'le shew the Disputer how strongly he infers from his Maxim , by another Question like it . Why cannot he write better with two Pens , than with a single one , since Vis unita fortior ? When he hath answered this Quaere , he hath resolved his own . I said in the Discourse , That the reason he gave why one would expect it should be so , is the reason why 't is not ; and this is plain enough to sense , from the confusion of Vision , which shews , that the rays are not united after the way requisite for the aiding the sight ( as I just now intimated ) and how that should be , I had here shewn , but that I am ashamed to add more in earnest about a grave foolery . And I confess , Sir , I account these personal matters a kind of Digression from the main thing I intended . To return therefore to my Subject . CHAP. X. Our Advantages for Knowledge ; from Modern Improvements of Natural History . HAving discourst the modern Help● vseful knowledge hath for deep Research , I am next ( 2. ) To recount what Aids it hath received from our better acquaintance with the Phaenomena . For this I must consider NATURAL HISTORY more particularly , which is the Repository wherein these are lodg'd . How this may be compiled in the best order , and to the best advantage , is most judiciously represented by the Immortal Lord Bacon ; and to shew how highly It hath been advanced in modern Times , I need say little more , than to amass in a brief Recollection , some of the Instances of newly-discovered Phaenomena , which are scatter'd under the Heads of the Arts and Instruments I have discours'd , with the Addition of some others : As , In the HEAVENS , those of the Spots and Dinettick motion of the Sun , the mountanous protuberances and shadows in the body of the Moon , about nineteen Magnitudes more of Fixed Stars , the Lunulae of Iupiter , their mutual Eclipsing one another , and its turning round upon its own Axis ; the Ring about Saturn , and its shadow upon the Body of that Star ; the Phases of Venus , the increment and decrement of Light among the Planets , the appearing and disaprearing of Fixed Stars , the Altitude of Comets , and nature of the Via Lactea . By these Discoveries , and more such , the History of the Heavens hath been rectified and augmented by the Modern Advancers of Astronomy , whom in their place I have cited . In the AIR Its Spring , the more ●ccurate History and Nature of Winds and Meteors , and the probable height of the Atmosphere , have been added by the Lord Bacon , Des Cartes , Mr. Boyle , and others . In the EARTH , New Lands by Columbus , Magellan , and the rest of the Discoverers ; and in these , new Plants , new Fruits , new Animals , new Minerals , and a kind of other World of Nature , from which this is supplied with numerous conveniences of Life , and many thousand Families of our own little one are continually fed and maintained . In the WATERS , the great Motion of the Sea , unknown in elder Times , and the particular Laws of flux and reflux in many places , are discover'd . The History of BATHES augmented by Savonarola , Baccius , and Blanthellus ; of METALS by Agricola ; and the whole SVBTERRANEOUS WORLD described by the universally Learned Kircher . The History of PLANTS much improved by Matthiolus , Ruellius , Bauhinus , and Gerard , besides the late Account of English Vegitables publish'd by Dr. Merret , a worthy Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY . And another excellent Virtuoso of the same Assembly , Mr. Iohn Evelyn , hath very considerably advanced the History of Fruit and Forest-Trees , by his Sylva and Pomona ; and greater things are expected from his Preparations for Elysium Britannicum , a noble Design now under his hands : And certainly the inquisitive World is much indebted to this generous Gentleman for his very ingenious Performances in this kind , as also for those others of Sculpture , Picture , Architecture , and the like practical , useful things with which he hath inrich'd it . The History of ANIMALS hath been much inlarged by Gesner , Rondeletius , Aldrovandus , and more accurately inquir'd into by the Micrographers : And the late Travellers , who have given us Accounts of those remote parts of the Earth , that have been less known to these , have described great variety of Living Creatures , very different from the Animals of the nearer Regions ; among whom the ingenious Author of the History of the Caribbies deserves to be mentioned as an Instance . In our own BODIES Natural History hath found a rich heap of Materials in the above-mentioned Particulars of the Venae Lacteae , the Vasa Lymphatica , the Valves and Sinus of the Veins , the several new Passages and ●landules , the Ductus Chyliferus , the Ori●ination of the Nerves , the Circulation of ●he Blood , and the rest . And all the main Heads of Natural History have receiv'd ●ids and increase from the famous Verulam , who led the way to substantial Wisdom , and hath given most excellent Directions for the Method of such an HISTORY of NATURE . CHAP. XI . The Advantages of late Ages for spreading and communicating Knowledge . Three great Instances of it , in Printing , the Compass , and the Royal Society . THus , Sir , I have dispatch'd the FIRST Part of my Method proposed in the beginning ; but stand yet ingaged for the other , which is to shew , ( II. ) That the later Ages since Aristotle have had great advantages of him , in respect of Opportunities and Helps for the spreading and communicating Knowledge , and thereby of improving and enlarging it And methinks the very mention of Age● and Aristotle , by way of comparison in this case , hath so much of absurdity in it , tha● I am almost ashamed to proceed further in the proof of such a Proposition as this , viz. That the Advantages of Mankind in the Succession of two thousand years , are more than those of a single Person who lived but sixty three . Certainly those that have the fondness to think the contrary , have a Faith that exceeds all the Extravagancies of Fiction : For never any Romance was so absurdly vain , as to feign an Heroe whose single strength and valour exceeded Armies of other Mortals . And 't is not less absurd to suppose the Wit of one man , and he an Idolater and an Heathen , to transcend the joynt Understandings of all the wiser World , though assisted by his Knowledge , the Light of Christianity , and the aggregated Informations and Endeavours of many Learned Ages : But my Reverend Opposite had this belief , and hath thereby out-done the largest excesses of Poetry . For his sake therefore , and those others that are of this more than hyperbolical Faith , I add the SECOND Part of my proposed Method , though what I have said already upon the First , is , I judge , more than sufficient for that purpose ; And yet I think it not impertinent to subjoyn those other Considerations , both because they will further discover the unreasonable vanity of the doating Spirits , that oppose all generous Endeavours for the advance and improvement of Knowledge ; and ( which may signifie more ) will excite and encourage Hopes of Modern Attempts : and Hope is the fuel of Activity and Endeavour . I descend to demonstrate then by palpable and undeniable Instances , That we have Advantages above Aristotle , and , which is much more , above all elder Times , for mutual Communications , and impartments of our Notices , Observations , Experiments , and Performances for the increase of Science . My Instances are THREE , PRINTING , the COMPASS , and the ROYAL SOCIETY . For the FIRST , PRINTING , It was , according to Polydore Vergil , the Invention of Iohn Cuthenberg of Mentz in Germany , though others give the honour to one Fust of the same City , and some to Laurentius a Burger of Haerlem . But whoever was the Author , this is agreed , That this excellent Art was first practiced about the year 1440. and was utterly unknown i● elder Times ; at least in all the parts of th● World that are on this side the Kingdom o● China , which they say had it more early but it signifies not to our purpose . Now by reason of the Ancients want of this Invention , Copies of excellent things could not be so much dispersed , nor so well preserv'd either from the Corruptions of Tim●● or Design . The Charge of Books was very great , forgeries frequent , and mistakes o● Transcribers numerous . They were quickly swept away out of those few Libraries in which they were , by Fire and Violence , o● spoiled by Dust and Rottenness . And in th● absence of this Art , 't was easie enough fo● one Aristotle to destroy the most considerable Remains of the Ancients , that the power of his great Scholar put into his hands which , 't is credibly reported of him , tha● he did , to procure more Fame for his own Performances : as also to conceal his thefts and injurious dealings with those venerable Sages , whom he seems to take a great delight to contradict and expose , as I have elsewhere proved . But now , by this excellent Invention , the Knowledge that is lodged in Books , is put beyond the danger of such Corruptions , Forgeries , or any fatal inconvenience . We communicate upon easie ●terms at the remotest distance , converse with the Wisemen that went before us , and se●●rely convey down our Conceptions to the Ages that shall follow . So that by this means Knowledge is advantageously spread and improved ; especially since the Assistance modern Ingenuity hath brought us , in that other admirable Invention , ( 2. ) The COMPASS . How defective the Art of Navigation was in elder Times , when they Sailed by the observation of the Stars , is easie to be imagin'd : For in dark weather , when their Pleiades , Helice , and Cynosura were hidden from them by the intervening Clouds , the Mari●ner was at a loss for his Guide , and exposed to the casual conduct of the Winds and Tides . For which reason the Ancients seldom or never durst venture into the Ocean , but steer'd along within sight of the safer Shore . So that the Commerce and Communications of those Days were very narrow ; Their famed Travels in comparison were but domestick ; and a whole World was to them unknown . But it hath been the happy priviledge of later Days to find the way to apply the wonderful Vertues of the Loadstone to Navigation ; and by the direction of the Compass we securely commit our selves t● the immense Ocean , and find our path i● the vastest Wilderness of Waters . So tha● Commerce and Traffique is infinitely improved , the other half of the Globe disclosed and that on this side the great Sea better understood . The Religions , Laws , Customs and all the Rarities and Varieties of Art and Nature , which any the most distant Clim● knows and enjoys , are laid open and made common ; and thereby the History of Nature is wonderfully inlarged , and knowledge is both propagated and improved . Who it was that first discovered this excellent Mystery , is not certainly known ● But one Flavius Goia of Amalphis in the Kingdom of Naples , is said to be the Author ; and to have found this incomparable Rarity about 300 years ago . 'T is pity that one of the greatest Benefactors to mankind that ever was , should lie hid in so neglected an obscurity ; when the great Troublers of the World , who have vex'd it by the Wars of the Hand and of the Brain , have so dear and so precious a Memory . For my part I think there is more acknowledgment due to the name of this obscure Fellow , that hath scarce any left , than to a thousand Alexanders and Caesars , or to ten times the number of Aristotles . And he really did more for the increase of Knowledge , and advantage of the World by this one Experiment , than the numerous subtile Disputers that have lived ever since the erection of the School of talking . And methinks it may not be improper for me here to take notice of that other great German Invention , that useth to be mentioned in the Company , viz. That of GVNPOWDER and ARTILLERY , which hath done its Service also for the help and propagation of Knowledge , as you will perceive , when you shall consider ; that by the assistance of these terrible Engins of Death , the great Western Indies were presently subdued , which likely had not been so easily effected by the ancient and ordinary Methods of War. 'T was this Thunder and Lightning , and the invisible Instruments of Ruine , that destroyed the Courage of those numerous and hardy People , took away the hearts of the strongest Resisters , and made them an easie prey to the Conquering Invaders . And now by the gaining that mighty Continent , and the numerous fruitful Isles beyond the Atlantick , we have obtained a larger Field of Nature , and have thereby an advantage for more Phaenomena , and more helps both for Knowledge and for Life , which 't is very like that future Ages will make better use of to such purposes , than those hitherto have done ; and that Science also may at last travel into those parts , and inrich Peru with a more precious Treasure than that of its golden Mines , is not improbable . And so these Engines of Destruction , in a sense too are Instruments of Knowledge . Of the first Author of this Experiment we know no more , but that he was a German Monke , who lighted on it chance , when he was making some Chymical Tryals with Nitre , near about the time of the Invention of the Compass ; but his Name and other Circumstances are lost . Now whoever considers , with the Noble Verulam , how much the state of things in the World hath been altered and advanced by these THREE EXPERIMENTS alone , will conceive great hopes of Modern Experimental Attempts , from which greater matters may be looked for , than those which were the Inventions of single Endeavourers , or the results of Chance . And of all the Combinations of Men that ever met for the Improvement of Science , therewere never any whose Designes were ●etter laid , whose Encouragements were greater , whose Abilities were more promising , or whose Constitution was more judiciously or advantageously formed , than the ROYAL SOCIETY . CHAP. XII . Of the ROYAL SOCIETY . The Reasons of the Institution , and their Designs . An Answer to the Question , What have they done ? THis Noble Institution , Sir , was the THIRD Advantage I mentioned , that the Modern World hath for the Communication and Increase of Knowledge . And just as I am come to this Particular of my Method , I find I am happily prevented , and see I need not say much about it ; For their HISTORY , that is newly come abroad , gives so full and so accurate an Account of them and their Designs , that perhaps it may be superfluous to do more in This , than to recommend that excellent Discourse to your perusal , which I do with some more than ordinary zeal and concernment , both because the Subject is one of the most weighty and considerable that ever afforded matter to a Philosophical Pen , and because it is writ in a way of so judicious a gravity , and so prudent and modest an expression , with so much clearness of sense , and such a natural fluency of genuine eloquence : so that I know it will both profit and entertain you . And I say further , that you may remember to do your self this right , That the Style of that Book hath all the properties that can recommend any thing to an ingenious relish : For 't is manly , and yet plain ; natural , and yet not careless : The Epithets are genuine , the Words proper and familiar , the Periods smooth and of middle proportion : It is not broken with ends of Latin , nor impertinent Quotations ; nor made harsh by hard words , or needless terms of Art : Not rendred intricate by long Parentheses , nor gaudy by flanting Metaphors ; not tedious by wide fetches and circumferences of Speech , nor dark by too much curtness of Expression : 'T is not loose and unjointed , rugged and uneven ; but as polite and as fast as Marble ; and briefly , avoids all the notorious defects , and wants none of the proper ornaments of Language . I say , proper ; for Styles are Cloathes that must be fitted to the Subjects they are upon , and altered according to the different kinds of things they describe and express . Thus , Sir , you see I am not infected with that base Envy , that always speaks detractingly or sparingly of the most worthy Performances of Contemporaries . And because of this general ill nature in Mankind , few men can bear large commendations of others , though they are never so just ; but will endeavour to find all the faults that malicious Wit can suggest , against any thing which hath a great character of worth upon it , especially if it be of modern date ; a baseness which no doubt hath been a great discouragement to many noble Designs and Endeavours . For my part , I thank God , I am inclined by my particular complexion , as well as by my Reason , to take as much pleasure to do right to the deserts of excellent Things and Persons , as some are to malign and defame them ; and in what I have said on this occasion , I have not only gratified that humour , but I hope done you a kindness , by disposing you to a careful reading of what I have so earnestly recommended : And in that you will see what were the Reasons of forming such a Combination as the ROYAL SOCIETY , what is the Nature of that Constitution , what are their Designs , and what they have done . You 'l find there a Collection of some ( among numerous others that are in their Repository ) of the Experiments , Observations , and Instruments which they have invented and advanced for the Improvement of real , useful Knowledge , and a full vindication of the Design , from the dark suspicions and objections of jealousie and ignorance . BUT that I may not wholly refer you , which may look lik a put-off , I 'le here offer you something for a present stay to your Appetite , concerning this Establishment , as it is an Advantage for the communication and increase of Science . I say then , That it was observed by the excellent Lord Bacon , and some other ingenious Moderns , That Philosophy , which should be an Instrument to work with , to find out those Aids that Providence hath laid up in nature to help us against the inconveniences of this State , and to make such applications of things as may tend to universal benefit . I say , They took notice , that instead of such a Philosophy as this , That which had usurp'd the Name , and obtained in the Schools , was but a combination of general Theortes and Notions , that were concluded rashly , without due information from particulars , and spun out into unprofitable niceties , that tend to nothing but Dispute and Talk , and were never like to advance any Works for the benefit and use of men . This being consider'd , the deep and judicious Verulam made the complaint , represented the defects and unprofitableness of the Notional way , proposed another to reform and inlarge Knowledge by Observation and Experiment , to examine and record Particulars , and so to rise by degrees of Induction to general Propositions , and from them to take direction for new Inquiries , and more Discoveries , and other Axioms ; that our Notions may have a Foundation upon which a solid Philosophy may be built , that may be firm , tite , and close knit , and suted to the Phaenomena of things : So that Nature being known , it may be master'd , managed , and used in the Services of humane Life . This was a mighty Design , groundedly laid , wisely exprest , and happily recommended by the Glorious Author , who began nobly , and directed with an incomparable conduct of Wit and Iudgment : But to the carrying it on , It was necessary there should be many Heads and many Hands , and Those formed into an Assembly , that might intercommunicate their Tryals and Observations , that might joyntly work , and joyntly consider ; that so the improvable and luciferous Phaenomena , that lie scatter'd up and down in the vast Champaign of Nature , might be aggregated and brought into a common store . This the Great Man desired , and form'd a SOCIETY of Experimenters in a Romantick Model , but could do no more ; His time was not ripe for such Performances . These things therefore were consider'd also by the later Virtuosi , who several of them combined together , and set themselves on work upon this grand Design ; in which they have been so happy , as to obtain the Royal Countenance and Establishment , to gather a great Body of generous Persons of all Qualities and sorts of Learning , to overcome the difficulties of the Institution , and to make a very encouraging and hopeful progress in their pursuits . For the account of which particulars , I refer you to the History , and only take notice , How ignorantly those rash and inconsiderate people talk , who speak of this Assembly as a company of men whose only aim is to set up some new Theories and Notions in Philosophy ; whereas indeed , Their first and chief Imployment is , carefully to seek and faithfully to report how things are de facto ; and They continually declare against the establishment of Theories , and Speculative Doctrines , which they note as one of the most considerable miscarriages in the Philosophy of the Schools : And their business is not to Dispute , but Work. So that those others also that look on them as pursuing phancyful Designs , are as wide and unjust in their ill-contriv'd Censure : Since Their Aims are to free Philosophy from the vain Images and Compositions of Phansie , by making it palpable , and bringing it down to the plain objects of the Senses ; For those are the Faculties which they employ and appeal to , and complain that Knowledge hath too long hover'd in the clouds of Imagination . So that methinks this ignorant Reproach is , as if those that doated on the Tales of the Fabulous Age , should clamour against Herodotus and Thucydides as idle Romancers . For the main intendment of this Society is to erect a well-grounded Natural History , which takes off the heats of wanton Phansie , hinders its extravagant excursions , and ties it down to sober Realities . But this , Sir , I only touch en passant ; and though I am not close upon the main thing I intend , yet I cannot forbear taking notice of an insulting Objection that we hear frequently in this Question , What have they Done ? To this I could answer in short ( as I have once already suggested ) more than all the Philosophers of the Notional way , since Aristotle opened his Shop in Greece . Which Saying may perhaps look to some like a fond and bold Sentence : but whoever compares the Repository of this society , with all the Volumes of Disputers , will find it neither immodest nor unjust . And their History hath given us Instances sufficient of their Experiments , Observations , and Instruments , to justifie a bolder Affirmation . But I insist not on this : The thing I would have you observe is , That those who make the captious Question , do not comprehend the vastness of the Work of this Assembly , or have some phantastical Imaginations of it . They consider not the Design is laid as low as the profoundest Depths of Nature , and reacheth as high as the uppermost Story of the Vniverse ; That it extends to all the Varieties of the great World , and aims at the benefit of universal Mankind . For could they expect that such mighty Projects as these should ripen in a moment ? Can a Cedar shoot up out of the Earth like a blade of Grass ? or an Elephant grow to the vastness of his bulk , as soon as a little Insect can be form'd of a drop of Dew ? No ; The true knowledge of general Nature , like Nature it self in its noblest composures , must proceed slowly , by degrees almost insensible : and what one Age can do in so immense and Undertaking as that , wherein all the generations of Men are concerned , can be little more than to remove the Rubbish , lay in Materials , and put things in order for the Building . Our work is to overcome prejudices , to throw aside what is useless , and yields no advantage for Knowledge or for Life ; To perswade men that there is worthier Imployment for them , than tying knots in bulrushes ; and that they may be better accommodated in a well-built House , than in a Castle in the Air. We must seek and gather , observe and examine , and lay up in Bank for the Ages that come after . This is the business of the Experimental Philosophers ; and in these Designs a progress hath been made sufficient to satisfie sober expectations : But for those that look they should give them the Great Elixir , the Perpetual Motion , the way to make Glass malleable , and Man immortal ; or they will object that the Philosophers have done nothing : for such , I say , their impertinent Taunts are no more to be regarded , than the little chat of Ideots and Children . CHAP. XIII . An Account of what hath been done by the Illustrious Mr. Boyle for the promotion of Useful Knowledge . BUt , Sir , I think I am fallen into things of which the Ingenious Historian hath somewhere given better accounts , and therefore I draw off ; though before I quite take leave of this Head of my Discourse , I think fit yet further to shew the injustice of the Reproach of having done nothing , as 't is applied to the Royal Society , by a single Instance in one of their Members , who alone hath done enough to oblige all Mankind , and to erect an eternal Monument to his Memory . So that had this great Person lived in those days , when men Godded their Benefactors , he could not have miss'd one of the first places among their deified Mortals . And you will be convinc'd that this is not vainly said , when I have told you , I mean the Illustrious Mr. BOYLE , a Person by whose proper Merits that noble Name is as much adorned , as by all the splendid Titles that it wears . And that this Honourable Gentleman hath done such things for the benefit of the World , and increase of Knowledge , you will see , if you converse with him in his excellent Writings , where you will find the greatest strength and the gentilest smoothness , the most generous Knowledge and the sweetest Modesty , the noblest Discoveries and the sincerest Relations , the greatest Self-denial and the greatest Love of Men , the profoundest insight into Philosophy and Nature , and the most devout , affectionate Sense of God and of Religion . And in saying all this , I do not fear the Envy that great praise excites ; for that cannot be so impudent to deny the justice of this acknowledgment . But , Sir , I consider the commendation of this incomparable Person was not the thing I undertook ; but a succinct and general representation of his Philosophical Performances : And to that I now address my self , without more Preface . ( I. ) In his Book of the AIR , we have a great improvement of the Magdeburg Experiment , of emptying Glass Vessels by exsuction of the Air , to far greater degrees of evacuation , ease , and conveniences for use ; as also an advance of that other famous one of Torricellius , performed by the New Engine , of which I have said some things above , and call'd the AIR-PVMP . By this Instrument ( as I have already intimated ) the Nature , Spring , Expansion , Pressure , and Weight of the Air ; the decrease of its force when dilated , the Doctrine of a Vacuum , the Height of the Atmosphere , the Theories of Respiration , Sounds , Fluidity , Gravity , Heat , Flame , the Magnet , and several other useful and luciferous Matters , are estimated , illustrated , and explain'd . And ( 2. ) The great Doctrine of the Weight and Spring of the Air is solidly vindicated and further asserted by the Illustrious Author , in another BOOK against HOBS and LINVS . ( 3. ) In his PHYSIOLOGICAL and EXPERIMENTAL ESSAYS , he nobly encourageth and perswades the making of Experiments , and collecting Observations , and gives the necessary Cautions that are to be used in such Designs . He imparts a very considerable luciferous Experiment concerning the different parts and redintegration of Salt-petre ; whence he deduceth , That motion , figure , and disposition of parts , may suffice to produce all the secondary affections of Bodies ; and consequently , That there is no need of the substantial Forms and Qualities of the Schools . To this he adds a close History of Fluidity and Firmness , which tends mightily to the elucidating those useful Doctrines . ( 4. ) In his SCEPTICAL CHYMIST he cautions against the sitting down and acquiescing in Chymical and Peripatetical Theories , which many do , to the great hinderance of the growth and improvement of Knowledge . He therefore adviseth a more wary consideration and examen of those Doctrines , before they are subscribed ; and for that purpose he assists them with many very considerable Observations and Experiments . ( 5. ) In his VSEFVLNESS of EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY he makes it appear how much that way tends to the advance of the Power and Empire of Man over the Creatures , and the universal Benefit of the World ; confirming and illustrating his Discourse with innumerable new and useful Discoveries . ( 6. ) In his HISTORY of COLD , he hath to wonder cultivated that barren Subject , and improved it ( as is noted by the Philosophical Transactions ) by neer 200 choice Experiments and Observations . He hath there given an account of the defectiveness of common Weather-Glasses , the Advantages of the new Hermetical Thermometers , and an Inquiry concerning the cause of the Condensation of the Air , and Ascent of Water by Cold in the ordinary Weather-wisers ; All which afford valuable Considerations of light and use . But these are only Preliminaries : The main Discourse presents us with an Account what Bodies are capable of freezing others , and what of being frozen ; The ways to estimate the degrees of coldness ; How to measure the intenseness of Cold produced by Art , beyond that imploy'd in ordinary Freezing ; In what proportion Water will be made to shrink by Snow and Salt ; How to measure the change produc'd in Water between the greatest heat of Summer , the first degree of Winter-cold , and the highest of Art ; How to discover the differing degrees of Coldness in different Regions . A way of freezing without danger to the Vessel . What may be the effects of Cold , as to the preserving or destroying the texture of Bodies . Whether specifick Vertues of Plants are lost through congelation , and then thawing . Whether Electrical and Magnetick Vertues are altered by Cold. The expansion and contraction of Bodies by freezing ; how they are caused , and how their quantity is to be measured . The strength of the expansion of Water freezing , and an Inquiry into the Cause of that prodigious force . The Sphere of Activity of Cold. How far the Frost descends in Earth and Water . An Experiment shewing whether Cold can act through an hot medium . A way of accounting the solidity of Ice , and the strength of the adhesion of its parts : What Liquors are its quickest Dissolvents . An Experiment of heating a cold Liquor with Ice . These , and many more such instructive and useful things , are contained in that excellent Discourse : To which is annex'd a very ingenious Examination and Disproof of the common obscure Doctrine of Antiperistasis , and Mr. Hobbs his Notion of Cold. ( 7. ) In his EXPERIMENTAL HISTORY of COLOVRS , he hath laid a foundation in 150 Experiments at least , for grounded Theory about these matters . He hath shewn the grand mistake of the common belief , That Colours inhere in their Objects ; and proved they depend upon disposition of the external parts , and the more inward texture of Bodies . He hath stated and explained wherein the Disparity consists between the Real and Exphatical ; explicated the Nature of Whiteness and Blackness ; rectified some Chymical Principles ; compounded Colours by trajecting the Solar Beams through tinged Glasses ; Shewed how by certain Tinctures it may be known , whether any Salt be acid or sulphureous . Hath proved , there is no necessity of the Peripatetick FORMS for the production of Colours , by making Green by nine kinds of mixtures ; compounded Colours real and phantastical ; turned the Blew of Violets by acid Salts into a Red , and by the alcalizate into a Green ; and performed many other extraordinary things on this Subject , for the advantage of Knowledge and the uses of Life . ( 8. ) In his HYDROSTATICAL PARADOXES he shew'd , That the lower parts of Fluids are press'd by the upper ; That a lighter may gravitate upon one that is more ponderous ; That if a Body contiguous to it , be lower than the highest level of the Water , the lower end o● the Body will be press'd upwards by the Water beneath ; That the weight of an external Fluid sufficeth to raise the Water in Pumps ; That the pressure of an external Fluid is able to keep an Heterogeneous Liquor suspended at the same height in several Pipes , though they are of different Diameters ; That a Body under Water that hath its upper surface parallel to the Horizon , the direct pressure it sustains is no more than that of a Columne of Water , which hath the mentioned Horizontal Superficies for its Basis. And if the incumbent Water be contained in Pipes open at both ends , the pressure is to be estimated by the weight of a Pillar of water , whose Basis is equal to the lower Orifice of the Pipe paralles to the Horizon ) and its height equal to a Perpendicular , reaching to the top of the Water , though the Pipe be much inclined , irregularly shaped , and in some parts broader than the Orifice ; That a Body in a Fluid sustains a lateral pressure from it , which increaseth in proportion to the depth of the immerst Body in the Fluid ; That Water may be made to depress a Body lighter than it self ; That a parcel of Oyl lighter than Water , may be kept from ascending in it ; That the cause of the ascension of Water in Syphons , may be explained without the notion of abhorrence of a Vacuum ; That the heaviest Body known will not sink of it self , without the assistance of the weight of the Water upon it , when 't is at a depth greater than twenty times its own thickness , though it will nearer the Surface . This is the sum of the general Contents of that Discourse , which contains things very useful to be known for the advantage of Navigation , Salt-works , Chymistry , and other practical purposes . ( 9. ) In his Book of the ORIGINE of FORMS and QVALITIES , he delivers the minds of men from the imaginary and useless Notions of the Schools about them , which have no foundation in the nature of things , nor do any ways promote Knowledge , or help Mankind ; but very much disserve those great interests , by setting the Understanding at rest in general obscurities , or imploying it in aiery niceties and Disputes , and so hindring its pursuit of particular Causes , and Experimental Realities . In this Treatise he lays the Foundations and delivers the Principles of the Mechanick Philosophy , which he strengthneth and illustrates by several very pleasant and instructive Experiments . He shews , That the most admirable Things which have been taken for the Effects of substantial Forms , and are used as proofs of the Notional Hypotheses , may be the results of the meer texture and position of parts ; since Art is able to make Vitriol , as well as Nature ; and Bodies by humane skill may be produced , whose supposed Forms have been destroyed . He gives many very ingenious instances to prove , That the Mechanick motions and order of the Parts is sufficient to yield an account of the difference of Bodies , and their affections , without having recourse to the Forms and Qualities of the Schools ; as in the restoration of Camphire to its former smell and nature , after its dissolution and seeming extinction ; in the changes of the colour , consistence , fusibleness , and other Qualites of Silver and Copper ; in the odd Phaenomena of a certain anomalous Salt , and those of the Sea-salt , dried , powder'd , and mix'd with Aqua-fortis ; and in the Sal mirabilis , in the production of Silver out of Gold by his Menstruum Peracutum , in the transmutation of Water into Earth in a certain Distillation of Spirit of Wine and Oyl of Vitriol . I say , This excellent Gentleman hath by Experiments rare and new about these Subjects , made it evidently appear , That the internal motions , configuration , and posture of the parts , are all that is necessary for alterations and diversities of Bodies ; and consequently , That substantial Forms and real Qualities are needless and precarious Beings . CHAP. XIV . A further Account of what that Gentleman of Honour hath by him , not yet publish'd , for the Advantage and Improvement of Real Knowledge . The Reasons we have to hope great Things from the Royal Society . THese , Sir , are some brief and general Hints of those great things this incomparable Person hath done for the information and benefit of Men ; and besides them , there are several others that He hath by him , and the Inquisitive expect , in which real Philosophy and the World are no less concern'd . I received a late Account of them from an ingenious Friend of his , Mr. Oldenburgh , Secretary to the ROYAL SOCIETY , who also renders himself a great Benefactor to Mankind , by his affectionate care , and indefatigable diligence and endeavours , in the maintaining Philosophical Intelligence , and promoting the Designs and Interests of profitable and general Philosophy . And these being some of the Noblest and most Publick Imployments , in which the Services of generous Men can be ingaged , loudly call for their Aids and Assistances , for the carrying on a Work of so universal an importance . But I shall have a fitter place to speak of this , and therefore I return to the Illustrious Person of whom I was discoursing . And for Philosophical News , and further evidence of the Obligation the World hath to this Gentleman of Honour , I shall give you the List of what he hath more , yet unpublish'd for its advantage and instruction . And I take the boldness to do it , because himself hath been pleased to quote and refer to those Discourses in his publish'd Writings ; concerning which , the generous Secretary's Account is more particular , and he receiv'd it from the Noble Author's immediate information . It speaks thus . ( I. ) Another Section of the Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy , as to the Empire of Man over inferiour Creatures ; where he intends to premise some general Considerations about the Means whereby Experimental Philosophy may become useful to Humane Life ; proceeding thence to shew , That the Empire of Man may be promoted by the Naturalists skill in Chymistry , by his skill in Mechanicks , or the Application of Mathematicks to Instruments and Engins ; by his skill in Mathematicks , both pure and mixt : That the Goods of Mankind may be much increased by the Naturalist's insight into Trades ; That the Naturalist may much advantage men , by exciting and assisting their curiosity to discover , take notice , and make use of the home-bred Riches and Advantages of particular Countries , and to increase their number , by transferring thither those of others ; That a ground of high expectation from Experimental Philosophy is given , by the happy Genius of this present Age , and the productions of it ; That a ground of expecting considerable things from Experimental Philosophy is given by those things which have been found out by illiterate Tradesmen , or lighted on by chance ; That some peculiar and concealed property of a natural thing , may inable the knowers of it to perform , with ease , things , that to others seem either not feisible , or not practicable without great difficulty ; That by the knowledge and application of some unobvious and unheeded Properties and Laws of natural things , divers Effects may be produced by other means and Instruments than those one would judge likely ; and even by such , as if proposed , would be thought unlikely ; That the knowledge of peculiar Qualities , or uses of physical things , may inable a man to perform those things Physically , that seem to require Books , and dexterity of hand proper to Artificers ; That the uses of scarce one thing in Nature , to Humane Life , are yet thorowly understood ; That a great Inducement to hope for considerable matters from Experimental Philosophy , may be taken from the mutual assistance that the Practical and Theorical part of physick may be brought to afford each other ; That we are not to make our Estimates of what may be hoped for hereafter , when men shall be assisted with the History of Nature , a method of imploying it , and true Principles of Natural Philosophy , and associated Endeavours , by what is already performed without any of those Assistances . ( 2. ) He hath also in a manner promised Essays touching the concealments and disguises of the Seeds of living Creatures . ( 3. ) An Appendix to the Physico-Mechanical Treatise concerning the Air. ( 4. ) Something concerning Heat and Flame . ( 5. ) The Sceptical Naturalist , shewing the imperfections of Natural Philosophy as we yet have it . ( 6. ) A Discourse of improbable Truths . ( 7. ) The production of Qualities by Art. ( 8. ) Several useful Series of Inquiries and Directions of his , whereof divers are extant in the Philosophical Transactions ; as , ( I. ) General Heads for a Natural History of a Country small or great . ( 2. ) Observations and Directions about the Barometer . ( 3. ) Inquiries touching the Sea ; and , ( 4. ) About Mines . ( 5. ) Quaeries and Tryals proposed , for the improving of that Grand Experiment , for the transfusing Blood out of one live Animal into another . ( 6. ) Others for the finding the Effects of the Rarifying Engine exhausted , in plants , Seeds , and Eggs of Silk-worms . Besides These , he hath a great many other unpublish'd Inqui●●es , and Series of Experiments and Obser●●tions of the most considerable parts of ●●tural Philosophy . As , ( I. ) About Pre●●us stones . ( 2. ) Fermentation . ( 3. ) Heat 〈◊〉 Flame . ( 4. ) An Account of a new kind 〈◊〉 Baroscope , which he calls Statical , and 〈◊〉 advantage it hath above the Mercurial . ● 5. ) A New Experiment , shewing how a ●onsiderable degree of cold may be sudden●y produced without the help of Snow , Ice , ail , Wind , or Nitre , and that at any time ●t the year , viz. by Sal Armoniack . ( 6. ) A ●ay of preserving Birds taken out of the ●ggs , and other small Foetus's This , Sir , is the Account I received of ●hat Noble Persons further Designs , for the ●dvantage of useful Knowledge ; and ●●ough he hath not made an absolute Pro●ise of those Discourses to the Publique , ●et he is known to have such , and they are with probability expected , since he is too generous to detain from the capable and in●●uisitive those his excellent Discoveries , which tend to the common Benefit . And thus I have said what may suffice for general Information about the ROYAL SOCIETY , and the hopes we may justly conceive of this Constitution . And in what I have discoursed , I have not so much declined from the proof of my undertaking which was to shew the advantage that th● latter Age hath , for the promotion and i●● crease of Knowledge , above those of fo●● mer Times : For by describing the Reason● Nature , and some of the Effects of th● Establishment , I have not obscurely suggeste● the Helps that the World hath and ma● expect from Them , for those Grand and C● tholick Purposes ; and 't is easie to see in th● very frame of this Assembly , that they ar● fitted with Opportunities to amass togethe● all the considerable Notices , Observations and Experiments , that are scattered up an● down in the wide World ; and so , to mak● a Bank of all the useful Knowledge that is among men . For either by their whole Bo● dy , or some or other of their particul●● Members , they hold a Learned Correspon● dence with the greatest Virtuosi of all th● known universe , and have several of their own Fellows abroad in Forreign Parts , by reason of whose Communications , they know most of the valuable Rarities and Phaenomen● observed by the curious in Nature , and all considerable Attempts and Performances of Art , Ingenuity , and Experiment . To which consideration , if you add the inquisitiveness of their Genius , and the way of their Pro●edure , by particular and cautious Observa●ion ; the coldness and shiness of their As●ent , and the numbers of judicious men that ●urefully examine their Reports ; I say , If ●hese Particulars be weighed , it will appear ●o the unprejudiced , That the World had ●ever such an advantage for the accumula●ing a Treasure of substantial knowledge , as 〈◊〉 hath by this Constitution ; for single Inquisitors can receive but scant and narrow ●nformations , either from their own Expe●ience , or Converses ; and those they have , ●e frequently very imperfect , or very mista●en : There is often either vanity or credulity , ●norance or design in their Relations , which ●herefore are many times false in the main ●atter , and oftner in the circumstance : So ●●at the Histories of Nature we have hither●● had , have been but an heap and amassmen ●f Truth and Falshood , vulgar Tales and Ro●antick Accounts ; and 't is not in the pow●● of particular unassociated Endeavours to ●●fford us better . But now , the frame of ●his Society suggests excellent ground to ●ope from them sincere and universal Re●●●●tions , and the best grounded and most ●seful Collection of the affairs of Art and Nature , that ever yet was extant . And ●s they have peculiar Priviledges for the gathering the Materials of knowledge , 〈◊〉 They have the same for the impartment a● diffusion of them . And by this time I ho●● you will acknowledge , That I have ma●● good also what I undertook in THIS 〈◊〉 last and Great Particular . CHAP. XV. The Absurdity of making Comparis● between the Advantages Aristot●● had for Knowledge , and those later Ages . THus I have shewed in plain and m●terial Instances , the vanity and wea●ness of the Disputer's Affirmation a●● belief , That Aristotle had more Advantag● for Knowledge than all the later ages . An● so I have done with his Proposition : But h● Reason also is to be considered , and th● was , Aristotle had these Advantages above ● the World , because he did Totam pe●agrare Asiam . How wisely said an● concluded this was , will appear after ● have taken notice , that his Reason is defective both in what it affirms , and in what it would infer . For the first , 't is evident , that Aristotle and the Ancients did not know all ASIA ; for that part which lay beyond the River , was in a manner a Terra Incognita unto them : so that they knew scarce any thing of the Indies that lie on the other side of Ganges , little or nothing of the vast Kingdom of China , nothing of Iapan , or the numerous Oriental Islands , besides the defects in the ancient Geography , noted above ; and these made a great if not the best part of Asia ; of which though Aristotle might have heard , yet we have no shadow of Reason to believe he had any Information from thence . And then I consider , ( 2. ) That the Account he had from the best survey'd Regions , were but from Hunters , Fowlers , Fishermen , and such kind of Inquisitors , who were like enough to make vain and mistaken Reports , and he was fain to depend upon the credit of their Relations ; and therefore his History of Animals contains many things that are frivolous , and many that are palpably false . To which I add , ( 3. ) The Observation of my Lord Bacon , That though Aristotle made some use of those Experiments and Observation she had from those Informers , yet it was after he had concluded and decreed . For he did not use and imploy Experiments for the erecting of his Theories : but having arbitrarily pitch'd his Theories , his manner was to force Experience to suffragate , and yield countenance to his precarious Propositions . And on this account , the Great man saith , he was less excusable than the Schoolmen , who altogether quitted and neglected the way of particular Industry and Experiment . Thus then Aristotle neither knew all Asia , nor had certain Relations of that part thereof , of which he had the best Informations ; nor did he use those he had as he ought ; which were enough to bring the Disputers Reason to nothing . But I consider further , That though these things had been otherwise , and as much for the interest of his Affirmation as he could wish , yet , ( 2. ) His Inference must fail , since the latter Ages have a much larger World than Aristotle's Asia ; We have the America , and the many New Lands that are discovered by Modern Navigators ; we have larger and more perfect Geography even of the old World , infinitely more acquaintance and better correspondence in all the parts of the Vniverse , by our general Traffique , than the Ancients , whose Commerce was narrow , and knowledge of remote Parts consisted but in hearsays and doubtful Rumors . We have besides , New Heavens as well as a New Earth , a larger and truer prospect of the World above us . We have travell'd those upper Regions by the help of our Tubes , and made Discoveries more becoming the Wisdom and Magnificence of our Creatour , and more agreeable to the appearances of things , than the arbitrary phansies and conjectures of Aristotle and his Schools . We have a greater world of Arts , Instruments , and Observations , as in all Particulars my Discourse hath made good . And what are Aristotle's peragrations of Asia , to all these ? To the great Western Indies ; to the full and clearer knowledge of the Ancient Lands ; to those nobler Accounts we have of the Heavens , and universal Nature ; to our vast Improvements of Chymistry , Anatomy , Arithmetick , Geometry , Astronomy , Geography , Opticks , Natural History , Navigation , and all things else of benefit and instruction ? I say , what are the gleanings of a few mercenary Hunters , Fowlers , and Fishermen , over one part of Asia , to these Advantages ? And what are the Reports of a few ordinary Fellows , and the Tryals of a single person , to the learned Inquiries and Endeavours of many sagacious inquisitive Ages , and the performances of a numerous Company of deep , wary , diligent , and eagle-ey'd Philosophers , who have the help of those Observations , and the addition of an infinite number more ? Upon these accounts , Sir , the Disputer , you see , will need a great deal of Logick to make any thing of his Proposition or his Reason , both of which are very lame , and I know not where he can find a prop for their feebleness . I shall not therefore imploy more force to overthrow such sickly Reasonings , that have not strength enough to bear their own weight ; but out of pity to those infirmities , shall let them go without further castigations . And I hope you have not so understood me , as if the aim of what I have said hitherto , was only to disprove this Disputer ( which were a poor project , and would signifie but very little . ) But my Design is , by representing the advantages and hopefulness of the Modern way , to kindle an ardour in you towards the generous Experimental Researches , to vindicate Philosophy from the imputation of being notional and unprofitable , and to keep you from adhering to that which is so , and hath been the occasion of the scandal . And as for those that yet stick there , I have some things to observe concerning the Reasons of their Devotion to that aiery disputative Philosophy , and their Enmity to the Practical . CHAP. XVI . The Reasons of some Mens Superstious Adherence to the Notional way ; and of the Disputer that gave occasion to this Discourse I Consider then , That easie youth in its first addresses to Learning , is perfectly passive to the Discipline and Instructions of its Teachers , whose Documents are promiscuously received with ready submission of Understandings , that implicitely depend on their Authority . We suck in the first Rudiments as we do the common Air [ facili haustu ] as my Lord Bacon expresseth it , without discrimination or election , of which indeed our tender and unexercised minds are not capable . And , I confess , 't is necessary we should do so ; nor were there any hurt in this innocent easiness , did not most men all their lives worship the first thing they saw in the morning of their days , and ever after obstinately adhere to those unexamined Receptions . But this is the mischief , we infinitely believe every thing when we are Children , and most examine little when they are Men , but settle in their first impressions , without giving themselves the trouble to consider and review them . And these prejudices by custom and long acquaintance with our Souls , get a mighty interest , and shut them against every thing that is of a different colour from those Images of Education . This is a general fault and infirmity of humane Nature , and from hence it comes to pass , that the tutour'd Youth sides easily into the belief of the first Principles of Philosophy , which they are taught , and are confirm'd in them by their Exercises and Disputes , and Books and Converses : By these their Vnderstandings , which before were White-Paper , are dyed and deeply tinctured by the colour they have imbibed ; And these infusions insensibly grow as 't were into the very substance of the Mind , and are upon all occasions appealed to as its unprejudiced , unsophisticate Dictates . So that having spent some time in learning and trimming those Notions , the most divert to Business or other Studies , without troubling themselves with any more Philosophical pursuits ; but being satisfied with those Notices which their first Education lodg'd in their Minds , they seek no further , nor do care to be wiser in those matters , than they were in the disputing infancy of their Knowledge . All this while no other hurt is done , but that men thus are injurious to themselves , and hinder their own Improvements . But 't is much worse when they fondly fix these as the pillars of Science , and would have no body else go further than their laziness or their cares will permit them to travel ; but rail spightfully at all Endeavours for the advancement of Philosophick Wisdom , and will be angry with every one that hath out-grown his Cherry-stones and Rattles , speak evil at a venture of things they know not , and like Mastives are fiercer for being kept dark . These are the great Enemies of the useful , experimental Methods of Philosophy : They take it ill that any thing should be accounted valuable , in which they are uninstructed . being loth to learn in an Age wherein they expect to Dictate ; and the Satyrist hath told them another reason . — Turpe putant parere minoribus , & quae Imberbes didicêre , senes perdenda fateri . I will not say how much of this I take to be the case of our Reverend Disputer ; only this , He imployed his younger Studies upon the Philosophy of Disputation , and , 't is like , gained an ability to out-talk many of his Contemporaries in that way . He confirm'd himself in these Notions by instructing others in them , and upon these Foundations hath built himself the Reputation of a great Scholar and a Disputant among his Country-Admirers . So that you are not to wonder that he is vehemently displeased with the ROYAL SOCIETY , and Experimental Philosophers , since their Designs take away the honour of his Craft , and in this way he is upon the same level with those that are but beginning ; the thought of which must needs be distasteful to a self-assured and imperous mind . And yet because you shall not think that I say any of this out of envy to his Fame , I shall do him all the right I can , by acknowledging , That I take him for a Person that understands the Quiddities and Haecceities , the Praecisiones formales and the Objectivae , the Homogeneities and Heterogeneities , the Catagorematice's and the Syncatagorematice's , the Simpliciter's and the secundum Quid's . He knows , no doubt , that First Matter that is neither Quid , nor Quale , nor Quantum ; and that wonderful Gremium materiae , out of which Forms were educed that were never there . He can tell you fine things of the fiery Element under the Moon , and the Epicycles of the Stars ; Can resolve all Questions by the compendious way of Formalitèr , Materialitèr , Fundamentalitèr , and Eminentèr ; Tell you the difference between Quodam modo and Modo quodam , and shew the causes of all things in Sympathy , Antipathy , Combination of the Elements , and Insfluences of the Heavens . He sees clearly by his Spectacles , That the Milky-way is but a Meteor , and Comets only kindled Vapours , in spite of the contrary information of the deceitful Telescopes . He can , no doubt , dispute roundly about the composition of Entia rationis and Vniversals , the Praedications of Genus and Species , and the manner of their conservation in Individuals ; of the number of the Praedicaments , and what Being is in this , and what in another ; of the inherence and propagation of Accidents , the real essence of Relations , the nature of Vbi and Quando , and a thousand other Logical tricks about Shuffling and ordering Propositions and forms of Syllogism . In Physiology he can discourse of the nakedness of First Matter , the eduction of Forms out of its bosom ; shew , that the want of a Being is a Principle of it , how forms of Elements are refracted in mix'd Bodies ; Dispute subtilly about the Primum incipiens in Motion , the instantaneousness of Generation , the Maximum quod sic , and the Minimum quod non , and infinite more of such wonderful , useful , significant Speculations . And in the Metaphysicks I acknowledge him in the words of the incomparable Droll ; He knows what 's what , and that 's as high As Metaphysick Wit can fly . These , and other such profundities , are some of the main things of that Philosophy to which our Disputer is so zealous a Votary . But for the Mechanick , that attempts material and intelligible Accounts of things , and is in its grounds much ancienter than that of Aristotle which he admires , for the Experimental Methods and late Improvements of useful Knowledge ; as for these , I say , I had no reason to judge by his Discourse that he had any acquantance with them ; nor doth he , as far as I can perceive , pretend it : But having it seems concluded , That nothing more was to be known , than he knew , when he disputed in the Schools , he hath sate down ever since , and hugg'd himself in his own Omniscience and Infallibility , without caring to be informed , what the inquisitive World hath been doing in this late Age of Inquiry . And if it be any thing more than what he hath understood in his Circle of Disputations , 't is phantastical and unprofitable , and not worthy his care or notice , which is very prudently concluded ; For if it should be otherwise , the Disputer would lose the credit of his Superlative Learning . CHAP. XVII . Of the Peripatetick Philosophy , and Aristotle , as he concerns the Universites . ANd on this occasion , Sir , I observe the incompetency of their judgements who are Enemies to the Real Experimental Philosophy , in that they do not ( as I intimated ) at all , or very little , understand what they condemn . This I have some reason to say , since in the whole compass of my Acquaintance , which is not very narrow , I profess I know not one who opposeth the Modern way , that is not almost totally unacquainted with it . And on the other side , upon the most careful turn of my thoughts among my Philosophick Friends , I cannot light on one of all those that are for the Free and Experimental Procedure , but who have been very well instructed in the Peripatetick Doctrines , which they have deserted , and most of them much better than those who are yet zealous contenders for them . And for my own part , I must confess , that in my younger and Talkative Age , I was much delighted with those subtilities that exercise the Brain in the niceties of Notion and Distinctions , and afford a great deal of idle Imployment for the Tongue in the Combates of Disputation : In which I acknowledge I was none of the most backward , but being highly pleased with those engagements , I found as much diversion in them , as in my dearest Recreations : Yea , and in this Recital methinks I feel a kind of sweet relish upon my mind , of those past complacencies . But after I had spent some vears in those Notional Studies , perhaps with as good success as some others , I began to think CVIBONO , and to consider what these things would signifie in the World of Action and Business , I say , I thought ; but I could find no encouragement to proceed from the Answer my thoughts made me : I ask'd my self what accounts I could give of the Works of God by my philosophy , more than those that have none , and found , that I could amaze and astonish Ignorance with Distinctions and words of Art , but not satifie ingenious Inquiry by any considerable and material Resolutions . I consider'd I had got nothing all this while , but a certain readiness in talking , and that about things which I could not use abroad , without being Pedantick and ridiculous . I perceived that that Philosophy aimed at no more , than the instructing men in Notion and Dispute ; That its Design was mean , and its Principles at the best uncertain and precarious ; That they did not agree among themselves , nor at all with Nature . I examined the best Records I could meet with about the Author of those current Hypotheses , but could not be assured that Aristotle was he . I saw many Reasons to believe , that most of the Books that bear his Name , are none of his ; and those that are most strongly presumed to be so , are mightily altered and correupted by Time , Ignorance , Carelesness and Design . I perceived that the Commentators and late Disputers had exceedingly disguised and changed the Sense of those very Writings , and made up a Philosophy that was quite another thing from that which those Books contain . So that by these means I was by degrees taken off from the implicit Veneration I had for that Learning , upon the account of the great Name of Aristotle which it wore . And in the process of my Inquiries , I lighted upon several excellent Authors , who said and proved very evil things of that Philosopher himself ; As , That he was impious in his Life and many of his Doctrines , a Persecutor of the most venerable Sages , and corrupter of the Wisdom of the Ancients ; That he was of no such superlative account in the wisest Times , but much opposed and slighted by the First Fathers ; That he grew into his Magisterial Authority by chance , in Times of blackest Ignorance , and held an unjust Empire over the free-born Minds of Men , who since they are enlightned by the Rays of the glorious Gospel , have less reason to bow down to the Dictates of an Idolater and an Heathen . I say , I found these things , and many more , urged against the School-Philosopher , by men of great Learning and Name . Nor could I ever light on any thing in his most devoted Admirers , that tended to the answering or disproof of any of those grand Accusations , most of which seemed to me to have too much evidence , to be easily disabled ; not to mention how many Reasons I saw my self for the worst of those Characters , in the Books that are ascribed to him , if really they are his . These things then I ponder'd , and in the heat of my Thoughts , and a youthful Indigntion , I drew up the charge , and gave in the full of those bold Accounts to the publick , in a Letter about Aristotle , which perhaps you will not do amiss to consider . Thus the great impediment was removed , and the prejudcie of Education overcome , when I thought further , That useful Knowledge was to be look'd for in God's great Book the Vniverse , and among those generous Men that had converst with real Nature , undisguised with Art and Notion . And still I saw more of the justice of the excellent Poet's Censure of the sons of Aristotle , when he saith , They stand Lock'd up together hand in hand : Every one leads as he is led , The same bare path they tread , And dance like Fairies a phantastick Round ; But neither change their Motion , nor their ground . From this Philosophy therefore , and these Men , I diverted my eyes and hopes , and fixt them upon those Methods that I have recommended , which I am sure are liable to none of those Imputations . And here I think fit to add a Caution which I have given in another Discourse , and do it once more to prevent a dangerous misunderstanding , viz. [ And it is , That I have said nothing of this to discourage young Academiasn from applying themselves to those first Studies which are in use in the Vniversities . Their Statutes require Exercises in that way of Learning ; and so much knowledge of it , as inables for those Duties , is requisite and fit . Nor do I deny , but that those Speculations , raise , quicken , and whet the Vnderstanding , and on that account may not be altogether unprofitable , with respect to the more useful Inquisitions ; provided It keep it self from being nice , aiery , and addicted too much to general Notions . But this is the danger , and the greatst part run upon the Rock . The hazard of which might in great measure be avoided , if the Mathematicks and Natural History were mingled with these other Studies which would indeed be excellent Preparatives and Dispostions to future Improvements . And I add further , that the young Philosophers must take care of looking on their Systematick Notions as the bounds and Perfections of Knowledge ; nor make account to fix eternally upon those Theroies , as establish'd and infallible Certainties : But consider them in the modest sense of Hypotheses , and as things they are to take in their passage to others that are more valuable and important . I say , the Peripatetick Studies thus temper'd , will not , I suppose , be desallowed by the men of the Practical Method ; and so the Vniversity-Establishments can receive no prejudice from the Spirit that dislikes a perpetual acquiescence in the Philosophy of the present Schools . CHAP. XVIII . Some things else debated by the Author with the Disputer , about the Prophets and the Scriptures . The Imagination was ordinarily the immediate Subject of Prophetick Influx . I HAVE now done with the Philosophical Considerations I intended here , and am so fond as to believe , that I have said enough about the main business of our Conference ; from which the Disputer at last shew'd an inclination to draw off , and endeavour'd to engage me in other things that were aside and irrelative to our Discourse : Particularly , I perceived he made towards the Controversies between the Calvinists and Remonstrants , and offer'd me several Temptations to fall in there . I knew it was a Design to draw me into his Road of talking , and consider'd that our Spirits were too much moved , and our Time too short for those deep and endless Debates . And I have long since resolved never to treat with any one about them , that is not very free , thoughtful , modest , and benign , without which praedispositions in the Subject , I know the clearest and greatest evidence in the World can make no impressions . Upon these accounts I declined the bait ; but in the process of our rambling Talk , was insensibly led into a Discourse as extrinsick , which was concerning the Method of the Scriptures . About this I said , That those Holy Oracles were not written methodically ; Meaning , not according to the Rules of our Methods ; especially I instanc'd in the Prophetick Writings , which are very little suted to the ways of our Order . And in consequence of this , I affirmed , That God was pleased in those Inspirations to apply himself much to the Imagination of the Prophets ; which Faculty , I said , was desultory , and did seldom tie it self to strict coherence . This was the sum of all from whence the Disputer took occasion for loud out-cries . He told me , [ That my Affirmations were Atheistical ; That God was the God of Order , and not of Confusion ; and dealt with the noblest Faculty , which is the Understanding ] I was astonish'd at the haste of the wilde and groundless Censure , and answered to the Argument , That he might as well conclude , That all the Blades of Grass , and Flowers of the Field , should be placed in Knots , and a Garden-order , and the Stars set in Rank and File , because God is the God of Order , as the other Proposition he would infer . I said there was no doubt but that the Divine Wisdom , which had made all things in Number , Weight , and Measure , had an Order and Idea to it self , according to which it framed them : But then I added , That as his ways were above ours , so were many of the Methods of his Working besides them ; and consequently , I thought it somewhat too bold and presumptuous to bring down Infinite Wisedom to our Rules , upon that score reproving the Custom of some Formal Preachers , who spend much pains to little purpose , in finding long Series of connection , where many times none were intended . This is the whole substance of what I said in this Affair , and at this period of the Conference the Disputer lost all patience , and with sufficient spight and rage told me , That I was an Atheist ; That he had indeed desired my Acquaintance , but would have no more on 't ; and so turn'd his back , and went away , giving me time only to Answer , That I had no great reason to lament the loss of an Acquaintance that could be so easily forfeited . Thus , Sir , you have the sincere Account of those Sayings , about which the Disputer hath raised such Tragical Stories . In them he hath accused me of Atheistical Assertions , and affirmed that I said , The Scripture was only written to mens phansies : Which Proposition he hath so ordered , as that many impious absurdities are deduced from it , and those must go for my Opinions . When as 't is so far from being true , that that Proposition came from me , that I understand not what it means : Only I can collect from it the Disputers Wrath , or somewhat he would be less willing to acknowledge . For either he really believes the Proposition he reports , to be the sense of mine , or he doth not ; If really he doth , I cannot excuse his Vnderstanding ; if not , I wonder at his Conscience . But that I may together explicate what I meant , and defend it , I add a brief account of my Saying , [ That God did much apply himself to the Imagination of the Prophets ; ] As to which , I observe , That both the Schoolmen ond others usually divide Prophesie into Intellectual and Imaginary . The former is from a Light immediately infused into the Vnderstanding ; the latter , when the Prophetick Spirit makes its first Impressions on the Imagination , by sensible and material Representments . As for the First , it was so rare , that not above one or two Instances are produced by the Learned in the kind , viz. MOSES and St. PAVL . Now commonly the degree of Mosaical Inspiration was distinguish'd from the Prophetical ; and the difference is plainly enough express'd Deut. xxxiv . x. And there arose not a Prophet since in Israel like unto MOSES , whom the Lord knew face to face . For the other Prophets , God saith , I will make my self known unto him in a Vision , and will speak unto him in a Dream : My Servant Moses is not so , with him I will speak mouth to mouth , Num. xxii . v , vi . — intimating a transcendent Priviledge to Moses above the Prophets , in the immediate way of application to his mind , without the mediation of sensible Impressions . And upon this account 't is said in the New-Testament , They have Moses and the Prophets ; implying the difference of the dignity and degree of their Inspiration . As for the second Instance of St. Paul , his case mentioned ii Cor. xxii . was Extasie , and may be omitted in our Discourse that concerns Prophetick Revelation ; But admitting it , this must be granted however , That the immediate Intellectual way was very rare , and therefore by way of eminency and distinction , 't is among the Rabbins call'd the Gradus Mosaicus . But for the second kind , viz. the Imaginary and Sensible , this was the ordinary sort of Inspiration , and this the meaning of my Assertion . That it was the usual way of influx upon the Prophets , appears from the mentioned place of Deut. xxxiv . And I will make my self known unto him in a Vision , and speak unto him in a Dream ; which was most evidently fulfilled in the latter days of Prophesie , when the Prophetick Illuminations went much this way . It might seem superfluous labour to give particular Instances in Ieremiah's Boyling Pot , his Rod , his Basket of Figs — In Daniels Tree and Four Beasts — In Ezechiel's Chariot , Wheels , Living Creatures — and such like , which in the Prophetick Writings scarce leave a page without example . Now it will not I conceive be denied by any one that understands what he saith , that these Representations were made upon the Stage of Imagination , and those Visa imprest on the Phancy . Upon this account it was that the Enthusiasms of later Prophets were much in Similitudes , Parables , and Allegories ; and so Ezechiel complains , Ah Lord , they say of me , Doth he not speak in Parables ? And a Lapide gives it for a general Rule , Prophetarum Visions & Revelationes communiter fuerunt Sensiles , sive Imaginarie . Rabbi Albo calls Prophesie an Influence from God upon the Mind by the mediation of the Phancy ; and Maimonides saith , That all the Degrees of Prophesie are contain'd in those two , a Dream and a Vision ; and Ioel ii . xxviii . mentions these as comprehensive of all the Degrees of Prophesie . But this thing is every where so clear in the Scripture , in the Rabbins , and the Writings of all Learned men that deal in those matters , that I think I need not say much more for proof . Only I take notice , That 't was the general belief of the Iewish Writers , and of the Christian Fathers and Schoolmen universally , confirm'd by the Authority of Scripture , That Angels were ordinarily the immediate Efficients by whose Ministry the Scene of Prophetick Representations was drest and order'd . This hath been evidently proved by the Learned Mr. Smith , in his Discourse of Prophesie ; and from hence I could infer , if there were need of more , That their menage of this Affair doth reasonably infer , That the Imagination had such a concern in it as I affirm . For 't is generally denied by the Schoolmen , whose Authority no doubt is great with our Disputer and others , That Angels can immediately imprint Conceptions and Apprehensions on the Vnderstanding ; which indeed , among other absurdities that I omit , would infer , That they have that grand Prerogative of the Omniscient , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Knowledge of Hearts , which the Scripture every where vindicates and appropriates to God only . What they do therefore , must be by Phantasms and Idea's imprest on the Phancy . They are the Internuncii and immediate Causes which present the Prophetick Visa ; and consequently , the Imagination and Sense are the chief Stage of their Representations . Now this was done divers ways , and the noble Picus Mirandula hath collected out of Maimonides no less than eleven , all which he calls Gradus Imaginarii , in opposition to the Gradus Mosaicus , which is the Intellectual . But 't is not proper for me to insist longer on a thing that is extrinsick to the main design of my Discourse . And it was too but the Conclusion and smallest part of our Conference ; Though the Disputer ( as far as I can hear ) reports nothing else as the matter of our difference , but these two things , about the Method of Scripture , and Gods applying to the Imagination of the Prophets ; either because he is ashamed to own the main Discourse , or else hath a Design to throw the odium upon me of Heterodoxy in Religion . When as indeed these came in but accidentally , and we had but a short Contrast about them , which I have faithfully related . The CONCLUSION . Containing Observations about the Censure of Atheism , applied to Philosophical Men ; and the Authors Apology to the ROYAL SOCIETY , and other generous Philosophers . BY this I believe you see how little Reason there was in the Disputer's Discourse , and how little Iustice in his foul Imputation ; upon the occasion of which , if you are not quite tired already , I shall by way of Conclusion offer you a Remarque or two concerning the Charge of Atheism , of which some fierce People are very liberal . About it I take notice , That Philosophical Men are usually dealt with by the zealous , as the greatest Patrons of the Protestant Cause are by the Sects . For as the Bishops and other Learned Persons , who have most strongly oppugned the Romish Faith , have had the ill luck to be accused of Popery themselves ; in like manner it happens to the humblest and deepest Inquisitors into the Works of God , who have the most and fullest Arguments of his existence , have raised impregnable Ramparts with much industry and pious pains against the Atheists , and are the only men that can with success serve Religion against the godless Rout ; These , Superstitious Ignorance hath always made the loudest out-cry against , as if themselves were guilty of that which they have most happily oppugned and defeated . And the certain way to be esteemed an Atheist by the fierce and ignorant Devoto's , is to study to lay the Foundations of Religion sure , and to be able to speak groundedly and to purpose against the desperate Cause of the black Conspirators against Heaven . This I confess hath been one of the chief Imployments of my time and thoughts ; and on this account I reckon , I must be content with my share in the abuse , when greater , and better , and deeper men have been pelted with this Dirt , while they have been labouring in the Trenches , and indeavouring to secure the Foundations of the Holy Fabrick . But besides I observe , That narrow , angry People take occasion to charge the freer Spirits with Atheism , because they move in a larger Circle , and have no such fond adherence to some Opinions which they adore and count Sacred . And for my own part , I confess I have not Superstition enough in my Spirit or Nature , to incline me to doat upon all the Principles I judge true , or to speak so dogmatically about them as I perceive confident and disputing men are wont . But contenting my self with a firm Assent to the few practical Fundamentals of Faith , and having fix'd that end of the Compass , I desire to preserve my Liberty as to the rest , holding the other in such a posture , as may be ready to draw those Lines , my Judgment ment informed by the Holy Oracles , the Articles of our Church , the Apprehensions of wise Antiquity , and my particular Reason , shall direct me to describe . And when I do that , 't is for my self , and my own satisfaction ; but am not concern'd to impose my Sentiments upon others : nor do I care to endeavour the change of their minds , though I judge them mistaken , as long as Vertue , the Interests of Religion , the Peace of the World and their own are not prejudiced by their Errours . By this modest indifference I secure Charity for all the diversities of Belief , and equally offer my Friendship and Converses to the several Sects and Perswasions , that stick to the plain Principles of the Gospel and a Vertuous Life , overlooking their particular fondnesses and follies . This is the Temper of my Genius , and this some warm Folks , who have more heat than light , are apt to call Scepticism and cold Neutrality : But that it deserves better names , I have made appear in some other . Papers ; and I have a little Interest to remarque further , That 't is the misfortune of men of Philosophical inclination , where they escape the reproach of the more desperate Atheism , at least to meet the imputation of a bordering impiety , the Contempt of the Holy Scriptures . I am not to answer for all the Pretenders to Philosophy : but this I can say , That those of the graver and better Genius , have such an apprehension of the Divine Oracles , as will effectually secure them from suffering diminution from any Disclosures in Nature : And that is , That those Holy Records speak for the most part in the Language of Sense , being suted to Plebeian Capacities , and intended for Instructions in Life and Manners ; not for nicer Informations in things of deeper Speculation and Theory . Upon which accounts they reckon , that we are not to expect from them the Propositions of Philosophy , nor to wonder or be stumbled though the literal Text do not answer Philosophical exactness , which is not the thing the inspired Book intends . So that whatever Discoveries are made by the Inquirers into Nature , the Sacred Authority stands firm , while they judge by this Rule of Interpretation . But of this again in a fitter place , at present my own Concerns call upon me to say somewhat for my self ; since my enrag'd Antagonist hath from our Discourse ( how justly we have seen already ) reported me an Enemy to the Scriptures . And now one would think it should be very needless and improper , that one who Ministers in the eternal Gospel , should say any more than what he doth twice every Week in those Publick Instructions drawn from the Sacred Volume , to justifie his being no despiser of it : But there are a sort of People with whom one perverse , illogical , uncharitable deduction of their own will signifie more , to fasten an odious thing upon him that dissents from them , than a thousand professions of his to the contrary can do to clear him from the malicious Charge . For such , 't is an happy turn that we are to be judged by a more equal Tribunal than theirs , and they would be loth to be tryed themselves by such Measures . Were these the only Persons I have to deal with , I should spare my self these pains ; for I know , what I write will not be more plain and credible than what I say . But others are to be consider'd , of more Christian and candid tempers , upon whom envious Traducers may fasten some odd thoughts and suspicions : To such I declare , That in my first Education I was continually instructed into a Religious and fast adherence to every thing I was taught , and a dread of dissenting in the least Article . This Discipline I underwent in my younger days , and thought very strangely of those that believed any thing different from the Opinions of my Instructors . But advancing in years , and coming to a freer exercise of mine own mind , I began to make Reflexions upon the vast diversities and variety of Apprehensions and Religions in the World ; I consider'd , That they were all as confident in their way , as I in that wherein I was instructed ; and the greatest part had nothing but their Education for their inducement . I thought how easie we are in our first Age ; and that though Children must believe , yet Men , especially those bred in the way of Study , must Try. I consider'd what I should first advise an Heathen or Mahometan to do , who had been bred up to Idolatry and Fables ; and upon the consult with my self , concluded , That it should be to look about him , and to examine other Religions , regarding his own with the same eye of indifferency and suspension , as if he had never been born under that Faith , which was a thing extrinsick and accidental , and therefore not fit to make an Argument to ingage a reasonable belief ; and when I had so thought , I turned the Tables , and took the same Counsel my self . I therefore bent my chief Studies and Endeavours to know the Truth of the Christian Faith ; and after the Foundations laid , in the settling the grand Article , The BEING OF A GOD , and the consequent Doctrines of Natural Theology , I sate me down to inquire about the Authority of the Holy Scriptures ; not that I positively doubted or distrusted their veracity , but that I might have a firm bottom , and be able to give an account of my Faith and Hope . In my Inquiry , the first Discourses I met with on the Subject did not at all satisfie , but seemed weak and hugely obnoxious : But in the progress of my search , I lighted on those grounds which ( I thank God ) . quieted my mind , and gave me the most Demonstrative assurance that the nature of the thing could bear , of the truth and certainty of those Sacred Writings , which undoubtedly contain the fullest Discoveries of the Divine wisdom and Perfections , which I infinitely admire ; and shall eternally adore that Goodness that blest the Sons of men with such clear Discoveries of his Will. And though I perceive that the Follies and Superstitions of Sects , who have the Holy Oracles always in their mouths , and press them for the Service of their conceits , have prejudiced some of the pretenders to Reason against them ; yet this I see , That the wiser , freer , better , and more reasonable any man is , the greater still is his Veneration of those Holy Records , and the relish of them increaseth with our Improvements in Vertue and Goodness . This Testimony I must give here , and more I have to say in another place . And now I had ended your trouble , but that upon the cast of my thoughts back I have considered , that my main business being the Recommendation and Advancement of the Modern Vseful Knowledge , I need make an Apology to the generous Friends of that way , and particularly the ROYAL SOCIETY , for my Discourse of Them , and those their great Designs , in a Treatise that contains matter of difference and contest , which are so fundamentally contrary to their Spirit and Endeavours ; and it may perhaps be feared , that some will take occasion hence to look on the Neoterick Philosophers as but a new sort of Disputers . To which I say , That for my publick appearance in a Controversie , I have already given such an Account , as may , I hope , satisfie the Candid and Ingenious of the necessity that inforced it ; and for the apprehension of raising mean and injurious thoughts of the Practical Philosophers , by defending them in a Book of Difference , I hope it is causeless , since I have from first to last represented their Aims and Designs as things very different , yea perfectly opposite to that Spirit and Genius ; and I shall now for a close assure you again , That there is nothing tends more to the undermining and supplanting the humour of Disputing , than ( the Experimental and Free Philosophy . For this inlargeth the Mind , and gives it a prospect of the vastness of things , and the imperfections of our Knowledge , the Difficulties that are to be incountred in the search of Truth , and our liableness to deception , the stumbles of Confidence , the prejudices of Education , the shortness of our Senses , the precipitancy of our Vnderstandings , and the malign influence of our Affections ; I say , the Free and Real Philosophy makes men deeply sensible of the infirmities of humane Intellect , and our manifold hazards of mistaking , and so renders them wary and modest , diffident of the certainty of their Conceptions , and averse to the boldness of peremptory asserting . So that the Philosopher thinks much , and examines many things , separates the Certainties from the Plausibilities , that which is presumed from that which is prov'd , the Images of Sense , Phansie , and Education , from the Dictates of genuine and impartial Reason . Thus he doth before he Assents or Denies ; and then he takes with him also a Sense of his own Fallibility and Defects , and never concludes but upon resolution to alter his mind upon contrary evidence . Thus he conceives warily , and he speaks with as much caution and reserve , in the humble Forms of [ So I think , and In my opinion , and Perhaps 't is so — ] with great difference to opposite Perswasion , candour to dissenters , and calmness in contradictions , with readiness and desire to learn , and great delight in the Discoveries of Truth , and Detections of his own Mistakes . When he argues he gives his Reasons without passion , and shines without flaming , discourses without wrangling , and differs without dividing . He catcheth not at the Infirmities of his Opposite , but lays hold of his Strength , and weighs the substance without blowing the dust in his eyes . He entertains what he finds reasonable , and suspends his judgment when he doth not clearly understand . This is the Spirit with which men are inspired by the Philosophy I recommend . It makes them so just , as to allow that liberty of judgment to others , which themselves desire , and so prevents all imperious Dictates and Imposings , all captious Quarrels and Notional Wars . And that this is the Philosophick Genius , may be shewn in a grand Instance , the ROYAL SOCIETY , which is the Great Body of Practical Philosophers . In this Assembly though it be made up of all kinds of Dispositions , Professions , and Opinions ; yet hath Philosophy so rarely temper'd the Constitution , that those that attend there , never see the least inclination to any unhandsom opposition or uncivil reflexion , no bold obtrusions or confident sayings . The forbearing such Rudenesses is indeed a Law of that Society , and their Designs and Methods of Inquiry naturally form men into the modest temper , and secure them from the danger of the quarrelsome Genius . This is palpable evidence of the sweet humour and ingenious Tendencies of the Free Philosophy ; and I believe 't will be hard to shew such another Example in any so great a Body of differing Inclinations and Apprehensions . Thus the Experimental Learning rectifies the grand abuse which the Notional Knowledge hath so long foster'd and promoted , to the hinderance of Science , the disturbance of the World , and the prejudice of the Christian Faith. And there is no doubt but as it hath altered and reformed the Genius in matters of natural Research and Inquiry ; so it will in its progress dispose mens Spirits to more calmness and modesty , charity and prudence in the Differences of Religion , and even silence Disputes there . For the free sensible Knowledge tends to the altering the Crasis of mens minds , and so cures the Disease at the root ; and true Philosophy is a Specifick against Disputes and Divisions . Thus I might run out into a large Discourse on this Subject ; but I have said enough for my present purpose , and I doubt too much for your patience ; and therefore I shut up with the assurance of my being , SIR , Your faithful Friend and Servant , JOS. GLANV●ILL . ERRATA . PAge 26. line 6. for Philophy read Philosophy . p. 30. l. 11. for Elipsis r. Ellipsis . Id. l. 19. p. 33. l. 18. for adserted r. affected . p. 39. l. 5. r. Anaximenes . p. 43. l. 16. r. one . Id. l. 24. r. Christophorus . p. 65. l. 26. r. Vegetables . p. 133. l. 24. r. 2 Cor. xii . THE CONTENTS . CHAP. I. The INTRODUCTION . page 1. CHAP. II. The ways of Improving Vseful Knowledge proposed . The Advantages this Age hath from the great Advancements of Chymistry and Anatomy . p. 9. CHAP. III. Another great Advantage of late Times , from the Improvements of Mathematicks ; particularly , of Arithmetick , Algebra , and Geometry , discourst by Instances . p. 19. CHAP. IV. Improvements in Geometry by Des Cartes , Vieta , and Dr. Wallis . p. 31. CHAP. V. The late Improvements of Astronomy . p. 38. CHAP. VI. Improvements of Opticks and Geography . p. 46. CHAP. VII . That Useful Knowledge is to be aided by Instruments . Modern Instances of such . Of the Telescope , Microscope , and Thermometer . p. 51. CHAP. VIII . Of the Barometer and Air-Pump , and what Advantages we have and may further expect from these Instruments . p. 59. CHAP. IX . The Credit of Optick-Glasses vindicated , against a Disputing Man who is afraid to believe his Eyes against Aristotle . p. 65. CHAP. X. Our Advantages for Knowledge from Modern Improvements of Natural History . p. 71. CHAP. XI . The Advantages of late Ages for spreading and communicating Knowledge . Three great Instances of it , in Printing , the Compass , and the Royal Society . p. 75. CHAP. XII . Of the ROYAL SOCIETY . The Reasons of the Institution , and their Designs . An Answer to the Question , What have they done ? p. 83. CHAP. XIII . An Account of what hath beeen done by the Illustrious Mr. Boyle , for the promotion of Useful Knowledge . p. 92. CHAP. XIV . A further Account of what that Gentleman of Honour hath by him , not yet publish'd , for the Advantage and Improvement of Real Knowledge . The Reasons we have to hope great Things from the Royal Society . p. 102. CHAP. XV. The Absurdity of making Comparison between the Advantages Aristotle had for Knowledge , and those of later Ages . p. 110. CHAP. XVI . The Reasons of some Mens Superstitious Adherence to the Notional way ; and of the Disputer that gave occasion to this Discourse . p. 115. CHAP. XVII . Of the Peripatick Philosophy , and Aristotle , as he concerns the Universities . p. 122. CHAP. XVIII . Some things else debated by the Author with the Disputer , about the Prophets and the Scriptures . The Imagination was ordinarily the immediate Subject of Prophetick Influx . p. 128. The CONCLUSION , Containing Observations about the Censure of Atheism , applied to Philosophical Men ; and the Author's Apology to the ROYAL SOCIETY , and other generous Philosophers . p. 137. Books newly Printed for James Collins at the Kings-Head in Westminster Hall. ABlow at Modern Sadducism , in some Philosophical Considerations about witchcraft . To which is added , The Relation of the Fam'd Disturbance by the Drummer , in the House of Mr. Iohn Mompesson . With some Reflections on Drollery and Atheism . By a Member of the Royal Society . 8 o. A Loyal Tear drop'd on the Vault of our late Martyr'd Sovereign , in an Anniversary Sermon on the Day of his Murther . 4 o. Two Discourses of Toleration , By Dr. Perrinchief : In Answer to two Discourses of Mr. Corbet's . 4 o. A Discourse of Subterraneal Treasure . 12 o. The Practice of Serious Godliness : Affectionately recommended and directed in some Religious Counsels of a Pious Mother to her dear Daughter . 12 o. The Triumphs of Rome over Despised Protestancy . 8 o. A Sermon preached before the Peers , in the Abby-Church at Westminster , Octob. 10. 1666. being the Fast-day for the late Fire . By Seth Lord Bishop of Exon. 4 o. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A42822-e10 Ex Aed . Lamb. Maii 2. 1668. 
A80720	----	A proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy. By A. Cowley. Proposition for the advancement of learning Cowley, Abraham, 1618-1667. 1661 Approx. 36 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A80720 Wing C6684 Thomason E2265_2 Thomason E1856_3 ESTC R202043 99862466 99862466 170474 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80720) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 170474) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 231:E1856[3] or 244:E2265[2]) A proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy. By A. Cowley. Proposition for the advancement of learning Cowley, Abraham, 1618-1667. P. P. [2], 53, [11] p. Printed by J.M. for Henry Herringman; and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the Blew-Anchor in the lower-walk of the New-Exchange, London : 1661. Dedication signed: P.P. The last leaf is blank. A reissue of "A proposition for the advancement of learning", with title page cancelled by a² (new title page and dedication). Annotation on Thomason copy E.1856[3]: "March 1660"; imprint date crossed through. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Royal Society (Great Britain) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Science -- History -- Early works to 1800. Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. Education -- Early works to 1800. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PROPOSITION For the ADVANCEMENT Of EXPERIMENTAL Philosophy . By A. COWLEY . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Henry Herringman ; and are to be sold at his Shop at the Sign of the Blew-Anchor in the Lower-Walk of the New-Exchange , 1661. To the Honourable Society for the Advancement of Experimental Philosophy . THe Author of the following discourse , having since his going into France allowed me to make it publick , I thought I should do it most right by presenting it to Your Considerations ; to the end that when it hath been fully examin'd by You , and receiv'd such Additions or Alterations as You shall think fit , the Design thereof may be promoted by Your recommending the Practice of it to the Nation . I am , Your most humble Servant , P. P. A PROPOSITION For the ADVANCEMENT Of LEARNING . By A. COWLEY . VIRG. O Fortunati quorum jam Maenia surgunt ! LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Henry Herringman , and are to be sold at his Shop at the Blew Anchor in the Lower-Walk of the New-Exchange , 1661. The Preface . ALL Knowledge must either be of God , or of his Creatures , that is , of Nature ; the first is called from the Object , Divinity ; the latter , Natural Philosophy , and is divided into the Contemplation of the Immediate or Mediate Creatures of God , that is , the Creatures of his Creature Man. Of this latter kind are all Arts for the use of Humane Life , which are thus again divided : Some are purely Humane , or made by Man alone , and as it were intirely spun out of himself , without relation to other Creatures , such are Grammar and Logick , to improve his Natural Qualities of Internal and External speech ; as likewise Rhetorick and Politicks ( or Law ) to fulfill and exalt his Natural Inclination to Society . Other are mixt , and are Mans Creatures no otherwise then by the Result which he effects by Conjunction and Application of the Creatures of God. Of these parts of Philosophy that which treats of God Almighty ( properly called Divinity ) which is almost only to be sought out of his revealed will , and therefore requires only the diligent and pious study of that , and of the best Interpreters upon it ; and that part which I call purely Humane , depending solely upon Memory and Wit , that is , Reading and Invention , are both excellently well provided for by the Constitution of our Vniversities . But the other two Parts , the Inquisition into the Nature of Gods Creatures , and the Application of them to Humane Vses ( especially the latter ) seem to be very slenderly provided for , or rather almost totally neglected , except onely some small assistances to Physick , and the Mathematicks . And therefore the Founders of our Colledges have taken ample care to supply the Students with multitude of Books , and to appoint Tutors and frequent Exercises , the one to interpret , and the other to confirm their Reading , as also to afford them sufficient plenty and leisure for the opportunities of their private study , that the Beams which they receive by Lecture may be doubled by Reflections of their own Wit : But towards the Observation and Application , as I said , of the Creatures themselves , they have allowed no Instruments , Materials , or Conveniences . Partly , because the necessary expence thereof is much greater , then of the other ; and partly from that idle and pernicious opinion which had long possest the World , that all things to be searcht in Nature , had been already found and discovered by the Ancients , and that it were a folly to travel about for that which others had before brought home to us . And the great Importer of all Truths they took to be Aristotle , as if ( as Macrobius speaks foolishly of Hippocrates ) he could neither deceive nor be deceived , or as if there had been not only no Lies in him , but all Verities . O true Philosophers in one sence ! and contented with a very Little ! Not that I would disparage the admirable Wit , and worthy labours of many of the Ancients , much less of Aristotle , the most eminent among them ; but it were madness to imagine that the Cisterns of men should afford us as much , and as wholesome Waters , as the Fountains of Nature . As we understand the manners of men by conversation among them , and not by reading Romances , the same is our case in the true Apprehension & Judgement of Things . And no man can hope to make himself as rich by stealing out of others Truncks , as he might by opening and digging of new Mines . If he conceive that all are already exhausted , let him consider that many lazily thought so hundred years ago , and yet nevertheless since that time whole Regions of Art have been discovered , which the Ancients as little dreamt of as they did of America . There is yet many a Terra Incognita behind to exercise our diligence , and let us exercise it never so much , we shall leave work enough too for our Posterity . This therefore being laid down as a certain Foundation , that we must not content our selves with that Inheritance of Knowledge which is left us by the labour and bounty of our Ancestors , but seek to improve those very grounds , and adde to them new and greater Purchases ; it remains to be considered by what means we are most likely to attain the ends of this vertuous Covetousness . And certainly the solitary and unactive Contemplation of Nature , by the most ingenious Persons living , in their own private Studies , can never effect it . Our Reasoning Faculty as well as Fancy , does but Dream , when it is not guided by sensible Objects . We shall compound where Nature has divided , and divide where Nature has compounded , and create nothing but either Deformed Monsters , or at best pretty but impossible Mermaids . 'T is like Painting by Memory and Imagination which can never produce a Picture to the Life . Many Persons of admirable abilities ( if they had been wisely managed and profitably employed ) have spent their whole time and diligence in commentating upon Aristotles Philosophy , who could never go beyond him , because their design was only to follow , not grasp , or lay hold on , or so much as touch Nature , because they catcht only at the shadow of her in their own Brains . And therefore we see that for above a thousand years together nothing almost of Ornament or Advantage was added to the Vses of Humane Society , except only Guns and Printing , whereas since the Industry of Men has ventured to go abroad , out of Books and out of Themselves , and to work among Gods Creatures , instead of Playing among their Own , every age has abounded with excellent Inventions , and every year perhaps might do so , if a considerable number of select Persons were set apart , and well directed , and plentifully provided for the search of them . But our Vniversities having been founded in those former times that I complain of , it is no wonder if they be defective in their Constitution as to this way of Learning , which was not then thought on . For the supplying of which Defect , it is humbly proposed to his Sacred Majesty , his most Honourable Parliament , and Privy Council , and to all such of his Subjects as are willing and able to contribute any thing towards the advancement of real and useful Learning , that by their Authority , Encouragement , Patronage , and Bounty , a Philosophical Colledge may be erected , after this ensuing , or some such like Model . The Colledge . THat the Philosophical Colledge be scituated within one , two , or ( at farthest ) three miles of Londòn , and , if it be possible to find that convenience , upon the side of the River , or very near it . That the Revenue of this Colledge amount to four thousand pounds a year . That the Company received into it be as follows . 1. Twenty Philosophers or Professors . 2. Sixteen young Scholars , Servants to the Professors . 3. A Chaplain . 4. A Baily for the Revenue . 5. A Manciple or Purveyour for the provisions of the House . 6. Two Gardeners . 7. A Master-Cook . 8. An Under-Cock . 9. A Butler . 10. An Under-Butler . 11. A Chirurgeon . 12. Two Lungs , or Chymical Servants . 13. A Library-keeper who is likewise to be Apothecary , Druggist , and Keeper of Instruments , Engines , &c. 14. An Officer to feed and take care of all Beasts , Fowl , &c. kept by the Colledge . 15. A Groom of the Stable . 16. A Messenger to send up and down for all uses of the Colledge . 17. Four old Women , to tend the Chambers , keep the House clean , and such like services . That the annual allowance for this Company be as follows . 1. To every Professor , and to the Chaplain , one hundred and twenty Pounds . 2. To the sixteen Scholars 20 l a piece , 10 l for their diet , and 10 l for their Entertainment . 3. To the Baily 30 l besides allowance for his Journeys . 4. To the Purveyour or Manciple thirty pounds . 5. To each of the Gardeners twenty Pounds . 6. To the Master-Cook twenty Pounds . 7. To the Under-Cook four Pounds . 8. To the Butler ten Pounds . 9. To the Under-Butler four Pounds . 10. To the Chirurgeon thirty Pounds . 11. To the Library-Keeper thirty Pounds . 12. To each of the Lungs twelve Pounds . 13. To the Keeper of the Beasts six Pounds . 14. To the Groom five Pounds . 15. To the Messenger twelve Pounds . 16. To the four necessary Women ten Pounds . For the Manciples Table at which all the Servants of the House are to eat , except the Scholars , one hundred sixty Pounds . For 3 Horses for the Service of the Colledge , thirty Pounds . All which amounts to three thousand two hundred eighty five Pounds . So that there remains for keeping of the House and Gardens , and Operatories , and Instruments , and Animals , and Experiments of all sorts , and all other expences , seven hundred & fifteen Pounds . Which were a very inconsiderable sum for the great uses to which it is designed , but that I conceive the Industry of the Colledge will in a short time so enrich it self as to get a far better Stock for the advance and enlargement of the work when it is once begun ; neither is the continuance of particular mens liberality to be despaired of , when it shall be encouraged by the sight of that publick benefit which will accrue to all Mankind , and chiefly to our Nation , by this Foundation . Something likewise will arise from Leases and other Casualties ; that nothing of which may be diverted to the private gain of the Professors , or any other use besides that of the search of Nature , and by it the general good of the world , and that care may be taken for the certain performance of all things ordained by the Institution , as likewise for the protection and encouragement of the Company , it is proposed . That some Person of Eminent Quality , a Lover of solid Learning , and no Stranger in it , be chosen Chancellour or President of the Colledge , and that eight Governours more , men qualified in the like manner , be joyned with him , two of which shall yearly be appointed Visitors of the Colledge , and receive an exact account of all expences even to the smallest , and of the true estate of their publick Treasure , under the hands and oaths of the Professors Resident . That the choice of the Professors in any vacancy belong to the Chancellour and the Governours , but that the Professors ( who are likeliest to know what men of the Nation are most proper for the duties of their Society ) direct their choice by recommending two or three persons to them at every Election . And that if any learned Person within his Majesties Dominions discover or eminently improve any useful kind of knowledge , he may upon that ground for his reward and the encouragement of others , be preferr'd , if he pretend to the place , before any body else . That the Governours have power to turn out any Professor who shall be proved to be either scandalous or unprofitable to the Society . That the Colledge be built after this , or some such manner : That it consist of three fair Quadrangular Courts , and three large grounds , enclosed with good walls behind them . That the first Court be built with a fair Cloyster , and the Professors Lodgings or rather little Houses , four on each side at some distance from one another , and with little Gardens behind them , just after the manner of the Chartreux beyond Sea. That the inside of the Cloyster be lined with a Gravel-walk , and that walk with a row of Trees , and that in the middle there be a Parterre of Flowers , and a Fountain . That the second Quadrangle just behind the first , be so contrived , as to contain these parts . 1. A Chappel . 2. A Hall with two long Tables on each side for the Scholars and Officers of the House to eat at , and with a Pulpit and Forms at the end for the publick Lectures . 3. A large and pleasant Dining-Room within the Hall for the Professors to eat in , and to hold their Assemblies and Conferences . 4. A publick School-house . 5. A Library . 6. A Gallery to walk in , adorned with the Pictures or Statues of all the Inventors of any thing useful to Humane Life ; as Printing , Guns , America , &c. and of late in Anatomy , the Circulation of the Blood , the Milky Veins , and such like discoveries in any Art , with short Elogies under the Portraictures : As likewise the Figures of all sorts of Creatures , and the stuft skins of as many strange Animals as can be gotten . 7. An Anatomy Chamber adorned with Skeletons and Anatomical Pictures , and prepared with all conveniencies for Dissection . 8. A Chamber for all manner of Druggs , and Apothecaries Materials . 9. A Mathematical Chamber furnisht with all forts of Mathematical Instruments , being an Appendix to the Library . 10. Lodgings for the Chaplain , Chirurgeon , Library-Keeper and Purveyour , near the Chappel , Anatomy Chamber , Library and Hall. That the third Court be on one side of these , very large , but meanly built , being designed only for use and not for beauty too , as the others . That it contain the Kitchin , Butteries , Brew-house , Bake-house , Dairy , Lardry , Stables , &c. and especially great Laboratories for Chymical Operations , and Lodgings for the Under-servants . That behind the second Court be placed the Garden , containing all sorts of Plants that our Soil will bear , and at the end a little House of pleasure , a Lodge for the Gardener , and a Grove of Trees cut out into Walks . That the second enclosed ground be a Garden , destined only to the tryal of all manner of Experiments concerning Plants , as their Melioration , Acceleration , Retardation , Conservation , Composition , Transmutation , Coloration , or whatsoever else can be produced by Art either for use or curiosity , with a Lodge in it for the Gardener . That the third Ground be employed in convenient Receptacles for all sorts of Creatures which the Professors shall judge necessary for their more exact search into the nature of Animals , and the improvement of their Uses to us . That there be likewise built in some place of the Colledge where it may serve most for Ornament of the whole , a very high Tower for observation of Celestial Bodies , adorned with all sorts of Dyals and such like Curiosities ; and that there be very deep Vaults made under ground , for Experiments most proper to such places , which will be undoubtedly very many . Much might be added , but truly I am afraid this is too much already for the charity or generosity of this age to extend to ; and we do not design this after the Model of Solomons House in my Lord Bacon ( which is a Project for Experiments that can never be Experimented ) but propose it within such bounds of Expence as have often been exceeded by the Buildings of private Citzens . Of the Professors , Scholars , Chaplain , and other Officers . THat of the twenty Professors four be always travelling beyond Seas , and sixteen always Resident , unless by permission upon extraordinary occasions , and every one so absent , leaving a Deputy behind him to supply his Duties . That the four Professors Itinerant be assigned to the four parts of the World , Europe , Asia , Afrique , and America , there to reside three years at least , and to give a constant account of all things that belong to the Learning , and especially Natural Experimental Philosophy of those parts . That the expence of all Dispatches , and all Books , Simples , Animals , Stones , Metals , Minerals , &c. and all curiosities whatsoever , natural or artificial , sent by them to the Colledge , shall be defrayed out of the Treasury , and an additional allowance ( above the 120 l ) made to them as soon as the Colledges Revenue shall be improved . That at their going abroad they shall take a solemn Oath never to write any thing to the Colledge , but what after very diligent Examination , they shall fully believe to be true , and to confess and recant it as soon as they find themselves in an Errour . That the sixteen Professors Resident shall be bound to study and teach all sorts of Natural , Experimental Philosophy , to consist of the Mathematicks , Mechanicks , Medicine , Anatomy , Chymistry , the History of Animals , Plants , Minerals , Elements , &c. Agriculture , Architecture , Art Military , Navigation , Gardening ; The Mysteries of all Trades , and Improvement of them ; The Facture of all Merchandizes , all Natural Magick or Divination ; and briefly all things contained in the Catalogue of Natural Histories annexed to My Lord Bacon's Organon . That once a day from Easter till Michaelmas , and twice a week from Michaelmas to Easter , at the hours in the afternoon most convenient for Auditors from London according to the time of the year , there shall be a Lecture read in the Hall , upon such parts of Natural Experimental Philosophy , as the Professors shall agree on among themselves , and as each of them shall be able to perform usefully and honourably . That two of the Professors by daily , weekly , or monethly turns shall teach the publick Schools according to the Rules hereafter prescribed . That all the Professors shall be equal in all respects ( except precedency , choice of Lodging , and such like priviledges , which shall belong to Seniority in the Colledge ) and that all shall be Masters and Treasurers by annual turns , which two Officers for the time being shall take place of all the rest , and shall be Arbitri duarum Mensarum . That the Master shall command all the Officers of the Colledge , appoint Assemblies or Conferences upon occasion , and preside in them with a double voice , and in his absence the Treasurer , whose business is to receive and disburse all moneys by the Masters order in writing , ( if it be an extraordinary ) after consent of the other Professors . That all the Professors shall sup together in the Parlour within the Hall every night , and shall dine there twice a week ( to wit Sundays and Thursdays ) at two round Tables for the convenience of discourse , which shall be for the most part of such matters as may improve their Studies and Professions , and to keep them from falling into loose or unprofitable talk shall be the duty of the two Arbitri Mensarum , who may likewise command any of the Servant-Scholars to read to them what he shall think fit , whilst they are at table : That it shall belong likewise to the said Arbitri Mensarum only , to invite Strangers , which they shall rarely do , unless they be men of Learning or great Parts , and shall not invite above two at a time to one table , nothing being more vain and unfruitful then numerous Meetings of Acquaintance . That the Professors Resident shall allow the Colledge twenty Pounds a year for their Diet , whether they continue there all the time or not . That they shall have once a week an Assembly or Conference concerning the Affairs of the Colledge and the progress of their Experimental Philosophy . That if any one find out any thing which he conceives to be of consequence , he shall communicate it to the Assembly to be examined , experimented , approved or rejected . That if any one be Author of an Invention that may bring in profit , the third part of it shall belong to the Inventor , and the two other to the Society ; and besides if the thing be very considerable , his Statue or Picture with an Elogy under it , shall be placed in the Gallery , and made a Denison of that Corporation of famous Men. That all the Professors shall be always assigned to some particular Inquisition ( besides the ordinary course of their Studies ) of which they shall give an account to the Assembly , so that by this means there may be every day some operation or other made in all the Arts , as Chymistry , Anatomy , Mechanicks , and the like , and that the Colledge shall furnish for the charge of the operation . That there shall be kept a Register under lock and key , and not to be seen but by the Professors , of all the Experiments that succeed , signed by the persons who made the tryall . That the popular and received Errours in Experimental Philosophy ( with which , like Weeds in a neglected Garden it is now almost all overgrown ) shall be evinced by tryal , and taken notice of in the publick Lectures , that they may no longer abuse the credulous , and beget new ones by consequence of similitude . That every third year ( after the full settlement of the Foundation ) the Colledge shall give an account in Print , in proper and ancient Latine , of the fruits of their triennial Industry . That every Professor Resident shall have his Scholar to wait upon him in his Chamber and at Table , whom he shall be obliged to breed up in Natural Philosophy , and render an account of his progress to the Assembly , from whose Election he received him , and therefore is responsible to it , both for the care of his Education , and the just and civil usage of him . That the Scholar shall understand Latine very well , and be moderately initiated in the Greek before he be capable of being chosen into the Service , and that he shall not remain in it above seven years . That his Lodging shall be with the Professor whom he serves . That no Professor shall be a married man , or a Divine , or Lawyer in practice , only Physick he may be allowed to prescribe , because the study of that Art is a great part of the duty of his place , and the duty of that is so great , that it will not suffer him to lose much time in mercenary practice . That the Professors shall in the Colledge wear the habit of ordinary Masters of Art in the Universities , or of Doctors , if any of them be so . That they shall all keep an inviolable and exemplary friendship with one another , and that the Assembly shall lay a considerable pecuniary mulct upon any one who shall be proved to have entered so far into a quarrel as to give uncivil Language to his Brother-Professor ; and that the perseverance in any enmity shall be punish'd by the Governours with expulsion . That the Chaplain shall eat at the Masters Table , ( paying his twenty pounds a year as the others do ) and that he shall read Prayers once a day at least , a little before Supper-time ; that he shall preach in the Chappel every Sunday Morning , and Catechize in the After-noon the Scholars and the School-boys ; that he shall every moneth administer the Holy Sacrament ; that he shall not trouble himself and his Auditors with the Controversies of Divinity , but only teach God in his just Commandments , and in his wonderful Works . The Schòol . THat the School may be built so as to contain about two hundred Boys . That it be divided into four Classes , not as others are ordinarily into six or seven , because we suppose that the Children sent hither to be initiated in Things as well as Words , ought to have past the two or three first , and to have attained the age of about thirteen years , being already well advanced in the Latine Grammar , and some Authors . That none , though never so rich , shall pay any thing for their teaching ; and that if any Professor shall be convicted to have taken any money in consideration of his pains in the School , he shall be expelled with ignominie by the Governours ; but if any persons of great estate and quality , finding their Sons much better Proficients in Learning here , then Boys of the same age commonly are at other Schools , shall not think fit to receive an obligation of so near concernment without returning some marks of acknowledgement , they may , if they please ( for nothing is to be demanded ) bestow some little rarity or curiosity upon the Society in recompence of their trouble . And because it is deplorable to consider the loss which Children make of their time at most Schools , employing , or rather casting away six or seven years in the learning of words only , and that too very imperfectly : That a Method be here established for the infusing Knowledge and Language at the same time into them ; and that this may be their Apprenticeship in Natural Philosophy . This we conceive may be done , by breeding them up in Authors , or pieces of Authors , who treat of some parts of Nature , and who may be understood with as much ease and pleasure , as those which are commonly taught ; Such are in Latine Varro , Cato , Columella , Pliny , part of Celsus , and of Seneca , Cicero de Divinatione , de Naturâ Deorum , and several scattered pieces , Virgil's Georgicks , Grotius , Nenesianus , Manilius ; and because the truth is we want good Poets ( I mean we have but few ) who have purposely treated of solid and learned , that is , Natural Matters ( the most part indulging to the weakness of the world , and feeding it either with the follies of Love , or with the Fables of gods and Heroes ) we conceive that one Book ought to be compiled of all the scattered little parcels among the ancient Poets that might serve for the advancement of Natural Science , and which would make no small or unuseful or unpleasant Volumn . To this we would have added the Morals and Rhetoricks of Cicero , and the Institutions of Quintilian ; and for the Comoedians , from whom almost all that necessary part of common discourse , and all the most intimate proprieties of the Language are drawn , we conceive the Boys may be made Masters of them , as a part of their Recreation and not of their task , if once a moneth , or at least once in two , they act one of Terences Comoedies , and afterwards ( the most advanced ) some of Plautus his ; and this is for many reasons one of the best exercises they can be enjoyned , and most innocent pleasures they can be allowed . As for the Greek Authors , they may study Nicander , Oppianus ( whom Scaliger does not doubt to prefer above Homer himself , and place next to his adored Virgil ) Aristotles History of Animals , and other parts , Theophrastus and Dioscorides of Plants , and a Collection made out of several both Poets and other Grecian Writers . For the Morals and Rhetorick Aristotle may suffice , or Hermogenes and Longinus be added for the latter ; with the History of Animals they should be shewed Anatomy as a Divertisement , and made to know the Figures and Natures of those Creatures which are not common among us , disabusing them at the same time of those Errours which are universally admitted concerning many . The same Method should be used to make them acquainted with all Plants ; and to this must be added a little of the ancient and modern Geography , the understanding of the Globes , and the Principles of Geometry and Astronomy . They should likewise use to declaim in Latine and English , as the Romans did in Greek and Latine ; and in all this travel be rather led on by familiarity , encouragement , and emulation , then driven by severity , punishment , and terrour . Upon Festivals and play-times they should exercise themselves in the Fields by riding , leaping , fencing , mustering and training after the manner of Souldiers , &c. and to prevent all dangers and all disorder , there should always be two of the Scholars with them to be as witnesses and directors of their actions ; In foul weather it would not be amiss for them to learn to dance , that is , to learn just so much ( for all beyond is superfluous , if not worse ) as may give them a graceful comportment of their bodies . Upon Sundays , and all days of Devotion , they are to be a part of the Chaplains Province . That for all these ends the Colledge so order it , as that there may be some convenient & pleasant Houses thereabouts , kept by religious , discreet , and careful persons , for the lodging and boarding of young Scholars , that they have a constant eye over them to see that they be bred up there piously , cleanly , and plentifully , according to the proportion of their parents expences . And that the Colledge , when it shall please God either by their own industry and success , or by the benevolence of Patrons ; to enrich them so far , as that it may come to their turn and duty to be charitable to others , shall at their own charges erect and maintain some House or Houses for the Entertainment of such poor mens Sons whose good Natural Parts may promise either Use or Ornament to the Common-wealth , during the time of their abode at School , and shall take care that it shall be done with the same conveniences as are enjoyed even by rich mens Children ( though they maintain the fewer for that cause ) there being nothing of eminent and illustrious to be expected from a low , sordid , and Hospital-like Education . Conclusion . IF I be not much abused by a natural fondness to my own Conceptions ( that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Greeks , which no other Language has a proper word for ) there was never any Project thought upon , which deserves to meet with so few Adversaries as this ; for who can without impudent folly oppose the establishment of twenty well selected persons in such a condition of Life , that their whole business and sole profession may be to study the improvement and advantage of all other Professions , from that of the highest General even to the lowest Artisan ? Who shall be obliged to imploy their whole time , wit , learning , and industry , to these four , the most useful that can be imagined , and to no other Ends ; first , to weigh , examine , and prove all things of Nature delivered to us by former ages , to detect , explode , and strike a censure through all false Monies with which the world has been paid and cheated so long , and ( as I may say ) to set the mark of the Colledge upon all true Coins that they may pass hereafter without any farther Tryal . Secondly , to recover the lost Inventions , and , as it were , Drown'd Lands of the Ancients . Thirdly , to improve all Arts which we now have ; And lastly , to discover others which we yet have not . And who shall besides all this ( as a Benefit by the by ) give the best Education in the world ( purely gratis ) to as many mens Children as shall think fit to make use of the Obligation . Neither does it at all check or enterfere with any parties in State or Religion , but is indifferently to be embraced by all Differences in opinion , and can hardly be conceived capable ( as many good Institutions have done ) even of Degeneration into any thing harmful . So that , all things considered , I will suppose this Proposition shall encounter with no Enemies , the only Question is , whether it will find Friends enough to carry it on from Discourse and Design to Reality and Effect ; the necessary Expences of the Beginning ( for it will maintain it self well enough afterwards ) being so great ( though I have set them as low as is possible in order to so vast a work ) that it may seem hopeless to raise such a sum out of those few dead Reliques of Humane Charity and Publick Generosity which are yet remaining in the World. FINIS . 
A67006	----	Brief instructions for making observations in all parts of the world as also, for collecting, preserving, and sending over natural things : being an attempt to settle an universal correspondence for the advancement of knowledg both natural and civil / drawn up at the request of a person of honour and presented to the Royal Society. Woodward, John, 1665-1728. 1696 Approx. 62 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A67006 Wing W3509 ESTC R7163 13713999 ocm 13713999 101528 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67006) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 101528) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 855:4) Brief instructions for making observations in all parts of the world as also, for collecting, preserving, and sending over natural things : being an attempt to settle an universal correspondence for the advancement of knowledg both natural and civil / drawn up at the request of a person of honour and presented to the Royal Society. Woodward, John, 1665-1728. [4], 20 p. Printed for Richard Wilkin ..., London : 1696. Written by John Woodward. Cf. DNB. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Methodology -- Early works to 1800. Scientific expeditions -- Early works to 1800. Scientific apparatus and instruments -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Brief Instructions For Making OBSERVATIONS IN ALL Parts of the World : AS ALSO For Collecting , Preserving , and Sending over NATURAL THINGS . BEING An Attempt to settle an UNIVERSAL CORRESPONDENCE for the Advancement of Knowledg both Natural and Civil . Drawn up at the Request of a Person of Honour : and presented to the ROYAL SOCIETY . LONDON : Printed for Richard Wilkin at the King's Head in St. Paul's Church-Yard , 1696. Imprimatur , Decemb. 29. 1695. Robert Southwell , V. P. R. S. Brief Instructions for the making Observations , and Collections , in order to the promotion of Natural History , in all parts of the World. I. At Sea. KEEP a Journal of the Ship 's Course : Of the Latitude , as often as taken : Of the Variation of the Compass : of the Soundings , observing what sorts of Shells , Sand , or other Matter is brought up with the Plummet . In Calmes , or with any other Opportunity , both at Main Sea , or elsewhere , sound to the Bottom , if all the Line or Tackle you have will reach it ; but if not , only note what Length of Line you used . In the said Journal also keep an Account of the Currents : of the Brizes , and other Winds , as well those which are settled and constant , as those which are accidental : of Storms and Hurricanes : of the Rise and Fall of the Weather-glass : Of the Weather , Heat and Cold , Fogs , Mists , Snow , Hail , Rain , Spouts or Trombs , vast Discharges of Water from the Clouds , Thunder , Lightning , Meteors , &c. Observe whether some Seas be not salter than others , or distant Parts of the same Sea differ not in Saltness : Whether the Water of the Sea be not warmer than ordinary , or suffer not some unusual Bubblings or Commotions before Storms , or there do not some other like uncommon Accidents forerun them , whereby they may be foreseen : What Voragines or Whirlpools appear at Sea , to what Distance the Force of their Flux or Stream extends , whether they only receive and swallow in the Water , or spue it forth , or , if both , with what Periods , i. e. at what time doth each begin and end : What sorts of Fowls occurr at Main Sea : What Fishes , what Weeds , Shrubs , or other things . In brief , take notice of every observable natural Occurrence throughout the whole Voyage , and this too in as full and circumstantial a manner as may be . II. Upon the Sea-shores . OBserve to what perpendicular Height the Sea rises at high-water : what Space of Time passes between the Ebb and Flood , and again , between Flood and Ebb : What kinds of Fish reside near the Shores , particularly what Shell-fish : What Fowl are most frequent there : What Weeds , Shrubs , &c. also what Shells , are flung up by the Sea : What Shrubs , Weeds , Mosses , Sponges , Coralls , or Coralline Bodies , e. g. Sea fans , Sea-roses , &c. grow out upon the Shores , Rocks , or Cliffs : What sorts of Pebbles , Flints , Marchasues , or other Stones , lie upon the Shores , or are washed out of the Cliffs , by the Tides , and beating of the Sea-waves : Whether there be not found Grains of Gold , or Silver , or Lumps of other Metalls , or Minerals , Amber , Crystal-pebbles , Agates , Cornelians , or other Stones that have somewhat observable in them , either for Lustre , Texture , or Figure ; and particularly Stones that resemble Muscles , Cockles , Periwinckles , or other Shells . But more especially take notice whether by great Inundations , Storms , or Hurricanes , there be not thrown up out of the Sea , some sorts of Shells that are not flung up ordinarily , and at other times ; as also whether upon the Seas beating down , and washing away the Earth from the Cliffs , there be not disclosed Glossopetrae , Teeth , Bones , or Shells of Fishes , that were originally lodged in those Cliffs , but since beaten and washed out , these being commonly somewhat decayed , as also more dusky , foul , and black , than those Shells , &c. which are thrown up by the Sea. In all such Places where there is any sort of Dyveing , and particularly for Pearls , observe what sort of Earth , Sand , or other Terrestrial Matter , is found at the Bottom of the Sea : What Weeds , Shrubs , &c. what Shells of all kinds , or other Bodies , taking a particular account of all the several kinds of Shell-fish that yield Pearl ; as also at what Distance from the Shores the diveing is made : To what Depth and how long the Dyvers can endure under Water . In the Coral-fishing observe in what Manner or Posture the Coral , particularly that which is shrubby , and the Sea-Fans grow ; whether upright , horizontally , or flatwise , or hanging with the Heads downwards : To what Bodies it grows or adheres : Whether it grow only in such Parts as are constantly covered by the Sea Water , or such only as are uncovered when the Tide is down , or both indifferently : If constantly under Water , whether in the the Shallower , or deeper Parts of it : And whether it grow chiefly in such Places of the Water that are calm , and still , or where it is more rough and agitated by beating against the Rocks , Cliffs , &c. Of how many several Colours it is : And to what Bigness both the rude Coralline Mass , and the Shrubs , and other Coralline Bodies ever arrive . The same Directions may serve indifferently for the Amber-fishers , with this only Addition , that they carefully observe whether the Amber be not also found in the Earth , and Cliffs , in all such Places where it is found upon the Shores : And whether that which is thrown up by the Seas Flood , may not justly be presumed to have been born down from the Cliffs by its foregoing Ebb. III. At Land. 1. TAKE an exact account of the Brizes , and other ordinary Winds , with the Quarter from whence they blow , what time they begin , and how long they last : Also of other Winds , Storms , and Hurricanes : As likewise of the Weather , Heat , Cold , Fogs , Mists , Snow , Hail , Rain , Thunder , Lightning , Meteors , &c. with the Seasons of the Year most obnoxious to these Rains , &c. Their Quantity : The Time of their Duration : keeping also a Register of the Weather-glasses , both Thermometer and Barometer . 2. The following Experiment being of considerable Importance , as serving to determine several Difficulties in the Natural History of Rains , Vapours , &c. and being likewise very easily tryed , it is desired it may be done with Care and Exactness in all Parts of the World. Get some Vessel either of Copper , Wood , or Earth , about 2. Foot wide , ( or if wider the better ) and at least a Foot and half deep ; be sure it be firm and sound , and that it do not leak in the least . Fill it about ¾ full of Water : Cover it over with a Net , or very thin fine Wier-grate , to keep off Birds , or other Creatures from drinking the Water ; and then set it forth , either upon the Leads of some flat-roof't House , or in the midst of a Garden , or some other fit Place , where the Sun may shine upon it all Day from Sun-rising to Sun-setting , or at least as much as may be . Then with some Rule or Measure take the just perpendicular Depth of the Water , noteing down the Depth , and the Day of the Month , and so leave the Vessel standing out . Once or twice a Week ( or oftner , if either the Rain be so much as to fill the Vessel , and endanger its running over , or the Heat and Drought such as to quite dry up all the Water , for either of these Accidents will elude the Experiment ) Visit the Vessel , and take nicely the Depth of the Water , noteing that Depth , ( in a Register to be kept for the purpose ) and the Day of the Month ; and if it be dry Weather , so that the Water is evaporated and sunk lower than it stood when the Vessel was first set forth , then put in just as much more Water as will raise it to its original Height : But if it hath rained , so that the Water is raised higher than it was when first set forth , after that the just Measure of it is taken , and noted down , take out so much of the Water as to reduce it to the Level at which it stood when first set forth . This Experiment ought to be continued thus for one whole Year at least , but longer if possible ; only during the Time of Frost , no Observation need be made , the Water in the Vessel then neither rising nor falling . 3. Let there be an account taken of all Springs ; both the standing or stagnant ones , and those which emit forth their Water , forming Brooks , and Rivers ; observing whether they rise out of high or low Grounds ; whether they be turbid or clear : hot or cold : Whether they ebb or flow : Whether they incrust or petrifie Sticks , Straws , or other Bodies that lie in them : Whether they contain Bitumen , Petroleum , Salt , Nitre , Vitriol , or other Mineral Matter in their Water : Upon what Occasions , or at what Seasons chiefly their Water encreases or decreases . In the Running Springs observe the Quickness of the Stream , and Quantity of the Water discharged . 4. As to Rivers , observe their ordinary Depth , Breadth , and the Quickness of their Stream : The several sorts of Fishes , particularly the Shell-fish in them : All sorts of Plants that grow in them . On their Shores take notice whether there be not Amber , Cornelians , or other Stones valuable either for their Colour , Texture , or Shape , and particularly whether any Stones that in Figure resemble the Shells of Muscles , Cochles , Perewinkles , or the like . The same Directions for the main may serve for Lakes and Meers , only it were to be wished that these were carefully sounded , and their Depths taken , in several Parts of them . 5. Observe the several sorts of Marls , Clays , Loams , or other Soils , at the Surface of the Earth : And whether there be not almost every where a Coat of one or other of these at the Surface , whatever else lyes underneath . Take an Account of the several sorts of Metalls that the Countrey yields : As also of the Minerals , Rock-salt , Allum , Vitriol , Sulphur , Nitre , Loadstone , Cinnabar , Antimony , Talk , Spar , Crystal , Diamonds , Amethysts , Topazes , Emeraulds , and other precious Stones : Their Number , and the manner of their Growth : Likewise of Marchasites , Amber ( for it is found in the Earth and at Land as well as at Sea ) Selenites , Belemnites , Flints , Pebles , &c. in what manner they are found , and at what Depths : In what Quantities , and whether the Metalls and Minerals are separate and pure , or mixt : Of what Figure they are , and whether the said Metalls . Minerals , precious Stones , &c. lie in the Beds of Earth , Cole , Chalk , Stone , &c. or in the Veins , Clefts , or perpendicular Intervals , of the Stone , Marble , &c. Endeavour to get Information whether Metalls or Minerals have a Natural Growth , or a Natural Decrease , in any Part of the Mine : And what Rules the Miners give for the Discovery of Metalls and Minerals latent in the Earth ; or by what Signs they find them . Also take Account of the several sorts of Stone , Marble , Alabaster , Cole , Chalk , Okers , Sands , Clays , and other Earths : Their Depths : The Thickness of their Strata or Beds : The Order in which they lie : the Situation of their Beds , whether level or not . In deep Quarries , Mines , Cole-pits , &c. observe in what manner the Water comes in : in what Quantity , and at what Season of the Year it abounds most : and whether it be clear and tasteless , or be impregnated with mineral matter . Take an account of the Damps : of what kind they are : what harm they do : at what season chiefly they happen : and whether there be not Sulphur , or Nitre , or both , in all Places where there are Damps . Observe also the Heat of Mines , by Assistance of the Weather-glass , if to be had , both Summer , and Winter , noteing how much it exceeds , or falls short of the Heat at the Surface of the Earth : and whether it be not greater at certain Depths , than at others . And enquire whether in Mines , Colepits , deep Grottoes , or Caverns , the Work men are not sensible of Gusts of Wind breaking forth of the B●owels of the Earth . 6. Get an Account of all Grottoes or Natural Caverns in the Earth : their Breadth , Depth , Length : what Rills or Rivers of Water passes them : what Metallick , Sparry , or other Mineral Incrustations cover their Stones , or hang down , like Iceycles , from them . Get an Account likewise of the several Mountains , and Rocks : the Stone , Marble , or other matter , of which they consist ; what Plants grow upon them : what Metalls or Minerals they yield : what Springs or Rivers issue out of them : the Heighth of them : especially it is much to be desired that the height of Pico Teneriffe , of the highest Alps , and Pyrenaees , of Mount Atlas , of the Mountain called the Table , nigh the Cape of good Hope , of the Armenian , Persian , and Chinese Mountains , and of the Andes , and other high Mountains in America , were exactly taken by Observation . Enquire farther , whether they are not by little and washed away by Rains , and so become lower : whether their Tops be not covered with a Fog , or Mist ; especially before Rain : whether some of the highest of them have not their Tops covered with Snow , a great part , or all the Year : whether at some times great Quantities of Water do not burst forth of them ; with the Season that this happens , and whether attended with Heat , Thunder , Lightning , Storms , or what other Circumstances : whether some of them emitt not Sulphureous , or other Steams , Flores Sulphuris , Nitre , or Sal-Ammoniack : whether any send forth Heat , Smoke , or Flames , as Aetna , and other Volcanoes do : and whether near such there be not constantly Thermae or Hot-springs . 7. But in regard that Sea-shells , Teeth , and Bones of Fishes , &c. are found very plentifully in England , and many other Countries , as well upon the Surface of the Earth , and the Tops of the highest Hills , as within the Earth , in Cole-pits , Mines , Quarries , &c. the said Shells , Teeth , &c. being lodged amongst the Cole , in the Mass and Substance of even the hardest Stone , Marble , &c. 't is very extremely desirable that careful search be made after these things in all Parts of the World , and an account kept where-ever they are found ; particularly search ought to be made after these Shells , and other Bodies , at the Tops , and on the Sides of Rocks , and the Stone of the said Rocks be broken with Hammers , or other fit Instruments , to discover the Shells lodged within the Stone . And it would be of very great Use if the Top of Pico Teneriffe , and of the rest recited in the foregoing Section , and indeed of all high Mountains whatsoever , were thus well examined by those who have Opportunity of doing it . Search likewise ought to be made upon the Surface of the Earth for the aforesaid Sea-shells , and for Stones that resemble them , especially upon the higher Grounds , as Hills , and particularly those which are plowed , where these Shells are very frequently found in great Numbers , and this too at great Distances from any Sea. But above all , where-ever there is any digging for Metalls , Minerals , Marble , Stone , Chalk , Cole , Gravel , Marl , or in short any other terrestrial matter whatever , if due Enquiry be made , there will be found of the abovenamed Shells in the said Marble , Stone , Chalk , Marl , &c. And in the Cole , and Stone above it , are frequently found Fern and other Plants , and sometimes in other Stone too , especially that which is very fine and compact . Wherever these Shells , Teeth , Plants , &c. are found , the Enquirer may please to note , along with the Place , what sorts of Shells they are : and whether they be of the same kinds with those found upon the Shores of those Parts or not : in what Numbers they are found : at what Depths : and what Earth , Sand , or other Matter , they contain in them . 8. In Stone , Marl , &c. there are sometimes found Trees , of several kinds , buried , and , along with them , Nuts , Acorns , Pine-Apples , &c. but much more commonly are the said Trees found buried in Moores , Boggs , and Fenns , especially those out of which the Peat-Earth , or bituminous Turfs are digg'd for Fewel . Where Trees are thus found , be pleas'd to Note what kinds of Trees they are : and whether there be of the same sorts now growing in the Country : what bigness they are : and whether they be intire , with roots , and branches , as well as Trunks : in what numbers they are found : at what depth in the Earth : in what kind of Earth , or other matter , it is that they lye : and what else is found along with them . 9. Take an account of the more observable and peculiar Diseases of the Country , with what seasons of the year are most subject to them : and of the other Casualties , particularly Earthquakes , noting all circumstances that precede , attend , and follow after them : e. g. the condition and temperature of the Air , as to heat and cold , wet or dry , thick or clear , calm or windy , before the Earthquake : and whether the Springs are warm , turbid , or emitt Sulphureous or other offensive steams : noting likewise the extent of the Shock , to what distance it was felt , and whether in all places precisely at the same minute of time : how great was the force of the Shock : whether it crackt and tore the earth : removed any tract of Ground : raised , or sunk it in : whether any heat , fire , water , &c. issued out at the said Cracks : whether , in case there be any Vulcanoes , or burning Mountains , near , they emitt not flames with greater violence and noise than usual , at the time of the Earthquake , or a little before , or after it : or whether they spue not forth water : whether the Water of the Wells , Springs , and Rivers thereabouts do not become warm , turbid , or send forth more Water than usual , at the time of the Earthquake : whether the Neighbouring Thermae , or Hot-springs , if any , become not more hot , and muddy , than before ; whether the Sea adjacent does not become warm , or hot , and suffer great Commotions , and extraordinary Tides , at that time : whether there follow not great winds , rains , thunders and lightning after the Earthquake is over : and whether fevers , and other distempers do not then invade the inhabitants of those parts , yea the very beasts , fowl and fish : whether lastly , Earthquakes happen in any , unless mountainous , cavernous , and stoney , Countries , and in such as yield Sulphur and Nitre . 10. As to the vegetable and animal productions of the Earth , observe whether the Country be fruitful or barren ; what kinds of Trees , shrubs , and herbs it produceth that we have , and what kinds that we have not in England : whether in those Countries that lye betwixt the Tropicks , the Plants be not all in perpetual verdure , without ever falling all their leaves : and whether they have flowers , green , and ripe fruit upon them all the year round : or whether there be any of those sorts of Plants there which are called annual ones , and dye yearly : or any whose taps , and all , save their roots , dye away , and sink into the ground for some time , but afterwards spring forth and grow up afresh , as Daffadils , Tulips , and other bulbous Plants , do here : also what Fowls , what Beasts , Serpents , Lizards : what Flies , Moths , Locusts ; what Beetles , Grashoppers , Spiders or other Insects : what Tortoises , Snails , or other Creatures cover'd with Shells , are found living upon the Earth . An Appendix relating to the Natives of Guinea , Monomotapa , and other the less known parts of Africa : of the East , and West Indies : Tartary , Greenland , or any other remote , and uncivilized , or Pagan Countries . 1. AS to their Bodies , observe the features , shapes , and proportions of them ; but more particularly the features of their faces : their Eyes whether large , or small : their noses whether flat and low , or sharp and raised : their Hair long , or short and curled or woolly : the colour of their Skin whether white , brown , tawny , olive , or black : the colour of their Infants when first born : whether white people removing into hot Countries become by degrees browner , &c. and Blacks removing into cold Countries , paler : whether People that inhabit the Countries which are hottest , be in Complexion of all the blackest : whether there be true Negroes Natives of any parts of the world , besides Guinea , and the adjacent parts of Africa . Observe also the size or bigness of their Bodies : their strength , agility , &c : and to what age they commonly live . Observe likewise whether they paint their bodies : what parts of them they paint , what colours they lay on : what figures they paint : and how they do it . 2. Observe their Tempers , Genius's , Inclinations , Virtues , and Vices . 3. Enquire into their Traditions concerning the Creation of the World , the universal Deluge , the People from whom they are descended , and the Country from which they Originally came . 4 Enquire into their Notions touching the Supreme God , Angels , or other inferiour Ministers : whether they pay any worship or reverence to the Sun , the Moon , the Earth ; to high Mountains , to Rocks , Grottoes , or Caves in the Earth : to the Sea , Lakes , Rivers , Springs : to Serpents , or other Animals : to Trees , Woods , or Groves : and whether they do not use to build their Temples , and set up their Altars , or Images , in Groves . Enquire into all their other Religious Doctrines , and Ceremonies : their Sacrifices : whether they offer Men , or Children : their Idols : their Priests : their Temples , Altars , Feasts : their Lustrations , or Purifying themselves by Water : their Sortileges , or casting of Lots : their Divinations , Charms , and Conjurations : Also their opinions concerning the Devil , and whether they pay any sort of adoration to him : likewise their Doctrines concerning the Soul ( its Immortality , its Transmigration into men , or other Creatures , ) and a future State : their Customs and Usages at the birth of Children , and in the education of youth : their Ceremonies at Marriages , at Funerals , and whether they burn , or bury their Dead : if the latter , whether they embalm the body , or dry it , and bury money , Victuals , Cloths &c. along with it : the form of their Year : the time it begins : the method of their Computation of time , and to how many years backwards their Tradition reaches . 5. Get an Account of their Laws , and Civil Government : their Language , their Learning : their Letters , and whether they write on Paper , the leaves of Palms , or other Plants , Bark of Trees , &c. or , instead of writing , use Painting , and Hieroglyphicks : their Musick : their Diet : their Agriculture , or Tillage : their methods of Hunting , Fowling , and Fishing : their Physick , Surgery , and the Simples they use : their Poysons ; their Navigation , and the make of their Vessels : all their other Arts , and Sciences : their Manufactures , Traffick , Commodities , Money , Weights and Measures ; whether they understand the melting and ordering Iron , and other Metals : their Apparel : their Houses , and other Buildings : their Utensils and Instruments , whether made of Iron , Stones , Fish-bones , Shells &c. their Exercises , and Sports : their Government and Discipline in War : their Weapons , Bows , Arrows , Darts , &c. their Warlike Instruments , Drums , Tambours , Cymbals : their Punishments , and Executions . To be brief , make enquiry into all their Customs and Usages , both Religious , Civil , and Military ; and not only those hinted in this Paper , but any others whatever . Directions for the Collecting , Preserving , and Sending over Natural things , from Foreign Countries . 1. IN the Choice of these Things , neglect not any , tho' the most ordinary and trivial ; the Commonest Peble or Flint , Cockle or Oyster-shell , Grass , Moss , Fern , or Thistle , will be as useful , and as proper to be gathered and sent , as any the rarest production of the Country . Only take care to choose of each the fairest of its kind , and such as are perfect or whole . As to the Number , six or eight of each sort is enough ; But where so many of the same sort are not to be easily got , send one , two , or more as they can be procured . 2. For the time of making Observations none can ever be amiss ; there being no season , nor indeed hardly any place wherein some Natural Thing or other does not present it self worthy of Remark : yea there are some things that require Observation all the Year round , as Springs , Rivers , &c. Nor is there any Season amiss for the gathering Natural Things . Bodies of one kind or other presenting themselves at all times , and in Winter as well as Summer ; only for Amber , Onyxes , and other Stones that lye in the Sea Cliffs : as also for the Glossopetrae , Teeth , and Shells that are there , search may be made to best purpose after Storms , because they are then chiefly beaten and washed out of those Cliffs . So likewise for the Gold Grains , Stones of all sorts , and Shells that are found upon Mountains , search ought to be made especially after Rains , because these wash of the Soil , and so discover them . 3. It were very well that there were sent over hither some Specimens of all Natural Bodies whatever : To begin with Fossils ; Let there be sent Samples of all the several Varieties of Marble , Ores of Metals , Native Minerals of all kinds , e. g. of Antimony , Sulphur , Nitre , Alum , Talck , Sparr , &c. of the Metallick , Sparry , Vitriolick , Nitrous , Aluminous , and other Iceycles that are found hanging down in Grottoes , and the Fissures of Rocks : the Crystallized Sparrs , Salts and Ores : common Pebles , Flints , Marchasites , &c. I call that a Variety wherein there is any difference as to Colour or outward Appearance , or in Weight , in the Quantity of the Metallick or Mineral matter or in the manner of its mixture . Of the forementioned , three or four of each Variety will be enough : but for Agates , Cornelians , Amber , Crystal , Diamonds , Amethysts , Selenites , Belemnites , or ( as the Vulgar calls them ) Thunderbolts , and the like , be pleased to send ( of those which are found single and loose ) six or eight of each , wherein there is any difference in Figure , Bigness or Colour : but for those which grow together ( in Clusters or Bunches ) to the Rocks , send Samples of them with part of the Rock to which they grow . As to those Stones that resemble Cockles , or other Shells , be sure to send six or eight of each wherein there is any the least difference , &c. For the Sea-shells , Teeth and Bones , that are found at Land , on Hills , &c. and those which are digged up out of the Earth , and lye loose in Gravel , Chalk , Marle , &c. six or eight of each sort will be sufficient ; but for those which are found lodged in Marble or Stone , and are not easily got out single , send pieces of the said Marble and Stone , of all sorts , with the Shells so lodged in them ; choosing only to break off ( for these Samples ) such parts of the Stone that contain the fairest and most entire Shells , and such wherein they lye thickest . The same likewise for the Fern , and other Plants found in Cole , Slate , &c. It were also not amiss that there were Samples sent over of the Nitre , Sal Ammoniac , Flores Sulphuris , Cinders , and other Bodies , that are flung forth of the Vulcanoes . 4. In order to the sending over these Stones , Minerals , Ores , Fossil-Shells , Teeth , &c. each ought to be put up carefully in a piece of Paper ( the Place where 't was found being first noted thereon ) by it self , to prevent rubbing , fretting , or breaking in Carriage : and then all put together into some Box , Trunk , or old Barrel , placing the heaviest and hardest at the Bottom . Those Minerals which are tender and easie to be broken , as also the tenderer kinds of Fossil-shells , ought to be put up carefully together in a Box that is not large , and ( besides the Papers ) Coton , Chaff , or Bran , put up with them , the better to secure them . 5. As to Plants ( as well those that grow at Sea , in Rivers , and Lakes , as those which grow at Land ) four Samples of each kind ( wherever there is any difference in Colour , or Figure , of the Leaf or Flower ) will be sufficient . Where the Plant is large , as in Trees , Shrubs , and the like , a fair sprig , about a foot in length , with the Flower on , 〈◊〉 if that be to be had , may suffice : but of the lesser Plants , such as Sea-Weeds , Grasses , Mosses , Ferns , &c. take up the whole Plant , root and all . Chuse all these Samples of Plants when they are in prime , I mean in Flower , Head , or Seed , if possible ; And if the lower or ground Leaves of any Plant be different from the upper leaves , take two or three of them , and put them up along with the Sample . 6. To preserve these Samples of Plants , put them each separately , betwixt the leaves of some large Book , or into a Quire of brown Paper , displaying and spreading them smooth and even . The next day , and afterwards three or four times at due distance , shift them into other Books or Paper , till they are sufficiently dryed , when a weight may be laid upon them to press and smooth them ; and so keep them , in some dry place , till they be sent over , sending them in Quires of brown Paper , and writeing on the outside in what Country the inclosed Collection of Plants were gathered . For , both for these , and all other things , 't will be proper to put up the Productions of each Country apart , or at least with such distinction that it may be known whence they all came . 7. Be pleased likewise to send Samples of Seeds of all kinds of Plants , even the most Wild and Common . But gather them not till they are Ripe , and then put each sort by it self in a piece of Paper , and , along with it ( if to be had ) a leafe and flower of the Plant off which 't was gathered , writing on the said Paper the Names ( if any ) by which the Country people call the Plants to which they belong'd , and the Medicinal , or other uses , they make of them . Also Samples of such Nuts , Pods , Berries , or other Fruits , that will keep . But both these and the Seeds ought to be well dryed before they are put up , and to be afterwards kept dry . I had like to have forgot to desire that Patterns might be sent over of all such Woods , Barks , Roots , Gumms , Rosins , Nat. Balsoms , &c. that are of any use , or have any thing remarkable in them : likewise of all sorts of Fuss-balls , and Mushrooms which are hardy and will keep , as most of those that grow out of Trees will : but for the Earth-Mushrooms , which are more tender , they ought to be put up in Glasses filled with Rum or Brandy ; many of them being so very elegant and curious , as well to deserve such care in the preserving of them . 8. In like manner Roots of Plants would be very acceptable . And there are many Sorts of them that , with very little trouble , might be so ordered that they would grow again when brought over , and set here , tho after a long Voyage . Particularly those which are Bulbous , Tuberous , and Fleshy ; Such as the Roots of Tulips , of Lillies , Crocus's , Onions , Garlicks , Squills , Anaemonies , Potatoes , Yaums , &c. These , I say , and all like Roots , may be sent as easily and safely as Seeds , if taken up out of the Ground , and laid to dry till the Ships come away , and then only put in very dry Moss , Coton , or Sand. Then for all kinds of Ferns , or Brakes , Maiden-Hairs , Polypodyes Harts-tongues &c. which are indeed a very Beautiful Family of Plants , their Roots may be taken up , ( to be in readiness ) and laid again into the Ground , and covered there , in some shady place , till the Ships are ready to Sail ; when each root need only be enclosed or wrapt up in a lump of Clay or Loame , and then put up into a Box with Moss , and so sent over . In the same manner may Roots of Gingers , Turmericks , Flower-de-luces , and the like be sent . As also of all sorts of Arums , or Cuckopints , Herb-Dragons , &c. 9. Yea the very intire Plants themselves will , several of them , keep so long that they may be securely sent over hither ; and will , if Set , grow afterwards , and thrive well enough . Such as all the kinds of Aloes , Semporvives House-leeks , Prickley-Pears , Turks-Caps , Euphorbiums , Torch-thistles , or indeed any others that are of a very juicey , crass , or thick substance . These need only be hanged up in the Air , at the top of some Cabbin , to keep them from rotting , and they will come safe without any further trouble . 10. For all larger Creatures , whether Beasts , Fish , or Fowl , 't will be best to take off their Skins carefully and well , and send only one or two of each . But for the lesser Creatures , such as small Birds , and Fishes , Lizards , Camelions , Salamanders , Serpents , and such like , they may be most of them well enough preserved by drying , especially if their Guts and Entrails be taken out . Unless you rather think fit to put some of the more rare , curious , and tender , into small Jarrs , filled with Rum , Brandy , or Spirit of Wine , which will keep them extremely well ; and you may safely put as many of them into the same Vessel as it will well hold without crowding them , filling it up afterwards with Rum , &c. and then carefully closeing it up . Of each of these three or four will be enough . 11. As to Sponges ; Brain-stones , Sea-fanns , Sea-roses , Corals of all sorts , Crabs , Lobsters , Sea , River , and Land Shells , whether common or uncommon , great or small , send five or six of each , wherein there is any Difference in Figure , Colour or Bigness . Of the Shells , where they are easie to be got , chuse those that have the Creatures still living in them ( which yet ought to be pluckt out , or they will putrifie and stink ) such being by much the freshest and fairest : but where such are not to be got , take the empty and dead Shells as you find them ; only of the Bivalves or double Shells , endeavour to send both the upper and under Shell together . The several sorts of Starr-fishes , and of those round Shells ( beset with Spikes or Prickles ) which are called Sea-eggs , or Sea-urchins , are all very beautiful , and deserve well to be preserved . The Starr-fishes may be very easily dried , or put up into Brandy , and so sent . But the Sea-urchins are very tender and brittle , so that 't is not so easie to preserve them , especially with their Spikes on , which 't is greatly desirable might be done ; and of all , those that are beset with the largest Spikes , are the most rare and curious , so that too great Care and Exactness cannot be bestowed in Preservation of them . If they will not dry well , they ought to be put up , each by themselves in Vessels of Brandy , e. g. Gallypots just big enough to contain them , so that they may not shake , and be thereby dispoiled of their Prickles . But if any of them are capable of being dried , they may be put up ( with their Spikes on ) carefully with Coton in Pill-boxes that just fit them . At the fishings for Pearl , Amber , or Coral , save Samples , not only of the several sorts of Pearl-shells ( as also of the Pearls themselves of all Sizes , Figures , and Colours ) of Corals , and of Amber , but any other thing , whatever it be , that either the Divers , the Nets , or the Engines , bring up out of the Sea along with them . These several sorts of Shells , Corals , &c. ought to be put up each in Paper , and then all into some Box , with Coton , Bran , or Chaff , and great care taken of those that are small , tender , and brittle . 12. The greatest Difficulty of all will be to preserve , and send over safe , the Flies and Insects , by reason of the great Tenderness of them . Endeavour to procure some of all the several sorts of these , not exceeding 3. or 4. of each . Worms , Grubbs , Caterpillars , Spiders , Beetles , Grashoppers , &c. will keep best if put up , as many as conveniently may together , in Bottles with Brandy , &c. But the several sorts of Flies , Bees , Wasps , Butterflies , &c. ought to be put upon Pins , and stuck to the Bottoms , Sides , and Tops of small Boxes ; but care must be taken that they stick very fast , for if one of them fall off and get loose , 't will tumble about , and so break and destroy all the rest that are in the Box. 13. It were likewise not amiss to send over some of the Idols of the East or West Indians , or any other of the less civilized Nations , as also of their Pictures : their Writing , whether upon Paper , or the Leaves or Bark of Trees : their Money , Weights , Measures : their Instruments of any kind : their Domestick Utensils : their Habits , or the things they wear , Skins of Beasts , Feather-dresses , Rings , Beads , &c. their Medicines : their Poysons : their Musical Instruments : their Weapons , Bows , Arrows , Darts , especially those that are headed or pointed with Flints , Bones , or Shells : their Drums and Tambours , &c. But for these , and especially for the natural things , that are thus sent over , great Caution ought to be used that the Boxes wherein they are , be not turned topsyturvy , or much tumbled and shaken in carrying to and from the Ship. And above all , that the things be not broken , or risled and confounded by the Custom-house Officers and Searchers ; which may be prevented by giving timely notice to your Correspondents here to get a Warrant , from the Honourable the Commissioners of the Customs , that the Cases and Boxes may not be searched on Ship-board , but brought into the Custom-house Ware-house , and that some careful person attend there at their opening , to see that no Inconvenience or Damage befall them . There remains now only one thing more to be hinted , and that is , in regard the Observations to be made both at Sea and Land are very many , and the Plants , Minerals , and Animals , to be collected , are also very numerous , 't is not expected that any one single Person will have leisure to attend to so many things , and therefore 't is only requested that he make such Observations and Collections , more or less , as may be best suitable to his Convenience , and to his Business . If there be never so few Observations made , or things collected , yet even they will be very gratefully received . But for such curious , and inquisitive Persons who shall generously bestow a yet greater Diligence and Application in the Promotion of these many of them so very useful and considerable Parts of Knowledge , the learned and better Part of Mankind will be so much the more highly obliged unto them . And here are many of these things , especially the gathering and preserving of Insects , Shells , Plants , Minerals , &c. may be done by the Hands of Servants ; and that too at their spare and leisure times : or in Journies , in the Plantations , in Fishing , Fowling , &c. without Hindrance of any other Business , the things herein desired being common , and such as ( one or other of them ) occur in almost all Places . Some Additions to be inserted each in their proper Places . WHether some Seas be not salter than others . ] This may be tryed partly by boyling or evaporating an equal Quantity of the Water of different Seas , and then observing what Proportion of Salt each yields : and partly by finding the several Gravities of the Waters of the said Seas by means of the Instrument mentioned Numb . 4. in the List beneath . By the same Instrument may the Weight of the Waters of Mineral-springs , Hot-bathes , and Lakes , be tryed ; which it were to be wish'd might be done in all Places . But above all , Enquiry should be made whether the Sea , in some Parts of it , and Lakes , have not their Water impregnated with Nitre and other Minerals besides Salt. This may be discovered by the Taste or Smell of the Water : by evaporating it , or some other proper means . The different Colour , Thickness , , and Muddiness of the Water of the Sea and Lakes ought likewise to be noted . What perpendicular Height the Sea rises at high-water . ] I mean how much it rises above the Level of low-water . Observe further at what time of the Moon , and seasons of the Year , the Sea ebbs lowest , or flows highest in any Place ; not neglecting to note all other Accidents and Circumstances of the Tydes whatever they be . Things flung upon the Shores by the Sea. ] Amongst the rest look diligently for Amber-gris , the Natural History of which is yet very little known . 'T is supposed to be cast out by the Sea ; but whether it be so really , or be drawn out of the adjacent Cliffs ( as many other Bodies are , that were supposed to be owing to the Sea ) is to be determined by future Enquirers ; who would do well not only to make this a Part of their Consideration , but to observe likewise its colour , smell , and taste : The Quantity of it : what other Bodies are mixt with it , or lye near it : Also the condition of the Sea thereabouts , whether turbulent usually , or calm : whether the Water be frothy or oyly ; and , to be short , all other circumstances that may give any light into this matter . Of Winds . ] Also of the different Effects , Constitutions , and Temperatures of Winds , which hot , which cold : which moist , or attended with Mists , or Rain : which dry , &c. Of Springs . ] And whether there do not sometimes happen extraordinary Eruptions , or vast discharges of water out of them , without any externally apparent Cause . The same also concerning Lakes : as likewise concerning Grottoes . Rivers . ] And whether these do not also suffer sudden and unusual Eruptions of Water forth of their Sources : whether they have not periodical Inundations , occasioned by the great Rains that fall at certain Seasons , as the Nile , Ganges , and several other Rivers have : how high the Tides rise at their Ostia or outlets , and how far they flow up them ; with the periods , of the flux or reflux . Mines . ] How deep are the deepest Mines and Colepits : whether there be not water continually draining and ouzing through the Ores of Metals , and the Spar , and other Minerals that lie in the Clefts of the Stone : what are the peculiar Diseases that attend the Miners : what Mines are chiefly detrimental to Health , and whether there be not some that are observed considerably to shorten the Lives of the Miners : also whether the Smoke , Ashes , &c. that fall upon the Grass near the Forges and Smelting-works be not hurtful to the Cattle that feed upon it : Lastly , Whether the very Waters of the Springs , Rivers and Brooks near , especially about Lead-Mines , are not sometimes infected with the Mineral steams , so as to be likewise noxious to the Cattle which drink of them . A List of such Instruments , and other things , as may be serviceable to those Persons who make Observations , and Collections , of Natural Things . 1. THE Weather-glass now lately contrived by Robert Hook , M. D. Professor of Geometry in Gresham College , and S. R. S. of use at Sea as well as at Land. 2. The common Barometer . 3. The common Thermometer . 4. The Hygrobaroscope , or small Glass Instrument , with the Neck or Stemm graduated into small Divisions , serving to try and compare the Gravity of Liquids , Waters , &c. 5. A Dipping-needle ; in order to observe the several Degrees of its Inclination in all Parts , both at Sea and Land. 6. A large Quadrant , for taking the Height of Mountains , &c. also for the making Astronomical Observations , &c. 7. A Level , whereby to judge of the Situation ( in respect of the Horizon ) of the Beds of Earth , Stone , Marble , Cole , &c. in Mines , Quarries , Cole-pits , &c. 8. A two-foot-rule , or other like Measure , exactly graduated , as well to take the Depth of the Water in the Experiment related above page 3. as for other Uses . 9. Hammers , bigger and smaller , to break , and examine the interiour Constitution of Ores , Native Minerals , Stones , &c. with a Chissel wherewith to dissever or strike off shells from the Mass of Stone , Marble , &c. conf . pag. 6. and pag. 11. above . 10. Crucibles , Fluxing-powders , &c. for melting and tryal of Ores . 11. An Eradicator , or small Iron Instrument to take up the Roots of Herbs out of the Earth . 12. Several Quires of brown Paper to dry and keep Plants in . 13. Several Nests of Dutch , or Pill-Boxes : also Deal Boxes of several Sizes , in which to put up , and send over Natural Bodies . 14. Bottles , Jars , Gally-Pots , or other like Vessels , wherein to put the more tender Creatures , with Spirits &c. 15. Spirit of Wine , Rum or Brandy , to preserve the said Creatures , e. g. Insects , Lizards , Serpents , &c. 16. A Solution of Mercury Sublimate ; or the same in Powder , a small part of which may be dissolved in a little Water , by boiling it gently in a Pipkin ; which Pipkin ought to be kept for this only purpose , it being dangerous to put it to any other use , the Sublimate being a Poison . When the Liquor is Cold , a little Spirit of Wine may be added to it , if to be had . The use of this Solution is to chase and rub upon the Insides of such Animals whose Entrails are taken forth ( as Page 14. above ) in order to dry and preserve them ; this serving to fence off Worms and Insects from preying upon them , preventing also the falling off of the Hair or Feathers , and securing them against Putrefaction , Stinking , &c. It would be of incredible advantage to this Design , were all the Thermometers and Hygrobaroscopes used in it adjusted nicely and exactly after some one common Standard . Which would be a Thing very easie to be done , were they all bought of the same Person . Nor can I , if I may presume to recommend one for this purpose , nominate a fitter than Mr. Hunt , Operator to the Royal Society at Gresham College ; who will not only procure the two mentioned , ( graduated very carefully ) or indeed any of the other Instruments , but likewise be ready to direct any one , who shall desire it , in the method of using them ; or to advise and assist them in any other thing tending to the promoting of this Design . For the Thermometers , were they thus all of them , adjusted to the same Standard , ( to be kept constantly in the Repository at Gresham College , where any Man might have recourse to it ) 't were easie to make a true and certain Estimate of the Heat or Cold in any part of the World where these Thermometers were used , for they would all of them constantly answer to one another , in what Country soever they were . By this means the Heat or Cold of all Places in the same Climate or under the same Latitude may be compared and known , for any , or all , Seasons of the Year . The same way may a comparative judgment be made of the Heat or Cold of Climates tho never so different and distant : the Heat of one Countrey or Place may be conferred with another ; of one Mine , Cole-pit , Grotto , or other ●●bterranean Cavern , with another : the temperature of Valleys or ●lains with that of higher Ground , and with the sides or Tops of Mountains ; which would be a thing of real and very great use in many respects . So likewise for the Hygrobaroscopes : were they all adjusted after the same Standard , there would be a fixt and standing Rule whereby to judge of the Gravity of Fluids all over the World where-ever these Instruments were used . The Gravity of the Water of one Sea might be compared with that of another : of the Northern with the Southern Seas : of the Seas under the Aequinoctial , with those at the Poles . So also of different parts of the same Sea , the Shores with the Main , or the Waters of the very same place , taken up at different depths , with each other . In the same manner may be examined the Water of Lakes , of Rivers , of Mines , Cole-Pits , &c. of Springs of all Sorts , both the Mineral ones and others , all over the World. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A67006-e230 Observations to be made ●t Sea. Upon the Shores. Directions to the Dyvers , for Pearl , Coral , and Amber . Observations of the Weather at Land. An Experiment to be made . Observations concerning Springs . Concerning Rivers and Lakes . Concerning Metalls , Minerals , Stones , Earths , &c. Of Water , of Wind , and of Heat in Mines : also of Damps . Concerning Grottoes , and Mountains . ☞ Of Sea-Shells , and other Marine Bodies , at Land , in Stone , &c. ☜ Concerning Trees found buried in the Earth . Of Diseases , Casualties , Earthquakes . Concerning Plants and Animals . Their Manners . Their Traditions . Their Religion , &c. Their Laws and Government , their Arts and Sciences , with their Customs both Civil , and Military . What things to choose , and how many of each . All Places and Seasons afford somewhat worth the Observing and Collecting . Minerals : and Fossil-Shells , of all sorts , to be sent . How to be packed up . Plants of all sorts to be sent over : and how to gather them . Plants how to be dried , and preserved . Seeds , and Fruits , of all sorts , to be sent . Roots of many Plants may be so ordered as to grow when brought over into England . Particularly of the Fern-kind . Some whole Plants will grow when sent over hither . Beasts , Fish , Fowl , Serpents , &c. to be sent , and how . Coralls , and Shells to be sent . Star-Fishes , and Sea-urchins . Directions to the Fishers for Pearl , Amber , and Corall . Shells , and Corals , how to be put up , and sent over . Flies , and Insects , how to be sent . Some of the Idols , Pictures , Money , &c. of the Savages to be sent over . A Caution about the sending the Boxes to and from the Ship : and about the Officers of the Customs . The Conclusion , to the Collectors of these Natural things . Pag. 1. line 18. Pag. 2. line 2. ibid. line 5. Pag 3. line 17 Pag. 4. line 10. ibid line 2● . Pag. 5 , line ●● 
A42823	----	A præfatory answer to Mr. Henry Stubbe, the doctor of Warwick wherein the malignity, hypocrisie, falshood of his temper, pretences, reports, and the impertinency of his arguings & quotations in his animadversions on Plus ultra are discovered / by Jos. Glanvill. Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 1671 Approx. 303 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 117 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42823 Wing G821 ESTC R23393 12068301 ocm 12068301 53427 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42823) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53427) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 70:13) A præfatory answer to Mr. Henry Stubbe, the doctor of Warwick wherein the malignity, hypocrisie, falshood of his temper, pretences, reports, and the impertinency of his arguings & quotations in his animadversions on Plus ultra are discovered / by Jos. Glanvill. Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. [16], 212, [4] p. Printed by A. Clark for J. Collins ..., London : 1671. First ed. Cf. BM. Advertisements (p. [3]-[4]) at end. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Stubbe, Henry, 1632-1676. -- Specimen of some animadversions upon a book entituled, Plus ultra. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2002-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-07 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Praefatory ANSWER TO Mr. Henry Stubbe , The Doctor of Warwick . WHEREIN The Malignity of his Temper , The Hypocrisie of his Pretences , The Falshood of his Reports , AND THE Impertinency of his Arguings & Quotations In his ANIMADVERSIONS ON PLVS VLTRA , Are discovered . By JOS. GLANVILL . — A Rod for the Fools back . Sol. London , Printed by A. Clark , for I Collins , at the Kings Arms in Ludgate-street , near the West-end of S. Pauls ; and at the Kings Head in Westminster-hall . 1671. PREFACE . WHen I am ask't the reason of M. Stubbe's fierceness against the ROYAL SOCIETY , and the favourers of that Institution ; my usual answer is , There are creatures that will bark against those who never hurt or provoked them , and ' ●is in vain to ask● Why ? 'T is the nature of those Animals , and that 's the only account can be given . M. Stubbe hath kept a noise ever since he could open , against all men , except M. Hobbs , and the Republicans ; and all things , but Quakerism and Democracy . He hath faln with a vehemence suitable to his nature upon Monarchy , Ministry , Universities , and Humane Learning ; provoking all men to whom those interests were dear . But perceiving he had the fate of old Alexander Ross , to be despised by those , he had affron●ed ; and seeing that no one thought him worthy of Confu●ation , he turns about and confutes himself : he pu●s on a mighty zeal for those things , which he had endeavour'd to w●rrey ; and there being nothing of note left which he had not assaulted before , he falls at last upon the R. S. with his usual noise and vehemence : He clamours , that this Institution is destructive to Monarchy , Church of England , Universities , and all ancient Literature ; and follows his confident accusations with loud outc●ies , and restless importunities , and numerous reproaches ; persecuting that illustrious Company with such wild ravings , and impetuous eagerness , as if it were an Army of Painims that had invaded us , and he the only man that saw the danger , and was concern'd for the common safety . By his earnest noise , he frights some that know not the nature of the Creature ; and hath possest divers , who are not well informed concerning the Institution of the ROYAL SOCIETY , with terrible apprehensions of it . This is all M. Stubbe ha●h or c●n do : his main force is in the boldness and vehemence of his accusations ; his pretences of proof are contemptible and ridiculous , and can perswade none but those he hath scared into an incapacity of right judgment . For this reason I have thought it requisite to begin my answer in an account of his temper and genius out of his own Writings ; and when that is known , his greatest force is disabled : for his impudent censures will be no longer heeded , in which his chief power lies . And therefore it is not here , as in ordinary cases , when reflections that expose the person , signifie little to the cause . But on the contrary , the Representation I have made of this Adversary , is one of the most proper services can be done it ; and if I should say nothing else , it were an Answer . For he that proves an Accuser to have been a continual P●st to his Neighbours , a constant Slanderer , and malicious Teller of untruths , doth enough to assert his Vindication against his enemies unproved accusations . I say , I thought ●it to endeavour this fi●st , since by it I shall break that part of his strength which consists in those slanders and contempts which he pours upon the Experimental Philosophers ; aud after that , his Other Arguments ● will prove like Swords of Flags and Spears of Bulrush , as will appear in that part where I make tryal of their strength . This my design , of which I have now given the reason , might , 't is like , be some occasion of the figment over which he so couragiously insults , viz [ That the Uirtuosi intended to write his life ; ] when I dare say , there was never more thought of ●o this purpose , than some such collection out of his Writings and I have made ; and therefore he might have forborn the Complements of mean spirits , and pitiful , ridiculous Mechanicks , which he bestows on them on this occasion : For there are none of those Gentlemen but scorn to be so dirty , impertinent , and so like M. Stubbe , as to meddle with any passages of his Life , which do not tend to the weakening him in that unworthy cause in which his pride and spight have engaged him . But he is resolved , he saith , to prevent the Virtuosi , and to write his Life himself ; and 't is like the Comical Wits will thank him for a story that would ou● do Guzman and Don Quixot . But , alas ! they are not to expect it ; he is too modest to do himself right . What he hath done as to his Life , is a De●ence of those passages that he apprehended most ●bnoxious , and I shall here animadvert upon his Apology , by which he thinks he hath prevented that part of my account which relates to his egregious exploits in the late times . Let us consider that a little , and see what his defence signifies . IT might have been expected from one , that hath trampled on the ashes of his Martyr'd Sovereign , defended and adored his Murtherers , stiled all our Kings a Succession of Usurpers , endeavour'd the extirpation of Monarchy , and the planting a Democracy of Independents , Anabaptists , Fi●th Monarchy men , and Quakers , in its room : That hath represented the meekest , justest , and best of Kings , as an hateful Tyrant , and called our now Sovereign an Usurper ; that hath written maliciously against Ministry , Universities , Churches , and Humane Learning ; and vindicated the Quakers , and the rest of the wildest and most dangerous Phanaticks . I say , it might have been expected that such a man as this , when he would be thought a Convert , should renounce those horrid villanies , and humble himself by deep professions of repentance , and declare his shame for those abominable treasons and impieties , and beg pardon of God and good men for those detestable enormities . But these were below the gallantry of M. Stubbe's spirit ; he hath another method to express his repentance : he falls with his old rage upon his Majesty's Institution , out of a pretended concern for Monarchy and Religion . The King , he phancies , hath erected a Society that will undermine Monarchy ; and those Bishops and Divines that are imbodied in it , are managing a design to overthrow Religion : therefore M. Stubbe stands up in a mighty zeal , and defends Monarchy against the KING , and Religion against the DIVINES ; no doubt with a purpose to do a mischief to both . This is ONE way of his repentance , to act as much as he dares , for the same ends he served before . And ANOTHER is to justifie himself in all that he hath done ; which in a swaggering , insulting way he impud●ntly attempts in the Preface to his Book against the History of the Royal Society : and he hath done it so , that 't is hard to say which is the greater crime , his confest wickedness , or his Apology . The sum of it is this : He served his Patron Sir Hen. Vane , by whom he was transcendently obliged , and he is ashamed that he hath done so little , rather than that he hath done so much for him . He confess●th himself a Uassal and a Slave , and such he saith are exempt from ignominy , though their masters might be accounted traytors . He pleads the example of the friend of Gracchus , who justified his treason by his friendship , and said he should have burnt the Capitol if Gracchus had bid him . Thus he tells us he hath Apologized for himself a thousand times . And having said this , he is whole , the Virtuosi are prevented in the design of writing his life , and none of his former pranks must be mentioned , though in another way he is doing the same things again . How little ado will serve to wipe off the foulest guilt from M. Stubbe ? and how easily can he translate it upon the clearest innocence ? But , by his leave , I shall a little reflect on his Apology , though he is pleased to say that the Virtuosi understand not the grounds of his actions , nor have they Learning enough , or skill in Casuistical Divinity to condemn them . [ Pref. to his Legends . ] For however ignorant they were of his grounds before , he hath now inlightned them with that knowledge , though his Casuistical Divinity is yet in the dark to them . The ground of all is , [ He served a Patron : ] and doth this justifie him acco●ding to the rules of his Casuistical Divinity ? Could the favours of any particular Benefactor null his obligations to his SOVEREIGN , his RELIGION , his COUNTRY ? Might not the most hellish villanies be excused this way ? And might not such an Apology be made for Fau● , Ravi●●a● , and the Stubbe's that were hanged for treason in former Reigns ? Could not the Black Executioner of the blessed K. Charles the Martyr , have justified his accursed Parricide by the same Apology ? And if Iudas had been transcendently obliged by any of the Scribes and Pharisees , he was blameless , according to this Apologists Casuistical Divinity . Such a Divinity as this indeed , 't is to be hoped the Virtuosi do not understand ; 'T is a sort very fit for such a conscience as he hath that pleads it : and what a Divinity must that be , that will justifie Iudas and M. Stubbe ? Let him propagate it as fast as he is able , he will need no other engine to effect the bravest of his purposes . If the remaining Regicides have any projects to equal their former , M. Stubbe will furnish any man with an Apology , that dare● venture upon the execution of them : he shall be exempt from infamy , though he out-do the Powder Treason , as long as he served a Patron : and thus even Witches are justified for serving the Devil , while he gratifies and obligeth them . Come hither then , O ye Sons of Rebellion and Mischief : Here 's a Casuist for your purpose : your outrages and treasons are gallantries , if you served a Patron : M. Stubbe hath a Divinity that will defend and absolve you ; a Divinity , in which there is no such thing as conscience towards God ; 't is all gratitude to Patrons and Benefactors ; and though they were Traytors and Regicides , you are exempt from ignominy or blame . Is not this man now very penitent for his vile practices , when he bailds his glory upon them , gives them in as proofs of his gallantry , and calls them Brave Acknowledgments ? Doth he not deserve favour and forgiveness , when , after his blaspheming the best of Kings , and libelling the most excellent of Governments ; after his endeavours to bring in eternal Anarchy and confusion into his native Country , and vile attempts to overthrow all Learning , Order and Religion to gratifie Paricides and Usurpers ; he hath the confidence to tell the world , that He is ashamed he hath done so little ? When those Patrons have occasion for him again , he 'll do the rest , if any thing more be possible . What a Penitent is this , who is sorry that his crimes ( which were highly capital ) had not been more and greater , and that laies a foundation for the defence of the blackest villanies , in his very Repentance and Recantations ? But he hath a president to warrant him : BLESSIUS pleaded his friendship to GRACCHUS to justifie his seditions , and would have burnt the Capitol if Gracchus had bid him : Thus M. Stubbe saith , he hath apologized for himself a thousand times : he served Sir H. Vane , and was ( as he owns himself ) his Slave , and so he is cleared from all imputations : Yea , if his Patron had bid him , he would have kill'd his Father , and murder'd his Sovereign . This is the sense of his Apology . What poor , easie fools doth he suppose his Readers , when he endeavours to reconcile himself to their good opinion by such silly and such vile excuses ? These are some of the expressions of M. Stubbe's repentance . And yet farther to shew what a friend he is to MONARCHY , notwithstanding the former practices , in the same Preface against the History of the Royal Society , p 3. he tells his Reader , That 't is Prudence in every particular person to contribute all he can to the support of the Monarchy against all Anarchical projects , and Democratical contrivances , whereof a debauched and ungenerous Nation is not capable . 'T is Prudence to endeavour the support of the MONARCHY now as things are , not Duty . The want of vertue and generosity , makes the Nation incapable of Democracy for the present : but when 't is reclaimed from its debauches , and grown generous , ( as it was in the times of M. Stubbe●● former Patrons ) then Democracy will be the only proper Government . Monarchy may serve for a debauched and ungenerous Nation ; but Democracy is the Government of the vertuous and generous . This is the Interpretation of the quoted period ; and thus M. Stubbe cunningly recommends himself to his Democratical friends , even when he is pretending friendship to Monarchy : so that should his old Patrons return again to their insolent Reign , ( which Heaven forbid ) there is no doubt but this Paragraph would be pleaded to prove , that he never deserted their principles ; and there is a Quotation in the Margin of the same page , to assure his kindness to Democracy , even when 't was prudent to make a shew for Monarchy ; — Ut verissime dixerit Cosinus Medices Cardinali Salviato , In tanta opum i●●qualitate , morumque corruptione Florentinam Rempublicam non esse amplius Libertatis Capacem , quae optati potius , quam spera●i debeat . You see , O ye Patriots of the Good Old Cause , M. Stubbe is constant to you ; Democracy is the only Liberty , 't is the Government to be desired , though little to be hoped for in such a corruption of manners : your Slave doth but jest with Monarchy , and shew his prudence in flattering it a little , till a good occasion shall serve for him to return again to you , his Patrons and Benefactors : yea , he intimates what he could do for you in the words that immediately follow his Apology , [ I think this defence the most proper and seasonable that I can now make : ] in a ●itter time he could justifie his obsequiousness to Sir H. Vane and the Cause , after another manner than by this come off , that He served a Patron : He could lay all things that have the name of Royal , as fla● as the Royal Society : But he prudently tells you , [ ib. Prae. p. 12. ] I will not suffer my self to be ingaged in any disputes that may contribute to the dissetlement of this Nation , and Monarchy . ] If he wou●d dispute , he could shake our Monarchy and Setlemen●s : But the Nation is not yet vertuous and generous enough to deserve his favours : other Justifications would be better than this of a Patron , but they would not be seasonable nor proper for this time . Was ever Villany so impudent when it sought pardon ? Did ever confidence flout a Government so , when it pretended to plead its Cause ? Can we desire greater proof of M. Stubbe's hypocrisie and disloyal inclination , than he gives in this Preface ? And will he not despise the silly easiness of those , that shall accept of his Apology ? Certainly he must needs swell with venome , that cannot forbear spitting in the face of that Government which 't is his present interest to ●latter . This 't is evident enough he hath done in the recited periods , and it would have appeared farther , if those who had his Book to License had not expunged some more impudent passages . M. Stubbe made a great stir in the Country with his complaints that the Royal Society had castrated his Book , and deprived it of its strength . I was lately told by a Licenser , one of my Lord of Londons Chaplains , that it was well for him that those things were blotted out , for he assured me they were such as deserved the Gaol , and a Pillory at least . For he impudently upbraided the King with the example of Queen Elizabeth in forbidding the King of France to build ships ; jeer'd the Illustrious Duke of York about his Sea-Engagement with the Dutch : and twitted his Majesty with the management of that war. These were the things that were put out , but not by the Royal Society , ( as M. Stubbe fabled ) but by other Licensers to whom he owes thanks for the present possession of his ears . This is the zealous Defender of the Government against the Virtuosi ; let him now put his malicious , cavilling wit upon the Tenters ; let him improve every dream of a shadow , and fetch what consequ●nces he can from every little appearance ; and if after all , he can shew that the Royal Society have ever said or done any thing so ●adutiful , or disrespectful to the Government , as any one of these passages , which he vents in his greatest fit of kindness to it , I 'll for ever renounce the Virtuosi , and become his humble proselyte . Upon the whole carriage , for my part I am perswaded that M. Stubbe intends no more in his present pretences for Monarchy , than to jeer it , and to try whether the friends of the Government are such pitiful Ignoramus's as to be satisfied with his ridiculous and almost treasonable excuses . If there be any he can content so , there is no doubt but he will laugh with his Democratical friends at the good nature of those tender-headed people that will be so easily ca●oll'd . And those others that are less soft and fa●il , must needs laugh at him , when they see how ridiculously the pretence of Loyalty sits upon him , and how he over-acts in his zeal . In testimony of his great love and devotion to the King , he thus subscribe● the Title of his rare Book of Chocolata , By Hen. Stubbe Physician for his Majesty in the Island of Iamaica ; Now ( no doubt ) he is Physician for his Majes●y too in the Town of Warwick ; and he intends to be Physician for his Majesty in the City of London , when he hath run down the Royal Society : for then , he saith , he will remove thither , and get all the practice . But further , in testimony of his Loyalty , he calls one sort of his Chocolet , Chocolata Royal ; this was that Chocolata that was the universal Medicine which cured all diseases in Iamaica , when he made and sold it there ; and he thinks fit to honour Monarchy by calling it ROYAL . I have an hundred very pleasant things to say of this Chocoletman of Iamaica ; as of his spitting fire in a fever , and reading by the light of his spittle , and other such wonders , which he did and saw : but they are not for my present purpose . And now when I reflect upon the impudence , and weakness , malignity and impiety of M. Stubbe's Apology for his former vile writings , I cannot but wonder much at the strange incogitancy of some , that take the excuse of his serving a Patron , and go away contented with it ; when this plea is pregnant with infinite villanies and mischiefs , and is one of the most shameless Apologies that ever was offered in the world . This I suppose I have proved : but if any have so much favour for M. Stubbe , upon the account of his present undertakings , as to swallow such a morsel , I shall no further oppose their kindness , but only to desire them , to look a little forward into my Book , and to see there what the things are for which he needs their candour and pardon ; and if , after they are informed , they shall take the excuse of serving a Patron for a justification of his crimes , let them but consider too , whether it be not probable he is serving some Patron now , and whether any heed be to be given to the ranting vehemencies and clamours of a confest mercenary Scribler . And thus I think I have sufficiently chastised his APOLOGY , by which he thought he had secured himself against all designs to represent him : this I have undertaken , for caution to those that might otherwise be in some danger of heeding him , and of being misled by his pretended zeal for Monarchy and Religion , into an ill opinion of the Royal Institution , which he maliciou●ly slinders ; and having done this , my following Representation of his pestilent spirit and temper will bear , and I hope signifie to the purpose for which I intend it . 'T is true , personall matters in Controversies should , as much as is possible , be avoided , and I dislike them much ; but M. Stubbe hath made them necessary in this ; and the account of him which I am to give , will not be without its pleasure , since 't is a description of a very strange Animal , and such a one as is seldom seen out of Africa , or the Country of Cannibals . Having thus defeated M. Stubbe's excuses , it may be thought fit that I make one for my self : For the bare recital of the abominable things he hath disgorged , cannot but raise a stench that is loathsom and offensive ; but , I hope , it will be considered , that I could not have given sufficient caution against the malignity of this troubler of men , without opening those Ulcers , and letting the world see what filth and venome there is under the fairness of his pretences . If any man think I have handled this Adversary with too much bitterness and severity , he seems to forget that I have to do with M. Stubbe ; Russians and swaggering Hectors are not to be treated with gentleness and soft words ; and , I know , should I deal with this Antagonist in a way of lenity and smoothness , it would incourage his insolence , and make him phancy that he is feared . I have therefore thought sit to express my self here with more smartness , than I do allow of towards men of common civility and good manners ; and 't is not my passion , but judgment prompted me to it . And now , lest it should be suspected that my dealing so much with M. Stubbe hath infected me with the spirit of detraction , I shall next give him those acknowledgments that I think may be his due . I confess therefore that he is a man that hath READ ; he was for some years Sub-librarian at Oxford , and so by his imployment was chained among the Books : from thence he got great knowledge of Titles and Indexes ; and by that can , upon any occasion , let out a great apparatus of Authors , and fill his margin with Quotations : this must be acknowledged , and it is no small advantage for shew and vain-glory ; and by this means he will seem to have the better of any man he shall oppose , among such as are not able , or not concerned to examine how he useth his Authors , and how he applies them . But whoever doth this , will find , that notwithstanding his pretence to great Reading , he reads by Indexes , and only collects those passages from Authors which he can suborn to serve his mischievous purposes : That he understands not , or wilfully perverts the Writers he cites : That after he hath swaggered with their names , and recited several scraps out of their works , his Quotations prove nothing but that M. Stubbe is malicious and impertinent , and makes the sayings and opinions he fights against : of all this , I have given specimens of proof in divers of the ensuing sheets ; by which it will appear , that this confident man is one of the most notorious Impertinents that ever writ a Book . And whoever attentively considers his Writings , and observes the way of his Discourse , must needs see , that whatever he pretends to reading , he is extreamly defective in judgment , and understands not the way of close , coherent reasoning : Nor indeed can it be expected from one of his temper of brain ; his head is red-hot , and consequently his thoughts are desultory and flirting ; so that he affirms suddenly whatever comes into his phansie , not considering how it agrees with what he said before ; what it makes for his purpose , or how it may be well proved . He hath not the patience to ponder any thing deeply , nor the judgment and staidness to weigh consequences ; and therefore writes and speaks in a vein of infinite impertinence and inconsistency . This I may be permitted to say here , because I have proved it in the following Papers . And now what can such a mans pretended Learning signifie ? It may make him proud and troublesom , captious and censorious , but will never inable him to serve the world with any useful informations : Nor is any mans reading any further to be valued , than as it improves and assists his reason ; where it doth not this , 't is either a feather in a Fools cap , or a sword in a mad-mans hand ; a vain glorious impertinence , or an instrument of mischief . But I perceive my Preface begins to swell , and therefore I only add further , That whereas M. Stubbe reports in several places of his Books , that the Virtuosi contributed to my PLUS ULTRA , I will acquit those Gentlemen from being concerned in the composure of a Discourse against which the impertinent Animadverter raiseth such a clamour ; and assure the Reader , that this his report is false . And whereas in his Book against Doctor Sp●att , he saith , That some some saw my Papers remitted to me blotted and altered , this affirmation is a gross untruth also , or a contemptible impertinence . If he means ( as he designed to insinuate ) that the Virtu●s● remitted them to me blotted and altered by them , or any other person , 't is a loud falshood . No man , except my Transcriber , ever saw my Book till it was printed , nor did I alter any one word upon any man● suggestion ; so that his report in that sense , which would have signified to his purpose , is a shameless Legend : in an other sense indeed 't is true , but impertinent ; my Papers were sent home to me blotted and altered ; but they were remitted by my Aman●ensis , as I sent them to h●m blotted and altered by my own hand , without any other● knowledge or direction ; and what can malice make of this ? 'T is a pretty artifice I observe in M. Stubbe , to intitle every thing any man doth in favour of the Royal Society , to that whole Body , or at least to a Club of the Vi●tuosi ; that so , if he gain any advantages over any private member , it may redound to the disparagement of the Society , and raise the glory of his performances ; and therefore I must expect that much of this following Account shall be imputed to the assistance and contributions that he will say I had from the Virtuosi : But to prevent his belying those Gentlemen in this , and the concerning them in any of my failures , I declare I consulted none of them for any of these Reflections ; I did not submit my Copy to their alterations , nor did they , or any other person , ever see these Papers till they were printed : so that whatever wrath they kindle in him , it ought all to be directed against me ; and I assure him I despise both his displeasure and his favour . I had other things to have added here , but I cast them into the Postscript ; and I advertise but this more , That there is a late printed Letter of the Learned Doctor Meric Causabons , written to Doctor Peter du Moulin , upon the occasion of my Plus Ultra , and containing some Reflections on it : I have answered the Strictures of that Reverend man in a particular Discourse , which I think to publish when I next reckon with M. Stubbe . TO MY Much Honoured Friend Francis Godolphin , Esq ; SIR , I Was just upon the Close of a short Treatise of the Religious Temper and Tendencies of the Modern Philosophy , when M. Stubb's Book against me came to my hands . I was glad to see that this Adversary at last appeared in the open Light. For I love not Sculking and base Assaults in the Dark . I had much rather be call'd to an Account for any thing I have written , before the Learned and Judicious , than to be confuted in Corners , among those , whose Judgments are either prepossest or incompetent ; This latter hath for some time been my hard Fate . For after M. Crosse's Fardel against me , was rejected by the Licensers both at Oxford and London for its incomparable Railing , and impertinence ; He endeavour'd to expose me among his Cronies and Confederates by the Manuscript Libel . He carrried it about from place to place , and like a Scotch Merchant , opened his Pack at each House in his Circuit : He told his Tales to every Country-Farmer , and acquainted every Mechanick with his mighty Deeds and Purposes : So that for a time , there was no other Subject handled on Ale-benches , and in Coffee-Houses , in all this Neighbourhood . Besides which Practices , He pelted me with Doggerel Rhimes innumerable ; and a pretended Answer to the Chuè Gazett was read privately to those that had a mind to hear such Stuff , and so I was confuted : But great Care was taken that I should not know in what , for fear I should spoil the Triumphs , and write a second part of the Legends of the Disputer . Much after the same manner M. Stubb for a year and upwards dealt with me , and divers excellent Persons , with whom I am not worthy to be mention'd . He travelled up and down to tell his Stories of the Royal Society , and to vent his spite against that Honourable Assembly . He took care to inform every Tapster of the Danger of their Designs ; and would scarce take his Horse out of an Hostler's hands , till he had first let him know how he had confuted the Virtuosi . He set his everlasting Tongue at work in every Coffee-House , and drew the Apron-men about him , as Ballad-singers do the Rout in ●airs and Markets : They admir'd the man , and wondred what the strange thing call'd the Royal Society should be ; till at last being informed by this zealous Patriot of Religion , they saw clearly that They were a Committee of Projectors to bring in Popery : He assured them that the first Design was laid by a Iesuite , and discovered the whole Plot upon Religion , which he declared his pious Resolutions to vindicate against this Dangerous Combination . All this Time while he fought ( like his Masters of the Good Old Cause ) with vulgar Rumours , which he raised , he was impregnable . There 's no contending with Spectres and Apparitions . But at last he renders himself more palpable and consistent , so that now he may be dealt with : And since he hath made me the first Object of his fierce Wrath , in this Quarrel with the Royal Society , I shall endeavour to make my Defence , and to disarm the Fury of this Guy of Warwick : By which , I hope , I shall let the World see that this Hector is so far from being a competent Adversary for that Illustrious Company ; that all the Force his Rage and Malice can raise , is not able to oppress , or as much as hurt the least considerable Member of that Body . This I intend in a full and particular ANSWER to his Book against my PLVS VLTRA , and shall let this Man of Battels ( who is used to triumph before he strikes a blow ) see , that he hath nonplus'd me no where , but in his Title . But my Affairs will not permit me to fall on that work , so soon as I am willing you should have an Account of this Undertaker ; and therefore I shall now send you a few general Remarques concerning the Author and his Work : By which you will perceive , that it is not at all to be wondred at , that he treats so many excellent Persons with such Insolence and Scorn , so many Taunts of Ignorance , Illiterateness , and what comes next ; since I shall shew , that this is his constant , natural Style , and hath always been his use in his early Oppositions of some of the most famous men of our Nation : So that you are to reckon that the reproachful Characters he gives , import only , that the man is angry ; and ignorant and illiterate in his Mouth and Pen signifie but one that is not of his mind , or at least not of that mind , which he hath a present Humour and Interest to oppose . And yet I must confess that after I heard of M. Stubb's Intentions of falling on my Book , I expected more Railing and greater Vehemence , more opprobrious Names , and spightful Sayings ; because I knew the man and his Genius : And though some perhaps can scarce apprehend a greater excess in these good Qualities , then are to be met in this Piece , yet I can very well conceive such , as are incomparably greater , having so lately been made acquainted with the Civilities of M. Cross , in comparison to whom , This Adversary writes like a Christian and a Gentleman ; and that you may see how much there is of these , in this Author , and judge of the other by Him , I shall now immediately give you the Account of M. Stubb , reserving that of M. Cross to another season . That I may proceed distinctly , I shall represent Him in ( 1. ) His TEMPER , ( 2. ) DESIGNS , and ( 3. ) MANAGEMENT of them in his last Book . In describing these I shall not have recourse to such base Artifices , as He , and his Friend M. Cross have used against me , viz. idle Legends and Fictions of their own Brains : Nor shall I reflect upon those infinite Discourses he hath had in very publick places often , and sometimes in my hearing , from which a Character full enough might be drawn of him , ( for I think it not generous or handsome to make them more publick than he hath done himself , except I am unavoidably forced upon it ) But I shall take all my Accounts of the Undertaker out of his publisht Writings , and give you him in his own Words , nakedly as they are , quoted to a Page . In order to which , I think fit to present you with a List of those Books he hath written , with a short touch of the Subjects that are handled in them . ONE of the First of his Essays , while he was yet but a Youngster in Oxford , was a DEFENCE of M. HOBBS against the Reverend Dr. Wallis , the learned and famous Geometry-Professor of that University . The Subject we have in the Account he gives of his Performance , [ p. 18. of the second Alphabet ] where he saith he hath Proved irrefragably , that Cum is the proper Preposition of the Ablative of the manner : That praetendit scire is no Anglicism : That he hath Demonstrated , that Motus & Magnitudo — Consideravimus is good Latin : as also , that Propositiones falsae sunt — & multa ejusmodi is elegant : That he hath evinced Tanquam to signify As if ; and that Tanquam si is not one word : That he hath said so much about adduco , that nothing is wanting but Pantagruel ' s Hug : That the Professour may learn of him to put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together in Composition : That N may come before a Labial , and particularly before P : That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a visible Point , and used for a Mark with a hot iron . These Exploits he hath done , and these , he saith , are the Points he undertook to maintain . Weighty matter for a publick Quarrel ; and so weighty , it seems , the Undertaker accounted it , as to be worthy his Passion , which broke out upon the Doctor in these Expressions of Civility , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pigmy , Quacksalver , and Mountebank ; Critical Bravo , Witty-poll , of no Credit , lost to all Persons of Learning , and a contemptible Adversary , ignorant , intolerably ignorant ; and a world more to the same purpose , of which in its due place , with the references to the particular Page . How fit a man is this to undertake the Vindication of M. Cross ? But I must go on with the Catalogue of his Works . The next is An ESSAY in DEFENCE of the good old Cause ] The most glorious Cause in the World , accompanied with no less Success , p. 2. of the second Alphabet . [ And a VINDICATION of the Honourable Sir Hen. Uane ] whom not to honour and admire is to be an Enemy to all that is good and vertuous , p. 7. second Alphabet [ from the false Aspersions of M. BAXTER ] A Philistim , Shimei , Rabshakeh , p. 11. 2d . Alph. A LETTER to an Officer of the Army concerning a select Senate ; which is to consist , according to His Model , of Independents , Anabaptists , Fifth Monarchy-men and Quakers ; excluding all PAPISTS , PRELATICAL , and PRESBYTERIAN Persons . p. 61. A LIGHT SHINING OVT OF DARKNESS , a Book against Ministry , p. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. Vniversities , p. 92 , 93. and 139 , 140. School-Divinity , and Knowledge of Tongues , 94 , 95 , 96. Humane Learning , p. 101 , 102. Aristotles Philosophy , p. 105. Publick Churches , 106. Church-yards , 110. Division into Parishes and Tiths , p. 112 , 113. Bells , 138. Vniversity Habits , and Degrees , p. 14.2.143 . Black Coats , p. 147. Gowns , 148. Respect of Persons , Complemental Addresses , and your Servant , p. 163. Swearing before a Magistrate , p. 165 , 166. Containing also an express Apology for the Quakers , p. 55.56 . I quote from the second Edition . An ACCOVNT OF CHOCOLATA , by which he wholly obligeth Manking . [ Pref. p. last . ] An ACCOVNT of M. GREATARICK , who wrought real Miracles , p. 8.10 . And did things that never man did , except Christ and the Apostles , p. 27. These miraculous things he wrought by the Temperament and Composure of his Body , p. 11. And antient Miracles and modern ones have been wrought by the efficacy of a corporal Touch , p. 11. This of M. Greatarick did not indeed always succeed , and there were some Diseases , as well as some Devils , which even the Apostles could not cast out , p. 5. A CENSVRE upon certain Passages contain'd in the History of the Royal Society , which he saith are impious and pernicious , p. 1. contrary to the Analogy of Faith and Scripture , p. 36. a Congeries of gross Vntruths , tending to the Dishonour of God , and the Destruction of the Protestant Religion , introducing a Popish Implicit Faith , or something that in effect is the same , but attended with more ridiculous Circumstances , p. 40. directly contrary to the Constitutions of our Church , and better becoming a Socinian from Poland and Amsterdam , than a Divine of our Church , p. 53. Hath not Religion and the Church of England , think you , an excellent Champion , in this DEFENDER of M. Hobbs , Sir Hen. Uane , and the Quakers ? But lastly , He hath writ a SPECIMEN of SOME ANIMADVERSIONS VPON THE PLUS ULTRA OF M. GLANVILL ; in which he proves , That the Antients were able to cure cut fingers ; as particularly Podalirius and Machaon in Homer ; and Galen compounded several Medicines to that purpose , as Diapalma , Tripharmacon , and another hard word , p. 3. and again 159. That 't is a very difficult Iourney to the Moon , and a great way , p. 175. and many other things , that are as much to his purpose , as these , as will be shewn in the Sequel . For the present I only say , concerning this Piece in general , That with a great deal of Noise and Labour , the Animadverter hath proved nothing ; For all his Force is imployed either against Castles in the Air of his own raising , or incidental passages that are little or nothing to the Cause I undertook , and of no concern to the main body of my Book . And yet I must confess that when I compare this Adversary with my other Antagonist M. Cross , I think there are acknowledgments due to him , for the Reading , and shew of Learning , that I find in his Discourse ; and I may say of it , as one did of an impertinent Disputer , that was very brisk and fluent in his Argument , Bene disputat , sed nihil ad rem . But the Papers of my other Assailant deserve not as much as this ; For they contain nothing , but opprobrious Names , gross Falshoods , and contemptible Puerilities ; no Learning , nor any shew of any , but such , as a Boy of 18 would despise . Thus briefly , and in general of the Writings of this Aggressor : out of Them I now come to give you some more particular Accounts of his Spirit and Temper . And because I resolve to abstain from all Expressions that look like the Rhetorick and Civility of M. Cross , and his Champion M. Stubb , I shall not give those hard Names to the Qualifications I discover , that every man else will think they deserve : But only make a kind and sober Enquiry after some of the remarkable Virtues he discloseth in his Works . I shall only insist here on two . And because he tells his Reader in the first Page of the Preface to his Light shining out of Darkness , [ Edition the first ] That HE IS ONE THAT DESIRES TO LIE LOW IN HIS OWN EYES , I shall begin these Enquiries by taking notice , ( 1. ) OF his singular Modesty ; This is exceeding eminent in every Leaf of his Writings : In his Attempts , while but a Boy , upon the Reverend Dr. Wallis , and M. Baxter ; and now he hath made it more remarkable by his Assault upon the Royal Society His Majesties Institution , and an Assembly , consisting of Persons of the greatest Honour , Gravity , and Learning , while he is yet but a young Country Physician ; as he styles himself in his Preface against my Book , Plus ultra : And above all , it is notorious , what a modest man this is , in his early Oppositions of MONARCHY , and Proposals of a MODEL for the GOVERNMENT of three Nations , and Extirpation of those Antient Laws , which had had been made and confirmed by the Wisdom of so many Kings , and successive Parliaments , in his Impugnations of MINISTRY , VNIVERSITIES , CHVRCHES , HVMANE LEARNING , and all ORDERS , and CONSTITVTIONS whatsoever , as Popish and Antichristian . But let us take a view of his singular Humility and Lowness in his own Eyes , in some Expressions in his Writings ; I shall recite a few Instances among numerous others , which for Brevity I must omit , by which you may judge , how he excels in this Virtue . In the first Page of his Book against Dr. Wallis in Defence of M. Hobbs , He expresseth himself to his Friend in these words , I have pen'd a further Discourse upon that Subject , which you may suppress from going any further , if you find that my early Repute abroad doth not call for the Publication , nor the Applause of the Ingenious , whose Praises were the more to be regarded , because they were directed to the Piece which was publick , not the Author that was concealed . It seems he had writ an Anonymous Book , which , he tells the World , raised him an early Repute , and the Applauses and Praises of the Ingenious . Very modest ! And as lowly is that other Saying , p. 5. If I find the Doctor produce more Grammars against us , I will allow him two to one , and venture my Reputation against his no Credit : Great Odds ! M. Stubb ' s Reputation , that early Reputation abroad against the no Credit of Dr. Wallis ! He must needs be certain , that would lay such a Wager . Well! The Geometry-Professor of Oxford is a Person of no Credit , and the Young man of Christ-church attaqu'd and weakned it : This he tells us he had done , in his Preface , p. 3. He valiantly attaqu'd nothing , and made it as weak , as Water : And sooner he had done it , but for a good Reason ; 'T was long , saith he , ere my Laughter upon the reading of Dr. W. would permit me to use a Pen , ibid. And what should the man do , while the Fit of Laughter was upon him ? As soon as he could for Laughing , he assures us , he prepared for Triumph . And being then rather to proclaim my Victory , than to gain one , I supposed I might have a greater time to prepare for Triumph , than had been otherwise necessary to the Dispute , ibid. p. 3. Well! But what need of so much Triumph , and such Preparations for it , if this Adversary were so ridiculous ? He tells us in the words that follow , Nor do I now go about to Triumph over the single Doctor , ( The Conquest is too mean ) no doubt modest Harry ! But over all those whose Interest or Ignorance may lead them to approve his Writings , who are numerous at least ; and since the Vogue of the People will have them deserving too , I have thought them worthy the Passion of thy affectionate Friend and Servant . So he concludes to the understanding Reader : But that Friend of his may ask , that since the Approvers of the Doctors Writings are numerous , and they have the Vogue of the People for deserving too ; How should it come to pass that He is a Person of no Credit , as p. 5. and a contemptible Adversary ? as [ p. 8. second Part. ] If he had made his Address to the Courteous instead of the Vnderstanding Reader , some of that sort probably might not have observed this Fit of Forgetfulness : And he that doth , must pass such slips over , or he 'l find work enough for his Patience on this Account , as well as others , in the Writings of the Vndertaker . But 't is not my business to note any of these here ; His Modesty and the Lowliness of his Mind , ( for which he would have recommended himself to those meek ones of the Earth , Lambert's Army , and the Committee of Safety ) are my present Subject : of these but an Instance o● two more . He tells us in his Preface to his Animadversions on my Book , p. 5. That The Comical Wits , ( so he pleaseth to call the Fellows of the Royal Society ) were so alarm'd at the Specimen of his Animadversions on Dr. Sprat and M. Glanvill , that They imployed all their Artifices to divert him : Great Sir GVY ! how that Host trembles before Thee ! How do their Spirits fail , and their Courage sink at thy Summons ! How They weakly fly to Artifices to put by thy formidable Force , when they have not strength to stand before it ! Well may They fear that redoubted Arm that hath slain so many Monsters ; Antichrist , and all his Limbs , Monarchy , Churches , Vniversities , Ministry , and the rest : This Pigmy Troop cannot stand under one Blow of thy more than Herculean Club. Therefore the Cowards , mean Spirits , pitiful Mechaniciens , ( as with valiant Despight he calls them ) endeavour to wave the Combat by disingenious Proceedings , ibid. contrary ( it seems ) to all generous Laws of Chivalry ; They treacherously design ( he tells us ) not only upon his Fortunes , but Life : They cannot be secure while He is above ground . Well! But he knows his Advantages , and assures us that They are at his Mercy ; The Obligation ( as he saith ) would be lost in sparing them , He resolves therefore to take the daring Counsel ; and though they should oppress him by treacherous power , it would be said , That he fell their Uictor and their Martyr , [ ib. p. 5. ] Thus dying Samson pluck'd the House upon the Philistims . And no doubt M. Stubb is as much a Victor , as he is like to be a Martyr . For , what a Conquerour is He in Title-Pages and Prefaces ? With what ease doth he get Victories ? Vidi , Vici ; He only laught at Dr. Wallis , and prepares for Triumph , as soon as the Merriment was over : He dispatch'd a Specimen of Animadversions against Dr. Sprat , and M. Glanvill , and presently the Royal Society are at his mercy ; and I , for my part , am reduced to a Non-plus in his first Sentence , and designed for a Sacrifice to publick Obloquy , in the second leaf of his Preface . It seems he hath the Wind of publick Fame in a Bag , and can direct Reputation or Reproach as he pleaseth . The general Sense of Mankind depends upon his Pen , which is none of the common ones , to which from henceforth I am to be given up , as he threatens , p. 2. Now I see with how much reason he saith , That the Expectation of all men was impatient to see his Animadversions , [ Pref. p. 7. ] No doubt 't was that they might know what they were to judge of the Virtuosi . He hath at last obliged Mankind with them , as he promiseth to do by his Observations about Chocolata , [ Disc. of Choc . Pref. p. last . ] and now he expects without Question , that the Comical Wits should be odious to the Kingdom , as he tells us he designed to make them . [ Non-plus , Pref. p. 4. ] The Kingdom , 't is like , will love and hate as he would have it . He gives the Stamp of odious or amiable , and the Character is indelible . This , Sir , is a short Description of the modest man , that was so low in his own Eyes , when he stood before his Patrons of the GOOD OLD CAVSE . And from this remarkable Virtue of his we may pass to an Enquiry about another as eminent , viz. ( II. ) HIS Civility and dutiful Demeanour towards his Betters : of this He gives great Instances in his Expressions towards all sorts of Superiours . Concerning our KINGS he saith , That Their whole Succession was a continued Usurpation , [ Pref. to the Good old Cause , p. 2. ] Of the Glorious KING CHARLES the MARTYR ; That All his evil Council did ride upon one Horse , ibid. And adds , That the Patriots of the Long Parliament and Army executed Iustice upon Him. [ Vind. against M. Baxter , p. 59. ] Our present SOVERAIGN he styles an Usurper , and mates him with Cromwel in the infamy of that Title ; For speaking of the Day of the Tyrants Death , He saith , It was famous for the Vanquishing of one , and the Death of an other Usurper . [ against M. Baxt. p. 53. ] And every one knows That was the third of September , the Day also of the Kings Final Overthrow at Worcester . And in his Letter to an Officer of the Army , p. 14. speaking of a Cloud out of the North , which ( he saith ) was more dreadful to tender Consciences , than the Romish Inquisition ; He adds , That in comparison thereof , the Return of Charles Stuart and his Bishops would prove a moderate Desire : In which Expression he thought , no doubt , he had rais'd the Dreadfulness of that Cloud to the most Hyperbolical Height possible , and much beyond the Comparison with the Inquisition . And whether that may not go for a Civility to his Majesty , ( since He is return'd by happy and miraculous Providence with his Bishops ) which he prates of [ p. 21. of his late Book against me ] let the Reader judge . To set off the Advantages Aristotle had for the compiling of his History of Animals ; he speaks of the greatness of Alexander , his Impatience to effect his Purposes , his Generosity in acknowledging Services , his Vnderstanding what was done and omitted ; And then our Author intimates That the Royal Society have not such a PATRON in the KING , as ARISTOTLE had in ALEXANDER : How much Respect and Affection to his Majesty was meant by this Comparison , let those think , that consider the approved Loyalty of this Defender of the Good old Cause . And having spoken of his Civility to our KINGS , ( if you do not like that sort ) I may here acquaint you , that he had another kind for Sir Hen. Uane , and his Accomplices in the Cause , which in M. Stubb's Opinion , was the most glorious in the World. [ p. 2. against M. Baxt. ] These conducted us in our Way to Freedom , p. 3. and a glorious Freedom they led us to , for by their Help we were delivered from the Norman Yoke . [ Pref. to Good old Cause , p. 10. ] And how heavy and intolerable that was , he expresseth [ ibid. ] in these words , I often communing with mine own Soul in private , use to parallel our Bondage under the Norman Yoke , and our Deliverance therefrom , to the Continuance of the Children of Israel in Aegypt , and their Escape at last from that slavish Condition . This put him in mind to compare our Deliverers ( forsooth ) to MOSES , and 't was not , he saith , One Moses , But many illustrious Personages , whose Memory ( he prophesies ) shall live , when that of Thrasybulus , Timoleon , Epaminondas , Brutus , Valerius , or any Worthies Greece or old Rome could ever boast of , shall cease to be mention'd . [ against M. B. p. 3. ] What a Seer was M. Stubb ! Their Memories live , and will , no doubt , continue as long as the Records of Tybourn : And till all Trading fail there , Those Patriots of the long Parliament and Army , who executed Iustice upon the late KING , shall never cease to be mention'd . Thus he celebrates the Illustrious Regicides . And of Sir H. Uane he saith , That not to have heard of him is to be a Stranger in this Land ; and not to honour and admire him , is to be an Enemy to all that is good and virtuous , [ Vind. of Sir H. V. against M. B. p. 7. ] and adds further , that he is one , whose Integrity , whose Vprightness in the greatest Imployments hath secured him from the Effects of their Hatred , in whom his sincere Piety , Zeal for the Publick , and singular Wisdom may have raised Envy and Dread . [ ibid. ] And in the following Page he assures us , That Sir H. hath discovered the most glorious Truths that have been witness'd unto these 1500 Years and more , in a manner as extraordinary ; I mean ( saith he ) not in the persuasive words of Humane Wisdom , not in the Sophistry of School-Learning , not as the Scribes and Pharisees , but as one having Authority , and in the Evidence and Demonstration of the Spirit , viz. like Christ Iesus , and the Apostles working Miracles for the Evidence and Demonstration of their Doctrines ; So that here Sir Harry is advanc'd to a kind of Equality with Christ and the Apostles , as They elsewhere are brought down by him to a Level with M. Greatarick . [ in his Miraculous Conformist ] And now Sir H. Uane being a Person of such a Character , we need not wonder , That Respect should be due to him from all the World , as he tells us it is , in the Preface to his Vindication . And little less in his Opinion is due to M. Harrington for the Commonwealth-Model in his Oceana , of which , he saith , in the Preface to his Good old Cause , p. 16. I admire his Model , and am ready to cry out , as if it were the Pattern in the Mount. And [ p. 26. ] he declares his Judgment for the promoting M. Harrington's Model , In the Praises whereof ( saith he ) I would enlarge , did I not think my self too inconsiderable ( an humble Fit ) to add any thing to those applauds , which the understanding Part of the World must bestow upon him , ( They must and can not chuse , since M. Stubb hath profest to admire it ) and which , as he goes on , though Eloquence it self should turn Panegyrist , he not only merits , but transcends . 'T is pity but M. Stubb had made some Provision in his Elogy for the Change of times , as no doubt he would , could he have foreseen , That his Eloquence might have had an occasion to turn Panegyrist for Monarchy . The wary Modesty of M. P. had been worth his Imitation here ; who concludes some of his immortal Poetry with this excellent Distich , This was the Opinion of William P. in the Year of our Lord one thousand six hundred thirty three . But who could have thought that a Nation delivered from the Vassallage of the Norman Yoke , would again have chosen a Linsy Woolsy Monarchy , [ Vind. of Sir H. V. p. 42. ] rather than the Pattern in the Mount ? Who would have dreamt that we should have preferr'd Charles Stuart and his Bishops [ ut supr . ] to the PATRIOTS of the LONG PARLIAMENT and ARMY that executed Iustice upon the late King ? [ Vind. of Sir H. V. p. 59. ] That the same should befal us as did the Children of Israel after they had cast off Pharaoh ' s Yoke , [ Vind. of Sir H. V. p. 3. ] Yea , that at last , we should return not to Goshen , but the most dismal parts of Aegypt , rather than proceed to our Felicity . [ p. 5. ] These things were so far from being likely , that notwithstanding all the Discouragements the Good old Cause met with , which are parallel'd to those befel the Israelites in their Iourney , p. 4. yet our Prophetick Rumper heartens himself in these Words , I assure my self that these are but the Pangs of that Birth , in which we shall at last cry out , a Man-Child is born , [ p. 4 , 5. ] For Confirmation of which he adds , that God will not lose his own Mercies , and all is but as the wandring Iews in the Desert , or as the going back of the Sun upon the Dial of Ahaz ten Degrees , which was a sign of Recovery to disconsolate and languishing Hezechias , p. 5. and so he grows confident of the final issue of things , and the Prisoners of Hope shall receive double Satisfaction , and the ransomed of the Lord shall return , ib. This is the man , Sir , that cries out in Astonishment at my Puritanism and Fanaticism [ p. 11. of his Book against me ] because I call some of the Aristotelian Doctrines , Heathen Notions . But I have not yet done with his Courtships of his Friends of the Cause ; Those I have mention'd concern the GRANDEES and PATRIOTS : The People in common have their share also of his Favours , These he calls the good People , the Salt of this Land , [ Pref. to Good old Cause , p. 32. ] The faithful Ones , Pref. p. 30. The Honest Party , p. 31. The true Anointed Ones of the Lord , [ Vind. of Sir H. V. p. 2. ] Honest and faithful Souls , [ Pref. to Good old Cause , p. 16. ] and infinite more of such Elogies he bestows upon them . But nothing of all this is Fanaticism , nothing like my Canting in calling some of Aristotle's Dictates , Heathen Notions . This brief Specimen I have given you of M. Stubb's best kind of Civilities . I shall now offer you some further Account of those of the First Sort. Dr. WALLIS you know , is a Person of great and deserved Fame for Learning both at home and abroad : upon that excellent man M. Stubb first fastned in a Defence of M. Hobbs against him ; I had occasion before to touch some instances of his Courtships bestowed on this learned Doctor ; then I promised more , and with the particular Quotations of those ; This I intend now briefly . In the Preface He tells his Reader , That the Doctor is one , who hath so merited by his Scurrility and Obscenity , that his English Writings may become Appendixes to Pasquil ' s Iests , or the merry Tales of Mother Bunch , p. 1. The Doctor is one of his Comical Wits , no doubt . And p. 2. he saith , one of us two is grosly ignorant , viz. either Dr. Wallis , the man of no Credit , p. 5. or M. Stubb one of early Reputation abroad . p. 2. Let the understanding Reader judge which it is ; and that he may not mistake , our Author kindly directs his Judgment , [ p. 6.49 . and second Part , p. 1.3.5.8 . ] In which and other places , he chargeth the Doctor with Ignorance , Want of Learning , intolerable Ignorance , and Ignorance in the Principles of his Profession : So that the Reader , if he be not grosly blind , must needs see which of them two it is that M. Stubb thinks to be grosly ignorant . And further to express his Civility and favourable Opinion of the Doctor , he saith , He hath afforded us nothing hitherto , but Falsities and Falsifications , p. 5. calls him peevish Doctor , p. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pigmy , p. 20. Witty-poll , p. 24. Quacksalver , and Mountebank , p. 25. Critical Bravo , p. 49. Tender-fronted Theologue , [ p. 5. of the second Part ] Contemptible Adversary , p. 8. Scribe among the Pharisees , Iourny-man to Adoniram , p. 9. Full of Impertinencies , Paralogisms , and Gibberish in Divinity ; So notorious a Falsificatour and Teller of Vntruths , so void of Humanity in this Contest , and ordinary Civility , That I can scarce hold ( saith he ) from telling you , You are of your Father the Devil , ib. And he goes on to mind the Doctor of his Pride , Ambition , and Disgraceful Speeches against the Godly Party , and that Remnant the Army , which under the Conduct of the Lord of Hosts upheld the Cause , ibid. Thus briefly of some Civilities towards Dr. Wallis , the First of those Comical Wits , whom M. Stubb undertook to make ridiculous and odious to the Kingdom , ( to speak in his Phrase . ) Let us see next with what Ingenuity and Fairness he carried himself towards M. BAXTER in his Defence of Sir H. V. against Him. This Reverend Divine was another of those he resolved to sacrifice to publick Obloquy , as he hath done me , [ Pref. of N. P. ] But let us see what way he takes to do it ; his old Method no doubt , and so we find it . Let us hear him Rhetoricate then ; One that is no Scholar at all , not skilled in Latin , Greek , or Hebrew , not versed in Ecclesiastical History , or Philosophy , &c. But a meer Glow-Worm in Literature , who borrowed his Light from the Darkness of the Night , and the Ignorance of those he converseth with . [ p. 32 , 33. of the Pref. to Good old Cause , ] Whifler in Theology , p. 33. one that transcribed Aulicus , and the Grub-street Pamphlets to frame a Legend for the Catholicks of Kederminster , p. 32. A Philistim , or Shimei , or Rabsha●●h , [ Vind. of Sir H. V. p. 11. ] whose Language against the Vanists may justly deserve that Reply of Michael to the Devil , THE LORD REBUKE THEE , ibid. Tedious , impertinent , p. 13. State-Tinker , p. 37. Retailer of other mens Readings , and Quoter of Quotations , p. 43. His Discretion cannot be so little , but his Abilities are less , ibid. He chargeth him with Ignorance , in the Preface to the Good old Cause ; and ( which is very pleasant ) he saith , he remits it to others to demonstrate the Charge . And before I have done with him , I shall make him wish , he had taken the same Course , in reference to the Virtuosi . He saith , [ p. 18. of his Vindication of Sir H. V. ] That he may suppose M. Baxter is totally ignorant of Syriack and Arabick , and that his Skill in Hebrew is as little , which he referrs to M. Robertson to prove , and thereupon he takes it for granted , insulting in these following Words , Dare He boast unto the World , what time he spent in Impertinencies , viz. Reading the Fathers and Schoolmen , p. 13. and yet be ignorant of that , which is almost the Unum Necessarium in his Function ? viz. Hebrew . But why M. Harry must that be the almost Vnum Necessarium to M. Baxter's Function , which not one of the Fathers in the Nicene Council ( whose Creed is so famous ) understood ? as you tell us in your Apology for the Quakers , [ p. 85. of Light out of Darkness . ] But Hebrew and other Langu●ges shall be necessary or not , as the saying this , or the Contrary will serve his turn . And 't is pretty to see how he chargeth M. Baxter with Ignorance in Syriack and Arabick , which , he saith , are of great Vse for the Vnderstanding the Scripture , [ ibid. p. 18. ] and yet implicitely affirms , [ Quer. 13. of his Light out of Darkness , ] That the Knowledge of Tongues leads us to many Senses of Scripture , and to put our Trust in Man : and again , [ Qu. 18. ] That the first Christians were ignorant of Humane Learning , and Heathenish Authors , and that it was not only the Effect of Julian the Apostates Malice , but Christian Prudence , that went about to keep the People of God from reading Heathen Writers : And yet these two Books , speaking such contradictory things , bear date the same Year ; onely indeed , the Designs were very different , and M. Stubb was to serve a divers Interest in them ; in the one to recommend himself to the Quakers and other wild Fanaticks ; and in the other to vent his Malice against M. Baxter : And things in his Divinity must be affirmed or denied , as there is occasion . He is still consistent with one Principle , Self ; But never was yet steady to any other . Besides the Civilities mention'd , I might recite innumerable others ; but I must hasten from this head : Therefore of some few more briefly . He calls Sir K. DIGBY , That eminent Virtuoso , the Pliny of our Age for Lying , [ p. 161. of his Animad . upon Plus Vltra . ] and yet p. 20. he lays much stress upon the Authority of Pliny . He styles the excellent History of the R. S. a nonsensical and illiterate History , p. 173. And Pr. p. 4. He saith , he observed the Tendency of it to be so pernicious , that , if the first Provocation ( viz. that which he had from my Book . ) had made him angry , he was now become obstinate , and he goes on , In that famed Work I encountred with so many illiterate Passages , that the Credit of our Nation seemed concern'd in the Refuting it ; Yea , he adds , that the Interest of the present Monarchy , the Protestant Religion , and the Emolument of each private Person was concerned ; And when these were at stake , was it fit for M. Stubb to be silent ? His Zeal for the Credit of the Nation , Monarchy and Religion would have destroyed him , if it had not had vent ; He must speak or burst ; And all this Zeal was kindled by a sense of Duty , ( as we may believe ) for he tells us , He ought not to be silent ; and those that know him may think , 't were impossible ●e should . But for an Instance or two more , DES-CARTES his Book De Homine is ridiculous , p. 18. And the MATHEMATICIANS in a Cluster are reckon'd with the Illiterate , p. 115. Let illiterate Persons and Mathematicians be swayed against plain Proof , by these Arguments . Any Arguments will sway Mathematicians ; For They seldom if ever prove Metaphysicians , Religieuse , or otherwise of tolerable Ratiocination ; p. 17. For the Geometricians either reject as false , frivolous , and indemonstrable those Reasonings and Studies according to which Humane Affairs are regulated ; or else ignorantly run into Whimsies and phantastical ways of arguing , ibid. And therefore the Mathematicks in general are concluded less necessary , and inutile , ibid. What pity 't is now that Aristotle should be a Geometrician ? as p. 18. And how come the Mathematicks to be so inutile , as they were just now , p. 17. when in this 18th . 't is said , That Aristotle supposeth his Scholars not ignorant in Geometry , since without that Knowledge they could not understand his Analyticks , nor that part of his Ethicks , where he illustrates Iustice by Arithmetical and Geometrical Proportions . Well! The Methods of Ratiocination laid down by Aristotle are general , as to publick and private use , p. 17. Those Methods cannot be known without Geometry according to Aristotle himself , p. 18. and yet Mathematicks are inutile , p. 17. For M. Stubb to rail at that in one Book , which he cries up and defends in another , we must allow him ; He affirms and denies what comes into his head next to serve his present Spight and Interest ; and we are not to look for any more Consistency in his Books , than in his Dreams : But some would expect that the same Treatise , or at least the same Leaf should be consistent with it self : This may chance to happen , but he hath good Luck when it doth ; For he tells us in his Prefaces , that he sends away some sheets before others are written , and a man may judge by his Writings that he no more remembers what he pen'd last Week , than what he dreamt last Night was Twelve-Month . But the most pleasant Complement of all is behind . In the Preface to his Book against me , p. 3. He calls the Virtuosi , Prattle-boxes , and p. 1. mentions one , who , as 't is usual ( saith he ) with that sort of Virtuosi , instantly usurp'd all the Discourse , and , no doubt , he made hast ; But where did that wonderful Virtuoso dwell , that could usurp the Discourse , when M. Stubb was present ? Certainly 't was one of the most nimble among the Prattle-boxes , there cannot be such another in the whole Set : One would wonder what M. Stubb should be doing , when the Virtuoso usurp'd the Discourse ? He tells us this was done at a Person of Honour's Table , and that it was at the very Beginning of Dinner , it appears , in that the Gentleman usurp'd the Discourse instantly ; So that we may judge that M. Stubb's Teeth would not give his Tongue leave ; But as soon as that was at Liberty , he paid the barbarous Opiniatour , p. 3. for usurping his Province . If M. Stubb had hated all Vsurpers , as he doth the Vsurpers of Discourse , we had never had a Defence of the Good old Cause . But why should he be so much concerned about this sort of Usurpers ? Their Discourse can no more be heard in the lurry of his , than a soft Voice can , amidst the Clutter and Noise of a Mill ; So that he hath no need of the Wax and Wooll he prescribes against the buzze of the Prattle-boxes ; his Tongue will better defend his Ears from that danger ; ( though I cannot promise that it will never expose them to other and worse Hazards ) And he is never like to meet such an Vsurper of Discourse , as the Virtuoso at the Person of Honours Table did ; except the Doctor of Warwick could meet Harry Stubb of Christ-church . Thus I have given some Account of the rare Civilities of the Courtly Anti-Virtuoso , and upon review of them , I cannot but wonder , that this man , who had so early a Reputation abroad , as he told us , and was so applauded by the ingenious , should sully his Fame by the Choice of such pitiful Adversaries : Dr. Wallis was ignorant , grosly ignorant , intolerably ignorant , ignorant in his own Profession : M. Baxter , no Scholar at all , not skill'd in Latin , Greek , or Hebrew , Ecclesiastical History , or Philosophy , a Whiffler in Theology , and Glow-Worm in Literature : Dr. Sprat's History , Illiterate and Nonsensical ; The Virtuosi , Prattle-boxes , and Ignoramus's ; and I , ignorant of every thing . What means this Man of Renown to choose out such despicable Adversaries ? Why doth he disparage his Puissance by imploying it against such feeble Foes ? what poor Quarry are these for such a Noble Bird of Prey ? He told us , heretofore , that it was Zeal for the Cause ; and now 't is the Interest of Monarchy , Protestant Religion , the Church of England and Vniversities , that have engaged this publick-spirited man to so great Condescensions ; and how much reason we have to believe , that these were the true Motives to his Assaults , we shall see by and by . I shall now shut up this Head by taking notice , what a fit Second this is for M. Cross : They are nobile par , and extremely alike in sundry particulars of their Genius and Performances ; only it must be confess'd , that M. Stubb hath as much the more Learning , as he is guilty of the less Scurrility ; And indeed the Civilities of this kind , which the Physician of Warwick hath bestowed upon all his Adversaries , are not equal to those my other Antagonist hath liberally given me singly . And though I pass immediately from looking over the Collection of Complements I have presented you from M. Stubb , yet when I cast my eyes from it upon M. Crosses Papers , ( a Transcript of which I have ) I cannot choose but bless my self , and cry out in astonishment . For there is scarce a word of Reproach in the Dictionary , but he hath found it for me ; yea he hath made divers that are span-new , to serve his purpose , and ventured upon Barbarisms to miscall me by , when all the usual Names of Disparagement and Infamy were spent . But I shall have a fitter place to reckon with that Billingsgate Oratour . I return to his Patron M. Stubb ; and having given you a short Representation of his Spirit and Genius , out of his own publish'd Writings , I come next to ( II. ) HIS Designs ; of these I shall briefly give his own Account out of his latest Books . They were ( if we may believe him ) the securing and promoting the Interest of the present Monarchy . [ Pref. against Plus Vltra , p. 4. ] Protestant Religion [ ibid. ] and the Church of England , [ Title , Pref. &c. against Dr. Sprat . ] School-Divinity , [ p. 1. against Plus Vltra . ] Universities . [ p. 1.2.13 . ] In order to the carrying on these great Intendments , He design'd further to make the Virtuosi really ridiculous and odious to the Kingdom , [ Pref. p. 4. ] to avenge his Faculty upon M. Glanvill , and by Sacrificing that Virtuoso to publick Obloquy to establish general Repose and Tranquillity . [ Pref. p. 3. ] Smile not ô Tres-haute & tres-agreeable Comediants . [ Pref. 6. ] M. Marchamont Stubb is the PILLAR of MONARCHY , and the PATRIOT of PROTESTANT Religion ; But you must not ask how long he hath been of this Loyal and Religious Inclination ? He hath no longer a Concern for Sir H. Vane , [ Disc. of Choc . ] You may choose whether you 'l admire Him now , and yet be no Enemy to all that is good and virtuous ; nor is he concerned for the other Patriots of the long Parliament and Army , that were to be so famous , when the Worthies of Greece and old Rome should cease to be mention'd : ut supra , Tower-Hill and Tybourn have alter'd the Case . The Good old Cause ceaseth to be the most glorious in the World ; and Monarchy to be the Norman Yoke , more intolerable than the Aegyptian Bondage : Our Kings are not now a Succession of Usurpers ; nor is Their Government the most dismal Part of Egypt : We hear no more of Charles Stuart and his Bishops compared to the Inquisition ; nor of executing Iustice upon the late KING . No , the Interest of the present Monarchy , and the Church of England are now the Cause , the glorious Cause , ( and next to the Good old one ) no doubt the most glorious that ever was . M. Politicus is better informed , his Eyes are opened , and now Monarchy may be as good a Government as M. Harrington's Model , that was so like the Pattern in the Mount ; and General MONK may be as good a Patriot as Sir H. Vane , and the Rumpers . Thus we hear Sir Hudibras is turn'd zealous Royalist ; and our Sir. Marchamont will pay the Comical Wits for the Prejudice They do the present Monarchy and the Church of England . HOW like it is ( 1. ) that the Interest of Monarchy should be one ground of M. Stubb's Quarrel with the Virtuosi we have seen already ; or if it do not yet fully appear from what hath been recited before , give me leave to propose to your further Consideration a Paragraph of his in the Beginning of his Vindication of Sir H. V. p. 1.2 . The Age ( saith he ) wherein we live , hath been all Miracles ; and the coming forth of the Woman out of the Wilderness hath been attended with so many Wonders , that a pious Heart can never want imployment in its Contemplation . We have seen , and our Eyes bear witness of the Actings of our God , the overturning of a Monarchy setled upon the Foundation and Vsage of many hundreds of Years , strengthened by what Humane Policy could contribute to its Establishments , and what of Buttress a complying Clergy could assist it with out of the Pulpit ; Yet have we seen a Change so brought about by our Iehovah , that he may in extraordinary Acknowledgments be proclaimed wonderful Counsellour , the mighty God , the everlasting Father , Prince of Peace : We have seen the most glorious Cause in the World , accompanied with no less Success , and the Lord in his Mercy to us , and Iustice to them , hath bound our Kings in Chains , and Nobles in Fetters of Iron , such as wherewith they had formerly opprest the good People of this Land. This Honour have all his Saints , ( Psal. 149.9 . ) Vengeance hath he returned upon their heads , and their own Shame hath covered them . The true anointed ones of the Lord have appeared , for their sakes hath he rebuked Monarchs , and the former have repeated the Fruits of that Holiness , and Sacriety , whereunto the latter vainly pretended . In this Strain he goes on , in imitation of the reformed Style of those Times , which is not Canting , but the holy Language of the anointed ones , for whose sake our King was bound in Chains , and our Nobles in Fetters of Iron . And are we not to believe that this Anointed Rumper is a Zealot for the Interest of the present Monarchy ? We have his word for 't , and he hath told me , that he can say more for Monarchy than all the Virtuosi : No doubt ! It would be very much , if M. Stubb could not say more for any thing than the Ignoramus's . He knows the man , that useth to brag , what he can say for MAHOMET , and what an Inclination he hath to write the Life of that Brave Fellow ; And if Turcism were among us , I know where the Alcoran would have a Defender , and one that can say as much for it , as for Monarchy , or the Church of England , if he may be credited himself ; but of that no more now . We have seen some things whereby we may judge , how dear the Interest of Monarchy is to our Anti-Virtuoso ; and how much Reason we have to believe that to be one ground of his Quarrel with the Royal Society . LET us inquire next , ( 2. ) how probable it is , that he should be kindled against them by the Consideration of the Church of England and Religion . There was a time , you know , when the Church of England was in a worse Condi●ion , than it is in now ; and Religion in a more ruinous Posture . Independents , Anabaptists , Fifth Monarchy-men , and Quakers were as formidable People to both , as the Virtuosi ; and all things were fallen under their destructive Power . What did this pious Vindicatour of the Church of England and Religion in that unhappy season ? No doubt , his Zeal burnt like fire ; and he was sensible then , as he is now , [ Pref. p. 4. ] that he ought not to be silent . Then it was that his Light broke out of Darkness , that disclosed Truths little less admirable than those Sir H. Vane discover'd , that were the most glorious that have been witness'd to these 1500 Years , and more , [ ut sup . ] They are proposed modestly in Queries , for he tells us , They are from one who desires to lie low in his own eyes . But the Testimonies and Proof are all for the Heterodox Part , for which he declares he had the most esteem ● and that he had a tender Regard to those , who made the Subject of those Queries their Assertions ; These passages make part of the Preface to the first ; but are in the Conclusion of the second Edition , which I now use . We shall see in these Queries , how he shewed his Friendship to Religion , and the Church of England in the Time of their greatest Extremity . The first Query is this , Q. 1. Whether there be any certain or peculiar Name in the New Testament , that signifies a Minister ? or any Name whence an Office may be convincingly inferr'd ? If there be not , ( as there is just Cause to doubt ) whether the present Ministers are not to blame , while they pretend to an Office and Function grounded upon Divine Right , which hath no other Foundation , than the Hay and Stubble of Humane Invention . p. 12. In the second Query thus , ( they are too large for me to transcribe all ) Q. 2. Is it not an Act of Arrogance in them , who would be the Apostles Successors in ordinary , — ordinary Ambassadors from the most High , to assume a Name of greater Latitude than that of Apostle , or Ambassador extraordinary ? or at least is it not as absurd , as if the Ant should assume the single Name of Animal ; and the Lacquey that of Servant . p. 3 , 4. Query 5. Thus. Q. 5. Whether the present Ministry , ( supposing them generally Presbyterians , or Episcoparians ) do not pretend to be Ministers of the Church Catholick ? whether there be any mention of such a Church in Scripture , or in any antient Creed of the first Ages ? and whether Luther did not place in stead thereof in his Creed the Christian Church ? whether any body can tell what is the determinate meaning of that Word ? whether the Ordainers and Ordained now-adays deal conscientiously in giving , or receiving , and acting really by Virtue of a Power from and over the Catholick Church , whilst the Existence and Signification thereof is so controverted amongst themselves and others ? p. 19. Q. 6. Whether Ecclesia ( which is a Word signifying a Church ) be not a Law-Term deduced from Free-States , in which Common-wealths , the supreme Popular Assembly acted organized by the Archon and Proedri ( as a Church formed and presbyterated by a Minister and Elders ) which did not rule but preside , p. 27. Q. 7. Whether such a Sense of the Word Ecclesia , or Church doth not unchurch all the Parochial Churches in England , and unminister all their Ministers ? ibid. Q. 8. Whether the Ministers do well to derive their Succession unto Christ by the means of Antichrist ? p. 29. Q. 9. Whether the Arguments of the first● Reformers about their Vocation do not justifie any , that shall take upon them to preach ? p. 52. Q. 20. Whether the first Christians had any Churches , or did not assemble only in Private Houses ? whether their Want hereof can be attributed to their being under Persecution , since they never made that Excuse for themselves to the Pagans , who objected it to them ? p. 106 , 107. Q. 21. Whether Christianity it self be not termed Heresie in Scripture ? Whether Tertullian do not frequently call the Christians a Sect ? and whether the Christian Emperours do not so likewise in their Constitutions even against Hereticks ? whether the Meeting-Places of the first Christians were not termed Conventicles ? p. 107. Q. 22. Whether if there were Heresies in the Apostles days and Schisms , it doth follow that there are any Hereticks and Schismaticks now , when there are n● Apostles ? — p. 108. Q. 23. Whether they used in the Primitive times to bury in Places such as we now call Church-Yards ? and whether the introducing of such a Custom had not a superstitious Original ? p. 110. Q. 24. — Whether , if to preach publickly be to teach , as it is now practis'd , the Apostles did ever teach publickly ? p. 112. Q. 25. Whether the Division into Parishes was not introduced by the Pope Dionysius ? and whether the Antient Christians payed Tithes ? if they did , whether they did not pay them as Alms ? ibid. Q. 29. Whether the Predecessors of the Protestants , and those who have so honourable a mention in our Books of Martyrs , and other Writings for witnessing against Popish and other Antichristian Abuses , did allow of Tithes , and their Divine Right ? p. 120. Q. 30. Whether they had the Vse of Bells in the Primitive Times ? and whether the Bells in England that remain ever since the Reformation , have not been popishly and superstitiously Christned ? p. 138. Q. 31. Whether it were not an Act of Superstition in former times to build Churches and Chappels in the Form or Fashion of a Cross ? whether it were not a Sin of the like Nature in Antient Times to build their Churches East and West , that so the People might bow and pray towards the East ? — And whether both these Superstitions have not been renewed , and practised lately in one of the Reformed Colleges of Oxford , viz. Brasen-Nose College , as in the Margin . p. 139. Q. 42. Whether the Ministers do well to go in black , or the Vniversities to command it ? p. 147. Q. 43. Whether there were not of old amongst the Iews a sort of men called Cheramims , or black Coats ? whether those were the People of God ? and whether the Translatours of the Bible did well to conceal the true meaning of this Word by putting another for it , or the very Word it self in English Letters ? p. 148. Q. 47. Whether those things which had a good Original and Vse ( if they be not still necessary or commanded by God ) when once they have been abused to Idolatry , and Superstition , are not quite to be abolished ? p. 149. Q. 48. Whether the Singing of David ' s Psalms be a part of Divine Worship ? whether that Practice was introduced in England for a spiritual End , or only to preserve the Estimation and Knowledge of the laudable Science of Musick ? p. 151. elsewhere called Fidling . Q. 41. Q. 50. Whether it be not a very great Abuse put upon the Independents , to say that they or their Tenents came from Amsterdam ? Do not the Doctors that are got among them , their Stickling for the upholding the present formalized University , and a Tithe-receiving Ministry , ( whom yet not long ago they stiled abominable ) and Parish Priests , and their Demeanour toward the Quakers in Oxon ( agreeable to a persecuting rather than a persecuted Spirit ) sufficiently acquit them from having any Affinity with those other Pretious Souls ? p. 156. Q. 53. Whether it be a peculiar Practice of our modern Anabaptists and Quakers , that they will not swear , no , not before a Magistrate ? or whether it were not an Opinion of the Waldenses Antecessors of the Protestants ? p. 166. What sort of Persons these Queries were intended to gratifie , 't is very easie to apprehend . But lest those Friends he had a mind to make , should be so dull as not to perceive it ; He writes an express Apology for the Quakers beginning at p. 55. continued to p. 92. In which he tells us , that he durst not condemn the Quakers , whether they reprove openly or walk naked through the Streets , denouncing Woes and Menaces , p. 91. and he goes on ; It is a sufficient Argument for me , that what God bids is not undecent , nor do they any thing for which they have not a like Example , and ( possibly ) resembling Commands . Did not the Protestant Martyrs so disturb the Popish Priests , as the present Ministers are disturbed ? and that when the Laws were against them ? Yea many of the first Christians dealt so with the Heathens and their Priests . ib. And again , p. 92. If Balzac or Rutgersius had written his Character of the Antient Christian , the Quaker would not have stood in need of an Apology . Whether these Passages , and the Discourse were more intended to recommend the Quakers , or to make the first Christians , Protestants , and Martyrs , contemptible and ridiculous by the Comparison ; Let those that know M. Stubb , and have ever heard him discourse about Religion , judge . For my part I am satisfied . 'T is a pleasant Passage and to the same purpose , which I meet in his Vindication of Sir Hen. Vane , p. 36. He tells M. Baxter that it was ignorantly said of Him , That the Quakers had no being in the World till a few Years ago : and in contradiction to it , he saith , As to the Generality of their Opinions and Deportment I DO AVOW it out of as sure and good Records , as any can be produced , that they can plead more for themselves for the first 270 Years , then M. Baxter for the present Orthodox Religion laid down in the SAINTS EVERLASTING REST , or the CONFESSION of the Assembly . You may please to mark that he speaks not of any particular Opinions of M. Baxter and the Assembly , which have less to be said for them out of primitive Antiquity , than the Quakers , but of their Religion . And when M. Stubb hath proved what he hath here Avowed , men are like to have as good an Opinion of Christianity , as he can wish : And how good a one that is , I am loth to call in the Vouchee he cites for M. Cross , viz. general Fame , to testifie . He declares it too frequently in the whole Contexture of his Light out of Darkness ; and since , in his Account of Greatarick , he gives hint enough of the Degree of his Faith. Christ Iesus , and his Apostles appeal continually to their Works , those miraculous ones they performed , as evidencing the Divineness of their Commission , and the Truth of their Doctrines ; and M. Stubb tells us , [ p. 10. ] That all Religions have had their real Miracles ; and so let them dispute , or fight it out as they can , Miracles must be tried by Truth , not Truth by Miracles , [ ibid. ] But how the Truth shall be tried , viz. that of a Divine Commission , or Authority : 't is not for the Interest of one of his Principles , or rather of his no Principles , to tell us . And when he hath taken away the Testimony of the Spirit in Miracles , he knows well enough what will become of Christianity : This he endeavours here , by many very odd Suggestions . M. Greatarick did things miraculous , [ p. 8. ] and these he performed by the Temperament and Composure of his Body , [ p. 11. ] So that Healing Miracles are the Effects of the Effluvia of a particular Ferment , [ p. 11. ] And so Christ Jesus shewed nothing of Divinity in curing Diseases by his Touch. Yea , M. Greatarick is mated with Him , and the Apostles , [ p. 26. ] He did the things that never man did , but Christ and his Apostles ; He cured Diseases by the Temperament and Composure of his Body , [ ut sup . ] but no man ever did so besides ; only the Son of God , and his Disciples had the Priviledge . And yet [ p. 10. ] this in express Words is plainly contradicted ; for we hear there of others that did the same things with Christ Iesus , and M. Greatarick , The Alexicaci , Salutatores , or Bensedevios , that cure by anointing with Spittle , and by breathing and stroaking of the Patient . [ p. 10. ] And in Turky also and Africk they have Persons of the like Qualifications , [ ibid. ] But 't is nothing for M. Stubb to affirm Contradictions , and I wish that were the worst could be justly laid to his Charge ; I have a great deal more to say of his Friendship to Religion , which I keep for a Reserve . He tells us , p. 15. of his Book against my Plus Vltra , That Mahomet taking advantage of the Brutal Lives , and Ignorance of the Catholicks depending upon the Patriarch of Constantinople , did advance the Sect of Christians called Mahometans : I wish some do not think that a certain Defender of Religion and the Church of England , is a Christian by the same Figure as are those Disciples of Mahomet . If a man of Learning , and tolerably in his Wits endeavour to make the first Christians , Martyrs , and Reformers like the Quakers in their Opinions and Deportment , He cannot be supposed primarily to design the Crediting those distracted Enthusiasts , but to vilifie all Christians , except some of M. Stubb's sort called Mahometans ; and our Defender of Religion knows well enough that the Testimonies he alledgeth to prove those sick-brain'd People to be like all the best Christians , will prove as much , that the best Christians were like Them ; and so a more desperate Enemy than the Quakers is gratified : How far he intended this , let those conjecture , who have heard of his Kindness and Concern for M. Hobbs : And how far he designs the promoting the Interest of Religion , and the Church of England , let the most charitable man alive judge upon the whole . I , but ( 3. ) he tells us how much he is for School-Divinity , and how far some great matters of Faith are concerned in it ; we derive great Benefits from Controversal Divinity , for the Quieting the Conscience , and Convincing our Adversaries ; and whoever hath any sense of these must detest the Enterprise of M. Glanvill , [ Non Plus , p. 1. ] This He did because he had a Value for the Peace of his Conscience , which is to be setled by School-Divinity . But how different from this was his Opinion of it , when he writ against M. Baxter , Then School-Divinity was apt to create everlasting Disputes rather than Rest , and made no part of the Rest of the Primitive , whether Christians , or Antichristians ; these are his Words , [ p. 18. ] M. Stubb had another way to quiet his Conscience at that time , but now School-Divinity is the only Expedient . And whereas in the same first Page of his Book against me , he tells us , The Distinction of the Trinity , of Essence , and Personality , the Hypostatical Vnion of the two Natures in our Saviour , and the meritoriousness of his Death ( which depends thereupon ) are undermined with School-Divinity . In that he writ against M. Baxter , he saith of it , That it is an upstart Study , unknown to the purer times , model'd and profess'd by that Order , which now manageth the Inquisition , and was at first erected for the suppressing the Truth in the Albigenses ; [ p. 13. ] M. Stubb in his last Book greatly applauds Metaphysicks , if he can find any Distinctions in that Learning to solve his own Contradictions , he shall have my Vote for the greatest Metaphysician in the World. He doth so directly and in terms every where almost affront himself , that I cannot possibly write more point-blank against him , than Harry doth against Stubb ; and some think , that if he be let alone , the next time he scribbles he 'l reduce even his last Book to a Non-plus , and confute this also , as he hath already done by most of his other Writings . The Truth is , M. Stubb hath wanted an Adversary to appear publickly against him , and therefore he hath challeng'd , and provoked all men that came in his way ; but those he hath assaulted have been of Opinion , it seems , that 't is no good fighting with Dray-men in a Puddle , and therefore have received his Dirt and pass'd by : This , no doubt , hath troubled him much , and that he might not want Exercise , and Imployment for his Humour , when no body else would undertake him , he hath faln upon himself , and tried his Fists one against another . But these Remarques are only ●n passant . To return . School-Divinity creates Everlasting Disputes , rather than Rest , and is an upstart Study model'd by those that manag'd the Inquisition , and erected for the Suppression of Truth ; when M. Baxter lays any Claim to it ; and presently it supports Christianity , and affords the Benefits of quieting the Conscience , and convincing Adversaries ; when the Virtuosi shew less inclination for that sort of Learning . We may judge by this what a Zealot M. Stubb is for School-Divinity . And yet , that we may see a little further , How probable it is that the Interest of this sort of Knowledge did contribute to inflame him against me , and the rest whom he calls the Comical Wits ; Let us cast our eyes into his Light out of Darkness ; He there recites several Testimonies out of Luther and Melancthon against it , [ p. 93 , 94 , 95 , 96 , &c. ] viz. Melancthon saying , As for Vniversities we need not trouble our selves at them , the very School-Divinity , which they uphold , shews that all such Schools are Heretical . p. 93 , 94. and M. Stubb adds , [ may not one upon the like Conviction speak as irreverently of Oxford or Cambridge ? ] He cites Melancthon further calling the Vniversities the Dwellings of Lies , Priests , Monks and Schoolmen ; Pharisees and Sadducees , and giving the Epithete of wicked to School-Divinity , [ ibid. ] And as the Articles of Martin Luther , he gives us these , 1. That Scholastical Divinity is a misunderstanding the Holy Scripture and Sacraments , and hath exiled us from the sincere and true Divinity . ( 2. ) When the School or mock-Divinity began , then was the Divinity of the Cross of Christ rendred of no effect , and all things became perverted . ( 3. ) It is now almost 300 Years since the School-Divines have corrupted the Scriptures , to the incomparable Detriment of the Church . [ p. 95. ] To this he annexeth Melancthon's Apology for Luther in Opposition to the Censure of the Sorbonists against those Articles , containing much to the same purpose , spoken with all Contempt and Vehemence imaginable against that Divinity ; In which he saith , that if once it be admitted , there is nothing safe , nothing sound in the Church of God , The Gospel is obscured , Faith extinguish'd , Free Will and good Works introduced , and instead of professing Christianity we become not Followers of the Law , but Adherents of Aristotle . — [ p. 96. ] M. Stubb concludes their Testimonies thus , Believe it , Reader , if thou art of this judgment , thou hast the most glorious Martyrs , the most renowned Christians , and as Learned Men as any to defend thee , [ ibid. ] And therefore his Query is , p. 95. Whether School-Divinity be not a novel thing , slighted and condemned by Learned and Godly men in all Ages since it was first introduced ? If it were not , in M. Stubb's Opinion it deserved to be so , for he calls it the Iargon of the Schoolmen in his Preface against Dr. Wallis , p. 2. where also he tells us of the Burlesque of the Fathers , and the Gallimaufrey of Critical Learning . Thus we see how serious also we may believe him to have been in his Designs for School-Divinity . BUT ( 4. ) the Universities and their Learning are much beholden to him ; and he writes against the new-fashion'd Philosophers , because it was a work necessary to the Vniversities and all Learning . [ Non plus , p. 2. ] Now because M. Stubb pretends himself a Defender of the Vniversities , as well as of Monarchy and Religion ; and would fain expose the Royal Society , and the Favourers of that Institution , as Enemies to those antient Nurseries of Knowledge , I shall enquire briefly , what Reason there is to think , that the Virtuosi have any Enmity to the Vniversities , or that M. Stubb hath any Friendship for Them. As for the First , whatever may be suggested by those that are prompted to think amiss of Them either by Malice , or Vnacquaintance with their Designs , There is certainly no good Pretence for the Censure . For They have done nothing to the Vniversities Prejudice , nor spoken any thing to their Disparagement ; They declare upon all occasions their Esteem for those learned Foundations , and endeavour to vindicate their own Institution from being any ways prejudicial or offensive to Those ; The greatest part of them have been Members of the Vniversities , and some at this time have eminent Relations to Them. The very way of Knowledge They are in , cannot well be improved to any great purposes , without the preparative Academical Studies ; And these Philosophers acknowledge general Notions necessary for the regulating and using particular Observations and Enquiries ; Upon which accounts I must pronounce , That 't is either Spight or Ignorance , that creates and foments Iealousies in the Vniversities , of an Innocent as well as Honourable Assembly , that loves and respects them heartily , and no way interferes with Them or their Concerns , but I dare say would be most ready to serve Them in any of their publick Interests . Of this Inclination ( If I may not mention the glorious Gift of our most munificent and Learned ARCHBISHOP , an Illustrious Member of the Royal Society , to the Vniversity of Oxford ) yet I may give the Instance of the most Noble the Lord HENRY HOWARD's Favour to the same Vniversity , in bestowing upon It those rare and celebrated Pieces of Antiquity the Marmora Arundeliana , with which the Area of the Theatre is adorned , and the affectionate Kindness of that learned and excellent Person M. Evelyn in his effectual Solicitations to procure them : And you know , Sir , that both that Illustrious Lord , and this ingenious and accomplish'd Gentleman , are Members of the Royal Society , zealously concerned for its Interests . I might mention further , what Care is taken in the History of the Society to clear It and Its Designs from all thoughts of Its being hurtful to the Vniversities , and their useful Learning : He that hath a mind to know , may see there himself ; and he that is resolved he will not be informed , is not like to be convinced , though I should transcribe that ingenious and satisfactory Apology . As to what concerns my self , M. Stubb and his Admirer M. Cross are resolved that I shall go for an Enemy to the Vniversities , say what I will ; They both know , what frequent and publick Professions I have made of the great Honour I have for those famous Schools of Piety and Knowledge ; particularly in the Entrance of the Letter concerning Aristotle ( which M. Stubb saith he hath answered ) They may find the highest Expressions of Love and Zeal towards the Vniversities , which were within the Compass of my poor and narrow Invention , and my solicitous Endeavours to defend my self from the vile Suspicion of my being guilty of so base an Ingratitude , as these ingenuous Adversaries would fain fasten on me . 'T is true indeed , I have opposed the Peripatetick Physiology , and made some Remarques on Aristotle ; But when I have done thi● , I have declared also , that I intended only to persuade men off from implicit Adherences to Aristotle's bare Word , and Authority , not to discourage the Reading of his Works , or receiving any useful Informations from Him : To dissuade capable and ingenious Spirits from fixing upon the Peripatetick Notions , as the immoveable Foundations of Truth and Certainty , without enquiring into God's Works , or any other of the Methods of Natural Knowledge , not to dishearten the Youth from studying those Hypotheseis , the uses of which in the Vniversities I have acknowledged . So that the Academical Education is not at all concerned in what I have said , and intended only for men , who were past those preliminary Studies . To this purpose I have spoken in my Defence against the Learned White , in my Letter concerning Aristotle , and also in my Plus Vltra : If , for all this , I must be reckon'd as an Enemy to the Vniversities , who can help it ? But let M. Stubb , and his Confederate M. Cross think what they please , I care as little what they think , as they do what they say ; and as little for what they say , as for the Hoo , Hoo , of the next broad-faced Bird , that sits in an Ivy-bush : And , I believe , most that understand them value their Thoughts and Sayings at the same rate , as I do . But because there are those that do not know this rare pair of Authors , and so may be in danger of believing them ; I solemnly protest that I have a just and most sincere Esteem for those Venerable Seats , and Fountains of Learning , The Vniversities ; and do most cheerfully own , and am ready to celebrate the great Advantages they afford for all sorts of Knowledge , and I verily believe that the other Members of the Royal Society have like Sentiments of them . But now whether Their Defender M. Stubb be so much their Friend , as those their pretended Enemies and Vnderminers , is to be our next Enquiry ; In the Management of it I assure you ( as I did once before ) that I shall not fly to Fictions and bold Slanders after the manner of this Antagonist and Legendary M. Cross , but ( as I have done all along ) take accounts from his publick Writings . Let us consult then his Light out of Darkness ; and in that we shall see his Affection to the Vniversities , in a season when They needed no Enemies , viz. in the short Reign of the Medley-Iunto , that consisted of those whom M. Stubb would have had our perpetual Senators , Independents , Anabaptists , Fifth-Monarchy-Men and Quakers , [ ut supra . ] His 32d . Query in that Book is , Whether the Primitive Christians had any Universities , or other Schools of Learning , than such as Origen did catechise in at Alexandria ? And he concludes his Citations thus , Nor indeed have I ever heard of an University of the Albigenses , or Waldenses , and Bohemians , p. 139. Again , Qu. 33. Whether Antient Times , ( and those not very antient neither ) record any more than that of Bologna , Paris , and Salamanca ? and whether Christianity at that time were not of farther Extent , than the Kingdoms those stood in ? p. 140. And Qu. 34. Whether it were not the Design of the Reformers in King Edward the sixth's days to put down Universities ? whether the Dean of Christ-church had not a Design to reduce Oxford to one or very few Colleges ? p. 140. Well! If the Primitive Christians , and the Predecessors of the Protestants had no Vniversities ; Antient Times , since them , had but four ; And the first Reformers among us designed to put them down ; What must we think our Friend of Vniversities would have his Patriots conclude ? The Answer to this Question will be clear enough in the following Queries . Qu. 35. Whether the Rise of our present fashion'd Universities and University Habits was not from Dominicans ; an Order instituted by the Pope to suppress the Waldenses those Predecessors of the Protestants ? whether this be the Spot and Attire of God's Children ? and whether they have not the Spirit , as well as Garb of Persecutors , and man of Sin ? [ p. 142. ] His Masters answer , No doubt ; and so down with this Limb of Antichrist . Qu. 36. Whether the Institution of Doctoral Degrees be not novel and accounted Antichristian by the Reformed Churches in Scotland , France , Holland , Switzerland , and the Calvinists in High Germany ? And whether they have any in those Countries , or any constant peculiar Habits in their Vniversities ? p. 143. He answers , That Forein Divines have told him , That the Reformed Churches esteem them as Antichristian , ibid. and adds , That the Degree is as Popish as the Divinity whereunto it referrs : A Divinity erected in 1220 , and which is acknowledged to have been the Subversion of Christianity . A Doctor that is no Teacher , he is a dumb Dog , an insignificant Piece of Formality in the Vniversity , reserved by the Reformers ( as it were ) upon such grounds as Constantine in the demolishing of Statues , preserved some Heathen Idols , that Posterity might know what Beasts their Fathers had worshipped . [ p. 143 , 144. ] O excellent Patron of Universities ! How did his anointed ones , those pretious People of the Cause , hug him for this goodly Language ? Well! but if this be not enough , he is resolved he will have their Favour ; Therefore have at Antichrist again . Qu. 37. Whether there are not in our , as well as other Antichristian Universities beyond Sea , the same or rather more popish , idolatrous and superstitious Habits , Ceremonies and Customes ? Nay , whether they do not rather exceed them in Pomp , as well as Number ? His Answer to the Queries follows thus ; Here I am ready to cry out , Come and see ! Come and see ! Not John the Baptist in the Wilderness , nor John the Divine in Pathmos ; but our Theologues in their Pontificals at Oxon , view their Habits , their Ceremonies , their Processions , the Respect due to them by Statute , and you will find that PETITION from the well-affected in Oxon , was not groundless , which desired the Abrogation of them . [ p. 145. ] We must give the Lie to general Fame , [ as he speaks , Non Plus p. 20. ] or believe that M. Stubb was the Author of that Petition : I remember there is as rare stuff in it as any here , but I have not that Paper by me , nor do I need it ; I have more than enough , if I were to write a Volume of this Proteus . But he goes on [ ibid. ] Come and see the Scarlet-Whore represented in a Glass multiplying Doctors : Come and see the Difference between Presbytery and Popery ; since they apply that Expression to Democracy , so often , let me style them in comparison of the Romish Antichrist , the more many-headed Beast ; if the other strive to make the Kings of the Earth drunk with the Cup of Fornication ; These catch at Crowns and half-Crowns . Make good Sense of this Piece of Wit , who can : I cannot guess , except this be it . Presbytery is worse than Popery , because Rome only makes the Kings drunk ; Presbytery makes Them pay their Forfeit , which it unconscionably raiseth from Groats to Crowns and half-Crowns . But let that go , he proceeds , As for the lost Sheep of Israel , the poor and the weak whom God hath chosen , unless the Salary be good , they seem to be under as great a Prohibition from Preaching to them , as the Apostles from going to Bithynia , [ p. 145 , 146. ] But he hath not yet done with the Popery and Antichristianism of our Vniversities , and their Fashions ; Therefore it follows . Qu. 38. Whether the University Hood be not the Product of the old Monkish Melote spoken of by Cassian de Institutione Monachorum , and grounded upon the superstitious Exposition of that place in Heb. 11. They wandred about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Sheep-skins ? whether it were not a Religious Habit , it being a Badg of Monkery according to Cassian and Hierome , ibid. Qu. 39. Whether it be not a superstitious and detestable Exposition of that Scripture , Stand fast having your Loins girt , &c. To accommodate it to the Episcoparian Girdles , with which they tie in their Canonical Coats ? ibid. Qu. 40. Whether it be not a pretty Foundation for the Oxford Doctors to stand booted and spurred in the Act ; because there is mention made in Scripture of being sh●d with the Preparation of the Gospel ? p. 146. Q. 41. Whether the Vniversity of Oxford do well to give for their Arms the Book with seven Seals ? Is not that a gross Abuse of what is laid down in the Revelations : as if the seven liberal Arts ( two whereof are Grammar and Fidling ) were typified by those Seals , which none were worthy to open , but the Lamb ? [ p. 146 , 147. ] Q. 46. Whether any of the Ceremonies and Habits now used in the Vniversities had a very good Original , or have been imployed to a good Vse since ? p. 149. Q. 47. Whether those things which had a good Original and Vse ( if they be not still necessary or commanded by God ) when once they have been used to Idolatry , and Superstition , are not quite to be abolished ? ibid. Here is the Upshot and Conclusion of the Matter : YOV know and own this glorious Truth , O ye our Deliverers from AEGYPT , and from BABYLON , from all Soul-Oppression and Conscience-distressing Persecution . [ Vind. of Sir H. V. p. 57. ] And you know that Vniversities are some of the Hay and Stubble of Humane Invention , and not commanded by God ; Nor are they necessary , The Primitive Christians and first Protestants had them not ; Soul-saving Truths are not taught by the Words of Mans Wisdom ; Christ chose illiterate men for Disciples ; The Gospel of St. John is as bad Greek as the Quakers English ; [ Light out of Darkness , p. 87. ] God hath chosen the Foolishness of this World to confound the Wise. [ ibid. ] You see , O ye PATRIOTS those Schools of Humane Learning are not necessary , Yea , they were erected by Popery , and are Antichristian , Popish , Superstitious ; Down with them therefore , down with them to the Ground ; Destroy Babylon , and the Garments of the Whore , away with the Idols , dumb Dogs , and Beasts , that our Fathers have worshipped This is the Sense of the whole , and a grand Expression of M. Stubb's Friendship to the Vniversities . BUT he is a Zealot , no doubt , for the Learning that is taught there , so he pretends by his eager Oppositions of what he calls the mechanical Education , [ Non Plus , p. 13. ] now contradistinguish'd , as he tells us , from the Vniversity-Learning , this he here recommends and celebrates ; and would fain persuade his Reader , That the Royal Society have a desire to triumph over the antient Education of the Kingdom . [ Pref. p. 6. ] All which are mere Chym●ra's and malicious or proud Devices , to effect his purpose of rendring the Virtuosi odious , as he declares it , [ Pref. p. 4. ] or the other Design of dignifying Himself as the great Patron of antient Learning . For the Royal Society doth no way disturb or meddle with Vniversity-Learning and Education : The Art of Reasoning , the Validity of Consequences , The unfolding of Critical Syllogisms and Fallacies , the general Doctrine of Topicks , the Moral Philosophy and Foundations of civil Prudence , Civil and Ecclesiastical History and Languages , which M. Stubb himself reckons up as the Learning of the Vniversities , [ p. 17. ] will proceed all in the same way , notwithstanding the Study of Experimental Philosophy ; which though it may use some of them , as they are already taught , yet it contradicts none . And by the same Reason , that M. Stubb suggests the Mechanical way to be prejudicial and contrary to the Vniversity-Learning , he might say , that All Practical Arts , as Chirurgery , Architecture , Limning , and the rest , have an Antipathy to those Academical Studies also : such a Logician is M. Stubb as not to distinguish between contrary and divers : What an impertinent thing is proud Malice ? But let us see how much M. Stubb hath declared himself a Friend to Vniversity-Learning , and all sorts of Literature , in the time when they were despised , and their utter Extirpation zealously attempted . Concerning the first Sort , Languages , he Queries thus , Q. 13. L. D. Whether the Knowledge of Tongues leads us to one Sense of Scripture or many ? Whether all such dealings lead us not to put our Trust in Man ? Can any matter of Faith be built upon the Strength of a Criticism ? [ p. 97. ] and Critical Learning is call'd a Gallimaufrey , [ Pref. against Dr. Wallis . ] Q. 18. Whether the first Christians were not against Humane Learning , and Heathenish Authors ? And whether it was more an Effect of Julian the Apostate ' s Malice , or Christian Prudence , that went about to keep the People of God from Reading Heathen Writers ? [ p. 101. ] For the Affirmative of the Query he alledgeth divers Testimonies ; and concludes , The Greek Church is owned for a true Christian Church , and highly magnified by Protestants in Opposition to the Pope , yet neither They nor the Picards , or Waldenses in Bohemia did value Learning , so far were they from esteeming of it , as a Prop of true Religion , p. 105. This was the way to recommend Learning to the Religieuse of those times , whose Favour our Anti-Virtuoso then courted . And even in this last Book , he hath given proof of his Kindness to one sort of Vniversity-Learning , Mathematicks ; They are less necessary and inutile , [ p. 17. ] and a little before Geometricians seldom , if ever , prove Metaphysicians , Religieuse , or othe●wise of tolerable Ratiocination ; but are said ignorantly to run into Whimsies , and Phantastical Ways of Arguing . This is the great Friend and Patron of Learning . BUT what doth he think of Aristotle , who M. Cross tells us in his Book , was Artium Partiumque Uir , Fundator Artium , Maximus Hominum ? His Credit our Author kindly undertakes in part to readvance . [ Title p. to Non Plus . ] And he did it , when he Q●eried in his Light out of Darkness , p. 105. Q. 19. Whose Sepulchres do our Vniversity-men build up , whilst they uphold ARISTOTLE's PHILOSOPHY , which hath been so generally condemn'd of late , and heretofore by Popish Assemblies , and particular men of that way ; as also by the FIRST CHRISTIANS , AND HONEST MEN OF ALL AGES ? In his Discourse upon this Query He tells us , That whatever it be now adays to urge Philosophy among them , viz. the Primitive Christians , was either to be an Heretick or Gentile . He goes on , But I refer my Reader to La●noy's Discourse , — there he will find Aristotle not only condemned by the Fathers , but burnt by after-Ages , — And in the following words he extends the Apostle's Prohibition to the condemning of all Philosophy whatsoever ; If any shall say , That the Apostle by prohibiting Philosophy and vain Deceit , doth rather establish than prejudice what is true , I shall not only desire that Person to ascertain me of what is true in Philosophy ; but further demand , whether this dealing in making that distinctive , which is exaggerative , be not like to what Gregory de Valentia alledgeth in the behalf of that Worship that is paid to the Host in the Mass , That the Apostle in condemning of abominable Idolatries , doth not prejudice Idolatries which are not abominable , ibid. p. 106. And so farewell this Sort of Vniversity-Learning with the rest . FOR this Query and its Appurtenances M. Stubb falls under the Corrections of his Friend M. Cross. His Book I told you , could not be Licens'd , and therefore I should not have publish'd any passages of those Papers , but that he hath endeavour'd to do it himself in all Places , and will , no doubt , take it very kindly to be quoted , especially on an occasion , in which his Zeal for Aristotle may appear : I shall therefore gratifie him , and shew how M. Stubb's Insolence against the Vir Artium and Partium may be chastis'd with M. Crosses Rod , with which he ●irks me and the rest of the Hogs of Epicurus ' s Stie ( as he calls the Dissenters from Aristotle . ) Quantum sudatum è quot Uini Amphorae epotae nocturnis Comessationibus ab hoc Spermologo [ me scilicet ] ( ne dicam reliquis ab Epicuri Harâ Porcellis ) in Aristotele exterminando , exsufflando , epotando , exsibilando ? — And again a little after Quantum sudatum , epotatum , eructatum , ut Vir hic , Semo potiùs & Heros , Philosophiae , temporibus longè doctioribus , facilè Princeps ; Stipes , Stultus , nihil audiat ? you may perceive how much this man knows me , or how little he cares what he saith , by his telling me so much of Fudling ; If I had been any ways guilty of this Fault , M. Cross , of all men , should have taken care how he had accused me . But he goes on , and enquires by whom it is that Aristotle is so hiss'd at , drunk down and exploded ; Nam & hoc Solatium est & Augurium , à Fungis Combibonibus , severae Eruditionis Osoribus acerrimis summis ; Such are all the Deserters of Aristotle : and hence the good man prophesies a happy issue to that Philosopher : Ergo Senex hic , aevi sui Decor , sequentium Stupor , reviviscet , nam revixit multoties : Erit tandem rumpente se Epicuro , Democrito , Gassendo , Cartesio , erit quod fuit , summorum & eruditissimorum Virorum Iudicio , Philosophiae rursus facilè Princeps : Artium Partiumque Vir , Artium quotquot ingenuarum Liberarium Fundator , de Naturâ & Philosophiâ optimè meritus , & quo minor est quisquis maximus est Hominum , — Hey for Aristotle ! Here 't is like M. Stubb would have asked , how all this was to be proved ; But that is no sit Question to be put to M. Cross , he never useth to give himself that trouble . M. Stubb charged M. Baxter with Ignorance , and tells us , he would leave it to others to prove it ; and M. Cross makes Aristotle a Demi-god , and the Anti-Aristotelians more than Demi-brutes , let him prove either that can ; Proof is a thing out of this Disputers way , he hath a Maxim ready to stop you , if you expect it , Contra Negantem Principia — But let us hear him talk on in his Dream . An tamen unquam disputabitur , ut me Iuvene a●xiè disputatum est Oxonii , nempe , An Aristoteles plus debuerit Naturae , an Natura Aristoteli ? Did ever any man else hear of such a nonsensical and impious Question , than which nothing can be phansied more ridiculous , except it be the second , which follows , Vt & An quispiam sit scripturus Librum de Salute aeterna Aristotelis , ut olim Colonienses ? Are not these worshipful Enquiries , and much beyond those of the Virtuosi ? What would a man give to be informed , Whether Aristotle owes more to Nature , or Nature ( which indeed is God ) to him ? or whether any one will write a Book to prove his eternal Salvation ? The Questions are deep , and the modest man will not undertake to determine them , but adds , in Catalogo Rerum Curiosarum repono . I wish we could see a Catalogue of the rest of the things , which he thinks most worthy our Enquiries ; Hitherto the World have troubled themselves about Trifles , 't is great pity but M. Cross should be the general Proposer of Matters fit for Philosophical Disquisition . But he proceeds in his Zeal , and saith of me , That I arrived to that degree of Madness , as to write contra Aristotelem , quem nemo unquam vituperavit , nisi cui pro Corde Pepo est , nemo contra scripsit sobrius , nisi forte insanus ; Very good ! no sober man , except he were mad ; such sober mad-men were several of the first Fathers , and divers great Moderns ; His Friend will tell him honest men in all Ages condemned that Philosopher , and some burnt his Writings ; How bedlam m●d were that sort of sober men ? But he hath not done vindicating Aristotle in his way , viz. calling all those Names that dissent from him , he sputters on against me . Hic est ille , qui scripsit prius contra Aristotelem ; quid Impudentiae & Stultitiae ausurus non est , qui jamdudum perfricuit frontem , & scripsit contra Aristotelem ? What a rare Defender of Aristotle is this ? O brave Aristotle ! Aristotle a Demi-god , a Hero , Prince of Philosophy , a Man of Arts and Parts , Founder of Arts , Greatest of Men ! O the Hogs , Drunkards , Vain Eablers , Dolts , Pot-Companions , Haters of Learning that explode and throw off Aristotle ! O the Madness of one that writ against Aristotle , against whom no sober Person ever writ , except he were a mad-man ! Here is one that writ against Aristotle , what Impudence and Folly will he stick at that writ against Aristotle ? Are not these , Sir , strong Arguments , and is not Aristotle well defended ? This I assure you is the Sum of what M. Cross saith for him , and the Reasonings of his Book throughout are of the same sort . I have not pick'd these Passages , as an Instance of ridiculousness to expose him , but took them up in my way , for a little Mirth sake , and to give you a taste of this Authors way of arguing , which is every where the same . And I have done it the rather , because the Learned Dr. Casaubon in his Letter to Dr. du Moulin about my PLVS VLTRA , accuseth me [ p. 7. ] of reproaching my Adversary for his Love to , and Esteem of Aristotle ; By this I would let that Reverend man see , that it is not my Adversaries Love and Respect to Aristotle I deride ; but the ridiculous Expressions of his fond Admiration , which he sufficiently discovered in that Conference , that was the Occasion of my Book . But enough of M. Stubb and M. Cross as to this particular ; 'T is evident enough that the former hath not that Kindness for Aristotle he pretends , to serve his Designs against the modern Philosophers ; and the other can say nothing on his behalf , more than what Freshmen use to talk of that new great Name they are taught to admire ; whatever Love he hath for Him. And now as to what concerns the modern EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHERS , I dare say they are slandered much by those their Adversaries , that represent them as such Enemies to Aristotle ; For I know They have a due Esteem of him , and allow Him an eminent place among the wise Men of Antient times ; They acknowledge the helps he hath afforded us , and pay Respects to his Writings , as they do to those of other venerable Authors ; They refuse not , nor discourage the reading of his Books , nor do they reject any of his Discoveries , that may aid us in the Uses of Knowledge or Life ; yea , they embrace them cheerfully , and are glad when any useful Truth hath such an Authority to recommend it . Thus much I dare undertake for all the Philosophers of the Practical way , of whom I have any Knowledge . But to make Aristotle a Dictator in Philosophy , and to give him an absolute Empire over our minds ; to admire him , as if in him were hid all the Treasures of Natural Wisdom and Knowledge , and to be scrupulous in acknowledging that he was ignorant of any thing in Nature , as Dr. Casaubon saith Fabricius was , [ in his Reflections on my Plus Vltra . ] such Fondnesses as these , those Philosophers by no means approve , but look on them as extremely prejudicial to the Advance of Knowledge , and the Respect that is due to other excellent Authors both of elder and later times . And I think by their modest Judgment of that Philosopher , they rather secure the just Praise and Regard to Aristotle's Authority that is his due , than any way diminish it . For those that raise the Commendations of any man much beyond the Proportion of his Merit , and lay more Stress upon his Authority , than it will bear , do indeed give an occasion to the Contempt of such an over-valued Person , and the degrading him below that Respect , which his worth might claim : So that in earnest those doting men that talk such childish , incredible things of Aristotle , as I lately quoted from M. Cross , are his real Enemies , and expose him to Scorn and Opposition ; whereas the modern Philosophers , who give him just , but less excessive and flaunting Applauses , do more really serve the Interest of his Name ; And what I particularly , have writ against Him , hath been designed chiefly , to lessen the Hyperbolical Admirations of the little enslaved Sectators ; not to discourage any from the Study of Aristotle , or a modest value of his Authority . And that my Sense of Him and his Writings was the same then , that I declared but now , to be the experimental Philosophers Inclination in reference to that Philosopher , may be largely seen in my Defence of the Vanity of Dogmatizing against that famous Adversary the Learned Albius , especially , p. 7. I have spoken there to the same purpose ; but 't is too much for my Laziness to transcribe . AND now , Sir , methinks , upon the Review of the whole it seems to me very pretty , that one , who labour'd so industriously , and inveighed so bitterly against Monarchy , Ministry , Churches , Universities , Aristotle , and all Humane Learning , when some of these were actually overthrown ; and All in imminent Danger of Ruine ; that put on the Fanatical Vsurpers ( that needed no Spur ) by gross , canting Flatteries of Them ; and deadly , malicious Reproaches and Oppositions of those great concerns of the Kingdom , to complete the Destruction They had begun ; That this man , I say , should talk , as if he were the only zealous Person for the Interest of Monarchy , Religion , Vniversities , and old Learning , and the only Patriot that could defend them , is a Confidence more than usual ; and such , as very well becomes M. Stubb . And on the other hand , 'T is as pleasant to hear this Writer representing a Society , that is a Royal Institution , and consists of a great Number of the most loyal Nobility and Gentry ; and several of the most venerable Fathers of the Church , Archbishops , Bishops , and divers other Ecclesiastical Governours , and men of Eminence among the Clergy ; I say , 't is very fine , to hear M. Stubb setting out such an Assembly as an Enemy to Monarchy , Religion , Vniversities , and Learning : And we must believe upon the word of the Anti-Virtuoso , That a great part of that Body are driving on Designs destructive to the Interests of Religion and the Kingdom ; and that the Loyal and Religious men of the ROYAL SOCIETY are so dull as not to perceive it , while the more sagacious Doctor of Warwick sees those dreadful Projects clearly , and therefore cannot be silent , but must warn the Nation of the Danger . Upon the Consideration of the whole Procedure , one would think that M. Stubb had so great an Ambition to gain the Applauses of the envious and ignorant ( who are glad to see any thing that is worthy railed at and opposed ) that for their sake , he is resolved ( yet further ) to expose himself to the Scorns of the sober and judicious . And really he writes at that rate , as if he were to defie the intelligent part of Mankind ; and design'd only to be read by those that would believe any thing he said at a venture , because he writes against the Virtuosi . The Truth of this Censure will appear , when I come to my particular Remarques upon his Book ; which I shall presently do , when I have taken a little notice of His other Designs , which are yet behind , viz. TO represent the Uirtuosi as ridiculous and odious to the Kingdom ; and to sacrifice me to publick Obloquy . To effect the former , He clapt his own Cap on the Virtuosi , and calls them Prattle-boxes , and then without any more ado , They are ridiculous : He describes them by the other part of his own Character , as Persons of irreligious and dangerous Inclination , and then they must be odious . And when the Virtuoso-Mastix hath proved that these are not Complements , but that his Comical Wits are so really like Himself ; all men , no doubt , will say , that They are as he designed to represent them . But if M. Stubb be no better at making Characters , than he is at giving Names , the Virtuosi , I doubt , will leave him without their Company , to enjoy the Honours he projects for them : For why of all things , must they be called the Comical Wits , I trow ? How came this to ramble into the mans head ? Of all the Names that courtly M. Cross bestowed on me , there is scarce any that suits less ; And yet now I remember , 't is not improbable but that M. Stubb might borrow this from that great Repository of Titles ; For that Master of Ceremonies calls me , and all things I do , at every turn , Romantick ; And when he had studied a long time to know what I was good for , at last he finds this ; that I might be capable of serving a Stage ; Hence 't is like his Friend took the hint , and the Virtuosi are presently dub'd the Comical Wits ; and the Tres-haute and tres-agreeable Comediants . But it may be too this was intended for a Figure , Lucus à non lucendo : For there are no men more averse to the profess'd Drolls ; none that value their Wit less , than those that are most concerned for the Institution and Designs of the Royal Society ; nor hath any sort of Enemies been more injurious to those generous undertakings of the experimental Philosophers , than the Buffoons and Comical Wits that have still endeavour'd by their malicious Flouts to render them contemptible in Coffee-Houses and Taverns ; and have filled the Land with ridiculous Stories of their Designs and Performances . Yea , These are the men , that M. Stubb gratifies by his Book , which ( to give him his own Language ) will please none , but shallow-brain'd and Comical Wits . [ p. 115. ] How shallow-brain'd , I think those of the common Drolling sort , and how prejudicial to Religion , Government , and Knowledge , I have sufficiently declared in a short Discourse at the end of my CONSIDERATIONS about WITCH-CRAFT , called A WHIP FOR THE DROLL , FIDLER TO THE ATHEIST . If M. Stubb think fit to look into that Appendix , he will see reason there to take me out of the Number of the Comical People ; And if I sometimes make a little merry with him in these Papers , 't is because I would try , whether I have any of the Comical Faculty in me or no ; If I have , 't is fit that he who first let me know it , should have it first imployed in his Service . And indeed M. Stubb is such a pleasant Object , as would make a man Comical , though his Genius be never so little disposed to that Iollity of Humour . The sick man that was dying of an Impostume , broke into a loud Laughter , when he saw the Ape set the grave , gold-laced Night-Cap upon his Head ; And 't is very hard for one to contain , that sees M. Stubb puts on a Pretence for Monarchy and Religion . If he thinks there is any thing of Rudeness in the Application of that ridiculous Passage , let him thank his Friend M. Cross who gave occasion to the Comparison ; That renowned Author spends a great deal of serious pains to prove that I was an Ape , or very like one , and made such Philosophical Observations upon the Nature of that Animal , that I could not choose , when I lately read it , but think of a certain Anti-Virtuoso ; and that Thought run into my Pen before I was aware . But I have done with this Design of our Projector also , to make the Comical Wits ridiculous and odious : How far he hath effected it , he will see when Time and Experience have acquainted him , what he hath made himself . THE last of his great Intendments that I took notice of was , To sacrifice me to publick Obloquy to settle the general Repose and Tranquillity . Pref. p. 3. I think I have generosity enough , or at least I desire so much , as to be content to be so sacrificed upon such an Occasion : But will that do it ? will the Sacrificing me , is he sure , establish the general Repose ? I fear there are other Comical Wits will be left , when I am gone , to disquiet such peaceable men , as this : and except M. Stubb will assure me , that all the World will be quiet when I am faln , I will not be sacrific'd by him ; Yea , though he should Non-plus me in ten Title-pages more , yet , I doubt , I shall disturb him , if he goes on to settle our Tranquillity in the way he hath begun . Well! but publick Obloquy is hungry , and must have a Sacrifice to feed it : M. Stubb takes hold of me , and resolves I shall be the Offering , He spits at me , and scratches me with his Nails , and I fall a Victim without any more ado ; But let him look to it , and make sure of that , or else publick Obloquy will catch him by the back , and make this her Priest , himself the Sacrifice . But without Allegory , M. Stubb designs to expose me to publick Reproach , and to make the Virtuosi odious and ridiculous , and so one would think that reads his Book . How he hath demeaned himself in it for the effecting of these , and his other mighty purposes , I come to consider next , and it was the Third general Head of which I proposed to treat . I cannot now fall upon the particular Examination of all things in his Work , but shall only give you those sudden Observations I made upon a cursory Reading , the more large and punctual Confutation shall follow . ( III. ) THEN as to the MANAGEMENT of his DESIGNS , I take notice , I. That the pretended Reason of his falling on my Book , is very idle and impertinent . Forsooth , a Gentleman at a Person of Honour's Table avowed , that all the Antient Methods of Science were vain and useless to a Physician , and did not as much as contribute to the Cure of a cut Finger , [ Pref. p. 1. ] This the Gentleman avowed to be the positive and dogmatical Averment even to a Syllable of M. Glanvill and other Virtuosi , p. 1 , 2. M. Stubb's Beginning brings to my mind what I heard last Year at Oxford ; Being there with a learned and ingenious Knight at the House of a Doctor of Divinity of great note , upon the occasion of some Discourse concerning our Author , The Doctor , who knew him very well , spoke to me to this purpose , M. Stubb , said he , is so great a — That if he tell you he was at such a Gentleman's Table where this or that Discourse hapned ; you are not to believe as much as that he knows that Gentleman , or ever saw him . I should not have mention'd this Passage , but that it fell so pat in my way ; whether we have the more reason to believe the Doctor concerning M. Stubb , or M. Stubb concerning the Gentlemans Discourse at the Person of Honours Table , I shall not here dispute : But for Peace sake I shall be so courteous at present , as to suppose that there was such a Rencounter , and that M. Stubb ought to take as an instance of Candour , and a very large Charity . Be it so then for once , There was an Admirer of the Institution of the Royal Society that talked so in the Anti-Virtuoso's Company : but he paid him for his Insolence , and shewed as he tells us , That the Antient Philosophy had not been so sterile in reference to Physick , but that it had been the Foundation of the Healing of cut Fingers , and green Wounds . [ Pref. p. 2. ] And thus he sacrificed that Virtuoso to the Obloquy of the Table : But yet his Wrath was not appeas'd so , he goes on ; I still retained a Sense of the Injury I supposed done to me , and all rational Physicians by this barbarous Opiniatour ; I determined to avenge my Faculty on M. Glanvill for this , [ p. 3. ] and so I am to be made a Sacrifice as well as the Chymaerical Gentleman . Here was the Provocation I gave M. Stubb , and this Book his Revenge . One of the First things h● falls upon in it , is to make it appear by demonstrative Proof that the Antients could cure cut Fingers , [ Book p. 3. ] for here he receiv'd the Injury , for which he determined to avenge his Faculty . He proves this mighty Truth by many Testimonies and great Instances , Podalirius and Machaon in Homer could do it ; Hippocrates writ about Wounds and Vlcers , and therefore , no doubt , he could cure cut Fingers ; Yea , Aristotle was descended of the Line of Aesculapius , and 't is not to be question'd , but he could prescribe a Plaister for such an occasion . And how little the Antients stood in need of Modern Discoveries and Aids to cure cut Fingers , any man may judge that knows , what Scribonius and Galen have written , and how this last Author compounds several Medicaments to that purpose , [ ibid. ] Those Galenical Medicaments for cut Fingers he there also names . And he assures us farther [ p. 159. ] That he that shall proceed according to the Notions of Elements , &c. in Compliance with the Antients , shall not stand in need of any novel Method from the Virtuosi to salve a cut Finger . Forsooth ! This , Sir , is one of the first Blows he gives the Victim , which must needs fall under such fatal Strokes . But what a serious impertinent is this ? The man , no doubt , can prove by force Of Argument , a Man 's no Horse . Hudib . He puts me in mind of a certain Preacher , that I once saw , who , at a Funeral , very largely undertook to prove , That All men must die , This he did in M. Stubb's Method , by Instances and Authorities : Adam died and Eve too , as did Abraham and Sarah , Isaac and Rebekah , Iacob and Rachel , the good men and the good Women ; so it befel Moses and Aaron , David and Solomon , Cyrus and Nebuchadnezzar ; and so he went on to reckon up who had died , till his Glass hasten'd him to his Authorities ; where he shewed his Learning , and proved his Proposition by the Testimony of Poets , Philosophers , and Fathers ; and by that time he had done with Virgil and Ovid , Aristotle and Plato , St. Bernard and St. Ambrose , 't was time to make an end . M. Stubb writes at the rate that the Reverend Man preach'd . For can he think in earnest that either I , or any body else ever believed or said , That None of the Antients could cure a cut Finger ? or , if I had , was such an Assertion fit to be learnedly disproved ? If one should affirm , that the moon is a green Cheese , or that M. Stubb is sound in his Head ; would a wise man argue seriously against such an absurd Asserter . 'T is true indeed these words are mine , The Vnfruitfulness of those Methods of Science , which in so many Centuries never brought the World so much practical beneficial Knowledge , as would help towards the Cure of a cut Finger , is a palpable Argument that they were fundamental Mistakes , and that the Way was not right , [ Plus Ultra , p. 7 , 8. ] But what ? Do I speak of the Methods of Physick , Chirurgery , or any practical Art ? If I had done so , M. Stubb had had reason : But it was nothing thus , I had not to do with any thing of that Nature , but was discoursing of the Infertility of the Way of Notion and Dispute , concerning which , I affirmed , that it produced no practical useful Knowledge , viz. by its own proper native Virtue ; and my Sense was the same here , as it was in that Expression of my Vanity of Dogmatizing , [ p. 132. of Edit● second . ] 'T would puzzle the Schools to point at any considerable Discovery made by the direct sole Manuduction of Peripatetick Principles . So that I never dreamt of denying , That those Philosophers of elder times , that went that way , had practical beneficial Knowledge ; Yea , or that they were Discoverers of many excellent and useful things ; But that they learnt that Knowledge from the disputing Methods of Physiology , or made their Discoveries by them ; These were the things I denied ; and I have the excellent Lord Bacon with me in my Negative , as I may have another occasion to shew . I grant therefore to M. Stubb ( since he is so zealous to secure this Honour to them ) That Machaon and Podalirius in Homer could cure cut Fingers , and that Galen might make Diapalma and other Medicaments for that purpose ; but unless he can prove they did it by the direct Help and Conduct of the Notional disputing Physiology , he will not sacrifice me to publick Obloquy here , nor say any thing in which I am at all concern'd . You see , Sir , we are like to have great matters from an Undertaker that begins with a ridiculous Cavil ; and the general Repose and Tranquillity , you may think , will be well establish'd by one , that maliciously perverts an innocent Sentence , to make it an occasion of a Quarrel . Thus he enters hopefully ; and if I might pass a general Censure on his Work , as he doth upon my Letter concerning Aristotle , [ p. 11. ] It should be this , That 't is an elaborate , spightful Impertinence : This I now say , and if I do not prove it , let me be in your Esteem , the same that my Adversary is in the Opinion of all sober men . It will I suppose sufficiently appear to you in the following Observations , and particularly in this next , viz. II. HE doth not at all by any thing he hath said , prejudice the main Design of my Book , which was , to shew , That Knowledge hath been highly advanced in these later Ages , beyond its Pitch in more Antient Times , and consequently , that there is no reason we should acquiesce and sit down in the Dictates of Aristotle , or any other of the ●lder Philosophers ; but being encouraged by many excellent Helps and Advancements , we should endeavour its further improvement . I gave instances of the Increase of Knowledge in Chymistry , Anatomy , Arithmetick , Geometry , Astronomy , Opticks , Geography , and Natural History ; and shewed what Advantages we have from modern Philosophick Instruments , and from the Institution of the Royal Society ; of all these I discours'd as far as I thought necessary to my purpose , without arrogating to my self great ma●●ers in any of those sorts of Knowledge , or designing Ostentation of Learning , as M. Stubb accuseth me , [ p. 2. ] But my aim only was to prove , and to illustrate my Subject by such of the main Instances of modern Improvements as I could collect ; and of these I gave an Account in the way of an Historian from Authors of note , though I seldom name them , but shall hereafter in my Answer in those particulars , where M. Stubb attaques me ; and I hope , give you to see , that I affirm nothing from mine own head in reciting matters of Fact , in which Fiction would be impudent and ridiculous . Thus I have told you the Design of my Book , and the chief things treated of in it . And now one would think , that nothing less should be worthy the Courage of such a valiant Wight as M. Stubb , than the main Subject . You will expect , no doubt , he should attempt to prove , that the Antients had greater Advantages for Knowledge , than latter times ; that the things I mention as Modern Improvements were known to remote Antiquity ; or that they are not Helps for the Increase of Knowledge . This should have been the Work of one that promiseth such mighty things ; that was resolved to readvance the Aristotelians , and to make the Virtuosi odious . But he hath not thought fit to attaque the Comical Wits this way ; He designed to make them ridiculous , and for that he thought something less would serve , than confuting them . He falls upon the Errata of the Press , and then crows over the Author of Plus Vltra ; He carps at some little things about the Philosophical Instruments , Chymistry , and Anatomy , and in his Phansie breaks them to pieces , and then forsooth , all the other parts of my Book , which he hath not touch'd , like Glass-Bubbles fall to Dust : He cavils at some by-passages that relate not to the main Business , and instantly Plus Vltra is reduced to a Non-Plus : He confutes his own Imaginations , and then wonders at my Ignorance : He takes the Credit of the Inventions I mention from the Authors to whom I ascribe them , and gives it to others of the same Age , or not far from it ; and so the Antients are readvanced , and the Virtuosi undone . This is the man of great Deeds , that will set up , and pluck down what , and whom he pleaseth ; that will erect the Credit of those Authors , who are so happy as to have his Favour , and lay the Royal Society ( as he elegantly and modestly useth to express himself ) as flat as a Pancake . But that those mention'd are all the Exploits he hath done , notwithstanding his Boasts , I shall shew under the next head , to which I shall pass presently , after I have taken notice , That the other Anti-Virtuoso M. Cross , durst not attempt as much as this . No , He found an easier way , he betook him to his Dunghil , and charged me stoutly from thence , he pick'd little critical Quarrels with the Latin of a single sheet of mine , written for a private purpose , and containing nothing of the main Controversie ; He endeavours to shew largely that I am like an Ape ; and that I have not the knack of writing solemn Epistles ; For my Plus Vltra , he saves himself from the Trouble of answering it , by telling his Reader in short , that the modern Improvements I mention in Chymistry , Anatomy , Arithmetick , Geometry , Algebra , Geography , Astronomy , Opticks , and Natural History , are no more , than what every Bookseller knows , and so it is not fit for a man of his Learning , to spend his time so impertinently , as to say any thing about them . This , Sir , is the most pleasant Antagonist that ever any man had : But we shall have an occasion of saying somewhat more of him anon , therefore I now pass forward with M. Stubb , and come to prove concerning his Animadversions , That III. THey are mere Cavils , and that he affirms groundlesly and falsly , and talks impertinently , and reasons weakly : These I shall prove by Instances , and there is scarce any thing in his Book , but falls under one or other of those Censures . But first I crave your leave to mark how my Adversaries are disagreed among themselves , about my Account of modern Improvements ; Dr. Meric Casaubon in his Reflections on my Book , [ p. 35. ] saith , That it is an exact Account of late Discoveries : M. Cross makes them such known things that every Bookseller is acquainted with them , whereas M. Stubb reckons them false and fictitious . For the Censure of the sober , learned man , I can with no Modesty own it ; I intended no exact Account ; nor am I able to give such a one , as can pretend to be accurate ; I only collected such Instances , as I thought sufficient for my Design to encourage Philosophical Hope and Endeavours . For M. Crosses Judgment of them ; Either every Bookseller knows them to be true or false ; If this latter , why had he not got some Bookseller to have informed him , that he might have proved it , and confuted me ? But if every Bookseller knew them to be true , what becomes of his Friend M. Stubb ? and how will he answer my Inference of the great Advantage the later times have from those Improvements , above the Helps that were enjoyed by Aristotle and high Antiquity ? But I must leave M. Cross to reconcile himself to his Champion , and the Interest of his own Assertion , as well as he can , and descend to the Proof of what I have affirmed concerning M. Stubb's Performance . This , it is true , makes a formidable shew of invincible Strength , and he marches in the Van of an Host of Authors , but with them he fights Chimaera's , and takes Castles in the Air , that his Imagination built . He directs his force against things that I never said or meant , and most of his Authors shoot besides me ; So that with mighty Stroaks he cuts the Air ; and hurts his own Arm by his Strength , but doth prejudice to no other Adversary with his mightiness . This will appear by the particulars , which I come now to represent , and I observe , ( 1. ) That in the Entrance of his Reflections , he affirms confidently a thing which he doth not know , whether it be so or not ; and which would be impertinent to his purpose , though it should be granted . It is in these words , [ p. 2. ] The Authors he mentions he never saw . Roundly affirmed ! Certainly , he hath dealt with some Spirit ; or with his Familiar M. Cross , for this ; How else should he know what Authors I have seen ? who can tell this but my Attendant Genius ? or the Seer of Chuè , who knows all things belonging to me by Dreams , and an occult Quality . This divining man indeed affirms in his Libel , That I have no Books in my Study , but Plays and Romances ; whenas he never saw my Study , nor any man else of his Acquaintance , that could inform him ; and as luck would have it , I have not one ( in English ) of either sort ; This 't is like was M. Stubb's Intelligencer , for M. Cross writes of me with as much Confidence , as if he had been at my Christning , and stood by me ever since ; and with as much Truth , as if he had never seen me or known more concerning me , than he doth of the Man in the Moon . Well! but if it be so , That I never saw the Authors I mention , what is that to M. Stubb's purpose ? I was giving an Historical Account of the Improvers of several sorts of Knowledge ; And might I not from other good and approved Writers name the Inventers or Advancers of this or that Discovery , except I had seen it in the original Author ? Is there no Credit to be given to the Testimony of learned men ? May not one write an History of Things and Actions that he never saw ? and have not most of the Historians that ever were , done thus ? May not I say that Columbus discover'd the new western World ; or that Fust or Gothenberg found out the Mystery of Printing , or Flavius Goia the Compass , except they had told me so themselves ? And if it be usual among the most unexceptionable Relaters to collect their Accounts from other Testifiers , what can M. Stubb make of it , if he could prove that I never saw most of the Authors I mention ? How much he himself is acquainted with the Books he quotes , we shall anon find some things whereby to pass a Judgment . Thus M. Stubb begins with a peremptory Assertion of a thing which is false in the Latitude of his Affirmation ; and which he could not possibly know , whether in any more restrain'd sense it were true or not . And his immediate next words contain another most gross and confident Falshood , [ And all his Discourse about the Mathematicks and Mathematicians procured him no other Acknowledgments from a Learned and Reverend Prelate ( to whom he sent one of his Books ) than a Reprimand for intermedling with what he understood not . ibid. ] I have heard from credible Persons , that M. Ieanes the Polemick Writer ( who was well acquainted with M. Cross ) was wont to call any lusty — by a name , which for the sake of some worthy Persons , I shall not mention on this occasion . M. Stubb's Friend of Chuè knows what I mean. He may do well to advise him to take care of such broad , unconscionable Falshoods ; though I confess a man of his Practices is the most improper Person in the World for such a Service . The Period I last quoted from M. Stubb is a gross Vntruth ; I sent my Plus Vltra but to one Bishop , besides that Reverend Father to whom it was dedicated ; and that learned and excellent Person was so far from sending me a Reprimand , ( to use M. Stubb's word ) that he was pleased to write me a most obliging Letter of Thanks ; And my own venerable Diocesan accepted of that Book , and the Direction of it to him , with a great deal of Candour and Kindness , and never signified the least Dislike to me of it . So that I should have wondred much at this Clause , and divers others of like kind , If I had not heard a Character of M. Stubb at Oxford , and did not know Him , and his Familiarity with M. Cross ; but now I shall not be surprised though every Sentence were a Legend . But ( 2. ) he offers something for proof of his first Saying , viz. that I never saw the Authors I mention , as it follows , [ ib. p. 2. ] who ever heard of such men as Maximus Palanudes , Achazen , and Orentius ? And who ever heard of such things as Errata of the Press ? If I had a mind to play at this little Sport , and would retort , I might ask him , who ever heard of such People as the Abbigenses spoken of in his Vind. of Sir H. V. [ p. 13. ] or of such a man as I●lice , mention'd p. 113. of this Book ; No doubt he 'l lay the fault at the Printers doors ; And why did he not see that the Names he quotes from me are like Errours ? Doth he not know there were such Persons as Maximus Planudes , Alhazen , and Orontius ? and there is not one of these that differs more , then a Letter from the Names , over which he so much insults . The latter he charitably supposeth to be a Mistake , because he thought he could make the man ridiculous , and disable him from signifying to my purpose ; but of that by and by : If he could have found that the other two had been pitiful Fellows also ( as he pretends this was ) then Palanudes should have been corrected by Planudes , and Achazen by Alhazen . And 't is very strange that M. Stubb could not see that Achazen was a Mistake of the Press , when as Alhazen stands within five Lines of him in my Book ; whar a blind thing is Malice , when it hath no mind to see ? Well , There were such men as Planudes , Orontius , and Alhazen ; and Vossius saith enough of the least considerable of them to justifie my transient mention of their Names . Anno 870. eluxit Maximus Planudes , qui Diaphanti Arithmeticen Commentariis illustravit . Voss. de Scient . Mathem . p. 311. And even of Orontius he speaks thus , celebre Nomen fuit Orontii Finei Delphatis , qui Arithmeticae practicae publicavit Libros quatuor . p. 316. But M. Stubb saith of him in Scorn , He was so famous a Geometrician , that when Sir H. Savil ( as I remember ) was to seek of an Instance of a pitiful Fellow , this was the man he fixed on . [ ib. p. 2. ] Would not any one from these Words , and their Relation to those that go before , conclude that I had reckoned Orontius among the Improvers of Geometry ? To what purpose else doth the Animadverter speak of him as a contemptible Geometrician ? But if he will look again into my Book , he will see , that I mention not Orontius under that head , but name him ( and only so ) among the Authors in Arithmetick : And have not I as much reason to say , That M. Stubb never reads the Books he writes against ; as He to affirm , that I never saw the Authors I mention ? But M. Stubb could not give his Studies so much Diversion as to consider what he said . Well , I name Orontius among the Arithmetical Writers , and 't is an evident Argument I never saw him , because he is a pitiful Fellow at Geometry ; Is this Logick old or new ? 'T is a sort M. Stubb useth often , but I believe he can shew us nothing more pitiful in Orontius . But if Vossius may be believ'd , Orontius did not need so much of M. Stubb's Pity , even in Geometry . He tells us , Anno 1525. ac 30 proximis claruit Orontius Fineus qui de Geometriâ scripsit Libros duos , item Demonstrationes in sex Libros priores Euclidis . Ad haec de Quadraturâ Circuli inventâ & demonstratâ ; de Circuli Mensurâ , & ratione Circumferentiae ad Diametrum , de multangularum omnium , & regularium Figurarum Descriptione , aliáque de Sc. Math. p. 65. And that his Performances in these , were not altogether so contemptible as the Anti-Virtuoso would insinuate , we may see a Reason to think , from the Place he held among the Mathematicians of his time , according to the same Author , Primus hic Matheseos regius in Galliis Professor fuit . [ ibid. ] But let Orontius be what he will in Geometry , M. Stubb is impertinent in what he saith about him , and I am not concerned . For the other Author ( Achazen in one Line , but Alhazen within five Lines before ) Confidence it self hath not the face to deny that there was such a man , or that he was a great Author in Opticks , for which I mention his Name there , where M. Stubb found Achazen to make a Wonder of . You see , Sir , what an Adversary I have , that will not suffer the misprinting of a Letter to escape him ; excellent Corrector of the Press ! What pity 't is that M. Cross had not found out these three Errata , that he might have had something to say ! Thus I am to be sacrific'd to publick Obloquy . The pertinent Discourse about curing cut Fingers follows , but of that I have given an Account before . I proceed to remark ( 3. ) upon that Note of his , [ p. 3 , 4. ] But as for the Telescope , he confesseth that to have been invented by Metius , and Galilaeo , which Confession of his though it take from the Society all Pretences to the Invention thereof , yet it is unbecoming an inquisitive Person , who might have had better Intelligence from Borellus . Here the Anti-Virtuoso carps again at a meer accidental Passage ; and though we should grant him what he saith about the Inventers of Telescopes , it would be nothing contrary to my Design , since the Persons he mentions were late men . My Words were , [ So that these Glasses are exceedingly bettered since their Invention by Metius , and Application to the Heavens by Galilaeo , Plus Vltra , p. 55. ] Whatsoever M. Stubb finds in his Borellus , I am sure I have Authority enough to justifie me in this passing Glance at the Inventer of Telescopes . The excellent Renatus Des-Cartes ascribes the Invention to Metius in the first Page of his Dioptricks , and is particular in the Account of the occasion of his finding it . Hujus summa Voluptas erat Specula & Vitra ustoria formare ; nonnulla etiam Hyeme componens ex Glacie ; — quum igitur hâc occasione multa , ●áque variae formae Vitra ad manum haberet , prospero quodam fato duo ●imul Ocul● objecit ; quorum alterum medium paulò crassius habebat quàm extremitates , alterum vice versâ extremitates quàm medium multò tumidiores ; & adeò feliciter illa duabus Tubi extremitatibus applicuit , ut primum de quo loquitur Telescopium indè extiterit . Des-Cartes Dioptr. p. 1. And the learned Gerard Vossius ascribes this Invention to the same Metius , [ Adriani hujus Frater Iacobus Metius fuit , qui Tubum opticum , sive Telescopium invenit . Hujus ope in Siderum Doctrinâ plus scitur hodie quàm omnis novit Antiquitas . De Scient . Math. p. 201. ] The same Author justifies my other hint of their Application to the Heavens by Galilaeo : For thus , [ p. 112. ] Ac postremò de Tubi● , sive Telescopiis inventis ab Hollandis , ad ●idera verò applicatis à Galilaeo de Galilaeis . But this even M. Stubb confesseth to be generally written ; and if so , pray why might not I mention it so lightly without any further Enquiry , it being a thing that was incidental , and of no importance to my Design ? Yea , if it had , I was upon sure ground , for I say no more then what M. Stubb and all men will grant , viz. That Telescopes were applied to the Heavens by Galilaeo ; I did not say first , and so his Pretence from Borellus is impertinent , and opposeth only the Shadow of his own Imagination : Galilaeo's Application of Telescopes to the Heavens was first famously taken notice of , and those Tubes upon that account have been call'd his Glasses ; and therefore I might well enough express my self in such a passage as that , saying , That those Glasses were bettered since their Application to the Heavens by Galilaeo , though M. Stubb's Author must be believed before Des-Cartes , Vossius , and most others that have written about this matter ; If any one besides the Animadverter be of that mind , I shall not trouble his Opinion ; For M. Stubb , I must see a reason ere I can believe him before any man , but M. Cross ; and for Borellus , when I know what he saith , I may perhaps tell this Antagonist what I think . Thus , Sir , you see something of this mans notorious Cavilling and Impertinence ; and I might have taken notice further , that he misquotes me too in the recited Period , For I say not that the Telescope was invented by Galilaeo : But M. Stubb makes me say what he thinks fit , and when he hath confuted his own Mistake , he phansieth he hath reduced me to a Non-Plus . The Passage likewise that follows may be justly censured , viz. That my Confession takes from the Society all Pretensions to the Invention of the Telescope . ] This supposeth that the Society assumes this Credit , or at least that it is like to do so ; which Supposition is a mere Chimara , or be it what it will , his Refutation of it is an Impertinence . For if it were so , that the Royal Society did or were like to challenge this Invention as theirs , one might ask the logical man , how my Confession that it was found out by Metius and Galilaeo , should take from the Society all Pretences to it ? What an Author doth he make me , or what a Reasoner doth he make himself ? either my Authority must be infallible , or his Reason will be contemptible . If I say Metius or Galilaeo is the Inventer of Telescopes , your Pretensions , O ye Virtuosi , are ruined , such a careless Scribbler is our confident Bravo . ( 4. ) He next cavils at some passages of mine concerning the Barometer , I introduce my Discourse about that Philosophical Instrument thus , [ That there is Gravity even in the Air it self ; and that that Element is only comparatively light , is now made evident and palpable by experience , though Aristotle and his Schools held a different Theory : And by the help of Quicksilver in a Tube — ] In opposition to this he saith , That there is Gravity even in the Air it self ; and that that Element is only comparatively light , was of old made evident by the man of Stagyra . [ p. 7. ] But how did Aristotle make that evident ? It was by the Experiment of a blown Bladder ; as [ p. 4. ] Let us remember this , and observe how he goes on : M. Glanvill neither understands what he opposeth , nor what he asserts ; But why so I pray ? enter the Reason : For in the Beginning he speaks of the Gravitation of the Element of Air , whereas the Instrument called the Barometer proposeth only a Way to measure the Degrees of Compression in the Atmosphere , in which Region I believe no man ever denied , but that the aqueous and terrestrial Corpuscles interspers'd had their Weight and Pressure , [ p. 7. ] Now I look back , and return the Complement ; M. Stubb neither understands what he opposeth , nor what he asserts , This I prove by his own Argument ; For he saith Aristotle proved the Gravitation of the Element of Air , and that by the Experiment of a blown Bladder , in which I believe no man ever denied , but that the aqueous and terrestrial particles intersperst had their Weight and Pressure . In short , I propose this Dilemma to M. Stubb to be consider'd ; when he affirms , in my words , concerning Aristotle , That he proved the Element of Air to be only comparatively light , He meant either the supposed , pure , or the mixed Air ; If the former , let him shew how the man of Stagyra proved that to ponderate by the Bladder ; If the latter , why might not I mean the same ? There is no reason but this , M. Stubb would be interpreted as he means ; and I shall be understood , as is fit for his Design . Yea , The Caviller might easily have known , ( and no doubt he did so ) that by Element of Air I meant that of the Atmosphere , since he cannot suppose , that one of his Virtuosi should hold a pure peripatetical Element of Air , except he will call the Aether by that Name : So that here the Animadverter wilfully mistakes me , to make an occasion to vent his impotent spight . 'T is M. Hooks Opinion of the Air , That it is a kind of Tincture and Solution of terrestrial and aqueous Particles dissolv'd in the Aether , and agitated by it ; Micr . p. 13. I am of the same mind , and never dream'd of such a thing in what I said , as an unmixed , peripatetical Element . And thus his Malice here also is nonsensical and impertinent , For he saith , I begun with the Gravity of the Element of Air , whereas the Barometer is an Instrument to weigh the Degrees of Compression in the Atmosphere ; and hence he would have it clear , that I know neither what I oppose , or what I assert : And it is evident on the other hand , that the Caviller either knows not what he saith , or saith what he knows to be idle and inconsequent . Yea , in the words that follow a little after he represents Aristotle alike impertinent as himself , for he proves the Air to ponderate , p. 4. and this is a body which no man in his Wits ever denied to be ponderous , p. 8. And yet p. 5. in the Margin he tells us , that many Peripateticks ( naming only one , Claramontius ) held that the impure Air of our Atmosphere doth gravitate , it seems others of them did not hold s● . But I ask again , what Air , good M. Stubb did Aristotle weigh ? The impure Air of the Atmosphere , no doubt , for sure he did not catch the pure Element in a Bladder ; That Air no man in his wits ever denied to be ponderous ; And was not Aristotle as well imployed as M. Stubb , when he proved , that the Antients could cure cut fingers ? But what must become of all the Peripateticks that held not the Air to be ponderous ? Claramontius , p. 5. and Averroi● , p. 7. are excepted , and many other Peripateticks , he saith , held the impure Air to gravitate ; but who those many were he tells us not , nor how much the rest were in their wits that belonged not to that Number . What Feats would this man do against the Virtuosi , if he had any real Advantage , when he ventures every where to make himself ridiculous and absurd , rather then he will let the least passage go against which he can form the appearance of an Objection ? ( 5. ) I take notice next , that he falls upon me [ p. 10. ] for the Epithete of Heathen given to some of Aristotles Notions : my words are these , [ And the Zeal I have for the Glory of the Almighty discover'd in his Creatures , hath inspired me with some Smartness and Severity against those heathen Notions , which have so unhappily diverted learned men from the Study of Gods great Book , Universal Nature . — [ Pref. to Plus Vlt. ] If I had chanced to have left out that Epithete , or to have put another in its place ( either of which might have been done , and my Discourse , yea that very Period had not been concerned ) The Caviller had lost an opportunity of very learned Animadversions ; and a minute verbal Alteration of about a dozen other Sentences in my Book , would make all he hath said against me useless and insigni●icant ; so little hath he touch'd the main Parts and Design of my Discourse . But I must let that pass , the general Impertinence is notorious every where , and this is one of the least of M. Stubb's Imperfections ; I note a worse Fault here , His Stricture is a Falshood , the words are [ He inveighs bitterly against Aristotle for his Heathen Notions , p. 10. ] I recited my Period , from whence the Caviller takes this occasion , before , let any man judge whether I inveigh against Aristotle for his Heathen Notions , or whether the word Heathen bears any great stress in that Sentence . But M. Stubb makes what he confutes . He implies p. 11. that this was the Motive that swayed me to Anti-Aristotelism , viz. the Heathenism of his Notions , which is a mere Invention of his own Brain , and such a one as he knows to be a gross Vntruth , for he pretends to have confuted my Letter concerning Aristotle , which contains several of my Motives , but makes this none ; and my Scepsis S●ientifica , and even this last Book gives an other account of my withdrawing from the Peripatetick Doctrines . But he hath not done persecuting the poor Epithete ; [ Alas ! He is troubled at his Heathen Notions ! Oh! rare Puritanism ! and afterwards it follows , Nothing hath more of the Presbyterian and Fanatick than this Topick , ib. p. 11. ] Say you so M. Harry ! Suppose one should call Vniversities , Churches , Church-Yards , Bells , — Antichristian , Idolatrous , Popish , Superstitious , as one M. Stubb did in his Light out of Darkness ; would there not be more of the Fanatick in that ? Or should he speak against all Humane Learning and Heathenish Writers , as the same Author , would there not be as much of Fanaticism in such talk ? 'T is Puritanical and Presbyterian , it seems to inveigh against Heathen Notions , but not so to decry Heathenish Authors and Heathen Writers . L. D. [ p. 101. ] But however it is , I am not at all concerned , For I no where inveigh against Heathen Notions , but in M. Stubb's Book , ( not I mean because they are Heathen ) though I speak against those of them , which I judge either false , uncertain , or useless . So that the Questions that follow about Atoms , Corpuscles , Mathematical Terms , Languages , &c. are impertinent , and the man only disputes with himself in his Dream . ( 6. ) In the same Paragraph my Letter about Aristotle is confuted in short , For those Exceptions against him are nothing but Lies , [ ibid. p. 11. ] what ill luck hath M. Stubb to have controversie with none but Liers ? Dr. Wallis was a notorious Falsifier ; M. Baxter a great Calumniator and Lier ; the Royal Society have yet invented nothing but a LIE ; [ ubi sup . ] Dr. Sprat is a Legendary Historian , and my Animadversions on Aristotle are all Lies . It seems as soon as M. Stubb makes any man his Adversary , he commenceth Lier , ipso facto ; And this I think , that ( as he said to Dr. Wallis ) one of us two is grosly ignorant , he may to every other Antagonist , one of us two is a gross teller of Lies ; this I have proved in part already , and it will appear further in some of the following Notes . But as to my Reflections on Aristotle , if they are Lies , they are none of mine , the matters of Fact are reported from Patricius , Picus , Gassendus , Lord Bacon , Laertius , Suidas , Aelian , Arrian , Plutarch , Eusebius , and such like Authors ; If these are all Liers too , there are no Tell-troths but M. Stubb . But 't is a rare Protestation that follows ; I protest in the Presence of Almighty God , that if there be not great Care taken , we may be in a little time reduced to that pass as to believe the Story of Tom Thumb , — p. 11. ] Doth M. Stubb seriously think this , or doth he not ? If so , he is more ridiculous than one that believes Tom Thumb already ; If he be not serious in what he saith , he is impious in it ; And if it were an other man , one might ask him , how he durst in that manner use the Name of God and protest a known and ridiculous Falshood in his Presence . But who can tell what M. Stubb thinks of God ? He saith enough sometimes to give occasion to conjecture ; who knows but that all Religion is with a certain Anti-Virtuoso like the Story of Tom Thumb ? And he might do well to inform us how far he extends his Expression of the Legends and Falsifications of History . I shall not here to tell you what I have heard him say . But he goes on [ This Philosophy fairly disposeth us thereunto . ] viz. to believe Tom Thumb and the Legends . If so , I hope he will excuse it from the so often objected Guilt of Scepticism ? But these Philosophers one while dispose men to believe every thing ; and at the next turn to believe nothing . And yet one would wonder , how the Philosophy of the Virtuosi should incline men either to the one or the other . It deals in the plain Objects of Sense , in which , if any where , there is Certainty ; and teacheth suspen●ion of Assent till what is proposed , is well proved ; and so is equally an Adversary to Scepticism and Credulity . But M. Stubb tells us , [ ibid. ] that it makes men so credulous by taking them off from the Pedantism of Philology and antient reading , — It takes men off indeed , as Philology takes them off from Philosophy , and one sort of Studies takes men off from an other , which they are not able to pursue at the same time with it : But this is no more discredit to the Modern Philosophy , then 't is to all other sorts of Learning , and indeed none to any . If M. Stubb means more than this , and would insinuate that experimental Disquisitions into Nature , have any direct Antipathy to Philology or antient Reading , he speaks what is false and groundless ; and is not able to say any thing to purpose , to make such a Censure good . He tells us indeed he is resolved to charge the Enemy home , and he doth it by confident Falshoods and bold Affirmations without proof : His whole Force is in Noise and Clamour ; and did he not keep a great Stir , and raise the Dust about him , he would scarce engage any to look towards him , or to take notice what he doth or saith . ( 7. ) He proceeds to animadvert upon me thus , [ He tells us that the Aristotelian Philosophy aims at no more than the instructing men in Notion and Dispute , that its Design was mean , — p. 12. ] He quotes not the place whence this is taken , and 't is well he doth not , for he mis-reports my Words , and affirms that which is false , for I was not speaking there of the Aristotelian Philosophy , but of the Modern Peripatetick Way , which I affirm in that very Page to be now quite another thing from the Philosophy which Aristotles Books contain , and have frequently spoke to the same purpose elsewhere : Now let any one look into the voluminous Physicks of Ariaga , Hurtado , Pontius , Oviedo , Carlton , and the rest of the late Peripatetick Writers , and let him then tell me what they aim at more , than the instructing men in Notion and Dispute . To talk here as the Caviller doth , of Aristotle's Books of Animals , and Theophrastus about Plants , and such like things , is toyish , impertinent , and like M. Stubb ; And all the rest of the chat that comes in upon this occasion turns to wind and insignificant Prattle . This is the man that would charge the Enemy home ; we are like to have good doings in his Quotations of other Authors , when he perverts even the words of his Antagonist . He is at the same sport again , [ p. 14. ] If Notions might be rejected for being first proposed , and used by Heathens , then is not Aristotle in a worse Condition than Epicurus , Democritus , Plato , or Pythagoras , — p. 15. He desires me to acquit Paracelsus from being impious in his Life . At this rate , there will be no end of Animadversions , and 't will be impossible to escape the Anti-Virtuoso ; Who said that Notions might be rejected for being first proposed , and used by Heathens ? or what hath M. Glanvill to do with Paracelsus ? But further [ ibid. p. 15. He saith , Aristotle was of no such superlative Esteem in the wisest Times ; But he tells us not what those most wise Times were , when he was in Disesteem ] What need I ? I said not that he was in Disesteem in the most wise Times ; but of no such superlative Account , as he himself quotes my words in one Line , and makes quite another thing of them in the next . For is there no Difference , doth he think , between not being of superlative Account , and being in Disesteem ? Such gross Slips as these in a Virtuoso would have afforded matter for endless Insultings , and Charges of Ignorance . He proceeds to prove that Aristotle was in Esteem in wise Times ; and what then ? It follows clearly , that M. Stubb can demonstrate , what no body denies . But was he in the most superlative account then ? He doth not say so , for that had been to his purpose : or were those times when his Esteem was superlative , the wisest ? He shifts from this too ; he had not read of more wise People , than Greece , Rome , and the Mahometans , — and all these admired him at several times ; but was their Admiration superlative , when the times were wisest ? otherwise what he saith is not to purpose . He confesseth [ ibid. ] that he was much opposed and slighted by the first Fathers ; and in his Light out of Darkness , p. 105. he saith , That Aristotle was condemned by the first Christians , and Honest men of all Ages . And I think the times of the first Fathers during the Glory of the Roman Empire , were some of the wisest times ; and I mention in my Letter concerning Aristotle , the Observation of Gassendus , that in the flourishing times of Rome , and Athens , the Academicks and Stoicks were more in Esteem , than the Sectators of Aristotle ; and instance in Cicero , Pliny , and Quintilian , who though they had a great Esteem of Aristotle , did yet prefer Plato before him . So that in those most wise Times , and among those wise men , Aristotle's Account was not superlative , if Gassendus , or M. Stubb himself be to be believed . And methinks it proves much , that the wisest men and times had the most superlative Account of Aristotle ; because They divided into Platonists and Aristotelians , as they did into Catholicks and Arrians , and the Arrians were Aristotelians , ibid. Aristotle was of best Account , because the Catholicks followed Plato , and the Arrians were Aristotle's Followers . Doth not this tend to the re-advancing the Credit of Aristotle ? If this will not do it , Aristotle shall be re-advanc'd by and by ; it follows , [ p. 15 , 16. ] Mahomet's Successors the Caliphs did wholly imploy themselves to improve the Doctrines of Aristotle , and the Peripateticks : So that Aristotelism , Arrianism , and Mahometanism issued out of the same Parts of the World , viz. Alexandria , and the adjacent Countries . — This the Virtuoso could not see , because so much History was above his reach , p. 16. and the Reasoning is as much above it as the History . He next quotes another passage of mine , relating to the same business , viz. That since the minds of Christians are enlightned with the Raies of the glorious Gospel , they have less reason to bow down to the Dictates of an Idolater and an Heathen . ] Hence M. Impertinent concludes , that we must bid farewel to the Rhetorick , and other Works of Aristotle , which I had afore recommended ; and he adds that we must shake hands with Seneca , Epictetus , and Plato , p. 16. This follows like the rest , because we may not bow down , and give an implicit Veneration to an Heathen Authority ; Therefore we must bid farewel to all the Works of those Authors ; As if there were no Difference between using their Works , and servilely adoring them . ( 8. ) He perstringeth a passage cited out of Plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and what I add , viz. That [ The Universe must be known by the Art , by which it was made . ] Here I am sent to answer Dr. More 's Dialogues , where he explodes the Mechanism of Nature . ibid. p. 16. ] Before I descend to the particular Answer to this , I take notice , that M. Stubb runs up and down , and flirts from some things to others , which have no Coherence among themselves , or in my Book . He falls upon my Discourse about Philosophical Instruments ; and then , without any occasion given , suddenly steps back against a passage in my Preface , that hath no relation in the world to his Discourse , as p. 10. In the same Paragraph he leaps forward again to the 124. page of my Plus Vltra , and largely confu●es a Sentence or two there . The next Motion is back to a passage , p. 25. that had nothing to do with what he was saying ; and so every where he writes , as he dreams . But to omit other Instances of this here , I come to shew the Impertinence of this last Cavil . By Plato's Saying , I understood no no more , than that God made all things in Number , Weight , and Measure ; and I suppose that Mechanism may be used , as far as it will go . Now Geometry assists men in mechanical Disquisitions , which are helps for the Knowledge of Nature and Causes : This was all I intended , for I do not believe that all the Phaenomena are merely Mechanical : So that Dr. More 's Dialogues do no way oppose my Sense ; He explodes not the Mechanism of Nature , ( as M. Stubb tells us ) but such a Mechanism , as is supposed to suffice for all the Effects of Nature , without help from any immaterial Agent . This may be seen easily by those , that read the Book , and endeavour to understand it ; But M. Stubb reads by Indexes and Catches , which is enough for the purposes of a Caviller . Having thus explained my meaning , I need not be concerned in what he adds in his Review , p. 170. &c. For all his Arguments are impertinent in reference to my sense , and I may take occasion , ex abundanti , hereafter to prove that they are trivial and childish in reference to any other . For they can do no execution even upon the mere Mechanical Hypothesis . But ( 9. ) to let that alone now , I cannot forbear noting here the intolerable Impudence and Lying of this man , p. 173. where he goes on with the Impertinence he begun , p. 16. He tells us there , That his Opinion had been amply maintain'd of late by Dr. Hen. More in opposition to what the Royal Society lays down in their History , viz. That Generation , Corruption , Alteration , and all the Vicissitudes of Nature are nothing else , but the Effects arising from the meeting of little Bodies of differing Figures , Magnitudes , and Velocities . Than which Opinions , saith he , there can be nothing more pestilent and pernicious ; and Dr. More albeit a Member of this Society heretofore , ( for be allows nothing to it now ) yet a pious one , professeth that this Mechanical Philosophy inclines to Atheism : neither would he approve of those Deductions as necessary but ridiculous , when I upbraided him lately with that nonsensical and illiterate History . Upon my reading of this Paragraph I resolved to write to Dr. More , to know whether he had deserted the Society , or whether those other passages were true ; I writ accordingly , and that learned Doctor was pleased to return me the following Answer , in which you may see the insufferable Impudence of this Prodigious Romancer . A Letter from Dr. More to I. G. giving an Account how M. Stubb belies him . p. 173. SIR , I Thank you for yours , which I received by the hand of your Friend and Neighbour M. C. Before I received your Letter I had not read half a Page in your Antagonists Book , for I had only seen it once by chance in one of our Fellows Chambers , but had no leisure as yet to read it , my time being taken up with other matters ; And therefore I was wholly ignorant of those passages , p. 173. till your Letter gave me an occasion to enquire after the Book , and to read all there that concerns my self : At which I must confess I was much surprised ; especially at that particular passage , which was pointed me to by another Letter from a Friend , the day after yours ; that passage I mean , wherein he makes as if I were not still a Member of the Royal Society , but had left it ; grounding his Assertion upon this Reason , [ For he allows nothing to it now ] It was a great marvel to me , that he should pretend to know better than my self , whether I be still of the Royal Society , or no. For I take my self still to be of it , and I am sure I have not left it . And as for the Reason he would build his Conclusion upon , in that sense as it will seem to sound to all men at the first reading , namely , That I allow them no Respect , nor have any Esteem for them now , it is grosly false . For the great Opinion I have of their experimental Philosophy , I have at least two moneths ago amply testified in my Preface to my Enchiridion Metaphysicum , when I did not at all dream of any such passage of your Antagonist concerning me in his Book . And do particularly note how serviceable their Natural Experiments in matter are to the clear Knowledge and Demonstration of the Existence of immaterial Beings : So far are they from tending to Atheism . And 't is invidiously done of your Adversary to commend me for Piety , with an unworthy and odious Reflection on the Society , as if men were less pious for being thereof : whenas I dare say there are as pious Persons of that Society , as there are out of it ; and it is a gross mistake in him , that he looks upon that Mechanick Philosophy which I oppose , to be the Philosophy the Royal Society doth profess , or would support . But the Philosophy which they aim at , is a more perfect Philosophy , as yet to be raised out of faithful and skilful Experiments in Nature , which is so far from tending to Atheism , that I am confident , it will utterly rout it and the Mechanical Philosophy at once , in that sense which I oppose , namely , as it signifies a Philosophy that professeth , That Matter having such a Quantity of Motion as it has , would contrive it self into all those Ph●nomena we see in Nature . But this Profession cannot rightly be called the Mechanical Philosophy , but the Mechanical Belief of Credulity . For it has no ground of Reason in the earth to support it . But there are many and most palpable Demonstrations against it , as all the World shall see in my Enchiridion Metaphysicum . Wherefore it is a very high Injury of your Antagonist , to father so absurd a Profession upon a Society of such Learning and Judgment as the Royal Society is . I believe indeed most of us , I am sure my self does conceive , that Generation , Corruption , Alteration , and all the Vicissitudes of corporeal Nature are nothing else but Unions and Dissolutions ( I will add also the Formations and Deformations ) of little Bodies or Particles of differing Figures , Magnitudes , and Velocities . But this thus bounded is not the Mechanical Philosophy , but part of the old Pythagorick or Mosaick Philosophy , so far as I can see by any History . So that 't is very unskilfully done of your Antagonist to bring me in as opposing , or clashing with the Royal Society in a thing of this great Consequence , and so to make them Patrons of that , which neither any sound Philosophy , nor true Religion can allow . Nor can I have so low a conceit of your Parts , Judgment , and Virtue , as to think , when you magnifie D●s-Cartes his Philosophy so highly as you do , that it is for that hasty Presumption of his , that upon the Supposal that Matter was possest of so much Motion as there is in the World , it would necessarily at length contrive it self into all such Phaenomena , as we see in the Universe ; but because several of his Conceptions concerning the Figures of the Particles of such and such Bodies are exceeding plansible , and probable : amongst which that of the Globuli seems to me so far to surpass all other Hypotheses about Light , that I stand to him close against his most able Opposers in that point in my Enchiridion Metaphysicum , so far forth as concerns the Mechanical part of Light and Colours . But mere Mechanism does not exhaust all in those Phaenomena neither , as I there prove in a long Chapter on that Subject . By this time I think it is plain , what Mechanical Philosophy that is , that may incline men to Atheism , and that it is not the experimental Philosophy , which the Royal Society professes , that is , that Philosophy which inclines men to Atheism , but quite contrary , as I shall manifestly demonstrate in my Exhiridion Metaphysicum . I think there is nothing now that concerns me in the Page you point me to in your Letter , but my Judgment touching that large passage of the Learned and Eloquent Dr. Sprat , and the Deductions therein contained , which Deductions , says your Antagonist , I would not approve of as Necessary , but Ridiculous ; Truly if I had said so , I should have made my self ridiculous ; For how could I approve of Deductions , especially in so serious a point , as , or Quatenus Ridiculous ; For there is no man , let him be never so pious , unless he be a Fool , that can approve of Deductions for their being ridiculous in so serious a Cause . But it seems he having a mind to monopolize all the Wit in the World to himself , is content to repute me for Pious , so he may remonstrate me withal to the World to be a Fool , and such as he may play the Fool withal , as he has in all this Page you have pointed me to . I might indeed approve of those Deductions as smooth and plausible , though not as necessary , but something of a lubricous and doubtful Aspect ; but I know very well I could not approve of them as ridiculous . But I add further , that there are such Experiments made by us of the Royal Society , that do not only plausibly invite us to , but afford us most forcible and evident Demonstrations for the Belief of the Existence of immaterial Beings , and such as your Antagonist can never be able to elude the force of● by pretending that we do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as will appear in my Enchiridion Metaphysicum . Sir , by this I suppose you see how much I am concerned in this Page you point me to in your Letter ; I have nothing more to add but that I am Your affectionate Friend and Servant Hen. More . This Letter I publish , because my Reverend and Learned Friend hath given me leave to print it , and he writes that he is much offended , that M. Stubb should pick him up as a sensless Clod in the High-way , to pelt so honourable a Society with , of which he is a Member . You may judge by this , Sir , how far we are to believe M. Stubb , when he tells us how many have deserted the Royal Society , when the very first Person that he names , disproves the impudent Falshood . What a man is this that dares bely so Reverend a Person in the face of the World ? and what am I to expect from him ; if one , of whom he pretends to speak well , be thus used ? By this you may see what Mechanism of Nature it is , that Dr. More explodes , and how impertinently and maliciously the Animadverter urgeth this learned man against the Mechanick Philosophy of the Royal Society , and that which I have recommended . And there is no doubt but were the other Authors , which he quotes , alive , and able to do themselves right , they would most of them disclaim the senses , which this Perverter of their meaning puts upon them , to serve himself in his Cavilling . ( 10. ) But I am charged with this very fault , [ p. 19. ] and M. Stubb will have it , that I have mis-reported the first Discourse between M. Cross and my self ; He prefaceth to what he saith in the behalf of the Disputer thus , Nor will I engage particularly in the Dispute between him and M. Cross ; and as soon as he had told us he would not do it , he begins in the immediate next words , and proceeds to do it , in several of the following Pages . I am informed , saith he , that the Relation is very false ; and 't is like he was so informed ; His Friend M. Cross told him so . But I would have both these Adversaries know , that I scorn to report any matter of Fact publickly , which I cannot sufficiently , and substantially prove . I have two good Witnesses to attest the Truth of the Relation I made in my Plus Vltra , of the Discourse between M. Cross and me : They are both Masters of Art , and both of the same College to which the grave man formerly belong'd ; and that They may see I am not such a Legendary Reporter of things , as I have in part already , and shall yet further prove Them , I here produce the Attestation . We whose Names are underwritten were present at the Conference between M. Cross , and M. Glanvill at Bath , and do attest , that the Discourse was exactly , and sincerely such as it is reported by M. Glanvill in his Book PLVS VLTRA . Io. a Court. Will. Allen. These same Witnesses have attested the Falshood of M. Crosses Relation of the Discourse , in all the material , yea , even in most of the minute particulars also ; And have proved him guilty of sixteen gross Untruths in that account he gives in his Book which was rejected the Press . But their Attestation here , is too large to insert ; I have it in a Latin Answer to M. C. which lies by me , and any man that hath a mind shall see it . Thus I have proved my Relation for M. Stubb's Satisfaction ; and there is no other matter I have related concerning either of them , but I shall make it good , whenever I am call'd upon to do it ; yea , if they please , I am ready to lay the issue of all here ; If I cannot prove every matter of fact , that I have printed about them ; I shall humbly lay my neck at their feet : And if on the other hand , either of these Adversaries can prove one of those reproachful things they have alledg'd against me , I 'll be their Uassal and their Uictim . Before I have done , you will see , that this is no dangerous Offer . But I must pass these things over briefly . He is so kind to M. Cross , [ p. 20. ] that he is willing to venture the being found in an errour with him ; For he saith , I profess my self in an Errour , as well as M. Cross , if it be not true that Aristotle had sundry Advantages to pen his History of Animals , which our Virtuosi want . But the mischief is , this Kindness will not signifie to his Friend ; for he doth not say , that Aristotle had more Advantages to pen his History of Animals than the Virtuosi only ; but more Advantages for Knowledge , than the later Ages : If M. Stubb will undertake his Cause here , he may do him a favour , otherwise , his Kindness is as impertinent , as his Reasonings use to be . In the next words he attempts to prove the Advantages Aristotle had for his History of Animals , and he doth it by the Authority of Pliny , which Author he makes a Lier to an Instance , [ p. 161. ] where he saith of Sir Kenelm Digby , that he was the Pliny of our Age for Lying : but any Authority shall be heard against the Virtuosi . I am perstringed [ p. 21. ] for not knowing what Authors writ well upon the several Subjects , in which I pretend the Moderns have outdone the Antients : This he proves , because I mention Sava●orol● among the Improvers of the History of Baths ; and a man that knew Authors as well as M. Stubb , hath named him among those Natural Historians , the Person is Dr. Hackwel in his Apology , p. 283. But the Animadverter discovers my Ignorance further , for he never heard any man commend Blanchellus on that Subject , viz. concerning Baths , [ p. 22. ] But I can tell him , that the just mention'd learned Doctor commends him on that Subject . [ ibid. ] For he reckons Him and Savanorola among those , who had written parts of Natural History more exactly : I speak of no more Improvers of this sort , than those he mentions , because I was only to give some few Instances , and was not obliged to an exact and full Account . I omit Dr. Iordan , because he pretends not to improve the History of Baths , and the Animadverter is malicious in urging this as a Defect , and Argument of my not knowing him ; If I had named him on this occasion , I had been besides my Subject ; And if I had troubled my self to collect and recite the Names of all Improvers , I must have been tedious and impertinent ; for I had not obliged my self to any such task , nor did my Design require it . But he mentions another great Omission of mine , with which , he saith , he is surprised , viz. Because I do not make the Moderns to surpass the Antients in Architecture , Sculpture , Picture , and several other Arts of ingenious Luxury . [ p. 24. ] But why should he expect that ? I proposed only to discourse such things as were Helps and Advantages for the Advance of Vseful Knowledge ; as he might have seen , [ p. 9. ] and in other places of my Plus Vltra . Nor was I bound to mention every thing ; I intended no perfect History , and the Instances I alledged were enough to carry my Cause , and to encourage Philosophical Endeavours , though a great many others that might have been very pertinent , were omitted ; and several that M. Stubb would have had there , designedly left out , because they were not proper for my purpose : and I do not believe , that the Moderns surpass the Antients in Architecture , Sculpture , Picture , or the Arts of ingenious Luxury ; so that M. Stubb need not have been surprised at my Omission . ( 11. ) But to shew how unsupportable such kind of men , as the Virtuosi , are in all judicious and intelligent Company , he sets down my Discourse with M. Cross about Dioptrick Tubes . [ ibid. p. 2.4 , &c. ] And the first Remark he makes upon it [ p. 27. ] is , That I have little or no insight into Opticks ; This he remarks roundly , but doth not shew us how he inferrs it from my Discourse , but adds immediately , The Solution of M. Crosses Fallacy , if it were his , by that Interrogatory , why cannot he write better with two Pens than with a single one ? is ridiculous , since there is no Uis unita there . — But who told M. Stubb that my instance of the two Pens , was a Solution of M. Crosses Fallacy about the two Spectacles ? Let him but look back upon the words that he had newly recited , and he will see , that I alledge this to shew the Ridiculousness of M. Crosses Argument ; I do not say there is a Vis unita in the two Pens ; But this I do , that there is as much of it there , as in the two Spectacles , and consequently , we may as well inferr , That a man can write with two Pens better than with one singly , because Uis unita fortior ; as , that one can see better with two pair of Spectacles , than with one , for that reason ; which was M. Crosses Argument ; that is , there is no Consequence in either . So that I first shew the Absurdity of my Antagonists Reasoning by the instance of the Pens , and then solve his Fallacy by denying there is any Vi● unita in the two pair of Spectacles , as it follows immediately in the words that M. Stubb cites from my Book , The Reason he [ M. C. ] gave , why one would expect it should be so , viz. that a man should see better with two pair , than one , is the Reason why 't is not , namely , because there is no Vis unita in the two , as I had intimated before , and do again in the words immediately following . So that M. Stubb here either wanted Spectacles , or saw what I said through the double ones of his Pride and Malice , that mis-represented my Discourse to him . But that which follows in the same Period is yet more marvellous , my Solution of the Fallacy by the two Pens he had said is ridiculous , since there is no Vis unita there , to which he adds in the immediate next words , And in one sort of Tubes , though the Rays be united in the first convex Glass , and brought to a Convergency , yet must the sphaerical Cavity of the next dilate it again , and dispose them fittingly to effect the expected vision in the Retina . How doth this prove that my solution of M. Crosses Fallacy by the two Pens is ridiculous ? What distant things ramble together into this mans wild Phansie ? But perhaps he had reference to something I had said before ; I will charitably suppose this , to try if I can make any sense of his arguing ; I had said that we see better through the two Glasses in Perspectives , than any single one , because they are so fashion'd and order'd that the visive Rays are better gather'd and united by them for the Advantage of Sight : If this be not the thing he mutters against , I cannot imagine what he means ; or if it be , I cannot understand how it comes in here . But I need not wonder at the incoherence of M. Stubb's Reasonings ; This must be allow'd him , or we shall never have done remarking : Let it be so then , In a sort of Tubes the Rays are brought to a Convergency in the first Glass , and again dilated in the second ; Therefore the two Glasses are not so order'd in Perspectives that the visive Rays are better gather'd and united for the Advantage of Sight . This is the Argument in it's best Prospect , and let him make the most of it . I suppose , I need not tell the intelligent Reader how absurd it is , and how impertinent ; nor inform him , that by the Vnion of the visive Rays I do not mean their Coincidency , but such an Order among them as is fit for Vision . But I may further animadvert on these things hereafter , if upon second Thoughts I think them worthy of a further mention . After he had thus remarked my Ignorance in Opticks , and proved it irrefragably by the two Arguments I have now recited , He attempts to bring off his Friend M. Cross. He is a generous man , and told a Reverend Person from whom at second hand I had it , That he would rescue the poor Fellow out of my hands ; nobly and charitably designed ! But let us see how he succeeds in this Design of Rescue ; His first main Attempt follows here , [ p. 28. ] As to what M. Cross is said to have argued against Telescopes , that the Addition of one Glass to another must hinder , rather than improve Vision , because that the super adding of one pair of Spectacles to another , rather weakens than amends the Sight . I must say , that whosoever understands the Form of an Argument cannot except against the Form of that , nor do the Propositions so ill cohere together , as that one should be for Sense , the other for Convenience : All that Excursion of our Virtuoso shews his Ignorance , not M. Crosses . Thus the Defence begins , and is not M. Cross like to be rescued ? The Form of the Argument is not to be excepted against : And pray M. Impertinent , who talk'd of the Form of the Argument , or excepted against it ? Doth M. Stubb intend this for a Defence , or doth he not ? If not , what makes it here ? If so , 't is a rare knack , by which any thing may be defended . For instance , M. Stubb calls the Members of the Royal Society , Poor Devils , [ Campanella revived , p. 16. ] And thus , suppose he forms his Arguments to prove it ; If the Disasters of the late Dutch War , the Plague , and Fire of London were less Inconveniences than the Perpetuity of the Royal Society ; Then the Members thereof are Devils ; But the Disasters of the late Dutch War , the Plague , and Fire of London were 〈◊〉 Inconveniences than the perpetuity of the Royal Society , [ Camp. rev . p. 21. ] Ergo , There is no excepting against the Form of the Argument ; conclusum est contra — Again , if They are pitiful Mechanicians , an illiterate Company , Impostors , mean Spirits , &c. then they are poor Devils ; But they are pitiful Mechanicians , [ Pref. against Plus Vlt. ] an illiterate Company , [ Camp. rev . p. 21. ] Impostors , [ Camp. rev . Pref. ] mean Spirits , &c. [ Pref. against Plus Vlt. ] Ergo , No one that understands the Form of an Argument can except against these ; Nor do the Propositions so ill cohere , as that one should be for Sense , the other for Convenience . Whoever excepts against the Arguments shews his Ignorance , not M. Stubb's , as I shewed mine , by excepting against the Reason taken from the Spectacles , not M. Crosses . How easily can M. Stubb prove a man guilty of Ignorance ? Well! This is said in M. Crosses Defence , and I believe he could have said as much as this , to defend himself . If he be called in question for the matter of his Argument , M. Stubb gives him up , and tells us , [ ibid. ] There is no Defence to be made for him , if he urged this otherwise than to try the Intellectuals of M. Glanvill . Thus the Cause is quitted , and M. Cross left defenceless , only this was a sort of Knowledge that was not necessary for a Divine , and he hath other , and better Qualifications than carnal Reasoning . But since M. Cross cannot be brought off , I must be charged ; And that I as little understand the Subject of Knowledge I pretend to , He saith it is manifest from hence , That I might easily have denied the Assertion of the Spectacles , that two pair did not impede , but amend the Sight in some Eyes that are very weak : For there is an old Gentlewoman , and a young Gentlewoman of his acquaintance that use two , [ p. 29. ] I shall here tell M. Stubb that there are very few things which I pretend to know : But whatever Ignorance I am guilty of , M. Stubb hath never the luck to discover it , nor to prove his charges against me of this kind . He remark'd that I was ignorant of Opticks , because I intimate that the Axiom , Vis unita fortior , may be as well used to prove a man can write better with two Pens , than with one ; as that he can see better with two Spectacles , than a single pair . I am charged with Ignorance for excepting against M. Crosses nonsensical Argument , which at last is given up as defenceless , and here it is manifest , that I understand not the Subject of the Knowledge I pretend to , by as good reasons . Forsooth ! I might easily have denied the Assertion of the Spectacles , that two pair did not impede , but amend the Sight in some Eyes that are weak . The Assertion was not that two pair did not , but that they did impede ; But we must pass by M. Stubb's Improprieties and Nonsense ; and this Period is not Sense , as 't is worded . He means , I might have denied that two pair of Spectacles hinder the Sight , they amend it in Eyes that are weak ; Because I did not this I am ignorant in Opticks . But if I had done so , I had been impertinent in answering ; For it must be granted , that two pair ordinarily hinder the Sight , though in M. Stubb's old Gentlewoman and young , the Case is different , and if I had allowed the Consequence , this had been enough to have carried M. Cross's Cause against the two Glasses in Telescopes . Thus I must be ignorant , because I was not impertinent . But doth M. Stubb think that every one is unacquainted with Opticks , who doth not know that double Spectacles mend the Sight in some whose Eyes are weak , or dis-affected ? Must all be Ignoramus's that have not met with the old Gentlewoman his Acquaintance , and the young Gentlewoman that he knows with Cataracts in her Eyes , who use two pair of Spectacles ? or must he needs be ignorant that meeting two false Propositions in a Syllogism , contents himself to deny one , and that the denial of which most evidently tends to the nulling the Argument , and rendring it ridiculous ? I propose not these Questions to justifie my own Knowledge , but to represent and shame M. Stubb's childish , trifling , and malicious Impertinence . 12. As to the large Discourse that follows concerning Telescopes , I shall treat fully on the Subject , and answer the Animadverter's Cavills , in the Book , where I particularly examine his Authorities ; and in that all other things which are worth an Answer shall be consider'd . For the present I take notice , that this whole Discourse is an elaborate Impertinence , for he proves not , that Telescopes are no late Invention , nor yet , that they are not Helps for Knowledge ; He pretends indeed to shew that their Reports are sometimes uncertain , but yet will not be understood totally to discredit the use of Telescopes in celestial Discoveries , as he cautions , [ p. 47. ] And so , what he s●ys , is impertinent to the main Business , though it may seem to confute some passages of mine concerning those Glasses . But let M. Stubb urge all he can for the f●lliciousness of Telescopes , a Sceptick will produce as much to prove the Deceitfulness of our Eyes , and I 'll undertake my self to offer such Arguments against the Certainty of Sense , as M. Stubb with all his Sagacity shall not be able to answer . But how comes M. Stubb to say in the Entrance of this Discourse , p. 29. That he was sure M. Boyle is in the same errour with M. Cross ? Let us see upon what ground he built his Confidence in this first Instance by which he impugns Telescopes : Why , M. Boyle complains that when he went about to examine those appearances in the Sun call'd Maculae & Faculae solares , he could not make the least Discovery of them in many Months , which yet other Observators pretend to see every day , yet doth M. Boyle profess that he neither wanted the conveniency of excellent Telescopes , nor omitted any circumstance requisite to the Enquiry . Thus the Animadverter ; and hence he is sure that M. B. is in the same errour with M. C. That Telescopes are fallacious . Let this be an Instance how this Swaggerer quotes Authors , and let the Reader look into the place cited from M. Boyle , If he do so , he will see , That that Honourable Person saith nothing there , that tends to the proving the Deceitfulness of Telescopes , much less , that he believes them fallacious . I have not the Latin Translation of those Essays , but in the second Edition of the Original English , I find the Discourse to which M. Stubb referrs , p. 103. where the excellent Author imputes it not to the Glasses that he could not for several Months see the Macul● and Faculae solares , but seems a little to blame those Astronomers , who have so written of the Spots and more shining parts , — as to make their Readers to presume that at least some of them are almost always to be seen there , which he conjectures was occasion'd by their so often meeting such Phaenomena in the Sun , [ ib. ] But these for many months , our Learned Author could not discover by his Telescopes , not because of their Fallaciousness , but for that during many months they appeared so much seldomer than it seems they did before . These are the words of that Honourable Gentleman , [ ubi sup . ] And now how doth it appear hence that M. Boyle is in the same errour about the Deceitfulness of Telescopes , with M. Cross ? Is it sure that he thought those Glasses fallacious , because he could not see the Maculae and Faculae in the Sun , when they were not there ? what are we to expect from this man in reference to the other Authors he cites , when he so grosly and impudently mis-reports so known a one of our own , who is yet alive , and sees how maliciously the Caviller perverts him ? I shall examine his carriage to other Writers in my next Book ; and in that shew that most of the Arguments he brings to argue the Fallaciousness of Telescopes , prove only the Diversity and Changes of the Mediums , and of the celestial Phaenomena , not the Deceit of those Glasses . But I am concluded to be altogether unacquainted with Telescopes , as well as ignorant of Opticks , [ p. 46. ] because I say , That [ They alter the Objects in nothing but their Proportions . ] by which I meant , that they make no Alterations in the Figures of Bodies , but represent them , as they are , only in larger proportions . And I am ignorant in Telescopes , for saying so , For ( 1. ) Some Telescopes invert all Objects , and ( 2. ) the Dioptrick Tubes represent the Light and Colours more dilute and remiss , ( 3. ) Some represent some Objects greater , ( 4. ) Some no bigger , or rather less , ( 5. ) Some Objects are magnified , but not so much as others . These are Arguments of my Ignorance , or M. Stubb's Impertinence : For my Ignorance , I have told M. Stubb , that I am ready to confess a great deal more , than he can prove me guilty of ; And whether he hath shewn it here , as he pretends , let the Reader judg . If some Telescopes invert all things , that 's nothing to his purpose , for I spoke of the ordinary Tubes ; Nor is there any change of the Figure of Objects , when they are inverted . Though in the largest Tubes the Light and Colours are more remiss ; yet that makes no alteration of the Object , and I said the Glasses alter'd the Objects in nothing but their Proportions . Though some Objects in some Tubes are represented no bigger , or rather less , than they otherwise seem ; yet that 's nothing against what I say , For Telescopes ordinarily magnifie , 'T is their remarkable property , and that for which they are used ; and though some Objects are not magnified as much as others , yet they are confess'd to be magnified , and that 's sufficient ; or though some are not , 't were nothing , as I just now observ'd . I note these obvious things as my eye runs over my Adversaries Book . They are enough to justifie what I said , and to shew M. Stubb's Impertinence ; I shall discover it further , when I come to consider these things more deeply . I represent the easiest matters now , that all Readers may see what a pitiful Caviller this man is , that boasts such mighty matters , and counts all men ignorants , and Fools , but himself . ( 13. ) And 't is notoriously evident in this next Instance , I had said , [ Chymistry hath a Pretence to the great Hermes for its Author , ( how truly I will not dispute , ) But M. Stubb will make me dispute whether I will or no. For after he had recited these words he saith , he can tell me what he is sure I am ignorant of . The Egyptians did never attribute to Hermes the Invention of Physick or any part of it , — p. 50. ] How doth this Scribbler confute his own Dreams ? who said that the Egyptians attribute to Hermes the Invention of Physick , or any part of it ? How easie is it to pile up Authors against any Writer , if a man may take this Liberty of making him say what he pleaseth ? I say , Chymistry hath a Pretence to Hermes for its Author ; And M. Stubb confutes me by proving the Egyptians did never ascribe the Invention of Physick to Him. And what then ? the usual Conclusion follows , M. Stubb is an industrious Impertinent . But will he say , There is no ground for my Affirmation that Chymistry hath a Pretence to Hermes for its Author ? He quotes VOSSIVS for the Derivation of the word from the Greek , [ p. 51. ] If he had read out that leaf in Vossius , he would have found a reason for that passage of mine . That learned man tells us , Transiit Alchymia Disciplina ad nos ab Arabibus , sive Mauris , — Mauros verò ab Aegyptiis accepisse autumant , — Egyptii rursum edocti existimantur ab Hermete seu Mercurio Trismegisto , [ Vos . de Philos. c. 9. p. 68. ] This Saying of Vossius had been enough to justifie so transient a passage : But again , SENNERTVS is an Author , against whom M. Stubb saith , he hopes there is no Exception , [ p. 58. ] This Author he quotes in that Page ; If he had here either read out the Chapter , which he cites , he would have seen another reason , why I say , Chymistry hath a Pretence to Hermes for its Author . For thus that celebrated Writer , Post Diluvium à plerisque sive Inventio , sive Propagatio Chymiae ad Hermetem Trismegistum refertur , & ab eo Ars Chymica dicitur hodie Ars Hermetica , Vas Hermetis , & Sigillum Hermetis provulgantur , — Omnes Chymici hactenus censuerunt , ut scribit Albertus Magnus , quòd Hermes fit Radix , super quam omnes Philosophi sustentati sunt , — [ Sen. de Natura Chym. cap. 3. ] This is another instance how well M. Stubb himself is acquainted with the Authors he quotes , and an evidence that he reads only such Scraps of them , as he thinks make for his turn . And may it not reflect Shame upon a man of his Pretences , that his Adversary should be justified by the very Books he himself cites , and even in the same Chapter and Leaf , whence he takes passages from them ; yea , and in a thing too that relates to his own Profession . And here I cannot but take notice of an other instance of his Knowledg● in the Authors , with which he hath the most reason to be acquainted ; He tells us , [ p. 112. ] That Dr. HARVY in his two Answers to Riolanus , and his Book of Generation , no where asserts the Invention ( viz. of the Circulation , ) so to himself as to deny that he had the Intimation or Notion from Caesalpinus , which Silence ( saith he ) I take for a tacit Confession , — How true this is , may be seen in the Book he last mentioned , De Generatione Anim. Edit . Amst. p. 309. There Dr. HARVY in express terms assumes the Invention to himself in these words , CIRCVITUM SANGVINIS admirabilem à me jampridem Inventum , video propemodum omnibus placuisse , — M. Stubb tells us , That His Ambition of Glory made him willing to be thought the Author of a Paradox he had so illustrated , — yet such was his Modesty as not to vindicate it to himself by telling a Lie ; [ ubi sup . ] This we see he did if Cesalpinus was the Author . That this last named Person was the Inventer of the Circulation , M. Stubb labours much to prove , and struts mightily in his supposed performance ; I shall not undertake to examine that matter now , only I cannot but take notice , that M. Stubb is impertinent in all that Discourse : For if Caesalpinus be the Author , the Invention is however modern , for he writ his Quaest. Medicae not above eighty years ago , and in them it is pretended he discover'd the Circulation . And I am the less concern'd in all the Animadverters voluminous Nothing about the Author of that Discovery , because I took care before to prevent such Impertinences ; but I see M. Stubb will be impertinent , do I what I can to prevent it . I ascribe the Invention to D. Harvy , as almost all men now do , except the Animadverter ; but take notice withal , that not only divers Antients , but some Moderns have had the Glory fastned on them , among these , I mention this CAESALPINVS , and add , [ For these though either of them should be acknowledg'd to be the Author , it will make as much for the Design of my Discourse , as if Harvy have the Credit ; and therefore here I am no otherwise concern'd , but to have justice for that excellent man , — Plus Ult. p. 16. ] But M. Stubb's malice against Dr. Harvy , and spight against me would not permit him to discern that he had no reason here to fall on this Controversie ; and 't is nothing to him whether he have reason , or not ; He follows the Impetus , and writes on , if it happen to be to purpose , 't is well , if not , he cannot help it . AND now , Sir , I am quite weary of discovering the Falshoods , and Follies , and Impertinences of this insulting man. The Instances I have given are enough for my present purpose ; They will more abundantly appear in the further Animadversions I intend , in those I shall take all things to task , in which I may be thought to be concerned . But for that work I must have time ; I have other things enow to do , which 't is more my Concern and more my Inclination to mind ; And that Business will require me to examine a multitude of Authors , which I have reason to be confident M. Stubb hath mis-reported and abus'd ; I have given you a taste already of some of his dealings with the Writers he quotes , I shall present the World with a great deal more of the same kind in my next ingagement . But that will be a thing of Labour , and 't is not so agreeable to my humour neither , and therefore the execution of this my Design will be the slower . I Thought here to have added an Account of my other Antagonist M. Cross ; But that Adversary is to be pitied , all that he can do in the Controversie is but to call Names and invent Stories , and make scurrilous Rhimes ; These are the Arms he hath used against me , ever since our Controversie began ; I speak not this in a way of contemptuous Abuse , but with all that seriousness , with which I can affirm any thing , which I do most heartily believe . This I say ( and I am sorry I can say no better of him ) hath been the course he hath taken : I represented the Contents of his Book in a private Letter to Dr. Ingelo , that afterwards , coming to a Friends hands in London was printed by him , and call'd the Chue Gazett , ( for M. Cross lives at a place call'd Chue . ) It was printed , but there were not an hundred Copies of it , and those all given into private hands , that his shame might not be made publick . In that Letter , I presented a Collection of some of the Names he had call'd me , which were as foul and scurrilous , as the most ill-bred Ruffian could have vented in a distemper'd Huff ; I recited about sixteen of his gross Falshoods , which were the broadest and silliest that ever were framed , for they were so pitifully contrived , that every one that knows me , knew most of them to be false , and he himself could not but know , that they were notoriously untrue ; yea , some passages of things he had said , which he publickly denied again in his Book , and with most solemn Invocations of the name of God , have been attested to his face . So that I am as much astonisht at the prodigious Indiscretion of this marvellous man , as at his matchless Legends . And in him I see an Instance how far Rage and Malice will carry a proud and intemperate Spirit . He did not know nor care what he said , so he could gratifie his wild Passion against me . If ever you chance to light upon that Paper , you will see that this Censure is sober and true . In the same Letter I discovered the contemptible Impertinency of his Book , which doth not as much against mine , as M. Stubb did , when he confuted the Errata of the Press . I give a Specimen also of the Learning he shews in Schoolscraps , and little ends of Verse , and Childrens Phrases , which are all the Reading he discovers . These things are in brief represented in the Gazett , and much more largely in a Latin Account of his Performance , which I have ready by me . After my Letter was abroad , to divert his Trouble and Disorder , he fell into a fit of Rhiming , and writ scurrilous Ballads to abuse me further ; upon this occasion he was so given to versifying , that he could not write a Note but it must be in Meeter . As for instance , sending to a Neighbour Minister to preach for him , he presents his Request thus , Good M. Battin , You speak good Latin , And so you do English too : Your Neighbour Cross Is taking Horse , And you must preach at Chue . With such Poetry as this , my Praises , and those of the City of Bath , were celebrated . And so taken he was himself with his vein , that I have heard , he used to vaunt how much he was in a Poetick Dispensation above Hudibras . But the likeliest course he ever took , was the ingaging M. Stubb in his Quarrel . He hath a Pen that is always ready to be retain'd in pay . M. Cross ( as I was told by the Animadverter himself ) sent him his Book , which he then despised ; and said even to me , that he was an old — that had been asleep these forty years , and knew not what the World had been doing ; But 't is like M. Stubb did not know then , what Advantage might be made of M. Crosses Friendship , by one that would undertake his rescue . The Reverend Disputer after this caress'd , and courted him highly ; treated him at Bath , and entertain'd him divers times with dear welcome at his House , so that at last he was fastned . How like these two are in their Genius's and Performances , I may have an occasion to shew in a parallel . What Assistance M. Cross can afford his Friend in the Cause against the Royal Society , he shall not want : I am told , that he is doing that , which is sutable to his Temper and Abilities , viz. collecting the Legends , that Himself and his Confederates have made and driven about concerning one of those , they call the Virtuosi , to furnish M. Stubb with them ; worthy work for a second Cobler of Glocester ! But their Labour will be lost , and worse : That Person despiseth their malicious Figments ; and will make some body repent the infamous Project . And now while I am speaking of Legends , I remember one , by which I have been much abused to the GENTRY of WILTS , as if I had spoken rudely and injuriously concerning them . You , Sir , are of that County ; and I owe a Iustification of my self to you , and those other ingenious and worthy Persons , who have heard the Fable . The occasion of the the false Report , which 't is like you have been told , was this , I commended an Honourable Gentleman of your County , and particularly for his Skill in Mathematicks , adding , that I knew none other in the parts where I was then , ( being not in Wiltshire ) so acquainted with those Studies ; or to that purpose ; This hapned to be mistaken and mis-reported , and after coming to the ears of some , whose Tongues are their own , they formed it into that abusive Falshood that went about . I know you cannot believe me guilty of any thing so rude , or if I were capable of such Folly or Incivility , I should not have vented it against Persons , by some of which I have been so highly obliged ; And when there are not Three Gentlemen , that I know there , for whom I have not a very great Honour and Esteem . And particularly for your self , I have all that Respect and Value , which so many and so great Accomplishments both intellectual and moral , as you eminently possess , can claim from one , that is sensible , and obliged by innumerable Civilities to be SIR , Your Affectionate Humble Servant , Jos. Glanvill . Postscript . MR. Stubbe being resolv'd to charge the Enemy home , ( as he told us ) hath publish't two other Books , since that against me ; The First he calls LEGENDS NO HISTORIES , against Dr. Spratt , and M. Henshaw ; The other he names CAMPANELLA REVIV'D , design'd to prove , That the Royal Society is managing projects to introduce Popery : In these worthy works I cannot tell which I shall admire most , his impudence , or his impertinence ; The former will sufficiently appear in the bare recital of some of his expressions , which I shall present for a Taste ; The other vertue will require Animadversions , which I suppose the Gentleman concern'd may bestow upon the Legends ; and the other Pamphlet I may perhaps take an occasion to examine . The shorter work I undertake now , as a Supplement to my Account of M. Stubbe's modesty , and civilities . And the First thing I take notice of , is , That this doughty man of Warwick sends publick Defiances before-hand , to those he intends to assault , and , as I have read somewhere of the Great Turk , in the pride of his puissance gives solemn warning where he intends to make War : 'T is unbecoming his mightiness to surprise an Enemy . He therefore informs M. Evelyn , and Dr. Merrett what he intends against them [ Camp. rev . ] which is somewhat less , it seems , then he could do , should he give himself the trouble ; For he saith , he could make M. Evelyn ' s account of the Birch Tree appear as ridiculous , as the History of Salt-Petre ; 'T is like he understands that Tree , He experimented something more than ordinary of it at Oxford ; and perhaps if he had right done him , he would have more experience of another Tree . But I must not stay , to remark here . He gives out , That he will make the Lord Bishop of CHESTER smart , and writ to one ( as I am credibly told ) that he was making inquiries into his Lordships Learning , parts , and qualifications for a Bishop . How fit is he to be a visitour of Bishops ? But to confine my self to what is printed . He gives notice in the Preface of his Legends of several Books more , that he hath coming , in pursuance of the Projects of his former ; Particularly he threatens one against my LETTER concerning ARISTOTLE ; a Design suitable to the Grandeur of M. Stubbe's mind . That short Discourse was first only a private Letter , written when I was not 23 years of Age , and printed six , or seven years ago . Let the mighty man , in the glory of his conquests , insult over an essay of a green youth , and take six years time to write against two sheets of Paper , which for ought he can tell the Author by this time disrellisheth himself . But the truth is , I do not know , whether I have any reason to do so , or not , having not read it over since . Whatever other faults there may be in the Composure , I 'm sure there is no Lying , as M. Stubbe chargeth it , according to the usual way of his civility . I reported no matter of Fact concerning Aristotle or his Philosophy , but from some good and approved Author ; though perhaps I should find trouble now in the particular citations , because I want the opportunity of those Books that I then used , and I have lost the Notes that I took from them . Whether it will be worth my Labour to answer what M. Stubbe shall write against that young exercise of my Pen. I cannot certainly foresee , but I shrewdly guess . Perhaps the sole consideration of my youth , when I writ it , will excuse more faul●s than M. Stubbe's wit , and spight together can discover , or as much as pretend to find there . If he confutes that Letter with the like Ignorance , and impertinence as he hath used in his Animadversions on Plus Ultra , T will be answer enough to print it again . The Lyes he pretends it guilty of , will , I may expect , be disproved by some that are so indeed , for his Authors must sp●ak what he would have them say , and he tells a gross one in the few words in which he mentions the design of confuting me , when he saith , that I have never as much as read over Diogenes Laertius , which were impossible he should know , though it were true . I only take notice further , concerning this , that according to that little cunning which I mentioned before , He would fain draw in the Royal Society to be concern'd in that Letter of mine , That so his intended Triumph might be greater , and the Virtuosi prejudiced by his pretended advantages against it . The Letter ( forsooth ! ) is joined to the Edition of my Sc●psis Scientifica , which bears the Arms , and is dedicated to the Royal Society , [ Pref. to Leg. ] That Book was indeed Dedicated to the Society , but I was not then a Member of it : And are Patrons of Books responsible for their imperfections ? If so , 't were very bad news for the modest Dr. Willis to whom the cleanly discourse of Chocolate is directed . The Prefixing the Societies Arms to my Dedication was the Stationers conceit ; and the mention of it , puts me in mind of a ridiculous offence that was once taken against another Book of mine : The Printer had set a flourish at the beginning over the Dedication , 'T was a Cut of Henry 8. lying by a Tree , which some took for an emblem of Protestantism coming out of his Codpiece ; Just such Arguments M. Stubbe useth to prove that the Royal Society have a design to reduce us to Popery : And I remember , when the Theatre at Oxford was newly built , he very sadly told me , ( and made a deal of tragical talk about it ) That They had pictured God the Father in the midst of the Cieling in the shape of an old man ; when the figure he meant was but a Mythological picture ; what particularly , I have forgot . I wonder this was not insisted on to prove that the Society designs Popery ; no doubt it had been as good a one , as any he hath produced . But I am a little stept besides my design of presenting some Instances of his rare modesty , and civility , in his last Books , I shall now do it briefly . He calls the Royal Society Trojan Horse , [ Pref. to Camp. ] and an illiterate Company [ p. 21. ] The Members of it , Great Impostors [ Pref. 10 C. ] Fopps [ Pref. to Leg. ] and poor Devils , in his Letter to Sir N. N. viz. Sir Nicholas Nemo . And p. 21. in his Postscript , speaking of the overthrow of the Royal Society , He expresseth himself thus — which not only all Doctors , but all good men o●ght to endeavour ; That the disasters of the late Dutch War , the Plague , and Fire of London were less inconveniences than their perpetuity ; That these calamities admitted some remedy hereafter ; but the evils they are likely to occasion us , would never be corrected by any humane Providence , and I doubted not whether God would support us by his Prudence , when they had debauched the Nation from all piety , and morality , as well as civil wisdom ; This was , he saith , part of the purport of another Discourse of his about the errors and cheats of the Virtuosi . I now begin to repent that I have troubled my self so much with this hot-headed Impertinent , for I perceive that no one is so fit to answer him , as the Keeper of Bedlam . I begin to pity him , and to wish , that The Colledge of Physicians to requite him , for that grandeur , he saith , he designs for them , would prescribe somewhat for him ; For certainly there is much ground to think , that the phansie of his supposed great exploits , hath blown him up to a great distraction : Let us hear how he swaggers on , [ It is said that my Animadversions on M. Glanvill contain little of matter , to which I answer , That they contain enough to have made twenty Uirtuost famous , and would h●ve acquired them a memorial of ingenious , and noble experimentators : They contain enough to shew the Ignorance of that person , who had so insulted over all Vniversity-Learning , and particularly over the Physicians : They contain enough , since they contain more then They All Knew , and think I have done great service to the Learned , in shewing that these Virtuosi are very great Impostors — To the Reader in Camp. ] Again , in the Dedication of his Legends to the Vniversities , thus , I have stooped the Talbots their Supporters for them , and if ever They hunt well hereafter , this Age knows whom they are obliged to ] In a Letter to Dr. Merrett , which is after inserted , He rants thus , If you will proceed with them , you must be trampled on with Them● who are irrecoverably lost ; To the same 〈◊〉 he speaks , in his Epistle to Sir Nicholas Nemo , p. 18. The removal of these , viz. ( The Royal Society ) will not derogate from , but illustrate [ the Kings ] renown , and confirm England in the Reverence of his generosity , and their Detestableness ] . By the way , what sense is this ● The Reverence of their Detestableness ? M. Stubbe saith in the Preface to his Legends , That if there be any person worthy of his indignation , that will justifie the rhetoricalness of the History of the Royal Society , he will write about that , and make the Comical wits renounce the Antient Orators , as they do now the Philosophers . ] A rare Censor of Rhetorick , and Oratory this , that doth not himself write Grammatical sense ! This I should offer to him , if he were recover'd , and fit to be discours't soberly with . That I will shew more gross non sense in his writings , than he can of pretended mistake● in all the Virtuosi that ever writ ; I do not mean in the stupidity , ignorance , and incoherence of his reasonings only , but in the frame of the very words . But for a little more of his vapouring . [ I have a thousand faults more to charge them with , but I reserve them for another Treatise , which if they do not submit to the Coll●dge of Physicians , and the two Universities , I will publish . In his Letter to his Friend Sir N. N●mo . p. 16. ] Submit O ye Virtuosi , for fear of that dreadful Treatise ! If that be once publishe● , you are more then irrecoverably lost ; For he hath told you , you are so far gone already . How he would have you submit he expresseth in Camp. Rev. p. 15 viz. You must declare solemnly to the world that you understand nothing of ancient , or modern Writers , that is the best way he saith , to secure y●ur credit , from being thought Plegiaries , and Cheats , ibid. ] Non-sense again ; but that 's no News . He adds , if they would but get any one to teach them Latin , and Greek ● it would have saved me some trouble , as you will see in my Animadversions on their History . Neither is this period , true English. If any one had taught M. Stubbe to write sense , he might have saved me trouble , as any one may see in my Animadversions on his . But for a passage or two more ; [ As for M. Glanvill ' s Book , it was perused by several of their members , and corrected by them ( a broad falshood , as I have shewn in my Preface ) and how much we are red●vable to a Society , that could allow of that , and would not at my reiterated importunities , call it in , or disclaim it , let all Physicians judge , Pref. to Camp. ] And again , p. 15. They might have appeased me , ( Goodly ! ) would they have call'd 〈◊〉 these two Books , ( viz. the HISTORY of the Royal Society and PLUS ULTRA ) but since they would not do that , I suspect their intentions , that they drive on Campanella●● project ; why else should they scruple at it ? ] If They will not call in and renounce all Books that offend M. Stubbe , 'T is evident they drive on Campanella's projects● There can be no other reason why they should scruple it . Further , in the Preface thus , [ Nor would I have any man believe that there are so many eminent Physicians of the Royal Society , for neither is the number of those admitted considerable , ( I find 30 Doctors of Physick in the last years Catalogue , and many if not most of them of the Colledge , ) Few of note , but have deserted it again ; The rest approve not of it , so that all the talk will not amount to three understanding persons . ] I am assured , that 't is false that any of note , except one or two have deserted it , and M. Stubbe should tell us , How those that remain have signified their disapproval . Among several other very ingenious persons of the faculty of Physick , I remember these of Note in the number of Fellows of the Royal Society , Sir Geo. Ent , Dr. Glisson , Dr. Goddard , Dr. Willis , Dr. Whistler , Dr. Walter Needham , Dr. Iasp. Needham , Dr. Clerk , Dr. Allen , Dr. Horshaw , Dr. Merrett , Dr. Croon , Dr. Power , Dr. Trustan : one or two of these are understanding persons , M. Stubbe saith , not three ; would he tell us now which are the one or two that have understanding among them ; At this rate M. Stubbe makes the Colledge of Physicians as illiterate a Company , as the Virtuosi ; And let any one in that famed body of Learned men , be named in opposition to any thing he shall think fit to say , and that person , be he who he will , shall be cast among the Fools , and Illiterate . I have more reason for this saying then I 'le mention here . All the famous Doctors named excepting one or two , are Prattle-boxes and Ignoramus's ; who can scape the lash of such a Tongue ? But I had almost forgot , that to shew his candour and good nature he acknowledgeth some of the Society . For he saith in the Preface to his Legends , That he must be insensible of all merit that can derogate from Sir Rob. Moray , Dr. Wren , and Dr. Wallis , and it doth not ( he tells us ) become any one that knows M. Boyle , to think that he would abet a design to subvert Piety , and the Protestant Religion . It seems he allows Sir R. M. Dr. Wren and Dr. Wallis to be understanding persons , and rather then leave out M. Boyle , he shall be brought in too , though but for a negative merit . These are the excepted persons that have the hon●●r of some place in his favour : The rest are Virtuosi , and deserve all that contempt with which we depretiate the Illiterate and Fools . But how comes Dr. Wallis that was branded by him with so many charges of illiterateness and ignorance , and all things else of contempt , as we have seen , how comes this Gentleman now to be so highly in his Books ? It seems the Doctor is exceedingly improved in 10 or 11 years , and hath got a great stock of merit , since M. Stubbe writ against him ; or rather men shall have merit when M. Stubbe pleaseth , and when he pleaseth , they shall have none . 'T is to be hoped that the rest of the Virtuosi in ten years more , may get a little merit too , and obtain from him at least a negative commendation . And now what can any one think that reads these passages , but that M. Stubbe is over-heated in his head ? This is the most charitable thought can be entertain'd of him . I expect that hereafter he should make it his excuse , and certainly 't will be a better Apology then that of serving a Patron . I lately received a Letter of his which he writ to Dr. Merrett , with a desire that I would print it in this Postscript ; 'T is very pleasant stuff , and I here present it to the Reader for a little further entertainment . A Letter from M. Henry Stubbe to Dr. Merrett Doctor of Physick and Fellow of the Colledge of Physicians . Dr. Merrett , HAving not yet seen your book , wherein I am concern'd , I cannot tell how far I am to resent it : But I understand you are exasperated against M. Starky , about a Postscript , bearing my name . Sir , There is nothing therein spoken positively , but upon supposition — If one may judge of your abilities , by what you have writ against the Apothecaries then — These words are not ●ctionable , at least till the case be decided in Physick : And 't is but fi●ting that you suspend your process , till I appear against you in Print , which I will do next Term , and appeal in the judgment of the Colled●e , or what Members thereof you 'l choose● It is all one to me , For whosoever differ● from my judgment , where I oppose you , will but injure himself and betray his ignorance in Physick . But Sir , to let you see how civil I am to my own faculty , if you will desert the ROYAL SOCIETY , and endeavour to adjust the differences , rather then to widen them betwixt Physicians , and Apothecaries , and joyn in the common interest , and support of our profession , against the Quacks , and Virtuosi , I will be ready so far to gratifie the desires● of some of your friends , and mine , as to add , aft●r the debate betwixt you and me upon the case , That I do believe your haste , and passion might occasion the miscarriage , and that your abilities are not to be measured of by any single failure . I beseech you consider the interest , and honour of our profession in your quarrels , and let us not , out of passion against the Apothecaries , destroy our selves , and give advantage to the multitude of Quacks , under the protection of the Royal Society , and the pretence of making their own Medicaments . You see with what success , I have managed the quarrel , in behalf of Physick , against the Uirtu●●t . Desert these ignorant , and insolent persons , and let me not be blown up behind by the divisions of the Colledge , the Grandeur whereof is my Design . If you will comply herein I will treat you civilly enough ; If you will proceed with ●hem , you must be content to be trampled on with them , who are irrecoverably lost . You s●● what miserable Apologies the Wit of Dr. Spratt , and the revi●ing of the Bishop of Chester hath produced : What man of Common s●nce would associate with such Partisans ? 'T is your interest , and 't is for your credit to abandon thes●●atch doterels . I know my advan●ages over that book of yours , which I write against , ●nd your repute will extreamly depend ( considering the odium you are under ) upon my ●ibility to you . The world will laugh to see our pens revenge themselves in Westminster-Hall . Let us not divert any eye from scorning the Royal Society : That is the interest of every English man , I 'm sure . You may tell them from me , that their dull Letter to me is answered ; and that I will bestow a Preface on Glanvill , and the rest , when that against you is publish't ; which is not yet gone to the Press , because I attend the news of your dep●rtment , who I hear are upon disclaiming the Royal Society ; the Declaration thereof will be enough to make me Your very humble Servant , H. Stubbe . Warwick , Aug. 16. 1670. Dr. Merrett sent me his Answer to this Letter , and I had made it publick ( having his permission to do so ) but that my Postscript swells to too great a bigness ; Nor indeed doth it need any De●●ant to render it contemptible , and ridiculous . Only this I think ●it to ins●rt out of the Doctors remarks ; That whereas the Quack of Warwick saith , he hears He is de●e●●ing the Royal Society , ( to which he threatens , and invites him ) The Doctor professeth his great , and just esteem of that Honourable Assembly in the words that follow [ I shall save my self the labour of apologizing for the ROYAL SOCIETY , whose repute with foreign Princes , and learned men of all sorts , witnessed by their pens , and the imitation of the like Societies by them● The resort of Ambassadors to their Meetings , and the many Books publisht by the Members thereof , evidence to the world the ignorance and insolence of this pitiful Scribler . He goes on , owning his relation to them with great respect , and though he confesseth , that for a year or so , he hath by his occasions been often diverted from their meetings , yet adds that he hopes to frequent them more for the future . Thus we see , in another instance , how impudently M. Stubbe romanceth in his Stories of persons withdrawing from the Royal Society . He names but two , of those he pretends to be declining from it , viz. Dr. More , and Dr. Merrett , and I have , I suppose , presented such effectual confutations of his bold falshood , from both these learned Gentlemen , as would make any man blush , but M. Stubbe . — I shall make no other remarks upon the recited Letter ; Every Reader will make enough for the credit of the writer . He tells us in one of his last Books . That he hath some vertues of the most celebrated times ; I hope he doth not mean veracity , or modesty . If he would let us know what the celebrated Times were , in which the Qualities I have noted from his writings , were Vertues , 't would be a discovery ; and I 'le assure him none of the Virtuosi would take the honour from him , of finding out the new vertues , or being the most eminent in them . But now I remember , he hath already given hint enough for the discovery ; For in the Preface to his la●e Book of Chocolate , He saith of Presbytery , that it is malice , and disingenuity heightned with all the circumstances im●ginable in men this 〈◊〉 Hell. We know he celebrated the Times in which the Creatures , and Supplanters of Presbytery reigned , and there is no doubt but They abounded as m●ch with those good Qualities which he makes the essence of Presbytery , as any men , this side the place he speaks of ; And since Those were his celebrated Times , we may learn easily what were the vertues ; and in how high a degree M. Stubbe p●ss●sseth ●hem , he is blind that doth not see . For my part , However ignorant I am otherwise , He hath suf●●ciently informed me in this ; and there is no doubt , but after what I have done in the foregoing Account , I must expect further exercis● of his celebrated vertues towards me . I● his r●ge and ●●ight were ●o kindled only ●y a Cut finger , How will he be inflamed by the wounds my representation of his impudence , falshoods and impertitencies hath given him ? Let him now raise his malicious pride to it● most ridiculous height , and spit his most spightful scorns , and contempts upon me , from it : Let him set his cavilling invention on work for more falshoods and sland●rs to vilifie and debase me , and call in his friend M. Cross to help him , out of his Storehouse of L●g●nds , and Reproache● . Let him wrest my 〈◊〉 and confute his own dreams , and the E●●ata of the Press , to stuff up a Book of m●re folly and impertin●nce ; or , which it may be he may think the wiser course , Let him ne● give me up to the Common pens ( as he threatens ) to be laught at , and leave them to prove what he hath couragiously affirmed , as he did in the case of M. Baxter . These returns I may expect from one , that hath so many good Qualities of his Celebrated Times . In this way he can write on for ever , for such proceedings are most suitable to his parts and virtues : By them he will make himself the admiration of Envious Fools , but the scorn of the wise and intelligent ; which latter he hath sufficiently done already . And therefore I shall leave him to the Appl●●d● of hi● Friends , and the Contempts of the Friends of vertue , and wisdom ; after I have justified my self in a thing , which is like to be objected by this Antagonist . I am told he will Answer all that I have produced out of his writings to shew the Hypocrisie of his pretenses for Monarchy , and the Church of England , by recharging me with compliance with those Times ; An Answer befitting such a Writer ; and let him make the most of that charge . My great fault was that I was born in that unhappy season , and bred in those dismal days● But can he accuse me of any thing I ever said or did , that was Disloyal ? Did I write a Defence of the Cause of Regicides , and Vsurpers ● or Defame Kingly Government , or blaspheme my persecuted Soveraign , or promote Anarchy , and publick ruine ? If M. Stubbe cannot prove any of th●se ( as I da●e him to offer at it ) He cannot recriminate ; And his charges of this kind will b● contemptible ● and like all the rest . He had best write against me for coming into the world in an ill Time , and for being born a Child ● I have not the least offence besides to answer for● in reference to the Government ● except what I apologized for before , the recital I have made of his former Tr●asons and Impieties . I have now done for the present with M. Stubbe ; But must add this to some silly sneaks , who think he hath written things not to be answer'd ● That Impudence and non-sense are the most troublesom things to answer in the world . I have prov'd already● and shall yet more fully shew , that the Argumentative part of his Book against me , is so far from being unanswerable , that it cannot deserve any other Answer then a smile , and silence : For most of that he saith , is lamentably inconsistent and impertinent . He tells us He sends the things to the Press that were suggested as he travell'd ; and one may judge by their incoherence that he rid upon a trotting Horse ; upon which I leave him pursuing the Virtuosi , and add this Advertisement . If any man hath a design to write his Life , and further to describe this Sir Hudibr●s and his Steed ; He will do well to hold his hand a while , For M. Stubbe's Friend M. Cross hath writ a Book call'd Biographia , which gives Rules , how Lives are to be writ ; This will be printed , if the Licensers will permit the good man to spoil so much paper , and so make himself publickly ridiculous ; And the H●storian had no● best begin , till he hath M. C. directions , for fear he transgress the Rules , and incur the lash of the Methodical Pedant . This Book , it seems , is intended to correct the Learned and pious Dr. ●ell , for his way of writing the Life of Dr. Hammond , and 't is M. C. revenge upon that excellent person , for his denying Licence to the scurrilous and non-sensical Book he writ against me . I have not heard many particulars of it , but only this , He calls that Reverend Divine who hath been long Doctor of Divinity , presides over the chief Colledge of Oxford , is Dean of that Diocess , and hath govern'd the Vniversity as Vice-Chancellor , with singular wisdom , diligence , and applause , I say , he calls that venerable man , Iubenis ; and I believe that name of diminution doth not go alone ; but the Reverend person from whom I had this , lighted on that by chance as he cast his eye upon the Disputer's Papers , which he carrie●h about for a shew . 'T would be well for an old man I know , if he had this excuse of being young , for his weakness , and puerilities , for which there can be no Apology made , except he confes● himself arriv'd to his second childhood . And so I take leave of him out of pity , and , for ought I know , for ever . FINIS . ADVERTISEMENT Concerning the ERRATA , and some passages liable to be mistaken . THat M. Stubbe may not trouble himself to write more Animadversions on the Errata of the Press , I give notice , That when I speak of his Reporting the Design of the Roy●l Society to be laid by a Iesuite , p. 2. or 3. It should be , by a Fryar . The mistake was the persons that told i● me , who said , a Iesuite , thinking , it seems , That Campanella was of that order . In Dr. More 's Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is se● instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I know not whether the mistake be the Printers , or Transcribers ; 'T was not mine , I never writ out that Letter . There are several other small errors I took notice of in running over my Printed Papers , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pigmy , which should have had no Comma between , and the like ; But I have not my Book now at hand to note them particularly , and therefore must lye at M. Stubbe's mercy . But these following things were noted , while my Papers were by me , to prevent mistake . [ P. 174. ] When I say , It must be granted that two pair , viz. of Spectacles ordinarily hind●r 〈◊〉 sight , I would not be understood , 〈◊〉 they do so , when used by those of Great●● Age. For two pair to them have but the power of one . [ P. 178. ] When I say Telescopes represent ●●jects as they ar● , only in larger proporti●ns ; I mean as they are , for figure , and only represent them larger then they appear to the 〈◊〉 eye . [ P. 179. ] When I grant what M. Stubbe saith , that in the longest Tubes the Colours of Objects are more remiss ; whatever he mean● , I would not be understood , as if the length of the Tubes made the remissness o● the Light , for that is caused by the number of the Glasses , or ●he darkness of their metal . Books Printed for and sold by James Collins , at the Kings-Arms i● Ludgate-street neer the West end of St. Paul's , and at the Kings-head in Westminster-Hall . A Discourse of the Religious Temper and T●ndencies of the modern , experimental Philosophy , which is profest by the Royal Society . To which is annext a Recommendation and Defence of Reason in the affairs of Religion . By Ios. Glanvill . In octavo . Observations upon Military and Political Affairs ● Written by the most Honourable George D●ke of Albemarle , &c. Published by Authority . In folio . A Private Conference between a Rich Alderman and a Poor Country Vicar , made Publick . Whe●ein is discoursed the Obligation of Oaths which have been imposed on the Subjects of England . With other Matters relating to ●he present State of Affairs . In octavo . Praxis Medicinae : or the Universal Body of Physick . Containing all Inward D●seases incident to the Body of Man. Explaining the Nature of every Dis●ase , with Proper Remedies assigned to them . Very useful for Physicians , Chi●urgeons , and Apothecaries , and more ●specially for such who consult their own Health . Written by that famous and learned Physician Walter Bruell . In quarto . The Christians Victory over Death . A Sermon at the Funeral of the most Honourable George Duke of Albemarle , &c. in the Collegiate Church of St. Peter's Westminster on the 30. of April , 1670. By Seth Lord Bishop of Sarum . Preached and Published by his Majesties special Command . In quarto . The Episcopacy of the Church of England justified to be Apostolical , from the Authority of the Antient Primitive Church : And from the Confessions of the most famous Divines of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas . Being a full Satisf●ction in this Cause , as well for the Necessity , as for the Iust Right thereof , as consonant to the Word of God. By the Right Reverend Father in God Thomas Morton late Lord Bishop of D●resme . Before which is prefixed a Preface to the Reader concerning this Subject , by Sir Henry Yelverton Baronet . In octavo . 
A60020	----	A philosophical essay declaring the probable causes whence stones are produced in the greater world from which occasion is taken to search into the origin of all bodies, discovering them to proceed from water and seeds : being a prodromus to a medicinal tract concerning the causes and cure of the stone in the kidneys and bladders of men / written by Dr. Thomas Sherley ... Sherley, Thomas, 1638-1678. 1672 Approx. 185 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 80 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A60020 Wing S3523 ESTC R10626 13293118 ocm 13293118 98859 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A60020) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98859) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 439:9) A philosophical essay declaring the probable causes whence stones are produced in the greater world from which occasion is taken to search into the origin of all bodies, discovering them to proceed from water and seeds : being a prodromus to a medicinal tract concerning the causes and cure of the stone in the kidneys and bladders of men / written by Dr. Thomas Sherley ... Sherley, Thomas, 1638-1678. [16], 143 p. Printed for William Cademan ..., London : 1672. Advertisement on p. 141-143. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Science -- Early works to 1800. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Philosophical Essay : DECLARING The probable Causes , whence Stones are produced in the Greater World. From which occasion is taken to search into the Origin of all Bodies , discovering them to proceed from Water , and Seeds . Being a Prodromus to a Medicinal Tract concerning the Causes , and Cure of the Stone in the Kidneys , and Bladders of Men. WRITTEN By Dr. Thomas Sherley , Physitian in Ordinary to His MAJESTY . LONDON , Printed for William Cademan , at the Pope's Head , in the Lower Walk of the New-Exchange . 1672. To the Illustrious , GEORGE , Duke , Marquis , and Earl of Buckingham ; Earl of Coventry , Viscount Villiers , Baron Whaddon of Whaddon , Lord Ross of Hamlock , Belvoir , and Trusbut , &c. Master of the Horse , Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter , Chancellor of the University of Cambridge , and one of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council . May it please your Grace , T Is not the sublime condition in which you are , nor the eminent , and great Honours with which you deservedly shine , ( as a bright Star , of the first Magnitude , in our little World , ) that hath induced me to address this ensuing Discourse to you ; but the great , and excellent knowledge of Natural Beings your Grace hath acquired by a constant , and curious Anatomizing of all sort of Concrets in your Laboratory ; a way certainly the most likely to give you a faithful and solid account of the Nature of things , by discovering to you the real principles of which they are constituted . This it is , which made me conclude , I should have done a great injustice , had I put this Tract under any other Protection than yours . And indeed , at whose feet can a Subject of this Nature be so fitly plac'd as at your Grace's , you being so great an Experimental Philosopher ? But lest I prove tedious , I will conclude this Epistle , with assuring you , that not only this Book , but the Author of it , are both Dedicated to your Graces Service , by him that in all Humility subscribes himself , My Lord , Your Graces most Obedient , and Faithful Servant , THO. SHERLEY . TO THE READER . READER , Custome , which hath the power to make , and establish Laws , hath obliged me to comply in this particular of writing to thee . Otherwise I was resolved to suffer this ensuing Discourse to appear naked , and without an Advocate , [ as Philosophical Subjects ought to do : ] that so the minds of the studious , being free from preposession , might be the better able to judge of the truth of the Matter in hand , and of the validity of the Arguments I produce to evince it . This , I say , I would have done , could I have been assur'd , that this Book should have fallen under the censure of none but Philosophical , and knowing Men , to whom I should have thought my self happy to have submitted my labours in this kind ▪ To which sort of inquisitive , and industrious Men , I pretend not to have done any further service in these Lucubrations ; then by having laid together those Arguments , and Experiments , which did readily occurr to my mind ▪ and which I thought might conduce to prove the Matter in hand , a Subject ●it to be seriously look'd into ; and though I seem in some places to be determinate , yet I declare ▪ [ once for all ] I have not the vanity to think I have put such a Ne plus ultra to the inquiries into this Subject , that ●o further discoveries are to be made ; nothing less . For though the Subject be rough , and hard , yet it is far from being unfruitful . And if by my endeavours I shall prove Instrumental , [ by giving of hints , &c. ] to put other industrious Philosophers , who are fitted with better parts , and more time , to digg deeper in these Quarries , I shall think it glory sufficient , to have been thus far serviceable to the Common-wealth of Learning : and if by the endeavours of such W●rthy Men , I shall find my self confirm'd in my Opinion , I shall rely upon it with the greater security . But if by their inquirius , other , and truer causes shall appear ; I shall not scruple to a knowledge , that I will willingly become a Proselyte to Truth , though at the same time it is discover'd it convince me of having been erroneous in my Opinion . But at present , thinking I defend a verity , I shall not easily recede from my Opinion , without my Iudgment be convinc'd , by the same means I make use of , to Proselyte others : that is , both by reason , and Experiments . And likewise let me add this , that I shall expect the same Candid , and civil dealing from such who intend to confute me , which I have shew'd to those whose Opinions I reject . For otherwise I shall conclude a railing Adversary fitter for my slight , than reply ; I knowing a better use of my time , then to spend it so unfruitfully . As I court not applause , which is a vanity anbefitting a Philosopher ; So , having [ as I suppose ] appear'd in a good Cause , that is , the defence of a philosophical truth , [ viz. that the Matter of Stones , and all other Bodies , is Water , and their Efficient Seed ] I shall not fear Censure , though I must be exposed to that of any Man , which shall take the pains to peruse my Book ; I am not ignorant of the Proverb , So many Men , so many Minds : Nor of that other , Haben●●sua fata Likelli : And therefore cannot expect that impossibility of pleasing every body ; but that I may be as useful as I can to those Readers , which though they may have large Souls , have yet been little Conversant with things of this Nature ; I say , that I may be as Instructive as I can , and that my meaning may not be mistaken , I shall therefore inform them of these things following . First , that there are many Men , of great Natural parts , which yet want the advantage of understanding the Greek , and Latin● ●ong●●s ; for whose sakes , I have [ that I might be the more useful ] Translated into the English , all those quotations which I make use of , from Authors which have writ in those Learned ▪ Languages , and that [ for the most part ] Verbatim , [ though sometimes I only deliver their sense . ] And to satisfie the scrupulous , yet Learned sort of Readers ] of my integrity , I have almost constantly given them the very words , and in the same Language they are delivered by those I qu●te ▪ together with the Book , and for the most part , Page , where the Original words may be found , [ marked in the Margin . ] Secondly , If it shall be objected , that I am very frequent in quotations , [ a thing much out of fashion ; ] and that therefore it may be supposed , I have said little but what will be found expressed by others ; I shall acknowledge I have wilfully done so , because I had a desire to get my self strongly Seconded in my Opinion by the determinations of Learned Men ; [ And of the Testimony of such only have I made use ] For I verily believes that if an Angel himself should avouch any thing singly , and as his own Opinion , he would not be believed by some Men. But however the Reader will have these Advantages by it , First , those things are here contracted , and brought under their proper heads , which are dispersed in many Voluminous ▪ Authors ; which will save him time in searching many Books . Secondly , He may find the Pith , and Substance of what others have written in their Languages , delivered in his own . And thirdly , here are , besides , many Experiments , and Observations of my own , very conducible [ I suppose , ] to clear , and explicate those Philosophical Principles I have undertook to defend in this Discourse . Thirdly , If any Man shall be so much a Mo●us , as to repine at the j●st commendations I often give to Van Helmont , and Mr. Boyl ; I must needs say , that I think his ill Nature proceeds from his want of throughly knowing these Authors : for if he had taken the pains to search the depth of these two , as I have done , I doubt not but he would acknowledge , I have fall'n short of giving them their deserved praise , [ they having merited so much from all inquisitive , and Learned Men. ] Lastly , I think it necessary to tell thee , how I would have to be understood those two words of Seed , and Water , the Principles upon which I have built this Discourse . First then , by Seed I understand a fine , subtile Substance , [ imperciptible by our gros● Organs of S●os●tion ; ] in which God hath impressed a Character of that thing he will have it produce from the Matter it is to work upon : which it doth perform by putting the parts of Matter into such a peculiar motion as is requisite to produce the intended Effect . And this we may illustrate thus . A Woman with Child , by a strong desire , forms in her Spirits an Idea of some Fruit she longs for ; and by the powerfull motion of that Idea working on the Child , she forms a real E●●igies of the said Fruit upon that Member of the Child which corresponds to that of her own Body she touched with her hand ; which , as Experience teacheth us , will Vegetate , grow Ripe , and Wither , according to the several mutations the Fruit it resembles undergoes . And we are told by Esdras , that God , before he made the World , did consider the things he intended to make ; and then produced them . By which Expression , I think may well be understood , the Creation of all those Spiritual , and Seminal Beings , containing in them , not only an Idea of the thing to be made ; but also a power to move the Matter after a peculiar manner , by which means it reduceth it to a form like it self . And as a Painter doth first conceive in his mind a Spirituall Idea of the Picture he intendeth to draw ; and afterwards by pecultar Motions of his hand , which are guided by the said Idea , he produceth a perfect Picture Corresponding with that in his mind : So likewise , by putting Matter into peculiar Motions , the Seminal Idea makes it self visible . By Water , the Material Principle of all Concrets , I understand , a fluid Body , consisting of very minute parts , and variously figur'd Atoms , or Corpuscules , the Mass of it being full of pores , and therefore subject to be contracted into less room : and upon the same account it doth easily , and readily submit to those motions it is put into by Seminal Beings : from which moving of Matter all the visible , and Tangible Bodies of the World , have their result . And therefore I have , all along this ensuing Discourse , took care to explicate the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Origin of Bodies , by the Mechanical Principles : That is , by the Motion , Shape , Size , Scituation , and Connexion of the parts of Matter . But though this be a way commonly used , in explicating things , by the Philosophers of our Age , yet most of them leave out the first principle of Natural Motion ; viz. the Seminal principle , which I have taken in , to compleate my Hypothesis . And now 〈◊〉 said they 〈◊〉 I shall say this further , [ and let it not be counted a vanity ] that I think , and hope , I have in some considerable measure made out the truth of those principles I have assumed to defend . It hath cost me some pains to Collect , and draw into proper Sections , the Body of this Discourse : which I have also strengthned by the Authority of the best Philosophers , and Learnedst of Men , both Ancient , and Modern . All which I here present thee with : heartily wishing all ingenious M●n may see the usefulness of , and receive as much satisfaction in this Doctrine ; as I do , who am a Friend to all that industriously search after the Truth , and Nature of Things . THO , SHERLEY . From my House , in Newton-street , over against New South-hampton Building , in High Holborn . Ian. 27th . 1672. The Reader is desired to Correct as he Reads , these Errors of the Press , as likewise any other he shall find . ERRATA . PAge 12. in the Margin , leg . Consensus . p. 13. lin . 2. read Concurrere . page 15. lin . ult . leg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 33. dele these words [ or intire . ] p. 34. lin . 5. leg . a priori . ib. lin . 8. leg . Springy . p. 35. Lin. 11. dele whilst , and they . p. 16. dele [ . p. 38. in the Margin , leg . Elementis . p. 40. lin . 23. leg . faeces . p. 103. lin . 25. leg . seminal . p. 126. lin . 26. leg . apposition . p. 124. lin . 24. leg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 110. lin . 28. leg . those . p. 137. lin . 1. leg . least . p. 129. lin . 1. leg . etherel . p. 114. lin . 1. leg . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] p. 119. lin . 9. leg . OVTOV . THE FIRST ESSAY : Being a Discourse intended to demonstrate , that not only Stones , but all other Bodies , owe their Original to Seeds , and Water . Section the First . HAving , in complyance with the impottunate desires , or rather commands , of many of my Worthy , and ingenious Friends , obliged my self to acquaint the World with my thoughts concerning the most probable cause of the Stone , both in the Kidneyes , and Bladder 〈…〉 the greater World ] in general : and I was encouraged the more to do so , by a Passage ▪ I met with in the Works of that Noble Philosopher , Mr ▪ Boyl whose words are there . Since we know very little a Prior● ▪ the observation of many effects manifesting , that Nature doth actually produced them so , and so , suggests to us several wayes of explicating the same Phaenomenon , some of which we should , perhaps , never have else dreamed of ; which ought to be esteemed no small advantage to the Physitian : And again ; He that hath not had the curiosity to inquire out , and consider the several wayes whereby Stones may be generated out of the Body , not only must be unable , satisfactorily to explicate , how they come to be pro●uced in the Kidneys , and Bladder ; ●ut will perhaps , scarce keep himself from embracing such errors , ( because Authoriz'd by the suffrage of eminent Physitians ) as the knowledge I am recommending , would easily protect him from . Let us then , in the first place , examine , how Nature produceth Stones without the Body of Man ( that is , in the greater World ; ) after which we will see , if the causes of generating Stones in the Bodies of Animals , be not the same ; or at least , bear some Analogy , or resemblance thereunto . Which that we may the better be enabled to do , I shall relate some choice Histories of Petrifications , taken out of approved Authors ; and then examine the causes by which they were performed . Gabriel Falopius mentioneth a River , called Else , which receives into it self the Torrent of the River Sena ; into which , Wood , Herbs , or any other thing being ●ast , it converts it into stone . Albertus Magnus relates , that in the Danish Sea , near Lubeck , in his time , there was found an Arm of a Tree , with a Nest , and Young Birds in it , the Wood , Nest , and Birds being all converted into Stone . Domitius Brusonius tells us ( not upon hear-say , but upon his own knowledge ) that the branches of Trees , with their Leaves , being cast into the River of Sylar , do turn into stone . Marbodius acquaints us , that there is a Fountain in Gothia [ or Guthland ] that changeth whatsoever is put into it into stone ; and that the Emperour Frederick being incredulous of the thing , did send his Glove thither , sealed with his Ring ; & that that part of the Glove , with the seal , which was immersed in the Water , was in a few dayes converted into stone ; the other part remaining Leather . Iohannes Kentmannus , concerning Fossils , writes , that Arms of Trees , with the Leaves , Bark , Wood ; also Gloves , and divers other things , being cast into a certain Fish-pond , near the Castle of Schellenlerge , in Misnia , are turned into stone . Bartholomaeus à Clivola affirms , th●re is a Lake betwixt Caesarea , and Tuana , two Cities of Capadocia , into which part of a Reed , or Stick being put , it by degrees is changed into stone , that part which is out of the Water remaining what it was before . Anselmus Boethius declareth , that in England , near the River Dee , by West-Chester , there is a great Cave , into which whatsoever water flows , is turned into stone . Thomas Moresinus relates , that in Moravia there is a dark Water , in which there doth not at all appear any viscous matter ; which water , nevertheless , coagulates into stone . Iohannes Petrus Faber giveth us a wonderful account of a Spring in the Suburbs of Claremont , in the County of Avernia . It flows [ sayes he ] out of a Rock , and in its very coming forth it produces Rocks , and white stones ; and the Inhabitants of this City , when they would make a Bridge to go over any of the small Rivulets , which are made by this Fountain , that so they may visit their Fields and Gardens , do thus : They cause the Water of this Fountain to glide over certain planks , made Arch-like , and within twenty four hours they have a solid stone Bridge ; by the help of which they can pass dry-foot over the Rivers . The water of this Fountain is visibly changed into stone , yet nevertheless it alwayes flows as other Springs do : This water is exceeding clear , nor doth it differ in colour , or clearness from other Springs ; Beasts will drink of it if they be not hinder'd ; but if they do , it coagulates in their stomacks into stone , from whence Death follows , by reason of a Collick caused from thence , which kills with cruel torments all the Beasts that have drunk this water . Wherefore the Inhabitants take care to drive their Cattel far enough from this Fountain ; for it is a present poyson to all sorts of living Creatures that drink of it . When it is taken from the Spring , it is quickly turned into stone ; the truth of which the Inhabitants do make manifest [ to all that doubt thereof ] by many experiments ; they fill a glass with this water , and presently it is converted into stone , which retaineth the shape of the glass : so likewise if Earthen Vessels be filled with this water , it is suddenly congealed into stone , which keeps the form and figure of the Vessel that contained it . This wonder of Nature [ sayes he ] every body admires , but I believe hardly any body will be found , that shall be able to render the Natural reason of this thing . Thus far he . Gassendus tells us , that Peireskius [ according to his usual custom in the Summer ] going into a stream of the River Rhosne , to wash himself ; he observed once the ground to be hard under his feet , and uneven , [ which had at all times before been soft , and smooth ] being full of knobs , and Balls ; about the bigness , and likeness of Eggs boyled hard , and the shells pilled off ; which he looking upon as somewhat strange , took some of them up , and cartied them home ; but a few dayes after he was surprized with a greater Admiration : for , going again into the same place of the River , he found those soft , and yielding lumps , he had left there , turned into perfect pebble stones ; and also viewing those he had laid up at home , he found them likewise turned into true Pebbles . Helmont likewise affirms , that [ contrary to the Proverb , Gutta Cavat Lapidem , A drop by often falling doth hollow a stone ] there is a Spring in the Monastery of Zonia , near Brussels , that breeds stones so fast , that the Monks are daily forced to break them off with Crooks and Hatchets . And I my self have seen a Spring near Wrixham , in North-wales , that in a short space of time would convert Sticks , Straws , Leaves , Leather , or any other subject , put into it , into stone . And of this Nature are divers other Springs to be found , both in Ireland , and England . Our Industrious Countrey-man , Gerard , assureth us , he knew several Springs of this Nature , both in England , and Wales : As in Bedford-shire , in warwick-shire , near Newnam Regis ; and another near Knasborrow , in York-shire ; he likewise tells us , he knew divers pieces of Ground , into which astake being struck , that part in the ground would be changed into stone , the other part remaining Wood. Libavius relates , That a certain Hen sitting on her Eggs , being struck with a Gorgonick Spirit , was transformed into stone , with her Eggs likewise . Crollius relates , that in a certain place of Moravia there is a stupendious Den , in which are to be found divers , and admirable sportive works of Nature : for the drops distilling from the upper part of the Cave , into the hollow of it , do there form many intricate Labyrinths in the Mountain , and do presently [ of their own accord ] convert into stone , by the help [ as he thinks ] of the Spirit of Salt ; and in their falling from on high , they form various Figures , and Statues of stone . Aristotle sayes , that in the Metalline Grots of Lydia , about the City Pergamos , certain Workmen , in the time of War , having fled into them to hide themselves , and the mouth of the Cave being stopp'd ; they perished there ; but afterwards being found , not only their Bones , but their Veins , with the humours contained in them , were found to be turned into stone . Aventinus also writes thus : In the Year 1348. by an Earthquake , more than fifty Country men , with their Milch Cows , and Calves , being killed and stifled by an Earthy saline Spirit [ as he supposeth ] they were reduced into saline Statues , [ such as Lots Wife : ] And this happened amongst the Carini [ a People of Germany ; ] which similitudes or Images of Men , and Beasts , were seen both by him , and the Chancellor of Austria . To the like purpose , Helmont tells us of a whole Army , consisting of Men , Women , Camels , Horses , Doggs , with their Armour , Weapons , and Waggons , which were all transmuted into stone , and remain so to this day , [ a horrible spectacle ; ] And this , saith he , happened in the Year 1320. betwixt Russia and Tartary , in the Latitude of 64. degrees , not far from a Fen of Kataya , a Village , or Horde , of the Biscardians ; which he very rationally concludes to have happened from a strong hory petrifying breath or Ferment , making an eruption through some clefts of the Earth , the Land being stony underneath ; and the Winds having been silent for many dayes . He that desireth more Examples of this kind , let him consult Gorgius Wernerus , de ungaricis . Godfrid . Smoll ▪ in lib ▪ Princip . Philosoph . Et Medic. antiquitatis . Cap. 10. F. Leander Albertus in descript . Italiae . Andreas Laurentius , lib. 2. de strumis . Cap. 2. Georgius Agricola , lib. 7. de Natura fossil . Cap. 22. Johannas Wigandus , in libell● de Succino : Lobelius , in fine Observat. Caelius , &c , But I suppose what I have here related sufficient ; and therefore I think it now time to inquire into the Causes of Petrification , and the Efficients of these Transmutations . SECT . Section the Second . THe Doctrine of the four Elements [ with their qualities , concutring , as is suppos'd , to the production of Bodies , which was intorduced by the Authority of Aristotle , and hath since prevailed with most Men even to this Age of ours , ] hath been the cause , why we have hitherto received but an unsatisfactory account , not only of the Origine of all concretes , but more particularly concerning stones ; and that not only in Relation to the Material Cause , but also to the Efficient , of Petrifications in general . For , they seem to think it sufficient , to have crudely told us , that Stones [ and all other Minerals , and Metals ] are made of Earth , with a slight mixture of the other three Elements , as the Material ; and by the assistance of Heat , Cold , Moisture , and Driness , as the External , and efficient Cause . For perceiving the weight of Minerals , and Stones , to exceed the weight of water , they therefore assign the matter of Minerals , and Stones , to be chiefly Earth ; and without any further Controversie , or search after the matter , they are content to believe , and would have us do so too , that all sorts of stones are nothing but Earth , from which the other three Elements are forced by heat ; by which means it becomes baked into a stone . And this they [ viz. the Aristotelians ] think they prove by alleadging the Example of Potters Earth , which being burnt gains a stone-like hardness . And because neither Stones nor Earth do commonly melt in the fire , they therefore conclude stones are made of Earth . But there being on such heat in the Superficies of the Globe , much less in the bottom of the Water [ where commonly stones are bred , ] I must confess I can receive but little satisfaction from this account . And I find the Learned Sennertus is as unsatisfied with this Doctrine as my self : for he will by no means allow the Elements , or their qualities , to be the Primary Efficients of Stonification . His words are these ; Licèt vulgò multi é qualitatibus primis Calculorum Concretionum & Coagulationum causas deducere conantur ; tamen frustrae laborant . Nam neque exsiccati● , nec calor , nec frigus , hîc locum habere possunt , ut primariae causae , [ nam , ut causam sine qua non , concurre posse , non negamus ; dum scilicet aquam , quae concretioni obstat , absumit ; ] neque à quoquam hactenus commonstrari potuit , quomodo calor nudus talem Concrescendi dispositionem generare , & succum Lapidescentem producere possit . Imo fit hoc etiam , ubi omnis Calor abest , & in frigidis etiam membraneisque locis , item & in Infantibus , ubinullus concedatur Caloris excessus , sed manifesta potius cruditatis indicia deprehendantur , in vesi●a generantur Calculi ; & quomodo , quaeso , in fontibus frigidis , in quibus ligna immersa in lapides transformantur , succus lapidescens à Calore producitur ? Deinde , frigus quod attinet , non semper in loco frigido , vel minus calido , Calculi concrescant , cùm & in capite , & in pulmonibus , circa basin Arteriae magnae , in Cordis arteriis , imo in Corde reperti sint : uti Legimus in Observation . Cornel. Gemmae , lib. 1. Cosmocritic . Cap. 6. Anton. Beniven . de abdit . Morb. & Sanat . Causs . Cap. 24. Fernel . 5. P●tholog . Cap. 12. Hollerii , 1. de Morb. internis , in schol . Cap. 29. & 50. Et in balneis etiam Calidissimis Trophos at stirias saxeas concrescere , ubi frigus nullo modo admitti potest , experientia compertum habetur : in English , thus ; Though it hath been much endeavour'd by many to deduce the causes of the concretion , & coagulation of stones , from the first , or primary qualities , yet hath their labour been in vain : for neither can drought , heat , or cold , be here allowed as a primary cause , [ but we do not deny , that they may concur as a cause , sine qua non , so that it may , for Example , waste the water , which hinders concretion ; ] neither could it hitherto be demonstrated by any body , how heat of it self could be able to generate such a disposition of compaction ; and that it could produce a Lapidescent juice : Nay , this is performed where all heat is wanting , and that in cold and Membranous places ; as also in Infants , who are not allow'd to have any excess of heat , but are rather found to have manifest crudity , the stone is generated in the Biadder : and how , I pray , is the stonisying juice produced in cold Fountains , into which wood being cast is changed into stone ? Then , as to cold , stones do grow in the Head , in the lungs , about the basis of the great artery , in the Arteries of the Heart ; nay , they are in the Heart it self . Also there grows in hot Baths , as experience sheweth , sandy stones , & stony Isicles , where cold can by no means be admitted . Thus far he : by which you see he is clearly of opinion , that neither heat , nor cold can be the primary , or chief cause of Petrification ; contrary to the Axiom which Aristotle layes down , to this effect ; Of those bodies which adhere together , and are hard , they are wont to be thus affected ; some by the fervour of heat ; some by cold ; that drying up the moysture , this pressing it forth . Let us then inquire what the Chymical Philosopher's opinion is in this point : ( and the rather because it is constantly affirmed by most of them , that the Art of Pyrotechny is the only true means of informing the mind with Truth , and acquainting it with realities ; and we shall find , that they hold Salt to be the principle of solidity , and the genuine cause of coagulation , in all bodies ; [ as also of stonification : ] For , say they , if you consult experience , all those things that are compact , or solid , do contain Salt ; and where there is no Salt , there can be no hardness . And for this reason they esteem Salt to be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Solidity : which they that deny [ say they ] are obliged to shew some other cause ; from which Salts have that aptitude to coagulate themselves , and become solid bodies . For , it is manifest , that the Salts of Vegetables , as Crystals of Tartar , &c. also Nitre , Allom , Vitriol , Salt Gemm , [ and divers other of this Nature ] do coagulate themselves , not only into hard , but even brittle bodies , in the bosome of the water ; and to this end they alleadge , that if the Salt be washed from ashes , no heat of fire will make them hard ; but if the Salt be left in them , [ and they be mixt with a little water ] the fire will not only quickly make them become hard ; but if they be strongly press'd with it , turn them into Glass . The Learned Kircherus is also of the same opinion with the Ghymists , [ viz. that Salt is the cause of stonifying ] and giveth us this experiment to confirm it . Si saxum [ inquit ] quodcunque in tenuissimum p●llinem resolveris , & aqua perfectè commixtum , per Manicam Hippocratis Colaveris , illa nil prorsus saxeum , sed preter arenaceum solummodo sedimentum nil relinquet ; si verò Nitrum , vel Tartarum , aqua perfecté commixtum addideris , illa quacunque tetigerint intra subjectam concham posita sive frondes , similiaque , post exiguum temporis curriculum aeri exposita , vel in saxum ejusdem generis conversum si non totum , saltem cortice Saxco vestient . If [ saith he ] you reduce any sort of stone into a most subtile powder , and mixing it throughly with water , you strain it through Hippocrates's bagg , therewill nothing of it remain that is stony ; nor will it leave any thing of it behind , but a certain sandy sediment ; but if you shall add to this , Nitre , or Tartar , perfectly dissolved in water , whatsoever body they shall touch , being placed in the same Dish , whether it be the twiggs of a Vine , or the like , after a little while being exposed to the Air , it will be turned into stone ; or at least it will be covered with a stony Crust . And though this opinion be held by Crollius , Hartman , Quercetanus , Severinus , and Sennertus , [ who are but Neoterick , or late Writers ] yet is it no new opinion , but hath been asserted by the venerable Ancients , as long agoe as the time of Hermes Tresmegistus , [ who is said to have lived in the Age of Ioshua ] who in his Smaragdine Tables [ as they are called ] hath left us these words . Salis est , ut corporibus in Mundum prodituris , soliditatem coagulando praestet ; Sal enim corpus est , Mercurius Spiritus , Sulphur anima , that is ; T is from Salt that Bodies are produced in the World ; it causeth Coagulation , and Solidity : for Salt is the Body , Mercury the Spirit , and Sulphur the Soul. This Doctrine , though much more rational than the former , and seeming to be confirmed by experiment , and to be verified by the account our senses give us of it , cannot yet gain my full assent to it , so far as to allow Salt to be the Primary , either Matter , or Efficient of Solidity in bodies , or the cause from whence stones are produced . For it is observabe , that Salts are reducible into Liquors , [ and do seem to lose their solidity ] either by being mixed with water , or exposed to the Air , in which many of them run per deliquium . But , to let this pass ; what Salt can be supposed to be communicated to Quick-silver , when it is coagulated by the fumes of melted Lead , by which it becomes so solid , that it may be cast into Moulds , and Images formed of it ; and when cold , is not only hard , but somewhat brittle , like Regulus of Antimony ? . What access of Salt can be fancied is added to the white of an Egg , [ from whence the whole Chick is formed ] which is a Liquor so near water , that by beating it with a whisk it is reduced into so fluid a substance , that it will easily mix with water , and is hardly distinguishable from it ? And yet this white of the Egg , by the assistance of a gentle heat , to stir up its seminal Principle , and enable it to turn , and new shuffle the parts of that liquid substance , [ by the means of which motion divers of its parts are broken into shapes and sizes fit to adhere one to another ] is all of it turned into solid bodies , some of them very tough , as the Membranes , and Nerves ; and some of them hard and brittle , as the Beak , Bones , Claws , &c. [ of the Chick ; ] and all this without any new addition of salt . 'T is likewise remarkable , that very credible witnesses assure us , that Corral [ though it grow in salt water , at the bottom of the Sea ] is yet , whilst it remains there , soft , like other Plants ; [ and juicy also : ] neither will the example of Kircherus , alleadged above , avail much ; sinceit is commonly known , that the powder of Plaster of Paris , or burnt Alabaster , if it be mixed with water , without any sort of salt , will coagulate into an entire stony lump , or Mass. I do not deny but that salt may very much conduce towards the coagulation of some bodies , as we see in the curdling of Milk with Runner , Spirit of salt , Oyl of Vitriol , juice of Limmons , and the like ; but then this happens but to some bodies , and is caused from the shape and motion of its small parts , which entring the pores of some bodies that are naturally fitted to be wrought upon by it , it fills up many of the cavities of such bodies ; and also affixing it self to the particles of them , it causeth them , not only to stick to it self , but also adhere closely one to another . I say , salts do this to some bodies [ not to all , ] for to some other bodies , instead of being an Instrument , either to cause , or confirm their solidity , it by dissociating the parts , of which they consist , and putting them into motion , doth reduce them into the appearance of Liquor ; as we see in the action of corrosive saline spirits , both upon Metals , and stones . Now , for that Argument , that salts do shoot even in the water into hard , and brittle Crystals , if I should say they do so upon the account of a seminal Principle , I should not , perhaps , be thought to have much mistaken the cause , by those that have well consider'd the curious and regular Figures [ yet constantly distinct from each other , ] which their Crystals shoot into : which certainly cannot proceed from chance ; for they do as constantly keep their own figure [ as for Example , that of Nitre alwayes appears in a Sexangular form , that of Sea-salt in a Cubical : ] As Wheat produceth Wheat , and the seed of a Man , a Man. Philosophers hold , there are two sorts of Agents ; one they stile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the principal cause , or Agent ; from which immediately , and primarily , the Action depends , and by whose power the thing is made ; and this [ as we shall prove in its due place ] is an Architectonick stonifying Spirit , or Petrifick seed . The other cause they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Adjuvant , or assisting cause , [ of which sort there are many ] by which the principal Agent may be furthered in its acting upon matter ; of which last sort of causes [ of the solidity in Bodies , viz. the Helping , or Assistant ] we will not deny but that salt may be one , as being such a praevious disposition of the parts of Matter , as renders them more apt to be wrought upon by the first kind of Agent , viz. the Seed . So that in some sence we may [ for the reasons above alloadg'd ] allow the Chymist to think salt is [ though Nec prima materia , nec efficiens . Yet ] Proxima ma●eria , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Soliditatis . The Proximate matter , and Adjuvant cause of Solidity . But since not only salt , but the whole Tria prima , or Three first Principles of the Chymists , as also the Quaternary , or four Elements of the Peripateticks , are justly enough denyed to be the first Elements , or constitutive Principles of all Bodies , [ they themselves being further resolvable into more simple parts , as we shall prove by and by , ] I say , since it is so , I must be excused , if denying my suffrage to both their Doctrines , [ in that large sence they propose it in : ] I offer to render other causes , by which not only solidity , but Petrification also may be introduced into Matter . Section the Third . THe Doctrine I am now about to affirm , is no Novel conceit ; but so Ancient , that we shall find that it was held , [ and by them transmitted to Posterity ] not only by Plato , Timaeus Locrus , Parmenides , Pythagoras , &c. Philosophers of the Academick , and Italick Sect ; but also by Orpheus , Thales the Milesian , and also by Mochos , and Sanchoniathon , the great , and Ancient Phoenitian Philosophers ; nay , by that Divinely illuminated Man , Moses . I urge this point of the Antiquity of the Doctrine I am now going to affirm , because I know it is the custom of some Men , to disgust any Philosophical truth , that cannot shew it self to be as ancient as Aristotle's time ; but to please such , let them consider , that the Hypothesis we intend to make use of in this ensuing Discourse , beareth an equal Date with the World , and was at first deliver'd to Man by the Ancient of Dayes himself . This Doctrine then [ which hath of late years been revived , and assumed by the Noble Helmont , and other great wits , ] I now am come to lay down , and explain ; and in the next place shall endeavour to prove , and confirm it ; first , by rea●on , then by experiment , and lastly , by Authority . The Hypothesis is this , viz. That stones , and all other sublunary bodies , are made of water , condensed by the power of seeds , which with the assistance of their fermentive Odours , perform these Transmutations upon Matter . That is , that the matter of all Bodies is originally meer water ; which by the power of proper seeds is coagulated , condensed , and brought into various forms , and that these seeds of things do work upon the particles of water , and alter both their texture , and figure ; as also , that this action ceaseth not , till the seed hath formed it self a Body , exactly corresponding with the proper Idea , or Picture contained in it . And that the true seeds of all things are invisible Beings , [ though not incorporial ; ] this I affirm , and shall endeavour to prove . But to make this the better to be understood , I shall praemise some generals , and then descend to particular proofs of what I assert . First then , nothing is produced by chance , or accident . And therefore in every Generation , or Production , there must necessarily be presupposed some kind of seed which hath a power , or faculty , to alter the Matter , and dispose it to such a Being , and Form , as God and Nature have design'd to produce . Secondly , all seeds ( in some degree ) ▪ are endow'd with Life , and a power of acting : for nothing that is not Vital can promote it self to perfection . And if Bodies are distinguishable from their internal Efficients , and are specificated by them , then must they be allowed to contain a seed . These positions will not [ p●rhaps ] be denyed to Animals , nor Vegetables ; because their supposed feed is visible . For the seed [ or rather , sperm ] of perfect Animals , is an efflorescence of the best parts of the blood [ elaborated in the Testicles ] and impregnated with Spirits from all parts of the Body ; in which resideth the vis Plastica , or Efficient ; [ and this indeed is the real seed , or geniture , though it be invisible ] which containeth in it self the Image , or Type of the thing to be made ; which it performs by a Fermental Odor , or Aura , and by breathing upon those proper juices it finds in a Female Womb ; it first coagulates them , and then by degrees explicates it self , working this Female Matter into a Body exactly corresponding with its own pre-conceived Figure : the grosse body of the Male-seed all this while being but a vehicle , to convey with safety this subtile fermentative breath to its proper place of action ; which being done , the body of the sperm is ejected from the Womb , as useless to Generation . That this is so , hath been proved by the industrious and curious dissection of divers sorts of Beasts , made at several seasons after their Conceptions ; and continued till the formation of the foetus ; and yet no Vestigiae , or foot-steps of the Male-sperm could be found in the womb . This is asserted by that incomparable Man , Dr. Harvy ; to whom I refer him that desireth further satisfaction in this point . The sperm of Man , if but for a moment it be exposed to the touch of the external Air , becomes dead , and unprolifick ; and that by reason of the subtilty of the spermatick ferment , [ it being very apt to desert the body of the seed . ] This is a truth so generally known , that the Virtue of that Lady is justly suspected by all rational Men , who pretended to have Conceived with Child , by attracting the seed of a Man which floated in a Bath , wherein she Bathed her self . As to Vegetables ; They also take their beginnings , are propagated , and do fructifie , from the like invisible cause ; viz. a fermentative Odor , [ or Aura ] which also contains the Idea of the Plant to be produced . The body of the Seed , or Grain [ which is the Casket that contains this invisible Workman ] being committed to the Earth [ its proper Womb ] is softened by the Nitrosulphurous juice of the soyl ; that the Vis Plastica [ which is the Efficient of the Plant ] may , being loosened from its body , be at Liberty to act . Which being done , the body of the seed , or Grain , is destroyed ; according to the sacred Writ : [ Except Seed , committed to the ground , dye , it produceth no fruit : ] But the Architectonick Spirit being now at Liberty , ferments , by its Odor , the Liquors it finds in the Earth , converting them into a juice , fit to work the Plant out of it , which it by degrees performs . [ This Liquor in the Earth , is by Paracelsus , and Helmont , by a Barbarous name , call'd Leffas Terrae ; and is the proximate matter of all Vegetables . ] For proof of what I seem to have with some boldness asserted in this place ; Let any sort of Grain be put for a small time in an Oven , [ or any analogous hea● , ] that the external warmth may suscitate and excite this ferment of the Seed to take wing , and desert its body ; This Grain , though entire to sight , if it be committed to the Earth , shall never by any Art be brought to produce its like . As Vegetables , and Animals have their Original from an invisible Seminal Spirit , or breath ; so also have Minerals , Metals , and Stones . To this purpose Dr. Iordan tells us , There is a Seminal Spirit of all Minerals in the Bowels of the Earth , which meeting with convenient Matter , [ what that is , we shall shew in its place ] and Adjuvant Causes , is not idle , but doth proceed to produce Minerals , according to the Nature of it , and the Matter which it meets withal ; which matter it works upon as a Ferment , and by its motion procureth an actual heat , as an Instrument to further its work ; which actual heat is increased by the fermentation of the Matter . The like we see in making of Malt , where the Grains of Barley being moyst'ned with water , the Generative Spirit in them is dilated , and put in Action ; and the superfluity of the water being removed [ which might choak it ] and the Barley laid up in heaps , the Seeds gather heat , which is increased by the contiguity of many Grains lying one upon another . In this work Natures intent is to produce more individuals , according to the Nature of the Seed ; and therefore it shoots forth in spires ; but the Artist abuses the intention of Nature , and converts it to his ends , that is , to increase the Spirit of his Malt. The like we find in Mineral Substances , where this Spirit , or Ferment , is resident , as in Allom , and Copperas-Mines ; which being broken , exposed , and Moystned , will gather an actual heat , and produce much more of these Minerals than else the Mine would yield ; as Agricola , and Thurniser do affirm , and is proved by common experience . The like is generally observed in Mines , as Agricola , Erastus , Libavius , &c. do avouch out of the daily experience of Mineral Men ; who affirm , that in most places they find their Mines so hot , as they can hardly touch them ; although it is likely , that where they work for perfect Minerals , the heat , which was in fermentation whilst they were yet in breeding , is now much abated , the Minerals being now grown to their perfection . And for this heat we need not call for the help of the Sun , which a little Cloud will take away from us ; much more the body of the Earth , and Rocks ; nor for subterranean fires . This imbred heat is sufficient , as may appear : also by the Mines of Tinglass , which being digged , and laid in the moyst Air , will become very hot ; so Antimony and Sublimate being mixed together , will grow so hot as that they are not to be touched . If this be so in little quantities , it is likely to be much more in great quantities , and huge Rocks . Heat of it self differs not in kind , but only in degree , and therefore is inclined no more to one Species , than to another ; but as it doth attend , and serve a more worthy Superiour , such as this Generative Spirit is . Thus far he . Moreover , that Minerals , and Metals have their proper Seeds , hear further what a Mystical Chymist , ( but a very rational Man ) Cosmopolita sayes , Semen Minerale , vel Metallorum , creat natura in visceribus terrae ; propterea non creditur tale semen esse in rerum natura , quia invisible est . Nature doth Create the Mineral , or Metalline Seed , in the B●wels of the Earth ; therefore it is not believed , that there is such a Seed in Nature , because it is invisible . And the same Author again , thus : Et quam praerogativam vegetabilia prae Metallis habent , ut Deus illis semen inderet , & haec immeritò excluderet ? Nonne ejusdem dignitatis Metalla apud Deum , cujus & arbores ? Hoc pro certo statuatur , nihil sine semine crescere ; ubi enim nullum est semen , res est Mortua ; that is , And what prerogative have Vegetables above Metals , that God should put Seed into them , and undeservedly exclude these ? Are not Metals of the same dignity with God that Trees are ? This may be held for certain , that nothing doth increase without Seed : for where there is no Seed , that thing is Dead . So that it is plain , you see , by the afore-cited Authorities , that Minerals , and Metals have Seed , & that this Seed is invisible ; and that it works by the help of its ferment , or as a ferment . That stones grow , common experience teacheth us ; as also the tenth History alleadged , in the first Section of this present Essay ; and consequently must be endowed with seed , and ferment ; so that here is , at least , an analogous way of production to that of Animals , and Vegetables ( which we have declared above ) and was the thing we intended here to prove . But before I proceed , that I may be the more clearly understood , I shall declare what I understand by the Ferment of the seed . The word Fermentum , which signifieth Leaven , is by ● some esteem'd to be quasi fervimentum , or a thing made hot ; and generally is used to denote , not only a turgescence , and dilatation of the parts of Matter , ( as in Leavened Bread , &c. ) but also signifieth the working of any sort of Liquor , till it become Maturated , and exalted into a generous , and sprightly Drink . Fermentation is thus defined by the Learnned Dr. Willis : Fermentatio est motus intestinus particularum , seu principiorum cujusvis corporis , cum tendentia ad perfectionem ejusdem Corporis , vel propter mutationem in aliud ; Fermentation is an intestine [ or intire ] motion of the Principles , or particles , of which day Body consists , with an intent to perfect the said Body , or change it into another . Ferments then are subtile , tenuous Bodies , [ which we generally call Spirits ; for as to Leaven , Yeast , &c. they are but the cloathings of these Spiritual , and finer Substances ; as we before shewed the Grains of Vegetables , and the Sperm of Animals were : ] which fine subtile breath ( the Ferment ) hath an expansive power ; by which , being immersed in any Matter , or Substance , it desiring to dilate it self , variously agitates the small particles of that matter it is joyned to , and making Excursions through all parts of the Subject it is resident in , it adhering intimately to every small part of the Matter , doth first by the peculiar motion it hath put them into , alter and break the particles into new shapes , and sizes ; and then by conveneing together with them , constitute a new texture of that Matter ; and thus a new Concrete is made by the power of the Ferment . So that , in truth , the Ferment of a Seed , [ I mean Natural Ferment ] is not any Substance distinct , or separable from the Seed it self ; since it is connatural with it , and intimately the same , [ and is indemonstrable à priore , as well as the Seed , and may be thus defined . A Ferment is an Expansive , Elastick , or Springy power of the Seed of any thing ; by which motion of its self it also moveth the smallest particles of that Matter in which it is immersed : by which motion also [ which is of divers kinds , according to the variety of Seeds ] the particles of Matter acquire new shapes , sizes , and postures amongst themselves ; and so a new texture of the whole is produced , agreeable to the peculiar Nature of the Seed , and correspondent to its Idea ; [ which Idea we shall explain in its place . ] We have likewise declared often , that seeds do operate by Odors , or scents ; which we think is not said without cause : for if it be well observed , it will be found , that no seeds do generate ; but in the time of their acting upon the Matter there are specifick Odors produced ; that is , while they are in Fermentation , and the work incompleat : for , when the Concrete is perfected , the Odor is much abated : [ as , not to instance in artificial things , making of Malt , the fermenting of Beer , and Wine , in the Barrel , and the leavening of Dough , &c. ] for 't is observable , that the Grains of Wheat , or other Vegetables , sown in the ground , when their invisible seed begins to ferment , do send forth Odors ; so also the Eggs of Birds , on which the Hen hath sat . And that Minerals , and Metals , whilst in their making they do send forth such plenty of stinking Odors , that many times the workmen in Mines are suffocated therewith , no body can be ignorant . Now these Odors are fine and subtile Effluviums , [ or small particles of the Matter now put into motion by the power of the seed , Ferment : which having extricated themselves from their Companions , and roving in the Air , do at last strike against those parts of our Noses that are fitted by Nature to be sensible of the touch of such very small Bodies . Odors then are a sign of Fermentation begun , and are nothing but small particles of Matter got loose from their Fellows , begun to be alter'd , and specificated by the seed ; and therefore are very various , according to the diversity of seeds , and their Ferments , from whence they proceed . Having before declared , that all Bodies proceed , and are made from Seminal Beings ; and that the real seeds , and Ferments of things are invisible ; and having declared , what I would have understood by a seedy Fermen● , and Odor ; and also having hinted above , that all Bodies are Materially [ and Primarily ] nothing but water ; I shall now endeavour to prove the same more fully , and clearly ; the which I shall do by three sorts of Arguments . The first is grounded upon tha● Philosophical Axiom ; viz. Quaesunt prima in Compositione , sunt ultima in resolutione : Et quae sunt ultima in resolutione , sunt prima in Compositione . That which is first in the Composition , is last in the resolution : And those things which are last in the resolution , the same are first in the Composition . The second Argument is grounded upon another axiom commonly received . That is , Nutrimur iisdem quibus constamus . We are Nourished by those things of which we are constituted , or made . The third argument shall be to shew , and prove a necessity of all Bodies being formed out of water ; because neither the four Elements of the Peripateticks , nor the Tria Prima , or three Principles of the Chymists , can possibly concur to the constituting of Bodies , as either the Efficient , or Primary Matter ; they being themselves but great disguised Schemes of one and the same Catholick Matter , Water , from whence they were made , and into which they are ultimately to be resolved , and uniformly to be reduced , either by Art , or Nature . All which assertions I hope to prove , both by Experiment , and Reason , and shall likewise endeavour to strengthen by good and sufficient Authorities . Section the Fourth . AS to the first Argument , founded on that Axiom , that All Bodies are made of that Matter into which they are ultimately resolved , and è Contra ; This Maxim is agreed upon of all hands , both by the Aristotelians , the Old Chymists , and the New ones ; and that almost upon the same ground . For the first supposed all Bodies reducible at last into Fire , Air , Water , and Earth ; and therefore held the Quaternary of Elements , [ which , by the way , they could never yet sufficiently prove . ] And the Second believed Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury to be the first Principles of all Bodies . And the last sort , the modern Chymists , hold Spirit , Oyl , Salt , Water , and Earth , to be the true Primary Principles of Bodies , for the same reason ; viz. because many Concrets are resolvable by fire into the first three , if not into the last five , distinct Substances before named . But that all Bodies are by Art to be brought back , uniformly , into water ; hear what that Learned Man , Helmont , saith . Nostra namque operatio Mechanica mihi patefecit , omne Corpus [ pu●a saxum ] Lapidem , Gemmam , Silicem , Arenam , Marcasitam , argillam , terram , Lapides coctos , vitrum , Calces , Sulphur , &c. Transmutari in Salem actualem , aequiponderantem suo Co pori , unde factus est : Et quod iste s●l aliquoties c●hobatus , cum sale circulato Paracelsi , suam omnino fixitatem amittat , tandem transmutetur in Liquorem , qui etiam tandem in aquam insipidam transit : Et quod ista aqua aequiponderet sali suo , unde manavit . — Plantam verò , carnes , ossa , Pisces , &c. quicquid similium est , novi redigere in mera sua Tria , unde post modum aquam insipidam Confeci ; Metallum autem , propter sui seminis anaticam commistionem , & arena [ quellem ] difficilimè in salem reducuntur . Cum igitur arena , sive terra Originalis , tam Arti , quam Naturae resistat , nec queat ullis [ unico duntaxat Gehennae artificialis igni excepto ] Naturae vel artis , à primaeva sui constantia recedere ; sub quo igne artificiali , arena sal ●it , ac tandem aqua ; quia vim habet agendi super sublunaria quaevis absque reactione , &c. For our handy-craft Operation [ that is , his Liquor , Alkahest ] hath manifested to me , that all Bodies [ to wit , the Rocky Stones ] the Pebble , the Precious stone , the Flint , Sand , Marcasits , Clay , Earth , Brick , Metal , Glass , Lime , and Brimstone , &c. may be reduced into a real Salt , equal in weight to its own Body from whence it proceeded : And hat Salt being often cohobated with the circulated Salt of Paracelsus , doth altogether lose its fixedness , and is transmuted into a Liquor , which also at length becomes insipid water ; and that water is of equal weight to the Salt of which it was made . — But Plants , Flesh , Bones , Fish , &c. and every such thing [ saith he ] I know how to reduce into its three first Principles , from whence afterwards I have made an insipid water : but Metal , by reason of its strict , and exact commixture with its Seed , and the Sand [ quellem ] are most difficul●ly reduced into Salt : for Sand , or the Original Earth ▪ doth resist as well Art , as Nature , neither will by any means [ the only artificial ●ire of Gehenna excepted ; that is , the Alkahest ] be made to recede from its first-born constancy , &c. [ under which artificial fire the Sand is made Salt ; and at last water ] because it hath a power to work upon any sublunary Body , without its re-acting upon it again . He likewise tells us , in his Tract , entituled , Co●plexionum atque Mistionum figmentum . Novi enim aquam [ quam manifestare non Libet , &c. For I know a Water [ which it is not sit to discover , meaning the Alkahest , ] by whose help all Vegetables are changed into a distillable j●ice , which leaveth no feces in the bottom of the glass : which distilled juice , if it be mixed with Alkalies , [ or fixed Salts ] is reduced totally into insipid and Elementary Water . And a little further in the same Tract , he tells us : That he took an Oak-Charcoal , and mixing it with an equal weight of the Liquor Alkahest , he put it in a glass , Hermetically Sealed , which being kept in a Balneo for three dayes , it was in that time turned into a couple of Diaphanous Liquors , of different colours , which swam upon each other ; which being distilled together [ in Sand ] by a heat of the second degree , it left the bottom of the glass as clear , as if it had never been used . The two Liquors of the Coal might be distilled with the heat of a Bath , but the dissolving Liquor , [ or Menstruum ] in that degree of heat would remain at the bottom of the Glass , not impaired in its weight , or Virtue . And that the aforesaid two Liquors of the Coal , being mixed with a little Chalk , at thrice distilling , did ascend of the same weight as before ; but having lost all their distinguishing qualities , it became undiscernable from Rain-water . The Operations of this Liquor [ which you have heard ] in reducing all Bodies uniformly into water , is , I think , of very great force to evince , what I have here affirmed , viz. that all Bodies were Originally Water . But after all this stress I lay upon these Experiments of He●mont'S , it may be objected by some , That they not being possessors of this Liquor , may be allowed to doubt of the truth of what he hath deliver'd concerning it . To which I answer , first , that I think it no cogent Argument , to conclude there is no such thing , because many men are not possessors of it ; and if this should be admitted , all other Arts and things , that are possessed by any Man [ and not known to the common people ] would be liable to the same exception ; and every Cobler , or Ploughman would conclude the impossibility of the effects produced by most Mathematical Auromatons , or Engines , because he either knoweth not , or hath not seen the con●rivance of the thing , or else is not able to conceive the reason of its Operation : And if every Man [ that knoweth more than the Vulgar ] would make it his own case , they would , I suppose , think it an unreasonable and hard way of judging of things . Secondly , the Man is so consentaneous to himself ●n his Experiments , that that very thing to me appeareth an Argument of his Truth . And as to his veracity in those things he delivers as matter of fact , [ and upon his own knowledge , ] I do not find that even his Enemies have detected him of Falshood ; and I am sure , I have hitherto found him most true , in whatsoever he hath delivered us as his own Experience [ though possibly many of those things do not at first sight seem over-probable . ] But lest I may seem over-partial , I will give you a Testimony of him [ that may be instar omnium ] and that shall be from a Man , of whom the World is fully satisfied , not only as to his candid Temper , but also of his ability to judge , both of Men , and things ; and the unwillingness of his Nature to encourage falshood : and that is the Inquisitive , and Honourable Mr. Boyl , who saith thus both of him , and the Alkahest . If our Chymists will not reject the solemn , and repeated I estimony of a Person [ speaking of Helmont ] who cannot but be acknowledged for one of the greatest Spagirists they can boast of , they must not deny that there is to be found in Nature another Agent , able to analyze compound Bodies less violently , and both more genuinely , and more universally than Fire : And for my own part , I have found Helmont so faithful a Writer , even in divers of his improbable Experiments , that I think it somewhat harsh to give him the lye , especially to what he delivers upon his own proper Tryal . And I have heard from very credible Eye-witnesses some things , and seen some others my self , which argue so strongly , that a Circulated salt [ or a menstruum , such as it may be ] may by being abstracted from compound Bodies , whether Minerals , Animals , or Vegetables , leave them more unlocked than a wary Naturalist would easily believe ; that I dare not confidently measure the power of Nature , and Art , by that of the Menstruums , and other Instruments , that even eminent Chymists themselves are as yet wont to imploy about the Analyzing of Bodies . Thus far he . Besides , he that had laboured more than thirty years in the fire , and making Experiments , in all probability might attain this secret : since Geber , and many of the Arabian Philosophers had it before him ; as also Basil Valentine , Raymund Lully , and Paracelsus . Nor can I believe so grave and great a man , would in his Old Age , near his Death , impose falshoods and lyes upon the World. But without the assistance of this Liquor , this Doctrine may be made out ; though by more troublesome , and tedious wayes ; as we shall now proceed to shew . The same worthy man , Helmont , saith , [ and I have found it true by experience ] Olea & pinguedines , per ignem separata ; adjecto pauco sale Alkali , saponis Naturam assumunt , atque in aquam Elementalem abeant . [ And again , thus : ] Omne Alkali , addita pinguedine , in aqueum Liquorem , qui tandem mera & simplex aqua fit , reducitur [ ut videre est in sapone , &c. ] quoties per adjuncta fixa , semen pinguedinis deponit ; That is , That fats , and Oyls distilled by fire , a little of an Alkaly , [ or fixt salt ] being added , do become soap , and at last , may be turned into Elemental Water . — All Alkalies , fats being added , are converted into watry Liquors , which at last is made and reduced into mere simple water [ as it is to be seen in soap , &c. ] as often as by a fixed adjunct , [ such as Chalk ] it shall be made to lay aside its seed , and fatness . And again , Omne Oleum distillatum , in salem est mutabile , & in aquam per adjuncta . All distilled Oyl is to be changed into Salt , and by adjuncts into Water . Also , the best spirit of Wine , which is totally inflamable , if it be joyned with salt of Tartar , will be transmuted into mere water : which salt of Tartar it self , by the help of Oyls [ as is above declared ] will at last be reduced into water . All Vegetables are reducible by distillation into Water , Oyl , and Salt ; the water cohobating upon Chalk becomes merely Elemental ; the Oyl and Salt may , as is said above , be made to unite into a Saponary Body , which distilled , yield a stinking water , which being oft re-distilled from Chalk [ or some such Body ] having laid aside its seminal qualities , is indiscriminate from common water : The Salt it self [ which is accounted the most permanent principle ] yet by the help of fire , well contrived Vessels , and proper adjuncts , it may be reduced into a Volatil Menstruum , which being put to act upon Bodies , as a dissolvent , it loseth its saline acrimony , and by repeated operations it is totally converted into insipid water . All Animals upon the face of the Earth are remigrable into water [ of which they were formed ] And first , as to Snakes , Vipers , Ee●s , Froggs , &c. these being perfect Animals , as consisting of Organical parts , as Hearts , Stomacks , Livers , Galls , Eyes , &c. [ not to mention Worms , and other insects ] some of them accounted hot Creatures , and so full of vivacity and life , that several of them will survive after the taking their hearts out of their Bodies some hours , [ not to say , dayes ; ] I say one would little suspect by their out-side , these Creatures should abound with moysture as they do . For , if any of them be put to distillation , you shall perceive them to boyl in their own juice , and to afford an incredible quantity of Phlegmatick Liquor , which being cohobated upon dry Bodies , as is directed in the reduction of Vegetables , returneth to water ; also their Oyls , and fatty substances , being joyned with an Alkaly , and made into a soap , then distilled , they yield a stinking water , which cohobated , as the other , doth likewise return into water . All other sorts of living Creatures are , by the help of fire , to be dissected into Oyls , a fixt , and a volatile Salt [ though they yield most of the latter ] an Empireumatical Spirit , and Phlegm : all which by the above-said helps , and the like repeated Operations , will at last be brought into water . Middle Minerals , and Mineral Salts , by Art are reducible into Corrosive Spirits ; which acting upon Bodies , are dispoil'd of their acrimony ; and , at last , return to the shape of water . As for Minerals , and Metals ; if they be fluxed with Alkalies , they are thereby rob'd of their Sulphurs ; to which if you add Oyl , it is made soap , and then to be dealt with as is above directed , by the Example of both Vegetables , and Animals : or else the Sulphurs of Minerals , separated from the Alkalizate Salt , may be burnt , and the Fume caught by a Glass-Bell , [ as is usual in making Oyl of Sulphur per Campanam ] it will be turned into a corrosive Spirit , which will be reduced into water ; as I have shewed above , other corrosive Spirits may be by acting upon Bodies . Metalline Mercury , or Quick-Silver , [ that peerless body for homogeneity , and likeness of parts ] which exceedeth water in weight at least fourteen times , [ the parts of it being so forcibly compressed by the power of its Seed ] may yet totally be reduced into water , in purposely contrived Vessels , and a skilfull management of the fire ; as Raymund Lully doth witness , and Experience with him . Nay , Nature her self doth in time [ by the help of Putrefaction , and ferments residing in the Earth , ] reduce into water the bodies of Vegetables , and Animals , whether Fish , or Flesh ; also Salts , Ashes , Stones burnt to Lime , &c. witness the dunging of Land by these things . Nay , Metals themselves in time , having past their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or prime , degenerate into middle-Minerals , and Salts ; and then return to water . So that you see , all Bodies have water for their first Matter ; and are by Art and Nature reducible into it again at last . Paracelsus [ a Person hardly inferiour to any Man in the knowledge of Metals , and Minerals ] giveth us his Opinion of the production of Metals , and Stones , from water , in these words . Sic ergo Mirabili Consilio Deus constituit , ut prima Materia Naturae esset aqua , mollis , levis , potabilis ; Et tamen foetus seu fructus ipsius est durus ; ut Metalla , Lapides , &c. quibus nihil durius est . So therofore God hath ordered , by a wonderful Counsel , that the first Matter of Nature should be water , soft , gentle , potable ; and nevertheless the off-spring , or fruit of it , is hard ; as Metals , and Stones , &c. than which nothing is harder . Plato also is of the same judgment with him ; for he tells us . Aquae genera duo sunt praecipua , unum humidum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , alterum fusile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : There are two sorts of Waters , one moyst , the other fusil , or to be melted . And presently after , he explaineth what he meaneth by fusil waters . Ex his veró quas aquas fusiles appellavimus , quod ex ten●issimis , levissimisque , fit densissimum , uniforme , splendidum , flavumque , & praetiosissima res est , aurum florescens per petram compactum est : But of these , which we call fusil waters , [ or to be melted ] Gold flowering through the Rock is compacted ; for it is , of a most soft , fine , and tender thing , made most hard , uniform , splendid , and yellow , and is a most precious thing . The Seeds of Minerals , and Metals are invisible Beings ; [ as we have shewed , above , the true Seeds of all other things are ; ] but to make themselves visible Bodies they do thus : Having gotten themselves sutable Matrices in the Earth , and Rocks , [ according to the appointment of God , and Nature ] they begin to work upon , and Ferment the water ; which it first Transinutes into a Mineral-juice , call'd Bur , or Gur ▪ from whence by degrees it formeth Metals . To which purpose I shall give you a testimony , or two . The first we borrow from that Book , Entituled , Arcae Arcani artificiosissimi apertae , beginning thus : Igitur No● andum● est , &c. Which because the passage is long , we will only give you in English , thus : Therefore it is to be Noted , that Nature hath her passages and Veins in the Earth , which doth distill waters , either Salt and Clear , or else turbid . For it is alwayes observable by sight , that in the Pitts , or Groves of Metals , sharp , and salt Waters distill down ; therefore while these waters do fall downwards , [ for all heavy things are carried downwards ] there doth ascend from the Centre of the Earth , Sulphurous Vapours , which do meet them . Wherefore if so be , the waters be saltish , pure , and clear , and the Sulphurous Vapours pure also , and both of them do strictly embrace each other in their meeting , then a pure Metal is produced ; but in defect of such purity , [ that is , of the Water , and Vapour ] then an impure Metal is generated : in Elaborating of which Nature spendeth near a thousand years before she is able to bring it to perfection ; and this happeneth either by reason of the impurity of the Salt , Mercurial Waters , or the impure Sulphurous Vapours . When these two do embrace each other , shut up close in Rocky places ; then by the Operation of Natural heat there doth arise from them a moyst , thick , fat Vapour , which seateth it self where the Air cannot come , [ for else it would flye away : ] of this Vapour a Mucil●ginous , and unctuous Matter is made , which is white like Butter ; Mathesius calls ▪ it Gur : it will spread like Butter , which I also can shew in my hand , above , and out of the Earth . And the same Author again , thus . The Matter of Metals before it be Coagulated into a Metalline form , is like Butter made of the Cream of Milk , which may be clam'd , or spread as Butter , which he [ he meaneth Mathesius ] calleth Gur , which I also [ saith the Author ] have found in the Mines , where Nature hath produced Lead . And that Industrious Metallurgist , Webster , [ who hath likewise noted the same passages out of this Author ] assureth us , that he hath in his possession some pounds weight of this Metalline Liquor , called Gur. To which I will also add my own Testimony ; which is , that about eighteen years past , having made a Visit to a Friend , who dwelt upon the Borders of Derby-shire ; and who had at that time newly discover'd a Lead-Mine in his Ground : I remember , that being at the said Mine I saw upon the Work-man's breaking a stone of Lead-Ore , a bright shineing Liquor spurt forth ; which in a little while did coagulate , and become solid . And that Worthy Man , Helmont , confirms what we have related of this Metalline juice , in these words : Non rarò nempe contingit , quod Metallarius , in fodinis , saxa diffringens , dehiscat paries , & rimam det , unde tantillum aquae , subalbidae , virescentis , manavit , quod mox concrevit instar saponis liquidi [ Bur voco ] mutatòque deincepa pallore subvirtdi , flavescit , vel albescit , vel saturatius viridescit . Sic enim visum est , quod alias intus , absque saxi vulnere , fit ; Quia succus ille interno Efficiente perficitur . Est ergo prima seminis Metallici vita in Condo , sive Promptuario loci , homini plane incognita : at ubi semen in lucem , Liquore vestitum , prodit , Et gas incaepit Sulphur aquae inquinare , vita est seminis media ; ultima verò , cum jam indurescit : that is , It many times happeneeh , that a Mine-Man , in the Pits , breaking stones , the Wall is opened , and a Chink is made ; from whence a little water hath flowed , of a whitish greeness , which presently hath thickned like soft soap . [ I call it Bur , saith he , but I suppose it should be written Gur ] and by and by the somewhat greenish paleness being changed , it groweth yellowish , or whitish , or more fully greenish : So that that is brought to sight , which nevertheless was made within , if the ●tone had not been broken ; because that juice [ or Liquor ] is brought to perfection by an internal Efficient ; therefore the first life of the Metallick seed is hid in the little store-house , [ or Cellar ] of the place , altogether unknown unto Man : but when the seed is brought to light , invested with a Liquor , and the Gas hath begun to defile the Sulphur of the water , it is then the middle life of the seed ; but the last life is , when it is now grown hard , [ that is , become a true Metal . ] And again , that this Metalline juice , which he calls Bur , [ and other Authors Gur , which is the true proximate Matter of all Metals ] was Originally nothing but water , coagulated by the power of Metalline Seeds ; Hear what the same Author sayes : In terra nimirum fracescens aqua , semen locale vel insitam acquirit , ideoque vel in Liquorem , [ Leffas ] ad omnem Flantam , vel insuccum [ Bur ] Mineralem transit , juxta species , per directionem seminum Electas : Indeed the water , by continuing in the Earth , growing putrid , doth obtain a local , or implanted Seed ; and by that means it is changed either into the Liquor [ Leffas , ] for all Plants [ to be made out of it ] or else into the Mineral juice [ Bur ] according to the particular kinds , chosen by the direction of the Seeds . But that you may not think , that Lead alone is formed from this Buttery , or Soap-like substance , which we have been speaking of ; but also that all other Metalline , and Mineral bodies are produced from the same ; I shall give you an Instance , or two ; Erastus , as I find him quoted by Webster , saith , I have two stones of Iron , one of them of an Ironish colour , the other of the colour of the shell of a ripe Chesnut ; altogether soft , and fatty , that may like Butter be wrought with the fingers ; from which , notwithstanding , hard , and good Iron was extracted by the fire . Concerning the generating Silver from such a Mineral-Liquor , that Honourable Person , Mr. Boyl , tells us [ from Gerrhardus ] thus . Item aqua ( aerulea inventa est Annebergae , aubi Argentum adhuc erat in primo Ente , quae coagulata , reducta in Calcem fixi & boni argenti : Also that at Anneberge a blew water was found , where Silver was yet in its first Being , or Ens , which coagulated , was reduced into the powder , or Calx of fixed and good Silver . As for Gold , and Antimony , Paracelsus saith , it is to be found in its Ens primum , or first Being , Liquid , and in the form of a Red Liquor , or Water , which afterwards is coagulated and exalted into Gold. Again , he sayes of the primum Ens lege solis , that it is a fugacious Spirit , as yet consisting in volatility , as an Infant in the Womb of a Woman , and is sometimes like a Liquor , and sometimes it is found like an Alcool , or subtile powder . 'T is a common known thing , that those Men which bore the Ground to find out Coal-mines , do , when they come near the Mine , bring up in their borer a sort of matter they call Soap-stone , which is like fat Clay , but of a black colour , and will , when new taken out of the Ground , spread like butter , as Gur will do ; but in the Air will soon become so hard , that it will not cut with a Knife . I might here take notice of what Rulandus hath said of the Medulla Lapidis , which the Germans call Steinmarck ; some of which is white , some red , and some of other colours ; and most of it in substance like the forementioned Gur : but to avoid being tedious , I forbear . And of this sort of coagulated water were those Pebbles made , which Peireskius found soft under his feet in the River Rosne ; as is related in the tenth History of Petrification , in the first Section of this Discourse . So that , I think , it is evident , first , by the afore-cited Authorities , which hold that all bodies were made of water , and seed ; and secondly , by the alleadged Experiments , teaching the Reduction of all bodies into water again ; that the Original of all Concrets , [ even those solid ones of Metals , and Stones ] is water . And I do not find that very ingenious man , Mr. Boyl , to be against this Opinion : for he saith thus ; Yet thus much I shall tell you at present , that you need not fear my rejecting this Opinion ; since however the Helmontians may in Complement to their Master , pretend it to be a new discovery , yet though the Arguments be for the most part his , the Opinion it self is very Ancient . I have now done with the first Argument , that is , that all Bodies are made of those things into which they are at last to be resolved , and that I have proved to be water . I now proceed to the second Argument , viz. that all Bodies are Nourished by that of which they are Constituted . Section the Fifth . THat Vegetables are nourished by water , will plainly appear from hence , that no Plants do either grow , or increase without the assistance of water ; either by the way of Rain , or Dew , or else by the overflowing of some Spring , or River ; for if they be destitute of water , they dye , and wither . And it is commonly known , that the tops of Rosemary , Marjoram , Mint , Baume , Penny-ryal , Crows-foot , and many other Plants , will thrive , flourish , and grow to a large Bulk [ without being Planted in the Earth , ] if they be only put into a Glass with fair water in it ; into which they will shoot out springy Roots , and from whence they will gather sufficient Nourishment to become large Plants . To confirm which I shall relate a couple of very remarkable passages ; the one borrowed from that honourable Philosopher , Mr. Boyl ; the other from that Learned Naturalist , Helmont . Mr. Boyl tells us , that he caused a certain quantity of Earth to be digged up , baked in an Oven , and weighed ; and then put into an Earthen Pot , in the which he set the seed of a Squash , which grew very fast , [ though planted too late , viz. in the Moneth of May ] it being watered only with Spring , or Rain-water : in October [ by reason of the approaching Winter ] he caused it to be taken up , and the weight of it , with its stalk , and leaves , was found to be two pounds , twelve Ounces ; and the Earth [ in which it grew ] being baked as before , it was found to be exactly the same weight . Helmont's Relation is this : He took , he saith , two hundred pounds weight of Earth , which was dryed in an Oven , and putting it into an Earthen Pot , he moystened it with Rain-water , and in it he Planted the trunck of a Willow-Tree , which weighed five pounds , [ covering the Pot with an Iron cover , which had a hole for the Tree to grow out at , ] and at the end of five years , he took up the Tree , and found it to weigh one hundred sixty nine pound , three Ounces ; and the Earth being dryed , was of the same weight as at first . Now if this be throughly consider'd , from what can we possibly suppose , the bulk of the Swash , and this great addition of 164. pounds weight to the Tree , did proceed but from meer water ; there being nothing else added to either of them ? and no doubt , Nature observeth the same course in producing all other Vegetables ; whether springing up from their innate Seeds , or transplanted into other soyls : for the Earth is only a Receptacle to receive the seeds of things , [ and to sustain the weight of Minerals , Animals , and Vegetables : which Seeds conceive in the water ; where they beget themselves Bodies , and from which all Plants arise ; and by the power of the Architectonick Spirit of the seed , fermenting the particles of water , do proceed the stalks , wood , leaves , flowers , fruit , grain , [ or Casket of the real seed ] as also the Colours , Odors , Tastes , and all the specificate qualities of the Plant , according to the Idea wrapt up in the bosom of the seed . Animals also are nourished by water ; some immediately , others mediately . Immediately , from meer water , as Salmon , Sturgeon , and several other sorts of Fish , in whose stomacks no food , that I know of , was ever yet found . And to confirm this ; Rondeletius [ an Author of good credit ] affirms , that his Wife kept a Fish in a large glass , and fed it with nothing but water [ so long ] till it grew so big , that it could no longer be contained in the glass ; which they were forced to break to get it out . Those living Creatures that are nourished immediately by water and Vegetables , are most sort of Cartel proper for food ; so that in these Beasts , which feed upon Corn , Grass , and other Herbs , [ which are really but water , once removed from its primitive simplicity by the power of Seeds , ] water is a second time transmuted , by the Ferment of a Beasts stomack , by which it is changed into Chyle , Blood , Milk , Urine , Flesh , Bones , Fat , Sinews , &c. and all these different one from another , according to the species of the Beasts that feed upon them . Now these Creatures , and their parts [ as the flesh and milk of beasts ] serve for food to those Animals that are nourished mediately from water ; such are Men , and divers Wild beasts , who live upon the flesh , milk , and blood of Cattel , and by the Ferments of whose stomacks these things are again Transmuted into another kind of Chyle , blood , flesh , bones , milk , Urine , &c. which juices of our bodies are still but water , disguised by the operation of different feeds , and Ferments ; which is quickly discovered by distilling them : for , if our blood be distilled , five or six parts of seven will rise in Phlegm [ which is easily reducible into simple water , as we have shewed in the last Section before this . ] Nay , the sperm of Man [ by which we propagate our selves ▪ ] is nothing but water [ Originally ] altered by the several Ferments of the body , and ci●culated in the seminal Vessels . Upon this Subject there is much good matter to be found in that ingenious man , Simpson , in his Hydrologia . It now remains , that we prove the growth , and nourishment of Metals and stones from water : which that we may the better do , I think it necessary , in the first place , to discover , whether they do really grow , and increase or no ; for some men believe , that God Created them at first , when he formed the world ; but that since they do neither grow , nor increase : which error we shall endeavour to confute by several good Observations , taken from approved Authors . Almost all the Mystical Chymists have handled this point so obscurely , that though they have asserted , that metals and stones do grow and increase , and that they are generated from a seminal principle ; yet have they proved nothing clearly ; but left it as a principle to be granted , without any further dispute . 'T is a known truth in Cornwall , that after all the Tin , that could be found in a Mine , hath been taken out , and the Mine filled up with Earth ; yet within thirty years they have opened them again , and found more Tin generated : of which Dr. Iordan doth take notice also , and in the above-cited place he sayes thus : The like hath been observed in Iron , as Gandentius Merula Reports of Ilna , an Island in the Adriatick Sea , under the Venetians , where Iron is bred continually , as fast as they can work it ; which is confirmed also by Agricola , and Baccius . ●he like we reade of at Saga in Lygiis , where they dig over their Mines every ten years . And of Ilna it is remembred by Virgil , who saith , Ilnaque inexhaustis Chalybum generosa metallis . John Mathesius giveth us Examples of almost all sorts of Minerals , and Metals , which he had observed to grow , and regenerate . The like Examples you may find in Leonardus Thurnisserus ; Erastus affirms , that he did see in St. Joachim's Dale , Silver grow upon a Beam of wood , which was placed in the Pit to support the work ; and when it was rotten , the Work-men coming to set new Timber in the place , found the Silver sticking to the Old Beam. Also he reports , that in Germany there hath been unripe , and unconcocted silver found in Mines , which the best Workmen affirmed would become Silver in less than thirty years . The like Modestinus , Fucchius , and Mathesius , affirm , of unripe , and liquid Silver ; which when the Workmen find , they use to say , we are come too soon . And Rulandus saith [ speaking of Silver that is to be found Naturally purified in the Mine ; ] Sed hoc axgentum pu●um tenuissimis bracteis amplectitur Lapidem ; interdum etiam prae se fert speciem Capillorum , interdum virgularum , interdum globi fert speciem , quasi filis convoluti candidis , aut rubris ; interdum prae se fert speciem arboris , Instrumenti , Montium , Herbarum , & aliarum re●um . And this pure Silver doth embrace the Stone with most ●ine Plates ; it sometimes also doth bear the shope of hair , sometimes of little twiggs , sometimes of a Globe , as though wrap'd about with thred , white , or red ; sometimes it appeareth in the shape of a Tree , Mountain , Instrument , Herbs , and of other things . Mr. Boyl tells us from Gerrhardus , thus . In Valle Ioachimacae &c. [ saith he ] In the Vale of Joachim , Dr. Shreter is a witness , that Silver , in the manner of Grass , had grown out of the stones of the Mine , as from a Root , the length of a finger ; who hath shewed these veins , very pleasant to behold , and admirable , at his own House , and given of them to others . And to shew you , that Metals do grow even like Vegetables , it is very remarkable what is quoted by webster , out of ' Peter Martyr , Councellour to the Emperour Charles the Fifth , in these words : They have found by Experience , that the Vein of Gold is a Living Tree , and that the same by all wayes spreadeth , and springeth f●om the Root , by the soft pores and passages of the Earth , putteth forth branches even to the uppermost part of the Earth ; and ceas●th not till it discover it self to the open Air ; at which time it sheweth forth certain be●utiful colours in the stead of flowers : round stones of Golden Earth , instead of fruit , and thin Plates in stead of leaves : Th●se are they which are dispersed through the whole Island [ he is speaking of Hispaniola ] by the course of the Rivers , Eruptions of the Springs out of the Mountains , and other falls of the Floods : for they think , such grains are not ingendered where they are gathered , ●specially on the dry Land , but otherwise in the Rivers . They say , than the root of the Golden Tree extendeth to the Centre of the Earth , and there taketh nourishment of increase ; for the de●per that they digg , they find the trunck the bigger , as far as they may follow it for abundance of water , springing in the Mountains : of the branches of this Tree , they find some as small as a thread , and others as big as a mans ●inger , according to the largeness , or stre●ghtness of the Rifis , and Cl●fts ; they have sometimes lighted upon whole Caves , sustained , and born up , as it were , by Golden Pillars , and this in the way by which the branches ascend : the which being filled with the substance of the Trunck , creeping from bene●th the branch , maketh it self way , by which it may pass out . It is oftentimes divided by incountring with some kind of hard stone ; yet is it in other Clef●s nourished by the exhalations and Virtue of the Root . To which I might add what Fallopius saith of Sulphur , [ viz. ] Sunt enim loca , è quibus si hoc Anno Sulphur effossum fuerit , intermissa fessione per quadriennium , redeunt fossores , & omnia Sulphure , ut antea , rursus inveniunt plena : For there are places , from whence if this Year the Sulphur be digged out , and forbearing to dig , by the space of four years , the Mine-men return , and find them all full of Sulphur , as before . And that Salt-Petre groweth , and increaseth , our common Salt-Petre-men will justifie ; for after they have extracted all the Salt that they can get out of the Earth that yieldeth it , in two or three years after , they work the same Earth [ which for that purpose they carefully lay up ] over again ; and it yields them a considerable quantity of Salt-Petre , as before . And concerning Table-Salt , Matthias Untzerus produceth many Testimonies from credible Authors , that besides that which is made of Salt-Springs , there are in Spain , the Indies , and divers other parts of the World , large Mountains of Salt , which as fast as they can be digg'd , grow again , and are quickly filled with Salt. And for Lead , [ besides what Galen observeth of its increase , both in bulk , and weight , by being kept in a damp Cellar , ] ●occatius Certaldus , as he is cited by Mr. Boyl , saith thus of its growth : Fesularum Mons , &c. Of the Mountain of Fesula , a Village near Florence , that it hath Lead-stones ; which if they be digg'd up , yet in a short space of time they will be supplied afresh , and generated anew . I might instance in many more particulars , but I think these sufficient . That Stones do grow , and are made since the Creation , every mans Observations will sufficiently acquaint him : And the Histories cited in the first Section of this Discourse do confirm ; and that they are nourished by water , is apparent from the Scituation of Rocks in the Sea , the production of Pebbles in the bottom of Rivers , and that both Mountains , and also gravelly places , are never destitute , or unaccompanied of Springs and Rivulets . And Paracelsus , I remember [ somewhere ] giveth us this Experiment , to prove that stones do grow , and are nourished by water ; viz. that if a Flint , or P●bble be put in a glass Vessel , and Rain , or Spring-water put upon it , and distilled from it , if this be oft●n repeated , it will cause the stones to grow so bigg , that at last it will fill up the Glass that contained it . That Metals , and Minerals are nourished by water , is more than ptobable from hence , that no considerable Mines are found without a great conflux of waters ; which the Work-men are forced to make drains and Pumps to carry away , that they may work dry . And there is an Experiment , written by Monsieur De Rochas [ a considerable French Author , and Transcribed from him by the Honourable , Mr. Boyl ] which I shall here insert . Having [ saith he ] discerned such great wonders by the Natural Operation of water , I would know what might be done with it by Art , imitating Nature ; wherefore I took water which I well knew not to be compounded with any other thing than the Spirit of Life ; and with a heat artificial , continual , and proportionate , I prepared it , and disposed it , by graduations of Coagulation , Congelation , and Fixation , untill it was turned into Earth ; which Earth produced Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals : ●he Animals did eat , move of themselves , &c. and by the true Anatomy I made of them , I found they were composed of much Su●phur , little Mercury , and less Salt : the Minerals began to grow , and increase , by converting into their own Nature one part of the Earth ; they were solid , and heavy ; and by this truly demonstrative Science , namely , Chymistry , I ●ound they were composed of much Salt , little Sulphur , and less Mercury . According to this Experiment , Minerals were Generated out of , and nourished by water . From what hath been related , both in this and the fore-going Section , concerning the growth , increase , and Vegetability both of Metals , Minerals , and Stones ; as also concerning those Mineral , Metalline , and stony juices , called Gur , [ or Bur ] Soap-coal , and the Medulla Lapidis , &c. I think it will appear , that both Metals , and Stones , are made , do grow , and are nourished , daily , and at this time ; and that from water , of which they were at first made , by the power of their Seeds : And this is the reason , that Metals , and Mines are now usually found in those places where for many Years before there were ; as both Sandivogius , and Helmont assure us . Inde fit , quod hodie reperiantur Minerae in locis ubi ante mille annos nullae fuerunt : From hence it is come to pass , that Minerals may be found in plac●s , where before a thousand years since , there have been none . And Helmont , thus : Loca enim quae fodinis Caruêre olim , suo quandoque die , Maturato semine , foenora reddent , ditioribus non imparia ; quia radices , sive fermen●a Mineralium , sedent in loco immediat● , ac in dierum plenitudinem fine fastidio anhelant : quam ubi semen complevit , tum Gas obsidens quam ibidem , semen à lo●o suscipit , quod aquae sulphur dein impregnat , aquam condensat , atque sensim aquam Mineralem transplantat : For places which have wanted [ or had no ] Mines in times past , will in their own time , their Seed being ripened , restore Usury , equal to the richer sort [ of Mines ] because the Roots , or Mineral Ferments , are seated immediately in the place ; and their full time being come , they [ pant ] or breathe without [ weariness ] or loathing : and when it hath gained a compleat Seed , then the Gas which is seated in the water of that place , receiveth that seed of the place , which afterwards begets the Sulphur of the water with Child ; condenseth the water , and by degrees turneth , or transplants it into a Mineral water . And , to conclude this Section , I will give you the Judgment of that great Naturalist , Helmont , by way of confirmation ; because I find him exactly to correspond with all that I have hitherto delivered . His words are these , which you shall find in his Imago Fermenti ; which because they are long , I will only give you their sence in English. And indeed because the Schools have been unacquainted with Ferments , they have also been ignorant , that solid Bodies are framed only of water , and Ferment : for I have taught , that Vegetables , and Grain , and whatsoever Bodies are nourished by them , do proceed only from water : for the Fisher-man never found any food in the stomack of a Salmon ; if therefore the Salmon be made of water only , [ even that of Rivers . ] he is also nourished by it . So the Sturgeon wants a mouth , and appeareth only with a little hole below in his Throat , whereby the whole fish draweth nothing besides water . Therefore every Fish is nourished , and made of water , if not immediately , yet at least by Seeds , and Ferments , if the water be impregnat therewith . From the Salt Sea every fresh Fish is drawn ; therefore the Ferment [ of the Fish ] turneth Salt into . Lastly , Shell-fish do form to themselves stony shells of water , in stead of Bones ; even as also all kind of snails do ; and Sea-Salt , which scarce yieldeth to the force of a very strong fire , groweth sweet by the Ferment in Fishes ; and their flesh becometh volatile : for , at the time of distributing the nourishment , it is wholly dissipated , without a residence , or dreg . So also Salt passeth over into its Original Element of water ; and the Sea , though it receive salt Streams , yet is not every day increased in saltness . So the most unmixed , and most purest water , under the Equinoctial Line becometh hory , and stinketh : strait-way it getteth the colour of a half burnt brick , then it is greenish , then red , and quakesh very remarkably , which afterwards of its own accord returns to it self again : truly this cometh to pass by reason of the conceived Ferment of that place , which being consumed , all these appearances cease . So the most pure Fountain-water groweth filthy , through the musty Ferment of the Vessel ; it conceiveth worms , breedeth Gnats , and is covered with a skin . Fenns putrifie from the bottom , and hence arise Frogs , Shell-fish , Snails , Horse-Ieaches , Herbs , &c. also swiming Herbs do cover the water , being contented with drinking only of this putrid water . And even as stones are from Fountains wherein a stony Seed exists ; So the Earth stinking with Metallick Ferments , doth make out of water , a Metalline , or Mineral Bu● ; but the water being in other places shut up in the Earth , if it be nigh the Air , and stirred up with a little heat , it putrifieth by continuance , and is no longer water , but the juice Leffas of Plants ; by the force of which hory Ferment , a Fower is conferred on the Earth of budding forth Herbs . For that putrifying juice by the prick of a little heat doth ascend in smoak , becomes spungy , and is compassed with a skin , because the ferments therein hid require it . Therefore that putrefaction hath the office of a Ferment , and the Virtue of a Seed , and by degrees it obtaineth some measure of Life , and hasteneth by the Virtue of its Seeds into the Nature of Archeuss . Therefore this putrid juice of the Earth , is Leffas : from whence springs every Plant not having visible seed , which nevertheless bring forth seeds , according to their destinations . Therefore there are as many rank , putrid , musty smells , as there are proper savours of things . For Odors are not only the Messengers of Savours , but also their promiscuous Parents . The smoak Leffas being now comprest together , doth first grow pale , then somewhat yellowish , and presently after is of a whitish green colour , and at last fully green . And the power of the several species being unfolded , it gains divers marks , and different colours : in which course it imitates the Example of the water under the Equinoctial Line . Yet in this it differs , that those waters have borrowed too Spiritual and volatile a Ferment from the Stars , and place , without a Corporal hory putrefaction ; and therefore through their too frail Seed they presently return into themselves . But Leffas is constrained to finish the Act , [ and obey the Power ] of the Conceived Seed . Therefore Rain Conceiving a hory Ferment , is made Leffas , and is s●cked in by the lustfull Roots : 'T is experienced also , that within this Kitchin [ of the Root ] there is a new h●ry putrefaction produced by the Ferment which is Tenant there ; by and by it is brought from thence to the Bark [ which is as it were the Liver of the Plant , ] where it is inriched with a new Ferment of that part , and is made a Herby , or Woody juice ; and at length it being come to Maturity , it is made Wood , an Herb , or becometh Fruit. If the Arm , or Stem of a Tree shall be putrefied under the Earth , then the Bark or Rinde becometh d●y , and cleaveth assunder , and sendeth forth a smoak by its own Ferment , which in the beginning is spungy , byt at length hardens into a true Root : and so Planted Branches become Trees by the abridgment of Art. Therefore it is now evident , there is no mixture of Elements , and that all Bodies primitively , and materially are made of water , by the help of Seeds , and their Ferments ; and that the Seeds being worn out ▪ and exhausted by Acting , all Bodies do at length return into their Ancient principle of water : yea , that Ferments do sometimes work more strongly than fire , because that fire can turn great stones into Lime , and burn wood into ashes , but there it stops ; but notwithstanding , if they shall assume a Ferment in the Earth , they return into the juice of Leffas , and at last into simple water . For Stones , and B●icks , do of their own accord decline into Salt-petre . Lastly , Glass which is unconqu●red by the fire , and uncorrupted by the Air , in a few years putrifieth by continuance [ in the Earth ] and undergoes the Laws of Nature , &c. Having now gone through the two first Arguments , by which I proposed to prove the Doctrine I have asserted , which Arguments were grounded on two generally received and allowed Axioms , [ viz. ] Those things which are the last in the resolving , [ or retexing ] of a Body , the same are found to be the first in its composition . Secondly , we are nourished by those things of which we are made , [ or consist . ] And having , I hope , sufficiently proved by both of them , that Water is the Original Matter , and Seeds the Efficients of all Bodies ; I am now come to the third , and last Argument , which was to shew , and prove a necesssity of all Bodies being formed out of water ; because neither the four Elements of the Aristotelians , nor the three Principles of the Old Chymists , no , not yet the ●ive of the Modern Chymists , can possibly concur to the constituting of Bodies , as either their Primary Matter , or Efficient ; they being themselves but great disguised Schemes of one and the same Catholick Matter , Water , from whence they themselves were made ; and into which they are ultimately to be resolved , and uniformly to be reduced . Section the Sixth . ANd First for the Chimical Principles ; I have shewed [ in the Fourth Section of this Discourse , ] That the Oyls of Vagetables , and their Fermented Spirits , which are their Sulphurs ; that the Fat 's , and Oyles of Animals , which are their Sulphurs , and also the Sulphurs of Minerals , and Mettals , are all of them reducible into Water : As are also both Mineral , Animal , and Vegetable Salts . And as to the Mercury of Animals , and Vegetables ( improperly enough so called , ) they being but of a loose Contexture , are easily made to remigrate into water , ( as I have taught in the same place : ) As also is [ though with somewhat more reluctancy , because of its strong Compression by its Seed , ) true Mettallin Mercury , or Quicksilver , as my own experience hath assured me : Which is also confirmed by Raymundus Lullyus , the ingenious Mr. Boyl , and divers others . All this may be performed two ways , that is , Either by the means prescribed in the sorecited pages , or else more solemnly , speedily , and universally ▪ by the help of that rare . Solve the Alkahest : The manner of whose operating upon Bodies , I have described from the r●lation of that worthy man Helmont [ in the fourth Section . ] Now as to the two other Principles added by the Modern Chymists ; the one of them , viz. Earth , doth properly belong to the School of the Stagyr●t ; and therefore I speak to that , when I come to discou●se of the four supposed Elements of Bodies . But as to the other , viz. Spirits ; they are all of them of one of these two Classes ; either Vinous , and made by Fermentation ; or Saline , and made without . Now for the Vinous , they are totally inflamable Bodies , and therefore to be Ranked under the Classis of Sulphurs ; and may be reduced to water , as I have shewed you above : Other Sulphurs , and Spirit of Wine it self may . The other sort of Spirits , viz. Saline , are nothing but Volatlle Salts , diluted with Phlegme or water ; and therefore by repeated distillations , and careful rectifications , will be brought to constitute a Lump or Mass of dry Salt : Wherefore it is not an other Principle , distinct from the former three of the Old Chymists ; and by the same handycraft-means may at last be reduced to water , as I have before shewed the three Principles of the Chymists may be . Nor indeed can any of these three Bodies , called Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury , pretend to be the principles of all Concretes , excxept only Mercury , or Water ; for it is proper for Principles , that they be Primary , and not further resolveable into more simple parts : But both Salts , and Sulphurs [ as I have made out above ] Being further reducible , viz. into Water ; they therefore cannot [ whilst such ] deserve the Name of Principles . Besides , it is very much questioned by those two great Phylosophers , Helmont , and Boyl , whether the Fire indeed be an adequate and fit instrument to Anatomise Bodies ? And whether or no those distinct Schemes , into which the common Chymists resolve the matter of Bodies by Fire , [ and which they call their three Principles ] were indeed really existing , in those Bodies , from which they were Educed ▪ [ that they were matterially there , no man will deny , they being themselves composed of water ? ] But whether they were resident in the Concr●te that yielded them , in the same f●●gures , and Shapes , that the Fire Exhibites them to our Sendes , is very disputable ? And it may easily be imagined , that the Fire acting upon a Body that it can master , [ for some it cannot ] doth not only put the small parts , of which that Body consisted , and which were before [ in some measure ] at rest amongst themselves , into a tumultuous motion ; by means of which , they are sent hastily off into the Receiver ; but doth also break by forcing them asunder , those small particles of that body into other Shades , Figures , and Sizes : upon which account they do conyene together after new manners ; and so the Fire may present us with new Bodies , which were not prae-existent in the Concrete , when first exposed to its Action . But because this point is throughly , and Learnedly handled both by Helmont , and my excellent Friend Mr. Boyl , in his Sc●ptical Chymist , I shall spare my self the pains of expatiating upon it ; and refer the Inquisitive to those two Authors , for full satisfaction in this point . Only I think it very necessary in this place , to examine the Arguments which are brought by a very learned man , and Eminent Physitian , to evince the real Existence of the Chymical Principles in Bodies , and to prove that they are not products of the Fire . And I the rather take notice of it here ; First , because they are not bare ratiocinations of this Learned mans , but experiments ; upon which he hath built very much : And Secondly , should I omit to examine these Experiments , [ which indeed do seem weighty ] they might perhaps be produced against the Doctrine I desend : And some might likewise object , that I had not dealt candidly with the Chymist ; in that I had taken no cognisance of the best weapon they have to defend their Cause . This Learned man then intending to prove the real existence of Salin and Sulphurous Principles in Bodies , before the action of the Fire upon them , produces Experiments nevertheless , that are made by the Fire . His sence is this : For the first , [ viz. Salt ] it is commonly known , that if the Salt be once washed out of the Ashes of any vegetable , if they be again calcined , they will yeild no more Salt. Moreover , if any concrete being distilled , shall yeild a very sharp , and acid Liquor , their Calces [ or Ashes ] do remain less Salt ; and è contra , that is , where the salt is vblat●zed , and become a Liquor , and doth ascend by the Alimbec , you shall in vain seek for it in the caput mortuum : That which vindicates the Existence of the Principle of Sulphurs in Vegetables , is this ; Take Gua●acum , or any other sort of heavy wood , in pieces or shavings , and putting it into a Glass-Retort , distill it by degrees ; and it will give you , together with a sowet Liquor [ which is the Saline Latex ] a blackish oyl [ which is its sulphury part ] in a great quantity . That this was at first in the distilled Body , and not all produced by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , appeareth from hence , because if you do proceed another way , by which the Sulphur may be taken from the concrete , b●fore it be distilled , the Liquor which cometh forth , will be almost totally deprived of its Oylyness : Wherefore , if you shall pour spirit of Wine upon the Shavings of this wood , this menstruum will extract a great quantity of pure Rozin from it , which is the same Sulphury parts ; and if afterwards you take these Shavings that are left , and wash them with common water , and being dry , put them in a Retort , and distil them [ as at first ] you shall have but a little Oyl . But that which is more to be wondred at , and which doth more fully confirm this truth , is , that several Bodies which have little of Spirit , or Sulphu● in them [ they being for the most part found amongst Volatils ] and which chiefly consist of Salt , Earth , and Water , and are separated into these Elements by distillation , which being again mixed together , doth restore us the same sort of mixts , marked with the same sort of qualities as before ; V. G. if you distil Vitriol in a reverberating Furnace , you shall have a Phlegme , almost insipid , which is its watry part : Then a very sower Liquor , or rather a ●luid Salt , and in the bottom remains a Red Earth of a pleasant purple Colour : These being rightly performed , if the two distilled Liquors be poured back upon the Caput Mo●tuum , we shall have the same Vitriol as before , revived of the same colour , taste , and almost of the same weight . The like may be done with Nitre , Sea-salt , Salt of Tar●ler , and perhaps , with Alome , and other Mineral bodies , which you may proceed withal with the same success ▪ so that those concrets that consist of fixed and stable Elements , may , like Mechanical Engins be taken to pieces , and put together again , without any prejudice . Thus far he . First then , he saith , that if Salt be washed from the Ashes of a vegetable , though the Ashes be afterwards never so much calcined , yet will they yeild no more Salt ; and also that those things that yeild a sower Liquor , have little or no fixt Salt in their A●hes . The matter of fact I do not deny , but the inference from thence , I suppose I may . For it is no necessary consequence , that●a thing was really existing in that form , in the body that yeilded it , in the which Art presents us with it , when separated from the said body : As for Example , who ever believed , that a Cole was ever really Existent , [ as a Cole ] in wood , any otherwise than materially ; and it is sufficiently known , that the Cole is a product of the Fire , which hath dissipated some parts , of which the wood consisted and new modified the rest ? From which action of the Fire , the new body of the Cole resulted : From which Cole , if it be fluxed with an Alkalizat-Salt , may be obtained a perfect , true , and totally inflamable Sulphur , no way distinguishable from common Brimstone , [ as I have often proved : ] Which Brimstone is a body very different from that of Salt , which the same Cole , if burnt to Ashes , will yeild us in the room of this Brimstone . And if it shall be objected , that this Brimstone is the Oyl of the Wood or ▪ Plant , which this Learned man is pleased to call the Sulphury Principle , and which he afterwards tells us may be obtained [ together with an acid Saline Liquor , upon which it swimmeth ] by distillation from Guajacum ; if this be objected , I desire it may be considered , First , that the Oyl of the wood was before sent off into the Receiver ; and that a much greater Stress of Fire is required to burn the wood into a Cole , then is needful to separate all its Oyl from it . And Secondly , that after it hath afforded all the Oyl which the Fire can make of it , yet then at last this Brimstone may be made out of it . And thirdly , that it be taken notice of , that it is not a sufficient ground [ nay , that it is a liberty not to be allowed ] to give different bodies the same denomination , because they agree in some one quality : as this Oyl , and the Sulphur do in that of Inflammability , when they differ in so many others , as is obvious to every man. And as to that part of the Experiment alledged by this Learned man ; in the first place , viz. that these Concrets , which yeild in distilling a sower Spirit , which is [ saith he ] their Salt volatised , and brought into the form of a Liquor ; and therefore , as he ●aith , in vain to be sought for in their Ashes , in which very little will be sound : It proveth no more but this , that according as Bodies are differently made up , so the Fire acts diversly upon their Matter : As is to be seen in Wax and Clay , the former of which the fire melts , and the last it hardens . Nor doth it appear , that this Saline Liquor was such , whilst it recided in the Concrete , and before the action of the Fire upon it ; any more than it doth , that there is really , and actually residing in the body of Wheat , or Barly , before they be made into Mault , and afterwards Brewed and Fermented , a vinous , and inebriating Spirit : Which when they are so managed we find there is . But if otherwise these grains of Barly , or Wheat , shall be ground into Flower , and made into Bread , they then become wholesome Food ; of which a great quantity may be eate without procuring drunkenness , which their fermented liquors will cause . And yet from this very substance of the Grain , which affordeth two such bodies , as Drink , and Bread ; by a different managing of it , may be made a liquor which is so far a Corrosive , that it will draw Tinctures , [ which are solutions of the small parts of bodies ] from divers Minerals , Mettals , and Stones , and that many times without the help of External heat . Nor can it with more Justice be affirmed , that these Salts [ whether fixt , or volatile ] were really and in that form , existing in the wood , or other Concrete ; then it may be said , and believed , that there is actually in Bread-corn , the Flesh , Blood , Bones , Sinews , Hair , Nailes , &c. of a man ; because we see , that by the action of a humane stomach , these things are made out of Bread. And as to what is alledged concerning the Oyl of Guajacum , it yieldeth if it be distilled per se , but if it be in●used in Spirit of Wine , it will impregnate it with a certain Rozin , or Gum. And the wood after this Extraction , if it be committed to distillation , will not then afford the same quantity of Oyl as before it would have done : That I easily grant , but then it will quite destroy the inference for which this Learned man brings it ; viz. That Oyl was in that form a constituant Principle of the mixt . For there is a vast difference betwixt Rozin , and Oyl , the one being a firm body that will admit of pulverisation , the other a fluid , and unctious body . And besides many other specifical differences , [ which , not to be tedious , I purposely omit , ] The Rozin is a product of Nature , the Oyl , of the Fire . For the Rozin or Gum , is to be seen in the wood before distillation ; and is only taken up , and dissolyed in the Spirit of Wine , which being evaporated , it appears again in its own form . But the Oyl is , I grant , substantially , and materially the same with the Rozin ; and therefore , that being for the greatest part , or totally taken away , the Fire produceth either lesse , or no Oyl : Because if the Rozin be left in the wood , when it is committed to the Fire , the Fire doth spread abroad , break , and new alter the texture of the Rozin , and elevating , and making a new combination of its parts ; it constitutes that Body which we call Oyl ; which is in this case a real and new product of the Fire , and was not before formally Existing in that Body . And it is plain , besides the instances before cited , that by a different mannagement of one and the same Concrete , I will cause the Fire to Exhibite very different substances from it ; as for Example , take any herb , as Wormwood , Mint , &c. and having bruised them , add Yest to them , or by any other means , procure a fermentation in the Matter ; and then commit it to distillation , it will afford you an Oyl , and a ●inous Spirit [ which rectified , are both of them totally inflamable ] but if the same herb be bruised , and suffered to lie upon the Flore some dayes , without fermenting , and if it be thus put to distillation , instead of yielding a vinous Spirit , and an Oyl , as the other did ; it will afford an urinous or Armoniack Spirit ; which being carefully rectified , will coagulate totally into a mass of Salt ; and that every man knows , is very different both from an Oyl , and a vinous Spirit : For this Salt is not only brittle , but also absolutely uninflamable . And Lastly , as to what this Author instances , concerning Vitriol , Saltpeter , Tarter , and Alome , yeilding of Saline Spirits , which being poured back upon their Caput Mortuums , do redent●grate ; and return to the same bodies as they were before . The matter of Fact I allow to be true ; but withal , must be allowed to say , that it proveth not what he brings it for ; nor doth evince , that Salt ▪ and Sulphur , are principles in all bodies ▪ for 't is the effect of their seeds , that forms these bodies out of water : For Salts somtimes are the products of s●eds ; as I have proved from the regular figures , into which these Concrete juices do constantly shoot ; as in Section the Second of this Discourse . So that it is not strange , that the smaller parts of these Saline juices , being by Fire divorced from the grosser , upon their being put together , do hastily run into , and lodge themselves in the cavities of their own bodies , from whence they were forced by the Fire . And to conclude , there are many bodies which the Fire cannot force to confess they are constituted so much as of two of the five modern Chymical Principles ; as to instance in Gold , Talk , Silver , &c. and yet by the operation of the Alkahest , even these are at last reducible to water , of which they were made by the power of seed ; and the afore-said Oyls , Salts , and Concrete juices , are to be all of them returned to water by the means prescribed in the Fourth Section of this Discourse . And here I must again take notice of two things , First , that this Learned Doctors Experiments are all made by the Fire ; which of it self alone I deny to be a proper Agent , to Analize bodies , and to discover to us the truth of those principles of which they are constituted ; and that for these reasons , because it doth not work uniformly upon all bodies exposed to its action ; for , as I have said before , it cannot of it self separate any one of these supposed Principles , from Gold , Talk , Sand , Silver , and many other Concrets ; and yet of some other bodies it will frame , not only Oyles , Salt , Spirit , Ashes , [ or Earth , as he is pleased to call it ] but also a Cole , Brimstone , and at last Glass : which three last , no man I suppose will imagin , were really existing , in those bodies of which they are made ; and yet are they made by the same Agent , and from the same Subject , of which the Fire produced Salts , Oyls , Ashes , &c. and therefore upon the same ground , may as justly plead for the prerogative of being the constituent principles of bodies . The Second thing I would have considered is this : That those different Shapes and Appearances , into which the Fire hath put the matter of any Concrete ▪ viz. Salts , Oyl , Ashes , Spirits , all of them are yet so compound , that they may be yet ●urther returned and divided into more simple parts ; viz. into water , which is indeed the only , and true material Principle [ deservedly so called , ] for it is a primary , and simple body , into which at last , all Concrets , [ and even the other Four supposed principles of this Learned mans ] are reduced both by Art , and Nature ; and of which they were made . So that we may truly affirm with the Antient Philosophers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; One is many , and many One. So that though this Learned Doctor , shewed much witt in building so fair and specious a Philosophical Structure , from these five supposed principles , yet can it be no safe dwelling in it ; because the Foundation is unsound . I have been the fuller in discussing the Experiments brought by this great man , in favour of his five Chymical Printiples ; First , because indeed they have a very fair appearance , till they be throughly examined . And Secondly , I would be very loath to have it thought , I would e●deavour inconsiderately or upon slight grounds , to diminish the ●ame this ingenious man hath already gained in the World by his Writings . And now having examined not only the Tria Prima [ or three first Principles of the Old Chymists ] but also the five Principles of our Modern Chymical Philosophers ; and not being able to allow them the Title of Principles , for the reasons above alleadged ; I will likewise examine the Quaternary , or four Elements of the Aristotelians , and see , whether they can plead any better Title to be allowed , and established , the Principles , or Elements , of which all Bodies are made . Section the Seventh . THe Quadriga , or four Elements of the Peripateticks , hath for a long time gained the priviledge , of being esteemed the constituent Principles of all Concretes : [ which therefore are usually stilled compound - Bodies ] for they say of Fire , Air , Water , and Earth , all sublunary Bodies are made , and from the divers mixtures of these , do arise all generations , corruptions , alterations , and changes , that happen to all sorts of Bodies . And first for the Element of Fire , [ placed by Aristotle under the Globe of the Moon , but never yet seen by any man , ] certainly it is nothing else but Heat ; and that we know is caused by the violent and nimble agitation of the very minute-parts of Matter : And though there be Heat , [ and consequently a kind of Fire ] in the Bodies of Animals , yet this is no radical Principle but a product of vital Fermentation . The like of which we see is produced by the sermentation of Wines in the Barrel , to whose Bung , if the flame of a Candle be held , the subtil vapours of the Wine take flame and burn ; which vapours , if they be otherwayes debarred of all vent , they by their brisk motion , cause an intense heat ; and sometimes burst the Vessels that contain them . And this hapneth not only to Wines , but even to water it self ; for it hath been observed in long Voyages [ which somewhere is also taken notice of by Mr. Boyl ] that our Thames water , being kept close stopt , assisted by the motion of the Ship , and its own secret fermentation , a Candle being brought near the vent , upon the opening of it , hath set all the Cavity of the Vessel into a flame . There is the like reason for the bursting forth of flame from wett and closely compressed Hay ; as also from the Action of dissolvents upon Mettallin Bodies , &c. in which action , if the Glasses be stopt , they break with great violence : From the incoercible nature of which , we may conclude , that Fire [ if there were such an Element ] can never enter , as a constituant Principle , into the Composition of Bodies ; but it is rather , as Helmont stiles it , destructor seminum , the destroyer of Seeds , and is a fitter Instrument to Analize , and take Bodies in pieces , by not suffering their parts to be at rest amongst themselves , [ to which purpose it is generally employed ] than to constitute any . And therefore in this particular , Paracelsus was grosly mistaken , where he unde●takes to teach us a way to separate the Element of Fire from Bodies , and afterwards pretends to make a new separation of Elements from them again . For , if we will suppose an Element of Fire , yet if that be further reducible , it must of necessity lose both the name and nature of an Element . But Fire is but an Accident , [ no distinct substance , or radical Principle of Bodies ; ] for Fire , or Heat , as I have said before , doth result from the m●tion , which the small parts of Matter are put into by the power of their Seeds , and Ferments . For Fire cannot subsist of it self [ as matter can , and doth ] but neces●arily requireth some other Body , to which it may adhere , and upon which it may Act : Which Bodies are either of a Vinous nature , as the sermented Spirits of Vegetables ; or their Rozinous , and Brimstony parts ; or else of an unctuous , and fatty nature , as the Grease , and Fatts of Animals ; or else of a Bituminous substance , as the Sulphurs of Minerals and Mettals are . And that all this is but disguised Water , which hath got new textures by the operati●n of Seeds , and Ferments , I hope I have sufficiently evinced before . So that without we will much injure Truth , we must degrade Fire from being an Element or Principle , in the constituting of Bodies . Nor doth Air enter Bodies , as an Element of which they are composed ; though it be not only useful , but absolutely necessary both to Animals , and Vegetables ; without which , neither of them live , or grow , and by the means of which , the Circulation and Volatization of the blood in Animals is p●omoted : By the help of which , also the motion of every part is performed . It also doth not only afford a convenient help to the Vegetation of Plants , by its compressing the surface of the water , and so forcing it to ascend into the stringy Roots and Fibers of Trees and Herbs ; but also by acting the part of a Separator , [ for it is , contrary to the received opinion of the Aristotelians , a very dry and tenious Body , ] it , in its passage over the surface of the water , inbibes and takes into its Cavities , store of water , which it Transports to distant places [ where Springs and Rivers are wanting ; ] and then being no longer able to suspend it , by reason of its plenitude , and weight , it returns it to the Earth , where it proves a fit nourishment for Plants , and a proper matter for all sort of Seeds to form themselves Bodies out of . An other use of the Air , is to be a receptacle , to receive vapours ascending from the water , through the pores of the Earth , where finding many Cavities , these vapours rove about , till by the cold of the place , or the great extencion of them , the Seminal Principle contained in them , and by which they were specifically distinguished from water , is forced to desert the Body of the vapour ; and so at last it returns to the Earth , in the form of the Catholike and universal matter , water . It likewise serveth as a fit Body for the Stars to glide through , and move in ; and also by its Elatery Spring , pressing equally upon all parts of this Terraqueous Globe , it keeps it firmly supported in its place ; and doth the same Office , which I suppose Zoreastes means by his Prestor . These are some of the Offices , and Uses , that God and Nature hath designed the Expansum , or Firmament , or Etherical Air for , but that Air we live in , and enjoy , is very far estranged from the nature of pure Ether , it being filled and defiled , with the Subtil steames and effluviums of all sorts of Bodies , which are there in a constant Flux , by which means particles of matter differently figur'd , [ and as yet retaining some slight touch , as I may say , of their seminate natures , ] meeting together by their action and reaction upon each other , generate Metors ; which having spent themselves , return to the bosome of the catholick matter , water . But before I take leave of this subject , give me leave to take notice of a great mistake in the Aristotelians ; who affirm , that Air may be Transmuted into water ; which change was never yet performed , either by Nature or Art. For , if it be to be done , by their own confession it must be performed by the means of compression , or condensation . But compression will not do the feat , as is manifest by winde-Guns ; in which the Air is forcibly compressed [ into , somtimes the Twentyeth part of the space it possessed before ; ] yet for all that , it is so far from being Transmuted into water , that by the help of this Compression , it hath its Elastick or Springy faculty so far advanced , that it will with as much impetuosity and vigour throw forth a Bullet , as Gunpowder set on fire would do . Nor will condensation serve the turn . For the moysture which we see affix it self to the walls of Cellars , and Caves , or any other subteranious places , is not Air Transmuted ▪ but the vapours of water lodged in the Cavities of the Air ; which being compressed by the cold of those places , becoms drops too bigg , and heavy for the Air to keep up ; and so falling down , they settle in their pristin shape of water . And as Air is not Transmutable into water , neither is water into Air. For it is manifest in distillations , that though water be converted into very subtile vapours , yet by the touch of the cold Air , it returns again into water as before , and so distils into the Receiver . And I have shewed above , that in natures Circulations , though water be so distended as to become a most subtile vapour , or Gas , it doth yet constantly at last return , in its own Shape , to its own fountainwater , from whence it sprang . From what hath been said , it will follow , that though we do allow Air to be a very great Body , and a considerable part of the Universe , and also exceeding useful to all Bodies , we cannot yet afford it to be a material Principle , or Element , out of which any sublunary body is Constituted or Made . Lastly , let us examine whether the Earth have any right to be counted an Element or Principle , of which Bodies are constituted , For although the Aristotelians [ as well as the Chymists ] pretend to resolve all concretes into their first Principles by Fire ; which they think they evince , by the example of burning wood . For , say they , That which supplies the flame , is Fire . That which sweats forth of the ends of the wood , is water ; and that which ascends in smoak , is Air ; but that which remaines fixed [ viz. the Ashes ] after the Fire hath disbanded the other parts , is Earth . Yet if we examine this experiment of theirs , it will be found too Gloss , to make out what they endeavour to Illustrate by it . For first , the Phlegme of the wood is not a simple water ; but contains a sower Salt , and doth both need , and will admit of a further division to reduce it to Elementary water . Nor were those parts which are converted into flame , Fire ; but Roziny , or [ as the Chymists phrase it ] Oyly , or Sulphury parts : which I have before shewed to be far from an Elementary simplicity . Neither is the smoak , which is seen to arise in the conflagration● Air. For it will affix it self to the funnel of the Chimny in the form of Soot ; after which it may be divided into Water , Oyl , Salt , and Earth , [ as they call it . ] And the Ashes [ which they are pleased to take the liberty to call Earth ] every Wash-maid knows , are far enough from being so ; since they are yet so compound a Body , that they contain very much of a lixiviate and fixt Salt. So that in reason it cannot be called an Element : [ For Elements ought to be pure , and simple Bodies , not capable of a further reduction into different parts . ] And here it is necessary to remember my promise , and to take notice , that the modern Chymists , after they have washed the Salt from these Ashes , do not scruple to call it Earth , and allow it the place of one of their five Principles , of which they affirm all Bodies are compounded , and framed . But , as I declared before , so I do now again affirm , that the separating of these parts from Concrets by the force of Fire , is not a true Analisis , or proper way of taking Bodies to pieces ; and therefore is no Genuine reduction of them ; but a forcing of their parts asunder by the Fire , by which new combinations of the parts of Matter are made ; and consequently the products of the Fire , are not to be looked upon as Principles , which were existing in Bodies under that form , in which the Fire presents them us . Besides , were Fire an adequate and proper Agent to dissolve the Texture of Bodies , and to present us with their real Principles , it would act uniformly upon all Bodies , and exhibit to us the same Schemes of matter , with certainty from all alike ; which it doth not do . For [ as for example ] from Gold , Silver , Talk , Diamonds , Rubies , common Stones , Sand , and many other Bodies , who ever separated ? not to say the four Elements , or the five Chymical Principles , but even any two of them ; and yet if we may credit that worthy man Helmont , all these Bodies , by the operation of his Alkahest , are to be reduced into simple water , equal to their own weight . So that this soluent , must [ from the uniformity of its operation ] be allowed to be a much more fit instrument to discover what Bodies are composed of , then Fire alone can be supposed to be . And if we strictly examine the business , we shall find , that Earth doth not enter any natural Body , as a constitutive Principal thereof ; but indeed Earth , or Ashes , may help to compose Artificial Bodies , such as Pots , and Glasses . For all sorts of Earths are but various Coagulations of water , diversified by different Seeds , and Ferments , and are as much the products of water , as I have shewed Mineral Salts , middle Minerals , Stones , &c. to be . All which , as Helmont assureth us , are reducible to water , by his great Solvent , [ the Alkahest ] which possibly I have somwhat more reason to affirm , than I am willing to declare . Earth I confess , to me appeareth to be the first product of the water , and is designed by nature as a firm foundation , [ or Pedestal ] to support the weight of Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals , and to afford proper Wombs for the water to deposite its seeds in . For the Earth produceth nothing of its self ; but all things by the assistance of water , impregnated with Seeds ; which it depositeth in its bosome . And that the Earth was the first product of the water , is confirmed by the Testimony of Moses , in the first Chapter of Genesis , at the 9th . verse ; where describing the Creation of the Earth , he says no more but this : God commanded the water together into one place , and the dry Land appeared . From what hath been said , it is I think , very clearly made out , that Water , and Seeds , are the true and only Principles , of which all Bodies are made , and that neither the Tria Prima of the old Chymists , . nor the five Principles of the Chymists of our Age , no nor yet the four Elements of the Aristotelians , can rationally be allowed to be the Principles , or Elements of Bodies . So that as Helmont sayes , ruit totum quaternarium Elementorum praetor aquam : The whole Doctrine of the four Elements falleth to the ground : Excepting water only . Having now in some measure , made out the truth , or at least probability of these Principles I assumed to defend , both by reason , and experiment ; it remains , that according to my promise , I strengthen these assertions by Authority . And shew this is no Noval opinion ; but that it was held , and believed by the Antientest Philosophers : Such as Moses , Sanchoniathon , Mochus , Orpheus , Thales , Pithagoras , Timaeus , Locrius , Plato , &c. After which I shall make some short examination of the Histories of Petrification , alledged in the first Section of this Discourse , and so put an End to this Essay . Section the Eighth . THat Moses held water to be the First and universal Matter , will appear from what he tels us in the First chapter of his Book of the Creation , called Genesis , verse the Second , where he acquaints us , that the first material substance out of which God made this Beautiful and Orderly frame of the World , which from its Beauty the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was water . His words are these ; And the Spirit of God moved upon the Face of the Waters . Where it is to be observed , that the word which our Translation renders moved , is in the Original Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Moracephet ; which properly signifieth not a bare motion , but such a motion as we call Hovering , or Incubation , as Birds use to do over their Eggs to hatch them . By which expression we have not only an account of the first matter out of which the World was afterwards made ; but also of the Efficient , by which this matter was wrought into so great a variety of Bodies . For in all probability , the sence of the Expression is , that at that time , [ viz. in the beginning ] God infused into the bosome of the waters , the seeds of all those things , which were afterwards to be made out of the waters , setting them their constant Laws , and Rules of acting [ and thus was Nature Created , that is , the Order , and Rule of those things were established , which God designed to make : ] and by the power of the words , increase and multiply , they had a faculty given them , to continue themselves in the same Order , till the world shall be destroyed by Fire , [ the great destroyer of Seeds ; ] at which time all Seminal beings shall desert their gross Bodies , and return to their first Fountain , and great exemplar God , on whom they have at this time a constant dependance . For according to the Apostle , In him and to him , and through him , are all things ; and in him we live , move , and have our being . Sanchoniathan , the great Phenician - Philosopher , [ whom some Chronologers make contemporary with Gideon ] some part of whose Works are yet to be met with in Philo-Biblius , and 〈◊〉 sebius ; and a good account of whose Works we may also find in the writings of that Learned , and Ingenious man , Mr. Gale. This Sanchoniathan I say , exactly corresponds with Moses . For he says , In the beginning there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the Phenitian Tongue , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Chauth Ereb ; that is , Night or Evening Darkness . Then he further sayeth to this purpose ; From the commixtion of the Spirit with the Chaos , was produceds Mot , which some call [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that is matter , or watery moysture : Out of this was produced the whole Seed of the Creation , and the Generation of the whole . Also Mochus , an other Pheni●ian - Philosopher , who continued the Philosophick History , begun by Sanchoniathon , [ and who is said to have written long before the Tr●jan War , ] was also of the same opinion , as Bochard affirms . And that Thales of Miletus , [ who is held the first Philosopher that writ in Greek ] taught that the world was made out of water , no body can be ignorant . And that , which Sanch●niathan calls Mot , fluid Matter , he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ water . And Tully affirms , that Thales held water to be the begining of things : And that God out of water framed all things . Orpheus also is of the same judgment , and tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; of water , Slime was made . And Apollonius says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Earth , of Slime was make . And the Scholiasts give a good explication of these words ; for they affirm , that the Chaos , of which all things were made , was water , which coagulated it self , and became Slime ; and that Slime condensed , became solid Earth . Thus you see , that Thales's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or water ; and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. watery moysture , of Sanchoniathon , and M●chus , was believed and held by them to be the first Principle of all things : From which the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Pythagoras , and Plato , differs not ; as I will shew by and by . Pherecides [ an antient Greek - Philosopher ] who was Pythagoras his Master , and who we are told , was one of the first Greeks that held the Immortality of the Soul ; though he seem to differ from Thales , and Orpheus in some things , yet agreed with them in the main , or the thing taken for granted by them all , viz. That water was the first Matter of all things . Also Pythagoras , the Founder of the Italick Sect of Philosophers , corresponds exactly in Opinion with Moses , concerning the Origin of the World , and its first Matter . For he positively held , that the World was made by God ; and by him adorned with an excellent Order , Harmony , and Beauty in all its parts ; and therefore he was the first that called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ to Adorn or Beautisy : Secondly , his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first Matter , was the same with Sanchoniathons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and Thales and Orpheus their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. water : Agreeable all of them to Moses , Genesis the first . Thirdly , Pythagoras , and all the Antient Philosophers before him , held , that the Divine Providence , which they stile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did inspire and influence the whole Creation , governing , and directing all things to their proper and peculiar Offices , Functions , and Ends. And this Providence was by them somtimes stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Soul of the World ; by which , sayth Seranus , they understood nothing else but the Fire , Spirit , or Efficacy , which is universally diffused in the Symmetry of the Universe ▪ for the Forming , Nourishing , and Fomenting all things according to their respective natures : Which Vivifick Principle Plato calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , effective Fire ; but this they never understood , or meant to be a material part of any Body ; but is the same which Moses calls . the Spirit of God. And now in the last place , I am come to give you the mind of Plato , and his ●onformity with Moses ; His judgment hath always been so●esteemed , that men , to express the Reverence they had of him , did usually call him the Divine Plato : And in delivering his opinion , I shall also at the same time give you that of Timaeus Locrius , that great Philosopher , and Disciple of Pythagoras ; from whom Plato borrowed much . First then , Plato tells us that the World was made : For he puts the question whether the World had a beginning , or was made ? To which he answers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it was made . Then as to the first matter , of which the World , and all the Bodies in it were made , he says thus , [ in his Timaeus ] it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the Genus or Species out of which every thing is composed ; and He calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first Matter , and is indeed the same with Sanchoniathans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Mot , &c. and Thales , and Orpheus's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and all of them the same with Moses his Chaos and Water , as will appear by comparing their descriptions together . Thus first , Moses calls his first matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ohu , without from ; which Rabby Kinchi calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ as Fabius tells us ] which is the same word that Plato uses to express his first matter by ; and differs little , in sound , but less in the sence from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Sanchoni●thon , which Philo Biblius stiles Mot , from the Hebrew , and Phenitian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mod , which signifieth Matter : Yea , Plato expresly calls his first Matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , somewhat without form ; just like Moses his Bohu . And in his Timaus he tells us , that God out of this first matter [ w●ter ] commonly called Cha●s [ because disordered , and irregular ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beautified , Ordered , and Figured , or Form'd the Universe ; and as Moses says , the Spirit of God moved upon the Face of the waters : So Plato affirmeth , that God made the World , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , by an importunate m●tion , fluctuating , and not quiescing upon the matter . And as for Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Soul of the World , we are assured by Ludovieus Vives , he mean● by it the same Spirit of God which Moses says moved upon the waters in the Beginning ; and which the Psalmist calls the breath of his mouth : ( Psalm 33. verse 6. ) For , according to Platoes Philosophy , [ as well as that of Moses ] God is the Executive cause , and productive Efficient of all things , and therefore he usually stiles God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Supream Fabricator , Perfector , and Essentialisor of all things . And as to the manner , how all things were made , he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ Every thing was essentialised by certain Prolifick , or efformative words , which the Stoicks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Spermatick , or Seedy word : Which agrees exactly both with Moses his Fiat , and with that of St. Paul ; The Worlds were framed by the word of God ; that is , Gods Fiat was the Creator of all the Seminal and Prolifick Principles of all things ; and those created Seeds were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the Efficients ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , water , was the Matter of which they were all made . These Seminal or Efficient Principles of things do contain within themselves certain Pictures or Images of those things which they are to make out of the matter , [ viz. water . ] To which purpose let us here what Plato says of his Ideas , which is to this effect ; There are two sorts of Worlds ; one , that hath the form of a Paradigm , or Exemplar , which is an intelligible Subject , and always the same in being : but the second , is the Image of the Exemplar , which had a beginning , and is visible . By his Intelligible World , Plato means the Divine Decrees ; which are inherent in the Mind and wisdom of God : and these Original Idea's , he says , do produce a Secondary sort of Idea's [ that is , the Seeds of things ; ] and these he makes to be the more immediate Delineation , or Image of the whole work ; somtimes calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Exemplar ; somtimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Image : His words run thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : making use of this Exemplar , he frames the Idea , and Powers ; that is , the Seeds of things . So that he makes the first , and Original Idea , [ which is resident in the Divine Wisdom or Mind of God , and which Divines call the Decrees of God ] to be much more Noble than the latter , or secondary Idea , or Seed , and to be the cause of it . And this last Idea and Seed , contains the Picture of the thing to be made ; and depends upon the Primary , or Original Idea , and Exemplar , which is seated in God himself . Which Doctrine rightly considered , we have a satisfactory account of the cause , why the last Idea's , viz. the Seeds of things do proceed so regularly , constantly and unerringly in the producing their likes . For , if we consider , that the Seeds of things do depend upon their Paradigmes , and that they are inherent in the Mind of God himself , who is a God of Order ; this will appear not so abstruse , as it hath hitherto done . And though we , out of Pride , and self-love to our own Nature , are unwilling to afford any creature , that is not of our Species , the Priviledg of doing any thing by a Principle of reason ; that is , with a design , tending towards the accomplishment of such an End ; yet it is certain , that all creatures , even those that we count inanimate , do enjoy , upon the account of their Seminal Principles , not only Life , but even reason in some measure : Which , wanting the use of Languages , they do nevertheless plainly declare [ to heedful and inquisitive men ] not only by their regular , [ and consequently designed ] working the parts of matter , till they have produced such a distinct sort of Body ; but also by those affections which wee call Sympathy and Antipathy ; and , for want of this knowledg , have hitherto referred to occult or hidden causes , the usual Sanctuary of Ignorance ; by which Sympathy , and Antipathy of theirs , it is very manifest , they have hatred and love ; and have a knowledg of those things , which are either pleasing or agreeable too , or else unpleasant or hurtful to their natures . And this is not only to be observed in Beasts , and visible moving Creatures , but also in all other sorts of Creatures , which we very injuriously call Dead , or Inanimate . But to return from whence I digressed , I shall in short say thus much of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or manner how the Ideas and Seeds do work upon Matter , and form themselves Bodies ; which they perform on this manner : First , by their Fermentative faculty , [ or Springy power ] they put the Body of the water into a peculiar sort of motion , by which they congregate those particles , which are most agreeable to their design , and consequently fittest to adhere , and stick to each other . Secondly , they break the rest into convenient shapes , and Sizes : And Thirdly , by this motion they also put these particles into commodious Postures , and Scituations amongst themselves , and by these means frame themselves Bodies , exactly corresponden● to their own praeconceived Figures . By this declaration of my thoughts , I hope it will plainly appear , that I am no Enemy to that rational way of explicating the Phaenomena of Nature , used by the Atomical , Cartesian , or Corpuscularian Philosophers ; for certainly , they do give us not only an very ingenious , but also a very true account of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or manner how , matter is , or may be modified ; to which , if they would please to add , as some do , the powerful efficacy of Seeds upon Matter , by which indeed all the several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ or various shapes of Matter is produced , we might then hope to receive some satisfactory account of that hither to perplexed Subject , the Generation of Natural Bodies : Which Principle if it were received , and taken into the Philosophy of our Age , I am apt to believe it would silence many Litigations , now daily commenced by men of Parts against each other ; and oblige them to love truth more then the desire of being accounted witty Disputants ; Truth being so desirous a thing , that Porphyry in the Life of Pythagor as [ though a Heathen ] tells us ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , Truth only can make men near to God. Now therefore , though rude and unguided motion , will naturally have some kinds of result upon matter , as we see the springy motion of the Air , or some more subtile Body doth form of the Water , of Rain , and Dew , round Drops , by equally Compressing it ; yet because this general kind of motion doth something , we are not from thence to conclude it doth all things . For , this were a Sophisme , fitter to impose upon Fooles or Children , then upon Men of mature reason . Nor can such kind of motion be ever able to forme such bodies , as imply a wise Councel , and curious contrivance ; as , for Example [ to say nothing of Living Creatures ] the strong and useful bodyes of Metals , Minerals , and Stones , and the beautiful Branches , Flowers , and Fruits of Blants , are . Wherefore we must in all reason acknowledge and confess , that there is an internal Mind , virtue , and Idea , contained in the Seeds of things , which workes rationally , [ that is , to a Designed end ; ] by which Principle , the matter is put into a peculiar motion , and usefully guided , till it be changed , and formed into a body , such as the Idea was designed by God to make , who still governes these Seedy Principals : And therefore in Scripture , we are told , He Giveth is Every Seed , it s own Body . Thus then , I hope , I have proved , that I am of the same Judgement with the Antientest , and best Philosophers ; viz. that there is but two Principles of all things , Efficients , and Matter ; Seeds , and Water . And now having cleared the Doctrine proposed ; I intend in the last place , to inquire , How those Transmutations of different Bodies into Stone , the Historyes of which you will find set down in the first Section of this discourse , were performed : upon which , I will only Touch , and so Conclude . It is the Opinion of some Men , that the change of Leaves , Mosse , Wood , Leather , and other Substances , into Stone , [ wrought by those Petri●ying Waters , and Caves , I have mentioned in the first Section of this Essay ] are no real Transmutations of those Bodies into Stone , by the Operation of a Petrifying Seed ; but that they are nothing else , but the opposition of certain small Stony Particles , hid in the Water , to those Bodies immersed in them ; and that by this means they become Crusted over with a stony Coat or Bark , and so they become increased both in Bulk , and Weight , by continual addition . But if this were so , then indeed the Leaves , Wood , &c. cast into these Waters , would not be really transchanged into perfect Stony Nature ; but only seemingly so . Nevertheless , if we look warily into the thing , we shall have Cause to believe , that there is , not only an Aggregation of these small Stony particles , and an incrustation upon the outside of those things put into the Water ; but even that the smallest Atomes of the Wood , Leather , &c. are really Petrisyed ; in so much , that we can discern them to be no other then Stones , not only by our Eyes alone , but by them assisted with the best Microscopes . Nor if they be examined by the Fire , will they make any other Confession : For they will not burn like Wood , but calcine like Stones ; and though great peices of Wood , and Trees , will not be so soon converted into Stone , as Twiggs , Leaves , or Moss , are ; yet by continuance of Time , great bulkes of Wood will be Stoni●yed totally , both within , and without ; so that by these kind of Waters , bodies are not only Crusted over with stone , but the Wood , Leaves , &c. are really and truly changed into Stone . I do not deny , but that there may be an affixing of some stony Corpuscles Latent in these Waters , which may increase both the bulk and weight of those things Changed by them ; but that this is all , that I deny . For , if so , then those Bodies thus changed , would not be altered into a true Stony Nature , per minima , and in their smallest parts , internally , as Experience shews they are ; and though the Expl●cating , how this Change is Wrought , is somewhat difficult , yet in all probability it is thus . The Saxeous , or Rocky Seed , contained in these Waters , [ which is so fine , and subtile a Vapour , that it is Invisible ; as I have before shewed all true Seedes are , ] doth penetrate those Bodies which come within the Sphere of its Activity ; and by reason of its Subtilty , passeth through the pores of the Wood , or other Body , to be changed : by which permeating those Bodies , it doth these four things : First , it Extruds the Globuli Aetherai [ as the Cartesians Phrase it ] or the Airy Particles Lodged in their pores : Secondly , it puts the Particles of those Bodies into a new and different motion , from that they were in before ; by which meanes they become broken into Figures , and Sizes , and obtain new and convenient Situations . Thirdly it intangleth and Lodgeth it self intimately amongst the smallest parts of those Bodies ; by which meanes their parts being drawn closer together , they obtain a greater Weight and Solidity : And lastly , it Acts as a Ferment , and by reason of its Contiguity , and Touch with every small part of the matter it doth , as Leaven useth to do , [ though mixed with a much greater quantity of Dough , then it self ] Convert the whole into its own Nature . So also this Stonifying Seed , by its operating Ferment , doth transchange every particle of the matter it is joyned unto , into perfect Stone ; according to its Idea or Image , Connatural with it self . As to those Conversions of Animals into Stone , related in History , the 13 , 15 , 16 , and 17 , of the first Section of this Essay ; they also are wrought by the same powerful Operations of a petressent Seed or vapour ; and by the same Circumstances , and Contrivances : which sheweth , that the strength and Power of a Petrifying Seed is above , and beyond all other : For , other sorts of Seeds do require , that the subject matter be reduced into a sequatious juice , or obedient Liquor , and Consequently doth require , that the Figure , and Shape of the precedent Concrete be destroyed , or else they cannot Act. But the Petrifying Seed , the Human , or other Living Cretures Figure being still intire , without any intervening putrefaction , or dissolution of the matter , doth transchange [ Totum per Totum ] the whole , throughout the whole ; that is , as well the Bones , as the Blood , and Skin : So that here is not an incrustation of the Stony matter upon the External parts , [ only ] but a real change , intrinsically , and throughout , of the Bony , Fleshy , and Sinnewy parts of the Animal into a stony Substance . By the same operations Water it self is converted into Stone , [ viz. by , the power of Petrifying Seeds ] as we may see by the 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , and Fourteenth History of the first Section : As also doth appear by the Relation of those that have seen those Famous Grots in France , called , Les Caves Goutieres , where the Drops falling from the top of the Cave , doth [ even in its falling ] coagulate before your eyes into little Stones . Now this Transmutation of Water into Stone , by a Petrescent Seed , is not only much more usual , than the change of other Substances is , but also much Easier : For Water is a Primary , simple , liquid , tremulous Body , consisting of very minute parts , already in Motion , and therefore readily obeying the Command of all sorts of Seedes . Nature is uniforme in her manner of produceing Bodies , and therefore , as I have demonstrated in the body of this Discourse , as she usually , nay constantly produceth , both Animals , Vegetables , and Mettals , from liquid Principles , viz. Water , so doth she most commonly Stones ; which before their becomming such hard Bodies , were at sometime in Principiis Solutis , that is , their matter was in a loose , open , and fluid Forme : And , as I have shewed , the Spiritual Seedes of Vigetables , do assimilate , and change Water , into Mint , Rosemary , &c. According to the diverse Ideas , and characters of their peculiar Kindes ; so also the Stony Seedes , do form themselves Bodies out of Water ; and these of very different Figures , Compaction , and Colours ; and this is done sometimes suddenly , sometimes slowly , and by length of time : Now , the difference of compaction , and hardness , that we find in Stones , as also their sudden or slow Coagulation , depends chiefely upon the plenty , or paucity of the stony Seed , or Spirit , in respect to the quantity of the matter to be wrought upon , and changed by it . But the difference of the Figure , is chiefely to be referred to the peculiar Nature of the Seed , and its Idea ; [ as we see in Christals , and other Stones , which have a determinate Figure : ] and sometimes it is to be referred to the vessel , or place , containing the Water , or other Liquor , before its conversion into Stone , And for the Colour , that is also chiefely caused by the operation of the peculiar sort of stony Seed ; which in its working upon the Water , hath given it a determinate Texture , and superficies ; by which it reflects and modifies the Light , after a peculiar manner . But sometimes it is to be referred also to the Waters being impregnated with the Tinctures of some Mineral or Mettallin Bodies , before its coagulation . As Granets containe the Tincture of Iron in them ; and therefore are drawn by the Loadstone . But to put it out of all doubt , that Stones were at first Water ; [ or at least , some Liquid Matter ] I will Cite a passage or two out of the Works of my often mentioned , Honourable Friend , Mr. Boyle . His words are these : And here I will Confess further , that I have oftentimes doubted , whether or no not only Consistent Bodyes , but some of the most Solid Ones in the World , may not have been Fluid in the form , either of Steemes , or Liquors , before their Coalition and their Concretion either into Stones , or other Mineral Bodies . And then speaking of the Opinion of some Men , who will have it , that Stones , and Mettals , [ were indeed Created at the beginning of the World by God , but that since they ] are neither Made , nor do Grow , and increase : He further saies [ viz. that they were once in a fluid forme ] thus : Of this , besides what we elsewhere deliver Concerning it , we shall anon have Occasion to mention some Proofs ; and therefore we shall now only mention two or three instances : the first whereof shall be , that we saw , among the rarities of a Person , exceedingly Curious of them , a Stone flat on the outside , on one of whose internal surfaces was most Lively Ingraven , the Figure of a small Fish , with all the Finns , Scales , &c. which was affirmed to have been inclosed in the Body of of that Stone , and to have been accidentally discovered , when the Stone chancing to receive a rude Knock upon its Edge , split a sunder . I Remember also that a while since a House-keeper of mine in the Countrey informed me , that whilest a little before , he Caused in my absence one of my Walls to be repaired ; the Masou , I was wont to imploy , Casually breaking a Stone , to make use of it about the Building , found in it [ to his Wonder ] a peece of Wood , that seemed part of the branch of some Tree , and Consequently was afterwards inclosed with that solid Case wherein he found it . This Example seemes to me a more cogent Proof of the increase of Stones , then some others , that Eminent Naturalists much rely on , for reasons discoursed of in an other place . And again , he tells us in the same place , that He hath seen several large Stones , such as they make Statues of , that when they were sawed , and broken , had Caveties in them , which contained Mettals , and other substances : And I my self have observed pebbles inclosed in great free Stones . And it is commonly known , that Spiders and Toads have been found upon the breaking of great Stones , inclosed in their innermost substance . And now I have shewed you , how agreeable I am with this Learned Person in this Doctrine concerning the matter , and growth of Stones ; I will also shew you his Opinion , as to their Efficient : for he says ; I know that not only profest Chymists , but other persons who are deservedly ranked amongst the Modern Philosophers , do with much Confidence entirely aforibe the induration , and especially the Lapidescence of Bodies , to a certaine secret internal principal , by some of them called a Forme , and by others a Petrifying Seed , lurking for the most part in some Liquid Vehicle : And for my part , having had the opportunity to be in a place , where I could in a dry Mould , and a very elevated peice of Ground , cause to be digged out several Christalline Bodies , whose smooth sides , and Angles , were as Exquisitly figured , as if they had bin wrought by a skillful Artist a cutting of precious Stones ; and having also had the opportunity to consider divers exactly or regularly shaped Stones , and other Minerals , some digged out of the Earth by my Friends , and some yet growing upon Stones , newly Torn from the Rocks , I am very forward to grant that [ as I elsewhere intimate ] it is a Plastick Principal implanted by the most wise Creator , in certain parcels of matter , that doth produce in such Concretions , as well the hard Consistance , as the determinate Figure . Thus far He ; Then which , what more consonant to the Doctrine I have asserted in this Discourse ? Conclude we then [ and I hope at last upon probable Grounds ] since we have not only the before cited Authorities , both of the best Antient , and Modern Philosophers ; and also are taught by the experiments , and Manual Operations laid down in this Discourse , which shew us the reduction of all bodies ultimately into Water ; and their Nourishment from thence ; as also from the inaptitude of at least two of the four Aristotalian Elements [ viz. Fire , and Aire ] to concur to the Constituting of Bodies ; and likewise from the Compound Nature , of two of the Old Chymical Principles , viz. Sulphur and Salt : and from the same compound Nature of four of our moderne Chymists Principles , viz. Oyle , Salt , Spirit , Earth , which all of them are further reducible into Water , and therefore not to be allowed for Principles ; as I have before demonstrated : Let us then , I say , conclude in , and acknowledge the truth of the Moysaick , Platonick , and Helmontian Doctrine . That is , that all Bodies consist but of two Parts , or Priniciples , Matter , and Seed ; that their Universal Matter is Water : That the Seedes of things do from this Matter , [ by the help of Fermentation ] alter , break , and new compose the Particles of which it Consists , till they have formed a Body , Exactly Corresponding to the Images , or Idea's contained in themselves : Also that the true Seedes , of all things , are of a very subtle Nature , and Invisible , and are secundary Idea's and Images ; and that they are Connexed to , and depend upon their Primary Idea's , and Exemplars ; which are Inherent and resident in God himself : And that for that reason they Act with Designe , and to a purposed End , which they constantly , and regularly Accomplish ; and this is somewhat Analogous to reason in them . Lastly , that Nature , or the Law of Kind , is uniforme in its productions thus far , that it makes all Bodies out of Water , by the power of invisible Seedes ; so that the Matter of all Bodies is Identically the same . And that they are all of them reducible into the same Matter at Last : But that their Seeds are various , and therefore produce different Effects upon the same Matter : yet do they all agree in this , viz. That they are all invisible Beings , and all of them have a dependance upon their Exemplars , which are the Decrees of God , and are constantly inherent in him . FINIS . An Advertisement . THere is lately Printed , a Book , in which is shewed the necessity that lies upon all Honest , Discreet , and Conscientious Physitians , to resume that Antient , and Laudable Custom of making , and Dispencing their own Medicines ; with the Advantages thereby accrewing to the Patient : Both as to saving of Charges ; and the speedy cure of their Distempers . In which the New way of prescribing Bills , [ or making Medicines with the Pen ] is shewed to be destructive to the Interest , both of the Patient , and Physitian : It exposing them to the Fraudulent dealing of Practising Apothecaries , in which you will find the Marrow of what hath been writt upon this Subject , by Dr. Cox , Dr. Merrit , Dr. Goderd , and others ; together with certain new , and cogent Arguments not formerly made use of . The Subject I conceive , of such general concern , that I thought it is very fit to give notice of it here . The Title of it is Praxis Medicorum Antiqua , & Nova , or the Ancient , and Modern Practice of Physick examined , Stated , and Compared , &c. It was written by the Industrious , and Ingenious Dr. Everrard Manewring . And is to be sold by William Cademan Bookseller , at the Sign of the Popes Head , at the little Door of the New Exchange , next Durham Yard . Clarks Examples in two Volumes in Fol. Bacons Natural History in Fol. Reynolds of Murther in Fol. Cozens's Devotions in 12. Playes . Cambyses King of Persia in 4. Island Princess in 4. Town Shifts in 4. Juliana in 4. Cataline in 4. Rivals in 4. Flora's Vagaries in 4. Marcelia in 4. Imperial in 4. Fortune by Land and Sea in 4. Unfortunate Mother in 4. Hamlet in 4. Cum multis Aliis . To be Sold by William Cademan , at the Signe of the Popes Head in the New Exchange . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A60020-e1070 Boyl , Usefull , of experiment . Philosephy , p. 31. History 1. Falopius de Metal ▪ & fallilibus . 2. 3. 4. D ▪ Lapid , ex Alberto . Lib. 1. Mineral . Cap. 7. 5. De fossilibus . 6. In Lib. de Baluis . 7. Lib. 2. de Lapid . & Gem. Cap. 300. 8. History 9. In Lib. Hydrogr . Spagyr Cap. 14. 10. In vita Peireskli . Lib. 1. 11. De Lithiasi . Cap. 1. 12. 13. History of Plants . Lib. 3. p. 1586. 14. In apend . Synt●g . Arcan . Chym. Cap. 32. 15. In Praefat. Lib. de signat . Rerum . 16. 17. In Hist●r ▪ Bavar . Lib. 7. id ▪ est ▪ in Anal. Bavar . 18. De Lithiasi Cap. 1. Notes for div A60020-e2630 Sennertus , in Lib. concens . Cbymis . Cum Ga●enist . Cap. 2. In Meteorologicar . Lib. 4. Cap. 8. Kircherus in Mund. Subter . Gassendus , Lib. 4. Anno Dom. 1624. Mr. Boyl . Essay of fermness . Notes for div A60020-e3440 Dr. Harvy . de generat . ex Ov● . Dr. Iordan of Natural Bathes . Cap. 2. p. 58 , 59. Nov. Lum . Chym. Tract . 6. p. 319. Notes for div A60020-e4510 Helm●nt in Tract . de Elementa . ss . 11 , 12. p. 43. & DeTerra . p. 45. ss . 15. Helm●nt . Complex . atque Mistion , Figment . p. 88. ss . 27. Scept . Chymist . Carmades Dialogus p. Complex . & Mistion . Elem. sig● . p 86 ss 12. Paracel . Liber de Miner . Tract . 1. p. 342. Plato Timae . p. Graec. 488. Latin. p. 718. Theatrum Chym. vol. 6. p. 305. Arcae Arcan . p. 318. M●tallograph . p. 50. Helmont in Mogn . Oport . p. 127. Helmont , in Element . p. 43. Metal . p. 44. Scept . Chym. p. 360. Paracelsus , in lib. de Ren. & Restor . p. 43 , 44 , 45 & Chyrurg . Mag. p. 117 143 , ●44 . De Renov . p. 45. Rer. Natur. Lib. 8. p. 104. Scept . Chym p. 218. Notes for div A60020-e6660 Scept . Chymist . p. Complex . & Mist. fig. p. 88. ss . 30. 100 Nat. Bath . Cap. 11. p. 51 , & 52. In Sarept . Conc. 3. p. II , &c. Alchym . Mag. De Metallis . p. 17 , & 19 Lex . Alchym . p. 56. Peter Martyr . D●cad . 3. C●p. 8. p. 139. 〈◊〉 , p. 48. 〈◊〉 de Sale. Cap. 7. p. 33 , 34 , & 35. Nov. L●m. ●hym . Tract 4. p. 314. Helm●n , In Mag. Oport . p. 127. ●s . 39. Helment , Imag. Ferment . p. 94. ss . 29 , 30 , 31. Notes for div A60020-e8270 Dr. Willis de se●m . cap 20. p. 10. Pl●to . Hipp● , & An●x●g . Notes for div A60020-e10180 Court of the Genti●s . part 〈◊〉 . p. 55 Tully de Natur. Deorum . lib. 1. cap. 2d . Lud. Vi●●s in com super Epistle to the Heb. cap. 11. verse 3. Plato Timaeus . fol. 49. Boyl in his Essay of Ferm . p. 281. Essay of Ferm . P. 275. 
A48704	----	Letters and divers other mixt discourses in natural philosophy many of which were formerly published in the Philosophical transactions of Mr. Oldenburg, and part in the Philosophical collections of Mr. Hooke and else where : all which are now revised, augmented, and to them are added very many other matters of the same nature, not before published : also an intire treatis of the nature and use of colours in oyl. painting / written by M. Lister, F. of the R.S. Lister, Martin, 1638?-1712. 1683 Approx. 277 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 117 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48704 Wing L2528 ESTC R231302 12246152 ocm 12246152 56944 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48704) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 56944) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1507:18) Letters and divers other mixt discourses in natural philosophy many of which were formerly published in the Philosophical transactions of Mr. Oldenburg, and part in the Philosophical collections of Mr. Hooke and else where : all which are now revised, augmented, and to them are added very many other matters of the same nature, not before published : also an intire treatis of the nature and use of colours in oyl. painting / written by M. Lister, F. of the R.S. Lister, Martin, 1638?-1712. 137 p., 47 leaves of plates : ill. Printed by J. White for the author, York : 1683. Imperfect: pages badly stained, with print showthrough and considerable loss of print. Imperfect : T.p. and all after p. 40 lacking. Pages torn, with some loss of print. Best copy available for photographing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Natural history -- Pre-Linnean works. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Melanie Sanders Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Melanie Sanders Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LETTERS , AND Divers other mixt Discourses in Natural Philosophy , Many of which , were formerly Published in the Philosophicall Transactions of Mr. Oldenburg , and part in the Philosophicall Collections of Mr. Hooke , and else where . ALL Which are now Revised , Augmented , and to them are Added very many other matters of the same Nature , not before Published . ALSO , An Intire TREATIS of the Nature and Use of COLOURS , in OYL PAINTING . Written by M. Lister , F. of the R. S. YORK , Printed by J. White for the Author . 1683. Some Observations Concerning the odd Turn of some Shell-snailes , and the darting of Spiders , communicated to Mr. J. W. and Published in the Philosophicall Transactions N. 50. 1669. Sir , I Can deny you nothing , and you may do what you please with the Notes I send you . You would know of me ( you say ) what I have observed concerning the Odd Turn of some Shell-snailes with us in England , and the Darting of Spiders . I will tell you then of the first , that I have found two ( a ) sorts of them , easily to be distinguisht one from the other , and from all besides , because the Turn of the wreathes is from the right hand to the left , contrary to what may be seen in common Snailes . They are very small , and might therefore well escape thus long the more Curious Naturalist ; neither of them much exceeding , at least in thickness , a large Oat-corne . The first I thus describe : The open of the shell is pretty round , and the second turne of wreaths is very large for the proportion , and the rest of the wreaths , about the number of six , are still lesson'd to a point . This Turbin or Conical figure is well near a quarter of an inch ; the colour of the shell is duskish , yet when the shrunk animall gives leave , you may see day through it , and then it is of a yellowish colour . These shells are extream brittle and tender , so that I cannot send them in a Letter : You may guess at the figure , if I tell you , they are som●thing like those of Aldrovandus de Testaceis , markt P. 359. Turbinum levjum . Of the second sort ( b ) I send you inclosed at aventure halfe a dozen ; ( you see , in that I can so plentifully repair the loss of the former , that they are not very rare ; ) they seem to be much stronger and thicker shel'd ; they are well near halfe as long again as the other , and as slender they have the exact figure of an Oat-corn , being as it were pointed at both ends , and the middle a little swelled . The open of the shell is not exactly round there being a peculiar Sinus in the lower part thereof . I think , you may number above 10. Spires , having their turn from the right hand to the left . The colour of the Shell is of a dark and reddish brown . There are two sorts of this make described , and with their respective Cutts , in Fabius Columna ; but ours agree not with them in any thing more than the odd Turn : though it 's true , that the other , the third there described , and call'd by him Cochlea Terrestris turbinata et stirata , ( c ) is very frequent in the road 'twixt Canterbury and Dover , and likewise in some woody parts of the Woles in Lincoln-shire . There are odd differences in this very Snaile very remarkable , as its having but one pair of horns ( if I mistake not , ) as also a hard shelly cover ; its manner of wearing that cover &c. which I leave to another opportunity and place . And to return to our two new described Snailes , they , when they creep , lift up the point of their shells towards a perpendicular , and exert with part of their body two pair of horns , as most of their kind do . In March they are still to be found in paires , Aristotle affirms all these kind of creatures to be of a spontaneous birth , and no more to contribute to the production of one another , then Trees , and therefore to have no distinction of Sex. I have no reason to subscribe to his authority , since I have seen so many of them pair'd , and in the act of Venery . That they engender then , is most certain ; but whether those , that are thus found coupled , be one of them a male , and the other female , or rather , as you first observ'd , and published to the World in the Catalogue of Plants growing wild about Cambridge , that they are both male and female and do in the act of generation both receive into themselves , and immit alike penis ( as it seems probable to any man that shall part them ) I leave to further and more minute discovery to determine . Moreover we find in Aristotle a Circle of other parts , but of those we find no mention at all . However the Romans knew something extraordinary of these kind of Animals , that made them so choice of them as to recken them among their most delicate food , and use all care and diligence to breed and fat them for their Tables at large discribed to us by Varro . Their tast and relish is none , methinks , of the most agreeable . Of late , comparing Bussy's Historire Amoureuse de Gaule with Petronius Arbiter , out of whom I was made to believe , he had taken two of his Lettes word for word , beside other Love intrigues ; I find , in running him over , what satisfied me ; not a little in this very subject of Snailes ; viz. That these very Animals , as well as other odd things in Nature , as Truffs , Mushroms , and no doubt too the Cossi or great worms in the Oak ( another Roman dainty ) were made use of by the Antients to incite Venery . You 'l there find , that the distressed and feeble Lover prepares himself with a ragoust of Snailes necks , ( cervices Cochlearum ; ) and indeed in this part it is that these strange penes's are to be found . Mr. Hook does as it were promise the Anatomy of this Insect . It were surely worth his paines , and the Learn'd World would be obliged to him for a piece of this nature ; nothing , accuratly done of the inward part of any Insect , being yet published * These Snailes are to be found frequent enough under the loose barke of Trees , as old Willows , and in the ragged clefts of Elmes and Oak &c. And in no other places else , that I could observe . You tell me , that it is generally concluded by Phylosophers , That the reason of the usuall Turn of Snailes from the left to the right , is the like motion of the Sun , and that especially more North-ward , there have not been hitherto discovered any in our parts of the contrary Turn to the Sun's motion . But this is not the only case , where they are out , who consult not the Stores of Nature , but their own phancy . What I am further about to tell you concerning Spiders , is as evident an Instance against them . The long Threads in the Aire in Summer , and especially towards September , have been a strange puzel to the wiser World. It would ●●ert you , though you know them as well as I , if I 〈◊〉 ●●ckoned up the ridiculous opinions concerning them ; but I omit them , and proceed to tell you the certain and immediat Anthors of them , and how they make them . I say then , that all Spiders , that spin a thread , ( those which we call Shepherds or long-legged Spiders , never doe ; ) are the markes of these threds , so much wondred at , and in such infinite quantities every where . I sent you the last Summer a Catalogue of thirty sort , of Spiders , that I had distinguisht here with us in England ; and I must confess , I had well near compleated that number , with many other Experiments concerning them , before I discovered this secret . You must not expect from me any thing more , then what you demanded of me ; for as for other Experiments , I reserve them till our meeting . I had exactly marked all the way of Weaving , used by any sorts of them , and in those admirable works I had ever noted that they still let down the Thred they make use of ; and draw it after them . Happily at length in neerly attending on one , that wrought a nett , I saw him suddenly in the mid-work to desist , and turning his taile into the wind to dart out a thread with the violence and streame , we see water forced out of a squirt or syring pipe : This thread taken up by the wind , was in a moment emitted some fathoms long , still issuing out of the belly of the Animal ; by and by the Spider leapt into the aire , and the thread mounted her up swiftly . And after this first discovery , I made the like Observation in all the sorts of Spiders , I had before distinguished ; and I found the Air filled with young and old , sailing on their threads , and undoubtedly seizeing Gnats and other Insects in their passage ; there being often as many fest signes of slaughter , as the leggs , wings of Flyes &c. on those threads , as in their webbs below . One thing yet was a wonder to me , viz. That many of these threads , that came down out of the Air , were not single , but snarled and with complicated woolly locks , now more now less ; and that on those I did not elways find Spiders , though many times I had found two or three upon one of them : Whereas when they first flew up , the thread was still single , or but little tangled , or , it may be , thicker in one place then in another . In the end , by good attention I plainly found , what satisfied me abundantly , and that was this ; That I observed them to get to a top of a stalk or bough , or sum such like thing , where they exercise this darting of threads into the air , and if they had not a mind to sail , they swiftly drew it up again , winding it ●p with their fore-feet over the head into a lock , or brok it off short , and let the air carry it away . This they will do many times together , and you may see of them , that have chaines to these locks or snarled thread before them , and yet not taken flight . Again , I found , that after the first flight , all the time of their sailing they make locks , still darting forth fresh supplyes of thread to sport and saile by . It is further to be noted , that these complicated threads are much more tender , then our house-webbs . In Winter and at Christmas I have observed them busy a darting , but few of them saile then , and therefore but single threads only are to be seen ; And besides , they are but the young ones of last Autumns hatch , that are then employed ; and it is more than probable , that the great ropes of Autumne are made onely by the great ones , and upon long passages and Summer weather , when great numbers of pray may invite them to stay longer up . But I cease to be tedious : I have many Experiments by me to satisfy many doubts , that may be made , viz. infinite number of these Insects , and their numerous Increase ; and besides how strangely they are able to furnish and husband great quantities of matter out of so small a bulk &c. You may expect all from me after another summers leisure , which at least I think necessary to confirm to me these ; and other things concerning their Generation and Poison . What I have said at present , is such as I have certainly observed ; and you may take the Truth of these Observations for excuse of the ill Texture of them . Note , ( a ) I have since also found one sort of Snaile of this Turn , amongst the Aquatik or Fresh Water kind : see my Book . ( b ) This I have caused to be elegantly drawn in the Plate , Published in the Appendix to that Book , 1680. ( c ) of this see the said Book . Extract of a Letter , written to Mr. Oldenbourgh , and published in the Philosoph : Transactions , N. 68. 1670. about an Insect , which besides Pismiers , may probably yield an Acid juice . Also about the winter Bleeding of the Sycamore Tree . SIR , Concerning the Acid liquour of Pismiers , I have very lately received from Mr. Wray the Account ( I suppose you have it by this time , ) that was sent him from Mr. Fisher and Mr. Jessop ; wherein these two last Gentlemen make this further Inquiry , whether there be any other Insect , or Animal , Flesh or Fish , that will afford an Acid Juice ; they having with great industry tryed many species amongst Insects , and other Animals , without lighting on the like Acid liquor . I am of the mind , there are ; and a ready way to find such out , may be , that having observed , that a Pismire bruised and smelt to , emits a strange fiery and piercing savour , like the leafe of the Herb , by Botanists called Flammula , broken at one's nostrills ; by this means I have , since Mr. Wray put the question to me , found an Insect , which I suspect , may yeild an Acid liquour ; as well as the Pismire ; and that is the Long and Round-bodied lead-coloured Julus , distinguished from all other Multipeds in that their innumerable leggs are as small as hair , and white and in going they are moved like waves ; not rare amongst drier rubbish ; no Scolopendra , ours being an harmless Insect , and not armed with dangerous forcipes . The body of this Julus being bruised strikes the nostriis exceeding fiercely ; but I have not yet any opertunity to furnish my selfe with any quantity of them for farther trials . The Change of Colours in Flowers , &c. Is a subject I have a little considered , and you shall have my thoughts an Experimen●s about it more a leisure . As to the Bleeding of Sy●amore ; the last year I winter'd at Nottingham , where I pierced a Sycamore about the begining of November ; the turgescence of the Buds invited me thereto , and some hopes in improving the notion of Winter-bleedings , so happily discover'd by Mr. Willughoby and Mr. Wray . This succeeded so well with me , that I did afterwards engage my selfe in keeping a Journal throughout the whole Winter ; from which Journal , I think I may note ; 1. That the wounded Sycamore niver bled , neither in November , December , nor January , nor February , nor March , ( which yet they did above 40. several times , that is , totally ceasing and than beginning a new , ) unless there preceded a sensible and visible Frost ; for I had no other way of recording the temper of the Air. 2. That the Frost did not always set a bleeding the wounds , they found made before they came , though sometimes they did ; but upon their breaking up , or very much relenting , the wounds either made in that instant of time , or made many months before , did never fail to bleed more er less . 3. That particularly upon the breaking up of the two great and long Frosts ( the first of which hapn'd that year in that Country to be on the third of January ; the second , about the 12 th . 13th . 14th . of February , ) all the wounds ra● mist plentifully : so that such times may be looked upon as the most proper season of gathering great quantities of Juyce from this Tree . Removing into Cravon the latter end of March , and thence to London , my Journal was discontinued ; I had yet , ●pon my return from London unto Craven , some leasvre to prosicute it . Those , I there wounded the latter end of May , did not bleed neither the remaining part of that month , nor the following months of June and July , but had the orifice of the wounds , made with a small Auger , in a manner quite grown up , and would scarce admit a Pigeons feathers . Wherefore the 30 th . of July I cut out a square piece of about two inches of the barke of a large and well-grown Sycamore , about my hight in the body of it : This wound began to run the next morning about 9 a clock , so as to drop ; and that was all , and dryed up by 11 in the morning . it continued in like manner the 21 days following , that is as long as I had the oppertunity of observing it . The like cut I made in a young Sycamore the 8th of August ; which in like manner bled the next morning , but stopp'd before 9 a clock . It did so for 2 or 3 days , but then totally drying . Afterwards removing to York , the first of November I here pierced , and otherwise wounded two Sycamores ; and having observ'd them my self at times , when , according to my former Observations made in Nottingham shire , I might wel expect to have found them bleeding ; yet they never stirr'd , that we could observe , to this day . Since Mr. Wray hath assured me , that those of Warwick-shire bled the 16th of November last past copiously ; and since the Walnuttres also . And so much for matter of fact . To what cause we may truly refer this Anomalous Bleeding , is not easie to say . For my part , I am not apt to think , that there is such a sudden and extemporary Ascent of Sap , at such time as these Trees are most disposd to bleed ; but rather , that the Sap , already in all parts of the Tree , is some ways notably alter'd in its temper and consistance : And this Bleeding by stress of weather may in these Trees probably be look'd upon as a violence done to their natures from an unkind Climate ; considering the Walnut and Sycamore as strangers , and not natives of England . 'T is indeed true , there are many sorts of English Plants , which will bleed in Winter ; but note also , that such Plants never refuse to do so at any time of the year , no more than a Man , who may bleed a vein when he pleaseth , But let the Hypothesis be what it will , I am perswaded , we shall have but dark and imperfect notions of the motion of the Juyces in Vegetables , until their true Texture be better discover'd . To conclude this subject , I now put these two Quaries ; 1. Whether the Juyce of Trees , whil'st alive & vegete , can properly be said , at any time of the year , to descend , or to be wanting in any part , or not to be therein in a much like quantity ? 2. What condition the Soil is of , where such Trees are planted , that shall either bleed or refuse to do so ; whether Sandy , as that of Nottingham ; or a wet Clay , as that of the two Trees , I have observ'd here at York . An Extract of another Letter written Febr. 8th . 1670. Containing some Experiments about the Bleeding of the Sycamore , and other Trees ; as also , a considerable Note of Pliny about the Mulberry-Tree . Ibidem . COncerning the Bleeding of the Sycmore , let me acquaint you with the following Experiment . The first instant it froze , the Wind at North ; the Frost and Wind continued ( some little Snow and rain falling ) the 2d , 3d , 4th , 5th , 6th , until the 7th in the morning , when the Wind came about to the South-East , and the weather broke up a pace . The Sycamores bled not all this while , but the 7th about Noon all Trees of that kind bled very freely , both at the Twigs and Body , and I struck above a dozen . At this same Critical season I was willing to repeat the Experiment upon other Trees ; and to this end I forthwith struck the Hawthorn , Hazel , Wild-Rose , Gooseberry-bush , Apple-tree , Cheery-tee , Blather-nut , Aprickcock , Cherry-Lawrel , Vine , Walnut ; yet none bled but the last-named , and that faintly in comparison of the Sycamore . This is consonant to our former Experiments : And if it did happen ( as I said in my former Letter , ) that these Sycamores bled not all this Winter afore at the wounds made the first of November , I do now think , that if new wounds had been still made at every break of Frost , some signes , at least of our York-shire bleeding , might have been discover'd before now . But I affirm no more , than I have seen and tried . In all the Monuments of the Antients , collected by the great industry of Pliny , I find but few instances of this nature . Amongst those few , there is one that is rgistred with two or three remarkable circumstances to our purpose . He tells us , that the Physitians of old , when they had a mind to draw the Juyce of the Mulberry-tree , were wont to strike it skin-deep only , and that about two hours after Sun-rise . This Experiment is twice mentioned by him , and in both places as a strange Phoen●menon . We might make our Comment upon the places , but for this time are content only to transcribe the Text. Lib. 16. c. 38. Mirum ; hic ( cortex ) in Moro , Medicit succum quaerentibus , ferè horâ diei secundâ , lapide incussus manat , allius fractus ficcus videtur . Lib. 23. c. 7. Mora in Aegypto & Cypre sui generis , ut diximus , largo succo abundant , summo cortice desquamato , aeltiore plagâ siccantur ; mirabili naturâ . Extracts of divers Letters , Touching some Inquiries and Experiments of the Motion of Sap in Trees , and relating to the Question of the Circulation of the same . Phi. Traus . N. 70. 1. January . 28. 1670. York . YOu may be pleased to put this Quaerie also , concerning the Bleeding of the Sycamore : What condition the Soil is of , where such Trees are planted , that shall either bleed , or refuse to do so : whether Sandy , as that of Nottingham , or a wet Clay , as that of the two Trees , I have observed here at York . * 2. Febr. 8. 1670. York . Concerning the Bleeding of the Sycamore , be pleased that I acquaint you with the following Experiments of very late date . The first instant it froze , the wind at North ; the Frost and Wind continued ( some little Snow now and then falling ) the 2d , 3d , 4th , 5th , 6th , until the 7th in the morning , when the wind came about to the South-East , and the weather broke up a pace , the Sycamores bled not all this while ; but the seventh about noon , all Trees of that kinde bled very freely both at the Twigs and Body , and I struck above a dozen . At this same Critical season , I was willing to repeat the Experiment upon other Trees , and to this end I forthwith struck the Haw-thorn , Hazel , Wild-Rose , Gooseberry-Bush , Apple-Tree , Cherry-Tree , Blathen-Nut , Apricock , Cherry-lawrel , Vine , Wal-nut ; yet none bled but the last nam'd , and that but faintly in comparison of the Sycamore . This is consonant to our former Experiments : And if it did happen , as I said in one of my former Letter * , that these Sycamores bled not all this Winter afore at the wounds made the first of November , I do now think , that if new wounds had been still made at every breach of Frost , some signes at least of our York-shire bleeding * might have been discovered before now : But I affirm no more than I have seen and tried . 3. Febr. 15. 1670. York . To continue our Experiments concerning the motion of the Sap in Trees ; Febr. 11th , all was here cover'd with a white Frost betwixt 9 and 11 in the morning . The weather changing I made the Experiments , which follow , upon the Sycamore , Watnut , Maple . A twig cut asunder would bleed very freely from that part remaining to the Tree ; and , for the part separated , it would be altogether dry and shew no signs of moisture , although we held it some prety time with the cut end downward ; But , if this separated twig was never so little tipp'd with a knife at the other end , it would forthwith shew no moisture at both ends . The same day , late in the after-noon , the weather very open and warm , a Twig cut off in like manner as in the morning , would shew no moisture at all from any part . These Experiments we repeated very many times with constant and like success on all the Trees abvoe-mentioned . I enter'd this Experiment with these Quaries for the next opportunity . 1. Whether a Twig , or the small part of a Root cut asunder , will not bleed faster , upon the breaking up of a Frost , from the part remaining to the Tree , than from the part seperated ; and whether the part seperated will bleed at all , and shew no more signes of moistule , than a Twig cut from the top of the Tree , unless that small Root be likewise cut off at the other end also ? 2. Whether when it shall happen , that a Sycamore shall be found to bleed upon the setting in of a great Frost , the top twigs and small roots will not both of them bleed freelier from the parts separated , in proportion to their bigness ? 3. And if it shall not so prove in the Tryal , that in cold weather the Sap moves inwards from Root and Branch to the Trunk to the extremities of both Root and Branch ; I say ; if this prove not so , whether there be any different motions of Sap at a time in the divers parts of one and the same Tree ; and where such motions of Sad begin , and whither they tend ? 4 Whether the Sap , when it will run , moves longer in the Branches than in the Roots ; or whether it begin not to move in all parts of a Tree at a time , and rest every where at a time ; 5. When it rests , whether it retires to the Body of the Tree , from the Roots and Branches , or sinks down to the Root , or is any way spent by insensible steams , or is quiet and lodged in every part of the Tree in proportion ? I shall long to hear the success of your Experiments in the Question of the Circulation of the Sap. I have many years been inclin'd to think , that there is some such motion in the Juyces of Vegetables . The reasons which induced me , are ; 1. Because I finde , that all the Juyce of a Plant is no extravasate and loose , and like Water in a Spunge ; but that there are apparent Vessels in Plants , analagous to Veins in Animals : which thing is most conspicuous and clear in such Plants , whose Juyce is either White or Red , or Saffron colour'd ; for instance , in each kind of Juyce we propose Latuca , Atractilis , Cbelidonium majus . 2. Because that there are very many Plants ( and these last named are of the number ) whose Juyce seems never to be at rest , but will spring at all times Iteely , as the Blood of Animals , upon Incision . The way of Ligature by Metalline Rings , by you mention'd is an Expedient I have not used ; but other Ligatures I have , upon a great number of our English Plants , not without the discovery of many curious Phenomena . The success of an Experiment of this Nature upon Cataputia minor Lobel . was as followes : I tied a silk-thread upon one of the Branches of this Plant , as hard as might be , and not break the skin ; there follow'd no greater swelling , that I could discern , on the one side than on the other ; although in often repeating the Experiment , some silks were left hours and dayes unloosed , and yet the dimple which the thread had made in the yielding branches , had a little raised the immediate sides , but both alike : the Plant in like manner would bleed very freely both above and under the Tye. This was also , I thought , very remarkable , amongst other things , in this Experiment , that in drawing the Rasour round about the branch just above or below the Tye , the Milky Juyce would suddenly spring out of infinite small holes , besides the made orifice , for more than half an inch above and below the Tye : which seems to argue , that though there was no Juyce intercepted in appearance from any turgescence , ( as in the like process upon the members of a Sanguineous Animal ) yet the Veins were so over-thronged and full , that a large orifice was not sufficient to discharge the sudden impetus and pressure of a some-ways streighten'd Juyce . I have endeavou'rd many wayes to discover the Configuration of the Veins of Vegetables and their other constituent parts and Texture ; but enough of this in one Letter . 4. March 17. 1670. York . To the end that I might satisfie my self about some of the doubts I sent you , I have been most concern'd , according to former thoughts and inclinations , in examining the Truth of these Quaeries , viz. Whether Saps are not to be found at all seasons of the year in a much like Consistence and Quantity in the respective parts of a Vegetable ; and what Communication one part of a Plant may have with another in relation to the Ascent and Decent of Sap ? Now , because Sap is then said to Ascend from the Root , when it is found to move in Tapping ; I lopp'd off certain Branches of a Sycamore , the morning betimes of a hard Frost ( Febr. 21. ) before they would bleed , or shew any signe of moisture . This I did to vary the Efficient , not willing to wait the Change of the Weather , and the Suns heat ; but brought them within the Air of the Fire : And by and , as I expected , they bled apace , without being sensibly the warmer . The Experiment repeated afforded me divers Phoenomena , which follow ; and proved almost an Universal way of Bleeding all sorts of Trees , even those , which of themselves would not shew any signes of moisture . 1. Poles of Maple , Sycamore and Walnut , cut down in open weather , and brought within the warmth of the Fire , did bleed in an instant . Also Willow , Hazel , Cherry , Wood-bind , Blather-nut , Vine , Elder , Barbery , Apple-tree , Ivy , &c. Whicking Egge-berry Tree ( i. e. Padus Theophrasti ) tried in the same manner in Craven . 2. Briar and Rasberry-rcds were more obstinate . Ash utterly refused , even heated hot . 3. Branches , that is , Poles with their tops entire and uncut bled also when brought to the Fire side ; but seem not so freely to drink up their Sap again when inverted , as when made Poles . 4. The same Willow-Poles , left all night in the grassspot , and returned the next day to the Fire-side , bleed afresh . 5. Maple and Willow-Poles , bleed and cease at pleasure again and again , if quickly withdrawn and balanced in the hand , and often inverted to hinder the Falling and and Expence of Sap : Yet being often heated , they will at length quite cease , though no Sap was at any time sensibly lost . And when they have given over bleeding , that is , shewing any moisture , by being brought within the warmth of the Fire , the Bark will yet be found very full of Juyce . 6. An hard Ligature made within a quarter of an inch of the end of a Wood-bind rod , did not hinder its bleeding at all when brought within the warmth of the Fire . 7. Maple and Willow-Poles , &c. quite bared of Bark , and brought to the Fire , will shew no moisture at all in any part . 8. One Barbery , or Pipridge-pole bared of its Bark , brought to the Fire , did shew moisture from within the more inward Circles , though not any from the outward . 9. Maple and Willow-poles , &c. half bar'd of Bark , woud bleed by the Fire , from the half onely of those Circles , which lay under the bark . 10. Maple and Willow-poles , split in two and planed , would not shew any moisture on the planed sides , but at the ends only . 11. A Pole of Ivy did of it self exudate and shew a liquid and yellowish rosin from the bark and near the pith ; but when brought to the Fire-side , it bled a dilute , thin and colour-less Sap from the intermediat wood Circles . 12. A Pole of Willow ( for Example ) bent into a bow , will ouse its Sap freely , as in bleeding either spontaneously or by the Fire . Extract of a Letter , written from York , April 8. 1671. both in relation to the futher Discovery of the Motion of Juyces in Vegetables , and removing some difference noted the in next fore-going Letter . SIR , Yours of the 4th instant came safe to my hands . This last Month hath been a busie time with me in my private concerns , so that I have but a few things to return to what you have been pleased to communicate to me , in relation to the further discovery of the Motion of Juyces in Vegetables . And I must acquaint you , that these Notes following are above 14 dayes old ; for I have scarce busied my head , or put my hand to any Experiment of later date . One or both ends of the pith of a Willow-pole seal'd up with hard wax , will yet freely bleed by the warmth of the Fire . This was tried , when the last Experiment , I sent you , were ; and was then , I think , omitted . March 23th , was the greatest Frost and Snow we have had this Winter in these parts about York . Some Twigs and Branches of the very same Willow-tee , as formerly , and likewise of many other Willow-trees , taken off this morning , March 23th , when brought within the Air of the Fire . would shew no moisture at all ; no not when heated warm , and often and long turn'd . March 24th , the same Willow-branches , which yesterday would not bleed , and were thrown upon the Grassspot all night , ; did , both they and others , new cut down by the Fire-side , freely shew moisture and bleed this morning upon the breaking up of the Frost . Ash-poles and branches this day , nor yesterday , would by the Fire-side , be no more moist , than when I formerly tried them . The same morning March 24th , a Twig of Maple , which had had the top cut off the 7th of February last past ▪ and which then bled , this day being quite taken off from the Tree , and brought within the Air of the Fire , and held with the formerly cut-end down-wards , did not run at all at the end , but held on in that posture , it did run apace at the other new-cut end uppermost , so as to spring and trickle down . Note , That this doth well agree with my Experiments made the last year at Nottingham , where I observ'd wounds of some months standing to bleed apace at the breaking up of every hard Frost . For first , in these parts there hath been no hard Frost this year , not comparable to the last year . Again , those Nottingham-trees I wounded in the Trunk , and they stood against a Brick-wall , and the wounds were on the side next it ; and besides had Horse-dung stopp'd in all of them for some reasons ; which things did undoubtedly defend them much from the Air and Winds , and keep the wounds still green and open : Wheras the tops of these Maple-twiggs , spoken of in the last Experiment , were expos'd in an open hedge to the Air and Winds ; as also the two Sycamores here at York mention'd in my former Letter to have been wounded in November last , and not to have shew'd any signes of moisture , for that very cause , that they were not fresh struck at Bleeding times . Concerning the Bleeding of Poles and entire Branches held perpendicular , Mr. Willboughby is in the right , and some Experiments in my last to you of March 17th confirm it . Yet it is very true what I observ'd , though the Cause I did not then well take notice of , when I first made the Experiment and sent you an account of it . For , I held the Twigs , which I had cut off , a slope , joyning and holding up the cuts together in my left hand , that I might the better observe , which part or cut would bleed or not bleed the faster ; and because I found , that the cut of the separated Twig did not in that posture ( holding it upwards , as I said , for the advantage of my eye ) bleed at all , when as the Cut of the Branch remaining to the Tree did freely bleed ; I therefore inverted the separated Twig and held it perpendicular with the cut end downward , and found , that that little they were expos'd to the Air in an upright posture , had so very much check'd the motion of the Sap , that I concluded they would not bleed at all ; and yet striking off their tops , and making Poles of them , I found some of them , if not all , that I chanc'd to try , as I remember , would shew moisture : But I am convinced since , that it was was rather some unheeded accident , as violently bending them , or perhaps the warmth of my hand and season , or place , which caused this new motiom of Sap , than meerly the striking off their Tops . Some Observations , touching Colours , in order to the Increase of Dyes , and the Fixation of Colours 15. 1670. TWo things , I conceive , are chiefly aimed at in the Inquiry of Colours , which subject you desire my thoughs of ; the one , to increase the Materia Tinctoria , and the other , to fix , if possible , those colours we either have already , or shall hereafter discover for use . As to the first , Animals and Vegetables , besides other Natural Bodies , may abundantly furnish us . And in both these kinds some Colours are Apparent , as the various colours of Flowers , and the juices of fruits , &c. and the sanies of Animals : others are Latent , and discovered to us by the effects , the several Family 's of Salt and other things may have upon them , Concerning the Apparent colours of Vegetables and Animals , and the various effects , of different Salts in changing them from one colour to another ; we have many Instance in Mr. Boyle . And if we might , with the good leave of that Honourable and Learned person , range them after our fashion , we should give you at least a new Prospect of them , and observe to you the conformity and agreement of the effects of Salt on the divers parts of Vegetables : Viz. 1. That Acid Salts advance the colours of Flowers and Berries , that is , according to the Experiments of Mr. Boyle , they make the infusious of Balaustium or Pomgranat-Flowers , Red-roses , Clove-jilly flowers , Meserion , Pease-bloom , Violets , Cyanus flowers , of a fairer red ; also the the juices of the Berries of Ligustrum , of black Cherris , Buck-thorn-berries , of a much fairer red : and to the same purpose Acid Salts make no great alterations upon the white flowers of Jasmin and Snow-drops . 2. That Vrinous Salts , and Alcaly's , on the contrary , quite alter and change the Colours of the same flowers now named , and juices of the said Berries also , from red to green ; even Jasmin and Snow-drops . 3. Again , that in like manner Vrinous Spirits and Alcaly's advance , at least do not quite spoyle the colours of the juices of leaves of Vegetables , of their Wood and Root . Thus Mr. Boyle tells us , that Vrinous Spirits and Alcaly's make the yellow infusions of Madder-roots red ; of Brazil-wood , purplish ; of Lognum Nephriticum , blew ; the red infusion of Leg-wood , purple ; of the Leaves of Sena , red . 4. That on the contrary , Acid Salts quite alter and change the said infusions from red or blew , to yellow . In the next place we would note to you the effects of Salts upon Animals in the production and Change of colours ; but the Instances are very few or none , that I meet with in any Author ; the Purple-fish being quite out of use , and Cochineil and Kermes are by most questioned , whether they are Animals or no ; but I think , we may confidently believe them both to be Insects , that is , Worms or Chrysalys's of respective Fly 's in proxima faetura . We find then , and have tried concerning Cochineil ( which of it self is red , ) that upon the affusion of most the Oyl of Vitriol , that is , an Acid Salt , it striks the vivid crimson that can be imagined ; and with Vrinous Salts and Alcaly's it will be again changed into an obscure colour 'twixt a violet and a violet and a purple . Pliny somewhere tells us , that the Gaules in his time could dye with Vegetables , what the Romans with so much danger and pains sought for in the bottom of the Sea. Indeed , we find many Plants mentioned by the same Author , for dying which either are not known to us at this present , or neglected . To what we have briefly observed out of Authors , we will subjoyne some of our own Considerations and Tryals , And first , concerning the Apparent Colours in Flowers , we think we may insert ; 1. That generally all Red , Blew and White flowers are immediately , upon the affusion of an Alcaly , changed into a Green colour , and then , in process of no long time , turned Yellow . 2. That all the parts of Vegetables , which are green , will in like manner strike a Yellow with an Alcaly . 3. That what Flowers are already yellow , are not much changed , if at all , by an Alcaly or Vrinous Spirit . 4. The Blew seed-husks of Glastum Sylvestre old-gathered and dry , diluted with water , stain a Blew , which upon the affusion of Lye striks a Green , which Green or Blew being touched with the Oyl of Vitriol dyes Purple ; all these three colours stand . 5. On the tops of Fungus tubulosus , so called by M. Wray in his late Catalogue of the Plants of England , are certain red knots ; these , upon the affusion of Lye , will strike a Purple , and stand . As for the Latent Colours in Vegetables and Animals ; to be discovered to us by the affusion of Salts ; they likewise , no doubt , are very many . We will set down only a few instances in both kinds , which have not been , that we know of , discovered or taken notice of by others . Latent Vegitable colours , 1. The Milky juice of Lactuca Sylvestris costâ spinosa , and Sonchus asper & laevis upon the affusion of Lye , will strike a vivid flame-colour or Crimson , and after some time quite degenerate into a dirty yellow . 2. The Milk of Cataputia minor , upon the affusion of Lye , especially if it be drawn with a knife , and hath any time stood upon the blade of it , will strike a Purple or Bloud-red colour , and by and by change into an ignoble yellow . Latent Animal dyes , 1. The common Hawthorn-Catter-pillar will strike a Purple or Carnation with Lye , and stand . 2. The heads of Beetles and Pismires , &c. will with Lye strike the same Carnation-colour , and stand . 3. The Amber-coloured Scolopendra will give with lye a most beautiful and pleasant Azure or Amethystine , and stand . Lastly , we might consider the Fixing of colours for use ; but we are willing to leave this to more experinced persons , as also the Philosophizing on the particulars we have produced , to better Heads . Some obvious Inferences we may venture to take notice of ; 1. That in all the Instances above mentioned , whether Vegetable or Animal , there is not one colour truly fixed , however there may , I conceive , be some use made of them , as they are . I say , truly fixed , that is , proof of Salt and Fire ; for , what seem to stand and be Lye-proofe , are either wholly destroyed by a different Salt , or changed into a much different colour ; which must needs prove a stain and blemish , when it shall happen in the use of any of them . 2. That both the apparent and latent colours of Vegetables are fixable : An instance whereof we may observe in the seed-husks of Glastum , and the Use Diers make of the leaves after due preparation . 3. It is probable from the same instance , that we may learn from the colour of some part of the Fruit or Seed , what colour the Leaves of any Vegetable and the whole Plant might be made to yeild for our use . 4. That the Latent colours are praeexistent , and not produced ; from the same instance of Wood , and likewise from this that the Milky juyce of Lactuca Silvestris doth afford it self a Red Serum . 5. That the change of colours in Flowers is gradual and constant . 6. That the colours of Flowers , which will not stand with Lye , seem to be wholly destroyed by it , and irrecovrable : Thus it happens in the Experiment ; that one part of a Violet-leaf , upon the affusion of Lye , is changed very soon into yellow , and will never be revived into a red by an Acid salt ; but if another part of the same leaf be still green , it will be revived , 7. That the Dryness seems to be a means , if not of fixing , yet bringing the Vegetable colour into a condition of not wholly and suddainly perishing by the otherwise destroying Alcaly . 8. That those Plants or Animals that will strike different and yet vivid colours upon the affusion of different Salts , and stand , as the Cochinel and Glastum , are probably of all others to be reckoned as the best Materials . It would have been a much safer way , to have put these Inferences in the Quaeri't ; but besides that I affirm no more but matter of fact , it is lawful for our encouragement ( as my Lord Bacon advises ) to set up rests by the way , and refresh our selves with looking back , though perhaps we have not much advanced . You will be pleased to excuse the little cohaerence that I have used in these notes , and attribute it to the readiness and affection I have to answer such inquiries as you put to me . I never yet did make this subject any part of my businese , but the desire I have to search after and examine the Medicinal qualities of things iu Nature , hath by the by presented me with such Phoenomena , as I was not willing to leave unnoted , nor to refuse them you , though in a confused way , because you desire them . To conclude , how immethodical and barren these papers may seem ; yet the consideration of them hath led me to a way of Fixing colours , which I willingly forbear to relate , until I may have an oppertunity of shewing the Experiment before the R. Society . I have found out a Colour most exquisitely black , & comparable to the best ink ; even in the use of the pen , and which will not change by Fire or Salt. This an English Vegetable yielded me , and for ought I know ( for I have not repeated the trial on any thing else ) the like method will succeed to good purpose , I am , &c. An Observation concerning certain Insect husks of the Kermes-kind May 22. 1671. Philosophical Transactions . N. 71. I Gave you a short account formerly * of certain matrices or Insect-husks , of the Kermes-kind , which I had some years since observ'd on Plum-trees . This instant May hath afforded me the same Observation , and some little improvement of it . I have observed the same Patellae . Husks indifferently on Vine-branches , Cherry-Laurel , Plvmb-trees , and the Cherry-tree , also on the Apricock-tree . The Figure of the Husk is round , save where thy cleave to to the branch ; for bignes , somewhat more than the half of a grey pea . These , I say , cleave to their branches , as Patellae do to the Rocks : For colour ; they are of a very dark Ches-nut , extreamly smooth , and shining membran-like . They adhere most commonly to the under side of a branch or twig , and so are best secur'd against the injuries of weather , as too much Sun and Rain . They are well fastned to the branches single , and some will be double and sometimes many in company . They are seldom found without vermin , as Pismires , &c. which , I guess , pierce them and pray upon them . Thus much for the entire Coccum . If you open one of them , that is , cut off dextrously the top of the husk with a rasor , you 'l find somtimes five or more small white magots of the Wasp or Bee-kind , that is , sharp at both ends . When these are carefully taken out , you will further observe the remainder of their provision of meat , and a partion 'twixt them and the branch , where , what they excerne , is reserv'd . Lastly , if , when you have clear'd the Husk of Maggots , Bee-meat , and excrements , you then rub the inside of the empty membran upon white paper it will freely and copiously tinge the paper with a beautiful purple or murrey . At the date of this , none of the Maggots were yet in nympha , so that you cannot expect from me a description of the Bee or Wasp they will turn to , when they come to perfection . Before the season be over , the Curious may satisfie themselves forthwith about it , and verifie and improve it . Few Cherry-trees , I suppose , in any place , but will yield them some of these Berries . However , if they shall not be so fortunate as to light on them , I shall furnish you with them , &c. York . Jan. 10. 1670. a Viviparous Fly. Inquiries and a Table about Spiders . Philosophical Transactions . N. 72. Sir , I Return you thanks for your obliging Letter of the third of January , and have sent you the Viviparous Fly and the Sett of Inquiries you desire of me . The Fly is one , if not the very biggest , of the harmless Tribe that I have met with in England ; I call them harmless ; because that they are without that hard Tongue or Sting in the mouth , with which the Oestrum-kind , or Gad-flyes , trouble and offend both man and beasts . This Fly is striped upon the shoulders grey and black , and as it were checkered on the tail with the same two colours : the Female may be known by a redness on the very point of the tail . The very latter end of May 1666 , I opened several of them , and found two Baggs of live white worms of a long and round shape , with black heads ; they moved both in my hand and in the unopened Vescicles , backwards and forwards , as being all disposed in the Cells , length-ways the body of the femal , like a Sheaf of arrows . Some such thing is hinted by Aldrovandus lib. 1. de I●sect . p. 57. edit . Bonon . Tiro cùm essem ( saies he ) è grandioribus muscis unam albis pict●m lineis , specie illectus , cepi ; ea , in vola manus aliquandiu retenta , plusculos edidit Vermiculos candidos , mobilitate propria insignes . This is the only Fly I have observed with live and moving worms in the belly of it ; yet I guess , we may venture to suspect all of this Tribe to be in some measure Viviparous . With these Flyes I have sent you a paper of those odd turned Snails * mentioned in my former Letter , which perhaps you may think will deserve a place in the Repository amongst the rarities of the R. Society . Some general Enquiries concerning Spiders 1. WHat sorts of Spiders to be found with us in England , and what is the best method to distinguish them and to reduce them to Classes ? 2. Whether Spiders come not of Spiders , that is , of creatures of their own kind ? And whether of Spiders are bred Grashopper , Cicadae , &c. as Interpreters falsly make Aristotle to say , first Aldrovandus , and lately Kircher ( V. Arist. Hist. Nat. lib. 1. cap. 19. Confer Interpret . The : Gazae , Scaliger , Aldrov . ) 3. Whether Spiders are not Male and Female ; and whether Female Spiders growing bigger than the Male , be sufficient to distinguish Sexes . 4. Whether all kinds of Spiders be alike , as to the place and number of Penis's ; and whether all the thread-yeilding kinds , are not furnished with a double penis , that is , if the Cornicula or certain knobbed Horns , by which all Males are best distingushed , be not each a penis , and used in the Coit alternatively ? 5. Whether the Eggs in Spiders be not formed , and very large before the time of the Coit ? 6. What Spiders breed in Spring , and what in Autumn ? what Spiders are content with one brood in the year , and to lay all their Eggs at a time ? What seem to breed every Summer month , at least to have many subordinate broods ; and whether the Eggs be accordingly distinguishable in several Matrices or Cells in the body of of the Female . 7. Whether Spiders do not take their form and perfection in the Egg , and are not thence hatched necessarily at a stated and set time , that is , after a certain number of days , as 21 , compleat Animals of its own kind ? and whether the presence of the Female be necessary in order to the hatching the Eggs , at least for three days , as the Ancients seem to affirm ? 8. Whether the perfectly-round eggs of Spiders ought to be called and esteemed Worms , as Aristotle and Pliny will have them , that is , in Swammerdam's phrase and doctrine , Whether they be Puppets in the egg , and undergo all alterations accordingly , before they be thence hatched perfect Spiders ? 9. What different colours observable in the Eggs of Spiders , as well of pulps as shell , as white , yellow , orange , purple , greenish ? and what respective tinctures they will give , or be made to strike with the several families of Salts ? 10. Whether there be not Eggs of some sorts of Spiders , which the Worms of certain slender Wasps ( the kind in general being called by Mouffet Muscae tripiles ) delight to feed on ? and whether the Fable of Vespae Iehneumones , told us by the Ancients , be not to be made out by the same Observation , of these Wasp-worms feeding on the Eggs , and perfected into Wasps in the very webs of Spiders ? 11. After what manner do Spiders feed ; whether in sucking they devour not also part of their prey ? How long can they live without food , since they store up nothing against Winter ? 12. Whether Spiders feed only of their own kind of Creatures , as of Insects , that is , of Flyes , Beetles , Bees , Scolopendrae and even of one another ? or whether they kill Snakes too , as the Ancients affirm , for food or delight ? 13. Whether some of them choose not to feed on one sort of Fly or other Insect only ; and what properties such have ? 14. When , and how oft in the year they cast their Skins , and the manner of their casting it ? What variety of colours immediatly after the shifting the Hackle in one and the same species of Spider , that may , if not well heeded , make the history of them more confused ? 15. What mean the Ancients by Spiders casting their threads , which Aristotle compares to Porcupins darting her quills , or bark-starting from a Tree ; and Democritus to Animals voiding of Excrements ? 16. Whether the thread be formed in the Body of the Animal such as it comes from it ; I mean , whether it be , as it were , unwound of a stock or clew , as I may say , and which indeed to me seems to have been Aristotles meaning ; or whether it be drawn off of a liquid mass , as in spinning of Glass or melted Wax , which seems to have been Democritu's sense , in saying it was excrement corrupted or fluid at certain times ? 17. Whether the Spiders-thred being glutinous , every thing sticking to it upon the lightest touch , be not so much the reason of the Spiders taking his prey , as the Figure of the Net. 18. Whether a Web be not uninflammable ; and whether it can be dissolved , and in what Menstruum ? 19. What difference 'twixt the thred of Spiders , and that of the Silk-worm or Caterpillars ? What strength a Spiders thread is of , and what proportion it bears with the like twist of Silk ? Whether there be not stronger thread from some sort of Spiders than from others , as there are threds from them of very different colours , as white , greenish , blewish , dark hair-colour , &c. Whether the strength of the Barmudo nets to hold a Thrush , mentioned in one of the Transactions , consist in the thickness only , or much too in the nature of thred ? 20. Whether its being to be easily drawn out at any time and at what length one pleases , and many threds together in spight of the Animal , be not as advantageous to the working of it up and twisting , &c. as the unravelling the Cods of Silk-worms . 21. Whether either the viscous substance of their Bodies or Webs be healing to green-wounds , &c. as the Ancients have taught us , and we use vulgarly ? and whether some one kind of them be not preferable , for this purpose , before others ? 22. What use may be made of those Animals , which devour Spiders for their daily food , as Wrens , Red-breast , & c. ? Whether Spiders be a cure for sick Poultry , as the good Wives seem to experiment ? 23. Whether the reason why Spiders sail not in the air until Autumn , be not because they are busily emplyed the Summer months in breeding , or what other reasons may be assigned ? The first article of Enquiry I have in part answered , by sending you enclosed a Scheme , which , after some years observation , I have corrected and enlarged to what it is : yet I must acquaint you , that such Draughts will be ever lyable to change and improvement , according to the measure of knowledge a continued Observation may bring us to . However it is the first , that I know of , that will be extant , on this subject , and it may be acceptable to the curious . Araneorum Angliae Tabula . Aranei Octonoculi Aucupes à me dicti ; qui scilicet Muscas capiendi causâ tendunt Reticula Scutulata Antiquis dicta ; scil . universis maculis in eodem plano dispositis in modum cujusdam Scuti sive Orbitae . Numero X. Conglobata ; scil . maculis crebris in omnes in circuitu dimensiones precedentibus . Num. VI. Telas linteoformes ; scil . reticulorum filis densè inter se contextis in modum Veli sive Panniculi . Num. VIII . Venatorii , qui aperto marte muscas insectantur ; cùm tamen aliàs texere possunt ; nimirum telas ad nidificationem & ad hyberna . Lupi propriè sic dicti . Num. IV. Cancriformes . Num. II. Phalangia , sive Aranei pulices assul●im ingredientes . Num IV. Binoculi , ferè longipedes , Opiliones quibusdam dicti , telis digitatis sive forcipatis , cancrorum marinorum more armati . Numero IV. May 30. 1671 ; concerning an Insect feeding upon Henbain , together with the colour yeilded by the Eggs of the same , &c. Sir , YOu may please to annex a late Observation to the last I sent you : both being chiefly concerning the improvement of colours , and from the Insect-kind . There is a Cimex of the largest size , of a red colour spotted black , and which is to be found very frequently and plentifully , at least in its season , upon Henbain : I therefore in my private notes have formerly intitled it , Cimex ruber maculis nigris distinctus super folia Hyoscyami frequens . This Insect in all probability doth feed upon this plant ( on which only we have yet observed it ) if not upon the leaves by striking its trunk ( the note of distinction of the kind of Insect from the rest of the Beetle-kinds ) into them , and sucking thence much of its substance , like as other sorts of Cimices will upon the body of man yet upon the unctuous and greasy matter , with which the leaves seem to touch to abound . It is further observable , that that horrid and strong smell , with which the leaves of this plant do affect our nostrils , is very much qualified in this Insect , and in some measure Aromatick and agreeable , and therefore we may expect , that that dreadful Narcosis so eminent in this plant , may likewise be usefully tempered in this Infect ; which we refer to tryal . About the latter end of May and sooner , you may find adhering to the upper side of the leaves of this plant , certain oblong Orange-coloured Eggs , which are the Eggs of this Infect . Note 1. that these Eggs yet in the belly of the Females are white , and are so somtime after they are layd ; but as the young ones grow near their time of their being hatched , they acquire a deeper colour , and are hatched Cimices , and not in the disguise of worms . 2. As to the colour , these riper Eggs yeild , if they be crushed upon white paper , they stain it of themselves ( without any addition of Salt ) with as lively a Vermilion or couler de seu , as any thing I know in nature ; Cochneil scarce excepted when assisted with oyl of Vitriol . Whether this be not precisely so , I refer to the tryal and judgment of the Curious . I have sent you a couple of the Cimices themselves , though you will scarce find a Henbain-plant without them . I add concerning the Purple-husks , whereof I gave you an account in my last , that I have found them since on Rose-tree-twiggs also , and that very dark coloured ones , yeilding an exquisit Murrey : so that I conclude , that the Tree they may be found on , scarce contributes any thing to the colour or vertue of the husks , but they are the sole work and product of the Mother-Insect , indifferently choosing a twig of any tree in order to the convenient placing and hiving her Eggs. Two Letters Of June 14. 1671 and July 5 , 1671. concerning the kind of Insect , hatched of the English Ke●mes . THe first Letter . June 10th , I found several of the Patellae Kermi formes hatched in a Box , where I had purposely put them . They prove a sort , as I guessed by the figure of the Worm , of Bees , but certainly the least , that I ever yet saw of that Tribe as not much exceeding in their whole bulk the half of a Pismire . They are very compact and thick for the bigness ; of a cole-black colour . They seem to want neither stings , nor the three balls in a triangle in their fore-head ; which yet are things to be referred to the testimony of a Microscope . That which is very remarkable to the naked Eye , is a white or straw-colour large and round spot on the back : Of their four Wings the upper pair are shaded or darked-spotted , the undermost pair are clear . We may entitle them , according to our custom , Apiculae nigrae , maculâ super humeros sub-●lave scente insignitae , è patellis sive savis membranaceis , veri Kermes similibus , suâque itidem purpurâ tingentibus , Cerasi aut Rosae aliarumve arborum virgis adtextis , exclusae . This of the Purple-Husks , and the other History of Scarlet-staining Eggs * I present you as parallels of our English store to Kermes and Cocheneil ; I mean , additaments to encrease the number of agreeable tinging● Materials and not Medicaments , unless wary and safe Tryal shall discover to us if they have any Medicinal qualities , as use and custom hath made us believe the Exotic have in an high degree . One of the husks , I sent you , ad hered to a Rose-tree-twig , and other to a Cherry-tree . But a Rose-bush since hath afforded me some scores of these patellae , many of which are hatched in the box I put them . It is to be further observed , 1. that those that look the blackest , yield the deepest and best purple : 2. That as the Bees come to maturity the dye seems to be spent , and the Husks grow dry . 3. That the young ones make their way out at several small holes ; whereas the true Kermes husk seems to be pierced but in one place . The Second ; The discovery of our English Kermes hath very much pleased some of it the Curious in these parts ; who resolve upon Tryals of it the next season . I think I advertised you formerly , that that deep purple or violet , with which the insides of the husks are lin'd , is much spent , if the husks be not taken whilest the Bees are in vermiculo ; and the blackest husks are richest in colour . Yesterday in very good company we compar'd our English Purple-kermes with the Scarlet-kemers or Grains of the Shops , and found them in every point to agree save in the colour of their Juices ; and particularly ( finding in some parcels of the Shops many yet sticking to little twigs of the Ilex , ) we confidently affirm that those as well as ours are only contiguous to the Ilex-branches , and are not excrescencies of the Tree , much less fruit or berries ; by which abusive names they have been too long known ; But that they are the artifice and sole work of the mother-Bee in order to the more convenient hiving and nourishment of her young . Concerning Vegetable Excrescencies , July 17. 1671. from York . N. 75. P. T. I Understand by yours of the 13 th instant , that M. Ray cannot without much trouble retrieve the Letter , wherein I gave him formerly my opinion concerning Vegetable Excrescencies ; and yet not wholly to deny you the satisfaction of what you seem much to desire , I am willing to think again upon the same subject , at least to recollect part of my former thoughts , as my memory will serve me . The occasion then of that Letter was upon the account given us by You in Numb . 57 , of the opinion of the Italian F. Redi ; Viz. that some live Plants or their Excrescencies do truly generate some Insects . To which opinion of F. Redi I told my friend , as I remember , that I indeed had observed , that the By-fruits of some Vegetables , as of the Oak and wild Rose , for example , did grow up together with their respective worms in them from small beginnings to fair and large fruit , some of them emulating even the genuin off-spring of the plant , — & miratur non sua poma , And further , that I did believe , the worms were furnished with food in and from them ; but not by any Navilconnexion , as that Author fancies , and which I said , to me was unintelligible , and that I should be glad of a notion , which might make out to me such monstrous relation , as half animal half vegetable , or which is all one , Vegetable vessels inserted into an animal , or , the contrary . Strange Oeconomy ! That it had never been my good fortune ( what ever diligence I had used ) to discern Eggs in the Center of Galls , but a worm constantly , even at the very first appearance , as near at least as my fortune led me . Yet I would not deny , but that diligence might one day discover the egg it self , which I was of opinion was affixed to or near the place by the parent-Insect , where the Gall rose . That I ever found the worms in all the excrescencies , that I had yet met with , perfectly at liberty ; and for the filaments , our Author mentions , it was very possible he might be mistaken , it being very hard , and a matter not yet treated of in my publick paper , which and what are the vessels that enter into the Texture of a Vegetable , as of a large Tree , for example ; much more hard would it be to say , this is a vessel in a small Gall. That there were many By-fruits of different figure and shape ( though perhaps of a like Texture ) upon one and the same plant , every one of which did nourish and produce a different race of Insects : Whence , I told him , I thought might rather be argued the diverse workmanship of different Insects , then one and the same principle of vegetation to be Author of several sorts of Animals . That the Animals themselves , produced of such Excerscencies , were of such a Genus many of whose Species were well known to us to be otherwise generated of animal parents , and therefore it was probable , that these were so too , as well as their tribe-fellows . That the Insect-Animals produced of such Excrescencies were Male and Female ; and that , if so , we might argue with Aristotle ( lib. 1. c. 1. de Generat . Animal . ) that Nature made not such in vain , and that , if from the coit of these Animals , which have their birth from no Animals , Animals should be born , they would either be like their parents and of the same species with them , and if so , it would necessarily follow ( since in the generation of all other creatures it so comes to pass ) that their very parents had such origin too : or unlike them , and if so ( if these also were Male and Female ) of this second unlike off-spring a third race of different animals or species would be begot , and of them a fourth , and so in infinitum . And that these Insects , which he and I had observed to be produced of the Excrescencies of some vegetables , we had good cause to suspect they were male and female , since some of them had slings and were tripilous , and others not ( vide Catalog . plant . Cantab . ad Rosam caninam & alibi . ) These were some at least of the Arguments , as far as I remember I used , when I formerly wrote on this subject to my friend ; but since that Letter , I have perused the Book of F. Redi it self , and do find , that the said opinion is barely proposed as thing not unplausible , but the proofs thereof are reserved , till the publishing of a curious piece , concerning the Excrescencies of the Oak ; and therefore I shall be less earnest in the refutation of that opinion , which perhaps a more accurate search into Nature will in time make the Author of it himself find erroneous . I presume not to venture to decide this controversy , my experience in these matters being too insufficient , and my leisure and health but little to hasten a convenient stock of particulars , and a due examination of them ; yet before I leave this subject , I am willing to run over and present you with a few abreviated instances of some of the several kinds of Vegetable Excrescencies , and likewise some un-obvious ways of Insects feeding on plants ; and these I shall deliver in confirmation of the following Propositions . 1. That all are not truly Vegetable Excrescencies that are reputed such . And here we may justly name the Purple-Kermes , for example , whose history you were pleased to publish in Numb . 73. This , I say , both gives a clear light to the discovery of the nature of the Scarlet-Kermes , ( a thing wholly unknown to the Ancients , as far as we can see by their writings , and no less ignored by the moderns , and yet , which is admirable , in very great esteem and continued use for some thousands of years , ) and also is an evident instance , that some things , confidently believed Vegetable Excrescencies , are no such matter , but Artificial things meerly contiguous to the plant , and which have no other relation to it than the patella-shellfish to the Rock it cleaves . 2. Generally , Insects Eggs laid upon the leaves of plants , or their respective feeding on them do not accasion or raise Excrescenies . This truth every body , that hath been the least curious , is an Eye-witness of . Thus , for example , the Eggs of the common Red butter-fly , laid upon the Nettle , are thereon hatched without blistering the plant into an Excrescence , and the stiff haired or prickly Catterpillars hatched from them Eggs , feed upon the leaves without any ill impression , puncture , or prejudice , save that they make clean work , and eat all before them . I could produce some hundreds of instances , if this were to be doubted of . 3. Some Insect-eggs , laid upon the leaves or other parts of plants , do , as soon as hatched , pierce and enter within the plant to feed . To give you a convincing instance of the truth of this proposition , take this from my notes . May 22 , I observed on the back or underside of the leaves of Atriplex olida , certain small milk-white oblong Eggs , on some leaves four , on others fewer , or more ; these Eggs were on some plants yet unhatched , but on many of the same plants I found the Egg-shells or skins yet adhering to the leaves , and the little maggots already enterd ( through I know not what invisible holes ) within the two membranes of the leaf , and feeding on the inward pulp or substance of the leaf : in other leaves of that plant , ( he that shall make the observation after me , will find plants enough of this species seized on , to vary , as I did , the observation in one day , ) I found those maggots grown very great , and yet the two membranes , that is , the uppermost and undermost skin of the leaf , entire , but raised and hollow like a blather . Note 1. That those maggots were of a Conick shape . 2. That in July they shrunk into Fly Chrysalis's and accordingly came to perfection , &c. To this unobvious way of feeding we may refer all worm-eaten fruits , wood , &c. 4. Worms feeding within some of the parts of some plants do cause Excrescencies . Thus the head or seed-vessels of Papave . Spont . Sylv. Ger. Emac. &c. are disfigured for having worms in them , and grow thrice as big , as the not seased ones . This is also plain in the Excresc . of Pseudo teucrium , and Barbarea , &c. 5. The substance or sibrous part of many Vegetable Excrescencies is not the food of the worms to be found in them . The instances given in confirmation of the last proposition do also confirm this : neither is an Oak-apple properly worm-eaten , or the Shagged Galls , or Sponges of the Wild Rose , or the Smooth ones on the leaves of the same plant , or the Baggs upon the leaves of the yellow dwarf Willow or the Elm , &c. This is the sum of what I to say at present concerning this subject being very unwilling to advance further , than my own private observations will suffer me . York August 25 1671. confirming the Observation in N. 74. P. L. about Musk sented Insects ; adding some Notes upon D. Swammedam's book of Insects , and on that of M. Steno concerning Petrisy'd Shells . SIR . I Have observed the two Insects , which Mr. Ray saith , smell of Musk , which indeed they do in an high degree . The small Bees are very frequent in the Wooles in Lincoln-shire , and about the latter end of April are to be found in pastures and meadows , upon the early-blown flowers of a sort of Ranunculus , as You have been rightly inform'd ; but it is something improper to say Bees feed on flowers : And likewise the same Bees are no less frequent on the flowers of Dens Leonis , &c. The sweet Beetle , is a very large Insect , and well known about Cambridge . All the trials I have made to preserve them with their smell , have proved ineffectual : For , both sorts of these Insects will of themselves in very few weeks become almost quite sent-less . To these I shall add another sweet-smelling Insect , which is a Hexapodeworm feeding on Gallium luteum . The Observation of the Vespae Ichneumones , as it hath relation to Spiders , I willingly reserve for other Papers : yet I may tell you in general , that this kind of Insect is one of the greatest puzzels † in nature ; there being few Excrescencies of Plants , and very many births of Insects , wherein these slender Wasps after divers strange ways are concerned . Though I be at present from my Books , yet I well remember the passage , which Mr. Willoughby refers you to in Musset * . And he is well able to judge , whether the Observation be made upon the same sort of Insect . I conceive it a fault not consistent with Ingenious Spirits , to pass by in silence the Industry of Moderns as well as Ancients Writers ; according to that of C. Celsus : Oportet neque recentiores viros in his fraudare , quae vel repererunt , vel rectè secuti sunt ; & tamen ea , quae ab antiqui-oribus posita sunt , authoribus suis reddere . You can best inform me , what D. Swammerdam does in a matter of this nature : when I read in the Account given us by you of his Book , Numb . 64 ; that Snails are both Male and Female ; that Catterpillars may teach us , by their feeding , the correspondence of the vertues of Plants , I am defirous to know , whether he quote Mr. Ray for the former , as having publish't the Observation ten years ago at least ; and for the latter , the Learned and Noble Fab. Columna , who did propose the way of essaying the vertues of Plants by the palats of Insects in the beginning of this Age. But I leave this , and proceed to a remark of my own ; and it shall be , if you please , concerning Petrified Shells ; I mean such Shells , as I have observed in our English stone-Quarries . But Sir , let me premise thus much , that I am confident , that you at least will acquit me , and not believe me one of a litigious nature . This I say in reference to what I have lately read in Steno's Prodromus , that , if my sentiments on this particular are somewhat different from his , it proceeds not from a spirit of contradiction , but from a different view of Nature . First then , we will easily believe , that in some Countries , and particularly along the shores of the Mediterranean Sea , there may all manner of Sea shells be found promiscuously included in Rocks or Earth , and at good distances too from the Sea. But , for our English-inland Quarries , which also abound with infinte number and great varieties of shells , I am apt to think , there is no such matter , as Petrifying of Shells in the business ( or , as Steno-explains himself p. 84. in the English Version , & alibi , that the substance of those shells , formerly belonging to animals , hath been dissolved or wasted by the penetrating force of juices , and that a stony substance is come in the place thereof , ) but that these Cockle-like stones ever were , as they are at present , Lapides sui generis and never any part of an Animal . That they are so at present , is in effect confessed by Steno in the above cited page ; and it is most certain , that our English Quarry-shells ( to continue that abusive name ) have no parts of a different Texture from the rock or quarry they are taken , that is , there is no such thing as shell in these resemblances of shells , but that Iron-stone Cockles are all Iron stone ; Lime or marble all Lime-stone and Marble ; Sparre or Chrystalline-shells all Sparr , &c. and that they never were any part of an Animal . My reason is : That Quarries of different stone yeild us quite different sorts or species of shells , not only one from another ( as those Cockle-stones of the Iron-stone Quarries of Adderton in York-shire differ from those found in the Lead-mines of the neighbouring mountains , and both these from that Cockle-Quarrie of Wansford-bridge in Northampton-shire , and all three from those to be found in the Quarries about Gunnerby and Béavour-Castle , ) but , I dare boldly say from any thing in nature besides , that either the land , salt , or fresh water doth yeild us . 'T is true , that I have picked out of that one Quarry of Wansford very resemblances of Murices , Telinae , Turbines , Cochleae , &c. and yet I am not convinced , when I particularly examined some of our English shores for shells , also the fresh waters and the fields , that I did ever meet with ( N. B. ) any one of those species of shells any where else , but in their respective Quarries ; whence I conclude them Lapides fui generis , and that they were not cast in any Animal-mold , whose species or race is yet to be found in being at this day . This argument perhaps will not so readly take place with those persons , that think it not worth the while exactly and minutely to distinguish the several species of the things of nature , but are content to acquiesce in figure , resemblance , kind , and such general notions ; but when they shall please to condescend to heedful and accurate descriptions , they will , I doubt not , be of that opinion , which an attentive view of these things led me into some years ago . Though I make no doubt , but the Repository of the R. Society is amply furnished with things of this nature ; yet if you shall command them , I will send you up two or three sorts of our English Cockle-stone of different Quarries , nearly resembling one the other and all of them very like a common sort of Sea-shell , and yet if there shall not be enough specifically to distinguish them , and hinder them from being sampled by any thing of the spoils of the Sea or fresh waters or the land-Snails ; my argument will fail , and I shall be happily convinced of an Errour . Another Letter , from York Sept. 13 1671. enlarging his former Communications in Numb . 75. about Vegetable Excrescencies , and Ichneumon-Wormes . IN my last Paper about Vegetable Excrescencies , I was wholly-silent of the opinion , which Mr. Willoughby is pleased to favour ; and because that worthy Gentleman hath so far made it probable , that now it seems only to depend upon the good fortune of some lucky Observer , I am willing to reassume my former thoughts , that all those odd Observations , we have made of the Births of Ichneumons , do but beget in me a strong belief , that they have a way yet unheeded , whereby they do as boldly , as subtly , convey their Eggs within the Bodies of Insects and parts of Vegetables . A fifth and last proposition of that Paper * was , that the substance of many Vegetable Excrescencies seemed not to be the food of the worms to be ●ound in them . My meaning was , that the substance of the Vegetable Excrescencies in which those Ichneumon worms were to be found , was rather augmented , than diminished or worm-eaten . And the like conformity of their feeding within Insects is well observed by Mr. Willoughby * , that the impraegnated Caterpillars seem not to be concerned , though their bodies are full of Insects of a quite different kind , but go on as far as they may towards the atchievement of the perfection of their own species . Thus I have seen a Poppy-head fwoln to a monstrous bulk , and yet all the Cells were not receptacles of Ichneumons , but some had good and ripe feed in them . I shall not refuse Mr. Willoughby ( though you know upon what grounds I have twice done it to you ) the satisfaction of an Answer to my 10 th Quaere , by him resolved negatively : It is true , the swarms of the Ichneumons , coming out of the sides of Caterpillars , do immediatly make themselves up into bunches , and each particular Theca , from the Cabbage-Catterpillar ( for example , ) is wrote about with yellow silk , as those from the black and yellow - Jacobaea-Catterpillar with white ; but as for web to cover those bunches of Theca's , I never observed it but in the green Catterpillar so common in our Lincoln-sheir , heaths , which are affixed to Bents or other plants . These in truth never deceived but my expectation , for I verily thought I had found , when I first observed them , a Caterpillar equivalent to the Indian silk-worm ; but having cut them in two , and expected to have found a Caterpallars Chrysalis in the middle , there presented themselves a swarm of Ichneumons . These are as large many of them as my thumb , that is , at least four times bigger then the Folliculus or Egg-bag of any English spider that I ever saw yet . By good fortune I have not thrown away the boxes , wherein I made the Observation concerning Ichneumons feeding upon the Eggs of certain Spiders . I have had them in several boxes , some 8 , some 10 , some 12 days in Vermiculo , feeding upon the very cakes of Spiders-eggs , before they wrought themselves Theca's for further change ; and they seldome exceeded the number of 5 to one cake of Eggs , &c. so that you may assure Mr. Willoughby , this is no conjecture , but a real observation accompanied with more circumstances , than I am willat present to relate . Some Additions about Vegetable Excrescencies , and Ichneumons Wasps ; together with an Inquiry concerning Tarantula's , and a Discovery of another Musk-sented Insect : from York in two Letters , of Octob. 16. and 28. 1671. The Extract of one of these Letters THat this Letter may not be all matter of Philosophy , you may take an occasson to put this Quaere to your correspondents of Italy , viz. Whether the Tarantula be not a Phalangium ( that is , a six-eyed skipping Spider ) as Matthiolus and others seem to tell us ? if so , whether some later Authors impose not on us by giving us a Cutt of the Figure of a Net or Reticulm orbiculatum , which our English Phalangia are never ( that I know of ) observed to weave or make use of in hunting ? and whether the person bit by a Tarantula , be not ever , when on his feet , disposed to and actually dancing after the nature of a Phalangium , which seldom or never moves , but by skipping ; even as it happens with such that are bitten by a Mad Dog , who have been sometimes observed to bark like a dog , &c. And if so , what we are to think and credit concerning such and such Musical tunes , said to be most agreeable and tending to the Cure of persons bit by a Tarantula ? But next among other things , I had the good fortune to present Mr. Willoughby giving me the honour of two visits , with a Musk-Ant * an Insect observed by me not many days before his first visit : And though I cannot send you the Insects themselves , as having parted with all I had , yet I will the Note , viz. Septemb. 2. I found in a Sandy Ditch-bank , the first hollow beyond the Ring-houses in the high-road to London about a mile and an half from York , a sort of exceeding small Pismires ) by which note alone I think they may be sufficiently distinguish't from all at least that I have seen . ) Those without wings were of a light-yellow or flaxen , and being broken at on 's nostrils they emitted , like others , an acid or sowre sent ; but those of the same bank with wings , were cole-black , and these , bruised and smelt to , emitted so fragrant a smell like musk , that I must confess they were too strong for me to endure : yet having kept them some time by me , the more delicate sex were not displeased with the smell . And an Apothecary in this City , famous for his diligence in Chymical Operations , did compare them ( unseem and not yet made known to him ) to an excellent balsom , he is wont to prepare . Mr. Willoughby inform'd me , that he had found the Goat chafer or Sweet-beetle * out of season as to that smell ; and thereupon asked me , what I had observed as to the time of their sweetest and strongest smelling ? I answer'd , that I believed it to be at the time of the Coit , for asmuch as at that time , when I took them highly perfumed , I had observed the female full of Egg. The Extract of the other Letter : I Send you a second paper about Vegetable Excrescencies ; the shortness of the former * and some things therein , perhaps liable to Exception , obliging me thereto . Concerning the fifth and last proposition of the first paper , it might be more intelligibly experssed thus , viz. That the substance or fibrous part of many Vegetable Excrescencies seems not to be the food of the worms found in them : My meaning is , that the worms in those Vegetable Excrescencies , which produce Ichoneumons ( to which kind of Insect we would limit this proposition , and therefore expunge all other instances , ) these worms , I say , do not seem to devour the substances or fibrous part of them , as other worms eat the Kernels of nuts , &c. but that ( what-ever their manner of feeding is , and we doubt not but that they are nourish't in and upon some part of them , ) the Vegetable Excrescencies still mightily increase in bulk , and rise as the worms feed . It is observable ( to endeavour a Solution ) that some of the Ichneumons delight to feed of a liquid matter , as the Eggs of Spiders , the juices ( if not Eggs ) within the bodies of Caterpillers and Maggots : Whence we conjecture , that those of the same Genus , to be found in Vegetable Excrescencies , may in like manner suck in the juices of the equivalent parts of Vegetables . And this the dry and spongy texture of some of those kind of Excrescencies , seems to evince : For , if you cut in Pieces a wild-poppy-head , for example , ( or the great and soft balls of the Oak ) you 'l find in those partitions , wherein these worms are lodged , nothing but a pithy substance like that of young Elder ; and if there chance to be any cells yet unseised , ( which I have sometimes observed ) the feeds therein will be found yet entire and ripe . Whence very probably they feed upon or suck-in by little and little the yet liquid pulp of the tender seeds , and leave the substance or fibrous part to be expanded into an Excrescence . As for matter of Fact , to clear the truth of that opinion , that the divers races of Ichneumons are generated by their respective Animal-parents , and particularly that which the divers Excrescencies of Vegetables produce , are not plantigenous , I am in great hopes , the instance of Poppy-heads , swoln into Excrescencies , will favour us the next season . My expectation is chiefly grounded upon the condition and nature of that plant ; which is such , that nothing can pierce the skin of it and wound it but it must necessarily leave a mark of its entry , the milky juice springing upon the lightest puncture , and drying and concreting suddainly into a red scar : And this , I think , I may affirm , that of the many heads grown into Excrescencies , which I gathered this Summer , all had more or less of those marks upon them . But our aim is heer only to make way for the Observation against the next season ; to which purpose also we propose the following Quaere's ; 1. Whether the shagged balls of the Wild Rose are not Excrescencies grown from the bud and very fruit of the plant ; like as the Wild-Poppy-heads are apparently not for worms but seed . 2. Whether the large and soft balls of the Oak are not in like manner the bud and acorn with all the parts of a sprouting branch , thus monstrously perverted from the first design of nature ? 3. Upon what parts or juices the Ichneumons-wroms , supposed to be thrust into Caterpillars and other Maggots can be thought to feed : And whether there be not actually Eggs in Caterpillars and Maggots ( as there are to be observed in their respective Chrysalis's ) sufficient to serve them for food ? Concerning the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 although I could willingly refer you to Mr. Ray , who is another Hesychius ; yet for present satisfaction I shall transcribe what the Excellent Critique G. Vossius saith ( c. 16. de Inimicitia ; ) Ichneumon ( i.e. Mus Pharaonis sive Aegyptiacus ) Crocodili & Aspidis ova indagat , unde illi Ichneumonis nomen , quasi dic●s Indagatorem ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Reperta utriusque ov● conterit ; ut est apud Oppianum in 30 de Venation● : Nicander tamen ait , cum Aspidis ova humi mandare . Now a like Observation of certain Insects of the Wasp-kind , made no doubt by some of the Ancients , occasioned the application of that name to Wasps , as well as to that Aegyptian Mouse . Yet cannot I remember to have met with , in any of the Ancients , of more than one text concerning those Wasps ; viz. Aristot de Hist. Anim , 5. c. 20. which Pliny ( vid. lib. 11. c. 21. ) hath rendred in a manner verbatim , thus : Vespae , quae Ichneumones vocantur ( sunt autem minores quàm aliae ) unum genus ex araneis perimunt , phalangium appellatum , & in nidos suos ferunt ; deinde illinunt , & ex iis , incubando , suum genus procreant . How far this relation is true , and agreeable to modern Observations , we shall have perhaps occasion to discourse of else-where ; Our design here is only to tell you , that we have enough to make us believe , that those very Insects , we have been treating of , are for kind , the Ichneumons of the Antients . A Letter . York , Januar. 10. 1671. containing an account of Veins observ'd in Plants , analogoue to Humain Veins . SIR , I Am very much pleased , when you give me to understand , that somthing is published of the Anatomy of Vegetables , and that more is designed by that excellent person Signior Malpighi * . And since the receipt of your last , I have perused the very ingenious Book of Dr. ●rew and , as far as I have observed these matters , all things therein are faithfully delivered , and with great sagacity . In turning over my Notes , made some years agoe , I find , among other things of this nature , some few Observations concerning the Veins of Plants , or such Duct●●'s as seem to contain and carry in them the noblest juices of Plants . Of these there is little or no mention made in this curious Tractate , unless under the notion of Pores . And because I am of the opinion , that they will prove vessels Analogous to our Hu man Veins , and not meer Pores , they shall , if you please , be the subject of your entertainment in this Letter ; and the rather that , if they prove Veins ( as I little doubt them ) they are not to be passed over in silence , but are early to be accounted for in the Anatomy of Vegetables . To avoid ambiguity ; Those parts of a Plant , which Pliny ( lib. 16. 38. ) calls by the names of Venae and Pulpae , are nothing else , in my opinion but what our late Author , Dr. Crew , calls Fibres and Insertments , or the Lignous body interwoven with that which he takes to be Cortical , that is , the several distinctions of the Grain . Now , that the vessels , we are about to discourse of , are not any of the Pores of the Lignous body ( to use the Doctors terms ) is plain in a traverse Cut of Angelica Sylvestris magna vulgatior J. B , for example ; the Veins there very clearly shew themselves to an attentive view to be distinct from Fibres , observable in the Parenchyma of the same Cortical body together with themselves ; the Milky juice still rising besides and not in any Fibre . Also in the like cut of a Burdock in June , the like juice springs on this and on that side of the radii of the Woody circle , that is , in the Cortical body and pith only . Again , where there is no pith , there is none of these Veins as in the Roots of plants , and Trunks of trees ; but ever in the Bark of either . I need not here enumerate the many Plants , wherein these particulars are most plainly observable , as in Sphondylium , Cicutaria , many of the Thi●sle kind , &c. Further , Neither are they probably of the number of the Pores , described by our Author in the Cortical body , or Pith. Not surely of those Pores extended by the breadth , because the course of the juice in these vessels is by the length of the plant ; as I have sometimes very plainly traced in the pith of a dryed Fennel-stalk , following them by dissection quite through the length of the pith . It remains , that , if Pores , they are of those pores of the Cortical body , that are supposed to be extended by the length thereof ; which yet seems ( to me at least ) not enough , but we think them vessels invested with their own proper membranes , analogous to the Veins of our Humaine body ; for these reasons : 1. Because they are to be found in the Pith , and sometime in the Cortical body of a plant , not included within the common Tunicle of any Fibres , as is above noted : ( that Fibers , or the Seminal root are cloathed , is most plain in some plants , as in Fern and Geranium Batrachoides , the Fibres of the former are coated , at least in some parts of the plant , with a black skin , in the latter likewise with a red one : ) And in these cases , had they not , I say , their own proper membranes , we see no cause , why the very porous and spongy body of the Pith and Cortex , should not be in all places filled alike with the juice , and not rise ( as most plainly it doth ) in a few determinate and set places only , that is , according to the position and order of these vessels . 2. Again the Experiment I made , which you were pleased to publish * , concerning the effect of a ligature on Cataputia minor L●bel . viz. the sudden springing of the Milky juice out of infinite pores besides the Incision : ( the cause of which Phoenomenon I take be , the dissected veins impetuously discharging themselves of part of their juice within the porous Panenchyma of the Bark ; ) whence it is probable , that , if there was no coated vessel to hold this milky juice , we might well expect its springing upon the bare ligature , as when we squeez a wet Sponge ; the external Cuticle of the plant , as this Experiment shews , being actually perforated . In the next place it is very probable , that these vessels are in all Plants whatsoever . For as it is truth-like of all the other substantial parts of plants , though specified by divers accidents in Figure and Texture ; so of these Veins , which , though they be discernable mostly in those plants where they hold discouloured juices , yet we may very probably think , that they are not wanting , where the eye finds not that assistance in the challenging of them . And in these very plants , where they are least visible , there is yet a time when they are , if not in all , yet in some parts of these plants , plain enough to the naked eye : The tender shoots of the Greater and Lesser Maple , in May , are full of a milky juice ; viz the known liquor of these Veins . Again to this purpose , If you apply a clean knife blade to a travers cut of the like Shoots of Elder , the Gummy liquor of these Veins will be drawn forth into visible strings , as is the nature of Bird-lime of the bark of Holly , or the milk of Cataputia minor Lobel . Further , The leaf stalks of our Garden Rubarb do sometimes shoot ( by what accident , we enquire not here ) a transparent and very pure Chrystallin Gumm , though the Veins , that held this gummy juice , are by no ordinary means visible in them , and yet by comparing the nature and properties of this Gum , with that of the Gums of other Vegetables to be of theirs , by the same comparative Anatomy . Lastly , we think , that even Mushromes ( that seemingly inferiour and imperfect order of Vegetables ) are not exempt and destitute of these Veins , some of them yielding a milky juice , hot and fiery , not unlike some of the Spurge kind , or Euphorbium . It might be expected , that I should add somethings at least , concerning the Original and Productions of these Veins , if not an exact description of them , the course of the juices in them , and their more immediate and primary uses in the matter of Vegetation : But I must acquaint you , that ( besides the season is not now proper to improve and verifie , if I had leisure , the Observations formerly noted , and that they were things thrown into my Adversaria without other order , than that nothing should slip from me in the quest of Medicaments , that might be of light ) although I find indeed many scattered particulars ( besides them already delivered ) concerning the Position , Order , Number , Capacity , Distributions , Differences , Figure , &c. of these Veins ; you will be pleased to take it in good part , if I think fitting to reserve them until the opportunity of another Summers review : It seeming to me no small matter , to have fairly hinted the existence of them to such curious persons as shall have the leisure , and find themselves in better circumstances , than I can pretend to , as to those great advantages of Glasses . Designing , &c. To conclude with the primary use of these Veins ; which is , in my opinion , to carry the Succus nutritius of Plants , because , where they are not , there is no Vegetation ; as it is seen , if an ingrafted Branch or Arm be bared and stripped off the clay , &c. in June , all the course of Vegetation will appear to have been made only by the Bark , and not by the Wood , that is , in the place only , where these veins are . A secondary use is the rich furniture of our Shops ; for , from these Veins only it is , that all our Vegetable Drugs are extracted , and infinite more might be had , by a diligent enquiry , and easy means , which I have not unsuccefully put in practice ; witness the black Resin , I not long since sent you a specimen of . An Account of a Stone cut out from under the tongue of a Man ; sent in a Letter to his Grace the Lord Arch-Bishop of York . May it please your Grace , IN obedience to your Grace's Commands , I have penned the Circumstances of a not common Medical observation , viz. the Excision of a stone from under the tongue . And I here with present your Grace also with the stone its self , as I had it from the person it was taken . * As to the occasion and time of its birth , he tels me , ( My Lord , you may be pleas'd to give firm Credit to every particular , that he hath answered me at your Grace's instance ) it was from a winter Sea-voyage , which lasted much longer than he expected , and wherein he suffered an exceeding cold ; and that , not long after his landing , he found a certain Nodus or hard lump in the very place whence this stone was cut . There was about 8 years betwixt its breading and being taken away . As to its growth , and the inconveniences thence enensuing ; he further saith , that upon all fresh-cold taking , he suffered much pain in that part especially ; and yet , that cold once being over , that part was no more painful than the rest of his mouth . He adds , that towards the 7 th and 8 th year it did often cause sudden swellings in all the Glanduls about the mouth and throat upon the first draught of beer at meals ; which yet would in a short time fall again . Lastly , as to the particulars remarkable at the time of its being taken away , he relates ; That it began its work with a sudden vertigo ; which vertiginous disposition continued more or less from Spring 'till August ; in which month , without any praevious cause save riding , the place where it was lodged suddainly swelled , and ran purulent matter at the aperture of the duct●●● Whartouianus : that it suddainly stopped of its running ( which he cannot attribute to any thing but Cold , ) and swelled with a great inflammation , and very great danger of choaking ; it being scarce credible , what pain the party suffered in endeavouring to swallow even beer or any liquid thing . This extremity lasted 5 days , in all which time , the party had so vast a flux of spittle runing from him , that it was not possible for him to repose his head to sleep , without wetting all the bed about him ; insomuch as that it was very much questioned by some friendly visitants , whether he had not of himself , or by mistake , made use of Mercurial medicines . The varieties or degrees of this spontaneous salivation were such , that he urged me not to omit them in the relation I was to make to your Grace , as thinking them very notable . The first day , the saliva ran thin and transparent , almost like water without any bubles . The 2 day it ran frothy ; it tasted salt , ( which yet he is apt to think hot rather , than really salt , because that day the inflammation was at the height ) . The 3 day it roaped exceedingly ; on which day a small pin-hole broak directly over the place of the Stone and ran with purulent matter as formerly . The 4 day the saliva ran insipid , sensibly cold in the mouth ; ( which again confirms me in that opinion , that the former sharp tast was the effect of heat , and not the immediate quality of a salt humour ; ) very little forthy . The 5 day ( which was that of the incision , ) it ran as on the 4 th but left an extream claminess on the teeth , insomuch that they often clave together , as though they had been joyned together with glue . Upon the inci●ion , which proved not wide enough , the membrances or baggs , wherein the Stone lay , came away first . As to the Stone it self , it was so hard as to endure the forcipes in drawing it forth : it was covered over with grass green matter , which soon dryed , and left the stone of a whitish colour , as it is to be seen . It is but light in proportion to its bulk , weighing about 7 grains ; and it s much of the shape of our ordinary horse-beans . There are visible impressions upon it of some Capillary and small vessels , it was bred amongst . Lastly , it is scabrous or rough , sand-like , although the substance is Tophaceous . The Accidents accompaning the working away of this Stone , ( for the incision was meerly obstetrical , ) and the place of its birth give occasion to call the distemper a Ranula . Yet in truth this was nothing else but one of those Tumours called Atheroma , and therefore we will name it lapis Atheromatis . An Extract of a Letter from York April 12. 1672. concerning animated Horse-haires ; rectifying a Vulgar Errour . Sir. I Cannot discover any thing new and rare in natural Philosophy , but I must forthwith make you participate of my good fortune ; and I assure you , the relation , I am about to make you , is of a thing very surprising . It hath been credibly reported , that Horse-hairs thrown into water will be animated ; and yet I shall shew you by an unquestionable observation , that such things as are vulgarly thought animated Hairs are very Insects , nourished within the bodies of other Insects , even as Ichneumons are within the bodies of Caterpillars . I will premise the particulars concerning this Ainmal , as I find them collected by the Industry of Aldorvaudus , and save you the trouble of that voluminous Author . This Insect ( saith he ) seems to have been unknown to the Ancients ; as it is called by the moderns seta aquatica or vermis set●rius , either from the most slender figure of the body ; or because it is thought to be generated of an horse-hair putrifying in water . The Germans call them by a name rendred Vituli aquatici . It is bred in corrupt waters ; perhaps of horse-hair , for ( saith Albertus upon his own frequent trial , as I find him quoted by Aldrovandus , ) these hairs , put into standing water , move and are animated or , as he words it , vitam & spiritum accipiunt , & moventur . Other have thought them to have their birth from weeds hanging down from the banks into ponds and Rivers . Others from Locusts and Grashoppers ( ex Bruchis ; ) which last though it be near the matter , yet it is rejected by Aldrovandus himself , as the most unlikely . They have been fouud in cold and good springs , and elsewhere , ( which is a wonder , saith Aldrovandus , ) upon a leafe in a Garden . And this , which was there found , was 5 or 6 fingers-breadth long ; the thickness of a bristle Horse-hair , with a duskish back , and a white belly ; and the tail on every side white . I saw ( saith Aldrovandus ) a black one thicker than the whitish one . Other Authors otherwise descibe them , as Bertruius , Albertus , &c. Some affirming them to have been a cubit long ; others , two cubits others , 9 inches long at the least : that they are white of colour , and so hard as scarce to be crushed with ones foot : to be every where of the same thickness : that they move not as wormes move , but snake-like , and knit themselves up into knots : that their skin is one continued thing without Incisures ; and therefore some would exclude them from the Insect-kind : that they have no head , but swim both waies , and therefore may be called amphisbaena aquatica : that they are poyson , drunk down into the stomack , but not venom to touch . And thus much out of Aldrovandus concerning the name of this Insect , the place of its birth and original , the place where they are to be found , its description , different species , nature , poyson &c. Our observation is this . April . 2. there was thrown up out of the ground of my Garden , in digging amongst other things of this nature , a certian cole-black Beetle of a midle size , and flat shape , and which I have observed elsewhere common enough . These Beetles I dissected upon the account of some curiosity , wherein I had a mind to satisfy my self . But I was surprised to find in their swollen bellies of these Hair-wormes , in some three , in others but one onely . These particulars we carefully noted : 1. That upon the incision they crawl'd forth of themselves . 2. That putting them into water , they lived in it many daies , and did seem to endeavour to escape by lifting up their heads out of the water , and sastning them to the side of the vessels ; very plainly drawing the rest of their body forward . 3. That they cannot be said to be amphisbaena , but do move forward only by the head , which is fairly distinguishable from the Tail by a notable blackness . 4. That the three , I took out of the body of one Beetle , were all of a dark hair-colour with whitish-bellies , somewhat thicker then hoggs bristles ; but I took out of the body of another beetle one that was mu●st thicker than the rest ; much lighter coloured ; and by measure just five Inches and a half long ; whereas all the rest did not exceed three inches three quarters . An Extract of a Letter enlarging and correcting the former Notes about Kermes ; and withal insinuating a conjecture of Cochincil's being a sort of Kermes . Sir , WE must correct as well as enlarge our Notes concerning Kermes * ; and yet there will be much difficulty in resolving the question concerning the Original and Efficient of Kermes . These things are certain . 1. That we have this year seen the very Gumm of the Arpicok and Cherry-lawrel-Trees trausudated , at least , standing in a Crystal-drop upon some ( though very rarely ) of the tops of these Kermes . 2. That they change colour from a yellow to a dark-brown : that they seem to be distended and to war greater , and from soft , to become brittle . 3. That they are fill'd with a sort of Mites ; that small powder ( which I said to be Excrement , ) being Mites as well as that Liquamen or softer pulp ( which I took to be Bees-meat ; ) concerning both which particulars I am pretty well assur'd by my own , and also by my ingenious friend , Dr. Johnsou of Pomsret's more accurat Microscopical Observations . 4. That the Bee-grubbs actually feed on Mites , there being no other food for them . 5. That there are other Species of Beesor Wasps besides those by me described ; which are sometimes found to make these Mites their food : Dr. Johnson having open'd one Husk , with one only large Maggot in it . 6. That there are probably different sorts of Mites in these Huskes , making possibly different species of Kermes : For , some I have found to hold Carnation-colour'd Mites , enclosed in a fine white Cotten , the whole Husk starting from the Twiggs , shrivelling up , and serving only for a Cap or Cover to that company of Mites , Other Mites I have seen white , and ( which is most usual ) the Husks continuing intire and not coming away from the Twigg they adhere to , and but little Cotton at the bottom . Those of the first sort are the white Cob-webbs on the Vine , described by Mr. Hook Micrograph . Obs. 56. 7. That shrivell'd Cap to be found upon the Mites inclosed in Cotton , as also the whole Husk it self , if taken early in April , while so●t , will dried in the Sun , shrink into the very figure of Coch●●●il : Whence we guess , that Cochineil may be a sort of Ker●●● taken thus early and sun-dried . Hitherto 〈◊〉 Summers ▪ 〈◊〉 ●●concerning Kermes , This advantage at least we may have by 〈…〉 the ●●count , taken from M. Verney by Dr. 〈…〉 publish 't in one of the Tran●●●● 〈…〉 is made more intelligible : the small Scarlet powder , there mention'd , being to be understood of those Mites ; and they to be distinguish't from the Bee-grubbs ; which are chang'd into the ●●●●ping Fly , that is , the bee , ( for kind at least ) by us described formerly , I am , &c. York Octob. 9. 1671. A Description of an odd kind of Mushr●●● 〈…〉 Milky Juice , much hotter upon the tongue than Pepper , &c. Novemb , 15. 1672. THe 18 of August last ▪ I passed through 〈◊〉 woods under Pinno-moor in Craven : In the Wood● I then found an 〈◊〉 number of Mushroms , some wither'd , and 〈…〉 . They were of a large 〈…〉 redgilled eatable - 〈◊〉 or 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 of their shape , that is , with a perfectly found 〈◊〉 or 〈…〉 we vulgarly call it , ) thick , fleshy , not 〈…〉 and round Foot stalk , of about 6 fingers breadth 〈◊〉 above ground , and ordinarily as thick as my 〈…〉 If you cut any part of this Mushrom , it will bleed exceeding freely a Milk-white Juice , concernig which 〈◊〉 1. That this Milky-Juice tasts much hotter upon the tongue than Pepper . 2. That it is not clammy to the touch . 3. That the 〈◊〉 not much discolour it , on the bl●de of a knife ; as is usual with most Vegetable Juices . 4. That it became in the glass viol , I drew it into , suddenly concret and stiff , and did in some daies dry into a 〈◊〉 Cake . 5. That it then also when well dried , retain'd its fierce biting tast and white colour . Fu●●er , I observ'd these Mushroms , 〈◊〉 of Juice , not to be endured upon our tongues , to abound with Fly-maggots . Also , the youngest and tendrest of them , that is , such as are most Juicy , to have been very much eaten by the Grey meadow naked Snail , lodging themselves within the sides of the plant . Concerning this kind of biting Mushrom , I find in a certain late discourse of the State of Russia these words ; Groozshidys Fungorum maximi , palmam lati , instar Omasi bibuli sunt , crassi & candidi ; dum crudi sunt , succo Cla●●● putà ) abundant . Eos sicut Tithymallum muriâ corrig●●● R●them ; aliter fances & gu●ter 〈…〉 . Ipse se●el 〈…〉 assato● 〈…〉 non 〈…〉 periculo . The reference to the Cuts or Figures is here confused , and the description too concise , to say that Ours agrees in any thing with Theirs , save the great ac●imony of the Juice they both yeild . I may sometime acquaint you with the Medicinal Uses , I have caused to 〈◊〉 made of this White 〈…〉 the mean time I shall only mind you of the great 〈…〉 hath with Euphorbium . Since this Letter the Author thereof was pleased to give us this further Account in an other of Decemb. 17. viz. — Mr Wray return'd me this Answer to my Letter about the biting Mushrom ; At my return to Midleton I found a Letter from you , containing the Description of a Mushroms by you discover'd in Marton-woods unde Pinno moor . I doubt not but it is that described in Joh. Ba●bin 1. 40. c. 6. under the title of Fungus piper at us alb●● , lacteo succo turgens . Only he saith ; 1. That it doth in bigness exceed the Champignon ; whereas you write , that there are few of them much bigger than that : But yet in saying so , you grant them to be bigger . 2. He saith , for their bigness they are not so thick as that ; you describe yours to be thick in flesh . In all other points the Descriptions agree exactly . For the colour , of that it is white , Gills and all ; for the place , that it grows in woods ; and for the tast , that its hotter than Pepper . Several particulars mention'd by you , are not observ'd or not mention'd by him . I cannot say , that I have as yet met with this Mushrom . A futher Account concerning the Existence of Veins in all kind of Plants ; together with a Discovery of the Membranous substance of those Veins , and of some Acts in Plants resembling those of Sense ; as also of the Agreement of the Venal Juice in Vegetables with the Blood of Animals , &c. Communicated in a Letter of Januar. 8. 1673. and exhibited to the R. Society . SIR , WE have formerly given you certain reasons for the Existance of Veins , ( analogous to those in Animals ) in all Plants whatsoever , not Mushromes excepted : To which we might add others of later notice ; as the skin of a plant may be cut sheer off with part of the spongy parenchyma , and no signs of Milky juice follow , that is , no breach of a vein . Again , we have stript the Plant of its skin , by pulling it up by the roots , and exposing it to the wet weather , untill it became flaccid as a wet thong , without any injury to the Veins , which yet upon incision would freshly bleed . These Experiments , I say , make against the general opinion of one only sap loosely pervading the whole plant , like water in a sponge . And though we have made these and many other Experiments to facilitate an ocular demonstration of these Veins ; yet we have not been able to effect it to our mind , and subject them as nakedly to our eye as we could wish , for a through-information of their Use , and a minute and accurate discovery of all the particular Accidents belonging to them as such vessels . This , I say , is a work of much labour and patience ; and that which renders matters very difficult , is the infinite number , smallness and perplexity of these Veins . In the Transverse cuts of Plants , we see as it were a certain Order and Number the bloody orifices of dissected veins . We observe also in a Leaf , which we take to be the simplest part of a plant . 1. That the Veins keep company with the Ribbs and Nerves ( as we vulgarly call them , ) and are distributed into all the parts of the Leaf , according to the subdivisions of those nervous lineaments , and are disposed with them into a certain net-work ; whether by Inosculations or bare contact only , we pretend not to determine . 2. That in a Transverse cut of a Leaf , the middle Fibre or nerve , for example , seems to yeild one big drop of a Milkie juice , springing as it were from one vein ; yet the Miscroscope plainly shews us , that there are many veins which contribute to the making up of that drop . 3. That if a Fibre or nerve be carefully taken out of the Leaf , the Veins will appear in it like so many small hairs or pipes running along and striping the nerve . 4. That those many veins are all of an equal bigness , 〈…〉 to be more certain of the ra●●ifications of the Fibres , wherein those veins are , we yet are so , that those veins do any where grow less and smaller , though probably it may be so . That which makes us doubt it , is the exceeding smallness of these veins already , even where we might probably expect them to be Trunk veins and of the largest size ; and being there also in very great Numbers and running in direct lines along the fibre , we guess , that one or more of them may be distributed and fall off on either hand with the subdivisions of the fibres , and not suffer any diminution in their bulk . 6. That we cannot discern any where throughout the whole plant larger or more capacious veins , than those we see adhering to the fibres of the Leaves ; which do also appear from comparing the bleeding Orifices in a transverse cut . I have found it a difficult and laborious task , to trace and unravel them throughout the whole plant . Our opinion is , that these Veins do still keep company with their respective Fibres . And as all the Fibres of the Leaf are joined in the Stalk of the Leaf , and that stalk explicated in cloathing the Twig or Stem of the plant , ( which we take to be the reason of the orderly breaking forth of the Leaves . ) so do we think of the Veins , their perpetual companions . And , as we have said , the Fibres of the Leaves are joined in the Twig ; so are those of the Twigs in the Branches ; those of the branches in the Trunk or body of the tree : The like also in an inverted order we seem to observe in the several Coats and Ramifications of the Root . This the several Circles of bleeding Orifices in tranverse cuts seems to confirm . But more in the Roots of plants , if a simple Coat be separated and exposed betwixt your eye and the light , the Veins appear to be strangly intangled and implicate , and not in the simple order , as in the Leaves . The like we think of the Bark of the bodies of Trees , which we cannot distinguish from the Roots of plants ; though there is , indeed , something ( at least at certain seasons of the year ▪ ) in the Root , which is not to be found in any part of the plant besides . From what hath been said , it may well be doubted , whether there is any sinus or common Trunk , into which all the veins are gathered ? But rather , each existing apart by it self . We indeed have found it very difficult so to exhaust the plant of its milkie juice , as to kill it , though we have given it very many incisions to that purpose . Divers other instances there are , which favour the Discontinuance of the Veins , and the little relation and intercourse they have with one another ; as one branch of a Tree having fair and well grown fruit , before the other branches of the same tree and fruit blossom or have leaves ; from the different situation and other circumstances of culture ; the indefinite and perpetual growth of a Tree ; the Cyon governing , &c. And thus far we have taken our information concerning these Veins , partly by the appearance they make in transverse cuts , and partly by the help of a Microscope ; which last indeed has shewed us something of their number , magnitude , order , distributions , &c. And yet neither of these helps in our hands has satisfactorily discovered to us other particulars belonging to these vessels , as external Figure , Coats , Cavitie , &c. The substance of these veins seems to be as truly Membranous , as the Veins of Animals : A Leaf will not give way and be extended , but the Veins in a leaf , if freed of all the woody Fibres , will be stretched out to one third part at least , and vigorously restore themselves again , just like a Vein , Gut , or any other membranous ductus of an Animal . Again these membranous Pipes are exceeding thin and transparent , because they suddainly disappear and subside after their being exhausted of their Juice ; and particularly in that we see the liquor , they hold , quite through our Veins , or ( in Chelidonium majus , for example ) a tincture of Saffron in Crystalline Pipes . Concerning the External Figure of these Veins and Cavitie , as well as other Accidents , we thought , they would have been made more apparent to us , if it were possible to coagulate the Juice they hold without much shrinking the plant . We were in hopes , Freezing would have effected this ; which though it did not succeed as we promised our selves , in respect of the manifestation of these Accidents ; yet it gave us some further light into the nature of the Juice of these veins . In the keenest frost , which hapned the other winter , we dissected the frozen leaves of the Garden Spurge . Here we observed , that all Juice ( besides that which these veins hold ) was , indeed , frozen into hard Ice , and to be expressed out in the figure of the containing pores ; but the Milkie-Juice was as liquid as ever , but not so brisk as in open weather . This Experiment we take to be good proof of the perfection of this Milkie Juice , and that it hath within it self so great a degree of fermentation , that it preserves it self and consequently the whole plant from the injuries of the weather ; that is , the plant owes it life to it . Thus we have seen Insects ( as Hexapode-worms , &c. ) ly frozen upon the snow into very lumps of Ice , which did not only cause the glass to ring we struck them against , but did endanger the breaking of it : And yet , put under the glass and exposed to the warmth of the fire , they quickly recovered their legs and vigour to escape ; which we think could not be , unless the Vital liquor of their veins , as in this Instance of plants , had been untouched and little concerned in the frost . Further , we hence also argue the different Vses as well as Natures of these Juices , and look upon the frozen Icicles or that copious dilute and Limpid sap as Alimental ; the Milkie and not frozen Juice , as as the only proper Venal . As to the motion of these Juices , these things are certain ; 1. That the Milkie ▪ Juice alwaies moves and spring● briskly upon the opening of a vein ; the Limpid sap but at certain seasons , and as it were by accident , and not ( as I judge ) from any vital principle or fermentation of its own . 2. The vena● juice hath a manifest intestine motion or fermentation within it self ; witness ( besides what hath been just now said of it ) its contributing ( and the long continuance of ) that motion to the most insensible liquors ; and likewise its thick and troubled bleeding , sike the rising of yeast , which yet in a few hours after drawing falls , and the juice becomes transparent , as the Gum of the Virginian Rhus , &c. I shall not desire any person to acquiesce wholly in a bare fermentation ; but endeavour a happy discovery of the Frame of all the parts of a plant , on which perhaps this motion may much depend . In the mean time we must indeed needs think ( according to the knowledge we yet have of the parts of plants , ) that these juices move by a far different contrivance of parts from that of Animals ; not yet here discovering any uniting of veins into one common Trunk , no Pulsation , no sensible stop by ligature , no difference in veins , &c. All which difficulties notwithstanding may , I hope , in time may be happily overcome ; and the Analogie betwixt Plants and Animals be in all 〈…〉 opening of flowers ; the 〈…〉 of the heads of Poppies from a pendulous posture , and particlarly the Vermicular motion of the veins when exposed to the air . Again , the Veins of Plants may indeed be different , though at present we cannot tell wherein they are so . The Arteries within our heads are hardy to be known by the eye from the Veins . Further there are natural and spontaneous excretions or venting of superfluous moisture in plants , visible and constant , in the Crown Imperial , Rorella , Pinguicula , &c. As to the Ligature , as it hath been hitherto applied by us , it is not to be relyed on for discovery of this motion ; the Veins only of plants being the parts probably distendable . Lastly we shall not omit to tell you , that either we must take that away from the other reasons given of the necessity of the Circulation of the blood in Animals , viz. the hindring of its breaking and clodding ; or we must grant the same motion to the Venal juice in Plants : we having undeniable Experiments to shew , that the Venal juice of Plants and the Blood of Animals agree in this , that they both , when they are once drawn from their respective veins , do forth-with break and coagulate , and that the serum in the one as well as in the other becomes a stiff gelly by a little standing . But of the different natures of the juices of these viens in divers Plants and their motion we will remain your debtor , and acquit our selves when we shall find it convenient ; at present ; only acquainting you , what variety of Experiments hath taught us , that probably more useful preparations and certainly a truer Analysis and 〈…〉 and parts of vegetable Drugs may be 〈…〉 whilst they are bleeding and liquid , than after they are once become concrete and have lost their natural Fermentation . I am &c. A Letter dated May 21. 1673. in York , concerning the unalterable Character of the Whiteness of the Chyle within the Lacteal Veins ; together with divers particulars observed in the Guts , especially several sorts of Worms found in them . — I Come to your Letter , where the Analogy betwixt the Veins in Plants and the Nerves in Animals , hinted by Dr. Wallis , is a considerable notion , and I shall set my self a task e're long to examine them both again on purpose , and to give you my thoughts . In the mean time , I will entertain you , if you please , with some Anatomical Observations and Experiments . It hath been long in my thoughts and desires to have discovered the Actual passage of the Chyle into the Lacteal Veins ; of which yet I never doubted , as I find some do at this day . The difficulty lyes in the certain and unalterable character of the Chyle's Whiteness , especially when received into those Veins . And yet it is as certain , that in a Diabetes the Urine retains all the qualities of the liquor drunk . Also in that famous instance of those that eat the fruit call'd the Prickle-pear ( if I remember aright , ) their Urine hath affrighted the Eater with the colour of bloud , that is , with the not-alter'd colour of the Juice of the Fruit. In these instances at least we cannot doubt but the Chyle , even in the Lacteal Veins , was qualified according to the food and drink . To effect then something to this purpose , we have formerly , and that very often , repeated the Experiment of injecting highly tinged liquors into the Guts of a live Animal . It would be too tedious and impertinent , to write down the circumstances of many different tryals : We will only in short tell you the manner of performing it and the success . We laced the skin of the Abdomen of a dog loosly for a hands breadth , and then opening it underneath the stitches , we took out either the duodenum , or any other of the tennia intestina . The Gut , took out , we open'd with a very small orifice , and having ready the tinged liquor luke-warm , we injected it upward and downward : Carefully stitching up the gut , and then drawing the Lace , we unloosed two of the Dogs feet , laying him on his side for what time we thought convenient . The tinged liquors we used , were good Barbado's Indigo , in fair water , and filtrated ; also lumps of Indigo thrust down his throat ; good broath ( as they call it ) of a blew fat ; Indigo in Milk ; Saffron in Milk. Again , we tried in some Dogs fed before hand , and injected the liquors in the very hight of the Chyle's distribution ; into others yet fasting , and that for a longer or shorter time . The Success was so constant , that we cannot say , we ever did find the least discolouring of Chyle on the other side the Guts , that is , within the Lacteous Veins , but ever white and uniform . Whence we judge it not very feasable to tinge the Venal Chyle in a well and sound animal . And He that would demonstrate the matter of fact to the Eye , must probably do it by giving him some such thing in the food , as shall cause a Diabetes , or some distemper equivalent to it . Though we have observ'd many odd things in the several Exercises of this nature ; yet we shall not trouble you at present with any other particulars , than what we have further observ'd in the Guts , to which we shall confine our paper . Of these we shall proceed to speak though possibly the the things may be better known to you already . As 1. of the Glandul● miliares † of the small Guts , which may also in some Animals be well call'd fragiformes , from the figure of the one half of a Strawberry , and which yet I take to be Excretive glanduls , because Conglomerate . 2. The Vse of the Intestinum cae●um , subservient to that of the Colon and Rectum ; manifest in such Animals , where Nature intends a certain and determinate figure to the Excrements . 3. Of some sorts of Vermin , we found in the Guts . And first of the Lumbrici lati or Tape worm . Of these , I say , we found in the guts of one Dog , perhaps more than an hundred in all . The duodenum was exceedingly stuffed out and extended with them . Which also well agrees with an other Observation I made in a Mouse , where I found the duodenum to be far bigger than the Stomach it self , by reason of the great numbers of these worms for kind , which were contained in it : For kind , I say ; for these Tape-worms were of a quite different shape from those of the Dog , or any that I have ever yet seen . To proceed , we found them also in the Dog 's Jejunum and Ileon ; but not any one lower than the Valv● a coli , nor any higher than the duodenum or within the Pilorus . Below the duodenum they lay at certain distances one from another , though sometimes by pairs or more of them twisted together . Near them was constantly to be observed an Excrement of their own , distinct , for colour ( the observation being made in a Dog plentifully fed for other purposes ; ) just as we find in worm-eaten tracks of wood , where the Coss● leave behind them the wood which hath pass'd through their bodies : These worms lay mostly with the small ends upward , as feeding upon and expecting the Chyle in its descent . These lumbrici lati were none of them above one foot long , and most of them of an equal length and bigness . The one end was as broad as my little finger-nail , and pointed like a lancet ; the other end , coming small gradually for the whole length of the Animal , was knoted , or ended in a small button like a pin-head . They were every-where and in all parts of them alike milk white , of a flat and thin substance like fine Tape , divided into infinite rings and incisures ; each incisure having sharp angles , on both sides , looking to the broader end standing out beyond each other : else the sharp corners of the annuli would necessarily hinder the Ascent of the Animal ; whereas , if the contrary be true , they serve to keep it up . Each ring hath also on the one side only , and that alternately , one small pro●uberance , much like the midle feet of the body of some Caterpillers . After I have thus described them to you , I desire you to view the Cut of Tulpius in the last years Edition of his Medic. Observat. l. 2. 42 ; where he retracts the first figure , given us in the Edition of that book in the year 1652. And yet I cannot say , that all in this last is true ; for , to me , the rictus and eye in the there supposed head of the animal seem to be the meer fancies of the painter ; not to say , that probably the smaller end is the head , which , indeed , is in this Cut wholly neglected . Comparing our Animals with that Cut of Tulpius , it was not very easy for me to observe , because of the great resemblance , the specifick difference of the lumbrici lati of Men , and those of this Animal . I was not so happy as to discover any motion in any part of them , in water or out of it , nor did they seem , if pricked or otherwise hurt , much if at all ) to contract themselves or shorten the Annuli , so that they then appea'd to me as things without motion or sense . There is an other sort of lumbrici lati to be met with very ●requently also in Dogs , called Cucurbitini from the likeness each annulus or link hath to a cucumber seed . I have found of them about half a foot long , but more often broken into shorter pieces . The former by us discribed is undoubtedly a compleat and entire Animal ; but there is great reason of suspition , that this is a chain of many Animals linked together . These Animals for Kind have been observed to have been voided by Men , and found enclosed in a Gut or Membrane of a prodigous length : And ( which is more notable , ) a person of great integrity and worth , Mr , F. I. affirmed to me , that he once assisted at the opening of a Dog , in which one of the Kidneys was observed to be quite wasted and become a perfect bladder , and in that bladder they found something like an Animal of a monstrous shape , which being dissected , was nothing else but a skin full of these lumbrici cucurbitini . † It were to be desired , that such as have the oppertunity of such rare Phaenomena , as of Snakes , Lizards , Beetles , Catterpillers , Toads and such like things , as we read of in Medicinal histories to have been vomited , whether they are not the like disguises of this sort of Worms , much assisted by the surprised fancies of the first Observers . And because these sort of Wormes are sometimes said to be found out of the Guts , their most proper place , we shall conclude with a very recent observation of the last month in this City . A Chirurgion brought me about 20 worms , which he had just then taken out of an ulcerated Ankle of a Girle of about eight years old . I had the curiosity to go my self and see it . I found the leg found all but the Ankle , which was vastly swell'd , and the Girle otherwise hearty and well coloured , She had been in great misery for some months ; had been sent up to London , where she was touched and dressed for the Evil. Sometimes after her return , her pain continuing , a young Puppy was opened and applyed to the Soars . The Chirurgeon , who took off the puppy , found it , to his great admiration , full of worms , at least 60. in number , what those he found in the body of the Puppy , and what he drew out of the soar Ankle ; into which , he said , they crawled down as worms do into the Ground . The same puppy was again applyed , and it was then ( at the second taking of the puppy ) that I made the visit , and saw only one worm got out into the puppy , but a very live and stirring one . Many were afterwards kill'd injections . These worms I affirm , according to my best Knowledg , ( and I had the oppertunity of comparing them ) were of the very Species of the Lumbrici teretes , which Children familiarly void from the Guts . They were betwixt three and four inches long ; all , about the matter , of an equal bigness , as of one brood ; something thicker than a Ducks quill ; very sharp at both ends ; stiff , and exactly round ; without incisures , visible at least , and yet could move and twist themselves readily enough . All the difference was in the colour , these being much whiter than any I have seen from the Guts . Vid. Barthol . in Hist. 60. Cent. 5. where neer twenty worms , as long as my finger , were found in a Lady's arm , probably of this Species too . I beg your pardon for my , &c. Some Papers written about the same time to Mr. Oldenburgh , in whose hands they remained unpublished . 1. Paper . THe passage of the Chyle through the Intestines , into the Lacteous Veins , is a thing hitherto demonstrated to the eye by none . Dr. Lowar ingeniously confesses the ill successe he had in trying with Air or tinged Spirit of Wine , by neither of which he was able to force a passage . And J. Wallaeus is very positive that however the Chyle in the Intestines may be diversly coloured , yet it is still white in the Lacteal Veins . ( V. Epist. de mot● ) Chyle . To this purpose Diembroock in his late anatomie * affirmes " Chylum semper album " inveniri in vasis lacteis mesenterij , & thoracic is — viridem verò rubrum alteriusve coloris in jis à nemine hactenus visum fuisse . p. 37. Notwithstanding which , and my own Insuccessfull Tryals , I did not doubt , but some happy Experiment would shew the contrary ; and a purposely coloured Chyle might find admittance into the Lacteal Veins , though not by force , yet by the consent and introduction of nature her self . The successe of some late Experiments we made to this purpose , we shall further acquaint you with . 1. Experiment , I caused a Dog to be fed , and after 4 hours , or therabouts ( having ready by me a cleer Tincture of Indigo dissolved in fair water filtred ) I opned the Abdomen , and making a small incision in the Jejunum , ( as was formerly discribed ) I injected one ounce or two . this done , the Gut and all we stitched up again , and the Dog turned upon his leggs . After one hour and one quarter we cut the stitches , where we beheld a copious distribution of Chyle and turgid Lacteal Veins , but as white as ever ; And yet carefully searching the Guts , we perceived none of the liquor injected any where . 2. Experiment , An other Dog which was kept fasting 40. houres , a very little flesh , without water , given him , some 5 houres before the injection of the Tincture of Indigo , which was done after the same manner , as before related , only the Tincture was well warmed , and some 12. ounces throughn up the duodenum , and down the Ileon . Here were empty Guts , nor the least appearance of any Lacteal Veins in the Mesenterie . After full 3 hours the stiches were cut again ( some occasional businesse hindring me from doing of it sooner ) and carefully examining the Mesenterie , we found many Lacteal Veins of an azure colour , and cutting some of the biggest of them asunder we did plainly see a thick blewish Chyle to issue forth , and to spread it self over the transparant Membrane of the Mesenterie . This is a very truth , which the Chirurgion , I imployed to assist me in the Experiment can well witnesse , and whose eyes I used as well as my own in carefully examining these matters . whence , although it hath been doubted of by some , yet it is most evident , that the Lacteal Veins receive , what they carry , from within the Cavitie of the Intestines . As to the bunches of Glandulae within the Guts , I have observed them in several kinds of Animals at divers times , and do therefore think them natural and not adventitious or morbous , as some were pleased to object . These Glandulae protuberate , and are thereby visible in any part of the small Guts , where they are to be found . In the duodenum of a Dog , I have seen many clusters of them , some as broad as my nail , and all disposed in an oval figure , like the half of a Strawberry , or Mulberry . They are very visible in the Guts of Mice , where each grain seems much larger than in a Dog. Again the part , where these Glandulae are , seems more thin than the rest of the Gut , and therefore the Gut slit , and held betwixt the light of your eye these grains are very conspicuous . Further these Glandulae ( like the rest of the Conglomerate kind ) empty themselves into the Guts , which is manifest by the comparison of them , and therefore serve for the excretion of some Saliva-like juices , but whether they may not also introduce the Chyle , I will not determine here . A Second Letter writ about the same time ; 1673. to the same Person . I did not think of explaning my sense of the use of the Caecum until I had had the Leisure and opportunty of purposely examining the I●testines of most kind of Animals . But because I am much mistaken by the person , who , as you tell me , is desirous to be anonimous to me , him I mean who raised the scruples you sent me , upon the Second Paragraph , which says , the use of the Intestinum Caecum to be subservient to that of the Colon , and Rectum ; manifest in such Animals where Nature intends a certain , and determinate Figure to the Excrements . I shall be forced to tell you , what I presume may prove , as neer the truth , as any one of the many conjectures extant in Authors , about the unknown use of this part . I understand by determinate figure . First , the Excrements divided into many small parts of a like shape , such as Sheep , Deer , Conies , Rats , Mice , Horses Catterpillers , Some Snailes &c. doe void . Secondly , in a greater Latitude , I oppose figured Excrements to Liquid , as C. Celsus in some place doth ; Thus the dung of Pigeons , and Geese , of Men , Dogs , Cats , &c. may be said to be figured . Now the Caecum , in my opinion , is subservient in some measure to the figuration of both , but most manifestly in the first kind . My meaning is that probably the use of the Caecum is to keep the Excrements , that passe into its cavitie ( and I believe all , or most part of them do in sound Animals ) so long , until they are sufficiently drained , baked , hardned , or of a due consistence , ( as clay is temperd for the mould ) to receive the Figure to be given from the Colon and rectum . This use I say of the Caecum , seems to me to be much more manifest in such Animals , as have figured Excrements of the first kind . In Ratts for example , ( whose Excrements are the most elegantly and constantly a like figured , of any Sanguineous Animal I have met with ) the Caecum is more large , and capacious , than the stomack it self , and perhaps than all the small guts put togather . But its use in receiving the Excrements or exhausted Chyle , is not more apparent , from its large capacity ; than that other of further draining and tempering them to a stiffnesse , for the service of the Colon , from the admirable contrivance , and structure , of this latter Gut , which is a Phaenomon that deserves further consideration : it is I say to be noted , that immediately under the Value of that Gut , in this Animal , are certain Spiral Fibres , which make a kind of screw . Now it seems to me , that the Excrements , after they are brought to a due Consistence by the Necessarie stay they make in the Caecum , and being carried out thence into the Spiral folding , or screw of the Colon , cannot descend in a perpendicular , as formerly through the small Guts , but still gently glide very leisurly by the vinding of the screw ; whence arises their Figure . And I am apt to believe , that if the Caecum of a Ratt , or any of the first kind of Animals mentioned , was tyed up , or otherwise hindred from its receit , the Animals would unavoidably fall into a Diarrhaea : there being , I say , no reason , that I can foresee , why the yet liquid Excrements or exhausted Chyle , such as we constantly find it , even at the very bottom of the small Gut , should slop at the entrance of the Colon , and not speedly glide through the screw , in a down right descent , that is , elude the devise of nature , and make the configuration of that so curiously contrived part uselesse , we I say supposing the Experiment to have taken away the necessarie Diverticulum and repositarie of the unprepared Excrements , in tying up the Caecum . I know not , whether the observation will hold good in general Terms , because I say , I have not yet purposily examined divers Animals in nature , viz. That the more accurately figured the Excrements of any Animal are , the more capacious is the Caecum , and on the contrary the lesse figured and liquid they are , the lesser the Caecum , or none at all . This is true certainly that some Animals , which are naturally loose have no Caecum at all or very little , as the Talpa , the Echinus terrestris the Gulo , a certian kind of voracious Woolfe , mentioned by Bartholine in his Observations . We shall not trouble you at present with our observations concerning the different Figure of Excrements in the divers Species of Animals already by us examined , nor of the place and of their becoming so figured . Also we shall passe by our thought for the present of the manner of the Caecums reception and preparing the Excrements . For the Colon , we likewise sorbear to offer some doubts we have , concerning natures end , in the necessarie Figuration of Excrements in some Animals , as first to prevent Diarrhaeàs ; Secondly to abide hunger the better ; thus Snails in Winter rest with full Intestines ; Thirdly to heighten the firmentation and digestion of the stomack and small guts . What we have hastly writ at present , being only intended for the better uuderstanding of that Paragraph , and not all that this subject would incite me to say . If it shall be objected , that grant the reception of the exhausted Chyle to be made in the Caecum , before it passe into the Colon : yet it seems that either we must give a power of choice to the Caecum , or what just comes in , will first be thrown out , it still being uppermost , that is , the lesse prepared excrement . I answer , that I do not conceive , what choiee or distinction Sheep , can make of the meat not ruminated , in the stomack , from that , which is but just now ruminated , and swallowed down , since all the many stomacks of a sheep are but one stomack and but one Gula , that is , in that respect of ruminating the stomack and Gula of a Sheep or Cow , is an other Caecum ; and yet in ruminating nature has its aime , and chews not things oftner over , than needs must ; the like we think of the office of the Caecum , which parts only with what is duly prepared , and retains the yet liquid Excerment . 3 Paper . Some probable thoughts of the whitenesse of Chyle ; and what it is after it is conveyed within the Arteries : Communicated much about the same time with the former . N. B. I am not altogether of the same Opinion Now ; yet , they were my thoughts than . 1. IN digestion of meat in the stomack , there is made a Separation or solution of Urinous salts ; no otherwise , than in the rotting of Animals , or Plants . 2. The Chyle is hughly impregnate with this Urinous Salts . 3. The Whitenesse of the Chyle is from the Fermentation it hath from its mixture with Urinous salts ; and that if desolv'd with fair water , it is wholly deprived of that colour , the firmentation ceasing . 4. The Salt Chyle is conveyed into the Venal blood , and with it enters the heart ; and it is thence thrown out , Chyle as it comes in by a continued pulsation into the Artery . 5. That as oft as it enters the emulgent Arteries , it there leaves behind it part of its salinous liquour or Urine , and consequently abates of its colour . 6. That when sufficiently freed of its Urinous salt , it becomes a Lympha ; which we think nothing else , but the residue of the Chyle , not yes made into the nature of blood , as not sufficiently depurate of its Saline Particles . 7. That probably it circulates long under the nature of a Lympha ; after visiting all the parts of the body by the Arteries , and returning again to the Hart , partly by its own vessells , and partly by the veins . 8. That in defect of Chyle ( for we cannot constantly feed ) nature continually supplys the Masse of blood with the Lympha , or old Chyle . 9. That upon every supply of fresh Chyle , much of the old stock or Lympha is ( according to the necessitie of parts ) converted to this or that use : and not till than . 10. That there is ever , more Lympha in the masse of blood , than there is need off for the diluting of it . the Arterial blood ( be the Animal never so much exhausted by hunger ) always parting with some upon extravasation and coagulation . 11. In the Coagulation of extravasate blood there is no praecipitation of parts , as in curdled Milk &c. for if the Chyle be freshly distributed into the Masse of blood , it will again separate it self , as Oyl will from water ; and in like manner is it with the Lympha or old Chyle , neither of them being as any essential part of the blood . 12. The Venal and Arterial blood have probably both a like quantity of Lympha to dilute them ; but the Arterial in Coagulating involves within its Crassamentum more than the Venal : the reason may be , for that the Arterial is fuller of air , which rarifies and renders the Arterial Crassamentum more porous and capacious , of lodging the Lympha : which yet as it subsides by long standing , parts with and le ts goe more and more Lympha . 13. The great Instrument of Circulation is the Systole or Vibration of the Heart ; which yet would not be sufficient from hindring the Coagulation of the blood , without a continual supply of Lympha to dilute it . An Account of two uncommon Mineral Substances , viz. of Bitumen , and a White Liquor . January 7. 1674. SIR , THat this Letter may be the more acceptable to you , I shall communicate some Excerpta , taken out of the Letters , which that Inqusitive and Learn'd Gentleman Mr. Jessop is pleased to honour me with . I will give , ( saith he ) the best answer I can in short to the Questions , you put to me in your last . 1. The Fungus subterraneous , I sent you a large quantity of , was gotten in a Rocky Lime-stone ground , on a Common about two miles distant from Castleton in the Peake of Darby-shire , 15 or 16 yards deep , in the Old man ( as they call a Mine formerly wrought and stopt up ) covered with earth , that had either fallen or was thorwn in . There is no coal-bed that is knowu of within five or six miles of the place . Of this Fungus , by Mr. Jessops procurement , I received a good quantity ; and yet I am not able to say , in what form it grows . It does not seem to me to have any constant shape ; at least the pieces that I receiv'd are much like Pears or Turff , cut up in the high moosr , bothe in the sooty colour and inward substance ; this ouly is more clammy and tough , and dries not . And some of the fungous substance is very soft and like gel●y . In and about the more solid pieces , ( of which I have some , half a soot square , ) are many big lumps of a bituminous substance . This bitumen is very inflammable like Rosin ; it is very light , it breaks firm , and shines like good Aloes ; and for colour , it is not much unlike it , save that it is more dark color'd and purplish ; yet there is much of it of a dark green colour . We distill'd a parcel of it , which yielded us an Acidulous limpid water ; then , a white liquor , which was , I guess , from some of the Oily parts precipitate . And in the last place , a copious yellow Oyl , not unlike that of Succinum or Pitch . In the neck of the Retort we could discern no Volatil Salt , as in the like process upon Amber . Whether this ows its Original to a Vegetable , or is truly a concret Mineral Juyce and a fossil Bitumen I forbear to determine . I have not read of any such fungous Earth , in which bitumen naturally grows and adheres : And the finding of it in an Old mine doth much favour the first opinion of being a Vegetable substance ; either the very substance of the props of Wood , they make use of in lining and supporting the Grooves , thus alter'd , or certain fungus's growing out of them . That Birch , ( of which there is great plenty and hath been vast woods all these mountanous parts of England over ) will yeild a bitumen , as limpid as the sap is which runs from it by tapping , if we now had the skill to extract it , Pliny is very express , l. 16. c. 18. Bitumen ex Betula Galli exc●quunt . And more-over it is certain , that much of that wood , if not all , which is dugg up in the high moors of Craven , and which the people there call and use for Candle-wood , is no other than Birch , as it appears from the grain and bark ; and yet this wood kindleth flames , and exudats a rosin , which makes many pronounce it very Firr-wood . Whatever this bitumen is , which this Fungus subterraneous yeilds , it much differs from the Asphal●um of the Shopps ; and you may command a Specimen of it , that it may be better examin'd by more skilful Naturalists . 2. There is an other Mineral Juyce in these parts of England , which I have much inquir'd after , and longed to see ; and now I am likely to be satisfied , as you may think by Mr. Jessops words : Captain Wain , ( saith he ) a diligent and knowing person in Mines , gave me a White Liquor , resembling Cream both in colour and consistance , which he found in great quantities at the bottom of a Coal-pit , 49 yards deep , which I reserve for you . But this is not all the information that hath been given me about this White Liquor . Mr. George Plaxton , a curious and very intelligent person , writes thus to me from Sheriff Hales in Shropshire : I shall trouble you with an Observation , I lately met with in our Iron-mines , especially that which the Country people here call the White Mine , which yeilds the best Iron-stone . The Miners do commonly , upon the breaking of a Stone , meet with a great quantity of a whitish milky Liquor , inclosed in the Center of it ; they sometimes find a Hogshead contain , d in one cavity . 'T is in taste sweetish ; only it hath a Vitriolick and Iron-like twang with it . A Description of certain Stones , figured like Plants , York Novemb. 4th . 1673. IN this paper I send you an Account of some of the Parts of certain Stones figured like Plants ; which Argicola ( 5 Fossilium ) calls Trochitae , and the compound ones Entrochi ; we in English , St. Cutberds beads . Agricola will have them akin for substance to the Lapides Judaici ; and , indeed , these are of an opaque and dark coloured Sparr ; though I have of them from some parts of England of a white Sparr or Cawke , as our Miners call it : They all break like Flint , polished and shining . Put into Vinegar ( saith he ) they buble : Atque etiam reperitur interdum qui se tanquam Astroites moveat de loco . But this is true of all Fossils of what figrue so ever , that Vinegar will corrode and dissolve as a Menstruum ; provided they be broken into indifferent small grains , and the bottom of the Vessel hinder not , they will be moved from place to place by it . The figure of the Trochitae is cylindrical ; the outmost round or Circle ( we speak of one single joynt , which Agricola calls Trochites ) is in general smooth , both the flat-sides are thick drawn with fine and smal rayes , from a certain hole in the middle to the circumference . From the shooting of these rayes like Antimonie , and because a large Peice of this Stone of many joynts resembles the bole of a Tree , Aldrovandus ( who yet elsewhere discourses of this Stone , after Agricola and Gesner , under the name of Trochitae and Entrochi ) not improperly terms it ( Musae : Metallici lib. 1. pag. 188. ) Stelechites Stibii facie ; and there gives us a true ●igure of it . Two , three , or more of these Trochitae joyned together , make up that other Stone , which he calls Entrochos . The Trochite or single joynts are so together , that the Rayes of the one enter into the other Furrows , as in the Sutures of the skill . Hitherto we agree to what Agricola , Gesner , Boetius , Aldrovandus , and Wormius have said of them : We proceed upon our own Observations , which go much further . The Places where we find them very plentifully , are certain Scarrs in Braughton and Stock , little Villages in Craven . The Stones of the abovesaid described Figure , as many as have yet come to my hands from those places , have afforded us these Particulars . As to their bigness , I never yet met with any much above two inches about ; others there are as small as the smallest pinn , and of all magnitudes betwixt those proportions . These are all broken bodies ; some shorter Pieces , some longer , and of them , indeed , Trochitae , that is , but single joynts . I never fonnd one intire piece much above two inches long , and that very rarely too ; in some of which long pieces , I have reckned about 30 joynts . And as they are all broken bodies , so are they found dejected and lying confusedly in the Rock , which in some places , is soft and shelly ( as they call it , ) that is , rotten and perished with the wet and air . And though in some places they are but sprinkled here and there in the Rock , yet there are whole bedds of Rock of vast extent , which are made up of these , and other figured Stones , as Bivalve , Serpentine , Turbinate , &c. as at Braughton . As to the injuries they have received in their removal from the natural posture , if not place of their growth and formation , they are manifest . For , besides their being all broken bodies , we find many of them depressed and crushed , as if the joynt of a hollow ▪ Cae should be trod under foot : These Crushes being also real Cracks of a stone or glass . Again these stones consisting of many vertebrae or joynts , they are many of them strangely dislocated ; sometimes two , three , or more of the joynts in a Piece are slipped and out of order or rank , and sometimes a whole series of joynts , as when a pack of Crown pieces leans obliquely upon a Table . Futher , others I have that are twisted like a Cord , if this possibly may be reckoned amongst the injuries . Lastly , some have their joynts , indeed , even and in file , but are yet stuffed with a forrain matter , as when bricks are layed in motrer . There is great variety as to the thickness of the Trochitae or single joynts : some are so thin , that they are scarce the full of the 24 th . part of an inch ; others are a full quarter of an inch thick ; of these latter I only found at Stock : These , I say , are the extream proportions , as far as my Observations have yet gone ; there are joynts of all measures betwixt those two Extreams . This is true in divers Pieces , for mostly the joynts are of an equal thickness in one and the same Piece . Note , that there are slender and small Entrochi or Pieces , which have as thick joynts , as the biggest and fairest Pieces . There is also some difference in the seames or closing of the joynts : Some are but seemingly joynted ; which appears by this , that if they be eaten down a while in distilled vineger , the seeming Suturs will vanish , as in some I had out of Stafford-shire , from about Beresford upon the Dove : Others and all here at Braughton and Stock are really joynted , and the Sutures indented ; which indentures being from the terminating of the rayes , they are more fair or large , according to the differenc of the rayes , but even , equal , and regular . We have said , that generally the outmost Circle of each joynt is flat and smooth ; yet are there many other differences to be noted as to that Part : Very porbably because they are Parts or Pieces of different Species of rock-Plants . 1. That the smooth-joynted ( to say no more of them here ) are of different thicknesses as to the joynts . 2. On some Entrochi betwixt , Suture and Suture in the middle of each joynt , are certain Knots in a Circle ; the joynts thus distinguished are very deep and large , and are very frequent at Stock . 3. There are likewise of these with a circle of knots , which have many knots besides upon each joynt and look rugged . 4. Some with much thinner joynts , which yet have a Circle of knots in the middle of joynt ; and this also looks as though it was all over knotted , and these are found at Braughton only , as far as I know . 5. As some have but one Circle of knots , others , are knotted all over the joynt and rought ; so are there some others , which have a Circle of larger knots in the middle of each joynt , and a circle of lesser on each side close adjoyning to the border or verge of the Suture . This is huge pretty , and they are found at Stock . 6. Others betwixt Suture and Suture in the middle of each joynt rise with a circular edge . 7. A smooth Entrochos with a large or much risen edg on the middle of one of the joynts , and a much smaller on the middle of an other joynt and that atlernatively . 8. The same alternate difference , the joynts only much rounder and blunt , and here the joynts are visibly one thicker than the other . 9. The same with alternate edges knotted . 10. A double edg in the middle of every joynt ; this makes the joynts look as though they were exceeding thin and numerous , but indeed they are not so . 11. A double edg in the middle of every joynt knotted by intervals , or as it were serrate edges . And these are some of the differences , that I have at present been able to make out . Some of the Pieces of most , if not all , of the differences of these Entrochi are ramous , having lesser branches deduced from the greater , and that without order . Some have but few branches on a Piece ; others I find so thick of branches , that they resemble a ragged Staff. These Branches are deep inserted within the stemm , and by being separated , leave great holes in the sides of it . The rayes in the joynts of the branches run cross to the rayes of the stemm . On thick stemms , are somtimes very small branches , but mostly the bigger the Stem the thicker the branches . Some of these branches are branched again : Yet I find not any of them above one inch intire , and yet adhering and inserted into its stock o bole , and for the most part not above a joynt or two . The Branches are known from the stemm , by being a little crooked and something tapering or Conic. We meet but with few Pieces ( besides the branches ) that are not exactly Cylindrical , setting aside the injuries above mentioned , that is , that are not as thick at one end as at the other , and perfectly round , notwithstanding that we said , that there are of them of all degrees of magnitude within the proportions above-named . And , as we said , it is rare to meet with a Piece , that is not exactly cylindrical ; so amongst those few that are not so , some we find tapering at both Ends , and much swelled in the middle . And this is the other Species of this Stone , according to the division of Agricola : Entrochi duae sunt Species ; aut enim aequaliter teres est ; aut teres quidem , sed par● ejus media tumet , utrumque caput angustius est . But this must not be understood , as though both ends were compleat ; for these , are but broken Pieces , as the rest , more swelled in the middle . Others there are figured like a kind of Fruit , or Lapis Judaicus ; but these also are truly Entrochi , and are joynted notwithstanding this shape . Upon a small Stalk of two or three joynts is suddainly raised an Oval bottom , broken off also at both ends . To these we shall add what seems to have been summitates or fastigia ; long and slender Pieces with a little jointed buttom , hollow on the very top ; which top seems not to have been divided or broken off from any thing else . I must not forget , that as they are hollow in the middle ( and so it was easy to string them like beads , which gave occasion to the English name ; ) so these hollows are someetimes filled with earth , and sometimes an other Entrochos is inclosed like a pair of screws , and which is ( as it were ) pith to the other . Of these inward Entrochi some I have which are transparent . Note , that the hollows or piths are of different bores , but most are round . And yet there are of them in great plenty at Stock , whose hollow in the middle is in the elegant fashion of a Cinquefoil ; and the rayes of the joynts of Entrochi are much deeper and fewer in number , than of any other yet observed by me . These are smooth-joynted . This is most surprising , and I know not any Vegetable , whose Pith is perforate in such a manner . Lastly we in these Rocks find rude Stones , of the bigness of Walnuts , which have many impressions of Trochitae upon them , as though they had been the roots of them . And when these have been a little cleansed in Vinegar , these impressions appear more than casual ; for , the substance that covers them ( if not the Stones themselves ) is Sparr , and the impressions are round holes , which , we said above , the Branches made in the sides of the stock , when broken out from them . Agricola makes mention of these also : Saepenumero lapis informis reperitur unà cum Trochite & Entrocho , Rotae in se continens figuram ; quae in eo quasi quaedam radix , Trochitis jam abruptis , remansit . Although there are indeed certain lapides informes , which may with some colour be thought to have been the Roots , from whence some Entrochi have been broken ; yet are not all such lumps of Stone , on which we discern the Vestigia of Entrochi to be called lapides informes , some of them being most elegantly figured . One or two of them , which I found intire and compleat at Stock , amongst very many others strangely shattered and defaced , I shall describe to you . 1. The first is in the fashion of a Pine Apple or Cone , with a hollow bottom : On the very Top is the round figure of an Entrochos broken off ; round about the bottom or basis are five single feet at equal distances , in the figure of Crescents . This Stone is incrustate or made up of angular Plates ; viz. the bottom is composed of five plates , which we call Feet ; the middle of the Stone of five other plates , all of a Sexangular figure ; and the Top Stone . All other plates are smooth on the outside . 2. The sccond is a large Stone of the bigness of a Walnut , much after the pyramidal fashion of the other ; the bottom convex , about one inch and a quarter over ; on the top is the lively impression of an Entrochos broken off , or rather a Trochites yet remaining ; round the Basis are five double points or Feet at equal distances , all broken of somewhat in the figure of Crescents . This Stone also is incrustate or covered with Sex-angular plates , which are rough . I can compare the inc●ustating of these stones to nothing so well , as to the skins of the Piscis Tringularis , which Margravius describes : Cujus Cutis ( nam caret squamis ) figuris Trigonis , tetragonis , pentagonis , hexagonisque mire distinguitur & notatur . Of these figured plates I find so great variety in the Rocks , both as to the number of Angles and other beautiful Ornaments , that it has caused in me great admiration . And it will not be amiss ▪ since they manifestly belong , as parts , to the above described stones , to enumerate them , at least , as many as have yet come to my hands . Some of these angular plates , I said , are yet visible in their natural place and posture in the described stones : But I find the greatest part of them broken up and heaped together in great confusion in the Rocks . And it will be as hard to set them together , as to skill to tell you , what the figure of an intire Entrochos ( or the stone to which all the above described parts seem to belong ) is : But we will omit no part , that we can justly say belongs unto it . We shall begin with Pentagonous plates . 1. The first is a Pentagonous Stone , as broad as my thumb-nail ( we speak of the fairest of them , ) hollow on the one side , like a Dish ; convex on the other side , where are certain eminent knots , about the bigness of small pinn-heads , set iu a kind of square order : This plate is somewhat thinn at the edges and yet blunt . 2. The second is also Pentagonous , and not much narrower than the other : It is , indeed , somewhat convex above , but not hollow underneath ; it is smooth on both sides , at least without those eminent knots , which are so remarkable in the other plate : The edges of these are as thinn as of a knife , and sharp . 3. The third Pentagonous Plate is not near so broad , as either of the former ; yet one I found amongst a 100 of this sort , that is full as any of the above described : These are all convex on the one side and somewhat hollow on the other ; thick edged ; one of the 5 sides only is indented ; the indented side is ever the thinnest , and the stone is most sloped towards that side . Note , that there are many amongst these last indented sorts of plates , which are channelled on the concave side and otherwise notched . 4. All these Pentagonous plates are to be found plentifully at Braughton or Stock . But I shall not omit in this place the mentioning of one , I by chance espied amongst certain figured Stons , which I had out of the Quarrie near Wansford-bridg in Northamptonshire , and it probably belongs to these kind of plates I am now in hand with . It has one of the five sides thick indented ; the convex part has in the middle a raised Vmbo , like some antient shields , and round about the sides list of smaller Studds . We have since had some plates much like this from Bugthorp under the Woolds in York-shire . We proceed to remarke some differences in the sexangular plates . 5. All these stones are but small , save here and there one : The first of them is but little hollow on the one side , and convex-side most elegantly wrought with raised or embossed work , that is , with an equilateral triangle bestriding each Corner , and a single right line in the midst ; or , if you will , two Triangles one within another . These we found at ●raughton-fear only . 6. That Plate-stone which is most common in these Rocks , there being a 1000 of these to be found for one of the other , is sexangular , a little hollow on the one side and convex side or scabrous only ; some are much thicker than others ; some being as thick as broad , but most are Plate-like ; the sides are very unequal , as in Crystals ; sometimes five broader sides and one very small ; again two sides broad and four much narrower , and infinite other differences as to the inequality of Sides . Words are but the arbitrary symboles of things , and perhaps I have not used them to the best advantage . Good Design ( and such is that I send you , done by that ingenious young Gentleman and excellent Artist , my very good friend , Mr. William Lodge . ) or the things themselves , which I have all by me , would make these particulars much more intelligible and plain to you . The Explication of the Figures . See Tab. I. 1. A Trochites or single joynt with very fine and small Rayes . 2. A Trochites or single joynt with the pith bored through , in the fashion of cinquefoil . 3. A Trochites or single joynt , of an Oval figure , the rayes scarce apparent and a very small point in the place of the pith . 4. A single joynt or two of a middle size , with the pith exceeding large . 5. A pack of single joynts dislocated , and yet adhering in their natural order . 6. A very long Entrochos or a piece of many smooth joynts with the branches broken off . 7. An Entrochos with smooth joynts not branched . 8. The biggest Entrochos I have yet seen , with stumps of branches . 9. A smooth Entrochos with very thin and numerous joynts . 10. The largest or deepest joynted Entrochos , save the oval one noted in the third figure . 11. An Entrochos with very many disorderly knots in each joynt . 12. An Entrochos with one only single Circle of knots in the middle of each joynt . 13. An Entrochos with three Circles of knots . 14. A smooth Entrochos , with a large and much risen edge in the middle of each joynt . 15. Alternate joynts round or blunt . 16. A double edg in the middle of each joynt . 17. Alternate joynts , edged . 18. 19. 20. Certain other differences noted in the Paper , but not pefectly exprest in the Design . 21. An Entrochos with a branch of a good length . 22. A branch of an Entrochos knocked off . 23. An Entrochos fruit-like . 24. A fastigium or Summitas . 25. A radix of an Entrochos in Prospective : where A is a joynt or Trochites yet remaining , whence an Entrochos was broken off . C. E. F. D. are four of the double feet ; the 5 th . being hid . 26. The same radix to be seen at the best advantage : A the Trochites or basis : C. B. D. E. F. the five double Feet . Note also the sex-angular rough plates , which incrustate the stone or cover it all over . 27. A smaller Radix with smooth plates and five single Feet : H. the top stone . I. one of the five Feet . K. one of the five angular plates which incurstate the middle of the stone . G. the basis , Also the same stone in prospective . G. the same with the hollow bottom upwards . Figures of Plates supposed to incurstate divers roots . 28. A pentagonous plate knotted . 29. A thinn edged smooth pentagonous plate . 30. An indented pentagonous plate . 31. The Northamptonshire pentagonous plate . 32. A large pentagonous smooth plate . 33. An hexagonous plate imbossed with angles 34. An hexagonous plate , as deep as broad . 35. 37. Odd figured plates . 36. A quadrangular plate ribbed and indented . A Letter concerning Snails , with Tables about that sort of Insects . York . March. 12. 1673. I Herewith send you the first part of our Tables of Snails , and some Quaere's upon that subject , I reserve by me the Sea-shells and Rock-stones . That part , I send you at present , being at a stand with me , these other increase upon my hands daily ; which though that be not a sign of perfection ( for there is undoubted work for many ages , ) yet it is of good advancement and progress ; this other of the copiousness of the subject . Again , in that part of the Tables , you have from me , Authors are very little concern'd ; in the others of Sea-shells and Stone-like Shells there are many authors , which are to be consulted and taken in , if possibly we can understand them treating of the same species . As for Rcok-shells in particular , they come in to me in greater numbers , than I could ever have imagined . And I can assure you , that of near 30 Species , I have now by me , found in this County alone , not any one can be sampled by any Sea , Fresh-water or Land-Snail , that I have , or ever saw . So that you see , I have still good reason to doubt of their Original , besides many other arguments that my Observations about Fossils do afford , and which you may possibly one day see . And that there are the elegant representations of even Bivalve-shells , which never ow'd their original to any Animal , I can demonstrate ; and think none , that hath considered the thing with me , yet hath denyed : Of which hereafter . But whether all be so or no , I choose this method , as the most convincing , viz. to give a Comparati e view . Some general Quaere's concerning Land and Fresh-water Snails . 1. Whether there are other Shell-snails at land , than Turbinate ; 2. Whether this kind of Insect are truly Androgyna , and equally participate of both Sexes , as Mr. Ray first obseru'd ; and whether both them two , which shall be found in the act of Venery , do accordingly spawn , or lay those perfectly round and clear Eggs so frequently to be met with in the surface of the Earth and in the Water too ; and the circumstances of those Eggs hatching ? 3. Whether the way of fatting Snails , in use amongst the Romans , that is , to make little paved places incircled with water , be not also very expedient in order to the true noting the manner of their Generation ? 4. What light the Anatomy of this Kind of Insect may give to the rest ? 5. Whether the black spots , observable in the horns of some Snails , are Eyes , as some Authors affirm , and not rather parts equivalent to the antennae of other Insect ; as the flat and exceeding thin shape , also the branched horns , in other Species of Snails seem to confirm ? 6. Whether the coccinea Snails , which some of our Water-snails freely and plentifully yield , be not a Saliva rather than an extravasated blood : The like may be thought of the Juyce of the Purple-fish , now out of use , since the great plenty of Cochineil ? 7. In what sort of Snails are the Stones , mentioned by the Antients , to be found ? And whether they are not to be found ( in such as yield them ) at certain times of the year ? And whether they are a cure for a Quartan ; or what other real vertues they have ? 8. What medicinal vertues Snails may have , as restorative to Hectic persons ; and what credit the Romans may deserve , counting them , especially the necks of them , highly venereal ; Celsus also particularly commending them to be boni succi , and stomacho aptas . 9. Also inquire concerning the Mechanical uses of the Saliva of these animals , as in dying , whitening of wax , hair , &c. Cochlearum Angliae Tabula . Cochleae Fluviatiles Testaceae , seu testis contectae . Turbina●ae Breviore figurâ , testae apertura clausa Operculo è saliva confecto , tantùm ad hyemem . Num. IV. Operculo testaceo Num. I. Longiore figurâ , sive Buccina , convolutae à dextrâ versus sinistram . Num. IV. à sinistrâ versus dextram . Num. II. Compressae Num. III. Nudae , Limaces quibusdam dictae . Num. III. Terrestres Turbinatae Validiore testa , operculo testaceo clausa . Num. III. tenui , pellucid â , semper aperta ; convolutae à siextrâ in sinistram . Num. IV. à finistrâ dextram versus . Num. I. Compressâ testâ , Coccum sundentes . N. III. Bivalves , Musculi quibusdam dict . Num. III. Univalvis , Patella dicta . Num. I. Some Observations and Experiments made , and in a Letter communicated to the Publisher , For the R. Society . Philosophical Transactions , N. 10. I Shall venture to entertain you at present with a few loose Notes , which you will be pleas'd to take in good part , and dispose of them as you think fitting . I. Of the Efforescence of certain Mineral Glebes . I keep by me certain big pieces of crude Allom-Mine , such as it was taken out of the Rock . I had also in the same Cabinet like peices of the ordinary Fire-stone or Marcasite of the Coal-pits , which here we call Brass lumps . In process of time both these Glebes shot forth Tufts of long and slender fibres or threads ; some of them half an inch long , bended and curled like hairs . In both these Glebes , these Tufts were in some measure transparnt and crystalline . These Tufts did as often repullulate , as they were struck and wiped clean off . Herein these fibres differ'd in tast ; the All●minous very Allomy and pleasantly pungent ; the Vitriolick stiptique and odious . Again , the Allom-ones , being dissolv'd in fair water , raised a small ebullition ; whereas the Vitriolick fibres dissolved quietly . The Allom-fibres were generally smaller , and more opaque , snow-like ; the Vitriolick larger , many fibres equalling an horse-hair in thickness , and more crystalline . The water , wherein the Allom-fibres were dissolv'd did give no red Tincture with Gall ; not by all the means I could devise to assist them ; whatever hath ( and that with great confidence ) been said to the contrary , by some of the Writers of our York-shire Spaws : The Vitriolick did immediately give a purple tincture with Gall. Having laid pieces of the same Marcasite in a Cellar , they were in a few moneths cover'd over with green Copperas , which was these Fibres shot and perhapps again dissolved by the moist Air , clodder'd and run together . Exposing other pieces of the same Vitriolick Glebe in my window , where the Sun came , they were cover'd over with a white farinaceous matter , that is , with these Fibres calcined by the rays of the Sun and warm Air , beating upon them . Of what figure these Fibres were , whether round or angular , I could not well discern . But I take these fibrous and thread-like shootings of Allom and Vitriol to be most genuine and natural ; and their Angular shootings , after solution , into Cubes and Rhomboides , to be forc't and accidental ; Salts of very different natures , as well Vegetable as Fossile , by a like process in crystallizing of them , being observ'd to shoot into like figures . But this is not my purpose at this time . II. Of an odd figured IRIS . I have not observ'd any Rock or sort of stone , whether Metalline or more Vulgar , which hath not its different sort of Sparr , shot in some part or other of its bed or seams . And these Sparrs differ not only in their Colours and other accidents , but eminently too in their Figure . To pass by divers , which I have collected , I shall describe one of a very curious Figure , and which ( though very common in our blew-Lime-stone Rocks , out of which plently of Lead-Ore is got , ) yet is not , that I know of , mention'd by any Author . These Crystals are mostly of a black water , like the black flint in Chawk-hills ; but there are of them , which have a purplish or amethystine colour ; and there are as clear as crystal . They adhere to the seams of the rock , be it betwixt bed and bed , or where-ever there are cross and oblique veins through the very substance of the bed . The smaller the veins , the less the Iris. You will find of them as small as wheat-corns , and others an hundred times bigger . They shoot from both sides the the seam , and mutually receive one the other . They are figured thus , viz. a column consists of three quin-angular plains , very little rais'd in the middle : these plains too are very unequal . Let them hug one another , or be any ways straightned and compressed in their shooting ; yet the number of plains meution'd , both of the column and top , is most certain . The places , where infinite of them may be had , are Rainsborough Scarr upon the Rible ; also in a Stone-quarry near Eshton Tarne in Craven . III. Glossopetra tricuspis non-serrata . Mr. Ray in his Travels hath these words concerning the Glossopetrae , pag. 115. Of the Glossopetrae ( saith he ) I have not yet heard , that there have been any found in England ; which I do not a little wonder at , there being Sharks frequently taken upon our Coasts . I have had out of the Isle of Shepy in the River of Thames , very Sharks teeth dug up there ; which could not be said to be petrifi'd ; though , at our first receiving them ; but they were white , and in a short time came to their natural colour . In the Stone-quarries in Hinderskels-Park near Malton , I had this stone ( the scheme whereof I send you ; ) the greatest rarity of this kind I ever met with , and which I took out of the rock there my self . It is a fair Glossopetra with 3 points , of a black liver-colour , and smooth ; its edges are not serreate ; its basis is ( like the true teeth ) of a rugged substance ; it is carved round , the basis with imbossed work : It hath certain emiuent ridges or lines like rays drawn from the basis to each point . IV. Of certain Dactili Idaei , or the true Lapides Judaici , for kind found with us . The Stones call'd Dactili Idaei and Lapides Judaici , are brought over to us from beyond Seas in divers shapes ; and some of them are described in Authors . We have plenty of them for kind in these parts , as in the Stone-qurries at Newton near Hemsley , and at Hellingley by Malton . There is some variety in the figure of them here also ; but the most common one in these rocks is after the fashion of a Date-stone , round and long , about an inch , and sometime longer . They are a little swelled in the middle , and narrower towards each end : They are channelled the length-way , and upon the ridges knotted or purled all over with small knots , set in a quincunx-order . The inward substance is a white opaque Sparr , and breaks smooth like a flint ; not at all hollow in the middle , as are the Belemnites : V. Of the Electrical power of Stones in relation to a Vegetable Rosin . It so hapned , that having occasion in July to view certain Fossils , which I had dispos'd of into divers Drawers in a Cabinet made of Barmoudos Cedar , I observ'd many of the stones to be thick-cover'd over with a liquid Rosin like Venice Turpentine . Examining further , there was not a Drawer , wherein there was not some more some fewer stones thus drenched . That this could be no mistake , as from dropping , the bottoms of the Drawers are of Oak . Again , many stones , which were lapped up in papers , were yet wholly infected and cover'd with this Rosin . Besides , after diligent search there appear'd no manner of exudation in any part of the Cabinet . Two thing , I thoughts very remarkable : 1. That of the many sorts of Stones I therein had , divers escaped , but not any of the Haematites-kind ; having therein Manganes , Scistos , Botryides , &c. which were all deeply concern'd . 2. That amongst perhaps 500 pieces , of the Astroites here and there one or two in an appartment , and sometimes more , were seised , and the rest dry ; as it fares with people in the time of the Plague in one and the same house . I further observed , that stones of a soft and open grain , as well as those of a hard and polish't supeficies , were concern'd in a manner alike . 'T is certain , that the whole body of the Turpentine of the Cedar-wood was carried forth into the Air , and floating therein was again condensed into its own proper form upon these stones . This makes it more than probable , that Odoriserous bodies emit and spend their very substante . Thus Camphir is said , if not well secured , totally to fly away . Again , it is hence evident , that there is great difference betwixt the Distillation of Vegetable Juyces , and the Emission of Effluviums or this natural Distillation ; that really separating and dividing the substance into different parts ; but this carrying out the whole entirely and un-alter'd in its nature . VI. Of the Flowers and Seed of Mushroms . The general received opinion of Botanists concerning Mushroms is that , which Caspar Bauhinus in his Pinax expresses in these few words , viz. Fungi neque plantae , neque radices , neque flores , neque semina sunt ; sed nihil aliud quàm terrae , arborum , lignorum putridorum , aliarumqe , putrilaginum humiditates superfluae . I am of the opinion , that they are Plants of their owu kind , and have more than a chance original . We will instance B. The texture of the Gills is like a paper prickt full of pin-holes . In August this is very frequent under hedges ▪ and in the middle of the Moors in many places of this Country . It seems to me ( and , no doubt , it will to any person that shall well examine it , ( that the Gills of this Mushrom , are the very slower and seeds of this Plant. When it is ripe , the Gills here are easily seperated from the rest of the head : Eech seed is distinct from other , and hath its impression in the head of the Mushrom , just as the seeds of an Artichoak hath in the bottom of it . The bigger end of the seed is full and round ; and they are disposed in a spiral order just as those of the Artichoak . The like we do think of all other Mushroms , however differently figured . And if it shall happen to him that shall sow them , that these will not produce their kind , but be steril ; it is no strange thing amongst Plants , there being whole genus's of Plants that come up , and flower , and seed , and yet their seed was never known to produce Plants of their kind , being naturally steril , and a volatil dust , as all the Orchides or Bee-flowers . We shall not here omit to tell you futher concerning this Mushrom , that , when fresh gather'd , it is of a buff-colour inside outside ; and yet , cut through the middle , it will in a moment change from a pale-yellow to a deep purple or blew , and stain linnen accordingly . A drop of the juyce , leisurely squeezed out , will change , holding it betwixt your eye and the light , through all the colours of the Rainbow , in the time of its falling , and fix in a purple , as it doth in the springing out of its veins . VII . Of the speedy Vitrifying of the whole body of Antimony by Cawk . The several vitrifications of Antimony are either opaque or transparent . To the first kind I shall add one , which is in it self very curious , and hath these advantages above the rest , that it is done with great ease and speed ; and by it I have performed some things upon Minerals and Mettals , which with crude Antimony alone I could not effect . Take of Antimony one pound ; flux it clear : Have an ounce or two of the Cawk-stone ( by and by to be discribed ) in a lump red-hot in readiness . Put it into the Crucible to the Antimony ; contiune the flux a few minutes ; Cast it into a clean and not greased Mortar , decanting the melted liquor from the Cawk . This Process gives us above 15 ounces of vitrum of Antimony , like polish't Steel , and as bright as the most refined Quicksilver . The Cawk seems not to be diminish't in its weight , but rather increased ; nor will be brought incorporate with the Antimony , though flux't in a strong blast . This Cawk-stone is a very odd Mineral , and I always looked upon it to be much a kin to the white milky Mineral juyces , I formerly sent you a specimen of : And this Experiment is demonstrative , that I was not mistaken ; for , the milky juyce of the Lead-Mines vitrifies the whole body of Antimony in like manner . That this Vitrification is from the proper nature of Cawk , I little doubt ; for , I could never light upon any one Mineral substance , which had any such effect upon Antimony ; and I have tryed very many Lapis Calaminars , Stone-Sulphur ; or Sulphur vivum , Galactites , Sulphur Marcasite , Allom-glebe , divers Sparrs , &c. Cawk is a ponderous white stone , found in the Lead-Mines ; it will draw a white line like Chawk or the Galactites : And though it be so free yet it is more firm , and hath a smooth and shining grain , Sparr-like , yet not at all transparent . Of the Spirit , it yields by distillation , and the use that may be made of it , For casting of Speculums without other mixture , another time . I am , York , Novemb. 20. 1674. Sir , Your , &c. Of the Astroites , or Star-stones Jan. 19 1673. SIR , You are pleased to tell me , that my Notes concerning certain Stones figured like Plants , found in the mountains of Carven , were well received * . This encourages me to give you the trouble of what I have observ'd of the Astroites ; which are stones also jointed like the other , but not found , that I know of , in the same Rocks . And we must cross the plain Country , and seek for them hard under the York-shire Woolds : For , what store I could porcure of them , were brought me from Bugthorp and Leppington . At the fromer place , my self have seen them dugg out of a certain blew clay on the banks a of smal rivulet , betwixt the Town and the Woolds . There are plenty of them washed into the brook ; but the most fair and solid are those we get out of the Clay . I pretend not , to discover to you their Original , no more than I did of the Entrochi ; but having used some diligence in causing the places , where they are found , to be a little more searched than is usual , I was by that means furnish't with a good quantity of them ; which gave me the opportunity to make the following Observations . What light may be hence had , I leave to more judicious persons , acknowledging my self at persent not to be able to demonstrate ( if they are not Stones of their own kind , ) what they have been before petrification . It is very little and inconsiderable , what any Author , that I have yet seen , hath said of them ; save a very brief description of them in Gesner , and the like in Wormius ; in the rest , all is transcribed . The Matter and substance of these Stones , if broken , is flint-like of a dark shining politure ; but much softer , and easily corroded by an acid Menstrum . † ( a ) Vinegar indeed , makes them creep ; but a stronger spirit , as of Niter , tosses them . I doubt not , but they will readily calci●e , as the Belemnites , to a very strong and white Lime . These Stones ( as we now find them ) are all Fragments ; as we have noted of the Entrochi : Either one single joint , or 2 , 3 , or more joints set together , making a pentagonous Cylindrical figure or five-sided column . And I have not yet had any piece much above one inch long , which consisted of 18 joints ; but I have seen one piece , somewhat shorter than the former , which had 25 joints . These last thin-jointed pieces are quite of a different make , as to all circumstances , from the other , as will appear . Every joint consists of 5 Angles , which are either drawn out and sharp , and consquently the sides of these pieces , made up of such joints , are deep-channeled ; ( and this is the condition of some of the thick-jointed pieces , as well as of all the thin-jointed ones ; ) or the Angles are blunt and round , and the sides plain or very little hollowed . There are as big , and as smal pieces of this sort , as of any other more sharp-angled ; and therefore I account them a 3d. species of Star-stones . And of this sort was , I guess , that piece which Wormius describes ; which therefore , he saith , is more like the blown Flower of Pentaphyllum , than a Star. Besides , the manner of the engraving of the joints in every one of the 3 respective species is also very different , as will be declared . Where the joints are thin or deep , they are so equally throughout the whole piece ; yet there are some , but very few , exceptions to this also , of pieces which consist of joints of the unequal thickness . Many of thick-jointed pieces have certain joints a thought broader , or a very litle standing out at the Angles , and thereby the joints are distinguish't into certain Conjugations of 2 , 3 , or more joints : And these Conjugations are very observable in the thin-jointed stones , and are marked out with a sett of Wyers ; of which by and by . The thickest piece , which hath yet come to my hands , is not above one inch and a half about , and those very rare too : From which size to that of a smal pin , I have all the intermediat proportions ; and these so exceeding smal pieces are as exactly shaped , as the greatest . Most peices , if not all , of any considerable length , are not straight , but visibly bent and inclining . All the pieces of any sort are much of an equal thickness , or but litle tapering ; yet one of the ends , by reason of a Top-joint , is visibly the thickest . This Top joint hath 5 blunt Angles , and is not hatched or engraven , or but very faintly , on the outside . Every joint else of a piece ( save the top joint ) is an Intaglia , and deedly engraven on both sides alike ; and will accordingly serve for a Seal . The middle of each angle is hollow , and the edges of the angles are thick furowed : The terminations of these hatchings are the indented futures , by which the joints are set together ; the ridges of one joint being alternately let into the furrows of the other next it . The Hatchings of the flat-sided pieces are in circular lines ; but of the other two species , they are straight lines , or near the matter . In the very center of the 5 angles is a smal hole , conspicuous in most joints . Note also , that in the middle of each joint , betwixt angle and angle ; in very future , is another such like smal pin-hole very apparent , if the stones be first well scoured . Besides all the former particulars , there may be observ'd , in the deep-jointed pieces , just under the top-joint , above discribed , the Vestigia of certain Wyers rather than branches ; and sometimes 2 , 3 , or more of the joints of the Wyers yet adhering . These Wyers are ever five in number , viz. one in the middle or hollow part betwixt angle and angle . Again in thin-jointed pieces there are ever five of these Wyers , or a sett of them inserted into every conjugation of joints ; so that it were some representation of the thing , to imagine the stalk of Asperula or Equisetum . Also I have seen , but that very rarely , ( not in one peice amongst 500 , ) a sett of Wyers in the middle of a deep-jointed piece . One thin-jointed piece I have by me , where a Wyer of 20 joints and upwards ( and how much longer they may be , I know not , ) lyes double within the hollow side , and by that accident was preserved in its natural place . Further , some lumps of Quarry I have from the same place above-nam'd , where the Wyers as well as the Stones themselves are seen in long pieces . It is no wonder , that these Wyers are knocked off , and but very rarely found adhering to the Stones they belong to , being very small and slender , of a round figure and smooth-jointed , being sett together per harmoniam and not indented future . Nothing that I can think of , is so like these Wyers , as the antennae of Lobsters . Lastly , some of these Wyers are knotted , and others of them farely subdivided or branched . I have , by the assistance of Mr. Lodge , illustrated all these particulars with Figures : Of which this is the Explication ; 1. The Top-joint of an Astroites , figur'd on both sides ; on the one it is deep engraven , on the other the hatches are scarce visible . Also the ends of the 5 Angles are very blunt . 2. A second or sharp-angled joint with fair hatchings on both sides . 3. A piece with very narrow and sharp angles . Also the Top-joint designed , as it naturally appears smooth and without hatchings . 4. A round-angled joint . 5. A flat-sided piece ; where the hatchings are somewhat Circular . 6. A thin-jointed piece : Where note also , that the angles are much narrower , and of a protracted Oval figure . 7. The biggest piece I have yet seen . Note also its bending . 8. The smallest piece I have yet met with . 9. The longest piece ; where every 4th joint is a thought bigger or more prominent than the rest ; as in the 7th fig. also is well designed . 10. A large and round-angled or flat-sided piece ; to which belongs that single joint noted fig. 4. 11. A flat or not hollow-sided piece ; of which sort also is the 5th figure : The 10th and 4th not much differing . 12. A thin-jointed piece ; where the conjugations are marked out by the vestigia of the several sets of Wyers or branches . 13. A piece where the joints are un-equal in thickness . 14. A piece with some part of the Wyers yet adhering in their natural order at the biggest end of the piece . 15. A thin-jointed ; where note on the left side a single Wyer accidentally preserved in its natural place , though snapt asunder . 16. A thick-jointed piece with a set of Wyrs in the middle of it . 17. A good long piece of a Wyer , and a single joint thereof . † ( a ) I have said the same thing above of the Entrochi , and it is true of all other stones in small Fragments , which vinegar , or a stronger spirit will dissolve : but I neither s●y here nor there ( Phi : Tran. Num. 100 ) that any sort of stone whatsoever will make an ebullition with vinegar , as Dr. Grew ( Musae . R.S. p : 273 ) would have me , and I admire how he could fancy such a thing from my words , which are as plain and fairly limited , as can possiblie be writ : I appeal to the passage . Of the Vomiting of strange Worms , Philosophical Transactions . Numb . 117. A Son of Mr B. living not far from Rippon , about nine years of age , in the month of February ●ast was afflicted with great pain in his Stomach , and continual , 〈◊〉 . A Powder was given , wherein 〈◊〉 a small quantity of 〈…〉 . He thereupon 〈◊〉 up several strange Worms , two of which were brought to me at York , the one dead , the other alive , and which lived many daies after it came to my hands , and might have lived longer , but that I put it into Spirit of Wine , to preserve in it its true shape . These Worms were very Catterpillar with fourteen legs , viz. six small pointed , the eight middle stumps , and the thickness of a Ducks-quill , thin haired or rather naked , with brown annuli , and a black head . The very same for kind that I have many times seen on Plants , and no doubt , these ( as those others ) would in due time ( if the place had not hindered ) have shrunk into Chrysalis's , and changed into Moths . A Letter containing an account of Antiquities , &c. Philosophical Collections . Numb . 4. IN turning over my Papers , I found Notes of something I formerly writ to Mr. Oldenburg , and which I believed was lost ; it being sent much about the time of his death ▪ They relate to certain Antiquities , which have , for ought I know , escaped the more curious Antiquaries of this and the last Age , when that Study was much more in credit : But we shall treat of them here only in the relation they may have to the advancement of Natural Philosophy and Arts. 1. Roman Vrnes are found in very many places throughout the whole Kingdom ; but the different workmanship of these Vessels , their composition , and places where they made them , have been little that I know of taken notice of by any . I have observed what follows of these matters : Here then are found at York , in the road or Roman-street without Mickle-gate ; and likewise by the River side , where the Brick Kilns now are , Urnes of three different tempers , viz. 1. Of a bluish grey colour , having a great quantity of course Sand wrought in with the Clay . 2. Others of the same colour , having either a very fine sand mixt with it full of Mica , or Catsilver , or made of clay naturally sandy . 3. Red Urnes of fine Clay , with little or no Sand in it . These Pots are quite throughout of a Red colour like fine Bole. Also many of these red pots are elegantly adorned with Figures in Basso Relievo , and usually the Workmans name , which I think others have mistaken [ Burtons C. Ant. It. p. 183 , 230. ] for the persons name buried therein , upon the bottom or cover ; as Januarius and such like ; but that very name I have seen upon several red Pots , found both here and at Aldborough . After all , these are glazed inside and outside with a kind of Varnish of a bright Coral colour . The composition of the first sort of Pots , did first give me occasion to discover the places where they were made : The one about the midway betwixt Wilbersosse and Barnbie on the More , Six miles from York in the Sand-Hills , or rising grounds , where now the Warren is . The other Roman Pottery on the Sand-Hills at Santon , not far off Brigg in Lincolnshire , In the first place I have found widely up and down broken pieces of Urnes , Slagg , and Cinders . At the latter place there are yet remaining , ( though it is a moveable Sand , and burried every way by the Wind , and has by that means covered the places all over ) some of the very Furnaces ; whose ruins I take to be some of those metae or sandy Hillocks . Besides here are many pieces of Pots and Urnes of different shapes , and much Slagg and Cinders ; This Potterie having taken up much Ground , as to one that shall diligently view the place , it will appear . 'T is remarkable , that both the above mentioned Potteries are within less than a mile of the Roman Road , or Military-high-way . Nothing is remembred in either of those places , of any Pottery that was known in those parts , nor indeed could I learn where any good clay for that purpose was to be had near those Sands : which yet our modern Potteries chiefly seek after , which has made them to be forgotten and disused ; The materials of our modern Pots being much altered , and consequently the places . The Roman Urns above discribed differ in these particulars , from what Pots are now usually made amongst us . ( 1 ) That they are without all manner of glazing with lead , which perhaps is a Modern invention . ( 2. ) That a far greater quantity of Sand is used than clay , which thing alone made it worth their while , to bring their clay to the Sand-Hills . ( 3 ) That they were baked either with more leisure after long and through drying , or immoderate contact of the Flames : which I am induced to believe , because there seem to be fragments of such things to be found . 'T is certain the natural colour of the Clay is not altered by burning : So that both the degrees of heat and manner of burning might be different . And one of these Potsherds as I have tried , baked over again in our Ovens , will become red . As to the two last kind of Urns , its likely the first of them with their particles of Mica in it , were made of a sandy blue Clay , of which nature there is good plenty among the Western Mountains of Yorkshire , and particularly at Carleton in Oatley Parish not far off Ickley a Roman station . The red Urns seem to have been their Master-piece , wherein they shewed the greatest Art , and seemed to glory most , and to eternize their names on them . I have seen great varieties of Embossed work on them . And lastly for the elegant manner of glazing , it is far ●eater indeed , and more durable than our modern way of Leading , which is apt to crack and crase , both with wet and heat : and at the fire is certainly unwholsome , by reason of the fumes Lead usually emits , being a quick vaporable Metal . This ancient glazing seems to have been done by the Brush , or dipping ; for both inside as well as outside of the Urn are glazed , and that before the Baking . And something of the Materials of it seems to be remembred by Pliny Lib. 36. C. 19. Fictilia ex bitumine Inscripta non delentur . The Painting of Pots with bitumen is indelible . And again , Tingi solidas exbi●umine Statuas . lib. 35. c. 15. The bitumen he sayes sinks into the very Stones and Pots , which is something more tha● glazing . The great plenty of these Urns found in many parts of England seems to argue them also of English Manufacture , but where I cannot guess , unless wrought at the Bole Mines ( of which Clay alone they seem to be made ) in Cleveland ; for that that barren tract of Land , called Blackmoor , was well known to the Romans , the Jet Rings taken up withthese Vrns doth sufficiently testifie . Now Bole and Jet are no where that I know of to be found with us in England but in that Tract ; beings Fossils peculiar to those Mountains . Of these Jet Rings some are plain , and others wrought , but all of them of an extraordinary bigness , being at least three Inches diameter , and yet the inward bore is not above an inch and an half , which makes them too little for the Wrists of any Man , as they are much too big for the Fingers , so that probably they were never worn either as Armilla or Anuli . One of each sort I have by me , which I carefully redeemed of the Workman , besides many others which were broken , found about a sort of Urns in York fields . And since we are upon the subject of Plasticks , or the Roman Clay-work , we cannot but take notice of the opinion of Cambden ; Who will have the Obelisks at Burrow-Briggs in this County Artificial , when in truth they are nothing less , being made of a course Rag , or Milstone-grit ; but without doubt , the bigness of the Stone surprized him , either not thinking them portable , or perhaps not any English rock , fit to yield natural Stones of that magnitude : But Roman Monuments I suppose none doubt them , because pitched here by a very remarkable and known Roman station , Isurium . Also two Roman Alters I have seen of this Stone ; one the original of that at Ickley mentioned in Cambden ; Another in the possession of that ingenious Antiquary Mr. Thirsby late of Leeds . And this I think sufficient to disprove that mistake of Cambden , That the Stones at Burrow-briggs are artificial . There is but one only instance that I ever yet met with of the Romans ever having used in these parts of England any other sort of Stone ; yet is it not the common lime stone , but a certain Stone had from the Quarries about Malton , because of the Lapides Judaici , by me formerly described to be seen in the texture of it . It is small but elegant Alter with Figures in Basso Relievo , of Sacrificing instruments , &c. It has suffered an unlucky accident by the stupid ignorance of the Masons , who were ordered by the late Lord Fairfax to place it upon a Pedestal in the Court of his House at YORK . Yet the Inscription which they had miserably defaced , was by chance preserved . I. O. M. DIS . DEABUS QUE HOSPITALIBUS . PE NATIBUS QUE OB CONSERVATAM SALVTEM SUAM . SUORVM QUE P. AEL . MARCIAN US . PRAEF . COH ARAM. SAC . F. NC . D. An account of a Monstrous Animal cast out of the Stomach by Vomit ; Phi : Coll. Num. 6. SIR , I Send you ( here inclosed ) the true and exact shape of a Worm , which a man Vomited up here the last week . I found it my self in the Blood , which came up with it , having caused it to be washt for the more careful examination of it , much of the Blood , being clods of a kind of skinny and fleshy substance , Haud alitèr , quàm in Mulierum molis excernendis accidere solet . Of this kind of Blood there was about two pound weight saved in the washing , and this odd Animal amongst it ; which was easily discovered by me , being of a dark green colour like a Horse-Leech , and spotted not unlike some of them . I could perceive ( when I fouud it ) no life or motion it had ; the Girle that washed the Blood having almost beaten off a Finn , and part of one of the forks of the Tail ; and burst the belly of it ; yet it was curiously and regularly shaped in all its members , as is fully exprest by the pains of a most excellent Artist , who Limmed it by the thing it self , not two hours after I had it under my eye , that nothing might be added , but what was very true and natural . The Spirit of Wine in which I put it , has altogether changed it as to its colour : but yet it still remains perfect enough to satisfie any curious person . This honest man , a Baker , imagined he drank it the last Summer in pond water ; of which he was used to drink after sore labour in his calling . This is certain , he had about his Stomach and right side a most exquisite and tormenting pain , for at least four Months last past ; which many times threw him into horrours and chillness , ague-like ; and indeed when he vomited this up , he was the sickest-man I ever saw not to dye : He also voided Blood by Stool several dayes also , and now I do believe , he will recover , although his pains are not wholly ceased . To say what this Creature is , I dare scarce venture . You know how long I have made it my diversion to search into the nature of In●ects , and it is no small progress I have made therein , yet I am at a loss where to place this Animal ; for that it is not like any thing I ever yet saw in Nature : However it makes me give more credit than I did to several stories of a like nature which we frequently meet with in Medical History , and those recorded as very truths by sober , learned and industrious persons . But though I now believe there was much truth in most of them , yet I fear little care was taken to describe exactly the Animals , otherwise than by memory , either in respect of the words or painting , which has gone a great way in rendring all such stories useless and and ridiculous . This Animal was about four inches long , and in the thickest place three Inches about ; it had three Finns of a side , all near the head , and the upper pair most exactly and elegantly figured , as is described ; all these Finns were thick and fleshy : but the forked Tail was finny and transparent , and to be extended ; it was placed horizontally , not as that of most , ( if not all ) small Fish , and even Neuts and Tadpoles or Froggs in disguise , in which particular it differs from them all , as well as in the fleshiness of the Finns . Besides this odd Animal I found the head of another of a different shape , as is exprest ; but of a dark green colour also as the other : the body of it had not been lost , or this other so ill treated , if I had expected to have found , what we never looked for . But what shall we say this Monster was ? give me leave to speak my mind without prejudice , and with submission to the better Sentiments of the Honourable and Learned Society : I am apt to think ( and I believe few will deny it me ) that we often drink and eat what is alive ; and it is certain some things will live on in our Stomacks in despight of concoction ; not to instance in the many sorts of Gut-worms natural to us , and which are bred with us , perhaps in some Children even before they are born ; these Worms I say , do freely wander up and down the Guts and Stomach at pleasure , and receive no prejudice from the concoctive faculty of them : And for this reason we see Insectivorous Birds so solicitous to kill Worms and all other sorts of Insects , by drawing them again and again through their Bills as Canes through a Sugar-Mill , that they may be verliy dead before they swallowed them , and instinct is the great wisdom of undebauched nature : Again , admirable instances there are of Animals living within Animals ; of which in the Insect kind , the Royal Society shall ere long receive some notes of mine upon Godartius . And yet I am of the mind that what was accidentally swallowed by us alive , and that shall have the power to live on within us , ( especially if it shall be young and tender , and yet growing ) may have its designed form and shape monstrously perverted , so as to appear to us quite another thing than naturally and really it is ; and this I take to be the case of this odd Creature , the present subject of our Discourse : and so this might have been the Spawn or Embryo of a Toad or Neut . But we must also account for the much fleshy substance or shinny lumps of Blood vomited up with it , which I think easily intelligible thus ; That that Spawn or Embryo of a Toad or Neut might well venome the Stomach or Gut , in which part soever or wrinkle thereof it chanced first to rest or stick , and cause an inflammation there , and so have it self swelled aud closed up within a Tumour of its own making , which in process of time might gather to this bigness , and at length burst in pieces and come up together . Familiar and infinite instances of this nature , we see in By-fruits or Wens which Insects raise upon Vegetables ; which by natural instinct know how to invenome a Plant , and so compondiously to provide both food and housing for their young . YORK , March 1681. An Account of a Roman Monument found in the Bishoprick of Durham , and of some Roman Antiquities at York , Phil. Tran. N. 145. I Have with much trouble got into my hands a Piece of Roman Antiquity , which was but a very few years ago discovered upon the South Bank of the River Tine , near the Sheilds in Bishoprick . It is a very large and fair Roman Alter of one entire Stone . But after all my cost and pains , I am sorry to find the Inscription very ill defaced , that much of it is not legible . And I believe it hath been mis-handled by those who endeavoured to read it ; whereas if the remainder of the Letters had been exactly measured , and the face blackt and lightly washt off again , as in Prints , some things more might have been spelled . As to the nature of the Stone it self , it is of a course Rag , the same of that with that of the Pyramids at Burrow-Briggs . It is 4 foot high , and was ascended to by steps , which appeareth , in that all the sides , but the Front , have two square holes neare the bottome , which let-in the Irons that joyn'd it to the Steps . I have carefully described it in all it's sides , and have given the Plane of the Top also ; which if you please we will survey in order . 1. The Back-side , opposite to the Inscription ; on which is Ingraven in Basse-reliefe , a Flower pot furnished , I suppose with what pleased the Stone-cutter , for these men need not to be more curious than the Priests themselves , who were wont to make use of the Herbs next hand to adorne the Alters . and therefore Verbenae is put for any kind of Herb. Yet if we will have it resemble any thing with us , I think it is most like , if not truly Nymphaea , a known and common River Plant. 2. One of the sides , which is somewhat narrower than the Front or Back : On this are Engraved in Bass-relieve , the Cutting-knife ( cesespita ) and the Ax ( securis ) . The Knife is exactly the same with that on the other Alter formerly by me mentioned in the Philosophical Collections of Mr. Hook ; but the Ax is different ; for here it is headed with a long and crooked point , and there the head of the Ax is divided into 3 points . 3. The other side ; on which are engraved after the same manner an Eure ( Vrceolus ) and a Ladle , which serve for a Sympullum . This I call rather a Ladle , than a Mallet , it being perfectly Dish-wise and hollow in the middle , altho Camden is of an other opinion in that elegant Sculpt of the Cumberland Alter , And the very same Utensil I have seen and noted on the Ickley Altar , which is yet extant at Middleton Grange near that Town ; but the Stone which Cambden saies supports a pair of Stairs there ( as at this day it does in the very Road ) is but an ill Copy of it , and not the Original . 4. The Plane of the Top ; which is cut in the Figure of a Bason ( discus or lanx , ) with ansae on each side , consisting of a pair of links of a chain , which rest upon , and fall over two Rowles ; And this was the Harth . 5. The Front ; which hath an Inscription of nine lines in Roman Letters , each Letter a very little more than two inches deep of our measure ; now remaining as in the prefixt Sculpture , Fig. 5. which I would read thus , Dis deabusque Matribus pro Salute M. Aurelii Antonini Augusti Imperatoris — votum solvit lubens meritò ob reditum . The Deae Matres are well interpretted by Selden . It is much his Safety and Return both vowed , should be so seperated in the Inscription ; but I have not Gr●er by me to compare this with the like . Caracalla say the Historians * after his Fathers death at York , took upon him the Command of the Army alone , and the whole Empire ; he went alone against the Enemie , who were the Caledonij inhabiting beyond the Wall , which his Father had built , he made Peace with them , received their Hostages , slighted their fortified places , and returned . And this seems to be confirmed by the Inscription ; for undoubtedly upon this his last Expedition of him alone , without his Brother Geta and Mother , was this Altar erected to him alone , at a place about Two Stations on this side the Wall. So that the Vow might be as well understood of his Return from this expedition , as for his Safetie and return to Rome ; which mi-thinks should be true , or his Mother and Brother Geta would scarce have been left out , at least so early . For yet the Army declared for them both , according to their Fathers Will. Further , it seems also to have been erected by those who flatter'd him , and who were afterwards killed by him ; and for this reason the persons Names , who dedicated it , seem to me to be purposely defaced , the 6 and 7th Lines of the Inscription being designedly cut away by the hollowness of them , and there not being the least sign of any Letter remaining , and this I suppose might be part of their disgrace , as it was usual to deface and break the Statutes and Monuments of persons executed , of which this Monster made strange havoc . But since worn Inscriptions admit of various readings , because some Letters are worn out , and some more legible , whereby not prejudiced people may conceive them diversly , I will therefore tell you an other reading of part of the two first lines , which I do not disallow , but that it will agree well enough with the History of Severus , tho his Apotheosis , or solemn deification , was not performed till he came to Rome , in the manner of which Funeral Pomp Herodian is very large ; it was of that excellent Antiquarie Dr. Johnson of Pomfret CONSERVATO RI. B. PROS &c. The rest as follows in mine , Which shews the hight of Flattery of those times . So that they paid their Vowes to the lately dead Father the Conservator of Britain , for the safety of the Son ; and the Story tells us how gladly he would have had him made a God long before , even with his own hand . I think it not amiss , if I give you the rest of my Observations concerning these matters , which I have met with in this City . 1. A large Pedestal of the same sort of Stone , found deep in the ground , on the West side of the River , which by the Stone , and its mouldings , was undoubtedly Roman , and must have been for a Pillar in some large building . 2. A Broken Inscription in the Church-wall in All-Saints North-street , with the Figure of a Naked Woman in Bass-relieve on the left side of it . The Letters ( as many of them as remain ) are exceeding fairly cut , beyond any thing I have yet seen of Roman Antiquities in England , and the Stone of a finer grain than ordinary . It is a Monument of Conjugal Affection . ---- --- AE ❧ AN -- S ❧ SEC ❧ --- ENE -- I ❧ A O -- CO VGI The first stroak is the out-side of a great M , and is part of the Dis Manibus . The three last lines may be read thus , Benè merenti Antonio Conjugi : Yet it is hard to say , whether it was for the Husband or Wife , for it may be read Antoniae . The Points also betwixt the words are here very singular , but this was the caprice of the Stone-cutter , who sometimes also use a Leaf , hanging or erect , a Hand , a Feather , or such odd fancy for Points . 2. A Relation of a Man biten with a mad Dog , and dying of the disease called Hydrophobia : Philosophical Trausactions . N. 147. I Have formerly entertained the R. S. with odd cases in Phisick ; as the Stone cut from under the Tongue of a Man ; of Lumbrici teretes found in the Ancle of a Child ; of a monsterous Worm vomited , &c. And I therefore think by the kind acceptance of those , this I am about to relate of a man bit with a mad Dog , and dying of the disease called Hydraphobia , will be wellcome . It is by Gods providence that it is a rare case , for Gallen calls it omnium morborum pessimus : And since it is in that great Physitians opinion the worst of diseases , it is an extraordinary blessing to mankind that it happens so rarely ; especially if we consider how infinitly fond we are of so poisonous a Creature , and what vast numbrs we keep out of meer wantonness and pleasure more then any real use or service they can do us . James Corton , a very strong and well built youg man , was bit with a mad Dog in the right hand , the wound heal'd of it self , and the thing was forgotten by himself and wife ; but as he said ( after the disease of Aquae pauor had seiz'd him , and that it was given him by me as a reason of his not drinking ) he told his wife he wondred why the Dog , which used to be so familiar mith him , should then bite him . But this was all forgot ; And after about five or six weeks he complains of Pain all over his bones , but especially his back and round about his Stomack , looks very pale , hollow eyed , &c. The third day after this complaint , viz , Sunday in the evening March 11 th . 1682 , he called for burnt brandy , drank it , went to bed , and vomited it up ; after this he had a restless night , and in the morning found himself very ill , with a strange rising in his Stomack , and though no thirst , yet an impotence to drink , and even to swallow his Spittle , which was death to him as he often said . Diascordium and a bottle of Cordial water was brought to him by an Apothecary that morning , The Diascordium he took , but was not able to drink of the Cordial one Spooufull . This on Munday morning ; about one a Clock that day I first saw him , and found him upon this Bed , his Pulse very slow , and sometimes unequal , but not unless frighted from the rising of his Stomack ; his flesh cold , his tongue not dry , but flexable and moist , a little white . I caused him to rise off the bed , and set him full in the light ; and then because he mightily complained of I know not what sickness about his stomack , I offered him of the Cordial , but he started , and trembled at the approch of it . This I exceedingly admired , whereof I called for a glass of Wine or Water , and a Tumbler of water was brovght me up , which I gave him to drink ; but he vehemently startled at it , and his Stomack swell'd and rise , after I knew not what odd and strange manner ; and I could then find his Pulse very trembling and disturbed . I still urged him to drink ; But as I put it forwards to his mouth , he the more affrighted drew back his head , and sighed , and eyed it with a most gashly look , not without Screeking and Noise . This I most mightily admired , and was at a great loss what should be the cause of this strange Symtom , when at length it providentially came into my minde , that this was Aquae pavor ; and then I tryed him again and again to drink ; and found him more disordered at the sight , especially at the drink . Wherefore I ask't his mother in Law and the Maid , who stood about him , where the wound was he last had had ; at which question they seemed concerned , and replyed , they wondred what I meant . I then told them he had been bitten by a Dog ; It is true ( he said all in a fright , ) I was bit by such a Neighbour's Dog , about five or six weeks ago , here in my hand , but it has been long well . I then bid him lye down , and so left him , calling his Wife and Mother and Friends to me below Stares , and telling them that he would certainly dye , that there was but small hopes of his recovery , it being too late ; that none should be suffered to go to him but keepers , some strong man or two , &c. I forthwith ordred a Vein to be opened in the arm which was bit , caused the wound to be scarified and drawn with Vesicatories , and the same Plaister to be applyed unto the neck and leggs and the inside of the arms ; I ordered the usual and famed antidotes to be given him as of Theriaca , Cinis cancorum , Ruta , Agaricus , &c. In Bolus's . For it is to be noted , that solid things in a Spoon he could take , but yet not without much trembling , and fear , and Caution , and an earnest request that no body would suddenly offer them to him , but give them into his hand gently ; and then he would by degrees steal his hand softly towards his mouth , and of a suddain chop the Spoon in and swallow what was in it , velut canis ad offam ; and this he did more greedily and readily then any other man could do . Of these antidotes in Bolus he took a Dram every hour , and alwayes in this manner , for at least a dozen times taking ; and every like drink was profferred him in the night , but he could not see it without horrour , and the same motions from his Stomack . Nay he did affirm that as oft as he by chance swallowed any Spittle it went to his heart , even as tho he should dy that very Moment . This night passed wholy without any sleep or rest . Tuesday morning I viewed his blood , which was both to the Serum and Cake well coloured , and in such proportion as is usual in healthful persons , and of good consistance . He had now a violent Feavour upon him , and a very quick Pulse . Water was offered him by my order , but in vaine ; He begging he might dye unmolested , nothing being such a terror to him as the approach of any drink ; and that none might come suddenly upon him , or offer him any thing more , for all things frighted him ; And that he found he must shortly dye , for that his heart began to faile him ; and indeed he look'd exceeding pale and hollow and thin visag'd . I then with much difficulty perswaded him to cast himself cross the bed upon his belly ( for he had his Cloaths loosely about him ) hanging his head over the other side ; perswading my self that this posture might be advantagious to his drinking , since that in the erect posture of a man he could not so much as endure the approach of liquor . In this posture then of a Dog , he suffered a large Bowl filled with small Beer to be brought under his head , and imbracing it with raptures of joy , he declared he was infinitely refreshed with the smell of it ; that he now saw it with delight , and assured us he should be able soon to drink it all off . And he that now thought himself a dying man talked pleasantly , and said many passionate things to his brother , wife , &c. wonderfully extolling this invention , and thanking me for it . He endeavoured with great earnestness to put down his head to it , but could not ; his Stomack rise as often as he opened his Lips ; at length he put out his tongue and made towards it as tho he would lap ; but ever as his tongue never so little touched the Surface of the beer , he started back affrighted . And yet all this while was pleased with the thoughts of drinking ; and would not suffer the Maid servant to take it away from nuder his head ; and if she did a little withdraw it , he said he followed it by the smell with delight , snuffing with his nostrils . After a long time being mightily foiled , he alleadged that the faint smell of the small Beer hindered him from drinking , and therefore desired a Bowl of Ale ; which was brought him ; but after much striving , and exerting his tongue a thousand times , he could not drink of it ; and lapping with great affrights , as oft as his tongue touched it he started back with his head , bringing it down again gently to the Bowl a hundred times , but all in vain . And in this posture , what upon his belly and what upon his hands and knees , he kept himself at least an hour thus Tantilizing himself ; but it was not in his power to drink . We than gave him a Quill which consisted of two or three Joints , the one end in his mouth and the other in the liquor ; but he could not manage it , nor suck no more than a Dog. I perswaded him to give all over and lye down ; which he did ; and not long after my going away , he fell into a Convulsion Fit , bit and snarl'd and catch'd at every body , and foamed at the mouth . After this was over he took an Elleborism in a Bolus , which was taken like the rest , and very willingly by him ; it wrought about 3 or 4 times very Plentifully , and he declared himself wonderfully at ease by it ; but yet now and then fell convulsed , and then always insensible . After four hours I returned to him again , and found the Minister with him ; he talked very sensibly to him , prayed very earnestly with him , saying the Prayers after him , and desired the Sacrament , which in these cirumstances could not be given . He was again solicited to drink , and he now readily enough put himself into the former posture , and with as much earnestness as ever used all the little shifts to drink , while the Bowl was under his head ; but all in vain . He had a little Silver Tumbler fill'd with drink put into his hands , which suddainly , when he had as it were stolen it near his mouth , he would have thrown it into his throat , as he did the Bolus's , but it hit against his teeth & fell into the Bowl . I cannot say he ever went to stool or made water all this time , and therefore had a Glyster given him ; but upon parting with it , which he did immediatly almost as soon as given , he died convulsed : But his not making water , as well as a troublesome Priapisme which he complained of , when upon his knees , might proceed from the Blistering Plaisters , as well as from his Disease . That nothing may be omitted which relates to this case ; the day after his interment I accidentlly met with his Cozen Mrs. S. who told me that her Daughter was in fear , for just that very day fornight before his death she had been at his house , and he would go home with her to her Mothers ; that she remembred his hand trembled and his body shake'd , that he was in a cold sweat , and in a great disorder , so that she asked him what he ail'd : he told her , that after his work ( for he was an Upholster ) it had been of late usual with him : And which was remarkable the very Dog which bit him came at that time along with him to her Mothers house ; and was alive and well at the mans death . To this we add that Mr. Widdow a Mercer doth affirm , that about the very time that Mr. Corton was thought to be bit with Suttons Dog , a black Dog , which he verily believes to be the same , came and bit a Whelp of his in his Shop . The next day the Whelp ran mad up and down the House , and bit both him and the Maid ; him in the hand , and the Maid in the leg , and dyed that very day . About a month after he was bit he found himself not well , and was troubled with a pain at his heart , and had a fearfulness and trembling upon him , and got no rest for three nights , upon which he had had himself blooded , and found himself better ; his Maid doth not yet complain of any harm . Thus far for matter of fact , delivered with care in all circumstances that came to my knowledge . It is very hard to give a probable reason of this Aquae pavor : what Galen ( de Theriaca ) says of their much coveting water , because of the intollerable thirst upon them , agrees not with our case . For this man was neither thirsty nor distracted , as he would have them ; he was all the time in his Witts , did very well consider , and rationally discourse of the thing , and exceedingly admired at the impossibility of his drinking : was well satisfied with the Minister who told him of his incapacity of the receiving the Cup in the Sacrament ; and did often say he was not thirsty , which appeared by the moisture and flexibility of his tongue , ( even after his taking many hot and piperate Antidotes , ) for this was by me even to the last carefully viewed . Besides , those who are very thirsty , and distracted in the most violent Feavers , do not only drink readily enough without dread ; but on the contrary have an exceeding greedy Appetite to it . Nor can I well understand what Julius Palmarius ( de morbis Contagiosis ) means by the third Paroxism of an Hydrophobia , before which he would have his never failing Antidote to be given , which our dispensatory calls pulvis Antilissus ; I suspect he took the disease , as he ownes he did the Medicine , upon trust ; indeed it seems to me not to have many things in it of the nature of Antidotes . This our man certainly had the disease of Aquae pavor upon him continually from the first Moment to his death , which was near 48 hours without any intermission ; for as oft as drink was shewed him , or he swallowed his own Spittle , his disturbance was most grievous and terrible . Dioscorides in this ( as in all things else he treats of ) is most sober , and to be credited ; Quidam , qui jam aquae metum sentirent , sumpto Helleboro , simul ac primum morbi impetum experirentur , sanati sunt : nam & jam vitio tentatos nemo unquam servare potest . This very well agrees with out case ; The latter person who had a sense of the evil , had it prevented by bleeding ; but our man which had the evil ; that is the Aquae pavor upon him , not bleeding , or the most famed Antidotes , or even Hellebore could in the least save , tho not very untimely given him . The case indeed rarely occurs , and therefore cannot well be observed in all due circumstances in order to its clearer understanding , and consequently cure ; we shall venter however to lay down some few things to salve it by . First , That J. Corton had some of the organic parts of his body transformed into , or affected after the nature of a Dog , especially the Gula , Tongue so that what was offer'd to him in the erect posture of a man was very frightful , as well as difficult for him to take , because against his new nature , as much as it would be for us to get a dog to drink standing upon his hinder legs . But yet this is not all , for when he was turned upon his belly , and would have acted the Dog , he yet could not drink ; and tho' he frequently put out his tongue and lapt , yet he could not endure to take any thing into his mouth of liquor , as tho something had hindred him within . Therefore we may imagine he was also convulsed in those parts , or swelled : but this we cannot grant , for the contrary does plainly appear , because he could cast any thing into his mouth and swallow it ; as he did very many times stif Bolus's , more nimbly , as to the swallow , then any man reasonably could be supposed to do , that was so weakened : for I saw no difference betwixt those he swallowed an hour or two before his death , and the very first he took . Secondly , That his Spittle was envenomed ; for as oft as he swallowed it , ( his Stomack vehemently abhorring it ) it went to his heart ( as we say ) , and was even present death to him ; And so liquid things coming nearer to the consistance of Spittle might the rather movere salivam , and therefore gave him a greater terror and difficulty to swallow , then solid things . And that his Spittle chiefly was infected with the venome of the Dog , seems also . 1. Because the Dog bit him , whose Spittle alone to be venomous to the touch a there are many credible instances in Medical History . 2. He was most like a Dog in the mouth , viz. where are the proper Organs of the Saliva . 3. The bite of a man so bitten is alike in●●ctions ; but otherwise innocent . But it may be askt how comes it to infect his Spittle , and not other humors and the blood . I answer , The blood in part was undoubtedly affected , as the Symptoms arising before the Aquae pavor ( which yet is the onely true Pathogmonick ●f the disease ) demonstrate . Again the blood is not one liquor ( as is generally thought ) , but many distinct liquors circulated together in one set of common Vessels ; and so it might infect that liquor , which it was most a kin to , as the Saliva of a Dog to the Saliva of a man. Concerning the truth of that proposition , I have formerly writ some things to you ; and more I intend to entertain you with ; you will excuse me at present if I do not think it convenient to anticipate my Papers . York , March 26. 1683. An account of part of a Wall , built in the Romans Time. I Carefully viewing the Antiquities of York , and particularly what might relate to the Roman Empire ; of which this place had been a seat , And the dwelling of at the least two of the Emperors , Severus and Constantine , I found a part of a Wall , yet standing , which is undoutedly of that time ; it is the South Wall of the Mint-Yard , being formerly an Hospitall of S t. Lowrance , looking towards the River ; it consists of a Multangular Tower , which did lead to Bootham-bar , and about — yards of Wall , which ran the length of Conning-street : As he who shall attentively view it on both sides may discerne . But the outside Towards the River is most worth taking notice of , it is faced with a very small Saxum quadratum of about four Inches thick , and laid in Levells like our Moderne brick-work : This sort of building Vitruvius ( Lib. 2. Cap. 9. ) calls after the Greekes , Iso domum , cum omnia Coria aequá crassitudine fuerint , structa ; but the length of the stones is not observed , but are as they fell out in hewing ; From the Foundation twenty courses of this small squared Stone are layd ; And over them five courses of Roman bricks ; These bricks some of them are layed length-waies , and some end-waies in the Wall ; And were called Lateres Diatoni . After these five courses of Bricks , other twenty two courses of small Square stones , as before described , are laid , which raise the Wall 3 Foot higher ; And then five more courses of the same Roman Brick are over laide ; beyond which the Wall is imperfect and capt with modern building . Note that in all this height there is no Casement or Loopehole , but one intire and uniforme Wall ; from which we guess the Wall to have been built some courses higher after the same order . The reason of this order of Brick-worke intermixt with Stone the same Vitruius gives , and in this particular the Romans after his time , and upon his admonition , and recommendation , in all probability , did imitate the Greeks . Longitudines coriorum ( saies he ) alternis coagmentis in crassitudinem instruentes , and a little further ; inter ponunt singulos perpetua Crassitudine utraque parte Frontatos ( latcres ) quos Diatonos appellant , qui maximè Religando confirmant parietum soliditatem ; These Bricks were to be as Throughs , or as it were so many new Foundations to that which was to be Superstructed ; And to bind the two sides together firmly ; for the Wall it self is only faced with small square stones ; And the middle thereof filled with Morter and Pebles ; Frentibus serviunt ( saith the same Author ) & medio farciunt ; which Vitruvius discomends in the Romans of his time ; And therefore the later Romans ( the builders of our Wall ) did , as I said , correct this Errour , and the Greeks . And least it should seem strange , that Bricks should give a firmness to Stone buildings , the same Vitruvius testifies , and therefore commends Brick building before stone ( our men indeed , for wholesomeness , which also is true , and to be much considered in a cold and moist Climate ) even for the duration ; And therefore in Rome abatement was ever made for the use of Sone building , none for that of Brick , provide it kept its level and stood upright upon its Foundation ; And therefore to excuse it he at large gives a relation why the Romans , suffered not Brick buildings to be made within the City of Rome ; as a thing not of choice , but necessity . Those Brick buildings being certainly in that great Architects opinion to be preferred , the Law ( sayes he ) suffers not a Wall to be made to the street ward ( for so give me leave to interpret communi loco ) above a Foot and a halfe thick , and partition Walls the same , least they should take up too much rome . Now Brick Walls of a Foot and a halfe thick , ( unless they were Diplinthij , or triplinthij ) , cannot bear up above one Story ; but in so vast and Majestic a City ( as Old Rome ) there ought to be innumerable habitations ; Therefore when a plain Area , or building of one story could not receive such a Multitude to dwell in the City , therefore the thing it self did compell them to it , that the Houses might be raised higher , and therefore they had strange contrivances of out jetting , and over hanging stories , and Belconies , &c. Which reasons if rightly considered are great mistakes ; Our men at this day have taught the World better things ; And have demonstrated that a firm building may be raised to many stories heighth upon a foot and a half thick wall . The oversight of the Romans was the vast bigness of their Bricks ; for the lesser the Brick the firmer the worke , there being much greater firmness in a multitude of Angles , as must be produced by small Brick , then in a right line ; And this is the reason of the strength of Butresses , and Mult-angular Towers , &c. These Bricks are about 17 Inches of our measure long and about 11 Inches broad , and two Inches and a half thick . This , ( hauing caused severall of them to be carefully measured ) I give in round Numbers , and do find them very well to agree with the notion of the Roman Foot , which the learned Antiquary Greaves has left us , viz. Of its being of halfe an Inch less then ours ; they seem to have shrunk in the baking more in the bredth then in the length ; which is but reasonable , because of its easier yeelding that way ; And so , for the same reason , more in the thickness , for we suppose them to have been designed in the Mould for three Roman Inches . Now that this was properly the Roman Brick , we have the testimony of Vitruvius , and Pliny : of Vitruvius , " fiunt Laterum tria genera ; unum quod Grece Didoron appellatur , quo nostri utuntur , &c. " And of Pliny ; " Genera eorum tria Didoron , quo vtimur longum sesquipede , latum pede ; " But we are to note , that the Coppy of Vitruvius , where it describes the measure of the Didoron is vicious . And is to be corrected by Pliny ; And had not Vitruvius's Commentatour been more a friend to his Author , than to truth , he had not perswaded the contrary ; for the Bricks themselves do demonstrate at this day Plinie's measures to be right and not that of Vitruvius , as they are extant : which makes me much wonder at the confidence of Daniel Barbarus affirming the Bricks , now to be found are all according to Vitruvius and not Plinte's measures ; for all that I have yet seen with us in England , are of Plinie's measures ; as at Leister in the Rome Ruine there , called the Jews Walls ; at S t. Albons , as I remember ; and here with us at York . And to goe no farther for Arguments , than that Chap. of Vitruvius , the diplinthij parietes in Rome were against Law , and the single Brick-wall was only allowed as Standards ; viz. A foot and a halfe thick wall , or one Roman Brick a length , as was above Noted . Pliny , lived some time after Vitruvius , and being a professed Transcriber , and , as it appears from this very place , having taken the whole business of Brick Verbatim out of him and not differing in any one thing in the whole Chapter , but in this ; viz. in the measure of the Didoron ; And the Bricks demonstrating the truth of that differance , it is but reasonable we should make Vitru●ius's longum pede , latum semipede , a fault of Vitruvius's Coppiers . I shall conclude this differance with this remark : That proportion and a plaine Uniformitie , even in the minutest parts of Building , is to be observed , as this miseserable Ruin of Roman workman-ship shews : In our Gothic Buildings there is a totall neglect of the measure and proportion of the Courses , as tho that was not much materiall to the beauty of the whole , whereas , indeed , in Natures works , It is from the Symmetrie of the very Graine , whence ariseth much of the beauty of the thing . Indeed , if I was never to come nearer a building , and to view it alwayes at such a distance , this might be excused as to me ; And so in Artificiall things , as in Pictures , and Carvings to be seen on high : But yet in my opinion 't is but an excuse of Laziness to tell me such and such rude dashes will have a marvelous effect at a distance ; as though things Painted or Carved to addorn our comparatively low Roomes were distanced . And this Noble Art , in my opinion , has of late in nothing suffered so much with us as in admitting of this vile ( not to say Impudent ) Excuse , whereas indeed , What is well done and most exactly finished in the most minute parts of a thing Painted ? I am sure if it pleaseth me near the Eye , it will never displease me at a distance . 25 Cochlea terrestris turbinata et Striata fab Col. 14. Buccinum exiguum fasciatum et radiatum . Gall nar . Aldernensi Insula . A. Wallia Floid . 39 Buccinum exiguum pullum duodecim orbium . 46. cochlea cinereo rufescens fasciata leuiter umbilicata . POMATIA GESNERI Cochlen POMATIA , edulis Gesneri . 47 cochlea hortensis nostra , fusca , maculata , et fasciata . 43 cochlea maculala , unica fascia fusca , per medium orbem insignita . 54. cochlea interdum unicolor , interdum uariegata , item uarijs fascijs depicta . 68. cochlea nostras umbilicata pulla . 78. cochlea compressa , umbilicata , fasciata compestris . 79. cochlea Subfusca umbilicata , clauicula modicè producta . A A Gall. Nar. 56. cochlea alba leuiter umbilicata pluribus fascis circumdata , clauicula productiore . Hisp Gall. narb . Cochleae nudae Terrestres Limaces quibusdam dicta ' . 101. limax paruus , CINETEUS 102. limax ATER , 103. limax subrufus . 104. limax uanegatus , siue fascialus , cellarius . Limax , Succini colore , albidis maculis insignitus . 26. Cochlea vivipara Fasciata . Fluviatilis . 32. cochlea papua , pellucida , operculo testacco ; cochleatoque clausa . an idem cum 21. 21. Buccinum Subflauum , pellucidum , Sex orbium , clauicula admodum tenui , productiore . 22. Buccinum Subflauum pellucidum quatuor orbium , ore amplisimo mucrone acuto . 23. Buccinum Subflauum , pellucidum , trium orbium Purpurae Lacustres coccum fundentes . 41 cochlea pulla quatuor orbium . 42. cochlea fusca Limbo circum scripta . 43. cochlea exigua , quinque orbium . 38. Nerites Fluviatilis è. coeruleo uirescens , maculalus , operculo subcroceo aculeatoque donatus . 39 Patella Fluviatilis , exigua Subflaua , uertice mueronato inflexoque . Sectio . 1. Musculis ●luviatilibus . Cardine dentato . à Danubio 1. musculus ex slauo uiridescens medio dorso leuiter RADIAIUS , admodum crassus . Musculus Fluviatilis è Fluvio Tamesi ad Battersey . an uitium 2. 2. musculus angustior● ▪ ex flauo uiridescens medio dorso leuiter radiatus cardinis pinna Siue denticulo Birido . 3. musculus angustus . Subflauus Siue Cirriaus . 4. musculus niger Omnium longè crassissimus . conchae longae Species gesn . aldrou . ● . musculus latus maxims et tenuissimtus è coeruleo iuridescens , ferè palustri : Sectio . 2. de Musculis cardine Laevi 8. musculus tenuis minor SUBFUSCUS , latiusculus . 14. pectunculus Subiuridis par●●●s . Subglobosus . 15 pectunculus perpusillus , rostratus . virgin Sectio . 1. Cap 1 de Pectinibus . exutraque parte aequaliter Auritis , Striatis . Anglie 1. pecten magnus , albidus , circiter DUODEOEM STRIJS . multis minut i●que incienris exasperalis donatus . 9. pecten minor ex Croco uariegatus asper et fere Sinuosus et inequalis leuiter et admodum crebrò Steiatus . 17. pecten Sub●ufus Strijs uiginti quatuor ad minimum donatus . 18. ●●em cum Superiore 〈◊〉 17 23. pecten paruus ex croco uariegatus , tenuiter ad●modum Striatue alteris ferè Strys paulo minoribus . 27. pecten me●iecris latus , ex rufo uariegatus , circiter uiginti Strys admodum Striatis distuictus . 28. ●dem cum DENTICULIS Sub aure ; et non nisi altera et Infima ualua est . Sectio . 2 Cap I. de OSTREIS A●op●vsi planà ●onga , recuruâ angulo acuto desinente . Sulenta 〈◊〉 qualiter utrinque ad cardinem denticulata . 31 〈◊〉 altera ualua pla●●a . DENTICULATA . Sectio 2 Cap 2 de ostracis APOP●YSI breui , SUBTER et quasi in occulto posita 36. ●estrea fere circinata , , Subuiridis leuiter striata . 37. eadem Supina . ostrea syluestris rondeleti 39. Ostrea laeuis Subpurpurea uel Subaurea instar margaritae intùs et extrà resplendens . A J GarnSEY 69. pectunculus exiguus , albus , admodum tenuiter Striatus . Chama Glycymeris Bellonij . A. J. Garnsey . 82. pectunculus ingens , u●riegalus ex rufo . 87. pectunculus cra●●iusculus , albidus . 88 pectunculus latus , admodum planus , tenuis , albidus . 100. pectunculus tenuis , leuiter purpurascens , radiatus , an idem cum Superiore ? mare mediter : à. D. E. FLOId 105. pectunculus , Superiore paulo planior . 108. pectunculus maximus Subfuscus ▪ ualdè grauis . 120 pectunculus fuscus densè fa●ciatus elegatiti quadam pictura undulata insignitus . 122. pectunculus omnium crassissimus fascijs ex latere bullatis donatus . mar meciterr . 126. pectunculus rostro productiore capillaceis . fascy : donatus . 154 pectunculus exiguus , Subfuscus . 161. pectunculus orbiculari● , fuscus Strijs medijs ●u●ricatis . marc adrintico . 169 pectunculus Subfuscus strys 〈…〉 171. pectunculus capite minore , rotundiore , et magis cequali niargin●● . 127. pectunculus dense fasciatus 〈◊〉 rubro uar●●egatus , et undatus . J. GarnSEY . 129. pectunculus Subfuscus , tenuitèr admodùm fasciatus . 136. pectunculus planus cra●sus , ex rufo radi●tus . J Garnsey 200. musculus Subcoeruleus . ferè UirgaTUS . mytulus RondEL 201. musculus paruus , Subcoerulcus latus , rostro tenui , adunco 202 musculus paruus , albidus , tenuis , angu●tior , rostro tenui , recuruo . 217. tellina Subfusca angustior , intus purpurascens . 218. an eadem cum Superiore . 11. 216● menis 219. tellina purpurascens margine Sinuoso . Jamaic 232 tellina lata albida ex rubro radita . J. Garnsey . 241. tellina ex rufo 〈…〉 exasperata 247 tellina fasciata , 〈◊〉 rubro ueriegata . J GarnsEY 248. tellina fasciata angustior intus lut●scens , extra radiata 249. tellina fasciata 〈◊〉 Subaurca radiata . 250. tellina parua ▪ 〈◊〉 rubra ad alterum latus Sinuosa 251. tellina leuis nitu● et extra rubra ad latus Sinucsa . Sectio . 9 Solenis i. d. est . Conchae tenuibus longissimisque . ab utraque parte naturalitèr hiantibus 255. Solen major Subfuscus ▪ RICTUS Solen 〈◊〉 259. chama fusca , lata , planior . 264. chama Subfusca augusti●●●na , ad Solenes quodam ▪ mede acceden● . 271 chama fusca Strys te●●sir●is donata 〈…〉 . Sect. 1● cap. 2. Chamae : Pholad●bus 269. chamoe pholas , latus , ex alter● parte obfusus . Scaber Siue rugosus . 270. chamoe pholas fasciatus , ex altera parte intus ui●lacca . pholos Striatus Sinuatus ex A alterà parte . pholas latus , rugorus ex dimidio dorso et asper . pholas paruus , asper . Pholadum tertia t●sta , aliarum cardin● Superinjecta . Saxum pheladibus foratum . Sectio 2 Conchis quinque Testarum , Anatifer●s plerisque dictis . 280 concha ana●●fe ra Subrotunda bartholini . 〈◊〉 mediter 282 concha a natifera , margine muricata . 287 Salanas paruus , Striatus . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A48704-e210 * When this was written , Malpigius de Bombyee was not not publisht . * Of both which , see this Observers Experiments formerly communicated , No. 68. p. 2067 , 2608. * See No 68. p. 2●68 . * See the ground for this distinction in the same Numb . 68. p. 2067. 2●● , . * March 17. 1671. I find in my Notes ( saith he ) that some years ago I gather'd off our English Oak round Worm-husks very like Kermes-berries , but I then made no tryal of them . Again , I have often observed on Plumb trees and Cherry-trees ; also on the Vine and Cherry-Laurel certain patellae or flat Husks containing wo●ms , which ( or at least the husks ; for them only I had oppertunity of making the Experiment on ) will strike a Carnation Ly and stand . * See Numb . 50. 1011. Aist. Nat. lib. i. c. 27. lib. 3. c. 9. Arist. Hist. Nat. ib. 5. cap. 20. Arist. Hist. Nat. lib. 9. cap. 39. Nu. 50. p. 795. * Of which latter ▪ See Numb . 72. p. 2176. 2177. † See more of this in my Notes upon Goedartious * See Numb ▪ 74. p. 2221. Coehlitz , or Petrified shells examined . See Numb . 75. p. 2254. * See above in this very Tract . * See of two or three more Musk-Insects Num 74. p. 2220. and Numb . 76. p. 2281. * Of which see Numb . 74. p. 2220. and N. 76. p. 2281. * Of which see Numb . 75. p. 2254. * This Learned and Accurate Philesspher hath already presented to the R. Society , in a very obliging manner , his Manuscript , containing the S●m of his Observations and Labours about the Structure of Plants ; and he hath also very generously engaged himself , that , upon the Approbation of that Illustrious Body , he will enlarge his Papers , illustrate all the particulars , therein contained , with Scheams ▪ and the● publish the whole . * See Numb , 70. p , 2122 , & 2123. * This Stone is now in the custody of the R , Society , to whom it was presented afterwards . * Compare herewith , what was publish't in No ▪ p. 71. 2165 No , 72 , p. 2177 especially No. 73. p. 2196. See Numb . 20. p. 362. † N. B. Peyer●● did not Publish his Book of these Glandul● til the Year 1677. viz. more then 4 Years after my discovery of them and Publication in the Philosophical Transactions . † V. Kerkring●● Spic . Anat. Obs. 59. 79. * See N. 100. of these Tracts . * Xiphilinus Herodianus &c. a Gal. de locis affec . lib. 6. 
A34110	----	Naturall philosophie reformed by divine light, or, A synopsis of physicks by J.A. Comenius ... ; with a briefe appendix touching the diseases of the body, mind, and soul, with their generall remedies, by the same author. Physicae ad lumen divinum reformatae synopsis. English Comenius, Johann Amos, 1592-1670. 1651 Approx. 353 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 152 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A34110 Wing C5522 ESTC R7224 11968721 ocm 11968721 51776 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34110) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51776) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 23:3) Naturall philosophie reformed by divine light, or, A synopsis of physicks by J.A. Comenius ... ; with a briefe appendix touching the diseases of the body, mind, and soul, with their generall remedies, by the same author. Physicae ad lumen divinum reformatae synopsis. English Comenius, Johann Amos, 1592-1670. [46], 256 p. Printed by Robert and William Leybourn for Thomas Pierrepont ..., London : 1651. Translation of: Physicae ad lumen divinum reformatae synopsis. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Melanie Sanders Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Melanie Sanders Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion NATURALL PHILOSOPHIE REFORMED BY DIVINE LIGHT : OR , A SYNOPSIS of Physicks : BY J. A. COMENIUS : Exposed To the censure of those that are lovers of LEARNING , and desire to be taught of GOD. Being a view of the WORLD in generall , and of the particular Creatures therein conteined ; grounded upon Scripture Principles . With a briefe APPENDIX touching the Diseases of the Body , Mind , and Soul ; with their generall Remedies . By the same AUTHOR . LONDON : Printed by Robert and William Leybourn , for Thomas Pierrepont , at the Sun in Pauls Church-yard , MDCLI . To the truly studious of wisdome , from Christ the fountain of wisdome , greeting . JAcobus Acontius , a most excellent man , offended at the evill disposition of our scribling age wished that it might be provided , that none should write and publish any thing , unless it were some new thing ; which should both be of his own observation , and might make for the glory of God , and the aedification of the Church , and from whence so much fruit might be hoped , that what time is bestowed on the reading of it , the readers could not bestow it better elswhere : that so nothing might be done which was already done , but what was yet to be done . For few Writers ( says hee ) bring any thing of their own : but onely steal , things and words , of which they make Books , &c. Which they know to be most truly spoken , who are to peruse that farrago of Books , wherewith we are yearly little less then overwhelmed . For if you look on the titles , you shall have them always new and very specious : if on the thing , it is always the same boiled over and over above a thousand times , and Coleworts crammed in , even to nauseating . And though something of new observation be offered , yet to what purpose is it , that whole Books should therefore be written , and those new things found out so buried in things ordinary , that either a man hath no mind to enquire , what of new observation is in them , or cannot do it without tediousness of spirit and loss of time . But it is not my business to inveigh against this disorder in many words . I come now to declare why I my self come out in publick . And I wil lay it open in a word I bring something new , and different from the common way of Philosophie : And I bring it so , as that I hope , it will be without any ones hinderance or molestation , as conteining in a very few leaves , matters of very great moment . And I bring it to satisfie the desires of others this way . For whereas I had the year last past , given a proof of my Philologicall endeavours , Janua Linguarum reserata , ( or a seminary of Arts and Languages ) which was courteously received , and that with applause , and approved almost by all mens verdict , ( as severall letters , dated either to my self or my friends , touching that matter do testifie , ) some ( of the number of those , who at this time bend their desires , thoughts and dedevours , to rectifie the method of studies ) began to solicit mee , to put out my philosophicall Works , or at least to desire a communication of my conceptions , especially in Physicks . Having no other minde therefore , but to bring something for mine owne part that may be profitable , if it may be : or else that others may have occasion by me , to bring better matters ; I purposed with my self to expose to the light , this same Synopsis of Physicks , lately dictated in this Schoole , that publick censure might be made of this also , as well as of my former Work. Which that it might be , it seemed meet to give some further intimation of the occasion and scope of our undertaking , to those that wil offer themselves to be our censors . After that the calamitous lot of exile had thrust mee , who was by calling a Divine , back to the services of the School , wherein I was desirous to beare my self , not slightly , but so as that I might discharg the trust committed to me ; it chanced that I hapned , among other things , upon Ludovicus Vives his Books , detradendis disciplinis . In these when I had found most wholesome counsels , for the repairing of Philosophie , and the whole course of studies , I began extreamly to grieve , that a man of so piercing a wit , after he noted so many most evident errours , had not put to his hand to make those rough things smooth , but the judgment of one touching this excellent Writer , that Vives saw better what was not then what was , made mee to consider , that it is usuall with the wisdome of God to communicate things by degrees . Yet I thought with my self that others should take this as an occasion to labour to designe one certain and infallible way among so many deviations discovered unto them : which I wondred that men were so backward to essay for full a hundred years . ( For I knew not whether any one had gone about it . ) But it hapned , that a certain learned man , to whom I communicated these complaints of mine in a more familiar manner , shew'd mee a Book call'd , Prodromus philosophiae instaurandae by Thomas Campanella an Italian : which I read over with incredible joy , and being inflamed with an exceeding great hope of new Light , I greedily turn'd through his Realis philosophia epilogistica ( for so hee calls it ) set forth in foure Books , as also the Books de rerum sensu , where ever I could get them . Whereby I found my desires in some sort satisfied , but not throughout . For his very foundation , that all things were made up of two contrary principles onely , offended me ( For I was already most fully perswaded of the number of three principles out of the divine Book of Genesis : and and I remember out of Hugo Grotius , disputing against the Manichees , That of two things fighting one with the other , destruction might follow , but an ordinate construction could never follow . ) And besides I observed that Campanella himself was not very certaine of his own hypotheses : as one that began to waver in his assertions towards the positions of Galilaeus touching the earths mobility , and yet to call them in doubt himself : as it is evident ●enough in his Apologie for Galilaeus . But when I chanced afterwards upon a piece of Sir Francis Bacon Baron of Verulam , Chancellour of England , entituled inst aur atio magna ( an admirable work , and which I look upon no otherwise , then as a most bright beam of a new age of Philosophers now arising ) I understood that in some particulars also of Campanella , such solid Demonstrations , as the truth of things requires , were wanting . Yet it grieved me again , that I saw most noble Verulam present us indeed with a true key of Nature , but not open the secrets of Nature , onely shewing us by a few examples , how they were to be opened ; and leave the rest to depend on observations and inductions continued for severall ages . Yet I saw nevertheless , that my hopes were not quite left in suspense : in as much as I perceived my minde so enlightned by the light which it received from those severall sparks , now grown welnigh to a torch , that some great secrets of Nature , and very obscure places of Scripture , ( the reason of which I knew not before ) were now plain , as it were of their own accord , to the exceeding great content of my mind . For now with those , that have lighted upon a more sound way of Philosophie in this age , I saw and rested in it ; I That the onely true , genuine and plain way of Philosophie is to fetch all things from sense , reason and Scripture . II That the Peripatetick philosophie is not onely defective in many parts , and many ways intricate , full of turnings and windings , and partly also erroneous , so that it is not onely unprofitable for Christians , but also ( without correction and perfection hurtfull . III That philosophie may be reformed and perfected , by an harmonicall reduction of all things that are and are made , to sense reason and Scripture , with so much evidence and certainty ( in all such things as are of most concernment , and have any necessity ) that any mortall man seeing may see , and feeling may feel , the truth scattered every where . Of all and every of which observations , least we should seem to have dreamed somewhat , there will be some thing to be said more at large . And for the first we make three principles of Philosophy , with Campanella , and his happy Interpreter Tobie Adams , Sense , Reason and Scripture : But so joyntly , that whosoever would not be left in ignorāce or doubt , should rest on no one of these without the others , otherwise it wil be a most ready precipice into errors . For Sense , though it make an immediate impression upon us of the truth imprinted upon things : yet because it is very often confounded , either by reason of the multitude of things in a manner infinite , and the strange complications of formes : or else wearied and tired , sometimes with the distance of the objects , and so consequently dazeled and deceived . Reason must of necessity be imployed , which may conclude alike of like things , and contrarily of contrary things , by observing their proportion , and so supply the defect of sense , and correct its errours . But then because many things are remote both from sense and reason ( which we cannot in any sort attein unto by sense , nor yet by reason firmly enough ) we are indepted to the grace of God , that he hath by his Word revealed unto us even some secrets which concern us to know . Therefore if any one desire the true knowledg of things , these three principl●s of knowing must of force be conjoyned . Otherwise , he that will follow the guidance of sense onely , will never be wiser then the common sort ; nor be able to imagine the Moon lesse then a starre ; the Sun greater then the earth ; and that again sphaericall , and every way habitable . On the contrary if a man contemplate on abstract things and consult onely with reason without the testimony of sense , he will be rapt away with meer phantasines , and create himself a new world : like the Platonicall and Aristotelicall , &c. Lastly , they that heed the Scripture onely , and hearken neither to sense nor reason are either carried away beyond the world ( by the sublimity of their conceptions ; ) or else involve things they understand not with the Colliers faith ; or following the letter , propound unto themselves things , though never so absurd and superstitious , to be believed ; as Papists do in that most absurd transubstantion of theirs , &c. So then the principles of knowing , must be conjoyned , that divine Revelation may afford us belief ; Reason , Understanding , Sense , Certainty . And they must be used in this order ( in naturall things I say ) as that we begin with sense , and end in revelation ( as it were the setting to the seal of God : ) for by this order every subsequent degree will receive receive from the antecedent , both Evidence and also Certainty , and Emendation . For as there is nothing in the understanding which was not first in the sense : so there is nothing in the belief , which not first in the understanding . For he that believes , must know what is fit to be believed . Hence the Scripture frequently invites us to hear , see , tast , consider ; And affirmes that faith too comes by hearing . I said Certainty too . For by how much the neerer Reason is to sense ( that is by how many the more experiments of the senses it may be demonstrated ) it is so much the more reall : and on the contrary again , the further it recedes from sense , by so much the more vain speculation and naked imagination it hath . But by how much the neerer divine Revelation may be reduced to understanding , and the testimonies of experience , so much the more strength it findes . I said further , that the precedent degrees were corrected by the subsequent : and so it is . For where sense fails or mistakes , it is supplied and corrected by reason : And Reason by Revelation . For example , when the sense judgeth the Moon to be bigger then Saturn , or an Oare to be broken under the water , &c. Reason rectifies it by certain documents of experience . So when Reason hath gathered any thing falsely of things invisible , it is amended by divine Revelation . Yet that emendation is not violent , and with the destruction of the precedent principle : but gentle , so that that very thing which is corrected , acknowledgeth , and admits it of its own accord , and with joy , and soon brings something of its own , whereby the same corrected truth may become more apparent . For example , Reason brings nothing to correct sense , whereof it is not soon ascertained by sundry experiments , and affirmes it self , that so it is , ( as that an Oare is not broken under water , the Touch teacheth : as also the sight it self , looking on it after it is drawn out . ) Faith holds out nothing , which is contrary and repugnant to Reason , ( though it bring that which is beyond and above Reason : ) But all things such as Reason not onely yields being overcome by authority , but also finds of a truth to be in things , and so seeks and finds out some thing of its own , which may serve to confirme and illustrate the same truth . Therefore let it be taken for true , That Sense is not onely the fountain of knowledge , but also of certainty , in naturall things : But that the understanding is the Organ not onely of knowledge , but also of certainty in revealed things . Let us come then to the purpose . Some deny , that holy Scripture is to be drawn to Philosophie , because it teacheth not the speculation of outward things , but the way of eternall life , I confess , that the Scripture was given by inspiration of God , to teach , reprove , correct , and instruct in righteousness : That the man of God may be perfect , throughly furnished unto all good works . ( 2 Tim. 3. ) I confess , I say , that this is the ultimate end of the Scripture . Yet who knows not , that there are for the most part more ends of one thing ? even in humane things , much more in divine , where the wisdom of our adored God hath wholly wound up it self , with an artifice scarce to be found out of us . Truly , if wee finde that artifice all over nature , ( and so it is ) that every creature , and part of a creature , and part of a part , serves for severall uses : I see no reason why we should deprive the Book of God of this character of the highest Wisdome . But I see reason why we ought to determine , that most sufficient complements of all things , whereunto Sense and Reason were insufficient ( and yet wee were concerned to know them ) are extant in that most holy Book . For did not God bring man into the School of the World , to contemplate his manifold Wisdome ? Did not hee command him to behold his invisible things by these things that are seen ? ( Rom. 1. v. 20. ) Surely this must be acknowledged to be the end both of making the World and placeing man therein . Now it is cleere through all Nature , that , to whatsoever end God hath ordained any thing , he hath conferred means upon it to be tein it . Hee hath therefore conferred means upon man to contemplate his wondrous things : Which as wee must acknowledge that they are sense and reason , so we must needs acknowledge that they are not every where sufficicient . For our senses leave us in the knowledge of eternall things , and those things which are placed quite out of sight , and done when we are not present . But where Sense fails , Reason fails also : Being that this is nothing but an universall knowledge of things , gathered from particulars acts of sense ; that this or that is , or is done , either so or so . When as therefore both Sense and Reason doe very ordinarily fail us , shall we believe , that the most gracious Father of Lights , would not supply this defect some other way ? His most liberall and in every respect approved bounty towards us , will not permit us to suspect that . But if God have some way or other provided for us , let it be shewen what it is , or where it is to be sought for , if not in that sacred volume of Oracles ? And I pray , was it in vain , or onely in respect of our eternall salvation , that God said of his Law. This is your wisdome and understanding in the sight of the Nations , which shall heare all these statutes and say . Surely this is a wise and understanding people . ( Deut. 4. 6. ) Or did David boast in vain ? I have more under standing then all my teachers ; because thy testimonies are my meditations ( Psal. 119. 99. ) Or the sonne of Sirach say in vain : The Word of God most High is the fountain of wisdom ? ( Eccles. 1. 5. Or was it in vain that Salomon call'd God , the guide unto wisdome , and the corrector of the wise ? Wisd. 7. 15. ) see here a correctour ! But how doth he correct , but by dashing over our vain cogitation with his word ? And to what purpose , I pray is all that is frequently mētion'd concerning the beginning of the World and the order of the Creation , and properties of the creatures , If the parent of nature , who is also the Dictatour of the Scriptures , meant to teach us nothing of nature ? They say it is to this end , that we may learn to know and admire , love and fear the Maker of all things . Right : But how the Maker without his work ? Does not any one so much the more admire and praise the ingenuity of the Painter , if he be excellent , by how much the better he understands the art of painting ? Surely yes . A superficiall knowledge will never raise either love or admiration . And then I demand , those things , which wee meet with in the Scriptures concerning the creatures ( by similitudes also drawn thence ) are they true or false ? If true ( for who can determine otherwise without blasphemie ) why may we not conferre them with those things that are manifest by sense & reason ? that so we may finde out that harmony of truth , which is in things , and in the mouth of the Author of things ? Truly , if the words of the wise are as goades and nails fastened : ( as Salomon testifies , Eccles. 12. 11. ) What shall we think of the words of the all-wise God ? But this , that though they raise us up with another end , and by the by , yet they contein nothing but most solid truth and all manner of-wisedome . In vain therefore may some one say : I finde no mention in the Scriptures , much less precepts of Grammar , Logicke , Mathematicks , Physicks , &c. For there is as much distance betwixt divine writings and humane , as betwixt God himself and man. Man that is limited with time , place and objects , at one time and in one place can do but one thing : but God that is aeternall , omnipresent , and omniscient , at once sees , rules and governs all things , always and every where . And the same Character do their writings retein on either part . Humane writings do some one thing with expresse endeavour , handling one object in one place , and that in such a way as is most pleasing to mans understanding : but divine writings like an universal treasury of wisdome stay not upon one particular matter , ( unlesse it be in things pertaining to Theologie ) but contein variety of matter under severall sayings . Whence a Divine , a Moralist , a Politician , a Housholder , a Philosopher , a Philologer , &c. may take out every of them , what each hath use of . And this breadth & depth of the Scripture is its prerogative before humane writings , that so it may be in truth an inexhaustible fountain of all wisdome . For whatsoever matter is to be handled , the Scripture affords always , either a rule , or some sayings or examples : as John Henrie Alsted ( sometimes my honoured Master ) shews in his Triumphus Biblicus , and much more might be discovered by a very accurate diligence : which that so it is , for a good part of it , shall appear also in these our Physicall meditations . Rightly therefore said Cassiodorus : the Scripture is an heavenly school , wherein we learn whatsoever we are either to learn or to be ignorant of . And piously T. Lydiat : It is most absurd , that heathen Philosophers should seek for the principles of all arts in one Homers posie , and that we Christians should not do the same in the Oracles of God , which are a most plentifull and most clear fountain of wisdome . ( About the end of his Physiological disquisition . ) Those most Christian Philosophers are therefore deservedly to be praised , who have endeavoured to render unto God the Parent of things that praise that is due unto him , Franc. Valesius , Lambert Danaeus , Levinus Lemnius , Thomas Lydiat , Conradus As●acus , Otto Casmannus ; who have not doubted to asseverate , that the seeds of true Philosophy are conteined in the holy Book of the Bible , and to derive their maximes of Philosophy from thence ( though with different successe . ) Let it stand therefore , that Philososophy is lame without divine Revelation . Whence wee have this consequence , that Aristotle is not to be tolerated in Christian schools , as the onely Master of Philosophie : But that we should be free Philosophers , to follow that which our senses , Reason , and Scripture dictate . For what ? Are not we placed as wel as they in Natures garden ? Why then do we not cast about our eyes , nosthrils and ears as well as they ? Why should we learn the works of nature of any other Master , rather then of these ? Why do we not , I say , turn over the living book of the world instead of dead papers ? wherein we may contemplate more things , and with greater delight and profit then any one can tell us . If we have any where need of an Interpretour the maker of nature , as we have said , is the best Interpretour of himself . If a Monitour or Suggestour , we have more and better then Aristotle , experience ( of the various and occult Maeanders of nature ) being multiplyed in the processe of so many ages . For as all humane things get up to perfection from rude beginnings , so Philosophy hath had its grouths too . In Aristotles age it was scarce out of its infancy : In the ages that followed after , ( especially in ours ) it was so increased stil with new observations , that the Aristotelick tenets savour of obscurity & uncertainty in cōparison of these , nay , they hold out open falsities . Be it then ( writes Rod. Goclenius to Nic. Taurellus ) that nature hath shewed all the acutenesse of humane ingenuity in Aristotle ; let Aristotle be a man that hath deserved well of all humane wisdome beyond and above all other mortall men besides ; let him be the Father and Captain of our wisdome ; let him be the supream Dictatour of wisdome , the Generalissimo of Philosophers , the eagle of the Philosophicall Kingdome , wisdome and praise of literature ; let him be the Hercules , the Prince , the Tribunall of truth ; let him be the deity of Philosophers ; let him be lastly a man greater then all praise , and above all calumny ; which titles Julius Scaliger sets him out with : yet this miracle of Nature is not the RULE OF TRUTH , seeing that hee hath not every where traced Truths footsteps . Thus Goclenius . Now hee that will may see Campanella and Verulamius , ( for it may suffice , to have shewed these Hercules , who have happily put to their hands to the subduing of Monsters , and cleansing Augias stables ; and to have opposed them to those , whom the authority of Aristotles vainly swelling Philosophy holds bewitched : ) and feel how farre Aristotles assertions are often from the truth , and this is the cause why it seems convenient , that Aristotle with all his heathenish train should be excluded from the sacred Philosophy of Christians ; least they should any more entangle the truth in errours , and involve and obscure those things with intricate disputations , which are of themselves plain by the lamp of the Word of God , and of sound reason . For is it not very absurd , that Christians , who are trained up in the true knowledge of the true God , and taught by his holy voice , concerning the originall causes , end , and manne of subsistence of all things visible and invisible ; to whom also the very mysteries of aeternity are revealed ; whom the anointing of God teacheth al● things ; to whom Christ hath imparted his mind ( 1 John 2. v. 27. 1 Cor 2. 16. ) that they , I say , should see for the truth of things amongst th● heathen , that are destitute of all the●e and have no other helps , but those of reason , and of the senses , which are common to us with them ? Is it so indeed that there is not a God in Israel , that we go to enquire of the gods of Ekron ? Is the light of Hierusalem so put out , that we must needs borrow lamps at Athens ? It is well known that Origen was the man that first of all joyned heathen Philosophy with Christian Religion : with no ill intent perhaps , but sure it is with very bad event . The good mans purpose without doubt was to put some externall splendour upon Christian Religion , as then contemned by reason of its simplicity , that so Christians might be well appointed to buckle with the Gentile Philosophers at their own weapons . But whither or no came this perswasion from him , that hath called us out of darknesse into his marvellous light , and commanded us to beware of vain Philosophy after the tradition of men , after the rudiments of the World , and not after Christ. ( Gal. 5. 8. 1 Pet , 2. 9. Colos. 2. 8. ) And indeed the most sad estate of the Church a little after shews what fruit we had in coupling Aristotle what Christ ; when all was ful of the noise of disputations , ( for slippery quaestions , and an itching desire of controversie is the very soul of Peripateticisme ) and haeresie sprung out of haeresie , till at length the fumes of humane opinions had so quite darkned the brightnesse of the divine wisdom , that all things degenerated into Antichristianisme . Where in forging articles of faith , and ordaining rules of life , Aristotle had an aequall share with Christ , that I may not say he had the sole dictatourship : of which thing our School divinity will give us a very cleer sight . If Origen then a man of so sublime a wit , in vain attempted to piece out Christian religion with that same heathen Philosophy ; and Thomas Scotus nor no man else had any better successe , why then do we tolerate it ? Why do we not slip our wits out of those snares ? why do we not throw away those spectacles which present us with fancies instead of things ? Some are afraid , least , if they should let go Peripatetick Philosophy , they should have none at all . As if when Hagar were cast out , there would have been none to bless Abraham with issue ! Or that the Israelites would have been sterved with hunger , when they . had left the Aegyptian flesh pots ; or that Moses must needs have grown blockish , when he was out of the company of the wise men of Memphis ! Nay rather , that promised Grace will come at length , at length that heavenly Manna will rain down , at length we shall be truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taught of God , when turning away our ears from humane Opinions , we shall hearken to God alone speaking by Nature , and by his Word . And then how solid , easie , and delightfull will all things be ! when as the whole course of Philosophy will not consist in opinions but in truth . But greater care was to be had of method : that all things should be delivered to the learners in such a way , that they may finde knowledge to flow into them , not to be stuft in ; always beginning with those things that are best known , and ending in things no lesse known then they . For why should we think that impossible in Physicks , which is so excellently atchieved in Mathematicks ? whereall Demonstrations ( N. W. ) are brought to the very sight : and all is so contrived together of things that go before and are better known ( always beginning with such common things that it is taedious to the unskilfull to heare them ) in such an order , as that which is in the middest is never skipt over , nor place , given to that which is more unknown , whence it comes to passe , that you must of necessity assent as well to that which is last , as to that which is first . And truly there is reason to wonder why the like hath not been yet assayed in Metaphysicks , Physicks , and Theologie , ( for Ethicks and Politicks concern more contingent things . ) I am not ignorant that there is more evidence in Numbers , Measures and Weights , then in Qualities , by which Nature puts forth its strength after a hidden manner : yet I will not say that there is greater certainty in them , seeing that all things are done alike not without highest reason , in a continued order , and as it were by an aeternall law . And yet in Mathematicks all things are not alike plain , yet they are assayed sundry wayes till they can be reduced to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or very sight , as I said before , and delivered scientifically . For he sayes nothing in Philosophicall matters that proves nothing : and he proves nothing that doth not so demonstrate it , that you cannot contradict it . And now I beseech you let this be our businesse , that the schools may cease to perswade , and begin to demonstrate : cease to dispute and begin to speculate : cease lastly , to believe , and begin to know . For that Aristotellicall maxim , Discentem oportet credere , A learner must believe is as tyrannicall as dangerous ; and that same Pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipse dixit . Let no man be compell'd to swear to his Masters words , but let the things themselves constrain the intellect : Nor let a Master have any more credit given him , then hee can demonstrate in very deed , that hee is to have . For in a free Common-wealth there ought to be no Kings , but Dukes or Generalls ; no Dictators , but Consuls . And those that profess the art of instructing men , are the Fathers of men , not the carvers of Statues . O when shall we see that day ! that all things which ought to be known shall offer themselves so to a mans understanding , that there wil be nothing but what may be understood for the very cleerness of it , nothing call'd in doubt for certainty : the truth of things making such an impression upon the senses with its light . For hee doth not see truly , who must yet be perswaded by arguments to make him believe that hee sees : as wee have been hither to dealt with for the best part . I could not choose , because I seemed to see light in the light of God , but assay calling God to my aid , to reduce these new hypotheses of naturall things into a new method , and dictate them to the schollers of this school . And thence sprang this , which I now offer , representing a draught of the lineaments of some new , ( and as I hope truly Christian ) Philosophie . Not that I would crosse the design of great Verulam ( who thought it the best way to abstein from Axiomes and method , till full inductions could be made , of all and every thing throughout all nature : ) but to make an experiment in the mean time , whether more light might be let into our minds by this means to observe the secrets of nature the more easily , that so praise might be perfected to God out of the very mouth of infants , and confusion prepared for the gain saying enemie ; as David having comprised the summe of Physicks in a short hymne for the use of the unlearned ) speaks . ( Psal. 8. ) I have entituled it a Synopsis of Physicks reformed by divine light : because Philosophy is here guided by the lamp of divine Scripture , and all our assertions are brought to the attestation of the senses and reason , with as much evidence as could be possible . Now both those come under the name of divine light . For as David said , THY WORD is ALANTHORNE unto my feet : so said Salomon THE SPIRIT or mind OF A MAN is THE CANDLE of the Lord searching all things . ( Psalm 119. 105. and Proverbs 20. 27. If any one object : That these things here delivered , are not yet of that certainty or evidence , as to be preferred before Aristotles so long received doctrine ; I will answer , that is not my drift at present : but onely I propound this as an example , that a truer way of Philosophie may be set out , by the Guidance of God , the Light of Reason , and the Testimonie of Sense , if Philosophers would labour more after God and the Truth , then after Aristotle and Opinion . In the mean time , these should be the more acceptable , and had in more reverent esteem of us , if it were for nothing but this , that they are taken from the Oracles of God , and aime at a more abundant knowledg of God. For my part truly I had rather ( in that mind I now am : and that it may so continue , strengthen me , ô God ) I had rather I say erre , having God for my guide , then having Aristotle : that is , I had rather follow the voice of God , though not throughly understood yet , so I follow it , then be carried away from the sacred testimonies of my God , to the devices of the brain of man. I confesse my self , that something more were to be desired here yet , to that rule of certainty and evidence which I spake of before : yet because I trust that these things may be brought to a fuller 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ exactnesse ] by reiterated meditations , ( of mine own or some others , ) I doubted not to follow the counsell of great Acontius : If thou hast made any rare observation , sayes he , which never any one before made ( whither the thing be a new invention , or some new way of former inventions ) although much be wanting as yet , which is above thy strength , neverthelesse if thou shouldest not make it publick , it would argue either too much cowardize , or too much haughtinesse of thy mind , and however that thou art no lover of the Common Wealth . And why should not these things be accounted as new inventions ; That ternarie of principles so clearly demonstrated from Scripture , Reason , and Sense ? Why not that admirable scale of substances , by a septenarie gradation ? Why not the doctrine of spirits ( as well separate as incorporate : ) of motions also and qualities , laid down more accurately and plainly then ever before , & letting in a quite new light into the knowledge of natur all things ? To say nothing of smaller matters scattered all over the book . Every of which in particular though I dare not defend tooth and nail , for some things perhaps are still the reliques of common tradition : and others it may be , not yet sufficiently established upon the foundations w ch we have laid down ) yet I am perswaded that they are the groundworks of unmoved truth , and avail much to the more exact observation of particular things . And that I may speak in a word , I hope there is so much light in this method of Physicks here delivered , that very little place is left to doubts and disputations : so that it makes something towards the taking away the controversies of Authours , the opinions of all ( whatsoever of truth either Aristotle hath ; or Galen , the Chymicks , Campanella and Verulamius do reasonably alledge against him ) being reduced to an harmony ; which may be made plain by the example of the principles of which they make bodies to consist , ( which Aristotle would have to be the four Elements ; the Syagyricks Salt , Sulfur and ☿ . Nay more , that by this means a gate is opened in a new kinde of way , not onely to the understanding of Arts and humane inventions , but also to multiply them : which could never be , unless the foundations of truth were found . Perhaps I speak more , then the Reader will think he finds in my Writings . But if he saw but the streams ( the delineation of that Pansophia Christiana , which wee have in hand ) that are derived , from this fountain , as also from that of our Didacticks and Metaphysicks , hee would not hold it vainly spoken . But because those are not yet brought to light , I set down this as a law for these that are : If any thing be not sufficiently deduced from Sense , Reason , and Scripture ; If any thing cohere not harmoniously enough with the rest ; If any thing be not evident enough with its own perspicuity , let it be taken as not said at all . Which law standing in force it may be lawful for my self & all others , both to doubt always , and every where whether every thing be so as it is delivered to be : and also to enquire why it is , as it is found to be ; by which two courses , that the lowest foundations of truth , will in time be discovered no body needs to doubt . Therefore let none of vs seeke after any thing else , but how the truth may best be maintained on all hands which if it happen not to be on our side , and that we are deceived with appearances of truth , ( as it is very usuall in humane affaires , ) I beseech all those that are more sharp-sighted , for the love of truth courteously to shew us our way , which we have lost , and where our demonstrations come not together . But if these savour of truth something neer , that then they would not disdain to joyn their endevours with ours for the illustration thereof : that all of us being the children of truth may compose and sing Hymnes of prayse together to God the Father of Truth . Thou therefore O Christ the Fathers glory bright , Of this great World the onely light ; On us some beams of light bestow , That are thy servants , thee to know . Amen , Lord make me to see ! here indeed thy externall light shining upon , and internall informing thy creatures , but there in [ in heaven ] aeternall and uncreated ! Amen , Amen . And so Christian Readers farewel . J. A. C. March the 12th . 1650. Imprimatur John Downame . A Table of the Heads of this BOOK . Prolegomena , of the nature and use of Physick . I AN Idea of the World to be created and created . pag. 9 II Of the principles of the World , Matter , Spirit and Light. 20 III Of the motion of things . 38 IV Of the qualities of things . 49 V Of the mutation of things . 69 VI Of the Elements . 78 VII Of Vapours . 96 VIII Of Concretes 114 IX Of Plants . 148 X Of living creatures . 159 XI Of Man. 210 XII Of Angels . 228 An Appendix to Physicks , of the diseases of the Body , Mind and Soul , aad their remedies . 243 Errata . Page 53. for softness read saltness , p. 63. for softness r. saltness , p. 247. line 12. for run r. noisome , p. 250. l. 4. for veins r. reins , ibid. l. 28 dele by . PROLEGOMENA . Touching the nature , foundation and use of Physick . I Physick is the Scientiall Knowledge of naturall ▪ things . II That thing is naturall , which is by Nature , not by Art FOr whatsoever this visible World hath , comes all , either from Nature or from Art those things are from Nature which God brought forth in the beginning , or w ch are to this very time begotten : by a virtue implanted in things , as , the Heavens , the Earth , the Sea , Rivers , Mountains , Stones , Metals , Hearbs , living Creatures , &c. those things are from art which men have shaped , by putting a new form upon natural things ; as , Cities , Houses , Ponds , Channels , Statues , Coines , Garments , Books , &c. that is by the work of mans ingenuity and hands . Physicks have nothing to do with these things ; these are put over to the arts . Now seeing that nature is before art : ye that art imitates nothing but nature , for as much as it doth nothing but by the strength of nature : it necessarily follows , that nature is to be laid for a foundation to arts , and that nature must first be knowne by those that are studious of arts , what things , and by what vertue it operates every where ▪ for when this is known , the secrets of all arts open of their own accord , without this in arts and prudentials all wil be blinde , dumbe , and maimed : therefore Physick is so necessary to be premised before the Mathematical , and Logical , and also the prudentiall Arts , that they who do otherwise , may be thought to build castles in the air . III The nature of things is , the law of being born and of dying , of operating and of ceasing , which God the Workmaster hath laid upon all things that are . For all things are born and die : all things operate somewhat , and all things cease again : in an order and manner proper to every creature ▪ which order and manner being that it is with most excellent reason , could not be disposed , but by the supream wisdome , inasmuch as it is found constantly to be imposed by way of a law upon things ▪ now it took the name of nature from the first degree of mutation of every thing , which is , to be borne . IV The knowledge of nature is to be obtein'd by searching into Nature it self . By searching I say . For no one should spend his time in Physicks , to that end , that he might have his mind taken up with anothers conceits ; but that he may put forward himself to the through and intimate knowledg of things , otherwise the intellect will not be illustrated with the nature of things , but obumbrated with the speculation of phantasms in naturall things , therefore we are to seek for guides who may make us scholers , not of themselves , but of nature , and exhibite unto us not their own fond reasons , but nature . V To search Nature , is to contemplate , how , and wherefore , every thing in nature is done . To contemplate I say . For as we do not see the Sun , but by looking on the Sun : so we do not learn nature , but by looking into nature ; which is that the Scripture counsels us . Ask the beasts , and they shall teach thee , and the fouls of the aire , and they shall tell thee , or talk with the earth , and it shall answer thee , and the fishes of the sea shall declare unto thee . ( Job 12. 7. ) therefore the learners of naturall Philosophy , cannot be more happily and easily instructed , then if they be taught by ocular demonstration , wheresoever it is to be had : I say to contemplate every thing , that so we may sift out the reasons and causes of all things every where . For it is certain that nature doth nothing in vain , even in things of least moment , yea sometimes in the very least things much wisdome lies stored up . And which is more , we cannot attain to the knowledg of great things , but by the knowledg of lesser things , which the following Aphorisme will teach us . VI Nature unfolds her self in the least things , and wraps up her self in the greatest things . That is , in the more excellent creatures many things are wound up and woven together with such an occult artifice , that neither the beginning nor the endings of actions and accidents can easily be discerned , but in all courser creatures , all things are clearly manifest , which is the cause why the nature of compounds cannot be knowne , unlesse the nature of simples be first known : so consequently we are to begin with these speculations , and to proceed by degrees from simpler things to the more compound : which very order we shall see that the Creator himself observed , in producing and twisting together the nature of things . VII Wee are to studie naturall Phylosophie by the guide of sense , and light of the Scripture . For sense is the beginning not onely of knowledge , but of certainty and wisdome ; for as there is nothing in the intellect which was not first in the sense , so if there be any thing obscurely or doubtfully in the intellect , we are to have recourse to the sense for evidence and certainty . but wheresoever sense or reason faileth , ( as in things remote either in place or time ) we are indebted to the grace of God , that he hath deigned to reveale many things unto us exceeding sense and reason . For example , the first production of the world , and the constitution of things invisible . He that neglecteth either of these principles is easily intangled in errours : for by how much the more of imagination any thing hath , by so much the more vanitie it hath , and is the more remote from the truth : again , by how much the lesse any thing participates of revealed wisdome , by so much the lesse it partakes of the truth . and such for the most part is the Philosophy of the Gentiles , and therefore vain and barren , we will follow the guidance of Moses , ( who described the generation of the world by the command of God : ) yet always heedfully observing the attestation of the senses , and of reason . For wisely doth Lud. Vives ( as we have set down under the title of this book ) recall Christians from the lamp of the Gentiles , which yeilds an obscure and maligne light , to that torch of the Sun , which Christ the light of the World brought into the world , attributing much wit indeed , but little profit to the inventions of Aristotle . nay further Campanella and Verulamius most Christian Philosophers ( that are acquainted with that way of Philosophy from sense and Scripture ) have demonstrated , that all Aristotles doctrines are nothing but a nurserie of disputations , ( that is , of obscurities , haesitancies , contradictions , strifes , and wranglings ) and fighting hood-winckt , and that they hinder rather then advance our meditation of things , and withall have afforded us a light , whereat we may kindle more clear torches of inquiring out the truth . following vvhose footsteps ( yet laying strong foundations from the Scripture ) vve vvill dresse out a little Theatre of nature , not for disputation , but for speculation ; and vve vvill go through nature silently , yet not vvithout our eyes , and that again according to the counsel of great Vives : Here is no need of disputations , ( saith he ) but of a silent contemplation of nature : the Scholars shal enquire and ask rather then contend : If any be more slow they wil need more ful commonstration not disputation , and a little after , again I say , here is no need of wrangling but of looking on , so this study wil be the delight of the rich , and a refreshing of the mind to those that deal either in publike or in private affairs : for when shal we easily find any other delight of the senses , to be compared with this , either in the greatness or in the variety , or in the continuance of it ; for when we bestow our labour upon this contemplation , wee need not seek for any other recreation , nor desire sawce for this meat , the walk it self , and the quiet contemplation is both a School and a Master , as that which always affords something , which thou mayest admire , wherein thou mayest delight , which may increase thy knowledge . Therefore let us resolve upon this , vve that vievv naturall things , to rest upon no other authority besides that of the Work-master of nature , and of nature her self ( as she holds forth her self to be touched and felt ) the Scriptures , sense and reason , shal be our Guides , Wìtnesses and Dictators , to the Testimonies of vvhich he that assents not , shevvs himselfe very foolish and vain . CHAP. I. An Idea of the World to be created and created . THE eternall Deitie , our God that is to be adored , after the infinite glories which hee enjoyes in his immense eternity , was of his exceeding goodnesse propense to communicate himselfe out of himself ; and by his exceeding Wisdome saw that his invisible things might be expressed by certain visible images ; and to execute that , had his Omnipotencie at hand , he decreed not to envie entitie to those things , wherein he might be expressed , and wherein his Power , Wisdome and Goodness might be revealed : therefore he produced intelligent creatures , by whom he might be known & praised Angels and men : both after his own image : but the first pure minds , the other clothed with bodies for whom he built a dwelling place , and as it were a school of wisdome , this universall World with other creatures of inferiour degree almost infinite : all and every of which , cry out after their manner , hee made us , and not wee our selves . Now then we go about to unfold in what order so great a work proceeded , and with what art all things were contrived , and with what strength they are held together , yet by his guiding who alone is able to testifie of himself and of his works ; for thus , says he , by his Secretary Moses . Gen. 1. I In the beginning God created the heaven , ( v. 1. ) That is , the heaven of heavens with the Angels : whom as morning stars first produced , he made spectatours of the rest of his works . ( Joh. 38. v. 7. ) II And the earth ) that is this visible world , which notwithstanding he did not finish in the same moment , therefore it is said . III And the earth was void , & without form , and darknesse was upon the face of the deep . v. 2. that is , the matter of this world was first produced , a certain Chaos without form and darke , like a black smoake arising out of the bottomlesse pit of nihilitie , by the beck of the Almighty , and this was matter , the first principle of this visible Wo●ld . IV And the Spirit of God moved upon the water , ) that is a certaine strength was introduced by the spirit or breath of God into that same darke , and of it selfe confused matter , whereby it began to stirre . hereby then is understood the second principle of the World , that is , the spirit of life diffused throughout , whereof the Universal World is hitherto ful ; which insinuating it selfe every where through all the parts of the matter , cherishes and rules it , and produces every creature , introducing into every one it s own form , but being that this work-master had need of fire to soften and to prepare the matter , variously for various uses , God produced it . For , V God said let there be light and there was light , ver . 3. ) this is described , as the third principle of the World , meerly active , whereby the matter was made visible and divisible into forms , the light , I say , perfecting all things which are , and are made in the World , therefore it is added . VI And God saw the light that it was good , ver . 4 ) that is , he saw that all things would now proceed in order . for that light being produced in a great masse , began presently to display its threefold virtue ( of illuminating , moving it selfe , and heating , ) and by turning about the World , to heat and rarifie the matter , and so to divide it . for hence followed first of all from the brightnesse of that light the difference of nights and days . VII He divided the light from darkness , and called the light day , and the darknesse he called night , and the evening and morning were the first day , ver . ● . ) that is , that light when it had turn'd it self round , & compassed the World , with that motion made day and night . The second effect of light was from heat , namely , that which way soever it pass'd , it rarified and purified the matter , but it condensed it on both sides , upward and downward . whence came the division of the Elements , this Moses expresses in these words . VIII And God said , let there be a Firmament , that it may divide betwixt the wa●er above and the waters below , ver . 6. ) God said , that is , he ordained how it should be . let there be a Firmament , that is , let that light stretch forth the matter , and let the thicker part of the matter melting and flying from the light thereof , make waters on this side and on that . above , as they are the term of the visible World ; but below , as they are a matter apt to produce other creatures , under which the earth as thick dregs came together . that was done the second day . XI Therefore God said , let the waters be gathered together under heaven into one place , and let the dry land appear . and it was so ; and God called the dry land , earth , and the gathering together of the waters he called seas , and he saw that it was good . ver . 9 , 10. ) and so on the third day , there came the foure greatest bodies of the World out of the matter already produced , Aether , ( that is , the Firmament or Heaven ) Aire , Water and Earth ; all as yet void of lesser creatures . therefore said God. X Let the earth bud forth the green herb , and trees bearing seed or fruit every one according to his kinde ver . 11. ) this was done the same third day , when as now the heat of Coelestiall light having wrought more effectually began to beget fat vapours on the earth , whereinto that living spirit of the World insinuating it self , began to cause plants to grow up in various formes , according as it pleased the Creator . this is the truest original and manner of generation of plants hitherto , that they are form'd by the spirit with the help of heat . but as the heavens did not always equally effuse the same heat , but according to the various form of the World , one while more midly , another while more strongly ; the fourth day God disposed that same light of heaven , otherwise then hitherto it had been , namely , forming from that one great masse thereof divers lucid Globes , greater and lesser , which ( being called stars ) he placed here and there in the Firmament higher and lower , with an unequall motion , to distinguish the times , and this Moses describes v. 14 , 15 , &c. thus . XI And God said , let there be light made in the Firmament of heaven , that they may divide the day and the night , and may be for signes , and for seasons , and for days , and for years , that they may shine in the Firmament , and enlighten the earth , therefore God made two great lights , and the starres , &c. ) This done , then after , all the face of the World began to appear beautifull , and the heat of heaven more temperate , began to temper the matter of inferiour things together , after a new manner ; so that the spirit of life now began to form more perfect creatures , namely moving plants , which we call animals , of which Moses thus . XII God said also , let the waters bring forth creeping things , having a soul of life , and flying things upon the earth , &c. v. 20. ) the waters were first commanded to produce living creatures , because it is a softer Element then earth : first reptiles , as earth-wormes , and other worms , &c. ) because they are as it were the rudiment of nature , also swiming things , and flying things , that is , fishes and birds , animals of a more light compaction ; that was done on the fift day with a most goodly spectacle to the Angels ; but on the sixth day , God commanded earthly animals to come forth , namely of a more solid structure , which was presently done , when the spirit of the World distributed it self variously through the matter of the clay : for thus Moses . XIII God said , let the earth produce creatures , having life according to their kind , beasts , and serpents , and beasts of the field , and it was s● . v. 24. ) so now the heaven of heavens had for inhabitants , the Angels ; the visible heaven , the starres , the air birds , the water fishes , the earth beasts , there was yet a ruler wanting for these inferiour things , namely , a rationall creature , or an Angel visibly clothed , for whose sake those visible things were produced . Therefore at the last when God was to produce him , he is said by Moses to have taken counsel ; in these words . XIV Then God said , let us make man after our own image , and likenesse , who may rule over the fishes of the sea , and the fouls of the air , and beasts , and all the earth , &c. Therefore he created man out of the dust of the earth , and breathed in his face the breath of life , &c. v. 26. and cap. 2. v. 7. ) so man was made , like to the other living creatures by a contemperation of matter , spirit and light ; and to God and the Angels , through the inspiration of the mind , a most exquisite summarie of the world , and thus the structure of the Universe ought to proceed , so as to begin with the most simple creature , and end in that which is most compound but both of them rationall ; that it might appear , that God created these onely for himself , but all the intermediate for these . Lastly , that all things are from God , and for God , flow out from him , and reflow to him . But that all these things might continue in their essence , as they were disposed by the wisdome of God , he put into every thing a virtue , which they call Nature , to conserve themselves , in their effence , yea , & to multiply , whence the continuation of the creatures unto this very day , and this Moses intimated , adding touching animals . XV And God said , increase and multiply , v. 22. ) by the virtue of which command and words , let there be made , let it produce , let it put forth , &c. Things are made and endure hitherto , and would remain ( if God would ) without end unto aeternity . Gods omnipotency concurring no longer immediately unto particular things , ( as before ) but nature it self , always spreading forth her vertue through all things . which thing derogates nothing from the Providence of God , nay rather it renders his great power , wisdome , & goodnes , more illustrate . for it comes from his great goodness , that the greatest and the least things are so disposed to their ends , that nothing can be , or be made in vain ; from his wisdome , that such an industry is put into nature to dispose all things to their e●ds , so that it never happens to erre , unlesse it be hindred : lastly , from his power , that such an immutable durability can be put into the universe , through such a changeable mutabilitie of particulars , so that the World is as it were aeternall . Therefore the veins of the strength , artifice and order of this nature must be more throughly searched ; that those things which we have here in few words hinted out of Moses , may be more illustrated by the constant test●mony of Scripture , reason and senses , and a way made to observe one thing out of another . An Appendix to the first Chapter . We have said that it may be gathered out of those words of Moses . In the beginning God created the heaven : that the invisible World was the beginning of the works of God , that is the heaven of heavens with the Angels . Now that by this heaven is to be understood the heaven of heavens , and the Invisible , or Angelicall World appeares plain . I. Out of Scripture , which 1 mentions the heaven of heavens every where ; but their production no where , unlesse it be here . 2 Moses testifies that the invisible heavens were stretched out the second day , and the fourth day adorned with starres , therefore another heaven must necessarily be understood in this place ; namely a heaven that was finished in the same moment , for that the particle autem inferres , hee created the heavens and the earth ; terra autem , but the earth was without form , &c. III This reason evinces the same , those things which are made by God are made in order , now an orderly processe in operation , is this , that a progresse be made from more simple things , to compound things , therefore as the most compound creature man was last produced ; so the most simple and immateriall creatures , ( Heaven and the Angels ) first of all . III And what would we have more ? God himself testifies expresly ; that when he made the earth , the Angels stood by him as spectators , for so saith he to Job ; Where wast thou when I founded the earth , when the morning starres sang together , and all the sonnes of God shouted . ( Job . 38. 4 , 7. ) calling the Angels morning starres , because they were a spirituall beam , and that newly risen : sonnes of God , because they were made after the image of God. therefore when we hear , that the earth was founded the first day , it must needs be that the Angels were produced before the earth : And if the Angels , then certainly the dwellings of the Angels , the heaven of heavens ; and that in full perfection , with all their hosts , as it were in one moment , aud this is the cause why Moses speaks no more of that heaven , but descends to the forming of the earth , that is the visible World : ( how the Creator took unto himself six dayes to digest it ) as we will also now descend . CHAP. II. Of the visible Principles of the World , matter , spirit and light . WE have seene , God shewing us , how the World arose out of the Abysse of nihilitie ; let us now see how it standeth , that so by seeing we may learn to see , and by feeling to feel , the very truth of things . And here are three principles of visible things held out unto us , matter , spirit , and light , that they were produced the first day , as three great but rude Masses , and out of those variously wrought , came forth various kinds of creatures , therefore we must enquire further , whether these three principles of all bodies , have a true being , and be yet existent . least any errour be perhaps committed at the very entrance , by any negligence whatsoever , but now seeing that no more doubts of matter , and light , this onely comes to be prooved , that by that spirit which hovered upon the face of the waters , a certain universall spirit of the world , is to be understood , which puts life and vigour into all things created , for the newnesse of this opinion in physicks , and the interpretation of that place by Divines with one consent of the person of the holy spirit , give occasion of doubting . But Chry●ostome , ( as Aslacus cites him ) and Danaeus acknowledgeth , that in this place a created spirit , which is as it were the soul of the world , is more rightly to be understood ; and it is proved strongly . I By Scripture , which testifieth that a certain vertue was infused by God through the whole world , susteining and quickening all things , and operating all things in all things ; which he calleth both a spirit and a soul , and sometimes the spirit of God , sometimes the spirit of the creatures . For example ( Psal. 104. v. 29. 30. ) David saith thus ; when thou receivest their spirit , ( that is the spirit of living creatures , and of plants ) they die , and return to their dust : but when thou sendest forth thy spirit ( that is the Spirit of God , ) again , they are recreated , and the face of the earth is renewed , but Job ( 27. 3. ) says thus ; as long as my soul shall be in me , and the spirit of God in my nostrils ; see the soul of man , and the spirit of God are put for the same ! which place compared with the saying of Elihu , the spirit of God hath made me , and the breath of the Omnipotent hath put life into me . ( c. 33. v. 4. ) opens the true meaning of Moses ; namely that the spirit of God stirring upon the waters , produced the spirit or soul of the world , which puts life into all living things . Now that this is disposed through all things , appears out of Ezechiel : where God promising the spirit of life unto the dry bones , ( Ezech. 17. v. 5 , 14. ) which he cals his Spirit , bids it to come from the four Winds ( v. 9 ) therefore Augustine , ( lib. imperf . sup . Gen. ad lit . ) and Basil ( in Hexamero ) call this spirit , the soule of the world . And Aristotle ( as Sennertus testifies ) says that the spirit of life is a living and genitall essence diffused through all things but the testimony of Elihu , is most observable , who speaks thus . Who hath placed the whole World ? If he ( namely God ) should set his heart upon it , and should gather unto himself the spirit thereof , and the breath thereof ( or : his spirit and his breath : For the Hebrew affix is rendred both ways ) all flesh would die together , and man would return unto dust . Job 34. v. 13 , 14. So , if God should take his spirit out of the World , every living thing would die . 2 By reason and sense , it is certainly evident , that herbs and animals spring out of a humide matter , even without seed . But whence had these life , I pray you , but from that diffused soul of the World ? wee finde by experience , that bread , wine and water , yea aire , are vitall to those that feed upon them , but whence have they that vital force , I pray you , if not from this diffused soule ? but now if a certaine spirit be diffused in that manner through all things , it follows necessarily , that it was created in the begining in its whole masse , even as the matter & the light were first produced , in that its great and undigested masse : so that there was no need that any thing should be created afterwards , but be compounded of those three , and distinguished with forms . which God intimated , in Esay 42. v. 5. where declaring himself the Creator of all things , he divides them into three parts , namely , into the heavens , ( that is light the earth , ( that is matter ) and a quickning spirit , and just so in Zachary 12. v. 1. let us therefore hereafter beware so great an absurdity , ( that I may not say blasphemy ) as to put the person of the Holy Ghost amongst the creatures . Now there may three reasons of this thing be given , why Moses called that quickning spirit , produced in the beginning , the Spirit of God. Namely , that it is taken in that sense , wherein els-where it is spoken of ●he mountains of God , ( Psal. 36. v. 7. ) and trees of God ( Psal. 104. v. 16. ) and Ninive was called a citie of God : that is , by reason of their greatness and dignity . 2. Because it was produced immediatly by God ; not as now it is , when that spirit passeth from one subject to another . 3 Because it was a peculiar act of the holy Ghost . For the Analogie of our Faith teacheth us to believe , that the production of the matter out of nothing , is a work of Gods Omnipotencie , and is attributed to the Father ; that the production of light ( by which the World received splendour and order ) is a work of wisdome attributed to the Son , ( John 1. v. 3 , 4. ) and lastly , that the virtue infused into the creatures is a work of his goodnesse , which is attributed to the Holy Ghost . ( Psal. 143. v 10. ) and so must that place ( Psal. 33. v. 9 & 6. ) be altogether understood , ( for it will not bear any other sense ) he spake and they were made ; he commanded , and they came forth : the heavens were established by the Word of God , and all the virtue of them by the spirit of his mouth Also wee must note , ( Gen. 1. v. 1 , 2 , 3. ) that three words are added to the three principles , he created , he said , and he moved himself ; that they may be signs of his absolute Power , of his Word , and of his spirit . Also we must note this , that in both those places the Holy Ghost with his work is placed in the midst ; ( as also in Esay 40. v. 13. ) because he is the spirit , the love , and the mutuall bond of both , but this we speak after the manner of men Let it stand therefore for certain , that all the principles were created the first day , every one in its masse ; and that all things were afterwards composed out of them , which may be declared to children ( for their more full understanding ) by a similitude thus : an Apothecary or Confectioner being to make odoriferous Balls , takes Sugar in stead of matter ; Rose-water , or Syrrup , or some other sweet liquour for tincture or conditure ; last of all taking some of this lumpe thus made , hee imprints certain shapes upon his work . So also God first prepared his matter : then tempered it with a living spirit ; then brought light into it , which by its heat and motion might mix and temper both together and bring it to certain forms . also even as a Mechanick must have matter , and two hands to work withall ; the one hand , to hold ; and the other to work with : so in the framing of the world , there was need , first of matter , then of a spirit to frame the matter , and lastly of light , or heat to inactuate the matter under the hand of the spirit . and what need many words ? we see in every stone , hearb , and living creature : first a certain quantity of matter ; secondly , a certain inward virtue , whereby it is generated , it groweth , it spreads abroad its savour , and its odour and its healing virtue ; thirdly , a form or a certain disposition of parts with divers changes , which come from the heat working within . For , Matter is a principle meerly passive , Light meerly active , Spirit indifferent , for in respect of the matter it is active ; in respect of the light , passive . The difinitions of the principles . Matter , is a corpulent substance , of it self rude and dark , constituting bodies . Spirit , is a subtile substance , of it self living , invisible and insensible , dwelling and growing in bodies . Light , is a substance of it self visible , and moveable , lucid , penetrating the matter , and preparing it to receive the spirits , and so forming out the bodies . Therefore by how much the more Matter , any thing hath it hath somuch y e more Dulnes , obscurity & immobility : as the earth . Vigour and durability : as an Angell . Form , & mobility : as the Sun. Spirit , Light , Note also ; that matter , is the first entitie in the World ' ; Spirit , the first living thing ; Light , the first moving thing ; so that every body in the World is of the matter , by the light , in the spirit : which he would have to be his image , from whom , by whom , in whom are all things , blessed for evermore , Amen . Rom. 11. v. 36. Of the nature of matter . TRuly said one ; No diligence can be too much in searchingout the beginning of things . for when the principles are rightly set down ; an infinite number of conclusions will follow of their own accord , and the science wil encrease it self in infinitum ; which the creation of things doth also shew . For God having produced the principles the first day , and wrought them together with most excellent skil , made afterward so great variety of things to proceed from them , that both men and Angels may be astonished . Therefore let us not thinke over much , to frame our thoughts yet of all the principles of the World apart . Let the following Aphorisms be of the matter . I The first matter of the World , was a vapour or a fume . For what means that description of Moses else ? when he calls it earth , waters , the deep , darkness , a thing void , and without form ? and it appears also by reason . for seeing that the lesser bodies of the World , Clouds , Water , Stones , Metals , and all things growing on the earth are made of vapours coagulated ( as shall appeare most evidently hereafter : ) why not the whole World also ? certainly the matter of the whole can be nothing else , but that which is found to be the matter of the parts . II The first matter of the World , was a Chaos of dispersed Atomes , cohering in no part thereof . This is proved 1 by reason , for if they had cohered in any sort , they had had form : but they had not ; for it was Tohu vabohu , a thing without form and void . 2 by sense , which satisfies , that the Elements are turned unto Atomes . for what is dust , but earth reduced into Atomes ? what is vapour , but water resolved into more subtile parts ? the air it self , what is it but a most small comminution of drops of water , and unperceiveable by sense ? yea , all bodies are found to consist of most extream small parts , as trees , barke , flesh , skins , and membranes , of most slender strings or threds ; but bones , stones , metals , of smal dust made up together , into which they may be resolved again . And this shews also , that those threds or haires , are of Atomes , as it were glued together , that when they are dried they may be pouldred . wherefore the whole World is nothing but dust , coagulated with various glutinous matters into such or such a form . 3 by Scripture for the aeternall Wisdom it self testifies , that the beginning of the World was dust . ( Prov. 8. v. 26. ) out of which foundation many places of Scripture wil be better understood : ( as Gen. 3. v. 14. ) dust thou art , and into dust thou shalt return . For , behold , man was made of the mud of the earth ! yet God being angry for sin , threatens something more , then returning to dust , namely utmost resolution , into the very utmost dust , of which the mud of the earth it self was made : and wee see it to be truly so , that a man is dissolved not onely into earth , but into all the elements , ( especially those that perish by fire ) and is at last scattered into very Atomes . Read and understand , what is said ( Job 4. v. 19. ) Item 19. v. 9. Esay 26. v. 19. Psal. 104. v. 29. ) therefore , Democritus erred not altogether , in making Atomes the matter of the World : but hee erred in that hee believed , 1 that they were aeternall , 2 that they went together into forms by adventure , 3 that they cohere of themselves : by reason that he was ignorant of that which the Wisdom of God hath revealed unto us , that the Atomes were conglutinated into a mass , by the infusion of the Spirit of life , and began to be distinguished into forms , by the comming in of the light . III God produced so great a mass of this matter , as might sussice to fill the created Abysse . For with the beginning of the heaven and the earth , that vast space was presently produced , wherein the heaven and the earth were to be placed , which place Moses cals the Abysse , which no creature can passe through by reason of its depth and vastness . Now the Aphorism tels us , that all this was filled up with that confused fume , lest wee should imagine any vacuum . IV The matter is of it self invisible , and therefore dark , For darkness is seen after the same manner when the eyes are shut , as when they are open ; that is , they are not seen at all . and this is it , which Moses says : and darkness was upon the face of the Abysse . V The matter is of it self without form yet it is apt to be extended , contracted , divided , united , and to receive every form and figure , as wax is to receive every seal . For we have shewed that all the bodies of the World are made of these Atomes , and are resolved into them , therefore they are nothing else but the matter clothed with severall forms . which the Chymicks demonstrate to the eye , reducing some dust one while into liquour , another while into a vapour , another while into a stone , &c. VI The matter is aeternall in its duration through all forms , so that nothing of it can perish . For in very deed , from the making of the World untill now , not so much as one crum of matter hath perished , nor one increased . for in that bodies are generated , and do perish that is nothing else , but a transmutation of forms in the same matter , as when vapour is made of water , of that vapour a cloud , of the cloud rain , and of the rain drunk in by the roots of plants an hearb , &c. VII The principall virtue of the matter of the world is , are indissoluble cohaerence every where , so that it can endure to be discontinued in no part , and a vacant space to be left . Notwithstanding perhaps this virtue is not from the matter , but from the spirit affused : of which in the Chapter following . VII From this matter , the whole World is materiall and corporeall , and is so called . For all the bodies of the World , even the most subtle , and the most lightsome , are nothing but form , partly coagulated , partly refined . Now after what manner it is coagulated or refined , shall appear in that which follows . Of the nature of the Spirit , or soule of the World. THe spirit of the World , is life it self infused into the World , to operate all things in all . for whatsoever any treature doth or suffers , it doth or suffers it by virtue of this spirit . for it is given to it . I To inhabite the matter . For as in the beginning it moved it self upon the waters , so yet it is not extant , but in the matter ; especially in a liquid and subtile matter . Whence in the body of a living creature , those most subtile , sanguine vapours , and as it were flames , which are the charriot of life , are called spirits . And Chymicks , extracting a spirit out of herbs , metals , stones like a little water , call it the Quintessence , because it is a more subtile substance than all the four elements . But not water it self , as it is water , but that living virtue of the creature , out of which it is extracted , inhabiting in it . which being that it cannot be altogether separated from the matter , is preserved in that subtile form of matter . For how fast the spirit inhaeres in the matter , shall be taught about the end . ( hap . 9. 10. II To move or agitate it self through the whole matter to preserve it . Hence it is , 1 that no vacuum can be in the world . For all bodies , even the most subtile , ( as water , air , the skie ) being indued with this spirit , delight in contiguity and continuity . For as a living creature will not be cut , so also water , air , yea the world it self ; by reason of that universall spirit , uniting all things in it , which also when a separation is made ( as in the wounds of living creatures , in the cutting of the water , in the parting of the air may be seen ) makes the matter close again . 2. that every creature putrifies , when that spirit is taken away , ( as if you extract the spirit of wine out of wine , or suffer the spirit to evaporate out of an hearb , &c. ) but is preserved , yea made better , if the spirit be preserved . For example ; wine kept in any solid vessel under the earth , or water , though it be an 100 years ; grows still the richer : the spirit stirring and moving it self in it , and by that meanes , still moulding the matter more and more , and more and more purifying it from crudities . III To keep the particular Ideas or forms of things . For one & the same spirit of the universe , is afterwards diduced into many particularities , by the comand of God ; so that there is one spirit of water , another spirit of earth , another of metals , another of plants , another of living creatures , &c. and then in every kind again severall species . Now then that of the seed of wheat , there springs not a bean , much lesse , a walnut , or a bird , &c. is from the spirit of the wheat , which being included in the seed , formeth it self 〈◊〉 body according to its nature . From the sam● spirit is the custody of the bounds of nature for example ; that a horse grows not to the bignesse of a mountain , nor stays at the smalnesse of a cat . IV To form it self bodies , for the use of future operations . For example , the spirit of a dog being included in its seed , when it begins to form the young , doth not form it wings , or 〈◊〉 or hands , &c. because it needeth not those members : but four feet , and other members , in such sort , as they are fit for that use , to which they are intended . Because some dogs are for pleasure , others to keep the house , or flocks , others for hunting ; and that either for hares , or wild bores , or water foul , &c. ( namely , according as the Creator mingled the spirit of living creatures , that they should have Sympathy or Antipathy one with another ) Every ones own spirit doth form it a body fit for its end . whence from the sight of the creatures onely , the use of every one may be gathered , as the learned think ; because every creature heareth its signature about it . Of the nature of light . I THe first light was nothing else but brightnesse , or a great flame , sent into the dark matter to make it visible and divisible into form . For in the primitive language , light and fire are of the same name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence also comes the Latine word VRO . and verily the light of heaven , doth really both shine and burn , or heat . II God put into the light a threefold vertue : 1 of spreading it self every way , and illuminating all things . 2 of moving the matter with it being taken hold of , by burning and inflaming . 3. of heating , and thereby rarifying and attenuating the matter . All these things our fire doth also : because it is nothing else , but light , kindled in the inferiour matter . III. But when as that light could not extend his motion upwards and downwards , ( for it would have found a term forthwith ) it moved it self , and doth still move in a round : whence came the beginning of dayes . IV And because the matter rarified above heat being raised by the motion of the light , the grosser par●s of the matter were compelled to fall downward , and to conglobate themselves in the middest of the Vniverse : which was the beginning of the earth and water . V The light therefore by this its threefold vertue , light , motion , and heat ) introduced contrariety into the World. For darknesse was opposite to light ; rest , to motion ; cold , to heat : whence came other contraries besides , moist and dry , thin and thick , heavy and light , &c. of which c. 4. VI From the light therefor is the disposition and adorning of the whole World. For the light is the onely fountain both of visibility , and of motion , and of heat ▪ take light out of the World , and all things will return into a Chaos . For if all things lose their colours and their formes , in the night when the Sun is absent ; and living creatures and plants die in winter , by reason of the Suns operation being not strong enough , and the earth and the water do nothing but freeze : what do you think would be , if the luminaries of heaven , were quite extinguished ? Therefore all things in the visible World throughout , are , and are made , of the matter , in the spirit , but by the fire or light . CHAP. III. Of the motion of things . THe principles of things being constituted , we are to see the common accidents of things : which are Motion , Quality , and Mutation . For our of the congresse of the principles if the World , came first motion ; out of motion , came quality : and out of quality again , came various mutations of things : which three are hitherto in all created things , as it shall appear . I Motion is an accident of a body , whereby it is transferred from place to place . The doctrine of naturall motions , how many they are , and how they are made , is the key to the understanding of all naturall actions : and therefore most diligently to be observed . II Motion was given to things , for generation , action , and time . For generation : for nothing could be ●gotten without composition : nor composed without comming together : nor come together without motion . For actions : because there could be none without motion For time : that it might be the measure of the duration of things . For take the Sun and the Starres out of the World , nothing can be known , what , where , when : all things will be blind , dumb , deaf . III Motion is either simple or compound . IV Simple motion is either of spirit , or of light , or of matter . V The motion of the spirit is called agitation , whereby the spirit agitates if self in the matter seeking to inform it . For the living spirit would not be living , if it should cease to agitate it self , and strive to subdue the matter in any sort whatsoever . This motion is the beginning of the generation , and corruption of things . For the spirit in every thing ( in flesh , an apple , a grain , wood , &c. ) doth by agitating it self , soften the parts , that it may either receive new life , or it may fly out , and the thing purrifie . VI The motion of the light is called diffusion , whereby the light and the heat diffuse themselves into all the parts . For fire , were not fire , nor heat , hear , if it should cease to diffuse it self , and liquifie the matter And from this motion of the fire , all the motion of the matter draws its originall . as the experience of the senses testifies . For grosse and cold things , as wood , a stone , ice , &c. want motion of themselves , which notwithstanding when fire is put to them , they forthwith obtein , as it may be demonstrated to the eye . let there be a kettle full of water , put wood underneath it ; behold all is quiet ! but kindle the wood , you shall presently see motion : first in the wood , flame , smoak , and starting asunder the coals : by and by in the water , first evaporating , afterwards turning it self round , at length , boyling and galloping . but remove away the fire again , all the motion will cease again by little and little . so in a living body ( an animall ) take away heat , forthwith not onely motion , but also mobility will cease , the members waxing stiffe . Furthermore , although there be divers motions in things , yet the Originall is every where the same , heat or fire : which being included in the world is moved circularly : being kindled in the air , as it darts it self forth , this way or that way , as the matter is disposed , or the wind sits ; included in a living creature , as the strength of the phantasie forceth it this way or that way . VII The motion of the matter is eightfold of expansion , contraction , aggregation , sympathie , continuitie , impulsion , libration and libertie . Whereof the first two are immediately from the fire , the four following from some other bodies ; the two last from it self , but by the mediation of the spirit of the universe . which if it seems harsh , will soon appear plain by examples . VIII The motion of expansion is , that whereby the matter , being rarified with heat , dilate sits self of its own accord , seeking larger room . For it is not possible that the matter being rarified , should be conteined in the same space : but one part thrusts another , that they may stretch forth themselves , and gather themselves into a greater sphear . you shall see an example , if you drop a few drops of water into a hogs bladder , and having tied the neck thereof , lay it over a furnace , for the bladder will be stretched out , and will swell : because the water being turned into vapour , by the heat seeks more room . IX The motion of contraction is , that whereby the matter is contracted , betaking it self into a narrower space by condensation . For example ; if you lay the foresaid bladder from the furnace into a cold place ; for the vapour will return to water , and the swelling of the bladder will fall . or if you put a thong into the fire , you shall see it wil be wrinkled and contracted because the softer parts being extracted by the fire ; the rest must needs be contracted : from the same reason also , the chinks and gapings of timber and of the earth come . X The motion of aggregation i● , when a body is carried to its connaturals . For example , our flame goes upward , a stone goes downward : for the flame perceives , that its connaturals ( that is subtile bodies ) are above ; a stone that its ( that is heavy things ) are here below . Note well , that they cōmonly call this motion naturall , who are ignorant of the rest . But though it appear most in sight , and seem to be most strong and immutable , yet indeed it is weak enough ; because it gives place to all the rest that follow , and puts not forth it self , but when they cease : which will of it self appear , to one that meditates these things diligently yet I will adde this . A drop of ink fallen upon paper , defends it self by its roundnesse ; yet put a moist pen to it , you ●●ll see the drop run up into into it . See , it ●●es not downward , ( as it should by rea●●● of its heavinesse ) but upwards , that it ●●y joyn it self to a greater quantity there●● . XI The motion of sympathie , and antipathy , ●hat , whereby a like body is drawn to its like , 〈◊〉 driven away by its contrary . Now this similitude is of the spirit that habits in it . this motion is very evident in ●●ne bodies , ( as in the loadstone , which ●●aws iron to it , or else leaps it self to the 〈◊〉 ) in others weak , and scarce sensible , as 〈◊〉 example in milk , the cream whereof se●rates it self by little and little , from the hevie parts , and gathers it self to the top ) some things , it is as it were bound ; un●●sse it be losed some way or other , that ap●ears in melted brasse : wherein metals are ●●parated one from another , by the force of 〈◊〉 fire , and by the virtue of sympathy eve●● thing gathers it self to its like , ( lead to ●●ad , silver to silver , ) and flows together in 〈◊〉 peculiar place . XII Motion of continuity is , that whereby ●atter follows matter , shunning discontinuity . As when you suck up the air with a pipe , ●●tting one end thereof into the water , the water will follow the air , though it be up●ward . For we said before , that the world ▪ a living creature would not be cut , the livin● spirit uniting all things . XIII The motion of impulsion ( or cession● is that whereby matter yeelds to matter , th● presseth upon it . So water yeelds to a stone that com● down into it , that it may sink ; so a ston● to the hand that thrusts it , &c. for a bod● will not endure to be penetrated , it had rather yeeld , if it can . If it cannot all , the pa●● yeeld , as wee may see it happen in eve● Breake , Bruise , Rent , Wearing , Cutting for the weaker yeelds every where to th● stronger . XIV The motion of libration is , that where in the parts wave themselves too and fro , th●● they may be rightly placed in the whole . As when a ballance moves it self , now this , now that way . XV The motion of liberty is , that whereby a body or a part thereof , being violently move● out of its place , and yet not plucked away , returns thither again . As when a branch of a tree bent forcibly and let go again , betakes it self to its positure . A SCHEAME Of Motions . Motion therefore is of Spirit Light which is called the motion of agitation . diffusion . Matter which is caused by the fire and is called the motion of expansion . contraction . some body drawing by connaturalitie , as of aggregation . a secret virtue , as of sympathie . connexion , as of continuitie . thrusting or inforcing , as of impulsion it self , ( that it may be well with it self ) as the motion of libration . libertie . An example of all these motions in the f●●tion of the Macrocosme or great World. First , the spirit moved it self upon the●ters with the motion of Agitation . then light being sent into the matter , penetra● it every way with the motion of Diffusion and by the matter above , where the li●● passed through , being heated and rarif●● dilated it self with the motion of Dispa●● but below , it coagulated it self with the●●tion of Contraction . And all the more su●● parts gathered themselves upwards , the 〈◊〉 downwards , with the motions of Agregation and Sympathy : ( for a more o●● Sympathy and Antipathy was put in things afterwards . ) and whither soever o● part of the matter went , others followed 〈◊〉 the motion of Continuity : or if one rush● against others , they gave way by the motion of Impulsion . but the grosser parts did poi●● themselves , ( flying from the heat whic● came upon them from above ) about th● Center , to an exact Globosity , with th● motion of Libration . there was no motion o● Liberty , because there was no externall violence , to put any thing out of order . An example of the same motions in the Microcosme , or little World. In man , ( and in every living creature ) the food that is put into the belly , grows hot with incalescency ; here you have the motion of Expansion , then by the motion of Sympathie every member attracts to it self , that which is good for it : but by the motion of Antipathy superfluous things are driven forth , as unprofitable and hurtfull to them . then the blood is distributed equally to the whole body upwards and downwards by the motion of Libration . and being assimilated to the members , it is condensed , that it may become flesh , a membrane , a bone , &c. by the motion of Contraction , lastly , the air in breathing drawn in and let forth , shews the motion of Continuity , and Contiguity . ( For when the lungs are distended , the air enters in , ( least their should be a vacuum ; ) but when the lungs contract themselves , the air gives way . ) the motion of Liberty will appear , if you either presse down , or draw up your skin : for as soon as you take away your hand , it will return to its situation . lastly , if you fall from any place , there will be the motion of Aggregation , for you will make toward the earth , as being weight and earth your self . XVI If motions be infolded , they either increase or hinder one anothers force . You have an example of the first , if you cast a stone towards the earth , for here the motion of Aggregation and Impulsion , are joyned together . Of the latter , if you cast a stone towards heaven : for here the motion of Impulsion striveth against the motion of Aggregation , in which strife , the stronger at length , overcomes the weaker ; the naturall that which is but accessory . XVII Compound motion is in living creatures , when they doe of their own accord , move themselves from place to place . Namely , birds by flying , fishes by swimming , beasts by running : of which we shall see Chap. 10. how every one is performed . Also , naturall Philosophers call that a compound motion , when a thing is wholly changed , either to being or not being , or to another kind of being , though it continue in the same place , but we call these mutations , and they are to be handled in a pecuculiar Chapter , the third from this . CHAP. IV. Of the Qualities of things . THe matter is variously mingled with the spirit , & light , by these various motions , and from this various mixture , come various qualities , so that this thing is called , & is such a thing , that such a thing , again , another such , or such a thing : which we must now consider ; & these talities , or qualities , are some of them generall , common to all bodies ; others speciall , proper to some creatures only . the first are to be laid open here together for all once , the other hereafter in their places . I A quality is an accident of a body , in regard of which every thing is said to be such or such . II There are qualities in every body , as well intangible , spirituall , and volatile , as grosse , tangible , and fixed . For a body is ( as we saw cap. 2. in the description of matter , Aphor. 8. and of the spirit Aphor. 1. either Intangible , or Nolatile , which they also call spirituall , as breath , air . Tangible namely , water , and all fluid things . earth , and all consistent things . The qualities therefore , which we will treat of , shall be common to all these . For it may be said , both of a stone , and of water , and of air , and of the spirit that is inclosed in a body , that it is fat or raw , hot or cold , moist , or dry , thick or thin , &c. III The qualities are the grounds of all forms in bodies . For the former causes a living creature to differ from a stone , a stone from wood , wood from ice , and the forme consists of qualities . Therefore the doctrine of qualities is exceeding profitable , and as it were the basis of naturall science ; which because it hath been hitherto miserably handled , the light of physicks hath been maimed , and by that means obscure . IV A quality is either intrinsecall , and substantiall , or extrinsecall and accidentall . Of the substantiall qualities , Sulphur , Salt , and Mercury . V A substantiall quality arising from the first mixture of the principles is threefold . Aquosity which the Chymicks call Mercury Oleosity Sulphur Consistency Salt. N. 1 These flow immediately from the combination of the first principles . Fire Sulphur Salt Spirit Matter Mercury . For as in the beginning the spirit conjoyned with the matter , produced the moving of the waters ; so Mercury is nothing but motion , the first fluid thing , which cannot be fixed , nor conteined within alimit ; and salt is dry and hot , and uncorruptible , just as spirit and fire ; it is preserved by fire , it is dissolved with water , or Mercury , but turns neither to flame , nor smoak , though it is a most spirituall creature , and every way incorruptible . And Sulphur , what is it but matter mixt with fire ? for why doth it delight in flame , but that it is of a like nature ? and in compound things , it is the first thing combustible , or apt to be inflamed . N. 2. But beware that you understand not our vulgar minerall Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury , ( or quicksilver . ) For these are mixt bodies : salt earth , sulphurie earth , Mercurial water : ( that is , matter wherein Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury , are predominant , yet with other things adjoyned ; for Salt hath parts apt to be inflamed , and Sulphur some salt , and some Mercury , but the denomination is from the chiefest . ) Those qualities cannot be seen as they are in themselves , but by imagination ; but they are in all things , as Chymicks demonstrate to the eye : who extract crude and watery parts out of every wood , stone , &c. and other fat and oily parts ; and that which remains , is salt , that is ashes ; so the thing it selfe speaks , that some liquor is mercurious ; ( as vulgar water and flegme ) other sulphury ; ( as oil and spirit of wine ) other salt and tart ( as aqua fortis ) also we find by experience , in the benummings and aches of the members ; that some vapours are crude , others sharp . VI God produced the qualities intrinsecally , that the substance of every body might be formed . For ☿ Sulphur salt giveth unto things fluidity , coition , crudity . 〈◊〉 , cleaving together , fatnesse . consistency , hardness . aptnesse to break . and from thence incōbustibility , inflammability incorruptibility . That Mercury giveth fluidity , and easie coition of the matter , appears out of quicksilver , which by reason of the predominancy of Mercury , is most fluid : so that it will not endure to be stoped or fixed . It is also most crude , so that it can neither be kindled nor burned : but if you put fire to it , flees away into air . Now that the coagulation of bodies is from sulphur , as it were glue , appears from hence that there is more oil , in dry , solid , and close , bodies , then in moist bodies ; also because ashes ( after that the Sulphur is cousumed , with five ( if you power water on them clear not together in a lump , but with oil or fat , they cleave together . Now Chymicks extract oil out of every stone , leaving nothing but ashes , no part cleaving one to another any longer . And that salt gives consistency , appears by the bones of living creatures , out of which Chymicks extract meer salt , also all dense things leave behind them much ashes ( that is salt . ) God therefore with great counsel tempered these three qualities together in bodies . for if Mercury were away , the matter would not flow together to the generation of things : if salt , nothing would consist together , or be fixed ; if sulphur , the consistency would be forced , and yet apt to be dissipated . Lastly , if there were not sulphur in wood , and some other matters , we could have no fire , but Solar , on the earth ( for nothing would be kindled ) and then what great defects would the life of man endure ? Of the accidentary or extrinsecall qualities of bodies . So much of the substantiall qualities : the accidentary follow . VII An accidentall quality is , either manifest , or occult . VIII A manifest quality is , that which may be perceived by sense , and is therefore to be called sensible . As heat , cold , softnesse , roughnesse . IX An occult quality is , that which is known only by experience , that is by its effect , ( as the love of iron in the loadstone , &c. ) therefore it is called insensible . N. The manifest qualities proceed from the diverse temperatures of the elements , & substantificall qualities ; the occult immeditely from the peculiar spirit of every thing . X The sensible quality is five fold , according to the number of the senses , visible , audible , olfactile , gustatile , tangible : that is colour , sound , odour , savour , tangour . Let not the unusuall word tangor , offend any ; it is feigned for doctrines sake ; and analogy admits it , for if we say from Caleo , Calor ; from Colo , Color ; from sapio , sapor ; from amo , amor ; from fluo , fluor ; from liquo , liquor ; from clango , clangor ; from ango , angor ? why not also from tango , tangor ? Of the tangible quality . XI The tangible quality ( or tangor ) is such , or such a positure of the parts of the matter in a body . XII The copulations thereof are twelve ; for every body in respect of touch , is , 1 rare or dense , 2 moist or dry . 3 soft or hard . 4 flexible or stiffe . 5 smooth or rough . 6 light or heavy . 7 hot or cold . Of every of which , we are to consider accurately , what and how they are . XIII Rarity , is an extension of the attenuated matter through greater spaces : density on the contrary , is a straighter pressing together of the matter into one . For all earth , water , air , and spirit , is sometime more rare , sometime more dense ; and we must note that there is not any body so dense , but that it hath pores neverthelesse , though insensible . That appears in vessels of wood and earth , which let forth liquors in manner of sweat ; also in a bottle of lead filled with water , which if it be crushed together with hammers , or with a presse , sweats forth a water like a most delicate dew . XIV Humidity ( or humour ) is the liquidnesse of the parts of the body , and aptnesse to be penetrated by one another ; siccity on the contrary is a consistency , and an impenetrability of the parts of the body . So a clot hardned together either with heat or cold , is dry earth , but mire is moist earth , water is a humid liquour , but ice is dry water , &c. XV Softnesse is a constitution of the matter somewhat moist , easily yeilding to the touch : hardnesse is a drynesse of the matter not yeelding to the touch . So a stone is either hard or soft , also water , spirit , air , &c. XVI Flexibility , is a compaction of the matter with a moist glue , so that it will suffer it self to be bent : stifnesse is a coagulation of the matter with dry glue , that it will not bend but break . So iron is stiffe , steel flexible . so some wood is flexible , other stiffe , but note that the flexible is also calld tough , the stiffe brittle . XVII Smooth is that which with the aequality of its parts doth pleasantly affect the touch : rough is that which with the inequality of its parts doth distract and draw asunder the touch . Note , in liquid things , the smooth is called mild , the rough tart ; so marble unpolished is rough ; polished it is smooth . Water is rough , oile is mild ; a vehement and cold wind is rough and sharp ; a warm air is mild . So in our body , humours , vapours , spirits , are said to be mild or sharp . XVIII Lightnesse is the hasting upwards of a body by reason of its rarity and spirituosity : heavinesse is the pronenesse of a dense body downwards : as that appears in flame , and every exhalation , this in water and earth . N. W. I how this motion is made upwards and downwards by a love of fellowship , or of things of the same nature , hath been said cap. 3. 2 The inaequality of heavinesse or ponderosity , is from the unequall condensation of the matter . For look , how much the more matter there is in a body , so much the more ponderous it is : as a stone more then wood , metals more then stones , and amongst these gold , quicksilver and lead most of al , because they are the most compacted bodies . 3 Amongst all heavy things , gold is found to be of greatest weight : spirit of wine , or sublimated wine of least . and the proportion of quantity betwixt these two , is found not to exceed the proportion of 21 parts : so that one drop of gold is not heavier than one and twenty drops of spirit of wine . XIX Heat is a motion of the most minute parts of the matter reverberated against it self , penetrating and rending the touch like a thousand sharp points : but cold is a motion of the parts contracting themselves . N. W. 1 It appears that heat and cold , are motions and fixed qualities : 1 because there is no body found amongst us perpetually hot or cold , as there is rare and dense , moist and drie , &c. but as a thing heats or cools ; the which is done by motion . 2 because sense it self testifies , that in scorching the skin and members are penetrated and drawn asunder , but in cold they are stopped and bound , therefore it is a motion . 3 because whatsoever is often heated , ( though it be metall ) is diminished both in bignesse and in weight , till it be even consumed , and whēce is that , but that the heat casting forth a thousand atomes doth weare and consume away the matter ? Now it is called a motion of parts , and that reverberated against it self : for that which is moved in whole , and directly ( not reflexedly ) doth not heat ; as wind , a bird flying , &c. but that which is moved with reverberation , or a quick alteration , as it is is in the repercussion of light ; in the iterated collision of bodies , in rubbing together friction , &c. 3 But we must distinguish betwixt Calidum , Calefactivum , and Calefactile , Calidum or Calefactum , is that which is actually hot , and scorcheth the touch , as flame , red hot iron , seething water , or air ( which also receiveth amost violent heat , ) &c. N. W. among all things that are known to us , fire is most hot ; wee have nothing that is most cold but ice ; which notwithstanding is farre off from being opposed in its degree of cold to the degree of heat in fire . Calefactivum is that which may stirre up heat ; as motion , and whatsoever may procure motion ; namely fire ; and pepper , and all sharp and bitter things , taken within the body : for motion is from fire , and fire from motion , and heat from them both . For as fire cannot but be moved ( else it presently goes out , ) so motion cannot but take fire ; as it appears by striking a flint , and rubbing wood something long . Therefore both are calefactive , but fire is further said to be actually hot , calefactive things are commonly called hot in potentiâ . Calefactile is that which may easily be heated as air , and after air fat things ( oile , butter , ) then wood , then water . For in these because the parts are somewhat rare , they are the more easily moved to agitation . stones and metals because they have their matter compacted , do not easily admit of heat ; but retain it the longer after it is admitted , because it cannot easily exhale by reason of the straight pores . and this is the cause , why all things consisting of small particles , as feathers , hairy skins , and all rough things , ( yea , and all sorts of dust ) do either alwayes retein heat , ( by a certain agitation of the aire inclosed ) or at least easily receive it , by some transpiration raised only from a living body . 4 We must also note , that all these tactile qualities , may be said of the same body in a diverse manner ; namely , in respect of another body , as water in respect of air , is a dense and heavy body ; in respect of earth , or a stone , rare and light ; yea and by reason of the touch thus and thus disposed , it seems to be on this , or that manner ; for example , warm water seems cold to a hot hand , hot to a cold hand . 5 The diverse effects of heat , are to be considered also according to the diversity of the object . The perpetuall effect of heat is attenuatiō : but after different manners in a matter that is Liquid Sulphury , which it kindleth , turnes to flame , and snatcheth upward . Mercuriall , which it rarifies , and stretcheth forth , as may be seen in the evaporation of water : also in the desiccation or drying up of earth , wood , &c. in which all the humour & moisture that is , turnes and evaporates into air . Consistent which if it have parts that are Glutineus or Sulphury , it forces them to melt , as may be seen in suet , wax , metals . Ashy or salt , it forces them to be condensed , by the drying up of the moisture : and also to break if you force them the more ; as wood , a clot , a tile , &c. ( and so hardning is an effect of heat by accident . ) Of tasts . XX The gustatile quality is called savour or taste ; which is a tempering of the first qualities by heat and cold .   Temperate Sulphur giveth Sweetnesse .   Adult . Bitternesse . For Salt Of its own nature . giveth Softnesse . For the Mordaity of all these , argues Salt. Combust . Sharpnesse . Indifferently Sowernesse . cooled . Bitternesse . Extreamly cooled . & Austerity . It appears therefore , whence herbs , fruits , parts of living creatures , and minerals have their savours ; namely , from salt and sulphur , diffused every where , whereof every creature sucketh in more or lesse according to its nature . Mercury is of it selfe without taste ; ( as we note in flegme ) but the others are soaked thereby , as ▪ also by the severall degrees of cold or heat , so that they are more or lesse sweet , bitter , salt , &c. Of smels . XXI The olfactile quality is called odour ; which is a most thin exhalation of the taste . Yet sulphury things yield more smell then salt things and hot things more then others ; because heat attenuates , and spreads into the air . Hence gardens and ointment boxes , are so much the sweeter , by how much the hotter the air is ; yet by how much the sweeter they are , so much the sooner they lose their smell , that odiferous sulphureous quality being exhaled by little and little . Of sounds . XXII The audible quality is called sound ; which is a cleaving of the air sharply stricken , flowing every way . Every motion of the air doth not give a sound , but that motion whereby the air is suddenly divided and parted . Now a sound is either acute or obtuse ; pleasing or displeasing ; according as the body , that smiteth the air , is acute or obtuse , smooth or rough . The naturall kinds of sound are : tinkling , when the air blows through some sharp thing . Murmur of running water : ratling of thunder : rustling of leaves : bellowing or lowing of Oxen : roaring of lions ; hissing of serpents : and the voices of other living creatures . Of colours . XXIII The visible qualitie is called colour ; which is light diversly received in the superficies of bodies , and tempered with the opposite darknesse , as whitenesse , blacknesse , greennesse , &c. Obser. 1. That colour is nothing in it self , but light diversly reflected from things , appears ; 1 because as it is not seen without light , so it is not found to be any thing by any other sense , or by reason : neither is it therefore . 2 because colours as well as light diffuse themselves through the aire , and are in the eyes of all beholders . Now we saw before , that the diffusive motion was proper to the light , therefore colour is indeed nothing , but light diversly tinct with the diverse superficies of things . 3 because light being reflected after severall manners in the same matter , produceth severall colours . We see that , for example sake , in a cloud , which is in it self like it self , yet it appears to us sometimes whitish , sometimes blackish , sometimes ruddy , according as it is opposed to the light . In like manner we see in the Rainbow ( which is nothing else but the resolution of a cloud into most small drops of water ) yellow , green , flame and sky-colour , as it appears also in Chrystall dust turned towards the light ; which shew plainly , that colour is nothing else but a different tincture of light from the different incidencie thereof . But there ( in the Rainbow and glasse ) the colours passe through ; because the matter it selfe is fluid and transparent : in fixed bodies , colours are also fixed ; but after a way known to God , rather then to us . Obser , 2. That from the receptibility of colours , a body is called Pellucid , or Opacous . Pellucid ( Transparent and Diaphanous ) is that which gives the light a passage through it , and is therefore neither coloured nor seen , as air : and in part water , glasse , chrystall , a diamond , &c. ( that air is not coloured , that is tinct with light , appears in a room close shut up on every side , if you let in a beam of the sun at a hole , for that will passe through the whole room , and yet will appear no where , but on the opposite wall or pavement : or unlesse you interpose your hand or some other dense thing : or the dust be raised , and the atomes of it flie in that quantity as to reflect the light . ) Opacous is that which doth not give the light a passage , but reflects it , and therefore it is coloured and seen : as earth , wood , a stone , gemme , and waters coloured : and this light reflected from an Opacous body , is properly called colour : of which there are six kinds , white , yellow , green , red , skie-colour , black . White , is light reflected with its own proper face . Yellow is light tinct with a little darknesse . Green , is light in a middle , and most pleasing temperature of light and darknesse . Red , is light more inclining to darknesse . Skie-colour , is light more then halfe dark . Black , last of all , is the non-repercussion of the light , by reason of a dark superficies . Every of these colours hath under it diverse degrees and species , according to the various temperature thereof with the others ; which we leave to the speculation of Opticks and Painters . XXIV There remains a quality which is perceived by two senses , touch and sight , namely FIGURE ; whereby one body is round , another long , another square , &c. but the consideration of this is resigned to the Mathematicks . Of an occult quality . XXV An occult quality is a force of operating upon any otber body , which notwithstanding is not ●iscovered , but by its eff●ct . For examp . that the loadstone draws iron : that poisons assaile , and go about to extinguish nothing but the spirit in bodies : that antidotes again resist poison , and fortifie the spirit against them ; that some herbs are peculiarly good for the brain , others for the heart , others for the liver , and such like . Such kind of occult qualities as these God hath dispersed throughout all nature , and they yet lie hid for the better part of them , but they come immediately from the peculiar spirit infused into every creature . For even as one and the same matter of the world , by reason of its diverse texture , hath gotten as it were infinite figures in stones , metals , plants , and living creatures ; so one and the same spirit of the world , is drawn out as it were into infinite formes , by various and speciall virtues , known to God , and from these occult qualities sympathies and antipathies of things do properly arise . CHAP. V. Of the mutations of things , generation , corruption , &c. FRom the contrarieties of the qualities , especially of cold and heat , ( For these two qualities are most active ) those mutations have their rise , to which all things in the world are subject : which we shall now see . I Mutation is an accident of a body , whereby its essence is changed . Namely , whither a thing passe from not being to being ; or from being to not being ; or from being thus to being otherwise . II All bodies are liable to mutations . The reason , because they are all compounded of matter , spirit and fire : which three are variously mixed among themselves perpetually . For both the matter is a fluid and a slipperie thing , and the spirit restlesse , always agitating it self ; and ( heat raised every where by light and motion ) doth eat into , rent , and pluck asunder the matter of things . From thence it is , I say , that nothing can long be permanent in the same state . All things grow up , increase , decrease , and perish again . Hence also the Scriptures affirm , that the heavens wax old , as doth a garment , Psal. 10● . v. 27. III The mutation of a thing , is either essentiall or accident all . IV Essentiall mutation , is when a thing begins to be or ceases to be : the first is called generation , the other corruption . For example ; snow , when it is formed of water , is said to be generated , when it is resolved again into water , to be corrupted . V An accident all mutation of a thing is , when it increases or decreases , or is changed in its qualities : the first is called augmentation , the next diminution , the last alteration ( which we are now to view severally how they are done . ) Of the generation of things . VI Generation is the production of a thing , so that what was not , begins to be . Thus every year , yea every day infinite things are generated through all nature . VII To generation , three things are required , Seed , a Matrix , and Moderate Heat . These three things are necessary in the generation of living creatures , plants , metals , stones , and lastly of meteors , as shall be seen in their place . VIII Seed is a small portion of the matter , having the spirit of life included in it . For seed is corporall and visible ; therefore materiate , and it is no seed , except it contein in it the spirit of the species , whose seed it should be : For what should it be formed by ? therefore seeds out of which the spirit is exhaled , are unprofitable to generation . IX The Matrix is a convenient place to lay the seed , that it may put forth its vertue . Nothing is without a place , neither is any thing generated without a convenient place ▪ because the actions of nature are hindred . Now that place is convenient for generation , which affordeth the seed . 1 a soft site . 2 circumclusion , least the spirit should evaporate out of the seed being attenuated . 3 veins of matter to flow from elsewhere . N. W. And there are as many matrixes or laps , as there are generations , the aire is the matrix of meteors ; the earth of stones , metals , and plants ; the womb of living creatures . X Heat is a motion raised in the seed , which attenuating its matter , makes it able to spread it self by swelling . For the spirit beng stirred up by that occasion agitateth it self , and as it were blowing asunder the attenuated parts of the matter , disposeth them to the forme of its nature . This is the perpetual processe of all generation , and none other . From whence hereafter ( under the doctrine of minerals , living creatures , plants ) many things will appear plainly of their own accord . yet we must observe that some things grow without seed , as grasse out of the earth , and worms out of slime , wood , and flesh putrified : yet that is done by the vertue of the spirit diffused through things ; which wheresoever it findeth fit matter , as a matrix , and is assisted by heat , presently it attempts some new generation , ( as it were the constitution of a new Kingdom ) . But without heat ( whither it be of the sunne , or of fire , or the inward heatof a living creature it matters not , so it be temperate ) there can be no generation , because the matter cannot be prepared , softned , or dilated , without heat . Of the augmentation of things . XI Everything that is generated , increaseth and augmenteth it self , as much as may be : and that by attraction of matter , and ●ssimilation of it to it self . For wheresoever there is generation , there is heat : and where there is heat , there is fire ; and where there is fire , there is need and attraction of fewell . For heat , because it always attenuateth the parts of the matter which exhale , seeks and attracts others wherewith it may sustein it self : ( as we see it in a burning candle ) and a portion of matter being attracted and applyed to a body , taketh its form by little and little , and becomes like unto it , and is made the same . For by the force of heat , of heterogeneous , things become homogeneous : the spirit of that body , in the mean time , attracting also to it self somewhat of the spirit of the universe , and so multiplying it self also . So stones minerals , plants , living creatures , &c. grow . Of diminution XII Whatsoever hath increased , doth at some time or other cease to increase , and begin to decrease and that for and through the arefaction of the matter . Namely , for because the heat increased with the body , increasing , doth by little and little and little consume the thin and fat parts thereof , and dry up the solid parts , so that at last , they are not able to give assimulation to the matter flowing in , and that for want of gluten , and therefore the body fadeth , and withereth and at length perisheth . Of the alteration of things . XIII No body doth always retein the same qualities , but changeth them variously . For example , wood when it grows , is thin and soft , afterward it is condensed & hardned , especially being dried : fruit on the contrary , as it ripens grows rare and soft , changing its colour , savour and smell For it is the law of the universe to be subject to vicissitudes : as also to corruption , of which it here follows . Of the corruption of things . XIV Every body is liable to corruption . Because compounded of a decaying matter , and an agitable spirit ; which may be disposed according to the mutation of the heat . Therefore seing that alterations cannot be hindred , neither can perishing . And hence perhaps every materiall thing is called CORPVS , as it were corrupus , because it is subject to corruption . XV All corruption is done , either by arefaction or putrefaction . For we speak not here of violent corruption , which is done by the solution of some continued thing , ( as when any thing is broken , rent , bruised , burnt , &c. ) but of naturall corruption , which brings destruction to things from within , i● it is manifest that this can be done no way , but by arefaction or putrefaction . XVI Arefaction is when afflux of matter is denied to a body , and the heat included , having consumed its proper humour , dries and hardens the rest of the parts , and at length forsakes them . So Hearbs , Trees and living creatures , &c. wither . XVII Putrefaction is when the spirit is exhaled from a body , and the parts of the matter are dissolved , and return into their het●rog●neous parts . For then the watery parts are gathered to themselves ( therefore putrefied things give an evill sent ) the oily parts to themselves , whence putrefied things have always some unctuosity ) the dregs to themselves ( whence that confusion in putrified things and unpleasant tast , &c. ) and hence it is easie to finde the reason , why cold , salt and drying hinder putrefaction ? namely , because cold stops the pores of a body , that the spirituall parts cannot go out and exhale : but dryed things are exhausted of th●se thin parts , which might be putrefied : salt last of all bindeth the parts of the matter within , and as it were holds them with bands , that they cannot gape , & let forth the spirit . Again , it may easily be gathered from hence , why hard and oily things are durable ? namely , because hard things have much salt , which hindereth putrefaction ; but they are destitute of humidity ( the provocation of putrefaction . ) And oily things , because they do not easily let go their spirit , by reason of their well nourishing and gentle usage of it : ( suet and fat putrifie , because they have loose pores , and some aquosity . ) N. W. We must neverthelesse observe , that not onely soft things ( herbs , fruits , flesh ) putrifie , but also the hardest bodies , namely , stones and metals . For the rust of these is nothing else but the rottennesse of the inward parts , spreading it self abroad through the pores , XVIII Out of that which hath been said , it may be gathered , that the world is eternall potentially . For seing that not any one crum of matter can perish , nor the spirit be suffocated , nor the light be extinguished , nor any of them fly forth out of the world , and must of necessity be together , and passe through one another mutually , and act upon one another , it is impossible but that one thing should be born of another , even without end . For that old Axiome of Philosophers is most true ; the corruption of one is the generation of another . the Architect of the World in that manner expressing his aeternity . CHAP. VI. Of the Elements ; Skie , Air , Water , Earth . WE have hitherto contemplated the generall parts of the world , namely , the principles with the common accidents thereof : now follow the species of things , which are derived from the said principles by divers degrees . Where first elements come to be considered , as which being framed of the first congresse of the principles , are as it were the bases and hinges , of the whole order of the world . I An element is the first and greatest body in the world of a simple nature . A body , or a substance , for though we called matter , spirit , and light substances also , ( cap. 2. ) because they are not accidents ; yet because none of them existeth of it self , and apart , but do joyntly make up other substances , the elements and the creatures that follow may with better right be so called . Now an element is said to be of a simple nature , in respect of the substances following , which have compound natures , as it shall appear . II The constitution of the elements is made by light . For light being sent into the world , by its motion and heat began to rouse up the Chaos of the matter of the world ; and when it turned it selfe round , ( as yet it turnes ) it purified part of the matter , and made it more subtile , the rest of the matter of necessity setling and gathering it selfe into density elsewhere . III There are foure Elements , Skie , Air , Water , Earth . That is , there are four faces of the matter of the world reduced into formes , ( for at the first it was without form ) differing especially in the degree of rarity and density . Note . The Peripateticks put the sublunary fire , for skie , and call the skie a Quintessence . But that same sublunary fire is a meer figment ; the heaven it selfe , furnished with fiery light , is the highest element of the world ; as after the Scripture the senses themselves demonstrate . He that is not satisfied with these of ours , but seeks more subtile demonstrations , let him see Campanella , Verulamius , and Thomas Lydiat of the nature of heaven , &c. and he will acknowledge the vanity of this Aristotelicall figment . IV The skie is the most pure part of the matter of the world , spread over the highest spaces of the world . It is vulgarly called the visible and starry heaven , and by an errour of the Greeks ( who , thinking that it was of a solid substance , like Chrystal , called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Firmament : but little agreeably to the truth . More conveniently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , light and fire , Quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is fire above ) and so from burning : as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to burn . For it burneth with an inextinguable light of the stars , whereby it is also purified . The notation of the Hebrew word favours this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fire and water . The nature of the heaven is to be liquid in the highest degree volatile and hot . V Air is a part of the matter indifferently pure , spread over the lower spaces of the world . The nature of it is to be breathable and passable every way . VI Water is a grosser part of the matter of the world reduced into fluidity . The nature of it is to be fluid and moistning . VII The earth is the most grosse part of the matter , as it were the dregs and setling gathered together at the bottom . The nature of it is to be dry and immoveable . VIII The elements therefore are all one matter of the world , distinguished by degrees of density and rarity . For where the light is wheeled about , there the matter is most rarefied and pure : below that more grosse , then grosse and fluid , at length in the bottome dregs and a thick setling . Therefore this is a meer gradation . For earth is nothing else but thickned and hardned water : water , nothing but thickned air : air , subtilized water : water , liquified earth . But from this difference of density & rarity there ariseth another difference of the same elements , namely , in regard of motion and rest , heat and cold . The water is moveable . ( For it flows ) the air more yet ( for it transfuseth it self here and there ; ) the skie doth nothing but whirle about most swiftly , & that perpetually . Also the heaven by reason of its perpetuall motion is hot , ( yea burneth ) perpetually ; the earth by reason of its perpetual rest is cold perpetually : except where it is warmed by the fire of heaven coming upon it , or inclosed in it . IX The elements are transmutable into one another . That is , because the heat raised in the matter may extend and condense it . In the water and air we see that come daily to passe . For who knoweth not , that water doth evaporate , and is turned into air ? that water is made again of vapour , the rain teacheth us . But we may also procure the same mutation in our hand : or in vulgar Alembicks in which waters or wines are distilled . Let theie be an Alembicks void of all matter , filled onely with air . To the long pipe of this that hangeth out apply some narrow mouthed glasse , and stop the pipes mouth carefully , that no air may any way get forth : you shall see that when it cannot dilate it selse locally , it will be coagulated into water in the utmost and coldest corner of it ; ( that is in the glasse . ) You shall see ( I say ) that glasse sweat and distill drops , into which the air heated and rarified in the Alembick contracted it selfe . But remove away the fire , you shall see those drops vanish by little and little , and return into air . X Aristotle thought that the Elements were in a tenfold proportion to one another ; but later men have found them near an hundred-fold That is , that of one drop of earth is made by rarifaction ten drops of water ; and of one of water ten of air . The truth of the latter assertion is easie to be demonstrated , thus . Let one take a bladder ( of an oxe or an hog ) and having cleansed it , anoint it with oile to stop the pores , that the air may not get out . To the neck of this ( but having first crushed out all the air ) let him tie the neck of some little glasse , with about an hundreth part of the water which the bladder might contein . Let this instrument be set in the hot sun , or in a very hot stove , where the water is by the heat turned into air , it will appear that the bladder will be full . But bring the same bladder swelled with air into the cold , you shall see it ( the vapour turning again into water ) fall again . Note . The same hundreth proportion , or near upon , is also observed among colours , for one drop of ink or red will colour an hundred drops of water , not on the contrary ; and that because blacknesse represents the earth in density ; whitenesse the heaven in rarity . But this very proportion varies , because the air is in it selfe somtimes thicker and grosser , somtimes more rare and thin . XI The matter of all the elements , as it is made up of Atomes , so it is turned again into Atomes : by so much the more subtlely as it is the more subtle in its masse . For example , the earth and every dry and hard thing , is brought into a dust almost indivisible , which may be sifted through a sieve , but cannot penetrate . The water may both be strained and penetrate . For example , through vessels of earth and wood , yea , and of lead as chap. 4. aphorisme 13. We have set down an example . Air and fire penetrate also through thicker bodies : as heat through furnaces . XII The elements are the four greatest bodies of the world , of which others are generated . That the lesser bodies of the world , which are infinite in number , and in forms , are really compounded of the elements , resolution shewes . For when they are corrupted , they return into the elements . And sense teacheth . For all things have some grossenesse , from the earth ; some liquour from the water ; some spirituosity from the air : some heat from heaven ; and because all things that live , are nourished by these , they are thence called Elementa quasi Alimenta , as if you should say nourishment , as in Bohemian ziwel or ziwent . XIII The Elementary matter occupies a place in the world according to its degree of density and rarity . For the earth resteth at the bottome : the water swims upon that : the air fleets above the water : and lastly the skie is in the highest place : you shall see the like spectacle if you pour clay , water , wine , ( especially sublimated ) and oile into a glasse : for every one of these , will occupie a place accotding to its nature . XIV Therefore the Elements make the four visible regions or sphears of the world . For the earth is a globe ; which the water naturally encompasseth round ; the air it : the skie the air : after the same manner as in an egge the yelk is encompassed with the white ; and that with the skin and shell . XV Of the Elements there are two extreams , the skie and earth ; as many 〈◊〉 air and water . They are called extream aad mean both in regard of their sites , and of their accidents . For the skie is in the highest place , most thin and hot : the earth in the lowest , most thick and cold : Skie the first moveable ; earth the first resting . The air and water as they partake of the extreams , so of their accidents : being somtimes either lesse thick or thin , moving or still , hot or cold . XVI But because the Elements were prepared not for an idle spectacle , but for strong operation upon one another ; the Creatour did somewhat change that order , and commanded two sorts of water to be made , and two sorts of fire . XVII For part of the water is placed above the highest part of the skie : and on the contrary , part of the fire is taken from the skie , and shut up into the bowels of the earth . Both these may seem paradoxes : and therefore need demonstration . And as touching the waters it is manifest by the testimony of Moses , That God made ( the second day ) the Expansum of the heaven , which might divide betwixt the waters which are under the Expansum , & the waters above the Expansum , Gen. 1. 6 , 7 , 8. What can be more clear ? now whereas some modern Divines interpret it of the waters of the clouds , that is too cold . They say that Jer. 10. 13. The rain waters are signified by the name of the water in heaven ; and therefore here also . But I answer . 1 That the waters in heaven are one thing , and the waters above heaven another : Rain might be called water in heaven : because the air was by the Hebrews called the first heaven : but it cannot be called the waters above heaven , as these of which Moses speaks . 2 That the waters of the clouds are not waters in act , but vapours : but Moses speaks of waters . For he sayes expresly , that in the first seven dayes there was no rain . ( cap. 2. ver . 5. ) but he sayes that those waters above the Expansum were presently made the second day ; therefore they are some thing else then rain water . 3 He sayes , that the waters were seperated from the waters , but the waters of the clouds are not separated from the waters of the sea , and of rivers . For they are perpetually mingled : vapours ascending , rain descending . 4 He sayes , that the Expansum was in the middest betwixt the waters and the waters : but how can that be said of the clouds , which are below the Expansum , and reach not to the thousandth part of its altitude ? Lastly , Psalm . 148 placeth the waters above the heaven , next of all to the Heaven of Heavens , v. 4. but reckons up clouds and rain afterwards , among the creatures of the earth , ver . 8. what need we any other interpretation ? Reason perswades the same thing most strongly . For setting down the principles of the world in that order , wherein we see them set down by Moses ; it was necessary , that the matter being scattered by the light rolling about ; should flie hither and thither , and coagulate it selfe at the terms of the world on both fides , that in the middle where the light went , ( and goes yet ) there should be pure skie ; but that on both sides above and below , the mathardning it self , should grow thick . We see it done here below : why not above also ? especially God himself intimating it . Let it be so , because naturally it cannot be otherwise . But that there is fire included in the earth 1 the eructations of fire in Aetra , Vesuvius , Hecla , &c. do shew . 2 the springs of hot waters every where , 3 the progeneration of metals , even in cold countreys : and other things which can come from nothing else but from fire , which shall be looked into in that which follows . 4 lastly there is a testimony extant in the book of Job chap. 28. v. 5. Bread commeth out of the earth , and under it is turned up as it were fire . Let the Reader see Thomas Lydiats disquisition concerning the originall of Fountains , and there he shall see it disputed at large , and very soundly . XVIII The waters above the heaven are there placed for ends known to God , but the use of fire under ground , is well enough known to us also . Yet we may say something of these waters by conjecture . As namely , that it was meet , that there should be visible termes of the visible World : and that the heat of the frame ever rolling , had need of cooling on the other side also : and the like . But that of the fire under ground , mountains and valleys , and caves of the earth are produced , and also stones , metals , and juyces generated , and many other things we shall see in that which follows : for without heat , there is no generation , because there is no motion . Of the Skie in specie . XIX The Skie is the highest Region of the most vast world , the dwelling place of the stars . XX The Skie is the most liquid part of the whole world , and therefore transparent , and most moveable . For by the motion and heat of the Sun always present , it is perpetually attenuated to an exceeding subtlety . XXI The whole skie is moved about , because that burning and ever flying light of the stars , hurries it about with it . That appears , 1 by reason : for if the starres were moved in the heaven immoveable ( after that manner that birds are carried in the air , and fishes in the water ) that penetration of the heaven would not be without violence ; neither could it be performed with so great celerity , nor with so aequable a course , by reason of the resistance . Therefore the starres are carried in heaven in all respects , as clouds in the air , that is , with their charriot . 2 by sense , for we see that our fire carries away with it the matter which it hath caught and attenuated , namely , vapours , smoaks , flames : why not the heavenly fire also ? which comets also shew to the eye , of which we shall see more : chap. 8. 3. The same is to be gathered out of Moses words accurately considered . ( Gen. 1. v. 14. & 17. Of the air . XXII The air is the lowest Region of the Expansum , the abode of the clouds and birds . In Scripture , it is signified by the name of the first heaven . Yet it penetrates water and earth , to fill up their cavities because there is no vacuum . XXIII The air is of a middle nature betwixt the heaven and the water , in respect of site and qualities . Yet it is thicker where it joyns to the earth and water ; and thinner towards heaven . Therefore in the highest tops of some mountains , neither men can live , nor trees grow , because of the thinnesse of the air , by reason of which it is neither sufficient for the breathing of living creatures , nor for the growth of plants . XXIV The air neer the earth in summer is hot , ( by the vehement repercussion of the Suns verticall beams : ) in winter , ( by reason of the obliquity and obtuse reflexion of the beams ) it cannot be heated : above it is always cold , yet most in summer , when it is pend in on both sides with the heat of the heaven , and of the earth . Of the water . XXV Water is thickned air . Washing and and moistning the earth ; the abode of fishes . XXVI Water of its own nature is onely moist and fluid : to the rest of the qualities indifferent . Obs. 1. The fluidity of the water is such , that if you give it never so little declivity , it runs . But the humidity is unequall according to the degree of rarity and density . For a ship sinks not so deep in the sea , as in a river : because the sea water is thicker and drier . Obs. 2 They adde commonly , that water is naturally cold , by a twofold argument 1 because it cooleth . 2 because it extinguisheth fire , but I answer it cools not by its coolnesse , but by its crudity . But it quencheth fire after the same manner , as hot water and wine , do , though they be hot , not because they are contrary to fire , but because fire is nourished with the thinner parts of the wood , but if abundance of water be cast on ( or any fluid thing , even oyl ) the pores are stopped , and the fire is quenched . Otherwise fires are made of Bitumen , ( which is not a porous matter ) that burn in the very water , which we see done also in lime . Lastly , great fires are nourished with water . We see also that there is sometime hot , sometime cold water , not onely in rivers , but also breaking out of fountains , according as it is affected ; yet it may not be dissembled in the mean time , that air is more prone to heat , by reason of its rarity ; water to coldnesse by reason of its thicknesse . XXVII The water at first covered the earth round about ; but ( on the third day of the creation , it was gathered into certain channels , ( which are called Seas , Lakes , Pooles , Rivers , &c. ) That this was done at the command of of God. Moses testifies in these words . Let the waters be gathered together into one place , that the dry land may appear Gen. 1. v. 9. but David ( relating the processe of the creation ) describes the manner also . Ps. 1●4 v 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. That thunders were raised , by which the Mountains ascended , the valleys descended , but the waters were carried steep down into their channels : and that in this sort , a bound was set them , that they might not return to cover the earth . Whence it is very likely , that that discovery of the surface of the earth , was made by an earthquake : but that the earthquake was produced by the fire sunk into the earth ; which giving battle to the cold there conglobated , shook the earth , and either caused it to swell variously , or rent it asunder . Whence those risings a●● fallings in the surface of the earth ( that is mountains and valleys ) were made : but within caves and many hollow places . This done , the waters of their own accord betook themselves , from those swelling eminencies to thc low and hollow places . This pious conjecture will stand so long , as no more probable sense can be given of this Scripture . And what need many words ? common sense testifies , that mountains are certainly elevated , valleys and plains depressed . therefore of necessity that was sometime so ordered ; but not in the first foundation of the earth the second day ; for then the grosser parts of the matter flowing about poised themselves equally about the center , therefore it was about the third day , when the face of the earth appeared , and the waters flowed into their channels . But besides perhaps God doth therefore permit earthquakes yet to be sometimes , and by them mountatains and valleys and rivers to be changed , that we may not be without a pattern , how it was done at the first . XXVIII The water then is divided into Seas , Lakes , Rivers and Fountains . XXIX The sea is an universall receptacle o●●●aters , into which all the rivers of the earth unburthen themselves . Which uery thing is an argument that the sea is lower then the earth : for rivers run down , not up again . XXX The sea is one in it self ; because it insinuates it self into the Continent here and there , as it were with strong arms , it hath gotten severall names in severall places . That great Sea encompassing the earth is called the Ocean , those armes dividing the Continent , Bayes , or Gulfs . For all those gulfes are joyned to the Ocean , except the Caspian or Hyrcanian Sea in Asia : yet that is thought to have channells within the earth , whereby it joyned to the Ocean . XXXI The Sea is cf unequall depth commonly srom an hundred , to a thousand paces : yet in some places they say , that the bottome cannot be found . Hence the sea is called an Abysse . It is probable that the superficies of the earth covered with the water , is as unequal as this of ours standing out of the water , namely , that in some places are most spacious plaines , in other places valleys and depths , and in other places mountains and hils , which if they stand above the water are called Islands , but if they be hidden under the water shelves . XXXII The water of the Ocean faileth not , because huge rivers and showres continually flow into it ; neither doth it , cverflow becruse it doth always evaporrte upwards in so many parts of it . Of the earth . XXXIII The earth is the most dense bedy of the world , as it were the dregs and setling of the whole matter . And therefore gross , opacous , cold , heavy . XXXIV It hangeth in the middle of the universe , encompassed with air on every-side . For being that it is on every side encompassed with the heaven , and is forced by the heat thereof on every side , it hath not whither to go , or where to rest , but in the aequilibrium of the universe . XXXV The earth is every way round . For the forme which at the first it received from the light of heaven wheeling about it , it yet retaineth : except that in some places it is elevated into mountains and hils , by the thunder which was sent into its bowels the third day , in other places again it is pressed down into valleys and plains , for the running down of the rivers : but that doth not notably hinder the globosity thereof . XXXVI The better part of the superficies of the earth is yet covered with water : the lesser part stands out of the water , where it is called dry land , or continent : or if it be a small portion , an Island . There are seven Continents of the earth ; Europe , Asia , Africa , America Peruviana , America Mexicana , Magellanica , ( or Terra Australis ) and Terra Borealis : but there are Islands innumerable . XXXVII The earth is in its outward face in some places plain , in others mountainous : but within in some places solid ; in others hollow . That appears in Mountains and Mines of metal , where is to be seen here stones or clay very close compact , there dens and most deep caves , and endlesse passages , which must needs be thought to have been the work of the thunder , sent into the earth the third day of the creation , ( which penetrating and piercing its bowels so tore them . ) Now there are in the earth not only spacious caves and holes , but an infinite number of straighter veins , and as it were pores , which is plain enough by experience . XXXVIII The cavities of the earth are full of water , air , fire . For being that there are cavernes , passages and pores , they must needs be filled ; and that with a thin matter . Of air no man will doubt . But that there are waters in the cavernes under ground , appeares in the mines of mettall ; and is proved by the testimony of the Scripture , which in the history of the deluge , saith that all the fountains of the great deep were broken up ; ( Gen. 7. v. 11. ) Lastly , that there is fire under the earth , we have already seen Aphorism 16. which it is credible , is the relicks of the lightning raised within the bowels of the earth the third day of the Creation , ( Psalm . 1●4 . v. 7. ) left there for the working of minerals ; but nourished with sulphureous and bituminous matter , spread through the bowels of the earth . CHAP. VII . Of Vapours . IF the Light of Heaven had wrought nothing else upon the matter , but melt it together into the formes of the Elements , as it was variously rarified or densified , the world had remained void of other living creatures . But it ceaseth not passing through the Elements themselves to scorch them , and scorching them to attenuate them , and attenuating them , to resolve them into vapours : of which condensed again , many severall species of things are progenerated . Now then the nature of vapours shall be laid open in the following Aphorismes . I Vapour is an Element rarified , mixed with another Element . For example ; the vapour of water , what is it but water rarified and scattered in the air ? smoak , what is it , but an exhalation of wood or other matter resolved ? II Vapour is generated of the grosser Elements , earth , water , air ; as of all mixt bodies . Of water the matter is evident . For being set to the fire it evaporates visibly ; set in the sun it evaporates sensibly , because even whole Pools , Rivers , Lakes are dried up by little and little , by the heat of the sun . That the earth exhales , you may know by sense , if you put a clot into a dish , ( of earth or pewter ) and pour in water so oft upon it , and let it evapourate with the heat , till there is nothing left , neither of the water , nor of the clay . For what is become of the clot ? it is sure enough turned into aire , with the parts of the water . The vapour of air is invisible ; yet it appears , that there is some . 1 In a living body , where all acknowledge that there are evaporations through the skin and the hair . For then the vapours that go out , what are they but the vapours of the inward vapours , far more subtle then the vapours of water ? 2 Fruits , herbs , spices , &c. dried , yea very dry , spread from them an odour , now an odour what is it but an exhalation ! But not ( in this place ) a watery exhalation ( being that there is not any thing watery left in them : ) therefore airy . That mixt bodies do vapour is without doubt : forasmuch as the Elements of which they do consist do vapour . Understand not only soft bodies ( sulphur , salt , herbs , flesh , &c. ) but the very hardest . For how could a thunder-bolt be generated in the clouds , if stony vapours did not ascend into the cloud ? and it is certain that stones exposed to the air for some ages , ( as in high towers ) grow porous : how , but by evaporation ? and what is the melting of metals , but a kind of vaporation ? for though the metall return to its consistency , yet not in the same quantity , because something is evaporated by putting to the heat . III Heat is the efficient cause of vapour ; which withersoever it diffuseth it selfe , attenuating the matter of bodies , turns it into vapour . For this is the perpetuall virtue of heat , to rarifie , attenuate , and diffuse . IV All is full of vapour throughout the world . For heat , the begetter of vapours , is no where wanting : so that the World is nothing else but a great Vaporarie , or Stove . For the earth doth alwayes nourish infinite store of vapours in its bowels : and the sea boiles daily vvith inward vapours , and the air is stuft full of them every vvhere . And vve shall see hereafter , that the skie is not altogether free from them . But living bodies of Animals and Plants , are no●hing but shops of vapours , and as it vvere a kind of Alembecks perpetually vaporing , as long as they have life or heat . V Vapours are generated for the progenerating of other things . For all things are made of the Elements , as it is vvell known , Stones , Herbs , Animals , &c. but because they cannot be made unlesse the Elements themselves be first founded , they must of necessity be melted ; vvhich is done vvhen they are resolved into vapours , and variously instilled into things , to put on severall formes . And hence it is that Moses testifies , that the first seven days of the world , when there was yet no rain , a vapour went up from the earth , to water the whole earth : that is all things growing out of the earth . Read with attention , Gen. 2. ver . 4 , 5 , 6. VI Vapours are the matter of all bodies . For vvho knoweth not , that vvaters and oiles are gathered out of the vapours of Alembicks ? vvho seeth not also , that smoak in a chimney turns into soot , that is black dust ? yea that soot gets into the wals of chimneys , and turnes into a stony hardnesse ? After the same manner therefore that clouds , rain , hail , stones , herbs , are made of the condensed vapours of the Elements , and living creatures themselves , ( and in them bloud , flesh , bones , hairs ) are nothing but vapours concrete , vvill appear more clear then the light at noon day . VII Vapours then are coagulated , some into liquid matter , ( as water , spittle , flesh or pulp ) some into consistent matter , ( as stones , bones , wood , &c. ) That appears , because those liquid things may be turned into vapours , and consistent things into smoke ▪ which they could not , if they were not made of them , for every thing may be resolved into that onely , of which it is made . VIII The motion of vapours with us is upwards , because among the thicker elements , they obtein the nature of thinner . For certainly the vapour of water is thinner then water , it self , yea , thinner then the very air : which though it consist of smaller parts , yet they are compacted . And therefore vapor suffers it self to be prest neither by water nor air , but frees it self , still getting upwards , & hence it is , that plants grow upwards , because the vapour included spreading it self , tends upwards . IX One vapour is moist , another dry ; one thin , another thick ; one mild , another sharp , &c. For those qualities which are afterwards in bodies , are initially in their rudiments , that is vapours ; which we may know by experience . For dry smoak pains the eyes : which a humid vapour doth not : there you have sharpnesse : smels also , ( which are nothing but exhalations of things ) do not they sufficiently manifest sharpnesse , sweetnesse , & c ? and Chymicks gather Sulphur , salt , and Mercury out of smoak . Therefore all qualities are in vapours more or lesse : whence the bodies afterwards made of them , get such or such an habit or figure . X Vapours gathered together , and not coagulated , cause wind in the air , trouble in the sea , earthquake in the earth . Of winds . XI Wind is a fluxe of the air , ordained in nature for most profitable ends For winds are 1 the besomes of the world ; cleansing the elements , and keeping them from putrefying . 2 the fan of the spirit of life , causing it to vegetate in plants and all growing things . 3 the charriots of clouds rains , smels , yea , & of heat & cold , whether soever there is need that they should be conveyed . 4 Lastly , they bestow strong motions for the uses of men ( as grinding , sailing ) XII The ordinary cause of wind is store of exhalations one where , enforcing the air to flow elsewhere . We may in our hand raise a kind of wind four manner of ways ; namely by forcing or compressing , rarifying and densifying air , ( which shall be shewed by examples by and by ) and so many wayes are winds raised in the world , yet they are all referred to that first cause , vapours , as shall be seen by and by . I said that wind may be raised by us by forcing , compressing , rarifying , or densifying ; that may be shewn to children by ocular experiments , for if you drive the air with a fan , doth it not give a blast ? if you presse it when it is drawn into the bellows , doth it not breath through the pipe ? if you lay an apple or an egge into the fire , doth not the rarified humour break forth with a blast ? but this last will be better seen in a bowle of brasse ( which hath but one hole ) put to the fire : especially if you drop in some drops of water . For the air shut in with the water , when they feel the heat , will presently evaporate , and thrust themselves out with a violent blast . Which may be also seen , if you put a burning wax candle into a pot well stopped ( having a small hole left at the side ) &c. The fourth way is by condensation of air : if for example , you lay the foresaid bowle of brasse very hot upon ice , and force the thin air included to be condensed again with cold , you shall perceive it to draw it again from without , to fill up the hollownesse of the bowle . Therefore so many ways winds are made under heaven ; either because the air is rarified with the heat of the Sun , and spreads it self ; or because it contracts it self with being cold , and attracts from elsewhere to fill up the spaces ; or because a cloud scattered , or falling downward ; or else blasts somewhere breaking out of the earth compresse the air , and make it diffuse : or lastly , because one part of the air being moved , drives others before it , ( for here you must remember what was said before . 1 that a drop of water turned into air , requires an hundred times more space . 2 that the air is a very liquid and moveable element : and therefore being but lightly pushed , gives back a long way ▪ ) but yet it is plain that all those motions of the air take their first rise from vapours . Now because the world is a great globe , it affordeth great store of blasts also , both the heat of the sun above , and the parching of the fire under ground , begetting various vapours . Hence it is understood , why after a great fire there arises a wind presently , ( even in the still air ? ) namely , because much solid matter , ( wood and stone , &c. ) is resolved into vapours , and the air round about is attenuated by the heat of the fire , that it must of necessity spread it self , and seek a larger room . XIII Winds in some countreys are certain , comming at a certain time of the year , and from a certain coast ; others are free , comming from any place . Note they call these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is as much to say as annuall : which are caused either by the mountainousnesse of the tract neer adjoyning , wherein the snows are then dissolved ; or to be sure some other causes , by reason of which vapours are then progenerated there in great abundance . But you must note , that those etesian winds are for the most part weak and gentle , and yield to the free winds . Note 2 There is also another kind of set wind , common to the whole world ; namely a perpetuall fluxe of the whole air , from the east to the west . For that there is such a wind . 1 they that sail about the aequator testifie . 2 in the seas of Europe , when a particular wind ceaseth ; they say also that a certain gentle gale is perceived from the east 3 and therefore Marriners are constantly of opinion , that the navigation from east to west is speediliest performed . 4 lastly , with us in a clear and still skie , the highest clouds are seene for the most part to be carried from East to West . therefore wee need not doubt of this generall wind , if so be any one will call it a wind . For it proceeds not from exhalations , but from the heaven , which by its wheeling round , carries the air perpetually about , swiftly above , here nigh the earth ( where the clouds are ) almost insensibly , yet under the aequator ( as being in a greater Circle ) very notably . Whence this Probleme may be profitably noted , why the East wind dries , but the West moistens ? namely , because that being carried along with the air attenuates it the more ; but this striving against the air condenseth it . XIV A gentle wind is called aura , a gale ; a vehement wind overthrowing all it meets with procella , a tempest ; if winded into it self turbo a whirlewind . It is plain that sundry vvinds may arise in sundry places together , according as matter of exhalations is afforded here and there , and occasion to turn it self hither or thither . Therefore if they flovv both one vvay , the wind doubled is the stronger ; if sideways , or obliquely , the stronger carries away the weaker with it , and there is a change of the wind which we see done often , yea daily , but when they come opposite to one another , and fall one against another , they make a storme or tempest ; vvhich is a fight of the vvinds till the strongest overcome , and is carried vvith a horrible violence bearing dovvn all before it . But contrary vvinds of aequall strength make a vvhirlvvind , vvhen neither vvill give sidevvay , but both vvhirl upvvards , vvith a violent gyration . Of the sea-tide . XV The sea-tide is the daily fluxe of the sea to the shore , and refluxe back again . The sea hath its fluxes lesse unconstant then the air , for it flows onely to the shores , and back again the same vvay : and tvvice a a day it flowes up , and twice it ebbs again . The end thereof vvithout doubt is , to keepe the vvaters of the Sea from putrefying by that continuall motion . But the efficient cause thereof heretofore accounted amongst the secrets of nature comes novv to be searched out of the truest grounds of naturall Philosophy , and more accurate observations . XVI The cause of the sea-tide , are vapours within , wherewith the sea swelling diffuseth it self , and falling settles down again . For this tide is like to the boiling of vvater , seething at the fire ; vvhich is nothing but the stirring of the vapours raised in the vvaters by the force of the heat . For it is impossible that the vvater should not be resolved into vapours by the heat : impossible that the vapours should not seek a passage ( upvvards ) to their connaturals . yet impossible that they should have an easie passage out of the vvater , ( being that the superficies of the vvater , yea the vvhole masse thereof , being a diffused liquor like liquid glasse , hath fewer pores than the earth or wood , or a stone : ) therefore it is impossible that the water should not swel rise up , dash it self against the sides of the kettle , and at length break in a thousand openings , and give the heat dancing & evapourating a passage out , by reason of the vapour raised & multiplied vvithin , and striving upvvard : all vvhich vve see in a boiling pot . ●n the same manner the sea svvels , by reason of the vapour that is multiplyed in the bottome of its gulfes , and lifts up it self into a tumour , & of necessity spreads it self to the side , neither doth it make any thing against this , that the vvater of the sea boiling is not so hot as the water of a boiling pot . For here the vast quantity doth not admit of so great heat over such deep gulfes . For the water of a kettle heats at the bottome , bu the superficies begin to swell and turn about before they heat . XVII Vapours within the sea , are chiefly generated by by the fire under ground . They referre it commonly to the caelestiall fire , the Sun , and the Moon . But that is likely to be as true , as that we see a pot of water to boile , set in the sun , though never so hot . For who ever saw that ? the Sun may lick the superficies of the water , and so consume it by little and little , and turn it into vapour : but nothing can make it boil at the bottome , but fire put under it . Therefore the cause of the vapours within the sea , must of necessity be placed underneath : namely that fire under ground , which the whole nature of inferiour things , demonstrate to be shut up there . XVIII The vapours and tides of the sea are provoked by the heat of heaven , ( the Sun. ) A labouring man , or a traveller , sweats easily enough by his inward heat , ( stirred up by the motion of his body ) but a great deal more easily in the heat of Summer , then in Winter ; and all of us sooner in a bath then else-where : the outward heat provoking the inward . In like manner the sea vapours and boiles vvithin , but yet after the harmony of the superiour fire which is from the stars . Which harmony is seen also in yielding us vvater from the clouds and fountains . For in rainy vveather fountains flow more abundantly ; in dry vveather they dry something , both which God intimated , Gen. 7. v. 11. and Deut. 28. v. 23. Now the cause is , the harmony of fire to fire ; of the caelestiall to the subterraneous , &c. as it shall elsewhere appear . XIX The Sea flowes twice a day , according as the Sun comes and goes , For the Sun ascending to the Meridian , attracts the vapours of the sea , and causes the waters to be elevated and diffused : descending to the West , it suffers them to fall again . Now that the waters swell again at the Sun setting , and fall as he hastens to the East ; the cause is the same which in boyling pots : where the hot water is seen to boile , and to be elevated , not only in that part which is toward the fire , but also on the contrary ; but to fall again on the sides both wayes . So the Sea is a caldron , which the Sun ( the worlds fire ) encompassing , makes to swell up on both the opposite parts , but to fall in the intermediate parts ; so that this sea-tide following the Sun , goes circularly after a perpetuall law . XX The fluxe and refluxe of the sea is varied according to the motion of the Sun and Moon , and the site of places . For 1 in Winter it is almost insensible , the Sun but weakly raising the subterrane vapours . 2 When the Moon is in conjunction or opposition to the Sun , the seas swell extraordinarily ; the force of both luminaries being joyned together to affect the inferiour things ( either joyntly or else oppositely . ) Also the Moon encreasing the flowings are something retarded , decreasing they are anticipated : which gave occasion to the ancients to think that it was caused by the Moon alone . 3 Those sea fluxes and refluxes vary also according to the divers turnings and windings of Countries and Promontories , and the shorter or longer coherence of inlets with the Ocean ; which causeth them to be perceived in some places sooner , in others later . But enough of the sea tide , the earthquake followes . XXI An earthquake is the shaking of the superficies of the earth in any countrey ; arising from subterrane exhalations , gathered together in great abundance , and seeking a passage out . Therefore it ceaseth not till the said exhalations are either scattered through the cavities of the earth , or else break forth . XXII Earthquakes are sometimes so horrible that they subvert Cities , Mountaines , Islands , with an hideous bellowing howling , and crashing . Which formidable effects cause us to suspect , that those vapours are then mixt , like to those by which thunders are caused in a cloud : and that not simply by the blast of the exhalations , but by their burning , so that they are a kinde of subterrane lightnings : yet I thought good to make mention of it here together . CHAP. VIII . Of concrete substances : namely , Stars , Meteors , and Minerals . I A Concrete thing is a vapour coagulated , endued with some form . For example , soot , clouds , snow , &c. Note that this name of concrete , and concreture is new , yet fit to expresse this degree of creatures , which confers nothing but coagulation and figure . II The primary cause of concretion of vapours is cold , which wheresoever it findeth a vapour , condenseth and coagulateth it . That appears in Alembicks , where the vapour raised by heat , and carried into the highest region of it where it is cold , resolves it selfe again into water : and to that end Distillours now and then wash the uppermost cap of the Alembick with cold water , and make the pipes , through which the concrete liquour distils , to passe through a vessell of water . Yet heat helps the concretion of things , consuming the thinner part of the concrete , and compelling the rest to harden , which we see done in the generation of metals . III Some concretes are Aethereall , others aereall , others watery , others earthly . Namely , because some are made in the skie , as stars : others in the air , as clouds , &c. others in water , as a bubble , &c. others in the earth , as stones , &c. every one of which come to be considered apart . IV Aethereal concretes , are stars and comets . V Stars are fiery globes , full of light and heat , with which the skie glitters on every side . Both the ornament of the world required this , that hanging lamps should not be wanting in so lofty a palace : as also the necessity of the inferiour world , concerning which is the following Aphorisme . Now we reckon stars in the rank of concretes , because it is certain that they are made of matter and light . Stars were produced in so great number upon very great necessity . Namely , 1 To heat the earth with a various temperature . 2 To make the various harmony of times . 3 To inspire a various form into the creatures . For so great variety could not be induced into the lower world , without such variety in coelestiall things . VII God placed the greatest number of stars in the highest heaven round about , that they might irradiate the earth on every side , and carry about their sphear with a rapid motion of heat . On which starry sphear take these following Aphorismes . 1 That the motion of this sphear is finished in the space of twenty four hours . 2 And because that motion is circular , it is said to be made upon two hinges , or immoveable points ( in Greek poles ) of vvhich the one is called the Northern or Artick pole ; the other the Southern or Antartick . Betwixt these two poles the heaven is turned : vvith its exact globosity , describing a circle ( in the midst betwixt the two poles ) vvhich they call the Aequator . Now that tract , vvhere the stars arise above the earth , is called the East , or the Sun-rising : the opposite to it vvhere they set , is called the West or Sun-setting ; and these four angles of the World , are called the four quarters of the World , and the four Cardinal Points . 3 That the stars of the highest sphear , ( commonly called the fixed stars ) are globes of vvondrous greatnesse in themselves : the greatest of them exceeding the globe of the earth an hundred and seven times : and the least of them exceeding the same globe eighteen times . 4 That the numerable stars are found by us one thousand , tvventy tvvo : but God knovves the number of the innumerable . For the Galaxias or milky way ( it is the whitest tract of heaven ) is found by accurate perspectives to be a company of very sma● stars ; and there are some other like tracts observed in heaven , though lesse , and of these the vvords of God , Gen. 15. v. 5. are to be understood . 5 That the visible stars reduced into certain figures , vvhich they call coelestiall signs in number 69 , 12 vvhereof about the Aequator , are by a peculiar name called the Zodiaque . But this Zodiaque declines with one half of it toward the North , with the other part towards the south . the signes are comprehended in this distick . 1 2 3 4 5 Sunt Aries , Taurus , Gemini , Cancer , Leo , 6 Virgo : 7 8 9 10 11 Libraque , Scorpius , Arcitenens , Caper , Hydria , 12 Pisces . 1 2 3 The Ram , the Bull and Twins to th' Spring belong ; 4 6 5 To Summer Crab and Maid and Lion strong . 7 8 9 Autumne hath Scales and Scorpion & the Bow : 10 11 12 Goat , Water-tanckard , Fishes Winter show 6 That the distance of this starry sphear from the earth is found above two hundred thousand semidiameters of the earth , and a semidiameter of the earth contains 3600 of our miles . VIII A very great portion of most ardent light is conglobated in the sun , so that it may seem the onely fountain of light and heat . For were it not for the sun we should have perpetuall night , for all the rest of the stars : forasmuch as at high noon , we are in darkenesse presently , if the sun be but covered . Now touching the sun these following Axiomes are to be noted . 1 That it was made so great as might suffice , both to illustrate the whole world , and to heat and vaporate the whole earth : that is 160 times greater than the earth . 2 That it is such a distance elevated from the earth , as might serve , so as neither to burn it , nor leave it destitute . Psal. 19. v. 7 for it is placed almost in the middle space betwixt the starry sphear and the earth . 3 That it is carried with a flower motion then the stars in their highest sphear . For whereas it seems to be turned about equally , as the starrie sphear is , yet it is every day left behind almost a degree , ( of which the whole circuit of the sphear hath 360 ) whence it comes to passe , that in 365 dayes , it compasseth the whole spear as it were going back , and after so many dayes returns to the same star again . And this we call the time of an year , or a solar year . 4 And that it may serve all sides of the earth with its light and heat , ( to wit by turns ) that retardation is not made simply though the middest of the world under the Aequator : But under the Zodiack , bending to the North on this side : to the South on that side Whence comes the division of the year into four parts ; ( Spring , Summer , Autumn and Winter ) and the inequality of dayes to those that inhabite without the equinoctiall . For when it declines to those on the North it makes summer with them , and the longest days , and so on the contrary . And by how much it is the more verticall to any part of the earth , it heats it so much the more , by reason of the direct incidence and repercussion of the rayes . IX And because it was not convenient that the sunne and stars should always operate after one and the same manner ( for variety is both pleasing and profitable to all nature ) there were six other wandring starres added over and besides , which running under the same Zodiaque and by certain turns entring into conjunction one with another , and with the sunne might variously temper his operation upon inferiour things . These wandring starres are called Planets , of which there are seven , reckoning the sun for one . X The Planets therefore are the suns coadjutors in governing the world : which differ in site , course , magnitude and light . XI Three of the Planets Saturn ( ♄ ) Jupiter ( ♃ ) Mars ( ♂ ) are above the sun : Venus ( ♀ ) Mercury ( ☿ ) and the Moon ( ☽ ) below : so in a most decent manner , as it were compassing about the sides of their King. It is probable , that the stars are carried higher or lower in heavē , for the same reason as clouds in the air , or wood in water , that is , according to their different degrees of density or rarity . For as thick wood swims under the water either with all or with half of its body covered , but light wood swims on the top : and watry clouds ascend not far from the earth , but dry and barren clouds very high : so the globes of the stars are carried some higher than others according to the thicknesse of their matter and light . XII The upper Plane●s are bigger then the earth , but the lower are lesser . For it is found that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth equall 91 Globes of the earth . ♄ 95 ♃ 2 ♂ 160 ☉ doth cōtein the 28 part of the earth . ♀ 105 ☿ 39 XIII By how much the higher any Planet is , and neerer to the highest sphear , so much the swifter it moveth ; by how much the lower and neerer to the earth , so much the flower . For Saturn , because he is next to the eighth sphear , is rolled about almost equally with it , yet he also fals back by little and little : so that he runs through the Zodiaque moving backward in the space of almost thirty years : Jupiter in twelve years : Mars in almost two : the Sun ( as was said ) in a year : Venus encompasseth the Sun in five hundred eighty three dayes : Mercury in one hundred and fifteen dayes : the Moon because she is slowest of all , remaining behind every day 13 deg . measures the Zodiaque in 27⅓ dayes . XIV The higher Planets do so observe the sun , that approaching nigh unto him , they betake themselves into the highest place ; going from the sunne , they sinke lower towards the earth . And for this cause both their magnitude and their motion vary in our eyes . for when they are neerer to the earth , they seem greater ; but more remote lesser . Again , the higher they are , the slower they move , and then they are called direct ; the lower they descend the swifter , so that they seem either stationary , ( keeping pace for some weeks with the same fixed stars ) or else retrograde , sometimes outstripping them in their course . XV Venus and Mercury depart not from the sun , unlesse it be to the sides both ways : Venus 47 degrees , Mercury 23 degrees . So that sometimes they go before the sun , sometimes they follow him , sometimes they lie hid under his rayes . Note , Venus when she is the morning star and goes before the Sun is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Lucifer : when she is the evening star she is called Hesperus . XVI As for their light , Mars is very fiery and calefactive : ♄ is pale and very frigifactive : ♃ and ♀ are of a benigne light : ☿ changeably sparckling : ☽ shines with a borrowed light onely : of which more by and by . Note . That the stars and planets do not sparkle by reason of their greater distance , ( for then ♄ should sparkle more then Mercury : vvhereas we find the contrary ) but by reason of their flaming . For fire or light cannot rest , therefore the polar stars , because they are least stirred with the common motion , twinckle most . XVII Because the Moon is near to the earth , and placed in a grosse air , she moves most slowly ; and also her body is grosse and obscure , like a globous cloud . For it is not distant from the earth above 60 semidiameters of the earth . The Moon by reason of her opacity doth not shine of her selfe , or else very weakly : but on that side that she is illuminated by the Sun , on that side she shines like a looking glasse , the other halfe being obscure . Note . Because the Moon was to rule the night , a weak light , and that but borrowed was given her , and because she was appointed to shew lesser times ( Months ) a motion different from the Sun was given her , that by her departure from the Sun , and by her returning , she might designe the progresse of the moneths : and that it might be done more evidently , she was placed below the sun , that she might appear to us with her face enlightned after divers manners . For vvhen she runs with the Sun in the same signe of the Zodiack , she doth not appear to us ; because her enlightned face is turned toward the Sun , but her obscure face to us . But when she is opposite to the Sun , we beholding her on the same side which looketh toward the Sun , see all her luminous face . Lastly , in the intermediate places we see her encreasing or decreasing in light ; according as she turns her enlightned face to us , or turns it from us , by reason of the diversity of her position in respect of the Sun , and us . XIX When the Moon , at the change , comes directly under the Sun , she obscures him as to us ; when at the full , she is directly opposite to the Sun , she enters into the shadow of the earth , and is her selfe obscured : and this they call the Eclipses of the Luminaries . Hence it appears that the Sun is not obscured after the same manner that the Moon is . For the Moon is really obscured , that is deprived of light , as being fallen into the shadow ; but the Sun is not deprived of light , but is only covered from us , that it cannot as then enlighten the earth with his rayes ; therefore the earth is then more truly eclipsed then the Sun. Now God ordained Eclipses 1 That we might understand , that all our light is from the Sun. 2 That the magnitude of the Luminaries , and of the earth might be found out . 3 To finde the true longitude of countries ; but that belongs to Astronomers , this last to Geographers . Of Comets . XX Comets are accessory stars , which somtimes shine , and go out again : for the most part with tayles , or busbes of hair . We reckon them to the heaven and stars , not to the air and meteors : because they are not generated in sublunary places , ( as Aristotle thought ) but in the highest Heaven , even above the Sun : which 1 Their motion , swifter always then the Moon it selfe . 2 Their parallax , lesse then the Moons , somtimes none at all , do shew . XXI Comets are not vapours kindled ; but a reflexion of the Suns light , in vapours so far elevated . The first is easily proved . For if a Comet were a vapour kindled , it could not last halfe an hour . ( For nothing can be kindled but a sulphury matter , but that is consumed in a moment , as it appears in Gun-powder , Lightning , a Chasme , a falling star , &c. ) but histories relate that comets have lasted three years . The second is shewed , because comets 1 Cast a taile from the Sun , as the Moon doth a shadow ; ( for those dry vapours are not an opacous body , like to the Moon , but semidiaphanous . ) 2 They are eclipsed ( as Campanella testifies ) by the shadow of the earth , as well as the Moon : which vvould not be , if they burned with their own fire . N. W. That which is reported of a fulphureous matter , or stone , which fell from a burning comet , if it be true , it is to be thought , that it was made of some fiery meteors , not of a comet . XXII The ends of comets are , that it may appear ; 1 That the whole heaven moves , not the stars only . 2 That it is liquid and transmeable , not hard like Chrystall . 3 That vapours ascend so high , and that there are mutations every where in this visible world . Vapours , I say , whether exhaling from this our inferiour world , or from the supercelestiall waters . For there is nothing to the contrary , why we should not hold , that they also exhale , and are spread abroad into the thinner region of the stars . Of aëriall Concrets , that is , Meteors . XXIII By reason of the perpetuall confluxe of exhalations in the air from all the Elements , many things are daily there concreted , but of small continuance . For the air is full of exhalations , even when it seemeth clear . For it cannot be so pure here near the earth , but it will have something watery , oily or salt alwayes admixt with it . Things concrete of these were anciently called Meteors , because they are made on high : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies high . XXIV Of humid exhalations are made watery meteors : fiery of dry . XXV Watery meteors are , mists , clouds , rain , hail , snow , dew , frost . We must see them every one apart , how they are made . XXVI A mist is a watery exhalation half concrete , which being that by reason of its density it cannot elevate it selfe , creeps on the ground . XXVII A cloud is a gathering together of thin vapours , and elevated upward , in the highest of the air . They are gathered together most of all over the sea , and standing waters , because there most exhalations are made , and from thence they are driven through divers parts of the world by the windes , and increased with exhalations arising elsewhere . Hence in every region , rain comes , most often from that part , which lies nearest to the sea ; as with us from the West . XXVIII Rain is the resolution of a cloud into water , and the falling of it by drops . N. 1 That resolution is alwayes made by the condensation of the vapour , but there is not alwayes the same efficient cause of its condensation . For sometimes cold condenseth a vapour , as in the head and pipe of an Alembick ( which must needs be cooled ) we see : sometimes the very compression it selfe , or conspissation , as it is plain in the roof of baths , and the cover of a boiling pot . But neither of these causes is wanting to beget rain : being that the middle region of the air is cold , and the cloud being pressed together by the vapours alwayes ascending , must of necessity be dissolved . And this is the cause , why the burning heat of the air is a fore-teller of rain : because then it is certain that the air is thickned . N. 2. That rain is better for fields and gardens then river water , because it hath a kind of a fatnesse mixt with it , from the evaporations of the earth , minerals , plants , and Animals , wherewith it gives the earth a most profitable tincture . N. 3 Sometimes wormes , small fishes , frogs , &c. fall with the rain , which , as it is very likely , are suddenly generated within the cloud , of vapours gathered together of the same nature , by virtue of a living spirit admixt therewith ; as in the beginning , at the Command of God , the waters brought forth creeping things and fishes in a moment . XXIX Hail is rain congealed . For when the Sun beams in the greatest heat of Summer , have driven away all cold from the earth into the middle region of the air , it comes to passe that that vehement cold doth violently harden the drops of rain passing through them , and forces them to turn to ice : and therefore haile cannot be procreated in Winter , the cold abiding then near the earth , not on high . XXX Snow , is a resolution of a cloud into most small drops , and withall a thickning of them with a gentle cold . N. 1 It falls only in Winter : because the vapours are not elevated by the weak rayes of the Sun , so far as the middle ( that is the cold ) region ; here then near the earth , the resolution is made in a milder cold , and withall the congelation is very mild . 2 The whitenesse of the snow is from the conjunction of the parts of the water : the same comes to passe in broken ice , and in the froth of water . XXXI Dew is a thin vapour ( or else the air it selfe ) attracted by the leaves of plants , and with their coldnesse condensed into water . For it is no where , but upon plants ; and that in the heat of summer , when the plants are colder then the air it selfe . Now this turnes to the great benefit of the plants ; for by that means they are moistned , at the very driest time of the year . And therefore they are produced also in those countries which know no rain . XXXII Frost is congealed dew . Therfore there is none , but in winter , when cold reigns by reason of the suns absence . Of fiery Meteors . Fiery meteors are those , which arise from fat fumes , kindled in the air : the principal kinds of which are seven ; a falling star : a flying dragon : lightning : flying sparks : ignis fatuus : a torch : and ignis lambens . XXXIII A falling star is a fat and viscous fume , kindled ( by an antiperistasis , that is an obsistency of the cold round about ) at the upper end of it , the flame whereof following its fuell is carried downward , till it fail also and be extinguished . For they are to be seen every clear night , in winter more then in summer : and you may see the like spectacle , if you kindle the fat fume of a candle put out with another candle put to it above . This falling star is made of a grosse vapour ; and by reason of its grossenesse hanging together like a cord . Therefore it burns so violently , that falling upon a man it burns through his garment . Look which way it tends with its motion , it foretels wind from that part . XXXIV A flying dragon , is a long , thick , fat fume , elevated in all its parts : for which cause being kindled , it doth not dart it selfe downward , bnt side-wayes like a dragon , or sparkling beam . This meteors is not so often seen : and therefore they that are ignorant of the naturall causes , think that the Divell flies . XXXV Lightning is fire kindled within a cloud , which flying from the contrary cold , breaks out with an horrible noise , and for the most part casts the flame as far as the earth . The World is the Alembick of nature , the air the cap of this Alembick : the sun is the fire : the earth , the water , minerals , plants , &c. are the things which being softned with this fire , exhale vapours upward perpetually . So there ascend , salt , sulphury , nitrous , &c. vapours , which being wrapped up in clouds , put forth various effects , for example , When sulphury exhalations are mixt with nitrous , ( the first of a most hot nature , the second most cold ) they endure one another so long , as till the sulphur takes fire . But as soon as that is done , presently their followes the same effect as in gun-powder , ( whose composition is the same of Sulphur and Nitre ) a fight , a rapture , a noise , a violent casting forth of the matter . For thence it is that a viscous flaming matter is cast forth , which presently inflames whatsoever it touches that is apt to flame , and smiting into the earth , it turnes to a stone , and being taken out after a time , is called a thunder-bolt . XXXVI Flying sparks are a sulphury fume scattered into many small parts and kindled . It is seldome seen as likewise those that follow . XXXVII Ignis fatuus , is a fat and viscous fume , which by reason of its grossenesse , doth not elevate it selfe far from the earth , and being kindled , straggles here and there , leading travellers sometimes out of their way , and into danger . XXXVIII A torch is a fume like it , but thin , and therefore elevated upwards : which being kindled . burnes a while like a candle or lamp . XXXIX Ignis lambens , is a fat exhalation coming from a living body , heated with motion , and kindled at its head , or near about . It sometimes befalls men and horses , vehemently breathing after running , that the ardent vapours sent forth , are turned into flames . Of appearing Meteors . Appearing Meteors , are the images of things in clouds , variously expressed by the incident light : of which sort there are observed seven : Chasma , Halo , Parelius , Paraselene , Rods , Colours , the Rainbow . XL Chasma ( a pit ) is the hollowness of a cloud , making shew of a great hole . It it by reason of a shadow in the midst of a cloud , the extremities whereof are enlightned . You may see the like almost in the night by a candle , on a wall , which hath any hollownesse in it , though it be whitish . XLI Halo ( a floor ) is a luminous circle , when the vapours underneath the sun , or moon , are illustrated with the rayes of the luminary . You may see the same by night in a bath , or any other vaporous place , about a burning candle . It is oftest seen under the moon , because the sun with his stronger rayes either penetrates or dissipates the cloud . XLII Parelius ( a false sun ) is the representation of the sun upon a bright cloud placed by its side . After the same manner , if you stand upon the opposite bank of a river , you shall see two suns ; the one , the true one in heaven , the other reflected in the water . There are sometimes three suns seen , if two of those clouds are at once opposed to the sun ; and our sight . XLIII Paraselene ( a false moon ) is the image of the moon expressed after the same manner , upon a collaterall cloud . XLIV Rods , are beams of the sun covered with a cloud , yet shining through the thin cloud , stretched towards the earth like rods . XLV Colours are they that appear divers in a cloud , according as it is after severall manners turned toward the sun and us ; so that the cloud seems somtimes yellow , somtimes red & fiery . XLVI Lastly , the Rainbow is an Halo opsite to the sun or moon , in a dewy cloud , reprepresenting a bow of divers colours . For there are Lunar rainbows also . Now that the Rainbow is an appearing Meteor , is plain , if it be but from hence , that it comes and goes backwards and forwards with the eye of the beholder ; and so it appears to be in severall places , to those that behold it from severall places , even as the image or brightness of the sun , to those that walk up and down on the shore . I say that it is a Meteor like to an Halo , because it is alike circular . And as in the Halo , the center of the luminary , the center of the lightsome circle , and the center of our eye are in one right line , so in a Rainbow : onely that in the first the luminary and the eye are the extreams , the Halo in the middest : here the luminary and the bow are the extreams , and the eye in the middest . Now there doth not appear a whole circle in the rainbow , because the center of it to us fals upon the earth , and so the upper halfe of the circle only appears . If any one could elevate himselfe into the cloud , or above the cloud , without doubt he would see the whole circle of the Rainbow . Hence also the reason is evident , why at the suns rising or setting there appears a whole semicircle elevated right up towards heaven ; but when the sun is high , it appeares low . Lastly , why there can be none at all when the sun is verticall . The Lunar Rainbowes are onely pale , as an Halo : the Solar shewes forth most fair clouds , from a stronger light diversly reflected from a thousand thousand drops , ( of the melting cloud : ) the colours being coordinate , as is to be seen in a Chrystalline Prisme : and certainly the Rainbow was given even for this , that we might learn to contemplate the nature of colours . There is also a contrairis , namely when the rainbow reflects again upon another cloud underneath ; and therefore it is lesse and of a weaker colour , and the order of the colours inverted ; so that the highest is lowest , as in a glasse the right side answers to the left side , &c. but of Meteors enough . Of watery ( oncretes . XLVII Watery concretes are : a bubble , foame , ice , and severall appearances in the water : also the saltnesse of the sea , spring waters , and medicinall waters . XLVIII A bubble is a thin watery skin , filled with air . It is made when a small portion of air thrust down below the water is carried upwards : which the water , being somwhat fatter in its superficies , suffers not presently to flie out , but covers it with a thin skin , like a little bladder . By how much the more oily the water is , by so much the longer the bubbles hold : as it is to be seen in those ludicrous round bubbles , which boyes are wont to blow out of water and sope , ( which flie a great while through the air unbroken . ) From the bubble we learn , to what a subtilty water may be brought . For the skin of a bubble is a thousand times thinner then the thinnest paper . XLIX Foame is a company of very small bubbles , raised by the sudden falling of water into water . The beating of the water into small parts causes whitenesse in the foam ; even as ice , waxe , pitch , and other things are whitish when they are beaten . The durability also of the foam is more in an oily liquour , as in beer , &c. L Ice is water hardened together with cold . LI Watery impressions are images of clouds , of birds flying over , of men , of trees , and of any things objected . It is known , that water is the first mirrour , receiving the images of all things : which is by reason of the evennesse of its superficies . For light coloured with things falling upon the water , cannot ( as it comes to passe in another body of a rough superficies ) be dispersed , but by reason of its exceeding evennesse is intirely reflected , and presents it selfe whole with that image to the eye of the beholder . This is the ground of all mirrours . But let us come to reall concretions in the water . LII The saltnesse of the sea , is from the subterrane fire , which heating a bituminous matter , spreadeth salt exhalations through the sea . Saltnesse something bitter , with a kind of oleosity was given to the sea . 1 That the waters might not putrifie . 2 For the more convenient nutriment of fishes . 3 For strength to bear the burdens of ships . Now the sea is salt , not ( as Aristotle thought ) by reason of the sun beams , extracting the thinner parts of the waters , and scorching the rest . ( For our fire would do the same , and the sun in lakes and pooles , neither of which is done : yea , by how much the more , salt water is heated with our fire , the salter it is ; but fresh water is so much the fresher ) but by reason of the heat included within the bowels of the earth , and of the deep ; which when it cannot exhale , it scorcheth sharply the humour that there is , so that it turnes to urine : The very same we see done in our own body ( and all living creatures ) For urine and sweat are alike salt . LIII Spring waters are made of vapours condensed in the cavernes of the earth ; after the same manner , as drops are gathered together upon the covers of pots . It is certain that under the earth there lies a great deep , Gen. 7. 11. That is a mighty masse of waters , diffused through the hollows of the earth ; which that it joynes with certain gulfes of the Ocean , this is an argument that the depth of the sea in some places is altogether insearchable . Therefore as vapours ascend out of the open sea into the air , which being resolved into drops distill rain : so the subterrane waters , being attenuated by the subterrane heat , send forth vapours , which being gathered together in the hollowes of the earth , and collected into drops , flow out which way [ passage ] is given them . And this is it which the Scripture saith , All rivers enter into the sea , and the sea runneth not over : unto the place from whence the rivers come they returne , that they may flow again . Eccles. 1. v. 7. Whence it is understood why springs yield fresh water , though they come from those bitter , and salt waters of the sea ? namely , because they come by distillation to the spring head . For they say , that the sea water being distilled ( that is resolved first into vapours , then into drops in an Alembick ) looseth its saltnesse : by the same reason then the deep under ground , evaporating salt waters sendeth them fresh out of fountains neverthelesse . And what need words ? For clouds gathered of the vapours of the sea : send down fresh showers . S● how excellently the truth of things agree with it selfe still . LIV Medicinall waters are made of the various tinctures of the metals and juices of the earth , ( from which they receive the virtue 〈◊〉 healing and savour . ) For example , hot waters or baths , a● made of bitumen burning within : Therefore they exhale sulphur manifestly ; b●● sharpish waters relish of iron , coper , vitrio●allom , &c. of which earthly concretes it wil● be now time to speak . Of earthly concretes , which are called Minerals . LV Minerals are earthly concretes begotten of subterrane vapours ; as clods , concret juicesî metals , and stones . These are called minerals from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if you shonld say from the earth . They call them also Fossiles , because they are digged : that all these are begotten of subterrane vapours , and subterrane fire , appears by the example of our body : wherein bloud , choler , flegme , melanlancholy , urine , spittle , fat , flesh , veins , nerves , membranes , gristles , bone , &c. yea , the stone and gravell , are made of the vapours of food concocted and digested as : shal be seen hereafter . Now as these parts of ours are formed within the body by the heat included ; so minerals are generated in the bowels of the earth , not elsewhere . For the earth with its most deep passages and veins winding every way , where infinite vapours are generated , and perpetually distilled in a thousand fashions , is that great work-house of God , wherein , for the space of so many ages , such things are wrought , as neither art can imitate , nor wit well find out . LVI Clods are digged earths , infected only with fatnesse , or some colour , and apt to be soaked , as 1 Clay . 2 Marle . 3 Chalk . 4 Red earth . 5 Paintings , or painters colours , ( as lake , vermilion , oker , azure , or blew , verdigrease . ) 6 Fullers earth in Greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 7 Medicinall earth , as sealed earth , Lemnian , Armenian , Samian , &c. These colours seem to be nothing else , but the soot of the subterrane fumes , variously distilled ; and those earths , nothing else but a various mixture of liquors distilled also variously , and brought to such or such a quality . LVII Concrete juices , are fossiles indued with a savour , or some sharp virtue , apt to be dissolved , or kindled ; as sulphur , niter , salt , allome , vitriol , arsenick , ( which painters call orpiment ) antimonie or stibium , & such like . N. Those juices seem to be nothing else but the cream of subterrane liquors variously distilled . LVIII Metals are watery fossiles , apt to be melted , cast , and hammered : as gold , silver , brasse , ( or copper ) iron , tin , lead , quick-silver . N. 1. That they are progenerated of fire , this is enough to testifie , that they are oft times taken hot out of the veines , so that the touch will not endure them . For in winter when all herbs are white with frost , those which grow over the veins , admit of no frost , because of the hot exhalation within hindering concretion , so also trees , by the blewnesse of their leaves , shew the veines of metals . 2 Now that metals are made of vapours , this is an argument that they are wont also to be procreated in the very clouds . For examples are not unknown , even in our age of bodies of brasse , or iron , of no small weight falling from heaven . 3 That metals are made of watery vapours their liquabilitie shews ; now they are coagulated by virtue of salt . Therefore the drosse of iron is salt and bitter . 4 Quicksilver alone is alwayes liquid , never consistent ; as a perpetuall witnesse of the watery nature of metals . Other metals swim upon it , because it hath the most compacted substance of all , gold only excepted : which therefore it receives only into it selfe . 5 Whether metals differ in their species , or only in degree of purity and hardnesse , and in heat , we leave now in suspense . LIX Stones are earthly fossiles , hardly compacted , apt only to be broken in pieces . That stones are earth coagulated with water and fire , bricks and pots teach us ; for here art imitates nature . Yet the severall formes of stones shew , that they are not earth simply concrete , but a masse concrete of divers most grosse earthly vapours , with a various temperature of humours . LX Stones are either vulgar , or precious . LXI A vulgar stone is earth most hardly compacted : the principall kinds of which are seven . The gravell stone , the milstone , the pumice-stone , the flint , ( to which I refer the Smiris wherewith glasse is cut , and iron polished the whetstone , and the touch stone , ( or Lapis lydius ) the marble and the loadstone . N. Every kind have their differences again . 2 A great stone is called saxum or a rock , a little one , gravell and sand . 3 Most mountains are stony , ( and yield metals ; ) because the subterrane fire ( on the third day of the creation ) swelling the earth here made it self many channels and passages , breathing through which , it doth variously exhale , melt , mix and boile the matter : which is not done so copiously under plains . LXII Pretious stones are are called gems , because they are the gums of stones sweating in the bowels of the earth . Hence comes their clearnesse and brightnesse , that is to say , from their most thin● and accurate straining , even more then in the gums of trees ; for wood hath loose● pores then stones . LXIII All gems are transparent , and pellucid : but some onely transparant , as these three ; the Diamond , the Chrystall , the Beryll● Others coloured with all , and those● ( according to the diversity of their colours ) of sve●● sorts . 1 Bright and burning ; the Carbuncle the Chalcedon , the Chrysolite . 2 Yellow ; the Jacinth and Topaze . 3 Green ; the Emerald , and the Turquois . 4 Red or purple : the Rubie and the Granate : but the Carnelous and the Onyx are more pale . 5 Skie-coloured ; the Saphir , and the Amethyst , 6 Black ; the Morion 7 Changeable ; as the Jasper , the Agat , the Chrysoprase . N. 1. That Chrystall is never found unlesse it be Hexagonall , which is the miracle of nature . And that it is growes in arched cels under ground , dry and closed , where the wind enters not for some years , hath been experienced at Kings Itradeck in Bohemia , Anno 1618. For elegant chrystals were found hanging from the stones of the arches , like Isicles of an exact Hexagonall forme , but in the silver mines of Catteberge , there are found far more . Of other gems we have nothing to say in particular . N. 2. Stones that are wont to grow in some living creatures , are usually reckoned amongst precious stones : as the pearl , in sea shell fishes : the Bezoar . the Chelidonius , the Alectorius , the Bufonites , &c. also Corall , and Amber . But these two , are to be referred rather to the following chapter . LXIV The virtue which is in minerals , is called their naturall spirit : of which there are so many formes , as there are species of minerals . For there is one spirit of salt , another , of vitrioll , loadstone , and iron , &c. which distillers know how to extract . CHAP. IX . Of Plants . THus much of Concretes : here follow Plants which beside their figure have life . 1 A plant is a vitall concrete , growing out of the earth : as a tree and an herb . Some concretes ( stars , meteors , minerals , ) want life , and lie or tarry where they were concrete : but plants endued with an inward vigour , break out of the earth , and spread themselves in plano : whence also they were called plants . II Plants are generated , both to be an ornament to the earth , and to yield nourishment , medicine , and other uses to living creatures . For what a sad face the earth would have if it were not cloathed every year with those diverse coloured tapistries of herbs , we have sufficient experience in Winter , and whence should living creatures have food , medicines , and pleasures , if we were destitute of the roots , leaves , seeds and fruits of plants ? not to speak of the commodity of shade , and of the infinite uses of wood . III The essentiall parts of a plant are , the root , the trunk ( or stalk ) and the branches or leaves . N. W. The Elements , vapours , concrete things , consisted only of similar parts : for every part and particle of water , earth , vapour , a cloud , iron , &c. is called , and is water , earth , vapour , a cloud , iron , &c. But more perfect bodies , ( of plants and living creatures ) do consist of dissimular parts that is members ) every one of which hath both its office , and its name , differing from the rest . For example . In a plant , the root is the part sticking in the ground , and sucking in the juice of the earth : the truk , ( or stalks ) attracting the juice , concocting it : and sending it to the upper parts : the boughes and branches , are twigs , distributing the juice yet better concocted , to make seed and fruit : the leaves are the coverings of the fruits and boughes . IV The Spirit of a plant is called a vegetable , or vitall spirit ; which puts forth its virtue three manner of wayes ; in nutrition , augmentation , and generation . For here that universall spirit , ( the spirit of life , ) begins more manifestly to put forth its virtue , preparing a portion of matter so softly to its turn , that it may have it tractable to perform the offices of life : and is therefore called vitall in plants , namely , because of its more manifest tokens and effects of life . They call it also the vegetative soul V Nutrition is an inbred virtue in a plant , whereby sucking in juice fit for it , changeth it into its own substance . For because the encompassing air dries up every body , and the heat included in a living body doth also feed upon the inward moisture ; it were impossible that a plant should not presently fade away , unlesse new matter and vigour were continually supplyed with fresh nourishment , to make up that which is lost . and to this end every plant hath a body , either hollow , or else pithy , and porous , that the nourishing vapour may passe through and irrigate all the parts ; yea whatsoever is in a plant , even the very haire or downe , is hollow and porous . Therefore in a man , the head is eased , when the haire is cut ; because the fuliginous vapours of the braine , or the superfluities under the skin , do the more easily evaporate . For the same cause every plant rests upon its root , that sucking the moisture of the earth through the strings thereof it may be nourished : therefore it perisheth when it is pluckt up . the humour then , or fat juice of the earth , is a fit nourishment for plants : not dry earth , because it cannot passe through the strings and pores of a plant ; nor water alone , because it cannot be concrete into a solid body . Therefore the moisture of the earth which is a mixture of Mercury , sulphur and salt nourisheth plants VI Augmentation is a virtue of a plant , whereby it increaseth also by nourishing it self , which we call by a common terme growing . It is pleasant to contemplate what it is to grow , and how it is done Now it is easily found out by the doctrine of motions already delivered . For first , when the spirit included in the seed , begins to diffuse it self , and to swell by reason of the heat that is raised , the thin shell of the seed must of necessity break : by the motion of cession . and because every body is moved towards a greater company of its connaturals , that vapour comming forth when the seed is warmed , tends towards heaven ; but because the matter of the seed is fat and glutinous , the vapour being infolded therein carries it upwards with it , and brings it forth out of the earth , and this is the originall of the stump and boughs now because that the outside of the plant hindereth the vapours ascending , there is a strife , and heat is raised , whereby the superficies of the small body is by little and little mollified , that it may yield and rise up . and this is done every day when the Sun is hot : but the tender parts which grow up are condensed and made solid with the cold of the night : by which successions of day and night the plants take increase , all spring and summer long . Now look how much moisture is every day elevated upward by the stump , so much again succeeds it by the motion of continuitie . least there should be a vacuum . but because every body loves an aquilibrium , and plants own their center in the joynt of the stump and root , it comes to passe by the motion of libration , that as much as the boughs spread themselves upwards , so much the roots spread downwards or side-wayes . Now there is a question , why when a leafe or a bough is pluckt off , yea when the stock is cut asunder , the spirit doth not exhal● , but containes it self , und growes stills ? Answer 1 Because the spirit hath its proper seat fixed in the root , which it doth not forsake , though a passage be open through a wound received : nay more , fearing discontinuity , it gathers and conglobates it self , when it perceives an opening and danger of dissipation . 2 Because the wound is presently overspread with the moisture of the plant , which being hardened with the outward cold , covers the wound as it were with a crust , and prohibits a total expiration . VII . Generation is a virtue of a plant , whereby it gathers together and conglobates its spirit into a certain place of it ; and makes a seed or kernell , ( from which the like plant may afterwards grow . ) The spirit of the plant foreseeing as it were , that it shall not always have matter at command , which it may vegetate , turns but a part of it self into the nourishment of the plant , and gathers together the rest into a certain place ( usually in the tops of plants ) and makes a seed or kernell . Now the seed ( kernell or graine ) is nothing else , but the image of the whole plant , gathered together into a very small part of the matter ; from whence , if need be , the same plant may be produced again : as we see done . N. W. That herbs are bread neverthelesse without seed , by virtue of the spirit infused into the elements . 1 The command of God proves , Gen. 1. v. 11. Let the earth bring forth , &c. which is yet in force . 2 Experience . For if you uncover the earth beneath all roots and seeds , yet in the years following vvhen it hath been somewhat oft watered vvith rain vvater , you shall see it bud forth . vvhich is a notable argument of the spirits being diffused every where , but especially descending with the Sun and raine . VIII . The outer , and inner bark , leaves , shells , downe , flowres , prickles , &c. are integrating parts of plants : serving to defend them , and preserve their seeds from the injurie of heat and cold . IX . The kernels are for the most part encompassed with a pulp for their thinner nourishment , and to defend them from injury , but yet this pulp when it is come to ripenesse , serves for food to living creatures ; as it is to be seen in Apples , Peares , Cherries , Plummes , &c. X. The proprieties of plants are , varietie , heat , and tenacity of their spirit . XI . The variety of plants is so great , that the number can scarce be counted by any means . The natural spirit in meteors and minerals makes certain species , and those easie to be counted , ( as we see ; ) but the vitall spirit doth so diffuse it self , that the industrie of no man is yet sufficient , to collect the the species of herbs , and trees . XII . The cheif kinds of plants are herbs , trees , shrubs . XIII . An herb is , that which growes and dies every year XIV . A tree is , that which rising up on high , growes to wood , and continues many years . XV. A shrub is of a middle nature ; as the alder , the vine . N. W. 1. Some trees live for many ages : to wit , such as have a compacted and glutinous substance , as the oak , the pine , &c. vvatery and thin plants , do soon grow and soon vvither ; as the sallow , &c. 2 Some lose their leaves every year , namely , those that have a vvatery juice : others keep them as trees of a rozenous nature . 3 Trees are either fruitful or barren : the first bear either Apples or Nuts , or fruit like unto Pine Apples , or Berries . 4 Porositie and airynesse is given to the vvood of trees , by reason of which they do not sinke , and that . 1 That they might take fire . 2 That they might the more easily be transported any vvhither through rivers . 3 That ships might be made of them . Also clamminesse or indissipability vvas given them , that they might serve for the building of houses : for vvhich end also their talnesse serves . Other differences of plants may be seen else vvhere . XVI . All plants are hot by nature ; but in proportion to our heat , some are called cold . For generation is not done but by heat ; but that vvhich is below the degree of our heat , seemes cold to us . As for Hemlock , Opium , &c. they do not kill vvith cold , but vvith the viscosity of their vapours , vvhich fill up the cavities of the brains , stop the Nerves , and so suffocate the spirit : the same may be said of all poisonous things . XVII Vitall spirit ( as also naturall ) holds so fast to its matter , that it scarce ever forsakes it . This is demonstrated ( besides that we see the spirit every year to be driven by the cold of winter out of the stocks , and to be hidden in the root : and to put forth it selfe again at the beginning of the spring ) by four examples . 1 That how ever the matter of fruits or herbs be vexed , yet the spirit conteins it selfe : as it is to be seen in things , smoaked , tosted , roasted , soaked , pulverized , &c. which retein their virtue . 2 That being driven out of the better part of the matter , by the force of fire , yet it sticks in the portion that is left , and there it is congregated , and inspissated ; so that it suffers it selfe to be thrust together into a drop , or a little poulder , rather then forsake the matter : as it appears in distilled waters , which therefore they call spirits . 3 That when its matter is somewhat oft distilled and transfused into divers formes through divers Alembicks , yet it doth uot fly away . For example , when a goat or a cow eats a purging herb , and the nurse drinks her milk ( or the whey of her milk ) it comes so to pass , that the infant that sucks her will be purged . 4 And which is more , it doth not onely retein a virtue of operating : but also of augmenting it selfe , and forming a creature of its kind : which may be shewn by two examples . Sennertus relates , that Hieremy Cornarius caused a water to be distilled in June , Anno 1608. and that in the moneth of November a little plant of that kind was found at the bottome of the glasse , in all points perfect . But Quercetanus writes that he knew , A Polonian Physician , that knew how to pulverise plants so artificially that the poulder as oft as he listed would produce the plant . For if any one desired to have a rose or a poppy shewed him , he held the poulder of a rose or a poppy inclosed in a glasse over the candle that it might grow hot at the bottome ; which done , the poulder by little & little raised it self up into the shape of that plant , and grew , & represented the shape of the plant , so that one would have thought that it had been corporeall : but when the vessell was cold sunk again into poulder . Who sees not here that the spirits are the formers of plants ? who sees not that they inhere so fast in their matter , that they can as it were raise it again after it is dead ? who sees not that the spirit of a minerall or a plant is really preserved in the forme of a little water , oile , or poulder ? Thus the eternall truth of that saying is mainteined . And the Spirit of God moved it selfe upon the waters . As for the spirit of a living creature , whither it may be preserved after that manner , and raised up to inform a new body , we leave it to be thought of : purposing neverthelesse to speak something of it towards the end of the next Chapter . CHAP. X. Of living creatures . THus much of plants ; here follow living creatures . I A living creature is a moving plant , endued with sense : as a worm , a fish , a bird , a beast . For if a stone or an oak could move it self freely , or had sence , it would be a living creature also . II The principall difference betwixt a living creature and a plant , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a free moving of it selfe to and fro . For the better to expresse the power of the spirit of life , Gods Vicar in creatures , it was needfull that such bodies should be produced , which that spirit inhabiting , might have obedient unto all actions . Now seeing that the ground of action is motion , bodies were to be framed , which might performe a free motion , and these are called Animalia or Animantia , living creatures , from the soul which powerfully evidences life in them . 2 Therefore mobility is in all living creatures , but after divers manners . For some move only by opening and shutting , not stirring out of their place ; as oisters and cockles . Others creep by little and little , as snailes , earth-wormes , and other wormes : some have a long body which creeps with winding it selfe about , as snakes : some have feet given them , as lizards , beasts , birds : but these last have wings also to flie through the air . Which fishes do imitate in the water , performing their motion by swimming . III The moving principle in a living creature is the vitall soul : which is nothing else but the spirit of life , thick and strong , mightily filling , and powerfully governing the bodies which it inhabiteth . IV Now because a voluntary and a light motion cannot be performed , but in a subtle matter , living creatures have bodies given them far more tender then plants , but far more compound . For they consist of spirit , flesh , blood , membranes , veins , nerves , gristles , and lastly bones , as it were props and pillars , lest the frame should fall . Understand this in perfect living creatures . For more imperfect living creatures in which we contemplate onely the rudiments of nature , have neither bones , nor flesh , nor bloud , nor veins : but onely a white humour , covered with a skin or crust , as it were with a sheath , which the spirit included doth stir or move ; as it appears in worms , snails , oisters , &c. But to perfect living creatures . 1 That they might have a more subtle spirit , bloud and brains were given . 2 And that these might not be dissipated , they had vessels and channels given them , veines , arteries , nerves , 3 That a living creature might be erected , bones were given him . 4 And left the bones , as also the veins , arteries , nerves , should easily be hurt , all was covered either with fat or flesh . 5 And that the members might move , tendons and muscles were interwoven throughout . 6 And least in moving the bone , the bones should wear one against another , & cause pain in the living creature ; a gristle which is a softer substance , being as it were halfe flesh , was put between the joints . 7 And lastly ; that the frame might hang firmly together in its composure , it was compassed with a hide , or skin , as also all the members with their membranes . Therefore a living creature consists of more similar parts then a plant : but of far more dissimular parts or members : of which it followes . V The bodies of living creatures were furnished with many members : as with diverse organs for diverse actions . The head indeed is the principall member of a living creature , wherein the whole spirit hath its residence , and shews all its force : but because a living creature was intended for divers actions , it had need of besides . 1 Vivifying organs , supplying the living creature with heat , life , and motion : that is , brains and heart . 2 Moving organs , that is , feet , wings , feathers , &c. 3 And left one thing should run against another , or fall into precipices , it was necessary to furnish them with sight ; also with a quick hearing and touch . Lastly , because the earth was not to supply nutriment immediately to a living creature , ( as to a plant fixed in the earth ) but it was left them to seek : there was need of smelling and tasting , that they might know what was convenient to their nature . Hence eyes , ears , nostrils , &c. 4 Now because a living creature , was not to be fixed in the ground with a root , because of his free motion , more perfect organs of nutrition were requisite : for that cause there was given him a mouth , teeth , a stomack , a liver , a heart , veins , &c. 5 And because they were not to spring out of the earth as plants , by reason of the same motion to and fro . Divers Sexes were given them to multiply themselves , and distinct genitall members . 6 And because living creatures were to be alwayes conversant with others of their own , or of a divers kind , they had need of some mutuall token , even in the dark : they had a tongue given them to form sounds . 7 Lastly , because it could not be , but that a living creature should sometimes meet with contraries , they had as it were shields and armes given them . Hares , bristles , scales , shels , feathers : likewise horns , clawes , teeth , hoofs , &c. VI Therefore the whole treatise concerning a living creature , is finished in the explication I Of the nutritive faculty . II Of the vitall . III Of the sensitive . IV Of the loco-motive . V Of the enuntiative . VI Of the defensive . VII And lastly , of the generative . For he that knoweth these seven , knowes the whole mysterie of nature in living creatnres . For whatsoever is in the body of a living creature , serveth those faculties : if it do not serve them , it is in vain , and maketh a monster . It is to be observed also that the first three faculties are governed by so many spirits . The nutritive faculty by the naturall spirit , the vitall by the spirit of life , the sensitive by the animall spirit : the other four by those three spirits joyntly . Of the nutritive Faculty . VII Every living creature standeth in need of daily food , to repair that which perisheth of the substance every day . For life consists in heat . And heat , being that it is fire , wants fuell : which is moist , spirituous , and fat matter . Heat in a living creature being destitute of this , sets upon the solid parts , and feeds on them . And hence it is that a living creature , as well as a plant , without nourishment pines away , and dies . But if it be sparingly fed , it therefore falls away , because the heat feeds upon the very substance of the flesh . VIII That nourishment is convenient for a living creature , which supplies it with a spirit like its own spirit . For seeing that life is from the spirit , the matter of it selfe doth not nourish life , but a spirituous matter . And indeed the spirit of the nourishment must needs be like the spirit of the living creature . Therefore we are not nourished with the elements , as plants are ; for as much as they have only a naturall , not a vitall spirit ; but we are nourished with plants , or with the flesh of other ●iving creatures , because those afford a vitall spirit . Nay further , there is a particular proportion of spirits , by reason of which a ●orse chuseth oates , a swine barley , a wolfe flesh , &c. Nay , an hog hath an appetite to mans excrements also , because it yet findeth parts convenient for it . IX Nourishment turneth into the substance ●f that which is nourished . That appears 1 because he that feeds on dry meats , is dry of complexion : he that feeds on moist , is flegmatick , &c. 2 because , for the most part a man reteins the qualities of those living creatures on whose flesh he feeds , as he that feeds on beefe is strong ; he that feeds on venison , is nimble , &c. If any one have the brains of a cat o● a wolfe given him to eat , he partakes the phantasies of those living creatures , &c. X Nutriment must needs be assimilated that it may turn into the substance of a living creature . For a thing is neither applied well , no cohereth commodiously with that which is unlike to it ; much lesse that one should turn it into the other . Therefore flesh 〈◊〉 bone is not immediately made of meat 〈◊〉 drink : but by many gradations , as it sha● appear . XI Assimulation is made by the transmitation of the nourishment taken so oft iterat● till it come to the liknesse of the substance no●●rished . It is well known out of the Metaphysick● that all action tends to this , that the Pa●●●ent may become like to the Agent , whic● is every where evident in naturall thing● but especially in the nourishment of bodies . For whatsoever is taken in , of whatsoever colour or quality , is wrought so●● length , that it becomes like to that which is nourished , and is applyed to its substance : which should be diligently marked in that which follows . XII The principall transmutation of the nourishment , is by progeneration of the four vitall humours , bloud , flegme , yellow choler , and black . For the nourishment received , being that it is tempered together ( as all the bodies of the world are ) of the four elements , is resolved in the body of a living creature into four again ; the fattest part of it is turned into bloud : a part into spittle , or flegme , a part into yellow choler , or choler ; a part into black choler , or melancholy : melancholy by its grossenesse represents the earth : flegme , water : bloud , air : choler , fire . But they differ in colour and in savour ; for melancholy is black and bitter ; flegme , white and without taste : bloud , red and sweet : choler , yellow and bitter . Now it is to be noted , that amongst these four , bloud is most copiously generated , because it conteins the very substance of the nourishment : to which yellow choler addes onely a more easie penetrating through all : but black choler fixeth it again , and applieth it to the members : Lastly , flegme tempers the acrimony of them both , lest they should corrode with penetrating and fixing , and gently agglutinates the bloud to the members : And hence it is that Physicians also with the vulgar speak oft of the blood , as if it were the only food of life . XIII The progeneration of vitall humours is done by concoction . For concoction doth alter the matter by the force of heat . XIV Concoction in a living creature is done after the same manner as distillation in Alembicks : namely , by heating of the matter , and resolution of it into vapours , and mixing the said vapours together , and by a new coagulation of them again . For every living body is a very alembick , full of perpetuall heat and vapours . For life is heat : and heat cannot but boile the matter that is put in , and by attenuation , turn it into vapours . XV Now in every concoction , there is a separation of the profitable parts from the unprofitable : the first are digested and assimilated , the other are voided and streined forth . So in Alembicks , the more subtle and profitable parts , ( that is the more fat and spirituous ) being resolved into vapour are gathered again into drops : and into a thick substance : but the more grosse and impure parts , called the dregs and excrements , sink down , and are afterwards cast out . XVI Every concoction leaves behind it unprofitable dregs ; which are called excrements and drosse . Thus we see it come to passe in the decoction of metals . Now we must note that plants make little or no excrement : because they are nourished with a simple and uniform juice , which goes all of it into their nature : or if any thing remain , it sweats forth in gum . But living creatures ; because they consist of very dissimular parts , have need of a compound nutriment , that is solid and soft , dry and moist , hot and cold , &c. that so the more solid parts may have nutriment also whence by assimulation evey part draws that which will profit its selfe , the rest must of necessity be streined out . Another reason is because plants are susteined with a little spirit , and that which doth not evaporate : but living creatures are full of spirit , ( for otherwise so grosse a frame could not be susteined and weilded ) and that is continually attenuated and spent . Therefore they have need of more spirit then matter for their nutriment : and when that is extracted out of the spirituous parts , they void forth the rest . XVII The principall concoction in a living creature is threefold , Chylification , Sanguification , and Membrification . The first is made in the stomack : the second in the liver : and the last in all the members . XVIII Every one of these concoctions hath three sorts of vessels . 1 of ingestion . 2 of digestion . 3 of egestion . XIX The vessels of Chylification ; were 1 the mouth , and the throat . 2 the stomack or ventricle . 3 the guts and the arse-hole . For the food being received at the mouth , is chewed with the teeth , or jawes , and passed through the throat . It is boiled in the stomack as it were in a close Alembick for some houres . And from thence by evaporation it passeth into the entrals ( for the mouth of the ventricle towards the throat is shut up ) and becometh Chylus , that is , a certain ferment like pap , or white broth . For it takes a white colour from the stomack by assimilation . The more subtle parts of this Chyle are attracted to the liver , as a matter fit for bloud : but the excrements of this first concoction , are thick dregs , which are driven out by the guts and the back part , not by the simple motion of Cession , but by the motion of Antipathy , for the naturall spirits placed in the fibres of the guts , sucking forth that which is profitable , but turning themselves away from that which is unprofitable , and hatefull to them , contract the nerves of the guts , and thrust forward those burdens towards the passage . XX The vessels of Sanguification , are 1 the Mesenterie . 2 the Liver . 3 the Vreteres , the spleen , and the gall . For the Mesenterie encompassing the entrals vvith its strings ( which they call the Mesaraicall veins ) sucks the best part of the Chylus out of the entrals ; and carries them to the liver by the Vena Porta . Now the liver concocts and separates that liquour again , for it assimilates the sweeter parts in colour to it selfe , and turns them to bloud , swelling with naturall spirit : with which neverthelesse there is flegme and yellow choler , and black mixt . The excrement of this second concoction is urine : namely , a wheaie and salt humour which floweth from the liver by the ureteres to the bladder ; whence by the channell of the genitall member it is sent forth . But because the 2 d. concoction ought to be far more subtile then the first , it is not sufficient that the bloud is purged from its serosity . But both kinds of choler and flegme must of necessity also be purged from redundancy : the spleen therefore by sympathie attracts to it selfe vvhatsoever it perceiveth , that is too grosse and earthy in the bloud , and by little veins sends it again into the entrals , and by that means disburdens it selfe of that dreggy humour ; and last of all the gall attracteth those parts of the bloud that are too sharp and fiery , ( vvhose little bag hangs at the liver ) and by strings sends them again mixt into the entrals ; whence the bitternesse and ill sent of dung . XXI The vessels of membrification , are 1 veins . 2 every particular member . 3 pores . For the veins proceeding from the liver spread themselves over all the parts of the body like boughs , and sending forth little branches , every way end in strings that are most tenacious ; from which every member apart sucketh , and by a slow agglutination assimilates it to it selfe , so that the bloud flowing into the flesh , becomes flesh , that in the bones turns into bone ; in a gristle , to a gristle ; in the brain , to brains ; just after the same manner as the juice of a tree is changed into wood , bark , pith , leaves , fruits , by meer assimilation . The excrements of this third most subtle concoction are subtle also , namely sweat and vapour , which alwayes breaths out through the pores . If any more grosse humour remains ( especially after the first and second concoction not well made ) it breeds scabs ; or ulcers , or the dropsie . XXII For the furthering of nourishment there is a spur added , that is appetite , or hunger , and thirst : which are nothing but a vellication of the fibres of the stomack , arising from the sharp sucking of the Chylus . For the members being destitute of the juice , wherewith they are watered , solicite the veins of bloud : and the veins ( by the motion of continuity ) sollicite the liver ; the liver , the Mesenterie ; that the entrals ; the entrals the stomack : which , if it have nothing to afford , contracts and wrinkles it selfe : and the strings of it are sucked dry , from whence proceeds first a certain titillation , ( and that we call appetite simply ) and afterward pain ( and this we call hunger ) and if solid meat be taken , but dry , because coction , or vaporation , cannot be made by reason of drinesse , there is a desire that moisture should be poured on , and this vve call thirst . It appears then why motion provokes appetite ? and why the idle have but little appetite , &c. XXIII The whole body is nourished at once together , by the motion of libration . To vvit , after the same manner , as the root in a plant doth equally nourish both it selfe , and the stock , and all the boughes . Therefore no member nourisheth it selfe alone , but others vvith it selfe , and so all preserved . Otherwise , if any member rob the rest of their nourishment ; or again refuseth it , there follows a distemperature of the vvhole body , and by and by corruption , at length death . XXIV A living creature being 〈◊〉 nourished , is not onely vegetuted , but also ( as long as his members are soft and extensive , ) augmented , the superficies of the members , yielding by little and little , and extending it selfe ; but as soon as the members are hardened ( after youth ; ) the living creature ceaseth to grow : yet goes forward in solidity and strength , so long as the three concoctions are rightly made . But when the vessels of the concoctions begin to dry up also ; the living creatures begins to wither away , and life grows feeble , till it fail , and be extinguished Of the vitall faculty . XXV Life in a living creature , is such a mixture of the spirits with the bloud and members , that they are all warme , have sense , and move themselves . Therefore the life of living creatures consists in heat , sense , and motion ; and it is plain : for if any creature hath neither motion , nor sense , nor heat , it lives not . XXVI Therefore every living creature is full of heat , sometimes stronger , and sometimes weaker . For every living creature is nourished How it appears out of that which went before , the nourishment is not made but by concoction : but reason teacheth that concoction is not made but by heat and fire . It comes therefore to be explained , whence a living creature hath heat and fire ? and by what means it is kindled , kept alive , and extinguished ? which the two following Aphorismes shall teach . XXVII The heart is the forge of heat in a living creature , burning with a perpetuall fire , and begetting a little flame called the spirit of life which it communicates also to the whole body . ; Hence the heart is said commonly , to be the first that lives , the last that dies . XXVIII The vitall spirit in the heart , hath for its matter bloud ; for bellowes , the lungs : for channels , by which it communicates it selfe to the whole body , the arteries . Our hearth fire hath need of three things , 1 matter or fuell , and that fat . 2 of blowing or fanning , whereby the force of it is stirred up . 3 free transpiration whereby it may diffuse it selfe ; the same three the maker of all things , hath ordeined to be in every living creature . For the heart seated a little above the liver , drinketh in a most pure portion of bloud , by a branch of the veins : which being that it is spirituous and oily , conceives a most soft flame ; and left this should be extinguished , there lies near to the heart the lungs , which like bellowes dilating and contracting it selfe , blowes upon and fans that fire of the heart perpetually , to prevent suffocation : Now being that that inflammation of the heart , is not without fume or vapour ( though very thin the said lungs by the same continuall inspiration exhaleth those vapours through the throat ; and drawing in cooler air instead thereof , doth so temperate the flame of the heat , whence the necessity of breathing appears , and why a living creature is presently suffocated if respiration be denied it . And that flame , or attenuated , and most hot bloud , is called the spirit of life ; which diffusing it self through the arteries , ( that accompany the veins every way ) cherisheth the heat both of the bloud ( that is in the veins ) and all the members throughout the whole body . Now because it were dangerous to have this vitall spirit destroyed , the arteries are hid below the veins , only in two or three places , they stand forth a little : that , so the beating of that spirit , ( as well as of the heart it selfe , when the hand is laid upon the breast ) may be noted , and thence the state of the heart may be known . Of the sensitive faculty . XXIX Sense in a living creature is the perception of those things that are done within and without the living creature , XXX That perception is done by virtue of a living spirit ; which , being that it is most subtle in a living creature , is called the Animall spirit . XXXI That perceptive virtue consists in the tendernesse of the animall spirit : for because it is presently affected , with whatsoever thing it be wherewith it is touched . For all sensation is by passion ; as shall appear hereafter . XXXII The seat and shop of the animall spirits is the brain . For in the brain , there is not only greatest store of that spirit residing , but also the whole animall spirit is there progenerated . XXXIII The animall spirits are begotten in the brain , that is in bloud and vitall spirit . 2 purified with the fanning of respiration . 3 communicated to the whole body by Nerves . The excrements of the brain are cast forth by the nostrils eares , and eyes ( that is by flegme and ●ears . ) For the strings of the veins and arteries , running forth into the brains , instill bloud and vitall spirit into them . And the bloud , that turns into the substance of the brains by assimilation : but the vitall spirit , being condensed by the coldnesse of the brain , is turned into the Animall spirit : which the air , drawn in by inspiration , and getting into the brain through the hollownesse of the nostrils , and of the palate , doth so purifie with fanning every moment , that though it be something cold , yet it is most moveable , and runs through the nerves with inexplicable celerity . Now the Nerves are , branches or channels , descending from the brain through the body . For the marrow of the back bone , is extended from the brain all along the back of every living creature : and from thence divers little branches run forth , conveying the animall spirit , the architect of sense and motion , to all the members in the whole body . XXXIV To know the nature of the senses three things are pertinent , 1 the things requisite . 2 the manner . 3 the effect . XXXV The things requisite are 1 an object . 2 an organ . 3 a medium to conjoyn them . Or Sensile , Sensorium , and the Copula . XXXVI Objects are sensible qualities inhering in bodies ; Colour , Sound , Savour , Tangor . For nothing is seen , touched , &c. of it selfe , but by accidents wherewith it is clothed . And if we would be accurate Philosophers , N. W. of the three principles of things , only light or fire is preceptible . For matter and spirit are of themselves insensible : the light then tempered with darknesse , makes the matter visible . Motion , ( which is from light ) makes a sound ; but heat ( which is from motion ) stirs up and temperates the rest of the qualities , odours , savours , tangors . XXXVII The organs of the senses are parts of the body in which the animall spirit receives the objects that present themselves ; namely , the eye , the eare , the nostrils , the tongue , and all that is nervie . Nothing in all nature acts without organs : therefore the animall spirit cannot do it neither . XXXVIII The medium of conjoyning them , is that which brings the object into the organ : in sight , the light ; in hearing , the air moved with breaking : in smels , the air vapouring : in taste , the water melting : in touch , the quality it selfe inhering in the matter . XXXIX The manner of sensation is the contact of the Organ with the object , passion , and action . There is but one sense to speak generally , and that 's the Touch. For nothing can be perceived , but what toucheth us either at hand , or at a distance . There is no sense at all of things absent . XL Therefore in every sensation the Animall spirit suffers by the thing sensible . That there is no sensation but by passion is too evident . For we do not perceive heat or cold , unlesse we be hot or cold ; nor sweet and bitter , unlesse we become sweet or bitter ; nor colour , unlesse we be coloured therewith . Our spirit , I say , residing in the organs , is touched and affected . Therefore those things which are like us , are not perceived : as heat like our heat , doth not affect us . But we must observe that the Organs , that they may perceive any qualities of the objects , want qualities of themselves ; as the apple of the eye , colour ; the tongue , savour ; &c. XLI Yet in every sensation the animall spirit doth reach upon the thing sensible : namely , in receiving , speculating , & laying up its species . For the Animall spirit resident in the brain , what ever sensorie it perceives to be affected , conveys it selfe thither in a moment to know what it is : and having perceived it , returns forth with , and carries back the image of that thing with it ; to the center of its work-house , and there contemplates it , what it is , and of what sort : and afterward layes it up for future uses , hence the Ancients made three inward senses . 1 The common sense , or attention . 2 The Phantasie , or imagination . 3 The memory , or recordation . But these are not really distinct : but onely three distinct internall operations of the same spirit . Now that those inward senses are in brutes , it appears , 1 Because if they do not give heed , many things may and do usually slip by their ears , eyes , and nostrils . 2 Because they are endued with the faculty of imagining or judging . For doth not a dog barking at a stranger , distinguish betwixt those whom he knowes , and strangers ? yea sometimes a dog or a horse , &c. starts also out of his sleep : which cannot be but by reason of some dream . And what is a dream but an imagination ? 3 Because they remember also , for a dog that hath been once beaten with a cudgell , fears the like at the sight of every staffe , or gesture , &c. And therefore it is certain , that every living creature , even flies and worms , do imagine . But of the inward senses , more at large , and more distinctly in the Chapter following . XLII The effect of sensation is pleasure , or grief . Pleasure , if the sense be affected gently and easily with a thing agreeable thereto , with titillation ; griefe , if with a thing that is contrary to it , or suddenly with hurt to the Organ . XLIII And that the Animall spirit alwayes occupied in the actions of sense , may somtimes rest , and be refresbed , sleep was given to a living creature ; which is a gathering together of the animall spirits to the center of the brain , and a stopping of the Organs in the mean time , with the vapours ascending out of the ventricle . Hence it appears . 1 Why sleep most usually comes upon a man after meat ? or else after wearinesse , when the members being chafed do exhale vapours ? 2 Why carefull thoughts disturb sleep ? that is , because that when the spirit is stirred to and fro , it cannot be gathered together , and sit still . 3 What it is to watch , and how it is done ? namely , when the spirit being strengthened in it selfe , scatters the little cloud of vapours already attenuated , and betakes it selfe to its Organs . 4 Why too much watching is hurtfull ? because the sprits are too much wearied , weakened , consumed , &c. Thus much of the Senses in general , somthing is to be said also of every one in particular . XLIV The touch hath for its instrument the nervous skin : as also all the nervous , and membr anaceous parts of the body . Therefore haires , nailes , bones , do not feel , &c. though you cut or burn them : because they have no nerves running through them . Yet they feel in that part , where they adjoyn to the flesh , because they have a nervie substance for their gluten . Hence the pain under the nailes , and membranes of the bones , is most acute . Now being that the skin of the body is most glutinous , and altogether nervie , lest it should put the living creature to continuall pain and trouble , by being too sensitive , it is encompassed with a thin skin , called in Latine , Cuticula ( which we see come of somtimes in members that are scorched and bruised ) and void of sense , to restraine the violence of the sense . XLV The taste hath the tongue for its Organ , a porous member , and alwayes moist , that so dry things also that touch it , may m●lt and give forth a savour , which penetrating the tongue by the nerves placed at the roots thereof , is by and by communicated to the brain . When the tongue is dry ( as in great thirst ) the taste perceives nothing ; and therefore God hath in his wise counsell provided , that in every perfect living creature , the vapours exhaling out of the ventricle , should be gathered together into spittle within the concavity of the mouth , and should water the tongue perpetually : for which purpose the porositie of the tongue serves very wel . Yet there were added over and above two little kernels , called Tonsillae , spongious too , alwayes preserving spittle for the use of the tongue . XLVI The nostrils are the Organs of smelling , and that cribrous bone placed over them ; by which as through a sponge , the smel comming from things may enter the brain . Therefore when the Catarrhe flowes and fils the nostrils , smelling is hindred . This is the most open way to the brain , and therefore most powerfull to affect the animall spirit , either immediately pleasing , or recreating or strengthning it , or molesting and suffocating it . For hence it is , that grosse , fuliginous , impure vapours kill : but sharp smells raise a man , even out of a deep swoone . XLVII . Hearing hath the ear for its Organ ; which containes the hole to the brain , together with a gristly border winding about like the shell of a snaile , adjoyned without to receive the motion of the aire when in is stricken , and turne it inward : but within at the center of the windings is a little drum , with a little bit of flesh standing by it , like a hammer ; which being beaten with the aire that enters , beats the drum also , which the spirit perceiving , judges of the greatnesse or smalnesse , nearnesse or distance of the thing beaten with the aire : and by multiplied experience , knows what it is that moves the aire , and of what sort . This wonderful Organ is easily corrupted within and without . Within , if the passages be stopped with flegme : & much more if the hammer or the drum be hurt with rottennesse . But without , if the ear , ( that is that gristly border ) be cut off : for then the sound slips by the ear , or being received in ordinately , makes only an inordinate noise . To help which the Creator gave living creatures two ears apiece . Now it appeares hence , 1 Why too sharpe or too dull sounds offend , the temperate please us ? because they agree better with our spirit . 2. Why a sound penetrates obliquely also ? because the aire moved , moves that which is next it round about by the motion of diffusion . 3. Why a sound spread round about , failes by little and little ? because it is just as when the water of a poole is moved with a stone falling into it . Excepting that the water quivers a good while in that whole circle : but the circle of the rain moved , passeth away together and at once : for the sound of a bell , doth not sticke in the aire , but is wheeled about in the sounding bell . 4. Why when one hears all hear the same ? because a sound is a real commotion of the aire , which arrives at the ears of all those that are within that circle . 5. What the Echo is ? namely a sound reflected from hollow places : after the same manner as the circulations of the water made in a vessel , after they have been at the sides , returne again toward the center . XLVIII . The sight hath the eye for its Organ ; which is nothing else but a living looking glasse , receiving into it self the images of such things as present themselves , and transmitting them to the brain to be judged of . The fabrick of the eyes is admirable . For beneath the fore-head of every living creature , God hath hollowed out in the skull two windows , into which the outmost membrane of the brain , sends two things like bags , filled with the humorus that come from the braine . In the midst of which there is a pipe woven together of an opacous thin membrane , yet full of a most pure chrystalline humour : they call it the apple of the eye , in which vision is properly made , this is encompassed with a net-work , full of a watery or glassie humour : And last of all , that membrane which the common sort call the white of the eye ; but Philosophers ( because it is hard and polished over like a horne ) call cornea , and this is transparent over against the apple and the net-work , elsewhere it retaines its whitnesse . Now under the root of the apple lies the optick nerve , by which the image of the thing perceived , passeth straight to the center of the braine , XLIX . No vision is without the ministery of light ; for that reflecting from things and coloured with their aspect diffuseth it self every way , and wheresoever it falls upon a glasse , it impresseth the image of the said things . Whence it appeares : 1. Why only things that are coloured are seen ? because the light must of necessity rebound to the eye , but that which hath no colour is transparent as the aire , &c. 2. Why those things that are to be seen must of necessity be enlightned ? because sight is the resiliencie of the light from the object to the eye . 3. Why the eye placed in the shade or in the dark sees the stronger ? because it receives the light reflected without any impediment . For if the eye it self be enlightned also the light reflected from it , meets with the other light ( coming from things ) and so there is a collision and a dissipation of them both . 4. VVhy we see nothing , if there be any thing betwixt the eye and the object ? because the reflexion of the light is not made but in a right line . 5. VVhy some living creatures see best in a strong light , others in an obsure light ? because the lucidity of the animal spirit is diverslly proportionated . So Spiders and Flies see the smallest things , which passe our sight , ; ( and much more the sight of an horse or an elephant , &c. ) because there are more subtile spirits in a more subtile body . 6. VVhy whitenesse disgregates the sight , and if it be overmuch , dissipates and corrupts it ? because it is the very light it self reflecting , whose nature is to penetrate , attenuate , part asunder and diffuse the object . For to that end it was sent into the world . L. Viston is three-fold , streight , reflected , and refracted Right or direct vision is that whereby the light is seen , suppose the Sun or fire : For here the light offers it self to the eye by a single line . Reflected is , that whereby other things are seen in a free aire : for there the light reflected from things , comes to the eye by a second line ( for by the first line the light falls upon the object , by the second from thence upon the eye . ) Refracted is that whereby things are seen through a double medium , and so by refracted lines : as when an oare or pole seems broken in the water . Also when a piece of mony in the bottome of a vessel full of water , seemes bigger and nearer the superficies , so that one may go back and see it . Of the motive faculty . LI. Motion was given to a living creature . 1. To seek his food . 2. For those actions to which every one is destinated . 3. To preserve the vigour of life . For a living creature being of a more tender constitution then a plant , would more easily putrifie and perish , if it were not quickned by most frequent motion . Therefore the Creator hath most wisely provided for our good , that we cannot so much as take our meat without labour and motion . LII . The moving principle is the animall spirit . Therefore a body without life , though never so well furnished with Organs , moves not : and when the braine , the feat of the animall spirits is ill affected ( for example either with giddinesse or a surfet ) the members presently fall , or at least stumble and totter . And when the nerve of any member is stopped , it is presently deprived both of motion and sense ; as may be seen in the palsie and apoplexie . LIII . Now the animall spirit moves either it self only , or the vitall spirit with it : or lastly the members of the body also . LIV. The animall spirit moves it self perpetually , sometimes more , sometime lesse : namely , running out and into the Organs of the senses : or howsoever stirriug it self in its work-house . For from this inward motion of it , are perpetual phantasies or imaginations even in sleep ; which then we call dreams . LV. It carries the vitall spirit along with it , when at the sense of something , either pleasing or displeasing it conveyes it self to and fro through the body , taking that with it as it were to aide it ; as it is in joy and sorrow ; hope and feare ; gratulation and repentance ; and last of all in anger . For joy is a motion , wherein the spirit poureth forth it self at the sense of a pleasant object , as though it would couple it self with the thing that it desireth . Thence that lively colour in the face of a joyful man from the vital spirit , flowing thither with a most pure portion of the blood . And this is the cause why moderate joy purifies the blood , and is helpful to prolong life . See Prov. 15. v. 13. & 17. v. 22. Sorrow is a motion , whereby the vitall spirit at the sense of an object that displeaseth it , runnes to its centre ; the heart as it were feeling a hurtful thing , thence palenesse in the face of those that are affrighted , and stiffnesse of the skin and haires ; hence also danger of death , if any one be often and greatly affected with sorrow : the like motions are in hope and fear , joy and sorrow ; that is , in the sense of good or bad , either present or past . But anger , is a mixt motion , whereby the spirit for fear of injury flies to the center , and thence poures forth it self again as it were in revenge . Hence they that are angry , are first pale , and afterwards red , &c. N. W. All these motions commonly called affections , or passions of the minde , are common to all living creatures : But according to more and lesse , for Sanguine creatures are merry ; Melancholy , sad ; Flegmatick , faint ; Cholerick , furious , &c. LVI . The said Animall spirit moves the members , but with the use of instruments ; Tendons and Muscles , and the joynts of the bones . The puppets wherewith Juglers ( a pleasant sight to children ) shew playes , that they may turne themselves about , as though they were alive , must of necessity have : 1 Joynts of the members , that they may bow . 2 Nerves or strings with which drawne to and fro they are bowed . 3 Some living strength which may draw the nerves forward and backward ; which the neurospasta that is hid under the covering supplies . Just so to the motion of a living creature , there are requisite : 1 Joynts or knuckles of bones . For bones were given to a living creature , that he might stand upright : But that he might bend also , his bones were not given him continued , but divided with joynts of limbs . 2. Certain ligaments fastned about the bones , wherewith attraction and relaxation might be made ; therefore certaine tendons were given them as it were cords , being of a nervy and half gristly substance , which growing out of the head of one bone , and running along the side of another bone , grow to the lower head thereof ; and when the tendon is drawne , the following bone is drawne , so as to bend it self . Now it is to be noted , that these tendons about the joynts of the bones are bare on both sides ; but about the middle of them they are extended into a kinde of a membranceous purse stuffed up with flesh : Which flesh or fleshy purse they call a muscle , of which every member hath many : not only least that the tendons when they are drawne should depart out of their place ; or the bones or tendons be hurt with oft rubbing against one another ; or for the shape of a living creature only ( for what a body would that be which consisted of meer bones , veins , nerves , and tendons ? a Sceleton ) but because there can be no motion at all without muscles : as it shall forthwith appear . 3. The neurospasta or invisible mover , is the animal sqirit ; which as it can at the pleasure of the phantasie , convey it self into the belly of this or that muscle , so it stretches or dilates it as it vvere a paire of bellowes , and drawes in that vvhich is opposite , from whence nothing can follow but the bending of that member . Thence it appears : 1. That the animall spirit can move nothing without an Organ : For why doth no man bend his knees before ? because there wants a knuckle above . Why doth no man move his ear ? because that member wants muscles , &c. 2. It appeares also , That by how many the more muscles are given to any member , by so much the nimbler it is unto motion : by how much the bigger , so much the stronger ; For example , in the hands and feet , that they might be sufficiently able to undergo the variety of labours and going . It appeares also why they that are musculy or brawnie , are strong , but those that are thin , are weak ? 3. It appeares also that the animal spirit is most busie in motion , running to and fro at the command of the phantasie , most speedily through the nerves and arteries . 4. That the motion of a living creature is compounded of an agitative , expansive and contractive , impulsive and continuative motion . For the animal spirit coveys it self at the pleasure of the phantasie , into this or that muscle : and the muscle giving place to the spirit flowing in , stretcheth forth it self : then when the muscle is stretched forth in breadth , the length of it must be contracted of necessity : and the tendon followes the muscle contracting it self , and drawes with it the head of the next bone by the motion of continuity ; all with inexplicable quicknesse . 5. It appears also that this local motion ( either of the whole living creature , or of some member ) is made about something immoveable with various enforcings . 6. And because it is with enforcing , it cannot be without wearinesse . 7. And because it is vvith vvearinesse , there is sometimes needs of rest ; vvhich is given in three kinds . 1 Standing . 2 Sitting . 3. Lying . Standing is a resting of the feet , but with an inclination of the body to motion : therefore it is done by libration . Sitting is rest in the middest of the body : whereby the other parts are the more easily preserved in Aequilibrio . Lying is a total rest . That is , a prostrating of the body all along : But as too much motion brings wearinesse , so too much rest causeth tediousnesse : because the spirit loves to stir it self . And the same position of the members a long while together by rest , is alike troublesome : both for that the lower members are pressed with the vveight of the upper , and also for that the spirit desires to move it self any way . Hence it is in that vve turne us oft in our sleep . Of the enuntiative faculty . That a living creature might give knowledge of it self by a voice , the animal spirit doth that , at the direction of the phantasie : but it hath these Organs , the Lungs , the rough Arterie , and the Mouth . LVII . To every living creature ( fishes excepted ) there was given lungs , to coole the heart , with a gristly pipe called the rough arteterie . Which notwithstanding serves withall to send forth a voice : because that in the upper part of it , it hath the forme of a pipe , wherewith the aire being stricken may be divided and sent sounding forth . LVIII . And that the voice might be both raised , and let fall , that pipe is composed of gristly rings ; the lowest of which , if it oppose it self to the aire as it passeth by , there is a deep repercussion , that is a grave voice ; but if the highest , there is an high repercussion , that is a shrill voice , every one may make triall of that in himself . LIX . And that the sound may be articulate , ( as in speech and the singing of some birds ) that the tongue , beating the sound too and fro , also the lips , the teeth and nostrils , and the throat performe . Of the defensive faculty . LX. The animall spirit if it perceive any hostile thing approach unto it , hath presently recourse to its weapons , whereby either to defend it self ( setting up its haires , bristles , scales , prickles ) or to offend and hurt its enemies ( using its hornes , nailes , wings , beak , hands , &c. ) Which by vertue of what strength it is done , may already be known out of what hath been said before . Of the generative faculty . Seeing that living creatures as well as plants , are mortal entities : they must of necessitie be multiplied , for the conservation of their species ; touching which marke the Axiomes following . LXI . Because that the generation of living creatures , by reason of the multitude and tendernesse of their members , could not commodiously be performed in the bowels of the earth : they had a different sex given them . And it was ordained that the new living creature should be formed in the very body of the living creature it self . As the sun by its heat doth beget plants in the wombe of the earth , so it may also those living things , whose formation is finished with in some few dayes , as wormes , mice , and diverse insects , ( which is done either by the seed of the same living creatures falling into an apt matter scattered , or by the spirit of the universe , falling into an apt matter . But more perfect living creatures , which consist of many and solide members , and want much time for their formation ( as a man , an horse , an elephant ) it cannot beget . For being that the Sun cannot stay so long in the same coast of heaven , the young one would be spoiled before it could come to perfection . I herefore the most wise Creatour of things , appointed the place of formation to be , not in the earth , but in the living creature it self ; having formed two sexes , that one might do the part of the plant bearing the seed , the other of the earth , cherishing , and as it were hatching the seed . This alone and none other is the end of different sexes in all living creatures . Wo be to the rashnesse and madness of men , which abuse them ! as no beast doth . The members , whereby the sexes differ , are the same in number , site and form , and differ in nothing almost unless it be in regard of exterius and interius : to wit the greater force of heat in the male thrusting the genitals outward , but in the female by reason of the weaker heat the said members conteining themselves within : which Anatomists know . LXII The spirit is the directour of all generation , like as in plants ; which being heated in the seed , first formes it selfe a place of abode , that is the brains and head : and thence making excursions , formes the rest of the members by little and little , and gently : and again retiring to its seat , rests and operates by turns : whence the original of waking and fleeping . Therefore the formation of a living creature doth not begin from the heart , as Aristotle thought , but from the head , for the head is as it were the whole living creature ; the rest of the body is nothing but a structure of organs for divers operations . And that appears plain , for some living creatures ( as fishes ) have no heart , but none are without a head and brains . Of the kinds of living creatures . Thus much of a living creature in generall ; the kinds follow . LXIII A living creature according to the difference of its motion is 1 Reptile . 2 Gressile . 3 Natatile . 4 Volatile . LXIV Reptile , or a creeping thing is a living creature with a long body , wanting feet , yet compunded of joynts ( or gristly rings ) by the contraction and extension of which it windes up and reacheth out it selfe : as are wormes and serpents . LXV Gressile is , that which hath feet ( two or more ) and goeth ; as a lizard , a mouse , a dog , &c. LXVI Natatile is , that which passeth through the water by the help of finnes : it is called a fish : amongst which crabs also , and divers sea-monsters are reckoned . LXVII Volatile is , that which moves it selfe through the air , by the shaking of its wings ; and is called a bird . The lightnesse of birds to flie , is from their plumosity . For every plume or feather , not only in the stalk , but through all its parts , and particles of its parts , is hollow and full of spirit and vapour . And for this cause no birds pisse : because all their moisture perpetually evaporates into feathers . It is impossible therefore for a man to flie , though he fit himselfe with wings , because he wants feathers to raise him : and those which he takes to him , are dead , and void of heat and spirit . LXVIII Small living things are by a speciall name called insects ; as flies , wormes , &c. They are called insects , from the incisions whereby their bodies are cut off round as it were . These may be divided after the same manner . For wormes are Reptile , Lice , Fleas , Punies , Spiders , &c. Gressile , the water-spider , and the horse-leech , &c. Natatile , Flies and Gnats , &c. Volatile , and all those with infinite differences , so that here also there is not wanting a most clear glasse of the admirable wisdome of the Creatour ; and a schoole to man , to learn virtues , and forget vices ( of both which there are an expresse image in living creatures , which the Scripture oft inculcates . ) An Apendix . Of the tenacious inherencie of the animall spirits in its matter . WE shewed toward the end of the ninth Chap , how fast the naturall and vitall spirit inhereth in its matter : we are now to give notice of the like in the animall spirit , how firmly it also abideth in its matter , that is the bloud , the understanding of which thing , will also adde much light to those places of Scripture , where it is said that the soule of every living creature is in the bloud thereof ; yea , that the bloud of all flesh , is the life thereof , as Gen. 9. v. 4. Levit. 17. v. 11. and 14. Deut. 12. v. 23. ) And to certain secrets of nature , which they are astonished at , who are ignorant of the manner and reason of them . I First , then it is certain that the animall , as well as the vitall spirit , may be bound into its seed with the cold , so as that for a time it cannot exercise its operation . For as grains of corn kept all winter ( either in a garner , or in the earth ) do bud neverthelesse : so the eggs of fishes , frogs , pismires , beetles , scattered either upon the earth or waters , do bring forth young the year following . II In bodies already formed the same spirit , compelled sometimes by some force , forsakes the members , and ceaseth from all operation : yet conglobates it selfe to the center of the body , and coucheth so close , that for many dayes , moneths , years , it lies as it were asleep , yet at length it awakens again , and diffuseth it self through the members , and proceeds to execute vitall operations as it did before . We find it so to be in Flies , Spiders , Frogs , Swallowes , &c. which in winter lie as though they were dead in the chinks of wals , or chaps of the earth , or under the water , yet when the Spring comes in , they are alive again So flies choaked in water , come to life again in warm cinders : like as it is certain , that men strangled have been brought to life again after some hours , And besides there is an example commonly known of a boy killed with cold , and found four dayes after , and raised again with foments . Trances continued for some dayes are ordinarily known hence : some ready to be buried , as though they had been dead indeed , yea , and buried too , yet have lived again ▪ Some Geographers have written , how that in the farthest parts of Moscovia , men are frozen every year with extream cold , and yet live again like swallows : which notwithstanding as a thing uncertain , we leave to its place . III The third and the most strange is this , that the spirit flowes out with the bloud that is shed , and yet gives not over to maintain its consent with the spirit remaining within the body : ( whither the greater part thereof remain or only the relicks : ) which is most evidently gathered from divers sympathies and antipathies , I will illustrate it with five examples . 1 Whence is it ; I pray you that an oxe quakes , and is madded , and runs away at the presence of the butcher ? is it not because he smels the garments , the hand , the very breath of the butcher stained with the bloud and spirit of cattle of his own kind ? which is also most clear from the irreconcilable antipathy , which is found to be betwixt dogs , and dog-killers . 2 Whence is it that the body of a slain man bleeds at the presence of the murderer , and that after some dayes , or months , yea , and years ? ( For it is manifest by a thousand trialls that it is so : and at Itzenhow in Denmark , Simeon Gulartius relates that the hand of a dead man cut off , and hung up , and dried in prison , discovered the murderer full ten years after by bleeding , as a thing confirmed by great witnesses , and those of the Kings Counsell ) and certainly we are not to flie to miracles where nature it selfe by constant observation shewes her lawes . It is very likely that the spirit of the man ready to be slain , provoked with the injury when it is shed forth with the bloud , pouring out it selfe as it were in revenge , leaps upon the murderer : and that after the same sort as we see a dog , a wild beast , or oxe , when he is killed , run furiously upon him that striketh him . For if the spirit do so yet abiding in the body , why not parted from it ? Therefore it is to be supposed that it leaps upon the murderer , and seises on him . Whence it comes to passe , that when he comes near the body ( especially if he be commanded to touch it , or look upon it ) look how much spirit is left in the body , it hasteth to meet with its spirit , with its chariot the bloud , namely by sympathie . Hence that Antipathie which more subtle natures find in themselves against murderers though unknown . For they tremble at the very presence of murderers , and nauseat if they do but eat or drink with them , &c. 3. The cunning of a most excellent Chirurgeon in Italy is [ well ] known , who helpt one that had lost his nose , carving him another out of his arme , cut and bound to his face for the space of a moneth : and the ridiculous chance [ that happened thereupon ] a little after is also known . A certain Noble man having also had his nose cut off in a duell , desired his help ; but being delicate and not willing to have his arme cut , hired a poor countrey fellow , who suffered himselfe to be bound to him , and his arme to be made use of to repair his nose . The cure succeeded : but when as about some six years after , ( or thereabouts ) the country man died , the Noble mans nose rotted too , and fell off . What could be the cause of it , I pray you , but that the spirit , and that locally separated , doth maintain its spirituall unity ? Therefore when the spirit went out of the countrey mans carcasse , as it rotted , part of it also went out that the Noble mans nose , and his nose ( by reason of the Noble mans spirit , succeeded not [ into the place of it ] as being into the lump of anothers [ flesh ] ) rotted also , and fell off . 4 It is accounted amongst the secrets of nature , that if friends about to part , drink part one of anothers bloud , ( and so addes a part of his spirit to his own ) it will come to passe , that when one is sick , or ill at ease , though very far asunder , the other also will find himselfe sad : which if it be true , ( as it is most likely ) the reason is easie to be known . 5 The Magneticall Medicine is very famous amongst Authours : with which they do not cure the wound it selfe , but the instrument wherewith he wound was given , or the garment , wood , or earth besprinkled with the bloud of the wound , is onely anointed : and the wound closes and heals kindly . Some deny that this is done naturally , who do not sufficiently consider the secret strength of nature . Yet examples shew that this kind of cure , with an ointment made with most naturall things , ( yea with nothing but the grease of the axeltree , scraped off from a cart ) hath certain successe , without using any superstition . Wherefore it is credible , that the spirit poured out of the body with the bloud that is shed , adheres partly in the bloud , partly to the instrument it self : ( for it cannot abide without matter ) & being forced thence with the fat that is applied returnes to its whole , and supplies that , and hereto perhaps that observation appertains concerning the venom of a snake , viper , or scorpion conveyed into a man with a bite . For if the same beast , or but the bloud or fat thereof , be forthwith applied to the wound , it sucks out the venom again , because it returns to its own connaturall . More of this kind might be observed by approved experiments . 6 Last of all , it is not unworthy of our observation , that the animall spirit doth form living creatures of another kind , rather then quite forsake the putrifying matter : namely , wormes , and such like . Now it is certain by experience , that of living creatures that are dead , and putrified those living creatures are especially bred on which they were wont to feed when they were alive . For example , of the flesh of storks , serpents are bred , of hens spiders , of ducks frogs , &c. which that it will so come to passe , if they be buried in dung , John Poppus a distiller of Coburg , hath taught after others . It appears then that the animall spirit is every where , and that very diligently busied , about the animating of bodies . CHAP. XI . Of Man. I A Man is a living creature , endued with an immortall soule . For the Creatour inspired a soul into him , out of himselfe , Gen. ● . v. 7. which soul is called also the mind and reason , in vvhich the image of God shineth . II Therefore he is compounded of three things , a body , a spirit , and a soule . So the Apostle testifies . 1 Thes. 5. 13. Let your whole spirit , and soul , and body be kept blamelesse . And so 1 Cor : 14. vers . 14. He distinguisheth betwixt the spirit and the minde . And indeed so it is : vve have a body compounded of the Elements as vvell as bruits ; vve have a spirit from the spirit of the world , as vvell as they : but the soule or minde is from God. The first vve bear about us mortall : the second dissipable : but the last enduring ever without the body ; as we are assured by faith . Therefore when thou seest a man , think that thou seest a King , royally cloathed , and sitting in his royall throne . For the minde is a King , his robe is the spirit , his throne the body . III The body is the Organ and habitation of the spirit : but the spirit is the habitation and mansion of the soul. For as the spirit dwels in the body , and guides it , as the Pilot doth the ship ; so the soul dwels in the spirit , and rules it . And as body without a spirit , neither moves it ●f , nor hath any sense of any thing ( as it to be seen in a dead carcasse : ) so the spirit vvithout the minde , hath no reason , nor understands any thing ; as we see in bruit beasts . Therefore the soul useth the spirit for its chariot and instrument ; the spirit , the body ; and the body , the foresaid instruments . IV As the spirit is affected by the body ; so is the minde by the spirit . For as vvhen the body is diseased , the spirit is presently sad , or hindred from its action : so vvhen the spirit is ill disposed , the minde cannot performe its functions dextrously : as vve may see in drunken , melancholie , mad-men , &c. Hence it is , that the gifts of the minde follow the temperature of the body ; that one is more ingenious , courteous , chast , courageous , &c , then another . Hence that fight within us , which the Scripture so oft mentions , and we our selves feel . For the body and the soul , being that they are extreams ( the one earthly , the other heavenly ; the one bruit , the other rational ; the one mortall , the other immortall ; are alway contrary to one another in their inclinations . Now the spirit which is placed betwixt them , ought indeed to obey the superiour part , and keep the lower part in order as its beck . Yet neverthelesse it comes oft so to passe , that is carried away of the flesh , and becomes brutish . V. Such a body was given to man as might fitly serve all the uses of his reasonable soule , And therefore : 1 Furnished with many Organs . 2 Erect . 3 Naked and unarmed , that it might be free of it self , and yet might be cloathed and armed any way as occasion required . For the hand , the instrument of instruments , the most painful doer of all works , vvas given to man only . He only hath obteined an erect stature , least he should live unmindful of his countrey , Heaven . Again , he only was made naked and unarmed ; but both by the singular favours of God. For living creatures whilest they always bear about them their garment , ( haires , feathers , shels ) and their armes ( sharp prickles , horns ) what do they bear about them but burdens , and hindrances of divers actions ? The liberty granted to man , and industry in providing , fitting and laying up all things for his use and pleasure , is something more divine . VI. A more copious and pure spirit was given to man , and therefore his inward operations are more excellent , namely a quicker attention , a stronger imagination , a surer memory , more vehement affections . The first appears from the braine , which is given in greater plenty to man then to any living creature , ( considering the proportion of every ones body . ) For all that round head , and of so great capacity , is filled up vvith brain ; to what end ? but that the spirit might have a more spacious vvorkhouse and palace . The rest are known by experience as followeth . VII Attention is a considerate receiving of the objects , brought into the sensorie instruments . We said in the former Chapter , that it is commonly called the common sense . This vvas given to man so much the quicker , as it is destinated to more objects , and more distinctly to be perceived . VIII Imagination , is the moving of things perceived by the sense within , and an efformation of the like . For the image of the thing seen , heard , or touched with attention ; presently gets into the brain , which the spirit by contemplation judges of , what it is , and how it differs from this or that thing ? therefore it may well be called ( in this sense ) the judgment . This imagination is stronger in a man , then in any living creature : so that it feignes new formes of things , namely by dividing or variously compounding things conceived . And this is done with such quicknesse , that upon every occasion we imagine any thing to our selves , as vve find dreaming and waking : and by how much the purer spirit any one hath , he is so much the more prompt to think or imagine ; but dulnesse proceeds from a grosse spirit . Observe this also : That the animal spirit vvhen it speculates forward , and drawes new images of things from the senses , is said to learne , vvhen backward , resuming images from the memory , it is said to remember : When it is moved too and fro vvithin it self it is said to feigne somewhat . Note also , that from the evidence of sensation growes the degree of knowledge , for if the sense perceive any thing a farre off , or weakly and obscurely , it is a generall conception : If nearer , distinctly , and perspicuously , it is a particular conception : for example , when I see something move a great vvay off , I gather it to be a living creature : vvhen I come near , I know it to be a man , and at length this or that man , &c. IX . Memory ( remembrance ) is the imagination of a thing past , arising from the sense of a thing present , by reason of some likenesse . For vve do not remember any thing otherwise , then by a like object : For example , if I see a man , that resembles my father in his face , presently the memory of my father comes into my minde . So by occasion of divers accidents , as place , time , figure , colour , found , &c. divers things may come to minde , where the like vvas seen , heard , &c. vvhich occasion sometimes is so slight and suddain , that it can scarce be marked , for what is quicker then the spirit ? N. Now it may be demanded : seeing that the animal spirit moveth it self so variously in the brain , yea , and other nevv spirit alwayes succeeding by nutrition ; how is it that the images of things do not perish , but readily offer themselves to our remembrance ? Answ : Look down from a bridge into the vvater gently gliding , you shall see your face unvaried though the vvater passe away . And vvhen you see any thing tossed vvith the vvind in a free aire , the winde doth not carry away the image of the thing from thine eye : What is the cause ? But that the impression of the image is not in the water , nor in the aire : but in the eye , from the light reflected indeed from the water and penetrating the aire . So then in like manner , an inward impression is not really made in the brain , but by a certaine resplendency in the spirit : Which resplendency may be kindled again by any like object . Otherwise if images vvere really imprinted in the brain , we could not see any thing otherwise in our sleep , then it had once imprinted it self in the brain being seen . But being that they are variously changed , it appears that notions are made not by reall impressions , but by the bare motion of the spirit , and the imagination of like by like . X An affection is a motion of the minde , com●ng from imaginations desiring good , and shunning evill . There are more affections and more vehement in a man. For bruits scarce know shame , envy and jealousie , and are not so violently hurried into fury and despaire , or again into excessive joyfulnesse ; thence laughter and weeping still belong to man only . XI The minde of man is immediately from God. For the Scripture saith , That it was inspired by God , Gen. 2. v. 7. and that after the death of the body it returnes to God ; that gave it , Eccles. 2. v. 7. For it returnes to be judged for those things which it did in the body , whether good or evill : 2 C●r . 5. v. 10. But we are not to thinke that the soul is inspired out of the essence of God , as though it were any part of the deity : ( For God is not divisible into parts , neither can he enter into one essence with the creature . ) And Moses vvords sound thus : And God breathed into the face of Adam the breath of life , and man became a living soule . See he doth not say that that breath ( or inspiration ) became a living soule , but man became a living soul ) Nor yet are we to think , that the soul was created out of nothing , as though it were a new entitie ; but only that a new perfection is put into the animall spirit in a man : so that it becomes one degree superiour , to the soul of a beast , that appears out of Zach. 1● . v. 1. Where God testifies that he formes the spirit of man in the midst of him . Behold , he forms , and not creates it ! It is the same vvord ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jatzar ) vvhich is used of the body also ; Gen. 2. v. 7. As therefore the body is formed of the prae-existent matter , so is the soul of the prae-existent spirit of the vvorld . Aud by cousequent even as the earth , vvater , air , and skie , are all one matter of the world , differing only in the degree of their density : so the naturall , vitall , animall , and this mentall spirit , are all one spirit of the world , differing only in the degree of their purity and perfection . Therefore it is credible , that the divine inspiration conferred no more upon man , but this , that he 1 refined the inmost part of his spirit , that in subtility of actions he might come nearest to God of all visible creatures . 2 Fixed it , that it might subsist both in the body and out of the body . Therefore the Scripture makes no other difference betwixt the spirit of a man and of a beast , then that the one ascends upwards , the other goes downwards , ( that is the one flees out of the matter , the other slides back into the matter ) Eccles. 3. v. 21. Hence also that question , Whether the soul be propagated by generation ? may be determined . The root of the soul which is the vitall and animall spirit , is certainly by generation : but the formation thereof ( that the inmost parts thereof should become the mentall spirit , or the minde ) God attributes to himself , Zach. 12. 1. Yet not concurring extraordinarily , or miraculously , but because he hath ordained that it shall be so in the nature of man. It appears also , why man is commonly said to consist of a body and a soule only ? namely , because , the rationall soule is of the spirit , and in the spirit . For as our body is made of a four-fold matter , that is , of the four Elements : so our soule ( to speak generally , and contradistinguish it from the body ) consists of a fourfold spirit , Naturall , Vitall , Animall , and Mentall . XII There are three faculties of the mind of man , the Understanding , the Will , and the Conscience . These answer to the three functions of the animall spirit , or to the inward senses ; out of which also they result . For we have said , that as the spirit useth the body for its Organ , so the soule useth the spirit . Therefore the three inward Senses , Attention , Judgement , and Memory , are instruments by which the soule useth the Understanding , Wil● , and Conscience . For by diligent attention it begets understanding of things : by imagination or judging , choise , that is , to will or nill : by remembrance , conscience . XIII The understanding is a faculty of the reasonable soule , gathering things unknown out of things known , and out of things uncertain compared together , drawing things certain , by reasoning . XIV To reason is to enquire the reasons and causes why any thing is , or is not , by thinking thereon . For the mind or reason doth from the experiments of the senses gathered together , first form to it selfe certain generall notions : as , when it seeth that the fire scorcheth all things , it formes to it selfe this rule as it were : All fire burneth , &c. Such kind of experimentall notions they call principles , from which the understanding , as occasion is offered , frames discourse . For example , if gold melt with fire , then it is hot also , and burns when it is melted . Whence follows this conclusion : therefore if the Workman pour gold into his hand , he is burnt therewith . See here is understanding , and that of a thing never seen ! to which a bruite cannot attain . For they do not reason but stay simply upon experiments . As if a dog be beaten with a staffe , he runs away afterward at the sight of a staffe , because his late suffering comes into his memory : but that he should reason , ( for example , a staffe is hard ; and pain was caused me with a staffe : therefore every hard thing struck against the body causeth pain : ) this he cannot do , therefore intelligere , to understand , is inter legere , that is , amongst many things to chuse and determine what is truly , and what is not . XV When ratiocination doth cohere with it selfe every way , it begets verity : if it gape any where , errour . XVI Promptnesse of reasoning is called Ingenuity ; solidity , Judgement ; defect , Dulnesse For he is Ingenious , who perceives and discourseth readily : he Judicious that with a certain naturall celerity giveth heed whether the reasoning cohere sufficiently every way . He is dull that hath neither of them . The two first are from the temperature of bloud and melancholy ; the last comes from abundance of flegme . For melancholy ( understand not grosse and full of dregs , but pure ) tempered with much bloud , giveth a nimble wit ; but moistned with lesse , a piercing and constant judgement : which is made plaine by this similitude . A glasse receiving and rendring shapes excellently , is compounded of three exceedings : exceeding hardnesse , exceeding smoothnesse , exceeding blacknesse : for the smoothnesse receives shapes : hardnesse reteins them : the blacknesse underneath clears them . ( Hence the best sort of glasses are of steel , those of silver worse , and of glasse better : by reason of their greater smoothnesse and hardnesse under which some black thing is put , or cast , that it may adhere immediately : For instance , lead . If it could be iron or steel , it is certain , that the images would be the brighter for blackness . ) So the animall spirits , receiving agility from pure bloud , strength and constancy from Melancholy , make men ingenious : and when the prevailing melancholy clarifies the imagination ; Judicious , too much flegme overflowing both , makes men stupid . Yellow choler conferreth nothing but mobility to the affections : whence it is not without cause , called the whetstone of wits . XVII The understanding begins with universals , but ends in singulars . We have observed the same touching the senses , upon the eighth Aphorisme . For there is a like reason for both , in as much as the intellect considering any object , first knows that it is something ; and afterwards enquires by discoursing what it is , and how it differs from other things , and that alwayes more and more subtilely . For universals are confused , singulars distinct . Therefore the understanding of God is most perfect , because he knowes all singularities , by most speciall differences : Therefore he alone truly knoweth all things . But a man by how many the more particulars he knows , and sees how they depend upon their generals , by so much the wiser he is . Therefore Aristotle said not rightly , That sense is of singulars , but understanding of universals . XVIII The will is a faculty of the reasonable soul , inclining it to good fore-known , and turning it away from evill fore-seen . For the soule works , that whereunto the will enclines ; and the will enclines , whither the understanding leads it . It follows this for its guides every where : and erres not unlesse it erre . As , when a Christian chuseth drunkennesse rather then sobriety , ( though he be taught otherwise ) he doth it , because the intellect deceived by the sense , judgeth it better to please the palate , then to be tormented with thirst , ( though perverse . ) Therefore we must have a speciall care , least the intellect should erre , or be carried away with the inferiour appetite . It appears also from thence , that if all men understood alike , they would also will and nill alike : but the diversity of wils , argues a diversity of understanding . XIX If the will prudently follow things that are truly good , and prudently avoid things that are truly bad , it begets virtue ; if it do the contrary , vice . For virtue is nothing else , but a prudent , and constant , and ardent shunning of evill , and embracing of good : vice , on the contrary , is nothing but a neglecting of good , and embracing of evill . XX The conscience of man , is an intellectuall memory of those things which reason dictates either to be done , or avoided ; and what the will hath done or not done according to this rule ; and what God hath denounced to those that doe them , or doe them not . Therefore the function of it in the soule is three-fold : to warn , testifie , and judge of all things that are done , or to be done See by the Wisdome of God an inward . Monitor , Witnesse , and Judge , and always standing by , given to man ! woe be to him that neglects this Monitor , contemnes this Witnesse , throwes off the reverence of this Judge ! XXI It appears out of that which hath been said , that man is well termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a little world . Because 1 He is compounded of the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the great World is : matter , spirit , light . 2 He resembles the universe in the site of his members : for as that is divided into three parts , the Elementary , the Coelestiall , and the Supercoelestiall : so a man hath three ventres or bellies ; the lowest which serves for nutrition : the middle-most ( or the breast ) wherein is the work-house of life , and the fountain of heat : the highest ( or the head ) in which the animall spirits , and in them reason , the image of God , inhabits . 3 There is an analogy betwixt the parts of the world , and the parts of the body . For example ; Flesh represents the Earth ; Bones the Stones ; Bloud and other humours , Waters ; Vapours , of which the body is full , the air ; the vitall spirit , the Heaven , and Stars ; the Haires , Plants ; but the seven Planets are the seven vitall Members in our body : for the Heart is in the place of the Sun ; the Brain , of the Moon ; the Spleen , of Saturn ; the Liver , of Jupiter ; the Bag of Gall ; Mars ; the Reins ; Venus ; the Lungs , Mercury , &c. Lastly , certain creatures shew forth their virtues in certaine parts of the body . For example , some herbs cure the Lungs , some the Liver , &c. which shews a certain analogy of the Microcosme to the Macrocosme , though not well known to us . XXII Also Man is not absurdly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the all ; because ; 1 He hath his body from the Elements ; his spirit from Heaven , his mind from God : and so in himselfe alone he represents the visible and the invisible world . 2 Man is all , because he is apt to be all ; that is , either most excellent , or very base . For if he give himselfe to earthly things , he becomes brutish , and falls back again to nothing : if to heavenly things , he is in a manner deified , and gets above all creatures . CHAP. XII . Of Angels . WE joyn the treatise concerning Angels with the Physicks ; because they also are a part of the created World , and in the scale of creatures next to man ; by whose nature , the nature of Angels is the easier to be explained . Therefore we will conclude it in some few Aphorismes . I There are Angels . Divine testimonies , and apparitions testifiè that : and also a three-fold reason . 1 Vapours , concretes , plants , living creatures are mixt of water and spirit . Now there is matter without spirit ( the pure Element ; ) therefore there is spirit also without matter . 2 As the matter of the world is divided into four kinds , ( the four Elements ) so we see already the spirit of the world to be distinguished into the naturall , vitall , animall , and mentall spirit . Now the lowest degree is to be found alone ( as in concretes . ) Therefore the highest may be found alone , to wit , in the Angels . 3 Every creature is compounded of Entitie , and Nihility . ( For they were nothing before the creation : but now they are something ; because the Cretour hath bestowed on them of his Entitie , more or lesse by degrees . By how much the more entitie any thing hath , so much the further it is from nihility : and on the contrary . ) Seeing then then that there is the first degree from nihility , ( that is a Chaos , the rudiment of an Entitie : ) without doubt there is the last also , which comes nearest to a pure Entitie . But man is not such : because having matter admixt , he partakes much of nihility . Therefore of necessity there is a creature , with which , materiality being taken away , all other perfections remain . And that is an Angell . II An Angell is an incorporeall man. An Angell may be called a man , in the same sense that man himselfe is called an animall , and an animall , a plant ; and a plant , a concrete , &c. ( as we have set down in their definitions : ) that is , by reason of the forme of the precedent included , with a new perfection only super-added . For a man is a rationall creature made after the Image of God , immortall : so is an Angel , but for more perfections sake free from a body . Therefore an Angel is nothing but a man without a body : A man is nothing but an Angel clothed with a body . But that Angels are incorporous , appears 1 Because although they be present , they are not discerned neither by the sight , or any other sense . 2 Because they assume to themselves earthly , watery , aery , fiery , or mixt bodies , as need requires ; and put them off again ; which they could not do , if they had bodies of their own as we have . Yet ordinarily they appear in an humane forme , by reason of the likenesse of their natures , as we have said . III Angels were created before all visible things . That was shewed in the Apendix of the first Chapter : you may see it again , if need be . And Moses words are clear : In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth : and the earth was void . See the earth was ( in that first production ) emptie and void ! Therefore heaven was not void : then it was filled with its host , the Angels . IV The Angels were created out of the Spirit of the world . As Moses seems to comprehend the production of Angels under the name of Heaven , so also the universall Spirit . For he ●oth not say , that this was created with the earth : but he pronounceth abruptly after the creation of the earth , that the Spirit of God moved it selfe upon the waters : intimating thus much that it was in being before . We conclude , therefore that the Angels were formed out of that Spirit ; so that part of that spirit was left in the invisible heaven , and shaped into meer spirituall substances , [ Angels ; ] and part sent down into the materiall world below . After the same manner , as the fire was afterward partly left in the Skie , and fashioned into shining Globes : and partly sunk into the bowels of the earth , for the working of minerals , and other uses . That which follows makes this opinion probable , ( if not demonstrable . ) 1 Principles should not be multiplied without cause . Seeing therefore that the Scripture doth not say , that they were created out of nothing , nor yet names any other principle , why should we not be satisfied with those principles that Moses hath set down ? 2 Angels govern the bodies which they assume , like as our spirit inhabiting the matter doth : Therefore they are like to it . 3 There is in Angels a sense of things , as well as in our spirits . ( For they see , hear , touch , &c. though they themselves be invisible , and intangible . Also they have a sense of pleasure and griefe : for as much as joyes are said to be prepared for the Angels , and fire for the divells , ( into which wicked men are also to be cast . ) Although therefore they perceive without Organs , yet we must needs hold that they are not unlike to our spirit which perceiveth by organs . V The Angels were created perfect . That is finished in the same moment , so that nothing is added to their essence by adventitious encrease . For being that they are immateriall , they are also free from the law of materiality : that is ( when a thing tends to perfection ) to be condensed , fixed , to encrease , and so to be augmented , and become solid by certain accessions . VI Angels are not begotten . Men , Animals and Plants , are generated , because the spirit included in the matter , diffuseth it selfe with the matter , and essayes to make new Entities . But an Angel being that it is without matter , and its essence cannot be dissipated , hath not whether to transfuse it selfe . Hence Christ saith , that in Heaven we shall be as the Angels , without generation , or desire of generation , Mat. 22. 30. VII Angels die not . The spirit of Animals and of Plants perisheth , because when the matter ( that is , its chariot ) is dissipated , it also is dissipated . But an Angell having his essence compacted by it selfe , without matter , cannot be dissipated : and therefore endures . VIII The number of Angels is in a manner infinite . See Job 25. v. 2 , 3. yet Daniel names thousands of thousands , and myriads of myriads , Dan. 7. 10. as also John , Apoc. 5. 11. IX The habitation of the Angels is the Heaven of Heavens , Mat. 18. v. 10. and 6. v. 10. Therefore they are called the Angels of Heaven , ( Gal. 1. v. 8. ) and the Host of Heaven , ( 1 King. 22. v. 19. ) for it was meet , that as the earth , sea , air , and skie , have their inhabitants , so also that the Heaven of Heavens should not be left empty . Yet they are sent forth from thence for these following Ministeries . X God created the Angels , that they might be , 1 The delight of their Creatour . 2 The supream spectatours of his glory . 3 His assistent Ministers in governing the World. The Scripture teacheth this every where : but they also point at names given them . The first appellation of Angels is in Gen. 3. v. 24. Cherubim , that is , Images : wherein is intimated that they were made after the image of God , as well as men But note what it is to be made after the image of God. The essentiall image of God , or the character of his substance , is the Son , his eternall Wisdome , Heb. 1. v. 3. after the likenesse of him therefore , men and Angels are said to be created : that is , made understanding creatures : in which respect also they are called the Sons of God , Job . 1. v. 2. seeing then that an Image delights him , whose Image it is , it is intimated that God made the Angels primarily for himselfe , that he might have some , who being cohabitants with him , might behold his glorious Majesty face to face , and be partakers of eternall beatitude . Now the most common name of Angels in the Old Testament is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Malachim that is , Embassadours : in the New Testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , messengers ; because God created these to be rulers and governours of the World. For whensoever the course of nature is to be hindered , or any thing is to be wrought beyond the ordinary order of nature , God useth their assistence . For example , When the fire was to be cooled , that it should not burn , ( Dan. 3. v. 25 , 28. ) Or the mouthes of lions to be stopped , that they should not tear Daniel , ( Dan. 6. v. 22. ) Or the enterprises of the wicked to be hindered , ( Numb . 22. v. 22. ) Or any to be killed by a sudden death , ( Exod. 12. v. 23. and 1 Chron. 22. v. 15. and 2 Chron. 32. v. 21. and Acts 12. v. 23. ) Or the godly to be delivered from danger , ( Gen. 19. v. 1. ) Or travellers to be guided in their way , ( Psal. 91. v. 11. ) Or to be preserved in any chance , lest they should be dangerously hurt , Psal. 91. 12. Or to be warned any thing in a dream , or otherwise , Mat. 1. 20. &c. Hence they are thought also to be added to certain persons peculiarly , ( Heb. 1. 1● Mat. 18. 10. Acts 12. 15. ) that they may accompany them every where , ( Psal. 91. 11. ) and be witnesses of all our actions , ( 1 Cor. 11. 9. 1 Tim. 5. 21. ) but especially that they are sent to defend Kings and Kingdoms , ( Dan. 10. 12. &c. ) Hence also they are called , watchers or keepers , ( Dan. 4. 10. 20. ) XI Angels can act upon bodies , but they cannot suffer from bodies . Both these appear by the effect . For Angels bear about , move and governe the bodies which they assume : but those that are separated , they overthrow , stay and move from place to place with externall violence , at their pleasure ; yet they themselves in the mean time can be hindred or stayed by no body . XII The powerr of Angels exceeds the strength of any corporall creature . For it operates 1 without resistance of the objects by penetrating . 2 without endeavour or enforcing , being that they are not deteined or hindred by their own body , as our spirit is : which being tied to the body , must of necessity draw it along with it laboriously , as the snail doth her shell . Hence the Angels are called Mighty in power , ( Psal. 103. 20. ) and Powers , Principalities , Dominions , ( Col. 1. 16. ) XIII The agility of the Angels is greater then of any corporeall substance . Hence they are compared to Wind and to Fire , and to Lightning , Psal. 104. 4. Ezech. 1. 13. Luke 10. 18. and they are called Seraphim , that is , flamy , Isai. 6. 2. yet it is certain that they move swifter then wind or lightning , when they passe any whither . For the wind and lightning penetrate the air , not without resistance , but an Angell , being a meer spirit , doth it without any resistance . It appears then , that though an Angell be not in many places at once , ( Dan. 10. 13. 20. ) yet they can in a moment passe themselves whither they will. Hence it is that one Angell was able to slay a whole army in a night ; and also to smite the first born of the Aegyptians , throughout all the Kingdom , Isai. 37. 36. Exod. 12. 23. and 2 Sam. 24. 6. XIV The knowledge of Angels is far more sublime then mans . And that 1 because of the clearnesse of their understanding , which nothing obumbrates . 2 by reason of their power to penetrate any whither , and see things plainly . 3 because of their long experience for so many ages . ( Whereas we are but of yesterday , Job 8. 9. ) and yet they are not omniscious . For they know not the decrees of God , before they be revealed . 2 future contingents . 3 the thoughts of mans heart . ( Jer. 17. 9. 10. ) that is , so long as they are concealed in the heart . For when they are discovered by gestures & effects , they discern them . For if we by the effects , are not altogether ignorant of their thoughts ( 2 Cor. 2. 11. ) wherefore should not they be a thousand times more quick sighted upon us . N. W. How that part of the Angels falling into evill , exercise perpetuall hostility with mankind : and God makes use of them to be as it were executioners to wicked men : but hereafter he will condemne them both ; in like manner , as good men are to enjoy the association of good Angels : and lastly , how the frauds of those are to be avoided , but the presence of these to be procured , to teaach that belongs to sacred Divinity . THE EPILOUGE . THus we have seen that the created World is a meer harmony . All things by one , all things to one ; the highest and the lowest , the first and the last , most straightly cleaving together , being concatenated by the intermediate things , and perpetuall ties , and mutuall actions and passions inevitable , so that the world being made up of a thousand thousand parts , and particles of parts , is neverthelesse one , and undivided in it selfe ; even as God the Creatour thereof , is one from eternity to eternity , nor ever was there , is there , or shall there be any other God , ( Isai. 43. 10. &c. ) And we have seen that all these visible things are made out of three principles , Matter , Spirit , and Light : because he who is the beginning and the end of all things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that thrice blessed and omnipotent God three in one , is he of whom , and through whom , and in whom are all things , Rom. 11. 36. We have seen also that admirable scale of creatures , arising out of the principles , and ascending by a septenary gradation . For we have understood , that whatsoever there is besides God , it is either an Element , or a Vapour , or a Concrete , or a Plant , or an An●●all , or a Man , or an Angell ; and that the whole multitude of creatures , is ranked into these seven Classes , or great Tribes . In every of which there is some eminent virtue flowing from the essence of the Creatour ( yet every latter including the former . ) For In Elements , Being is eminent . Vapours , Motion Concretes , Figure , or Quality Plants , Life . Living creatures , Sense . Men , Reason . Angels , Understanding . See the house which Wisdome hath built her , having hewn out her seven pillars ! ( Prov. 9. 1. ) See the seven Stairs which the King of Heaven hath placed in the entry of his inner house ! Ezek. 40. 22. The six first degrees are of visible creatures , the seventh of invisible Angels : After the same manner , as there were nine dayes wherein God wrought , and rested the seventh ; six Planets in heaven of inferiour light , the seventh of extraordinary brightnesse , the Sun ; six baser metals on earth . The seventh exceeding all in perfection , gold , &c. And as Salomons Throne had six inferiour steps to every of which there were six inferiour Leoncels adjoyned : after all in the seventh place stood the Throne , and by it two Lions ( 1 King. 10. 19 , 20. ) So the King of eternity , when he built him a visible throne of glory , erected six visible degrees of corporeous creatures , to every of which he added their Leoncels , that is , their virtues , and their powers , and last of all , about the throne on high , he placed the strongest of the creatures , the Angels mighty in power , ( Psal. 103. 19 , 20. ) But now what mean the seven planets in heaven ? what mean the seven continents on earth ? the seven kinds of meteors , seven kinds of metalls , seven kinds of stones , & c ? the seven combinations of tangible qualities ? the seven differences of taste ? the seven vitall members in man ? the seven tones in musick ? and other things which we meet with throughout all nature ? yea , and in the Scripture the number of seven is every where very much celebrated , and sacred : For what do the seven dayes of the week point at ? what are the seven weeks betwixt the Passeover and Pentecost ? what the seventh year of rest ? what the seven times seventh of Jubilee ? what do all these portend I say , but that it is , the expresse Image of that God whose seven eyes passe through the whole earth ? ( Zach. 4. 10. ) and whose seven spirits are before his Throne , ( Apoc. 1. 4. ) yea , who doth himselfe make a mysticall eighth with every degree of his creatures . For in him all things live , aud move , and have their being ; which live and move , and have a being ( Acts 17. 28. ) and he worketh all in all , ( 1 Cor. 12. 6. ) and all these are as it were him himselfe , ( Eccles. 43. 27. ) and yet none of them is he himselfe , ( Job 12. 9. 10. ) but because all these have some effigies of the divine essence , and operate that which they operate by virtue thereof ; hence it is , that he being above all , without all , and beneath all , is the true mysticall eighth of all . Of whom ( that Syracides may conclude our meditation , though we say much , we shall not yet attain thereto . The sum of the doctrine is that he is all . For what ability have we to praise him ? For he is greater then all his works . The Lord is terrible and very great , & marvellous is his power . Extol the Lord in praise as much as you can : For yet he wil be greater then all praise , ( Eecl 43. 30. &c. ) Therefore let every spirit praise the Lord , Hallelujah . ( Psal. 150. ) And thou my soul praise the Lord ( Psal. 103. 1. ) Holy , holy , holy , Lord of Hosts ! Heaven and earth are full of his glory , ( Isai. 6. 3 ) Hallelujah . A Short APPENDIX TO PHYSICKS . Touching the Diseases of the Body , Mind , and Soul , and their generall Remedies . I. A Disease is the corruption of an Entity in some part thereof , and a disposition of it to totall perishing ( that is death . ) Therefore both the Body , Mind , and Soul , hath its diseases . II The diseases of the body are various , scarce to be numbred ; and oft-times m●●t . A disease added to a disease is called a ymptome of a disease . III A disease of the body is either by solution of that which is continued , or by distemper of humours . IV Solution of that which is continued , is either by a rupture , or a wound . A rupture is prevented by bewaring falls , and violent motion . A wound is avoided by shunning of those things , which can cleave , cut , prick , rent , tear or bruise , or hurt anyway : and both are to be cured by the Chirurgion . N. W. The cure of a Wound , is desperate , if any vitall member be hurt : as the heart , the brain , the liver , the entrals , &c. For then the vitall actions are hindred , and soon after cease . 2 If any member be quite lost , it cannot be set on again : because the spirit hath not wherewithall to passe into the part that is severed . V The distempers of the humours and the diseases that come from thence , always proceed from some of these 6 causes : namely , either from 1 Crudity 2 Inflation 3 Distillation 4 Obstruction 5 Putrefaction 6 Inflammation VI Crudity in the body is nutriment not sufficiently concocted : namely either Chyle , or bloud , which comes I from the quality of meat and drink ; when they are taken too raw , flegmatick , unwholesome , which the concoctive faculty cannot well subdue . 2 from the quantity : when more meat and drink is put in , then it is able to alter and assimilate unto the body . For hence undigested and not assimilated humours , burthen the body , like strangers , and not pertaining thereunto . 3 For want of exercise : when the naturall heat is not stirred up , nor strengthened to perform its office lustily in the concoction of meats . From such like crudities diverse inconveniences follow . For 1 if the crudity be in the stomack , it causes loathing of food : for so long as the first food is not digested , there can be no appetite to any other . Again , children have an appetite to eat earth , chalk , coales , &c. according as the crudities are turned into the likenesse of any matter . For like desireth like . 2 If there be a viscous crudity adhering in the ventricle or in the guts , being warmed it takes spirit , and is turned into wormes ; which gnawing the bowels stir up evill vapours by their motion : whence also come phartasies , very hurtfull to the head . Lastly , ctudity under the skin , ( in the bloud and flesh ) begets palenesse : and when it is collected and putrified ; scabs , ulcers , &c. Crudity is prevented by a temperate diet . as to Food , Sleep , and daily exercises : and cured 1 by violent expurgation . 2 by strong exercises . 3 by the use of tart meats and drinks . 4 by comforting the stomack with such things , as heat , both within and without . VII Inflation is much and grosse vapour , exhaling from the crudities that are gathered together , and stretching the members . And that either without pain as when it causeth yexing or belching in the ventricle ; panting in the heart ; giddinesse in the head ( when being prohibited to go any further it is carried in a round ) lazinesse and stretching in the whole body ; or else with pain , as when it causeth aches in the bowels ( straightning the spirits that lie between in the Fibres ) and shurp or else blunt prickings in the muscles , according as it is more grosse or subtile It is cured 1 by strong exercise , that the vapour being attenuated , may go out at the pores opened . 2 by expurgation of the humours by which they are generated . VIII Distillation is the condensation of crude vapours into rheume , which is the cause of many evils . For crude vapours gettting up to the head , when as by reason of the abundance and grossenesse of them , they cannot be expurgated by the ordinary passage , they become rheume flowing severall wayes , and rausing diverse diseases . For 1 If they run abundantly , and 〈◊〉 at the nose , they cause the Murre or Pose , 2 If the distillation fall into the jawes , it causes the Catarrhe . 3 If into the kernels of the jawes , the Quinsie . 4 If into the lungs difficulty of breathing , and the Asthma . 5 If the distillation be salt and sharp , ulcerating the lungs , it causes the Cough . 6 Which if it be done oft , and the lungs be filled with apostemes , it causes the consumption . For when the ulcerous lungs cannot with dexterity enough perform their office of cooling the heart , the vitall spirit is generated more hot then it should be , which doth not cherish , but feed upon the flesh and bloud , and at length burns out the very workhouse it self of the bloud , which is , the liver : whence for want of bloud , which is as it were the food , followes the consumption of the whole body . 7 If the distillation flow in abundance , and grosse down the marrow of the back , it causeth the Palsie , ( by hindring the animall spirit , that it cannot be distributed by the nerves springing from the back bone . ) 8 If it fill the nerves of the muscles only , it becomes the Spasma , or Convulsions ( that is when the nerve is contracted , like as a chord being wet and dried again , is wont to be contracted , and become shorter . ) 9 If it flow subtle , and penetrating the nerves , it is at length gathered together in the extremities of the members , and there raises sharp pains ; which in the feet are called the Gout ; in the hands , Chiragra , or the Hand-gout ; in any of the joynts of the bones Erthritica , the running gout ; in the hip , it is called Ischias , or the Hip-gout , commonly the Sciatica 10 Lastly , if those kind of runnings stay in the head , they procure divers diseases : as when they are subtle , the Head-ach . 11 Too raw and flegmatick , the Lethargie . 12 Salt , and cholerick , the Phrensie . 13 Grosse and mixt with a melancholy humour , the Epilepsie , or Falling-sickness , ( when as the spirits diffused through the whole body , making haste to relieve the spirits befieged in the brain , make most vehement stirs , and fight , till they either overcome and repell the disease , or else faint and are extinguished . 14 But if the grosse phlegmatick humours have occupied all the vessels of the brain at once , it becomes the apoplexie , that is , a privation of all sense and motion : whence also the vitall fire in the heart is soon after extinguished . All these diseases are both prevented , and also ( if they go not too farre ) cured 1 by exercise . 2 by rectification of the brain by good smels . 3 by a thin , hot , and sulphury air . 4 by thin , light meat and drink . But the peculiar cure of every disease is committo the physiciaus . IX Obstruction is a stopping of the bowels by thickned flegme , whence it comes to passe that they cannot execute their office . For example , when the entrals are stopt , that they cannot void , it is the Volvuls , or wringing of the guts : when the liver is stopt , the dropsie ; ( For the Chylus being not turned into bloud , flowes through the veins and members , and is not turned into members . ) When the bladder of gall is stopt , the Yellow Jaundise ; when the Spleen , the Black Jaundise ; ( For in the first the choler , in the other the melancholy , when it cannot be voided , diffuseth it selfe through the bloud . But when the urine pipes , or the 〈◊〉 , or the bladder are stopped , that is by reason of the breeding of Tartar , which they call the Stone : which stopping the passages , by its sharpnesse pains the Veins and Nerves . The cure is 1 by purgations . 2 by medicines attenuating , or breaking , cutting , and driving out the grosse humours which Physicians know . X Putrefaction is the corruption of some humour in the body : namely , either of flegme , or of choler , or of melancholy ; which putrifying either in or out of their vessels , produce feavers or ulcers . The cure is 1 Expurgation of the place affected . 2 A good diet . 3 Motion . XI Inflamation is a burning of the vitall spirit ( N. vitall ) or of the bloud caused by too much motion ( either of the body by wearying it , or of the mind , by musing and anger , ) or else by putrefaction , or else by obstruction . For it is known out of the physicks , that motion doth heat even unto firing , and that by obstruction doth 〈◊〉 an Antiperistasis exasperate the heat included ( even in these things that are watry and p●trid ) so that at length it breaks out violently , hay laid up wet , ( when it cannot get transpiration ) doth shew . When the bloud is kindled within , it becomes a feaver : when under the skin , S. Anthonies fire . The generall cure is the opening of a vein , and cooling . But of feavers ( being that it is a most common disease , and of divers kinds ) something more is to be said . XII The feaver so called , from its fervency or heat , is of three kinds . 1 The Ephemera . 2 The Putrid . 3 The Hectick . The first burns the spirits ; the second the humours ; the third the solid parts . The first like a raging hot wind scorching all it meets with : the second like boiling water poured into a vessell , which it heats with it selfe . The third like unto a hot vessell , heating the water poured into it with it selfe . For the Hectick occupies the bones and membranes , and eats and consumes them with an unnaturall heat , by degrees almost insensibly , till at length it causeth death . It is very like the Consumption . But the putrid or rotten feaver occupies the bloud and humours ; by which the whole body grows hot . The Ephemera is a more subtle flame , feeding upon the spirits only : and therefore it scarce endures one or two days , til the peccant cause be consumed by the spirit it self . Hence either health or death usually follows within two or three dayes ; and therefore it is called the Ephemera or diary Feaver : also the Maligne feaver . Of which sort also is the pestilentiall infection : for it comes after the same manner . Putrid feavers are most usuall , but with very much difference : for when the humours putrifie within their vessels , ( or workhouses ) especially near the heart , ( in the liver or the gall , ) the spirit rises against them , and kindles them : and ceases not to assault them , till it either expell the rottennesse being turned into soot , or be extinguished it selfe ; and therefore this feaver is often deadly , it is called the Continuall Feaver . But if the humours rot out of their vessels , that is , in the veins or members , it is an Intermitting Feaver . For the spirit riseth up at certain times , and opposeth that rottennesse with heat : but because this battle is made further off from its Castle , the heart , when the fight is ended , it returns home . And if the putrifying humour be flegme , it still returns to oppose it the next day : hence the Quotidian Feaver . If it be yellow , choler ; then every third day . Hence the Tertian . If black choler , the fourth day . Hence the Quartan : the cause of the inequality , is because the flegme recollects it selfe soonest , and makes new businesse for the spirits : but is withall sooner dissipated : Hence the Quotidian lasts not long . Melancholy being that it is a dreggy humour , doth not so soon recruit it selfe : but because it is soft and viscous , it is not so easily overcome : hence the long continuance of Quartans , In the Tertian , because the spirit opposeth yellow choler , which is hot of it selfe , is made the hottest fight : hence Tertians are called burning feavers . They are sometimes changed one into another , or one joyned with another , according as one while one putrified humour , another while another is to be opposed . Hence it appears 1 why a feaver begins with cold ? because the vitall spirit being to oppose the rottennesse , gathers heat as it were its aid from every part , the outward members in the mean time being benu 〈◊〉 and quaking with cold . ( For even in too much fear , when the spirit gathers it selfe into the inward parts , there is wont to follow a chilnesse of the outward members , and a quaking with cold . ) 2 Whence afterwards heat ? because the spirits , after they are hotter with fight and motion , return again to the members ; which , being cold before , do so much the worse endure the heat , returning now hotter then ordinary . 3 Why the feaver leaves faintnesse behind it ? because the spirit wearied with fight , betakes it selfe to rest , leaving the members destitute . 4 Why food is hurtfull at the beginning of a feaver ? because when the spirit is preparing it selfe for the battell , it hath another businesse put upon it , ( to concoct the food : ) But seeing that it is not able to do both , it either assaults the disease more weakly , or else leaves the food unconcocted : or at least , if it do both , it weakens and tires out it selfe too much . 5 Why it is dangerous to expell the feaver over soon ? because the feaver is of it selfe a benefit to nature , driving away the rottennesse in time , left it should at length prevaile and oppresse the heart . Therefore that is no good cure of feavers which stayes the fits , but that which ripens the rottennesse for expulsion : And strengthens nature to oppose them , which I leave to Physicians . Let this be the sum of that which hath been said , Crudity is the seed of all diseases . For thence gross vapours arising , cause Inflation , the same condensed in the head , cause , Distillation : in the other members , Obstruction : whence flowes either Rottennesse or Inflamation . Therefore let him that prevents crudities , believe this ; that he takes the best cours that may be for his whole body . Now the way to prevent them is a temperate diet and daily exercises . O the strange virtue of labour , whereby we get both our bread and health ! which mistery if the slothfull understood , they would not waste their lives with idlenesse . Of the Diseases of the Mind . I The Diseases of the mind are vices , procuring either disquiet , or griefe thereto . II Diseases disquieting the mind , are evill desires ; that is , too much ardency . 1 Of Living . 2 Of Eating and Drinking . 3 Of Multiplying it selfe . 4 Of Knowing . 5 Of Having . 6 Of Excelling . N. W. These are thus expressed by their proper names , 1 Selfe-love . 2 Intemperancy . 3 Salacity . 4 Curiosity . 5 Covetousnesse . 6 Ambition . For they that are given to these , itch and are disquieted continually . III The diseases that cause griefe to the mind , are immoderate affections ; that is violent alterations for those things which befall us according to our desires , or contrary thereto : but especially Sadnesse , Angor , and at I●ksomnesse of life . IV The remedies of the mind are held forth in the Ethicks . The Sum where of comes to this . Love the Golden Mean , shun extreams like unto precipices . Never desire to do more then thou canst : Remember that thou art a man. For that may befall every one that befalls any one . There is a vicissitude of all things , an unconquered mind overcomes all things , &c. Of the Diseases of the Soule . I The Diseases of the Soule are , Forgetfulnesse of God , Torment of Conscience , and Despair of Mercy . II Forgetfulnesse of God is cured by the Fear of God. Of , I say , that God , who seeth all , judgeth all , rewardeth all , to every one according to his works : to avoid whose hand , it is impossible . ( For in him , we move , live , and have our being , ) but to endure it is intolerable . ( For he is a consuming fire , &c. ) III Torment of conscience is healed by prayers , and and study of innocency , Psal. 26. 6. Eccl. 12. 13 , 14. For if our heart condemn us not , we have full assurance , &c. 1 John 3. 21. IV Despair is healed by the bloud of that onely Lamb of God , which purgeth us from all sin , 1 Joh. 1. 7. and reconciles us to his Father , Rom. 3. 25. and saves us , Rom. 5. 9. and gives us eternall life , Joh. 6. 54 In body sound , amind as sound , O God we pray thee give , That here in peace , in after blisse ; for ever we may live . FINIS . 
A57681	----	The Abyssinian philosophy confuted, or, Tellvris theoria neither sacred not agreeable to reason being for the most part a translation of Petrus Ramazzini, Of the wonderful springs of Modena : illustrated with many curious remarks and experiments by the author and translator : to which is added a new hypothesis deduced from Scripture and the observation of nature : with an addition of some miscellany experiments / by Robert St. Clair ... Defontium Mutinènsium admiranda scaturgine tractatus physico-hydrostaticis. English Ramazzini, Bernardino, 1633-1714. 1697 Approx. 240 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 154 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57681 Wing R199 ESTC R3670 13459737 ocm 13459737 99636 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. 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St. Clair, Robert N. [77], 208 p. fold pl. Printed for the author and sold by W. Newton ..., London : 1697. Signatures a7-8 and a10-11 are tightly bound; a9 is torn with loss of text; A1 is missing in filmed copy. Beginning-B7 and c5-B1 photographed from Bodleian Library copy and inserted at end. Reproduction of original in National Library of Scotland (Advocates') Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Burnet, Thomas, 1635?-1715. -- Telluris theoria sacra. Science -- Early works to 1800. Springs -- Italy -- Modena. Creation -- Early works to 1800. 2002-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-08 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Abyssinian Philosophy CONFUTED : OR , TELLVRIS THEORIA Neither Sacred , nor agreeable to Reason . Being , for the most part , a Translation of Petrus Ramazzini , Of the Wonderful Springs of Modena . Illustrated with many Curious Remarks and Experiments by the Author and Translator . To which is added , A New Hypothesis deduced from Scripture , and the Observation of Nature . With an Addition of some Miscellany Experiments . BY ROBERT St. CLAIR , M. D. Non mihi , sed rationi , aut quae ratio esse videtur . Milito securus quid mordicus hic tenet , dut hic . Scaliger . LONDON , Printed for the Author , and Sold by W. Newton , over against St. Bartholomew-Close-Gate , in Little-Britain , 1697. To the Truly HONOURABLE Sophronius Philalethes . THIS Treatise of the Wonderful Springs of Modena , publisht in Latin by Bernard Rammazzini Physician of that Town , & Translated by me , tho● it has upon view had the approbation of the most Knowing Mr. beside the most Eminent Physicians of the Colledge , and others , as the most admirable piece of Natural History that hath yet seen Day in our English World ▪ for therein are at once discovered the changes that Nature hath not made but in some thousand of years ; yet I thought it not adviseable for me to expose this stranger , how ingenious , soever to the publick view , and consequently censure , without providing him a friend before-hand ; especially seeing he is to appear against an Author , whose Reputation for Learning , and this his Hypothesis is so far establisht , that he has already brought it to many Impressions . Among all that I have the honour to be acquainted with , worthy Sir , I thought I could not address my s●lf , to a fitter Patron than your self . Whether the Dignity of the Subject , or the Modesty and Ingenuity with which the Author sets it out , be considered , this Treatise will merit your Approbation . Suffer therefore , worthy Sir , amidst the Croud of your other more Important Affairs , this Curious Searcher of Nature , and Stranger , under your Patrociny , to do that service to the Lovers of Knowledge , that Sir Matthew Hales makes the Clock-Maker to do to the Philosophers ; for he supposes that in a Country abounding with several Sects of Philosophers , yet unacquainted ●i●ll then , with the noble Invention of Watches and Clocks , a curiously contriv'd Clock were exp●s'd to publick view , yet so that they should have no access so look into the inside of it , The Epicureans would likely attribute it to the fortuitous concourse of Atoms , the P●rpate●ick to the contemperation of the Four Elements and the Cartesian to his three Principles , every one according to the Fancies he was prepossest with , but the Clock-Maker , whom he supposes behind the Curtain to hear all they say , steps out , and by opening the Clock , shews how wide they a● all of the Truth , by letting them see the Spring , and the contrivance of the Wheels , on which the Motion of his Engine depends , and that it was he who made it . In the same Manner , Nature her self , by the Pen of this Observing Italian , seems modestly to give a check to the presumption of her pretended Interpreters , who will pass a Iudgment on her most hidden Works , where they never could pretend to make the least observation , on which to found their Iudgment . The respect the Author shews to Scripture Authority , is the rather remarkable in him , that he is a Roman Catholick , who by us are charged with the contrary Vice , which makes the fault of the Theorist , a professed Protestant , more black , that is so bold in contradicting it , and making it speak untruth to accommodate it self to the capacity of the Vulgar , which tho' some P●ous Divines have allowed in passages of Scripture , where the Phaenomena of Nature are spoken of by the by , ( which yet I prove to be a mistake in the Confutation of the Theory ) yet to make the whole first chapter of Genesis , wherein the Spirit of God does è composito , give an account of the Creation false , is a piece of Presumption few have been guilty of besides our Theorist . As for the Confutation of the Theory , tho' the performance may be short of what the Subject requir'd , yet I hope the design will please you , which is to vindicate the truth of the Scriptures , for which I know you have a great veneration , from the false glosses and perversions of some that seem to have studied Divinity , for nothing else but to ridicule it , which they do the more remarkably , that almost in the same breath they pretend a great respect to it , in which I endeavour to prove , that the passages the Theorist cavils at , are to be understood to speak according to the Truth of the thing , and not according to the false Opinion of the Ignorant vulgar . If in this my small endeavour , I may find your Patrocin , I shall not care for the displeasure of these men of Ephesus , whose made it is to make Shrines to this their Diana of Hypothetical Philosophy , I mean who in their Closets make Systems of the World , prescribe Laws to Nature , without ever consulting her by Observation and Experience , who ( to use the Noble Lord Verulams words ) like the Spider , with great labour , spin a curious Cob-web out of their Brains , that is good fo● nothing but to be swept down , which tho' it has a great shew of reason , in effect , has no better right to that venerable Title , than the Fancies of those who are said to make Wind-mills in their Head. I have given the whole Book the Title of The Abyssinian Philosophy confuted , because as the Preface is a confutation of the Theory , so if you read Rammazzini from page 88 , at the end , to page 102. you will find that the Theory is much the same with the Abyssinian Philosophy , if not taken from it , which being evident to be a mere fiction , is ground enough for the Title , and Confuta●●●n enough tho' I should say no more . I shall not farther incroach upon your time , but here make an end , after I have subcribed my self , Worthy Sir , Your most Affectionate , and Devoted Servant . Ro● St. Clair . TO THE READER . WHen this Book came first to my hand , by the favour of a Friend , who about a year and a half a go , brought it from Italy , after once reading I was so taken with the principal matter of Fact therein contained , and the ●●genious things with which the Author Illustrates it , that I would not part with it till I could send it abroad in an English Dress , as being better than any other Argument , to shew the vanity of these Mens Labours , that would describe to us a World of their own Fancying instead of one of God's Making , who when they have set it out to the best advantage , can discover to us at the best , but a bare conjecture , which leaves the Mind uncertain , instead of satisfying it with solid Reason , and is unprofitable either as to Life or Religion ; yet if that were the worst of it , might be born with as other luxuriances of Humane Wit , that oftenspends it self on superfluities , when it is not sufficient for things of real use . Hoc habet ingenium humanum ut cum ad solida , Non sufficit in superracua se effundat . Verulum . But when they come to overturn the Scripture , to establish their own Prophane Fancies , as our Theorist has done , in favour of a Spurious Brat , of which he will needs be counted the Father ; in this I think every one according to his ability ought to oppose it . Yet what satisfactory account can we expect from such , of the Old World , and its great Change , so remote from us , that can give us so little account of the Present World , and the things in it , which yet would be by far more useful to us . The Theorist has indeed set out this Fiction of his , with all the advantages of a smooth stile , which I believe hath procur'd it so good a reception with the generality , who are more taken with fine Words , than plain , tho' solid Reasons ; but if we may judge of the Buyers Inclination by the tendency of the Book , I am yet willing to have the Charity for the Theorist , that 't was not the design of the Author ; they are the same Persons , who pretend they will not believe many things in Scripture , because they cannot see a Reason for them , and yet they do greedily entertain this Theory , and the Fictions of Des Cartes , which differ little from the Abyssinian Fiction or Hypothesis , as will appear to any that compares both , with what is in this Book translated from the Italian , only they have new vamp'd it , and set it out in another Dress to make it pass for their own . But after I had taken a nearer view of the Author's Opinion , and what he advances in favour of it , I found it so full of contradictions to Scripture and Reason , yet join'd with a very high conceit of his own Fancies , ( a fault I find very common among the Abyssinian Philosophers ) that I had once thought of not meddling with it , as an endless labour , upon which account also , I have not meddled with a Book Printed at Oxford , Anno De Antris Laethiferis , especially seeing the Learned and Pious Mr. Warren has already done it so fully , that he has left little to be added to it ; but considering that the bigness of his Book might obstruct the attaining of the end for which he design'd it , viz. to undeceive the generality of Readers , who being the least considering , perhaps have not allowed themselves Time to read so large a Treatise , or at least so attentively as it deserves ; upon this consideration , ( I say ) I resum'd my former thoughts , with design to be as brief as possible , yet without omitting any thing material in the Theory that deserv'd an Answer . The Author begins Tell. Theor. ch . IV. The Form of the Antediluvian Earth , was different from the present Form of it , which that he might not seem to dictate with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he promises to prove first from Scripture , secondly by Reasons , both a Priori & Posteriori . Now that we may see if the performance answer to so great undertakings , we shall first examine his main Arguments from Scripture , and especially that of St. Peter , 11. ch . 3. 5 , 6. ver . For this they willingly are ignorant of , that by the Word of God the Heavens were of Old , and the Earth standing out of the Water and in the Water . v. 6. Whereby the World that then was , being over flowed with Water , perished . Vpon this Rock ( says the Theorist , prophanely alluding to our Saviours words to St. Peter ) do we chiefly build the Theory as to Scripture Authority ; and we always thought this an unmoveable foundation , Which yet we shall find upon a due search , to be unstable as Water , and therefore cannot hold . The words of the Text the Theory explains thus , The Apostle manifestly distinguishes between the Old World and the New , and especially because of the different natural states , or their different shapes and qualities of Mat●er . Secondly , He intimates that the ●orm of the Antediluvian World was ●he cause of the Deluge . Thirdly , He says expresly , the World perisht in ●he Deluge . The Authour himself ●ays , That the Sacred ●riters , when they treat ●f Natural things , do not thereby intend to instruct us in Natural Philosophy , but to infuse into our Minds Holy Affections , and a Veneration of the God of Israel , whom they Preach . May we not thence infer , that to have prosecuted this noble design , would have been fitter for a Divine , than thus to abuse the Scriptures to another end , than that for which they were Written , when he founds a point of Philosophy upon this Text ; and farther , that seeing what he founds upon it , was contrary to the common opinion of the times that the Apostle wrote in , the Theorist has mist the meaning of the Text. For whom among the Writers of the Apostles time , or before , can he produce that was of the opinion , that the Earth did encompass the Waters , as an Egg-shell does the White and Yolk ; surely , seeing he seems so conversant in Antiquities , he might have thought it his interest to find at least one passage among them , to favour this Paradox of this , that it might not be reproach'd with being the Opinion of one Dr. only . And further we may infer , that as the Pen-Men of the Scripture , did not write to teach us Philosophy , so neither does the Apostle here reprove Men for Ignorance in a point of Philophy , ( especially Abyssinian ) but for Atheistical Principles , as first in denying God's Providence , v. 3. There shall come in the last day Scoffers , walking after their own lusts , and saying where is the promise of his coming , for since the Fathers fell asleep , all things continue as they were from the beginning of the Creation . Where the Apostle reproves Scoffers , who imagin'd that things went on by chance , and continued so in this first state from the Creation , without God's Direction , which he carries yet higher , that they disown the Power of God in the Creation , For this they willingly are ignorant of , that by the Word of God , &c. and as the charging of Men with wilful ignorance in a point of Philosophy , that there was no possibility of knowing , before this new found Philosophy , would have been very unjust , so it would have been a Coque à lasne , to have thus past from his subject and design of reproving Atheists , to reprove ignorance in a point of natural Philosophy , and that without giving any notice of it before hand , and such a reproof would have been no more suitableto the scope of the Apostle , than to have reproved them for ignorance of such a place as America , which was discovered but of late . But farther , this Text which the Abyssinian makes his unmoveable foundation , if the scope be seriously considered , gives a strong foundation of an Argument against him . The Apostle ( as we have already proved ) reproves those who are willingly ignorant of the Power of God , and who either denied it altogether , as the Epicureans did , who were a famous Sect at that time , and who disputed with St. Paul at Athens , Acts 17. 18. Or else such as pretended to give an account of the first Formation of all things , without taking notice of the Power of God in it , which was or among the Greek Philosophers in those times ; now this is the fault the Theois guilty of in the account Creation , all the Six days Works are in Scripture said to be performed by the Word or Power of God , but in the Theory all is said to be carried on by the Laws of Gravitation , without any mention made of the Power of God , which is the very thing that is ●ere condemned by the Apostle , and ●herefore what the Theory thinks ●o make most for it , militates most against it . This Charge is justify'd from the Theories own words , Tell. The. ch . 6. I have followed the most common Laws of Gravitation and Levity , and by their guidance alone , we have seen the Promogenial Mass after one or two alterations , and an unconstant shape , to have come into that stable form of the Earth built upon the Waters , that was to continue for some Ages . Seeing therefore the Theorist has willingly left out any mention of the Power of God in his whole Theory , contrary to the Tenour of the Scriptures , which ascribes all the Works both of Creation and Providence , to the Wisdom and Power of God , he may be said to be willingly ignorant of both , and to have written rather like a Disciple of Orpheus , than a Disciple of Moses . And yet his Laws of Gravitation , if rightly considered , will not answer the Phaenomena of the Creation , for the World was then but a making , and might be then compar'd to the Materials of a Clock , before an Ingenious Artisicer , which could never point out the Hours and Strike , imitate the motions of the Sun and Moon , as some are made to do , till the Artificer had first made the several Wheels , &c. in due proportion , and fitted them together , and last of all put a Spring or Motion to them , which I judge to have been compleated about that time , when he said all was very good , which Motion has been continued ever since , except when he hath been pleased by his Finger , to put a stop to some of the Wheels , as he did when the Sun and Moon stood still , or to make them run backward , as he did when the Shadow went back on the Dial of Ahaz , or to accelerate their Motions more than ordinary , among which may be reckon'd this of the Deluge , of which , and the Creation , 't is as easie for the Theorist to give an account , as if he had been one God Almighty's Counsel at that time . One might think that the sense of our natural blindness , even in things that most concern our selves , and that we have daily in our hands , might give a check to this presumption , but vain Man would be wise . Beside this Achillean Argument and Foundation of the Theory , from which ●he Author hopes never to be beat , he has others , which at the first view , ●nd as he is pleas'd to explain them , ●eem to favour his Cause very much , yet after examination , will be found to make no more for him than the former . One is taken from Psal. 24. 2. For he hath founded it upon the Sea , and establisht it upon the Floods , or upon the Rivers . What could one think of , more favourable for the Theory than this ? But if we compare this with other places of Scripture , it will not be found to make for his purpose ; for example , Psal. 2. ver . 3. And he shall be like a Tree planted upon the Rivers ; no body I believe , will make a Philo●ophical Argument of this , to prove that Trees in David's time were planted upon the surface of Rivers , but contenting himself with the scope of the Psalmist , which is to hold forth by this Simile , the flourishing condition of the Righteous , will never once call it in question , if Trees did grow on the surface of Rivers , and take it for granted , that by upon , the Psalmist meant upon the Banks of Rivers , in which sense we say , Lands lye upon such Seas as they are adjacent to , and Houses or Cities , seated upon the Banks of Rivers , to stand upon the Rivers : For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the original , imports this , and in this sense may be explain'd , Prov. 6. 27. When he set a compass upon the Face of the deep , of which the Theorist says , If I rightly understand the matter , this is the place of the Earth firmly encompassing the Abyss , and what else can be understood by this Girth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with which God is said to have encompass'd the Abyss , what is there in the present form of the Earth that can answer it , or to the Bounds or Globe which he hath put about the Sea. Yes the Theorist might have found another meaning in , Iob 38. Who hath shut up the Sea with doors , &c. ver . 11. And set Bars and Doors , and said , hitherto shalt thou come , and no farther , and here shall the pride of thy Waves be stay'd ; these Bars or Bounds are by all judged to be the Sea shore , by which God hath limited the Sea , that it shall no more return to overflow the Earth as it did before , as in Psal. 104 , 9. Thou hast set bounds that they pass not over , that they turn not again to cover the Earth . And in the common way of speaking among our Hydrographers , this Bounds is called a Girth , so they call the Coast round about England , the Girth of England . Since the Theorist contrary to his own position , will adduce Scripture to prove his Philosophical Paradoxes , by the same liberty we from ver . 5. of this Psalm , Who hath laid the Foundation of the Earth , that it should not be removed for ever . Infer that the Theorists Foundation is none of God's making , since it is suppos'd by him to have been removed , by falling under the Abyss , whereas before it was above it . And may not we infer from God's challenge to Iob , ch . 38. ver . 4. Where wast thou when I laid the Foundation of the Earth ? Declare if thou hast understanding , v. 6. Whereupon are the Foundations thereof fastened ? ( the very thing the Theorist pretends to tell ) and to which Iob ( whom without disparagement to the Theorist , we may imagine both a better Man and a Philosopher than he ) answers , chap. 42. ver . 3. Therefore have I utter'd that I understood not , things too wonderful for me , which I knew not ; may not we ( I say ) infer , that the Theorist is very presumptuous in thus taking up the Argument against God Almighty ? And may not we without breach of respect say , Theorice quid animum minorem aeternis consilijs Fatigas ? This is the Philosophy the Apostle Paul bids us beware of , Col. 2. 8. Beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceits , which will be very clear if we consider , that the Hypothetical was at that time the Philosophy in vogue among the Grecians , to whom being puft up with a conceit of their own Knowledge , the Gospel appeared Foolishness ; surely , the Apostle does not hereby condemn him that studies to know the nature of things , with their causes , &c. Vt varios usus meditando extunderet artes . Which is Natural Philosophy ; for Solomon the wisest of Kings , is in the Scripture commended for this , or him that studies the nature of , and way to manage his own Spirit , and its Thoughts , &c. which is Metaphysicks and Moral Philosophy , both in their places very subservient to Religion ; but he condemns the Abyssinian Philosophy , or the imposing of Poetical Fictions instead of solid Truth , on the understandings of People . Now that we have view'd the Theorist's strongest holds , and I hope beat him out of them , I think it will not be worth while to seek him out any where else , as to his pretences to Sacred Authority ; we come next to view his Philosophical holds , I hope though it be War time , we may view them without danger from Canons or Grenades , or at the worst they will be but Paper ones , and will do no great hurt ; and this comes in course , for after the Author has made the best he can of this place in St , Peter he distrusts the strength of his own Argument , for in the beginning he confesses , that the meaning of these words seems not to be so express and open , that the form of the Anted●luvian Earth may be thence concluded ; & therefore he has recourse to his Abyssinian Philosophy a very good second , as we shall find : Dignum patellâ operculum . He supposes the Chaos to have been made up of Particles , different as to shape , bulk , weight , &c. and that the grossest solid Particles by their weight falling downward , suddenly toward the Center , formed the Kernel of his Primogenial Earth , and that immediately there followed a new division of the remaining part into two , and no more , viz. Fluid and Volatile , or Air and Water , of which the thinnest and lightest part keeping uppermost , made the Air , and the grosser the Water , out of which were separated the Oily parts , which being lighter floated above it ; and last of all he supposes another purgation of the Air , from its Earthy Particles , which falling upon the Oily Particles , were by their viscidity entangled , and thus hindred from descending into the Abyss , and these Earthy Particles he supposes by the heat of the Sun , to have been burnt ●nto a hard crust , which made the Shell of the Primogenial Earth . This is the substance of the Hypothesis , from which as a Corollary , tho' not heeded by the Theorist , we may infer , a new sett of Principles , viz. Oil and Earth , unknown to the Learned World before this Abyssinian Philosophy . Now may Paracelsus keep to himself his three Principles Salt , Sulphur and Mercury , Aristotle his four Elements , Des Cartes his three Principles of Materia subtilis , globuli secundi elementi , & materia tertii elementi , and the most experienc'd Van Helmont , his Axiom Of Water and Seminal Principles all things are made ; tho' experience taught him , and others since him , that not only Oil , but also Salt , Earth , &c. are made of Water , which is known à posteriori , or by the effect , or experiment ( the Foundation of all the Knowledge we have of Nature . ) But as for the Antediluvian World , since it doth not so much concern us now , I shall leave the consideration of its Principles to the Abyssinian Philosophers , who demonstrate all things à priori . And yet in these separations , the Theorist is not so Philosophical as he pretends to be , for his division of the Chaos , into Fluid and Volatile , Water and Air , this is purely Abyssinian or Fictitious , the Air being own'd by all Philosophers Eluid as well as Water , nay rather more . But the Fifth and Last Separation of the Earth from the Air , is contradictory to common sense , as well as his own Laws of Gravitation ; for how could it come to pass that there remain'd so much Earth in the Air ( which is 1000 times lighter than Water ) after the four Separations mention'd , as to be sufficient to make up the crust of the Antediluvian Earth ? Why was it not carried down toward the Center , as fast as the Water , or at least the Oil ? The simile of Snow and Hail falling down from the Air , will not answer the case in hand , for they rise into the middle Region of the Air in form of a Vapour much rarify'd , by which ●●refaction the Surface of every particle of Water , being made larger , the body becomes lighter than so much Air , and so ascends till it come to the middle Region , where by its cold , 't is condens'd , and so falls down in Rain , Hail or Snow , according to the different degrees of cold ; that I may not seem to say this gratis , I shall illustrate ●t with an experiment , that will quadrate better with what I have said , than the Theorist's Simile ; let us suppose a small Carps Bladder , with the Air squeezed out , and the Mouth close tyed , to be thrown into a wide mouth'd Glass full of Water , it will sink to the bottom , but if the Vessel and all be put into the Pneumatick Engine or Air-Pump , and a Receiver fitted to it , upon exhausting the Air from the Receiver , that little which remains inclosed in the Bladder , will expand i● self very much , and so both togethe● will make an aggregate , lighter than Water , upon whic● it will rise to the top , because it has more Surface expos'd to its Pressure , than it had before . Now if the Theorist can prove that his Earthy Particles were thus capable of expansion and dilation , this Assertion of his , tho' but the Opinion of one Dr. shall have place among the probable ones , otherwise we will take it for no other than Abyssinian , or Fictitious . But suppose it to be true , we have no reason to think Fabulous or Strange Pliny's and Livy's Stories of Showers of Flesh , Stones , &c. seeing the whole Earth , the Mother of All did this Shower down out of the Air. And since our Author is Arbitrary in supposing , I think he might as well have suppos'd the Abyss to have been shut up in a Bag of Raw Hides , which would have supported the Earth from falling into his Abyss , till by being bak'd into a hard crust , it had been able to support it self ; and this will better fit his Interpretation of Ps. 33. 7. where the Sea is by him said , to be gathered as in a Bag , for the hard crust of the Earth might be better compar'd to a Bottle than to a Bag. I would not have the Theorist think I put a jest upon him , in mentioning this of the Raw Hides , because notable Feats , past belief , in the laying of Foundations have been perform'd by this means , a memorable instance of which is to be seen to this day in the English Church at Vtrecht , where is a great Massy Pillar that was thus founded ; the account I had of it when I was at Vtrecht was this , when the Bishop of Vtrecht was building the Church , as they digg'd to lay the Foundation of this Pillar , they came to a Quick-Sand that swallowed up every thing that was put upon it , so that the raising of it was look'd upon as unpracticable , till the Bishop proposing a great reward to any that could bring the Foundation to bear , a Friezlander found out the way , and being overjoyed at the discovery , he told it to his Wife , which his Son hearing , told it to his Play-fellows in the Street , by this means it came to the Bishop's Ears , so that when the Ingineer came to demand his Reward , he refus'd to pay him , saying , he knew it already , which so incens'd the cruel Friezelander , that he kill'd his Child and Wife for divulging his Secret , and the Bishop for defrauding him of his Reward ; in memory of this there is a Picture of an Ox upon the Pillar , with this Inscription , Accipe posteritas quod per tua saeculaa nerres , Taurinis cutibus fundo solidata columna est . Upon a Pillar at the end of the Church , are twenty or thirty Hexameter Verses , giving an account of the whole Story . The Theorist needs not object , that the heat of the Sun , which is suppos'd to bake the Earth into a hard crust , might burn the Hides , for the Water in the Abyss will secure him from this fear , a confirmation of which may be seen in Buchanan's History , where he gives an account of a way practis'd in these times for boiling of Meat in raw Hides , by which they became hard like Iron , and were not burnt . But if we admit that the after-birth of the Earthy Particles , did ( in the order suppos'd by the Theorist ) fall upon the Oil , and there were by the heat of the Sun , bak'd into a hard crust , how will this agree with the Scripture ? Gen. 1. 9 Let the Dry Land appear , and it was so ; ver . 10. And God called the Dry Land Earth , &c. How was the Earth hardened by the heat of the Sun that was not yet made ? For the Earth was made on the third , and the Sun on the fourth , ver . 16. God made two great Lights , the greater 〈◊〉 Rule the Day , and the lesser to Rule the Night . But suppose the Sun could do this under the Line , how came it to be so soon bak'd under the Poles , ( where according to the Theory's supposition of the Poles , of the Ecliptick and Aequator coinciding ) the Sun could never rise above the Horizon ? Seeing now tho' the Sun shines half a year to these places , the Air is always very cold , and the Earth covered with Snow . But let us suppose the Earth to have been thus hardened by the heat of the Sun and Winds , then it must be granted , that it hardened sooner under the Line , than towards the Poles , and that before the crust was hard enough to support it self from falling into the Abyss , it had acquired some considerable weight , by reason of which pressing on the Surface of the Abyss , it would , according to the nature of all Fluids , give way , and rise towards the Poles ; where by reason of the greater rawness of the Crust , the Water would meet with less resistance , and so break the continuity of the Egg-shell ; for I do not see by any thing the Theorist advances , how the Water which in the natural Ballance alters its place with the 1 / 200000 of its weight , more on one side than on another , should in this case hold firm , except by the above mentioned supposition of the raw Hides . Methinks I see the Oil'd Cake or Crust , thus falling in at the sides , and rising towards the Poles , and so the whole Fabrick of the Egg-shell spoil'd : and therefore Gentlemen I will by your leave take the liberty to entertain you with another Hypothesis , while the Theorist is making a surer and better foundation than Water for his Primogenial Earth , or Egg-shell , but first crave leave to make an end of this search . The Theorist does not tell in what proportion the Earth was mixt with the Oil , for Nature does all her Work in proportion ; this the Apothecaries know in making their Plaisters , where according to the Rule of Art , there is of Oil and Wax each an ounce , and of Powders half an ounce , for a soft Plaister ; and for the hardest Plaister there is one ounce of Oil , two ounces of Wax , and Powders six drachms , which being cold makes a Mass hard , almost like a Stone ; but this , seeing it melts again with the heat , will not answer the end ; the good Women know a certain proportion of Butter and Flower , which , tho' I am ignorant of , yet seeing it bakes into a very hard substance , might do here , were it not very brittle . The Theorist may think this a ridiculous comparison , yet this I may be bold to say , and can make out if needful , that a good Woman that makes Butter'd Cakes to sell them again , does more service to the Publick , than the Doctor has done by his Theory . But he does very well to decline this , as being a thing impracticable , except he had been then on God Almighty's Council , or dispens'd out the Ingredients ; for if he had been then present , and but a bare Spectator , he could have done no more than now , i. e. to make a Conjecture good for nothing . But farther , the Oil must have been of some depth , to incorporate so great a quantity of Earth ; now the Theory does not tell where so great a quantity of Earth did stop in the Oil , whether near the surface , in the middle , or near the bottom , if they settled to the confines of the Oil and Water , the heat of the Sun , even under the Torrid Zone could not reach so far as to bake it into a hard Crust , except he be suppos'd to have been far more vigorous in his Actions , in his own , and the World's Infancy , than he is how in his old declining Age ; for at Sea , within the Tropicks , we do not find now , that the Sun-beams penetrate much below the surface of the Water , this is known by the experience of the Seamen , when ( under the Line ) they let down their Plumets ; for after they have been some time under Water 200 fathom deep , they bring them up so cold , that one cannot long hold his hand upon them , which observation the Mariners have improved to the cooling of their Liquors , better than we do here with Ice and Snow . It will be most convenient therefore , in my judgment , to suppose this forming of the Crust , on or near the surface of the Oil ; but by this means 't is very likely there would be a great quantity of Oil under that never incorporated with the Earth , or was never bak'd , so that when the Egg-shell broke , the Sea would be covered with it , like so much fat Broth , which , there being no more Earth to Rain out of the Air to incorporate with it , must have continued so to this day , except consum'd with the superfluous Waters after the Deluge . Yet further the Egg-shell or Crust was made before the Fishes and Fowls were produc'd out of the Water , which was on the Fifth day , Gen. 1. 20. And God said , let the Waters bring forth abundantly , the living Creature that hath life , and the Fowls , &c. ver . 23. And the Evening and the Morning were the fifth Day . Now how can this be consistent with a Crust of the Earth encompassing the Abyss , in which there must be no opening or hiatus ? Or else how could the Crust when it was first forming , be kept from falling in ? In which case this Abyss must be a very improper place for Fishes to live in , far more for their encreasing and multiplying ; for 't is observ'd now in Fish-Ponds , if the Water be quite Frozen , that the Fish dye for want of Air , and therefore in Holland where they have a great many Fish Ponds about their Houses , and great Frosts , they break the Ice from time to time , lest their Fish should dye for want of Air. 'T is remarkable that the Plants were produc'd the same day with the Earth , before the Sun and Moon , but the living Creatures , viz. the Fishes and Fowls were not made till after the fourth day , in which the Luminaries were made , that they might have the benefit of the Sun and Moon to direct them by their Light , in their removing to and fro to seek their Food ; but the Plants which receive their Nourishment standing still in the Ground , had not so great need of that Light , and therefore were made before . From this we may infer , that the order kept in this short History ; is not only to comply with the weak capacities of the Ignorant People , but to tell the Matter of Fact , and that there is no less reason for the Order of all the other parts of the History , tho' the Theorist has the confidence to ridicule it , as being fitted only to the capacities of Ignorant Slaves , newly come out of Aegypt . But supposing Fishes might live there for 1600 years as the Faetus does in the Mothers Womb , shut up in darkness , from the Air , and the Prolifick heat of the Sun ; how can our Theorist give an account of the production of Fowls out of the Water , that is consistent with the Scripture , for the Earth was made the third day , and firm enough to produce Plants , how , or at what ●ent got the Fowls out into the open Air ? Suppose they could make their way through the Egg-shell , in places nearer the Poles , where 't was still but like Mudd ; or was our Oil'd Cake not strong enough by this time to keep the Birds from flying out ? if not , surely they would be so daub'd with Oil or Earth , that they would never be able to raise themselves out of the Mudd , or when raised , to fly . But again , if the Fishes were thus inclos'd within the Crust , how could the Blessing of God upon Man take place ? Ver. 28. viz. That he should have Dominion over the Fishes of the Sea , seeing for 16 hundred years they were so far remov'd from his Habitation , likely some hundreds of miles , the whole Crust of the Earth being interpos'd between him and them . and expand it self with heat , which would be derogatory from the subtlety of the Cartesian Aether , upon which he and Seignor Spoletti the Venetian Ambassadour's Physician , were pleas'd to honour me with a visit at my Chamber ; the Experiment was this , I had a Glass Pipe , such as they make the Baroscopes of , blown into the shape of a round ball at the end , that was Hermetically seal'd and bended into a Syphon , whose legs were parallel ; but distant from another three inches , so that the leg on which the Ball stood , was nine inches long , but the other two feet long ; the shorter Leg , and the intermedial Pipe I fill'd quite with Water , to the lower end of the great Leg , so that there was no Air left in the space , then I put into it some filings of Steel , about a drachm and an half , and after the filings were laid along in the intermedial Pipe , I put to it Oil of Vitriol 30 or 40 drops , which mixing with the Water ( for otherwise strong Oil of Vitriol does not work upon the filings ) did immediately corrode the Iron , and sent up to the Ball so great a quantity of this generated Air as to fill it , and half the shorter Leg in a very little space , in which it was remarkable , that applying my warm hand to the Ball , it did expand it self in an instant , so much as to drive out the Water at the longer Pipe , but on with-drawing my hand , it contracted it self into half the Ball , where it has stood ever since December last year , now it 's November ; another thing very remarkable in this is , a considerable heat that is to be observ'd ever since , on the top of the Ball , such as is observed in the great end of fresh Eggs , and this tho' the Water , the other half , be very cold , and at the same time some of the Vapours got out into the open Air. At the first it had a saltish taste on the top of the Ball , which I could not observe in the Summer , but now in November I observe it very remarkable with the heat , and so it appeared to a young Gentleman that was with me at that time . Before I come to apply this to the subject in hand , it will be necessary to remark from Scripture , Gen. 7. 11. that there were then and still are , great Cavities in the Bowels of the Earth , full of Water , to which agree the Testimonies of the Authors mentioned in Ramazzini . These Cavities , seeing the Scripture says nothing to the contrary , we may suppose to have been made from the beginning , not as Deformities , but for noble and excellen● uses , and that by taking off the upper Crust from some parts of the Earth , and laying it on others , the everlasting Mountains , and a Bed for the Ocean were fram'd at the same time , and thus a passage was open'd for the Waters , that before encompass'd the Earth , to run into these Cavities : 't is not material for our purpose , whether this was all done in one day , as the Theory objects , or whether the Water could run so fast away from the Inland places , as to leave them quite bare , it is enough , if in that day the dry land did appear , as doubtless a great part of it did . The Theorist thinks this a very laborious Work : as if it were a hard thing for the Author of Nature ( who tells his Servants , that if they had Faith but as a grain of Mustard-Seed , they might remove Mountains into the Sea ) to remove the Mountains out of the Sea. 2. That this Abyss did communicate with the Ocean , which is a consequence of the first , and supported by the Testimonies of Ram. p. 125 , 158. 3. That in these Cavities might be generated Minerals and Metals , Ram. p. 32. and that by the colluctation of several contrary Salts in the Abyss , might be generated an Air and sometimes so suddenly as to make Explosions ; of which , and the first Supposition , Earthquakes , and the rocking of the Earth seem to be a pregnant instance , Vid. Brit. Bac. P. 73. Where 't is related that the Earth rose nine foot high , and was thrown some distance off , which sure was from an Exhalation or Wind pented in , and suddenly expanded . 5. We may allow also that there were Mountains in the beginning , which seems to be plain by Psal. 90. 2. in which the formation of the Earth , and the Mountains are mention'd as coaeval , and therefore are called everlasting Mountains , Gen. 49. 26. This may be by good consequence also inferr'd from the second chapter of Gen. wherein 't is said , there were Rivers , one of which , viz. Euphrates is to this day known by the name that it had then : from whence we may safely conclude , that the same Rivers had the same Mountains , from which they descended , that they have now . Now if we suppose , that at the time of the Deluge there happen'd such a conflict of contrary Salts , Acid and Alcali , as we have now mention'd in the Bowels of the Earth , there would be an Air generated , which in many places being penned up , might cause Earthquakes , and at the same time some of this Exhalation might escape into the open Air , from which might proceed the great Rains of forty days continuance , accompanied likely with great Thunder , Lightning , &c. to strike the greater terror into the Wicked , that in their fright they might not find the way to the Ark they had formerly so much despis'd , and that if they had thought of such things , they might be hindred by the great Rains ; by the Air inclos'd in the ●owels of the Earth we may ( as it happens in our Experiment ) imagine , that the Water of the Abyss was dislodg'd , and so came out to overflow the Earth : ( by which we may interpret the opening of the great depths ) and this at the passages by which the Abyss and Ocean did communicate , which so swell'd by degrees , till the top of the highest Mountains were covered ; Further we may infer , that the Antediluvian Air being infected with the Mineral Seams , and in a great measure compos'd of them , might occasion that shortning of Man's Life , which happen'd quickly after the Deluge ; which tho' it did not so visibly affect the stronger Constitutions of Noah and his Sons , might lay such a foundation of infirmities in their Posterity , as might in Moses days shorten their Life to 70 or 80 years . We may suppose likewise that ( as in our Experiment ) when the heat of the Effervescence was over , the Water fell in the greater Pipe , and rose in the shorter , so when this Ebullition was over in the Bowels of the Earth , the Waters returned by degrees into the Bowels of the Earth , and so the Ocean into the bounds set to it by God , as in Psal. 104. 6. Thou coverest it with the deep as with a garment : The Waters stood above the Mountains . ver . 7. At thy rebuke they fled , at the voice of thy thunder they hasted away , ver . 8. They go up by the Mountains , they go down by the Valleys , unto the place which thou hast founded for them , ver . 9. Thou hast set a bound that they may not pass over , that they turn not again to cover the Earth . One might represent the whole of this to the Eye thus , let there be a round Ball to represent the Earth , ( with a hole at the end , standing for the North Pole , at a , which Kircher supposes the Ocean to circulate thro' the Earth ) of glass f f f , full of risings to represent the Mountains b b b , let the Ball be fill'd with Water , and at the hole insert a Pipe g g g , which cement to the Neck , throw in by this Pipe some filings of Steel , after which some Oil of Vitriol , and keep the Ball inclining , so that the steams arising may not get out at the hole , but being pented in may drive out the Water at the Pipe , which if the Ball were the Center of the Earth , would over flow all the surface of the Glass , and cover the Mountains of it , but this being wanted , we may imagine another glass c c c divided in two as you see , so that they may be cemented together when the other glass ball is inclos'd , all the Water that runs out at the mouth of g g g , will over-flow the Hills b b b , &c. This is the substance of what I have to say of my Hypothesis , which if furnish'd with a good Library , with large Indexes , it were easie to make swell into a Volume big enough to deserve the title of a Theory ; among which I might perhaps find , even in the Relicts of the Fidler Orpheus himself , so much esteemed by our Theorist , or at least among the other PLACITA PHILOSOPHORVM , enough to favour it . Sed non equidem hoc stude o bullatis ut mihi nugis Pagina turgescat , dare pondus idonea fumo . And with this I leave the Theory at present , hastning to make an end . Of Perpetual Lamps . THere has been much written of Perpetual Lamps , said to be found in Burying places of the old Romans ▪ which at first seems past all belief ; for how can it be that a Lamp should have fuel for some hundreds of years , to maintain it in life ? And if it had fuel how could it in those close Vaults escape being suffocated in its own smoke ? I believe that the appearing of some light by the Work-mens Tools , hitting against some hard Stone or Brick in the dark , and so striking fire , might give rise to the first report , which Fame ; that never loses by going , has increas'd almost to a Miracle . For they say of them , that upon the Air 's coming to them , they , contrary to all other fires , do presently die . Or they might have met with such an ▪ Observation as a noble Lord told me he had communicated to him when at Rome , by a Gentleman of that place who made it ; and it was this , that searching Roma Subterranea for Antiquities , he came to a Brick-wall , which ordering to be digg'd thro' , he found to be the Wall of a Vault , or Burying-place , in which before the Light was brought in , he observ'd something like a Candle burning , which he lost sight of as soon as the Candle was brought in : and therefore removing it again , and directing himself by his Hand kept between the Light and his Eye , he found it , and by the description I had of it from that noble person , it was of the nature of Mr. Boyl's Glacial Noctiluca , for it was solid , and in a fortnights time did run per deliquium . But whatever be of truth in it , the Ingenious have made many Conjectures about the salving of this wonderful Phaenomenon . Des Cartes has attempted it by applying his Principles to it , but seeing they are Abyssinian , i. e. precarious , and the explication hardly intelligible , we pass it in silence . Athanasius Kircher , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has given us his conjecture , which seeing it depends upon a Mechanical Principle , is by far more intelligible than any we can expect out of the Mint of a mere Abyssinian . He supposes that these Lamps are seated upon the opening of a Vein of Petrol●um ▪ running under ground , of which Italy and other hot Countries afford many ▪ and the Wick to be made of Linu● Asbeston which never wastes in the fire ; so that Nature constantly furnishing fresh fuel , and the Wick never ●alling , the flame may continue forever . But how plausible so ever this Conjecture be ▪ it will be of small use , because it cannot be had every where . Therefore the Ingenious Dr. Hooke has contriv'd , and imparted to the World several pre●●y ways , which are found to answer very well ; for by the poysing of his Lamp ▪ he orders it so , that the Oil may always be kept to the same height , upon the Wick , and consequently the flame , and that therefore the Wyck can never waste , because always in the flame , for it wastes not tho' in the midst of the flame , till it be expos'd to the open Air ; of which one may see more at large in his Treatise of Lamps : but with submission I am of opinion , that the weight of the Oil when the Lamp is full , will make the Lamp move heavily , and also make it wear out quickly . I have therefore a good while ago , thought these inconveniencies might be prevented by some Hydrostatical contrivance , seeing the main thing sought for here , is to keep the flame at the same height on the Wyck ; my way is this , let a Vessel a a a , be shap'd after the fashion here mark'd , an inch or more deep , and as broad as you may think fitting for the quantity of Oil you are to burn , let also a Pipe b b b , coming from the bottom almost as high as the Cistern , be filled first with Water c c c , so high as to cover the hole of the Pipe at the bottom , that the Oil d d d poured in afterwards may not get out at the Pipe b b b , and so be lost ; let the Vessel being almost brimsul , have a cover'd pierc'd with as many holes as 't is design'd to have Wycks , be fitted to the mouth of the Vessel , when the Wycks are lighted , if Water falls in by drops at the Pipe , it will keep the Oil always to the same heighth , or very near ( the weight of Water to that of Oil , being as 20 8 / 11 to 19 ) which in the depth of an inch or two , will make no great difference of height in the Oil , if the Water runs faster than the Oil wastes ; it will only run over at the top of the Pipe , what does not run over coming under the Oil , will keep it to the same height , this it will do perpetually without any fear of rub or let , the cover will keep the Soot of the Lamp from falling in●● the Oil , and keep it from thickening with it , The main use of such a contrivance is , where there is occasion for long digestions with a gentle heat . Some Thoughts about the way of making Oil of Sulphur Per Campanam . SUlphur at all times has been counted a wonderful product of Nature , and therefore by the Greeks is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Several attempts have been hitherto made by Chymists to analyse it , which they have hitherto done but in part ( that I know of ; ) yet by this they have discovered it to be a Mineral Oil , coagulated by a mineral Acid , and also the same is made evident , by the composition of it ; for if you mix Oil of Sulphur with Oil of Turpentine , they will coagulate into a gummy substance which being sublim'd , give true Brimstone . The main experiment insisted on is the making of Oil of Sulphur P. C. Only two or three ounces of Genuine Oil , can be had this way out of a pound , and all the 〈◊〉 seems lost , which I believe mostly to proceed from a defect in the way of making it . It is about fifteen years ago since first reading Le 〈◊〉 Preparation of Ol. Sulph . P. C. I thought it might be improved to the catching of all , or most of that which flies away thus . Suppose a ●at glass Cup , b b b , to have two or more Pipes coming in at the bottom , and rising pretty high in the glass a a a , suppose likewise another shap●d like a Matrass , fitted to the mouth of b b b , with a Ring at the bottom c c c , to keep it from falling into the Cup , and that the same Matrass is wide enough at top to admit of a crooked Pipe e e e , to come into it , and to be luted to it , to which must be fastened Adapters , with some Water in them , that the Acid Spirit passing , may find in the way wherewith to embody it self : now if Brimstone be put into a Cup , and so put into the Glass below , with the cautions usual in that case , and so kindled , and the Matrass fitted to it , the Air coming in by the Pipes will keep the flame in life , and carry up the lighter fumes by the neck , into the Adapters f f f , which with the Water may condense into an Acid Spirit . This Experiment might be varied , by inserting the Neck into the Wall of a very large Room , made tight for the purpose , as they do for Flower of Br●mstone , to see what dry Flowers it gives , and of what nature they are . Of Phosphorus . I Have seen in the Parisian Memoirs , lent me by the curious Dr. Sloane , an Experiment said to be made by one Mr. Homburg , about producing Phosphorus out of Quick-●●me and 〈◊〉 Armoniack ; 't is that which I casual●y lighted on , when living with the honourable and never to be forgotten Mr. Boyle ; for after I had by the force of the fire melted these two together into an Opack Glass , and the pieces of it were still hot in my hand ( during which time they are very hard ) I had the curiosity to see what the pieces which were very hot would do , if strock against one another in the dark , and was su●priz'd to see it not only strike fire , but also to retain a glimmering light in the places where the pieces hit one another , which I judge to proceed only from the Sea salt of the Sal-Armoniack remaining with the Quick-lime , p●t in a violent motion by the collision , and perhaps deserves no more the name of a Phosphorus , than the Sea Water that shines in the dark night , or refin'd Sugar , when 't is scrap'd ; a proof of which seems to be the dark spots that appear in the shining parts , which is in all probability from the greater quantity of the Quick-lime in the mixture , for of two 〈◊〉 there is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 IV. of the Glass , so that only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 IV. of the Sal-Armoniack may be concluded to be there . This when cold ; runs p. d. which it continues for a long time ; and when set to evaporate , does retain its fluidity while upon fire a long time , but when removed , in an instant it coagulates into a hard Mass , which upon the least heat melts again , and therefore by Mr. Boyle was called the fusible Salt. I will not say that Mr. Hemburg had that from Mr. Boyle , or any of his friends ; for why might not he ●all on it by chance , as well as we , tho' this account was Printed two years after the honourable Mr. 〈◊〉 death ? But to pass this , this Liquor is very remarkable for dissolving sublimate corrosive , in the cold of which it dissolves its own weight . 〈◊〉 makes a Spirit of this Solution thus , 〈◊〉 of this Liquor , p. 111. dissolve in it sublim . 〈◊〉 p. 1. imbibe the Solution with brown Paper , and Destill , it comes over in form of a brownish colour'd Spirit , smelling like Musk ( says my Anthor ) some of the Mercury is reviv'd in the Receiver : three drops of this Liquor taken in a convenient vehicle , do greatly purifie the Blood , as he says ; as for the smell , 't is so far from having the smell of Musk , that rather it stinks of an Empyreuma ; and as for its use in Physick , 't is so far from having the promis'd Effects , that I have known it given from three to sixty drops , without any visible effect , and also that a Woman , to whom an hundred drops were given in a Venerial Distemper , had such pricking pains all over the body following , as could hardly be removed again : yet this , with all its Mistakes , has a famous Plagiary in Town , copied out in a Book called the Lond. Dispens . this man it seems has no regard to what he Writes , so he make a bulky Book , I could instance many cases in which this Rhapsodist has thus without any judgment play'd the Plagiary , if time would permit ; it were to be wished that a severe Censure were put upon such , who for a little Lucre ; will thus set out a Wild-fire to lead People into dangerous Mistakes , instead of setting up Beacons for them , by which they may be guided in so important a business as the practice of Physick , at least an Index Expur gatorus , made by an impartial and judicious Pen , might remedy the ill Effects of such Books , and prevent the multiplying of them for the time to come . ERRATA . PAGE 44. in the Margin , Tab. 11. f. p. 69. in the Margin , Tab. 11. f. 2. p. 70. l. 14. r. The Water overflowing and falling . ibid. l. 23. or being , r. are . p. 81. l. 18. by hidden passages , and the Sand it self . THE Abyssinian Philosophy CONFUTED : OR , TELLVRIS THEORIA Neither Sacred , nor agreeable to Reason . Being , for the most part , a Translation of Petrus Ramazzini , Of the Wonderful Springs of Modena . Illustrated with many Curious Remarks and Experiments by the Author and Translator . To which is added , A New Hypothesis deduced from Scripture , and the Observation of Nature . With an Addition of some Miscellany Experiments . By ROBERT St. CLAIR , M. D. Non mihi , sed rationi , aut quae ratio esse videtur . Milito securus quid mordicus hic tenet , aut hic . Scaliger . LONDON , Printed for the Author , and Sold by W. Newton , over against St. Bartholomew-Close-Gate , in Little-Britain , 1697. THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE . IF the Searchers after Nature , of which this Age has not a few , whose study is spent about things of greater Concern , and therefore are deservedly admired ; if , I say , these found it as easie to search into the inner parts of the Earth , as 't is to the Anatomists to take an exact View of the Bowels of a Man , and other Living Creatures , the one needed not envy the other ; and we should have as full a Knowledge of the Earth , as we have now of Living Animals , by the Industry of Anatomists . We know now , yea to our own no small Satisfaction , with our Eyes we see , how the Blood circulates , what is the Motion of the Chyle , the Lympha ; and other Fluids ; so that now to use Hippocrates his own Words , The Fountains of Humane Nature , and the Rivers with which the Body is watered , seem to be open'd . But as for the Earth , out of whose Treasures we draw our Nourishment , we can observe nothing but its outward side , and therefore we are ignorant of the more beautiful things that are hid ; and , which is to be grieved for , there is no way by which they may be known . For although the Miners have gone down into the Bowels of the Earth many Fathoms , yet they have never gone much deeper than half a Mile , which by Agricola is said to be the greatest Depth of the Mines . But what is that to the Depth of the Earth , whose Seme . diameter is said to be 3600 Mile . Wherefore , to tell the Truth , we know the Body of the Earth only superficially , and not within : Yet 't is lawful to judge , that 't is neither a sluggish nor unshapely Body , nor yet that all its Dignity is plac'd in its outward Surface , as in Statues , but that its more beautiful Parts are inward ; yea , we must think that 't is so shap'd and figur'd by the Great Creator , as to contain a Specimen of the Vital O Economy , and that the wonderful Functions thereof are perform'd in its Bowels , by a Law no less certain than unknown to us , especially the Circular Motion of the Waters ; of which , though they cannot be demonstrated to the Senses , yet by what appears outwardly , 't is evident that the matter is so ; neither has the Wit of Men stopt , till they had by all Art searcht into the State and Condition of the Subterraneous Regions , as far as could be . But seeing there is no other way by which we enter into the Earth , but by such Apertures , as either Nature has made of her own accord , or by Mines and Wells , which the Covetousness of Men has digged for Metals , or Necessity has put them on , for finding Veins of Waters ; and seeing that in this City there is a frequent digging of Wells to a notable Depth , ( as much as can be in a very plain place , and remote from Mountains ) from which a wonderful Spring of Water rises ; I thought good therefore to examine these Secrets of Nature , and to communicate to the Professors of Natural Knowledge , what I have observed of them , and my Thoughts threupon , seeing none has Written of these things expresly . I am not ignorant that some idle Men will speak ill of me , and others will not be wanting who will accuse me , as having spent may time about a thing of no moment : But that does little disquiet me , seeing I have the Examples of the most Learned , who have been taken up with the most minute things , of whom Virgil says , In tenui labor , at tenuis non gloria — But I can Answer such Men with the Words of Seneca treating of Natural Philosophy , You will say , what Profit is there in these things ? No greater can be ; To know Nature . Neither has the treating of this Subject any thing more beautiful , seeing it contains many things that may be useful , than that its Greatness takes up a Man ; nor is it followed for Profit , but for its Wonderfulness . Of the Wonderful Source of the SPRINGS of Modena . CHAP. 1. The Structure of these Fountains is described , and the most curious things which appear in the Digging of the Wells , and when the Water springs up , are remarked . But that I may not keep the Reader longer in Suspence , you must know for a certain Truth , which many Thousands of Experiments have already confirmed , That in any place within , or without the City , for some Miles round , one may open a Spring which shall constantly send forth most pure Water . And seeing every Citizen may take out of this great Stock , as much VVater for his private Uses as he pleases , without fear of wronging the Publick , or being Fin'd for it : Therefore when any will have a Spring in his own House , he calls some VVorkmen , and having agreed for the Price , which for the most part does not exceed the Sum of Forty Crowns , he shews them the place which he thinks most fit , and they without further consideration dig a Well in a place mark'd out for them ; and when they have come to the depth of about 63 Foot , they pierce the bottom with a great Auger , which when it has been driven down 5 Foot deep , immediately the VVater gushes out with so great Force , throwing up Stones and Sand , that almost in a Moment all the VVell is filled to the top , and the VVater flows out thence constantly . Moreover , that which in digging these Wells gives the greatest Trouble to the VVorkmen , is , the great abundance of VVaters flowing from the sides , by which they are sometimes much troubled , till they come to the depth of 28 Foot , where first the Potters Clay begins to appear : And therefore to keep off these VVaters which are none of the cleanest , when they first break Earth , they make a VVell pretty large , drawing out the VVaters that flow together on every side , till they come to the Bed of Clay ; then they build upon it , as on a solid Foudation , a VVall round about of Lime and well-burnt Bricks , made for the purpose , that so the VVell may be narrower ; and they carefully plaster the outer Surface of it with Clay , well wrought , pressing it with their Feet ; and thus they continue to do till they come to the Surface of the Earth : For by this means they hinder the Influx of VVaters from the sides , which being done , as if all were safe , and there were no more fear of the VVater coming from the sides , they carry on their digging to the lowermost place so successfully , that from the appearing of the Clay , they observe no more water to drop ; yea , which is wonderful , they are forc'd sometimes to moisten the Earth with VVater , that it may be more easily digged . 'T is also no small Disadvantage to the Diggers , before they come to the beginning of the Chalky or Clayie Ground , that the soft Earth falls in upon them by the Force of the Side-VVaters ; which Impediment is not overcome but with great Labour : But when at length they come to the Bed of Clay , and from thence to the greatest Depth● there is nothing to hinder them form getting by the usual boring the usual Eruption of VVater . For no Case is remembred in any place whatsoever within the City , or without the City , for some Miles , in which upon opening a Hole , and giving Vent to the inclosed VVaters , they did not immediately spring up on high . For the Diggers do with as great Assurance and Confidence fasten down their Augers in the bottom of the VVells , as one being to draw VVine , would pierce a Hogshead when 't is full . I was often present when this Phlebotomy , if I may so call it , was practis'd ; and I always observed the VVater to break out almost with the same Force , which at the first is muddy and full of Sand , but the next Day it appears clear enough . But when the VVater has broke out , and the Borer is pulled out , sitting on the Arms of the Auger , immediately two or three VVorkmen that are about the Mouth of the VVell draw out the VVater with all possible Diligence ; for seeing at that time the Force of the VVater drives out much Sand and Gravel , they say that by this means the Course of the VVater is promoted , and the VVells are made to send forth VVater more plentifully ; neither can the Stuff settling to the bottom stop the Hole . The Diggers of the VVells say , That some new-made Fountains have thrown up sometimes so much VVater with the Gravel and Sand , that the Ground giving way on every side , and threatning the Ruine of the adjacent Buildings , they have been forc'd to fill up the Fountain again with Earth and hewn Stones . But the Pebble Stones , which are thrown up by the force of the VVater , differ not much from those which are seen in the adjacent Rivers ; neither are they small , but some of them weigh 3 or 4 Ounces : Some of these are adorn'd with Veins of Gold , and pretty hard ; others are harder , and like the Rudiments of Pebble Stones . In some places where the Situation of the City is lower , the VVater arises above the Plain , from whence it runs easily down , but in higher places it stops below the Surface of the Plain ; so that 't is necessary to make Conduits under Ground , thro' which it falls into the publick Canals , which afterwards meet into one Canal that is Navigable , and by which they Sail conveniently enough even to Venice . For this Canal falls into the Scultenna , and the Scultenna into the Po. The Number of these Fountains is very great , so that now almost every House has one ; and their Numbers being increas'd , the old Fountains become fewer , as may be seen in the most Illustrious Family of the Sadalets , now belonging to the Castelvitrys , where the Pipes that now send forth no more VVater , are higher than those that at present do . These Fountains also are in the Gardens about the Town , and in the adjacent Villages , some of which rise above the Surface of the Earth . Moreover , the Diggers of the VVells say , that they have on Trial found them seven Miles from the City , beyond Scultenna : For having made an hole with an Auger , they say the VVater did boil up freely enough , throwing up Sand and Gravel . VVherefore the Limits of this hidden Spring are not known enough ; yet 't is reasonable to think , that it is extended farther from East to VVest , than from North to South , seeing in this Tract they are not found extended above four Miles . This is remarkable , that when the Hole is bor'd , and the VVater begins to break out , the next Fountains cease from running for some time ; yet after a little time they run again . I have been told by a Person of Credit , that when a VVell was bor'd in the Cloysters of the Nuns of St. Francis des Sales , he saw in another VVell near it the VVater sunk in a moment , which afterward ascended , till both the VVells being in an Equilibrium , the VVater settled in the same Horizontal Surface . I have often observed this Decrease , but not with so great Swiftness , in which the VVater did not sink so deep on a sudden , but rather by degrees ; and raising a few Bubbles , I observed it to decrease ; but when the new Well was filled , it ●ose again to its former height . Having often understood by the Diggers of the Wells , that they heard a great noise of the water running under the bottom of the Wells , and that when it first begins to be heard they take it as a sign , that 't is time to Bore . To be assur'd of this , I went down into the bottom of a Well in the beginning of February , holding a lighted Candle in my Hand , the Well being built in a place of no great light ; having staid there a little , I perceived a manifest Murmur and Noise , yet not such as I expected . Then I stampt on the Ground with all my force , upon which the Ground made a hideous Noise , so that I thought I had to do with Hell , and therefore quickly gave notice to those that were above , to pull me up with all possible speed , remembring that once the force of the Water throwing up the Earth prevented the boring . But though I did not stay long there , seeing nothing beside occurred to be observed but the oise of the Water , yet I felt so great a Heat there , that I did run down in Sweat ; and it was no small Pleasure to me to observe , when I was drawn up from that Thermometer , in so small an Interval of time , so many gradual Changes of Heat and Cold. At another time I try'd what was the temper of these Wells , in their greatest Depth , by letting down a Thermometer in the midst of Winter , and I found that it differ'd little from the Heat of the Dog-days in our Climate . The Diggers perceive no less Cold in the Summer-time in these Wells , and upon that account they refuse to undertake such a work in the middle of Summer ; seeing , beside the great Cold which oppresses them , such a difficulty of breathing also seises them , that they are almost suffocated ; a great quantity of Smoke rises likewise at the same time , so as to put out the Candles , which never happens in the Winter , for then they breath easily enough , and the Candle stands unmoved . The Diggers complain much of a bad Smell , when they dig in the Wells in a hot Season ; especially when they light on Stumps of Trees : For the rotten wood sends forth a most vile stink , which in the Winter-time they do not experience , though at that time they perceive a great Heat in these Wells . But seldom are these Wells digged , in which they do not meet with several sorts of Trees , as Oaks , Walnut-trees , Elm , Ash , some of which stand upright , and some lie along . But it appears not by any Mark , that they have been cut by Men's Hands ; and therefore we must think that these Woods were only the Habitations of wild Beasts in former times . These Trees when they are cut by the Diggers are soft enough , but when they are exposed to the Air , they grow hard like Coral . When they were making such a Well as this in the middle of April , I observed the rising of such a smoaky Exhalation , that the Digger could scarcely be observ'd in the bottom ; who also said he was very cold ; and that he could hardly breath ; and at the same time was troubled with a Cough : But when the Air on a sudden was changed to Cold , immediately the said Exhalation evanisht , and the Digger could breath freely enough ; and he said , he felt a moderate Heat . Being to try what Temper these Wells were of in the Months next to the Summer , I went down into a Well which a French Jeweller was digging in his House about the end of May , before it was bor'd , and I found such degrees of Cold , as are observ'd in this Climate about the beginning of Winter . During the time that I staid there my Chest and my Breast was so straitned , that my Heart did pant very much . I did not perceive a great noise of Waters in this as in others , yet the Ground being beat , did give a frightful Sound as before . While I was writing this , I thought fit to try the Temper of the Subterraneous Air in a Well that was then digging , by letting down into it at the same time a Thermometer and Barometer to several Depths , and marking the difference that is between the open Air , and that which is in the Wells when they are a digging ▪ and especially in the Summer Months , in which the Workmen seldom undertake such a business , by reason of the Inconveniences afore-mentioned . Wherefore I have set down the following Table , that it may be better known what is the difference between the Subterraneous and the Open Air ; which would be also very convenient and curious , if try'd in the VVinter time : But I do not doubt but the quite contrary things happen then which I will try with the first opportunity . The 12 day of June . The 23 day of June . The 27 day of June . The 1 day of July . The height of the Liquor in the Thermometer without the Well , G. 80. The height of the Liquor in the Thermometer without the Well , G. 77. The height of the Liquor in the Thermometer , G. 74. The height of the Liquor in the Thermometer without the Well , G. 78. In the Well to the depth of 18 Feet , G. 64. In the Well to the depth of 30 Feet , G. 51. In the Well to the depth of 45 Feet , G. 44. In the greatest depth of the Well , G. 40. The height of the Mercury in the Barometer , G. 80. The height of the Mercury in the Barometer , without the Well , G. 80. The height of the Mercury in the Barometer , without the Well , G. 78. The height of the Mercury in the Barometer , without the Well , G. 79. In the Well to the depth of depth of 15 Feet , G. 82. In the Well to the depth of 30 Feet , G. 84. In the Well to the depth of 45 Feet , G. 85. In the greatest depth of the Well , G. 86. 'T is also fit to be known , that no Force of Man is able to drain such Wells dry : For if the Water should be drawn incessantly with great Buckets , it were very much if the Water should be depress'd 6 or 8 Feet ; the more the Water is drawn out , these Fountains run more briskly : So that ● it happen at any time , that any of these flow something flowly they draw out the Water as fast as they can ; and by this kind of Remedy ( even as in Men's Bodies the Blood is taken away , that it may move more quick through its Passages ) the Load being as 't were taken off , they easily drive away the Sickness of these Fountains which is their flowness of Motion For the same end , they also either make a new Hole , or open the old one with an Instrument made of many wooden Cylinders , which they let down into the Wells with great Auger fastned in the end of it . But these Fountains are subject to no other Fault ; they maintain the same Purity of their Waters uncorrupted ; and as in moist Seasons they feel no Increase , so in the greatest Droughts ( such as we observ'd in these last Years , in which the whole Region on this and the other side of the Po did exceedingly want Water ) they suffe no Decrease . Moreover , these Waters are very warm in Winter , so that they send forth a Smoak ; but in Summer they are very cold . Some Days after the Eruption is made , when the Water has setled , they usually cover the Well with a Marble Stone , and as it were seal it , and afterwards convey the Water by Earthen Pipes from the same into Vessels of Marble , or of Stone , from which afterwards the Water is , by other Conduits , continually Bed of Clay is about 11 Feet , and sometimes 't is full of Cockle-shells ; it ends therefore about the depth of 39 Feet ; after that there appears another Bed of marshy Earth , about 2 Foot thick , compos'd of Rushes , Leaves of Plants , and Branches . This marshy Bed being taken away by the Diggers , another Bed of Clay of the same thickness with the former , presents it self , which terminates in the depth of about 52 Foot ; which being digg'd up , another Bed of marshy ground , not unlike the former , is seen ; which being removed , another Bed of Clayie Ground of the same nature with the former two , but not so thick , appears ; which lies upon another Bed of marshy Earth , which at last terminates on that last Plain , in which the Auger is fix'd , which is soft , and sandy , and mixt with much Gravel , and sometimes full of Sea-Products . These several Beds , with their Intervals , are observ'd in all the Wells , as well within the Walls of the City , as in the Suburbs , in a constant Order . Seeing in digging they often fall on Stocks of Trees , as I have frequently observed , which gives great trouble in the boring , to the Undertakers , 't is a manifest Proof that this Ground was once expos'd to the Air ; but I could never observe those Stocks of Trees in the Beds of Chalk , but in the marshy ones only , or in that space which lies between the Foundation and the beginning of the Clay . There have been also found in the greatest Depths of these Wells great Bones , Coals , Flints , and pieces of Iron . I do willingly pass by many things here , which the common People report , of extraneous things cast up by the Violence of the Waters at their first breaking forth , as Leaves of Oaks , Chesnut , Millet , Bean-husks , and many other things ; contenting my self with telling those things only of which I have been an Eye-witness , or have heard from Persons worthy of Credit . These are the things which belong to the History of the Wells of Modena , and which I have observ'd as I had occasion . CHAP. II. That these are not Standing , but Running Waters ; upon this occasion some things are brought in from the Hydrostaticks . SEing the Nature and Original of this hidden Source deserves to be as much enquir'd into , as that of the Nile did formerly , let us pass through these Subterraneous VVaters with the Sails of our Reason , seeing we cannot do it otherwise . First , we may freely affirm , That these Waters are not standing , as they are when shut up in a Hogshead , but are in con●inual motion , and that pretty quick : For the Noise of that wa●er which is heard before the Per●oration in the bottom of the Wells ●oes make it manifest enough . Neither can any object , that even stagnant VVaters are subject to great Commotions , as is known of the Vulsinian Lake , Thrasumenus and Benacus , of which the chief of the poets says , Teque adeo assurgens aestu , Benace , marino ! O Benacus , which like the Ocean roars ! For that is not constant ; yea , these Lakes for the most part are very still : But the Noise of the VVater before the Terebration is constantly heard , which I always perceiv'd distinctly as oft as I descended into these Wells ; and to this agree the Undertakers of these Wells who by the noise of the VVater guess that they have done with digging . But seeing the VVate rises so suddenly to the height 〈◊〉 68 Feet , casting forth Sand and Stones with force , 't is most certain that these Subterraneous VVaters descend from a high place , and are continually prest on by others that follow . Neither do I think that such a sudden rising of the VVater can be attributed to the weight of the superincumbent Earth , which drives the VVater upward by its Pressure . I know indeed , that VVater may be elevated above its Surface , when 't is driven up by some force lying upon it ; as Scaliger , writing against Cardan , demonstrates , by the Example of a Cylindrical Vessel with Pipes on both sides , and a Plug fitted exactly to its Capacity ; into which , being full of VVater , if you force down the Plug , it will raise the VVater in the Pipes , above the Surface of the VVater that is in the Vessel . But if , by the weight of the incumbent Earth , these VVaters were elevated , the Earth so superincumbent would be broke off from the rest , which is altogether improbable , there appearing no Marks of it . Beside , by what way could it come to pass , that these Waters should be so excellent , as to surpass all others , if they were without Motion , and kept as it were captive ? For every body knows , that standing Waters do no less differ from those that are moved , than dead Bodies differ from live ones , seeing we commonly call such as run , Living Waters . These Waters therefore do move , and stand not still here , but run down constantly either to the Sea , or are swallowed up in some Gulph . But whilst I conclude these VVaters to be running , an Objection of no small Value does occur , and 't is this : If the VVaters run away so violently , there seems to be no Reason why these Wells being digged , they should rise upwards . But it may be demonstrated by a Physical Experiment , that the Water cannot ascend in such as case . For let there be a Vessel full of Water , at whose side near the bottom , a Pipe is inserted at right Angles pierc't with many Holes , EFG ; and in the lower part let it have a Slit , HI . If now you give the Water free vent to run out , not only it will not ascend at the Holes , but neither will it descend at the Slit , but will all run out at the wide Mouth of the Pipe ; and it will be pleasant to see the Water hang out at the Slit , and not fall , ( till at the latter end ) the Vessel being almost empty , the Water will no more run out at the wide Mouth , but will all run down through the Slit. If therefore this Experiment hold , the supposed running of the Waters to places farther off , and their manifest ascent into these Wells at the same time , seem not to agree with the Laws of Hydrostaticks : For if they flow freely , and without stopping , without doubt they cannot rise on high ; which is confirmed by what the most Learned , Scaliger says in his Exercitations , who , enquiring whether VVaters may run under other waters , says , That near the River O●tus there is a Well on a high Hill , and that at the bottom a Stream runs swiftly and with great Noise . Altho' all this seems to be true and obvious to the Senses , yet the further Progress of these waters may in our case consist with the rising in these Wells ▪ which may be demonstrated in the same First Figure . For if you put your Finger to the Mouth of the Pipe D , yet so as not to stop it altogether , the Water will leap out on high at the same time , by the holes E , F , G , and flow down by the Slit H , and withal at the Mouth of the Pipe , the one Action not hindring the other ; and so according as there is more or less of the Orifice of the Pipe stopt with your Finger , more or less Water will be raised by the said Holes ; but it will never be rais'd to that height it would be , if the Mouth were quite stopt . It does not therefore disagree with the Laws of Hydrostaticks , if these Subterraneous Waters are running and go further , that at the fame time they should be raised to the height of 68 Feet in the Wells , yet so as not to exceed the height of the Cistern from whence they come , because the Passage at which they flow out is not large enough . 'T is convenient that some Account be given of these Phaenomena , observ'd hither to by none that I know , seeing there is no part of Philosophy more curious , yet less cultivated , than Hydrostaticks . First therefore , 't is no wonder that the Water ( while it has a free Course and Passage through the wide Mouth of the Pipe ) does not run also at the Holes ; yea , of necessity it must be so : For the Water has a free Descent , neither does it meet with any Obstacle to make it rise , as it does in Pipes bended upwards ; so neither will it descend by the Cleft , because of the Pressure and the Force it has acquir'd in descending , like a solid Body , which suffer it not to turn from its Course ; in the same manner as Bodies thrown , are carricd in a Horizontal Line for some space , while the Force continues . But the Reason why the Orifice of the Pipe being straightned , the Water presently leaps on high , and runs down through the Slit , in my Opinion is this : That when the lower parts of the Water are pressed by the upper ( as the most famous Mr. Boyle has made evident in his Hydrostatical Paradoxes ) and are urged with Violence to run out , the Passage being straitned , by applying the Finger to the Mouth of the Pipe ; some of the Water when it cannot overcome the Obstacle , seeks a Passage to it self where it can : From whence it comes to pass , that the less the Water runs out at the Mouth of the Pipe , with the greater Force it runs out at these Holes . But when the Pressure is abated , and the Vessel is almost empty , none runs out at the Mouth of the Pipe , but what remains , runs slowly through the Slit , being the shorter way . From hence it appears , that the direct Pressure must be estimated by the weight of the Pillar of Water , whose Base is equal to the Horizontal Surface it rests on , and its Height equal to the perpendicular Depth of the Water . For Example : In a Vessel constituted in a Horizontal Plain , any part of the bottom that can be assigned may be a Base to a Pillar of water of the same Height with the whole water in the Vessel . And in the foregoing Figure , when it flows freely through the Pipe C D , 't is prest by a Pillar of water , which has the same Base with the Orifice of the Pipe CD ; which Pillar of water forces it self by a lateral Pressure into the Pipe , and so to run out ; by the force of which Pressure it comes to pass , that all the water in the Vessel runs out by this Imaginary Pillar . Many things are said of this Pressure of the water by Hydrostatical VVriters , to wit , that the under parts are prest by the upper , and the upper parts are prest by those that are under . Moreover , they are prest side ways by one another ; which Diversity of Pressures they endeavour to prove by several Experiments ; and in effect , every one may experience this lateral pressure in himself , when he is in the watery up to the Neck ; for he will feel a pressure on every side , and some difficulty of Breathing , which yet is not to be thought to proceed only from the lateral pressure of the water , but another Cause : For when the Expansion of the Chest is necessary to Respiration , 't is not so easily perform'd in the water Element , as in the Air , by reason of its Grossness : For as Fishes need a greater force for swimming , than Birds for flying , as Borellus demonstrates , by reason of the grosser Body of the water , which must be moved out of its place , and circulate into that left by the Fish : So a Man sunk in the Water up to the Neck , needs a greater force for opening his Chest , than if he were in the Air. And from hence it is , that Inspiration in the Water is more difficult than Expiration . This happens only because the pressure is unequal ; for the pressure of the Pillar of Air and Water on the Chest without , exceeds the pressure of the Pillar within the Chest , that is only of Air , so much as the weight of the Pillar of Water which covers the Chest , exceeds the weight or pressure of the Pillar of Air within the Lungs , and of the same height with the Water about the Chest ; for Fluids press only according to the perpendicular heights , and not the grosness of their Pillars , as is plain in Syphons , in whose Legs , tho' of different thickness , the Liquor rises but to the same Horizonal Height . Likewise all do agree , that not only the bottom , but also the sides of the Vessel are prest ; which pressure some say is considerable , but others not . Tho. Cornelius thinks it to be equal to the perpendicular Pressure : For supposing the Water to press by inclin'd Lines , and that a Body sliding down by inclin'd Lines , acquires as great a Velocity as if it fell down by a Perpendicular , equal to the height of the Plain , he thinks the lateral Pressure to be equal to the Perpendicular . On the other Hand , Becher , in his Physica Subterranea , says , That the Water presses directly on the bottom , but far less on the sides ; which Conjecture he grounds on this , That the little Ramparts of Earth sustain the Pressure of the Ocean it self , that it overflows not the adjacent Fields ; yea , he endeavours to make it out by a Mechanical Experiment , that the Pressure of the Water is only upward and downward . If Mr. Becher had considered that Hydrostatical Axiom , viz. That Fluids press only according to their perpendicular Altitudes , he would not have been frighted by the Extent of the great Sea at Amsterdam , from owning so evident an Hydrostatical Truth as this is , That the Lateral Pressure of Fluids is equal to the Perpendicular : For suppose the Banks there to be Three Fathom , or Eightteen Feet , above the Harlem Meer , and the adjacent Lands , which they defend from the Inundation of the Sea , and that the weight of every Cubical Foot of Water is 76 lb. 9 ℥ ½ , and 48 gr . this multiplied by 18 f. the Perpendicular Height will amount to 1381 ½ lb , ℥ 1. g. 384. which is the Weight or Lateral Pressure that lies on a Square Foot at the bottom , which a Rampart of Earth , made strong for the purpose , and 100 Foot thick , may be well allowed able to support . 'T is true , this Computation is made for fresh Water ; but the addition of Salt in the Sea-water , which is about 1 lb of Salt to 41 lb of Water , will not so much alter the Reckning . For my part , as I do not believe the lateral pressure of the VVater to be equal to the perpendicular , so I do not think it despicable ; for it may be shown , that the lateral pressure is less than the perpendicular , by taking notice of this only , That there is a greater Endeavour of the VVater to descend by a perpendicular Line than an inclin'd one : But suppose that some parts in the sides of the Vessel suffer a pressure , equal to the perpendicular pressure , as are these which be at the bottom , and in which those inclin'd ones would end , which have the same Depth with the whole VVater ; yet in other parts the lateral pressure cannot be admitted so great . The Author here seems like one groping in the dark for the Truth , and yet when he has got it between his Hands he lets it slip : For he supposes , that the Pressure by inclin'd Lines is , at the bottom , equal to the Pressure by Perpendicular Lines ; yet he will not own the same in the intermedial parts . Indeed the Pressure by Inclin'd Lines in the intermedial Parts is not equal to that Perpendicular Pressure which is at the bottom ; but 't is equal to that perpendicular Pressure which is on the same Horizontal Surface , which may be made evident thus : Take a Glass Tube , such as they use for Baroscopes , but open at both ends , a b ; stop the upper end a with your Finger , and so immerse it into the Vessel e f g h , filled with Water to m l , inclining , till it come to the Horizontal Surface i k , and then take your Finger off , the Water will rise by the Pressure at the Orifice b , till it has come to the Surface m l , which is the same height it would have come to if the Pipe had been Perpendicular , as in c d. Farther , Suppose a Pipe bended in the end at the right Angles p q , immersed to the same Surface i k , as before ; upon taking away your Finger form p , it will rise up as high as before , to the Surface m l : Now 't is evident to any that considers the Figure of the Pipe , that the Pressure at q is Lateral , and as forcible as if it were Perpendicular : This may be made more pleasant to the Eye by putting Oil into the Pipe , as the Honourable Mr. Boyle shews in his Paradoxa Hydrostatica , Paradox . 7. And yet 't is not to be thought so little of as Becherus says : for seeing the sides of Vessel are no small hindrance to the Fluid that it descends not , the Force which the Fluid exerces on the sides cannot be small . Seeing then , as was before said , the parts of a Fluid are crowded on one another , as if they were in a Press , 't is not without Reason that Moderns from this do fetch a Solution of that old , yet difficult , Problem , which has wearied subtile VVits , VVhy a Diver , in the bottom of the Sea , is not opprest by the incumbent VVater . They commonly say that it happens , Because the Diver is lifted up by the water under him , and on the sides the parts of his Body are prest with the same force ; neither can they be driven inward , seeing all is full ; so that there is no fear of the Luxation of a Member , or painful Compression . Yet the most ingenious Mr. Boyle thinks the Difficulty is not answered enough ; for though by reason of the equal Pressure of the Ambient Fluid , there follows no Luxation , yet there appears no Reason why there is no Pain felt by the compression of the Parts one against another . VVherefore the same Author recurs to the strong Texture of the Animal , which can resist the Pressure . It might be solv'd thus . There is an Air lodged in the Pores of all Animal Iuices , which two together keep distended and full the Fibres , which are tubulous , as Sir Edmund King has very ingeniously discovered long ago ; and it is by the Pressure of the Ambient Fluid ( which is equal on every side ) that this Air being forc'd into less Compass , the sides of the Fibres come closer together , which causes no more pain to the Fibres , than the Bladder , ( which yet is a very sensible part ) suffers upon its being contracted , when the Urine is expelled . If it were not Rashness to think any thing can be added to the Reasons of so many most famous Men , I would say , that seeing the Body of a Living Man is specifically lighter than VVater , tho' not much ; and therefore being more prest by the Collateral VVater , according to the Principle of Archimedes , the Syphon in which the Diver is that is less prest ought to be lifted up , and therefore he ought to feel no Pressure . But because the Diver under water may be diversly considered , either as he descends by a perpendicular Line , or ascends by it , or is moved by inclining Lines , or as being fastned to the bottom , and sticking on a Rock , he remains immovable ; in any of these cases he cannot be subject to a dolorous Pressure . I have learned from a skilful Diver , that when a Swimmer will descend perpendicularly , and go to the bottom in a straight Posture , he drives the water upward with his Hands as with Oars ; and when he will rise again , driving the water with his hands towards the bottom , he returns the same way . From whence it comes to pass , that such as are unskilful in Swimming , when they strike the water contrary ways , are stifled . It is worth the while to enquire into the Reason of these Effects , having never seen them in any Author , tho' there were need of a Delian Swimmer here , as they say . I think then , that when a Swimmer drives the superincumbent water with his hand upward , he therefore descends ; because such a Syphon being so smitten is less prest , and therefore is lifted up , the other being deprest in which the Swimmer is ; just as in a Scale suspended , and put in an Aequilibrium , if one of the Scales be hit below , that will be lifted up , and the other of necessity will descend . Therefore the Body of the Swimmer being put in the Pillar that is more prest , will of necessity descend ; but when at the same time he does this with both hands , he makes his Descent more easie . But when he will rise perpendicularly , and in a straight Posture from the bottom , by striking the water with his hands toward the bottom , he makes that Syphon more prest ; and therefore the Swimmer being plac'd in the other , must of necessity ascend : Just as when the Scale is put in an Aequilibrium , if I hit the Scale in the hollow part , that will be deprest , and the other lifted up . The same Reason holds , when he ascends or descends by Lines inclin'd to the Horizon . Therefore whether he ascend or descend , or whatever way he move , he ought to be under no dolorous Pressure , how deep soever the Water be . For seeing , according to the most ingenious Borellus , Bodies do not appear heavy but when they are in rest ; a● appears in an Example given by him of two Sacks of Wool , one of which being put on the other , does not exerce its weight , or press it , but when 't is resting , and not when it descends . Therefore the Swimmer descending in the Water perpendicularly , ought not to suffer any Pressure in the VVater descending with the same Swiftness . But when he is carry'd up by the same way , seeing by his Body he thrusts upward the VVater lying upon him , which he does not by his own Strength , but by the help of the Collateral Syphon , and therefore needs no help of his Muscles to overcome the Resistance of the superincumbent VVater ; neither ought he to have the sense of a dolorous Pressure , to which the Circulation of the Ambient Fluid coming in behind , does not a little contribute , by not suffering any part of the Body to be mov'd out of its place . Upon the same Account he ought not to feel any dolorous Pressure , if he ascend or descend by inclin'd Lines , or stick without Motion to the bottom : For the other Collateral Syphon being more prest , does always exerce its Force , and the subjacent VVater lifts up the Diver , that is specifically lighter than its self upward . The Author here supposes the Body to be specifically lighter than Water , which I judge to proceed from the Air inclosed in the Chest ; for when that is out , the Body sinks by its own weight ; and this gave perhaps the first rise to Anatomists to discover whether a Child was Still-born , or not ; for if its Lungs do swim in the Water , 't was not Still born , but has breathed the Air ; but if they sink , then they conclude the Child to have been Still-born . As for the Divers rising or falling by the Motion of his Hands , 't is the same Case as in an Oar , when the Blade of it moves with greater force than the Water , it makes resistance to the Oar , which therefore not advancing , the Boat of necessity must : So when a Man presses the Water quickly downward , it makes resistance to his Hands ; and therefore the Water not giving way fast enough , the Body must be thrust upward ; just as in the Air , if a Man between two Chairs did forcibly thrust them down with his two Hands , he must be lifted up , because they do not give way . The Author says , the Pressure is not felt when the Diver is ascending or descending , because the Water being in motion , does not press upon the Body : But it might be made manifest that it does ; and Experience makes it beyond Contradiction , that they feel no Pressure when the Water is at rest ; and the Divers do own , that they feel a Pressure rather in the going down in the Diving-Bell , than afterward ; as the Honourable Mr. Boyle told me be had communicated to him by the Laird of Melgum , who practis'd this way of Diving , in these Words ; The Compression of the Air being such , as going down did hurt me ; but below , and staying there , was as familiar to me as that above . CHAP. III. That these Fountains cannot be derived from a Subterraneous River . SEing then that it is clear enough from what was said before , that the flowing of these VVaters toward the Sea , may consist with their rising here , and in any place , it seems to follow , that there is a great subterraneous River under it , from which these Fountains do spring : And truly this is the common Opinion among us , which yet I cannot assent to . I am not ignorant , that there are some Rivers that hide their Head under Ground , and after some time do rise again . Some again there are that never rise above Ground , as it happens in the Veins of the Body ; some do appear in the Surface , and some do never . Of this Seneca speaks very well . Nature governs the Earth as it does our Bodies , in which are Veins and Arteries ; and Nature hath so formed it like our Bodies , that our Ancestors have call'd them Veins . Pliny says , That the Nile is often swallowed up in Gulphs , and after a long time is spew'd up again . They report the same of Niger , a River of Aethiopia , which rising out of the same Lake that the Nile does , and running towards the VVest , when it meets with a Chain of Mountains , it finds hidden ways ; and appearing again on the other side of the Mountains , discharges it self into the Atlantick Ocean . In like manner , Tigris in Mesopotamia being stopt by the Mountain Cancasus , hides it self under Ground , and is lost in a great Cave ; but afterward breaking out near to Babylon , is mixt with Euphrates . To say nothing of Alphaeus , a River in Achaia , whom the Poets feign to pass a great way not only under Ground , but also under the Sea it self , and to rise again in the Fountain called Arethusa : This is known by the Offals of the Sacrifice , which being thrown down the River , were , every fifth Summer , at the time of the Olympiack Games , cast up by this Fountain . And also the Seas themselves are thought to communicate by occult Passages , as the Mediterranean with the Red Sea , and the Caspian with the Euxine , as the most Learned Kircher makes out by good Conjectures . Father Avril a Iesuit , in his Travels into Tartary , says , that 't is more probable that it discharges its self into the Persian Gulph , of which this is his main Proof ; That they who inhabit about the Persian Gulph , do every Year at the end of Autumn observe a vast quantity of Willow-Leaves : Now , in regard this sort of Tree is altogether unknown in the Southerin part of Persia , which borders upon that Sea ; and for that quite the contrary , the Northern part , which is bounded by the Sea of Kilan , or the Caspian-Sea , has all the Sea-Coasts of it shaded with these Trees ; we may assure our selves with Probability enough , that these Leaves are not carried from one end of the Empire to the other , but only by the Water that rowls them along thro' the Caverns of the Earth . So far Father Avril . Who further , for establishing a Circulation of VVaters from Pole to Pole , describes a great VVhirlpool under the North Pole , of which also Olaus Magnus and Helmont have written , by which a great quantity of VVaters is absonb'd , which falling into the Bowels of the Earth , is return'd by the South Pole. Some say that this changes its Course once in half a year , going in at the South Pole , and coming out again at the North. Tho' all this be true , supposing also that within the Bowels of this Earth there is exercised something like an Animal O Economy ; and that one may , not without Reason , imagine divers Ebbings and Flowings of VVaters , seeing , as Seneca says , the whole Earth is not folid , but hollow in a great many parts ; yet I cannot allow as some do , that this is a great broad River , from which these Fountains break forth . This Opinion of a great River has so firmly possest the Minds of all Men , that if a little Earth quake happen , the Inhabitants are in great Foar lest the Town , which otherwise is greatly shaken with Earthquakes , should be swallow'd in a moment of time ; imagining it to be plac't on the arch'd Roof of a great River . I confess the Conjectures are not slight , on which may be grounded the Opinion of such a Subterraneous River , which gives Water to these Fountains ; especially the Noise of the VVaters in the bottom of the Well before the Perforation , and the assurance Men have , that in every place where a Well is digg'd , Water will boil up , casting up Sand , Pebbles , and many other things ; which seem to evidence its being some great River , or at least some great Receptacle . But one Reason , to wit , the super-exceeding Greatness of this imaginary River , which must be admitted of Necessity , is of so great weight , that it overturns all Conjectures that would seem to confirm the Opinion of so great a River running under this Ground . For Europe has no River so big as this subterraneous River must be , to which neither the Po , nor the Rhine , nor the Danube , are to be compared . 'T is known well enough by what we have before said , and all the Inhabitants are convinced , that not only within the Compass of the City , which is a Mile in Diameter , in any place , may be made a Fountain , which will constantly send forth Water ; but also without the Town for some Miles , without having any regard to the Situation , such Fountains may be made , but especially by the Aemilian way ; as also beyond the River Scultenna a great plenty of these Springs and Fountains is observ'd . Therefore the breadth of this subterraneous River ( unless its Course were along this way , in which case it would be extended 4 Miles ) should be extended 6 or 7 Miles . But who can believe that under this Plain , on which this City is plac'd , a River of so great Extent should continually flow , with so great a weight lying upon it ! I will not deny , that from South to North the Source is not so much extended , seeing these Fountains are not observ'd above 4 Miles ; which , whether it be for want of Experience , or that this is truly its Bounds , I dare not affirm . But if we will suppose a subterraneous River , which hath a Channel of 4 Miles , every one I think will doubt it : Nor will he so easily give Credit to this Opinion , especially seeing this Arch that must keep up so great a VVeight 68 Feet deep , is not of Flint or Pumice-stone , but altogether made up of Earth gathered by degrees . Truly , if this Prodigy of Nature were situated in a Mountainous Region , I should not be much against admitting the greatest Subterraneous width . For if we take notice of the Caves and Subterraneous Recesses which are fam'd in Geographers , we shall find them to be made amongst the Rocky and steep Caverns of the Earth , seeing Rocks and Stones are the Bones and Strength of it . From whence Ovid says , Magna parens terra est , lapides in corpore terrae , Ossa reor dici — The Earth is our great Mother , and the Stones Therein contain'd , I take to be her Bones . VVe find the Corycaean Cave in Cilicia ( of which Pliny , Solinus , and others write , that being a very large Promontory with a wide Mouth , and full of Woods within ; 't was 52 Miles broad , so as to be very light , and both a Cave and a Port ) to have been plac'd in the Mountain Corycus . The River Tigris , which we have often mention'd , hides its Head , and as often rises again , but only when he sees himself stopt with a Chain of Mountains . For disdaining that any stop should be put to his Swiftness , from which he takes his name , he finds himself a way by the wide Bowels of the Mountains , and runs hid , till being swell'd with the accession of VVaters , he runs out into the open Plain . The River Timavus , famous enough among the old Poets ( about whose true place , whether 't was near Padoua , or Tergeste in Istria , there were so many Contentions among the Learned of the last Age , as may be seen in Leander ▪ Albertus , Bernardinus Scardeomus , Iohannes Candidus ) though he seem to draw all his Water from ●ine Fountians , as Breasts sticking out in the Mountain Timavus ▪ yet he borrows them from another place , viz. a Subterraneous River , discharging it self by the Cavernous VVindings of the Mountains , into the Sea ; for which he is so proud as to be called , the Father and Fountain of the Sea. Seeing we have made mention of Timavus , and wonderful things are told of him by VVriters , viz. That he Ebbs and Flows according to the Motion of the Sea ; and that he increases so much , as to overflow the adjacent Country ; but in the ebbing of the Sea he runs gently enough , and carries with himself the Sweetness of his VVaters even to the Ocean , without mixture . Ut Doris amara suam non intermiceat undam . Ecgl. 10. That Doris mix not her salt Wa●●es with thine . As the chief of the Poets did formerly say of Alphaeus : Therefore I am willing to 〈◊〉 the Contemplation of so curious things . The most Learned Kircher does very well explain the Cause of this prodigious Increase , and how the River keeps its VVaters free from Saltness , even to its Mouth . For he says , That a great abundance of VVater is cast out from the Bowels of a Mountain near a Village called St. Cantians , about 14 Miles distance from the Nine Fountains of Timavus , and that there 't is swallowed up by a manifest Gulph , nor does it appear more : He thinks therefore , that the VVater being swallow'd up by hidden Channels , runs into the Sea ; and that therefore in the flowing of the Sea ; the Salt VVater drives back the Fresh that meets it with great Violence , as being of less Force ; and so this Subterraneous River is stopt in its Course , which not finding room to which it may retire , breaks violently out at the foremention'd Fountains in the Mountain Timavus , communicating with the same Subterraneous River . Vnde per or a novem vasto cum murmure montis , It mare praeruptum , & pelago praemit arva sonanti . Aen. I. 1. Whence through Nine Mouths a Sea from Mountains raves , Which the whole Country drowns in foaming Waves . By this means 't is not hard to understand , how according to the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , there appears so proportionate a Vicissitude of Ebbing and Flowing in Timavus . and yet the Waters remain fresh : For the Sea does not beat back the Waters of Timavus , nor stop his Course in the Surface , but meeting the Subterraneous River swallowed up in the foresaid Valley , forces it to flow back , and throw out its Waters by these Nine Mouths ; and from hence is the prodigious Increase of the River Timavus . But when the Sea ebbs , and gives leave to that Subterraneous River to run , Timavus also at the same time , when that great Regurgitation of the Water ceases , runs quietly enough , and with all his Sweetness , into the Adriatick . Neither Kircher nor Falloppius , determine what Sea they suppose to flow into these Cavities ; for the Mediterranean does not rise high enough to answer the case , seeing it flows but a Foot at the most , which is in the Adriatick ; if they meant the Atlantick , which in some places is observ'd to rise 9 Fathom , in many to 2 1 / 2 , to 3 or 5 ; yet perhaps that will not answer the case neither ; for it has a great way to come , before it can come to reach the place ; and when it has swelled to the height there , considering the Nine Mouths of Timavus are in a Mountanous Countrey , which may be justly supposed elevated far above the Sea when at the highest , this Solution of the Phenomen will not hold . It seems to me more rational to explain it thus : I suppose the Water comes from St. Cantians , to run under Ground in a Canale 〈◊〉 , which it fills quite ( so that there is no passage for the Air that way ) till it come to the Basin a b c , which it fills so , as to overflow into the Sea below , and that this Basin is not much lower than the Mouth of Timavus ; for thus the Ascent of the Water into these Nine Mouths will be more easily procured . I suppose likewise , that this Basin a b c has another Passage g h ▪ by which the outer Air communicates with the Water in this Basin , and by which the Water in the Flux of the Sea runs out at h ; then the Water that overflow● and fall into the Sea when it is at the Ebb , because the Air gets out at the Holes below near the Surface ; when the Surface of the Sea k k k is elevated by the Waters flowing into this lower Basin through Subterraneous Passages , and the Holes near its Surface ( by which the Air got out before ) being now stopt , the Air is crowded between the Surface k k k below , and that in the Basin , and thus ▪ acquires a greater Elasticity than the Air that presses the Surface within the Pipe g h ; and therefore , according to the Laws of Hydrostatisks , the Water in that Pipe must ascend : Now if the Sea flow two Eathom below , it may raise the Waters in the Pipes g h near as much , so that it may run out at h. I think , the flowing of Springs and Lakes , such as the Ingenious Mr. VValker told me is reported to be found in Cornwall on the top of a Hill , and in other places , may be explained very well after this manner . Our Countrey-man Falloppius gives a Reason of this surprizing Phaenomenon of Nature , not much differing from this , whose words I thought fit to add here : But you must note , that although the River th●n abo●nd with Water , yet that Water is fresh , as ●tis also when it decreases ; for 't is always fresh ; but from whence does that come ? You must understand , that in the Country of Carni there is a Castle called St. Cantians , from whence rises a great quantity of Water , which when it has scarcely appear'd , is swallow'd up by the Earth , and appears no more . Now the Village of St. Cantians is 14 Miles distant from the River Timavus . I believe therefore that the Water flowing from the Mountain in abundance , is the Cause of the Increase of Timavus ; for I think that this Water flows plentifully by these Subterraneous Passages , which meeteth with other secret Passages , by which the Sea runs into the Mountain next to the River ; and that so there is a Congress made , and dashing of the Sea Water against the other , which runs down from the Mountain farther off ; and seeing the flowing of the Sea is more forcible than the fresh Water , ( for the Salt Water is more gross than the fresh ) it happens that the fresh Water flowing from the high Mountains , yields to the other when it meets with it ; from whence it comes , that when in cannot run to the Sea , it recoils up to the top of the Mountain ; and from hence 't is , that all the Mountain abounds with Water , and the Timavus increases and decreases . Such Phaenomena of Nature sporting it self , may be more easily observ'd in the Mountainous Countries than elsewhere , seeing the Mountains , because of their solid Texture , have empty Spaces and Kettles , which serve not only for Cisterns of Water , but also for Receptacles of Fire , as in Sicily ; which therefore Aristotle calls , full of Caverns . So Virgil , describing Aristaeus going down into the secret places of Paeneus , a River in Thessaly , running between Olympus and Ossa , wrote these Verses . Iamque domum mirans genetricis & humida regna , Speluncisque lacus clausos , lucosque sonantes Ibat , & ingenti motu stupefactus aquarum , Omnia sub magna labentia fl●mina terra Spectabat diversa locis . — In English thus : He wandring goes thro' Courts , and Chrystal Realms , Loud Groves and Caves , which Water overwhelms ; And with tumultuous Waves ●stonisht found All the great River's running under Ground . There are many of these Subterraneous Rivers in this and other Countries : There is one very remarkable at Bourdeaux in France , which runs under the Church of St. Sorine ; and it seems under or near a Pillar of that Church , in which there is made a hole large enough to put in ones Head , which has another , hole at the bottom going down thro the Pillar to the River , to which if you apply your Ear , you may hear the noise of the Water falling down , even at the time when the Organs ( which make a great Noise ) are playing : There is upon the Right Hand a broad pair of Stairs , with a great Arched Gate , that take down to this Subterraneous River , from which they force Water into a Marble Cistern that stands in the Church-yard covered with another great Stone , yet open on the sides , at which the ignorant People take up Water ; believing , by the Insinuation of the Crafty Priests , that 't is by the Gift of St. Sorin an Excellent Collyrium for sore● Eyes This Water as they force into the Cistern by the Pipes laid under ground on the Waxing of the Moon , so they let it gradually out by other Pipes on the Wane of the Moon ; which makes the People think that it depends on the Course of the Moon . Populus vult decipi . Let us hear Seneca , speaking to the purpose ; There are also under the Earth less known Laws of Nature , but as sure ; believe the same to be below , that is above : There are also great Caves , there are great Vaults and wide Places formed by the Mountains hanging over them . Then although we must confess , that in some places Rivers of great bigness flow under the Earth , we must not therefore believe that in this great Plain on this side the Po , there is so great a subterraneous Cavity , and that Fields of so great a largeness could stand without Ruine for so long time . I must add moreover , that the Depth of this River , in respect to its Breadth , ought not to be small , because Nature builds all her Caves and Subterraneous Passages Archwise ; which all must have a Depth proportionable to the Breadth , otherwise they lose their Force ; and commonly they are of a Circular Figure , or coming near to it , i. e. As deep as they are broad , which in this case must be at least 4 Mile . But this Cavity is of no Depth almost , yea , but a few Feet , viz. As much as the Auger had made in boring : For passing an Iron Rod throw the Hole , the bottom is presently found , as I have often try'd with others that have been with me . Moreover , seeing the Diggers in the very Terebration , often fall on Stocks of Trees , as my self have often observed ; we must confess therefore , that these Trees have been before in open Air : And seeing in the bottoms of these Wells are often found Bones , Coals , and Pieces of Iron , we are likewise forc'd to believe , that People have formerly liv'd on that Ground ; or we must think , that this great River at that time had a Cover of 6 or 8 Foot , and that this our Plain did afterwards grow higher , by the daily Descent of Waters from the Apennine , and the paring off of the upper Ground . But the above mention'd Difficulties do still occur . But let us suppose this great River runs this way , and that hitherto he has suffer'd a Bridge ; from whence , I pray , comes so great a plenty of Water to fill this great Cavity , which we must always suppose to be full , to make the Water rise up in the Wells ? Seeing to sustain the Royal Dignity of the Po , scarcely so many Rivers running into it from the Apennine and the Alps are sufficient ? And on the other hand , we may affirm that the Po comes far short of this Subterraneous River . Lastly , If this River must be 4 Miles broad , I do not see why in all the Extent of this Source , the Depth of the Wells is always found the same ; for the Wells which are digg'd near the sides of this great Arch , would be deeper than those elsewhere : But there is almost no difference in the Depth of these Wells . We cannot therefore give way to the Vulgar Opinion of this Subterraneous River , notwithstanding the Conjectures mentioned , which we shall shortly Answer . And far less must we believe , that there are many Subterraneous Streams flowing from the same Cistern , and distinguish'd by Intervals , which give Water continually to these Fountains . For how can it be , seeing there are so many thousands of Fountains , and continually such Wells are made both in the City and Suburbs , that the Undertakers never fell upon such Interstices in the boring ? As I have often told ; and which one can never admire enough , there is no need of any Caution here ; no need of Diligence in choosing a place , seeing any place markt out either in the City or without , for many Miles , is fit for the Building of these Wells ; and all the Difficulty in digging these Wells , is in keeping out the Side-waters , which sometimes flow in in great quantity , so that they need a Wall of Bricks to keep it out : But when the VVorkmen have come to this last Bottom , then as having got their wish , they begin their Perforation with as great Assurance of getting VVater by their Auger , as if they had Moses his Rod. Neither is the Opinion of some to be entertain'd , who think that the subterraneous Spaces from which these VVaters flow , were formerly the Channels of Scultenna and Gabellus , between which two Rivers Modena is now plac'd ; which Rivers , as they imagine , after they had descended from the Apennine , did join their Waters in this place ; and therefore , through length of Time , the Mountains decreasing and the Fields rising , the Water rises to this height in these Wells when they are digg'd ; or in a hole made with Sand wet with Water , which is supply'd from these Rivers by hidden Passages ; And the Sand it self , that they may give Credit to so plausible a Thought , they give an Example ; for they say , That near a Stream , a Hole being made in the Sand , tho' dry on the Surface , the VVater appears ; which also by the Observation of Pliny the younger , is known to be done in the Sea-shore . For after this Author , with his accustomed Elegancy in a Letter to Plin. Gallus , described the Pleasantness of his Countrey-Village by the Sea-side , in the end of his Epistle he makes this Relation , as worthy to be taken notice of : It has Wells , or rather Fountains ; for the Nature of all that Shore is wonderful ; in whatever place you move the Ground , you meet with Water ; and that so fresh , as not to have the least saltness from the Vicinity of the Sea. By these words the most Learned Man seems to give some Specimen of our Fountains , seeing there also , in whatever place the Ground is digg'd , there is Moisture : Yet 't is gather'd , by the same Pliny's words , that the VVaters of these VVells did not spring up . I believe the same will happen in any Sea-Coast , except some Bed of Clay intervene , for the VVaters do easily follow the Sand : Therefore 't is no wonder , that in any place of Pliny's Countrey-House the VVater appears fresh , being strain'd through the Sand from the nearest Sea , and so depriv'd of its Saltness . But 't is no way probable , that the Case is so in our Ground : For tho' I do not deny that these Rivers did formerly run in deeper Channels , yet that that they give VVater to this Spring , I can no ways be induc'd to believe . For these Springs are perpetual , neither do they know any Increase or Decrease ; when yet these Rivers , not only in Summer , but also sometimes in VVinter , have their Sands dry , as we have seen of late Years , by reason of the hot Season ; seeing all the VVells except these , tho' digg'd deep , gave no VVater in the Neighbouring Countreys , to the great loss both of Men and Cattel . But the flowing of a most pure VVater from these Fountains is so uniform and constant , that 't is improbable they should depend on the unconstant and unequal state and course of these Rivers ; for the VVater decreasing in the deeper Veins , the Pressure would also decrease , and so these Fountains would be diminished . Moreover , seeing the Countrey of Rhegium , Parma , and all on this side the Po , is plac'd in the same Plain ; and many Rivers descending from the Apennine , glide over these Countries . I do not see , why they do not enjoy the same Prerogative when VVells are digg'd deep in them . But no where that I know of are such Fountains observ'd , so everlasting , and subject to no Alteration . Therefore we may lawfully judge the Cistern that furnishes VVater at the same rate to this Source , to be perpetual , never failing , and not temporary . CHAP. IV. Of the Ancient State and Form of the Countrey on this , and the other side of the River Po. THerefore having discuss'd the Opinions which take most among our Countrymen , of the Nature of this hidden Source , it may be thought fit that I should now tell my own : But before I do that , I think it worth while to enquire , and as far as Conjecture will allow to discover , what was in those times the outward Face of this Countrey which we inhabit ; seeing by the digging of these VVells in the Land of Modena , 't is known enough , that the Situation of this Countrey , which is called Gallia Cispadana , and Transpadana , was very low and deprest in old times , in comparison of what 't is now . Plato , when he brings in Critias speaking , writes , that there are two things which bring great and sudden Changes in the Earth , and totally abolish the Monuments of the most ancient Countreys . The VVorld felt the first Calamity in the Universal Deluge , the other being reserved against the Day of Judgment , and the Destruction of wicked M●n , as Peter says , when a New Heaven , and a New Earth shall appear . 'T is most certain , that the Face of the whole Earth was most notably changed , in that Universal Drowning and Overturning of all things . But some think that such a Change follow'd , that the state of the VVorld before the Flood was quite different from what 't was afterwards , which yet I cannot assent to . There is lately come from England a Book , whose Title is , The Sacred Theory of the Earth , by Thomas B●●net . This Learned Man endeavours to demonstrate , that the Earth before the Deluge in its first Original , had another Form than now it appears to have ; so that there were neither Seas nor Isles , nor Mountains nor Valleys , nor Rivers any where , but the whole Body of the VVaters lodg'd in the Caverns of the Earth . Now he feign'd such a Face of the Earth , to the end that it may be perceiv'd without the Creation of new VVaters , from what Store-house a quantity of VVater may be drawn sufficient to cover the Face of the Earth , tho' it had Mountains , which we must imagine to have been higher by far than the present ones : So that , according to his Reasoning , neither Rains , how great soever , nor Theo●● Rabbah of Moses , viz. Abyss of VVaters hid in the Caverns of the Earth , could be sufficient for that Universal Deluge . But he thinks that the Mountains , Valleys , Seas , Isles and Rocks , might have appeared in that great cleaving of the whole Body of the Earth , pieces of it being broke off here and there , and swallow'd up in the great Gulph ; while those , which stood in their former state , made a shew of Isles , Mountains , and Rocks ; but these which were wholly covered by the VVaters , had the Name of Sea and Lakes ; and so the Earth appeared after the Deluge all broken , torn , and of a quite different Aspect . This Fancy , however it may be taken for new , yet certainly is not the Fiction of our Times , but more ancient by far . Franciscus Patritius , a Man famous enough for Learning , in a certain Book of his , Of the Rhetorick of the Ancients , written in Italian , and Printed at Venice by Franciscus Senensis , Anno 1562. The first Dialogue has a pleasant Story , which he says Iulius Strozza had from Count Balthazzar Castillon , and he had from a certain Abyssine Philosopher in Spain . This wise Abyssinian did say , That in the most ancient Annals of Aethiopia , there is a History of the Destruction of Mankind , and the breaking of the Earth : That in the beginning of the World the Earth was far bigger than now 't is , and nearer to Heaven , perfectly round , without Mountains and Valleys , yet all Cavernous within like a Spunge , and that Men dwelling in it , and enjoying a most pure Aether , did lead a pleasant Life ; and that the Earth brought forth excellent Corn and Fruits without Labour . But when , after a long Flux of Ages , Men were puft up with Pride , and so fell from their first Goodness , the Gods in Anger did shake the Earth , so that a great part of it fell within its own Caverns ; and by this means the Water , that before was shut up in dark Holes , was violently squeez'd out , and so Fountains , Lakes , Rivers , and the Sea it self , took its Original : But that Portion of the Earth , which did not fall into these Caverns , but stood higher than the rest , made the Mountains : That the Isles and Rocks in the midst of the Sea , are nothing but Segments of the Earth remaining after the sudden fall of its Mass. I am willing , for the satisfaction of the Curious , to give the Author 's own words , as more tending to our purpose . In the first Ages , said the Reverend Old Man , after the last Renovation of the VVorld , the Earth we dwell on was not of that Form , nor so little as 't is at present , but far greater , and of a perfect roundness ; because then it did take up as much place , as it now takes up with the whole VVater and Air together : So that between it and Heaven there was not any thing interpos'd , but a most pure Fire , which is called Aether , being of a most pure and vital Heat . The Earth then was of so large an Extent , and so near to Heaven . But within , and in the Surface , 't was very Cavernous , within which were scattered the Elements of Air and VVater ; and towards the Center was scattered a Fire , to warm the places remotest from Heaven , and therefore obscure and cold . Because the other Caverns nearer the Surface of the Earth were illuminated from Heaven by the Openings above , and by its VVarmth filled with Life ; and all these Caverns were inhabited by Men , and other Animals , for the use of which the VVater and Air were scattered over the Caverns . The Earth then was like a Spunge , and Men dwelt within it ; their Life was very happy , and without any Evil , because there was not among Men either War or Sedition . Nor did they live inclos'd in Cities , as they do now , for fear of wild Beasts and other Men ; but they liv'd promiscuously , and the Earth produc'd its Fruits for their Necessity , without any Labour of theirs . Further , the Mildness of the Air and Aether were so great , that the Seasons did not vary as they do now : And knowing then the Truth and the Vertues of all things , they found they were good ; they knew also the Vertues of the Stars , their Senses being nourished in a most pure Aether , from whence they had the Knowledge of things Celestial and Elemental . 'T is come to our Knowledge , that in the most ancient Annals of Aethiopia , among many others , were found Aegypt , Aethiopia , Persia , Assyria , and Thracia . Now hearken , O Count , says the Aethiopian , attentively , what occasioned the Fall of the Earth , and the Ruine of Mankind . The Men of Assyria knowing all things , and by means of their VVisdom doing VVonders , were well pleased with it ; from this Self conceit grew in them a great Love of themselves ; by which the Flower of their VVisdom being darkned by degrees , they waxed proud , and began to think themselves Gods , and to compare themselves to Saturn , that then had the Government of the VVorld ; who , as he is slow to Anger , and ripe in Counsel , was not at all moved at the first : But when their Pride increas'd , he in Anger depriv'd them of the Influxes of his Mind ; from which Privation there grew in them Ignorance , from which flow Pride and Insolence ; and they began to seek how to get up into Heaven , and dethrone him : which when Saturn saw , being in his great VVisdom unwilling to defile his Hands with Humane Blood , of himself resigned the Government , and gave it into the Hand of Iupiter his Son ; who , after he had taken on him the Government of the VVorld , being born to Action , made a League with his Brother Pluto , who Reign'd in the Roots of the VVorld toward the Center : The one began to shake it terribly below , and the other to thunder upon it from above , with which terrible shaking and thundering , the Earth open'd in many places , and broke , so that it fell into its own Caverns , which by that were raised and filled up . From whence it came to pass , that it both became less , and infinitely further off from Heaven , and was buryed in its self , with all the things contained in it . And the Elements which stood highest , were , by its weight and restriction , squeez'd out , the lighter and purer did fly higher , and drew nigher to Heaven ; but of them which were shut up in the Ruins , and were before lodg'd in the Caverns , part remain'd below , and part chang'd their place . And it came to pass , that where the great Bulk of Earth fell , and could not be swallowed up of the Caverns , it remained on high , and afterwards being prest hard together by its own weight , and condens'd by the Cold , because of its distance from Heaven , became Mountains and Rocks ; and where in the fall great pieces of thick Earth were swallowed up , the VVaters were by this discovered , from whence came Seas and Lakes , Rivers and Fountains , great and little Isles , and Rocks scattered up and down the wide Sea. The Gold , the Silver , and other Metals , which in the beginning had been most fair and precious Trees , were covered in the Ruins . But there are some Remains of the Seeds shak'd off at that time , which now are digg'd with so great Labour , being neither so pure , nor of great Vertue , as formerly : And the Diamonds , Carbuncles , Rubies , Emeralds and Chrysoliths , Saphires , Topazes , and other Jewels , which be now found , are the thickning of the Rocks of the first Age ; and they are , in memory of these first times , to this day had in great Esteem , admir'd and reverenced as the most ancient things . The Porphyres , the Alabasters , Serpentines , and other fair Marbles of different Colours , are no other than some Particles of the Virgin Earth , which was nearest to Heaven , and in the Fall were thickned , and united , either by their own Weight , or some other , or by Cold : From whence 't is , that by the Searchers after Metals and Marble , there have been found many both Sea and Land Animals , turn'd into Stone and Volatils ; yea , many times Mens Bodies that have been all taken hence , inclos'd in their first shape in most solid Stone , without any opening . And from hence 't is , that there are seen so many thousands of Fishes , Oysters , and Cockles congealed , and Figure of divers Animals ; which some through ignorance of things pa● admir'd so much . These terrible things did at that time hap●pen on the Earth ; but the Animals and Men that were foun● Dwellers in the Caves , remain'● all bury'd by the Earth falling o● them ; and an infinite numbe● of those who dwelt in the oute● parts , by the terrible shaking be● neath , and the frightful Nois● above , died of Fear ; and amon● the others , all the Assyrians . I● the other Countries few remained alive , and these also conti●nued , either by the Fall , or thro● Fear , many Days in a Transe● and without Pulse . But afte● they were recover'd , they con●tinued astonisht and full of grea● Fear , that shortned their ow● Life , which at the first was ve●ry long , and their Childrens There was also among Men a Stupidity , which made them ignorant of all things , and was the Effect of the first Astonishment after the Fall of their first Fathers ; and yet if they seem'd to know any thing , they saw it through a thick Cloud . Moreover , since the Fall , if a Man had the Truth revealed to him by chance , Fear made him keep it secret ; for in all remain'd a Memory , the Knowledge of Truth being the occasion of their Parents Pride , and that of their Ruine . For if any had the Boldness to discover it , he darkned it a thousand ways , for fear of being reproved , and severely punisht by another . For this Reason the Sciences have been taught in dark Sayings , in Fables , in Figures and Numbers , in Sacred Rites , and in a thousand other hidden ways . And from thence 't is belike , that Princes and others , who would be powerful in the Earth , have chosen to follow the Opinion of the common People , and have persecuted with all Rigour those that would tell the Truth . Fear therefore having possessed all Men , by which they were disperst , such as remain'd began to join themselves together , and to beget Children , to help them and defend them ; they encompast themselves with Fences and Ditches , in which time they reverenc'd and perform'd Obedience to the Aged . After this as the number of their Posterity increas'd , and the Ties of Affinity decreas'd , they divided their Goods that were hitherto common , and so parted Friendship . After which all things went into Confusion , every one robbing , cheating , and killing another , and inventing new Tricks to defraud his Neighbour : From this , as Boldness grew in those that were of fiercer Spirits , and more ingenious to hurt , others became more fearful ; which Fear sharpned their Wit , so that consulting together , they found out the Name of Peace and Justice . Afterward they contrived a long Chain of Words , with which tying Justice and Peace by the Feet , by the Arms , by the Middle , and by the Neck , in a thousand ways , they thought to keep her , that she should not depart from their State , committing the keeping of these Chains , which they call'd Laws , into the Hands of wary Men , and of their own Temper , which they called Judges and Magistrates . By these Artifices did the timorous secure their Lives and Goods from the Injuries of the more powerful ; till at length one that was bolder than the rest , associating himself with the fearful and weak , became their Patron . These also were thrust from their place . After this rate have the Societies of Men been managed hitherto , and so they are at present , and will be for the time to come . When the timorous join'd themselves together , there arose Counsellors ; and when they were called into Judgment , there arose Judges . This now , Noble Sir , is the great History which the wise Abyssinian told the Count , worthy to be had in great Veneration , and highly to be esteem'd . Helmont seems to have entertain'd an Opinion about the Face of the Earth before the Deluge , not unlike to this ; his Words are these : From whence I conceive the Earth to have been in one piece , and undivided ; for asmuch as 't was be-water'd with one Fountain ; and lastly , to have had no Isles , but the whole Globe was Sea on one side , and Earth on the other . This was the Face of the World before the Deluge , after which the Earth did open into several shapes , and out of the Abyss of these Chinks did the Waters break out . But let us leave the Opinion , no less disagreeing with the Interpretation of the Sacred Scriptures , than with Nature it self . Scaliger speaking of the Asserters of that Opinion , about the Generation of the Mountains , says , That they piously dote , who have told , that the Earth was pulled out of , and sav'd from the Deluge . Yet 't is certain , that the Earth in that Universal Deluge did not suffer an ordinary Change , so that the Fortune of things being changed , Thetis and Vesta chang'd their places ; from whence Ovid says , Quodque fuit campus , vallem decursus aquarum Fecit , & eluvie mons est deductus in aequor , E'que paludosa siccis humus aret arenis . In English thus : Torrents have made a Valley of a Plain , High Hills by Deluges born to the Main ; Steep standing Lakes suckt dry by thirsty Sand , And on late thirsty Earth now Lakes do stand . I believe it has not happened otherwise to this Countrey of ours : For I conceive , that in the first beginning of the World , all this Plain , than which Italy has not a greater , and which the Po does now divide into Gallia Cispadana , and Transpadana , was once a Sea , and a part of the Adriatick . So in the Universal Deluge , the Mountains being par'd off , and bar'd , so that they lookt like Bodies extenuated by a Disease , as Plato wrote of the Atlantick Island ; we have reason to think that this Bay of the Sea was filled with Sand , and so became a Valley ; and afterwards , in process of time , by continual Descent of Waters from the Apennine , and the Alps , and other particular Deluges , ( such as was that which happen'd Anno 590. in Gallia Cisalpina , than which 't is thought there has not been a greater since the Days of Noah , as Pa●●●vin●us says in his Fifth Book of the Antiquities of Verona ) this Ground did grow up by degrees , and by many Lays or Beds , to the height we do now see it of . Both Ancient and Modern Writers judge the same of the most famous and greatest Plains in the Earth , as in Egypt , &c. which Aristottle says formerly was a part of the Sea ; and Herodot calls it , the Gift of the Nile ( seeing the Etymology of Nile is derived from Limus , Slime ) which he likewise says of the Countreys about Ilium , Teuthrania , and Ephesus , to wit , that they were sometime a part of the Sea : Yea , the same Herodot hath left it in Writing , that if the Nile turn'd its Course into the Arabick Gulph , it would at length cover it all with Slime . Polybius says , that the Lake Maeotis and the Euxine Sea are constantly fill'd with plenty of Sand , which great Rivers do continually bring into it , and that the time would be when they should be made even with the Continent ; taking an Argument from the Taste of the Water , viz. That as Maeotis is sweeter than the Pontick , so the Pontick is sweeter than the Euxine . Modern Writers think no less of the great and plain Countreys , among whom is the most Learned Kircher , who in his Mundus Subterraneus , says , from the Arabick Antiquities , and other Observations , That the great Plain , which lies between the Arabick and Persian Gulph , before the common Deluge , was covered with Sea-waters . And he also thinks , That the Sandy Desarts of Tartary were formerly the place of Waters , and all one with the Caspian Sea , and afterwards in length of time to have been rais'd to a greater height , and turned into great Fields . Neither need we to go so far off for Examples . We understand by History , that Ravenna , as well as Venice , was plac'd in the Sea ; but seeing now 't is 5 Miles from the Sea , no body knows how much Land has accrew'd to it by the retiring of the Sea ; a Prodigy truly worthy of Wonder , that where Ships did sail before , now there are Groves of Pine-trees . Upon the same account may we call the Land of Ferrara , the Gift of Eridanus , by reason of the slimy Water which this Royal River did by many Mouths discharge into the Adriatick for some Ages ; by which it came to pass , that a Colony of Fishes was by a true Metamorphosis chang'd into an Habitation of Men ; for which Ovid says , — Vidi factas ex aequore terras , Et procul à pelago conchae jacuere marinae . I 've seen the Seas oft turned to a Plain , And Lands were tilled where was before the Main . Tho' I dare not absolutely say , that all the Countrey which lies between the Apennine and the Alps , was a Sea formerly ; yet by what is observ'd in the digging of the Wells , Oyster-shells , and other Sea Products being found in their greatest Depth , it may be not without Ground conjectured , that the Adriatick did at least come thus far , or that the Bays communicating with the Sea , did stagnate here . Yet 't is without doubt from the Writings of the Ancients , that between the ● Aemilian Way ( in the middle of which is seated Modena ) and the Po , there was a Lake reaching from the Adriatick even to Placentia , which , from the Neighbourhood of the Po , they called Padusa , into which many Rivers descending from the Apennine , discharg'd a great quantity of Waters . Virgil makes mention of this Lake in these Verses : — Piscosove amne padusae Dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni . Or murmuring Swans that sound their fanning Wings Padusa's Fishy Banks upon , or Ecchoing Springs . But Iohn Baptista Aleottus , in his most Learned Book against Caesar Mengolus of Ravenna , shews , by strong Reasons and Authorities , that no River from Splacentia to the Coast of the Adriatick Sea , did come into the Channel of the Po , but that they all discharged themselves into this Padusa ; for which he brings the Authority of Strabo , who writes , That this Lake was a great Hindrance to Hannibal , when he would have pass'd his Army into Etruria ; which Lake being not long after , by the Diligence of M. Scaurus the Surveyor , dried up , was turned into most fruitful Fields , many Rivers being brought within their own Banks to enter into the Po , as Tarus , Parma , Entia , Gabellus , Scultenna , the Rheine , and other Rivers of no small Note . Upon this account we may reasonably think , that the Po was not so famous of old , nor had the Name of Royal , till by the Accession of so many Rivers he had enlarg'd his Power . And therefore Herodot , a most ancient Writer , deny'd that there was any River found , called Eridanus ; which was no small matter of admiration to Pliny , that when Herodot wrote his History at Thurium in Italy , he knew no River by the Name of Eridanus . But seeing Herodot , as Pliny relates , made his History 310 Years after the founding of Rome , we may thence conjecture , That the Po did at that time run with less Glory , and in a straiter Channel ; or that the Historian spoke of another River . There is distinct enough mention made of this Lake in the forecited Iohan. de Argenta , and especially in Leander Albertus in his Description of Italy , who measures the Length of this Lake from Lamon by Ravenna , even to Scultenna , and tells all the Rivers which within this space descended from the Mountains into this Lake , and there ended their Course ; and that Hercules , the first Duke of Ferrara , suffered the Bononians to bring the Rheine within his Banks , that so he might enter into the Po ; by which it came to pass , that many Valleys of Ferrara , and also Bononia , were turned into most fruitful Lands . But when afterward the Rheine had broke over his Banks in the time of Hercules the Second , when the Fields were again turn'd into Water , and many Contentions arose among the Bononians and Ferrarians ; at length the same Prince granted , that the Rheine might be again brought into the Po. Therefore we must observe , that the Situation of this Countrey , in which Modena is now plac'd , was very low , seeing this Countrey border'd upon Padusa , into which so many Rivers did run ; of the lowness of which Rushes , Coals , Bones , Stocks of Trees , found in the Depths of 63 Feet , are most sure Proofs ; all which make it evident , that this Ground was sometime exposed to the Air , and that it had no other Aspect than now the Valleys of Como have . Therefore 't is not without cause , that Cluverius , in his Description of Italy , thinks a certain place o● Pliny deserves amendment . For Pliny , when he had described certain Islands floating in several places , like the Cyclades , as in the Caecuban Lands , the Reatine , the Lake of Vadimon , writes , that the same is observ'd in the Land of Modena . But Cluverius for Matiensis plac'd Mutinensis ; forasmuch as one may see such floating Islands made of Slime and Reeds in the Valleys of Como . Yet 't is out of all question , that the Situation of this Town , together with the adjacent Lands , in the space of 1800 Years , has grown 14 Foot ; for in this Depth Causways of Flint , and Shops of Artificers are found by digging , which certainly then was the Plain of the Town , when the Colony of the Romans was brought hither : Further , when I was writing this , there was found a Piece of Adrian the Emperours Coin , of Corinthian Brass , in the Depth of 18 Feet . History testifies , that Mantuae at that time was not far from the Marshes ; for Appianus Alexandrinus tells us , that Marcus Antonius and Pansa , in the Siege of Mutina , did fight amongst the Fenns , and in Grounds overgrown with Reeds ; and afterwards near Mutina , in a little Isle of the River Labinius , ( when at that time the Land of Modena was extended so far ) the Triumviri met , and establisht that horrible Banishment of their Countrymen ; when yet in this our Age there are no Vestigies either of Fenns or Islands , only most pleasant Fields are to be seen . So that with the Prince of Poets we may cry out , Tantum aevi long inqua valet mutare vetustas . Such wondrous Changes great length of time does bring . Yet this growing up of the Ground , which is observ'd by the great Depth of these Wells , ( I do not speak of the deeper parts , whether Humane Industry cannot reach ) was but slowly made , and by Slices , as it were , through length of time , as the several Lays of Earth do witness , which are observed in all Wells constantly in an equal Order and Distances when they are digged ; so that this growing up of the Ground so well distinguish'd , and so remarkable in the digging of all Wells , ought to be thought rather the Product of so many Ages , than the tumultuary and confus'd Work of the common Deluge . This doubtless then was the Face of the Countrey on this and the other side of the Po , which being formerly covered with Waters , and not habitable , now is remarkable for its Largeness , and the Fertility of its Fields , and has in it many Towns and Cities : For if we turn over old Authors , we shall find no mention made of Towns or Cities below Brixillus and Cremona , near the Po , even to the Adriatick ; but as many as were , and yet are in the Region on this side the Po , were built either near the Roots of the Apennine , or not far from them , as Bononia , Modena , Regium , Parma , &c. But we may infer , both from what was said before , and also from the little that this Sandy Bed , through which these Subterraneous Waters do run , wants of being in the same Level with the Sea , that the Sea did cover this Countrey in the beginning of the World. For if , according to the Observation of Aleottus de Argenta , a most diligent Hydrographer , whom we before cited , the Rheine , from the Foot of the Hills near Bononia to the Po , into which it does now no more run , has a Declivity of 123 Feet , 7 Inches ; and the Po from thence to the Sea has a Descent of 15 Foot 7 Inches ; and therefore the whole Declivity of the Rheine , and perpendicular Height to the Sea-shore , will be 139 Foot , omitting the smaller measures , the Plain out of which these Fountains spring , and that Mutina stands on ( which is distant about 10 Mile from the Roots of the Mountains ) will differ no more than 20 or 40 Foot from the Level of the Sea , as one may conjecture , seeing I have not leisure to examine these matters exactly , nor is it any great matter : But if we might dig further down , other Beds would doubtless appear , till we meet at last with the Plain , which was formerly the bottom of the Sea. But 't is better to search into other things , and to get out of these profound Abysses , if we can go no further . CHAP. V. What is the Nature and Condition of this hidden Spring . AS in the Works of Art , 't is not so safe from the Similitude of Effects which fall under our Eye , nor without fear of a Mistake , to infer the same Artifice of Mechanical Parts ; as may be seen by the Example of two VVatches , which tho' they have the same outward Form , and exactly perform the same Operations as to time , yet may have the inward Structure quite different ; so 't is less safe to make the same Judgments of the curious VVorks of Nature , and to determine what Instruments it uses , and what is its ways of working : VVherefore 't is much , as Aristotle says , if things obscure and hid to our Senses be explained by Possibilities . Seeing I am come so far , that I must at length tell what I think of the Nature of this admirable Spring , I believe I have done the part of a good Guesser , if by sounding this Ford , I can tell things probable and agreeable to the Laws of Nature , instead of things certain . VVe may therefore conjecture , that the Sea in this our Countrey had secret Commerce with the Appennine , to which it was adjacent in the beginning of the World , and that it still has ; and that it laid a Foundation by several subterraneous Passages in its Bowels for several Storehouses of Waters , of which this may be believed to be one , from whence these Fountains derive their Original , and that the Water is expanded over all this Vein of Sand , in which such a Spring is discovered : But when the Stop is taken away , and the Flood-gates are opened , it rises on high as in Aqueducts . And this Thought of mine , as it does not contradict Nature , so it shuns those Difficulties , which the foremention'd Opinion of an Immense Space , through which a subterraneous River flows , does incur . That a great abundance of VVaters may secretly flow a long way , through Sand , is neither against Reason nor Experience , seeing 't is the Property of Sand easily to drink up VVater , and therefore has the Name of Sinking Sand. Pliny and Solinus say , that the Nile , the greatest of Rivers , being swallowed up in the Sands , runs hid a great way , tho' nothing of that is known in our Times . Seneca also testifies , that some Rivers fall into Caves , some are by degrees consumed , and never appear again . The most Learned Kircher says , that in Westphalia , near the Village Altembechem , there is a certain sandy Plain , in which every Day the Water breaks out with great Violence , so as to overflow the whole Countrey , and afterwards sinking into the Sand , disappears , the Surface of the Sand remaining dry . The River Guadiana in Spain , as some relate who have observ'd it , when it has come to a certain Plain , is gradually swallowed up , and without noise of the Earth ; which is a most certain Proof , that this River does not fall into a Gulph , but runs away by these Beds of Sand. In like manner I do believe , that the VVater descends by secret Passages from a Cistern in the Roots of the adjacent Mountains , that communicates with the Sea , till it come into this deep sandy Plain , mixt with much Gravel ; so that there is no need to conceive any Plain of great width and depth , by which these subterraneous waters may constantly run down , but a few intersperst spaces may suffice , because of the Mixture of Sand and Gravel . Helmont says , that Sand is Original Earth , and the Seat of the VVaters , but that the rest of the Earth is the Fruit of this Original Earth , and that not without Reason , seeing the reducing of this Sand into VVater is more difficult than of any other Body . This same Author makes this Sand the last Bounds of digging , beyond which to proceed were lost Labour , because of the continual Conflux of Sand and VVater . But he thinks that this Sand is extended from the Shell of the Earth to the Center , and abundance of Water lodges in it ; so that the Water which is kept in it is a thousand times bigger than what is in the whole Ocean . All Seas , Rivers and Fountains , even in the top of the Mountains , owe their Original to this invisible Ocean , so that the Water does every where follow the vital Sand. Telesus seems to have been of the same Judgment , who said , the bottom of the Sea was a Fountain of that Interiour Ocean , which agrees with that Opinion of Plato concerning the Gulph , from whose Bosom all Waters go out , and into which they all fall back again . Whatever be of Truth in this Opinion , of an Invisible Ocean lurking in the Sand , which Helmont conceiv'd ingeniously , and upon probable enough Arguments ; yet I think none will deny , but Water may run a long way through Beds of Sand ; and when some Passage is open , may be rais'd again , especially if it be urg'd by Water descending from a higher Ground . And I think that 't is probable the matter is so in our Fountains , to wit , the Water flows out of some Cistern plac'd in the neighbouring Mountains , by subterraneous Passages , where the Earth is firm and hard ; but when it has come into the Plain , it expatiates far over the Sand , and in the way is lifted up to this height when a Hole is made with an Auger , according to the Laws of Hydrostaticks . And I think this is a more expeditious and easie way of explicating the Nature of this never-enough-admired Spring , than to imagine a great Vault , ( of which there are no Marks ) and a Town with a whole Countrey hanging over it . To give some Specimen how ●his flowing of the Water may be according to my Explication : Suppose , as in Fig. 2. that there is a Cistern in the Bowels of the Apennine , drawing Water from the Sea , and that the Water is carry'd by subterraneous Pipes from the same Cistern , and spread over this deep and sandy Plain A B C , mixt with much Gravel ; which sandy Plain being brought into much lesser Bounds , the Water is forc'd to run down by a more narrow space than it had in the beginning , and to follow its Course till it come into the Sea , or some great Gulph . Therefore Wells EFGH being digg'd , without any Choice in all the Tract lying upon this Spring , and a Hole being made by the Auger , the Water of necessity must be lifted up on high , being forc't by another , which descending from a higher Ground , presses on that which goes before , and drives it up . By this means these Waters receive a plentiful Supply from their Father Apennine , as does the Well of Waters which flows from Lebanon , of which there is mention in the Sacred History . But 't is , by far , more probable , that the Water is sent from the Sea into such a Cistern , than from Showers , or melted Snows , seeing Rain and Snow-waters run away for the most part by Rivers above Ground ; neither can they enter into the ground so deep ; as Seneca also testifies , That there is no Rain so great , which wets the ground above Ten Foot : For as he says , when the Earth is glutted , if any more fall , it shuts it out . And truly , how could it come to pass , that they should flow at the same rate as well in moist as in dry Seasons , if the Rain-Water came hither , and they did not rather get their VVaters from the Sea , which being strained through the Sand , and deprived of all Salt , they return to the Sea again with Interest . Truly , I could never yet understand , how that secret Cistern , from which VVaters are sent to these Fountains , should not be unconstant , if they received Moisture for a time from the Rains and Snows ; and sometimes increase , sometimes decrease ; and therefore , according to the Increase and Decrease of the Pressure , some Alteration should appear in these Fountains . But the Beds of Clay , which divide the impure from the most pure VVaters , as most strong Fences , do hinder the Rain VVaters from being mix'd with these subterraneous VVaters . And Plato thought , that a clayie Ground was the last Bounds of digging in the search of VVell-waters , obliging every one to dig to the Chalk ; and if there was no VVater found in that Depth , he suffer'd as much to be taken from the Neighbours as they had need of , to which Pliny subscribes , saying , That when Potters Clay appears , there is no more hopes of getting Water , nor need Men dig longer ; which yet agrees not with what is observed here . As I have deduc'd the Original of this VVater from the Sea , so I do not deny , that many Fountains owe their Originals to Rains and melted Snow ; yet with this difference , that the Fountains which have their Spring from the Sea by hidden Passages continue perpetual , but those which rise from Showers and temporary Springs at some time of the year , are diminished , and quite dry up ; as happens in great Droughts ; such as Baccius mentions to have been Anno 1556. in which not only all the Fountains , but also great Rivers dried up . The Countrey on this and the other side of the Po did experience such a Season almost for two Years together , viz. in 1687. and 88 in which time the Lands were unpleasant because of the Drought , and VVells were digg'd in other places , but to no purpose ; yet little alteration was to be observed in these our Fountains , nor yet in the moistest Season of all ; which made the Year 1690. fatal for Dearness of Provision , and Epidemick Diseases ; so that these our Fountains seem to be of the same nature with that Fountain in Tyanus , consecrated to Iupiter , of which Philostratus says , That it suffer'd neither Increase nor Decrease ; and therefore by the Natives is called Vnquenchable . Or like the VVell of Aesculapius , which as Aelius Aristides , a most famous Orator , relates , was a VVell of Pergamus a City of Asia , of such a nature , that it was always full to the brim ; and how much soever was drawn from it , it never decreas'd . Neither have we Reason only to think , that many Fountains take their Original from the Sea , but also many Lakes communicate with it . The Lake of the Vulsinians , whose Depth is not yet found out , for discovering of which I have seen between Narthana and Bisentina Ropes let down for some Hundreds of Fathoms , but in vain . This Lake , I say , both Summer and VVinter , discharges it self by the River Martha perpetnally into the Tyrrhenian Sea , neither does it receive any Rivers , and the Mountains which encompass it are never white with Snow . Beside , in the same Lake , when the Air was very calm , and the surface of the VVater was smooth , I observed often intestine Motions like Currents in the Ocean , which was known by the Fishermens Nets , which being sunk under Water , were snatcht violently from their hands ; an evident Proof of some hidden Commerce with the Sea. Iulius Obsequens , in his Book of Prodigies , relates , That the Lake Albinus , in the Consulate of Valerius and M. Valerius , was suddenly raised up , when no Rain fell from Heaven , neither could there be known any Cause of so sudden a swelling . I cannot be ignorant that the Original of Fountains and Rivers from the Sea is called in question . Gaspar Bartholinus , who follows the glorious Footsteps of his Ancestors , Printed a Treatise at Hafnia , wherein he endeavours to prove that Opinion to be absurd , which deduces the Original of Fountains and Rivers from the Sea ; so that all Fountains , as well temporary as perpetual , according to him , owe their Original to Rain . Suppose , as he ingeniously endeavours to prove , that for maintaining the Perpetuity of the Fountains in a dry Season , a Collection of the Water of the precedent Rains in some Receptacle within the Cavity of the Mountains is sufficient . But truly , I cannot see how in some Fountains their Regularity and equal flowing can hold out for so long a time , as is observ'd in ours for so many Ages ; seeing in whatever Season , either dry or moist , there appears no sign of Increase or Decrease . But Scaliger answers to those things which use to be objected against the Opinion of the Original of the Fountains and Rivers from the Sea , in opposition to Cardan , saying , There is no reason why the Sea-water , before it come to the Mountains , does not break out every where , in these words : But , O Cardan , he whom in the 2d of Genesis , the Divine Man says to have finisht all things , was so good an Architect , so wise a Water-Bailif , that Julius Frontinus is nothing to him : He therefore did so skilfully join the Pipes of his Aqueducts , and fit them for bearing the Burthen , as to free you from this fear . But truly , this Difficulty which is objected about the sufficient strength of the subterraneous Passages , gives no less trouble ( excepting the greater distance ) to the Asserters of the other Opinion , who attribute the Original of Fountains and Rivers to Rains. But how Water is furnisht to the Fountains from the Sea , which being heavy of its own nature , must flow back into the Sea from whence it came , making as it were a Circle , is not agreed upon among those , who admit the Original of Fountains to be from the Sea , as may be seen in Gaspar Schottus , who rehearses many Opinions of the Ancients and Moderns , and examines them . So true is it what Aristotle says , That 't was an old Doubt , why seeing so great a quantity of Water runs to the Sea , it does not thereupon become bigger . Some think that the Sea-water ascends above its own Original by the attractive force of the Earth , some by shaking and the Sea-tide , some by force of the inclosed Spirit , which drives up the Water to the top of the highest Mountains ; others do attribute it to the Pressure of the Air , which by perpetually breaking down the Surface , lifts the VVater up on high ; some recur to the Divine Providence : There are others who say , That the Sea-water flows with a natural Motion , whether from the bottom of the Sea , or the sides , to the Springs of Fountains plac'd in the most high Mountains , because the Sea is higher than the Earth , as the same Schottus thinks . But I like better the Opinion of Des Cartes , of which was also our Countrey-man Falloppius , who thinks that the Sea-water , by reason of the subterraneous Heat , is raised in form of a Vapor to the highest Mountains ; and there , by reason of the ambient Rocks condens'd into Water , as is usual in Chymical Distillations , so that the Mountains are like Heads of the Alembicks , by the Cold of which the exalted Vapors are condensed into Water , which afterwards breaks out into Springs . Iulius Caesar Recupitus tells , in his History of the burning of Vesuvius , that at the same time it did send forth two Streams , one of Fire towards the shoar , another of Water on the other side that looks to the Plain of Nola , the Fire not only keeping time with the Waters , but also producing them : For 't is to be thought that by force of the violent Heat diffus'd over the Mountains , so great a quantity of Waters was exhaled from some Cistern that held the Sea-water , that it was sufficient for making a Torrent . Perhaps it might be as convenientby deduc'd from the Rarefaction of the Air inclos'd within the Bowels of the Mountains , pressing down the Surface of the Water , and so forcing it out another way . Neither do the Beds of Stone and Chalk , which Bartholine objects , withstand the lifting of the Vapors upward : For supposing the Mountains are , as all confess them to be , cavernous within , such Beds as these might afford this use , to stop the Vapors lifted upward by force of the Heat , and let them fall down by various Chinks as Veins , to which these Beds , especially such as are gravelly and stony , are passable ; from whence the Fountains arise , which are called Mouths of the Veins . Therefore 't is a more ready way , and more agreeable to the Laws of Nature , to draw the Original of Fountains , which are perpetual , and subject to no Alteration from the Sea , by the continual Ascent of Vapors in the great Receptacles of Nature . And 't is reasonable to think it so in our Case , both from the old state of the Countrey on this side the Po , and also the perpetual Fires that the Neighbouring Mountains maintain , which at their wide Mouths sometimes throw up much Fire and Ashes , with Stones , with so great a Noise and Crashing , that it is heard sometimes 12 Miles off ; which truly is not new , seeing Pliny mentions this , who writes , That in the Land of Modena the Fire comes out on set Days ; and tells it as a Prodigy , that two Mountains met together , Smoke and Fire coming out ; and that in the Day time a great multitude of Roman Horsemen and Travellers were looking on . But that is especially seen in Mount Gibbius , where there are many Fountains , from which Petroleum flows . An Account of some very remarkable ones I had from my Brother who saw them , and was confirmed to me by Seignior Spoletti , Physician to the late Ambassadors from Venice , and Professor of Physick at Padoua , when he was at my Chamber . They be seen on a side of one of the Apennine Mountains , half way betwixt Bologna and Florence , near a place called Petra Mala , about Five Miles from Fierenzola ; 't is in a spot of Ground of three or four Yards Diameter , which incessantly sends up a Flame rising very high , with no Noise , Smoak , or Smell , but gives a very great Heat , and has been observed to be thus in all times , except of great Rains which put it out for a while ; but when that is over , it burns with greater violence than before ; the Sand about it when turn'd up sends forth a Flame , but within 3 or 4 Yards round about it there are Corn Fields . The People that live near to it , believe that there is a deep Hole there ; but he found it to be firm Ground . There are 3 or 4 more of those near , but they do not burn so vehement by as this . When I was thinking on a more exact History of these Fountains of Petroleum , than is in Writers . I understood by Letters from Malliabecchius , ( to whom , as Prince of the Learned ) whatever happens new in Learning is presently brought ) that the most Learned D. Olinger , the Kings Professor at Copenhagen , had lately Published a Book , which he found among some Manuscripts , under the Name of Franciscus Areostus , of the Oil of Mount Zibinius , or the Petroleum of Modena , which Book that most Renowned Author Dedicated to the same Malliabecehius , with a Preface to the Reader : A great Reproach of our floth , who stay till some rise from the remotest Countreys to illustrate our Matters by our own Writings . Though I derive the Original of our Fountains from the Sea first , then from some Cistern of VVater plac'd in our Mountains , into which the Vapors , sent up by the inclos'd Heat , are returned in form of VVaters . I would not thence infer , that this Cistern is plac'd in the tops of the Apennine Mountains , but I believe rather that 't is plac'd in the Foot of the Mountain , than in the top ; for though , as I show'd before , 't is not always , necessary , that the VVaters , though inclos'd within Pipes , should reach to the height of their Cistern , which happens as often as their Passage being stratinted , they have not free Liberty to flow out , as in Fig. 1. But if we should place this Cistern in the tops of the Apennine Mountains , probably the VVaters might rise higher in them , when yet they do not rise to the surface of the Ground . But I cannot certainly conjecture in what part , whether near the foot of the Mountain , or in their inner parts , this Cistern of VVaters is plac'd by the Divine Architect . I have spar'd no Labour nor Experiences to find out the Head of this Spring , and therefore I diligently viewed not only the Plain towards the Mountains , but the Mountains themselves , and could find no Marks of it . I observ'd indeed some small Lakes , but such as dry up in the Summer , and so become Pasture for Cattel ; of the number of which is the Lake Paulinus , 25 Miles distant from this . I thought best therefore to fetch the Original of these Waters from another source , viz. From some secret Cistern of water plac'd in the inner parts of the Apennine Mountains . And it is certain , that the inner parts of the Mountains are cavernous , and that there are in them Cisterns of water , from whence Fountains and Rivers draw their Original . Lucan feign'd to himself a great Cistern of water in the heart of the Apennine , from which all the Rivers of Italy did flow , that run into both the Seas . I am willing to bring in here his Verses , seeing to reason in so abstruse matters with the Philosophers , or to conjecture with the Poets , is the same thing . Fontibus his vastis immensos concipit amnes , Fluminaque in gemini spargit divortia ponti . In laevum cecidere latus veloxque Metaurus , Crustuminumque rapax , & junctus Sapis Isauro , Quoque magis nullum tellus se solvit in amnem , Erldanus fract as deducit in aequora silvas ; Dexterior a petens montis declivia Tybrim Vnda facit — Hence from vast Fountains do great Rivers flow , And into double Seas divorce do slide In several Channels , down on the left side Metaurus swift and strong Crustumium flow . Isapis join'd to Isaurus , Sonna too , And Aufidus the Adriatick beats . Eridanus , than which no River gets More Ground , Whole Forests rowls into the Sea o'return'd . But seeing 't is known enough by what we have related in the History of these Fountains , that this Spring is not so old as the world , seeing the last Plain in which the Auger was fastned was formerly in the open Air , as the Trees in it make evident . If in the beginning of the World these Waters had flown as they do now , the force of the water would easily have thrown off that weight , as it happens sometime when the boring is delay'd . Then one will say , When , and how had this admirable Source its Original ? To this I may answer , That there are no Monuments of this , nor can it be absolutely known when these waters began to flow ; yet 't is certain , that this Accumulation of the Ground hath not happen'd but after great Land-Floods , they leaving a great deal of Mud here ; otherwise , as I was saying , the force of the water would have thrown off the weight . Therefore I am inclin'd to believe , that after the Plain was thus rais'd , some new ways were open'd by a great Earthquake , so that the waters might flow from the Cistern placed in the adjacent Mountains , which receives them by a continal evaporation from the Sea , and so might flow from that sandy Ground , and so to have kept their Course for many Ages , before the wit of Man reach'd hither , and open'd the Veins of the Earth with the Auger as with a Launce . And 't is known by many Observations , that some Fountains die by Earthquakes , and some rise ; as Ovid says , Lib. 15. Met. Hic fontes natura novos emisit , & illic Clausit , & antiquis tam multa tremoribus orbis Flumina prosiliunt , aut excaecata residunt . In English thus : Here Nature , in her Changes manifold , Sends forth new Fountains , there shuts up the old ; Streams , with impetuous Earthquakes , heretofore Have broken forth , and sunk , or run no more CHAP. VI. The Progress and End of these Waters is enquired into , and a Reason is given of those things which are observ'd in the digging of the Wells . 'T IS worth the Enquiry , What is the Progress of these our waters that flow under ground , and whether they go ? But here I stick , and there is no place but for Conjecture . I have often enquir'd of the Undertakers , Whether they felt the Auger to be carried by Violence to any side ; but I could understand nothing certain of them . But seeing the length of this Source is far greater than its breadth , I think it more agreeable to truth , that these waters flow from East to VVest , according to the lenghth of the Aemilian way , which Tract of Ground is six Mile long , and but four broad , as far as I have had occasion to observe ; but when it has pass'd the way , we may judge that either 't is sunk into these Wells of the Earth , or by secret turnings and windings falls into the Sea , according to the Laws by which the water circulates in the Body of the Earth , which we read described by Ecclesiastes in these words , All Rivers enter into the Sea , yet it does not overflow ; the Rivers return to the place from whence they came , thither they return again . And the Heathen Poets , as Lucretius , in these Verses , Lib. 1. Debet ut in mare de terris venit humor aquai . In terr as itidem manare ex aequore salso . As Rivers run from Earth , and fill the Main , So some through secret Pores retur● again . But also is proved by the most grave and modern VVriters , with many Reasons , as Arias Montanus , Varenius , Vossius , Becher , and many others , whom the most famous Lanzon , Physician of Ferrara , cites in his Animadversions , full of variety . It may be doubted , and that not without reason , whether the course of these waters must be for ever . And truly , seeing from the times of the Roman Common-wealth , even to this Age , there hath been so great an accumulation of the Earth , as well in the City as in the adjacent Lands , and in the Channels of Rivers , there is no place left of doubting , but the course of these Fountains will at length cease , the Causes continuing the same , to wit , while the next Rivers take away with them the spoil of the Mountains , and therewith cover the Plains that lie under . Therefore , as these Fountains for a far better use did rise many Feet above the Surface of the Earth , but now rarely reaches its Surface ; so we must think , that the time will come in which these waters must stand in their VVells , having no descent by which to run down : And these Changes , which succeed in great length of time , and without a VVitness , if we consider the present state of things , hardly deserve Credit ; yet the thing it self speaks that they have truly happened , and will still follow : But because ( to use Aristotile's words ) the things are done in great length of time in respect of our Life , they are hid from us , and the ruine of all Nations does happen before the change of these things , is told from the beginning to the end . But this is the common Fate of Cities that are plac'd in the Plains , that after many Ages they are almost half buried ; or , ( as the Egyptian Priest in Plato says of the Cities of Greece ) are carried by the force of the Rivers into the Sea ; though on the other hand , Towns which are plac'd on the tops of the mountains , their Foundations being par'd , do tell the Injuries of Time : A sure Proof , that there is nothing constant and firm in this world , but that we must look for the City that is on high , and is to continue for ever . But why these Fountains , seeing they are supposed to take their Original from the Sea , have no ebbing or flowing , as some Fountains , of which Writers take notice ; as is that which Pliny the Younger mentions in the Land of Como , which ebbs and flows three times in a Day . I think this to happen , because water is furnisht to these Fountains from the Sea , by the Ascent of Vapors ; which evaporation , though it be not always equal , because of the subterraneous Fires sometimes weaker , sometimes stronger , yet 't is enough if it be such as is sufficient to keep the Cistern full always to the same height , on which depends the Equality of Flux of these our Fountains for so many Ages , whatever come of the water that sometimes overflows , and is dispersed another way . But why some Fountains at certain times flow , and at other times ebb , many Causes are brought , of which ( I mean those which draw their Source from the Sea ) the Cause is the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , by force of which it comes to pass , that as the Sea ebbs and flows , these Fountains are sometimes observed full , and sometimes empty . We said , that in the Winter-time a great Heat was perceiv'd in these Fountains , and in the Summer time a great Cold ; as appears also by the The● mometer let down to several Depths , and the Table before marked shews : Which Observations seem not a little to favour the Defenders of an Antiperistasis ; and so much the rather , that these Observations were not made in a Mountanous , but in a Champion Countrey . For I do not think it safe to try it in Mines , and the Caverns of the Mountains ▪ because of the Metallick Exhalations , and divers Salts and kinds of Marcasites , with which they are pregnant ; for when such Substances are sprinkled with Water , they grow hot like Quick lime , and raise divers Exhalations , which the Mineral Waters do testifie that break out hot ; to which you may add , there are many Store houses of Fire , which may not a little alter the subterraneous Region , which happens not in great Plains , as is the Countrey on this and the other side of the Po. Indeed , the most Learn'd Mr. Boyle has gathered many things of the Temper of the Air under Ground ; all which yet he says he had from such as made Observations on many Mines ; where he also relates , that in the same places , and at the same times of the Year , there is found a different temper of the subterraneous Regions , because of the different Nature of Salts . And he says , That from some Mines are felt hot Effluvia in the Summer-time . And 't is observed , that not only out of the Caverns of the Mountains , hot Exhalations breath in the Summer-time , but also frequently a most cold Air. In Etruria , near the Lake of the Vulsinenses , near the Town Martha , is a little Cave at the foot of a most high Mountain , which is not above 6 or 8 Feet deep ; but in the side of the Cave at a little Chink the Wind blows so cold that it may be compar'd to the Coldness of the North Winds . The Fathers of the Order of the Mimims of St. Francis de Paula , who have a Church with a Monastery near it , use this Cave as a Vault for their Wine ; and in the Summer-time draw their Wine from thence as cold , as if it had been in Snow ; yea , if they keep their Summer Fruits there sometime , they draw them out sprinkled with a cold Dew , as I have observed , during my stay with them , in the Dog days . But in the great Plains where all the Earth is solid , and does not keep so many kinds of Salts or Fires inclos'd , if we might go down deeper by digging , a greater Certitude might be had of this subterraneous Temperature . But in these VVells of ours I perceived this Reciprocation of Heat and Cold sensible enough , as often as I descended into them at different times ; but that there might happen no Deception by the Senses being preposses'd with Heat or Cold , I observed it manifestly by a Thermometer exactly sealed . But whatever is the nature of Cold or Heat , ( for 't is not proper in this place to enquire whether they are bare Qualities or Corpuscles causing such a Sensation in us . ) Antiperastis , as I think , ought not to be banish'd out of the Schools ; for it may be explained right enough both ways . Whether therefore , according to the Diversity of Climates and Countreys , there be a different Temper of the Air under Ground , yet 't is certain that the Thermometer being let down , does speak with distinct Notes , that there is at least in the first Region of the Earth , ( whatever be of the deeper and Central parts of the Earth ) this Reciprocation of Heat and Cold , according to the different Changes of the Year ; and always in a quality opposite to that which the external Air , in which we live , hath : So that here may be used that Sentence of the Noble Hippocrates , Lux orco tenebrae Iovi ; Lux Iovi tenebrae orco . But before we come out of these VVells , it will be fit to give the Reasons of some Phaenomena that are observ'd in the digging of them . It was said before , that there is a great Rest in the Air in the VVinter-time , so that the Candles continue burning ; there is no smoaky Exhalation , and they easily draw their Breath ; but in the Summer-time there is raised a thick Cloud , the Lights are put out , and the Diggers are almost kill'd . But from whence this ? VVhen rather in the Winter-time , because of the Heat , more intense at that time , and equal to the Summers Heat , it might seem consonant to Reason , that in a moist place a smoaky Exhalation should be rais'd , which should trouble the Air , and put out the Lights ; but in the Summer , by reason of the Cold which lodges in these VVells , not much unlike the Cold in the VVinter , it would seem reasonable that the Air should be more pure , nor so intangled with gross Vapours , as to be unfit for Respiration ! VVhether 't is that the Heat , which in the VVinter-time is in these Wells by reason of an Antiperistasis , being greater , hath force to dissipate these Vapors ; but in the Summer-time , by reason of the Cold , they cannot be dissolved ! Or rather , that the Exhalations in the Winter , that are raised by the Heat in these VVells , are lighter than the external and thicker Air , and so do ascend more easily , but in the Summer are heavier than the external Air ; and therefore stagnating there , cause a difficulty of breathing , and put out the Lights when kindled . But here I cannot but wonder , why in the Mines , though of great depth , as are those in Hungary , the Miners continue any time of the Year with their Candles lighted , and that in any season ; nor do they feel so great an Inconvenience in breathing : But in our Wells that are in the open Air , and communicate with the open Air , not by turnings , but in a streight Line , the VVorkmen in the Summer-time are almost suffocated , and their Lights put out ; so that in the Dog-Days there is no hiring of them to work . Perhaps this falls out , because the Mines in the Mountains and dry places have not so gross an Air , but such as is sufficient for Respiration ; but these being digg'd in a Champion Countrey , and moist Ground , send forth Streams more plentifully ; so the Air being filled with them is unfit for Respiration . I deny not but in the Mines the Miners are sometimes troubled with shortness of Breath , partly by reason of their own Breaths , and partly because of the Metallick Exhalations ; yea , are sometimes killed ; so that to prevent the Danger of being stifled , they use Air-Pumps , for taking up the fowl Air , and letting in fresh ; a Description of which you may see in Agricola . Beside , they dig a Pit some distance from the Mine , tending downwards , from which a Mine is extended to the place where the Diggers work , which serves for a Wind Pipe ; and by bringing in fresh Air , and driving the old to the Mouth of the Pit , does much refresh the VVorkmen , and frees them from the danger of being stifled ; but that is only done in the deeper Mines , as Agricola and Mr. Boyle relate . The Lights therefore are put out in the Summer-time in these VVells , and the Diggers are seiz'd with a great Difficulty of breathing , because the Air in it is fill'd with gross Vapours ; which thick and ponderous Vapors cannot ascend in the hotter and lighter Air , but are to lodge there by reason of their weight . But the Vital Light requires of necessity a thinness , and empty spaces in the Air , in which it may lay down its Fulginous Effluvia , and needs fresh Air for its Food , otherwise it quickly dies . It was observed before , in rehearsing the curious things that occur in the digging of these VVells , that there are three Beds of Clay two of 11 Foot , another below it of less thickness , with marshy Beds between them of two Feet thick . I have often times studied to find out the Generation of these-Beds , examining with my self how they are distinguish'd in this Order of time thro' the whole Tract . I know there have been amongst our Countreymen some who think , that these Beds of Clay are the Product of the Universal Deluge . But this Author , whose Name I now pass in silence , lest I should seem to contend with the Ghosts , ( for he died this year ) tho' he was born in this Countrey , yet having liv'd always abroad , was surely never present at the digging of those Wells , but hath had from others all that he says of them : For if he had seen the Structure of these Fountains , he would never have written , that the Clay in these VVells was 24 Feet deep , and the marshy Ground as thick : For there are three Beds of Clay , two of 11 Foot apiece , and one less , with their Beds of marshy Ground between of two Foot a piece . Therefore this Conjecture for the Truth of the Universal Deluge , taken from the thickness of the Clay , is of no weight . I am perswaded therefore , that after the Universal Deluge , whose Vestigies are perhaps deeper , these Beds of Clay were produc'd by three particular Floods , yet great and most ancient ; so that from one Flood to another much time interceded , in which the stagnation of the Water , and the Ground putrifying together with the leaves and roots of Reeds , gave Original to these intermedial marshy Beds . I can easily believe , that this Bulk of Clay was made of the Earth drawn down from the Mountains , by the hasty Descent of the Waters into these Valleys ; seeing for gathering of Clay for the Potters , 't is usual with us to convey the VVater into Pits made by art , out of the Rivers Scultenna and Gabellus , by which means the Water being exhaled by the Heat of the Summer , there settles much Clay in them , which the Potters afterwards use for making their Vessels . And Pliny testifies , That the Potters Art excelled in this City of old , because of the Excellency of the Clay , and its toughness , saying , That Modena was famous in Italy for Potters Work ; when at that time , as he says , Luxury had come to that height , that Potters Work cost more than Porcelline . And we have reason to think , that this diversity of Beds , which is seen in great Plains , has been made by several inundations and accumulations of the Ground : But from whence that diversity of Beds comes , which is also found in the Mountains , is not so easie to determine . Agricola says , there were sixteen Beds of different Colours in the Mines of the Mountain Melibochus , and of different heights ; but if one could dig deeper , doubtless a great many others would appear . If we would stick to the Opinion of our Faloppius , 't will not be a hard matter to understand the Generation of these Beds , and their Diversity in the Mountains ● for he thinks , that the Mountains were made by a dry Exhalation shut up in the Bowels of the Earth , which he gathers from their Pyramidical Figure ; yea , he thinks they are nourished by such an Exhalation , and grow by peace-meal ; from whence it comes to pass , that , as in Sublimation of Antimony , Flowers of different sorts are gathered according to the diversity of the Pots , so he thinks the same to happen in the Caverns of the Mountains , according to the different Generation of Metals and Fossils . But when in the Creation , Mountains were built by the great Artificer , 't is fit to own they were made in their whole Perfection ( as being the first Former of all things ) and with so many Beds for various uses . Bartholine , in the Discourse before cited , shews ingeniously the use which these Beds give , especially those of Clay , for the generation of Fountains , whether they be made of Rains , as the temporary ones ; or of Sea-water , as the perpetual or regular ones : For these Beds are of special use for the Collection of Waters into one Receptacle , and likewise for their running a long way , otherwise they should be lost ; neither would there be any Reason , why they should break forth in one place more than another ; which use , without doubt , these Beds of Clay perform in these Fountains ; for while these Waters run through the sandy Plain , 't is reasonable to think , that there is another Bed of Clay lying under ; so that being shut up above and below , they follow their course as it were thro' a Pipe , except when they break out into the Air , a way being open'd to them by these Wells . Therefore supposing the hidden Expansion of these Waters over the Sandy and Gravelly Plain , 't is no wonder if a Noise be perceiv'd in the bottom of these Wells , while the Water runs through the Gravel , ( which Gravel 't is more probable to be there made of the Sand , than to fall from the Mountains , ( seeing a great part of it is so soft , that by the only rubbing of your Fingers it is broke ) and if the Water be rais'd in all the Wells to the same height , seeing there is the same Cause which drives it on high , to wit , the pressure of the Water descending from an higher place , and from the same Receptacle . And lastly , If they be equally pure and wholsom , seeing they are of the same Disposition . For the same Reason the same Waters are the more lively , the more is drawn from them , and their slowness is corrected when it happens ; because by the Sand thrown up , and sinking to the bottom , the hole made with the Auger is sometimes stopt ; a sure Proof that these VVaters run through a sandy Plain , but not at all through an immense wide Space ; which may be further known by the depression and failing of the Ground , that is observed sometimes to happen when too much Water and Sand has run out . CHAP. VII . The Proportious inquir'd into , that the Elevation of Water in a streight Pipe , inserted into a Horizontal one , has to the height of its Cistern . THE Nature of Fluid Bodies is so abstruse and intricate , that it could never be enough explained by the most solid Wits . Among the Ancients Archimedes has left us a few Theorems , but of great moment , in a Book which he has written , De Insidentibus Humido , Of things that Float ; which Book , that I may use Tully's own words of Crantor's Books , Is not great , but golden . Among the Moderns , the Honourable Mr. Boyle , Galilaeus , Sterinus , Borellus ; and lastly , D. Guilielminus , a Noble Mathematician of Bononia , have chiefly cultivated this most noble part of Philosophy ; who though they all , by many Observations and Hydrostatical Experiments have dived far into the wonderful Properties of Fluids , yet have left room for a further Enquiry : For if in any case Seneca's words are of value , 't is in this the greatest and most intricate of all , in which even when much is done , the Age following will find something more to do . Seeing then , according to our Hypothesis , the Waters of this hidden Source are movable and running , and withal ascend on high ; because , as was said before , the Passage by which they go out , and fall into a Gulph , is straitned ; and seeing the Ascent into these Wells is constant and perpetual , nor can be done without some proportion to the height of their Cistern ; because this Cistern is supposed by us to be in the Foot of the nearest Apennine Mountains , and higher by far than the Elevation of these Waters from the bottom of the Wells to the top ; therefore I thought it would not be unprosftable nor unpleasant , if I endeavoured to shadow out , if not exactly to describe , such a Proportion . Suppose then there be a Vessel ABC full of Water , to which a Pipe DE is fastned in a Horizontal Line , and whose Orifice is half shut , so that the water does not flow with a full Stream : Let there be likewise in the middle of the Pipe D F another glass Pipe HI inserted perpendicularly ; therefore granting a free Passage to the water , I say , that the water will be lifted in the middle Pipe HI to such a height , that if the height of the water contain'd in the Vessel be of eight parts , the elevation of the water in the streight Pipe HI shall be of six parts ; and such a Proportion will answer to any Division of the Mouth of the Pipe D F. For if the Orifice of the Pipe D F be wholly shut , so that no water runs down , none is ignorant that the water in the Pipe HI of its own nature must place its self in the same Horizontal Line with the water contain'd in the Vessel , to which effect two things doubtless concur with equal force , to wit , the pressure of the water contain'd in the Vessel , and the resistance of the Obstacle that wholly obstructs the Hole in the Pipe , which stop is eqvivalent to a Power pressing with equal force against the water stagnating in the Vessel ; if then the elevation of the water in such a case is a produce arising from two Causes equally working , to wit , the pressure of the water , and the resistance of the stop , it will follow , that when the Orifice of the same Pipe D F shall only be stopt in part , the ascent of the water in the intermedial Pipe H I , whatever it be , will be a Product of the same Pressure , as in the first Case , and the virtual Pressure of the Stop , but working unequally ; from hence it comes to pass , that when the Pressure of the superincumbent water in the Vessel that presses it to flow out , is in the same degree and energy as before ; and on the other hand , the force of the Stop is removed , the water cannot be lifted up so high in the Pipe erected perpendicularly , as to reach the height of the water contain'd in the Vessel , but must of necessity be under it ; so that if the height of the water were in supposition eight Foot , and operated with such a Pressure as were equal to that height , but the Stop should not act but half , i. e. as four ; these two working together , and making the ascent of the water , there cannot but happen an Effect , which is between these two Agents , as 6 is between 8 and 4 , i. e. in an Arithmetical Proportion ; and therefore in the supposed Case the Water will be only raised in the streight Pipe H I to 6 parts , which Elevation is half the Aggregate of the height of the water contain'd in the Vessel , and the power of the Stop. This was my Reasoning before I try'd whether the thing agreed to it ; which I did , by inserting a wooden and square Pipe into the side of the Vessel , as in Fig. 3. and fitting a glass Pipe divided into 8 parts , and erected perpendicularly to the same Pipe ; then putting a stop to the Pipe , which might only obstruct the half of it , I let the water run out , and observed that the water did rise in the glass Pipe in the same proportion , to wit , as 6 to 8 : Yet I must confess , that the ascent of the water did not so exactly answer to the greater or lesser Obstacles put to the hole of the Pipe , because perhaps of the difficulty of fitting divers Doors to the Orifice , and because of the Undulation of the water produc'd in the Glass Pipe from the Impetus , where 't is observed to go out . Having therefore communicated these my Observations to the most famous Bocchabadatus , Mathematician to the Great Duke , and my intimate Friend from our Childhood , ( for I always thought it the part of an ingenuous Man , that I may use Pliny's words , to confess by whom I have profited ) he prompted me with a Method by which I might obtain my Desire . When therefore he thought that the diversity of Stops might be supplied , if to the hole of the Pipe , from whence the water should come out , another streight Pipe of the same bigness were set , but with a proportion to the height of the Cistern . I made Trial , and the thing succeeded according to my desire . So in Fig. 4. supposing the Altitude of the Water in the Vessel to be of 8 parts , and the Pipe MN to be only of 4 parts , by which means 't is equivalent to an Obstacle that takes up half the breadth of the Aperture , letting the water run out , and the Vessel always remaining full , the water in the Pipe HG appear'd suspended in E , to wit , in the height of 6 parts , which is half the Sum of 8 and 4 , the height of the Water and the resistence of the Obex . In like manner in Fig. 5. when the Pipe is of the height of 6 parts , the water in the Glass Pipe E F was seen to rise to S , to wit , to 7 parts The same was observed ( as in Fig. 6. ) when the Pipe E H pouring forth the water , was of ● parts , i. e. equivalent to an Obstacle stopping the fourth part of the Orifice ; for in the Glass Pipe the water stood in T , i. e. in part 5. and that as exactly as Physical Experiments will admit , as every one may easily try . I do not doubt but the same will happen in any other case ; therefore Reason and Experience do sufficiently prove , that the Water is raised in a middle Arithmetical Proportion between the force of the Obstacle , and the height of the water in the Cistern . While on this occasion I diverted my self in making various Hydrostatical Experiments in the Dog-days , I happened to make a very curious Observation , to wit. That though the height of the water be the same in the Vessel , and the same Horizontal Pipe be inserted into it ; yet in the perpendicular Pipes , according to the difference of their Situation , there is a notable difference of the altitude of the water in one and the other , as in Fig. 7. Let the Vessel A B C D be full of Water , the Pipe D H be inserted into it , and shut in the Extremity , and let F G H I be the Glass Pipes erected perpendicularly , but M the Pipe pouring out water . Therefore in the Pipe F G , according to what was said before , the water will rise to O , i. e. to parts 5. for the height of the Pipe M pouring out the water is suppos'd 2. and the height of the water contain'd in the Vessel is as 8. But if the Pipe F G be transferred to H I ( the Orifice where it was fastned being stopt ) the water will be raised higher , i. e. to N , to almost 7 degrees ; which would likewise happen , if at the same time two Glass Pipes F G H I stood upright , and the Pipe M should pour out water , the Vessel being always full ; for this different height of waters is perceiv'd well enough in every case . One may try the same , not only when the Pipe that pour'd out the water is longer or shorter , but also when many Pipes of different lengths , and with proportion to the height of the water contain'd in the Vessel , send forth water at the same time , and many Glass Pipes are interjected , seeing many cases may be fain'd according to every ones Fancy . But seeing there is no small Undulation in the Glass Pipes , because the water running out at M , falls back upon its self ; this Inconveniency will in some measure be shunned , if the Pipe F H be something bended , that so both the Glass Pipes , and the Pipes sending forth the water be inclin'd to one side ; for in this case there will happen less Undulation , and the different heights of the water may be more easily viewed . The Reason of this Phaenomenon I judge to be , that the Impetus of the Water running from the Cistern out at M , withdraws some of the water from the Pipe F G , so that it cannot rise so high ; and the same Impetus coming to H I , finding now no Vent , makes it rise higher , even to N. This new Observation I communicated to the same Boccabadatus , who , as he did not a little wonder at the novelty of the thing , so being a most ingenious and exact Searcher into natural things , he did not cease to enquire into the Cause of it ; yea , afterwards he told me he had the Demonstration of it , which he said he would insert into his Work which he is to publish , about Mechanick Force . I thought fit to propose this Phaenomenon to the Lovers of Hydrostaticks , thinking it worthy of the consideration of the more acute VVits , to the end it may be discovered from whence this Diversity of Pressures proceeds . CHAP. VIII . About the Goodness and Excellency of the Wells of Modena . THerefore having sail'd over these Subterraneous Waters , according to the best of my Understanding , as far as I could in a dark Navigation , in which neither the Stars nor the Needle did guide me , it remains that I furl my Sails , and hasten to the Land. Georg. 4. But that I may not pass over with a dry Foot the nature of these Fountains , so far as they are useful to Men ; and lest , as the Custom is of those that are thirsty , I drink quietly . I shall touch only at some things relating to this Subject , though it seem to be beyond my purpose . 'T is an old Dispute , what in the Class of Simple Waters is most wholsom ? seeing some prefer Rain-waters , others prefer Fountain-waters ; in some places River-waters are most preferred , in others Well-waters . Hippocrates seem'd to prefer Rain-waters to all others ▪ for these he called the sweetest ▪ the thinnest , and the clearest of all ; seeing what is thinnest and lightest of the water is exalted and drawn up by the Sun : Yet 't is certain Hippocrates spoke of Rain waters in the Summer-time , which they call Horaiae , i. e. Early , seeing among waters that want Art , he commends these , which in the Summer time ▪ fall down from the Sky when it thunders ; but these that fall in Storms he pronounces bad . Celsus , Galen , Avicenna , Paulus , and others , following Hippocrates , judge the same . On the other hand , Pliny does greatly discommend Rain-waters ; yea , he is so angry , that he thinks the O pinion which commends them , to endanger Men's Lives ; neither does he think it an Argument of Levity that they have been raised to Heaven , seeing Stones also have been rais'd to Heaven ; and further , VVaters , when they fall from the Clouds , may be infected by the Exhalations of the Earth , so that Fountain-water to him seems preferable to them , when Plenty of them may be had . But if the thing be duly considered , there will be no place left to dispute ; for all Rain-waters , as also Fountain-waters being not of the same Goodness , seeing every Countrey has not the same Atmosphere , nor the same Ground thro' which the water passes , seeing also ; according to Theophrastus , such as the Earth is , such is the Water ) it often happens , as Co●taeus adverts , that in some places for the Purity of the Air , the Rain-waters are better , but in other places the Fountain or River-waters are the best ; as the water of the River Nile , whose much wish'd-for Inundation keeps all Egypt every Year solicitous . But 't is no wonder that the water of the Nile excels in Goodness all others , seeing running a long way over a Countrey burnt with the heat of the Sun , 't is concocted , and is tossed by sudden Falls from the highest Mountains , and attenuated . Hence Athenaeus testifies , That when Philadelphus King of Egypt betroth'd his Daughter Berenice to Antiochus King of Assyria , he willed her to take with her the Water of the Nile . Yet when other things do not agree , it seems the Fountain-waters ought to be preferred to Rain-waters , and all others ; for Rain-waters are drawn from all sorts of Filth , Dung and Dead Bodies themselves ; and though Hippocrates judged them best , yet he adds , That they have need of being boil'd and strain'd . Wherefore 't is not without Reason , that some do disprove making of Syrup of Poppeys with Rain-water ; and they think that Hippocrates spoke according to Reason , and not Experience . So among the Moderns , the most experienc'd Etmuller says , That Rain-water kept always something Earthy behind it , though distilled a hundred times . But so will any Water do as well as Rain water . But Well-waters , seeing they have no Motion but when they are stirred , and in the bottom have much Slime , and Rain-waters being gathered of Snow and Rains , and running over divers kinds o● Earths , and are therefore by Hippocrates call'd disagreeing , cannot have that Purity and Simplicity which the Fountain-waters have , which are concocted by the Heat pent up in the Bowels of the Earth , and are strain'd through the same Earth . Therefore our most pure Fountain-waters , as they have the first place in the Rank of plain waters , so they yield to none of the most famous Fountains of our Times ; for as much as the Marks , by which the most sincere Waters , and fittest for Humane Use , are commended , do appear in these in a most eminent manner . The chief Quality that is wanted in water , and which contains the rest , by way of Excellency , is , that it partake most of the nature of the Air. So Pliny hath written , That wholsom water ought to be most like to the Air. On which Account Cassiodorus commended the Virgin Water , so famous then at Rome , that running most purely it resambled the Air. For water ought to be pure , like the Air , light and clear , free of smell and taste , thin , and susceptible of Heat and Cold. But the waters of these Fountains are such ; for they are clear like the Air , free of smell and taste , do most quickly receive any other quality , and being weigh'd are lighter than any others . Though Physicians do not seem to value much the Argument taken from the Lightness ; and the Divine Master calls these light , which are soon hot and soon cold . And Pliny writes , That 't is in vain to examine by the Balance the goodness of the Waters ; seeing it seldom happens that one is lighter than the other ; which Brasavolus try'd in several kinds of Waters , before Hercules the Second Duke of Ferrara : Yet seeing there are not wanting more subtile ways of knowing even the least difference of weight in waters , according to the Doctrine of Archimedes , Levity is not altogether to be neglected , for Levity signifies the absence of the Terrestrial parts , and is a sure Proof of greater simplicity . Truly 't is without doubt , that if there were two Vessels of the same capacity , and full of the same water , and in one of these , divers kinds of Salts were dissolved in a certain quantity , though the water did not grow in bulk , yet the one will be of greater weight than the other , and will be filled with strange qualities ; wherefore Gravity and ▪ Levity are not to be slighted . I will not deny , that some waters naturally light , are worse than others that are heavier , because of the evil qualities of the Soil through which they pass . Athenaeus says , That the waters of Amphiaraus and E●treria being compar'd together , do not differ in weight , yet the one is wholsom and the other not . So Tit●aresius , a River of which Homer speaks , running into Penaeus , is not mixt with it , but swims over it like Oil : Yet Pliny says , his waters are deadly . And he says , That Penaeus refuses to suffer his silver-colour'd waters to be mix'd with the others deadly waters . If we infuse a whole Glass of Antimony in water , otherwise light , no weight will be added to it to judge of ; but none is ignorant what Disorders it raises in the Body . And it is necessary to confess these things to be true of the lightness of the water considered alone , but if with other marks of goodness there be lightness join'd , it will be no small accession to its goodness . Herodotus describes a Fountain of Aethiopia , the water of which he says was of such lightness , that nothing could swim in it , no , not a Stick , nor what was lighter than a Stick ; and such as used those waters were called Macrobii , i. e. Long-liv'd . Gelen himself commends the lightness of the water for a probable conjecture of its goodness . But if the lightness be alone , says he , 't will not be a sufficient mark of good water : which one may also say of all the other Signs , seeing none of it self , and separately is a sufficient Mark of its goodness . But a surer Mark of the goodness of water is , if it be not heavy in the Bowels ; for this is truly the lightest , and this kind of lightness is more to be esteemed than that which may be try'd with the Scale . For we must not presently , because 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Deprived of all quality , so as to be pure , clear , void of smell and taste , give Sentence , and pronounce it innocent ; but we must bring another Proof , viz. How they affect the Bowels ; for it may be that it has all external Marks of Goodness , yet has a more secret Noxiousness , which cannot be found out by the external Sense . This therefore will be the true and safer judgment of waters , which is brought from Experience it self : And truly that water is to be thought light by the Effect , which makes not the Bowels feel any weight in passing ; for which kind of lightness the waters of Modena are very commendable , as not weighting the Stomach when one drinks a full Draught of them , but easily pass through the whole Body , and are voided by Sweat and Urine . But above all these , Hippocrates chiefly commends these Fountains , whose waters come forth of deep Springs , which are cold in Summer , and warm in Winter ; but all these things are observed in these Fountains , seeing they rise 68 Foot high ; and in Summer are very cold , but in Winter are warm , yea , exhale some small Vapors . Neither must we refer the Heat which is found in these waters in the Winter-time to metallick Exhalations , or a mixture of Salts with an acid Mineral , seeing that is perceiv'd only in the Winter-time by an Antiperistasis . All know that there are as many differences of Waters as of Places ; for Fountain and Well-waters do easily drink up the different qualities of the Ground , through which they pass , which are innumerable ; yet those waters are thought more wholsom , that run through thick Sand and Gravel , because they carry nothing from such a matter upward , which cannot be said of that which runs through Clay and soft Sand. But the waters of these Fountains flow a long way through Sand , which is called Male , a Proof of which is a great abundance of Dross , Sand , and Gravel , which these Fountains use to throw up at their first coming forth . Moreover , these waters , according to my Observation , and of many others , continue without Corruption for a long time . For it is found by Experiment in long Navigations , that the water of Neuceria did stink , but ours continued pure . I am not ignorant , 't is a Question among Physicians no less curious than worthy to be known , Whether the sudden Corruption of the water be a mark of its Goodness or Badness ? Perhaps Hippocrates himself gave cause of doubting , who , after he had commended Rain water , says , They soon putrifie , except they be boil'd and strained again . Galen , Paulus , Avicenna , and some of the Ancients ; amongst the Moderns , Ioubertus , Salius , Augenius , Bruvierinus , and many others , take the waters readiness to putrifie for a sign of goodness , providing other Notes agree . For the chief Property of water is , say they , that they be quickly altered by any external Cause ; and from thence they think its inclinableness to Putrefaction to arise : But these which continue long free of Corruption , say they , partake of an aluminous nature : Such are the waters of Tyber , which are kept in Earthen Vessels for Months and Years , under Ground , without Corruption . On the other hand , there are some who think an inclinableness to Putrefaction among the faults of water ; among whom is Costaeus , who says , That it is a mark of the best water , that they do not so easily corrupt : And is deservedly oppos'd to Avicenna , who thought that Rain-waters were soon corrupted , because they were thinner : For rather from thinness of the Substance one might argue , that their Substances are less subject to Corruption , as is known of distilled waters , and Spirits of VVine , which truly is thinner than VVine , and not only does not putrifie it self , but also preserves other Bodies free from Corruption . Seeing then Experience it self makes it plain , that those which are most simple do less putrifie , but those which have a greater Heterogenity , because of the Disagreement of the Internal Parts , and a continual Fermentation , are more easily corrupted . Therefore I am easily induc'd to believe , that the Curruption of the water is rather to be attributed to its Pravity , than Goodness . But the Reason why the Rain waters sooner putrifie , may be this , that when by the Heat of the Sun the water is rais'd from the Earth , all sorts of Filth are raised with it , and a great quantity of Volatile Salts is mixed with it : which made Becher say , That all Rain-waters being putrified and distilled , did give an ardent Spirit . But if promptitude to Putrefaction were a Sign of Goodness , why may we not say the same of Eatables , which naturally do soon putrifie ; such as are Fleshes , Fishes , VVorts , early Ripe Fruits , and the like , viz. That these Aliments are better than those which do not so soon putrifie , seeing they are sooner alter'd by the concocting Faculty . Weaker Foods have a shorter Life . Hippocrates , as Valesius interprets , says , they make Men's Lives shorter ; and such as cat these Meats are infirm and weak , and cannot live so long . So Bread of Wheat well fermented , and well bak'd , gives a most excellent Nourishment , and long Life , to sound Bodies ; and Bread of all Food does least putrefie . Upon which account 't is , that Levinus Lemnius commendeth it . For ( says he ) Bread long kept does indeed grow mouldy , and grows dry , but does not putrefie . Therefore 't is not a little to the Praise of our Fountains , that they do not corrupt ; so that having other Marks of Goodness , they are to be reckon'd the best of Waters . 'T is an old Commendation of Waters , if Pulse be quickly boil'd in them , as Pliny , Athenaeus , Vitruvius , Galeus , Paulus ; and among the Modern Physicians , Langius , Costaeus , Bruvierinus , and others , do testifie . But 't is known , that this also is common to unwholsom Waters ; for the difficulty of boiling some Pulse is not always by the Fault of the Waters , but very often of the Grains themselves , as they have grown in this or the other Ground , as Theophrastus testifies , when he said , That there are many places which always bring forth Pulse that are easily boil'd , others there are which bring forth Grains hard to be boil'd Yea , Plutarch says , That of two Furrows join'd together , one brings forth a hard Crop , the other not . The Women themselves know that well enough , who if they have Pulse that are not easily boil'd , use to macerate them a Night in water with a Sack full of Ashes , by which means the close Texture of the Grain is open'd by the force of the Salt in the Ashes . And I think none will look upon the water , so made lixivial , as simple ; or will commend it for daily drinking in whole Bodies . Yet I cannot deny , that salt and crude waters , very far distant from the best , may be for some sickly Natures ; or in a neutral state of Health , instead of Medicine , which Hippocrates hath taught expresly in these words : But whatever are salt and crude , are not fit for all to drink of ; yet there are some Natures to whom such Waters are convenient to be drunk . Whatever were hard to be boiled , the Greek call'd Ateramnia , transferring likewise the same word to a stubborn and inflexible Mind . So Grains hard to be boil'd were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as are those which Theophrastus says , grow in a thick tough Earth , and as it were clayie ; as at Philippi , when the Pulse which Egypt bears , both by reason of the nitrous Soil , and the Heat , are easily boil'd . Likewise water , in which Grains were hardly boil'd , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word Hippocrates us'd to signifie the crudity of water in many occasions , of which Erotianus hath in his Onomasticon made a Collection . Therefore , as the Difficulty of the Pulses being boil'd is not always the Fault of the waters , so their being easily boil'd is not a Mark of their Goodness ; which sometimes is proper to the Seeds , sometimes to the VVaters ; yea , more effectual in some waters that are not of the best ; seeing in nitrous and lixivious water Pulse , Roots , and Worts are sooner boil'd . Upon this account in Rain-waters , as being full of Saline Particles , all kind of Grains are sooner boil'd than in Fountain-water , which is more pure and defecated . Upon this account Horatius Augenius , preferring Rain-water to others for making of Ptisan , when he had taken notice that Barley did sooner boil in this , than in Spring-water , of his own accord confesses , That the Rain-VVaters are not sincere ; which made him go into this Opinion as a Paradox , That the purer the water is , and less mixt , the less 't is fit for the use of Life . But in our Fountain-waters , Pulse of all sorts is easily enough boil'd , and any other kind of Aliments , which , as I dare not discommend in them , so I think is no way to be taken for a Mark of the best . But certainly that is a greater Criterion for judging of the Goodness of plain VVaters , which , as Vitruvius says , is taken from the Habit of Men's Bodies that live about those waters ; to wit , if they be robust , clear Complexions , sound , and not blear-ey'd . Now 't is known enough , that both Citizens , and such as live in the Suburbs here , are of a good Habit of Body , and subject to none of these Distempers ; and the good Health which those of Modena enjoy beyond other Towns on this side the Po , is not so much to be ascribed to the wholsomness of the Air , as to the goodness of the Waters ; as in Egypt , where their long Life , according to Alpinus , is attributed to the water of the Nile . Seeing therefore in the most strict Censure , the waters of these Fountains are not only innocent , but wholsom , truly this City has nothing in which it may envy any other as to this point ; yea , seeing its waters are carried to the neighbouring places in the Summer-time , the Nucerian water is now out of use , to the great benefit of the sick . So in the Summer-time they run to these Fountains in all kinds of Fevers , ( for the use of water , that I may not say the abuse , is grown so frequent , that it seems the only Febrifuge ) and chiefly to the Fountain which is called Abyssus , as to the VVell of Esculapius , of which we spoke before . VVherefore I need not fear to make use of what Claudian says of Aponus , That they are at least amongst our Countrey-folks . — Commune Medentum Auxilium , praesens numen inempta salus . Physicians common Aid , a present Help , A Powerful Deity , and an unpurchas'd Health . And so much may suffice concerning the Nature and Properties of the VVells of Modena ; and if I have said something like probable , 't is well ; but if not , then both for the Dignity and the Difficulty of the matter , Volutatum est dolium in Cranio . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57681-e490 Theor. l. 1. p. 114. Tell. Th. l. 1. c. 5. Tell. Th. c. 5. p. 35 , 36 , 37. ☞ Ram. p. 58 , 76. Notes for div A57681-e4340 Fig. 1. Exer. 100. De motu Anim . P. 1. prop. 215. Notes for div A57681-e5270 ☜ ☜ Notes for div A57681-e7150 Ep. 2. Lib. 4. Notes for div A57681-e9590 Lib. 5. Hist. Nat. c. 9. c. 35. Lib. 3 Quaest. Nat. c. 28. Cant. 4. L. 3. Quae. Nat. c. 7. De Leg. Dial. 8. Notes for div A57681-e11180 Lib. 7. De re Metallica . Notes for div A57681-e11830 In Lucul . Notes for div A57681-e12580 5 Aph. 26. Lib. 31. N. 11. c. 3. One may rather say Saline . In Thal. De Bonit . aq . c. 1. 
A61893	----	A reply unto the letter written to Mr. Henry Stubbe in defense of The history of the Royal Society whereunto is added a Preface against Ecebolius Glanville, and an answer to the letter of Dr. Henry More, containing a reply to the untruthes he hath publish'd, and a censure of the cabbalo-pythagorical philosophy, by him promoted. Stubbe, Henry, 1632-1676. 1671 Approx. 216 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61893 Wing S6063A ESTC R31961 12281439 ocm 12281439 58715 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61893) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58715) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1515:14) A reply unto the letter written to Mr. Henry Stubbe in defense of The history of the Royal Society whereunto is added a Preface against Ecebolius Glanville, and an answer to the letter of Dr. Henry More, containing a reply to the untruthes he hath publish'd, and a censure of the cabbalo-pythagorical philosophy, by him promoted. Stubbe, Henry, 1632-1676. Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. History of the Royal Society of London. 32, [2], 34-79, [1] p. Printed for Richard Davis, Oxford : 1671. "A reply to a letter of Dr. Henry More (printed in Mr. Ecebolius Glanvil's pæfactory answer to Hen. Stubbe) with a censure upon the pythagorico-cabbalistical philosophy promoted by him" has special t.p. "Part of the controversay concerning Dr. Thomas Spiat's The history of the Royal Society"--NUC pre-1956 imprints. Imperfect: pages stained with loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. More, Henry, 1614-1687. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2002-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A REPLY UNTO THE LETTER WRITTEN TO M r. HENRY STUBBE IN DEFENSE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY . Whereunto is added a Preface against Ecebolius Glanvill ; and an answer to the Letter of D r HENRY MORE , Containing A REPLY TO THE UNTRUTHES He hath publish'd , AND A CENSURE OF THE CABBALO-PYTHAGORICAL Philosophy , by him promoted . — Spissis indigna theatris Scripta pudet recitare , & nugis addere pondus . OXFORD , Printed for Richard Davis . 1671. THE LETTER TO M r. HENRY STUBS Concerning his Censure upon certain passages contained in the History of the Royal Society . SIR , WHEN I was ( lately ) at Warwick , I purposed to have waited upon you , but I was told by a Person of Quality and of your acquaintance that you were gone to Oxford , with a great carriage of Books , to write against the Royal Society , and the reason of this enterprize was given to your disswading Friends , that the Society did design to bring in Poperty . The accusation ( 1 confe§ ) seemed to me very strange , but what was more wonderful , is such mighty Zeal for any one Religion and against That . This calleth to my mind a discourse which you made one day at White-Hall to a Christ-Church Man and my self immediately after your return from Jamaica , where you told us of a Provincial of the Dominicans , who being a Prisoner there , had perswaded you to go and live with him in the Spanish Plantations , as being a place , in wich you might very gainfully practice Physick ; and Nothing , as you said , hindred your complyance with his overtures , but only this , that you could not have carried away hereafter the Effects of your estate , but must have left it , if you had left the Country . In all which account of the transactions betwixt that Provincial ( who was of the Inquisition ) and your self , you skewed so much gentle calmne§ of mind in the affair of changing Religion , that I was almost ready to have pronounced , that some one had stoln your Name and put it to the Censure ; till I was better informed that your quarrel to this Assembly is so unappeasable , that you would fall out with any Religion , which they favoured , and that if they had of each kind amongst them , you would entertain no sort at all . I must profe§ I always esteemed you ( by your Printed Papers ) a Man of excellent contradicting parts , and I thought you would in this book have done as good service to Aristotle , as a grave Dignitary of Canterbury hath lately rendred to him , when he very industriously maintains that the Philosopher in his Ethicks did teach , what is the summum bonum , as well as David could , when he set himself on purpose to treat of the same Argument in the first Psal. or that you would have repeated some of the least natural experiments , laught at them , and then with very good conduct of stile made all the rest appear ridiculous . But you 'l say that may be done hereafter , but a present Religion , Religion is in danger , and therefore you must succour your Dear Mother the Church of England . It is done like a good Child : and further I must commend you as a generous enemy in your censure of the Historian . He is a Clergy-man , and herein you challenge him at his own Weapon : And if you vanquish him in this Encounter , you may expect to make both your Reputation and his lo§ very considerable , being that in England a Church-man suffers more for being Popishly affected , then for being a favourer of the New Philosophy . But I 'le tell you what falls out very unluckily . This History was not Licensed ( as could have been wisht ) by the President of the Royal Society : For then a Man might have charged every impious and pernicious Paragraph upon that large body of Men , but so it is that it comes abroad into the World with an Imprimatur from Secretary Morrice , of whom we cannot perswade the people to believe otherwise , but that he stands two or three removes off from Popery . But now at last give me leave as a By-stander to lock over your Game , and privately to advize you where the other side may espy any advantage . As the first instance of a passage in the History Destructive to the Religion and Church of England , viz. While the Bishops of Rome did assume an infallibility , and a Sovereign Dominion over our Faith , the reformed Churches did not only justly refuse to grant them that , but some of them thought themselves obliged to forbear all Communion , and would not give them that respect , which possibly might belong to so Antient , and so Famous a Church , and which might still have been allowed it without any danger of Superstition . If any one should undertake a defence against your censure , it is probable that he would say somewhat to this purpose , that by Communion there mentioned the Author did not mean , that the reformed Churches should joyn with them in all or the most important acts of worship , being that hereby they must at all adventures yeild to the points of the controversie , wich the Roman infallibility would thrust upon them , for he tells us that our Churches did justly refuse to grant them that , but he explains what he intends by Communion , when he doth immediately add that they refused to give them that respect , &c. Now who can say that Communion if taken for Divine Worship can be the same with respect that it stewed to a Society of Men ; and whereas you seem to argue from the notion of the word Communion , as if it were the same with the Lords Supper , it may by replyed , that the one sence , wherein it may be understood throughout the whole Scripture is , a friendly and charitable action , and from this we cannot except that verse , which you alledge , and in this sence it is not impious to say that we should not forbear all Communion , or deny to give that respect which possibly might belong to so ancient , and so famous a Church . Nor can I see that these Titles bestowed on Rome are so faulty , since there are methods of speech in our language suitable hereunto , whereby we call that antient and famous , not which is so at present , but what was such a long time ago , and continued the same for a great while . But I will grant that this is not the necessary , but only the possible meaning of this Historian ; Yet at least if the contrary intimation be so hainous , good Nature should oblige to understand the phrase in the most favourable manner : but supposing he thought that Rome even at the reformation of others , ( though it self was not amended ) might neverthele§ be called a Church , he said no more then what the most learned amongst the German Divines , though warm with disputes , did readily acknowledge . It was usual with them to say that the Church of Rome was truly a Church , notwithstanding that it abounded in many and dangerous errours , seeing that they retained the main Doctrines of Christian Religion , and they indeavoured to clear their assertion by comparing it to a diseased body , which yet is as truly a humane body , as it is a diseased one . And if it may be termed a Church , it is without doubt very antient and famous too , for what it hath been of old as to the piety and learning of many Inhabitants of that City ; and still is Famous for that precedency , which any Herauld would assign to it in a free Assembly of Western Bishops . So that from what hath been discoursed in this matter may be inferred , that though the Authour meant not , that we must communicate with them in the distinguisting Offices of adoration , yet ( for any thing I perceive ) he needs not to account them of that Church to be unto us as Heathens , or of such a Number of Men with whom we may not so much as eat , but that we may maintain a Communion of friendship with the professed of that Religion , whose morals may afford an example , or whose learning might advance our knowledge . And the reformed must still keep the hearty Charity for the Romanist , that after succe§le§ debates , though managed with reason and temper , he should still indeavour to improve him in all the uncontroverted instances of goodne§ and vertue ; such an exercise of Friendship and Charity as this is a Noble and Religious Communion , it is an exhorting one another in our most Holy Faith , it is an exact obedience to ihat command ; That as far as we have already attained we should walk by the same rule . As to the next exception which you have against the same passage , viz. His mistake in making the Papal Infallibility to be the grand occasion of the differences betwixt the reformed Religion and Papist , I must tell you that he may well enough defend himself , though indeed you pre§ closer in this then in the former objection against all Communion with Rome . You say that only Parasitical Canonists did ascribe to the Pope such a Sovereign Dominion over our Faith : I suppose you mean at the reformation , though you cite many Authours much later , and if so I shall only referr you to the report , which Cassander gives of those days , in his Judgement which he passes on the controversies , viz. That then they made the Pope but little le§ then God , that they set his Authority not only above the Church , but above the Scriptures to , and made his sentences equal to divine Oracles , and to be an infallible rule of Faith , and ( as he further proceeds ) though there was another sort of people in the Church , yet they were such as were obscure and concealed . Again though it were granted that infallibility lay in a Councel , yet the Pope had the executive power of those decrees and Canons , which passed by so high an Authority , and hereupon might be troublesome with an Infallibility derived from others , and impose little things as absolutely necessary in their own nature : and this practice of the Bishops of Rome ( amongst others ) caused those of Germany to stand off from the Roman Church . But for a fuller proof against the Authour of the History , you alledge , that erronious Doctrine about indulgences was the primary occasion of introducing Protestancy . What you say is so far true , the first occasion of Luthers publick invectives against the Court of Rome , but for a good while after he maintained Communion as a member of that Church . This is manifest to any one , that is but in a small measure acquainted with the Histories of those times ; but at last when he saw there was no hopes of Reformation in this and other instances of gross abuse , he utterly leaves them as past all likelyhood of recovery . So that I have now prepared the cause depending betwixt you and him , and made it ready for a Tryal , and it may be determined by finding out the true account of the Grand hinderance of a Reformation at Rome . Your adversary might give a very fair proof , that it was mainly a reputed infallibility . This is evident in the impartial History of the Councel of Trent , where we read of a consultation held by Pope Advian VI. with some Cardinals for an amendment of what was amiss , more particularly about the matter of Indulgences , after that much had been said by himself and another against the mistakes and ill practices in that affair , and after that he had declared his Resolution for the regulating thereof , he was soon turned from his Former purpose by Cardinal Soderinus an old Politician , and one who well understood the Frame of that Church . This Man informs the Pope that any Reformation was dangerous for Rome , because that this would implicitely yeild that somewhat was amiss , and that possibly they might erre in more , whereas the successes of Rome , against such opposers were obtained by vouching for what ever was blamed and by proceeding against them as Hereticks . This made Adrian to bewail the unhappy condition of Popes , who might not reform at home , if they would . And now at last you seem to make infallibility so small a thing even in their own esteem , that as you cite the words of a late writer amongst them , their Infallibility is limited to Tradition , and is spiritually assisted in the Faithful reporting of what hath been delivered . It is easie to see thorough this harmless pretence of your judicious Authour . For to be the sole and undoubted witness in their own cause on which sentence must follow in course is equally advantagious , as if they were taken for infallible judges . Thus the Jews who did so highly advance the credit of their Rabbinical traditions as thereby to make void the Law of God , doe not ( as we see in Abravanel ) own any more then only that they expound and stew the Articles of Faith ; yet that Jew , who shall despise or jeer at the Teachers of those traditions , shall not ( according to their Fundamentalls ) have a part in the life to come . And at the same rate may the Former sort of men denounce Anathema's if you believe not their report , though in matters , which are not only , not certain , but withall are unreasonable , ridiculous and impossible . Another passage in the History is brought in by you , and deaply charg'd to be contrary to the Analogy of Faith and Scripture ( to wit ) He ( the Natural and Experimental Philosopher ) will be led to admire the wonderful contrivance of the creation , and so to apply and direct his praises aright , which , no doubt , when they are offer'd up to Heaven from the mouth of one that hath well studied what he commends will be more suitable to the Divine nature , than the blind applauses of the ignorant . This ( you say ) makes the acceptableness of all mens Prayers to depend more or less on the study of natural Phylosophy . But the Authors words may by asserted by the whole contexture of that Section , that he therein answers an objection , and clearly shews that the study of experimental Phylosophy is not injurious to the worship of God ; he supposeth the person already a Christian ; and then he praises God more beartily for some examples of power and wisdom , which he by inquiry hath found out , but others have not ; for when a man praiseth God with understanding for what he discovers particularly in the wonderful works of Gods own hand , his praises must needs be more suitable on the same subject , then are those general thanksgivings , wherein a man that hath not meditated on the works of Creation , blesses God still for them , but cannot say how far these exceed the utmost productions of art , or the improved power of natural causes . Thus the commendation of any workmanship , if given by a great Master in that Art , is more satisfactory to the Artificer , then the admiring noise of the multitude , who probably may misplace their greatest wonder upon that wich is the least thing in it . And now ( pray ) what harm in all this , and yet the Authour ( as far as I can see ) speaks no worser , but much very well , in the following clauses , against Atheism . But if I may ask you to what end do you change his words Praises into Prayers ? was it , that you might prove ( as you do ) that Christ is our Mediator ? he never did deny it . But , methinks , this would be a pritty Medium to prove the not-suitableness of experimental Philosophy to a Christian. You then proceed to make an apology for Ignorance , because that of those who were first called , there were not many wise after the flesh . To which may by replyed , that this will avail little , if it be considered , that by the phrase , wise after the slesh , is meant subtle and designing persons , who by their politick managery of a cause though not good , might propagate and spread it for self ends , so that it should find a general entertainment in the world . There was no such thing as this in the first advancement of Christian Religion . But that the ignorance of the professors hereof was not acceptable to the Authour of our Faith , is manifest ; for that he endowed his Scholars with the gift of tongues and such utterance , which their enemies were not able to resist . You add immediately after the Text , that it was intended of the Virtuosi , why so ? Is it , because they are wise ? I am confident you will not say that this is the reason . They have taken that course , that will scarce ever make them appear wise to the half-witted World , they are too timerous in what they affirm , they lay by much of that wordy Philosophy , which furnishes men with expressions hard to be understood and therefore is admirable , it makes a brave found to the ear , nay more then all this , it supplies one with such useful distinctions that he may affirm plausibly whatsoever he will , but instead hereof they practice a plain Trades-man like Profession in Philosophy , instead of axiomes and good old sayings concerning nature and matter and substantial Forms , which have salved a thousand difficulties , Nothing will serve them for proof in Physicks , but experiments and some what that is obvious to the sences ; they must have new Fashion'd Telescopes wherewith to gaze upon the Heavens , and Glasses invented to espy Atomes , and Furnaces for dissolution of bodies , and for other unheard of curiosities , and yet though they do dissolve the compositum into its constituting parts they would never yet reveal to the Aristotelian what kind of a thing their substantial Form is , which ( they are well assured ) is one principle in that body . Whereas ( Sir ) you have a nearer way to learning then that wherein they go on . You became an excellent . Astronomer by reading a Systeme of the Ptolomaean Hypothesis , and have no reason to suspect or search further as long as you believe nothing about the Doctrine of the Sphere , out what you have learn'd from those institutions , you need not to pore with a microscope upon those minute figurings of bodies , thereby to guess how they produce such & such effects . You can answer any ordinary question in nature , by the 4. first qualities & their seconds ; by the conjugation & symbolicalness of the qualities , by natures abhorrency of a vacuum , by the keen Appetite , which the first matter ( of which we know very much Negatively ) bears towards a Form. Nay further , if any man should demand a Resolution of the greatest problems , as of the Loadstone or the like , you are not constrained to make such a pittifull Reply , as many others must do , you can readily inform them , that it is either done by Familiarity of substances , which causes similar attraction , or by a sympathy , and that the Loadstone and the Iron do earn till they arrive at their mutual embraces ; but if any one be so much a Novelist , as to urge , that such affections as these cannot be found , except there be in these bodies at least a sensitive Life , you can bid them then take this answer for your last , I say it is performed by an occult quality . There is yet another piece of learning that is Chymistry , in which with a little adoe you can equal their attainments had through a process and tedious course . For the whole of what they pretend in this drudging Art , is no more then the solution and coagulation of bodies : by the first of these they with a great deal of cost indeavour to separate their three Elements , but you ( Sir ) more cheaply can shew your four Elements parting asunder at the dissolution of the mixt body . It is but laying of a green stick upon the other fuell already inflamed , immediately the Element of Air comes away in smoak , that of fire in the warm blaze , the Elementary water is that hissing juice at the end of the stick , and the Element of the earth is the remaining Askes , which if it be in the Grate will by its own inward propensity ( if it can ) slide away down to the Hearth , because the Hearth is nearer to the Center of the Earth then the Grate is ; for it is well known that every weighty body hath a great affection to that Center . So that I think now you have outdone them at this trick , and you will not be behind them at the other , to wit , Coagulation . They are pleased to say that they Coagulate a body when they bring it from a liquid or humid to a solid substance . This fine feat you so well understand and it is so much beneath you that you leave it to the Apothecaries boy , when you prescribe troches for colds , besides Rose-water and Sugar , &c. to make this solid , you appoint White Starch q. s. and then refer it to the discretion of the lad to be made S. a. and here is so good a Coagulation that you never desire to learn any other kind of it as long as you live , except it be the secret of making the hard Sea-bisket . No more at present of the comparison betwixt your Philosophy and theirs . As I read on further in your censure I saw you were angry with this Authour , whom you have chosen for an Adversary , because he saith that Religion ought not to be the subject of disputation ; in the sense wherein he speaks it , he is not singular , nor left almost alone , he discourseth of those Divines , who have mixed and kneaded into one lump the Doctrines of Christian Religion , and the Notions of the Peripatetick Philosophy , and hereby have twined into a dispute much of that which primitively was matter of practical Holine§ : yet on the other side there is a sort of men , who would le§ regard Religion , if it were not the subject of disputation , like Hunts-men who are better pleased in following then in catching the Hare ; you further tax him with introducing hereby a Popish implicite faith , whereas a little observation will discover , that this sort of Faith hath grown , and a better hath decayed upon the general respect , which the Philosophy now blamed by him hath found amongst those , whom we call Divines of the Schools . , more usually and properly then Doctors of the Church . A man doth then implicitely believe , when he doth not cleerly and distinctly apprehend . So that he that speaks not so , as to be plainly understood , causes either that nothing which he saith should be believed , or else that it should be received as true in the Popish fashion , that is he bestows his vote and assent to be disposed on by another at pleasure . So that hence you may judge who it is , who draws on a novice in Religion the nearest towards wrapping his belief up within the faith of another , whether he who contends for so much plainne§ , that the things propounded need not to be the-subject of disputation , or rather he who seems profound and wise in his sentences , yet doth so darken his wisedom with words , that the person to be instructed hath by this means no other way left but to believe that which he cannot understand . You produce some sacred testimonies to evince a necessity of divine illumination , yet do not apply them to the present discourse of the Authour , which is concerning School Divinity ; but had you meant it of this , I must have said with you that the obscurity of those writings would have made such a Revelation necessary , had not the smalne§ of their worth rendred them almost usele§ . It seems to me but reasonable , that as all the Books of Christian Religion hope for acceptance , because they profe§ to be agreeable to the truths of Scripture ; so further if they design publick benefit , they should imitate the perspicuity and openne§ of the Evangelick Style . There is one argument against the Authour not inconsiderable , to which you have some reference , ( that is ) the study of such controversies , distinctions , and terms are of great use when we have to deal with a Papist disputant . It s very true , yet it proves not any excellency in that knowledge of it self , but meerly in relation to the adversary ; though we have fresh instances of worthy persons amongst us , who have with good advantage managed the debate in behalf of our Church against that of Rome , without much help from those Schools : yet that sort of Learning , even for this reason , may still be maintained , in the same manner as tradesmen who lie on the English borders towards Wales , usually keep a servant to jabber Welsh ( though no learned language ) to the Brittains their customers . The next words of the History R. S. which receive a check are these , The grounds whereon the Church of England proceeds , are different from those of the Separatists , and also of the Church of Rome : and they are no other but the rights of the Civil power , the imitation of the first uncorrupt Churches , and the Scriptures expounded by reason . Though I cannot find any such passage in the page to which you send the Reader , yet I will take it upon trust , seeing that you have not till now misrecited any thing out of his book , that which offends you is , that he would have the Scripture expounded by reason . This appears to you like Socinianisme , but I remember the Calvinists direct to as much as this implies . They say that we must expound particular passages in Scripture by the main tendency of the whole discourse , that we must consider the phrase , whether literal or figurative , that we must observe all the circumstances of person , time , place , and what else is of any moment , And now ( pray ) say whether these directions can be practised but by reason , and if not , whether be who expounds Scripture by these rules , may not be truly said to expound it by reason : he doth not say that a man should not acknowledge Scripture , if it teach any thing more then those sentiments which reason had entertained before it was acquainted with divine writings . You would have them to expound the Scriptures by the authority of the ancient Fathers , when they see why they should do it , they at the same time expound by reason , if without cause given , they take up the Fathers sence in that implicite Faith against which you did lately declaim . The last Objection which you offer against this History , is about what he saith of wit , that it may be borrowed from the Bible , that this wit is ( as he represents it ) magnificent , appears to the diligent and judicious Reader : and that it may without offence be borrowed is as manifest to him , who gives himself the pleasure to peruse the Greek and Latine Divine Poems both antient and modern , which fetch their or naments as well as materials from the Bible . But you 'l say however Scripture-expressions ought not to be applyed ( as our authour would ) to natural things . I see no reason which binders , especially when natural things become the occasion of divine praises , and furthermore , where as many Scripture expressions were by way of accomodation transferred higher from things natural , they lose not their original suitablene§ , and when they are brought back and lower in our discourses , it may rather be said of them , that they are repaid then that they are borrowed ; nor doth the meanest of the matter to which any saying is fitted out of Scripture , straightway make it unlawfull to be lent for a while ; as for example the primitive Ignatius in one of his genuine Epistles , which was written ( if I mistake not ) to the Tralliani applies otherwise these words of our Saviour to his Disciples concerning those extraordinary assistances which they needed to receive from him : Without me ye can do nothing . And affirms that as our Saviour spake these words to his disciples , so a Bishop may say to his Presbyters , without me ye can do nothing . Yet I must profe§ that I am very sensible of the indignities and scorns which the sacred word of God suffers from a sort of persons , whose quality is better then their converse , they are such who are scarce ever guilty of wit or raillery , but when they are ingeniously prophane or blaspemous . The intemperance of these should lay a resiraint upen the sober & discreet least by an innocent use of a little liberty , they should unawares give any countenance to other mens extravagancies . You tell us upon this argument , how severe the jews are in this case . The most that wee meet with neer this purpose concerning them discovers not so much a holy reverence , as a stupid folly . They pronounce ( as in a former instance so on this ) that no few shall have a part in the world to come , who shall spit out , when he names God , or shall speak the Tetragrammaton in a forreigne tongue out of the Sanctuary . There is one thing at the end of your censure which is very unkind , and contrary to the law of common humanity ; I speak of your sharp reflexion on an excellent person deceased Mr. Cowley , these younger fancies ought not after death to becomes his reproach , especially since he left a charge , that what was offensive in his Poems might be omitted : though it was judged by others , that he had written nothing , but what ( with his own sober correction of himself , and an equitable allowance of charity ) might well pa§ abroad in publique . You know that those who weeded out the worst of Beza's youthful verses , and presented them in one bundle to the world , purchasd more shame to themselves then to the Poet. It is now time that I should put an end to this tedious Letter , and I must request that you would excuse my plain dealing ; do not suspect that ( upon some account of friendship or acquaintance ) I am too inclinable to vindicate the Authour of this History . I dare assure you I know him not otherwise then by face , and Printed books , one of which is against Sorbiere , whom ( though a piece of a Virtuoso ) he handles very smartly , examining the condition of his life and actions . What apprehensions then might you have , least if he should happen to have nothing else to doe , be should write the History of your life , and herein ( as is usuall ) describe your person , and enquire into Physiognomy , what temper of mind you must profess , and give a Catalogue of Books written by you , and shew in how many press-warrs you have served as a volunteer : But now that I have done , I have time to think , what a deal of needless labour I have bestowed to write , more then what you will have patience to read . I therefore take leave , and am , your , &c. FINIS . A Defence of the Censure of the History of the Royal Society , against the Reply of the Virtuosi . AFter so many Moneths respite , so much deliberation , in a case nearly relating to the welfare of the Religion and good Learning of this Monarchy , and even of the Government it self , I expected at least from the Virtuosi something of Wit and Solidity in their Reply : I knew the justice of my side too well , and the grounds I proceeded upon , to fear it might be worsted ; but I thought it no unreasonable matter to promise my self florid Language , and a plausible , though not satisfactory , Apology . But though an entire Cabala of the R. S. did consult upon this responsory Letter , though a Learned Person of that Society did peruse it , yet can I find nothing in it that should have deserved my serious Animadversions , except the quality of those Persons who revised and allowed it : and 't is my respect to their dignity , that I put once more Pen to Paper about this subject . 'T is out of a regard to their quality , not performances ; and I more suspected they would interpret my silence as a contempt , then my answer as arrogant . It had been more prudential for them not to have entermedled a second time in this Contest , but to have enjoyed the benefit of that distinction which I made betwixt the Honorary Members of the R. S. and the Comediants , then to mix with so insipid a Generation , whose thoughts are not to be elevated by indignation , and whom Learning it self , should it change Parties , could not rescue , or protect . I must renew those Protestations which their Ignorance hath made me so frequently to use , and avow , that 't is a troublesome affair to deal with Men that understand so little ; they know neither how to state a Case , nor how to oppose , or answer pertinently : I am affronted with naked Assertions of Men that deserve no credit : my Conclusions are denyed , and the premises not invalidated : and to convince the World how little I injure them herein , I Reprint the first Censure upon their History , their Defense , and my present Rejoynder . The Anonymous Author of the Letter begins with an Admiration , that I should have so mighty a Zeal for any one Religion ; and why against Popery ? But that I know weak Persons are surprised at small Occurrents , and that their astonishment doth not proportion it self to the greatness of the cause , but the deficiencies of their Intellectuals : I profess it would trouble me , that having lived a life hitherto ( as the Age goes ) not very culpable , and having always professed my self of the Reformed Religion , and having united my self to the Church of England upon its restauration ( preserving always before that a non-communion with the several Schismaticks and Sects of this Nation ) that it should still be wondered at , why I should be concern'd for any Religion , or engage in opposition to Popery ? But this surmise argues onely the vanity and folly of the Objectors ; for were it in general indifferent unto me what Religion were National amongst us ; yet considering our Circumstances , and that dismal Revolution which impends over my native Country , upon the restitution of that Religion , a Man who is concern'd for his own repose and tranquility , and desires not to be involved in the Calamities of a Change , can not want prudential Motives to induce him to oppose such an Alteration : Any Man that hath but reflected seriously upon the Consequences which have attended the Change of Religion , especially into Popery , any Man who is not unacquainted with our English Histories , or ignorant of the Politick Cautions which wise States-men have left unto us upon Record , will justifie my demeanour , without further inspecting into my Conscience . But to allow these Men of no reading or consideration , to allow them as ignorant of these things , as of the Sweating Sickness : why should they wonder at my being concern'd against Popery , since I had united my self to the Church of England ? Is there any thing more repugnant to our Liturgy , Articles of Religion , and Homilies of our Church ? Was there ever any action of my life could give them ground for this Conjecture , that I would openly adhere to any thing , and avow my doing so , and yet desert it rashly ? I do not use to deliberate after Resolutions taken , whatever I do before : It had better become those of the R. S. who are under many Obligations to confront the Romish Religion , to have acted my part in this Contest , then to malign , discourage , and disparage me , for a work which the Apostle would have congratulated me for , though I had attempted it meerly out of envy , strife , or pretence . Beyond this Reply I know not what to answer unto this Passage , because I have to do with Adversaries with whom Protestations , Appeals to God and Conscience , are ridiculous , and more insignificant then a sobriety of life , taken up neither out of affectation , nor design of gain , or honor . The next Period relates an History of what passed betwixt me and a Dominican Provincial , and Inquisitor , about my removal from Jamaica to Mexico and Peru. I shall not deny the general Truth of the Narration ; but since the alteration of a Word or two may vary much the odium or truth of a Story , I must remind this Adversary that the person I design'd to accompany ( but was hindred with Sickness ) was a Carmelite , not a Dominican : and that he never so much as proposed to me the change of my Religion ; the strictness of the Spaniards there not being such as in Europe : and I did , upon particular Inquiry from some that had been there , receive assurances , That Physicians , Chirurgions , and Gunners , were so necessary there , and so welcome , that a prudent Person of those qualifications , needed not to apprehend the danger of any Inquisitor : indeed the power of that sort of men is not the same within the Patrimony of the King of Spain ( so those Territories are called ) and in the Patrimony of S. Peter . Had I , as the Virtuosi , and others do , propos'd a Voyage to Spain , or Italy , doth it infer a design of changing my Religion ? yet in all this Story , as it is represented by themselves , there is no more said by me , then would have been convincing in those other cases , were the Argument good . Oh! that a Cabinet of the Virtuosi should reason thus pittifully ! Surely Ignorance is infectious ; and 't is possible for Men to grow Fools by contact . That which follows hereupon is so ridiculous , that were my Dreams but so incoherent and impertinent , I would apprehend some eminent Distraction , and cause my self to be let Blood : and I advise my Adversaries speedily to transfer themselves from Arundel house to Bedlam , or convert the Appartments which they enjoy now into convenient Receptacles for such Franticks . Should I grant the truth of the Story , with all the advantages they could wish to have been added thereunto , doth it follow , that because I might intend to change my Religion at Mexico , that therefore I would alter it in England , considering the posture of our Nation ? not at all , but with such as the Virtuosi , those prudent Persons , that understand Men and reasons of State so well . Nor are they more imprudent in that suggestion , That my quarrel to the R. S. was so unappeasable , that I would fall out with any Religion which they favored ; and that if they had of each kinde amongst them , I would entertain no sort at all : I say this Suggestion becomes not intelligent Persons ; for how great soever my Quarrel were against them , 't is to be supposed I would prosecute it by befitting means , and such as were subservient to my ends ; but to fall out with any Religion they should favor , if it were not untrue , destructive to the Monarchy , Laws , and Nation , were to defeat and overthrow my intentions : and consequently such a procedure was not to be fixed on me , except they had first proved that I was a Member of the R. S. I adde , that if my animosity against them had transported me so far as they represent , if I were resolute to oppose whatsoever Religion any of theirs held , I must consequently renounce Atheism , and all irreligion ; those being , as 't is to be fear'd , the important qualifications of some of the Comediants : and assert Protestancy , that being the Religion from which many of them are averse ; and for which , as it is established in the Church of England , others are not over-zealously concern'd . That which ensues hereupon , is very dull and flat : the course how to attacque and overthrow these Ignorants , was not to be prescribed unto me by them : and methinks 't is great Impudence in them , after that I have published these other Pieces , besides the Censure , to upbraid me as if they were not extant ; and whatever relates to their Experiments , their vanity , and falshood , and Plagiarisme , were still un-printed . It was not my design to give precedence to the Censure : but they having procured a stop upon the promulgation of the other Books , I inverted the Method , making them odious first , and then ridiculous . But if I had done it voluntarily , am I to be blamed for preferring the advancement or continuance of Protestancy , before that of Natural Philosophy , though the last were better improved then these Comical Wits can ever attempt ? I think that Reverend Divine of Canterbury merits our good esteem for his generous respects to deceased Aristotle : however his Age and different Studies incapacitated him to carry on the Quarrel so far , as to over-throw totally these Innovators : Yet since it was not my intent to defend the truth , but the utility of the Aristotelian Physiology ; I shall not suffer my self to be engaged beyond my first thoughts , or permit that the Original and Primary Controversies sink into oblivion by any excursions and digressive Contests . My Adversaries confess , That a Church-man in England suffers more for being Popishly affected , then for being a favourer of the New Philosophy . — It is my judgement therefore , that they ought to be very sollicitous how they incur any such scandal , and endeavour timely to remove it . I am not conscious to my self at all , of having mis-represented the Words of the Historian , or having imposed on him other sense then the Words will , or do bear : I now come to consider , what the History is unto the Virtuosi ? and how far I may conceive them interested in its Tenets . My Adversaries say , That the History was not Licensed by the President of the Royal Society , for then a Man might have charged every impious and pernicious Paragraph upon that large body of Men : but so it is , that it comes abroad into the World with an Imprimatur from Secretary Morrice , of whom we cannot perswade the People to believe otherwise , but that he stands two or three removes off from Popery . — If that the R. S. had made an authentick Declaration of this Point , it had been material : but the profession of a nameless Pamphlet concludes not the Body . When Olaus Borrichius was at London , and familiarly conversed with the generality of the Virtuosi , even the most eminent of the number , the Intelligence which that inquisitive Person gives to Bartholinus , is thus expressed . Sociorum nemo posthac quicquam in lucem emittet , nisi prius communi suffragio approbatum , ne aliorum praesertim vitilitigatorum ungues reformidet . This Letter bears date , 1663. Aug. 10. Londini . and contains that account of the R. S. which he was , from their own mouthes , to communicate unto Foreigners : and in confidence of this promise of theirs ( which is divulged every where in Germany ) certain Foreigners of great Learning have expostulated with me for avowing ( and proving ) them to be so negligent . But since my Adversaries will here allow no other Book to be Entitled unto the R. S. but what is Licensed by their President , I will digress a little to shew their failure , even where the Authentick Brouncker , P.R.S. is prefixed : and that is in Mr. Evelyns Book of Forrest trees . I think I may with confidence aver , from his own Cidermaker , that the account of Sir P. N's . Cider is not perfect , & right : I am sure , that sundry Persons of Quality have spoiled much Cider within this three Years , in following the directions of that Book , which was read to the R. S. and published by their special Command : But whether it be exact now , I have not had leisure to enquire . There are also a multitude of Errors and Impertinencies in that Book , which I have not time to pursue , being continually interrupted by the attendance upon my present Practice : yet to shew how much they have fail'd in their undertaking , I will instance in the sap of the Birch-Tree , as a Liquor I have had the opportunity to consider , and frequently use these fourteen Years : having tapped seventy , and eighty , at one time . Though none be more communicative naturally them my self , yet the R. S. having not merited any Civilities from the hands of a Physician , or a Protestant , I hope I shall be excused from not divulging more then is pertinent to the matter . Mr. Evelyn saith , he is credibly informed , That out of the aperture there will in twelve or fourteen days distill so much of the sap , as will preponderate and out-weigh the whole Tree it self , Body , and Roots . — I never saw any ground for an Opinion approaching near to this ; except you make the exposition to be this , That if the collection of all that runs in many Years be computed together , it may amount to so much ; which , I believe , may be true : but this seems not the Genuine import of his words : and in no other sense are they to be verified . I have in large Trees inserted two taps , yet did they not run twenty gallons . His account is very defective : the time he proposes to draw it , is about the beginning of March : but I avow , that who stays so long may sometimes lose his opportunity . I have known , in an early Spring , when the beginning of February hath been warm , the Tree to run on the tenth of that Moneth , and usually about the Twenty fourth day 't is time to look after it : but in the Great Frost , when I came first to the Lord Mordant's at Parsons-Green , I could not get them to run till the thaw and warm weather prevail'd , which was in the end of March , or beginning of April : then the sap ascended speedily , ran thicker , and in greater quantities ; but lasted I think but ten days . The truth is , the ascent of the Sap , and its running , depends much ( when it runs ) upon the Weather ; it abates , intermits , and multiplies , as that varies : of which , these Observators speak not a word . There is also ( which is contrary to Mr. Evelyn ) a great difference in the taste , and colour , and consistence of the Sap of several Trees ; some differs not from common water , and ( whatever he say ) hath neither smell nor taste of the Tree : some is a little vinous ; some more milky , and resembling Aqua Lactis . His Friend from whom he promiseth much , says , he never met with the Sap of any Tree , but what is very clear and sweet . As to other Trees , I cannot tell ; but as to this , 't is certain he little understands the Birch Tree : for some at first have run lacteous ; all that ever I saw , towards the latter end , run thick , have a fracid or sowre smell and taste ; and at last in a geltinous Body , stop the tap : for the truth hereof , I appeal to that Ingenious observing Person , Mr. Willoughby , who seconded my Observations with his own , in the presence of the Lord Bishop of Chester , at Astrop-wells . I adde , That this Water or Sap , contains in it such a saccharine essence , that if one evaporate it , or consider the faeces upon distillation , they will appear in consistence , and taste as a most perfect Syrup : and if you adde Yeast to a quantity thereof , and set it to work , it will cast off a great deal off black Barm , and come to an Alish drink ( and sometimes resemble a little the Mum of Brunswick ) to be kept as other Ale in Bottles ; but 't is no longer Saccharine , or like Metheglin , which I purposed to produce by this Experiment . This Saccharine quality degenerating into an acidity , is that which renders the keeping of it so difficult , if not impossible : to set it in the Sun , whatever Mr. Evelyns Friend say , is the way to hasten its degenerateness ; for I have an hundred times set it in the Sun in Bottles close stopped , and it turns sowre , and smells fracid suddenly : and on the top there gathers a concretion of the Birchy Particles , white , with which the Liquor was impregnated , which I have known turn ligneous . I shall not give any account of what I have brought it to by long insolation , nor what way may be propos'd to stop its degeneration into acidity in order to its brewing ( which is no difficulty ; ) nor by what ways it may be brought to a Wine ( without heterogenous mixtures ) by a peculiar sermentation of its own in certain Vessels : 't is enough to have shewed , that the prefixing of great Names cannot secure us , when a Virtuoso writes . I now entreat my Readers pardon for this Digression , which is very material to the main Controversie , though not so much to the Paragraph instanced in : and I proceed to examine the credit of this History . In the Year 1664. in September , Theodorus Jacobi a Silesian , writes to his Friends in Germany from London , where he had a great familiarity with Theodor. Haak , Mr. Oldenburgh , and many others of the R.S. He having told his Friends much of this most glorious Institution , addes , Interim lucem brevi videbit tractatus Anglice conscriptus , in quo rationem instituti sui Orbi literario reddere decreverunt . If any have a mind to entertain himself with the Fabulous Representations by which they insinuated themselves into the esteem of Foreigners , let him read the Passages in Sachsius , till any one can oblige the World with the Original Letter of Theodorus facobi , that abused Silesian . This Tractate which they promised to him in English , was no other then this History ; of which such expectation was raised , and such Miracles spoken , before it came out , as all England knows . But to convince the World further about this History , take the Authors own Words . They thought it necessary to appoint a two Secretaries , who are to Reply to all Addresses from abroad , and at home , and to publish whatever shall be agreed upon by the Society . These are at present Dr. Wilkins , and Mr. Oldenbourgh , from whom I have not usurp'd this first employment of that kinde ; for it is only my Hand that goes , the substance and direction came from one of them . How much one of those two were interessed in the compiling of this History , doth appear hence , and from that Character with which He recommended it to the World ; of which none but the deaf and insensible can be ignorant . That the R. S. did not publickly and personally read it , I am apt to grant : The Comediants had not patience to read it , or any Book of that bulk ; but , as in other cases , gave their assent and applauds upon trust . But that the R. S. did own it , any man knows that was in London at its publication : not to mention the Character which Mr. Glanvill and the Transactor fix on it . Moreover , when the first brute of my designing to write against the R. S. did reach London , Sir R. M. writ to the Lady E. P. to inform them of my intentions ; adding , That there was nothing in which the R. S. as a Body , could be concern'd , excepting this History : and if I would civilly represent unto them any defaults therein , they would take it kindly , and amend them . Hereupon I writ unto Him , as a Person whom I greatly honor , and who hath in all his undertakings and employments ( which have been neither mean nor facile ) expressed a wit , prudence , and conduct that is uncommon : to which , if I adde those other Imbellishments , which his Mathematical and other Natural Studies , have qualifyed him with , this Age can hardly equal Him : To Him I writ , complaining of the Indignities put upon my faculty by Mr. Glanvill , and their History , represented the Pernicious tendency of those Books , in reference to the Monarchy , Religion , and Learning of this Kingdom : and DEMANDED that the R. S. should disclaim both of them by some authentick Declaration , or I would not desist , whatsoever might befall me : But no repeated desires or Sollicitations of mine could prevail with them to disclaim the History : the other they were less concerned for , saying , He was a Private Person , and that the sense of the R. S. was not to be collected from the Writings of every single Member . Thus could I not extort from their grandeur any just Declaration whereby to satisfie either the Kingdom in general , or to oblige the Physicians in particular . After that they had denyed me the returns of Common Equity , I proceeded in that manner which I need not relate : The Concerns they all along express'd , were more then a little tenderness for a Fellow of the R. S. The menaces they made , and which were noised thorow Court and City , shewed that I had greater Opponents then the Author of the History . What meant the Resolution , ( I do not say Vote ) of the R. S. to give me no other answer ; but that three or four of their ingenious young-men should write my Life : How comes this great concern for a Book in which they are not interested ? When the Censure came out , why did several eminent Members presently report , and represent to the ___ that I had thereby libelled His Majesty , and pressed to have me whipped at a Carts-tail through London ? That Censure touches not the R. S. but only reflects on the Historian , and that modestly , though severely . And to what heighth their exasperations and power might have carryed things , I know not : but a generous Personage ( altogether unknown to me ) being present , bravely and frankly interposed , saying to this purpose , That whatever I was , I was a Roman ; that English-men were not so precipitously to be condemned to so exemplary a punishment , as to be whipped thorow London ; That the representing of that Book to be a Libel against the King , was too remote , and too prejudicial a consequence to be admitted of in a Nation Free-born , & governed by Laws , and tender of ill presidents . Thus spake that excellent English man , the great ornament of this Age , Nation , and House of Commons ; He whose single worth ballanceth much of the Debaucheries , Follies and Impertinences of the Kingdom ; in whose breast that Gallantry is lodged , which the prevalence of the Virtuosi made me suspect to have been extinguished amongst us . After all this , who can judge that the R. S. is so little engaged in the Controversie , as this Pamphlet suggests ? But to see to what a period they have brought things ? The whole effects of the Victory are yielded unto me : for the Design I pursued , and which I said I would make them to doe , was the disclaiming of their History : and having done this , I am sure I have performed a considerable service to my Country ; and all other Disputes are but Circumstantial , and such as Conquerors often meet with , after an entire Rout , to be encumbred with some Parties of the scattered Enemy , and to be amused with Retrenchments , and Passes . But this Renunciation contents not me , because it is not avowed , nor solemn , and in such form as to conclude them beyond their pleasure : I will make them not only to disown the Book , but the Contents thereof , as not containing their Sentiments ; and to adde , that they condemn all such , as under pretence of new and Experimental Philosophy , or any Mechanical Education , do decry all Learning , and vary that breeding which is absolutely necessary to the welfare of our Monarchy , Religion and Kingdom . Let Them but declare this effectually , and I shall impose a Silence upon my self , and willingly sink under their malice and obloquy for the publick utility . Having thus acknowledged , that the R. S. are not concern'd to avow the History , my Adversaries proceed to give some account of the Passages I had chosen to censure . In the first Passage I am to complain , that since the Author of the History , and another eminent Person , read over this Piece , yet the sence of them which writ the History is not represented : the Question still remaining , What the Authors meant ? 'T is here said , I will grant that this is not the necessary , but the possible meaning of this Historian : yet at least , if the contrary intimation be so hainous , good nature should oblige to understand the Phrase in the most favorable meaning . ___ If that the Historian had not been of the champerty , this Passage had been more plausible : but ( Oh! Virtuosi have a care how you mention Good nature ! ) it had been an excess of Charity , and culpable , whil'st that our Jealousies are such as they are , and that the credit of the History remained entire , to have passed by those words which were so inconsistent with our Church , and the Religion established , without demanding an Explication , or renunciation of them . I adde , That the sense of my Adversaries is not consistent with the words , and therefore not possible : nor could any goodness of Nature , but meer insensibility , subject a Man to this construction . If that by Communion may be meant ( without further import ) a Friendly and charitable action , then by the doctrine of Equipollency , if those words be substituted instead of the other , the sense will be entire : but our Experimentators never essayed this : I will assist them in this , as in other cases . It is natural to mens minds , when they perceive others to arrogate more to themselves , then is their share ; to deny them even that which else they would confess to be their right . And of the truth of this , we have an instance of far greater concernment then that which is before us : And that is in Religion it self . For while the Bishops of Rome did assume an Infallibility , and a Soveraign dominion over our Faith : the Reformed Churches did not only justly refuse to grant them that , but some of them thought themselves obliged to forbear all friendly and charitable acts towards them , and would not give them that respect which possibly might belong to so ancient , and so famous a Church ; and which might still have been allowed it , without any danger of Superstition . I demand now of my Adversaries , which of the Reformed Churches ever did think themselves obliged to forbear all friendly and charitable actions towards the Papists ? I have not read , to my knowledge , any such thing in the Harmony of Confessions : and 't is but just to expect the judgement of Churches should be demonstrated out of Church-Acts . I profess it is news to me ; and so it is to hear , that one sense wherein the word Communion may be understood throughout the whole Scripture is , a friendly and charitable action . — I desire him to try only these Texts , 1 Cor. 10. 16 , 18 , 20.2 Cor. 6.14 . & he will abate of the generality of his assertion ; which indeed is such , that I never heard of it before , though I have had some acquaintance with the Scripture , and Ecclesiastical History : but if the word might bear any such Analogical sense ( as it does not , I think ) yet , to see the mischief of our old Logick , I did suppose that Analogum per se positum stat pro famosiore Analogato . When our Virtuosi henceforward talk of Cocks and Bulls , we know by this how to understand them . I shall not enlarge much upon the rest of this Discourse , but refer my self to the judgement of my Reader ; Repet tions are tedious , and here needless , if he have perused the Censure it self . He saith , that the Historian in calling the Church of Rome a true Church , said no more then what the most Learned amongst the German Divines , though warm with Disputes , did readily acknowledge . — I would he had instanced in the Authors , that I might have taken their Words and Learning into consideration . But Reader , take notice , that I enquire not whether the established Religion of Germany , but that of England be here overthrown ? I enquire whether the Author of the History , or any else in Holy Orders , can avow such words without violating their subscription to our Articles and Homilies . 'T is true , I was told by — that he was not well versed in the Homilies : How did he subscribe them then ? or , How can he press others to subscribe to he knows not what ? I will not expatiate beyond the Question in debate : Hic Rhodus , hîc Saltus . In the next Paragraph , where he should have proved against me , That the Infallibility assumed by the Bishops of Rome , and their Soveraignty over our Faith , was the cause of the Reformed Churches separating from the Papists : I find not one word of such proof offered ; and indeed it is notorious to any Man that hath but a little insight into the History of those times , and the grounds of the Romish Religion . All he alledgeth is a saying of Cassander ( not citing the Place and Words , and so I cannot well judge of them ) to this effect . That then they made the Pope but little less then God that they set his Authority not onely above the Church , but above the Scripture too ; and made his Sentences equal to Divine Oracles , and an infallible rule of Faith , and ( as he further proceeds ) though there were another sort of People in the Church , yet they were such as were obscure and concealed . ; — I answer , that this proves not , That the Bishops of Rome assumed an Infallibility and Soveraign Dominion over our Faith , ( which is the Point in question ) but that some ascribed it unto him : Cassander must be understood in relation to the Canonists , which agrees with my Assertion , ( yet were not all the Canonists of that minde , for in the Council of Pisa , which began at Millaine , there Philippus Decius , and others , did defend the Superiority of a Council above the Pope ) or else what Cassander says is evidently false : for the Superiority of the Council above the Pope , and the limited power of the Papacy , were the general Tenets , and universally taught at the time when the Reformation began : and before it immediately , as any Man that traceth the History of the Councils of Constance , Basil , and Pisa , may inform himself . Cajetan himself , who was a Cardinal , and Legate against Luther , though he prefer the Pope to a Council , yet teacheth this : Resistendum est ergò in faciem Papae publicè Ecclesiam dilaniantis , &c. Nor do I find any such Tenet avowed by Franciscus Victoria , Professor at Salamanca at the first beginning of the Reformation . In France you will never read that such a Power was ascribed to the Pope there , as Cassander speaks of ; nor in Venice ; no nor so much as in Swizzerland , as Hottinger avows . It can onely be thus far true what Cassander says , that the Canonists , who at Rome sway in the execution of the Papal Jurisdiction , might teach so : but not that it was any way the Tenet of the Divines : and there was then an opposition betwixt those two sorts of Men , as now with us betwixt the Courts Spiritual and Temporal . And the Theologicians did not hold themselves concluded by the Sentiments of the Canonists , nor the People neither , further then was requisite to peace and order of Government . This being thus false , and the relation of Pope Adrian impertinent ( for the Papacy is thereby confess'd fallible , though for prudential Reasons not to be amended as Affairs then stood ; ) I have nothing to adde further , then to desire my Adversaries , whensoever they write , to think of the point in Question . It is an useful way w ch is practised in the Schools of Oxford , for the Respondent to repeat a second time the Syllogism of the Opponent , and so to frame his Answer , when he is certain he comprehends the Argument . I could wish my Adversaries had been used a little to that custom in their Youth ; their being habituated to such a method , would have qualified them better then their beloved Curiosities in Opticks and Magnetismes for the managing of Controversies : If it be too tedious to them to resume any Academick studies , I must recommend unto the imitation of the R. S. what I have read of as to the Exchequer . There is an Officer in the Exchequer , who though sitting with the Barons on the Bench , hath no power to vote with them , nor interposeth his judgement as decisive in any cause , but observing silence in pleading , speaketh sometimes as to the regulation of the time , how it passeth away . What he should have said concerning the Religion of Adam in Paradise , and his mustering of all creatures together , I understand well : but what he doth say , it is not so easie to comprehend how it is much to the purpose . The Question is , Whether the acceptableness of our praises to God ( I added prayers also ; but took notice of the praises ) depends upon the Authors being an Experimental Philosopher ? I see not that he saith any thing against me therein , but that the Historian doth suppose that his Experimentator is a Christian , and engrafted into Christ ; and that the accessional of his merits shall sanctifie his praises , yet shall the Praises he shall make be more suitable to God , being framed according to the genuine Texture of the Almighty Artist , then the more general Thanks givings , wherein a Man that hath not meditated on the Works of the Creation , blesses God still for them , but cannot say how far these exceed the utmost productions of Art , or the improved Power of Natural Causes . — I am sure he changes much the odiousness of the words of the Historian , who saith , That the praises of God celebrated by an Experimentator , shall be more suitable to the Divine Nature , then the blinde applauds of the ignorant ; that is , of such as are not Experimentators . If it were possible for us ever to come to that perfection of discerning the operations of Nature , and the utmost productions of Art , I see the Virtuosi will prove beneficial to the Church , and 't will be necessary the Convocation desire them to alter the Te Deum , &c. and to contrive new Anthymns to render our Church praises more suitable to the Divine Nature : And Dr. More 's Canto's will put down David's Psalms , as well as Hopkins & Sternhold . I wonder Christ & Moses , both faithful in their charge , forgot so important a recommendation as this of the Virtuosi : I see now that the Scriptures cannot make a man perfect , thorowly furnished unto all good works , or compleatly wise unto salvation , through Faith that is in Christ Jesus . All that follows upon this subject , hath no original from any thing I said : If to write thus be not a kinde of extravagance and madness , I know not what is . I did not at all in the Censure compare the new and old Philosophy : I no where else avow the Truth , but the usefulness of the Hippocratical and Aristotelian Phylosophy in reference to Physick . The whole digression is not only Impertinent , but silly : He tells me of ways by which I attain'd knowledge , which I never pursued ; and of solving difficulties , which I never used ; being always more ready to profess Ignorance , then to yield an unsatisfactory Reason . I must renew my Protestations , that 't is nothing to the purpose of the Censure , before I digress against this ensuing harangue . For my Exception against them lies thus : the Apostles did not enjoyn the Study of Natural-Experimental Philosophy ; Christ when he inspired the Disciples with that which was necessary to bring them into all knowledge , and when they by Imposition of Hands did confer the Holy Ghost , and those Spiritual Gifts by which some were qualified with Hymns and Spiritual songs , they were not at all inspired with , or directed to this study of Nature , so celebrated by the Virtuosi : therefore I say it is not requisite to the making of our praises more suitable to the nature of God , that we go about to reform the Psalmes of David , or otherwise busie our selves about Experimental Philosophy , thereby to render our Anthymns and Praises more suitable and pleasing unto the Incomprehensible God of Heaven : we may acquiesce in Scripture-expressions , though more conformable to vulgar Sentiments then the Corpuscularian Hypothesis ; Those Praises suit best with the Divine Nature , which are consonant to his Word , and uttered with true Faith in Jesus Christ. Thus I oppose the Letter of the Historian ; and am repay'd with an Excursion concerning the Virtuosi , their Pains and Industry in comparison of the Peripateticks . He says the Virtuosi are timerous in what they affirm : This is not true : But amnot I so too ? Do not I scruple to say any Philosophy is true ; or can be exactly and sensibly demonstrated ? Do I avow any more then that the Hippocratical and Peripatetick Notions are useful ? Why am I upbraided with the Ptolomaick Systeme ; and ridiculous determinations of the cause of Magnetick Phaenomena ? I am not obliged to reply hereunto ; yet I say that the Ptolomaick Systeme produceth us true Predictions in Astrology , and as good Almanacks as the other : and our Navigation is not improved by any new Hypothesis of the nature of the Load-stone . He tells me what I can answer about sundry Natural Occurrents : give me leave to reply for my self , and I assure our Virtuosi , that I am always better content to profess my own Ignorance , then to render an unsatisfactory account of things , except it be in an exoterical and popular way , and where the Notions made use of are as useful to practise , as if true . He tells me I became an excellent Astronomer , by reading a Systeme of the Ptolomaean Hypothesis . This is news to me , and I profess I learnt from Hippocrates not to be sollicitous much about those Enquiries : yet they might have known I was not so great a stranger to Galileo , and Ricciolus , as some of the Virtuosi . He proceeds to upbraid me with Chymistry , but with so much Incoherence of thoughts , that I understand not the Reflection . There is yet another piece of Learning , that is Chymistry , in which , with little adoe , You can equal their attainments had through a long process and tedious course . For the whole that they pretend unto in this drudging Art , is no more then the solution and coagulation of Bodies ; by the first of these , they , with a great deal of cost , indeavour to separate their three Elements : But you , Sir , more cheaply then they , can shew your four Elements parting asunder at the dissolution of the mixt Body . It is but laying of a green stick upon the other fuel all ready inflamed , immediately the Element of Air comes away in smoke ; that of Fire , in the warm blaze : the Elementary Water , is that hissing Juyce at the end of the stick ; and the Element of the Earth is the remaining Ashes . — Were I concern'd in the truth of the Elementary Hypothesis ( to the defence whereof I will not now be drawn ) I would tell them , that 't is unjust to upbraid a Peripatetick with an Argument of this nature , who will not avow that on Earth there is to be found any such thing as any of the four Elements un-mixed , or separate and sincere : and therefore he will never , in rigour of Speech , make any such Assertions as are here Ignorantly imposed on him : 't is true , that Gunter Billichius , a Man well versed in Chymistry , doth endeavour rudely , by this way of Argumentation , to evince the Doctrine of the four Elements . Take notice , that this Writer was an excellent Chymist , the Scholar of Angelus Sala ; and also that Quercetan in the Anatomy of Celandine , resolves it into Water , Air , Earth and Fire : nor do the Chymists deny the four Elements . Moreover , Beguinus doth endeavour to demonstrate the Chymical Principles by as facile and cheap an Operation , as our Virtuosi here impose upon the Peripatetick : For he writes thus , Exordiamur à lignis viridibus , quae si cremes , egredietur primò aquosum quiddam , quod ignis flammae concipiendae plane inidoneum est , & in fumum conversum si colligatur , in aquam resolvitur , diciturque Mercurius : deinde exibit oleaginosum quiddam — vocaturque Sulphur : tandem remanet siccum & terrestre — salisque nomen obtinet . But I proceed to demand of our Virtuosi , why do they say , That All that the drudging Art of Chymistry aims at , is by Solution of Bodies , to separate their three Elements ; and by coagulation , to bring a liquid or humid Body to a solid substance ? Is there no other operation in Chymistry , but solution and coagulation of Bodies ? Enquire into the Chymical Tyrocinia , 't will trouble you to reduce all their Operations of Calcination , Digestion , Fermentation , Distillation , Circulation , Sublimation , and Fixation , to these two . Have those Artists no other end but the discovery of their three Elements in their laborious processes ? What think you of the Opus magnum , the preparation of Medicaments , &c. about which they are very solicitous , without any such aim as this Chymical Analysis ? What do ye mean when ye speak of only three Elements of the Chymists ? do not they separate an inutile insipid phlegme , or water also , and a Terra damnata ? And , what is more then all this , have not I demonstrated , that Chymistry owes its Original and Improvements to the Peripateticks ? I adde , 'T is not oriously false that all Chymical coagulation is the reducing of an humid and liquid Body to a solid substance : since there are coagulations in Chymistry , wherein the Body coagulated comes not to a solidity , but continues still liquid ; as any Man knows to appear upon the mixtures of Liquors in the making of Lac virginis , &c. A cold Posset comes not to a solid consistence . But our Grangousiers enlarge themselves upon Coagulation . This fine feat you so well understand , and it is so much beneath you , that you leave it to the Apothecaries Boy , when you prescribe troches for colds , besides Rose-water and Sugar , &c. to make this solid , you appoint white starch , q. s. and then refer it to the Lad to be made S. a. and here is so good a coagulation , that you never desire to learn any other kinde of it so long as you live , except it be the secret of making the hard Sea-bisket . — Is not this a most excellent parade , and a good account of the three moneths study of so many eminent Wits to contrive this harangue ? they are most excellent Diviners : They tell what I doe , and what I acquiesce in , with as much vanity and falshood , as if 't were one of their Experiments . Physicians do indeed put Starch into some Troches for Coughs , but 't is not to coagulate it meerly , but as an operative part of the Medicament ; otherwise we can boil the Sugar high enough to coagulate without Starch , or use the mucilage of Gum Dragàcanth , &c. But that we understand no other coagulation , or desire to know none else , is a Saying becoming the Virtuosi , and none else . How many ways had the Ancients of separating the caseous part of the Milk , and making of Whey ? Is there not any of us inquifitive how to make a Sack-posset , or Cheese ? Could not we coagulate Oyle and Red lead into a Cere-cloth , nor give consistence to Plaisters with Wax , before these Insolents ? Did not we understand the making of Common Salt , Salt-peter , and Alcalisate Salis , &c. before these Pig-wiggin Myrmidons appear'd ? To conclude , since Chymistry and its several Operations were the discovery of the Peripateticks , as I have largely proved elsewhere ; 't is not for the R. S. to upbraid them with the ignorance thereof thus : nor for the Virtuosi to pretend to any praise therefrom , till they discover more then they have yet done in that Science , which my Adversaries here , you see , understand not at all . Pittiful Scriblers ; I am concern'd for the Honour of our Nation , least it suffer more then ever by such defenses as these . I assure the Virtuosi , I could not wish a sharper Revenge upon them then to publish such Writings as these . Whatever Folly and Ignorance I charge upon them , they furnish me with new Arguments to prove it : I advise them hereafter to write against me in the Universal Character , that the Ignominy of our Nation may be more conceal'd : or to retire into some Deserts ( fit receptacles for such Plagiaries , Cheats , and Tories ) least this second sort of worth-less Fanaticks , these Alumbrado's in Religion and all Sciences ( for 't is now manifest , that they understand Chymistry as little as the Languages , Rhetorick , Logick and History ) continue the Infamy of our Kingdoms . There needs no more to be said to this Paragraph ; and as to the next , I desire onely that my Reader would compare this Answer , and my Censure , and see how Material the one is , and how Superficial the other : and let him take notice of the great usefulness which he ascribes to Doctors of Divinity . There is one Argument against the Author not inconsiderable , to which you have some reference , that is , The study of such Controversies , Distinctions , and Terms , is of great use when we have to deal with a Papist-disputant . It 's very true , yet it proves not any excellency in that knowledge of it self , but meerly in relation to the Adversary : though we have fresh Instances of worthy Persons amongst us , who have with good advantage managed the debate in behalf of our Church against that of Rome , without much help from those Schools : yet that sort of Learning , even for this reason , may be still maintained in the same manner , as Trades-men who lye on the English Borders towards Wales , usually keep a Servant to Jabber Welsh ( though no learned Language ) to the Brittains their Customers . — This is the great acknowledgement our Doctors have for dubbing any of the Virtuosi : the Universities ( who are mainly in the Colleges design'd for that study , ) are in a fair way to be sold , though at present they may be continued . This defense is pretty , and I think justifies my Imputation that they are enemies to the Universities , and would change the education of England . I am astonished to finde such a passage as this , in a juncture when the R. S. is under so great an odium . The next passage I have nothing to say unto beyond the Censure : onely he tells me , that He could not find any such passage in the Page I refer unto . The reason is , because he never looked The truth is , the History is there wrongly paged , and there is twice 362 ; and that which I cite is the second 362 , following after 369. How accurate are these men , not to know thus much in their own Books ? I argue according to the Church of England ; how they answer , and how pertinently , let others judge . The last passage under debate , is the application of Scripture to common raillery . Let any Man weigh the Words of the Historian , and the Form of my Censure , and he will find my reprehension just . I had expected all Analogical senses , when used by the Fathers and others upon weighty and pious occasions : he might have transcribed out of the Censure , passages as much to the purpose as that out of Ignatius ; and I granted the Fathers used it frequently : but we must distinguish betwixt the Anagogical and Mystical accommodations of Scripture to pious harangues , and the using of it in raillery . The Question is , Whether it be lawful and fitting to accommodate Scripture-sentences and the sacred phrase to the subjects of common and light discourse ? such are Amorous Poems , or Discourses of Natural Philosophy . I instanced in Mr. Cowleys Poems , not to injure or upbraid the dead , but because he at his decease having repented of such offensive Poems , desired the Author of the History to dispunge them in the second Edition , which was recommended to his care : and since , notwithstanding this request of his deceased Friend , he thought fitting to continue them ; I expounded him by himself , and fairly instanced in those Passages as the raillery , commended by himself , and conformable to what the Ancient Poets practised in honour of their Gods and Religion . I have no reason to recede from my Censure yet : but much greater perswasions then before , that I did a necessary work ; and whatsoever their Malice may create me of Trouble , or Inconvenience , I never shall repent it . The Conclusion of the Letter threatens me with the History of my Life , to be written after the manner that Dr. Sprat writ against Sorbier . I never pittyed that French man , because he had so flattered the R. S. and was himself a Member of it , and recorded for such in their History . But when a greater Man then this Epistoler made me the like Threat , I laugh'd thereat , and said , That as for my Physiognomy whatsoever it was , He made us , and not we our selves ; and that I had observed worse Faces in their Society : and for any passage in my life , 't is not clogg'd with these Circumstances , That I took the Covenant , or Engagement ; or was a Visitor of Oxon ; or Councellor to Cromwel and his Son : I shall not have any Pindarick Ode in the Press , dedicated to the happy memory of the most Renowned Prince OLIVER , Lord Protector : nothing to recommend the sacred Urn of that blessed Spirit to the veneration of Posterity , as if His Fame like Men , the elder it doth grow , Will of it self turn Without what needless Art can do . I never compar'd that Regicide to Moses , or his son to Joshua : When other Mens Flatteries did thus Exorbitate , you will find my Resentments for the Church of England to have been of another nature ; and as I most associated my self with the Episcoparians ; so in the decpest he at s that engaged me for my Patron 's service , I did not decline to give them the Elogy of Judicious and Learned , and to plead for their Toleration in these Words . To conclude , I should here become an Humble suppliant for those of the Episcopal Divines , who understanding the Principles of that Church-way which they profess , have learned in all conditions to be content : and in their Prosperity were neither rash in defining , nor forward in persecting soberly-tender consciences . It is certain , that we owe much to their Learned Defenses of Protestancy against the Papists , and several other their Labours : and may reap much more benefit thereby , if they may have a greater security ( paying the respect which they ought to their Governors , and Praying for them , that they may live peaceably under them ) then at present they enjoy in their walkings . — I did there ( in the Preface ) cast my self at their feet ; and made my timely Submissions to the Right Reverend Father in God , the Lord Bishop of Winton : I receiv'd from his Hands a Confirmation in this Church , and never joyned with any other in Communion : you will never find me in a Presbyterian-Pulpit , nor leagued with the Sectaries : Whatever was offensive in my Writings , I voluntarily abandoned ; and have done more in publick for the Church and Religion of England , without any further intent then the glory of God and welfare of the Nation , then others to be Dignitaries : and have not onely endeavored to fix others to the Preservation of the Monarchy , but some ways signalized my self by Testimonies of particular Loyalty , well known to the principal Secretary of State. I speak not this to inodiate others : I would they had given me happy Presidents for doing so much , or been Exemplary that I might perform more . But they ( who perhaps are not so much as confirmed ) having attempted nothing of this kind , multiply discouragements upon me ; and would depress a Son of the Church , because he once followed a different party . Is it Thus that they would express their affection to the present Government ? Is it Thus that they imitate him who would not quench the smooking flax , or break the bruised reed ? Do they envy me the Grace of God ? or would they have me adde obstinacy to my other faileurs ? Such procedures do not become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Divine : and I desire God in his Mercy to prevent the Inconveniences , which so scandalous and unchristian demeanour may occasion to the Church , which must needs suffer in the publick Miscarriages of the Clergy . FINIS . A REPLY TO A LETTER OF Dr. HENRY MORE ( printed in Mr. ECEBOLIUS GLANVIL'S Praefatory Answer to HEN. STUBBE . ) with a CENSURE upon the PYTHAGORICO-CABBALISTICAL Philosophy promoted by him . WITH A Preface against Ecebolius Glanvil ; Fellow of the Royal Society , and Chaplain to Mr. Rouse of Eaton , late Member of the Rump Parlament . By Henry Stubbe Physician at Warwick . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OXFORD , Printed for Richard Davis . 1671. A PREFACE . HAd the presse been so much at my disposall as I could have wished , I had not suffered Ecebolius Glanvill to have enjoyed the triumph of a few weeks : But since it is impossible to dispatch a particular Answer before the approaching Holy-dayes , I must begge pardon of the world for that short respite . It will not seem strange that , omitting Him , I hasten out a reply to Dr H. More , for the other is but a Zany to this Pythagorean , and the defamations of so ignominious and scandalous an Algerine as Mr Glanvill , do not reach so far , as the aspersions of his Master , which hath some repute for learning , and more for integrity , though his demeanour be such now , that I am necessitated to recant my judgment of him , and so not disoblige him by a second Elogy for Piety . The Prefatory Answer of Mr. Glanvill is no other then I expected , though severall others could not believe it possible that any such Resolve could be taken or suffer'd to be put in execution . But though the performance did not beseem a Christian ( much less a Divine , of the Church of England ) yet I knew it would agree with the genious of a Renegado-presbyter turnd Latitudinarian ; and that some of the Virtuosi would doe what no Paynim or ancient Philosopher would imagine : I had had frequent experience of this truth , and had learned by their defamations and menaces of an assassination or bastinado ( not to mention the Suit at Law , whereunto Dr. Ch. M. was obliged by certain persons of — ) that neither Generosity , Morality , or Religion had any tye upon them superiour to their revenge . Not the relation that the Virtuosi pretend to have unto his Majesty could reclaim my Adversaries from violating that Amnesty , the indulgence whereof signalizeth him to all Ages , and the inscription whereof he dignifieth with the honour of his Royall Motto : Not conscience , which is still engaged to an utter oblivìon by the ACT , though the PENALTY be determined : not Civill prudence , which might have represented unto them how fatall this president might prove , by raising jealousies and seeds of discontent in the breasts of others whose case might be the same erelong , and whose crimes had transcended mine , as much as the actions I had done to efface my offences did exceed their performances . T was strange to find as it were S. Paul upbraided with what he had done at the death of S. Stephen ; and to see that I was upbraided not only with what I had formerly writ , but blamed for contradicting my self , though the contradiction amounted to a profession of Loyalty to the King , obedience to the Church , and regard to the Universities . Was there ever Indiscretion transported thus far ? If that decision be true of Aerodius , That t is in vain to pardon offences , if the party so gratified may be upbraided therewith afterwards : May I not adde , that t is in vain to expect any compliance from the discontented and non-conformists , if their Conversion shall be reckoned to their disparagement , and their ignominy aggravated thereby . Thus Hudybras is come to Court ? A wise objection , & becoming such as have transcended mee in their actings and Schismaticalness . To aggravate the malignity of my temper , t is made my fault that I defended M. H. in some Grammatical Questions against a member of the Royal Society , one much more criminall than I could be . I am reviled with opposing Mr. B. in his Holy Common-wealth and Key for Catholicks : and to shew how barbarous my demeanour towards him was , after the Elogies of Reverend , learned , and ingenious , HE is said to bee a person worthy of great respect : and our Ecebolius addes , that hee can scarce forbear affirming concerning him as a learned Doctor of our Church did , that HE was the only man that spoke sense in an Age of non-sense . — As may be demonstrated out of the Evangelium armatum . I shall not recriminate upon Mr. Glanvill : there is a disloyalty which extends beyond writeing : it may be found in praying , preaching , and communicating with Rebellious Schismaticks : and if Education , and the being bred in ill times may excuse him , what is it that deprives me of that accessional alleviation ? But since what I have said , hath been satisfactory to my Prince , and is more than many of my Adversaries can pretend , I shall now insist upon NO OTHER EXCUSE . After our Impertinent hath spent three parts of his book in this unchristian Satyre , and which I had effectively prevented , that which hee saith to the controversies in agitation is very little , and his performances very meane . Hee gives no reparation to the Physicians for these injurious words . The moderne Experimenters think , that the Philosophers of elder times , though their wits were excellent , yet the way they took was not like to bring much advantage to knowledge , or any of the uses of humane life : being for the most part that of notion and dispute , which still runnes round in a labyrinth of talke , but ADVANCETH NOTHING . And the unfruitfulness of those Methods of Science , which in so many Centuries never brought the world so much practical , beneficial knowledge , as would help towards the cure of a CUT FINGER , is a palpable Argument , that they were fundamental mistakes , and the way was not right . For , as my Lord Bacon observes well , Philosophy , as well as faith , must be shown by its works . And if the moderns cannot shew more of the works of their Philosophy in six yeers , then the Aristotelians can produce of theirs in more than thrice so many hundred , let them be loaded with all that contempt , which is usually the reward of vain and unprofitable projectors . That this procedure hath effected more for the information and advantage of Mankind , then all the Ages of Notion , the records of the Royal Society alone , are a sufficient evidence , as the world will see when they think fitting to unfold their Treasure . This passage , as it gave first occasion to the controversy in hand , so the indignity therof ought alone to continue it , though no further incentives had been added . For what Physician can with patience endure to heare so great a contumely done to all our Ancestours from Hippocrates and Aristotle down to the latter days , when our most eminent Galenists did flourish in London ? Of the Methods of Ancient Science there were two , the one consisting of more general principles , or rules ; the other making up a particular Systeme or hypothesis , such as the Aristotelian and Galenical philosophy ( with its variations and discrepancies ) accommodated to Physick , and that part of it especially which is called Materia Medica . Amongst the more general rules , I doe comprehend the Art of reasoning , and Method : as also those other preliminaries of Aristotle , and Galen : that the final determination of philosophical truthes ( relating to material beings ) is SENSE : that we ought never to relie so far upon any prejudicate reasons as to desert the convictions of our SENSES : That Physick , as well as the more universal philosophy of nature , did subsist upon two leggs or props , viz. REASON and EXPERIENCE : that though in obscure cases Analogismes had their place , yet that t was always best to relye on direct experience , where it was to be had . Now this being so ancient a Method of Science , and so received by the Physicians , and which is agitated in the disputes of our writers , I doe justly complain that our Virtuoso should say , that the way they took was so unfruitful , and brought so little practical beneficial knowledge , as t would not help towards the Cure of a Cut finger . For they could from THINGS EXPERIMENTED demonstrate their abilities THAT WAY : As I evinced . As to the particular Hypothesis , called Aristotelian or Galenical , that even That was of much more advantage than our Virtuoso allowed it , I demonstrated hereby , that the Doctrine of Elements , of the first , second , and third qualities , as they were explicated and disputed , had been the occasion of most of our compositions , be they plaisters , or other Medicaments , that they were invented at first , or used afterwards : that according to those Principles of old , Galen , and afterwards his successours generally ( till of late ) did regulate themselves in their new mixtures , and discoveries : and this way continues still amongst the † Spanyards and Italians , then whom the world never produced better Physicians : and in France till the days of Quercetan and Mayerne , the practise was regulated by these Principles , and in the contest betwixt the Chymists and Colledge at Paris , upon the Notions of Formes , Qualities , and Galenical or Aristotelian Temperament , was the controversy agitated : And upon the introduction of any new Medicament , as of Quicksilver for the pox , or lignum vitae , or sassafras , or the like , the Physicians for the use of them were usually regulated by that Hypothesis : from whence it is demonstrated , that since not only cut fingers , but even all Diseases were cured by them ( as well , or better then by the Chymists : as appeared upon publick tryals before the Parlament at Paris ) t is unjust and intolerable for us to be upbraided with the sterility of that Philosophy , as if it had contributed nothing to Beneficial Practical Knowlege , but ranne round in a Labyrinth of talk , advanceing nothing . I evidenced , that notwithstanding the Rhodomontade of our Ignoramus , most of the Glorious Discoveries ascribed to our Moderns , did referre to the Peripateticks , and their Philosophy . That for Anatomy we were MORE obliged to Aristotle , Erasistratus , Herophilus , Galen , and the late Galenical projectors , than to any of these new Corpuscularians . That the natural History of Bathes , Plants , Minerals , had been prosecuted by them : and accommodated to use upon those grounds : they not having , or not relying upon any other . And certainly Impudence never discover'd it self in a greater effort , then when M. Glanvil writ his PLUS ULTRA : and Hee must be undeniably ignorant , that can say that eighteen centuries of Peripatetick Philosophers have not produced so much of WORKS , as these last six yeers of our Virtuosi . I shewed that the Arabians were disputing followers of Aristotle and Galen , and regulated their Speculations by his Philosophy : yet these Disputers invented much of Chymistry , some part of it being known to Aristotle , & his followers : that t is not the discovery of any old Aegyptian Hermes , but the name and original is of a much later date than the Peripatetick foundations at Alexandria : That the beginnings of it there were cultivated by the Sarracens , and so far improved by the Peripateticks downwards , that Paracelsus invented little or nothing of it , but stole all he had from the Aristotelians . The Doctrine of the Atmosphere was advanced by Alhazen : and the gravity of the Air ( how it was only comparatively light ) asserted by Aristotle , and Averroes , and Claramontius : who weighed it in a bladder . I adde now that Avi●enna in his Fen , and Sanctorius upon him , doe maintain the same tenet : and this Sanctorius was he who found out the Thermometer , or Weather-glass , proceeding upon the Peripatetick notions of elements , heat , cold , rarefaction , condensation &c. To all this Mr. Glanvil answers . Doe I speak of the Methods of Physick , Chyrurgery , or any practical Art ? If I had so done , Mr. Stubbe had had reason : But it was nothing thus , I had not to doe with any thing of that nature , but was discoursing of the infertility of the way of Notion and Dispute , concerning which I affirmed , that it produced no practical , useful knowledg . viz : by its own proper native virtue : & my sense here was the same as it was in that expression of my , Vanity of Dogmatizing [ pag. 132 edit . sec. ] I would puzle the Schooles to point at any considerable Discovery made by the Direct sole Manuductiom of Peripatetick principles . So that I never dreamt of denying , that those Philosophers of elder times , that went that way , had Practical beneficial knowledg : yea , or that they were Discoverers of many excellent and useful things : But that they learnt that knowledg from the disputing Methods of Physiology , or made their discoveries by them . These were the things I denied ; and I have the excellent Lord Bacon with me in the Negative . — This is his defense of that innocent sentence : which how false it is , any man may judge by what I have said , or by looking into our Herbals , where the Nature and use of our Plants is explicated by the elementary qualities of hot , & dry , cold , and moist : and into our books de composit . medicament . where we are generally directed by no other principles then these , and the like ; not to mention that the foundation of our practice was , Contraria contrariis curantur , which contraries were explained Peripatetically . Nor would our Schooles bee puzled to point at any considerable discovery made by the direct sole Manuduction of Peripatetick principles : since so many Medicaments have been discovered thereby ; since that the weighing of the Aire , and the Thermometer were a pure and entire result of that Manuduction ; as you may see in Sanctorius . But Mr. Glanvil saith , hee speaks not of the Methods of Physick and Chirurgery , or any practical Art ? This is a STRANGE EVASION considering that the Aristotelians and Galenists did not act as pure Empericks , but as men guided by a series of principles , and a Theory which they deemed Scientifical : and so they were in Chirurgery also ; for those two professions were commonly united , and by few so separated , as that the Chirurgical cures and Medicaments were not regulated by the same Principles : as appeares from our Book of Chirurgery . I I shall not enter upon the dispute whether Physick ( a branch whereof is Chirurgery ) bee an Act , or no : some holding the Affirmative , some the Negative : No Dogmatists ever held but that it was an Operative knowledge , or an Art guided by certain rules and observations to effect its end . There were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Physicians , to whose judgment Aristotle thinks fit Men submit : and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or such as by continual and diligent observation and reading had acquired the skill of Curing , not being devoid of the Dignosticks , Prognosticks , and Method of Curing , and tryed Medicines : but being absolved from , or ignorant of any Philosophical Theory : and for these the Stagirite declareth a Respect . The Galenists and Disputing Ages adhered to the former , and only reputed him a Physician who could give a PERIPATETICAL account of the Cause , and Cure of the Disease : and except M. Glanvil can demonstrate that the Physicians have for eighteen centuries acted blindly and Empirically ( without the guidance of Aristotelian and Galenick principles ) what he saith is MOST FALSE . But to wave this discourse about Art and Science , which is all one , to overthrow the insolence of our Virtuoso ; hee saith Hee was discourseing of the Infertility of the way of Notion and Dispute , that it produced no practical , useful knowledg by its own proper native virtue : this is the first time I heard that disputations fittingly managed ( & I am not to suppose men to be mad , or fooles , ) produce no useful knowledge , if the subject debated be of that nature as to refer UNTO USE : t is apparently false in point of Physick , as a man that reads a Spanish or Italian consultation , will see . But it is not possible for me to divine what this insupportable Talker means by NOTION . For if it be the Peripatetick Physiologie , what hee saith , is untrue : if Hee mean Logical , or Metaphysical disputes , who was obliged to understand him about them , when the Question was about Natural philosophy , and practical knowledge ? Hee might as well have said , that Arithmetick , or Astronomy , or Grammer , or Musick , did not by their own proper native vertue produce any practical useful knowledge , in order to the CURING OF A CUT FINGER . So that my Exception , and Indignation was just against this Insolent , and all Physicians ought to joyn with me in demanding Reparation : nor will my Lord Bacon's authority advantage our Virtuoso , for HIS Credit is valid perhaps in LAW , but not in PHYSICK , I am sure . As the Physicians have received no amends from our Insolent for the outrage hee and the Historian did us ; so neither doe I yet find any better sentiments in my Adversaries for the UNIVERSITIES then they expressed heretofore : yet hath Mr. Glanvil the impudence to protest their great respects for those illustrious Nurseries of youth : Have they authentickly disclaimed the History , or any part thereof that was prejudicial to the Church and Universities ? have not they rather added to the former indignities by that new contumely against all the Doctors and Divines in the Universities ? There is one Argument against the Author not inconsiderable , to which you have some reference , ( that is ) the study of such controversies , distinctions , and termes is of great use , when we have to deal with a Papist disputant Its very true , yet it proves not any excellency in that knowledge of it selfe , but merely in relation to the Adversary : though we have fresh instances of worthy persons amongst us , who have with good advantage managed the debate in behalfe of our Church against that of Rome , without much help from those Schooles : yet that sort of Learning even for this reason , MAY still be maintained , in the same manner as Tradesmen who lye on the English borders towards Wales , usually keep a servant to jabber welsh ( though no learned language ) to the Brittaines their customers . Certainly the most bitter Enemy that ever was to the Universities could hardly have expressed himself worse than doth this Virtuoso : Hee doth not allow any excellency to , or acknowledge controversial Divinity to be a Learned study , though it include so much of reading , not only in School-Divines , but Ecclesiastical History , Canon and Civil Law , and Critical knowledge : and though the defense of our Religion against more than Papists , and the explication thereof to our selves , depend ordinarily upon those studies , yet the maintenance of such as are eminent therein , is founded upon the same reason , that the Tradsmen near Wales keep Brittish servants to talk and trade with the Customers of that nation . And FOR SUCH A REASON the Lands of the University given to the educating such Divines MAY be continued to that Employment . MAY they not also be SOLD ? As for Ecebolius , hee referres us to what Hee hath writ in his Plus ultra , and his Letter against Aristotle , there we may find the highest expressions of Love and Zeal towards the Universities , that were within the compass of his poore and narrow invention . I will oblige him so far as to repeate his words , though I doubt the Universities will scarce afford him their thanks for his kind respects . I have said nothing to discourage young Academinas from applying themselves to those first studies which are in Use in the Universities . Their Statutes require Exercises in that way of Learning ; and so much knowledge of it , as inables for those Duties , is requisite and fit . Nor doe I deny , but that those Speculations raise , quicken , and whet the understanding , and on that account may not be altogether unprofitable , with respect to the more useful Inquisitions ; provided it keep it self from being Nice , Aiery , and addicted too much to general notions . But this is the danger , and the greatest part run upon this Rock . The hazard of which might in great part be avoided , if the Mathematicks and Natural History were mingled with those other studies , which would indeed be excellent preparatives and dispositions to future Improvements . And I adde farther , that the young Philosophers must take care of looking on their Systematick Notions as the bounds and perfections of knowledge ; nor make account to fix eternally upon those Theories , as established and Infallible Certainties : But consider them in the modest sense of Hypotheses , and as things they are to take in their passage to others that are more valuable and important . I say the Peripatetick Studies thus tempered , wil not I suppose , be disallowed by the men of the practical Method ; and so the University establishments can receive no prejudice from the spirit that dislikes a perpetual acquiescence in the Philosophy of the present Schooles . This is the result of his most calme & temperate thoughts , after a repentance for having mispent his time in the Academick studies at Oxford , that exercise the brain in the niceties of Notion and Distinctions , and afford a great deal of idle imployment for the Tongue in the combates of disputations . - " After I had spent some yeers in those Notional studies , perhaps with as good success as some others , I began to think CVI BONO , & to consider what those things would signify in the world of Action and Business : I say I thought but could find no encouragement to proceed from the answer my thoughts made me : I ask'd my self what account I could give of the works of God by my philosophy , more then those that have none , and found that I could amaze & astonish Ignorance with distinctions , and words of Art , but not satisfy ingenious inquiry by any considerable and material Resolutions . I considered I had got nothing all this while , but a certain Readiness in talking , and that about things I could not use abroad without being Pedantick and Ridiculous . I perceived that that Philosophy aimed at no more , than the instructing men to Notion and Dispute that its designe was mean , and its principles at the best uncertain and precarious . — " These things then I pondered , and in the heat of my thoughts , and a Youthful indignation , I drew up the Charge , and gave in the full of those bold accounts to the publick in a Letter about Aristotle , which perhaps you will not doe amiss to consider . Thus the great Impediment was removed , and the prejudice of Education overcome : when I thought farther , That Useful knowledg was to be looked for in God's great book the Universe , and amongst those Generous men that had conversed with Real nature , undisguised with Art and Notion . And still I saw more of the Justice of the excellent Poet's Censuro of the sonnes of Aristotle , when hee sayth , ; ; — They stand Lock'd up together hand in hand ; Every one leads as he is lead , The same bare path they tread , And dance like fairies a phantastick Round ; And neither change their Motion , nor their ground . From this Philosophy therefore , and these men , I diverted my eyes and hopes , and fixed them upon these Methods that I have recommended , which I am sure are liable to none of those Imputations . — I appeal to any person of common Intellectuals if this Virtuoso hath not expressed a wonderful Love and Zeal for the Universities . This is that just and most sincere esteem for those Venerable Seats , and Fountaines of Learning , which hee solemnly protests to bear . Hee doth most chearfully own , and is ready to celebrate the great Advantages they affoord for all Sorts of Knowledge , and Hee verily believes that the other Members of the Royal Society have LIKE SENTIMENTS of them . Surely our Experimental Philosopher takes the University for Assemblies of an ignorant and stupid sort of Men , that were to be amused and deceived by Equivocations : He professes an esteeme for the VENERABLE SEATES ; Are they not highly honoured ? He styles them Fountains of Learning , but tells us not what those words import . Is it because that the first New philosophy was so much promoted , and the R. S. as it were embryonated there ? And from that fountaine issued those waters which have served to quoddle our Virtuoso ? Certainly there is nothing but imposture in this complement , & they must be very easy souls that are deluded therewith . The Character he hath given of his FIRST STUDYES , and the abuses which under the person of Mr. Crosse , are put upon all Vniversity-men [ plus ultra pag. 120. ] are so detestable , that he must not expect upon the profundities of the Philosophical course taught there , he should retain any esteem or regard for those VENERABLE SEATS . He expatiates you see upon all the FIRST STUDYES , which contain Grammer , Rhetorick , Logick , Physics , Ethics , Metaphysics . He recommends the Study hereof to the young Academians , not because they are usefull , but because they are REQUIRED BY THE STATUTES ; and adviseth them onely to inable themselves for the performance of their Exercises ; this is REQUISITE , & FIT. But for any thing more , if any man designe that , t is uselesse abroad in the world of Action , & renders the owner Pedantick & ridiculous : & he must , by example of our Heroe , repent thereof . Doth not this excellenly justify those harangues of sundry Virtuosi who every where disswade the Nobility and Gentry from resorting to the Universities , and mispending their time in Notions , which affoord a great deale of IDLE EMPLOIMENT for the Tongue in Combates of disputation ? Have not these Gentlemen the SAME SENTIMENTS with the Rector of Bathe ? If this Censure upon our Academick studyes were true , who would resort thither except to gaine a Scholarship , or Fellowship ? and submit to that Education , unlesse it were to RISE by it ? From that Philosophy , and these men , who would not with Mr. Glanvill , divert his eyes and hopes , and fix upon those Methods which Plato & the Faecundity of the CARTESIAN principles doe instruct us with ? what should any Noble man doe at Oxford or Cambridge ? Those are not the residence of those generous men , that have conversed with REAL Nature , undisguised with ART & NOTION : The SEATS are more VENERABLE then the present possessors . Did I injure these persons by representing them as such , who would overthrow the ancient and necessary Education of of this Island ? Could any thing be more seasonable , then those reasons l alledge in behalf of our Vniversity-breeding against the Mechanical project ? T would be too tedious an excursion for me now to confute this whole resvery ; l desire onely that the Reader would take notice how in the end of the Paragraph first cited , he turns his displeasure upon the Academick Physiology onely , and saith it may be used as an Hypothesis , but not acquiesced in : and then he believes t will be ALLOWED OF to us . Why ? will it then cease to be notional , and steril in the world of Action & Businesse ? And will he retract his retractation , if we doe so ? l know none that look on their Systematic Notions as the bounds and perfections of knowledge : If Mr. Glanvil were of that opinion ever , he was not taught it in his time at Oxford . Who did ever tell him that there was any absolute or compleat knowledg to be acquired in this life ? Or was so impudent as to give the lye unto the Apostle teaching us , That we see here but as in a glasse ; and know but in part ? There are indeed some Systematick Notions that are of real use to guide us in our ratiocination , & regulate us in our inquiries that we be not imposed on by the resemblances of things . The distinctions of Materialiter , & Formaliter , secundum quid & simpliciter ; the eduction of formes out of the bosome of matter ; the primum incipiens in motion ; the Logical tricks about shuffling & ordering propositions & forms of syllogism , are Speculations that will seem Wonderful , Useful & Significant , as long as there is any sense in this Nation , and that we are not debauch'd into superlative Folly , by such illiterate , ignorant , and impertinent Virtuosi as Mr. Glanvill , and his Adherents . Had he been such a Proficient as he insinuates in Academick studies , he would never have argued as he does , or concluded a Discourse of this Nature , with this Epilogism . " AND SO THE UNIVERSITY-ESTABLISHMENTS CAN RECEIVE NO PREJUDICE FROM THE SPIRIT THAT DISLIKES A PERPETUAL ACQUIESCENSE IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE PRESENT SCHOOLS . Let us hereafter judge of these Men rather by their ACTIONS , than WORDS : or if we must lend an ear to what THEY SAY , let us esteem of them by their SERIOUS DISCOURSE , not by what they RALLY or FLATTER with : Let us believe of them , as of such as Innovate the Education , undermine the Foundations of our Religion and Monarchy , supplant the Universities , destroy Physick , endanger all Professions and Trades : Let us place the SADDLE upon the right HORSES back ; and not be deluded with the AMBLING OF THE SADDLE , into a conceit that the Horse doth not trot . All the Digression about my Life and Writings , is but a Demonstration that he could not justifie himself against the imputation of ignorance ; and therefore he amuseth his Reader with matters impertinent . It had become him to shew which of those Instruments , MICROSCOPE , TELESCOPE , THERMOMETER , and the BAROMETER , was the discovery of the R. S. for he had told us , that some of those were first invented , all of them exceedingly improved by the Royal Society . He complains for want of time to do what most imported him , and yet wastes that he hath in frequent sallys against Mr. Crosse. It is a Year and an half since he first began to collect my Books : he omitted to Preach at Bathe for many Weeks , excusing himself by the pretext of Writing against me , and the result of all his industry and study might have been included in two Sheets . All this deliberation could not qualifie him so , as to understand the right state of the Question betwixt us : which is not , Whether Aristotle did know all things ? Nor , Whether the latter Ages knew more then the precedent ? But , Whether Antiquity was shie and unacquainted with Anatomy ? Whether the Grecians , disputing Ages , and Sectators of Aristotle , did know any thing of Chymistry ? In fine , Whether the Ancient Aristotelian Philosophy hath Advanced Nothing of Practical and Beneficial Knowledge ? and Whether all the INVENTIONS that he attributes to the VIRTUOSI , belong to them ? and that the MODERNS can shew more of the WORKS of their Philosophy in SIX YEARS , ( this restrains the notion of the Moderns to the R. S. ) then the ARISTOTELIANS can produce of THEIRS in thrice so many hundred ? These being the Questions , 't is not enough for him that I grant this or that Discovery to be MODERN , but he is to prove it the invention of a Novelist , or NEW PHILOSOPHER , if not of a Virtuoso . Thus , if Chymistry descend from the Alexandrine Peripateticks and Arabians ; If Anatomy , were the particular eminency of Erasistratus and Herophilus ; if Caesalpinus or Harvey discover the Circulation OF THE BLOOD , 't is for the credit of the Man of Stagyra , and this Glory appertains unto the Aristotelians , whom Mr. Glanvill represents as meer Notionists , who still run round in a Labyrinth of Talk , but ADVANCE NOTHING . 'T is a hopeful Preface or Introduction to his Answer , thus to mistake in the Beginning : But he is irrecoverably lost as to all Learning ; all that he flourisheth with , is but the remains of a Treacherous Memory , which some years agoe studied something ; or some Collections out of Vossius's Writings concerning , the History of Sciences , or Translated out of Pancirollus and his Commentator , without being able to judge of their Faileurs , by what others have censured in them . This new Book makes Fust , or Gothenberg , to have found out Printing : whereas he might have learned out of Hadrianus Junius , that 't was found out by another at Harlem . And that Flavius Goia discovered the Compass . Whereas I am confident that no good Author ever styled him Flavius Goia , but either Flavius a Seaman of Amalfi , or Johannes Goia , or Gira of Melfi : the Places are distinct ; and some ascribe it to one , some to the other . Some say that Paulus Venetus did bring it with him from China , in 1260. But most certain it is , that Albertus Magnus , and Vincentius Belluacensis , do speak of the Polarity of the Load-stone , and say , That the Sea-men used THEM in Navigation ; and that the knowledge they had of it , was derived from a Treatise of ARISTOTLE'S De Lapidibus , which is lost , and perhaps was but the Writing of an Arabian Peripatetick . I adde this to what I have already published , thereby to satisfie all Men , that this arrogant prating VIRTUOSO is not at all acquainted with Books , no not such as are of best Note amongst the Modern Writers , as my Margin shews you ; and 't is by chance , not any solid Learning he hath , if ever he uttereth any Truth about such subjects of Discourse : And I appeal unto all serious Men , WHETHER IT BE NOT FOR THE BENEFIT OF ORDINARY CONVERSATION , THAT THESE KINDE OF MEN SHOULD EITHER REFRAIN TO SPEAK OF LEARNED SUBJECTS , OR PREMISE ALWAYS WHEN THEY INTERPOSE , AS A FOOL MAY SAY , or one that is unacquainted with History and Books . Ecebolius doth find fault with a protestation of mine , & thus descants on it . 'T is a rare Protestation that follows : I protest in the presence of Almighty God , that if there be not great care taken , we may be in a little time reduced to that pass , as to believe the Story of Tom Thumb . — p. 11. ] Doth Mr. Stubbe seriously think this , or doth he not ? If so , he is more ridiculous then one that believes Tom Thumb already : If he be not serious in what he saith , he is impious in it : And if it were another Man , one might ask him how he durst in that manner use the Name of God , and protest a known and ridiculous Falshood in his Presence . — I do own the seriousness of my Protestation , and yet fear not the inconvenience I am threatned with by this Dilemma . I have lived to see Dr. More credit the Miracles of Pythagoras , that he speaking to a River , the River answered him again with an audible and clear voyce , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Salve Pythagora . That he shewed his Thigh to Abaris the Priest , and that he affirmed it glistened like Gold , and thence pronounced that he was Apollo . That he was known to converse with his Friends at Metapontium and Tauromenium ( the one a Town in Italy , the other in Sicily , and many days journey distant ) in one and the same day . You will find more to the same purpose there : and I mention this , because Mr. Glanvil's Patron admits of Miracles in a false Religion : so did another Virtuoso in a Sermon well known : So that I need not say that what I writ is justified by both S. Austin and Calvin , and most Protestants that have writ De signis Ecclesiae . The same Dr. More saith , that the most Learned have already agreed , that all the whole Creation was made at once . As for example , the most rational of all the Jewish Doctors , R. Moses Aegyptius , Philo fudaeus , Procopius , Gazaeus , Cardinal Cajetan , S. Augustine , and the Schools of Hillel and Sammai , as Manasseh Ben Israel writes . That Doctor affords us in his Works an hundred Stories , which who so credits is fairly disposed to credit the Fable of Tom Thumb . And our Ignoramus would perswade us that Tertullian blamed a famous Physician of His time [ Herophilus ] for dissecting Men ; that the Romans held it unlawful to behold the Entrails . That the Grecians , and disputing Ages , were ignorant of Chymistry : with many such untruths , which informe us of the dangers our approaching Ignorance will betray us into . But my Animadversions on the History , and Plus Ultra , will convince any Man of this Assertion ; so that I need not transcribe the Discourse about the Sweating Sickness , or what relates to the Hero 's being worshipped with Temples and Altars . Let our Bravo boast as much as he please of what Future Reply I may expect , I Know the Grand Questions there Discussed , are never to be revived by Him , except he make such an empty flourish as this is . 'T is more easie to talk of Falsifications , then to prove them : Such Virtuosi as He could do nothing , if they could not talk : this pretended Experimental Philosophy is degenerated into Words , Lyes , or stoln Experiments . That I may give the World an instance of that Impudence with which Mr. Glanvill demeans himself in this effort of a desperate Ignorance , I shall set down what he replies to me about the Deceitfulness of Telescopes : the which Point I have so demonstrated in opposition to every particular assertion of his , as 't is undenyable . I added , that if Mr. Crosse was in an error there , that I was sure Mr. Boyle was in the same : and I cited the Place according to the Latine Edition which I had then onely by me . Let us see upon what ground he built his confidence in this first instance by which he impugnes Telescopes : Why M. Boyle complains , that when he went about to examine those appearances in the Sun , called Maculae , and Faculae Solares , he could not make the least discovery of them in many Moneths , and yet other Observators pretend to see them every day : yet doth Mr. Boyle professe that he neither wanted the conveniency of excellent Telescopes , nor omitted any circumstance requisite to the Enquiry . Thus the Animadverter ; and hence he is sure that Mr. B. is in the same Error with Mr. C. that Telescopes are fallacious . Let this be an instance how this Swaggerer quotes Authors , and let the Reader look into the place cited from Mr. Boyle : If he do so , he will see that that Honorable Person saith nothing there that tends to the proving the deceitfulness of Telescopes much less that he believes them fallacious . I have not the Latine Translation of those Essays , but in the second Edition of the Original English , I find the Discourse to which Mr. Stubbe refers , p. 103. Where the excellent Author imputes it not to the Glasses that he could not for several Moneths see the Maculae or Faculae Solares , but seems a little to blame those Astronomers , who have so written of the Spots and more shining parts , — as to make their Readers to presume that at least some of them are almost always to be seen there , which he conjectured was occasioned by their so often meeting such Phaenomena in the Sun , [ ibid. ] . But these for many Moneths our Learned Author could not discover by his Telescopes not because of their fallaciousness , but because for so many Moneths they appeared so much seldomer then it seems they did before . These are the Words of that Honorable Gentleman [ ubi sup . ] And now how doth it appear hence that Mr. Boyle is in the same Error about the deceitfulness of Telescopes , with Mr. Cross ? Is it sure that he thought those Glasses fallacious , because he could not see the Maculae and Faculae in the Sun , when they were not there ? What are we to expect from this Man in reference to the other Authors he cites , when he so grosly and impudently mis-reports so known a one of our own , who is yet alive , and sees how maliciously the Caviller perverts him ? I shall examine his carriage to other Writers in my next Book ; and in that , shew that most of the Arguments he brings to argue the fallaciousness of Telescopes , prove only the Diversity and Changes of Mediums , and of the Celestial Phaenomena , not the deceit of those Glasses . ; ; I have repeated Mr. Glanvills Words at large , that the solidity of my Answer may appear : for 't is not my intention to abuse the Reader with false Citations , or amuse him with great confidence grounded upon a bare Reference to an Author which he hath not at hand : thus these Virtuosi may prepossess the unwary into an ill Opinion of their Adversaries , whereas they that know them as well as I do , will suspend their Assent till more diligent enquiry convince them . Haveing informed my Reader that this Book , Caesalpinus , Sir H. Savils Lectures , and many others , have no Index's , I proceed to repeat the entire Discourse of Mr. Boyle out of the Edition my Antagonist follows , pag. 102 , 103. But to say no more of the contingent Observations to be taken notice of in tryals Medical , I could tell you that I have observed even Mathematical Writers themselves to deliver such Observations as do not regularly hold true . For although it hath been looked upon as their Priviledge and Glory to affirm nothing but what they can prove by no less than Demonstration ; and though they use to be more attentive and exact then most other Men , in making almost any kind of Philosophical Observations ; yet the Certainty and Accurateness which is attributed to what they deliver , must be restrained to what they teach concerning those purely-Mathematical Disciplines , Arithmetick and Geometry , where the affections of Quantity are Abstractedly considered : But we must not expect from Mathematicians the same accurateness when they deliver Observations concerning such things wherein 't is not only Quantity and Figure , but Matter and its other Affections , that must be considered . And yet less must this be expected , when they deliver such Observations as , being made by the help of material Instruments , framed by the Hands and Tooles of Men , cannot but in divers cases be subject to some , if not many Imperfections upon their account . Divers of the Modern Astronomers have so written of the Spots and more shining Parts , or ( as they call them ) Faculae , that appear upon or about the Sun , as to make their Reader , presume , that at least some of them are almost always to be seen there . And I am willing to think , that it was their having so often met with such Phaenomena in the Sun , that made them to write as they did . And yet , when I first applyed my self to the Contemplation of these late Discoveries , though I wanted neither good Telescopes , nor a dark Room to bring the Species of the Sun into , yet it was not till after a great while , and a multitude of fruitless Observations made at several times , that I could detect any of those Solar spots , which having dured many Moneths at least , appear'd so much seldomer then it seems they did before , that I remember a most Ingenious Professor of Astronomy excellently well furnished with Dioptrical Glasses , did about that time complain to me , that for I know not how long he had not been able to see the Sun spotted . And as for the Faculae , which are written of as such ordinary Phaenomena , I must profess to you , Pyrophilus , that a multitude of Observations made with good Telescopes at several places and times , whil'st the Sun was spotted , has scarce made me see above once any of the so look'd for Brightnesses . And as the nature of the Material Object wherewith the Mathematician is conversant , may thus deceive the Expectations grounded on what he delivers ; so may the like happen by reason of the imperfection of the Instruments , which he must make use of in the sensible Observations whereon the mixt Mathematicks , ( as Astronomy , Geography , Opticks , &c. ) are in great part built . This is but too manifest in the disagreeing Supputations that famous Writers , as well Modern as Ancient , have given us of the circuit of the Terrestrial Globe , of the distance and bigness of the fixed Stars , and some of the Planets , nay and of the heighth of Mountains : which disagreement , as it may oftentimes proceed from the different Method , and unequal skill of the several Observers , so it may in divers cases be imputed to the greater or less exactness and manageableness of the Instruments employed by them . And on this occasion I cannot omit that sober Confession and Advertisement that I met with in the Noble Tycho , who having laid out , besides his Time and Industry , much greater sums of Money on Instruments , then any Man we have heard of in latter Times , deserves to be listned to on this Theam ; concerning which , he hath ( among other things ) the following Passage . Facile , saith he , lapsus aliquis pene insensibilis in Instrumentis etiam majoribus conficiendis subrepit , qui inter observandum aliquot scrupulorum primorum jacturam faciat ; insuper si ipse situs & tractandi modus non tam absoluta norma perficiatur ut nihil prorsus desideretur , intolerabilis nec facilè animadvertenda deviatio sese insinuat . Adde quod instrumenta usu & aetate à primâ perfectione degenerent . Nihil enim quod hominum manibus paratur ab omni mutatione immune undiquaque existit . Organa enim ejusmodi nisi è solido metallo affabre elaborentur , mutationi aëreae obnoxiae sunt ; & si id quoque datur ut è metallicâ materiâ constent , nisi ingentia fuerint , divisiones minutissimas graduum non sufficienter exhibent , dúmque hoc praestant , suâ magnitudine & pondere seipse ita aggravant , ut facilè tum extra planum debitum aut figuram competentem dum circumducuntur declinent , tum etiam suâ mole intractabilia redduntur . Quare magis requiritur in Instrumentis Astronomicis quae omni vitio careant construendis , artificium pari judicio conjunctum , quàm hactenùs à quamplurimis animadversum est . Id quod nos ipse usus & longa docuit Experientia , non parvo labore nec mediocribus sumptibus comparata . Out of this Discourse of Mr. Boyles , t is evident that He doth believe that Mathematicians when they deale in those Disciplines , which are not purely-Mathematical , but consider Matter with its Figure , Quantity , & other Affections ' , are not so accurate & certain in what they converse with , as in those other parts of pure-Mathematicks : and this is much lesse to be expected , when they deliver such Observations as , being made by the help of Material Instruments framed by the hands and Tooles of men , CANNOT but in divers cases be subject unto some , if not many imperfections upon their account . The Assumption is easy , Viz. But Opticks are a part of the mixt Mathematicks ; and the Telescopes are Material Instruments framed by the hands and Tooles of Men , and consequently CANNOT but in divers cases be subject unto Some , if not Many Imperfections : Therfore in Opticks , and about Telescopes , Mr. Boyle doth not believe there is such a certainty as exempts us from Fallacy : which is the thing now in Question . To evince the deceitfulnesse in mixt-Mathematicks , our Iudicious Author proceeds to instance in the Spots and Brightnesses related by Scheiner , Galileo , & Zucchius &c. to be in the Sunne : of which those Writers pretend to be so assured by reiterated Experiments , that they have described their Number , Figures , & determinate Motion , which they most regularly observe . Mr. B. finds himself disappointed upon inquiry , though made my good Telescopes , and all other requisite circumstances observ'd . And many fruitlesse Essayes passed , before he effected any part of his designe . He doth not say , THEY WERE NOT THERE : but that Hee could not see them of a long time : nor did the Phaenomenon then agree to the accounts of Scheiner , ( Whom Zucchius doth justify by modern observations . ) And to what purpose was this discourse with Pyrophilus , about the deceivableness of Opticks , if he supposed his glasses true , and that the spots were absent at that time ? I profess I doe not understand the coherence of the introduction with what follows , if he meant as Mr. Glanvil imposeth on him . What hath the variation of the object to doe with this remarque of his ? Are mixt-Mathematicks & Opticks deceitful , because the Telescopes shew those Maeulae & faculae in the sunne , when they are there , & omit them when they are not there ? Are our eyes fallacious when they represent the object accordingly as it alters ? or would not any man argue hence for proof of their certainty . I have set down the passage faithfully , without changing an expression , as Mr. Glanvil does : and leave it to every mans tryal , if he can impose any other meaning on these words , then that either the Telescopes of those other Astronomers , or those of Mr. B. were fallacious . If none can ; then is it true that He as well as Mr. Crosse did believe that Opticks might deceive our judgements , & that Telescopes were not so certain as Mr. Glanvil sayes they are : As for what Mr. Glanvil addes that he will shew that most of my objections to argue the fallaciousness of Telescopes prove only the diversity and changes of the Mediums and celestial Phaenomena , not the deceit of those Glasses , t is a vain Rhodomontade , and not to be made good by one that is unacquainted with those studyes . It is undenyably true , that Long Telescopes shew more spots then the shorter : and that some Telescopes doe take of those radiations which others doe continue : and t is no lefse manifest , that the most judicious men doe complain that the Telescopes did deceive their Adversaryes , as not being good , whilest theirs did represent at the same time the same object under a different phasis . I have demonstrated this so largely , that I need not pursue the discourse farther : and whosoever reads what I have written , will see that Mr. Glanvil mistook himself in saying indefinitely , That Telescopes are as certain as our Eyes : And that they alter the objects in nothing but their proportions . For this is false , except you limit the saying to some Telescopes employed upon some objects ; and that here on earth . And if the ordinary Telescopes ( against which I have alledged so many complaints ) were as certain as our eyes , how comes it to passe that so many men differ about the celestial phaenomena totally , betwixt whom there would be no disagreement about terrene objects . But if they were as certain as our eyes ( which I have demonstrated they are not here on earth ) yet the employing of that only sense would never assure us of what we see . I remember not long agoe two miles distant from any town , in a dark night I observed some thing on the ground that very much resembled a glow-worme , but the light was not so pale , and the body seemed a little bigger . Being surprised at this unusual sight , I lighted from my horse , and found the supposed glow-worme to be a piece of lighted Touch-wood , which through the bedewed grasse had deluded me , a Baker having sate down there to smoak a pipe . I did then call to mind that saying of Galileo , that notwithstanding all our Telescopes , t will be more easy for us to conceive that which is not in the Moon , then that which is . But I leave the reader to compare both our writings , and judge how satisfactory his Answers are ; and how foolishly he now defends the Letter of his Plus ultra . I will not anticipate my compleat answer by insisting upon any more passages of this nature : I adde only that I did long agoe request of Mr. Glanvil , that he would not give me any trouble by multiplying of lies ; for though I knew that the refutation of them would be to my advantage against him , yet I had too much busyness amidst my practice to pursue it . But neither his duty to God , nor regard to the Ministry ( which suffers in him ) could restrain him from these exorbitances . He hath promised to be my VASSAL and VICTIME , if he doe not prove all he sayes against me : Yet l have demonstrated to the R. S. under a NOTARIES HAND , that my Head is not Red ; though he say it . And whereas he abuseth me for styling my self in one book , Physitian to his Majesty in the Island of Jamaica ; l was honoured with that Title by the King , and as such received 200 lb. at my goeing thither , his Majesty being graciously pleased to specify in the warrant ( preserved in the Signet-office ) that HE INTENDED ME FOR HIS PHYSITIAN THERE . I have collected several more untruths in my Answer , & intend to demand the performance of his so solemn promise : If he fail not of his word , I will take care he shall live better , preach better , and write better . One lye I must now take notice of briefly , and t is this , That Mr. Crosse did hire me to oppose our Ecebolius ; and by treating me at Bathe , and entertaining me divers times at his House with deare welcome , gain'd a person to his rescue , who before contemned him . I doe profess in the first place that my tongue was never guilty of those expressions he sets down . I never call'd him Old — nor said I would rescue the poor fellow . I did say that I would rescue in great part the poor old man. And that he had been as it were asleep , or buried for these 30 or 40 years in the Country , and knew not the transactions of the learned world . Neither doth He pretend thereto , as our ignorant Virtuoso does . But this doth not diminish that respect which is due to him as a Divine , and as such , not unlearned . I have heard the B. of Chester give him a much greater character then Mr. Glanvil allows him : and t is notoriously known how eminent his repute was at Lincolne College , and what esteem many honorable and understanding persons have for him . I adde , that He neither hired me , nor treated me at Bathe , except with one or two bottles of wine ( for I did not dine with him , ) nor was I ever but once at his house , where the entertainment was such as the Village affoorded , and my unexpected coming permitted : and then was the Book finished and almost all printed . I never had the least PRESENT from him in my life : nor did I see his Book till mine was all finished , except what relates to the world in the Moon , & a voyage thither , of which Mr. Glanvil writes nothing now , nor informs us where those wings are to be bought that may supply so much as the flying Coaches . I found that most of Mr. Crosses Book was personall , and I did not understand what to conclude about so different reports as I met with about that conference , till Hee , in whose house it was informed me , that all Mr Glanvill said was not true : and I am not yet convinced by the certificate , how it was possible for those to warrant the exactnesse & sincerity of the relation , since that the meeting was impremeditated ; the discourse without designe , & desultory , & interrupted by others that were there , and hath received much of inlargement in the writing beyond what was there spoken . But I leave that to their consciences , which if they beare any proportion to that of M r Glanvills , neither shall M r Crosse , nor I , suffer in our reputation for any thing that such persons utter , or certify . Upon occasion of what Ecebolius sayth concerning the mercenarinesse of my penne , & that I was HIRED to this performance : I shall say in vindication of severall others , that I was neither AT FIRST PUT UPON THE WORK , nor HIRED thereunto by any . What Mr Glanvill sayth Mr Crosse engaged me unto , Dr Merrett sayth the APOTHECARYES did BRIBE ME TO UNDERTAKE : but there is as litle truth in what that Virtuoso relates , as in the reports of the Rectour of Bathe . Others of the R. S. have told it publiquely , that I was incited unto it by severall Reverend and Learned persons in the Universityes . But neither did any one there know of it , till I had undertaken the worke , & writ some of it . I first acquainted the R. S. and after that , had printed & shewed some papers to their President , before I divulged them in either University : so that nothing of that report can bee true , except the Virtuosi doe apprehend , that the approbation & reception of my papers have met with all are demonstrations that I was put upon it : whereas this doth rather evince the generall odium they have drawne upon themselves ; and I could wish they would endeavour effectually to remove those umbrages , in which I placed my cheifest strength ; & I did presume to finde all intelligent persons my abettours , but I tooke my measures from their common interest , aud not from any speciall assurances given unto me . There is another Reverend person so unfortunate as to suffer by their malicious intimations , as if Hee had HIRED me to the undertaking , because hee was so unhappy as upon another occasion to present me LATELY with a piece of plate . There is not any course which I see these Virtuosi will not pursue thereby to ruine me : t will bee a conspiracy against the R. S. shortly for any one to employ me as a Physician ; and each Fee will be reported as a Bribe , and the Donor esteemed as an enemy to the Experimentall Philosophers . This is the Method they now take , & thereby imagine they shall deprive me of all commerce or correspondence with persons of Quality and interest . How generous & brave these contrivances are , how becoming the name of a Royall Society , how suitable rather to a company of Poltrons ; I leave to the judgement of all mankinde . It may not be amisse here to professe that respect for the Royall Society which doth become me : I doe avow all just esteeme for the Institution ; though I cannot rise so high in its commendation , as the Historian : I think it might have added to the glory of his Majesty , and beene of great advantage to learning , had the designes of the Royall Founder , and those persons of Honour which joyn'd with it , been diligently & prudently pursued . Their purpose being at first , to make faithfull records of all the works of Nature or Art , which can come within their reach : that so the present Age , and posterity , might be able to put a mark on the Errours , which have beene strengthned by long prescription : to restore the Truthes , that have laine neglected ; to push on those which are already known , to more various uses : and to make the way more passable to what remaines unrevealed . It was never my intention to detract from the laudable purposes of my Prince , nor to derogate from those of Quality who were Honorary Members of it : nor to enterfere with any Learned men in it . But if a sort of Comedians under pretense thereof , doe overthrow that Education which is necessary to the Church & Monarchy , undermine the established Religion , and insult over the Faculty of Physitians ; I hope it will never Prejudice me in the favour of any Patriot here to interpose my selfe : nor will any serious man interpret the greatest testimonies I can render of my Loyalty , conformity , and peaceableness , for so many demonstrations of the malignity of my temper , Hypocrisy , and sinister designes . I have offered to desist several times , would they but make such a declaration as the publication of their History , and Mr. Glanvils books , hath made necessary . If they will force me to extend the quarrel beyond seas , and acquaint forraigners with the abuses that have been put upon them by a fabulous description of the R. S. If I must protest against this sort of Virtuosi ; that the nation is not to be valued by their abilityes , or performances : t is their default , not any contentiousness in me . Would they be pleased to contribute what they ought to the repose and tranquillity of the Kingdome , I can tell how to employ my idle minutes in more pleasing studyes , and such as shall have lesse of personal hazard and disquiet then what I now attend on . A Letter to Dr. Henry More , in Answer to that he Writ and Printed in Mr. Glanvil's Book . SIR , I Profess that I read with a more than usual surprise your Printed Letter . I wondered at the Contents , and that you should publish any thing of that nature without giving me notice of it : the long acquaintance I have had with you , the respect wherewith I mention you , and the place I hold in the esteem of a Family which you honour , should have moved you to a more civil procedure : and I must reckon this deportment as a new Ethicks , which if your Enchiridion teach , the World will not be much obliged by the Author . When I was busie in Animadverting upon the History of the R. S. and Mr. Glanvil , you happened to be at Ragley ; and upon some incidental Discourse about the Virtuosi , I asked of you How you could adhere to them , since they had published such Passages in their Writings as did overthrow our Religion ? That all your Ethicks would signifie as little as those disputative ones of Aristotle and the Stoicks , if that a Mechanical Education would supply in some part the usual Morality , and have a surer effect in the composing and purifying of our thoughts , than all the rigid Precepts of the Stoical , or empty distinctions of the Peripatetick Moralists : That , if to pass an hard Censure on the Religions of all other Countries , be dishonorable ; certainly you were extreamly to blame who had writ so much , and so severely against Popery : That , if the Mechanical and Corpuscularian Hypothesis deserve credit , all your late Documents about the World , that its Phaenomena were vital , and not Mechanical , must be grosly erroneous . After the exchange of some such words , you call'd for the History it self , and determined to read it more exactly over than you had formerly : and as you perused it , you affixed several marks ( as 't is your custom ) to the sides of the Book with your Leaden Pencil , according as you approved , or disliked them : the Book is yet to be feen in the Library there , and the Passages I animadvert upon are there condemned by you : You , your self , was pleased particularly to shew me the place , pag. 312. and to censure it , according to what I say , and indeed as became Franciscus Paleopolitanus to do . I told you that Mr. Glanvil did inform the World , that we might be secure that the R.S. would no way endanger Religion , since so many pious Clergy-men were Members of that Body ; amongst which , Dr. H. More is recounted : But now it was apparent , that , notwithstanding those venerable and worthy Ecclesiasticks , our fears were not so Panick and causeless , as the Rector of Bathe reputeth of them . I urged you to renounce the R. S. and employ a Preface of your next Edition of the Enchiridion Ethicum against the History : you expressed much of dis-satisfaction with the History , and extenuated your admission into that Society , by laying it on the violent perswasions of others ; adding , that you seldom came there , though in London ; and did not pay any of those contributions which are usual in the Members thereof . I confess , I was so vain after such Discourses , as to think that you might be wrought upon to testifie in Print your dissent , and you must pardon me if I expected no less from a Man who pretends to such an uninteressed piety and Zeal , as Dr. H. More . But I now perceive the injustice of that Opinion , that you are , as other Men , deceivable : you will rather not be a Christian , then no Platonist ; you will abandon Truth , to gratifie your Passion ; and to preserve your Zany , most barbarously endeavour to destroy your Friend . All I said of you , is this , Dr. Moor , albeit a Member of this Society heretofore ( for he allows nothing to it now ) yet a pious one , professeth , That this Mechanical Philosophy doth lead to Atheism : neither would he approve of those deductions as necessary , but ridiculous , when I upbraided him lately with that non-sensical and illiterate History . — These are the Words that so exasperated you , and raised in an Hypochondiac such Fumes as to blinde his Reason . I say , that you were a Member heretofore of the R. S. but allow nothing to it now ; meaning thereby , that in declining the Weekly contributions , you seemed to have relinquished it ; but I say not that you had formally left it . And you had this sense upon your thoughts , when you made that harsh reflection upon me ; yet with that Mental Reservation , which would better have become a Jesuit , you urge me with that sense , which the Conclusion will seem to sound unto all Men at the FIRST reading . Was not this Candidly done , when your Memory ( not half so treacherous as your Heart ) could tell you what I otherwise meant , and had discoursed of unto you , and which was not grosly false . Neither is that a gross mistake in me , that you charge me withall in the second place . It is a gross mistake in him , that he looks upon that Mechanick Philosophy which I oppose , to be the Philosophy which the Royal Society doth profess , or would support . — Impudence it self never uttered a greater Untruth , and it had better become Mr. Glanvill , then Dr. More . I appeal to the History , which How Authentick it is , I have elsewhere shewed ; & 't is evident that the R. S. have not , nor will be brought to renounce it ; and since the Authors thereof may be presumed to understand the Principles of the Virtuosi , better then Franciscus Palaeopolitanus , and are Secretaries of that Body , 't were folly not to believe them , but to enquire at Bathe , or in the Philosophical Bower , what the Royal Society profess . Dr. Wren produced before the Society , an Instrument to represent the effects of all sorts of Impulses , made between two hard Globous Bodies , either of equal or of different bigness , and swiftness , following or meeting each other ; or the one moving , the other at rest . From these varieties arose many unexpected effects ; of all which , he demonstrated the true Theories , after they had been confirmed by many hundreds of Experiments in that Instrument . These he proposed as the Principles of all Demonstrations in Natural Philosophy : Nor can it seem strange , that these Elements should be of such Universal Use ; if we consider that Generation , Corruption , Alteration , and all the vicissitudes of Nature , are nothing else but the effects arising from the meeting of little Bodies , of differing Figures , Magnitudes , and Velocities . — This Paragraph doth not indeed confine Supernatural Productions to the Rules of Mechanism : But as for all the Ordinary Phaenomena of the Universe , and particularly those of Generation , Corruption , Alteration , they are said to be Nothing Else but the effects arising from the meeting of little Bodies , of differing Figures , Magnitudes , and Velocities ; and the Principles of All Demonstrations in Natural Philosophy , are recommended unto us to be deduced from such Theories . Out of which it is manifest , that they suppose not onely that the Material part of every thing in the Corporeal Universe is Body , or Corpuscularian , but that the Vicissitudes and Phaenomena occurring therein , even in the Generation of Man , are the result of Corpuscles moving Mechanically : For if it be not granted , that every part of the Corporeal Universe , or this great Aggregate of Bodies , do move in certain Lines , according to the determinate Figures thereof , and that without the Particular Concourse of an Immaterial Incorporeal Being , putting such Corpuscles into this or that Particular Motion , and continuing it therein Mechanically , then doth the whole Systeme of the Mechanical Philosophy falls to the ground ; and the Demonstrations cease to be any longer such . The very Word Mechanism imports thus much : it being an allusion to the conformation of Machines , wherein each part contributes to the effect according to its Scituation , Size , and the Geometrical Proportion it bears to the other Parts , of which the Machine is composed : And if the Machine do not produce its effect entirely , by vertue of such a Geometrical frame , we do not say that the Phaenomenon is Mechanical . Thus the Motion of a Water , or Clock , when it ariseth from its Fabrick purely , then it is Mechanical : but when a Man doth winde it up , 't is not a Mechanical motion , except it do also appear that Man is also a Machine , and that what he operates at that time , is purely Mechanical . I would not insist upon this Argument from the denomination of the Philosophy , if it were not manifest that they that profess it , did not desire to be understood so : for the whole Hypothesis of the Cartesians doth depend hereon : and Sir K. Digby , in his Vegetation of Plants ( a Discourse made in the R. S. ) as well as in his other Books , proceeds on these grounds : nor do they , or any Mechanical Philosophers , demand any more than that God should at first create Matter in such a Quantity , such Parts , and such Motions , thereby to folve all the Phaenomena of Nature , without Specificating Forms , Plastick Virtues , or his particular Concourse to the Action , or Production in an Immaterial Way . Thus the floating Corpuscles of Salt or Nitre , are Mechanically , or by the Geometrical necessity of their own Figures and Motions , together with the impulse of other Corpuscles in the Air , Liquor , or Vessel , acting in the same Geometrical subordination of Causes , precipitated and sized into their peculiar Crystals of Salt and Nitre : thus Plants are said to be Generated , and the actions of Animals produced , and all the vicissitudes of Nature to be NOTHING ELSE . And I am willing to allow your Quibble , that this is the Mechanical Belief of credulity ; but you must not go about to perswade me , that this is not also that Philosophy which is properly Mechanical , and which your Historian doth assert : You understand not the state of the Question , nor what you have done , or you prevaricate when you fay , that the Mechanical Philosophy you oppose , is such a Mechanical one as professeth , That matter having such a quantity of motion as it has , would contrive it self into all the Phaenomena we see in nature . For these Philosophers do not ascribe Prudence or Contrivance unto Matter , or say that Matter can Operate upon , or alter it self , being both Agent and Patient , but that God hath so altered the World , and so contrived Matter and its Motions , that it runs into all these Phanomena by a Geometrical Necessity arising from the Fabrick . And upon this Philosophy you spend your Arguments , and enlarge into this Censure . Dr. More 's Censure of the Cartesian and Mechanical Philosophy . AFter he had exploded the Cartesian Philosophy , by the name of not onely purely Mechanical , but of the Mechanick Philosophy , which professeth the Mechanical deduction of Causes in the explication of the Phaenomena of the World , by an Hypothesis as close and necessary , as Mathematical Sequels : After he had Charactered Des-Cartes for a Person of the greatest-Wit ( for the extraordinary handsome semblance he makes of deducing all the Phaenomena he has handled a necessarily and Mechanically , and for hitting on the more immediate Material Causes of things to an high probability ) and of the greatest Folly that ever yet trod the stage of this Earth : And he reputes him so egregious a Fool , because he is so credulous , as not only to believe that he has necessarily and purely Mechanically solved all the Phaenomena he has treated of in his Philosophy and Meteors , but also that all things else may be so solved , the Bodies of Plants and Animals not excepted . After he had pretended to have demonstrated not only that Des Cartes-mistook about Gravity , but that all Mechanical Solutions thereof are impossible , it being so manifestly repugnant to the confessed Laws of Mechanicks . The Dialogue is thus continued . Hyl. It is very true . Cuph. That may seem a Demonstration for the present , which to Posterity will appear a meer Sophistical knot , and they will easily see to loose it . Bath . I believe by the help of some new-improved Microscopes . Philop. Nay , but in good earnest , O Cuphophron , ( if you will excuse my freedom of speech ) though I have not that competency of judgement in Philosophical Matters , yet I cannot but deem you an over-partial Mechanist , that are so devoted to the Cause , as not to believe Demonstration against it , till Mechanicks be farther improved by Posterity . It is as if one would not believe the first Book of Euclid , till he had read him all over , and all other Mathematical Writers besides . For this Phaenomenon of Gravity is one of the simplest that is , as the first Book of Euclide one of the easiest . Not to adde what a blemish it is to a Person otherwise so Moral and Virtuous , to seem to have a greater Zeal for the ostentation of the Mechanical Wit of Men , then for the manifestation of the Wisdom of God in Nature . Sophr. Excellently well spoken , O Philopolis . As in water face answers to face , so the heart of man to man. You have spoken according to the most inward sense and touch of my very soul concerning this matter . For I have very much wondered at the devotedness of some Mens Spirits to the pretense of pure Mechanism in the solving of the Phaenomena of the Universe , who yet otherwise have not been of less pretensions to Piety and Vertue . Of which Mechanick pronity , I do not see any good tendency at all . For it looks more like an Itch of magnifying their own , or other Mens Wit , then any desire of glorifying God in his wise and benign Contrivances in the works of Nature ; and cuts off the most powerful and most popular Arguments for the existence of a Deity , if the rude career of agitated Matter would at last necessarily fall into such a structure of things . Indeed , if such a Mechanical Necessity in the Nature of Matter were really discoverable , there were no help for it : And the Almighty seeks no honor from a Man's Lye. But their attempts being so frustraneous , and the Demonstrations to the contrary so perspicuous , it is a marvel to me , that any men that are Virtuously and Piously disposed , should be so partially and zealously affected , in a Cause that hath neither Truth , nor any honest Vsefulness in it . Out of all which , as 't is evident , that you understood by Mechanical the fame thing that I do , viz. A Geometrical way of explaining of the Phaenomena of Nature , according to matter and motion : So it is no less evident , that you do absolutely explode it as having neither Truth , nor any Honest Vsefulness in it . And it is no less manifest , that you do oppose herein that Philosophy which the R. S. do profess and would support : As appears by that Passage I Animadverted upon in their HISTORY . Had not some BASE ENDS , some particular indulgence to your Zany , malice against me , or inclinations to gratifie some of the Virtuosi , transported you , you would never have writ as you do now . I fay , that you have refuted that Philosophy which proceeds upon pure Mechanism , in opposition to what the Royal Society lays down in their History . View but your Antithesis , and blush at your Ignorance iu Logick . It is a gross mistake in him , that hee looks upon that Mechanick Philosophy which I oppose , to be the Philosophy which the Royal Society doth profess , or would support . It were happy for you , if the World thought you Distracted , and that Bedlam , not Cambridge , were the place of your residence . I say , You oppose that Philosophy which the Royal Society lays down in their History . You neither deny the Truth of my Allegation out of the History , nor that they owned it ever : but tell me , That 't is not the Philosophy which the Royal Society doth profess , or would support ; If the History be owned by them , they do profess it ; If they do not , what you fay is not contradictory to my averment . Less of Plato , less of Mathematicks ( yet have you not much thereof ) and more of Aristotles Logick , would have prevented this , and a thousand other mistakes in your Writings . What I do Animadvert upon , is the Assertion at least of Dr. Sprat , and his Assistants : Your Puppet saith , that Geometry is so fundamentally useful a Science , that without it , we cannot in any good degree understand the Artifice of the OMNIPOTENT ARCHITECT in the composure of the great World , and our Selves . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the excellent saying of Plato ; and the Vniverse must be known , by the Art whereby it was made . — I do not know what can be more positive then this , that God is an Omnipotent Architect , and that he made the World by Geometry . 'T is News indeed , that CREATION should be a Geometrical procedure : but he is inconsiderate in his Assertions , aud consequently the fitter for your esteem . But I adde , that Dr. J. Wallis in his Discourse about Motion , gives this definition of Mechanism : MECHANICEN appello , Geometriam de motu , & per Mechanicen eam Geometriae partem intelligimus , quae MOTUM tractat , atque Geometricis rationibus , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inquirit , Quâ vi quisque motus peragatur . This Definition , as well as the Book , hath met with general approbation in the R. S. and agreeable thereunto , that Philosophy is Mechanical , which proceeds to salve the Phaenomena by a Geometrical deduction of Mechanical causes : such 't is that you oppose ; but that which you assert , and would insinuate for the R. S. as if it were also Mechanical , doth not deserve the name of Mechanism : you equivocate therein , as you do in all this enterprise against me : and when you seem in your Wits , you do deny the conduct of the World to be Mechanical . viz. The Primordials of the World are not Mechanical , but Spermatical or Vital ; not made by rubbing and filing , and turning and shaving , as in a Turner's or Black-smith's shop , but from some universal Principle of inward Life and MOTION , containing in it the seminal Forms of all things , which therefore the Platonists and Pythagoreans call the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the World. — Can any man read these Passages , and imagine that Dr. More would be esteemed an abettor of Mechanical Philosophy , and not an Opposer of it . I think I may securely acquiesce in my Citations , since they are so well grounded : but to shew that there is nothing secure from the attempts of Impudence , or the ignorance of some of these Virtuosi , give me leave to represent unto you the following Words . I believe indeed most of us , I am sure my self does conceive , that Generation , Corruption , Alteration , and all the Vicissitudes of Corporeal Nature , are nothing else but Unions and Dissolutions ( I will adde also , Formations and Deformations ) of little Bodies or Particles of differing Figures , Magnitudes , and Velocities . But this thus bounded is not the Mechanick Philosophy , but part of the old Pythagorick , or Mosaick Philosophy , so far as I can see by any History . So that 't is very unskilfully done of your Antagonist , to bring me in as opposing , or clashing with the Royal Society in a thing of this great Consequence , and so to make them Patrons of that , which neither Sound Philosophy , nor True Religion can allow . — Dr. More , I have been heretofore Friendly unto you , I shall not give you now the advise of an Adersary ; but haste into the state of silence , or henceforward crust over the present vehicle of your soul with the habit of a Mad man , and attire your self in that guise whensoever you come into company . I dare swear not one of eminence in the R. S. will own this Philosophy at all ; and not any , that 't is Mechanical . Your Formations and Deformations are two canting terms , equal to any of the Peripateticks , and becoming Hippocrates , Plato , or Severinus Danus , and not a Virtuoso . Here is not one Word to tell us wherein the Geometry of the OMNIPOTENT ARCHITECT doth consist , nor how those Unions and Dissolutions are performed . What will Dr. Wrens Hypothesis about the rules and measures of motion signifie in your Systeme ? What goodly Principles of Demonstrations in Natural Philosophy will there be , when an Immaterial Deity , acting by the power of his will , or a Spirit of Nature must bear a part in the Deductions ? But where is my unskilfulness in bringing you in as opposite to the R. S. you tell me what you conceive , and what you believe they do : but since , you do not make the last evident against my presumptions , and the Letter of the History ; 't is unskilfulness in you to conclude so peremptorily , and not to reminde that Caution I gave to such Virtuosi as you , to forbear all Conjunctions causal , or illative . I now haste to that Remark with which you conclude this Passage , viz. That neither any sound Philosophy , nor true Religion can allow of that Hypothesis , which though it allow the Creation , solves all the Phaenomena of Nature Mechanically . They are redevable to you for this Letter ; and your vindication of them , signifies as much as when you talk of the Learning and Eloquence of Dr. Sprat ; or the Parts , Judgement and Vertue of Mr. Glanvill . Your last Exception against me , is , That I should say , You did not approve of those Deductions of Dr. Sprat , as necessary , but ridiculous . I shall recite your Words , because as serious as the Case is , I can approve of them as ridiculous . Which Deductions , says your Antagonist , I would not approve of as Necessary , but ridiculous : Truely , if I had said so , I should have made my self ridiculous ; for how could I approve of Deductions , especially in so serious a Point , as , or Quatenùs RIDICULOUS ? for there is no man , let him be never so Pious , unless he be a Fool , that can approve of Deductions for their being ridiculous in so serious a Cause . But it seems he having a mind to monopolize all the Wit in the World to himself , is content to repute me for Pious , so he may remonstrate me to all the World to be a Fool , and such as he may play the Fool withal , as he has done in all this Page you have pointed unto me . — I might here excuse the Wording of that Passage by my own haste , and the disorders which happened in the Printing , the sense intended by me , being , that you did not approve those Deductions to be necessary , but esteemed them as ridiculous : and that this was my purpose , is so manifest , that all that you say is but the Cavil of an angry Hypocondriack ; and who is also so ignorant , as not to know there is a sort of ZEUGMA , wherein the latter part of the Sentence is not construed , nor related with the preceding Verb , but depends upon another , which is to be understood according as the sense requires . This , and much more you will learn in Greek and Latine , when you and some others of the R. S. are provided of an able School-master . I meet with very evil Retributions for all my kindness to some of your Friends ; that motion for to supply you with an able Antiquary and Grammarian , might have become the best of your Adherents ; had it been mentioned sooner , and the Proposal took effect , H. O. and Mr. Glanvill , Dr Sprat , Dr Merret , had YOU , and not committed such childish errours , as you runne now into . But , you grant you might approve of those Deductions as smooth & plausible , though not as necessary , but something of a lubricous and doubtfull aspect : but you know very well , you could not approve of them as ridiculous . Here then , most argute Hypochondriack , lyes the Question , Whether it be possible for a man to approve of any passage as ridiculous where the subject is serious ? And for the proofe hereof I do referre my selfe to all that have read Hudybras , whither serious subjects are not there debated by such deductions , as any man will approve of as ridiculous , but not as serious . I have in the Cabbala , which you so admire , read a thousand deductions which I could approve of as ridiculous . Such is the Gematria of Shilo expounded to be the Messiah , because the letters of both words make up the same numbers 358. such is that Jewish argument of the worlds being created in September related in Schickard ; That every mans soule must animate three bodyes , is prettily proved in that Adam's name consists of three letters in the Hebrew , viz. A. D. M. & from those three Letters t is likewise demonstrated that the soul of Adam must animate David , and the Messiah , because that after A follows D. and then M. And S. Cyprian's reason is no lesse pleasant , when he proves that Adam was made up out of the four quarters of the earth , because the initial Letters of the foure quarters of the world in Greek doe make up his name ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In your works , Dr. More , especially your Cabbala I can finde an infinity of passages which upon no other account gain my approbation . They are pleasant instances of folly disporting in paralogismes . You collect out of Des Cartes and other Philosophers what your phansy approves , & this you represent for a Mosaical Cabbala , and prove it thus , In the Expounding of Moses , I think I may lay this down for a safe principle , that there is no considerable truth in Nature or divinity , that Moses was ignorant of , and so if it be found agreeable to this Text [ by any distortion ] I may very well attribute it to him . At least the Divine wisdome wherewith Moses was inspir'd , prevents all the inventions of Men. Having laid down this principle whatever chimaeras the imagination of Des cartes furnished you with , or the mysterious non-sense of the Platonists and Pythagoreans , you presently impose upon the Sacred Text , and demonstrate them thus . — Hee that is but a little acquainted with French Philosophy understands the business plainly . As in case of the Celestial matter ; — for the celestial matter doth consist of two plainly distinguishable parts , to wit the first Element , and the second , or the Matcria subtilissima , & the round Particles , as I have already ready intimated out of Des Cartes . — Thus for the waters above which are mentioned in Genesis ; these are the seminal formes : the Pythagoreans called them Naides or water-nymphs . Where for the watery powers ( as Porphyrius also calls these Nymphs ) it is not at all harsh to conceive , that they may be here indigitated by the name of Vpper-waters . See Porphyrius de antro Nympharum . Are not these goodly deducations ? All you say there almost from mee gaines no more then the approbation of Ridiculous . But I thinke it highly concernes the Church and Magistrate to put a stoppe to the further publication of such extravagancies , whereby the authority of the Scripture is disparaged , and only a Truth of appearance allowed to the Scripture , whilest the Platonicks and Pythagoreans are avowed to retaine the true sense and Hypothesis of the Creation . Thus you remove at once the credit of the Scripture and whole Church , and by giving so great advantages to the Pythagoreans and Platonists , endanger the rejection of the whole Bible in comparison of that Philosophy , which is the most ridiculous of all , and the most opposite to Christianity . Instead of the Law and the prophets , you alledge Pythagoras , Plotinus , Porphyrius , and I may justly retort upon you , Habes Pythagoram pro Mose , pro prophetis Platonem , pro Paulo Porphyrium . Methinks the mention of Porphyrius should fill you with horrour : No man ever writ so bitterly against the Christian religion : Thirty Fathers , are said to have writ against Him ; His Books were every where destroyed by Them , nor had this Antrum Nympharum been transmitted to us , but that an unhappy casualty preserved it under the name of Malchus : The fathers , Eusebius , Theodoret , and S. Jerome speak not of Him but with detestation : quibus religio fuisse videtur nomen Porphyrii absque execratione proponere : And when the Christian Emperours would make the Arians compleatly odious , they commanded them to be called Porphyriani . He was either the Author or encourager of the persecutions under Diocletian and Decius : that party were the Worst Adversaries that ever Christianity had : those names you reverence are no other then Hierocles , Iamblicus , Amelius and Plotinus . T was that Pythagorical Philosophy which gave encouragement to the Ethnick Idolatry and Magick : t was that Philosophy whereby Julian the Apostate did justify Paganisme , and those of that sect were principally caressed by Him above any Peripateticks or Stoicks , as Maximus , Priscus , and Chrysanthius . Eâ de causa Platonicis vacabat Julianus , quia ejusmodi philosophia faciebat ad Genios , ad sacrificia , aruspicinum , auguralia , quorum omnium fuit studiosissimus . That pestilent Pythagorisme produced those Sects of Simonians , Valentinians , Marcionists , Gnosticks , Maniches ; and what troubles Origon did oecasion in the Church , what divisions and Heresies issued from Him , and his way of expounding Scripture , is a thing so notorious upon record , that I am amazed to see that Dr. More 's works should meet with a Licencer , and not rather the Author , and his Zany GLANVIL sinke under Ecelesiastical Censures . The commendations by which You in the conelusion of the Philosophick Cabbala endeare Pythagoras and his followers to the esteem of all men , are such as may betray the Unwary to believe them True : though to ascertain you one thing , I believe never did man more Abuse History , Argue Worse , or lesse understand what he said , then You doe . And t was upon that consideration I gave you the Elogy of PIOUS , but not of Learned : This was the matter that exasperated You ; To be PIOUS , was no Character for a Virtuoso ; to undeceive the world herein you resolved to turne Lyer ; I did not without some scruple give you that other Title : I doe now Recal it . You wonder that any man of Piety and Virtue should own the Mechanick Philosophy , it being such as no True religion can allow of : yet have Jugled in favou of them that doe , and endeavoured to oppose Him that had with so much peril contested therewith . You mention with Praise for Virtue and Learning those that have Asserted it . I shall here represent unto the world your Harangue in behalf of Des-Cartes . The ummannerly Superstition of many is such , that they will give more to an accustomed Opinion , which they have either taken up themselves , or hath been conveyed unto them by the confidence of some private Theologer , then to the Authority of either Fathers , Churches , Workers of Miracles , or what is best of all , the most solid Reasons that can be propounded ; which if they were capable of , they could not take offense at my admittance of the Cartesian Philosophy into this present Cabbala . The Principles , and the more notorious Conclusions thereof , offering themselves fo , freely , and unaffectedly , and so aptly and fittingly taking their place in the Text , that I knew not how with judgement and Conscience to keep them out . For I cannot but furmise , that he has happily and unexpectedly light upon that , which will prove a true restauration of that part of the Mosaical Philosophy , which is ordinarily called Natural , and in which Pythagoras may be justly deemed to have had no small insight . And that Des-Cartes may bear up in some likely equipage , with the fore-named noble and Divine Spirits , though the unskilfulness of Men commonly acknowledge more of Supernatural Assistance in hot unsetled Fancies , and perplexed Melancholy , then in the calm and distinct use of Reason ; yet for mine own part ( but not without submission to better judgements ) I should look upon Des-Cartes as a Man more truly inspired in the knowledge of Nature , then any that have professed themselves so this Sixteen hundred Years : and being even ravished with admiration of his transcendent Mechanical Inventions for the solving the Phaenomena of the World , I should not stick to compare him with Bezaleel and Aholiab , those skilful and cunning Workers of the Tabernacle ; who , as Moses testifies , were filled with the Spirit of God , and they were of an excellent understanding to finde out all manner of curious Works . Nor is it any more Argument , that Des Cartes was not Inspired , because he did not say he was , then that others are inspired , because they say they are : which to me is no Argument at all . But the suppression of what s● happened , would argue much more sobriety and modesty , when as the profession of it with sober Men , would be suspected for some spice of Melancholy and Distraction ; especially in Natural Philosophy , where the grand Pleasure is the evidence and exercise of Reason ; not a bare belief , or an ineffable sense of life , in respect whereof , there is no true Christian but he is Inspired . I desire you would compare this Passage with that Censure which you fix upon the whole Cartesian Philosophy in your Divine Dialogues , and tell me , How you will avoid the imputation of Levity and Instabilitie of Judgement ? How will you reconcile two so different sentiments ? That He is inspired in the knowledge of Nature ; And that He is a prodigy of Folly : That He hath not demonstrated any one Phaenomenon in Nature to be purely Mechanical , but hath failed every where : And , that He is to be compared ( in your judgement ) to Bezaliel and Aholiab , for his transcendent Mechanicall inventions , whereby to solve the Phaenomena of the World. I am confident the World will condemn you with Blasphemy for that comparison betwixt those inspired Artisans , and your Des Cartes : That they were Inspired , the Scripture assures you ; you have not so much as probability to esteem so of the other ; yet do you not stick to compare them , and Him. You cannot but surmise that Cartesianism will prove a true restauration of that part of Mosaical Philosophy , which is ordinarily called Naturall : You know not how , with Judgement and Conscience , to exclude his Principles out of that Cabbala of yours , which You advance so much above the Letter of the Sacred Word of God , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 transcendeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Reality exceeds Appearance . Consider Dr. Moor , consider whom you thus celebrated : A man so Infamous for , and Impudent in his Lusts , that he makes no other Apology for his Transgressions of that kinde , then That he had not vowed Chastity ? So impious in his Metaphysicks , that he was condemn'd by the Reformed Universities in Harderwick and Vtrecht , as a Pestilent Writer : and his whole Philosophy prohibited to be Taught or Defended in Leyden and Herborne . Take notice what Character you have imposed on the Papists , and remember withall , that Des Cartes your Alumbrado , is of that number . I must protest unto you , that the serious Animadversion upon these Passages of yours , makes me scrupulous how to allow Dr. More the Attribute of PIOUS : and my doubts multiply upon me , when I observe that you deduce your Cabbala from the Pythagoreans , and relie more on the mysteries of their members , then the plain Text , and Authority of the Universal Church . You dignifie Pythagoras so far as to ascribe unto him a power of Working Miracles , as Moses and the succeeding Prophets did ; which Skill ( dare you to call it Skill ! ) Empedocles , Epimenides , and Abaris having got , they grew so famous , that Empedocles was sir-named Alexanemus ; Epimenides , Cathartes ; and Abaris , Aethrobates , from the power they had in suppressing Storms and Winds , in freeing Cities from the Plague , and in Walking aloft in the Air : which Skill inabled Pythagoras to visit his Friends after that manner at Metapontium , and Tauromenium in one and the same day . You represent Plato as a Divine man for Knowledge , and Vertue : though it appear otherwise in the Records of his Life : and Plotinus must be Sainted , though he were a Magician , though he stiled Christianity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and blamed Origen for defending it . Good God! How far doth prejudice transport you ? How different are your Sentiments concerning those men , from what the Fathers , and the most Authentick Records of History , relate about them ? Those that you almost Idolize , were no others then Idolaters and Sorcerers ; and Julian the Apostate is redevable unto Dr. More , for assigning them a better Qualification . Thus Plotinus and Dr. More ; Porphyrius and Glanvill , are mutually ingratiated ; and the Creation better explained by the Allegories of the Platonists , then the Mosaical Writings in Genesis . I finde that Simplicius denies the Scripture to be of Divine Authority , becaufe it is Erroneous about the Original of the World : 'T is granted by our Cabbalists ! And if we extenuate the Assertions of Gods Word , from concluding in matters of Natural Philosophy , and Astronomy , How shall we any longer reject the Alcoran , and Talmud , for Errors therein ? With what justice shall we deny them the benefit of that excuse , which we make use of our selves ? But I finde my self to enlarge beyond the designes of a Letter : I beseech you , Sir , to follow that advise I have heretofore suggested unto you ; Consult Books , and not your Phansy ; enquire better into the Foundations of the Cabbala , and the repute you give to the Pythagorical Philosophy : you will finde after a better Scrutiny , then your narrow Reading as yet qualifies you for , that your Confidence is but weakly supported , and that upon prejudicate Opinions you desert the Sacred Text , and obtrude upon us your own Conceits for Mosaical ; and with greater Impudence then any Jew , you obtrude for such what you never Received as such : And lay down this extravagant position : In the expounding of Moses , I think I may lay down this for a safe Principle , that there is no considerable truth in Nature or Divinity , that Moses was ignorant of ; and so if it be agreeable his Text , I may attribute it unto him . At least the Divine Wisdom wherewith Moses was inspired , prevents all the Inventions of Men. — By this Rule , it is impossible for any thing considerable to be newly invented : neither need we contest with the Virtuosi whether one of them , or a Peripatetick were Author of this or that ; 't is certain Moses was acquainted with every thing considerable , and the Spirit of God , which inspired him , doth prevent all the discoveries of Men. Thus you attribute to Moses the Opinion that the Earth is a Planet . For , as I have elsewhere intimated , Moses has been before-hand with Cartesius . The Ancient Patriarchs having had Wit , and by reason of their long lives leisure enough , to invent as curious and subtile Theorems in Philosophy , as ever any of their posterity could hit upon , besides what they might have had by Tradition from Adam . — Most excellently argued , a posse ad esse . Thus you make the Three Elements of Des Cartes to be Plainly Distinguishable parts in the Matter first Created . And when you Write again , the Elasticity of the Air , and its ponderousness , will at least become Ingredients in your Cabbala ; and the Authors are obliged unto you , if you do not attribute the Barometer , Thermometer , and Air-pump , &c. unto the first Patriarchs , who had so much wit and leisure . Did ever Madness arise to such a heighth ? or was there any man who more grosly transformed Scripture into a Nose of Wax . Sir , you will pardon me for being earnest with you in a case of such importance : I would believe you , but that in so doing , I should dissent from God Almighty . I was inclined to believe you were an Hypocondriack , and that your Opinions were not the result of your judgment , but of your temperament ; but you have no Intervals : and in the explication of your Preexistence , you make the Bible not your Rule , but Pretence : and what you have asserted and consented unto in the Church , you regard not in comparison of the Pythagorical Tenets . Give me leave to tell you , that where the Foundations of Government are dissolved , there can be no Piety . Our Laws oblige you to the 39 Articles ; and They to the Scripture : if such Glosses be put upon them , 't is in vain to expect that any thing can binde , or that the Act of Vniformity can take place : It is much better that such as you were cast out of the Church , then continued in ; and an open enemy were better then such a friend . It concerns the Parlament to look after such Latitudinarians ; and if what your Apologist saith , may take place , That men by no Professions or Subscriptions are obliged further , then not to contradict the Articles of Religion ; all England will soon be Distracted with variety of Opinions , some not crediting half so much as others ; and an Explanation must be made of the Words Assent and Consent . Sir , These Considerations do allay very much the esteem I had for your Piety ; and I ascertain you , that if you will pardon me this time , I will not give you a second cause of that nature for Exceptions . And I am the more resolute herein , because I finde you thus interposing in the behalf of Men whom no Proposals or Supplications of mine have been able to reduce unto a Declaration , concerning those controverted Points in the History : and you are pleased so to interest your self , as to maintain Vntruths concerning them , and to inodiate me most maliciously , who threw my self upon the action without any other expectation then that of Certain Ruine . Had you had any sense of piety ; had the Divine life fixed in a Divine body ( and transcending dry Reason , in the guidance whereof , a Man should either immediatly feel and smell out by an holy sagacity , what is right and true , and what false and perverse ; or at least , he shall use his reason aright to discover it : ) had this swayed in you , My Vndertaking had became Dr. More : But since your Actions are a greater evidence against you , then any specious Words can be for you ; since Mr. Glanvills honour is dearer unto you then Truth , and the Church of England , I do conclude with this advise , that instead of a new Enchiridion Metaphysicum , you would write a retraction of your Printed Works , and leave off to play , as it were , at Boe-peep with Atheism , by defending Christianity with ridiculous Arguments . When the Manichees , those Pythagorick and Cabbalistical Christians did arise and oppose Orthodoxy , even Diocletian did make a Law , Nequis religionem Christianam deterioribus religionibus impugnaret . Sir , Your complyance with this Suggestion , will very much oblige me to be Your humble Servant , Hen. Stubbe . Warwick , Nov. 30. 1670. POSTSCRIPT . Sir TO require the intelligence you give me of the Enchiridion Metaphysicum , and of your gallant performances and Experiments of the Virtuosi , to be discovered there ; shall requite your kindness , with somewhat you may impart from me to your Correspondents . I intend next terme to publish my full Answer to your Ecebolius : & an Appendix containing the Standard of Latine , Eloquence or M. Glanvill's epistle to the Clergy of Sommerset : some papers of M. Henry O●denburgh , the Secretary & Vindicator of the R. S. as also some Letters of Ortuinus a renowned Virtuoso of Germany , whose epistles were written a little before the time that the Royal Society proposed first the transfusion of blood There will be also the Travailes of another Virtuoso , who past over the River Tanais at Mentz , aud in a Gallery saw the twelve Caesars , viz. Julius Caesar , Augustus , Aristides , Themistocles &c. He travail'd with my Lord Arundel to Vienna : and I may as well reckon these for Virtuosi , as THEY doe others for to be inventours , and of the R. S. I have also a Treatise concerning F — and Fi — in agitation , like to my Lord Bacons Historia ventorum : 't wil be of great improvement to experimental Philosophy and Physick ; but some Tryalls in consort I must recommend to your friends , and some experiments about Belching to Dr. More . I have some proposals of imbodying these Meteors of the Microcosme into VEHICLES , and to try if it will give any light for the producing that divine temper of body , which is requisite for a Pythagorean and Cabbalist : oblige me by putting this into your Hint-box . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61893-e810 Pag. 1. Philip. 1. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. Pag. 2. Pag. 2. Pag. 3. Th. Bartholin . Epist. Med. Centur. 4. cap. 92. p. 538. Pag. 72. Edit . 2 d. Pag. 73. Pe : Sachs : Gammarolog . p. 68. a In the Relation of Sachsius they speak of 10 Secretaries , with many other notorious untruths . H. R. S.pag . 94. H. R.S. p. 47. Pag. 4. Pag. 5. Pag. 6. Guicciardin . hist. 1.9 . Carol. Molin . annot . in Deoii Consil . 37. Cajetan . de potest : Papae . supra Concil . c. 27. inde etiam Francise . Victoriae relect . 4. de porest : Papae & Concil : pag. 194. Hottinger : method : legendi hist. Helvet . p. 543. 'T is very observable , That this Pope Adrian sending to the Princes of Germany at the Diet at Noringberg , to suppress Luther , confess'd many abuses in Ecclesiastical Government , and doubled not to give Cheregat his Nuncio instructions to say , In hâc sanctâ sede aliquot jam annis multa abominanda fuisse , which he therefore promised by degrees to redress . Ld Herbert , Hen. viii . anno 1521. Where was now the question of the Popes Infallibility ? The question is most easily demonstrated on my side , by ●●mparing the times of the Council at Pisa , which exalted a Councel above the Pope , in 1512. And the Reformation by Luther , began in 1518. At what time the generality of Germany inclined to refer things to a Council , and not to depend on the Papal Determinations . So did Charles v. hold , and other Princes , as is manifest in the History of the Council of Trent , pag. 683. And Calvin ( not to mention Zwinglius , in 1518. ) appear'd in 1536. 'T is impossible from hence to phansie , that the case was such as is represented out of Cassander , without an unimaginable Metamorphosis in the Divines , which are contradistinct from the Canonists . Ephemeris Parliamentar : in the Preface . Pag. 9. 2 Tim. 3. 15 , 17. Pag. 11. Dicere nescio , est tranquillitas animae meae . Proverb . Persic . L. Warner . Prov. 37. Pag. 12. Pag. 13. G. Billich . Thessal . Chym. c. 10. sect . 108. Quercetan . l. de med . Spagyr . pre . sect . de vegetab . c. 2. Beguinus Tyrocin . Chyml . 1. c. 2. Pag. 13. Pag. 15. Pag. 16. Pag. 17. Defense of the Good old Cause , p. 131 , 132. Notes for div A61893-e12650 pia philosoph . p. 111. 112. Plus ultra p. 7 8. Calen. Method . med . lib. 9. c. 6. & ibid. lib. 6. 2. a Vide Simon . à Tovar de compos . medicam . exam . & Hieron . Mercurial . de compos . medic . Non habemus antiquiorem Firmico , qui Alchymiae mentionem fecerit , Jos. Scalig. ad Manil . l. 4. Sancthr . in prim . Fen. Not the Schooles of Physitians : and t is impertinent for to urge such a demand upon those of Theology , or Logick . The Historian says that the Peripateticks and their Successours have been alwayes wandring in fruitless shades : that their Physicks were utterly useleless for the use of mankind . And M. Glanvil forgets what hee hath written , in talking thus . Quippe praecedere oportet eam quae a verâ Methado proficiscitur , remediorum inventionem ; huic vero experientiam ad certiorem etiam fidem subscribere . Galen . Method . Med. l. 6. c. 2. Ars est habitus cum recta ratione effectivus . A Letter to H. S. in defense of the History , p. 15. This can be but understood of some general debates against the Papists ; for many particular and great controversies as Transubstantiation , Image-worship , imputed rightecusness merits &c. cannot be handled without the aid of the Schooles . Praef. answ . p. 72.73 . ibid. p. 123. This is the usual depariment of several Virtuosi , they declaime in general against the Periteticks , & Notions : & being pressed to instances of their deficiency , they fly to the old Scholastick Theology , or the Aristotelian Physicks , as if our . Universities were so employed as in the days of Sarisburiensis . They crye that Phylosophy doth not fit them for Action : and if you demand what Action , what world they are not thereby prepared for : their reply only is , you cannot learne hence the sophistication of Wines , the art of Dying & such like Mechanick trades . Is not this rationally objected ? Plus ultra . p. 10 . P. 122. Hadrian . Junius Bataviae . c. 17. Ricciolus hydrograph . l. 10. c. 18. sect . 1. id . ibid. perieget . l. 3. c. 21. sect . 10. Gilbertus de Magnete . l. 1. c. 1. Cabeus de magnet . Philos. l. 1. c. 6. Pref. Answ. p. 142. Defense of the Philosoph . Cabbala , p. 186 , 187. Calvin . Pref. ad institut . ad reg . Gall. Hottinger . dissert . Theolog. de signis Eccles . Ibid. P. 150. Prof. Answ. p. 176. Tycho Brahe , lib. 2. de Cometa , Ann. 1577. p. 133. Vel sola inconstantia , quae patet in Scheineri experimentis argumentum est fallaciae . Ricciolus Astronom . l. 1.de sole . c. 12. § 15. P. 161. Pag. 181.190 . I suppose he means OLD FOOL . Notes for div A61893-e21690 Histor. R. S. p. 341. Ibid. p. 63. Agaiust Glanvill . pag. 173. Hist. R. S. pag. 312. a Dr. you never minded what you read in Des Cartes , when you said this : for he mistook even his own Mechanism in his account of Tydes . Divine Dialogues , Part I. Chap. 12. The fond and indiscreet hankering after the impossible pretensions of solving all Phaenomena Mechanically , freely and justly perstringed . Prov. 27.19 . Plus ultra , p. 25. D. Wallis , de motu . p. 1 , 2. Divine Dialogues , p. 1. c. 10. Cavillatio , ut Caius I.C. definit , est subdola , ratio , quam conscii nobis mendacii , vincendi tamen caus● proferimus . Happeruschim Bechinath . p. 63 def . of the Philos . Cabbala . p. 138. ibid. p. 138. ibid. p. 146. Lucas Holsten . de vitâ & Script . Porphyrii . c. 16. Paganin . Gaudent . de philcog . Juliani c. 15. N. B. He holds that Pythagoras , and Empedocles , and Abaris did Miracles . Divine Dialogues . part . I. c. 8. Introduct . to the defense of the Cabbala . p.101 , 102 , 103 , 104. Jac. du Bois in praefat . adu . Wittichium . Desense of the Philosoph . Cabb . p. 138. Id. Ibid. p.138 . Ibid. p. 151. 
A46233	----	An history of the constancy of nature wherein by comparing the latter age with the former, it is maintained that the world doth not decay universally in respect of it self, or the heavens, elements, mixt bodies, meteors, minerals, plants, animals, nor man in his age, stature, strength, or faculties of his minde, as relating to all arts and science / by John Jonston of Poland. Naturae constantia. English Jonstonus, Joannes, 1603-1675. 1657 Approx. 291 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 100 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46233 Wing J1016 ESTC R11015 12330982 ocm 12330982 59673 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46233) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59673) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 189:4) An history of the constancy of nature wherein by comparing the latter age with the former, it is maintained that the world doth not decay universally in respect of it self, or the heavens, elements, mixt bodies, meteors, minerals, plants, animals, nor man in his age, stature, strength, or faculties of his minde, as relating to all arts and science / by John Jonston of Poland. Naturae constantia. English Jonstonus, Joannes, 1603-1675. Rowland, John, M.D. [14], 180, [2] p. Printed for John Streater ..., [London] : 1657. Translation of: Naturae constantia. Translator's dedication signed: John Rouland. Place of publication from BM. Advertisements: [2] p. at end. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN HISTORY OF THE Constancy of Nature . WHEREIN , By comparing the latter Age with the former , it is maintained tha● the World doth not decay universally , in respect of it Self , or the Heavens , Elements , Mixt Bodies , Meteors , Minerals , Plants , Animals , nor Man in his Age , Stature , Strength , or Faculties of his Minde , as relating to all Arts and Science By John Jonston of Poland . Printed for John Streater , and are to be sold by the Booksellers of London , 1657. TO THE Right Worshipfull and much Accomplished Gentleman George Pit , Esquire . Right Wor : I Have for a long time had an earnest ambition to offer something unto you that might be , in part at least , worthy of your self ; and I hope you will make this present to be so , by your gracious acceptance , suffering it to wear your livery : The Author of it was a very learned man , whose works can be no waies prejudiciall to any person of Honour . The subject of this Book is serious , and of great Importance , I fear no objection but that it may not be judged so sutable for your younger thoughts . Yet I presume you wil not be offended with me , that I should conceive such ripenesse and maturity of judgement in you beyond your yeers , as to tender a Book to your patronage , whose subject may deservedly imploy , and stumble too , the apprehensions of the greatest Sages , and learnedst Rabbies of our times : For my own part I never much fancied Poeticall strains , and flashe● of wit , that are commonly bare outsides and make a crackling noise in the world , having no solid matter containd in them . Yet I know such empty vanities can hardly want Patrons ; It were then great pity that such a rare piece as this should fail of a favourable Maecenas . The question here agitated is , Concerning Natures Constancy , ( and not concerning the Inconstancy of vain mens Manners ) which I wish idle brains would seriously reflect upon , viz. whether this age wherein we live , may not afford persons ( for man is the chief thing here considerable as famous for their valour , for skill in all Arts and Sciences , and all other Noble qualities and endowments , as there were in former dayes . The Author who maintains the Affirmative , hath made it good , as I suppose , beyond all exceptions , and therein hath paralleld , and I may say , exceeded by force of Argument , any that have maintained the contrary ; and that to the vindication of his own particular , in this excellent Book of Natures Constancy . True it is , that there were many men formerly of great Honour and Renown in severall Countreys , and men of our daies , are reputed generally to be as Pigmies , compared with those Giantlike Heroes that were before us ; and in some particulars , I think it cannot be defended , but they might surpasse us . Yet in regard we have the benefit of their labours and our own endeavours , we , though dwarfs , standing on their shoulders may see farther than they could . For since the flood , commonly men lived no longer than we do now , and they wanted the help of many things that we enjoy ; God hath been bountifull to every age in some notable discoveries never known before . For even in that very thing that learned Archimedes , is so much magnified for , his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our Age can justly say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we have exceeded him . Martial in his Epigrams complains of such who carped at those that were eminent for Parts , in the times they lived in , and would give them no commendation because they were not Antient. Tu solos laudas mortuos Poetas : Nolo ut tibi placeam , perire . And in another excellent Epigram he states it at large , taxing the malice and envy of detractors , from the then present Age : Esse quid hoc dicam , vivis quod fama negatur , Et sua quod rarus tempora Lector amet ? Haec sunt Invidiae nimirum , Regule , mores : Praeferat antiquos semper ut illa novis . Sic veterem ingrati Pompeii quaerimus umbram , Et laudant Catuli Julia templa senes Ennius est lectus salvo tibi , Roma , Marone . Et sua riserunt secula Maeonidem . Rara Coronato plausêre theatra Menandro : Nôrat Nasonem sola Corinna suum . Vos tamen , ô nostri , ne festinate , libelli : Si post fata venit gloria , non propero . I confesse the noblenesse and admirable worth of Ancestours are as spurs to posterity to set them on upon some Honourable designes , that may make them worthy of their Progenitors ; So Virgil hath it in his Heroick verses . Sis memor , & te animo rep●tentem exempla t●orū . Et pater Aeneas & avuncalus excitet Hector . Yet Ovid clears it , that what they did afore times , will not ennoble us , if we tread not in their steps of Honour and Vertue . Nam genus , & proavos , & quae non fecimus ipsi , Vix en nostra voco , — We may , nay we shall honour our Ancestours the more by endeavouring to go beyond them . For the men of Israel & Judah , had no undervaluing thoughts of posterity ; nor was King David displeased at it , when Solomon was made King , that the people prayed that God would make his Throne greater than the throne of his Father David . Paterculus a singular Historian , seemes to hold the Negative , but that is meant onely , as to the rising and falling of particular Generations , that like to mans life , have their childehood , youth , vigour , and olde age . As Physitians distribute the times of diseases , wherein are to be observed , the beginning , augmentation , state , and declination of them . For even as a man being to go up a hill , first comes to the foot of it & so mounts higher by degrees til he come to the top , and then he must of necessity go down again , as being able to go no higher . So there is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and top-point in all humane affaires , which being once gained , they fall back as far as the low rise they first had . We see this largely verified in severall ages , ( I will not be tedious to rifle Histories to set them down here ) wherein we read , that Learning and Military Arts , and purity of Religion have flourished wonderfully , yet by degrees they have all failed and worne away , and as grosse ignorance and pusillanimity ; blindenesse and superstition have succeeded them , as can be imagined ; like to the seven yeers of famine in Egypt , wherein the seven yeers of plenty were forgotten , as if they had never been . But that this is not so in the generall course of the world , that hath a continued revolution , and circular motion , is cleerly seen in the very change of the yeer ; For spring goes on to summer , summer to Autumn , Autum to Winter , and so comes about again : No spring so good , but , if not the next , yet some yeers following , may present us with the like or better , however the declining Autum , and cold hoary Winters have passed between . I am of opinion that the Author who maintained this Theorem , not as a paradox , but as a reall truth , hath obliged our Age to solemnize his memorie , for giving us this hint to exasperate our endeavours , and for chalking out the way , whereby we may be able to do more than any Age before us . That they should not so much reflect on former times , as to forget that God had reserved somthing for them , if they would not be wanting to themselves . No Hercules Pillars are here set up , with a Non ultra engraved upon them ; but we are to make use of Charles the Fifth his Motto , and go on couragiously with a Plus ultra , adding to what our forefathers shewed themselves honourable in . Give me leave for a cloze to make this application , that as your worthy Ancestours were highly honoured for their vertues , and for being good Patriots to their countrey , so you may have the happinesse to exceed them all , and to raise up Trophies of honor unto posterity , beyond your famous predecessours , improving by your goodness those gifts that God hath bountifully bestowed on you . Which are the cordiall wishes of him who is , Your Worships in all Honourable respects . John Rouland . TO THE Most Illustrious and Noble Lords , D. ANDREAS . D. RAPHAEL . Earls of Les●um , Palatinat , Belzen : D. GEORGE de Konary Slupecky , Castellanidae Lablinensi . My most gratious Lords , Health in all obedience . THough there be nothing almost , Most Illustrious Lords , that doth not defend the Constancy of Nature , yet amongst other arguments , your family may stand in the first place . From the dayes of Dambrowca , that you have made Poland happy , unto this present time , there are as many Senatours of the Kingdom , of your house as you have had Grandfathers , and great Grandfathers in former ages , and all of them of so great vertues , that all vertues seem to be bred in your courts . That there were pios men amongst them , the founding of Monasteries , and their large bounty to the Church can testifie , that they were Magnanimous persons , appears by their laying aside the supreme honours , and undergoing meaner Offices , for the publike good . Your Ancestours far before the Lepidi , have out-run their yeers , by the celerity of their wife actions , and were made Honourable Senatours , at that age that Scipio could not think of being Consul . And why do I speak of former dayes ? Your Grandfather was for this very thing of most famous memory , who so raised Piety and Magnanimity to the height , that were his hereditary vertues , that he hath the name of the Patron of the True Religion , and seems to be an example of most prudent Oratory . To say no more , the most Illustrious Lord your Father lives , and I wish he might live alwaies , of whom so many & so great things may be said , that the slendernes of my wit cannot comprehend , nor my low style expresse . The Church calls him , her nursing Father and Delight : The Senate their Eye , the Nobility , the light of the common wealth , the Muses their Patron ; and to say what I would in brief ; Men think that in his brest is bred , whatever vertue and prudence can be bred in any Noble person . But most Illustrious Lords , what shall I say of you and your two brothers ? I look upon your Illustrious and most Noble Mother , descended from the Lesznii , and the Dukes of Sanguscii , and you proceeding from ●n honourable Seminary of vertues , do shew forth some flowers in the spring of your youth ●or the good of the Church and the Common wealth , and there is no doubt but fruit will follow in the Autum of your yeers . Most Illustrious Lord Slupeck , I have no need to say much of you , and your most noble family . The Kingdom of Poland knows the worth of it , and posterity shall thankfully remember your most Honourable Father . And you whilst ●ll your designes are Honourable , and engraf●ed into the Family of the Lesznii , what may be ●aid of that family you justly seem to partake of it . It is yet in your power to preserv a golden ●ge in the Church and State : and being so , most ●llustrious Lords , This work of the Constancy of Nature , doth of right belong unto you , and being I am come into the patronage of your Noble family , it is my duty to offer it unto you , whatever it is . Wherefore I lay it at your feet , and I beseech you to pardon any weaknesse in its mean dresse . No man was ever unblamed to be wiser than his mean condition would suffer him ; and no man lost his ●abour that offered , though it were a mean gift to the Gods. Farewell , most Illustrious Lords ; and proceed and continue long to do good for God , for your Country , and noble families ; and to shew favour unto me , that am most addicted to your Honours . From Leiden in Holland , November : 1632. The most bounden to your most Illustrious Honours JOHN JONSTON . I am of the number of those that admire the Antients , yet I do not , as some do , despise our own dayes . For nature is not grown so barren as to bring forth nothing new , worth commendation . Pliny L. 6. Ep. 21. And as Tacitus saith . There is a kinde of Circle in all things , as the Ages for manners turn about ; all things were not better in former times , but our Times have produced some things worthy to be commended , and arts worthy imitation for posterity , Annal. The Table . The Prologue . IT is false that the world universally and perpetually doth grow worse . Page 1 Proposition . I. The world in respect of it self doth not alwaies run to worse . pag. 6. Proposition . II. The world in respect of Heaven doth not grow worse perpetually . pag. 10 Proposition . III. The world in respect of the Elements doth not grow to be worse . pag. 18 Article . I. The Elements in generally do not grow worse . pag. 18 Article . II. The Element of the Air is deficient in nothing . pag. 21 Article . III. The Element of Water is decayed in nothing . pag. 26 Article . IIII. The Elements of Earth hath said in nothing . pag. 28 Proposition . IV. The world , in respect of mixt bodies , both inanimate , ●nd animate creatures without reason , doth not grow worse . pag. 31 Article . I. From Meteors it cannot be proved that the world growes worse . pag. 32 Article . II. Mineralls have not failed . pag. 37 Article . III. Neither Plants nor Animals have decayed at all . pag. 39 Proposition . V. The World in respect of Man doth not grow worse . pag. 41 Article . I. The age of Man within these 3000 yeers hath not failed . pag. 42 Article . II. Mans stature and strength , within the ●eers , are not decayed . pag. 52 Article . III. Nothing is wanting to Faculties of th● minde . pag. 6● The first branch . Memory and Judgement have not failed . pag. 6● Part. II. There is nothing decayed in the three Fa●culties , Divinity , Law , or Physick . pag. 7● Part. III. Nothing is wanting in speculative Phi●●osophy . pag. 8● Part. IV. Nothing is wanting in practicall Phi●●osophy and History . pag. 8● Part. V. Nothing wans in Tongues and Arts. pag. 9● Part. VI. Mechanick Arts and skill in Navigation have increased . pag. 10● Part. VII . Vices were as great formerly , as they ar● now . pag. 17● Point . I. The Religion of the Antients was too sottish p. 11● Part. II. There were many wicked Lawes among th● Antients . pag. 12● Part. III. The cruelty of the Roman people wa● extream . pag. 12● Part. IV. The covetousnesse of the people Rome wa● exceeding great . pag. 13● Part. V. Infinite was the Luxury of the Romans fo● Venery and Drinking . pag. 14● Point . VI. The Gluttony of the Romam●s in mea● was extrordinary . pag. 14● Point . VII . The Luxvry of the Romans in the●● Buildings was extream . pag. 15● Point . VIII . The Luxury of Romanes in their garments was extream . pag. 16● Point . IX . The Justice , Fortitude , and Prudence o● the Romanes was nothing . pag. 16● Point . X. And the last , It is probable as some thin● that the Church shall be in greater glory upon the earth yet , than ever it was before . pag. 17● FINIS . John Johnstons CONSTANCY OF Nature : A Generall Thesis . It is false that the world universally and perpetually doth grow to be worse . The Prologue . REader , it is the common opinion , and is in every mans mouth , that this world , and all things therein contained , do run towards their end , by a universall and perpetuall declining to worse and worse ; and that there is nothing now in being , or can fall out , that may , I say not be prefer'd , but be compared to the dayes of our Forefathers . That neither the uniformity of the Heavens , is the same as it was of elder times , nor the fruitfulnesse of the Earth , nor the same vigour is in Plants and Animals , nor is the statute or age of man so strong . The excellencies of Arts , are , by reason of the worlds growing old , exhausted , and can do but little that is wonderfull , and but in few things . Astraea is gone to the gods , & there is no man , in common society , that may be compared with Aristides or Socrates ; in Policie with the Fabii , Scipio's , or Marcelli ; in Houshold Government , with Aeneas , the wives of the Myniae , Manlius , or Junius ; in the Church , with Ambrose , Hierome , Augustine : In the Schools , with Aristotle , Demosthenes , Cicero , Galen . In brief , All things run downward , and they come not back again . But how true these things are reported , I leave it to every cordial man to consider , in the fear of the Lord. As for my own part , and what concerns those that I follow , I see that hereby the Majesty of God is dishonoured , the commendable indeavours of Men are hindered . For if the supreme God will not have it , that his Name should be honoured with as much reverence , as it was formerly done , why then doth he require so much at our hand ? And if he will , wherefore doth he not bestow on us as great gifts , as he did on our predecessours . It cannot stand with his Omnipotency , that the treasure of his power should be exhausted . As for mans Industry , this is certain , that a preconceived distrust , will be able to do as much , as Imagination can in women great with childe , that sets marks upon Infants ; or the conceits of Melancholy people , which being strongly printed in their minde , can torment them sometimes for many yeers , and sometimes bring them to their ends . This matter is confirmed not onely by the example of Franciscus , Marquiss of Saluzzium , who being bewitched by the predictions that were written in favor of Charles the fifth , degenerated from Francis the first , from whom he received his Marquisdom ; but also , all those Learned Worthies ( I say nothing of others who make such a pretence for their idlenesse , or ignorance ) who think they can bring nothing into the Exchequer of Learning , because they think they can say nothing which hath not been already said . Wherefore Quintilian speaks the truth ; If men had thought thus , that no man could exceed him that was the best , they that are so , had never been the best . Lest therefore the truth should be in captivity , the Majesty of God dishonoured , and the indeavours of men , and from thence their commoditie , should be shut up in prison ; I having borrowed matter , especially from a large Treatise written in English , by that reverend man , D. George Hackwil , S S T. D. concerning this Thesis , yet preserving my own meaning , I thought fit to bring to publike view the principal things that are objected against it , and to communicate the same with the learned world . But while I deny that the world doth universally and perpetually run to worse and worse ; I understand by the world , the whole compasse of the Heavens and the Earth , and I mean an universall ruine to worse and worse , in respect of all bodies therein contained ; and I intend a perpetuall decaying , in respect of the duration from the beginning unto the end ; So that the meaning will be this , That this Frame of Heaven and Earth with all bodies therein comprehended , by succession of time running along from the first to the last , doth not by nature slide and run to worse and worse . Yet I grant that the Elements are changed one into another , that mixt bodies are subject to alteration and diminution , that the earth hath lost something by the Fall , and the Flood ; That the Manners of men and Arts do vary ; That there is difference in the length of mens lives ; And that sometimes some Arts are lost , But because . All things but for time adjourn , And what 's past , joyes to return , Nor is there made any thing , But the end and beginning , Touch each other in a ring . I think it can make nothing against the universall Ruine of the World. There is a notable recompence in the Element's fourfould qualities , which they dispense with most equall and just rules , according to their turns . The Sea hath formerly taken away some Islands , and we read in Histories of some new ones come up in their rooms . God hath made Fruitfulnesse , or Barrennesse , neither in all places certain , nor yet perpetually . They are the words of Barclay , Those lands that were most fruitfull in former times , are now barren wildernesses , and dry sands ; and those countries that were once extream cold and unfruitfull , are not now onely fit to bear corn , but abound with those things that are for delight . Formerly Ireland was a Mart for the Muses , now , unlesse it were adorned by that one usher , and some other Stars , we should esteem it to be almost a Barbarous place . Greece was formerly the famous place for Wisdom , now it is despised for its idlenesse and ignorance . So all ages have their Genius , that directs the minds of mortall men to certain studies : some ages are chiefly exercised in Wars , then again all things are peaceable ; then people are in love with Kingdoms , then with Common-Wealths ; sometime they are all born as it were Barbarous , then again they grow more milde , and more easie of conditions ; and then again after some ages they return to their first blockishnesse . So the world hath often been adorned with the refined manners of Men ; and afterwards , Industry failing , vanisheth as it were in a cloud . Moreover , there are times in all Countreys , wherein men live either longer or shorter ; longer , most commonly when the times are Barbarous , and the Diet more plain , and more given to bodily exercise ; shorter , when they are more civill , and there is more Luxury and idlenesse ; but these things have their turns , &c. And this is our opinion : But since the world is considered either in sprect of it self , or in respect of its parts in speciall , and these do contain more bodies under them , there must be many Propositions set down in clearing this Thesis ; and these are the propositions that seem to me , to appertain thereunto . I. That the world in respect of the whole , doth not alwaies grow worse . II. Nor in regard of the Heavens . III. Nor in regard of the Elements . IV. Nor in regard of mixt bodies both Inanimate , and Animate without reason . V. Nor in regard of Man. Wherefore our discourse shal be employed in the refutation of the contrary , and confirmation of these propositions ; And thou , Christian Reader , read this without prejudice , and consider with judgement . Proposition I. The world in respect of it self doth not alwaies run to worse . THis is most true . For the Wisdome of Solomon saith , that the Spirit of the Lord fills the whole world ; That which the Platonists calls the Soul of the world , is nothing else but the power of God , that manifests it self no lesse in preserving the Frame of the Universe , than it did in creating it . Whence saith Justin Martyr , As that which is , had never been , unlesse he had commanded , Let it be made : So would it not continue , unlesse He had given order to those things that do not perish , that they should alwaies abide ; and to those things that come and goe , that they should alwaies increase and multiply . And Learned men in Schools , compare the dependance of things Created upon the Creatour , partly to Light , which is extinguished in the Ayre , by the Suns absence , partly to a Vessel that contains the water within it , partly to a Print made in Water . II. There are two principles that constitute naturall bodies ; Namely , matter and form . That , because it is not generated , it is not corrupted ; for it is without any contrariety , and therefore cannot naturally be destroyed : but the nature of This , is , that when one departs an other succeeds in the same matter . — Nothing born can die , But all things successively , Are changed but formally . Nor can it be otherwise in Nature ; For it intends no annihilation , nor can she do that more than she can create ; nor where there is any augmentation , can any diminution happen . III. But should we grant that some parts of the world do alwaies decrease ; other parts thereupon will increase , or else diminution or annihilation must follow , and if this be granted , an incredible disproportion will fall out between them ▪ and an infallible ruine must come upon that . And then for some thousands of yeers the Influence of the Heavens had faild , and transmutation of Elements , and forces in mixt bodies . But Solomon saith expresly , that there is a Circular motion in things , and as a Poet writes . The Sun sets in the West , But he there takes no rest . To rise he doth his best . So we must judge of all other things . IV. Lastly , by the rule of proportion it were an easie matter to foretell the day and the hour when it shall end . But that is false by the Testimony of Scripture , and of Christ himself : and divers men diversly define the Age of the world . Liboravius , makes it 1666. Ros●●nus , 1656. Cusanus , 1700. or at least the space , that precedes the yeer 1734. Copernicus is of an other minde . Upon Napere , Baron of March , a Mathematitian , that was second to none , Owen makes this sporting Epigram . Ninety two yeers , this world must last you say , It seems to set the bounds : you are full wise . For had you set them at a shorter day , You might have liv'd to shame , for forging lyes . But it is objected , that Esdras , the Apostle , and Cyprian a Martyr , did intimate the decaying of things , and confirme that Principle , Every thing the more it is removed from its beginning , the more it faints and fails . It is true , and in expresse words in Esdras . Consider also that you are of lesse stature than those that were before you , and those that shall come after you , will be lesse then you are , for that the Creatures now grow old , and are past the strength of their youth . It is certain , that the Apostle writes , That the world is subject to vanity , and that it shall be freed from the bondage of corruption , into the liberty of the glory of the sons of God. We cannot deny but these are Cyprians words , You must know in the first place , that the world is now grown old , that it stands not so strongly as it did stand , nor is it so vigorous as formerly it was , &c. In Winter , there is no such plenty of showers to nourish the seed , nor in Summer is the Sun so beneficiall to ripen the corn ; Nor are plants in the Spring so prosperous by reason of temperate weather ; nor are Trees so fruitful with fruit in Autumn . There are fewer Marble stones dug forth of the Mountains that are worn out ; they afford lesse quantity of Silver and Gold ; Metals are exhausted , and the slender Veines daily grow lesse and decrease . The Husbandman failes in the Fields , Concord in friendship , skilfulnesse in Arts , Discipline in Manners , &c. All these things are true , yet this is most certain , that our Tenent is nothing weakned by this , nor is the contrary any whit confirmed . First of all that Book of Esdras hath nothing but a false Title , and is most injurious . What we found in the sixth Chapter are mere Fables , concerning Behemoth and Leviathan ; and that is false that is spoken of the consummation of the world . The Apostle onely ●ntimates the impuritie and deformity that the Creature contracted by the fall of Man , and also the declining of Individuals , and the hastening of the species to a totall and finall dissolution by Fire ; Lastly , the abuse of them , with the dishonour of the Creatour , joyned with the wrong done to his servants , which are the things he complains of . It is no wonder also that Cyprian writ such things . The times were then so bitter by reason of Wars , Famine and Pestilence , that the Christians of that age expected the end of the world to be at hand , & Graserus writ that the opening of the second and third Seal hapned in that time . But a few yeers after , that lamentation was turned into joy . For not only under Galienus , otherwise a most cruel Persec●tour , was peace restored by an Edict sent forth to the Churches ; but also under Constantine was that Woman in the Apocalyps brought back into the clear light , which Nero had driven into the Desert , and which had lain hidden there for a Time , Times , and Half a time , or 245. yeers . But also unto this , may be opposed the Disciple of Saint Augustine , Orosius , whose words are these . Let them remember with me the times of their Ancestors , that were most unquiet by reason of Wars , most hainous for wickednes , most foul for dissentions , most miserable for a long continuance , which they may deservedly be afraid of , because they were , and they have need to beg that they may be no more ; to beg that of God onely , who then suffered his secret Judgements to break forth , and now his Mercies are manifest by removing them . And that that Axiome is false , appears not only by the state of things , but also by the effusion of the grace of God by the Incarnation of Christ , in the yeer 3947. But that it must be understood of violent motion , is without all doubt . Proposition II. The world in respect of Heaven doth not grow worse perpetually . IF such a declining of things to worse should befall the Heavens , it should either befall the Substance of it , or the Motion , or the Light , or the Heat , or the Influence . But it falls upon none of these . Not the substance ; For though it be granted , that the first matter of the Heavens , and of the Elements be the same , and that both in respect of want of action in them both , and for the needlesse bringing in of two matters . Yet , that matter is joyned to such a form , that satisfieth the whole desire thereof , nor hath it any contrary , whereby it may become subject to any corruption , and though it be subject to corruption , ( which is the truth ) as we finde it in the Psalme , and thence Generation would follow , because that there appeared new Stars , one in Cassiopea in the yeer 1572. which lasted two yeers : and again , another in the brest of the Hen , Anno ▪ 1600. which is yet to be seen , and in 1604. one appeared in the Sphere of Saturn : Yet this would make no more against our opinion , than the corruption of mixt bodies made of Elements , can make . Not the Motion ; For we see , if we were minded to follow the Common opinion , that not onely the Primum Mobile , by an Eternall decree goes about from East to West , but the Planets keep their courses as they are Calculated by our Ancestours , and when for certain yeers they have wandered in their Latitudes , they will without doubt passe in the same tarces as they went before . The Sun that runs with Fire hot , The cold Moon 's motion hindereth not ▪ Nor doth the Pole Star ever drench Her flames within the Sea to quench , Though others do , and Vesper bright At certain times foreshwes darke Night , But Lucifer brings back the Light. Of Saturn the Planet we may say as truly now as Cicero writ of it formerly . The Star of Saturne in its motion , effecting many things admirable , both anteceding and retarding , and by lying hid in the Evening , and shewing it self again , in the Morning , yet this makes no change in the large length of Time , but in the same time it wil● do the same again . And should we maintain that the course of the Starres were changed , how then could Mathematicians foretell the yeer , day , hour , nay the very instant of Oppositions , and Conjunctions , and Ecclipses , so many yeers before . Lactantius concluded from thence that the Stars are no Gods , because they cannot alter or exceed their bounds or usuall Motions . For were they Gods they might wander here and there at pleasure , without any necessity , as living Creatures do upon the earth , who because their w●lls are free , they go up and down where they please , and as their mindes lead them , thither they go . And Plutarch wondering at this uniformity , Such a great magnitude of things ( saith he ) such disposing of them , such a constancie in observing times and orders , could not either formerly be made without a Provident Artificer ; or remain so many ages , without a Potent Inhabitant ; or be governed for ever , without a Knowing and Skillfull Ruler , as Reason it self declares it . And if we would hold that the Heaven's standing still , is agreeable to the Scriptures , and to the opinions of the Antient Fathers , and should we assert that the Starres onely are mooved by their proper Motions , and that they are in the heavens no otherwise than living Creatures are upon the Earth , Fishes in the Water , and birds in the Ayre ; yet would the matter be the same . Not the light . For as at first the waters were dispersed over the Face of the Earth : So was the Light through the Firmament . And as the waters were gathered together into one heap ; so was the Light bound up in one body : & as that was called the Sea , so this was called the Sun. As therefore the Sea loseth nothing , though it water the Earth with innumerable Rivers ; so the Sun loseth nothing by communicating of his Light. And if it be true , that at Padua tow Pitchers were dug up , inclosed in one , which Olybius Maximus dedicated to Plato , for they were full of a liquor wherein a Light then burning , was preserved ▪ for many ages . And if that be not false also , that is written of another Candle that was found burning in the Sepulchre of Tullia , what should we doubt of the Heavenly Light ? Especially seeing that the Father , according the opinion of those who hold the Soul to be extraduce , loseth nothing of his own Soul , when he communicateth a Soul to his Childe , but it is as Light borrowed from Light. As for the question concerning Heat , this doth of it self belong to the stars ; yet God hath given this unto them , that they may be the cause of it , in things capable of heat . That they do it not by Motion , is confirmed by the Suns standing still in Joshua's dayes , and the temper of the middle Region of the Ayre , that declines unto cold : but by their light , the beams whereof , if they fall Perpendicular , if they be reverberated , then is it stronger , and this is almost a certainty . For the Summer , and Winter Temperament of the Ayre , and the effects of the artificiall Glasses of Archimedes and of Proclus , seem to confirm as much . When therefore we shew that the Light is not diminished , every man may easily know , what to think of the Heat . We need not much troouble our selves concerning the Influence . For if the substance remains Entire , how can these Operations ceose , that flow from the forme ? We may for maintaining of our Theses otherwise , produce that which Langi● hath written . I do not see , saith he , how any Ma● can exactly calculate any Mans Nativity , seeing tha● the Starres are hurried so violently about , day and night , so that the least moments of time will produc● mighty changes , Which hardly any man can comprehend in his very thoughts . Reginald Pool pleaseth me well , who answers thus to one , who promised him great Honours , from the Scheme of his Nativity . Whatsoever is pretended in me , by my naturall generation , is changed , and restrained by a supernaturall Generation made by the Blood of my Saviour . But you will object to the contrary , that in former times the Torrid Zone was unhabitable , that the Sun is now neerer to the Earth , and not so far remote toward either Pole : and lastly , that the Pole Starre in the Tail of Ursa Minor , is neerer to the Pole ; and therefore the Heavens are deficient . It is so ; For there are many that now live under the Torrid Zone , and there is Merchandise for multitudes of commodities , from hence thither ; Bodinus reports out of Copernicus , Rainoldus , Stadius , and others , that the Sun is now more neer to the earth , by 136. Semidiameters , or 26600. miles , and Philippus Melancthon thought , that ought to be referred to the wasting condition of the earthly and heavenly bodies . It is the common opinion of Astronomers , that the Sun in Winter is not so far from us toward the South , as he was in the dayes of Ptolomie , and Hipparchus ; and not so neer toward the North in summer . For Ptolomie about the yeer of Christ , 140. discovered the greatest declination of the Sun , from the Equinoctiall Line , toward either of the Poles , to be 23 , degrees , 51. minutes , 20. seconds , and because he found that account to agree with the observations of Hipparchus who lived 130. yeers before Christ , and of Eratosthenes , who preceded him , he thence concluded that the Suns greatest declination was immutable . But in the yeer of Christ ; one thousand four hundred and thirty , the most learned Astronomers of the Arabians , found the same declination to be but 23. degrees 35. minuts . To whom Albategnius subscribed , who lived in the yeer , 880. But in the yeer 1070 , Arzachel an Ethiopian born in Spain , took the greatest Declination , which he found to be 23 degrees , 33 minutes , 30 seconds ; and that he might salve the differences of observations , he invented a new Hypothesis . Copernicus afterward , following him , in the yeer 1520. concluded that the Suns greatest declination was mutable , yet never greater then 23 degrees , 52 minutes , nor lesse than 23 degrees , 28 minutes , and he taught us that in the space of 1 thousand , seven hundred and seventy yeers , the Sun would passe from the former to the latter ; and again , in so much space of time , the Sun would go back again , from the latter to the former . Therefore out of this Hypothesis of Copernicus , about 65 yeers before the birth of Christ , the greatest declination of the Sun was 23 degrees , 52 minutes , from which time , calculating backward , it hath ever grown lesse and lesse , untill about 1782. yeers before Christ , the greatest Declination 〈◊〉 but 23 degrees , 28 minutes , and from that , counting backward again as before , it increased , untill in the yeer , 3499 before Christ , it grew to be 23 degrees , 52 Minutes . Lastly , Molineus writes of the Pole Star , in the Tayle of Ursa Minor , that in the Days of Hipparchus , it was 12 degrees distant from the Pole of the World , and now a dayes it is hardly four degrees from it , and he supposeth , that when it shall come to stand in the Poles place , ( which may be within 500 or 600 yeers , ) the period shall be , which God hath set to Nature . I willingly grant all these things , yet I see not what inconvenie●ce will happen to our cause thereby . Since they , that are of a faction against this , do defend a universall declining , they must also of necessity say , that the cold zones by the cold being increased , are become inhabitable , and that the forces of men are so worn , that they can by no means endure it . The suns neerernesse to us , is either founded upon false principles , or the Suns declination is uncertain and changeable . For Ptolomie about the yeer of Christ , 140 placeth the distance of the Sun from the Earth , in 1210 Semidiameters of the Earth , but Albategnius , about the yeer 880 found it to be 1146 Semidiameters . Copernicus about the yeer 1520 found it to be 1179. Tycho Brahe , about the yeer , 1600 calculated it to be 1182 Diameters . But La●sburgius , Keplerus , and others , suppose the Sun is distant from the Earth 3000 Semidiameters . Scaliger holds that opinion to be so absurd , that he breaks forth into these words . That which some have been bold to write , that the body of the Sun is not far more neer than it was written to be by our Ancestours , so that it may seem to have changed its place , in the body of the deferent Orb ; their very writings ought to be wiped out with Spunges , or themselves whipt with rods . As for the Suns coming neerer to the South , or to the North , the most learned , Doctor Banbridge , Astromonie Reader in the famous university of Oxford , thinks that the Suns Declination is immutable , and that the difference of some minutes , between us and Ptolomie , might arise from some errour amongst the Antients in their Observations , whence it will follow that the Sun is not farther removed toward the South , nor is he come neerer to the North. Yet however , if we should grant that there were a mutability , it would follow , that as the Sun was 65 yeers before Christ , farther off toward the South , than it is now ; so in the yeers that went before those yeers it was not farther off . And when that the greatest Declination is at the highest , the Sun in winter wil be farther toward the South , and neerer in summer toward the North ; But when it is at the lowest , it will be all contrary . Lastly , if any inconvenience may fall upon us thereby , that is recompensed by the convenience , that befalls them that live toward the South , and so nothing can be collected thence , for to prove an universall falling of the World from worse to worse . The opinion of that Rare man is grounded on a weak foundation , for the Pole Star wil never remove to be in place of the Pole of the world , or be so straightned that it cannot proceed forward . I grant indeed that after 50 yeers are gone , it will be very neer to it , but it will go back again , and it will become more Northerly , as it is now Southerly , and this seems to be most certain ; and if the comming neer , or going farther off from the Pole , by other Stars , do not shew the end of the world , what reason will perswade us that this Star should shew it ? Proposition III. The world , in respect of the Elements , doth not grow to be worse . BEing that the Elements may be considered in generall , or in speciall ; that this Article may be more exactly demonstrated , four other Articles seem to belong unto it . I. That the world in respect of the Elements in general doth not grow worse . II. Not in respect of the Ayre . III. Not in respect of the Water . IV. Not in respect of the Earth . We shall therefore shew all these in their order . The First Article . The Elements in generall do not grow worse . FOr if the Elements considered in generall , should universally and perpetually grow worse , they should decay , either in respect of Number , or Qualities , or Proportion , or Transmutation . But it is not so in any of these . What concerns their number ; The common opinion is , that there are four , but Three is the truth : for the Fire is but the supronie part of the purer Air , that is more subtile , hot , and free from exhalations . For since the Scripture doth no where speak of Fire , no not in Genesis where things created are described , why should we maintain it ? And if that solid Element of Fire , should differ in subtility and thinnesse , from the Sky , or the uppermost part of the Air , a new refraction of the Stars must needs follow , by reason of the Fire , and we should be ignorant of their true places , which is false . Moreover , Nature in the chiefest things hath observed the number of Three . For to say nothing of the supernaturall Mystery of the Trinity ; there is a Trinity in Mans Sex , the male , the Female , and the Hermaphrodite : there are three first principles of naturall things , as Matter , Form , and Privation : also there are three sensible principles , Salt , Brimstone , and Mercury . There are three principall parts in Man , and three kind of spirits ; the Animall , Vitall , and Naturall : as also they have three Channels , or Vessels , namely , the Nerves , Arteries , and Veins . There are three humours in the Blood , as there are in Milk. The Buttery part of Milk resembles the Air , and so doth the Cholerick part of the blood . The wheyish part of the Milk , and the serene part of the Blood , resembles the Water . And the Crudly part of Milk resembles the Earth , as doth the grosser Choler of the Blood , Every man knows that this number is found now adays ; and in respect of the qualities , the Earth is now the driest Element , the coldest and the heaviest . The Air is the hottest moistest and lightest . The Water is cold and moist . Aristotle makes the proportion between the Elements to be Ten Degrees : but it is not so . For the Circumference of the Earth is 5400. miles , therefore the diameter is 1718 , the Semidiameter is 859 , or 860 , which are chosen for to facilitate the account . Moreover there are many emptie places of the Earth that are without Water , and where Seas are , the Earth is under the Water , so that the depth of the Sea , as is gathered by the observations of the most skilfull Mariners , in many places scarce amounts to 80 , or a 100 pases , more seldome to two or 300 pases , and most seldom to 500 pases , but seldom or never to a 1000 pases , and that is but the fourth part of a Germane mile : and if this be compared with the Diameter or depths of the Earth , it is as the height of a drop of sweat , compared with the whole body . Moreover , experience shews , that Air will be made of a few drops of water , that is by many degrees more than they . And who can deny , but that this proportion holds even at this day ? As for their transmutation : There is a notable compensation of the four fold forces in the Elements , dispensing their courses by equal rules , and bounds ▪ For , as the Circle of the yeer is distinguished by four quarters , one quarter succeeding after an other , and by the same Circuit , untill the same time return again ; in like manner the Elements of the world succeeding one the other in their courses , are changed , and you would say it were incredible : When they seem to die , they are made immortall , running the same race again , and again , and passing daily up and down the same way . For from the earth begins a rising way , which melting is changed into water , then the water evaporates into Air , the Air is rarefied til it he Fire , & another declining way tends downward from the top ; the Fire being put out sinks down into Air , and the Air becomes thick , and turns to Water , and the moysture of the Water becomes grosse till it be Earth . True it is they are not otherwise mingled , than as Islanders are with those that Traffick with them ; yet this cannot be denied , but it is done for the great good of the Universe . For pure water were unfit to drink , the Earth would afford no moysture for Corn , and we could not breathe in the Air. Hence Saint Augustine . The Air on the top of Olympus , is reported to be so thin , that it cannot nourish Birds , nor yet Men that happen to go up thither , can be nourished with the Spirit of a grosser Air , as they are wout to be , and is requisite for their nutriment . Article . II. The Element of the Air is deficient in nothing . IF the Aire had failed in any thing , it had faild in its temper . But if we credit Historians , in former times the drinesse of the Air was greater , and the Infection of it more Pestilentiall : Chronicles write , that in the yeer 1234 , the Winter was so Cold , that in the Adriatick Sea , the Venetian Factours passed over the Ice , loaded with their Money . Zona●us reports , that the like accident fell out in the Pontick sea , and the Sea adjoyning , under Constantinus Copronymus . In the dayes of Charles the great , there was a great and most bitter Frost , whereby the Pontick Sea for a hundred Miles Eastward was turned to Ice , and was from top to the bottom , 50 Cubits thick . In the yeer 1125 , the Winter was so violent , that innumerable Eels in Brabant , by reason of the ice , went forth of the lake , which is strange , and got into Hay Ricks , and lay hid there , till by extream cold they rotted away , ( Robertus De Monte ) . And the Trees at last scarce had any leaves put forth in May. But to speak of the drinesse , I read in Livie , that in the yeer after Rome was built 322 , that the rain from Heaven , not onely failed , but the Earth also wanted her inbred moysture , and had hardly enough to serve for the perpetuall Rivers . And where Fountains and Rivers were dried up , and Water failed , the Cattell died for thirst . In the yeer 1153 ▪ the Wood took fire , by extreame heat of the weather , and the fat earth burned , and no rain could Extinguish it . The Germane Annals report , that in the yeer 1228 , the Air was so hot , that the harvest was ended , ( to use their own words ) before the Feast of Saint John Baptist. In the yeer 1473 , the Wood in Bohemia burnt 18 weeks , and the Danow was so dry , that in many places it was Fordable , and the same thing is written of the River of the Thames in , the Reign of Henry the First . But in the yeer 1494 in the end of July , the Lakes and Waters were so bound up with Ice , that all the Fish died for want of water . You may adde to this , what Tacitus writes of Armenia , That the Winter fell out so cruell , that the ground was so covered with Jce , that without they dug , they could find no place for their Tents . Many mens Limbs were scorched with extremitie of cold , and some upon their Watch were found dead . And there was a Souldier observed , who carried a bundle of wood , whose hands were so frozen , that they clave fast to the wood , and fell off from his arms that were thus maymed . As concerning the Pestilent infection of the air , it was once so great in Greece ( as Thucydides observes ) that Birds fell down with the infection , and birds of prey would not touch the carkases . In the government of Vibius Gallus and Volutianus , as Pomponius Laetus , and Zonara testifie , the plague continued without intermission fifteen yeers , and at Alexandria no house was clear , and those that remained were not more than there were old men in former dayes . Lipsius saith , He never read of a greater plague , for continuance , in any part of the Earth . In Justinians dayes , at Constantinople , sometimes , 10000 have died . In Numidia sometimes , as Orosius reports , 800000 ; In the time of Petrarch at Florence , between March and July , a hundred thousand died . And it was so violent in Italy , that of a thousand men , scarce ren remained , In the yeer 1348 the Plague destroyed so many at London in twelve Moneths , that in one Church yard 50000 were buried . Between January and July , there died 57374 , What shall I say of the English Sweat , which thrice passed over the whole Island ; the last was in the yeer 1551. Nor must we think that the Pox is now more violent than it was formerly , This very disease , saith Fracastorius , will dy and be extinct , and again it will revive in our Posterity , as it is credible it was seen by our Ancestours , of which there are no small tokens yet remaining . But as for the Scurvey , ( which is nothing else than a Melancholique and Malignant Cachexie of the body ) and some suppose it to be proper to the inhabitants of the North , and the Sea Coast , It proceeds from obstruction of the Milt , by Melancholique dregs corrupted by some secret malignant quality , with weaknesse of the Attractive , and the expulsive faculties , and is not without some great hurt of the rest of the bowels of the belly : whence ariseth an itchy rednesse of the gums , flagging , corruption and stinking , falling out of the teeth , or weaknesse of the Legs , resolution , wannesse , and exceeding wearinesse , from a very small cause . That the Ancients were ignorant of this , is most false . For Hippocrates , as Langius writes , doth describe it under the name of the ●liac passion , or Volvulus Haematites , in lib. de intern . affssect and also under great milts , in the same book . And lib. 2. Prorrhetic , he confirms it . Galen in lib. Definit , describes the Scurvie : That it is a kinde of Palsie , that if men be affected with it , they cannot walk straight forward , but sometimes they reel from the right hand to the left , and they bring about their left foot against their right , and they are forced to knock their right foot against their left , and when they go forward ●hey lift up their leg . Some again out of Galen would call it the Black Morphew ; But true 〈◊〉 is , that a great Plague , this time ten yeers , spread in England , Italie , France , and other places : but what doth this make for a universall declining of Air to a worse condition ? The violence of Fires underground seem to have respect to this , which were very raging in former times , as we know for certain . When Titus Vespasian , and Flavius Domitian , were Consuls , the Mountain Vesuvius in Campania burned , and first breaking up the top of it , it cast forth stones , after such vast flames , that it set two towns on fire , Herculaneum & Pompeys towns ; and the smoke was so thick , that it obscured the Suns light . Lastly , it sent forth such abundance of Ashes , that they covered the neighbour countrey , as if they were snow , which by the force of the winds were said to be carried into Egypt , Africa , and Syria . The City Julianum , they are the words of the most prudent Historian , being joyned to us , was afflicted with an unexpected mischief . For fires breaking forth of the Earth , laid bold of Farms , Fields ; Villages , in many places , and they flew to the very walls of Col●n , newly built , nor could they be extinguished by the falling of rain , or by river waters , or any other moysture ; untill for want of remedy , and for anger at the losse , some countrey men did cast stones on a far off , and as the flames gave way , they went neerer , and with strokes of clubs , and other things , they frighted them away as men do wilde beasts : Last of all , they took off their clothes from their bodies , and threw upon them ; the worse they were and defiled with wearing , the better they served to put out the Fire . That also was wonderfull that fell out in the Kingdom of Naples neer to Puteoli , in the yeer 1538 , the 29 of September . The Sea retreated 200 paces , and a Mountain at two of the clock , at night , riss up , with a huge noise , and casting forth of burning stones , and with such a belching forth of ashes , that not onely almost all the houses were thrown down , but also the famous hot Baths at Tripergula . The mighty Fires of Aetna , and of some other Mountains in India , are to be seen in my Book of the * Wonders of Nature . Let every man consider whether the like hath hapned in latter times . Concerning that which is newly written of the mountain of Coles in the Countrey of Misena , or of Modernus in Italy , that Agricola speaks of ; or that which is written of Hecla by Bleshaenius , or of S. Michaels Island , which is one of the Azores , seems not to be compared with them . Article III. The Element of water is decayed in nothing . WEe see at this day a threefold tide ; a daily , monethly , and yeerly Tide , that Posidonius ascribes to the Sea. That it is Salt , as formerly , is discerned by the taste . It sends forth rivers from it , and receives them again upon their return . If waters are seen now , where they never were before ; on the contrary , waters do fail from the places where they formerly were . It is manifest that in the yeer 1460 , a Ship was found in the Alps , with Anchors , in a Mine where they digged Metals . And Hierome writes that after the death of Julian , Ships were brought to the Clifts of Mountains , and hung there . And Though no Fountains last for aye But all rivulets still decay . Yet the great Rivers , Indus , and Ganges , Danubius , the Rhien , and Nilus have not at all changed their courses , as is to be seen in the Geographicall Descriptions . Especially the constant course of Nilus for so many Ages seems to be one of the wonders of the World. For it keeps its time so exactly , that if you take any of the earth about it , and neither moysten it , nor dry it , it will keep alwaies the same weight untill the 17 of June . From thence is the weight increased , as the river augments , and gives an infallible testimony of the ensuing Flood . It is known that some Mineral Baths have perished , but it is no question , but others are risen in their rooms . Necham writes most truly of the Baths of England . For to releive old age decaid , ther 's none Before our English Baths were ever known . If men he be bruis'd or broke , or fainting lie , Sick from a cold cause ; her'e 's the remedy . Concerning the English Spaws . See Edmund Dean , Doctor of Physick at Yorke , his Spadocrene . Article . IIII. The Element of Earth hath faild in nothing . IF the Earth had faild in any thing , it must either be in quantity or fruitfulness . For Aelian in his time , writes that Aetna , Parnassus , & Olympus , did appear daily to grow lesse , as Sea-Men observed . But Palaestina though it were but a small Countrey , yet it was large enough , for Thirty Kings , that were Idolaters ; and withall fed such multitudes of the Israelites , that in a war between Israel and Judah , 1200000 Men met ; to say nothing of the Sacrifice made at the Dedication of the Temple , or of that other spoken of elsewhere in the Chronicles . Yet the Conclusion cannot by any means be granted . For what is spoken of Mountains , is not confirmed concerning the whole Earth , which hath the same Dimensions now , it formerly had . For , this falls out by reason of rain water and the Sea , and what departs from the Mountains falls upon Valleys : whereupon Anaxagoras , being asked whether the Sea should ever overflow the Mountains of Lamsacum , he answered , Yes , when time should fail . For as nothing is lost by the Sea , when the Rivers run from it , because they return again ; so the earth loseth nothing by things that grow from it , and are fed by it , because all turn at last into earth , as Lucretius writes . Therefore the Earth hath gaind the Mothers Name . For all born of her , return to the same . That which is spoken of the Holy Land , it seems that we ought to ascribe that to the particular benediction of God ; and also to the promise made for the supply of the Sabbatical yeer . But B●●cardus writes thus of it before 300 yeers were past . The Corn growes and increaseth wonderfully upon the Earth , not manured with dung and soil ; The Fields are like Gardens wherein there growes every where , Fennell , Sage , Rue , Rosen , and in brief , there are found all the worlds goods ; and the Land truly flows with Rivers of Milk and Honey . And though it be said , that it hath lost something of its wonted fruitfulnesse . Yet on the contrary , other countreys here & there , & other places , have received new forces , to become fruitfull , & it is no doubt , but that did fal out by a singular curse from God , and for the wickednesse of the Inhabitants . We , saith Columella , assigne the businesse of Husbandry to the basest of our servants , as to a hangman for punishment , whereas the best and Noblest of our Ancestours used it themselves . The earth did heretofore enjoy a plow with a Garland and a triumphant Plowman . We must do therefore as Mises did , if we would have Pomegranates as great as he offred to Artaxerxes . Should I ad to these that there was greater famine amongst our Ancestours , and that the price of things were greater , I should not erre . In the yeer 1625 there was a mighty Famine : and in 1630 , in Poland , which otherwise is held for the Granary almost of all Europe . For , four bushells of Corn , that were wont to be sold for three Franks , were prized at 18 Franks : But what is this to things past ? In the time of Valentine , Fathers , in a Famine , sold their children , that they might avoid the hazard of death . In the time of Honorius , they proclaimed in the Market place , Set price to Mans flesh . Livy writes that many of the common people at Rome , that they might not pine away with lingering hunger , did cover their heads , and cast themselves into Tyber . The same thing , hapned in England , in the yeer of Christ 514 , in the dayes of Cissa , King of the South Saxons . As for the price , Varro writes that L. Axius a Romane Knight , would not part with a pair of Pigeons , for lesse than 400 Denarii , and it may be now Sparrows are sold for lesse then a farthing . Proposition IIII. The World , in respect of mixt bodies , both Inanimate , and Animate creatures without reason , doth not grow worse . A Mixt body is divided into Inanimate , and an Animate body : under that , Meteors and Minerals are contained ; under this , Plants , Animals , and Mankinde . Wherefore it seems very necessary , that for the more perfect handling of this question , these things should severally be demonstrated . But because there is a proper Article assigned for Man by himself , by reason that he affords such plenty of matter , we set down here onely three Articles . I. It cannot be proved , by the Meteors , that the world runs to worse . II. Mineralls have not faild . III. Neither Plants nor Animals have decayed at all . Article . I. From Meteors it cannot be proved that the world growes worse . FOr neither have those things faild that serve for our profit ; nor are things hurtful , lesse hurtfull now , th●n they were formerly ; nor are they lesse frequent ; Rain and Snow do now as well make the earth fruitfull ; Dew waters it ; the Winde ventilates the Air , and the fiery exhalations purifie it . Do we not now see Rain-bows and other Meteors as well as formerly ? As for things hurtfull ; In the yeer N. C. 634 , when the Jugurthine war began , it rained Milk three dayes , and in the third yeer that the wars proved successefull against Jugurtha , some write that it rained Milk twice . See a rain of flesh in Livie . Albertus relates out of Avicennas , that a great masse of Iron , weighing a 100 pound fell out of the Air , and of that afterwards the best swords were made . When Hannibal with his Army broke into Italy , it rained fire-Stones . When Titus Annius Milo , pleaded his cause at Rome , it raind burnt Brick ; and it was recorded in the Acts of that yeer . Our age speaks no such things . It is true , the Clowds fell in Selesia , about Goldeberga : but , Was not a greater fall of them seen in Franconie , Anno. 1551 ? An infinite multitude , saith , Bartholinus , of Men and beasts were drowned by a sudden tempest , clowds falling unawares , and rain being powred forth in heaps ; so that the strongest walls of many Cities , Vineyards , & gallant Buildings were destroyed utterly . What shall I speak of Earthquakes , comets , winds , and thunder . There appeared , as the Earl of North-Hampton writes , four Comets in four yeer : And Beda , and Paulus Aemilius say , that in fourteen days , in the time of Charles Martell , there were two seen , one at the Suns rising , the other at the Suns setting . There was such a great one , when Attalus Raigned , that it was as large as that place in the Heavens called Via lactea . And in the yeer 1556. there was one so great , that not onely all light exspirations and dry matter , no nor all Woods and groves , as many as are upon the face of the earth could serve for . Fuel for its two Moneths time wherein it shined . Was there any such thing in our dayes ? Truly I know no example of it : and should I meet with any such ; yet this would conclude nothing for the universall ruine of the world . For if when the exhalations are consumed , that trouble the Aire , the Aire grow clear ; if the vapours that ascend , being framed of a more fruitfull fatty substance ; can cause fruitfulnesse , when they are spread about the fields , and water them like dew ; if all matter that burns do not leave behind it stinking smells , after that it is extinguished ; a good temper of the Aire , fruitfulnesse of the Earth , and plenty of provision may succeed after Comets ; and the prediction of evil may be recompensed with this good successe . Concerning Earth-quakes , we have heard almost nothing in these days ; if you except that which happened in Apulia , Anno. 1627 , that devoured 17000 men . Also that was very strange that fell out in the yeer 1571 , about the twelfth of the Calends of March in Herefordshire in England . For then at night about six of the clock , the Earth parted in the East quarter of that County , and a Mountain put forth with a Rock that was under it : ( First with a mighty noyse and roaring , that all that lived neer those parts heard it ) as if it had wakened out of some long sleep , and it riss to a higher place , leaving its deep den , and caried with it the trees that grew upon it , Folds and Flocks of Sheep : Some trees were swallowed up by the ground , others were carried along with the earth , and were by that means so united to it , as if they had rooted there at first . From the place it remooved ; it left a great empty cave , that was foury foot broad , and eighty ells long : the whole field was about twenty acres ; In the way it overturned a Chappel . It removed a Yew-Tree that stood in the Church-yard , from West to East ; and with the same violence it drove forward , the common wayes , Sheep Coats , and hedges with the trees planted in them . Thus when it had wandred from Saturday night till Munday night , it stood still . Yet formerly they were more frequent and greater . In the beginning of that yeer , when L. Cornelius , and L. Minutius , were Consuls , Livie writes that Earth-quakes were so frequent , that men were weary , not onely of the thing it self , but , of the Festivals ordained for the removing of it : and he reports that an Earth-quake lasted 38. dayes . Others say , some have lasted two yeers , and come at severall times again . In Tiberius time , twelve Cities in Asia fell down . When Constantine reigned , as many were destroyed . Antiochia in the dayes of Trajan with the places about it , was swallowed up . Augustine writes , that whilst he lived , a. hundred Cities in Africa fell down . Aeneas Silvius , writes thus , of an Earth quake to Frederick the Emperour . You shall understand by the bringer of these , what wonderfull and incredible damage hapned by an Earth-quake in the Kingdom of Apulia : For many towns were utterly overthrown , and others fell down in part ; at Naples , almost all the Churches , and great Palaces fell ; above 3000 are said to be killed in the ruines ; all the people now dwell in Tents . The same may be spoken of Winds and Thunders . S. Paul in a Tempest saw neither Sun nor Stars , for many dayes . Virgil describes a fight of the winds Contrary , which now happens not . The East and West , and rainy South-west roar , Fighting , they drive huge Billowes to the sh●●● . What great Shipwarks have been in former times , the life of Solyman , and the approach of Charles the Fifth to Argiers , and his departing thence , will manifest . He lost in a few howrs a 140 Ships ( saith the History ) 15 Gallions , besides Men and Horses , and other things that were destroyed . I saw , they they are the words of Bellarmine , and had I not seen it , I had nere beleeved it , a great quantity of earth cast up by a most violent winde , and that was thrown upon a certain Village , so that a very deep pit was left , where the earth was thrown out , and the whole village remained under ground almost buried , unto which that earth was brought . He that thinks this History to be of too late memory ; let him think upon that winde that happened in the dayes of William Rufus , Anno 1096 , at London , it threw down 600 howses ; to say nothing of the cover of the Church , carried away with the Arches , and main beams : six of these that were each twenty seven foot long , fell with so great a force , that they made a hole twenty three foot deep in the ground . Article II. Mineralls have not failed . OUr purpose was to speak of Mineralls in the second place . And these before any other things , if it were true , would discover the decay of the world . For the unsatiable covetousnesse of men , seeks for Gold almost as low as Hell ; and the cruel hunger they have after it , doth by an unrestrained sacriledge rob the Earth of her treasures that ly hid in the bowels of her . But it is so far from winning any thing to the side of those that are patrons of the opinion we oppose , that these very bodies , are a most strong argument against them . The Silesian Earth is come to be added to the earth of Armenia , and Terra Lemnia , and it is also better . The inventor of it , was one Johannes Montanus of Silesia , who hath put forth a Book of it , that it is Gold trasmuted , by the providence of God and of nature , prepared for an excellent remedy , and changed , being properly good against Venome , no lesse than Medicaments are , that are prepared with great cost of the Gold of Hungaria . There is also at this day Bole of Toccavia in Hungaria , that is like Butter , and is good against Catarrhs , and is preferd before the Bole of Armenia . Also there is a red earth found neer to Bergas in Norway , not unlike to Terra Sigillata ; and it is a most present Antidote against the Scurvey . II. Also that Minerals have a power in them , to multiply themselves , is almost out of all doubt . A vein of Brimstone is repaired in four yeers . The earth Salt Peter is taken from , laid on a heap , will in five or six yeers yeeld Salt Peter again . In India there is a Mountain , called Oromenum , of naturall Salt , whereout Salt is cut , as quarries are , that growes again ; as Caesalpinus relates : And the same may be said of Stones ; and that is worth marking , that Garzias ab Horto writes of the Diamond . Diamonds that in the deep bowels of the Earth should be perfected in many yeers , are bred almost on the top of the ground , and come to perfection in two or three yeers . For if this yeer you dig in in the Mine a cubit depth , you shall finde Diamonds ; after two yeers , dig there again , and you shall finde Diamonds in the same place . Nor are Mettals out of this priviledge . For Gold at Corbachia in Westphalia groweth and increaseth in heaps every fourth yeer . Iron in Silesia , at the town Saganum , is dug up after ten yeers being bred anew . The same is spoken of Ilva an Island in the Tuscian Sea. Caesalpinus reports , that the earth that is dug up with the Mine , though it have no metall in it , in processe of time will be changed into the same Mine . Lastly , it is most certain , that in some Countreys , even now some rich Mines are found out . I will say nothing of the West Indies , the wealth whereof fills the Cantons of the Spaniards , English , and Dutch. Norway alone can shew the same , if Bartholinus , a man of credit , may be trusted . At this day , saith he , there is no place in the earth to fruitfull for Silver , as some Mountains are , that are discovered in the Kingdom of Norway , Anno. 1623 , in the reign of Christian the fourth , King of Denmark and Norway , my most bountifull Lord , that if any man did formerly promise Golden Mountains , Norway doth not onely promise Silver Mountains , but performes them . For great lumps are dug up that are most pure and the best Silver , without any help of Fire . In other parts it is more unconcocted ; but where scarce a fifth part was , now a third or fourth part is drosse . What shall I say of the Veins of Iron in Sussex , and of Tin in Cornwall ? Article III. Neither Plants nor Animals have decayed at all . I Shall not need speak much of these , for if the Earth have not failed , either in respect her fruitfulnesse , nor of other accidents , how then shall they fail ? The Simples have now the same temperament , and the same operations , and Animals are now described as Aristotle described them . Aristotle saith , Horses lived but 18 yeers , and at the most but 50 yeers . Albertus saith , he saw a Souldier had a Horse 60 yeers old . Niphus saith , that in the Stalls of Ferdinand the First , there was a Horse 70 yeere old . Also Buteo , a man commended by many writers , going about to shew by Geometricall proportion , that the Ark could hold so many Cattell , and provision for a yeer , borrowes the foundation of his Argument from the present Dimension of the bodies of beasts , and their sufficient nutriment . Goropius Becanus , Pererius , Rawley and others subscribe to him . But what is spoken of an Elephant in the Book of the Maccabees , Junius shews , that must be understood of the Indian Elephants , that are greater than the rest of Aethiopia . And they that have been in the Kingdom of the Great Mogull , maintain there are some greater than those we see here . The influence of Eclipses upon these inferiour bodies , and the greater frequency of them makes nothing to this matter . For first , since an Eclipse is nothing but the interposition either of the Moon , between us and the Sun , or of the shadow of the Earth between the Sun and Moon ; we have no more need to fear any danger from an Eclipse , than we should by the interposition of some grosse Clowd . This order will continue in all ages , that have such dayes , wherein the Sun by interposition of the Moon , is afraid to send forth all his beames . Also it is false that Eclipses ate now more frequent than formerly . For the Sun Moon and Earth have the same substance and accidents they had ; and Light and shadowes have the same being , they had formerly , and the Moons way or Latitude , from the Eclipticke , is as it alwayes was . See Bartholinus concerning these points , Astrolog . Problem . Ultimo . Also it is false , that they are greater than they were . For in the yeer 1133 , as Cambden writes , the Suns Ecclipse was so great , that day was changed to night . Anno. 1140. as Malmburiensis relates , it was so great that men feared the old Chaos would return . Anno. 1415 , on the seventh of June , it was so terrible that birds fell to the ground . We shall conclude therefore that there is nothing in mixt bodies that can intimate unto us , that the world declines to worse universally and perpetually . Proposition V. The World in respect of Man doth not grow worse . MAn is the Epitome of the whole world , a Marriage of Superiour and Inferiour bodies , a Microcosme of a Macrocosme . But for as much as this consists not onely in the body , but also in the rationall soul , that is united to it , it is requisite that in respect of all things , some of each should be enquired into . But here principally we are to consider his strength , age , and faculties of his soul. And indeed our opposites maintain that in all these considerations , Man is decayed . Therefore under this proposition arise these Articles , I. The age of Man within these 3000. yeers hath not failed . II. His force and stature are not diminished . III. He wants nothing in the faculties of his soul. Article I. The age of Man within these 3000 yeers hath not failed . THat the age of Man hath not decaid since Moses time , may be cleered by many Arguments . For first , Moses himself speaks expresly . Our yeers are 70 , and if one so strong to come to 80 yeers , &c. And though he himself and Aaron his brother surpassed this age , but because , as a learned man said , he spake of the generall condition , it is pertinent to our subject . Hence also Herodotus sets the longest bounds of Mans life to be but 80 yeers . Barzillay was said to be a very old Man , and yet he was but fourscore : and David was full of dayes , yet but seventy yeers old . Solomon , as Divines conjecture , was not 60 , yet it is said ; When Solomon was old . In all the records of the Romane , Greek , French , and German Emperours , there are found onely four that lived to fourscore yeers . Amongst the Popes onely five , and they were immediately before our times . Namely , John the twenty third , Gregory the twelfth and thirteenth , Paul the third and fourth ; and that which is most notable , Elizabeth Queen of England out lived all her predecessours from William the Conquerour ; and she raigned as fortunately as Augustus , as long as David . P●trus Criaitus , affirms that Egyptis by a subtile conjecture , taken from the weight of the heart , found out within what bounds the life of Man was included , and he affirmed , that he could scarce live above a hundred yeers . For every yeer till fifty , it increased two Drachmes , and from thence to 100 yeers it decreased as much . Though this be rather curiositie than truth , yet it shewes what the Antiens thought of the last end of Man. Varro also held the same opinion . They called the space of a hundred yeers , Seculum , from senex , an Old Man , because they thought that was the longest time for Men to live to be old : And Seneca saith , We see that thou art come to the very utmost stage of Mans life , thou art a hundred yeers old , I say nothing of Trebellius Pollio , who in his book to Constantius ascribes to the longest age , but 120 yeers , by the opinion of Mathematicians . Moreover , the Ancients well observed the secret stations and progresses of nature in Mans body , not onely in respect of increasing in the Wombes of their Mothers , and in respect of their being born , but after their birth also . Hippocrates , ascribes to the time of being born , the seventh , ninth , tenth , the eleventh moneth also sometimes ; and he reckons the eighth Moneth to be dangerous . Some divide Mans age into three , others into four , five , six or seven parts , according to the consideration of the Planets . Philo produces Solons Elegiack verses of the seventh yeer , causing changes in Mans body , Young children when seven yeers do go about , Renew their teeth that serve them to speak out . When seven more by Gods decree are run , Hair on their secret parts are first begun . And in thrice seven yeers , a soft hair down . With strength of yeers their beardlesse chin doth crown . Macrobius , clearly explains the changes of every seventh yeer in Mans age . That in the first , the teeth are shed ; in the second , hair breaks forth on their secrets ; in the third , their beard sprouts ; in the fourth , Man ceaseth growing ; in the fifth , strength is given ; in the sixth , consistence ; in the seventh , declining . The Observations of the Learned say , the same is now done . And although as in health there are degrees of Latitude , so here : yet it is sufficient if it be infallible , for the greatest part , and uniformity hold ; the other things being considered . At this time we hold the thirty fifth yeer to be the flower of Mans age , as being the Mean , between seventy ; and the Age our Savior died at , unto which the Apostle in his Epistle to the Ephesians , seems to allude . So it was in former ages . For Heraclitus , as Plutarch relates , affirmed that thirty was the mean in mans Age. The same may be said of Climactericall yeers . Whereof Gellius writes thus : It hath been observed for a long time , and it hath been approved in most Old men , that the 63d , yeer of their life was with some danger & hurt , either of their body , or with some great disease , or losse of their life , or grief of minde . See Baptista Codon chus , concerning these things in a speciall Treaty , concerning Climactericall yeers . To this may be added the Age of his Marriage and Generation , which is the same now , as it was formerly . The third Councill of Carthage , Chap. 9. Ordained that Readers in Churches , when they came to fourteen yeers , should be forced to Marry wives , or to Vow Chastity . Quint. writes , that his wife dyed leaving two sons , being not full nineteen yeers old . Epict●●us saith , that women , so soon as they are fourteen yeers old , men called them Ladies . The Civill Lawes approve of women to marry at twelve yeers old . So doth the Jews Talmud , and the Canons of the Church . Hesiodus 15. l. Under Tiberius , by the Papian Law , it was forbidden men at 60 to marry . And women , of 50 yeers old , were likewise forbidden . But that law was repealed in Justinians Reign . Also the same may be proved by the Taking of Church Offices , or Military and Civill Offices : For anciently they were assoon admitted , and discharged assoon . Parker writes , He that must be promoted to be a Bishop , must not be under thirty . But now adays they are seldom under fifty . Venerable Bede who lived about 800 yeers since , was made a Deacon at ninteen yeers old . Origen , saith Eusebius , was made a Catechist at eighteen yeers . The Levites were discharged after fifty . As for Souldiers : The French at fourteen yeers , prepare their sons for War. ●n . Pompeius , at eighteen ; Augustus at nineteen , endured war. The Romans at seventeen , made them take up Arms. Whence was the Law of Gracchus , A Souldier must not be chosen under seventeen . Yet Livie writes , that when the second Punick War was , it was Decreed , that the Tribunes of the people should publish to them , that all that were under seventene , that should take the Military Oath , should have their pay as well as if they were seventeen or more . The Athenian Law , discharged men at fourty , and took them on , for Wars at eighteen . By the testimony of Polyhistor , Cajeta● , Pererius . Simeon and Levi , were hardly twenty yeers old when they killed the Sichemites : What shall I say of Alexander , C. Caesar , Julian , and others ? As for Civill affaires , as Plutarch writes , Romulus reigned thirty eight yeers , and died at fifty , therefore he began to Reign at twelve . Cicero , as Cornelius Nepos writes , made his Oration pro Roscio at twenty three yeers old . Euripides , saith G●llius , at eightteen yeers old writ his Tragedies . Augustus at sixteen put on his Toga Virilis , and was made Consull at twenty . Josephus writes that when he was nineteen , he bare Office in the Common Wealth . Lastly , Tertullian de Veland . Virgin. saith : Also the Heathen observe the seasons , that according to the Law of Nature , they may give lawes to severall ages . For they receive Women at twelve , and Men at fourteen , for Employments . But here are two principall Objections , especially against this . Namely , that the Patriarchs before the Flood , lived very long : and that Men now marry sooner then they did formerly . I answer briefly to this . I grant the first ; and say , that is most false that some maintain , that their yeers contained onely thirty six dayes . For were that true , it would follow that Enoch and Cain begat children at six or seven yeers olde at the most . For the Scripture saith , This got children at sixty five , and the Other at seventy yeers . Nor had any of the Patriarchs lived to ninety seven yeers old , and many now live above a hundred : and that would be false that the Scripture writes , that Abraham died ful of dayes , a good old Man. For according to their account he should be but seventeen yeers old . And should we grant this to be most true , yet this would evince nothing for a generall decay of the world . For it seems that was done formerly for Vertues sake , and the glorious Profits they sought after , that is , for Astrology , and Geometry , or for the encrease of Man ki●de . Hence Rabbi Levi as Genebrard quotes him , calls the long lives of the Patriarchs , a work of Providence and not of nature : or else by reason of their diet . Hence Roger Bacon writes , That as they had great wisdom , they found out all Regiment of health , and secret Medicaments , whereby their old age was retarded , and by which when it came , it might be mitigated , and their children had this Regiment , and Experiments against old age ; For God gave them all wisdom , and so they might live long . Moreover we finde by constant observation almost in all times , that in some Countreys , there were some that lived longer than others , Epimenides of Crere lived a 150 yeers , Gorgias Siculus a Rhetorician a 108 , Hippocrates a 114. Terentia wife to Cicero , a 103. Clodia daughter of Osilius , a 115 though when she was young she had borne fifteen children . What shall I say of Luceia or Galeria Copiola ? She lived not a little more than a hundred yeers ; For it is reported that for a hundred yeers , she played the Jester upon the Stage ; it may be at first she acted the maids part , and at last an old Wives . Isra , the Player and Dancer ; was in her youthfull dayes brought upon the Stage : how old she was then , is not known , but after 99 yeers from that time , she was again brought upon the Theater , not to act her part , but to be shewed for a Miracle ; when Pompey the Great dedicated the Theatre . Also she was again shewed at the sports ordaind for to pray for the health of Divus Augustus . In Scripture , we read that Levi lived a hundred thirty seven yeers . Phin●has , three hundred . Job after his restitution , a hundred and fourty ; yet he had sons and daughters marriageable before his fall . Anna the Prophetesse , lived a hundred and six yeers : John the Evangelist , as many . But the times of Vespasian the Emperour will best shew this , when the Muster Rowle was made . For then were there found in that part of Italy , which lyeth between Appe●inus and the River Po , Men that were a hundred yeers old , and others above a hundred twenty four . Nor do the later times fail in this : for John of Times , that was Armour bearer to Charles the Great , lived 360 yeers . Verstigan writes that at S●govia in Spain , it was repor●ed that a woman lived a hundred and sixty yeers . Franciscus Alvarez , reports that he saw an Archbishop of Aethiopia , a hundred and fifty yeers old . Buchanan , ●estifies that one Laurentius , of the Orcades , when he was a hundred and fourty yeers old , went a fishing in his Boat in the coldest Winter commonly . A few yeers since in the County of Hereford , ( they are the words of the Lord Verulam ) for a May dance , there were eight men chosen , whose ages counted together , made eight hundred yeers compleat , so that what one wanted of a hundred , the other exceeded a hundred as much . Lastly , the Countesse of Desmond , lived in the yeer 1589 , and after : she married in the dayes of Edward the fourth , Verulam saith , she thrice renewed her teeth , and lived a hundred and fourty yeers . To the cause taken from Nutriment may be added , our dainty Breeding now adayes , too soon Marrying , and Luxury . Many dishes make many diseases . Seneca , again , that great Physitian , and inventer of this Art , said , that women never shed their hair , nor did their feet ake : but now they want their hair , and their feet pain them , yet the nature of women is not changed , but their life . That which is spoken of their marrying too soon is commonly false . For when Jacob descended into Egypt , Er and Onan are numbered amongst Judahs children , ( they were dead ) Scheclak ; Phares , and Serak , and of Sharer , Hesron , and Hamul . And Judah was then at most but fourty yeers old , for Joseph was thirty nine . And he was born at the end of the fourteenth yeer , when Jacob lived in Mesopotamia , and the other in the eleventh yeer . In that time therefore , Judah had sons that married wives , they were Er , and Onan , and by the same Thamar , he had Pharez , that bare two children . II. Benjamin in the same Chapter is said to be the Father of ten sons , and he was then but twenty three , or twenty four yeers old . He was born in the hundred and sixth yeer of his fathers age . Dinah , saith Polyhistor , was ravished at ten yeers old . Josias died at thirty yeers old , but his son Eliakim was 25. when he began to reign . Ahaz also lived but thirty six yeers , and Hezekiah succeeded him at twenty five yeers , therefore he begat him at eleven yeers old : as for this example , Junius and Junccius seem to think the contrary , but Hicrome in . Epistol . ad vitalem , hath recourse to Gods Omnipotence . For Nature can do nothing against the God of Nature . Article II. Mans stature and strength , within these three thousand yeers , are not decayed . WHat we said of Age , the same may we speak of Mans stature and force , and that very well , For first , if the stature and strength of Man should universally and perpetually fail , it would follow that Adam was the greatest of all men . Yet that seems to be false . For what Johannes Lucidus speaks , he doth it from the vulgar Translation of that place , Hebron was afore time called Cariath Arbe . He saith , from thence it may be collected , Adam the greatest among the Anakims was placed there . It smells of Fables of the Rabbins , who report that the Sea divided Paradise , and that when Adam was driven forth , he was forced to swim over . The place should be thus translated , He was the greatest man amongst the Anakims . Most also hold , that Adam was not buried in Hebron , but there where the new Adam was to suffer . Nephillim that were before the Flood , were men , as the Interlineary glosse expounds it , of huge bodies and proud mindes , great strength , unruly manners , yet is not the opinion of Chrysostome against this , who saith that the Scripture calls , Noble strong and warlike Men , Gyants . II. Though we should grant that men before the flood were like Gyants , yet this concludes nothing against our Tenent , since there have been such in other ages ; Nimrod is called a strong hunter before the Lord , The Names of Rephaim , Jumjummims , Jamjummims , Emims , and Anakims , signifie the same . The prophet Amos found one amongst the Amorites whose heigth he compares to Cedars , and his strength to a Yoke of Oxen. What think you of Og , King of Bashan , whose bed was nine Cubi●s long , four br●ad , not according to his own measure ( as the Chaldees Pharaphrase and Complutensia would have it ) for so the mesure were uncertain , but reckoning according to the common measure of a Man , as Tremelius , Junius , and Arias Montanus interpret it . What shall we say of Samson , Goliath , and his brother ? In the dayes of Augustus Caesar , there were Pusio and Secundilla , who were nine foot and a half long , and their bodies were preserved in the Sallustian Garden . In Claudius his dayes lived Gabbara an Arabian who was nine foot high : and in the dayes of Theodosius one in Syria was five Cubits high . Scaliger at Millan saw a young man in an Hospitall so tall , that he could not stand . Goropius Becanus saith , he saw a Woman sixteen foot high . Cassanian saith there was at Burdeaux one so tall , that an ordinary man might stand upright between his Legs . I saw at London the Kings Porter , who was seven foot high , and two fingers breadth . In China , some of the Kings guard are fifteen foot high ; and the King is said to have five hundred such about him . In the Countrey of Paragonia they are commonly above thirteen foot high , and in Symmatra some are twelve foot high . III. Among the Ancients , a Cubit , a Foot , a Fingers breadth , a Hands breadth were constant and certain Measures ; nor was it lawfull for every man to measure by his own measure . That appears by the Amphora of the Capitoll , and the Romane Congius ▪ and other things . And those measures were taken from a Man of an ordinary stature . But because the bodies of Men are different , in severall Climates and Countreys ; they began the measure from a certain principle , whence other measures were made , as from parts that were certain . Wherefore Geometricians make a Barley corn atwhart to be the least Measure that is , measuring the breadth of it . Hence , A fingers breadth are sour grains . Four fingers a Hand breadth contains . A foot is four hand breadth , &c. Since therefore the earth , in respect of fruitfulnesse is not decayed , and we use Grains to weigh Gold as our Ancestours did , and the best Architects observe Vitruvius his measures , there can be no exception . Wherefore the mean stature must be the same now as it was formerly . I confesse the Jews had holy weights , or of the Sanctuary that exceeded the ordinary weights , and the Greeks had Royall Cubits ; yet I affirm that their ordinary and common ones did not exceed ours . For if the Ark were measured by the common measure it amounted to 540 Cubits , and shewed that it was capacious enough . And Agricola lib. de mensur . writes that Phya the wife Pysistratus was accounted so tall , that they honoured her as Minerva : yet was she not above four common Cubits high . Also Artaches the chief Officer in Xerxes Army , was reported to be very tall , yet was he but four royall cubits high , abating four fingers breadth . As for the Romane measure , the same Agricola writes , that a Romane Foot was lesse than a French Foot , by two fingers ; and it is to be seen yet at Rome , in the Marble Monuments , chiefly in the Gardens of Angelus Coloccus . But Goropius Becanus , found so me that were measured to be shorter by four hands breadth , & yet he was but a short man in respect of ordinary Men. Lastly , Nero , witnesse Suetonius , mustered a new Legion of Italians that were sixe Cubits high : he called that Alexanders Brigade . IV. The measure of diet , all things considered , was allowed for Men , according to the proportion of their bodies , and questionlesse it was proportioned amongst the Ancients , after the usuall custome , Homer sets before Hercules , a man of mighty stature , an Ox for his dinner . Capitolinus and Cord●s allow Maximinus , every meal fourty , and sometimes sixty pounds of flesh . Athenaeus and Theodorus Hieropolitanus , assigne to Milo of Croton , twenty pound , and three gallons of Wine . In the dayes of Maximilian the first , Emperour , there was a Man at Auspurg , who eat a whole Calf raw , as Surius writes . And the Ancients allowed as much food . For the Greeks as Suidas reports , allowed a Chaenix by the meal . Whence Clearchus calls Trophis in Homer . Herodotus , saith the same was observed in Xerxes his army , and as Polybius writes , two thirds of a Medimnus of fine Wheat , amongst the Romanes were allowed for every Foot Souldier by the Moneth , that is four bushels ; for a Medimnus contained six . And this is the same with the former . For four Modii contained thirty two Chaenices . But that which Rabanus writes of the Israelites , that three Chaenices of Manna , were allowed every Man in the Wildernesse , that was Gods singular blessing , as Junius expounds it . Also a Horsman amongst the Romanes was allowed two Medimni , as the same Polybius writes , but it was because he had a servant or two as Lipsius saith . V. Lastly , Weapons , Gates , Sepulchres , Beds , &c. can shew as much , all which were anciently of the same dimensions . Aristotle writes that Beds in his time were but six foot long . Magius who hath written a Tract for the contrary opinion , reports that the Tombs at Pisa in Italy are no longer than ours are , and he adds that at Pisaurum , in a Magazine for Armour , he saw the Helmets of the Duke of urbine dug up in the fields , neer Metaurum , where Asdrubal was conquered by the Romans ; his words are these , They were no greater than our Souldiers more commonly . D. Hawkewill saw in the Church of the Abbey at Malmsbury , a Tomb that was said to be King Athelstanes , and it was not greater then ours . And in the place for dead bones in the Monastery at Glassenbury , there could no bone be found that represented any great stature . Sands in his Travels writes , that entring the Pyramids he met with such low and narrow entrances , that he was forced to stoop as he went. And he adds that in a spacious place built of Theban Marble , that he saw a Sepulchre seven foot long , and scarce four foot broad . It was reported to be the body of the Founder , Charops . I saw at Leyden two dead bodies Embalmed , that were buried before Christ , one was of a small , the other of a bigger stature , but neither of them greater then ours . Those arms that are sometimes shewed of a vast Magnitude , as we saw in the Castle of the Earl of Fenton in Scotland , the Sword of King Robert , they were made to fright Men , or to vaunt with , as appears by that Alexander did in the Indies . Yet the Altar of the Tabernacle was said to be three cubits high . But if those Cubits were then taken by the stature of the men then living , and men were then four Cubits high , the Priest was but one Cubit above the Altar , which was a cause of trouble , certainly , in his Administration . Solomons Altar was ten Cubits high , but it had steps from the ground . And though God may seem to have forbid men to go up by them , yet that was onely that their nakednesse might not be seen . Against what we now have said , five things are chiefly objected . I. That ofttimes , Sceletons of vast stature , and mighty great bones are commonly found . II. The Bible speaks much of Samson and others ; and the Heathen speak of Diomedes , Ajax , Hector , Hercules . III. Physicks were given in greater quantities formerly , and blood drawn in greater abundance . IV. The duodenum gut is called so by Herophilus , formerly because it was twelve fingers broad in length ; and now a dayes , it is hardly four . V. That impurity is contracted in the seed by propagation in successive generations ; and , thence must necessarily follow diminution in magnitude and strength . Yet though these seem brave arguments , they are not so co●siderable , that they can disprove our opinion . As for the first , we grant it is so . For Plutarch out of Gabinius , which Strabo saith , is full of Fables , reports , that in Africa the body of Antaeus , was found of sixty Cubits ; Fazellus saith , seventy . In the fourteenth yeer of the Emperour Henry the Second , the body of Pallas was found at Rome entire , to the wonder of all men , that it had lasted so many ages uncorrupted . The wou●d that Turnus gave him , was said to be four foot and a half . Herodotus writes that the body of Orestes was seven Cubits , and for this Gellius calls him a fabulous writer . Orion's body was fourty Cubits , and Macrosyris a hundred . B●ccace writes , that one of his teeth weighed a hundred Ounces , and his staffe a thousand five hundred pound . I will say nothing of that Tooth S. Augustine saw , which were it divided into parts , would make ten of ours . Nor any thing of Christopher , whose tooth Ludovicus Vives , on that place of Augustine saith , he saw , bigger than a Mans fist . I grant , it is so written . Nor do I speak as boldly as Becanus who writes ; I beleeve not that in Pliny concerning Orion , though L. Flaccus , and Metellus , who said they went to see it , should swear it by their heads . We must so deal with our Ancestours , as we would have our posterity deal with us : But what doth all this make against us ? I. It is apparent that Many things were not rightly understood : then , many things were added , that were Hyperbolically spoken , when as the very antient writers did not beleeve what was reported . There might be some Money found in the Indies , was presently added that Augustus his image was upon it . II. These monstrous Figures may be ascribed to Naturall or Artificiall causes , or to both joyntly . Also great Princes might make these things of ambition , or Skilfull Artificers of curiosity , or Infernall Devils of Malice and deceit . Truly that mad building neer Amsbury , which the Ancients call the Gyants dance , seems to proceed originally from thence . What strange bodies a thousand Artificers do often present us with , may be collected from the history of two Maids that were taken away , in whose places other bodies were layd . III. I know not whether it be wholly impossible for Nature to make such bodies in the very bowels of the Earth . For it is without doubt , that many bodies have been found that represented the parts of Limbs , and others that were like entire living creatures . In the Dioces of Trevirs when caement was dug forth to repair buildings , they dug up black stones , like womens privities . Diphyes , represents the Genitals of both Sexes , with a line to distinguish them , At Salfelda in Thuringia , a stone was dug up out of a Pit that was twenty fathom deep , that was like a firme brest , a foot a half long , three hands broad , on the fore part ; where the ribs ended it was six fingers thick , and three where the whirlebands on the hinder part were pierced in the middle . The back bone was empty of that should represent the marrow ; Also Goropius Becanus , saw in England , a Stone cut out of the top of a Mountain , that was exactly like to a Perch , and not the least line wanted for its perfection . I will say nothing now of a Turnep neer Harlem that was dug up in the yeer 1583. It was like a Mans hand with nails , and all the distinctions of fingers , and the lineaments ; I saw the picture of it at Lyons , with CL. D. Baudarcius my Patron . I will say nothing also of that of Agricola : we saw a small stature of a Man , that carried a Childe on his shouders , made of silver by nature . And if these things seem onely to be understood of the outward forms described , and the matter to be wholly different , let I beseech you Fossill flesh answer that exception , which was reported to be found sometimes , and of which in the fifth Classis of our Thaumatographia , we spake some things out of Libavius . IV Lastly , D. Hawkwill thinks that such vast bodies may be ascribed to the Divels copulation with women . And truly , saith S. Augustine , it is a most frequent report , and many say they have tried it , or heard it of others , of undeniable credit , that the Sylvani and Fauni , which they commonly call Incubi , have commonly committed wicked actions with Women , and have desired , and obtained to lie with them , and some Devils which the French call Dusii , do daily attempt and effect this uncleannesse ; and many such men affirm it , that it were great impudence to deny it . Also Tostatus , writes that of such monstrous copulations , proceed the strongest and tallest Men. Valesius and Delrio agree with him . It is no doubt , but if any such things have hapned , it happened in the time of Heathenisme especially , when the Devil had most power , but not so after Christ was come . For that the Oracles ceased , and great Pan was dead , not onely Plutarch writes in a particular Book , but the History of Epitersis . shewes the Proclaiming of his death about Paxa . D. Hawkwell rests in this opinion , But to speak truth , and to confesse ingenuously , I scarse dare agree with him . For though it were granted that the Divels should lye with Women , yet it followes not that they should conceive , and that for the unfitnesse of the prolifique matter . The Divels are spirits and cannot have it of themselves . First therefore they must be Succubi , and steal it ; and then Incubi and inject it . And in the mean while the Seed is spoiled of its inward heat and spiritall , as being easily dispersed : whence it is , that some Witches say they felt it cold . Further , that seems to be a work of Imperfection . For if Gyants exceed so much , in magnitude , that it hinders any actions , they are to be called Monsters ; And truly , Bartholinus calls him a Monster , whose grinding Tooth , Augustine saith he saw . In the interim every man may think what he pleases . He that desires to know more exactly of the Divels copulation with Women , let him read , Ambrose Pareus , and Caspar Bauhinus concerning Hermaphrodites . As for the second Objection , it is no more forcible then the former ; for neither did the latter times yeeld to them , nor do our times fall short of them . Tribellius Pollio speaks the same of C. Marius , Capitolinus of Maximinus , Vopiscus of Aurelianus , Barletus of Scanderbeg , and Fazellus of Galeotus Bardesinus a Noble Man of Cathay ; and others of Tamberlane and Ziska , &c. Georg. le Fuer writes , that Anno. 1569. there lived at Misni● , Nicolaus Klunherus the President of the Cathedrall Church , who without any help lifted a Tun of Wine out of a Cellar . Majolus saith , that at Asta in the presence of the Marques of Pescaria , a man played with a pillar of three foot long , and one foot diameter , as another would play with a ball . He reports also that one of Mantua , called Rodomant , of a mean stature , would break a rope as big as a Mans arm , like a thread . Ernaudus Burg , a Spaniard , Servant of the Earl Faux , as Frostardus relates , carried an Asse loaded with wood , up 24 staires into a Chamber , upon his back . Lobelius , a Polander , writes in describing the things were done Anno. 1582 , at the Circumcision of Mahomet , son to Amurat , that one man took up a piece of wood so great as twelve men could hardly carry it , and he laid upon his brest a stone that ten men could not bear . Forsbergius with his middle finger of his right hand could thrust any Man out of his place . Pothowa Captain of the Cossakes , sath Leunclavius broak an iron Spurr , as a man would tear paper : Johannes Romanus in England could carry an Ox. Lastly , Anno. 1575 , there was a Man kild of vast Magnitude by James Niazahilovius a Polander , Scythian . His forehead was twenty four fingers broad , and the rest of his body was so great , that his carcase lying on the ground , would reach as high as a Mans navell , when he stood . The third cannot be granted . For I. Goropius Becanus speaks expresly . Bodies will endure Helle●●r now as well as they did formerly , in the same or greater quanlity , as I have tried in others . And Jacchmus is of the same minde . II. I remember , saith Galen , that blood was drawn to six pound weight in some men , and so the Fever was cured . But he took lesse from others . Where the forces are strong and age will allow it , it is fit to draw blood till they faint . III. Pareus writes that in four dayes he drew seven pounds of blood from a Man , and D. Deodate affirms that from a Man of seventy six yeers , in three dayes , he took sixty Ounces of blood . Also Schenckius mentions strange bleedings at the nose , when sometimes eighteen , sometimes twenty , sometimes fourty pounds of blood have run forth . Lastly , Pasquier in Epistol . ad Turnerum observed , that blood was drawn , now more commonly than formerly ; for of old , to open a vein was dangerous before fourteen yeer old ; and it is usual . What concerns the Gut , twelve fingers broad , It is true that Archangelus Picolominie concludes thence , that men were greater then , and lesser now ; but how truely , let him see to it . I. It is certain that Pliny and Tertullian ; mention Herophilus , yet it is uncertain what age he lived in . And should we suppose that he lived a thousand yeers since , it will follow that two third parts of men are lost in their statures ; and if men be now five foot high , they were then fifteen . II. If that happen to us by reason of those times , then that hapned to them in respect of former times . And it is wonder , nor Galen , nor Hippocrates should speak any thing of them . III. Riolanus seems to decide this controversie , when he writes , And take nothing from the Ancient Measure , unlesse you adde the more slender and narrow part of the Ventricle which reacheth forth from the bottom below , to the very beginning of the windings of the guts , which I have often seen to be twelve fingers breadth long . Laurentius , and many others , think that the Antients took the Pylorus with the Duodenum . The last thing of the Impurity of Seed is false . For I. Wee see sometime that sickly Parents beget strong and healthy children . II. The same may be said of Animals : and doublesse Men had faild by this time , and there had been an end of the dispute . III. There are many Examples , of women that have exceeded in bearing of Children . Vives relates of a Countrey Man in Spain , whose progeny had fild a Village of a 100 houses whilst he yet lived . In the Temple of the Marschall in Essex , there is a Sepulchre sen of one Mary Waters , who when she died hd of her Legitimate posterity , three hundred sixty seven children , sixteen of her own , a hundred and fourteen of her childrens , two hundred twenty eight , in a third degree ; nine in a fourth . Also that is common . The Mother said to her Daughter ; Daughter , say to your Daughter , that she must mourn for her Daughters Daughter . I let passe other examples . And I conclude , that strength and stature have not failed for some thousands of yeers . Article III. Nothing is wanting to the Faculties of of the minde . THus much is spoken hitherto concerning those things are principally to be considered in the body of Man : now followes the rationall Soul. Wherein we are to consider whether the faculties thereof have failed in generall or in speciall ; That is principally known , both by the proceedings of Arts , and manners ; yet not omitting those things that are requisite thereunto , as Memory , Judgement , Imagination , wherefore these parts are to be considered . I. That Memory and Judgement have not failed . II. Nor any thing in the three Faculties . III. Thirdly , nor in Speculative Philosophy . IV. Nor in practicall Philosophy and History . V. Nor in Languages and Arts. VI. Nor in M●chanicall Arts , and Navigation . VII . Nor in Manners . The first Branch . Memory and Judgement have not failed . HOw have they failed , when as greater things have fallen out in the latter times , and in our own , than were the vast examples mentioned by the Antients ? Seneca the Rhetorician saith , that he rehearsed two thousand words in the same order they were spoken ; and that he repeated from the last to the first , all the verses that each man propounded , that came to hear his Master , and they were above two hundred persons . But Marcus Antonius Muretus , reports of a certain young man of Corsica , who studied the Civil Law in the University of Padua , who could repeat thirty six thousand names without any staying , in the same order they were spoken . To which Muretus adds , I know not any of the Ancients I can oppose to this , unlesse it be Cyrus : of whom Pliny , Quintilian , and the Latine Writers relate , that he remembred all the Souldiers names . Xenophor sayes , Onely of his Officers . But Aenaeas Sylvius testifies , that Ludovicus Pontanus a Counsellour of Spalato , did not onely repeat all the Heads of the Laws , but the whole body of them ; he died at thirty yeers old . Famianus Strada writes , that Francis Suarez , that famous Jesuite , had so strong a Memory , that he recited Saint Augustines works in the same words they were written . We have often ( saith he ) seen him readily to teach and shew with his finger the very place & page , wherein he spake of such a thing . Greater , and more things may be spoken of Johu Raynolds , a Famous divine in Oxford University . For men say , he was so conversant in all Classicall Authors , that he might truly be called a Living Libray , or a third university . Gentilis confessed , that he knew ▪ the Laws better than himself , yet he was professour of them . To confirm the force of Judgement and the other Faculties , it shall suffice to Instance in Budaeus , Tostatus , & Scaliger . Ludovicus Vives saith , that France never brought forth any man that had a more sharp wit , strong jugdement , more exact diligence , or more learning ; nor yet Italy in this Age ▪ And indeed he had more knowledge of the Latine and Greek Tongues , than of his own . Wherefore what he writ in them was extemporary . If you read his Books , De Asse , you shall finde he had read all the Philosophers ; and was imployed in publike Affaires both at home and abroad . But this is the greatest wonder ; which he found in him onely ( they are the words of Vives ) Both the Master and the Scholler , and the method and reason of teaching , and the tenth part of those things Men can hardly learn under other great Masters , that he learned wholly , being his own Master , from himself . Tostatus in the 22 , yeer of his age had the knowledge almost of all Arts and Sciences , whence one writes of him , This the worlds wonder , knows all to be known . And Metamorus writes further of him . Had he lived in any age than in in that he did , we should never Envie at Augustine of Hippo , nor Hierome of Stridon , nor yet any of the Antients . By Scaliger , I mean Ioseph ( though his father was a Man of so great learning , that Lipsius reckons him to be the fourth , with those three that he admires amongst the Antients ) whose commendation ●ounds in the mouthes of learned men , ( if you except Schoppius , who was the shame and spot of his Countrey . ) There is nothing ( saith Casaubon ) that any man would learn , that he could not teach ; he had read nothing , ( and what had he not read ? ) but he presently remembred it ; there was nothing so obscure or difficult in any old Author , Greek , Latine , or Hebrew ; but if he were asked , he would presently answer to it . He readily remembred the Histories of all Nations , all Ages , the successions of Empires , and the Estate of the Ancient Church . He held a record of all Animals , Plants , Metals , and of the properties of all naturall things , with their differences and names , were they new or old . He knew perfectly the situation of places , the bounds of Provinces , and the divers divisions of them , at severall times . He left none of the more weighty Arts or Sciences , that he attempted not to learn ; he had the knowledge of so many tongues , so exactly , that had he done nothing but this all his life time , it would worthily be accounted a Miracle . The same is is witnessed of him by Julius Caesar Bullingerus , a Sorbon Doctor , and Professour at Pisa , but in fewer words : for he writes thus . The yeer 1609 followeth , which was fatall by the death of Joseph Scaliger ; than whom our age brought forth no man of a greater Genius , and Ingenuity for Learning ; and it may be the Ages past , had hardly his equall for all kinds of Learning . To these I may adde , that young Man , who in the yeer 1445 was at Paris , who though he were but twenty yeers old , yet was he very well versed in all Arts and Sciences , and therefore he was thought to be Antichrist , and born of the Divell . Castellanus who then lived , writes thus of him . A youth I did behold But twenty yeers old Who could all Arts unfold . And the Degrees uphold . He boasted that he knew What ever had been writ Had he but once the view ; As a young Antichrist . But if we consider the whole matter exactly and shall compare the condition of the later times with the former , we shall finde that we can do as much and more than they could . For we have many helps the Antients wanted . Amongst which the Art of Printing is the chief . For by this the prices of Books are eased , which were so high in former ages , that Plato paid three thousand Florens for three Books , and the Books of the Antients are preserved for our use . Onely this is necessary , that we may employ lesse time in gaining languages , and that Controversies in Religion may be shortened , and that equall diligence may be used , and the like Patrons may be found . Aristole received from Alexander , eight hundred Talents to compose his naturall History : Roscius the Comoedian had a daily sallary of three hundred florens . Aesop the Tragoedian , left to his son 1500000 Franks . How much hard Labour can do , wee may learn by the example of Joseph Scaliger . For he in twenty one dayes time , learned all Homer by heart , and in four moneths , he learned all contained in the Greek Poets besides . Hence , saith Vives , good wits grow in any place , if they may be adorned , it may be in some places more frequently , but every where some . And Quintilian writes . Nature hath not rejected us , that we should be slothfull , but we indulge more to our selves than we ought : so then , they did not so much exceed us in wit , as in resolution . In the mean while certain it is , that there is a circular motion also in habits ; For first , the Egyptians floruished ; Then the Greeks ; At length , Learning forsook Athens , and passed into Italy , And now in the principall parts of Europe , there are most learned Men. And I dare say with Ramus , we have seen greater increase of learned men , and of their labours in one Age , than our Ancestours saw before in fourteen ages that are past . Part. II. There is nothing decayed in the three Faculties , Divinity , Law , or Physick . IT is almost clear concerning Divinity , that it is now in greater perfection . For I. The Gentiles were employed in vain disputes concerning the number and nature of their Gods ; They became vain in their Imaginations . Now women understand better the most secret mysteries that are worth the knowing and needfull , than formerly the greatest Philosophers did . They were all alwaies eloquent in speaking against their vices ; we appear not in a habit , of wisdom , but in our mindes , we do not speak great matters , but we live so . II. The Church of the Jewes had the Oracles of God committed to them . But the Thalmudist , Cabalist , Pharisees and Essens , &c. did strongly wrest them . That they held a transmigration of souls , not onely appears by the opinion of Herod and of others concerning Christ , as though he had received the soul of John Baptist or Elias , But also the question of the twelve Apostles declares as much . And that they supposed a Temporall Kingdom of Christ , should be upon the earth , that question shewes after Christs Resurrection , Concerning the restoring of the Kingdom of Israel . III. The three former Centuries are commended for their piety and Martyrdom , the fourth for learning . For that age , if ever any , had most excellent and famous Doctours . Thence were Arnobius , Lactantius , Eusebius , Athanasius , Hilarius , Basilius , Nazianzene , Ambrose , Epiphanius , Theophilus , Hieronymus , Augustine , &c. Yet Tertullian , Origen , Cyprian , are condemned for their enormous Errours ; And then the principall Heresie concerning the Trinity and Christs Incarnation was so rife , that in those dayes , it was an ingenious matter● to be a Christian. And at that time was the opinion of the Millenaries maintained : and that they were Angels that were called the Sons of God , in Genesis , Chap. 6. Whence , Peternus on the place . I am ashamed to speak what I am about speak here , concerning the best writers . IV. About the ninth Century , men were so ignorant , that if any man studied Philosophy , they commonly held him for a Conjurer . Genebrard saith , This is called an unhappy age , and drawn dry of men that were famous for wit and learning , wanting hoth Famous Princes and Bishops . V. So soon as Divinity was wrapt up with distinctions , there followed a great contempt of Gods Word . For Albertus M. brought Aristotle into the inmost and secret places of the Church of God , whom former times had brought to the door . The men of former dayes , did onely equallize the sayings of the Fathers of the Church , with the Word of God : But he with his followers took away that small Reverence was left unto the Word of God , and compared Aristotles writings with it , as if these were founded upon demonstrations , and that concluded onely by probable Arguments . Hence the most famous Graserus supposeth that the third Viol in the Apocalyps was then powred forth ; To this contempt was joyned a wonderful ignorance of Tongues ; To understand Greek was suspected ; and Hebrew was almost Heresy . Remigius being ignorant of those Languages , in his Comment upon those words , 1 Thes. 1. 8 , From you sounded out the word , saith , that Paul spake something improperly , for he should have said divulged ; being ignorant that S. Paul writ in Greek . In a part of Germa●y , as appears out of the Rescript of Pope Zacharie to Boniface Bishop of Germany , One Baptized in this maner . Ego baptizote in Nomine Patria & Filia & Spiritua Sancta . King Alfred in the Pastoral Preface prefixed to St. Gregory , writes that in his dayes there was noe Priest in the Southpart of Humber , who understood the Sacred Office written in Latine , or could interpret it . And Clemangus , They came not from their Studies or Schooles , but from the Plough tail , and baser arts almost every where , to take charge of Parishes who understood little more Latine than Arabick , and they could not read , and ( it is a shame to speak it , ) they could scarce distinguish Alpha from Bets : and if they had a little learning , their manners were naught , forasmuch as they were bred without learning in idlenesse , and followed nothing but ribaldry , playes , eating and drinking , and vain controversies . I shall here set down the example of Du Prat , a Bishop and Chancellour of France , wh● when he met with these words , in the Letters of Henry the eighth , King of England , written to Francis the First , King of France , Mitto tibi duodecim Molossos , He thought he m●●nt Mules by Molossos ; and afterward observing his mistake , he mended the matter well , taking Molossos for Muletis , and so doubled his ignorance . But all men will excuse themselves with that saying of Saint Gregory . The words of the Heavenly Oracle must not be subject to the Rules of Donatus . He that would know more herein , let him read Henricus Stephanus , in his Apologie on Herodotus . VII . Lastly , it is beyond all doubt , that no longer than about two hundred yeers did Greek and Hebrew begin to revive . And , as St. Augustine said , before Pelagius arose , the Fathers spake more carelesly ; and that may be said also of the times that preceded Luther . I need not speak much of the knowledge of the Imperiall Lawes , He that shall compare Baldus , Bartho . Jason , Accursius , with Cujacius , Alciat , Ho●toman , Duarenus , French men , he shall see the phrase more polite in these , and the method more exact , and the sense of the Law more quick . For Cujacius said , as Thuan testifies , that Govianus , of all the Interpreters of Justinian his Law , as many as are or were , is the onely Civilian , to whom the Garland , must be ascribed , if the question were made concerning the best . Yea Pithaeus , in his Epitaph made upon him , calls the same Man the first and last Interpreter of the Romane Lawes , from the first founders . Massonius writes thus of him : Jacob Cujacius , dug up the Romane Lawes by the Roots , and brought them to the light with so great care , that others before him may seem to be ignorant of them : he alone , after many men , seems to have sought them out more diligently , and more neerly to have discovered them . But if we enquire concerning the practick , from the decisions and judgements that now are at Rome , Naples , Florence , Genoa , Bononia , Mantua , at Perussium in Italy , Spires in Germany , at Paris , Burdeaux , Gratianapolis in France , we shal easily perceive , to whether the Goal must be delivered We acknowledge that Physick flourished in the dayes of Hippocrates , and was renewed as it were by Galen , but that it is now come to the top point , may be demonstrated by most firm Arguments . And I. Anatomy or artificiall Dissection of bodies was scarce known to the Antients . For the Aegyptians Dissected and Annoynted bodies to preserve them from corrupting ; The Greeks burn'd them ; witnesse , Herodotus and Thucidides . Plutarch intimates that the custome was to burn one Womans body with ten Mens , as being fatter ; and Hippocrates speaks nothing of these things . Democritus was found by him , dissecting many Animals , and when he asked him the reason of it , he answered . I dissect these Animals you see , not that I hate Gods works , but to search out the nature of the Gall and of Choler . Amongst the Jewes , the custome was either to burn Malefactours , or to stone them : if they were hanged they were buried the same day : It was sin to touch the bodies of the dead . Amongst the Romanes also , bodies were burnt ; The place where , was called , Puticulae , or Culina ; and the vessels their ashes were put into , Urnae . And though Cicero writes that Sylla was the first , who amongst the Senators of the Cornelii , would be burnt with fire ; Yet Ovid , writes of Remus . The limbs must burn he did annoint . And Numa who was addicted to the Sect of Pythagoras , forbad men to burn his body . Tully himself saith , that the Lawes of the twelve Tables forbad to bury a dead body in the City , or to burn it . And these were given in the 300. V. C. yeer . Lastly , Vignerius , shewes out of the eighth Book of Livie , that the body of the Son of Manlius the Consull was burned in the fields , and that was done in the yeer , V. C. CCCC . XII . Before Syllas death , CCLXX. It was not lawfull for them to behold the Entralls of man. This custome began to be antiquated after the Antonini . Macrobius saith , it began to fail in his dayes : Yet fifty yeers after , the bodies of Pertinax and Severus , were burnt , as Dion and Herodian testifie . Then lived Galen , who , as some write , did dissect many Apes and Monkeys , & no bodies of Men , unlesse perhaps he did One. Whilst Laurentius writes that he did that often : he saith onely , it is probable that he did so . As for the Primitive Church , Tertullian calls Herophilus a Butcher rather then a Physitian , who hated man , that he might know him . And Augustine , Though the diligence of some Physitians be cruelty , yet those men call'd Anatomists do butcher the bodies of the dead . Boniface threatens those with Excommunication , who should take out mens bowels ; Which is not onely ( saith he ) made very odious in the sight of the Majesty of God , but ought also , as being obvious to the eyes of men , to be exceedingly abhorred . Therefore , in our and our predecessours dayes , that Science began to be adorned , and it was adorned by Vesalius , who was the restorer of it . Valerius , Sylvius , Fallopius , Columbus , Riolanus , Hieronymus Fabricius ab Aquapedente , Remmelinus , Spigelius , Casserius , and others . II. The knowledge of Plants , though it were first known to Theophrastus , after that to Pliny , and most of all to Dioscorides : yet in the Age newly past , this also is brought to greater perfection : And this is not onely apparent by the peregrinations of Ravilius , L●on●ardus , Fuchsius , Clusius , and Americus , by the Discovery of the New World , and by Navigations into both the Indies , which amongst the rest , have brought four most excellent Sudorificks unto us , Guaicum , China , Sassaphras , and Sarsaparillia : but also by the writings of Mathiolus , Thurnheuserus , Lobelius , Clusius , Carrechterus , and Bauhinus , who was fourty yeers composing his Table of Plants . To these I adde the most Famous Man , Adolphus Vorstius , the Botanist at Leiden University in Holland , who was my Tutour , whose Skill I often wondred at , and that not without amazement . III. To this , Chymistrie may be joyned ; which though it were somwhat known to the Antients : For Sennertus writes it is probable that Tubal Cai● , was the first founder of it , and that it flourished in Egypt and chiefly in Arabia , as Geber , Avicenna , Rhasit , &c. do witnesse . Yet in these later Ages it was most adorned , by Lullius , Rogerius , Basilius , Valentinus ; but above all by Paracelsus , and his followers ; Suchtenus , Dornesus , Thurnhes●erus , Severinus and Crollius , and also by those Chymicall Physitians , Andernacus , Quercetanus , Sennertus , D●odate , and is brought now to this height . From whence divers Medicaments have sprung , Tinctures , Spirits , Extracts , Salts , Magistrals , Praecipitates , Glasses , Reguli , Flowrs , Milks , Sugars , Gills , &c. And though it must be confest that some of them are dangerous to give ; yet this must not be denied , that it is onely when an unskilfull Physitian useth them , and they are prepared by an unskilfull Chymist . Otherwise Extracts and Tinctures are stronger than Syrups , Decoctions , or Infusions . For when the profitable parts are parted from the unprofitable , strange , grosse and earthy parts , or as Schegkius saith , as it were from their excrements , and reffuse , as one may say , it cannot by any reason be denied , but they must be more effectuall , pleasing , and durable . To this belong Magnetick cures , transplanting of Diseases , Cures of such as are lame , &c. Of these the Antients speak very little , but Paracelsus , Crollius , Bargravius , Taliacotius , Petraeus , and others have spoke abundantly . Wherefore Quercetanus seems to have said well . If Hippocrates , Aristotle or Galen , himself were now alive , he would be amused to see this art augmented and adorned with so many Ornaments , enriched with so many new Inventions , and confirmed with so many wonderfull operations . Part. III. Nothing is wanting in speculative Philosophy . WHat we said of the three Faculties , we can boldly affirm of Philosophie . But Philosophie being either speculative , or practicall , and that we speak of in this part comprehends under it , Metaphysicks , Physickes , and Mathematickes ; We must demonstrate this of each of them in particular . As for Metaphysicks , after Averroes , both the old Scholiasts , and Thomas , Scotus , and the modern Spanish Philosophers , Sanchiez , Suarez , Fonseca , Masius , &c. have adorned it . And amongst other Nations , very many are found , as Shieblerus , Timplerus , Cornelius , and Jacobus Marnii , Scharfi●s , Lippius , Jacchaeus , Capsius , &c. Who partly have included it in an exact method , and in part have illustrated it with most exquisite precepts , & in part have adorned it with most large Disputations . If Keckerman had finished his that he began , there could be nothing wanting , as many suppose , that were needfull to the perfection of a complete work , directed to its proper end . And I think that no man will deny but that Sagittarius hath been a great help on his Canals . A speciall part which others call Pneumatica , is so illustrated and corrected out of the Scriptures , that it may well be written on the Altars of former ages , To the unknown God. The Doctrine of Angels , which many of the Antient Divines , thought to be Corporeall , is admirably described . It is most certain that no writing of the Antients , can be compared to that of Delrius , de Disquisitionibus Magicis , of Peucerus , and Julius Caesar , Bullinger de Divinatione . Naturall Philosophie is far more excellent now , than formerly it was . For I. In Aristotle , innumerable speculations , concerning Matter , the World , Heaven , and other things are false . We have them now corrected by Aslachus , Danaeus , Campanella , Verulam , Bartholinus , Nollius , Buthardus and many others . I know not whether Drebbellius hath not exceeded the Antients in his Book of the Elements . III. Naturall History before Pliny his age began again to spring up , at length in his dayes it increased . Yet because the new world was not then open , nor so great search made , all could not be discovered by Pliny , that since that time hitherto is very exactly known by Aldrovandus , Gesner , Agricola , the Anatomists and others . Boetius most accurately searched out the nature of Stones . The wonder of the Loadstone were searched by Gilbertus and Cabaus ; and Gesner found out more cleerly the nature of Coralls . III. No man will gainsay that the chiefest of operations is that whereunto the knowledge of things naturall must be directed . He is the legitimate son of Naturall Philosophy , who knowes how to produce new Metals , can multiply and increase Windes , can make artificiall Baths of Vitrial , B●imstone , Allum ; Can let fall Artificiall Snow , Rain , Hail , Frosts , &c. Can produce new Plants , and Animals : But the practick part of Philosophy was , till now , in the greatest darknesse ; at last in our age the way to it was opened by famous Vernlam , Vicount of S. Albanes , Chancellour of England in his New Organum , his Sylva Silvarum , his Historie of Life and Death , and of Windes . And those that have afforded any thing notable therein , were either of the age newly past , or of our times . Histories are full , that Paracelsus , Kelleyus , Setonus , did Transmute Metals into Gold. Johannes Hunniades a Hungarian , the chief of all the Chymists in England , our friend , did Enliven a Mettal that run . He shewed the same Art , concerning whom , Roger Bacon speaks thus ; It is more easie to make Gold , than it is to destroy it . Which Angelus de Sola , thought to be impossible reason of the fixednesse of the Mercury of Gold , the maturity , and the so straight Conjunction of it with the other substances of the same body , that it can never go back . I think but a few are ignorant what a Polonian Physitian did for the r●renewing of plants again . See more in Rhodologia Rosenbergeri . Lastly , this Winter an English man is reported to have found out a new and easie way to make Salt of Sea-Water . As for the Mathematicks , there is no doubt ▪ but our Ancestors came short of us in knowledge of Geography . For I. Strabo oftimes refutes Erastosthenes , Hipparchus , Polybius , and Posidonius : so doth Ptolomy , Marinus Tyrius ; yet they also are imperfect , being compared with Mercator , Merula , Ortelius , Maginus , Cluverius , and Carpenter . II. In the time of Pope Clement the sixth , as Robert Avesburiensts testifies , when Lodowick of Spain was chosen to be King of the Fortunate Islands , and raised an army in Italy and France , the English that were at Rome then with the Leger Embassadour , departed , supposing him to be Elected Prince of England , as being one of the Fortunate Islands . III. One Ephorus an accurate Greek writer , supposed Spain which he called Iberia , to be some mighty City . Also the beginning of Nilus was formerly unknown . But now adayes they are discovered . The originals of Nilus are neer the Mountains of the Moon , not far from the Promontory of Good-hope . IV. Of the Antipodes , Lactantiu● of old speaks thus . What doe they say that think the Antipodes to be Men , whose feet walk against ours , do they say any thing ? Or is any Man so foolish to think there be men whose feet are higher than their heads ? or that their weights ly against the places ours do , turne the contrary way ? That Corn and Trees grow downward , that Rain , Snow , Hail , fall upwards upon the earth ? And Virgilius , Bishop of Salisbury was condemned for this of Heresie , by Pope Zachary . Yet now adayes , we are sure there are such , I can speak no otherwise of Astronomy . For I. The Ephemerides were not known to Ptolomy ; Purbachius , was the first that brought them forth . II. Many Instruments within these few yeers have been found out by Tycho Brahe Galileus and o●hers , whereby new Stars have been discovered , and Milkie wayes , which reason of Meteors was hid from Aristotle and the Antients . III. The Quadrature of the Circle was a thing to be known in Aristotle his days , b●t it was not known . Scaliger writes , that he first found it out . Yet Pancirollus saith , not above thirty yeers since was that art invented , which contains in it some wonderfull secret . IV. Lastly , the most learned Brigs , late Professour of Geometry , in the Famous Universitie of Oxford , saith , that the Antients knew not these things so well . Copernicus Astronomy which teacheth us that the Earth is the Centre of the Globe of the Moon , and that the Sun is the Centre of all the other Planets : which may be discerned by our sight by help of an Optick Glasse , lately invented , in Venus and Mercury , when they are in the lower part of their Orbs. He sheweth also by the Diurnall Motion of the Earth , the Rising and Setting of all the Stars : and by the Annuall Motion of thesame in its great Orb , to finde out far more easily , the motions and distances of all the Planets , and their progresses in the Heavens , their Stations and Retrogradations , than we can by the Epicycles or other Hypetheses , of Ptolomy or of any of the Antients . The four Stars ( which Galilaeus Galilaei the Florentine calles , Medicea , who first found them out by his tuba Optica ) are alwaies carried about the Star of Jupiter , and when they fall within the shadow of him they are Eclipsed , Jupiter intercepting the Sun beams , as the Earth doth when the Moon is Eclipsed . To find out the value of Algebraic Aequations of all things , if it be rationall : and if it be not , yet to expresse it next unto that in Numbers absolute : and that as accurately , as we can do any side of a surd number , or the length of any Irrationall Line . Any Subtendent Line being given in a Circle , to finde out the Subtendent of the third part of the Circumference given ( whc . Theos in his comment upon Ptolomy thought to be impossible ) and not onely of a third part , but of any part , be it even or odde . The very Subtendent line is found of an odde part ; but the very subtendent of an even part is not found at one operation , but onely the Square of Subtendent : and the greater the number of parts be , so much harder it will be to finde out the subtendent . The Canons of right lines , Tangents and Secants to the circle , were not known to any of the Antients . Erasmus Reinoldus first framed them ; and the Canon of Sines , ( that is far more commodious than the Canon of Subtendents in Ptolomie ) was first discovered by Johannes Regiomontanus , and afterwards was most accurately calculated by many men . The totall doctrine of Logarithms was first invented by John Napier Baron of Merchiston , a Scotchman ; whereof none of the Antients ever so much as dreamt of , whereby many Problems in Astronomy , Arithmetick and Geometry are resolved with very little bour , which otherwise were thought to be impossible , or else to be exceeding hard , and not to be unfolded but with much toil and losse of time . Thomas Hariottus a most skilful Geometrician was the first who taught men to find out the Arpha of a Sphaericall Triangle , or the quantity of a Solid Angle ; no man before him attained this . The ignorance of this proposition deceived Aristotle in his L. 3. de caelo C. 8. supposing that a solid place could be completed by a Pyramis . And Petrus Ramus , committed the same errour , 16. & 4. lib. of his Geometrie , who affims the same thing may be done also by an Octaedron . He teacheth also to finde out the proportion of a Segment of a Circle , by that way which for Subtill and Accurate truth is equal to Archimedes way ( prop. 31. and 33 lib. de Conoidib . ) and for easinesse is far beyond it . Thus far Brigs , to these we might adde those things that the most Famous Gulielmus Avianus , Rector of the Colledge Thoman at Lipsia , my honoured friend , of his own invention hath inserted in his Universall Directory . Part. IIII. Nothing is wanting in practicall Philosophy and History . PRacticall Philosophy without all doubt is in the same condition . For should we read the Books written upon this subject , by Lipsius , Guazzus , Althusus , Thomas , Henricus , Timpler , Keckerman , Donaldson , &c. who writ in Latine ; or Verulam , Montanus , the most Reverend Hall , Robinson , Feltham , Gentius , Wright , who writ in French or English , and should adde thereunto what Verulam hath written in his Augmentations of Learning , we shall finde that Seneca , Epictetus , Plutarch , and others of the Antients fell short of them many degrees . As for the Military art which is part of Politicks , the Romanes surpassed the Greeks therein , and Raughleigh is reported to have shewed that the Romanes were surpassed by the English in Edward the third , and Henry the fifth his dayes : It is a question whether the Low-Countries fall short of Antiquity . Hunniades , Temincharius , Scanderbeg , Ziska , Polislaus of Poland , Henricus M. King of France . Frederick or Nassau , &c. nay be compared with Julius Cesar. For he fought fourty seven battels with successe , and was never put to the worst , except in the Russian war , by the running away of one of the Palatinate . But of the other , compared to Alexander the great , Pytheus , writes thus . Which of you two the Garland first should have ; The warlike World long strove ; at last it gave , The same to thee , Henry ▪ by death thou wast . So made at once , the first Captain and last . Who of the Antiens better knew the Art of Fortification , than the Dutch and Italians do ? Who used more Noble Stratagems than the Low Countries , in taking Breda and Zutphane ? than the Spaniard did in the interceptions of Amboina : and the English in the conquering of the thundring Navy . And as for Fights at Sea , not despising other Nations , the Dutch confederates have the preeminence given to them , in many mens judgements ▪ They would sail to Heaven with their ships , if men could sail thither . History is three fold , Naturall , Ecclesiasticall , and Civill : Of that we spake already . This in old Writers is full of Fables ; Now we have the works of Baronius and Ezovi●s , the Centuries of the Magdeburgenses , revised lately by Luciu● , Hospinians labours , concerning Temples , Feasts , Jesuites , Monks , the Sacramentary war , &c. Foxes Martyrology , that is about to be enlarged : and it is no doubt , but some man will be found , that will accurately perfect i● . The Civill part was of old written by many particular men : Tacitus is most commended amongst them all . Yet Lipsius calls him , Forgetfull , and one that writes Contradictions ; and Tertullian , A most babling Lyar. Nor doth Guicciardine , Cominaeus , Cambden , Thuan , and other , seem to fall short of him , who without anger or passion , writ the Histories of their own times , Melior Adamus excellently described the lives of the Learned : to say nothing of others who writ in their Mother tongues . And if we speak of Universall History , Johannes Cluverius , professour of the University of Sora in Denmark , hath excellently drawn that forth . Yet C L ▪ Conradus Graserus , our Reverend Master , seems to outstrip him in some things . For to speak nothing of Chronologie , deduction of Histories , and the Propheticall part of History , in the Exotick part , he hath bound together the acts of the four Monarchies , and of things concurrent , then from the destruction of Solomons Temple , unto the Reign of Ferdinand the first , by certain heads , according to lines drawn upon the Statue of Daniel , besides the Holy Writ , taken out of profane writers . Also he hath most accurately deduced Ecclesiasticall History according to the three sold period of the Church by John the Divine in his Apocalyps , Revealed by Seven Seals , Trumpets and Viols . He that shall joyn together these two parts , like to Castor and Pollux , I dare promise to him security in the Ocean of History that otherwise is very unquiet . Commentaries now hot under our hands , doe promise , if God please , a larger deduction . Hitherto appertains Chronologie the Eye of History , which that it is now more augmented and more polished than it formerly was , is confimed by the writings of Scaliger , Pavellus , Helvicus , Calvisius , Alsted , and others . The Calculation of the yeer was along time uncertain amongst the Grecians , and though it were first invented by Meton , Calippus , and Hipparchus ; yet it was after that mended by Julius Cesar , and Lilie is said to have mended his Computation ; Lastly for History , Keckerman , Alsted , and ( whom I name by way of gratitude ) the famous Vossius have done excellently therein , who also hath set forth two incomparable volumes of Greek and Latine Historians . Part. V. Nothing wants in Tongues and Arts. I Need not say much of Languages . Every one understands Latine ▪ Greek in its own Climate is rude & barbarous , but in our world , it flourisheth in most places . Amongst the Fathers of the Primitive Church , but two , namely Hierome and Origen , understood the Eastern Languages . But in these dayes innumerable are they that have great skill in them . Amongst whom I place the Buxtorsii , Amama , Hierome , Avianus , L' Empereur de Dicu , as the chifest Leaders . The Christians hardly ever saw an Hebrew Grammer before Caprio , scarce a Chalday one before Munster , or a Syriac one before Tremellius and Masius . But now they are not onelo Grammarians , but have set forth particular work themselves . And this will be demonstrated by Hutters Cube , which he set before his Bibl● ; Johnsons , That I saw hangd up in the Library at Leyden ; Lubinus his Clavis of the Greeke Tongue , Mulfuretus his of the Hebrew , The Horologium of Scikkardus , the circles of Stephanus Colerus ; The Harmonia linguarum of Cruciger , The Lexicon of Francus disposed by proper Names . As much may be said of Arabick , for before Raphelengius , Baptista , and Erpenius , no man set forth a Grammer of it . Now men are excellently skilled therein , as Golius Professour at Leyden , Brodardus with the Cadomenses , Schikkardus with the Tuingenses , and others . To Arts I refer Grammer , Logick , Rethorick , Poesy . I have now explained the condition of the former . I adde onely this , that it was an admirable Artifice that the Irish Fathers observed in their Janua Linguarum : but that is far before it , that Johannes Comenius , my friend , hath communicated in his . For he hath not onely in Sentences set down the Primitive words , but he hath so disposed them , that it seems as it were a Synopsis of Philosophy . The Antients had notable skill in Logick , and the Scholiasts have writ many things concerning the precepts thereof very wittily , and subtilely ; yet we are nothing behinde them . For since the vertue of an Instrument consists in the use thereof , and Logick Rules are but as it were certain Measures of things , and such as are indivisible ; there is lesse due to that age that was overmuch in disputes , and neglected the use , calling the Rules into question ; More to that time , in which the rules are directed to their use , and the use is diligently and accurately inculcated . But Keckerman alone hath done this : His book of Logick is of so great Esteem , that in the University at Glascow , it is expounded , and it is urged in the Evangelicall Schools in Hungary , is extolled by the Socinians themselves , and is in the hands of all their Students . To passe over the testimony of Johannes Valentinus Andreas , his own scholler Alsted spake truly of him . I say of thee Rare Keckerman , That of three brests thou art a Man. Of Aristole , Ramus , and Melancthon . Melancthons brevity , Ramus Method , one ; That surpassed Aristotle alone . To these we may adde the Logick of the Famous Burgersdicius , Philosopher in the University at Lyons , wherein he hath corrected some errours of Keckerman . The Axioms of Hunnius and Sagittarius , the Logicall Works of Alsted and Pareus ; All these works are so written that they may shew the right use of Logick . Rhetorick and oratory , flourished in Greece principally in Demosthenes his age ; in Italy , when Tully and Salust , lived , and some others : But now we must needs acknowledge that it flourisheth more , than it did formerly under Monks and Schollers . It is well known , what Lipsius writ truly of himself , though he did it blushing : and there is no Man ignorant of the Modern Oratours , Putean , Baudius , Heiens●ius , Vernuleius , Barclay , &c. Poetry excelled in Homer amongst the Greeks , in Virgil amongst the Latlne Poets . Virgil , saith Scaliger , brought up to the top of perfection by his choiser studies and judgement , that art that was but rude when he received it . And again , I think that he onely knew what it was not to trifle : he is the onely Poet amonst all the Poets , and compared single , he may stand for all . If we speak of Comaedians , Plautus is admired by most . Erasmus thinks there is more exact Judgement in one Comedy of Terence , than in all Plautus his works . But in the following ages , the Art of Poetry was hid as under Cimmerian darknesse , and Verses were written which , brand the Age and the Authors with a mark of Infamy . King Ethelberd his Epitaph is this . Rex Ethelbertus his clauditur in Poliandro . Fana pians certus , Christo meat absque Meandro . And this was made on Gervasius Blessensis , Abbor of Westminster . De Regum genere pater hic Gervasius , Ecce , Est & defunctus ; mors rapit omne genus . Venerable Bede ▪ had this Epitaph . Presbyter h●c Beda requiescit carne sepultus . Dona Christe animam in coelo gaudere per aevum . Daque illi Sophiae d' ebriari fonte , cui jam Suspiravit ovans intentus semper amore . But we in the last age had two Poets , Ronsard and Buchanan ( To say nothing of Bartus who writ excellently in French , or of Torquatus Tassus in Italian , or of Spencer who writ in English , of Kochonovivs in Poles Language , of Opitius who is yet alive , who writ in the German tongue ) who might be compared to Homer and Virgil. Of the former , Pasquire speaks thus . Wouldst thou Virgils verses make Or wanton Catullus take . Or delightfull Petrarch shew , Or Pindarus Modes renew . Ronsard Virgils verses can And wanton Catullus skan . And pleasant Petrach he doth With Pindarus grace set forth . He doth so well Pindar write , And as Petrarch doth end●te . Catullus , Virgil , present , As if he to them had lent . Virgil gravely he doth sing , Like Catullus in no thing ; Then wanton Catullus He , Far from Virgils Poetry . Hee 's Virgil and Catullus , And Petrarch with Pindarus . Yet is Ronsardus alone , Besides him there can be none . If Virgil and Catullus , And Petrarch with Pindarus , And all Poets were before Should live again or'e and or'e , All could not Ronsard aquall Yet he alone doth them all . Scaliger writes thus of Bucha●an . Unto the highest Pinnacle was Poesie Come , but in thee it stands , can go no farther hence . Scotland the bounds of Romes Empire was formerly , Scotland the bounds shall be of Romes Eloquence . Yet we have now adays , some that you may reckon amongst the Laureate Poets . Amongst Comedians , Vernuleius and Frischlinus are not the least . As for Poeticall Invention , the Euphormio and Argenis of Barclay , Sidneys Arcadia , Montgomeries urania , Astraea , Gurmannus de Alfarache of Alemannus , are as good as any written by the Antients . To conclude , I will adde something concerning the Art of Teaching , which many men have adorned , principally in Languages ▪ yet Petrus Glaumius seems to excell them all , who so taught the Italian Tongue in half a yeers space in the University Giessena ▪ that his Schollers would accurately controvert their Theses , written of any matter in that language . The same did so instruct his Schollers at Halla in Saxony in the doctrine of Copy-holds in two weeks space , they having learned nothing but the principles of Logick before , that they composed Theses of the same matter and would defend the same miracuously , without any Helper . I was informed of this by that famous friend of mine , Master Sigismund Evens , who was as it were the Rector of the Colledge then , and directed all that businesse . Also he shewed me some examples of the Positions , with a Table that Glaumius had set before it . Holstenius his Scholler hath professed in a Book he newly set forth , that he ca● do as much . Part. VI. Mechanick Arts , and Skill in Navigation , have increased . BUt , it may be , Manuall arts in these latter times have suffered some eclipse . For the art of Painting was excellent amongst the Romanes when their Empire was at the height . Whence Horace ; Now are we come to 'th top of Fotunes wheel , we Paint , Wrestle , and Sing full well , as nointed Greeks more quaint . Graving and Casting were of old in the greatest perfection , as may also appear by the Marmora Arundeliana at London , set up in the Garden of the illustrious Earle of Arundel , that were brought out of Italy and Greece . We saw , amongst many Inscriptions Urnes and Statues , the Statue of C. Marius , VII . Consul , of Theseus , and of Hercules , when he was young : I saw also the Faces of Scipio , Ahricanus , Seneca , Socrates , Aesop , &c. carved and cast to the life . Amongst them all , the handsome proportion of the statue of Hercules , is most commended , and of a certain Feminine body ; also the head of a Macedonian King , cast in brasse , and it was found in a pit at Smyrna , by Petty who lived there five yeers for such purposes . The English carvers do as it were by rule direct their chiefest works thereunto . One of the most excellent workmen of them in the art of casting , by the judgement of all the rest , confessed he could not equall the Lineaments thereof . For that , though the the head were maimed , the Earle of Pembrok offered 300 pound , and it was refused , as D. Junius the son of Franciscus , a most courteous Gentleman reported , who shewed to me these and many more rarities . Lastly , for Architecture , Vitruvius is chiefly commended , nor are the Pyramids , & Obeliscks of the Antients things forgotten . Yet though these things be so : Nothing can be concluded that can any way prejudice our opinion . For the art of Painting declined afterwards , whence Sylvius . I saw pictures of two hundred yeers standing , polished with no art . And again , If you look upon carved or painted works of two or three hundred yeers standing ▪ you will perceive them not to l●ok like men , but like monsters , and strange creatures . But in a few yeers after it grew up again , and Michael Angelus , and Raphael U●binas were excellent in Italy , Durerus in Germany , whom Erasmus so highly extols , that he thinks , that if Apelles had then lived , as he was free and friendly , he would have yeelded the bucklers to Albertus , Carving and Casting , if they do not exced in our times , yet they are scarce behinde the Antients , and in this is that Axiome verified , that there is a certain circle in humane affairs . It is true that in Architecture Vitruvius is commended . But that must be understood for his Rules in Architecture . Otherwise , Politian writes of Leo Baptista Alberti a Florentin , that he so searched out the footsteps of the Antients , that he both comprehended the antient manner of Architecture , and made it Exemplary . That others have done as much may be seen by magnificent structures , which are found about Castles , Monasteries , Churches and other buildings , whereof the Itin●rant and Topographicall descriptions of Countries are full . The Pyramids and Obelisks were works made onely to vaunt by , and not for any profit . Yet the Obelisk set up by Sixtus V. Anno. 1586 , is as good as any of them . It was 107 foot high , and 956148 pound weight . In the erecting of it from the beginning of May till the end almost of September , 900 Men , and 70 Horses were Employed , and the charge came to 37975 Crowns , as saith Dominicus Pontanus . But though there were nothing that could shew that the former times in this point come short of ours ; Yet some artificiall Works and Inventions can shew this , that not very many yeers since were brought upon the stage of the World. The principall whereof , are supposed to be the Art of Printing , Invention of Guns , the Mariners Compasse , and some singular Pieces . concerning the first Inventor of Printing . Historians strive , yet cannot end this strife . Scriverius seems to demonstrate by many Arguments , that Laurentius Johannis , surnamed Edituus , was the inventor of it . And t is true that the Author of the Chronicle of Colen in their Native Tongue , set forth , Anno , 1499 saith that the first Prints were found in Holland , and that the Inhabitants of Mentzs , from Donatus that was Printed there in the yeer 1450 , framed them to that forme we use them now adayes , But the words of Mariangelus Accursius are these Donatus was first of all Printed here . Anno , 1450 : Indeed , Johannes Faust , a Citizen of Ments , who first invented this art in Copper prints , had his Instructions from Donatus printed before in Holland , in a print of Wood. But Palmerius in Chronicis , Guilandinus , Vignerius , Bibliander , Munster , contend for Guttenbergius : If this contest can be decided , we may say , that at Harlem were the first grounds of it laid ; and Guttenbergius , whom Polidor Virgil makes the Author of it , did bring it to greater perfection . But Faustus was the first Man , that first used the art as we do now . Petrus Ramus had Tullies Offices in print , with this Inscription . This present most famous work of Marcus Tully was happily ended by me , John Faust , a Citizen of Ments , not with Inke and Pen , or quills or brasse , but by a very gallant Art , by the labour of my servant Peter de Gerneshem . It was finished , Anno. 1466. the fourth day of February . Yet whatsoever this may be , Germany will never endure to lose the praise of it . Beroa●dus . O Germany that dist finde , And art usefull for mankinde , To write in print a Mans minde . What is spoken of China , if it be true , yet every man must acknowledge , that all was worse , and more rude , not so neat and well trimmed , nor adorned with so comely variety of Leters , as Lem●ius saith . I doubt not but he would have said much more , had he seen the Prints of the Dutch , Italians and others now adayes . Every man may easily collect the great profit ariseth by this Invention . Polydore Virgil annexeth this to his Oration , de Bibliothec. Veterum . That was a very great blessing given to Mankind , but it is no way comparable to that we have obtained now , since we found out a new way of Writing . For one man will print as much in one day as Many can hardly write in a whole yeer . All men know that Books are now made chea●er , more common and more correct , than they were in former times . For to let goe the price , I spake of in another place , I will speak this one thing truly and boldly , ( they are Erasmus words , ) I suppose that Hierom's Books making , cost him lesse , than they do us in restoring them ; And in the Preface to Augustines Works . The rashnesse of idle people hath scarce dealt so ill with any other , as with the Books of this Sacred Dr. At length Warlike Guns were invented , An. 1380 as Magius wil have it , or An. 1400 as Ramus saith , by one Bartholdus S●wartz a Monk of Colen , or as Salmuth writes , by Constantine Anklitzen of Friburg . It is collected from Platina in the Life of Vrban the fourth , that they were first used in the wars of the Venetians , against the Genoes ▪ But that seems to be an untruth , which some write that the Indians , or Salmoneus , or Archimedes were the Inventors of them . Virgil writes of Salmoneus thus . I saw Salmoneus cruelly tormented Because he ●oves Thundering Flames invented . Through Greece and Elis Sreets , in pompe he rode , Requiring to be honor'd as a God. In his Coach with four Horses be did fly , Shaking a burning Lamp to mock the Skie . Mad fool , to think that Clouds and Thunder can , Be made with Ayre and Horses by a Man. But this seems to be nothing , but to make men afraid with the noise . And either Plutarch or Livie , or Aegidius Romanus , who in the Reign of Philip the fair writ of Warlike Instruments , Anno , 1285. would have spoken something of Archimedes . Nor would Mahomet have omitted this in his siege of Constantinople , who for the managing of one Instrument to beat down the walls , was constrained to employ fifty yoke of Oxen , and 2000 men , as Chalcondyla witnesseth . Yet we cannot deny but that in the Reign of Richard the Second King of England , in the battering of the Castle at Outwitch , the French had great Cannon , whereby the walls and houses of the Castle were cloven and broken in many places . But whether those engines were such as we use now , is uncertain . The Marriners Compasse was not known of old time , as Blondus , Bodinus , Cardan , Bellonius , Acosta , Turnebus , Pancirolla testifie . Had it been found in Solmons dayes , he needed not to have consumed three yeers in going and coming , nor was he so wise as to know all things . The Compasse , by Plautus called Versovia , alleadged by Lemnius , and called the Compasse , is supposed to be the Helm that turns the Ship , or a rope that turns the Sail , as Turnebus explains it . Flavius Melphitanus is thought to be the first Inventor of it , though Gilbertus saith that Paulus Venetus brought it from China ; and Osorius saith , the Portingalls took it from some Barbarian Pyrates neer the Cape of Good hope . Also that secret of the Lodastone , whereby friends may communicate their secret thoughts one to another at the greatest distance , is reported to be an Invention of our times . But because Famianus Strada hath described it at large in the style and vein of Lucretius . I will for the Readers benefit , set it down in his own words . The Load-stone is a stone in Nature strong , For many needles toucht there with will change , And turn themselves to that Star full right , That next the Pole , above us doth give light . Conspiring in their motion , far asunder , All move one way at once , t is a wonder . For if at Rome one stir , the rest are guided , By the same course , nere so far divided . If then you would unto your friend endite Your minde , to whom you know not how to write . Make a plain Circle large enough , and set On the Circumference the Alphabet . Then let the needle in the middle play . Toucht with the Load-stone , that it easly may Point to the Letters ; and to this again , Prepare another for a Counterpain ; The needle must be touched with the same Stone , as the former was to fit your frame . Your Friend that Travells must one Compasse take , And you must keep the other for his sake . But on the day and hour first consent , Whereon you mean to shew your close intent . This done , observe the time prefixed , and As one , so will the other move or stand . Move then your needle at that time when you , Would have your Friend to know the thing you do . And let the Needles point mark ea●h Letter Softly , that he may understand the better . The words they make , of this you may be sure ; Your Needles motion will the same procure , In your friends needle : use your Instrument Thus till you have disclos'd your full Intent . T is a graeat wonder for your friend to see , His Needle travers o're the A. B. C. Guided by yours , that so wide doth lye Distant from his , and so to read thereby Each word you there make , and if then he please , He may so send to you again with ease . When you have done , and when your style stands still . He can by 's Needle write back what he will. I would this writing were once brought in use , Then should our Letters suffer no abuse , Thei 'd need no Posts , nor need they stop or stay , They 'd safely passe , and swiftly , no delay . From Theevs , nor Seas , nor Rivers need we fear ; It were all one thing to be far or neere . Then Princes might their own dispatches make , With their own hands , what ere they undertake , We Scribes that swim in Inkes black Sea might then , Offer up to the Load-stone every pen. Thus for Srtada . Haseatefferus write , that the like may be done by blood drawn forth of the veins of two friends . As for particular Inventions , many might be instanced in , that surpasse , Architas his Pigeon , Archimaedes his Globe of Glasse , Homers Iliads writ in parchment and put into a Nutshell , the Ship and the Chariot of Myrmecidas ; that was covered with the Wings of a little Bee , this with the wings of a Fly. Albertus M. made a Statue that spake , he was thirty yeers in making it , and Thomas Aquinas brake it . Regiomontanus made an Eagle that at Norimberg met Caesar Maximilian , and hung over his head directly , and bore him company into the City . He made also a Fly of Steel , that flew out of his hands , and flew back again into his hands , when it had first flew round about all the guests , at a banquet , and in a manner saluted them all . A generous Gentleman , Johannes Christophorus de Berg , affirms that he hath an Invention , that with one turn of a Wheel , made by a boy of 16 yeers old , he would rayse 800. weight 60 foot high . The Coach that saild with the Winde , that Stevinus invented is well known , of which Grotius writes thus . Typhis first made a Ship with sails , which Jove Did soon translate amongst the Stars above , But Stevins brought it on the Earth to sail . Typhis and Joves , may , Stevin's shall not fail . He affirms elsewhere that he could run-with it seventeen miles in two hours . I beleeve also that Cornelius Drebbils wonderfull Sphere is not unknown , wherein he did by vertue of a perpetuall Motion , represent the constant and most apparent Motions and Laws of the Heavens and the Stars , and the Predestinations of Times , and Motions in them . But what shall we think of that Instrument , by means whereof he changeth himself into divers forms of Trees , and living Creatures , and makes an appearance as if the Earth opened , and Spirits came forth of it ; First , in the form of a Cloud , and then changing themselves into another shape that he commands them , be it of Alexander the great , or of some other King or Prince . I will say nothing of his Ship that swam under the Waters , and an Optick Instrument , wherewith in a Starlight night , he could read Letters a quarter of a mile from him . Jacobus Metius , brother to Adrian Metius invented a Perspective Glasse , whereby he could take the heighth of any Towre or body that was distant from him three Holland Leagues , as exactly as if he stood close by it ; and he could see cleerely into England from his own Shore . And he discovered other things concerning the Globe of the Moon , of the Milkie way , and of Stars , which Astronomers hitherto called Cloudy Stars , and of other Wandring Stars about Jupiter , an Invention now adayes which the Ancients never knew of . Galilaeus Galileaei , hearing the fame of this Instrument , saith , he came to the Invention of such an other , by the help whereof he descried those Observations in the body of the Moon , and innumerable fixed Stars , the Milkie Circle , Clowdy Stars , and the four Planets , and their periods about Jupiter . The same person mentioned before , proceded to search out with geat care and study an Instrument of the like kinde , and he hoped to finde it , whereby out of our Horizon in the Opposite Hemisphere , beyond the bounder of the Hemispheres he might observe all the Stars there , as if they were apparent in that part of the world we live in . What shall we say of that Musicall Instrument ? that by the perpetuall , moveable or moving vertue of the same ( as the Artificer reported ) in a clear day , the Sun shining forcibly , only by the Sun beams , that musicall Genius being , roused thereby , without touching the instrumentall parts with your hand ; would make most Heavenly Musick . But who is able to recckon up all ? If those things be true , that Mormius hath set forth in his Arcanis Rosianis , lately at Leyden in Holland , ( but beleeve them that will ) his example were enough to oppose against all Antiquity . As for the art of Navigation , we need not prove it to be more perfect now , than formerly it was . I. The Antients writ on Hercules Pillars , Non ultra . And Lucan writes thus of the first Ships . First the white Willow whilst the Twigs were green . Twisted into a Ship , and covered with a Hide , The bottome was on Waters to be seen , The Britans over Seas in this would ride ▪ And the Venetians on the river Po. II. Fracostorius and Acosta confesse that we read no where in Antient Writers that men did ever sail into the Main Ocean . But the Phoenicians , Carthagenians , Tyrians and Sidonians made choice of the shore . III. Lastly , in the times of our Fathers , the whole world hath been compassed round by Americus , Drake , Candish ; and in our times , by Oliver Van Nort , Schoutenius , Spilbergen L'Heremite , and strange Voiages into the North parts have been undertaken by the English and Dutch. Moreover the precepts of the Art of Navigation are written by Petrus Medina , and Baptista Ramusius , and the publike Lectures appointed by Charles the fifth , are yet in use . But it cannot be granted to be true which Vatablus ▪ and Arias Montanus say , with whom Als●ed seems to agree , that Ophir , from whence Solomon fetched Gold and Elephants Teeth should be Peru , by transmutation of the Letters . For in the West Indies there are no Elephants , and when under Franciscus Pizarrus , the Countries of Attabaliba were discovered , and the Spanlards that understand not the language , described with their hands water or any thing they would have , the Indian answered , Peru , that is water . So Juca●an , which Montanus thinks had the name from Joktan , is nothing else , but , What say you ? What seek you ? To rehearse the Opinion of Pineda , whereby he applies the name of Tartessi to Tartesso , in Spain , is enough to answer it . For there are no veins of Gold so plentifull , unlesse perhaps they were carried into the New World , and brought back again in their great Gallions . Since therefore it is so , it is most certain that Arts by Times succession have suffered no losse , but are come almost to the highest pitch ; We may then say with Lactantius , God hath given every one wisdom in such a measure , that they may seek out things unheard of , and consider of things they hear . Nor because they did precede us in time , did they also precede us in understanding ; which if it be given equally to all , it cannot be engrossed by those that went before us . It is pure as light , and the Sun beams ; for as the Sun is the light of the Eyes , so is wisdom of the minde of man. Wherefore since it is naturall to all men to be wise , that is , to seek after wisdom , they deprive themselves of wisdome that approve the Inventions of their Ancestors without using their own judgement and are led by others like bruit beasts . But this deceives them , that when they hear the name of Antiquity they think it not possible for them to understand more , because they are called the younger , or that they could be mistaken who are called their Ancestors . Part. VII . Vices were as great formerly , as they are now . HAving saild over the Straits of the Arts , we are now come into a large Sea of Manners . Whose chief horrible waves and mighty storms drive forward those that maintain the contrary opinion . And though all things also at this day are full of vices , yet since in these last times almost the greatest part of the known World is converted to the Christian Religion , there is no reason that we should hold this to be the worst of all , being compared with the Former . Lactantius himself breaks forth into these words . God as a most carefull Parent , when the last times drew on , sent an Embassadour , that should bring back again the former age , and banished Justice ; lest mankinde should alwaies be driven on with the greatest and continuall Errours , wherefore the forme of that golden age is returned . Yet it cannot be said that alwaies and in all places the Honesty of men increaseth , but we must grant , that all things run in a kinde of Circle ; and as times , so do manners change by course . There will be vices so long as there are Men , but these are neither continuall , and amends is made by the interposition of better things . Our Ancestors , saith Seneca , complained so , and we complain as they did , and our posterity will do the like ; saying , that manners are decayed , and wickednesse rules , that humane affaires grow worse , and fall into all mischief ; But these things stand at the same point , and they will stand , onely moving a little on this or that side , as waves that are brought in further by the tide , which going back leaves more room on the shore . Now Adultery is the chief sin , and Chastity breaks the bridle ; another time men are mad in rioting , and the kitchin proves the fatall ruine of Patrimonies ; sometime Men take care for nothing but gay apparell , and to trim themselves fine , which shewes their minde to be ugly enough , &c. Vices do not wait all in one place , but they are moveable , and at ods one with another , they jar together , and are driven away one by another . But because the contrary part hath taken strong arguments from this matter , we shall handle this question something more strictly and accurately . But since some vices are committed in Religion , others in Policie , and others in the common society of men , and , to compare all these severally with all Nations , would be too tedious for us to undertake ; We shall therefore make our comparison with the Romanes , whom Historians and other writers report to have been the most vertuous and prudent people of all Nations . Under this branch therefore these points are contained . I. That the Religion of the Antients was too sottish . II. That many of their Lawes in Policy were wicked . III. That the people of the Romanes were extreamly cruell . IV. That their covetousnesse was incredible . V. That their Luxuriousnesse in venery and drinking was none the like ever heard of . VI. In Meats . VII . In Buildings . VIII . In costly clothes . IX . That the Justice of the Roman people , prudence , and valour was not any thing . X. It is probable that the Church shall be in greater glory than ever it was before . The I. Point . The Religion of the Antients was too sottish . IT may be easily understood that the Religion of the Antients , was vain , foolish , wicked , by their Images , the number condition and adoration of their Gods. That is first cleerly demonstrated out of that place of Isaiah , to say nothing of Jeremiah , and the Wisdome of Solomon . For in the framing of an Idol the folly of man proceeds even so . The carpenter stretcheth forth his Line , and mark 's it out with his square , he fits the corners of it , or he describes it with his Compasse ; at length he makes it of the fashion of a man , and decks it in mans rayment , that it may be in the house . He heweth down Cedars , and taketh the Cypresse and the Oke , which he strengthneth for himself , among the Trees of the Forrest ; He planteth an Ash and the rain doth nourish it , then shall it be for a man , to be burnt , for he will take thereof and warm himself , yea he kindleth it , and baketh bread , yea , he maketh a god and worshippeth it ; He maketh it a graven Image and falleth down thereto ; He burneth part thereof in the fire , with part thereof he rosteth flesh , he eateth thereof and is satisfied , yea he warmeth himself and saith , ah , ah , I am warm , I have seen the fire ; and the residue thereof he maketh a God , even his Graven Image ; he falleth down unto it , and worshippeth it , and prayeth unto it , and saith , Deliver me for thou art my God , &c. But what madnesse think you is this , or to make such things that they should afterwards be afraid of , or to fear what they themselves made . If Images could feel or move , men would voluntarily adore those they made . Therfore Seneca a heathen , speaks it , though it be in a scoffing way . They worship the Idols of the Gods , they kneel down and pray to them , they adore them ; and when they stand in awe of these , they despise the Workmaster that made them . The number of the gods was so numberlesse amongst the Heathen , that there were almost more gods than men . In Boccace they are almost without number . Crinitus hath numbred 30000 of them . Varro reckoneth Jupiters onely , to have been 300. For there were gods of the upper house , Tutelary gods , Village gods , Houshold and Closet Gods so many , that Pliny breaks into these words . The company of gods is thought to be more than there are men , when as every man makes what gods he pleaseth , and makes Junos , and good angels which they adopt for them selves . Of corn only , at divers times differing in the maner of it , there were Goddesses made , called , Segetia , Tutelina , Proserpina , Nodotus , Volutina , Patilena , Hostelina , Flora , Lacturtia , Maluta , Ruricina , I do not name them all , for it troubles me for that they were not ashamed of them . The condition of their Gods , may make every man laugh . Flora , when she had been a Whore a long time , and by prost●tuting her body , had gained wealth , by making the Common Wealth of Rome her heir by her Testament , she gave the name to their Feasts called Floralia . Iuno was both sister and wife of Iupiter . Fortune , Fornax , Muta , Fear , Palenesse , Feavers , Priapus and Cupid , are not names of things to be adored , but of the crimes of such as adored them . But what shall I say of the crackings of the belly , of the privy gods , dunghill gods ? What of the Trojans that adored a Mouse ? of the Egyptians that worshipped Onions and Garlick ? Mephitis was in great honour amongst the Heathens . For in the plundering of Cremona , all the Temples of the gods and goddesses were rifled , but the Souldiers out of their superstition spared this onely . But this was the goddesse of stinks . The manner of Worshipping in many was very cruell , in others very beastly . They offered men in sacrifices to the dead , and they fed the fire with mans blood as with oyl . That was a custome amongst the Trojans and Grecians , as Virgil saith ; amongst the Carthagenians as Silicus ; amongst the French as Lucan ; amongst the Moabites , and Canaanites as the Scripture writes ; amongst the Romanes , though when Cornelius Lentulus , and Lucinus Crassus were Consuls , they abrogated this wicked custome . Lastly , amongst the Jews , as we read in the books of Kings , it was a custome . Lactantius reports from Pescenius Festus , That the Carthagenians being overcome by Agathocles King of Sicily , fearing left the cause was because they had intermitted to adore Saturne , they offered unto him two hundred Noble children for one Offering . Moloch's Statue amongst the Jews was in the Valley of Gehennon , or Tophet : Children that were Sacrificed were shut within the Idol , and the fire was kindled ; and that they might not be heard to cry , they beat Drums , and Cymbals . Their beastlinesse Priapus and Berecinthia may shew . The Image of the first , was stark naked . Of their beastly Priests , it is said thus . Nos pudore pulso stamus sub Iove Coleis apertis . When the Sacrifice was ended they that were present fell to promiscuous venery . In brief ; This disease , that Crime , this disgrace was professed in their adoration , that will hardly be confessed by torments in the vitious lives of men . Before the Horse-litter of Berecinthia , on a Solemn day , there were washings , and such songs were sung by the most wicked Players , that I do not say the mother of the Gods , but the mother of any Noble persons , or any honest men , nay the mothers of the very comedians ought to be ashamed to hear . But the Men of Lyndus held those solemnities to be violated , if by chance at their times of performing these rites , any good word had dropt from any of their mouths . I will say nothing of their South-sayings , looking into Entralls and other kindes of Divinations , as also of the fooleries of the Thalmudists , and Cabalists . Cato and Cicero that were Heathens laught at them themselves : Petrus Galatinus de Arcanis Catholicae veritatis , Buxtorfius in Synagoga Judaica , have described these . Since therefore the Sacred worship of the Antients was so simple , cruel , and obscene ; It is no wonder that Seneca writ , If a man had leasure to see what they do and suffer superstitiously , he shall finde them so unseemly for honest persons , so unworthy of free Men , so unfit for discreet men , that no man would doubt but they were mad , if they were mad in fewer numbers , but now they are so many that they are defended by their numbers from being thought to be mad . He that would read more of their gods , let him read Gyraldus in Syntagmate , Dempster in Antiquitat . Roman . and Selden de Diis Syris . Part. II. There were many wicked lawes among the Antients . AS we have shewed the Religion of the Antients to be daub'd with many vices : so , since a Law is a sacred Decree , commanding things honest , and forbidding the contrary , It will be very easie to shew the same things concerning their Lawes . And because Solon and Lycurgus are said to have founded most famous Common-Wealths ; And Plato and Aristotle to have written the best platforms of them , if we can convince them of wickednesse and injustice , I think I shall give satisfaction in this point . In Solons Common-Wealth , two things are chiefly observed . First , Wherefore , for ease of the poor , he abolished all former contracts for debts ? Secondly , By what Law he would make them infamous , that , when there was sedition in the Common-Wealth , held with neither side . The first was unjust , because he did not enjoyne his friends to restore the great sums of money they had taken up before , upon trust , being forewarned by him what designe he had in hand ; and without Examining the reasons of particular debts , he at once abolished them all . The other was so , because it takes away the means of repressing sedition in the Common-Wealth . For it must needs be that reconciliation be made by those that are mediatours between them both . Lycurgus directed all his Laws to Valour , and to erect a Warlike Government . He published that it was lawfull for Men to rob for victualls , and he would not have them punished though they were taken in the act . He decreed that Boyes and Girles should wrestle naked , in publike ; and that it should be lawfull for old mens young wives , to make choice of what young man they pleased , and to lie with them for to have children by them ; and as peace is not ordained for war , but the contrary way ; so the Common-Wealth should be instructed for Peace , rather than for War. They that in their childhood are addicted to ill things , in their youth , having gained a custome , they will forbear none how great soever . That Law that draws men on to deceive in some things , doth invite men to deceive in all , and as oft as we can : Nor can robberies be better put in practice than under the protection of a Law , that doth not punish a Man for theeving , but for not doing it with dexterity . Lastly , to prompt men to Lust , and to permit Adulteries , what an impiety this is ? Plato hath deserved the same reward that Lycurgus did , by the Law he made for breeding up young men and Maids in Schools . And by that law he made , To have all things common , He decreed that forme of Government that was contrary to nature . If marriages were taken away , and men might indifferently use what women they pleased , all naturall love between parents and children would be lost ; and upon quarrells , very brothers would murther one the other ; and those things sho●ld be honest and lawfull , that are wont to be adjudged hainous & filthy . The propriety of things contains matter both of vertues and vices , but the community of them contains nothing but a liberty of vices . Aristotle seems the most absurd of them all . For I. He bade to cast forth deformed chilren ; But Nature cannot desire the production of any thing , and not love that it produceth . Can any man expect that they should spare the blood of other men , that do not spare their owne ? They cannot be thought innocent who cast their own bowels to the Dogs for a prey , and as much as lies in them , they kill them more cruelly than if they had strangled them . II. He enjoyned Abortion . But , for that , at Malta a woman was condemned to die . For she was thought to have taken away a Citizen designed for the Common-Wealth . Lastly , he commanded those pictures of the Gods to be kept , in which custome allowed laciviousnesse , otherwise they were to be rejected . But men sin more by imitation of the Gods. Lucian confesseth plainly , that when he heard of the rapes and adulteries of the Gods , he fell in love with the same . And Cherea in Terence saith , that when he saw the Picture of Jupiter descending into the Lap of Danae , in a Golden Showr , he was provoked thereby to do the like . But what God ? saith he , He that shakes the Heavens with a Noise , and should not I a contemptible man do the like ? Yea , I did that , and willingly ; For men mark more what Jupiter did , than what Plato taught , or Cato decreed . To this purpose are the Saxon Lawes , that are altogether as absurd . For in doubtfull causes , when there wanted manifest proofs to confirm the truth , sometimes they used Duels , sometimes to make men touch burning iron , or scalding water , sometimes they cast them into the bottom of a deep river , or Keel-Haled them . They that were killed in duels were guilty ; the conquerour was disgraced , if he did not kill him that was worsted : they that escaped in the other punishments were acquitted ; they that were caried to the bottom , were held to be innocent , they that swam on the top were guilty , as if the water rejected them . Part. III. The cruelty of the Roman people was extreame . BUt let us proceed to the wickednesse of the Romanes , and let us observe whether they did not equall , or exceed the wickednesses of our times , or of those that went but little before us . But whether this or that do appear to be manifest , it will be false to conjecture from thence , that there is a generall decay of manners . First , therefore I shal speak of their cruelty , which I shall shew by the Jewes , Christians , and other Nations , and from the Romanes themselves , amongst themselves , as being invincible Arguments . They killed of the Jews in the siege of one only City , Jerusalem 1000000. and they took captives 97000. In the time of Trajan innumerable companies of them were slain , saith Eusebius , Iulius Severus , being sent by Adrian the Emperour into Judaea , did almost depopulate the whole Countrey . For he beat down fifty most strong Castles , burnt nine hundred eighty five Cities & Towns , and slew 50000 Jews . As for the Christians , it was their name only that was condemned , and not any fault they committed . Whence at Lyons there was a Table carried before Attalus , The Martyr , This is Attalus the Christian. In Asia they cried out against Polycarpus ; Polycarpus hath confessed himself to be a Christian : And so great were the Persecutions , that Augustine compares them to the plagues of Egypt . Under Nero , they were burnt for lights in the night . Lactantius writes of Dioclesian ; No man can write the cruelty of this Savage Beast , so much as it deserves , which lying but in one place , yet did rage with Iron teeth , all the world over ; and did not onely dissipate the limbs of men , but brake their bones , and was mad against their ashes , that there might be no place for their buriall . Hierom saith , that there was no day wherein there were not 5000 men slayn , thirty Roman Bishops were put to death from Peter to Sylvester , who dyed Martyrs . And to speak all , I will , in three words , The whole world almost was polluted with the Sacred blood of the Martyrs , and it was never spilt more in any warrs . And if we should reckon up the kindes of torments we might boldly use these verses in Virgil. Had I a hundred Tongues , and mouths likewise , A voice of Iron , I could ner'e comprise Their forms of pains , or names of Torments shew . They were burnt in Furnaces , they were cast into hot Oyle , they had their eyes puld out , their tongues cut out , they were cast to Beasts , they were wrapt in husks and given to the Hogs , they were rosted at an easy Fire , and they were basted with Salt , and Vineger , they were cast headlong from Rocks , they were torn by Trees bound down , and presently let loose , &c. To touch upon other Nations . Onely the second Carthagenian war. In Italy Spain and Sicily alone , it consumed above 1500000 in lesse than seventeen yeers . And what speak I of warrs that were either waged or led on with the good successe of Many ? Onely one Caius Caesar ( Oh plague and ruine of mankinde● ) confesseth , and boasts of it , that he had slain in Battails , 1192000 men . To him we may joyn Q. Fabius , who slew 1000000 French men ; and C. Marius who destroyed 200000 Danes ; and in this latter Age Aetius who in that notable sight in Catalaunia , slew 160000 Hungarians . What shall I now say of Octavianus Augustus , who at Perusia , sacrificed on Julius his Altar 300 Citizens ? What of Caracalla , who at once almost destroyed all Alexandria a most populous City ? What of Volesus Messala , who when he had beheaded 300 in one day , he passed amongst the dead bodies , looking proudly , as if he had done some brave action to be noted , he spake aloud in Greek , O Kingly action ? You shall finde in Lipsius , the cruell fact of Sulpitius Galba . By a most damned treachery , he destroyed almost all Portugall in a certain Valley , by sending out his Souldiers three wayes . Nor were the bruit beasts free from the cruelty of the Romanes . For Polybius writes ; It is frequently seen , that when the Romanes take Cities , they do not onely kill men , but dogs also , and mangle other creatures . I will shew the cruelty they used against themselves , onely in their Civil Wars , the Reigns of their Emperours , and in their playings at sharps on the Stage . For should I mention what is sufficient , my Enchiridion would become a tedious Volume . For Seneca writes , That wickednesse was grown so common , and was so prevalent in every mans brest , that innocence was not to be thought , to be rare but not to be all . And Tacitus speaks of those times onely . We read that when Petus Thrasca was commended by Arulenus Rusticus , and Priscus Helvidius by Herennius Senecio , that it was a capitall crime , and rage was not onely exercised upon the Authors , but also upon their books , the Office being committed to the Triumviri , that the Monuments of the most famous wits should be burnt in publicke Assemblies and Market place . For by that fire they hoped to abolish the voyce of the Roman people , the Liberty of the Senate , and the conscience of Man kinde ; In the mean time , they expelled all learned Professours , and banished every laudable art , that nothing that was honest might remain . We shewed indeed a great proof of our patience : And , as the old Common-Wealth saw what was the height of Liberty ; So we see what is the extremity of slavery , the very liberty of speaking and hearing , being taken from us by their Inquisitions , that we had lost our very Memories with our Voice , if we had as much power to forget , as we have to hold our peace . What concerns Civil Wars , Sylla most cruelly made the whole City , and all the parts of Italy to overflow with rivers of Mens blood in Civil-wars . He recorded in the publike Tables , four thousand 700 that had their throats cut by an Edict of a cruell Proscription , that the Memory of so famous a businesse might not be forgotten . He would have the heads of miserable men that were cut off , brought before him , whilst their countenance was yet fresh with spirits , that he might feed on them with his eyes because he might not eat them without great wickednesse . He would not kill M. Marius the Praetor , ( who was drawn to the Sepulchre of the Family of Lutatia by the cry of the Common people ) before he had miserably plucked out his eyes , and broken all the parts of his body . Also he presently butchered M. Plaetorius , because he swounded at the punishment of Marius ; A new Tormenter of Mercy , for with him it was held wickednesse , to be unwilling to behold wickednesse . Moreover he commanded four Legions of the contrary part , that kept their trust , to be slain in a publike place that was in Campus Martius , and they did not at all ask for mercy from his deceitfull hand . Those whose lamentable cryes were heard in the City , their bodies were cut with the sword and cast into Tyber , which was overburdned with the multitudes of them , and the waters ran like blood . And when the Senate was amazed at that cry ; He added , Senatou●s , let us do this ? A few seditious fellows are punished by command . This man was formerly a great Officer under C. Marius , though afterwards he proved to be his enemy , and caused Marius his ashes to be dug up , and scattered into the River Anio . The Triumviri did not leave to follow his example , for they exposed to the like Proscription 300 Senators & 2000 Gentlemen . It is no wonder therefore that Saint Augustine writes . That in that War between Marius & Sylla , besides those that fell in Asia abroad , that in the very City the Streets , Market places , Theatres , Temples were full of dead bodies ; that it was hard to say , when the Conquerors killed most , either before to get the victory , or afterwards , because they had obtained it . And Lipsius useth these words : Oh the Wickednesse ! Than which the Sun nor did , nor can can see any greater from East to West ; Let me perish , if you will not say that manity it self was perished in that cruell and savage Age. It shall suffice for the Emperours to mention Caligula onely . For all the common shores of cruelty seem to have met in this Man. He condemned many of good rank , first being deformed and stigmatized , to the Mines , or to the keeping of High Wayes , or to wilde beasts , or else he shut them up like four footed beasts in dens , or caused them to be sawn in sunder . Nor were all used thus for great offences , but such as thought amisse of his Government , or because they had never sworn by his G●nius ; He compelled Parents to be present at the punishment of their Children , and one of them excusing himself , because he was sick , he sent him a Horsel●tter . Another , so soon as he had seen the execution , he presently set to a banquet , and used all waies possible , to provoke him to rejoyce and be merry . He would not kill him that had the charge of his businesse , and hunting sports , till for some dayes together , he made him be beaten in his sight , as he was bound in chains , and that his brains being corrupted offended him with the stink of them . When he would have a Senatour to be to●n in pieces , he suborned some that should run upon him suddenly , when he came into the Court , and call him Traitor , and should wound him with pen knives , and deliver him over to others to rend him ●n pieces ; and he would never be satisfied till he saw his limbs and bowels and joynts drawn through the streets , and then piled up upon heaps . He seldom suffered any man to be punished , but with frequent and small wounds , giving alwaies this common precept , That he should be so wounded that he might feel his death . Being offended with the people that favoured not his actions , he cryed out ; Oh that all the Roman people had but one neck ! Oft times when he eat or drank , he would cause men to be tormented before him , to make them confesse . A Souldier that was the Heads-man , cut off all mens heads that he pleased , that were imprisoned . At Puteoli , when the bridge was consecrated , after he had called many men to him from the shore , he suddenly caused them all to be cast down headlong . At a great Banquet he suddenly fell into a great laughter , the Consuls that sate neer him , did ask him pleasantly what he laughed at ; At what else , saith be , but that I can with one Nod cause you both to be strangled . As often as he kissed his Wives or concubines neck , he added . So fair a neck shall be taken off , if I say the word ; And he also boasted withall , That he would search out by wracking from his Caesonia , wherfore he loved her so much . Wherefore Seneca speaks rightly of him , I knew long since , that under him Humane affairs would come to that condition , that to be killed would be an act of mercy . Concerning C. Piso : see the same Author , de Ira. Sword playes on the Theatre , were ordained to purge the spirits of great men , in which sports men fought naked , nor was their fighting so delightfull , as the various wounds they made . This kinde of celebration passed afterwards from the honoring of dead men , to honour living men with ; and at length , they used these sacrifices in memory of private men , that left Legacies for that end . At last they ascended to multitudes . For Caesar when he was Aedilis , shewed 320 Duels . Gordianus sometimes 500. Trajan , in space of 123 dayes without Intermission , had 2000. Nero caused 400 Senatours , and 600 Roman Gentlemen , to fight it out with the sword . Commodus himself was amongst these Sword players . But at first onely Slaves were put to it . Yet that is most true that Lipsius writes . That matter began not unfitly , from funeralls , which indeed was the funerall , and plague of the whole World. I beleeve , nay I know , that no War ever brought so great misery and desolation to mankinde , as these playes for pleasure did : think with your selves , of the number of the dayes , and the men I spake of : I am a Lyar , if one Moneth did not cost Europe 2000 or 3000 mens lives . Yet Cicero testifies , that that kinde of shew was made and celebrated with great multitudes , and all sorts of men , and in that spectacle the multitude deligh●d most , They were often angry with the Fencers unlesse one of the two were suddenly slain , and as if they thirsted after mans blood , they hated delays . This must not be understood onely of the people , but this cruelty was observed even in their Vestall Nuns . , Decisions , and by the great troubles they put them to , that were admitted by them . In the Mines of Gold at Ictimulum , there were 50000 to dig ; and in those that were by new Carthage in Spa●n there were 40000. How they were used , Pliny describes at large . Moreover it is known what Verres did in Sicilie , what C. Graccus comming Victor from Sardinia , said . Sylla out of the lesser Asia every yeer had 20000 Talents ; Brutus , and Cassius within two yeers exacted the Tribute for ten yeers , and Antonius did extort it in one yeers time . The sum amounts to 200000 Talents , Pleminius that was Scipio his Tribunus plundered the treasuryes of Proserpina , that were untouched in any age before . Sulpitius Galba , when he had melted a Crown of Gold , taken out of the old Temple of Jupiter , and was given to him by the Tarraconenses , whose weight was fifteen pounds , because there wanted three ounces in the weight , he compelled them to make it good . Julius Caesar when he was first made Consul , rob'd the Capital of 3000 pounds weight of Gold , and he laid up so much guilded brasse in the Treasurie . He took from Ptolemy alone , in his own name , and Pompeys , 6000 Talents . Nor did Tiberius want this vice ; For it is clear enough that C. Lentulus the Augur , who was very rich , for fear and grief was made weary of his life by him , and that he must make no heir when he died , but him : But , what was the basest act , he compelled one by threats that when he was sick he should name him for his Heir , and when he recovered afterwards he killed him with poyson . Lastly , he went sometimes by heapes of Gold and Silver , and sometimes he would tumble naked in them . But it may be objected that it is no wonder that Monsters had such vices . 'T is true , Yet Vespasian who was counted a good Emperour , was sick of the same disease . For he openly did exercise negotiations that a privtae man would be ashamed of ; by buying only somethings , that he might sell them afterwards for more . Also it is beleeved that he was wont of purpose to promote the most greedy Officers , that when they were grown rich he might condemn them ; and he was said commonly to use those for Sponges , that when they were dry he might wet them , and when they were well wet , he might crush them out . I will Speak nothing of his Custome upon urine , which when his son Titus accused him for it as disgracefull , he put to his nose a piece of silver collected from thence , and asked whether it stank of Pisse at all : and he added moreover . That the smell of gain , was good from any thing . But it should seem that they were all subject to that vice . For when the Aricini and the Ardeates , had yeelded to make the Romanes umpires in a controversie concerning Land , they decreed the fields to be their own . Also they receiving moneys from some Cities to enjoy their Liberties , they gave them not their monies back again , yet they exacted tribute from them Cicero thought that so foul a fault in Goverment , that he saith , It were better to trust Pirates than the Senate . Wherefore Salvian seems to speak trne . The unhumanenesse of Covetousnesse was the proper vice of the Romanes : and well may that of Claudian to Ruffinus be applied to them . A cruel man whose mind doth burn for Gain , Nor all the Golden sands of Tagus can suffice , Pactolus wealth , and Hemus in his eyes Are small ; this drunk , he thirsts with greater pain . Part. V. Infinite was the Luxury of the Romanes for Venery and Drinking . I Passe from their covetousnesse to their Incontinence , which I suppose I shal shew sufficiently in their Venery , Drinking , Eating , Buildings , and Apparell . That manifold and horrid Venery they used , I will not speak of , that I may not offend chast ears . Saint Paul hath plainly noted that in his Epistle to the Romans . Their Feasts alone called Floralia , may well shew that , wherein Whores Prostitutes under some ceremonies and Rites , ran naked through the streets , using obscene words and gestures , and exposed themselves for all men to look upon them . Ovid speaks thus , Young Maids and Men and boyes are they that do Gaze on them , and great part of th' Senate too . T is not nough to hear them speak what 's naught , But we must see what 's worse , as we are taught . Their drunkennesse is evidently detected by their long continued drinking , their great draughts , the multitudes of Bibbers , and the love of them , and also by the measure of their Cups . For continued drinking , they imitated the Lawes of the Greeks in drinking : whereof one was , to drink till the Morning star rose . Another , to drink so many healths as the maids Names had Letters in it , hence Martiall . Let Navia six , Justina seven bc , Lycas five , Lyda four , and Ida three . The greatnesse of their draughts . Nivellius Torquatus , before Tiberius drank three Gallons at one draught , and thence he deserved to be called , Three Gallons . M. Cicero the younger , drank two Gallons at one tug . M. Antonius writ of his own drunkennesse , and Cicero writ of him . Thou with those ●awes , those sides , that strong Fencer-like force of thy body , drankst so much wine at the Marriage of Hippia , that thou wert forc't in the sight of the Roman people to vomit the next day . What shall I say of Cleopatra who at one draught drankup 3124 crowns ? What of Clodius the son of Aesop the Tragedian ? Horace speaks thus of him . The son of Aesop from Metella's ear Took out a Pearl that she was wont to wear , Was worth ten Solids , and the same he drinks Dissolve'd in Vineger , what ere he thinks . To cast it down the River were lesse fault , Or to have thrown it in a stinking vault . Also Firmus drank two Buckets full of wine . Adrian the Emperour speaks thus of B●nosus : He was not born to live , but to drink , and it was a common jear upon him when he was hanged , That a great vessell hangeth there , and not a man. Maximinus as Capitolinus writes , drank often in one day , a vessel of wine of the Capitol measure , which containd eight Gallons . Phagon drank more than an Orca , that is , a vessell for wine greater than the Amphora was . Lastly there is an Epitaph made of one thus . Drunken Offellius Buraetius is this ; Who ever whilst he liv'd did either drink or pisse . As for the number of drunkards , and their love ; It is well known that Tiberius gave to Piso the Praetorship , for drinking three nights continually together : and to Pomponius Flaccus the Province of Syria , and in his Letters he called them the most pleasant friends he had for all times . He also did prefer a man that was unknown and sought for the Quaestors Office , before the most Noble Men , for pledging at a Banquet , an Amp hora of wine , that he drank to him . And at that time when the Lex Fannia was published , the matter was come so far , that many of the people of Rome would come drunk into the Senate house and so consult of the affaires of the Common-wealth . Also Seneca writes thus of women . They do not watch lesse , they doe not drink lesse , and with oyl and wine they entise men , and they cast it up again by their mouthes , what they have taken in their entrals , refusing it ; and by Vomit they measure the wine they drank , and they eat snow as well as men do , to cool their hot stomacks . As for their Utensils , they used not onely great Cups , but , as Ammianus saith , very heavy handles , and they were adorned with most pretious Emblems . two Cups of this kinde made by Mentor a●are workmen , cost 100000 Sesterii . Also there were some made of perfect Jewels . Hence Pacatus in Latin , unlesse that Riot had ●banged the yeer , unlesse that winter Roses swam upon the cups , unlesse Muscadels had Broken the Summer Ice in their capacious Jewels . And Cicero , Also there was a wine vessell made of one Jewel made hollow like a great Mazer with a handle of gold . Also Seneca , I saw their Crystall vessels , whose Brittlenesse increased their price ; For the pleasure of all things , amongst ignorant people proceeds from that danger should make a man avoid them . I have seen Murrine cups : for Luxury were small , should not men vomit , and drink to one the other in capacious Jewels . Lastly , Pliny , The Luxury of that matter increaseth dayly : a Murrine stone that cost 80 Sestertii , was made a cup holding about three Sextary . C. Petronius is said to have broken one of this kinde that cost 300000 Sestertii , that he might difinherit Neros Table . A Matron not very rich is reported to have bought another for 150000 Sestertii . What if I should say more ? Juvenal writes . He drinks in a Priapus made of glasse . And Pliny . They delight to engrave their lust upon their cups , and to drink by obscene waies . Point . VI. The Gluttony of the Romanes in meats was extraordinary . I Shew the Roman Luxury in their meats , by four Arguments chiefly , drawn from their Vessels , Servants , Meats , and the quantities they eat . Their vessels were of two sorts , their Tables and their Dishes . They had Silver Tables , & some of Gold , & yellow ones that were made of Earth dug out Africa . Tully had one cost 10000 Sestertii Asinius Gallus had one cost 11000. Also that wood was thought worth a Senatours Estate , which was 12000 Sestertii ; the dearer , the more knots it had by the unhappynesse of the Tree . And Seneca had 300 such , as Dion reports . The feet they stood upon , were of Ivory ; and that was held so necessary as Juvenal writes . A Turbet or a Doe , is nothing worth , And Oyls and Roses stink that are set forth . Unlesse the Table stand on Ivory feet , And a tall Libard Yawning make them sweet . To passe to their dishes , Drusillanus Rotundus had one , ( he was Free Man of Claudius the Emperour , it was of Silver , and weighed 500 pound weight , he had 8 more that weighed fifteen pound weight . Whilst Vitellius was Emperour , he had one , that according to Budaeus account , cost ten times H. S. and Hottoman saith , 200 Sestertii . It was so great that Vitellius called it Minerva's Buckler . Mucianus called Vitellius , The More of Dishes . As for the multitude of their servants , Seneca cries out , Good God , how many men doth one belly imploy ! For there were whole troops of unhappy boys , that after their banquets were ended , were for other disgracefull uses in their chambers . There were whole heards of those that were out of use , described by their Nations and Colours ; so that they might be all of the same age , and the first down of their chins alike , the same kind of hair of their heads , that none that had smooth hayr , should be set amongst curled locks : and that I may speak fully to the point , they did carefully ordain silver , and they diligently girded the Coats of their exolete boyes , that they should be very careful , to see how the Boare died when the cook killed him , how nimbly the smooth faced boyes , when the sign was given , ran after their businesse , with what Art the Sheep were cut into small peices , how curiously the unhappy boys did wipe away the spittle off those that were drunk . But that which is most wicked ; Tiberius Caesar promised to sup with Sestius Gallus , a ( voluptuous old man , full of Lechery and prodigality , whom Augustus formerly had marked with ignominy , and not many dayes before , Tiberius had checked him before the Senate● upon condition that he should not change or abate any thing of his common custome , And that they might have naked wenches to attend upon them at supper . To this , belongs their Multitude of Cooks , who first of all were hired at the rate of a Horse , but at length they grew to that height , that hardly any Mortall man was of more valew , than he that best knew how to drownd his I. s. Estate . But Apicius was the most famous of all those who professed to know Kitchen affairs , Who when he had spent a thousand Sestertii in his Kitchin , & had wasted so many Princes donations , and a vast tribute of the Capitoll , at severall banquets , when he was deep in debt , and oppressed by his crediditours , then he was first forced to look into his estate . And he found he should have , when he had paid his debts , a hundred thousand Sestertii remaining for himself , and fearing that he must suffer great hunger if he should live with a hundred thousand Sestertii , he poysoned himself and died . As for their meats they had variety , and very costly . For our world would be two narrow for their Throats . For they valued their dainty meats not by the taste , but by the cost . They were content with no meats but those were brought from the farthest East , or from Colchis , that was out of the bounds of the Roman Empire , or came from those Seas that were noted for Shipwracks ; and the greater price was , the more they were pleased with them . The common number of their Messes of meat was seven . But Heliogabalus , made such a Feast , that had 22 Courses of huge dainties . Also it is reported that at a supper of his Brother Vitellius , made to entertain him , there were 2000 of the choycest fishes , and 7000 birds set upon the Table . And he also exceeded this at the dedication of his great Dish . For in this , there were the Livers of Giltheads , the brains of Pheasants and Peacocks , the tongues of crimson winged birds , the small guts of Lampries , brought as far as from Carpasium and the Spanish Seas , by Marriners and Gallies , and these he mingled together . I might adde to these one Clodius the son of Aesop the Tragaedian , a young man was mightily Luxurious ; For it is certain , that he bought at vast rates , the best singing birds , and served them up at supper for Gnatsappers : and he was wont to dissolve pearls of great valew in vineger , and drink them , desiring by this means , as fast as he could , to cast away a large patrimony as a sore burden . What shall I say now of Caligula , who in riotous expences exceeded the wits of all the prodigall persons that were , inventing most hideous kinds of meats and suppers , for he would sup up the dearest pearls dissolved in vineger , and would set bread and meats of gold before his Guests , saying , that a man ought to be either very thrifty , or an Emperour . What shall I write of Asinius Celer , who bought one Barbel for 6000 Sestertii ? of Lucullus , who at one sudden supper , that he entertained Tully and Pompey at , who thrust themselves in to see what feasts he made , expended 50000 Drachmes , that is 5000 Crowns as Budeus makes the reckoning ? Lastly , what shall I say of Octavius who bought a very great Barbel for 5000 H. S. ( wherefore should I not set down the weight of it , and provoke the gluttonous throats of others ? They say it was four pound weight and a half . ) And by a new example , he bred Guiltheads in the sea , like corn upon the ground . In a word . These things are incredible if we compare them with our age . Yet the Roman Luxury was most wanton about Fishes and birds . For as for them , to say nothing of that of Juvenal . Whether that Oysters were neer Sandwitch bred . In Campania , or Apulia fed , They knew by tasting once , and more , They 'd tell by sight which was Echinus shore . I will speak nothing also of that in Ammianus Marcellius . At their banquets they often called for scales to weigh the Fish and Birds were brought to the table , and Dormice , who were sometimes very great , which was tedious to those that were present , and formerly not used ; but now it is continually commended , especially when as there were neer thirty Sc●iveners with their boxes and writing tables that assisted them . A Barbel seemd not fresh enough , unlesse he died in the hands of one of the guests . Wherefore the fishes swam in the Chamber , and were ca●e●ed under the Table , and are presently set upon the Table . An Elops in the banquets of Severus , was brought in by Servitors with Crowns on their heads , and a Trumpetter with them , as if it had not been a seast for delight but some triumph of the Gods. Also so great was their curiosity about their Fish-ponds , that it is hard to set it forth . In their Fish-ponds they had some Fish would come when Caesar was but named . Hi●tius sold his Manor house , that had many fishponds for 40000 S●stertia . Cato the Tuto . of Lucullus sold the fish came out of his Fish ponds , for as many . And if that price of the Fish ponds Columella mentions , be to be granted , it was for 400000. though they were something lesse curious about birds ; yet they were riotous enough . In the time of Favourinus the Governor . Victuall●ng houses and Luxury , held no supper to be costly , but where men eat freely ; then that should be taken off , and better and more costly meat should be set on . Then that was accounted to be the principall part of the supper , amongst them , that made cost and loathing of meats to serve for sports . Who denied that men ought to eat any bird except Gnatsappe●s : as for other birds , and crambd fowls , they thought the banquet fordid and deficient , unlesse so much was set upon the Table that they might fill their bellies with the hanches of them on the lower parts ; but those that eat the upper part of birds or crambd fouls , they thought they had no palate . They were most delighted with Crimson coloured birds called Phaenicopteri , Peacocks , Thrushes and Pigeons . Hence it was that they sed whole companies of these , and they set a vast price upon them . For Peacocks , as Varro reports , Aufidius made above 60000 pieces of Money in a yeer . 5000 Thrushes were sold at three denarii , and that part of his far●m yeelded 60000. As for Pidgeons , each pa●● of them in Varroes dayes was wont to be sold for a thousand sestertii , and in Columell● his dayes there were some that sold two birds for 4000 pieces of Money . As for the quantities they did eat , Maximinus sometimes eat fourty pounds of flesh in a day : Cordus saith , sixty pounds . Claudius Albinus . eat so much as it is incredible . For he eat 500 d●i●d Figs , which the Greeks call Callistruthi● ; & 100 Peaches of Campania , and ten Melons of Os●ia , and 20 pounds of Grapes of Le●ce , and a 100 Gnatsappers , and fourty Oysters . Lastly , Phago , of whom I spake before , eat at one dinner , a whole Boar , a hundred loases , a Wether and little a Hog . I will say no more . Though I might speak of their bread and their sauces , but I should be too tedious . For a conclusion , it may be observed that this force of Luxury grew strong as the Empire did . For in the time of the second Panick war , Cato complained , that a City could not stand , in which a fish was sold for more then Bes : and Tiberius complained that in his dayes three Barbels , were sold for 3000 pieces of money . Point . VII . The Luxury of the Romanes in their Buildings was extream . THeir riotousnes in their buildings is seen partly in their publike , & partly in their private houses . Amongst the Transient publike houses , that offer themselves , in the first place , the excesse whereof would astonish us , are the Theatre of Marcus Scaurus , and the bridge of Caligula . That was a temparary work , and the use thereof was to be , scarce f●r one moneth , yet it had three Floors , in which there were 360 Marble pillars . The Lowest part of the Theatre was all of Marble , the middle was of glasse , and the uppermost was guilded : The inferiour pillars were fourty foot long , and between them there were 3000 brazen Statues . The whole theatre was so capacious , that it would contain 80000 Men. Caligula built a Bridge , all the space through between the hot Bathes , and the City Puteoli almost 3600 paces , procuring from all places , Merchants Ships , and fastening them with Ancres in a double row , and casting earth upon them , and making the forme of it like to Via Appia . He went upon this Bridge forward and backward , for two dayes together . The first day he rid upon a Horse with trappings , and Crowned with a Crown of Oke , and with an Ax , and a Target , and a sword , and with a horsemans coat , very richly made . The next day following , he rode in the habit of a Coachman , in a Coach with two gallant Horses , representing Darius , a Boy one of the hostages of the Parthians , the Praetorian Troop , accompanying him , and in Chariots were some bands of his friends . Wherefore that work seems to have been made for that end , that it might be destroyed . Caracalla also , wheresoever he did or purposed to stay in Winter , caused Amphitheaters , and playhowses to be builded , and suddenly they were to be demolished : amongst those that lasted , it shall suffice me to make mention onely of the Theater of Titus . A man could hardly see to the top of it , and a whole river of wealth was spent in the building of it , wherefore Martial writes . Caesar's Amphitheater hath the Name . Let all give place , this doth deserve the fame . And though such stately structures consumed infinite wealth , yet if we regard the furniture , and such things as were employed besides , we shall finde that the cost they were at , would have served for great Cities . And that the Magistrate did prodigally wast in Theatres , Playes , Wrestlers , Fencers , and such kindes of men all their patrimony , that they might win the peoples liking for an howers time . In a word ; The workmanship was more than the matter . Nero , to shew his wealth to Thiridates King of Armenia , covered all the Theatre with gold . & the very hangings that hung up , were of purple , and bossed with golden Stars , whence that was called a Golden day , and Lucretius all udes unto it . Yellow and Golden Hangings commonly , And murry coloured in the Theatres Hung , twinckling like to stars within the sky . Also Caligula when he set forth some principall Sports , He commanded that the floore round about , should be made with Minium and Chrysocolla ; Probus commanded to let loose at once 1000 Ostriches , 1000 Stags , as many Bears , 1000 Dogs , with wild Goats and many other beasts , and at these sports he gave them to the people by way of Magnificence ▪ and it was free for every one to kill as many as he could : And to add to this ; The next day he caused to be shewed openly a 100 he Lyons , a 100 Leopards of Africa , as Many of Syria , a 100 she Lions , and 300 Bears . And Titus , who though he were called the delights of mankinde , did the like . All kindes of beasts , that on the Mountains be , Caesar , thy Theatre affords to thee : The Rocks did creep , the woods did run , Men guesse , Such was t●e Wood of the Hesperides . But Heliogabalus was the maddest man of them all : For it is reported of him that he made at these sports , his Ships store in Channels that ran with Wine . And Carinus was not far short of him . For Calphurnius writes thus of his playes . Not onely monsters that in woods are fed But also such as in the seas are bred . I saw sea Calves and Bears , and Horses fight , Ill shapen creatures , yet their names were right . I will say nothing of those La●geries that were cast amongst the people of all kinds of things , when Nero reigned , and this was done daily with some thousands of each . Multitudes of all kinds of birds , Tickets for Corn , Garments , Gold , Silver , Jewels , Pearls , Painted Tables , Slaves , Cattell , and wilde Beasts made tame , and lastly Ships , Islands , Fields . And if I shall add that private men did such things , that Milo spent three patrimonies , in these vanities . Junius Messala gave his estate to stage playes , and not to his posterity ; will not all men think that they were mad ? Vopiscus speaks thus , I therefore writ this that those who should set forth stage plays , and sports hereafter , might be ashamed , and that they should not defraud their Heirs , & spend their estates on Players and vaia fellowes . What I said of Theatres , I may say the same of their Baths and Temples . For though they in Artimedorus his dayes , were nothing else but passages to their feasts , and so they were in other ages too ; Yet was there an infinite number of them , and the ornaments were too superfluous . Agrippa when he was Aedilis , built a 170 of them . Pliny writes , that in his dayes they were infinite . Cassiodorus saith , they were wonderful great . Ammianus saith they were built in a Provinciall way . Dioclesian's contained 1600 seats , all made of polished Marble . It appears by Seneca his Epistle , that their ornaments were superfluous . For when he had described the bath of Scipio Africanus , he breaks out into these words . But now who is there , that would be at the charge to be so washed ; He seems to himself to be poor and base , unlesse the walls shine with great and pretious circles ; unlesse Marbles of Alexandria be rough cast with Pargeting of Africa , unlesse it be painted over with a great deal of labour , and varied picture-like , unlesse the roof be covered with glasse ; unlesse the Thasian stone , that was formerly a rare fight in any Church , be layd round our fishponds ; unlesse the water run forth by Silver Cocks ; and yet I speak of onely common Conduit pipes . What shall I say when I come to the Baths of the Libertines ? What multitudes of Statues were there ? How many pillars that supported nothing , onely they were set for ornament , and for greater cause of expence ? We are grown so dainty , that we scorn to tread on any thing but jewels . Rosinus adds further that their walls were annoynted with the most fragrant Balsoms , and sprinkled with the sweetest Oyls . There were at Rome 421 Temples . And they were all almost built of huge marble , shining with guilded roofs , wherein Jewels shined forth , & appeared like stars , set at severall distances . Augustus bestowed 16000 pounds weight of Gold upon the seat of Jupiter alone , set in the Capitol , and 500000 Sestertii , in Jewels . And Domitian adorned the Capitol it self so richly that Martiall thought , If that the Heavens were for to be sold. And that the Gods should morgage all they hold . Yet could they not equall this largesse . He add's , Augusta thou art forc'd to stay . For Joves Cantore hath not wherewith to pay . And indeed in gilding thereof he spent above 12000 Talents ; and the Gate was covered over with plates of Gold , untill the Reign of Honorius . Nor did the Temple of Peace , erected by Vespasian come short much of this . For Herodian writes , that it was not onely the largest and the most beautifull of all works in the City , but it was the richest , adorned with ornaments of Gold and silver . But Josephus saith , All things were conferred and disposed upon this Temple , to finde which , Men went before over all the world . Lastly , Pliny sait , Of all things , I have spoken of , the most famous of all in the City , are now dedicated by the Emperour Vespasian in the Temple of of Peace . And because they thought that Statues of brasse would make them continue for ever , they much affected them also , yet so that in them they discovered their Luxuriousnesse . For at last they exceeded so much in them , that there were almost as many of these statues in the City , as there were living men . They were not onely laid over with plates of Gold , but some were made of Silver , and some of pure Gold. Domitian would let none be placed in the Capitol for him , unlesse they were of Gold or of silver and they must be of such a weight . And Commodus had his Image of a 1000 pounds weight . Statius seems to intimate that weight , when he writes . Give to the Capitol of lasting Gold , Faces of Hundred weights , we may behold . Thus much for publike prodigality . Two things principally shew their Luxuriousnesse in private matters . Their houses , and housholdstuffe . These were larger than some Cities . They supposed their howses to be narrow , that were not larger than Cincinatus his fields . Some had Orchards on the tops of their houses , and others had woods that grew upon their roofs ; from thence their roots sprung up , whence their aspiring tops would have but reached from the ground . Vast naturally varied pillars brought out from Egyptian sands , or from the desarts of Africa , supported the galleries or large Parlours of some of the common people . If you ask the number of them , Martial speaks boldly , Houses by hundred pillars are supported . If the price , Crassus durst write , that ten pillars cost 100000 pieces of money . The house that Gordianus built had 200 pillars for one walking place . The beams were guilded , and the roofs layd over with plates of Gold , also their Chambers & Vessels were guilded . The vaults of their parlours were made to turn at pleasure , that one might succeed another , and so they changed their roomes so often as they changed their messes . I speak not of their Groves which in their chambers spring ; Wherein with war●ling notes in 's time each bird doth sing . Heliogabalus in his feasting-rooms , loaded his Parasites with Violets and other Howers , so that some of them died by it , when as they could not be drawn forth presently . But above all the rest , Domitian , Nero , and Caligula were mad in their buildings . Plutarch writes of him thus ; If any man admire this magnificent furniture of the Capitol , how , should he but behold one gallery of Domitian , or a Palace , or a bath , or his room to sup in of so many inches , would he cry out with Epicarmus ! He was not bountifull or liberall , But rather to be called prodigall . Suetonius , thus sets forth , Nero his Golden house . The entrance of it was , where a Colossus stood with his Image , a hundred and twenty foot high . It was so large that the gallery was three miles , and there was a Pool like to a Sea , set about with buildings like Cities . Also there was the Countrey diversfyed with Fields , Vineyards , Pasture grounds and Woods , with multitudes of all kinds of cattell and wilde beasts , in the other parts all things were daubed over with gold , adorned with Jewels , and with Cases of pearls . The vaulted Parlours were set with Ivory Tables , that were made to turn , that Flowrs might be scattered ; and they were made hollow that Unguents might be sprinkled upon them . The chief of their dining rooms were made round , and they were carried about day and night as the world is . When he had ended such a house , and consecrated it , he commended it thus by saying , that now he began to dwell like a Man. The same speaks thus of Caligula , that he made Foists of Cedar , and their Castles were of Jewels , their Sails of divers colours , with large Baths , Galleries , and Parlours , and with great variety of Vines , and apple Trees , and in these he would sit at meat , & passe over the shores of Campania in the day time , with dancings and Musick . In the buildings of his Countrey Palaces , and Mannors , he set all reason aside , striving most to do that which men though impossible to be done , and therfore buildings were made in troublesome and deep Seas , Rocks of the hardest flint were cut up , and plain fields were raised as high Mountains , and tops of Mountains were levelled like plain fields , all done with wonderfull expedition , For if they delayd , it cost them their lives . As for housholdstuff , it shall suffice to say that Caesar lay in a Bedsted of Gold. And that Heliogabalus had not onely a golden plough set with Jewels , but he made water in vessels of Myrrha Stones and of Onyx stones . Antonius , in despite of Nature vilified Gold , a work hee deserved to be condemned for , by proscription ; and Bassa did his excrements in Gold. Moreover it is true , that candlesticks have been sold for 400000 peices of money . And there is no doubt but that Horatius had his Whores in a Chamber made of transparent Glasse . Of Tiberius , Suetonius speaks thus . He adorned his chambers with Tables and Prints of lascivions Pictures and Images placed here and there . Point VIII . The Luxury of the Romanes in their garments was extreme . I Shall shew their Luxury in Clothing , by two Arguments , namely , the trimming of their bodies , and the clothing of them . The former was so curious , that Seneca writes , All that is left of good manners we deface by our Levitie , and trimming of our bodies ; we exceed Women in curiosity , we that are Men put on Whorish colours that civill Matrons ought not to weare , we stop as we go , by a tender , and soft manner of going , and we do not so much go as creep . And Julius Caesar was not onely diligently shaved and barbed , but he was plucked also as some upbraded him ; Nero was so shamelesse in his decking , and trimming of himself , that his locks were alwayes layd in order : and in his voyage into Greece , he let them hang down behind the crown of his head . Otto was wont to shave his face every day , and to smere it with wet bread , as the same Authour reports , and that he used from the first putting forth of his downy hairs , that so he might never have a beard . What concerns their garments , Hortensius thought it a capital crime , because a plait was changed upon his should er , from the place it should be . Lucullus affirmed that he had 5000 short cloaks at home . It was their common custome to shift their clothes oftentimes in a day , & Nero was never seen twice in one garment . A cloke called Lacerna cost 10000 Sestertii . Nonnius had one Ring , Valued at 20000 Sestertii . The custom was for all of them to adorn their fingers with rings , and to have a Jewel on every joynt . Charinus wore six upon every finger , and he did not lay them by in the night . And Probus saith , that Luxury had found out Summer Rings , and winter rings . And this was used promiscuously amongst all . Women had silk Garments , if they may be called Garments , that could neither defend their bodies or their chastiry . When they had put on these , a woman almost naked would swear she was not naked . The trimming and Garments of Lollia Paulina , the Wife of Caligula , and that at ordinary banquets sometimes , was valued at 400000 Sestertii . Hierome writes that one string of Pearls was worth many Mannours . Tertullian saith , that upon one Necklace 10000 Sestertii were strung , and that her tender neck wore upon it , whole Groves and Islands . Julius Cesar bought one Pearle , for 60000 Sestertil , that was bought for Servilia Brutus his Mother . And if you respect the Multitude ; I see , saith Seneca , Pearls , not in every ear one ( for now their ears are used to carry burdens ) they are coupled together , and others are placed over them , Womens madnesse cannot subdue their husbands sufficiently , unlesse they hang two or three Patrimonies at their ears on both sides . If you seek for the place . Tertullian saith , They wear them upon their feet also , and that not only on the Latchets of their Pantofles , but all over their Startups . For it is not now sufficient to wear Pearles , unlesse they may tread upon them , and walk upon them as they go . Lastly , if we regard their Looking-Glasses , one cost sometimes more than the dowry of the Antients was , that was publikely paid for the daughters of the poorer Emperours . Nor was that dowry sufficient for Free-mens daughters , to buy them a Glasse , which the people of Rome gave to Scipio his daughter . And that was 11000 pieces of Money . And further , the glasses of Servants cost somtimes 10 , somtimes 20000 pieces of mony . Not to make profit by , as Nicias the richest of the Graecians was wont to do , but only to keep company with , when they went abroad . And thus much for the Luxury of the Romans , which C L. Meursius , and the Noble Kobicrzycus have sufficiently described . As much might be spoken of their Pride , Boasting , Flattery , Ingratitude . For they called the City Rome , a Goddesse , and they placed their Emperours amongst the Gods ; and they expelled those that deserved excellently well of the Common-wealth , Camillus and Scipio . The five Cornelii are so many noted Examples of an unthankfull Countrey . But because Authors are full of examples of these vices , and our age wants not the like to oppose against them , I passe them over . Point . IX . The Justice , Fortitude , and Prudence of the Romanes was nothing . MAny suppose that the Romanes went before other nations for their Justice , Prudence and Valour ; but they are deceived . For if we regard these joyntly , all vertues are linked together , by a certain band , so that he that hath one cannot want the rest . But we have already shewed the many vices of the Romanes , and if we take them severally , neither of them can truly be attributed to the Romanes ; Not Justice . For how should they abstain from blood , who adored bloody Gods , as Mars and B●llona ? How shall they spare their own Parents that adore Jupiter that expelled his Father ? or their own children , who worship Saturn , that devoured his own ? How shall they keep chastity that adore a naked and an adulterous Goddesse , and one that was a prostitute almost amongst the Gods ? How should they abstain from rapine and deceit , who were acquainted with Mercury his theeving qualities , who taught them , It was no Deceit to deceive any man , but it was Wit ? How should they refrain lust , who adored Jupiter , Hercules , Bacchus , Apollo , and the rest , whose Whoredoms and Adulteries , and Villanies towards Males and Females , are not only known to Schollers , but are also acted upon the Stages , and are sung up and down , that all men may be well acquainted with them ? Can there be any just men amongst these things ? Who though they should be naturally good , yet their Gods would teach them injustice ? For to please that God you adore , you must use those things you know that he is pleased with , and so it falls out , that their Gods frame the mindes of those that adore them , to be as they are themselves : For the most religious worship is to imitate . As for their Prudence , I dare say openly with the most Generous Gentleman Andreas de Rey. If the Counsels of the Romans , as they are in part described by Livy , and partly by Dion , and other very grave writers , should be compared with those , which since a hundred yeers have been invented and undertaken in Spain , Italy , and Venice , in part since it was a Common-wealth ; France , Germany , England , Poland , whether they concerned peace or war , and are noted by Commineus , Guicciardine , Sleiden , and also by some new writers of the French History , M●taranus , and others in some parts we must confesse that this age for readinesse and Acutenesse of Invention , and exact dexterity of judgement , doth not onely equall but exceed Antiquity . And indeed I cannot conceive how they were wise men , who destroyed the Common Wealth of their choisest men , in sword playes upon the Stage , that powred forth vast treasures upon things of no valew , and exercised all manner of cruelty both upon their own people and strangers . As for their Valour ; As it is not the punishment that makes a Martyr ; So , not fighting , but the cause makes a valiant man. If Justice be set aside , Kingdoms are nothing but great Thefts . Wherefore Pirats being asked by Alexander , By what law they did it , they answered , By the same that he did . And the Poet calls him , Earths fatall mischief , for that he did strike , Like unto Thunder all the world alike , Unluckie to the Nations — The same may be applied to the Romanes . For to passe over Mithridates and Galgacus , Enemies to the Romans , of whom he speaks in his Epistle to Arsaces . The Romanes wage war with all , but they are more fierce against those where they hope to get the greatest booties , when they have conquered them . And Galgacus saith to his confederates , These Plunderers of the World , when they have plundered all they can on land , they Rove the S●as ; if their Enemy be rich , they are covetous ; if he be poor , they are ambitious ; for neither East nor West can satisfie them . The war they first made against the Carthagenians was by reason of the Mamertini ; it is certain almost that it was unjust . Nor can a heap of cutthroats , win the name of a civill Society , by their good successe , though they make a Covenant . The same was don afterwards in Sardinia , when the Carthagenians had been compelled to pay 1200 Talents . Moreover if if we be not called the lesse valiant because we manfully endure troubles and sharp miseries , our Martyrs may be preferred before the Romans . For ( to let men passe ) children and maids have silently conquered their Tormentors , and the fire it self could not make them grone . And Eusebius speaks of Dorotheus , Of all those that ever were amongst the Greeks , or Barbarians , famous for the greatnesse of their Mindes , and that are renowned in the mouths of Men , none can be compared with the divine and notable Martyrs of our age , Dorotheus and his fellowes that were servants to the Emperours . If they object their defending of their Countrey , we shall presently answer them with the examples of the men of Callis under Philip Valesius : and with the examples of the Dutch and others ; who devoted themselves for their Countreys good . Again if we shall recollect the Acts of the Britains , French , Germans , of Pyrrhus , and of the Carthagenians , against them , we shall finde these inferiour to them in very few things . He that desires to see an exact comparison between the Britains and the Romans , let him read Rawleghs History of the World. Moreover if unity be respected amongst vertues . It is most certain that there was no example of Amity amongst the Greekes or Romans that may be compared with the examples of Marcus Tarvisanus , and Nicolaus Barbadicus , Senatours of Venice . Alexander de Galtis , hath described it , prefixing before it an Historicall Argument . Point . X. And the last , It is probable as some think that the Church shall be in greater glory upon the earth yet , than ever it was before . THough the matter be as I have shewed , yet many places of Scripture are objected , which seem clearly to speak the contrary of the last times . And indeed it is expresse in Saint Matthew , Because iniquity shall abound , the charity of many shall wax cold . When the Son of Man comes shall he finde faith in the Earth ? In Saint Paul , The spirit speaks expresly that in the latter times some shall fall from the faith . Wicked men shall grow worse and worse , deceiving and being deceived . In Saint Peter , There shall come Scoffers in the last days , walking after their own lusts , &c. But all this cannot evince so much as to subvert our Opinion . And I may answer to those places , both in generall and in speciall . Generally , I. For though it were true that about the end of the world , Mens maners should grow worse , yet it follows not , that therefore , there was an universall perpetuall decay . II. It cannot be understood how we shall expect a conversion of Jews and Gentiles , and yet mens manners should grow worse . III. The last dayes seem not to mean those that are neerest to Christs coming , but for all that time that is between his first and second ●●mming . So in Isaiah . And it shall be in the last dayes , when the Mountain of the House of the Lord shall be set in the top of the Mountains and lifted above the hills ; that all Nations shall come unto it . Man is a little World , and as his age is divided into many parts , so is the age of the World divided into many periods . Therefore as old age onely may equall all the other periods past ; so may the last times also . Nor may that seem strange , For the time from Jobs restitution untill his death , is called his last age , though it comprehends a 140 yeers . IV. The last dayes may be taken for the latest , whence as Joel speaks of Prophesies , And it shall be after that , saith he . Peter in the Acts of the Apostles pronounceth the same by saying , that shall be in the last times . And that appears most clearly in the Prophecie of Jacob preceding his death . For he promiseth to certifie unto his sons , what should happen in the last dayes . Yet he sets , between those times , the taking away of the Scepter from Judah , and the comming of Shiloh ; Wherefore the last times seem not here onely to be meant , but also as a learned man explains it in his Comment upon the Epistle of Jude , the Kingdom of Christ ; And thus much for the generall . In speciall , I. The Praediction of S. Paul , concerning forbidding to marry , is fulfilled in Eustatius , the Tatiani , Marcionists , Manichees Catharists , and Montanists . The same reason serves for the other . For he doth not compare his age with ours , but rather teacheth us what shall be the condition of the kindgom of Christ. Nor is that increase of wickednesse joyned with the succession of time , any thing to a universall and perpetuall ruine of nature . For as some fall off to wickednesse , others hold the faster to what is good . And S. Paul himself saith , But they shall proceed no further , but their folly shall be made manifest unto all . II. The Prophesie of Peter came to passe then in Judes times : for Jude useth almost the very same words , and the difference is no more but this , that one foretells it , and the other shews it fulfilled . III. The predictions of Christ are to understood , concerning the Persecutions of the Christian Religion , and the subversion of the City of Jerusalem , and in this sense , Maldonat and Aretius alleadge Saint Pauls words , 2 Tim. 4. v. 6. Those words in Saint Luke signifie nothing else , than that from the time that Christ asscended into Heaven , untill his coming again , Men will be alwaies incredulous . Divines interpret them , and Jansenius saith , They do not onely signifie Paucity , and want of faith in men , who shall be found alive in the last day , but also in men of all times . Some things also are alleadged for the coming of Antichrist : but of this subject you may read Whitaker , Downam , and others . The most certain Argument ; is the removing of that which hindereth , or the overthrow of the Romane Empire , which the popish party , as Thomas , Lyra , Ribera , and Salmeron confess to be done already . Who succeeded into his place , Pasquier , Matchiavel and Sigonius shew . But the clearest of them all is Lipsius , whose most memorable words are these . Wonderfull is Gods goodnesse to this City : When he took away the force of arms , he gave force to the Lawes : When he would not let the sword rule , he granted power to the Church ; and so also he made it to be the honour , the defence and the support of things . But they say that old Senate is not ! Not that , but an other , and behold in that Purple , select Judges , out of all our World , who are to be regarded for their Manners , Prudence , and Arms. Should the old Cynick live again , & should see this Assembly , he would make no question , to compare it with Kings or Noblemen . What are the Tributes ? Not so great but they are more innocent also , and more willingly paid . What are the Embassies , of Nations ? Nor are they wanting , but they come from the known and unknown world , so wide doth this Majesty spread it self and hence they fetch Rights and Lawes of Sacred things . Kings and Princes come and how themselves , and submit their obedient heads to this one head . But as it is no doubt but that Antichrist is come , and is also revealed to the world ; so , many places of Scripture , according to some pious Interpreters , seem to intimate the neernesse of his Ruine , upon which they say , will follow such a peace of the Church , as the like was never before . To this peace some adjoyne , a more full conversion of Jewes and Gentiles , to which the noble D. Makovius , the Light of his Countrey amongst strangers , addes their return into the land of Canaan ; The restitution of all things by Elias , the ceasing of all Heresies , Forrain persecutions , and of all Impiety . Some adde further to this , the Resurrection of the Martyrs , and a Reign with Christ upon the Earth for a thousand yeers . Of that opinion are , Carolus Gallus Professour formerly of the University at Leyden , in his Clavis Prophetica nova Apocalypseos . In which work he confesseth that he laboured twenty five yeers , in reading , meditating , searching , writing , and debating ; And also George Hawkwell in his Apologia Providentiae Divinae , out of which we have taken a great part of this small Tract : as also Mathias Martinus , My Master , in his Epistle by way of answer to my letters , whererein I desired his opinion of this matter , Anno , a thousand six hundred twenty eight . Alsted and Piscator are of this minde . But this man makes that kingdom to be in the Heavens ; the other saith , it is not onely upon the Earth , but makes the thousand yeers to begin about the yeer , a thousand six hundred ninety four . Carolus Gallus seems to joyn with them . For in his eighth Observation , on the 20 Chapter of the Revelations , he writes thus . The Propheticall Spirit briefly doth prophesie in this Revelation of S. John , of a singular , and wonderfull Resurrection of the Church , Renovation and restitution thereof , Namely , that in this last age it shall be conspicuous , consisting of Jewes and Gentiles , quick and dead , and it shall after a wonderfull maner Revive , be Renewed , Restored , and Flowrish again more Gloriously than ever it did formerly , and that from those that were dead the very first death . If you enquire of their Arguments , they are partly taken from the certainty of the conversion of Jews and Gentiles , partly out of some places in the Scripture expresly promising peace , partly out of the prophecy of a thousand yeers , described in the twentieth Chapter of the Revelations , not yet fulfilled . And though that matter , as Enigmaticall , cannot be decided before the event ; and if it might , it is beyond my abilityes , nor doth it concern this place : Yet , I. It seems to be most true , that there shall be a more full conversion of Jewes and Gentiles , as Keckerman and Justus Heurnius , have demonstrated out of the Scripture . But after the Ruine of Antichrist , not onely that which shall oppose Idolatry , but the matter it self doth shew it ; to say nothing of the shutting up of the Devill , which is written of , after the casting of the false Prophet and the Beast into the Lake . II. No Article of the Faith should be violated , though we should maintain the coming again of Elias , and the returning of the Jews again into the Land of Canaan . For that which is spoken of Elias by the Evangelist , to come again and restore all things , Christ did not ascribe to John the Baptist. Nor is that in Micha spoken of him , ascribed to this man. To say nothing that the first coming of Christ was not terrible , but joyful . The promise made to the Israelites , Deuteronomie 30 is too glorious ; and that it is not yet fulfilled , is apparent by the dispersion of the Jewes nor yet restored . III. It is very probable that the notable ruine of Antichrist is hard at hand . For since it is evident that the History of the Revelations describes unto us three periods of the Church , and each of them is bounded with seventy seven yeers , and from thence it certainly followes that the Denunciation of the Ruine of Babylon fel about the Reign of Charles the Fifth , and there is nothing more written of the restitution thereof , but that those late tumults in that battell , described in the nineteenth of the Revelations , seem to be prefigured , and the successe on that side , sheweth nothing else , than what appeared in Carthage half destroyed . Namely , that the bitings of beasts when they are ready to dy are most violent ; It can hardly be thought that it can last long . Nor are all those Prodigies ; Presages , and Predictions to be neglected , which are written to have fallen out both in former times , and in these last ten yeers . Indeed they are more obscure than that they may be easily looked into , and too serious to be rejected with scoffing prejudice . And though I finde that ambitious and ignorant men challenge this to themselves ; Yet Men of better mindes hold it better to wait on the event with hope and patience , than by rash Judgement to accuse the Scriptures of falshood , and to make things false to be true , or to ascribe Divinity to Humane actions ; or supernaturall Power to naturall things . I , though I had rather be silent , both concerning Divinity and the Truth , yet I professe that I have hardly found any thing in Histories , I have read , that is not foretold either by Divine or Diabolick , or Humane , or Naturall predictions , or by them altogether . All the order of the four Monarchies lies couched in Daniels Images , the brief of all the Ecclesiasticall History is contained in the Apocalyptick writings . And out of these the Divell hath taken some things . The birth of Christ was fore shewed by the Sybils , Oracles , and Stars , besides the writings of the Holy Prophets . What Figures of mens Nativities , and what all the rest can do is taught by a work of Julius Caesar , Bullinger de Divinatione , and by the History of the Duke of Biron . Yet there is a mean to be used in these things ; they must be made use of occasionally , and not fundamentally . IV. It is probable that the thousand yeers in the Revelations are not yet fu●fill●d . For were they fulfilled , that must be , either in the first , second or third period . Not in the first . For then the seven Seals had their event , nor did then any thing fall out besides , but what is written of the Womans driving away , and the battell with the Dragon : also then there was an Infinite number of Hereticks , and a mighty flood of persecution . Not in the second . For under that both Anti-Christianisme sprang up , and Mahumetisme . Not in the third . For then they say he was let loose . But then began the Church to rise again , with the two Witnesses that were slain in the former period ; and Babylon began to decline . Of the same opinion is Dr. Mede , a Divine of Cambridge my Honourable friend , who is the Author of the Clavis Apoca●yptica , fetched out of the innate and imbred characters of the visions , and demonstrated from them . The most reverend Doctor usher Primate of Ireland saith that there is a two fold Millenary . But Martinius takes it for a long time by Synccdoche , and more rightly . But I will say no more of this matter than I have said ; for I would shew onely what may be said thereof , and not what may be certainly said ; if you except the first and second . In the mean while I desire to be instructed of two things . Namely , Whether the Ruine of Antichrist shall be totall ? And whether after that Satan is bound up so , there must needs follow a cessation of all Heres●es , of all Impiety , and of all Persecutions in the visible Church ? Far be it from me any farther to favour the Millenaries , that were defended by Papia , Ireneus , Apollinarius , Tertullian and Lactantius , who dreamt of a glorious Jerusalem upon the earth for a thousand yeers , after the Resurrection , The blood of Sacrifices , Rest of the Sabbath , Circumcision , Marriages , Children , Education , Delightfull Banquets , the obedience to them of all Nations , the Moon to shine as bright as the Sun , and that the Sun should shine seven fold cleerer than it doth . Let us rather pray that God would be pleased to look upon his afflicted Church with a Gracious Eye , and grant unto it what is for the good thereof . This is sufficient , if it be not too much . But , Whether it be so or so , Thanks be given uuto thee , O Lord Jesus . FINIS . Books Printed for John Streater , and are to be sold by the Booksellers of London . THe Vale-Royall of England ; or , The County Palatine of Chester , Illustrated . Wherein is contained a Geographical and Historical Description of that Famous County , with all its Hundreds , and Seats of the Nobility , Gentry , and Freeholders ; Its Rivers , Towns , Castles , Buildings Ancient and Modern : Adorned with Maps and Prospects , and the Coats of Arms belonging to every individuall Family of the whole County . Unto which is added , An excellent Discourse of the Island of Man. The Refinement of Zion : Or , The old Orthodox Protestant Doctrine justified , and defended against several Exceptions of the Antinomians : methodically digested into Questions , wherein many weighty and important cases of conscience are handled , concerning the nature of Faith and Repentance , or Conversion to God. By Anthony Warton . De Morbis Foemineis : The Womans Counsellour ; or , The Feminine Physiian : Modestly treating of such occult ▪ Accidents , and secret Diseases , as are incident to that Sex. Pharmacopaea : Or , Rhaenodaeus his Dispensatory . Treating of the whole Body of Physick : Performing the Office of an Herball , as well as an Apothecarie's Shop . An History of the Wonderful things of Nature : set forth in ten several Classes . Wherein are contained , 1. The Wonders of the Heavens . 2. Of the Elements . 3. Of Meteors . 4. Of Mineralls . 5. Of Plants . 6. Of Birds . 7. Of four-footed Beasts . 8. Of Insects , and things wanting blood . 9. Of Fishes . 10. Of Man. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A46233-e1630 Scion . l. 8. c. 6. Quintil. Orat. 12. Seneca . Philo de Mand. Incorruptibil . In Icon. Anim. c. 2 Barclay l. c● Veridam in Hist. vitae & mortis . 2 Pet ▪ 3. 1● Boetius . Mat. 24. 38. 1 Thes , 5. ● ▪ ●sdras l. 4. ●5 . v. 54. ●●m , 8 : ● , 21. L. 3. Exor , Hist. e. 5. Psal. 102. Boetius . Lactant. l. 2. Insti . c. 5 , Budet . in Polo . Bodinus . l. ●ult . Theatr. Natura . ●cal . exer●●t . 99. Barthol . de Element . c. 5. The same de aquis . l. 12. c. 5. Philo demundi incorruptibilitate , August . de Genesi ad liter . l. 7. c. 2. L. 4. Histo. Meigerius . Tacit. Annal . l. 13. Lip. l. 2. 〈◊〉 constant . c. 22. Oros. l. 5● c. 8. L. 2. de mor● . contag . Lang. Ep. 4. l. 2. Galen . l. 3 de simp. caus . ● . 2. Dion . Cass. in Histor. Plin. Jun. in Epist. ad Tacitum . Tacit. l. 13. Annal. Sandius in Itiner . * Lately printed in English. In vita Hilarion . Pontan . l. 48. Metror . Prosper Alpinus . 1 Chron. 13. 3. 2 Chron. 7 , 5. 2 Chron. 17. 14. 2 Chron. ●1 . 5. Lucret. l. 2. Deu. 11. 12 Lev. 26. 3. Lev. 20. 21 De terra sancta . p. c. 1. Whether the earth were formerly more fruitfull . Columella dere rustica . Plin. l. 18. c. 3. Aelian lib. 1. c. 33. Novel . tit . 11. apud codic . Theodos . Jos. l. 6. annal . Beda . l. 4 c. 13. Varro l. 3. c. 2. L. 3. Hist. Plutarch in Fab. Maximo . Barthol . l. 2. de Meteor . c. 2. In. L. praedict . vener . Senecá quaest . Nat● . l. 2. c. 25. Bodin . l. 2. Thea. Natur. Cumanus . Liv. l. 44. and 45. Aristot l. 2. Metcor . c. 8 Plin. l. 2. c. 81. August . l. 2. de Mirac ▪ S. S. Sennert scient . natur . l. 5. c. 1. Crato in Epistol . Petrejus dissert . harm , 38 Fallop . de therm . Cardan . l. 5 , de subtilit . De Metal . l. 1. Cap. 6. De simp. in India . nasc . l. 1. c. 47. L. 3. de Metallis Cap. 6. De Cor. porib . perfectè mixtis inanim . c. 4. 1. Mac. c. 37. Seneca , l. 5. de benef . c. 6. In Chron. regum , Mannor . L. Hist. novel . Psal. 90. 11. 10. Herodot in Thalia . 2 Sam. 19. 32. De honest . disciplin . L. 5. de lingua latina . In opere de fab . mundi . L. 1. de Som. Scip. c. 6. Plutarch de Oracul . cessat . Gell. l. 25. Noct. c. 7. Proem . l. ● . Enchirid. c. 55. Digest . l. 9. de spons . Buxtorf . Synag . 3. Lancel . l. 2. l. 11. Sancinus 27. C. de Nuptiis . In Antiq. Br●an . Num. 8. 23. Lib. 25. Suetonius . Whence it was the Patriarchs lived so long . Whether the yeers they lived were onely of 36 dayes . Joseph l. 1. Antiquit. c. 4. L. 1. Chronol . Verulam . in Hist. vit . & mort . Verulam in Hist. vit . & mor● . Epist. 95. Whether we marry sooner now than of old time time . 2 King. 22. Whether Adam were the greatest of all men ? L. 1. de Emend . temp . c. 4. In. lib. de Paradiso . De Gygant . c. 6. Guaric . In Gygantomachia . In Polymnia . L. 6. L. 5. de mil. Rom. c. 6. Miscel. c. 4. Exod. 27. 1 2 Chro. 4. 1 Exod. 20. 26. In vita Sertorii . Malmes . l. 2. c. 17. de gestis Reg. Angl. Aug. de civit . Dei l. 15. cap. 9. Delrius in l. 9. Mag. Whether prodigious bodies like Men can be framed in the bowels of the Earth ? Agricola . De civit : Dei l. 15. c. 23. Whether women may conceive by the Devil ? In c. 6. Gen. q. 6. Vales. sac . Phil. c. 8. Delrio in disq . Magic . Phys. gener . 6. Canicul . colloq . 6. Camer . in Medit. Historicis . Thuan. l. 6. ex Leon. Gerecio . Whether Physicks now a dayes may be given in as great a dose as formerly ? C. 14. de Curat . per venae sect . ● . 9. c. 14. In observat . L. 2. lect . Annot. Whether the gut duodenum be now shorter than of old ? L. 2. Antrop . c. 12. L. 6. c. 13. Whether prolifick seed be now more impure than formerly ? In prooem . l. 1. controvers . L. 3. var. lect . In histor . Concil Basil . L. 1. Academ . prolus. In 2. de C. D. c. 17. Possev . in Appar . Bell. de Eccles . script . De Vivers . & doctis viris Hispan . In praesat opus Scalig. L. 2. Hist. sui tempor . Pasquir . l. 5. c. 38. Orat. 2. 5. In praef . Schol. Mathem . Minutius in Octavio . Math. 14. 2 John 9. 2. Actor . 1. 6. Erasmus . Bell de R. l. L. 4. c. 12. Chron. L. 4. L. 4. Isag. Exot. c. 14. 3 Part decret . de consec . dist . 4. De corrupto Ecclesiae statu . Whether the Ancients understood Anatomy . 2 de Legibus . 4 De Fast. 2 De Leg. Pliny prooem . l. 28. Libro de Anima . De civit . Dei 22. c. 24 De Consensu & diss . Chy & Galen . Senner . in Pharmacopaea . In sec. plan . terrest . re - Divin . Instit . l. c. 2● . Nor is it yet known . What things were lesse known in the Mathematicks by the Antients ? Histor. p. 1. 5. c. 9. l. Sect. 1. Whether our times in Souldiery are short of Antiqui●y ? In Theatre Scholastico . L. 3. Poet. p. 1. Ep. 1. l. 2. Epist. 119. Who found out Printing ? Cap. 26. de papyro in Bibliotheca de communicatione linguar . c. de Typis . in Cosmographia . L. 2. c. 7. L. 3. de occult . natur . Miracul . c. 4. De Invent. Rer. l. 2. c. 7. Whether Guns were known to the Anti●nts ? Nova repert . tit . 11. Aeneid . l. 5. L. 3. de regim . princip . p. 3. c. 18 Whether the Ancients knew the Marriners Compasse . In mercatore scena 3. L ▪ 20. Advers . c. 4. Gilbert . de Magnet . L. 2. Pr●lus . 6. De ●utis affect . l. ● . cap. 3. Vranckheimius in Epist. ad Burggravium . Hegenitius Iti● . p. 73. Whether the Antients were as well skilled in Navigation as men are N●w . Whether Ophir be Peru. L. 2. c. 8. Divin . Institut . L. 5. Institut . c. 7. Tacit. in Annal. Isay 44. vers . 8. Jer. 9. 3. Sapient . 11. v. 13. Boccac . in geneal . Deorum . Crinitus de honest . disc . l. 3. c. 14. Plin. l. 2. c. 7. Tacit. 3. Hist. c. 6. Aenead 11. & 2. Silic . l. 4. 2 Reg. c. 16. L. 1. c. 21. August . de civ . dei . l. 6 c. 8. August . de civ . D. l. 2. c. 4. L. 1. c. 21. Cicero de divin . l. 3. In fragment . Lactan. l. ● . c. 23. Lipsuis de Constant. De civit . Dei. l. 18. c. 52. Tacit in Annal. l. 5. c. 11. In Epist. ad Chrom . & Heliod . Sulpit. l. 2. Sacra . Histor. Aeneid . l. 6. Lips. l. 2. de const . c. 22. Seneca l. 2. de Ira. c. 5. Admir . l. 4. c. 6. De iral . 2. c. 8. Valer. l. 9. c. 2. De C. D l. 3 c. 27. De Const. l. 2. c. 24. Sucton . in Calig . Praefat. ad 4. Natur. quaest . L. 1. c. 26. Serm. Saturn 1. 12. Orat. pro Sextio . Lactant. l. 6. c. 20. L. 2. N. H. c. 63. L. 33. c. 4. Sueton. in Galba . c. 12 Sueton. in Julio c. 54. Sueton. in Tiberio c. 49. Fulgosus . Sueton in Vespas . c. 16. L. 7. de Providentia . Philip 1. Serm. 2. Camer . cent . 1. c. 34 Natural quaest . 4. c. 13. L. 22. Plin. l. 33. ● in Verrem . De benef . l. c. 9. L. 37. c. 2. Plin. l. 13. c. 15. Sutton . Octav. 42. Seneca dele benefic . l. 7. c. 9. Plin. l. 33. c. 11. Epist. 93. Seneca de vitae brevitat . c. 12. Sueton. in Tiber. c. 42. Seneca ad Helvid . c. 10. Petat in pa●eg . Lampridius Sueton. in vitel . c. 12. Valer. l. 9. c. 1. Seneca Epist. 95. Macrob. Saturn . l. 3. c. 26. Lib. 28. Seneca Natur . qu●st . l. 3. c. 17. Macrob. Satur. 3. 16. Varro de re rustica c. 17. Lib. 8. c. 16. G●ll. l. 13. c. 8. L. 3. c. 6. L. 3. c. 8. Capitolinus Vop●sc●● in Aureli. no. Sueton in Tiber. c. 34. Plin. l. 36. c. 15. Sueton. in in Caligula c. 19. Ammian . Sueton. in Calig . c. 18 Vopiscus . in Probo . Martial . Lampridius Sueton in Neron . c. 11. Vopiscus in Carino . Lib. 36. L. 16. Olimpiad in Excerptis . Epist. 86. In Antiq ▪ Rom. Dio 55. L. 7. excidii . L. 34. c. 8. Cassiod l. 7. ●e . Seneca de benef . 7. 10. Valer. l. 4. c. 6. Seneca Epist 122. Seneca Epist . 115. Valerius● Capitol in Gordiano . Seneca Epist . 50. Lampridius C. 31. Chap. 37 Plin. l. 33. c. 11. Lampridius Plin. l. 33. c. 3. C. 43. Natur. quest . 7. c. 31. Sueton. c. 45. Sueton c. 51. Horat. Ep. 9. Plin. l. 37. 16. Seneca de Benef. 7. c. 9. In vita Pauli Eremit . de habitu muliebri . c. 9. Suoton . c. 59. De benef . 7. c. 9. L. 2. c. 35. Seneca . Natur. quest . l. 1. c. 17. Athen. 6. Lactant Instit . l. c. 10 De consil . & Consultatione . Tacitus in vita Agricolae . L. 8. c. 6. L. 5. P. l. c. 5. 1. Matth. 24. 12. Luc. 18. 8. 1 Tim. 4. v. 1. vers . 17. 2 Peter . 3. Isa. 2. 2. Job 42. v. 12. 16. C. 2. v. 28. C. 2. v. 17. vers . 9. In Memor . Fran. l. 2. Histor. Flor. l. 3. de regno . Ital. l. 4. In Diatriba & Chr●nol . In stella Serpent . delegat . Evangel ad Indos . What is to be thought of the modern Presages . In libro de succesione . Dionis . Alexand. 
A43289	----	A ternary of paradoxes the magnetick cure of wounds, nativity of tartar in wine, image of God in man / written originally by Joh. Bapt. Van Helmont and translated, illustrated and amplified by Walter Charleton. Helmont, Jean Baptiste van, 1577-1644. 1650 Approx. 439 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 105 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43289 Wing H1402 ESTC R30770 11467386 ocm 11467386 47802 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43289) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 47802) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1463:27) A ternary of paradoxes the magnetick cure of wounds, nativity of tartar in wine, image of God in man / written originally by Joh. Bapt. Van Helmont and translated, illustrated and amplified by Walter Charleton. Helmont, Jean Baptiste van, 1577-1644. Charleton, Walter, 1619-1707. Helmont, Franciscus Mercurius van, 1614-1699. The second impression [48], 147 p. Printed by James Flesher for William Lee ..., London : [1650] Epistle dedicatory addressed signed: "W. Charleton." "To the learned Dr. Charleton, on his elegant translation" signed : "Thom. Philipot." Edition statement from added t.p. Imperfect: title page torn with loss of date. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Mind and body. 2003-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Ternary of Paradoxes OF THE Magnetick Cure of Wounds . Nativity of Tartar in Wine . Image of God in Man. Lumen de lumine In ●…ermino Concursus The second Impression , more reformed , and enlarged with some Marginal Additions . A TERNARY OF PARADOXES . The Magnetick Cure of Wounds . Nativity of Tartar in Wine . Image of God in Man. Written originally by Joh. Bapt. Van Helmont , and Translated , Illustrated , and Ampliated BY WALTER CHARLETON , Doctor in Physick , and Physician to the late King. Suspecta apud plures hujusmodi Sanationis Facilitas , atque celeritas permanebit adhuc dudum ; vulgi enim labile & otiosum ingenium , in arduis ac insolitis , ad judicia ejusdem semper tenoris promptum , ob facilitatem , ideóque flaccidum est . Diabolicae enim fraudi tantam restitutionum benignitatem libentiùs consecrat , quàm Divinae bonitati , humanae naturae conditori , Amatori , Salvatori , pauperúmque patri . Butler . LONDON , Printed by James Flesher for William Lee , dwellingin Fleetstreet , at the sign of the Turks 〈…〉 To the truly Noble , by the right of Blood , Virtue and Learning , VVILLIAM Viscount Brouncker of Lyons , Baron Brouncker of Newcastle , &c. My very good Lord , AMong other Disparagements of this life , collected and sum'd up in my frequent retirements and concentrations of my Minde , my Thoughts have , more then once , glanced on the exceeding vanity of that Heroick disease , incident to the best tempered Souls , the insatiate Appetite of posthume Glory . And though I must not but confess , this originary Feaver elemented in the innate Ardor and Scintillations of those Sparks of Divinity , which now lie raked up in the Mass or Chaos , of our eclipsed Nature ; and that by the light of these secret Flashes , may be discovered the Immortality of that Semideity , or noble Essence , for a while immured in walls of Clay : yet when I make reflections on the unconcernment , and happy insensility of the Soul , once fled home , to an indissoluble Union with the Soul of Beatitude ; as to the trifling affairs of the swarm of Mortals , here below , and that all Relations to the visible and perishable World , are lost in utter oblivion , at the instant of her Transition to the invisible , intellectual , and immaterial : I cannot but smile at the Delusion of this Ambition , of having our Memories survive our Ashes , and listing our Names in the Legend of Fame , by the ingravements of memorable and worthy Actions , as seeming to be no more , then a provident Fraud of impaired Nature , whereby man is handsomly deluded into the attempting Actions of such difficulty or danger , as if presented without the specious disguise of Honor , must appear absolutely destructive , at least to the Tranquillity and sober Fruition of our selves , if not also to our Conformity unto that Catholique Maxime , deeply impressed upon the radical Principles of our Essence , Philautie or Self-conservation . For what individual Knowledg can w●… have of Caesar ? Or what intelligence can he hold with the spirits of those , who sacrifice the most of Veneration to his Memory ? Or did the incense of humane Honor ascend so high , a●… to approach the Mansion of the Souls of Heröes , devested of Mortality ; which can no more be granted , then that a man on our Hemisphere , should be sensible of the wagging of a straw in the Antipodes : yet what could the Access of that Nothing contribute to that state of Blessedness , whose measure is immensity , wherein to imagine either Defect , Satiety , or Mutation , would be a Conceit savoring too much of Sensuality , and of bloody advantage to the absurd Metaphysicks of the Alcoran ? And how much more noble a plea , to the immarcescible Laurel , shall that modest head obtain , which , in all Anxieties and Difficulties of Virtue , drew encouragement onely from the simple and naked loveliness of Virtue ; then that fond ambitious one , whose sufferings were caused by no better a Flame , then the Ignis Fatuus of Applause , and desires knew no other attractive , but Vain glory . This Meditation , my dear Lord , as it could never stifle the irradiations of my Genius , or render me less sensible of the incitements of Virtue , to enterprise something , that might be grateful in the nostrils of Posterity , when my Dust shall be offensive : so hath it wrought my resolutions to that Stoical temper , that while I fix one eye of Reason on that domestick Security , and internal Serenity , which necessarily redounds from the severe practice of Goodness , in this life ; and the other of Faith on that infinite Compensation , ordained to reward our pious endevours , in the next : I can comfortably acquiesce in the secret discharge of my duty to God and the World , at least in the sincerity of intention : and though I should arrive at such unexpected Felicity , as to be an instrument , or accessory , either in the discovery of some Magnale in Knowledg , or in the Contribution of some Benefit , conductive to the repair of the Common breaches of Humanity ; yet I dare confidently hope , I should have no ear open to the invasion of Popular Euges , nor admit any dream of happiness , in the estimation of succeeding Ages . Now , though the too acute Severity of some , may here be furnished with latitude enough , either to charge this my Theory of Aversation from Praise , on my being conscious of such Fragility , Lapses and Imperfections of my Pen , as might conclude , that the best part of my Judgment lies in the politick Concealment of my Name ; or deny me qualified with abilities of reducing it into Practice : yet I have this Comfort left to take Sanctuary in , that I may ( without ingaging your Lordship , into the Patronage of a falshood ) appeal unto your judicious integrity , for determination , whether my Scepticity , even in such Notions , as my self hath , to the most precise , anatomical subdivision of each subject , and abstracted perpension of each minute particle thereof ( not much below the accurate Method , invented by the Stoicks * , and lately revived into use by the most ingenious Mons. Des Cartes * ) examined and transmitted to the World , for indubitate and irrefragable Truths ; be not evidence strong enough to make good , that I prefer the manifestation of any one single Verity , to all other sinister interests , in this Vale of Error , and therefore should embrace and assimilate the decisive Contradiction of riper heads , with joy equall to that of benighted Mariners , at the eruption of their faithfull Pilot , the North starre , as the Soveraign Remedy to my former Wandrings . To the other branch of the praesupposed Scandall , may justly be opposed your Lordships privacie , to my obstinate reluctancy , against the Advisoes of my Honoured Friends , urging mee to a publick Appropriation and Avowance of some papers , not long since , dispersed through Europe , without the protection either of Author , or Dedication : as also my denyall of Light , to some Philosophicall Enquiries , whose Conception , Formation , and Maturity ( though of inconsiderable value , in the account of more perfect Learning ) cost mee the profusion of so much Time and Oyle , as if summed up by the Algebra of Candor , might well have purchased the Charitable Forgivenesse , if not the friendly Approbation of the Reader . And in the serene darknesse of this Latency , I had still remained invisible to the effascinating Opticks of Envy , and celebrated a constant Jubilee of immunity from the virulent blasts of Detraction ; had I not been intempestively drawn upon the Stage , by the superior violence of two invincible Magnets : whose potent Alliciency I could provide against by the opposition of no strength , but such as either a dangerous Rudeness , or indiscreet Morosity must have afforded . The first , the inexorable Commands of your Lordship and other Persons , of so much Honor , as Nobility in Birth , Knowledg , and Fortune can contribute ; which led me from the more direct Path of other Contemplations more perpendicular to my Profession , into this wanton digression , and upon the penalty of the deprivation of that , which I have good reason to value much above my life , the place I held in your and their favourable Regard , charged me with the managery of this small Province , for the space of two moneths onely . And had I withdrawn my Obedience from such absolute Soveraignty , as , I must acknowledg , your Lordships and their more learned Spirits deservedly hold over mine : Doubtless I had inevitably faln upon that so much to be abhorred rock , refractary Incivility , and run my self to an eternal loss of those Stars , whose conserving influence , and vigorous warmth , are so necessary to the Vitality and Growth of my Studies . Whereas now , in this election , I have adventured onely to bear up against the impetuous torrent of Censure . The other Attractive , the too early Diffusion of these sheets , and the immature admittance of a multitude to the acquaintance of them , and the weak hand that Copied them ; insomuch , that the concealment of the Translator , carried the face of an impossibility , without the joynt concealment of the Translation : It being ( by an error of Necessity , the Conformity to the unresistible importunity of those Orbes , to whose motion , mine is , and must be , subordinate ) transmitted to a Community , beyond the power of Revocation . Thus much I was concerned to speak , as to the Precaution of Scandal , deductive out of my Apostasie , from my Resolution of Self-concealment , and the publick avowance of my self for the Father : It remains onely , that I endevour a Palliation of this bold lapse of my judgment , in stooping your Lordship to so low a Patronage , as to be God-father , to this adopted Childe . I ever looked upon Dedications , with the same aspect of neglect , and presumption of inutility , that I beheld Prologues in the Front of Comedies ; having upon the unhappy Experience of most Poets erected this unrefutable Maxime , That a good Play may commend a bad Prologue ; but the best Prologue never expiate the Errors , or peece up the defects of a bad Play ; and upon a mature Audit of all the benefits , which the most Elegant , and Judicious Pens have acquired by this imaginary Refuge , in the Sanctuary of great Names , or great Judgements , found that the totall result amounts to no more , but a delusive hope of security from the Contagious emissions of that Universall Basilisk Detraction ; whose venome , in a proud confidence of Victory , laughs at the most vigorous energie of any the most sacred Antidote , and from the infection whereof , he onely can bee saved , that dares encounter it with Contempt . Again , my faith hath long swam smoothly downe the current of the Popular opinion , that Translations praesent the lise of their Text , at as great disadvantage of Dissimilitude , as the backside of Hangings exhibit the story interwoven : and are at best , but slender Adumbrations , or pale Counterfeits of those more lively Images , drawne with more strength of Art , in the Primitive Phansy of their Protoplast . Nor could I ever be alienated by the Phrensie of Narcissus , into such a fond dotage of Partiality , as to expect a better Fortune should belong to the lines , copied by my unaequall Pencil , then what I have observed to have accrewed to others upon more laudable Transcriptions . This I would not have rashly extended by any , to an imputation of occult Blasphemy , against the Venerable ▪ Majesty of our Mother Tongue ; out of which , I am ready to assert , may be spun as fine and fit a garment , for the most spruce Conceptions of the Minde to appeare in publick in , as out of any other in the World : especially , since the Carmination or refinement of it , by the skill and sweat of those two Heroicall Wits , the Lord St. Alban , and the now flourishing Dr. Browne ; out of whose incomparable Writings may be selected a Volume of such full and significant Expressions , as if uprightly fathomed by the utmost Extent of the sublimest Thought , may well serve to stagger that Partiall Axiome of some Schoolemen , that the Latin is the most symphoniacall and Concordant Language of the Rationall Soule . These Diminutions as well of the Epidemick custome of Dedications , as of Translations in generall , and of my owne in particular , I have praemised with designe , to manifest my owne exceeding Audacity , in consecrating so contemptible an oblation , as this transcriptive Landskip of Magnetisme , to the Altar of so much sober Learning ; as whoever hath the happy honour of admission to your closet lectures ( the onely priviledge I can be proud of , and be forgiven ) or but with a discreet eare to taste your publick Discourses in earnest , must allow your Lordship to be Master of . Having thus deves●…ed my self of all other praetences , I direct my addresse to th●…e Plea of those two Cardinall Motives , upon the swindg or rapt of whose violence , this my bold Error may seem naturally to depend . The first , ( and in troth , the Prime ) is your Lordships known Candor and humility ; which acquired by a long and habitual Exercise of Virtue , endows you with an inevitable propensity , to forgive the Poverty of his offering , whose Wealth is onely Zeal The other , your Animadversion and careful influence bestowed upon each sheet of this Work , successively , before the Ink could be fully dry : Insomuch , that the Justice of some might safely escape the imputation of Rigor , should it determine the Book to be properly your Lordships by a neerer right , then that of Dedication . This duly considered , I dare put my self upon the tryal of Aequanimity ; whether an Alienation of what is rightly yours , to more then a moity ; or an equitable Resignation of the same , to your peculiar use , can best stand with the Justice of his Duty , who endevours , by all possible observances , to make good the title of Your Lordships most humble and faithful Servant , W. CHARLETON . PROLEGOMENA . To the Candid and Ingenuous READER . The Summary . 1. TRuth and the Rational Soul are Twins . 2. The Souls Beatitude consisteth in her re-union to Truth . 3. Three Guides conducting Man to Truth . 4. Their several wayes of direction . 5. The Final Cause of their Manuduction . 6. The Cognition of natural objects , difficult to the exactest Reason . 7. The Application of all this , by way of apology . 8. The Hoti of Magnetical Remedies examined . 9. An example ▪ 〈◊〉 facto . 10. A second instance , considerable . 11. The Capital objection against Magnetism Vulnerary , that the cu●…e ●…s wrought by the sole power of nature , and not by any concurrent faculty of the remote Remedy , answered . 12. The first branch of the Solution . 13. Upon every Solution of Continuity , there is impressed an exotick Miasm ▪ or putrefactive acidity . 14. This alien impression , the sole remora to redintegration . 15. The extinction of the same , the onely means to assist Nature . 16. All Acidity subject to the power of an Alchahal . 17. The ground of Traumatical Potions . 18. Vitriol referred to Alchahal Salts , and Vulnerary . 19. The Pedegree of Helmont'e Drif . 20. Vitriol san●…tive at distance ▪ 21. Am Astral quality genial to some sublunaries . 22. Vitriol to be allowed the like Prerogative . 23. The second branch of the Solution . 24. The effect of Hoplochrisme not univocall ; but variable , according to the superiour virtue of any third nature associated . 25. A second Objection , Quòd Agens Naturale , ut agat , debet esse applicatum & approximare ad Patiens , refuted . 26. A Consideration of the infinite extent of Divisibility . 27. Every Unctuous body emitteth consimilar effluviums . 28. Sympathy , longimanus . 29. An example of the vast extent of Sympathy . 30. A second . 31. A third . 32. The result of all , in a Comparative speculation of the extensive power of Magneticall Remedies . 33. The manner of the Armary Unguents operation , upon a wound at indeterminate distance , explained in briefe . 34. Acidity , the first degree of Corruption . 35. Tartar made in Wine , by the fixative power of a Saline Spirit , resident in the Lees. 36. Vineger caused by an exhaustion : not by a Congelation of the spirits of Wine . 37. Helmonts Paradox , that reason is not essentiall to the Humane Soule , maintained by eight Arguments . WEll did the Primitive Graecian give the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto Truth : whose Consanguinity , nay Consubstantiality of Essence with the Humane Soule which the Divine Philosophy of Moses * hath defined to be the Breath of God , doth exactly make out that Etymology . For so uncessant a Magnetisme , or congenerous Love doth the Soule hold unto Truth , that she can know no reall or permanent satisfaction , in the fruition of any other object ; but , like the Aguish magnetified Needle , reels to and fro , in a Phrensie of inquietude , distracted twixt various Apparitions , untill shee lye parallel unto the Center , or Vnity thereof : and having once fixed in that happy position , she is , by an eternal union , identified or assimilated unto that twin of her self ; and in that mysterious penetration of homogeneal Forms , meets her Beatitude , which can never know any Defect , of Satiety , Alterity of Desires , or Remission of Intensity . Now , though the opacity of Original Sin hath so benighted the primitive Clarity of the Intellect , that it deplorably wanders in the infinite seductions of Error , and cannot recover that direct path , which leads to the Heaven of Verity , without the manuduction of Divine Light , in this Wilderness of Sorrow ; and though the Opticks of Flesh and Blood are too dim to endure to gaze upon the naked and entire Glories of Truth ; yet hath the exceeding Mercy of the Fountain of Light , furnished us with three faithful Guides , whose Conduct if we precisely follow , we may be reduced to that advantage of Knowledg , as will afford us a Pisgah Sight , or crepusculous prospect of her reflexive Beauties , now , and an assurance of being blessedly engulphed in the Abyss of her Pleasures , in the future . Those three Lines , perpetually deradiating from the Center of Truth ( the eternal Principle of all Essences , and Soul of all Causalities ) are Religion , Reason , and Sense : all terminated in our Nature . The first leadeth us by the invisible Clue of Faith , on towards the implicit and certain Apprehension of objects above the reach of the other two . The second bringeth us about , through the Circumambages and complex Labyrinth of Discourse ; and from the remote dependencies of Effects upon their particular Causes , ushereth us along by a subalternate Series , or Gradation unto the Science of their ultimate Approximation and Individuality . The last by a shorter Cut , or blunter method of Preception , directeth to the immediate and actual Knowledg of the Existence and exterior or manifest Qualities of Entities ; but leaveth the second to a laborious exploration of their abstruser Forms , or essential Quiddities : the repeated Acts of which apprehensive Power , informed by sensation , make up that body of Knowledg , called Experience . All which Pilots mutually conspire to steer our Mindes , perpendicularly toward our satisfaction of the main end of our Creation : the reverential and fiduciary Contemplation of the Mercy , Wisdom , and Bounty of the Supream Essence . But so deeply immersed in Sensuality , are all the wretched Sons of Adam , that few can ascend so many degrees toward the height of their primitive Capacity , as with equal and constant paces to pursue the guidance of these genial Impressions . For if some may usurp the license of Concession , that the habit of Cognition by Faith doth smoothly result from the Idea's of religious Notions , either insensibly instilled into our infancy , and naturallized by custom ▪ or enthusiastically acquired , that is by the infusion of Light Supernatural , without much labor and difficulty precedent : yet none , that ever felt the weight of Ignorance , and endevoured to struggle from the oppression of it , through the Anxieties of study , will adventure on an assertion of such temerity , as that the satisfactory and certain Comprehension of most Natural Objects , is easie and familiar to our Reason . Since the subtilest speculation will evict , that every the smallest piece of the Hexameron Fabrick ▪ carrieth in the narrow round of its single Ens , Abstrusity sufficient to empuzle the scrutiny of the most daring and Eagle-eyed Philosophy . And if Truth be the most desiderable Good , and yet the most difficult to obtain ; as on the one side , I have reason to applaud my vow , of unravelling my short thread of life , in the constant and eager search of this inestimable treasure ; so have I also opportunity to hope , from all heads of Candor and Discretion , to receive a Charitable Consideration and Forgiveness of my frail mistakes and deviations , on the other ; especially in my attempts of exploring the Causes , and manner of some operations of Nature , whose occult Efficiencies seem rather proposed to exercise , and perplex , then satisfie our desires of Comprehension . Among which knotty pieces , every intelligent man will readily account the Theory of Magnetism , or more plainly , the secret power of Natural Actives , working on analogous and determnate Passives , by invisible Emanations , or an Influential Energy , transmissive to remote distance ; and more particularly , the Argument of Helmont , in this discourse . Concerning which subject , I shall , in some part , recede from my first intentions of Neutrality , to conform to the incitements , and pacifie the importunity of some Friends , in the concise and extemporary delivery of my own Conceptions : though I stand fully convinced , as well of the vast disparity 'twixt the nerves of my Wit , and the considerable gravity of this Theme ; as of the impendent danger of various censures , arising from the irreconcileable discord of Opinion in some , and the rancor or livid Prevarication of others , to both which Hydraes , I must become exposed . Having premised this preparatory Apology : I shall henceforward chain my extravagant Pen , to the sole indagation of this admirable ( though secret , and therefore vulgarly despised ) Verity ; and allow it no wider range then what the modest rules of a Preface will admit . Wherefore I come directly to the examination of the Hoti , or matter of Fact. That Wounds have been frequently cured with more expedition , and less torment , then usually follow upon the use and daily renovation of Topical vulneraries ; by the Confermentation of the Mumy , in the blood effluxed , and still retaining to Vitality , with the Balsamical Faculty of the Magnetical remedies : I must firmly beleeve , until my Scepticity may be allowed to be so insolent , as to affront the evidence of my own sense , and question the verity of some Relations , whose Authors are persons of such confessed integrity , that their single Attestations oblige my faith , equal with the strongest demonstration . Among many other Experiments , made by my self , I shall select and relate onely one : and that most ample and pertinent . Upon an ardent dispute , with a Doctor of Theology , reverend for his Piety and Learning , concerning the Legitimate use of the Sympathetick Powder ; that I might at one stab destroy his inveterate Presumption , that the Capital Energy of that Magnetical Remedy , adored for the sanation of wounds at distance , did proceed rather from the Sophistical Activity of that Impostor , who gave the first incurable wound unto humanity , derived by the mediation of an implicit Compact , then from any native and genuine endowment of the Vitriol : I prevailed with him , to enterprize an Experiment of the efficacy thereof after this manner . Having furnished him , both with the Powder , and a cloth distained with the blood of a Gentleman , freshly wounded , and not yet dressed by any Chirurgeon : I also directed him in the Application . At the performance whereof , he made solemn profession , that he did utterly disavow all Confederacy , immediate or secondary , with Satan , all expectance of his concurrence , and coefficiency , and all confidence in the cooperation of intense Imagination : as also , that he adventured on this tryal , onely for information of his judgment , whether it lie in the destiny of Natural Agents , to transmit their Virtue unto , and execute the Commission of their specifical Proprieties upon objects at distance . However , within few hours , the Patient ( wholly ignorant of the means used ) found his blood retired to its wonted rivulets , and the lips of his large wound perfectly Consolidated . Upon which admirable success , the Divine , having also haply met with a cure for the nicety of his Conscience , from a prevaricate Adversary , became a fervent Proselyte , to our Doctrine of Magnetism : soon after writing his Palinodia , in these words ; Indubitanter credo , Causas Naturales , quanquam nobisignotas , operari in praefata sympathetica sanatione . This justification was extorted from a professed Enemy : a second remarkable Example , I have received from the mouth of a professed Friend , to the speculation of vulnerary Magnetism ; which is right worthy of recital , as well in regard of the Experimentator , as of the rare effect ensuing . Sir K. Digby ( a noble Person , who hath built up his Reason to so transcendent a height of Knowledg , as may seem not much beneath the state of man in innocence ) immediately before his late exile , was pleased to tell me ▪ that not many yeers past , Mr. James Howel ( who planted the Vocal Forest ) interceding betwixt two Brothers of the sword , received a dangerous wound through the Arm : By the violent pain whereof , and other grievous Accidents concomitant , he was suddenly dejected into extream Debility and Danger . That in this forlorn plight , despairing to finde ease or benefit , by the fruitless continuance of Chirurgery , and fearing the speedy invasion of a Grangraen ; he consulted Sir K. D. who having procured a Garter cruentate , wherewith the hurt was first bound up , inspersed thereon , without the privacy of Master Howel , a convenient quantity of Roman Vitriol . That the Powder no sooner touched upon the blood , in the Garter , then the Patient cryed out , that he felt an intolerable shooting , and penetrative torment , in his Arm : which soon vanished , upon the remove of all Emplasters and other Topical Applications , enjoyned by Sir K. D. That thenceforward , for three days , all former symptomes departed , the part recovered its pristine lively Colour , and manifest Incarnation and Consolidation ensued : but then Sir K. D. to compleat his Experiment , dipt the Garter in a sawcer of Vineger , and placed it upon glowing coals ; soon whereupon the Patient relapsed into an extream Agony , and all former evils instantly recurred . And finally , that having obtained this plenary satisfaction , of the sympathy maintained betwixt the blood extravenated , and that yet conserved in the veins ; as also of the Soveraign Balsamick Faculty of the Vitriol : he took again the Garter out from the Vineger , gently dryed it , and freshly dressed it with the Powder ; whereupon the Sanation proceeded with such admirable success , that within few days , there remained onely a handsom Cicatrice , to witness there was once a wound . Other Cures , so neer allied to Miracle , as the former , and no less conspicuous , have been wrought , with the same Magnetical Balsam , by Sir Gilbert 〈◊〉 , upon upon many wounded in the Kings Army ; chiefly in the Western Expedition : of which few Gent. Attendant on His Majesty , in that march , can be ignorant . So substantial and authentick are these Relations , and so frequently others also of the same kinde are obtruded upon vulgar observation ; that I shall think requisite , to supersede the enrolment of any other evidence conductive to the illustration of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when I shall have fel'd that Goliah , which I espie coming from the Army of the Philistins , to the opinion of the Influential operation of Magnetical Remedies , to bid defiance to my self , or any other Champion thereof : that is , the mighty Objection , that the Consolidation of Wounds , is the sole and entire Work of Nature , performed by the proper Balsam of the blood , flowing to the part wounded ; and that therefore we may seem grosly deluded in our election of the Cause , erroneously adscribing the whole Arm of the Energy , to that unconcerned Principle , which indeed hath not so much as a finger in the business . Against this Gyant , I shall send onely two smooth stones : and those taken out of the scrip , or single stock of my own Reason . The first seems to be of weight : and so requires the Care of more then one minute , to fit it in the sling of my Discourse . I conceive ( with submission to the reprehension of riper Philosophy ) that immediately upon the Solution of unity , in any part , the ambient Aer , of its own primigenious constitution , intensely Cold , and by Accident also repleted with the various Evaporations , or Aporrhoea's of mixt bodies , especially such as are then suffering the Act of Putrefaction , violently invadeth the part ; and thereupon impresseth an exotick miasm , or noxious Diathesis : which disposing the blood , successively arriving at the wound , to Putrefaction , by the intervention of Fermentation , caused by some gradual Acidity ( for proved it may be , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Corruption , must be Acidum Extraneum , succeeding upon a desertion of vital Heat ) introduced , maketh the same wholly unfit for the Nutrition , and destructive to the Incarnation , or reunion of the sides of the orifice . Against this Hostile Acidum , Nature instantly ariseth in Arms , sends a large supply of Arterial Blood ( Vital spirits I understand none at least in a disjunctive acception ) and doubleth both the strength and number of her Pulses ; insomuch that most times , the overcharged part suffereth an increase of Pain and Intumescence , from the distension of its vessels , membranes and intermusculary Capacities : but finding her self too weak to expel so subtle and potent an enemy , encamped within her borders , though she cannot preserve the blood from submission to the tyranny of this Putrefactive Acidity , in some degree , and so not transmute it into a laudable Cement , to soder up the disunion ; yet she so far hindreth ( especially in green wounds ) the dilatation of Corruption , that she subdues the revolted blood into the form of a white Purulent Effluxion , which is therefore to be accounted an infallible signal , that Nature is not yet evirate , but holds out bravely , and if relieved in time , will be an happy Conqueress . This Exotick Acidity , by the forementioned means impressed upon the sides of the Wound , I apprehend to be the sole Impediment , that defeateth the design of Nature , in the Redintegration of the Unity of any part , infringed by external violence : and that by the rule of Consequence , the onely way of Assistance to Nature in this exigence , is the destruction , or Extinction of that Alien Impression ; the Factor of Putrefaction , by the specifical Counterviolence of some superior Antagonist . Now Pyrotechnical Philosophy , and the Mechanick Experiments of Chymistry , have sufficiently instructed us : that every Acidum is , at first encounter , subdued by any Alchahal , or Lixivial Salt ; as is autoptically demonstrable , in the sudden Transformation of the Spirit of Vitriol into Alumen , by the inspersion of Mercury dulcified . The same effect may be also exemplified in the Acid Spirit of Sulphur , which for ever loseth its native Acidity , and in a moment degenerateth into an aluminous sweetness , at the Conjunction of the Salt of Tartar , resolved into an oyl by Deliquium . For which reason also ( as Helmont hath profoundly observed * ) our Traumatick or vulnerary Potions , which as well in regard of the Balsamical Plants , as of the stony Concretion found in the stomacks of Creafish , entering their Composition , acquire upon decoction , a Lixivial Tincture , or Alchahal ; are most laudable , because in truth most smartly operative , Medicaments , in all wide Perforations or Incisions of the body : as hath been found true , by the unquestionable testimony of Experience * , and sounds consonant to Reason . Since by reason of their Lixivial Salt , which doubtless passeth the several Concoctions , viribus haud multum castratis , they stand è diametro , opposed to the Putrefactive Acidity , the Capital Remora that impedeth the Consolidation of all Wounds and Ulcers . And whether Roman vitriol may not be justly referred to the Classis of Saline juices Concreted , or Alchahal Salts , since it must be a parergy here to dispute it , I shall with industry leave , as well to the experiment of its easie Eliquation upon the access of any Humidity , as to the decision of the most knowing Mineralogists * . Who also have unanimously esteemed it , as the Sacra Anohora , or Panchreston , for the cure of Cheironian Ulcers , and inveterate Wounds : though the Cardinal efficacy ▪ and manner of its operation , may well be thought to have continued in darkness , until of late the light of Helmonts Furnace had the honor of its revealment . And I am bold to conjecture , that upon this single hint , of the incomparable Balsamical or Mu●…l Vi●…t●…e of Vitriol , Helmont first founded the invention of his admired Drif , or universal Medicine ; whose master Ingredients are Sal Marinus , Vitriolum Veneris , and 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 by the omnipotent Odor , or radial activity whereof , he rashly imagined , that all irregularities , exorbitances , and excandescence of the humane Archius , or Vital Spirit , may be rectified , reclaimed , and calmed , and that in a moment . Having thus brought within the reach of verismillty ; that , in many wounds , all the vigor of Nature cannot suffice to the ejection of that forein Acor , that hath once made an encroachment upon her tender confines ; and that upon the first charge , the usurper must surrender , at the access of a Lixivial Traumatick Salt ▪ It remaineth onely that we bring it quite home to our intended scope , and make a short enquiry , Whether the Sanative Faculty of Vitriol , may not be conceded so long●…manous and extensive , as to produce the same effect , at distance . And this we must do with exceeding brevity : in this respect , that this speculation doth more properly belong to our disquisition of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Causalities of Hoplochrism . I am bound to believe , that in the infinite Magazine of Nature are to be found various Agents , no●… obliged to the dull conditions of an immediate Corporeal Contact ; but richly endowed with an Influential or Radial activity ▪ ( so have I taken the liberty to Christen it , in reference to the Cognition and n●…er Analogy , betwixt the manner of the Stars transmitting their Influence , by invisible Deradiations ; and the imperceptible Emissions streaming , in a semi-immaterial thread of Atomes * 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 bodies ▪ qualified with this kinde of Astral Faculty ; which arriving at a determinate object , though 〈◊〉 at indeterminable distance , nimbly operate upon it , to the full satisfaction of the particular end , preordained in the primitive Intellect of the Creato●… ▪ ) 〈◊〉 conceive also , that Vitriol hath a very just title to the prenogative of being listed in the Inventory of these Astral Natures ▪ and that when the powder thereof is applied to the blood , effused out of a wound , the Balsamical Faculty of it is not confined to a meer Topical Operation ▪ but being conducted by the Manial 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the blood , which undoubtedly , by a Congenerous Magnetism , holdeth a certain sympathy with that Fountain , from whence it was derived , ( as is to ●…a●…ety of satisfaction demonstrated by Hilmont ) 〈◊〉 a stream of subti●…ted Atomes , extendeth to the individual Wound , and there operateth to the Deletion or ext●…rpation of the Acid Impression , against which ●…carrieth a Seminal Antipathy ▪ If this be thus 〈◊〉 I may be sooner destitute of leasure ▪ then substantial Arguments ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 force ▪ that it was either Ignorance , or Prevacation , that first contrived this detractive objection ▪ 〈◊〉 the dignity of Hoplochristical Remedies ▪ as also , that Nature ( though according to the great Apho●… of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ Naturae ▪ sunt Medicatrices , I allow her to be the prime and proxime Causatrix of all Sanation ; and all Medicaments no more but Auxiliatory , or Adjuvant , by the modification of excessive preternatural Qualities , and remove of Impediments ) is not always able to play the Chiron to her self , but in this Case , owes much of the honor of her safety and conquest , to the assistant power , and amicable coefficiency of the Vitriol . The same also I desire should be understood , of the Magnetical manner of operation proper to the Armary U●…guent , though I apprehend the Ingredients of that Magnale , to work rather by a Confermentation of Analogous Mumies united . If I have not thrown this Peble home , nor directly to the mark : ●…was because I had neither time to take full aym , nor elbow room to extend their sinews of Reason so far , as my self desired . The other , I am confident , will hit our Enemy in the forehead . If the Effect of Hoplochrism be not constant and ●…vocal , but doth ordinarily confess an Alterity or Variation from Good to Evil , conform to the friendship or enmity of any Third Natural Agent associated , at the Arbitrary Election of the Experimentator , that is , if from the Counter-activity of intemperate Heat , Actual or Potential , of any venenate o●… deleterious Quality , corrosive and septical Medicament , putrefactive Acidity , &c. consubstantially applied unto , and confermentate with the Mumy of the blood , and magnetically sympathetick Remedy , there immediately arise 〈◊〉 Reincrudescence of the Wound , and a Recidivation or return of all oppressive symptomes dependent : then is it established , beyond the question of any the most Pyrrhonian Incredulity , that the Sanation of Wounds ; at distance , is not rightly adscriptive to the single power of Nature , converting the blood successively distilling from its intersected Condu●…ts , into a genial Balsam ; but more properly attributary to the confederate virtue of the Vnguent or Powder , idiosyncratically opposed to the essential hostility of that Acid Vulture , which ravenously devours the Ca●…bium , or rorid destillament ordained for the Vegetation and Reunition of the wounded part . But the Hypothesis is uncontroulable upon the evidence of Sir K. D. his Experiment , in tossing the life of Master Howel , from hazard to safety , from safety to hazard , and back to durable safety again , at pleasure : therefore is the Inference also sound and justifiable . For the propense submission of Nature , to the fury of a deleterious influence , transmitted from a remote Enemy , by the mediation or convoy of the Mumial Effluviums , shot from the extravenated blood back to its vital fountain ; doth implicitely manifest her emolument and relief received , by the same invisible transvection ▪ from the grateful and congenerous deradiations , or individuated Magnetism of a remote Friend . Since Contraries ever imply the necessary existence each of other . Another Block there is , at which not onely the herd of Fools , but even the greatest Clerks use to stumble , in their quest of this Secret. Requisite it is ( say they ) that every Natural Agent be immediately applied to its determinate Patient ; otherwise , its specifical Activity , though neer so potent and expedite , must be lost in a fruitless expence , and unsatisfaction of its particular end ; but the Sympathetical Remedy is not topically approximated to the Wound ; therefore must it be , either no Natural Remedy , or a vain and inefficacious one , at best . But this Argument , though at first appearance plausible , weigheth not one grain in the ballance of more exact Reason , against our theory , and may be easily blown out of the way , by this distinctive Answer . If it be understood , that every Natural Agent ought immediately , immediatione suppositi , to touch the Patient , upon which its virtue is proximely to be discharged , but remo●…ely , by th●… mediation of otherbodies interjacent , by which the Power of the Active is communicated to the distant Passive : w●… willingly grant the truth of the Major , to be solid and undeniable , in regard , i●… suffic●…h to the support of our Magnetism , that the Active touch upon the Passive o●… Object proper and remote , immediatione virtutis . And therefore we cannot but smile at the weakness and incongruity of the Minor ; because the Sympathe●…k . Remedy ought immediately ▪ immediatione suppositi , to touch that subject , upon which its virtue is first received : but not the part affected , on which the virtue is secondarily and ultimately received and terminated , by the interposition of accommodate instruments , whether bodies situate at convehi●… intervals , or continuate by succession of parts . For thus , by the same extension of a medium , do we warm our hands at the fire ▪ and the S●… transmits his vigorous influence and heat , to our 〈◊〉 Globe ▪ And in this degree of ( affinity , are Sympathetical Medicaments allied unto ●…lesti ●…nfluences ▪ insomuch , that not onely the A●… , but vast Rocks of Adamant , Walls , and any the most compacted and opace bodies are subjects qualified to admit and convoy this Magnetical Virtue , to its peculiar object , no less then any the most potent Astral Transmission . Vpon which ground , if any stick at the vast and unlimitted extension of that Sphear of Activity , assigned by the immense Bounty of Nature , ●…nto Sympathetical R●…dies ; and yet can 〈◊〉 conc●… an ●…finite O●… of 〈◊〉 unto ●…elestial Influxes : he hath very great cause , either to lament his Ignorance of those , or repent his Credulity of these . And I profess , that if my rude ●…ar may have the liberty to judg , Principium Actionis Sympathetica , est Facultas influentiis affinis , 〈◊〉 per irradiationem in objectum sibi appropriatum : sounds as like an Axiom of constant truth , as Idem Accidens non mig●… de subjecto in subjectum . Hitherto hath my imployment been to clear the Prospect , by the necessary remove of such Doubts , as seemed very much to obscure the resplendent lustre of Magnetism , and render the Excellencies of Sympathetical Remedies imperceptible ; especially to those purblinde Moles , whose imperfect opticks could never endure to ●…y into the mysteries of the Intellectual and Spiritual World , but think the debt of their Creation fully discharged , in a slight and superficial speculation of the Material , and never were admitted to a neerer privacy with Nature , then to have touched the 〈◊〉 of her upper garment . And my now task should be , to endevour an ample presentment of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Causes of Hoplochristical Sanation . But of this I can here hold forth no more , then a thin , blew Landskip ▪ or Abridgment : chiefly in respect the more learned pencils of Bapt ▪ Porta , Severinus , Hortmannus , Kircherus , Cabeus , Rob. de Fluctibus , ( that Torrent of Sympathetical Knowledg ) and the choisest flower in our Garden Sir K. Digby , have already enriched the World , with ample and elegant descriptions of the manner , how Sympathetically Magnetick Agents transmit their Spiritual Energy , unto determinate Patients , at vast and indeterminate distance ; and secondarily , because in my precedent Declarement of the Magnetical operation of Vitriol , I unavoidably fell upon a plain ( though narrow ) delineation of the same subject . Consider we , first the interminable , and almost infinite Extent of Divisibili●…y : that is , with the razor of most acute thought , redivide the subdivisions of an Atome , and distinctly perpend , how large a round of spiritual Aporrhoeaes , or Evaporations may be made and maintained by a very small Body , actually subtiliated , and emitting a continued steam of most subtle effluviums . Let us remember also , that by a general consent of all the Secretaries of Nature , and the undeniable testimony of trivial Experience , every mixt Body , of an unctuous Composition , doth uncessantly vent , or expire a circumferential steam of invisible Atomes , homogeneous and consimilar , that is of the same identical nature with it self ; and for that reason , efficaciously operative to the same Finality : which minute subtiliations , wafted on the wings of a convenient medium , interposed betwixt the accommodate Object and the body exhalant , and so arriving at an analogous Patient , do immediately discharge their Activity thereupon , and by degrees of mutation subdue the same to a Conformity●… or Qualification requisite●… to the Causation of that particular effect , originally enjoyned to the Seminal Entity of the Agent . Then let us stretch our Intellectuals , to fathome , how immensly long the arm of sympathy must be conceded , by all that shall observe , how the Contagion of the Small Pox and Plague * is frequently darted from one Brother or Sister to another , at the distance of many hundred leagues , by invisible emissions , or Pestilential Atomes ; without all excuse of intelligence or mutual Commerce by intervenient messengers : as also of Fear and Imagination . How a Tagliacotian Nose , enfeoffed with a Community of Vitality and Vegetation , by right of Transplantation , upon the face of a Gentleman at Bruxels , hath grown cadaverous , and dropt off , at the instant of that Porters death , in Bononia , out of whose arm it was first exected . And finally ( that we may supersede the rehearsal of other Naturally magical examples ) how carefully good Huswives avoid the boyling over of their Milk ; lest the Atomes thereof subtiliated by the intense heat of Fire , and roving abroad hand in hand with the Igneous Atomes , should be attracted by the Cows Udder ( for the source or Fountain of every effusion , acteth a magnetical part , and draweth to it self the subdivisions of that same effusion , situate within the Orb of its Alliciency ) and so an Inflammation be caused , by the apposition of the Atomes of Fire concomitant . And when we shall have thus cast about , summed up our reflections , and discreetly accommodated the like effects , daily occurring to the Comparative perpension of Magnetical Vulneraries : we shall naturally fall upon , and set up our rest in this Conclusion : That the sanation of Wounds , by remote means applied to the Weapon , or cloth imbued with the blood , is no Diabolical , nor prestigious , but a meer ordinary effect of Natural Causes , operating by Magnetism . For very Familiar must it be made unto us , that the blood effused from a wound , doth constantly ( until the last act of putrefaction ) hold an influential commerce with and affinity unto its proper Fountain , yet enjoying a more perfect state of Vitality , in its native Conservatory , the Veins ; and in that relation , doth continually send forth subtle streams , or invisible Emissaries of Mumial Atomes , toward that Fountain , or grand Source , as Ambassadors , to intimate the faithful Correspondence and Amity yet maintained : that these Magnetical Nuntii , being joyned in commission and confermentate with the Balsamical Emanations of the Sympathetick Vnguent or Powder ▪ do carry them home to the wound : And lastly , that the Exotick and destructive Acidity , impressed upon the sides of the Wound , and defeating the attempts of Nature towards the redintegration and accretion of the Continuity infringed , may be subdued and eradicated by the Medicinal Faculty of the Atomes , deradiated from the Vnguent , and conducted along to the wound in the arms of the Mumial Atomes . Since we are of opinion , that no man , who hath but Philosophy enough to examine the Natural endowments of each single Ingredient of the Composition , as also of the third Quality resulting from their Commixture of Confermentation : will deny , that the Armary Vnguent , is impregnated with a sanative Faculty ; but such as may be too violent and intense , if the Vnguent were applied in body , without the requisite allay and refraction of previous Attenuation . Thus ( judicious Reader ) have you seen me , in very few minutes , run over my main course of the Reasons of Hoplochrism ; wherein , since I may not come so neer to the guilt of Arrogancy , as confidently to say , I have won ; I freely submit to your equitable Arbitration for censure , whether I have not contended fairly , at least , for the Garland of Truth , and far outstript those my two hotspurred Adversaries , Ignorance and ●…resumption . But yet must I become a further exercise of your Patience , by holding you to the trouble of going along with me , over two other very 〈◊〉 Stages ▪ which I am obliged to measure , in order to my plenary discharge of a rash promise , which the clamorous importunity of some friends prevail'd upon my too flexile genius to enter into ▪ The first is , to scan over the second Paradox , concerning the Nativity of Tartar in Wine ▪ Here , I profess , I highly admire the sagacity of Helmonts wit , in so exactly tracing this obscure Entity , back to its first single constitutive Principles , hunting through all those gradual mutations , which he distinctly scented , as well in the Conglaciation of Wines , in cold Climats , as their Fermentation , in hot , immediately upon their being brought home from the Press . Nor can it be gainsaid , by any , that the Spirit of Wine , in avoidance of its irreconcilable Antagonist , Cold , retreating to the Center of its liquor , doth leave the Cortex , or outward round , open to the invasion of Acidity ; which being the first degree of Corruption ( for if we boyl any Flesh , that hath been but newly seized on by Putrefaction , the broth thereof will have a manifest sowreness ) and wanting an object , whereon to sate its Appetite of Corrosion and Dissolution , doth instantly dive to the bottom , and there operate upon the dregs , or residence of Terrenity , subsiding upon a precedent Diacrisis , or sequestration of Heterogeneities : and so doth , by a second ebullition , cause them to reascend to the Convexities of the Liquor . But whether , the Acid Spirit , being coagulated in the very act of Dissolution , according to that Chymick Axiome , Omnis Spiritus dissolvens , eadem actione , qua corpora dissolvit , coagulatur , be the immediate Cause of the Concretion or Coagmentation of the dissolved and fluctuating Faeces : I confess , I am yet unsatisfied . The ground of my haesitancy , in this particular , is that upon a strict and laborious exploration of the Causes of Coagulation , conductive to Lapidescence or Petrification , in my Dissertation De Lithiasi , of stones in the Microcosm , I found ; that the onely Gorgon , or Lapidifactory Principle , to which all Concreted substances ow their Coagulation , and upon the destruction of which , they return to their primitive Incontinuity and Volatility , is a Saline Fixative Spirit , as I have in that discourse sufficiently proved : and therefore I should rather derive the pedigree of Tartar after this manner . When the Acid Spirit , immersed in an excessive quantity of Terrenity , becomes evirate , languid , and insufficient to the volatilization of the more gross , ponderous , and fixt parts of the Faeces ; it is wholly overcome by the predominant power of the Saline Gorgon , ambuscadoed in the terrestrial Residence : and so immediately upon this conquest , all the Terrestrial Atomes are fixed , coagmentated , and ferruminated into a solid Concretion ; which is the Tartar adhering to the sides of Wine Casks . Here also doth my constant Fidelity to Truth , make me to observe ; that if Vineger be made of Wine , whose spirits are all Exhausted , by the destructive embraces of Heat , surrounding the vessel , and so insensibly extracting all radical vigor and essential vitality from the mass of liquor , propter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be united to a consimilar substance ; as seemeth most consonant to Experience ; then doubtless , that great Privy Counsellor to Nature , Sennertus * , hath deserved the refuge of that Proverb , Bernhardus non videt omnia , in his mistake , That Vineger should be made of Wine , wherein the spirits are fixed or congelated , by reason of an oppressive quantity of Fixative Salt , arising from the immaturity , austerity and defective Fermentation of the Must , and not out of Wine , whose spirits are separated by Exhaustion ; and by consequence , must have miscarried in his design of drawing Spirit of Wine out of Vineger , which project he mentioned both in his Chymical Operations , and in his incomparable Tract , De Consensu Chymicorum cum Galenicis . My last unwilling task , is the delivery of my suffrage , upon that inscrutable Paradox , asserted by Helmont in his Discourse of The Image of God in Man , as the main point he drives at in all that Meditation ; namely , that Reason is no radical , primitive , essential part of the Human soul , but a caduce , spurious Faculty , accidentally Advenient upon the Degradation of our Nature , by eating the poysonous Fruit of the forbidden Tree ; and by consequence , separable from the soul , at the instant of her emancipation from her prison of Clay , and wholly useless to her in her state of restitution to the Clarity of Abstracted and Intuitive Intellection . To this opinion ( I blush not to profess ) I have formerly leaned , as well by reason of a propensity thereunto kindled in me by a short passage in S. Augustine * , as by finding , in my solitary speculations , a readiness in my beleif to submit to the conviction of these ensuing Arguments . ( 1. ) The Soul layeth hold on her hopes of future Beatitude , with her right hand of Faith , which is a firm and unalterable Apprehension of objects , to which her left hand of Reason can never be extended : yea , so far short doth our most advanced and illuminated Reason come of the true Cognition of the essence of Omnipotence , Infinity , Eternity , &c. that , in every step of our journey towards the true Elizium , we must quit the dark Lanthorn of Reason , and wholly throw our selves upon the implicit conduct of Faith. For a deplorable truth it is , that the unconstant , variable , and seductive imposture of Reason , hath been the onely unhappy cause , to which Religion doth ow all those wide , irreconcileable and numerous rents and schisms , in the seamless and indivisible Coat of Faith , made by men of the greatest Logick , and even such , whose intenser flames of Devotion had rendred their mindes the whitest and most purified from the lees of Temporal interest : every Faction alleadging a rational induction , or ground for its peculiar Def●…ection , from the unity of Truth ; Reason having , in their judgments , erected the rotten and fragil reed of meer Futation , in the room of the sound and inflexible Pillar of certain and fiduciary Cognition . ( 2. ) The Minde of man , squared by the rule of Faith , stands ascertained , that the form or essence of Verity , is unical , single , and devoid of all Alterity ; and that the Intellect , in its abstracted simplicity , apprehendeth onely the unity of verity : but Reason is unavoidably obnoxious to the delusion of Multiplicity , and distraction of Alterity , and therefore unfit to steer the Will , in the act of Election . Quippe quae ( as Helmont , most significantly ) facilè per linguas , nunc ad unum , nunc verò ad alterum extremorum , nutabunda flecteretur , rationésque ubique inveniret , fingeret , substerneret , juxta placita desideriorum . ( 3. ) The Minde , having once fathomed the extent of her wings , in Metaphysical speculations , becomes assured , that after her delivery from the Dungeon of Flesh and Blood , she shall have all her knowledg full , entire , abstracted , in one single act ; not successive , not extorted by the oblique violence of premises , not erroneous , controvertible , or dubious : that she shall no longer groan under the perplexity of framing Demonstrations , by wr●…sting , deducing , inferring , concluding one proposition from another ; whether in order to her act of Conception or Notification . ( 4. ) Where precedeth no Discourse , no Composition , nor Connexion of Premises ; there , doubtless , can succeed no Conclusion , Consecution , or Reason : but the Science of the Premises , is always more certain , then the Science of the Conclusion ( since the certitude of the Inference , is extracted out of , and doth necessarily depend upon the Certitude of the proposition conceded ) and that Science is radically seated in the Intellect , without the concurrence of Reason , because we finde it elder then the Demonstration . And questionless , this were a fair ground for any able pen to contend upon ; that Reason doth not generate , in the Understanding , any more , then a Caliginous or Spurious Cognition , which we may call a specious Putation : as also , that the indubitate Science of the Verity of Essences , of the simplicity of things abstracted , and of first Propositions , or leading notions in Syllogisms , doth not flow from the polluted and tempestuous stream of Reason ; but , indeed , from a more divine , serene , luminous Fountain , the Intellect , which I may , with Solomon , adventure thus to describe : It is The breath of the power of God , and a pure influence flowing from the Glory of the Almighty , the brightness of the everlasting Light , the unspotted Mirror of the Power of God , and the Image of his Goodness , and being but one , she can do all things , and remaining in her self she maketh all things new , &c. ( 5. ) Let any Probleme in Philosophy be propounded to ten , or twenty ( the number is of no concernment ) the most sage Oedipuse's in the World , and a reason demanded from each apart : and I dare promise , you shall observe , the variety of opinions will stand in aequilibrio with the number of Persons ; every single head being deluded by the imposture of specious Reason , and so contumaciously adhering to its particular Apprehension , that the most modest of them all will be ready to swear , that his Solution hath touched the white and Centre of Truth ; when , peradventure , not one among them hath ever shot neer it . Such a Chameleon is our Reason ; and so variously delusive . ( 6. ) Truth is impressed onely upon the Intellect , in regard , the verity understood , is nothing else but the adequation of the Intellect to the object ; or more plainly , the Intellects putting on the Form of the thing comprehended ( for the Intellect knoweth objects in the reality of their distinct Essence , and is therefore interchangeably certified of the Nature of things , by the things , themselves : Since the Esse of things is , of it self , ever true , and their Essence and the Essence of Truth ; are homogeneal and identical ) and therefore the Intellect , which is in a manner carried forth to a Conjunction with the abstract Forms of objects , is always directly true . Now since the Imagination , or its laborious Faculty , Reason , is a certain oblique and circulatory way of intelligence , wyerdrawn through the devious meanders , and complex paths of Discourse ; but not by the immediate Metamorphosis of adequation , or Protean shifting of its own Form , into the Form of the thing apprehended : therefore is the way of Cognition by Reason , Fallacious and Nonscientifical . ( 7. ) Whatever soundeth but analogous or affine , that doth Reason positively judg , consonant and homogeneous to Verity : when yet Reason and Truth are infinitely Disparate , as to the roots of their Essences . For Verity is , Ens reale , verum : But Reason is , Ens mentale , problematicum , and onely plausible , or apparent ; and hence do our Metaphysicians account of En●… rationis , no more then Non-ens , as deriving its geniture from no more substantial a Father , then Imagination , and its production , from the wanton and inconstant womb of Putation . ( 8. ) Many wise men , great Scholars , and extreamly tender , in the point of their Allegeance to the Church , have thought it no dishonor to their Creation , nor Diminution of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or transcendent dignity of Humane Nature , to opinion , that the Faculty of Discourse , though in a greater degree of obscurity , may be attributed to brute Animals . I presume , this hard saying will , by the unisone vote of the multitude , be soon condemned to relish more of the Philosopher , then the Christian , and so be exploded for Contagious and Ethnical . But that indifferent Ear , that shall have so much patience , as to hear St. Jerome relate his story of the * Faune , or semi-humane Monster , that having vocally acknowledged the true God , embraced the Christian belief , received the symbols of the same , and earnestly desired the mediatory Prayers of Anthony , the Anachoret , conversed a long time with him , in the Wilderness : shall observe the Arithmetick of Bees * , in computing their Hives morn and even , having no other method of directing themselves each to his proper home , but the number of their particular Common-wealth , which when they miss , upon a transposition of them , they stray and are lost in their mistake of entering another Hive ; And finally shall to these evidences , annex the serious Lecture of that eloquent Legat Hieron . Rorarius , in his two Books , Quòd animalia Bruta ratione utantur meliùs homine , and other Writers on the same Argument ; will , I doubt not , arise fully satisfied , that a well tempered Enquiry , Whether the Power of Ratiocination , be not in common to some Beasts , as well as to man , though Imperfectiori modo , cannot misbecome , though not the Pulpit , yet the Study of the most rigid Divine . These , I say , were the Temptations that first drew me into a belief , that the Power of Ratiocination seemed too low and trivial an Endowment , to make out the Imperial Prerogative , of mans being created in the Image of God ; though at the same time , I could not but make a strong reflexion upon my own Frailties , and there inform my self , that I wanted not cause to despair , of ever being so happy , in this life , as to become enabled , by study , to husband my share of Reason , to the best use , and utmost improvement of its capacity . But my second thoughts are more wary , and hold it a part of Prudence , to suspend my positive assent unto this nice Particular ; as well in respect , this dispute would better beseem the Metaphysical Speculations of the School Divine , then the gross and corporeal disquisition of a young Physician : as also , that I have observed Sculls of the largest capacity , most subject to Scepticity ; especially , in Notions relating to the Condition of the Soul , when strugled from the eclipse of Flesh. To which may be added , that absolutely to determine pro or con , on this debate ; though it may manifest the fineness and subtilty of his wit , who can handsomly set Reason against her self , and wound her at heart with arrows stoln out of her own quiver ; yet must it be , a bold usurpation of the priviledg of Death , to whose decision properly doubts of this kinde belong ; that being the universal Moderator , that will sate our Curiosities , and in a moment , determine all our Controversies . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Arist. W. CHARLETON . London , the 2. of November . 1649. In Elegantissimam Triadem Tractatuum Philosophicorum Doctis . Van - Helmont de Magnetismo , Tartaro , & Anima ; AD. GUALTERO CHARLETON Clarissimo Chimiatro Londin . Anglico Idiomate cum notis donatorum : Hoc , in amicitiae tesseram , apud Belgas discessurus , Epigramma Operi suo praefigendum reliquit : P. de Cardonnel . DOcta Trias ! Magnum Sophiae quae condis elixir , Quod puto Termagnum vel latuisse Senem : Eia avibus prodi laetis ; Te fama secundet Prospera , suffragiis intemerata suis. Digna Trias Cedro ; Phoebi Lauróque perenni , Digna vel invitos conciliare Sophos : Aonidum munus sacrum , doctaeque Minervae , Cui nil posse addi Fama putabat iners : Addere Suada Novos , ô Charletone , Lepores Ausa tamen Calami est Dexteritásque tui . Alter dicêris meritò nunc omnibus * Hermes ; Et tua jam summis proxima Laurus erit : Quáque Theophrastum evexit Germania laude , Helmonti in * Batavis gloria quanta fuit : Tàm debere Tibi Britones se jure fatentur , Vtiliora illis qui Monumenta paras . V. KAL . VII BRIS . AERAE CHRIST . MDCXLIX . Alexandri Rossaei Epigramma In Politam hanc Translationem Anglicam Triuim D. Helmontii Tractatuum , A Domino Gualt . Charletono , M. D. Clarissimo emissam . QUae nêque Phillyrides , nec noverat ipse Melampus , Jasidésve senex : Nec qui Paeoniis castum revocavit ad aur as Artibus Hippolytum : Nec qui inter Danaos Doctor Podalirius olim Artis Apollineae Noverat ; haec nobis Sermone Helmontius Heros Tradidit Ausonio . Quamvis illi omnes potuêre expellere morbos Arte Machaonia : Non tamen hi rerum causas novêre latentes , Quas docet iste Liber , Quem puro Sermone & vocibus edidit Anglis Charleton Jatricus . Herculeas rerum vires , animámque reclusit Splendidiore face : Et velut Alcides , reseravit Tartara nobis ; Non Acheronta tamen . Hic Phoebo est charus , sed longè charior esset Si Peripateticus . ALEX. ROSSE . To the Learned Dr. Charleton , on his elegant Translation of some most select pieces of Helmont , accompanied with his excellent Notes , candid Animadversions , and opportune Enlargement . HElmont , though dead , is now reviv'd . Your Pen , Like Aesons Bath , instill's fresh youth agen , Into his pale and elemental Clay . His Tomb , By your fair Midwifery , becom's a Womb : From whose now re-impregnate sperm , He Buds forth into a second Infancy . Your Sheets new swath him ( Sir ) where he appears More vigorous in this youth , then in his years . We 're now convinc'd , that Sympathies combine At distance ; that dispersed Mumies twine : That Nature , on one string , like coupled Beads , Her Rosary of twisted Causes threads . Since what of those he first asserted true , Gathers new strength , and Argument from you . Those active Flames , which thaw'd your Brain , do thence Espouse his widowed Earth , with Heat and Sense . Those Spirits , which that publike Mint o' th' Blood , The Liver , back retails to th'purple Flood , Still through their azure Limbecks , and entrust New Sap , and Verdure to his wither'd Dust. Sure , when the Soul of Helmont shook away The Frippery , and Luggage of her Clay , She seem'd to steal into your Brest ; and there To fix herself , as in her second Sphere . Yet lest two inmate Souls , both so immense , They cannot be unactive , chain'd in Sense , Or close immur'd in walls of Flesh , should rent Uncircumscrib'd , the brittle Tenement : They virtually diffuse themselves , and come Into this Book , by an Effluvium . Within whose Pages , they 'l joynt Tenants dwell , As in some nere to be demolisht Cell . And when the Wardrobe of your Dust shall be Dispers'd themselves into more Dust then ye ; This to your Names ( from Times impressions safe ) Shall stand at once , both Urn and Epitaph . Thom. Philipot . OF THE MAGNETICK CURE OF WOUNDS . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Summary . 1. FAscination , Sympathy , and Magnetisme differ . 2. The Sympathetick Unguent one , the Magnetick another . 3. Mumie what . 4. Philosophy immediately subject to the reprehension of reason onely . 5. The difference of Law and Philosophy . 6. From an ignorance of the Cause , Magnetism ascribed to the Devill . 7. Who the interpreters of Nature . 8. Why Chymicks only fit to unridle the mysterious oracles of Nature . 9. He is tacitely guilty of pride , who from an ignorance of the cause , beleeves a Naturall effect to be Diabolicall . 10. Who are the Devils Flatterers . 11. Magnetisme no new invention . 12. The Armary Unguent . 13. The intention , scope , ingredients , and manner of the application of the Unguent , good . 14. The Unguent , why not unlawfull . 15. Nor superstitious . 16. Superstition , what . 17. Why the manner of the Unguents operation , unknown to the Censor , concludes nothing against it . 18. Magnetisme what . 19. Some effects of the Loadstone . 20. The Magneticall cure of ( otherwise ) incurable diseases , perfect . 21. Milk burned , dryes up the breasts . 22. Vitrioll destroyed by Magnetism . 23. Mumie operates from Italy , as far as Bruxels . 24. The Carline Thistle , in the shadow , attracteth wonderfully . 25. The same numericall disease may change subjects . 26. From Magnetism flowers follow the Sun. 27. Mumiall Philtres , how they may be magneticall . 28. The secret mystery of the blood is the Chymist's Loadstone . 29. Herbs , how , and why magneticall . 30. Asarabacca and Elder , magneticall . 31. An implicit compact , the refuge of the ignorant . 32. Sympathy praesupposeth sense . 33. The Mumie of a dead brother , long since impressed upon a chaire , yet magneticall . 34. A Saphire , in magnetisme , rivals the Unguent . 35. A Saphire , by the touch of one Carbuncle , cures many others . 36. Why the grand Praelates of the Church wear caerule rings . 37. Man hath a magnetick virtue . 38. A Zenexton , or Amulet , against the Plague . 39. Necessary it is , that one and the same Accident passe from subject to subject . 40. Magnetisme a coelistiall quality . 41. A thiefe or murderer , and an honest man , or woman , yeeld the same mosse . 42. Whence , and what the seed of the mosse . 43. The fruit of the aër . 44. The mosse , a production of fire . 45. In the mosse also is the back of the magnet , the scope being changed . 46. God , in miracles , follows the course of Nature . 47. God , by reliques , approves the Magnetisme of the Unguent . 48. Supernaturall Magnetisme warranteth naturall . 49. A lock of the mosse , worn in the forehead , is defence against a sword : but of the stole of Saint Hubert , against the biting of a mad dog . 50. A lock neatly inserted into the forehead , is a praeservative , during life , from the biting of a mad dog . 51. Pepper degenerateth into Ivy. 52. How we are to judge of persons . 53. Paracelsus the Monarch of Secrets . 54. Every thing hath its peculiar heaven . 56. Whence every naturall inclination . 57. Whence diseases are astrall in man , and portend foule weather . 51. Whence diseased men have a foreknowledge of tempests . 59. What causeth the flux and reflux of the Sea. 60. Whence the winds are stirred up . 61. The heavens doe not cause , but onely denounce future events . 62. Every seminall Entity , hath its own peculiar firmament , and the virtue of its influence . 63. The Vine , not the stars , troubleth the Wine . 64. Antimony observes an influence . 65. The Loadstone directeth it selfe , but is not attracted , to the pole . 66. Glasse , magneticall . 67. Rosin , magneticall . 68. The power of Garlick over a Loadstone : and why the same over Mercury . 69. The power operative on a distant object , is naturall even in sublunaries : and magneticall . 70. Every Creature lives , suo modo : by the peculiar information of his own essentiall forme . 71. What the Unguent can attract from the wound , at distance . 72. Every Satanicall effect is imperfect . 73. Why Satan cannot cooperate with our Unguent . 74. What may be called , the will , and phansie of the flesh , and of the outward man. 75. A twofold Ecstasy . 76. The ecstatique virtue of the blood . 77. Corruption educeth that dormant virtue into action . 78. The essences of things not subject to Corruption . 79. The designe of Spagyricall putrefaction . 80. The Cause of Magnetisme in the Unguent . 81. The heart attracted by treasure , magnetically . 82. The originall of Necromancy . 83. What man is , in the notion of Animal : and what in the notion of the Image of God. 84. How an Eagle is invited by the magnetism of a Carcase . 85. How the blood , in the Unguent , is allected to its treasure : and why Eagles flock together to a Carcase , magnetically . 86. Sensation Animal , and Sensation Naturall , different . 87. The effects of Witches , impious . 88. The power of the Witch , is Naturall : and what that power is . 89. Where in Man , the magicall power is seated . 90. Whether man hath a dominion paramount , over all other Creatures 91. Why a man is indowed with a power of acting , per nutum . 92. The magicall faculty of man , what . 93. This magicall activity lyes ambuscadoed in man , severall wayes . 94. The inward man , the same with the outward fundamentally : but materially diverse . 95. What is the Vitall spirit : its science and endowment . 96. In a Carcase , extinct by a voluntary death , there is no inhaerent spirit . 97. The division of spirits according to the doctrine of Physicians . 98. The Soule operates in the body , onely per nutum , magically . 99. In the body , the Soule operateth onely by a drowsie , so●…olent beck , or restrained intuition : but out of the body , by a nimble , and vehement . The knowledge of the Apple , eclipseth the knowledge magicall . 100. The beginning of the Cabal , drawn from dreams , divinely infused . 101. The defect of understanding in the outward man. 102. How far the power of atan extends in Witches . 103. What are the true and proper works of Satan . 104. Sin took away the endowments of Grace , and obscured those of Nature . 105. The end of the pious exercises of Catholikes . 106. The grand effect of the Cabal . 107. Two subjects of all things . 108. Man hath a power of acting , as well by spirit , as body . 109. What kind of ray , or effluvium , is transmitted from a witch , to a bruite . 110. How a Witch may be discovered . 111. How the spirit of a Witch may be captived , and bound fast in the heart of a horse . 112. The intention depraves a good work . 113. The Virtue seminall , is Naturally Magicall . 114. The cause of the Cruentation of a murdered Carcase , in the praesence of the homicide . 115. Why the Plague a frequent concomitant of seidges . 116. Works of mercy , to be done upon the distressed , though only in order to the avoydance of the Plague . 117. Plagues arising from revenge , and exsecrations of men dying under oppression , most fatall . 118. Why the carcases of malefactors were to be removed from the gibbet . 119. Why excrements can be no authors of a Plague . 120. Why the blood of a bull is venemous . 121. Why the fat of a bulis made an ingredient into the Sympathetick unguent ▪ namely , that it may be made an Armary Unguent . 122. Why Satan cannot concur to the Unguent . 123. The basis of Magick . 124. When vanities and impostures are reputed for magick . 125. A good magick in holy Writ . 126. What may be called true magick . 127. The cause of the idolatry of Witches . 128. The Excitators of magick . 129. Satan excites it imperfectly . 130. Whence beasts are also magicall . 131. The dominion of Spirits fostereth contention and love . 132. Man , why a microcosm . 133. The mind generateth reall Entities . 134. That reall Entity of an ambiguous , or midle nature , betwixt a body and a spirit . 135. The descension of the Soul , causeth a conformative Will. 136. The cause of the fertility of seeds . 137. Why lust doth in a manner , alienate us from our mind . 138. A Father , by the spirit of his seed , doth generate extra se beyond the limits of his own body , in a subject suddainly removed to distance . 139. What spirit that is , which is the Patron of Magnetism . 140. The will doth transmit a spirit to the object . Unlesse the will did produce some reality , the Devill could have no knowledge of it and unlesse it sent this produced reality forth from it self , toward the object , the devil being absent , could never be provok'd thereby . Where therefore the treasure is , thither doth the heart of man tend . 141. Magnetisme done by sensation . 142. There is a plurality of sensations in one single subject . 143. From the superiour phansy commanding it . 144. Why glasse-makers use the powder of Loadstone . 145. The Phansy of Attrahents changed . 146. Inanimate creatures , endowed with Phansy . 147. Why some things eaten , introduce madness . 148. Why a mad dog biting a man , causeth madnesse . 149. The sting of the Tarantula causeth an alienation of the mind from reason . 150. Why beasts defend not themselves against the biting of a mad dog . 15●… . The sympathy betwixt objects removed at distance each from other , is done by the mediation of an Universall Spirit , which governing the Sun , and other coelestiall orbs , is endued with exquisite sense . 152. The imagination , in Creatures enriched with an Elective Faculty , is various , arbitrary , and unconfined : but in others , of the same determinate identity alwayes . 153. The first degree of power magicall , dwelleth in the formes of the three grand Principles , viz. Sal , Sulphur , and Mercury . 154. The second is by the Phansies of the Forms of the Mixtum , or integrall Composition : which being destroyed , the Principles yet remaine . 155. The third ariseth from the Phansy of the Soule . 156. What beasts are endowed with magicall power , and can act beyond the circumference of themselves , per nutum onely . 157. The fourth degree of power magicall , is from the excited intellect of man. 158. The word Magick , is analogous , and appliable to many things , in a third relation . 159. Every magicall power , stands in need of , and is improved by Excitation . 160. What may be said a subject capable of Magnetism . 161. How Magnetism differs from other Formall Proprieties . 162. The superfluous humours & Excrements of the body , have also their Phansy . 163. Why Holy Writ doth give the attribute of life , rather to the blood then to any other humor in the body . 164. The seed inhaeriteth the Phansy of the Father , by traduction : Whence Nobility hath its originall . 165. The skins of the Wolfe and sheep retain a Phantastique enmity , of their former life . 166. What the Phansy of the blood , freshly added to the Unguent , can doe . The manner of the Magnetisme in the Unguent . 167. The difference betwixt a magneticall cure done by the Unguent , and that done by a rotten egg . 168. The grand mystery of humane Imagination , the foundation of Naturall Magick . 169. The Intellect impresseth the Entity , it selfe created , upon the externall object : and there it really perseveres . 170. How to make powerfull pentacles or magicall Characters . 171. The Phansy , by a naile , as by a medium , holds captive the spirit of the Witch . 172. If Satan can move a body , without any corporeall extremity : why cannot the inward man doe the same ? and why not rather the spirit of the Witch ? 173. The virtue of the Unguent , not from the imagination of its Compounder : but from diverse simples married into one Composition . 174. The Author makes profession of his Faith. IN the eighth year of this age , there came to my hands an Oration declamatory , made at Marpurge of the Catti , wherein Rodulphus Goclenius ( to whom the publick profession of Philosophy was lately committed ) paying his first fruits to the University , endevours to make good , that the cure of wounds , by the Sympathetick , and Armarie Unguent , first invented by Paracelsus , is meerly natural . Which Oration I wholly read , and sighed , that the history of natural things had faln under the protection of so weak a Patron . The Author , nevertheless , highly pleased himself with that argument of writing , and with a continued barrenness of probation , in the year 1613. published the same work , with some enlargement . Not long since , I also met with a succinct anatome of the fore-mentioned Book , compiled by a certain Divine , savoring more of a fine-witted Censure , then a solid Disputation . Whereupon my judgment , what ever it were , was much desired ; at least , in that relation , that the thing invented by Paracelsus , neerly concerned him , and my self , his disciple . I shall therefore declare , what I conceive of the Physician Goclenius , and what of the Divine , the Censor . The Physician in the first place , proposes , and with ostentation promises to prove , the magnetical cure of wounds to be purely natural ; but I found the undertaker insufficient , to perform so weighty a task ; in regard he no where , or at best but very slenderly , makes good the title , or his own large promises . Collecting , hence and thence from divers Authors , many rhapsodies or gleanings , by which he conceives he hath , to ample satisfaction , proved , that in the inventory of created natures , there are certain formal or essential vertues , which men term Sympathy and Antipathy ; and also that from the concession of these , the Magnetical Cure is meerly natural . Many things , I say , borrowed from the Egyptians , Chaldeans , Persians , Conjurers , and Impostors , he hath amassed together into this one discourse , that thereby he might evidence and confirm that Magnetism , which notwithstanding , himself was wholly ignorant of . With design , partly , that by a delightful entertainment of those mindes that are eager in the quest of novelties , he might seduce them from a direct progression to the mark ; and partly to raise them to an admiration of the Author , who seemed to have read , and ransacked not onely vulgar , but also all other more rare and antique writers . For which consideration , the Physician does very absurdly confound Sympathy ( which erroneously , and under various notions he very often introduces ) with Magnetism ; and from that concludes this to be natural : For I have observed this Vulnerary Unguent to cure , not onely men , but horses also ; with which our Nature holds not so neer an affinity ( unless we grant our selves to be Asses ) that from thence the Sympathetick Unguent should deserve to be accounted common to horses , as well as to us . With the same absurd indistinction , he also confounds Sympathy with Fascination and Ligation , and both with Magnetism ; namely , with great anxiety and travel of minde , he crouds together upon the Stage , in one Scene , without any distinction , all secret , and more abstruse effects what ever ; that being destitute of reasons , he might thereby support his own Magnetism . I will by an example difference Fascination from Sympathy , and both from Magnetism . A Dog holds an Antipathy ( for Sympathy and Antipathy are both daughters of the same Mother ) with a Hen ; for he preys upon her , and she flies from him ; but when she hath newly hatched her Chickens , and excluded them from the protection of their shells , she boldly assaults , and puts to flight a dog ; though of himself very courageous ; to wit , the soul of the Hen , by fascination , chaining up the soul of the dog ; the former Antipathy , disparity of weapons for guard , and great ods of strength affording no hinderance to the action : But in this , Magnetism is no where to be found . Moreover , what other instances the Physician inserts , concerning Impresses , Characters , Gamaheu , or Magical Images , Ceremonies , and such like , for the most part , vain observances , are but random shots , wholly impertinent to the present scope , and rather stagger the doctrine of Magnetism , by rendring it suspected , then support or advance it . But of these positively to determine any thing , is a task not sutable to my wit. Goclenius furthermore wanders from truth , and indeed with no less temerity then ignorance ; fondly dreaming from the prescript of Paracelsus , that the weapon , wherewith the wound was inflicted , if rolled up in the weapon salve , did work the cure on the wound . For in vain is the weapon , or point of the sword anointed with the Armary Unguent , prescribed by him , unless it be distained with blood , and that blood be first dried upon the sword . For to Paracelsus , the Sympathetick Unguent is one thing , in respect of the blood effluxed out of the wound ; and that Unguent , wherewith arms , which have received no tincture of blood , are to be emplastrated , clearly another ; and for this reason , he Christens the former , the Magnetick , and Sympathetick , the latter , the Armary Magnetick Unguent : Which therefore ( and to good purpose ) receives into its confection , besides the ingredients essential to the former , Honey , and Bulls fat . In fine , Goclenius , to humor his own genius , hath altered the prescription of Paracelsus ; affirming , that the Usnea , or moss , is to be selected onely from the skulls of such , as have been hanged . Of which his own , and grosly erroneous invention enquiring a reason , he blushes not foolishly to imagine , that in strangulation the Vital spirits violently retreat into the skull , and there constantly shroud themselves for some time , until the moss shall , under the open canopy of the Air , grow up , and periwig the Cranium . Paracelsus hath expresly taught the contrary , and by multiplied experience we are confirmed , that Usnea gathered from the skulls of such , who have been broken on the wheel , is in virtue no whit inferior to that of men strangled with a halter . For truly from Animals there is not drawn the Quint Essence ( in regard the principal , and paramont essence perisheth together with the influent spirit , and life ) but onely the virtue mumial , that is , the originary , implantate , and confermentate spirit , safely remaining , and in an obscure vitality surviving , in bodies extinct by violence . What other things Goclenius hath delivered , of remedies to repair a ruinous memory , as we cannot but declare them , in no relation , congruent to the scope intended ; so also we nothing doubt to prove them meer pageants and impertinent flourishes . Betwixt our Divine and Physician , there is at all no dispute de facto , about the verity of the fact ; for both unanimously concede the cure to be wrought upon the wounded person : The contention lies onely in this , that the Physician asserts this Magnetical Cure to be purely Natural , but the Divine will needs have it Satanical , and that from a compact of the first inventor . Of which censure , in his Anatome of our Physicians discourse , he alledges no positive reason ; conceiving it sufficiently satisfactory , if he , on the score of his own solitary judgment , abolish it , though he subjoyn no grounds for the abolition ; that is , acquiescing onely in this , that he hath removed the feeble and invalid arguments of the Assertor ; which , in sober truth , is a matter of no diligence , no learning , and of no authority to erect or establish beleif . For what avails it , to the procurement of faith , from no stronger evidence , then the futility of specious reasons , urged by some ignorant head , to give a definite judgment on the thing it self ? and to declare it impious , if himself hath not so much as in a dream thought upon any one petty reason , for the support of his sentence ? What if I , being a Laick , should with course and untrimmed arguments , commend Presbytery , and another reject my reasons as unworthy and insufficient , will the order of Priesthood it self be therefore rejected ? Of what concernment , I pray , is the ignorance , or temerity of any one to realities themselves ? In the Court of Truth , Philosophy submits not it self to naked and single censures , unless there also concur a considerable gravity of the Censors , fortified with firm and convincible reasons . Wherefore I , who have undertaken , in opposition to our Divine , to make good , that the Magnetick Cure of wounds , is the single , and ordinary effect of Nature ; in the first place , think Goclenius worthy to be excused , if without success he hath sweat in the indagation of the grand and approximate Cause of this rare effect . What wonder , when our Divine makes publick confession , that himself is utterly ignorant of that cause , and onely for that reason refers it to Satan , as to the Author and master-wheel in this abstruse motion : For such is the infirmity of our delapsed nature , that we are destitute of the knowledg of the most , and most excellent things . And therefore , to palliate this defect of our understanding , we , though not without some tacite reluctancy within , obliquely wrest many effects , whose efficients are beyond the ken of our blear-eyed reason , to the sanctuary of ignorance , and refer them to the Catalogue of Occult Qualities . For who , among Divines , ever had a plenary and demonstrative knowledg of the true and proper cause of Risibility , or any other Formal propriety : For example , of the heat of fire . Dost not thou fall upon that Fallacy , Petitio Principii , an absurd begging of the question , if thou answer , that extreme heat belongs to fire , because it is of the essence of fire ? In truth , the Essences of Forms , in regard they are unknown to us , à priori , from their Causalities ; therefore also is the original , or pedigree of Formal proprieties , wholly abstruse , jejune , and undiscovered ; and where we perceive any Formal passion subjoyned , the minde , as if tired with vain scrutiny , soon ceaseth from the disquisition of it , and reposeth it self , sitting down contented with the empty notion , and bare name of Occult proprieties . Go to , I beseech thee , does the Anatomist , our Censor , happily know the reason why a Dog swings his tayl when he rejoyces , but a Lyon when he is angry ; and a Cat , when pleased , advances hers in an erect posture ? What therefore , when himself cannot give a reason for the motion of a tayl , will he so much wonder , that Goclenius hath given an improper and insolid reason of Magnetism ? and from the refutation of that , presume that he hath more then sufficiently demonstrated that sanation of wounds to be Satanical , which is the genuine effect of Magnetism ? Far from us be so great temerity of censure . Come on then ; why dost thou call that cure Dibolical ? Insooth , thou oughtest to have annexed the reason of thy censure , unless thou expectest it should be denied by others , with the same facility , wherewith thou affirmest it to be diabolical . Lawyers require onely the affirmative confirmed ; but Philosophers both parts , that the ignorance or protervity of the Nogant party , may not appear greater then that of the Affirmant . Dost thou happily maintain the Cure to be Diabolical , because it cannot be clearly understood ( by thee ) that there is any natural reason for it ? I will not beleeve , that from thy own infirmity , thou mayst deliver so idle and stupid a sentence of the vertue of it . For thou well knowest , that the imbecillity of our understanding , in not comprehending the more abstruse and retired causes of things , is not to be ascribed to any defect in their nature , but in our own hoodwinkt intellectual●… . Proceed therefore ; whence hast thou assurance , that God , in his primitive intention , hath not directed this vertue Magnetical to the benefit of the wounded ? Shew us your Commission ; hath God elected you the Secretary of his Councel ? Certainly , however you may waver in your belief , you shall in conclusion finde , that amongst you Divines , the Magnetick cure can be accounted Diabolical for no other reason then that the shallowness of your judgment cannot comprehend , nor your Function admit it to be natural . What wonder , that no Divine hath ever scented these subtilities ? for after the Priest and the Levite had both passed on to Jericho , there succeeded a Samaritan , a Lay man , who deprived the Priests of all right of disquisition into the secret causes of things . Whereupon Nature from thenceforth summoned not Divines to be the Interpreters of her nicer operations , but adopted Physicians onely to be her darlings , and none but such , who instructed by Pyrotechny , examine the proprieties of things , by sequestring the impediments or clogs of vertues ambuscadoed in their grosser materials , such are their crudity , venenosities , and impurities ; that is those bryars and thorns every where , from the first Malediction , inoculated into the creatures in their spring or virgin estate . For since Dame Nature ( the Proto-Chymist ) her self doth every day sublime , calcine , ferment , dissolve , coagulate , fix , &c. Certainly we also , the onely faithful interpreters of Natures Oracles , do by the same helps and advantages draw forth the Essential qualities of things from the dark prison of their materials , and bring them to the Meridian light of reason . But the Divine , that he may be able to discern what is prestigious , from what is natural ; it is requisite , that he first borrow the definition from us , lest the Cobler shamefully adventure beyond his Last : Let the Divine enquire onely concerning God , but the Naturalist concerning Nature . Assuredly the goodness of the Creator was largely diffused on all the works of his hands , who created all things for the use and benefit of ingrateful man : neither admitted any of our Divines as an Assessor in his Councel , how many , and how excellent vertues he should endow his Creatures withal . In the interim , I am wholly unsatisfied how he can be excused from the sin of Pride , who because he comprehends not the natural cause , as measuring all the immense works of God by the narrow extent of his own head , does therefore audaciously deny , that God hath bestowed any such vertue on the Creature ; as if man , a vile worm , had fathom'd the power of God , and were privy to the designes of his Councel . He estimates the mindes of all men by his own , who thinks that cannot be done which he cannot understand . To me , seriously , it appears a wonder in no respect that God hath , besides a body perfectly resembling the Loadstone , bestowed upon his Creatures a noble vertue also , which our reason can explicate by no other term then that of Magnetism . Ought it not to suffice , to the indubitate concession of Magnetism , that onely one single example ( I shall hereafter bring in others , numerous and apposite ) be introduced , of the natural efficiency of that stone , according to the model or pattern whereof , even other endowments , variously distributed amongst the creatures , may be clearly understood ? What , because the thing is new , paradoxical , and above the reach of your understanding , must it therefore be Satanical also ? Far be it from us to conceive so unworthily of the Divine Majesty of the Creator ; nor indeed ought we thus to court or gratifie the Devil , by transferring this honor upon him ; for what can ever affect him with a more full delight , then that the glory of good works be ascribed to him , as if he had been the grand Author of them ? That material nature does uncessantly by its secret Magnetism , suck down forms from the brests of the superior Orbs , and greedily thirst after the favor and benign influence of the celestial Luminaries , you willingly concede ; and moreover , that the stars in exchange attract some tribute from inferior bodies , so that there is a free commerce , and reciprocal return from each to other , and one harmonious concord , and conspiracy of all parts with the whole universe : And thus Magnetism , in regard it is vigorous and pregnant in every thing , hath nothing new in it but the name , nor is it paradoxical , but to those who deride all things , and refer to the dominion of Satan , whatsoever falls not within the narrow circle of their own understanding . In good truth , this kinde of wisdom is never to be found by him that seeks it with derision . But I beseech you , what of Superstition hath the Armary Unguent ? whether because it is compounded of the moss , blood , mumy , and fat of man ? Alas ! the Physician uses these inoffensively , and to this purpose the Apothecary is licensed to sell them . Or perchance , because the manner of using and applying the Medicine is new to you , unaccustomed to the vulgar , but admirable to both ; must the effect therefore be Satanical ? Sub due your passion , and calm your rage , ere long you shall be more fully satisfied . For the manner of its application , contains in it nothing of evil . First , the intention is good and pious , and directed onely to a good and charitable end ; namely , the healing of our sick , languishing neighbor , without pain , without danger , and without the consumption of his purse : And do you call this diabolical ? In fine , the remedies themselves are all meer natural means , to which we shall in the progress of our dispute , by convincing arguments demonstrate , that this generous faculty was peculiarly given by God himself . Our wishes are that your self had , by so firm evidence , ratified your negative position , viz. that God , the supreme Good , did not , in the Creation , confer upon the ingredients of the Unguent , any such natural vertue , and mumial Magnetism . This Magnetical remedy can , on no side , be laid open to the encroachment of suspect ; since , both in the confection and use , it hath no superstitious rites performed , it requires no mysterious words , no characters , or impresses , no prestigious ceremo●…ies , or vain observances conjoyned : It presupposes no planetary hours , or punctilioes of constellations , it prophanes not sacred things ; and what is more , it forestals not the imagination , requires not a confidence , or implicit faith , nay not so much as bare leave or consent from the wounded party ; all which are ever annexed to superstitious cures . For we account that properly to be Superstition , when men relie upon the single power of an implicit faith , or imagination , or both concurring , above any particular vertue , which of it self is not sufficient , or by the primitive intention of the Creator , not destined to the production of that particular effect . By which it is clearly manifest , that our Magnetick cure hath none the smallest tincture of Superstition . Do thou therefore , O Divine ! great with a sarcasm , with design at least to detect and deride the Devil , make an experiment of the Unguent , that so thou mayest destroy and totally abolish that implicit compact with him ; nevertheless thou shalt , volent or nolent , without either direction from , or obedience to thy will , finde the same effect result from thy application of it , that usually does upon ours ; which does not at all succeed upon the conjunction of superstitious causes . Whoever reputes the Magnetical Sanation of Wounds to be Diabolical , not because it is performed by unlawful means , or directed to an unwarrantable end ; but because in the manner of its operation , it progresses in a path , which his reason cannot trace : He also convicted by the same argument , shall either give the quidditative and peculiarly express causes of all those admirable effects of the Loadstone , which in the sequel of my discourse I am to mention ; or confess , that those rare operations of the Loadstone , are the impostures and the legerdemain of Satan ; or shall compulsively concede with us , ( which indeed will be the safer way ) that in nature there is a Magnetism , that is , a certain hidden property , by this appellation , in reference to the conspicuous and confest prerogative of that stone , distinguisht from all other abstruse , and to common heads unknown , qualities . A Loadstone placed upon a thin small Trencher of wood , floating on water , does instantly in one determinate point australize , and in the other septentrionate . That extreme , which by its verticity regards the Southern Pole , when by touch it hath impregnated a piece of steel or iron , will immediately steer it to the North ; and the other extreme which looks upon the Northern Pole , having invigorated a needle of steel , will incline it to the South . By its Septentrional point , which is its belly , it attracts iron or steel to it ; and by its Australe end , which is its back , it thrusts iron or steel from it . The Aquilonary side , by friction of the point of a Compass needle , positionally from the right hand to the left , endows it with a vertical or polary faculty , whereby it is directed to the South : But if the friction be ordered in a quite contrary position , from the left hand to the right , the direction of the point of the needle will also be contrary , and neer to the North. Thus also the Australe side of the Loadstone , according to the variety of locality , or position in friction , varies the polarity . Nay , what carrieth a neerer face of miracle , if a Loadstone by its affriction hath invigorated and excited a piece of iron , with a magnetical activity , that is , a power to attract another piece of iron ; the same new made Magnetical iron , if inverted upside down , and in that Antipodean position , a second time , rub'd upon the Loadstone , will , in the same moment , be devested of its magnetical infusion , and clean forget it s lately acquired power of attraction . All which various and admirable effects of the Loadstone , thou mayest , if thy judgment relish them , finde made good by multiplied observations , by William Guilbert , not many yeers past , a Physician in London , in his Book De Magnete : Of which subject no man ever writ more judiciously or experimentally ; and by whose industry , the variation of the Compass may be restored . The needle , which now points directly upon the North , coming under the Equinoctial Line , staggers to and fro , hovers from Pole to Pole , and in a trembling unconstancy fixes on neither : But once brought over the Meridian , nimbly wheels about , and fixedly applies it self to the South . I shall annex this Medical vertue of it : the back of the Loadstone , as it repulseth iron , so also it retrudeth the gut , by reason of too wide an expansion of the process of the Peritonaeum , prolapsed into the Scrotum , cureth the Enterocele or intestine rupture , and likewise all Catarrhes or destilments , that have a private affinity , or analogy with the nature of iron . The iron-attracting faculty , if in a composition , married to the mumy of a woman , then the back of the Loadstone applied to her thigh , on the inside , and the belly of another imposed upon her loyns , about the lowest spondil of the back , will safely prevent an abortion threatned ; but on the contrary , the belly of one Loadstone applied to her thigh , and the back of another to her back , will both wonderfully facilitate her travail , and expedite her delivery . All which various operations of the Loadstone , our Anatomist is obliged to illustrate , by reasons , drawn ae priori , from the fountain of their distinct and determinate efficiencies , and expound to us the subtile manner of the progress of each cause , in the production of each several effect : otherwise , I shall by a parile argument of ignorance , conclude , that these in like manner , are also meer illusions of Satan , and no effects of Nature . I shall now infer some certain examples of another Magnetism , cousin-german to the former ; that so with our judgment better informed we may at length come to the positive reason , and clear refutation of all the objections of our adversaries . What can I do more ? I my self will contrive reasons for you , which you have not at all urged . You may argue thus ; Every effect either immediately proceeds from God , the sole Operator , and so is a miracle ; or from Satan , and so is prodigious ; or from natural and ordinary causes , and so is meerly natural ; but Magnetism is neither a miracle , nor a natural effect ; and therefore Satanical . I answer ; Though I might , with great facility , declare this enumeration delivered , to be invalid , in regard the inward man hath a power of activity , by none of the forementioned ways , ( which , in the pursuit of our debate , we shall largely , and to ample satisfaction , treat of ) yet however we now with a dry foot , pass by the assumption , making it our chief task to deny and subvert the inference , namely in that part , whereby it is asserted , that the effect is not natural . For , by the rules of orderly and artificial disputation , that was first to be made good , that we might not fall foul upon that elench , Petitio principii , a precarious concession of that Thesis , which is yet questionable and undetermined ; but in this point , our Censor hath yet been , and ever will be defective , to affirm the effect not to be natural ; unless he thought , that a bare affirmation is equivalent to a confirmation , and that to have substituted his single authority in the room of reason , was evidence strong enough to silence doubt , and procure credence . For there are many effects natural , which yet do not ordinarily happen ; namely , such as are rarely incident . Wherefore to gratifie our Anatomist , I shall all along the tract of this exercise , not onely maintain the affirmative part , but also perspicuously commonstrate it by reasons , and ratifie it by examples . For so the mighty argument , even now urged , will fall by its own weight . There is a Book , imprinted at Franekera , in the year 1611. by Uldericus Dominicus Balck , of the Lamp of life . In which you shall finde , out of Paracelsus , the true Magnetical cure of most diseases , as of the Dropsie , Gout , Jaundies , &c. by including the warm blood of the Patient in the shell and white of an Egg , which exposed to a gentle heat , and mixt with a bait of flesh , you shall give , together with the blood , to a hungry dog , or swine , and the disease shall instantly pass from you into the dog , and utterly leave you ; no otherwise then the Leprosie of Naaman did , by the exsecration of the Prophet , transmigrate into Gehazi . What , do you account this also Diabolical , thus to have restored our languishing neighbor , by the Magnetism onely of the mumial blood ? however , he is perfectly and undoubtedly recovered . ¶ A woman weaning her childe , to the end her brests may the sooner dry up , strokes her milk into a fire of glowing coals , and thereupon her paps suddenly grow flaccid , and the fountain of her milk , is stopped . What , doth the devil suck and drain them ? Hath any one with his excrements defiled the threshold of thy door , and thou intendest to prohibit that nastiness for the future , do but lay a red-hot iron upon the excrement , and the immodest sloven shall , in a very short space , grow scabby on his buttocks ; the fire torrifying the excrement , and by dorsal Magnetism driving the acrimony of the burning , into his impudent anus . Perchance , you will object , that this action is Satanical , in regard the end of it is revenge , and the laesion of the party , which offended us ; but assuredly , the abuse of such powers depends on the liberty of mans will , and yet the use is no whit the less natural . Make a small table of Bismuthum * , and on the one extreme , place a piece of Amber , on the other , a piece of green Vitriol ; the Vitriol will in a moment lose both its colour and acidity . Both which are familiarly observable in the preparation of Amber . This one experiment , of all others , cannot but be free from all suspect of imposture , and illusion of the Devil . A certain inhabitant of Bruxels , in a combat had his nose mowed off , addressed himself to Tagliacozzus * , a famous Chirurgeon , living at Bononia , that he might procure a new one ; and when he feared the incision of his own arm , he hired a Porter to admit it , out of whose arm , having first given the reward agreed upon , at length he dig'd a new nose . About thirteen moneths after his return to his own Countrey , on a sudden the ingrafted nose grew cold , putrified , and within few days , dropt off . To those of his friends , that were curious in the exploration of the cause of this unexpected misfortune , it was discovered , that the Porter expired , neer about the same punctilio of time , wherein the nose grew frigid and cadaverous . There are at Bruxels yet surviving , some of good repute , that were eye-witnesses of these occurrences . Is not this Magnetism of manifest affinity with mumy , whereby the nose , enjoying , by title and right of inoculation , a community of life , sense and vegetation , for so many moneths , on a sudden mortified on the other side of the Alpes ? I pray , what is there in this of Superstition ? what of attent and exalted Imagination ? The root of the Carline Thistle ( which is the White Chamaeleon of D●…oscorides ) pluckt up when full of juice and vigor , and contemporate with Humane Mumy , does , as it were by an operative ferment , exhaust all the natural strength and courage of a man , on whose shadow thou treadest , and infuse it into thee . But you may account this praestigious , because Paradoxical ; as if the same identical Leprosie were not traduced from Naaman to Gehazi ; and the same numerical Jaundies transplanted from the patient to a dog . For a disease is not under the Predicament of Quality ; but all the Predicaments are found in every particular disease . Since indeed , it may be lawful to accommodate names to things , but not things to names . The Heliotropian or Solisequous Flowers are wheeled about after the Sun , by a certain Magnetism ; not for his heat , whose comfort they may long after ; for in a cloudy and cold day they imitate the rhythme of the Sun ; nor for his light , are they the Lacqueis of the Sun ; for in the dark night , when they have deserted him , they face about from the West , to the East . You will not account this Diabolical , in regard you have another subterfuge at hand ; namely the harmony of superior bodies , with inferior , and a faculty attractive , purely celestial , and no way communicable to sublunaries . As though the Microcosm , unworthy this heavenly prerogative , could in his blood and moss observe , and correspond to no revolution of the Planets . I might here , with pertinence , discourse of Philters , or amorous Medicines , which require a Mumial Confermentation , that the affection and desire of the minde may be forcibly drawn , and rapt on to one determinate object . But on a sober consult with thought , it seems more advised , to supersede that theme , when I shall first have mentioned this one observation ; I know an Herb , commonly obvious , which if it be rubbed , and cherished in thy hand , until it wax warm , you may hold fast the hand of another person , until that also grow warm , and he shall continually burn with an ardent love , and fixt dilection of thy person , for many days together . I held in my hand , first bathed in the steam of this love-procuring plant the foot of a Dog , for some few minutes : The Dog , wholly renouncing his old Mistress , instantly followed me , and courted me so hotly , that in the night he lamentably howled at my Chamber door , that I should open and admit him . There are some now living in Bruxels , who are witnesses to me , and can attest the truth of this fact . For the heat of a mans hand warming and resolving the plant , I say not a bare , simple and solitary heat , but excited and impregnate with a certain effluvium , or emanation of spirits natural , doth peculiarly determine and individuate the vertue of the plant to himself ; and by this ferment communicated to a second person , doth by Magnetism allect the spirit of that person , and subdue him to love . I omit the cures of many diseases , which the Arcanum , the mystery of humane blood , doth Magnetically perform : For unless the blood , yea the very sanies or purulent effluxions from Wounds and Ulcers , the Urine , and that subtle effluvium , which by insensible transpiration evaporates through the pores of the skin , did continually exhaust , and carry with them some part of the vital spirit ; and unless these had also some participation of vitality , and conspiracy with the whole body , after their remove from the whole concretum : Undoubtedly the life of man could not be so short . For indeed this is the cause of our intestine calamity , and that principle of death we carry about us , ambuscadoed in the very principles of life . The Herbs Arsemart or Water Pepper , Cumfry , Chirurgeons Sophia or Flixweed , Adders tongue , and many other of the Vulnerary tribe , have this peculiar endowment ; that if , when cold they are steept in water ( for an Oke felled , when the North wind blows , will grow verminous and rotten , if not instantly sunk under water ) and then applied to a Wound or Ulcer , until they grow warm , and after buried in a muddy uliginous Earth ; when they begin to putrifie , they then operate upon , and draw from the Patient , whatever is evil , superfluous , and hurtful to him . And this the Herbs perform , not while they grow in the earth , nor so long as they remain in their primitive and pristine form ( for necessary it is that the grain be mortified , that it may bring forth fruit ) but in the putrefaction of their Corporeities , for the Essential virtues being then as it were released from the prison and impediments of the corporeal matter , do put forth and freely execute that Magnetism , which otherwise had lain dormant and enchained , and according to the contagion and impression received from the wounded or ulcerated part , powerfully suck out much of the remaining evil , though seated deeply and at great distance in the body . If any one in gathering the leaves of Asarabecca , shall pluck them upward , they will perform their operation respectively , and purge any third person , that is wholly ignorant of that positional traction , by vomit onely ; but if in gathering they be wrested downward , they then will purge onely by stool . Here at least can be no suspect of superstition ; for what need I here to mention any thing of Imagination ; when your selves concede , that by the power of imagination nothing can be acted upon a third object , especially where that third object is utterly ignorant of the position , which the decerpent used ? Will you again take hold of the sacred anchor of ignorance , and accuse this secret of an implicite Compact with Satan ? But herein lurks no vain observance ; chiefly when the decerptor shall have , the assument being wholly inscious of the position , pluckt off the leaves , either upward or downward . Doubtless , besides Asarum and the extremities or clusters of Elder , no other Cathartick Medicines are enriched with this propriety ; for they , in what position soever collected from the plant , do ever operate univocally : that is , either constantly upwards , or constantly downwards , according to the destination of their gifts . But in Asarum , in the integral plant , there sensibly appears a Magnetical propriety ; and so it doth variously endow its leaves , according to the sense of their decerption . That not onely plants , but also almost all created Entities , have a certain adumbration of sense , or obscure sensibility , they largely declare as well by Sympathy , as Antipathy ( which presuppose , and cannot consist without sense ) maintained amongst themselves ; which satisfactorily to manifest , shall be the subject of some succeeding lines . A second Fit of the Gout surprized a Noble Matron , of my acquaintance , after the first paroxysm had gone off , and left her ; and thenceforward the Gout , by an unwonted recidivation , and periodical recourse , infested her without remission , for many moneths together . But she not apprehending whence so violent and unexpected a return of the disease had happened to her ; at length she rising from her bed , as often as the fury of the fit , by intervals , somewhat remitted , reposed her self in a Chair , wherein a brother of hers , many years past , and in another City , cruelly tortured with the Gout , was wont to sit , she instantly found that from thence the disease did awake , and afresh invade her . This effect likewise is , on no pretence whatever , to be ascribed to Imagination or doubt ; since both these were much yonger then the effect . But if it hapned that any third person subject to the Gout sate in the same Chair , to him there succeeded not any reincrudation of the disease . For which reason , the mumy of her dead brother deservedly rendred the Chair suspected of contagion ; which penetrating through all her cloaths , did to the sister onely , and not to any other podagrical person , excite those frequent refluxes and paroxysms , which otherwise had slept , and not invaded her . The cause truly was the Magnetism of the brothers mumy , infected with a prodagrical miasm or tincture , effluxed from him , and impressed upon the Chair , determinately operating on the uterine mumy of the sister ; and that a long tract of time after his funeral . I beseech you , what can you discover in this of any implicite Compact , with our grand adversary Satan ? A Saphire enobled with a deep coerule tincture , if it be applied to , and a small time rub'd upon a Carbuncle , whereby the Plague pathognomonically discovers it self , and after a while be removed , the absent Jewel then ceaseth not Magnetically to allect and extract all the pestilential virulency , and contagious poyson from the infected party ; provided that this be done , before the Patient hath suffered too great a prosternation of spirits , and decay of strength . Physicians therefore use ( which to us much advances the reputation of Magnetism ) gently and slowly to draw a circle with a Saphire , round about a pestilential tumor : To this end , lest the venome exhaling , should in that part , where it insensibly evaporates , exspatiate and dilate it self to a wider range , and so in that circumferential expansion infect some noble part adjacent . For in that place where the virulency exhales , magnetically attracted from the infected body as it were through a trunck , or conduit-pipe , all the round or circle instantly grows black , and at length torrified into an Eschar falls of : the heart , in the interim , being preserved from the fatal contagion . Nor is there any postern door left open to evasion , by objecting , that we are to conceive the poyson attracted to the Carbuncle , in the same moment , when the round was drawn about the place , or at least then critically conquer'd by the internal champion of life , the heart ; and not to attribute it to any Magnetism of the Saphire removed at distance . But however , the sick will give in their testimony , that they did not perceive any relief in the instant of the Saphires touch ; but a good while after : The poyson indeed , gradually , by little and little , departing from the body , by the Magnetical attraction . Yea , the place it self will afford a more certain and satisfactory evidence on the behalf of Magnetism ; for it grows not black and torrid in the minute of , or by the affriction of the Saphire ; but many minutes after , being immediately combust by the pestiferous , that is Arsenical , vapor , in that one path , and no other , expiring from the Centrals . For where the venome does continually exhale , the venemous radii being congregated and bound up into one Gone or pyramidal point , there it is of necessity that the part suffer extreme violence , grow black , and be torrified ; which effects , as they are performed in successive motions of time , so also they inform us , that the virulency does successively breathe forth , in obedience to the Magnetical alliciency of the absent Gem. Your reply perchance will be , that every Agent doth require a certain , and limited duration of its impression : that the Saphire did not benefit the Patient in the present , but left behinde it an impression , which was by degrees to subdue the remainder of the Plague ; but not that the Saphire did attract any thing at all , after its remove from the Carbuncle . Here you shall observe , that every Agent of Nature does act in an instant in the first moment of congression , unless there be some obstacle or remora of disobedience in the Patient ; but in the body infected there can be no impediment from reluctancy , or stop of reaction , since it longs for a relief with all expedition , and in expectation of it , uncessantly pants and labors in all veins of the body . It would be clear another thing , if the Saphire were first to suffer preparation , concoction , or alteration , that so from the concretion there might be educed the imprisoned Agent , which should afterwards diffuse and spread it self through all parts of the body . But when the Saphire conserves its native integrity , and continues undissolved and incorrupt , it requires onely a certain determinate time for this , that it may , by the touch and mediation of the mumy , associate and unite its own influential ray to the pestilential vapor , and so captive it , that afterwards being withdrawn , it may forcibly command it from the heart . To this association and marriage , I say , that there be a convenient alligation of the virtue Saphirical to , and as it were a Conglomeration with the venome , there is required a determinate measure of time ( grant the eighth part of an hour ) wherein the Compass line may be drawn about the pestilential Bubo . For if there were onely some bare , single impression of the Saphire , which constantly adhering to the place after the touch , should by little and little conquer and eradicate the venome , within the precincts of the body ; and no Magnetical alliciency of the absent stone : There could no reason be found out , why that particular place of the circle , should be benegroed and torrified , nor why the virulent exhalation should not range in a larger circumference then the cicumdate line . What is more , if many Carbuncles freshly shew themselves in divers places at once ; yet that onely Carbuncle , which was circumscribed with the Saphire , undergoes combustion and denigration , all the other sinking down again , and vanishing insensibly . And therefore , I beseech you , what impression attractive can the Saphire leave behinde it , after its remove , if not a Magnetical one ? Principally , when the Attractum doth imply an inseparable relation to the Attrahent ; and so transpositively . Yea , if the Saphire should from its self transmit any virtue into the sick body , after twice or thrice using , it would inevitably be subject to diminution and decay of power , ( for so the hoof of the Elk , by often use of it , to suspend and resist the invasion of Epileptick paroxysms , by degrees becomes evirate and despoiled of all activity ) that faculty , which is imprest upon the Carbuncle , being exhaust and spent ; which manifestly in the Saphire falls not out alike ; for so much the more excellent and efficacious a Saphire is esteemed , by how much the more frequently it has suckt out the venome of the pestilence . It may be you 'l answer , that the Saphire does generate a new third quality in the Patient , by reason whereof it begins to attract and drain the poyson , that way onely ; and that although the Saphire be then removed , yet that nature nevertheless , once encouraged and invited into action , ceases not to persevere in the expulsion , and maintains that Crisis , through that passage onely , where the poyson first began to be expell'd . First , we enquire , whether the Saphire does attract by a first , manifest quality ( imagine heat ) or by a formal magnetical propriety ? But this Magnetical essential faculty requires not any previous generation , or result , of a new quality , within the body ; but onely the conjunction of its virtue attractive , to the pestilential aer , so that it may perform its office of attraction . From whence the inference is ; that the attraction is performed by the absent Saphire . This assumption holds clearly good , because every natural Attrahent does attract adse , to it self ; for to this end onely does it attract . For which reason , a new third quality , generated in the body , would rather attract the virulent exhalation concentrically and inwards , and could by no means be invited outwards , by an excentrical attraction . Our second enquiry is ; whether the Saphire may not have generated , and emitted a virtue from it self , and imprest that virtue on the skin onely ? For neither can this stand ; since then , it would not be necessary , that a circle should be drawn about the Carbuncle , with the Saphire ; but it would be sufficient , that any other more remote and commodious part of the skin be toucht ; which , by the suffrage of experience , is absolutely false . Our third query is , whether the Saphire haply can unlock and expand the pores of the skin ? and whether Nature , on the single stock of its power , could not have made use of its own expulsive faculty , without the attraction of the Saphire ? If we say , not ; then the Saphire cannot be allowed to attract , but onely to have assisted and corroborated the expulsive faculty . But this opinion is soon subverted by the effect ; in that no place suffers combustion , either without or beyond the round ; and also because the other Carbuncles , beginning to bud forth , do at the same time sink away and vanish , though never toucht by the Saphire . Since indeed , if onely the expulsive faculty were corroborated , that would expel the venemous fumes every way round , and could not be restrained to any one certain and elect place . Fourthly , Nature had already , before the admotion and affriction of the Saphire , giving sufficient testimony of its own valor and ability , in expelling the Carbuncle singly and of its own accord . Whence also it appears a gross falsity , that Nature once excited and rouzed up to expulsion , by the saphirical infusion , does afterward persevere in , and stoutly maintain that critical motion ; since observation assures us , that frequently the Saphire is but slowly applied , and comes too late , to assist the beginning of the expulsion . For which considerations , notwithstanding any thing you shall be able to oppose , it is of absolute necessity , that the pestilential venome is magnetically attracted by the absent Saphire . Will you therefore , that the natural magnetism of the Armary Unguent be more plainly and amply discovered unto you ? or will you disparage and calumniate the noble alliciency of the Saphire ; and also write to the Calumniator ? you will ( I suppose ) judg it to have much more of reason and solid truth to comply with our faith ; that as death , wounds , diseases , slaughters crept in , and made encroachments on humane nature , by means of the Devil , from whom nothing proceeds but mischief : So also that every good gift comes down from the Father of lights . It being a position universally assented unto by all men : That that must be good , which neither the subject , nor the object , nor the means , nor the end proposed , can accuse and convict of evil . Hence was it , that the antient Prelates of the Church were wont heretofore to wear rings enricht with a Saphire ; the use and excellent virtue of that precious stone being , for the major part , hardly understood among them . For to whomsoever the charge of souls is committed , to them also of equity , and duty , it belongs to visit and be assistant to the infected with the plague ; the dark mist of ignorance , in our days , obnubilating and eclipsing the knowledg of the most excellent pieces of Nature ; in whose room have succeeded , an affected spruceness of language , a vain-glorious trimness of the windy and dead letter , and a confident , presument garrulity . Which may be the subject of our serious sorrow , but more of our wonder ; that all mechanique Arts do daily receive advancement , and ascend by the degrees of new discoveries , neerer towards their perfection ; but the study of Philosophy onely stands ever perplext and discouraged with unjust censures , and now is in its Apogaeo , or retrogradation . I have dwelt the longer upon this subject , the Saphire , in respect it contains a case , in all points alike , and wholly quadrant to that of the Armary Unguent . In this particular , therefore , Man also hath his magnes , or domestick power of alliciency ; whereby , in time of the plague , he draws in , through the invisible pores of the skin , the pestilential Atomes exhaling from the infected . For Nature , which at all other times is wont to admit nothing but wholsome and alimentary juice and with great diligence and exactness to sequester that juice , from the inalimentary and excrementitious parts of it ; at this time , yeelding and wholly submitting to its magnes , greedily sucks in the pestiferous aer , and invites death into the inmost closet of life . Ediametro contrary to this intestine magnes , Providence has furnisht us with another peculiar , antagonistical magnes ( this we insert , that our dispute may not become barren and fruitless , in any one part of it , namely the Saphire , or a translucid piece of Amber ; which rubbed to calefaction upon the seven planetary pulses , ( those on the jugular Arteries , on the handwrists , neer the instep , and on the throne of the heart ) and hung about the neck instead of a Periapt or Amulet , are too hard for the humane magnes , conquer and destroy his attraction , and by that superiority of attraction , become the most certain Amulets and Counterpoysons to the fatal contagion of this plague : Otherwise , if there precede not a requisite confriction of the Pulses , they are altogether invalid , and of no efficacy . For those things , which in their primitive constitution were a Saphire and Amber , having from the affriction changed their family , first lose their originary appellations , and are afterwards called a Zenexton , or preservatory Amulet against the pestilence . Will any man , think you , account these effects Diabolical ; and attribute them to a covenant made with Satan ? It is sufficient , that we have introduced a few , but select , satisfactory , and pertinent examples , whose case holds a perfect analogy , and even proportion with that of the Armary Unguent ; we shall now seasonably turn our selves to your Arguments . You argue Goclenius of ignorance of the doctrine of Aristotle , in that he insinuates that the same numerical Accident can pass from one subject to another ( my wish is , you had been as able at probation , as you are at refutation ) namely , that this also is an assertion of huge pertinacity , to conceive , that a Cicatrice or scar in a dead body is not identically the same , it was in the man yesterday living . For in vain do we honor , and pay an humble and fiducial veneration unto the reliques of Saints ; if nothing but that simple , impossible matter , which the disciples of Aristotle dream of , can remain , and not some accidents constantly continue in the corrupted body , which were heretofore in the living . Behold ! whither a paganical error may precipitate those , who improvidently carp at others . I say , to imagine that to be absolutely impossible , which is absolutely necessary , is the part of the most absurd and grossest ignorance : For example , that light , from the body of the Sun even down to the earth , in a more swift motion then the twinkling of an eye , through all the smallest Atomes of the air , does produce new species , and those species produce another stock and supply of species of light . This properly is to be blinde in Sunshine ; for if we had not diffused upon us the identical light and vigorous influence of the Sun , but onely the thousand , of thousands of millions , species of light and virtue solary ; no sublunary could have growth or vegetation , nor could ever any fire be kindled by the refraction and union of its beams . For the species of species of light , since in reality of essence they are no more light , then the species of colours are really colours , they can never be of activity strong enough to produce fire . For my part , seriously I cherish and applaud my self for that ignorance of Aristotles doctrine , of which Goclenius is accused as rude and illiterate . Doth not the needle of the Mariners compass , through a firm glass , closely sealed up with melted soder ( in which there can be no pore or crany discovered ) steer it self to the Artick pole ? and is it not attracted to a piece of iron placed within the orb of attraction , the pole during that seduction , wholly neglected ? Wherefore the same numerical Accident , streaming in one continued radius from the Loadstone into the aer , passes through the glass , and perhaps goes as far , as to touch the pole it self . And Magnetism likewise is a Celestial quality , of neer affinity to the sidereal influences ; neither is it confin'd to any determinate distance of place ; as neither is the Magnetical Unguent , of which our dispute . You smile , because Goclenius chooses for an ingredient into the Unguent , that moss onely , which is gathered off the scull of a man of three letters * . Nor in this truly is there any ground for your conjecture , that in the herb there lies a snake in ambush , any vain touch of superstition couch't . For if a Jesuite , put to death by strangulation , or any other kinde of martyrdom , be left sub dio , in an obedient position to receive the influence of the stars ; yet his head will yeeld the same crop of Moss , equivalent in use , and equally ripe , with the head of a Thief : since the Seminality of the moss drops down from Heaven upon Mount Calvary . For sometimes there distils a frothy dew , which is called Aurora ; and after that , a more tenacious Viscid Mucilage descends , which is called Sperma siderum , the seminal emission of the stars ; sometimes the Heavens have shower'd down clouds of Frogs , Spiders , Locusts , and other such insects , which in their descent became solid , tangible , and vital substances : in other mountainous places the prodigious clouds have rained milk and also blood ; frequently also there is found lying upon stones and bones a white bituminous matter , sweat from the celestial orbs , which turns into moss . This candid substance , in some places , where it petrifies and is changed into stone , induces a crustaceous surface , or parget upon stones ; in other places it degenerates into a moss . To this Classis of Meteors we are also to refer , the Dew , Manna , Throni , Thereniabin , Nostoch , Nebulgea , Laudanum * , and other such aëreal productions . Though these partake more largely of the substance of aër ; while , in the interim , the originary principles of the moss , growing upon sculls , are of a higher and more noble pedigree , the seminary excretions of the stars ; and are called by Hermetical Philosophers the flowers or fruits of the Celestial Orbs. By these the prudent have attempted and atchieved many notable designes ; and indeed , they being enriched with the favor and continual influence of the Heavens , want not the ground and foundation of excellent and generous faculties . The moss therefore of a scull , since it hath received its seminality from the celestial orbs , but its Matrix , conception , and increment from the mumial and medullary substance of the scull of man ; it is no miracle , that it hath obtained excellent Astral , and Magnetical virtues , far transcending the common lot of Vegetables ; although herbs also , in the capacity of herbs , have their peculiar Magnetisms : I will insert an observation of my own ; A certain Souldier of a noble extraction , wore a little lock of the moss of a mans scull , finely enclosed betwixt the skin and flesh of his head ; who in friendship interceding betwixt two brothers , that were fighting a mortal duel , unfortunately received so violent a blow with a sword on his head , that he immediately fell to the earth . With which blow his hat , and hair were cut through , as with an incision knife , even to the skin ; but he escaped without the smallest wound , or penetration of the skin . I need not anticipate , your selves may without much difficulty guess , to what cause the guard of the skin may be justly ascribed . It hath not been the custome of my genius , to perplex and rack my minde , with uncertain conjectures ; since indeed lightning , of far greater violence then a sword , if it ever touch a Bay tree , does yet never discharge it self upon a Sea Calf , or Horse , whose snafle is anointed with the fat of a Sea Calf , nor ever falls upon that stable , whose dore posts are emplastered with the same fat . The experience is trivial and frequent . But I pass lightly over this scene , and resigne it to others ; so soon as I shall have mentioned one other example , like the former . In Arduenna * Saint Hubert is worshiped with solemn and publick veneration , whither all people bitten by any mad dog speedily address themselves ( as elsewhere others flock to the shrines of Saint Domirus and Bellinus : ) there the Flamen or Priest burles a small lock of wool , from the stole or upper garment of the Saint , which is artificially inclosed within the skin of the forehead of the patient , bitten by a mad dog ; and from thenceforth for ever he can be no more wounded or smitten , by any mad , or wilde beasts whatever ; for the sacred magick of the lock is the shield , that secures from the violence of enraged teeth , and renders the wearer invulnerable . * Your answer will be , that this extraordinary effect is done by an immediate miracle of God , cooperating with sacred reliques . Well , grant it be a miracle ; yet that God in the production of miracles , does , for the most part , walk hand in hand with Nature , and in a manner oblige himself to an observance of , and conformity with her customs and rules , these Patients of Saint Hubert do plainly evidence by their lock of wooll . For that uncircumscribed Omnipotence , whose power is limited by no law but that of his will , who can do all things by the single efficiency of a Fiat , does sometimes make use also of natural means . Thus let the sweat in the Sudary , or Stove of Saint Paul , be also a Magnetical Unguent ; but the sweat of the sick persons , or the insensible effluvium exhaling from them , be the blood of the wounded , sprinkled upon a piece of wood , and put into the box of Unguent ; immediately all harm and evil depending on the wound , is from all parts of the body attracted magnetically . And this effect is by so much the more powerfully wrought , by how much more efficacy the supernatural magnes is endowed withal . For in both , truly , there is the same reason , and the same manner of the causes operation ; the difference lies onely in this , that in the material world , the effect succeeds upon a requisite conjunction and co-efficiency of corporal means , the blood and the Unguent ; but in the supernatural , by a holy magnetism , arising from the sacred reliques of the Friends of God , which in this relation , undoubtedly deserve our venerable esteem . That these miracle-producing reliques might in the manner of their operations , by a neerer similitude approach to the nature of the Magnetical Unguent , God , the soul of mercy , moved with compassion towards our frail and calamitous estate , hath in some of them called up a fountain of oyl , perpetually pouring forth streams of Balsam : To this end , that every where relieved and supported by magnetical remedies we might for certain be assured , that the Magnetical cure of wounds is received from God , and both in the supernatural and natural world doth proceed in an equal order of causes , in an equal pace and manner of operations , and by the conduct of the same Director and Guide . Hence is it , that fresh and new reliques work more , and more noble miracles when they are carried about , or applied to the Patient by the touch ; because it is of unexcusable necessity ▪ that the magnes be first rub'd , touch't , and stir'd , if we will have it to attract . I return to thee , O Usnea ! the noble issue of celestial seed : for whoso hath enjoyed a convalescence from the Hydrophobia , by the lock of wooll , and other pious rites observed , is not onely himself for ever after protected from a rabid dog ; but , what is far more noble , he can grant to any other person bitten by a mad dog , a supersedeas to prorogue the time of the Venoms energy , for many moneths , until the Patient can , with convenience , take a journey to the shrine of St. Hubert ; the poyson in the mean time charmed into an inactivity , and the fermentation of the humors suspended . Nature hath also granted another magnetical magnale , cozen german to the former . The Zinzilla ( which is an excrement of the Diaphragma or Midriff , degenerating into an inflammation and Apostem ) when once it hath like a Zone * , environed the chest of the Patient , becomes fatally destructive ; but it is safely and with great celerity cured , if the place be outwardly , though but slenderly , anointed with the blood of another , who has once recovered from the same disease . For he who hath once recovered from that disease , hath not onely obtained a pure , balsamical blood , whereby , for the future , he is rendered secure and free from any recidivation of the same evil ; but also infallibly cures the same affection in his neighbor , and by the cutany external contact of his own blood , by the mysterious power of Magnetism , transplants that balsam , and conserving quality into the blood of another . You may object ; if the Magnetism , or grand magnetical arcanum , lie onely in the Usnea ; then all other ingredients of the composition are fruitless , vain , and unnecessary . Physicians soon salve this doubt , by replying ; that some of the ingredients are efficients paramont , and principal ; others of inferior virtue and subordinate ; some are conjoyned as impediments , to obtund and refract the violence of contrary intense qualities ; others as spurs , to excite the dormant ; and others to advance and promote the weaker and less active Magnetism , to a higher and more noble entelechy . And that these reasons support the necessity of a multiplicity of simples , in the confection of the unguent . On this consideration , as it was a flat impertinency to argue , that if the usnea , chiefly comprehend the magnetism , then is man , to no purpose , exenterated to furnish the Unguent with some other ingredients ; so also would it be a direct absurdity to plead , that if the usnea , on the single stock of its own endowment , be not enriched with sufficient magnetism ; nor the fat , nor the blood , &c. therefore will not that magnetism , which we attribute to the unguent , also be found in the whole composition ; since single ingredients cannot impart that virtue to a composition , which they formerly did not contain in their primitive constitutions and simple natures . I must ever now and then be compelled to act your part , and contrive arguments and cavillations for you , against my self . But however , it had been your duty , formerly to have been instructed from vulgar and rustick experiments , that in a compound medicine there doth frequently emerge and result a new third quality , which was never before , in the least measure , couched in the single essences of the ingredients . For example , it would become you to have observed , that neither Vitriol nor Galls are sejunctively black ; but married in the composition of Ink , they immediately beget a perfect deep black . You may again object ; if the Usnea hath acquired its magnetism from the mumial virtue of the bones , and the seminal influence of celestial orbs : then , of consequence , may the same be gathered , not onely from sculls , but from all other bones of the sceleton . But this illation is also ridiculous ; for Nature her self confesseth a subjection and conformity to the condition of the soyl ; and for that reason , Pepper new gathered transplanted into Italian ground , degenerates into Ivy : Hellebore set in the Tridentine * fields , quite looseth its purging faculty ; and Poppies with us are wholly devoid of any deleterious or deadly quality , however our Countrey be ten times colder then Thebes * it self . Therefore the usnea varies in its efficacy , according to the various soyl , or matrix of bones , wherein it is conceived and nourished . For if lightniug melt money , the purse remaining untouched , and of ten companions sitting close together , choose one out of the middle , and strike him into ashes ; and this happen not casually , or by chance , but by the permission of that Providence , which will not have so much as one leaf drop uncommanded from the tree ; and by whose onely power , all virtues are founded and established ; it can seem no wonder also , that one distinct magnetical seminality of usnea be , from the celestial sphears , distilled upon the scull ; and a second seminality , of another peculiar classis , upon the other bones of the Sceleton . Onely the bone of the head is of excellent use against the Epilepsie ; but so are not any of the other bones . Then , to conclude , all the brain is consumed and dissolved in the scull , by the continual irroration and imbibing of which precious liquor ( I mean that of the brain ) the scull acquires such virtues , which we have discovered to be wanting to the other bones I have sufficiently known the customes of contradicents . For when they have nothing more of moment to alleage against the thing disputed of , they become the more contumelious , break forth into reproaches , and fall foul upon the person of him , that is their adversary in opinion . Wherefore it may be , some or other will exclaim , that Magnetism is some new fangle , invented onely by Paracelsus ; but that he was a lewd , dissolute , and ignorant fellow . And again , if there had been any such excellent virtue in nature , it could not have remained in darkness , and undiscovered to so many ages , and its revealment have been suspended till the advent of Paracelsus . As concerning the reproaches , and scurrilous subsannations of many , shower'd down upon the head of a man , that was the Ornament of Germany : I answer , that they are empty , vain , and below a sober thought , and do no more , then render the assertor of them more indign and contemptible then before ; as one that earnestly endevours to condemn , not onely the living , but the dead also . For there is no reason why I an unequal Orator , who have undertaken the Encomium of no man , should fall upon the praise of him for those things , which his own monuments hold forth to the world , concerning his learning , wisdom , and divinely infused endowments ; but I come directly to ballance the invective arguments themselves . This Objection therefore is barren of any thing but pride , since it insolently dares to assume the condemnation , not onely of the living and dead , but even of God himself ; namely , that he ought not to have infused the knowledg of so divine a secret into Paracelsus , but some other person ( some Jesuite perhaps ; ) nor to have manifested so great a consonancy and harmony of Nature , in the days of Paracelsus , but much earlier , in the infancy of the world . But I beseech you , why came Ignatius Loyola so late , and in the evening of the world , to be the founder and establisher of a Society , so useful and profitable to the whole world ? Why did he not spring up , and appear many ages sooner ? Alas ! wretched man , whither doest thou hurry thy self by presumption ? Is not God the free and unconstrained giver of his own benefit ? and doth not he delight himself in an undeserved donation of it ? Himself has vouchsafed to bequeath us a touch-stone , by which we may give infallible judgment of the persons of men ; namely , that we shall know them by their works . But what the works of Paracelsus were , and how much greater then all expectation of Nature , and the mordacity of malevolent tongues , his own Epitaph , by the most illustrious , and most reverend Prelate , the Bishop * of Saltzburg , appensed to that well deserved Monument of his , doth in despite of envy , sufficiently declare . THE Epitaph of PARACELSVS : Engraven in stone , at Saltzburg , in the Hospital of Saint Sebastian , on the erect Wall of the Temple . COnditur hic Philippus Theophrastus * , insignis Medicinae Doctor , qui dira illa vulnera , Lepram , Podagram , Hydropisim , aliaque insanabilia corporis Contagia , mirifica arte , sustulit ; ac bona sua in pauperes distribuenda , collocandaque honoravit * . Anno 1541. die 24 Septembris , vitam cum morte mutavit . HEre entombed is Phillipus Theophrastus , a famous Doctor of Physick , who by his wonder-working Art took away those mortal wounds , the Leprosie , Gout , Hydropsie , and other incurable contagions of the body ; and ordained his goods to be distributed and given to the poor . In the yeer 1541. on the 24 day of September , he made an exchange of life for death . Paracelsus , therefore , is so far from having deserved ill , in that he hath revealed Magnetism , unknown to Antiquity ; and in the room of that study of Natural wisdom , which with great barrenness is taught abroad in publick Schools , introduced another more solid and real one , which by the Analysis and Synthesis , the diacritical resolution of heterogeneal , and syncritical conjunction of homogeneal bodies , is made probable , and brought home to a familiarity with our sense , and yeelds a more wealthy harvest of knowledg ; that thence he hath rather , by a just title , won the denomination of the Monarch of secrets , from all his predecessors ; unless with those that malign him , we , as ignorant Judges , discommend all his good actions , and disparage those benefits , he accumulated upon pious uses . I am thus a man , ( i. e. ) this is the prerogative of my humanity ; all things appear cheap and light in the ballance of my reason , that pretend to a dominion over my belief , by no stronger title , then that of Custom onely . Since there is nothing , that enshrowds our mindes in a greater mist of error and seduction , then that we are conformed to Custom , out of an easie and ungenerous credulity , submitting our assent to rumor , and the dreams of the multitude . We are therefore gallantly to attempt the emancipation of our faith from the tyranny and pedantism of popular tradition , to pursue the liberty of our intellectuals , and to enjoy , not enslave the habilities of our judgment . You may again plead , that in Sublunaries there is no influential virtue , that can be paralleld to the impressions of Superlunaries ; but if you shall stumble at this stone , you will at the same instant fall upon the reprehension of all those learned men , who have taken the direct path to Philosophy ; since they have rightly observed to us , that in inferior bodies there is an inference or tribute delivered down from superior , and reciprocally an analogy or resemblance of inferior in celestial bodies . Do not Herbs , Animals , and diseased men foreknow and presage the future mutations of times and seasons ? Are we not to expect so much the harder Winter , by how much the deeper cave or lodging the Frog hath scraped in the earth , to harbor himself in the succeeding Winter ? For from this ground proceed the Meteorical Auguries ; not indeed , that those prophesies of weather arise from the too early and yet future motion of the stars ; in regard , it would then follow , that that motion must cause this presagous sensation , long before its own contingency . Far be it from a sober head to dream so palpable an absurdity , For the firmament does onely denounce future events ; but has no hand in their Causation . But indeed , every single created nature contains its peculiar heaven within the sphear of its own dimensions , and holds within it self the rotation or revolution of that heaven , dependent on its seminal Entity , in whose spirit ( which comprehends the Caelature or Idea of the whose , in landskip ) there is comprised its own peculiar heaven , and moreover it s own ascendents . Nor is there , why you should conceive , that we by this doctrine , stagger and demolish the Fabrick of Astrology ; but rather that we elucidate , and render it more bright to the prospect of our understanding ; since truly every single seminal ens contains its own heaven , and by that relation holds a Syzygia , or conjunctive interest of the other sidereal heavens . But the motion of the universal heavens , in regard it is the most known and most common , does govern , and according to the rule of it self direct the particular heavens ( suffer me to borrow that name , since I want another more proper and convenient ) of single inferior Creatures . This properly is the cause of every natural inclination ; and when the single creature , by the perswasion and seduction of its own domestick heaven , becomes exorbitant from the motion of the universal heaven , as the most common rule , immediately there succeed irregularity , acrasie , confusion and defects . For a sheep without a guide , looses himself in the devious paths of error . And from this conspiracy and conjugation of the motion of the universal , with that of every particular heaven , is it , that diseased men carry an Almanack in their bones , presage foul weather , and the future mutations of seasons ; but not those that are sound . For if the Sea did flow and re-flow by the direction of the Celestial , that is the pyromantical , or fiery Moon onely , and not of its own hydromantical , or watry Moon ; and if the windes were stirred up by the command of the Celestial Mercury onely , and not of their own Chaomantical star ; truly there could be no Provincial a winds in any quarter of the earth , but ( since there is but one single Mercury , and one single Moon in the whole Arch of heaven ) the same wind would constantly blow alike through all the world ; and the Sea would in all places flow , if not at the same time , yet in the same rhythme , or interval of tides , which our modern Navigation disproves . It is enough therefore , that we have here , by way of digression , made it appear , that in every single seminal entity there is comprehended a virtue celestial , & enormantical b , which doth yet excite it self , and is regulated by the orderly motion of the celestial orbs , distilling an impression upon it ; so long as it will not be accounted refractory and exorbitant . And that the Firmament also doth not cause future accidents , unless by a remote interest , and that too but by first qualities onely , as it were acting the part of a Cook ; but otherwise doth signifie and loudly proclaim the handy works of God. But that every particular Creature doth in its seminal Entity , possess a particular firmament ; by the mediation of which , superior bodies symboliz●… , and hold a reciprocal correspondence with inferior , obliged thereto by the law of friendship and philanty or desire of self-conservation . From all which we may now at least collect , that there is a Magnetism , and powers influential , every where implantate in , and proper to natural bodies ; which powers who so excludes from the scene of Sublunaries , does seek to shelter himself in a rotten Sanctuary . You will further urge , that we are to come yet neerer to the main point , nor is it yet placed above doubt , that in Sublunaries there is a quality that holds a parity to the impression of Superlunaries , and such a one truly , which can transmit it self to an object removed at large distance ; which notwithstanding is presupposed in the Armary Unguent ; and so that Magnetism is indeed a virtue celestial , but yet in no degree of emulation , to be ascribed to Sublunaries , much less to the counterfeit weapon-salvo . But what else , in the main , is this ( I beseech you ) then to deny Magnetism , without or besides Magnetism ? For if , in an universal notion , we call every influence of sublunaries reciprocally transmitted from each to other , a Magnetism ; and if in defect of a more proper and distinctive Etym●…n , or adaequate denominative , we christon that occult coaptation and requisite connexion of Active and Passive , whereby an absent Agent does operate upon an absent Patient , by influence , by an invisible emanation and entercourse of virtues , whether it be done by attraction or impulsion , a Magnetism : Seriously , whoever denies the influential power of Sublunaries mutually transmitted and entertained each by other , to be performed by Magnetism ; and requires an instance to be given him to the contrary ; in sober truth he requires a flat absurdity , a Magnetism ( forsooth ) without Magnetism , and knows not well , what he would deny , or what demand . Since in earnest I have held forth examples of the Fact , in Sublunaries , and brought upon the stage very many and very apposite instances , as that of the insititious or engrafted Nose , of the Saphire , of Arsmarte , Asarum , and most other Herbs . But you deny ( I sufficiently know , because you know it not ) either that those effects , mentioned in the list of examples , do not at all succeed upon the coaptation and marriage of such and such causes ; or else you will affirm those effects to be caused by the sole power of the Devil . And that it is not agreeable to the custom of Naturalists , to argue from bare Authorities ; but that it becomes us Defendants , to come up , with those that strive against us to handy-blows , namely to experience . Do you make tryal therefore , and call any of the recited examples to the touchstone of experiment , that so you prove us guilty of falshood ; if you cannot , then at least come over to our side and believe them . For it is an action of insolent petulancy for any , therefore to deny the contingence of that fact , which is every where so trivial and frequent , that it can hardly escape the observation of any , because ( forsooth ) himself never found , nor indeed ever endevoured to finde it good upon experiment ; and of a far more unpardonable insolence , to ascribe that effect to the Devil , which in most pieces of the Creation is purely consonant to Nature , as shall hereafter be made good ; and that too , for one single fault , because ( in faith ) the secret manner of its production from the confederacy and co-efficiency of natural causes , can by no means sink into the head of our Censor . A Censor , who presumes , that by the subtilty of his own vast intellectuals , and the study of Aristotles Physicks , he hath exactly surveyed the great round of Nature , fathomed the Moon , and to a hair taken the just dimensions of all pieces of the Universe . A Censor , I say , who though upon a severe scrutiny he can discover nothing of superstition , and nothing of unconformity to any divine or humane laws in the Unguent ; doth yet , onely because the manner of its application to the weapon seems paradoxical to him , highly cry it down as unlawful , condemn and detest it as impious , and accuse it to contain some strange and horrid interest of the Devil . But what in the manner of its application ( I beseech you ) do you stumble at ? Verily because the sword , or splinter of the weapon distained with the blood , is emplastered over with the mumial and Magnetical unguent ; because the blood once extravenated , or effluxed out of its proper conservatory , the veins , looseth its interest of vitality , and can observe no concordance with that blood , which is yet conserved and cherished in the veins ; and because he doth not believe , that the action of the unguent can be extended to an object at large distance removed . But return to your self , good Sir , for ere long you shall both understand ; and firmly believe it , unless your pertinacity render you uncapable of instruction . For we will make it our business now , for your information , to call the action of Magnetism to the bar , and by the evidence of Meridian truths , convince the ignorance and stupidity of its adversaries . For I will now shew , that there is , without that Classis of things and herbs , which you have undeservedly suspected , a mutual influence and commerce of some certain pieces of Nature , by effluvium or emanation of spirits ; and that this concordance is observed between objects at very great distance removed each from other . The Vine , when it is in the flower , perturbs and causes a kinde of sickness ( for so Vintners term it ) in the Wine . You will excuse that this conturbation is not caused by any violence or impression of the Stars ; when we solidly prove the contrary . For if the Stars did immediately occasion the germination and efflorescence of the Vine , and also the turbulency and sickly fermentation of Wines in their Vessels ; it would of necessity be , that both those effects should happen every yeer , in one determinate , appointed , and definite moment ; which observation concludes to be false . For sometimes the Vine emits her flowers , and the Wine is troubled before the solstice , and in the same Country , not until another yeer , long after ; but the Sun and all the Chorus of fixed Stars constantly , onely some few minutes of difference allowed , return to the same point of heaven , once every year ; therefore would the Vine flower , and Wines suffer a conturbation always at one and the same set time . But if you seek an evasion , and shall rejoyn , that other Planets , beside the Sun , which possess not annually , about the solstice , one constant and equal position or situation in heaven , are the causers of this languor in Wines ; onely in this relation , that the motion of the superior Orbs is most common , as to which all subordinate and particular heavens are to conform , all Vines would for the plurality of them flower in the same yeer , in all places at once ; which is false upon the testimony of experience . For as there is a Nature Astral conferred upon , and implantate in the ground , so also the same particular Nature is inserted into the Vine ; which particular Nature doth per se , by its own domestick power ( no otherwise then the Earth hath , from the fructifying benediction of the Creator , received a power of germinating per se ) produce the flower , fruit , and seed , and conform and dispose it self to the rhythme of the most general motion of the Celestial Orbs. Men positively affirm further , that Wines are never perturbed in those Regions , in which no Vines grow ; wherefore the flower of the Vine , and not the motion of the Celestial Spheres , doth perturb Wines , and that many hundreds of miles from thence ; but truly , so much the more powerfully , by how much the neerer the Wines are to the Vine , that produced them . I gratefully applaud those studies , that contribute towards the advancement of the Common-wealth of learning ; and highly honor him , who discovered , that vulgar Antimony , in its preparation , doth , though in an obscure manner , conform it self to an influence . I expect no more , but to have the same measure returned to me , which I deliver to others ; when I shall to plenary satisfaction make good , that there is a certain influential power ordinary and familiar to sublunaries , which knows no confinement or restraint to any local distance ; and in order to the more vigorous and substantial support of Magnetism declare , that the Loadstone doth of its own accord , by the swinge of a native inherent verticity or polary directive faculty , steer it self to the Pole , but is by no means attracted by the Pole. For one Loadstone in a lateral variation defects to three , another to six , seven , and eleven degrees from the Pole ; but none ( for what I could ever discover ) doth in a direct line lie parallel to the Axis of heaven , and punctually point upon the Pole. Therefore if the Loadstone were attracted by the Pole , it must receive that convulsive influence , either from the Pole it self , or from some other Star adjacent to the Pole ; but not from the Pole it self , in respect every Attrahent does attract towards it self by a direct , and not by an oblique line : wherefore if the Loadstone were attracted by the Pole , it would in a just level point upon the Pole ; and so the result is , that Loadstones ( at least according to what solid and multiplied observations have taught me ) suffer no attractive force , or vertical invitement from the North-star , nor from any other neighboring Star. For since the whole Asterism of Charls his Wain knows no Sabbath , but is ever wheel'd about by a perpetual circumrotation ; if it did at all attract , it would occasion a perpetual inquietude , and uncessant revolution of the Loadstone , by reducing it one while many degrees towards the East , and another while as many degrees towards the West , and every twenty four hours sometimes elevate it towards the Zenith , and anon depress it towards the Nadir ; which experience positively contradicts : Wherefore the Loadstone ows its polarity to a natural inherent faoulty , flowing from its own seminal Entity , and not to any forain alliciency , or attractive influx transmitted from the North-star . But that otherwise the Loadstone may , by its own instinct , be elevated towards the Zenith , we have upon ocular demonstration found it true , by a certain Instrument invented by Guilielme Guilbert ( the glory of which excellent invention Lodovicus Fonseca hath lately endevoured ●…o ravish and arrogate to himself , in the presence of his Catholique Majesty ) which , by the spontaneous elevation of the Loadstone in a brass Ring suspended by a thred or small wier , shews not onely the latitude , but also the altitude of the Pole , in all places of the Earth . Laboring your reason to finde out a way of evasion you will thus contend for the prerogative of the Pole ; that the Pole doth indeed attract the Loadstone , but according to the various and certain material disposition of several Loadstones , it doth allect them not in a right line towards it self ( for such is the condition and will of the Attrahent ) but to some other place situate in vicinity . The substance of which is ; the Pole truly invites the Loadstone to it self in a direct line , but the Loadstone becomes refractary , and comes not in a direct line , by reason of some unknown impediment , ( which you term a certain peculiar disposition of it ) existent in the Loadstone , which is superior in power to , and vigorously resists that traction of the Pole ; although the influential alliciency of the Star , at the distance of so many thousand miles , arrive at the body of the Loadstone entire , and without the least decay or diminution of vigor . You perceive , how much truth you have granted to your subterfuge ? and how , though by compulsion , you affirm that in the Loadstone there dwells a certain ( you call it certain , which indeed to you is purely imaginary , and to all men else wholly uncertain ) motive disposition , besides , and superior to the attraction of the Pole ; which yet at the same time , you peremptorily deny the Loadstone to possess ? which in the ballance of reason carries this weight : the Loadstone is endued with a domestick Pilot , a directive faculty , which guides it to some determinate place , but is not at all attracted by the Pole. Driven from this starting hole , you flie for refuge to some other Celestial Attrahent ; seated in vicinity to the Pole ; by replying , that the Loadstone is attracted , and doth not direct it self , by any internal polary virtue ; attracted not by any one particular and determinate Star , or point of Heaven , but by a certain Circle or Zone , at a neer distance , environing the Pole. I answer , That this evasion is far fetched , for this imaginary Circle must be extended to the latitude of eight degrees at least ; namely , from three to eleven degrees ▪ for I have observed some Loadstones to fufill that large variation . Wherefore if there were a power of attraction equally inherent in all parts of this Circle , one and the same Loadstone would continually vary , and in the same hour deflect , now to three , and anon to eight or eleven degrees from the Pole , or Central Star ; which is a falshood manifested upon frequent experiment . Therefore , to help out this Chimera , there must be conceived many lesser Orbites or rounds one within another , in a Circle of so great latitude ; every one of which subalternate Zones must select and attract its particular Loadstone . Which being conceded , you inevitably fall again into the same pitfal ; namely , that the Loadstone contains within it self a certain disposition or elective power , whereby it should conform to the traction of one round , rather then of another ; and by consequence , when you have stretched your absurd conceptions to the highest pin of phansie , there will be nevertheless a motive virtue , or native verticity in the Loadstone . Yet we have not a clear prospect into the nature of this abstrusity . If the Pole did attract the Loadstone , the attraction must depend either upon the elemental and material temper , or upon the specifical form of the Loadstone ; but a Glass ; wherein the Magistery of Loadstone hath been prepared , though never so much washed , and cleansed by often rubbing , doth acquire a polarity , and for ever after conform it self positionally to the two Cardinal points of Heaven ; by reason of an impression , by invisible aporrhoeas or emission of magnetical atomes , without any corporeal remains , communicated to ●…he Glass . Steel also once excited and invigorated by the contact of the Loadstone , how often soever rinsed and polished , doth yet inherit the Magnetical infusion , and point out the Pole. Which two distinct bodies , since they neither have a parity of temper , or homogeneity of forms betwixt themselves ; nor hold any proportionate analogy of temper , or identity of form , with the Loadstone : carry with them evidence clear enough to satisfie a rational belief , that the Pole can attract the Loadstone for neither of those two ends ; namely , affinity of temperament , or cognation of essence . You may rejoyn , that immediately upon affriction , there succeeds a participation of the substance of the Loadstone in the porosities , or atomical incontiguities of the steel , or spondils of the glass . A miserable excuse ! for the rosin of the Fir tree , is of it self , by an internal Gorgon , coagulated into the hardness and solidity of a stone , which having undergone this petrification or lapidescence , doth allect iron to it self , no otherwise then the Loadstone . Here your dream of the corporeal participation of the Loadstone vanisheth . The Loadstone onely by the affriction of , Garlick amits its verticity , and neglects the Pole , conserving to it self , in the mean time , its peculiar form , material constitution , and all other dependent proprieties . The reason , because Garlick is the Loadstones proper Opium , and by it that spiritual sensation in the Magnet is consopited and laid asleep ; which sensation , we have in our precedent discourse , manifested to be the sole and cardinal cause of the act of all formal proprieties . Verily , that alliciency of the Pole must be extreme weak and of inconsiderable energy , which passing through so many and so immense orbs of heaven , and striking through great and firm buildings , and thick walls , cannot yet be of power sufficient to pierce the thin juice of Garlick , or the fume of Mercury : the material radix , or temperamental foundation , and also the specifical form of the stone , remaining unimpaired and inviolate . A Magnet swimming freely upon a calm water , in a small boat of cork , hoiseth sail , and gives one broad side to the North , and the other to the South . Therefore if this positional conversion were occasioned immediately by the solicitation of the Pole , onely the Northern side of the Stone would be constantly courted and drawn by the North Pole ; which is apparently false upon the test of experiment . For if a Magnet hath impregnated and magnetified a gad of iron with its North side , it doth not , according to the law of its own propriety , dispose and incline that iron to the North , but to the South , although the atomical powder or dust of the stone adhere to the iron ; but on the contrary , if it hath excited and spirited iron with its South side , then it converts that iron to the North. Again , the Magnet with that part , whereby it formerly applied it self to the North , on t'th●…r side the Equinoctial line tackes about , and faceth the South . Yet further let us purs●…e this Argument . A Magnet floating in a skif or shallop of Cork , on a quiet pond , if the Boreal quarter of it be violently ravished from its own beloved position , and turned about to the South ; immediately , as if wheeld about by some counter-violence , it readdresseth to its old mistress the North. For which reason , if the Magnet were by an influential line from the Pole , drawn back again to the Pole , and this return did not proceed immediately from the spontaneous direction of the stone ; of necessity , by that convulsion of the Pole , the whole skif would be towed and haled to the North bank of the Pond , which never happens ; for both the Magnet , and its Shallop , by the acquisite direction of the Septrentrional side , stand still upon the water and remain unmoved . There is therefore inherent in the Magnet an influential virtue , which being not obliged to the propinquity or contiguous admotion of its object , is , after the nobler manner of celestial influences , freely and without interruption or languor transmitted so far as to the Pole it self ; since there is a spontaneous eradiation , or emission of atomical radii from the body of the Magnet to the Pole. And thus , when there hath been found and presented to the view of reason , onely one influential virtue in sublunaries ( conced it in the Loadstone ) diradiating , and in one continued thread of atomes arriving at an object seated at remote distance , which cannot upon any pretence be ascribed to Satan ; it will also be sufficiently demonstrated , that there may be many other influential proprieties equivalent to this of the Magnet , wholly and purely natural , as in the forecited examples , and the Armary Unguent . Now since the Magnet or Iron excited by the Magnet , do by instinct of their own pilot , and the spontaneous direction of themselves convert to the Pole ; there must of necessity be conceded some certain ▪ Quality eradiated and extended from the body of the Magnet to the Pole ; which , in regard we assuredly know it to be done without any Corporeal effluvium , we denominate a spiritual quality ; in this particular dissenting from our Divine , who places a Spirit in irreconcilable difference to all corporeal nature , as an essence wholly preternatural . But Physicians oppose a Spirit against the more gross compage , or more material and less rarified substance of a hody . And in this distinctive notion we say , that the light of the Sun , the influx of celestial bodies , the narcotical ejaculation of the Torpedo , the fatal optick emission of the Basilisk , &c. are qualities purely and wholly spiritual ; why , because they are darted at and strike upon an object at great distance , not by the communion or association of substantial evaporation ; but are , as by a medium of imperceptible light , deradiated and shot from their Subject to a fit and determinate object . These things thus conceded and made indubitate by arguments of reason and experiment , it is sufficiently manifest , that our Divine , when yet he understood not Goclenius , hath nevertheless carped at him , and indeed many times when he deserved it not . ( 1 ) Because Goclenius placed a spiritual quality in so course a lodging , as a corporeal unguent . ( 2 ) That he affirmed the influential alliciency of a magnetick body to be derived to its appropriate object , through a medium or vehicle , as light is deradiated from the globe of the Sun. ( 3 ) That such spiritual qualities are , by the mediation of a certain sensation of the universal or mundane spirit ( the grand and sole causant of all sympathy ) transmitted to a remote and determinate object . This Archeus or universal Spirit our Divine interprets to be some Cacodaemon , some cursed genius , but by no law , that I understand , except that of his own licentious judgment ; since in real verity , it is a more pure and vital breath of Heaven , a Spirit which comprehends and cherishes within it self the Sun , and all the herd of lesser Stars , a minde or intelligence which diffused through all the limbs or parts of this great Animal , the World , doth inform and regulate the whole ; and so by a certain commerce , communion , and conspiracy of otherwise-discordant parts , and an harmonious marriage of the distinct virtues of single essences , doth order and govern the vast engine of the Universe , according to the unanimous consent of all , who have read and commented on the true History of Nature . To example , the Solissequous flowers sensibly observe the travel of the Sun : and the Sea conforms to either Lunestice , and swells her obsequious tides high in the full , but shrinks them low again in the Wane of the Moon . In sum ; all Creatures by their life , ( let us , the master-piece , and abridgment of all , do homage to the Majesty of that King , to whom all things live ) essence , existence and sensation visibly attest the majesty , liberality , and presence of the great Creator . For which consideration , our Divine is deservedly to be checked , in that he hath , with insufferable audacity , thrown rebukes at our Physician , whom yet he understood not , writing in a philosophical stile . For such a piece of difficulty was it to observe a mean in all things . You enquire of us what can be attracted from the body of the wounded party ? and how any attraction can be performed by the absent Unguent ? But in troth I might , without injury to the modest rules of disputation , return , that when your self shall fully resolve us , for what reason the Loadstone doth attract iron , and convert it self to the Pole ; then shall I also satisfie you , how and by what means Mumy can , by the mediate efficiency of Mumy , work a cure upon another Mumy , which it hath touched upon : but in regard we have substituted our selves to relieve the insufficiency of Goclenius in this particular abstrusity , we shall , in the sequence of our discourse , by a didactical or scientifical Analogism * demonstrate unto you , by what means the Magnetical attraction of the Unguent is performed , if at least I shall to satisfaction inform you , what can be by the Vnguent attracted from the Wound . We are to observe therefore , that in a Wound , there succeeds not onely a bare solution of continuity , or disunion of the part ; but also that there is an exotick or forain quality , whereby the lips of the Wound being enraged and provoked to a certain excandescence , by and by grow tumid and apostemate , yea , the whole body from thence becomes afflicted with Fevers , and a grievous syndrome or concurse of dangerous symptomes : for thus an Eg , whose shell is but slenderly crackt , soon putrefies and turns adle , when otherwise it might have been a long time conserved . Now this extraneous and peregrine quality the Armary Vnguent immediately sucks out of the Wound , whereupon the lips of the Wound , being at length oppressed and impeded by no Accident , are delivered from all pain and sickly aestuation of spirits , and suddenly hasten to accretion , incarnation , and consolidation . Nature her self is the sole Chiron , that by the Soveraign balsam of the vital blood doth reunite the severed parts , and soder up the incontiguity : the Physician is onely her servant to be assistant to her in the remove of those impediments , which otherwise might oppose and infringe the power of her action : nor does the Medicine deserve the attribute of Sarcotical , or by its own virtue regenerate flesh in a Wound , but then to full satisfaction of our hopes executes the commission of its faculty , when it hath removed those accidental remoraes that did retard and hinder the operation of Nature : all which impediments the Armary Vnguent , upon its own single stock of power , doth securely and effectually take off and banish . Your rejoynder will be , that the Armary Unguent , in probability of reason , ought not to exhaust the forementioned quality , rather then the natural vigor of the body , and strength of the veins : and that the blood , since it continues uncorrupt in the Unguent , ought to procure health , and not any indisposition , to the wounded party : according to the example of the Carline Thistle above mentioned . I respond , that there is a plurality and variety of Magnetisms : for some attract Iron , some Straws , some Lead , others Flesh , the purulent effluxion of Wounds , &c. and the Magnetick endowment of some consists onely in this that they can onely extract the pestilential Atomes from the centrals of an infected body , &c. Yea , if you shall annex the sanation in our Unguent to your own Argument , your own weapon will wound you . For from thence , that the genuine effect of the Unguent is to cure perfectly , speedily without pain , without cost , danger , and decay of strength : Hence , I say , it results a manifest truth , that the Magnetical virtue of the Unguent is simply natural , and proceeds from God , and not from Satan . The reason thus ; if Satan did cooperate to this Cure ( according to your assertion ) the chr●…●…ould of necessity be imperfect , attended with great amission of strength , an universal languor and enervation of the body , manifest hazard of life , a difficil , and at best a tedious convalescence , an alienation of the minde , a laesion of some more noble faculty , and success of some notable misfortune . All which events as they are ever annexed to Diabolical cures : so are they never observed to follow upon a cure wrought by our Unguent . Our appeal lies to Experience , for so many as ever received a cure by the Unguent will freely give in their testimony on our side . Now Satan is no Oracle that delivers truths , no Counsellor to good , unless with design to insinuate his delusions the smoother , and cannot but betray himself by this , that he never long continues in the truth , he so speciously pretended : for always , when he has been an instrument of any good , constant to the hostility of his nature , he in the close tempers his favor with a larger allay of evil . And introth the same method would he according to the custom of his malicious friendship , have observed in the Unguent had he been interessed as an Author or Fautor , either as Principall or Accessory : at least this remedy would then have failed and become evirate , when the wounded patient is rescued from the jaws of death , and reprieved from the Gates of Hell , who otherwise , tainted with the mortal contagion of sin , would by reason of his dangerous wound have poured forth his soul together with his blood ; unless perchance you seek to evade by saying , that Satan in that Crisis , that punctilio of danger , suffered a change of his cruelty into compassion , devested himself of his essential and inveterate enmity , and put on the good Samaritan , nay , fell not onely to commiserate , but even dress the wounds of humanity ; and that he hath acquired some interest , some jurisdiction over the wounded patient , himself leaves doubtful and open to dispute , in that he preserves him by the Magnetical Unguent , whom he had rather should perish . It may be that Satan is in your esteem now held a strict and punctual observer of his word and bargain , and no longer a turncoate , fraudulent dissembler and perjured impostor . Besides , we positively deny , that your supposition can carry weight in the ballance of truth , that the blood once extravenated continues uncorrupt , and conserves its interest of vitality ; but rather that it is deprived of all community , and participation of life , and immediately undergoes some degree of corruption ; but that it obtains onely a Mumial vitality . To this purpose conduces the corrupted , and yet magnetical blood in an Eg. Wherefore I pass by the absurdity of your objection , since it hath been so bold as to wrest the Magnet of the Unguent to another intention , then that which the wise bounty of God , in the primitive decree of his counsel , ordained it unto . The Positive Reasons of Magnetism more neerly brought home to our knowledg , by Metaphysical and Magical principles . OPportunity now invites us to discover the grand and approximate cause of Magnetism in the Vnguent : First , by the consent of mystical Divines , we divide man into the external , and internal man , assigning to each distinct part the powers of a certain minde , or informative principle ; for in this disjunctive acception , there is a will competent to flesh and blood , which properly is neither the will of man , nor the will of God ; and our heavenly Father reveals some things to the inward man , and some things are revealed by flesh and blood , that is , the outward man , in the single and abstracted relation of Animal . For how can the adoration of idols , envy , and other such branches arising from the root of Corcupiscence , be justly listed amongst the works of the flesh ( since they consist onely in the imagination ) if to the flesh also there did not peculiarly belong an Imaginative faculty , and an elective will ? Again , that there are miraculous Ecstasies competent to the inward man , is a tenet true beyond the dispute or haesitation of a Sceptick . And that there are also Ecstasies in the outward man , is unquestionable by the most impudent infidelity : Yea Martin Delrio , an Elder of the Society of Jesu , in his Magical Disquisitions brings in a certain youth , in the City Insulis , rapt with so intense and violent cogitation , and ardent desire to see his mother , that as if transported by an high Ecstasie , he saw her many leagues distant , and returning again to himself perfectly remembred all things his fancy met with in this more-then - Pisgah Vision , and reported many signes to attest his real and presential visit of his mother . Many such examples occur to our quotidian observance , which in conformity to our purpose of brevity we with industry omit . But that this desire did arise from the outward man , namely , from flesh and blood , is most certain ; for otherwise the soul once disliged and enfranchised from the body , can never , unless by miracle , be again reunited to it . Therefore in the blood there dwells a certain Ecstatical power , which , if at any time it shall be excited by an earnest and ardent desire , is able to transport and on the immaterial wings of fancy waft the spirit of the outward man to some determinate object though at vast distance removed ; but this Ecstatical faculty lies dormant in the outward man , as in potentia , in hability ; nor is it deduced into act , unless first rouzed and excited by the imagination accensed and exalted by fervent desire , or some other art equivalent to affection . Moreover , when the blood has undergone some gradual corruption , then and not till then are all the powers of it , which before lay lock't up in potentia , and slept in an unactive hability , awakened and called forth to action , without any praevious excitation of the imagination : For by corruption of the grain , the seminal virtue , otherwise drowsie , torpent and steril , springs forth into the act of fertility . For since the essences of things , and their principles of vitality know no obedience to the tyranny of corruption , by the dissolution of the inferior harmony , the separation of their corporal Heterogeneities , they awake into a vigorous activity , and freely execute the commission of their faculties . And from hence is it , that every occult propriety , the compage of their bodies being , by certain praevious digestions ( which we call putrefactions ) once dissolved , as it were emancipated from the bondage of corporeity , comes forth free , expedite , and ready for action . Wherefore when the Wound , by the ingression of the offensive aër , hath admitted an adverse and extraneous quality , from whence the blood immediately aestuates and ferments in the lips of the Wound , and otherwise is converted into a purulent matter ; it happens that the blood in the Wound freshly made , doth , by reason of this exotick quality , suffer some degree of putrefaction ( which blood then received upon the weapon , is emplastered with the Magnetick Unguent ) by the mediation of which gradual putrefaction , the Ecstatick power of the blood , formerly latent in potentia , is drawn into act , which because it holds a commerce and secret friendship with that body , from whence it was effluxed , by relation of its hidden ecstasie ; hence is it that this blood constantly carries an individual respect and determinate amity to the other blood yet running in the veins of the same body . For then is it , I say , that the Magnet sets it self a work in the Unguent ; and by the concurrence and mediation of the Ecstatick power ( for so I christen this quality , in defect of a more convenient Epithite ) sucks out the noxious tincture from the lips of the Wound , and at length by the mumial , balsamical and attractive virtue acquired in the Unguent , the Magnetism is consummate , and the Cure perfected . Lo now you have the true and positive reason of the Natural Magnetism in the Unguent , deduced from Natural Magick ; to which the Soul of Reason , and Light of Truth is pleased to assent , in that sentence , Where the treasure is , there the heart is also : For if the treasure be in Heaven , then the heart , that is , the spirit of the internal man is fixed upon God , who is the true Paradise , who onely is the life of eternal life . But if the treasure be laid up in transitory and fading things : then also is the heart and spirit of the outward man chained to things that must perish and confess their dust . Nor is there cause why you should infer any mystical signification , or second intention by understanding not the spirit , but the cogitation and naked desire , for the heart : for that would sound frivolous and absurd , that where-ever a man should place his treasure , in his cogitation , there also would his cogitation be placed ; and Truth it self interprets this present Text literally , and without enfolding any mystery or deuteroscopy ; and by an example annexed manifestly shews the real and local presence of the Eagles with the Carcase . And in this signification also the spirit of the internal man is said to be locally in the Kingdom of God ( which is very God himself ) within us : and the heart or spirit of the external man locally dwells about its treasure . What wonder , that the astral spirits of fleshly minded men should , long after their funerals , appear wandring about such places , as their treasures are hidden in ? by which apparitions the whole Nectromancy * of the Antients emancipated itself . I say therefore , that the external man is singly an Animal governed by the reason and will of the blood : but in the interim , not barely an Animal , but also the image of God. Let Logicians therefore hence observe , how defectively and improperly they use to define man from his power of ratiocination . But of this subject more largely elsewhere * . For which consideration , I shall in this place opportunely insert the Magnetism of Eagles to Carcases newly slain : for Fowls of the aër are not endowed with so much acuteness of the sense of smelling , that by the nostril they can receive an invitation in Italy , to come and feast on dead bodies in Africa . For neither can an Odor be diffused to so vast a circumferential distance , since both the great latitude of the Sea interposed must of necessity hinder , and the elemental propriety of the Odor , subject to diminution and impairment in so long a tract of aër , forbid so huge an expansion of the Atomes streaming from the odorible Body ; nor is there any ground whereon to build your conception , that birds can by their sight discover carcases at so large distance , especially when they lie Southward , behinde some high Mountain . But what need is there for us , by the tedious force of words , to inculcate the Magnetism of Fowl ; since God himself , the Alpha and Omega of Philosophy , hath in express terms decreed the process of intercourse or commerce betwixt the heart and its treasure , to be the same with that betwixt Eagles and their prey of dead bodies : and so on the contrary , interchangeably ? For if Eagles were carried on to their prey the Carcases , by the same incitement of appetite , whereby all Quadruped Animals are goaded on to their pastures , assuredly he would have said in a word , that Animals are directed and congregated to their food by the same motive , that the heart of a man sallies forth and invades its treasure . Which would contain a most gross falsity : for the heart of man progresseth not to its treasure , with design to devour it , and sate it self therewith , as Animals are by the swinge of appetite rapt on to their food . And therefore the comparison betwixt the heart of man and the Eagle holds not good in the final cause or attractive , for which they tend to desire of fruition : but in the manner and processe of tendency , namely that they are equally invited , allected , & carried on by Magnetism really and locally to their determinate objects . Wherfore the spirit and will of the bloud effused out of the wound adhering to the weapon , and together with it embalmed in the Vnguent , instantly tend and egresse towards their peculiar treasure , the residue of bloud yet running in its proper conservatory , the veines , and enjoying a community of life with the inward man. But the Pen of Divinity in a peculiar Elogy writes that the Eagle is allured to the Carcases of the slaine : because he receives his summons and invitation from the originary , implanted , and mumiall spirit of the carcase ; but not from any odour exhaling from the body under the arrest of putrefaction . For this Animal , in assimilation appropriates to himselfe onely this mumiall Spirit : and hence is it in Sacred Writ said of the Eagle , My youth shall be renewed like an Eagle . In regard the renovation of its youth proceeds not from the bare eating the flesh of a carcase , but from an Elixir or essentiall extract of the spirit balsamicall ; exquisitely depurated and refined by a certaine singular digestion , or concoctive faculty proper only to this Fowle : for otherwise Dogs , Ravens and Pies , would also receive an equall benefit of rejuvenescence ; which experience assures us to be false . You will say , we have travelled far indeed to fetch home a reason to support and illustrate our Magnetisme . But what will you infer hereupon ? if you confesse that what seems far remote from the capacity of your intelligence , must also to you seem far fetched ; truly the book of Genesis teacheth us , that the Soule of every living creature dwels in the bloud of it , as in its proper mansion . For in the bloud there inhabite certaine noble and vital powers , which , as if they were endowed with animation , cry loud to heaven for revenge , yea from the hands of Judges here below , demand vindictive justice to be done upon the homicide : which since they cannot be denyed to be naturall Citizens of the blood , I see no reason , why any man should reject the magnetism of the bloud , and unjustly reckon its rare & admirable effects among the ridiculous acts of satan . I wil say this further , that men which walk in their sleep , do by the conduct of no other Motor or guide , then that of the Spirit of the Bloud , that is of the outward man , walk up and downe , clime wals and praecipices , and performe many other actions difficult and impossible to men awake : I say , by a magicall virtue naturall to the outward man. That Saint Ambrose was visibly present at the exsequies of Saint Martin , though corporally at home in his owne Chamber many Leagues distant . Yet he was visibly present at the celebration of his holy brothers funerall , in the visible spirit of the exteriour man , and no otherwise : for when many holy Fathers of the Church have seen the transaction of many secret and distant things , this hath been performed without the circumscription of time and place , in that ecstasy which is only of the internall man , by the superiour powers of the soule , collected and twisted into unity , and by an intellectuall vision , but not by a visible presence . For otherwise the soule is never divorced from the body , unless in earnest once and ever , and then is not capable of a reunion until the resurrection : which reconnexion notwithstanding is otherwise familiar and naturall to the spirit of the outward man , divorced pro tempore in some ecstasy . In so great a Paradox it can hardly suffice to erect a firme building of belief upon one single pillar of reason : wherefore we conceive it our duty , to frame a second basis for the more substantiall supportment of our doctrine of Magnetisme , and to advance to the explanation of that mysterious cause , by which this Magneticall alliciency is performed also betwixt bodies devoid of animation , not by any Animall , but a certaine Naturall sensasion . Which that we may more seriously enterprise , and solidly performe , we are obliged by way of praeparation to praemise an enquiry , what Satan can of his own power contribute to , and by what meanes he can coopeperate in the meerly nefarious and impious actions of Witches and Conjurators : for from hence will it clearly appear , to what particular and just cause , whether Naturall or Diabolicall , every effect arising from abstruse originals , ought properly to be ascribed . And finally , what kinde of spirituall power that is , which tends to and arrives at an object removed at large distance : or what is the action , passion , and velitation or reactive encounter betwixt Naturall Spirits : or wherein consists the superiority and praerogative of man , above other inferiour Creatures : and by consequence , why our Unguent compounded of human Mumies , should also cure the wounds of horses . I shall explain the matter by an example . Let us therefore grant a witch , who can vigorously torment an absent man by an image of wax , by imprecation , incantation , or onely by some praevious touch ( for in this place we have nothing to doe with Veneficious Witches , properly called Sorcerers , in regard they execute their malice , and destroy onely by poyson , which every common Seplasiarie and petty Apothecary can imitate ) that this action is Diabolicall , no man will doubt . However it pleaseth us to distinguish , how much Satan , and how much the Witch can contribute to this mischiefe . The first Supposition . First , you shall take notice that Satan is the sworne and irreconcileable enemy of mankinde , and so accounted by all , unlesse any please to esteem him a friend : and therefore that he doth most readily , without any the least haesitancy or negligence , attempt and procure what mischief soever lies within the reach of his malice or power against us . The second supposition . Next you shall observe , that although he be a mortall adversary to Witches also , in so much as 't is essentiall to him to maintain a most destructive hostility against all the Sons of Adam : yet in respect they are his confest slaves , and sworn Subjects of his own black Kingdome , he never , unlesse against his will , and by compulsion , detects them , never betrays them into the hands of the Magistrate , nor exposes them to the scorne and reproches of other persons ; and that for three reasons . ( 1 ) Since he is the Grand-father of pride , he very well knowes , that by the detection of his favorites there is much detracted from his reputation , authority and dominion . ( 2 ) Since he is an insatiate Nimrod , an implacable persecutor of soules , he is not ignorant , that by the punishment and flames , which justice inflicts upon his Zanies , many other men , else willing and prompt to list themselves in his regiment , and fall under his jurisdiction , are discouraged , deterred , and quite averted . ( 3 ) Because he often observes many a Witch , whom with an obtorsion or wresting round of her neck , and secret stopping of her breath he could heartily wish to destroy , converted by her punishment , to become an Apostate from him , and repenting at sight of the flames , and by this meanes snatched out of his clutches . From the former of our propositions I conclude , that Satan , if he were able singly by his own power to destroy man , whom the guilt of mortall sinne hath made obnoxious to the tyranny of death , would upon no motive whatever be induced to suspend and procrastinate the execution or his destructive malice : but he doth not , therefore he cannot destroy him . But yet the Witch doth very frequently murder man ; and hence also it is clear , that the Witch hath a power to destroy him , no otherwise then an assassine hath a power , at the liberty of his own will , to cut the throat of him that is fallen into his hands : and therefore in this detestable action there is a certain power peculiarly belonging to the Witch , which depends not upon Satan ; and by consequence Satan is not the principall efficient and grand executor of the homicide ; for otherwise , if he were the prime executor , he could in no respect stand in need of the Witch for a Coadjutrix and Assistant ; but would ere this time , by his own single power , have cut off and swept into the grave the greatest part of mankinde . Most miserable and deplorable indeed were the condition of the posterity of Adam , which should lie in subjection to so horrid a tyranny , and stand obnoxious to the fate of his arbitrary cruelty : but we have the Almighty Preserver of men , more faithfull in his mercies towards us then to subject the workes of his own hands to the arbitrary dominion of Satan . Therefore in this impious act there is a certaine power clearly peculiar , and naturall to the Witch , which proceeds not from Satan . Moreover , what the nature , extent , and quality of this Magicall ( yet naturall ) power of the Witch may be , we must exactly explore and gravely consider . It is manifest in the first place , that it is not any Corporeall strength of the masculine sex ; for there concurres not any forcible attraction of the members of the body , and Witches are for the most part old , feeble and impotent women : Wherefore of necessity to the production of this notable mischiefe there must concurre some other power , of farre more vigour and activity then the strength of the body , and yet purely naturall to man. This power therefore must be ambuscadoed in that part , wherein we most nearly resemble the Image of God. And although all pieces of the hexameron Creation doe in some relation or other repraesent that most sacred and venerable image of the Creator : yet in regard man doth most elegantly , most properly and most exactly reflect that shadow of Divinity , therefore doth the image of God shine more transcendent in man , and as Lord Paramount beare rule and exercise dominion over the repraesentative Divinity of all other Creatures . For haply by this praerogative all created Sublunaries are made subordinate to his royaltie , and prostituted at the feet of his Soveraign will. Wherefore if God execute his will , and produce reall effects per nutum , intuitively , and by the single efficacy of his word : then man also to make good his title of being the true mirrour or repraesentative of the Deity , ought to enjoy a power of doing some actions per nutum . For neither is that new , paradoxicall or troublesome to our faith , nor peculiar onely to God himself : since Satan , the most vile and abject of all Creatures , can also move solid and ponderous bodies from place to place at pleasure , onely per nutum : for he hath no corporeall organs , no extremities , wherewith to touch , locally move , or assume any new body to himself . No lesse therefore ought this priviledge to belong to the inward man , in his spirituall capacity ; if we allow him to beare the image of God , and that no idle and unactive one . If we name this faculty magicall , and this appellation sound harsh , and terrible in the eares of your ignorance , I shall not quarrel with you , if you please to denominate it a spirituall vigour or energie of the inward man : for wee are not at all sollicitous about names , but ever with as direct an eye of reason as I can , I look upon the reality of the thing it self . This magicall power therefore naturally resides in the inward man : whether by this title you understand the soule or vitall spirit of man , is now indifferent to us : since the inward man doth hold a certain correspondence with the outward in all things , which commerciall influx , thriving and as it were glowing with a fervour of activity in a peculiar manner , is an appropriate disposition and proportionate propriety . On which ground it is necessary , that this active faculty be disseminated and diffused through the whole compositum of man : but indeed in the soule , more intense and vigorous , and in flesh and blood , far more remisse and languid . The Vitall Spirit in the throne of flesh and blood , that is the outward man , sits Viceroy to the Soule , and acts by her commission : and is the same plastick spirit , which in the seed comprehends , contrives , and models the whole figure of man , that Magnificent structure , limms out all the lineaments and accurate adumbration of the parts , and understands the praedestinate ends of all its designes and undertakings : which as Praesident and guardian accompanies the infant from the first moment of its conception , to the last of its dissolution : and which although together with the life it bid adieu to the body , yet some little remaines , as if strongly united unto and confermentated with the corporeall masse , for a while sojourn in a Carcase extinct by violence . But out of a dead body , whose lamp of life languished and went out of its owne accord , both the implantate and influent spirit depart hand in hand together . For which reason Physicians distinguish this spirit into the originary , implantate and inhaerent , or Mumiall , and the influent or acquisite vanishing together with the former life : and afterwards they againe dichotomize or subdivide the influxive spirit into the naturall , vitall and animall : but we in this notion bind them all up together in this one terme , the vitall spirit , or inward man. The Soule therefore , by essence wholly spirituall , could by no meanes , move , inform , and actuate the vitall spirit ( which truely carries something of corporeity and bulk ) much lesse excite and give locomotion to flesh and bloud ; unlesse some naturall , yet magicall and spirituall , power inhaerent in the soule , did streame down from the soule , as from the first motor , upon the spirit , and so descend to the body . I beseech you by what way could the corporeall Spirit obey and execute the command of the Soul , unlesse it first receive commission and ability from her to move the Spirit , and afterwards the body ? But against this Magicall Motrix you will instantly object , that indeed there is such a naturall power , but her wings are clipt , she is restrained and confined within the walls of her owne tabernacle , the body , so that she cannot extend her authority and influence beyond the circumference of it ; and therefore although we give her the proud name of Magicall , yet we cannot escape the guilt of wresting and abusively applying that Epithite , since the true , genuine , and superstitious Magicall power desumes not her basis from the Soule ; in regard the Soule her self is devoyd of all ability to move , alter , or excite any the least thing at all , without her own orbe of activity , the body . I answer , that this Vigour and naturall Magick of the Soule , which acts extra se , beyond the dimensions of her selfe , by virtue of the image of God , doth now lye raked up and obscured in man , and being impoverished in its force of excitation , is grown unactive , somnolent and stupid , ever since the praevarication of Adam ( all which particulars we shall hereafter , in convenient place and order commonstrate ) which power , however it be charmed into a lethargick inactivity by the opium of originall sin , and drunk with the narcoticall fumes of concupiscence , within us : yet it retaines force sufficient to performe all its requisite offices in the body . This science therefore and Magicall power in man , acting only per nutum , intuitively , grew dormant and evirate , from that minute the Science ( or rather nescience ) of the Aple was drunk in : and while this malignant Counter-science of the forbidden fruit ( that is , of flesh and bloud , of the outward man , and darknesse ) growes up and flourishes , the more noble Magical power withers , is ploughed up and buryed in the rubbish of sensuality . But in regard ever now and then the science of the aple is suspended and chained up in the leaden fetters of sleep : hence it is also , that sometimes our dreams are propheticall , and that often God himself vouchsafeth to make a neerer approach and familiar visit to the sons of men , in dreams or abstracted visions of the night : for when the interior magick of the Soule stands unmolested and free from any disturbance of the Science of the interdicted fruit , then and onely then doth the intelligence keep holy-day , enjoy an halcyon Calme , and freely diffuse its selfe through all its royaltie : for thus doth it , when it demergeth it self into the inferiour and subordinate faculties , safely conduct and lead along those that walk in their sleep , over such horrid praecipices , where the strongest brained man awake durst not adventure to clime . Whereupon the senior Rabbies of the Jews affirme , that the Cabal * was originally conceived in sleep : namely when the science of the Aple was wholly consopited . The intellectuall act of the Soule is ever clear , enjoys a constant Jubile of calme serenity , and continues in some sort perpetuall ; but so long as the principall Agent hath not transmitted its power so farre as the limits of Sense , this kinde of action is not diffused through the whole man. For we who are wholly imployed and taken up with the exercise of our sensitive Facultie together with our Carnall intelligence , are perpetually ( oh misery worthy a deluge of teares ! distracted and impetuously hurryed away from the use and benefit of our more coelestial & Magical science , and held captives rather in the crepusculous and owle-light of congnition , then in the Meridian of truth . Nor do we the inhabitants of Aegyptian darknesse understand our own intellection , untill there succeed a certaine mutuall traduction of the severall faculties , a successive delivery of the image of the object from each to other , and untill as it were certain angles of actions , propagated by divers agents , concurre and become complicated about the Medium . Now Saran excites this Magicall power ( otherwise dormant , and impeded by the Science of the outward man ) in his vassals : and the same awaked into activity serves them in stead of a sword , or instrument of revenge in the hand of a potent adversary , that is the Witch . Nor doth Satan adfer any thing at all to the perpetration of the murder , more then the bare excitation of the somnolent power , and a consent of the Will , which in Witches is for the most part subject to his compulsion : for which two contributions , the damned miscreant , as if the whole energy of the act were soly attributary to himselfe requires by compact , a constant homage , a firme and irrevocable oppignoration , and devout adoration at least , and frequently a surrender of the very soule into his possession . When intruth this power was freely conferred upon us by God , our Architect , and is no more then purely naturall to man. For those praestigious acts and impostures , the effascination by the optick emission of the eyes , the false disguises of Witches in borrowed shapes , and other delusions of this kind , are onely derived from the legerdemain of Satan , and his proper acts . And for this reason all the operations of this Montinbanco , this Hocus-pocus , are meerly ridiculous pageant delusions and counterfeit apparitions , by the praesentment of formes that delude the sense ; because the God of mercies permits him not to enjoy any greater range of power , but holds this mischievous Leviathan by a hook in his nostrils : but on the other side , the Witch doth by the magick of her own naturall faculty perform reall and impious effects . Since that by sin , not the endowments of Nature , but of Grace , were obliterated in Adam , no man disputes : and that these gifts of Nature , although they were not totally cancelled and lost , yet remained eclipsed and as it were envelloped in the obscurity of a midnight sleep . For as man from that unhappy moment , wherein he forfeited his primitive Soveraignty , became inevitably obnoxious to the same fate of mortality together with his fellow creatures : so also were all his heroick and imperial faculties withdrawn behind a cloud , and so oppressed with the opacity of fleshly lusts , that ever since they stand in need of excitement and eduction from that Cimmerian umbrage . And to the procuring and advance of this excitation , abstracted Contemplations , fervent and uncessant Prayers , taedious vigils , macerating Fasts and other acts of mortification , are strong and praevalent conducements ; that by these spirituall antidotes the Lethargie of flesh and blood being subdued , men may obtain this faculty renewed into its primitive agility , and in a calme requiem of spirit offer up their addresses to that pure Essence , which requires to be worshiped no other way , then in purity of spirit , that is , in the zealous abysse of the Soule , the profundity of the inward man. To this purpose also mainely conduceth the practice of the Cabal , which may restore to the Soule this her naturall and magicall praerogative , and rowze it up from the slumber and inchantment of Carnality . I will explain my self yet farther , like a Mathematician , by Examples , and assume the very operations of Witches : which although of themselves they are full of impiety and horrid mischiefe ; yet they grow upon the same root indifferently disposed to the production of good or evill fruite , namely upon this Magicall facultie . For it proclaimes not the majesty of Free-will , or the tractate of it , if we from thence collect argument concerning a thiefe , an assassine , a whoremonger , an apostate , or Witch . Grant therefore that a Witch kill a horse , in a stable removed at good distance : there is some certain naturall power derived from the spirit of the Witch , and not from Satan , which can oppresse , strangle , and perish the vitall spirit of the horse . Grant that there be two subjects of diseases and death , and that one of these is the body wherein every disease takes up its quarters : and because all Entities discharge their activities on this , as the most passive and flexible , men have conjectured , that the other spirituall dominion was derived immediately from Satan : but the other is the impalpable and invisible Spirit , which is constituted in a capacity of suffering every disease , perse , in its own solitary nature . The Spirit once invaded by any forreign hostility , and subdued to the obedience of passion , the body also cannot but submit to compassion and deuteropathy ; since every action is terminated in the body ( for the mind after once it is adliged to the body , alwaies flowes downward , as when the Palate is misaffected with paine , the tongue alwaies tends thither , on the designe of relieving it ) but on the contrary , the body may often be assaulted and entered by the force of a disease , and yet the spirit remain exempted from sympathy . For there is a classis of diseases onely materiall , which arise singly from a materiall tincture . So various and numerous are the occasions of death , that , when we have taken the just dimensions of our frailties , we shall finde no ground left us , to erect any structure of pride upon . The act therefore of the praevious touch of the Witch is purely naturall : although the excitation of this magicall virtue depend upon the auxiliary concurrence of Satan , in as near an interest , as if the Witch had cut the throat of the horse with a sword , which Satan had put into her hands . This act of the Witch is naturall and corporeall : as the other praecedent act is naturall and sprituall . For indeed man doth naturally consist no lesse of a spirit , then a body : nor is there reason , why one act should be accounted more naturall then the other ; or why the body , the courser part of man , should be allowed a power of action , but the spirit , the more noble and coelestiall part , ( in its relation of being the Image of God ) accounted idle , unoperative , and altogether devoid of any activity peculiar to it self : yea the Vitall spirits , in most exact propriety of language , are the immediate actors of sensation , motion , memory , &c. but the body , and dead carkasse cannot , in any respect whatever , owne those faculties : wherefore every action stands more relatively and properly regardant to its Agent , then to the body , which at best is no more then the transitory lodging of the Agent . And thus it is evidenced , that there passeth a spirituall radius , or gleame of magicall virtue , from the Witch , to the man or horse appointed for destruction , according to that Axiome : That no action can be done , without a due approximation of the Agent to the Patient , and a reciprocal unition or marriage of the virtues of each , whether the admotion or approximation be corporeall or spirituall : which by an example ready provided to our hand we can both prove and illustrate . For if the heart ( which is the presence-chamber of the vitall spirit ) of a horse slain by a witch , taken out of the yet warme and reaking carcase , be empaled upon an arrow , and roasted upon a broach , or carbonadoed , immediately the vitall spirit of the witch , without the intervention of any other medium , and anon the whole witch ( since not the body , but onely the spirit is capable of sensation ) becomes tormented with the unsufferable pains and cruelty of the fire ; which truly could by no meanes happen , unlesse there praeceded a conjunction or reciprocall intercourse of the spirit of the Witch , with the spirit of the horse . For the horse after strangulation retaines a certain mumiall virtue ( so I call it , whenever the virtue of the vitall nectar , or blood , is confermentate with the flesh ) which is the originary , implantate spirit , such as is never found resident in bodies , that are extinct by voluntary deaths in any chronique disease , or other ataxy , irregularity , or disruption of the inferiour harmony , that is the temperament of the body : to which the spirit of the Witch is associated , as joynt commissioner . In the reaking and yet panting heart therefore , the spirit of the Witch , before it shall , by the dissolution of the praecedent conspiracie , or divorce of the united spirits by putrefaction , have returned backe into her bosome , is imprisoned and held captive , and the retreat of it praevented by the arrow transfixed , and by the torrefaction of both spirits together : and hence comes it to passe , that the witch is afflicted and throwne into a horrid agony in her sensative spirit . This effect admits a change , or double construction , from the intention of the experiment . For if revenge be the motive or incitement to the experimentator , then is the effect unwarrantable and inconsistent with the charitable rules of Christianity : but if an honest and conscientious designe , to compell the Witch to detect her self , to betray her to the justice of the Magistrate , to procure security to our neighbour and our selves by the remove of so impious , blasphemous , and nocuous a vassall of Satan , that the greater glory to God , and peace and benevolence to men , may redound from the discovery ; then undoubtedly the effect cannot be disallowed or condemned by the most rigid , precise , or puritanicall judgement . We are not to conceive , that all the spirit of the Witch sallyed forth , and transmigrated into the heart of the Horse ( for so the Witch her selfe had perished , falne into an eternall swoune ) but that there is a certaine univocall participation , or identicall traduction of the spirit and vitall light of the Witch : in an equall analogie to the Plastique spirit , or sole delineator and architect of the most curious and magnificent fabrick of man , which in every distinct emission of the geniture or seed is covertly ambuscadoed and propagated , sufficient to the procreation of a numerous issue , the originary spirit of the father yet remaining unimpaired , and conserving its individuall integrity . For in sooth that participation and inheritance of the vitall light is magical , and a rich and fruitfull communication of the specificall essence , by the fertill virtue of that benediction , delivered by the Protoplast of all seminall formes , Let all Animalls and Vegetalls bring forth seed , and hence is it that one individuall seed produceth ten myriads of other seeds aequivalent , and as many seminall spirits comprehending the whole specificall essence , by the same mysterious way of traduction , whereby one Tapor is lighted by the flame of another . But what the proper nature of this Magneticall spirit , and what the Magicall entity begotten in the wombe of phansie may be , I shall more largely declare in the processe of our discourse : For it becomes me to retreat from my digression , and now to progresse in that path , which directly leads to our intended scope . Nor is there any pretence of reason , why any should conjecture , that this reaction , or rebound of magicall power upon the heart of the Witch , is only imaginary and a chimaera of licentious phanfie , or a plainly superstitious and damnable imposture and delusion of Satan ; since by this token the witch is infallibly detected , and volent nolent compelled to appear in publick , which in one of our praecedent suppositions we have sufficiently demonstrated to be è diametro , opposed to the intention of Satan : for the effect holds constantly good , and never failes to succeed upon experiment , as having its fundamentall causalities laid in reason and the spirituall nature of the inward man , but not at all built upon superstitious supporters . Hath not many a murdered carcase , by the operation of the same magneticall spirit , suffered a fresh cruentation upon the Coroners inquest , in the presence of the Homicide , and very often directed the Magistrate to a just and infallible judgement of the crime , although the blood , before that minute , stood congealed and frozen in its cold rivulets ? The reason of this life in death , this plea of the grave and loud language of silent corruption , which hath empuzled the anxious disquisitions of many subtile heads , we conceive to be thus : in a man dying of a wound , the inferiour virtues , which are mumiall , ( for these are not subject to the restrint of our will , and operate not in conformity to the di●… ates of reason ) have deeply impressed upon themselves a certaine Character of revenge : and hence is it , that at the approach of the assassine , the bloud whose fountaine death had sealed up , begins a tumultuation and ebullition in the veines , and violently gusheth forth , being , as in a furious fit of anger , enraged and agitated by the image or impresse of revenge conceived against the murderer , at the instant of the soules immature , and compulsive exile from the body . For indeed the bloud after death retaines a peculiar sense of the murderer being present , and enjoyes a certaine , though obscure , kind of revenge : because it hath its peculiar phansie : and for this reason , not Abel himselfe , but his innocent bloud cries loud in the eares of divine justice for revenge . This also is the cause , why the Plague is so frequent a concomitant to seidges , and why the beleaguered see the revenge of their dead acted upon their enemies by the surviving Magick of their friends bloud : for the magicall spirit of the inward man , in the heat of the encounters & sallyes , hath conceived a character and impression of revenge , and sometimes the defendants , especially th common Souldier , being by want and other extreame miseries reduced to desperation , and man and wife , conjoyned as well in death as life , falling into the cold armes of the grave , bequeath heavie imprecations and maledictions to the surviving Officers , who engaged them in the calamity , and might , had their charity been but halfe so weighty as their wealth , have relieved their famine : by which earnest curse , there are more strong and durable impressions engraven on the sidereall-spirit of the dying man ( chiefly of a great bellyed woman ) which survive the funerall of the body . This posthume spirit ( call it Ghost if you please ) immediately after death taking a vagabond progresse in the lower region of the ayre , applies it selfe to the contrivement of such spirituall means of revenge and ruine , as lye within the sphear of its activity , and having once designed the way , most readily advances to execution . And Plagues of this originall are most fatall , aswell in the universality of contagion , as destruction , sparing no sex , age , or constitution , but impartially blasting all , as if immediately shot from the quiver of incensed Divinity . But our pen is tender , and feares to divulge the mysterious cause , why such spirituall plagues scorne to obey the empty and frustaneous help of corporeal remedies : for to reveale the reciprocall connexion of mumies , & the concordance of their interchangeable and cooperating faculties , might prove unsafe and offensive to vulgar heads , in regard of the whole Nectromancy of the Antients was originally founded on this basis . For the same reason also God in the Levitical Law severely prohibited the suspension of the bodies of Malefactors upon the Gibbet , expresly commanding their remove before the Sun went downe upon them . You will answer , that Camp-plagues are generated from the odious and unwholsome nastinesse of the Souldier , and from the unburied excrements of men , and entrails of beasts , polluting the ayre with putrid and malignant vapours : but to this erroneous opinion we oppose the example of Coriars , Tanners , and such who imploy their industry in the sordid manufacture of glew , made of skins dissolved by putrefaction , for all these are observed for the most part ( so farre are they from being obnoxious to the infection of the Plague ) to enjoy the blessings of health and longavity ; so conspicuous and admirable is the finger of Divinity in the spirit of the Microcosmé . Doe you desire to be informed , why the blood of a Bull is toxicall and poysonous , but that of an Oxe , though brother to the Bull , safe and harmelesse ? the reason thus , the Bull at the time of slaughter is full of secret reluctancy and vindictive murmurs , and firmly impresseth upon his owne blood a character and potent signature of revenge . But if it chance , that an Oxe brought to the slaughter , fall not at one stroke of the Axe , but grow enraged and furious , and continue long in that violent madnesse : then he leaves a depraved and unwholsome tincture on his flesh , unlesse he be first recalmed and pacified by darknesse and famine . A Bull therefore dyes with a higher flame of revenge about him , then any other Animall whatever : and for that transcendent excandescence , his fat ( but by no meanes his blood , lest the humane blood in the unguent be subdued and overawed by this exotique tincture of the Bulls blood ) is an ingredient wholly necessary to the composition of the Armary unguent , where the weapons , which made the wound , are not besprinkled with the blood of the Patient . For if we expect a perfect cure from the dressing of the weapon , truely the mosse and other its fellow ingredients will prove insufficient to worke a cure , when the weapon is not distained with blood effused from the wound : Since there is required a more violent and efficacious , namely , a taurine , impression , and an aëreall communication of florid honey . And thus have wee , to the satisfaction of the most incredulous and prejudicate , made it out , that the admirable efficacy of the Unguent ought to be imputed , not to any auxiliary concurrence of Satan ( who could performe the cure without the use of honey and Bulls blood ) but to the communion of Naturall qualities , by the energy of the posthume Character of Revenge , remaining firmly impressed upon the blood and concreted fat . Our Adversaries will whisper , and secretly exult , that the power of our Magnetical Unguent could have hardly been supported , but by Analogical Arguments drawn from the abstruse operations of Witches , from the impostures of Satan , and the spiritual magick of the invisible world , which is a science onely imaginary , of no solid concernment or weight in the ballance of reason , and a dangerous , if not damnable , error . Nevertheless , not any sinister obliquity or perversion of truth , nor any indirect design in us , by specious similitudes to impose upon the weaker credulities of the illiterate : but the gross ignorance of others , and the deplorable condition of humane fragility , which by the propensity of our vitiated nature more readily inclines to evil , more nimbly apprehends evil , and is more familiarly instructed by evil , then good , hath compulsively directed our pen to observe this method in the explanation and probation of our thesis . However , what we have represented in this scene concerning Satan , and his familiar Zany the Witch , affords no encouragement or ground for others to hope a perfect conformity or resemblance of the power of our Unguent with that of Witches ; for neither the spiritual faculty of the Vnguent , nor the ecstatique phansie of the blood , are excited by the manuduction or impulsion of Satan . The mark we shot at was , that there is inhabitant in the Soul a certain Magical Virtue , infused by the primitive bounty of her Creator , naturally proper and of right belonging to her by that just title , that Man is the image and noble effigies of the Deity ; and that this virtue is qualified with a celestial activity , and semidivine prerogative of operation , that is , a power of acting per nutum , intuitively , spiritually , and at vast distance , and that too with much more vigor and efficacy , then by any corporeal helps and assistance . The reason briefly and plainly thus ; the soul is the diviner particle , and more noble moity of man , far overweighing the body both in dignity of essence and extraction : therefore also is the activity competent to it spiritual , Magical , and of superlative validity . That the Soul by the dictates of this Virtue , which hath suffered a consopition and abatement of its primitive agility by the counter-magick of the forbidden Apple in Paradise , doth regulate , manage , and move onely her own peculiar body : but the same being exsuscitated and awakened again into action , she extends her dominion beyond the narrow limits of her earthly cloyster to an object at distance , and becomes so longimanous as to operate onely per nutum , by intuition conveyed through convenient mediums : for upon this point is founded the whole basis of Natural Magick , but in no respect upon the brittle and sandy foundation of Benedictions , Ceremonies , and vain superstitions ; for these vain and impious observances were all introduced by him , who hath ever made it his study , to conspurcate and defile the best things with the sophistication of his tares . And in this sense we have not trembled at the name of Magick , but with the Scripture understood it in the best interpretation : and yet we have allowed it , to be indifferently imployed to a good or evil end , namely by the lawful use or abuse of this power . And so under this term we comprehend the highest ingenite cognition of natural things , and the most vigorous power of action , equally natural to us with Adam , not wholly extinguished nor obliterated by original sin , but onely obscured and as it were consopited , and therefore wanting expergefaction and excitement . And therefore we declare , that Magnetism is not exercised by Satan : but by that which hath no dependance upon Satan : and consequently that this power , which is peculiarly connatural to us , hath been abusively fathered upon Satan , as if he were the sole patron and promoter of it : that this Magical Faculty lieth dormant in us , charmed into a somnolent inactivity by the opiate of the primitive sin , and therefore stands in need of an Excitator to promote it into action : Whether this Excitator be the Holy Spirit by illumination , as the Church commemorates to have happened in the Eastern Magi , and frequently happens in many devout persons even in our days : or Satan , for some previous oppignoration and compact with Witches ; in whom this excitation is wrought as by a Coma * vigil , or Catoche * , and is therefore imperfect in regard of the manner , evil in regard of the end , obscure in regard of the means , and nefarious in regard of the Author : nor doth the versipellous or Protean impostor endure that the Witch should know this power to be her own natural endowment , on purpose to hold her the more strictly obliged to himself , and lest the exercise of so noble a faculty , once excited , should be employed to any other atchieveme , but what is impious and destructive to mankinde ; and so he keeps the reins in his own hand , nor can the Witch know how at her own pleasure to excite this dormant Magick , who hath wholly prostituted the freedom of her Spirit to the will of another tyrant . That man of himself , without the auxiliary concurrence of any forrein Causality , can where and when he please , by the practise of the Cabalistique Art , awaken and excite this grand Virtue into action : and such who have attained to this renovation of their impaired nature , are honored with the title of Adepti , Obtainers , or Acquirers , the select vessels of God , whose wills stand in humble and full conformity to the dictates and advisoes of the Holy Ghost . That this Magical Virtue is also naturally inherent in the outward man , namely in flesh and blood ; but yet in a far less measure , and of a more feeble energy : yea , not onely in the outward man , but even in Brutes , in some proportion and of inferior vigor ( for so the Book of Moses hath positively observed unto us , that the soul of every beast is lodged in its blood , and therefore he deservedly forbids it to be listed in the bill of humane fare ) and perchance in all other created natures ; since every single entity contains , within the narrow tablet of its own nature , an adumbration or landskip of the whole Universe ; and on this hint the Antients have left it on record unto us , that there is a God , that is an universal Entity , in all things . That this Magick of the outward man , no less then that of the inward man , doth want excitation : nor doth Satan excite any other Magick in his base miscreant vassals , then that of the outward man ; for in the interior closet of the Soul is seated the Kingdom of God , to which no Creature hath access . We have further demonstrated , that there is a mutual connexion between spiritual Agents , and that spirits as they combat , which we have shewn in the example of the Witch , so also they hold a friendly and amicable correspondence each with other , which we prove by the testimony of Magnetical experiments , and proper arguments , for the fascination and ligation of souls , as in the amours of David and Jonathan , &c. Finally , we have stretched the sinews of our reason to manifest , that man enjoyes a dominion paramount over all other corporeal Creatures , and that by his own natural Magick he can countermand the Magical virtues of all other sublunaries : which royal prerogative and predomination some others have erroneously and abusively transferred upon the power of charms and incantations . By which Hierarchy we have to satiety of satisfaction , made it manifest , that all those admirable and abstruse effects are wrought , which the rustical and too corporeal Philosophy of others hath ascribed to the dominion of Satan . That those who are ignorant of most things we have delivered , should yet remain dubious and unsatisfied in many things , is necessarily certain : wherefore we have determined to make a summary rehearsal of all : chiefly that so what we have spoken in the former part of our dispute , concerning the duello or conflict of spirits , and the reciprocal amity or mutual conspiration of their united virtues , may receive the clearer explanation . It is a task worthy our sweat and oyl , to discover and handsomely define the arms , militia , and encounters of spirits , and their Commonwealth : in order whereunto we are with great sobriety of judgment , and acuteness of reason , to perpend the example of a pregnant or great bellied woman , who when she hath intently and with violence of desire fixed her minde upon a Cherry , immediately there is impressed upon the fruit of her womb the model , or pourtract of the Cherry , in that part , whereon the ingravidated woman laid her hand . Nor doth there remain onely a bare and idle figure of a Cherry , and a spot or maculation of the skin ▪ but a certain real production , which buds ; blossomes , and ripens in its due season , at the same time with other trees , the signatures of colour and figure passing gradual changes till it come to maturity . High and sacred , in good troth , is the power of the microcosmical spirit , which without any arboreal trunck produceth a true Cherry : that is flesh , by the sole seminality and conception of Phansie , qualified with all the proprieties and virtue of a real Cherry . Hence we understand two necessary consequences . The first that the seminal spirits , and in some latitude of acception the very essences of all creatures do lie ambuscadoed in our nature : and are onely educed and hatched into realities by the microcosmicratical Phansie . The other , that the Soul in the conception of thought doth generate a certain idea of the thing conceived in the minde : which as it before lay concealed and raked up , as fire in flint ; so by the concitation of Phansie it doth produce a certain real idea or exact pourtraict , and an essential determination , in every part responding to the quiddity of the Cherry , which cannot be a meer quality , but something like a substance , of an ambiguous essence between the body and the spirit , that is the Soul. This production is so far spiritual , that it is not wholly exempted from a corporeal condition ; since the actions of the soul are terminated in the body , and the other inferior faculties subservient to her : nor yet so far corporeal , that it may be circumscribed by dimensions , which is onely proper to a seminal Entity , as we have formerly related . This ideal Entity therefore when it falls from the invisible and intellectual world of the microcosm , it then puts on corporeity , and then first becomes subject to be circumscribed by the determinate dimensions of Locality and Numeration . The proper object of the intellect is an abstracted , naked and pure essence , subsisting of itself ; and not an Accident , by the consent of Practical , that is Mystical Divines . This Protheus , the intellect , doth thus as it were cloath and apparel this conceived essence with Corporeity . But in regard every operation of the soul , whether external or internal , hath its fieri in its own proper image : therefore can not the intellect discern and know , the Will like and select , and the Memory recollect and recogitate , unless by images ▪ and this same image of the object the intellect doth cloath in corporeity : and because the Soul is the simple Form of the body , which readily converts and applies her self to every member , therefore cannot the intellect entertain and harbor two images at one and the same time , but successively first one and then another . And thus the Soul wholly descends upon the intellect , and the yet-tender and embryon image newly conceived and impressed , and afterwards forms the cognition of the peculiar essence into a persistent and durable image , or ideal Entity . The minde being once polluted by the leprous miasm , or contagious tincture of sin , soon became obnoxious to the wrath of God ; and because this was at once deturpated and depraved , being devested of the Nobility of its primitive condition ; therefore Death found an entrance upon our nature , not by the original decree of the Creator , but by the degeneration of man delapsed into filthiness and impurity , and ungenerously degrading himself , by reason of this ideal entity now arrayed with comparative corporeity ; which corruption and turpitude , with deplorable fertility springing up in every the most venial peccadillo , we must extenuate and mortifie by showers of poenitential tears in this world , or too late bewail in the next . This entity therefore , while it remains in the forge of the intellect , is but lightly and slenderly characterized , nor doth any where , but in a pregnant woman , receive a more firm consistence , which in the masculine sex it never obtains but by the Will ; more familiarly thus , the Agent Intellect always procreateth an ideal Entity , or semi-substantial pourtraict of the essence of an object ; but cloaths it not with corporeity , unless by the immediate action of the Will , great-bellied women onely excepted . Sin therefore , whether we allow it to be a reality , or non-reality , at least a consent and propensity to evil , can never be committed without the real production of this kinde of Entity , and the assumption and indution of it . And this truly hath ever been the Cause of the foecundity of seeds : for the Phansie , excited by the orgasmus or heat of lust , produceth a slender reality or ideal entity , which when the soul hath clothed with corporeity ( for the action of the minde , while it remains immured in walls of flesh , always tends downward and outward ) it instantly diffuseth this new ideal entity into the liquor of the seed , which without this impregnation had still continued barren and devoid of any Plastique power : which action is performed as it were by an alienation of the minde , the will being ravished , by the true Magick of the outward man , into a kinde of short ecstasie , in which there happens a communication or bequest of a certaine Mentall light to the entity descending into the body or masse of seed . Whensoever therefore the Cogitation draws the sense and will into consent ; so often is there hatched and incorporated a filthy , spurious ideall entity : by which production the will is said to be confirmed : and this ideall entity with all expedition rangeth through the body , whithersoever it is sent on an errant by the will : and by this meanes the will now moves the arme , now the foote , anon the tongue , and so all other parts . Againe when this entity is disseminated upon the Uitall Spirit , on a designe of love , reliefe , or harme to any object , then it wants no more then a slight and easie excitement from the auxiliary hand of God , of the Cabalistique Art , or of Satan ; that so the portion of the spirit , which is impraegnated with the ideall entity , may sally abroad and atcheive the enterprise enjoined it by the will. Thus every male projects his seed at distance from the dimensions of his body : which seminall emission carries along with it that foecundity , which it drew from the infused entity , and executes its procreative commission beyond the trunck of the individuall protoplast . Undoubtedly bodies scarce make up a moity of the world : but Spirits possesse a full mediety , and indeed the major part of the world . And therefore in this whole Context , I call Spirits the Patrons of Magnetisme : not those that are sent downe from heaven doe we mean , much lesse those that ascend from the horrid Abysse below ; but such only which have their originall , and existence in man himselfe : for as fire is , by excussion , kindled from flint , so also from the Will of man , by a kinde of secret scintillation , something of the vitall influent spirit is desumed , and that something assumes an ideall entity , as its ultimate forme and complement . Which perfection once obtained the Spirit , which before was purer and more refined then the aethereall aër , becomes subtilitated like light , and assumes an ambiguous or midle nature between Corporeall substances and incorporeall . But it is sent ambassador whithersoever the Will directs it , or thither at least , whither the innate infallible science of spirits doth command it , according to the intentions and scopes of the taskes to be performed : the ideall entity therefore , being now ready prepared for its journey , becomes a light ( understand it in some latitude of sense ) and shifting off corporeity , confesseth no restraint or circumscriptive laws of places , times , or dimensions . And this refined and exalted semisubstance is neither the Devill , nor any effect , nor any conspiration of his : but a certain spirituall action of the inward man , plainly and purely naturall and haereditary to us . This mysterious wisdome who ever entertaineth with that solemnity of judgement and praeparation of nature and unpraejudicate thought , which becomes the gravity of a mind greedy of magnalities , shall easily understand , that the materiall world is on all sides governed , regulated , and coerced by the immateriall and invisible : and that all corporeal created natures are placed at the footstoole of man , as being subordinate to the regality of his will. And this very thing truely is the Cause , why even the mumie , the fat , the mosse , and the humane blood , namely the Phansy naturally existing in them , in the Unguent , should domineer over the blood of a Dogge , of a Horse , &c. shed upon a piece of wood , and buried in a pot of the Unguent . Yet we have not said enough concerning the Magnetisme of the Unguent : We shall therefore now pursue a hint , which we started in our praecedent lines . That the Magnetisme of the Loadstone and other inanimate Creatures is performed by a certain Naturall sensation , the immediate Authrix of all sympathy , is a truth unquestionable . For if the Loadstone direct it selfe to the Pole , it must have a certain knowledge , lest it become subject to deviation and error in its direction : and how , I beseech you , can it have that requisite knowledge , if it be not sensible of its owne locall position ? In like manner if it convert to iron placed at great distance , and neglect the Pole , of necessity it must first know the situation of the iron . Wherfore the single Magnet is endowed with various senses , and also with imagination : nor will it be enough , that it be provided of sensation , unlesse we also adde the provokement and goads of occult friendship and Philauty or selfe-love ; and so that the Loadstone is endowed with a certaine Naturall phansy , by the power of whose impression all Magnetismes in the whole Catalogue of Creatures are performed . For by one phansy it is directed to iron , and by another to the Pole ; for then is its virtue diffused onely through a small space of the aër to the object near at hand : but that Phansy is changed , when it praevents an abortion , restraines the impetuous flux of Catarrhes , or hinders the falling downe of the intestine in a rupture : and by a third phansy , different from both the former , doth the Loadstone attract any thing of glasse melted by fire : for any the smallest fragment of a Loadstone injected into a good quantity of glasse , while it is in decoction , of green or yellow turns it into perfect white . For albeit the Loadstone it selfe be of a deep ( though something shadowed ) sanguine tincture , and be wholly destroied and consumed by the fire that dissolves the glasse : yet notwithstanding while it retaines any relict of its vital essence , it exhausteth the tincted liquor even from the candent glasse , and devoureth the tincture of it : and thus we discerne , that the attraction of the Loadstone is not determined onely to iron ; but also extends to that aerial part , which otherwise could not , without great difficulty , be divorced from the body of the glasse : and to this purpose is it commonly used by Glasse-makers . The phansy of Amber delights to allect strawes , chaffe , and other festucous bodies , by an attraction , we confesse , obscure and weake enough , yet sufficiently manifest and strong to attest an Electricity , or attractive signature : for married to the mumie of our bodies , it appears superiour to the humane Magnet , draws counter to it , and by that interest entitleth it selfe to the dignity of a Zenexton , or preservatory Amulet against contagion . But Amber mixed with Gummes , its imagination being then transplanted , attracteth the Venome and bullets out of wounds : for the pleasure and desire of attraction is varied on either side , that is according to the various contemperation and allay of the humane mumie , and of the Gummes . But alas ! What wonder can it be ( unlesse amongst those , who being ignorant of all things , foolishly admire all things ( that inanimate creatures should be inriched with an imaginative faculty ? when that infinite Essence , who is all life , and the very Soule of Uitality , hath created all things in perfection , and so praevented all expectation of deficiency and inutility in the least peice of his handy-worke : nor can the subtilest Curiosity finde out any one peice in the innumerable list of Creatures , wherein the reflex of his Divinity is not conspicuous : for the spirit of the Lord fill's the whole earth ; yea this expression , that he comprehends all things , carries the emphaticall and significant force of the word . Doe we not beleive that there was a large stock of malignant science ambuscadoed into the forbidden fruit ? and that our unhappy Protoplasts , together with the aple , swallowed downe that science , and received it into the very entralls and profundity of their nature ? and doth not this science praesuppose a phansy peculiar to it ? For thus some simples induce an Amenty or short alienation of the reason , others cause a constant madnesse , or Maniacal fury : not by a distraction of the brain , or a dissipation of the Animall spirits ( for then the strength and vigour of the maniacall persons would of necessity suffer impairement and decay , which never happens , but rather on the contrary they become much stronger and almost invincible ) but indeed , by the exotick and distractive phansy of those peculiar simples introduced , which over-masters our phansy , and subdues it to full obedience , sometimes only pro tempore , as in periodicall deliriums , phrensies &c. and sometimes for ever , as in Lunaticks and Maniacks or Bedlams . Doth not the rabies or madnesse of Dogges by this meanes transmigrate into men ? the Maniacall phansy of the Fury beeing transplanted into the slaver or salivous froth of the doggs tongue , which soone conquers and triumphs over the blood of any Animal , into which it hath insinuated it selfe , through any the most slender puncture of of the skin ? for then the primitive and genuine Phansy of all the blood in the wounded body surrenders up its inferiour power , becomes subordinate , and compulsively assumes the * Hydrophobical phansie of the Exotick Tincture : from whence , in excess of time , comes a Binsical Death , ( i. e. ) from the sole disease and exorbitancy of the minde , the Magical virtue of the Dog being excited and exalted above the non-excited , but somnolent Phansie of the Animal . By the same mysterious traduction , in all respects , is the Phansie of the Tarantula impressed upon man , by a slender thrust of his sting , and the wounded suffering an immediate alienation of their reason , fall into a violent fit of dancing , and capering high levoltoes : onely the poyson of the Tarantula differs from that of the mad dog in this particular , that this operateth by a magical power excited , and so by magick truly , and without the favor of a metaphor , so called ; but that acteth by a magical power non-excited and somnolent , as the same difference is undeniably manifest in Monkshood , Aconite , &c. deleterious plants , which are speedy and inevitably destructive , in very small quantity : in regard , no Animal endevours to secure or defend it self against the biting of a mad dog , since the magical power of his excited phansie being diffused , is binding and obligatury , against which neither the teeth , nor horns of any beast can make the least prevalent resistance ; which cannot be affirmed of the Venome of the Tarantula . In the outward man therefore , as also in all his fellow Animals , the Magical power is latitant , and as it were consopited ; nor is it capable of excitation onely in man , ( though we confess , with greater facility , and to higher atchievements ) but even in many other Animals , consorted with man at the Creation . Again , it sufficeth not , that the Spirit of one individual maintain and observe this law of concord and monomachy or duello with the Spirit of another individual : but moreover there dwells a certain universal or mundan spirit in the whole world , ( i. e. ) in all things within Trismegistus Circle , which we Christen the Magnum magnale , which exsisteth the universal Pander of all sympathy and dyspathy , the invisible Mercury or common Intelligencer , and the Promotor of all natural actions ; and by whose mediation or convoy the Magnetism is , as by the most convenient vehicle , transported and wafted to an object at vast distance . This is made good by an autoptical demonstration ; for if upon the miniking of a tuned Lute you place a slender straw , hanging with a doubtful extremity ( i. e. ) equilibrated in the aër , and at convenient distance in the same room strike the minikin of another Lute , when there succeeds a consonance in the eighth note , you shall see the straw to tremble ; but when the notes concord in an unison , then the minikin of the untouched Lute , impatient of delay , will quaver , caper for joy , echo the same aër , and by a nimble subsultation throw off the offensive straw . What , will you impute this effect to Satan , and make him the Fidler ? Now you shall never observe the straw to rebound from the string , though all the strings of the other Lute be unanimously , strongly , and neer at hand plaid upon ; for it is not the bare and simple tone that compels the untouched string to quaver ; for then every tone would cause the same effect ; but it is onely the universal spirit , the Common Mercury , inhabiting in the middle of the universe , and being the faithful executor and adjutor of all natural actions , transports , promotes and causes the Sympathy . But why tremble we at the name of Magick ? since the whole action is Magical ; nor hath any natural Agent a power of activity , which is not emergent from the phansie of its peculiar form , and that magically too . But in regard this phansie in bodies devoid of voluntary election is onely of a determinate and limited identity : therefore have some vulgar heads erroneously and dully imputed the effects of such restrained bodies , not to the phansie of them , but a Natural propriety ; out of an ignorance of Causes substituting the effect in the room of the Cause . When indeed every Agent doth operate on its proper object , by a praesensation or distinctive foreknowledg of it , whereby it is directed not to discharge its activity rashly and at random , but onely on its own peculiar object . For the diffusion or emission of activity necessarily succeeds the sensation of the object ; and the effect results from an excitement of the phansie , by transmitting of the ideal entity , and conjoyning it with the radius or gleam of the passive entity . And this , in our dialect , hath ever been the Magical action of natural bodies ; yet in most accommodate language and just propriety of denomination , this Magical and phantastique activity belongs principally ( if not solely ) to Creatures ennobled with a power of election . I shall muster up the Creatures , and guide our disquisition through every Classis of them . All formal proprieties flowing from the forms of the three universal principles , Sal , Sulphur , and Mercury , or the salt , Unctuous fat , and liquor , whereof every body is composed , and into which it is , by corruption of the corporeal harmony , again resolved ; and the Mercury or liquor is so often diverse and differently qualified , as there are different species of compound bodies , which same variety of impregnation we are to conceive also of the other two , Sal and Sulphur : All specifical proprieties , I say , are derivatory from the phansies of these forms , which in regard they are very corporeal , and deeply immersed in the bosome of Elements , therefore are they called Formal and occult proprieties , out of a gross ignorance of the forms , which in another ( and introth more Philosophical ) acceptation are Magical effects produced by the phansie of the said forms : but ( we confess ) less noble , and more corporeal , yet abundantly satisfactory to those ends , which , by the primitive destiny of their Creation , they regard . To this series belongs the subductive virtue of Cathartick or Purgative , the somniferous faculty of Hypnotick or dormitive medicaments , &c. Besides these there are other nobler Proprieties , taking their original from the phansie of the forms of the whole Compositum : and these are diffused through and inherent in the whole Compositum , by reason of the Form of it ; such are the Magnetism of the Loadstone , the virtue of Tinctures , and all specifical and appropriate Medicaments ; which are occasioned by reason either of the whole homogeneous neixture , or the particular form of some integral part , but not of any single or divided principle : such as these are naturally inherent in the trunck , leaves , root , and fruit of plants , and not in any one of the three principles diacritically separated from the compage or conjuncture . Thus also Antimony , while it remains in its primitive form , and native integrity , is enriched with noble and excellent qualities , which it could never aspire unto in its solitary and divided principles . But these are also closely enshrowded in Corporeity ; and therefore the natural magick lies covertly ambuscadoed and obscure in them , and hath been thought wholly attributary to Nature , by an unjust and unadvised distinction of Nature from Magick , opposing the former è diametro to the latter , when in sober verity they are both one and same , though commonly received under distinct appellations . Thus the leaf of a rose hath a distinct virtue , which the stem , or yellow iust in the middle of the rose hath not : and that virtue ariseth not to the leaf from the three Grand principles united , or any one of them paramont in the conjuncture ; but immediately resulteth from its Vital Form , which , when it is destroyed , amitteth its primitive , and acquireth other secondary virtues ; as in example , a grain of Corn in its primitive vitality nourisheth , but when degraded from that first life , it fructifies . Thirdly , there is another Magical power proceeding from the phansie of the life of the integral compositum : and this is implanted in bruites and the exterior man ; which being spiritual , is more absolute in soveraignty then the former , but yet not advanced to the zenith or highest pitch of energy , though sometimes by much excitation , and a strong phansie introduced by a real entity , it ascend to a very great height of activity , and by a neer emulation rival the true Magick of the inward man. Again , the Soul of every Bruite enjoyeth a power of creating a real entity , and of transmitting the same , by the mandate of the Will , to an object at very large distance : of this sort of magical bruites , are the Basilisk , a dog , many fishes described by Olaus Magnus , &c. such also is the virtue inhabitant in the blood of many Animals : and hence doth Holy Writ deliver expresly , that the Soul so journs in the blood though extravenated , though decocted on the fire , yea , and ( for ought can be alleaged to the contrary ) though totally altered by corruption . Finally , there is also a Magical virtue as it were abstracted from the body , which is wrought by the excitement of the interior power of the soul : and from this arise most potent procreations , most noble impressions , and effects of supreme vigor and efficacy . For ( introth ) Nature in most of her operations playes the Magician , and acts by the energy of her own phansie ; and since this activity is by so much the more potent , by how much the more spiritual ; therefore is the term or appellative of Magick exactly analogous and concordant . Of all which gradually different species of magical virtue , there is hardly any one that stands not in need of excitation . For that of the lowest Classis requires excitement and eduction , by some previous warmth , or gently fomenting heat , by which there is educed a certain vapor , or spiritual effluvium , by reason whereof the phansie restrained in a profound sleep , and drowsie inactivity , is awakened into action , and then begins a mediatory encounter between the corporeal spirits , which is of Magnetism , excited by a precedent touch . But that of the highest Classis , such as belongs to bruits and men , receives excitement from an intellectual conception ; and that of the inward man is not at all excited , unless by the Holy spirit , and by his excellent gift , the Cabal ; but that of the outward man , by strong imagination , by assiduous and intense speculation , yea , and in Witches by Satan . But the magick of the extravenated blood ( wherein the soul hath taken up her quarters ) which lies lurking onely in potentia , is excited and invited into act , either by a more strong imagination exalted , conceive it of the magician making use of the blood as a medium , and fixing his newly accensed entity thereon ; or conceive it by the ascendent phansie of the Armary unguent , the excitatrix of the proprieties latent in the blood ; or by a previous destination of the blood to corruption whereby the Elements are disposed to separation , and the Essences ( which know no corruption ) and the Essential phansies , which lay obscured in the potentia of the proprieties , sally forth into action . The phansie therefore of any subject whatever hath obtained a strong and vigorous appetite to the spirit of its peculiar object , in order to the locomotion , attraction , expulsion , or repulsion of it : now in this , and no where else , we acknowledge Magnetism , as the natural magical endowment of that subject , conferred upon , and firmly implanted in it , by the wise bounty of God. There is therefore a certain formal propriety segregated and manifestly distinct from the Sympathetique and abstruse qualities , in this particular relation : that the phansie , which is the motrix of those qualities , doth not directly tend to the Locomotion , but onely the Alteration of the object . And thus , though we grant , that every Magnetism be either Sympathetical , or Antipathetical ; yet notwithstanding the inversion will fail , that every sympathy must be Magnetical . But we retire from our digression to the grand mark our intentions level at . By this time ( I conceive ) it is clearly understood , that there resideth a phansie and magical appetite , not onely in the blood , but even in the superfluous humors , meats , and excrements ; since the various and numerous progeny of diseases affordeth convictive manifestoes of it . For pregnant women labor with an absurd and ridiculous appetite to strange and unusual meats , and Cachectical Virgins , by a natural oestrum or libidinous fury of the exorbitant womb , do with extraordinary celerity ( though not without great inamoenity and paleness ) digest what ever they long for : but indeed , not from reason of similitude of substance , nor from any consanguinity of humane nature requiring that particular meat , their irregular appetite so ravenously covets ; but seduced by the exotique phansie of the vitious humors , accumulated in the vessels of the womb , and restagnated or belched up into the stomach , which over-mastering the true and natural appetite , goadeth them to this absurdity ; by the expulsion of which noxious impurities , we have frequently cured such perversions and absurd appetites ; or else we have mitigated and composed them , by permitting the irregular and frantick phansie of such humors to sate it self by fruition . In the blood therefore there inhabiteth a peculiar phansie , which in regard it is of more vigorous energy therein , then in other things , therefore doth Divine History , in a singular and emphatique Elogy , call the blood ( though strongly decocted , and ready cooked for the table ) the Mansion of the soul. And in regard this phansie of the blood is capable of traduction , and may be devolved to posterity ; for this reason is it , that the manners , gestures , conditions , and genius of the Grandfather are revived and become resplendent in his issue , long after the resolution of him into dust . Nobility took its first rise from well-deserving Virtue . hence most nobility be without just merit , suspected to be encreased by the continued and successive propagation of the family , unless the heroick inclinations and virtues of gallant ancestors , obscured by mortality , might , with probability of hope , be expected to finde a resurrection , and shine again in their ●…late posterity . Again , doth not the enmity conceived betwixt the Woolf and sheep remain firmly impressed upon their pelts ? Wherefore the phansie of an Animal , pervicaciously surviving death , is impressed not onely upon the blood : but also whoever sleeps under the coverture of a blanket made of the skin of a Gulo or Glutten ( a beast of incredible , because insatiate , voracity , very common in Swedland ) is forced continually to dream of feasting , hunger , voracity and the ensnaring of wilde beasts , according to the natural condition of that animal , while it was living : and thus , onely by an external coverlet . the phansie of the beast , which during life so journed in the skin , is devolved and traduced unto a man , that sleeps beneath it . And thus also , by the ministery of the Phansie of the blood comes it to pass , that the blood extravenated , being received upon the sword or weapon , is introduced into the Magnetick Unguent . For then the phansie of the blood ; before unactive and somnolent , being by the virtue of the magnetical unguent excited , and there finding the balsamical and medical virtue of the unguent ▪ earnestly covets the newly-induced quality to be communicated to it self throughout , and from thence , by spiritual magnetism , to exhaust and drain out all the forein quality , that had invaded the wound : which when it cannot sufficiently perform upon the single stock of its own strength , it implores the aid of the most of the blood , fat , and mumy , which by coalition degenerate into such balsam , that by no other means , but it s own phansie , becomes medical , magnetical , and also attractive of all the forein quality out of the body , whose fresh blood , abounding with spirits , is applied unto it , whether it be the blood of a man , or any other Animated Creature . The phansie therefore is reducible and ecstatical from part of the blood freshly and immediately after the effusion brought unto the unguent : but the magnetical attraction , begun in the blood , is perfected by the medical virtue of the unguent . But the unguent doth not attract the evil and depraved tincture or inquinament of the wound , unto it self , and so put on as much contagion , as was enclosed in Pandoraes box : but onely works a salutiferous alteration on the spirit of the newly effused and freshly applied blood , makes it medical , balsamical , and rouzeth up its dormant virtue : whence there results to it a certain medical and magnetical virtue , which makes a speedy return to the body , from which the blood issued forth , with full commission and power to cure its cousin german , the spirit of the blood yet flowing in its proper conduits , throughout the whole man. For it sucks out of the wounded party , the exotick and dolorous impression , diminisheth it by a medical power , exileth it ; which medical virtue , being the puissant conqueress of the evil , is partly excited in the blood , and partly ingenerated in the same by the unguent , that is by the spirit of the unguent , upon the magick of its phansie ( i. e. ) its created endowment , thus exercising imperial power , and efficacious soveraignty , over the spirit of the blood . In another case , the blood enclosed in an egge shell , putrefying with all its vigor about it , and so as it were redeemed from the bondoge of corporeity , and the spirit delivered from all impediments , by previous putrefaction , becomes attractive , by the mediation of the mumy of a dog , and really transfers that disease , which was before seated in the phansie and astrality of the excrementitious impurities in the patient , into the dog that devours it ; for no other reason , but this , that the magnetism cannot be advanced to perfection of operation , without the intercession of the balsam of the unguent . We have observed , if it happen that the wounded party hath received many wounds at once , that it sufficeth to have the blood effused out of any one of the wounds ; and that by the single application of that blood , all the other wounds are cured together : because that blood observes a correspondence and sympathetical concordance with the spirit of the whole man , and from the same educeth the offensive extraneous quality , communicated not onely to the lips of the wound , but also to the whole body ; for from one wound there ordinarily is kindled an universal fever throughout the whole body of man. Hitherto have I suspended the revealment of a grand mystery ; namely , to bring it home to the hand of reason , that in man there sits enthroned a noble energy , whereby he is endowed with a capacity to act extra se , without and beyond the narrow territories of himself , onely per nutum , by his single beck , and by the natural magick of his phansie , and to transmit a subtil and invisible virtue , a certain influence , that doth afterward subsist and persevere per se , and operate upon an object removed at very large distance : by the discovery of which sole mystery , all that we have hitherto treated , concerning the ideal entity , conveyed in the arms of a spiritual emanation , and sallying abroad to execute the mandates of the will , concerning the magnetism of all Creatures , proceeding as well from humane phansie , as from the native and peculiar phansie of every thing , and also concerning the magical superiority of man over all other sublunary bodies , will receive illustration , and shine bright in the eye of our understanding . T is a meridian truth , too clear to be eclipsed by controversie , that of steel there may be made a needle , which invigorated by the confriction of a loadstone , doth point out the pole to Seamen : but in vain is the steel hammered into a needle , and placed at free range in the navigatory Compass , to level at the north Star , unless there hath preceded a fit and requisite affriction of the loadstone . Which assertions since they sound loud enough to pierce the ears of the deafest incredulity , it remains convenient , that we frame and qualifie a Mariners needle , solo nutu , onely by the magnetism of our phansie , and magick of intuition . On the anvil therefore , whereon the steel is hammered into a figure of a needle , let the north point be chalked out , and that in a strait line : then stand you , when you play the Vulcan , with your back to the north , that so when the steel is beating under the hammer , you may draw it out into a needle towards your self and the north : I say therefore , that such a needle , thus positionally and intuitively framed , will acquire a vigorous polarity , and punctually observe the north Star , without any forein impregnation or magnetical infusion , and indeed without any variation , to which the ordinary needles invigorated by the loadstone are subject , which carries with it a very great mystery . Moreover that needle , which is made upon the foresaid line , by chance , and without the knowledg or intention of the Fabricator , continues bare steel , devoid of all verticity , and directs not to the pole . Hence is it a natural Consequence , that the imagination of the Fabricator , in the very moment of the needles nativity , when the glowing heat of the fire is somewhat abated , and the steel but obscurely red , doth impress this magnetical faculty into the steel needle , as a convenient and appropriate subject . Not that the celestial orbs do , in that punctilio of time , infuse the verticity ; for then it would descend and be impressed upon the steel , without the intention , consent or observance of the smith ; which cannot satisfie experience : for if the Stars did transmit their influence at some certain hour , and in some determinate position , then might the Characteristical and sigillary science of the celestial orbs be allowed to put on triumphant wreaths , which we pass by . But that Constellation which descends upon the steel ( and it may be upon every magical image and seal ) is derived from the Microcosmical Heaven , that is , from our own Olympus : vain and unsuccessful therefore have been those Magical seals and pentacles , which were not framed and configurated by the magician in an high ecstasie and exaltation of his phansie : for all inferior Entities and Phansies are compelled to do homage to the transcendent magick of ours , by which prerogative Sapiens dominabitur astris , a wiseman shall regulate and countermand the influence of the Stars , to the dominion of whose sceptre the Parent of Nature hath subjected whatever is contained in the vast Amphitheatre of Heaven . What we have here alleaged concerning the phansie impressing a verticity upon the steel , as we have learned from the authentick testimony of many judicious pens , and from our own frequent experience : so may it be confirmed ten thousand times to the observation of any whose curiosity shall encline him to the easie trouble of the experiment . Thus the leaves of Asarum , and the tops of Elder , submit and conform unto the phansie of the decerptor , who impresseth upon the plant , and the plant upon the leaves a magnetical virtue , which in operation shall justly respond to the position of the hand that gathered them : when otherwise , the leaf being decocted ( as the needle heat again in the fire ) and given in a potion , the virtue of the phansie impressed upon it would of necessity perish , if the Magnetism were not cherished and maintained from the integral plant . That the blood of any Animal decocted and ready cooked for the trencher , doth yet contain the soul of that Animal , is true : but that virtue doth not depend upon the impression of humane and forein phansie , but ariseth immediately from the proper endowment of its own phansie . By the same reason also doth a dart thrust through the heart of a horse , killed by the execrable magick of a witch , binde up and hold captive the vital spirit of that witch , and twisteth it together with the mumial spirit of the horse , that so both may be torrified together , and by that torment , as by a sharp goad , the witch may be driven to betray her self : and that at length , by the justice of the magistrate , the base miscreant , detestable to God , and pernicious to man , may be eternally exiled from the conversation of mortals , and cut off , according to the Law of God. For if the operation be determined to any external object , the magical soul doth never attempt it without a convenient medium : and for this reason she makes use of the dart or nail transfixed through the heart . Now this position , that man is endowed with a power of acting , per nutum , or moving any object at remote distance , being proved by convictive evidence : it is also sufficiently confirmed , by the same natural example , that this transcendent energy was conferred upon him by the wise indulgence of his Creator ; and therefore , by the Charter of his Nature , doth justly belong unto him . Their conjecture hath ever had a strong hautgoust of absurdity , who have hitherto conceived , that Satan hath moved , altered , and transported any thing , and really applied Actives to Passives in locomotion , onely per nutum ; while they have taken for granted , that the Devil was the first and grand Motor in the forementioned motions , that by those corporeal extremities requisite to contaction , he could violently snatch away , transmit , or any way move , at least an aëreal body ( which they fondly imagine ) though destitute of a soul. Absurd , I say , is it to believe , that Satan since his exile from the presence ( I mean , the merciful influence ) of Divinity , and fall from the glory of his own essence , doth still retain a magical dignity , whereby he can really act upon any natural subject , and produce what effect soever he please , onely by intuition , because in the primitive excellence of his once Angelical nature , he received such an endowment : but that the same prerogative was taken from , and ever since denied unto man , and given to the Devil , the most vile and despicable of Creatures : and that if there be any such real effects performed by man , they are to be ascribed to a servile compact with the devil . Open the eyes of your reason : for Satan hath hitherto proudly triumphed in your so great and so dangerous ignorance , with so high content , as if you had made his altars smoke with the grateful incense of glory and dignity , and devested your self of your own native prerogative , pulled out your own eyes , and offered them in sacrifice to him . We have said , that every magical virtue doth lie dormant , and want excitation : which holds perpetually true , if the object , upon which the energy is discharged , be not neerly disposed and qualified to admit it , if the phansie of it doth not promptly conform unto the impression of the Agent , or also if the Patient be equal in strength , or superior to the Agent . But on the contrary , where the object is conveniently , proximly , and obediently qualified to entertain the magical influx , as steel is to receive the magnetical infusion of a loadstone : or plainly weak , and conscious to it self ( as are the homicide , adulterer , theif , and witch ) there the patient , without much excitation , the sole phansie of the outward man being deduced into action and adliged to any convenient medium , at the first assault surrenders its self , and obeys the Magnetism . I say , the magician ever makes use of a medium : for thus , unless a pregnant woman hath extended her hand to her own thigh , forehead , or buttocks , the infant in her womb shall never be stigmatized in his thigh , forehead , or buttocks . Thus do the words or forms of Sacraments ever operate : because ex opere operato , from the work performed . But why exorcisms do not alway succeed in their operations ; the defect is not in God , but onely because the unexalted and dully-excited minde of the Exoreist doth blunt the edg of the Charm , and render the words invalid and ineffectual . For which reason , no man can be a happy and perfect Exoreist , but he , who hath learned the art to excite the Magick of his own phansie ; or by practise can do it ecstatically , without that knowledg . It may be you 'l say , that our Armary unguent acquires no other magnetical virtue , then that which redounds to it from the phansie of him that compounds it : you are mistaken . However , should we allow you that error for truth , your cause could receive no support or advantage thereby ; since then you would implicitely confess the effect not to be ascribed to Satan . So the Unguent would not be magnetical from any innate and natural phansie peculiar to it self , but from an external adventitious inspiration , namely the phansie of the Compounder , impressed upon it : since there can be no neerer medium of the foresaid Magnetism , then humane blood with humane blood ; truly , the blood alone , as the most proportionate and predisposed subject would suffice to the composition of the Unguent , and all the other simples ingredient into the confection , would be frustraneous and unnecessary , especially the blood of a Bull and hony , where the cure is to be performed by applying the salve to weapons not distained with the blood of the Patient , which is manifestly false by experiment . Finally , the Magnetism of the Unguent would then be general ; in respect the Confectioner may , by the wilde and universal range of his Phansie , intend to make the impression , uncertain , undeterminate , and extensive to the wounds , not onely of man , but of all beasts whatever . What if the Compounders phansie were not fixed upon a dog ; must the Unguent therefore have no virtue to cure the wound of a dog ? Away with such idiotism , such ridiculous dotage . What hath Bole Armeniake , what Line seed oyl , what Hony , and in fine what hath the blood of a Bull , of peculiar disposition , or determinate respect to the wound of a horse , or man ; that upon them onely , as upon the most proper medium , and not upon any other things , the Phansie of the Confectioner should be impressed ? and yet if these were secluded the Composition , the Unguent would be barren and devoid of all power and vulnerary efficacy . The Natural phansie therefore of the Unguent is the sole and grand cause of the Magnetism , and the immediate and proper cause of the Cure : but not the imagination of the Component . Behold ! you have our ( understand true , Christian ) Philosophy ; not the frantick sophisms , or idle dreams of Ethnicks . Be cautious , I beseech you , that you bring not me into censure , who have been your self more forward and rash in censuring others . I am yours , and a Roman Catholick : who have cordially and firmly determined in my self , to mediate or write nothing , that may be contrary to the Word of God , or the fundamental Articles of the Church . I well understand the constellation of my own genius , and know my self born , not to allow or foment contentious debates , not to write Comments on , or defensive Apologies for the pens of other men ; wherefore , what I knew , I desired , with a freedom becoming a Philosopher , to communicate to the world . I shall annex onely this one clause : Whoever attributeth to the Devil an effect arising from Natural Causes , so created by God , and so conferred upon the Creatures : he doth alienate the honor due to the Creator , and ignominiously ( others might say blasphemously ) apply it unto Satan : which ( under your favor ) if you shall strictly call under the test of your Anatome , you will finde to be express idolatry . My earnest prayer to the fountain of all Clemency , our God and Father of Mercies , is now , and ever shall be , that he would be pleased to look , with the eye of compassion and forgiveness , upon those errors and lapses of our understanding , which from our native , not stubborn , ignorance , and humane fragility we have contracted . Amen . THere are three that bear record in Heaven , the Father , the Word , and the Holy Ghost , and these three are one : ( And anon speaking of the Humanity of Christ ) there are three which bear record in Earth , the Blood , the Spirit , and the Water , and these three are one . To us therefore , who have the like Humanity , it is no wonder , that we contain Blood and a Spirit of the like unity : and that the action of the Blood is meerly Spiritual . Yea for this reason , in Genesis it is not called by the name of Blood : but dignified with the appellation of a Red Spirit . Withdraw therefore , whoever thou art , from thy incredulous pertinacy , and ingenuously acknowledg another Spirit in the blood , besides the Devil : unless thou wilt dare to oppose thy mis-informed Faith to the Book of Truth . The Translators Supplement . NEmo hûc Geometriae expers ingrediatur , was the Motto which the semi-christian Philosopher , Plato , caused to be engraven on the porch of his Academy * : implying not onely the exact measure of lines , but also the Geometry of a mans self , the dimensions and just extent of the passions and affections of the minde , to be the previous qualification necessary to any , that should hope to benefit by his Lectures . And Nemo hûc Philosophiae expers ingrediatur , shall be our inscription in the front of this Translation ; understanding by Philosophy , the ample knowledg not onely of the Elemental and visible World , but also of the Intellectual and Spiritual ; not onely of the more plain and obvious tracts , wherein Nature progresseth to the production of ordinary effects ; but even those obscure and unfrequented paths she walks in , when she advanceth to Abstrusities and more mysterious Magnalities ; together with that acquired Candor of judgment , and habitual Equanimity , which as well emancipateth the understanding from the pedantick tyranny of subscription to all that 's read , if but disguised in the specious dress of probability , and ushered in by Antique Authority ; as it inclineth the reason to a sober assent , and modest conformity to such Assertions , which carry the face of judicious Enquiries , and serious majesty of Truth , though they be presented at disadvantage , under a cloud of Novelties , or Paradoxes . Nor can we fear that this our device , or impress , will be suspected of impertinency , by any that shall do so much right to their own judgments , as to conced , that a Reader thus qualified , must be the onely he , that can survey , understand , censure , and enrich his head with the subtler speculations , and profound Dihoties of our more then ingenious Helmont ; while it is of confessed necessity , that the gross ignorance of some must obscure , and the prevarication of others pervert the prospect of these splendid ( though Heterodoxical ) Notions , and Natural ( though spiritual , or magical ) Causalities , which his finer pen hath drawn , in landskip , upon this tablet , The Magnetically-Natural cure of Wounds . Now though the pensive Consideration of the incapacity ( some would have said , Barbarity ) of the numerous multitude , on one side , and of the deplorable inflexibility of the leading part of learning , more then a moity of Schollers being swallowed up in a deluge of Presumption and Prejudice , on the other , might in some measure excuse our despair of finding many heads of this soveraign temper , wherein sufficiency in knowledg ought to have received the just allay of Candor , and non-adherence to Antiquity ; yet may we not incur the odious premunire of singularity so far , as not confidently to hope , that our worthy Author will fall into the hands of some , whose unbyassed intellectuals will smoothly run him over , and gather so full satisfaction from many of his Experiments , that Gratitude her self will prompt them to confess the sacrifice of Honor deservedly due unto his memory . And upon this evidence of Hope , we are bold to promise our self supportment for our resolutions of not attempting either any Comment on , or Defence of those Metaphysical ( understand onely Ideal and abstracted ) conceptions , and novel Hints , rich aspersed upon these sheets ; such as that of a Phansie , or Natural sensation , by the Charter of their Creation , properly pertinent unto , and inseparably inherent in all mixt bodies , though devoid of Animation , and power of voluntary election ; and this not onely single and of determinate identity , but multiplex and various according to the diverse predisposition and capacity of the object , whereon they discharge their activity ; that of the magical prerogative of man , or that transcendent endowment , whereby he is empowered to act per nutum , by the sole virtue of Thought or Spiritual intuition , upon an object removed at vast distance , by means of an ideal entity , formed in the womb of more attentive Imagination , and transmitted by the Will ; that of the fatal Consopition of this Hierarchy , or semi-divine Faculty of the soul , by the Opiate or Counter-magick of the Forbidden Fruit ; and the resuscitation or excitement of the same , by the onfranchisement of the inward man from the eclipse and oppréssion of Corporeity , in Enthusiasms , Ràptures , and Ecstatical Contemplations , &c. Since the known poverty of our Reason could not but throw infinite disparagement on the wealthy harvest of his ; nor the access of our plenary assent , or vindication , confer any thing at all of estimation to fulfil the Authority of his Name , or determine the establishment of his Positions for solid and unrefutable Truths . Wherefore in conformity to the advisoes of some riper heads , to whose friendly decision we humbly submitted our hesitancy in this point , together with the concurrent vote of our own thirteenth thought , we have stood resolved , neither to dim the lustre of our Authors sense , by the interposition of our Boeotian * interpretation , or melancholick enlargement ; nor make our pen guilty of so uncivil encroachments on the liberties of the comprehensive Reader , as to preoccupy his head , with the abortive results of our shallower scrutintes , or prevent his more ocular disquisitions and maturor anim adversions ; but so far to assist younger capacities , as to endevour the explanation of some unfrequent idiomes , and uncouth terms , which the Author seems to have borrowed from the Cabalistique Vocabulary of Paracellus ; annexing onely , for satisfaction of the more illiterate , the more select , and less superstitious Forms , or Prescripts of the Magnetick Armary Vnguent . In the mean time , in order to our avoidance of scandal , as we cannot smother our wishes , that the ardor of debate with his opponents , Father Roberts , the Jesuite , and Goclenius , the Physician , and the eager quest of reasons to make good his theory of Magnetism against future Assailants , had not seduced his gravity to stumble upon some few Examples , whose constant verity Experiment may have just cause to question , or sober Philosophy , at first sight , smilingly refer to superstition : so we cannot but sigh at the apprehension of our own want of abilities to sustain so considerable and weighty a task as the due perpension and mature disquisition of some abstruse notions , which the conciser pen of our Author hath onely hinted , per transennam , and so proposed to the more deliberate discovery of some worthy Enlarger . For ( to omit others of less value ) upon that one cardinal pin of Magnetism , or the Magical virtue of Naturals , it seemeth to us , that the whole speculation of those three grand Arcanaes , whose obscure and yet inscrutable Causalities have captived the greatest Wits , in all ages , in a labyrinth of perplexed and uncertain Enquiries . ( 1 ) The Original and cognation of Forms ; ( 2 ) The causes of Sympathy and Dyspathy , or of idiosyncritical Friendship and Enmity or aversation ; ( 3 ) And the so universally magnified Power of Imagination , necessarily depend . To the clear and satisfactory solution of which Problems , whoever is ordained , by the exceeding benignity of his Constellation , will perform a work of highest benefit , and unparalleled merit to the Common-wealth of Learning , will advance his memory to so high a pitch of Honor , that 't will be accounted humility in him to look so low as Caesar , and shall have our free Vote , that his statue cannot be uncivil , or ambitious , if it take the right hand of Aristotles in the Vatican . But alas ! this must be a work of Time , Pyrotechny , and many heads cooperating . And therefore the wide and almost irreparable encroachments , which the late deluge of Barbarism hath made upon the studies of our own ingenious Nation , and ominously threatned to most Seminaries of Arts and Sciences in Europe : together with the general contempt of severe Philosophy , amongst those , whose wealthy Fortunes might sustain the charge of Experiments and forein Explorations requisite to the laudable atchievement of so magisterial a piece of knowledg , may probably encourage our fears , that it may be late ere posterity be blessed with its revealment , nay , perhaps not until the whole material World be ready to confess the Chymistry of the last day . Having hitherto seduced the minde of our Reader , into a short prospect of those few pieces , which our devout Zeal to the advancement of the knowledg of Natures choisest Magnalities hath inflamed us to desire in a larger draught ; and presented him the slender summary of what our Supplement intendeth : a longer digression cannot but tacitely scandal the weight of our Theam , and rudely disoblige attention . Wherefore , we return to the direct discharge of our undertakings : the interpretation of some Fanatique words , which in the opinion of Grammar know no signification , because no Etymology , nor can the greatest Philologer deduce from any original higher then the Babel of Paracelsus ; and the supply of the Antiquity , and Forms of the Magnetical Vnguent . Bismuthum , in the dialect of Hermetical Mineralogists , admits of a double signification . For some accept it for a simple , and list it in the inventory of Marchasites or Fire stones , taking it to be no other , then that which the Noble Geber called Magnesia , and the shops Black Lead : * others intend by it a compound made by the hand of Art , and that of two sorts : The first , when upon melted Tin , the Chymist affuseth Mercury , and makes thereof a fragil substance and snow-white mass ; * the other a mixture of Silver and Mercury , which submitteth to the first assault of fire , as easily as wax , and is of exceeding whiteness , which we conceive to be the true Magnesia Philosophorum . But we had rather incline to the autoptical testimony of the judicious Doctor Jordan , * who renders Bismuthum to be in English , Tinglass , or the steril Marchasite of Lead . Now Marchasites are the immature materials of metals , and vary according to each several and distinct species of metals : * and hence doubtless Paracelsus took occasion , in the separation of Elements from Marchasites , to compare the golden Marchasite to Gold , the silver one to silver , Talck to Tin , Bismuthum to Lead , Zincum to Copper , Cadmia to Iron , Stibium to Mercury , &c. Consule Paracelsum in tertio Archidox . Throni , or Tronos and Tronossa , in the wild Language , or rather Canting , of Paracelsus , implies a rorid Meteor , or Celestial dew , being a species of Manna , in sweetness , density , tenacity , and whiteness , far transcending all other : generated by the Mercury of the midle region ; infusing its astral seminality into the fertil matrix of the Aër ; and wholly separated and refined from all Sulphur and Salt This delicate extract of the Stars is in good plenty found , if we regard the time of its distillation , in the spring and entrance of harvest , when the Sun begins to leave the torrid Negro , and make his more temperate courtship to the starry Virgin : if the place , in most Eastern Countries , upon the leaves of Trees and Herbs . Thereniaben , or Tereniabin , meaneth the same , which the more regular and orthographical pen of Aristotle hath properly named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mel aereum , vel roscidum ; an oleaginous kinde of wild hony , not confected by the Chymistry of Bees , but distilling from the Retort of the inferior Aër , upon Meadows , Campaniaes , Trees , and Herbs . This delicate collation the civility of the Planets entertaineth us with , in the moneths of June , July , and August , as if they intended the refreshment of the laborious swain , exhausted by the heat of Summer and sweat of Harvest . The Antients called it Threr , if we may credit the traduction of Dornaeus , in his comment upon the distracted meteorology of Paracelsus . Nostoch understandeth the nocturnal Pollution of some plethorical and wanton Star , or rather excrement blown from the nostrils of some rheumatick planet , falling upon spacious plains , fields and sheep pastures , of an obscure red or brown tawny , in consistence like a gelly , and so trembling if touched : which the philosophy of the clouted shooe affirms to be the ruines of a Star fallen . Some there are , saith Dornaeus , who by Nostoch intend Wax : but by the favor of a metaphor . Nebulgea we English a Salt , or Nitrous exudation and destillament from the clouds ; by the deliquium of the colder aër resolved into an unctuous liquor , and descending upon solid and stony bodies ; which suffering induration , by the exhalement of its aqueous parts , assumes solidity , and by the interest of exact similitude and cognation , doth more then pretend unto the dignity of celestial Nitre . Laudanum , if the same that all the Druggists of Europe call Ladanum , is the Woodfeer , or liquid spumous exudation of the shrub Cistus , or Ledon , growing in great plenty in the Island Cyprus , which the Natives , ( unless the syth of time hath lighted upon that custom , since the days of Dioscorides ) * use every Spring to gather from off the long shaggy hairs of the thighs and beards of Goats , feeding among and brushing themselves against the stalks and leaves of the plant , and after due clarification and percolation thereof , to conserve in convenient pots : But if , in the account of Helmont , a kinde of aëreal meteor , or production arising from the coition and conspiracy of some seminary celestial influx with fit and proportionate matter , the fat evaporations of Plants ; we confess that after a tedious search of Paracelsus , Severinus , Dorneus , and other●… his interpreters , we cannot receive positive satisfaction concerning its name , nature , manner of generation , or specifical difference , but must acquie●…ce in a contented ignorance of what it is . We dare not countenance error , or stifle our own habilities of disquisition , so far , as not to take notice of the incogitancy , or partiality of our Helmont , in ascribing the honor of the invention of Hoplocrism , or the Cure of Wounds by unction of the weapon , to his Master Paracelsus : When we stand confirmed , upon evidence of substantial and convictive Arguments , that this secret is much younger then Paracelsus , as bearing no date of its revealment beyond those yeers , wherein he had long confessed his dust , and experimentally confuted his own arrogant Treatise of the art of spinning out the thread of Mans life to a length equal with the clue of Time , and making our vital Oyl of the same durable and invincible temper , with that which maintaineth the flames of Eternal Lamps * . For first , upon strict ( and introth tedious ) lecture of all the leaves of the extant Works of Paracelsus , we cannot meet with any the least mention of it : nor indeed the grave Libavius before us , as he solemnly professeth , in Apocalypseos Hermeticae , parte priore , & cap. ultim . And to those , who have appealed to posthume Manuscripts , and gloried in their inheritance of some Papers bequeathed to the secret custody of Opporinus , his Amanuensis ; we must with smiles rejoyn , that a sober and well ordered belief can as soon swallow down the monstrous figment of the Book of Adam , * which the impious credulity of Magicians doth confidently deliver to be given , by the Archangel Rhaziel , unto him , immediately upon his exile from Paradise , and contrition for his sin , and from Adam devolved to Seth , from him to Enoch , from him to Noah , thence to Sem , afterwards to Abraham , Isaac , Jacob , Levi , Caath , Amram , Moses ▪ Joshua , and so down to the Prophets and holy Seers successively ; whereby they were in a moment illuminated , the veil of sin withdrawn from the eye of their reason , and all those mountains of fleshly lust , which hindered the prospect of the intellect , l●…lled , so that they beheld Nature face to face , and freely gazed upon all her beautiful parts , in the nakedness of their Essences , and Forms devested of all corporeity . Again , though an Argument drawn from the printed sheets of Paracelsus be of no considerable validity , in regard he is so ridiculously subject to self-contradiction , through all his works , that a witty Adversary might easily beat him out of the Schools with his own weapons ; yet it may be lawful for us , from the masterpeice of his pen , his tract of Chirurgery , to collect some proof , that he was wholly a stranger to the doctrine or practise of Hoplochrism . For in that discourse , reducing all the several kindes of Vulnerary remedies to a constant method , he is positive , that there is no other Curation of a wound , but what is performed , either by means of the Natural Balsam , or by the apposition of Brassidella upon the green wound , or by Magorreo ; the first of which is Natural and the same that all rational Physicians allow , the second Brassidellical , so denominated from the Herb Adderstongue , or Ophioglossum , which he was pleased to nickname Brassidella , the third Magical , for Magorreo , in the interpretation of Dornaeus , is Medicamentum Magicum : and who can finde amongst these differences any room for the intrusion of the Sympathetical Armary Unguent ? Lastly , if the exceeding Candor of any , willing to palliate this lapse of our Helmont , recur to Authority , and transfer the guilt upon Baptista Porta ( from whom , in probability , this erroneous tradition was derived down to our Century ) who fathers the invention upon Paracelsus , in these words : Unguentum Armarium , Graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictum , olim à Paracelso Maximiliano Caesari datum , & abeodem expertum , maximéque carum ab eo habitum , quamdiu vixit , ujus aulae nobilis mihi communicavit : We shall modestly ret●…n , that so incredulous and independent a pen , as was Helmonts , ( whose genius scorned sapere ●…x alieno commentario , and seems constellated rather to confute , then subscribe ) could hardly be so incircumspect , as not to discover the gross mistake of Porta , in the point of Chronology . For what he affirms of Paracelsus his communicating the prescript and use of the Unguent , to Maximilian , Emperor of the Romans , is easily confuted as well from the Annals of Salteburg , as the History of Paracelsus life , written by the learned and faithful hand of Melchior Adamus * , from both which posterity may receive ample satisfaction , that Paracelsus was fast luted in his grave , and resolved in terram damnatam , in the reign of Charls the fifth , about the year of Christs Incarnation , 1541. Now Maximilian was made Caesar , after the death of Ferdinand his brother , in the yeer , 1565. Wherefore to reconcile Porta's story to his computation of time , we must conced a possibility of regression ab inferis , and allow Paracelsus , as in his life time to have descended to the Abyss below , out of curiosity to dispute with Avicen●… , and returned victor over the pale Philosopher ; so also after his death , full twenty four yeers , to have ascended to the Court of Maximilian , and presented him the form of the Sympathetical Unguent . Nor can the assertion of Crollius ( who drank as deep of the spitle of Paracelsus , as his predecessor Porta ) that this secret was first imparted to the King of Bohemia , be made good : Since Maximilian obtained not the Scepter of that Kingdom , until the yeer , 1562. as we are instructed by the almost omniscient Libavius , whose pen hath been large upon this subject , in Apocalyps . Hermeticae part . prior . cap. ultim . But whoever was the true Father of this modern production , should he obtain a parol from the grave , and return again to converse with men , we may with reason doubt that he would hardly now know the Minerva of his own brain ; but would borrow that exclamation of Hercules returned from his Avernal expedition , Unde tam foedo obsiti paedore nati ? quae clades domum gravat ? so much hath the squalid disease of Reformation disfigured it , and varied that originary comeliness , which was restrained to a determinate number of select ingredients , into as many uncouth dresses , as the licentious Phansie of every Commentator thought fit to present it in , every second hand adding , abstracting , or altering what simples it pleased . For in Libavius his contest with Crollius and Severinus , about the Dihoti of Hoplochrism , we sinde no fewer then thirteen several and different Forms of the Magnetick Unguent enumerated ; and in the private studies of many Noblemen ( who have thought their Cabinets infinitely enriched with this Jewel , and valued it equal with that precious tri●…le , the Countess of Kents Powder ) we have seen many other dissenting from the original in all , but the title . So that while some have usurped the liberty to multiply the simples , and run through the whole series of Vulnerary remedies : others have contracted the whole Magnetical Energy into one single mineral ; as may be exampled in the so much magnified Sympathetick powder , that wears the name of Sir Gilbert Talbot , which we assuredly know to be nothing but Roman Vitriol calcined with Promethean Fire . In this we are tender not to have the sincerity of our thoughts exposed to the danger of misapprehension . Wherefore to provide against mistake , we profess in the ears of the world , that we have not , in this our dislike of innovating the receipt , tacitely been injurious to the just freedom of any judicious pen , in making sober enquiries , profitable enlargements , and modest corrections of any piece delivered down from the hand of more antient Learning ; for the happy industry of our Forefathers hath not precluded , but opened the door of Exploration , and our sight must needs be confessed weaker , if standing upon their shoulders we see not farther : nor confined the Magnetical Virtue to that just number and quantity of Simples , found in the primitive composition of the Unguent ; for we cannot be destitute of valid reasons to assure us , that the fame admirable effect might arise from many other Vulnerary medicaments , as well in the operation of their single Essential Forms , as of the neutral Quality resulting from their conjunction into one compound Salv●… : but onely insinuated our wishes , that every sick Phansie might not be tolerated to exercise an arbitrary power of innovation over such well composed Medicines , which by the constancy of their effects sufficiently assert the maturity of their first contrivers knowledg , and manifest their own perfection ; as also that the Adversaries to the Doctrine of Magnetism had wanted that advantage and encouragement of contradiction , which the unnecessary variety of prescripts of the Armary Unguent hath unadvisedly given them . But our proper business is to furnish the Reader less acquainted with the Books of Physicians , with the faithful Copies of the most ancient , authentick , and rational descriptions of the Sympathetick Unguent : with industry omitting those , which seem to offend the nostrils of more precise Philosophy with the ingtateful smell of Superstition . The Prototype or Original of the Unguent , vulgarly imputed to Paracelsus ; but in probability contrived long after his death , by the hand of Barthol . Corrichterus * , Physician to Maximilian the second , in whose Court it was first divulged and practised , is thus drawn . Of the Moss grown on a humane skull two ounces : Mumy half an ounce : Humane fat depurated two ounces : Oyl of Line seed twelve drachmes : Oyl of Roses , and Bole Armeniack , ana one ounce . Mix them , and by frequent agitation incorporate them into an Unguent . Into which a splinter of wood , or the weapon stained with the patients blood , is to be immersed : the wound , during the time of its sanation , being defended from the injury of aër , bound closely up with clean swathes , and mundified with the urine of the patient . But to the efficacious confection of the Armary Unguent , to cure a wound by unction of the instrument of the harm , though not distained with the blood , we are to admix to the former , of Virgin Honey ( we should rather choose the best Mel Atticum , or Honey of Athens , for its excellence worthily esteemed by the Antients ) two ounces : the fat of a Bull one drachme . And this we conceive to be the same , which our Helmont intended : as the observation of every diligent Reader cannot but collect . Baptista Porta , in Magiae Natural . l. 8. c. 12. compoundeth it , of the Moss of an unburied Cranium : the fat of man , each two ounces : Mumy , Humane blood each half an ounce : Oyl of Line seed , and Turpentine , each one ounce : Bole Armen , as much . Incorporate all these , in a clean Marble Morter , into an Unguent : whose use and effect exactly correspond to the former . The most magnified ( because , indeed , most difficult and ceremonious ) method of compounding the Unguent , described by Oswaldus Crollius , in Basilica Chymica , together with a Panegyrick of its excellencies , runs thus : ℞ Of the Fat of a wild Boar , and a Bear ( the elder the Beasts , the more efficacious their fat ) ana four ounces . When these Fat 's have been , for the space of half an hour , decocted in good red wine , they are to be effused into pure , clean , cold water , and the floating unctuous substance to be skimmed off with a convenient instrument , but the ponderous residence in the bottom to be ejected , as excrementitious and useless . This done , ℞ of the fairest Earth-worms , frequently purified in white Wine , two sextaries * : Let them be torrified in a well vernished earthen pipkin , in an Oven close luted , provided they burn not , and then be finely pulverated : Of this powder ℞ one ounce : the brain of a wilde Boar exsiccated : red odoriferous Sanders : Mumy : the Bloodstone ; ana one ounce . Finally , ℞ of the mossy periwig of the skull of a man , destroyed by violent death , sheared off in the increase of the Moon , and her existence in a propitious house of Heaven , of Venus , if possible , but on no condition of those two malevolent Planets , Mars and Saturn , the quantity of two Nutmegs . To all these decently pulverized and searced conjoyn the foresaid Fat , and confuse them , according to the art of the Apothecary , into an incomparable Vnguent , to be conserved with extraordinary diligence in a Glass or Gallipot , closely sealed up , and if it grow dry , with long keeping , to be remollied and humectated with Virgin Honey . All this is to be performed while the Sun is quartered in Libra . Somewhat different from all these is the Composition of Oswaldus Gabelchoverus , recorded in Practica Germanica : which contains of the Fat of a Septennial Boar , and Bear , each , one pound : afterwards melted in boyling red Wine , and affused into cold water , for the better depuration and collection of them : of the powder of a Bloodstone , half an ounce : of red aromatical Sanders , six drachmes : of Earth-worms prepared with wine , two drachmes : of Usnea , a great quantity : Married all together into an Unguent , by an artificial hand . The use is the same with the former of Crollius . No less variation , as well in the number , as quantity of the ingredients , may we observe in that famous description , which Pancratius Gallus , chief Physician to the Duke of Saxony , in great privacy , communicated to Libavius : it being confected of the Fat of a Male Bear , and wilde Boar , in the quantity of two ounces apiece ; boyled and clarified in red Wine : of red Saunders , Bloodstone prepared , each two drachmes : of Earth-worms cleansed in Wine , one ounce : of Usnea two drachmes : of the dried and powdered roots of the greater Consound , or major Cumfry , and Colcothar , each half an ounce : Commix them exactly , with a silver spatule , into an Unguent . The Translator's Landskip , Or Abstract of HELMONTS Theory of Magnetism . I 'M satisfi'd , that Sympathies combine At distance : that dispersed Mumies twine . That our Souls act per nutum ; when awake From that Enchantment , the first sin did make : And that this native Magick of the mind , Is the sole Devil and Witch ; if once refin'd By Ecstasie . That Reason's but the Brat Of Sensuality ; and is lost with that . That none can chain up Astral Energy , Or circumscribe Radial Activity : And Magnetism extends its arm as far , And potent , as the most triumphant Star. That Earth hath Heaven in 't . That Atomes may , At vast remove , their Virtual Forms display . Th●… Heat and Cold are languid Agents , when Seminal Tinctures ( though obscure to men ) Are brought in play ; for these , like Angels , cure Onely by th' touch invisible , procure Natural Miracles , and eas'ly in an hower , Cicatrize Wounds , that scorn Chirurgeons power . That nice Divines , who scruple at this Art , Commit implicite Sacriledg ; and impart Gods honor unto Satan : while wise Zeal Call's it safe Natural Magick thus to heal . All this I now assent to ; but invite Each wiser head , to make me 's Proselyte . My Mercury is not fixt : my Virgin Faith Scorns to submit to what an Author saith , Barely because he said it . To enquire , To doubt , is to advance our Judgment higher . For I 've been told , That Knowledg most doth lie Enshrin'd in Sceptical Neutralitie . W. C. THE Nativity of TARTAR in WINE . The Summary . 1. AFishing for Whales . 2. The spirit of Wine , depressed by cold , retires to the center of its vessel . 3. How Vineger differs from Wine . 4. Wine in the superficies of a vessel , why less generous . 5. The Concretion of Tartar in Hogsheads . 6. How it affixes it self to the sides of a vessel . 7. It is coagulated in fixing . 8. The premises are made good . 9. The error of a Chymick Axiome . 10. The reason of Wine coagulated in Tartar , holds no analogy to that of Excrements coagulated in the Microcosm . 11. The difference betwixt Tartar , and the Stone concreted in the body of Man. 12. Tartar not altogether , or truly , the excrements of Wine . 13. A grand error of Paracelsus . 14. Tartar of Wine totally differs from any coagulated recrement in diseases . 15. A second lapse of Paracelsus . 16. Why Tartar is not incrustated on the Lees , in the bottom of a vessel . 17. Wines distinguisht by their Tartar. 18. Tartar neither Wine , nor the dregs of Wine . 19. Why an Alcale , or Lixival Salt , extracted from Wine , or Tartar , does dissolve Tartar. 20. The dregs of Wine , in some part the material of Tartar. 21. How ill the resemblance holds 'twixt Tartar , and coagulations in the Microcosm . 22. Tartar to be referred to coagulated Salts , not to Stones , or excrements . BEfore I attempt the explosion of that necessity , which Paracelsus vainly imagined to himself , of the constitution of Tartar in all aliment , for the discovery of the causes of most chronick diseases ; and that the folly of that fiction may be more clearly demonstrated , I have thought good , to premise an Enquiry into the original of Tartar in Wine : Since from thence ( according to the new belief of vulgarity ) most diseases derive their Causes , and borrow their Appellations . The Cantabi ( now Biscons ) natives of a Province in Spain , before their conversation with the Hollander , in a voyage for the fishing of Whales , being on the coasts of Groenland ( which Modern Travellers conceive lost ) among the vast Quicksands , called Atalayae , surprised by intense cold , had their decocted Wines , of themselves generous and excellent , frozen to Ice . Instructed by this exigent , they beat off their hoops from their vessels , and exposed , to the open aër , the naked conglaciated Wines ; with design , that the residue of Liquor might be totally frozen : This accordingly succeeding , they boared the Ice , and at the Centre of it found a clear , transparent Liquor , of the colour of an Amethyst , being the pure spirit of Wine , a fiery and vital essence , uncapable of conglaciation . This discovery taught them understanding ; for they drank the Ice , melted at the fire , restoring to it a small quantity of this essential vital Nectar . The story is introduced for this end , that hence it may be observed , That the spirit of Wine , by a natural tendency , flies from cold , as from his proper enemy ; and gently withdraws itself , from its former mansion , into the Centre of the Wine . But on the contrary , Wines are therefore exposed to the heat of the Sun , that they may grow Acide , and the spirit exhaling , leaves behinde it a flat , cadaverous substance , devoid of spirit and life , which is Vineger . But since it is far more noble and useful , that the spirit of Wine should retreat into the Centre , then perish by exhalation , therefore hath necessity , for the conservation of Wines , hinted the invention of cold , deep Cellers . The Austrian Wines still operating on themselves by an uncessant , tumultuous heat of Fermentation , are , for the most part , gross and viscid . For which reason , the Cellers at Vienna are ordinarily digged to no less then a●…undred foot in depth . The Spanish Wines also , would suffer the same restless ebullition , and conflict betwixt their Heterogeneities , were they not prevented by the admixture of a Lime , which the Spaniard calls Hiesco , at the very instant of their flowing from the Wine Press . Whence results it a clear and unquestionable truth , that the spirit of Wine , in cold Cellers , retreating from its adversary , cold , returns to the heart of the Liquor , as to a safe refuge , and there conceals it self . Wine , therefore , in the cortex , or outward circumference of it self , is less generous , as having fewer spirits , then in the middle , or inmost retiring room . Hence it is a necessary consequent , that as , by reason of the exhalation of spirits , Wines set in the Sun , grow acide , and phlegmatick ; so also , proportionably , the exterior Cortex of Wine in a cold Celler , must be more acide , then the Centrals . And thus , when the musts of Wines are freshly brought in from the Press , lodged in Store-houses , and have suffered Fermentation , the spirit by and by flying from cold , concentres it self ; and therefore the superficies of Wine , having already entred some degree of Acidity , immediately begins to operate on the dregs , floating on the yet troubled and unclarified mass of Liquor . For an absolute impossibility it is , that there can be any the least Acidity ; which having once met with a proportionate object , does not immediately begin to operate on it . This really is the Law , and unavoidable necessity of Naturals . By example . Vineger , how flat and weak soever , having once touched upon the stone concreted in the head of a Creafish , vulgarly ( but erroneously ) called Crabs eye , can by no means contain it self , but must immediately act , to the dissolution of it , and resolve it into a clear , diaphanous Liquor . The Acidity of Wine , having once sated it self on the dregs , and spent much of its activity , by degrees , inclines it self to coagulation . But coagulate it cannot , without a conspiracy with , and assistance from the Fracid Odor of the vessel , impregnate with a spirit , or power of Fermentation ; whereby it may , in some measure , admit of putrefaction . And for this onely reason , is the Coagulation made at the sides of the vessel , to which it affixes it self ; according to that familiar Chymick Axiome : Omnis spiritus dissolvens , eddem actione quâ corpora dissolvit , coagulatur : Every dissolvent spirit is it self coagulated , in the same action , wherein it dissolves other concreted bodies . The more acide Wine , therefore , in the extremities of it self , dissolves the dregs ; and at the same instant , the acide dissolvent spirit is coagulated , together with the newly dissolved faeces , and soon applies it self to the neerest side , or concave of the vessel . And this , lest both ( the dissolvent and dissolved ) might not be hindred from coagulating ; but on one side , at least , they might not be invironed by Liquor : And thus , by this progress and succession of natural motions , there is affixed a new production of Coagulation , Tartar. Observe also , that before the compleat act of Coagulation , there is no existent Coagulatum ; and therefore the acide spirit in the verge of the mass of Wine , having newly dissolved the dregs , in a moment , before the act of coagulation finisht , seazes on the vessel , and by a Cement , or glue , native and proper to it self , there fixes , and constantly adheres . Otherwise depressed by gravity , it would immediately sink to the bottom . And this new Entity , thus coagulated , is the Tartar of Wine ; of which our Discourse . That these are sober , solid truths , we have clear and demonstrable evidence from Vineger it self . For Wine insolated to a calefaction of the vessel , may produce Tartar ; but Vineger never . And yet Wine and Vineger are one and the same matter , differing onely in those qualifications , heat and cold ; in the former , indeed , with Tartar , in the latter without it . From the premisses , there breaks forth a considerable truth ; that our forementioned Axiome , by Chymicks concluded of eternal verity , grosly fails in that it makes the dissolution of any concreted body , to be done in the instant of time , and numerical action , with the coagulation of the spirit dissolvent . For if there intervened not , in some short interval of time , a diversity , and succession of motions , the Coagulation could not soder it self to the circumambient planks of the vessel , as is there affused by liquefaction ; but would of necessity , if it were coagulated at the instant of dissolution , sink down to the lowest region , in the form of a simple coagulation , and not cement it self to the walls of the hogshead . But on the other side , in the bottom , the peculiar region of the Lees , there is never found any Tartar. Here also accurs to our serious consideration , a second and more weighty verity : that the Analogy , or resemblance , which the vulgarity of Physicians conceives , betwixt the Tartar in Wine , and those preter-natural Coagulations in the body of man , is erroneous , vain , and altogether impertinent ; and therefore the name , history , manner and end of Coagulation of Tartar in Wine , are foolishly and unfitly accommodated to the causes of diseases . All which I shall demonstrate to ample satisfaction , when I come to discover that grand and popular delusion of the Existence of Tartar in our meat and drink . Allowing to Wine onely a fertility of Tartar. For that we acknowledg to be no Alien , no son of an exotick mother , from the concurrence of forein principles , intruded into Wine , having its production contrary to , or besides the ordinary and simple nature of Wines : neither owing its original to the adjuncts of the primitive Malediction delivered in Paradise , by divine providence , for the expiation of those Crimes committed by man , in the heat and distraction of Wine . Again , neither is the Tartar of Wine ever coagulated by any originary activity , or power of coagulation , proper to its own nature ( though Paracelsus dreamt so : ) but then undergoes Coagmentation , when the circumferential Acidity of the Wine , hath newly exhausted much of its Energy , and wasted it self , by a profuse operation on the dregs . That is , the Active being swallowed up in the embraces of the Passive : the Acide spirit imbibed , and subdued to obedience , by the freshly dissolved Faeces ; then , and not till then , contrives and sets about the act of Coagulation , not with design or power to make a real , true stone , but a counterfeit , such as afterwards may be again dissolved in hot water , as an Acide salt in liquor , which for that reason , the vulgar call Cremor Tartari . All which do very ill correspond with those preter-natural Coagulations in the bodies of men : and yet they are , in a drunken fiction of Paracelsus , by an imaginary analogy of essence and identity with Tartar , in all meat and drink , grosly obtruded on the faith of vulgar Physicians , wholly over-run by that epidemick , lazy , evil , subscription . Here also we are fallen on a third Magnale or Violentum . That Tartar is not an excrement of Wine , unless on one part , which is the dregs dissolved : which truly Paracelsus was not ignorant of , who does very frequently extol the Medicinal faculties of Tartar , far above those of Wine it self , as inheriting many more and nobler endowments . Wherefore he very absurdly refers Tartar of Wine , by an identity of essence , and formation , to the same Classis of Entities , with those solid Concretions in diseased bodies ; which yet , in many other places , himself concludes to be a meer excrement , yea , the sorrowful fruit of that curse of the Earth , pronounced by God , in Paradise , Bryers and thorns shalt thou bring forth , and calls , Ens Cacedonium , in puro saphyrico ente rerum . The Tartar of Wine therefore , and that which is erected in the Schools , for the material cause , and foundation of most Chronick diseases , if any such were in reality of Entity , can keep no concord in their Original Forms , even according to the doctrine of Paracelsus himself , if we accept the former , as a preternatural production , directed , by the destiny of its being , to the generating diseases , as to its proper end . And thus also , hath he most impertinently , and at best , but by the favor of a Metaphor , reduced the causes of diseases to Tartar : Since they no way agree , either in their matter , efficient , manner , or cause of Coagulation , in the term of the Coagulatum , Object , or Originals . For neither gravel , nor the stone is capable of dissolution in boiling water ; as the Tartar of Wine is . This usurpation therefore , of name and propriety , is wholly metaphorical , rash , and frivolous ; and an assertion tacitely injurious to divine wisdom and providence , by polluting the purity of all sublunary creatures , with the bold imputation of a Curse , as if in the totality of their natures , they were nothing but Compositions , amassed out of the seeds of Tartar. And to so high a pitch of impudence hath this error flown , that men dare imagine Tartar in the very marrow of Animals ; which yet they allow incoagulable , nor did ever Paracelsus finde any where , but in his own wilde imagination . And so the result of all is , that he falls upon a manifest contradiction , making Tartar to be no Tartar , that is uncapable of Coagulation : so that , not onely every coagulable and solid body , but also every liquid substance , that is every created nature , subject to the influence of the lower orbs , would be nothing but Tartar , by divine Vengeance , destined to the punishment of the first sin . No sooner hath the Must suffered Fermentation , parted with its former sweetness , and assumed the perfection and dignities of Wine , but the whole Mass of Terrenity , the Lees , falls to the bottom of the vessel ; and then begins the new made Acidity of the Wine , in the circumference , to execute its power dissolutive , on the earthly residence in the bottome . For the more essential portion of the Wine , the spiritual Nectar , by a gentle and gradual concentration , crowding into the middle , forsakes the protection of the superficial round of the Liquor : This done , and the extremity of the Wine thus destitute of Vitality and radical heat , soon grows acide , and not meeting with any fit object neer it , whereon to discharge its activity , but onely the dregs in the lowest region of the Wine , immediately assaults them , and by degrees dissolves them : And thus the Acidity is both confirmed and inlarged . But since every Acidum , by reason of its corroding Energy , doth operate in a perpetual Ebullition : hence is it , that that Acidity , which had dived to the bottom , when it hath operated on the Lees , doth reascend from thence , and fix it self in a higher mansion , the circumstance of the vessel . And for this cause , is the generation of Tartar done , by successive , gradual , and slow motions . For the same reason also cannot Tartar be concreted and affixed to the bottom ; hindered by that inquietude , and tumultuation of perpetual Ebullition . Hence is it , that rich and generous Wines , being not easily subject to this destitution of spirits , unless on an assault of intense cold , do not soon grow acide , nor yeeld any considerable quantity of Tartar. But old Rhenish Wines easily pall , grow sick , and loose their grateful and vigorous taste ; in regard their activity of eagerness is , for the most part , devoured by their Lees ; and yet they continue wholsom and friendly to the stomach , in that their spirits are not exhausted to an equal proportion of their dregs and acidity . But red French Wines , unless nourisht by their Lees , ( which for this effect , Vintners call , the Mother , or Nurse of Claret ) dissolve their own Tincture , continually preying on it by their subtilty and eagerness . And this is the cause , why Claret Wines , if not very rich , and excellently vigorous , at the age of two yeers grow pale and discoloured . For the Tincture of Wines , is a substance familiarly subject to separation . But strong , generous , and spiritual red Wines , in that they more slowly grow acide , hold good to the age of many yeers . On the contrary , small White Wines , if not sequestred from their Lees , in short time , grow flat and cadaverous . For their Lees drawn off , their Acidity wanting a proportionate matter , to imploy its corrosive faculty upon , the Wine continues good , sprightful , firm , and in its primitive integrity . From these experiments , we naturally collect , That Tartar , in the acception of its entire nature , is no longer either Wine , or the dregs of Wine ; but a Neutral , or third Nature , resulting from the conjunction , and coëfficiency of both . That this is thus , is demonstrable from the Mechanick experiment , that a greater quantity of Tartar may be dissolved in ten ounces of Rain water , then in two hundred of Wine , though never so much stirred in boyling . The reason belongs to the Acidity of Wine to which the Tartar ows its Coagulation . To conclude ; six ounces of the salt of Tartar , will dissolve seven ounces of crude Tartar ; because the Lixivium , or Lee of that Salt imbibes and sucks up the Acidity of Tartar. That Tartar consists of the Lees of Wine , and not Wine onely , we need no other eviction , but that experiment of Printers , who indifferently use Tartar or the Lees of Wine , for the Master ingredient in their Composition of Ink : the same effect arising from either , on good reason , preventing the election of either , and confessing a plain consanguinity , if not an identity of the Causes . Again , in distillation , they both belch up one and the same Acide Odor , and yeeld one and the same Oyl . Onely Tartar is not dissolved in cold water : because the ●…aeulent and earthy substance of the dregs does so closly environ and shroud the Salt , that the cold water is not of force sufficient , to transfix that counterscarfe , or penetrate the atomical parts of the Concretion , and by consequence , not to dissolve it . Now since Tartar hath its originary principles and nativity , no where but in Wines , grown lightly Acide , by a desertion of spirits , flying from circumstant cold , to the Centrals of the Liquor : Hence let the so much illuminated ( that is infatuated ) Disciples of Paracelsus be instructed , how ill the speculation of Tartar does quadrate , even with those diseases , for whose sake chiefly it was first invented and embraced . For plain it is , the stone concreted in the body of man , can never be dissolved in boyling water ; as Tartar commonly is . For which consideration , Tartar is more justly to be listed in the number of Salts , or Juices coagulated by Salt , then of Stones : è diametro , contrary to the doctrine of Paracelsus . The Image of GOD ; OR , Helmont's Vision of the Soul , Englished . The Summary . 1. THe fear of God , the beginning : and Charity , the end of Wisdom . 2. Man made in the Image of God. 3. Three sorts of Atheists . 4. A wish of the Author . 5. The intellection of the minde , intellectual . 6. The intimate integrity of the minde suffereth from caduce faculties , without the passion of extinction . 7. The action of the minde scarce perceptible in us . 8. Atheists of the first Classis deride the image of God , in man. 9. Atheists of the second Classis , have lately sprung up . 10. The Atheistical ignorance of such is manifested . 11. A variety of vital Lights . 12. How the minde differs from Angels . 13. An intellectual vision of the Authors . 14. All optation vain , without God. 15. The misery of the Author . 16. A vision of the soul , separate from the body . 17. That the minde hath a figure . 18. The minde an immortal substance , representing the figure of God. 19. A vulgar error , concerning the Image of God. 20. The error of such , who conceive the Image of God to be seated in the ternary of faculties . 21. The doctrine of Taulerus opposed . 22. The Image of God never yet discovered , nor positively described , because incomprehensible . 23. The minde subject to damnation , onely by accident . 24. After death , is no more Memory , or Reminiscence . 25. The will was superadded to the minde , accidentally , after its Creation . 26. In Heaven , the Will is useless and frustraneous . 27. In Heaven the Will appears no power , or Faculty : but a substantial and intellectual essence . 28. If the Minde be the Image of God , this was anciently known to Plato . 29. The definition of the Minde . 30. Reason not the Image of God. 31. The Authors opinion . 32. These two Quiddities lie obscured in the soul , by reason of the corruption of our nature . 33. The love of the soul is excited onely by an Ecstasie ; nor otherwise in these calamities of Nature . 34. A precision of the Intellect . 35. An Objection solved . 36. That triplicity , or ternary of diverse Faculties in the Minde , is expressed also in every systeme , or composition of the world . 37. A more noble and exact similitude , then that of a Trinity of Faculties , requisite to make out the Image of God in man. 38. The description of the Minde , rehearsed . 39. How the Minde may survey it self . 40. The original of the Imagination , constitutive . 41. The Minde understandeth far otherwise . 42. The prerogative of the Minde . 43. An explication of living love . 44. The discrepancies of intellections in Mortals . 45. Why that amorous desire , or divine Love , cannot cease in Heaven . 46. The description of that desire . 47. How sin may be harbored in the desire of the Minde . 48. The love of the Minde is a substance , even in men , that have not yet confessed their dust . 49. How great a cloud of darkness is drawn over the primitive splendor of the Intellect , from the corruption of Nature , by the original sin . 50. The Image of God , defaced and demolished in the sons of perdition . WIsdom begins at the Fear of God ; and the Fear of God begins at the meditation of death , and eternal life . But the end of Wisdom many conceive , with the Stoicks , to be the knowledg of a mans self ; but I account the ultimate end of wisdom , and the Crown of the whole course of our life , Charity , which alone will faithfully accompany us , when all other things shall have deserted us . And although self-cognition , in our opinion , be onely a medium to the fear of God ; yet from that , must our Tractate concerning long life , assume its beginning ; in this relation , that the cognition of life presupposeth the cognition of the Soul , since the life and soul ( which we have more then once intimated ) are Synonymaes . T is of Faith , that man was created , of nothing , after the Image of God , into a living Creature ; and that his minde shall never perish ; while , in the mean time , the Souls of Bruits suffer annihilation , so soon as they cease to live . The weighty reasons of which difference I have declared , in my discourse of the Original of Forms . But hitherto is it not manifested , beyond dispute , wherein that similitude of Man with God , our Archtype , or prime exemplar , doth consist . For in the Soul alone , many determine this majestick Pourtraicture . I shall deliver what I conceive ; yet under an humble protestation and subjection to the censure of the Church . Thus it is . The Original of Forms being , in some degree of comprehension , already known ; it is just we make a grand enquiry concerning the Minde of Man. But , seriously , no cognition is more weighty then that , whereby the soul comprehends her self : Yea , and hardly is any more profitable ; in this interest , that Faith doth establish her foundation upon the unperishable , and indelible substance of the Soul. I have found , indeed , many demonstrations , concerning this verity , divulged in Books : but none at all propter quid , touching the Cardinal Quiddity , in relation to Atheists , denying one single , and from all Eternity constant , Deity . Plato , insooth , hath decreed three orders of Atheists . ( 1. ) A first , which beleeveth no gods at all . ( 2. ) A second , which indeed doth admit of gods ; but such as are incurious of our condition here below , and idle contemners of the trifling affairs of Mortals . ( 3. ) A third , which although it beleeve , that there are gods , and such as are both knowing and observant of the smallest occurences in the World ; yet imagineth them so exceeding merciful , that they are flexile , by the finger of the weakest prayer . And this kinde is most frequent among Christians , and even such , who profess themselves the most perfect in our days : and on this presumption , they dare any thing , and beleeve Religion to be no more but an engine of mature policy , to coerce the people , with the terror of Laws , the obligation of Faith , and the penalty of Hell. For these impose heavy burthens on the shoulders of others , which themselves touch not with one of their fingers ; drain the purses of their disciples , prostitute Heaven for money to dying men , and continually intrude themselves into secular affairs , in regard they opinion , that Religion cannot subsist without State-policy . My highest wish should be , that they had once , though but in a moment , tasted what it is to understand intellectually ; that so they might perceive sensibly , as it were by the touch , the immortality of the Minde . I confess , I have not invented rules or a method , whereby I might be able to illustrate the intellect of another man. I protest therefore justly , that such who ever study , making disquisitions concerning truth , but can never attain the knowledg of it , in respect , being puffed up with Learning , they have no Charity , do foster secret Atheism . But this one mystery I have learned , That the minde doth not at all understand by the mediation of the Phansie , nor by figures and images ; unless the miserable , and afflicting discourse of Reason be annexed ; but when the Soul comprehends her own nature , Reason falls off from her , and the image of her self fails her , by which she might represent her self to her self : therefore the Soul can , by no means , apprehend her self by the discourse of Reason , nor by Images . For after that I had known , that the verity of an Essence , and the verity of the Intellect were one and the same : I certainly knew that the intellect was a certain immortal Entity , far removed from all frail and perishable things . The Soul , indeed , is not perceived ; yet we firmly beleeve her to dwell within us , not to be idle , not to be weary , nor afflicted with diseases . Therefore sleep , madness , and ebriety , are not symptomes of the immortal soul suffering exorbitancy ; but the attendants of life and onely passions of the sensitive Faculty ; since bruits also frequently endure the same passions . For just it is that the immortal Being owe these disturbances to her adligement to caduce and mortal things . For as the minde inhabiteth within us , and yet is not perceived by us : So neither are her continual and uninterrupted operations subject to sensation ; because if they were sensible , verily they could not have been spiritual and meerly abstracted . And although it appear to us , that we understand nothing by the total sequestration and abstraction of discourses from all things corporeal , which can fall under the comprehension of our sense , minde , and intellect ; and that in the very beginnings of our Contemplations : yet really , the Soul doth , all that while , act by her own insensible way , and by an efficacy wholly spiritual : which I thus understood . The penitentiary very often doth not sensibly perceive the effects of his contrition , and with groans deploreth that his insensility : yet being asked whether he would willingly commit a sin , would perchance answer , that he had much rather die . Insensible therefore is the operation of the soul in penitence and confession , being the supernatural effect of Faith : because the intellectual actions are derived from a higher principle , and are clients of a more noble and indesinent Magistracy . And on this ground Mystical Divines lay their Doctrine , That the soul doth more effectually operate , and in her operations more benefit her self , in faith alone , without discourse and cogitation ; then he who prayeth in a multitude of words , and by tedious discourses exciteth compunction in himself . But happy he , who hath obtained that excellent endowment , to perceive these insensile operations of the soul , and by secret emanation to reflect them upon the operations and powers of the sensitive Soul ; since such frequently leave their impresses upon the whole after life , and excite the memory , in faith operating together with grace , for the future . The Libertines of Christianity , and Atheists of the first Classis deride this Article of our Creed , as if the Image of God , in us were onely imaginary , and it a meer traditional fiction that man was fashioned after the similitude of the Deity . But other Atheists of the second and third sort beleeve , not onely that we are created in the Image of God ; but feign also that in our nature there is an identity with the essence of the immense , uncreated Divinity ; and that man doth differ from God in substance no otherwise , then a part doth from the whole , or that which had beginning from that which is non-principiate ; but not at all in point of Essence , or internal propriety . Which besides the Blasphemy , doth comprehend very many and gross absurdities . Since whatever once began is in that very notion a Creature ; and it doth tacitely involve an imperfection in God , to be able to create extra se , without the limits of his own nature , any thing in substance equal to himself : Since truly from Philosophy it is evident beyond doubt , that all the parts of an infinite are infinite , of necessity . The Creature therefore cannot be in substance more infinite , then it hath been in duration equal to its eternal principle : and much less is the Soul of man a part of the Divine substance , or essentially like unto it ; which in power , magnitude , duration , glory , wisdom , &c. in her self , and of her self , is a meer nothing . If therefore she was not made out of God , much less out of her self ; but out of nothing . Infinitely therefore do they wander from truth , who beleeve a quiddity of the Divine Image implanted in the Soul , by an identity of substance : when they are distinguished each from other by infinite disparity ; yea , the soul would at length , of her own accord , be again resolved into that nothing , from whence she began , unless she were constantly conserved in being , by the Divine goodness . Seriously , the damned souls might wish to be resolved into their primitive nothing , which the Divine Justice doth conserve in Being . The Soul , indeed , from the minute of her creation forwards to the future , hath an eternal permanence ; not from her own essence , but from her native eternity , freely conferred upon her by the bounty , and constantly conserved by the providence of her Maker . Suffice it therefore , that the Soul be a spiritual and vital substance ; and a luminous Creature . And since there are many kindes and species of vital lights , this light of the minde differs from all other vital lights , in this , that it is a spiritual and immortal substance ; but all other vital lights are not substances Formal , though they be Forms substantial ; and therefore , by the Chymistry of Death , they are reduced into their ancient nothing , no otherwise then is the flame of a Tapor extinct . But the Minde differs from Angels ; in respect it is framed in the similitude and representative figure of the eternal God , for the soul hath that light and luminous substance from the gift of her Creation , since she her self is that vital light : but an Angel is not that substantial light , nor hath he any light genial and inherent to his essence , but is onely a mirror of the increated light ; and so in this particular falls short of the excellence and perfection of the Divine Image . Otherwise an Angel , since he is an incorporeal spirit , were he luminous from the right of his own essence , would express the Image of God more perfectly then man. Moreover , whatever God doth bestow more love upon , that is more noble : but he hath loved man , much more then the Angels ; for not to the redemption of the Angelical nature did he assume the figure of a Cacodaemon , as the thrice glorious Lamb of God , the Saviour of the world , assumed the nature of a Servant . Nor can this Doctrine be staggered by the opposition of that , The meanest in the Kingdom of Heaven is greater then John the Baptist : For the Son of Man is not inferior , in dignity of essence , to the Angels , though he was pleased to become a little lower then the Angels ; for in the calamitous condition of his life , he was made a little lower then the Angels , as also was John the Baptist. And for this reason , an Angel is constantly called a ministring Spirit : but is no where read a friend of God , the Son of the Father , the delight of the Son of Man , or the Temple of the Holy Spirit , wherein the thrice glorious Trinity takes up his Mansion . For that is the majestick prerogative of the Divine Image , which the Light Eternal doth impress upon every man that comes into this world . In the year 1610 , after a long weariness of contemplation , that I might acquire some gradual knowledg of my own minde , since I was then of opinion , that self-cognition was the complement of wisdom , faln by chance into a calm sleep , and rapt beyond the limits of reason , I seemed to be in a Hall sufficiently obscure . On my left hand was a table , and on it a fair large Vial , wherein was a small quantity of Liquor : and a voice from that Liquor spake unto me : Wilt thou Honor and Riches ? At this unwonted voice , I became surprized with extream amazement . I walked up and down , seriously considering with my self , what this should design . By and by , on my right hand , appeared a chink in the wall , through which a light invaded my eyes with unwonted splendor : which made me wholly forgetful of the Liquor , voice , and former counsel . Then pensively returning to the Vial , I took it away with me ; and attempted to taste the Liquor , but with tedious labor I opened the Vial , and assaulted with extream horror I awakened . But my ancient intense desire of knowing the nature of my soul , in which I had panted uncessantly for thirteen whole yeers together , constantly remained with me . At length , amidst the anxious afflictions of various fortunes , when yet I hoped a Sabbath of tranquillity from the security of an innocent life transacted , in a vision I had the sight of my soul. It was a transcendent light , in the figure of a man , whose whole was homogeneous , actively discerning , a substance spiritual , Crystalline , and lucent by its own native splendor . But enshrined it was in a second nubilous part , as the husk or exterior cortex of it self , which whether it did emit any splendor from it self , I could hardly distinguish , by reason of the superlative fulgor of the Crystalline spirit inshrowded within it . Yet this I could easily discern , that there was no sexual impress , but onely in the cortex or shrine . But the mark of the Crystal was light ineffable , so reflexed , that the Crystal Image it self became incomprehensible : and that not by negation or privation ( since these are terms onely accommodate to our imbecillity ) otherwise then this , that it presented a majestick Ens , which cannot be expressed by words ; yet so finely , that you could not have comprehended the quiddity of the thing beheld . And then was it revealed unto me , that this light was the same , which I had a glimpse of twenty three yeers before . And these things I saw by an intellectual vision ; in my minde ; for had the eye of my body once beheld this resplendent excessive object , it would for ever after have ceased from vision , and consta●…ly have celebrated a blinde mans holy day . And thus my dream discovered unto me , that the beauty of the humane Soul doth far transcend all conception of thought . At that instant I comprehended thus much , that my long desire of seeing my soul was vain and fruitless ; and thereupon I did acquiesce . For however beautiful the Crystalline spirit did appear ; yet my soul retained nothing of perfection from that vision , as at other times she was wont to do after an intellectual vision . And so I came to be instructed , that my minde , in this somnial vision , had as it were acted the part of a third person ; nor was the discovery sufficiently satisfactory to compensate so earnest and insatiate a desire of exploration . But as to the Image of God impressed upon the Soul ; according to my slender capacity , I confess , I could never conceive any thing , whether a body , or spirit , whether in my phansie , or the most pure , and abstracted speculation of my intellect , which in the same act of meditation , did not represent some certain figure , under which it stood objected to my conceptions . For whether I apprehended it by imagining an Idea probably correspondent to its essence , or whether by conceiving that the intellect did transmute it self into the object understood ; still it occurred unto my thought invested in some figure . For although I could familiarly understand the minde under the notion of an incorporeal and immortal substance : yet could I not , while I meditated upon the individual existence of it , consider the same devoid of all figure ; yea , nor so , truly , but it would respond to the figure of a man. Since when ever the soul being sequestred doth see another Soul , Angel , or Cacodaemon , requisite it must be , that she perfectly know , that these are presented to her , to the end she may distinguish a Soul from an Angel , and the Soul of Peter from the Soul of Judas . Which distinction cannot be made by the sense of tasting , smelling , hearing , touching ; but onely by the proper vision of the Soul ; which vision necessarily implieth an alterity or difference of figure . Since an Angel is so far restrained to locality , that at once he cannot possess two different places : in that also there is included as well a figural , as a local circumscription . Thence I considered the minde of man figurated after this manner . The body of man , accepted under that distinct notion , cannot give to itself the figure of a man ; and therefore hath need of an external Sculptor or Delineator , which should be secretly ambuscadoed in the material mass of the seed , and descend upon it from above . Yet this , in so much as it is of a material condition , and far below the fineness of a spiritual nature , cannot derive the plastick or conformative virtue no more from it self , then from the gross mass of the body : necessary it is therefore , that there be some precedent or elder principle , which must be wholly and purely immaterial , yet real , and operative , to which may be justly attributed the power of figuration or delineation , by a sigillary impression upon the Archeus , or Regent Spirit of the Seed . The Soul of the Genitor , therefore , when it descends to visit and relieve the inferior faculties , and makes a progress to survey the Seed , in a paroxysm of carnality , doth upon the mass of seed , engrave and adumbrate the impress and figure of it self , ( which ; in sober truth , is the onely cause of the foecundity of seeds ) and thence is that comely and magnificent structure of the Infant . Otherwise if the Soul were not figurated , but the figure of the body did arise spontaneously : a father maimed in any one member could not beget a son but maimed in the same member ; in regard the body of the Generant hath lost its primitive integrity , and is become imperfect , at least in the implantate spirit of that member . If therefore the figure be impressed upon the seed ; undoubtedly it must receive that image or model from some other more vital and elder principle , alien to it self . But if the soul impress that figure upon the seed , she will not counterfeit an exotick , or strange image ; but accurately pourtray the similitude of her self . For by this means also Beasts , by the souls modelling of her own picture , constantly maintain their species . And although the minde of man , if we relate to its original , far transcend the Laws of Nature ; yet by the same method or way , whereby it first entred the portal of Nature , was incorporated and associated to her , it is constrained to progress in traduction , and is constantly adliged to the observance of her rules and prescriptions ; in this respect , That the progress and end of vital generations is always univocal . Nor otherwise could it want many and gross absurdities , that so excellent an operation , as is the generation of man , should be performed without the consent and cooperation of the Soul. Which if it be thus , it is also of inevitable necessity , that the foecundity be given to the seed by the Soul , by the communication of its figure , and other vital determinations requisite to specification . Which verily doth not come to pass otherwise , then by the sigillation or engravement of the Soul upon the seed , whereby the matter of the seed doth obtain a requisite maturity and adumbrated figure : that at length it may acquire from the Creator the formal light of life , or soul of its species , whose similitude is expressed in the figure . Moreover , we apprehend it as matter of Faith , that our soul is a spiritual substance , that shall never know annihilation : the fabrication of which substance out of nothing belongeth to the Almighty God alone . Who since he hath vouchsafed to adopt onely the soul of man to the Image of himself : it appears also a genuine consequence , that the immense and ineffable God is also of humane figure ; and that by an argument drawn à posteriori , if arguments be of any validity in this incomprehensible subject . Since the body is like wax , whereupon the impression of the image of the Soul is imprinted : but the Soul hath her image and essential perfection from him , whose stamp or similitude she wears . But on consideration that the body of man doth frequently become subject to mutilation and monstrosity ; hence have most Divines conceived that the glorious Image of the Deity is wholly consistent in the Rational Faculty : not at all considering , that the representative Divinity of man doth in a more perfect and proxime relation consist in the Soul , and so in the Body formed after the exemplary character of the Soul ; nor perpending , that the Rational Faculty is but Handmaid and subservient to the Intellect , no part at all of its essence , nor adliged to it by the inseparability of union , or identity : which we have to satisfaction demonstrated in our Treatise , of the Venation of Sciences . Now if any error be in the confirmation of the body , in the womb of the Conceptrix : that error is not adscriptive to any imperfection of the Image of God ; but to the incapacity of the material principles , and other external causes , invading the Plastick virtue of the seed , and perverting its exact delineation of the parts . But the more Learned number of Christians doth hold it of Faith , that the Soul doth proximly express the Image of the Trin-une God , in the univocal simplicity of her substance , and the Trinity of her Faculties , namely , the Intellect , Will , and Memory . Which analogy ever sounded , in the ears of my reason , so ridiculous and empty as an old wives dream ; and improper to make good the proxime , singular , and excellent reflex of the Godhead in the Soul : since the term , Image , doth include a similitude of Essence and Figure , and not onely a bare parity of numbers . Again , if the Soul , in her substance , represent the thrice sacred Deity ; but the Intellect , Will , and Memory reflect the Trinity of Persons : necessary it is that these three faculties are not proprieties , or accidents of the Soul ; but the very univocal substance of the minde ; or else , that the pourtracture doth ill quadrate and respond to the Prototype , or prime exemplar , whose image it is beleeved to be . I considered moreover , that not onely the minde of man , but even the whole man was framed after the Image of God ; and that it was a bloody absurdity to compare the persons of the Trinity to the Memory , or Will : since no person of the most Holy Godhead , can in any latitude of resemblance , represent the Will , nor the Will the Person , none the Memory , or the Memory none ; as also that no one , separated from the other two , can hold any analogy to the Intellect . And then , that the three faculties of the Soul are ever accepted under the notion of Accidents : but , insooth , Accidents fall short of expressing the Image , in any neerer relation , then the naked Ternary of Qualifications , heaped together upon the substance of the Soul. In which sense , the Soul doth express the Image of God far less , then any the smallest piece of wood : which by retrograde Analysis or resolution of it self into its primitive Entities , holdeth forth , Sal , Sulphure , and Mercury : and not onely ( as the Minde in the forementioned similitude , credited by the vulgar ) three diverse proprieties , or a naked Ternary of accidents . For every Wood hath three several substances , comprised under the unity of the concretion , distinct in the supposed Essences of their principles ; but concurring in the composition of the whole , they make onely the single substance of Wood. Taulerus hath divided the Soul , not into three faculties , but two distinct parts , viz. the inferior or outward , which by peculiarity of appellation he denominates the Soul ; and the Superior or inward , which he entitleth the profundity of the Soul , or Spirit ; in which he affirmeth the Image of God to be comprehended , since therein is seated the Kingdom of Heaven , and therefore the Devil can obtain no access unto it . And to each of these parts he hath assigned several acts and proprieties mutually distinct each from other . But alas ! this holy man expungeth that simple homogeneity of the Soul , wherein she ought principally to express the similitude of the Deity : or at least hath hitherto denied the Image of God to be propagated and diffused through , not onely the whole man , but even through the whole Soul. Verily , the ears of my Faith are not easily open to this Doctrine of the Duality of the immortal Soul ; nor the alterity of those two parts : especially when in her essence , the Soul ought to resemble the Image of the most simple Divine Nature . I should much rather assent , that the minde of man doth carry the resemblance of the most immense Godhead , in the most simple unity , and indivisible Homogeneity of spirit , under the symbol of immortality , of indissolution , and identity , beyond all connexion or alterity . Wherefore my assertion is , that the glorious Image of God is neither separate , nor separable from the Soul ; but the very minde is the very Image of God , fully so intimate to the Soul , as the Soul is to her self , that is , the Image of God is the Soul of the Souls essence : and for that reason , that no sober head can conceive or express any the least analogy essential betwixt the supream increated Ens , and the soul of man ; since the nature of Divinity is wholly incomprehensible , and the most subtile thought can never finde any character of identity and unity with God , impressed upon the minde , whereon the similitude should be founded . Sufficient it is , that the minde is a spirit , dearly beloved of God , homogeneous , simple , immortal , created after the Image of the immense Deity , a single Ens , to which death can adde , and from which Death can detract nothing that is proper and genial unto it in the essence of its simplicity . And in regard the Soul , in the primitive constitution and destination of its essence , is participant of beatitude : therefore is damnation supervenient to it by accident , besides the originary decree of Creation , by reason of a succeeding defection . This Semideity , the Soul , thus nobly enriched with science , when once enfranchized from her prison , the body , doth then for ever suspend all use of memory , and no longer makes use of the tedious induction of Reminiscence , intuition of place , or duration ; but being single , in that homogeneal simplicity comprehendeth all things . For which reason , should any Memory remain to the Soul , after her flight from Earth , it would of necessity be not onely frustraneous and useless , but burdensom : when it must eclipse her transcendent actual intellection . And from Reminiscence must arise the same inconvenience ; since that can never be invited into act , but by the circumambages and complex discourse of Reason ; and therefore it possesseth no room in Eternity ; where in the full prospect of verity , without being subject to declination , defatigation or defect , the soul standeth exalted far above the necessity of Recognition . The inference is , that the Soul must be constituted in beatitude ( understand , in her primitive destination ) without the conjunction of the forementioned Ternary of Faculties ; and so in that analogy cannot resemble the Image of the incomprehensible Deity , for the sole representation whereof she was created . Yea , upon a more intimate scrutiny , I do not finde the Memory to be any singular and distinct power of the Soul : but onely the bare manner of recognition . For such , who have shallow memories , to relieve this infirmity do , by the help of the imagination ( Vicegerent to the intellect ) contrive for themselves an artificial memory , and that far more retentive then otherwise their natural memory could have been . Moreover , the Will also taketh an eternal farewel of the Soul in death : why , because it is not essential , but accidentally advenient to the Soul. Since God , so soon as he had finished his Creation of man , constituted him in the absolute power of his own Free Will ; which in sober truth , according to my apprehension , doth plainly import , that the Will is not , by any peculiar manner , essential to the Soul , from the first of her Creation : but onely annexed to her , by way of concession , or trust , as a talent to the hand of a servant ; to this end , that man might have free power to choose what path best liked him , to unravel his life in . Otherwise I deny not , but in the whole scene of things , there can be no one more pernicious then a free and unregulated will , as being that onely , which introduceth all variance and discord betwixt God and man. This faculty , therefore , must be for ever exiled from the beatitude of Eternity : for the liberty of willing being taken away , the will it self doth also of necessity perish ; and of what use can the power of Volition be , when there is no longer remaining any occasion to will ? And on this basis the Schoolmen found their doctrine , that in Heaven the will is confirmed , or rather wholly evacuated by death : that is , the beatified Souls in Paradise , have no power to will , nor will to will , but what is conform to the will of the highest ; and those who are compleat in Charity and Glory , retain no power of willing any thing which is not of Charity . The Will therefore expires , when the liberty of Volition is dissolved ; and by sequel , the Will can be no essential , but temporary and caduce power of the Soul ; since it cannot be of use or advantage to that Soul , which in the consummation of beatitude and highest fruition , hath suffered an utter evacuation of desire and hope : when it can no more be deduced into act , but must be a bare optation , which cannot be admitted in the state of bliss , where is a full satiety and abundant possession of all desiderable good . Sufficient let it be for us ; by the power of Volition in this life , to thesaurize , or make provision for the life to come . Now after this transitory power of Volition is abolished , in the next life there springeth up , and manifesteth it self , a substantial Will , in no respect an alien to the intellect and essence of the minde ; and therefore having a being absolutely distinct from the accidental and variable Will. For as the Imagination is aliened in Phrensies , distracted in perturbations of the Animal Faculty , and eternally suspended at the disunion of the Soul and body : even so is the power of Free Will for ever abrogated by death . And thus I came to beleeve , that the Image of God in man is seated in the spiritual substance of the Soul ; and not in the ternary of its Faculties . In a word , the Analogy stands thus . God is an Ens increate , single , incomprehensible , eternal , infinite , omnipotent , good , a supersubstantial Light and Spirit . But the Soul is a Creature , single , indivisible , dependent , immortal , simple , and from the date of her creation eternal , a substance spiritual and lucid . Finally , in God there can be no accidents : but all and every one of his Attributes are the very indistinct and most simple essence of the Divine Spirit : which Plato his Parmenides in some measure understood . And so the Soul , since she is the representative of God , doth also admit no accident in her nature : but her whole substance must be a simple light , and the very intellect . For as smoak ascending from flame , is in figure and matter the same thing with flame : even so the Soul is the naked , pure , and simple intellect , and the luminous shadow of the increated light . So that as the eye doth behold nothing more truly , and more neerly then the Sun , and all other objects by the Sun : even so the beatified Soul understandeth nothing more neerly then that light , by whose eradiation she is illuminated , and upon which she doth totally and immediately depend . And as the eye of our body cannot endure to gaze upon the excessive lustre of the Sun : so cannot the Soul by intellection comprehend the glorious Essence of God , much less while , in this vale of ignorance , she stands obliged to the obscure mediation of her transitory Faculties . Otherwise the intellect , emancipated from the thraldom of flesh , doth by the act of intellection acquire the figure of the object understood ; in so much as it transformeth it self , by commigration , to that unity of Light , which penetrateth , and by penetrating invigorateth it with beatitude . And thus the Soul doth principally and primarily contemplate the immense Nature of God , in the act of intellection ; and for this end was she created the true and real representative of the Divine Essence . They who opinion the Image of God to be seated in the rational faculty of man , depend upon this Argument . The Law is the Image of God ; but this Law is engraven upon our Souls , by Reason : therefore , is the Soul the Image of God , as she is onely rational . But such consider not , that according to the intent of this Sophism , the Soul , indeed , would contain the Image of God ; but yet the Soul her self would be the Law it self essentially . Which absurdity is too palpable to escape the observation of any , who shall but perpend , how much the Law and the Soul differ in the suppositionality of Essence : and that the constitution and engravement of the Law succeeded the Creation of the Soul. Verily , I abhor metaphorical locutions in serious and abstruse subjects . As if these words , God created man in his own likeness , would naturally bear this onely interpretation , that God gave man the use of reason : and that such who enter this scene of mortality , with native idiotism , or a durable infatuation of reason , about them , have forfeited their plea to this grand prerogative of mankinde , the Image of the immense Deity . Again , to impute the Image of God to Reason , is to prophane and blaspheme the Sacred Majesty of God , as I have amply declared in my discourse of the Venation of Sciences : When there is no adequation of reason to God , no comparison betwixt a transitory and uncertain faculty , and an eternal omniscient substance . But omitting the opinions of other men , I shall presume the liberty to declare my own . The Intellect hath a Will coequal , and substantially united to itself ; not such as may be accounted a power or accident : but the very light intellectual , a substance spiritual , an essence spiritual and indivisible , onely distinguished from the intellect by suppositionality , not reality of essence . Beside these , I finde also in the Soul a third native propriety , which in defect of a more proper appellation , I name Love , or constant Desire ; not of acquisition , possession , or fruition : but of Complacency : which is equally essential to the Soul with the other two , the Intellect , and the intellectual Will , and equally simple in unity of substance . Which Ternary of proprieties meet in the single and indivisible substance of the Soul , and make one perfect unity . But this Love is no act of the will singly ; but proceedeth from the intellect and substantial will together , as a distinct and glorious act : for even in this life , we may love those things , which our understanding concludeth not to be amiable , and which our will adviseth us not to love : and frequently we love objects , that transcend the comprehension of the understanding , and will , as in an Ecstasie both the intellect , and will are suspended , and consopited , during the abstraction of the minde , for so long have they resigned their scepter to Love. Nor is this Love a passion : but an Essence dominant , and an Act glorificant . The Will therefore , and Love , of this place , hold no community at all with the sensual and transitory will of man , or of flesh and blood : in regard they are essential titles , by which ( in our great poverty of words ) we endevour to demonstrate , wherein the minde of man doth represent the Image of God : forasmuch as the intellect enfranchised from the body doth intuitively understand , intend , and from the abyss of the minde , love God , in one entire and never-discontinued act of love , or desire of complacency , according to the simplicity of her substance . But so long as we sojourn in walls of flesh , we come not so neer beatitude , as once to use our substantial and purely Intellectual intellect ; but most of our obscure cognition of any Entity is derived from the information of Phansie , which , as Viceroy , usurpeth the throne of the intellect . For ( as before ) in an ecstatical rapture , the intellect , will , and memory keep holiday , and are as it were lost in a somnolent inactivity ; the ardent act of Love onely remaining vigorous and operative : yet so distinct from the three former , that it cannot subsist without the intellect , and substantial will ; since , when the Soul is totally homogeneous in her substance , she would plainly lose that her absolute simplicity , if any one of the three could subsist without essential dependance on the other . Love therefore , while the other two proprieties continue bound up in an Ecstatical slumber , doth as it were ascend to the superficies : or rather , in terms of neerer similitude , the other two are as it were imbibed and overwhelmed in Love. While we sojourn in the Tents of Kedar , in this vale of misery , Love is elder then Desire ; because it is a passion of the Amatory Faculty , which proceedeth from that suppositionality of the Soul ( which is true love indeed ) and representeth the idea or resemblance of the corporeal Faculty : and hence is it , that all the affections are , by invincible propensity , rapt on to irregularity and confusion . But in the Citizens of New Jerusalem , this Love knows no priority , or distinction from Desire : neither is it a Faculty , nor Habit , nor Act of willing , nor subsisteth without the Intellect . And thus the Intellect is a formal Light , and the very substance of the Soul , whose Cognition is perfect by intuition , without the help of eyes , which discerneth , willeth , and desireth , in the unity of it self , whatever it comprehendeth within it self , and judgeth by volition . Nor doth it then any longer remember by a repetition of the species , or in age of the object once known ; nor is it any more induced to the cognition of an Essence , by circumstances : but then becometh the onely and exact cognition of all intelligible objects , and the intuitive aspect , within it self . Yet so , that it knows one object more presentially then another , while the Intellect reflecteth it self upon the objects understood , in the distinct Unity of Verity : even as it frequently happens in the artifical Memory , where that recordative memory is no distinct act from the inductive judgment of the intellect . And will this not be more genial and proper to the minde , when once delivered from the tedious , turbulent , and complex way of understanding by the imagination ? Nor can the stability of these our assertions be shaken by this objection , that frequently in exorbitances of the Brain , the Memory doth perish , and yet the Judgment continue firm and sound ; and on the contrary , the Judgment doth suffer impairment and desolation , and yet the Memory conserve its integrity and tenor , as many Drunkards perfectly remember all passages as well before , as in and after their Wine : in regard these are Heterogeneal Faculties of the sensitive Soul , seated in distinct provinces of the body , and subject to intension and remission according to the exact and irregular temperament of the Organs . And to inanimate Creatures also , according to our observation , there undeniably belongeth a kinde of imperfect and obscure cognition of their particular objects : as also a blinde sense and dull affection of the most convenient and adaequate ; which Creatures have , for this determinate election of their determinate objects , lately acquired the name of Sympathetical : and this dark perception of the most accommodate objects , serveth them in stead of the sense of Vision , and faculty of reason . Besides this , there is also implanted in these inanimate sympathetical Creatures a certain Virtue , or Vital endowment , of infallible valor , and energy ; as to those ends ordained by the Creator . There is also a third power conferred upon Creatures of this qualification , resulting from the conspiracy , and coefficiency of the two former : which sitteth as a silent Counsellor , and dispenseth commands to them , either to advance towards the amiable and ●…eneficial , or retreat from the offensive and harmful object . In which the most blear-ey'd reason cannot but behold a certain natural sensation , or affection of determinate objects : yea , and what is more , a dislike and aversation . Which Climax , or threefold degree of nonintellectual cognition , is more manifest in the most stupid sorts of Insects , as also in Fools and Mad men ; who are no subjects to the prudent scepter of the Intellect , but subordinate to the doller advisoes of sense , and conform to the provocations of onely visual light . And yet in these there is moreover a second power , or act of their virtues specifical and functions vital : for the onely exercise whereof they were ordained . And thirdly , there is comprehended in them a far more conspicuous act of Address or Application , and Aversation or Avoidance : which ariseth from the instinct of their Forms . All which natural proprieties do yet more powerfully declare themselves in sensitive Creatures : for to these belongeth a certain sensitive Imagination , with a gradual discourse of obscure reason , which supplieth their defect of an Intellect , and is more or less resplendent and conspicuous in every single species : so that sagacity , voluntary election , and memory in such fall under the apprehension of a comparative intellect : their objects being yet changed , according to the variety of matter , propense to variations , distinctions , and singularities . Moreover , in such there is an emanative or effluxive power collaterally annexed to their virtues ; whereby their Souls are more or less propense to the exercises of their element , benign , and wholsom , or wilde and destructive endowments , or qualities essential . And finally , they are enriched with a native desire of complacency , of abhorrence or dislike , and of concupiscence , immediately ensuing upon their consideration of the good or evil of the object : which power or propensity is so firmly counited to the sensitive soul , that it seems almost impossible to observation , that any man should at once see two strange persons together , and not instantly become more affected to one then the other . And these things , which are sufficiently operative even in meerly Corporeal and inanimate natures , of confessed efficacy in sensitive , and in both admit of more or less acuteness , according to the obedient or refractary predisposition of the recipient : cannot but be , for the same reason , of more clarified and sublime energy in man. Finally , it is not the sense of our thoughts , that the Image of God in man should fall under such gross disparagement , as to be considered as dependent on any Ternary of Faculties ; which naturally belongeth also to other inferior natures in this scene of the world . Because the dignity of the Image of the most glorious Jehovah is not , in any the largest latitude of Analogy , participated by any other Creature whatever : since the Divine Image is peculiarly radicated in the humane Soul , and equally proper to it with its very essence : but all other proprieties of the Soul are not of the essence of the Minde ; but productions and subsequent acts . Nor can it stand with the Majesty of the Divine Image , to be desumed from so poor an original as qualities ; for the proprieties and excellencies of all other created forms concur , and are as it were colliquated or melted together into the essence of the Soul , by virtue of the Divine Image . But if these be accounted as attributes and productions : that must be charged upon the miserable manner , and customary abuse of understanding , according to the capacity of the Vulgar . For in equitable truth , the minde is one single act , pure , simple , formal , homogeneous , and indivisible ; in which the Image of God doth subsist proximely and essentially . So that in this Image , all faculties do not onely lay aside the nature of Attributes : but also collect and binde up their suppositionalities into an unity indistinct . Why , because the Soul is a certain substantial light within her self ; or a substance so lucid , that in suppositionality of essence , it cannot be distinguished from the very light : and her intellect is so the light of the Minde , that the very Minde is the meer lucid intellect . And in this self-light the Minde , once uncaptived from the opacity of flesh and blood , doth wholly and intimately survey it self , and understand its own nature : and therefore hath no need either of brain or heart ; in which material Organs , the substance of the Minde doth seem to stoop unto the assumption of the progeny or stock of proprieties ; that is , the Soul is diffused or emissively expansed into several transitory Faculties . To speak more plainly ; in the body , when the Intellect is abstracted in speculation , it makes use of corporeal Organs , to which it is obliged : and assumes a certain Virtue qualitative , called Imagination ; which from the conjunction or society of the power phantastical , and concurrent splendor of the intellect , suffering some degradation in the Organs , springeth up , by a certain combination , into the forementioned qualitative Faculty . And hence comes it to pass , that this Faculty groweth weary by long and intense Imagination , seemeth wholly vanquished by difficult , knotty , and abstruse meditation , and frequently submits to dementation or madness : nay , as the observation of Physicians telleth us , with one nights pensive study , and anxiety of thought , the hair of young heads hath put on the silver Livery of old age . But the minde , once emancipated from the pedantism of flesh and blood , is never weary with continued intellection . Moreover , the Imagination in this life is not onely subject to lassation : but from the magazine of it self hath not any intellective species , which it hath not drawn in from sensible objects . And therefore the Intellective Faculty , which concurreth and cooperateth with the phantastical function of the Sensitive Soul , followeth the constitution or temperamental disposition of the Organ , and arbitrary dictates of the Sensitive Life : no otherwise then in Naturals the effect followeth the weaker part of their Causes . But the Soul , whatsoever is requisite for Cognition , Commemoration , or Volition , either for one single act , or many , hath wholly from it self , and borroweth it from no other forein Causality concurrent . For the good substantial Will of a Soul advanced to beatitude , ariseth not from the object understood : but from the radical goodness of her own Formal love , which is , indeed , no proper passion of the soul , no habit , no propension , nor any quality ; but a substantial act of goodness , by which the blessed Soul is substantially , univocally , and homogeneally , not qualitatively good . And this prerogative it enjoyeth , because it is the Typical Image of Divinity . But bodies , of their own accord , perpetually fall into the attributes of forms , heterogeneity , vicissitudes , and at length into dissolution . Therefore Love or Desire of the Minde , is no function of the Appetitive faculty : but is a part of the substantial Minde , or rather the very Minde it self , flowing from the Intellect and Will. Which three are , by the hand of the Creator , married indissolubly into an eternal unity , in the purest and most absolute identity and simplicity of substance . Yet in Mortals they are separate and distinct , as well in respect of the necessity of Organs , and disparity of functions ; as the collateral society and conjunctive operation of the Sensitive Soul : Since now we frequently desire those things , which the Intellect judgeth not desiderable , and the Will would wish never to enjoy . But necessary it is that such things , whose operations are different , should be also different in the root of their Beings , by a manner of distinction , whereby each single nature is separated from others : in the Minde truly by a Suppositionality relative : in the Sensitive Soul , according to the corporeal and qualitative nature . And therefore that amorous desire of the Minde , is the radical essence of the Soul , consubstantial and coaevous to it . So though in Heaven be a satiety and perpetual fruition of all desiderable good : yet doth not this desire of the Soul therefore cease , which is a constant study of Complacency : nor doth it more infer a passion into the Minde , then Charity it self ; since Love and Charity are in the Soul radically one and the same thing . Otherwise should this desire cease , and the ardor of Love suffer extinction , either a satiety or insensility of fruition would instantly spring up ; which cannot consist with a state of full beatitude , and would infer discord upon the calm and constant harmony of a Soul once admitted into the Chorus of Saints triumphant . And thus this Desire is the incendiary that doth both kindle and maintain the flames of interminable delectation , and joyes insatiate and inextinguishible ; in which consideration the Soul wears the resemblance of the Holy Ghost the Comforter . Now manifest it is , that in the Minde , the Intellect , Will , and Love are substantially counited : but in the sensitive Soul , their operations are distinguished , according to the determinate alterity of Faculties and their Organs ; when we understanding many objects , we do not desire , and desire many we hardly understand , and such indeed as our will , if let to the swinge of its own native propensity , would decline the enjoyment of ; as in example , we will what we desire not , when we willingly submit to the stroke of the Executioner : and desire what our will abhors , when we call for the dismembring sawe of the Chirurgeon , and gladly embrace the horror of amputation . Whence it comes to pass , that sometimes the Will giveth laws to the desire ; and on the contrary , frequently the desire usurpeth the scepter and commands the Will : So that these two Lords mutually vanquish and succeed each the other , by vicissitudes . Which Civil War must so long continue in these our walls of flesh , as the sensitive Soul draweth and engageth the Intellect , and the body draweth and engageth the sensitive Soul , into a multiplex and various ataxy or irregularity of division . And from this intestine Duello arise those absurd desires of objects impossible to be obtained , and wishes of things in the present tense , which the unalterable Grammar of Time hath made in the preterperfect , and excepted from ever being declined in the future . But this Desire , enshrined in the substance of the Soul , must be of the essence of the Minde : Otherwise he could not commit a sin , who looked upon a woman to lust after her , before the plenary consent of the Will. Our desires therefore are elemented and coyned in the mint of mortal and caduce faculties ; which seated in the Sensitive Soul , rival the operations of the immortal and rational : whose objects are many times rejected by the Will as inconvenient and ungrateful . As to the manner also , the desire , in this life , operateth one way , and the Will another : and in the narrow circle of a day , sometimes the desire precedeth the Will , and anon again the Will getteth the start of the Desire , and one subdueth the other successively , that the victor may restrain and coerce something distinct from it self : and this wholly in the transitory faculties ; because each ariseth from the concupiscence of the Sensitive Soul. But in the glorious denizens of Paradise , this excellent Love , or amorous Desire , feeleth a resurrection and brighter ascension , as being the luminous substance of the Soul : for there is nothing desired , which is not also the full object of the Will : and that is collected into an unity , as well in regard of the act , as of the substance : although Volition and Optation seem two diverse branches expansed from one root ; which far transcendeth the manner and method of intellection in those , who have not yet confessed their dust . Lastly , in man is situate the Kingdom of God , that is the very Deity it self , by whose perpetual splendor all things are collected into the unity of verity . The Image of God therefore is primarily in the minde of man , whose very essence is no other then the very Image of God. Which Image falleth not under the comprehension of the most subtile thought , nor can be expressed by any the most significant words , in this vale of ignorance : in regard it is the mirror of the incomprehensible Divinity ; and hence also is it , that the soul while immured in this cloyster of flesh , cannot reach the knowledg of her own nature , but must remain a stranger to it self . But in the Cortex or shrine of the Minde , the sensitive and vital Form , this Image of Divinity is visible by reflexion , as being relucent in the Faculties : yet suffering a great allay of splendor from the opacity of the body ; because obumbrated by the cloud of brutal generation , and infected with mortality and pollution by the inquination of our nature faln from its primitive purity : by reason whereof the body hath not received the Image , but at second hand borrowed onely the Figure of the Deity . But alas ! the miserable Minde , devolved into outward darkness , as it hath divorced it self from an unity with the Light uncreate , and infringed the originary energy of this Image of Divinity : so also hath it lost the primitive light of that Image , by the bold appropriation of it as justly proper to it self by the title of merit ; so that ever since the fall it can understand , will , or love no object besides it self , and in order to it self . For the damned shall arise from the dead unchanged : because their bodies , in the resurrection , shall receive their determinations from their souls , which since they appear with all their depraved affections , reflected onely on themselves , after a corporeal manner ; they shall not , in the resurrection , represent the Image of God , being as it were suffocated within them , unless in that corporeal similitude derived from Adam , the Protoplast , by the means of generation ; that is , they shall have no more of the Image of God , then what is weakly and darkly reflected in the figure of the body . Lastly , the Soul ( understand onely such , as is excluded the New Jerusalem ) being once faln , by the horrid Cataract of death , upon the privation of those assistant Faculties , the Imagination , Memory , and Will ; doth for ever after understand , will , and love all objects , by a blinde apprehension , addicted onely to it self . For it knoweth its own immortality , becometh sensible of its damnation , and with secret murmurs complaineth of it , as an act of high injustice done upon it . Because all the bent and scope of its love is onely to defend its excuses for sins , secretly to recriminate upon the hand of Justice , by palliating the guilt of Crimes , as if committed in the days of ignorance and innocence , with great fragility of nature , many crafty wiles and treacherous invitements of our three Adversaries , the World , Flesh , and Devil , and the defect of Grace sufficient to encounter such forcible temptations : and that an eternal punishment ( as far beyond all patience to endure , as all flux of time to end ) cannot according to the laws of Justice be due for a momentany transgression . And at this it burneth with blasphemous rage and furious hatred against God : chiefly because it is too well ascertained , that the judgment can never be reversed by any replea of error , nor the arrest taken off by any reprieve , till the impossible period of eternity ; all hopes of evading the uncessant scourge of Gods wrath being for ever cut off in despair . Thus the impossibility either of evasion or cessation being as long lived as Eternity , the Caitiff soul , plunged in a deluge of desperation that shall never know an ebbe , from the first minute of her disunion from the body , passeth into an abyss of horror ; where shall be no piety , no compassion , no consolation , no relaxation , and no redemption or revocation . To which sad truth we may adde , that since the intellect doth naturally transform it self into the idea of the object understood ( which the ancient Ethnick Philosophers well knew , and elegantly blended under the parabolical fiction of Proteus ) that is , into the full similitude of those cursed Devils and Spirits created for revenge , that are ever objected unto it : Hence is the Soul contiually possessed with an high hatred of God , and his blessed Army of Saints and Angels ; together with desperation , malediction , damnation , and the vindictive tortures of those infernal executioners . O may the Mercy of Omnipotence , upon the sole motive of his own infinite goodness and clemency , vouchsafe to break those snares laid in all the paths of our life , to precipitate us into this misery , that must finde neither remedy , release , nor end . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43289-e280 * Plutarchus , in Ep. ad Phav●…rinum , de Frigore Primigenio . * In sua d●…ssertatione de Met●…odo Veritatis in Scientiis investigand●… , p. 10. Notes for div A43289-e1500 The breath of God , by an easy Metaph. * Gen. 2. ver . 7. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. * In ●…ami●… ▪ Blas Humanum nuncupato . 17. * Lege Guidon . pa●… . 2. Chirurg . par . cap. 9. Amb●…os . Paraeum lib. 18. cap. 28. Joh. Andr ▪ 〈◊〉 Cruce , de vuln●…r . tract . 2. l. 〈◊〉 . c. 〈◊〉 . Fallop . de Vulner . c. 14. Jero . Fabric ab Aquapendent . l. 2. c. 24. S●…mert . l. 5. part . 〈◊〉 . sect . 1. cap. 9. 18. * Consule Agricolam , lib. 3. de Natura Fossilium , p. 212. Fallop . lib. 4. de Aquis Medicat . cap. 8. Dioscorid . l. 5. cap. 68. 19. * Ad sinem tract . Butl●… ▪ 20. 21. * Hinc corpus Paris , i. e. Naturae universae , el●…gantissimè depingitur hirsutum , propter rerum radios ; radii enim sunt tanquam Naturae crines , sive villi , atque omnia se●…è v●…l magis v●…l minus radiosa sunt : quod in facultate visus est manifestissimum ; nec minus in omni virtute & operatione ad distans . Quicquid enim operatur ad distans , id etiam radios emittere rect●… dici potest , &c. F●… . Bacon . de sapient . veterum , fab 6. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. * Non ra●…ò , quasi sympathia quadam occulta , integrae familiae eodem tempore inficiebantur : Imò vidimus non nullas familias longissimè à se invicem dispersas , & in diversis locis habitantes , eodem ferè tempore , exitialissimis hujus tyranni spiculis gravitèr afflictas , & ●…ere deletas fuisse . Diemerbroeck de Peste . cap. 4. Ita etiam Evagrius , Histor. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 28. resert , in Peste Antiochena , certas familias prorsus interiisse , salvis manentibus interim reliquis Urbis incolis . Causa verò dependet ab arcana quadam dispositionis similitudine , quam inter se habent , quae apta est ad pestem r●…ipiendam . 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. * In libro de Scorbuto , cap. 2. * Praestantique intellectui 〈◊〉 actionem , t●…quam viro soeminam , subdidisti . In Soliloq . 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. * Testimonio St. Anthonii , per B. Jeronymum descripto , Paulus Anachoretarum primus , in Divorum numerum est relatus . Ejusdem quoqu●… relatu , Faunus l●…gitur Animal loquens rationale : Imò Deum Naturae & Christianorum cognoscens , cole●…s , & supplicans Antonium , ut pro se atque suis Deum oraret . Constat inprimis , hunc Faunum non fuisse hominem ●…x monstrosa figura : neque Cacodaemonem , quòd hic adeo superbiat , ut ne quidem , si sciret se salvari posse prece , v●…llet rogare , ut aliquis pro se oraret , neque se prosterneret pro impetranda venia ▪ * Mu●…s Notes for div A43289-e6370 * Allus ad Her. m●…m Trismeg . & vocab . Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Belgis . Notes for div A43289-e8410 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. * Consule supplementum insra . 22. 23. * Alii scribunt Taliacotius . 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. * Fur. 42. 43. 44. * Quid velit Author per haec nova & inaudita nomina , ex cabalistico . Paracelsi vocabulario mutuata ▪ explicatum invenies infra , in nostro supplemento . 45. * Est stola S. Huburti , in arca , sex diversis clavibus obserata , a diversis quoque clavigeris custodita . Quotamus autem praescindunt stolae illius partem , remanente interim stolâ semper integrâ , ab octingent is jam & amplius annis . Nec est imposturae locus , quod nesciatur bodie , an stola sit ex bysso , lana , lino , vel bombace , adeoque nec posset quotannis nova substitui . Praescindunt autem de stola partem , ut filamentum singulis demorsis à rabido , intra cutim frontis incarnent . Inde enim aliud miraculum . Quod qui semel suscepto filamento è stola , per ritus suos convaluit , potest alteri demorso differe terminum , & sopire rabiem adventantem , per quadragenarias , idque in annos aliquot , dum tandem suo commodo adire queat S. Hubertum . Ea tamen sub conditione , ut tantillum si quis supra 40 dies expectet , nec prorogationem termini ante impetraverit , confestim in rabiem incidal deploratam . Haec Mystagogus omnibus , quotquot devotionis ergô peregrè sunt prosecti , hospitibus ; elat●… supercili●… , praedicat . Sed viris emunctioribus potius olent fraudem , quam veritatem Christianismo dignam . * 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. * In exemplari Elzeviriano legit●…r , instar Jonae : sed ex incuria typographi literam I pro zmutatam esse conjeci ; eo quòd metaphora Jonae , civitatem Niniven circumambient is , è nimis longinquo esset petenda . Mores etiam animalium pro locorum qualitate differ●…e , venenaque serpentum , vel mitiora , vel asperiora effici , asserit Stagyrita , de hist. Animal . lib. 8. cap. 29. 51. * The City Trent , on the North side of Italy . * The Metropolis of Boeotia , in our age called Stibes or Stiber , situate in longitude 50. in latitude 38. 52. * Principe Salisburgensi . * Aliis Philippus Aureolus Paracelsus , ut idem Helmont . in tract , de lithiasi . * Alii erogavit , vel ordinavit : ut Adamus Melchior , in vitis medicorum German . 53. 54. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. a Venti regionales . sunt enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Venti communes , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , particulares seu Vernaculi ; ut Hippocrat . lib. de Aere & locis . b Depending upon a forain motor , for a regularlty of motion . 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. Diagramma hujus instruments extat in lib 4. de Magnete . 66. 67. 68. Haec de Allectivae virtutis Magnetis , ex allio ei affricto , consopitione , aliorum potius ex relatione , quam side autoptica , scripsisse , meritò censeatur Helmontius . Sienim experientiam ●…ac de re semelsalem consuluisset , primo iindubitanter reperisset aspectu , quod nedum ferrum , igne reverberiicandens , & mox succo allii extinctum , haud obscuram nihilominus verticitatem , ex terra , acquirat , australemque versorii , magnete invigorati , extremitatem strc●…è sat suos in amplexus rapere possit : ast etiam , quod dens magnetus , succo allii altè imbutus , ferreos acus , codem succo , usque dum crassiorem rubiginem contraxcrint , inebriatos , promptè se 〈◊〉 allicere valeat . 69. 70. * Ratio que ab evidenti rei obscurae cognitionem affert . Haec ratiocinatio fit comparatione & praeceptione causarum efficientium per similitudines . ut Galen . in lib. ad Thrasybulum . 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. * Nectromantia est species quaedam manganiae , qua defunctorum manes , vel potius daemones sub eorum specie larva●…i , strygum incantationibus excitati ad revelanda arcana ex orco evocantur : ut temsore Saulis , & Sexti Pompeti apud Lucanum . * In tractatu ejus de Venatione Scientiarum . 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. * Cabala vel Cabalia , idiomate Chald●… orum est occultissima scientia , quae divinitù , unà cumlege Moysi traeditasertur , non scriptis , sed vi va voce , & patribus a●…riculariter traducta asserentibus etiam Rabbis Hebraeis , cujus Persae diligentissimi cultores atque praefossores extuer●…nt . Grae cireddunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. * Coma vigit , by others Typhomania & sopor delirans , is a symptome or depravation of the internal senses , wherein the sick are oppressed with an inexpugnable propensity to sleep , and yet cannot , by reason of various images and phantasms crowding into the imagination , and perturbing their slumbers . Vid. Sennert . in Institut . * Catoche , or Catalepsis , is 〈◊〉 violent symptome of the Animal Faculty , wherewith who is surprized , remains deprived of all sense and arbitrary motion , and rigidly congealed like a statue in the same posture , wherein he was first in●…aded , Consule Jul. Caesar. Scaliger . Exerc. 3 12. Hoc admirandum sanè symptoma , ex eo oriri videtur , quod sensorium commune , sive Conarion , & interdum etiam partes ei vicinae , multis occupentur humoribus , dum reliquum cerebrum ab iis minus est affectum . Hinc enim nullus objectorum motus ab anima in hoo affectu percipi potest : & spiritus in cerebr●… saetis copiosè quidem geniti , sed determinationem in alias partes non accipientes , in cosdem musculos , in quos antea erant determinati , perpetuo sl●…t , corpúsque in eodem statu retinent . Nullo autem modo a Congelatione spirituum , quod vulg●… Medentum docet , fieri potest : Illa enim cerebri subsidentiam , ●…er vorumque compressionem , & hinc Apoplexiam potius iaduceret . 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. * A derivative from Hydrophobia , a fear of water , which is a symptome of the Animal Faculty , or alienation of reason introduced from the peculiar propriety of the venome of a mad dog . The reason of this strange accident Physicians refer either to the occult quality of the venome , by secret and specifical ●…ermentation of the blood subduing the imagination to this absurdity ; like as the sting of the Tarantula , operating chiefly on the seat of reason , the brain , alienates the Phansie , and so infatuates the minde , that the patient dances to death , if not cured by harmonious musick ; or to the imagination of the patient , from the remembrance of the occasion of his harm , a dog , perpetually fixt upon and troubled with the image of a dog , so that he conceives the apparition of a dog in the water , or liquor presented to him , and therefore abhors to drink it . Examples of this are recorded by Aetius , Tetrab . 2. cap. 24. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. * Marsil . Ficinus , in vita Platon . * Boeoti enim , apud antiquos , stol●…ditatis & stupiditatis nomine male audierunt , de quo Horat. in Epist. Boeotum in crasso jurares cere natum . 1. Bismuthum . * Vide Caesal●…in . lib. 2. de metall . cap. 54. * Dornaeus in diction●… . Para●…ls . * In his Book of Natural Baths , and Mineral Waters . * Libavius in syntagma●… . Arcan . Chymic . lib. 2. cap. 24. in commentar . ad finem . 2. Throni . 3. Thereniaben . 4. Nostoch . In dictionario Paracelsi . 5. Nebulgea . 6. Laudanum . * In lib. , 1. cap. 110. * Prodit Porta , lib. 12. Mag. natural . cap. ult . in ag●…o Patavino , non procul ab oppiao Atestino , repertam suisse urnam sictilem , intraquam crat altera urnula & intra eam lucernula adhuc ardens , quâ rusticis manibus unprudenter prosu●…â & ruptá , mox evanuit slamma . vide ●…tiam C●…sium de minera . lib. 3. cap. 7. Sect. 20. * Consule Libavium in examine Philosophiae no●…ae , an magia Paracclsica possit probari , &c. c. 6. pag. 5. * In Libr. de vit . Medic. Ge●…man●… . Ignem aethcrea domo subductum , vocat Hor. lib. 1. Ca●…min . Od. 3. I. * De hoc enim constat , quod de herb●…m lectione multa superstiosa commentus sit : vtluti , ut Card●… benedictus catarrho●…sistat , sodiendus in vigilia Johan . Bap. ●…ost solis occasum retiocedendo : & tunc sorlasse ad aulam Maximil venit illud quoque V●…tum ●…itulo Paracelsi . 2. 3. * Civili viz. mensura , quarum una est librarum circiter sesquitrium aut trium : aliàs sextarius est imciarum ostodecim , & respondet cambaro Rotemburgo tubarino . 4. 5. Notes for div A43289-e36930 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. Notes for div A43289-e38140 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 
A52075	----	Answers upon several heads in philosophy first drawn up for the private satisfaction of some friends : now exposed to publick view and examination / by William Marshall, Dr. of physick of the colledge of physicians in London. Marshall, William, 17th cent. 1670 Approx. 330 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 133 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A52075 Wing M809A ESTC R32413 12673620 ocm 12673620 65524 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52075) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65524) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1531:3) Answers upon several heads in philosophy first drawn up for the private satisfaction of some friends : now exposed to publick view and examination / by William Marshall, Dr. of physick of the colledge of physicians in London. Marshall, William, 17th cent. [24], 237 p., 2 folded leaves of plates : ill. Printed by T.L. for Nathaniel Brooke ..., London : 1670. Errata on preliminary p. [23] Pages 1-14 bound out of order. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Simon Charles Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Simon Charles Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ANSWERS upon several heads in Philosophy , FIRST Drawn up for the private satisfaction of some Friends ; now exposed to publick view and examination . By William Marshall , Dr. of Physick of the Colledge of Physicians , in London . Dij bene fecerunt in opis me , quodque pusilli . Finxerunt animi , raro & per pauca loquentis : . Hor. LONDON , Printed by T. L. for Nathaniel Brooke , at the Angel in Cornh●● near the Royal Exchange and at Gresham Colledge . 1670. To the right Honorable William , Lord Viscount Bronker President , and the rest of the learned members , of the Royal Society . To the Incomparably learned Dr. Francis Glisson President , and the rest of the learned fellows of the , Colledge of Physicians in London . To the worthily famous Professors of Gresham Colledge in London . The Author wisheth all happines , submitting these his Philosophical answers to their grave censure . THe things here presented , and which shall be hereafter presented of the like nature , will vindicate mee from both suspition in you , and expectation in the Reader , of a dedicatory piece of flattery : I every where manifestly using a Philosophical freedome . 〈…〉 so ill a servant either to 〈◊〉 Honours , or to noble truths , which are the choice food of refined minds , to make this address unto you for the protection of any thing which may deserve a black censure . Let every line bear its own fate in its own bosom . Only being well assured , that these things in difference , and thus discussed between me and some friends ; as they have been contrarily taught by persons worthily had in singular veneration , both in the present and former ages ; so they concern some heads of Philosophy , which are of no small consequence unto true learning ; and besides , lying deeper in the pit of obscurity then the first fadom , they ought to receive the ablest decision ; I knew not therefore how more candidly to strip my self of any concern pervicatiously to defend any thing in these papers , then by laying them and their fate at the feet of so noble and able Judges . Possibly the thanks of private friends may have begot in me a 〈◊〉 opinion of some of these things the● they may deserve : your judgment may correct the errour of their indulgence . As all that desire to learn , ought to wait upon you and your honourable societies , as being together with the famous Universities and our Law Colledges , I mean our Innes of Court , as the soul and spirits of the Nation ; so these Papers wait upon you , not presuming in the least to inform , but submissely craving rather to learn of you what they ought to think of themselves : according to the noble method of Philosophy in some of your societies lately instituted and pursued , not seeking for a precarious allowance , as a Rogue and Felone may find refuge and safety at an holy sanctuary ; but ( however without the overweening dotage of self opinion ) either by their own fair truth and clearness to be justifyed , or else willingly to embrace the flames , which their errours have deserved . I know you will pardon the hasty rude dresse , or rather nakednes , ( best suiting the pursuances of truth ) in which these Answers to the questioning letters of some private friends , were first of all conceived : which without falsiifyng could not afterwards be altered : and their highest ambition then was only private satisfaction , though now , except I will leave those , for whose satisfaction they were first written , unsatisfied , they must proceed to put themselves upon the test for publick , either justification , or disallowance . The which I am the more easily perswaded to , observing it a method allow'd and practiced both by antients and moderns to preserve and deliver scattered points of Philosophy by way of Dialogues and Epistles . And indeed this method hath this special advantage in it ; we may in a word present what we have to say that is new , without loading the Reader with an unsavoury crambe , which hath been a thousand times before in the press . As if these paters be able , which I leave to your serious censure , to justify themselves : it is scarce possible for them to fall into the hands of any Reader , who shall not herein , if he read them diligently and with understanding , find , not only somewhat which is new , but as well that is memorable , and beyond all doubting , certain , and perhaps neither by himself formerly thought of , nor possibly every where in that vast Ocean of Books , which are in the world , to be met with . In these philosophical oppositions , till I be called to account , I have for the honour I bear them , spared those great and venerable names both moderns and antients , which I have herein opposed : it being my method in private , to pursue what is publickly in you exemplary Viz. to weigh controversies and questions in philosophy , not by parties and factions , time and continuance , or number and opinion , but as near as possibly I can , by observing how the scales bear between the opposite reasons : and I wish the method might be so happy , as to become more common . For the same reasons I have suppressed the names of my ingenious friends , in opposition to some of whose thoughts these things were first of all written . Every day make your names more illustrious for clearness of judgment in the mysteries of nature . Being the desire of all , and doubtless expectation of most and particularly of your Orator and servant William Marshal . To his worthy and learned friends with whom these things were first debated ; the Authors apology for the publication of these his papers . TO some of you the name of an Apology might seem almost unintelligible , or little less then mockery : your interest being no less in the birth , then in the first conception of these philosophical discourses . Your quaerying curiosity at first impraegnated the mind , with what your present importunity will not rest without committing to the Press . To the rest of you , my wish is , that with the favour of others , I might not have stood in need of this Apology . However let not the publication be mis-construed , as if I accounted all here debated to be peremptorily concluded , or all that I have opposed , conquered . The yet dissenting of several of you from several of the things here by me own'd , might make a more hardy confidence then , I hope , I shall ever be guilty of , ●o become modestly jealous of its own judgment . If the things here made publick should not be able to indure the piercing aire of this knowing age , however our free and mutual intercourse upon such and the like philosophical doubts cannot want its justification . The publishing sometimes of a mistake is an occasion of leading others into the right way . And because every one cannot see cross the Mediterranean , we are not therefore to walk either with hooded eyes , or to dis-own the seeing of any thing at all , or what appearances things make unto us . Though the mind , which is the souls bed , be neither in all of the samesize , nor in all equally luminous , or conceptive , yet each is equally concerned diligently according , to the proportion of his window , to take a view of the goodly scenes of nature . In these things't is better to erre then to be idle : as I am sure you are equally perswaded with Your faithfull friend and servant WILLIAM MARSHAL . TO THE READER . THe publishing these papers hath now made thee my judge and censor : and they were no otherwise designed , but for every one freely to exercise his judgment about them . Most of these Problemes are more frequently upon the Anvile then they are found easily malleable into fair , clear , doubtless conclusions . Therefore if we misse the goale , it is but allowing one more in these sublime things to run a planetary course . I shall in a word tell the worst , which can justly be laid to their charge ; some of the few things here discoursed , have left the commonly troden path ; not as affecting novelty , against which upon other oc●asions I appear for the antients , but as chusing to follow reason rather then the name of any Authour . First therefore examine their reasons , and then give unbiassed judgment for the truth ; which for the truths sake I shall be ready to accept , though against me . For if those to whom and against whom , though in a vayled way , these papers were first written , are supposed not to be exempted from errour , there is no room left but only for weak minds in these secrets of nature to arrogate unto themselves an infallibility . If any complain of obscurity , as both hast , and brevity , and the subject matter , and the manner of writing , and the quality of the persons for whom these things were first of all pen'd , may make them thereunto lyable enough , however I shall be ready to give both my account , and if valuable , my assistance to any who shall des●re it relating either to the obscurity , or intricacy of any passage ; and to accept from them any reasons they shall be pleased to produce to the contrary , Thine W. M. From my Study in Nags head Court in Gray's Church Street . A SYLLABE of the CONTENTS of these two SECTIONS . In the first Section . In the first Answer ; is treated Concerning the several Originals of Springs . Concerning the irregular Ebbings and Flowings of diverse particular Springs . Of Chymical multiplication , or the encreasing of the quantity of liquours by destillation . Of the possibility of a persons learning , in an hour or two , to write his mind in a language he is ignorant of : so as , what hee writeth in the unknown language , shall be constantly without errour in the Grammatical concerns of it , and the sense good and continued . In the second Answer ; is treated Concerning sympathyes between several parts of Animal bo●yes . Particularly , of the sympathy which is between the breasts and womb : and whether it be founded upon inosculations of the Epigastrick and Mammary veins and arteryes . Whether from view of the Breasts , judgment may be made concerning the sex of an unborn conception ? Of the Sympathetick relation of parts of the same side . Of the forming of the Phases and Shapes of the Moon from its mutuatitious light , and the proportion in which it hath its situation to the eye : and why the Moon appeareth to the eye rather plane then Sphaeral . In the Third Answer . Fresh-water Springs are asserted at the bottom of the Sea. Whether by frequent transhaping , and working upon Mercury , somewhat be not lost irrecoverably , beyond all possibility and hope of reduction ? That the doctrine of the four Elements as uncompounded bodyes , cannot acquit it self , against many rational doubtings and material controversyes , to be a Doctrine unquestionable . That the four Elements cannot be the first Elements . Of the difficulty of bringing the firs● Elements to view . That , in the Doctrine of the Ancients , seemeth a greater number of first Elements asserted , then four . What may have been the true rational intendment of the Ancients , in their introducing the Doctrine of the four Elements . In the Fourth Answer ; is treated Of the Sutures in the skull : and their distinctness according to their several kinds , number , and order . How in the distinction of the futures , both as to their number and order , is a certain latitude , admitting variety in the method of their account , and the Anatomical Doctrine of them . The like latitude is observable in several parts both of Concrete , and Abstract Mathematicks . Whether the praeeminence of right-side parts above the left , be natural or arbitrary . In the Fifth answer ; is treated Of the consistency of immense volatility with immense ponderousnes . Of making tinctures by materation without addition . Whether predictions may be concerning Comets before their appearance ? What is her●in to be judged , of Comets which are by new amassement ? What is her●in to be judged , of Comets which are supposed to be permanent Bodyes , and not to be new amassements . In the Sixth Answer ; is treated Of the motion of the Celestial Bodyes about their particular Axes . Whether such their Circumaxall motion afford a convictive demonstration and proof of the Copernican Systeme ? That the Earths motion is not sufficiently proved , upon the Hypothesis granted , That Comets are nearest the Earth , when they are in opposition unto the Sun. In the Second SECTION . In the Seventh Answer , is treated COncerning Angles of Contact . In order thereunto , are given several definitions of Plane Angles , and distinct names to them , according to those diversityes of their kinds and constitutions , which , in this Question , are more especially material and necessary to be distinguished . The state of the Question is set forth . It is shewn , that Recto-convexe Angles of Contact are truly Angles according to the definition of Plane Angles . That Recto-Convexe Angles of Contact are neither destitute of Quantity , nor their sides coincident . In what several wayes , one Quantity may be greater then another . Of Homogeneity . What kind of Homogeneity it is , that is requisite for proportionals ? That Angles have Figuration , as well as Quantity . That in Angles is observable an Homogeneity or Heterogeneity which is Mathematical , and also an Homogeneity or Heterogeneity which is not Mathematical , nor any way concerning their Quantity , but only their figuration , &c. How three Angles being all Equal ; the Equality between the first and second , may be more absolute then the Equality between the first and third being only respective . How some Angles are constituted by the Concrescency , Composition , and Annexion of several parts and Angles , which are Heterogeneal each to other . VVhether like Angles , in unequal Circles and in like segments of Circles be alwayes equal ; That all Equal Angles are not like . That all like Angles are not equal . VVhether this Controversy about the Recto-Convexe Angle of Contact , belong to Concrete or Abstract Mathematicks ? VVhat was the first mistake , that first ministred occasion for the starting of this controversy , which hath been so long reteined , in these Learnings , in which nothing is more monstrous and unusual then pertinacious controversy ; These Escapes of the Press crave the help of the Readers Pen. viz , PAg. 10. line . 11. read . aerial . p. 17. l. 2. r. heat . l. 16.17 . r. reason . p. 18. l. 10. r. easily . p. 14. l. 19. expunge the semicolon . p. 21. l. 28. r. Sympathy . p. 22. l. 15.16 . r. tumultuous . l. 24. r. those . p. 23. l. 29. r. concerning . p. 24. l. 18. r. falls . p. 29. l. 7. r. confessedly . p. 33. l. penult . r. flushing . p. 35. l. 13. r. that that . l. 28. r. fire . p. 36. l. 13. r. us . p. 39. l. 1. expunge the colon : l. 16. r. foetid . l. 26. r. their . l. 27 r. the. p. 41. l. 7. r. with the string . p. 43. l. 12. r. to the violating . p. 44. l. 2. and 7. r. inanimates . p. 49. l. 3. r. seame p. 56. l. 9. r. certainly . p. 57. l. 15. for is regularly . r. irregugularly . p. 61. l. 7. for if seeming . r. it seeming . l. 19. r. exact . p. 69. l. 5. r. limited . p. 71. l. 3. r. the Copernican . p. 75. l. 13. r. Jago . p. 80. l. 19. r. Lordships . p. 82. l. 17. r. like . p. 86. l. 5. r. BA . p. 89. l. 16. for mooving by . r. by mooving . p. 90. l. 2. r. an isoclitical . l. 28. r. Be again . p. 92. l. 30. for AHH . r. AHF . p. 100. l. 6. r. even . l. 19. r. say . p. 101. l. 1. r. one or each . p. 124. l. 29. r. recto-concave . p. 155. l. 26. and 28. r. crooked-lined . p. 160. l. 18. r. not other . p. 187. l. 26. r. a mixt-lined secant angle or of p. 200. l. 26. r. crooked-lined . p. 232. l. 1. r. constant . The faults of the Orthography are referred to the Readers ingenuity . The First SECTION of PHILOSOPHICAL ANSWERS CONTEINIHG The first Six Answers upon several heads in Philosophy . By WILLIAM MARSHAL LONDON , Printed by T. L. for Nathaniel Brooks , at the Angel in Cornhil near the Royal Exchange . 1670. ANSWERS Upon several heads in PHILOSOPHY The first Answer . Concerning the original of Springs : that all Springs have not the same nor the like original : that all Springs are not from the Sea : that several things may by the way contribute as originals to the same Spring , whether by way of dissolution , or condensation . Also of the ebbings and flowings of particular Springs : in some more especially observed to be in an unaccountable irregularity . Also of Chymical multiplication , or the distilling of liquors , so as by distillation to encrease their quantity to any given proportion . That Mercury is not explicable by the Doctrine of the four Elements . That in an hour or two's time a person of indifferent parts , able to read and write his native language only , may be taught to write his mind in a forein language , so as what he writeth shall be true in the forein language , and the sense good and continued . AS Nature in generation worketh the first beginnings of things usually in a very dark loom , not permitting common eyes to have a view of its un●aught art in ordering and warping its first filaments , covering with shells and membranes and divers veils the mysterious nature of first productions : The same judgement may be of Springs , which though every where obvious to the eye , by their pleasant murmurings , crystalline pureness , and perpetual flux , delighting the mind , as well as the sense ; yet whence these Rise , and how they are fed , and wherewith furnished , is more obscure and aenigmatical than to be resolved , as many easily imagine , in a word . And yet I suppose , an erroneous Hypothesis may be the chief ground of difficulty in this Question , while many generally expect that all Springs should be of the same or like original . But why is that more reasonable than to expect that all Springs should send forth waters of the same taste , colour , or virtue ? Too many Instances , Examples and Experiments may be produced of Springs owing their original to the Sea , percolated thorow the Earth , to deny , or call in question so evident a Truth , without a manifest crazing of our own judgement : yet that the Sea by such percolations is not the original of all Springs , is as manifest , as true , and confirm'd by as many and weighty Experiences ; not only of fresh Springs near the Sea , and in-land salt-springs ; but especially if we consider the numerous Springs , which are in the tops , or sides of several Mountains , vastly above the Seas level ; and therefore not possible in any Channel to be naturally raised so high , without all stay , or impediment of percolation . Of which I have observed a special instance in a low , somewhat rocky , wedge-like Mountain , situate along the brim of the full Sea ; but on the Land-side , at a little distance , set about with numerous and vast Mountains : in which little wedge-like Mountain , though most part immediately encompassed with a Plain , very considerably above the level of the highest , aequinoctial , or other Tides ; was a perpetual Spring of most lympid , clear water , not unfamed for its singular medical vertues . It is scarce consentaneous to sense , reason and experience , to derive such Fountains out of the Sea only by way of percolation ; which though it be allowed to contribute , in some places , to the sweetning of the fountainous flux , cannot be conceived apt to raise the water to an higher level than it had before . Not disallowing the former therefore in its place ; there is yet besides it some other Original of Springs to be inquired after . And how perpetual Springs should come to be in the tops of the highest Mountains of all , as the case of most difficult explication , cannot with greater reason and clearness be explain'd , than by bringing the waters thither , not in a watry form , but as vapours and exhalations , at leastwise the most constantly , and in the greatest proportion ; after the manner of a Distillation , ordered and managed by the institutes of Nature ; and this without Espousing the Tenets of our new Platonists , that will have several perpetuous continued Orbes of Fires , diversly graduated , for special Theological ends , contained still between two and two perpetuous and continued Crusts , or sphaeral shels of Earth , the one above the fire , the other beneath it , in respect of the Earths Center . And those that know how under the surface of the Earth , whether plain , or mountainous , are frequent stores , both of Materials , and naturally formed Cavities , and other Instruments , easily accommodable to such a work , will not conclude that to be a conjecture of fancy , which not only for its possibility , but the high degree of its probability , may justly claim to be entertain'd as a most real and undoubted physical Truth . For what doubt can be made of subterraneous heats and fires ? and hot Baths and Springs , attest the , not only warmth , which is sufficient for our purpose , but even the actual , and frequently intense , heat , and ebullition of liquors within the Caverns of the Earth , and the perpetuity , or constant continuance of such ebullitions : and as the Earth is well known to be furnished with many natural Caverns , so in those Caverns , for shape , proportion , situation , and other the like circumstances , we cannot but imagine there is great diversity . So how variously and plenteously the Earth is watered with subterraneous juyces , and moistures , cannot be denied by the observant , who almost every where under ground find lesser veins of water dispersed up and down the Body of the Earth , and in many places large concealed Rivers , elsewhere unfathomable Vaults , and Abysses : Sometime seen Rivers in their proper and perpetual Channels , make a dark course and discharge of their waters into the unseen Bowels of the Earth . Upon the whole , in the method of this explication , waters are , in the same manner secretly within the Earth , raised to the top of the Mountains , in which , to our view , they are raised in the open Air to those regions , from whence they fall back again upon us in the form of rain . And in such vapid exhalations , it cannot be denied but in some places , and at some times , the Mountain springs ranging in a much higher level , may by possibility be furnished from the percolated sea-water : but as the possibility of this is admitted , so the universal and absolute necessity of it , may not be averred : it seeming hard to say , that the Mountain-springs what distance soever from the Sea , have no other way of being furnished , but only from thence . And , I suppose , it will as uneasily obtain credit , that the Sea should run as fast every way , under the Earth , to the Originals of Springs , as the Springs generally do in seeking out their way unto the Sea. I doubt not , but besides the Seas , there are under the earth many other liquors , contributing to the origination of Springs , some having their first rise from dissolution , others from condensation , whence , and from the passages thorough which they run , and are percolated , rise very often those special vertues and dangers of some peculiar Springs : and sometimes in a seeming praeposterous way , though very consentaneous to the true nature of things , Springs adjoyning to the Sea are fresh , and at a vast distance from the Sea , in in-land Countreys sometimes salt . But besides both the Seas , & those other waters bred under the earth ; it s more than probable ▪ the rains falling down in showers from Heaven , adde not a little to the flushing and continuance of the Springs . So medical Springs after rains are noted for a while to be of less virtue ; and in long droughts , 't is usual for very many Springs to be quite dried up , till rains fall again : and where , by long obscure dens , caverns and passages under ground , access may be had to subterraneous Rivers ; such Rivers , though lying vastly deep under the Earths surface , they are sound to swell at after rains , and by their accession unto the wonted stream , frequently do make a most hideous and horrid noise , full of terrour to those in the Cave● mouth , and at other times unusual . From all which , seriously and impartially weighed , is made undeniably apparent , that rains , in no contemptible proportion furnish forth matter to be ordinarily by channelly veins convey'd , or else extraordinarily by a natural distillation wrought up into the Springs . And as this much discussed Question is resolved in these easie things , every where offering themselves to view in Nature ; so I doubt not , upon the same principles might also many other things , seeming at first sight to be very mysterious , in the concern of Springs , as that which with so much admiration is by the rude ignorant people cryed up and observed in some , having , as they term it , their Ebbings and Flowings in such irregular frequency as by no art can possibly be reduced to any certainty of account , or order : for the more special and clear observing of which they are wont to receive the water from the Spring into some stone , or such like vessel proportionately bored in , or near the bottom : all which in truth is without any retrogradation and reciprocation of motion in its channelly veins ; being nothing else but an inaequality of the waters issuing from the Spring in equal times , either by reason of its more plenteous filling at some times the channelly veins of the Spring as it passeth , or else by reason it passeth with a greater or lesser impetus ; or possibly in some cases and places upon both grounds : which what it hath in it that is more admirable than the running of any ordinary Brook , sometimes with a fuller channel , sometimes with a stronger stream , I do not yet understand : and how easily , upon the former principles , this is explicable any one may readily perceive : that we may more justly wonder how some grave Authors came to be so transported with the sight or fame of some such springs , occurring up and down in the World , as in their reports to offer them to the thoughts of distant Students , and succeeding times , as containing in them little less than miracle . And if the studious would observe diligently what is in nature , possibly many other things , seemingly as intricate , might be capable of as easie explications ; especially considering the vast way a Spring may run under the Earth before it break forth ; fairly insinuated to us by the pure fresh water Springs , bursting up a great way within the floud marks of the Sea ; clearly intimating to us , how two Hills at a considerable distance may both be concerned in the same Spring and its Course . And whereas we number and place Springs ac-according as we observe them to break forth and shew themselves unto the day ; in the true aestimate , and upon laborious search , it hath many times appeared quite otherwise ; that the original of the Spring , has been at a great distance from the eruption , and the eruption has not been till after the confluction and meeting of , it may be three or four several Springs , every one carrying in it sometimes the dissolution , sometimes the spirit , or somewhat of the first rudiments of some special Mineral ; and altogether make up , not seldome , an almost inimitable composition . Your other Quaery concerning Chymical Multiplication , or the distilling of Water from a Pint to a Quart , if my Genius fail me not , when rightly proposed and understood , cannot want some affinity with the matters we have already been treating of . For if any would impose that the same Water as by way of expansion , without other additional water or matter , might by distillation be brought to a double , treble , and so a thousand times as large dimensions as before , as Wines , Vinegars , and other Liquors , have in them , without any further addition , so much Phlegme , and so much Spirit of such a strength , whether fixed , or volatile ; it would require a very credulous judgement to allow the veracity , or possibility of such a Probleme : and I am clearly free , to disown the skill or power of any such Chymistry ; which once admitted , were it not for the shortness of humane life , and the hopelesness of obtaining Vessels , and Instruments large enough for the work , and conveniency to place them , the world might be in danger of Drowning from the lofty Artist ; as once it was hypothetically threatned , with shaking by the noble and ingenious Mechanist . But I had rather understand a Probleme favourably , so as it may carry truth , possibility , and reason along with it : and so methinks may this be interpretable , to wit , subtilly to contrive , find out , and order expedients , ingenious helps , and advantages , to condense free , and open exhalations into a watery form with dispatch and expeditely , especially at any season , or time of the year : so as by this Art out of the arrial vapours within a limited time to give any limited measure of water , which reason can expect from Art , or without abjuring and putting off its own nature , handsomely make demand of . And that this is the Philosophy of Nature appears in every days dewes , the trickling moisture hanging on the chamber-side of the Glass , when the Air is very sharp , and full of a nitrous coldness without : and we cannot rightly conceive the Idea of that famously known and frequently mentioned and in hot Countries , though rare , yet sometimes by sad experience attested disease , the Diabetes , without admitting both the possibility of such a Chymistry , and of Expedients for the more ready dispatch of it : for without an aptness to imbibe , attract and condense the vapid exhalations , which successively come to be near and about the Patient , and that with very singular advantages for expedition , how possibly should the Patients Urine come in a few weeks to weigh more than all , both the drinks and meats taken by the Patient all along that time , and all the weight of the Body , whensoever it was heaviest during that time besides ? To contract all into few , the possibility of the Probleme , according to this explication , needs not be doubted , being an every where obvious work of Nature ; as in the other sense it seems vain and frivolous . And in researches about expedients for dispatch ; it is possible , here , as in other pieces of that ingenious Art , several Artists may have several methods and contrivances , to suck in still more vapours in a continued succession , and proportionably to condense them when sucked in ; also to dispose the vapours , before they are sucked in , for more expedite and easie condensation at after : as every one has his peculiar Still , his peculiar Solvent , Bath , Ferment and Furnace . And that this point of Philosophy were a little more cultivated were to be wished , for the advantage of natural Philosophy , and the concernes of it in some practical Arts : for so hereby the difference of the Airs at several seasons , or at the same season in several places , might come in some measure to be known , by the Taste and Eye , as well as by the Nostril : and the concerns of Rokes , Fogs , Mists , and Airs any wayes altered , or infected , may be hereby more happily discovered in relation to the health and sickliness of Man , and so of other Animals : so what difference there is between the Breathings of several Animals of the same , or several Sexes and Kinds , or of the same Animal at several times of its age , rest , motion , fear , joy , hope , love , anger , health , sickness , peculiar conditions , or evacuations : and the discriminations between simple Airs , and the Airs altered by sprinklings , strewings , fumigations , from Minerals , Vegetables , Animals , may be made more evident . Your tying up Mercury to the old Elemental Laws , is a true semblance of the old Mezentian cruelty ; and I should pity the poor Fugitive , were I not ascertained from his constant course , that as a slippery Hocas , he will never leave transhaping himself till , to your own confession , he has slipt the Collar . Four qualities will assoon solve all questions , as four Elements ; which some of the learned Antients , vainly hoped , not to say , foolishly boasted , to do . As Philosophers distinguish between the sights of Age and Time ; Age first sees without , and after not without Spectacles : Time first sees with them , and after better without them : the Elements were as Spectacles in the Beginnings of those times , when men first set themselves about the studies of Arts , that helped them in a sort to conceive somewhat of Bodies ; but now the Eye of time grown clearer , seeth much more happily , as is by many supposed , without them . More crass and thin , solid and fluid parts are not denyed , but apparently to be seen , offering themselves to view in several plain and easie methods of analysing Bodies ; but the simplicity of those parts , obtained in such Analysmes , is not yet demonstrated . The strange Monster reported with so much averment to you , which seems so much to have startled your patience , to wit , that a person of parts , educated only to read and write the Language of the Nation wherein he was born , may in an hours time be taught to set down any matter , secret , or other , in another language , as Latine , Greek , French , &c. and the Latine , or other Language to be true , and the sense good and continued ; believe me , though it be true , as it is , yet it is not to be esteemed worthy your least discomposure : it may be done many several wayes , and yet when all is done , it is but a slight of the Brain ; like many of the mimical Miracles , performed by nimble handed Egyptians . That there may be no room for distrust of the truth of it , if affiance in me may so far prevail ▪ you may be assured , I have seen the whole Model and Systeme of it , in several Languages , besides our own : and but that it would make my Letter of too great a Bulk , should herewith have sent you a Transcript of one of them . In this , as in the foregoing Probleme of multiplying Chymistry ; in words speaking and containing truth , something seems to be offered to the understanding of the hearer , which is an Herculian shot beyond it . Pardon the length in which I have laboured discursively to send back all the Quaeries and Objections of your last fully answered . The Second Answer . Wherein of Sympathies between several parts of the same Animal Body in general and particularly of the Sympathy which is between the Breasts and the Womb : and that the ground of that Sympathy is not founded upon the inosculations of the Epigastrick and Mammary Veins and Arteries . That that Sympathy instructs not from the sight of the Breast concerning the Sex of the unborn Conception . Yet parts of the same side more especially Sympathize one with another , than those that are on contrary sides . That to found the Sympathy between the Breasts and Womb ; is no necessity of vessels passing directly between the one part and the other : but the grounds of their Sympathy may be several other wayes clearly explicable , by manifest Arteries , Sinews , and other Vessels . That the several shapes of the Moon have their original , forming , and alteration , from the parts of its mutuatitious light , and their situation in respect of our Eye . That there is not one general original of all light . And why the enlightned part of the Moon is still toward the Sun. And why the Moon appears plane and not sphaeral . I should wrong the truth , if I should not acknowledge , all your Arguments and Instances prove fairly the Sympathies , which nature has lodged in us , between some special parts above others ; to which may be added by way of Declaration ; that though no part in the whole animal Body , but is of affinity and concern unto all the rest , yet some , besides their general relation as of the same animal Body , have sometimes not only one , but several other more special grounds of Sympathy , to tye & link them one to another ; whether from homogeneity of substance , or commonness of original , or unity and concurrence in the same work , or concern in the same branchings of vessels , whether Arteries , Sinews , or Veins , of what kind soever ; each of which heightens the general relation which is between the parts : and the more of these are found inter-curring between any two parts , their relation is so much the more fortifyed . But of all other , the Sympathy which you urge , between the Breasts and Womb , in animals is too universally known , and variously evident to be denyed , or doubted . How oft , among prying and suspitious Women , has the state of the Womb been discovered from the colour of the Nipples , and condition of the Breasts ? And the judgements of Physicians justified and admired , when upon the manifest intercourse between these two parts , easily transferring humours , whether natural , or praeter-natural , from the one to the other , they have sometimes predicted long before the diseases of the Breasts , or Womb ? So upon expectation of the ones evacuation , the cure of the other has been ordered , and the event and time of recovery foreseen ? and observing how they grow and lessen together , heal and fade together , become firm & flaccid together , replenish and empty together , except when the one drains the other , the intercourse between them , and their common concern is manifest ; however the grounds and passages wherein this intercourse is founded and carried on , possibly may not be so very clear , as by many is presumed . And though I honour you for honouring the Antients ; it is now especially less clear then ever ; that the undeniable consent and sympathy , which is between these two parts , has its foundation in the inosculations of the epigastrick veins and arteries with the mammeryes : Except we will so farr degrade the examinations of reasons , and trials of experience , as to make what is antient , to be therefore indisputably authentick ; Concerning the sympathy of the Breasts and womb as held by the Antients ) there are two things well deserving serious & further consideration : For hath not this sympathy been rackt beyond its nature , and tentered beyond the truth , of what it is able to bear , or discover ; when , upon the view of the Breasts , declarations and predictions are made , not only of conceptions , & abortions in general , with a probable prognostick of the time and event of the feared abortion ; but also from the difference of the Breasts on each side , the sexe of the conception , or abortion is peremptorily limited ; and when twins of several sexes have been conceived , the twin of whether sexe shall alone be aborted is foreshewn ; in that rare & unusuall case of aborting one twin , and compleating the due months of gestation with the rest ? Not to alleadge more of these impertinent medical Enthusiasmes ; such groundlesse and inconsequent deductions , as they are casily received by the superstitious , who yawn after things novel and strange , and blindly swallow what is offered without either praeexamining by the eye of reason , or proving them by the praemastications of experience : so I doubt not but to sober minds they will appear an apish overhugging the truth , to the ruine and destruction of it : an overchurning a serious , secret , true , observation of nature into ranckness and falsity ; and a praeposterous grafting a wild , wandering fancy upon the most cultivated stock of sober , true and certain observation . For since men have set their minds to learn out of natures unwritten books , as well as out of the writings of Authours ; what hath been more usual than to find male and female conceptions indifferently on the one or other side , or horn of the womb ? And though against experience no Argument ought to avail ; we shall not stiffe what they seem to have to say for themselves ; That the left praeparing vein riseth from the Emulgent only , which may be suspected , to be a weakning of its power and influxion ; whereas the right praeparing , or spermatick vein riseth immediately from the great discending Trunk , of which the aforesaid Emulgent is but an offset . All this is generally and in most Bodies true : and in former Ages , with the glossiness of its probability , carryed away the minds and judgments of most : but now upon more curious searches made into the Bowels , and heart of nature , the sophistry , & weaknes of the former Argument manifestly appears : the spermatick veins , if any be so pleased to continue that name , being only reducing vessels , and carrying forth from the vital fountain nothing at all to the Testicles , womb , Ovaries , or other organes of generation ; as may appear by observing ; the motion of the juyces contain'd in them , notifyed from the side on which the tumour and fulnes suddenly upon an intercepting ligature gathereth . And the different rise of these spermatick veins is more aptly referred to the indirect situation of the discending Trunk there ; which usually at the loins inclines a little rather to the right side , making the left Emulgent accordingly , to be commonly a little longer than the right : so as for a long tender venal vessel to have had its original so obliquely remote , and sloping over the fore bodies of the Rack bones , might not seem sufficiently secure ; however in the more strongly coated arterial vessels , it is not withstanding otherwise ; the right and left spermatical arteries both rising constantly from the descending branch of the Aorta . That Argument of the right side parts being , stronger , hotter , nimbler , &c. than those on the left side ; annexeth an incohaerent sequel , to a Truth which is meerly accidental : the special strength of the right side parts not being any natural priviledge , but an advantage acquired by exercise , use and education ; and by the same method , as easily transferable to the other side . And if at any time Twin parts be not equally concern'd , it is because there is not equall relation to the sides : so the Ovary of that Side to which the Conception is more principally affixed , in many females is of a fleshy substance , of colour like Sanders , or somewhat brighter , the other all the while remaining without any alteration as a cluster of watery Blebs & vesicles . But more particularly in the Copulations of mankind , all such considerations of sides must of necessity be obliterated ; the right side of the one Parent being applyed to the left of the other , and so on the other side , the left to the right . In all this we deny not , but right side parts have more special relation to right side parts , where the parts twin , and are double : but to parts , which are single , and posited in the middle , Twin parts have equall relation . So as upon the whole matter , the diseases of each particular Breast are more prone to be transferred to the same respective side of the womb , and those of either side of the womb to the respective breast ; of which are most apparent footsteps in the fabrick of nature : for though in some vessels , as Blood-veins , water-veins , chyle-veins , arteries , &c. this distinction of sides be again lost and confounded by insertion into some common Trunk , before they can be traced from the one part , to the other collateral part ; yet in some other vessels without any such confusion in the midway , the same collateral vessels ramify themselves distinctly unto the parts all along on the same side : as is most manifest in the visceral sinew , or wandering pair : but yet hereby is not opened any window to see into the sex of unborn conceptions . And , as herein I desire to reverence antiquity , but follow reason ; so upon your more serious thoughts , I doubt not but you will judge , with me , another Point upon this subject very well worthy calling in Question : and that is the much noysed ground of this sympatly between the Breasts and womb ; said , and formerly thought , to be the inosculations of the mammary veins and Arteries with the Epigastriks . It is well known , how many lateral heterogeneal inosculations , between Arteries and Blood-veins , have been introduced by closet Anatomists ; while , in Bloudless speculations , they formed nature according to their reasonings , to solve appearing phaenomena's ; instead of forming their reasonings according to what they ought first to have observed in nature : the verity and authority of all which , among Anatomists at sharp , that carry their Eyes in their hands , and will believe no more than they see , is at present not much ; however formerly solemnly , and for singular purposes , placed in and very near several of the chief Bowels : yet the fumultous aestuation which this Hypothesis continually placeth nature under , like the meeting of two contrary seas , may be sufficient , in reason also , to decry and discard it : for which reason also lateral homogeneal inosculations of bloud-veins with bloud-veins , as they are frequently found , so they may as easily in reason be admitted . But the inosculations in the Question being final ; I wave these that are lateral . And final inosculations are on all hands , agreed to be in a manner impossible to be shewn ; because , when granted to be , yet there where they are , the vessels are so minute , and slender , that it neither can be easy for the quickest sight , nor the most cautions hand , either , without hurting them , to come at the vessels , where they are inosculated , or to distinguish the vessels when heterogeneal at their inosculation , or to discern a final inosculation , whether of vessels of the same , or of different kinds . So that this whole Question about final inosculations being to receive its decision by the judgment of reason ; such final inosculations as are homogeneal , as of Arteries with Arteries , and Bloud-veins with Bloud-veins of the same Trunk , such as in this Point were understood and intended by the Antients , are no way capable of desence , allowance , or justification at the Barr of reason : for it experimentally , and to the eye , appears , that if any such inosculations should be supposed , the same Humours at the same time , from the same place , should move two contrary ways , to wit , both to , and from the heart , and in vessels rising from , or gathered at after into , the same trunk : in which account , the lung vein , the hollow vein , and the port vein , though all of them bloud-veins , yet because of the diversity of their Trunks , are to be esteemed as heterogeneal . And finall homogeneal inosculations generally , and therefore also between the Mammaryes and Epigastricks , being thus everted ; the old doctrine oncerning the ground of the sympathy between the Breasts and womb cannot be retained . And if any think by a short alteration of , and putting heterogeneal inosculations for , the rejected homogeneal , the ground of this sympathy will remain firm and clear as of old ; to wit by making humours to be transferred from the womb by the Epigastrick arteries and mammary veins to the Breasts , and by the mammary arteries , and Epigastrick veins from the breasts to the womb ; I suppose , that though such inosculations be not as the other , impossible , though undemonstrable to sense , yet upon mature considerations , these will not be judged sufficient to found this sympathy upon . If we lay the matter seriously in the ballance , even such heterogeneal and final inosculations do rather hinder the transferring of humours from the one part to the other : to be sure , look how much salls , or is any ways drawn into their capacities and cavities , cannot by them be so transferred , but is otherways disposed of : for the mammarie veins carry not to the breasts , but to the subclavians , and so to the heart , and the mammary arteries carry not to the breasts , but to the Muscles and parts on the forebelly . In like manner the womb will appear equally unconcerned in those veins and arteries : for the Epigastrick veins carry not bloud unto the womb but unto their collateral Iliacks , and so to the heart : and the Epigastrick arteries carry not bloud from the Iliacks to the womb , but to the Muscles lying on the fore part of the belly . And of themselves , neither mammary bloud-vessels reach the womb , nor either of the Epigastricks the breasts : so as , notwithstanding any thing in these vessels , we yet seem to be in the dark as to the grounds of this confessed sympathy . Not to add , that in many Animals some , and , in some all , the breasts are quite out of the way of the Mammaryes , on the same side of the Epigastricks with the womb , and , on that side , as farr removed from the capillar terminations of the Epigastricks and mammaries , as the womb it self . And professedly I understand not , upon what necessity the vessels founding , or contributing to the sympathy of these two parts , must needs pass directly between the one part and the other ; and may not as well here , as in the sympathy of other parts be admitted sufficient for this purpose , by their common concern and relation to some special branch , or general trunk , And vessells thus related , touching and terminating in these two parts , are not hard to be found in several kinds ; as arteries and sinews to convey like matter to both these parts : veins and sinews to reduce what is improper , superfluous , useless , or redundant in either , or meet and apt to be transferred from the one to the other : in which both cannot but be assisted by the agreement of their similar attractions , and that conformity of substance , which is either constant , or at some special times between some , or all of each of their parts : which as it may be a ground of the maturation & exalting of these parts together , so thereby the Bodies , pores , and passages , of both , are alike open , for the reception of like humours : and the same conform substance may be the cause why those vital emanations & irradiations which the generative parts receive from the parts which are principal ; when , I say , those vital emanations come to be remitted and reflected back again from the generative parts to all the rest of the body ; then , above all others , the breasts gather into themselves powerfully those forces of nature , which are so reflected back again from the generative parts universally to the parts of the whole . And such a course , as I have hinted , is both plain by view , undeniably certain , and familiar in the usual method of nature ; the breasts , above other parts , being exonerated by the evacuations of the womb and the evacuations of the womb , more especially then of other parts , being diverted by the excretions of the breasts : so that these being the common and trodden paths of nature , there cannot but remain an open way also for the translation of other matters . And though by the Mammaryes and Epigastricks , whether inosculated , or not inosculated , I have above shewn , that such conveyances cannot be made ; yet nothing hinders , nay 't is very apparent , that such translations may be aptly enough made , nay no doubt are made , by the thoracick and preparing vessels ; to wit , by the Arteries and some sinews directly , as bringing humours directly unto the parts , and by other sinews and veins more indirectly , as they are apt to carry , or not carry away what has by other vessels been transferred from one of these parts unto the other . I had discoursed these things shorter , if I had not been concerned to quit my self of rashness , with which you had attainted me for seeming herein to have made a defection from the Antients . I should assoon defend the Moons Eclipsses to be a celestiall fainting , and planetary sickness , and to be cured by Cymbals , Drums , Cornets and Trumpets ; because the Antients thought so . Yet for the same truths sake I account my self bound to justify the old Astronomers in the causes by them assigned of the several shapes of the Moon , as depending upon its mutuatious light , the proportion in which it is received , and the positions from which it offers its self to our view ; all concerning the Earth in the shapes of its lucid parts , save in its Eclipsses sometimes when it is at the full , being the product merely of ignorance and want of observation . I am not of opinion with many , that there is but only one fountain of light , which is the sun ; to which by imaginary refractions , and reflections , and strange labyrinthaean windings they would referre all other lights ; sending the most glorious of the celestial Bodies a borrowing to this fountain ; while evidently in these inferiour Regions , in the mineral , vegetable and animal Kingdoms , &c. not to speak of the caelestiall flames , several special fountains of light have been , and are frequently observed , though neither so full , nor durable , and perpetual as those above . However we cannot but confesse the Sun to be the Fountain of the principal Lunar light ; as another more faint light discernable in all parts of its body at whatsoever age , so it be out of the Combustion of the Beams of the Sun , which lye betwixt us and the Sun , or the Beams in vicinity to them , cannot be denyed to be innate unto it . And the roundness of the Moons and Suns bodies , being evident to the Eye in every positure and revolution , and apparent in Solar and Lunar Eclipses , besides several other demonstrations of their rotundity ; it follows from hence by necessary consequence that the Moons body cannot be guilded all over , at the same time , with such luminous beams as it borrows from the Sun : seeing in any two sphaeres , in whatsoever position , the one without the other , there is still a certain part of the surface of the one , unto which without penetrating its body from no point of the other can be drawn a straight line , as is easy to demonstrate . And the magnitude of the bodies of these two Stars , being confusedly unaequal the one unto the other , and the Suns the larger ; it follows in like manner by the same necessity , that though all the Moon cannot be at once enlightened by the borrow'd Solar light , yet at all times , more than half of the Moons sphaeral surface , is so enlightened ; except in those cases when the interposition of the earth , or other opake bodies , obstructs the solar radiations from falling upon it . For if a lesser , and a greater sphaere be put and adapted into an Isoscelary Cone , whose Axe is perpendicular to the circular Base at its Center , the Lines in which the surface of the Cone toucheth the surfaces of the sphaeres , shall be two Circles less than the respective greatest Circles , each of its own Sphaers as is not hard to demonstrate . And it is as apparent , that the Isorrhopical center of that part of the Moons surface , which is so solarly enlightened , is still the point directly obverted to the Sun ; thorow which point a straight line drawn between the centers of these two Stars passeth . So as the enlightened part of the Moon being still towards the Sun , no wonder , if in their conjunction the Moon cannot be seen at all ; as chiefly because of its combustion , so also because the enlightened side of it , is turned away from us towards the Sun : that though , by descending into deep pits , Stars above the Horizon may be seen at Noon day , yet the Moon in this case cannot by such helps be in like manner seen , its dark side being towards us , and the most that our Eye can at any time at one view see of the Moons surface , being ever less then the half of it , as is demonstrable . Upon the same grounds , at the Opposition , i. e. full Moon , the enlightened part of the Moon as it is towards the Sun , so it is towards us also , from whence follows , that all , that we can then see of the Moon , is enlightened , and that much more of it is enlightened , than it can be possible for us to see . In the Quadratures , whether of increase , or decrease , the state and positure of the enlightened , and unenlightened parts of the Moon , in respect of the Sun and us , offer themselves in a less entire , divided , middle manner : to wit , the parts of the Moons surface obverted unto us are but , as it were , half obverted to the Sun , and the parts of the Moons surface obverted to the Sun are but , as it were , half obverted to us : so as what is obverted to us in the Quadratures is , as it were , half enlightened , and half unenlightned and at other not Cardinal times , the nearer that the Moon is to the full , so much the greater part of the Moons surface obverted to us , is by the Sun enlightened : and the nearer the Moon is to its Change , whether past , or to come , so much the lesser part doth the Sun enlighten of the Moons surface obverted to us . And that these things are really so , may be from hence confirmed : at whatsoever . Age of the Moons crescency , or decrescency , if you observe its luminous parts seen by us , however horned , or bunched , the Sun is still on the luminous side of the Moon . Now the cause , why the Moons luminous parts appear plain and flat , rather than bearing out , like a Sphaeral surface , or a portion of a Sphaeral surface , is because the inequality of the visual beams , between the Eye and the several luminous points , is not so proportionate as to be discernable by our ordinary sight : for without such inequality , to be discerned in the visual beams , neither sense , nor reason can conceive true Idea's of a spheral surface . And upon these Hypotheses and principles all phaenomena's concerning the Moons shapes , as to magnitude , proportion , continuance , situation , alteration , alternation , being perpetually and accurately solved ; the Novelty which would dethrone this doctrine so apparent , so rational and unconvincible of the Antients , as it is unworthy the acceptance of the considerate and judicious , so it cannot but be unmeet for them to impose and obtrude upon others ; to omit the grosse inconsistency involved in it , which I shall in my next at large unfold , if these things fall short of giving Satisfaction . The third Answer . That there are fresh watersprings at the bottoms of the most antient seas . Whether Mercury by frequent transhaping it self , and often reduction loose not somwhat of its powers and virtues ? That the Doctrine and being of the four Elements , as unmixed bodies by their mixture making up all other bodies , is not unquestionable . In the four Elements may be allowed to be the general and most common lodges of the Worlds first Elements ▪ but themselves at the most can but be allowed to be only secondary Elements . How nature may so ballance the first or second Elements by some special Symbolical properties among them , as to elude all the endeavours which art can possibly make for the bringing of the first Elements to view and light . That the number of the four Elements and of their properties or qualities singly or in Conjugations ascribed to them seemeth insufficient to vest them in the right of first Elements ; upon the knowledge of whose natures , all Physical phaenomena should be capable of explication . That the antients seem to have allowed a greater number of first Elements . A conjecture what the antients might rationally at first design at their first introducing the Doctrine of the four Elements . SIR . THat fresh water springs lye at the bottom of the seas , both frequent , and with flashing issues ; is to me upon several observations , not undiligently made , as absolutely certain , as to you it seems impossible : and this I judge not only in the seas , which have made inchroachments by inundation upon the antient bounders of lands , which before were plenteously up and down watered with springs ; but as well , there being the like reason , in those seas , which are able to plead the highest and most antient praescription , and cannot be any other wayes chargeable , then in their dayly fluxes and refluxes , with the least new invading of the earths bosome , and of those wells of coldboiling-natural nectar , with which it is usually there stored . And why should natures opening a vein of freshwater into the sea , seem such a sea monster when at land we ordinarily meet with divers springs , of different virtues and originals , meeting at after together in the same channel ; from their concourse and mixture conceiving secret virtues , manifest alterations , and special properties , as strange to the illiterate and unexperienced , and generally wondered at by the most , as the boiling heat appearing presently in the suddenly mixt Oyles of Tartar and Vitriol , though cold , when poured together . I shall not urge , that some , would have the seas , proportionately to their depth , fresh at the bottom . I only move , if this be not more easy , to be assented to , then what is dayly seen , and therefore not to be questioned in point of truth , that the sea fishes &c. Though continually living in that briny pickle remain still however fresh : many times the sea-fowle , that most-what fly but about it , sometimes swim in the surface of it , senting and tasting much stronger of the sea , than the fish that live deep and constant in it . But Experience being the grand Umpiress in the Question , in assurance of its convictiveness , I forbear at present . For your reducing of Mercury after all operations of fire , whether actual , or potential upon it , I have no reason to cherish suspitions of the truth of such performances : but that reduction shall be so perfect , as to give back the Mercury as absolute in all virtues , as it was , or could at first be delivered , will not be easily consented to , by those that know that fire burns the chief wing upon which in Amalgames Mercury carryes along with it Gold : and the force of fire upon it , is in the nature of a rape robbing it of that virgin treasure , to which the noble mettal is so sequacious ; which once lost , can never be restored again to the defloured Mercury : as in all volatiles that which is of nimblest wing flyes first , and the highest spirit first : and when an impregnation is to be made by fire the work of Philosophy is judged chiefly to lye in the governing , of the firing , that , like the Sun , it may give enlivening heat , and not become , as a destroying Element . The reason , why so few are acquainted with the excellency and praerogative of this pure Mercury , is because generally it is a fire-burnt Mercury , which is at first delivered to us . I omit that in a thousand instances , after Art has separated the natural union of parts , though it may again unite them , yet that re-union will in many points fall short of the first natural union . But why does it seem so monstrous to you , to call in Question the existence of the four Elements , it being a doctrine , which in all Ages has been attended with doubts ? if you think you can shew as Air , and Earth and water , yet what shew can you make of Elemental fire ? And since the dissolution of the Orbes , there being no Concave of the Moon , what region is designed and intended for it ? I presume both Hearths , and Altars , are too low , to be the proper Sphaere of this high Element . And upon the whole , as little can be said for any of the other three as for this : the State of the Question and controversie being rightly understood . For it is not fire that is denied , or Earth , or Ayr , or water , but all as Elemental . How great a share and proportion these have in making up this part of the worlds systeme , is too evident to sense to be called in Question : many leagues of Earth , or sea , answering to each single degree : but that these four are the first uncompounded compounding bodies , of which all others by their mixtion consist , and are made ; seems , from hence , to follow by a very sickly consequence . Not without solid consideration , and sufficient cause , did the Antients honour the Earth with the style of the All-feeding-Earth : what innumerable vegetables and Animals spring , live and grow in its bosome , not to touch at the inestimable treasures lodged in its bowels ? Others , and of the worlds sages , with honours not unequal , assign unto the water not only Beauty's birth , but the Rise and original of all things : and every moment convinceth the use and necessity of Air &c. These are Arguments of their universal use , concern and excellency , but do not prove their Elementalness , no more then that one Tree is the Element of another , because the one is engrafted into the other , or that the mother is the Element of the child , while it lives annexed unto her in the womb . That in these are the general and most common Lodges of the worlds Elements , from which each nature may furnish it self with what is convenient for its being , nutrition and growth , may easily be consented unto : but that these are the very Elements unmixed and uncompounded , will be an Herculean task to make forth by any Argument , or experience , so long as each in its region appears replenished with all variety of Beings . What a numerous diversity of Earths are to be found in the Earth , of diverse colours , weights , virtues ; some healing , some scouring , some binding , some Alexipharmical , besides chalkes , and Marles , and several clayes , sands and gravels , noble quarries , rich mines , coals , bitumes , marcasites , salts , minerals and metals ? so in water , all coagulable vapours and exhalations meet condensed with the alluvion and dissolution of various salts and other minerals , together with manifold subterraneous Oyles and spirits ; whence the wonderful difference of their weights , sents , colours , tasts , consistence and operations . In like manner the Air , what is it but an uncertain , unconstant , randome composition of all sorts of fumes and vapours , according to the nature and position of the Atomes dispersed in it sometimes clear , sometimes cloudy , sometimes healthful , sometimes pestilent , sometimes delighting , at other times offending the senses ? And as difficult will it be to find and shew any uncompounded Fire . But you will say , that though these be not Elemental Earth , Fire , Aire and Water , it hinders not but there may be such Beings and bodies ; I answer , I have no abhorrency against the opinion , if so by any practice , or in any dissolution these Elements could but be shewn , and their sufficiency to explain the phaenomena of nature : but those parts , which , generally in dissolutions : are offered to be accepted for these Elements , appear nothing lesse , and , beyond all dispute , very distant from uncompounded natures ; and the analogous parts in several dissolutions , as different one from another , as one of the Elements can be from another Element ; which is repugnant to the nature of first Elements ; as is usually and truly urged against salts , sulphures and Mercuries to put by their claim in first Elementarinesse , in the mixtion of bodies : Viz. that in several dissolutions , the analogous parts answer not in the least one to another , except it be in some very general , and external conformity ; but one is sowr , another sweet , another sharp , another faelid , another fragrant , thus expanding into all manner of variety , wherein should be nothing but the pure simplicity of a first Element . In a good sense , and with fair Explications , I have been ever ready to acknowledge their interest as secondary Elements , as a doctrine consentaneons to the Sacred Traditions of Theology ; or as before , as the principal Lodges of the first Elements : but neither that which fils the regions , nor that which remains after their dissolution of mixed bodies , could ever yet to me seem capable of the denomination of first Elements . And possibly it may be one of natures mysteries never to permit us to see the first Elements naked so curiously ballancing them in their connexions , that all attempts of Art , for their discovery , shall be eluded : so any Artifice to resolve and anatomize a natural body into its first principles , grounded upon the fixedness and volatility of the parts , is eluded , if first , or second Elements of the same fixednes , or volatility be connexed : so if grounded upon dissolubleness in a certain Menstrue , it is eluded by connexing several first , or second Elements aequally dissoluble in that , or the like Menstrue : so corrosious by separatories , fumigating , anointing , cementing are all eluded as to the bolting forth of the first Elements , if they meet with several first , or other Elements aequally passible in those operations . And the very number of the Elements has not seldom rendered them unto me very suspitious , that they could not be first Elements . For by what fair Argument shal the Quaternion of them be demonstrated ? if , as is usual , we argue from qualities , whether singular , or in symbolismes , I see not how this number can be maintained : more qualities , and more conjugations of them , ought by the same reason to prove a far greater number of Elements And alas , how vainly light do they render themselves , that , by four conjugations of disputable qualities , seek to solve all the phaenomena which are in the world ; of the Loadstones pointing northward , its drawing untoucht steel , the Load-touched steels drawing of other steel , the bleeding of the slain at the presence of the Murtherer , the moving of an untouched Lute-string being Unison , or in a strong consonancy string that is moved , the sinking of persons drowned the first dayes , and then floating to the top at after , they have layd soaking so long in the water , the Cramp fishes astonishing the Fishers hand at the long distance of line and Angle , the strange Ebbings and flowings of particular seas and springs , and a thousand other ? Upon the old principles , how lame is the doctrine of solidness and fluidness , of opacity and transparency , in bodies sometimes of the same solidnes , sometimes of the same fluidnes , besides a million of other instances , whose resolution mateth the doctrine of the four Elements ? However mis-understand me not , as if I denied Elements , or first Elements : these must either be allowed , or no mixtion ; of which we have lucide examples in every corner of the world : for it was a Golden-rule in the school , which now I am opposing , that the same , or like , as so , working upon the same , or like , as so , cannot make any alteration : that I suppose I have good reason not to be forward to embrace the new received opinion , so much cherished by some persons of Eminency and parts , that there is only one Element of all things licked into several external shapes and forms . But this controversy not concerning your judgment , it were trouble now to pursue an impertinent . The rest I suppose , any where defensible , save at Stagira ; where Fire must burn , Air poyson , Earth bury , and water drown , whatsoever shall be suspected in , or alleadged against the Traditions of the imperial Philosopher . However my thoughts are still comported to yield up themselves to that doctrine upon the first clear and experimental demonstration of it ; if any such might be hoped . In the interim I want not fair footsteppings in the Antients to induce me to think , that when they make Bodies to be composed of that which is hot , and that which is cold , of that which is dry and of that which is moyst ; they mean nothing less then these four bodies , or rather vast Amassements , vulgarly now known by the name of the four Elements : but they rather intend , the true Elements of nature , it may be seldom , or never seen alone ; in which , such qualities , or properties are specially eminent : and they are so far from restraining natural compositions to the at present received Quaternary of Elements , that constantly at the same breath they hint many other : adjoyning in their recitals of natural mixtions , temperaments , and compositions , to that which it hot , cold , moyst , dry , Elements endowed with several other properties , as that which is salt , that which is sowr , that which is bitter , that which is sharp , that which is sweet &c. and the extremities and distempers intolerable unto nature , whether in general the Animal nature , or more especially the Humane nature , are made to be , when such Elements sever from their mixture , and go apart by themselves to violating , and breaking up that sweet proportionate composition and harmony , which is so friendly and grateful unto nature . As the Pyrotechnists analyse bodies , upon the consideration of several differences and contrarieties which are in their compositive parts , as that some will abide the fire , others not ; some be wrought upon by such dissolvents , or corroders , others not : so the Antients to reduce all inanimate things to four heads , may have insisted on several contrarieties , paving the way to such a doctrine : Viz. that such bodies are either firmly solid , or else fluid : and those that are fluid , are such , either in a grosse corpulent matter , or in fine exhalations : and those exhalations , either apt to conceive a flame , and burn , or else of a nature , thereunto indisposed . And according to such a distribution , many various bodies fall aptly enough under the same head of Amassment : and all inanimals in the world may be easily reducible to some one of these four heads . But then these four heads are not particular first Elements , uncompounded , and so constitutive of things in mixtion ; but general notions , unto which the inanimals of this lower part of the universe , are aptly reducible . Favour these Conjectures , which obtrude nothing , only labour what they can to justify the methods of the Antients . Send back my instruments and the last transmitted Problemes with your first convenience . The Fourth Answer . Concerning the seams of the Skull , and the number of the seams by which the Skullbones are joined one unto another , over and besides the three principal proper and true seams . That without contradiction , variety may be admitted both in the number and order of such seams . That neither abstruct nor concrete Mathematicks are wholly exempt from a liablenes to such varieties . That the pre-eminence of right-side parts is no way natural in such as twin but only at pleasure . SIR . THe learned men were riper for controversy , than became the gravity of their profession , or else upon the Point , which you have transmitted to me , held by each with so little real , though a manifest nominal difference , it had not been easy to have occasioned the hot language contained in your report . Though the one make but five pairs of seams , by which the Temple bones are joyned to the wedge bone , and also to the two Crown bones , and those ( besides the three principal seams ) to the forehead bone , or bones , and to the Nowl bone ; and the other , contrary to the general doctrine of the Anatomick School , asserts that there are six ; and both make their appeal to Autopsy and the Skeleton ; I see not wherein either is disabled to maintain his Assertion , as both agreable to truth and justifiable upon the view : only not without some rational ground for the difference , Viz. either hath , as I suppose , his different method , upon which he insists in making up the account of the seams . For the number will differ according to the ground by which you will distinguish and make out the unity of each seam : as also according as the seams are accounted singly , or by pairs ; from which last manner of accounting may arise also a third different number of them , though still without any change in the thing and object . Not being privy to the terms upon which this controversy was between them managed ; this Reconciliation , though unquestionably true , and pertinent to the Question , as by you in general proposed , may however possibly be inpertinent to it , as by them stated and defended : though I understand not upon what other terms the Assertions of both can be capable of justification : and I am not willing to think otherwise , between persons , so eminently learned . It cannot be denied but in these nicer things observed in the head , and distinguished usually by numbers , as the seams , and holes of the scull , there has not wanted some seeming diversity and obscurity : while it has been thought , that merely at the pleasure of Authors and of those that sit in the Anatomical chair , sometimes one thing , at other times another , and not constantly the same thing , is made to give the order , unity , integrity and distinction of seams . So the Nowlebones connexion with the Crown bone , and Temple bone of the same side , is generally construed to be two seams , and of two diverse kinds ; the one true , the other mendous , or defective : though so fair be the continuance of the one seam unto the other , that the one is usually known by the name of an Additament unto the other : and yet in other seams diversity of bones doth not , with all , make multiplicity of seams ; as in the Lepidoidal , or scaleseam where the Templebone is joyned to the Crown-bone and to the wedge-bone by a future , generally accounted but for one : so the connexion of the inner process of the forehead bone , to four several bones of the upper chapp , is by most accounted but for one common seam . The like , or worse perplexities occurre sometimes in the account of the holes in the head ; while some of the holes , which are common to several bones are accounted in each bone : others , in like manner common only in one of the bones , whence many times the number of the holes pertinent to each bone is left confused , and imperfect . For the reverence I bear unto the great Artists , in whom these things may be ordinarily observed ; I am not willing to impute them any otherwise then to their great intentnesse upon matter and things ; by which they seem overborn into a certain negligence of names and appellations . And those whose study is rather to be Anatomists , then so esteemed , and draw their Institutes and observations from the Body , more then out of Books , will easily consent with me that in this whole Doctrine , of the seams , and holes of the head , names and numbers are of less moment , so there be a clear understanding of the things themselves . So none , who has truly made use of his own Eyes can deny some parts , or sides of the true seams of the skull to be mendous , and some parts , or sides of some of the mendous to be in a sort true : that in several of them the distinction of true from mendous , and sutures from harmonyes , seems to be oft more matter of name imposed at pleasure , without clear and sufficient ground for real and peremptory distinction . Things thus standing , in the contest you mention ; how easy is it to make , on the same side , the seams , by which the Temple bone and wedge bone are joyned one to another , and ( as before ) to the Nowl bone , Crown bone and Forehead bone , to be at pleasure , either five in number , or if you please six ; For the one , or the other number follows , according as you shall take the connexion of the Temple-bone with a Crown-bone and the wedge-bone , to be one seams as it is most usually accounted ; or else to be two ; for which , being the connexions of two and two several bones , there wants not , as appears , some fair and probable ground . And thus though I would not charge with falsity , that whose truth is from real grounds so plainly defensible , howbeit somewhat varying from the ordinary methods , and systems of Authors ; yet I judge it not meet we be too forward , by reason of our more clear insight into things , in altering , slighting and rejecting the Terms , names , distinctions and methods , which have , time out of mind , been in continual use with learned men . For names , that were first coyned for distinction and instruction , if they should be dayly and hourly changed , would be sure to introduce confusion . And though in Names and numbers the Antients have used somewhat of authority , they have notwithstanding , in the same subject , fairly exercised their reason . So , with a very little allowance , this whole doctrine of the sutures , has been cast by them into a Mould methodical enough : the sum whereof in few may be this . The sutures of the head either concern not , or else concern the bones of the upper chap : those which concern not the Bones of the upper chap , are either largely toothed sutures , Viz. the Crown suture , the Dart suture , and the Lambda suture ; which may also receive another ground of distinction from their concerning the two Crown-bones connexion one with the other , or with the Forehead bones and the Noul-bone : or otherwise ; other sutures , not concerning the bones of the upper chap , are not so fairly not deeply , sometimes scarce at all , at least not so manifestly dented , or not in the same manner ; as the Lepidoidal connexting the Temple-bone to the Crown-bone and to the wedge-bone ; the connexion between the Crown-bone and wedge-bone ; the connexion between the Noul-bone and Temple-bone , commonly called the Additament of the Lambdoidal ; the connexion between the Nouls additament and the wedge-bone ; and the connexion between the Fore-head-bone and the wedge-bone : which may also receive another ground of distinction from their concerning the connexion of the Temple-bone and wedge-bone one with the other and with the Noul-bone , Crown-bones , and Forehead-bone . So the sutures , which concern the bones of the upper chap , either concern some one , or more of them in common with some of the aforementioned bones ▪ or else they concern , the bones of the upper chap alone , as connexed mutually amongst themselves . The sutures which concern some one , or more of the bones of the upper chap , in common with some of the aforementioned , make connexion only with some of these , Viz. the Temple-bone , wedge-bone , or Fore-head bone ; for the Crown-bones and Noul-bone are no where connexed to the bones of the upper chap : And they are particularly these ; Viz. the connexion of the outer processe of the Fore-head bone , with the inner processe of the first bone of the upper chap : the connexion of the first bone of the upper chap with the wedge bone : the connexion of the inner processe of the Forehead-bone with the fifth , fourth , second and third bones of the upper chap , being in the order recited , connexed from within outwards : the connexion of the outer , or yoke processe of the first bone of the upper chap , with the yoke processe of the Temple bone , in the middle of the yoke bone : which yoke bone is not a distinct and several bone , but made up of two processes of two several bones : and the last is the connexion between part of the upper , part of the dissepiment and the wedge-bone , Lastly the seams which concern the bones of the upper chap only among themselves are the connexion of the first and fourth bone , the connexion of the second bone with the third and fourth , the connexion of the third and fourth bones , the connexion of the fourth and fifth bones , the connexion between the two fifth bones , the connexion of the fourth and sixth bones , the connexion between the two sixth bones , the connexion of the other part of the upper part of the dissepiment with the fifth bones , the connexion of the lower part , of the dissepiment in the Plough-share bone with the sixth , i. e. the palat bones and some small part of the fourth bones . In all which , if somewhat at pleasure , they have used authority in the numeral order of the bones , and in the account and order of the seams , it is no more than is freely allowed to each Artist in his Art , so long as the Authority they use , neither bears , nor creats any repugnancy to the subject matter . And so even in abstract Mathematicks , somethings are determined , not by necessity , because they can be no otherwise , but by long usage and authority , because they may conveniently be as is determined . So Arithmetical numerations , which are every where received and taught in Decuple proportion ; with as much facility and Mathematical accurateness might be instituted in undecuple proportion ; and then the usual Probes , should not be by casting away of nines but of tens ; or in sexage cuple proportion ; and then the Probes should be by casting away of fifty nines : or non cuple proportion , and then the Probes should be by casting away of eights . And the like instances might be given in Geometry ; and in several , if not most parts of Concrete Mathematicks . So in ordering the Account of the Brain ventricles , of the sides of the same bones , and sometimes of the branchings of sinews , veins , Arteries , other vessels , and the like ; custome , and authority , commonly gives praecedency to the parts , cavities , or branchings , posited on the right side ; though without offence unto Truth , all Accounts might as exquisitely be compleated in a quite contrary order . But though these things might be , and as well , as what is ; yet what is , being as accurate , as what otherwise might be , it is sufficient to know that these things might be otherwise methodized , without renouncing the Antients method . I have , you see , too high an Opinion of the persons concerned , to imagine their difference could arise from , some peculiarities in unusual skulls ; in which it is not uncommon to find great difference in the numbers of bones , seams and holes , not only under diversity of Age and sex , which , is so common , it is not otherwise to be expected ; but as well when no such causes can be alleadged , for the diversity : nay , many times in the main and principal , commonly called True seams we do not ever find a constant regularity and uniformity . But of those things , which seldome are , we are not to maintain Controversy , as if they were the way of nature . This , Sir , I have written not to Inform , but confirm your judgement ; which I know so well versed in the Syntaxe of this our humane body , that it cannot dissent from what is . The Fifth Answer . That immense volatility may consist with immense ponderousness . That tincturs may be altered by maturation without any addition , Whether the appearing and motion of comets may be before their appearance predicted . That no such particular predictions can be made concerning the meteors which are in the Atmosphear of the earth , nor of the first appearances of such Comets as are supposed to have their Original from new amassements of Cometical matter in other Atmospheares ; though after their first appearance , upon some observations accurately made , somewhat , though nothing so peremptorily as in other cases , may be predicted , relating to their future motion . That it is not impossible , but concerning Comets which are permanent bodies , and not new amassements , predictions may be made long before , of their future appearances and motion . SIR . I Take your satisfaction , upon my last proposed , clear , and doubtless Experiments , now since by you proved and approved , as a fair acknowledgment of that Truth , which however to me upon its former evidences needed no farther confirmation : Viz. that so different are the genuine notions and qualities of fixednes and gravity , that immense volatility may and is ordinarily consistent with an immense specifick ponderousness ; arising not from the moles and quantity of the bodies under consideration , but rather from their natures and kinds . That what in your first velitation you assumed as absurdly grosse , inconsistent , and impossible ; is now , upon your own acknowledgments , most easily and obviously demonstrable by experience . No less certainly is to be acknowledged , in what you propose for the tingeing of metalline bodies , only by ordering and attending them in the management of their maturations , without the addition either of body , or spirit , as being all the time of this operation under the sure seal . Could I perswade my self it should not be resented as a grand unkindnes , to be silent in what you call for my thoughts in , in the close of yours ; Viz. Whether prognosticks at certainty , such as are of Eclipses , of Coitions , oppositions , motions of other Starrs , whether , I say , such prognosticks and of like certainty , may not also be made of Comets , of their Appearances , common impediments removed , and of their motions ; I should , if it might be , herein , lay Harpocrates finger upon my lip , and seal them up into a pertinacions silence . Not but I am desirous to know , and willing to search after truth : only I fear me , these are secrets of nature , by their peculiar mysteriousnes , sinking themselves so low into the pit of obscurity , that the stock of observations and disquisitions about them , which the world as yet hath , is not able to raise them so high , and place them so near day , as to be within humane reach and discovery . What I now offer is a Caesarean birth of the mind , not brought forth by me , but cut out of the womb by your importunity : if it want shape , licking and lineaments , accept it as an unripe Abort , and either hatch it to perfection in your Thigh , or give it a little dust to cover it . I take by way of praesumption , that in this Quaery and Question you mean not by Comets , any of those more usual , less permanent is regularly moved Meteors , bred ▪ gathered , fired , and burning in the Atmosphaere of our Earth ; after their Appearance , there cannot be much certainty of their Motion , though sometimes there may be conjectures probable enough , and in the Event by observation justifyed , when the fuel , or fovent matter of such Meteors , is manifestly , upon what account soever , known to be only , or most copiously situate and disposed some one particular way : but of the generation and first appearance of such Meteors , particularly the moment when , and the point , or exact place where , they shall appear , much less of certainty , in such pronosticks is to be expected ; there being so much variety , contingency , and uncertainty , in the causes and meeting together of those causes , which contribute to their production . And though there are , and have been many praedictions in general , and Rules of praedicting Astrologically , or Physiologically , from the seasons of the year , the temperature , and distemper of seasons &c. Concerning such meteors in general ; yet in a matter so unallyed unto certainty , replenished with all manner of casualties , to promote , or retard such productions , I have not known any offer peremptory Pronosticks of the kind of the meteor , its shape , magnitude , duration , motion , with absolute determinations of its time and places , at any time beforehand . The quality and condition of the subject matter , making it as impossible to bolt out scientifical and oracularly certain predictions of such meteors , as it is , a year before , to prove , or shew that in such an hour , and in such a quarter , shall be a Rainbow , so colour'd , so continued , or discontinued and of such limited dimensions : or that , such a moment , from such a point of such an Azymuth , shall a devolant Star spring forth , which , in its fall , shall run obliquely thorow such and such Azymuths , and expire at such an height above the Horison ; or that such an hour , in such a Longitude and Latitude , shall in such Altitudet and positions , and of such dimensions , be seen by day four Suns , or by night three Moons . To lay aside therefore the consideration of these , as supposed impertinent to our present purpose ; what may judiciously be concluded upon your Questions concerning those other Comets , which lye without the compasse of this Earths Atmospaere ? If there be not two sorts of such celestial Comets ; there are at least two several and very different Hypotheses and notions under which they are considered by Artists : and Artists of equal worth and fame , order their reasonings , some upon the one supposition , some upon the other : Viz. Some , as if Comets were new made bodies , amassed , and gathered in some of the superior Atmosphaeres ; many of which are , not without fair reason , supposed to be in those vastly remote aethereal regions : others , as if Comets were coaeval to , and neither less permanent , nor more new , then the rest of the Stars ; only seldome seen , and when seen , soon passing again out of sight , by reason of the Line , upon which their Center is moved : and nothing as yet appears hindering the truth of the possibility and consistency of both these Opinions ; leaving it especially indifferent in the later Hypothesis , to call such stars at pleasure by the name , either of Comets , or New-stars , or rather seldome appearing Stars . Comets upon the first supposition , seem not to want some affinity with several , especially of the more eminent , meteors of our Atmosphaere : yet allowing a vast difference between them in place , proportion , duration , motion , and the like circumstantials . And as our Globe , though in its self large , is but a minute thing , compared with many of the caelestial Bodies ; that the vast error of the Earths semidiameter , by taking the Earth for a small point , many times in Astronomical , Gnomonical , and other operations , creates not by consequence any perceiveable Errour : so it is not unlike , but the Atmosphaere of our Globe is vastly disproportionable to the Atmosphaeres of many of those heavenly lights : which may in a sort be gathered also , from the small power , which our Atmosphaere has in the pressures which it makes upon moist and liquid bodies : as also from the common vastnes of cometical bodies , frequently accepted as much larger then all both our globe and its Atmosphaere , and therefore requiring a proportionately immense place both for their being and motions . And that such huge dimensions are not groundlesly attributed to the cometical bodies , is rendered undoubted from the glorious and glaring light , with which eminently above most of other Stars , they dazle , to admiration , the minds and Eyes of mortals at so great distance , that some times little , or no Parallax can be observed in them . As to these therefore to solve the Questions , unto which you have tasked me ; I cannot but judge it improbable , with any assurance to make praedictions before hand , that in such limited moments of futurity , shall appear such Comets , as are to be at after amassed , gathered , formed , and embodied in the Atmosphaeres , which are above : if seeming no more wilde to give heed and credit to the superstitious Auguries and soothsayings of the Antients , then the most subtle reasonings upon which such predictions can be made , in a subject of this nature . Yet though their first emerging and appearance cannot upon any calculation be foretold ; however at after they have a while appeared , and some , though not very many , curious observations have been made of the changes of place , and other circumstances , which they make in their several appearances , at such and such exalt distances of time ; it is fairly enough probable , that often , by an ingenious prognostick , the course of such a Comet may be nearly traced , and set down before hand , as to way and speed , only with this limitation , if the substance of the Comet do not first vanish , or dissolve , or by reason of its instant dissolution divert from , hasten , or retard its course : upon which score of their dissolubleness , and therefore their ere long to be expected dissolution , no prognosticks , upon them and their course , can be so absolute and peremptory , as those which may be made concerning such Comets , as are properly couched under the second supposition . And the grounds why most what in these Comets of the first constitution , or supposition , from past observations , a fair conjecture may be made of their future course notwithstanding their new production and amassement in Atmosphaeres , are chiefly hereupon founded : that such cometical bodies , as they are demonstrably vast , and manifestly , and by their nature dissoluble , so their dissolution is not observed very momentaneous , but most what more , leisurely by degrees and in time ; in short , they flame forth of a sudden , but expire gradually ; so as to be able , for a while , to retain the impressions of regular motion , whether communicated from somewhat in the Center of the same Atmosphaere , or from the confluent efficacy of several Agents all contributing constantly , each according to its nature , to the Comets alone , or its and its Atmosphaeres motion , whether by aequilibration , pulsion , traction , pressure , manifest , or secret ; or else inwardly wrought into the very substance and nature of the Comet : especially the Comets place being in those lofty aethereal regions , where are perpetual circumgyrations and every motion that is observable , the more accurately it is observed , it is found the more regular . And if it be urged here-against that the motion of Comets seldome , or never answers the motion of any other Starre , but commonly has a cross trajecting motion , whereby it moves asloope , athwart , transversely , or obliquely , varying from the usual , formerly observed motions . As this cannot be denyed , so it doth not at all infringe the possible regularity of such motions , which are observed to be most what in the same plain , though oddly posited : and that there are many and , diverse such undreamt of motions in the Heavens , constant and regular , of which save by some such , or late discoveries , no hint hath as yet bin made forth unto us , may in as good reason be allowed , as that vast number of Stars in the skyes acknowledged , of which , without the Telescop , 't is impossible to have any discerning . And if we grant that in respect of its peculiar Atmosphaere , the motion of a Comet solely considered as in it , be not so strictly regular ; yet the regular circumgyration of the Atmosphaere , in which the Comet is carryed , in respect of the Universe , cannot but with those that Cant upon that Hypothesis , enforce the Confession of a great degree of regularity in the Comets motion : and that Comets , in what part of the Heavens soever appearing , move in some conformity with other celestial bodyes , notwithstanding the contrariety or diversity of their proper , or peculiar motions from the rest , is , beyond all dispute , evident from their dayly moving , with the rest , from East to West . The manner of making observations , calculating to know the place , the distance , speed of such a Comet , and when it is at nearest , or remotest in its course from us , is no other then in Comets of the second supposition . And from this whole discourse is manifest ; the Hypotheses , upon which Calculations are to be made , in order to such praedictions , cannot be particularly in these Comets known before hand , but in several such Comets may be very different ; and are to be found out by curious , and diligent Observations ; which , in each respective Comet , must be accurate , and at least four in number : and I think predictions pretended from three observations , are over hasty , and , at best , can but be conjectural ; nay , in some cases , from four ; as if you be unsatisfyed , I shall be ready , by demonstrative instances , to remove your doubt . But if of these Comets any should be found , to wander , so as the motion of its Center cannot possibly be reduced any thing nigh unto the same plane , or regularity in change of Planes , or that the motion of its Center , in the same , or several Planes , describe not a Line regular , or near unto a regularity , it is not probably easy to make predictions at any certainty of truth , of the future course and motion of such Comets . Concerning Comets of the later kind , or Hypothesis ; possibly it is more easy to answer your Queries in them , then effectually without a world of time , sagacity and diligence to accomplish and attain the purport of those Answers . That the motion of such Comets of the second sort , being not truly new , but rather seldom appearing , and soon disappearing Cometical Stars ; that , I say the motion of such , is not without some regularity , though it may not be concluded without long observations and frequent experiences of their motion had , which in such seldom appearing , and soon again disappearing Stars is difficult enough to attain to ; yet if we consider the steady , unbiassed course , held by most , if not all the rest of the permanent Stars without deviation , though in different periods and with many different latitudes and declinations , and great diversity of motions , it cannot be less then mightily probable , nothing in sense , reason , or experience appearing as yet able to demonstrate the contrary , but that a fair , celestial regularity may rationally be expected in those their perpetual motions , whether their Centers be carryed in the same Plane , or in a continual change , and alterations of Planes . And in diverse respects in some , if not all of them , as in most other Stars , the same Center may be said to move regularly and perpetually in the same Plane , and also without elenchtical contradiction to move regularly with an incessant change of Planes : so the motion of any Planet , or other Starr , whose motion we are versed in , taken concretely and with complication of that mundane , or general circumvolution , which with all the rest it hath from East by South to West , though it be regular , yet it is not without a continual shifting of the Planets , or Stars center from plane to plane : whereas the proper motion of the same Planet , or Starr considered abstractly and severed from the general circumvolution it hath with the celestial universe , as it is regular , so it may keep the center of the planet , or Star constant in the same plane . And the Course , appearance , and returns of such cometical Stars will be of much more easy calculation , if their motions , in the regularity , propriety and peculiarity of them , be any wayes reducible , as is abovesaid , unto the same plane ; of which plane by observations is to be decided , whether it pass thorough the center of the Aequator and universe ; and if the center of the universe lye out of it , what is the perpendicular from the Center unto the plane ; and in the plane , what regular figure , or journey is described by the motion of the Comets center , and what are the Diameters or Axis of such figures , or centers of such motions in that plane : in the easiest , and plainest of all which cases , four observations are at least re-requisite : but where the regularity of the Comets motion , being irreducible to the same plane , is in a continual shifting from plane to plane , there many more observations may scarce be enough , to clear up the regularity of the Comets motion , sufficiently for easy calculation : and when a sufficient number of exquisite observations have been made , the calculation , as it will hardly be so accurate , so it will scarce be so easy , as in other cases - The observations , in all cases and suppositions , are to make discovery of the exact place of the Comets center at the moment of the observations , Viz. of its longitude , latitude and altitude not in respect of Azymuthal arches , but in right lines drawn between their center and the center of the universe . And the more exquisite the observations are , they make way for clearer calculations ; upon which may be founded so much the more assured predictions . To answer therefore your Queries in relation to these Comets of the second sort , or supposition ; I think it not impossible , but in time predictions may , it may be many Ages beforehand , be made of the Appearing , or rather Re-appearing of such Comets : according as , in the regularity of their motion , they come nearer or are removed Farther off from us . So I remember a person of Quality in the North , with an high measure of Assurance reported to me , that one of the late Comets appearance and Emerging , was by a certain Genoese praedicted at least two years before the Emersion and appearing of it : which if so , is to be referred , I doubt not , to the principle and method , above insisted on . According to which , after different intervals of years , several Comets may appear , one after another , and sometimes several such Comets may appear all at once : and yet there is no clear necessity of the constant re-appearing of the same Comet , in the same Horizon , still at after equal spaces of time . And if the Emerging of such Comets may be praedicted before their Appearance ; upon the same principles , the line of their motion , the casting of their Train , and their future recess , may as well be praedicted , whether before , or after their first appearance : as also when , and where shall be their Accelerations and retardations in motion ; especially , considering the advantage hereunto accruing , from their nearness to , or distance from the Eye of the spectator : not that this makes inequality , or inequability to be , but rather only to appear , in their motion . Upon the same accounts , the dayly rising , setting , and Southing of Comets may be calculated : as also what parallel , or spiral it describes : and how much it gains dayly in its proper motion : as also its place , as to longitude , latitude , altitude , above any limited Horizon , at any limite moment : what constellations it shall pass thorough : and in what Aspect it shall be posited to any Planet , or other Star : so of conjunctions , oppositions , quadratures , combustions , Eclipses , and many such like affections , in common incident to Comets with other Stars , there may as clear predictions be made : as also when it disappears , not for its remotenesse from us , but as other Stars dayly , because of the Suns propinquity to it , and our view , the times of its not being seen by reason of the circumfusion of the greater light of the Sun , being manifestly calculable ; though of other obscurations by clouds , and such like impediments and interpositions , no artificial prognostick can be made . So in the first Approaches , or last recesses of Comets , by falling into such circumfusions of solar light , the first appearance of the Comet will be later then otherwise , and in the other case , its appearing cease sooner then might be expected : and predictions are accordingly to be ordered . If I have been unusually long beyond the proportion of a Letter , suppose it to be the long Train peculiar to such Cometical , full-lighted , obscure-natured Stars , as you are now Quaering about . And not to dismisse you without a Task ; it were a noble disquisition clearly to unfold , what it is in these Cometical Stars , alone , or also in their circumfused Atmospheres , that enables the Sun , more especially to affix such glorious , long luminous Tayls unto them more then to other Stars , whether constant , or new , or rarely appearing Stars ; which in whatsoever position to the Sun , are still seen without any such long , beamy , luminous Trains . But I commit this and those other Queries about the salts of the highest volatiles to your serious leisure . The sixth Answer . That the motion of the Celestial bodies about their particular axes , is not a satisfactory proof of their Copornican Systeme . That Comets though supposed to be nearest to the Earth , when they are in opposition to the Sun , yet do not thereby prove the Earths motion . I See that neither the currency of Doctrines , nor the course of time , are able to beat off from you your old Philosophical genius . You can swallow nothing upon the mere Tradition of others , nor yet upon their reasons , till first examined , concocted , and digested in your own . Your doubts seem not causeless which you move upon that point ; whether the motion of the Celestial bodies turning themselves about , upon their own Axes , may be allowed for a just proof of the Copernican systeme . It is a golden and noble branch of intellectual Justice , so far as is possible , mathematically and to a punctillio , to clear and set forth the bounders of Truth : yet as your modesty delivers your judgement , I doubt not , by way of doubt ; so I desire you read my Answer , as writ only in the same Dialect ; that I , in like manner , may not appear a rash Judger , of what it seems has been concluded by men of great parts and learning . The Artfullness of the Instruments , and diligence of the Observers that , from several marks in several Stars , have noted this their circumvolution , I love and honour : and am apt to conjecture , the like motions may in future be discovered in other Stars , in which they have not as yet been noted : and shall be ready to improve the Observation in all inferences authorized and recommended unto us by the necessity of their consequence . But as things , at first glance , commonly offer a fuller raye then they hold in constant ; so I suspect the glimmering probability of the Earths motion according to the Copernican Hypothesis , upon the first discovery of this circumgyration of Stars about their own Axes , will , upon farther consideration and deliberation , grow still more faint . There being very few Hypotheses , with which ( to give it a short name ) this circumaxal motion of the Stars is expressely inconsistent ; it not being impossible , if all things else would consist and cohaere , but such a motion might be accomplished in the Hypothesis of Orbes and Sphaeres , so the Star were but unfixed and set lax and free to move according to its nature in its own orb , by a motion discharged , different and distinct from the motion of its orb : So in the old Hypothesis , while they affixed and bound the Starre unto its proper Epicycle , yet in its larger Orb they allowed it to be therein carryed sometimes progressively , sometimes retrogradely , and sometimes stationarily , according to the motion of the Epicycle , or Episphaere in the larger sphaere . And without any sense as yet , that it deserves a blush , I willingly profess , I want the Lyncean eyes and judgment , from such a circumaxall moving of Stars , to deduce the Suns , or Earths central , either rest , or motion : especially the vast distance , at which these bodyes are distant one from another , being on all hands yielded ; which if it do not necessarily , altogether amort , and abolish the powers , which one of these bodyes may possibly have upon the others , yet till such their powers over one another in this point of motion be fairly proved , it leaves it easily manifest , that any of these bodyes may be moved according to its own peculiar nature , without laying , by so long a reach , laws of necessity upon other Bodyes , at so great a distance , for their motion . As for example the bodyes A. and B. either of the same general , or special nature ; they being severed and severally placed at competent distance one from another ; both , or either may be at rest , or in motion , neither inferring upon the other the analogy either of its rest , or motion , or to be suspected so to doe , till it be pregnantly either so observed , or proved : Viz. That either has upon the other , even at distance , such a strong and efficacions power· And if the stress of the ratiocination hang upon this ; that otherwise there would not be a conformity between the motions of the Earth , the Sun , Saturn , Jupiter , &c. to my apprehension , nothing is more easy , then not only to turn the edge , but break the back and overturn the foundation of such an Argument . For first the motions , or unmovednes of these bodyes , is not to be made conform unto our retired thoughts , and speculations in a close study , or to the motions , which we have observed , and justly concluded certain in other noble Bodyes in the world ; but they are rather by all ingenions Arts and instruments , to be each by its self particularly observed , how in Truth they are , and so to be accepted and acknowledged in their appropriate sciences . And what greater necessity is there of making the Sun , or the Earth in rest and motion to be conform to Saturn , Jupiter , &c. then to be conform to them in shape , magnitude , respective distances , which on no hand is ascerted , but for the impossibility , and demonstrablenes thereof by observation , rather the contrary ? And why should there not be as great a necessity for them to be conform in rest and motion , to the Stars passing generally under the notion and title of Fixed , which has never yet been offered , because it is cl●●● it cannot be defended ? And what less necessity is there , why they should not conform in the celerity and nimbleness of their motion , as well as the form , kind and manner of it ? And what greater necessity for conformity of motion in Stars , then in Animals , in which some creep , some fly , some go upon feet , some swim ; neither in their supposed and called Elements can any such necessity of the same kind of motion be observed , though in the same Element . Upon the same way , method and force of reasoning , when Jacob is at the Dancing , or Fencing Schools in Oxford , Joga must be Galliarding or Brandishing it at the like Schools in Salamanca . Every stone has not in it the mysteryes of the Magnet , and several Jewels have their several splendours , virtues and properties : so several Stars considering their several situations , shapes , magnitudes , distances and diversities of nature , cannot but in rest and motion each have something proper and peculiar : at least may not without cause be suspected to have otherwise , till it be possible by some medium to evince the contrary . And as the Copernican Systeme receives not much confirmation from the praecedent circumaxal motion of Stars ; so that Comets are nearest the Earth when opposite to the Sun ; with what greater strength doth it , as others urge , prove the Earths motion ? wherein is requisite that the Hypothesis it self , be confirmed by frequent Observation in several Comets , before it be allowed as general ; that as by way of Induction may be inferred , that every Comet when it is nearest to the Earth , is then opposite to the Sun , and when this is allowed and fairly proved , there is no necessity by which it follows , or can be inferred from hence , that the Earth hath its annual Revolutions about the Sun : all that is in the allowed , and supposedly proved Hypothesis , being many ways accomplishable , and as easily and clearly , the Sun moving about the Earth , as the Earth moving about the Sun , in which I doubt not your judgment . The Second SECTION of PHILOSOPHICAL ANSWERS . CONTEINING QUERIES Relating to the Angle of Contact . LONDON , Printed by T. L. for Nathaniel Brooke , at the Angel in Cornhil near the Royal Exchange . 1670. To the right reverend Father in God , Seth Lord Bishop of Salisbury . To the right reverend Father in God Lord Bishop of Chester . My Lords . ALthough I know , the raw , untrained Reader , upon this last Answer above the rest , will be sure to pronounce his , Quis leget haec ? and to bestow upon it , no other fate then thuris & scrombrorum ; judging all things impertinent , that lye not in the dirty troden way ; or cold , which his torpid dullness is unable , at least too slothfull to strike any fire out of ; and every thing to be destitute of a kernel , which is too hard for his delicate Gum to crack the shell of : however , I fear not the rendering my self faulty beyond Apology , in laying this Answer , above all the rest divulged in this present manual , at your Lordships feet . The singular happines of both your Lordships in your studies , drawing in by way of divertisement , what multitudes of others study seriously and purposely for , and yet miss of , having made veneration to wait upon your judgment , and your minds so seemingly fruitful , in multitudes of as new as ingenious inventions ; hath too well acquainted your Lordships , with the Scufflings which have been in former ages , and between men of the clearest judgments , and most excellent parts , about these minute angles of contact ; being , by general confession , small beyond all proportion with rectilinearies ; and by others only denyed to be minute , because they think they have no quantity at all . Like as in solar Atomes , when myriades of them are before us , we cannot be peremptory in asserting a full sight of any one of them . And however I may have missed the Corinth I first hoysed sayl for , I know when retiring from your higher-region'd speculations you are pleased to make unto your selves a Platonick divertisement , upon a deigned perusall of this scrole to a friend , I doubt not but your Lordships will justify the essay , and allow that by such sallyes , a firm comprehension may at last be attained of the mercurial niceness of this question , which hath so oft eluded the grasp of those wits , who have formerly thought they have had it so firm and sure . My Lords , I know the admirable quality , and mighty merits of the persons that think and have thought otherwise , then I have delivered my thoughts here ; however I should have dealt faithlesly with my friend , if I should have returned him answer contrary to my judgment . And as I have been morally true to him , so what right , or injury I have herein done unto Philosophical truths in this nice , and hitherto inexplicable subtilty , none can better decide then your Lordships ; at whose feet it is left , by Your Lordships Servant . W. M. The Seventh Answer . Concerning angles of contact . That recto-convexe angles of contact are truly angles according to the definition of plane angles . That recto-convexe angles of contact are not destitute of quantity . How many wayes one quantity may be greater then another , what kind of homogeneity it is that is requisite for proportionalls . That angles have figuration as well as quantity . That in angles is observable a homogeneity or heterogeneity which is Mathematical , and also a homogeneity or heterogeneity which is not Mathematical , nor any way concerning their quantity , but only their figuration , &c. Of several special properties of magnitudes and angles . How some angles are Constituted by the concrescency and annexion of several parts and angles which are heterogeneal each to other . Whether like angles in unequal circles , and in loke segments of circles be always Equal ? That all Equal angles are not like . That all like angles are not Equal . THough I cannot consent unto your thoughts about the Angle of Contact , I should be angry with my own rashness , should I be forward to blame your late speculations thereabout ; seeing so many noble and sprightly wits , and such as have deserved the honour of Europe , siding with you . Especially I honour your thorow-conversation in the learned persons works , whom I perceive you so largely to have gleaned after : you could not have plowed in these hard grounds with a more worthy Assistant . But knowing it is not Complement you expect in Philosophy but Reason ; I shall in as short , as the matter will bear , and as plainly as I can , summe up the grounds , why I as yet remain so farre dissatisfyed , that I cannot without injustice to my own judgment , desert the generous and learned dissenters from your Opinion : or cease to averre Angles of Contact to be true quantities , equal ; or unequal one to another , though the highest multiplex of the greatest citradiametral Angle of Contact , be never able to exhaust , or equalize the least right-lined part of the most acute right-lined Angle . And that we may not mistake each other about the State of the Controversy ; and to be shorter , and more clear in the insuing discourse ; we shall first set down the definitions of certain termes , about which I suppose there will be no difference between us . As. 1 st . ( Our discourse extending no further then to plain Angles ) that by a Right-lined angle , we understand a plane angle contained under two concurring sides , or lines , which are two right-lines not posited directly the one in the production of the other , nor parallel the one to the other . As in fig. 1. the Angle B AC is a right-lined angle contained under the two right lines BA and CA ; BA and CA not being so posited at A as to make one right line : nor can they be parallel because of their rectitude and concurrence . 2 ly . That by a crooked-lined Angle , we understand a plane Angle , contained under two concurring sides , or lines , which are two crooked lines ; as in the fig. 2.3 4. the Angle B AC is a crooked lined angle contained under the two Crooked lines B A and C A. 3 ly . That by a crooked lined angle of concaves , or a Concavo-concave angle , we understand a plane angle contained under two concurring crooked lines ; both which crooked lines obvert at the Angle first of all inwards , the concave side of their Curvature , towards the angle under then contained . So in fig. 4. the angle B AC is a crooked-lined angle of Concaves , or a Concavo-concave angle , contained under the two crooked lines BA and C A both which obvert the Concave side of their curvature towards the angle under then contained . 4 ly . That by a crooked-lined angle of Convexes , or a Convexo-convexe angle , we understand a plane angle , contained under two concurring crooked-lines ; both which crooked-lines obvert at the angle first of all inwards , the Convexe sides of their Curvature towards the angle , under them contained . So in fig. 2. the angle BAC . is a crooked-lined angle of convexes , or a Convexo-convexe angle , contained under the two crooked-lines BA and CA , both which obvert the convexe sides of their curvature , first of all inwards , towards the Angle under them contained . 5 ly . That by a concavo-convexe angle we understand a plane angle , contained under two concurring crooked lines ; the one of which , at the angle first of all , obverts the convexe side of its curvature inwards towards the contained angle , the other the concave side of its curvature . So in fig. the 3 d. the angle BAC is a concave-convexe , or a convexo-concave crooked-lined angle , contained under the two crooked lines BA and CA , whereof the one BA obverts the convexe side of its curvature towards the contained angle , but the other CA obverts the concave side of its curvature towards the same contained angle . 6 ly . That by a mixed lined angle , we understand a plane angle , contained under two concurring lines ; whereof the one is a right line , the other a crooked line . So in fig. 5 th . 6 th . the angle BAC is a mixed-lined angle , contained under the right line CA. and the crooked line B A. 7 ly . That by a Recto-concave angle , we understand a plane angle , contained under two concurring lines ; whereof the one is a right line , the other a crooked line , having the concave side of its curvature obverted towards the contained angle , so in fig. 5. The angle B.A.C. is drawn a recto-concave angle , being contained under the right line C.A. and the crooked line B. obverting the concave side of its curvature towards the contained angle . 8 ly . That by a recto-convexe angle , we understand a plane angle , contained under two concurring lines ; whereof the one is a right line , the other a crooked line , having the convexe side of its curvature obverted towards the angle contained , so in fig. 6 th . the angle BAC . is drawn a recto-convexe angle , being contained under the right line CA. and the crooked line BA . obverting the convexe side of its curvature towards the contained angle . 9 ly . That by an Angle of contact we understand a plane angle , contained under two concurring lines ; which two lines are neither one and the same line produced , nor yet in their present positure and inclination can possibly cut one another , how farr soever either , or both of them be produced . So in fig. 7 th . and fig. 8 th . the angle B AC . being an angle of contact , if in either figure the crookd-line BA , be produced beyond the point of contact A , unto D , and in fig , 7 th . the crooked-line CA , in figure 8 th . the right line CA. be produced beyond the point of contact A unto E ; in neither the line C AE can fal into the production of the line BAD , nor in either shall the line C AE cut the line B AD. And 10 ly . From the figuration , positure and properties of the sides of such angles of contact ; that by a recto-convexe angle of contact , we understand a plane angle being recto-convexe , as above defined , and being also an angle of contact . So in fig. 8 th . if in the recto-convexe angle BAC , the right line C A touch and cut not the convexe arch B A the angle BAC is a recto-convexe angle of contact . 11 ly . That , by a recto-concave angle of contact we understand a plane angle of contact , which is also recto-concave , as above defined . As in fig. the 8 th . if in the recto-concave angle EAB the right line EA touch and cut not the concave arch BA , the angle EAB is a recto-concave angle of contact . 12. That by a concavo-convexe angle of contact we understand a plane angle of Contact , being also concavo-convexe , as above defined . So in fig. 12 th . if R AH being a concavo-convexe angle , the arch RA touch and cut not the arch H A then the angle R AH is a concavo-convexe angle of Contact . 13. That by a Citra-diametral-concavo-convexe angle of Contact , we understand a plane concavo-convexe angle of Contact , both whose conteining Arches lie on the same side of the right line tangent , which toucheth both the arches in the same point of Contact , As in fig. 12 th . the concavo-convexe angle of Contact H AR , having both Arches H A and R A lying on the same side of the right line tangent B A , which toucheth both the Arches in the same point A , the concavo-convexe angle of Contact H AR is citradiametral . 14. That by an ultra-diametral concavo-convexe angle of Contact , we understand a plane angle of contact being concavo-convexe , and having the one arch on the one side of the diameter passing thorow the Contact point , and beyond the right line tangent which toucheth the Arches in the same point ; but having the other arch on the other side of that diameter , and on the other side of the right line tangent . So in fig. 12 th . the two Circles F AH and ADK touching in the point A , and AK being their common diameter and AB being a right line tangent to both , the concavo-convexe angle of Contact DAH is ultra-diametral . 15. That by a mixed crooked lined angle , we understand a plane angle contain'd under two concurring crooked lines , of such several curvatures that it is impossible for them to be coapted from the angular point the one unto the other , or the one , or its production to be coapted to the other , or its production , at and from the angular point , by any circumduction whatsoever , so in fig. 9.10.11 . the angle B AC , being a mixed crooked lined angle , AB as being of a different curvature from AC , can no way possibly be coapted by any circumduction to AC from the angular point A : and if B A be produced to D and CA to E the crooked-line AB , because of its different curvature can neither be coapted to the crooked line AC nor to its production AE : nor the crooked line AC to the crooked line AB , nor to its production AD , by any circumduction upon the angular point whatsoever . 16. That by the isoclitical sides of an Angle , we understand two such lines , whether right , or crooked , containing a plane angle , as according to their present site and positure , without inversion when crooked , moving by the sides nearer one to another , will by such motion at last come to be coincident with and coapted exactly the one unto the other : and that by an isoclitical angle we understand a plane angle , contained under such isoclitical sides . So every right lined angle is manifestly isoclitical ; and its sides are isoclitical , the sides by such motion on the angular point one towards another being manifestly coincidible and coaptable So also in fig. 3d. if in the concavo-convexe crooked lined angle BAC . the crooked-lined side B A by moving upon the angular point A towards the other crooked lined side CA , will at last coapt and become coincident with the crooked lined side C A then are B A and C A isoclitical sides and the angle B AC anisoclitical angle . 17. That by the anisoclitical sides of an angle we understand two such lines , whether the one right & the other crooked , or else both crooked , and whether both of the same or different curvatures , containing a plane angle , so as according to their present site and positure , without inversion of either when crooked , by moving the sides nearer one another , by the continuance of such motion they can never be brought to be coincident with , and coapted exactly the one unto the other and that by an anisoclitical angle , we understand a plane angle contained under such anisoclitical sides . So all crooked lined angles of concaves , though having sides of like curvature , all crooked lined angles of convexes , though having sides of like curvature , all concavo-convexe angles , whose sides are of different curvatures , all mixed lined angles , whether recto-convexes , or recto-concaves , all mixed crooked lined angles whatsoever , are all of them manifestly anisoclitical angles , and their sides anisoclitical . So in fig. 4 th . though AB and AC . be supposed to be of uniform answering and equal curvatures , and likewise in fig. 2 d. though AB and AC again supposed to be of uniform , answering and equal curvatures , and in fig. 3 d. fig , 5 , 6 , 9 , 10 , 11. supposing AB and AC not to be of uniform , answering and equal curvatures , by moving the sides AB & AC in that their present fire & positure upon the angular point A , without the inversion of either , when both are crooked , to bring the sides nearer the one to the other , it is manifest that by the continuance of such motion they can never be brought to a coincidence with , and to be coapted exactly the one unto the other , and such also are all angles of Contact whatsoever , as in fig. 7 , 8 , 11. AB & AC are as uncoincidable and uncoaptable as in the former , except only ultradiametral , concavo-convexe angles of Contact , which are of equal and answering curvatures . 18. That by an Angle of curvature , or coincidence we understand a plane angle , contained by any two parts of a crooked line at the point of their concurrences any where to be imagined , or taken in crooked-lines . So in the 7 th . fig. let BAD be the circumference of a Circle , Parabola , Hyperbola , Ellipsis &c. At the mean point A , the sides BA and AD contain an Angle of Curvature , or coincidence . 19. That by autoclitical curvature , and so by an autoclitical crooked line , we understand such a crooked line , as passing from the angular point of a right lined angle , between the two sides , by the inclination of its curvature , keepeth the convexe side of its curvature , constantly obverted to one of the sides , and the concave side of its curvature constantly obverted to the other . As in fig. 17. in the right lined angle BAC , the crooked line AEF keeping its convexity constantly obverted to the side AB , and its concavity to the side AC , or so much of it as is intercepted between the intersection at F and the angular point at A the crooked line AEF is autoclitical , i. e. the convexity is all on one side , and the concavity all on the other . 20. That by antanaclitical curvature and so by an antanaclitical curve line , we understand such a crooked line , as passing from the angular point of a right-lined angle , between the two sides , by the inclination of its curvature , hath the convexe part of its curvature , sometimes towards the one side of the right lined angle , and sometimes towards the other side of the right lined angle , i. e. the convexeness and the concaveness are not constantly on the same several sides . As in fig. 17. in the right lined angle BAC , the crooked line AGH obverting the convexity at G towards AB , and at H towards AC is antanaclitical . These definitions praemised , to give now the true State of the controversy ; let there be , as in fig. 12. two equall Circles AHH and ADK touching in the point A : and let AG be the Semidiameter of the circle ADK : and AB be a right line tangent touching both the Circles in the point A : and let AEL be a greater circle then either , touching both the former , and also the right line tangent in the point A : and from the point A draw the right line AC at pleasure , cutting the circle ADK in the point D , and the circle AEL in the point E : now therefore whereas you say that the Recto-convexe angles of Contact BAE and B AF are not unequal , and that neither of them is quantitative ; and that the crooked-lines E A , DA , HA are coincident , Sc. so as to make no Angle with the right line AB , or one with another ; and that the right-lined right angle B AG is equal to the mixt-lined , i. e. Recto-concave angles of the Semicircles E AG and D AG severally , and that those angles of the Semicircles E AG and D AG are equal the one unto the other ; and that the mixed lined Recto-convexe angle F AG is severally equal to all , or any of the former ; and that there is no heterogeneity amongst plane angles , but that they are all of them of the same sort , and homogeneal and undevideable into parts specifically different , distinct and heterogeneal in respect of one another , and the whole ; and that to any mixt , or crooked lined angle whatsoever that is quantitative it is not impossible to give an equal right lined angle : I acknowledge for all these things you have disputed very subtilly ; yet I must with a clear and free judgment own and declare a dissent from you in them all , for the reasons to be alleadged in the insuing Discourse . To clear all which , nothing can be of higher consequence in this Question , then truly to understand the nature of an Angle , what an Angle is , what is an Angle , and what is not . And to exclude the consideration of Angles herein unconcerned ; they are plane angles i. e. such as are contained by lines , which lye wholly , and both in the same plane , the disquisition of whose nature we are now about . And such is the affinity , which the inclination of one line hath to another in the same plane , with the nature of an Angle , that without it a plane angle cannot be defined , or conceived . For where there is rectitude and voidness of inclination , as in a right line and its production , there never was justly suspected to be any thing latent of an angular nature ; nor between parallels , for want of mutual inclination . But yet the inclination of line upon line in the same plane , is not sufficient to make up the nature of an Angle : for in the same plane one line may have inclination to another , and yet they never meet , nor have in their infinite regular production any possibility of ever meeting ; as the circumference of an Ellipsis , or circle to a right line lying wholly without them , without either Section , or Contact ; or the Asymptotes in conjugate Sections , which though ever making a closer appropinquation to the circumferences of the conjugate figures , yet infinitely produced , never attain a concurrency . And though by possibility the inclined lines might meet , yet if they do not , an Angle is not constituted : only there is possibility of an Angle when being produced they shall meet . So as to make up the nature of an Angle two lines must be inclined one to another , and also concurre , or meet to contain on their parts a certain space , or part of the plane between their productions from their point of concurrence , or their angular point . And this being the general , and proper nature of a plane angle ; as it is manifest , that in a right line there is no Angle , so it is dubious what is to be judged of those curve , or crooked lines , whose curvature is either equall , uniform , or regular : Sc. whether in such lines there be not at every mean point an angularness , the lines still lying in the same positure . It is clear in a right line no mean point can be taken , at which the parts of the right line in their present position can be said to have any inclination one to another : that though the parts concurre , yet they want inclination : but in the circumferences of circles , Ellipses , Hyperbola's , Parabola's and such like curve , or crooked lines , being of equal uniform , or regular curvature , no point can be assigned at which the parts in their present position have not a special inclination one to another . So as , as before , inclination of lines and concurrency making up the nature of an angle ; it seems not reasonable to deny angularity at any point of such crooked lines , however their curvature be either uniform , equal , or regular . But I know it will be said that such crooked lines of equal , uniform & regular curvature are but one line , and therefore , by the definition of an angle , cannot contain an angle ; which requires two lines to its constitution . To which I answer , that in like manner , two concurring right lines may be taken for one line continued though not in its rectitude , and then the consideration of angularity between them is excluded : however by reason of the inflexion and inclination at the point of incurvation , there is an aptitude in that one produced line , there to fall , and distinguish it self into two , with inclination of one unto the other , and so to offer the constitutive nature of an angle : and so it is at every point of such crooked lines , whose curvature is equal , or uniform and regular ; being one , or more lines , according as by our conceptions they are continued , or distinguished And as a continued rectitude , such as is in right lines , is most inconsistent with the nature of an angle , so what should be judged more accepting of the nature of angularity , then curvature is , being thereunto contrariously opposite , and by all confest most what to be so , saving in the aforesaid cases when curvature is equal , uniform , or regular . But why should equality , uniformity , or regularity of curvatures , be so urged in the concern of angularity , by none of which is angularity either promoted , or hindered ? For there cannot be greater equality , uniformity , or regularity , then is to be found in Rectitude as well as angles , in right lines as well as Circles ; the things constitutive of the nature of an angle , being things quite different from them , Viz. inflexion or inclination and concurrence ; which are indifferently found in all curvatures equal and unequal , uniform , or not uniform , regular , or irregular : and besides are inseparable from them : curvature and a concurrent inflexion , or angularity being but as two notions of the same thing , considered as under several respects : Viz. curvature is the affection of a line considered as one : the same being angularity and inclination , when from any point of the curvature the same line is considered as two : so two concurrent right lines are said to be one crooked line : but when a right-lined angle is said to be contained by them , they are then considered as two from the point of their incurvation , or inclination : and equality , and uniformity , and regularity of curvature implying equality , uniformity and regularity of inflexion , or inclination , it is so far from concluding against angularity , that it inferrs it with an additament , Viz. of equal angularity , uniform angularity , and regular angularity ; as might be at large declared in the special properties of several crooked lined figures . And in several uniform , and regular crooked lined figures , there are some special points , offering even to view and sense a clear specimen of a more then ordinary angularity , without any such loud calling for the strong operations of the mind ; as the vertical points in conjugate figures , in parabola's , and the extream points of either axes , in ellipses , and the like , And in the definition of a plane angle , all the inclination , which is required in the concurring sides , is only , that their inclination be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. so as the sides make not one and the same right line , as it is generally understood : however so far are we from imposing upon any against their judgements , this special sort of angles , that we readily acknowledge , if the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the definition of a plane angle , be forced from the commonly received sense , of the sides not lying in the same right-line , to signify the non-coincidency of the production of the one side with the other , then according to that gloss upon the definition of plane angles , this whole sort of angles is to be rejected ; wherein every one is freely left to his own judgement ; the difference being a question and quarrel about words , more then matter , and not concerning the present controversy . However from the whole it out of Controversy appears , that recto-concave angles of Contact are true angles , contained under two inclined sides , concurring : also that ultradiametral concavo-convexe angles of Contact , whether less equal , or greater then two right right-lined angles are true angles , for the sides are inclined and concurr : of their concurrence can be no doubt : and that they are inclined must of necessity be yielded , seeing they neither lye in rectitude , nor which to some might be a causeless scruple , the one in the production of the other : so as their angularity is clear beyond all doubt : the inclination understood in the definition of an angle being generally any positure of one line with regard to another in the same plane , so as both neither fall in one right line , nor be situated parallel one to another , nor under such a manner of oblique extension , as may render their concurrence impossible : it is not only the oblique positure of one line in reference to another , as contradistinguished from perpendicularness in acute and obsuse inclinations : but such is the comprehensiveness of its sense , in the present acceptation , that every perpendicularness it self is taken for an inclination . So likewise it cannot reasonably be denyed but those special angles of Contact , which are the chief subject of this present controversy , I mean recto-convexe angles of Contact , are truly angles ; except either the inclination of their sides , or their concurrence could be called in question ; nothing else being requisite unto the nature , or comprized in the definition of an angle : and the like is to be judged of all other concavo-convexe and convexo-convexe angles of Contact . But you said that in the recto-convexe angle of Contact the right-line tangent and circumference make no angle , because the tangent is not inclined to the circumference , but coincident with it . What mystery of reason , or force of Argument should be in this deduction ? if you say it is coincidence , you mean by non-inclination ; I readily yield , where two lines , become coincident , their former angle is thereby extinct ; as thereby they come under the consideration but of one line : as when two right-lines , or two isoclitical crooked lines , are , one of each of them , so moved about the angular point , till the two lines become one . But where is any such coincidency between right-line tangents and circumferences ? or what possibility is there of any such coincidency : a crooked line and a right-line may no doubt be commensurate , or proportionable in length , but in position it is impossible : and if we imagine the tangent bowed to such a coincidence , then it is not any longer a tangent , or right-line , but a circumference . And though as you urge , a right-line circumduced about any middle point in the side of a regular polygone , at last becomes coincident with the side , and looses all inclination and angularity with the side ; what doth that concern , or how doth that prove the non-inclination of the tangent to the circumference ; your selves sometimes in every point , save only in the point of Contact acknowledging an inclination ; and as is else where hinted , in the point of Contact alone , and abstractedly , the inclination it self , which is the habitude of the concurring inclined sides , is not to be sought , but only the particular termination of their inclination there . But you will say , it is non-secancy which is meant by this coincidency : and what I pray is that more then the Lateran bells to the concern , or constitution of angles ? Are there not many regular curve lines produced , some infinitely without Section , in which especially the circumferences of circles , you are pleased sometimes every where to think you have cause to imagine an angle . It were meet to know the meaning of such odly connext terms , before reasonings upon them be regarded in questions of weight . That the Contact of the angular sides , is as different from coincidency , as from secancy , is most unquestionably apparent in angles of such sides , as are capable of all three , Viz. Contact , secancy , and coincidence . For example in fig. 16. let there be two Arches of equal Circles DAF and BAC . touching one another in the point A. If the arch DAF be circumduced about the point A as an unmoveable center ; at after an infinite succession of secancies , at last all will terminate in a manifest coincidency , and the arch AF be coincident with the arch AB , and the arch AD be coincident with the arch AC . So as secancy , Contact , and coincidency are distinguishable one from another with as much ease and cleareness , as an odde number from an even . But if it be urged , that you assert not a coincidency between the arch . D AF and the arch BAC , but only that GH being a right line and touching the arch B AC in the point A , that I say the right line GH and the arch BAC are coincident . The vanity of this may be evinced ; in that by the same reason it followes , that the right line GH must be coincident with the arch DAF , and so the arch DAF coincident with the arch B AC ; the contrary of which is above-shewn and confessed : and besides hereupon should two arches B AC and DAF being convexo-convexely posited , and the right line tangent GH be all coincident ; which I leave for others to say rather then my self . When a right line tangent and many crooked lines of different curvatures , all touch together in one and the same point , as in fig. 13 ; you say , though without the angular point of Contact the sides are variously divaricated one from another , yet in the point of Contact , they have not several inclinations , for you say they have no inclination at all . The truth is the angular point of its self is not capable of inclinations , nor for the indivisibility of its nature can by any possibility comprehend them : yet that lines concurring in one only point , and presently after receding each from the other , should not be inclined each to other in or at the point of their concurrency , whether it be by Contact , or Section , though in the case of Contacts the inclination be less , then can be expressed by the inclination of any right-line upon a right-line , is absolutely unconceiveable , there being no lineary coincidence , but only of one point between them . For as else where , in the same plane , neither of point to point , nor of point to line , nor of point to plane can be any inclination : but in the present case of plane angles , inclination must be of lines , and may be of them in the very point of concurrence ; or else from the point of concurrence they would not part several wayes : for it is their diverse inclination at that point , which makes their departure one from another when they depart from thence . And as even in the angular point of right-lined angles the lines have the same inclinations as else where , so in all other angles , save only such angles of Contact , as are less then the least right-lined angles , by drawing right-lined tangents to the arch , or arches at the angular point , is shewn in right-lines , either the very inclination of the sides , in , or rather at the angular point , or else the least right-lined inclination , which is greater , or the greatest right-lined inclination , which is less : for though they may differ much in their distance and divarication one from another , without the point of their concurrence ; in the point of their concurrence , without much absurdity , they may be said to be equally distant , i. e. not at all distant there one from another , for there they are not indeed at all distant any of them from the rest : yet it doth not hence any way follow , that in like manner it may be said of them without absurdity , that in the point of concurrence they have equal inclinations , i. e. no inclinations one to another : for though in the point of concurrence it is truth , they have no distance , yet it no wayes as may appear to those that will consider equally follows , that they should there have no inclination . Besides , that the urging of the coincidency of the sides in recto-convexe angles of Contact is most directly opposite to the nature and properties of the special lines under which such angles are contained . For , t is the special propertie of some lines that they can touch , but they can no way be-coincident ; as Arches of unequal and unlike curvature : and a right-line and a crooked line : some can be coincident , and can no way touch , as right lines : some can both ; as Arches of equal and answering curvature , which set concavo-convexely , and citradiametrally cannot touch , but will fall into a coincidence : but posited convexo-convexely , cannot be coincident , but may construct an angle of Contact . So as the chimaera of the coincidency of the sides in recto-convexe angles of Contact , if persisted in , is worth laughing at , and like his Philosophy who when every one was at his high Lavolta's , denyed the possibility of motion in the world : But to justify the non-inclination of the sides against the eye and reason , this horridly distorted Monster of their coincidency was introduced . Indeed if they be coincident they make no angle : But it will cramp the understanding of an Oedipus to declare how either a right-line , or a crooked-line , touching another crooked-line in one only point and no more , should ever be conceived , notwithstanding to be coincident with the production of the other crooked-line , whether the tangencie of the crooked-lines be concavo-convexe , or convexo-convexe , i. e. the one within the other , or else the one turned away from the other . But you 'll say , you assert coincidency only in the point of Contact . I answer , that 's frivolous , not to say ridiculous and impertinent ; for coincidency in the present question of angles is taken as opposed to inclination , which is an affection and propriety of the concurring sides of the angle , not only of the angular point taken by it self abstractedly . As inclination cannot be in a point , though it may be at a point , so a point cannot be said to be inclined unto a line , especially it self being in the same line : it may be said to hold such and such a distance from the line , when it is without it , but not to be inclined unto it . And if the being of the point of Contact , generally as a point of the one side , in the tangent line , as in the other side , whether right , or crooked , make a coincidency destroying inclination ; then all inclinations and angles whatsoever are destroy'd ; and every where will be a coincidency , for that is common to every angle to have the angular point still common to both sides : and the secant angles might as well be said coincident , as the tangent angles , For what you say , that it is tangency as opposed to secancy , that you mean by coincidency ; I answer the glosse is improper and besides the anvil and tangency undenied , but in this case impertinently by you alleadged , till it be proved that tangency in one only point , and no more , doth quite annul and destroy the inclination of the lines , though on both sides of the Contact clearly receding the one from the other : till which be done happiness to my friend and no longer . I might adde that it is Touching which is only mentioned in the definition of plane angles ; but I shall dispatch all by setting the case before you in this Diagramme in fig. 12. if the right line BA touch the arch LA in the point A and the right-line LB be so drawn as to touch the arch LA in the point L , here now is a plane on every side bounded by two right-lines , Viz. BL and BA and one crooked-line , Viz. the arch LA. That LBA is an angle will not be doubted : and because the three lines perfectly bound in and limit a plane on all sides ; the Arch LA can neither be coincident with the right line LB , nor with the right-line AB , and in the angle LAB , the lines LA and BA ; and in the angle ALB , the lines LA and BL concurring without coincidency , and without lying in the same right-line , or the one , so much as , in the production of the other ; inclination , and so the true nature of an angle , cannot be denyed them ; according to the most severe limitations and hardest glosses , that can with any reason be deduced from the definition of a plane angle . And to make all clear let a Paper , or other plane be cut in the form of the mixed-lined Triangle ALB and the wildness of questioning the angularity of the two recto-convexe angles of contact LAB and BLA will be clear to all persons both rude and learned . I take it therefore for granted ; that , all suspicion of coincidency and non-inclination , in whatsoever pertinent sense , of Contact-angle sides , being evicted and sent of the scene , all recto-convexe angles of Contact are truly angles . To passe now unto another of your Thesis's in which you peremptorily conclude Recto-convexe angles of Contact to be devoyd of all quantitativeness ; when I urge their quantitativeness , I mean not that they can at pleasure be devided into parts in any given and limited proportion , or by a mathematical homogeneity holding any proportion with the Angle of Contact devided ; only that from the angular point between the sides of the least Recto-convexe angle of Contact infinite other lines may be drawn , dividing the angle , though heterogeneally . And certainly its being an angle of Contact cannot in the least prejudice its quantitativeness : for it is most apparent that a convexo-convexe angle of Contact contained under Arches of equal curvature , may be divided into two mixed-lined , i. e. recto-convexe angles of Contact , which hold proportion of equality one with another , and each of them is in subduple proportion to the convexo-convexe angle of Contact , which was divided : and infinite numbers of Contact-angles of several sorts may be adjoyned one unto another , distinct in their situation , without drowning and extinguishing one another and each lying without the other : which is not true of indivisibles when they are adjoyned to , and touch one another . Besides the recto-concave angle of Contact is greater then the greatest right-lined angle , at the angular point of Contact having a manifest inclination of the sides ; for concurring , they neither are one right-line , nor one crooked-line . Moreover ultra-diametral concavo-convexe Angles of Contact may be equal to two right right-lined angles , or greater sometimes : As in fig. 12. if the two Circles FAH and ADK be equal and touch in the point A , and AK be diameter : and AR be another Arch falling beyond the diameter AK and beyond the right line tangent AB : it is manifest that the concavo-convexe ultra-diametral angle of Contact DAH is as to the recesse of the sides equal to two right-lined angles : for the recto-concave angle of Contact BAH is equal to two right right-lined angles , deducting the recto-convexe angle of Contact HAS : and the recto-convexe angle of Contact BAD is equal to the recto-convexe angle of contact H AS ; therefore the ultradiametral concavo-convexe angle of Contact D AH is equal to two right right-lined angles : and therefore the ultra-diametral concavo-convexe angle of Contact D AR is greater then two right right-lined angles . And then , what greater Monster is discoverable in the doctrine of the quantitativeness of the recto-convexe angle of Contact ? it is demonstrated that between the right-line tangent and the Arch which it toucheth , no right-line can passe : i. e. the recto-convexe angle of Contact is less then the least right-lined angle : but why should hence be inferred that the recto-convexe angle of Contact hath no true quantity ? you will say , because a right-lined angle is infinitely divisible into less and less parts , and therefore must at last be less then the recto-convexe angle of Contact , if the recto-convexe angle of Contact be a true angle , having truth of quantity . I answer , after all possible divisions of a right-lined angle into parts of its owne kind , I mean such as are made by right lines , the least part is still a right-lined angle ; then which the recto-convexe angle of Contact is most fairly demonstrated to be ever less : i. e. the inclination of its sides is eve● less : and the convexe arch will still at the angle fall within : so as truly from thence may be inferred , that the recto-convexe angle of Contact can never be either a right-lined angle , or equal to it , or greater than a right-lin'd angle : but that therefore it is no angle , and hath no true quantity at all , because it hath not the quantity of a right-lined angle , is a wild and perverse inference , and else-where disproved . And why should the quantitativeness of the recto-convexe angle of Contact be called in question , because it is demonstrated less then the least right-lined angle ? If between the right-lined tangent and the arch a right-line could be drawn , then you would confesse the quantitativeness of it as undeniable : and why doth not the passing of a thousand crooked-lines from the angular point , between the sides of the recto-convexe angle of Contact , as well prove its quantity and divisibility , as the passing of one right-line between them could : there being equal force of proof from the one , as from the other ? And when a right-line & two equal Circles , all three touch in the same point ; there are two equal recto-convexe angles of Contact adjacent the one continuedly to the other , and situate the one without the other : which in indivisibles is impossible . And when the question is of the quantity of angles , what is it we enquire , but only , what is the inclination of the sides , especially at the angular point ? And in recto-convexe angles of Contact , the answer is ; there is no inclination at all as of a right-line to a right-line , but only as of a crooked-line to a right-line : that it were wildness to say ; because in recto-convexe angles of Contact , there cannot be the inclination of a right-line to a right-line , that therefore the sides meeting and parting one from another , and not lying both in a right-line , do make no inclination one to another . And seeing the convexo-convexe angle of Contact contained under two Arches of equal curvature is dividable into two equal parts by a common right-line tangent to them both ; angle of Contact , and of both the recto-convexe angles of Contact , clearly appears ; though the quantitativenes of every one of them be demonstrable to be less then the quantity of any the least right-lined angle whatsoever : because right-lines cannot contain a less angle then is agreable to the inclinations they possibly can have one to another : whereas in crooked lines generally , these are the constant properties of curvature ; though the angles of coincidence , or curvature , as we for method , brevity and distinction sake named them , may be very unequal one to another , according to the degrees of the inflexion , inclination and curvature ; yet constantly the angle on the concave side , from any point of the curvature manifestly if it be equal , uniform and regular , is still greater then any the greatest acute , right , or obtuse right-lined angle : and the angle between the convexe arch and a right-line tangent , at the same point , is constantly less then any right-lined angle : and yet either may be made still infinitely less , or greater , the recto-convexe angle of Contact still remaining less then the least right-lined angle , and the angle of curvature , or coincidence greater still then the greatest right-lined angle : which is as much as to say , that in curvatures the difference between the angle of curvature and two right right lined angles , cannot be a right-lined angle ; as in truth it cannot , nor is in reason so to be expected , but of necessity it must be a mixed-lined , Sc. a recto-convexe angle : and is the recto-convexe angle of Contact at the same point . And that a recto-convexe angle of Contact , by no multiplicity can equal , or exceed a right-lined angle ; doth not disprove either its angular nature , or its quantitativeness , both which are otherwise cleared , but it is rather a confirmation of the heterogeneal difference , which is between the angles of the one sort and the other . And in my judgement there needed no greater argument of the quantitativeness of recto-convexe angles of Contact , then the absurdity following upon the contrary doctrine ; that the angle of a semi-Circle , and a right right-lined angle are equal , Viz. The whole and a part , the one being a mixed-lined and the other a right-lined angle ; and in the indeavour of coaptation , and being coapted on one side , the other side all the way falls within , or without the other , so as both the sides of the one angle are impossible to be coapted to both the sides of the other , but will both still lye within both the sides of the other . And the angles of semi-Circles must either be confessed unequal in unequal Circles , or the curvature of unequal circumferences , be manifestly against the truth asserted to be equal . And if still they be averred to be equal , its desired their equality should be demonstrated , and the way of admeasuring their equality shown . But you will say , if recto-convexe angles of Contact be quantitative , why can they not exhaust any other angle whatsoever contained under the very same sides ; for possibly you will urge , that we should not question the homogeneity between such angles ? To this I answer , without examining what homogeneity may in other respects be between them ; that a quantitative and mathematical homogeneity can with no reason between them be imagined : because the difference which is between them is a right-lined angle , to which all angles of Contact whatsoever are heterogeneal ; and your self will not assert any mathematical homogeneity , or at least proportionablenes which as to this purpose is all one between any recto-convexe angle of Contact and a right-lined angle . As in fig. 18. let KAB be a recto-convexe angle of Contact , and KAF another recto-convexe angle under the very same sides : and let AD be a right-line tangent upon the arch AF : therefore the recto-convexe angles of Contact D AF and KAB being equall , the right-lined angle KAD is the difference of the recto-convexe angle of Contact KAB and the other recto-convexe angle KAF under the divarication of the very same sides . So as it is impossible to divide this , or any other angle whatsoever , which is not isoclitical , to divide , I say , all of it into any numbers at pleasure given of parts , which shall be homogeneal all of them one unto another : for how many soever be homogeneal , the angle of Contact , or that which is taken out of it , or that unto which it adhaeres , will have and make heterogeneity . And if you say , how can recto-convexe angles of Contact be said to be parts of such concrete and composite angles , if unable by any multiplicity to exhaust the composite angle ? omitting the answer that parts are sometimes essential and of the definition , and yet by no multiplicity can equalize the whole ; as four angles in the definition of a Tetragone , and a foot line in the definition of a foot Cube : I answer chiefly , that where the integral is heterogeneal as here , and made up , and properly and naturally resoluble into several heterogeneal parts , and connot be divided into any numbers at pleasure of parts all homogeneal , there some parts may never be able by any multiplicity to equalize the whole , or some other heterogeneal parts . And elss-where that under the same coaptable sides may be angles different in their ultimate kind in some further respects , though not without proportionableness in this instance , is most apparent among right-lined angles , by comparing a right right-lined angle , and an acute right-lined angle , and an obtuse right-lined angle together ; which all receive their specifick differences from the specifick differences of their inclinations : in right right-lined angles the inclination being no more one way then the other , no more from the angle side , then to the angle side , Sc. perpendicular : in acute angles the inclination being to the angle side : and in obtuse angles the inclination being more especially from the angle side . And yet though we defend the quantitativeness of recto-convexe angles of contact we are equally obliged to assert their improportionableness to right-lined angles : nor will there be any difficulty in answering that suggession you cast , though in anothers name ; that a recto-convexe angle of Contact is in proportion less then a right lined angle , as being both homogeneal ; and that by the multiplicity of the recto-convexe angle of Contact , an angle may be made equal to a right lined angle , or greater , only by changing its kind , Sc. into a right-lined angle : Viz. in the same manner , as an acute right-lined angle , being less then a right , or any obtuse right-lined angle , by its multiplicity may with change of its sort and kind become equal , or greater then a right , or any given obtuse right-lined angle . To which may be answered , omitting what kind of distinction it is which is between acute , right and obtuse right-lined angles , as not pertinent to the present controversy ; it would be well done to shew what multiplex of any recto-convexe angle of Contact , is equal to what right-lined angle , that so a right-lined angle might , upon that proportion , be formed equal to , or less then the recto-convexe angle of Contact ; contrary to what has been clearly demonstrated , and is generally by all consented to in Geometry . Though acute and right right-lined angles are less then any obtuse whatsoever that are right-lined ; however they hold proportion one with another : but recto-convexe angles of Contact cannot be demonstrated to hold any proportion with any right-lined angle , but clearly the contrary . And as by the divarications of the sides of an acute right-lined angle is made a Genesis of a right and infinite obtuse right-lined angle : there cannot so by the divarication of the sides of a recto-convexe angle of Contact be effected any Genesis of right-lined angles , but only of recto-convexe mixt-lined angles , whose sides concurre by way of section ; and between which and the recto-convexe angle of Contact is no proportion , as there is between the divaricated acute right-lined angle and the other right-lined angles created from that divaricacation . The reason of which is clear , for that the recto-convexe angle of Contact being demonstrated of it self to be less then any right-lined angle whatsoever , by the divarication of the sides of it , there are continually greater and greater right-lined angles added to it , so creating an improportionality between the one , and the other . The comparison made between Cyphers and angles of Contact , to draw the one , as well as the other into the notion of nullities , is unhappy enough : for single and several Cyphers are not greater , or less in power one then another ( though they may make other figures to be so ) as the angles of Contact are , and may be made larger , or lesser , and many of them one without or within another , contiguously and continuously conjoyned together , with enlargement , or diminution of their angularity ; which is impossible in indivisibles , and unappliable to , and unintelligible of , mere nullities . That your Lemma is without exception , and without proof might have been admitted : Viz. That two quantities by the ordinate application , or motion of a line , or plane , increasing , or decreasing proportionably , whether by a proportionality in the same , or different powers , when the ordinate application , or motion attains the end , and bounding term of the one quantity , it at the same moment reacheth & hath attained the bounding term of the other , and when it hath passed the one it hath passed the other . But the objection against the quantitativeness of the recto-convexe angle of Contact , which you would hereupon found , hath no reason to expect the like allowance . You say , the right-lined right angle at the point of Contact contained under the right-line tangent , and the diameter of a Circle , equally with the circumference intercepted , increaseth , or decreaseth by the motion of the diameter upon the point of Contact , as a Center ; which is true and acknowledged : and whereas you say , that therefore when the diameter leaves nothing at all of the circumference in its circumvolution about , un-run over , but attains the last bounder and termination of it , in the point of Contact , then as the circumference is quite exhausted and vanished , so is the angle too : this also we acknowledge to be undeniable . But whereas when the diameter is come so near the right-line tangent in its circumvolution upon the angular point of Contact , as to intercept nothing at all of the circumference between them , you then imagine still an angle remaining , which you say , is either the recto-convexe angle of Contact , or not less then it ; you herein forget the force of your own manifestly true lemma , which you took so much pains to prove ; except against Geometrical demonstration you could discover a possibility of dividing a recto-convexe angle of Contact by a right-line : for it is out of doubt and in Geometry , as above demonstrated , that when the diameter in such circumvolution intercepts nothing of the circumference between its self and the right-line tangent , the diameter is then coincident , and the same right-line with the right-line tangent ; and of the former angle therefore , hath lest nothing at all , because of the coincidency of the two right-lines , whose parts can in that positure have no inclination one unto another : and therefore there is not so much as the least angle of Contact , or any other angle whatsoever , left after this circumvolution : so as the whole Argumentation is a long arrow out of a strong Bow , but quite besides the mark . It is a seeming weighty objection that which is urged out of opticks , and the usage in that science , to demonstrate in conical figures , the angles of incidence and reflexion to be equal , only with respect to the right-line tangent , touching the figure in the point of incidence and reflexion , without special respect to the curvature in the conical section . But hereto without wrong , either to truth , nature , or that noble science , may be upon good grounds answered . 1. That opticks is not pure Geometry , and obstructed stereometry , and mathematicks ; wherein quantities , mensurations , and proportions are considered merely as in themselves without relation to matter , and the uses to which in other faculties they are applicable : but in opticks , is an improvement of what in nature may be observed about luminous and visual beams , and luminous mediums and objects , by mathematical demonstration and assistance . Now 2 ly . Nature doth not tye it self in its wayes so strictly to an indivisible , absolute , vertical punctilio , that if it cannot reach , without impediments , that mathematical exquisitenes , it will not act at all . If heavy things on the clive side of an hill cannot descend in a direct line towards the Center , however they will seek it in the nearest oblique line possibly they can , so long as the motion brings them nearer : all animals are not formed in the same mould , or with equal strength of Body , or vigour of spirit . So as in these optical instances , the brave Authors sell not in the least short of their task , when they had demonstrated the most equal right-lined angles which nature could cast it self into , in the alledged cases , Viz. angles of incidence and reflexion equal , if compared with a right-line tangent at their point . For as elsewhere , they are but very few points in most conical sections , where , by a right-line , their angularity can be divided into equal parts : nature therefore when it cannot attain its prime and general design , which is a perfection and absoluteness in its work , it doth not therefore slugge and do nothing , but seeks to approach its first design as near as possible : and that is in making with right-lined beams equal angles respectively to the right-line tangents at the points concerned ; which angles so formed at those points with respect unto the right-line tangents , are as is elsewhere shewn , either the least of the greater right-lined angles , or the greatest of the less right-lined angles : that in such curvatures with great judgement the quality of the angles of incidence and reflexion , in beams passing by right-lines , as affected for their directness and shortness , and as near as possible endeavoured by nature , is in demonstration referred to examination at the right-line tangents of the same points ; an absolute equality by right-lines to be made , being most what impossible , and that demonstrably in such curvatures : so as causeless was the exception which was made against the demonstrations of the noble Perspectivists : nor stood , either they , or nature in need of that improper , lame solution and help , by making recto-convexe angles of Contact to be neither angles , nor quantitative . The truth of the angularity and quantitaveness of recto-convexe angles of Contact thus asserted ; however , the rest of the things in this controversy cannot be determined without a clear understanding of what homogenealness it is that is requisite for proportionals , and which is mentioned in the definition of proportion . To bring our selves unto the right understanding of which , know there are three wayes whereby one thing may be said to be greater then another . 1 st . Improportionably , and by the whole kind ; as in heterogeneals : in which sometime the least of the one is still , beyond all proportion , greater then the greatest of the other : as the least surface is greater then any line ; for a longer line may be drawn in the least surface , then any the longest line , that can possibly be given : and so the least body is improportionably , and heterogeneally , and by the whole kind greater then any surface : for by the dividing , or altering the figuration of the least body , it may be made , by its perimetry , to exceed the quantity of the greatest surface , that possibly can be given : so a point , or a circle of a foot diameter , is said to be less then the whole world ; which is to be understood , as by the whole kind , and without proportionableness . And so I doubt not , but it will be confessed , that the least recto-convexe angle of Contact , is greater then the greatest acute , right or obtuse right-lined angle : and the least right-lined angle , then the greatest recto-convexe angle of Contact . 2 ly . One thing is greater then another infinitely , or , if you please , indefinitely : so an infinitely , or indefinitely inlarged line , is longer then any given line , without limitation , and so consequenely without proportion . Or , 3 ly . One thing is greater then another , rateably and according to the proportion , which they hold at the same standard , whereby they are after the same manner measured , in the same kind in which they are compared . So one lenght , or line is longer then another , according to such a proportion of length when both are measured as lengths at the same standard upon an indefinite line ; and this , whether the lengths , or lines be , one , both , all , neither , or none of them directly , or indirectly posited , in right , or crooked lines ; and whether the one be a depth , and the other a height , or another a breadth , or a fourth a periphery . So one number is greater then another number , according to such a proportion : and , though it is well known to be determined in Philosophy , that numbers are of different kinds , yet for the proportion they hold one to another in their common nature , there cannot be denied unto them the truth of a mathematical and analogical homogenealness . And as things are said to be several wayes one greater then another ; so homogeneity wants not its several acceptations . What homogeneity is , is not at all any where expressely defined in the mathematicks ; but we are left at large , rationally to collect , what is by that Term in those faculties to be understood . The most usual acceptation of the word homogeneity in Philosophy is to compare any divisible being with the parts into which it may be divided : those things being said to be homogeneal , which cannot be separatingly divided into parts of any other name , or nature then the whole is : as the least separable part of water is said to be water ; of wine , wine : and the least separable part of a line , a line : and those things are said heterogeneal , which by possibility may be separatingly divided otherwise ; Viz. into parts of different name and nature from the whole . All which , as appears , hath its dependance upon the similar , or dissimilar natures of the whole and parts . So all solids , surfaces , lines , and plane angles may be said to be homogeneal ; for by dividing and separating them part from part , every part of the solid is a solid , of the surface a surface , of the line a line , and of the plane angle a plane angle : and by taking number in a large sense , every part of a number may be said to be a number . But then if you descend lower in numbers and angles , even and odde numbers , &c. and right-lined and mixed-lined and crooked-lined angles will scarce be able to defend their homogeneity at this touch : for Even numbers may be divided into parts that are odde : and a right-lined plane angle may be severed into parts whereof the one may be a recto-concave angle of a semi-Circle , the other a recto-convexe angle of Contact ; of which last mentioned severed part you say , it is no angle , and therefore it must be heterogeneal : and we assert it heterogeneal , because it is improportionable , and its quantity not mensurable after the same manner , that the quantity of right-lined angles is measured . And with reference to the same acceptation , two distinct beings , being compared together , as to homogeneity and heterogeneity , they are then said to be homogeneal , when both having the same name and nature , the one may be the severed part of the other , or both together the severed parts of an integral of the same both name and nature . So all solids are homogeneal : all surfaces : all lines : all plane angles and all numbers whatsoever . But sometimes also in an abusive acceptation , the agreeing , or disagreeing of things in some general , or special kind and nature , passeth for a certain kind of homogeneity or heterogeneity among them : so bodies and surfaces and lines in respect of their common agreeing in quantity , continuity , longitude , latitude and profundity , are partly homogeneal , partly heterogeneal : so numbers in respect of their general quantitativeness , parity , imparity , symmetry and a symmetry &c. Are partly homogeneal , partly heterogeneal ; and so solid , sphaerical , and plane angles , and all their several kinds are partly homogeneal , and partly heterogeneal . So as from any of the former acceptations it is no way possible to determine what is that mathematical homogeneity which is every where hinted unto us in the definitions of proportion ; for the bolting forth of which we shall be constrained of necessity to betake our selves to another course , in the quest of which , it is not likely but we shall meet with some abstruseness and difficulty . To make therefore an Essay ; proportion being the habitude of the compared magnitudes according to quantity , it is an homogeneity in quantity which is only herein required ; not an homogeneity in substance , quality , site , or other kinds and manners of being : for heterogeneity in any of those other respects , as substance , quality , site , or other kinds of being , doth not hinder , but they may notwithstanding be one proportionable to another , if any quantitative homogeneity be to be found amongst them . So the heterogeneity of figure and figuration , which is between a Circle , pentagone , square , triangle , surface of a pyramide , &c. Hinders not , but they may be compared and hold proportion in respect of their Area's and superficial contents ; wherein they retain a quantitative homogeneity : and those of them which are meerly bounded planes , also have a homogeneity in respect of their perimetries , or the like quantities which they hold in common . So crookednes and rectitude are different kinds of positure , and make an heterogeneity in situation ; yet a right line and a crooked-line , hold still a quantitative homogeneity , in respect of their longitude and extension . So the different positures of the surfaces in a sphaere , and in a cone , and in a plane , hindereth not their analogy in Area and quantity . But further to pursue this diquisition ; though it be homogeneity in quantity , which is herein understood yet it is not the being quantities , or magnitudes in general that doth make up , or can compleat the homogeneity hinted in the definition of proportion : for then lines , and bodies , and numbers , and surfaces , being all of them magnitudes and quantities , there should be a proportionablenes between lines and bodies , bodies and surfaces , surfaces and numbers ; which in such a general-homogeneity it were vanity to look for . In like manner , though plane , sphaerical and solid angles be all angles , yet I think there are very few , that because of that their general homogeneity will expect a proportionablenes amongst them . Besides as little necessity is there of restraining this homogeneity of magnitudes , unto their very last , and in every respect , ultimate kinds : except you will understand it to be in respect of some indefinite , most pure abstracted quantity , in which the compared magnitudes are to be each of them measured . For though some referr all numbers unto quantity , distinguishing them into several kinds , not only from their parities and imparities , with all their variations thereupon , but making every number to be of a different kind , receiving its specification from the last unite ; as some also referr unto quantity all lines , which they distinguish into several kinds , & the like specifick distinctions are made by others of surfaces and bodies : yet between proportionals , for their homogeneity , is not , we confesse , in this sense required , that both magnitudes be of the very same ultimate kind : for hyperbolar , parabolar , elliptical , circular arches , and right-lines are homogeneal in length , extension , and as lines , so holding analogy , though in respect of rectitude and curvature , and their several kinds of curvature they be heterogeneal . So all numbers , even , odde , commensurable , or incommensurable , however , as above is said , heterogeneal , yet as multitudes and numbers in general , and the accounts how oft an unite and its parts is posited , or how far in account is proceeded , whether retrogradely or progressively from an unite ; so , all numbers are homogeneal , holding mutual analogy one to another . So notwithstanding the distinction between acute , right , and obtuse , right-lined angles , all truth and exquisitenes of proportion , as the measure of their quantitative relation , is most apparent amongst them . Which again doth further shew unto us what and how great is the difficulty of limiting the homogeneity expressed in the definition of proportion ; so as neither to set it uselesly too high , nor sink it lower then is necessary for proportionality . For right right-lined angles are proportionate , one to another , but there can be amongst them no proportion of inequality : and no given acute right-lined angle can have so small a proportion to any acute right-lined angle , as it may have and hath to a right right-lined angle , or to any obtuse right-lined angle : and though all even numbers hold analogy and proportion one to another , yet even numbers are not capable of all diversities of proportion ; as in uneven numbers , duple and subduple proportions are impossible : nay numbers in general , I mean unbroken and integral numbers , are not capable of all kinds of analogy ; as particularly not of such proportions as are asymmetral . But not to be nice in my thoughts to my friend , I never in this point and question understood any other thing to be meant by homogeneity in the definition of proportion , then a mensurablenes of the quantities of two , or more magnitudes in the same indefinite quantity for kind , as the measure of their quantity and of the quantity of all their homogeneals , the mensuration therein still being according to that same kind of quantity of which the indefinite quantity is . And so proportion is the rate and habitude , which the rateable magnitudes hold mutually one to the other in respect of the same way of measuring their quantities , or in respect of the same kind of indefinite quantity in which their quantities are measured . And upon this gloss as the true and genuine meaning of this mathematical homogeneity , I ever understood that postulate to be founded in which is required and granted , so to multiply any given quantity , as to exceed any other given quantity whatsoever of the same kind . For if that mensurablenes in the same indefinite quantity , as a measure , and according to that same kind of quantity of which the indefinite measure is , were not the very thing designed by mathematical homogeneity , the matter of the Postulat were not fit to be granted without proof : for it is because they are measured in the same indefinite quantity for kind , and according to the same kind of quantity , i. e. they have the very same way of measuring in the same indefinite quantity ( which is their homogeneity , by necessity of consequence creating a proportionablenes between them ) that the less by multiplying may be made greater then the greater , and the greater by a continual cutting off still more then half may be made less then the less . And though hereby homogeneity and proportionablenes be not made to be the very same thing , however in the mathematicks , where the physical natures of things are not inquired into , the one by a necessary consequence doth immediately flow from and is annexed unto the other ; and because of their necessary connexion , in usual speech and acceptation , the one may be allowed to be taken for the other . And when in the definition of proportion , proportion is said to be the mutual habitude of magnitudes of the same kind according to quantity , or if you please multiplicity ; the meaning is no other , but that proportion is the mutual habitude of magnitudes , which have their mensuration after the same manner , according to quantity , or multiplicity ; taking the word multiplicity in a large sense : i. e. according to the quantity and multiplicity , which they have each to other in the same indefinite quantity and measure , upon which they are in the same manner and according to the same kind of quantity measured . However in natural Philosophy for very weighty reasons homogeneity and proportionablenes are to be acknowledged of very distant and different natures . So I presume in Mathematicks it would be taken for a solaecisme to say a body and a line were homogeneals and of the same kind , because all separable parts of each agree in their being all of them continuous quantities ; though in the Physiological school that they do concenter and meet in the same general nature is not deniable ; and so they may carry a seeming shadow of homogeneity , so far as homogeneity may be abusively wrested to denote any such common agreement in a general notion and nature . So it would be a solaecisme in Mathematicks to say , that a solid angle , a sphaerical angle and a plane angle were all homogeneal , because they are all angles and every separable part of each is an angle : but to pro●e Mathematical homogeneity , the mensurablenes of the quantity of the compared magnitudes in the same indefinite quantity , or measure for kind , and according to the same kind of quantity with the indefinite measure is to be made out : for that all are quantities , or all angles , makes them not in the mathematical school homogeneal ; except by reason of this mensurability of the quantity of both in the same indefinite quantity , or measure , according to the same kind of quantity , the less by multiplying can be made greater then the greater , and the greater by dividing less then the less . And indeed this is the true homogeneity , not denoting a general conveniency in their natures in respect of some abstracted notion , but rather a special identity by reason of their mensurablenes in the same substrate kind of quantity and measure , only with difference , or proportionablenes of magnitude between both the wholes , and all the least , or greatest , proper , i. e. homogeneal parts of each : as if one be a line , so is the other , and the greatest and least proper , i. e. homogeneal or homometral parts of each are lines and proportionable to either . For , if besides the mensurablenes of the quantity of the compared magnitudes in the same indefinite quantity , or measure , be not also added that condition , that in that indefinite quantity , or measure they are also mensurable according to the same quantity for kind , of which the indefinite measure is , and so consequently proportionable one to another ; by nothing will it yet be determinable , whether all angles be not homogeneal : for in every angle , though of several kinds , every part of each angle is an angle : nor will it be determinable , whether all continuous quantities be not homogeneal ; for every part even of heterogeneal continuous quantities is a continuous quantity : nor will it be determinable whether all numbers be not homogeneal ; for that all numbers are of the same kind will be found a doctrine of very hard digestion any where save in the mathematick school : yet according to this explication of mathematical homogeneity , notwithstanding the diversity of their kinds in other philosophical considerations , they have in them a clear mathematical homogeneity : and even an unite , which in other parts of Philosophy is not passable for a number , will fall also within the verge of the same homogeneity ; as will also all the parts of an unite , whether commensurable , or incommensurable . And this explication of mathematical homogeneity will be allowed its due right and justification more easily , by those who note how the main matter and design of mathematical definitions is but exegetical to clear up what is meant by the terms in those sciences used : for what other occasion could there be in the Mathematicks to intermeddle with homogeneity , but to explain the noble points of proportion and proportionality . And yet though in mathematicks there be such a grand affinity between the proportionablenes and homogeneity of magnitudes and in common use and spee●h the one may be put for the other , yet as above the notions are easily distinguishable by the understanding : Viz. two , or more magnitudes are said homogeneal chiefly in respect of the same way of measuring them , or in respect of the same kind of indefinite quantity in which they are both mensurable : but they are said proportionable in respect of the mutual habitude and quantitative relation which is between themselves upon such their mensuration , in the same way , or according to the same kind of quantity . So all finite lines are homogeneal , as mensurable in the same indefinite line ; but that one finite line is double to another is the habitude of the one to the other declared upon that mensuration . That upon the whole matter mathematical homogeneity doth not insist only upon identity in kind at large , or restrain unto identity in kind at all points , and in every respect and consideration ; but it is identity in quantity and therein particularly in the manner of the mensuration of their quantities , in which the homogeneity of magnitudes is chiefly lodged : and that is that which I ever understood in those words ( according to quantity , or if you please , rather quotuplicity ) which are in the definition of propo●tion , viz. quantity and quotuplicity in the same way of measuring . And if you urge here , according to this account I must conclude all incommensurables to be heterogeneal ; I answer , not in the least : for though they may have no common measure , which can by possibility exactly measure both or all , yet there may be a common indefinite measure , in which each may exactly measure forth its own quantity . As for example in fig. 24. Let A and B be incommensurable lines , and DC . an indefinite line , beginning at D , and on the part of C infinitely produced : from the point D in the line DC take the line DE equal to the line A : and also in the line DC take the line DF equal to the line B. here in the line DC as a common indefinite measure of their homogeneity , the two lines A and B , though incommensurable , have measured forth themselves by the lines DE and DF. So in fig. 1. upon A the angular point of the right-lined angle BAC , as Center , draw the Arch dfe cutting the line AB in the point d , and the line AC in the point f , and the right-line Ae in the point e , so as the Arch df be incommensurable to the Arch fe . Here the two right-lined angles d Af and f Ae are incommensurable , yet have a common way of measuring their quantity and proportion , Viz. by Arches of Circles drawn upon the angular point , as center , intercepted respectively between the sides : as by the Arch dfe , the one being in that Arch measured by the Arch , df , the other by the Arch fe . So as by mathematical homogeneity is understood an homometricalnes , or autometricalnes with the necessary consequent of a rateablenes therein , without any necessity of symmetricalnes between themselves at all . For still , if in homogeneity besides homometricalnes in the same indefinite quantity be not also included , that the mensuration of both be according to the same kind of quantity , of which the indefinite quantity , in which they are measured , is ; a point and a line may measure themselves in an indefinite line , and a line and a surface may measure themselves in an indefinite surface , and a surface and a solid may measure themselves in an indefinite solid . But true mathematical homogeneity is when two , or more quantities being mensurable in the same indefinite quantity , or measure , and according to the kind of the indefinite quantity are by consequence rateably , i. e. proportionably and homometrically equal , or the one bigger then the other , not the one infinitely bigger than the other , as an infinite line is longer then a finite line , for between such it is acknowledged there is no proportion nor mathematical homogeneity ; nor the one bigger then the other by the whole kind , as every solid is bigger then any surface , and every right-lined angle then any recto-convexe angle of Contact : and proportion is the rate , or quantity of their mutual habitude in that their homogeneity , or homometricalnes : i. e. proportion is the rate , quantity , or account of their proportionality . And applying our minds rightly to conceive of homogeneity as mathematical ; of necessity such , and no other can be the notion of it , thereby making two quantities to be rateably , i. e. proportionably equal , or the one bigger then the other , and according to their capacity and possibility in any rate and proportion so to be constituted and set out . For the genuine well known notion of homogeneity in general , what is it but that all and each of the proper , i. e. homogeneal parts , and the whole , fall under the same Denomination and nature , as if one be a line , all the rest to be lines , if one be water , or stone , or oyle , &c. all the rest of the parts and the whole to be so also ? And in the mathematicks what is said properly and homogeneally to be a part of any magnitude , but only such lesser magnitudes separable from it as are able to measure out , i. e. by their multiple to exhaust the first magnitude ? For a surface is not said to be an homogeneally proper part of a solid : nor a line of a surface . And by such measuring forth of the integral magnitude by its homogeneally proper , i. e. exhausting parts , is not understood the symmetry of the parts , and whole , for the whole and its true homogeneal parts , may be incommensurable ; but that which is understood is the true mathematical homogeneity of the whole and the parts in respect of their common way of measuring , and the proportionality , which is thereupon lodged between them So as by laying these undeniable remarks together , mathematical homogeneity in respect of the same integral magnitude , is that every part thereof being proper , i. e. mensurable in the same indefinite measure according to the special kind of its quantity , and therefore able to exhaust the whole , be all of them only in respect of their quantitativenes , not their figuration , or other respects , of the same nature and denomination , and any proportion whatsoever ( according to the capacity of such kind of quantities ) possible to be constituted amongst them . And by consequence several magnitudes are then said to be mathematically homogeneal , when being the one able to exhaust the other , & so in proportion one unto another , both and all the proper parts of each , all of them , as being of the same nature fal● under the same quantitative denomination . And here it is worth our noting , how some magnitudes are so homogeneal , that they cannot be separatingly divided into parts , or magnitudes which are heterogeneal ; but all the parts into which they are separatingly divided will still be homogeneal , both one with another and with the whole : So a line can no way be separatingly divided into parts which are magnitudes , but each is a line homogeneal to the whole and to all parts whatsoever of whatsoever other line : neither can a body and surface be separatingly divided , but into bodies and surfaces ; each of whose parts are still able to exhaust the whole and are thereunto proportionable . But such an absolute homogeneity is not in all other magnitudes , especially in heterogeneally concrete magnitudes , but that the whole may be divideable into parts separable one from another , which yet are heterogeneal : as in the present case of angles a right right-lined angle is divideable into a recto-convexe angle of Contact , and the recto-concave angle of the semi Circle ; which are separable one from another , and therefore truly parts ; yet neither of them is homogeneal to the whole , nor one of them unto the other : for neither can the whole right right-lined angle , nor the recto-concave angle of the semi Circle ever be exhausted by any number whatsoever of such heterogeneal parts , as is the recto-convexe angle of Contact : nor ever any equality , or other proportion can possibly be shewn between the right right-lined angle , and the recto-concave angle of the semi Circle , because there is no way possible in which their quantities can be proportionably mensurable . For not without very good reason unto all magnitudes are to be allowed their special properties ; as to all positures and figuration , theirs . To angles these things are peculiar , being otherwise in other magnitudes : Viz. in angles which are truly and on all hands confessedly homogeneal , you cannot to any given angle , set forth another of the same kind in any given proportion at pleasure : for every right-lined angle by a necessity of nature , must be less then two right right-lined angles : and in a plane all the angularity at any point cannot exceed what the circumjacent space , or plane is capable of ; which is only four right right-lined angles . That as number cannot be infinitely divided without fraction ; so angularity cannot at pleasure at the same point , in the same plane , be inlarged : whereas some other quantities have both infinite divisibility and infinite multiplicability . So another property of the magnitude of angles is , that it may not only in notion and speculation , but in truth and severingly , be divided into parts either able , or unable to exhaust the whole : as when a right right-lined angle is divided into the recto-concave angle of a semi Circle , and a recto-convexe angle of Contact : you may sever them the one from the other : and angularity is equally , if not much more apparent in the recto-convexe angle of Contact , then in the recto-concave angle of the semi Circle ; yet the one of them is demonstrated and confessed unable ever to exhaust the right right-lined angle , the other not . A further property of the magnitude of angles is , that sometimes the same part , which hath already been severed from it , cannot exactly and immediately again by its equal be severed from it on the same side , though the remaining angle be by the whole kind greater . So after a recto-convexe angle of Contact is taken out of a right right-lined angle , there cannot again immediately on the same side , be severed from the remaining angle another angle equal to the recto-convexe angle of Contact , which was before severed from it . If it can , let it be performed . Also the divisibility which is in the magnitude of all Angles , though boundles and infinite , in some however , leaves the dividing of the Angle into two equal parts , impossible : as notwithstanding the perpetual divisibility of lines , the side and diameter of a square are left incommensurable . So some other angles may be divided into two equal parts , but it is impossible to divide them into three equal parts : as convexo-convexe angles of Contact , with infinite other convexo-convexe angles and concavo-concave angles being contained under equal , uniform and answerable Arches . To consigne this point , the principal thing we have laboured herein to dilucidate , & as we doubt not have effected is , that mathematical homogenealness is not an homogeneity of all the parts whatsoever , that are in the magnitudes , which are homogeneal in respect of some special way of measuring their quantities ; or an undivideableness of such homogeneal magnitudes into parts otherwise heterogeneal according to which acceptation the word is chiefly taken in other parts of Philosophy : for there is no right-lined angle whatsoever , nor any other angle whatsoever , but as is up and down herein shewn may be separatingly divided into heterogeneal parts : but mathematical homogeneity is homogeneity in the way of measuring the quantity of the compared magnitudes , Sc. in the same indefinite measure and quantity , and according to the kind of the indefinite measure , and which thereupon follows , a proportionality between them , in respect of their common way of measuring : and of this mathematical homogeneity , fair foot-steppings are to be found every where in the deducing of those demonstrations which concern proportions and proportionals . That , such magnitudes as have no common way of measuring their quantity , as weights and measures , are heterogeneal : or if they have a common way of measuring in which they may measure themselves , but therein do not measure themselves according to the same kind of quantity with the indefinite measure , and so want proportionality , yet notwithstanding they are heterogeneal : as all recto-convexe angles of Contact , all recto-concave angles of semi Circles , all recto-convexe angles of semi Circles , all acute , or right right-lined angles , these may all measure themselves , and in what order their sides fall within , or without in any obtuse right-lined angle whatsoever : yet because this their homometry is only of the situation , or order , in which the sides part from the angular point , but not of their quantity in an indefinite measure and according to the denomination of the same quantitative measure , so as to lodge a proportionality between the magnitudes so compared together in their common way of measuring ; they are not , nor can thereby be vindicated from their otherwise innate mathematical heterogeneity : which concerning some of them is confessed on all hands and is without the verge of the controversy . And as follows , angles are of a concrete nature , having in them something quantitative and something not quantitative : whereas that which is to be the indefinite measure of homogeneal quantities is to be considered abstractly as quantity without heterogeneal concretion : so it is the circumference of a Circle that measures all right-lined angles . And when all plane angles are said to be homogeneal , it is not in respect of a common indefinite quantity by which they are all measured , which the recto-convexe angles of Contact doe sufficiently evince , but as is manifest it is only because of the position and situation of the sides in the same plane ; which homogeneity is of no concern unto quantity , nor by any necessity can thereupon infer the consequent of proportionableness . But to proceed ; as is said , besides the former mathematical and quantitative homogeneity and heterogeneity there is also an extramathematical and extra-quantitative homogenealnes and heterogenealnes in angles every where observable in their shapes , figures , positure of their sides , such like schematismes and other respects . In general as is above hinted , every part of a plane angle is a plane angle , even the recto-convexe angle of Contact , however you deny it to be an angle and quantitative : but then this is not a mathematical homogeneity , but only in respect of a certain figuration , in respect of the positure and situation of the surface in which those angles are ; shewing how all plane angles from the greatest to the least , agree in that particular of their general figuration , Viz. of having their containing sides to lye still in the same plane ; whereby they distinguish themselves from all other superficial angles , which are heterepipedal , whose containing lines , or sides lye in several planes : such as are all sorts of sphaerical , cylindrical and conical surface-angles . But if ever a mathematical and quantitative homogeneity be proved among all plane angles , you that know that it is not my use to start from my word , shall hereby rest assured , upon the first summons I will give up this cause . And we are not to think strange , that a figuration is asserted to be in angles ; for if we seriously consider , wee shall find there is shape and figure in angles , as well as quantity ; as lines , and surfaces , and bodies have their figurations , the positure of their parts , their shapes and forms , as well as their quantities and magnitudes : in each , their figuration being manifest ; Viz. in lines , in respect of their lineary positure : in surfaces , in respect of their superficial positure : in bodies in respect of their solid positure : and in the casting of each of their schematismes quantity is involved , as length , breadth , depth , Viz. their quantities , and the quantities which are compounded of several , or all of them together . And here by the figuration which we assert in angles , we cannot be thought to mean that any right-lined figure can be compleated , perfectly to bound up a plane on all sides , by one angle ; it being beyond the power of two : and three , being the least number of angles , requisite so to constitute and perfectly limite out a right-lined plane figure . And though some plane figures are perfected , and perfectly bounded , without any such angles as are contained by sides concurring by way either of section , or Contact , as namly all Circles and Ellipses ; yet the angularity of curve coincidence is every where found , or at pleasure assignable in the bounders of such figures . But our meaning is , a plane angle , though most what it do not by the continuation and production of its sides , perfectly bound in and limit out a certain plane and space on evry side , however being the mutual habitude of concurring lines , it gives an imperfect figuration to the plane and space on its part . And as a bounded plane cannot be without some kind of plane figure , so a limited angle ever implies in it an imperfect figuration of some sort , or other . For figuration is the consectary of material finiteness and limitation in the position of lengths , breadths , depths , surfaces and solidities ; that every angle having its limits and bounds cannot be thereof destitute . And if the name of figures be so frequently given to hyperbola's , parabola's , and the like , which neither do , nor ever can by any possible production perfectly bound in their planes ; what reason is there then why angles should be denied an imperfect interest in the name . Besides as a plane in its own general nature at large doth not denote any special plane figure ; but the rise of figures , I mean plane figures , is from the bounding of the plane : so it is in angles , as they by the mutual habitude of their concurring sides give imperfect limits and bounds unto the space and plane , so they therein make an imperfect figuration . That in angles something of form and figure is to be noted as well as magnitude . And one line cannot concurre with and be inclined upon another , but an imperfect figuration will arise from that their mutual inclination . And the same two angles may have the inclination , i. e. the recesse of their respective sides one from another equal , though there be no analogy between the figurations of the angles , or the shapes in the which the sides are inclined in the one and in the other . For by reason that in angles form and figure are to be observed as well as quantity ; crooked-lined and right-lined angles may be equal in some particular quantity , yet other-wise not of the same kind : they having equality in some magnitude , but being distinct in the manner of their forming , figuration and constitution : as equality may be between a square and a triangle , though figures altogether different in kind . And in respect of such their figurations , plane angles receive distinction , either from the diverse manners in which their containing sides do concurre , or else from the diverse natures , and figurations of the lines under which they are contained , or , which is tantamount from the diversity of the inclinations and inflexions , or rather inclinablenesses and imflexiblenesses by which they are inclined each to other , or from several of these grounds of distinction taken together . Plane angles from the different manner of their sides concurring , may aptly be thus distinguished , Viz. into angles , whose sides concurre by way of section ; or else that have their sides concurring only by way of touch in some single singular point without mutual section ; or else their concurrence is in curvature , where , after the meeting of their sides in the angular point , the sides do not in their productions depart one from another , neither by way of touch , nor section ; but become , the production of the one side coincident with the other side ; so as this kind of angles may aptly be called angles of coincidency , or angles of curvature : and in these lies the genuine Ratio and true account of the curvature . From the diverse figuration of the lines , under which a plane angle is contained , very many differences of angles may arise , according to the various distinctions , of which lines themselves are capable , I mean such lines , as fall not without the capacity and comprehensivenes of the same plane : as that some are helicoidal , some parabolar , some elliptitical , &c. But as of lines , so hence of angles , the chief and primary distinctions are especially these , Viz. that plane angles are either right-lined angles , contained under two inclined right-lines ; or not right-lined angles . Not right-lined angles , are either mixed lined angles ; contained under one right-line , and one crooked-line : or crooked-lined angles contained under two crooked-lined sides . And from the several kinds of special , or ordinary curvatures , as Circular , elliptical , hyperbolar , &c. The mixt-lined , and crooked-lined angles , are capable of many farther and more particular distinctions ; but especially from the site of the convexeness , or concaveness of the lines to , or from the angle side : though all such secondary distinctions rising from these two last mentioned heads , are as properly and pertinently referable to the other ground of distinguishing plane angles , taken from the differences which may be in the inclinations of the one containing side to the other . For a vast difference is in the inclination of a crooked-line , by obverting the concave , or convexe side to any other line . So the constituting a circular , or elliptical arch &c. For one side , makes a vast difference in the inclinations , because of the difference in their curvatures . Also another principal distinction of angles from their sides , may be into angles , whose sides are coaptable , and by possibility may be coincident one with another : or else such as have between them no possibility of coaptation and coincidence . Of the former sort are all right-lined angles , and all concavo-convexe angles contained by Arches of equal homogeneal , uniform , regular , or answering curvatures : of the later sort are all other ; whether mixt lined angles , or crooked-lined angles ; whether they be mixed crooked-lined angles , or unmixt crooked-lined angles . And consequently thereupon , besides the numerous distinctions of angles in respect of their different inclinations , such as above mentioned ; one is more eminently material above the rest , that the inclination of the sides , is sometimes with an equability all along their production ; though imagined to be infinitely extended , in such lines as by possibility may with reason be imagined so to be : and sometimes there is nothing of equability to be found in the inclination of the several parts of each side to the other ; though it may be one of the sides be a right-line , or an Arch of most equal , uniform , regular and homogeneal curvature . And this equability and inequability of the inclination of the sides , strangely alters the properties of angles . As in right-lined angles , for the equability of the inclination of the sides , no parts of the one side are more inclined then the rest unto the other side : and so in concavo-convexe angles of equal curvatures , no parts of the one Arch are more inclined then the rest unto the other ; but the one Arch is all along inclined unto the other , as at the angular point ; and the inclination , which the one bears unto the other at the angular point , is obviously expressable as to the quantity of the recesses , which they make one from another , by the inclination of a right-line to a right-line , except when the inclination of the Arches is equal to , or greater then two right right-lined angles . And in such crooked-lined angles , whose sides have equability of inclination , the points , which from the angular point are at equal distances along the Arches , are also absolutely at equal distance from the angular point , along the chords : and right-lined tangents at any two such homologal points , where ever taken , alwayes meet and contain a right-lined angle , equal as to the quantities of the recesses of the sides , to the crooked-lined angle contained by the two Arches ; as is obvious to demonstrate , especially in circular Arches . And the right-lined angle contained under the two right-lined tangents touching at the two homologal and answering points , which is equal to the isoclitical crooked-lined angle , if the two right-lined tangents occurre on that side of the right-line connecting the homologal points on which the isoclitical angle falls , then it is the angle contained by the two right-lined tangents into whose space part of the space comprized between the two Arches at first falls , which is equal to the crooked-lined isoclitical angle : but if they occurre on the other side of the right-line connecting the two homologal points , i. e. aversely from the crooked-line isoclitical angle , then it is the complement of such an angle , which is equal to the crooked-line isoclitical angle : but if the two right-lined tangents occurre in one of the homologal points , the angles either way contained under the two right line tangents are equal , viz. right right-lined angles ; either of them making forth what is herein asserted . As in fig : 19. under the two circular isoclitical arches bda and acn let there be constituted the isoclitical angle bac ; and let the right-line ag touch the Arch acn in the point a : and let the right-line af touch the Arch adb in the point a : so making the right-lined angle fag equal to the isoclitical concavo-convexe angle bac . Then take in the Arch adb any point at pleasure , Viz. the point d : and draw the chord ad . Then in the Arch acn take the Arch ac subtended by the chord ac equal to the chord ad . Therefore because of the isocliticalness of the circular Arches the two points d and c are two homologal , i. e. answering points the one in the one Arch , the other in the other , Viz. the point d in the Arch adb and the point c in the Arch acn . Then draw the right-line dc connecting the two homologal points d and c. Also draw the right-line de touching the arch adb in the point d ; and the right-line ce touching the Arch acn in the point c. And let de and ce the two right-line tangents be produced till they meet in the point e ; which in this figure is on that side of the right-line dc on which the concavo-convexe angle cab lyeth . I say therefore that the right-lined angle dec contained under the two right-lined tangents de and ce touching the Arches respectively at the homologal points d and c is equal to the right-lined angle fag , contained under the two right-line tangents fa and ga touching the Arches respectively at a the angular point of the isoclitical concavo-convexe angle . For the right-lined tangent fa cutting de the other right-lined tangent of the same Arch adb in the point h ; and the right-lined tangent de of the Arch adb cutting the chord ac in the point k ; upon this construction the right-line da is equal to the right-line ac ; and the right-line tangent dh is equal to the right-line tangent ha : therefore the right-lined angle adh is equal to the right-lined angle dah and so to the right-lined angles ace and cag severally . And therefore the right-lined angle ahe being equal to the two right-lined angles hda and dah taken together , and the right-lined angle hda being equal to the right-lined angle cag ; the right-lined angle ahe is equal to the two right-lined angles cag and dah taken together . Therefore that which maketh each equal to two right right-lined angles ; the two right-lined angles hka and hak taken together are equal to the two right-lined angles hak and dal taken together . Therefore the right-lined angle hka is equal to the right-lined angle dal . Therefore the right-lined angle cke is equal to the right-lined angle dal . And therefore that which makes either equal to two right right-lined angles , the two right-lined angles kce and kec together taken are equal to the right-lined angle dag , which is equal to the two right-lined angles dac and cag taken together : and the right-lined angle cag is equal to the right-lined angle kce : therefore the right-lined angle kec is equal to the right-lined angle dac : therefore because the right-lined angles dah and cag are equal ; also the right-lined angle kec S c. dec is equal to the right-lined angle hag S c. fag , which was to be demonstrated . But if the two right-lined tangents de and ce as in fig. 20. do not occurre towards the concavo-convexe angle bac , but on the other side of the right-line dc in the point e ; then is the right lined angle dec contained under the two right line tangents de and ce touching at the homologal points d and c , not equal to the concavo-convexe isoclitical angle bac , or the right lined angle , equal unto it , fag , but to its complement unto two right right-lined angles , Viz. unto the right lined angle fal ; the right line la being the production of the right line ga . For as before by construction , the right line chords da and ca to the homologal points d and c are equal : and the right line fa cutting the right line de produced in the point h , the right lines dh and ah being two right lines tangents of the same Circle adb , occurring , are equal . And let the right line ac produced , occurre with the right line de produced , in the point k. As appears ; the right lined angles adh , dah and cag , as before , are equal ; and the right lined angle ahe is equal to two right right lined angles , all but the two right lined angles hda and had that is , all but the two right lined angles cag and had . Therefore the right lined angle ahe being equal to the two right lined angles hka and kah ; the two right lined angles hka and kah are equal to two right right lined angles all but the two right lined angles cag and had . Therefore two right right-lined angles are equal to the four right lined angles cag and had and hka and kah . Therefore out of equals taking equals , the right lined angle hka , which is the right lined angle cke is equal to the right lined angle dal . Therefore what on either side remains to make up two right right lined angles on either part ; the two right lined angles kce and kec are together equal to the right lined angle dag , which is equal to the two right lined angles dac and cag taken together . And producing the right line ec till it cut the right line ag in the point g ; the right lined angles cag and acg and kce are equal . Therefore the right lined angle kec is equal to the right lined angle dac . And because the right-lined angle dah and cag are equal , therefore adding the common angle fac , the two right lined angles dac and hag are equal . And therefore the right lined angle kec is equal to the right lined angle hag . And therefore their complements unto two right right lined angles , Viz. the two right lined angles dec and hal are equal ; which was to be demonstrated . So in fig. 22. if the right line tangent de passe directly unto the other homologal point c , as it doth when the isoclitical concavo-convexe angle is equal to a right right lined angle , and the homologal points d and c are taken at quadrantal or other distances from the angular point ; then most manifestly the right-lined angles dcg and fag are equal , being under the two and two respective right lined tangents ; and between the angles and their complements unto two right right lined angles is no difference , as appears by what is in the former demonstrations . So in fig. 23. if the homologal points d and c be so taken , that the chords da and ca be the diameters : then producing the right line tangent ce till it occurre with the other right line tangent de in the point e , and with the other right-line tangent fa in the point f ; the right lined angles cfa and fag are equal . And in the trapezium def a the two right lined angles eda and daf are each of them a right right-lined angle , therefore the right-lined angle dec is the complement of the right lined angle efa unto two right right-lined angles , i. e. it is the complement of the angle fag unto two right right lined angles ; which was to be demonstrated . And like demonstrations may be formed upon every other case . But where the isoclitical arches are not circular the demonstrations must vary according to the propriety of every several curvature , notwithstanding its equability and isocliticalness . But to return , in angles contained by sides whose inclination each to other is without any such equability , ( except only in unmixt crooked-lined anisoclitical angles ) the account of the homologal points along the chords and along the arches is still different : but in none of them do the right line tangents from the two and two homologal points , still in their meeting make the two same angles which are made by the two right lined tangents at the angular point ; nor can any right line angle expresse the inclination , which the sides have each to other at the angular point . Hence is manifest how the same angle may from several of the grounds of distinction here proposed be referable to several heads , or kinds . So right lined angles as isoclitical , have alwayes equability of inclination ; and the concurrence of their sides is alwayes by way of section and cannot be by Contact , or coincidency . So mixed lined angles being anisoclitical have always inequability in the inclination of their sides ; and their concurrence may be either by Contact , or Section , but never by coincidence . And in crooked lined angles , their sides may have either equability , or inequability of inclination : and accordingly the concurrence of the sides may be by section , or Contact ; and with , or without possibility of coincidence Sc. Isoclitical crooked-lines , but they must be posited convexo-convexely , or anisoclitical crooked-lines posited whether convexo-convexely , or concavo-convexely , or a right-line and a crooked line , any two of these may touch without cutting , and so the angular sides have inclination tangent and not secant , So isoclitical concavo-convexe angles may have sides circumducted to coincidence : but the same sides posited concavo-concavely , or convexo-convexely become anisoclitical in the circumduction , one in respect of the other ; yet either is isoclitical sometimes and in some cases with the production of the other . From these things though distinguishing angles into their several kinds , only with respect to the diversity of their figuration , may however more abundantly appear how unmanageable a task they take upon themselves , who to exclude recto-convexe angles of Contact from being angles , and from quantitaveness , would force all plane angles to be of the same kind , allowing no specifick difference possible among them . Not here to pursue what other diversities in kind may be observed among angles ; how can the inclination of a crooked-line upon a right-line differ less then in kind from the inclination of a right-line upon a right-line ? For as a right-line and a crooked-line agree as lenghts and in lineariness and are therein mathematically homogeneal , but as right and crooked differ in kind and have therein heterogeneal figuration ; the crookedness of the crooked-line having no analogy to the rectitude of the right-line , nor the rectitude of the right line any proportionableness unto the curvature of the crooked-line ; so the inclination of a crooked line upon a right line , and of a right line upon a right line they agree in the common nature of inclination , and the one may be greater and the other less as the respective sides fall within , or without : but this relation of greater , or less is without any proportionableness , and only by the whole kind , depending upon the passing of the respective sides , the one within , or without the other . For these two inclinations differ so far in kind that neither the curvature of the mixt lined inclination hath any thing in it conform , or proportionable to the rectitude of the right-lined inclination , nor the rectitude of the right-lined inclination to the curvature of the mixt lined inclination . In a word , so different is the inclinableness of a crooked line upon a right line , from the inclinableness of a right line upon a right line , that it is impossible for the one ever to be either equal , or any way determinately proportionable unto the other : because the coaptation of a right line as a right line , to a crooked-line , as a crooked Iine is against the properties of their figurations , kinds and natures . And for what reason should there be lesser difference between a crooked-lined inclination and a right lined inclination , then there is between a crooked-line and a right line ? Yet all this their distinctness concerns only an heterogeneity in their figuration and not at all , or not primarily their quantities . The argument , if they be angles , or plane angles , they are homogeneal and of the same kind , is of no more force then this consequence ; if they be quantities , or continuous magnitudes , they are homogeneal and of the same kind . And they that deny all heterogeneity in angles , because they are all angles ; will find it an hard task upon the same ground to maintain an analogous homogeneity , or any other considerable homogeneity , between right lined angles and sphaerical angles , or any other angles , made by planes cutting the heterepipedal surfaces of solids , and especially solid angles , of what sort soever . And to yield that all plane angles are homogeneal ; for it is true : and the most absolute , proper and genuine homogeneity is among plane angles : i. e. no part of a plane angle can be any other then a plane angle , how great , or little soever , and whether proportionable , or improportionable one to another , i. e. whether mathematically homogeneal , or heterogeneal : yet if we seriously consider what is this homogeneity which is among plane angles , that all their parts are plane angles , it is not as is said any quantitative , or mathematical homogeneity , the contrary of which is plentifully demonstrated in Geometry to be possible ; nor any such homogeneity in respect of the manner of their positure and figuration , as to exclude all farther distinguishableness in respect of figuration ; but only denotes that in every plane angle , and in every part of every plane angle , the sides lye still in the same plane : which homogeneity , as is plain , excludes neither heterogeneity , in respect of figuration , nor in respect of proportion and identity in the way of measuring their quantities . To the objection that in fig. 12. the recto-convexe angle of Contact BAF can be added to the right right-lined angle BAG , so making the outer angle of a semi Circle F AG ; or taken out of it , Sc. the recto-convexe angle of Contact BAD out of the same right right-lined angle BAG , so making the inner angle of a semi Circle GAD : and that therefore the recto-convexe angles of Contact F AB and B AD and the right right-lined angle BAG , and the two angles of the semi Circle GAD , and FAG , are all of them homogeneal and of the same kind ; I answer . First what need is there of such endeavours , for you to prove their homogeneity , it being Geometrically demonstrated and confessed that there is no analogy , or proportion between them ; I mean between the recto-convexe angles of Contact and either the right right lined angle , or either of the angles of the semi Circles ? And according to your opinion that which is added or taken out is said to be nothing . But especially its thought strange , why there should be such doubting , that heterogeneals can be added and laid up together as into one repository ; it being with as easy connexion performable , as is usual in the addition of incommensurables and specious quantities of which it is not known , whether they be homogeneal , or heterogeneal . And out of an heterogeneal sum , as a store-house , why cannot some of the heterogeneals be subducted , the rest remaining ? and what is more usual then the adding of heterogeneal figures one unto another ? and subducting out of a given figure some other figure , which is quite heterogeneal to the first given figure ? So to adde together numbers , and measures , and weights ? the sum of which may be divided , multiplyed , increased , or lessened , notwithstanding its heterogeneity . As supposing A B , C , D , all heterogeneal , as is usual in analyticks , the half , or third part , or any proportionable part of this heterogeneal sum may be given : and any one of the heterogeneal magnitudes subducted , the rest remaining : or a fifth heterogeneal magnitude added to the former sum : or any Algorythme , ever speciously , sometimes compleatly and absolutely thereupon performed . Besides upon geometrical demonstration and your own confession , all recto-convexe , convexo-convexe and citradiametral concavo-convexe angles of Contact must necessarily by your own principles be allowed to be absolutely heterogeneal to all right-lined angles whatsoever ; your self acknowledging that neither in equality , nor in any kind of multiplicity , or submultiplicity is any proportionableness possible amongst them . And where between angles a mathematical homogeneity is confessed and allowed , yet heterogeneity in respect of their Schematismes and figurations is undeniable . The things therefore constituting and distinguishing plane angles in respect of their figuration are , as above , their sides , their inclinations , or rather inclineablenesses , and their concurrence . That when two angles have all these in the same respective kinds , the angles are upon good reason in this sense concluded to be homogeneal : but when between two angles is an heterogeneity in any of these things , which are of the essence and constitution of an angle , those angles may justly be judged in this sense to be heterogeneal . And that such a specifick heterogeneity may be in each of these , may easily be declared as above . As first in lines which are the containing sides , how easy is it to discover such an heterogeneity ? For though a right line , and a crooked-line agree undeniably in the general nature of a line , and of length , and of extension , yet the rectitude of the one and the curvature of the other , are several kinds of positure , into which the length of the one , and of the other is disposed : that except , in contrarieties , we can see nothing but homogeneity , such an heterogeneity must needs be acknowledged between them . And whereas homogeneity , as to sides , inclination and concurrence , is required to the homogeneal figuration of angles ; the heterogeneity of the sides hinders the possibility of ever making them out to be such ; or that by any altering their divarication , keeping their present properties they can be coaptable . And that angles contained by heterogeneal sides may be equal , proves only the equality of the inclinations in either , but not the homogeneity of the figuration of the angles , or inclinations ; as the equality between a square and triangle in respect of their equal perimeters , area's , heights , bases , proves not in the least the homogeneity of their figures . And as right-lines and crooked-lines are heterogeneal , as above , not possibly to be coapted , with the precedent limitations ; So also are all curve lines , whose curvature is unequal and unlike , nay though it may be they be but several parts of the same line , or though the curvature of both , be every way , and every where equal and like , yet if the convexe and concave parts of the one be not alike posited as in the other , there will be a manifest heterogeneity in them , and an impossibility of coapting them , observing the limitations as above . And why doth the heterogeneity in the sides make heterogeneity in the angles , but because thereby is founded an heterogeneity in the inclinations , or rather in the inclinablenesses of the one side to the other ? For here , it is not the several degrees of the same kind of inclination that is intended ; for then all unequal right-lined angles should be altogether heterogeneal one to another : but it is a more then gradual , a specifick distinctness in their inclinablenesses , which we are now discovering to make the figuration of the angles more fairly and fully heterogeneal . And as inclination is the habitude of line to line , not being posited in the same right line , nor parallel , for even perpendiculars are in this sense here said to be inclined ; so , as above , from the heterogeneity of the lines will arise an heterogeneity of inclinations : and indeed for no other reasons do heterogeneal lines make heterogeneal angles , but because their inclinations are necessarily heterogeneal . And , as above , heterogeneal inclinations being respectively equal , as in some right lined and crooked lined angles , this doth not in the least annul the heterogeneity of their inclinations ; as a right line and a crooked line may be equal , yet as to the positure of their extension they are heterogeneal . And as heterogeneity of sides , or inclinations makes heterogeneity of angles , so likewise doth any heterogenealnes in the other point requisite to the nature of an angle ; which is the manner of the sides concurrence . And there are only three wayes in the concurrence of the sides of angles , according to which they can be heterogeneal one to another . For either the production of the one concurring side becomes coincident with the other concurring side , or else it departs from it on the same side on which it did occurre ; or else it departs from it on the contrary side to that on which it did occurre : all which are clearly not several degrees of the same manner of concurrence , but several kinds of concurrence : Viz. the one by way of Contact , the other by way of Section , and a third by way of curvature , or coincidence . That as these are diversified in angles , I mean from kind to kind , not from degree to degree , so there is thereby lodged in their figurations an heterogeneity , though in some mathematical respects , neither sides , nor inclinations can sometimes be denyed to be however homogeneal . So particularly angles of Contact in respect of their figuration must necessarily be acknowledged clear of another kind , then all other angles : because the inclination of their sides is tangent , concurring only in a punctual touch , whereas the inclination of the sides of all other angles is secant , and at the point of their concurrence by reason of their inclination they cut one another , or else they are coincident ; then which , what can make a more material difference in the inclination of the sides ? And as more especially relating to that so much urged analogy between right-lined angles and angles of Contact ; the inclination of the conteining sides in every angle of Contact is such as is impossible to be between the sides of any right-lined angle : for the sides of no right-lined angle can touch without cutting . And what more manifest and material difference can be in the inclinations made upon , or unto a right-line , then if in the one case a right-line be inclined unto it , and in the other a circumference , or other crooked-line ? Yet further to clear that differency of kind , which is between angles of Contact and other angles ; I think on all sides it will be judged unreasonable to make those angles of the same kind ; which have neither one common way of measuring , nor are coaptable , nor any way proportionable one to another , nor can any way by the contraction , or dilatation of their sides be made equal one to another ; and this we shall find to be the condition of many angles one in relation to another . However mis-understand me not , as if I made any commensurability a full mark of a full homogeneity : for as before crooked-lined and right-lined angles may be equal and of different kinds ; having their inclinations different in the kinds of their figurations , though equal in the recesses of the sides . And thus having at large deduced the grand difference which is between the mathematical heterogeneity of angles , and their heterogeneity in respect of their figurations , it will now be easy for us to extricate our selves out of all the difficulties with which former Disquisitions upon this subject have been involved . As first what is to be understood by the equality , which is asserted to be between right-lined , and isoclitical concavo-convexe angles . For it is out of controversy and on all hands yielded , that to any right-lined angle given may be given also a concavo-convexe isoclitical angle equal ; and that also , in a thousand varieties ; as is most manifest , in the circumferences of any two and two equal Circles , or any two and two equal Arches . And so in a converse manner ; to any isoclitical concavo-convexe angle given , whose sides make their recesse one from the other by an Arch less then a semi Circle , may be given an equal right-lined angle : although in the infinite number of right lined angles , it is impossible to find any more then one right-lined angle equal to the given concavo-convexe angle ; because in rectitude there can be no diversity , as there may and is in curvatures . Now in the above recited cases , why is equality between such different angles asserted possible ? and what is meant by their equality ? and whence , and how is the equality of them to be demonstrated ? Of necessity it must be founded upon some special method of measuring angles , or of somewhat which is in some , if not in all angles ; of which in common both these different sorts of angles are naturally and indifferently capable . And to be short , particular and plain ; all the mysteriousness of this their equality is founded upon this : that these two sorts of angles , right lined angles , and concavo-convexe angles of equal arches , they both have in common one special property , of which all other sorts of plane angles whatsoever are destitute . Viz. that each in their kind are isoclitical angles , and the sides in each are isoclitical , and in each angle the one side by the adduction , contraction , and drawing together of the sides will be coincident and coapted unto the other . And as the coincidence of right lines the one upon the other makes a right lined angle of Contact impossible , so the coincidence of isoclitical crooked-lines the one upon the other makes an isoclitical angle of Contact impossible , except only in an ultradiametral positure . And as the mensuration of right lined angles is by the Arches of Circles drawn upon the angular point intercepted between the two isoclitical sides , to shew how far they are departed from their coincidence ; so in isoclitical crooked lined angles , by the same way of mensuration an account may be taken of the departure , which each isoclitical side hath made from the other since their coincidence : and this is the point in which their equality consists and is accounted , and which founds the mathematical homogeneity which is between them . To instance in the case which is most manifest ; in fig. 18. from the angular point A , let the two arches ABC . and AFH of equall circles constitute and contain the isoclitical concavo-convexe angle CAF , and let the arches ABC and AFH be equall : then thorow the points C and H draw the two right-lines AD and AG. According to what is above delivered ; it is on all hands agreed , that the isoclitical concavo-convexe angle C AH is equal to the isoclitical right-lined angle CAH : as is copiously demonstrable from the equall arches of Circles drawn upon the angular point as center , cutting all the four lines : viz. the Arches comprized between the two isoclitical crooked-lines , are still equall to the respective arches comprized between the two isoclitical right-lines . For example in the chord AH take any where at pleasure the point I and from the center A draw the arch IB cutting the arch AFH in the point F and the right-line AEC in the point E and the arch ABC in the point B. The arch BF between the two isoclitical arches ABC and AFH is still equall to the arch EI intercepted between the two right-lines DA and GA. For the arches ABC and AFH being equall in equall circles , the right-lines AC and AH are equall : and also AE semidiameter is equall to AI semidiameter : and by the converse of the same ratiocination AB arch is equall to AF arch : so as in short by superposition , or adaptation the arch BE will appear to be equal to the arch FI : and therefore adding the common arch EF ; the arch BF intercepted between the two isoclitical crooked-lines ABC and AFH is equall to the respective arch EI intercepted between the two isoclitical right-lines : and this wheresoever the point I be taken in the right-line AH . So as by this common way of mensuration , common to both these sorts of angles , by reason of the isocliticalness , and the coaptability and coincidibleness of the sides in each , the one being an isoclitical concavo convexe angle is copiously demonstrated to be equal to the other being a right-lined angle . But now after what manner are we to understand this equality asserted between such right-lined and isoclitical concavo-convexe angles ? It is not an every way absolute equality which is between the angles , such as is between two equall squares , or two like and equall triangles , or any two regular and equall figures of the same kind or , to come nearer to the matter , it is not such as is between two equall right-lined angles , or between two equall , isoclitical , concavo-convexe angles , all whose four sides are all of them isoclitical each in respect of all the rest : but as things that are like each other , are like only in some things , and unlike it may be in many others ; such is the equality between any two such angles ; Viz. only a respective equality , such as is possible among heterogeneals , and inferring a necessity of some other respective inequalities . And such an equality may be between two mere heterogeneals ; they may be of equal length , and different breadth , or weight : so a Triangle , and a square and a Circle may be all equal , either in perimetry , or surface , but not in both ; so a right-lined angle , and an isoclitical concavo-convexe angle may be equal in respect of the recesses which the isoclitical sides make each from other and from their coincidence and coaptation , but in other respects they want not their manifest inequalities and heterogenealness . As a solid to a solid may have equal proportion that a line to a line , yet solids and lines are heterogeneal : so a crooked-line from a crooked-line may make equal recesses , as a right-line from a right-line , and yet in many other things much heterogenealness may be in the angles which they constitute . You will say wherein ? I answer in the rectitude and curvature of the containing sides . And in these different respects two isoclitical concavo-convexe angles may be both equal and unequal the one unto the other , Viz. equal in the recesses of the sides , but unequal in the curvatures of the sides : in the same manner as two figures may be equal in their perimetry , or superficial , or solid content , and yet be figures of different kinds under diverse inequalities : as the one a Rhombus , the other a square , the one a Cylinder , the other a Dode●aedron . So a thousand concavo-convexe isoclitical angles may be equal in respect of the recesses of the sides , yet each of a several kind : as a thousand figures different in kind may be equal in perimetry , height , base , superficial , or solid content . But you 'll say , what is the rectitude , or curvature of the containing sides to the nature of angularity ? I answer , they are of essential concern to the limiting and determining the nature of angles : angularity being the habitude of concurring lines each in respect of the other , as to their concurrence and inclination . And though the inclination of isoclitical crooked lines may be equal to the inclination of right-lines one upon another , in respect of the equal recesses and departures which the isoclitical lines make each from the other ; yet there still remains a vast inequality , dissimilitude , and unanalogableness between the angles and their inclinations , in respect of that little of figuration , without which neither can an angle be constituted , nor an inclination made : in a word the sides may make equal recesses , yet be unequal in their curvature , and unlike in their figuration : and neither by imagination , nor circumduction , nor any other operation can the one possibly be reduced , or coapted to the other , without setting the homologal points at improper and undue distances and positures one from another ; which shews a specifical difference between the two inclinablenesses of the one and the other : besides that a right-lined angle can continue its inclination between the sides infinitely , but many isoclitical concavo-convexe angles thereunto equal by the necessity of their curvature must terminate within a very little space : circumferences and several other arches , not being possible to be produced beyond their integrity ; so as some three given angles constituting a given triangle as to its angles , cannot , in like manner , constitute a triangle of any given magnitude ; which is otherwise in right-lined angles . And that the equality between isoclitical concavo-convexe and right-lined angles is not so absolute as to make them every way alike , equal , and of the same kind , may appear especially in this , which is elsewhere demonstrated ; Viz. that an ultradiametral concavo-convexe angle of Contact , being isoclitical , is alwayes equal to two right right-lined angles , which no one right lined-angle can be : and if it be anisoclitical of the larger , it is ever greater then two right right-lined angles can be , which is impossible also for one right-lined angle to be . And the difference between mathematical heterogeneity and the heterogeneity of angular figurations being as above discovered ; the nature as well of anisoclitical crooked-lined and mixt-lined secant angles will as clearly appear : Viz. that comparing them with right-lined angles they are compound and concrete angles constituted of right-lined angles and angles of Contact ; which are demonstrated every way heterogeneal : and such anisoclitical secant angles cannot be divided into any number at pleasure of parts homogeneal either mathematically , or in respect of their figuration , but of necessity some of them must be both wayes heterogeneal . This is manifest , because the fluxe , or circumduction of angles of Contact or of one of their conteining sides addes only a right-lined angle to them : after the same manner as the four right right-lined angles , which compleat the space in any plane , about any given point , may be exhausted by the circumduction of a crooked , concave , or convexe autoclitical , or antanaclitical line , as well as by the circumduction of a right-line . And that this ties not both angles to be of the same kind , may easily appear from the heterogeneity between lines and their fluxes , which are superficial ; or surfaces and their fluxes , which are solid . No wonder therefore if by the fluxe of an angle of contact , or of one of its sides , be created another kind of angle , holding no analogy with the former : the heterogeneity and improportionableness of right-lined angles and angles of Contact having been demonstrated . So upon the same ground we may be assisted to look into the special properties , considerable in the several kinds of angles peculiar unto some and incommunicable unto others , for example . In right lined angles , neither the greatest possible angle , nor the least possible angle can be given ; though all usually said to be within the compasse but of one kind . But to pursue the difference which is in angles ; angles of Contact , except such as are contained under lines of the same rectitude and curvature are every one of a several kind , either mathematically , or in respect of their figuration , or both . And except convexo-convexe angles of Contact of equal arches , which may be divided into two equal angles by common right-lined tangents ; all other angles of Contact are , every one , both the greatest , and least possible , of their special kind : and every angle of Contact contained under the convexe side of its arch , or arches , is the least possible under those sides ; which I suppose was the speculation unhappily missed by those learned men , who would have imposed upon the world , upon that their mistake , the dream of the coincidence of the sides in such angles . Again a right-line may be drawn dividing a convexo-convexe angle of Contact , whether it divide it equally , or unequally , but a right-line cannot be drawn dividing either of the recto-convexe angles of Contact into which the former was so divided ; whether the two recto-convexe angles of Contact be of the same , or different kinds : as is up and down demonstrated in Geometry . In citradiametral concavo-convexe angles of Contact , either the Arches are of unequal curvature , or which is tantamount , though they be of equal curvature , yet they touch not at homologal and answering points , being not all over of equal curvature ; which makes them notwithstanding the respective but not answering equality of their curvature to be anisoclitical . And between their Arches containing the angle of Contact , a right-line cannot be drawn ; but infinite crooked-lines in number may be drawn , bearing in like manner their convexity towards the concave which is inward , and their concavity towards the convexe of the other side , which is also inward . Concavo-convexe angles concurring by way of section , and having two right-line tangents drawn upon the Arches at the angular point are equal unto the right-lined angles contained under those right-lined tangents ; adding respectively to each right-lined angle one of the recto-convexe angles of Contact , and subducting out of it the other recto-convexe angle of Contact : and when those two recto-convexe angles of Contact are equal , as they are , when the sides are isoclitical , then the concavo-convexe angle is exactly equal to the right-lined angle : but when the two recto-convexe angles of Contact are unequal , as they are when the sides of the concavo-convexe angle are anisoclitical then the concavo-convexe angle and the right-lined angle are unequal . Concavo-concave angles concurring by way of section ( as all such ever do ; or by coincidence , and then one right-lined tangent gives the analysme of them , shewing the two recto-convexe angles of Contact , by which the angle of coincidence is less then two right right-lined angles ) are by two right-lined tangents at the angular point reduced into the right-lined angle ; which is the least of those right-lined angles that are greater then it , exceeding it only by two recto-convexe angles of Contact to be taken out of it . Convexo-convexe angles concurring by way of section are by two right-lined tangents at the angular point reduced into a right-lined angle ; unto which to make it equal to the convexo-convexe angle , are to be added two recto-convexe angles of Contact . And the right-lined angle is the greatest of all the right-lined angles that are less then the convexo-convexe angle . Recto-concave angles concurring by way of Contact are the greatest angles possible under those two sides . Recto-convexe angles concurring by way of Contact are the least angles possible under those two sides . If we compare recto-concave angles of Contact with right lined angles , they are less then two right right-lined angles by one only recto-convexe angle of Contact . And the least recto-concave angle of Contact is greater then the greatest right-lined angle whatsoever . Recto-concave angles concurring by way of section compared with right-lined angles which are constituted , i. e. compleated by the right-lined tangents drawn upon the Arches at the angular points ; are less than such respective right-lined angles by a recto-convexe angle of Contact . Recto-convexe angles concurring by way of section compared with right-lined angles which are constituted , i. e. compleated by right-line tangents drawn upon the Arches at the angular points ; are greater then such right-lined angles by a recto-convexe angle of Contact . Every angle of curvature , or coincidence , having a right-line tangent drawn upon the angular point , appears to be less then two right right-lined angles by two recto-convexe angles of Contact . The inclination of the sides without the angular point at any two respective , or other points , the one taken in the one side , the other in the other , is very nearly shewn , and as nearly as is possible in right-lines , by the right-line tangents of those respective points : but in mixed lined and mixed crooked-lined angles by several wayes of accounting , several points are made to answer one another , as by accounting by distance from the angular point , or by accounting by equalness of lines along the sides &c. Mixed lined angles of Contact , when they can be , and are , divided by a right-line , the parts are heterogeneal and unequal : and one of the unequal parts is a right-lined angle . Every recto-convexe , and convexo-convexe , or citradiametral concavo-convexe angle of Contact is the least possible under those sides . Rectilineary mensurableness in mixt lined , crooked-lined angles concurring by way of section , begins from the recto-convexe angle of Contact : as in right-lined angles from coincidence . A convexo-convexe angle of Contact , in respect of dividableness by right-lines is an angle made up only of heterogeneal parts , when it is a mixt-crooked-lined angle : but when it is an unmixt crooked-lined angle , it hath some parts which are homogeneal , Viz. two equal recto-convexe angles of contact , which are therein added the one unto the other . And those two equal recto-convexe angles of contact , as they are homogeneal , I mean of the same kind one with another , both mathematically and in respect of their figuration ; so mathematically they are homogeneal and of the same kind with the convexo-convexe angle which was divided ; but in respect of it , as to their figuration , they are heterogeneal and of another kind . The most simple angle may be divided into heterogeneal parts : i. e. the inclinableness of the one side to the dividing line both in respect of figuration and proportion may be specifically different from the inclinableness of the other side to the same dividing line : as a pentagone may be divided into a tetragone and a triangle , so a recto-convexe angle of Contact may be divided into two parts heterogeneal the one to the other , and to the first angle of Contact , both in respect of figuration and proportion : viz. into a new recto-convexe angle of Contact , and a concavo-convexe angle of Contact . Therefore no angle can be said homogeneal in that sense , as if it could not be divided into parts heterogeneal ; whether you please to understand it , in respect of mathematical homogeneity , or positure , and figuration , or what respect soever else that limits and distinguisheth plane angles one from another . And to give a brief and general account of the comparative admensuration of angles , as not being right-lined , yet by way of comparative admeasurement , they may in respect of their rectilineary parts be reduced and referred to those that are right-lined ; the containing sides not being right-lines , at the angular point draw right-line tangents touching the arch , or arches in the angular point ; and the right-lined angle contained by those right-lined tangents will be , as to the recesses of the sides at the angular point , either equall unto the first proposed angle , or the least right-lined angle greater then it , or the greatest right-lined angle lesser then it : or if two right-lined tangents cannot be thus placed at the angular point , either the first proposed angle was a mixt-lined angle of contact , said , if a recto convexe to be less , if a recto-concave to be greater then any right-lined angle ; or else it is a crooked-lined angle of contact , which if convexo-convexe , or concavo-convexe and citradiametral is less then any right-lined angle , but if concavo-convexe and ultradiametral , is greater then any right-lined angle , nay sometimes equall to , or greater then two right right-lined angles : or else it is an angle of coincidence , or curvature . All which is to be understood to shew the inclination of the sides at the angular point , as the chief for use in Geometry , but not necessarily else-where . So crooked-lined , or mixed lined angles are compared with right-lined angles by drawing at the angular point right-lines touching the Arches there , and comparing the crooked or mixed lined angle with the right-lined angle so constituted , respectively adding , or subducting the recto-convexe angles of Contact hereby created : and this , whether the Arches be isoclitical , or anisoclitical , or however posited . So all crooked , or mixed-lined angles concurring by way of section may have a right-lined angle given , which if it fall short of equality is either the least of the right-lined angles that are greater , or the greatest of the right-lined angles that are less then the first crooked-lined , or mixed lined angle . And so an analysme may be made of the greater angle into its heterogeneal parts ; and the crooked lined , or mixed-lined angle may be reduced unto , or compared with right-lined angles , only with the addition , or substraction of recto-convexe angles of Contact , being angles less than the least right-lined angle whatsoever . All angles have their inclinations compounded of the inclinations of the interjacent lines each to other in order : and of the inclinations of the sides to the lines next adjacent to them ; which composite inclination may be heterogeneal , as well as homogeneal in respect of the inclinations of which it is , or may be compounded . Equally arched convexo-convexe , or concavo-concave angles , may by a right-line be divided into equal parts mathematically homogeneal , but heterogeneal in respect of their figuration : but such angles cannot be divided into any more , or any other equal parts , for the reason immediately to be subjoyned . Heterogeneals taken together in several concretes proportionably , S c. each respectively in the same proportion , they hold exact proportion , concrete to concrete : as double cube and double line , are double , to single cube and single line , Viz. the concrete to the concrete : but set them out of the same respective proportions and the concretes are no way proportionable , or in analogy , concretely to be compared : as double cube and treble line , are in no proportion , to single cube , and single line . So double number , and double weight , and double measure , the whole concrete , is double , to single number , single weight and single measure : but setting them out of the same respective proportions ; double number , and double weight and treble measure , being alltogether concretely taken , are mathematically heterogeneal and improportionable to single number , single weight and single measure ; being in like manner concretely taken : because the heterogeneals in the one concrete ●old not the same respective proportions to the answering heterogeneals in the other . So convexo-convexe , or concavo-concave equally arched angles being secant , hold proportion when divided equally , as they may , by right-lines : but they are merely heterogeneal and without proportion , when divided by a right-line unequally . The ground of which is the heterogeneity of the parts , of which such concrete angles are made up when compared with angularity constituted by right-lines ; which heterogeneal parts , when the angle is divided equally in two by a right-line , are in the concretes , each respectively in the same proportion ; so making the concretes , though of heterogeneal parts , to be mathematically homogeneal and proportionable one unto the other : but when the angle is unequally divided ; in the two concretes the heterogeneal parts , of which they are made up , are not respectively in the same proportion ; for the recto-convexe angles of Contact , in the concrete angle , are divided equally , and the right-lined angle , which is in the concrete angle is divided unequally : so making the parts of the divided angle mathematically heterogeneal and improportionable ; because the compounding heterogeneal parts are not respectively according to the same proportion divided . The least possible angle under any two given incoincidible lines is the least angle of Contact which is possible under them . Recto-convexe , and citradiametral concavo-convexe angles of Contact as they are the least angles possible under their sides ; so they are indivisible into parts holding all each to other any thing of mathematical homogeneity , or proportionableness : Like unites they may be multiplyed to any proportion as whole numbers , and separately set : but cannot at pleasure be divided , nor at all into parts which are all of them mathematically homogeneal : nor can any number of them be at pleasure adjoyned one to another . So to any right-lined angle another may be imagined in any proportion , but sometimes it must be the composition of seseveral angles , and more then can stand at the space circumjacent about any one point . It not being possible for above four right right-lined angles to stand about the same point . As to a given point , other points may be given in any proportion , as whole numbers ; but they must not then be adjoyned one to another : but properly by the dividing of a point , farther proportions are not to be expected . So in such angles , though heterogeneal divisions be infinitely possible ; homogeneal , I mean mathematically , being impossible , are not , as above , to be expected . Two unequal anisoclitical angles contained under the same two anisoclitical sides , though in respect of their figuration , both are formed upon the same inclinableness of the sides one to another , yet they are mathematically heterogeneal : because being two concrete angles made up of heterogeneals , viz. of the angle , or angles of Contact and right-lined angles ; in the two concrete angles , the angles of Contact are in the proportion of equality , and the right-lined angles in the proportion of inequality : so as the concrete angles can have no proportion the one to the other . The half of the inclinableness of any arch upon its self , i. e. upon another arch like and equal , is still comprehended and contained under the inclinableness of a right-line upon the same arch : that though their figurations are ever heterogeneal , and their inclinations can never be equal , yet they may be mathematically homogeneal : as different numbers are alwayes unequal though ever proportionable . To no anisoclitical angle , whether of Contact , or concurring by way of section can any right-lined angle be made equal . And generally between isoclitical and anisoclitical angles equality is impossible . And when anisoclitical angles are compared with those that are isoclitical as greater , or lesser ; it is not to denote in both any mathematical homogeneity , and that so by possibility they are reducible to a true , compleat and analogous equality ; but the intent is only to declare , whether of them hath , or can have the containing side , or sides falling within , or without the other ; which is only from their inequality by the whole kind . So though anisoclitical angles may be greater , or less then a right-lined angle , yet between the one and the other there is neither common way of measuring , nor any proportion , though both of them be quantitative plane angles . There is no common way of measuring them , because of the anisocliticalness , and if there could be any proportion between them , then might a right-lined angle be given equal to such anisoclitical angles ; the contrary of which is otherwise clearly demonstrable . So as a thousand angles quantitative by conf●ssion and having right-lined angles lesser and greater then themselves , yet can have no right-lined angle equal to them . A right-lined angle cannot have its inclination at the angular point , much less all along the sides divided equally by a crooked-line , whether autoclitical , or antanaclitical , or of what curvature soever : though any such crooked-line may from any angle divide equally the plane bounded within a right-lined triangle : for if in fig. 17. BAC be a right-lined angle : I say , no crooked-line &c. can divide it at the angular point equally . If it be possible let it be divided into equal parts by the arch AGE whether autoclitical , as when it is conceived to be part of the arch AGEF , or antanaclitical , as when it is conceived to be part of the arch AGEHD . Then let the right-line AD divide equally the right-lined angle BAC . It is manifest , if the crooked-line AG never occurre with the right-line AD , that then it doth not divide the angle B AC equally ; for the right and crooked-lines cannot be coapted . Let therefore , if they do occurre , the place of their first meeting , or occurrence be at E. Therefore the arch AGE falleth within the angle BAD and therefore divides the whole angle BAC unequally , whether it be autoclitical , or antanaclitical . And by the same demonstration appears that it is as impossible for it to divide the inclination all along the sides equally . And though a crooked-line may divide any right-lined figure , because of its perfect bounds , from any angle into equal parts ; yet this no way evinceth any possibility of dividing a right-lined angle by a crooked line into equal parts : and though from any point of such a dividing crooked line , lines might be drawn making up a figure , whose parts divided by the crooked line from the angle are equal ; yet this is no more then is performable upon any point of any crooked line drawn between the sides of a right-lined angle at randome , whether the parts of the angle be homogeneal , or heterogeneal , equal , or unequal . Difference of curvature by a perpetual necessity infers difference of inclination , whether the curve line be inclined upon a right-line , or upon a curve line ; for still the one of the curve lines will fall within , or without the other . So let inclination upon a right-line be in a recto-concave angle of Contact , recto-convexe angle of Contact , recto-concave , or recto-convexe secant angles ; by no right-line can any of those inclinations be made upon the first right-line , nor by any other crooked-line : but still the lines will fall either within , or without ▪ And all angles of Contact under lines of different curvature and rectitude , as they are of ● thousand Mathematically and extra-quantitatively different kinds one from another , so they are 〈◊〉 manifestly distinct in kind from all right-lined angl●● whatsoever . And as every number is a different kind , in like manner as to positure and figuration is every line a distinct kind differing from all other not agreeing with it in rectitude and curvature ; whether the curvatures be homogeneal , i. e. every where equal , as in Circles , or heterogeneal , i. e. unequal in the several parts , as in ellipses , hyperbolas , parabolas , &c. And accordingly judgment is to be made of the sides under which angles are contain'd , and the angles contain'd under them : alter the kind of either side , and the kind of the angle is chang'd ; ever , in respect of figuration ; and most what , mathematically ; because the former inclinablenes of the sides is taken away , and a new kind of inclinablenes introduced between them . Hence appears ; no two recto-concaves , no two recto-convexes , no two concavo-convexes , no two convexo-convexes , being all angles of Contact can be equal , except their sides have the very same rectitude and curvature . In general , equality is not to be asserted between angles , except either for the mensurablenes of both in some common way of measuring , or at least because they can be so cast into a coaptation , as that either shall contain all the quantity which is in the other . And as he erred in squaring the superficial content of a circle , that in his quadrature left out a small lunular figure ; so neither can he be justifyed to have given one anisoclitical angle equal to another , who , as he must of necessity , takes in , or leaves out an angle , or some angles of contact which are in the one and not in the other . Particularly no mixed lined , nor mixed crooked lined angles whatsoever , whether secant , or of contact , can by any possibility , either by right-line , or crooked line be divided into equal parts , or angles , whether of the same , or of different , kinds . And in few , those angles , which cannot be divided into two equal parts cannot be divided into three , fower , five , or any other number of equal parts . The comparative admensurement , as above , of right-lined and not right-lined angles is as well of their heterogeneal inequality , when heterogeneal , as of their homogeneal equality and proportionablenes when homogeneal . All not right-lined angles comparatively admeasured , to right-lined angles , only with the addition , or only with the subduction of any angle , or angles of contact , are heterogeneal to all right-lined angles , as also , if when one angle of contact is to be added , and another subducted , the two angles of contact be unequal . And as is manifest , of several not right-lined angles , that is still the greater , whose comparative and relative admeasurement is made to the greater right-lined angle : and of those , whose comparative admeasurement is unto equal right lined angles , they are greater , or equal , or less according to the equality , or inequality , and comparing together of their angles of Contact ▪ And of concavo-concave angles the right-lined angle cannot be given , which is the greatest of those right-lined angles that are less then the concavo-concave angle : nor in convexo-convexe angles can be given a right-lined angle , which is the least of those right-lined angles which are greater then the convexo-convexe angle : nor in recto-concaves the greatest of the less : nor in recto-convexes the least of the greater : whereas in concavo-convexe angles , the right-lined angle to which the comparative admeasurement is made , may according to the case be either equal , as when the sides are isoclitical ; or the greatest right-lined angle that is less , as when the concave side is of less curvature ; or the least of the greater , as when the concave side is of greater curvature . From these things may appear how that objection is to be answered , in which you urge that there is a proportion between mixed lined angles , whose sides are seca●● , and right-lined angles , because the one by its multiple may exceed the other ; and that therefore an homogeneity , mathematically to be understood , is to be acknowledged amongst them . To this is answered that all anisoclitical angles whatsoever having their sides concurring by way of section when compared unto right-lined angles are heterogeneal compositions of angularity , i. e. cannot be divided into any number at pleasure of parts all equal ; but as is manifest , they in that their relative nature are concrete and composite angles , formed of right-lined angles by adding to them , or subducting from them mixed lined angles of Contact : so as the right-lined part of the secant anisoclitical angle , or any the least part of it hath true proportion with all right-lined angles ; and the whole being heterogeneal , yet hath a semblance of proportion with right-lined angles , because of those parts which it hath which are homogeneal with them ; but between the other heterogeneal part which is the mixt-lined angle of Contact , and right-lined angles , neither is , nor can be any proportion : and it is because of this part that it is not a true , but a seeming proportion only , which is between the whole concrete heterogeneal , composite anisoclitical angle , and right-lined angles : for if it were a true proportion and proportionablenes which were between them , it should then be possible to give a right-lined angle equal to such an anisoclitical secant angle ; which when done , I have no more to say , being well assured I am able to demonstrate the contrary upon whatsoever right-lined angle shall be offered under that notion . And whereas it is urged that a right-lined angle is , and may be equal to a mixed lined angle ; all their difference being only in this , that the sides of the one are more spread and divaricated then the other ; what is this else but to say , that they are equal , saying that the one is bigger then the other . For angles of Contact can divide angularity , or space equally , or unequally into more , or fewer parts : and they are not indivisible , because every one contains innumerably more in it : and by the definition of an angle , lines have a sufficient inclination to constitute an angle , if in the same plane , they lye not both in the same right-line . And to all other cases and objections of the like nature grounded upon them athematical heterogeneity of the parts , of which such special angles are constituted in respect of right-lined angles , like answers may be addressed . Though a right-lined angle cannot be divided into equal parts of the same kind mathematically , or in shape by a crooked-line , nor a mixed , or crooked-line angle by a right-line into parts of the same kind in respect of figuration ; yet some crooked lined angles may be divided into parts exactly equal of the same kind one with another , and with the whole mathematically by a right-line . For it is apparent , there may be between magnitudes a sufficient homogeneity for proportionablenes without excluding all further discriminableness between them : as between equal arched convexo-convexes , or concavo-concaves and their parts when they are equally divided . So between lines of all kinds , and numbers of all kinds , is proportionality . Yet still their proportionality is in respect of somewhat which is homogeneal in them . Viz. that they are all resoluble into parts that are homogeneal , or parts into which the rest are homogeneally resoluble , or after the same manner mensurable , as equal arched convexo-convexe angles into two equal recto-convexes : yet notwithstanding the proportionablenes between the convexo-convexes and the recto-convexes ; such an heterogeneity is in their figuration , that by no divarication of sides can they ever be made equal . And though the equal arched convexo-convexes and concavo concaves may be divided by a right-line into two equal parts ; by no lines whatsoever can they be divided into any more equal parts nor their recto-convexes by any line whatsoever into two equal parts ; such parts of such angles being more impossible to be given in Geometry , then the square roots of unsquare numbers , or cubicke roots of uncubical numbers are in Arithmeticke . As any two points , or any two indivisibles may have some few proportions amongst them , but no more : the latitude of proportionablenes being limited by the special natures and kinds of things : so between special kinds of numbers cannot be all proportions : nor between special lines all angles , or all proportions in all angles . Hence also we may clear the possibility of that speculation of the learned persons by you named , that in heterogeneals there may be a passing from greater to less , and from less to greater in a continuous manner without , ever passing thorow equality ; however you are pleased to bestow upon it a contemptuous smile , if not an hiss : Viz. that we should assert that mixed lined , or crooked lined angles can pass by the divarication of the same sides from being greater to be less then given angles , or contrarily by their contraction , and yet in that transit , never be equal . What is more obvious then to give instances of anisoclitical angles , less then a given isoclitical angle , and by divaricating and distending the sides of the anisoclitical angle , it may be made to exceed the first given isoclitical angle ; yet in all the way they could never be equal the one to the other ; the one being isoclitical , the other anisoclitical : coaptation and the passing of the sides from the angular point every where prove their inequality : and let those that assert their equality any way shew and admeasure it . And the sober understanding of those sayings , that such angles passe from less to greater without ever being equal , is not to assert any homogeneity , or proportion of any kind between them , or common way of measuring their quantity in and according to the same indefinite quantity , but only to shew how the sides may pass within and without each other ; but because of their anisocliticalnes and difference in respect of rectitude and curvatures , they can never be brought to be coincident . And why should this appear so monstrous , that transitions should be , in the sense abovesaid , made from greater to less , without passing thorow equality ? seeing it is most manifest that though a crooked-line circumducted about the angular point of a right-lined angle makes infinite divisions of the right-lined angle ; yet they are ever unequal , and never by possibility can be equal : though notwithstanding , the same crooked line may divide a crooked lined isoclitical angle equal to the given right-lined angle into equal parts ; which besides plentifully shews the heterogeneity which is between equal right-lined and crooked-lined isoclitical angles , notwithstanding their equality : yet by making up the right-lined angle into a compleately bounded figure , the crooked-line may divide the plane of it into equal isoepipedal and isorrhopical parts : as is more easy to demonstrate then that there should be any need to set it down . And it is not to be stranged at , that we assert a crooked-line can divide a right-lined triangle into equal parts , but not any of its right-lined angles : for the figuration of the one is compleat , and the production of the crooked-line , as well as of the lines containing the right-lined angle , in the triangle are limited ; all which are quite otherwise in mere angles , being in many kinds of angles and inclinations very alterable by the production of the lines . And if you will pertinaciously say that a crooked-line may divide equally a right-lined angle , shew their equality , and your way of admeasuring the equality of the parts : both coaptation of sides , in whose habitude the nature of angles chiefly consists , and also the way of measuring by interjected arches demonstrating and declaring the contrary : Nay sometimes in quantities among which there is true proportion , the special differences of their kinds may be the authour of little less . So commensurable quantities , being in their commensurability infinitely divisible , may be continually increased , or lessened by quantities vastly , less then any given quantity ; yet as they pass from less to greater never can hit equality with any the like quantities of the same general kind , being incommensurable . So in the present question , heterogeneity of sides makes an impossibility to coapt , though by straitning and divaricating they may fall within , or without , and so be less , or greater , but being impossible to coapt , and incapable of any other common way of measuring , equality cannot be conceived in them ; in which is praesupposed a common way of measuring to declare and prove their asserted proportion and equality . And in this whole matter what is more said then that the cutting inclination of a right-line upon a right-line , and of a right-line upon a crooked , or of a crooked-line upon two crooked-lines being all of different curvature , may any of them be greater , or less then one another heterogeneally , but can never be equal ; as to those that will consider , is most clearly manifest and necessary . And this is no more strange , then that odde numbers may be less , or greater then any even number , at least above two , yet by their constitutive nature , they can never be equal : and for the same reason magnitudes commensurable and incommensurable may be greater , and less then one another , and by a less quantity then any quantity that can be given ; yet , for the specialty of their natures , they can never be equal , remaining so distinct in their ultimate kind : and however they have many general things in which they agree , yet they are not accountable specially , but by several wayes and algorythmes . And as it is the binding up of numbers to the specifick properties of Evenness , or oddness , and of magnitudes to commensurability , or incommensurability , that makes equality between their kinds impossible ; so it is the incoaptablenes and want and impossibility of a common way of measuring , which is between the two and two sides of such heterogeneally unequal angles , keeping all along the properties of their inclination , that renders equality between their kinds impossible ; though either may sometimes truly and manifestly be greater or less then the other , however without proportion . For in heterogeneals may be a two fold inequality , either an inequality according to proportion , or an inequality without proportion : and though they be heterogeneals , if it be a true limited , determinate proportion of inequality which is between them , as between an odde number and an even , a commensurable magnitude and an incommensurable , they are then considered as some way , or according to something which is , homogeneal , not heterogeneal , in both : but if their inequality , though real and apparent be without any true and homogeneally determinable proportionablenes , as between right-lined and anisoclitical angles , then the consideration had of them is in their heterogeneity . So to the objection , that right-lined angles , and recto-convexe angles of Contact have proportion of greater and less , and are therefore homogeneal , if any quantitativenes be to be asserted in the recto-convexe angles of Contact ; and so of the rest : I answer , there is not a proportionable inequality between right-lined angles and recto-convexe angles of Contact , and the like ; but an inequality , which is improportionable : as when the Earth is said to be intruth greter then a point ; though in many particular hypotheses contrarily conceived , for the better observing and accounting several phaenomena , and the better accommodating of instruments for the making of observations . So in the genesis of quantities and figures , when one quantity hath its genesis by the fluxe , or motion of another , the quantity formed by that motion is greater then the quantity moved , though still without any proportion : so by the divaricating of the sides , by the motion of one of the sides , of a recto-convexe angle of Contact , is a genesis of recto-convexe angles of section ; and the recto-convexe angles of section are still greater then the recto-convexe angle of Contact , or it s respectively moved side : and all still without any proportion . And inequality without proportionality being so usually asserted , and familiar between mere heterogeneals , doth easily acquit it self from the reproach you charge it withal , of being a contradiction in the very terms ; for finite and infinite never were denyed to be unequal , yet never can be made out to be mathematically homogeneal and proportionable . For though all proportion is either of equality , or inequality ; that hinders not but an inequality in heterogeneals may be admitted , without an asserting of proportion between them . So as mathematical homogeneity is not proved by inequality , till proportionablenes be as well proved as inequality ▪ Of the same leaven is that strange kind of reasoning you use ; to any right-lined angle a crooked-lined angle may be made equal ( we confess a thousand several crooked-lined angles may be made equal to any one right-lined ) angle ) but you from thence inferre that therefore all crooked lined angles and right-lined angles are of the same kind ; without adding as well , that to any crooked-lined , or mixed lined angle , a right-lined angle also might be made equal ; which can never be done ; the contrary thereof being confessedly demonstrated in Geometry : or if any be so opinionated that it is either easy , or feasible , let them give a right-lined angle equal to an anisoclitical angle , whose sides concurre by way of section or to an ultradiametral convexo-concave angle of Contact : and trye whether the equality of the two angles be not disproveable . In the same manner inequality without proportion , is asserted between both the recto-concave and recto-convexe angles of the semi-circle , i. e. the inner and outer angles of the semi-circle , and a right , or any other right-lined angle ▪ But to return , from the concrete and composite nature of not right-lined angles , when compared with right-lined angles ; the enigmaticalnes of the proposition , that magnitudes of one sort may be greater , and less then a given magnitude of another , but never equal , becomes most clear and doubtles : as infinite solids may be given greater , or lesser then the heterogeneal concrete magnitude of a cube foot and a foot-line ; but never can any solid be given thereunto equal : so likewise infinite heterogeneal concrete magnitudes consisting each of solids with the accrescency , or annexion of a foot-line , may be given greater , or lesser then a cube elle ; but in such comparisons , never can the concretes of the heterogeneal magnitudes be equal , or in proportion to any solitary , single , one , of the heterogeneals . In like manner it manifestly appears what is to be thought of that often pretended equality between the two angles of a semi-circle and a right right-lined angle : for by coaptation and the goings forth of the lines from the angular point it appears otherwise . And how will they that assert their equality demonstrate it ? and by what way will they admeasure it ? for interjacent and intercepted arches of Circles drawn upon the angular point as center , can in these angles contribute nothing to the admeasuring of them : and coaptation makes against their equality : and is so farre from making a right right-lined angle to be the constant standard of all angles of semi-circles , that it manifestly shews the angles of greater semi-circles to be greater and of less , lesser . The objection , that unequal circles , semi circles , and segments of equal degrees , cannot be judged like and homologal figures , except all their respective angles be equal , as well as the sides homologal : this may be easily answered ; Viz. that it is like genesis that makes like figures , which in all right-lined figures makes the answering angles equal , and in all figures the sides to be homologal , and the difference of the homologal angles to be less then the least right-lined angle . In Circles the same genesis , by the circumduction of the semi-diameter about the Center , which makes the figures like , and the sides homologal , makes in unequal circles the curvatures , angles of coincidence , the angles of the semi circles , and of homologal segments , necessarily unequal . Or , then figures 〈◊〉 be judged like when in a concentrick 〈…〉 the perimeter , sides and lines of the 〈…〉 proportionable to those in the other , 〈…〉 or may be placed parallel , or 〈…〉 those in the one , to those in the other ▪ , 〈…〉 which in right-lined figures , t is true , th●●● alwayes follows equality between the answering angles , but not so in other lined figures . And because equality of angles in like right-lined figures is so much urged ; the difference of the case of angles in like right-lined and like crooked-lined figures may plainly appear in another remarke ; Viz. that in like right-lined figures , the sides of the answering angles may from the answering angular point be exactly coapted one to another ; which in unequal Circles , though never so like figures , is most apparently impossible : that it cannot but be unreasonable to expect as absolute a conformity between the answering angles in like crooked lined figures , as there is in like right-lined figures ; being so manifestly against both the eye and demonstration . And therefore like segments of Circles , are not defined by equality of angles contained between their arches and their chords ; but by the equality of the angles contained in them ; the one being certain , constant in all , and demonstrable ; the other in most cases , not only doubtful , but impossible . So the objection , from the asserted equality of alternate angles , made by a right-line cutting parallel circumferences ; is readily answered by denying the truth of what is presumed in the objection , as never by any demonstrated , or ever possibly demonstrable , Viz. that the alternate and vertically opposite angles , made by a right-line cutting parallel circumferences are equal . And the tyranny of forcing lines out of their natures and special properties , may appear in that very instance of compelling the parallelisme of curve lines to answer the consectaries and idioms of the parallelisme of right-lines : in which , to omit the alleadged instance , as by you unproved , and for good reasons by us to be denyed , a right-line tangent of the lesser concentrick Circle cuts the circumference of the greater , and infinite right-lines cutting the greater , neither cut , nor touch the lesser , which is repugnant to the nature of parallelisme in right lines . That that which is so much contended for , that a crooked-line and a right-line are homogeneal as to length and their general lineariness , was , or ought never to be denied , there being all possibility of equality , and truly proportionable inequality between them , what kind of curvature soever the crooked-lines bear : but that they are homogeneal as to the positure of their longitude ; the site and manner of their extension , hath unto me been alwayes unconceivable : whence the truths on both hands clearly follow , Viz. that an arch and a right-line may be equal and hold alwayes a true limited , exact proportion one to another , but the arch and it s chorde never can be equal , i. e. there never can be equality between a right-line and a crooked-line , both posited between the same two terminateing points , nor any analogy between the rectitude of the one and the curvature of the other . And the seeking to prove the equality of angles contain'd under homologal lines , the one curve , the other a right-line from your usual fancy of a regular polygone of infinite angles in every circle , is too wild to be perswasive : for though at any mean point in curve lines , the two parts of the curve-line may be conceived specially to meet as several parts and lines , and so to have inclination the one to the other , and so to constitute an angle ; which we call the angle of curvature and coincidence , not reasonably to be denyed by those , with whom it is so ordinary to make such suppositions , and especially such as can so usually against possibility imagine angles in a right-line remaining a right-line : yet that angles should be without sides , and a perimeter of any figure conceived at once to be all angular points and no lineary sides , clearly ●●●●stes the perimeter of the nature of a line : 〈◊〉 to me it seems far from the nature of a ●●●ular figure , that hath nothing but points ●●stead of lines to bound it : but which is most material ; that a number actually infinite should be so easily given , is hard to allow : and that indivisibles , as points , should be so adjacent 〈◊〉 to another , one without another , with●●● coincidence , identity and unity , is new ●●●●osophy , and not easily capable of any in 〈◊〉 defense . Therefore that argumentation 〈◊〉 , that such a regular polygone of in 〈◊〉 whether sides or angles is either a circle , 〈◊〉 inscribable in a circle , is too vain : for it can be neither , being nothing , because there neither is , nor can be any such thing : for if any such were allowed they must of necessity have equal and infinite perimeters ; which is too gross to be admitted in it self , and besides renders the whole matter unapplyable to Circles , which are acknowledged , to be some less then others . So as all discourses of a regular polygone of infinite angles , are discourses not only of a non-entity , but an absolute impossibility , which renders all suppositions thereof unjustifiable . And of the same fineness are those sayings , that the magnitude of an angle is not to be judged of from the divarication which the sides have without the angular point , or point of concurrence , but from the divarication which they have in the point of concurrence ; as if in an indivisible point they could have any divarication at all . But as if it were resolved that even this should be transcended in monstrosity , for the justifying of the equality of mixed lined angles contain'd by homologal sides in unequal Circles , by an instance from the coapting of unequal hexagones to the same line , as a common side in them all , divided equally by a perpendicular passing thorow the centers of all , a right-lined angle is strangely constituted either of three right-lines concurring , but not in the same point , or of two lines without any concurrence , or else the instance must be void of all pertinency to the question . So to all those objections seemingly founded upon that proposition , or postulate , that what is less then any positive quantity whatsoever is not any quantity at all , is justly answered ; that the proposition or postulate is most true and reasonable , and cannot by any of sound mind be denyed , or doubted : but no force of objection could be made out of that , if other things of a less veritable nature had not been taken in ; as in most of them the fancyed possibility of a regular polygone of infinite angles ; and frequently that a Circle is that regular polygone . But besides , though what is less then any positive quantity whatsoever be not any quantity at all ; yet this hinders not , but quantityes may be mathematically heterogeneal and improportionable one to another : so every surface is less then any solid : and angles of Contact are not less then any quantity whatsoever , for there is in the least of them an endles , unexhausted divisibility ; which how it can consist with a nonquantitativenes , let those that have a mind to be serious solemnely consider . To the objection that would prove , neither semi-circumference to contain an angle with the right-lined tangent of it in its extreem point , because the two semi circumferences contain no angle at that point , but are one regularly continued line , and the circumference and right-lined tangent are lines coincident , at least as to the point of Contact ; manifest and reasonable answers cannot be to seek out of what hath already been said . For first what hinders the reasonable conceiving of angularity at any point of a curve-line , where is both concurrence , inclination and divisibility , more then the notion of divisibility at any mean point of a right-line ? And not to doubt but a curve line may be conceived reasonably as one continued line , as well as two , or more , inclined and concurring right-lines ; yet that the right-line tangent and curve-line which it toucheth , should be said to be coincident lines , in such sense as to exclude angularity ; or that any two lines can be so coincident in one only point , as to exclude angularity , and the inflexion of one to , or from the other , except both lye in one and the same right-line ; hath , as elsewhere , been plainly and abundantly answered to . To the objection that the Area of a Circle is equal to a rect-angle under the semidiameter and semi circumference ; and that therefore the semidiameter in a Circle is perpendicular to the circumference in a Circle and makes at the circumference four equal right-angles ; is answered , that the whole objection is a manifest paralogisme . For it is not denyed but in the right-lined rect-angle under the semidiameter , and a right-line equal to the semi circumference , is presumed , and by the definition of a rect-angle inferred , that the angle under those two right-lines is a right right-lined angle : besides it is not denyed , but the diameter falls perpendicularly in the circle upon the circumference : and that the four angles made by the falling of the semidiameter upon the circumference differ from one another less than the least right-lined angle : however that cannot force the falling of the semidiameter perpendicularly upon the circumference into the properties of perpendicularness between right lines , which still divides the space at the angular point into four angles always , every way alike , and equal ; which in right lines perpendiculars upon curve lines in the same plane , is impossible to be , and therefore impossible ever to be demonstrated . It will not be unuseful here to enquire wherein the likeness and unlikeness of angles doth consist , and whether there be any such thing as likeness and unlikeness in angles , or whether the likeness , or unlikeness of figures be only in the similitude , or dissimilitude of the sides . And that by a circumspect consideration of the nature of mathematical similitude in other cases , we may be the better guided into the true and most rational notion of similitude in angles , let us remember what hath already been judged in this point , and what is herein confessed on all hands . First , in right lined figures , those figures are judged like , whose answering angles are equal , and the answering sides and other lines proportionable ; and if they be equal , they may be coapted , homologal side to homologal side , and answering angle to answering angle ; or whether they be equal , or unequal , all the sides and other answering lines of the one may be set , as from the same center , each at parallelisme , or coincidency with the answering sides , or lines of the other , so as in like right lined figures is proportionablenes ▪ in the answering sides , equality of the answering angles , coaptability of all the answering sides into either coincidence , or equidistance , and a proportionate distance of the answering angles , each from the other . But now the similitude of figuration which is in circles founded upon the like genesis of all circles is in the equidistance , or coincidence of their circumferences , when the center of the one is coapted to the center of the other ; and that equal angles from the center intercept proportionable parts of the circumferences , and that proportionable parts of the circumferences are connected by proportionable chords , and contain and sustain equal right lined angles . And the like speculations might be pursued in other figures both plane and solid . In a rational application of which to the disquisition of angles , it may be first enquired , whether there be any such thing as similitude & dissimilitude to be own'd or observ'd among angles ; and if so , how that similitude is to be understood ; and whether it be inconsistent with inequality in the answering angles . To clear all which we must know , that in unequal but like right lined figures , the homologal angles are always equal , being contained in both figures under right lines : but in unequal , and like mixed lined and crooked lined figures , the homologal mixed lined , or crooked lined angles , neither are , nor can be equal ; only their difference is ever less than the least right lined angle ; and their similitude hath never rationally yet by any been questioned but with good reason according to the following gloss is to be justified . The more clearly to demonstrate all which in Fig. 21. upon the common center A. draw two unequal Circles , Viz. HEG. the lesser , and BCD . the greater . Then from any point B. in the greater circle BCD . draw the right line BEAFK . thorough the common center A. cutting the circumference of the lesser circle HEG. in the point E. then take AF. equal to BE. and upon the center F. and semidiameter FE . draw another circle ECKD . equal to the greater circle CBD . Here on all hands is agreed , that the lesser circle HEG. and the greater circle CBD . are like figures , and that therefore the two mixed lined recto-concave angles ABD . and AEG . are like angles . And by the construction it is apparent that the two recto-concave angles ABD . and AED . are equal : and that the two recto-concave angles AEG . and AED . are unequal : and that the recto-concave angle AED . is greater than the recto-concave angle AEG . and in all like cases it is always so ; however the difference of the two angles must necessarily be less than any right lined angle , because all such citradiametral concavo-convexe angles of contact , as GED . are always less than any right lined angle ; as is consequent to what hath been demonstrated in Geometry , which was to be shewn . Whence we may clearly observe that similitude of Figures lies chiefly in the proportionality and like positure of homologal sides , in respect of parallelisme and coincidence , without imposing any other necessity for the equality of answering angles , then as it may consist with the proportionating and like positing of the homologal sides and lines . And such inequality of the answering angles , as is requisite to the proportionating and alike positing of the homologal sides and lines in like and unequal mixed , or crooked lined figures , is so far from being inconsistent with their figurative similitude , that they cannot without it , under inequality keep similitude in their figuration . And though the inequality , which is between angle and angle be less then that which is , or may be , between the Homologal sides and lines ; yet the inequality of the angles is more different , being an inequality without proportion , whereas the inequality of the homologal sides and lines is ever according to proportion . Upon the whole , it is not equality that generally makes angles to be like , for a right lined , and an Isoclitical concavo Convexe may be equal angles , but never can be like , nor were ever suspected to be so : but that which makes angles to be like is rather their being contained under homologal sides , posited so as to construct a like & homologal figuration . And this whole matter depends upon what I before hinted , Viz. the figuration of lines and angles ; Sc. rectitude , being one single , simple , figuration of lines incapable of any variety , like angles under right lines are always equal , and never can be unequal : but 〈◊〉 , being infinitely variable , those 〈…〉 are said to be like , i. e. homologal , ●hose construction is like , so as in like figure● upon a common center , to set homologal sides and lines proportionably equidistant , or coincident ; as circumferences of like though unequal circles , ellipses , &c. And so under a thousand inequalities such mixed and crooked lined angles may be like : as in Fig. 21. the recto-concave angles AEG . and AED . being unequal , are both like to the angle ABD . and so is every angle how different soever , if contained under a diameter and a circumference . And indeed the figuration of angles , being incompleat , and the length of their sides undetermined , neither parallelisme , nor coincidency , nor proportionality , nor homologal positure , can , when they are unequal , be conceived in their sides , without special relation to some compleat Figure and its Center : so the recto-concave angles AEG . and ABD in Fig. 21. are like , as conceived to be each contained respectively under a diameter and a circumference , and so upon a common center positable into parallelisme , coincidence and proportionableness , and all possible likeness and homologalness of figuration . In right-lined angles , where homologal and like angles are always equal ▪ for the same reason every angle equal to a right-lined angle , is not presently a like angle : 〈◊〉 a thousand equal angles , are all , ever , and to all purposes , unlike ; as two equal isoclitical right lined and crooked lined angles , because they can never be coapted to be answering angles , in like Figures , or to set their containing sides homologally , and in parallelisme , or coincidence . That equality of answering angles is not so of the essence of like Figures , as proportionality of sides , and answering lines , with their parallelisme , or coincidency : only from the propriety of like plane Figures , follows an equality in all like right-lined angles ; and in like curve lined Figures , that their inequality is ever less than the least right-lined angle . Hence therefore appears that from the similitude which is in unequal circles , the equality between angles of semi-circles & right right-lined angles is not effectually proved . And notwithstanding any thing in those arguments tendred and proved , every recto-concave angle contained under a concave arch of a circle and a right-line , which is perpendicular to the right line tangent of the arch at the angular point , is greater than any right-lined acute angle , and less than a right right-lined angle : and the recto-convexe angle contained under the convexe arch and the right lined tangent is less than any right lined angle whatsoever : and the other recto-convexe angle contained under the convexe arch and the right line , which is perpendicular to the right line tangent at the angular point , is greater than a right right-lined angle , and less than any obtuse right-lined angle whatsoever . And whereas you object that if , as in Fig. 12. the right line KG A. be the diameter of the circle K AD. and AB the right line tangent , then KAB is a right right lined angle : and the recto-convexe angle of contact DAB is no part of the right right lined angle KAB . that therefore the angle of the semicitcle KAD is still equal to a right right lined angle , because what is taken out of it was no part of it . I answer , the recto-convexe angle of contact DAB is indeed no proportionable part of the right right-lined angle KAB , but yet it is truly a part , though improportionable , and so mathematically heterogeneal : for if it had been no part at all , and nothing , then the angle of the semicircle KAD . ( nothing being taken out of the right right-lined angle KAB , but the recto-convexe angle of contact D AB , which is said by you to be nothing , and no angle ) it should ●●ill remain a right right-lined angle ; which is not by any asserted , the contrary being so manifest : besides that the separability of the recto-convexe angle D AB from the recto-concave angle KAD makes clear and certain , the truth of its being a part of the right-lined angle KAB . And likewise from what hath been before declared in our opening the nature of a plane angle may clearly appear , that we are not to understand that a plane angle is meerely the angular point , or meerely in the angular point , as contradistinguished from the containing sides , though it there terminate , or thence have its rise ; but angles are in the habitude of the concurring , containing and inclined sides : Viz. the habitude which they hold each to other all along their tendency unto the angular point , or their rise from thence , if we would have the full notion , inclination and figuration of an angle . For there is often a great inequality and vast imparity between the inclination , sometimes of one part of the containing side to the other containing side , and the inclination thereunto , of other parts of the same first containing side ; as may appear in all mixed lined , mixed crooked-lined and all other anisoclitical angles . And the nature of an angle consisting in inclination as well as in concurrence , though concurrence may be and is in a point , and inclination at a point , yet inclination must be in the lines and of the lines , and cannot be in a point separately . And methinks the nature of an angle , and its inclination , is scarcely so fully held forth , when the inclination of the two lineary sides containing it , as if the sides were not therein concerned , is ordered to be observed only in the angular point , and not out of it : because , as you say , though you urge it to the contrary , many times out of the angular point in the containing sides , no two points can be shewen in the one side , where it hath the same inclination unto the other . Certainly in an indivisible , such as is the angular point , if abstractly considered , it were vain to expect and impossible to observe any inclination : and no doubt as the magnitudes inclined are without the angular point , so is also the inclination : though as they terminate in the angular point , so doth the inclination . So the angle of a semi circle is not the common terme of the diameter and the semi circumference , excluding the diameter and the semicir-cumference for then in an abstracted point it should be possible to observe an inclination ; and a point being indivisible should be inclined unto its self ; which is not convenient to assert : but rather the angle of a semi circle is the inclination of the semi circumference to the diameter , terminated in the angular point , which is common to both . And whereas it is said that out of the angular point , no two points can be shewen in the diameter , at which the diameter is equally inclined to the semi circumference , nor in the semi circumference where it is equally inclined to the diameter ; all is allowed and averred as glosseably true , and this is that which makes the great difference between anisoclitical and isoclitical angles , and renders it so impossible to give an anisoclitical angle equal to an isoclitical angle . For in isoclitical angles the inclination of the sides , the one unto the other , is at all points the same without any variation ; as every where appears by the interjected arches of circles drawn upon the angular point as Center : but in anisoclitical angles , at every several point , the one containing side hath several and different inclinations to the other containing side : which is the cause that isoclitical angles may possibly and easily be given , sometimes greater , and sometimes lesser then anisoclitical angles , but never equal : because in the one the inclination of the containing sides still varieth , in the other not at all . And if the whole nature of an angle lye in the angular point , without extending the habitude of it farther into the production and figuration of the containing sides ; it will not only be necessary for us to yield unto you that recto-convexe angles of contact are not quantitative ; but besides both you and we , contrary to what we have alwayes hitherto judged , shall be constrained to acknowledge that there is no quantitativenes neither in crooked-lined , nor right-lined , nor any other angles whatsoewer , whether superficial , in one , or several plaines , or solid . And can any thing be more horrid then to say , the quantity of angles is not to be measured by the divarication of the sides at the angular point , but by their divarication in the angular point , where they have none at all ? But yet though it is thus evident , that the inclination of the sides at the angular point , may and frequently is much less or greater then the inclination of the same sides at other points ; which , as is above hinted , is not to be left out in the full , genuine and clear consideration of the nature of angles , their kinds , figurations and quantities : however the inclination of the sides at the angular point , is that which is most usually enquired after , and most useful to be searched and observed in Geometry ; for the discoveries which are from thence made of lines , how they fall coincidently , or within , or without others . To the objection that in fig. 12. the right-lined tangent AB and the arch AL make all one and the same equal inclination to the right-line secant AC in the common angular point A ; and that therefore the right-lined angle BAC under the right-lined secant AC and the right-line tangent AB is equal to the mixed-lined recto-concave angle EAL under the right-line secant AC and the arch AL ; I answer as before , inclination is not in the angular point abstractly considered without regard to the sides passing out of it , but inclination is the relative situation which the concurring sides have at the angular point : at least that is their inclination there : for a point to a line can have no inclination : it may have distance from the line , but cannot be inclined unto it , because of its indivisibility . And having already shewn the inclination of side to side to be of the essence , notion and nature of an angle ; a little may be reply enough to all those hypersceptical objections which are sounded upon the imagination of an angle in a right-line , or any inclination , or angularity imagined between a right line and a point , especially the point being in the right-line . And equality , or inequality of angles is not , nor can be judged of by the so abstractly considered angular point ; in which a thousand several sides of several and unequal angles may meet indifferently ; but the judgment of the magnitude and equality and inequality of angles is from the sides , and the order of the divarications , in which they passe , especially first of all , from the angular point . Besides how strangely is it taken for granted , without proving , th●● the right-line tangent AB and the arch AL are equally in the angular point A inclined unto the right-line secant AC ? If that could be once proved , the concern of it would turn the scales of the controversy : but demonstration is so clear to the contrary , that as without proof it is not fit to be admitted , so for the proof of it , I know nothing can be produced besides an utter despair of ever making it out . For if the congruency of the sides terminatively in the angular point , were sufficient to constitute equality in angles , it appears not how any angles meeting in the same or different angular points could be unequal : every point by reason of its indivisibility being incapable of inequality , as well as inclination . And if all such angles so constituted by the falling within , or without of the sides , shall be doubted and questioned whether they be true and quantitative angles , and whether the addition , or subduction of them be able to diversify other angles and their quantities ; all the pains of the Geometricians to prove the intracadency and extracadency of the angular sides from the same angular point , were vain and to no purpose ; the angles remaining altogether the same and equal , whether such angles of contact be added to them , or taken from them . But yet though the true , 〈◊〉 and genuine nature of an angle consist in the mutual habitude and inclination of the containing and concurring sides , it is not ever necessary to consider it with such a largenes in Geometry . The inclination which the sides bear mutually each to other at the angular point is out of doubt that which is of most constant necessity , highest concern and usefulnes in all angles to be observed . It is true in isoclitical angles , the inclination of the two containing sides being every where the same and equal , it is indifferently by Geometricians taken by a circle whose center is in the angular point , of what diameter soever thereunto applyable , and at what same distance soever from the angle , or at what same longitude soever from thence in the sides the points be , at which their inclination is observed by intercepted arches : and the same two points , terminating the intercepted arches at which their mutual inclination is observed , constantly offer themselves together , whether you take points at equal distance from the angular point , or intercepting in the sides equal longitudes between them and the same angular point But in anisoclitical angles ; the inclination of the anisoclitical sides varying still in the continuity of their production , if we use the former method of measuring the inclination of the sides by intercepted arches of a circle drawn upon the angular point as center ; in them therefore Geometricians concern themselves little further then to observe the mutual inclination of the sides at the very point of their angle : and not at any other points in the anisoclitical sides , save only the point of their concurrence ; because of the constant variation of their inclination , both in respect of such , and every other method and way of measuring , according to the continuity of their production . And by arches of circle drawn upon the angular point as center , it is impossible to measure the inclination of the anisoclitical lines at the point of their concurrence ; the only way therefore which remains unto Geometricians to measure such anisoclitical angles , i. e , the inclination of their sides at the point of their concurrence , is by observing the lines in what order they depart from the angular point : Viz. which line falls within , which without , and which is coincident with that unto which it is compared . So in fig. 12. if AHF and ADK be equal circles touching in the point A : and G the center , and AGK the diameter of the circle ADK : and AEL the arch of a greater circle touching both the former circles in the same point A and with its concave side at A respecting the center G , and with its convexe side at A respecting the circle HAF : also if AB be a right-line tangent touching all the three former circles in the point A , and the right-line ADEC cutt the circle ADK in the point ● , and the circle AEL in the point E : here the Geometrician demonstrates the angle K AB to be a right right lined angle , and that the arch AFH passeth out of the angular point A without and beyond the right-line tangent AB , and without the right right-lined angle K AB : and that the arch AEL passeth from the angular point A within , or on this side of the right-line tangent AB , and within the right right-lined angle KAB , but without the arch ADK , and without the angle of the semi circle KAD : and that the right-line ADEC passeth from the angular point A within the arch ADK , and within the angle of the semi circle K AD. And this is all which is intended in Geometry when recto-convexe and such like angles of contact are said to be less then the least right-lined angle : not that there is any proportion between any angles of contact and right-lined angles ; for there is none : but that the sides of any such angle of contact are coaptable , both of them within any the least right-lined angle . In like manner when one angle of contact is said to be greater or lesser then another ; it is not the intendment of the Geometrician to assert any proportionablenes between them , but only to set down in what order the inclined lines pass , each in respect of the rest , from the angular point , or point of concurrence : and how each is conseque●●ly more , or less inclined in that respect , to any one of the rest , though by the whole kind and without proportion , and without a common way of measuring their quantities in some indefinite quantity , according to the kind of the measuring , indefinite quantity ▪ the semblablenes of saying , one angle of contact is greater , or less then another being only in this , that when one side is coapted , the other falls within , or without ; or when neither sides can possibly be coapted , both fall within , or both fall without , so as the one is really greater , or less then the other , not in proportion , but by the whole kind and heterogeneally , as a two foot right-line is lesser then a four foot square , and a two foot right-line cannot be contained in an inch square , though in an inch square may be drawn a line ten thousand times longer , only out of rectitude . And to prove such an heterogeneal inequality , whether of the greater , or of the less between angles , is that which is frequently sufficient for many Geometrical purposes . Only two things now remain of all your objections and scrupulous quaeries . Viz. First , why in some quantities , between the homogeneals , to a given quantity you cannot give another in what proportion you please greater or less , The answer is clear out of the foregoing discourse : because some quantities have but a limited extensibility : and other quantities have but a limited divisibility . All proportions at pleasure with respect to any given quantity , are only assigneable in those homogeneals whose quantityes have both an unlimited extensibility and an unlimited divisibility ; either of which failing , though they cannot be , save in a limited proportion one to another , and to every given homogeneal , yet they cannot be in any proportion , at pleasure , to any given homogeneal . And 2ly . for your other Quaery ; whether this controversy about the recto-convexe angle of contact concern abstract Mathematicks , whose glory used to be that it was devoid of Controversy , locking forth and keeping out all unpeaceful bickerings with the diamond-key of doubtless demonstration ; or whether it concern concrete Mathematicks , which for its concretion unto matter cannot so well free its self from the intanglements of doubts and disputes ? and if it concern the more abstract part of the Mathematicks ; what was the first slip that drew so unworthy a disparagement upon that most noble piece of learning ? In the preceding discourse you may observe , I have been free and clear in my judgement concerning this ; that it is a controversy of the purer and more noble part of the Mathematicks : and therefore of the higher concern , that it be brought to a fair decision and irrefragable diremption : and that the first spark from whence all this heat afterward arose , was at first struck out of the dubiousnes and aequivocation of the word homogeneity , mentioned in certain Mathematical definitions and Postulates ; but of it self no where expressely defined in the Mathematicks ; except we shall take one of the Pustulates , for its definition cast into the form of a Postulate ; or as cryptically implying that definition and the postulate to be thereupon immediately formed : especially when they compared homogeneity in a mistaken sense , with some mathematical conclusions , which they had observed to be fairly demonstrated . Pardon this my zeal on the behalf of the old learned Romane professour . And if these papers seem long , remember yours were not short ; and the question hath long troubled the world : and in matters that are new , and scarce yet well understood , to inculcate once and again the same things , is not only justify'd as allowable , but judged expedient and in such cases necessary . If you please , let the whole passe for a fuse Comment upon this ; that in recto-convexe angles of contact is the inclination required for an angle by the definition of an angle ; and therefore they are angles and their sides not coincident : and they are angular parts of acknowledged angles separable from the remaining angular parts ; and there is an infinite divisibility in them , so as they must be quantitative : and yet it is demonstrated that they are improportionable to all right-lined angles ; therefore they are heterogeneal : which inference is the more necessary , when upon examination we find nothing so convenably to set forth unto us the nature of mathematical homogeneity , as the homometricalnes and the thence arising proportionablenes of the magnitudes , and of mathematical heterogeneity as their heterometricalnes and improportionablenes . 
A58185	----	The wisdom of God manifested in the works of the creation being the substance of some common places delivered in the chappel of Trinity-College, in Cambridge / by John Ray ... Ray, John, 1627-1705. 1691 Approx. 330 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 130 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A58185 Wing R410 ESTC R3192 13452200 ocm 13452200 99604 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A58185) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99604) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 474:1) The wisdom of God manifested in the works of the creation being the substance of some common places delivered in the chappel of Trinity-College, in Cambridge / by John Ray ... Ray, John, 1627-1705. [16], 248 p. Printed for Samuel Smith ..., London : 1691. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Natural theology -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. Creation -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE WISDOM OF GOD Manifested in the WORKS OF THE Creation . Being the Substance of some common Places delivered in the Chappel of Trinity-College , in Cambridge . By John Ray , M. A. sometimes Fellow of that , and now of the Royal Society . LONDON : Printed for Samuel Smith , at the Princes Arms in S. Pauls Church-Yard . 1691. TO THE Much Honoured and truly Religious LADY , THE Lady LETICE WENDY OF Wendy in Cambridgeshire . MADAM , TWO or three Reasons induce me to present this Discourse to your Ladyship , and to make choice of you for its Patroness : First , because I owe it to the Liberality of your Honoured Brother , that I have this leisure to write any Thing . Secondly , Because also your many and signal Favors , seeing I am not in a Capacity to requite them , seem to exact from me at least a publick Acknowledgment , which such a Dedication gives me an Opportunity to make . Thirdly , Because of such kind of Writings I know not where to chuse a more able Judge , or more candid Reader . I am sensible that you do so much abhor any thing that looks like Flattery , that out of an excess of Modesty you cannot patiently bear the hearing of your own just Commendations , and therefore should I enlarge upon that Subject , I know I should have but little Thanks for my Pains . Indeed you have much better Motives to do well , than the Praise of Men , the Favor of God , Peace of Conscience , the Hope and Expectation of a future Reward of Eternal Happiness ; and therefore I had rather write of you to others , to provoke them to imitate so excellent an Example , than to your Self , to encourage you in your Christian Course , and to fortifie you in your Athletick Conflicts with the greatest of Temporal Evils , bodily Pain and Anguish ; though I do not know why you should reject any consideration that may conduce to support you under so heavy Pressures , and of so long continuance ; of which to ingenuous Natures true Honor , that is the concurrent Testimony and Approbation of good Men , is not the meanest . No less Man than S. Augustine was doubtful whether the extremity of bodily Pain , were not the greatest Evil that Humane Nature was capable of suffering : Nay ( saith he ) I was sometimes compelled to consent to Cornelius Celsus , that it was so , neither did his Reason seem to me absurd ; we being compounded of two Parts , Soul and Body , of which the first is the better , the latter the worser , the greatest Good must be the best thing belonging to the better Part , that is Wisdom , and the greatest Evil the worst thing incident to the worser Part ( the Body ) that is Pain . Now though I know not whether this Reason be firm and conclusive , yet I am of accord with him , that of all the Evils we are sensible of in this World it is the Sorest ; the most resolute Patience being baffled and prostrated by a fierce and lasting Paroxysm of the Gout or Stone , or Colick , and compelled to yield to its furious Insults , and confess itself vanquished , the Soul being unable to divert , or to do any thing else but pore upon the Pain . And therefore those Stoical vaunts of their Wise Mans being happy in Perillus his Bull , I utterly reject and explode , as vain Rhodomontades and Chimerical Figments , for that there never was such a wise Man among them , nor indeed could be ; Yet do I not say , that the Patience of a good Man can be so far conquered by the sharpest and severest Torments as to be compelled to deny or blaspheme God or his Religion , yea or so much as to complain of his Injustice , though perchance he may be brought with Job to curse his Day , yet not to curse his God , as his Wife tempted him to do . Now that the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most just Judg and Rewarder would be pleas'd so to qualifie and mitigate your Sufferings as not to exceed the measure of your Strength and Patience , or else arm you with such an high Degree of Christian Fortitude , as to be able to grapple with the most extreme , and when you have finished your Course in this World , grant you a placid and easie Passage out of it , and dignifie you as one of his Victors , with a Crown of Eternal Glory and Felicity , is the Prayer of , Madam , Your Ladyships most devoted in all Service , John Ray. THE PREFACE . IN all Ages wherein Learning hath Flourished , complaint hath been made of the Itch of Writing , and the multitude of worthless Books , wherewith importunate Scriblers have pestered the World , Scribimus indocti doctique : And — tenet insanabile multos Scribendi Cacoethes . I am sensible that this Tractate may likely incur the Censure of a superfluous Piece , and my self the blame of giving the Reader unnecessary Trouble , there having been so much , so well written of this Subject by the most Learned Men of our time ; Dr. More , Dr. Cudworth , Dr. Stillingfleet now Bishop of Worcester , Dr. Párker , late of Oxon , and to name no more the Honourable Robert Boyl , Esquire , so that it will need some Apology . First therefore , in excuse of it I plead , That there are in it some Considerations new and untoucht by others : wherein if I be mistaken , I alledge Secondly , That the manner of Delivery and Expression may be more suitable to some Mens Apprehension , and facile to their Understandings . If that will not hold , I pretend Thirdly , That all the particulars contained in this Book , cannot be found in any one Piece known to me , but lye scattered and dispersed in many , and so this may serve to relieve those Fastidious Readers , that are not willing to take the pains to search them out : and possibly , there may be some whose Ability ( whatever their Industry might be ) will not serve them to purchase , nor their opportunity to borrow those Books , who yet may spare Money enough to buy so inconsiderable a Trifle . If none of these Excuses suffice to acquit me of blame , and remove all prejudice , I have two further Reasons to offer , which I think will reach home , and justify this Undertaking . First , That all Men who presume to Write , at least whose Writings the Printers will venture to publish , are of some Note in the World , and where they do or have Lived and Conversed , have some Sphere of Friends and Acquaintants , that Know and Esteem them , who it's likely will buy any Book they shall Write , for the Authors sake , who otherwise , would have read none of that Subject , though ten times better ; and so the Book , however inferiour to what have been already Published , may happen to do much good . Secondly , By Vertue of my Function , I suspect my self to be obliged to Write something in Divinity , having Written so much on other Subjects : For being not permitted to serve the Church with my Tongue in Preaching , I know not but it may be my Duty to serve it with my Hand by Writing . And I have made choice of this Subject as thinking my self best qualified to Treat of it . If what I have now Written shall find so Favourable Acceptance , as to ●ncourage me to proceed , God granting Life and Health , the Reader may expect more : if otherwise , I must be content to be laid aside as useless , and satisfie my self in having made this Experiment . As for this Discourse , it is the Substance of some Common Places ( so in the University of Cambridge , they call their Morning Divinity Exercises ) delivered in Trinity-College Chappel , when I was Fellow of that Society ; which I have enlarged with the Addition of some Collections out of what hath been since Written by the forementioned Authors upon my Subject . I have been careful to admit nothing for matter of Fact or Experiment but what is undoubtedly true , lest I should build upon a Sandy and Ruinous Foundation ; and by the admixture of what is False , render that which is True , suspicious . I might have added many more Particulars , nay , my Text warrants me to run over all the visible Works of God in particular , and to Trace the Footsteps of his Wisdom in the Composition , Order , Harmony , and Uses of every one of them , as well as of those that I have Selected . But First , This would be a Task far transcending my Skill and Abilities ; nay , the joynt Skill and Endeavours of all men now living , or that shall live after a Thousand Ages , should the World last so long . For no Man can find out the Work that God maketh from the beginning to the end . Eccles. 3. 11. Secondly , I was willing to Consult the Infirmity of the Reader , or indeed of Mankind in general , which after a short confinement to one sort of Dish , is apt to loath it , though never so wholesome , and which at first was most pleasant and acceptable : and so to moderate my Discourse , as to make an end of Writing before he should be quite tired with Reading . I shall now add a word or two concerning the Usefulness of the Argument or Matter of this Discourse , and the Reason I had to make Choice of it , besides what I have already mentioned . First , The Belief of a Deity being the Foundation of all Religion ; ( Religion being nothing but a devout Worshipping of God , or an inclination of Mind to Serve and Worship him ; ) For he that cometh to God , must believe that he is : it is a Matter of the highest Concernment to be firmly Settled and Established in a full Perswasion of this main Point : Now this must be Demonstrated by Arguments drawn from the Light of Nature , and Works of the Creation . For as all other Sciences , so Divinity proves not , but supposes its Subject , taking it for granted , that by natural Light , Men are sufficiently convinced of the being of a Deity . There are indeed supernatural Demonstrations of this fundamental Truth , but not common to all Persons or Times , and so liable to Cavil and Exception by Atheistical Persons , as inward Illuminations of Mind , a Spirit of Prophecy and fore telling future Contingents , Illustrious Miracles and the like . But these Proofs taken from Effects and Operations , exposed to every Mans view , not to be denied or questioned by any , are most effectual to convince all that deny or doubt of it . Neither are they only convictive of the greatest and subtlest Adversaries , but intelligible also to the meanest Capacities . For you may hear illiterate Persons of the lowest Rank of the Commonolty affirming , that they need no Proof of the being of a God , for that every Pile of Grass , or Ear of Corn , sufficiently proves that . For , say they , All the men of the World cannot make such a thing as one of these ; and if they cannot do it , who can , or did make it but God ? To tell them that it made it self , or sprung up by chance , would be as ridiculous as to tell the greatest Philosopher so . Secondly , The particulars of this Discourse , serve not only to Demonstrate the being of a Deity , but also to illustrate some of his principal Attributes , as namely his Infinite Power and Wisdom . The vast multitude of Creatures , and those not only small but immensely great : The Sun and Moon , and all the Heavenly Host , are Effects and Proofs of his Almighty Power . The Heavens declare the Glory of God , and the Firmament sheweth his handy Work , Psal. 19. 1. The admirable Contrivance of all and each of them , the adapting all the parts of Animals to their several uses : The Provision that is made for their Sustenance , which is often taken notice of in Scripture , Psal. 145. 15 , 16. The Eyes of all wait upon thee , thou givest them their Meat in due season . Thou openest thy Hand and satisfiest the desire of every living thing . Matth. 6. 26. Behold the Fowls of the Air : for they sow not , neither do they reap , nor gather into Barns ; yet your Heavenly Father feedeth them . Psalm . 147. 9. He giveth to the Beast his food , and to the young Ravens when they cry : And Lastly , Their mutual subserviency to each other , and unanimous conspiring to promote and carry on the publick Good , are evident Demonstrations of his Sovereign Wisdom . Lastly , They serve to Stir up and Increase in us the Affections and Habits of Admiration , Humility and Gratitude . Psalm 8. 3. When I considered the Heavens the Work of thy Fingers , the Moon and the Stars which thou hast ordained ; What is man that thou are mindful of him , or the Son of man that thou visitest him ? And to these purposes the Holy Psalmist is very frequent in the Enumeration and Consideration of these Works , which may warrant me in doing the like , and justifie the denominating such a Discourse as this , rather Theological than Philosophical . THE CONTENTS . OF the Coelestial Bodies pag. 2 , 3 , 4. 45. to 51. Of Terrestrial Bodies p. 4. 52. The number of Animals , Vegetables , and Fossils ; guess'd at p. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. The Aristotelian Hypothesis p. 12 , 13. The Epicurean Hypothesis p. 20. to 40. The Cartesian Hypothesis p. 20. to 40. All these considered and censur'd , from p. 12. to 40. A Plastick Principle above Matter and Motion , yet not God himself p. 32. to 37. The differences of Natural and Artificial things p. 41. The Natures and Divisions of Bodies p. 41 , 42 , 43. The several textures , ends ; and uses of them p. 44. As of the Sun p. 47 , 48. Of the Moon and other Planets p. 48 , 49. The advantage of Eclipses in Chronology , and Geography p. 51. Of the fixt Stars p. 49. 51. Of Fire p. 52. 54. Of Air p. 54 to 60. The respiration of the Foetus in the Womb explained p. 56. to 59. Of Water p. 60 to 62. Of Earth p. 62 , 63. Of Meteors p. 63. Of Rain p. 64. Of Winds p. 65. Of Stones p. 67. 70. Transparent , colour'd , opaque , variously figur'd like parts of Animals . Load-stone , &c. ibid. Of Metals p. 70. to 73. Of Vegetation , and Plants , their different parts , and uses : of their Roots , Fibres , Bark , Wood , Vessels , Leaves , Claspers , Prickles , Gems , Flowers , Fruits , Seeds , &c. from p. 74 to 86. Of Sensitive or Brute Animals , Quadrupeds , Birds , Fishes , Insects , their regular and peculiar Methods , their Actions , their various parts and uses from p. 86. to p. 112. 120. 122. From whence the uses of things p. 112. The Study of Nature recommended p. 114. 116. 122 , 123. prefer'd to other Studies to 132. Of the Terraqueous Globe , its Figure and use ; its Motion , Posture , Situation , Constitution and Consistency p. 135. to 150. Of the Body of Man , its external and internal Mechanism , the Textures , Situations , Proportions , Actions , and Uses of the several parts ; many Anaiomical , Physical , and Theological Observations thereupon from p. 151. to 235. More particularly upon the Head p. 169. The Eye and Vision p. 170. to 184. The Suspensory or seventh Muscle , and the Membrana Nictitans common to many Beasts , yet wanting in Man p. 133 , 184. The Ear p. 185. to 187. The Teeth p. 187. 197. The Tongue p. 190. 192. The Windpipe p. 203. The Heart p. 204. to 209. The Hand and the Analogous parts in other Creatures p. 209. to 213. Generation and Formation explain'd , from p. 217. to 223. Observations on the propagations of several Animals and Plants ibid. Many Divine Reflections and Conclusions from p. 222. to the end . Psalm 104. 24. How Manifold are thy Works O Lord ? In Wisdom hast thou made them all . IN these Words are two Clauses , in the first whereof the Psalmist admires the Multitude of God's works , How Manifold are thy Works O Lord ? In the second he celebrates his Wisdom in the creation of them ; In Wisdom hast thou made them all . Of the first of these I shall say little , only briefly run over the Works of this visible world , and give some guess at the Number of them . Whence it will appear , that upon this account they well deserve Admiration , the Number of them being uninvestigable by us ; and so affording us a demonstrative Proof of the unlimited extent of the Creators Skill , and the foecundity of his Wisdom and Power . That the Number of corporeal Creatures is unmeasurably great , and known only to the Creator himself , may thus probably be collected : First of all , The Number of fixt Stars is on all hands acknowledged to be next to infinite ; Secondly , Every fixt Star in the now received Hypothesis is a Sun or Sunlike body , and in like manner encircled with a Chorus of Planets moving about it ; Thirdly , Each of these Planets is in all likelihood furnished with as great variety of corporeal Creatures animate and inanimate as the Earth is , and all as different in Nature as they are in Place from the terrestrial , and from each other . Whence it will follow that these must be much more infinite than the Stars ; I do not mean absolutely according to the Philosophick exactness infinite , but only infinite or innumerable as to us , or their number prodigiously great . That the fixt Stars are innumerable may thus be made out : Those visible to the naked Eye are by the least account acknowledged to be above a Thousand , excluding those towards the South Pole which are not visible in our Horizon : Besides these , there have been incomparably more detected and brought to light by the Telescope ; the Milky Way being found to be ( as was formerly conjectured ) nothing but great Companies or Swarms of minute Stars singly invisible , but by reason of their proximity mingling and confounding their Lights and appearing like lucid Clouds . And it 's likely that , had we more perfect Telescopes , many Thousands more might be discovered ; and yet after all an incredible Multitude remain , by reason of their immense distance beyond all Ken by the best Telescopes that could possibly be invented or polished by the Wit and Hand of an Angel. For if the World be , as Des Cartes would have it , indefinitely extended ; that is , so far as no Human Intellect can fancy any bounds of it , then what we see or can come to see must be the least part of what is undiscoverable by us ; the whole Universe extending a Thousand times farther beyond the utmost Stars we can possibly descry , than those be distant from the Earth we live upon . This Hypothesis of the fixt Stars being so many Suns , &c. seems more agreeable to the Divine Greatness and Magnificence : But that which induces me much to doubt of the Magnitude of the Universe and immense Distance of the fixed Stars , is the stupendious Phaenomena of Comets , their sudden accension or appearance in full Magnitude , the length of their Tails and swiftness of their Motion , and gradual diminution of Bulk and Motion , till at last they disappear : Neither do I think the Universe indefinitely extended , as Des Cartes upon a false ground [ that the formal ratio of a Body was nothing but Extension into length , breadth and profundity , or having partes extra partes , and that Body and Space were synonimous terms ] assert ed : For it may as well be limited this way as in the old Hypothesis ; which places the fixt Stars in the same spherical Superficies ; according to which ( old Hypothesis ) they may also be demonstrated by the same mediums to be innumerable , only instead of their distance substituting their Smalness for the reason of their Invisibility . But leaving the celestial Bodies , I come now to the terrestrial ; which are either inanimate or animate . The inanimate are the Elements , Meteors and Fossils of all sorts , at the Number of which last I cannot give any probable guess ; Bur if the rule , which some considerate Philosophers deliver , holds good ; viz. how much more imperfect any Genus or Order of Beings is , so much more numerous are the Species contained under it ; as for Example : Birds being a more perfect kind of Animals than Fishes , there are more of these than of those , and for the like reason more Birds than Quadrupeds , and more Insects than of any of the rest ; and so more Plants than Animals : Nature being more sparing in her more excellent Productions . If this Rule I say holds good ; then should there be more Species of Fossils or generally of inanimate Bodies than of Vegetables ; of which there is some reason to doubt . unless we will admit all sorts of formed Stones to be distinct Species . Animate Bodies are divided into four great Genera or Orders , Beasts , Birds , Fishes and Insects . The Species of Beasts , including also Serpents , are not very numerous : Of such as are certainly known and described I dare say not above 150. And yet I believe not many , that are of any considerable bigness , in the known Regions of the World , have escaped the Cognizance of the curious . [ I reckon all Dogs to be of one Species they mingling together in generation , and the breed of such Mixtures being prolifick . ] The number of Birds known and described may be near 500 ; And the number of Fishes , secluding Shelfish as many ; but if the Shelfish be taken in , more than double the number . How many of each Genus remain yet undiscovered one cannot certainly nor very nearly conjecture , but we may suppose the whole sum of Beasts and Birds to exceed by a third part , and Fishes by one half , those known . The Insects , if we take in the Exanguious both Terrestrial and Aquatick , may in derogation to the precedent Rule for number vie even with Plants themselves . For the Exanguious alone , by what that Learned and Critical Naturalist my Honoured Friend Dr. Martin Lister hath already observed and delineated , I conjecture , cannot be fewer than 1800 or 2000 Species , perhaps many more . The Butterflies and Beetles are such numerous Tribes , that I believe in our own native Country alone the Species of each kind may amount to 150 or more . And if we should make the Caterpillers and Hexapods from whence these come to be distinct Species , as most Naturalists have done , the number will be doubled , and these two Genera will afford us 600 Species . But if those be admitted for distinct Species , I see no reason but their Aureliae also may pretend to a Specifick difference from the Caterpillers and Butterflies ; and so we shall have 300 Species more , therefore we exclude both these from the degree of Species , making them to be the same Insect under a different larva or Habit. The Fly-kind , if under that name we comprehend all other flying Insects , as well such as have four as such as have but two Wings , of Both which kinds there are many subordinate Genera , will be found in multitude of Species to equal if not exceed both the forementioned kinds . The creeping Insects that never come to be winged , though for number they may fall short of the flying or winged , yet are they also very numerous ; as by running over the several kinds I could easily demonstrate : Supposing then , there be a thousand several sorts of Insects in this Island and the Sea near it : if the same Proportion holds between the Insects native of England , and those of the rest of the World , as doth between Plants Domestick and Exotick , ( that is , as I guess , near a Decuple ) the Species of Insects in the whole Earth ( Land and Water ) will amount to 10000 , and I do believe they rather exceed than fall short of that sum . The number of Plants contained in C. Bauhin's Pinax is about 6000 , which are all that had been described by the Authors that wrote before him , or observed by himself ; in which Work , besides mistakes and repetitions incident to the most wary and knowing men in such a Work as that ; there are a great many , I might say some Hundreds put down for different Species , which in my Opinion are but accidental Varieties : Which I do not say to detract from the excellent pains and performance of that Learned , Judicious and Laborious Herbarist , or to defraud him of his deserved Honour , but only to shew , that he was too much sway'd by the Opinions then generally current among Herbarists , that different Colour or multiplicity of Leaves in the Flower and the like accidents were sufficient to constitute a Specifick difference . But supposing there had been 6000 then known and described ; I cannot think but that there are in the World more then double that number ; there being in the vast continent of America as great a variety of Species as with us , and yet but few common to Europe , or perhaps Asrick and Asia , and if , on the other side the Equator , there be much Land still remaining undiscovered as probably there may , we must suppose the number of Plants to be far greater . What can we infer from all this ? If the number of Creatures be so exceeding great , how great nay immense must needs be the Power and Wisdom of him who form'd them all ! For ( that I may borrow the Words of a Noble and Excellent Author ) as it argues and manifests more skill by far in an Artificer to be able to frame both Clocks and Watches , and Pumps , and Mills , and Granadoes and Rockets , then he could display in making but one of those sorts of Engines ; so the Almighty discovers more of his Wisdom in forming such a vast multitude of different sorts of Creatures , and all with admirable and irreproveable Art , than if he had created but a few : For this declares the greatness and unbounded Capacity of his Understanding . Again , the same superiority of Knowledg would be displaid by contriving Engines of the same kind or for the same purposes after different fashions , as the moving of Clocks or other Engines by Springs instead of Weights : So the Infinitely Wise Creator hath shewn in many Instances , that he is not confin'd to one only Instrument for the working one Effect , but can perform the same thing by divers means . So though Feathers seem necessary for flying , yet hath he enabled several Creatures to fly without them , as two sorts of Fishes , and the Bat , not to mention the numerous tribes of flying Insects . In like manner though the Air-bladder in Fishes seems necessary for swimming , yet some are so form'd as to swim without it ; viz. First , The Cartilagineous kind , which by what artifice they poise themselves , ascend and descend at pleasure , and continue in what depth of Water they list , is as yet unknown to us . Secondly , The Cetaceous kind , or Sea-Beasts differing in nothing almost from Quadrupeds but the want of Feet . The Air which in respiration these receive into their Lungs may serve to render their Bodies equiponderant to the Water ; and the constriction or dilatation of it , by the help of the Diaphragm and Muscles of respiration , may probably assist them to ascend or descend in the Water , by a light impulse thereof with their Fins . Again , though the Water being a cold Element , the most wise God hath so attempered the blood and bodies of Fishes in general , that a small degree of heat is sufficient to preserve their due consistency and motion and to maintain Life ; yet to shew that he can preserve a Creature in the Sea , and in the coldest part of the Sea too , that may have as great a degree of heat as Quadrupeds themselves ; he hath created great variety of these Cetaceous Fishes , which converse chiefly in the Northern Seas , whose whole Body being encompassed round with a copious Fat or Blubber ( which , by reflecting and redoubling the internal heat , and keeping off the external cold , doth the same thing to them that Cloths do to us ) is enabled to abide the greatest cold of the Sea-water . The reason why these Fishes delight to frequent chiefly the Northern-Seas is I conceive not only for the quiet which they enjoy there , but because the Northern Air , which they breath being more fully charged with nitrous particles , is fittest to maintain the vital Heat in that Activity as is sufficient to move such an unwieldy bulk , as their Bodies are with due celerity and to bear up against and repell the ambient cold ; and may likewise enable them to continue longer under water than a warmer and thinner Air could . I come now to the second part of the words ; In Wisdom hast thou made them all . In discoursing wherof I shall endeavour to make out in particulars what the Psalmist here asserts in general concerning the works of God , that they are all very wisely contrived and adapted to ends both Particular and General . But before I enter upon this task , I shall , by way of Preface or Introduction , say something concerning those Systems which undertake to give an Account of the formation of the Universe by Mechanical Hypotheses of Matter moved either uncertainly , or according to some Catholick Laws , without the intervention and assistance of any superior immaterial Agent . There is no greater , at least no more palpable and convincing Argument of the Existence of a Deity than the admirable Art and Wisdom that discovers itself in the make and constitution , the order and disposition , the ends and uses of all the parts and members of this stately fabrick of Heaven and Earth . For if in the works of Art , as for example ; a curious Edifice or Machine , counsel , design , and direction to an end appearing in the whole frame and in all the several pieces of it , do necessarily infer the being and operation of some intelligent Architect or Engineer , why shall not also in the Works of Nature , that Grandeur and Magnificence , that excellent contrivance for Beauty , Order , Use , &c. which is observable in them , wherein they do as much transcend the Effects of human Art as infinite Power and Wisdom exceeds finite , infer the existence and efficiency of an Omnipotent and All-wise Creator ? To evade the force of this Argument , and to give some Account of the Original of the World , Atheistical Persons have set up two Hypotheses . The first is that of Aristotle , that the World was from Eternity , in the same condition that now it is , having run through the Successions of infinite generations ; to which they add , Self-existent and unproduced . For Aristotle doth not deny God to be the efficient Cause of the World. But only asserts , that he created it from Eternity making him a necessary Cause thereof ; it proceeding from him by way of Emanation , as light from the Sun. This Hypothesis which hath some shew of reason , for something must necessarily exist of it self ; and if something , why may not all things ? This Hypothesis , I say , is so clearly and fully confuted by the Reverend and Learned Dr. Tillotson now Dean of S. Pauls London , in his first printed Sermon , and the R. Reverend Father in God John late Lord Bishop of Chester in Book I. Chap. V. of his Treatise of the Principles of Natural Religion , that nothing material can by me be added ; to whom therefore I refer the Reader . The Epicurean Hypothesis rejected . The second Hypothesis is that of the Epicureans , who held that there were two Principles self existent : First , Space or Vacuity ; Secondly , Matter or Body ; both of infinite Duration and Extension . In this infinite Space or Vacuity , which hath neither beginning nor end , nor middle , no limits or extremes , innumerable minute Bodies into which the Matter was divided called Atomes , because by reason of their perfect solidity they were really indivisible ( for they hold no body capable of Division , but what hath Vacuities intersperst with Matter ) of various but a determinate number of Figures , and equally ponderous do perpendicularly descend , and by their fortuitous concourse make compound Bodies , and at last the World it self . But now , because if all these Atomes should descend plum down with equal Velocity , as according to their Doctrine they ought to do , ( being as we said ) all perfectly solid and imporous , and the vacuum not resisting their motion , they would never the one overtake the other , but like the drops of a Shower would always keep the same distances , and so there could be no Concourse or Cohaesion of them , and consequently nothing created ; partly to avoid this destructive consequence , and partly to give some account of the Freedom of Will ( which they did assert contrary to the Democritick Fate ) they did absurdly feign a declination of some of these Principles , without any shadow or pretence of Reason . The former of these motives you have set down by * Lucretius in these Words : Corpora cum deorsum rectum per inane feruntur Ponderibus propriis , incerto tempore fortè , Incertisque locis , Spatio discedere paulùm ; Tantum quod momen mutatum dicere possis . And again ; Quòd nisi declinare solerent , omnia deorsum Imbris uti guttae caderent per inane profundum , Nec foret offensus natus , nec plaga creata Principiis , ita nil unquam natura creâsset . The second motive they had to introduce this gratuitous Declination of Atomes , the same Poet gives us in these Verses , Lib. 2. — Si semper motus connectitur omnis , Et vetere exoritur semper novus ordine certo ; Nec declinando faciunt primordia motûs Principium quoddam quod fati foedera rumpat , Ex infinito ne causam causa sequatur ; Libera per terras unde haec animantibus extat , Unde haec est , inquam , fatis avolsa voluntas ? The folly and unreasonableness of this ridiculous and ungrounded Figment , I cannot better display and reprove than in the Words of Cicero , in the beginning of his first Book de finibus Bonornm & Malorum . This Declination ( saith he ) is altogether childishly feigned , and yet neither doth it at all solve the difficulty , or effect what they desire . For first they say the Atomes decline , and yet assign no reason why . Now nothing is more shameful and unworthy a Natural Philosopher [ turpius Physico ] than to assert any thing to be done without a Cause , or to give no reason of it . Besides this is contrary to their own Hypothesis taken from sence , that all Weights do naturally move perpendicularly downward . Secondly , Again supposing this were true , and that there were such a Declination of Atomes , yet will it not effect what they intend . For either they do all decline , and so there will be no more concourse than if they did perpendicularly descend ; or some decline , and some fall plum down , which is ridiculously to assign distinct Offices and Tasks to the Atomes , which are all of the same nature and solidity . Again , in his Book de Fato he smartly derides this fond conceit thus ; What cause is there in Nature which turns the Atomes aside ? Or do they cast Lots among themselves which shall decline , which not ? Or why do they decline the least interval that may be , and not a greater ? Why not two or three minima as well as one ? Optare hoc quidem est non disputare , For neither is the Atome by any extrinsecal impulse diverted from its natural course ; neither can there be any cause imagined in the Vacuity through which it is carried why it should not move directly ; neither is there any change made in the Atome it self , that it should not retain the motion natural to it , by force of its weight or Gravity . As for the whole Atomical Hypothesis , either Epicurean or Democritick , I shall not , nor need I spend time to confute it ; this having been already solidly and sufficiently done by many learned men , but especially Dr. Cudworth in his Intellectual System of the Universe , and the present Bishop of Worcester Dr. Stillinfleet in his Origines Sacrae . Only I cannot omit the Ciceronian Confutation thereof , which I find in the place first quoted , and in his first and second Books de Naturâ Deorum , because it may serve as a general Introduction to the following particulars . Such a turbulent concourse of Atomes could never ( saith he ) hunc mundi ornatum efficere , compose so well ordered and beautiful a structure as the World is ; which therefore both in Greek and Latine hath from thence [ ab ornatu & munditie ] obtain'd its name . And again most fully and appositely in his second De Nat. Deorum . If the Works of Nature are better , more exact and perfect than the Works of Art , and Art effects nothing without Reason ; neither can the Works of Nature be thought to be effected without Reason . For is it not absurd and incongruous ? that when thou beholdest a Statue or curious Picture , thou shouldest acknowledg that Art was used to the making of it ; or when thou seest the course of a Ship upon the Waters , thou shouldest not doubt but the motion of it is regulated and directed by Reason and Art ; or when thou considerest a Sun-Dial or Clock , thou shouldst understand presently , that the hours are shewn by Art and not by Chance ; and yet imagine or believe , that the World which comprehends all these Arts and Artificers was made without Counsel or Reason . If one should carry into Scythia or Britain such a Sphere as our Friend Posidonius lately made , each of whose Conversions did the same thing in the Sun and Moon and other five Planets , which we see effected every night and day in the Heavens , who among those Barbarians would doubt that that Sphere was composed by Reason and Art ? A wonder then it must needs be , that there should be any man found so stupid and forsaken of reason as to persuade himself , that this most beautiful and adorned World was or could be produced by the fortuitous concourse of Atomes . He that can prevail with himself to believe this , I do not see why he may not as well admit , that if there were made innumerable Figures of the 21 Letters in Gold , suppose , or any other Metal , and these well shaken and mixt together , and thrown down from some high place to the ground , they when they lighted upon the Earth would be so disposed and ranked , that a man might see and read in them Ennius's Annals ; whereas it were a great chance if he should find one Verse thereof among them all . For if this concourse of Atomes could make a whole World , why may it not sometimes make , and why hath it not somewhere or other in the Earth made a Temple , or a Gallery , or a Portico , or a House , or a City ? Which yet it is so far from doing , and every man so far from believing ; that should any one of us be cast , suppose , upon a desolate Island , and find there a magnificent Palace artificially contrived according to the exactest rules of Architecture , and curiously adorned and furnished ; it would never once enter into his head , that this was done by an Earthquake , or the fortuitous shuffling together of its component Materials ; or that it had stood there ever since the construction of the World , or first cohaesion of Atomes : But would presently conclude that there had been some intelligent Architect there , the effect of whose Art and Skill it was . Or should he find there but upon one single sheet of Parchment or Paper an Epistle or Oration written , full of profound Sense , expressed in proper and significant Words , illustrated and adorned with elegant Phrase ; it were beyond the Possibility of the Wit of man to perswade him that this was done by the temerarious dashes of an unguided Pen , or by the rude scattering of Ink upon the Paper , or by the lucky projection of so many Letters at all adventures ; but he would be convinced by the evidence of the thing at first fight , that there had been not only some man , but some Scholar there . The Cartesian Hypothesis considered and censured . Having rejected this Atheistick Hypothesis of Epicurus and Democritus , I should now proceed to give particular instances of the Art and Wisdom clearly appearing in the several Parts and Members of the Universe ; from which we may justly infer this general conclusion of the Psalmist , In Wisdom hast thou made them all : But that there is a sort of professed Theists , I mean Mons. Des Cartes and his followers , who endeavour to disarm us of this decretory Weapon ; to evacuate and exterminate this Argument which hath been so successful in all Ages to demonstrate the existence , and enforce the belief of a Deity ; and to convince and silence all Atheistick Gainsayers . And this they doe , First , By excluding and banishing all consideration of final Causes from Natural Philosophy ; upon pretence , that they are all and every one in particular undiscoverable by us ; and that it is rashness and arrogance in us to think we can find out God's Ends and be partakers of his Counsels . Atque ob hanc unicam rationem totum illud causarum genus quod à fine peti solet , in rebus Physicis nullum usum habere existimo ; non enim absque temeritate me puto investigare posse fines Dei. Medit. Metaph. And again in his Principles of Philosophy , Nullas unquam rationes circa res Naturales à fine quem Deus aut Natura in iis faciendis sibi proposuit admittimus , quia non tantum nobis debemus arrogare ut ejus Consiliorum participes esse possimus . And more expresly in his fourth Answer , viz. to Gassendus's Objections ; Nec fingi potest , aliquos Dei fines magis quàm alios in propatulo esse : omnes enim in imperscrutabili ejus Sapientiae abysso sunt eodem modo reconditi ; that is , neither can or ought we to feign or imagine , that some of God's Ends are more manifest than others ; for all lie in like manner or equally hidden in the unsearchable abyss of his Wisdom . This confident Assertion of Des Cartes is fully examined and reproved by that honourable and excellent Person Mr. Boyl , in his Disquisition about the final Causes of Natural Things , Sect. 1. from Pag. 10. to the end : And therefore I shall not need say much to it ; only in brief this , that it seems to me false and of evil consequence , as being derogatory from the glory of God , and destructive of the acknowledgment and belief of a Deity : For first , Seeing , for instance , That the Eye is employed by Man and all Animals for the use of Vision , which , as they are framed , is so necessary for them , that they could not live without it ; and God Almighty knew that it would be so ; and seeing it is so admirably fitted and adapted to this use , that all the Wit and Art of men and Angels could not have contrived it better , if so well ; it must needs be highly absurd and unreasonable to affirm , either that it was not designed at all for this use , or that it is impossible for man to know whether it was or not . Secondly , How can Man give thanks and praise to God for the use of his Limbs and Senses and those his good Creatures which serve for his sustenance ; when he cannot be sure they were made in any respect for him ; nay , when 't is as likely they were not , and that he doth but abuse them to serve ends for which they never intended . Thirdly , This Opinion , as I hinted before , supersedes and cassates the best medium we have to demonstrate the Being of a Deity ; leaving us no other demonstrative Proof but that taken from the innate Idea ; which , if it be a Demonstration , is but an obscure one , not satisfying many of the learned themselves , and being too subtle and metaphysical ro be apprehended by vulgar Capacities , and consequently of no force to persuade and convince them . Secondly , They endeavour to evacuate and disanul our great Argument , by pretending to solve all the Phaenomena of Nature , and to give an Account of the Production and Efformation of the Universe , and all the corporeal Beings therein , both celestial and terrestrial as well animate as inanimate , not excluding Animals themselves by a sleight Hypothesis of matter so and so divided and moved . The Hypothesis you have in Des Cartes's Principles of Philosophy , Part. 2. all the matter of this visible World is by him supposed to have been at first divided by God into Parts nearly equal to each other , of a mean size , viz. about the bigness of those whereof the Heavenly Bodies are now compounded ; all together having as much motion as is now found in the World ; and these to have been equally moved severally every one by itself about its own Center , and among one another , so as to compose a fluid body ; and also many of them jointly or in company , about several other points so far distant from one another , and in the same manner disposed as the Centres of the fixt Stars now are . So that God had no more to do than to create the matter , divide it into parts , and put it into motion according to some few Laws , and that would of itself produce the World and all Creatures therein . For a Confutation of this Hypothesis , I might refer the Reader to Dr. Cudworth's System p. 603. 604. but for his ease I will transcribe the words : — God in the mean time standing by as an Idle Spectator of this Lusus Atomorum , this sportfull Dance of Atoms , and of the various results thereof . Nay these mechanick Theists have here quite outstripped and outdone the Atomick Atheists themselves , they being much more extravagant then ever those were . For the professed Atheists durst never venture to affirm , that this regular Systeme of things resulted from the fortuitous motions of Atoms at the very first , before they had for a long time together produced many other inept Combinations , or aggregate Forms of particular things and nonsensical Systems of the whole , and they supposedalso that the regularity of things here in this world would not always continue such neither , but that some time or other Confusion and Disorder will break in again . Moreover that besides this World of ours , there are at this very instant innumerable other Worlds irregular , and that there is but one of a thousand or Ten Thousand among the infinite Worlds that have such regularity in them , the reason of all which is , because it was generally taken for granted , and lookt upon as a common notion , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Aristotle expresseth it ; none of those things which are from Fortune or Chance come to pass always alike . But our mechanick Theists will have their Atoms never so much as once to have fumbled in these their motions , nor to have produced any inept System , or incongruous forms at all , but from the very first all along to have taken up their places and ranged themselves so orderly , methodically and directly ; as that they could not possibly have done it better , had they been directed by the most perfect Wisdom . Wherefore these Atomick Theists utterly evacuate that grand Argument for a God taken from the Phaenomenon of the Artificial frame of things , which hath been so much insisted upon in all Ages , and which commonly makes the strongest impression of any other upon the minds of Men &c. the Atheists in the mean time laughing in their Sleeves , and not a little triumphing to see the Cause of Theism thus betrayed by its professed Friends and Assertors , and the grand Argument for the same totally slurred by them and so their work done , as it were , to their hands . Now as this argues the greatest Insensibility of mind , or Sottishness and Stupidity in pretended Theists not to take the least notice of the regular and artificial frame of things , or of the signatures of the Divine Art and Wisdom in them , nor to look upon the World and things of Nature with any other Eyes than Oxen and Horses do . So are there many Phaenomena in Nature , which being partly above the force of these Mechanick Powers , and partly contrary to the same , can therefore never be salved by them , nor without final Causes and some vital Principle : As for Example , that of Gravity or the tendency of Bodies downward , the motion of the Diaphragm in Respiration , the Systole and Diastole of the Heart , which is nothing but a Muscular Constriction and Relaxation , and therefore not mechanical but vital . We might also add among many others the intersection of the Plains of the Equator and Ecliptick , or the Earth's diurnal motion upon an Axis not parallel to that of the Ecliptick , nor perpendicular to the Plain thereof . For though Des Cartes would needs imagine this Earth of ours once to have been a Sun , and so itself the centre of a lesser Vortex , whose Axis was then directed after this manner , and which therefore still kept the same Site or Posture by reason of the striate Particles finding no fit Pores or Traces for their passages through it , but only in this direction ; yet does he himself confess , that because these two motions of the Earth , the Annual and Diurnal , would be much more conveniently made upon parallel Axes , therefore , according to the Laws of Mechanism , they should be perpetually brought nearer andnearer together , till at length the Equator and Ecliptick come to have their axes parallel , which as it has not yet come to pass , so neither hath there been for these last Two Thousand Years ( according to the best Observations and Judgments of Astronomers ) any nearer approach made of them one to another . Wherefore the continuation of these two motions of the Earth the Annual and Diurnal upon Axes not parallel is resolvable into nothing but a Final and Mental Cause , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was best it should be so , the variety of the Seasons of the year depending thereupon . But the greatest of all the particular Phaenomena is the Formation and Organization of the Bodies of Animals , consisting of such variety and curiosity ; that these mechanick Philosophers being no way able to give an account thereof from the necessary motion of Matter , unguided by Mind for Ends , prudently therefore break off their System there , when they should come to Animals , and so leave it altogether untoucht . We acknowledg indeed there is a Posthumous piece extant , imputed to Cartes , and entituled , De la formation du Foetus , wherein there is some Pretence made to salve all this by fortuitous Mechanism . But as the Theory thereof is built wholly upon a false supposition , sufficiently confuted by our Harvey in his Book of Generation , that the Seed doth materially enter into the composition of the Egg : So is it all along precarious and exceptionable ; nor doth it extend at all to the differences that are in several Animals , nor offer the least reason why an Animal of one Species might not be formed out of the Seed of another . Thus far the Doctor , with whom for the main I do consent . I shall only add , that Natural Philosophers , when they endeavor to give an account of any of the Works of Nature by preconceived Principles of their own , are for the most part grosly mistaken and confuted by Experience ; as Des Cartes in a matter that lay before him , obvious to sense and infinitly more easie to find out the Cause of , than to give an account of the Formation of the World ; that is the Pulse of the Heart , which he attributes to an Ebullition and sudden expansion of the Blood in the Ventricles , after the manner of Milk , which being heated to such a Degree doth suddenly and as it were all at once flush up and run over the Vessel . Whether this Ebullition be caused by a Nitro-Sulphureous ferment lodged especially in the left Ventricle of the Heart , which mingling with the Blood excites such an Ebullition , as we see made by the mixture of some Chymical Liquors , viz. Oil of Vitriol , and deliquated Salt of Tartar ; or by the vital flame warming and boyling the Blood. But this conceit of his is contrary both to Reason and Experience , For first , It is altogether unreasonable to imagine and affirm that the cool venal Blood should be heated to so high a degree in so short a time as the interval of two Pulses , which is less than the sixth part of a Minute . Secondly , In cold Animals , as for Example Eels , the Heart will beat for many hours after it is taken out of the Body , yea tho the Ventricle be opened and all the Blood squeezed out . Thirdly , The process of the Fibres which compound the sides of the Ventricles running in Spiral Lines from the Tip to the Base of the Heart , some one way and some the contrary , do clearly shew that the Systole of the Heart is nothing but a Muscular constriction , as a Purse is shut by drawing the Strings contrary ways : Which is also confirm'd by Experience ; for if the Vertex of the Heart be cut off , and a finger thrust up into one of the Ventricles , in every Systole the Finger will be sensibly and manifestly pincht by the sides of the Ventricle . But for a full Confutation of this Fancy , I refer the Reader to Dr. Lower's Treatise de Corde , Chap. 2. and his Rules concerning the transferring of Motion from one Body in motion to another are the most of them by Experience found to be false , as they affirm which have made Trial of them . This Pulse of the Heart Dr. Cudworth would have to be no Mechanical but a Vital motion , which to me seems probable , because it is not under the command of the Will , nor are we conscious of any Power to cause or to restrain it , but it is carried on and continued without our knowledge or notice ; neither can it be caused by the impulse of any external movent , unless it be Heat . But how can the Spirits agitated by Heat , unguided by a vital Principle produce such a regular reciprocal motion ? If that Site which the Heart and its Fibres have in the Diastole be most natural to them , ( as it seems to be ) why doth it again contract itself , and not rest in that posture ? If it be once contracted in a Systole by the influx of the Spirits , why , the Spirits continually flowing in without let , doth it not always remain so ? [ For the Systole seems to resemble the forcible bending of a Spring , and the Diastole its flying out again to its natural site . ] What is the Spring and principal Efficient of this Reciprocation ? What directs and moderates the motions of the Spirits ? They being but stupid and senseless matter , cannot of themselves continue any regular and constant motion , without the guidance and regulation of some intelligent Being . You will say , what Agent is it which you would have to effect this ? The sensitive Soul it cannot be , because that is indivisible , but the Heart , when separated wholly from the Body in some Animals ; continues still to pulse for a considerable time ; nay when it hath quite ceased , it may be brought to beat anew by the Application of warm Spittle , or by pricking it gently with a Pin or Needle . I answer , it may be in these Instances , the scattering Spirits remaining in the Heart , may for a time being agitated by heat , cause these faint Pulsations ; though I should rather attribute them to a plastick Nature or vital Principle , as the Vegetation of Plants must also be . But to proceed , neither can I wholly acquiesce in the Hypothesis of that Honourable and deservedly famous Author I formerly had occasion to mention ; which I find in his free Enquiry into the vulgar Notion of Nature , P. 77 , 78. delivered in these Words , I think it probable , that the great and wise Author of things did , when he first formed the Universal and Undistinguished Matter into the World , put its parts into various Motions , whereby they were necessarily divided into numberless Portions of differing Bulks , Figures and Situations in respect of each other . And that by his infinite Wisdom and Power he did so guide and over-rule the motions of these Parts , at the beginning of things , as that ( whether in a shorter or a longer time Reason cannot determine ) they were finally disposed into that Beautiful and Orderly Frame that we call the World ; among whose Parts some were so curiously contrived , as to be fit to become the Seeds or feminal Principles of Plants and Animals . And I further conceive , that he setled such Laws or Rules of local Motion , among the parts of the Universal Matter , that by his ordinary and preserving Concurse the several parts of the Universe thus once completed , should be able to maintain the great Construction or System and Oeconomy of the mundane Bodies , and propagate the Species of living Creatures . The same Hypothesis he repeats again , Pag. 124 , 125. of the same Treatise . This Hypothesis , I say , I cannot fully acquiesce in , because an intelligent Being seems to me requisite to execute the Laws of Motion . For first Motion being a fluent thing , and one part of its Duration being absolutely independent upon another : it doth not follow that because any thing moves this moment , it must necessarily continue to do so the next ; but it stands in as much need of an Efficient to preserve and continue its motion as it did at first to produce it . Secondly , Let Matter be divided into the subtilest parts imaginable , and these be moved as swiftly as you will ; it is but a sensless and stupid Being still , and makes no nearer approach to Sense , Perception , or vital Energy than it had before ; and do but only stop the internal motion of its parts and reduce them to Rest , the finest and most subtile Body that is may become as gross , and heavy , and stiff as Steel or Stone . And as for any external Laws or established Rules of Motion , the stupid Matter is not capable of observing or taking any notice of them ; neither can those Laws execute themselves : Therefore there must besides Matter and Law be some Efficient ; and that either a Quality or Power inherent in the Matter itself , which is hard to conceive , or some external intelligent Agent , either God himself immediately , or some Plastick Nature . This latter I incline to , for the Reasons alledged by Dr. Cudworth in his System , Pag. 149. which are ; First , Because the former , according to vulgar apprehension , would render the Divine Providence operose , solicitous and distractious : and thereby make the belief of it entertained with greater difficulty , and give advantage to Atheists . Secondly , It is not so decorous in respect of God , that he should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , set his own hand as it were to every work , and immediately do all the meanest and triflingst things himself drudgingly , without making use of any inferiour or subordinate Ministers . These two Reasons are plausible , but not cogent , the two following are of greater force . Thirdly , The slow and gradual Process that is in the generation of things , which would seem to be a vain and idle Pomp or trifling Formality , if the Agent were omnipotent . Fourthly , Those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Aristotle calls them , those Errors and Bungles which are committed when the matter is inept or contumacious , as in Monsters , &c. which argue the Agent not to be irresistible ; and that Nature is such a thing as is not altogether uncapable , as well as Human Art , of being sometimes frustrated and disappointed by the indisposition of the Matter : Whereas an Omnipotent Agent would always do its Work infallibly and irresistibly , no ineptitude or stubbornness of the Matter being ever able to hinder such an one , or make him bungle or fumble in any thing . So far the Doctor . For my part , I should make no Scruple to attribute the formation of Plants , their growth and nutrition to the vegetative Soul in them ; and likewise the formation of Animals to the vegetative Power of their Souls ; but that the Segments and Cuttings of some Plants , nay the very Chips and smallest Fragments of their Body , Branches , or Roots , will grow and become perfect Plants themselves , and so the vegetative Soul , if that were the Architect , would be divisible , and consequently no spiritual or intelligent Being ; which the Plastick Principle must be , as we have shewn . For that must preside over the whole Oeconomy of the Plant , and be one single Agent , which takes care of the Bulk and Figure of the whole , and the Situation , Figure , Texture of all the Parts , Root , Stalk , Branches , Leaves , Flowers , Fruit , and all their Vessels and Juices . I therefore incline to Dr. Cudworth's Opinion , that God uses for these Effects the subordinate Ministry of some inferiour Plastick Nature ; as in his works of Providence he doth of Angels . For the Description whereof I refer the Reader to his System . Secondly , In particular I am difficult to believe , that the Bodies of Animals can be formed by Matter divided and moved by what Laws you will or can imagine , without the immediate Presidency , Direction and Regulation of some Intelligent Being . In the generation or first formation of , suppose the Human Body , out of ( though not an Homogeneous Liquor , yet ) a fluid Substance , the only material Agent or Mover is a moderate Heat . Now how this , by producing an intestine Motion in the particles of the Matter , which can be conceived to differ in nothing else but Figure , Magnitude and Gravity , should by virtue thereof , not only separate the Heterogeneous Parts , but assemble the Homogeneous into Masses or Systems , and that not each kind into one Mass , but into many and disjoyned ones , as it were so many Troups ; and that in each Troup the particular Particles should take their places , and cast themselves into such a figure ; as for Example , the Bones being about 300 are formed of various sizes and shapes , so situate and connected , as to be subservient to many hundred Intentions and Uses , and many of them conspire to one and the same Action , this , I say , I cannot by any means conceive . I might instance in all the Homogeneous Parts of the body , their Sites and Figures ; and ask by what imaginable laws of Motion their bulk , figure , situation and connexion can be made out ? What account can be given of the Valves , of the Veins and Arteries of the heart , and of the Veins elsewhere , and of their situation ; of the figure and consistency of all the Humours and Membranes of the eye , all conspiring and exactly fitted to the use of Seeing ; but I have touched upon that already , and shall discourse of it largely afterward . You will ask me who or what is the Operator in the Formation of the bodies of Man and other Animals ? I answer , The sensitive Soul itself , if it be a spiritual and immaterial Substance , as I am inclineable to believe : But if it be material , and consequently the whole Animal but a mere Machine or Automaton , as I can hardly admit , then must we have recourse to a Plastick Nature . That the Soul of Brutes is material , and the whole Animal , Soul and Body , but a mere Machine is the Opinion publickly owned and declared , of Des Cartes , Gassendus , Dr. Willis and others ; the same is also necessarily consequent upon the Doctrine of the Peripateticks , viz. that the sensitive Soul is educed out of the Power of the Matter . For nothing can be educed out of the matter , but what was there before , which must be either Matter or some Modification of it . And therefore they cannot grant it to be a spiritual Substance , unless they will assert it to be educed out of nothing . This Opinion , I say , I can hardly digest . I should rather think Animals to be endued with a lower Degree of Reason , than that they are mere Machines . I could instance in many Actions of Brutes that are hardly to be accounted for without Reason and Argumentation ; as that commonly noted of Dogs , that running before their Masters they will stop at a divarication of the way , till they see which hand their Masters will take ; and that when they have gotten a Prey , which they fear their Masters will take from them , they will run away and hide it , and afterwards return to it ; and many the like Actions , which I shall not spend time to relate . Should this be true , that Beasts were Automata or Machines , they could have no sense or perception of Pleasure or Pain , and consequently no Cruelty could be exercised towards them ; which is contrary to the doleful significations they make when beaten or tormented , and contrary to the common sense of Mankind , all men naturally pitying them as apprehending them to have such a sense and feeling of Pain and Misery as themselves have ; whereas no man is troubled to see a Plant torn , or cut , or stampt , or mangled how you please . Besides , having the same Members and Organs of Sense as we have , it is very probable they have the same Sensations and Perceptions with us . To this Des Cartes answers or indeed saith , he hath nothing to answer ; but that if they think as well as we , they have an immortal Soul as well as we : Which is not at all likely , because there is no reason to believe it of some Animals without believing it of all , whereas there are many too too imperfect to believe it of them , such as are Oysters and Sponges and the like . To which I answer that there is no Necessity they should be immortal , because it is possible they may be destroyed or annihilated . But I shall not wade further into this Controversie , because it is beside my Scope , and there hath been as much written of it already as I have to say , by Dr. More , Dr. Cudworth , Des Cartes , Dr. Willis and others , Pro and Con. Of the visible Works of God and their Division . I come now to take a view of the Works of the Creation , and to observe something of the Wisdom of God discernable in the Formation of them , in their Order and Harmony , and in their Ends and Uses . And first I shall run them over slightly , remarking chiefly what is obvious and exposed to the Eyes and notice of the more careless and incurious Observer . Secondly , I shall select one or two particular Pieces , and take a more exact survey of them ; though even in these more will escape our notice than can be discovered by the most diligent Scrutiny : For our Eyes and Senses , however armed or assisted , are too gross to discern the curiosity of the Workmanship of Nature , or those minute Parts by which it acts , and of which Bodies are composed ; and our Understanding too dark and infirm to discover and comprehend all the Ends and Uses to which the infinitely wise Creator did design them . But before I proceed , being put in mind thereof by the mention of the assistance of our Eyes , I cannot omit one general Observation concerning the curiosity of the Works of Nature in comparison of the Works of Art , which I shall propose in the late Bishop of Chesters Words . The Observations which have been made in these latter times by the help of the Microscrope , since we had the use and improvement of it , discover a vast difference between Natural and Artificial Things . Whatever is natural beheld through that appears exquisitely formed , and adorned with all imaginable Elegancy and Beauty . There are such inimitable gildings in the smallest Seeds of Plants , but especially in the parts of Animals , in the Head or Eye of a small Fly ; such Accuracy , Order , and Symmetry in the frame of the most minute Creatures , a Louse , for Example , or a Mite , as no Man were able to conceive without seeing of them . Whereas the most curious Works of Art , the sharpest and finest Needle doth appear as a blunt rough Bar of Iron , coming from the Furnace or the Forge : the most accurate engravings or embossments seem such rude , bungling and deformed Work , as if they had been done with a Mattock or a Trowel , so vast a difference is there betwixt the Skill of Nature , and the Rudeness and Imperfection of Art. I might add , that the Works of Nature the better Lights and Glasses you use , the more cleaver and exactly formed they appear ; whereas the effects of human Art the more curiously they are viewed and examined , the more of Deformity they discover . This being premised ; for our more clear and distinct proceeding in our cursory View of the Creation , I shall rank the parts of this material and visible World under several Heads . Bodies are either inanimate or animate . Inanimate Bodies are either celestial or terrestrial . Celestial as the Sun , Moon and Stars : Terrestrial are either simple as the four Elements , Fire , Water , Earth and Air ; or mixt , either imperfectly as the Meteors , or more perfectly , as Stones , Metals , Minerals and the like . Animate Bodies are either such as are endued with a Vegetative Soul , as Plants ; or a Sensitive Soul , as the Bodies of Animals , Birds , Beasts , Fishes and Insects ; or a Rational Soul , as the Body of Man and the Vehicles of Angels , if any such there be . I make use of this Division to comply with the common and received Opinion , and for easier Comprehension and Memory ; though I do not think it agreeable to Philosophick Verity and Accuracy ; but do rather incline to the Atomick Hypothesis . For these Bodies we call Elements are not the only ingredients of mixt Bodies ; neither are they absolutely simple themselves , as they do exist in the World , the Sea-water containing a copious Salt manifest to Sense ; and both Sea and Fresh-water sufficing to nourish many Species of Fish , and consequently containing the various parts of which their Bodies are compounded . And I believe there are many Species of Bodies which the Peripateticks call Mixt , which are as simple as the Elements themselves , as Metals , Salts , and some sorts of Stones . I should therefore with Dr. Grew and others , rather attribute the various Species of inanimate Bodies to the divers figures of the minute Particles of which they are made up : And the reason why there is a set and constant number of them in the World , none destroyed , nor any new ones produced , I take to be , because the sum of the figures of those minute Bodies into which matter was at first divided , is determinate and fixt . 2. Because those minute parts are indivisible , not absolutely , but by any natural force ; so that there neither is nor can be more or fewer of them : For were they divisible into small and diversly figured parts by Fire or any other natural Agent , the Species of Nature must be confounded , some might be lost and destroyed , but new ones would certainly be produced ; unless we could suppose , these new diminutive Particles should again assemble and marshal themselves into corpuscles of such figures as they compounded before ; which I see no possibility for them to do , without some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to direct them : Not that I think these inanimate Bodies to consist wholly of one sort of Atoms , but that their Bulk consists mainly or chiefly of one sort . But whereas it may be objected that Metals , ( which of all others seem to be most simple ) may be transmuted one into another , and so the Species doth not depend upon the being compounded of Atoms of one figure . I answer , I am not fully satisfied of the matter of Fact : But if any such Transmutation be , possibly all Metals may be of one Species , and the diversity may proceed from the admixture of different Bodies with the principles of the Metal . If it be asked , why may not Atoms of different Species concur to the composition of Bodies ? and so though there be but a few sorts of original Principles may there not be produced infinite Species of compound Bodies , as by the various dispositions and combinations of Twenty Four Letters innumerable Words may be made up ? I answer because the Heterogeneous Atoms or Principles are not naturally apt to cohere and stick together when they are mingled in the same Liquor , as the Homogeneous readily do . I do not believe that the Species of Principles or indivisible Particles are exceeding numerous : But possibly the immediate component Particles of the Bodies of Plants and Animals may be themselves compounded . Of the Heavenly Bodies . First , For the Celestial or Heavenly Bodies , the Equability and Constancy of their Motions , the certainty of their Periods and Revolutions , the conveniency of their Order and Situations argue them to be ordained and governed by Wisdom and Understanding ; yea so much Wisdom as Man cannot easily fathom or comprehend . For we see by how much the Hypotheses of Astronomers are more simple and conformable to Reason , by so much do they give a better account of the Heavenly Motions . It is reported of Alphonsus King of Aragon , I know not whether truly , that when he saw and considered the many Eccentricks , Epicycles , Epicycles upon Epicycles , Librations , and contrariety of Motions , which were requisite in the old Hypothesis to give an account of the Celestial Phaenomena , he should presume blasphemously to say , that the Universe was a bungling Piece ; and that if he had been of God's Counsel , he could have directed him to have made it better . A Speech as rash and ignorant , as daring and prophane . For it was nothing but Ignorance of the true process of Nature that induced the Contrivers of that Hypothesis to invent such absurd Suppositions , and him to accept them for true , and attribute them to the great Author of the Heavenly Motions . For in the New Hypothesis of the modern Astronomers , we see most of those Absurdities and Irregularities rectified and removed , and I doubt not but they would all vanish , could we certainly discover the true Method and Process of Nature in those Revolutions . For seeing in those Works of Nature which we converse with , we constantly find those Axioms true , Natura non facit circuitus , Nature doth not fetch a Compass when it may proceed in a streight Line ; and Natura nec abundat in superfluis , nec deficit in necessariis , Nature abounds not in what is superfluous , neither is deficient in what is necessary : We may also rationally conclude concerning the Heavenly Bodies , seeing there is so much Exactness observed in the time of their Motions , that they punctually come about in the same Periods to the hundredth part of a Minute , as may beyond Exception be demonstrated by comparing their Revolutions , surely there is also used the most simple , facile , and convenient way for the performance of them . Among these Heavenly Bodies ; First , The Sun , a vast Globe of Fire , esteemed by the ancienter and most modest Computation above 160 times bigger than the Earth , the very life of this inferiour World , without whose salutary and vivifick Beams all Motion both Animal , Vital and Natural would speedily cease , and nothing be left here below but Darkness and Death : All Plants and Animals must needs in a very short time be not only mortified , but together with the surface of Land and Water frozen as hard as Flint or Adamant : So that of all the Creatures of the World the ancient Heathen had most reason to worship him as a God , though no true reason ; because he was but a Creature , and not God : And we Christians to think that the Service of the Animals that live upon the Earth , and principally Man , was one end of his Creation ; seeing without him there could no such things have been . This Sun , I say , according to the old Hypothesis whirled round about the Earth daily with incredible celerity , making Night and Day by his rising and setting ; Winter and Summer by his access to the several Tropicks , creating such a grateful variety of Seasons , enlightening all parts of the Earth by his Beams , and cherishing them by his Heat , situate and moved so in respect of this sublunary World , ( and it 's likely also in respect of all the Planets about him ) that Art and Counsel could not have designed either to have placed him better , or moved him more conveniently for the service thereof ; as I could easily make appear by the Inconveniences that would follow upon the Supposition of any other situation and motion , shews forth the great Wisdom of him who so disposed and moved him . Secondly , The Moon , a Body in all probability somewhat like the Earth we live upon , by its constant and regular Motion helps us to divide our time , reflects the Sun beams to us , and so by illuminating the Air , takes away in some measure the disconsolate darkness of our Winter Nights , procures or at least regulates the Fluxes and Refluxes of the Sea , whereby the Water is kept in constant Motion , and preserved from Putrefaction , and so rendred more salutary for the maintenance of its Breed , and useful and serviceable for Man's conveniencies of Fishing and Navigation ; not to mention the great Influence it is supposed to have upon all moist Bodies , and the growth and increase of Vegetables and Animals : Men generally observing the Age of the Moon in the planting of all kind of Trees , sowing of Grain , grafting and inoculating , and pruning of Fruit-Trees , gathering of Fruit , cutting of Corn or Grass ; and thence also making Prognosticks of Weather , because such Observations seem to me uncertain . Did this Luminary serve to no other ends and uses , as I am perswaded it doth many , especially , to maintain the Creatures which in all likelihood breed and inhabit there , yet these were enough to evince it to be the Effect and Product of Divine Wisdom and Power . Thirdly , As for the rest of the Planets ; besides their particular Uses , which are to us unknown , or merely conjectural , their Courses and Revolutions , their Stations and Retrogradations , observed constantly so many Ages together in most certain and determinate Periods of time , do sufficiently demonstrate that their Motions are instituted and governed by Counsel , Wisdom and Understanding . Fourthly , The like may be said of the fixt Stars whose Motions are regular , equal and constant . So that we see nothing in the Heavens which argues Chance , Vanity , or Error ; but on the contrary , Rule , Order and Constancy ; the Effects and Arguments of Wisdom : Wherefore as Cicero excellently concludes , Coelestem ergo admirabilem ordinem , incredibilemque constantiam , ex qua conservatio & salus omnium omnis oritur , qui vacare mente putat , noe ipse mentis expers habendus est . : Wherefore whosoever thinketh that the admirable Order and incredible Constancy of the Heavenly Bodies and their Motions , whereupon the Preservation and Welfare of all things doth depend , is not governed by Mind and Understanding , he himself is to be accounted void thereof . And again , Shall we ( saith he ) when we see an artificial Engine , as a Sphere , or Dial , or the like , at first sight acknowledg , that it is a work of Reason and Art : Cùm autem impetum coeli , admirabili cum celeritate moveri vertique videamus , constantissimè conficientem vicissitudines anniversarias , cum summâ Salute & Conservatione rerum omnium , dubitare quin ea non solùm ratione fiant , sed excellenti quâdam Divinâque ratione : And can we when we see the force of the Heavens moved and whirled about with admirable Celerity , most constantly finishing its anniversary Vicissitudes , to the eminent Welfare and Preservation of all things , doubt at all that these things are performed not only by Reason , but by a certain excellent and Divine Reason . To these things I shall add an Observation , which I must confess my self to have borrowed of the honourable Person more than once mentioned already , that even the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon , though they be frightful things to the superstitious Vulgar , and of ill influence on Mankind , if we may believe the no less superstitious Astrologers , yet to knowing men , that can skilfully apply them , they are of great Use , and such as common Heads could never have imagined : Since not only they may on divers Occasions help to settle Chronology , and rectifie the Mistakes of Historians that writ many Ages ago ; but which is , though a less Wonder , yet of greater Utility , they are ( as things yet stand ) necessary to define with competent Certainty , the Longitude of places or points on the Terraqueous Globe , which is a thing of very great moment not only to Geography , but to the most useful and important Art of Navigation . To which may be added , which I shall hereafter mention , that they serve to demonstrate the spherical roundness of the Earth . So that I may well conclude with the Psalmist , Psalm 19. 1. The Heavens declare the Glory of God , and the Firmament sheweth his handy Work. Of Terrestrial inanimate simple Bodies . I come now to consider the Terrestrial Bodies ; I shall say nothing of the whole Body of the Earth in general , because I reserve that as one of the Particulars I shall more carefully and curiously examine . Terrestrial Bodies according to our Method before propounded are either inanimate or animate , and the inanimate either simple or mixt : Simple , as the four Elements , Fire , Water , Earth , and Air ; I call these Elements in compliance ( as I said before ) with the vulgarly received Opinion ; not that I think them to be the Principles or component Ingredients of all other sublunary Bodies : I might call them the four great Aggregates of Bodies of the same Species , or four sorts of Bodies of which there are great Aggregates . These notwithstanding they are endued with contrary Qualities , and are continually encroaching one upon another , yet they are so balanced and kept in such an aequilibrium , that neither prevaileth over other , but what one gets in one place it loseth in another . First , Fire cherisheth and reviveth by its Heat , without which all things would be torpid and without Motion , nay without Fire no Life ; it being the vital Flame residing in the Blood that keeps the bodily Machine in motion , and renders it a fit Organ for the Soul to work by . The Uses of Fire ( I do not here speak of the Peripateticks Elementary Fire in the concave of the Moon , which is but a mere Figment , but our ordinary Culinary ) are in a manner infinite for dressing and preparing of Victuals baked , boyled and roast ; for melting and refining of Metals and Minerals ; for the fusion of Glass , a Material whose Uses are so many that it is not easie to enumerate them , it serving us to make Windows for our Houses , drinking Vessels , Vessels to contain and preserve all sorts of fermented Liquors , destilled Waters , Spirits , Oils , Extracts , and other Chymical Preparations , as also Vessels to destil and prepare them in ; for Looking Glasses , Spectacles , Microscopes and Telescopes , whereby our Sight is not only relieved , but wonderfully assisted to make rare Discoveries : For making all sorts of Instruments for Husbandry , mechanick Arts and Trades , all sorts of Arms or Weapons of War defensive and offensive ; for fulminating Engines ; for burning of Lime , baking of Bricks , Tiles , and all sorts of Potters Vessels or earthen Ware ; for casting and forging metalline Vessels and Utensils ; for Destillations , and all Chymical Operations hinted before in the use of Glass . For affording us Light for any Work or Exercise in winter Nights ; for digging in Mines and dark Carvens : And finally by its comfortable Warmth securing us from the injuries of Cold , or relieving when we have been bitten and benummed with it . A Subject or Utensil of so various and inexplicable use , who could have invented and formed , but an infinitely wise and powerful Efficient ? Secondly , The Air serves us and all Animals to breath in , containing the fewel of that vital Flame we spake of , without which it would speedily languish and go out . So necessary is it for us and other Land-Animals , that without the use of it we could live but very few minutes : Nay Fishes and other Water-Animals cannot abide without the use of it : For if you put Fish into a Vessel of a narrow mouth full of Water , they will live and swim there not only days and months but even years . But if with your Hand or any other cover you stop the Vessel so as wholly to exclude the Air , or interrupt its communication with the Water , they will suddenly be suffocated ; as Rondeletius affirms he often experimented : If you fill not the Vessel up to the top , but leave some space empty for the Air to take up , and then clap your hand upon the mouth of the Vessel ; the Fishes will presently contend which shall get uppermost in the Water , that so they may enjoy the open Air ; which I have also observed them to do in a Pool of Water that hath been almost dry in the Summer-time because the Air that insinuated itself into the Water did not suffice them for Respiration . Neither is it less necessary for Insects than it is for other Animals but rather more , these having more Air-vessels for their Bulk by far than they , there being many Orifices on each side their Bodies for the admission of Air , which if you stop with Oil or Hony , the Insect presently dies , and revives no more . This was an Observation of the Ancients , though the reason of it they did not understand ( Oleo illito Insecta omnia exanimantur . Plin. ) which was nothing but the intercluding of the Air ; for though you put Oil upon them , if you put it not upon or obstruct those Orifices therewith whereby they draw the Air , they suffer nothing : If you obstruct only some and not others , the parts which are near and supplied with Air from thence are by and by convulsed and shortly relaxed and deprived of Motion , the rest that were untoucht still retaining it . Nay more than all this , Plants themselves have a kind of respiration , being furnished with plenty of Vessels for the derivation of Air to all their parts , as hath been observed , nay first discovered by that great and curious Naturalist Malpighius . Another use of the Air is to sustain the flight of Birds and Insects . Moreover by its gravity it raises the Water in Pumps , Siphons and other Engines , and performs all those feats which former Philosophers through Ignorance of the Efficient Cause attributed to a Final , namely Natures abhorrence of a Vacuity or empty space . The Elastick or expansive faculty of the Air , whereby it dilates itself , when compressed ( indeed this lower Region of it by reason of the weight of the superincumbent is always in a compressed State ) hath been made use of in the common Weather-glasses , in Wind guns , and in several ingenious Water-works , and doubtless hath a great Interest in many natural Effects and Operations . Against what we have said of the necessity of the Air for the maintenance of the Vital Flame , it may be objected , That the Foetus in the Womb Lives ; its Heart Pulsses ; and its Blood Circulates ; and yet it draws in no Air , neither hath the Air any Access to it . To which I Answer , That it doth receive Air so much as is sufficient for it in its present state from the maternal Blood by the Placenta uterina , or the Cotyledones . This Opinion generally propounded , viz. That the Respiration of the Dam , did serve the Foetus also ; or supply sufficient Air to it , I have met with in Books , but the explicit Notion of it I owe to my Learned and worthy Friend Dr. Edward Hulse , which comparing with mine own Anatomical Observations , I found so consonant to Reason , and highly probable , that I could not but yield a firm Assent to it . I say then , That the chief Use of the Circulation of the Blood through the Cotyledones of a Calf in the Womb , ( which I have often dissected ) and by Analogy through the Placenta uterina in an Humane Foetus , seems to be the Impregnation of the Blood with Air ; for the feeding of the vital Flame . For if it were only for Nutrition , what need of two such great Arteries to convey the Blood thither ? It would ( one might rationally think ) be more likely , that as in the Abdomen of every Animal , so here there should have been some lacteal Veins formed , beginning from the Placenta , or Cotyledons , which concurring in one common ductus , should at last empty themselves into the vena cava . Secondly , I have observed in a Calf , the umbilical Vessels to terminate in certain Bodies divided into a multitude of carneous papillae , as I may so call them , which are received into so many Sockets of the Cotyledons growing on the Womb ; which carneous papillae may without force or laceration be drawn out of those Sockets . Now these papillae do well resemble the Aristae or radii of a Fishes Gills , and very probably have the same use to take in the Air. So that the maternal Blood which flows to the Cotyledons , and encircles these papillae , communicates by them to the Blood of the Foetus , the Air wherewith it self is impregnate ; as the Water flowing about the carneous radii of the Fishes Gills doth the Air that is lodged therein to them . Thirdly , That the maternal Blood flows most copiously to the Placenta uterina in Women , is manifest from the great Hemorrhagy that succeeds the separation thereof at the Birth . Fourthly , After the Stomach and Intestines are formed , the foetus seems to take in its whole nourishment by the Mouth ; there being always found in the Stomach of a Calf , plenty of the liquor contained in the Amnios wherein he swims , and faeces in his intestines , and abundance of urine in the Allantoides . So that the foetus in the Womb doth live as it were the life of a Fish. Lastly , Why else should there be such an instant necessity of Respiration so soon as ever the foetus is fallen off from the Womb ? This way we may give a facile and very probable account of it , to wit , because receiving no more Communications of Air from its Dam or Mother , it must needs have a speedy supply from without , or else extinguish and die for want of it : Being not able to live longer without Air at its first Birth , than it can do afterward . And here methinks appears a necessity of bringing in the agency of some Superintendent intelligent Being , be it a Plastick Nature , or what you will. For what else should put the Diaphragm , and all the Muscles serving to Respiration in motion all of a sudden so soon as ever the foetus is brought forth ? Why could they not have rested as well as they did in the Womb ? What aileth them that they must needs bestir themselves to get in Air to maintain the Creatures life ? Why could they not patiently suffer it to die ? That the Air of it self could not rush in is clear ; for that on the contrary there is required a great force to remove the incumbent Air , and make room for the external to enter . You will say the Spirits do at this time flow to the Organs of Respiration ; the Diaphragm and other Muscles which concur to that action , and move them . But what rouses the Spirits which were quiescent during the continuance of the foetus in the Womb ? Here is no appearing impellent but the external Air , the Body suffering no change but of place , out of its close and warm Prison into the open and cool Air. But how or why that should have such influence upon the Spirits , as to drive them into those Muscles electively , I am not subtil enough to discern . Thirdly , Water is one part , and that not the least of our Sustenance , and that affords the greatest share of Matter in all Productions ; containing in it the Principles or minute component particles of all Bodies . To speak nothing of those inferiour Uses of Washing and Bathing , Dressing and preparing of Victuals . But if we shall consider the great Conceptacula and Congregations of Water , and the distribution of it all over the dry Land in Springs and Rivers ; there will occur abundant Arguments of Wisdom and Understanding . The Sea , what infinite variety of Fishes doth it nourish ? Psalm 104. 25. in the verse next to my Text. The earth is full of thy riches . So is this great and wide Sea , wherein are things creeping innumerable , both small and great beasts , &c. How doth it exactly compose itself to a level or equal Superficies , and with the Earth make up one spherical Roundness ? How doth it constantly observe its Ebbs and Flows , its Spring and Nepe-tides , and still retain its saltness so convenient for the maintenance of its Inhabitants ? serving also the uses of Man for Navigation , and the convenience of Carriage . That it should be defined by Shores and Strands and Limits , I mean at first , when it was natural to it to overflow and stand above the Earth . All these particulars declare abundance of Wisdom in their primitive Constitution . This last the Psalmist takes notice of in the 6th , 7th , 8th , and 9th verses of this Psalm . Speaking of the Earth at the first Creation , he saith , Thou coveredst it with the Deep as with a garment , the waters stood above the mountains . At thy rebuke they fled , at the voice of thy thunder they hasted away . ( The mountains ascend , the valleys descend ) unto the place thou hast prepared for them . Thou hast set a bound that they may not pass over : That they turn not again to cover the earth . Again , the great use and convenience , the beauty and variety of so many Springs and Fountains , so many Brooks and Rivers , so many Lakes and standing Pools of Water , and these so scattered and dispersed all the Earth over ; that no great part of it is destitute of them , without which it must without a supply other ways be desolate and void of Inhabitants ; afford abundant Arguments of Wisdom and Counsel . That Springs should break forth on the sides of Mountains most remote from the Sea. That there should way be made for Rivers through Straits and Rocks , and subterraneous Vaults , so that one would think that Nature had cut a way on purpose to derive the Water , which else would overflow and drown whole Countries . That the water passing through the Veins of the Earth , should be rendred fresh and potable , which it cannot be by any percolations we can make , but the saline Particles will pass through a tenfold Filtre . That in some places there should spring forth metallick and mineral Waters , and hot Baths , and these so constant and permanent for many Ages ; so convenient for divers medicinal Intentions and Uses , the Causes of which things , or the Means and Methods by which they are performed , have not been as yet certainly discovered ; how can we reasonably deny that they are the Products and Effects of profound Counsel and Understanding ? Lastly , The Earth , which is the basis and support of all Animals and Plants , and affords them the hard and solid part of their Bodies , yielding us Food and Sustenance and partly also Cloathing . How variously is the Surface of it distinguished into Hills , and Valleys , and Plains , and high Mountains affording pleasant Prospects ? how curiously cloathed and adorned with the grateful verdure of Herbs and stately Trees , either dispersed and scattered singly , or as it were assembled in Woods and Groves , and all these beautified and illustrated with elegant Flowers and Fruits , quorum omnium incredibilis multitudo , insatiabili varietate distinguitur , as Tully saith . This also shews forth to them that consider it both the Power and Wisdom of God : So that we may conclude with Solomon Prov. 3 , 19. The Lord by Wisdom hath founded the Earth , by Understanding hath he established the Heavens . But now , if we pass from Simple to Mixt Bodies , we shall still find more matter of Admiration and Argument of Wisdom . Of these we shall first consider those they call imperfectly Mixt , or Meteors . Of Meteors . As first of all Rain , which is nothing else but Water by the heat of the Sun divided into very small invisible Parts , ascending in the Air , till encountring the Cold , it be by degrees condensed into Clouds and descends in Drops ; this though it be exhaled from the Salt Sea , yet by this Natural Destillation is rendred Fresh and Potable , which our Artificial Destillations have hitherto been hardly able to effect ; notwithstanding the eminent use it would be of to Navigators , and the rewards promised to those that should resolve that Problem of destilling Fresh Water out of Salt. That the Clouds should be so carried about by the Winds , as to be almost equally dispersed and distributed , no part of the Earth wanting convenient Showers , unless when it pleaseth God for the punishment of a Nation to withhold Rain by a special interposition of his Providence ; or if any Land wants Rain , they have a supply some other way , as the Land of Egypt , though there seldom falls any Rain there , yet hath abundant recompence made it by the annual overflowing of the River . This Distribution of the Clouds and Rain is to me ( I say ) a great Argument of Providence and divine Disposition ; for else I do not see but why there might be in some Lands continual successive Droughts for many Years , till they were quite depopulated ; in others as lasting Rains , till they were overflown and drowned ; and these , if the Clouds moved casually , often happening ; whereas since the ancientest Records of History we do not read or hear of any such droughts or inundations , unless perhaps that of Cyprus , wherein there fell no Rain there for Thirty Six Years , till the Island was almost quite deserted , in the Reign of Constantine . Again , if we consider the manner of the Rains descent , destilling down gradually and by drops , which is most convenient for the watering of the Earth , whereas if it should fall down in a continued Stream like a River , it would gall the Ground , wash away Plants by the Roots , overthrow Houses , and greatly incommode , if not suffocate Animals ; if , I say , we consider these things and many more that might be added , we might in this respect also cry out with the Apostle , O the depth of the Riches both of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God! Secondly , Another Meteor is the Wind ; which how many Uses it doth serve to is not easie to enumerate , but many it doth : viz. To ventilate and break the Air , and dissipate noysom and contagious Vapors , which otherwise stagnating might occasion many Diseases in Animals ; and therefore it is an Observation concerning our Native Country , Anglia ventosa , si non ventosa venenosa : To transfer the Clouds from place to place , for the more commodious watering of the Earth . To temper the excesses of the Heat , as they find , who in Brasil , New Spain , the Neighbouring Islands , and other the like Countries near the Equator reap the Benefit of the Breezes . To fill the Sails of Ships , and carry them on their Voyages to remote Countries ; which of what eminent advantage it is to Mankind , for the procuring and continuing of Trade and mutual Commerce between the most distant Nations , the illustrating every corner of the Earth , and the perfecting Geography and natural History , is apparent to every Man. To this may be added the driving about of Windmills for grinding of Corn , making of Oyl , draining of Pools , &c. That it should seldom or never be so violent and boisterous , as to overturn Houses ; yea whole Cities ; to tear up Trees by the Roots , and prostrate Woods ; to drive the Sea over the lower Countries ; as were it the effect of Chance , or meer natural Causes not moderated by a superiour Power , it would in all likelihood often do . All these things declare the Wisdom and Goodness of Him who bringeth the Winds out of his Treasures . Of Inanimate mixt Bodies . I proceed now to such inanimate Bodies as are called Perfectè mixta , perfectly mixt , improperly enough , they being many of them ( for ought I know ) as simple as those they call Elements . These are Stones , Metals , Minerals and Salts , In Stones , which one would think were a neglected Genus , what variety ? What beauty and elegancy ? What constancy in their temper and consistency , in their Figures and Colours ? I shall speak of first some notable Qualities wherewith some of them are endued . Secondly , The remarkable Uses they are of to us . The Qualities I shall instance in are first Colour , which in some of them is most lively , sparkling , and beautiful ; the Carbuncle or Rubine shining with red , the Sapphire with blue , the Emerauld with green , the Topaz or Chrysolite of the Ancients with a yellow or gold colour , the Amethyst as it were tinctured with Wine , the Opal varying its colours like changeable Taffaty , as it is diversly exposed to the Light. Secondly , Hardness , wherein some Stones exceed all other bodies , and among them the Adamant all other Stones , being exalted to that degree thereof , that Art in vain endeavors to counterfeit it , the factitious Stones of Chymists in imitation being easily detected by any ordinary Lapidist . Thirdly , Figure , many of them shoot into regular Figures , as Crystal and bastard Diamonds into Hexagonal ; others into those that are more elegant and compounded , as those formed in imitation of the Shels of testaceous Fishes of all sorts , Sharks Teeth and Vertebres , &c. If these be originally Stones , or primary Productions of Nature in imitation of Shels and Fishes Bones , and not the Shels and Bones themselves petrified , as we have somtimes thought . Some have a kind of vegetation and resemblance of Plants , as Corals , Pori and Fungites , which grow upon the Rocks like Shrubs : To which I might add our ordinary Star-stones and Trochites , which I look upon as a sort of Rock-Plants . Secondly , For the Uses ; some serve for Building and many sorts of Vessels and Utensils ; for Pillars and Statues and other carved works in relieve , for the Temples , ornament of Palaces , Portico's , Piazzas , Conduits , &c. as Freestone and Marble ; some to burn into Lime as Chalk and Limestone : Some with the mixture of Beriglia or Kelp to make Glass , as that the Venetians call Cuogolo , and common Flints which serve also to strike Fire ; some to cover Houses as Slates ; some for marking as Morochthus , and the forementioned Chalk , which is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , serving moreover for manuring Land , and some medicinal Uses ; some to make Vessels of which will endure the fire ; as that found in the Country of Chiavenna near Plurs . To these useful Stones I might add the Warming-stone , digged in Cornwal , which being once well heated at the fire retains its warmth a great while , and hath been found to give ease and relief in several Pains and Diseases , particularly that of the internal Haemorrhoids . I might also take notice that some Stones are endued with an Electrical or attractive Virtue . I might spend much time in the discoursing of the most strange and unaccountable Nature and Powers of the Loadstone , a Subject which hath exercised the Wits and Pens of the most acute and ingenious Philosophers ; and yet the Hypotheses which they have invented to give an account of its admirable phoenomena seem to me lame and unsatisfactory . What can we say of the subtlety , activity , and penetrancy of its effluvia , which no obstacle can stop or repel , but they will make their way through all sorts of Bodies , firm and fluid , dense and rare , heavy and light , pellucid and opake : Nay they will pass through a vacuity or empty space , at least devoid of Air and any other sensible Body . It s attractive power of Iron was known to the Ancients , its verticity and direction to the Poles of the Earth is of later Invention : Which of how infinite advantage it hath been to these two or three last Ages , the great improvement of Navigation and advancement of Trade and Commerce by rendring the remotest Countries easily accessible , the noble Discovery of a vast Continent or new World , besides a multitude of unknown Kingdoms and Islands , the resolving experimentally those ancient Problems of the Spherical roundness of the Earth ; of the Being of Antipodes , of the Habitableness of the Torrid Zone , and the rendring the whole Terraqueous Globe circumnavigable , do abundantly demonstrate ; whereas formerly they were wont to coast it , and creep along the Shores , scarce daring to venture out of the Ken of Land , when they did having no other guide but the Cynosura or Pole-star and those near it , and in cloudy weather none at all . As for Metals , they are so many ways useful to Mankind , and those Uses so well known to all , that it would be lost labor to say any thing of them : Only it is remarkable , that those which are of most frequent and necessary use , as Iron , Brass and Lead , are the most common and plentiful : Others that are more rare , may better be spared , yet are they thereby qualified to be made the common measure and standard of the value of all other Commodities , and so to serve for Coin or Money , to which use they have been employed by all civil Nations in all Ages . Of these Gold is remarkable for its admirable Ductility and Ponderosity , wherein it excels all other bodies hitherto known . I shall only add concerning Metals , that they do pertinaciously resist all Transmutation ; and though one would sometimes think they were turned into a different Substance , yet do they but as it were lurk under a Larva or Vizzard , and may be reduced again into their natural Form and Complexions , in despight of all the tortures of Vulcan or corrosive Waters . Note , That this was written above Thirty Years since , when I thought I had reason to distrust what ever had then been reported or written to affirm the Transmutation of Metals one into another . I shall omit the consideration of other Minerals , and of Salts and Earths , because I have nothing to say of their Uses , but only such as refer to Man , which I cannot affirm to have been the sole or primary End of the Formation of them . Indeed to speak in general of these Terrestrial inanimate Bodies , they having no such organization of parts as the Bodies of Animals , nor any so intricate variety of Texture , but that their production may plausibly be accounted for by an Hypothesis of matter divided into minute Particles or Atoms naturally indivisible , of various but a determinate number of Figures , and perhaps also differing in Magnitude , and these moved , and continually kept in motion according to certain established Laws or Rules ; we cannot so clearly discover the Uses for which they were Created , but may probably conclude that among other Ends they were made for those for which they serve us and other Animals . It is here to be noted , that according to our Hypothesis , the number of the Atomes of each several kind that is of the same Figure and Magnitude is not nearly equal ; but there be infinitely more of some species than of others , as of those that compound those vast Aggregates of Air , Water , and Earth , more abundantly than of such as make up Metals and Minerals : The reason whereof may probably be , because those are necessary to the Life and Being of Man and all other Animals , and therefore must be always at hand ; these only useful to Man , and serving rather his Conveniences than Necessities . The reason why I affirm the minute component Particles of Bodies to be naturally indivisible by any Agent we can employ , even Fire it self ( which is the only Catholick Dissolvent , other menstruums being rather Instruments than Efficients in all Solutions , apt by reason of the figure and smalness of their Parts to cut and divide other Bodies , ( as Wedges cleave Wood ) when actuated by fire or its heat , which else would have no efficacy at all ; as Wedges have not unless driven by a Beetle : ) the reason , I say , I have already given ; I shall now instance in a Body whose minute Parts appear to be indissoluble by the force of Fire , and that is common Water , which destill , boil , circulate , work upon how you will by Fire , you can only dissolve it into Vapour , which when the motion ceases easily returns into Water again ; Vapour being nothing else but the minute Parts thereof by heat agitated and separated one from another . For another Instance , some of the most Learned and experienced Chymists do affirm Quicksilver to be intransmutable , and therefore call it Liquor aeternus . And I am of opinion that the same holds of all simple Bodies , that their component Particles are indissoluble , by any natural Agent . Of Vegetables or Plants . I have now done with Inanimate Bodies both Simple and Mixt. The Animate are First , Such as are endued only with a Vegetative Soul , and therefore commonly called Vegetables or Plants ; of which if we consider either their Stature and Shape , or their Age and Duration , we shall find it wonderful . For why should some Plants rise up to a great height , others creep upon the ground , which perhaps may have equal seeds , nay the lesser Plant many times the greater seed ? Why should each particular so observe its kind , as constantly to produce the same Leaf for consistency , figure , division , and edging ; and bring forth the same kind of Flower , and Fruit , and Seed , and that though you translate it into a Soil which naturally puts forth no such kind of Plant , so that it is some * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which doth effect this or rather some intelligent plastick Nature , as we have before intimated . For what account can be given of the determination of the growth and magnitude of Plants from mechanical Principles , of matter moved without the presidency and guidance of some superiour Agent ? Why may not Trees grow up as high as the Clouds or Vapours ascend , or if you say the Cold of the superiour Air checks them , why may they not spread and extend their lateral Branches so far till their distance from the Center of Gravity depress them to the Earth , be the Tree never so high ? How comes it to pass that though by Culture and Manure they may be highly improved , and augmented to a double , treble , nay some a much greater proportion in magnitude of all their Parts ; yet is this advance restrained within certain limits ? There is a maximum quod sic which they cannot exceed . You can by no Culture or Art extend a Fennel Stalk to the stature and bigness of an Oak . Then why should some be very long lived , others only Annual or Biennial ? How can we imagine that any Laws of Motion can determine the situation of the leaves , to come forth by pairs , or alternately , or circling the stalk ; the flowers to grow singly , or in company and tusts , to come forth the bosoms of the leaves and branches , or on the tops of branches and stalks ; the figure of the leaves , that they should be divided into so many jags or escallops and curiously indented round the edges , as also of the flower-leaves , their number and site , the figure and number of the stamina and their apices , the figure of the Style and Seed-vessel , and the number of Cels into which it is divided . That all this be done , and all these parts duly proportioned one to another , there seems to be necessary some intelligent Plastick Nature , which may understand and regulate the whole Oeconomy of the Plant : For this cannot be the Vegetative Soul , because that is material and divisible together with the Body : Which appears in that a Branch cut off of a Plant will take Root and grow and become a perfect Plant it self , as we have already observed . I had almost forgotten the complication of the Seed-leaves of some Plants in the Seed , which is so strange that one cannot believe it to be done by Matter however moved by any Laws or Rules imaginable . Some of them being so close plaited , and straitly folded up and thrust together within the membranes of the Seed , that it would puzzle a man to imitate it , and yet none of the folds sticking or growing together ; so that they may easily be taken out of their cases , and spread and extended even with ones Fingers . Secondly , If we consider each particular Part of a Plant , we shall find it not without its End or Use : The Roots for its stability and drawing nourishment from the Earth . The Fibres to contain and convey the Sap. Besides which there is a large sort of Vessels to contain the proper and specific Juice of the Plant : and others to carry Air for such a kind of Respiration as it needeth ; of which we have already spoken . The outer and inner Bark in Trees serve to defend the Trunk and Boughs from the excesses of Heat and Cold and Drought , and to convey the Sap for the Annual augmentation of the Tree . For in truth every Tree may in some sence be said to be an Annual Plant , both Leaf , Flower and Fruit proceeding from the Coat that was superinduced over the Wood the last Year , which Coat also never beareth any more , but together with the old Wood serves as a Form or Block to sustain the succeeding annual Coat . The Leaves before the Gemma or Bud be explicated to embrace and defend , the Flower and Fruit , which is even then perfectly formed ; afterwards to preserve the Branches , Flowers and Fruit from the Injuries of the Summer Sun , which would too much parch and dry them , if they lay open and exposed to its Beams without any Shelter ; the Leaves I say qualifie and contemper the Heat , and serve also to hinder the too hasty evaporation of the moisture about the Root ; not to mention the pleasant and delectable , cooling and refreshing Shade they afford in the Summer time ; which was very much esteemed by the Inhabitants of hot Countries , who always took great delight and pleasure to sit in the open Air under shady Trees : Hence that expression so often repeated in Scripture , of every Mans sitting under his own Vine , and under his own Fig-Tree , where also they used to eat ; as appears by Abrahams entertaining the Angels under a Tree , and standing by them when they did eat . Gen. 18. 8. Moreover the Leaves of Plants are very beautiful and ornamental . That there is great pulchritude and comliness of Proportion in the Leaves , Flowers and Fruits of Plants , is attested by the general Verdict of Mankind , as Dr. More and others well observe . The adorning and beautifying of Temples and Buildings in all Ages , is an evident and undeniable Testimony of this . For what is more ordinary with Architects than the taking in Leaves and Flowers and Fruitage for the garnishing of their Work ; as the Roman the Leaves of Acanthus sat . and the Jewish of Palm . Trees and Pomegranates ; and these more frequently than any of the five regular Solids , as being more comly and pleasant to behold . If any man shall object , that comliness of Proportion and Beauty is but a meer conceit , and that all Things are alike handsom to some men who have as good Eyes as others ; and that this appears by the variation of Fashions , which doth so alter mens Fancies , that what erewhile seemed very handsom and comly , when it is once worn out of Fashion appears very absurd , uncouth and ridiculous . To this I answer , that Custom and Use doth much in those Things where little of Proportion and Symmetry shew themselves , or which are alike comly and beautiful , to disparage the one , and commend the other . But there are degrees of things ; for ( that I may use * Dr. Mores Words ) I dare appeal to any man that is not sunk into so forlorn a pitch of degeneracy that he is as stupid to these things as the basest of Beasts , whether , for example , a rightly cut Tetraedrum , Cube or Icosaedrum have no more Pulchritude in them than any rude broken Stone , lying in the field or high-ways ; or to name other solid Figures , which though they be not regular properly so called , yet have a settled Idea and Nature , as a Cone , Sphere , or Cylinder , whether the sight of those do not more gratifie the minds of Men , and pretend to more elegancy of shape than those rude cuttings or chippings of Freestone that fall from the Masons hands , and serve for nothing but to fill up the middle of the Wall , as fit to be hid from the Eyes of Men for their ugliness . And therefore it is obvable , that if Nature shape any thing but near to this Geometrical accuracy , that we take notice of it with much content and pleasure , and greedily gather and treasure it up . As if it be but exactly round , as those Spherical Stones found in Cuba , and some also in our own Land , or have but its sides parallel , as those rhomboideal Selenites found near St. Ives in Huntington shire , and many other places in England . Whereas ordinary Stones of rude and uncertain Figures we pass by , and take no notice of at all . But though the Figures of these Bodies be pleasing and agreable to our Minds , yet ( as we have already observed ) those of the Leaves , Flowers and Fruits of Trees , more . And it is remarkable , that in the Circumscription and Complication of many Leaves , Flowers , Fruits , and Seeds Nature affects a regular Figure . Of a pentagonal or quincuncial Disposition Sir Tho. Brown of Norwich produces several examples in his Discourse about the Quincunx . And doubtless instances might be given in other regular Figures , were men but observant . The Flowers serve to cherish and defend the first and tender Rudiments of the Fruit : I might also add the masculine or prolifick Seed contained in the chives or apices of the stamina . These beside the elegancy of their Figures are many of them endued with splendid and lovely Colours , and likewise most grateful and fragrant Odours . Indeed such is the beauty and lustre of some Flowers , that our Saviour saith of the Lilies of the Field ( which some not without reason fuppose to have been Tulips ) that Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these . And it is observed by * Spigelius , That the Art of the most skilful Painter cannot so mingle and temper his Colours , as exactly to imitate or counterfeit the native ones of the Flowers of Vegetables . As for the Seeds of Plants , * Dr. More esteems it an evident Sign of Divine Providence , that every Kind hath its Seed . For it being no necessary result of the motion of the matter ( as the whole contrivance of the Plant indeed is not ) and it being of so great consequence that they have Seed for the continuance and propagation of their own Species , and also for the gratifying mans Art , Industry and Necessities ( for much of Husbandry and Gardening lies in this ) it cannot but be an Act of Counsel to furnish the several Kinds of Plants with their Seeds . Now the Seed being so necessary for the maintenance and increase of the several Species , it is worthy the observation , what Care is taken to secure and preserve it , being in some doubly and trebly defended . As for instance , in the Walnut , Almond and Plums of all sorts , we have first a thick pulpy covering , then a hard shell , within which is the Seed enclosed in a double membrane . In the Nutmeg another Tegument is added besides all these , viz. the Mace within the hard Shell immediately inveloping the Kernel . Neither yet doth the exterior Pulp of the Fruit or Pericarpium serve only for the defence and security of the Seed , whilst it hangs upon the Plant : But after it is mature and faln upon the Earth , for the stercoration of the Soil , and promotion of the growth , though not the first germination of the Seminal Plant. Hence ( as * Petrus de Crescentiis tells us ) Husbandmen to make their Vines bear , Manure them with Vine-leaves , or the Husks of expressed Grapes , and that they observe those to be most fruitful , which are so manured with their own : Which Observation holds true also in all other Trees and Herbs . But besides this use of the Pulp or Pericarpium for the guard and benefit of the Seed , it serves also by a secondary intention of Nature in many Fruits for the Food and Sustenance of Man and other Animals . Another thing worthy the nothing in Seeds , and argumentative of Providence and Design , is that pappose Plumage growing upon the Tops of some of them , whereby they are capable of being wafted with the Wind , and by that means scattered and disseminated far and wide . Furthermore most Seeds having in them a seminal Plant perfectly formed , as the Young is in the Womb of Animals , the elegant complication thereof in some Species is a very pleasant and admirable Spectacle ; so that no man that hath a Soul in him can imagine or believe it was so formed and folded up without Wisdom and Providence . But of this I have spoken already . Lastly , the immense Smalness of some Seeds , not to be seen by the naked Eye , so that the number of Seeds produced at once in some one Plant may amount to a Million , is a convincing Argument of the infinite Understanding and Art of the Former of them . And it is remarkable that such Mosses as grow upon Walls , the Roofs of Houses and other high Places , have Seeds so excessively small , that when shaken out of their Vessels they appear like Vapor or Smoak , so that they may either ascend of themselves , or by an easie impulse of the Wind be raised up to the Tops of Houses , Walls or Rocks : And we need not wonder how the Mosses got thither , or imagine they sprung up spontaneously there . I might also take notice of many other particulars concerning Vegetables , as , First , That because they are designed for the Food of Animals , therefore Nature hath taken more extraordinary Care and made more abundant Provision for their Propagation and increase ; so that they are multiplied and propagated not only by the Seed , but many also by the Root , producing Off sets or creeping under Ground , many by Strings or Wires running above Ground , as Strawberry and the like , some by Slips or Cuttings , and some by several of these Ways . Secondly , That some sorts of Plants , as Vines , all sorts of Pulse , Hops , Briony , all Promiferous Herbs , Pumpions , Melons , Gourds . Cucumbers , and divers other Species , that are weak and unable to raise or support themselves , are either endued with a faculty of twining about others that are near , or else furnished with Claspers and Tendrels , whereby as it were with Hands they catch hold of them and so ramping upon Trees , Shrubs , Hedges or Poles , they mount up to a great height , and secure themselves and their Fruit. Thirdly , That others are armed with Prickles and Thorns , to secure them from the browsing of Beasts , as also to shelter others that grow under them . Moreover they are hereby rendred very useful to Man , as if designed by Nature to make both Quick and Dead Hedges and Fences , The great Naturalist Pliny , hath given an ingenious Account of the Providence and Design of Nature in thus arming and fencing them in these Words . Inde ( speaking of Nature ) excogitavit aliquas aspectu hispidas , tactu truces , ut tantùm non vocem ipsius Naturae fingentis illas , rationémque reddentis exaudire videamur , ne se depascat avida quadrupes , ne procaces manus rapiant , ne neglecta vestigia obterant , ne insidens ales infringat ; his muniendo aculeis telisque armando , remediis ut salva ac tuta sint . Ità hoc quoque quod in iis odimus hominum causâ excogitatum est . As for the Signatures of Plants , or the Notes impressed upon them as Indices of their Virtues , though * some lay great stress upon them , accounting them , strong Arguments to prove that some understanding Principle is the highest Original of the Works of Nature ; as indeed they were , could it certainly be made appear that there were such Marks designedly set upon them ; because all that I find mentioned and collected by Authors , seem to me to be rather fancied by men , than designed by Nature to signifie or point out any such Vertues or Qualities as they would make us believe , I have elsewhere , I think upon good Grounds , rejected them ; and finding no reason as yet to alter my Opinion , I shall not further insist on them . Of Bodies endued with a Sensitive Soul , or Animals . I proceed now to the consideration of Animate Bodies indued with a Sensitive Soul , called Animals . Of these I shall only make some general Observations , not curiously consider the Parts of each particular Species , save only as they serve for Instances or Examples . First of all , because it is the great design of Providence to maintain and continue every Species , I shall take notice of the great Care and abundant Provision that is made for the securing this End. Quanta ad eam rem vis , ut in suo quaeque genere permaneat ? Cic. Why can we imagine all Creatures should be made Male and Female but to this purpose ? Why should there be implanted in each Sex such a vehement and inexpugnable Appetite of Copulation ? Why in viviparous Animals , in the time of Gestation should the nourishment be carried to the Embryon in the Womb , which at other times goeth not that way ? When the Young is brought forth , how comes all the nourishment then to be transferred from the Womb to the Breasts or Paps , leaving its former channel , the Dam at such time being for the most part Lean and Ilfavoured ? Here I cannot omit one very remarkable Observation I find in Cicero . Atque ut intelligamus ( saith he ) nihil horum esse fortuitum , sed haec omnia providae solertisque naturae , Quae multiplices foetus procreant , ut Sues , ut Canes , his mammarum data est multitudo , quas easdem paucas habent eae bestiae quae pauca gignunt . That we may understand that none of these things ( he had been speaking of ) is fortuitous , but that all are the effects of provident and sagacious Nature , multiparous quadrupeds , as Dogs , as Swine , are furnished with a multitude of Paps : Whereas those Beasts which bring forth few have but a few . That Flying Creatures of the greater sort , that is Birds should all lay Eggs , and none bring forth Live Young , is a manifest Argument of Divine Providence , designing thereby their Preservation and Security ; that there might be the more plenty of them ; and that neither the Birds of Prey , the Serpent , nor the Fowler should straiten their Generations too much . For if they had been Viviparous , the Burthen of their Womb , if they had brought forth any competent number at a time , had been so great and heavy , that their Wings would have failed them , and they became an easie Prey to their Enemies : Or if they had brought but one or two at a time , they would have been troubled all the Year long with Feeding their Young , or Bearing them in their Womb. * Dr. More . This mention of Feeding their Young puts me in mind of two or three considerable Observations referring thereto . First , Seeing it would be for many reasons inconvenient for Birds to give Suck , and yet no less inconvenient if not destructive to the Chicken upon exclusion all of a sudden to make so great a change in its Diet , as to pass from liquid to hard Food , before the Stomach be gradually consolidated and by use strengthened and habituated to grind and concoct it , and its tender and pappy Flesh , fitted to be nourished by such strong and solid Diet ; and before the Bird be by little and little accustomed to use its Bill , and gather it up , which at first it doth but very slowly and imperfectly ; therefore Nature hath provided a large Yolk in every Egg ; a great part whereof remaineth after the Chicken is hatch'd , and is taken up and enclosed in its Belly , and by a channel made on purpose received by degrees into the Guts , and serves instead of Milk to nourish the Chick for a considerable time ; which nevertheless mean while feeds it self by the Mouth a little at a time , and gradually more and more , as it gets a perfecter Ability and Habit of gathering up its Meat , and its Stomach is strengthen'd to macerate and concoct it , and its Flesh hardened and fitted to be nourished by it . Secondly , That Birds which feed their Young in the Nest , though in all likelyhood they have no ability of counting the number of them , should yet , ( though they bring but one morsel of Meat at a time , and have not fewer ( it may be ) than seven or eight Young in the Nest together , which at the return of their Dams , do all at once with equal greediness , hold up their Heads and gape , ) not omit or forget one of them , but feed them all ; which , unless they did carefully observe , and retain in Memory which they had fed , which not , were impossible to be done ; this I say , seems to me most strange and admirable , and beyond the possibility of a meer Machine to perform . Thirdly , the marvellous speedy growth of Birds that are hatched in Nests , and fed by the Old ones there , till they be fledg'd and come almost to their full bigness ; at which perfection they arrive within the short term of about one Fortnight , seems to me an Argument of Providence designing thereby their preservation , that they might not lie long in a condition exposed to the ravine of any Vermine that may find them , being utterly unable to escape or shift for themselves . Another and no less effectual Argument may be taken from the Care and Providence used for the hatching and rearing their young and First , they search our a secret and quiet Place , where they may be secure and undisturbed in their incubation : Then they make themselves Nests , every one after his kind , that so their Eggs and Young may lie soft and warm , and their exclusion and growth be promoted . These Nests some of them so elegant and artificial , that it is hard for man to imitate them and make the like . I have seen Nests of an Indian Bird so artificially composed of the Fibres , I think , of some Roots , so curiously interwoven and platted together as is admirable to behold : Which Nests they hang on the ends of the Twigs of Trees over the Water , to secure their Eggs and Young from the ravage of Apes and Monkeys , and other Beasts that might else prey upon them . After they have laid their Eggs , how diligently and patiently do they sit upon them till they be hatched , scarce affording themselves time to go off to get them Meat ? Nay with such an ardent and impetuous desire of sitting are they inspired , that if you takeaway all their Eggs , they will sit upon an empty Nest : And yet one would think that sitting were none of the most pleasant Works . After their Young are hatcht for some time they do almost constantly Brood them under their Wings , lest the Cold , and sometimes perhaps the Heat , should harm them . All this while also they labor hard to get them Food , sparing it out of their own Bellies , and pining themselves almost to Death rather than they should want . Moreover it is admirable to observe with what courage they are at that time inspired , that they will even venture their own Lives in defence of them . The most timorous , as Hens and Geese , become then so couragious as to dare to fly in the Face of a man that shall molest or disquiet their Young , which would never do so much in their own defence . These things being contrary to any motions of Sense , or instinct of Self-preservation , and so eminent pieces of Self-denial , must needs be the Work of Providence for the continuation of the Species and upholding of the World. Especially if we consider that all this Pains is bestowed upon a thing which takes no notice of it , will render them no thanks for it , nor make them any requital or amends ; and also , that after the young is come to some growth , and able to shift for it self , the old one retains no such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to it , takes no further care of it , but will fall upon it , and beat it indifferently with others . To these I shall add one Observation more , relating to this Head , borrowed of Dr. Cudworth , System , pag. 69. One thing necessary to the Conservation of the Species of Animals ; that is , the keeping up constantly in the World a due numerical Proportion between the Sexes of Male and Female , doth necessarily infer a superintending Providence . For did this depend only upon Mechanism , it cannot well be conceived , but that in some Ages or other , there should happen to be all Males , or all Females ; and so the Species fail . Nay , it cannot well be thought otherwise , but that there is in this a Providence , superiour to that of the Plastick or Spermatick Nature , which hath not so much of Knowledge and Discretion allowed to it , as whereby to be able alone to govern this Affair . Secondly , I shall take notice of the various strange Instincts of Animals ; which will necessarily demonstrate , that they are directed to Ends unknown to them , by a Wise Superintendent . As 1. That all Creatures should know how to defend themselves , and offend their Enemies ; where their natural Weapons are situate , and how to make use of them . A Calf will so manage his Head as though he would push with his Horns even before they shoot . A Boar knows the use of his Tushes ; A Dog of his Teeth ; A Horse of his Hoofs ; A Cock of his Spurs ; A Bee of her Sting ; A Ram will but with his Head , yea though he be brought up tame , and never saw that manner of fighting . Now , why another Animal which hath no Horns should not make a shew of pushing , or no Spurs of striking with his Legs and the like , I know not , but that every kind is providentially directed to the use of its proper and natural Weapons . 2. That those Animals that are weak , and have neither Weapons nor Courage to fight , are for the most part created Swift of Foot or Wing , and so being naturally timorous , are both willing and able to save themselves by flight . 3. That Poultrey , Partridge and other Birds should at the first sight know Birds of Prey , and make sign of it by a peculiar note of their Voice to their young , who presently thereupon hide themselves : That the Lamb should acknowledge the Wolf its Enemy , though it had never seen one before , as is taken for granted by most Naturalists , and may for ought I know be true , argues the Providence of Nature , or more truly the God of Nature , who for their preservation hath put such an Instinct into them . 4. That young Animals , so soon as they are brought forth , should know their Food . As For Example , Such as are nourished with Milk , presently find their way to the Paps , and suck at them , whereas none of those that are not designed for that nourishment ever offer to suck , or to seek out any such food . Again , 5. That such Creatures as are whole-footed or fin-toed , viz. some Birds and some Quadrupeds , are naturally directed to go into the water and swim there , as we see Ducklings , though hatch'd and led by a Hen , if she brings them to the brink of a River or Pond of Water , they presently leave her , and in they go , though they never saw any such thing done before ; and though the Hen clocks and calls , and doth what she can to keep them out : So that we see every part in Animals is fitted to its Use , and the Knowledge of this Use put into them . For neither do any sort of web-footed Fowls live constantly upon the Land , or fear to enter the Water , nor any Land-Fowl so much as attempt to swim there . 6. Birds of the same Kind make their Nests of the same Materials , laid in the same Order , and exactly of the same Figure , so that by the sight of the Nest one may certainly know what Bird it belongs to . And this they do , though living in distant Countries , and though they never saw , nor could see any Nest made , that is , though taken out of the Nest , and brought up by hand ; neither were any of the same kind ever observed to make a different Nest either for Matter or Fashion . This together with the curious and artificial Contexture of such Nests , and their fitness and convenience for the reception , hatching and cherishing the Eggs and Young of their respective builders ( which we have before taken notice of ) is a great Argument of a superiour Author of their and others Natures , who hath indu'd them with these Instincts , whereby they are as it were , acted and driven to bring about Ends which themselves aim not at ( so far as we can discern ) but are directed to ; for ( as Aristotle observes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , They act not by any Art , neither do they enquire , neither do they deliberate about what they do . And therefore , as Dr. Cudworth saith well , they are not Masters of that Wisdom according to which they act , but only passive to the Instincts and Impresses thereof upon them . And indeed to affirm that brute Animals do all these things by a Knowledge of their own , and which themselves are Masters of , and that without Deliberation and Consultation , were to make them to be endued with a most perfect Intellect , far transcending that of Human Reason : Whereas it is plain enough , that Brutes are not above Consultation but below it ; and that these Instincts of Nature in them , are nothing but a kind of Fate upon them . 7. The Bee , a Creature of the lowest form of Animals , so that no man can suspect it to have any considerable measure of Understanding , or to have Knowledge of , much less to aim at any End , yet makes her Combs and Cells with that Geometrical Accuracy , that she must needs be acted by an Instinct implanted in her by the wise Author of Nature . For first , she plants them in a perpendicular posture , and so close together as with conveniency they may , beginning at the top , and working downwards , that so no room may be lost in the Hive , and that she may have easie access to all the Combs and Cells . Besides , the Combs being wrought double , that is , with Cells on each side , a common bottom or partition-wall could not in any other site have so conveniently , if at all , received or contained the Honey . Then she makes the particular Cells most Geometrically and Artificially , as the famous Mathematician Pappus demonstrates in the Preface to his third Book of Mathematical Collections . First of all ( saith he , speaking of the Cells , ) It is convenient that they be of such figures as may cohere one to another , and have common sides , else there would be empty spaces left between them to no use , but to the weakening and spoiling of the work , if any thing should get in there . And therefore though a round figure be most capacious for the Honey , and most convenient for the Bee to creep into , yet did she not make choice of that , because then there must have been triangular spaces left void . Now there are only three rectilineous and ordinate figures which can serve to this purpose ; and inordinate or unlike ones must have been not only less elegant and beautiful but unequal . [ Ordinate Figures are such as have all their Sides and all their Angles equal . ] The three Ordinate Figures , are Triangles , Squares , and Hexagons . For the space about any point may be filled up either by six equilateral Triangles , or four Squares , or three Hexagons ; whereas three Pentagons are too little and three Heptagons too much . Of these three the Bee makes use of the Hexagon , both because it is more capacious than either of the other , provided they be of equal compass , and so equal matter spent in the construction of each : And Secondly , Because it is most commodious for the Bee to creep into : And Lastly , Because in the other Figures more Angles and Sides must have met together at the same point , and so the work could not have been so firm and strong . Moreover , the Combs being double , the Cells on each side the partition are so ordered , that the Angles on one side , insist upon the Centers of the bottoms of the Cells on the other side , and not Angle upon , or against Angle ; which also must needs contribute to the strength and firmness of the work . Another sort of Bee I have observed , it may be called the Tree-Bee , whose industry is admirable in making provision for her young . First , She digs round Vaults or Burrows [ Cuniculos ] in a rotten or decayed Tree , of a great length , in them she builds or forms her cylindrical Nests or Cases , resembling Cartrages , or a very narrow Thimble , only in proportion longer , of pieces of Rose or other Leaves which she shares off with her mouth , and plats and joyns close together by some glutinous Substance . These Cases she fills with a red Pap , of a thinner consistence than an Electuary , of no pleasant taste , which where she gathers , I know not : On the top of the Pap , she lays one Egg , and then closes up the Vessel with a cover of leaves . The enclosed Egg soon becomes an Eula or Maggor , which feeding upon the Pap till it comes to its full growth changes to a Nympha , and after comes out a Bee. Another Insect noted for her seeming prudence , in making provision for the Winter , proposed by Solomon to the Sluggard for his imitation , is the Ant , which ( as all Naturalists agree ) hoards up grains of Corn against the Winter for her Sustenance : And is reported by some to * bite off the germen of them , lest they should sprout by the moisture of the Earth , which I look upon as a mere fiction ; neither should I be forward to credit the former relation , were it not for the Authority of the Scripture , because I could never observe any such storing up of Grain by our Country-Ants . Yet is there a Quadruped taken notice of even by the vulgar for laying up in store provision for the Winter , that is , the Squirrel , whose hoards of Nuts are frequently found and pillaged by them . The Beaver is by credible persons Eye-witnesses affirmed to build him Houses for shelter and security in Winter-time : See Mr. Boyl of Final Causes . Besides these I have mentioned , an Hundred others may be found in Books relating especially to Physick ; as that Dogs when they are Sick should vomit themselves by eating Grass : That Swine should refuse Meat so soon as they feel themselves ill , and so recover by Abstinence : That the Bird Ibis should teach Men the way of administring Clysters . Plin. lib. 8. cap. 27. The wild Goats of Dictamnus for drawing out of Darts , and healing Wounds : The Swallow the use of Celandine for repairing the Sight , &c. ibid. Of the truth of which because I am not fully satisfied , I shall make no Inference from them . Thirdly , I shall remark the Care that is taken for the preservation of the Weak and such as are exposed to Injuries , and preventing the encrease of such as are noisom and hurtful : For as it is a Demonstration of the divine Power and Magnificence to create such variety of Animals , not only great but small , not only strong and couragious , but also weak and timerous ; so is it no less Argument of his Wisdom to give to these Means , and the Power and Skill of using them , to preserve themselves from the violence and Injuries of those . That of the weak some should dig Vaults and Holes in the Earth , as Rabbets , to secure themselves and their Young ; others should be armed with hard Shels ; others with Prickles , the rest that have no such armature should be endued with great Swiftness or Pernicity : And not only so , but some also have their Eyes stand so prominent , as the Hare , that they can see as well behind as before them , that so they may have their Enemy always in their Eye ; and long , hollow , moveable Ears , to receive and convey the least sound , or that which comes from far , that they be not suddenly surprised or taken ( as they say ) napping . As for Sheep , which have no natural Weapons or Means to defend or secure themselves , neither Heels to run nor claws to dig ; they are delivered into the Hand , and committed to the care and tuition of Man , and serving him for divers Uses , are nourished and protected by him ; and so enjoying their Beings for a time , by this means propagate and continue their Species : So that there are none destitute of some Means to preserve themselves and their kind ; and these Means so effectual , that notwithstanding all the endeavors and contrivances of Man and Beast to destroy them , there is not to this day one Species lost of such as are mentioned in Histories , and consequently and undoubtedly neither of such as were at first created . Then for Birds of Prey and rapacious Animals , it is remarkable what Aristotle observes , That they are all solitary , and go not in Flocks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . No Birds of Prey are gregarious . Again , That such Creatures do not greatly multiply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They for the most part breeding and bringing forth but one or two , or at least a few young ones at once : Whereas they that are feeble and timorous are generally multiparous ; or if they bring forth but few at once , as Pigeons , they compensate that by their often breeding , viz. every Month but two throughout the Year ; by this means providing for the continuation of their kind . Fourthly , I shall note the exact Fitness of the Parts of the Bodies of Animals to every ones Nature and manner of living . Of this Dr. * More produces an eminent Instance in a poor contemptible Quadruped , the Mole . First of all ( saith he ) her dwelling being under ground , where nothing is to be seen , Nature hath so obscurely fitted her with Eyes , that Naturalists can scarcely agree , whether she hath any Sight at all or no [ In our Observation , Moles have perfect Eyes , and holes for them through the Skin , so that they are outwardly to be seen by any that shall diligently search for them ; though indeed they are exceeding small , not much bigger than a great Pins head . ] But for amends , what she is capable of for her defence and warning of danger , she has very eminently conferred upon her ; for she is very quick of hearing [ doubtless her subterraneous Vaults are like Trunks to convey any Sound a great way . ] And then her short Tail , and short Legs , but broad fore-Feet armed with sharp Claws , we see by the event to what purpose they are , she so swiftly working her self under Ground , and making her way so fast in the Earth , as they that behold it cannot but admire it . Her Legs therefore are short that she need dig no more than will serve the mere thickness of her Body : And her fore-Feet are broad , that she may scoup away much Earth at a time : And she has little or no Tail , because she courses it not on the Ground like a Rat or Mouse , but lives under the Earth , and is fain to dig her self a dwelling there ; and she making her way through so thick an Element , which will not easily yield as the Water and Air do ; it had been dangerous to draw so long a train behind her ; for her Enemy might fall upon her rear , and fetch her out before she had perfected and got full Possession of her Works : Which being so , what more palpable Argument of Providence than She ? Another instance in Quadrupeds might be the Tamandua or Ant Bear , described by Marcgrave and Piso , who saith of them , that they are Night walkers , and seek their Food by Night . Being kept tame they are fed with Flesh , but it must be minced small , because they have not only a slender and sharp Head and Snout , but also a narrow and toothless Mouth ; their Tongue is like a great Lute string ( as big as a Goose-quill ) round , and in the greater Kind ( for there are two Species ) more than two foot long , and therefore lies doubled in a Channel between the lower parts of the Cheeks . This when hungry they thrust forth , being well moistened , and lay upon the Trunks of Trees , and when it is covered with Ants suddenly draw it back into their Mouths ; if the Ants lie so deep that they cannot come at them , they dig up the Earth with their long and strong Claws , wherewith for that purpose their fore-Feet are armed . So we see how their Parts are fitted for this kind of Diet , and no other ; for the catching of it and for the eating of it , it requiring no comminution by the Teeth , as appears also in the Chamaeleon , which is another Quadruped that imitates the Tamandua in this property of darting out the Tongue to a great length , with wonderful celerity , and for the same purpose too of catching of Insects . Besides these Quadrupeds , there are a whole Genus of Birds , called Pici Martii or Woodpeckers , that in like manner have a Tongue which they can shoot forth to a very great length , ending in a sharp stiff bony tip , dented on each side ; and at pleasure thrust it deep into the holes , clefts and crannies of Trees , to stab and draw out Cossi or any other Insects lurking there , as also into Anthills , to strike and fetch out the Ants and their Eggs. Moreover they have short but very strong Legs , and their Toes stand two forwards two backwards , which disposition ( as Aldrovandus well notes ) Nature , or rather the Wisdom of the Creator , hath granted to Woodpeckers , because it is very convenient for the climbing of Trees , to which also conduces the stiffness of the Feathers of their Tails and there bending downward , whereby they are fitted to serve as a prop for them to lean upon and bear up their Bodies . As for the Chamaeleon he imitates the Woodspite , not only in the make , motion and use of his Tongue for striking Ants , Flies , and other Insects ; but also in the site of his Toes , whereby he is wonderfully qualified to run upon Trees , which he doth with that swiftness , that one would think he flew , whereas upon the ground he walks very clumfily and ridiculously . A full description of the outward and inward parts of this Animal , may be seen at the end of Panarolus's Observat. It is to be noted , that the Chamelion , though he hath Teeth , uses them not for chewing his Prey , but swallows it immediately . II. In Birds all the Members are most exactly fitted for the use of flying . First , The Muscles which serve to move the Wings are the greatest and strongest , because much force is required to the agitation of them ; the underside of them is also made concave , and the upper convex , that they may be easily lifted up , and more strongly beat the Air , which by this means doth more resist the descent of their body downward . Then the Trunk of their body doth somewhat resemble the Hull of a Ship ; the Head the Prow , which is for the most part small , that it may the more easily cut the Air , and make way for their bodies ; the Train serves to steer , govern and direct their flight , and however it may be held erect in their standing or walking , yet is directed to lye almost in the same plain with their Backs , or rather a little inclining , when they fly . That the Train serves to sleer and direct their flight , and turn their Bodies like the Rudder of a Ship is evident in the Kite , who by a light turning of his Train , moves his Body which way he pleases . Iidem videntur artem gubernandi docuisse caudae flexibus , in Caelo monstrante natura quod opus esset in profundo . Plin. lib. 10. cap. 10. They seem to have taught men the Art of steering a Ship by the flexures of their Tails ; Nature shewing in the Air what was needful to be done in the Deep . And it 's notable that Aristotle truly observes , that whole-footed Birds , and those that have long Legs , have for the most part short Tails ; and therefore whilest they fly , do not as others draw them up to their Bellies , but stretch them at length backwards , that they may serve to steer and guide them instead of Tails . Neither doth the Tail serve only to direct and govern . the flight , but also partly to support the Body and keep it even , wherefore when spread , it lies parallel to the horizon , and stands not perpendicular to it , as Fishes do . Hence Birds that have no Tails , as some sorts of Colymbi or Douckers fly very inconveniently with their Bodies almost erect . III. As for Fishes their Bodies are long and slender , or else thin for the most part , for their more easie swimming and dividing the water . The wind-bladder , wherewith most of them are furnished , serves to poise their Bodies , and keep them equiponderant to the water , which else would sink to the bottom , and lie grovelling there , as hath by breaking the Bladder been experimentally found . By the contraction and dilatation of this Bladder , they are able to raise or sink themselves at pleasure , and continue in what depth of water they list . The Fins made of gristly spokes or rays connected by Membranes , so that they may be contracted or extended like Womens fans , and furnished with Muscles for motion , serve partly for progression , but chiefly to hold the Body upright ; which appears in that when they are cut off , it wavers to and fro , and so soon as the Fish dies , the Belly turns upward . The great strength by which Fishes dart themselves forward with incredible celerity , like an Arrow out of a Bow , lies in their Tails , their Fins mean time , lest they should retard their motion , being held close to their Bodies . And therefore almost the whole Musculous Flesh of the Body is bestowed upon the Tail and Back , and serves for the vibration of the Tail , the heaviness and corpulency of the Water , requiring a great force to divide it . I might here take notice of those Amphibious Creatures , which we may call Aquatic Quadrupeds ( though one of them there is that hath but two Feet , viz. the Manati or Sea-Cow ) the Beaver , the Otter , the Phoca or Sea Calf , the Water-Rat , and the Frog , the Toes of whose Feet are joyned by membranes , as in Water-Fowls for swimming ; and who have very small Ears , and Ear-holes , as the Cetaceous Fishes have for hearing in the Water . To this head belongs the adapting of the parts that minister to Generation in the Sexes one to another ; and in Creatures that nourish their Young with Milk , the Nipples of the Breast to the Mouth and Organs of Suction ; which he must needs be wilfully blind and void of sence , that either discerns not , or denies to be intended and made one for the other . That the Nipples should be made spungy , and with such perforations , as to admit passage to the Milk when drawn , otherwise to retain it ; and the Teeth of the Young either not spungy , or so soft and tender , as not to hurt the Nipples of the Dam , are Effects and Arguments of Providence and Design . To this head of the fitness of the parts of the Body to the Creatures Nature and manner of living , belongs that observation of Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Such Birds as have crooked Beaks and Talons , are all carnivorous ; and so of Quadrupeds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carnivora omnia . All that have serrate Teeth , are carnivorous . This observation holds true concerning all European Birds , but I know not but that Parrots may be an exception to it . Yet it is remarkable , that such Birds as are carnivorous have no Gizzard , or musculous , but a membranous Stomach ; that kind of food needing no such grinding or comminution as Seeds do , but being torn into strings , or small flakes by the Beak , may be easily concocted by a membranous Stomach . To the fitness of all the parts and members of Animals to their respective uses may also be referred another observation of the same Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All Animals have even Feet , not more on one side than another ; which if they had , would either hinder their walking , or hang by not only useless , but also burthensome . For though a Creature might make limping shift to hop , suppose with three Feet , yet nothing so conveniently or steddily to walk , or run , or indeed to stand . So that we see , Nature hath made choice of what is most fit , proper and useful . They have also not only an even number of Feet , answering by pairs one to another , which is as well decent as convenient ; but those too of an equal length , I mean the several pairs ; whereas were those on one side longer than they on the other , it would have caused an inconvenient halting or limping in their going . I shall mention but one more Observation of Aristotle , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is no Creature only volatile , or no flying Animal but hath Feet as well as Wings , a power of walking or creeping upon the Earth ; because there is no food , or at least not sufficient Food for them to be had always in the Air ; or if in hot Countries we may suppose there is , the Air being never without store of Insects flying about in it , yet could such Birds take no Rest , for having no Feet , they could not perch upon Trees , and if they should alight upon the Ground , they could by no means raise themselves any more , as we see those Birds which have but short Feet , as the Swift and Martinet , with difficulty do . Besides , they would want means of breeding , having no where to lay their Eggs , to Sit , Hatch or Brood their Young. As for the Story of the Manucodiata or Bird of Paradise , which in the former Age was generally received and accepted for true , even by the Learned , it is now discovered to be a Fable , and rejected and exploded by all men : Those Birds being well known to have Legs and Feet , as well as others , and those not short , small not feeble ones , but sufficiently great and strong and armed with crooked Talons , as being the Members of Birds of Prey . But against the Uses of several Bodies I have instanced in that refer to Man it may be objected , that these uses were not designed by Nature in the formation of the things ; but that the things were by the wit of Man accommodated to those Uses . To which I answer with Dr. More in the Appendix to his Antidote against Atheism . That the several useful dependencies of this kind , ( viz. of Stones , Timber , and Metals for building of Houses or Ships , the Magnet for Navigation , &c. Fire for melting of Metals and forging of Instruments for the purposes mentioned ) we only find , not make them . For whether we think of it or no , it is , for Example , manifest , that Fuel is good to continue Fire , and Fire to melt Metals , and Metals to make Instruments to build Ships and Houses , and so on . Wherefore it being true , that there is such a subordinate usefulness in the Things themselves that are made to our Hand , it is but reason in us to impute it to such a Cause as was aware of the usefulness and serviceableness of its own Works . To which I shall add , that since we find Materials so fit to serve all the Necessities and Conveniences , and to exercise and employ the Wit and Industry of an intelligent and active Being , and since there is such an one created that is endued with Skill and Ability to use them , and which by their help is enabled to rule over and subdue all inferiour Creatures , but without them had been left necessitous , helpless and obnoxious to Injuries above any other ; and since the omniscient Creator could not but know all the Uses , to which they might and would be employed by Man , to them that acknowledge the Being of a Deity , it is little less than a Demonstration , that they were created intentionally , I do not say only , for those uses . Methinks by all this Provision for the Use and Service of Man , the Almighty interpretatively speaks to him in this manner , I have placed thee in a spacious and well furnished World. I have endued thee with an ability of understanding what is beautiful and proportionable , and have made that which is so agreeable and delightful to thee ; I have provided thee with Materials whereon to exercise and employ thy Art and Strength ; I have given thee an excellent Instrument , the Hand , accommodated to make use of them all ; I have distinguished the Earth into Hills , and Valleys , and Plains , and Meadows , and Woods ; all these parts capable of Culture and Improvement by thy Industry ; I have committed to thee for thy assistance in thy labors of Plowing , and Carrying , and Drawing , and Travel ; the laborious Ox , the patient Ass , and the strong and serviceable Horse ; I have created a multitude of Seeds for thee to make choice out of them , of what is most pleasant to thy Tast , and of most wholsom and pleasant Nourishment ; I have also made great variety of Trees , bearing Fruit both for Food and Physick , those too capable of being meliorated and improved by Transplantation , Stercoration , Insition , Pruning , Watering , and other Arts and Devices . Till and manure thy Fields , sow them with thy Seeds , extirpate noxious and unprofitable Herbs , guard them from the invasions and spoil of Beasts , clear and fence in thy Meadows and Pastures ; dress and prune thy Vines , and so rank and dispose them as is most sutable to the Climate ; Plant thee Orchards , with all sorts of Fruit-Trees in such order as may be most beautiful to the Eye , and most comprehensive of Plants ; Gardens for culinary Herbs , and all kinds of Salletting ; for delectable Flowers , to gratifie the Eye with their agreeable Colors and Figures , and thy scent with their fragrant Odors ; for odoriferous and ever-green Shrubs and Suffrutices ; for exotick and medicinal Plants of all sorts , and dispose them in that comly order , as may be both pleasant to behold , and commodious for Access . I have furnished thee with all Materials for building , as Stone , and Timber , and Slate , and Lime , and Clay , and Earth whereof to make Bricks and Tiles . Deck and bespangle the Country with Houses and Villages convenient for thy Habitation , provided with Out-houses and Stables for the harbouring and shelter of thy Cattle , with Barns and Granaries for the reception , and custody , and storing up thy Corn and Fruits . I have made thee a sociable Creature , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the improvement of thy Understanding by Conference , and communication of Observations and Experiments ; for mutual help , assistance and defence ; build thee large Towns and Cities with streight and well paved Streets , and elegant rows of Houses , adorned with magnificent Temples for my Honour and Worship , with beautiful Palaces for thy Princes and Grandees , with stately Halls for publick meetings of the Citizens and their several Companies , and the Sessions of the Courts of Judicature , besides publick Portico's and Aquaeducts . I have implanted in thy Nature a desire of seeing strange and foreign and finding out unknown Countries , for the improvement and advancement of thy Knowledge in Geography , by observing the Bays , and Creeks , and Havens , and Promontories , the outlets of Rivers , the situations of the maritime Towns and Cities , the Longitude and Latitude , &c. of those Places : In Politicks , by noting their Government , their Manners , Laws and Customs , their Diet and Medicine , their Trades and Manufactures , their Houses and Buildings , their Exercises and Sports &c. In Physiology or Natural History , by searching out their natural Rarities , the productions both of Land and Water , what Species of Animals , Plants and Minerals , of Fruits and Drogues are to be found there , what Commodities for Bartering and Permutation , whereby thou maist be enabled to make large Additions to Natural History , to advance those other Sciences , and to benefit and enrich thy Country by encrease of its Trade and Merchandise : I have given thee Timber and Iron to build thee Huls of Ships , tall Trees for Masts , Flax and Hemp for Sails , Cables , and Cordage for Rigging . I have armed thee with Courage and Hardiness to attempt the Seas , and traverse the spacious Plains of that liquid Element ; I have assisted thee with a Compass , to direct thy Course when thou shalt be out of all Ken of Land , and have nothing in view but Sky and Water . Go thither for the Purposes before mentioned , and bring home what may be useful and beneficial to thy Country in general , or thy Self in particular . I perswade my self , that the bountiful and gracious Author of Mans Being and Faculties , and all things else , delights in the Beauty of his Creation , and is well pleased with the Industry of Man in adorning the Earth with beautiful Cities and Castles , with pleasant Villages and Country Houses , with regular Gardens and Orchards and Plantations of all sorts of Shrubs , and Herbs , and Fruits , for Meat , Medicine or moderate Delight , with shady Woods and Groves , and Walks set with rows of elegant Trees ; with Pastures clothed with Flocks , and Valleys covered over with Corn , and Meadows burthened with Grass , and whatever else differenceth a civil and well cultivated Region from a barren and desolate Wilderness . If a Country thus planted and adorned , thus polished and civilized , thus improved to the height by all manner of Culture for the Support and Sustenance , and convenient Entertainment of innumerable multitudes of People , be not to be preferred before a Barbarous and Inhospitable Scythia , without Houses , without Plantations , without Corn-fields or Vineyards , where the roving Hords of the savage and truculent Inhabitants , transfer themselves from place to place in Wagons , as they can find Pasture and Forage for their Cattle , and live upon Milk and Flesh roasted in the Sun at the Pomels of their Saddles ; or a rude and unpolished America , peopled with slothful and naked Indians , instead of well-built Houses , living in pitiful Hutts and Cabans , made of Poles set end-ways ; then surely the brute Beasts Condition and manner of Living , to which , what we have mention'd doth nearly approach , is to be esteemed better than Mans , and Wit and Reason was in vain bestowed on him . Lastly , I might draw an Argument of the admirable Art and Skill of the Creator and Composer of them from the incredible Smalness of some of those natural and enlivened Machines , the Bodies of Animals . Any work of Art of extraordinary Fineness and Subtlety , be it but a small Engine or Movement , or a curious carved or turned work of Ivory or Metals , such as those Cups turned of Ivory by Oswaldus Nerlinger of Suevia , mentioned by Joan. Faber in his Expositions of Recchus his Mexican Animals , which all had the perfect form of Cups , and were Gilt with a Golden Border about the Brim , of that wonderful smalness , that Faber himself put a Thousand of them into an excavated Pepper corn , and when he was weary of the work , and yet had not filled the Vessel , his Friend John Carolus Schad , that shewed them him , put in Four Hundred more . Any such Work , I say , is beheld with much admiration , and purchased at a great Rate , and treasured up as a singular Rarity in the Museums and Cabinets of the curious , and as such is one of the first things shew'd to Travellers and Strangers But what are these for their fineness and parvity ( for which alone and their Figure they are considerable ) to those minute Machines endued with life and motion , I mean the Bodies of those Animalcula not long since discovered in Pepper water by Mr. Lewenhoek of Delft in Holland , ( whose Observations were confirmed and improved by our Learned and Worthy Country-man Mr. Robert Hook , ) who tells us , that some of his Friends ( whose Testimonials he desired ) did affirm , that they had seen 10000 , others 30000 , others 45000 little living Creatures in a quantity of Water no bigger than a grain of Millet . And yet he made it his request to them , that they would only justifie ( that they might be within compass ) half the number that they believed each of them saw in the Water . From the greatest of these numbers he infers , that there will be 8280000 of these living Creatures seen in one drop of Water ; which number ( saith he ) I can with Truth affirm I have discerned . This ( proceeds he ) doth exceed belief . But I do affirm , if a larger Grain of Sand were broken into 8000000 , of equal Parts , one of these would not exceed the bigness of one of those Creatures . Mr. Hook tells us , that after he had discovered vast multitudes of those exceeding small Creatures which Mr. Lewenhoeck had described , upon making use of other Lights and Glasses , he not only magnified those he had discovered to a very great bigness , but discovered many other sorts very much smaller than them he first saw , and some of them so exceeding small , that Millions of Millions might be contained in one drop of Water . If Pliny , considering such Insects as were known to him , and those were none but what were visible to the naked Eye , was moved to cry out , That the artifice of Nature was no where more conspicuous than in these ; and again , In his tam parvis atque tam nullis quae ratio , quanta vis , quàm inextricabilis perfectio ? and again , Rerum natura nusquam magis quàm in minimis tota est . Hist. Nat. l. 11. c. 1. What would he have said if he had seen Animals of so stupendous smalness as I have mentioned ? how would he have been rapt into an extasie of Astonishment and Admiration ? Again , if considering the Body of a Gnat , ( which by his own confession is none of the least of Insects ) he could make so many admiring Queries , Where hath Nature disposed so many Senses in a Gnat ? Ubi visum praetendit ? ubi gustatum applicavit ? ubi odoratum inseruit ? ubi verò truculentam illam & portione maximam vocem ingeneravit ? quâ subtilitate pennas adnexuit ? praelongavit pedum crura ? disposuit jejunam caveam uti alvum ? avidam sanguinis & potissimum humani sitim accendit ? telum vero perfodiendo tergori quo spiculavit ingenio ? atque ut in capaci , cùm cerni non possit exilitas , ità reciproca geminavit arte , ut fodiendo acuminatum pariter sorbendoque fistulosum esset . Which Words should I translate would lose of their emphasis and elegancy . If , I say , he could make such Queries about the Members of a Gnat. What may we make ? and what would he in all likelyhood have made had he seen these incredible small living Creatures ? How would he have admired the immense subtilty ( as he phrases it ) of their Parts ? for to use Mr. Hook's Words in his Microscopium p. 103. If these Creatures be so exceeding small , what must we think of their Muscles and other Parts ? Certain it is that the Mechanism by which Nature performs the Muscular Motion is exceedingly small and curious ; and to the performance of every Muscular Motion , in greater Animals at least , there are not fewer distinct parts concerned than many Millions of Millions , and these visible through a Microscope . Let us then consider the Works of God , and observe the Operations of his Hands : Let us take notice of and admire his infinite Wisdom and Goodness in the Formation of them : No Creature in this Sublunary World is capable of so doing beside Man ; and yet we are deficient herein : We content our selves with the knowledge of the Tongues , and a little skill in Philology , or History perhaps and Antiquity , and neglect that which to me seems more material , I mean Natural History and the Works of the Creation : I do not discommend or derogate from those other Studies : I should betray mine own Ignorance and Weakness should I do so ; I only wish they might not altogether justle out and exclude this . I wish that this might be brought in Fashion among us ; I wish men would be so equal and civil , as not to disparage , deride and vilifie those Studies which themselves skill not of , or are not conversant in ; no Knowledge can be more pleasant than this , none that doth so satisfie and feed the Soul ; in comparison whereto that of Words and Phrases seems to me insipid and jejune . That Learning ( saith a wise and observant Prelate ) which consists only in the form and pedagogy of Arts , or the critical notions upon Words and Phrases , hath in it this intrinsical Imperfection , that it is only so far to be esteemed as it conduceth to the knowledg of Things , being in it self but a kind of Pedantry , apt to infect a man with such odd Humors of Pride , and Affectation , and Curiosity , as will render him unfit for any great Employment . Words being but the Images of Matter , to be wholly given up to the Study of these . What is it but Pygmalions Phrenzy , to fall in Love with a Picture or Image . As for Oratory which is the best skill about Words , that hath by some Wise men been esteemed but a voluptuary Art , like to Cookery , which spoils wholsome Meats and helps unwholsome , by the variety of Sawces serving more to the Pleasure of Tast , than the Health of the Body . It may be ( for ought I know , and as some Divines have thought ) part of our business and employment in Eternity to contemplate the Works of God , and give him the Glory of his Wisdom , Power and Goodness manifested in the Creation of them . I am sure it is part of the business of a Sabbath-day , and the Sabbath is a Type of that eternal Rest ; for the Sabbath seems to have been first instituted for a commemoration of the Works of the Creation , from which God is said to have rested upon the Seventh Day . Let it not suffice us to be Book-learned , to read what others have written , and to take upon trust more Falshood than Truth : but let us our selves examine things as we have opportunity , and converse with Nature as well as Books . Let us endeavour to promote and increase this Knowledge , and make new Discoveries , not so much distrusting our own Parts , or despairing of our own Abilities , as to think that our Industry can add nothing to the Inventions of our Ancestors , or correct any of their mistakes . Let us not think that the bounds of Science are fixed like Hercules his Pillars , and inscribed with a Ne plus ultra . Let us not think we have done when we have learnt what they have delivered to us . The Treasures of Nature are inexhaustible . Here is Employment enough for the vastest Parts , the most indefatigable Industries , the fairest Opportunities , the most prolix and undisturbed Vacancies . Much might be done would we but endeavour , and nothing is insuperable to pains and patience . I know that a new Study at first , seems very Vast , Intricate and Difficult ; but after a little Resolution and Progress , after a man becomes a little acquainted , as I may so say , with it , his Understanding is wonderfully cleared up and enlarged , the difficulties vanish , and the thing grows easie and familiar . And for our Encouragement in this Study , observe what the Psalmist saith , Psal. 111. 2. The works of the Lord are great , sought out of all them that have pleasure therein . Which though it be principally spoken of the Works of Providence , yet may as well be verified of the Works of Creation . I am sorry to see so little Account made of real Experimental Philosophy in this University , and that those ingenious Sciences of the Mathematicks , are so much neglected by us : and therefore do earnestly exhort those that are young , especially Gentlemen , to set upon these Studies , and take some pains in them . They may possibly invent something of eminent Use and Advantage to the World ; and one such Discovery would abundantly compensate the Expence and Travel of one mans whole Life . However , it is enough to maintain and continue what is already invented : neither do I see what more ingenious and manly Employment they can pursue , tending more to the Satisfaction of their own Minds , and the Illustration of the Glory of God. For he is wonderful in all his Works . But I would not have any man cross his natural Genius or Inclinations , or undertake such methods of Study , as his Parts are not fitted to , or not serve those Ends to which his Friends upon mature Deliberation have designed him ; but those who do abound with leisure , or who have a natural Propension and Genius inclining them thereto , or those who by reason of the Strength and Greatness of their Parts , are able to compass and comprehend the whole Latitude of Learning . Neither yet need those who are designed to Divinity it self , fear to look into these Studies , or think they will engross their whole time , and that no considerable Progress can be made therein , unless men lay aside and neglect their ordinary Callings , and necessary Employments . No such matter . Our Life is long enough , and we might find time enough , did we husband it well : Vitam non accepimus brevem sed fecimus , nec inopes ejus , sed prodigi sumus , as Seneca saith . And did but young men fill up that time with these Studies , which lies upon their hands , which they are incumbred with , and troubled how to pass away , much might be done even so . I do not see but the Study of true Physiology , may be justly accounted a proper 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Preparative to Divinity . But to leave that , It is a generally received Opinion , that all this visible world was created for Man ; that Man is the end of the Creation , as if there were no other end of any Creature , but some way or other to be serviceable to man. This Opinion is as old as Tully , for saith he , in his Second Book , De Nat. Deorum . Principio ipse Mundus Deorum hominumque causâ factus est ; quaeque in eo sunt omnia ea parata ad fructum hominum & inventa sunt . But though this be vulgarly received , yet Wise Men now adays think otherwise . Dr. * More affirms , That Creatures are made to enjoy themselves , as well as to serve us , and that it 's a gross piece of Ignorance and Rusticity to think otherwise . And in another place , This comes only out of Pride and Ignorance or a haughty Presumption , because we are encouraged to believe , that in some sence , all things are made for Man , therefore to think that they are not at all made for themselves . But he that pronounceth this , is ignorant of the Nature of Man , and the Knowledge of Things . For if a good Man be merciful to his Beast , then surely , a good God is Bountiful and Benign , and takes pleasure that all his Creatures enjoy themselves that have Life and Sense , and are capable of Enjoyment . For my part , I cannot believe that all the things in the world were so made for Man , that they have no other use . For it is highly absurd and unreasonable , to think that Bodies of such vast magnitude as the fixt Stars , were only made to twinkle to us ; nay , a multitude of them there are , that do not so much as twinkle , being either by reason of their Distance or of their Smalness , altogether invisible to the naked Eye , and only discoverable by a Telescope , and it is likely perfecter Telescopes than we yet have , may bring to light many more ; and who knows , how many may lie out of the ken of the best Telescope that can possibly be made . And I believe there are many Species in Nature , which were never yet taken notice of by Man , and consequently of no Use to him , which yet we are not to think were Created in vain ; but it 's likely ( as the Doctor saith ) to partake of the overflowing Goodness of the Creator , and enjoy their own beings . But though in this sence it be not true , that all things were made for Man ; yet thus far it is , that all the Creatures in the world may be some way or other useful to us , at least to exercise our Wits and Understandings , in considering and contemplating of them , and so afford us Subject of Admiring and Glorifying their and our Maker . Seeing then , we do believe and assert that all things were in some sence made for us , we are thereby obliged to make use of them for those purposes for which they serve us , else we frustrate this End of their Creation . Now some of them serve only to exercise our Minds : many others there be , which might probably serve us to good purpose , whose Uses are not discovered , nor are they ever like to be , without Pains and Industry . True it is , many of the greatest Inventions have been accidentally stumbled upon , but not by men supine and careless , but busie and inquisitive . Some Reproach methinks it is to Learned Men , that there should be so many Animals still in the World , whose outward shape is not yet taken notice of , or described , much less their way of Generation , Food , Manners , Uses , observed . If Man ought to reflect upon his Creator the Glory of all his Works , then ought he to take notice of them all , and not to think any thing unworthy of his Cognizance . And truly the Wisdom , Art and Power of Almighty God , shines forth as visibly in the Structure of the Body of the minutest Insect , as in that of a Horse or Elephant : Therefore God is said to be , maximus in minimis . We men , esteeming it a more difficult Matter , and of greater Art and Curiosity to frame a small Watch , than a large Clock : And no man blames him who spent his whole time in the consideration of the Nature and Works of a Bee , or thinks his subject was too narrow . Let us not then esteem any thing contemptible or inconsiderable , or below our notice taking ; for this is to derogate from the Wisdom and Art of the Creator , and to confess our selves unworthy of those Endowments of Knowledge and Understanding which he hath bestowed on us . Do we praise Daedalus , and Architas , and Hero , and Callicrates , and Albertus Magnus , and many others which I might mention , for their cunning in inventing , and dexterity in framing and composing a few dead Engines or Movements : and shall we not admire and magnifie the Great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Former of the World , who hath made so many , yea I may say innumerable , rare Pieces , and those too not dead ones , such as cease presently to move so soon as the Spring is down , but all living , and themselves performing their own Motions , and those so intricate , and various , and requiring such a multitude of Parts and subordinate Machins , that it is incomprehensible , what Art , and Skill , and Industry , must be employed in the Framing of one of them . But it may be objected , That God Almighty was not so selfish and desirous of Glory , as to make the World and all the Creatures therein , only for his own Honour , and to be Praised by Man. To assert this , were in Des Cartes his Opinion , an absurd and Childish thing , and a resembling of God to proud Man. It is more worthy the Deity to attribute the Creation of the World to the exundation and overflowing of his Transcendent and Infinite Goodness , which is of its own Nature and in the very notion of it most Free , Diffusive , and Communicative . To this I shall answer in two Words . First , The Testimony of Scripture makes God in all his Actions to Intend and Design his own Glory mainly . Prov. 16. 4. God made all things for himself . How , for Himself ? He had no Need of them : he hath no Use of them . No , he made them for the manifestation of his Power , Wisdom , and Goodness , and that he might receive from the Creatures that were able to take notice thereof his Tribute of Praise . Psal. 50. 14. Offer unto God thanksgiving . and in the next verse , I will deliver thee , and thou shalt glorifie me . And again in the last Verse , Whoso offereth praise glorifieth me . So Praise is called a Sacrifice , and the Calves of the Lips , Hosea 14. 2. Esay 42. 8. I am the Lord , that is my name , and my glory will I not give to another . Esay 48. 11. And I will not give my glory to another . And to me it seems , that where the Heavens and Earth , and Sun , and Moon , and Stars , and all other Creatures are called upon to Praise the Lord ; the meaning and intention is , to invite and stir up Man to take notice of all those Creatures , and to Admire and Praise the Power , Wisdom and Goodness of God manifested in the Creation and Designations of them . Secondly , It is most reasonable that God Almighty should intend his own Glory . For he being Infinite in all Excellencies and Perfections , and Independent upon any other Being ; nothing can be said or thought of him too great , and which he may not justly challenge as his Due ; nay , He cannot think too highly of Himself , his other Attributes being adequate to his Understanding ; so that , though his Understanding be Infinite , yet he understands no more than his Power can effect , because that is Infinite also . And therefore it is fit and reasonable , that he should own and accept the Creatures Acknowledgments and Celebrations of those Vertues and Perfections , which he hath not received of any other , but possesseth Eternally and Originally of himself . And indeed , ( with reverence be it spoken , ) what else can we imagine the ever Blessed Deity to delight and take complacency in for ever , but his own Infinite Excellencies and Perfections , and the Manifestations and Effects of them , the Works of the Creation , and the Sacrifices of Praise and Thanks offered up by such of his Creatures as are capable of considering those Works , and discerning the Traces and Footsteps of his Power and Wisdom appearing in the Formation of them , and moreover , whose bounden Duty it is so to do . The reason why Man ought not to admire himself , or seek his own Glory , is , because he is a dependent Creature , and hath nothing but what he hath received , and not only dependent , but imperfect ; yea , weak and impotent . And yet do I not take Humility in man to consist in disowning or denying any Gift or Ability that is in him , but in a just valuation of such Gifts and Endowments , yet rather thinking too meanly than too highly of them ; because Humane Nature is so apt to err in running into the other extreme , to flatter it self , and to accept those Praises that are not due to it ; Pride being an elation of Spirit upon false Grounds , or a desire or acceptance of undue Honour . Otherwise , I do not see why a man may not admit and accept the Testimonies of others concerning any Perfection , Accomplishment or Skill that he is really possessed of : yet can he not think himself to deserve any great Praise or Honour for it , because both the Power and the Habit are the Gift of God : And considering that one Vertue is counter-balanced by many Vices ; and one Skill or Perfection , with much Ignorance and Infirmity . I proceed now to select some particular Pieces of the Creation , and to consider them more distinctly . They shall be only two . 1. The whole Body of the Earth . 2. The Body of Man. First the Body of the Earth , and therein I shall take notice of 1. It s Figure . 2. It s Motion . 3. The Constitution of its parts . By Earth I here understand not the Dry Land , or the Earth contradistinguished to Water , or the Earth considered as an Element : but the whole Terraqueous Globe composed of Earth and Water . 1. For the Figure , I could easily demonstrate it to be Spherical . That the Water , which by reason of its fluidity should , one would think , compose it self to a Level , yet doth not so , but hath a Gibbose Superficies , may to the Eye be demonstrated upon the Sea. For when two Ships sailing contrary ways lose the sight one of another : first the Keel and Hull disappear , afterward the Sails , and if when upon Deck you have perfectly lost sight of all , you get up the top of the Main-mast you may descry it again . Now what should take away the sight of these Ships from each other but the gibbosity of the interjacent Water ? The roundness of the Earth from North to South is demonstrated from the appearance of Northern Stars above the Horizon , and loss of the Southern to them that travel Northward ; and on the contrary the loss of the Northern and appearance of the Southern to them that travel Southward . For were the Earth a Plain we should see exactly the fame Stars wherever we were placed on that Plain . The roundness from East to West is demonstrated from Eclipses of either of the great Luminaries . For why the same Eclipse , suppose of the Sun , which is seen to them that live more Easterly , when the Sun is elevated 6 degrees above the Horizon , should be seen to them that live one degree more Westernly when the Sun is but five degrees above the Horizon , and so lower and lower proportionably to them that live more and more Westernly , till at last it appear not at all , no accompt can be given but the globosity of the Earth . For were the Earth a perfect Plain , the Sun would appear Eclipsed to all that live upon that Plain , if not exactly in the same Elevation , yet pretty near it ; but to be sure it would never appear to some , the Sun being Elevated high above the Horizon ; and not at all to others . It being clear then that the Figure of the Earth is Spherical , let us consider the Conveniences of this Figure . 1. No Figure is so capacious as this , and consequently whose parts are so well compacted and united , and lie so near one to another for mutual strength . Now the Earth , which is the basis of all Animals , and as some think of the whole Creation , ought to be firm , and stable , and solid , and as much as is possible secured from all Ruins and Concussions . 2. This Figure is most consonant and agreeable to the natural Natus or tendency of all heavy Bodies . Now the Earth being such a one , and all its parts having an equal propension or connivency to the Center , they must needs be in greatest rest , and most immoveable when they are all equidistant from it . Whereas were it an Angular Body , all the Angles would be vast and steep Mountains , bearing a considerable proportion to the whole bulk , and therefore those parts being extremely more remote from the Center , than those about the middle of the Plains , would consequently press very strongly thitherward ; and unless the Earth were made of Adamant or Marble , in time the other parts would give way , till all were levelled . 3. Were the Earth an angular Body and not round , all the whole Earth would be nothing else but vast Mountains , and so incommodious for Animals to live upon . For the middle point of every side would be nearer the Center than any other , and consequently from that point which way soever one travelled would be up Hill , the tendency of all heavy Bodies being perpendicularly to the Center . Besides how much this would obstruct Commerce is easily seen . For not only the declivity of all places would render them very difficult to be travelled over , but likewise the midst of every side being lowest and nearest the Center , if there were any Rain or any Rivers , must needs be filled with a Lake of Water , there being no way to discharge it , and possibly the Water would rise so high as to overflow the whole Latus . But surely there would be much more danger of the Inundation of whole Countries than now there is : all the Waters falling upon the Earth , by reason of its declivity every way , easily descending down to the common Receptacle the Sea. And these Lakes of Water being far distant one from another , there could be no Commerce between far remote Countries but by Land. 4. A Spherical Figure is most commodious for dinetical motion or revolution upon its own Axis . For in that neither oan the Medium at all resist the motion of the Body , because it stands not in its way , no part coming into any space but what the precedent left , neither doth one part of the Superficies move faster than another : whereas were it Angular , the parts about the Angles would find strong resistance from the Air , and those parts also about the Angles would move much faster than those about the middle of the Plains , being remoter from the center than they . It remains therefore that this Figure is the most commodious for Motion . Here I cannot but take notice of the folly and stupidity of the Epicureans , who fancied the Earth to be flat and contiguous to the Heavens on all sides , and that it descended a great way with long Roots ; and that the Sun was new made every Morning , and not much bigger than it seems to the Eye , and of a flat Figure , and many other such gross Absurdities as Children among us would be ashamed of . Secondly , I come now to speak of the Motion of the Earth . That the Earth ( speaking according to Philosophical accurateness ) doth move both upon its own Poles , and in the Ecliptick , is now the received Opinion of the most learned and skilful Mathematicians . To prove the diurnal Motion of it upon its Poles , I need produce no other Arguments than , First , The vast disproportion in respect of Magnitude that is between the Earth and the Heavens , and the great unlikelyhood , that such an infinite number of vast Bodies should move about so inconsiderable a spot as the Earth , which in comparison with them by the concurrent suffrages of Mathematicians of both perswasions , is a mere point , that is , next to nothing . Secondly , The immense and incredible Celerity of the Motion of the Heavenly Bodies in the ancient Hypothesis ; of its Annual Motion in the Ecliptick , the Stations and Retrogradations of the superior Planets are a convincing Argument , there being a clear and facile Account thereof to be given from the mere Motion of the Earth in the Ecliptick ; whereas in the Old Hypothesis no account can be given thereof , but by the unreasonable . Fiction of Epicycles and contrary Motions ; add hereto the great unlikelyhood of such an enormous Epicycle as Venus must describe about the Sun , not under the Sun as the old Astronomers fancied ; So that whosoever doth clearly understand both Hypotheses , cannot , I perswade my self , adhere to the Old and reject the New , without doing some violence to his Faculties . Against this Opinion lie two Objections , First , That it is contrary to Sense , and the common Opinion and Belief of Mankind . Secondly , That it seemeth contrary to some Expressions in Scripture . To the first I answer , that our Senses are sometimes mistaken , and what appears to them is not always in reality so as it appears . For Example , The Sun or Moon appear no bigger at most , than a Cart-wheel , and of a flat figure . The Earth seems to be plain ; the Heavens to cover it like a Canopy , and to be contiguous to it round about : A Fire-brand nimbly moved round , appears like a circle of Fire ; and to give a parallel Instance , a Boat lying still at Anchor in a River to him that sails or rows by it , seems to move apace : and when the Clouds pass nimbly under the Moon , the Moon it self seems to move the contrary way . And there have been whole Books written in Confutation of vulgar Errours . Secondly , As to the Scripture , when speaking of these things it accommodates it self to the common and received Opinions , and employs the usual Phrases and Forms of Speech , ( as all Wise Men also do , though in strictness , they be of a different or contrary Opinion , ) without intention of delivering any thing Doctrinally concerning these Points , or confuting the contrary : And yet by those that maintain the Opinion of the Earths motion there might a convenient Interpretation be given of such places as seem to contradict it . Howbeit , because some pious Persons may be offended at such an Opinion , as savouring of Novelty , thinking it inconsistent with Divine Revelation , I shall not positively assert it , only propose it as an Hypothesis not altogether improbable . Supposing then , that the Earth doth move , both upon its own Poles , and in the Ecliptick about the Sun , I shall shew how admirably its Situation and Motion are contrived for the conveniency of Man and other Animals : which I cannot do more fully and clearly than Dr. More hath already done in his Antidote against Atheism , whose Words therefore I shall borrow . First , Speaking of the Parallelism of the Axis of the Earth he saith , I demand whether it be better to have the Axis of the Earth steady and perpetually parallel to it self , or to have it carelesly tumble this way and that way as it happens , or at least very variously and intricately : And you cannot but answer me , it is better to have it steady and parallel . For in this lies the necessary Foundation of the Art of Navigation and Dialling . For that steady Stream of Particles , which is supposed to keep the Axis of the Earth parallel to its self , affords the Mariner both his Cynosura and his Compass . The Load-stone and the Load-star depend both upon this . The Load-stone as I could demonstrate , were it not too great a digression ; and the Load-star , because that which keeps the Axis parallel to its self , makes each of the Poles constantly respect such a point in the Heavens ; as for Example , the North-pole to point almost directly to that which we call the Pole-star . And besides , Dialling could not be at all without this steadiness of the Axis . But both these Arts are pleasant , and one especially of mighty Importance to Mankind . For thus there is an orderly measuring of our time for Affairs at home , and an opportunity of Traffick abroad with the most remote Nations of the World , and so there is a mutual Supply of the several Commodities of all Countries , besides the enlarging our Understandings by so ample Experience we get both of men and things . Wherefore if we were rationally to consult , whether the Axis of the Earth were better be held steady and parallel to it self , or left at random , we would conclude it ought to be steady , and so we find it de Facto , though the Earth move floating in the liquid Heavens . So that appealing to our own Faculties we are to affirm , that the constant Direction of the Axis of the Earth was Established by a principle of Wisdom and Counsel . Again , there being several postures of this steady Direction of the Axis of the Earth . viz. Either perpendicular to a Plain , going through the Center of the Sun , or coincident , or inclining , I demand which of all these Reason and Knowledge would make choice of . Not of a perpendicular Posture . For so both the pleasant Variety and great Convenience of Summer and Winter , Spring and Autumn would be lost , and for want of Accession of the Sun , these Parts of the Earth , which now bring forth Fruits , and are Habitable , would be in an incapacity of ever bringing forth any , and consequently could entertain no Inhabitants , and those Parts that the full heat of the Sun could reach , he plying them always alike without any annual Recession or Intermission , would at last grow tired or exhausted , or be wholly dried up and want moisture , the Sun dissipating and casting off the Clouds Northwards and Southwards . Besides , we observe that an orderly vicissitude of things , doth much more gratifie the contemplative Property in Man. And now in the second place , neither would Reason make choice of a coincident Position . For if the Axis thus lay in a plain that goeth through the Center of the Sun , the Ecliptick would like a Colure or one of the Meridians , pass through the Poles of the Earth , which would put the Inhabitants of the World , into a pitiful condition . For they that escape best in the Temperate Zone would be accloyed with long Nights very tedious , no less than Forty Days , and those that now never have their Night above Twenty Four Hours , as Friesland Island , the furthest parts of Russia and Norway would be deprived of the Sun , above a Hundred and Thirty Days together . Our selves in England and the rest of the same Clime would be closed up in darkness no less than a Hundred or Eighty Days : and so proportionably of the rest both in and out of the Temperate Zones . And as for Summer and Winter , though those Vicissitudes would be , yet it could not but cause raging Diseases , to have the Sun stay so long , describing his little Circles so near the Poles , and lying so hot on the Inhabitants , that had been in so long extremity of Darkness and Cold before . It remains therefore , that the posture of the Axis of the Earth be inclining not perpendicular nor coincident to the fore-mentioned Plain . And verily , it is not only inclining , but in so fit a proportion , that there can be no fitter imagined to make it to the utmost capacity as well pleasant as habitable . For though the course of the Sun be curbed between the Tropicks , yet are not those parts directly subject to his perpendicular Beams , either Unhabitable or extremely Hot , as the Ancients fansied : By the Testimony of Travellers , and particularly Sir Walter Ralegh , the parts under and near the Line , being as Fruitful and Pleasant , and fit to make a Paradise of , as any in the World. And that they are as suitable to the nature of Man , and as convenient to live in , appears from the Longaevity of the Natives ; as for Instance , the Aethiopes called by the Ancients 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but especially the Brasilians in America , the ordinary Term of whose Life is a Hundred Years , as is set down by Piso a Learned Physitian of Holland , who travelled thither on purpose to augment natural Knowledge , but especially what related to Physick . And reasonable it is , that this should be so , for neither doth the Sun lie long upon them , their Day being but Twelve Hours , and their Night as long , to cool and refresh them ; and besides , they have frequent Showers , and constant Breezes or fresh Gales of Wind from the East . Seeing then , this best posture which our Reason could make choice of , we see really Established in Nature , we cannot but acknowledge it to be the issue of Wisdom , Counsel and Providence . Moreover , a further Argument to evince this is , That though it cannot but be acknowledged , that if the Axis of the Earth were perpendicular to the plain of the Ecliptick , her motion would be more easie and natural , yet notwithstanding for the Conveniencies forementioned , we see it is made in an inclining posture . If any man shall object and say , It would be more convenient for the Inhabitants of the Earth , if the Tropicks stood at a greater distance , and the Sun moved further Northward and Southward , for so the North and South parts would be relieved , and not exposed to so extreme cold , and thereby rendred unhabitable as now they are . To this I answer , That this would be more inconvenient to the Inhabitants of the Earth in general , and yet would afford the North and South parts but little more comfort . For then as much as the distances between the Tropicks were enlarg'd , so much would also the Artick and Antartick Circles be enlarg'd too ; and so we here in England , and so on Northerly should not have that grateful and useful Succession of Day and Night , but proportionably to the Suns coming towards us , so would our days be of more than Twenty Four Hours length , and according to his recess in Winter our Nights proportionable ; which how great an inconvenience it would be , is easily seen . Whereas now the whole Latitude of Earth , which hath at any time above Twenty Four Hours Day , and Twenty Four Hours Night , is little and inconsiderable in comparison of the whole bulk , as lying near the Poles . And yet neither is that part altogether unuseful , for in the Waters there live Fishes , which otherwhere are not obvious , so we know the chief Whale-fishing is in Greenland : And on the Land , Bears , and Foxes , and Deer , in the most Northerly Country , that was ever yet touched , and doubtless if we shall discover further to the very North-pole , we shall find all that Tract not to be vain , useless or unoccupied . Thirdly , The Third and Last thing I proposed , was the Constitution and Consistency of the parts of the Earth . And first , Admirable it is that the Waters should be gathered together into such great Conceptacula , and the dry Land appear , and though we had not been assured thereof by Divine Revelation , we could not in Reason , but have thought such a Division and Separation , to have been the Work of Omnipotency and Infinite Wisdom and Goodness . For in this condition the Water nourishes and maintains innumerable Multitudes of various kinds of Fishes : and the dry Land supports and feeds as great varieties of Plants and Animals , which have there firm Footing and Habitation . Whereas had all been Earth , all the species of Fishes had been lost , and all those Commodities which the Water affords us ; or all Water , there had been no living for Plants or Terrestrial Animals , or Man himself , and all the Beauty , Glory , and Variety of this inferiour World had been gone , nothing being to be seen , but one uniform dark Body of Water : or had all been mixt and made up of Water and Earth into one Body of Mud or Mire , as one would think , should be most natural : for why such a Separation as at present we find should be made , no account can be given , but Providence . I say , had all this Globe been Mire or Mud , then could there have been no possibility for any Animals at all to have lived , excepting some few , and those very dull and inferiour ones too . That therefore the Earth should be made thus , and not only so , but with so great variety of parts , as Mountains , Plains , Vallies , Sand , Gravel , Lime , Stone , Clay , Marble , Argilla , &c. which are so delectable and pleasant , and likewise so useful and convenient for the breeding and living of various Plants and Animals ; some affecting Mountains , some Plains , some Vallies , some Watery Places , some Shade , some Sun , some Clay , some Sand , some Gravel , &c. That the Earth should be so figured as to have Mountains in the Mid-land parts , abounding with Springs of Water pouring down Streams and Rivers for the necessities and conveniencies of the Inhabitants of the lower Countries ; and that the Levels and Plains should be formed with so easie a declivity as to cast off the Water , and yet not render Travelling or Tillage very Difficult or Laborious . These things I say , must needs be the result of Counsel , Wisdom , and Design . Especially when ( as I said before ) not that way which seems more facile and obvious to Chance is chosen , but that which is more difficult and hard to be traced , when it is most convenient and proper for those nobler Ends and Designs , which were intended by its Wise Creator and Governor . Add to all this , that the whole dry Land is for the most part , covered over with a lovely Carpet of green Grass and other Herbs , of a colour , not only most grateful and agreeable , but most useful and salutary to the Eye : and this also decked and adorned with great variety of Flowers of beautiful Colours and Figures , and of most pleasant and fragrant Odours for the refreshment of our Spirits and our innocent Delight . A Second particular I have made choice of , more exactly to survey and consider , is the Body of Man : wherein I shall endeavour to discover something of the Wisdom and Goodness of God. First , By making some general Observations concerning the Body . Secondly , By running over and discoursing upon its principal Parts and Members . 1. Then in general I say , the Wisdom and Goodness of God appears in the erect Posture of the Body of Man , which is a Priviledge and Advantage given to Man , above other Animals . But though this be so , yet I would not have you think , that all the Particulars I shall mention , are proper only to the Body of Man , divers of them agreeing to many other Creatures . It is not my Business to consider only the Prerogatives of Man above other Animals , but the Endowments and Perfections which Nature hath conferred on his Body though common to them with him . Of this erection of the Body of Man , the Ancients have taken Notice as a particular Gift and Favour of God. Ovid. Metam . 1. Pronáque cùm spectent Animalia caetera terrā , Os hominum sublime dedit , coelúmque tueri Jussit , & erectos ad Sydera tollere vultus . And before him , Tully in his Second Book De Nat. Deorum . Ad hanc providentiam naturae tam diligentem támque solertem adjungi multa possunt , è quibus intelligatur quantae res hominibus à Deo , quámque eximiae tributae sunt , qui primùm eos humo excitatos , celsos & erectos constituit , ut Deorum cognitionem coelum intuentes capere possent . Sunt enim è terra homines , non ut incolae atque habitatores , sed quasi spectatores superarum rerum atque coelestium , quarum spectaculum ad nullum aliud genus animantium pertinet . Man being the only Creature in this sublunary World , made to contemplate Heaven , it was convenient that he should have such a Figure or Situs of the parts of his Body , that he might conveniently look upwards . But to say the Truth in this respect of contemplating the Heavens or looking upwards , I do not see what advantage a man hath by this erection above other Animals , the Faces of most of them being more supine than ours , which are only perpendicular to the Horizon , whereas some of theirs stand reclining . But yet two or three other Advantages we have of this Erection , which I shall here mention . First , It is more commodious for the sustaining of the Head , which being full of Brains and very heavy ( the Brain in Man being far larger in proportion to the Bulk of his Body , than in any other Animal ) would have been very painful and wearisome to carry , if the Neck had lain parallel or inclining to the Horizon . Secondly , This Figure is most convenient for Prospect and looking about one . A man may see further before him , which is no small advantage for avoiding Dangers , and discovering whatever he searches after . Thirdly , The conveniency of this Site of our Bodies will more clearly appear , if we consider what a pitiful condition we had been in , if we had been constantly necessitated to stand and walk upon all Four , Man being by the make of his Body , of all Quadrupeds ( for now I must compare him with them ) the most unfit for that kind of incessus , as I shall shew anon . And besides that we should have wanted , at least in a great measure , the use of our Hand , that unvaluable Instrument , without which we had wanted most of those advantages we enjoy as reasonable Creatures , as I shall more particularly demonstrate afterwards . But it may be perchance objected by some , that Nature did not intend this Erection of the Body , but that it is superinduced and artificial ; for that Children at first creep on all Four , according to that of the Poet. Mox Quadrupes , ritúque tulit sua membra ferarum . Ovid. To which I answer , that there is so great an inequality in the length of our Legs and Arms , as would make it extremely inconvenient , if not impossible , for us to walk upon all Four , and set us almost upon our Heads ; and therefore we see that Children do not creep upon their Hands and Feet , but upon their Hands and Knees ; so that it is plain that Nature intended us to walk as we do , and not upon all Four. 2. I argue from the Situs or position of our Faces ; for had we been to walk upon all Four we had been the most prone of all Animals , our Faces being parallel to the Horizon and looking directly downwards . 3. The greatness and strength of the Muscles of the Thighs and Legs above those of the Arms , is a clear indication , that they were by Nature intended for a more difficult and laborious Action , even the moving and transferring the whole Body , and that Motion to be sometimes continued for a great while together . As for that Argument taken from the contrary flexure of the Joynts of our Arms and Legs to that of Quadrupeds ; as that our Knees bend forward , whereas the same Joynt of their hind Legs bends backward ; and that our Arms bend backward , whereas the Knees of their fore Legs bend forward . Although the Observation be as old as Aristotle , because I think there is a mistake in it , in not comparing the same Joynts ( for the first or uppermost Joynt in a Quadrupeds hind Legs bends forward as well as a Mans Knees , which answer to it being the uppermost Joynt of our Legs ; and the like mutatis mutandis may be said of the Arms ) I shall not insist upon it . II. The Body of Man may thence be proved to be the effect of Wisdom , because there is nothing in it deficient , nothing superfluous , nothing but hath its End and Use ; so true are those Maximes we have already made use of , Natura nihil facit frustra , and Natura non abundat in superfluis , nec deficit in necessariis , no part that we can well spare . The Eye cannot say to the Hand I have no need of thee , nor the Head to the Feet I have no need of you . 1. Cor. 12. 21. that I may usurp the Apostles similitude . The Belly cannot quarrel with the Members , nor they with the Belly for her seeming Sloth ; as they provide Meat for her , so she concocts and distributes it to them . Only it may be doubted to what use the Paps in Men should serve . I answer partly for Ornament , partly for a kind of conformity between the Sexes , and partly to defend and cherish the Heart ; in some they contain Milk , as in a Danish Family we read of in Bartholines Anatomical Observations . However it follows not that they or any other parts of the Body are useless because we are ignorant . Had we been born with a large Wen upon our Faces , or a Bavarian Poke under our Chins , or a great Bunch upon our Backs like Camels , or any the like superfluous excrescency , which should be not only useless but troublesome , not only stand us in no stead but also be ill favoured to behold , and burthensom to carry about , then we might have had some pretence to doubt whether an intelligent and bountiful Creator had been our Architect ; for had the Body been made by chance it must in all likelyhood have had many of these superfluous and unnecessary Parts . But now seeing there is none of our Members but hath its Place and Use , none that we could spare or conveniently live without , were it but those we account Excrements , the Hair of our Heads , or the Nails on our Fingers ends ; we must needs be mad or sottish if we can conceive any other than that an infinitely good and wise God was our Author and Former . III. We may fetch an Argument of the Wisdom and Providence of God from the convenient situation and disposition of the Parts and Members of our Bodies : They are seated most conveniently for Use , for Ornament , and for mutual Assistance . First , for Use ; So we see the Senses of such eminent Use for our well-being , situate in the Head , as Sentinels in a Watch-Tower , to receive and conveigh to the Soul the impressions of external Objects . Sensus autem interpretes ac nuntii rerum in capite tanquam in arce mirificè ad usus necessarios & facti & collati sunt . Cic. de Nat. Deorum . The Eye can more easily see things at a distance , the Ear receive sounds from afar : How could the Eye have been better placed either for Beauty and Ornament , or for the Guidance and Direction of the whole Body . As Cicero proceeds well , Nam Oculi tanquam speculatores altissimum locum obtinent , ex quo plurima conspicientes funguntur suo munere : Et Aures quoe sonum recipere debent , qui naturâ in sublime fertur , rectè in altis corporum partibus collocatae sunt ; itemque Nares , eò quò omnis odor ad superiora fertur , rectè sursum sunt . For the Eyes like Sentinels occupy the highest place , from whence seeing many things they perform their functions : And the Ears , which are made for the reception of sounds , which naturally are carried upwards , are rightly placed in the uppermost parts of the Body ; also the Nostrils , because all odors ascend , are fitly situate in the superior parts . I might instance in the other Members . How could the Hands have been more conveniently placed for all sorts of Exercises and Works , and for the guard and security of the Head and Principal Parts ? The Heart to dispense Life and Heat to the whole Body , viz. near the Center , and yet because it is harder for the Blood to ascend than descend , somewhat nearer the Head. It is also observable that the Sinks of the Body are removed as far from the Nose and Eyes as may be ; which Cicero takes notice of in the forementioned place . Ut in Aedificiis Architecti avertunt ab Oculis & Naribus Dominorum ea quae profluentia necessariò essent tetri aliquid habitura , sic natura res similes procul amandavit à sensibus . Secondly , For Ornament . What could have been better contrived than that those Members which are Pairs , should stand by one another in equal altitude , and answer on each side one to another . And Thirdly , For mutual Assistance . We have before shewed how the Eye stands most conveniently for guiding the Hand , and the Hand for defending the Eye ; and the like might be said of the other Parts , they are so situaté as to afford direction and help one to another . This will appear more clearly if we imagine any of the Members situate in contrary Places or Positions : Had a mans Arms been fitted only to bend backwards behind him , or his Legs only to move backwards ; what direction could his Eyes then have afforded him in working or walking ? or how could he then have fed himself ? nay had one Arm been made to bend forward and the other directly backward , we had then lost half the use of them , sith they could not have assisted one the other in any Action . Take the Eyes or any other of the Organs of Sense , and see if you can find any so convenient a seat for them in the whole Body as that they now possess . Fourthly , From the ample Provision that is made for the Defence and Security of the principal Parts : Those are , 1. The Heart ; which is the Fountain of Life and Vegetation , Officina spirituum vitalium , principium & fons caloris nativi , lucerna humidi radicalis , and that I may speak with the Chymists , ipse Sol microcosmi , the very Sun of the microcosme or little World , in which is contained that vital Flame or Heavenly Fire , which Prometheus is fabled to have stole from Jupiter : or as Aristotle phrases it , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Divinum quid respondens elemento Stellarum . This for more security is situate in the Center of the Trunk of the Body , covered first with its own Membrane called Pericardium , lodged within the soft Bed of the Lungs , encompassed round with a double Fence , ( 1. ) of firm Bones or Ribs to bear off blows . ( 2. ) of thick Muscles and Skin , besides the Arms conveniently placed to fence off any violence at a distance , before it can approach to hurt it . 2. The Brain , which is the principle of all Sense and Motion , the Fountain of the Animal Spirits , the chief Seat and Palace Royal of the Soul ; upon whose security depends whatever Privilege belongs to us as Sensitive or Rational Creatures . This , I say , being the prime and immediate Organ of the Soul , from the right constitution whereof proceeds the quickness of Apprehension , acuteness of Wit , solidity of Judgment , method and order of Invention , strength and power of Memory ; which if once weakened and disordered , there follows nothing but Confusion and Disturbance in our Apprehensions , Thoughts and Judgments , is environed round about with such a potent Defence , that it must be amighty Force indeed that is able to injure it . First , A Skull so hard , thick , and tough , that it is almost as easie to split a Helmet of Iron as to make a fracture in it . 2. This covered with Skin and Hair , which serve to keep it warm being naturally a very cold part , and also to quench and dissipate the force of any stroke that shall be dealt it , and retund the edge of any Weapon . 3. And yet more than all this there is still a thick and tough Membrane which hangs looser about it , and doth not so closely embrace it ( that they call dura mater ) and in case the Skull happens to be broken doth often preserve it from injury and diminution : And lastly , a thin and fine Membrane strait and closely adhering to keep it from quashing and shaking . I might instance ( 3. ) in the Lungs , which are so useful to us as to Life and Sense , that the vulgar think our Breath is our very Life , and that we breath out our Souls from thence . Suteable to which notion both anima and spiritus in Latine , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek are derived from words that signifie Breath and Wind : And efflare or exhalare animam signifies to Die. And the old Romans used to apply mouth to mouth , and receive the last gasps of their dying friends , as if their Souls had come out that way . From hence perhaps might first spring that opinion of the vehicles of Spirits ; the Vulgar , as I hinted before , conceiving that the Breath was , if not the Soul itself , yet that wherein it was wafted and carried away . These Lungs , I say , are for their bettter security and defence shut up in the same Cavity with the Heart . Fourthly , In the abundant provision that is made against evil Accidents and Inconveniencies . And the liberality of Nature as to this particular appears 1. In that she hath given many Members , which are of eminent use by pairs , as two Eyes , two Ears , two Nostrils , two Hands , two Feet , two Breasts , [ mammae ] two Reins : That so if by any cross or unhappy accident one should be disabled or rendred useless , the other might serve us tolerably well , whereas had a Man but one Hand , or one Eye , &c. if that were gone , all were gone , and we left in evil Case . See then and acknowledg the Benignity of the Deity , who hath bestowed upon us two Hands , and two Eyes , and other the like parts not only for our Necessity but Conveniency , so long as we enjoy them : and for our Security in case any mischance deprive us of one of them . 2. In that all the Vessels of the Body have many Ramifications : Which particular Branches , though they serve mainly for one Member or Muscle , yet send forth some twigs to the neighbouring Muscles ; and so interchangeably the branches that serve these , send to them : So that if one Branch chance to be cut off or obstructed , its defect may in some measure be supplied by the twigs that come from the neighbouring Vessels . 3. In that she hath provided so many ways to evacuate what might be hurtful to us or breed Diseases in our Bodies . If any thing oppress the Head it hath a power to free itself by Sneezing : If any thing fall into the Lungs , or if any Humor be discharged upon them , they have a faculty of clearing themselves and casting it up by Coughing : If any thing clog or burden the Stomach , it hath an ability of contracting itself and throwing it up by Vomit . Besides these ways of Evacuation there are Siege , Urine , Sweating haemorrhagies from the Nose and haemorrhoidal veins , Fluxes of Rheum . Now the reason why Nature hath provided so many ways of Evacuation is because of the different humors that are to be avoided or cast out . When therefore there is a Secretion made of any noxious Humor , it is carried off by that Emunctory whose Pores are fitted to receive and transmit the minute parts of it ; if at least this Separation be made by Percolation , as we will now suppose , but not assert . Yet I doubt not but the same Humor may be cast off by divers Emunctories , as is clear in Urine and Sweat which are for the main the same Humor carried off several ways . Fifthly , From the Constancy that is observed in the Number , Figure , Place , and Make of all the principal Parts ; and from the Variety in the less . Man is always mending and altering his Works : But Nature observes the same tenour , because her works are so perfect that there is no place for amendments ; nothing that can be reprehended . The sagacious Men in so many Ages have not been able to find any flaw in these Divinely contrived and formed Machins , no blot or errour in this great Volume of the World , as if any thing had been an imperfect Essay at the first , to use the Bishop of Chesters words : Nothing that can be altered for the better ; nothing but if it were altered would be marred . This could not have been , had Mans Body been the work of Chance and not Counsel and Providence . Why should there be constantly the same Parts ? Why should they retain constantly the same Places ? Why should they be endued with the same Shape and Figure ? Nothing so contrary as Constancy and Chance . Should I see a man throw the same number a thousand times together upon but three Dice , could you perswade me that this were accidental and that there was no necessary Cause of it ? How much more incredible then is it that Constancy in such a Variety , such a multiplicity of parts should be the result of Chance ? Neither yet can these Works be the effects of Necessity or Fate , for then there would be the same Constancy observed in the smaller as well as the larger Parts and Vessels ; whereas there we see Nature doth ludere , as it were , sport itself , the minute Ramifications of all the Vessels , Veins , Arteries , and Nerves infinitely varying in individuals of the same Species , so that they are not in any two alike . Sixthly , The great Wisdom of the Divine Creator appears in that there is Pleasure annexed to those Actions that are necessary for the Support and Preservation of the individuum , and the Continuation and Propagation of the species ; and not only so , but Pain to the neglect or forbearance of them . For the support of the Person it hath annexed Pleasure to Eating and Drinking : Which else out of Laziness or multiplicity of Business a man would be apt to neglect , or sometime forget . Indeed to be obliged to chew and swallow meat daily for two hours space , and to find no Relish nor Pleasure in it , would be one of the most burthensome and ungrateful tasks of a mans whole Life . But because this Action is absolutely necessary , for abundant security Nature hath inserted in us a painful sense of Hunger to put us in mind of it , and to reward our performance hath adjoined Pleasure to it . And as for the continuation of Kind , I need not tell you that the Enjoyments which attend those Actions are the highest Gratifications of Sense . Seventhly , The wonderful Art and Providence of the contriver and former of our Bodies appears in the multitude of intentions he must have in the Formation of the several Parts , or the qualifications they require to fit them for their several Uses . * Galen in his Book de formatione faetus , takes notice that there are in a humane Body above 600. several Muscles , and there are at least ten several Intentions or due Qualifications to be observed in each of these ; proper Figure , just Magnitude , right Disposition of its several Ends , upper and lower , Position of the whole , the insertion of its proper Nerves , Veins , and Arteries , which are each of them to be duly placed ; so that about the Muscles alone no less than 6000 several ends or aims are to be attended to . The Bones are reckoned to be 284. The distinct Scopes or Intentions in each of these are above 40 , in all about 100000. And thus is it in some proportion with all the other parts , the Skin , Ligaments , Vessels , Glandules , Humors : But more especially with the several Members of the Body , which do in regard of the great variety and multitude of those several Intentions required to them , very much exceed the homogeneous Parts . And the failing in any one of these would cause Irregularity in the Body , and in many of them such as would be very notorious . Now to imagine that such a Machine composed of so many Parts , to the right Form , Order and Motion whereof such an infinite number of Intentions are required , could be made without the Contrivance of some wise Agent , must needs be irrational in the highest degree . Eighthly , Some fetch an Argument of Providence from the variety of Lineaments in the Faces of Men , which is such , that there are not two Faces in the World absolutely alike ; which is somewhat strange , since all the Parts are in Specie the same . Were Nature a blind Architect , I see not but the Faces of some Men might be as like as Eggs laid by the same Hen , or Bullets cast in the same Mould , or drops of Water out of the same Bucket . This particular I find taken notice of by Pliny in his 7. Book , Cap. 1. in these Words , Jam in facie vultuque nostro , cum sint decem aut paulò plura membra , nullas duas in tot millibus hominum indiscretas effigies existere , quod Ars nulla in paucis numero praestet affectando ; to which among other things he thus prefaces , Naturae verò rerum vis atque majestas in omnibus momentis fide caret . Though this at first may seem to be a Matter of small moment , yet if duly considered , it will appear to be of mighty importance in all Human Affairs : For should there be an undiscernable similitude between divers Men , what Confusion and Disturbance would necessarily follow ? what Uncertainty in all Sales and Conveyances , in all Bargains and Contracts ? what Frauds and Cheats and suborning of Witnesses ? what a Subversion of all Trade and Commerce ? what hazard in all judicial Proceedings ? in all Assaults and Batteries , in all Murthers and Assassinations , in Thefts and Robberies , what Security would there be to Malefactors ? who could swear that such and such were the Persons that committed the Facts , though they saw them never so clearly ? Many other inconveniences might be instanced in : So that we see this is no contemptible Argument of the Wisdom and Goodness of God. I have done with my general Observations . I proceed now more accurately and minutely to consider some particular Parts or Members of the Body ; and First the Head , because it was to contain a large Brain made of the most capacious Figure , as near as could be to a Spherical ; upon this grows the Hair , which though it be esteemed an Excrement , is of great use ( as I shewed before ) to cherish and keep warm the Brain , and to quench the force of any stroke that might otherwise endanger the Skull . It serves also to disburthen the Brain of a great deal of superfluous moisture , wherewith it abounds ; and for a graceful Ornament to the Face . Secondly , Another Member which I shall more particularly treat of , is the Eye , a part so artificially composed , and commodiously situate , as nothing can be contrived better for Use , Ornament or Security ; nothing to advantage added thereto or altered therein . Of the Beauty of the Eye I shall say little , leaving that to Poets and Orators ; that it is a very pleasant and lovely Object to behold , if we consider the Figure , Colors and Splendor of it , is the least that I can say . The Soul as it is more immediately and strongly moved and affected by this part than any other ; so doth it manifest all its Passions and Perturbations by this . As the Eyes are the Windows to let in the Species of all exterior Objects into the dark Cels of the Brain , for the information of the Soul ; so are they flaming Torches to reveal to those abroad how the Soul within is moved or affected . These Repre sentations made by the impressions of external Objects upon the Eye are the most clear , lively and distinct of any others . Now to this use and purpose of informing us what is abroad round about us in this aspectable World , we shall find the Structure and Mechanism of the Eye , and every Part thereof so well fitted and adapted , as not the least Curiosity can be added . For first of all , all the Humors and Tunicles are purely transparent , to let in the Light and Colors unfolded and unsophisticated by any inward Tincture . It is usually said by the Peripateticks , that the Crystalline Humor of the Eye ( which they ineptly fansied to be the immediate Organ of Vision wherein all the Species of external Objects were terminated ) is without all Color , because its office was to discern all Colors , or at least to receive the Species of several Colors , and convey them to the common Sense . Now if itself had been coloured , it would have transmitted all visible Objects tinctured with the same Color ; as we see whatever is beheld through a coloured Glass appears of the same Color with the Glass , and to those that have the Jaundice or the like Suffusion of Eyes , Objects appear of that same Color wherewith their Eyes are infected . This they say is in a great measure true , although they are much mistaken about the Organ and manner of Vision , and the Uses of the Humors and Membranes of the Eye . Two Reasons therefore may be assigned why all the Membranes and Humors of the Eye are perfectly pellucid and void of Color . First , for the Clearness . Secondly , for the Distinctness of Vision . I. The Clearness . For had the Tunicles and Humors of the Eye , all or any of them been colorate , many of the Rays proceeding from the visible Object would have been stopt and suffocated before they could come to the bottom of the Eye , where the formal Organ of Vision is situate . For it is a most certain Rule , how much any Body hath of Colour , so much hath it of Opacity , and by so much the more unfit is it to transmit the Species . 2. For the Distinctness of Vision . For , as I said before and the Peripateticks observe well , were the Humours of the Eye tinctured with any colour , they would refund that colour upon the Object , and so it would not be represented to the Soul as in itself it is . So we see that through a coloured Glass things appear as well more dim and obscure , as tinctured with the colour thereof . Secondly , The parts of the Eye are made convex , and especially the Crystalline Humour , which is of a lenticular Figure , convex on both sides , that by the Refractions there made there might be a direction of many Rays coming from one point in the Object , viz. as many as the Pupil can receive , to one point answerable in the bottom of the Eye ; without which the Sense would be very obscure and also confused . There would be as much difference in the Clearness and Distinction of Vision , where the outward surface of the tunica cornea plain , and the Crystalline Humor removed ; as between the Picture received on a white paper in a dark room through an open or empty hole , and the same received through a hole furnished with an exactly polished lenticular Crystal ; which how great it is any one that hath but seen this Experiment made , knows well enough . Indeed this Experiment doth very much explain the manner of Vision ; the hole answering to the Pupil of the Eye , the Crystalline Humour to the lenticular Glass , the dark Room to the cavity containing the vitreous Humour , and the white Paper to the tunica retina . Thirdly , The Uveous Coat or Iris of the Eye hath a musculous Power , and can dilate and contract that round hole in it , called the Pupil or Sight of the Eye . It contracts it for the excluding superfluous Light , and preserving the Eye from being injured by too vehement and lucid an Object , and again dilate it for the apprehending Objects more remote , or placed in a fainter light ; tam miro artificio ( saith Scheiner ) quàm munifica naturae largitate . If any one desires to make experiment of these particulars , he may , following Scheiner and Des Cartes their directions , take a Child , and setting a Candle before him bid him look upon it : And he shall observe his Pupil to contract itself very much , to exclude the light , with the Brightness whereof it would otherwise be dazled and offended ; as we are when after we have been some time in the dark a bright Light is suddenly brought in and set before us , till the Pupils of our Eyes have gradually contracted themselves : Let the Candle be withdrawn , or removed aside , he shall observe the Childs pupil by degrees to dilate itself . Or let him take a Bead or the like Object , and holding it near the Eye , command the Child to look at it , the Pupil will contract much when the Object is near ; but let it be withdrawn to a greater distance in the same light , and he shall observe the pupil to be much enlarged . Fourthly , The Uveous Coat , and also the inside of the choroides are blackened like the Walls of a Tennis Court , that the Rays may be there suffocated and suppressed , and not reflected backwards to confound the Sight : And if any be by the retiform Coat reflected , they are soon choaked in the black inside of the Uvea . Whereas were they reflected to and fro , there could be no distinct Vision ; as we see the light admited into the dark Room we even now spake of , obliterates the species which before were seen upon the white Cloth or Paper . Fifthly , Because the Rays from a nearer and from a more remote Object do not meet just in the same distance behind the Crystalline Humour ( as may easily be observed in lenticular Glasses , where the point of concourse of the Rays from a nearer Object is at a greater distance behind the Glass , and from a further at a lesser ) therefore the ciliary processes , or rather the ligaments observed in the inside of the Sclerotick Tunicle of the Eye , by a late ingenious Anatomist , do serve instead of a Muscle , by their contraction to alter the figure of the Eye , and make it broader , and consequently draw the Retine nearer to the Crystalline Humour , and by their relaxation suffer it to return to its natural distance according to the exigency of the Object , in respect of distance or propinquity : And besides possibly the ciliary processes may by their constriction or relaxation , render the Crystalline itself more gibbose or plain ; and with the help of the Muscles a little alter the figure of the whole Eye , for the same reason . To what I have said might be added , that the retiform tunicle is whitish , for the better and more true Reception of the Species of things . That there being a distance necessarily required for the collection of the Rays received by the Pupil , viz. those that proceed from one point of the Object to one point again in the bottom of the Eye , the Retine must needs be set at a distance from the Crystalline Humour : And therefore Nature hath provided a large Room , and filled it with the pellucid vitreous Humour most fit for that purpose . I must not omit a notable Observation concerning the place of the insertion of the optick Nerve into the bulb of the Eye , and the reason of it ; which I owe to that Learned Mathematician Peter Herigon , Nervus Opticus ( saith he in his Optica ) ad latus ponitur , ne pars imaginis in ejus foramen incidens picturâ careat . The Optick Nerve is not situate directly behind the Eye , but on one side , lest that part of the image that falls upon the hole of the Optick Nerve , should want its picture . This I do not conceive to be the true reason of this Situation ; for even now as it is situate , that part of the Object whose rays fall upon the center or hole of the Optick Nerve , wants its picture , as we find by experience ; that part not being seen by us , though we heed it not . But the reason is , because if the Optick Axis should fall upon this Center ( as it would do were the Nerve seated just behind the Eye ) this great Inconvenience would follow , that the middle point of every Object we viewed would be invisible , or there would a dark spot appear in the midst of it . Thus we see the admirable Wisdom of Nature in thus placing the Optick Nerve in respect of the Eye ; which he that did not consider or understand would be apt to think more inconveniently situate for Vision , than if it had been right behind . Another thing also concerning Vision is most remarkable , that though there be a decussation of the rays in the Pupil of the Eye , and so the image of the Object in the Retina or bottom of the Eye be inverted , yet doth not the Object appear inverted , but in its right or natural posture : The reason whereof is because the visual Rays coming in streight lines , by those points of the Sensory or Retina which they touch , affect the common Sense or Soul according to their direction ; that is , signifie to it that those several parts of the Object from whence they proceed lie in streight lines ( point for point ) drawn through the Pupil to the several points of the Sensory where they terminate , and which they press upon . Whereupon the Soul must needs conceive the Object , not in an inverted but a right posture . And that the Nerves are naturally made not only to inform the Soul of external Objects which press upon them , but also of the situation of such Objects , is clear , because if the Eyes be distorted , the Object , will we nill we , will appear double . So if the fore and middle Fingers be cross'd , and a round Body put between them and moved , it will seem to be two ; the reason is , because in that posture of the Fingers the Body touches the outsides of them , which in their natural site are distant one from another , and their Nerves made to signifie to the Soul Bodies separate and distant in like manner , two Fingers lying between them . And though our reason by the help of our Sight corrects this errour , yet cannot we but fansie it to be so . Neither is the aqueous Humor , as some may supinely imagine , altogether useless or unprofitable as to Vision , because by its help the uvea tunica is sustained , which else would fall flat upon the Crystalline Humor ; and fluid it must be , to give way to the contraction and dilatation of the Uveous : And because the outermost Coat of the Eye might chance to be wounded or pricked , and this Humor being fluid let out , therefore Nature hath made Provision speedily to repair it again in such a Case . Moreover it is remarkable that the cornea tunica , [ horny or pellucid Coat of the Eye ] doth not lie in the same superficies with the White of the Eye , but riseth up as it were a Hillock above its convexity , and is of an Hyperbolical or Parabolical Figure : So that though the Eye seems to be perfectly round , in reality it is not so , but the Iris thereof is protuberant above the White ; and the Reason is because that if the cornea tunica or Crystalline Humor had been concentrical to the Sclerodes , the Eye could not have admitted a whole Hemisphere at one view , & sic Animalis incolumitati in multis rebus minùs cautum esset , as Scheiner well . In many things there had not been sufficient caution or care taken for the Animals safety . And now ( that I may use the Words of a late * Author of our own ) the Eye is already so perfect , that I believe the reason of a Man would easily have rested here , and admired at his own contrivance . For he being able to move his whole Body upward and downward and on every side , might have unawares thought himself sufficiently well provided for ; but Nature hath added Muscles also to the Eyes , that no perfection might be wanting : For we have often occasson to move our Eyes , our Head being unmoved , as in reading and viewing more particularly any Object set before us , by transferring the axes of our Eyes all over it : And that this may be done with the more Ease and Accuracy , she hath furnished this Organ with no less than Six Muscles , to move it upward , downward , to the Right and Left , obliquely and round about . I shall now consider what Provision is made for the Defence and Security of this most excellent and useful Part. First the Eyes are sunk in a convenient Valley , latent utiliter , and are encompassed round with eminent Parts , as with a Rampart , & excelsis undique partibus sepiuntur , * Cic. so are defended from the strokes of any flat or broad Bodies . Above stand the Eye-Brows to keep off any thing from running down upon them , as drops of Sweat from the Forehead , or Dust , or the like . Superiora superciliis obducta sudorem à capite & fronte defluentem repellunt . Cic. Then follow the Eye-lids , which fence them from any sudden and lesser stripes . These also round the edges are fortified with stiff bristles , as it were Pallisadoes , against the incursions of importunate Animals , serving partly as a Fan to strike away Flyes or Gnats , or any other troublesome Insect ; and partly to keep off superfluous light , Munitaeque sunt palpebrae tanquam vallo pilorum , quibus & apertis oculis siquid incideret repelleretur . Idem ibid. And because it was necessary that Man and other Animals should sleep , which could not be so well done if the light came in by the Windows of the Eyes , therefore hath Nature provided these curtains to be then drawn to keep it out . And because the outward coat of the Eye ought to be pellucid to transmit the light , which if the Eyes should always stand open , would be apt to grow dry and shrink , and lose their diaphaneity , therefore are the Eylids so contrived as often to wink , that so they may as it were glaze and varnish them over with the moisture they contain , and withal wipe off whatever dust or filth may stick to them : And this , lest they should hinder the sight , they do with the greatest celerity . Cicero hath taken notice that they are made very soft , lest they should hurt the Sight . Mollissimae tactu nè laederent aciem , aptissimè factae & ad claudendas pupillas ne quid incideret , & ad aperiendas , idque providit ut identidem fieri posset maxima cum celeritate . Secondly , If we consider the Bulb or Ball of the Eye , the exteriour Membrane or Coat thereof is made thick , tough , and strong , that it is a very hard matter to make a rupture in it , and besides so slippery that it eludes the force of any stroke , to which also its globular Figure gives it a very great advantage . Lastly , Because for the guidance and direction of the Body in Walking and any Exercise , it is necessary the Eye should be uncovered , and exposed to the Air at all times and in all Weathers , therefore the most wise Author of Nature hath provided for it a hot bed of Fat which fills up the interstices of the Muscles ; and besides made it more patient and less sensible of cold than our other parts ; and though I cannot say with Cicero absolutely free from danger or harm by that Enemy , yet least obnoxious to the injuries thereof of any part , and not at all , unless it be immoderate and extreme . To all this I might add the convenience of the situation of the Eye in respect of its proximity to the Brain , the seat of Apprehension and Common Sense : Whereas had they been further removed , the Optic Nerves had been liable to many more dangers and inconveniencies than now they are . Seeing then the Eye is composed of so great variety of Parts all conspiring to the Use of Vision , whereof some are absolutely necessary , others very useful and convenient , none idle or superfluous , and which is remarkable , many of them of a different figure and consistency from any others in the Body besides , as being transparent , which it was absolutely necessary they should be , to transmit the Rays of Light ; Who can but believe that this Organ was designed and made purposely for the Use for which it serves ? Neither is it to be esteemed any Defect or Imperfection in the Eyes of Man that they want the seventh Muscle , or the nictating Membrane , which the Eyes of many other Animals are furnished withal ; for though they be very useful , and in a manner necessary to them , considering their manner of living , yet are they not so to Man. To such Beasts as feed upon Grass and other Herbs , and therefore are forced to hold their Eyes long in a hanging posture , and to look downwards for the chusing and gathering of their Food , the seventh or suspensory Muscle is very useful , to enable them to do so without much pain or weariness ; yet to Man , who doth not , nor hath any occasion , indeed cannot hold his Head or look long downwards , it would be useless and superfluous . As for the nictating Membrane or Periophthalmium , which all Birds , and I think most Quadrupeds are furnished with , I have been long in doubt what the use of it might be ; and have sometimes thought it was for the more abundant defence and security of the Eye ; but then I was puzzled to give any tolerable account why Nature should be more solicitous for the preservation of the Eyes of Brutes than Men , and in this respect also be a Stepmother to the most noble Creature . But the Hon ble Author formerly mentioned , gives a probable account why Frogs and Birds are furnished with such a Membrane . Frogs , because being Amphibious Animals , designed to pass their lives in watery places , which for the most part abound with Sedges , and other Plants endowed with sharp edges or points ; and the progressive Motion of this Animal being to be made not by Walking , but by Leaping , if his Eyes were not provided of such a sheath , he must either shut them , and so leap blindly and by consequence dangerously , or by leaving them open run a venture to have the Cornea cut , prickt , or otherwise offended by the edges or points of the Plants , or what may fall from them upon the Animals Eye : Whereas this Membrane ( being something transparent as well as strong ) is like a kind of Spectacle that covers the Eye without taking away the Sight . Birds are likewise furnished with it , because being destinated to fly among the Branches of Trees and Bushes , their Prickles , Twigs , Leaves or other Parts would be apt otherwise to wound or offend their Eyes . But yet still we are to seek why it is given to other Quadrupeds , whose Eyes are in no such danger . Thirdly , The Ear another Organ of Sence , how admirably is it contrived for the receiving and conveying of Sounds ? First , there is the outward Ear or Auricula , made hollow and contracted by degrees to draw the Sound inward , to take in as much as may be of it , as we use a Funnel to pour Liquor into any Vessel . And therefore if the Auricula be cut clear off , the Hearing is much impaired , and almost quite marred , as hath been by experience found . From the Auricula is extended a small long , round hole inward into the Head , to intend the Motion and so augment the force of the Sound , as we see in a shooting Trunk , the longer it is to a certain limit , the swifter and more forcibly the Air passes in it , and drives the Pellet . At the end of this hole is a Membrane , fastned to a round bony Limb , and stretched like the head of a Drum , and therefore by Anatomists called also Tympanum , to receive the impulse of the Sound , and to vibrate or quaver according to its reciprocal Motions or Vibrations ; the small Ear-bones being at the end fastned to the Tympanum , and furnished with a Muscle serve for the tension of that Membrane , or the relaxation of it according to the exigency of the Animal , it being stretch'd to the utmost when it would hearken diligently to a lower or more distant Sound . Behind the Drum are several Vaults and anfractuose Cavities in the Ear-Bone , filled only with what Naturalists call the implanted Air ; so to intend the least sound imaginable , that the Sense might be affected with it ; as we see in subterraneous Caves and Vaults how the Sound is redoubled , and what a great report it makes however moderate it be : And because it was for the behoof of the Animal , that upon any sudden Accident it might be awakened out of its sleep , therefore were there no Shuts or Stopples made for the Ears , that so any loud or sharp Noise might awaken it , as also a soft and gentle Voice or Murmur provoke it to sleep . Now the Ears for the benefit and conveniences of the Animal , being always to stand open , because there was some danger that Insects might creep in thereat , and eating their way through the tympanum harbour in the Cavities behind it ; therefore hath Nature loricated or plaistered over the sides of the forementioned Hole with Ear-wax , to stop and entangle any Insects that should attempt to creep in there . But I must confess my self not sufficiently to understand the nature of Sounds to give a full and satisfactory account of the Structure and Uses of all the parts of the Ear. Fourthly , The next part I shall take notice of shall be the Teeth , concerning which I find Seven Observations in the honorable Mr. Boyls Treatise of Final Causes , which I shall briefly recapitulate , and add one or two more . I. That the Teeth alone among the Bones continue to grow in length during a mans whole Life , as appears by the unsightly length of one Tooth when its opposite happens to fall or be pulled out ; which was most providently design'd to repair the wast that is daily made of them by the frequent Attritions in Mastication . Here by the by I might advise men to be careful how they attempt to cure this blemish by filing or cutting off the head of such an overgrown Tooth , lest that befal them which happened to a certain Nun in Padua , who upon cutting off a Tooth in that manner was presently convulsed and fell into an Epilepssie , as Bartholine in his Anatomy reports . II. That that part of the Teeth which is extant above the Gums is naked and not invested with that sensible Membrane called Periosteum , wherewith the other Bones are covered . III. That the Teeth are of a closer and harder substance than the rest of the Bones , for the more easie breaking and comminution of the more solid Aliments , and that they might be more durable and not so soon worn down by grinding the food . IV. That for the nourishing and cherishing these so necessary Bones , the All wise Author of things has admirably contrived an unseen Cavity in each side of the Jaw-bone , in which greater channel are lodged an Artery , a Vein and a Nerve , which through lesser Cavities , as it were through Gutters , send their twigs to each particular Tooth . V. Because Infants were for a considerable time to feed upon Milk , which needs no chewing , and lest Teeth should hurt the tender Nipples of the Nurse , Nature hath deferred the production of them for many Months in a humane foetus , whereas those of divers other Animals , which are reduced to seek betimes food that needs Mastication , are born with them . VI. The different Figure and Shape of the Teeth is remarkable , That the Foreteeth should be formed broad and with a thin and sharp edge like Chizzels , to cut off and take away a morsel from any solid Food , called therefore incisores . The next , one on each side stronger and deeper rooted , and more pointed , called therefore Canini , in English Eye-Teeth , to tear the more tough and resisting sort of Aliments . The rest called Jaw Teeth or Grinders , in Latin Molares , are made flat and broad atop and withal somwhat uneven and rugged , that by their knobs and little cavities they may the better retain , grind and commix the Aliments . VII . Because the operations to be performed by the Teeth oftentimes require a considerable firmness and strength , partly in the Teeth themselves , partly in the instruments which move the lower Jaw , which alone is moveable , Nature hath provided this with strong Muscles , to make it bear forcibly against the upper Jaw . And thus not only placed each Tooth in a distinct Cavity of the Jaw-bone , as it were in a close , strong and deep socket , but has furnished the several sorts of Teeth with Hold-fasts suitable to the stress that by reason of their different Offices they are to be put to . And therefore whereas the Cutters and Eye-teeth have usually but one Root ; ( which in these last named is wont to be very long ) the Grinders that are employed to crack Nuts , Stones of Fruit , Bones , or other hard Bodies , are furnished with three Roots , and in the upper Jaw often with four , because these are pendulous , and the substance of the Jaw somewhat softer . VIII . The situation of the Teeth is most convenient , viz. the Molares or Grinders behind , nearest the Center of Motion , because there is a greater strength or force required to chew the meat , than to bite a piece ; and the Cutters before , that they may be ready to cut off a morsel from any solid Food , to be transmitted to the Grinders . IX . It is remarkable that the Jaw in Men and such Animals as are furnished with Grinders , hath an oblique or transverse Motion , which is necessary for chewing and comminution of the Meat ; which it is observed not to have in those Animals that want the Molares . Now if ( as Gallen saith ) he that shall marshal a Company but of 32 Men in due order , is commended for a skilful and industrious Person , shall we not admire Nature which hath so skilfully ranked and disposed this Quire of our Teeth ? Fifthly , The Tongue is no less admirable for the contexture and manifold Uses of it . First , it is the Organ of Tasting ; for being of a spungy substance the small Particles of our Meat and Drink being mingled with the Saliva , easily insinuate themselves into the Pores of it , and so do either gratefully affect it , or harshly grate upon it , accordingly as they are figured and moved ; and hereby we discern what is convenient or inconvenient for our nourishment . It helps us likewise in the chewing and swallowing of our Meat : and Lastly , It is the main Instrument of Speaking , a quality so peculiar to Man , that no Beast could ever attain to it . And although Birds have been taught to form some Words , yet they have been but a few , and those learn'd with great difficulty ; but what is the chief , the Birds understand not the meaning of them , nor use them as Signs of Things or their own Conceptions of them ; though they may use them as Expressions of their Passions : As Parrots having been used to be fed at the prolation of certain Words , may afterwards when they are hungry pronounce the same . For this Des Cartes makes his main Argument to prove that Brutes have no Cogitation , because the highest of them could never be brought to signifie their Thoughts or Conceptions by any artificial Signs , either Words , or Gestures , ( which , if they had any , they would in all likelyhood be forward enough to do ) whereas all Men , both Fools and Mutes , make use of Words or other Signs to express their Thoughts , about any Subjects that present themselves ; which Signs also have no reference to any of their Passions . Whereas the Signs that Brute Animals may be taught to use are no other than such as are the motions of some of their Passions , Fear , Hope , Joy , &c. Hence some of the Jewish Rabbins did not so absurdly define a Man Animal loquens , a speaking Creature . Having had occasion just now to mention the Saliva or Spittle , I am put in mind of the eminent use of this Humor , which is commonly taken for an Excrement . Because a great part of our Food is dry ; therefore Nature hath provided several glandules to separate this juice from the Blood , and no less than four Channels to convey it into the Mouth , which are of late invention and called by Anatomists ▪ Ductus Salivales , through which the Saliva destilling continually , serves well to macerate and temper our meat , and make it fit to be chewed and swallowed . If a copious Moisture did not by these Conduit-pipes incessantly flow down into the Mouths of Horses and Kine , how were it possible they should for a long time together grind and swallow such dry meat as Hay and Straw ? Moreover it may be useful not only in the Mouth but in the Stomach too , to promote Concoction . Sixthly , To the Mouth succeeds the Wind-pipe , no less wonderful in its Conformation . For because continual Respiration is necessary for the support of our Lives , it is made with annulary Cartilages to keep it constantly open , and that the sides of it may not flag and fall together . And lest when we swallow , our meat or drink should fall in there and obstruct it , it hath a strong shut or Valve called Epiglottis , to cover it close , and stop it when we swallow : and for the more convenient bending of our Necks , it is not made of one entire continued Cartilage , but of many annular ones joined together by strong Membranes , which Membranes are muscular , compounded of streight and circular Fibres for the more effectual contraction of the Windpipe in any strong or violent Expiration or Coughing . And lest the Asperity or hardness of these Cartilages should hurt the Oesophagus or Gullet , which is tender and of a Skinny Substance , or hinder the swallowing of our Meat , therefore these annulary Gristles are not made round , or entire Circles , but where the Gullet touches the Windpipe , there to fill up the Circle is only a soft Membrane , which may easily give way to the Dilatation of the Gullet . And to demonstrate that this was designedly done for this End and Use , so soon as the Windpipe enters the Lungs , its Cartilages are no longer deficient , but perfect Circles or Rings , because there was no necessity they should be so , but it was more convenient they should be entire . L●●●ly , for the various modulation of the Voice , the upper end of the Wind-pipe is endued with several Cartilages and Muscles , to contract or dilate it as we would have our Voice Flat or Sharp ; and moreover the whole is continually moistened with a glutinous Humor issuing out of the small Glandules that are upon its inner Coat , to fence it against the sharp Air received in , or Breath forced out ; yet is it of quick and tender Sense , that it may be easily provoked to cast out by coughing , whatever may fall into it from without , or be discharged into it from within . Seventhly , The Heart which hath been always esteemed , and really is , one of the principal Parts of the Body , the primum vivens , & ultimum moriens , by its uncessant Motion distributing the Blood , the Vehicle of Life , and with it the Vital Heat and Spirits , throughout the whole Body , whereby it doth continually irrigate , nourish and keep hot and supple all the Members . Is it not admirable that from this Fountain of Life and Heat there should be Channels and Conduit-pipes , to every , even the least and most remote Part of the Body ; just as if from one Waterhouse there should be Pipes conveying the Water to every House in a Town , and to every Room in each House ; or from one Fountain in a Garden there should be little Channels or Dikes cut to every Bed , and every Plant growing therein , as we have seen more than once done beyond the Seas . I confess the Heart seems not to be designed to so noble an Use as is generally believed , that is to be the Fountain or Conservatory of the vital Flame , and to inspire the Blood therewith ; ( for the Lungs serve rather for the accension or maintaining that Flame , the Blood receiving there from the Air those Particles which are one Part of the Pabulum or Fewel thereof , and so impregnated running back to the Heart ) but to serve as a Machine to receive the Blood from the Veins , and to force it out by the Arteries through the whole Body , as a Syringe doth any Liquor , though not by the same Artifice : And yet this is no ignoble Use , the continuance of the Circulation of the Blood being indispensibly necessary for the quickening and enlivening of all the Members of the Body , and supplying of Matter to the Brain , for the preparation of the Animal Spirits , the Instruments of all Sense and Motion . Now for this use of receiving and pumping out of the Blood , the Heart is admirably contrived . For First being a Muscular Part , the Sides of it are composed of two orders of Fibres running circularly or spirally from Base to Tip , contrarily one to the other , and so being drawn or contracted contrary ways do violently constringe and straiten the Ventricles , and strongly force out the Blood , as we have formerly intimated . Then the Vessels we call Arteries , which carry from the Heart to the several Parts , have Valves which open outwards like Trap-doors , and give the Blood a free passage out of the Heart , but will not suffer it to return back again thither , and the Veins , which bring it back from the several Members to the Heart , have Valves or Trap-doors which open inwards , so as to give way to the Blood to run into the Heart , but prevent it from running back again that way . Besides the Arteries consist of a quandruple Coat , the Third of which is made up of annular or orbicular carneous Fibres to a good thickness and is of a Muscular Nature , after every Pulse of the Heart serving to contract the Vessel successively with incredible celerity , so by a kind of peristaltick Motion impelling the Blood onwards to the capillary Extremities , and through the Muscles , with great force and swiftness . So the Pulse of the Arteries is not only caused by the pulsation of the Heart , driving the Blood through them in manner of a Wave or Flush , as Des Cartes and others would have it ; but by the Coats of the Arteries themselves , which the experiments of a certain * Lovain Physitian , ( the first whereof is Galens , ) do in my opinion make good against him . First , saith he , if you slit the Artery and thrust into it a Pipe , so big as to fill the Cavity of it , and cast a strait ligature upon that part of the Artery containing the Pipe , and so bind it fast to the Pipe ; notwithstanding the Blood hath free passage through the Pipe , yet will not the Artery beat below the ligature ; but do but take off the ligature , it will commence again to beat immediately . But because one might be ready to reply to this Experiment , that the reason why when bound it did not beat , was because the current of the Blood being straitned by the Pipe , when beneath the Pipe it came to have more liberty , was not sufficient to stretch the Coats of the Artery , and so cause a Pulse , but when the ligature was taken off , it might flow between the enclosed tube and the Coat of the Artery ; therefore he adds another , which clearly evinces that this could not be the reason , but that it is something flowing down the Coats of the Artery that causes the Pulse , that is , If you straiten the Artery never so much , provided the sides of it do not quite meet , and stop all passage of the Blood , the Vessel will notwithstanding continue still to beat below or beyond the Coarctation . So we see some Physitians both Ancient ( as Galen , ) and Modern were of opinion that the Pulse of the Arteries was owing to their Coats ; though the first that I know of who observed the third Coat of an Artery to be a muscular Body , composed of annulary Fibres , was Dr. Willis . The mention of the peristaltick Motion puts me in mind of an ocular Demonstration of it in the Gullet of Kine when they chew the Cud , which I have often beheld with pleasure . For after they have swallowed one morsel , if you look stedfastly upon their Throat , you will soon see another ascend , and run pretty swiftly all along the Throat up to the Mouth , which it could not do unless it were impelled by the successive contraction or peristaltick Motion of the Gullet , continually following it . And it is remarkable that these ruminant Creatures have a power by the imperium of their wills of directing this peristaltick Motion upwards or downwards . I shall add no more concerning the Heart , but that it and the Brain do mutuas operas tradere , enable one another to work ; for first the Brain cannot itself Live , unless it receive continual supplies of Blood from the Heart , much less can it perform its functions of preparing and distributing the Animal Spirits ; nor the Heart Pulse , unless it receives Spirits or something else that descends from the Brain by the Nerves . For do but cut asunder the Nerves that go from the Brain to the Heart , the motion thereof in more perfect and hot Creatures ceaseth immediately . Which Part began this round is the Question . Eighthly , The next Part I shall treat of shall be the Hand , this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or superlative Instrument , which serves us for such a multitude of Uses , as it is not easie to enumerate ; whereto if we consider the Make and Structure of it , we shall find it wonderfully adapted . First , it is divided into Four Fingers bending forward , and one opposite to them bending backwards , and of greater strength than any of them singly , which we call the Thumb , to joyn with them severally or united ; whereby it is fitted to lay hold of objects of any size or quantity . The least things , as any small single Seed , are taken up by the Thumb and Forefinger ; those a little greater , by the Thumb and two Fingers , which also we chiefly employ to manage the Needle in Sewing , and the Pen in Writing : When we would take up a greater quantity of any thing we make use of the Thumb and all the Fingers . Sometimes we use one Finger only , as in póinting at any thing , picking things out of holes or long and narrow Vessels , sometimes all severally at one time , as in stopping the strings when we play upon any musical Instrument . 2. The Fingers are strengthened with several Bones , jointed together for motion , and furnished with several Muscles and Tendons like so many Pullies to bend them circularly forward ; which is most convenient for the firm holding and griping of any Object : Which of how great , constant , and necessary Use it is in pulling or drawing , but especially in taking up and retaining any sort of Tool or Instrument to work withal in Husbandry and all mechanick Arts , is so obvious to every mans Observation , that I need not spend time to instance in particulars : Moreover the several Fingers are furnished with several Muscles to extend and open the Hand , and to move them to the Right and Left : and so this Division and Motion of the Fingers doth not hinder but that the whole Hand may be employed , as if it were all of a piece , as we see it is , either expanded as in striking out , smoothing and folding up of Cloths and some mechanick Uses ; or contracted , as in Fighting , Kneading of Dough and the like . It is also notable and indeed wonderful , that the Tendons bending the middle Joint of the Fingers , should be perforated to give passage to the Tendons of the Muscles which draw the uppermost Joynts , and all bound down close to the Bone with strong Fillets , lest they should start up and hinder the Hand in its work , standing like so many Bowstrings . 3. The Fingers ends are strengthened with Nails , as we fortifie the ends of our Staves or Forks with Iron Hoops or Ferules , which Nails serve not only for defence but for ornament , and many Uses . The Skin upon our Fingers ends , is thin and of most exquisite Sense , to help us to judg of any thing we handle . If now I should go about to reckon up the several Uses of this Instrument , Time would sooner fail me then Matter . By the help of this we do all our Works , we Build our selves Houses to dwell in ; we make our selves Garments to wear ; we Plow and Sow our Grounds with Corn , Dress and Cultivate our Vineyards , Gardens , and Orchards , gather and lay up our Grain , and Fruits ; we prepare and make ready our Victuals . Spinning , Weaving , Painting , Carving , Engraving , and that Divinely invented Art of Writing , whereby we transmit our own Thoughts to Posterity , and converse with and participate the Observations and Inventions of them that are long ago Dead , all performed by this . This is the only Instrument for all Arts whatsoever ; no improvement to be made of any experimental Knowledg without it . Hence ( as Aristotle saith well ) they do amiss that complain , that Man is worse dealt with by Nature than other Creatures ; whereas they have some Hair , some Shels , some Wool , some Feathers , some Scales , to defend themselves from the injuries of the Weather , Man alone is Born Naked and without all covering . Whereas they have natural Weapons to defend themselves and offend their Enemies , some Horns , some Hoofs , some Teeth , some Talons , some Claws , some Spurs and Beaks ; Man hath none of all these , but is weak , and feeble , and unarmed sent into the World. Why , a Hand with Reason to use it , supplies the Uses of all these , that 's both a Horn , and a Hoof , and a Talon and a Tusk , &c. because it enables us to use Weapons of these and other Fashions , as Swords and Spears and Guns . Besides this advantage a Man hath of them , that whereas they cannot at pleasure change their coverings , or lay aside their Weapons , or make use of others as occasion serves , but must abide Winter and Summer , Night and Day with the same Cloathing on their Backs , and sleep with their Weapons upon them ; a Man can alter his Cloathing according to the exigency of the Weather , go warm in Winter , and cool in Summer , cover up himself hot in the Night , and lay aside his Cloaths in the Day , and put on or off more or fewer according as his Work and Exercise is : and can as occasion requires , make use of divers sorts of Weapons , and choice of such at all turns as are most proper and convenient ; whereby we are enabled to subdue and rule over all other Creatures ; and use for our own behoof those Qualities wherein they excel , as the Strength of the Ox , the Valor and Swiftness of the Horse , the Sagacity and Vigilancy of the Dog , and so make them as it were our own . Had we wanted this Member in our Bodies , we must have lived the Life of Brutes , without House or Shelter but what the Woods and Rocks would have afforded ; without Cloths or Covering ; without Corn , or Wine , or Oil , or any other Drink but Water ; without the warmth and comfort , or other uses of Fire , and so without any Artificial Bak'd , Boil'd or Roast Meats ; but must have scrambled with the wild Beasts for Crabs , and Nuts , and Akhorns , and Sallets , and such other things as the Earth puts forth of her own accord . We had lain open and exposed to Injuries , and had been unable to resist or defend our selves against almost the weakest Creature . The remaining Parts I shall but briefly run over . That the Back-bone should be divided into so many Vertebres for commodious bending , and not be one entire rigid Bone , which being of that length would have been often in danger of snapping in sunder . That the several Vertebres should be so Elegantly and Artificially compacted and joined together , that they are as strong and firm as if they were but one Bone. That they should be all perforated in the middle with a large hole for the spinal Marrow or Pith to pass along ; and each particular have a hole on each side to transmit the Nerves to the Muscles of the Body , to convey both Sense and Motion . That whereas the Breast is encompassed with Ribs , the Belly is left free ; that it might give way to the motion of the Midriff in Respiration ; and to the necessary Reception of Meat and Drink ; as also for the convenient bending of the Body ; and in Females for that extraordinary extension that is requisite in the time of their Pregnancy . That the Stomach should be Membranous , and capable of Dilatation and Contraction , according to the quantity of Meat conteined in it ; that it should be situate under the Liver , which by its Heat might cherish it , and contribute to Concoction : That it should be endued with an acid Ferment , or some corruptive quality for so speedy a dissolution of the Meat , and preparation of Chyle ; that after Concoction it should have an ability of contracting itself and turning out the Meat . That the Bladder should be made of a membranous Substance , and so extremely dilatable for receiving and containing the Urine , till opportunity of emptying it ; that it should have Shuts for the ends of the Ureters so artificially contrived as to give the Urine free entrance , but to stop all passage backward , so that they will not transmit the Wind , though it be strongly blown and forced in . That the Liver should continually separate the Choler from the Blood , and empty it into the Intestines , where there is good use for it , not only to provoke Dejection , but also to attenuate the Chyle and render it so subtile and fluid as to enter in at the Orifices of the lacteous Veins . Finally , That all the Bones , and all the Muscles , and all the Vessels of the Body should be so admirably contrived , and adapted , and compacted together for their several Motions and Uses , and that most Geometrically , according to the strictest Rules of Mechanicks , that if in the whole Body you change the Figure , Situation , and Conjunction but of one Part , if you diminish or encrease the Bulk and Magnitude , in fine if you endeavor any Innovation or Alteration , you marr and spoil instead of mending . How can all these things put together but beget Wonder and Astonishment ? That under one Skin there should be such infinite variety of Parts , variously mingled , hard with soft , fluid with fixt , solid with hollow , those in rest with those in motion , some with cavities as Mortesses to receive , others with Tenons to fit those cavities ; all these so pact and thrust so close together that there is no unnecessary Vacuity in the whole Body , and yet so far from clashing or interfering one with another , or hindring each others Motions , that they do all Friendly conspire , all help and assist mutually one the other , all concur in one general End and Design , the good and preservation of the whole , are certainly Arguments and Effects of infinite Wisdom and Counsel ; so that he must needs be worse than mad that can find in his Heart to imagine all these to be casual and fortuitous , or not provided and designed by a most wise and intelligent Cause . I should now proceed to treat of the Generation and Formation of the Foetus in the Womb ; but that is a Subject too difficult for me to handle ; the Body of Man and other Animals being formed in the dark Recesses of the Matrix , or as the Psalmist phrases it , Psal. 139. 14. made in secret , and curiously wrought in the lowest parts of the Earth . This Work is so admirable and unaccountable that neither the Atheists nor mechanick Philosophers have attempted to declare the manner and process of it ; but have ( as I noted before ) very cautiously and prudently broke off their Systems of Natural Philosophy here , and left this point untoucht ; And those Accounts which some of them have attempted to give of the formation of a few of the parts , are so excessively absurd and ridiculous , that they need no other Consutation than ha ha he . And I have already further shewn , that it seems to me impossible , that Matter divided into as minute and subtle Parts as you will or can imagine , and those moved according to what Catholick Laws soever can be devised , should without the presidency and direction of some intelligent Agent , by the mere agitation of a gentle Heat , run itself into such a curious Machine as the Body of Man is . Yet must it be confest , that the Seed of Animals is admirably qualified to be fashioned and formed by the Plastick Nature into an Organical Body , conteining the Principles or component Particles of all the several homogeneous Parts thereof ; for indeed every part of the Body seems to club and contribute to the Seed , else why should Parents that are born Blind or Deaf , or that want a Finger or any other Part , or have one superfluous , sometimes generate Children that have the same defects or imperfections ; and yet ( which is wonderful ) nothing of the Body or grosser matter of the Seed comes near the first Principle of the Foetus , or in some so much as enters the Womb , but only some contagious Vapor or subtle effluviums thereof . But to what shall we attribute the Foetus its likeness to the Parents , or omitting them to the precedent Progenitors , as I have observed some Parents that have been both black Hair'd to have generated most red Hair'd Children , because their Ancestors Hair have been of that Color , or why are Twins so often extremely alike ; Whether is this owing to the Efficient , or to the Matter ? These Effluvia we spake of of the Male Seed , as subtile as they are , yet have they a great , if not the greatest stroke in Generation , as is clearly demonstrable in a Mule , which doth more resemble the Male Parent , that is the Ass , than the Female or Horse . But now why such different Species should not only mingle together , but also generate an Animal , and yet that that hybridous Production should not again generate , and so a new Race be carried on ; but Nature should stop here and proceed no further , is to me a Mystery and unaccountable . One thing relating to Generation I cannot omit , that is , the construction of a set of temporary Parts , ( like Scaffolds in a Building ) to serve a present End , which are afterwards laid aside , afford a strong Argument of Counsel and Design . Now for the use of the Young during its enclosure in the Womb there are several Parts formed , as the Membranes inveloping it , called the Secundines , the umbilical Vessels , one Vein and two Arteries , the Urachus , to convey the Urine out of the Bladder , and the placenta uterina ; part whereof fall away at the Birth , as the Secundines and Placenta , others degenerate into Ligaments , as the Urachus , and part of the umbilical Vein : Besides which , because the foetus during its abode in the Womb hath no use of respiration by the Lungs , the Blood doth not all , I may say not the greatest part of it , flow through them , but there are two Passages or Channels contrived , one called the foramen ovale , by which part of the Blood brought by the vena cava passeth immediately into the left Ventricle of the Heart , without entring the right at all ; the other is a large arterial Channel passing from the pulmonary Artery immediately into the Aorta , or great Artery , which likewise derives part of the Blood thither , without running at all into the Lungs : These two are closed up soon after the Child is born , when it breaths no more ( as I may so say ) by the Placenta uterina , but respiration by the Lungs is needful for it . It is here to be noted , that though the Lungs be formed so soon as the other Parts , yet during the abode of the foetus in the Womb , they lie by as useless . In like manner I have observed that in ruminating Creatures the three formost Stomachs , not only during the continuance of the Young in the Womb , but so long as it is fed with Milk are unemployed and useless , the Milk passing immediately into the fourth . Another Observation I shall add concerning Generation , which is of some moment , because it takes away some concessions of Naturalists , that give countenance to the Atheists fictitious and ridiculous Account of the first production of Mankind and other Animals ; viz. that all sorts of Insects , yea and some Quadrupeds too , as Frogs and Mice , are produced Spontaneously . My Observation and Affirmation is , that there is no such thing in Nature , as Aequivocal or Spontaneous Generation , but that all Animals , as well small as great , not excluding the vilest and most contemptible Insect , are generated by Animal Parents of the same Species with themselves ; that noble Italian Vertuoso , Francesco Redi having experimented that no putrified Flesh ( which one would think were the most likely of any thing ) will of itself , if all Insects be carefully kept from it , produce any : The same Experiment I remember Doctor Wilkins late Bishop of Chester told me had been made by some of the Royal Society . No instance against this Opinion doth so much puzzle me , as Worms bred in the Intestines of Man and other Animals . But seeing the round Worms do manifestly generate , and probably the other kinds too ; it 's likely they come originally from Seed , which how it was brought into the Guts , may afterwards possibly be discovered . Moreover I am inclinable to believe that all Plants too , that themselves produce Seed , ( which are all but some very imperfect ones , which scarce deserve the name of Plants ) come of Seeds themselves . For that great Naturalist Malpighius , to make experiment whether Earth would of its self put forth Plants , took some purposely digged out of a deep Place , and put it into a Glass Vessel , the top whereof he covered with Silk many times doubled and strained over it , which would admit the Water and Air to pass through , but exclude the least Seed that might be wafted by the Wind ; the event was that no Plant at all sprang up in it ; nor need we wonder how in a Ditch , Bank or Grass-Plat newly dig'd , or in the Fenbanks in the Isle of Ely Mustard should abundantly spring up , where in the Memory of Man none had been known to grow , for it might come of Seed which had lain there more than a Mans Age. Some of the Ancients mentioning some Seeds that retain their fecundity Forty Years : As for the Mustard that sprung up in the Isle of Ely , though there never had been any in that Country , yet might it have been brought down in the Channels by the Floods , and so being thrown up the Banks together with the Earth , might germinate and grow there . From this Discourse concerning the Body of Man I shall make Three Practical Inferences . First , Let us give thanks to Almighty God for the Perfection and Integrity of our Bodies . It would not be amiss to put it into the Eucharistical parr of our daily Devotions : We praise thee O God for the due Number , Shape and Use of our Limbs and Senses , and in general of all the Parts of our Bodies ; we bless thee for the sound and healthful Constitution of them ; It is thou that hast made us and not we our selves ; in thy Book were all our Members written . The Mother that bears the Child in her Womb is not conscious to any thing that is done there ; she understands no more how the Infant is formed than itself doth . But if God hath bestowed upon us any peculiar Gift or Endowment , wherein we excel others , as Strength , or Beauty or Activity , we ought to give him special thanks for it , but not to think the better of our selves therefore , or despise them that want it . Now because these Bodily Perfections , being common Blessings , we are apt not at all to consider them , or not to set a just value on them ; and because the worth of things is best discerned by their want ; it would be useful sometimes to imagine or suppose our selves by some accident to be depriv'd of one of our Limbs or Senses , as a Hand , or a Foot , or an Eye , for then we cannot but be sensible , that we should be in worse condition than now we are , and that we should soon find a difference between two Hands and one Hand , two Eyes and one Eye , and that two excel one as much in worth as they do in number ; and yet if we could spare the use of the lost part , the deformity and unsightlyness of such a defect in the Body , would alone be very grievous to us . Again , which is less , suppose we only , that our Bodies want of their just magnitude , or that they or any of our Members are crooked or distorted , or disproportionate to the rest either in excess or defect ; nay , which is least of all , that the due motion of any one part be perverted , as but of the Eyes in squinting , the Eye-lids in twinkling , the Tongue in stammering , these things are such Blemishes and Offences to us , by making us Gazing-stocks to others , and Objects of their Scorn and Derision , that we could be content to part with a good part of our Estates to repair such defects , or heal such Infirmities . These things considered and duly weighed , would surely be a great and effectual motive to excite in us Gratitude for this Integrity of our Bodies , and to esteem it no small blessing , I say a blessing and favor of God to us ; for some there be that want it , and why might not we have been of that number ? God was no way obliged to bestow it upon us . And as we are to give thanks for the Integrity of our Body , so are we likewise for the Health of it , and the sound Temper and Constitution of all its Parts and Humors ; Health being the principal blessing of this Life , without which we cannot enjoy or take comfort in any thing besides . Neither are we to give thanks alone for the first collation of these Benefits , but also for their preservation and continuance . God preserves our Souls in Life , and defends us from Dangers and sad Accidents , which do so beset us on every side , that the greatest circumspection in the World could not secure us , did not his good Providence continually watch over us . We may be said to walk and converse in the midst of Snares ; besides , did we but duly consider the Make and Frame of our Bodies , what a multitude of minute Parts and Vessels there are in them , and how an Obstruction in one redounds to the prejudice of the whole , we could not but wonder how so curious an Engine as mans Body , could be kept in Tune one Hour , as we use it , much less hold out so many Years : How it were possible it should endure such hardship , such blows , so many shocks and concussions , nay such violences and outrages as are offered it by our frequent Excesses , and not be disordered and rendred useless ; and acknowledg the transcendent Art and Skill of Him who so put it together , as to render it thus firm and durable . Secondly , Did God make the Body , let him have the service of it . Rom. 12. 1. I beseech you , brethren , by the mercies of God , that you present your Bodies a living Sacrifice , holy , acceptable unto God , which is your reasonable service . 1 Cor. 6. 20. Glorifie God in your Body , or with your Body , and in your spirits , which are Gods , and that not by Redemption only , of which the Apostle there speaks , but by Creation also . Rom. 6. 13. Neither yield ye your members as instruments of unrighteousness unto sin , but as instruments of righteousness unto God. And again Ver. 19. Even so now yield your members servants of righteousness unto holiness . I shall instance in two Members , which are especially to be guarded and restrained from Evil , and employed in the service of God. First , The Eye . We must turn away our eyes from beholding Vanity , as David pray'd , God would his , Psal. 119. 37. We must make a Covenant with our Eyes , as Job did , Job 31. 1. These are the Windows that let in exteriour Objects to the Soul : by these the Heart is affected : this way Sin entred first into the World. Our first Parents saw that the Tree and its fruit was pleasant to the eyes , and so was invited to take and eat it . There are four sins especially for which the Eye is noted , as either discovering themselves in the Eyes , or whose Temptations enter in by , and so give denomination to the Eye . 2. There is a proud Eye . Prov. 30. 13. There is a generation , O how lofty are their eyes , and their eye lids are lifted up . Chap. 6. 17. A proud look is reckoned the first of those six things that God hates , Psal. 18. 27. God ( the Psalmist saith ) will bring down proud or high looks . Psalm 101. 5. Him that hath a high look and a proud heart ( saith David , ) I will not suffer . And in Psal. 131. 1. He saith of himself , that his heart is not haughty nor his eyes lofty . By which places it appeareth that Pride sheweth forth it self in the Eyes especially , and that they are as it were the Seat or Throne of it . 2. There is a wanton Eye , which the Prophet Isaiah speaks of in his third Chapter , at the 16th Verse , Because the Daughters of Jerusalem walk with stretched out Necks , and wanton Eyes . The Apostle Peter in his second Epistle , 2. 24. mentions Eyes full of Adultery . For by these Casements enter in such Objects as may provoke and stir up adulterous Thoughts in the mind , as they did in David's , and likewise impure Thoughts conceived in the heart may discover themselves by the motions of the Eye . And therefore in this respect we should do well with holy Job , to make a Covenant with our Eyes ; not to gaze upon any Object which may tempt us to any inordinate Appetite or Desire . For our Saviour tells us , it were better to pluck out our right eye , than that it should be an offence to us : which I suppose refers to this matter , because it immediately follows those words , He that looketh upon a Woman to lust after her hath already committed Adultery with her in his heart . 3. There is a covetous Eye . By Covetousness I understand not only a desiring what is another mans , which is forbidden in the tenth Commandment , but also an inordinate desire of Riches , which the Apostle John seems to understand in his first Epistle , 2. 16. By the lust of the Eye . And Covetousness may well be called the lust of the Eye , because 1. The Temptation or tempting Object enters by the Eye . So the seeing the wedg of Gold and Babylonish Garment stirred up the covetous desire in Achan . 2. Because all the fruit a man reaps of Riches more than will furnish his Necessities and Conveniencies , is the feeding of his Eye , or the pleasure he takes in the beholding of them . Eccles. 5. 11. When goods encrease , &c. what good is there to the owners thereof , saving the beholding them with their Eyes ? Fourthly , There is an envious Eye , which by our Saviour is called an evil Eye . Mat. 20. 15 : Is thine Eye evil because I am good . That is , enviest thou thy Brother because I am kind to him . And 7. 22. One of those evil things which proceed out of the Heart and defile a Man is an evil eye . Envy is a repining at the Prosperity or Good of another , or anger and displeasure at any good of another which we want , or any advantage another hath above us : As in the Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard , those that came in first envied the last , not because they received more than they , but because they received equal wages for less time . Those that are subject to this Vice cannot endure to see another man thrive ; and are apt to think his condition better than theirs when indeed it is not . Let us then so govern our Eyes , that we discover by them none of these Vices . Let the humility and purity of our Minds appear even in our outward looks . Let neither Pride nor Lust manifest themselves in the Posture or Motions of our Eyes . Let us have a care that these Members be neither the inlets , nor outlets of any of the fore mentioned Vices ; that they neither give admission to the Temptation , nor be expressive of the Conception of them . Let us employ them in reading the Word of God , and other good Books , for the encrease of our Knowledg , and direction of our Practice : in diligently viewing and contemplating the Works of the Creation , that we may discern and admire the Footsteps of the Divine Wisdom easily to be traced in the Formation , Disposition , and Designations of them . Let us take notice of any extraordinary Events and Effects of Gods Providence towards our selves or others , personal or national : that as they are the issues of his Mercy or Justice , they may stir up sutable affections in us , of Thankfulness or Fear . Let those sad and miserable Objects , that present themselves to our sight move us to pity and commiseration : And let our Eyes sometimes be exercised in weeping for the miseries and calamities of others , but especially for our own and their Sins . Secondly , Another Member I shall mention is the Tongue , which as it is the chief Instrument of Speech , so may it be well or ill employed in the exercise of that Action , and therefore stands in need of Direction and Restraint . I remember I once heard from an ingenious Anatomist of Padua this Observation , That there are but two Members in the Body that have a natural Bridle , both which do very much need it ; the Tongue , and another I shall not name . The signification whereof may be , that they are not to be let loose , but diligently curbed and held in . For the better Government of the Tongue , I shall note some Vices of Speech , which must carefully be avoided . First of all Loquacity or Garrulity . This the contrivance of our Mouths suggests to us . Our Tongues are fenced and guarded with a double Wall or Mound of Lips and Teeth , that our Words might not rashly and unadvisedly slip out . Then Nature hath furnished us with two Ears , and but one Tongue , to intimate that we must hear twice so much as we speak . Why Loquacity is to be avoided , the wise Man gives us a sufficient reason , Prov. 10. 19. In the multitude of words there wanteth not sin . And Eccles. 5. 7. In many words there are divers vanities . To which we may add another , of great force with most Men , viz. That it hath been always esteemed an Effect and Argument of Folly. Eccles , 5. 3. A fools voice is known by multitude of words . And on the contrary , To be of few Words is a sign of Wisdom : and he that is wise enough to be silent , though a Fool , may pass undiscovered . Besides all this , a talkative Person must needs be impertinent , and speak many idle Words , and so render himself burthensom and odious to Company : and may perchance run himself upon great incoveniences , by blabbing out his own or others secrets ; for a word once uttered , fugit irrevocabile , whatever the consequence of it be . Great need therefore have we to set a watch over our Mouths , and to keep the Door of our Lips ; and not suffer our Tongues * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as Isocrates phraseth it . Secondly , Lying or False Speaking . There is difference between Mentiri and Mendacium dicere , that is Lying , and speaking of an untruth , or thing that is False . Mentiri is contra mentem ire , which though it be no good Etymology of the Word , is a good Notion of the Thing ; that is , to go again stones Mind , or speak what one does not think . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Homer expresseth it , to conceal one thing in the Mind , and speak another with the Tongue . Hence a Man may Speak an untruth , and yet not Lye , when , he thinks he speaks the Truth ; and on the contrary , may speak what is materially True , and yet Lye , when he speaks what he thinks not to be true . The Tongue was made to be the Index of the Mind , Speech the Interpreter of Thought ; therefore there ought to be a perfect Harmony and Agreement between these two . So that Lying is a great abuse of Speech , and a perverting the very end of it , which was to communicate our Thoughts one to another . It hath also an ill Principle for the most part , proceeding either from baseness of Spirit or Cowardise , as in them that have committed a fault , and deny it , for fear of Punishment or Rebuke : or from Covetousness , as in Tradesmen who falsly commend their Commodities , that they may vend them for a greater Price ; or from Vanity and vain Glory , in them who falsly boast of any Quality or Action of their own . It is odious both to God and Man. To God , Prov. 6. 17. A lying tongue is one of those six or seven things that are an abomination to him . To Men , as Homer witnesseth in the verse preceding the fore-quoted . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. He that tells Lies is as hateful to me as the Gates of Hell or Death . — The Practice of Lying is a Diabolical Exercise , and they that use it are the Devils Children , as our Saviour tells us . John 8. 44. Ye are of your father the Devil , &c. for he is a lyar , and the father of it . And lastly , it is a Sin that excludes out of Heaven , and depresses the Soul into Hell. Revel . 21 , 8. All liars shall have their part in the lake which burns with fire and brimstone , which is the second death . Thirdly , Another Vice or Abuse of Speech , or vicious Action to which the Tongue is instrumental is slandering ; that is raising a false Report of any Man tending to his Defamation . This might have been comprehended under the former head , being but a kind of Lying proceeding from enmity or ill will. It is a very great injury to our Neighbour , mens Reputation being as dear to them as Life itself ; so that it is grown to be a Proverb among the Vulgar , Take away my good Name and take away my Life . And that which enhances this injury is that it is irreparable . We cannot by any contrary Declaration so clear the innocency of our Neighbour as wholly to extirpate the preconceived Opinion , out of the Minds of those to whom our confession comes ; and many will remain whom the Calumny hath reacht , to whom the vindication probably will not extend ; the pravity of mans Nature being more apt to spread and divulge an ill Report than to stop and silence it . I might instance in Flattering of others , and boasting of our selves for two abuses of Speech , but they may both be referred to Lying , the one to please others , and puff them up with Self-Conceit , and a false Opinion that they have some excellent Quality or Endowment which they want , or have not in such a Degree , or that they are better thought of by others than indeed they are , and more honored : The other to gain more honor than is due to them . Fourthly , Obscene and impure Words are another vicious Effect of the Tongue . Those are principally the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rotten Speeches the Apostle speaks of Eph. 5. 29. Such as chast Ears abhor , which tend only to the depraving and corrupting the hearers : and are to be studiously and carefully avoided by all that pretend to Christianity . Ephes. 5 , 3. But fornication and all uncleanness let it not be once named among you . Fifthly , Cursing , and Railing or reviling Words are also a great abuse of Speech , and outragious Effects and Expressions of Malice and Wickedness . Psalm . 10. 7. The Psalmist makes it part of the Character of a wicked Man , that His mouth is full of cursing . Which passage we have quoted by the Apostle Rom. 3. 14. Whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness . Sixthly , Swearing and Irreverent using the Name of God in common Discourse and Converse , is another abuse of the Tongue ; to which I might add vehement Asseverations upon sleight and trivial occasions . I do not deny , but in a matter of Weight and Moment , which will bear out such attestation , and where belief will not be obtained without them , and yet it may much import the Hearer or Speaker that his Words be believed , or where the hearer would not otherwise think the matter so momentous or important as indeed it is , Protestations and Asseverations , yea Oaths may Lawfully be used . But to call God to Witness to an Untruth or a Lye perhaps , or to appeal to Him on every trivial occasion , in common Discourse , customarily , without any consideration of what we say , is one of the highest Indignities and Affronts that can be offered Him , being a Sin to which there is no Temptation : For it is so far from gaining Belief ( which is the only thing that can with any shew of Reason be pleaded for it ) that it rather creates diffidence and distrust . For as mult a fidem promiss a levant , so mult a Juramenta too , it being become a Proverb He that will Swear will Lie. And good Reason there is for it ; for he that scruples not the breach of one of Gods Commands , is not likely to make Conscience of the violation of another . Lastly , For I will name no more , Scurrilous Words , Scoffing and Jeering , Flouting and Taunting , are to be censured as vicious Abuses of Speech . This Scoffing and Derision proceeds from Contempt , and that of all injuries Men do most impatiently bear ; nothing offends more , or wounds deeper ; and therefore what greater violation of that general Rule of Christian Practice , to do to others as we would they should do unto us ? This injury of being Derided the Psalmist himself complains of , Psalm 69. 11 , 12. I became a proverb to them . They that sit in the Gate speak against me , and I was the song of the Drunkards . And Psalm 35. 15 , according to the Church Translation , The very Abjects came together against me unawares , making mows at me , and ceased not . and the Prophet Jeremy , Jer. 20. 7. I am in derision daily , every one mocketh me . And though there may be some Wit shewn in Scoffing and Jesting upon others , yet is it a Practice inconsistent with true Wisdom . The Scorner and the wise Man are frequently posed in Scripture . Prov. 9. 8. and Chap. 13. 1 , &c. It is a Proverbial saying , The greatest Clerks are not always the wisest men . I think the saying might as often be verified of the greatest Wits . Scorning in that Gradation in the first Psalm is set down as the highest step of Wickedness . And Solomon tells us That judgments are prepared for the Scorners . You will say to me , how then must our Tongues be employed ? I Answer , In Praises and Thanksgiving unto God. Psalm 35. 28. And my tongue shall speak of thy righteousness and of thy praises all the day long . Parallel whereto is Vers. 24. of Psalm 71. Indeed the Book of Psalms is in a great measure but an Exercise of , or Exhortation to this Duty . 2. We must exercise our Tongues in Talking of all his wondrous Works . Psalm 145. 5 , 6. I will speak of the glorious honour of thy majesty , and of thy wondrous works . 3. In Prayer to God. 4. In Confession of Him and of his Religion , and publickly owning it before Men , whatever the hazard be . 5. In Teaching , Instructing and Counselling of others . 6. In Exhorting them . 7. In Comforting them that need it . 8. In Reproving them . All which Particulars I might enlarge upon ; but because they come in here only as they refer to the Tongue , it may suffice to have mention'd them summarily . Thirdly , Let us hence duly learn to prize and value our Souls ; is the Body such a rare Piece , what then is the Soul ? the Body is but the Husk or Shell , the Soul is the Kernel ; the Body is but the Cask , the Soul the precious Liquor contained in it ; the Body is but the Cabinet , the Soul the Jewel ; the Body is but the Ship or Vessel , the Soul the Pilot ; the Body is but the Tabernacle , and a poor Clay Tabernacle or Cottage , the Soul the Inhabitant ; the Body is but the Machine or Engine , the Soul that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that actuates and quickens it ; the Body is but the dark Lanthorn , the Soul or Spirit is the Candle of the Lord that burns in it : And seeing there is such difference between the Soul and the Body in respect of Excellency , surely our better Part challenges our greatest care and diligence to make Provision for it . Bodily Provision is but half Provision , it is but for one Part of a Man , and that the meaner and more ignoble too , if we consider only the time of this Life ; but if we consider a future Estate of endless duration after this Life , then Bodily Provision will appear to be , I do not say quarter Provision , but no Provision at all in comparison , there being no proportion between so short a period of time , and the infinite Ages of Eternity . Let us not then be so foolish as to employ all our thoughts and bestow all our time and pains about cherishing , accommodating and gratifying our Bodies , in making Provision for the Flesh to fulfill the Lusts thereof , as the Apostle phraseth it ; and suffer our Souls to lie by neglected , in a miserable , and poor , and blind , and naked condition . Some Philosophers will not allow the Body to be an essential Part of Man , but only the Vessel or Vehicle of the Soul ; Anima cujusque est quisque . Though I would not be so unequal to it , yet I must needs acknowledg it to be but an inferior Part : it is therefore so to be treated , so dieted and provided as to render it most calm and compliant with the Soul , most tractable and obsequious to the dictates of Reason ; not so pampered and indulged , as to encourage it to cast its Rider , and to take the Reins into its own Hand , and usurp Dominion over the better part , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sink and depress it into a sordid compliance with its own Lusts , Atque affigere humi Divinae particulam aurae . This is our Duty , but alas what is our Practice ? Our great partiality towards our Bodies , and neglect of our Souls , shews clearly which Part we prefer . We are careful enough of wounding or maiming our Bodies , but we make bold to lash and wound our Souls daily ; for every Sin we commit , being contrary to its Nature , is a real Stripe yea a mortal Wound to the Soul , and we shall find it to be so , if our Consciences be once awakened to feel the Sting and Smart of it . We are industrious enough to preserve our Bodies from Slavery and Thraldom , but we make nothing of suffering our Souls to be Slaves and Drudges to our Lusts , and to live in the vilest Bondage to the most degenerate of Creatures , the Devil : We are thrifty and provident enough not to part with any thing that may be serviceable to our Bodies under a good consideration , and we so esteem them , as that we will part with all we have for the life of them ; but we make little account of what is most beneficial to our Souls , the means of Grace and Salvation , the Word of God and Duties of his Worship and Service , nay we can be content to sell our Souls themselves for a Trifle , for a thing of nothing , yea for what is worse than nothing , the satisfying of an inordinate and unreasonable Appetite or Passion . We highly esteem and stand much upon our Nobility , our Birth and Breeding , though we derive nothing from our Ancestors but our Bodies and Corporeal Qualities ; and it is useful so far to value and improve this Advantage , as to provoke us to imitate the good Examples of our Progenitors , not to degenerate from them , nor to do any thing unworthy of our Breeding ; and yet the divine Original of our Souls , which are Beams from the Father of Lights , and the immediate Offspring of God himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath little influence upon us to engage us to walk worthily of our extraction , and to do nothing that is base or ignoble , and unsutable to the Dignity of our Birth . You will say , how shall we manifest our Care of our Souls ? what shall we do for them ? I answer , the same we do for our Bodies . 1. We feed our Bodies , our Souls are also to be fed : The Food of the Soul is Knowledg , especially knowledg in the Things of God , and the Things that concern its eternal Peace and Happiness ; the Doctrine of Christianity , the Word of God read and preached , 1. Pet. 2. 2. As new born Babes desire the sincere Milk of the Word that ye may grow thereby . Heb. 5. 12. The Apostle speaks both of Milk and of strong Meat . Milk he there calls the Principles of the Doctrine of Christ , and again , 1. Cor. 2. 3. I have fed you with Milk and not with Meat , for hitherto ye were not able to bear it . So we see in the Apostles phrase , feeding of the Flock is teaching and instructing of them . Knowledg is the Foundation of Practice ; it is impossible to do Gods Will before we know it ; the Word must be received into an honest and good Heart and understood , before any Fruit can be brought forth . Secondly , We heal and cure our Bodies , when they are inwardly Sick , or outwardly Harmed ; Sin is the sickness of the Soul , Matth. 9. 12. They that be whole need not a Physitian , but they that be Sick , saith our Saviour , by way of Similitude , which he explains in the next Verse , I am not come to call the Righteous but Sinners to Repentance . For the cure of this Disease an humble , serious , hearty Repentance is the only Physick ; not to expiate the Guilt of it , but to qualifie us to partake of the benefit of that Atonement which our Saviour Christ hath made , by the sacrifice of himself , and restore us to the Favor of God , which we had forfeited , it being as much as in us lies an undoing again what we have done . Thirdly , We cloth and adorn our Bodies , our Souls also are to be clothed with holy and vertuous Habits , and adorned with good Works . 1. Pet. 5. 5. Be ye clothed with Humility ; and in the same Epistle , Chap. 2. 3. he exhorts Women to adorn themselves , not with that outward adorning of plaiting the Hair , and of wearing Gold , &c. but with the Ornament of a meek and a quiet Spirit , which is in the Sight of God of great price . And in Revel . 19. 8. The righteousness of the Saints is called fine linnen . And the Saints are said to be clothed in white raiment . Matt. 23. 11. Works of Righteousness , and a Conversation becoming the Gospel is called a wedding garment . Coloss. 3. 10. Put on the new man. And again , Put on therefore as the Elect of God bowels of mercy , meekness , &c. On the contrary vicious Habits and sinful Actions are compared to filthy Garments . So Zechar. 3. 3. Joshua the High-Priest is said to be clothed with filthy garments ; which in the next Verse are Interpreted his Iniquities either Personal or of the People , whom he Represented , I have caused thy iniquity to pass from thee , and will cloth thee with change of raiment . Fourthly , We Arm and Defend our Bodies . And our Souls have as much need of Armour as they : For the Life of a Christian is a continual Warfare ; and we have potent and vigilant Enemies to encounter withal ; the Devil , the World and this corrupt Flesh we carry about with us . We had need therefore to take to us the Christian Panoply , to Put on the whole armour of God , that we may withstand in the evil day , and having done all may stand ; having our loyns girt with truth , and having the breast plate of righteousness , and our feet shod with the preparation of the Gospel of peace . Above all taking the shield of faith , and for an helmet the hope of Salvation , and the sword of the spirit , which is the word of God. Ephes. 6. 13 , 14 , &c. He that with his Christian Armour manfully Fights against and Repels the Temptations and Assaults of his Spiritual Enemies . He that keeps his Garments pure , and his Conscience void of Offence towards God and towards Man , shall enjoy perfect Peace here , and Assurance for Ever . Tacitus saith of the Finni , a Northern People , that they were securi adversus homines , securi adversus Deos. They need not fear what God or Man could do to them , because they were in as bad a condition as could consist with living in the World : They could not be Banished into a worse Country , nor put into worse circumstances than they were in already . I might say of the Man that keeps a good Conscience , that he is secure against God and Man ; not in that Sense the Finni were ; but secure of any Evil befalling him , from either . God can do him no harm , not for want of Power , but for want of Will , which is regulated by his Truth and Justice . He is also secure in respect of Men , because he is under the Protection of the Almighty : and if any there be that would do him harm , they shall either be restrained by the Divine Providence , or if they be permitted to injure him , it shall tend only to the exercise and improvement of his Faith and Patience , and enhancing his future Reward at that great Day , when the Almighty shall dispense Aureolae to those Champions who have signalized their Valour and Fidelity by heroick Actions , or patient Sufferings of unworthy things for his Sake . 3. A good Conscience not only secures a Man from God and Men , but from himself too . There is no peace to the wicked , saith my God , no inward Peace . Such a Man is at odds with himself . For the Commandments of God being agreeable to the Nature of Man , and perfectly conformable to the Dictates of right Reason ; mans Judgment gives Sentence with the Divine Law , and condemns him when he violates any of them ; and so the Sinner becomes an Heautontimorumenos , a Tormenter of himself . Prima est haec ultio , quod se Judice nemo nocens absolvitur . No guilty Person is Absolved at his own Tribunal , himself being Judge . Neither let any profligate Person , who hath bidden Defiance to his Conscience , and is at War with himself , think to take Sanctuary in Atheism , and because it imports him highly there should be no God , stoutly deny that there is any . For First , supposing that the Existence of a Deity were not demonstrably or infallibly Proved , ( as it most certainly is ) yet he cannot be sure of the contrary , that there is none . For no Man can be sure of a pure Negative , namely that such a thing is not , unless he will either pretend to have a certain knowledg of all Things that are or may be , than which nothing can be more monstrously and ridiculously Arrogant ; or else unless he be sure that the Being of what he denies doth imply a contradiction ; for which there is not the least Colour in this Case . The true Notion of God consisting in this , That he is a Being of all possible perfection . That I may borrow my Lord Bishop of Chesters Words in his Discourse of Natural Religion , Pag. 94. Now if he be not sure there is no Deity , he cannot be without some suspicion and fear that there may be one . Secondly , If there should be a Deity , so Holy and Just and Powerful as is supposed , what Vengeance and Indignation may such vile Miscreants and Rebels expect , who have made it their business to banish Him out of the World who is the Great Creatour and Governour of it , to undermine his Being , and Eradicate all Notions of Him out of their own and other mens Minds ; to provoke his Creatures and Vassals to a Contempt of Him , a sleighting of his Fear and Worship , as being but such imaginary Chimaera's , as are fit only to keep Fools in awe . Certainly as this is the highest provocation that any Man can be guilty of , so shall it be Punished with the sorest Vengeance . Now a slender suspicion of the Existence of a Being , the denial whereof is of so sad consequence , must needs disturb the Atheists Thoughts , and fill him with fears , and qualifie and allay all his Pleasures and Enjoyments , and render him miserable even in this Life . But on the other side , he that believes and owns a God ; if there should be none , is in no danger of any bad consequent . For all the inconvenience of this Belief will be , that he may be hereby occasioned to tye himself up to some needless restraints during this short time of his Life , wherein notwithstanding there is , as to the present , much Peace , Quiet , and Safety ; And , as to the future , his errour shall die with him , there being none to call him to an Account for his mistake . Thus far the Bishop . To which I shall add , that he not only suffers no damage , but reaps a considerable benefit from this mistake ; for during this Life he enjoys a pleasant Dream or Fancy of a future blessed Estate , with the Thoughts and Expectation whereof he solaces himself , and agreeably entertains his time ; and is in no danger of being ever awakened out of it , and convinced of his Errour and Folly , Death making a full end of him . FINIS . BOOKS Printed for and Sold by Samuel Smith . JO. Rais Historia Plantarum . 2 Vol. Fol. 1686. — Synopsis Methodica Stirpium Britannicarum , cum Indice & Virium Epit. Newton Philosophia Naturalis principia Mathemat . 40. R. Morton . Exercitationes de Phthisii . 8 o. 1689. G. Harris de Morbis acutis Infantum . 8 o. 1689. Pharmacopeia Bateana , cum Arcanis Goddardianis , &c. 1691. Shipton Pharmacopeia-Col . Reg. Londini remedia omnia . 12 o. 1690. Plukenetii Stripium illustr . & minus cognitarum Icones . Fol. 1691. Haver's new Observation of the Bones , and Marrow , of Rheumatisms and Gout , &c. 1691. Practical Christianity , or such Holiness as the Gospel enjoyns 8 o. An Enquiry after Happiness by the Author of Pract. Christianity 8 o. Human Life ; being a 2. Part of Enquiry after Happiness . 8 o. 1690. The Duty of Servants towards God , their Masters , &c. by the same Author . A Sermon Preached at Mr. T. Lamb's Funeral , by the same Author . A Sermon about frequent Communion , by Dr. Tho. Smith . 4 o. A Practical Discourse of the Causes , and Remedies of the Differences about Religion ; which distract the Peace of Christendom . 4 o. The History of the Persecutions of the Protestants , by the French King , in the Principality of Orange . 4 o. The State of the Church of Rome , when the Reformation began . 4 o. Visions of Pasquin , or a Character of the Roman Court , Religion and Practices ; with a curious Description of Purgatory , and Hell. 4 o. The School of the Eucharist , or the Miraculous Acknowledgments which Birds , Beasts and Insects have rendred to the Holy Sacrament of the Altar . 8 o. Art of Divine Converse , by D. Abercromby . The Life of St. Mary Magdalen of Pazzi , a Carmelite Nun ; with the Nature , Causes and Consequences of Extasie and Rapture , &c. 4 o. R. Boyle's Veneration Man's Intellect ows to God. 8 o. — Hydrostaticks applyed to the Materia Medicam . 8 o. — Effects of Languid Local Motion ; and the Causes of the Insalubrity and Salubrity of the Air. 8 o. — Natural and Experimental History of Mineral Waters . 8 o. — Vertues of Specifick Medicines , and the Use of Simple Medicines 8 o. — Of the Porousness of Animal and Solid Bodies . 8 o. — Experimental History of Cold. 4 o. — Sceptical Chymist . 8 o. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A58185-e1880 * De Nat. rerum . l. 2. Treat . of Nat. Religion . Lib. 1. c. 6. * Seminal form or vertue . * Antidote against Athism l. 2. c. 5. * Isag. ad rem Herbariam . * Antidote against Atheism . l. 2. c. 6. * Agric. l. 2. c. 6. * D. More Antid . l. 2. c. 6. Antid . Atheism . l. 2. c. 9. * Plin. l. 11. c. 30. * Antidote against Atheism l. 2. c. 10. Object . Use. * Antid . Atheism . l. 2. c. 11. * Bishop of Chesters Nat. Rel. lib. 1. c. 6. Dr. More Antidote against Atheism . * De natur . Rerum l. 2. * Boyl of Fin. Causes p. 53 , 54. * Cartes Epist. Vol. 1. Ep. 77. & Seq . Infer . 1. Psal. 100. Infer . 2. * runs before the Understanding or Wit. 
A01516	----	The tvvoo bookes of Francis Bacon. Of the proficience and aduancement of learning, diuine and humane To the King. Of the proficience and advancement of learning Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. 1605 Approx. 509 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 170 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A01516 STC 1164 ESTC S100507 99836346 99836346 611 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A01516) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 611) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1475-1640 ; 650:7) The tvvoo bookes of Francis Bacon. Of the proficience and aduancement of learning, diuine and humane To the King. Of the proficience and advancement of learning Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. [1], 45; 118 [i.e. 121], [3] leaves Printed [by Thomas Purfoot and Thomas Creede] for Henrie Tomes, and are to be sould at his shop at Graies Inne gate in Holborne, At London : 1605. Later expanded as "De augmentis scientiarum". Purfoot printed book 1 and Kk-Rr of book 2; Creede printed Aa-Ii and Eee-Hhh of book 2; another compositor set the rest (STC). "The second booke of Francis Bacon" has separate foliation and register. Foliation is irregular. With two final errata leaves following leaf Hhhh2, a blank. Reproduction of the original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Logic -- Early works to 1800. 2002-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-07 Apex CoVantage Rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-08 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-08 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Tvvoo Bookes of FRANCIS BACON . Of the proficience and aduancement of Learning , diuine and humane . To the King. AT LONDON , ¶ Printed for Henrie Tomes , and are to be sould at his shop at Graies Inne Gate in Holborne . 1605. THE FIRST BOOKE of FRANCIS BACON ; of the proficience and aduancement of Learning diuine , and humane . To the King. THere were vnder the Lawe ( excellent King ) both dayly Sacrifices , and free will Offerings ; The one proceeding vpon ordinarie obseruance ; The other vppon a deuout cheerefulnesse : In like manner there belongeth to Kings from their Seruants , both Tribute of dutie , and presents of affection : In the former of these , I hope I shal not liue to be wanting , according to my most humble dutie , and the good pleasure of your Maiesties employments : for the later , I thought it more respectiue to make choyce of some oblation , which might rather referre to the proprietie and excellencie of your indiuiduall person , than to the businesse of your Crowne and State. Wherefore representing your Maiestie many times vnto my mind , and beholding you not with the inquisitiue eye of presumption , to discouer that which the Scripture telleth me is inscrutable ; but with the obseruant eye of dutie and admiration : leauing aside the other parts of your vertue and fortune , I haue been touched , yea and possessed with an extreame woonder at those your vertues and faculties , which the Philosophers call intellectuall : The largenesse of your capacitie , the faithfulnesse of your memorie , the swiftnesse of your apprehension , the penetration of your Iudgement , and the facilitie and order of your elocution ; and I haue often thought , that of all the persons liuing , that I haue knowne , your Maiestie were the best instance to make a man of Platoes opinion , that all knowledge is but remembrance , and that the minde of man by nature knoweth all things , and hath but her owne natiue and originall motions ( which by the strangenesse and darkenesse of this Tabernacle of the bodie are sequestred ) againe reuiued and restored such a light of Nature I haue obserued in your Maiestie , and such a readinesse to take flame , and blaze from the least occasion presented , or the least sparke of anothers knowledge deliuered . And as the Scripture sayth of the wisest King : That his heart was as the sands of the Sea , which though it be one of the largest bodies , yet it cōsisteth of the smallest & finest portions ; So hath God giuen your Maiestie a cōposition of vnderstanding admirable , being able to compasse & comprehend the greatest matters , & neuerthelesse to touch and apprehend the least : wheras it should seeme an impossibility in Nature , for the same Instrument to make it selfe fit for great and small workes . And for your gift of speech , I call to minde what Cornelius Tacitus sayth of Augustus Caesar : Augusto profluens & quae principem deceret , eloquentia fuit : For if we note it well , speech that is vttered with labour and difficultie , or speech that sauoreth of the affectation of art and precepts , or speech that is framed after the imitation of some patterne of eloquence , though neuer so excellent : All this hath somewhat seruile , and holding of the subiect . But your Maiesties manner of speech is indeed Prince-like , flowing as from a fountaine , and yet streaming & branching it selfe into Natures order , full of facilitie , & felicitie , imitating none & ininimitable by any . And as in your ciuile Estate there appeareth to be an emulation & contentiō of your Maiesties vertue with your fortune , a vertuous disposition with a fortunate regiment , a vertuous expectation ( when time was ) of your greater fortune , with a prosperous possession thereof in the due time ; a vertuous obseruation of the lawes of marriage , with most blessed and happie fruite of marriage ; a vertuous and most christian desire of peace , with a fortunate inclination in your neighbour Princes thereunto , So likewise in these intellectuall matters , there seemeth to be no lesse contention betweene the excellencie of your Maiesties gifts of Nature , and the vniuersalitie and profection of your learning . For I am well assured , that this which I shall say is no amplification at all , but a positiue and measured truth : which is , that there hath not beene since Christs time any King or temporall Monarch which hath ben so learned in all literature & erudition , diuine & humane . For let a man seriously & diligently reuolue and peruse the succession of the Emperours of Rome , of which Caesar the Dictator , who liued some yeeres before Christ , and Marcus Antoninus were the best learned : and so descend to the Emperours of Grecia , or of the West , and then to the lines of Fraunce , Spaine , England , Scotland and the rest , and he shall finde this iudgement is truly made . For it seemeth much in a King , if by the compendious extractions of other mens wits and labours , he can take hold of any superficiall Ornaments and shewes of learning , or if he countenance and preferre learning and learned men : But to drinke indeed of the true Fountaines of learning , nay , to haue such a fountaine of learning in himselfe , in a King , and in a King borne , is almost a Miracle . And the more , because there is met in your Maiesty a rare Coniunction , aswell of diuine and sacred literature , as of prophane and humane ; So as your Maiestie standeth inuested of that triplicitie , which in great veneration , was ascribed to the ancient Hermes ; the power and fortune of a King ; the knowledge and illumination of a Priest ; and the learning and vniuersalitie of a Philosopher . This propriety inherent and indiuiduall attribute in your Maiestie deserueth to be expressed , not onely in the same and admiration of the present time , nor in the Historie or tradition of the ages succeeding ; but also in some solide worke , fixed memoriall , and immortall monument , bearing a Character or signature , both of the power of a king , and the difference and perfection of such a king . Therefore I did conclude with my selfe , that I could not make vnto your Maiesty a better oblation , then of some treatise tending to that end , whereof the summe will consist of these two partes : The former concerning the excellencie of learning and knowledge , and the excellencie of the merit and true glory , in the Augmentation and Propagation thereof : The latter , what the particuler actes and workes are , which haue been imbraced and vndertaken for the aduancement of learning : And againe what defects and vndervalewes I finde in such particuler actes : to the end , that though I cannot positiuely or affirmatiuelie aduise your Maiestie , or propound vnto you framed particulers ; yet I may excite your princely Cogitations to visit the excellent treasure of your owne mind , and thence to extract particulers for this purpose , agreeable to your magnanimitie and wisedome . IN the entrance to the former of these ; to cleere the way , & as it were to make silence , to haue the true testimonies concerning the dignitie of Learning to be better heard , without the interruption of tacite obiections ; I thinke good to deliuer it from the discredites and disgraces which it hath receiued ; all from ignorance ; but ignorance seuerally disguised , appearing sometimes in the zeale and iealousie of Diuines ; sometimes in the seueritie and arrogancie of Politiques , and sometimes in the errors and imperfections of learned men themselues . I heare the former sort say , that knowledge is of those things which are to be accepted of with great limitation and caution , that th' aspiring to ouermuch knowledge , was the originall temptation and sinne , whereupon ensued the fal of Man ; that knowledge hath in it somewhat of the Serpent , and therefore where it entreth into a man , it makes him swel . Scientia inflat . That Salomon giues a Censure , That there is no end of making Bookes , and that much reading is wearinesse of the flesh . And againe in another place , That in spatious knowledge , there is much contristation , and that he that encreaseth knowledge , encreaseth anxietie : that Saint Paul giues a Caueat , that we be not spoyled through vaine Philosophie : that experience demonstrates , how learned men , haue beene Arch-heretiques , how learned times haue been enclined to Atheisme , and how the contemplation of second Causes doth derogate frō our dependance vpon God , who is the first cause . To discouer then the ignorance & error of this opinion , and the misunderstanding in the grounds thereof , it may well appeare these men doe not obserue or cōsider , that it was not the pure knowledg of nature and vniuersality , a knowledge by the light whereof man did giue names vnto other creatures in Paradise , as they were brought before him , according vnto their proprieties , which gaue the occasion to the fall ; but it was the proude knowledge of good and euill , with an intent in man to giue law vnto himselfe , and to depend no more vpon Gods commaundements , which was the fourme of the temptation ; neither is it any quantitie of knowledge how great soeuer that can make the minde of man to swell ; for nothing can fill , much lesse extend the soule of man , but God , and the contemplation of God ; and therfore Salomon speaking of the two principall sences of Inquisition , the Eye , and the Eare , affirmeth that the Eye is neuer satisfied with seeing , nor the Eare with hearing ; and if there be no fulnesse , then is the Continent greater , than the Content ; so of knowledge it selfe , and the minde of man , whereto the sences are but Reporters , he defineth likewise in these wordes , placed after that Kalender or Ephemerides , which he maketh of the diuersities of times and seasons for all actions and purposes ; and concludeth thus : God hath made all thinges beautifull or decent in the true returne of their seasons . Also hee hath placed the world in Mans heart , yet cannot Man finde out the worke which God worketh from the beginning to the end : Declaring not obscurely , that God hath framed the minde of man as a mirrour , or glasse , capable of the Image of the vniuersall world , and ioyfull to receiue the impression thereof , as the Eye ioyeth to receiue light , and not onely delighted in beholding the varietie of thinges and vicissitude of times , but raysed also to finde out and discerne the ordinances and decrees which throughout all those Changes are infallibly obserued . And although hee doth insinuate that the supreame or summarie law of Nature , which he calleth , The worke which God worketh from the beginning to the end , is not possible to be found out by Man ; yet that doth not derogate from the capacitie of the minde ; but may bee referred to the impediments as of shortnesse of life , ill coniunction of labours , ill tradition of knowledge ouer from hand to hand , and many other Inconueniences , whereunto the condition of Man is subiect . For that nothing parcell of the world , is denied to Mans enquirie and inuention : hee doth in another place rule ouer ; when hee sayth , The Spirite of Man is as the Lampe of God , wherewith hee searcheth the inwardnesse of all secrets . If then such be the capacitie and receit of the mind of Man , it is manifest , that there is no daunger at all in the proportion or quantitie of knowledge howe large soeuer ; least it should make it swell or outcompasse it selfe ; no , but it is meerely the qualitie of knowledge , which be it in quantitie more or lesse , if it bee taken without the true correctiue thereof , hath in it some Nature of venome or malignitie , and some effects of that venome which is ventositie or swelling . This correctiue spice , the mixture whereof maketh knowledge so soueraigne , is Charitie , which the Apostle imediately addeth to the former clause , for so he sayth , Knowledge bloweth vp , but Charitie buildeth vp ; not vnlike vnto that which hee deliuereth in another place : If I spake ( sayth hee ) with the tongues of men and Angels , and had not Charitie , it were but as a tinckling Cymball ; not but that it is an excellent thinge to speake with the tongues of Men and Angels , but because if it bee seuered from Charitie , and not referred to the good of Men and Mankind , it hath rather a sounding and vnworthie glorie , than a meriting and substantiall vertue . And as for that Censure of Salomon concerning the excesse of writing and reading Bookes , and the anxietie of spirit which redoundeth from knowlegde , and that admonition of Saint Paule , That wee bee not seduced by vayne Philosophie ; let those places bee rightly vnderstoode , and they doe indeede excellently sette foorth the true bounds and limitations , whereby humane knowledge is confined and circumscribed : and yet without any such contracting or coarctation , but that it may comprehend all the vniuersall nature of thinges : for these limitations are three : The first , That wee doe not so place our felicitic in knowledge , as wee forget our mortalitie . The second , that we make application of our knowledge to giue our selues repose and contentment , and not distast or repining . The third : that we doe not presume by the contemplation of Nature , to attaine to the misteries of God ; for as touching the first of these , Salomon doth excellently expound himselfe in another place of the same Booke , where hee sayth ; I sawe well that knowledge recedeth as farre from ignorance , as light doth from darkenesse , and that the wise mans eyes keepe watch in his head whereas the foole roundeth about in darkenesse : But withall I learned that the same mortalitie inuolueth them both . And for the second , certaine it is , there is no vexation or anxietie of minde , which resulteth from knowledge otherwise than meerely by accident ; for all knowledge and wonder ( which is the seede of knowledge ) is an impression of pleasure in it selfe ; but when men fall to framing conclusions out of their knowledge , applying it to their particuler , and ministring to themselues thereby weake feares , or vast desires , there groweth that carefulnesse and trouble of minde , which is spoken of : for then knowledge is no more Lumen sic●…um , whereof Heraclitus the profound sayd , Lumen siccum optima anima , but it becommeth Lumen madidum , or maceratum , being steeped and infused in the humors of the affections . And as for the third point , it deserueth to be a little stood vpon , and not to be lightly passed ouer : for if any man shall thinke by view and enquiry into these sensible and material things to attaine that light , whereby he may reueale vnto himselfe the nature or will of God : then indeed is he spoyled by vaine Philosophie : for the contemplation of Gods Creatures and works produceth ( hauing regard to the works and creatures themselues ) knowledge , but hauing regard to God , no perfect knowledg , but wonder , which is brokē knowledge : And therefore it was most aptly sayd by one of Platoes Schoole , That the sence of man caryeth a resemblance with the Sunne , which ( as we see ) openeth and reuealeth all the terrestriall Globe ; but then againe it obscureth and concealeth the stars & celestiall Globe : So doth the Sence discouer naturall thinges , but it darkeneth and shutteth vp Diuine . And hence it is true that it hath proceeded that diuers great learned men haue beene hereticall , whilest they haue sought to flye vp to the secrets of the Deitie by the waxen winges of the Sences : And as for the conceite that too much knowledge should encline a man to Atheisme , and that the ignorance of second causes should make a more deuoute dependance vppon God , which is the first cause ; First , it is good to aske the question which Iob asked of his friends ; Will you lye for God , as one man will doe for another , to gratifie him ? for certaine it is , that God worketh nothing in Nature , but by second causes , and if they would haue it otherwise beleeued , it is meere imposture , as it were in fauour towardes God ; and nothing else , but to offer to the Author of truth , the vncleane sacrifice of a lye . But further , it is an assured truth , and a conclusion of experience , that a little or superficiall knowledge of Philosophie may encline the minde of Man to Atheisme , but a further proceeding therein doth bring the mind backe againe to Religion : for in the entrance of Philosophie , when the second Causes , which are next vnto the sences , do offer themselues to the minde of Man , if it dwell and stay there , it may induce some obliuion of the highest cause ; but when a man passeth on further , and seeth the dependance of causes , and the workes of prouidence ; then according to the allegorie of the Poets , he will easily beleeue that the highest Linke of Natures chaine must needes be tyed to the foote of Iupiters chaire . To conclude therefore , let no man vppon a weake conceite of sobrietie , or an ill applyed moderation thinke or maintaine , that a man can search too farre , or bee too well studied in the Booke of Gods word , or in the Booke of Gods workes ; Diuinitie or Philosophie ; but rather let men endeauour an endlesse progresse or proficience in both : only let men beware that they apply both to Charitie , and not to swelling ; to vse , and not to ostentation ; and againe , that they doe not vnwisely mingle or confound these learnings together . And as for the disgraces which learning receiueth from Politiques , they bee of this nature ; that learning doth soften mens mindes , and makes them more vnapt for the honour and exercise of Armes ; that it doth marre and peruert mens dispositions for matter of gouernement and policie ; in making them too curious and irresolute by varietie of reading ; or too peremptorie or positiue by stricktnesse of rules and axiomes ; or too immoderate and ouerweening by reason of the greatnesse of examples ; or too incompatible and differing from the times , by reason of the dissimilitude of examples ; or at least , that it doth diuert mens trauailes from action and businesse , and bringeth them to a loue of leasure and priuatenesse ; and that it doth bring into States a relaxation of discipline , whilst euerie man is more readie to argue , than to obey and execute . Out of this conceit , Cato surnamed the Censor , one of the wisest men indeed that euer liued , when Carneades the Philosopher came in Embassage to Rome , and that the young men of Rome began to flocke about him , being allured with the sweetnesse and Maiestie of his eloquence and learning , gaue counsell in open Senate , that they should giue him his dispatch with all speede , least hee should infect and inchaunt the mindes and affections of the youth , and at vnawares bring in an alteration of the manners and Customes of the State. Out of the same conceite or humor did Virgill , turning his penne to the aduantage of his Countrey , and the disaduantage of his owne profession , make a kind of separation betweene policie and gouernement , and betweene Arts and Sciences , in the verses so much renowned , attributing and challenging the one to the Romanes , and leauing & yeelding the other to the Grecians , Turegere imperio populos Romane mem●…to , Hae tibi erūt artes , &c. so likewise we see that Anytus the accuser of Socrates layd it as an Article of charge & accusation against him , that he did with the varietie and power of his discourses and disputations withdraw young men from due reuerence to the Lawes and Customes of their Countrey : and that he did professe a dangerous and pernitious Science , which was to make the worse matter seeme the better , and to suppresse truth by force of eloquence and speech . But these and the like imputations haue rather a countenance of grauitie , than any ground of Iustice : for experience doth warrant , that both in persons and in times , there hath beene a meeting , and concurrence in learning and Armes , flourishing and excelling in the same men , and the same ages . For as for men , there cannot be a better nor the like instance , as of that payre Alexander the Great , and Iulius Caesar the Dictator , whereof the one was Aristotles Scholler in Philosophie , and the other was Ciceroes Riuall in eloquence ; or if any man had rather call for Schollers , that were great Generals , then Generals that were great Schollers ; let him take Epaminondas the Thebane , or Xenophon the Athenian , whereof the one was the first that abated the power of Sparta ; and the other was the first that made way to the ouerthrow of the Monarchie of Persia : And this concurrence is yet more visible in times than in persons , by how much an age is greater obiect than a Man. For both in Aegypt , Assyria , Persia , Grecia , and Rome the same times that are most renowned for Armes , are likewise most admired for learning ; so that the greatest Authors and Philosophers , and the greatest Captaines and Gouernours haue liued in the same ages : neither can it otherwise be ; for as in Man , the ripenesse of strength of the bodie and minde commeth much about an age , saue that the strength of the bodie commeth somewhat the more early ; So in States , Armes and Learning , whereof the one correspondeth to the bodie , the other to the soule of Man , haue a concurrence or nere sequence in times . And for matter of policie and gouernement , that Learning should rather hurt , than inable thereunto , is a thing verie improbable : we see it is accounted an errour , to commit a naturall bodie to Emperique Phisitions , which commonly haue a fewe pleasing receits , whereupon they are confident and aduenturous , but know neither the causes of diseases , nor the complexions of Patients , nor perill of accidents , nor the true methode of Cures ; We see it is a like error to rely vpon Aduocates or Lawyers , which are onely men of practise , and not grounded in their Bookes , who are many times easily surprised , when matter falleth out besides their experience , to the preiudice of the causes they handle : so by like reason it cannot be but a matter of doubtfull consequence , if States bee managed by Emperique Statesmen , not well mingled with men grounded in Learning . But contrary wise , it is almost without instance contradictorie , that euer any gouernement was disastrous , that was in the hands of learned Gouernors . For howsoeuer it hath beene ordinarie with politique men to extenuate and disable learned men by the names of Pedantes : yet in the Records of time it appeareth in many particulers , that the Gouernements of Princes in minority ( notwithstanding the infinite disaduantage of that kinde of State ) haue neuerthelesse excelled the gouernement of Princes of mature age , euen for that reason , which they seek to traduce , which is , that by that occasion the state hath been in the hands of Pedantes : for so was the State of Rome for the first fiue yeeres , which are so much magnified , during the minoritie of Nero , in the handes of Seneca a Pedanti : So it was againe for ten yeres space or more during the minoritie of Gordianus the younger , with great applause and contentation in the hands of Misi●…heus a Pedanti : so was it before that , in the minoritie of Alexander Seuerus in like happinesse , in hands not much vnlike , by reason of the rule of the women , who were ayded by the Teachers and Preceptors . Nay , let a man looke into the gouernement of the Bishops of Rome , as by name , into the gouernement of Pius Quintus , and Sex●… Quintus in out times , who were both at their entrance esteemed , but as Pedanticall Friers , and he shall find that such Popes doe greater thinges , and proceed vpon truer principles of Estate , than those which haue ascended to the Papacie from an education & breeding in affaires of Estate , and Courts of Princes ; for although men bred in Learning , are perhaps to seeke in points of conuenience , and accommodating for the present which the Italians call Ragioni di 〈◊〉 , whereof the same Pius Quintus could not heare spoken with patience , tearming them Inuentions against Religion and the morall vertues ; yet on the other side to recompence that , they are perfite in those same plaine grounds of Religion , Iustice , Honour , and Morall vertue ; which if they be well and watchfully pursued , there will bee seldome vse of those other , no more than of Phisicke in a sound or well dieted bodie ; neither can the experience of one mans life , furnish examples and presidents for the euents of one mans life . For as it happeneth sometimes , that the Graund child , or other descendent , resembleth the Ancestor more than the Sonne : so many times occurrences of present times may sort better with ancient examples , than with those of the later or immediate times ; and lastly , the wit of one man , can no more counteruaile learning , than one mans meanes can hold way with a common purse . And as for those particular seducements or indispositions of the minde for policie and gouernement , which learning is pretended to insinuate ; if it be graunted that any such thing be , it must be remembred withall , that learning ministreth in euery of them greater strength of medicine or remedie , than it offereth cause of indisposition or infirmitie ; For if by a secret operation , it make men perplexed and irresolute , on the other side by plaine precept , it teacheth them when , and vpon what ground to resolue : yea , and how to carrie thinges in suspence without preiudice , till they resolue : If it make men positiue and reguler , it teacheth them what thinges are in their nature demonstratiue , & what are coniecturall ; and aswell the vse of distinctions , and exceptions , as the latitude of principles and rules . If it mislead by disproportion , or dissimilitude of Examples , it teacheth men the force of Circumstances , the errours of comparisons , and all the cautions of application : so that in all these it doth rectifie more effectually , than it can peruert And these medicines it conueyeth into mens minds much more forcibly by the quicknesse and penetration of Examples : for let a man looke into the errours of Clement the seuenth , so liuely described by Guicciardine , who serued vnder him , or into the errours of Cicero painted out by his owne pensill in his Epistles to Atticus , and he will flye apace from being irresolute . Let him looke into the errors of P●…ion and he will beware how he be obstinate or inflexible Let him but read the Fable of Ixion , and it will hold him from being vaporous or imaginatiue ; let him look into the errors of Cato the second , and he will neuer be one of the Antipodes , to tread opposite to the present world . And for the conceite that Learning should dispose men to leasure and priuatenesse , and make men slouthfull : it were a strange thing if that which accustometh the minde to a perpetuall motion and agitation , should induce slouthfulnesse , whereas contrariwise it may bee truely affirmed , that no kinde of men loue businesse for it selfe , but those that are learned ; for other persons loue it for profite ; as an hireling that loues the worke for the wages ; or for honour ; as because it beareth them vp in the eyes of men , and refresheth their reputation , which otherwise would weare ; or because it putteth them in mind of their fortune , and giueth them occasion to pleasure and displeasure ; or because it exerciseth some faculty , wherein they take pride , and so entertaineth them in good humor , and pleasing conceits toward themselues ; or because it aduanceth any other their ends . So that as it is sayd of vntrue valors , that some mens valors are in the eyes of them that look on ; So such mens industries are in the eyes of others , or at least in regard of their owne designements ; onely learned men loue businesse , as an action according to nature , as agreable to health of minde , as exercise is to health of bodie , taking pleasure in the action it selfe , & not in the purchase : So that of all men , they are the most indefatigable , if it be towards any businesse , which can hold or detaine their minde . And if any man be laborious in reading and study , and yet idle in busines & action , it groweth frō some weakenes of body , or softnes of spirit ; such as Seneca speaketh of : Quidam tam sunt vmbratiles , vt putent in turbido esse , quicquid in luce est ; and not of learning ; wel may it be that such a point of a mans nature may make him giue himselfe to learning , but it is not learning that breedeth any such point in his Nature . And that learning should take vp too much time or leasure , I answere , the most actiue or busie man that hath been or can bee , hath ( no question ) many vacant times of leasure , while he expecteth the tides and returnes of businesse ( except he be either tedious , and of no dispatch , or lightly and vnworthily ambitious , to meddle in thinges that may be better done by others ) and then the question is , but how those spaces and times of leasure shall be filled and spent : whether in pleasures , or in studies ; as was wel answered by Demosthenes to his aduersarie Aeschynes , that was a man giuen to pleasure , and told him , That his Orations did smell of the Lampe : Indeede ( sayd Demosthenes ) there is a great difference betweene the thinges that you and I doe by Lampe-light ; so as no man neede doubt , that learning will expulse businesse , but rather it will keepe and defend the possession of the mind against idlenesse and pleasure , which otherwise , at vnawares , may enter to the preiudice of both . Againe , for that other conceit , that learning should vndermine the reuerence of Lawes and gouernement , it is assuredly a meere deprauation and calumny without all shadowe of truth : for to say that a blind custome of obedience should be a surer obligation , than dutie taught and vnderstood ; it is to affirme that a blind man may tread surer by a guide , than a seeing man can by a light : and it is without all controuersie , that learning doth make the minds of men gentle , generous , maniable , and pliant to gouernment whereas Ignorance makes them churlish , thwart , and mutinous ; and the euidence of time doth cleare this assertion , considering that the most barbarous , rude , and vnlearned times haue beene most subiect to tumults , seditions , and changes . And as to the iudgement of Cato the Censor , he was well punished for his blasphemie against learning in the same kinde wherein hee offended ; for when he was past threescore yeeres old , he was taken with an extreame desire to goe to Schoole againe , and to learne the Greeke tongue , to the end to peruse the Greeke Authors ; which doth well demonstrate , that his former censure of the Grecian Learning , was rather an affected grauitie , than according to the inward sence of his owne opinion . And as for Virgils verles , though it pleased him to braue the world in taking to the Romanes , the Art of Empire , and leauing to others the arts of subiects : yet so much is manifest , that the Romanes neuer ascended to that height of Empire , till the time they had ascended to the height of other Arts : For in the time of the two first Caesars , which had the art of gouernement in greatest perfection ; there li●…ed the best Poet Virgilius Maro , the best Hifforiographer Titus Liuius , the best Antiquarie Marcus Varro , and the best or second Orator Marcus Cicero , that to the memorie of man are knowne . As for the accusation of Socrates , the time must be remembred , when it was prosecuted ; which was vnder the thirtie Tyrants , the most base , bloudy , and enuious persons that haue gouerned ; which reuolution of State was no sooner ouer , but Socrates , whom they had made a person criminall , was made a person heroycall , and his memorie accumulate with honors diuine and humane ; and those discourses of his which were then tearmed corrupting of manners , were after acknowledged for soueraigne Medicines of the minde and manners , and so haue beene receiued euer since till this day . Let this therefore serue for answere to Politiques , which in their humorous seueritie , or in their fayned grauitie haue presumed to throwe imputations vpon learning , which redargution neuerthelesse ( saue that wee know not whether our labours may extend to other ages ) were not needefull for the present , in regard of the loue and reuerence towards Learning , which the example and countenance of twoo so learned Princes Queene Elizabeth , and your Maiestie ; being as Castor and Pollux , Lucida Sydera , Starres of excellent light , and most benigne influence , hath wrought in all men of place and authoritie in our Nation . Now therefore , we come to that third sort of discredite , or diminution of credite , that groweth vnto learning from learned men themselues , which commonly cleaueth fastest ; It is either from their Fortune , or frō their Manners , or from the nature of their Studies : for the first , it is not in their power ; and the second is accidentall ; the third only is proper to be hādled : but because we are not in hand with true measure , but with popular estimation & conceit , it is not amisse to speak somwhat of the two former . The derogations therefore , which grow to learning from the fortune or condition of learned men , are either in respect of scarsity of meanes , or in respect of priuatenesse of life , and meanesse of employments . Concerning want , and that it is the case of learned men , vsually to beginne with little , and not to growe rich so fast as other men , by reason they conuert not their labors chiefely to luker , and encrease ; It were good to leaue the common place in commendation of pouertie to some Frier to handle , to whom much was attributed by Macciauell in this point , when he sayd , That the Kingdome of the Cleargie had beene long before at an end , if the reputation and reuerence towards the pouertie of Friers had not borne out the scandall of the superfluities and excesses of Bishops and Prelates . So a man might say , that the felicitie and delicacie of Princes and great Persons , had long since turned to Rudenes and Barbarisme , if the pouertie of Learning had not kept vp Ciuilitie and Honor of life ; But without any such aduantages , it is worthy the obseruation , what a reuerent and honoured thing pouertie of fortune was , for some ages in the Romane State , which neuerthelesse was a State without paradoxes . For we see what Titus Liuius sayth in his introduction . Caeterum aut me amor neg●… 〈◊〉 , aut 〈◊〉 vnquam respublica , nec ma●…or , nec sanctior , nec bonis exemplis ditior fuit ; nec in quamt●…m serae 〈◊〉 luxuri●…que immigra●… , nec vbitantus ac tam diu paupertati ac parsimoniae honos fuerit . We se●… likewise after that the State of Rome was not it selfe , but did degenerate ; how that person that tooke vpon him to be Counsellor to Iulius Caesar , after his victori●… , where to begin his restauration of the State , maketh it of all points the most summarie to take away the estimation of wealth . Verum haec & omnia mala pariter cum honore 〈◊〉 desinent ; Si neque Magistratus , neque alia v●…lgo ●…pienda venalia e●…unt . To conclude this point , as it was truely sayd , that Ru●…or est virtutis color , though sometime it come from vice : So it may be ●…itly sayd , that Poupertas est virtutis fortun●… . Though sometimes it may proceede from misgouernement and accident . Surely Salomon hath pronounced it both in censure , Qui fes●…inat ad diu●…tias non erit insons ; and in precept : Buy the truth , and sell it not : and so of wisedome and knowledge ; iudging that meanes were to be spent vpon learning , and not learning to be applyed to meanes . And as for the priuatenesse or obscurenesse ( as it may be in vulgar estimation accounted ) of life of contemplatiue men ; it is a Theame so common , to extoll a priuatelife , not taxed with sensualitie and sloth in comparison , and to the disaduantage of a ciuile life , for safety , libertie , pleasure and dignitie , or at least freedome from indignitie , as no man handleth it , but handleth it well : such a consonancie it hath to mens conceits in the expressing , and to mens consents in the allowing : this onely I will adde ; that learned men forgotten in States , and not liuing in the eyes of men , are like the Images of Cassius and Brutus in the funerall of Iunia ; of which not being represented , as many others were Tacitus sayth , Eo ipso prefulgebant , quod non visebantur . And for meanesse of employment , that which is most traduced to contempt , is that the gouernment of youth is commonly allotted to them , which age , because it is the age of least authoritie , it is transferred to the disesteeming of those employments wherin youth is conuersant , and which are conuersant about youth . But how vniust this traducement is , ( if you will reduce thinges from popularitie of opinion to measure of reason ) may appeare in that we see men are more curious what they put into a new Vessell , than into a Vessell seasoned ; and what mould they lay about a young plant , than about a Plant corroborate ; so as the weakest Termes and Times of all things vse to haue the best applications and helpes . And will you hearken to the Hebrew Rabynes ? Your young men shall see Visions , and your old men shal dreame dreames , say they youth is the worthier age , for that Visions are neerer apparitions of God , than dreames ? And let it bee noted , that how soeuer the Conditions of life of Pedantes hath been scorned vpon Theaters , as the Ape of Tyrannie ; and that the modern loosenes or negligence hath taken no due regard to the choise of Schoolemasters , & Tutors ; yet the ancient wisdome of the best times did alwaies make a iust complaint ; that States were too busie with their Lawes , and too negligent in point of education : which excellent part of ancient discipline hath been in some sort reuiued of late times , by the Colledges of the Iesuites : of whom , although in regard of their superstition I may say , Quo meliores , eo deteriores , yet in regard of this , and some other points concerning humane learning , and Morall matters , I may say as Agesilaus sayd to his enemie Farnabasus , Talis quum sis , vtinam noster esses . And thus much touching the discredits drawn from the fortunes of learned men . As touching the Manners of learned men , it is a thing personall and indiuiduall , and no doubt there be amongst them , as in other professions , of all temperatures ; but yet so as it is not without truth , which is sayd , that Abeunt studia in mores , Studies haue an influence and operation , vpon the manners of those that are conuersant in them . But vpon an attentiue , and indifferent reuiew ; I for my part , cannot find any disgrace to learning , can proceed frō the manners of learned men ; not inherent to them as they are learned ; except it be a fault , ( which was the supposed fault of Demosthenes , Cicero , Cato the second ; Seneca , and many moe ) that because the times they read of , are commonly better than the times they liue in ; and the duties taught , better than the duties practised : They contend somtimes too farre , to bring thinges to perfection ; and to reduce the corruption of manners , to honestie of precepts , or examples of too great height ; And yet hereof they haue Caueats ynough in their owne walkes : For Solon , when he was asked whether he had giuen his Citizens the best laws , answered wisely , Y ea of such , as they would receiue : and Plato finding that his owne heart , could not agree with the corrupt manners of his Country , refused to beare place or office , saying : That a mans Countrey was to be vsed as his Parents were , that is , with humble per swasions , and not with contestations . And Caesars Counsellor put in the same Caueat , Non ad vetera instituta reuocans quae iampridem corruptis moribus ludibrio sunt ; and Cicero noteth this error directly in Cato the second , when he writes to his friend Atticus ; Cato optimè sentit , sed nocet interdum reipublicae ; lo quitur enim tanquam in repub : Platonis , non tanquam in foece Romuli ; and the same Cicero doth excuse and expound the Philosophers for going too far , and being too exact in their prescripts , when he saith ; Isti ipsi praeceptores virtutis & Magistri , videntur fines officiorum paulo longius quam natura vellet protulisse , vt cū ad vltimū animo contendissemus , ibi tamen , vbi oportet , consisteremus : and yet himself might haue said : Monitis sū minor ipse meis , for it was his own fault , thogh not in so extream a degre . Another fault likewise much of this kind , hath beene incident to learned men ; which is that they haue esteemed the preseruation , good , and honor of their Countreys or Maisters before their owne fortunes or safeties . For so sayth Demosthenes vnto the Athenians ; If it please you to note it , my counsels vnto you , are not such , whereby I should grow great amongst you , and you become little amongst the Gre●…ians : But they be of that nature as they are sometimes not good for me to giue , but are alwaies good for you to follow . And so Seneca after he had consecrated that Quinquennium Neronis to the eternall glorie of learned Gouernors , held on his honest and loyall course of good and free Counsell , after his Maister grew extreamely corrupt in his gouernment ; neither can this point otherwise be : for learning endueth mens mindes with a true sence of the ●…railtie of their persons , the casualtie of their fortun̄es , and the dignitie of their soule and vocation ; so that it is impossible for them to esteeme that any greatnesse of their owne fortune can bee , a true or worthy end of their being and ordainment ; and therefore are desirous to giue their account to God , and so likewise to their Maisters vnder God ( as Kinges and the States that they serue ) in these words ; Ecce tibi lucrifeci , and not ●…cce mihi lucrifeci : whereas the corrupter sort of meere Politiques , that haue not their thoughts established by learning in the loue and apprehension of dutie , nor neuer looke abroad into vniuersalitie ; doe referre all thinges to themselues , and thrust themselues into the Center of the world , as if all lynes should meet in them and their fortunes ; neuer caring in all tempests what becoms of the shippe of Estates , so they may saue themselues in the Cocke-boat of their owne fortune , whereas men that seele the weight of dutie , and know the limits of selfe-loue , vse to make good their places & duties , though with perill . And if they stand in seditious and violent alterations ; it is rather the reucrence which many times both aduerse parts doegiue to honestie , than any versatile aduantage of their owne carriage . But for this point of tender sence , and ●…ast obligation of dutie , which learning doth endue the minde withall , howsoeuer fortune may taxe it , and many in the depth of their corrupt principles may despise it yet it will receiue an open allowance , and therefore needes the lesse di●…proofe or excusation . Another fault incident commonly to learned men , which may be more probably defended , than truely denyed , is ; that they fayle sometimes in ap●…lying themselus to particular persons , which want of exact application ar●…eth from two causes : The one because the largenesse of their minde can hardly confine it selfe to dwell in the exquisite obseruation or examination of the nature and customes of one person : for it is a speech for a Louer , & not for a wise man : Satis magnum alter alteri Theat●…um sumus●… : Neuerthelesse I shall yeeld , that he that cannot contract the sight of his minde , aswell as disperse and dilate it , wanteth a great sacultie . But there is a second cause , which is no inabilitie , but a rejection vpon choise and iudgement . For the honest and iust bounds of obseruation , by one person vpon another , extend no further , but to vnderstand him sufficiently , whereby not to giue him offence , or wherby to be able to giue him faithfull Counsel , or wherby to stand vpon reasonable guard and caution in respect of a mans selfe : But to be speculatiue into another man , to the end to know how to worke him , or winde him , or gouerne him , proceedeth from a heart that is double and clouen , and not entire and ingenuous ; which as in friendship it is want of integritie , so towards Princes or Superiors , is want of dutie . For the custome of the Leuant , which is , that subiects doe forbeare to gaze or fixe their eyes vpon Princes , is in the outward Ceremonie barbarous ; but the morall is good : For men ought not by cunning and bent obseruations to pierce and penetrate into the hearts of Kings , which the scripture hath declared to be inscrutable . There is yet another fault ( with which I will conclude this part ) which is often noted in learned men , that they doe many times fayle to obserue decencie , and discretion in their behauiour and carriage , and commit errors in small and ordinarie points of action ; so as the vulgar sort of Capacities , doe make a Iudgement of them in greater matters , by that which they finde wanting in them , in smaller . But this consequence doth oft deceiue men , for which , I doe referre them ouer to that which was sayd by Themistocles arrogantly , and vnciuily , being applyed to himselfe out of his owne mouth , but being applyed to the generall state of this question pertinently and iustly ; when being inuited to touch a Lute , he sayd : He could not fiddle , but he could make a small Towne , a great state . So no doubt , many may be well seene in the passages of gouernement and policie , which are to seeke in little , and punctuall occasions ; I referre them also to that , which Plato sayd of his Maister Socrates , whom he compared to the Gally-pots of Apothecaries , which on the out side had Apes and Owles , and Antiques , but contained with in soueraigne and precious liquors , and confections ; acknowledging that to an externall report , he was not without superficiall leuities , and deformities ; but was inwardly replenished with excellent vertues and powers . And so much touching the point of manners of learned men . But in the meane time , I haue no purpose to giue allowance to some conditions and courses base , and vnworthy , wherein diuers Professors of learning , haue wronged themselues , and gone too farre ; such as were those Trencher Philosophers , which in the later age of the Romane State , were vsually in the houses of great persons , being little better than solemne Parasites ; of which kinde , Lucian maketh a merrie description of the Philosopher , that the great Ladie tooke to ride with her in her Coach , and would needs haue him carie her little Dogge , which he doing officiously , and yet vncomely , the Page scoffed . and sayd : That he doubted , the Philosopher of a Stoike , would turne to be a Cynike . But aboue all the rest , the grosse and palpable flatterie , whereunto many ( not vnlearned ) haue abbased & abused their wits and pens , turning ( as Du Bartas saith , ) Hecuba into Helena , and Faustina into Lucretia , hath most diminished the price and estimation of Learning Neither is the morall dedications of Bookes and Writings , as to Patrons to bee commended : for that Bookes ( such as are worthy the name of Bookes ) ought to haue no Patrons , but Truth and Reason : And the ancient custome was , to dedicate them only to priuate and equall friendes , or to intitle the Bookes with their Names , or if to Kings and great persons , it was to some such as the argument of the Booke was fit and proper for ; but these and the like Courses may deserue rather reprehension , than defence . Not that I can taxe or condemne the morigeration or application of learned men to men in fortune . For the answere was good that Diogenes made to one that asked him in mockerie , How it came to passe that Philosophers were the followers of rich men , and not rich men of Philosophers ? He answered soberly , and yet sharpely ; Because the one sort knew what they had need of , & the other did not ; And of the like nature was the answere which Aristippus made , when hauing a petition to Dionisius , and no eare giuen to him , he fell downe at his feete , wheupon Dionisius stayed , and gaue him the hearing , and graunted it , and afterward some person tender on the behalfe Philosophie , reprooued Aristippus , that he would offer the Profession of Philosophie such an indignitie , as for a priuat Suit to fall at a Tyrants feet : But he answered ; It was not his fault , but it was the fault of Dionisius , that had his eares in his feete . Neither was it accounted weakenesse , but discretion in him that would not dispute his best with Adrianus Caesar ; excusing himselfe , That it was reason to yeeld to him , that commaunded thirtie Legions . These and the like applications and stooping to points of necessitie and conuenience cannot bee disallowed : for though they may haue some outward basenesse ; yet in a Iudgement truely made , they are to bee accounted submissions to the occasion , and not to the person . Now I proceede to those errours and vanities , which haue interueyned amongst the studies themselues of the learned ; which is that which is principall and proper to the present argument , wherein my purpose is not to make a iustification of the errors , but by a censure and separation of the errors , to make a iustificatiō of that which is good & sound ; and to deliuer that from the aspersion of the other . For we see , that it is the manner of men , to scandalize and depraue that which retaineth the state , and vertue , by taking aduantage vpon that which is corrupt and degenerate ; as the Heathens in the primitiue Church vsed to blemish and taynt the Christians , with the faults and corruptions of Heretiques : But neuerthelesse , I haue no meaning at this time to make any exact animaduersion of the errors and impediments in matters of learning , which are more secret and remote from vulgar opinion ; but onely to speake vnto such as doe fall vnder , or neere vnto , a popular obseruation . There be therfore chiefely three vanities in Studies , whereby learning hath been most traduced : For those things we do esteeme vaine , which and either false or friuolous , those which either haue no truth , or no vse : & those persons we esteem vain , which are either credulous or curious , & curiositie is either in mater or words ; so that in reason , as wel as in experience , there fal out to be these 3. distēpers ( as I may tearm thē ) of learning ; The first fantastical learning : The second contentious learning , & the last delicate learning , vaine Imaginations , vaine Altercations , & vain affectatiōs : & with the last I wil begin , Martin Luther conducted ( no doubt ) by an higher prouidence , but in discourse of reason , finding what a Prouince he had vndertaken against the Bishop of Rome , and the degenerate traditions of the Church , and finding his owne solitude , being no waies ayded by the opinions of his owne time , was enforced to awake all Antiquitie , and to call former times to his succors , to make a partie against the present time : so that the ancient Authors , both in Diuinitie , and in Humanitie , which had long time slept in Libraries , began generally to be read and reuolued . This by consequence , did draw on a necessitie of a more exquisite trauaile in the languages originall , wherin those Authors did write : For the better vnderstāding of those Authors , and the better aduantage of pressing and applying their words : And thereof grew againe , a delight in their manner of Stile and Phrase , and an admiration of that kinde of writing ; which was much furthered & precipitated by the enmity & opposition , that the propounders of those ( primitiue , but seeming new opinions ) had against the Schoole-men : who were generally of the contrarie part : and whose Writings were altogether in a differing Stile and fourme , taking libertie to coyne , and frame new tearms of Art , to expresse their own sence , and to auoide circuite of speech , without regard to the purenesse , pleasantnesse , and ( as I may call it ) lawfulnesse of the Phrase or word : And againe , because the great labour that then was with the people ( of whome the Pharisees were wont to say : Execrabilis ista turba quae non nouit legem ) for the winning and perswading of them , there grewe of necessitie in cheefe price , and request , eloquence and varietie of discourse , as the fittest and forciblest accesse into the capacitie of the vulgar sort : so that these foure causes concurring , the admiration of ancient Authors , the hate of the Schoole-men , the exact studie of Languages : and the efficacie of Preaching did bring in an affectionate studie of eloquence , and copie of speech , which then began to flourish . This grew speedily to an excesse : for men began to hunt more after wordes , than matter , and more after the choisenesse of the Phrase , and the round and cleane composition of the sentence , and the sweet falling of the clauses , and the varying and illustration of their workes with tropes and figures : then after the weight of matter , worth of subiect , soundnesse of argument , life of inuention , or depth of iudgement . Then grew the flowing , and watrie vaine of Osorius the Portugall Bishop , to be in price : then did Sturmius spend such infinite , and curious paines vpon Cicero the Orator , and Hermog●…nes the Rhetorican , besides his owne Bookes of Periods , and imitation , and the like : Then did Car of Cambridge , and As●…am with their Lectures and Writings , almost diefie Cicero and Demosthenes , and allure , all young men that were studious vnto that delicate and pollished kinde of learning . Then did Erasmus take occasion to make the scoffing Eccho ; Decem annos consumpsi in legendo Cicerone : and the Eccho answered in Greeke , Oue ; Asine . Then grew the learning of the Schoole-men to be vtterly despised as barbarous . In summe , the whole inclination and bent of those times , was rather towards copie , than weight . Here therefore , the first distemper of learning , when men studie words , and not matter : whereof though I haue represented an example of late times : yet it hath beene , and will be Secundum maius & minus in all time . And how is it possible , but this should haue an operation to discredite learning , euen with vulgar capacities , when they see learned mens workes like the first Letter of a Patent , or limmed Booke : which though it hath large flourishes , yet it is but a Letter . It seemes to me that Pigmalions frenzie is a good embleme or portraiture of this vanitie : for wordes are but the Images of matter , and except they haue life of reason and inuention : to fall in loue with them , is all one , as to fall in loue with a Picture . But yet notwithstanding , it is a thing not hastily to be condemned , to cloath and adorne the the obscuritie , euen of Philosophie it selfe , with sensible and plausible elocution . For hereof we haue great examples in Xenophon , Cicero , Seneca , Plutarch , and of Plato also in some degree , and hereof likewise there is great vse : For surely , to the seuere inquisition of truth , and the deepe progresse into Philosophie , it is some hindrance ; because it is too early satisfactorie to the minde of man , and quencheth the desire of further search , before we come to a iust periode . But then if a man be to haue any vse of such knowledge in ciuile occasions , of conference , counsell , perswasion , discourse , or the like : Then shall he finde it prepared to his hands in those Authors , which write in that manner . But the excesse of this is so iustly contemptible , that as Hercules , when hee saw the Image of Adonis , Venus Mig●…on in a Temple , sayd in disdaine , Nil sacri es . So there is none of Hercules followers in learning , that is , the more seuere , and laborious sort of Enquirers into truth , but will despise those delicacies and affectations , as indeede capable of no diuinesse . And thus much of the first disease or distemper of learning . The second which followeth is in nature ; worse then 〈◊〉 the former : for as substance of matter is better than beautie of words : so contrariwise vaine matter is worse , than vaine words : wherein it seemeth the reprehension of Saint Paule , was not onely proper for those times , but prophetical for the times following , and not only respectiue to Diuinitie , but extensiue to all knowledge . Deuita prophanas vocum nouitates & oppositiones falsinominis scientiae . For he assigneth two Markes and Badges of suspected and falsified Science ; The one , the noueltie and strangenesse of tearmes ; the other , the strictnesse of positions , which of necessitie doth induce oppositions , and so questions and altercations . Surely , like as many substances in nature which are solide , do putrifie and corrupt into wormes : So it is the propertie of good and sound knowledge , to putrifie and dissolue into a number of subtile , idle , vnholesome , and ( as I may tearme them ) vermiculate questions ; which haue indeede a kinde of quicknesse , and life of spirite , but no soundnesse of matter , or goodnesse of qualitie . This kinde of degenerate learning did chiefely raigne amongst the Schoole-men , who hauing sharpe and stronge wits , and aboundance of leasure , and smal varietie of reading ; but their wits being shut vp in the Cels of a few Authors ( chiefely Aristotle their Dictator ) as their persons were shut vp in the Cells of Monasteries and Colledges , and knowing little Historie , either of Nature or time , did out of no great quantitie of matter , and infinite agitation of wit , spin out vnto vs those laboriouswebbes of Learning which are extant i●… their Bookes . For the wit and minde of man , if it worke vpon matter , which is the contēplation of the creatures of God worketh according to the stuffe , and is limited thereby ; but if it worke vpon it selfe , as the Spider worketh his webbe , then it is endlesse , 〈◊〉 and brings forth indeed Copwebs of learning , admirable for the finesse of thread and worke , but of no substance or profite . This same vnprofitable subtilitie or curiositie is of two sorts : either in the subiect it selfe that they handle , when it is a fruitlesse speculation or controuersie ; ( whereof there are no small number both in Diuinity & Philosophie ) or in the maner or method of handling of a knowledge ; which amongst them was this ; vpon euerie particular position or assertion to frame obiections , and to those obiectious , solutions : which solutions were for the most part not confutations , but distinctions : whereas indeed the strength of all Sciences , is as the strength of the old mans faggot in the bond . For the harmonie of a science supporting each part the other , is and ought to be the true and briefe confutation and suppression of all the smaller sort of obiections : but on the other side , if you take out euerie Axiome , as the stickes of the faggot one by one , you may quarrell with them , and bend them and breake them at your pleasure : so that as was sayd of Seneca : Verborum minutijs rerum frangit pondera : So a man may truely say of the Schoole men Quaestionum minutijs Scien●…arum frangunt sodilitatem . For were it not better for a man in a faire roome , to set vp one great light , or braunching candlesticke of lights , than to goe about with a small watch candle into euerie corner ? and such is their methode , that rests not so much vppon euidence of truth prooued by arguments , authorities , similitudes , examples ; as vpon particular confutations and solutions of euerie scruple , cauillation & obiection : breeding for the most part one questiō as fast as it solueth another ; euē as in the former resemblance , when you carry the light into one corner , you darken the rest : so that the Fable and fiction of Scylla seemeth to be a liuely Image of this kinde of Philosophie or knowledge , which was transformed into a comely Virgine for the vpper parts ; but then ; Candida succinctam , latran●…ibus inguina monstris : So the Generalities of the Schoolemen are for a while good and proportionable ; but then when you descend into their distinctions and decisions , in stead of a fruitfull wombe , for the vse and benefite of mans life ; they end in monstrous altercations and barking questions . So as it is not possible but this qualitie of knowledge must fall vnder popular contempt , the people being apt to contemne truth vpō occasion of Controuersies & altercations , and to thinke they are all out of their way which neuer meete , and when they see such digladiation about subtilties , and matter of no vse nor moment , they easily fall vpon that iudgement of Dionysius of Siracusa , Verba ista sunt senum ctiosorum . Notwithstanding certaine it is , that if those Schoole men to their great thirst of truth , and vnwearied trauaile of wit , had ioyned varietie and vniuersalitie of reading and contemplation , they had prooued excellent Lights , to the great aduancement of all learning and knowledge : but as they are , they are great vndertakers indeed , and fierce with darke keeping . But as in the inquirie of the diuine truth , their pride enclined to leaue the Oracle of Gods word , and to vanish in the mixture of their owne inuentions : so in the inquisition of Nature , they euer left the Oracle of Gods works , and adored the deceiuing and deformed Images , which the vnequall mirrour of their owne minds , or a few receiued Authors or principles , did represent vnto them . And thus much for the second disease of learning . For the third vice or disease of Learning , which concerneth deceit or vntruth , it is of all the rest the fowlest ; as that which doth destroy the essentiall fourme of knowledge ; which is nothing but a representation of truth ; for the truth of being , and the truth of knowing are one , differing no more than the direct beame , and the beame reflected . This vice therefore brauncheth it selfe into two sorts ; delight in deceiuing , and aptnesse to be deceiued , imposture and Credulitie : which although they appeare to be of a diuers nature , the one seeming to proceede of cunning , and the other of simplicitie ; yet certainely , they doe for the most part concurre : for as the verse noteth . Percontatorem fugito , nam Garrulus idem est : An inquisiti●…e man is a pratler : so vpon the like reason , a credulous man is a deceiuer : as we see it in same , that hee that will easily beleeue rumors , will as easily augment rumors , and adde somewhat to them of his owne , which Tacitus wisely noteth , when he sayth : Fingunt simul creduntque so great an affinitie hath fiction and beleefe . This facilitie of credite , and accepting or admitting thinges weakely authorized or warranted , is of two kindes , according to the subiect : For it is either a beleefe of Historie , ( as the Lawyers speake , matter of fact : ) or else of matter of art and opinion ; As to the former , wee see the experience and inconuenience of this errour in ecclesiasticall Historie , which hath too easily receiued and registred reports and narrations of Miracles wrought by Martyrs , Hermits , or Monkes of the desert , and other holymen ; and there Reliques , Shrines , Chappels , and Images : which though they had a passage for time , by the ignorance of the people , the superstitious simplicitie of some , and the politique tolleration of others , holding them but as diuine poesies : yet after a periode of time , when the mist began to cleare vp , they grew to be esteemed , but as old wiues fables , impostures of the Cleargie illusions of spirits , and badges of Antichrist , to the great scandall and detriment of Religion . So in naturall Historie , wee see there hath not beene that choise and iudgement vsed , as ought to haue beene , as may appeare in the writings of Plinius , Cardanus , Albertus , and diuers of the Arabians , being fraught with much fabulous matter , a great part , not onely vntryed , but notoriously vntrue , to the great derogation of the credite of naturall Philosophie , with the graue and sober kinde of wits ; wherein the wisedome and integritie of Aristotle is worthy to be obserued , that hauing made so diligent and exquisite a Historie of liuing creatures , hath mingled it sparingly with any vaine or fayned matter , and yet on thother sa●…e , hath cast all prodigious Narrations , which he thought worthy the recording into one Booke : excellently discerning that matter of manifest truth , such wherevpon obseruation and rule was to bee built , was not to bee mingled or weakened with matter of doubtfull credite : and yet againe that rarities and reports , that seeme vncredible , are not to be suppressed or denyed to the memorie of men . And as for the facilitie of credite which is yeelded to Arts & opinions , it is likewise of two kinds , either when too much beleefe is attributed to the Arts themselues , or to certaine Authors in any Art. The Sciences themselues which haue had better intelligence and confederacie with the imagination of man , than with his reason , are three in number ; Astrologie , Naturall Magicke , and Alcumy : of which Sciences neuerthelesse the ends or pretences are noble . For Astrologie pretendeth to discouer that correspondence or concatenation , which is betweene the superiour Globe and the inferiour . Naturall Magicke pretendeth to cal & reduce natural Philosophie from variety of speculations to the magnitude of works ; And Alcumy pretendeth to make separation of all the vnlike parts of bodies , which in mixtures of nature are incorporate . But the deriuations and prosecutions to these ends , both in the theories , and in the practises are full of Errour and vanitie ; which the great Professors themselues haue sought to vaile ouer and conceale by euigmaticall writings , and referring themselues to auricular traditions , and such other deuises , to saue the credite of Impostures ; and yet surely to Alcumy this right is due , that it may be compared to the Husband man whereof Aesope makes the Fable ; that when he died , told his Sonnes , that he had left vnto them gold , buried vnder ground in his Vineyard ; and they digged ouer all the ground , and gold they found none , but by reason of their stirring and digging the mold about , the rootes of their Vines , they had a great Vintage the yeare following : so assuredly the search and stirre to make gold hath brought to light a great number of good and fruitfull inuentions and experiments , as well for the disclosing of Nature ; as for the vse of mans life . And as for the ouermuch credite that hath beene giuen vnto Authors in Sciences , in making them Dictators , that their wordes should stand , and not Counsels to giue aduise ; the dammage is infinite that Sciences haue receiued thereby , as the principall cause that hath kept them lowe , at a stay without groweth or aduancement . For hence it hath comen , that in arts Mechanicall , the first deuiser coms shortest , and time addeth and perfecteth : but in Sciences the first Author goeth furthest , and time leeseth and corrupteth . So we see , Artillerie , sayling , printing , and the like , were grossely managed at the first and by time accommodated and refined : but contrary wise the Philosophies and Sciences of Aristotle , Plato , Democritus , Hypocrates , Euclid●…s , Archimedes , of most vigor at the first , and by time degenerate and imbased , whereof the reason is no other , but that in the former many wits and industries haue 〈◊〉 contributed in one ; and in the later many wits and industries haue ben spent about the wit of some one ; whom many times they haue rather depraued than illustrated . For as water will not ascend higher , than the leuell of the first spring head , from whence it descendeth : so knowledge deriued from Aristotle , and exempted from libertie of examination , will not rise againe higher , than the knowledge of Aristotle . And therfore although the position be good : Oportet discentem credere : yet it must bee coupled with this , Oportet edoctum iudicare : for Disciples doe owe vnto Maisters onely a temporarie beleefe , and a suspension of their owne iudgement , till they be fully instructed , and not an absolute resignation , or perpetuall captiuitie : and therefore to conclude this point , I will say no more , but ; so let great Authors haue theire due , as time which is the Author of Authors be not depriued of his due , which is furder and furder to discouer truth . Thus haue I gone ouer these three diseasses of learning , besides the which there are some other rather peccant humors , then fourmed diseases , which neuertheles are not so secret and intrinsike , but that they fall vnder a popular obseruation and traducement ; and therefore are not to be passed ouer . The first of these is the extreame affecting of two extreamities ; The one Antiquity , The other Nouelty ; wherein it seemeth the children of time doe take after the nature and mallice of the father . For as he deuowreth his children ; so one of them seeketh to deuoure and suppresse the other ; while Antiquity enuieth there should be new additions ; and Nouelty cannot be content to add , but it must deface ; Surely the aduise of the Prophet is the true direction in this matter , State super vias antiquas , & videte quaenam sit via recta & bona , & ambulate in ea . Antiquity deserueth that reuerēce , that men should make a stand thereupon , and discouer what is the best way , but when the discouery is well taken then to make progression . And to speake truly , Antiquita seculi Iuuentus Mundi . These times are the ancient times when the world is ancient , & not those which we count antient Ordine retrogrado , by a computacion backward from our selues . Another Error induced by the former is a distrust that any thing should bee now to bee found out which the world should haue missed and passed ouer so long time , as if the same obiection were to be made to time , that Lucian maketh to Iupiter , and other the heathen Gods , of which he woondreth , that they begot so many Children in old time , and begot none in his time , and asketh whether they were become septuagenarie , or whether the lawe Pappia made against old mens mariages had restrayned them . So it seemeth men doubt , least time is become past children and generation ; wherein contrary wise , we see commonly the leuitie and vnconstancie of mens iudgements , which till a matter bee done , wonder that it can be done ; and assoone as it is done , woonder againe that it was no sooner done , as we see in the expedition of Alexander into Asia , which at first was preiudged as a vast and impossible enterprize ; and yet afterwards it pleaseth Liuye to make no more of it , than this , Nil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere . And the same happened to Columbus in the westerne Nauigation . But in intellectuall matters , it is much more common ; as may be seen in most of the propositions of Euclyde , which till they bee demonstrate , they seeme strange to our assent ; but being demonstrate , our mind accepteth of them by a kind of relation ( as the Lawyers speak ) as if we had knowne them before . Another Errour that hath also some affinitie with the former , is a conceit that of former opinions or sects after varietie and examination , the best hath still preuailed ; and suppressed the rest ; So as if a man should beginne the labour of a newe search , hee were but like to light vppon somewhat formerly reiected ; and by reiection , brought into obliuion ; as if the multitude , or the wisest for the multitudes sake , were not readie to giue passage , rather to that which is popular and superficiall , than to that which is substantiall and profound ; for the truth is , that time seemeth to be of the nature of a Riuer , or streame , which carryeth downe to vs that which is light and blowne vp ; and sinketh and drowneth that which is weightie and solide . Another Errour of a diuerse nature from all the former , is the ouer-early and peremptorie reduction of knowledge into Artsand Methodes : from which time , commonly Sciences receiue small or no augmentation . But as young men , when they knit and shape perfectly , doeseldome grow to a further stature : so knowledge , while it is in Aphorismes and obseruations , it is in groweth ; but when it once is comprehended inexact Methodes ; it may perchance be further pollished and illustrate , and accommodated for vse and practise ; but it encreaseth no more in bulke and substance . Another Errour which doth succeed that which we last mentioned , is , that after the distribution of particular Arts and Sciences , men haue abandoned vniuersalitie , or Philosophia prima ; which cannot but cease , and stoppe all progression . For no perfect discouerie can bee made vppon a slatte , or a leuell . Neither is it possible to discouer the more remote , and deeper parts of any Science , if you stand but vpon the leuell of the same Science , and ascend not to a higher Science . Another Error hath proceeded from too great a reuerence , and a kinde of adoration of the minde and vnderstanding of man●… by meanes whereof , men haue withdrawne themselues too much from the contemplation of Nature , and the obseruations of experience : and haue tumbled vp and downe in their owne reason and conceits : vpon these Intellectuallists , which are notwithstanding commonly taken for the most sublime and diuine Philosophers ; Heraclitus gaue a iust censure , saying : Men sought truth in their owne little worlds , and not in the great and common world : for they disdaine to spell , and so by degrees to read in the volume of Gods works , and contrarywise by continuall meditation and agitation of wit , doe vrge , and as it were inuocate their owne spirits , to diuine , and giue Oracles vnto them , whereby they are deseruedly deluded . Another Error that hath some connexion with this later , is , that men haue vsed to infect their meditations , opinions , and doctrines with some conceits which they haue most admired , or some Sciences which they haue most applyed ; and giuen all things else a tincture according to them , vtterly vntrue and vnproper . So hath Plato intermingled his Philosophie with Theologie , and Aristotle with Logicke , and the second Schoole of Plato , Proclus , and the rest , with the Mathematiques . For these were the Arts which had a kinde of Primo geniture with them seuerally . So haue the Alchymists made a Philosophie out of a few experiments of the Furnace ; and Gilbertus our Countrey man hath made a Philosophie out of the obseruations of a Loadstone . So Cicero , when reciting the seuerall opinions of the nature of the soule , he found a Musitian , that held the soule was but a harmonie , sayth pleasantly : Hic ab arte sua non recessit , &c. But of these conceits Aristotle speaketh seriously and wisely , when he sayth : Qui respiciunt ad pauca'de facili pronuntiant . Another Errour is an impatience of doubt , and hast to assertion without due and mature suspention of iudgement . For the two wayes of contemplation are not vnlike the two wayes of action , commonly spoken of by the Ancients . The one plain and smooth in the beginning , and in the end impassable : the other rough and troublesome in the entrance , but after a while faire and euen , so it is in cotemplation , if a man will begin with certainties , hee shall end in doubts ; but if he will be content to beginne with doubts , he shall end in certainties . Another Error is in the manner of the tradition and deliuerie of knowledge , which is for the most part Magistrall and peremptorie ; and not ingenuous and faithfull , in a sort , as may be soonest beleeued ; and not easilest examined . It is true , that in compendious Treatises for practise , that fourme is not to bee disallowed . But in the true handling of knowledge , men ought not to fall either on the one side into the veyne of Velleius the Epicurean : Nil tam metuen●… , quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur ; Nor on the other side into Socrates his irronicall doubting of all things , but to propound things sincerely , with more or lesse asseueration : as they stand in a mans owne iudgement , prooued more or lesse . Other Errors there are in the scope that men propound to themselues , whereunto they bend their endeauours : for whereas the more constant and deuote kind of Professors of any science ought to propound to themselues , to make some additions to their Science ; they conuert their labours to aspire to certaine second Prizes ; as to be a profound Interpreter or Cōmenter ; to be a sharpe Champion or Defender ; to be a methodicall Compounder or abridger ; and so the Patrimonie of knowledge commeth to be sometimes improoued : but seldome augmented . But the greatest Error of all the rest , is the mistaking or misplacing of the last or furthest end of knowledge : for men haue entred into a desire of Learning and knowledge , sometimes vpon a naturall curiositie , and inquisitiue appetite ; sometimes to entertaine their mindes with varietie and delight ; sometimes for ornament and reputation ; and sometimes to inable them to victorie of wit and contradiction , and most times for lukar and profession , and seldome sincerely to giue a true account of their guist of reason , to the benefite and vse of men : As if there were sought in knowledge a Cowch , whervpon to rest a searching and restlesse spirite ; or a tarras●…e for a wandring and variable minde , to walke vp and downe with a faire prospect ; or a Tower of State for a proude minde to raise it selfe vpon ; or a Fort or commaunding ground for strife and contention , or a Shoppe for profite or sale ; and not a rich Store-house for the glorie of the Creator , and the reliefe of Mans estate . But this is that , which will indeed dignifie and exalt knowledge ; if contemplation and action may be more neerely and straightly conioyned and vnited together , than they haue beene ; a Coniunction like vnto that of the two highest Planets , Saturne the Planet of rest and contemplation ; and Iupiter the Planet of ciuile societie and action . Howbeit , I doe not meane when I speake of vse and action , that end before mentioned of the applying of knowledge to ●…uker and profession ; For I am not ignorant howe much that diuerteth and interrupteth the prosecution and aduauncement of knowledge ; like vnto the goulden ball throwne before Atalanta , which while shee goeth aside , and stoopeth to take vp , the race is hindred , Declinat cursus , aurumque volubile tollit : Neither is my meaning as was spoken of Socrates , to call Philosophy down from heauē to conuerse vpon the earth , that is , to leaue natural Philosophy aside , & to applye knowledge onely to manners , and policie . But as both heauen and earth doe conspire and contribute to the vse and benesite of man : So the end ought to bee from both Philosophies , to separate and reiect vaine speculations , and whatsoeuer is emptie and voide , and to preserue and augment whatsoeuer is solide and fruitfull : that knowledge may not bee as a Curtezan for pleasure , & vanitie only , or as a bond-woman to acquire and gaine to her Masters vse , but as a Spouse , for generation , fruit , and comfort . Thus haue I described and opened as by a kinde of dissection , those peccant humors ( the principall of them ) which hath not onely giuen impediment to the proficience of Learning , but haue giuen also occasion , to the traducement thereof : wherein if I haue beene too plaine , it must bee remembred ; Fideli●… vulnera amantis , sed dolosa oscula malignantis . This I thinke I haue gained , that I ought to bee the better beleeued , in that which I shall say pertayning to commendation : because I haue proceeded so freely , in that which concerneth censure . And yet I haue no purpose to enter into a laudatiue of Learning , or to make a Hymne to the Muses ( though I am of opinion , that it is long since their Rites were duely celebrated ) but my intent is without varnish or amplification , iustly to weigh the dignitie of knowledge in the ballance with other things , and to take the true value thereof by testimonies and arguments diuine , and humane . First therefore , let vs seeke the dignitie of knowledge in the Arch-tipe or first plat forme , which is is in the attributes and acts of God , as farre as they are reuealed to man , and may be obserued with sobrietie , wherein we may not seeke it bythe name of Learning , for all learning is knowledge acquired , and all knowledge in God is originall . And therefore we must looke for it by another name , that of wisedome or sapience , as the scriptures call it . It is so then , that in the worke of the Creation , we see a double emanation of vertue frō God : the one referring more properly to power , the other to wisedome , the one expressed in making the subsistence of the mater , & the other in disposing the beauty of the fourme . This being supposed , it is to bee obserued , that for any thing which appeareth in the historie of the Creation , the confused Masse , and matter of heauen and earth was made in a moment , and the order and disposition of that Chaos or Masse , was the work of sixe dayes , such a note of difference it pleased God to put vppon the workes of power , and the workes of wisedome : wherewith concurreth that in the former , it is not sette downe , that God sayd , Let there be Heauen and Earth , as it is set downe of the workes following , but actually , that God made Heauen and earth : the one carrying the stile of a Manufacture , and the other of a lawe , decree , or Councell . To proceede to that which is next in order from God to spirits : we finde as farre as credite is to bee giuen to the celestiall Hierarchye , of that supposed Dionysius the Senator of Athens the first place or degree is giuen to the Angels of loue , which are tearmed Seraphim , the second to the Angels of light , which are tearmed Cherubim , and the third ; and so following places to thrones , principalities , and the rest , which are all Angels of power and ministry ; so as the Angels of knowledge and illumination , are placed before the Angels of Office and domination . To descend from spirits and intellectuall sormes to sensible and materiall fourmes , wee read the first fourme that was created , was light , which hath a relation and correspondence in nature and corporall thinges , to knowledge in spirits and incorporall thinges . So in the distribution of dayes , we see the day wherin God did rest , & contēplate his owne works , was blessed aboue all the dayes , wherein he did effect and accomplish them . After the Creation was finished , it is sette downe vnto vs , that man was placed in the Garden to worke therein , which worke so appointed to him , could be no other than worke of contemplation , that is , when the end of worke is but for exercise and experiment , not for necessitie , for there being then no reluctation of the creature , nor sweat of the browe , mans employment must of consequence haue ben matter of delight in the experiment and not matter of labor for the vse . Againe the first Acts which man persourmed in Paradise , consisted of the two summarie parts of knowledge , the view of Creatures , and the imposition of names . As for the knowledge which induced the fall , it was , as was touched before , not the naturall knowledge of Creatures , but the morall knowledge of good and euill , wherein the supposition was , that Gods commaundements or prohibitions were not the originals of good and euill , but that they had other beginnings which man aspired to know , to the end , to make a totall defection from God , and to depend wholy vpon himselfe . To passe on , in the first euent or occurrence after the fall of Man ; wee see ( as the Scriptures haue infinite Mysteries , not violating at all the truth of the Storie or letter ) an Image of the two Estates , the Contemplatiue state , and the actiue state , figured in the two persons of Abell and Cain , and in the two simplest and most primitiue Trades of life : that of the Shepheard ( who by reason of his leasure , rest in a place , and liuing in view of heauen , is a liuely Image of a contemplatiue life ) and that of the husbandman ; where we see againe , the fauour and election of God went to the Shepheard , and not to the tiller of the ground . So in the age before the floud , the holy Records within those few memorials , which are there entred and registred , haue vouchsafed to mention , and honour the name of the Inuentors and Authors of Musique , and works in mettall . In the age after the Floud , the first great iudgement of God vppon the ambition of man , was the confusion of tongues ; whereby the open Trade and intercourse of Learning and knowledge , was chiefely imbarred . To descend to Moyses the Law-giuer , and Gods first penne ; hee is adorned by the Scriptures with this addition , and commendation : That he was seene in all the Learning of the Aegyptians ; which Nation we know was one of the most ancient Schooles of the world : for , so Plato brings in the Egyptian Priest , saying vnto Solon : You Grecians are euer Children , you haue no knowledge of antiquitie , nor antiquitie of knowledge . Take a view of the ceremoniall law of Moyses ; you shall find besides the prefiguration of Christ , the badge or difference of the people of God , the excercise and impression of obedience , and other diuine vses and fruits thereof , that some of the most learned Rabynes haue trauailed profitably , and profoundly to obserue , some of them a naturall , some of them a morall sence , or reduction of many of the ceremonies and ordinances : As in the lawe of the Leprousie , where it is sayd : If the whitenesse hau●… ouer spread the fl●…sh , the Patient may passe abroad for clean ; But if there be any whole fl●…sh remayning , he is to be shut vp for vncleane : One of them noteth a principle of nature , that putrefaction is more contagious before maturitie than after : And another noteth a position of morall Philosophie , that men abandoned to vice , doe not so much corrupt manners , as those that are halfe good , and halfe euill , so , in this and verie many other places in that lawe , there is to bee found besides the Theologicall sence , much aspersion of Philosophie . So likewise in that excellent Booke of Iob , if it be re●…olued with diligence , it will be found pregnant , and swelling with naturall Philosophie ; as for example , Cosmographie , and the roundnesse of the world : Qui extendit aquilonem super vacuum , & appendit terram super nihilum : wherein the pensilenesse of the earth , the pole of the North , and the finitenesse , or conuexitie of Heauen are manifestly touched . So againe matter of Astronomie ; Spiritus eius ornauit coelos & obstetricante manu eius eductus est coluber tortuosus : And in another place , Nunquid coniungere valebis micantes stellds pleyadas , aut gyrum arcturi poteris dissipare ? where the fixing of the starres , euer standing at equall distance , is with great elegancie noted : And in another place , Qui fa●…arcturum , & ●…ona , & hyadas , & interiora austri , where againe hee takes knowledge of the depression of the Southerne pole , calling it the secrets of the South , because the southerne starres were in that climate vnseene . Matter of generation , Annon si ut lac mulsisti me , & sicut caseum coagulasti me , &c. Matter of Mynerals , Habet argentum venarum suarum principia & aurolocus est in quo con●…latur ferr●…m de t●…rra tollitur , & lapis solutus calore in 〈◊〉 verti●…r : and so forwards in that Chapter . So likewise in the person of Salomon the King , wee see the guist or endowment of wisedome and learning both in Salomons petition , and in Gods assent thereunto preferred before all other terrene and temporall selicitie . By vertue of which grant or donatiue of God , Salomon became inabled , not onely to write those excellent Parables , or Aphorismes concerning diuine and morall Philosophie ; but also to compile a naturall Historie of all verdor , from the Cedar vpon the Mountaine , to the mosse vppon the wall , ( which is but a rudiment betweene putrefaction , and an hearbe ) and also of all things , that breath or moone . Nay the same Salomon the King , although he excelled in the glorie of treasure and magnificent buildings of shipping and Nauigation , of seruice and attendance , of same and renowne , and the like ; yet hee maketh no claime to any of those glories ; but onely to the glorie of Inquisition of truth : for so he sayth expressely : The glorie of God is to conceale a thing , But the glorie of the King is to find it out , as if according to the innocent play of Children the diuine Maiestie tooke delight to hide his workes , to the end to haue them sound out , and as if Kinges could not obtaine a greater honour , than to bee Gods play-fellowes in that game , considering the great commaundement of wits and meanes , whereby nothing needeth to be hidden from them . Neither did the dispensation of God varie in the times after our Sauiour came into the world ; for our Sauiour himselfe did first shew his power to subdue ignorance , by his conference with the Priests and Doctors of the lawe ; before he shewed his power to subdue nature by his miracles . And the comming of the holy spirite , was chiefely figured and expressed in the similitude and guist of tongues ; which are but Vehicula scientiae . So in the election of those Instruments , which it pleased God to vse for the plantation of the faith , notwithstanding , that at the first hedid employ persons altogether vnlearned , otherwise than by inspiration , more euidently to declare his immediate working , and to abbase all humane wisedome or knowledge ; yet neuerthelesse , that Counsell of his was no sooner perfourmed , but in the next vicissitude and succession , he did send his diuine truth into the world , wayted on with other Learnings as with Seruants or Handmaides : For so we see Saint Paule , who was only learned amongst the Apostles , had his penne most vsed in the scriptures of the new Testament . So againe , we finde that many of the ancient Bishops and Father of the Church , were excellently redde , & studied in all the learning of the Heathen , insomuch , that the Edict of the Emperour Iulianus ( whereby it was interdicted vnto Christians to bee admitted into Schooles , Lectures , or exercises of learning ) was esteemed and accounted a more pernitious engine and machination against the Christian faith ; than were all the sanguinarie prosecutions of his Predecessors ; Neither could the emulation and Iealousie of Gregorie the first of that name , Bishop of Rome , euer obtaine the opinion of pietie or deuotion : but contrarywise receiued the censure of humour , malignitie , and pusillanimitie , euen amongst holy men : in that he designed to obliterate and extinguish the memorie of Heathen antiquitie and Authors . But contrarewise it was the Christian Church , which amidst the inundations of the Scythians , on the one side from the Northwest : and the Saracens from the East , did preserue in the sacred lappe and bosome thereof , the pretious Reliques , euen of Heathen Learning , which otherwise had beene extinguished , as if no such thing had euer beene . And wee see before our eyes , that in the age of our selues , and our Fathers , when it pleased God to call the Church of Rome to account , for their degenerate manners and ceremonies : and sundrie doctrines , obnoxious , and framed to vphold the same abuses : At one and the same time , it was ordayned by the diuine prouidence , that there should attend withall a renouation , and new spring of all other knowledges : And on the other side , we see the Iesuites , who partly in themselues , and partly by the emulation and prouocation of their example , haue much quickned and strengthned the state of Learning : we see ( Isay ) what notable seruice and reparation they haue done to the Romane Sea. Wherefore to conclude this part , let it bee obserued , that there be two principall duties and seruices besides ornament & illustration , which Philosophie and humane learning doe perfourme to faith and Religion . The one , because they are an effectuall inducement to the exaltation of the glory of God. For as the Psalmes , and other Scriptures doe often inuite vs to consider , and magnifie the great and wonderfull workes of God so if we should rest onely in the contemplation of the exterior of them , as they first offer themselues to our sences ; we should do a like iniurie vnto the Maiestie of God , as if wee should iudge or construe of the store of some excellent Ieweller , by that onely which is set out toward the streete in his shoppe . The other , because they minister a singuler helpe and preseruatiue against vnbeleefe and error ; For our Sauiour saith , You erre not knowing the Scriptures , nor the power of God : laying before vs two Bookes or volumes to studie , if we will be secured from errour : first the scriptures , reuealing the will of God ; and then the creatures expressing his power ; whereof the later is a key vnto the former ; not onely opening our vnderstanding to conceiue the true sence of the scriptures , by the generall notions of reason and rules of speech ; but chiefely opening our beleefe , in drawing vs into a due meditation of the omnipotencie of God , which is chiefely signed and ingrauen vppon his workes . Thus much therefore for diuinetestimonie and euidence , concerning the true dignitie , and value of learning . As for humane proofes , it is so large a field , as in a discourse of this nature and breuitie , it is fit rather to vse choise of those things , which we shall produce , than to embrace the variety of them . First therfore in the degrees of humane honour amongst the heathen , it was the highest , to obtain to a veneration & adoration as a God. This vnto the Christians is as the forbidden fruit . But we speake now separately of humane testimonie ; according to which , that which the Grecians call Apotheosis , and the Latines , Relatio inter diues , was the supreame honour , which man could attribute vnto man ; specially when it was giuen , not by a formall Decree or Act of State , as it was vsed amongst the Romane Emperours ; but by an inward assent and beleefe ; which honour being so high , had also a degree or middle tearme : for there were reckoned aboue humane honours , honour heroycall and diuine : In the attribution , and distribution of which honours ; wee see Antiquitie made this difference : that whereas founders and vniters of States and Cities , Law-giuers , extirpers of Tyrants , Fathers of the people , and other eminent persons in ciuile merite , were honoured but with the titles of Worthies or Demy-Gods : such as were Hercules , Theseus , Minos , Romulus , and the like : on the other side , such as were Inuentors and Authors of new Arts , endowments , and commodities towards mans life , were euer consecrated amongst the Gods themselues , as was Ceres , Bacchus , Mercurius , Apollo , and others , and iustly : for the merit of the former is confined within the circle of an age , or a nation : and is like fruitfull showers , which though they be profitable and good : yet serue but for that season , and for a latitude of ground where they fall : But the other is indeed like the benefits of Heauen , which are permanent and vniuersall . The former againe is mixt with strife and perturbation ; but the later hath the true Caracter of diuine presence comin aura leni , without noise or agitation . Neither is certainely that other merite of learning , in repressing the inconueniences which grow from man to man ; much inferiour to the former , of relieuing the necessities which arise from nature ; which merite was liuely set forth by the Ancients in that fayned relation of Orpheus Theater ; where all beasts and birds assembled 〈◊〉 and forgetting their seuerall appetites ; some of pray , some of game , some of quarrell , stood all sociably together listening vnto the ayres and accords of the Harpe ; the sound whereof no sooner ceased , or was drowned by some lowder noyse ; but euerie beast returned to his owne nature ; wherein is aptly described the nature and condition of men ; who are full of sauage and vnreclaymed desires ; of profite , of lust , of reuenge ; which as long as they giue eare to precepts , to lawes , to religion , swee●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eloquence and perswasion of Bookes , of Sermons , of haranges ; so long is societie and peace maintained ; but if these instruments bee silent ; or that sedition and tumult make them not audible ; all thinges dissolue into Anarchie and Confusion . But this appeareth more manifestle , when Kings themselues , or persons of authoritie vnder them or other Gouernours in common wealthes , and popular Estates , are endued with Learning . For although he might be thought partiall to his owne profession , that sayd , Then should people and estates be happie , when either Kings were Philosophers , or Philosophers Kings : yet so much is verified by experience ; that vnder learned Princes and Gouernours , there haue been euer the best times ; for howsoeuer Kinges may haue their imperfections in their passions and Customes ; yet if they be illuminate by learning , they haue those Notions of Religion , policie , and moralitie ; which doe preserue them , and refraine them from all ruinous and peremptory errors & excesses ; whispering euermore in their eares , when Counsellors and seruants stand mute , and silent ; and Senators , or Counsellours likewise , which bee learned , doe proceede vpon more safe and substantiall principles ; then Counsellors which are onely men of experience ; the one sort keeping dangers a farre off ; whereas the other discouer them not , till they come neere hand : and then trust to the agilitie of their wit , to ward or auoide them . Which felicitie of times , vnder learned Princes , ( to keepe still the Lawe of breuitie , by vsing the most eminent and selected examples ) doth best appeare in the age , which passed from the death of Domitianus the Emperour , vntill the raigne of Commodus : comprehending a succession of sixe Sciences , all learned or singuler fauourers and Aduancers of learning : which age for temporall respects , was the most happie and flourishing , that euer the Romane Empire , ( which then was a modele of the world ) enioyed : a matter reuealed and prefigured vnto Do●…itian in a Dreame , the night before he was slaine ; for hee thought there was growne behinde vpon his shoulders , a necke and a head of gould , which came accordingly to passe , in those golden times which succeeded ; of which Princes , we will make some commemoration : wherein although the matter will bee vulgar , and may be thought fitter for a Declamation , then agreeable to a Treatise infolded as this is ; yet because it is pertinent to the point in hand , Neque semper arcum tendit Apollo , & to name them onely were too naked and cursorie , I will not omit it altogether . The first was Nerua , the excellent temper of whose gouernement , is by a glaunce in Cornelius Tacitus touched to the life : Postquam diuus Ne●…res olim insociab●…les mis●…uisset , imperiū & libertatem : And in token of his learning , the last Act of his short raigne lest to memorie , was a missiue to his adopted sonne Traian , proceeding vpon some inward discontent , at the ingratitude of the times , comprehended in a verse of Homers , Telis Phoebe , ●…uis , Lachrymas ulciscere nostras . Traian , who succeeded , was for his person not learned : But if wee will hearken to the speech of our Sauiour , that sayth , Hee that receiueth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet , shall haue a Prophets reward , hee deserueth to bee placed amongest the most learned Princes : for there was not a greater admirer of learning or Benefactor of Learning , a founder of famous Libraries , a perpetuall Aduancer of learned men to office , and a familiar conuerser with learned Professors and Preceptors , who were noted to haue then most credite in Court. On the other side , how much Traians vertue and gouernement was admired & renowned , surely no testimonie of graue and faithfull History doth more liuely set forth , than that legend tale of Gregorius Magnus , Bishop of Rome , who was noted for the extream enuy he bare towards all Heathen excellencie : and yet he is reported out of the loue and estimation of Traians morall vertues , to haue made vnto God , passionate and feruent prayers , for the deliuerie of his soule out of Hell : and to haue obtained it with a Caueat that he should make no more such petitions . In this Princes time also , the persecutions against the Christians receiued intermission , vpon the certificate of Plin us secundus , a man of excellent learning , and by Traian aduanced . Adrion his successor , was the most curious man that liued , and the most vniuersal enquirer : insomuch as it was noted for an errour in his mind : that he desired to comprehend all thinges , and not to reserue himselfe for the worthyest thinges , falling into the like humour that was long before noted in Phillip and Macedon , who when hee would needs ouer-rule and put downe an excellent Musitian , in an argument touching Musique , was well answered by him againe , God forbid Sir ( saith hee ) that your for tune should be so bad , as to know these things better than I ; It pleased God likewise to vse the curiositie of this Emperour , as an inducement to the peace of his Church in those dayes : for hauing Christ in veneration , not as a God or Sauiour , but as a wonder or noueltie : and hauing his picture in his Gallerie , matched with Apollon●…us ( with whom in his vaine imagination , he thought he had some conformitie ) yet it serued the turne to allay the bitter hatred of those times against the Christian name : so as the Church had peace during his time , and for his gouernement ciuile , although he did not attaine to that of Traians , in glorie of Armes , or perfection of Iustice : yet in deseruing of the weale of the Subiect , he did exceede him . For Traianc erected many famous monuments and buildings , insomuch as Constantine the Great , in emulation was woont to call him Parietaria , Wall flower , because his name was vppon so many walles : but his buildings and workes were more of glorie and tryumph , than vse and necessitie : But Adrian spent his whole Raigne , which was peaceable in a perambulation , or Suruey of the Romane Empire , giuing order and making assignation , where he went for reedifying of Cities , Townes , and Forts decayed : and for cutting of Riuers , and streames : and for making Bridges and passages , and for pollicing of Cities , and Commonalties , with new ordinances and constitutions : and graunting new Franchises and incorporations : so that his whole time was a very restauration of all the lapses and decayes of former times . Antonius Pius , who succeeded him , was a Prince excellently learned ; and had rhe Patient and subtile witte of a Schoole man : insomuch as in common speech , ( which leaues no vertue vntaxed ) hee was called Cymini Sector , a caruer , or a diuider of Comine seede , which is one of the least seedes : such a patience hee had and setled spirite , to enter into the least and most exact differences of causes : a fruit no doubt of the exceeding tranquillitie , and serenitie of his minde ; which being no wayes charged or incombred , either with feares , remorses , or scruples , but hauing been noted for a man of the purest goodnesse without all fiction or affectation , that hath raigned or liued : made his minde contitinually present and entier : he likewise approached a degree neerer vnto Christianitie , and became as Agrippa sayd vnto S. Paule , Halfe a Christian ; holding their Religion and Law in good opinion : and not only ceasing persecution , but giuing way to the aduancement of Christians . There succeeded him the first Diui fratres , the two adoptiue brethren , Lucius Commodus Verus , Sonne to Elius Verus , who delighted much in the softer kind of learning : and was wont to call the Poet Martiall his Virgill : and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus , whereof the later , who obscured his colleague , and suruiued him long , was named the Philosopher : who as he excelled all the rest in learning , so he excelled them likewise in perfection of all royall vertues : insomuch as Iulianus the Emperor in his booke intituled , Caesares , being as a Pasquill or Satyre , to deride all his Predecessors , fayned that they were all inuited to a banquet of the Gods , and Sylenus the Iester sate at the neather end of the table , and bestowed a scoffe on euerie one as they came in , but when Marcus Philosophus came in , Sylenus was grauelled , and out of countenance , not knowing where to carpe at him , saue at the last , he gaue a glaunce at his patience towards his wife . And the vertue of this Prince continued with that of his Predecessor made the name of Antoninus so sacred in the world , that though it were extreamely dishonoured in Commodus , Carocolla , and Haeliogabalus , who all bare the name , yet when Alexander Seuerus refused the name , because he was a stranger to the familie , the Senate with one acclamation sayd , Quomodo Augustus sic & Antoninus . In such renowne and veneration , was the name of these two Princes in those dayes , that they would haue had it as a perpetuall addition in all the Emperours stile . In this Emperours time also , the Church for the most part was in peace , so as in this sequence of sixe Princes , we doe see the blessed effects of Learning in soueraigntie , painted forth in the greatest Table of world . But for a Tablet or picture of smaller volume ( not presuming to speake of your Maiestie that liueth ) in my iudgement the most excellent , is that of Queene Elizabeth , your immediate Predecessor in this part of Brittaine , a Prince , that if Plutarch were now aliue to write lynes by parallells , would trouble him I thinke , to find for her a parallell amongst women . This Ladie was endued with learning in her sexe singuler ; and grace euen amongst masculine Princes : whether we speake of Learning , of Language , or of science , moderne , or ancient : Diuinitie or Humanitie . And vnto the verie last yeare of her life , she accustomed to appoint set houres for reading , scarcely any young Student in an Vniuersitie , more dayly , or more duly . As for the gouernement , I assure my selfe , I shall not exceed , if I doe affirme , that this part of the Iland , neuer had 45. yeres of better times ; and yet not through the calmnesse of the season ; but through the wisedom of her regimēt . For if there be considered of the one side , the truth of Religion established ; the constant peace and securitie : the good administration of Iustice , the temperate vse of the prerogatiue , not slackened , nor much strayned : the flourishing state of Learning , sortable to so excellent a Patronesse ; the conuenient estate of wealth and meanes , both of Crowne and subiect : the habite of obedience , and the moderation of discontents : and there be considered on the other side , the differences of Religion , the troubles of Neighbour Countreys , the ambition of Spaine , and opposition of Rome , and then , that shee was solitary , and of her selfe : these things I say considered : as I could not haue chosen an instance so recent and so proper : so , I suppose , I could not haue chosen one more remarqueable , or eminent , to the purpose nowe in hand ; which is concerning the coniunction of learning in the Prince , with felicitie in the people . Neither hath Learning an influence and operation onely vpon ciuile merit and morall vertue ; and the Arts or temperature of peace , and peaceable gouernement ; but likewise it hath no lesse power and efficacie in inablement towards martiall and militarie vertue and prowesse ; as may be notably represented in the examples of Alexander the Great , and Caesar the Dictator mentioned before , but now in fit place to bee resumed , of whose vertues and Acts in warre , there needes no note or recitall , hauing beene the wonders of time in that kind . But of their affections towardes learning , and perfections in learning , it is pertinent to say somewhat . Alexander was bred and taught vnder Aristotle the great Philosopher ; who dedicated diuers of his Bookes of Philosophie vnto him ; he was attended with Callisthenes , and diuers other learned persons , that followed him in Campe , throughout his Iourneyes and Conquests : what price and estimation hee had learning in , doth notably appeare in these three particulars : First , in the enuie he vsed to expresse , that he bare towards Achilles , in this , that he had so good a Trumpet of his prayses as Homers verses : Secondly , in the iudgement or solution he gaue touching that precious Cabinet of Darius which was found among his Iewels , whereof question was made , what thing was worthy to be put into it , and he gaue his opinion for Homers workes . Thirdly , in his letter to Aristotle after hee had set sorth his Bookes of Nature ; wherein he expostulateth with him for publishing the secrets or misteries of Philosophie , and gaue him to vnderstand that himselfe esteemed it more to excell other men in learning & knowledge , than in power and Empire . And what vse he had of learning , doth appeare , or tather shine in all his speeches and answeres , being full of science and vse of science , and that in all varietie . And herein againe , it may seeme a thing scholasticall , and somewhat idle to recite things that euery man knoweth ; but yet , since the argument I handle leadeth mee thereunto , I am glad that men shall perceiue I am as willing to flatter ( if they will so call it ) an Alexander , or a Caesar , or an Antoninus , that are dead many hundreth yeeres since , as any that now liueth : for it is the displaying of the glorie of Learning in Soueraigntie that I propound to my selfe , and not an humour of declayming in any mans praises . Obserue then the speech hee vsed of Diogenes , and see if it tend not to the true state of one of the greatest questions of morall Philosophie ; whether the enioying of outward thinges , or the contemning of them be the greatest happinesse ; for when he saw Diogenes so perfectly contented with so little : he sayd to those that mocked at his condition : Were I not Alexander , I would wish to be Diogenes . But Seneca inuerteth it , and sayth ; Plus erat , quod hic nollet accipere , quam quod ille posset dare . There were more things which Diogenes would haue refused , thā those were which Alexander could haue giuen or enioyed . Obserue again that speech which was vsuall with him , That hee felt his mortality chiefely in two thinges , Sleepe & Lust : & see if it were not a speech extracted out of the depth of naturall Philosophie , and liker to haue comen out of the mouth of Aristotle , or Democritus , than from Alexander . See againe that speech of Humanitie and poesie : when vppon the bleeding of his wounds , he called vnto him one of his flatterers , that was wont to ascribe to him diuine honor , and said , Looke , this is very blood : this is not such a liquor as Homer speaketh of , which ran from Venus hand , when it was pierced by Diomedes . See likewise his readinesse in reprehension of Logique , in the speech hee vsed to Cassander , vppon a complaint that was made against his Father Antipater : for when Alexander happed to say : Doe you thinke these men would haue come from so farre to complaine , except they had iust cause of griefe ? and Cassander answered , Yea , that was the matter , because they thought they should not be disprooued ; sayd Alexander laughing : See the subtil●…ies of Aristotle , to take a matter both wayes , Pro & Contra , &c. But note againe how well he could vse the same Art , which hee reprehended to serue his owne humor , when bearing a secret grudge to Callisthenes , because he was against the new ceremonie of his adoration : feasting one night , where the same Callisthenes was at the table : it was mooued by some after supper , for entertainement sake , that Callisthenes who was an eloquent man , might speake of some theame or purpose at his owne choise , which Callisthenes did ; chusing the praise of the Macedonian Nation for his discourse , & performing the same with so good maner , as the hearers were much rauished : whereupon Alexander nothing pleased , sayd : It was easie to be eloquent , vpon so good a subiect : But saith hee , Turne your stile , and let vs heare what you can say against vs : which Callisthenes presently vndertooke , and did with that stinge & life ; that Alexander interrupted him , & sayd : The goodnesse of the cause made him eloquent before : and dispig●…t made him cloquent then againe . Consider further , for tropes of Rhetorique , that excellent vse of a Metaphor or translation , wherewith he taxed Antipater , who was an imperious and tyrannous Gouernor : for when one of Antipaters friends commended him to Alexander for his moderation ; that he did not degenerate , as his other Lieftenants did into the Persian pride , in vse of purple ; but kept the anciēt habit of Macedon , of black ; True ( saith Alexander ) but Antipater is all purple within . Or that other , when Parmenio came to him in the plaine of Arbella , and shewed him the innumerable multitude of his enemies , specially as they appeared by the infinite number of lights ; as it had beene a new firmament of starres ; and thereupon aduised him to assayle them by night ; whereupon he answered , That he would not steale the Victorie . For matter of policie , weigh that significant distinction so much in al ages embraced , that he made between his two friends Ephestion and Craterus , whē he sayd , That the one loued Alexander , and the other loued the King ; describing the principall difference of Princes best seruants , that some in affection loue their person , and other in dutie loue their crowne . Weigh also that excellent taxation of an Errour ordinarie with Counsellors of Princes , that they counsell their Maisters according to the modell of their owne mind and fortune , and not of their Masters , when vpon Darius great offers Parmenio had said : Surely , I would accept these offers were I as Alexander : sayth Alexander , So would I , were I as Parmenio . Lastly , weigh that quicke and acute reply , which he made when he gaue so large gifts to his friends , & seruants , and was asked what he did reserue for himselfe , and he answered , Hope : Weigh I say , whether he had not cast vp his account aright , because Hope must bee the portion of all that resolue vppon great enterprises . For this was Caesars portion , when he went first into Gaule , his estate being then vtterly ouerthrowne with Largesses : And this was likewise the portion of that noble Prince , howsoeuer transported with ambition , Henry Duke of Guise , of whom it was vsually sayd : that he was the greatest Vsurer in Fraunce , because he had turned all his estate into obligations . To conclude therefore , as certaine Critiques are vsed to say hyperbolically : That if all Sciences were lost , they might bee found in Virgill : So certainely this may be sayd truely ; there are the prints , and footesteps of learning in those fewe speeches , which are reported of this Prince . The admiration of whom , when I consider him , not as Alexander the Great , but as Aristotles Scholler , hath carryed me too farre . As for Iulius Caesar , the excellencie of his learning , needeth not to be argued from his education , or his companie , or his speeches : but in a further degree doth declare it selfe in his writinges and workes , whereofsome are extant , and permanent , and some vnfortunately perished : For , first we see there is left vnto vs that excellent Historie of his owne warres , which he entituled onely a Commentarie , wherin all succeeding times haue admired the solide weight of matter , and the reall passages , and liuely Images of actions , and persons expressed in the greatest proprietie of words , and perspicuitie of Narration that euer was : which that it was not the effect of a naturall guift , but of learning and precept , is well witnessed by that worke of his , entituled De Analogia , being a grammaticall Philosophie , wherein hee did labour to make this same Vox ad placitum , to become Vox ad licitum : and to reduce custome of speech , to congruitie of speech , and tooke as it were the pictures of wordes , from the life of reason . So wee receiue from him as a Monument , both of his power and learning , the then reformed computation of the yeare , well expressing , that he tooke it to be as great a glorie to himselfe , to obserue and know the law of the heauens , as to giue law to men vpon the earth . So likewise in that booke of his Anticato , it may easily appeare that he did aspire as well to victorie of of wit , as victory of warre : vndertaking therein a conflict against the greatest Champion with the pen that then liued , Cicero the Orator . So againe in his Booke of Apothegmes , which he collected , we see that he esteemed it more honour to make himselfe , but a paire of Tables , to take the wise and pithy words of others , than to haue euery word of his owne to be made an Apothegme , or an Oracle ; as vaine Princes , by custome of flatterie , pretend to doe . And yet if I should enumerate diuers of his speeches ; as I did those of Alexander , they are truely such as Salomon noteth , when hee sayth ; Verba sapientum tanquam aculei , & tanquam claui in altum defixi ; whereof I will only recite three , not so delectable for elegancie , but admirable for vigor and efficacie . As first , it is reason hee bee thought a Master of words , that could with one word appease a mutinie in his Armie ; which was thus . The Romanes when their Generals did speake to their Armie , did vse the word Milites ; but when the Magistrates spake to the people , they did vse the word , Quirites : The Souldiers were in tumult , and seditiously prayed to bee cassiered : not that they so meant , but by expostulation thereof , to drawe Caesar to other Conditions ; wherein hee being resolute , not to giue way , after some silence , hee beganne his speech , Ego Quirites , which did admit them alreadie cassiered ; wherewith they were so surprised , crossed , and confused , as they would not suffer him to goe on in his speech , but relinquished their demaunds , and made it their suit , to be againe called by the name of Milites . The second speech was thus : Caesar did extreamly affect the name of King ; and some were set on as he passed by , in popular acclamation to salute him king ; whereupon finding the crie weake and poore ; he put it off thus , in a kind of Iest , as if they had mistaken his surname ; Non Rex sum , sed Caesar , a speech , that if it be searched , the life and fulnesse of it , can scarce be expressed : For first it was a resusall of the name , but yet not serious : againe it did signifie an infinite confidence and magnanimitie , as if he presumed Caesar was the greater title ; as by his worthinesse , it is come to passe till this day : but chiefely , it was a speech of great allurement toward his owne purpose : as if the State did striue with him , but for a name ; whereof meane families were vested : for Rex was a surname with the Romanes , aswell as King is with vs. The last speech , which I will mention , was vsed to Metellus : when Caesar , after warre declared , did possesse himselfe of the Citie of Rome , at which time entring into the inner treasurie , to take the the monney there accumulate , Metellus being Tribune forbad him : whereto Caesar sayd , That if hee did not desist , hee would laye him dead in the place : And presently taking himselfe vp , hee added : Young man it is harder for me to speake it , than to doe it ; Adolescens , durius est mihi , hoc dicere , quàm facere . A speech compounded of the greatest terrour , and greatest clemencie , that could proceede out of the mouth of man. But to returne and conclude with him , it is euident himselfe knewe well his owne perfection in learning , and tooke it vpon him ; as appeared , when vpon occasion , that some spake , what a strange resolution it was in Lucius Sylla , to resigne his Dictature ; he scoffing at him , to his owne aduantage , answered ; That Sylla could not skill of Letters , and therefore knew not how to Dictate . And here it were fit to leaue this point , touching the concurrence of m●…litarie vertue and learning ; ( for what example should come with any grace , after those two , of Alexander and Caesar ) were it not in regard of the rarenesse of circumstance , that I finde in one other particular ; as that which did so sodenly passe , from extreame scorne , to extreame wonder : and it is of Xenophon the Philosopher , who went from Socrates Schoole into Asia , in the expedition of Cyrus the younger , against King Artax●…xes : This Xenop●…on at that time , was verie yong , and neuer had seene the Warres before : neither had any commaund in the Armie , but onely followed the Warre , as a voluntarie , for the loue and conuersation of Proxenus his friend : hee was present when Falinus came in Message from the great King , to the Grecians ; after that Cyrus was slaine in the field ; and they a handfull of men left to themselues in the middest of the Kings Territories , cut off from their Country by many nauigable Riuers , and many hundred miles : The Message imported , that they should deliuer vp their Armes , and submit themselues to the Kings mercy : To which Message before answere was made , diuers of the Army cōferred familiarly with Falinus ; and amongst the rest Xenophon happened to say : Why Falinus , we haue now but these two thinges left ; our Armes , and our Vertue : and if we yeeld vp our Armes , how shall we make vse of our Vertue ? Whereto Falinus smiling on him , sayd ; If I be not deceiued , young Gentleman , you are an Athenian ; and I beleeue , you studie Philosophie , and it is pretty that you say ; but you are much abused , if you thinke your vertue can withstand the Kings power : Here was the scorne ; the wonder followed ; which was , that this young Scholler , or Philosopher , after all the Captaines were murthered in parlye by treason , conducted those ten Thousand foote , through the heart of all the Kinges high Countreys from Babilon to Grecia in safetie , in despight of all the Kings forces , to the astonishment of the world , and the encouragement of the Grecians in times succeeding to make inuasion vpon the Kings of Persia ; as was after purposed by Iason the Thessalian ; attempted by Agesi●…aus the Spartan , and atchieued by Alexander the Macedonian ; all , vpon the ground of the Act of that young Scholler . To proceede now from imperiall and militarie vertue , to morall and priuate vertue ; first , it is an assured truth , which is contained in the verses ; Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes , Emollit mores nec sinit esse feros . It taketh away the wildnesse and barbarisme and fiercenesse of mens minds : but indeed the accent had need be vpon , fideliter . For a little superficiall learning doth rather worke a contrary effect . It taketh away all leuitie , temeritie , and insolencie , by copious suggestion of all doubts and difficulties , and acquainting the minde to ballance reasons on both sides , and to turne backe the first offers and conceits of the minde , and to accept of nothing but examined and tryed . It taketh away vaine admiration of any thing , which is the roote of all weakenesse . For all things are admired , either because they are new , or because they are great . For nouelty , no man that wadeth in learning or contemplation throughly , but will find that printed in his heart , Nil noui super terram : Neither can any man maruaile at the play of Puppets , that goeth behinde the curtaine , and aduiseth well of the Motion . And for magnitude , as Alexander the Great , after that hee was vsed to great Armies , and the great Conquests of the spatious Prouinces in Asia , when hee receiued Letters out of Greece , of some fights and seruices there , which were commonly for a passage , or a Fort , or some walled Towne at the most , he sayd ; It seemed to him , that he was aduertised of the battailes of the Frogs , and the Mise , that the ould tales went of . So cettainely , if a man meditate much vppon the vniuersall frame of nature , the earth with men vppon it ( the diuinesse of soules except ) will not seeme much other , than an Ant-hill , whereas some Ants carrie corne , and some carrie their young : and some goe emptie , and all too and fro , a little heape of dust . It taketh away , or mitigateth feare of death , or aduerse fortune : which is one of the greatest impediments of vertue , and imperfections of manners . For if a mans minde , be deepely seasoned with the consideration of the mortalitie and corruptible nature of thinges , hee will easily concurre with Epictetus , who went foorth one day , and sawe a woman weeping for her Pitcher of earth , that was broken ; and went foorth the next day , and sawe a woman weepinge for her Sonne that was deade , and thereuppon sayde : Heri , vidi fragilem frangi , hodiè vidi mortalem mori . And therefore Virgill did excellently , and profoundlye couple the knowledge of causes , and the Conquest of all feares , together , as Concomitantia . Foelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas , Quique metus omnes , & inexorabile fatum Subiecit pedibus , strepitumque Acherontis auari . It were too long to goe ouer the particular remedies , which learning doth minister , to all the diseases of the minde , sometimes purging the ill humours , sometimes opening the obstructions , sometimes helping digestion , sometimes encreasing appetite , somtimes healing the wounds and exulcerations thereof , and the like ; and therefore I will conclude with that which hath rationem totius ; which is , that it disposeth the constitution of the minde , not to be fixed or setled in the defects thereof ; but still to be capable , and susceptible of growth and reformation . For the vnlearned man knowes not , what it is to descend into himselfe , or to cal himselfe to account , nor the pleasure of that Suauissima vita , indies sentire se fieri meliorem : The good parts hee hath , hee will learne to shew to the full , and vse them dexterously , but not much to encrease them : The faults he hath , he will learne how to hide and colour them , but not much to amend them ; like an ill Mower , that mowes on still , and neuer whets his Syth : whereas , with the learned man , it fares otherwise , that he doth euer intermix the correction and amendment of his minde , with the vse and employment thereof : Nay further in generall and in sum : certain it is , that Veritas , and Bonitas differ , but as the Seale and the Print : for Truth prints Goodnesse , and they be the cloudes of Error , which descend in the stormes of passions and perturbations . From morall vertue , let vs passe on to matter of power and commandement , and consider whether in right reason , there be any comparable with that , wherewith knowledge inuesteth and crowneth mans nature . We see the dignitie of the commandement , is according to the dignitie of the commaunded : to haue commaundement ouer beasts , as Heard-men haue , is a thing contemptible : to haue commandement ouer children , as Schoole-Masters haue , is a matter of small honor : to haue commandement ouer Gally-slaues , is a disparagement , rather than an honour . Neither is the commaundement of Tyrants , much better ouer people , which haue put off the Generositie of their mindes : And therefore it was euer holden , that honors in free Monarchies and Common-wealths , had a sweetnesse more , than in Tyrannies , because the commandement extendeth more ouer the wils of men , and not only ouer their deeds and seruices . And therefore when Virgill putteth himselfe forth to attribute to Augustus Caesar the best of humane honours , hee doth it in these wordes : Victorque volentes Per populos , dat iura , viamque affectat Olympo : But yet the commandement of knowledge , is yet higher , than the commandement ouer the will : for it is a commaundement ouer the reason , beleefe , and vnderstanding of man , which is the highest part of the minde , and giueth law to the will it selfe . For there is no power on earth , which setteth vp a throne or chaire of Estate in the spirits , and soules of men , and in their cogitations , imaginations , opinions , and beleefes : but knowledge and learning . And therefore wee see the detestable and extreame pleasure , that Arch-heretiques , and false Prophets , and Impostors are transported with , when they once finde in themselues , that they haue a superioritie in the faith and conscience of men ; so great , as if they haue once tasted of it , it is seldome seene , that any torture or persecution can make them relinquish or abandone it . But as this is that which the Author of the Reuelation , calleth the depth or profoundnesse of Sathan : so by argument of contraries , the iust and lawfull soueraignetie ouer mens vnderstanding , by face of truth rightly interpreted , is that which approacheth neerest to the similitude of the diuine rule . As for fortune and aduancement , the beneficence of learning , is not so cōfined to giue fortune only to states and Common-wealthes : as it doth not likewise giue fortune to particular persons . For it was well noted long agoe , that Homer hath giuen more men their liuings , than either Sylla , or Caesar , or Augustus euer did , notwithstanding their great largesses , and donatiues , and distributions of Lands to so many legions . And no doubt , it is hard to say , whether armes or learning haue aduanced greater numbers . And in case of soueraigntie , wee see , that if armes or descent haue carried away the Kingdome : yet learning hath carryed the Priest-hood , which euer hath been in some competicion with Empire . Againe , for the pleasure and delight of knowledge and learning , it farre surpasseth all other in nature : for shall the pleasures of the affections so exceede the sences , as much as the obtayning of desire or victorie , exceedeth a song , or a dinner ? and must not of consequence , the pleasures of the intellect or vnderstanding exceede the pleasures of the affections ? we see in all other pleasures , there is sacietie ; and after they be vsed , their verdour deparreth ; which sheweth well , they be but deceits of pleasure , and not pleasures ; and that it was the noueltie which pleased , and not the qualitie . And therfore we see , that voluptuous men turne Friers ; and ambitious Princes turne melancholy . But of knowledge there is no sacietie , but satisfaction and appetite , are perpetually interchangeable ; and therefore appeareth to be good in it selfe simply , without fallacie or accident . Neither is that pleasure of small efficacie , and contentment to the minde of man , which the Poet Lucretius describeth elegantly , Suaue marimagno , turbantibus aequora ventis : &c. It is a view of delight ( sayth he ) to stand or walke vppon the shoare side , and to see a Shippe tossed with tempest vpon the sea ; or to bee in a fortified Tower , and to see two Battailes ioyne vppon a plaine . But it is a pleasure incomparable for the minde of man to bee setled , landed , and fortified in the certaintie of truth ; and fromth once to descrie and behould the errours , perturbations , labours , and wanderings vp and downe of other men . Lastly , leauing the vulgar arguments , that by learning , man excelleth man in that , wherein man excelleth beasts ; that by learning man ascendeth to the heauens and their motions ; where in bodie he cannot come ; and the like ; let vs conclude with the dignitie , and excellency of knowledge and learning , in that whereunto mans nature doth most aspire ; which is immortalitie or continuance ; for to this tendeth generation , and raysing of houses and families ; to this buildings , foundations , and monuments , to this tendeth the desire of memorie , fame , and celebration ; and in effect , the strength of all other humane desires ; wee see then howe farre the monuments of wit and learning , are more durable , than the monuments of power , or of the hands . For haue not the verses of Homer continued 25. hundred yeares , or more , without the losse of a sillable , or letter : during which time , infinite Pallaces , Temples , Castles , Cities haue been decayed , and demolished ? It is not possible to haue the true pictures or statuaes of Cyrus , Alexander , Caesar , no nor of the Kings , or great personages of much later yeares ; for the originals cannot last ; and the copies cannot but leese of the life and truth . But the Images of mens wits and knowledges remaine in Bookes , exempted from the wrong of time , and capable of perpetuall renouation : Neither are they fitly to be called Images , because they generate still , and cast their seedes in the mindes of others , prouoking and causing infinit actions and opinions , in succeeding ages . So that if the inuention of the Shippe was thought so noble , which carryeth riches , and commodities from place to place , and consociateth the most remote regions in participation of their fruits : how much more are letters to bee magnified , which as Shippes , passe through the vast Seas of time , and make ages so distant , to participate of the wisedome , illuminations , and inuentions the one of the other ? Nay further wee see , some of the Philosophers which were least diuine , and most immersed in the sences , and denyed generally the immortality of the soule ; yet came to this point , that whatsoeuer motions the spirite of man could act , and perfourme without the Organs of the bodie , they thought might remaine after death ; which were only those of the vnderstanding , and not of the affection ; so immortall and incorruptible a thing did knowledge seeme vnto them to be . But we that know by diuine reuelation , that not onely the vnderstanding , but the affections purified , not onely the spirite , but the bodie changed shall be aduanced to immortalitie , doe disclaime in these rudiments of the sences . But it must be remēbred , both in this last point , and so it may likewise be needfull in other places , that in probation of the dignitie of knowledge , or learning I did in the beginning separate diuine testimonie , from humane ; which methode , I haue pursued , and so handled them both apart . Neuerthelesse , I doe not pretend , and I know it will be impossible for me by any Pleading of mine , to reuerse the iudgement , either of Aesops Cocke , that preferred the Barly-corne , before the Gemme ; or of Mydas , that being chosen Iudge , betweene Apollo President of the Muses , and Pan God of the Flockes , iudged for Plentie : or of Paris , that iudged for Beautie , and soue against Wisedome and Power : nor of Agrippina , Occidat matrem , modo imperet : that preferred Empire with condition neuer so detestable ; or of Vlysses , Qui vetulam proetulit immortalitati , being a figure of those which preferre Custome and Habite before all excellencie ; or of a number of the like popular Iudgements . For these thinges continue , as they haue beene : but so will that also continue , whereupon learning hath euer relyed , and which fayleth not : Iustificata est sapientia à filijs suis. THE SECOND Booke of FRANCIS BACON ; of the proficience or aduancement of Learning , Diuine and Humane . To the King. IT might seeme to haue more conuenience , though it come often otherwise to passe , ( Excellent King ) that those which are fruitfull in their generations , & haue in themselues the fore sight of Immortalitie , in their descendents , should likewise be more carefull of the good estate of future times ; vnto which they know they must transmitte and commend ouer their dearest pledges . Queene Elizabeth was a soiourner in the world in respect of her vnmaried life : and was a blessing to her owne times ; & yet so as the impression of her good gouernement , besides her happie memorie , is not without some effect , which doth suruiue her . But to your Maiestie , whom God hath alreadie blessed with so much Royall issue , worthie to continue and represent you for euer : and whose youthfull and fruitfull bedde doth yet promise manie the like renouations : It is proper and agreeable to be conuersant , not only in the transitory parts of good gouernment : but in those acts also , which are in their nature permanent & perpetuall . Amongst the which ( if affection do not transport mee , ) there is not any more worthie , then the further endowement of the world with sound and fruitfull knowledge : For why should a fewe receiued Authors stand vp like Hercules Columnes , beyond which , there should be no sayling , or discouering , since wee haue so bright and benigne a starre , as your Ma : to conduct and prosper vs ? To returne therefore where wee left , it remaineth to consider of what kind those Acts are which haue bene vndertaken , & performed by Kings and others , for the increase and aduancement of learning , wherein I purpose to speake actiuely without digressing or dylating . Let this ground therfore be layd , that all workes are ouercōmen by amplitude of reward , by soundnesse of direction , and by the coniunction of labors . The first multiplyeth endeuour , the second preuenteth error , and the third supplieth the frailty of man. But the principal of these is direction : For Claudus in via , antevertit cursorem extra viam : And Salomon excellently setteth it downe ; If the Iron be not sharpe , it requireth more strength : But wisedome is that which preuaileth : signifying that the Inuention or election of the Meane , is more effectuall then anie inforcement or accumulation of endeuours . This I am induced to speake ; for that ( not derogating from the noble intention of any that haue beene deseruers towards the State of learning ) I do obserue neuerthelesse , that their workes and Acts are rather matters of Magnificence and Memorie , then of progression and proficience , and tende rather to augment the masse of Learning in the multitude of learned men , then to rectifie or raise the Sciences themselues . The Works or Acts of merit towards learning are conversant about three obiects , the Places of learning ; the Bookes of learning ; and the Persons of the learned . For as water , whether it be the dewe of heauen , or the springs of the earth , doth scatter and leese it selfe in the ground , except it be collected into some Receptacle , where it may by vnion , comfort and sustaine it selfe : And for that cause the Industry of Man hath made & framed Spring heads , Conduits , Cesternes , and Pooles , which men haue accustomed likewise to beautifie and adorne with accomplishments of Magnificence and State , as wel as of vse and necessitie : So this excellent liquor of knowledge , whether it descend from diuine inspiration , or spring from humane sense , would soone perishe and vanishe to oblyuion , if it were not preserued in Bookes , Traditions , Conferences , and Places appoynted , as Vniuersities , Colledges , and Schooles , for the receipt & comforting of the same . The works which concerne the Seates and Places of learning , are foure ; Foundations , and Buyldings , Endowments with Reuenewes , Endowmēts with Franchizes and Priuiledges , Institutions and Ordinances for gouernment , all tending to quietnesse and priuatenesse of life , and discharge of cares and troubles , much like the Stations , which Virgil prescribeth for the hyuing of Bees . Principio sedes Apibus , statioque petenda : Quo neque sit ventis aditus , &c. The workes touching Bookes are two : First Libraries , which are as the Shrynes , where all the Reliques of the ancient Saints , full of true vertue , and that without delusion or imposture , are preserued , and reposed ; Secondly , Newe Editions of Authors , with more correct impressions , more faithfull translations , more profitable glosses , more diligent annotations , and the like . The workes pertaining to the persons of learned men ( besides the aduancement and countenancing of them in generall ) are two : The reward and designation of Readers in Sciences already extant and inuented : and the reward and designation of Writers and Enquirers , concerning any partes of Learning , not sufficiently laboured and prosecuted . These are summarilie the workes and actes , wherein the merites of manie excellent Princes , and other worthie Personages haue beene conuersant . As for any particular commemorations , I call to minde what Cicero saide , when hee gaue generall thanks . Di●…ffcile non aliquem ; ingratum quenquam praeterire : Let vs rather according to the Scriptures , looke vnto that parte of the Race , which is before vs ; then looke backe to that which is alreadie attained . First therfore amongst so many great Foundations of Colledges in Europe , I finde strange that they are all dedicated to Professions , and none left free to Artes and Sciences at large . For if men iudge that learning should bee referred to action , they iudge well : but in this they fall into the Error described in the ancient Fable ; in which the other parts of the body did suppose the stomache had beene ydle , because it neyther performed the office of Motion , as the lymmes doe , nor of Sence , as the head doth : But yet notwithstanding it is the Stomache that digesteth and distributeth to all the rest : So if any man thinke Philosophie and Vniuersalitie to be idle Studies ; hee doth not consider that all Professions are from thence serued , and supplyed . And this I take to bee a great cause that hath hindered the progression of learning , because these Fundamental knowledges haue bene studied but in passage . For if you will haue a tree beare more fruite then it hath vsed to do ; it is not any thing you can do to the boughes , but it is the styrring of the earth , and putting newe moulde about the rootes , that must worke it . Neyther is it to bee forgotten , that this dedicating of Foundations and Dotations to professory Learning , hath not onely had a Maligne aspect , and influence vpon the growth of Scyences , but hath also beene preiudiciall to States and gouernments . For hence it proceedeth that Princes find a solitude , in regard of able men to serue them in causes of estate , because there is no education collegiate , which is free ; wher such as were so disposed , mought giue themselues to Histories , moderne languages , bookes of pollicie and ciuile discourse , and other the like inablements vnto seruice of estate . And because founders of Colledges doe plant , and founders of Lectures doe water : it followeth wel in order to speake of the defect , which is in Publique Lectures : Namely , in the smalnesse and meanesse of the salary or reward which in most places is assigned vnto them : whether they be Lectures of Arts , or of Professions . For it is necessary to the progression of Scyences , that Readers be of the most able and sufficient men ; as those which are ordained for generating , and propagating of Scyences , and not for transitorie vse . This cannot be , except their condition , & endowmēt be such , as may cōtent the ablest man , to appropriate his whole labour , and continue his whole age in that function and attendance , and therefore must haue a proportion answerable to that mediocritic or competencie of aduancement , which may be expected from a Profession , or the Practize of a Profession : So as , if you wil haue Scyences flourish , you must obserue Dauids military lawe , which was , That those which slaied with the Carriage , should haue equall part with those which were in the Action : else will the carriages be ill attended : So Readers in Scyences are indeede the Gardyans of the stores and prouisions of Scyences , whence men in actiue courses are furnished , and therefore ought to haue equall entertainment with them ; otherwise if the fathers in Scyences be of the weakest sort , or be ill maintained . Et Patrum invalidi referent ieiunia nati . Another defect I note , wherin I shall neede some Alchimist to helpe me , who call vpon men to sell their Bookes , and to build Fornaces , quitting and forsaking Minerva , and the Muses , as barreyne virgines , and relying vpon Vulcan . But certaine it is , that vnto the deepe , fruitefull , and operatiue studie of many Scyences , specially Naturall Phylosophy and Physicke , Bookes be not onely the Instrumentals ; wherein also the beneficence of men hath not beene altogether wanting : for we see , Spheares , Globes , Astrolabes , Mappes , and the like , haue bene prouided , as appurtenances to Astronomy & Cosmography , as well as bookes : We see likewise , that some places instituted for Physicke , haue annexed the commoditie of Gardeins for Simples of all sorts , and do likewise command the vse of dead Bodies for Anatomyes . But these doe respect but a few things . In generall , there will hardly be any Mayne proficience in the disclosing of nature , except there be some allowance for expences about experimēts ; whether they be experiments appertaining to Vulcanus or Dedalus , Furnace or Engyne , or any other kind ; And therefore as Secretaries , and Spyalls of Princes and States bring in Bills for Intelligence ; so you must allowe the Spyalls and Intelligencers of Nature , to bring in their Billes , or else you shall be ill aduertised . And if Alexander made such a liberall assignation to Aristotle of treasure for the allowance of Hunters , Fowlers , Fishers and the like , that he mought compile an Historie of Nature , much better dothey deserue it that trauailes in Arts of nature . Another defect which I note , is an intermission or neglect in those which are Gouernours in Vniuersities , of Consultation , & in Princes or superior persons , of Visitation : To enter into account and consideration , whether the Readings , exercises , and other customes appertayning vnto learning , aunciently begunne , and since continued , be well instituted or no , and thereupon to ground an amendement , or reformation in that which shall be found inconuenient . For it is one of your Maiesties owne most wise and Princely Maximes , that in all vsages , and Presidents , the Times be considered wherein they first beganne , which if they were weake , or ignorant , it derogateth from the Authoritie of the Vsage , and leaueth it for suspect . And therefore in as much , as most of the vsages , and orders of the Vniuersities were deriued frō more obscure times , it is the more requisite , they be reexamined . In this kind I will giue an instance or two for exāple sake , of things that are the most obvious & familiar : The one is a matter , which though it bee ancient and generall , yet I hold to be an errour , which is , that Schollers in Vniuersities come too soone , & too vnripe to Logicke & Rhetoricke ; Arts fitter for Graduates then children , and Nouices : For these two rightly taken , are the grauest of Sciences , beeing the Arts of Arts , the one for Iudgement , the other for Ornament : And they be the Rules & Directions , how to set forth & dispose matter : & therfore for mindes emptie & vnfraught with matter , & which haue not gathered that which Cicero calleth Sylua and Supellex , stuffe and varietie to beginne with those Artes ( as if one should learne to weigh , or to measure , or to painte the Winde ) doth worke but this effect : that the wisedome of those Arts , which is great , & vniuersal , is almost made contemptible , & is degenerate into childish Sophystrie , & ridiculous affectation . And further , the vntimely learning of them hath drawen on by consequence , the superficiall and vnprofitable teaching & writing of them , as fitteth indeed to the capacity of childrē : Another , is a lacke I finde in the exercises vsed in the Vniuersities , which do make to great a diuorce betweene Inuention & Memory : for their speeches are either premeditate in Verbis conceptis , where nothing is left to Inuention , or meerly Extemporall , where little is left to Memory : wheras in life & action , there is least vse of either of these , but rather of intermixtures of premeditation , & Inuention : Notes & Memorie . So as the exercise fitteth not the practize , nor the Image , the life ; and it is euer a true rule in exercises , that they bee framed as nere as may be to the life of practise , for otherwise they do peruert the Motions , and faculties of the Minde , and not prepare them . The truth whereof is not obscure , when Schollars come to the practises of professions , or other actions of ciuill life , which when they set into , this want is soone found by themselues , and sooner by others . But this part touching the amendment of the Institutions and orders of Vniuersities . I will conclude with the clause of Caesars letter to Oppins and Balbus , Hoc quemaamodum fieri possit , nonnulla mihi in mētem veniunt , & multa reperiri possunt : de ijs rebus rogovos , vt cogitationem suscipiatis . Another defect which I note , ascendeth a little higher then the precedent . For as the proficience of learning consisteth much in the orders and institutions of Vniuersities , in the same States & kingdoms : So it would bee yet more aduanced , if there were more Intelligēce Mutual betweene the Vniuersities of Europe , then now there is . We see , there be many Orders and Foundatiōs , which though they be deuided vnder seuerall soueraignties , & territories , yet they take themselues to haue a kind of contract , fraternitie , & correspondence , one with the other , insomuch as they haue Prouincials and Generals . And surely as Nature createth Brotherhood in Families , & Arts Mechanicall contract Brotherhoods in communalties , and the Anoyntment of God superinduceth a Brotherhood in Kings & Bishops : So in like manner there cannot but bee a fraternitie in learning and illumination , relating to that Paternitie , which is attributed to God , who is called the Father of illuminations or lights . The last defect which I wil note , is , that there hath not been , or very rarely been , any Publique Designation of Writers or Enquirers , concerning such parts of knowledge , as may appeare not to haue bin alreadie sufficiently laboured or vndertaken , vnto which point it is an Inducemēt ; to enter into a view and examination , what parts of learning haue bin prosecuted , and what omitted ; For the opinion of plentie is amongst the causes of want ; and the great quantitie of Bookes maketh a shewe rather of superfluitie then lacke , which surcharge neuerthelesse is not to be remedied by making no more bookes , but by making more good books , which as the Serpēt of Moses , mought deuour the Serpēts of the Inchātors . The remouing of all the defects formerly enumerate , except the last , and of the actiue part also of the last ( which is the designation of Writers ) are Opera Basilica ; towards which the endeuors of a priuate man may be , but as an Image in a crosse way ; that may point at the way , but cannot goe it . But the inducing part of the latter ( which is the suruay of Learning ) , may bee set forwarde by priuate trauaile ; Wherefore I will now attempt to make a generall and faithfull perambulation of learning , with an inquiry what parts theroflye fresh and wast , and not improued & conuerted by the Industrie of man ; to the end that such a plotte made and recorded to memorie , may both minister light to anic publique designation : and also serue to excite voluntary endeuours ; wherin neuerthelesse my purpose is at this time , to note onely omissions and deficiences ; and not to make any redargution of Errors , or incomplete prosecutions : For it is one thing to set forth what ground lyeth vnmanured ; and another thing to correct ill husbandry in that which is manured . In the handling & vndertaking of which worke , I am not ignorant , what it is , that I doe now mooue and attempt , nor insensible of mine own weakenes , to susteine my purpose : But my hope is , that if my extreame loue to learning carrie me too farre , I may obtaine the excuse of affection ; for that It is not granted to man to loue , and to bee wise . But I know well I can vse no other libertie of Iudgement , then I must leaue to others , & I for my part shall be indifferentlie glad eyther to performe my selfe , or accept from another , that dutie of humanitie : Nam quierranti comiter monstrat viam : &c. I doe foresee likewise , that of those things , which I shall enter & Register , as Deficiences and Omissions : Many will conceiue and censure , that some of them are alreadie done & extant : others to bee but curiosities , and things of no great vse : and others to bee of too great difficultie , and almost impossibilitie to bee compassed and effected : But for the twoo first , I referre my selfe to the particulars . For the last , touching impossibilitie , I take it , those things are to bee held possible , which may be done by some person , though not by euerie one : and which may be done by many , though not by any one : and which may be done in succession of ages , though not within the houre-glasse of one mans life : and which may be done by publique designation , though not by priuate endeuour . But notwithstāding , if any Man will take to himselfe rather that of Salomon , Dicit p●…ger , Leo est in via , then that of Virgil , Possunt , quia posse videntur : I shall be content that my labours bee esteemed , but as the better sorte of wishes : for as it asketh some knowledge to demaund a question , not impertinent ; so it requireth some sense , to make a wish not absurd . THE PARTS of humane learning haue reference to the three partes of Mans vnderstanding , which is the seate of Learning . HISTORY to his MEMORY , POESIE to his IMAGINATION , and PHILOSOPHIE to his REASON : Diuine learning receiueth the same distribution , for the Spirit of Man is the same : though the Reuelation of Oracle and Sense be diuerse : So as Theologie consisteth also of HISTORIE of the Church ; of PARABLES , which is Diuine Poesie : and of holie DOCTRINE or Precept . For as for that part , which seemeth supernumerarie , which is Prophecie : it is but Diuine Historie : which hath that prerogatiue ouer humane , as the Narration may bee before the fact , aswell as after . HISTORY is NATV●…L , CIVIL●… , ECCLESIASTICALL & LITERARY , wherof the three first I allow as extant , the fourth I note as deficient . For no man hath propounded to himselfe the generall state of ●…arning to bee described and represented from age to age , as many haue done the works of Nature , & the State ciuile and Ecclesiastical ; without which the History of the world seemeth to me , to be as the Statua of Polyphemus with his eye out , that part being wanting , which doth most shew the spirit , and life of the person : And yet I am not ignorant that in diuers particular sciences , as of the Iurisconsults , the Mathematicians , the Rhetoricians the Philosophers , there are set down some smal memorials of the Schooles , Authors , and Bookes : and so like wise some barren relations touching the Inuentiō of Arts , or vsages . But a iust story of learning , containing the Antiquities & Originalls of Knowledges , & their Sects ; their Inuentions , their Traditions ; their diuerse Administrations , and Managings ; their Flourishings , their Oppositions , Decayes , Depressions , Obliuions , Remoues ; with the causes , and occasions of them , and all other euents concerning learning , throughout the ages of the world ; I may truly affirme to be wanting . The vse and end of which worke , I doe not so much designe for curiositie , or satisfaction of those that are the louers of learning , but chiefely for a more serious , & graue purpose , which is this in fewe wordes , that it will make learned men wise , in the vse and administration of learning . For it is not Saint Augustines nor Saint Ambrose workes that will make so wise a Diuine ; as Ecclesiasticall Historie , throughly read and obserued : and the same reason is of Learning . HISTORY of NATVRE is of three sorts : of NATVRE in COVRSE ; of NATVRE ER●…ING , or VARYING ; and of NATVRE ALTERED or wroght , that is HISTORY of CREATVRES , HISTORY of MARVAILES , and HISTORY of ARTS . The first of these , no doubt is extant , and that in good perfection . The two later are handled so weakely and vnprofitably , as I am moued to note them as deficient . For I find no sufficient , or competent Collection of the Workes of Nature , which haue a Digression , and Deflexion , from the ordinary course of Generations , Productions , & Motions , whether they be singularities of place and region , or the strange euents of time and chance , or the effects of yet vnknowne proprieties , or the instances of exception to generall kindes : It is true , I finde a number of bookes of fabulous Experiments , & Secrets , and friuolous Impostures for pleasure and strangenesse . But a substantiall and seuere Collection of the HETE●… , or IRREGVLARS of NATVRE , well examined & described I find not specially not with due reiection of fables , and popular Errors : For , as things now are , if an vntruth in Nature bee once on foote , what by reason of the neglect of examination , and countenance of Antiquitie , and what by reason of the vse of the opinion in similitudes , and ornaments of speeche , it is neuer called downe . The vse of this worke , honoured with a president in Aristotle , is nothing lesse , then to giue contentment to the appetite of Curious and vaine wittes , as the manner of MIRABILARIES is to doe : But for twoo Reasons , both of greate waight : The one to correct the parcialitie of Axiomes , and Opinions : which are commonly framed onely vppon common and familiar examples : The other , because from the Wonders of Nature , is the neerest Intelligence and passage towardes the Wonders of Arte : For it is no more , but by following , and as it were , hounding Nature in her wandrings , to bee able to leade her afterwardes to the same place againe . Neyther am I of opinion in this HISTORY of MARVAILES , that superstitious Narrations of Sorceries , Witchecraftes , Dreames , Diuinations , and the like , where there is an assurance , and cleere euidence of the fact , be altogether excluded . For it is not yet knowne in what cases , and how farre , effectes attributed to superstition , do participate of Naturall causes : and therefore how-soeuer the practise of such things is to bee condemned , yet from the Speculation and sideration of them , light may be taken , not onely for the discerning of the offences , but for the further disclosing of Nature : Neither ought a Man to make scruple of entring into these things for inquisition of truth , as your Maiestie hath shewed in your owne example : who with the two cleere eyes of Religion and naturall Philosophy , haue looked deepely and wisely into these shadowes , and yet proued your selfe to be of the Nature of the Sunne , which passeth through pollutions , and it selfe remaines as pure as before . But this I hold fit , that these Narrations , which haue mixture with superstition , be sorted by themselues , and not to be mingled with the Narrations , which are meerely and sincerely naturall . But as for the Narrations touching the Prodigies and Miracles of Religions , they are either not true , or not Naturall ; and therefore impertinent for the Storie of Nature . For HISTORY of NATVRE WROVGHT , or MECHANICALL , I finde some Collections Made of Agriculture , and likewise of Manuall Arts , but commonly with a reiection of experiments familiar and vulgar . For it is esteemed a kinde of dishonour vnto Learning , to descend to enquirie or Meditation vppon Matters Mechanicall ; except they bee such as may bee thought secrets , rarities , and speciall subtilties : which humour of vaine , and supercilious Arrogancie , is iustly derided in Plato : where hee brings in Hippias a vanting Sophist , disputing with Socrates a true and vnfained inquisitor of truth ; where the subiect beeing touching beautie , Socrates , after his wandring manner of Inductions , put first an example of a faire Virgine , and then of a faire Horse , and then of a faire pot well glazed , whereat Hippias was offended , and said ; More then for curtesies sake , hee did thinke much to dispute with any , that did alledge such base and Sordide instances , whereunto Socrates answereth ; you haue reason , and it becomes you well , beeing a man so trimme in your ves●…ments , &c. and so goeth on in an Ironie . But the truth is , they bee not the highest instances , that giue the securest information ; as may bee well expressed in the tale so common of the Philosopher , that while he gazed vpwardes to the Starres , fell into the water : for if hee had looked downe hee might haue seene the Starres in the water , but looking aloft hee coulde not see the water in the Starres : So it commeth often to passe , that meane and small things discouer great , better then great can discouer the small : and therefore Aristotle noteth well , that the nature of euery thing is best seene in his smallest portions , and for that cause hee enquireth the nature of a Common-wealth , first in a Family , and the Simple Coniugatiōs of Man and Wife ; Parent , and Child , Maister and Seruant , which are in euery Cottage ; Euen so likewise the nature of this great Citie of the world and the policie thereof , must bee first sought in meane concordances , and small portions : So we see how that secret of Nature , of the turning of Iron , touched with the Loadestone , towardes the North , was found out in needels of Iron , not in barres of Iron . But if my iudgement bee of any waight , the vse of HISTORIEMECHANICAL , is of all others the most radicall , and fundamentall towardes Naturall Philosophie , such Naturall Philosophie , as shall not vanish in the fume of subtile , sublime , or delectable speculation , but such as shall bee operatiue to the endowment , and benefit of Mans life : for it will not onely minister and suggest for the present , Many ingenious practizes in all trades , by a connexion and transferring of the obseruations of one Arte , to the vse of another , when the experiences of seuerall misteries shall fall vnder the consideration of one mans minde : But surder , it will giue a more true , and reall illumination concerning Causes and Axiomes , then is hetherto attained . For like as a Mans disposition is neuer well knowen , till hee be crossed , nor Proteus euer chaunged shapes , till hee was straightened and held fast : so the passages and variations of Nature cannot appeare so fully in the libertie of Nature , as in the trialls and vexations of Art. FOr CIVILE HISTORY , it is of three kinds , not vnfitly to be compared with the three kinds of Pictures or Images : for of Pictures or Images , wee see some are Vnfinished , some are parfite , and some are defaced : So of Histories , wee may finde three kindes , MEMORIALLS , PARFITE HISTORIES , and ANTIQVITIES : for MEMORIALLS are Historie vnfinished , or the first , or rough draughts of Historie , and ANTIQVITIES are Historie defaced , or some remnants of History , which haue casually escaped the shipwrack of time . MEMORIALLS or PREPARATORY HISTORY are of two sorts , wherof the on may be tearmed COMMENTARIES , & the other REGISTERS : COMMENTARIES are they which set downe a continuance of the naked euēts & actiōs , without the motiues or designes , the counsells , the speeches , the pretexts the occasions , and other passages of action : for this is the true nature of a commentarie ( though Caesar in modestie mixt with greatnesse , did for his pleasure apply the name of a commentarie to the best Historie of the world ) REGISTERS are collectiōs of Publique Acts , as Decrees of counsell , Iudiciall proceedings , Declarations and Letters of estate , Orations , and the like , without a perfect continuance , or contexture of the threed of the Narration . ANTIQVITIES , or Remnants of History , are , as was saide , tanquam Tabula Naufragij , when industrious persons by an exact and scrupulous diligence and obseruation , out of Monumēts , Names , Wordes , Prouerbes , Traditions , Priuate Recordes , and Euidences , Fragments of stories , Passages of Bookes , that concerne not storie , and the like , doe saue and recouer somewhat from the deluge of time . In these kindes of vnperfect Histories I doe assigne no deficience , for they are tanquam imperfectè Mista , and therefore any deficience in them is but their nature . As for the Corruptiōs and Mothes of Historie , which are Epitomes , the vse of them deserueth to be banisht , as all men of sound Iudgement haue confessed , as those that haue fretted and corroded the sound bodies of many excellent Histories , and wrought them into base and vnprofitable dregges . HISTORY which may be called IVST and PARFITE Historie , is of three kinds , according to the obiect which it propoundeth , or pretendeth to represent : for it either represēteth a TIME , or a PERSON , or an ACTION . The first we call CHRONICLES , The second LIVES , and the third NARRATIONS , or RELATIONS . Of these although the first bee the most compleate and absolute kinde of Historie , and hath most estimation and glory : yet the second excelleth it in profit and vse , and the third in veritie & sinceritie . For HISTORY of TIMES representeth the magnitude of Actions , & the publique faces and deportmēts of persons , & passeth ouer in silence the smaller passages and Motions of men and Matters . But such beeing the workemanship of God , as he doth hang the greatest waight vpon the smallest Wyars , Maxima è Minimis suspēdēs , it comes therfore to passe , that such Histories doe rather set forth the pompe of busines , then the true and inward resorts thereof . But Liues if they be well written , propounding to themselues a person to represent , in whom actions both greater and smaller , publique & priuate haue a commixture ; must of necessitie containe a more true , natiue , and liuely representation : So againe Narrations , and Relations of actions as the War of Peloponnesus , the Expeditiō of Cyrus Minor , the Conspiracie of Catiline , cannot but be more purely and exactly true , then HISTORIES of TIMES , because they may choose an argument comprehensible within the notice and instructions of the Writer : whereas he that undertaketh the story of a time , specially of any length , cannot but meet with many blankes , and spaces , which hee must be forced to fill vp , out of his own wit and coniecture . For the HISTORY of TIMES . ( I meane of ciuil History , ) the prouidence of God hath made the distribution : for it hath pleased God to ordaine and illustrate two exemplar States of the worlde , for Armes , learning , Morall Vertue , Policie , and Lawes . The STATE of GRECIA , and the STATE of ROME : The Histories whereof occupying the MIDDLEPART of time , haue more auncient to them , Histories which may by one common name , be tearmed the ANTIQVITIES of the WORLD ; and after them , Histories which may bee likewise called by the name of MODERNE HISTORIE . Nowe to speake of the deficiences : As to the HEATHEN ANTIQVITIES of the world , it is in vaine to note them for deficient : deficient they are no doubt , consisting most of fables and fragments : but the deficience cannot bee holpen : for Antiquitie is like fame , Caput inter nubila condit , her head is mu●…ed from our sight : For the HISTORIE of the EXEMPLAR STATES , it is extant in good perfection . Not but I could wish there were a perfect Course of Historie for Grecia from Theseus to Philopaemen , ( what time the affaires of Grecia drowned and extinguished in the affaires of Rome ) and for Rome , from Romulus to Iustinianus , who may be truly saide to be Vltimus Romanorum . In which sequences of storie the Text of Thucidides and Xenophon in the one , & the Texts of Liuius , Polybius , Salustius , Caesar , Appianus , Tacitus , Herodianus in the other to be kept intyre without any diminutiō at all , and onely to be supplied and continued . But this is Matter of Magnificence , rather to be commended then required : and wee speake nowe of parts of Learning supplementall , and not of superetogation . But for MODERNE HISTORIES , whereof there are some fewe verie worthy , but the greater part beneath Mediocritie , leauing the care of forreyne stories to forreyne States , because I will not bee Curiosus in aliena Republica , I cannot faile to represent to your Maiestie , the vnworthinesse of the Historie of Englande in the Maine continuance thereof , and the partialitie , and obliquitie of that of Scotland , in the latest and largest Author that I haue seene ; supposing that it would be honour for your Maiestie , and a worke very memorable , if this Iland of great Brittanie , as it is now ioyned in Monarchie for the ages to come : So were ioyned in one Historie for the times passed , after the manner of the sacred Historie , which draweth downe the storie of the Tenne Tribes , and of the Two Tribes , as Twinnes together . And if it shall seeme that the greatnesse of this worke may make it lesse exactly performed , there is an excellent Periode of a much smaller compasse of time , as to the storie of England that is to say , from the Vniting of the Roses , to the Vniting of the Kingdomes : a Portiō of time wherin , to my vnderstanding , there hath bin the rarest varieties , that in like number of successiōs of any hereditary Monarchie hath bin known : For it beginneth with the mixt Adeption of a Crowne , by Armes and Tytle : An entry by Battaile , an Establishment by Mariage : and therefore times answerable , like waters after a tempest , full of working and swelling , though without extreamitie of Storme ; but well passed through by the wisedome of the Pylote , being one of the most sufficient kinges of all the number . Then followeth the Raigne of a King , whose actions howsoeuer conducted had much intermixture with the affaires of Europe : balancing and inclyning them variably , in whose time also beganne that great alteration in the State Ecclesiasticall , an action which seldome commeth vppon the Stage : Then the Raigne of a Minor , then an offer of an vsurpation , ( though it was but as Febris Ephemera ) . Then the Raigne of a Queene Matched with a Forreyner : Then of a Queene that liued solitary , and vnmarried , and yet her gouernment so masculine , as it had greater impression , and operation vppon the States abroad , then it any waies receiued from thence ; And now last , this most happie , and glorious euent , that this Iland of Brittany deuided from all the world , should bee vnited in it selfe ; And that Oracle of Rest giuen to Aeneas , Antiquam enquirite Matrem , should nowe bee performed and fulfilled vpon the Nations of England and Scotland , being now revnited in the auncient Mother name of Brittany , as a full periode of all instabilitie & peregrinations : So that as it commeth to passe in Massiue bodies , that they haue certaine trepidations and wauerings before they fixe and settle : So it seemeth , that by the prouidence of God , this Monarchy before it was to settle in your Maiestie , and your generations , ( in which I hope it is nowe established for euer , ) it had these prelusiue changes and varieties . For LIVES , I doe finde strange that these times haue so litle esteemed the vertues of the times , as that the Writings of liues should be no more frequent . For although there be not many soueraigne Princes or absolute cōmanders , and that States are most collected into Monarchies ; yet are there many worthy personages , that deserue better then dispersed report , or barren Elogies : For herein the Inuention of one of the late Poets is proper , and doth well inrich the auncient fiction ; for he faineth , that at the end of the threed or Webbe of euery mans life , there was a little Medall containing the Persons name , and that Time waited vpon the sheeres , and assoone as the threed was cut , caught the Medalls , and carried them to the Riuer of Lethe , and about the banke there were many Birds flying vp and downe , that would get the Medals and carry them in their Beke a little while , and then let them fall into the Riuer . Onely there were a fewe Swannes , which if they got a Name , would carrie it to a Temple , where it was consecrate . And although many men more mortall in their affections , then in their bodies , doe esteeme desire of name and memory , but as a vanitie and ventositie ; Animi nil magnaelaudis egentes : Which opinion commeth from that Root , Non prius laudes contempsimus , quam la●…danda facere desivimus : yet that will not alter Salomons iudgement , Memoria Iusti cum laudibus , at impiorū nomē putresect : The one flourisheth , the other either cōsumeth to presēt obliuion , or turneth to an ill odor : And therefore in that stile or addition , which is & hath bin long well receiued , and brought in vse , Faeticis memoriae , piae memoriae , bonae memoriae , we do acknowledge that which Cicero saith , borrowing it frō Demosthenes , that Bona Fama propria possessio defunctorum , which possession I cānot but note , that in our times it lieth much wast and that therein there is a Deficience . For NARRATIONS and RELATIONS of particular actions , there were also to be wished a greater diligence therein , for there is no great action but hath some good penne which attends it . And because it is an abilitie not common to Write a good History , as may well appeare by the small number of them : yet if particularitie of actions memorable , were but tolerably reported as they passe , the compiling of a complete HISTORIE of TIMES mought be the better expected , when a Writer should arise that were fit for its for the collection of such relations mought be as a Nursery gardein , whereby to plant a faire and stately gardein , when time should serue . There is yet another portion of Historie which Cornelius Tacitus maketh , which is not to be forgottē specially with that application , which hee accoupleth it withal , ANNALS , and IOVRNALS , appropriating to the former , Matters of estate , and to the later , Acts , and Accidents of a meaner Nature . For giuing but a touch of certaine Magnificent Buildings , he addeth , Cumex dignitate populi Romani repertum sit , res illustres annalibus , talia diurnis vrbis Actis mandare . So as there is a kinde of contemplatiue Heraldry , as well as Ciuill . And as nothing doth derogate from the dignitie of a state more then confusion of degrees : So it doth not a little imbase the Authoritie of an Historie , to intermingle matters of triumph , or matters of ceremony , or matters of Noueltie , with matters of State ; But the vse of a IOVRNALL hath not onely been in the Historie of Time , but like wise in the Historie of Persōs , and chiefely of actions ; for Princes in ancient time had vpon point of honour and policie both , Iournalls kept , what passed day by day : for we see the Chronicle which was red before Abassuerus , when he could not take rest , contained matter of affaires indeede , but such as had passed in his own time , and very lately before ; But the IOVRNALL of Alexanders house expressed euery small particularitie , euen concerning his Person and Court : and it is yet an vse wel receiued in enterprises memorable , as expeditions of Warre , Nauigations , and the like , to keepe Dyaries of that which passeth continually . I cannot likewise bee ignorant of a forme of Writing , which some graue and wise men haue vsed , containing a scattered History of those actions , which they haue thought worthy of memorie , with politique discourse and obseruation thereupon ; not incorporate into the History , but seperately , and as the more principall in their intentiō : Which kind of RVMINATED HISTORY , I thinke more fit to place amongst Bookes of policie , whereof we shall hereafter speake , then amongst Bookes of History : for it is the true office of History to represent the euents themselues , together with the counsels , and to leaue the obseruations , and conclusions thereupon , to the liberty and facultie of euery mans iudgement : But Mixtures , are things irregular , whereof no man can define . So also is there another kinde of History manifoldly mixt , and that is HISTORY of COSMOGRAPHY , being compounded of Naturall History in respect of the Regions themselues , of History ciuill , in respect of the Habitations , Regiments , and Manners of the people ; and the Mathematiques in respect of the Climats , and configurations towards the Heauens , which part of learning of all others in this latter time hath obtained most Proficience . For it may be truly affirmed to the honor of these times , and in a vertuous emulation with Antiquitie , that this great Building of the world , had neuer through lights made in it , till the age of vs and our fathers : For although they had knowledge of the Antipodes : Nosque vbi primus equis Oriens afflauit anhelis : Illic sera rubens accēdit lumina vesper , yet that mought be by demonstration , and not in fact , and if by trauaile , it requireth the voiage but of halfe the Globe . But to circle the Earth , as the heauenly Bodies doe , was not done , nor enterprised , till these later times : And therefore these times may iustly beare in their word , not onely Plus vltrà in precedence of the ancient Non vltrà , and Imitabile fulmen , in precedence of the ancient : Non imitabile fulmen , Demens qui nymbos et non imitabile fulmen , &c. But likewise , — Imitabile Caelum : in respect of the many memorable voyages after the maner of heauē , about the globe of the earth . And this Proficience in Nauigation , and discoueries , may plant also an expectation of the ●…urder proficience , and augmentation of all Scyences , because it may seeme they are ordained by God to be Coevalls , that is , to meete in one Age. For so the Prophet Daniel speaking of the latter times foretelleth : Plurimi pertransibunt , & Multiplex erit Scientia , as if the opennesse and through passage of the world , and the encrease of knowledge were appointed to be in the same ages , as we see it is already performed in great part , the learning of these later times not much giuing place to the former two Periods or Returnes of learning , the one of the Graecians , the other of the Romanes . HISTORY ECCLSIASTICAL , receiueth the same diuisions with History ciuil ; but furder in the proprietie thereof may bee deuided into HISTORY of the CHVRCH , by a general name . HISTORY of PROPHECIE , & HISTORIE of PROVIDENCE : The first describeth the times of the militant Church ; whether it be fluctuāt , as the Arke of Noah , or moueable , as the Arke in the Wildernes , or at rest , as the Arke in the Temple ; That is , the state of the Church in Persecution , in Remoue , and in Peace . This part I ought in no sort to note as deficient , onely I would the vertue and sinceritie of it , were according to the Masse , and quantitie . But I am not now in hand with censures , but with omissions . The second , which is HISTORY of PROPHECIE , consisteth of two Relatiues , the Prophecie , and the accomplishment : and therefore the nature of such a worke ought to be , that euery prophecie of the Scripture be sorted with the euent fulfilling the same , throughout the ages of the world , both for the better confirmation of faith , and for the better illumination of the Church , touching those parts of Prophecies , which are yet vnfulfilled : allowing neuerthelesse that Latitude , which is agreable , and familiar vnto diuine Prophecies , being of the nature of their Author , with whom a thousande yeares are but as one day , and therefore are not fulfilled punctually , at once , but haue springing and germinant accomplishment throughout many ages , though the height or fulnesse of them may referre to some one age : This is a worke which I finde deficient , but is to bee done with wisedom , sobrietie , and reuerence , or not at all . The third , which is HISTORY of PROVIDENCE , containeth that excellēt correspondence , which is betweene Gods reuealed will , and his secret will : which though it be so obscure , as for the most part it is not legible to the Naturall Man ; no , nor many times to those that behold it from the Tabernacle : yet at some times it pleaseth God for our better establishment , and the confuting of those which are as without God in the world ; to write it in such Text and Capitall Letters , that , as the Prophet saith , He that runneth by , may read it : that is , meere sensual persons , which hasten by Gods iudgements , and neuer bend or fixe their cogitations vpon them , are neuerthelesse in their passage and race vrged to discerne it . Such are the notable euents and examples of Gods iudgements , chastizements , deliuerances and blessings : And this is a work which hath passed through the labour of many , and therefore I cannot present as omitted . There are also other parts of learning which are APPENDICES to HISTORY , for al the exterior proceedings of man consist of Wordes and Deeds : whereof History doth properly receiue , and retaine in Memory the Deedes , and if Wordes , yet but as Inducements and passages to Deedes : So are there other Books and Writings , which are appropriat to the custodie , and receite of Wordes onely : which likewise are of three sorts : ORATIONS , LETTERS , & BRIEFE SPEECHES , or SAYINGS : ORATIONS are pleadings , speeches of counsell ; Laudatiues , Inuectiues , Apologies , Reprehensions ; Orations of Formalitie , or Ceremonie , and the like : Letters are according to all the varietie of occasions ; Aduertisments , Aduises , Directions , Propositions , Peticions , Commendatorie , Expostulatorie , Satisfactorie , of complement , of Pleasure , of Discourse , and all other passages of Action . And such as are written from wise men , are , of all the words of Man , in my iudgement the best , for they are more Naturall then Orations , and publike speeches , & more aduised then cōferences , or present speeches : So againe Letters of Affaires from such as Manage them , or are priuie to them , are of all others the best instructions for History , and to a diligent reader , the best Histories in themselues . For APOTHEGMES : It is a great losse of that Booke of Caesars ; For as his History , and those fewe Letters of his which wee haue , and those Apothegmes which were of his owne , excell all mens else : So I suppose would his collection of APOTHEGMES haue done ; For as for those which are collected by others , either I haue no tast in such Matters , or else their choice hath not beene happie . But vpon these three kindes of Writings I doe not insist , because I haue no deficiēces to propound concerning them , Thus much therefore concerning History , which is that part of learning , which answereth to one of the Celles , Domiciles , or offices of the Mind of Man ; which is that of the Memorie . POESIE is a part of Learning in measure of words for the most part restrained : but in all other points extreamely licensed : and doth truly referre to the Imagination : which beeing not tyed to the Lawes of Matter ; may at pleasure ioyne that which Nature hath seuered : & seuer that which Nature hath ioyned , and so make vnlawfull Matches & diuorses of things : Pictoribus atque Poetis &c. It is taken in two senses in respect of Wordes or Matter ; In the first sense it is but a Character of stile , and belongeth to Arts of speeche , and is not pertinent for the present . In the later , it is ( as hath beene saide ) one of the principalll Portions of learning : and is nothing else but FAINED HISTORY , which may be stiled as well in Prose as in Verse . The vse of this FAINED HISTORIE , hath beene to giue some shadowe of satisfaction to the minde of Man in those points , wherein the Nature of things doth denie it , the world being in proportion inferiour to the soule : by reason whereof there is agreeable to the spirit of Man , a more ample Greatnesse , a more exact Goodnesse ; and a more absolute varietie then can bee found in the Nature of things . Therefore , because the Acts or Euents of true Historie , haue not that Magnitude , which satisfieth the minde of Man , Poesie saineth Acts and Euents Greater and more Heroicall ; because true Historie propoundeth the successes and issues of actions , not so agreable to the merits of Vertue and Vice , therefore Poesie faines them more iust in Retribution , and more according to Reuealed Prouidence , because true Historie representeth Actions and Euents , more ordinarie and lesse interchanged , therefore Poesie endueth them with more Rarenesse , and more vnexpected , and alternatiue Variations . So as it appeareth that Poesie serueth and conferreth to Magnanimitie , Moralitie , and to delectation . And therefore it was euer thought to haue some participation of diuinesse , because it doth raise and erect the Minde , by submitting the shewes of things to the desires of the Mind ; whereas reason doth buckle and bowe the Mind vnto the Nature of things . And we see that by these insinuations and congruities with mans Nature and pleasure , ioyned also with the agreement and consort it hath with Musicke , it hath had accesse and estimation in rude times , and barbarous Regions , where other learning stoode excluded . The diuisiō of Poesie which is aptest in the proprietie therof ( besides those diuisiōs which are cōmon vnto it with history : as fained Chronicles , fained liues , & the Appēdices of History , as fained Epistles , fained Orations , and the rest ) is into POESIE NARRATIVE ; REPRESENTATIVE , and ALLVSIVE . The NARRATIVE is a meere imitation of History with the excesses before remembred ; Ohoosing for subiect cōmonly Warrs , and Loue ; rarely State , and sometimes Pleasure or Mirth . REPRESENTATIVE is as a visible History , and is an Image of Actions as if they were present , as History is of actions in nature as they are , that is past ; ALLVSIVE or PARABOLICALL , is a NARRTION applied onely to expresse some speciall purpose or conceit . Which later kind of Parabolical wisedome was much more in vse in the ancient times , as by the Fables of Aesope , and the briefe sentences of the seuen , and the vse of Hieroglyphikes may appeare . And the cause was for that it was then of necessitie to expresse any point of reason , which was more sharpe or subtile then the vulgar in that maner , because men in those times wanted both varietie of examples , and subtiltie of conceit : And as Hierogliphikes were before Letters , so parables were before arguments : And neuerthelesse now and at all times they doe retaine much life and vigor , because reason cannot bee so sensible , nor examples so fit . But there remaineth yet another vse of POESY PARABOLICAL , opposite to that which we last mentioned : for that tendeth to demonstrate , and illustrate that which is taught or deliuered , and this other to retire and obscure it : That is when the Secrets and Misteries of Religion , Pollicy , or Philosophy , are inuolued in Fables or Parables . Of this in diuine Poesie , wee see the vse is authorised . In Heathen Poesie , wee see the exposition of Fables doth fall out sometimes with great felicitie , as in the Fable that the Gyants beeing ouerthrowne in their warre against the Gods , the Earth their mother in reuenge thereof brought forth Fame . Illam terra Parens ira irritata Deorū , ( Progenuit . Extremam , vt perhibent , Coeo Enceladoque Sororem expounded that when Princes & Monarchies haue suppressed actuall and open Rebels , then the malignitic of people , which is the mother of Rebellion , doth bring forth Libels & slanders , and taxatiōs of the states , which is of the same kind with Rebellion , but more Feminine : So in the Fable that the rest of the Gods hauing conspired to binde Iupiter , Pallas called Briareus with his hundreth hands to his aide , expounded , that Monarchies neede not feare any courbing of their absolutenesse by Mightie Subiects , as long as by wisedome they keepe the hearts of the people , who will be sure to come in on their side : So in the fable , that Achilles was brought vp vnder Chyron the Centaure , who was part a man , & part a beast , expounded Ingenuously , but corruptly by Machiauell , that it belongeth to the education and discipline of Princes , to knowe as well how to play the part of the Lyon , in violence , and the Foxe in guile , as of the man in vertue and Iustice. Neuerthelesse in many the like incounters , I doe rather think that the fable was first , and the exposition deuised , then that the Morall was first , & thereupon the fable framed . For I finde it was an auncient vanitie , in Chrisippus , that troubled himselfe with great contention to fasten the assertions of the Stoicks vpon fictions of the ancient Poets : But yet that all the Fables and fictions of the Poets , were but pleasure and not figure , I interpose no opinion . Surely of those Poets which are now extant , euen Homer himselfe , ( notwithstanding he was made a kinde of Scripture , by the later Schooles of the Grecians ) yet I should without any difficultie pronounce , that his Fables had no such inwardnesse in his owne meaning : But what they might haue , vpon a more originall tradition , is not easie to affirme , for he was not the inuentor of many of them . In this third part of Learning which is Poesie , I can report no deficience . For being as a plant that commeth of the lust of the earth , without a formall seede , it hath sprung vp , and spread abroad , more then any other kinde : But to ascribe vnto it that which is due : for the expressing of affections , passions , corruptions and customes , we are beholding to Poets , more thē to the Philosophers workes , and for wit and eloquence not much lesse then to Orators harangues . But it is not good to stay too long in the Theater : let vs now passe on to the iudicial Place or Pallace of the Mind , which we are to approach and view , with more reuerence and attention . The knowledge of Man is as the waters , some descending from aboue , and some springing from beneath , the one informed by the light of Nature , the other inspired by diuine reuelation . The light of Nature consisteth , in the Notions of the minde , and the Reports of the Sences , for as for knowledge which Man receiueth by teaching , it is Cumulatiue , and not Originall , as in a water , that besides his own spring-heade is fedde with other Springs and Streames . So then according to these two differing Illuminations , or Originals , Knowledge is first of al deuided into DIVINITIE , and PHILOSOPHIE . In PHILOSOPHY , the contemplations of Man doe either penetrate vnto God , or are circumferred to Nature , or are reflected or reuerted vpon himselfe . Out of which seuerall inquiries , there doe arise three knowledges , DIVINE PHILOSOPHY , NATVRAL PHILOSOPHY , and HVMANE PHILOSOPHY , or HVMANITIE . For all things are marked and stamped with this triple Character of the power of God , the difference of Nature , and the vse of Man. But because the distributions and partitions of knowledge , are not like seuerall lines , that meete in one Angle , and so touch but in a point , but are like branches of a tree , that meete in a stēme ; which hath a dimension and quantitie of entyrenes and continuance , before it come to discontinue & break it self into Armes and boughes , therfore it is good , before wee enter into the former distribution , to erect & constitute one vniuersal Science by the name of PHILOSOPHIA PRIMA , PRIMITIVE or SVMMARIEPHILOSOPHIE , as the Maine and common way , before we come where the waies part , and deuide themselues , which Sciēce whether I should report as deficient or noe , I stand doubtfull . For I finde a certaine Rapsodie of Naturall Theologie , and of diuers parts of Logicke : And of that part of Naturall Philosophie , which concerneth the Principles , and of that other part of Naturall Philosophy , which concerneth the Soule or Spirit , all these strangely commixed and confused : but being examined it seemeth to mee rather a depredation of other Sciences , aduanced and exalted vnto some height of tearmes , then any thing solide or substantiue of it selfe . Neuerthelesse I cannot bee ignorant of the distinction which is currant , that the same things are handled but in seuerall respects : as for example that Logicke considereth of many things as they are in Notion & this Philosophy , as they are in Nature : the one in , Apparance , the other in Existence : But I finde this difference better made then pursued ; For if they had considered Quantitie , Similitude , Diuersitie , and the rest of those Externe Characters of things , as Philosophers , and in Nature : their inquiries must of force haue beene of a farre other kinde then they are . For doth anie of them in handeling Quantitie , speake of the force of vnion , how , and how farre it multiplieth vertue ? Doth any giue the reason , why some things in Nature are so common and in so great Masse , and others so rare , and in so small quantitie ? Doth anie in handling Similitude and Diuersitie , assigne the cause why Iron should not mooue to Iron , which is more like , but mooue to the Loadestone , which is lesse like ? why in all Diuersities of things there should bee certaine Participles in Nature , which are almost ambiguous , to which kinde they should bee referred ? But there is a meere and deepe silence , touching the Nature and operation of those Common adiuncts of things , as in Nature ; and onely a resuming and repeating of the force and vse of them , in speeche or argument . Therefore because in a Wryting of this Nature , I auoyde all subtilitie : my meaning touching this Originall or vniuersall Philosophie , is thus in a plaine and grosse description by Negatiue : That it bee a Receptacle for all such profitable obseruations and Axioms , as fall not within the compasse of any of the speciall parts of Philosophie , or Sciences ; but are more common , and of a higher stage . Now that there are manie of that kinde neede not bee doubted : for example ; Is not the rule : Si inaequalibus aequalia addas ; omnia erunt inaequal●…a . An Axiome aswell of Iustice ; as of the Mathematiques ? And is there not a true coincidence betweene commutatiue and distributiue Iustice , and Arithmeticall and Geometricall proportion ? Is not that o●…er rule , Quae in eodem tertio conveniunt , & inter se conveniunt , a Rule taken from the Mathematiques , but so potent in Logicke as all Syllogismes are built vppon it ? Is not the obseruation , Omnia mutantur , nilinterit , a contemplation in Philosophie thus , that the Quantum of Nature is eternall , In Naturall Theologie thus . That it requireth the same Omnipotencie to make somewhat Nothing , which at the first made nothing somewhat ? according to the Scripture , Di●…ici quod omnia operaquae fecil Deus , perseuerent in perpetuum , non possumus eis qui●…quam addere , nec auferre . Is not the ground which Machtavill wisely and largely discourseth concerning Gouernments , That the way to establish and preserue them , is to reduce them ad Principia ; a rule in Religion and Nature , aswell as in Ciuill administration ? was not the Persian Magicke a reduction or correspondence of the Principles & Architectures of Nature , to the rules and policie of Gouernments ? Is not the precept of a Musitian , to ●…all from a discord or harsh accord , vpon a concord , or sweete accord , alike true in affection ? Is not the Trope of Musi●…ke , to auoyde or slyde from the close or Cadence , common with the Trope of Rh●…ricke of deceyuing expectation ? Is not the delight of the Quavering vppon a stoppe in Musicke , the same with the playing of Light vppon the water ? Spiendet tremulo sub Lumine Pon●… Are not the Organs of the sences of one ki●… with the Organs of Reflexion , the Eye with a gla●… the Eate with a Caue or Straight determined and bounded ? Neither are these onely similitud●…s , as men of narrowe obseruation may conc●…yue them to bee ; but the same footesteppes of Nature , treading or printing vppon seuerall subiects or Matters . This Science therefore ( as I vnderstand 〈◊〉 ) I may iustlie reporte as deficient ; for I see sometimes the profounder sort of wittes , in handeling some particuler argument , will nowe and then drawe a Bucket of Water out of this well , for their present vse . But the springhead thereof seemeth to mee , not to haue beene visited ; beeing of so excellent vse , both for the disclosing of Nature , and the abridgement of Art. This science beeing therefore first placed as a common parent , like vnto Berecinthia , which had so much Heauenlie yssue , Omnes Coe●…colas , omnes super alta tenentes ; wee may returne to the former distribution of the three philosophies ; Diuine , Naturall , and Humane . And as concerning D●…VINE PHILOSOPHIE . Or NATVRALL THEOLOGIE , It is that knowledge or Rudiment of knowledge concerning GOD , which may be obtained by the contemplation of his Creatures which knowledge may bee truely tearmed Diuine , in respect of the obiect ; and Naturall in respect of the Light. The boundes of this knowledge are , that it sufficeth to conuince Atheisme ; but not to informe Religion : And therefore there was neuer Miracle wrought by God to conuert an Atheist , bycause the light of Nature might haue ledde him to confesse a God : But Miracles haue beene wrought to conuert Idolaters , and the superstitious , because no light of Nature extendeth to declare the will and true worship of God. For as all works do shewe forth the power and skill of the workeman , and not his Image : So it is of the works of God ; which doe shew the Omnipotencie and wisedome of the Maker , but not his Image : And therefore therein the Heathen opinion differeth from the Sacred truth : For they supposed the world to bee the Image of God , & Man to be an extract or compendious Image of the world : But the Scriptures neuer vouch-safe to attribute to the world that honour as to bee the Image of God : But onely The worke of his hands , Neither do they speake of any other Image of God , but Man : wherfore by the contemplation of Nature , to induce and inforce the acknowledgement of God , and to demonstrate his power , prouidence , and goodnesse , is an excellent argument , and hath beene excellently handled by diuerse . But on the other side , out of the contemplation of Nature , or ground of humane knoweledges to induce any veritie , or perswasion concerning the points of Faith , is in my iudgement , not fate : Dafidei , quae fidei sunt . For the Heathen themselues conclude as much in that excellent and Diuine fable of the Golden Chayne : That men and Gods were not able to draw Iupiter down to the Earth , but contrariwise , Iupiter was able to draw them vp to Heauen . So as wee ought not to attempt to drawe downe or submitte the Mysteries of GOD to our Reason : but contrarywise , to raise and aduance our Reason to the Diuine Truthe . So as in this parte of knowledge , touching Diuine Philosophie : I am so farre from noting any deficience , as I rather note an excesse : wherevnto I haue digressed , because of the extreame preiudice , which both Religion and Philosophie hath receiued , and may receiue by beeing commixed togither ; as that which vndoubtedly will make an Hereticall Religion ; and an Imaginarie and fabulous Philosophie . Otherwise it is of the Nature of Angells and Spirits , which is an Appendix of Theologie , both Diuine and Naturall ; and is neither inscrutable nor interdicted : For although the Scripture saith , Lette no man deceyue you in Sublime discourse touching the worship of Angells , pressing into that hee knoweth not , &c. Yet notwithstanding if you obserue well that precept , it may appeare thereby , that there bee two things onely forbidden , Adoration of them , and Opinion Fantasticall of them , eyther to extoll them , further then appertaineth to the degree of a Creature ; or to extoll a mans knowledge of them , further then hee hath ground . But the sober and grounded inquirie which may arise out of the passages of holie Scriptures , or out of the gradacions of Nature is not restrained : So of degenerate and reuolted spirites ; the conuersing with them , or the imployement of them is prohibited ; much more any veneration towards them . But the contemplacion or science of their Nature , their power , their illusions ; either by Scripture or reason , is apart of spirituall Wisedome . For so the Apostle saieth , Wee are not ignorant of his Stratagems : And it is no more vnlawfull to enquire the Nature of euill spirites , then to enquire the force of poysons in Nature , or the Nature of sinne and vice in Moralitie ; But this parte touching Angells and Spirites , I cannot note as deficient , for many haue occupyed themselues in it : I may rather challenge it in manie of the Wryters thereof , as fabulous and fantasticall . Leauing therefore DIVINE PHILOSOPHY , or NATVRALL THEOLOGIE , ( not DIVINITIE , or INSPIRED THEOL'OGIE , which wee reserue for the last of all , as the Hauen and Sabbath of all Mans contemplations ) wee will nowe proceede to NATVRALL PHILOSOPHIE : If then it bee true that Democritus sayde , That the truthe of Nature lyeth hydde in certaine deepe My●… and Caues ; And if it bee true likewise , that the Alchymists doe so much inculcate , That Vulcan is a second Nature , and imitateth that dexterouslie and compendiouslie , which Nature worketh by ambages , & length of time , It were good to deuide Naturall Phylosophie into the Myne and the Fornace , and to make two professions or occupations of Naturall Philosophers , some to bee Pionners , and some Smythes , some to digge , and some to refine , and Hammer : And surely I doe best allowe of a diuision of that kinde , though in more familiar and scholasticall tearmes : Namely that these bee the two parts of Naturall Philosophie , the INQVISITION OF CAVSES , and the PRO●…VCTION OF EFFECTS : SPECVLATIVE , and OPERATIVE , NATVRALL SCIENCE , and NATVRALL PRVDENCE . For as in Ciuile matters there is a wisedome of discourse , and a wisedome of direction : So is it in Naturall : And heere I will make a request , that for the latter ( or at least for a parte thereof ) I may reviue and reintegrate the misapplyed and abused Name of NATVRALL MAGICKE , which in the true se●…se , is but NATVRALL WISEDOME , or NATVRALL PRVDENCE : taken according to the ancient acception , purged from vanitie & superstition . Now although it bee true , and I know it well , that ther●… is an entercourse betweene Causes and Eff●… , so as both these knowledges 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great connexion betweene themselues : yet because all true and frutefull NATVRALL PHILOSOPHIE , hath A double Scale or Ladder , Ascendent and Descendent , ascending from experiments to the Inuention of causes ; and descending from causes , to the Inuention of newe experiments ; Therefore I iudge it most requisite that these two parts be seuerally considered and handled . NATVRALL SCIENCE or THEORY is deuided into PHISICKE and METAPHISICKE , wherein I desire , it may bee conceiued , that I vse the word METAPHISICKE in a differing sense , from that , that is receyued : And in like manner I doubt not , but it will easilie appeare to men of iudgement , that in this and other particulers , wheresoeuer my Conception & Notion may differ from the Auncient , yet I am studious to keepe the Auncient Termes . For hoping well to deliuer my selfe from mistaking , by the order and perspicuous expressing of that I doe propounde : I am otherwise zealous and affectionate to recede as little from Antiquitie , either in tearms or opinions , as may stand with truth , & the proficience of knowledge : And herein I cannot a little maruaile at the Philosopher Aristotle : that did proceede in such a Spirit of difference & contradiction towards all Antiquitie , vndertaking not only to frame new wordes of Science at pleasure : but to confound and extinguish all ancient wisedome ; insomuch as hee neuer nameth or mentioneth an Ancient Author or opinion , but to confute and reproue : wherein for glorie , and drawing followers and disciples , he tooke the right course . For certainly there commeth to passe , & hath place in humane truth , that which was noted and pronounced in the highest truth : Veni in nomine Patris , nec recipitis Me , Si quis venerit in nomine suo , eum recipietis . But in this diuine Aphorisme ( considering , to whom it was applied , Namely to Antichrist , the highest deceiuer , ) wee may discerne well , that the comming in a Man 's owne name , without regard of Antiquitie , or paternitie ; is no good signe of truth ; although it bee ioyned with the fortune and successe of an Eum recipietis . But for this excellent person Aristotle , I will thinke of him , that hee learned that humour of his Scholler ; with whom , it seemeth , hee did emulate , the one to conquer all Opinions , as the other to conquer all Nations . Wherein neuerthelesse it may bee , hee may at some mens hands , that are of a bitter disposition , get a like title as his Scholler did . Foelix terrarum Praedo , non vtile mundo Editus exemplum &c. So Foelix doctrinae Praedo . But to me on the other side that do desire as much as lyeth in my Penne , to ground a sociable entercourse betweene Antiquitie and Proficience , it seemeth best , to keepe way with Antiquitie vsque ad aras ; And therefore to retaine the ancient tearmes , though I sometimes alter the vses and definitions , according to the Moderate proceeding in Ciuill gouernment ; where although there bee some alteration , yet that holdeth which Tacitus wisely noteth , Eadem Magistratuum vocabula . To returne therefore to the vse and acception of the tearme METAPHISICKE , as I doe nowe vnderstand the word ; It appeareth by that which hath bene alreadie saide , that I intend , PHILOSOPHIA PRIMA : SVMMARIE PHILOSOPHIE and METAPHISICK , which heretofore haue beene confounded as one , to bee two distinct things . For the one I haue made as a Parent , or common Auncestor to all knowledge ; And the other I haue now brought in , as a Branch or descendent of NATVRALL SCIENCE ; It appeareth likewise that I haue assigned to SVMMARIEPHILOSOPHIE the common principles and Axiomes which are promiscuous and indifferent to seuerall Sciences : I haue assigned vnto it likewise the inquirie touching the operation of the Relatiue and aduentiue Characters of Essences , as Quantitie , Similitude , Diuersitie , Possibilitie , and the rest : with this distinction , and prouision : that they bee handled as they haue efficacie in Nature , and not logically . It appeareth likewise that NATVRAL THEOLOGIE which hereto fore hath beene handled confusedly with METAPHISICKE , I haue inclosed and bounded by it selfe . It is therefore now a question , what is left remaining for METAPHISICKE : wherein I may without preiudice preserue thus much of the cōceit of Antiquitie ; that PHISICKE should contemplate that which is inherent in Matter , & therefore transitorie , and METAPHISICKE , that which is abstracted & fixed . And againe that PHISICKE shoulde handle that which supposeth in Nature onely a being and mouing , and METAPHISICKE should handle that which supposeth furder in Nature , a reason , vnderstanding , and platforme . But the difference perspicuously expressed , is most familiar and sensible . For as wee deuided NATVRALL PHILOSOPHY in GENERALL into the ENQVIRIE of CAVSES & PRODVCTIONS of EFFECTS : So that part which concerneth the ENQVIRIE of CAVSES , wee doe subdiuide , according to the receiued and sound diuision of CAVSES ; The one part which is PHISICKE enquireth and handleth the MATERIALL & EFFICIENT CAVSES , & the other which is METAPHISICKE handleth the FORMAL and FINALCAVSES . PHISICKE , ( taking it according to the deriuation , & not according to our Idiome , for MEDICINE ) is scituate in a middle tearme or distance between NATVRALL HISTORY & METAPHISICKE . For NATVRAL HISTORY describeth the varietie of things : PHISICKE the CAVSES , but VARIABLE or RESPECTIVE CAVSES ; and METAPHISICKE the FIXED and CONSTANT CAVSES . Limus vt hic durescit , & haec vt Cara liquescit , Vno eodemque igni . Fire is the cause of induration , but respectiue to clay : Fire is the cause of colliquatiō , but respectiue to Waxe . But fire is noe constant cause either of induration or colliquation : So then the Phificall causes are but the Efficient and the Matter . PHISICKE hath three parts , whereof two respect Nature Vnited or collected , the third contēplateth Nature diffused or distributed . Nature is collected either into one entyer Totall , or else into the same Principles or Seedes . So as the first doctrine is TOVCHING the CONTEXTVRE or CONFIGVRATION of THINGS , as De Mundo , de vniuersitate Rerum . The seconde is the Doctrine CONCERNING the PRINCIPLES or ORIGINALS of THINGS ; The third is the doctrine CONCERNING all VARIETIE and PARTICVLARITIE of THINGS ; whether it be of the differing substances , or their differing qualities and Natures ; whereof there needeth noe enumeration ; this part being but as a GLOS or PARAPHRASE that attendeth vpon the Text of NATVRAL HISTORY . Of these three I cannot report any as deficient , In what truth or perfection they are handled , I make not now any Iudgement : But they are parts of knowledge not deserted by the Labour of Man. For METAPHISICKE , we haue assigned vnto it the inquirie of FORMALL and FINALL CAVSES which assignation , as to the former of them may seeme to bee Nugatorie and voide , because of the receiued and inueterate Opinion , that the inquisition of Man , is not competent to finde out essentiall formes , or true differences ; of which opinion we will take this hold : That the Inuentiō of Formes is of al other Parts of Knowledge the worthiest to bee sought , if it bee Possible to bee Found . As for the possibilitie , they are ill discouerers , that thinke there is no land when they can see nothing but Sea. But it is manifest , that Plato in his opinion of Ideas , as one that had a wit of eleuation s●…uate as vpon a Cliffe , did descry , that formes were the true obiect of knowledge ; but lost the reall fruite of his opinion by considering of formes , as absolutely abstracted from Matter , & not confined and determined by Matter : and so turning his opinion vpon Theologie , wherewithall his Naturall Philosophy is infected . But if any man shall keepe a continuall watchfull and seuere eye vpon action , operation , and the vse of knowledge , hee may aduise and take Notice , what are the formes , the disclosures whereof are fruitful and important to the State of Man. For as to the formes of substāces ( Man onely except , of whom it is said , Formavit hominem de limoterrae , & spirauit in faciem eius spiraculum vitae , and not as of all other creatures , Producant aquae , producat terra , the formes of Substances I say ( as they are nowe by compounding and transplanting multiplied ) are so perplexed , as they are not to bee enquired . Noe more then it were either possible or to purpose , to seeke in grosse the formes of those Soundes which make wordes , which by composition and transposition of Letters are infinite . But on the otherside , to enquire the forme of those Soundes or Voices which make simple Letters is easily comprehēsible , and being knowen , induceth and manifesteth the formes of all words , which consist , & are compounded of them ; in the same maner to enquire the forme of a Lyon , of an Oake , of Gold : Nay of Water , of Aire , is a vaine pursuite : But to enquire the formes of Sence , of voluntary Motion , of Vegetation , of Colours , of Grauitie and Leuitie , of Densitie , of Tenuitie , of Heate , of Cold , & al other Natures and qualities , which like an Alphabet are not many , & of which the essences ( vpheld by Matter ) of all creatures doe cōsist : To enquire I say the true formes of these , is that part of METAPHISICKE , which we now define of . Not but that PHISICKE doth make enquirie , and take consideration of the same Natures , but how ? Onely , as to the material and efficient causes of them , and not as to the formes . For example , if the cause of whitenesse in Snowe or froth be enquired , and it be rendred thus : That the subtile intermixture of Ayre and water is the cause , it is well rendred , but neuerthelesse is this the forme of whitenesse ? Noe but it is the efficient , which is euer but vehiculum formae . This , part of METAPHISICKE : I doe not finde laboured and performed , whereat I maruaile not , Because I hold it not possible to bee inuented by that course of inuention which hath beene vsed , in regard that men ( which is the Roote of all error ) haue made too untimely a departure , and to remote a recesse from particulars . But the vse of this part of METAPHISICKE which I report as deficient , is of the rest the most excellent in two respects : The one because it is the dutie and vertue of all knowledge to abridge the infinitie of indiuiduall experience , as much as the conception of truth will permit , and to remedie the complaint of vita brevis , ars longa ; which is performed by vniting the Notions and conceptions of Sciences : For knowledges are as PYRAMIDES , whereof HISTORY is the BASIS : So of NATVRAL PHILOSOPHY the BASIS is NATVRAL HISTORY : The STAGE next the BASIS is PHISICKE : The STAGE next the VERTICALPOINT is METAPHISICKE : As for the VERTICALLPOINT , Opus quod operatur deus a principio vsque ad finem , the Summary law of Nature , wee knowe not whether Mans enquirie can attaine vnto it . But these three be the true Stages of knowledge , and are to them that are depraued no better then the Gyants Hilles . Ter sunt conati imponere Pelio Ossam : Scilicet atque Ossaefrondosum involuere Olympum . But to those which referre all thinges to the Glorie of GOD , they are as the three acclamations : Sancte , Sancte , Sancte : holy in the description or dilatation of his workes , holy in the connexion , or concatenation of them , and holy in the vnion of them in a perpetuall and vniforme lawe . And therefore the speculation was excellent in Parmenides and Plato , although but a speculation in them , That all things by scale did ascend to vnitie . So then alwaies that knowledge is worthiest , which is charged with least multiplicitie , which appeareth to be METAPHISICKE , as that which considereth the simple formes or differēces of things , which are few in number , and the degrees and coordinations whereof , make all this varietie : The second respect which valueth and commendeth this part of METAPHISICKE is , that it doth enfranchise the power of Man vnto the greatest libertie , and possibilitie of workes and effects . For Phisicke carrieth men in narrow and restrained waies , subiect to many accidents of impedimēts , imitating the ordinarie flexuous courses of Nature , But Latae vndique sunt sapientibus viae : To sapience ( which was anciently defined to be Rerum diuinarum , & humanarum scientia ) there is euer choise of Meanes . For Phisicall causes giue light to newe inuention in Simili materia ; But whosoeuer knoweth any forme knoweth the vtmost possibilitie of superinducing that Nature vpon any varietie of Matter , and so is lesse restrained in operation , either to the Basis of the Matter , or the condition of the efficient : which kinde of knowledge Salomon likewise , though in a more diuine sort elegantly describeth , Non arctabuntur gressus tui , & currens non habebis offendiculum . The waies of sapience are not much lyable , either to particularitie or chance . The 2. part of METAPHISICKE is the ENQIRY of FINAL CAVSES , which I am moued to report , not as omitted , but as misplaced ; And yet if it were but a fault in order , I would not speake of it . For order is matter of illustration , but pertaineth not to the substance of Sciences : But this misplacing hath caused a deficience , or at least a great improficience in the Sciences themselues . For the handling of finall causes mixed with the rest in Phisicall enquiries , hath intercepted the seuere and diligent enquirie of all reall and phisicall causes , and giuen men the occasion , to stay vpon these satisfactorie and specious causes , to the great arrest and preiudice of furder discouerie . For this I finde done not onely by Plato , who euer ancreth vppon that shoare , but by Aristotle , Galen , and others , which doe vsually likewise fall vppon these flatts of discoursing causes ; For to say that the haires of the Eye-liddes are for a quic-sette and fence about the Sight : Or , That the firmenesse of the Skinnes and Hides of liuing creatures is to defend them from the extremities of heate or cold : Or , That the bones are for the columnes or beames , whereupon the Frame of the bodies of liuing creatures are built ; Or , That the leaues of trees are for protecting of the Fruite ; Or , That the cloudes are for watering of the Eearth ; Or , That the solidnesse of the Earth is for the station and Mansion of liuing creatures : and the like , is well inquired & collected in METAPHISICKE , but in PHISICKE they are impertinent . Nay , they are indeed but Remoraes and binderances to stay and slugge the Shippe from furder sayling , and haue brought this to passe , that the search of the Phisicall Causes hath beene neglected , and passed in silence . And therefore the Natural Philosophie of Democritus , and some others who did not suppose a Minde or Reason in the frame of things , but attributed the form thereof able to maintaine it self to infinite essaies or proofes of Nature , which they tearme fortune ; seemeth to mee ( as farre as I can iudge by the recitall and fragments which remaine vnto vs ) in particularities of Phisicall causes more reall and better enquired then that of Aristotle and Plato , whereof both intermingled final causes , the one as a part of Thelogie , and the other as a part of Logicke , which were the fauourite studies respectiuely of both those persons . Not because those finall causes are not true , and worthy to bee inquired , beeing kept within their owne prouince ; but because their excursions into the limits of Phisicall causes , hath bred a vastnesse and solitude in that tract . For otherwise keeping their precincts and borders , men are extreamely deceiued if they thinke there is an Enmitie or repugnancie at all betweene them : For the cause rendred that the haires about the Eye liddes are for the safegard of the sight , doth not impugne the cause rendred , that Pilositie is incident to Orisices of Moisture : Muscosi fontes &c. Nor the cause rendred that the firmenesse of hides is for the armour of the body against extremities of heate or cold : doth not impugne the cause rendred , that contraction of pores is incident to the outwardest parts ; in regard of their adiacence to forreine or vnlike bodies , and so of the rest ; both causes beeing true and compatible , the one declaring an intention , the other a consequence onely . Neither doth this call in question or derogate from diuin●… Prouidence , but highly confirme and exalt it . Fo●…s in ciuill actions he is the greater and deeper pollitique , that can make other men the Instruments of his will and endes , and yet neuer acquaint them with his purpose : So as they shall doe it , and yet not knowe what they doe , then hee that imparteth his meaning to those he employeth : So is the wisdome of God more admirable , when Nature intendeth one thing , and Prouidēce draweth forth another ; then if hee had communicated to particular Creatures and Motions the Characters and Impressions of his Prouidence ; And thus much for METAPHISICKE , the later part wherof , I allow as extant , but wish it confined to his proper place . Neuerthelesse there remaineth yet another part of NATVRALL PHILOSOPHIE , which is commonly made a principall part , and holdeth ranke with PHISICKE speciall and METAPHISICKE : which is Mathematicke , but I think it more agreable to the Nature of things , and to the light of order , to place it as a Branch of Metaphisicke : For the subiect of it being Quantitie , not Quantitie Indefinite : which is but a Relatiue , and belongeth to Philosophia Prima ( as hath beene said , ) but Quantitie determined , or proportionable , it appeareth to bee one of the essentiall formes of things ; as that , that is causatiue in Nature of a number of Effects , insomuch as wee see●… the Schooles both of Democritus , and of Pithagoras , that the one did ascribe Figure to the first seedes of things , and the other did suppose numbers to bee the principalles and originalls of things ; And it is true also that of all other formes ( as wee vnderstand formes ) it is the most abstracted , and separable from matter and therefore most proper to Metaphisicke ; which hath likewise beene the cause , why it hath beene better laboured , and enquired , then any of the other formes , which are more immersed into Matter . For it beeing the Nature of the Minde of Man ( to the extreame preiudice of knowledge ) to delight in the spacious libertie of generalities , as in a champion Region ; and not in the inclosures of particularitie ; the MATHEMATICKS of all other knowledge were the goodliest fieldes to satisfie that appetite . But for the placing of this Science , it is not much Materiall : onely we haue endeuoured in these our Partitions to obserue a kind of perspectiue , that one part may cast light vpon another . The MATHEMATICKS are either PVRE , or MIXT : To the PVRE MATHEMATICKS are those Sciēces belonging , which handle Quantitie determinate meerely seuered from any Axiomes of NATVRALL PHLOSOPHY : and these are two , GEOMETRY and ARITHMETICKE , The one handling Quantitie continued , and the other disseuered . MIXT hath for subiect some Axiomes or parts of Naturall Philosopie : and considereth Quantitie determined , as it is auxiliarie and incident vnto them . For many parts of Nature can neither be inuented with sufficient subtiltie , nor demonstrated with sufficient perspicuitie , nor accommodated vnto vse with sufficient dexteritie , without the aide and interueyning of the Mathematicks : of which sorte are Perspectiue , Musicke , Astronomie , Cosmographie , Architecture , Inginarie , and diuers others . In the Mathematicks , I can report noe deficience , except it be that men doe not sufficiently vnderstand the excellent vse of the pure Mathematicks , in that they doe remedie and cure many defects in the Wit , and Faculties Intellectuall . For , if the wit bee to dull , they sharpen it : if to wandring , they fix it : if to inherent in the sense , they abstract it . So that , as Tennis is a game of noe vse in it selfe , but of great vse , in respect it maketh a quicke Eye , and a bodie readie to put it selfe into all Postures : So in the Mathematickes , that vse which is collaterall and interuenient , is no lesse worthy , then that which is principall and intended . And as for the Mixt Mathematikes I may onely make this prediction , that there cannot faile to bee more kindes of them , as Nature growes furder disclosed . Thus much of NATVRAL SCIENCE , or the part of Nature SPECVLATIVE . For NATVRALL PRVDENCE , or the part OPERATIVE of NATVRALL PHILOSOPHY , we will deuide it into three parts , EXPERIMENTAL , PHILOSOPHICAL and MAGICAL , which three parts ACTIVE haue a correspondēce and Analogie with the three parts SPECVLATIVE : NATVRAL HISTORY , PHISICKE , and METAPHISICKE : For many operations haue bin inuented sometime by a casuall incidence and occurrence , sometimes by a purposed experiment : and of those which haue bene found by an intentionall experimēt , some haue bin found out by varying or extending the same experiment , some bytransferring and compounding diuers experiments the one into the other , which kind of inuention an Emperique may manage . Againe by the knowledge of Phisicall causes , there cannot faile to followe , many indications and designations of new particulers , if men in their speculation will keepe one eye vpon vse & practise . But these are but Coastings along the shoare , Premendo littus iniquum , For it seemeth to me , there can hardly bee discouered any radicall or fundamentall alterations , and innouations in Nature , either by the fortune & essayes of experiments , or by the light and direction of Phisical causes . If therfore we haue reported METAPHISICKE deficient , it must followe , that wee doe the like of NATVRAL MAGICKE , which hath relation thereunto . For as for the NATVRAL MAGICKE whereof now there is mention in books , containing certaine credulous and superstitious conceits and obseruations of sympathies , and Antipathies and hidden Proprieties , and some friuolous experiments , strnnge rather by disguisement , then in themselues , It is as fardiffering in truth of Nature , from such a knowedge as we require , as the storie of King Arthur of Brittaine , or Hughe of Burdeaux , differs from Caesars commentaries in truth of storie . For it is manifest that Caesar did greater things de vero , then those Imaginarie Heroes were fained to doe . But hee did them not in that fabulous manner . Of this kinde of learning the fable of Ixion was a figure : who designed to enioy Iuno the Goddesse of power : and in stead of her , had copulation with a Cloud : of which mixture were begotten Centaures , and Chymeraes . So whosoeuer shall entertaine high and vapourous imaginations , in steede of a laborious and sober enquirie of truth shall beget hopes and Beliefes of strange and impossible shapes . And therefore wee may note in these Sciences , which holde so much of imagination and Beliefe , as this degenerate Naturall Magicke , Alchimie , Astrologie , and the like , that in their propositions , the description of the meanes , is euermore monstrous , then the pretence or ende . For it is a thing more probable , that he that knoweth well the Natures of Waight , of Colour , of Pliant , and fragile in respect of the hammer , of volatile and fixed in respect of the fire , and the rest , may superinduce vpon some Mettall the Nature , and forme of Gold by such Mechanique as longeth to the production of the Naturs afore rehearsed , then that some graynes of the Medecine proiected , should in a fewe Moments of time , turne a Sea of Quick-siluer or other Materiall into Gold. So it is more probable that he that knoweth the Nature of Arefaction ; the Nature of assimilation , of nourishment to the thing nourished ; the Maner of encrease , and clearing of spirits : the Maner of the depredations , which Spirits make vpon the humours and solide parts : shall , by Ambages of diets , bathings , annointings , Medecines , motions , and the like , prolong life , or restore some degree of youth or viuacitie , then that it can be done with the vse of a sewe drops , or scruples of a liquor or receite . To conclude therefore , the true NATVRALL MAGICKE , which is that great libertie and Latitude of operation , which dependeth vppon the knowledge of formes , I may report deficient , as the Relatiue thereof is ; To which part if we be serious , and incline not to vanities and plausible discourse , besides the deriuing and deducing the operations themselues from METAPHISICKE , there are pertinent two points of much purpose , the one by way of preparation , the other by way of caution : The first is , that there be made a Kalender resembling an Inuentorie of the estate of man , containing all the inuentions , ( being the works or fruits of Nature or Art ) which are now extant , and whereof man is alreadie possessed , out of which doth naturally result a Note , what things are yet held impossible , or not inuented , which Kalender will bee the more artificiall and seruiceable , if to euery reputed impossibilitie , you adde what thing is extant , which commeth the nearest in degree to that Impossibilitie ; to the ende , that by these Optatiues and Potentialls , Mans enquirie may bee the more awake in diducing directiō of works from the speculatiō of causes . And secondly that those experimēts be not onely esteemed which haue an immediate & presēt vse , but those principally which are of most vniuersall consequence for inuention of other experimēts , & those which giue most light to the Inuētion of causes ; for the Inuētion of the Mariners Needle , which giueth the direction , is of noe lesse benefit for Nauigation , then the inuention of the sailes which giue the Motion . Thus haue I passed through NATVRALL PHILOSOPHIE , and the deficiences thereof ; wherein if I haue differed from the ancient , and receiued doctrines , and thereby shall moue contradiction ; for my part , as I affect not to dissent , so I purpose not to contend ; If it be truth . — Non canimus surdis respondent omnia syluae ; The voice of Nature will consent , whether the voice of Man doe or noe . And as Alexander Bergia was wont to say of the expedition of the french for Naples , that they came with Chaulke in their hands to marke vp their lodgings , and not with weapons to fight : So I like better that entrie of truth which commeth peaceably with Chaulke , to marke vp those Mindes , which are capable to lodge and harbour it , then that which commeth with pugnacitie and contention . But there remaineth a diuision of Naturall Philosophy according to the Report of the Enquirie , and nothing concerning the Matter or subiect , and that is POSITIVE and CONSIDERATIVE : when the enquirie reporteth either an Assertion , or a Doubt . These doubts or Non Liquets , are of two sorts , Particular and Totall . For the first wee see a good example thereof in Aristotles Problemes , which deserued to haue had a better continuance , but so neuerthelesse , as there is one point , whereof warning is to be giuen and taken ; The Registring of doubts hath two excellent vses : The one that it saueth Philosophy from Errors & falshoods : when that which is not fully appearing , is not collected into assertion , whereby Error might drawe Error , but reserued in doubt . The other that the entrie of doubts are as so many suckers or sponges , to drawe vse of knowledge , insomuch as that which if doubts had not preceded , a man should neuer haue aduised , but passed it ouer without Note , by the suggestion and sollicitation of doubts is made to be attended and applied . But both these commodities doe scarcely counteruaile an Inconuenience , which wil intrude it selfe if it be not debarred , which is that when a doubt is once receiued , men labour rather howe to keepe it a doubt still , then howe to solue it , and accordingly bend their wits . Of this we see the familiar example in Lawyers and Schollers , both which if they haue once admitted a doubt , it goeth euer after Authorized for a doubt . But that vse of wit and knowledge is to be allowed which laboureth to make doubtfull thinges certaine , and not those which labour to make certaine things doubtfull . Therefore these Kalenders of doubts , I commend as excellent things , so that there be this caution vsed , that when they bee throughly sifted & brought to resolution , they bee from thence forth omitted , decarded , and not continued to cherish and encourage men in doubting . To which Kalender of doubts or problemes , I aduise be annexed another Kalender as much or more Materiall , which is a Kalender of popular Errors , I meane chiefly , in naturall Historie such as passe in speech & conceit , and are neuerthelesse apparantly detected & cōuicted of vntruth , that Mans knowledge be not weakened nor imbased by such drosse and vanitie . As for the Doubts or Nonliquets generall or in Totall , I vnderstand those differences of opinions touching the principles of Nature , and the fundamentall points of the same , which haue caused the diuersitie of Sects , Schooles , and Philosophies , as that of Empedocles , Pythagoras , Democritus , Parmenides , and the rest . For although Aristotle as though he had bin of the race of the Ottomans , thought hee could not raigne , except the first thing he did he killed all his Brethren ; yet to those that seeke truth and not Magistralitie , it cannot but seeme a Matter of great profit , to see before them the seueral opinions touching the foundations of Nature , not for any exact truth that can be expected in those Theories : For as the same Phenomena in Astronomie are satisfied by the receiued Astronomie of the diurnall Motion , and the proper Motions of the Planets , with their Eccentriques and Epicicles and likwise by the Theorie of Copernicus , who supposed the ●…arth to moue ; & the Calculations are indifferently agreeable to both : So the ordinarie face and viewe of experience is many times satisfied by seuerall Theories & Philosophies , whereas to finde the reall truth requireth another manner of seueritie & attention . For , as Aristotle saith that children at the first will call euery woman mother : but afterward they come to distinguish according to truth : So Experience , if it be in childhood , will call euery Philosophie Mother ; but when it commeth to ripenesse , it will discerne the true Mother . So as in the meane time it is good to see the Seuerall Glosses and Opinions vpon Nature , wherof it may bee euery one in some one point , hath seene clearer then his fellows ; Therfore I wish some collection to be made painfully and vnderstandingly de Antiquis Philosophijs out of all the possible light which remaineth to vs of them . Which kinde of worke I finde deficient . But heere I must giue warning , that it bee done distinctly and seuerely ; The Philosophies of euery one throughout by themselues ; and not by titles packed , and fagotted vp together , as hath beene done by Plutarch . For it is the harmonie of a Philosophie in it selfe , which giueth it light and credence ; whereas if it bee singled and broken , it will seeme more forraine and dissonant . For as , when I read in Tacitus , the Actions of Nero , or Claudius , with circumstances of times , inducements and occasions , I finde them not so strange : but when I reade them in Suetonius Tranquillus gathered into tytles and bundles , and not in order of time , they seeme more monstrous and incredible ; So is it of any Philosophy reported entier , and dismembred by Articles . Neither doe I exclude opinions of latter times to bee likewise represented , in this Kalender of Sects of Philosophie , as that of Theophrastus Paracelsus , eloquently reduced into an harmonie , by the Penne of Seuerinus the Dane : And that of Tylesius , and his Scholler Donius , beeing as a Pastorall Philosophy , full of sense , but of no great depth . And that of Fracastorius , who though hee pretended not to make any newe Philosophy , yet did vse the absolutenesse of his owne sense , vpon the olde . And that of Gilbertus , our countreyman , who reuiued , with some alterations , and demonstrations , the opinions of Xenophanes , and any other worthy to be admitted . Thus haue we now dealt with two of the three beames of Mans knowledge , that is Radius Directus , which is referred to Nature , Radius Refractus , which is referred to God , and cannot report truely because of the inequalitie of the Medium . There resteth Radius Reflexus , whereby Man beholdeth and contemplateth himselfe . WE come therefore now to that knowledge , whereunto the ancient Oracle directeth vs , which is , the knowledge of our selues : which deserueth the more accurate handling , by howe much it toucheth vs more neerely . This knowledge as it is the end and Terme of Naturall Philosophy in the intention of Man : So notwithstanding it is but a portion of Naturall Philosophy in the continent of Nature : And generally let this be a Rule , that all partitions of knowledges , be accepted rather for lines & veines , then for sections and separations : and that the continuance and entirenes of knowledge be preserued . For the contrary here of hath made particular Sciences , to become barren , shallow , & erronious : while they haue not bin N●…urished and Maintained from the cōmon fountaine : Sowe see Cicero the Orator complained of Socrates and his Schoole , that he was the first that separated Philosophy , and Rhetoricke , whereupon Rhetorick became an emptie & verball Art. So wee may see that the opinion of Copernicus touching the rotation of the earth , which Astronomie it self cānot correct ; because it is not repugnant to any of the Phainomena , yet Naturall Philosophy may correct . So we see also that the Science of Medicine , if it be destituted & forsaken by Natural Philosophy , it is not much better then an Empeirical practize : with this reseruation therefore we proceed to HVMANE PHILOSOPHY or HVMANITIE , which hath two parts : The one considereth Man segregate , or distributiuely : The other congregate or in societie . So as HVMANE PHILOSOPHY is either SIMPLE and PARTICVLAR , or coniugate and Ciuile ; HVMANITIE PARTICVLAR consisteth of the same parts , whereof Man consisteth , that is , of KNOVVLEDGES WHICH RESPECT THE BODY , & of KNOVVLEDGES THAT RESPECT THE MIND . But before we distribute so far , it is good to constitute . For I doe take the consideration in generall , and at large of HVMANE NATVRE to be fit to be emancipate , & made a knowledge by it self ; Not so much in regard of those delightfull and elegant discourses , which haue bin made of the dignitie of Man , of his miseries , of his state and life , and the like Adiuncts of his common and vndeuided Nature , but chiefely in regard of the knowledge concerning the SYMPATHIES AND CONCORDANCES BETVVEENE THE MIND AND BODY , which being mixed , cannot be properly assigned to the sciences of either . This knowledge hath two branches ; for as all leagues and Amities consist of mutuall Intelligence , and mutuall Offices So this league of mind and body , hath these two parts , How the one discloseth the other , and how the one worketh vpon the other . Discouerie , & Impression . The former of these hath begottē two Arts , both of Predictiō or Prenotion where of the one is honoured with the enquirie of Aristotle , & the other of Hippocrates . And although they haue of later time beene vsed to be coupled with superstitious and fantasticall arts ; yet being purged and restored to their true state ; they haue both of them a solide ground in nature , and a profitable vse in life . The first is PHYSIOGNOMIE , which discouereth the disposition of the mind , by the Lyneaments of the bodie . The second is the EXPOSITION OF NATVRALL DREAMES , which discouereth the state of the bodie , by the imaginations of the minde . In the former of these , I note a deficience . For Aristotle hath verie ingeniously , and diligently handled the factures of the bodie , but not the gestures of the bodie ; which are no lesse comprehensible by art , and of greater vse , and aduantage . For the Lyneaments of the bodie doe disclose the disposition and inclination of the minde in generall ; but the Motions of the countenance and parts , doe not onely so , but doe further disclose the present humour and state of the mind & will. For as your Maiestie sayth most aptly and elegantly ; As the Tongue speaketh to the Eare , so the gesture speaketh to the Eye . And therefore a number of subtile persons , whose eyes doe dwell vpon the faces and fashions of men ; doe well know the aduantage of this obseruation ; as being most part of their abilitie ; neither can it bee denied , but that it is a great discouerie of dissimulations , and a great direction in Businesse . The later Braunch , touching IMPRESSION hath not beene collected into Art ; but hath beene handled dispersedly ; and it hath the same relation or Antistrophe , that the former hath , For the consideration is double , EITHER HOVV , AND HOVV FARRE THE HVMOVRS AND A●…FCTS OF THE BODIE , DOE ALTER OR WORKE VPON THE MIND ; or againe , HOVV AND HOVV FARRE THE PASSIONS , OR APPREHENSIONS OF THE MINDE , DOE ALTER OR WORKE VPON THE BODIE . The former of these , hath beene enquired and considered , as a part , and appendix of Medicine , but much more as a part of Religion or superstition . For the Phisitian prescribeth Cures of the minde in Phrensies , and melancholy passions ; and pretendeth also to exhibite Medicines to exhilarate the minde , to confirme the courage , to clarifie the wits , to corroborate the memorie , and the like ; but the scruples and superstitions of Diet , and other Regiment of the body in the sect of the Pythagoreans , in the Heresy of the Manicheas , and in the Lawe of Mahumet doe exceede ; So likewise the ordinances in the Ceremoniall Lawe , interdicting the eating of the blood , and the fatte ; distinguishing between beasts cleane and vncleane for meat ; are many and strict . Nay , the faith it selfe , being cleere and serene from all cloudes of Ceremonie , yet retaineth the vse of sastings , abstinences , and other Macerations and humiliations of the bodie , as things reall , & not figuratiue . The roote and life of all which prescripts , is ( besides the Ceremonie , ) the consideration of that dependancie , which the affections of the mind are submitted vnto , vpon the state and disposition of the bodie . And if any man of weake iudgement doe conceiue , that this suffering of the minde from the bodie , doth either question the Immortalitie , or derogate from the soueraigntie of the soule : hee may be taught in easie instances , that the Infant in the mothers wombe , is compatible with the mother , and yet separable : And the most absolute Monarch is sometimes ledde by his seruants , and yet without subiection As for the reciprocall knowledge , which is the operation of the conceits and passions of the minde vppon the bodie ; We see all wise Phisitians in the prescriptions of their regiments to their Patients , doe euer consider Accidentia animi : as of great force to further or hinder remedies , or recoueries ; and more specially it is an inquirie of great depth and worth , concerning IMAGINATION , how , and howe farre it altereth the bodie proper of the Imaginant . For although it hath a manifest power to hurt , it followeth not , it hath the same degree of power to helpe . No more than a man can conclude , that because there be pestilent Ayres , able sodainely to kill a man in health ; therefore there should bee soueraigne ayres , able sodainly to cure a man in sicknesse . But the inquisition of this part is of great vse , though it needeth , as Socrates sayd , A Delian diuer , being difficult & profound . But vnto all this knowledge DE COMMVNI VINCVLO , of the Concordances betweene the Mind and the bodie : that part of Enquirie is most necessarie , which considereth of the Seates , and Domiciles which the seuerall faculties of the minde , doe take and occupate in the Organs of the bodie , which knowledge hath been attempted , and is controuerted , and deserueth to bee much better inquired . For the opinion of Plato , who placed the Vnderstanding in the Braine ; Animositie , ( which hee did vnfitly call Anger , hauing a greater mixture with Pride ) in the Heart ; and Concupiseence or Sensualitie in the Liuer , deserueth not to bee despised , but much lesse to be allowed . So then we haue constituted ( as in our own wish and aduise ) the inquirie TOVCHING HVMANE NATVRE ENTYER ; as a iust portion of knowledge , to be handled apart . The knowledge that concerneth mans bodie , is diuided as the good of mans bodie is diuided , vnto which it referreth . The good of mans body , is of foure kindes ; Health , Beautie , Strength , and Pleasure . So , the knowledges are Medicine , or Art of Cure : Art of Decoration ; which is called Cosmetike : Art of Actiuitie , which is called Athletike : and Art Voluptuarie , which Tacitus truely calleth Eruditus Luxus . This Subiect of mans bodie , is of all other thinges in Nature , most susceptible of remedie : but then that Remedie is most susceptible of errour . For the same Subtilitie of the subiect , doth cause large possibilitie , and easie fayling : and therefore the enquirie ought to be the more exact . To speak therfore of Medicine , & to resume that we haue sayd , ascending a litle higher ; The ancient opinion that Man was Microcosmus , an Abstract or Modell of the world , hath beene fantastically streyned by Paracelsus , and the Alchimists , as if there were to be found in mans body certaine correspondences , & parallells , which shold haue respect to all varieties of things , as starres , planets , minerals , which are extant in the great world . But thus much is euidently true , that of all substances , which Nature hath produced , mans bodie is the most extreamly compounded . For we see hearbs & plants are norished by earth & waer ; Beasts for the most part , by hearbs & fruits ; Man by the flesh of Beasts , Birds , Fishes , Hearbs , Grains , Fruits , Water , & the manifold alterations , dressings , and preparations of these seuerall bodies , before they come to be his food & aliment . Adde hereunto that Beasts haue a more simple order of life , and lesse change of Affections to worke vppon their bodies , whereas man in his Mansion , sleepe , exercise , passions , hath infinit variations ; and it cannot be denied , but that the bodie of Man of all other things , is of the most compounded Masse . The soule on the other side is the simplest of substances , as is well expressed . Purumque reliquit Aethereum sensum , atque Aurai simplicis ignem . So that it is no maruaile , though the soule so placed , enioy no rest , if that principle be true , that Motus rerum est rapidus extra locum , Placidus in loco . But to the purpose , this variable composition of mans bodie hath made it as an Instrument easie to to distemper ; and therefore the Poets did well to conioyne MVSICKE and MEDICINE in Apollo , because the Office of Medicine , is but to tune this curious Harpe of mans bodie , and to reduce it to Harmonie . So then the Subiect being so Variable , hath made the Art by consequent more coniecturall , and the Art being Coniecturall , hath made so much the more place to bee left for imposture . For almost all other Arts and Sciences , iudged by Acts , or Master peeces , as I may terme them , and not by the successes , and euents . The Lawyer is iudged by the vertue of his pleading , and not by the yssue of the cause : The Master in the Shippe , is iudged by the directing his course aright , and not by the fortune of the Voyage : But the Phisitian , and perhaps the Politique , hath no particular Acts demonstratiue of his abilitie , but is iudged most by the euent : which is euer but as it is taken ; for who can tell if a Patient die or recouer , or if a State be preserued , or ruyned , whether it be Art or Accident ? And therefore many times the Impostor is prized , and the man of vertue taxed . Nay , we see weakenesse and credulitie of men , is such , as they will often preferre a Montabanke or Witch , before a learned Phisitian . And therefore the Poets were cleere sighted in discerning this extreame folly , when they made Aesculapius , and Circe , Brother and Sister , both Children of the Sunne , as in the verses . Ipse repertorem medicinae talis & artis , Fulmine Phoebigenam stygias detrusit ad vn●…as , And againe . Diues inaccessos vbi Solis filia Lucos , &c. For in all times in the opinion of the multitude , Witches , and old women , and Impostors haue had a Competicion with Phisitians . And what followeth ? Euen this that Phisitians say to themselues , as Salomon expresseth it vpon an higher occasion : If it befall to me , as befalleth to the fooles , why should I labour to be more wise ? And therefore I cannot much blame Phisitians , that they vse commonly to intend some other Art or practise , which they fancie , more than their profession . For you shall haue of them : Antiquaries , Poets , Humanists , States-men , Marchants , Diuines , and in euerie of these better seene , than in their profession , & no doubt , vpon this ground that they find , that mediocrity & excellency in their Art , maketh no difference in profite or reputation towards their fortune : for the weakenesse of Patients , and sweetnesse of life , and Nature of hope maketh men depend vpon Phisitians , with all their defects . But neuerthelesse , these things which we haue spoken of , are courses begotten betweene a little occasion , and a great deale of sloath and default : for if we will excite and awake our obseruation , we shall see in familiar instances , what a predominant facultie , The Subtiltie of Spirite , hath ouer the Varietie of Matter , or Fourme : Nothing more variable then faces and countenances : yet men can bea●…e in memorie the infinite distinctions of them . Nay , a Painter with a fewe shelles of colours , and the benefite of his Eye , and habite of his imagination can imitate them all that euer haue ben , ar , or may be , if they were brought before him . Nothing more variable than voices , yet men can likewise discern them personally , nay you shall haue a Buffon , or Pantomimus will expresse as many as hee pleaseth . Nothing more variable , than the differing sounds of words , yet men haue found the way to reduce thē to a few simple Letters ; so that it is not the insufficiency or incapacity of mans mind ; but it is the remove standing or placing thereof , that breedeth these Mazes and incomprehensions ; for as the sence a far off , is full of mistaking , but is exact at hand , so is it of the vnderstanding ; The remedie whereof , is not to quicken or strengthen the Organ , but to goe neerer to the obiect ; and therefore there is no doubt , but if the Phisitians will learne , and vse the true approaches and Auenues of Nature , they may assume as much as the Poet sayth ; Et quoniam variant Morbi , variabimus artes , Mille Mali species , mille Salutis erunt . Which that they should doe , the noblenesse of their Art doth deserue ; well shadowed by the Poets , in that they made Aesculapius to be the sonne of Sunne , the one being the fountaine of life , the other as the second streame ; but infinitely more honored by the example of our Sauiour , who made the body of man the obiect of his miracles , as the soule was the obiect of his Doctrine . For wee reade not that euer he vouchsafed to doe any miracle about honor , or money , ( except that one for giuing Tribute to Caesar ) but onely about the preseruing , sustayning , and healing the bodie of man. Medicine is a Science , which hath beene ( as wee haue sayd ) more professed , than labored , & yet more labored , than aduanced ; the labor hauing been , in my iudgement , rather in circle , than in progression . For , I finde much Iteration , but small Addition . It considereth causes of Diseases , with the occasions or impulsions : The Discases themselues , with the Accidents : and the Cures , with the Preseruations . The Deficiences which I thinke good to note , being a few of many , & those such , as ar of a more open and manifest Nature , I will enumerate , and not place . The first is the discontinuance of the auncient and serious diligence of Hippocrates , which vsed to set downe a Narratiue of the speciall cases of his patientes , and how they proceeded , & how they were iudged by recouery or death . Therefore hauing an example proper in the father of the art , I shal not neede to alledge an example forraine , of the wisedome of the Lawyers , who are carefull to reporte new cases and decisions , for the direction of future iudgements . This continuance of Medicinall History , I find deficient , which I vnderstand neither to be so infinite as to extend to euery common Case , nor so reserued , as to admit none but Woonders : for many thinges are new in the Manner , which are not new in the Kinde , and if men will intend to obserue , they shall finde much worthy to obserue . In the inquirie which is made by Anatomie , I finde much deficience : for they enquire of the Parts , and their Substances , Figures , and Collocations ; But they enquire not of the Diuersities of the Parts ; the Secrecies of the Passages ; and the seats or neastling of the humours ; nor much of the Foot-steps , and impressions of Diseases ; The reason of which omission , I suppose to be , because the first enquirie may be satisfied , in the view of one or a few Anatomies : but the latter being comparatiue and casuall , must arise from the view of many . And as to the diuersitie of parts , there is no doubt but the facture or framing of the inward parts , is as full of difference , as the outward , and in that , is rhe Cause Continent of many diseases , which not being obserued , they quarrell many times with the humors which are not in fault , the fault being in the very frame and Mechanicke of the parte , which cannot be remoued by medicine alteratine , but must be accomodate and palliate by dyets and medicines familiar . And for the passages and pores , it is true which was aunciently noted , that the more subtile of them appeare not in anatomyes , because they are shut and latent in dead bodies , though they be open and manifest in liue : which being supposed , though the inhumanity of Anatomia viuorū was by Celsus iust ly reproued : yet in regard of the great vse of this obseruation , the inquiry needed not by him so sleightly to haue ben relinquished altogether , or referred to the casuall practises of surgerie , but mought haue been well diuerted vpon the dissection of beastes aliue , which notwithstanding the dissimilitude of their parts , may sufficiently satisfie this inquirie . And for the humors , they are commonly passed ouer in Anatomies , as purgaments , whereas it is most necessarie to obserue , what cauities , nestes & receptacles the humors doe finde in the parts , with the differing kinde of the humor so lodged and receiued . And as for the footesteps of diseases , & their deuas●…ations of the inward parts , impostumations , exulcerations , discontinuations , putrefactions , consumptions , contractions , extensions , convulsions , dislocations , obstructions , repletions , together with all preternatural substances , as stones , carnosities , excrescences , wormes , and the like : they ought to haue beene exactly obserued by multitude of Anatomies , and the contribution of mens seuerall experiences ; and carefully set downe both historically according to the appearances , and artificially with a reference to the diseases and symptomes which resulted from them , in case where the Anatomy is of a desunct patient wheras now vpon opening of bodies , they are passed ouer sleightly , and in silence . In the inquirie of diseases , they doe abandon the cures of many , some as in their nature incurable , and others , as passed the periode of cure ; so that Sylla and the Triumvirs neuer proscribed so many men to die , as they doe by their ignorant edictes , whereof numbers do escape with lesse difficulty , then they did in the Romane proscriptions . Therfore I wil not doubt , to note as a deficience , that they inquire not the persite cures of many diseases , or extremities of diseases , but pronouncing them incurable , doe enact a lawe of neglect , & exempt ignorance from discredite . Nay further , I esteeme it the office of a Phisition , not onely to restore health , but to mittigate pain and dolors , and not onely when such mittigation may conduce to recouery , but when it may serue to make a fayre and easie passage : for it is no small felicitie which Auguslus Caesar was wont to wish to himselfe , that same Euthanasia , and which was specially noted in the death of Antoninus Pius , whose death was after the fashion and semblance of a kindly & pleasant sleepe . So it is written of Epicurus , that after his disease was iudged desperate , he drowned his stomacke and senses with a large draught and ingurgitation of wine , whereupon the Epigram was made ; Hinc stygias Ebrius hausit aquas : He was not sober enough to taste any bitternesse of the stygian water . But the Phisitions contrariwise doe make a kinde of scruple and Religion to stay with the patient after the disease is deplored , wheras , in my iudgment they ought both to enquire the skill , and to giue the attendances for the facilitating & asswaging of the paynes and agonies of death . In the consideration of the Cures of diseases , I find a deficience in the Receiptes of proprietie , respecting the particular cures of diseases : for the Phisitians haue frustrated the fruite of tradition & experience by their magistralities , in adding and taking out and changing , Quid pro quo , in their receiptes , at their pleasures , commanding so ouer the medicine , as the medicine cannot commmād ouer the disease : For except it be Treacle and Mythridatū , & of late Diascordium , and a few more , they tye themselues to no receiptes seuerely and religiously : for as to the confections of sale , which are in the shoppes , they are for readines , and not for proprietie : for they are vpon generall intentions of purging , opening , comforting , altering , and not much appropriate to , particular Diseases ; and this is the cause why Emperiques , and ould women are more happie many times in their Cures , than learned Phisitians ; because they are more religious in holding their Medicines . Therefore here is the deficience which I finde , that Phisitians haue not partly out of their owne practize , partly out of the constant probations reported in bookes ; & partly out of the traditions of Emperiques ; setdowne and deliuered ouer , certaine Experimentall Medicines , for the Cure of particular Diseases ; besides their owne Coniecturall and Magistrall descriptions . For as they were the men of the best Composition in the State of Rome , which either being Consuls inclined to the people ; or being Tribunes inclined to the Senat : so in the matter we now handle , they be the best Phisitians , which being learned incline to the traditions of experience ; or being Emperiques , incline to the methods of learning . In preparation of Medicines , I doe finde strange specially , considering how mineral Medicines haue beene extolled ; and that they are safer , for the outward , than inward parts , that no man hath sought , to make an Imitation by Art of Naturall Bathes , and Medicinable fountaines : which neuerthelesse are confessed to receiue their vertues from Minerals : and not so onely , but discerned and distinguished from what particular Mynerall they receiue Tincture , as Sulphur , Vitriole , steele , or the like : which Nature if it may be reduced to compositions of art , both the varietie of them will be encreased , & the temper of them will be more commanded . But least I grow to be more particular , than is agreeable , either to my intention , or to proportion ; I will conclude this part with the note of one deficience more , which seemeth to me of greatest consequence , which is , that the prescripts in vse , are too compendious to attaine their end : for to my vnderstanding , it is a vaine and flattering opinion , to think any Medicine can be so soueraigne , or so happie , as that the Receit or vse of it , can worke any great effect vpon the bodie of man ; it were a strange speach , which spoken , or spoken oft , should reclaime a man from a vice , to which he were by nature subiect : it is order , poursuite , sequence , and interchange of application , which is mightie in nature ; which although it require more exact knowledge in prescribing , and more precise obedience in obseruing , yet is recompenced with the magnitude of effects . And although a man would thinke by the dayly visitations of the Phisitians , that there were a poursuance in the cure ; yet let a man look into their prescripts and ministrations , and he shall finde them but inconstancies , and euerie dayes deuises , without any setled prouidence or proiect ; Not that euerie scrupulous or superstitious prescript is effectuall , no more than euerie straight way , is the way to heauen , but the truth of the direction , must precede s●…ueritie of obseruance . For Cosmetique , it hath parts Ciuile , and parts Effeminate : for cleanesse of bodie , was euer esteemed to proceede from a due reuerence to God , to societie , and to our selues . As for artificiall decoration , it is well worthy of the desiciences which it hath : being neither fine inough to deceiue , nor handsome to vse , nor wholesome to please . For Athletique , I take the subiect of it largely ; that is to say , for any point of abilitie , whereunto the bodie of man may be brought , whether it be of Actiuitie , or of Patience , wherof Actiuitie hath two parts , Strength and Swifinesse : And Patience likewise hath two parts , Hardnesse against wants and extremities ; and Indurance of payne , or torment ; whereof we see the practises in Tumblers , in Sauages , and in those that suffer punishment : Nay , if there be any other facultie , which falles not within any of the former diuisions , as in those that diue , that obtaine a strange power of contayning respiration , and the like , I referre it to this part . Of these thinges the practises are knowne : but the Philosophie that concerneth them is not much enquired : the rather I thinke , because they are supposed to be obtayned , either by an aptnesse of Nature , which cannot be taught ; or onely by continuall custome ; which is soone prescribed ; which though it bee not true : yet I forbeare to note any deficiences : for the Olympian Games are downe long since : and the mediocritie of these thinges is for vse : As for the excellencie of them , it serueth for the most part , but for mercenary ostentation . For Arts of pleasure sensuall , the chiefe deficience in them , is of Lawes to represse them . For as it hath beene well obserued , that the Arts which florish in times , while vertue is in growth , are Militarie : and while vertue is in State are Liberall : and while vertue is in declination , are voluptuarie : so I doubt , that this age of the world , is somewhat vpon the descent of the wheele ; with Arts voluptuarie , I couple practises Iocularie ; for the deceiuing of the sences , is one of the pleasures of the sences . As for Games of recreation , I hould them to belong to Ciuile life , and education . And thus much of that particular HVMANE PHILOSOPHIE , WHICH CONCERNES THE BODIE , which is but the Tabernacle of the minde . FOr HVMANE KNOVVLEDGE , WHICH CONCERNES THE MIND , it hath two parts , the one that enquireth of THE SVBSTANCE , OR NATVRE OF THE SOVLE OR MIND ; The other , that enquireth of the FACVLTIES OR FVNCTIONS THEREOF : vnto the first of these , the considerations of the Originall of the soule , whether it be Natiue or aduentiue ; and how farre it is exempted from Lawes of Matter ; and of the Immortalitie thereof ; and many other points do appertaine , which haue been not more laboriously enquired , than variously reported ; so as the trauaile therein taken , seemeth to haue ben rather in a Maze , than in a way . But although I am of opinion , that this knowledge may be more really and soundly enquired euen in Nature , than it hath been ; yet I hold , that in the end it must be bounded by Religion ; or else it will bee subiect to deceite and delusion : for as the substance of the soule in the Creation , was not extracted out of the Masse of heauen and earth , by the benediction of a Producat : but was immediately inspired from God ; so it is not possible that it should bee ( otherwise than by accident ) subiect to the Lawes of Heauen and Earth ; which are the subiect of Philosophie ; And therefore the true knowledge of the Nature , and state of the soule , must come by the same inspiration , that gaue the substance . Vnto this part of knowledge touching the soule , there be two appendices , which as they haue ben handled , haue rather vapoured foorth fables , than kindled truth ; DIVINATION , and FASCINATION . DIVINATION , hath beene anciently and fitly diuided into Artificiall and Naturall ; whereof Artificiall is , when the minde maketh a prediction by argument , concluding vpon signes and tokens : Naturallis , when the minde hath a presention by an internall power , without the inducement of a signe . Artifi●…iall is of two sorts , either when the argument is coupled with a deriuation of causes , which is rationall ; or when it is onely grounded vpon a Coincidence of the effect , which is experimentall ; whereof the later for the most part , is superstitious : Such as were the Heathen obseruations , vpon the inspection of Sacrifices , the flights of birds , the swarming of Bees ; and such as was the Chaldean Astrologie , and the like . For Artificall Diuination , the seuerall kinds thereof are distributed amongst particular knowledges . The Astronomer hath his predictions , as of coniunctions , aspects , Eclipses , and the like . The Phisitian hath his predictions , of death , of recouerie , of the accidents and issues of Diseases . The Politique hath his predictions ; O vrbem vaenalem , & cito perituram , si emptorem inucnerit ; which stayed not long to bee perfourmed in Sylla first , and after in Caesar. So as these predictions are now impertinēt , & to be referred ouer . But the Diuination , which springeth frō the internal nature of the soul , is that which we now speak of which hath ben made to be of two sorts ; Primitiue and by influxion . Primitiue is grounded vpon the supposition , that the minde when it is withdrawne and collected into it selfe , and not diffused into the Organes of the bodie , hath some extent and latitude of prenotion ; which therefore appeareth most in sleepe , in extasies , and nere death ; and more rarely in waking apprehensions ; and is induced and furthered by those abstinences , and obseruances , which make the minde most to consist in it selfe . By influxion ; is grounded vpon the conceit , that the mind , as a mirror or glasse , should take illumination from the fore knowledge of God and spirits , vnto which the same Regiment doth likewise conduce . For the retyring of the minde within it selfe , is the State which is most susceptible of diuine influxions ; saue that it is accompanied in this case with a feruencie and eleuation , ( which the ancients noted by furie ) and not with a repose and and quiet , as it is in the other . Fascination is the power and act of Imagination , intensiue vpon other bodies , than the bodie of the Imaginant ; for of that we spake in the proper place : wherein the Schoole of Paracelsus , and the Disciples of pretended Naturall Magicke , haue beene so intemperate , as they haue exalted the power of the imagination , to be much one with the power of Miracle-working faith : others that drawe neerer to Probabilitie , calling to their view the secret passages of things , and specially of the Contagion that passeth from bodie to bodie , doe conceiue it should likewise be agreeable to Nature , that there should be some transmissions and operations from spirit to spirit , without the mediation of the sences , whence the conceits haue growne , ( now almost made ciuile ) of the Maistring Spirite , & the force of confidence , and the like . Incident vnto this , is the inquirie how to raise and fortifie the imagination , for if the Imagination fortified haue power , then it is materiall to know how to fortifie and exalt it . And herein comes in crookedly and dangerously , a palliation of a great part of Ceremoniall Magicke . For it may bee pretended , that Ceremonies , Characters , and Charmes doe worke , not by any Tacite or Sacramentali contract with euill spirits ; but serue onely to strengthen the imagination of him that vseth it ; as Images are said by the Romane Church , to fix the cogitations , and raise the deuotions of them that pray before them . But for mine owne iudgment , if it be admitted that Imagination hath power ; and that Ceremontes fortifie Imagination , & that they be vsed sincerely & intentionally for that purpose : yet I should hold them vnlawfull , as opposing to that first edict , which God gaue vnto man. In sudore vultus comedes Panem tuum . For they propound those noble effects which God hath set foorth vnto man , to bee bought at the price of Laboure , to bee attained by a fewe easie and slothful obseruances . Deficiences in these knowledges I wil report none , other than the generall deficience , that it is not knowne , how much of them is veritie , and how much vanitie . THE KNOVVLIDGE WHICH RESPECTETH THE FACVLTIES OF THE MINDE OF MAN , is of two kinds : The one respecting his VNDERSTANDING and REASON , and the other his WILL , APPETITE , & AFFECTION , wherof the former produceth POSITION or DECREE , the later ACTION or EXECVTION . It is true that the Imagination is an Agent , or Nuntius in both Prouinces , both the Iudiciall , and the Ministeriall . For Sence sendeth ouer to Imagination , before Reason haue iudged : and Reason sendeth ouer to Imagination , before the Decree can be acted . For Imagination euer precedeth Voluntary Motion . Sauing that this Ianus of Imagination hath differing faces ; for the face towards Reason , hath the print of Truth . But the face towards Action , hath the print of Good ; which neuerthelesse are faces , Quales decet esse sororum . Neither is the Imagination simply and onely a Messenger ; but is inuested with , or at least wise vsurpeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no small authoritie in it selfe ; besides the duty of the Message . For it was well sayd by Aristotle : That the minde hath ouer the Bodie that commaundement which the Lord hath ouer a Bond-man ; But , that Reason hath ouer the Imagination that Commandement , which a Magistrate hoth ouer a free Citizen ; who may come also to rule in his turne . For we see , that in matters of Faith & Religion , we raise our Imagination aboue our Reason , which is the cause why Religion sought euer accesse to the Minde by Similitudes , Types , Parables , Visions , Dreames . And againe in all perswasions that are wrought by eloquence , and other impression of like Nature , which doe paint and disguise the true appearance of thinges , the cheefe recommendation vnto Reason , is from the Imagination . Neuerthelesse , because I finde not any Science , that doth properly or fitly pertaine to the. IMAGINATION , I see no cause to alter the former diuision . For as for Poelie , it is rather a pleasure , or play of imagination , than a worke or dutie thereof . And if it be a worke ; wee speake not nowe of such partes of learning , as the Imagination produceth , but of such Sciences , as handle and consider of the Imagination . No more than wee shall speake nowe of such Knowledges , as reason produceth , ( for that extendeth to all Philosophy ) but of such Knowledges , as doe handle and enquire of the facultie of Reason ; So as Poesie had his true place . As for the power of the Imagination in nature , and the manner of fortifying the same , wee haue mentioned it in the Doctrine De Anima , whervnto most fitly it belongeth . And lastly , for Imaginatiue , or Insinuatiue Reason , which is the subiect of Rhetericke , wee thinke it best to referre it to the Arts of Reason . So therefore we content our selues with the former diuision , that Humane Philosophy , which respecteth the faculties of the minde of man , hath two parts , RATIONALL and MORALL . The part of humane Philosophie , which is Rationall , is of all knowledges to the most wits the least delightfull : and seemeth but a Net of subtilitie and spinositie . For as it was truely sayd , that Knowledge is Pabulumanimi ; So in the Nature of mens appetite to this foode , most men are of the tast and stomach of the Israelites in the desert , that would faine haue returned Adollas carnium , and were wearie of Manna , which though it were celestiall , yet seemed lesse nutritiue and comfortable . So generally men tast well knowledges that are drenched in flesh and blood , C●…ile Historie , Mora●…litie , Policie , about the which mens affections , praises , fortunes doe turne and are conuersant : But this same Lumensiccum , doth parch and offend most mens watry and soft natures . But to speake truly of thinges as they are in worth , RATIONALL Knowledges ; are the keyes of all other Arts ; For as Aristotle sayth aptly and elegantly , That the hand is the Instrument of Instruments ; and the minde is the Fourme of Fourmes : So these be truely said to be the Art of Arts : Neither do they onely direct , but likewise confirme and strengthen : euen as the habite of shooting , doth not onely inable to shoote a neerer shoote , but also to draw a stronger Bowe . The ARTS INTELLECTVALL , are foure in number , diuided according to the ends whereunto they are referred : for mans labour is to inuent that which is sought or propounded : or to iudge that which is inuented : or to retaine that which is iudged : or to deliuer ouer that which is retained . So as the Arts must bee foure : ARTE of ENQVIRIE or INVENTION : ART of EXAMINATION or IVDGEMENT : ART of CVSTODIE or MEMORIE : and ART of ELOCVTION or TRADITION . INVENTION is of two kindes much differing ; The one of ARTS and SCIENCES , and the other of SPEECH and ARGVMENTS . The former of these , I doe report deficient : which seemeth to me to be such a deficience , as if in the making of an Inuentorie , touching the State of a defunct , it should be set downe , That there is no readie money . For as money will fetch all other commodities ; so this knowledge is that which should purchase all the rest . And like as the West Indies had neuer been discouered , if the vse of the Mariners Needle , had not been first discouered ; though the one bee vast Regions , and the other a small Motion . So it cannot be found strange , if Sciences bee no further discov●…ered , if the Art it selfe of Inuention and Discouerie , hath been passed ouer . That this part of Knowledge is wanting , to my Iudgement , standeth plainely confessed : for first Logicke doth not pretend to inuent Sciences , or the Axiomes of Sciences , but passeth it ouer with a Cuique in sua arte credendum . And Celsus acknowledgeth it grauely , speaking of the Empirical and Dogmaticall Sects of Phisitians , That Medicines and Cures , were first found out , and then after the Reasons and causes were discoursed : and not the Causes first found out , and by light from them the Medicines and Cures discouered . And Plato in his Theoetetus noteth well , That particulars are infinite , and the higher generalities giue no safficient direction : and that the pythe of all Sciences , which maketh the Arts-man differ from the inexpert , is in the middle propositions , which in euerie particular knowledge are taken from Tradition & Experience . And therefore wee see , that they which discourse of the Inuentions and Originals of thinges , referre them rather to Chaunce , than to Art , and rather to Beasts , Birds , Fishes , Serpents , than to Men. Dictamnum genetrix Cretaea carpit ab Ida , Puberibus caulem folijs , & flore comantem Purpureo : non illa feris incognita Capris , Gramina cum tergo volueres haesere 〈◊〉 . So that it was no maruaile , ( the manner of Antiquitie being to consecrate Inuentors ) that the Aegyptians had so few humane Idols in their Temples , but almost all Brute : Omnige●…umqne Deum monstra , & latrator A●…bis Contra Neptunū & Venerem , contraque Mineruam &c. And if you like better the tradition of the Grecians , and ascribe the first Inuentions to Men , yet you will rather beleeue that Prometheus first stroake the flints , and maruailed at the sparke , than that when he first stroke the flints , he xpected the sparke ; and therefore we see the West Indian Prometheus , had no intelligence with the Europoean , because of the rarenesse with them of flint , that gaue the first occasion : so as it should seeme , that hetherto men are rather beholden to a wilde Goat for Surgerie , or to a Nightingale for Musique or to the Ibis for some part of Phisicke , or to the Pot-lidde , that flew open for Artillerie , or generally to Chaunce , or any thinge else , than to Logicke for the Inuention of Arts and Sciences . Neither is the fourme of Inuention , which Virgill describeth much other . Vt varias vsus medit ando extunderet artes , Paulatim , For if you obserue the words well , it is no other methode , than that which brute Beasts are capable of , and doe put in vre ; which is a perpetuall intending or practising some one thing vrged and imposed , by an absolute necessitie of conseruation of being ; For so Ci●… sayth verie truly ; Vsus vni rei deditus , & Naturam & Artem sape vincit : And therefore if it bee sayd of Men , Labor omnia vincit Improbus , & duris vrgens in rebus egestas ; It is likewise sayd of beasts , Quis Ps●…taco do●…uit suum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? who taught the Rauen in a drowth to throw pibbles into an hollow tree , where she spyed water , that the water might rise , so as shee might come to it ? who taught the Bee to sayle through such a vast Sea of ayre , and to finde the way from a field in flower , a great way off , to her Hiue ? who taught the Ant to bite euerie graine of Corne , that she burieth in her hill , least it should take roote and growe ? Adde then the word Extandere , which importeth the extreame difficultie , and the word Paulatin , which importeth the extreame slownesse ; and we are where we were , euen amongst the Egyptians Gods ; there being little left to the facultie of Reason , and nothing to the dutie of Art for matter of Inuention . Secondly , the Induction which the Logitians speake of and which seemeth familiar with Plato , whereby the Principles of Sciences may be pretended to be inuented , and so the middle propositions by deriuation from the Principles ; their fourme of Induction , I say is vtterly vitious and incompetent : wherein their erroar is the fowler because it is the duetie of Art to perfecte and exalt Nature : but they contrariewise haue wronged , abused , and traduced Nature . For hee that shall attentiuely obserue howe the minde doth gather this excellent dew of Knowledge , like vnto that which the Poet speaketh of Aere●…mellis caelestia dona , destilling and contryuing it out of particulars naturall and artificiall , as the flowers of the field and Garden : shall finde that the mind of her selfe by Nature doth mannage , and Acte an Induction , much better than they describe it . For to conclude vppon an Enu●…meration of particulars , without instance contradictorie : is no conclusion : but a coniecture ; for who can assure ( in many subiects ) vppon those particulars , which appeare of a side , that there are not other on the contrarie side , which appeare not ? As if Samuell should haue rested vppon those Sonn●…s of Issay , which were brought before him , and fayled of Dauid , which was in the field . And this fourme ( to say truth ) is so grosse : as it had not beene possible for wittes so subti'e , as haue mannaged these thinges , to haue offered it to the world , but that they hasted to their Theories and Dogmaticals , and were imperious and scornefull toward particulars , which their manner was to vse , but as Lictores and Via●…ores for Sargeants and Wifflers , Ad summouendam tu●…bam , to make way and make roome for their opinions , rather than in their true vse and seruice ; certainely , it is a thing may touch a man with a religious woonder , to see how the foot steps of seducement , are the very same in Diuine and Humane truth : for as in Diuine truth , Man cannot endure to become as a Child ; So in Humane , they reputed the attending the Inductions ( whereof wee speake ) as if it were a second Infancie or Child hood . Thirdly ; allowe some Principles or Axiomes were rightly induced ; yet neuerthelesse certaine it is , that Middle Propositions , cannot be diduced from them in Subiect of Nature by Syllogisme , that is , by Touch , and Reduction of them to Principles in a Middle Terme . It is true , that in Sciences popular , as Moralities , Lawes , and the like , yea , and Diuinitie ( because it pleaseth God to apply himselfe to the capacity of the simplest ) that fourme may haue vse ; and in Naturall Philosophie likewise , by way of argument or satisfactorie Reason , Quae assensum parit , Operis Effoeta est : But the subtiltie of Nature and Operations will not bee inchayned in those bonds : For Arguments consist of Propositions , and Propositions of Words , and Wordes are but the Current Tokens or Markes of popular Notions of thinges : which Notions if they bee grossely and variably collected out of Particulars ; It is not the laborious examination either of Consequences of Arguments , , or of the truth of Propositions , that can euer correct that Errour ; being ( as the Phisitians speake ) in the first digestion ; And therefore it was not without cause , that so many excellent Philosophers became Sceptiques and Academiques , and denyed any certaintie of Knowledge , or Comprehension , and held opinion that the knowledge of man extended onely to Appearances , and Probabilities . It is true , that in Socrates it was supposed to be but a fourme of Irony , Scientiam dissimulando simulauit : For hee vsed to disable his knowledge , to the end to inhanse his Knowledge , like the Humor of ●…iberius in his beginnings , that would Raigne , but would not acknowledge so much ; And in the later Academy , which Cicero embraced ; this opinion also of Acatalepsia ( I doubt ) was not held sincerely ; for that all those which excelled in Copie of speech , seeme to haue chosen that Sect , as that which was fittest to giue glorie to their eloquence , and variable discourses : being rather like Progresses of pleasure , than Iourneyes to an end . But assuredly many scattered in both Academyes , did hold it in subtiltie , and integritie . But heere was their cheefe ●…rrour ; They charged the deceite vppon the THE SENCES ; which in my Iudgement ( notwithstanding all their Cauillations ) are verie sufficient to certifie and report truth ( though not alwayes immediately , yet by comparison ; by helpe of instrument ; and by producing , and vrging such things , as are too subtile for the sence , to some effect comprehensible , by the sence , and other like assistāce . But they ought to haue charged the deceit vpon the weaknes of the intellectual powers , & vpon the maner of collecting , & concluding vpon the reports of the sences . This I speake not to disable the minde of man , but to stirre it vp to seeke helpe : for no man , be he neuer so cunning or practised , can make a straight line or perfect circle by steadinesse of hand , which may bee easily done by helpe of a Ruler or Compasse . This part of Inuention , concerning the Inuention of Sciences , I purpose ( if God giue mee leaue ) hereafter to propound : hauing digested it into two partes : whereof the one I tearme Experientia literata , and the other Interpretatio Naturae : The former , being but a degree and rudiment of the later . But I will not dwell too long , nor speake too great vpon a promise . The Inuention of speech or argument is not properly an Inuention : for to Inuent is to discouer that we know not , & not to recouer or resūmon that which wee alreadie knowe ; and the vse of this Inuention , is no other ; But out of the Knowledge , whereof our minde is alreadie possest , to drawe foorth , or call before vs that which may bee pertinent to the purpose , which wee take into our consideration . So as to speake truely , it is no Inuention ; but a Remembrance or Suggestion , with a Application : Which is the cause why the Schooles doe place it after Iudgement , as subsequent and not precedent . Neuerthelesse , because wee doe account it a Chase , aswell of Deere in an inclosed Parke , as in a Forrest at large : and that it hath alreadie obtayned the the name : Let it bee called Inuention ; so as it be perceyued and discerned , that the Scope and end of this Inuention , is readynesse and present vse of our knowledge , and not addition or amplification thereof . To procure this readie vse of Knowledge , there are two Courses : PREPARATION and SVGGESTION . The former of these , seemeth scarcely a part of Knowledge ; consisting rather of Diligence , than of any artificiall erudition And heerein Aristotle wittily , but hurtfully doth deride the Sophists , neere his time , saying . They did as if one that professed the Art of Shooe-making , should not teach howe to make vp a Shooe , but onely exhibite in a readin●…sse a number of Shooes of all fashions and Sizes . But yet a man might reply , that if a Shooe-maker should haue no Shooes in his Shoppe , but onely worke , as hee is bespoken , hee should bee weakely customed . But our Sauiour , speaking of Diuine Knowledge , sayth : That the Kingdome of Heauen , is like a good Ho●…sholder , that bringeth foo●…th both n●…we and ould store : And wee see the ancient Writers of Rhetoricke doe giue it in precept : That Pleaders should haue the Places , whereof they haue most continuall vse , readie handled in all the varietie that may bee , as that , To speake for the literall Interpretation of the Lawe against Equitie , and Contrarie : and to speake for Presumptions and Inferences against Testimonie ; and Contrarie : And Cicero himselfe , being broken vnto it by great experience , deliuereth it plainely ; That whatsoeuer a man shall haue occasion to speake of , ( if hee will take the paines ) he may haue it in effect premeditate , and handled in these . So that when hee commeth to a particular , he shall haue nothing to doe , but to put too Names , and times , and places ; and such other Circumstances of Indiuiduals . We see likewise the exact diligence of Demosthenes , who in regard of the great force , that the entrance and accesse into causes hath to make a good impression ; had readie framed a number of Prefaces for Orations and Speeches . All which Authorities and Presidents may ouer way Aristotles opinion , that would haue vs chaunge a rich Wardrobe , for a paire of Sheares . But the Nature of the Collection of this Prouision or Preparatorie store , though it be common , both to Logicke , and Rhetoricke ; yet hauing made an entrye of it heere , where it came first to be spoken of ; I thinke fitte to referre ouer the further handling of it to Rhetoricke . The other part of INVENTION , which I terme SVGGESTION , doth assigne and direct vs to certaine Markes or Places , which may excite our Minde to returne and produce such Knowledge , as it hath formerly collected : to the end wee may make vse thereof . Neither is this vse ( truely taken ) onely to furnish argument , to dispute probably with others ; But likewise to Minister vnto our Iudgement to conclude aright within our selues . Neither may these places serue onely to apprompt our Inuention ; but also to direct our enquirie . For a facultie of wise interrogating is halfe a knowledge ; For as Plato saith ; Whosoeuer seeketh , knoweth that which he seeketh for , in a generall Notion ; Else how shall he know it , when he hath found it ? And therfore the larger your Anticipation is , the more direct and compendious is your search . But the same Places which will help vs what to produce , of that which we know alreadie ; will also helpe vs , if a man of experience were before vs , what questions to aske ; or if we haue Bookes and Authors , to instruct vs what points to search and reuolue : so as I cannot report , that this part of Inuention , which is that which the Schooles call Topiques , is deficient . Neuertheles Topiques are of 2. sorts general & speciall . The generall we haue spokē to ; but the particular hath ben touched by some , but reiected generally , as inartificial & variable . But leauing the humor which hath raigned too much in the Schooles ( which is to be vainly subtile in a few thinges , which are within their command , and to reiect the rest ) I doe receiue particular Topiques , that is places or directions of Inuention and Inquirie in euery particular knowledg , as thinges of great vse ; being Mixtures of Logique with the Matter of Sciences : for in these it holdeth ; Ars inueniendi adolescit cum Inuentis : for as in going of a way , wee doe not onely gaine that part of the waye which is passed , but wee gaine the better sight of that part of the waye which remayneth : So euerie degree of proceeding in a Science giueth a light to that which followeth ; which light if wee strengthen , by drawing it foorth into questions or places inquirie , wee doe greatly aduance our poursuyte . Nowe wee passe vnto the ARTES OF IVDGEMENT , which handle the Natures of Proofes and Demonstrations ; which as to Induction hath a Coincidence with Inuention : For all Inductions whether in good or vitious fourme , the same action of the Minde which Inuenteth , Iudgeth ; all one as in the sence : But otherwise it is in proofe by Syllogisme : For the proofe beeing not immediate but by meane : the Inuention of the Meane is one thinge : and the Iudgement of the Consequence is another . The one Excyting onely : the other Examining : Therefore for the reall and exacte fourme of Iudgement , wee referre our selues to that which wee haue spoken of Interpretation of Nature . For the other Iudgement by Syllogisme , as it is a thinge most agreeable to the Minde of Man : So it hath beene vehementlye and excellently laboured . For the Nature of Man doth extreamelye couet , to haue somewhat in his Vnderstanding fixed and vnmooueable , and as a Rest , and Support of the Mind . And therefore as Aristotle endeuoureth to prooue , that in all Motion , there is some pointe quiescent ; and as hee elegantlye expoundeth the auncient Fable of Atlas , ( that stood fixed , and bare vp the Heauen from falling ) to bee meant of the Poles or Axel tree of Heauen , wherevppon the conuersion is accomplished ; so assuredlye men haue a desire , to haue an Atlas or Axel tree within : to keepe them from fluctuation ; which is like to a perpetuall perill of falling : Therefore men did hasten to sette downe some Principles , about which the varietie of their disputations might turne . So then this Art of IVDGEMENT , is but the Reduction of Propositions , to Principles in a Middle Tearme . The Principles to bee agreed by all , and exempted from Argument ; The MIDDLR TEARME to bee elected at the libertie of euerie Mans Inuention : The Reduction to be of two kindes Direct , and Inuerted ; the one when the Proposition is reduced to the Principle , which they terme a Probation ostensiue : the other when the contradictorie of the Proposition is reduced to the contradictorie of the Principles , which is , that which they call Per Incommodum , or pressing an absurditie : the Number of Middle Termes to be , as the Proposition standeth , Degrees more or lesse , remooued from the Principle . But this Arte hath twoo seuerall Methodes of Doctrine : the one by way of Direction , the other by way of Caution : the former frameth and setteth downe a true Fourme of Consequence , by the variations and deflexions , from which Errours and Inconsequences may bee exactly iudged . Toward the Composition and structure of which fourme , it is incident to handle the partes thereof , which are Propositions , and the partes of Propositions , which are SIMPLE WORDES . And this is that part of Logicke , which is comprehended in the Analytiques . The second Methode of Doctrine , was introduced for expedite vse , and assurance sake ; discouering the more subtile fourmes of Sophismes , and Illaqueations , with their redargutions , which is that which is tearmed ELENCHES . For although in the more grosse sortes of Fallacies it happeneth ( as Seneca make the comparison well ) as in iugling feates , which though wee knowe not howe they are done ; yet wee knowe well it is not , as it seemeth to bee : yet the more subtile sort of them doth not onely put a man besides his answere , but doth many times abuse his Iudgment . This part concerning ELENCHES , is excellently handled by Aristotle in Precept , but more excellently by Plato in Example : not onely in the persons of the Sophists , but euen in Socrates himselfe , who professing to affirme nothing , but to infirme that which was affirmed by another , hath exactly expressed all the fourmes of obiection , fallace and redargution . And although wee haue sayd that the vse of this Doctrine is for Redargution : yet it is manifest , the degenerate and corrupt is vse for Caption and Contradiction , which passeth for a great facultie , and no doubt , is of verie great aduauntage ; though the difference bee good which was made betweene Orators and Sophisters , that the one is as the Greyhound , which hath his aduauntage in the race , and the other as the Hare , which hath her aduantage in the turne , so as it is the aduauntage of the weaker creature . But yet further , this Doctrine of ELENCHES , hath a more ample latitude and extent , than is perceiued : namely vnto diuers partes of Knowledge : whereof some are laboured , and other omitted . For first , I conceiue ( though it maye seeme at first somewhat strange ) that that part which is variably referred , sometimes to Logicke , sometimes to Metaphysicke , touching the Common adiuncts of Essences , is but an Elenche : for the great Sophisme of all Sophismes , beeing Aequiuocation or Ambiguitie of Wordes and Phrase , specially of such wordes as are most generall and interueyne euerie Enquirie : It seemeth to mee that the true and fruitfull vse , ( leauing vaine subtilities and speculations ) of the Enquirie , Maioritie , Minoritie , Prioritie , Posterioritie , Identitie , Diuersitie , Possibilitie , Acte , Totalitie , Partes , Existence , Priuation , and the like , are but wise Cautions againste Ambiguityes of Speech . So againe , the distribution of thinges into certaine Tribes , which we call Categories or Predicaments , are but Cautions against the confusion of Definitions and Diuisions . Secondly , there is a seducement that worketh by the strength of the Impression , and not by the subtiltie of the Illaqueation , not so much perplexing the Reason , as ouer-ruling it by power of the Imagination . But this part I thinke more proper to handle , when I shall speake of RHETORICKE . But lastly , there is yet a much more important and profound kinde of Fallacies in the Minde of Man , which I finde not obserued or enquired at all , and thinke good to place heere , as that which of all others appertayneth most to rectifie IVDGEMENT . The force whereof is such , as it doth not dazle , or snare the vnderstanding in some particulars , but doth more generally , and inwardly infect and corrupt the state thereof . For the mind of Man is farre from the Nature of a cleare and equall glasse , wherein the beames of things should reflect according to their true incidence ; Nay , it is rather like an inchanted glasse , full of superstition and Imposture , if it bee not deliuered and reduced . For this purpose , lette vs consider the false appearances , that are imposed vppon vs by the generall Nature of the minde , behoulding them in an example or twoo , as firste in that instance which is the roote of all superstition : Namely , That to the Nature of the Minde of all Men it is consonant for the Affimatiue , or Actiue to affect , more than the negatiue or Priuatiue . So that a fewe times hitting , or presence , counteruayles oft times fayling , or absence , as was well answered by Diagoras , to him that shewed him in Neptunes Temple , the great number of pictures , of such as had scaped Shippe-wracke , and had paide their Vowes to Neptune , saying : Aduise nowe , you that thinke it folly to inuocate Neptune in tempest : Yea , but ( sayth Diagoras ) where are they painted that are drowned ? Lette vs behould it in another instance , namely , That the spirite of man , beeing of an equall and vnifourme substance , doth vsually suppose and faine in Nature a greater equalitie and vniformitie , than is in truth ; Hence it commeth , that the Mathematitians cannot satisfie themselues , except they reduce the Motions of the Celestiall bodyes , to perfect Circles , reiecting spirall lynes , and laboring to be discharged of Eecentriques . Hence it commeth , that whereas there are many thinges in Nature , as it were Monodica sui Iuris ; Yet the cogitations of Man , doe fayne vnto them Relatiues , Parallelles , and Coniugates , whereas no such thinge is ; as they haue fayned an Element of Fire to keepe square with Earth , Water , and Ayre , and the like ; Nay , it is not credible , till it bee opened , what a number of fictions and fantasies , the similitude of humane Actions , & Arts , together with the making of Man Communis Mensura , haue brought into naturall Philosophie : not much better , than the Heresie of the Anthropomorphites bredde in the Celles of grosse and solitarie Monkes , and the opinion of Epicurus , answearable to the same in heathenisme , who supposed the Gods to bee of humane Shape . And therefore Velleius the Epicurian needed not to haue asked , why God should haue adorned the Heauens with Starres , as if he had beene an Aedilis : One that should haue set foorth some magnificent shewes or playes ? for if that great Worke master had beene of an Humane disposition , hee woulde haue caste the starres into some pleasant and beautifull workes , and orders , like the frettes in the Roofes of Houses , whereas one can scarce finde a Posture in square , or tri●…angle , or streight line amongest such an infinite numbers , so differing an Harmonie , there is betweene the spirite of Man , and the spirite of Nature . Lette vs consider againe , the false appearances imposed vpon vs by euerie Man 's owne indiuiduall Nature and Custome in that fayned supposition , that Plato maketh of the Caue : for certainely , if a childe were continued in a Grotte or Caue , vnder the Earth , vntill maturitie of age , and came suddainely abroade , hee would haue strange and absurd Imaginations ; So in like manner , although our persons liue in the view of Heauen , yet our spirites are included in the Caues of our owne complexions and Customes : which minister vnto vs infinite Errours and vaine opinions , if they bee not recalled to examination . But heereof wee haue giuen many examples in one of the Errors , or peccant humours , which wee ranne briefely ouer in our first Booke . And lastly , lette vs consider the false appearances , that are imposed vpon vs by words , which are framed , and applyed according to the conceit , and capacities of the Vulgar sorte : And although wee thinke we gouerne our wordes , and prescribe it well . Loquendum vt Vulgus , sentiendum vt sapientes : Yet certaine it is , that wordes , as a ●…artars Bowe , doe shoote backe vppon the vnderstanding of the wisest , and mightily entangle , and pernert the Iudgement . So as it is almost necessarie in all controuersies and disputations , to imitate the wisedome of the Mathematician●… , in setting downe in the verie beginning , the definitions of our wordes and termes , that others may knowe howe wee accept and vnderstand them , and whether they concurre with vs or no. For it commeth to passe for want of this , that we are sure to end there where wee ought to haue begun , which is in questions & differences about words . To conclude therefore , it must be confessed , that it is not possible to diuorce our selues from these fallacies and false appearances , because they are inseparable from our Nature and Condition of life ; So yet neuerthelesse the Caution of them ( for all Elenches as was saide , are but Cautions ) doth extreamely importe the true conducte of Humane Iudgement . The particular Elenches or Cautions against these three false appearances , I finde altogether deficient . There remayneth one parte of Iudgement of great excellencie , which to mine vnderstanding is so sleightly touched , as I maye reporte that also deficient , which is the application of the differinge kindes of Proofes , to the differing kindes of Subiects : for there beeing but foure kindes of demonstrations , that is by the immediate consent of the Minde or Sence ; by Induction ; by Sophisme ; and by Congruitie , which is that which Aristotle calleth Demonstration in Orbe , or Circle , and not a Notioribus , euerie of these hath certaine Subiects in the Matter of Sciences , in which respectiuely they haue chiefest vse ; and certaine other , from which respectiuely they ought to be excluded , and the rigour , and curiositie , in requiring the more seuere Proofes in some thinges , and chiefely the facilitie in contenting our selues with the more remisse Proofes in others , hath beene amongest the greatest causes of detryment and hinderance to Knowledge . The distributions and assignations of demonstrations , according to the Analogie of Sciences , I note as deficient . The Custodie or retayning of Knowledge , is either in WRITING or MEMORIE ; whereof WRITINGE hath twoo partes ; The Nature of the CHARACTER , and the order of the ENTRIE : for the Art of Characters , or other visible notes of Wordes or thinges , it hath neerest coniugation with Grammar , and therefore I referre it to the due place ; for the Disposition and Co●…ocation of that Knowledge which wee preserue in Writing ; It consisteth in a good Digest of Common Places , wherein I am not ignorant of the preiudice imputed to the vse of Common-Place Bookes , as causing a retardation of Reading , and some sloth or relaxation of Memorie . But because it is but a counterfeit thing in Knowledges to be forward and pregnant , except a man bee deepe and full ; I hould the Entrie of Common places , to bee a matter of great vse and essence in studying ; as that which assureth copie of Inuention and contracteth Iudgment to a strength . But this is true , that of the Methodes of Common places , that I haue seen , there is none of any sufficient woorth , all of them carying meerely the face of a Schoole , and not of a World , and referring to vulgar matters , and Pedanticall Diuisions without all life , or respect to Action . For the other Principall Parte of the Custodie of Knowledge , which is MEMORIE ; I finde that facultie in my Iudgement weakely enquired of ; An Art there is extant of it ; But it seemeth to me that there are better Precepts , than that Art , and better practises of that Art , than those recei●…ed . It is certaine , the Art as it is ) may bee raysed to points of ostentation prodigious : But in vse ( as it is nowe mannaged ) it is barrein , not burdensome , nor dangerous to Naturall Memorie , as is imagined , but barren , that is , not dexterous to be ayplyed to the serious vse of businesse and occasions . And therefore I make no more estimation of repeating a great number of Names or Wordes vppon once hearing ; or the powring foorth of a number of Verses or Rimes ex tempore ; or the making of a Satyricall Simile of euerie thing , or the turning of euerie thing to a Iest , or the falsifying or contradicting of euerie thing by Cauill , or the like ( wherof in the faculties of the Minde , there is great Copie , and such , as by deuise and practise may bee exalted to an extreame degree of woonder ; ) than I doe of the trickcs of Tumblers , Funambuloes , Baladynes ; the one being the same in the Minde , that the other is in the bodie ; Matters of strangenesse without worthynesse . This Art of Memorie , is but built vpon two Intentions : The one Praenotion ; the other Embleme : Praenotion , dischargeth the Indefinite seeking of that we would remember , and directeth vs to seeke in a narrowe Compasse : that is , somewhat that hath Congruitie with our Place of Memorie : Embleme reduceth conceits intellectuall to Images sensible , which strike the Memorie more ; out of which Axiomes may bee drawne much better Practique , than that in vse , and besides which Axiomes , there are diuers moe , touching helpe of Memorie , not inferior to them . But I did in the beginning distinguish , not to report those thinges deficient , which are but onely ill Managed . There remayneth the fourth kinde of RATIONALL KNOVVLEDGE , which is transitiue , concerning the expressing or transferring our Knowledg to others , which I will tearme by the generall name of TRADITION OR DELIVERIE . TRADITION hath three parres : the first concerning the ORGANE OF TRADITION : the second , concerning the METHODE OF TRADITION : And the thirde , concerning the ILLVSTRATION OF TRADITION . For the ORGANE OF TRADITION , it is either SPEECH OR WRITING : for Aristotle sayth well : Wordes are the Images of Cogitations , and Letters are the Images of Wordes : But yet is not of necessitie , that Cogitations bee expressed by the Medium of Wordes . For whatsoeuer is capable of sufficient differences , and those perceptible by the sense ; is in Nature competent to expresse Cogitations : And therefore we see in the Commerce of barbarous People , that vnderstand not one anothers language , & in the practise of diuers that ar dumb & deafe that mens minds are expressed in gestures , though not exactly , yet to serue the turne . And we vnderstand further , that it is the vse of Chyna , and the Kingdomes of the High Leuant , to write in Characters reall , which expresse neither Letters , nor words in grosse , but Things or Nottons : in so much as Countreys and Prouinces , which vnderstand not one anothers language , can neuerthelesse read one anothers Writings , because the Characters are accepted more generally , than the Languages doe extend ; and 〈◊〉 therefore they haue a vast multitude of Characters , as many ( I suppose , as Radicall words . These Notes of Cogitations are of twoo sortes ; The one when the Note hath some Similitude , or Congruitie with the Notion ; The other Ad Placitum , hauing force onely by Contract or Acceptation . Of the former sort are Hierogliphickes , and Gestures . For as to Hierogliphickes , ( things of Ancient vse , and embraced chiefely by the Aegyptians , one of the most ancient Nations ) they are but as continued Impreases and Emblemes . And as for Gestures , they are as Transitorie Hierogliphickes , and are to Hierogliphickes , as Words spoken are to Wordes written , in that they abide not ; but they haue euermore as well , as the other an affinitie with the thinges signified : as Periander beeing consulted with how to preserue a tyrannie newly vsurped , bid the Messenger attend , and report what hee sawe him doe , and went into his Garden , and topped all the higest flowers : signifying that it consisted in the cutting off , and keeping low of the Nobilitie and Grandes ; Ad Placitum , are the Characters reall before mentioned , and Words : although some haue ben willing by Curious Enquirie , or rather by apt fayning , to haue deriued imposition of Names , from Reason and Intendment : a speculation elegant , and by reason it searcheth into Antiquitie reuerent : but sparingly mixt with truth , and of small fruite . This portion of knowledge , touching the Notes of thinges , and Cogitations in generall , I finde not enquired , but deficient . And although it may seeme of no great vse , considering that Words , and Writings by letters , doe far excell all the other wayes : yet because this part concerneth , as it were the Mint of knowledge ( for wordes , are the tokens currant and accepted for conceits , as Moneys are for values and that it is fit men be not ignorant , that Moneys may bee of another kind , than gold and siluer ) I thought good to propound it to better Enquirie . Concerning SPEECH and WORDES , the Consideration of them hath produced the Science of GRAMMAR : for Man still striueth to reintegrate himselfe in those benedictions , from which by his fault hee hath been depriued ; And as hee hath striuen against the first generall Curse , by the Inuention of all other Artes : So hath hee sought to come soorth of the seconde generall Curse , ( which was the confusion of Tongues ) by the Art of GRAMMAR ; whereof the vse in another tongue is small : in a forreine tongue more : but most in such Forraine Tongues , as haue ceased to be Vulgar Tongues , and are turned onely to learned tongues . The duetie of it is of twoo Natures : The one Popular , which is for the speedie , and perfect attayning Languages , as well for intercourse of Speech , as for vnderstanding of Authors : The other Philosophicall , examining the power and Nature of Wordes , as they are the foot-steppes and prints of Reason : which kinde of Analogie betweene Wordes , and Reason is handled Sparsim , brokenly , though not entirely : and therefore I cannot report it deficient , though I thinke it verie worthy to be reduced into a Science by it selfe . Vnto GRAMMAR also belongeth , as an Appendix , the consideration of the Accidents of Wordes , which are Measure , sound , and Eleuation , or Accent , and the sweetenesse and harshnesse of them : whence hath yssued some curious obseruations in Rhetoricke , but chiefely Poesie , as wee consider it , in respect of the verse , and not of the Argument : wherein though men in learned Tongues , doe tye themselues to the Ancient Measures , yet in moderne Languages , it seemeth to me , as free to make newe Measures of Verses , as of Daunces : For a Daunce is a measured pace , as a Verse is a measured Speech . In these thinges the Sence is better Iudge , than the Art. Coenae fercula nostrae ; Mallem conuiuis , quam placuisse Cocis . And of the seruile expressing Antiquitie in an vnlike and an vnfit Subiect , it is well sayd , Quod tempore antiquum videtur , id incongruitate est maxime nouum . For CYPHARS ; they are commonly in Letters or Alphabets , but may bee in Wordes . The kindes of CYPHARS , ( besides the SIMPLE CYPHARS with Changes , and intermixtures of NVLLES , and NONSIGNIFICANTS ) are many , according to the Nature or Rule of the infoulding : WHEELECYPHARS , KAY-CYPHARS , DOVBLES , &c. But the vertues of them , whereby they are to be preferred , are three ; that they be not laborious to write and reade ; that they bee impossible to discypher ; and in some cases , that they bee without suspition . The highest Degree whereof , is to write OMNIA PER OMNIA ; which is vndoubtedly possible , with a proportion Quintuple at most , of the writing infoulding , to the writing infoulded , and no other restrainte whatsoeuer . This Arte of Cypheringe , hath for Relatiue , an Art of Discypheringe ; by supposition vnprofitable ; but , as things are , of great vse . For suppose that Cyphars were well mannaged , there bee Multitudes of them which exclude the Discypherer . But in regarde of the rawnesse and vnskilfulnesse of the handes , through which they pas●…e , the greatest Matters , are many times carryed in the weakest Cyphars . In the Enumeration of these priuate and retyred Artes , it may bee thought I seeke to make a greate Muster-Rowle of Sciences ; naminge them for shewe and ostentation , and to little other purpose . But lette those which are skilfull in them iudge , whether I bring them in onely for apparance , or whether in that which I speake of them ( though in fewe Markes ) there be not some seede of proficience . And this must bee remembred , that as there bee many of great account in their Countreys and Prouinces , which when they come vp to the Seate of the Estate , are but of meane Ranke and scarcely regarded : So these Arts being heere placed with the principall , and supreame Sciences , seeme petty thinges : yet to such as haue chosen them to spende their labours studies in them , they seeme great Matters . For the METHODE OF TRADITION , I see it hath mooued a Controuersie in our time . But as in Ciuile businesse , if there bee a meeting and men fall at Wordes , there is commonly an end of the Matter for that time , and no proceeding at all : So in Learning , where there is much controuersie , there is many times little Enquirie . For this part of knowledge of Methode seemeth to mee so weakely enquired , as I shall report it deficient . METHODE hath beene placed , and that not amisse in Logicke , as a part of Iudgement ; For as the Doctrine of Syllogismes comprehendeth the rules of Iudgement vppon that which is inuented ; So the Doctrine of Methode contayneth the rules of Iudgement vppon that which is to bee deliuered , for Iudgement precedeth Deliuerie , as it followeth Inuentions . Neither is the METHODE , or the NATVRE OF THE TRADITION materiall onely to the Vse of Knowledge , but likewise to the Progress●…on of Knowledge : for since the labour and life of one man , cannot attaine to perfection of Knowledge ; the Wisedome of the Tradition , is that which inspireth the felicitie of continuance , and proceding . And therefore the most reall diuersitie of Methode , is of METHODE REFERRED TO VSE , and METHODE REFERRED TO PROGRESSION , whereof the one may bee tearmed MAGISTRALL , and the other of PROBATION . The later whereof seemeth to be Via deserta & interclusa . For as Knowledges are now deliuered , there is a kinde of Contract of Errour , betweene the Deliuerer , and the Receiuer : for he that deliuereth knowledge ; desireth to deliuer it in such fourme , as may be best beleeued ; and not as may best examined : and hee that receiueth knowledge , desireth rather present satisfaction , than expectant Enquirie , & so rather not to doubt , than not to erre : glorie making the Author not to lay open his weaknesse , and sloth making the Disciple not to knowe his strength . But knowledge , that is deliuered as a threade to bee spunne on , ought to bee deliuered and intimated , if it were possible , In the same Methode wherein it was inuented ; and so is it possible of knowledge induced . But in this same anticipated and preuented knowledge ; no man knoweth howe hee came to the knowledge which hee hath obtayned . But yet neuerthelesse Secundum maius & minus , a man may reuisite , and descend vnto the foundations of his Knowledge and Consent : and so transplant it into another , as it grewe in his owne Minde . For it is in Knowledges , as it is in Plantes ; if you meane to vse the Plant , it is no matter for the Rootes : But if you meane to remooue it to growe , then it is more assured to rest vppon rootes , than Slippes : So the deliuerie of Knowledges ( as it is nowe vsed ) is as of faire bodies of Trees without the Rootes : good for the Carpenter , but not for the Planter : But if you will haue Sciences growe ; it is lesse matter for the shafte , or bodie of the Tree , so you looke well to the takinge vp of the Rootes . Of which kinde of deliuerie the Methode of the Mathematiques , in that Subiect , hath some shadowe ; but generally I see it neither put in vre , nor put in Inquisition : and therefore note it for deficient . Another diuersitie of METHODE there is , which hath some affinitie with the former , vsed in some cases , by the discretion of the Auncients ; but disgraced since by the Impostures of many vaine persons , who haue made it as a false light for their counterfei●…e Marchandizes ; and that is Enigmaticali and Disclosed . The pretence whereof , is to remooue the vulgar Capacities from beeing admitted to the secretes of Knowledges , and to reserue them to selected Auditors : or wittes of such sharpenesse as can pearce the vayle . Another diuersitie of METHODE , whereof the consequence is great , is the deliuerie of knowledge in APHORISMES , or in METHODES ; wherein wee may obserue , that it hath beene too much taken into Custome , out of a fewe Axiomes or Obseruations , vppon any Subiecte , to make a solemne , and formall Art ; filling it with some Discourses , and illustratinge it with Examples ; and digesting it into a sensible Methode : But the writinge in APHORISMES , hath manye excellent vertues , whereto the writinge in Methode doth not approach . For first , it tryeth the Writer , whether hee be superficiall or solide : For Aphorismes , except they should bee ridiculous , cannot bee made but of the pyth and heart of Sciences : for discourse of illustration is cut off , Recitalles of Examples are cut off : Discourse of Connexion , and order is cut off ; Descriptions of Practize , are cutte off ; So there remayneth nothinge to fill the Ap●…ismes , but some good quantitie of Obseruation : And therefore no man can suffice , nor in reason will attempt to write Aphorismes , but hee that is sound and grounded . But in Methodes , Tantum Series iuncturaque Pollet , Tantum de Medio sumptis , accedit honoris : As a Man shall make a great shew of an Art , which if it were disioynted , would come to little . Secondly ; Methodes are more fit to winne Consent ; or beleefe ; but lesse fit to point to Action ; for they carrie a kinde of Demonstration in Orbe or Circle , one part illuminating another ; and therefore satisfie . But particulars beeing dispersed , doe best agree with dispersed directions . And lastlye Aphorismes , representing a knowledge broken , doe inuite men to enquire further ; whereas Methodes carrying the shewe of a Totall , doe secure men ; as if they were at furthest . Another Diuersitie of METHODE , which is likewise of great weight , is , The handling of knowledge by Assertions , and their Proofes ; or by Questions , and their Determinations : The latter kinde whereof , if it bee immoderately followed , is as preiudiciall to the proceeding of Learning , as it is to the proceedinge of an Armie , to goe about to besiege euerie little Forte , or Holde . For if the Field bee kept , and the summe of the Enterprize pursued , those smaller thinges will come in of themselues ; Indeede a Man would not leaue some important peece Enemie at his backe . In like manner , the vse of confutation in the deliuerie of Sciences ought to beverie sparing ; and to serue to remooue stronge Preoccupations and Preiudgements , and not to minister and excite Disputations and doubts . Another Diuersitie of Methodes , is , According to the Subiect or Matter , which is handled . For there is a great difference in Deliuerie of the Mathematiques , which are the most abstracted of knowledges , and Policie , which is the most immersed ; And howsoeuer contention hath been mooued , touching an vniformitie of Methode in Multiformitie of Matter : Yet wee see howe that opinion , besides the weakenesse of it , hath beene of ill desert , towardes Learning , as that which taketh the way , to reduce Learning to certaine emptie and barren Generalities ; beeing but the verie Huskes , and Shales of Sciences , all the kernell beeing forced out , and expulsed , with the torture and presse of the Methode : And therefore as I did allow well of particular topiques for Inuention : so I doe allow likewise of particular Methodes of Tradition . Another Diuersitie of Iudgement in the deliuerie and teaching of knowledge , is , According vnto the light and presuppositions of that which is deliuered : For that knowledge , which is newe and forreine from opinions receiued , is to bee deliuered in another fourme , than that that is agreeable and familiar ; And therefore Aristotle , when he thinkes to taxe Democritus , doth in truth , commend him ; where hee sayth : If wee shall indeede dispute , and not followe after Similitudes , &c. For those , whose conceites are seated in popular opinions , neede onely but to prooue or dispute : but those , whose Conceits are beyonde popular opinions , haue a double labour ; the one to make themselues conceiued , and the other to prooue and demonstrate . So that it is of necessitie with them to haue recourse to similitudes , and translations , to expresse themselues . And therefore in the Infancie of Learning , and in rude times , when those Conceits , which are now triuiall , were then newe ; the World was full of Parables and Similitudes ; for else would men either haue passed ouer without Marke , or else reiected for Paradoxes , that which was offered ; before they had vnderstoode or iudged . So ; in Diuine Learning , wee see howe frequent Parables and Tropes are ; For it is a Rule , That whatsoeuer Science is not consonant to presuppositions , must pray in ayde of Similitudes . There be also other Diuersities of METHODES vulgar and receiued : as that of Resolution , or Analysis , of Constitution , or Systasis , of Concealement , or Cryptique , &c. which I doe allowe well of ; though I haue stood vpon those which are least handled and obserued . All which I haue remembred to this purpose , because I would erecte and constitute one generall Enquirie ( which seemes to mee deficient ) touching the Wisedome of Tradition . But vnto this part of Knowledge , concerning METHODE , doth further belong , not onely the Architecture of the whole frame of a Worke , but also the seuerall beames and Columnes thereof ; not as to their stuffe , but as to their quantitie , and figure : And therefore , Methode considereth , not onely the disposition of the Argument or Subiect , but likewise the Propositions : not as to their Truth or Matter , but as to their Limitation and Manner . For herein Ramus merited better a great deale , in reuiuing the good Rules of Propositions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. than he did in introducing the Canker of Epitomes : And yet , ( as it is the Condition of Humane thinges , that according to the ancient Fables , The most pretious thinges haue the most pernitious Keepers ) It was so , that the attempt of the one , made him fall vpon the other . For hee had neede be well conducted , that should designe to make Axiomes Conuertible : If he make them not withall Circular , and Non promouent , or Incurring into themselues : but yet the Intention was excellent . The other Considerations of Methode , concerning Propositions , are chiefely touching the vtmost Propositions , which limit the Dimensions of Sciences : for euerie Knowledge may bee fitly sayd , besides the Profunditie ( which is the truth and substance of it , that makes it solide ) to haue a Longitude , and a Latitude : accounting the latitude towardes other Sciences : and the Longitude towards Action : that is , from the greatest Generalitie , to the most particular Precept : The one giueth Rule howe farre one knowledge ought to intermeddle within the Prouince of another , which is the Rule they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The other giueth Rule , vnto what degree of particularitie , a knowledge should descend : which latter I finde passed ouer in silence ; being in my Iudgement , the more materiall . For certainely , there must bee somewhat left to practise ; but howe much is worthy the Enquirie : wee see remote and superficiall Generalities , doe but offer Knowledge , to scorne of practicall men : and are no more ayding to practise , than an Ortelius vniuersall Mappe , is to direct the way betweene London and Yorke . The better sort of Rules , haue beene not vnfitly compared to glasses of steele vnpullished ; where you may see the Images of thinges , but first they must bee filed : So the Rules will helpe , if they bee laboured and pullished by practise . But howe Christallyne they may bee made at the first , and howe farre forth they may be pullished afore-hand , is the question ; the Enquirie whereof , seeemeth to me deficient . There hath beene also laboured , and put in practise a Methode , which is not a lawfull Methode , but a Methode of Imposture ; which is to deliuer knowledges in such manner , as men may speedily come to make a shewe of Learning , who haue it not ; such was the trauaile of Raymundus Lullius , in making that Art , which beares his name ; not vnlike to some Bookes of Typocosmy , which haue beene made since ; beeing nothing but a Masse of words of all Arts ; to giue men countenance , that those which vse the tearmes ; might bee thought to vnderstand the Art ; which Collections are much like a Frippers or Brokers shoppe ; that hath ends of euerie thing , but nothing of worth . Nowe wee descend to that part , which concerneth the ILLVSRATION OF TRADITION , comprehended in that Science , which wee call RHETORICKE , OR ART OF ELOQVENCE ; A Science excellent , and excellently well laboured . For although in true value , it is inferiour to Wisedome , as it is sayd by God to Moses , when he disabled himselfe , for want of this Facultie , Aaron shall bee thy Speaker , and thou shalt bee to him as God : Yet with people it is the more mightie ; For so Salomon sayth : Sapiens Corde appellabitur Prudens ; sed dulcis Eloquio Maiora reperict : Signifying that profoundnesse of Wisedome , will helpe a Man to a Name or Admiration ; but that it is Eloquence , that preuayleth in an actiue life ; And as to the labouring of it , the Emulation of Aristotle , with the Rhetoricians of his time , and the experience of Cicero , hath made them in their Workes of Rhetorickes , exceede themselues . Againe , the excellencie of Examples of Eloquence , in the Orations of Demosthenes and Cicero , added to the perfection of the Precepts of Eloquence , hath doubled the progression in this Arte : And therefore , the Deficiences which I shall note , will rather bee in some Collections , which may as Hand-maydes attend the Art ; than in the Rules , or vse of the Art it selfe . Notwithstanding , to stirre the Earth a little about the Rootes of this Science , as we haue done of the rest ; The dutie and Office of Rhetoricke is , To apply Reason to Imagination , for the better moouing of the will ; For wee see Reason is disturbed in the Administration thereof by three meanes ; by Illaqueation , or Sophisme , which pertaines to Logicke ; by Imagination or Impression , which pertaines to Rhetoricke , and by Passion or Affection , which pertaines to Moralitie . And as in Negotiation with others ; men are wrought by cunning , by Importunitie , and by vehemencie ; So in this Negotiation within our selues ; men are vndermined by Inconsequences , sollicited and importuned , by Impressions or Obuersations : and transported by Passions : Neither is the Nature of Man so vnfortunately built , as that those Powers and Arts should haue force to disturbe Reason , and not to establish and aduance it : For the end of Logicke , is to teach a fourme of Argument , to secure Reason , and not to entrappe it . The end of Moralitie , is to procure the Affections to obey Reason , and not to inuade it . The end of Rhetoricke , is to fill the Imagination to second Reason , and not to oppresse it : for these abuses of Arts come in , but Ex oblique , for Caution . And therfore it was great Iniustice in Plate , though springing out of a iust hatred of the Rhetoricians of his time , to esteeme of Rhetoricke , but as a voluptuarie Art , resembling it to Cookerie , that did marre wholsome Meates , and helpe vnwholesome by varietie of sawces , to the pleasure of the tast . For wee see that speech is much more conuersant in adorning that which is good , than in colouring that which is euill : for there is no man but speaketh more honestly , than he can doe or thinke ; And it was excellently noted by Thucidides in Cleon , that because he vsed to hold on the bad side in Causes of estate ; therefore hee was euer inueying against Eloquence , and good speech ; knowing that no man can speake faire of Courses sordide and base . And therefore as Plato sayd elegantly : Th●…t vertue , if shee could be seen , would mooue great loue and affection : So seeing that she cannot bee shewed to the Senca , by corporall shape , the next degree is , to shewe her to the Imagination in liuely representation : for to shewe her to Reason , only in subtilitie of Argument , was a thing euer derided in Chrysippus , and many of the Stoykes , who thought to thrust vertue vppon men by sharpe disputations and Conclusions , which haue no Sympathy with the will of Man. Againe , if the affections in themselues were plyant and obedient to Reason , it were true , there shoulde bee no great vse of perswasions and insinuations to the will , more than of naked proposition and Proofes : but in regard of the continuall Mutinies and Seditions of the Affections : Video meliora , Proboque ; D●…teriora sequor ; Reason would become Captiue and seruile , if Eloquence of Perswasions , did not practise and winne the Imagination , from the affections part , and contract a Confederacie betweene the Reason and Imagination , against the Affections : For the Affections themselues , carrie euer an appetite to good , as Reason doth : The difference is , That the Affection beholdeth meerely the present ; Reason behouldeth the future , and summe of time . And therefore , the Present , filling the Imagination more ; Reason is commonly vanquished ; But after that force of Eloquence and perswasion , hath made thinges future , and remote , appeare as present , than vppon the reuolt of the Imagination , Reason pre●…ayleth . Wee conclude therefore , that Rhetoricke can bee no more charged , with the colouring of the worse part , than Logicke with Sophistrie , or Moralitie with Vice. For wee knowe the Doctrines of Contraries are the same , though the vse be opposite : It appeareth also , that Logicke differeth from Rhetoricke , not onely as the fist , from the pawme , the one close , the other at large ; but much more in this , that Logicke handleth Reason exacte , and in truth ; and Rhetoricke handleth it , as it is planted in popular opinions and Manners : And therefore Aristotle doth wisely place Rhetoricke , as betweene Logicke on the one side , and Morall or Ciuile Knowledge on the other , as participating of both : for the Proofes and Demonstrations of Logicke , are toward all men indifferent , and the same : But the Proofes and perswasions of Rhetoricke , ought to differ according to the Auditors , Orpheus in Syluis , inter Delphinas Arion ; Which application , in perfection of Idea , ought to extend so farre : that if a Man should speake of the same thing to seuerall persons : he should speake to them all respectiuely and seuerall wayes : though this Politique part of Eloquence in priuate Speech , it is easie for the greatest Orators to want : whilest by the obseruing their well graced fourmes of speech , they leese the volubilitie of Application : and therefore , it shall not be amisse to recommend this to better enquirie , not being curious , whether we place it heere , or in that part which concerneth Policie . Nowe therefore will I descend to the deficiences , which ( as I sayd ) are but Attendances : and first , I doe not finde the Wisedome and diligence of Aristotle well poursued , who began to make a Collection of the popular signes and colours of good and euill , both simple and comparatiue , which are as the Sophismes of Rhetoricke , ( as I touched before . ) For Example . SOPHISMA . Quod laudatur , bonum : Quod vttuperatur , malum . REDARGVTIO . Laudat vaenales , qui vult extrudere merces . Malum est , Malum est ( inquit Emptor ) sed cum re●…rit , tumgloriabitur . The defects in the labour of Aristotle are three : One , that there be but a few of many : another , that their Elenches are not annexed ; and the third , that hee conceiued but a part of the vse of them : for their vse is not onely in probation , but much more in Impression . For many fourmes are equall in Signification , which are differing in Impression : as the difference is great in the piercing of that which is sharpe , and that which is flat , though the strength of the percussion be the same : for there is no man , but will be a little more raysed by hearing it sayd : Your enemies will be glad of this , Hos I thacus velit , & magnomercentur Atridae , Than by hearing it sayd only , This is euill for you . Secondly , I do resume also , that which I mentioned before , touching Prouision or Praeparatorie store , for the Furniture of speech , and readinesse of Inuention ; which appeareth to be of two sorts ; The one in resemblance to a shoppe of peeces vnmade vp ; the other to a shopp of thinges ready made vp , both to be applyed to that which is frequent , and most in request ; The former of these I will call Antitheta , & the latter Formulae . Antitheta are Theses argued , pro & contra , wherin men may be more large & laborious ; but ( in such as are able to doe it ) to auoyd prolixity of entry , I wish the seedes of the seuerall arguments to be cast vp into some briefe and acute sentences : not to bee cyted : but to bee as Skaynes or Bottomes of thread , to bee vnwinded at large , when they come to be vsed : supplying authorities , and Examples by reference . Pro verbis legis , Non est interpretatio , sed diuinatio , quae recedit a littera , Cum receditur a littera Index transit in legislatorem , Pro sententia Legis . Ex omnibus verbis est Elu●…endus sensus , qui interpretatur singula : Formulae are but decent and apt passages or conueyances of speeche , which may serue indifferently for differing subiects , as of Preface , Conclusion , Digression , Transition , Excusation , &c. For as in buildings there is great pleasure and vse in the well casting of the staire cases , entryes , doores , windowes , and the like , so in speeche , the conueyances and passages are of speciall ornament and effect . A conclusion in a Del●…eratiue . So may we redeeme the faults passed & preuent the inconue niences future . There remayn two Appendices touching the tradition of knowledge , The one Criticall , The other Pedanticall . For all knowledge is eyther deliuered by Teachers , or attayned by mens proper endeuors : And therefore as the principall part of Tradition of knowledge concerneth chiefly in writing of Books ; So the Relatiue part thereof concerneth reading of Bookes Wherunto appertayn incidently these consideratiōs . The first is cōcerning the true Correction & editiō of Authors , wherin neuerthelesse rash diligēce hath don gret preiudice . For these Critiques haue oftē presumed that that which they vnderstandnot , is false set down ; As the Priest , that where he found it written of S. Paul Demissus est per sportam , mēded his book , and made it Demissus est per portam because , Sperta was an hard word , and out of his reading ; and surely their errors , though they be not so palpable and ridiculous , yet are of the same kind . And therefore as it hath beene wisely noted , the most corrected copies are cōmonly the least correct . The second is concerning the exposition and explication of Authors , which resteth in Annotations and Cōmentaryes , wherin it is ouer vsual to blaunch the obscure places , and discourse vpon the playne . The third is concerning the times , which in many cases giue great light to true Interpretations . The fourth is concerning some briefe Censure and iudgement of the Authors , that men therby may make some election vnto themselues , what Bookes to reade : And the fift is concerning the Syntax and disposition of studies , that men may know in what order or pursuite to reade . For PEDANTICALL knowledge , it contayneth that differēce of Tradition which is proper for youth : Whereunto appertaine diuers considerations of greatfruit . As first the tyming and seasoning of knowledges , as with what to initiate them , and from what for a time to refraine them : Secondly , the consideration where to begin with the easiest , and so proceede to the more difficult , And in what courses to presse the more difficulte and then to turne them to the more easie : for it is one Methode to practise swimming with bladders , and another to practise dauncing with heauy shooes . A third is the application of learning according vnto the propriety of the wittes ; for there is no defect in the faculties intellectuall , but seemeth to haue a proper Cure contayned in some studies ; As for example , If a Child be Bird-witted , that is , hath not the facultie of attention , the Mathematiques giueth a remedy thereunto ; for in them , if the witte be caught away but a moment , one is new to begin . And as sciences haue a propriety towards faculties for Cure and helpe ; So faculties or powers haue a Simpathy towards Sciences for excellency or speedy profiting : And therfore it is an enquity of greate wisedom what kinds of wits and Natures are most apt and proper for what sciences . Fourthly the ordering of exercises is matter of great consequence to hurt or helpe ; For as is well ob serued by Cicero , men in exercising their faculties if they be not wel aduised doe exercise their faultes & get ill habits as well as good ; so as there is a greate iudgement to be had in the continuance and intermission of Exercises . It were to longe to particularize a number of other consideratiōs of this nature , things but of meane appearance , but of singular efficacy . For as the wronging or cherishing of seeds or young plants , is that , that is most important to their thriuing And as it was noted , that the first six kings being in trueth as Tutors of the State of Rome in the infancy thereof , was the principal cause of the immense greatnesse of that state which followed . So the culture and manurance of Minds in youth , hath such a forcible ( though vnseen ) operacion , as hardly any length of time or contention of labour can counteruaile it afterwards . And it is not amisse to obserue also , how small and meane faculties gotten by Education , yet when they fall into greate men or great matters , doe work great and important effects : whereof we see a notable example in Tacitus of two Stage-plaiers , Percennius and Vibulenus , who by their facultie of playing , put the Pannonian armies into an extreame tumulte and combustion . For there arising a mutinie amongst them , vpon the death of Augustus Caesar , Bloesus the lieuetenant had committed some of the Mutiners which were suddenly rescued : whereupon Vtbulenus got to be heard speake , which he did in this manner , These poore innocent wretches appointed to cruell death , you haue restored to behould the light . But who shall restore my brother to me , or life vnto my brother ? that was sent hither in message from the legions of Germany , to treat of the common Cause , and he hath murdered him this last night by some of his sencers & ruffians , that he hath about him for his executioners vpon Souldiours : Answer Blaesus , what is done with his body : The mortallest Enem'es doe not deny buriall : when I haue performed my last duties to the Corpes with kisses , with teares , command me to be slaine besides him , so that these my fellowes for our good meaning , and our true hearts to the Legions may haue leaue to bury vs. With which speeche he put the army into an infinite fury and vprore , whereas truth was he had no brother , neyther was there any such matter , but hee plaide it meerely as if he had beene vpon the stage . But to returne , we are now come to a period of RATIONALL KNOVVLEDGES , wherein if I haue made the diuisions other than those that are receiued , yet would I not be thought to disallow all those diuisions , which I doe not vse . For there is a double necessity imposed vpon me of altering the diuisions . The one because it differeth in end and purpose , to sorte together those things which are next in Nature , and those things which are next in vse . For if a secretary of Estate , should sort his papers , it is like in his study , or generall Cabinet , he would sort together things of a Nature , as Treaties , Instructions , &c. But in his Boxes , or particular Cabinet , hee would sort togither those that he were like to vse together , though of seuerall Natures : So in this generall Cabynet of knowledge , it was necessary for me to follow the diuisions of the Nature of things , whereas if my selfe had beene to handle any particular knowledge , I would haue respected the Diuisions fittest for vse . The other , because the bringing in of the Deficiences did by Consequence alter the Partitions of the rest , For let the knowledge extant ( for demonstration sake ) be 15. Let the knowledge with the Deficiences be 20. the parts of 15. are not the parts of 20 , for the parts of 15 , are 3. and 5. the parts of 20. are 2. 4. 5. and 10. So as these things are without Contradiction , and could not otherwise be . WE proceed now to that knowledge which cō sidereth of the APPETITE and WILL OF Man , whereof Salomon sayth Anteomnia fili custodi cor tuum , nam inde procedunt actiones vilae . In the handling of this science , those which haue written seeme to me to haue done as if a man that professed to teach to write did only exhibit faire copies of Alphabets , & letters ioyned , without geuing any precepts or directiōs , for the cariage of the hād & framing of the letters . So haue they made good & fair Exemplars & coppies , carieng the draughts and pour traiturs of Good. Vertue , Duety , Felicity . propoūding thē well described as the true obiects and scopes of mās wil and desires : But how to attain these excellēt marks , and how to frame and subdue the will of man to become true and conformable to these pursuites , they passe it ouer altogether , or slightly and vnprofitably For it is not the disputing . That morall vertues are in the Minde of man by habite & not by nature : or the distinguishing . That generous spirites are wonne by doctrines and perswasions , and the vulgar sort by reward & punishment , and the like scattered glances and touches that can excuse the absence of this parte . The reason of this omission I suppose to be that hidden Rocke wherevppon both this and many other barques of knowledge haue beene cast away , which is , that men haue dispised to be conuersant in ordinary and common matters , the iudicious direction whereof neuerthelesse is the wisest doctrine : ( for life consisteth not in nouelties nor subtilities ) but contrariwise they haue compounded Sciences chiefly of a certaine resplendent or lustrous masse of matter chosen to giue glory either to the subtillity of disputacions or to the eloquence of discourses . But Seneca , giueth an excellent check to eloquence Nocet illis eloquentia , quibus non rerum cupiditatem facit sed sui , doctrines should be such as should make men in loue with the Lesson , and not with the Teacher , being directed to the Auditors benefite , and not to the Authors commendation : And therefore those are of the right kinde which may be concluded as Demosthenes concludes his counsell Quae si feceritis non Oratorem duntaxat inpraesentia laudabitis sed vosmetipsos etiā nō ita multo post statu rerum vestrarum meliore . Neyther needed men of so excellent parts to haue despaired of a Fortune , ( which the Poet Virgill promised himselfe , and indeed obtained ) who got as much glory of eloquence , wit , and learning in the expressing of the obseruacions of husbandry , as of the heroicall acts of Aeneas . Nec sunt animi dubius verbis ea vincere magnum . Quam sit & augustis his addere rebus honorem . And surely if the purpose be in good earnest not to write at leasure that which mē may read at leasure , but really to instruct and suborne Action and actiue life , these Georgickes of the mind concerning the husbādry & tillage therof , are no lesse worthy thē the heroical descriptiōs of vertue , duty , & felicity wherfore the maine & primitiue diuision of Morall knowledge seemeth to be into the EXEMPLAR or PLATFORME of GOOD , and the REGIMENT or CVLTVRE OF THE MIND ; The one describing the nature of Good the other prescribing rules how to subdue , apply and accomodate the will of man therevnto . The Doctrine touching the PLATFORME or NaTVRE of GOOD considereth it either SIMPLE or COMPARED either the kindes of Good or the degrees of Good : In the later whereof those infinite disputations , which were touching the supreme degree thereof , which they terme Felicity , Beatitude , or the highest Good , the doctrines concerning which were as the heathen Diuinity , are by the christian faith discharged . And as Aristotle saith , That yong men may bee happy , but not otherwise , but by Hope ; So we must all acknowledge our Minority , and embrace the felicity , which is by hope of the future world . Freed therefore , and deliuered from this doctrine of the Philosophers heauen , whereby they fayned an higher eleuation of Mans Nature , then was ; For we see in what an height of stile Seneca writeth , Vere Magnum , habere fragilitatem hominis , securitatem Dei. ) We may with more sobriety and truerh receiue the rest of their Enquiries , and labors ? Wherein for the Nature of Good Positiue , or simple , they haue set it downe excellently , in describing the fourmes of Vertue and Duty , with their situations and postures , in distributing them into their kinds , parts , Prouinces , Actions , and Administrations , and the like ; Nay furder , they haue commended them to Mans Nature , and spirite with greate quicknesse of Argumente , and beauty of persuasions , yea , and fortified and entrenched them ( as much as discourse can doe ) against corrupt and popular opinions . Againe , for the degrees , and Comparatiue Nature of Good , they haue also excellentlye handled it in their triplicity of Good ; in the comparisons betweene a Contemplatiue and an actiue life , in the distinction between vertue with reluctation , and vertue secured ; in their encounters between honesty and profit , in theyr ballancing of vertue with vertue , and the like ; so as this parte deserueth to bee reported for excellentlye laboured . Notwithstanding , if before they had commen to the popular and receiued Nocions of vertue and vice , pleasure and payne , and the rest , they had stayed a little longer vpon the Enquirye , concerning the Rootes of Good and euill , and the Strings of those Rootes , they had giuen in my opinion , a great light to that which followed ; and speciallye if they had consulted with Nature , they had made their doctrins lesse prolixe , and more profound ; which beeing by them in part omitted , and in part handled with much Confusion , we will endeauour to resume , and open in a more cleare Manner . There is fourmed in euery thing a double Nature of Good ; the one , as euery thing is , a Totall or substantiue in it selfe ; the other , as it is a parte or Member of a greater Bodye ; whereof the the later is in degree the greater , and the worthier , because it tendeth to the conseruation of a more generall fourme . Therefore we see , the Iron in particuler simpathye mooueth to the Loadstone ; But yet if it exceede a cettayne quantity , it forsaketh the affection to the Loadstone and like a good patriot mooueth to the Earth which is the Region and Countrye of Massie Bodyes ; so may we goe forward , and see that Water and Massie bodyes moue to the Center of the earth But rather thē to suffer a diuulsiō in the cōtinuāce of Nature they wil mooue vpwards from the Center of the Earth : forsaking their dutye to the Earth in regard of their duty to the World. This double nature of Good & the com-paratiue thereof is much more engrauē vpon Man , if he degenerate not : vnto whō the Cōseruation of duty to the publique ought to be much more pecious then the Conseruation of life and being : according to that Memorable speache of Pompeius Magnus when being in commission of purueiance for a famine at Rome , and being dissuaded with great vehemency and instance by his frinds about him that he should not hazard himselfe to Sea in an exreemity of weather he sayd only to them : Necesse est vt eam , non vt viuam : But it may be truly affirmed that there was neuer any phylosophy , Religion or other discipline , which did so playnly and highly exalt the good which is Communicatiue and depresse the good which is priuate and particuler as the Holy faith : well declaring that it was the same God , that gaue the Christian Law to men , who gaue those Lawes of nature , to inaminate Creatures that we spake of before ; for we reade that the elected Saints of God haue wished themselues Anathemized , and razed out of the Booke of life , in an extasie of Charity , and infinite feeling of Communion . This being set downe and strongly planted doth iudge and determine most of the Controuersies wherein Morall Philosophie is Conuersant ; For first it decideth the question touching the preferment of the Contemplatiue or actiue life , and decideth it against Aristotle ; For all the reasōs which he bringeth for the Contemplatiue , are priuate , and respecting the pleasure and dignity of a mans selfe , ( in which respects no question the contemplatiue life hath the preemynence ; ) not much vnlike to that Comparison , which Pythagoras made for the gracing and Mag nifying of Philosophy , and Contemplacion who being asked what he was , answered : That if Hiero were euer at the Olimpian games , he knew the Manner , that some came to try their fortune for the prizes , and some cam as Merchants to vtter their commodities , and some came to make good cheere , and meete their friends , and som came to looke on , & that he was one of them that came to look on . But men must know , that in this Theater of Mans life , it is reserued onely for God and Angels to be loo kers on , Neither could the like question euer haue beene receiued in the Church , notwithstanding their ( Preticsa in oculis Domini mors sanctorum eius ) by which place they would exalt their Ciuile death , and reguler professions , but vpon this defence , that the Monastical life is not simple Contemplatiue , but performeth the duty either of incessant prayers and supplications which hath been truly esteemed as an office in the church , or els of writing or in taking instructions for writing concerning the law of God as Moses did , when he abode so long in the Mount. And so wee see Henoch the. 7. from Adam who was the first Contemplatiue & walked with God , yet did also endow the Church with prophesy which Sainte Iude citeth . But for contemplation which should be finished in itselfe without casting beames vpon society , assure●…ly diuinity knoweth it not . It decideth also the controuersyes betweene Zeno and Socrates , and theyr schooles and successions on the oneside , who placed felicity in vertue simply or attended : the actions and exercises wherof do chiefly imbrace and concerne society ; & on the other side , the C●…renaiques & Epicureans , whoplaced it in pleasure and made vertue , ( as it is vsed in some comedyes of Errors , wherein the Mistres and the Maide change ha bits ) to be but as a seruāt , without which , pleasure cānot be serued and attended , and the reformed schoole of the Epicureās , which placed it in serenity of mind and freedome from perturbation : as if they woulde haue deposed Iupiter againe , and restored Saturne , and the first age , when there was no summer nor winter , spring nor Autumne , but al after one ayre and season And Herillus , which placed felicity in extinguishmēt of the disputes of the mind , making no fixed Nature of Good and euill , esteeming things according to the cleernes of the desires , or the reluctation : which opini on was reuiued in the heresy of the Anabaptists , mea suring things according to the motions of the spirit , and the constancy or wauering of beleefe , all which are manifest to tend to priuate repose & cōtentment , and not to poynt of society . It censureth also the philosophy of Epictetus which presupposeth that felicity must bee placed in those things which are in our power , least we belyable to fortune & disturbance : as if it were not a thing much more happy to saile in good and vertuous ends for the publicke , then to obtayne all that wee can wish to our selues in our proper fortune : as Consaluo sayd to his souldiers , shewing them Naples and protesting , he had rather dy one foote forwards , then to haue his life secured for long , by one foote of retrayt : Whereunto the wisedome of that heauenly Leader hath signed , who hath affirmed that A good Conscience is a continuall Feaste , shewing plainly that the conscience of good intencions howsoeuer succeeding , is a more continuall ioy to nature , then all the prouision which can be made for security and repose . It censureth likewise that abuse of Philosophy , which grew generall about the time of Epictetus , in conuerting it into an occupation or profession : as if the purpose had bene , not to resist and extinguish perturbations , but to fly and auoide the causes of them , & to shape a particular kind and course of life to that end , introducing such an health of mind , as was that health of body , of which Aristotle speaketh of Herodic●… , who did nothing nothing all kis life long , but intend his health , whereas if men refer themselues to dutyes of Society ; as that health of Body is best , which is ablest to endure all alterations and extremityes , So likewise that health of Mind is most proper , which can goe through the greatest temptations and perturbations . So as Diogenes opinion is to be accepted , who Commended not them which absteyned , but them which sustayned , and could refraine their Mind in Precipitio , and could giue vnto the mind ( as is vsed in horsman ship ) the shortest stop or turne . Lastly it censureth the Tendernesse and want of application in some of the most auncient and reuerend Philosophers and Philosophicall men , that did retyre too easily from Ciuile businesse , for auoyding of Indignities & perturbations , whereas the resolution of men truly Moral , ought to be such , as the same Consaluo sayd , the honor of a souldior should be F tela Crassiore , and not so fine , as that euery thing should catch in it , and endanger it . To resume priuate or particular good , it falleth into the diuisiō of Good Actiue & Passiue ; For this differēce of Good , ( not vnlike to that which amongst the Romās was expressed in the familiar or houshold terms of Promus , and Condus , ) is formed also in all things , & is best disclosed in the two seuerall Appetites in crea tures ; the one to preserue or continue themselues , & the other to dilate or Multiply themselues ; whereof the later seemeth to be the worthyer ; For in Nature the heauens , which are the more worthy , are the A gent , and the earth , which is the lesse woorthye is the Patient . In the pleasures of liuing creatures , that of generation is greater then that of foode . In diuine Doctrine , Beatius est dare quam accipere : And in life there is no mans spirit so soft but estemeth the effecting of somwhat that he hath fixed in his desire more then sensuality : which priority of the Actiue Good , is much vpheld by the Consideration of our estate to be mortall & exposed to fortune : for , if wee mought haue a perpetuity and Certainty in our pleasures , the State of them would advance their price . But when we see it is but Magni aestimamus Mori tardius and Ne glorieris de crastino . Nescis Partum diei it maketh vs to desire to haue somwhat secured and exempted from Time , which are onelye our deedes and works , as it is sayd Operaeorum sequuntur eos . The preheminence likewise of this actiue good is vpheld by the affection which is naturall in man towardes variety and proceeding which in the pleasures of the sence which is the principal part of Passiue good ) can haue no great latitude . Cogita quamdiu eadem feceris : Ci bus , Somnus , Ludus , per h●…nc Circulū curritur , mori velle nō tantū fertis aut miser aut prudens sed etiā fastidiosus potest . But in enterprises , pursutes & purposes of life ther is much variety , wherof men are sēsible with pleasure in theyr inceptions , progressions , recoyls , reinteg ations , approches and atteynings to their ends . So as it was wel said : Vita siue proposito languida & vaga est . Neither hath this Actiue good an●… Identity with the good of Society , though , in some case , it hath an incidence into it : For although it do many times bring forth Acts of Beneficēce yet it is with a respect priuate to a mās own power , glory , amplificatiō , cōtinuāce : 〈◊〉 appeareth plainly when it findeth a contrary Sùbiect For that Gygātine state of mind which possesseth the trowblers or the world , such as was Lucius Sylla and infinit other in smaller model , who would haue all mē happy or vnhappy as they were their friends or Enimies , and would giue fourm to the world according to their owne humors ( which is the true Theomachy ) pretendeth and aspireth to Actiue good , though it recedeth furthest from good of Society which wee haue determined to be the greater . To resume Passiue Good it receiueth a subdiuision of Conseruatiue and Perfectiue . For let vs take a brief Review of that which we haue said , we haue spoken first of the Good of Society the intention whereof embraceth the Fourm of Humaine Nature , whereof we are members & Portions : and not our owne proper and Indiuidual fourme : we have spoken of Actiue good and supposed it as a part of Priuate and particu lar good . And rightly : For there is impressed vppon all things a triple desire or appetite proceeding from loue to themselues , one of preseruing and contynuing theyr form , another of Aduancing and Perfitting their fourm and a third of Multiplying and extending their iourme vpon other things : whereof the multiplying er signature of it vpon other things , is that which we handled by the name of Actiue good . So as there remayneth the conseruing of it and parfiting or raising of it : which later is the highest degree of Passiue good For to preserue in state , is the lesse ; to preserue with aduancement is the greater . So in man Ign●…us est ollis vigor , & coelestis ●…rigo . His approach or Assumptiō to diuine or Angel●…icall Nature , is the perfection of his forme , The error or false Imitatiō of which good is that whichis the tēpest of humane life whileman vpō the instinct of an aduācement Formal , and Essential is carried to seek an aduancement Locall . For as those which are sick , & finde no remedy , doe tumble vp and downe and chaunge place , as if by a Remoue Locall , they could obtayne a Remooue Internall : So is it with men in ambition , when fayling of the meane to exalt their Nature , they are in a perpetuall estuation to exalte theyr Place . So then passiue Good , is , as was sayde , eyther Conseruatiue or Perfectiue . To resume the good of conseruation or Comforte , which consisteth in the sruicion of that which is agreeable to our Natures , it seemeth to be the most pure and Naturall of pleasures , but yet the sostest and the lowest . And this also receiueth ā differēce , which hath neither beene well iudged of , nor well inquired . For the good of fruition or contentment , is placed eyther in the Sincerenesse of the sruition , or in the quicknesse & vigor of it , the one superinduced by the Aequality , the o ther by Vicissitude : the one hauing lesse mixture of Euil , the other more impressiō of Good. Whether of these , is the greter good , is a questiō cōtrouerted , but whether maus nature may not be capable of both , is a question not inquired . The former question heing debated between Socrates , and a Sophist , Socrates placing felicity in an equall and constan●… peace of mind ; and the Sophist in much desiring , and much enioying : they fell from Argument to ill words : The Sophist saying that Socrates felicity , was the felicity of a block or stone , and Socrates saying that the Sophists felicity , was the felicity of one that had the itch , who did nothing but itche and skratch . And both these opinions , do not want their supports . For the opinion of Socrates is much vpheld by the generall consent , euen of the Epicures themselues , that vertue beareth a great part in felicity : and if so , certain it is , that vertue hath more vse in cleering perturbations , then in compassing desires . The Sophists opinion is much fauoured , by the Assertion we last spake of , that good of Aduancement , is greater then good of simple Preseruation : because , euery obtayning a desire , hath a shew of aduancement , as mocion though in a Circle , hath a shew of progression . But the second question , decided the true waye , maketh the former superfluous . For , can it be doubted , but that there are some , who take more pleasure in enioying pleasures , then some other ; and yet neuerthelesse , are lesse troubled with the losse or leauing of them ? So as this same ; Non vti , vt non appetas : Non appetere , vt non metuas , sunt animi pusilli & diffidentis . And it seemeth to me , that most of the doctrines of the Philosophers are more fearefull and cautionary then the Nature of things requireth . So haue they encreased the feare of death , in offering to cure it . For , when they would haue a mans whole life , to be but a discipline or preparation to dye : they must needes make men thinke , that it is a terrible Enemy , against whom there is no end of preparing . Better saith the Poet , Qui sinem vitae extremum inter Munera ponat Naturae : So haue they sought to make mens minds to vniforme and harmonicall , by not breaking them sufficiently to cōtrary Motions : the reason whereof , I suppose to be , because they themselues were men dedicated , to a pri uate , free , and vnapplied course of life . For , as we see , vpon the lute , or like Instrument , a Ground , though it be sweet , and haue shew of many changes , yet breaketh not the hand to such strange and hard stoppes and passages , as a Set song , or Voluntary : much after the same Manner was the diuersity betweene a Philosophicall and a ciuile life . And therefore men are to Imitate the wisedome of Iewellers , who , if there be a graine , or a cloude , or an I se which may be ground forth , without taking to much of the stone , they help it : but , if it should lessen and abate the stone to much they will not meddle with it : So ought men , so to procure Serenity , as they destroy not magnanimity . Hauing therefore deduced the Good of Man , which is priuate & particular , as far as seemeth fit : wee will now returne to that Good of man , which respecteth and be beholdeth Society which we may terme Duty ; bicause the term of duty is more propper to a minde well framed & disposed towards others , as the terme of vertue is applyed to a mind well formed & cōposed in it selfe , though neither can a man vnderstand vertue without some relation to Society , nor duety without an inwarde disposition , This part may seem at first to pertaine to Science Ciuile and Politicke : but not if it be wel obserued , For it concerneth the Rcgimēt & gouernment of euery man , over himself , & not ouer others . And as in architectur , the directiō of framing the postes beames & other parts of building is not the same with the maner of ioyning them and erecting the building : And in mechanicalls , the direction how to frame an Instrument or Engyne , is not the same with the manner of setting it on woorke and imploying it : and yet neuerthelesse in expressing of the one , you incidently expresse the Aptnesse towardes the other : So the doctrine of Coniugation of men in Socyety , differereth from that of their conformity therevnto . This part of Duty is sudiuided into two parts : the common duty of euery man , as a Man or member of a State : The other the respectiue or speciall duty of euery man in his prosession vocation and place : The first of these , is extāt & wel laboured as hathbeen said . The secōd like wise I may report rather dispersed thē dcficiēt : which maner of dispersed writing in this kind of Argumēt , I acknowledge to be best . For who cā take vpō him to write of the proper duty , vertue cha and right , of euery seuerall vocation profession , and place . For although sometimes a Looker on may see more then a gamester and there be a Prouerb more arrogant theu sound That the vale best discouereth the hill : yet there is small doubt but that men can write best and most really & materialy in their owne professions : & that the writing of speculatiue men of Actiue Matter , for the most part doth seeme to men of Experience as Phormioes Argument of the warrs seemed to Hannibal , to be but dreames and dotage , Onely there is one vice which accompanieth them , that write in their own professions that they magnify thē in excesse , But generally it were to be wished , ( as that which wold make learning indeed solide & fruit ful ) that Actiue men woold or could become writers In which kind I cannot but mencion Honoris causa your Maiesties exellent book touching the duty of a king : a woorke ritchlye compounded of Diuinity Morality and Policy , with great aspersion of all other artes : & being in myne opinion one of the moste sound & healthful writings that I haue read : not distempered in the heat of inuention nor in the Couldnes of negligence : not sick of Dusinesse as those are who leese themselues in their order ; nor of Convulsions as those which Crampe in matters impertinent : not sauoring of perfumes & paintings as those doe who seek to please the Reader more then Nature beareth , and chiefelye wel disposed in the spirits thereof , beeing agreeable to truth , and apt for action : and farre remooued from that Naturall insirmity , whereunto I noted those , that write in their own professions to be subiect , which is , that they exalt it aboue measure . For your Maiesty hath truly described , not a king of Assyria , or Persia , in their extern glory : but a Moses , or a Dauid , Pastors of their people . Neither can I euer leese out of my remembraunce , what I heard your Maiesty , in the same sacred spirite of Gouernment , deliuer , in a great cause of Iudicature which was : That Kings ruled by theyr lawes , as God did by the lawes of Nature , and ought as rarely to put in vse theyr supreme Prerogatiue , as God doth his power of working Miracles . And yet notwithstandiug , in your book of a free Monarchy , you do well giue men to vnderstand , that you know the plenitude of the power and right of a King , as well as the Circle of his office and duty . Thus haue I presumed to alledge this excellent writing of your Maiesty , as a prime or eminent example of Tractates , concerning speciall & respectiue dutyes : wherin I should haue said as much , if it had beene written a thousand yeares since : Neither am I mooued with cer tain Courtly decencyes , which esteeme it flattery to prayse in presence . No , it is flattery to prayse in absence : that is , when eyther the vertue is absent , or the occasion is absent : and so the prayse is not Naturall , but forced , either in truth , or in time . But let Cicerobe read in his Oration pro Marcello , which is nothing but an excellent Table of Caesars vertue , and made to his face , besides the example of many other excellent per sons , wiser a great deale then such obseruers : and we will neuer doubt , vpon a full occasion , to giue iust prayses to present or absent . But to return , there belongeth further , to the handling of this partie touching the duties of professions and vocations a Relatiue or opposite touching the fraudes cautels , impostures , & vices of euery profession , which hath been likewise handled . But howe ? rather in a Satyre & Cinicaly , then seriously & wisely for men haue rather sought by wit to deride and traduce much of that which is good in professions then with Iudgement to discouer and seuer that which is corrupt . For as Salomon saith . He that cometh to seeke after knowledg with a mind to scorne and censure , shal be sure to finde matter for his humor but no matter for his Instruction . Quaerenti derisori Scientiam , ipsa se abscondit : sed Studioso sit obuiam . But the managing of this argument with integrity & Truthe , which I note as deficient , seemeth to me to be one of the best fortifications for honesty and vertue that can be planted . For , as the fable goeth of the Basilisk , that if he see you first you die for it : but if you see him first , he dieth . So is it with deceits and euill arts : which if they be first espied they leese their life , but if they prevent they indanger . So that we are much beholden to Macciauell & others that write what men doe and not what they ought to do . For it is not possible to ioyn serpentine wisedom with the Columbine Innocency , except men know exactly all the conditions of the Serpent : his basenesse and going vpon his bellye , his volubility , and lubrioity his enuy and stinge , and the rest , that is al fourmes and Natures of euill For without this vertue lyeth open and vnfenced . Nay an honest man can doe no good vppon those that are wicked to reclaime them , without the helpe of the knowledge of evil . For mē of corrupted minds presuppose , that honesty groweth out of Simplicitye of manners , and beleuing of Preachers , schoolmasters , and Mens exterior language . So as , except you can make them perceiue , that you know the vt most reaches of they re owne corrupt opinions , they despise all moralitye . Non recipit stultus verba prudentiae , nisi ca dixeris , quae versantur in Corde eius . Vnto this part touching Respectiue duty , doth also appertayne the dutyes betweene husband and wife , parent and childe , Master and Seruant . So likewise , the lawes of friendship and Gratitude , the ciuile bond of Companyes , Colledges , and Politike bodies , of neighbourhood , and all other proportionate duties : not as they ar parts of Gouernment and Society , but as to the framing of the minde of particular persons . The knowledge concerning good respecting Society doth handle it also not simply alone but Comparatiuely whereunto belongeth the weighing of duties , betwen person and person , Case and Case , particular & publike : As we see in the proceeding of Lucius Brutus , against his own Sons , which was so much extolled yet what was sayd ? Inf●…lix , vt cunque serent easata Minores . So the case was doubtfull , and had opinion on both sides : Againe we see , when M. Brutus and Cassius inuited to a supper certaine , whose opinions they meant to feele , whether they were fit to be made their Associates , and cast foorth the question touching the Killing of a Tyrāt being an vsurper they wer deuided in opinion , some holding , that Seruitude was the Extreame of Euils ; and others , that Tyranny was better , then a Ciuile war : and a number of the like cases there are , of cōparatiue duty . Amōgst which , that of all others , is the most frequent , where the question is of a great deale of good to ensue of a small Iniustice . Which Iason of Thessalia determined against the truth ; Aliqua sunt iniustè sacienda , vt multa iuste fieri possint . But the reply is good ; Authorem praesentis Iustititiae habes ; sponsorem futurae non habes ; Men must pursue things which are iust in presente , and leaue the future to the diuine prouidence : So then we passe on from this generall part touching the Exemplar and description of Good. Now therefore , that we haue spoken of this fruite of life , it remaineth to speake of the Husbandry that belongeth thereunto , without which part , the former seemeth to be no better then a faire Image , or statua , which is beautifull to contemplate , but is without life and mocion : whereunto Aristotle himselfe subscribeth in these words : Necesse est scilicet de virtute dicere , & quid sit , & ex quibus gignatur . Inutile enim sere suerit , virtutem quidem nosse , acquirendae autem eius modos & vias ignorare Non enim de virtute tantum , qua specie sit , quaerendum est , sed & quomodo sui copiam faciat , vtrunque enim volumus , et rem ipsam nosse & eius compotes fieri : Hoc autem ex voto non succedet , nisi sciamus & ex quibus & quo modo . In such full wordes and with such iteration doth he inculcate this part : So saith Cicero in great Commendation of Cato the second , that he he had applyed him self to Philosophy . Non ita disputandi Causa , sed ita viuendi . And although the neglect of our tymes wherein few men doe houlde any Consultations touching the reformation of theire life ( as Seneca excellently saith , Departibus vitae quisque deliberat , de summa nemo ) may make this part seem superfluous : yet I must Conclude with that Aphorism of Hypocrates , Qui graui morbo correpti dolores non sentiunt , ijs mens aegrotat . They neede medicine not onely to asswage the disease but to awake the sense And if it be saide , that the cure of mens Mindes belongeth to sacred diuinity , it is most true : But yet Morall Philosophy may be preferred vnto her as a wise seruaunt , and humble handmaide . For as the Psalme saith , That the eyes of the bandmayde looke perpetually towardes the mistresse , and yet no doubt many things are left to the discretion of the handmayde , to discerne of the mistresse will : So ought Morall Philosophy to giue a constant attention to the doctrines of Diuinity , and yet so as it may yeeld of her selfe ( within due limits ) Many soūd and profitable directions . This Part therefore , because of the excellency therof , I cannot but find exceeding strange , that it is not reduced to written enquiry , the rather because it consisteth of much matter , wherein both speech and action is often conuersant , and such wherein the common talke of men ( which is rare , but yet commeth sometimes to passe ) is wiser then their Bookes : It is reasonable therefore that we propound it in the more particularity , both for the woorthinesse , and because we may acquite our selues for reporting it deficiēt , which seemeth almost incredible , and is otherwise conceiued and presupposed by those themselues , that haue written . We wil therfore enumerate some heads or Points thereof , that it may appeare the better what it is , and whether it be extant . First therefore in this , as in all things , which ar practicall , we ought to cast vp our account , what is in our power , and what not : for the one may be dealte with by waye of alteration , but the other by waye of application onely . The husbandman cannot command , neither the Nature of the Earth , nor the seasons of the weather : no more can the Physition the constitution of the patiente , nor the varietye of Accidentes . So in the Culture and Cure of the mynde of Man , two thinges are without our commaund : Poyntes of Nature , and pointes of Fortune . For to the Basis of the one , and the Conditions of the other , our worke is limited and tied . In these thinges therefore , it is left vnto vs , to proceede by application , Vincenda est omnis fortuna serendo : and so likewise vincenda est omnis Natura serendo . But , when that wee speake of sufferinge , wee doe not speake of a dull , and neglected sufferinge , but of a wise and industrious sufferinge , which draweth , and contriueth vse and aduantage out of that which seemeth aduerse and contrary ; which is that property which we cal , Accomodating or Applying . Now the wisedome of Application resteth principally in the exact & distinct knowledge of the precedent state , or disposition , vnto which we do apply : for we cannot fit a garment , except wee first take measure of the Body . So then the first Article of this knowlede is to set downe Sound and true distributions and descriptions of the seueral characters & tempers of mens Natures and dispositions specially hauing regard to those differences which are most radicall in being the fountayns and Causes of the rest or most frequent in Concurrence or Commixture ; wherein it is not the handling of a fewe of them in passage the better to describe the Mediocrities of vertues that can satisfie this intention for if it deserue to be considered That there are minds which are proportioned to great mattes , & others to smal , ( Which Aristotle handleth or ought to haue handled by the name of Magnaminity ) doth it not deserue as well to be Considered . That there are mindes proportioned to intend many matters and others to few ? So that some can deuide them selues others can perchance do exactly wel , but it must bee but in fewe things at once ; And so there cometh to bee a Narrownes of mind as wel as a Pusillanimity . And againe , That some mindes are proportioned to that which may bee dispatched at once or within a short return of time : others to that which begins a farre of , and is to be won with length of pursute , — Iam tū tenditque fo●…etque ; So that there may be fitly said to be a long animity which is Comonly also ascribed to God as a Magnanimity . So further deserued it to be consideted , by Aristotle That there is a disposition in Conuersation ( supposing it in things which doe in no sort tonch or concerne a mans selfe ) to soothe and please ; And a disposition contrary to Contradict and Crosse ; And deserueth it not much better to be considered , That there is a disposition , not in conuersation or talke , but in matter of mere serious Nature ( and supposing it still in things meerly indifferent ) to take pleasure in the good of another , and adisposition contrarywise , to take distast at the good of another ; which is that properly , which we call good Nature , or ill Nature , benignity or Malignity : And therefore I cannot sufficiently Maruayle , that this parte of knowledge touching the seuerall Characters of Natures and dispositions should bee omitted both in Morality and policy , considering it is of so great Ministery , and suppeditation to them both A man shall find in the traditions of Astrology , som prety and apt diuisions of mens Natures according to the predominances of the Planets ; Louers of Quiet Louers of action , louers of victory , louers of Honour , louers of pleasure , louers of Arts , louers of Change , and so forth : A man shall find in the wisest sort of these Relations , which the Italians make touching Conclaues , the Natures of the seuerall Cardinalls , handsomlye and liuely painted fourth : A man shall meete with in euery dayes Conference the denominations of Sensitiue , dry , formall , reall , humorous , certayne , Humo di Prima impressione , Huomo di vltima impressione , and the like , and yet neuerthelesse this kind of obseruations wandreth in wordes , but as not fixed in Enquiry . For the distinctions are found ( many of them ) but we conclude no precepts vpon them , wherein our faulte is the greater , because both History , Poesye , and daylie experience are as goodly fields where these obseruations grow , whereof wee make a few poesies , to hould in our hands , but no man bringeth them to the confectionary , that Receits mought be made of them for vse of life . Of much like kinde are those impressions of Nature , which are imposed vpon the Mind by the Sex , by the Age , by the Region , by health , and sicknesse , by beauty and deformity , and the like , which are inherent , and not externe : and again those which are caused by extern fortune : as Soueraygnty , Nobility , obscure birth , ritches , want , Magistracye , priuatenesse , prosperity , aduersity , Constant fortune , variable fortune , rising per saltum , per gradus , and the like : And therefore we see , that Plautus maketh it a wonder , to see an oulde man beneficent , Benignitas huius vt adolescentuli est : Saint Paul concludeth that seuerity of discipline was to be vsed to the Cretans , Increpa eos durè , vpon the disposition of their Country Cretenses semper mendaces , malae Bestiae , ventres pigri . Salust noteth , that it is vsuall with Kinges to desire Contradictoryes , sed plerunque Regiae voluntates , vt vehementes sunt , fic mobiles , saepeque ipsae sibi aduersae . Tacitus obserueth how rarely-raising of the fortune mendeth the disposition , solus Vespas●…anus , mutatus in melius , Pindarus maketh an obseruation , that greate and suddaine fortune for the most parte defeateth men Qui magnam foelicitatem concoquere non possunt : So the Psalme sheweth it is more easie to keep a measure in the enioying of fortune , then in the increase of fortune . Diuitiae si affluant , nolite Cor apponere : These obseruations and the like , I denye not , but are touched a little by Aristotle as in passage in his Rhetoricks , and are handled in some scattered discourses , but they were neuer incorporate into Morall Philosophy , to which they doe essentiallye appertayne : as the knowledg of the diuersitye of groundes and Mouldes doth to Agriculture , and the knowledge of the diuersity of Complexions and Constitutions doth to the Phisition ; except we meane to follow the indiscretion of Empe riques , which minister the same medicines to all patients . Another Article of this knowledge is the Inquirye touching the affections : for as in Medicining of the body it is in order first to know the diuers Complexions and constitutions , secondlye the diseases , and lastlye the Cures : So in medicining of the Minde , after knowledge of the diuers Characters of mens natures , it foloweth in order to know the diseases and infirmites of the mind , which ar no other thē the perturbations & distempers of the affections . For as the aunciente in politiques in populer Estates were woont 〈◊〉 to Compare the people to the sea , and the Orators to the winds because as the sea would of it selfe be caulm and quiet , if the windes did not mooue and trouble it ; so the people would be peaceable and tractable if the seditious ora tors did not set them in working and agitation . So it may be fitly said , that the mind in the nature thereof would be temperate and stayed , if the affections as winds , did not put it into tumulte and perturbation . And here againe I find straunge , as before , that Aristotle shoulde haue written diuers volumes of Ethiques , and neuer handled the affections , which is the principall subiect thereof , and yet in his Retoricks where they are considered but collaterally , & in a secōd degree , ( as they may be mooued by speech ) he findeth place for them , and hādleth them well for the quātity but where their true place is , he pretermitteth them . For it is not his disputations about pleasure and paine that can satisfie this inquiry , no more then hee that should generally handle the nature of light can bee said to handle the nature of Colours : for pleasure and paine are to the particuler affections as light is to particular collours : Better trauailes I suppose had the Stoicks taken in this argument , as far as I can gather by that which wee haue at second hand : But yet it is like , it was after their manner rather in subtiltye of definitions ( which in a subiect of this nature are but curiosities ) then in actiue and ample descriptions and obseruations : so likewise I finde some particular writings of an elegant nature touching some of the affections , as of Auger , of Comforte vpon aduerse accidentes , of Tendernesse of Countenance and other . But the poets and writers of Histories are the best Doctors of this knowledge , where we may finde painted fourth with greate life , How affections are kindled and incyted : and how pacified and refrai ned : and how againe Conteyned from Act , & furder degree : how they disclose themselues , how they work how they varye , how they gather and fortifie , how they are inwrapped one within another , and howe they doe fighte and encounter one with another , and other the like particularityes : Amōgst the which this last is of speciall vse in Morall and Ciuile matters : howe I say to sett affection againste affection , and to Master one by another , even as wee vse to hunt beast with beaste , and flye byrde with birde , which otherwise percase wee coulde not so easily recover : vpon which foundation is erected that excellent vse of Praemium and pana . whereby Ciuile states Consist , imploying the predominante affections of feare and hope , for the suppressing and brideling the rest . For as in the gouernemente of states , it is sometimes necessarye to bridle one faction with another , so it is in the gouernmente within . Now Come we to those poynts which are within 〈◊〉 our owne cōmand and haue force and operacion vpon the mind to affect the wil & Appetite & to alter Manners : wherin they ought to haue hādled Custome Exercise , Habit , Educacion , example , Imitation , Emulation Company , Frinds , praise , Reproofe , exhortatiō , fame , lawes , Bookes , studyes : theis as they haue determinate vse , in moraliryes , from these the mind suffereth , and of these are such receipts & Regiments compounded & described , as may seeme to recouer or preserue the health and Good estate of the mind , as farre as pertaineth to humane Medycine : of which number wee will visit vpon som one or two as an exāple of the rest , because it were too long to prosecute all ; and therefore wee doe resume Custome and habite to speake of . The opinion of Aristotle seemeth to mee a negligent opinion . That of those thinges which consist by nature , nothing can be changed by custome , vsing for example : That if a stone bee throwne ten thousande tymes . vp , it wil not learne to assend , and 〈◊〉 that by , often seeing or hearing , wee doe not learne to see or heare the better . For thoughe this principle bee true in things wherein nature is Peremptory ( the reason whereof we cannot nowe stande to discusse ) yet it is otherwise in things wherein nature admitteth a latitude . For he moughtsee that a streight gloue wil come more easily on with vse , and that a wand will by vse bend otherwise then it grewe : and that by vse of the voice wee speake lowder and stronger , and that by vse of enduring heate or coulde , we endure it the better , and the like : which later sort haue a neerer resemblance vnto that subiect of Manners he handleth then those instāces which he alledgeth ; But allowing his Conclusion that vertues and vices consist in habit , he ought so much the more to haue taught the manner of superinducing that habite : for there bee many precepts of the wise ordering the exercises of the minde , as there is of ordering the exercises of the body , wherof we wil recite a fewe . The first shal bee , that wee beware wee take not at the first either to High a strayne or to weake : for if , too Highe in a differēt nature you discorage , in a confident nature , you breede an opinion of facility , and so a sloth , and in all natures you breede a furder expectation then can hould out , and so an insatisfaction on the end , if to weake of the ether side : you may not looke to performe and ouercome any great taske . Another precept is to practise all thinges chiefly at two seuerall times , the one when the mind is beste disposed , the other when it is worste disposed : that by the one you may gaine a great step , by the other you may worke out the knots and Stondes of the mind , and make the middle times rhe more easily and pleasant . Another precept is , that which Aristotle mencioneth by the way , which is to beare euer towards the Contrary extreame of that wherevnto we are by Nature inclyned : like vnto the Rowing against the stream or making a wand straight by bynding him Contrary to his natural Crookednesse . Another precept is , that the mind is brought to any thing better and with more sweetnesse and happinesse , if that wherevnto you pretend be not first in the intention but Tanquā aliud agendo , because of the Naturall hatred of the minde against necessity and Constraint . Many other Axiomes there are touching the Managing of Exercise and custome : which being so Conducted , doth prooue indeed another nature : but being gouerned by chance , doth cōmōly prooue but an ape of nature , & bringeth forth that which is lame and Counterfette . So if wee shoulde handle bookes and studies and what influence and operation they haue vpon manners , are there not diuers precepts of greate caution and direction appertaining thereunto ? did not one of the fathers in greate indignation call Poesy vinum Demonum , because it increaseth temptations , perturbations and vaine opinions ? Is not the opinion of Aristotle worthy to be regarded wherein he saith , That yoūg men are no fitte auditors of Moral Philosophy , because they are not setled from the boyling heate of their affections , nor attempered with Time and experience ? and doth it not hereof come that those excellent books and discourses of the aunciente writers , ( whereby they haue perswaded vnto vertue most effectually , by representing her in state and Maiesty ; and populer opinions against vertue , in their Parasites Coates , fitt to be scorned and derided , ) are of so little effect towards honesty of life , because they are not red & reuolued by mē in their mature and setled yeares , but confined almost to boyes & beginners ? But is it not true also , that much lesse , young men are fit auditors of Matters of Policy , till they haue beene throughly seasoned in religion & Morality , least their Iudgementes be corrupted , and made apt to thinke that there are no true Differences of things , but according to vtility and fortune , as the verse describes it . Prosperum et Foelix scelus virtus vocatur : And Againe Ille crucem pretium sceleris tulit , Hic diadema : which the Poets do speak satyrically and in indignation on vertues behalfe : But books of pollicre doe speake it seriously , and positiuely , for so it pleaseth Machiauell to say That if Caesar had bene ouerthrowne , he woulde haue beene more odious then euer was Catiline ; as if there had beene noe difference but in fortune , between a very fury of lust & bloud , and the most excellēt spirit ( his ambiciō reserued ) of the world ? Again is there not a Caution likewise to be giuen of the doctrines of Moralities thēselues ( some kindes of thē ) leaste they make men too precise , arrogāt , incōpatible , as Cicero saith of Cato in Marco Catone . Haec bona quae videmus diuina & egregia ipsius scitote esse propria : quae nonnunquam requirimus , ea , sunt omnia , non a naturâ sed a Magistro ? Many other Axiomes & aduises there are touching those proprieties & effects , which studies doe infuse & instil into maners : And so likewise is there touchinge the vse of all those other points of Company : fame , lawes and the rest , which we recited in the beginning in the doctrine of Morality . But there is a kind of CVLTVRE of the MIND ; that semeth yet more accurate & elaborate thē the rest & is built vpon this ground : That the minds of all men are at some times in a state more perfite , and at oother tymes in a state more depraued . The purpose therfore of this practise is to fixe and cherishe the good howers of the mind and to obliterate and take fourth the Euil : The fixing of the good hath bene practised by two meanes , vowes or Constant resolutions , and obseruances , or exercises which are not to be regarded so much in themselues , as because they keepe the mynd in continual obedience . The obliteratiō of the Euill hath been practised by two Meanes , some kind of Redemption or expiation of that which is past , and an Inception or account de Nouo , for the time to come : but this part , seemeth sacred and religious , and Iustly : for all good Morall Philosophy ( as was said , ) is but an handmaide to Religion . Wherefore we will conclude with that last pointe which is of all other meanes the moste compendious and summarye , and againe , the moste noble and effectual to the reducing of the minde vnto vertue and good estate : which is the electing and propounding vnto a mans selfe good & vertuous ends of his life , such as may bee in a reasonable sorte within his Compas to attaine . For if these two things be sup osed : that a maset before him honest & Good ends , and againe that he bee resolute , Constant , and true vnto them ; it will follow that hee shall Moulde himselfe into al vertue at once : and this is indeede like the worke of nature ; whereas the other course , is like the worke of the hand . For as when a caruer makes an image , hee shapes onely that parte whereupon hee worketh , as if hee bee vpon The face that parte which shal bee the body is but a rude stone stil , til such times as hee comes to it . But contrarywise when Nature makes a flower or liuing creature , shee fourmeth rudiments of all the parts at one time ; so in obtaining ver tue by habite , while a man practiseth Temperance , he doth not profit much to fortitude , nor the like ; But when he dedicateth & applyeth himselfe to good ends , loke what vertue soeuer the pursute and passage towards those ends doth commend vnto him , he is inuested of a precedent disposition to conforme himselfe thereunto : which state of mind Aristotle doth exexcellently expresse himself , that it ought not to bee called vertuous , but Diuine : his words are these ; Immanitati autem consentaneum est , opponere eam , quae supra humanitatem est , heroicā siue diuinam virtutem . And a little after ; Nā vt ferae , neque vitiū , neque virtus est sic neque Dei. Sed hic quidē status altius quiddā virtute est , ille aliud quiddā a vitio . And therfore we may see what Celsitud of honor Piinius secundus attributeth to Traiane in his funerall oration , where he said . That men needed to make noe other praiers to the Gods , but that they woulde Continue as good Lords to them , as Traiaine had beene : as if he had not beene onely an Imitation of diuine nature , but a patterne of it . But these be heathen & prophane passages having but a shadowe of that diuine state of mind , which Religion and the holy faith doth conduct men vnto ; by imprinting vpon their soules Charity which is exellētly called the bond of Perfectiō : bicause it cōprehēdeth & fastneth al vertues together . And it is elegantly said by Menander of vaine loue which is but a false Imitation of diuine loue . Amor melior Sophista , Lauo , ad humanam vitam , that Loue teacheth a man to Carry himselfe better , then the Sophist or Praeceptor , which he calleth Left handed , because with all his rules & preceptiōs he cannot form a man so Dexteriously , nor with that facility to prize himself & gouern himself as loue cā do : So certainly if a mās mind be truly inflamd with charity it doth work himsodainly into greter perfectiō then al the Doctrin of moralitye can doe , which is but a sophist in comparison of the other . Nay furder as Xenophon observed truely that all other affections though they raise the minde , yet they doe it by distorting , and vncomlinesse of extasies or excesses ; but onely Loue doth exalt the mind , and neuerthelesse ; at the same instant doth settle and Compose it . So in all other excellencyes though they aduance nature yet they are subiect to Excesse . Onely Charity admitteth noe Excesse ; for soe we see , aspiring to be like God in power , the Angells transgressed and fel : Ascendam , & ero simitis altissimo : By aspiringe to be like God in knowledge man transgressed and fell . Eritis sicut Dii scientes bouum & malum ; But by aspiring to a similitude of God in goodnesse or loue , neyther Man nor Angell euer transgressed or shall transgresse . For vnto that imitation wee are called , Diligite inimicos vestros , Benefacite eis qui odernut vos , & orate pro persequentibus & Calumniantibus vos , vt sitis filii patris vestri qui in coelis est , qui solem suum oriri facit super bonos & malos , & pluit super iustos & iniustos . So in the first platfourme of the diuine Nature it self , the heathē Religion speaketh thus , Optimus Maximus , and the sacred scriptures thus , Misericordia eius super omnia opera eius . Wherefore I doe conclude this part of Morall knowledge concerning the Culture and Regiment of the Mind , wherin if any man considering the parts therof , which I haue enumerated , doe iudge , that my labor is but to Collect into an Art or Sciēce , that which hath bin pretermitted by others , as matter of cōmon Sence , and experience , he iudgeth well : But as Philocrates sported with Demosthenes : you may not maruaile ( A thenians ) that Demosthenes and I doe differ , for hee drinketh water , and I drinke wine : and like as wee reade of an aunciente parable of the two gates of sleep . Sunt geminae somni portae , quarum altera fertur Cornea , qua veris facilis datur exitus vmbris : Altera Candenti perfecta nitens Elephanto , Sed falsa ad coelum mittunt insomnia manes . So if wee put on sobriety and attention , we shall finde it a sure Maxime in knowledge : that the more pleasaunte Liquor ( of Wine ) is the more vaporous , and the brauer gate of Iuorye , sendeth foorthe the falser dreames . But we haue now concluded , That generall part of Humane Philosophye , which contemplateth man segregate , and as hee consisteth of bodye and spirite ; Wherein wee maye further note , that there there seemeth to be a Relatiō or Conformity betwen the good of the mynd , and the good of the Body . For as we devided the good of the body into Health , Beau ty , strength , and Pleasure , so the good of the mynde inquired in Rationall and Morall knoweledges tendeth to this , to make the minde sound , and without perturbation , Beautifull and graced with decencie : and Strong and Agill for all duties of life . T●…eis three as in the bodye , so in the minde seeldome meete , and Commonly seuer : For it is easilye to obserue , that many haue Strength of witte and Courage , but haue neither Healthe from perturbations , nor any Beauty or decencie in theire doings : som againe haue an Elegancy and finenesse of Carriage , which haue neither soundnesse of honestie , nor substance of sufficiencye : And some againe haue honest and refourmed Myndes that can neither become themselues nor Manage Businesse , and sometimes two of them meete , and rarely all three : As for pleasure , wee haue likewise determined , that the minde oughte not to bee reduced to stupide , but to retayne pleasure : Confined rather in the subiect of it , then in the strength and vigor of it . CIVILE KNOVVLEDGE is conversant about a subiect which of all others is most immersed in matter , and hardliest reduced to Actiome . Neuerthelesse , as Cato the Censor saide , That the Romane ; were like sheepe , for that a man were better driue a flock of them , then one of them ; For in a flocke , if you could get but some fewe goe righte , the rest would follow : So in that respect Morall philosophie is more difficile then Pollicie . Againe , morrall Philosophye propoundeth to it selfe the framing of Internall goodnesse : But ciuile knowledge requireth onelye an Externall goodnesse : for that as to societye sufficeth : And therfore it cometh oft to passe that therebe Euill Times in good gouernments : for so we finde in the holy story when the kings were good , yet it is added . Sed adhuc populus non dixerat cor suum ad dominum Deumpatrum suorum . Againe States as great Engines mooue slowly , and are not so soone put out of frame : for as in Aegypt the seauē good years sustained the seauen badde : So gouernments for a time well grounded doe beare out errors following . But the resolution of particuler persons is more so dainly sub verted . These respects doe somwhat qualifie the extreame difficulty of ●…iuile knowledge . This knowledge hath three parts according to the three summary Actiōs of society , which are , Cōversation , Negotiatiō and Gouernment . For mā seeketh in society comfort , vse and Protection : & theybe three wisedōs of diuers natures , which do oftē seuer : wisedome of the behauiour , wisedom of Businesse ; & wisedome of state . The wisedome of of conuersation ought not to be ouer mvch affected , but much lesse despised : for it hath not onely an honour in it selfe , but an influence also into businesse and gouernment ; The poet saieth . Nec vultu destrue verba tuo . A man maie destroy the force of his woords with his countenance : so may he●… of his deeds saieth Cicero , recommending to his brother affability and easy accesse , Nil interest habere ostium apertum , vultum clausum . It is nothing wonne to admitte men with an open doore , and to receiue them with a shutte and reserued countenaunce . So wee see Atticus , before the first interuiewe betweene Coesar and Cicero , the warre depending , did seriouslye aduise Cicero touching the composing and orderinge of his countenaunce and gesture . And if the gouernemente of the countenaunce bee of such effecte , much more is that of the speeche , and other carriage appertayning to conuersation ; the true modele whereof seemeth to mee well expressed by Ltuye , though not meante for this purpose ; Ne aut arrogans videar , aut obnoxius , quorum alterum est alienae libertatis obliti , alterum suae : The summe of behauioure is to retayne a mans owne dignitye , without intruding vpon the libertye of others : on the other side , if behauioure and outwarde carriage bee intended too much , first it may passe into affection , and then Quid deformius quam Scaenam in vitam transferre , to acte a mans life ? But although it proceede not to that extreame , yet it consumeth time , and imployeth the minde too much . And therefore as wee vse to aduise younge studentes from company keeping , by saying , Amici , sures Temporis : So certainely the Intending of the discretion of behauioure is a great Theefe of Meditation : Againe , such as are accomplished in that howr of vrbanity , please themselues in name , and sildome aspire to higher vertue : whereas those that haue defect in it , do seeke Comlines by Reputation : for where reputacion is , almost euery thing becommeth : But where that is not , it must be supplied by Puntos and Complementes : Agayne , there is no greater impediment of Action , then an ouercurious obseruaunce of decency , and the guide of decencye , which is Tyme and season . For as Salomon sayeth , Qui respicit ad ventos , non seminat , & qui respicit ad nubes , non metet : A man must make his opportunity , as ofte as finde it . To conclude ; Behauiour seemeth to me as a Garment of the Minde , and to haue the Condicions of a Garmente . For it ought to bee made in sashion : it ought not to bee too curious : It ought to bee shaped so , as to sette foorthe anye good making of the minde : and hide any deformity ; and aboue all , it ought not to be too straighte , or restrayned for exercise or mocion . But this parte of Ciuile knowledge hath beene elegantlye handled , and therefore I cannot reporte it for deficient . The wisedome touching Negotiation or businesse hath not bin hitherto collected into writing to the great derogacion of learning , and the professors of learninge . For from this roote springeth chiefly that note or opinion which by vs is expressed in Adage , to this effecte : That there is noe greate concurrence betweene learning and Wisedome . For of the three wisedomes which wee haue sette downe to pertaine to ciuil life , for wisedome of Behauiour , it is by learned men for the moste parte despised , as an Inferiour to Vertue and and an Enemy to Meditacion ; for wisedome of Gouernmente they acquite themselues well when they are called to it , but that happeneth to fewe . But for the wisedome of Businesse wherein mans life is moste conuersant , there bee noe Bookes of it , excepte some fewe scattered aduertisementes , that haue noe proportion to the magnitude of this subiecte . For if bookes were written of this , as the other , I doubt not but learned men with meane experience , woulde farre excell men of longe experience withoute learning , and outshoote them in their owne bowe . Neither needeth it at all to be doubted , that this knowlddge shoulde bee so variable as it falleth not vnder precept ; for it is much lesse infinite then science of Gouernmente , which wee see is laboured and in some parte reduced . Of this wisedome it seemeth some of the auncient Romanes in the saddest and wisest times were professors : for Cicero reporteth , that it was then in vse . For Senators that had name and opinion , for generall wisemen as Ceruncanius , Curius , Loelius and manie others ; to walke at certaine howers in the Place , and to giue audience to those that would vse their aduise , and that the particuler Citizens would resort vnto them , and consulte with them of the marriage of a daughter , or of the imploying of a sonne , or of a purchase or bargaine , or of an accusatiō and euery other occasion incident to mans life ; so as there is a wisedome of Counsaile and aduise euen in priuate Causes : arisinge out of an vniuersall insight into the affayrs of the world , which is vsed indeede vpon particuler cases propoūded , but is gathered by generall obser , uation of causes of like nature . For so wee see in the Booke which Cicero writeth to his brother De petitione consultatus , ( being the onely booke of businesse that I know written by the auncients ) although it cōcerned a particuler action then on foote , yet the substance thereof consisteth of manie wise and pollitique Axioms which containe not a temporary , but a perpetuall direction in the case of popular Elections ; But chiefly wee may see in those Aphorismes which haue place amongest Divine writings composed by Salomon the King , of whom the scriptures testifie that his hearte was as the sandes of the sea , incompassing the world and all worldly matters we see I saie , not a few profound and excellent cautions , precepts , positions , extending to much varietie of occasions ; wherevpon wee will staie a while offering to consideracion some number of Examples . Sed & eunctis sermonibus qui dicuntur , ne accommodes aurem tuam , uè fortè audiaes seruum tuum maledicentem tibi . Heere is concluded the prouidente staye of enquiry , of that which we wolde be loathe to finde : as it was iudged greate wisedome in Pompetus Magnus that he burned Sertorius papers vnperused . Vir sapiens si cum stulto contenderit , siue irascaetur , siue rideat , uon inueniet requiem . Here is described the great disaduantage which a wise man hath in vndertaking a lighter person then himselfe , which is such an ingagemente , as whether a man turne the matter to ieast , or turne it to heate ; or howsoeuer hee change copye , hee can no wayes quitte himselfe well of it . Qui delicatè à pueritia nutrit seruum suum , postea sentiet eum contumacem . Heere is signified that if a man beginne too highe a pitche in his fauoures , it doeth commonlye end in vnkindnesse , and vnthankfulnesse . Vidisti virum velocem in opere suo , coram regibus stabit nec erit inter ignobiles . Here is obserued that of all vertues for rising to honoure , quicknesse of dispatche is the best ; for superiours many times loue not to haue those they imploy too deep , or too sufficient , but redy and diligent . Vidi cunctos viuentes , qui ambulant sub sole cum adoadolescente secundo qui consurgit pro eo . Here is expressed that which was noted by Sylla first , and after him by Tiberius ; Plures adorant solem orientem , quam occidentem vel meridianum . Si spiritus potesta●…m habentis ascenderit super te , locum tuum ne dimiseris , quia Curatio faciet cessare peccata maxima . Here caution is giuen that vpon displeasure , retiring is of all courses the vnfittest ; for a man leaueth thinges at worst , and depriueth himselfe of meanes to make them better . Erat Ciuitas parua pauci in ea viri ; venit contra eam rex magnus , & vadauit eam , instrxuitque munitiones per Gyrum , & perfecta est obsidio inuentusquae est in ea vir pauper & sapiens , & liberauit eam per sapientiam suam , & nullus deinceps recordatus est hominis illius pauperis ; Here the corruptions of states is sette foorh ; that esteeme not vertue or merite longer then they haue vse of it . Mollis responsio frangit iram . Here is noted that silence or rough Answeare , exasperateth : but an answear present and temperate pacifieth . Iter pigrorum , quasisepes spinarum . Here is liuelie represented how laborious sloth prooueth in the end ; for when thinges are differred till the laste instant , and nothing prepared before hande , euerye stepp findeth a Bryer or Impediment , which catcheth or stoppeth . Melior est finis orationis quam principium . Here is taxed the vanitie of formall speakers , that study more about prefaces and inducements , then vpon the conclusions and issues of speache . Qui cognoscit in iudicio faciem , non bene facit , iste et pro buccella panis des●…ret veritatem . Here is noted that a iudge were better be a briber , then a respecter of persons : for a corrupt Iudge offendeth not so lightly as a facile . Vir pauper calumnians pauperes , similis est imbrivehementi , in quo paratur fames ; here is expressed the extreami●…y of necessitous extortions , figured in the aunciente fable of the full and the hungry horse-leech . Fons turbatus pede , & vena corrupta , est iustus cadens coram impio : here is noted that one iudiciall and exemplar iniquity in the face of the world , doth trouble the fountaines of Iustice more , then many particuler Iniuries passed over by conniuence . Qui subtrahit aliquid a patre & a matre , & dicit hoc non esse peccatū , particeps est homicidij ; here is noted that whereas men in wronging theyr best frindes , vse to extenuat : their faulte , as if they moughte presume or bee bolde vpon them , it doth contrariwise indeede aggrauate their fault , & turneth it from I●…iury to impiety . Noli esse amicus homini iracundo , nec ambulato cum homine furioso ; here caution is giuen that in the election of our friends wee doe principalliy avoide those which are impatiente , as those that will espouse vs to many factions and quarels . Qui conturbat domum suam possidebit ventum : here is noted that in domesticall separations & breaches men doe promise to themselues quietting of theire minde and contentemente , but still they are deceived of theire expectation , and it turneth to winde . Pilius sapiens laetificat patrem , filius vero stultus maestieia est matri sueae . Here is distinguished that fathers haue moste comforte of the good proose of of their sonnes ; but mothers haue moste discomfort of their ill proofe , because women haue little discerninge of vertue but of fortune . Qui celat delictum quoerit amicitiam , sed qui altero sermone repetit , seperat faederatos ; here caution is giuen that reconcilemente is better managed by an Amnesty and passing ouer that which is past , then by Apologies and excusations . In omni opere bono erit abundantia , vbi autem verba sunt plurima , ibi frequenter egestas : here is noted that words and discourse aboundeth moste , where there is idlenesse and want . Primus in sua causa iustus , sed venit altera pars , & inquiret in éum , Heare is obserued that in all causes the first tale possesseth much , in sorte , that the preiudice , thereby wrought wil bee hardly remooued , ex cepte some abuse or falsitie in the Information be detected . Verba blinguis quasi simplicia , & ipsa perueniunt ad interiora ventris ; there is distinguished that flatterye and insinuation which seemeth set and artificiall , sinketh not farre , but that entreth deepe , which hath shewe of nature , libertie , and simplicity , Qui erudit deriso rem , ipse t●…bi 〈◊〉 facit & qui arguit Impium sibi maculam geri●… . Here caution is giuen howe wee tender reprehension to arrogante and sco●…nefull natures , whose manner is to esteeme it for contumely , and accordingly ro retourne , it , Da sapienti occasionem & addetur ei sapientia , Here is distinguished the wisedome broughte into habite , and that which is but verball and swimming onely in conceite : for the one vpon the occasione presented is quickned and redoubled : the other is amazed and confused . Quo modo in aquis resplendent vultus prospicientium , sic corda hominum manifestasunt prudentibus . Here the mind of a wise man is compared to a glasse , wherein the Images of all diuersitie of Natures & Customs are represēted , frō which representatiō proceedeth that application , Qui sapit innumeris moribus aptus erit , Thus haue I staide some what longer vpon these sentences pollitique of Salomon , then is ag●…e , able to the proportion of an example : ledde with a desire to giue authority to this parte of knoweledge , which I noted as deficiente by so excellente a presidente : : and haue also attended them with briefe obseruations , such as to my vnderstandinge , offer noe violence to the sence , though I knowe they may bee applyed to a more diuine vse : But it is allowed euen in diuinity , that some Interpretations , yea and some writings haue more of the Eagle , then others : But takinge them as Instructions for life , they moughte haue receiued large discourse , if I woulde haue broken them and illustrated them by diducements and examples . Neither was this in vse only with the hebrews , But it is generally to be found in the wisdome of the more auncient Times : that as men sounde out any obseruatiō that they thought was good for life , they would gather it and expresse it in parable . or Aphorisme , or fable . But for fables they were vicegerents & supplies , where Examples sàiled : Nowe that the times abounde with historie , the Ayme is better when the marke is aliue . And therefore the fourme of writing which of al others is fittest for this variable argu mente of Negotiation and occasions is that which Machiauel chose wisely and aptly for Gouernmente : namely discourse vpon Histories or Examples . For knoweledge drawne freshly and in our view out of particulers , knoweth the waie best to particulers againe . And it hath much greater life for practise : when the discourse attendeth vpon the Example , then when the example attenddeth vpon the discourse . For this is no pointe of order as it seemeth at firste but of substance . For when the Example is the grounde being set downe in an history at large , it is set down with al circumstāces : which manye sometimes controul the discourse thereupon made , and sometimes supply it ; as a verie patterne for gaine ; wheras the Examples alledged for the discourses sake , are cited succinctly , and with out particularity , and carry a seruile aspecte towards the discourse , which they are broughte in to make good . But this difference is not amisse to bee remembred , that as historye of Tymes is the best grounde for discourse of Gouernemente , such as Machyauel handleth ; so Histories of Liues is the moste proper for discourse of businesse is more conversante in priuate Actions . Nay , there is a ground of discourse for this purpose , fitter then them both which is discourse vpon letters , such as are wise and weightie , as manie are of Cicero ad Atticum and others . For letters haue a greate and more particuler representation of businesse , then either Chronicles or Liues , Thus haue wee spoken both of the matter and fourme of this patte of Ciuile knowledge touching Negotiation , which wee note to be deficient . But yet there is another part of this part , which differeth as much frō that wherofwe haue spoké as sapere , & sibi Sapere : the one moouing as it were to the circū rence , the other to the center : for there is awisedome of counfell , and againe there is a wisedome of pressi●…ng a mans owne fortune ; and they doe sometimes meet , and often seuere . For many are wise in their owne ways , that are weak for gouernmente or Counsell , like Ants which is a wise creature for it self , but very huttefull for the garden - This wisedome the Romanes did take much knoweledge of , Nam polsapiens ( saith the Comicall Poet ) Fingit fortunam sibi , and it grewe to an adage , Faber quisque fortunae propriae●… and Liure attribu●…eth it to Cato the first , In hoc viro tanta vis animi & ingenij inerat , vt quocunque Loco natus esset sibi ipse fortunam sacturus videre tur . This conceit or position if it bee too much declared and professed , hath beene thoughte a thinge impolitique and vnlucky , as was obserued in Timotheus the Athenian : who hauinge done manie greate seruices to the Estate in his gouernmēt and giuinge an accounte thereof to the people as the manner was , did conclude euery particuler with this Clause , And in this fortune had noe part And it came so to passe that hee neuer prospered in any thinge hee tooke in hande afterwarde : for this is too high and too arrogant savouring of that which Ezechiel saith of Pharaoh : Dicis : fluuius est meus & ego feci memet ipsum : or of that which another prophette speaketh : That men offer Sacrifices to theire nettes and snares , and that which the Poett expresseth , . Dextra mihi Deus , & telum quod inutile libro . Nunc adsinte : For these confidences were euer vnhallowed , and vnblessed . And therefore those that were great Pollitiques indeede euer afcribed their succcesses to their felicitie : and not to theire skill or vertue . For so Sylla surnamed himselfe Foelix●… , not Magnus So Caesar saide to the Maister of the shippe , Caesarem portas & fortunam eius . But yet neuerthelesse these Positions Faber quisque fortunae suae , sapiens dominabitur astris : Inuia virtuti nullaest via , and the like , being takē and vsed as spurs to Industry , and not as stirops to insolency rather for resolution then for the presumption or outwarde declaration , haue beene euer thoughte sounde and good , and are no question imprinted in the greatest mindes : who are so sensible of this opinion , as they causcarce containe it within . As we see in Augustus Caesar ) who was rather diuerse from his vncle , then , inferiour in vertue ) how when he died , he desiered his friénds aboute him to giue him a Plaudite : as if hee were consciente to himselfe that he had played his parte wel vpon the stage . This parte of knowledge we doe reporte also as deficient : not but that it is practised too much , butit hath not beene reduced to writinge . And therefore least it shoulde seme to any that it is not comprehensible by Axiome , It is requisite as wee did in the former , that wee set down some heads or passages of it . Wherein it maye appeare at the first a newe and vnwoonted Argumente to teach men how to raise and make theire fortune a doctrine wherein euery man perchance will bee ready to yeeld himselfe a disciple til he seethe difficulty : for fortune layeth as heauy impositions as vertue , and it is as harde and severe a thinge to bee a true Pollipolitique , as to be truelye morall . But the handlinge hereof , concerneth learning greatly , both in honour , and in substance : In honour , because pragmaticall men may not goe away with an opinion that learning is like a Larke that can mount , and singe , and please her selfe , and nothing else ; but may knowe that she houldeth as well of the hauke that can soare aloft , and can also descend and strike vpon the pray . In substance , because it is the perfite lawe of enquiry of trueth , That nothing bee in the globe of matter , which should not be likewise in the globe of Crystall , or Fourme , that is , that there be not any thing in being & action , which should not bee drawne and collected into contemplation and doctrine : Neyther doth learning admire or esteeme of this Architecture of fortune , otherwise then as of an inferiour worke ; For no mans fortune can be an end woorthy of his being , and many times the woorthiest men doe abandon theyr fortune willingly for better respects : but neuerthelesse fortune as an organ of vertue and merit deserueth the consideration . First therefore the precept which I conceiue to bee most summary , towardes the preuayling in fortune ; is to obtaine that windowe which Momus did require , who seeing in the frame of mans heart , such Angles and recesses , sounde fault there was not a windowe to looke into them : that is , to procure good informacions of particulars touching persons , their Natures , their desires & ends , their customs and fashions , theyr helpes and aduantages , and wherby they cheesly stand ; so againe their weaknesses and disaduantages , and where they lye most open and obnoxious , their friendes , factions , dependaunces : and againe theyr opposites , enuiors , competitors , theyr moods , and times , Sola viri molles adytus , & tēporanoras theyr principles , rules , and obseruacions : and the like ; And this not onely of persons , but of actions : what are on foote from time to time : and how they are con ducted , fauoured , opposed ; and how they importe : and the like ; For the knowledge of present Actions , is not onely materiall in itselfe , but without it also , the knowledge of persons is very erronious : for men chaunge with the actions ; and whiles they are in pursuite , they are one , and when they retourne to theyr Nature , they are another . These Informations of particulars , touching persons and actions , are as the minor propositions in euery actiue syl logisme , for no excellencye of observacions ( which are as the maior propositions ) can suffice to ground a conclusion , if there be error and mistaking in the minors . That this knowledge is possible , Salomon is our surety who sayeth . Consilium in corde viri tanquam aqua profunda , sed vir prudens exhauriet illud : And although the knowledge it selfe falleth not vnder precept , because it is of Indiuiduals , yet the Instructions for the obtaining of it may . We will beginne therefore with this precept , according to the aunciente opinion , that the Synewes of wisedome , are slownesse of beleefe , and distrust : That more trust bee giuen to Countenances and Deedes , then to wordes : and in wordes , rather to suddaine passages , and surprised wordes : then to set and purposed wordes : Neither let that be feared which is sayde , fronti nulla fides , which is meant of a generall outward behauiour , and not of the priuate and subtile mocions and labours of the countenance and gesture , which as Q. Cicero elegantly sayth is Animi Ianua , the gate of the Mynd : None more close then Tyberius , and yet Tacitus sayth of Gallus , Etenim vultu offersionem coniectauerat . So againe noting the disfering Character and manner of his commending Germanicus and Drusus in the Senate : he sayeth , touching his fashion wherein hee carried his speeche of Germunicus , thus : Magis in fpeciem adornatis verbis , quam vt penitus sentire crederetur , but of Drusus thus , Paucioribus sed intentior , & fida oratione : and in another place speaking of his character of speech , when he did any thing that was gratious and populer , he sayeth , That in other thinges hee was velut eluctantium verborum : but then againe , Solutius loquebatur quando subueniret . So that there is no such artificer of dissimulation : nor noe such commaunded countenaunce ( vulius tussus ) , that can seuer from a fained tale , some of these fashions , either a more sleight and carelesse fashion , or more set & sormall , or more tedious and wandring or comming from , a mā more drily and hardly . Neither are Deedes such assured pledges , as that they may be trusted without a iudicious cōsideraciō of their magnitude and nature ; Fraus sibi in paruis fidem praestruit , vt maiore emolumento sallat : and the Italian thinketh himselfe vpon the point to be bought and sould : when he is better vsed then he was woont to be without manifest cause . For small fauoures , they doe but lull men a sleepe , both as to Caution , and as to Industry , and are as Demosthenes calleth them , Alimenta socordiae . So againe we see , how false the nature of some deeds are in that particular , which Mutianus practised vpon Antonius Primus , vpon that hollowe and vnfaithfull reconcilement , which was made between them : whereupon Mutianus aduanced many of the friends of Antonius : Simul amicis eius praesecturas & tribunatus largitur : wherein vnder pretence to strengthen him , he did desolate him , and won from him his dependances . As for words ( though they be like waters to Phisitions , ful of flattery and vncertainty ) yet they are not to be dispised , specially with the aduantage of passion and affection . For so wee see Tyberius vpon a stinging and incensing speech of Agrippina , came a step foorth of his dissimulacion when he sayd , You are hurt , because you doc not raigne : of which Tacitus sayeth , Audita hec , raram occulti pectoris voccm elicuere : correplamque Groeco versu admonuit : ideo laedi quia non regnaret . And therefore the Poet doth elegantly cal passions , tortures , that vrge men to confesse theyr secrets . Vino tortus & ira . And experience sheweth , there are few men so true to themselues , and so setled ; but that sometimes vpon heate , sometimes vpon brauerye , sometime : vpon kindenesse , sometimes vpon trouble of minde and weaknesse , they open themselues ; specially if they be put to it with a counter-dissimulatiō , according to the prouerb of Spain , Dimentira , y sacar as verdad : Tell a lye , and find a truth . As for the knowing of men , which is at second hand from Reportes : mens weakenesse and faultes are best knowne from theyr Enemies , theyr vertues , and abilityes from theyr friendes ; theyr customes and Times from theyr seruauntes : their conceites and opinions from theyr familiar friends , with whom they discourse most . Generall fame is light , & the opinions conceiued by superiors or equals are deceitful : for to such men are more masked , Verior sama è domesticis emanat . But the soundest disclosing and expounding of men is , by theyr natures and endes , wherein the weakest sorte of men are best interpreted by theyr Natures , and the wisest by theyr endes . For it was both pleasauntlye and wiselye sayde ( though I thinke verye vntruely ) by a Nuntio of the pope , returning from a certayne Nation , where hee serued as LIDGER : whose opinion beeing asked touching the appointemente of one to goe in his place , hee wished that in anye case they did not send one that was too wise : because no very wise man would euer imagine , what they in that country were like to doe : And certaynelye , it is an errour frequent , for men to shoot ouer , and to suppose deeper ends , and more compasse reaches then are : the Italian prouerb being elegant , & for the most part true . Di danari , di senno , e di fede , C'n è manco che non credi : There is commonly lesse mony . Iesse wisedome , and lesse good faith , then men doe accompt vpon : But Princes vpon a farre other Reason are best interpreted by their natures , and priuate persons by theyr ends , For Princes beeing at the toppe of humane desires , they haue for the most part no particular endes , whereto they aspire : by distaunce from which a man mought take measure and scale of the rest of theyr actions and desires . which is one of the causes that maketh theyr heartes more inscructable : Neyther is it sufficient to infourme onr selues in mens endes and natures of the variety of them onely , but also of the predominancy what humour reigneth most , and what end is principally sought . For so wee see , when Tigellinus sawe himselfe out-stripped by Petrouius Turpilianus in Neroés humours of pleasures Metus eius rim●… , he wrought vpon Neroes fears , wherby he brake the others neck . But to all this parte of Enquierie , the most compendious waye resteth in three thinges : The first to haue generall acquaintaunce and in wardnesse with those which haue generall atquaintance , and looke most into the worlde : and speciallye according to the diuersitie of Businesse , and the diuersitye of Persons , to haue priuacye and conuersation with some one friend at least which is parfite and well intelligenced in euery seuerall kinde . The seconde is to keepe a good mediocritye in libertie of speeche , and secrecy : in most thinges libertye : secrecy where it importeth : for libertye of speeche inuiteth and prouoketh libertye to bee vsed againe : and so bringeth much to a mans knowledge : and secrecie on the other side induceth trust and inwardnesse . The last is the reducing of a mans selfe to this watchfull and serene habite , as to make accompte and purpose in euerye conference and action , aswell to obserue as to acte . For as Epictetus would haue a Philosopher in eue ry particular action to say to himselfe , Et hoc volo , & etiam institutum seruare : so a politique man in euerye thing should say to himself ; Et hoc volo , ac etiam aliquid addifcere . I haue staied the longer vpon thit precept of obtaining good information , because it is a maine part by it selfe , which aunswereth to all the rest . But aboue al things , Caution must be taken , that Men haue a good staye and houlde of themselues , and that this much knowing doe not draw on much medling : For nothing is more vnfortunate then light and rash intermeddling in many matters : So that this variety of knowledge tendeth in conclusion but onely to this , to make a better & freer choise of those actions , which may concern vs , & to conduct them with the lesse error and the more dexterity . The second precept concerning this knowledge is for men to take good informacion touching they re own person and well to vnderstand themselues : know , ing that as S. Iames sayth , though men looke oft in a glasse , yet they do sodainly forget themselues , wherin as the diuine glasse is the word of God , so the politique glasse is the state of the world , or times wherin we liue : In the which we are to behould our selues . For men ought to take an vnpartiall viewe of their owne abilities and vertues : and againe of their wants and impediments ; accounting these with the most , & those other with the least , and from this view and examination to frame the considerations following . First to consider how the constitution of their nature sorteth with the generall state of the times : which if they find agreeable and fit , then in all things to giue themselues more scope and liberty , but if differing and dissonant , then in the whole course of theyr life to be more close retyred and reserued ; as we see in Tyberius who was neuer seen at a play : and came not into the Senate in 12. of his last yeers : whereas Augustus Caesar liued euer in mens eyes , which Tacitus obserueth , Alia Tiberio morum via . Secondly to consider how their Nature sorteth with professions and courses of life , & accordingly to make election if they be free , and if ingaged , to make the departure at the first opportunity : as we see was doone by Duke Valentine , that was designed by his father to a sacerdotal profession , but quitted it soon after in regard of his parts and inclination being such neuerthelesse , as a man cannot tel wel whether they were worse for a Prince or for a Priest. Thirdly to consider how they sorte with those whom they are like to haue Competitors and Concurrents and to take that course wherin there is most solitude , and themselues like to be most eminent : as Caesar Iulius did , who at first was an Orator or Pleader but when he saw the excellency of Cicero , Hortensius , Catulus , and others for eloquence , and sawe there was no man of reputation for the warres but Pompeius vpon whom the State was forced to relie ; he forsooke his course begun toward a ciuile and popular greatnesse ; and transgressed his designes to a marshall greatnesse . Fourthly in the choyse of their friends , and dependaunces , to proceeed according to the Composition of their own nature , as we may see in Caesar , all whose friends and followers were men actiue and effectuall , but not solemn or of reputation . Fiftly to take speciall heed how they guide them selues by examples , in thinking they can doe as they see others doe : whereas perhappes their natures and carriages are farre differing ; in which Error , it seemeth Pompey was , of whome Cicero sayeth , that hee was woont often to saye : Sylla potuit ; Ego non potero ? wherein he was much abused , the natures and proceedinges of himselfe and his example , beeing the vnlikest in the worlde , the one being fierce , violent , and pressing the fact ; the other solemn , and full of Maiesty and circumstance , and therefore the lesse effectuall . But this precept touching the politicke knowledge of our selues hath many other branches whereupon we cannot insist : Next to the wellvnderstanding and discerning of a mans selfe , there followeth the well opening and reuealing a mans selfe , wherein we see nothing more vsuall then for the more able man to make the lesse shewe . For there is a greate aduantage in the well setting foorthe of a mans vertues , fortunes , merites , and againe in the artificiall couering of a mans weakenesses , defectes , disgraces , staying vpon the one slyding from the other , cherishing the one by circumstaunces , gracing the other by exposition , and the like ; wherein we see what Tacitus sayth of Mutianus , who was the greatest politique of his time , Omnium quae dixerat fecer atque , arte quadam ostentator : which requireth indeed some arte , least it turne tedious and arrogant , but yet so ; as ostentation ( though it be to the first degree of vanity ) seemeth to me rather a vice in Manners , then in Policye ; for as it is sayd , Audacter calumniari , semper aliquid haeret , So except it be in a ridiculous degree of deformity Audacter te vendita semper aliquid haeret . For it will sticke with the more ignoraunt and inferiour sort of men , though men of wisedome and ranke doe smile at it and despife it , and yet the authority wonne with many , doth counteruaile the difdaine of a few . But if it be carried with decency and gouernement , as with a naturall pleasaunt and ingenious fashion , or at times when it is mixte with some perill and vnsafety , ( as in Military persons ) or at tymes when others are most enuied ; or with easie and carelesse passage to it and from it , without dwelling too long , or being too serious : or with an equall freedome of taxing a mans selfe , aswell as gracing himselfe , or by occasion of repelling or putting downe others iniurye or insolencie : It doth greately adde to reputation ; and surelye not a fewe solide natures , that wante this ventositye , and cannot saile in the heighth of the windes , are not without some preiudice and disaduantage by they re moderacion . But for these flourishes and inhansements of vertue , as they are not perchaunce vnnecessary : So it is at leaste , necessary that vertue be not disualewed and imbafed vnder the iust price : which is doon in three manners ; By offering and obtruding a mans selfe ; wherein men thinke he is rewarded when he is accepted . By doing too much , which wil not giue that which is well done leaue to settle , and in the end induceth saciety : and : By finding to soone the fruit of a mans vertue , in commendation , applause , honour , fauoure , wherein if a man be pleased with a little , let him heare what is truly said , Caue ne insuetus rebus maioribus videaris , si haec te res parua sicuti magna delectat : But the couering of defects is of no lesse importance , then the valewing of good parts . which may be doone likewise in three manners , by Caution , by Colour , and by Confidence , Caution is , when men doe ingeniously and discreetely auoyde to be put into those things for which they are not propper : wheras contrarywise bould and vnquiet spirits will thrust themselues into matters without difference , and so publish and proclaime all their wantes ; Coloure is when men make a way for themselues , to haue a construction made of their faultes or wantes : as proceedinge from a better cause , or intended for some other purpose : for of the one , it is well sayde ; Saepe latet vitium proximitateboni : And therefore whatsoeuer want a man hath , he must see , that he pretend the vertue that shadoweth it , as if he be Dull , he must affect Grauitie , if a Cowarde , Mildenesse , and so the rest : for the second , a man must frame some probable cause why he should not doe his best , and why he should dissemble his abilities : and for that purpose must vse to dissemble those abilities , which are notorious in him to giue colour that his true wants are but industries and dissimulations : for Confidence it is the last but the surest remedie : namely to depresse and seeme to despise whatsoeuer a man cannot attaine , obseruing the good principle of the Marchantes , who endeuour to raise the price of their owne commodities , and to beate down the price of others . But there is a confidence that passeth this other : which is to face out a mans own defects : in seeming to conceiue that he is best in those things wherein he is failing : and to help that againe , to seeme on the other side that he hath least opinion of himselfe , in those things wherein he is best : like as we shall see it commonly in Poets , that if they shew their verses , and you except to any , they will say , That that lyne cost them more labour then any of the rest : and presently will seeme to disable , and suspect rather some other lyne , which they know well enough to be the best in the number . But aboue al in this righting and helping of a mans selfe in his owne carriage , he must take heed he shew not himselfe dismantelled and exposed to scorne and iniury , by too much dulcenesse , goodnesse , and facility of nature , but shew some sparkles of liberty , spirit , and edge . Which kind of fortified cariage with a readye rescussing of a mans selfe from scornes , is somtimes of necessity imposed vpon men by somwhat in their person or fortune , but it euer succeedeth with good felicity . Another precept of this knowledge is by all possible endeauour , to frame the mind to be pliaunt and obedient to occasion ; for nothing hindereth mens fortunes so much as this : Idem manebat , nequeidem decebat : Men are where thty were , when occasions turne , and therefore to Cato , whom Liuie maketh such an Architect of fortune , hee addeth that he had Versatile Ingenium : And thereof it commeth that these graue solemne wittes which must be like themselues , and cannot make departures haue more dignity then foelicity : But in some it is nature to bee somewhat viscouse and inwrapped , and not easie to turne : In some it is a conceipte , that is almost a nature , which is that men can hardlie make themsel●…ns beleeue that they oughte to chaunge their course , when they haue found good by it in former experience . For Macciaue noteth wisely how Fabius Maximus would haue been temporizing still , according to his ould biasse , when the nature of the warre was altered , and required hotte pursuite ; In some other it is want of point and penetration in their iudgemente , that they do not discerne when thinges haue a periode , but come in , too late after the occasion : As Demosthenes compareth the people of Athens to country fellowes , when they play in a fence-schoole , that if they haue a blow then they remooue their weapon to that warde , and not before : In some other it is a loathnesse to leese labours passed , and a conceite that they can bring about occasions to their plie , and yet in the end , when they see no other remedye , then they come to it with disaduantage , as Tarquinius that gaue for the third part of Sybillaes bookes the treeble price , when he mought at first haue had all three for the simple . But from whatsoeuer roote or cause this Restiuenesse of mind proceedeth , it is a thing most preiudiciall , and nothing is more politique then to make the wheels of our mind concentrique and voluble with the wheels of fortune . Another precept of this knowledge , which hath some affinity with that vvelast spake of , but with difference is that which is well expressed , satis accede Deisque , that men do not only turne with the occasions but also runne with the occasions and not strain their credit or strength to ouer-harde or extreame points : but choose in their actions that which is most passable : for this will preserue men from foyle , not occupy them too much about one matter , winne opinion of moderation , please the moste , and make a showe of a perpetuall foelicitye in all they vndertake , which cannot but mightely increase reputation . Another part of this knowledge seemeth to haue some repugnancy with the former two , but not as I vnderstand it , and it is that which Demosthenes vttereth in high tearmes : Et quemadmodum receptum est , vt exercitum ducat Imperator : sic & a cordatis viris res ipsae ducendae , vt quae ipsis videntur , ea gerantur , & non ipsi euentus persequi cogantur . For if we obserue , we shall find two differing kinds of sufficiency , in managing of businesse : some can make vse of occasions aptly and dexterously , but plotte little : some can vrge and pursue their owne plottes well , but cannot accommodate nor take in : either of vvhich is very vnperfite without the other . Another part of this knowledge is the obseruing a good mediocrity in the declaring or not declaring a mans selfe , for although depth of secrecy , and making way ( qualis est via ●…uis in Mari , which the French calleth Sourdes Menees , when men set thinges in worke without opening themselues at all ) be somtimes both prosperous and admirable : yet many times Dissimulatio errores parit , qni dissimulatorem ipsam illaqueant . And therefore we see the greatest pollitiques haue in a naturall and free manner professed their desires , rather then bin reserued and disguised in them . For so we see that Lucius Sylla made a kind of profession , That hee wished all men happy or vnhappie as they stood his friendes or enemies : So Caesar , when hee went first into Gaul , made no scruple to professe , that hee had rather bee first in a village , then second at Rome . So againe as soone as hee had begunne the warre , we see what Cicero sayth of him , Alter ( meaning of Coesar ) non recusat , sed quodam modo postulat , vt ( vt est ) sic appelletur Tyrannus . So we may see in a letter of Cicero to Atticus , that Augustus Caesar in his very entrance into affaires , when he was a dearling of the Senate , yet in his harauges to the people , would sweare It a parentis honores consequi liceat , ( which was no lesse then the Tyranny , ) saue that to helpe it , hee would stretch foorth his hand towardes a statua of Caesars , that was erected in the place : and men laughed and woondered and sayde , Is it possible , or did you euer heare the like , and yet though hee meant no hurte , hee did it so handsomlye and ingenuouslye , and all these were prosperous , where as Pompeye who tended to the same ends , but in a more darke and dissembling manner , as Tacitus sayeth of him , Occultior non melior , wherein Salust concurreth ore probo , animo inuerecundo made it his disseigne by infinite secret Engines , to cast the state into an absolute Anarchy and confusion , that the state mought cast it selfe into his Armes for necessity and protection , and so the soueraigne power bee putt vpon him , and he neuer seene in it : and when hee had broughte it ( as he thoughte ) to that pointe when hee was chosen Consull alone ; as neuer any , was ; yet hee could make noe greate matter of it , because men vnderstoode him not : but was faine in the end , to goe the beaten tracke of getting Armes into his handes , by coulour of 〈◊〉 the doubte of Caesars dessignes : so tedidious , casuall , and vnfortunate are these deepe dissimulations , whereof it seemeth Tacitus made this iudgement , that they were a cunning of an inferiour fourme in regard of true pollicy , attributing the one to Augustus , the other to Tiberius , where speaking of Liuia , he sayth : Et cum ariibus mariti simulatione filij bene composita : for surely the continuall habite of dissimulation is but a weake and sluggish cunning , & not greatly politique . Another precept of this Architecture of Fortune , is , to accustome our mindes to iudge of the proportion or valewe of things , as they conduce , and are materiall to our particular ends , and that to doe substantially and nor superficially . For wee shall finde the Logicall parte ( as I maye tearme it ) of some mens mindes good , but the Mathematicall part erroneous , that is , they can well iudge of consequences , but not of proportions and comparison , preferring things of shewe and sencebefore things of substance and effect . So some fall in loue with accesse to Princes , others with popular same and applause , supposinge they are things of greate purchase , when in many Cases they are but matters of Enuy , perill , and Impediment : So some measure thinges accordinge to the labour and difficulty , or affiduity , which are spent aboute them ; and thinke if they bee euer moovinge , that they must needs aduance and proceede , as Caesar saith in a dispisinge manner of Cato the second , when hee describeth howe ●…orious and indefatigable he was to noe greate purpose : Haec omnia magno fludio agebat . So in moste thinges men are ready to abuse themselues in thinking the greatest means to be best , when it should bee the Fittest . As for the true marshalling of mens pursutes towards theire fortune as they are more or lesse materiall , I houlde them to stand thus ; Firste the amendment of their own Minds . For the Remooue of the Impediments of the mind wil sooner cleare the passages of fortune , then the obteininge fortune wil remooe the Impediméts of the mind ; In secōd place I set downe wealth and meanes , which I know most men woulde haue placed firste : because of the generall vse which it beareth towardes all varietie of occasions . But that opinion I may condemne with like reason as Macchiauell doth that other : that monies weretl●…e sinews of the warres , wheras ( saith he ) the true sinews of the warres are the sinews of mens Armes , that is a valiant , populous and Military Nation : & he voucheth aptly the authority of Solon who when Craesus shewed him his treasury of goalde saide to him , that if another came that had better Iron , he woulde be maister o●… his Gould In like manner it may be truly affirmed , that it is not monies that are the sinews of fortune , but it is the sinews and steele of mens Mynds , Witte , Courage , Audacity , Resolution , Temper , Industry , and the like : In thirde place I set down Reputation , because of the peremptory Tides & Currants it hath , which if they bee not taken in their due time , are sildome recouered , it beinge extreame harde to plaie an after game of reputation . And lastly , I place honoure , which is more easily wonne by any of the other three , much more by all , then any of them can bee purchased by honour . To conclude this precepte , as there is order and priority in Matter , so is there in Time , the proposterous placing whereof is one of the commonest Errors : while men fly to their ends when they shoulde intend their beginninings : and doe not take things in order of time as they come on , but marshall them according to greatnes and not according to instance , not obseruing the good precepte Quod nunc instat agamus . Another precept of this knowledge is , not to imbrace any matters , which doe occupie to great a quantity of time , but to haue that sounding in a mans eares . Sed fugit interea , fugit irreparabile tempus , and that is the cause why those which take their course of rising by professions of Burden , as Lawyers , Orators painefull diuines , and the like , are not commonlie so politique for their owne fortune , otherwise then in their ordinary way , because they want time to learne particulars , to waite occasions , and to deuise plottes . Another precept of this knowledge is to imitate nature which doth nothing in vaine , which surely a man may do , if he do well interlace his businesse , and bend not his mind too much vpon that which he prin cipally intendeth . For a man ought in euery particular action , so to carry the motions of his mind , and so to haue one thing vnder another , as if he cannot haue that he seeketh in the best degree , yet to haue it in a second , or so in a third , and if he can haue no parte of that which he purposed , yet to turn the vse of it to sōwhat els , and if he cannot make any thing of it for the present , yet to make it as a seed of somwhat in time to come , and if he can contriue no effect or substaunce from it , yet to win som good opinion by it , or the like so that he should exact an account of himself of euery action , to reape somwhat , and not to stand amazed and confused if he saile of that he chiefly meant : for nothing is more impollitique then to mind actions wholly one by one . For he that dooth so , leeseth infinite occasions which enterveine , and are many times more proper and propitious for somewhat , that he shall need afterwards : then for that which he vrgeth for the present ; and therfore men must be parfite in that rule : Haec oportet facere , & illa non omittere . Another precept of this knowledge is , not to ingage a mans selfe peremptorily in any thing , though it seem not liable to accident , but euer to haue a window to flie out at , or away to retyre ; following the wisedom in the ancient fable , of the two frogs , which consulted when their plash was drie , whether they should go and the one mooued to go down into a pit because it was not likely the water would dry there , but the other answered , True , but if it do , how shall we get out againe ? Another precept of this knowledge is that ancient precept of Bias , construed not to any point of perfidiousnesse , but only to caution and moderation Et ama tanquam inimicus suturus , & odi tanquam amaturus : For it vtterly betraieth al vtility , for mē to imbarque them selues to far , into vnfortunate friendships : troublesom spleans ; & childish & humorous enuies or aemulatiōs . But I continue this beyond the measure of an example , led , because I wold not haue such knowledges which I note as deficient to be thought things Imaginatiue , or in the ayre ; or an obseruation or two , much made of but thinges of bulke and masse : whereof an end is hardlier made , then a beginning . It must be likewise conceiued that in these pointes which I mencion and set downe , they are far from complete tractates of them : but onelye as small peeces for patternes : And lastlye , no man I suppose will thinke , that I meane fortunes are not obteyned without all this adoe ; For I know they come tumblinge into some mens lappes , and a nomber obtaine good fortunes by dilligence , in a plaine way : Little intermedlinge : and keeping themselues from grosse errors . But as Cicero when he setteth down an Idea of a parfit Orator , doth not mean that euery pleader should be such ; and so likewise , when a Prince or a Courtier hath been described by such as haue handled those subiects , the mould hath vsed to be made accordinge to the perfectiō of the Arte , and not according to cō mon practise : So I vnderstand it that it ought to be done in the description of a Pollitique man. I meane pollitique for his owne fortune . But it must be remembred al this while , that the precepts which we haue set down , are of thatkind which may be coūted & called Bonae Artes , as for euill arts , if a man would set down for himselfe that principle of Machiauel : That a man seeke not to attaine vertue it selfe : But the apparance onely thereof , because the credite of vertue is a helpe , but the vse of it is cumber : or that other of his principles : That he presuppose , that men are not fitly to be wrought otherwise but by feare , and therefore that he seeke to haue euery mā obnoxius , lowe , & in streight which the Italiās cal seminar spine , to sowe thornes : or that other principle cōteined in the verse which Cice ro cyteth cadant amici , dūmodo Inimici intercidāt , as the Trium virs which fould euery one to other the liues of their friends for the deaths of theire enemiees : or that other protestation of L. Catilina to set on fire & trouble states , to the end to fish in droumy waters , & to vnwrappe their fortunes . Ego si quid in fortunis meis excitatum sit incendium , id non aqua sed ruina restinguam , or that other principle of Lysāder That childrē are to be deceiued with cōfittes , & men with othes , & the like euil and corrupt positions , whereof ( as in al things ) there are more in number then of the good : Certainly with these dispensations from the lawes of charity & integryty the pressing of a mans fortune , may be more ha sty and compendious . But it is in life , as it is in ways The shortest way is comonly the fowlest & surely the fairer way is not much about . But men if they be in their own power & doe beare & sustaine themselues , and bee not caryed awaye with a whirle winde or tempest of ambition : oughte in the pursute of their owne fortune , to set before their eies , not only that general Map of the world . That al things are vanity & vexatiō of spirit , but many other more par ticular Cards & directiōs , cheefly that , That Being , without wel being : is a curse ; & the greater being , the greater curse , And that all vertue is most rewarded , & al wickednesse most punished in it selfe : according as the Poet saith excellently . Quae vobis que digna viri , pro laudibus istis Premia posse rear solui ? pulcherrima primum Dij moresque dabunt vestri : And so of the contrary . And secondly they oughte to looke vp to the eternal prouidence and diuine iudgemente , which often subuerteth the wisdome of euyll plots & imaginations , according to that scripture He hath conceiued mischiefe & shal bring soorth a vainething And although men should refraine themselues from iniury and euil artes , yet this incessant & Sabbathlesse pursute of a mans fortune , leaueth not tribute which we owe to God of our time who ( we see ) demandeth a tenth of our substāce , & a seauenth , which is more strict of our time : and it is 〈◊〉 to smal purpose to haue an erected face towards heauē , & a perpetual groueling spirit vpon earth eating dust as doth the serpent , Atque affigit humo Diuinae particulam aurae : And if any mā flatter himself that he will imploy his fortune wel , though he shold obtain it ill , as was said concerning Aug. Caesar , & after of Septimius Seuerus , That either they shold neuer haue bin born or else they shold nener haue died , they did so much mischief in the pursut & ascētof their greatnes , & so much good when they were established yet these cōpensations & satisfactions , are good to be vsed , but neuer good to be purposed : And lastly it is not amisse for mē in their race toward their fortuneto cooll thēselues a litle with that cōceit which is elegāt ly expressed bythe Emperor , Charls the 5. in his instruc tiōs to the K. his son , That fortune hath sowhat of the nature of a womā , that if she be too much woed , she is the farder of . But this last is but a remedy for those whose Tasts are corrupted : let mē rather build vpo that foūdation which is as a cornerstone of diuinity and philosophie , wherein they ioyne close , namely that same Primum quaerite . For diuinity sayth Primum quaerite regnū Dei & ista omnia ad●…iciētur Vobis : & Philosophy saith , Primū quaerite bona animi , coetera aut aderunt , aut non oberunt . And although the humane foundation hath somewhat of the same , as we see in M : Brutus when hee brake forth into that speech . — Te colui ( Virtus ) vt rem : ast tu nomen inane es ; Yet the diuine foundation is vpon the Rocke . But this may serue for a Tast of that knowledge which I noted as deficient . Concerning gouernment , it is a part of knowledge , secret and retyred in both these respects , in which things are deemed secret : for some things are secret , because they are hard to know , and some because they are not fit to vtter : wee see all gouernments are obscure and inuisible . — Totamque infusa per artus , Mens agitat molem , & magno corpore miscet . Such is the description of gouernments ; we see the gouernmēt of God ouer the world is hidden ; insomuch as it seemeth to participate of much irregularitie and confusion ; The gouernment of the Soule in moouing the Body is inward and profound , and the passages therof hardly to be reduced to demonstration . Againe , the wisedome of Antiquitie ( the shadowes whereof are in the Poets ) in the description of torments and paines , next vnto the crime of Rebellion , which was the Giants offence , doth detest the offence offacilitie : as in Sysiphus and Tantalus . But this was meant of particulars ; Neuerthelesse euen vnto the generall rules and discourses of pollicie , and gouernment , there is due a reuerent and reserued handling . But contrariwise in the gouernors towards the gouerned , all things ought as far as the frailtie of Man permitteth , to be manifest , & reuealed . For so it is expressed in the Scriptures touching the gouernment of God , that this Globe which seemeth to vs a dark and shady body is in the view of God , as Christall , Et in conspectu sedis tanquā mare vitreū simile christallo . So vnto Princes and States , and specially towardes wise Senats and Councels , the natures and dispositions of the people , their conditions , and necessities , their factions and combinations , their animosities and discontents ought to be in regard of the varietie of their Intelligences , the wisedome of their obseruations , and the height of their station , where they keepe Centinell , in great part cleare and transparent ; wherefore , considering that I write to a king that is a maister of this Science , and is so wel assisted , I thinke it decent to passe ouer this part in silēce , as willing to obtaine the certificate , which one of the ancient Philosophers aspired vnto , who being silent , when others contended to make demonstration of their abilities by speech , desired it mought ●…e certified for his part , that there was one that knewe how to hold his peace . Notwithstanding for the more publique part of Gouernment , which is Lawes , I think good to note onley one deficience , which is , that all those which haue writtē of Lawes , haue written either as Philosophers , or as lawiers , & none as Statesmen . As for the Philosophers , they make imaginary Lawes for imaginary cōmon-wealths , & their discourses are as the Stars , which giue little light because they are so high . For the Lawyers , they write according to the States where they liue , what is receiued Law , & not what ought to be Law ; For the wisedome of a Law-maker is one , & of a Lawyer is another . For ther are in Nature certaine fountaines of Iustice , whence all Ciuil Lawes are deriued , but as streames ; & like as waters doe take tinctures and tastes from the soyles through which they run ; So doe ciuill Lawes vary according to the Regions and gouernments where they are plāted , though they proceed from the same fountaines ; Againe the wisedome of a Lawmaker consisteth not onely in a platforme of Iustice ; but in the application thereof , taking into consideration , by what meanes Lawes may be made certaine , and what are the causes & remedies of the doubtfulnesse and incertaintie of Law , by what meanes Lawes may be made apt and easie to be executed , and what are the impediments , and remedies in the execution of lawes , what influence lawes touching priuate right of Meum & Tuum , haue into the publike state , and how they may be made apt and agreable , how lawes are to be penned and deliuered , whether in Texts or in Acts , briefe or large , with preambles , or without howe they are to bee pruned and reformed from time to time , and what is the best meanes to keepe them frō being too vast in volumes , or too ful of multiplicitie & crosnesse , how they are to be expounded , When vpon causes emergent , and iudicially discussed , and when vpon responses and conferences touching generall points or questions , how they are to be pressed , rigorously , or tenderly , how they are to be Mitigated by equitie and good conscience , and whether discretion and strict Lawe are to be mingled in the same Courts , or kept a part in seuerall Courts ; Againe , how the practise , profession , and erudition of Lawe is to be censured and gouerned , and many other points touching the administration , and ( as I may tearme it ) animation of Lawes . Vpon which I insist the lesse , because I purpose ( if God giue me leaue ) hauing begunne a worke of this Nature , in Aphorismes , to propound it hereafter , noting it in the meane time for deficient . And for your Maiesties Lawes of England , I could say much of their dignitie , and somewhat of their defect : But they cannot but excell the ciuill Lawes in fitnesse for the gouernment : for the ciuill Law was , non hos quaesitum munus in vsus : It was not made for the countries which it gouerneth : hereof I cease to speake , because I will not intermingle matter of Action , with matter of generall Learning . THus haue I concluded this portion of learning touching Ciuill knowledge , & with Ciuill knowledge haue concluded HVMANE PHILOSOPHY and with Humane Philosophy , PHILOSOPHY in GENERAL ; and being now at some pause , looking backe into that I haue passed through : This writing seemeth to me ( Si nunquam sailit imago ) as farre as a man can iudge of his owne worke , not much better then that noise or sound which Musitiās make while they are in tuning their Instrumēts , which is nothing pleasāt to hear , but yet is a cause why the Musique is sweeter afterwardes . So haue I beene content to tune the Instruments of the Muses , that they may play , that haue better hands . And surely when I set before me the condition of these times , in which learning hath made her third visitation , or circuite in all the qualities thereof : as the excellencie and viuacitie of the wits of this age ; The noble helpes and lights which we haue by the trauailes of ancient writers : The Art of Printing , which communicateth Bookes to men of all fortunes . The opēnesse of the world by Nauigation , which hath disclosed multitudes of experiments , and a Masse of Naturall History : The leasure wherwith these times abound , not imploying men so generally in ciuill businesse , as the States of Graecia did , in respect of their popularitie , and the State of Rome in respect of the greatnesse of their Monarchie : The present disposition of these times at this instant to peace : The consumption of all that euer can be said in controuersies of Religiō , which haue so much diuerted men from other Sciences : The perfection of your Maj : learning , which as a Phoenix may call whole volyes of wits to followe you , and the inseparable proprietie of Time , which is euer more and more to disclose truth : I cannot but be raised to this perswasion , that this third period of time will farre surpasse that of the Graecian and Romane Learning : Onely if men will know their own strength , and their owne weakenesse both : and take one from the other , light of inuention , and not fire of contradiction , and esteeme of the Inquisition of truth , as of an enterprise , & not as of a qualitie or ornament , & imploy wit and magnificence to things of worth & excellencie , & not to things vulgar , and of popular estimation . As for my labors , if any man shall please himselfe , or others in the reprehension of them ; they shall make that ancient and patient request , ver bera , sed audi . Let men reprehend them so they obserue and waigh them : For the Appeale is lawfull ( though it may be it shall not be needefull ) from the first cogitations of men to their second , & from the neerer times , to the times further of . Now let vs come to that learning , which both the former times were not so blessed as to knowe , Sacred & inspired Diuinitie , the Sabaoth and port of all mens labours and peregrinations . THe prerogatiue of God extendeth as well to the reason as to the will of Man ; So that as we are to obey his law though we finde a reluctatiō in our wil●… So we are to belieue his word , though we finde a reluctation in our reason : For if we beleeue onely that which is agreeable to our sence , we giue consent to the matter , and not to the Author , which is no more then we would doe towards a suspected and discredited witnesse : But that faith which was accounted to Abraham for righteousnesse was of such a point , as where at Sarah laughed , who therein was an Image of Naturall Reason . Howbeit ( if we will truly consider of it ) more worthy it is to belieue , then to knowe as we now know ; For in knowledge mans mind suffereth from sence , but in beliefe it suffereth from Spirit , such one as it holdeth for more authorised then it selfe , & so suffereth from the worthier Agent : otherwise it is of the state of man glorified , for then faith shal cease , & we shall knowe as we are knowne . Wherefore we conclude that sacred Theologie ( which in our Idiome we call Diuinitie ) is grounded onely vpon the word & oracle of God , and not vpon the light of nature : for it is written , Caelienarrāt gloriam Dei : But it is not written Caelienarrant voluntatem Dei : But of that it is said ; Ad legem & testimonium si non fecerint secundū verbum istud &c. This holdeth not onely in those points of faith , which concerne the great misteries of the Deitie , of the Creation , of the Redemption , but likewise those which concerne the law Moral truly interpreted ; Loue your Enemies , doe good to thē that hate you . Be like to your heauenly father , that suffereth his raine to fal vpon the Iust & Vniust . To this it ought to be applauded , Nec vox hominē sonat , It is a voice beyond the light of Nature : So we see the heathen Poets when they fall vpon a libertine passion , doe still expostulate with lawes and Moralities , as if they were opposite and malignant to Nature : Et quod natura remitti●… , invida Iura negant : So said Dendamis the Indian vnto Alexanders Messengers : That he had heard somewhat of Pythagoras , and some other of the wise men of Graecia , and that he held them for excellent Men : but that they had a fault , which was that they had in too great reuerence and veneration a thing they called Lawe and Manners : So it must be confessed that a great part of the Lawe Morall is of that perfection , whereunto the light of Nature cannot aspire : how then is it , that man is saide to haue by the light and lawe of Nature some Notions , and conceits of vertue and vice , iustice & wrong , good and euill ? Thus , because the light of Nature is vsed in two seuerall senses : The one , ●…at which springeth from Reason , Sense , Induction , Argument , according to the lawes of heauen and earth : The other that which is imprinted vpon the spirit of Man by an inward Instinct , according to the lawe of conscience , which is a sparkle of the puritie of his first Estate : In which later sense onely , he is participant of some light , and discerning : touching the perfection of the Morall lawe : but how ? sufficient to check the vice , but not to informe the dutie . So then the doctrine of Religion , as well M●…all as Misticall , is not to be attained , but by inspiration and reuelation from God. The vse notwithstanding of Reason in spirituall things , and the latitude thereof is very great and generall : for it is not for nothing , that the Apostle calleth Religion our reasonable seruice of God , insomuch as the verie Ceremonies and Figures of the oulde Lawe were full of reason and signification , much more then the ceremonies of Idolatrie and Magicke , that are full of Non-significants and Surde Characters ; But most specially the Christian faith , as in all things , so in this deserueth to be highly magnified , houlding and preseruing the golden Mediocritie in this point , betweene the law of the Heathen , and the law of Mahumet , which haue embraced the two extreames . For the Religion of the Heathen had no constant beleefe or confession , but left all to the libertie of argument : and the Religion of Mahumet on the otherside , interdicteth argument altogether ; the one hauing the verie face of Errour : and the other of Imposture ; whereas the Faith doth both admit and reiect Disputation with difference . The vse of Humane Reason in Religion , is of two sorts : The former in the conception and apprehension of the Mysteries of GOD to vs reuealed ; The other , in the inferring and deriuing of doctrine and direction thervpon : The former extendeth to the mysteries themselues : but how ? by way of Illustration , and not by way of argument . The later consisteth indeed of Probation and Argument . In the former wee see God vouch safeth to descend to our capacitie , in the expressing of his misteries in sort as may bee sensible vnto vs : and doth grifte his Reuelations & holie doctrine vpon the Notions of our reason , and applyeth his Inspiratiōs to open our vnderstāding , as the forme of the key to the ward of the locke ; for the later , there is allowed vs an vse of Reason , and argument , secondarie and respectiue ; although not originall and absolute : For after the Articles and principles of Religion are placed and exempted from examination of reason : It is then permitted vnto vs to make deriuations and inferences from , and according to the Analogie of them , for our better direction . In Nature this holdeth not , for both the principles are examinable by Induction , though not by a Medium or Sillogisme : and besides those principles or first positions , haue noe discordance with that reason which draweth downe and diduceth the inferiour positions . But yet it holdeth not in Religion alone , but in many knowledges both of greater and smaller Nature , namely wherin there are not onely Posita but Placita , for in such there can be noe vse of absolute reason , we see it familiarly in Games of wit , as Chesse , or the like ; The Draughts and first lawes of the Game are positiue , but how ? meerely ad placitum , and not examinable by reason ; But then how to direct our play thereupon with best aduantage to winne the game , is artificiall and rationall . So in Humane lawes , there be many groundes and Maximes , which are Placita Iuris , Positiue vpon authoritie and not vpon reason , and therefore not to be disputed : But what is most iust , not absolutely , but relatiuely , and according to those Maximes , that affordeth along field of disputation . Such therfore is that secōdarie reason , which hath place in diuinitie , which is grounded vpon the Placets of God. Here therefore I note this deficience , that there hath not bin to my vnderstanding sufficiently enquired & handled , The true limits and vse of reason in spirituall things : as a kinde of diuine Dialectique , which for that it is not done , it seemethto me a thing vsuall , by pretext of true conceiuing that , which is reuealed , to search and mine into that which is not reuealed , and by pretext of enucleating inferences and contradictories , to examine that which is positiue : The one sort falling into the Error of Nicodemus , demanding to haue things made more sensible then it pleaseth God to reueale them ; Quomodo possit homo nasci cum sit senex ? The other sort into the Error of the Disciples , which were scandalized at a shew of contradiction : Quid est hoc quod dicit nobis , modicum , & non videbitis me , & iterum modicum , & videbitis me &c. Vpon this I haue insisted the more , in regard of the great and blessed vse thereof , for this point well laboured and defined of , would in my iudgement be an Opiate to staie and bridle not onely the vanitie of curious speculatiōs , wherewith the schooles labour but the furie of cōtrouersies , wherewith the church laboureth . For it cannot but open mens eyes to see that many controuersies doe meerely pertaine to that which is either not reuealed or positiue , and that many others doe growe vpon weake and obscure Inferences or deriuations which latter sort of men would reviue the blessed stile of that great Doctor of the Gentiles , would bee carryed thus : Ego , non Dominus , and againe - Secundum consilium meum , in Opinions and counsells , and not in positions and oppositions . But Men are nowe ouer readie to vsurpe the stile . Non Ego , sed Dominus , and not so only , but to binde it with the thunder and denunciation of Curses , and Anathemaes , to the terror of those which haue not sufficiently learned out of Salomon , that The causelesse Curse shall not come . Diuinitie hath two principall parts : The matter informed or reuealed : and the nature of the Information or Reuelation : and with the later wee will beginne : because it hath most coherence with that which wee haue now last handled . The nature of the information consisteth of three braunches : The limites of the information ; the sufficiencie of the information ; and the acquiring or obtaining the information . Vnto the limits of the information belong these considerations : howe farre forth particular persons continue to bee inspired : how farre forth the Church is inspired : and howe farre forth reason may be vsed ; the last point wherof I haue noted as deficient . Vnto the sufficiency of the information belong two considerations , what points of Religion are foundamentall , & what perfectiue , beeing matter of founder building and perfection vpon one , and the same foundation : and againe how the gradations of light according to the dispensation of times , are materiall to the sufficiencie of beleefe . Here againe I may rather giue it in aduise , then note it as deficient , that the points foundamentall , and the points of further perfection onely ought to bee with piety and wisedome distinguished : a subiect tending to much like ende , as that I noted before : for as that other were likely to abate the nomber of controuersies : So this is like to abate the heate of manie of them . Wee see Moses when he sawe the Israelite and the Egyptian fight , hee did not say , Why striue you ? but drew his sworde , and slewe the Egyptian : But when hee sawe the two Israelites fight , hee said , You are brethren , why striue you ? If the point of doctrine bee an Egyptian , it must bee slaine by the sword of the spirit , and not reconciled . But if it be an Israelite , though in the wrong : then Why striue you . We see of the foundamentall points , our Sauiour penneth the league thus , Hee that is not with vs is against vs , but of points not fundamentall , thus Hee that is not against vs , is with vs. So wee see the Coate of our Sauiour was entier without seame , and so is the Doctrine of the Scriptures in it selfe : But the gouernment of the Churche was of diuers colours , and yet not deuided : wee see the chaffe may and ought to be seuered from the corne in the Eare : But the Tares may not be pulled vp from the corne in the field : So as it is a thing of great vse well to define , what , and of what latitude those points are , which doe make men meerely aliens and disincorporate from the Church of God. For the obtaining of the information , it resteth vpon the true & sound Interpretation of the Scriptures which are the fountaines of the water of life . The Interpretations of the Scriptures are of two sorts : Methodical , and Solute , or at large , for this diuine water which excelleth so much that of Iacobs Well , is drawne forth much in the same kinde , as Naturall Water vseth to bee out of Wells and Fountaines : either it is first forced vp into a Cesterne and from thence fetcht and deriued for vse : or else it is drawne and receiued in Buckets and Vessels immediately where it springeth . The former sort whereof though it seeme to bee the more readie , yet in my iudgement is more subiect to corrupt . This is that Methode which hath exhibited , vnto vs the scholasticall diuinitie , whereby diuinity hath bin reduced into an Art , as into a Cesterne , & the streames of doctrine or positions fetcht and deriued from thence . In this , Men haue sought three things , a summarie breuitie , a compacted strength , and a compleate perfection : whereof the two first they faile to finde , and the last they ought not to seeke . For as to breuitie , wee see in all summarie Methodes , while men purpose to abridge , they giue cause to dilate . For the summe or abridgement by contraction becommeth obscure , the obscuritie requireth exposition , and the exposition is diduced into large comentaries , or into common places , and titles , which growe to be more vast then the originall writings , whence the summe was at first extracted . So we see the volumes of the schoole-men are greater much then the first writings of the fathers , whence the Maister of the sentēces made his summe or collection . So in like manner the volumes of the modern Doctors of the Ciuil Law exceed those of the ancient Iurisconsults , of which Tribonian compiled the digest . So as this course of summes & cōmentaries is that which doth infallibly make the body of Sciēces more immense in quantitie , and more base in substance . And for strength , it is true , that knowledges reduced into exact Methodes haue a shew of strength , in that each part seemeth to support & sustaine the other : But this is more satisfactorie then substantiall , like vnto buildings , which stand by Architecture , and compaction , which are more subiect to ruine , then those that are built more stronge in their seuerall parts though lesse compacted . But it is plaine , that the more you recede from your grounds , the weaker doe you conclude , & as in nature , the more you remoue your selfe from particulars , the greater peril of Error you doe incur : So , much more in Diuinitie , the more you recede from the Scriptures by inferences and consequences , the more weake and dilute are your positions . And as for perfection , or compleatnes in diuinitie it is not to be sought , which makes this course of Artificiall diuinitie the more suspecte : For hee that will reduce a knowledge into an Art , will make it round and uniforme : But in Diuinitie manie things must bee left abrupt and concluded with this : O altitudo Sapientiae & scientiae Dei , quam incomprehensibilia sunt Iudicia eius , & non inuestigabiles viae eius ? So againe the Apostle saith , Eu parte scimus , and to haue the forme of a totall , where there is but matter for a part , cannot bee without supplies by supposition and presumption . And therefore I conclude , that the true vse of these Summes and Methods hath place in Institutions or Introductions , preparatorie vnto knowledge : but in them , or by diducement from them , to handle the mayne bodie and substance of a knoweledge ; is in all Sciences preiudiciall , and in Diuinitie dangerous . As to the Interpretation of the Scriptures solute and at large , there haue beene diuers kindes introduced & deuised , some of them rather ruinous and vnsafe , then sober and warranted . Notwithstāding thus much must be confessed , that the Scriptures being giuen by inspiration , and not by humane reason , doe differ from all other books in the Author : which by , consequence doth drawe on some difference to be vsed by the Expositor . For the Inditer of them did knowe foure things which noe man attaines to knowe , which are the misteries of the kingdome of glorie ; the perfection of the Lawes of Nature : the secrets of the heart of Man : and the future succession of all ages . For as to the first , it is said . He that presseth into the light , shall be oppressed of the Glorie . And againe , Noe man shall see my face and liue . To the second , When he prepared the heauens I was present , when by lawe and compasse he enclosed the deepe . To the third , Neither was it needefull that any should beare witnesse to him of Man , for he knewe well what was in Man. And to the last , From the beginning are knowne to the Lord all his workes . From the former two of these haue beene drawne certaine senses and expositions of Scriptures , which had need be contained within the bounds of sobrietie ; The one Anagogicall , and the other Philosophicall . But as to the former , Man is not to preuent his time ; Videmus nune per speculum in Aenigmate , tunc autem facie adfaciem , wherein neuerthelesse there seemeth to be a libertie graunted , as farre forth as the polishing of this glasse , or some moderate explication of this Aenigma . But to presse too farre into it cannot but cause a dissolution and ouerthrowe of the spirite of man. For in the body there are three degrees of that we receiue into it : Aliment Medecine and Poyson whereof Aliment is that which the Nature of Man can perfectly alter & ouercom : Medecine is that which is partly conuerted by Nature , & partly conuerteth nature : & Poyson is that which worketh wholy vpon Nature without that , that nature can in any part worke vpon it . So in the minde whatsoeuer knowledge reason cannot at all worke vpon & conuert , is a meere intoxication and indangereth a dissolution of the minde & vnderstanding . But for the latter , it hath beene extreamely set on foote of late time by the Schoole of Paracelsus , and some others , that haue pretended to finde the truth of all naturall Philosophy in the Scriptures ; scandalizing and traducing all other Philosophie : as Heathenish and Prophane : But there is noe such enmitie betweene Gods word , and his workes . Neither doe they giue honour to the Scriptures , as they suppose , but much imbase them . For to seeke heauen and earth in the word of God , Whereof it is saide , Heauen and Earth shall passe , but my worde shall not passe , is to seeke temporary things amongst eternall ; And as to seeke Diuinitie in Philosophy , is to seeke the liuing amongst the dead ; So to seeke Philosophy in Diuinitie is to seek the dead amongst the liuing ; Neither are the Pots or Lauers , whose place was in the outward part of the Temple to be sought in the holiest place of all ; where the Arke of the testimonie was seated . And againe the scope or purpose of the spirit of God is not to expresse matters of Nature in the Scriptures , otherwise then in passage , and for application to mans capacitie and to matters morall or Diuine . And it is a true Rule , Authoris aliud agentis parua authoritas . For it were a strange conclusion , if a man should vse a similitude for ornament or illustration sake , borrowed from Nature or historie , according to vulgar conceit , as of a Basiliske , an Vnicorne , a Centaure , a Briareus , an Hydra or the like , that therefore hee must needes bee thought to affirme the matter thereof positiuely to be true ; To conclude therefore these two Interpretations , the one by reduction or Aenigmaticall , the other Philosophicall or Phisicall , which haue beene receiued and pursued in imitation of the Rabbins and Cabalists , are to be confined with a Noli altum sapere , sed time . But the two later points knowne to God , and vnknowne to Man ; touching the secrets of the heart , and the successions of time : doth make a iust and sound difference betweene the manner of the exposition of the Scriptures : and all other bookes . For it is an excellent obseruation which hath beene made vpon the answeres of our Sauiour Christ to many of the questions which were propounded to him , how that they are impertinent to the state of the question demanded , the reason whereof is , because not being like man , which knowes mans thoughts by his words , but knowing mans thoughts immediately , hee neuer answered their words , but their thoughts : much in the like manner it is with the Scriptures , which being written to the thoughts of men , and to the succession of all ages , with a foresight of all heresies , coatradictions , differing estates of the Church , yea , and particularly of the elect , are not to be interpreted only according to the latitude of the proper sense of the place , and respectiuely towardes that present occasion , whereupon the wordes were vttered ; or in precise congruitie or contexture with the wordes before or after , or in contemplation of the principall scope of the place , but haue in themselues not onely totally , or collectiuely , but distributiuely in clauses and wordes , infinite springs and streames of doctrine to water the Church in euerie part , and therefore as the literall sense is as it were the maine streame or Riuer : So the Morall sense chiefely , and sometimes the Allegoricall or Typicall are they whereof the Church hath most vse : not that I wish men to be bold in Allegories , or Indulgent or light in Allusions : but that I doe much condemne that Interpretation of the Scripture , which is onely after the manner as Men vse to interprete a prophane booke . In this part touching the exposition of the Scriptures , I can report noe deficience ; but by way of remembrance this I will adde , In perusing Bookes of Diuinitie , I finde many Bookes of controuersies , and many of common places and treatises , a masse of positiue Diuinitie , as it is made an Arte : a number of Sermons and Lectures , and many prolixe commentaries vpon the Scriptures with harmonies and concordances : but that forme of writing in Diuinitie , which in my Iudgement is of all others most rich and precious ; is positiue Diuinitie collected vpon particular Texts of Scriptures in briefe obseruations , not dilated into common places : not chaseing after controuersies , not reduced into Methode of Art , a thing abounding in Sermons , which will vanish , but defectiue in Bookes which wil remaine , and a thing wherin this age excelleth . For I am perswaded , and I may speake it , with an Absit invidia verbo , and no waies in derogation of Antiquitie but as in a good emulation betweene the vine and the oliue , That if the choise , and best of those obseruations vpon Texts of Scriptu●…es which haue beene made dispersedly in Sermons within this your Maiesties Ilands of Brittanie by the space of these fortie yeares and more ( leauing out the largenesse of exhortations and applications thereupon ) had beene set downe in a continuance , it had beene the best worke in Diuinitie , which had beene written since the Apostles times . The matter informed by Diuinitie is of two kinds , matter of beliefe , and truth of opinion : and matter of seruice , and adoration ; which is also iudged and directed by the former : The one being as the internall soule of Religion , & the other as the externall body thereof : & therfore the heathen Religion was not onely a worship of Idolls , but the whole Religion was an Idoll in it selfe , for it had noe soule that is , no certaintie of belief or confession , as a man may well thinke , considering the chiefe Doctors of their Church were the Poets , and the reason was , because the heathen Gods were noe Iealous Gods , but were glad to be admitted into part , as they had reasō . Neither did they respect the purenesse of hart , so they mought haue externall honour and rites . But out of these two doe result and issue foure maine branches of Diuinitie ; Faith , Manners , Lyturgie , and Gouernment : Faith containeth the Doctrine of the Nature of GOD , of the attributes of GOD , and of the workes of GOD ; The nature of GOD consisteth of three persons in vnitie of GOD-head ; The attributes of GOD are either common to the deitie , or respectiue to the persons ; The workes of GOD summarie are two , that of the Creation , and that of the Redemption : And both these workes , as in Totall they appertaine to the vnitie of the God-head : So in their parts they referre to the three persons : That of the Creation in the Masse of the Matter to the father , in the disposition of the forme to the Sonne , and in the continuance and conseruation of the being to the Holy spirit : So that of the Redemptiō , in the election and counsell to the Father , in the whole Act and consūmation , to the Sonne : and in the application to the Holy spirit : for by the Holy Ghost was Christ conceiued in flesh , and by the Holy Ghost are the Elect regenerate in spirite . This worke likewise we consider either effectually in the Elect , or priuately in the reprobate , or according to apparance in the visible Church . For manners , the Doctrine thereof is contained in the lawe , which discloseth sinne . The lawe it selfe is deuided according to the edition thereof , into the lawe of Nature , the lawe Morall , and the lawe Positiue ; and according to the stile , into Negatiue and Affirmatiue , Prohibitions and Commandements . Sinne in the matter and subiect thereof is deuided according to the Commandements , in the forme thereof it referreth to the three persons in deitie , Sinnes of Infirmitie against the father , whose more speciall attribute is Power : Sinnes of Ignorance against the Sonne , whose attribute is wisedome : and sinnes of Malice against the Holy Ghost , whose attribute is Grace or Loue. In the motions of it , it either mooueth to the right hand or to the left , either to blinde deuotion , or to prophane & libertine transgressiō , either in imposing restraint , where GOD granteth libertie , or in taking libertie where GOD imposeth restrainte . In the degrees and progresse of it , it deuideth it selfe into thought , word , or Act. And in this part I commend much the diducing of the Lawe of GOD to cases of conscience , for that I take indeede to bee a breaking , and not exhibiting whole of the bread of life . But that which quickneth both these Doctrines of faith and Manners is the eleuatition and consent of the heart , whereunto appertaine bookes of exhortation , holy meditation , christian resolution , and the like . For the Lyturgie or seruice , it consisteth of the reciprocall Acts betweene GOD and Man , which on the part of GOD are the Preaching of the word and the Sacraments , which are seales to the couenant , or as the visible worde : and on the part of Mans Inuocation of the name of GOD , and vnder the law : Sacrifices , which were as visible praiers or confessions , but now the adoration being in Spiritu & veritate there remaineth only vituli labiorum , although the vse of holy vowes of thankefulnesse and retribution , may be accounted also as sealed petitions . And for the Gouernment of the Church , it consisteth of the patrimonie of the church , the franchises of the Church , and the offices , and iurisdictions of the Church , and the Lawes of the Church directing the whole : All which haue two considerations ; the one in them selues : the other how they stand compatible and agreeable to the Ciuill Estate . This matter of Diuinitie is handled either in forme of instruction of truth : or in forme of confutation of falshood . The declinations from Religion besides the primitiue which is Atheisme and the Branches thereof , are three , Heresies , Idolatrie , and Witch-craft , Heresies , when we serue the true GOD with a false worship . Idolatrie , when wee worship false Gods , supposing them to be true : and Witch-craft , when wee adore false Gods knowing them to be wicked and false . For so your Maiestie doth excellently well obserue , that Witch-craft is the height of Idolatry . And yet we see thogh these be true degrees , Samuel teacheth us that they are all of a nature , when there is once a receding from the word of GOD , for so he saith , Quasi Peccatum ariolandi est repugnare , & quasi scelus Idololatriae nolle acquiescere . These thinges I haue passed ouer so briefely because I can report noe deficience concerning them : For I can finde no space or ground that lieth vacant and vnsowne in the matter of Diuinitie , so diligent haue men beene , either in sowing of good seede , or in sowing of Tares . Thus haue I made as it were a small Globe of the Intellectuall world , as truly and faithfully as I coulde discouer , with a note and description of those parts which seeme to mee , not constantly occupate , or not well conuerted by the labour of Man. In which , if I haue in any point receded from that which is commonly receiued , it hath beene with a purpose of proceeding in melius , and not in aliud : a minde of amendment and proficience ; and not of change and difference . For I could not bee true and constant to the argument I handle , if I were not willing to goe beyond others , but yet not more willing , then to haue others goe beyond mee againe : which may the better appeare by this that I haue propounded my opinions naked and vnarmed , not seeking to preoccupate the libertie of mens iudgements by confutations . For in any thing which is well set downe , I am in good hope , that if the first reading mooue an obiection , the second reading will make an answere . And in those things wherein I haue erred , I am sure I haue not preiudiced the right by litigious arguments ; which certainly haue this contrarie effect and operation , that they adde authoritie to error , and destroy the authoritie of that which is well inuented . For question is an honour and preferment to falshood , as on the other side it is a repulse to truth . But the errors I claime and challenge to my selfe as mine owne . The good , if any bee , is due Tanquam adeps sacrificij , to be incensed to the honour first of the diuine Maiestie , and next of your Maiestie , to whom on earth I am most bounden . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A01516-e6220 Historia Literarū . Historia Naturae Errantis . Historia Mechanica . Historia Prophetica . Metaphisica siue De formis & F●…bus Rerū . Naturalis Magiasiue Phisica Operatiua Maior . Inuentarium Opum bumanarum . Continuatio Problematum in Natura . Catalogus Falsitatū grassantiū in historia Naturae . De Antiquis Philosophijs . Narrationes Medicinales . Anatomia comparata . Inquisitio vlterior de Morbis insanabisibus . De Euthanasia exteriore . Medicinae experimentales . Imitatio Naturae in Balneis , & Aquis Medicinalibus Filum Medicinale , siue de vicibus Medicinarum . Experientia literata , & interpretatio Naturae . Elenchi magni , s●…e d●… Idolis animi humani , natiuis & aduentitijs . De Analogia Demonstrationum . De Notis Rerum . De Methode syncera , siue ad filios Scientiarum . De prudentia Traditionis . De Productione Axiomatum . Deprudentia sermonis priuati . Colores boni & mali , simplicis & comparati . Antitheta rerum . De cultura , Animi . Faber Fortunae siue de Am. bitu vitae . De prudētia legislatoria , fiue , de fontibus Iuris . De vsu legittimo rationis humanae in diuinis . Degradibus vnitatis in Ci●…itate Dei. Emanationes Scripturarum , in doctrinas Positiuas . 
A50778	----	A new treatise of natural philosophy, free'd from the intricacies of the schools adorned with many curious experiments both medicinal and chymical : as also with several observations useful for the health of the body. Midgley, Robert, 1655?-1723. 1687 Approx. 405 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 178 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A50778 Wing M1995 ESTC R31226 11791731 ocm 11791731 49229 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50778) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49229) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1488:28) A new treatise of natural philosophy, free'd from the intricacies of the schools adorned with many curious experiments both medicinal and chymical : as also with several observations useful for the health of the body. Midgley, Robert, 1655?-1723. [12], 340 [i.e 342] p. Printed by R.E. for J. Hindmarsh ..., London : 1687. On verso: Licensed, October 28, 1686, Robert Midgley. Attributed to Midgeley by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Numerous errors in pagination. Imperfect: pages 341 plus wanting. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Physics -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A NEW TREATISE OF Natural Philosophy , Free'd from the INTRICACIES OF THE SCHOOLS . Adorned with many Curious Experiments both Medicinal and Chymical . AS ALSO With Several Observations useful for the Health of the Body . LONDON , Printed by R. E. for J. Hindmarsh , at the Golden-Ball over against the Royal. Exchange in Cornhill . 1687. LICENSED , October 28. 1686. ROBERT MIDGLEY . INDEX . THe First Part of Physick , wherein is treated of the Causes and Principles of Nature . CHAP. I. Of the Efficient Cause , and of its Essence and Differences . CHAP. II. Of the First Cause . CHAP. III. The Perfections of the First Cause . CHAP. IV. Of Second Causes , and their Actions . CHAP. V. Of Accidental Causes . CHAP. VI. Of Sympathy , Antipathy , and the Effects depending thereupon . CHAP. VII . Experiments about Iron and the Loadstone . CHAP. VIII . An Explication of many other Effects which are commonly attributed to Sympathy . CHAP. IX . Of Portative Remedies commonly called Amulets , of Quick-Silver , Gold , Silver , and Copper . CHAP. X. Of Natural Phoenomenas , which are attributed to Antipathy . CHAP. XI . Of Emeticks , Sudorificks , and Specificks . CHAP. XII . Of Poysons , and Toxicks . CHAP. XIII . Of Sublimate , Arsenick , and other kinds of Poysons , and their deadly Effects . CHAP. XIV . Of Antidotes . CHAP. XV. Of the true Causes of our Diseases . CHAP. XVI . Of the Causes of our Health . CHAP. XVII . Of Formal , Exemplary , and Material Causes . CHAP. XVIII . Of the First Matter . CHAP. XIX . Of Atoms , and their Nature . CHAP. XX. The Properties , Magnitude , Figure , Weight , and Motion of Atoms . CHAP. XXI . The Difficulties arising from the Doctrine of Atoms . CHAP. XXII . Of a Disseminate , Congregate , and Separate Vacuum according to Gassendus . CHAP. XXIII . Of a Congregate Vacuum , against Aristotle and Cartesius . The Second Part of Physick , wherein is treated of the Coelestial World , and of those things which are above Man. CHAP. I. Of the immense Spaces which are without the Heavens . CHAP. II. Of the Heavens , and their Nature . CHAP. III. Of Stars , and their Substance . CHAP. IV. Of the Figures and Magnitude of Stars . CHAP. V. Of the Motion of the Stars . CHAP. VI. The System of the World according to Ptolomy Examined . CHAP. VII . The System of the World according to Copernicus Examined . CHAP. VIII . Of the Motion of the Earth . CHAP. IX . Of the Sun , the true Centre and Heart of the World. CHAP. X. Of the Moon and its Changes . CHAP. XI . Of Planets , Comets , and the Fixed Stars . CHAP. XII . Of Meteors in the Air. CHAP. XIII . Of Winds , Tempests , and Whirl-winds . CHAP. XIV . Of Thunder , Lightning , and the Thunderbolt . CHAP. XV. Of Aurum-Fulminans , which imitates Thunder . CHAP. XVI . Of Hail , Snow , Frost , &c. CHAP. XVII . Of the Rainbow , Halones , and Parrhelis . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Air , its Substance and Qualities . The Third Part of Physick ; of those things which are beneath Man , ( viz. ) of the Earth , and Terrestrial Things which are called Inanimate . CHAP. I. Of the Earth and Water in General . CHAP. II. Of Terrestrial Inanimate Bodies in General . CHAP. III. Of the various Qualities observed in Compound Bodies . CHAP. IV. Of Special Qualities which arise from the Composition of Bodies . CHAP. V. Of the Quantity , Weight , and Figure of Compound Bodies . CHAP. VI. The Difference betwixt Natural , Artificial , and Compound Bodies . CHAP. VII . Of Mettals and their Formation . CHAP. VIII . Of Gold , the King of Mettals . CHAP. IX . Of Silver , Copper , and other imperfect Mettals . CHAP. X. Of Lead , Tin , and Iron . CHAP. XI . Of Quick-Silver , Arbor Diana , or the Silver Tree . CHAP. XII . Of Minerals . CHAP. XIII . Of Salts . CHAP. XIV . Of Subterranean Fires , aend Earthquakes . CHAP. XV. Of Waters and their Differences . CHAP. XVI . Of the Sea , its Ebbing and Flowing , and of the Saltness of the Sea-Water . CHAP. XVII . Of Springs and Rivers . The Fourth Part of Physick : Of those things which are in Man , and of Man himself , as he is a Compound Physical , and Animate Body . CHAP. I. Of Life in General . CHAP. II. Of the difference of Lives . CHAP. III. Of the Vegetative Life ; common to Man and Plants . CHAP. IV. Of the Nature of Seeds , and their Propagation . CHAP. V. Of Nutrition , which is common to Plants and Brutes , as well as Man. CHAP. VI. How and with what Food an Embryo is nourished in the Womb 'till the time of its Nativity . CHAP. VII . How a Man is nourished after he is Born. CHAP. VIII . The Sensitive Life of Man and other Animals . CHAP. IX . Of Seeing , its Organ and Object , ( viz. ) Light. CHAP. X. How illustrated Objects are visible . CHAP. XI . Of Hearing , its Organ and Object . CHAP. XII . Particular Questions about Hearing . CHAP. XIII . Smelling , its Organ and Object . CHAP. XIV . Of Tast and its Object . CHAP. XV. Of Feeling . CHAP. XVI . Of Speech , the Pulse , and Breathing of Man. CHAP. XVII . Of the Motion of the Heart . CHAP. XVIII . Of the irregular motion of the Heart in Animals , and in Feavers . CHAP. XIX . Of the Circulation of the Blood. CHAP. XX. Of the inward Senses , and the inferiour Appetite . CHAP. XXI . Of Sleep , want of Rest , and Death . CHAP. XXII . Of the Death of Brutes , Plants and Mettals . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Rational Soul and its Powers . NATURAL PHILOSOPHY ; OR , Natural Science FREED FROM The Intricacies of the Schools . THE desire of Knowledge is natural to Man , Curiosity is inseparable from his Spirit , neither is he ever at rest , until he hath attained to the perfect knowledge of things , that is , until he becomes a Wise Man. Science is the Knowledge of things by their Causes ; therefore there is no Man Wise , who is ignorant of the Original Principles , and Causes of all things occurring to him ; and since it is impossible for any Man in this Life to attain to a clear , distinct , and an undubitable knowledge of all things ; therefore there is no Man that is absolutely Wise : Those who have the Reputation of being Wise and Excellent Philosophers , have obtained that preheminence , in regard they are less ignorant than others . Sciences differ according to the diversity of Mens Conditions and Professions . The Noble Man is conversant and wise in the Art of War , the Physitian in the Precepts of Medicine , and the Advocate in matters of Law and Right , but all these Sciences ( nay Theology it self ) cannot subsist without Philosophy , especially , without that part of it , which we call Physick , or natural Science . The First Part of Physick , wherein is Treated of the Causes and Principles of Nature . BY Nature is understood the Universe , composed of Heaven and Earth , and all that is found between both ; this is the Object of Physick , this every natural Philosopher ought to know ; and because this Knowledge cannot be obtained , without knowing the principles and causes of things , hence it is evident , that a Natural Philosopher ought to use his utmost endeavour to enquire into the principles and causes of Nature , and of all things which happen in this World. I shall not examine here , whether there be any difference betwixt a Cause and a Principle ; for every principle , after its manner , I conceive to be a cause of that thing whereof it is the principle , and no Man doubts but every cause is a principle , and that all niceties concerning this matter are altogether useless . Philosophers do commonly reckon all Causes to be but Five in number ; they give the first place to that which they call the Efficient Cause , which is that Agent which produces the things that are in Nature ; and gives them their essence and existences : In the next place , they rank the Material Cause , being that subject , which receives the impression of the efficient and operating cause . The third is called the Formal Cause , which gives a being to every thing , as the most Noble and principal part of it . The fourth is called the Exemplary Cause , according to whose rule the efficient produces its action , when it operates by Knowledge . The fifth and last is the Final Cause , which is the end , for whose sake the efficient produces its effect . In this first Part we shall speak of all things which concern these several Causes , not omitting any thing which shall be thought necessary to the knowledge of them . CHAP. I. Of the Efficient Cause , and of its Essence and Differences . THere is such a relation and connection between the Cause and the Effect , that we cannot have a true notion of the cause , unless at the same time we have a conception of the effect ; so in general , we say , that a cause is nothing else but that which gives being to another thing , which is the effect of it ; which way soever it happens , according to the Five Causes before mentioned . All Philosophers do agree , That of all Causes the Efficient is the most Noble ; because , properly speaking , this alone hath Effect , though it be produced after several ways , as we shall shew hereafter . If the Efficient Cause acts by a power proper to it self , then it is called the Principal cause ; but if onely by the force and impression of another , then it is termed the Instrumental cause : So we distinguish betwixt the Painter , and the Pencil ; though both contribute to the production of the Picture . Also the Universal Cause , which produces many effects ( as the Sun , the Stars , and the Elements ) is distinguished from a Particular Cause , which is determinate to one effect in particular : Of this kind there are many sublunary causes acting in this inferior World. There is also a difference between the Total Cause , which produces its effect without the help of another , and That Cause which cannot act alone , but only produces part of the effect . There are also necessary and free causes , the first acts necessarily and without choice ; as Fire , the Sun , and all created causes , except Men and Angels , for they act by a Free Will , wherein consists the essence of Liberty . The Efficient Cause is likewise either Physical , or Moral ; the Physical acts really and immediately , as Fire consuming a House with its Flame ; and he that sets fire to it for that purpose , is the next moral cause ; and he who advises it , is a moral , but a remote cause , of the consequential burning . But if the Fire happens by chance , and by the imprudence of one that carries a Candle in his hand , and some sparks fall into the thatch , which takes fire , whereby the House is burnt ; here this Man is only an accidental cause of the Burning . Lastly , it is rightly distinguished between the First Cause , which is Author of Nature ; and Nature created , under which are comprehended all second causes , and such are all Creatures . As to the Efficient Cause whereof we speak , it may be observed , that when it acts by Knowledge , all the said causes , after their respective manner , do concurr to the production of one and the same effect : As , the Painter drawing his Picture , is the principal cause , the Pencil the instrumental , the End proposed by the Painter is the final cause , and the Idea directing , is the exemplary cause ; the form and disposition of the parts of the Piece that is painted , may be taken for the form of it , the Colours , and the Cloath whereupon they are laid , may be reckoned the material cause , because they are the constituent matter of the Work. But if a Limner in his anger throws his Pencil ( as it is reported to have hapned to him who had in vain endeavoured to represent to the life a high mettled Horse Foaming at his Mouth ) or if a Limner undesignedly and by chance touches the Picture , which thereby ( as it befell the former in his anger ) is made better , the representation more agreeable , the lines stronger , or more piercing , this would be only an effect of an accidental cause . There are some things to be observed in an efficient cause ( when it acts ) which are inseparable from it , such as these , the nature of the Agent , the existence of the cause , the power which makes it act , the intervening act , the effect which is produced , the subject whereby , into which , and wherein it is produced ; as we shall see in what follows . CHAP. II. Of the first Cause . THE existence of the first Cause , or first Princple , is so evident , and so necessary , that it is like Truth known by it self , and ought not to be supposed liable to any difficulty ; especially amongst Christians , who are illuminated by the Light of Divine Revelation . And since a Man that submits himself to Faith , hath not thereby renounced the light of Reason , it will not be amiss to confirm this truth with natural reasons , lest any doubt should remain in Spirits less tractable . Which the better to effect , I suppose a Truth so well known , that no Man can deny , unless he hath a mind to be thought ridiculous and infatuated . This Truth so obvious , that it ought to pass for a Principle , whereupon , as a sure foundation , the existence of the first cause ought to be built , is grounded upon our own proper existence ; there is nothing so evident , nothing so certain , than That we are in the World ; this truth is confirmed by the testimony of all our senses ; whatsoever we think , whatsoever we say , and whatsoever we do , will not suffer us to imagine that our existence is an illusion : Therefore it is certain , and more than evident , that we are in the World ; but that we are in it from our selves , or by our selves , or by casualty or chance , or by the necessity of being , is absolutely impossible ; so that it is necessary that we are in the World , by the means and assistance of a certain other Being , who as the Author , was also the free Principle of that essence which we possess . This Principle is necessarily either a first or second cause ; if the first , then you shall see that we are agreed , and that the true existence of the first cause , which some would deny , is rightly built upon the truth of our Being , which no Man can deny ; if we make the cause of our being to be a second cause , then it must be confessed , that this second cause is produced by a third , and the third by a fourth , and so in going upwards , as they do in the Genealogies of ancient and Noble Progenies , at last we find the head of the Family ; that is , the first cause , who by his great Atchievements , purchased to himself the Quality and Title of Nobility , and left those Titles to his Illustrious Family . It is likewise true , that there is no Family so Illustrious or so Ancient , but the Genealogy of it terminates in one private person , who gave it both its Name , and Original , and which was the first Cause of its Nobility ; no certainly , unless we erect a ridiculous and an infinite Genealogie ; or , like the Egyptians who imagined themselves to be older than the Moon , will say that its Origine is as unknown as the Head of Nilus . In the same manner , after we have by way of ascent to our Fathers , and Ancestors , examined what kind of Author we had of our being , whom we may call the first cause of all things which are in us , we do necessarily find a certain Being which was before all things , and which is the effect of no other causes , and which is the Cause of all things which are in the World , and consequentially the first , who is that God whom we adore . This demonstration doth abundantly convince any Person , who hath in him the least spark of the light of reason : It is ridiculous to say , that we our selves were the cause of our Being , because from thence it would follow , that we did exist before we had a being , that we gave our selves that which we were not in posession of , and that the cause and the effect was one and the same thing , which is impossible . It is no less an errour to affirm , That we are in the World by Necessity ; for if we were so in the World , our existence would never have had a beginning , and we would have been immutable and independent , and infinite in every kind of perfection , which is repugnant to experience and right Reason . That perswasion of Epicurus and his Followers is no less ridiculous , That the first Authors of our existence were produced by Chance , or by a fortuitous occurrence of Attoms . This opinion of it self falls to the ground . Let it be supposed , that the World was produced by this fortuitous occurrence of Atoms , yet still the question will be , Whether these Atoms were Created , or Uncreated ? If created , they acknowledge a Cause of their existence , and this cause must own another , and so ad infinitum ; which cannot be maintained ; for then the World would be eternal , and thence to this present time , there would have been an infinite number of rational Souls in the World : Aristotle who supposed the eternity of the World , and the immortality of the Soul ; yet did deny the Transmigration of Souls , and would allow nothing in Nature to be actually infinite ; whereby he makes himself guilty of an absurd contradiction . The same Aristotle stumbles upon another Contradiction , in Relation to the First Cause ; for if the World be Eternal and without a beginning , this Second Cause is of no use ; for the same Reason which proves the World to have a beginning , proves likewise the existence of the first cause ; on the other hand , the same reason which proves the existence of the first cause , does at the same time prove , that the World once had a beginning ; and doth demonstrate that it was not Eternal . In the same manner , Epicurus is guilty of an absurd contradiction , when he says , that Atoms , ( which , according to his opinion , he makes to be the causes of all things ) were produced and created by another : But if he says these Atoms were Uncreated , and that they were Eternal Beings , necessary and independent ; then every Atom must be some Divinity , and that they are both the efficient and material cause of all things , which is impossible , because the opposition and relation , which is necessarily betwixt a principle acting , and the subject whereupon it acts , do imply a necessary distinction . CHAP. III. The Perfections of the first Cause . THey who are throughly satisfied with the existence of the first cause , must of necessity attribute to it all the Perfections which are or can be in the World ; that it is not only the most perfect and most noble of causes , but also it ought to be supposed , that all the effects which it hath produced , or is yet capable of producing , are in its Being in all perfections , and that every one of them is infinite , and ( as it is the first cause ) in the unity of its Being ; for it is necessary it should have the perfections of those beings which it hath , or can produce ; for otherwise , it would or could communicate that which it neither hath , nor can have . The first cause would not be absolutely perfect , if it were not eternal ; for so it would have had a beginning , and might have an end , and then it could not be the first cause , in so much that it derives its existence from that which was pre-existent to it ; and by consequence , this cause which we suppose to be first , would be a second cause , limited in its being and perfections , as in its duration , and it would seem to have a dependence upon another : Whereas , when we suppose it to be the first , all others must depend upon it , and be subordinate to it ; whence it follows , that these qualities of the first cause are inseparable from it , Independence , Eternity , Infinity , and Supreme Authority , and that we cannot conceive any first cause , but at the same time we acknowledge the existence of God. This first Cause , or to say better , this first Being , which is God , must necessarily have that perfect Unity which admits no multiplication either of Nature or Perfections . Certainly , if God was not one in his being , but had several Natures , the number of them ought to be infinite , and that none of these Beings in particular would be infinite , because when the perfection of one cannot be the perfection of another , there will not be one to be found but will stand in need of the perfection of the other , that is , in whom there would not be requisite that perfection which the other Beings do possess . I add moreover , That all these supposed Beings would be opposite , independent , and all Supreme , which is impossible ; or that all would be subject to one or other of them , which is ridiculous ; whence it follows , that there is but one only God , who is one in his existence , incapable of any multiplication , and who is the Primary and Universal Cause of all things . The great number , or rather the infinity of perfections , which we apprehend to be in the First Cause , is not repugnant to the Supreme Unity , because that does not divide the being ; and they are but one and the same thing , though we give them several Names , and do consider them under several Ideas , which we are forced to correct , since without that Unity there would be necessarily a composition of parts , which would be the cause of the whole Compound , and which would precede its existence , which cannot be the ingredient of that composition without something else intervening ; they might also be divided and separated ; so , by the dissolution of the parts , the compound would cease , which is plainly inconsistent with that Idea which we have of God , who is simple in his Nature , Independent , and every way Incorruptible . The first cause is not only One , and without its like in its Essence , but also one , sole , and without a second , in that action by which the world was produced : And for this reason this action is called Creation , supposing nothing but meer nothing out of which all things were made by the only power of God , without the help of any other , having either the quality of an Agent or a Subject . The world being produced by this first cause , remains subject to the will and pleasure of it . And in the same manner as it was produced by the sole act of this first cause , so it is preserved in the same State by the sole influence of the same cause , who as it did not want any other second cause in the Creation of the Universe , so neither doth it stand in need of any assistance in the conservation of it . Being and Nothing are so opposite to one another , that the Philosophers always had it for a Maxim , That out of nothing nothing could be made ; which is to be understood only in reference to second causes ; and not in respect of the first , whose power is infinite , and who can do what he pleases ; this power in the creation of the Universe was not applyed according to the extensiveness of its activity , because it pleased God to terminate the being , qualities , and number of second causes , which are created . The Creation was no necessary action , for the first Cause did not Create the World but at such a Time , in such a Place , and in such a Manner as seemed good to it self ; so it made all those things with the highest Liberty , there being no other cause either equal or superior to it self , who was able to compel , perswade , animate , or incite it to the Creation of the world . The World it self could not terminate a necessary action , because it could not be Eternal , for every thing that is of necessity is eternal , neither had it ever a beginning , nor can it have an end , because it is against the nature of a created being , which is limited in its qualities and duration , no less than in its natural Substance . If the first cause was free in the Creation of the world , thence it follows , that all things were made by direction of reason and understanding , and by consequence , according to a certain Idea and Rule : But because the first cause operates after an independent manner , it could not have the Type of its production any where else but from it self , neither could it act by a rule distinct from its own being ; so God is not only the efficient , but the exemplary cause of all things . For the same reason it may be said , That the first Cause , which is God , is the final cause of all things , for when he , as an intelligent and free cause , produced the World , he did propose to himself an end answerable to his Dignity , that is , himself and his own proper Glory ; so that the first cause is necessarily the ultimate end of all its effects . CHAP. IV. Of second Causes , and their Actions . ALL Creatures are called second Causes , because they depend upon the first , neither do they operate but by the Command and Impression of the first ; this First or Universal Cause does act Uuniversally with particular Causes , but after a manner agreeing with the Nature of every particular thing , and according to the power which was given it when it was created ; which does not alter the Nature of the Causes , nor the necessity or Liberty of their actions . This power of acting , which is granted to second Causes , is not a quality different from their Nature and Being : So the Power which the Atoms have of moving themselves , doth not differ from the Atoms themselves ; the power of burning or heating doth not differ from the Fire to which it is inherent , unless it be in the manner of our conceiving things , and of speaking of them according to our conceptions . So it is of an Action which terminates from the cause to the effect , and which is nothing else than a certain relation , or an actual subordination , which is found betwixt the cause and the effect . This action is never without motion , or to say better , action and motion is one and the same thing , thence it is that a thing rests when it is without action , and then it begins to move it self when it begins action ; so according to three ways of acting , there are found in the nature of things three kinds of motion . The first is made without Sense or Reason , which we may see in Stones , Mettals , Plants , and the Heavens . The second kind of motion is made by sense and knowledge , as are seen in all living Creatures : The third kind joins Reason to Sense , as we observe in man acting by Phancy , who proposes an end to himself , distinguishes between Good and Evil , and hath the liberty of prosecuting the several Objects presented to his view either with love or hatred . As an action is not indeed distinct from the cause acting , nor from the effect which it doth produce , so motion doth not differ from the thing moved , or from the thing which moves it , but both of them Is , accordingly as they change their condition , or cease to rest , which from the Creation was never done , without a certain local motion of the whole , or some part thereof ; so , the notion of rest is opposite to the notion of mutation and action , as well as motion . CHAP. V. Of Accidental Causes . THere are many causes which are called Accidental Causes , for , properly speaking , they are not true causes ; which sort of causes happens four manner of ways ; first , a Musitian draws a Picture , not as he is a Musitian , but as a Painter ; so that the Art of Painting is the true cause of this work : And as the Art of Singing contributes nothing here , since it falls out by chance , that the Art of Singing , and the Art of Painting meet together in this Man , and since the Art of Singing is no way requisite for the making of the Picture ; in this respect , we may say , that the Musitian is only an accidental cause of the Picture which he hath drawn . Secondly , a remote or indirect cause is called an accidental cause ; as when we say , that the Sun is the cause of darkness , because darkness is occasioned by the absence of the Sun ; Mirth is the cause of Sadness , and Peace arises from War : As a Man endeavouring to save his Friend , whose Life is in danger , and thereby unwillingly exposing him to a certain death , is the indirect or accidental cause of his death : As he , who perswades his Friend to cross the Seas , whereby he is cast away . Thirdly , an opposite cause ( which produces an effect quite contrary to that which it ought to produce ) is an accidental cause , as it was with the subjects of such Tyrants as persecuted the Church , and thereby procured Glory to Martyrs ; and as those , who were the death of our Lord Jesus Christ , obtained us Life , destroyed the Synagogue , built the Church ; they fulfilled the Prophecies , and laid the foundation of the Gospel . In the fourth and last place , That is an accidental cause which produces a particular effect not foreseen , and according to the course of Nature unavoidable ; if it hath respect to an intelligent cause , and the effect be agreeable to wish , the Heathens did point at this by the name of Fortune , and according to their way of speaking , we say such a thing is the effect of Fortune ; as when a Man is digging up the Foundation of a house , and by chance finds a Treasure ; but if the effect be otherwise than prosperous , then it is misfortune , or the chance of Fortune : As when a Tile falls from the top of a House upon a Mans Head that is passing by , and Kills him ; here the Tile is the Physical and accidental cause of this Mans death , which was inevitable according to the course of second causes , having either their free or necessary motions : These accidental causes gave the Heathens occasion to frame to themselves a Blind Goddess , which they called Fortune , to whom they did attribute an unconstant , an uncertain , and a various disposition of good and evil ; to this Man 's good , to that Man's prejudice : Of all errors this is not the least , neither was it entertained by any , but the ignorant and the meaner sort of People The wiser sort in that age did aim at a cause of all the effects which happen in the World , that was less feigned , and more solid ; this they would have to be Fate , and that what without any reason was ordained by this universal and chief cause was inevitable ; so when any great misfortune happened , as the loss of a Battel , the defeat of an Army , the change of State , the subversion of a Common Wealth , or the sudden death of some Illustrious Person ; all this was ascribed to Fate ; and they did commonly say , Sic erat in Fatis , this was the inevitable will of Fate ; so the Fates would have it : And when any person undertook any great Enterprise , as it was said of Aeneas , being in search of the Golden Fleece , ( if the Fates call thee ) that is , if the Fates favour thee ; thou shalt attain thy end . The great Wits of our Age are almost of the same Opinion , concerning all the various successes of Prosperity and Adversity , and all things which come to pass in this Life ; as if humane Prudence had been of no use , and Divine Providence without any care had been idle . But that we may speak like a Christian Philosopher , supposing the existence of the First Cause , and having demonstrated that it hath all the perfections of the Chief Cause , since Wisdom and Power are the two inseparable perfections of the Supream Being , and indeed so necessary for the conservation and government of humane affairs ; we ought to conclude , that nothing happens in this World , which is not decreed , foreseen , directed , and perfected , by the wisdom ; and strong hand of some Supream Cause , which so exactly directs all things , that they come to pass , according to the end that was proposed in the production of them , and indeed all those things , by means unknown to humane Wisdom ; yet notwithstanding , in respect of God , who is the first cause , they are certain and infallible , who established the infallibility of effects , in such manner , that causes in their motion , should be neither forced , nor too violent : There is nothing but what God soresees , nothing but what is absolutely inevitable , and free causes act always freely , in actions which ought to be free . CHAP. VI. Of Sympathy , and Antipathy , and the effects depending upon them . THe wonderful effects which we see in Nature , whose true and natural causes are not easily found out , obliges Philosophers to have recourse to Occult Causes , and to attribute all these effects to natural Sympathy and Antipathy , which happens amongst the several Bodies whereof the World is compounded ; but if you press these Philosophers to tell you , and to explain wherein this Sympathy and Antipathy doth consist , they will give you no other reason , but onely tell you , they are done by certain occult and unknown causes , to which they ascribe all those effects , whose true causes they do not at all know . But they would do much better , plainly to confess their ignorance and say they know nothing of the matter . That we may the better understand what may be said upon a subject so nice and delicate , and give a reason ▪ of those wonderful effects which are attributed to Simpathy and Antipathy , without the help of occult causes ; in the first place , I suppose that the difficulty which occurs in explaining an Effect of this nature , doth arise from this ; That the Mind is not able to know the truth of things , but by the Senses , which are the gates through which the Objects enter , and form their Ideas in our understanding ; but because there are abundance of things which escape our senses , it is no wonder , that it is so hard to give a reason of things which are so remote from the reach of our senses ; as for example , Iron moves it self , and that by way of local motion , and joins it self to the Load-stone ; we do not see that which draws the Iron to it , though we see it attracted , but we know not by what ways or means it is done ; but if we explicate this , and such like Effects , by saying they are wrought by Sympathy , obscure and occult causes , we deceive our selves ; for that is only a shelter , and the true way of hiding our ignorance , which we are loath to discover , for there is no man in nature so blockish , but after this manner can resolve all the Phoenomena in the Universe . If it be asked why the Needle turns always to the North Pole ? is it enough to say that there is a Sympathy betwixt this Needle which is touched with the Load-stone and the Pole , and that the cause of this Sympathy is obscure , unsearchable , and past finding out : But if this be the way of Philosophising , I refer it to those who are competent Judges of the matter . Therefore that we may give a more ingenuous and solid Reason , in the second place , I suppose that there are no Bodies but that continually emit certain subtile particles and imperceptible corpuscles which are dispersed through the air , and are at sometimes carried at a great distance , unless they justle with other Bodies in their way . By the help of this principle , we find the reason why a Dog follows the foot-steps of a Hare , or from a heap of a thousand stones , he readily knows that stone which his Master threw , and picks it out , and by his command brings it to him . From this dispersion of corpuscles , we find the reason how the contagion of the Plague , either from the person infected , or from the wind blowing from that Region , is carried a great way of , as also the reason that the smell of Rosemary is perceivable at a hundred miles distance , as Sir Kenelme Digby observes ; and likewise the wonderful cure of persons wounds , which are far distant , by the means of the Sympathetick Powder ; so likewise of the fermentation of Canary Wine , brought into England , which ferment here at the time of their Vintage , when the Vines in Spain flourish and are in the budd , and such like . I suppose farther , that all these small corpuscles do differ as to their figure and magnitude , and that they are not equally received by this or that body ; so one man is infected with the Plague , in the same place where are many others untouched . For the same reason , the beams of the Sun do melt Wax , and not Lead , unless they are collected and united by the help of a Burning-glass , or the like ; and the heat of Fire melts Mettals after a very different manner . Lastly , I suppose that it is somewhat difficult to give a solid and sufficient reason of all the Experiments which daily occur in the nature of things . Truly we are surprised with no small admiration , when we see Iron move at the presence of the Load-stone , and to approach it , as if it were endued with a kind of sense and knowledge ; the Palm-Tree of the male kind is barren , unless the female be planted near it , but if they be separated by a river , they both lean to one another , as if they would embrace each other . If you strike the string of a Lute in one corner of a Room , it shall cause the string of another Lute , tuned to the same heighth , and placed in an opposite corner , to give a sound ; but not another . The Cock always sings and claps his wings in the same moment that the Sun ascends above the Horizon ; all Effects which we see from Sympathy afford us matter of admiration , and compel us to acknowledge That Sympathy to be the Daughter of ignorance . The same thing may be said of Effects which are attributed to Antipathy , no less amazing , and no less difficult to be explained ; who can without much difficulty explain the natural aversion that is between the Colewort , and Vine , so that if it be planted near a Vine , the Vine will give back , and so will the Golewort on the other side ? who can give a Reason that Sheep should shun a Wolf though unseen ? or that a Drum made of sheeps-skin , should not sound where there is in place another Drum made of a Wolfs-skin ? or that when we are seen by a Wolf , before we see him , we are hoarse . who can give a reason that the Basilisk should kill by sight ? and other Effects of this kind , which are frequently observed . But because that Phoenomena of the Load-stone before mentioned , seems to me to be a matter most worthy of consideration , I shall treat of this subject in a particular Chapter by it self . CHAP. VII . Experiments concerning Iron , and the Load-Stone . THe Load-stone is a stone sound in Iron Mines , not much different from the Nature of Iron , wherefore the particles which proceed from the Load-stone , have a kind of agreeableness with the pores of Iron , so these small corpuscles going out of the Load-stone , and meeting with the Iron in the way , do rush into the pores of it by troops ; but because all cannot enter at once , a great many remain without , and these are as strongly beaten back by the particles of the Iron which they meet with , as if they were of the number of those corpuscles , which being at liberty , do return of their own accord , which at length do send these by a reflective motion to the Load stone whence they first came : hence it is that Iron is drawn towards the Load-stone , principally by the agitation of those minute magnetick corpuscles moved in the concavities of the Iron , and being shaken together by the sundry motion of those corpuscles which are twisted one within another , those corpuscles which do return , by reflection are complicated and annexed to those which are in the pores of the Iron , or else have passed them through , and cannot be returned or moved towards the Load-stone , unless they draw along with them those corpuscles to which they are annexed , and which cannot follow , unless by their motion the Iron be carried with them ; so the Iron follows , and is moved towards the Load-stone , except the Iron be bigger than the Load-stone , for then the corpuscles which proceed from the Load-stone are not so many , nor by consequence so powerful , as to draw the Iron , or the impression which they make upon the Iron is not strong enough to cause a renitency to pass that side by which they ought to be beaten back . This is the reason that the Load-stone draws no other Body but Iron , because other Bodies do not return the Atoms , neither are their pores well fitted for those Magnetick corpuscles . By the same reason it does appear that the Load-stone ought not to approach to the Iron , but the Iron to the Load-stone : It may be said , that hard and solid Bodies , such as Iron is , cannot emit such a great number of corpuscles as other Bodies , which like the Load-stone , are less solid , and more porous . Also there may be a reason given why the Load-stone being rubbed with Garlick , or Oyle , doth not so easily draw Iron to it , especially if you also rub them with it ; because these strange corpuscles by their Oyliness do hinder the emission of the corpuscles out of the Load-stone , and also their entrance into the Pores of the Iron , and do break their elastick force . We may observe many other Effects of the Load-stone . As for example , That Iron put upon a Table , is moved by the vertue of this Stone which is placed under the Table , for it is certain that the spirit , or corpuscles of the Load-stone , which moves the Iron , penetrates through the vacuity or pores of the Table , as if by small and invisible threads it had been tyed to the Load-stone ; it is the same thing if the Table be of Marble , or Glass , provided it be not greasie , nor too thick ; which proves the porosity of Bodies . We see another Effect of this Stone in a Needle , which being touched by it , always turns towards the Pole , we suppose for this reason , because there are whole Mountains of Load-stones found under the Poles , dispersing their spirits through the Universal World. Spirits which are entangled with those , which do adhere to the Magnetick Needle , whose force is lessened , as the Spirits of it are dissipated ; especially if the Compass be set in a place where there are pieces of Iron , to which the spirits stick , and leave the Needle , which had taken no greater quantity of them than what was requisite according to its Capacity . That which is most wonderful in this Stone is , that we see it draws Iron on one side , and rejects it on the other , so that it appears in every Load-stone that there are two Poles of the World ; the North Pole attracts Iron , the South Pole repels it ; because the Spirit of the North Pole enters in at the Pores of the Iron , but the Southern cannot , for it strikes against the Iron , and drives back too much its Elastick Particles . This Explication presupposes the Being of Spirits , and Atoms , and their Figures and Motions ; and as also , small occult vacuities which are dispersed through all Bodies , as we shall shew hereafter . CHAP. VIII . An Explication of many other Effects , which we endeavour to attribute to Sympathy . I Do not design in this place to shew all the Effects which do proceed from Sympathy , and to give the reason of every one of them in particular ; I conceive such a Labour , besides that it is very difficult , is moreover useless , for an Explication of one , will serve to explain the rest ; therefore instead of all , it will be sufficient to Explain some few of them . That which first presents it self to our consideration , is the Sympathetick Powder , the Sympathetick Wood , and the Sympathetick Ointment , an Amulet , and the Medalls , which are of the same Nature , which they call Talisman . Sir Kenelm Digby Reports , that the Sympathetick Powder will cure a wound , when the person wounded is distant a hundred , nay two hundred Miles , so that the Cloath be dressed , to which the Matter or Blood sticks which proceeded from the wound ; but principally there must be care taken , that the wound be kept clean , and that the Cloath be kept in a temperate place , for if it be thrown into a place which is too warm , it will cause an inflammation in the wound ; no solid reason can be given of this Phaenomenon , so wonderful in it self , but that it is by a continual entercourse of the Spirits proceeding from the Bodies , which by continual motion , are coming and going , and keeping a tye or bond betwixt the Bodies , and though our Senses are too gross to perceive them , it doth not therefore follow , that there are not such things ; as it appears by the example of the Spider descending , or ascending , and drawing after him an invisible Thread which proceeds from his Body ; so that he being in one end of the Chamber , remains firm and fixed to the other end , by the same thread , by which he bears himself up , and is moved from one part to the other : I confess it is hard to conceive that there should be a Thread of Communication betwixt the Wound , and the Blood which issued from it ; But that is neither impossible , nor incomprehensible , though the Phenomenon is not plainly infallible ; because this Thread being broke , or interrupted , the wound cannot be cured , unless we take again fresh Blood , and excite it by the means of this Powder , whose Spirits do drive those which are in the Blood , and mixing themselves by the strength of the Powder , do carry and communicate its vertue to the wound , and that at a considerable distance , but not indifferently , not at the distance of a hundred Miles , as it is conmonly believed ; it is certain if that were done by Sympathy , the Effect would be the same , at any distance , neither would it ever deceive us . I cannot produce any more sensible or just reason to explain the Vertues and Effects of the Sympathetick Powder , which depend much upon the due preparation of it ; they do not extend themselves so far , nor are they so infallible , as some would have , for the reasons by us alledged . The same thing may be said of the Sympathetick Wood , which stops Blood , if a little of the Blood which runs out of the would be put upon this Wood , where so soon as that Blood is dryed the Flux of the other Blood is stanched , and this they say is done by Sympathy ; but the true reason proceeds from the invisible adherence whereby both these Bloods are so subtilly connected together by the astringent Vertue of this Wood , and by this Thread of Friendship , composed out of Atoms variously twisted together , communicates it to the Blood which flows in great quantity , whereupon this Flux , if it be not too vehement , is stopped . If this Effect did arise from Sympathy it would never deceive us , because nothing can oppose Sympathy ; but it is not infallible , as experience shews us . Of all the Effects which hold us in suspence , that which we call the Divining-Rod is not the least , for it is very strange to see a Rod which is held fast in the Hand visibly to incline , and bend it self towards that place where there is any Water or Mettal , and more or less as the Water or Mettal is nearer to the Superficies of the Earth , or is more remote from it , and more deep in the ground ; and that which is most stupendious , is that this Rod which does it , shews no motion , but in the hands of those who have obtained a particular vertue to this purpose , which distinguishes them from others , though it cannot be said who gave them this power , nor why this Rod hath this motion in the hands of one Man , and not in anothers . Concerning this Subject , the cause of this motion is to be considered , which cannot be attributed to Sympathy , for Sympathy is a necessary Cause , and then this motion would be always , and in the hands of every body , which yet we see is not done . Therefore the most natural Cause is to be enquired into , which I deduce from these Mineral or Aquatick Spirits , issuing from those places wherein the Mettals or Waters are ; which meeting with the Rod , whose Pores are fitted for them to lay hold on , attracts it by a Perpendicular motion , which is natural to them , and bends it as it were with a Silken Thread , or a Golden Chain . The difficulty is about the hand which holds the Rod , for every hand is not qualified for this purpose ; nor is every Tree fit for it , unless it be Hazel , or some other of the same quality with it : As to the Hand , it is certain that the Hands as well as the Men do differ , and that the Spirits proceeding from them are different , and so it ought not to be looked upon as such a wonder , that there should be Spirits which retain the Rod , and hinders this motion , and that they should proceed from the hand of one , and not from the hand of another ; and that every sort of Wood is not fitted to receive the hold of all Atoms . Of portative remedies , which are called Amulets , I say nothing , but what experience taught me concerning them ; and of the manner how Quick-Silver sticks to Gold , and Silver to Copper , which forces me to write a particular Chapter concerning them . CHAP. IX . Experiments concerning Portative Remedies , of Quick-Silver , Gold , Silver , and Copper . THere are certain Remedies by Physitians called Amulets , which give ease to Humane Bodies in many Distempers , as long as the Person carries them about him , as experience teaches us of a Spider shut up in a Nut-shell , and hung about the Neck , is good to cure all Diseases of the Lungs ; the true Nephritick Stone being carried about one , cures the Stone ; a little Bone of the Thigh heals the Sciatica ; Quick-Silver , or a Toad hung about the Neck , is a preservative against the Plague ; the Tooth of a Dead Man carried about you shall cure you of the Tooth-ach ; Oak-Moss gathered at a certain time , and an Elkes hoof cure the Epilepsie : There are such as preserve Children from having the Small-Pox , and others , which being tied to the wrist cure the Tertian , and Semitertian . So there are many others , whose Effects are ascribed to occult causes , and to the Sympathy and Antipathy of things . I do not question the truth of these experiments , because I am certain as to the greatest part of them , having tryed them . Without doubt there are many others which I do not know of , and which nevertheless others might have seen , but this I know , that the aforementioned Effect is not infallible , and when it happens , it is done by the emission of certain Spirits or Atoms proceeding from those Remedies , and penetrating the Pores of Mans Body , and giving strength to the Animal Spirits to resist internal Poysons , or resisting the external Poysons , and fixing and hindring them from hurting those who carry the Amulets ; I shall say nothing of Medals ; which are called Talisman , importing good Luck to those by whom they are carried about them , nor of white Magnets , which procure the kindness of all People , and the favour of a Mistriss : I give little credit to such things , neither can I easily believe all things which are said of them ; and if Stars ought to have place here , rather than Demons , all is done by the means of Atoms . Now I come to that which I am better acquainted with , and of which I can speak with more certainty , I mean of Experiments concerning Quick-silver and Gold ; it is certain that if any Man hath Quick-Silver in his Body , or any where about him , that the Gold-Ring which he hath upon his Finger , or which he holds in his Mouth will turn white , because the Quick-Silver sticks to the Gold ; and if this Gold-Ring be thrown into the Fire , the Quick-Silver flyes and evaporates ; and if the same Ring be again put upon the Finger , or held in the Mouth , it will still grow white every time , as long as any Quick-Silver remains in the Body . This Phoenomenon is commonly ascribed to a Sympathy which is betwixt Quick-Silver and Gold ; as if the Quick-Silver should hastily go to the Gold and embrace it , or that the Gold did draw the Quick-Silver to it ; but Gold enclosed in smooth Glass does not turn white , no more doth it then when Quick-Silver is enclosed hermetically in a Glass , there is no Sympathy to call it forth thence , no more than out of a Box or Bladder wherein it is kept : we ought not therefore to say that it was the Sympathy of these two Mettals which was the only cause by which the one adheres to the other , for though we should grant that there is a Sympathy , that is , an agreeableness , proportion , and likeness between these two substances , not in their imaginary qualities , but in the figure of their Atoms ; nevertheless it must be confessed that the attraction of Quick-Silver to Gold , is by an emission of their Spirits and Corpuscles , near after the same manner as we observed of the Load-Stone and Iron . There is no less a connexion betwixt Silver which the Chymists call the Moon , and Copper , which they call Venus , than there is betwixt Mercury , that is in their Dialect , Quicksilver , and the Sun , that is Gold. If one Ounce of Silver be disolved in three Ounces of Aquafortis , made of Nitre and Vitriol , the Silver is reduced to Water , neither is it ever after seen , and if we would recover the Silver after such a dissolution , you must take leaves of Copper , and put them into an Earthen Vessel , and pour upon them one pint of common Water , then to this Water put the liquor in which the Silver was dissolved , and it will turn it as white as Milk , and in the space of two or three hours , the Silver will leave the Aqua-fortis , and joyn it self to the Copper in the form of Curd or white Moss ; when the water is clear , throw it all out the silver sticking to the Copper is dryed and reduced to a mealy Powder , and this is called Calx Lunae , or Silver Calcined . As to this , we must take notice , that if in stead of Copper , you put in leaves or pieces of Gold , Silver , Lead or Tin , the Experiment will not answer expectation ; neither will Silver stick to them as well as to Gold , whence we must necessarily conclude , that there is a certain Sympathy or peculiar connexion between Silver and Copper , as there is betwixt Gold and Quick-silver , so that we grant , that if the transmutation of Mettals be not impossible , no Mettal can be sooner changed into another , than Copper into Silver , and Mercury into Gold : The difficulty is in knowing the true cause of a Connexion or Affinity which is so remarkable . It is commonly said to be done by that sympathy or agreeableness which is between these two Mettals . But in saying that , we say nothing , for we must enquire farther into the cause and foundation of this Sympathy , so that we are forced to search for another Cause of this Effect , and to say that Silver is not joined to Copper , but by the means of a certain local motion of the Particles of the Silver , which are dispersed in this great quantity of water , and are congregated to joyn and unite themselves to the Copper ; there is no other cause of this local motion , besides the Spirits and scent of the Copper which are dispersed thorow the water , and there meeting with particles of the Silver which are wandring , separated , and dispersed , are fixed to them by reason of the conformity of their Pores ; when the Corpuscles of the Silver are loosed , and set at liberty in the water , they leave it and descend , being forced downwards by the concurring Particles of the Water , and leaving no vacuity , wherein the Particles of the Silver may be contained , they find the Atoms of the Copper , emitting themselves like the Odors of Aromatique Bodies , and mutually entangle one another like littlè hooks , they go directly towards the Copper , and falls upon it as it lies in the bottom of the Vessel ; this Explication doth imply the Doctrine of Atoms and their figures , weight , and motions , as it shall appear in following Chapters , after we have discoursed of Antipathy . CHAP. X. Of Natural Phaenomena which are attributed to Antipathy . THere are observed to be many Effects , for which no Reason can be given without the help of this feigned Antipathy . I 'le instance to you some few , which I shall endeavour to explain . In the first place occurs the sight of the Basilisk , who kills all whom he sees , which they say is by Antipathy , which is betwixt it and other Animals . But it may be said rather that it is done by the emission of certain venomous Spirits , which penetrate the Eyes of those which were seen by the Basilisk . The nature of this poison cannot be explained , unless we know before what is said of Poisons else-where . I thought that the deadly Effects proceeding , which we attribute to Antipathy , did deserve a particular tract by it self , because Poison kills only by a Contrariety betwixt us and it , so there is nothing more to be said of these matters , only that we are to discover and declare the Principle of this Contrariety : Of the Basilisk of whom we speak , I shall only say that the Spirits issuing out of his enraged Eyes , do kill those Animals which they meet with , because the Spirits do penetrate them by their subtilty , and sharp figure , like Needles , which pierces the Heart , as the Poison of Vipers , and such like , not so accute , nor so deadly , nor so ready in their effects , as that of the Basilisk . In reference to this matter there are many things which occur , that are worth consideration . In the first place , it is certain that the Basilisk is not ingendred but in moist , deep , and dark places , as in the bottom of Wells , where there is nothing but muddy , thick , stinking Water , as Histories do relate to us , that some have died only by looking into those Wells , or in going down into them , in order to cleanse them . In the second place , we do observe , that if you take a Glass and hold it against the Basilisk's Eyes , those Spirits which issue from his Eyes , reflecting upon the Glass , are sent back from whence they came , and do kill the Basilisk : It cannot be said that the Basilisk doth hate himself ; but it must be said that the Venomous Spirits , reflecting from the Glass , do conceive a more violent motion , and do forcibly enter the Eyes of the Basilisk , and do drive back the other Spirits which are issuing out of , or are extant in , his Eyes , so that they penetrate his Brain and Heart , and thence occasion his death . In the same manner , as Vapours do often arise with so great violence from the Hypocondria , the Mesentery , and the Stomach , into the Head , that they cause an Apoplexy , Epilepsie , Diziness , or Lethargy , and sometimes they are carried with such subtilty and violence into the Heart , and presently penetrate it ; whereby Men dye suddenly . It is also observed , that several Men , and other Animals were killed by a Basilisk , from the corner of a deep and dark Dungeon where he was ingendered , and nourished up to the bigness of a Toad , it was contrived that one should enter into the Dungeon to kill him ; care being taken , that he who was to enter for that purpose , should be covered with a Glass before his Eyes , by whose interposition the Basilisk might be seen , though he could not see the Person approaching towards him . By this means , he who entered saw the Basilisk , and killed him , without receiving any hurt to himself ; which without doubt did proceed from this , that the poisonous Spirits issuing from the Eyes of the Basilisk , could not pass freely thorough the Glass , but were fixed in the substance of it , so that they could not hurt the Person who was so covered . Another Effect which is ascribed to Antipathy , and must be spoken of in this place ; is that which we meet with amongst some Vegetables , as betwixt the Colewort and the Vine , betwixt whom as we observed before , there is not the least agreeableness , and that if they be planted near one another , they do insensibly give back , and lean sidewards , as if they really hated one another , This effect cannot be ascribed to any thing but to the emission of the Corpuscles and material Spirits of both of them , which do rush upon one another , and mutually repell by the irregularity of their figures . This truth is apparent in the juice of Coleworts , which if taken by a Man when he is Drunk , he presently comes to himself , and is sober ; because the Corpuscles of the juice of Coleworts do blunt the Corpuscles of the juice of Wine ; in the same manner , we find by experience that Spirit of Opium , or Laudanum , Cures the Chollick , Head-achs , and all other kind of pains ; nay , it eases the Tooth-ache , and blunts the sharpness of Choller ; it Cures the Phrenzy , and procures Sleep ; so there 's need of the greatest care in using the Narcotick Medicines , because it often falls out that the Vital Spirits are so stupified by them , that they are deprived of their Motion , which causes a deadly Sleep . But that we may return to our so much believed Antipathy , which is betwixt the Colewort and the Vine , I observe , that it hath not the above mentioned Effect ; and that neither the Vine nor the Colewort do lean sidewards , if there be Cloth or Paper set betwixt them ; and though the same Antipathy remains , it doth so manifest it self , because the Corpuscles flowing from both sides are stopped in their way , neither do they pass through the Cloath or Paper ; So the truth of that assigned by us , and the weakness of that Reason which is grounded upon Antipathy , clearly appears without any further Scrutiny . There is a Third Effect which is ascribed to Antipathy , and it is observed in the use of Medicines , as well Internal as External ; some whereof are Catharticks , some Sudorificks , and others Specificks : The External of which we speak , are those which we carry about us , which by their Antipathy , drive away the Malign air , and preserves from the Plague , and other Contagions ; as prepared Quick-Silver , and a Toad dryed and shut up in a Box ; this Phenomenon is not in the least to be ascribed to Antipathy , but to the pestiferous Spirits or corpuscles , which approaching towards us , do find Subjects apt for their reception , and are fixed in them , but they do not approach us , at least in such a quantity as is able to hurt us ; which most evidently appears , in that Prepared Quick-Silver , or the Toad , being once replenished with these Contagious Atoms , become useless , and they ought to be changed and renewed ; and I know by Experience , that Quick-Silver prepared white , and shining like an Adamant , or Polished Silver , and being carried about a Person who is frequent with Sick People , in time becomes black , so that afterwards it is useless to him that carries it about him , because there are no small Vacuities left to retain the airy Poisons , unless he renews it by another Preparation , whereby it may be made as White , Transparent , and as Useful as it was before . Moreover Quick-Silver turns black , more or less , sooner or slower , according to the proportion of the lesser or greater malignity which is in the air where he lives , because these Antidotes can never hurt ; nay , if rightly prepared , they do not only withstand the contagious Air , when they hinder its nearer approach towards us ; but as it is evidenced by experience , they do suppress inward Vapours ascending up into the head , which occasion many of our common Distempers : It were to be wished that Sacred Persons , and Princes , whose Lives are so dear unto us , ( to the end they might preserve their Health , and not be any way subject to any danger of this kind , ) would carry these Antidotes about them , and that those who have free access to those Sacred Persons would advise them to it ; and likewise demonstrate the use and vertue of them . I proceed to Purgative Remedies , This carries off Choller , That Phlegm , Others Melancholly , and Others do Purge the Blood and all the humours . It is hard very often to give a reason why Rubarb and the Leaves of Sena do Purge Melancholly ; Jallap and Diagridium purge out Phlegm and waterish humours . Whether this be done by Sympathy , which attracts the Humours from the several parts , or by Antipathy which expels and exterminates ; but it may be said that it is done neither way , and that a matter of so small a moment , did not deserve that strife betwixt the Followers of Galen , and Paracelsus , for their Axiomes concerning contraries against contraries , and like to like , contribute nothing to the explanation of these Effects ; for I take it to be a certain and constant truth , that every purgative Medicine doth comprehend in it certain Spirits or Corpuscles which are venomous , that is acute , sharpned , pungent and biting , so that Nature being stirred up by them , and thereby the internal Parts and Membranes being touched and agitated , the Animal Spirits get together by troops , in order to assist the part affected , and they draw along with them the foreign Humours , which are less fixed ; and then Nature by the help of these Spirits doth discharge it self , and expel them by their proper ways : But to say that Rubarb makes choice of exterminating Choller , or the Leaves of Sena of carrying off Melancholly , is ridiculous . It is true , that after a Purgation with Rubarb , the waters proceeding from the Body are yellow , and after the use of Sena , or Cassia , they are black ; yet it does not follow from thence , that This purges Choller , and That Melancholly ; they are only the superfluous humours which are discharged , neither doth the Body afford any thing , besides that which it hath ; whether Sena or Rubarb be taken , the colour of what is Purged , proceeds from a tincture of these Medicines . CHAP. XI . Of Emeticks , Sudorificks , and Specificks . OF all Medicinal Remedies those seem most admirable to me , which are called Emeticks or Vomitives , which have in them a great deal of Poison , and likewise abound with Arsenick Spirits ; Amongst Minerals , Antimony and Arsenick are of this kind ; so are the Herb Asarum , and other Herbs , amongst Vegetables . It is evident that all these Simples and Minerals , consisting for the most part of many sharp and corrosive Corpuscles , do not purge the Body , but by pricking and irritating of the Membranes , and that some times with such vehemency , that the Belly and other contiguous parts being Ulcerated thereby , there happens a breach of the internal continuity , &c. which occasions the death of the Party who is thus affected . It is apparent , that it ought to be acknowledged for a certain truth , that these sort of Medicines ought to be used but very seldome , but if necessity requires the use of them , none but the gentlest are to be applyed ; it being taken for a constant truth , that those Persons who use these Remedies too-often , do never enjoy a perfect Health , and that their Lives are always short and crazy . Let us consider an Emetick , and especially Antimony , which being well prepared , performes wonders : I mean , by a good preparation of it , that it be freed from a great quantity of its pernicious and poisnous Corpuscles . As to this , it ought to be prepared by Judicious Artists , for if it be so ordered , that the Antimony Purges neither upwards nor downwards , and that it retains only a Sudorisick Vertue ; being thus qualified , it is very proper , and very useful , to purifie the Blood , to increase the Animal Spirits , the natural heat , and radical moisture , for reasons which I shall shew hereafter . But if these Venomous , Arsenick , and corrosive Corpuscles be not separated from the Antimony , it may prove to have very ill effects , in that it imposes violence upon Nature : It is not to be administred but by a prudent and most expert hand ; though the substance of it be not taken , but only the Wine wherein it is infused . But your crude and Diaphoretick Antimony which the late . Mr. De L'orme called his Milk of Pearls , is very comfortable to Nature , and may be safely used with very good success ; but to find the Cause of that Effect , the Learned are very much puzled . I shall endeavour , according to my Principles , to shew the Reason of this Effect : It is made in this manner , take Crude Antimony , and thereof make a Starry Regulus , which is all as one if it be not Starry ; of this melted Regulus you are to make a Cup , put Wine into it in the Evening , pour out the Wine the next Morning , and you will find that it hath lost nothing either of its tast or colour ; yet notwithstanding , it is very Purgative . That which is to be admired at , is , that this may be done continually every day , without any remarkable diminution of the Cup , or loss of its Vertues . If the Wine loses or receives nothing , as it seems it does not , how then can it be Purgative , or Emetick , and if the Cup communicates to it either its substance or Vertue , how then is it possible , that either one or the other is not in the least diminished ? According to our Principles I return this answer ; That the Wine every time it is put into the Cup , doth take from thence certain Corpuscles , or invisible Spirits , wherewith it is impregnated , and That little is sufficient to give the Wine a Purgative Vertue , and to stir the Membranes of the Ventricle , and the inward Parts , in order to Evacuate the peccant humours ; which is evident from this , that the Wine according to the proportion of time it hath stood in the Cup , is either more or less Purgative , though the Cup suffers no sensible diminution in its Substance , yet not withstanding , it is certain that it will suffer some small diminution in the course of some Years ; which it were worth while to observe . I have spoken above of a Regulus Starry , and not Starry , that I may let the Reader see somewhat that is strange in the Confection of Regulus , when it is well Prepared with Mars , that is , with Iron ; there is to be seen a great Star upon the upper side of it , which hath Five Rays , like the Rowel of a Spur : I confess that in this strange Phoenomenon there is something that is wonderful , and which is beyond the reach of Humane understanding , especially if we observe , that this Star is more bright , and its Rays better formed , if the Regulus be Prepared either Tuesday or Friday , especially if the Sky be clear and serene ; and if it be made between Seven or Eight of the Clock in the Morning , or Two or three of the Clock in the Afternoon : and that I may build one Wonderful thing upon another , it is certain , that if in the Preparation of Regulus , Tin be added with Iron , there will be seen two Stars upon the Regulus , with their distinct Rays dispersed into one another , and if the Regulus be driven to the last degree of perfection , the Star disappears , and there is seen in the room of it a little thin Net , like a Fishers Net : I am so far from delivering any thing upon the Credit of others , that I set down nothing but what I my self have done and seen . Having let you see the manner how it is done ; there remains only that I should give such a Reason of it , as may in some measure satisfie the Readers understanding ; I do not Brag that I am able to do it , for there are few Men which are rational ; I mean who are contented with Reason , nevertheless you shall have my thoughts of the Matter . No Man doubts but that Iron represents the Planet Mars , Copper Venus , Gold the Sun , Silver the Moon , and Tin Jupiter ; if the Qualities of these Mettals be compared with those of the Planets , as the Heavens do incessantly influence the Earth , and the Earth sends back its Corpuscles to the Heavens in the form of Vapours , in the same manner do the Heavens return them to the Earth in Rain , and Dew ; and though there is a general Commerce between the Heavens and the Earth , yet no Man will deny , but that there is a certain invisible and particular Commerce betwixt them ; and that we may not speak of things so general , there is a more special Commerce betwixt the Sun and Gold , and betwixt the Moon and Silver , Mars and Iron , Venus and Copper ; so every Planet hath a special influence upon its Mettal , and the Nature of it , by the means of the invisible Atoms and Corpuscles which proceed from the Body of the Planet , which plainly appears by all the former instances , and amongst the rest , for that the day and hour of the Planet , contributes to the formation and perfecting of either the single or double Star , as we have observed about the Starry Regulus . These things being supposed , I conceive that while Antimony is Melting with Iron , there is much Vapour and Smoak arising , and this is most certain , that the Smoak evaporates in such plenty , that it is troublesome to the Artist , who is obliged to stand at some distance , if he will have a care of himself : These Vapours and Smoak do ascend up , which being met with by the Spirit and Corpuscles of their Planet , do mingle with them , and descend upon the Mettal and penetrate it , because , being melted , it is open . Therefore these emancipated Spirits do return more pure than they were , and do so well intermix themselves with the open Mettal when it is melted , and that they draw others to stick unto them , whence the Spirit of the Planets , though invisible , descending from the Body of the Planets , not being able to enter into the Regulus when it is removed from the Fire , and begins to coole , are forced to stick upon the upper and superficial part of the Mettal , and there form the Figure of the Planet or Planets from whence they did proceed , and when Copper is put to it , there appears a double Star , and this Star is the more elevated , when the Spirits of the Planets are more copious , which they are at the day and hour where in the Planet Rules . All these things agree with experience , for the single or double Star doth not appear till the Mettal begins to cool , which requires about the space of an hour ; and this Star is formed by degrees , which is strange , nay , to be wondred at ; whence it appears , that there is an agreeableness between Mars and Iron , and betwixt Venus and Copper , and that there is an influence of their Planets upon these two Mettlas by the intervention of their Corpuscles . As for the Net ( which we spoke of ) it shews the Conjunction of the Planets of both Mettals , having the Sun in the middle , and I am not able to give any other reason for it ; unless that when the Mettals , which are melted with the Antimony , begin to grow cold , and that when the Star enters into the Body of the Mettal , and disappears , there are still remaining certain Corpuscles of the Planets of both Mettals , which are interwoven in the middle of the Mass , which makes this Net , whereof the Fables seem to leave us an Idea : We must confess by the by , that there are certain things in Nature which surpass our understanding , and that we ought not to imagine with our selves that we are able to satisfie all the Learned in every thing . But to go on with this Chapter , I observe likewise , as there are Mettals which rejoice at the Commerce which they have with the influence of some Planets , so there are parts found in our Body which correspond with Particular Planets ; as the Heart with the Sun , the Brain with the Moon , the Liver with Mars , the Spleen with Saturn , the Lungs with Jupiter , and the Reins with Venus ; so we see that Gold , which is the Terrestial Sun , is a Soveraign Cordial , or a Medicine for the Heart , and truly universally for all Bodies , as the Coelestial Sun is for the whole World ; as I shall shew when I come to discourse of Mettals Silver in the same manner is a Cephalick Medicine , whereof are made wonderful Remedies for Diseases in the Head ; the same may be said of Iron in respect of the Liver , when it opens its obstructions , and fortifies ; Copper affords a Spirit which wondefully heals the Reins , and also Venerial Distempers . I shall speak something of every Mettal in its proper place , and we shall more plainly see how every Mettal doth administer a Specifick Remedy for that part which it hath relation to , as experience shews . As for Sudorificks , I will not speak of them . Medicinally in this place , neither will I explain the matter whereof those Remedies , so benificial to Mans Body , are made . It is sufficient for me to speak of them Philosophically ; and it being supposed ( which I have not seldom seen ) that one only Grain of Powder plainly insipid , and of the Colour of calcined Gold , given in half a Glass of Wine , doth provoke Sweat in abundance from the whole Body from head to foot , without any violence or alteration : This I have seen , and have done it , and can do it again at any time when I please . Nothing remains , but that I should give the Reason of this Phoenomenon , and that we know whether it ought to be attributed to Sympathy or Antipathy . I suppose , and I know it very well , that this Powder is compounded of the Spirit of Gold , and all other Mettals reduced into one ; so that it ought not to be admired , that the Atoms of which it is composed should be so penetrating , that they are carried from the Stomach , through the whole Body , and that in their passage they fix the most subtile Corpuscles of humours , which pass through the Pores in the likeness of Vapours , and meeting with the cold outward air are reduced to the likeness of Dew , which is called Sweat. There are other Sudorifick Powders , but they are more violent , because they are less subtile , and less penetrating , and whose Atoms are not so apt to rarifie the Humours , and to draw them to the extream parts of the Body with so much facility , and with so little danger , as that doth which we spoke of before CHAP. XII . Of Poisons , and Toxicks . THere are several sorts of Poisons and Toxicks ; some whereof do come at us with an infected air , others are communicated to us from Animals , or some Nutriment . It is not my purpose in this place to shew all the differences of them . It answers my purpose to reduce them to Five , from the occasion of those things which I ought to speak of , about the Antipathy that is betwixt Poisons and our Bodies . Therefore I chuse three kinds of Poisons or Toxicks , and I shall endeavour to explain the manner how they act upon our Bodies with the assistance of that fictitious Antipathy , the Refuge of Ignorance : The first is the Poison of the Heart , because it immediately assails this Part ; such is the Poison of a Viper , or the Plague , the breathing of the infectious air draws and conveys the Plague to the Heart ; since we cannot say that the Air is carried into the Heart by a contrary quality , whence therefore doth this arise from Antipathy , or Repugnancy ? And after what manner doth the air , which gives life to the Heart , and matter to the vital Spirits , bring death to it ? which sometimes invades it upon a sudden , when the Poison of the Plague is Violent , but ordinarily a Man doth not dye so suddenly , and the Poison only by the motion of the Heart , disperses it self thro' the Veins , and corrupts the whole Mass of Blood , and Bubo's , and Pustules arising are the marks of it : But when the Poison goes out by suppuration , the person infected is sooner cured . It is very hard to say , what Poison is , for if we say it is a contrary Quality , or Air corrupted , we talk foolishly ; we must know wherein that Corruption doth consist ; if it be corrupted , it is no longer Air , or if Air be a corruption , it is a Quality , so that still there remains the same difficulty : Therefore to use no circumlocution , we say that deadly Poison essentially is nothing but certain Atoms or Corpuscles , which are very acute , and crooked , figured like little piercers or small Nails , which penetrates , cuts and divides the vital parts , and by this motion interrupts the motion of those Spirits which give life . And that I may explain my Opinion right upon this Subject , I mention those things concerning Poisons and Atoms , which as far as I know , have not hitherto been mentioned by any Body , which is , That Poison is nothing else but certain loose and emancipated Atoms , for many of such Atoms being loosed and separated from the Body we call Poison . As to that , we are to observe , that being compounded in that manner which we are , our conservation doth consist in the composition , and as long as that lasts we live , and so our destruction doth proceed from the division and dissolution of our Bodies , so that Corruption is nothing but a solution of the Body : This solution doth not happen but from emancipated Atoms , who by their incomprehensible subtilty , do find an intermediant space in the most solid Bodies , and if these be not speedily driven out and dissipated , or are repelled by certain aiding Corpuscles , they will occasion Diseases , Griefs , and lastly Death . Therefore Poison is not a pestiferous quality , nor is it the Antipathy of the air , or of any thing , whereby they persecute our Temperament ; nor is it corrupted Air , but they are hard Atoms which are set at liberty , and emancipated ; whence it does appear , how the Plague may be brought to us from places remote within a short space of time , and how it may lye hid along while amongst Cloaths in Chests ; also the Reason is obvious , why Bleeding and Purgation are not necessary in the Curing of the Plague , and why only Cordials and Sudorificks are convenient in a Contagion . The same thing may be said of the Poison of Vipers , which is nothing else but some Atoms divided and separated from the whole , which entring that part which is Bit by the Viper , do creep presently through the whole Body , and divide , separate , and cut it , and at last dissolve and confound it . It is therefare incredible , that that Poison should proceed from a Great Cold , because there are Bodies which are much colder , which yet are not Poison ; besides that cold doth not so readily , nor from so small a beginning , destroy the whole Natural constitution of Man's Body . Therefore I take that to be which wholy destroys us , is to dissolve our Body , and that nothing can dissolve it but free'd and emancipated Atoms , whence Distempers do derive their Original , and Death , the consequence of it : I say it follows , that it is impossible but that there is Poison in all our Diseases , and that we cannot enjoy a full and perfect Health , as long as we have in us the least Atom of that kind , which I say are emancipated ; these are so many Enemies which we cherish in our Bosome , being the Principles of Division , Dissolution , and Death . But some will ask , whence come these emancipated Atoms ? who emancipates them ? and after what manner are they found in the Vesicle , which is broke , where the Viper Bites , or in the Spittle which enters our Flesh by the Biting of this Creature ? I answer , That they are Atoms not firmly complicated , which get abroad , or they proceed from some dead Body which is dissolved into its first principles , as it happens with the Plague ; some of them get loose , like Servants who wanting a Master , do seek to be busied and employed in some business , and as long as they stick to no body they may be called desolate and depraved Atoms , which are continually moved , drive others , and dissolve them by their reiterated concussions ; so a little Poyson doth suddenly extend and disperse it self through the whole Body , because these Atoms by their emancipation being made Venomous and Pestiferous to Emancipate others , and confound the whole Body , and in this sense it 's most true , what the Physiicans say , that the corrupt Humours of the Body do degenerate into Poison , because these moist parts of our Body are more apt to break and divide than the solid parts of it ; they are also the first which begin to be corrupted and divided . I know not by what instinct of Nature we commonly say when we apprehend any Distemper , that we are ill Composed , and of a Body that is Crazy and full of Humours , that is wholly ill Disposed , because in truth the emancipated Atoms do disturb it , and hinder the Union and Composition of its Parts , wherein the state of perfect Health doth consist . Some will say that I have handled this Matter after a strange and odd kind of Method , but if Truth and Reason confirm my Explication , as I hope it does , they have nothing to say against me , but I speak those things which were never said before ; or that I do not proceed in the same manner , and the same Course in the Progress of this Philosophical Tract ; wherein I will sincerely endeavour to bind my self up to the Truth , without having any Regard to the Prejudices of the Schools . I return to Poisons , and after I have Discoursed of Pestiserous and Viperine Poison which attacks the Heart , it will be time to say something of those which immediately invade the Brain , and from thence the Heart , the Center of Life , before I address my self to either general , or particular Antidotes , which deserve a particular Chapter by themselves . Therefore I say according to the common Opinion of Physicians , That there are Toxicks and Poisons which immediately beset the Heart ; as I have said of the Pestiferous and Viperine poison , and others like them , there are others which attack the Head , such as the biting of a mad Dog , Opium , Solan , and other Narcotick and somniferous Simples . There are also Poisons which rush into the Liver , and corrupt the whole Mass of Blood , as the Venerial poison , and others of the same kind . Th●s diversity is ascribed to Antipathy , and an Aversion , whereby Poisons are carried to certain parts of our Body , but the foundation must be shewed , whereupon this Antipathy is built ; the water sticks , neither can any solid reason be given , why the Poison of a mad Dog attacks the head , or that of the Viper , the Heart ; Besides that this Antipathy is not sufficient to explain the Nature of Poisons , though we may confess , that they have an aversion to our Nature , because they endeavour the destruction of it , and do procure the separation and division of our Bodies . It being supposed ( as indeed it is ) that a Mad Dog biting a certain part of our Body , doth leave in that part a certain Spittle or Foam , which enters the wound ( for unless there be a Wound , there is no fear of danger ) the venomous Atoms being dissolved and emancipated , and as it were raving mad , do insensibly and by degrees creep through the parts of the Body , and finding no softer parts than the substance of the Brain , and by consequence easier to be divided and destroyed , do produce the dissolution of it ; and therefore it must be granted , that if the Brain could not so easily be dissolved , and that the fluidity of its substance were not the reason why it so easily receives the impression , that is the action and motion of the emancipated Atoms ; the poison of a mad Dog would produce but little disturbance in us . It must not be said that that poison ascends the Head by Sympathy , and ruins it by Antipathy ; but according to our Principles , it ought to be confessed , that the Atoms of the spittle of the mad Dog , being loosed and emancipated , are as apt to destroy the other parts as well as the Brain , if the Substance of the brain did not consist of certain Corpuscles , yielding to these foreign Corpuscles , whereby they enter into the vacant spaces of them , which having entred in at these little chinks or fissures , they raise a Tumult and confusion in the Castle . This truth is evident in slow poisons , which stagnate as well as that whereof we speak , until the emancipated Atoms of it find out some part , whose Vacuities give them free entrance , or they meet with some Corpuscles , whose little Hooks or Angles do either accelerate or retard their motion : For these emancipated Atoms being not received nor fixed , but by weak Corpuscles , are like a Bird having only his feet entangled in the Birdlime , endeavours with all his strength to get himself free , or like a Man , who is to be thrown into Prison , and is withheld only by one Arm , uses his utmost endeavour to obtain his liberty ; so it is with free and emancipated Atoms , which are partly withheld by these tender little Hooks , whereof the Brain doth consist , whence arises a furious agitation in the Brain it self , and at length madness ; for indeed the madness is in the Dogs Brain , to which some emancipated Atoms came from abroad , or from some dead Carrion which the Dog did eat , or from the Air in the Dog-days , being then too much rarified , or from too much dryness of the Brain , proceeding from too much drowth , and these Atoms go forth with the Spittle , when the Dog bites some part of our Body , and in time produces the same confusion with that in the Dog. The third sort of Poison which I promised to speak of , is that of the Venerial Disease , which sets upon the Liver , and without a prolix declaration of the external causes which produce it , it will be sufficient for me , if I will declare in few words , that which is necessary to know , wherein they do consist , and why Poison is so pernicious , that it corrupts the Liver , and infects the whole Mass of Blood , and afterwards , tho' slowly , ruins the whole Constitution of the Body , and the Oeconomy of its constituent Parts . It is frivolous to say , that the Venerial Disease and its Poyson , doth consist in an Antipathy to the Liver , and the Mass of Blood , for the Cause and Nature of this feigned Antipathy , cannot be assigned . But in my Opinion there is no difficulty in the matter , for by the common consent of Physicians , this Poison is nothing else but a malign quality , proceeding from the Vapour raised from the corruption of the Spermatick Blood , which corruption is occasion'd by a mixture of divers Seeds . This Principle being supposed , we do reject this feigned maligne Quality , for it cannot be said what it is , or from whence this malignity arises , but we acknowledge this Vapour , and admit the Corruption of the Seed , and we say ( not mentioning , the malign Quality ) that there are certain Atoms excited by Heat and Motion , which do exhale and free themselves from the loose and corrupt Blood , and finding the Pores of mans Body , and of the natural parts to be open and dilated , do creep and insinuate themselves into them , and in process of time , do penetrate into the Spermatick Vessels , from thence into the great Veins , and from thence into the great Vessels and the Liver , being the Trunk of them , which they by dividing do alter , and by separating do Corrupt , whence , at length there follows a corruption of all the Blood. The subtilty and continual motion of these emancipated Atoms , appears from the Gout , sometimes from the Reliques of the Venerial Distemper ; for these Atoms do penetrate into the marrow of the Bones , and fix them above the Articulations , where they find an allumenous matter , to which they stick : But because these Venerial and other emancipated Atoms are not fixed , therefore they are moved in those places where they are , like a Captive fetter'd in Prison , looking about him , which way he can most conveniently make his escape ; hence it is , that the pain of the Gout doth not cease until these Atoms are discharged , either by Transpiration , Sweat , or some other Evacuation , or that they are wholly accumulated by other Bodies , of the same figure ; or that they are altogether stopped in their motion by a condensation of those alluminous matters , whence the Gout becomes knotty and incurable . CHAP. XIII . Of Sublimate , Arsenick , and other sorts of Poisons , and the deadly Effects which proceed from them . THere are two sorts of Sublimate , the one corrosive , the other sweet . The first is a most violent Poison : The other is a most excellent Remedy for Worms in Children ; however , it is not without some malignity , and therefore , it is given but in very small Doses ; and as to the first , fortified by the Corrosive Spirits of Salt and Vitriol , the least quantity of it cannot be administred , without inconveniency , nay Death it self . In this place we are to enquire , wherein doth that Poison , which is so powerful consist ; for as soon as Sublimate is swallowed down , it produces Ulcers , Blisters , and excoriation in the Tunicles , or Coats of the Ventricle , they ●re seized with an inflammation , over-run with a Gangreen ; and unless a good Antidote be taken , ( as I shall shew hereafter ) death it self is the consequence of it ; but let us see by what malignity that Sublimate produces these deadly Effects , and wherein the force of this Poison doth consist . That we may be able to comprehend this Truth , and discover wherein the malignity of this Poison doth consist ; it is to be supposed , That Sublimate is an artificial Poison , being a Compound of the most subtile Particles of Quick-silver , Salt and Vitriol , sublimated together , in the form of Crystal or white Powder , like Sugar : So that the Venomous and Corrosive Sublimate , is made neither of Quick-silver , Salt , or Vitriol alone , and apart , but there ought to be the Spirit of Salt and Vitriol to separate the Quick-silver , and that though before it was fluid like water , is to be reduced into dry Earth ; which is done by reason that these two Spirits do separate the Mercury in the sublimation , and in some manner kill it , and do penetrate it , as if they were Poison to the Quick-silver it self , they corrupt it , and force it to change its disposition , because they divide it , and reduce its Corpuscles into small stings , whence it is that they are so sharp , penetrating , and Corrosive : Which doth not happen , if the Quick-silver be sublimated by it self ; for then it ascends in its own fluid and gliding Nature , and in this manner it may be taken inward without any danger , and also when the Sublimate is sublimated with Crude Quick-silver . This being supposed , I conclude , That Sublimate is a Poison which suddenly operates in our Body , to the destruction of it , because its Corpuscles are reduced into Stings , like the Corpuscles of Fire , Salt , and Vitriol , which does sharpen the Corpuscles of the Quick-silver , wherefore they produce the same effects in the Body , as Fire or the Caustick Stone swallowed do , for it presently burns every thing that it touches , and Ulcerates the whole Stomach , Gullet , and all the Parts through which it passes ; because its Corpuscles being so sharpened , do penetrate and dart thro' , like flames of Fire ; therefore Antipathy hath nothing to do in this place , no more hath that feigned Maligne and Occult Quality , as the less learned would fain alledge : All that is observed concerning this Subject , ought to be ascribed to the Disposition , subtilty , and figure of the Corpuscles , which renders them Corrosive and burning . The same thing may be said of Arsenick , except only that Arsenick , is the work of Nature , and Sublimate that of Art ; for in truth , Arsenick is a perfect Mineral which is found in the Earth , and Sublimate , is prepared by Artists in sublimatory Vessels . The Effects of Arsenick , as well the White as the Red , is near the same with those of the Sublimate , and both of them by right may be ranked amongst the most prompt and violent Poisons , in respect of the sharp and penetrating Particles , whereof they do consist . There is nothing which disappoint these Effects , except proper Antidotes made use of in time , which change this disposition , and blunt the sharpness of those Corrosive Corpuscles . Nevertheless , by special preparations , those Venomous Corpuscles may be taken away , both from the Sublimate , and the Arsenick : And by our fortifying and changeing of the Compound , a most excellent Remedy , for the health of Man , may be made of the most pernicious Poison , as the Triacle is made of Vipers Flesh , which is the best Antidote , as we shall see in the following Chapter . CHAP. XIV . Of Antidotes . ART , together with Nature , supplies us with as many sorts of Antidotes , as there are Poisons : The Viper , no less than the Scorpion , carries its Antidote ; if the Serpent begins to creep out of the Earth , Nature affords us the Leaves of Ash ( which buds at the same time ) to heal its bite ; the same ground which bears a Thora , hath also near an Anthora , which is its Antidote . There are also external Antidotes , which do avert the Plague , and preserve the Body from the Conragion , as we said before , speaking of Amulets , where we did declare how this may be done , and how the Body may be preserved from every Malignant Air , without any fictitious Sympathy or Antipathy . Antidotes are general , and special , or specifick ; they are general which resist every Poison ; they are particular , which are appropriated only to certain Poisons . That it may be rightly explained how Antidotes do work upon Poison , and how they hinder its operation , we must suppose , that all Poisons and Toxicks , are reducible to two kinds ; the first doth consist of emancipated Atoms , which are properly Poisons ; under the second , are comprehended Toxicks , as Sublimate , and the like ; and that consists in sharp penetrating , cutting Particles , such as the Particles of Fire , which Burn , Ulcerate , and Tear the inward parts of the Person who takes them : These things being supposed , it will be no hard matter to explain the Nature of Antidotes . Having made this difference between Poisons and Toxicks , it is certain , that there are Antidotes against Poisons , and that they are diverse , according to the diversity of the Toxicks : Hence we see that Triacles , of all the Antidotes which we have , is most proper , and most specifick against the Poison of Vipers , because Triacle is made of Vipers flesh , and the emancipated Atoms proceeding from it , finding the Particles of that Flesh , sit to receive them , do adhere to them , and are imbodied with them , and in this manner losing their motion , they lay aside their malignity , and remain fixed and quiet , in the same Condition as they were , before their emancipation , they can no longer offend the Heart , or effect any Division of it ; so it is in the case of Pestilent Poisons , which we draw as we suck in the Air , wherein , after a great Contagion , these emancipated Atoms are found , and with whom , they enter into our Bodies . Triacle , and Cordial Confections , are commonly used ; whose Corpuscles are disposed and figured in such a fashion , as that the Pestiferous Atoms , running through all the Parts of our Body , are connexed with , and do wholy adhere to them ; whence there is a full and absolute Cure , or partly ; which allays the violence of the Distemper : But without doubt , or contradiction , the true Antidote of the Plague , is changing of the Air , or correcting of it by good Scents , which being attracted within us , together with the Air , do attemper and correct it , and their Corpuscles do check the impatience , and the too-free motion of the emancipated Atoms . The Poison of a Mad Dog is very hard to be cured ; and as that sort of Madness is accounted incurable , and is publickly attended with a very deadly and fatal issue , we are forced to bind those who are infected or suspected , and at length to smother them between two Feather-beds . The ordinary Remedy is to send them to the Sea , to throw them into it several times : Experience teaches us that that kind of Remedy is not altogether useless , but is to be accounted amongst those which are most safe , though it be not altogether infallible . The antipathy of the Sea-water hath no room here , and it were vain to alledge it in the confirmation of this practice : Therefore I say , that , according to our Principles , the emancipated Atoms proceeding from the spittle of the mad dog , while they penetrate the substance of the Brain , or at least begin to penetrate it , or to be turned round its foldings , to enter into its Cavities , are interrupted in their motion , so that they cannot enter into the Cavities of it , nay and they are thrown partly out by those struglings which the Patient must necessarily suffer when he is cast into the Sea : I do not , nor will not deny , but that there are Atoms or Corpuscles proceeding from the Froth of the Sea , which entring into the Patients body thro' the Pores , made open by the agitation , or by breathing in of the Air , and being comunicated to the blood , do with their cubicular figures , fix and withstand the emancipated Atoms which produce the madness or nearly dispose the body to it : To comprehend in a word all that can be said concerning this matter , whatsoever can heal or give ease to a Distemper so dangerous , it does it only by hindring the Motion of those loosed Atoms , or by quite expelling them out of the body . The same thing may be said of the third sort of Poison , that is , the Venerial , which is called the French disease , That also hath its general and specifick Antidotes : Quick-silver is commonly used for this business , and that by reason of that antipathy which is betwixt it and the disease , it is most certainly held to be the one only Remedy for it : Others use Sudorificks , as Guajacum , Salsaparilla , or animal or Mineral Bezoar , or the salt of Vipers : Others are only contented with one Remedy , which is Mercury perfected by Nature , and radically divided by Art ; also the more industrious do use Philosophical water , prepared from the Beams of the Sun and Moon . But tho' we may provide an excellent Remedy against this Distemper ; nevertheless it must be confessed , that it is not radically taken away , but by the help of those things which expel the Venerial emancipated Atoms , from the Centre to the Circumference , whether it be done by sweat , or by an insensible transpiration ; this doth not happen by Antipathy , or some occult quality , but by the motion of the Particles of the Medicine , which strike against these miserable Atoms , and drive them out by those most convenient ways , that is , the Pores of our Body . Therefore let us proceed to those Antidotes which are opposite to Toxicks , not by Antipathy , or some occult quality , but by their different figures : Therefore who will say that Milk hath an aversion to Sublimate or Arsenick , though it be a most speedy Remedy , and that no less than Oyl which doth resist Poyson , because descending into the Ventricle , and in its passage touching the Gullet and the orifice of the Ventricle , as well as Milk doth lessen the motion of the Corpuscles of the Poison , and blunts the sharp points and corners of them , and defends all those Parts . But of all things a Vomit is most useful in this Case , being assisted with the help of Milk , or Oyle Slackning the Tunicles of the Stomach , and making the Passage more easie : For if a Vomit should be given without smoothing and besmearing the Passage , the Venome in coming out would Excoriate all the parts that it touched , by its sharp-pointed , Saw-like , and Hooked Particles ; which are covered by the Particles of Oyl or Milk going out with them , and are so prohibited and hindred from hurting . In the Conclusion of this Chapter I do observe , that Corrupt Humours in our Body ( as Physicians do affirm to us ) do degenerate into Poisons and Toxicks , but they are silent as to the Reason of this Confusion , and all the manner of avoiding it . First , they ascribe this Corruption to External Causes , or to inward Occult and Maligne Qualities , or to the excess of certain Qualities , ( as Cold , Hot , Dry , Moist ) or to certain unwholesom Diet , and to ill Digestion , or lastly , to Obstructions , hindring the necessary distribution of them : But truly it is not demonstrated from thence , that crude and an undigested Diet , or Corrupt Humours , do degenerate into Poison , therefore the true Cause of this thing , and the solid Reason of it , must be enquired into . To this purpose , I do suppose , that the Humours or Nourishment being any manner of way divided , may be said to be Corrupted , because I acknowledge no difference between a division and a corruption of a thing ; but in a separation which is not total , there remain some Bodies which are neither Poisons , nor Toxicks , though they Oppress and Obstruct the Parts , and hinder the intercourse of the Spirits , as it happens in Phlegm , Melancholly , and Slimy Humours , which are joyned with the Earthy part of the Excrements . Besides these Bodies , there are other Corpuscles which with their Hooks , Sharp points , and Stings , do pierce , prick , and penetrate Man's Body , and the Membranes of it , as also the Veins , Muscles , and Nerves , and do Corrode the Stomach ; and in the same manner with Poison , do occasion Ulcers , Imposthumes , and Pustles . These are those which the Physicians do call sharp , biting and Chollerick Humours ; whereof ( that I may end this Tract concerning Sympathy and Antipathy , and the Actions depending thereon , and without these Occult Causes assign a true and an Efficient Cause of all our Distempers ) I am compelled to treat in a Chapter by it self , and in that which follows shall be delivered the General means whereby the Causes and Roots of all Diseases may be Removed . CHAP. XV. The True Cause of our Diseases . THe Effects of our Diseases are pernicious , and have their Origine either from within or without ; the Causes of them sometimes are so obscure , that the Original of them cannot be discovered ; and though we define a Disease to be a disposition against Nature , or an inordinate Constitution of those Qualities which are Constituent of a Right Temperature , yet for all this , we are not Wiser or more Learned than we were before : Therefore after I have Discoursed Physically of the Causes of our Diseases in General , it will not be amiss to trace òut the Particular Causes of them . That this Doctrine which may be accounted new , may the better be understood , I suppose , that we are never subject to any Disease , but whose immediate Cause is either some Poison or Toxick . 2ly . This Poison consists only in emancipated Atoms , and Toxicks in loosned Corpuscles . 3ly . These Atoms are not emancipated ; nor these sharp Corpuscles loosned , but in the Corruption of Bodies , 4ly . Corruption is nothing but a Total or Partial Division and separation of Bodies . 5ly . There is no new Generation by which a new Body is made , but by a precedent corruption or Division of another Body , which ceases to be in Nature , when one or more other Bodies possess the Room of it . So when Meat in the Stomach is turned into Chyle , when the Chyle in the Liver , and the Branches of the Vena Porta is changed into Blood , and lastly , when the Blood is changed into our Substance , as Flesh , Muscles , Nerves , and other Parts of our Body , by the last degree of Concoction , there is necessarily a Corruption of the Meat , which begins to be divided and separated by Chewing of it in the Mouth , and it is digested and separated , or Corrupted in the Ventricle : Chyle , to the end it may be turned into Blood , is altered in the Branches of the Vena Porta , and the Meseraick Veins ; and thence it is wholly and perfectly Digested , that is , Corrupted , Concocted , and Divided in the Liver , unless that hath lost something of its own Substance . The Blood designed for Flesh , is filtred out of the Veins into the Arteries , and Circulates until it be sufficiently purged , and freed from Foreign Bodies , and then it is changed into the Substance of our Body . This Doctrine being supposed , I say there are made in us Three Principle Corruptions , which are the Concoctions or Digestions whereof we speak : and I say moreover , that there are Atoms in every one of them , which are emancipated and loosed , as likewise Corpuscles , flying and deserting more or less , as the Digestion is the better performed , that is , as the Pure is more rightly separated from the Impure . Therefore it follows , that we cannot be nourished , unless we take together into our Bodies the Causes and Seeds of many Diseases ; It follows likewise , that these Diseases are diverse , according to the difference of the Corruptions of the emancipated Atoms , or the loosed Corpuscles , and that these Atoms are Poisons , and the Corpuscles Toxicks , which do produce Diseases by their violent Motion , and they labour so with Reiterated Corruptions , that they deprave , separate , and divide all the Parts of our Body . Here we may behold the just Cause of the Pains of the Stomach , and of the Wind Chollick , and also of the Wind proceeding from the first Concoction of our Meat in the Stomach , these winds are the Corpuscles or the more subtile Parts of that Corrupted Nourishment ; and when the more subtile and sharp Corpuscles are received into the Body , they do , proportionably to the Nourishment which is taken , produce most troublesome and dangerous Pains , and vellications , such as we observe in the Chollick . And if it should happen , that amongst Corpuscles there should be abundance of emancipated Atoms , they do ordinarily betake themselves to the Brain , whence do arise Apoplexies , and Lethargies ; or if they penetrate into the Muscles and Nerves , they occasion the Palsie , which ordinarily follows these bilious Chollicks . This Indisposition degenerates the Disease into a Vomiting , and Loosness , when the Wind or the subtile Particles , the loosed Corpuscles , and the emancipated Atoms are so plentiful , that all the Symmetry of the Humours , the intercourse of the Natural Spirits , and the whole Anatomy of the Body are overthrown by them ; whence it is conspicuous , what great Confusions , Winds , Vapours , and little Bodies , and depraved Atoms are capable of producing in our Bodies : And that I have concluded upon good Reasons , That there is Poison to be found in all our Diseases ; whether we consider them in their Beginning , when we perceive our selves grieved , indisposed , and to have lost our Appetite ; or that we take a view of them in their progress , when those Winds , those little Bodies or little Atoms are advanced in the Body , and do work a Division ; or lastly , if we consider the end , when these Poisons and Toxicks , and these Corpuscles being freed from their Chains , and these emancipated Atoms bear the sway , by the confusion of the Principal Operations , they are the Cause of Death . In the second Digestion , which is in the Liver , we find Winds and Vapours , which are called Flatus's ; and sometimes those loose Corpuscles , and also the emancipated Atoms ; these Winds do produce a murmur and Flatus about the Liver , Spleen , Hypocondria , and the Reins ; and the Corpuscles which are lodged there , do prick and exulcerate the inward ●●rts , and are the Causes of Imposthumes , which are so hard to be Cured . Besides the emancipated Atoms Flying , do sometimes ascend up to the Head , where they beget Vertigo's and Buzzing in the Ears ; and also Convulsions by their vellications in the principal of the Nerves ; Thence proceed Epilepsie , and other Diseases , which have the same malignity ; which in the Opinion of all Men , being not a Quality , is a Poison , that is , the Atoms of the Blood are emancipated , which are a Poison to the Brain , and especially to the Membranes and Nerves . From the same Fountain proceed Shakings , and the duplications of continuant Fevers , as the Periodick Fits of intermittent Fevers do happen from loosed Corpuscles and Atoms which are emancipated in the first Digestion in the Stomach , by reason of a Fermentation which they make . These loosed Bodies are also the Causes of Swellings in the Feet , Hands , and other Parts ; as Inflammations , Erysipela's , as also Itch and sore Puscles do arise from Atoms which are emancipated in the last Digestion ; as for the Dropsie we may say that it derives its Original from Atoms which are emancipated in the first and second Concoction , for they penetrate the substance of the Liver , and render it unfit to produce a well constituted Blood. Sudden death is often occasioned by the sudden motion of the flying Atoms , which escape in the circulation of the Blood ; and the emancipated Atoms opening the heart , and by this passage giving an opportunity to the vital Spirits to make their escape , is the cause of that present death which follows it . CHAP. XVI . Of the Causes of our Health . IF that be true , which I suppose , That all our Diseases do not arise from Natural Qualities , nor from Antipathy , which is in the nourishment we take ; and that they are nothing else but a confusion , and an inordinate constitution of the Spirits , humours and parts , and that this confusion doth proceed from the impetuous and disorderly motion of the Winds , Corpuscles and emancipated Atoms , as I said before : Then it is certain that our health , which consists only in the just intercourse of the Spirits , and a proportionate mixture of the humours , doth not proceed but from things constituting and preserving this just temperament , and by the same it is conserved . As there are many things which destroy Health , so there are also a great number of those things which restore and confirm it . The things which destroy it , are those which rarifie the humours , and occasion winds which dissolve bodies , and do emancipate Atoms : Those which restore it , are such things , or such remedies , which hinder the division , rarefaction , and dissolution of the Humours and Parts of our body , or since it happens that necessarily there is a corruption in every digestion , and a division of the aliment , chyle , and the blood , as we observed before from the same Principle , it necessarily follows , that every thing that preserves Health , hinders the alteration of it , and also restores it , being lost , which drives out of the body these Winds , these Corpuscles , or these injurious Atoms : And that also which removes these Seeds , or internal Principles of our Diseases out of our Bodies , doth not produce that Effect by a certain Vertue , or Physical quality , or by a certain Antipathy , as it is said of Rubarb and Senna , but by motion and action which is made upon these rarified bodies , these loosed Corpuseles , or emancipated Atoms , proceeding from every digestion in the bodies of those which are most healthful . This Motion is performed either by Purgatives or Emeticks , or by Sudorificks , the two former of these are fitted to eject those which arise from the first and second digestion , and Sudorificks do expel Corpuscles or Atoms of the third digestion , but here is no room to shew the differences of these Remedies ; however we must trace out the manner of those Operations . I said a while that Medicaments do operate only by a vellication of Membranes , Nerves , and Fibres , and which is produced by sharp Corpuscles flowing from the Medicines , and sticking to the aforementioned parts , whose motion is communicated to the subtle Foreign bodies , that is , the Excrements of every particular digestion , whereby these matters are driven forth the nearest and most commodious way for evacuation . I 'le make an end of this Chapter , with an Example of a familiar Remedy , by Means whereof every man may preserve his Health , without either bleeding or Purging ; nevertheless , I do allow that bleeding sometimes is necessary , and very useful to evacuate those emancipated Atoms or Corpuscles , which are loosed in the veins , from the digestion in the Liver , especially when they being shut up , and cannot find their way out , they stick to the Pleura Membrane , and prick and vellicate it , and thereon produce an inflammation , known by the name of Pleurisie , Therefore in this Distemper , as also in continual Fevers , Bleeding and Sudorificks are by no means to be omitted . The same thing may be said of using Purgative Remedies or Emeticks , to evacuate earthy Excrements , as flegme and slimy humours arising from the first digestion ; and also Serosities or Choller , and Melancholly being the Excrements of the second Concoction , but because the defects of the first Concoction are not mended or repaired in the second ; and the first is more perfect , as the Ventricle is more pure and more clean , and cleared of that viscous Flegm which disturbs its action , and hinders digestion . Without either envy or prejudice , I do here produce a vulgar Remedie as most useful to preserve or restore Health , if it be rightly used as it should be , as I have found it by experience , besides that it manifests the Truth of my Principles , which supposes every evacuation to be made by motion and vellication of the sharp Corpuscles or penetrating Atoms . Therefore I take every morning a Goose Feather ; fit and slender , as it is in its own Nature , I put this gently into my mouth , and I thrust it further to my jaws , and hold it there for some time , and I draw backwards and forwards , and I perceive a vellication made by the Feather on my Jaw , Palate , and the other Parts adjoyning , and likewise after this vellication , I do observe that Water , Phlegm , and viscous humours , being dissolved , do flow in great quantity for the space of a quarter of an hour ; And all this is done without any violence or danger , hereby I find that the Head is lightsome , and the Stomach freed and disburthened , and that thereby the Appetite is increased , and that the Corpuscles which before ascended to the Brain by way of Vapours are evacuated , incarcerated , or involved in the viscuous humours which are flowing , and afterward the first digestion is better made ; and it is evidenced by experience , that as the ventricle is less burdned , so our Sleep is longer , sweeter , and less interrupted : Were it not that I fear to exceed those bounds which I proposed to my self , I could make many useful Observations upon this Subject . But I must remember that I do not speak of Medicine , Remedies , Health , and Diseases , but by chance and occasionally , and it is sufficient , if I oblige the Publick and the Learned with the Doctrine of Atoms , and that I be helpful to Them as well as to the Sick , by the means of those Remedies which I discover , and which I freely propose : And though I offer many things which were neither said , taught , nor writ before ; nevertheless I beg the Readers pardon , for that I add no more to this matter , for I am afraid if I should , to be tedious to him , and if I have enlarged my self too far , I hope he will forgive me ; it were hard to say less of these things , except a man would say nothing at all of them , besides that it is grateful to every man to speak and write of those things which he loves , and are agreeable with his Profession . CHAP. XVII . Of Formal , Exemplary , and Material Causes . FOrm and Formal Cause is one and the same thing ; and when we say there are two sorts of Forms , that is only according to our manner of conceiving things . So we say there are two sorts of Formal Causes , the Substantial and Accidental . But all these Forms are imaginary , neither do true Philosophers acknowledge any other Substance to be in Natural Compounds , than Matter , except only in man ; nor any other Form than the disposition of the Parts , because all these Forms are altogether useless . Moreover these great Sticklers for Forms , cannot say what they would mean by a Substantial or Accidental Form , Therefore we do with a great deal of Justice lay aside these fictitious Forms , as being but Chimeras , and of no use . The Exemplary Cause may be referred to the formal , because it is the Idea and inward form of that which we frame in our Spirit ; so the formal Cause of a Picture , is the disposition of its parts , according to the disposition and ordination which it then had in the Spirit of the Painter . The same may be said of all rational Agents , which are endued with understanding . There is no difference be twixt Matter and a Material Cause , and there are two sorts of material Causes , as well as of matter ; That is the First matter , out of which all bodies are composed , and into which , by an Universal Division , they may be reduced ; the Second , is nothing else but Bodies made of the first , and upon which the efficient Causes do exercise their activities . Therefore it is apparent , That there is nothing in the World , but what is a Compound , and that there is no Compound without matter : It is also certain , That there is nothing made without an Efficient Cause , which acts upon Compounds and destroys them , that of them others may be made ; because the matter of the first , serves for the composition of the second ; the Matter which goes to the composition of the first and second , is the first Matter , or Material Cause of the Compound , and that Matter which serves the Efficient Cause for a Subject and Patient , is called the Second Matter . Both of them may be an efficient cause , for Compounds do act upon one another , as the Elements which drive one another backwards and forwards ; that which drives another is called the Agent , as that which is driven is called the Patient ; and if there be any thing which resists it , and drives back another , this regress of the motion is called a reaction ; so one and the same thing , may be the Subject and cause of Motion ; and that to give and receive , being the Principle of Agent and Patient , may Be at the same time , but in divers respects . CHAP. XVIII . Of the first Matter . ALL Philosophers do unanimously agree , That there is a first Matter in the World , which was produced from the beginning , and tho' it can never be altered by any Change , yet it is to be seen in all the Generations and Corruptions which are in Nature ; this doth suppose , that the first Matter did exist before the Generation of the Compound wherein it is found , and that it still remains , and survives the Corruption of it ; as fire is made of Chips , the Matter of the Fire was in the Chips , and it is found partly in the Fire , partly in the Smoak , and partly also in the Ashes : It is agreed by all Men , That nothing is made out of nothing , and that there is nothing in Nature , which can be reduced into nothing , so that the first remains one , and the same in all the Revolutions which do happen . Therefore in respect of Matter , we may justly say , that there is nothing new in the World , since the Creation of it , and that this Matter , in its Nature , is incorruptible , so that to explain the Essence of this first Matter , is all , and the one only difficulty : If we hearken to Aristotle , he makes It the Subject of all Forms , and that It is nothing but a passive Power , or a meer Capacity of producing , and receiving them in its Bosom ; He says in another place , that Matter in it self hath neither quality nor quantity , nor any Essence , beside that which it received from that Form which perfected it : But this explication gives us no Idea of Matter , neither doth it teach us any thing of the nature of it ; on the other hand , according to this Doctrine , we may say that Matter is something , and we may say at the same time , that it is nothing ; and that it gives that Being to Form , and receives the same from it ; and lastly , that it hath distinct parts without any quantity ; which seems to be impossible . They were more in the right , who said , That the first Matter was nothing else but the first Elements , into which Compounds by a total dissolution are reduced , also these Elements ought to be simple , and indivisible , for otherwise , the first Elements are not such as we suppose them to be : It follows , from this Doctrine , that neither Water , nor Air , nor Earth , nor Fire , are the first Elements of things , because they are Compounds : Therefore we must look out for other Elements , which are simple and indivisible ; those things which the Chymists would fain establish , that is , Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury , cannot be taken for the First Elements of Bodies , since they are but Compounds of many other Bodies . I am of the same Opinion concerning Descartes his three Elements , which he would have to be the principles of things , which is impossible , because they are divisible . Therefore we must acknowledge , that only simple and indivisible Atoms , are the first Matter , and first Principles and Elements whereof Bodies are composed ; Out of these Atoms are Corpuscles made , out of these Corpuscles small Masses , out of Masses greater parts , & then of these parts greater Bodies , whereof the Universe doth consist ; In the same manner , going backward in an analytical method , the World is divided into great Bodies , those into parts , parts into small Masses , Masses into Corpuscles , and lastly , these Corpuscles are divided into Atoms . CHAP. XIX . Of Atoms and their Nature . THat we may solidly evince the existency of Atoms , we must suppose , that every compound may be divided into so many parts , as there are which make the compound , Therefore division ought necessarily to cease , when there is a failure of parts to be divided ; on the other side , there is no end of it , as long as there are Particles to be divided ; one of the two we must allow ; that is , either that a body cannot be so exactly divided , but that there always remain divisible parts in infinitum ; or , that there are parts after a certain number of Divisions , which will not admit any further division ; Aristotle stands for the former , but Gassendus and the Ancient Philosophers do defend the latter and according to this last Doctrine , after all the Divisions are made , nothing can remain besides Atoms , that is , indivisible Beings , which are the first Elements of Natural Bodies . I confess , it is hard to imagin a corporeal thing to be indivisible , because we see nothing in this World , which is not divisible , but this makes nothing against Atoms , which are Corporeal , because they compose Bodies , and are Indivisible , because they are the first , and most simple Elements of Bodies : Hence arises another difficulty , because it cannot be easily explained ; after what manner a thing that is divisible , is composed of parts which are indivisible . Impartial minds do not find so much difficulty in conceiving this matter , as those do , who follow the prejudices which they have received : First , these Men who are thus so prepossessed , do not consider , that there are many things which escape our Senses , and yet are most real . Secondly , they do not consider that that which composes a Body , is not a compound , as we see that Unity makes number , tho' it self be not a number : Letters , whereof Nouns and words are framed , yet are neither the one nor the other . The drops of Water whereof Rivers do consist , are not Rivers ; so Atoms though they are invisible and indivisible , yet they compose Bodies which are visible and divisible . Aristotle and his Followers , do teach us , That a small body , as for Example , a Millet Seed , is divisible in infinitum , and that it contains an infinite number of Parts ; which being supposed , it may be concluded , that there are as many parts in the Millet Seed , as there are in the whole Terrestrial Globe : Also according to this Opinion , we must grant , that a Body cannot be divided into as many parts , as really it may , and that neither the hither or further end of a staff can be found , nor that there is a Circle or perfect Piramid , nor that the parts of a Body can be immediately divided . All which consequences as they are absolutely necessary , so they are all equally absurd . Descartes did endeavour to free himself from this difficulty , by saying that the number of the parts of the Millet-Seed , was neither finite , nor infinite , but only that they were indefinite : But the evasion is ridiculous , and these two Philosophers are forced to confess , that every part of the Millet-seed hath its extension , and if their Number be either infinite or indefinite , then their extensions also will be either infinite or indefinite at the least , which is absurd to affirm . I add no more , to avoid Scholastic Intricacies and distinctions . CHAP. XX. The Properties , Magnitude , Figure , Weight and Motion of Atoms . AN Atom is a corporeal Being , simple , invisible , and indivisible : Solidity constitutes its Essence , or essential property , which distinguishes it from Spirits and Vacuity , which have no power of resisting . Atoms do necessarily avoid all our Senses , because these are composed of many distinct and gross parts , whose Object ought to be composed , e're it can be perceived by the external Organ , which nevertheless doth not destroy the truth and reality of Atoms , because small Corpuscles do escape our Senses , as we observe in Dust which sticks to our Cloaths , and also in the Corpuscles of a Ring , which is wasted and diminished by time and use , in the Corpuscles of a Stone , which is made hollow by the drops of Water which fall upon it in divers occult parts , in a Mite which cannot be seen without the help of a Microscope , and lastly , in small Corpuscles , which are seen to move in a Chamber , by the help of the Sun-beams ; that we may omit many others which are smaller , which without doubt we could see , if our sight was sharper , as I shall mention in my Animadversions about Experiments of Miscroscopes . Though Atoms are most subtle and inperceptible , yet they have their particular extension , magnitude , and figure , from whence their differences do arise ; for the figure of some of them is round , as the Atoms of Water , Oyl , and Quick-Silver ; others have cubicular figures , such are the Atoms of Sea-Water ; and others are Pyramidal , as those whereof Nitre doth consist ; there are some which have sharp points like needles ' as Fire , whence we are to suppose that there are others variously figured . This difference is necessary to distinguish Compounds : And as these Atoms , as to their solidity , or invisibility , and indivisibility ( which are their inseparable Properties ) are alike ; so also if they did not differ in their figure and thickness , all bodies would be of the same likeness . Weight is the Principle of the said Natural Motion , insomuch as it doth resist a violent motion : That I mention here , that we may know whether motion of Atoms hath an internal or an external Principle , or whether Weight be determined only to one Motion , or that it be indifferently inclined to many : And whether the motion of Atoms do tend to some Center : And whether it be continuant or interrupted : And lastly , whether it be perpendicular or horizontal , Parallel or declined , right or parabolical , or circular . In order to resolve well this difficulty , I suppose that Atoms may be considered in a double State , The First State of them is before the Composition of the bodies which are made of them , which may be called the State of Liberty : The other is that which they have in the bodies which do consist of them ; which may be termed the State of obligation or servitude . If Attoms be considered in their First State , their motion is perpetual : So that an Atom that is loose and freed from any composition , is essentially in motion , which ought not in the least to be wondred at ; for Motion in respect of a free Atom , is the same that Understanding is in respect of an Angel● which is never without knowing , unless his Intellect is bound and clouded . From this Principle it is evident , That Atoms are in continual motion , unless they are hindred , or that there is some obstruction in the way , or that there are other Atoms resisting and repelling of them , or that they find such as will stick unto them , or that they insinuate themselves into the Atoms of certain bodies , or or that they enter into some composition , whereby their motion is stopped . Nevertheless , Atoms in Compounds are not altogether void of motion , because they are not so straitly imbodied together , but that they have some motion , like Vibrations and Palpitations , according to the liberty which is granted them by the disseminated Vacuities ; nay , some of them sometimes do attempt their escape , especially in porous bodies , which therefore are sooner corrupted and perish , than other Bodies which are more solid , and more close . It is yet more evident in living bodies , out of which the animal Spirits , which are but the bodies of Atoms , and most subtile Corpuscles , are dissipated by transpiration , whence aliments are necessarily requisite , for to supply the Spirits of the whole body , which are dissipated by motion and agitation . This motion of Atoms , or the least Corpuscles , in living bodies , may be deservedly accounted the Image of their first liberty , and tho' they do but seldom enjoy their full liberty , yet they are apt to raise the greatest commotions , in order to be freed , and to gain their liberty ; this is the origine of many distempers , as in Acute Fevers , the Atoms or Corpuscles of the boiling blood , or obstructed choller , are carried and driven into the Brain , where they produce watchfulness , Deliriums , and Phrensies . According to this Principle , that which we said before may be concluded , That many Distempers do arise from minute Corpuscles , and emancipated Atoms . For These being driven forwards by other Atoms , and forced back , do run into the membranes , Periostiam , Meninges , or intestines , and cause Pains , which they call the Collick , Headach , Gouts and Rheumatisms ; So that this solution of Corpuscles , and emancipation of Atoms in our Bodies , are much to be feared , and to prevent this danger , all motions of the body which are too violent , must be avoided ; for these are the external cause of the confusion of the Spirits , and the emancipation of the Atoms . The emancipation of Atoms , and also of the small Corpuscles , which are composed of those Atoms , are to be feared no less in the great than little World , for the Winds are nothing else but emancipated Atoms , which by their impetuosity , being driven backwards and forwards , do force all bodies which they meet with in their way : It is these Atoms which agitate the Air and the Sea , and cause Earth-quakes , and also over-turn all things which resist their motion : Therefore , the motions of Atoms , are neither equal nor every where alike , but they do vary according to the diversity of Bodies whereby they are driven , or as the figures of them are more or less fitted for motion , or otherwise , according to the proportion of Vacuities , which are dispersed in bodies ; So that some Atoms are moved quicker , and others slower , not because some are heavier than others , but because they are driven backwards and forwards , or are stopped by others which do fix them , with the greater or less violence . CHAP. XXI . Difficulties arising from the Doctrine of Atoms . THE first which presents it self , is in relation to the Being and Nature of Atoms , therefore it is hard to conceive , that an Atom is corporeal and material , and at the same time , that it is indivisible , or that the same being indivisible , should at the same time have its grossness and extension ; but this difficulty proceeds from nothing else , but the prejudice of our Senses , which can conceive no Objects , but as they are divisible and gross , neither can they give to our Soul , ( which is an indivisible being ) an Idea of an indivisible thing . It is only our Soul which is indivisible , as well as an Atom , is able to conceive the nature of them , which being elevated above the Senses , can correct the Errors of them ; therefore I say that an Atom is not a body , according to the Notion which we have of it ; that it is a compound Being ; but I affirm it to be a simple Being , and also Corporeal ; that is to say , simple , because it is indivisible ; and corporeal , because it hath a certain extension , and makes up the composition of bodies , which , in the total division of them , are reduced again into Atoms . There are two other difficulties which do arise from the former , for , if an Atom be indivisible , after what manner can we propose to our selves , that it hath extension , or how can it be an ingredient in the composition of divisible bodies ? To which it is answered in few words , That extension is according to the nature of the thing extended , for if the thing extended be divisible , in the same manner is the extension , and so on the other side ; so it is of the rational Soul , which is possessed of the whole body , and exercises its operations in all the parts of it , nevertheless it is , like an Atom , indivisible , and though it be divisible in respect of the space it occupies , yet it hath an internal extension , which is indivisible : It is the same thing which Divines are forced to say of Angels , and some Philosophers , about their Physical tumid points . But some will say , that Atoms are like neither to Souls , Angels , or Physical Points , because they have parts , and these have none , because that which doth consist of parts is divisible , it follows also that an Atom is divisible . To this difficulty , I answer with the Divines , That Angels and our Souls , which are Spirits ; and also with Philosophers , that physical Points which are material , have no real , but only potential parts ; that is , an Angel and the rational Soul , in respect of the operations which they exercise , and the space which they occupy ; and the tumid points , in respect of the space which they fill up : Indeed an Angel and the Soul have two powers , whereof the one is the Intellect , the other the Will , which being no more but an indivisible substance , which are capable of understanding , and willing ; yet no Man will deny but that they , notwithstanding their indivisibility ( which at least , is equal to the indivisibility of an Atom ) do fill up a divisible space ; as no Man can doubt , but that an Angel can be at the same time in the four corners of the Room , and likewise can be in the middle of it , and that it hath a foursquare figure , by communication with the four Angles or Corners , and that it can quit this , and assume another figure at its pleasure , which cannot be said of tumid points , and Atoms , which are destitute of Understanding and Will : The rational Soul being equally indivisible with an Atom , Angel , or point , doth wholly possess a great body , no less than it did then when the body was little ; therefore it does dilate it self without being divided , because in its nature it is simple and indivisible , and is without distinct parts . This is the Opinion of Aristotle , and indeed it is the most common Opinion . But if the Soul were not by its own substance extended through the whole body , and had its seat only in the Heart , as Empedocles would have it , or in the Spleen and the Stomach , as Van Helmont places it , or in the Glaudula Pinealis of the Brain , according to Cartesius , or in the Striate bodies of the Brain , where the common sense is , or the sense it self , as it is called by way of excellency , and in the Callous parts , because there it forms the Ideas of things , and judges of them , and in the cineritious part of the Brain , because there it performs the functions of the memory , according to the Opinion of Duncane ; It is certain , that all these parts which are taken to be the feat of the Soul , are divisible , and that they have distinct parts and figures ; so the Soul , as it is indivisible , occupies a space or place which is divisible , whence I conclude , that the indivisibility does not hinder , but that a substance may have a certain indivisible extension , but divisible as to the place which it possesses , or that it may have Angles and figures , in respect of place , though its substance essentially remain one , simple , and indivisible ; Delugo and his followers , do apply this Doctrine to tumid points ; and truly , I conceive I may take the same liberty to apply it to Atoms ; from this Principle , which is , that an Angel , or the rational Soul , are neither more simple , nor more indivisible than a material Atom , as we have supposed it , and laid it down as a Principle . To these I add , that it is not sufficient that any thing be divisible because it hath Parts , but they ought to be Physically distinct and joined together by a Physical Union , nor that each of these Parts should be of the same Essence with the whole Compound whereof they are parts . But it is certain that the Parts of an Atom are not Physically distinct ; for the one could neither be , nor cease to be without the other , no more than the two Essential Perfections of Man , that is to be an Animal and Rational Creature : And briefly the Parts of an Atom are the Parts of a Simple Being , which are in Unity , but not in Union : and by Consequence really inseparable ; which is no hindrance , but that the Mind of a Man may be able to conceive some kind of interval , and some diversity betwixt the Parts of an Atom , in the same manner as the Animal and Rational Natures are represented in a Man , as if they were two Physically distinct things . Gassendus Reasons from another Principle which is very solid , and built upon the solidity of Atoms , but upon the insolidity of a Vacuum ; he takes an Atom to be indivisible because it is solid ; but that that Solidity and Bodies likewise are not Divisible , unless by reason of the void spaces which are found in them , and which do desert the Interval ; by which the Body may be divided 'till we come to those Bodies , which , having no Vacuum within them , can be divided by no Natural Cause , because a Vacuum having neither solidity , nor any power of resisting , is the Passive Principle of every Physical Division . By a Vacuum I understand the intermediate space betwixt the Parts : And as that which has not a passive Principle of Motion is immoveable , so also that which hath not a Passive Principle of Division , is indivisible ; And that we may wholly silence all the Cartesians , I do affirm an Atom to be indivisible , because there is no interval in it , by which means some Agent may divide it , in the same manner , that they deny that God is able to remove the Universe , because they say there is no other place wherein it can be posited ; which I would willingly grant them , if there was no place without the World. It is necessary that they should agree with Gassendus , if there be no interval in an Atom . The Question is , If three Atoms be placed together in Order , whether the middle one doth touch the other two which are on both sides of it ? This being supposed , it must have two sides , and two several Faces . I also ask , whether an Angel being immediately placed betwixt two Angels , together with a third , in a straight Line of three Foot long , whether one of them be touched by one on this side , and by the other on the other side ? And since there is the same difficulty , it requires also the same Answer . But I answer directly , and say , That all these , for Example , square sides of an Atom and their Faces are not Parts Physically distinct , but only simple Beings , and Physically Indivisible , as the Philosophers do Teach , that there is in Man a principle of Sense , and a Principle of Reason ; though these two are but a simple Being , and indivisible like an Atom , and the sole difference doth consist in the respect of their divers Effects , and of our Spirit , which finds an interval where really indeed there was none . CHAP. XXII . Of the Disseminate , Congregate , and Separate Vacuum of Gassendus . THe Doctrine of a Vacuum is contrary both to the Doctrines of Aristotle , and Cartesius ; the First was of Opinion , that it was impossible that Naturally there should be a Vacuum , because , saith he , the Universal Nature is against it . The other Ridicules this Fear of Nature , though notwithstanding he teaches that there can be no such thing as a Vacuum in Nature . Gassendus on the other side affirms three sorts of Vacuums , the First of which he calleth a Dispersed Vacuum , which he saith must necessarily be in all Bodies , and this Doctrine he endeavours to prove by Motion , which cannot be done but in a Vacuum : For that truly no Body can be moved in a space that is taken up by another Body , because there is no penetration of Bodies , and therefore cannot be moved but in a void space . The Cartesians do endeavour to elude this difficulty , by saying that there is a yielding , subtile , and fluid matter , which is not able to resist the Motion of a solid Body forcing the same . But that this is but a flight evasion , a poor shift , appears from hence , that this matter is uncapable of yielding , unless it were filled with small empty Pores which are dispersed thorow , which being condensed and pressing themselves together , do suffer it to yield , and when it is condensed so far that there is no Vacuum , it yields no farther , but it resists Natural Agents , though of great force . So we see air , condensed and compressed in an Iron Tube doth resist a Staff which we endeavour to thrust into it , therefore air , which is a matter apt to yield , ceases to be so , when there are no more Vacuums dispersed in it , neither can Bodies enter into it , without a peneration of the Dimensions : whence it appears , that there is no such thing as a yielding Matter , and that every Matter in its Nature is equally solid and resisting . To this Demonstration I add further , That not so much as a Gnat cou'd in the least move it self , unless there was a Vacuum in the Air , ( which is a matter● of it self apt to yield , ) but that at the same time the Region of the Air , nay and the Heaven it self must be in motion ; because if all things be full of bodies , the Gnat cannot be moved but by driving the ambient Air , which Air also drives the next , and that again the next , and so in a right line to Heaven it self ; and if the World according to Cartesius's Doctrine had no bounds , this motion wou'd have an infinite continuance , which wou'd be a thing both absurd and ridiculous in the highest degree . This Philosopher did believe that he was able to elude this Reason , by supposing this motion not to be in a right-line but Circular ; but besides that the Air is not moved but in that manner that it is driven , and that indeed it is forced in a right line , but not circularly , as it is supposed it ought to be moved , it is most certain that this circular motion , by altogether supposing all Privation of a Vacuum in this Element , is impossible : For if there be no Vacuum , all things are Full : If Full , the first part of this supposed Circle cannot be moved , because it finds no place through which it can be moved : Therefore it ought to remain immoveable with all other things , which are in the Universe , unless there were a Vacuum , through which it might commence its motion . Gassendus builds the Truth of these small dispersed Vacuums upon the truth of the figures of Atoms and their angles , because Angles cannot but leave void spaces in Bodies , as we see a great many Grains of Corn do leave void spaces in the Bushel wherein they are contained , and do touch one the other . I confess that these Vacuums are replenished with Air , but Vacuums which for the same reason are amongst the smallest parts of the Air or Atoms , can be replenished with no matter ; and if they be replenished with it , I do demand whether the parts of this subtile matter have figures ? which if they have , they cannot be united and joyned together without a Vacuum , which if they have not , neither have they Extension , nor are they material according to the very Principle of the Cartesians . To all that has been said , we may joyn an Experiment about the rarefaction and condensation of bodies , and the confirmation of disseminate Vacuums , for Example , take a Glass-Phial with a long neck , which being well heated , put it into a Vessel full of Water , so that the end of the neck of the Vial may go a little way into it , we shall certainly see that the water presently ascends to a certain height , as the Air in the Vial is condensed , and gives way . From this Experiment I conclude two things in defence of a Vacuum . Whereof the first is , That the air is before rarified in the Vial , and that the parts of it are more dilated : ( But this rarefaction of the air cannot be done but by the help of the great and more copious Vacuums : ) The other is , That the Water could not ascend in the Vial , unless the air did give way , and was condensed : But air cannot be condensed , unless the parts of it close nearer together , and that they could not do without a Vacuum ; therefore we must conclude , that air is condensed by the help of Vacuums , which are partly taken away , and lessened as well in Quality as in Number ; as it happens in a Bushel full of Corn or Salt when it is moved , by which motion it is not a little condensed ; and the Atoms of Fire beget a dilating Motion to the air in the Glass , but Cold produces a condensing Motion , and as it is condensed and becomes more gross , the aiery Atoms do also draw the Water as it were with small hooks , or the external air lying upon the Water makes it ascend by Reason of the Vacuum which gives place , or at least does not resist the weight of the Air. But perhaps they will say that there is no Vacuum in the air , but that many Particles of subtile matter do go out from the Vial , and give place to the ascending Water . But this answer gives no manner of satisfaction , because there is no body to force this subtile Matter , neither is there any way through which it may pass , as also there is no Cause assigned why the Water is forced upwards . As to this , we must have recourse to the small empty spaces which are found in all Bodies , which Bodies are more or less fluid or solid , as they have more or less of Matter or Renitency , as there is the greater or lesser number of those Vacuums , whereof we speak , dispersed through them . CHAP. XXIII . Of a Congregate Vacuum , against Aristotle and Cartesius . GASSENDUS is not only against these two Philosophers concerning a Dispersed Vacuum , but also about a Congregate one which is very remarkable , and is to be found about divers Compound Bodies . Aristotle who fights for Quality , or Accidents distinct from Substance , rejects a Vacuum as a thing which Nature can no ways endure . But Cartesius speaks yet more hardly of it , for he affirms that the Production of it in the World , does not only exceed the power of Second Causes , but even of the First Cause it self . Aristotle endeavours to prove his Doctrine after this manner , to wit , That in his Opinion a Vacuum would interrupt and hinder the Motion and Action of Natural Causes : For if indeed Light and Heat be Accidents , the Sun could not produce either of them in a Vacuum , or through it , though there was never so little of it in the Air , equal to the least imaginable point ; for according to this Opinion , they are Accidents , and have need of a Subject , which a Vacuum does not afford them . Descartes Builds upon another Foundation , for he acknowledges no difference between Extention , and Matter extended ; and therefore he affirms that there is no distance between two Walls , betwixt which there is no air nor Matter , but that they would fall close together : Which how ridiculous it is , we shall see by what follows . I affirm therefore , That Nature doth not abhor a Vacuum , nor that it is impossible that there should be a Vacuum in Nature ; for indeed there is no ground for this imaginary fear , and the Experiment which I bring , will most solidly demonstrate the Existence of a Vacuum . This Experiment was made at Clermont by the late Mr. Paschall , a Man well esteemed by all that knew him , he took a Glass Tube four Foot long , divided into Inches and Lines , open at one end only , through which being filled with Quick-Silver , and then put into an Earthen Vessel full of Water and Quick-Silver , immediately the Quick-Silver that was in the Tube did descend , and stuck at the height of Twenty five Inches , and Five Lines and a half , and remained visibly in that State for the space of Five Hours . This Experiment was afterwards made in several places , two or three times , I , and several persons of Quality and Learning being present , and indeed every time it did more or less sink down , according to the highness or lowness of the place where the Experiment was made , without any visible alteration in one and the same place ; I conclude , that the space which remains above the Quick-silver , is a Vacuum , and that nothing but Light is contained within it , we must therefore say either that Light is not an accident but a body , which fills the space , or else that this space is a Vacuum , and that Light is in it without its subject . It may be said that the Glass being porous , the Air or some other Body more subtile , might enter into the Tube , and replenish the space left by the descending Quick-silver ; but that cannot be , because the Quick-silver descends on a sudden , and the Air could not so suddenly enter in without breaking of the Glass : But if it did enter , why does not the Quick-silver descend to the very bottom , but remain suspended at a Certain height ? From this Experiment it appears , That a Vacuum , according to the conception which Aristotle hath left us of it , is not impossible to be in Nature . Secondly , that the external Air by its weight presses upon the Water and Quick-silver in the Earthen Vessel , for otherwise all the Quick-silver contained in the Tube , would fall down to the very bottom . Thirdly , that the same Air hath a greater pressure in Vallies than in Mountains , especially upon those that are very high , because here it is more subtile and rare , and more dilated by disseminated Vacuums , whereby its weight is lessened , together with its strength and resistency . The Opinion of Cartesius is yet more ridiculous , who affirms , That a Vacuum is impossible even in respect of the Divine Power ; which Opinion is no less impious than it is rash , for no Man can deny , but that God is able to reduce into nothing , the Air that is contained in the Vial , and also to hinder any other body from coming into its place . Descartes says , that this Hypothesis is impossible , and that if this Air was annihilated , the sides of the Viol would immediately touch one another , because says he , things betwixt which nothing interposes , do touch one another ; That is true , that when nothing was there , nothing could be there , or when things come together to be joined ; But we suppose here , that the parts of the Vial remain in their first State , as indeed they do , if they are not any ways moved , which they do not , God Almighty hindring ; and whosoever denys that God Almighty is able to hinder this Motion , and this Contiguity ; in so supposing is ridiculous and rash , prescribing Limits to God Almighty's Power . There is moreover a separate Vacuum , that is , a space beyond the World , which some do call an Imaginary space , in which God hath not indeed produced , but nevertheless can produce something . Of this we will speak in the Second Part , which we now Begin . The Second Part of Physick . In which is Treated of Coelestial Things which happen above Man. THE World in General is a Theatre of the Wonderful things of God , and a Collection of all things which he hath produced , whereof the World is the Lowest , and least Noble ; but the Heaven the most High , and the most Noble ; We do now here propose to speak of this Coelestial World , and of all those things which are above us . CHAP. I. Of the Immense Spaces which are without the Heavens . DESCARTES hath absolutely concluded that there is no space without the Heavens , because all are full of Matter , and that the World is not encompassed about with Bounds and Limits , by way of a Circumference . Aristotle and his Followers affirm , That the World is bounded by the Exterior and Convex part of the Heavens ; and beyond that , there are void and imaginary Spaces , in which there is nothing Real . Gassendus and his Disciples are of the same Opinion , concerning the Limits and Circumference of the World ; but he denieth that there are imaginary Spaces without the Heavens , and he says indeed , that they are Vacuums , and yet nevertheless that they are real ; and this is it which he calls a Separate Vacuum . The Opinion of Renatus Descartes is intollerable ; because the World is limited in its being , as well as in its duration , that is to say , by a fluid space , or by time ; it is therefore limited in respect of place , which is a permanent space which it possesses , even to the Circumference , ( that is to the Convex Part of the Heaven ) otherwise the World would be Infinite , and absolutely immensurable in its extension ; and indeed if the World had not Limits , in respect of time , or that the instant wherein it begun could not be found out , it would be Eternal . In like manner , if we acknowledge no end of the World's extension , we may say it is immensurable : But if the whole World be immense and indefinite , as Descartes would have it , if it hath neither Figure nor Extream Parts , it must evidently follow , that it is Infinite , for that which in all its parts is real , or hath any part which we cannot count its last , is absolutely and actually Infinite in its extension : But if Descartes will play with the word Indefinite , and say indeed , that the World is Indefinite , because it hath no end in its extension ; but yet from thence it does not follow that it is Infinite . I would ask him to tell me the difference betwixt an Infinite Line , and an Indefinite one , and also between the immensity of God , and the Indefiniteness of the World ? for if the World is Indefinite , the same thing may be said of it , that Trismegistus said of God , to wit , that it hath neither Centre nor Circumference ; whence it follows , that this World Occupies all Spaces , and that it is immoveable , nor can it be moved out of its place , and that God cannot Create another World without Destroying this , because there is no Room in which God Almighty might place it . All which Consequences are inevitable , and the Principle of it more than rash . The Opinion contrary to the former , which is Gassendus's , and which we embrace , is more firm and agreeable to Reason ; for it teaches That this World is limited in respect of Place , and that it hath both a Circumference as well as a Centre ; beyond which there are void Spaces , in which God Almighty could produce another , or more Worlds , greater , or equal to this of ours wherein we dwell , if he pleased . From this most true Opinion it is concluded , That God fills by his Immensity all infinite Spaces , and that he is really in them , and that He is no ways limited by the Circumference of the Heavens , and that He can there produce another World , remote from this of ours ; and according to this Hypothesis , this distance or that interval will have its dimensions , although void and immaterial , yet mensurable . From thence it is concluded , That since space is ( as indeed it is ) immutable and immoveable , it is the proper place of Bodies , actually , or potentially as they do or do not exist ; for if a Body be in it , the space is filled , otherwise there is a Vacuum , as we suppose , beyond the Heavens where there are no Bodies , so that I say that the place and extension of Bodies is a permanent space , in like manner as time the measure of the duration of things is a fluid space . CHAP. II. Of the Heavens , and their Nature . ALL that can be said of the Heavens and their Nature , relates to their Substance , Figure , Number , and Motion . The Substance of them is the same with that of the Inferiour World ; for there are not two sorts of matter essentially distinct , and all Material Bodies are equally solid and impenetrable ; in that the essence of matter consists : And although there be some kind of difference between Terrestrial and Coelestial Matter , it cannot yet notwithstanding be thence concluded that they are of a several Nature ; because all the diversity proceeds from this , that the Atoms of the Coelestial Matter are more subtile than the Atoms of the Terrestrial Matter , and more exact , more moveable , and more perfect in respect of their Figures , and the more perfect Bodies compounded of them , and their Mass better united , and lastly , the whole Body more compleat . This Doctrine may be illustrated by the Example of Letters , for those which Compose a Word , and which are accurately delineated and written , do not differ from those which Compose the same Word , and are ill delineated and written ; the first nevertheless are better , more exact , and more elegantly formed ; which happens , in respect of the same Hand which makes them , according to the difference of the Pen or Ink , or the Design of the Writer , who makes longer , or rounder , or after any fashion he pleases . I say therefore , that the Heavens which declare the Glory of God , differ as much from the Earth , as a Printed Book from a Manuscript . Atoms like Letters are the same in both , which although they are of the same Author , do not agree in their Figure and shape , because Almighty God would have it so , in order to the Fairness and Beauty of the World. The Figure of the Heavens appears round to us : This Figure is most perfect , and therefore accounted most fit for Motion , and nothing perswades us to affirm the contrary ; but on the other hand , all things perswades us that the Figure of the Heavens is round , since it encompasses the Earth which is round . And since we observe the Stars to have their Nocturnal Risings and Settings , which could never happen , if the Heavens were not Round . The Number of the Heavens cannot easily be found out ; there are some who say there are Eleven , others reckon Nine , but the greatest part conclude that there are only Three ; that is to say , the Heaven of the Planets , which they say is wholly Fluid , in which they swim like Fishes in the Water ; the next that follows according to this Opinion , is the Firmament , altogether Solid , where all the Fix'd Stars are placed like so many Golden Nails , or Diamonds set in Blue ; but the third is the Imperial Heaven , the Seat of the Happy , partly Solid , and partly Fluid : because the blessed Bodies ought to dwell in a place where they may move , and freely breath the Air of Paradise . This Opinion seems the rather to be embraced by me , because it is most consonant to the Holy Scripture ; wherein we read that the Apostle Paul was rapt up into the third Heaven ; whereupon , from thence he testifies that he was lifted up into Paradise . Lastly , the motion of the Heavens is uncertain : For it is a received Opinion , that the Heaven of the Planets , or at least the Planets themselves are moved about the Earth , as also the Firmament with the Fix'd Stars . But others teach us , that the Firmament as well as the Sun is immoveable , and the Planets together with the Earth , as being a Seventh Planet , are wheeled about the Sun. This we examine in the following Chapter . CHAP. III. Of the Stars , and their Substance . AS Mettals and Stones are the Ornaments of the Terrestrial World , so are Stars of the Coelestial ; some of which are called Fixed Stars , keeping always the same place ; other wandring Stars or Planets , always changing place , and in their Reciprocal Conjunctions and Oppositions coming nearer , or going further of ; the first are fixed to the Firmament or Starry Heaven , the others to the Heaven of the Planets . The Substance of the Fixed Stars and Planets is of the same Matter with the Heavens , and the Earth , for there are not two first Matters , but there are many differences to be found amongst the Compounds of the first . Between these Compounds there are Degrees of Nobility ; even as we see upon Earth , that Gold is more Noble , more perfect , and more precious than Silver , Silver than other Mettaline Bodies ; Rubies , and Diamonds than other Precious Stones . In the same manner it is in the Heavens , where the Sun which is the most perfect of the Planets , and each Star hath its particular splendour , which doth not happen from the diversity of matter , but from its depuration , which consequentially arises from its distance from terrestrial and opake Bodies . How many different Pictures can one and the same Painter make out of the same Colours , only by a different disposition of them ? how many different sorts of Books can there be made out of the same Syllables and Words by Transposing of them ? what then hinders , but that we may grant the Author of Nature power to make out of so many Atoms diversly disposed , so many Bodies differing in Elegancy and Clarity , as are the Stars or Planets ? The matter therefore is the same of the Heaven and the Earth , of the Dirt under our Feet , and the Stars above us . Whereupon a certain Ancient and Eminent Philosopher said , that the things above are like the things below : and so on the contrary . And we know very well that Gold , as Precious and Beautiful as it is , is of the same Matter with Lead , and there is nothing requisite to the making of Gold , besides the depuration of the Atoms which are its first Matter . I do here endeavour to deliver an Idea of the Substance of the Stars , upon an Experiment grounded upon melted Mettals , and yet flowing in the Crusible ; for Gold falling into Aqua-fortis is like a black Powder , Silver dissolved with the same Aqua-fortis , and precipitated by Sea Water , or separated by the means of Copper-Plates , is reduced into a Calx , or White , or Greyish Earth : Tin calcined , becomes yellow like Oker ; likewise Lead Calcined , becomes yellow , white , black , and red , as we will ; Copper is turned into Verdigrease , or into a yellow and red Powder , and in like manner Iron into a red powder called Crocus Martis , where by the way it appears how Compound Bodies become different , and vary , without the change of their first matter , by an only separation and division of their Parts , Corpuscles , or Atoms . Yet if you take these Mettals so Calcined , each by it self , and put them into a Crusible in a Melting Furnace , with a strong Fire , this Powder will return into Mettal again , and shine and sparkle in the Fire ; you see then that the same matter is in a threefold different state , for being a solid Body , it is afterwards reduced to a Powder , and then again it is turned into a fluid matter , melting and sparkling in the Fire . And this is the thing from whence I frame the Idea , which I promised , concerning the Fixed Stars and the Planets ; for nothing better represents the Nature of the Sun and its Substance , than Melted Gold flowing in a great Crusible , nor nothing better represents the Fixed Stars , than the same Gold melted in lesser Crusibles ; there is nothing more like the Moon , than Silver melting in a Crusible . The same thing may be said of Lead , in respect of Saturn , and of Tin in respect of Jupiter , and of Copper in respect of the bright and sparkling Venus : So also Iron melted with the Matter which Fluxes it , leaves an Idea of the Planet Mars , yet without this Mineral which Fluxes , it better shews its refulgent redness . So it may be truly said , that the Sun is like melted Gold , and the Moon like melted Silver ; and so of Saturn , and the rest . CHAP. IV. Of the Magnitude of the Stars , and their Figures . SInce the Substance of the Stars is like melted Mettal , it may be likewise concluded , that the same is likewise round , because a melted Mettal is always round , unless it be hindred by the Mould in which it is cast , or by the Crusible in which it is melting , and since there is nothing that compels Stars to assume another Figure , than that which is Natural to them , and which is the most perfect of all Figures , which is most agreeable to the first matter , out of which they are made by the Author of Nature ; we ought to grant that they are round . As to their Magnitude , Astronomers represent them to be immeasurable , and they take their Hypothesis from the Rules of the Opticks , and from the experience of those great Optick Tubes ; the Invention of which is attributed to Campanella , but the Restoration and improvement of them to Anthony de Reïta , as appears by his Book Entituled Oculus Enoch & Eliae . The Sun is commonly taken to be an hundreed and sixty and six times greater than the Earth , and the Earth to be three times as big as the Moon , and the other Stars are some bigger , and some lesser ; I would not dwell long upon a matter so far above us , especially when I consider the weakness of all those things which Astronomers tell us concerning them , and the dissention which is amongst the most Learned about them . Epicurus is quite of another Opinion , for he says that the true Magnitude of the Sun and Stars is not much greater than they appear to us ; because , says this Philosopher , since we see them to have Natural Colours , it follows then , that we see them in their just Magnitude ; and he adds , that we never see Objects in their true Magnitude , but when we discern their Colour , Figure , and Circumference : He endeavours to prove this his Opinion by the Example of fire , which we behold truly as it is ; greater , or lesser , accordingly as it Flames : and after this rate , fixed Stars would not be much greater than they appear : The same thing may be said of the Planets also , because they are less remote from us than the Fixed stars . I should not much dislike this Opinion , if it were not rejected by the whole World , and that the Shades , Paralaxes , and Eclipses evince the contrary . Therefore we embrace the most received Opinion , and positively affirm , That the most experienced , with the help of all their Optick Tubes , are not able to delineate the true and just Magnitude of the Planets , much less of the Fixed Stars , whose shadow is small , and they a great way distant from the Earth . CHAP. V. Of the Motion of the Stars . ARISTOTLE endeavouring to avoid or shun all the difficul 〈…〉 which occur in great plenty , concerning the Motion of the Heavens , thought he was easily able to explain it , together with its swiftness and regularity by the help of an Intelligent Mover , sent by God as an Adjutant Form , to move , push on , direct , and order the Heaven , and each Planet in all their Motion . This Doctrine seems to be at once both very easie , and very clear ; for if Heaven and the Planets have really a kind of motion , ( of which there is no doubt , ) there is nothing more easie than to have recourse to an Angel , who , by Gods Command , is the mover and directer of it . But we should sooner agree upon the Point , by having recourse to God , the Author of Nature , and saying , that He as the first Author hath impressed this motion upon the Heaven , and the Stars , from the beginning of the World , and that he doth continually conserve it as the First Cause , by his general concurrence , without using the Ministery of Angels to perform it , which would be no more necessary , than to assign a helping Angel to the motion of Animals , and the Vegitation of Plants , which no ●an will go about to do , unless he deligns to make himself ridiculous . ¶ This Opinion supposes the Earth to be in the Center of the World , immoveable , and that the Heavens are wheeled about this Center upon the two Poles of the World : The Asserters of this Opinion do affirm , That the Imperial Heaven is fixt , and immoveable , of a round or square Figure , and that the Firmament observes the motion of the Primum Mobile ; and by the impression of it , is rapidly moved from East to West , together with the Fixed Stars which it violently carries along with it . As to the Planetary Heaven , they who affirm it to be Fluid , do also teach us that the Planets do likewise in this vast space move with the like liberty that Fish do in the Water , or Birds in the Air , excepting only that the motion of the Stars is regular , and that of Fish and Birds is not . They who make to be as many Heavens as there are Planets , or that every Planet hath its Orb , are forced to confess , that either their Heaven is fluid , or if it be solid , that there are passages and ways through which they are carried ; and to explain these appearances , they are under a necessity of feigning certain Circles which they call Epicicles , or Excentrix ; from whence arises unexplicable confusions ; whilst others say that these Circles are only imaginary . But they who affirm the Sun to be immoveable in the center of the World , who conclude that the Earth is in its place a Seventh Planet , and hath a Motion round it as well as the rest , and that the Firmament and the Fixed Stars ( which are annexed to it , and implanted in it , and seen with their Orbs to wheel round over our heads ) to be like the Sun , equally immoveable ; are forced to explain the motion of the Planets , and find no little difficulty in explicating their appearances ; we will enquire into those which are chiefly built upon truth ; by examining first those two most Famous Systems of the World , I mean that of Ptolomy and Copernicus . CHAP. VI. Ptolomy's System of the World Examined . PTOLOMY and Aristotle with their Followers , affirm the Earth to be in the Centre of the World immoveable , encompassed round with Air , which they think is next environed with Fire ; and so in order there are Orbs of the Moon , Mercury , Venus , the Sun , Mars , Jupiter , Saturn , and of the Fixed Stars encompassing one the other , called the Firmament : then the Ninth Heaven , which they call the Chrystaline ; and lastly , the Primum Mobile , which by its incredible rapidity carries all the other Heavens with it , from East to West . This Opinion seems to me to be absurd , because it supposes the Heavens , and especially the Primum Mobile , to be of an immense Magnitude ; so that the Earth would be but a point in respect of Heaven . Yet Ptolomy will have these immense Bodies , and vast Machines to be moved round this point of Earth , which seems little consonant to reason , which dictates to us , that little Bodies are much more readily moved round greater , than great Bodies round less ; and we commonly say when we are roasting Meat , that the Meat must turn round to the Fire , and not the Fire turn round it . It is therefore more commodious , and more consonant to Reason , that the Earth which is only like a point , or a Gnat , should be moved round the Heavens , than the Heavens should turn round about it . Most wisely therefore hath the Creator of the Universe disposed things in such a manner , that the Reasons of them are conspicuous every where ; that we may say that God does not only produce Works which are good in their substance ; but also that he hath done good unto all that he hath made ; that is , exactly in Number , Weight , and Measure . Besides this General Reason which destroys and over-turns the Opinion of Ptolomy and Aristotle ; we may take another from the incredible rapidity of the Heavens motion about the Earth ; for if their Opinion be true in this Hypothesis , and according to the reckoning of Astrologers , we must confess that the distance of the Primum Mobile from the Earth , is above an hundred thousand Miles ; from whence may be computed the greatness of this Heaven , and the manner of its motion , that it should perform and compleat its Circle in the space of twenty four hours ; whereas all People agree in this ( viz. ) That the Earth compleats forty Miles in every hour , when in the mean time its Circle is but a point in respect of the Primum Mobile . We must conclude therefore , that its swiftness is incomprehensible , and that every one point of its Circumference , compleats each hour more than forty times an hundred thousand Miles , which is incredible . To all these I add another difficulty which I have concerning this Opinion , in explaining the manner , and the little Hooks by which the Primum Mobile carries the inferiour Orbs along with it from East to West ; and that the Heavens and the Planets go to this Pole , but come back from the other , and then at last return to their first point , by the sole Collibration or Ballancing of the Ninth Heaven or Chrystalline : To which if we add the solidity of the Coelestial Globes in that manner as Ptolomy has affirmed , then neither Aristotle nor Tyco Brache with his Epicycles , and Excentricities , will be able to take away these difficulties , or avoid horrible confusions ; lastly , these Philosophers could not explicate the regular or irregular motion of Commets , unless by appointing Angels to guide them , which is ridiculous . CHAP. VII . Copernicus's System of the World Examined . THis Philosopher , and many other Modern ones have built Systems of the World after another manner ; for they place the Sun in the Centre , and will have the Earth and the other Planets to wheel round it , as we have said heretofore . This System would be sufficiently enough confirmed by refuting of that which Ptolomy , Aristotle , and their Followers have framed ; but onely this likewise labours under its peculiar difficulties , The first of which is the experience of our Senses , which seems altogether repugnant to this System , for according to this Opinion , we must conclude the Heavens which seem to move , as also the Sun it self , to be immoveable ; and on the other hand , the Earth to be in continual motion , which seems to be immoveable . But this prejudice is very uncertain , nor do our senses always so exactly and infallibly distinguish the motion of Bodies , or Bodies that are in motion , as experience teaches : That when any one goes on Ship-board , and the Ship sets Sail , the Shoar and the Houses go away from him : For to this Man the Shoar seems to go away from him , though indeed he goes away from the Shoar . Which happens from hence , that the Eye does not discern the motion of the thing which is moved , when it moves along with it ; which happens to a Man at Sea , who does not at all take notice of the motion of the Ship which is under Sail , because he himself is carried on by the same motion . To this Opinion also is opposed the experience of a Stone thrown up into the Air , and there falling down upon the Head , or before the Feet of him that threw it ; For if the Earth is really wheeled round and moved , while the Stone is moved , it ought to fall far enough from him who threw it . For we must conclude that the Earth is not turned round , and by consequence that this System of Copernicus is false . To this difficulty Descartes answers , That a Stone must so descend , as if the Earth was not in the least moved , because both from the same Vortex , and by the same impression , the Stone as well as the Earth is carried round . To this very same difficulty Gassendus answers after another manner , saying , that the Stone falls before the Feet of him that throws it up , because it receives two motions from the hand of the thrower , ( to wit , one Horizontal , and the other Perpendicular ) which since it hath received , it ought to keep also , and to describe a Curve , regular , and parabolical Line ; and after this manner fall down at the feet of him that threw it , if he ( viz. ) threw it up streight , and the Wind not contrary to it : Just as we see in a great Bullet tumbled down from the top of the Mast , falls streight down to the bottom of it , though the Ship Sails with a very violent Wind. Lastly , it is objected , against the Doctrine of Copernicus , That if the Earth be moved about the Sun , it would sometimes be nearer the Firmament and the Pole , and sometimes farther off ; and then that for that reason the fixed Stars , especially the Pole Star , must sometimes appear bigger , sometimes lesser , which is contrary to experience . But they who defend this Opinion , make answer , that the mighty distance which is betwixt the Earth and the fix'd Stars , is the Cause why this difference is not observed . But indeed , in that manner that I shall explain the motion of the Earth , this Objection will appear to be of no moment . CHAP. VIII . Of the Motion of the Earth . COPERNICUS attributes to the Earth three motions , the first of which is called Diurnal , by which the Earth is moved about its Axis , as a wheel , from West to East , when as the Sun seems to be moved from East to West . Another motion is from one Pole to the other , according to the latitude of the Zodiack , that is , from one Tropick to another ; which motion is called Annual or rather half-yearly , because the Earth in Six Months time runs through the whole Latitude of the Ecliptick , and after other Six Months it returns to the same point from whence it had departed at the beginning of the Year : So it passes through the same Line twice a Year , to wit , at the time of the Aequinoxes . Lastly , the third motion is made round the Sun , whereby according to this Philosopher's Opinion , we are sometimes nearer the fixed Stars , and sometimes farther off . There are not wanting some who attribute a fourth motion to these three , which we call a Libration from East to West , and so on the contrary . But to explain all the Appearances , the two first would be sufficient , were we not compelled to take in the other two likewise . The Diurnal Motion of the Earth by which it is turned and wheeled round its Axis , and which is performed from West to East in Twenty four hours time , is hard enough to be explained , but here 's the Comfort , that there is no less difficulty found in the Opinion of Aristotle and Ptolomy about the explaining the Motion of the Heavens which ought to be performed in the space of four and twenty hours . Therefore to clear up this difficulty , I suppose , if we should be compelled to have recourse to an Intelligence , as a Mover sent by God for this purpose : We have as much reason to assign one for the motion of the Earth , as well as Aristotle , to assign many for the motion of the Heavens and the Planets . By the same right we might have run back to the first Cause and its general Concourse , after the example of Cartesius , who is not ashamed to call in This to help him in explaining the motion of his Materia Subtilis , and the Vortex surrounding the Earth ; as also of all other Natural Motions , which God , saith this Philosopher , hath produced from the beginning , and always preserves without diminution , but only that this motion does transmigrate from one Body into another , and as much of it as is lessened in one Body , is increased in another : This is the Cartesian Opinion . But we are endeavouring to explain this motion of the Earth by more Natural Reasons . I say therefore , and suppose that the Sun is immoveable in the Centre of the World , and yet notwithstanding , that like a Wheel it turns round about its proper Centre ; and this is that motion which is called Circum-Rotation ; and by this motion it disperses on all sides , on every part these Corpuscles which produce Light and Heat : These Corpuscles compose that great Vortex which is about the Sun , and which with it is carried round , and moves the Earth which is plac'd in the same Vortex with it ; like as a Stone is moved by the motion of a rapid Stream , and this same Vortex carries other Planets along with it , accordingly as they are more or less immerged in it . According to this explication , one may fancy the Sun to be like the wheel of a Clock , which moves that which is next to it another way ; for when one Wheel is moved towards the right , the other which it carries with it , must of necessity be moved towards the left : So whilst the Sun by its Circum-Rotation is moved from East to West , the Earth must likewise be moved from West to East . The other motion of the Earth is that which is called Annual or half-yearly , and which arises from the Libration of the Solar Body , and of the Vortex which drives the Earth from the part of the Pole , and makes it daily go a degree farther ; and so the Annual as the Diurnal motion each day declines one degree onely , from a Parallel , from whence arise the vicissitudes of days and Seasons ; But if the Earth returns by the same steps , as I may so say , it happens because the Sun by its daily Libration drives it on from one part ; and then after six Months assuming an opposite Libration , it draws it back for Three Months , and for the other three Months which makes up Six , it drives it forwards , so that the Rotation and the Libration of the Sun makes a double or a triple motion of the Earth , without the former's changing either its place or its Centre . All that we have hitherto said , according to the mind of these Authors , doth not as yet satisfie a Spirit curious to know the truth . So here are other difficulties remaining which must be taken away by more sensible and more Natural Reasons . First , Though we affirm the Sun to be immoveable , and the Earth to be wheeled round about it ; or though we affirm the contrary , there remains nevertheless , that we give an account not only of each of these motions , but also of the motions of the other Planets . It is demanded what is the internal or external Cause of the Earths motion ? If it be answered , that the Sun by its Libration is the Cause of it , as we have said , and as our Opinion is ; it remains that we demonstrate the Cause , whether internal or external , that gives the Sun this motion : By means of which being librated from one side for Six Months , it is also librated for as many from the other side ; and by this so regular motion , it sometimes draws the Earth towards it , and sometimes drives it from it , as we shall see in the following Chapter , what can be said about this Matter . CHAP. IX . Of the Sun the true Centre , and Heart of the World. THe Sun being placed in the Centre of the World , is like the Heart , inspiring Life into all things , and presiding over all the Works of Nature whatsoever , even as the Heart in an humane Body is the Principle of its Life and all its motions ; this is that admirable Machine , which without being moved out of its place , moves the Spirits , Humours , and all the parts , of our Bodies ; in like manner , the immoveable Sun by his double motion , shakes and moves the Earth as well as the rest of the Planets . One only difficulty remains in explaining the motion of the Heart in the Microcosme , and of the Sun in the Macrocosme : But being about to treat else-where of the Earths motion , we will here only speak of the Suns motion , which I call a wheeling of it round about the Earth , and afterwards we will speak of its Libration . Elsewhere , we have said the Sun to be , not only of the same Nature with Gold , but to be Gold indeed , melted in the Centre of the World , and Cupellated by the Fire of the fix'd Stars , which are every where about it : No wonder therefore that it is wheeled round like melted Gold in a Crusible ; and there sparkling , and purified . That this Hypothesis which will bring no little light to many things , may be better comprehended , I will bring an Experiment to confirm this Doctrine , which seems new indeed , but nevertheless it cannot be denied to be built upon the foundation of indubitable Experience . I say therefore , that if you take Gold and put it into a great Crusible , with Lead , Copper , or other Mettals ; and make a Fire every where round it , these Mettals will be melted together , and compose a sparkling smoaking Bath ; this Bath or melted Matter is in perpetual motion , and so soon as the matter is made hot , it wheels round its Centre without intermission . It would be much more conspicuous if this melted Matter in the Centre of the World were equally distant from all the points of its circumference ; for this being supposed , no man will deny , this melted Matter fixed in the Centre of the World , and Fire being put to it every where , and on all sides , to remain in fashion as in a Crusible , and to have the same motion of Circum-rotation and Libration which we attribute to the Sun. All the Obstacle we meet with at first sight consists in this ( to wit ) how this solar melted Matter can remain suspended , not falling down on any part . Secondly , By means of what Fire it remains always melted . Thirdly , How it comes to pass that since Gold so soon as it is cupellated or refined , remains in the Crusible in a fix'd Mass , yet the Sun which is like to this Gold , is neither fixed , nor stands it still immediately , but being wheeled perpetually round its Centre , it continues in motion , and is Librated in the Cupel without any intermission . To the first of these difficulties I answer , that we ought not to stand upon it , because they who place the Earth in the Centre of the World , do teach us , that if a great hole were made through the Earth , even as far as our Antipodes , and if a Mill-Stone were thrown into it , it would stop in the middle , which is affirmed to be the Centre of the World , and there remain suspended ; for to move forwards either way would be to ascend : The same thing may be said likewife of Water or other Liquids which would remain suspended . If therefore the Sun be in the Centre of the World , why should it seem a wonder that it should remain there so suspended , since that may serve him instead of a Cupel ? As to the other difficulty which belongs to the Fire . I answer , that there is no want of that , because we have the fire of thefix'd Stars encompassing the Sun every where on all sides , and keeping this same Gold in cohtinual fusion , as if it were under a great Winters Glove bored through every where with little holes , as we find in essaying Gold. I do not say with Epicurus that the fixed Stars are really little holes and apertures by which the empyrial Heaven which is altogether Fiery , transmits its Ardors ; but I affirm , that these are either little empty holes , or else filled with so many Diamonds , or Chrystals , through which the heat of the Coelestial Flames pass through ; or else that they are as it were so many Carbuncles , or burning Coals . This is sufficient to convince them of great ignorance , who have affirmed these Coelestial Fires to flow from the solar Globe , and to be borrowed thence ; whereas on the contrary , they are Coelestial Fires and Flames , which passing through this great Globe of the Heavens causes the Gold in the Cupel in the middle of the Universe to be boyled and wheeled round by an equidistant and equally distributed heat . I confess as to what belongs to the third difficulty , it is very subtle , and supposes a very fair Experiment : For in the course of all my curious Labours , I have wondred how Gold after it had a long while smoaked in the Cupel , and circulated to expel in smoak all Forreign Bodies mixt with it , does at last stand still , and remains suddenly fix'd in the bottom , and is so condensed , that it cannot be melted again by the strongest fire , or made to circulate , unless Lead be added to it either with or without some other Mettal ; for by the addition of these Bodies it is at the same time melted , and by the same degree of Fire , and begins a new to boyl , to be librated , and to be turned round as before : and it will continue so as long as the Lead or other foreign Matter is in it : From whence we may conclude , that so long as the Sun like melted Gold is wheeled round its Centre , mixt and infected with foreign Corpuscles which it receives on every si de , as being placed in the Centre of the World , and of the Planets , which like imperfect Mettals furnish it with Corpuscles which are exhaled and are emancipated , and being mixed with it cause it to wheel round , and supply it with matter for motion , and so long as he returns them back in the form of smoak , like a Vortex , excepting only those which are digested and turned into Gold , which he reserves within himself , and does farther digest and circulate ; and when they are sufficiently subtilised and purged , although involved with grosser fumes does send them forth ; which meeting with the Vortex of the Earth , penetrates into the pores of it , and are changed into Gold , Silver , or some other Mettal ; according to their greater or lesser purity , and according to the various disposition of the Matrixes or Beds wherein they lodge : So long I say we may conclude , that from these fumes which are sent towards the Sun from imperfect Bodies , are made a liquid and Mercurial Water , out of which , in the Bowels of the Earth , Gold and other mettals are made . The experience which we acquire by essaying Gold , ( although after a rude manner , in comparison of it with this great Natural Cupel ) shews us this this truth before our eyes ; for I have with pleasure tryed , that the fumes arising from the common Cupels , being collected in an Alembick , are condensed into a clear viscous , pulverulent , or gritty , and consequently mettalline Water , whose value the curious may be able to know . I represent therefore to my self Gold wheeled round in this great Cupel , which is the Sun it self placed in the middle of the World , and which emitting subtile fumes , receives other more gross , which it so long and so often circulates , that they being in the bosome of the Earth , ( the matrix of seed , and only habitable Planet ) purified and collected , do there make Gold , Silver , or other mettals . So the Sun is the Father of Mettals , and especially of Gold its Legitimate Off-Spring ; whereas the others are only Bastards , and being defiled in the Matrix or Womb , they cannot attain to the Dignity of Gold , unless they are free'd from their original impurity . He then that can tell how to purifie and consecrate these solar influences , which are the fumes of this admirable Cupel , hath found out a great secret in Nature , extreamly profitable both for Health , and Wealth . Let me tell you an Experiment which I did not see , but heard related , by the late Monseigneur Bezancon , a Gentleman well known in Paris , who professed himself an eye-witness of it . He said that when he was Governour of Provence , he sav'd a Man's Life that was unjustly Condemned to dye , who in a grateful acknowledgement of it , shewed him a thing wonderful . This Man , said he , took a Vessel , in which put three simple things , and buried them in the Earth , in a place exposed to the Sun-Beams , ( which are the most subtile fumes ) and having taken a Concave , Parabolick , or Burning-Glass , which he placed opposite to the place wherein the Vessel was put ; the Sun Beams being collected and concentred , descended into the Vessel in troops , in which , at length was found a very clear yellowish , and gritty Water ; which being boyled in a Bolt-head , was brought into a Powder , and afterwards being put into a Crusible with Borax , turned into Gold : This was performed three several times . From this Experiment we must gather , whether or no the Sun Beams do supply Water and Flames serving to the production of Gold , which , as I have said , is the legitimate Son of the Sun , and is in the Earth the Image of its Father . But to make an end of this digression , I conclude that the Sun will so long persevere in its Cupel in continual motion , and Circum-rotation , till these Planets shall deny it Vapours , for then it would receive no foreign Matter , but would be throughly purged , and so would be wheeled round no more , but would remain Fixed . The World it self , with its motion and circulation would be at an end , as well as all Generations , which proceed from this continual circulation , by which the seminal and Luminous Spirits are dispersed every where throughout the World. I add another reflection concerning the Sun's motion , like the motion of Gold in the Cupel ; to wit , that whilst the fire of the superiour Stars do without intermission heat the Body of the Sun , foreign Corpuscles through its Pores enter into it , nor is it ever at quiet till they go out again ; for as much as the Figures of these Foreign Bodies can by no mean be accommodated to the figures of the Corpuscles of Gold , for they drive one another backwards and forwards ( and from hence arises the Equilibrium , and agitation of the Atoms of Gold , which is in motion ) and seeing that they cannot have a perpendicular motion , unless they forsake the rest , they are compelled to turn round like a Horse in a Mill , which goes on , and thinks he goes ? streight forwards , whenas he continually treads the same steps , in the same Circle : But to do this , there must be a propulsion on every side ; for Gold would not be turned round in the Cupel , if Fire were only applyed to it from beneath , and not from above , and quite round it ; which ought to be well taken notice of . We will say then that the Sun cannot be moved about its own Centre , that is the Centre of the World ; unless at the same time it moves the ambient Bodies , by the assistance of the Corpuscles coming out of its Globe like so many streams of Light , just as we see Rivers of Water flowing out of the Sea , and yet the Sea is never the less for this Effusion , no more than the Sun is lessened by a continual effusion of his Light ; because it receives in as much as it pours out , and these Waters return back to the Sea , as these Corpuscles of Light do to the Sun , by a continual Circulation . CHAP. X. Of the Moon and its Changes . THe Moon is like an Optick Looking-Glass , in which Light and the Corpuscles flowing from the Sun are concentred and gathered together ; from whence for divers respects and changes they are sent towards the Earth . One of the Antients affirmed the Moon to be a Planet , very near and familiar to the Earth , it is moved about the Sun , because it is in the solar Vortex by which it is carried round , and in it three kinds of Motions are observed ( viz ) its Annual , Monthly , and Diurnal , from these divers motions , divers Aspects , in respect of the Sun and it do arise , from whence are its various yet constant appearances . It s Figure is round , but its Mass is partly solid , partly fluid , like Earth and Water ; its roundness appears at Full and New-Moons ; without this roundness we could never see its increase or decrease . It s solidity is the Cause why the Light of the Sun is from thence reflected to us , even as by reason of its fluidity , we observe in it obscure parts like Spots , because they do not reflect the Sun so much as the solid parts do ; but if in the Body of the Moon there are some parts higher than others , in the shape of Mountains or Hills , the Sun Beams do there produce small shadows , which are observed by the help of Perspective Glasses . That it cannot be half so big as the Earth , is proved by Optick Principles , Shades and Paralaxes ; in respect of it self it is always in the full , because one half of it is continually illustrated by the Sun : But it does not always appear full to us , but only at the time of its Opposition and Recession from the Sun , and then also in respect of us it may be Eclipsed ; because our Earth at that time is directly placed between it and the Sun , and by its shadow makes the Moon more or less obscure , as it is nearer or farther off and as it is more or less opposite to it . These two opposite points , in which , when the Moon suffers an Eclipse , those great Lights are found , Astrologers call the Dragons Head , and Tail. But as the Earth by its interposition is the Cause of the Moon 's Eclipse , so also by the interposition of the Moon betwixt the Sun and the Earth , is produced an Eclipse of the Sun ; which is either greater , or less , according as the Moon is more or less posited between us and the Sun , or is nearer or farther from us . Lunar Eclipses can happen naturally , only in the time of Full Moon ; but these of the Sun , in the time of New Moon . An Eclipse of the Moon may be Total and Universal . But that of the Sun can never , without a Miracle , be so at the same time ; but this is not a real defect of light in the Body of the Sun , as it is in the Moon , which is a dark Body , and possesses only a borrowed Light. We may hear what Astronomical Philosophers and Astronomers say of it . I told you before that the Sun is like melted Gold , I told you likewise by the way , that the Moon might be compared to melted Silver ; but I think it may be truly said that its Matter , as to its Circumference , is more like to real Silver ; but be it as it is , it continues in the manner we see it , suspended in one massie lump , a most subtile Aetherial matter , full of many empty spaces , being by the Creator shut up in its Circumference , which hinders the Moon chiefly from changing its place , and from being immerged more deeply in the Sun 's Vortex , whose Atoms are indeed more thick and gross : By reason of its vacuities there is no fear that it should descend nearer the Sun , or be able to resist the impression of its Vortex , any more than the Earth , which has plenty of Pores , Cavities , and empty Spaces , without which it would too much resist the solar Vortex , and would be able to get nearer its Centre , that is , the Sun. But its empty Cavities hinder that , like Air contained in a Bladder , which hinders it from sinking to the bottom ; and as the hollowness of the Quils of Birds bear them up in the Air. The Moon in her daily motion finishes her Course round the Earth in the space of twenty four hours : or rather the Earth performs its daily motion about the Sun , and its own proper Centre , in twenty four hours time , the Moon being carried away by the same Solar Vortex with the Earth , is daily retarded some degrees , whereupon we say it rises every day later and later , until by this resistance or retrocession in twenty nine or thirty days it hath compleated its Monthly motion : And besides this Retrocession it is moved by the Libration of the Sun from one Tropick to another , and twice in every Month runs through the Equinoctial Line ; after the same manner as the Earth does it twice every Year . There can be no Annual motion of the Moon , unless about its own proper Centre . But I will wander no further about a matter meerly Astrological . CHAP. XI . Of the Planets , Comets , and Fixed Stars . SATURN , Jupiter , Mars , Venus , and Mercury , are Five wandring Stars , called Planets , of the same Nature with the Sun , but less pure ; whose Corpuscles are sent and driven towards the Body of the Sun ; they are likened to divers melted Mettals , and sparkling in Chrystalline or Adamantine Cr●●bles , and the Fire melting them , is that of the Sun and the Fixed Stars . If it be asked why they are not joyned with the Sun ? I answer , that they consist of a Matter full of many empty Spaces , and besides that , they daily disburthen themselves upon the Body of the Sun , and supply it with matter for depuration and resining : which the Sun sends back to them more subtilised , and they distill down these seminal and Mettalline Spirits upon the Earth . They are diversely whirled about by the solar Vortex ; after which manner they obtain divers motions , as Astronomers teach us . Who affirm the Planets Mars and Venus to be less than the Earth , and the three others much greater ; although according to their Opinion , the Diameter of the Earth is three thousand five hundred Miles , but its circumference seven thousand Miles ; including the water , which together with the Earth , make up one Globe . Comets according to Aristotle are Planets or Stars , produced De Novo , from Exhalations : By which saying , this Philosopher is compelled to place all Comets under the Moon , which is found to be an Error , by the experience of a great many Comets which have appeared above the Moon , and the Sun too ; whither Exhalations from the Earth can never reach : All the time of their continuance they have a regular motion , for the explication of which , Aristotle could never assign them an Intelligence to guide them . Seneca , the Antients , and Copernicus , teach that Comets have been produced from the beginning of the World , and the reason why we do not see them so often as we do the Planets , is because they are elevated too high above us , and since they have an excentrick motion , according to this Opinion , they sometimes , and for some continnuance of time appear , that is to say then , when they descend into the Heaven of the Planets . But all these Opinions are very uncertain . This is my Opinion , that if the Sun is Gold melted in the Cupel ( as I really believe ; ) and that from thence Fumes and Vapours arise ; it is no hard matter to conceive that in the Solar Vortex , and in the Corpuscles exhaling from the Sun , a great part of them are very gross , thick , and inflammable ; which taking Fire , make these Comets we speak of ; whose motion is regularly directed by the Vortex of the Sun ; yet nevertheless this does not hinder but that some Comets may be generated nearer us , from Terrestrial Exhalation . The fixed Stars are fastned to the Firmament as so many little Suns , they are as immoveable as the Heaven in which they are included ; nevertheless like the Sun they move about their Centres , although this motion be neither useful , profitable , nor necessary . And so nothing compels us to say that they are actually moved . They are all said to be bigger than the Earth , and to be in number 1022 ; the Heaven in which they are , is said to be solid , clear , and transparent like Ice ; and this is that Heaven which was made in the midst of the Waters , and which any one may represent to himself like a great Circle of Water congealed in the form of Chrystal : But according to my foregoing Hypotehsis , I had rather say that the fix'd Stars are like so many round holes or Rings , furnished with so many large Diamonds or Carbuncles , which serve as a Medium or Vehicle to the light and heat of the Empyrial Heaven , as we have said already . CHAP. XII . Of Meteors in the Air. ARISTOTLE hath constituted two sorts of Bodies , to wit , Simple , and Mixt ; he placeth Meteors under these latter , but he calls them imperfect mixt Bodies , because he did believe them not to have a substantial form , as perfect Bodies have , nor to be produced by the ordinary way of Generation . This Doctrine is contrary to our Principles ; for we say that those Meteors which we see in the Air , are in their kind and condition perfect Bodies not differing from others , neither in respect of Matter , which is one and the same to them all , nor in respect of substantial form produced in the formation of them ; for we acknowledge no such forms , but as unprofitable , and Chimerical . All the difference which we take notice of betwixt them , ought to be taken upon the account of their formation and different conditions under which one and the same Matter , that is to say Atoms , do meet together by a disposition of their parts , by an addition of strange Bodies , by an introduction of Vacuities , and by a conversion of their Figures . After this manner are formed Clouds , which are the Meteors of the middle Region of the Air , and which have Water , Air , and Earth for their Matter ; for from the Vapours of Water , and the subtile particles of Earth , together with the Air with which they are carried up , Clouds are formed , which are sometimes so thick , that they rob us of the Suns Light , which happens when more of Earth , than of Air or Water goes into their composition : On the other hand sometimes they are so subtile , that they can hardly or not at all be seen by us , which happens when air obtains the chief place in their composition : for in a word , Clouds are nothing else but a congregation and mixture of Corpuscles or little Bodies of Earth , Water , and Air , which are the proximate Matter of them ; the Vortex of the Sun , the Motion of the Earth , and the Winds , are the three concurring Causes of their mixtion and elevation into the upper Region of the Air. Other sorts of Meteors are Rains descending from the middle Region of the Air , and generated from the solution of Clouds ; that is to say , when Water , which hath the greatest share in their formation , freeing it self from the particles of Earth , and parts of Air , thence forward distill as it were by an Alembick , which happens , because its particles being incrassated by the coldness of the Air , the water is separated from the Air , and falls down again to the place from whence it came , in the form of little drops : From this Rain proceeds the Earths Fruitfulness , for it never descends , but it brings some portion of the little seminal Bodies flowing along with it . In Rains therefore is contained Salt , and the Balsom of the Stars , which Basilius Valentinus speaks of , and from hence all Vegetables bud and increase . The Curious enquirers into Nature may try whether I speak truth or no , and whether they may not find a Salt as white as Sugar , if they take away by Distillation the unprofitable parts with which it is involved . Dew is almost of the same nature with Rain , only it is more pure , more subtile , and more fruitful , by reason of the Seasons of the Year which chiefly enjoy it , ( viz. ) at the time of the Aequinoxes , when the Sun and the Earth are nearest to each other , which happens when the Earth passes the Aequator ; wherefore at that time it receives and carries along with it a greater number of solar Corpuscles , depurated by his motion , than Rain , or Dew it self that falls at other times . Dew falls down in round drops , because its Corpuscles are round , and its Atoms are of the same Figure with the Sun , whether whole or in parts . Dew penetrates the Earth , and moistens those places where there are seldom Rains : But the Sun's shining Beams presently carry it away along with them into the Vortex ; in the mean time , part of this Salt or Balsom of the Stars contained in the Dew , remains upon the Herbs and Flowers , where we observe a kind of Viscousness like Sugar , or Honey ; thus Bees gathering this Dew , lade themselves with it , and make Honey of it : This Dew in the Hot Countries of Palestine , Aegypt , Arabia , and Calabria , is condensed into little Grains which are called Manna From this same Matter Sugar is made in the Madera-Islands , and in both the Indies , where it is found inclosed in Reeds . Lastly , after the same manner Pearls are formed and nourished in Shells . He that studies to know the wonders of Dew , and the vertue of the Spirits it contains , may extract from thence admirable secrets for health , but for nothing else that I know of . CHAP. XIII . Of Winds , Tempests , and Whirl-winds . WInds are the same thing in the Air , as Billows are in the Sea , or as Floods are upon Land. And indeed they do sometimes disturb and move the Air so violently , that the best rooted Trees , and strongest built Houses , are now and then pulled up by the Roots , and overturned by them : And yet Winds are nothing but Air agitated , nor Tempests , but Air floods , or violent Agitations of the Air. Some Philosophers seek for the Causes of these Agitations of Air , in the Rarefaction and Condensation of Bodies ; and to illustrate this Effect , they bring an Experiment of Air rarified , and going out with great force , out of a large glass Bottle , and of Air condensed in another Phial or Glass , in which the least opening being made , the external Air breaks in with great Force and Noise ; of both which Experiments , I with others have been an Eye-witness . We took therefore , a great round Bottle , and placed it in a cold place , and then covering it with a double Skin made wet , it was placed to a gentle Fire ; which by degrees being thorowly hot , and the Skin prickt with a Needle , the Air or Wind broke out from thence with so much violence , that it blew out a Candle two Paces distant from it , more than once . The same Tryal was made with another Bottle , in which Pease were put , and the Hole shut with the Thumb , which afterwards being taken away , the Air immediately with the Pease , burst out with so much Violence , that they like Pistol Bullets entred into a Deal-board . A second Eperiment was likewise made , a Bottle was placed in a hot place , and well stopped with Leather , which being brought into a cold place and the Skin pierced through , the external Air for half a quarter of an hours time , rushed into the Bottle with so much noise and hissing , that it seemed to indanger the breaking of it . I confess these Experiments have left us an Idea of Winds and their vehemency , but there always remains this one difficulty , ( to wit ) what should be the Principle of this rarefaction and condensation of the Air ; for in the first Experiment , refrigerated Air is shut up in the Glass Bottle , and dilated with heat , and then it goes violently out of the little hole that is made ; but how can Cold condense , and Heat rarifie and dilate this Air ? Lastly , what is it that presses it , and forceth it with violence to seek its Exit ? And as to the second Experiment , in which rarified Air is condensed in the Bottle ; how being rarified , can part of the Glass remain empty ? And lastly , from what Cause is the external Air forced to break in with so much precipitation . All these things I mention , that it may be seen that these difficulties do not escape me . As to the first instance , I say that Cold condenses Air , in as much as it makes the vacuities dispersed through it lesser and more closely shut together ; so that there is ●uch more of matter in refrigerated Air , than in the same made Hot : But that this Doctrine may be rightly apprehended , we must know in What Heat and Cold consists ; for when Cold condenses the Air and presses it together , it performs it by its close , solid , heavy , and plain particles , as shall be treated of elsewhere . Secondly , Heat rarifies Air by an introduction of its Corpuscles , which are almost destitute of all solidity , by which the vacuities of the Air are increased , and enlarged . Thirdly , the Air rushes forcibly out of the Bottle , because their Corpuscles are compelled to dilate themselves , which they cannot do ; nay , from hence they break the Glass Bottle , unless a hole be made in the skin . It is true also , that the Air going out of the hot Bottle is altogether Cold , for they are the Corpuscles of Cold which go out , and the noise with which they break out proceeds from the plain figures of the Corpuscles of Cold , which cannot pass through the litle round holes without being entangled together , and dashing one against another ; besides these Corpuscles being plain , they are subtile also like little Razers ; thus in the Winter time we see the hands and feet of such as are tender hurt with Chops and Cliffs . To the second Experiment I say , that the Air in the Bottle being rarified by the help of Heat , is afterwards compressed and condensed by the help of Cold , passing through the substance of the Glass , and breaking of it if it be not looked after . Secondly , the cold entring in , drives out or into the sides the particles of Heat , and the Glass on the part of its Orifice remains without Air , and the disseminated Vacuities are gathered together into one Vacuum . Thirdly , the external Air enters with precipitation , because it is pressed against its Nature by this great Cold ; and finding a place where to betake it self , it possesseth it immediately . We must here observe that rarefaction is never made on the one side , but condensation is made on the other ; and so on the contrary , and this is the first or immediate Cause of Winds , when the Air is rarified by heat in subterraneous places , and Caverns of the Earth , and breaks out with violence , or when it being condensed , other supervenes with violence rushing towards it Another Cause of Winds , or rather of Tempests and Storms by Sea and Land , are the emancipated Atoms of which we have spoke already ; and which by justling one another , more agitate the Air from divers parts , diversly opposite , from whence comes the reciprocal meeting and incursion of winds in the Region of the air , which when they happen near the Earth , they cause fearful and dangerous Whirl-winds . This Opinion concerning the emancipation of Atoms , supposes that in the dissolution of greater Bodies , the lesser Particles and Atoms are emancipated , and procure themselves liberty , so that enjoying their own power they run through the Air , and easily and vehemently move it . These emancipated Atoms in the great World are not only very much to be feared where they use greatest violence , but also in the little World , where they produce most Diseases , as are Horrors , Fits of Feavers , and their duplications , Translations to the Brain . Diliriums or Light-headedness , and Phrensies : To Cure which , Sudorifick Medicines opening the Pores , and driving out those sharp-pointed Atoms , are chiefly to be commended . CHAP. XIV . Of Thunder , Lightning , and the Thunder-Bolt . THunder , Lightning , and the Thunder-Bolt would be more stupendious , were it not that there is something on Earth , from whence we learn the manner how these things are done above us . The first thing which gives us light concerning these three Meteors , is the shooting off of a Gun , for the Thunder-Bolt is represented by the Bullet , the Fire coming out of the Muzzle represents Lightning , and the Report from thence holds the place of Thunder . Another thing which gives us a lively and more just Idea of them , is Aurum Fulminans , which like the Thunder-Bolt carries its stroak downwards ; three Grains of which , though never so little made hot , takes Fire , and gives a greater Report than two Ounces of Gunpowder . I will shew you its preparation in the following Chapter , and give you an account of it , and I will endeavour to Explain how it comes to Thunder , and how the Thunder-Bolt falls . Epicurus attributes the falling of the Thunder-Bolt to the apertures which the Winds produce in the Clouds , but the Lightning he thinks arises when the Thunder-Bolt , by reason of its violent motion in the Air , takes Fire , or , saith this Philosopher , the Flame of the Lightning is excited by the mutual meeting of Clouds , which are Bodies made hard by vehement Cold ; or else that it is excited by the blowing of Winds , or by the heat of the Stars , which sets on Fire the Nitrous and Sulphurous Matter collected in the Cavity of the Clouds . The sound of Thunder may be divers ways . First , by the revolution of a strange Body contained in the thickness of the Clouds , and rolled through it , as we see a solid Body shut up in a Pot , excites a sound and murmuring noise if the Pot be moved . The same noise may likewise proceed from the breaking or bursting of the Clouds , as well as it does from the bursting of a blown-Bladder , or Paper suddenly and forcibly extended , or the Sail of a Ship torn by the violence of the Winds . In like manner , this sound may be caused from the mutual meeting together of hardned Clouds , like that we hear , when pieces or flakes of Ice dash one against another , either in the River or on the Bank ; after the same manner also Woods indeed stirred by the Winds , the flowings of the Sea interrupted , Linnen and Paper suspended in the Air , by their violent motions excite sounds , like the sound of Thunder . We may say besides , that the Thunder-Bolt being throughly lighted , and falling upon a moist Cloud excites a great noise , such as we hear when red hot Iron is thrown into Water , or melted Mettals into Oyle , Urine , Honey , or the Lees of Wine : where we also find a certain kind of murmur , and at last we percieve so great a noise or sound , that it threatens the breaking of the Vessel . But this mighty noise may be ascribed to the vehement separation of the Salt , Nitre , and Sulphur , which being mixt together are included in the Thunder-Bolt , and the Cloud , as Gun-powder is in Guns and Mines . For the violent and sudden separation of Nitre and Sulphur forcibly seperates all Bodies near them , which cannot be done without a mighty sound . Therefore that we may the better comprehend the Nature and wonderful effects of this Meteor , I will make the following digression concerning Aurum Fulminans . CHAP. XV. Of Aurum Fulminans , or Gold imitating Thunder . EXperience shews us upon Earth a much more Natural Image or Representation of Thunder , than that which is seen in the effects of Gun-powder ; and the noise and disturbance which this Gold when set on fire produceth , doth so properly imitate the horrid noise of Thunder ; that for this Reason it is called Aurum-Fulminans . I will here give you its preparation , and I shall endeavour to give the Reasons of its wonderful effects , and apply them to the production of Thunder and Lightning . Take therefore ( for Example ) one Ounce of calcined Gold , or leaf Gold , or else Gold dust , and put it into a Bolt head , and pour to it three Ounces of Aqua Regis , which being done , place it upon hot ashes , and the Gold will dissolve , and be reduced into Water ; to which pour on a sufficient quantity of fair Water , and after that a few drops of Oyle of Tartar , for then that will cause an ebullition or boyling ; which being over , the Gold will fall to the bottom , in the form of Dust ; then afterwards pour off the Water that swims a top by gently stooping the Vessel , and dry the powder in the Air , so have you Aurum-Fulminans , for it produceth all the Effects we told you of . The Reason why it so soon takes Fire , is taken from the Atoms or Corpuscles of Nitre , which are in Aqua-Regis , as also of the Sulphur , Vitriol , and Sal Armoniack of which it is made ; these Sulphurous , and Acid , and Volatile Salts are united together , and the precipitated particles of Gold , ( for as much as the particles of the Salt of Tartar possess their place ) dissolve their Union , and force them to give way and be separated ; so that nothing remains in the Water but a dissolved Salt , part of which adhering to the Atoms of Gold , falls to the bottom with them , as the increased weight of the Powder evinces : These same Particles therefore which remain in the Powder , stick to the Gold , so that Heat penetrating this , and dilateing this Matter , produces a sudden and violent separation ; hence it is that the Spirits of the Volatile Salts being made hot , rarified , subtilised , and set on fire , the Gold which before was fix'd , being accompanied with these Spirits , flyes away with a Thundring noise , by reason of the contrariety that is between the alcalous Salt of Tartar , and the acid Salts , as it happens in Gun-powder , where the Alkali that is in the Charcoal produces the same Effect as is seen in this Thundring Gold ; excepting that the stroak of the Gold and its explosion is made downwards , by reason of its fixity and weight . We see the same in the Thunder-Bolt , for the stroak is made downwards , the Flash is seen , and the noise is heard : Besides the Thunder-Bolt produces wonderful Effects , such as are consuming of Wine in the Vessel , melting of the Sword in the Scabbard , the Scabbard and the Vessel being both untouched . Therefore I conclude , that the stroak of Thunder moves downwards , as well as Aurum-Fulminans ; because these terrestrial Particles predominating , they fix the Volatile Spirits of the Salts , and precipitate them downwards . The Flash arises only from the rarefaction and emancipation of the solar and Coelestial Particles therein contained ; but the noise in Aurum-Fulminans , as well as in Thunder , is produced by the violent separation of the more solid and more fixedly-adhering Particles or Atoms . But Thunder consumes Wine in the Vessel , the Vessel being unhurt , because it consists of emancipated Atoms , which are therefore so subtile , that they penetrate the Vessel , subtilise and rarefie the Wine , and convert it into Atoms , which pass through the Vessel , and flye away into the Air ; but in Aurum-Fulminans the strength of the Volatile Spirits not being sufficient to raise the Gold on high , it is carried downwards . The Principle of this wonderful Effect relies upon this Truth , ( to wit ) that subtile Bodies are more subtilised , Volatile Bodies more Volatile , and fix'd Bodies rendredmore fix'd . For this Reason , the Powder of projection so called , being cast into melted Mettal that is not fixed , penetrates it , and sixeth it by its own fixity : But this Experience is not yet found , but is still to be found out ; so that no Experience can be taken from a thing that is not equally as certain and as common as Aurum-Fulminans , and Gun-powder ; which if there be such a Powder , and it be such as they report it , it is a Miracle , both of Art , and Nature . CHAP. XVI . Of Hail , Snow , Frost , &c. HAIL descending from the Clouds , and falling down with violence , is composed of Drops of Water hardned by Cold , and it falls down with violence , because it is expelled the Clouds by a strong expression ; almost after the same manner as your smallest Shot are discharged out of a Musquet . Snow is Water congealed in the form of Froth ; the slakes of it in its falling are puft up , and filled with Air , which makes it very porous and light : it contains also many terrestrial particles , as appears in dissolving it , it is white , but may be made black by a sole inversion of its Atoms . There are also in it many fiery particles , which warm the hands of those that long handle it . There is another kind of Hail also , which falls in the Spring time , it is like your smallest Shot , or your Seeds of Coriander : This only differs from Snow in the purity of its parts , or in as much as it hath more Vacuities in it than there are in Snow ; and on the contrary , Snow has more of Air and Fire in it than this kind of Hail , but both of them are , by the help of Heat disolving their parts , reduced into Water . Hoary Frost is Air incrassated by Cold , and congealed upon the boughs of Trees , upon the Hair of Travellers , and upon the Herbs of the Field ; and it is called white Ice : In this Chrystalline whiteness a bloody redness is included , which may be extracted out of this Hoary Frost , and which , if it be well prepared , conduceth very much to Health . CHAP. XVII . Of the Rain-Bow , Halo , and Pareliae . THe Rain-Bow is the most beautiful of all Meteors , and the Miracle of Nature ; it is seen when the Sun either rising or setting darts his Rays upon a Cloud full of little globular suspended drops of Water , which by diversly breaking and reflecting the light , produce that diversity of Colours which we observe in it , which ceases either by a different position of the Cloud , or by the absence of the Sun. This Meteor appears like a Beautiful Arch , adorned with all manner of Colours , which happens for as much as the Sun looks only upon its superficies , and then when it is rising , or setting , and the Clouds are either in the North , or in the South . Some will have these Colours of the Rainbow to be only appearances , and by no means real ; but this is an Error , for there is nothing hinders but that these may be equally as real as all other , though they are not so lasting . An Halo is the appearance of a Circle about the Moon , which ariseth from a gross and thick Cloud , upon which the Lunar rays fall directly , so that its middle is made pervious to them , and broke through by them , though the circumference be not , which is therefore the appearing Circle , and which is not as it is vulgarly imagined , nigh to the Moon , but it is in the expansion of the Air , and far remote from the Moon . Parheliae are counterfeit Suns , formed in the Clouds , either by the reflection or refraction of his Beams , just as we see them in Water , where sometimes many Suns are seen , though there was never more than one . We may say likewise , that the Clouds in respect of us are like those prospective Looking-glasses , which represent many Images of one thing placed upon a Table , which one thing is only real , and all the rest imaginary : Yet this does not hinder , but that these Parheliae may be true Lights , and Suns Painted without Artifice . CHAP. XVIII . Of Air , its Substance , and Quality . AIR is that Element out of which the Meteors are formed which we speak of : Its substance is most subtile , and most fluid , by reason of the Vacuities dispersed through it . It is nevertheless thicker and heavier in the lowest Region , by reason of the mixture of Corpuscles coming out of the Earth and Water . Some think it only a mixture of the little Bodies or particles of Earth and Water ; whereupon the quality of the Air we breathe in , depends upon the Climate which we inhabit : So that Air is not every where alike wholsome , but very unwholesome in Moorish and Fenny Grounds , from whence ordinarily gross and malignant Vapours , thick and putrid Clouds arise , which we take in when we draw our breaths . The very same Air we breathe in , and which , when we take our breath , preserves our Lives by its wholsome gales , is able to bring Death to us , when it comes laden with sharp particles , which in their passage vellicate the Lungs , and cause most vehement coughings . Oftentimes also emancipated , pointed , and penetrating Atoms flow in the Air , which entring in at the Pores of the Body , disturb its whole Oeconomy or frame : Others ascending by the Nostrils to the Brain , stick to its membranes , and produce Pains and Convulsions , and are the Causes of violent Head-achs , Vertigoes , and Apoplexies : And there are some also which penetrating the Organs of hearing , cause hummings and noises there , which continue for some time , because their particles are of a figure fit for adhesion . The Air most malignant , and most to be feared , is that which is pestilent , by reason of the Atoms which come out from putrid and corrupt Bodies , as we have said elsewhere . The fluidness of the Air does not arise from its not being compounded of solid and material Atoms , but from its being rare , or loose ; and it is rare , because its parts are far distant from one another : This distance necessarily is space , this space is again either full or empty ; if empty , we have rightly concluded that there are desseminate Vacuities , if full , it must be material . Let there be therefore material Atoms , all which mutually touch one another , and all things will be solid , and there will be nothing fluid in all Nature , unless we acknowledge dispersed Vacuities , from whence the rareness and fluidness of Bodies arises , as shall be more fully discoursed of . The End of the Second Part of Physick . The Third Part of Physick . Of those Things which are under a Man ; ( viz. ) of Earth , and things Terrestrial , which are called Inanimate . HAving discoursed of those Things which are , and happen above us , it is time now that we speak of those Things also , which are under , or beneath us , as also of all Things worth taking notice of in the Earth and Water , which constitute one Globe , which we call Terrestrial . But in this Part we will consider Terrestrial Things only as they are inanimate , according to the common Opinion . CHAP. I. Of Earth and Water in general . THE Earth as hath been said , is a Planet habitable , having three Motions : The First of these is about its own proper Centre , which is not the Centre of the World , for the Circle of the Earth is Excentrick : This motion is impressed upon it by the Solar Vortex , as a greater Wheel carries a less along with it , and this is called its Diurnal motion . Another is about the Sun , as the Centre of the World , to which it is Concentrical , and requires a Years time to return to the same point ; and this arises likewise from the Solar Vortex , for the Earth , being driven on by the Flux of the Centre of the Universe , cannot be moved about its proper Centre , without sensibly making an Excentrick Circle : And from this two-fold Motion of it arises the other third , ( viz. ) from one Pole to the other in the space of one six Months , and returning back again in the space of six other ; which happens , because it can go no farther , nor pass the Tropick , unless it recedes from the Solar Circle , for here it hath only the Latitude of the Ecliptick . For if it should recede , it must ascend too , for whatsoever recedes from the Centre of the Universe , in respect of that ascends , and so likewise from its proper Centre . The Earth in all these motions carries the Water along with it , for they both make but one and the same Globe , which is altogether exact and regular on the Seas part , but less accurate on the Earth's part , by reason of the Vales and Mountains . And though it be true that the Earth does not seem to us to be of a round Figure , yet it is proved by Experience ; for that teaches us , that the last part of the Ship which can be seen by those on shoar is the top of the Mast , and the first Things they on Ship-board see as they approach their Haven , are the tops of Towers : From whence it may evidently appear , that the Sea is as it were a Belly , and eminence , which insensibly is lifted up into a convexity , that so with the Earth it may constitute one entire Globe . Earth and Water are two immediate Principles of all Compounds which are to be seen in this lower Region of the World ; yet notwithstanding , not they , but Atoms are the first Elements , as it is said else-where : There is moreover a lesser number of Vacuities in Terrestrial than in Aqueous Bodies ; and this is the Cause that the Earth is more solid , and the Water more fluid , that is to say , less solid than the Earth . CHAP. II. Of Terrestrial Inanimate Bodies in general . THere is nothing Simple , but God , an Angel , the Rational Soul , Atoms , and a Vacuum . God is essentially Simple in a simplicity of Essence , Power , and Act ; for whatsoever is in him is an act , his Essence is no ways compounded , nor his Power idle , nor his Action ever interrupted . An Angel is simple in respect of essence , but his power is not always in act , nor his action ( at least the same ) without intermission . The Rational Soul , which is a Spirit laid in pledge , or at least a Physical Compound with an Organical Body , is simple , because it hath neither Integral , Physical , nor contained parts ; but it self is a Physical Part , saving only that its powers are often idle , and its actions are changed and interrupted ; A Vacuum is simple , for since it is neither a Spirit , nor Matter , nor any thing else but a capacity of receiving a Body , and it hath an essential emptiness ; it cannot be called simple , but for as much as it cannot suffer composition by reason of its imperfection . Lastly , Atoms are simple , because they are indivisible , and the first Elements of Bodies , out of which all compound Bodies are framed . I acknowledge no other Elements , no other substantial material forms in Bodies ; for they are not only unnecessary , but impossible : Yet it doth not follow from thence , that the diversity which occurs between Bodies constituting the World , and which are the Compounds of the lower World , is no other than meerly accidental , and not at all essential : for , according to our Principles , we determine one composition to be substantially distinguished from another , by Atoms , which are the first Principles of its composition , and essentially by the manner of composition , that is , by the disposition and ordination of its Atoms , Corpuscles , and all its parts . They who conclude that there is no Physical Compound without a substantial form , think Matter alone with its diverse Figures , and in all its dispositions , cannot possibly be the Cause of the special Properties which we observe in every one Body , and that therefore a form distinct from Matter is required to produce qualities proper to every one compound Body . As for Example , Earth is in its Nature dry , and Water is cold ; which could not happen , unless Earth did obtain a substantial form , which is dryness ; and Water such a one as Cold requires . This is that form which restores dryness to the Earth , and Cold to the Water , when they are put out of their Natural State and condition , to wit , by introducing moisture into the first , and heat into the latter . This Objection how strong so ever it may seem , is nevertheless but vain ; for we say that neither the moisture of Water , nor the dryness of Earth are Accidental Qualities ; so that this ought to gravel none but those who acknowledge Accidental Qualities distinct from Matter . Ours is quite another Opinion , and our Language quite otherwise : For we firmly conclude , That all Compound Bodies which are in the World , are compounded of Matter , every thing else being excluded , and that all contingent changes in them arise from Matter newly added , or taken away , or changing place , or by some confused Atoms or Corpuscles brought thither from else-where ; or lastly , by the more notable parts changing place , or other ways disposed by the Action of external Agents . CHAP. III. Of the various Qualities to be observed in Compound Bodies . THere is a difference betwixt the Qualities of Simple Elements which are Atoms , and the Qualities of Bodies compounded of them ; for the First as well as Atoms are immutable and incorruptible ; the others as well as the compound Bodies are mutable and fleeting . For indeed Propriety follows the Nature of that Being of which it is the propriety : So that if Atoms are immutable by their solidity , the same must be said of their Qualities ; but Bodies compounded of many distinct Parts , are forced to be changed , as often as their parts change places , or are wholly separated . That which is corrupted , as well as that which is generated De Novo , is a Composition ; for as corruption is a division of substance , so generation is a composition of it . To Explain this Opinion , There is nothing more commodious than the example of Syllables , and Words : For truly Letters are immutable indeed , and according to their different place they vary a Syllable or Word without changing their figure , substance , and essence , remaining always the same , in what state or disposition soever they are placed ; and it is certain that the Twenty four Letters serve to the composition of all Syllables , Words , Sayings , Discourses , nay , of all the Books which are Composed in the World. And even as words , Sayings , Syllables , Discourses , and Books themselves are changed , the Letters being still the same unvaried ; so also the greater and lesser compound Bodies are changed and corrupted , the Atoms being unchanged , and remaining the same ; nothing new happens to them , unless it be that they are no more the parts of one compound , but may be of a second , third , and others , successively to the end of the World. When all Generations , Corruptions , and Motions in things of Nature shall cease . Letters are the true Image of Atoms in respect of the compositon or division of Things : And as the substance , essence , and quality of Words depend upon Syllables , and Syllables upon Letters and their disposition : So after the same manner , the substance , essence , and quality of Bodies , arises from Corpuscles or smaller Bodies , and the diversity of These from Atoms and their various dispositions . From these principles may be taken away a question no less agitated , than unprofitable in the Schools : ( viz. ) whether in the corruption of Bodies a reduction or resolution of the compound may be made , even unto the very first Matter . To this it may be answered , that this reduction is continually made , in respect of some emancipated Atoms , but not in respect of all Atoms , for the division is not always so general , as that all the Atoms should be entirely separated , and the small number of those which flye away is scarce able to be taken notice of ; besides that , they almost all mutually adhere together , or it is seldom but they meet with others , to which they remain affixed , or with Bodies into which they enter , or on which they are stayed . CHAP. IV. Of the special Qualities depending upon the Composition of Bodies . OUR Doctrine rests upon two general Principles , that is to say , the Doctrine of Atoms , and of a Vacuum . Atoms are the first Elements of Bodies , because forsooth , in their universal and radical division and solution they are reduced into them , and the division can proceed no farther . And a Vacuum is necessary to the explaining the motion of Bodies , and to the giving a reason of the diverse and particular qualities of every one compound Body : For there are Bodies thin and thick , transparent and diaphanous as Air , and Glass ; thick and dark as the Earth ; and lastly , dry , and moist , hard , and soft , solid , and fluid . We will begin with thickness , and thinness , the Parents of so great difficulties to the Followers of Cartesius , and Aristotle : and I determine one Body to be more thin than another , when it is endowed either with greater Vacuities , or with a greater number of them ; so Air is thinner than Water , and on the other hand , Water is thicker than Air , because Air has more and greater Vacuities than Water ; and this is thicker than Air , because this has fewer , and lesser . They that reject a Vacuum , and set up a Plenitude , find themselves very much intricated , when they are compelled to say wherein the thinness and thickness of Bodies consist ? for if they say that either of them is a quality , or accidental form , brought out of Matter in power , or out of the power of Matter , they conceive not what they say , nor can they assign the Nature of these imaginary forms . But if with Cartesius they say , that there is much more of the Materia Subtilis , or subtile Matter , in thin Bodies , than there is in thick and condensed Bodies ; I would ask them , why this Matter is more subtile and delicate than all other Matter , for as much as all Matter is equally gross and solid ? But then they will say , that this Matter is highly rarified . Yet nevertheless the same difficulty remains still , ( viz ) how it comes to be more rarified ? They will say that it arises from this , that its parts are not so much compressed , therefore they will be at a greater distance from one another : For that Cause there are Vacuities , and Intervals : For unless they be granted , the parts are alike compressed in That , as well as in condensed Matter . If they are alike compressed , than they are not more remote from one another ; and lastly , if they be not more remote from one another , they are no more rarified , and so this subtile Matter will be no less gross than any other . We therefore explain the thickness and thinness of Bodies in a more easie Method than these Philosophers , and the reason which we give of them is more clear and more Natural than theirs : It is the same thing concerning clear , bright , and dark Bodies ; and we say a Body is more or less pellucid or transparent , as it possesses a greater or lesser number of Vacuities , or as they are placed in a right or oblique Line ; so Air , for Example , is pellucid at a certain distance , by reason of the great number of its great Vacuities ; and Glass is transparent , by reason of the Vacuities dispersed through it , which are placed in a right Line , and are very long , as they are observed to be by the help of a new Microscope . The moisture and dryness of Bodies arises from a Mixtion of Atoms , or Particles either of Air or Water predominating : For if the Aqueous Particles predominate , the Composition is moist ; if on the contrary , the Earth is more eminent , it will be dry ; and it may be justly said , that moisture is nothing else but moist Bodies , which are Air and Water , as they insinuate themselves into Compounds , which are therefore moist by reason of their presence , and dry when they are evaporated : After the same manner as it happens to Wood which hath a long time lain in the Water , and becomes dry by the evaporation of that Water which it was full of . A Linnen cloth dipped in Water , and taken out from thence , is more heavy , because its pores are filled with Water , and it remains moist , and equally heavy , until the Corpuscles of Water are exhaled and evaporated , which suffices to make it afterwards dry and light , without the addition of two Physical Accidents , distinct from Matter . Water therefore , to speak properly , is not moist , but the moisture it self that moistens all things . From the same Fountain the hardness and softness of Bodies arises ; for a Body is soft when it yields to the hand that touches , and the less it resists , the softer , it is , but if it hath no sensible resistance , it is fluid like Air , but if it hath a little more than that , then it is Liquid as Water , in which if with your hand you thrust a Stick , it enters and goes even to the bottom . It is otherwise in a soft Body , as Wax , and Flesh , into which indeed one may thrust ones Finger , but it finds some kind of resistance , and there are always found some compressed Particles that strongly resist : All which arises from the disposition of the little Bodies , Atoms , and dispersed Vacuities , for an Atom being in its own Nature Solid , is resisting and impenetrable to another ; and if all things were so filled with Atoms , as that there should be no Vacuum , all things would be hard and impenetrable ; nor would softness , fluidness , or liquidness be found in any Body , but there would be every where hardness , and an impenetrable resistency ; but a Vacuum which alone does not resist , as it is more or less mixt with Bodies , renders them less resisting , more soft , more liquid , and more fluid : to which may be added the figure of Atoms , which is more or less fit for Motion , and which admits of more or less intervals or Vacuities . CHAP. V. Of the Quantity , Weight , and Figure of Compounds . THe same three Properties which constitute the Essence of Atoms , are found likewise in Compound Bodies : Atoms have a certain quantity or grossness , and obtain also weight and Figure , but they differ only in respect of their Figures . This magnitude or grossness of Atoms , which we find out by reason only , is visible to the Eye in compound Bodies . The quantity or grossness of compound Bodies arises from the addition and gathering together of Atoms , and of little Bodies which are thus formed of them ; which again is lessened by taking away the same Atoms or little Bodies . Besides this General Cause of greatness , magnitude , and grossness , we yet acknowledge two others , ( viz. ) an Exteriour , and an Interiour ; the first of these regards Artificial Compounds , where the Artificer as an External Cause encreaseth or diminisheth Matter as he thinks fit : But it is otherwise in Natural Compounds , whose Magnitude and thickness arises from the magnitude of Corpuscles , and their grossness , and from the figure of the Atoms determining Bodies to such or such a magnitude : So that each Tree , Fruit , and Animal obtains a Natural and determinate magnitude and grossness , in respect of the magnitude and grossness of the little Bodies , and the figure of the Atoms contained in their Seeds : Hence it is that Giants beget Giants , nor do Dwarfs ever come from Tall Parents : But if in either kind the individuals are unequal to their Sires , it happens accidentally , by reason of hindrances caused by contrary Agents , or by a defect or an excess of Matter , or lastly , by an intromission of many strange Bodies which in some particular individuals produce this irregularity . Figure is the propriety of Bodies ; which if they be artificial , the Artificer is the Cause of determining it according to his purpose , either by adding or taking away some particles or small Bodies ; but if the compound Bodies are Natural , they obtain their Natural figure , which depends upon the figure of Atoms and Corpuscles . After the same manner water is round , because all the Atoms of which it is made are round . The Weight of Bodies arises from Matter , that is , Atoms ; for that Body in which there are Ten hundred thousand Millions of Atoms , is heavier than another in which there is not so great a number ; provided the Vacuities are equal , or the Air it self being in their Pores be in an equal quantity : But if you take two Bodies of the same Magnitude and Extension , That precisely will be more heavy wherein more Atoms and lesser Vacuities are found ; and consequentially the Other more light . The Motion of compound Bodies proceeds from external Agents , driving them on with a greater or lesser force ; and the easiness , or difficulty of the same motion proceeds from the figures of Atoms , and of all Bodies , and from the inclination which they receive from half emancipated Atoms which agitate all Bodies . So we see that round Bodies are more easily moved upon a plain , and again , those that are pointed , more easily enter into the Pores of others . But this pointed figure is sometimes occasioned by the Artificer , although not altogether from his hand ; for it is confest that he cannot make an absolute perfect point out of a Matter whose Atoms are all of them round : From whence it appears , that the Figure and Position of Atoms doth very much contribute to this ; but if a Body Naturally ends in a point , as fire does , it is because all the Atoms of which it consists , are all of that Figure . CHAP. VI. The difference between Natural and Artificial Compounds . THose who reject Atoms , and are the Asserters of substantial and accidental forms , imagine with themselves , that according to our Opinion there cannot be an essential difference assigned between Natural and Artificial Compound Bodies ; because , say they , they both consist of the same Atoms , and are alike made from them three ways . ( viz. ) by Addition , Detraction , and Transposition ; after the same manner as it comes to pass in the composition of Words , Sayings , and Discourses , which are made by a various addition , detraction , and transposition of Letters . This is the very same Example which we have brought , nor do we desire any other ; for from hence it is manifest , how from the same Letters , without the addition of any thing else , Words , and discourses essentially different are framed : And after the same manner , out of the same Atoms Nature formeth Compounds essentially different ; so that there is no need at all either to admit or have recourse to either substantial or accidental forms , which are plainly useless in Nature . We may here observe , and add further , That all Letters are not fit to Compose the Name of KING . By a parity of Reason , all Atoms are not fit to make Gold ; so that all things are not made of all : But , as by the help of twenty four Letters we express a great number of different and contrary things ; so , after the same manner , Nature out of the same Atoms Composes Mettalline Bodies , Plants , and Animals ; by adding , taking away , and transposing of Atoms ; yet not indifferently , but such and such Atoms , of such and such a figure , for all Atoms are not fit to enter into the composition of all kind of Bodies . From hence is the First difference between Natural and Artificial Compounds , I mean from this addition of Atoms unknown to the Artificer , yet which Nature hath known rightly how to chuse ; so the Artificer makes an Arrow out of all sorts of wood ; but Nature does not make this wood out of all kinds of Atoms . Secondly , Artificial Compounds depend upon an intelligent Cause , which in its mind conceives an Idea and end of its operation ; whereas the works of Nature depend upon a necessary Cause , which operates without any Idea . Thirdly , Art takes perfect and compound Bodies , and gathers them together , as a Builder collects and gathers the Materials out of which he frames a House ; whereas on the other hand , Nature first divides Bodies , and takes those Atoms which are left after dissolution , and fits them to the work it designed ; and out of them , by the addition of some others which it meets withal , and which are in state of freedom , it produces new Compound Bodies . There is a difference therefore betwixt Mixtion and Composition , as there is betwixt the combination of Gold and Silver , and the generation of these Mettals whether in the bowels of the Earth , or in Glass Vessels , where ( if it be possible , ) there is a transmutation of one thing into another : For this combination does not in the least vary their Nature , and they are easily separated , which does not happen in things which Nature alone , helpt by Art , rightly and duly composeth . CHAP. VII . Of Mettals and their Formation . IF those things which are above us are unknown to us , no less are those things also which are beneath us , and which happen in the shade and in the dark ; and it may be truly said that the production of Mettals in the bottom of Mines , is the most obscure mystery in Nature ; and without any manner of trifling , to speak like a Philosopher , all that can be said concerning this subject I reduce to the Cause producing Mettals , to the Matter from whence , and the Manner whereby they are produced . The Principal Cause , Chief Agent , and Parent of all Mettals is the Sun , the Planets and fixt Stars concurring likewise to it : the Fixt Stars by their heat keep the Celestial Gold in fusion , and turn it round in the Cupel in the Centre of the World , that is the Sun ; from whence issue bright fumes without ceasing , out of which proceeds light , and which carry Heat , together with seminal Spirits , which penetrating the Pores of the Earth , generate Gold in the very Bowels of it : So Coelestial Gold , that is the Sun , is the Parent of Terrestrial Gold , as it is of all other Mettals , by the reflection of its light upon each Planet , each of which , together with the Sun , produceth its particular Mettal . And the Earth performs the Office of a Womb , which furnisheth the greatest part of the Matter out of which Mettals are produced , and nourisheth them afterwards : But the Sun bestows seminal Spirits all pure for Gold , but mixed with the Spirits of other Planets , for other Mettals . But that this generation of Mettals may be rightly understood , we must call to mind that out of Letters Syllables are formed before Words , Words before Speeches , out of which all Discourses are compounded . Nature does the same in the production of Mettals , for she begins with little Bodies , out of which she makes the three immediate Principles of Mettals , ( to wit ) Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury . Of which , Salt is the grosser , Sulphur the more unctuous , and Mercury the more fluid and moveable part ; and out of these three , by divers preparations , digestions , sublimations , and fixations , she makes a Mettalline or Mineral Body . But it might be said , as it seems to me , that the Spirits or Corpuscles flowing from the Stars , purified in the Sun , and received into the Earth's Lap , are incrassated , and brought into clear and limpid Water ; which Water is that viscous , sweet , and Mercurial Matter , which after some few Ages is elaborated and digested , till at last it becomes a yellow and fixt Earth , in which the Spirit and seed from above resides ; which Spirit makes all the Corpuscles of water it meets withal like to the former , which piercing into the Veins of the Earth , and finding a Matter that is pure , encreases the Golden Mine , until it meets with dead Earth which hinders its propagation . But if the Mixture be impure , and strange Matter mingled in it , instead of Gold , it only produces Silver , Iron , or Copper , which are imperfect Mettals . From this Doctrine I conclude first of all , That by Nature producing Mettals , ought to be understood this seminal Spirit consisting of Corpuscles flowing from the Fire of the Stars , and working these Miracles under the Earth . Secondly , That Mettals enjoy a Mettalline Life , and after their way , a Vegetative also ; that they are generated out of Mettallick Seed : Gold out of the seed of Gold. And that this Mettallick Embryo is nourished by the Air of the Stars , by the Spirit and Dew of the Heavens ; that it grows , buds , and puts forth branches like a Tree , which Metallourgists call a Mettalline Tree , furnished with boughs , Trunks , and Roots , which could ne-never be , without a vital Principle included in it . Which things will more clearly appear , by what shall be said hereafter ; and especially in the experiment about the Tree of Diana . CHAP. VIII . Of Gold , the King of Mettals . THere are Seven Mettals , ( viz. ) Gold , Silver , Copper , Iron , Tin , Lead , and Quick-Silver ; which Chymists call , Sol , Luna , Venus , Jupiter , Saturn , and Mercury ; because they suppose each single Planet operates upon each Mettal ; which is done as I told you by a remission of Coelestial Spirits which are in the Solar Globe , and out of its Vortex are carried into each Planet ; who , according to the various opposition of the Sun , recieve more or less of his light , and send it towards the Earth , as being the womb in which pure , and impure Mettals are formed , according to the purity or impurity of the subterranean Lodgings . First , Gold is the Chief and Noblest of all Mettals , it is the chiefest and principal work of Nature , and the heaviest of all Mettals ; because the Mettallick Corpuscles are so firmly shut and united together in it , that very small numbers of Vacuities are left in its composition ; and in respect of bulk , there is a much greater quantity of Matter in Gold , than in other Mettals . Notwithstanding this great solidity , and firmness of Gold , yet nevertheless there are some small Vacuities between its Atoms ; for there is nothing absolutely solid and without a Vacuum , but an Atom in particular ; besides Atoms , since they have Figures , cannot be united without leaving some empty spaces ; for unless it were so , Gold could not de divided , no more than an indivisible Atom : There are therefore Vacuities betwixt the Atoms of Gold , though but very small , and also betwixt its Corpuscles , and lastly , between its little pieces . From this well-grounded Principle , I discover the difference of the dissolutions or divisions of Gold. The least and grossest of them all is that which is made by melting it with other Mettals ; when therefore it is melted with some , or with the least of the Seven ; it is mixed with them , and divided into infinite Particles especially if it be mingl'd with a great quantity of an imperfect Mettal ; as for Example , if an Ounce of Gold be melted into ten pounds or more of Lead or Copper ; but the division of it is apparent from this , that not the least quantity of this mixture can be brought to the test , but some portion of Gold will be found in it . Another separation is made in respect of the small masses of Gold , which is made by the help of Aqua Regis , which divides Gold after that manner , that it may as in the first Division be melted with any Mettal ; so in this second , it becomes like the Water in which it is dissolved and divided : But since it is only separated into very small masses , it is easily again reduced into a Body , and to be melted with Borax , and fit to become the massy Gold it was before . The third Division ; which is called radical , ( although it be not so ) is made by a proper dissolvent of the Philosophers , which is a Water clear , sweet , pure , and not at all Corrosive ; fetch'd from the beams of the Sun and Moon ; in which Gold is reduced into a clear and heavy Water , and is as easily melted as Ice in warm water ; and then lastly , Gold cannot be said to be reduced to its first state , that is , body , unless this Water be turned into Earth , and this Earth be made fusile , fixt , tinging , and fit to elevate inferiour things , making poor people rich , and to make that perfect which was not actually so , although it was potentially . I say this division is hardly radical , because it doth not proceed from a separation of its Atoms : For Gold is only brought into Water , and that is sufficient ; for to bring it into Atoms were to destroy it , and it would be to no purpose ; and this I think exceeds the power of all Natural Agents : For God only is capable of reducing Gold into its first Elements , and to cause it to be no longer Gold , either Natural , or Philosophical . CHAP. IX . Of Silver , Copper , and other imperfect Mettals . SIlver is a Mettal much less perfect than Gold , because its Atoms are endued with Figures scarcely so perfect , for there are mixt with it , particles reflected from the Body of the Moon , nor is that Mettal so heavy as Gold , by reason of Vacuities dispersed through it , which are both greater , and more numerous in it than in Gold ; for which reason Aqua-fortis dissolves it without hurting the Gold. It is true indeed , that Aqua-Regis dissolves Gold without touching Silver , but that ariseth from the different disposition of Vacuities in these two Mettals , and because the Vacuities of Silver are too vast for the subtile Spirit of Aqua-Regis , which passeth through them without division , and from the magnitude of these Vacuities in Silver , arises a greater sound from Silver , than is given from Gold. For the same Cause , a greater and clearer sound arises from Copper , than from Silver , by reason ( to wit ) of its greater Vacuities , into which , not a few Bodies of Air penetrate ; which by their motion produce this sound . And for the same reason That is also lighter than Silver ; for as much as Metallick Bodies are not so strictly bound together by reason of strange Corpuscles of impure Sulphur mixed with them , hence it is , that Copper is not so flexible or ductile as is Silver . They are both of them softned in Rust , because Silver has too little and Copper too great a quantity of Sulphur ; wherefore they mutually temper each other , and the particles of each lose their acrimony . Silver may be made potable as well as Gold , and as potable Gold is the best Medicine in Diseases of the Heart ; so potable Silver is a wonderful specifick in affects of the Head. These Medicines are potable , and extreamly profitable to Health , when they are dissolved the third way we spoke of , and are brought into water , by a sweet water , and a Friend to Nature , and which the Sun and Moon make use of as a Bath . As to Copper , from it is drawn a potent and innocent Sudorifick Extract , performing wonders in Chronick Diseases . The Spirits of these three , united by a fourth , make a most excellent Medicine . CHAP. X. Of Lead , Tin , and Iron . IRON is heavier than Copper , because its Vacuities are not so great , and besides it is burthened with much strange Earth , the Corpuscles of which enter into its Composition : It is the only Mettal hard to be melted , because of this not mettalline Earth it possesseth also many Corpuscles of a dry and not fusible Sulphur , and very little of Mercury , ( especially crude ) which melts Mettals ; so that to melt it there is required a body abounding with Mercury , such as is Antimony : But if it be mingled with a Sulphurous Body , it is brought into a red yellowish Saffron-colour'd Calx , out of which are made the powerfullest Medicines for obstructions of the Hypocondria . The Salt of it is sweeter than Sugar , and the Salt of Antimony is like it ; nor is there in Nature above one Salt that exceeds it in vertue and eminency . These three Salts are the restorers of the radical moisture . Tin is a Mettal abounding with much Mercury , much Salt , and but a little Sulphur ; the Salt of it is the sweetest in the World : the Particles of these three substances leave many Vacuities in the mettalline Body , from whence ariseth its greater sound and lightness . There are three wonderful things to be observed in Tin : The first of which appears in its calcination , in which we see the weight of this Mettal encreased , although many Vapours rise up from it ; and one would think that should much abate its gravity . This according to our Opinion arises from this , that the Pores of Tin are opened in calcination , that the compound is inverted , and a great many Atoms enter into them and fill them , and leave fewer Vacuities than there were before ; and so upon that account there is more Matter or weight . Another that I observe , is , That the Calx of Tin is very hard to be melted , and indeed so very hard it is , that the wished for end cannot be obtained , unless you add a special Melter : But this difficulty arises from strange and immettalick Particles which have parted the body of Tin , and have entred into its Pores , and hinder the re-union of the parts of this Mettal in melting . The third is , That Tin when it is mixed with other Mettals , calcines them , and hinders their refining ; and on the contrary , makes them Volatile : which ariseth from the irregularity of its composition ; from its fixed Salt , incapable of being melted ; from the subtilty of its Atoms , and the aptitude of its figures , arising from their easily being divided . Lead as it is more sweet , so it is more sociable , it purifies and refines Gold and Silver from all impurities and foreign mixtures : It is the heaviest of all Mettals but Gold and Quick-Silver , because there is a fewer number of Vacuities dispersed through it : After the same manner , and for the same reason , in calcination it is increased as Tin is , and it is easily melted , because it abounds with a crude and indigested Mercury , which makes all Mettals fluid and fusible : It may be separated also from its terrestrial part , and from its very sweet Salt. There are many things more worthy of note which I observe in Lead . The first of which is its weight , not much differing from that of Gold , and arising from that , because this Mettal is in a manner almost altogether Quick-Silver ; as also that the void intertities are filled with terrestrial and impure Matter , which hinders the fixity of the Quick-Silver ; from whence an ill and imperfect coagulation precipitates it self ; but he that can separate this Quick-Silver , and digest it by an agreeable Sulphur in a Vessel appropriated to this work , hath found a most excellent Remedy against most Diseases : For the aforesaid Cause this Mettal is lighter than Quick-silver ; and if Quick-silver be poured upon Leaden-Bullets laid at the bottom of a Pot , the Bullets will ascend , and swim upon the Quick-silver , as Ships upon the Sea. Another thing that I observe , are the various colours found in Lead , which are conspicuous only by an inversion of Atoms , and division of Bodies ; as Black , White , Yellow , Red , and all the Colours of the Rain-bow . A third thing , lastly , is the Salt of Lead ( which the Chymists call Saturn , ) which powerfully refrigerates , and is of great use against the too libidinous provocations of Venus , for it quite extinguisheth them . It is extracted by the help of Vinegar , from whence it becomes sweet , and loseth its acrimony ; which happens only from the mixtion of the Atoms , as does the milky whiteness , which upon this occasion , the Vinegar is endowed with . CHAP. XI . Of Quick Silver , and Arbor Dianae , or Silver-Tree . QUick-Silver , the last , and , to appearance the most imperfect of all Mettals , because it neither endures the stroak of the Hammer , nor melting , nor indeed any other Tryal , is yet most perfect , because it is nearest to Gold , that is , to the most perfect Body ; the Atoms of it are round , and in continual motion , they adhere so loosely together that they may be separated with never so little Fire ; and be sublimed into a Mass , of white or chrystalline Powder : It degenerates likewise into Poyson , by a sole inversion of it , and by being sublimed with an addition of Salts . It can also be reduced into its first State , if the Artist so pleaseth ; and it may be truly called Protheus , every moment putting on a new shape , and receiving , and exhibiting various qualities , and colours , according to the diverse preparations which it undergoes . There are three kinds of Mercury or Quick-Silver , there is ( to wit ) a Mettalline , a Mineral , and lastly , a common Quick-Silver ; the first of which is extracted out of Mettals , the second out of Minerals , and the third is the Vulgar Quick-Silver ; which last is also of three sorts , ( viz. ) either running , or sublimated , or precipitated ; the sublimated is again , either corrosive or sweet ; it is sweet ( to wit ) when the sublimated is mingled with running Quick-Silver ; for if these two are a second time sublimed , the corrosive becomes sweet , because the sharp points of the Sublimate are softned and blunted by the round particles of the crude Mercury , which destroys the sharp and sharp-pointed Atoms of the Sublimate . It is therefore needless to look for Physical qualities in the names of sweetness , or acrimony , since the only mutation of Atoms is sufficient to make that Matter sweet , which before was sharp , and sowre . This Mettal is call'd Mercury and Quick-silver , because it is in perpetual motion ; so that it seems , as it were , to live : And to make manifest that there is in it a certain Internal , and hidden principle of Life , we need only examine what happens in the making of the Silver-Tree , or Arbor Dianae , whose preparation is as followeth . Take one Ounce of fine Silver , and pour upon it in a Bolt-head , three Ounces of Aqua Fortis , and let these be left in hot Ashes , till the Silver be turned into Water , then take nine Ounces of Quick-silver , divide them into three parts , and put them into three Bolt-heads , or other Vessels ; to which pour on first warm Water to the height of four Fingers , and then the solution of the Silver , taking care of each of the Vessels , and of the Matter contain'd in them ; which afterwards let them stand all night in the Window , and , in the morning , in every Vessel you will see little Trees , rightly distinguished with a Trunk and Branches . There seems here indeed a certain Principle of Seminal and Vegetative Life , since these Trees are shaped after the manner of Plants , although there is some difference : From whence it plainly appears , that Mettals have their Seeds likewise , and as well as all things else are generated out of Seed . But how this comes to pass I shall not now explain , because I shall speak of it elsewhere , in the generation of Plants ; where I shall give an account of their coming out of the Earth , and of their growth . What is specially to be taken notice of , is , that these Trees are produced in one Night , which is never seen neither in Fruits , nor Corn. And all that can be said upon this occasion is , that from this very thing the motion of Atoms , and the various disposition of Corpuscles ( which by their dissolution in so little a time form these Trees , ) is best of all demonstrated . These Trees would without doubt bear their Fruit if we knew how to water them with a water of their own kind , and to transplant them into a Earth convenient for them . CHAP. XII . Of Minerals . MInerals possess the next rank to Mettals : The first of which is Antimony , called the Lead of Philosophers , containing in it self an Arsenical Sulphur , which is Poyson by reason of the subtilty of its Corpuscles ; by means of which it vellicates and corrodes the inward Membranes , as also produceth Ulcers , after which follows a Gangreen , with a corruption and division of the Parts , as also of the whole Body , and then Death . From hence it is that the scent or fumes of Antimony melting in a Crusible , and drawn in by the Nostrils , is deadly ; for its sharp and rough Particles hurt the Brain by their continual motion and agitation : Yet notwithstanding the harmfulness of this fume , it conduceth not a little to correct places infected with the Plague , because one Venom sixeth another , and hinders its activity . Gold is purified by Antimony , for both being melted together , and the Antimony being evaporated by the Fire , the Gold remains most bright and most pure ; Antimony carries along with it all the foreign Particles of the Gold , in as much as they adhere to the Atoms of Antimony ; from this also is made a vomiting Wine , wonderfully purging the Body , yet not without some violence , by reason of its vellicating the inward Membranes . The Mineral that next follows , is Cinnabar , compounded of Mercury and Sulphur , it is found in Gold-Mines , especially in Hungary , from whence it is brought to us ; there is found in it some portion of Gold , but volatile and indigested ; Mercury is separated from it by distillation , in a Retort , because the Mercurial ▪ Atoms do not closely adhere to the Sulphurous ones , and this Sulphur is foreign , crude , and not very well digested ; but if the seminal Spirit could without hindrance have caused that the Sulphur should have been by degrees separated from the Mercury , and the Mercury digested by a central and Astral heat , Nature would have produced Gold out of it , but the impure Sulphur hinders the action of the seminal Spirit in that place where the Cinnabar is found , although below , or round about it Gold may be found ready made ; having Branches like the Branches of Trees : There is an artificial Cinnabar also , made of Sulphur and common Mercury , from these mixed and sublimed we see a most beautiful red is made , by a sole inversion of the Atoms . The third Mineral is Emmery , or the Smiris-stone , which is a Marcasite found in the Gold-Mines of India , from whence it is brought into Spain ; out of it is extracted the best and purest Gold , whose Corpuscles were wrapt up in the Particles of a crude and unprofitable Earth : The same may be said of Lapis Lazulus , or the Azure-colour'd Stone . Litharge and Tutty are not properly Minerals , because they are not digged out of Mines : For the first is only the grosser part of Gold , Silver , or Lead : But Tutty is the purer part of Copper , the Atoms of which , being set at liberty , ascend , and stick to the Arch of the Furnace wherein Copper is melted . The fourth Mineral is Vitriol , containing in it self Saline , Sulphurous , and Mercurial Corpuscles , all of a different figure . The Spirit which is distilled from it consists of Atoms so acute , as that they cut thick humours , and hinder vapours from ascending to the Brain : It penetrates likewise into imperfect Mettals . Arsenick is a white and Chrystalline Mineral ; there is a yellow one also called Orpiment , and a third , which is red , called Sandover ; all these three are very violent Poisons , for the reasons above alledged . Sulphur also is a Mineral , easily taking Fire , as being of a Fiery Nature ; it disolves and melts Iron , just as a burning Coal does Wax . There is extracted from it a Spirit , an Oyle , or Balsom performing wonders in Diseases of the Breast . There is also another Sulphur in perfect Mettals which is incombustible . CHAP. XIII . Of Salts . SALT is the Principle of Savours , because the Saline Atoms have Figures fit to affect and vellicate the Organ of Taste , that is , the Tongue ▪ and Pallat ; Sea , or common Salt is made out of Sea-water , by the help of evaporation ; this very same Salt is dissolved in Water , a certain quantity of whose spaces it fills ; all which being filled , the Salt falls to the bottom , unless something else be put into it , as Nitre , or the like , which the water carries with it over and above ; from whence it appears , that the vacuities of water are not all equal , and that there are some of them which the Atoms of Nitre can enter into , but not the Atoms of common cubical Salt. Common Salt , Vitriol , Nitre , and the like , have Atoms , not only sharp or pointed , but also like little hooks , adhering to Glass it self , though endued with few and very small Pores ; and what is wonderful , Sea-Salt , or Vitriol , or Nitre , or all of them together dissolved in water , and the water evaporated by degrees , the Salt or Salts we see ascend according to the heighth of the Glass , to the very brims of it , whither when it is come it descends on the other side , to the very bottom of the Glass , so that it is quite covered with Salt. From this Experiment , three things are manifest : First , that there are little cavities in Glass . Secondly , that Salt like Ivy is endowed with little hooks . And Thirdly , that Salt grows , and creeps up according to the heighth of the Glass , just as the Sap of Trees , and nourishing humour ascends from the Roots to the Trunk , and from thence afterwards to the higher Branches , as shall be said elsewhere . Husbandmen experience this to be true , when they burn their Stubble ; that so the Rains falling upon the ashes , may carry along with them the Salt which is to penetrate into the Earth , from which afterwards Seed , and the fruitfulness of the Earth ariseth : Salt does also preserve Bodies from Corruption , by creeping into their Pores , and by that means hindring the Air from entring in , which would divide and dissolve their parts , or cause a fermentation in them . There are a great many kinds of Salts , ( to wit ) sowre and sweet , and acid , and bitter , and as many others as there are Tastes : Which ariseth only from a different disposition of their Atoms . As Salt is found in all things , so from them it may be extracted ; and they who extract Salt out of the Earth for the making of Nitre , do afterwards expose that Earth to the Air , where it is impregnated again with Salt , either from the Air or Rain . Salts have as various motions as they have Figures , which appears in the evaporation of four Salts dissolved together in Water ; for they do not only , after the water is evaporated , remain at the bottom , but also each of them chuseth to it self a proper place , and fastens it self to it , without mixing at all with the others , by reason of the irregularity of their Figures . From the Salt of Urine is extracted a Spirit , which mixt with Spirit of Wine , composeth a Body hard enough , because those Spirits by filling each others Vacuities , are hardned ; for nothing becomes ▪ hard but in as much as its vacuities are either filled or made less . From Tartar a Salt is extracted , which is the Salt of Wine , out of which calcined , and dissolved in a cold place , is made an Oyle , which being mixed with Oyle of Vitriol , a great boyling ariseth , and that being over , a white powder falls to the bottom , called Tartar Vitriolate ; for all the moisture of the Tartar enters into the vacuities of the Spirit of Vitriol , and the Salt of Tartar recovers its first state , that is , of a white Powder . But the strife betwixt them proceeds from the disagreeableness of their Atoms , by reason of which , they very much justle one another . That Salt which is called Sal ▪ Polychrestum , is not of less usefulness , because it drives out peccant Humours extreamly well . It is compounded , that is to say , of Nitre , and Sulphur : D. Seignette adds to it moreover another Salt , and indeed I must say , that that has succeeded better than all others ; and that his Sal Polychrestum is a very innocent , and a most excellent Remedy . CHAP. XIV . Of Subterraneous Fires , and Earth-Quakes . THere is no Man can doubt , but that there are Subterraneous Fires , the Mountains of Hecla in Island , Aetna in Sicily , and Vesuvius in the Kingdom of Naples are invincible arguments of them ; as there are the Fires of the Stars above us , so there are Fires below us , called Subterranean , lighted beneath the Earth , from the beginning of the World ; or at least , Bituminous and Sulphurous Matters were never wanting beneath the Earth , no more than Coals or Bituminous Stones , which easily take Fire , and Flame . Therefore the setting them on fire was not at all difficult , for there needed only one little spark arising from the striking together of two Flints , or from a Lamp or Candle , which Miners carry along with them into the Pits , that so they may the better work there : The same also might happen by Lightning ; or lastly , Fire might be kindled of its own accord , by a fat and unctuous humidity ; after the same manner as wet Hay , and such like Bodies , heat and take Fire . From these Subterranean Fires , the heat of Mineral Waters ariseth ; nor is there any fear that these should extinguish these Fires , for Bitumen burns in water , as the Experiment of Camphire teaches us . Earth-quakes are produced by winds , that is by a troop of emancipated Atoms which shake the Earth ; places most obnoctious to these , are the Sea-Coasts , by reason of Winds and Tempests creeping into the Bowels of the Earth , through the holes made hollow by the Water . But these Earth-quakes arise when the Earth recedes never so little from the Centre of its gravity , or is interrupted in its motion about the Centre of the Universe , that is , about the Sun ; or else , when it is driven to and fro by the Solar Vortex , and this is a fourth motion of it , by means of which it is sometimes nearer the Sun in a streight and perpendicular Line , from whence sometimes happen intolerable Summer heats , or mild Winters , or on the contrary , as we may have experienced . CHAP. XV. Of Waters , and their differences . THere are many kinds of Waters seen , which I here propose to speak a little of : The first of them is that which is called the common Elementary Water , whose Atoms are round , and vacuities plenty , and triangular . This may be rarified , and condensed , as the Corpuscles of Fire entring into its Vacuities , either dilate them , and remove the parts of Water from one another ; or the particles of cold compress them , and shut them up by their gravity , or else expel from thence the particles of Air , which had insinuated therein : Sometimes water is so closely shut up by Cold , that it is congealed , and brought into cones of Ice , from whose lightness appears the quantity of Air that has got into the Pores ; and from its hardness is manifested that the vacuities of this Air are very much compressed . Another Species of Water is that , which is called destilled Water , and which by the help of Alembicks , is extracted out of all kinds of Simples , which is thus done ; the Particles of Water which are in Plants do free themselves , and are driven upwards in the form of Vapours ; which striking against the Head of the Vessel are incrassated , crushed together , and condensed into little drops of Water , which fall down through the beack of the Alembick : After this manner Rains arise and fall upon the Earth ; and from hence we may learn that Vapours are nothing else but Water rarified , and that in Nature there is a continual Circulation , whilst Water ascends , and descends ; it ascends in the form of Vapours , and makes the Clouds ; and it falls down again in Rains and Dew . A Third sort of Water is called Aqua-Fortis , extracted out of Mettalline Salts , so that , to speak properly , it is not Water , but Spirits , that is , the most subtile and most acute Particles that are in the Salts , and by force are freed from them , and which forsaking their terrestrial parts , carry only the watery parts along with them , with which they compose a sensible and fluid Body . This Water dissolves Mettals , and brings them into a corrosive Liquor : So we may see what Saline Corpuscles are able to do when they are freed from their Earthy part , nor shall we any more wonder at the effects which proceed from serosities and salt Phlegm in humane Bodies : We may from hence also learn from whence the intolerable pains of the Gout , Gripes , and the Cholick do arise ; for these are corrosive Spirits freed from their Earthy part , which become so sharp and penetrating , that they pierce through the parts on which they fall , pulling and tearing them asunder . The following Species of Water is that which is called Aqua-Vitae , which is nothing but the more subtile Corpuscles of Wine , which are of a Fiery and Sulphurous Nature , and do very easily burn , and take Fire , by the means of fermentation . An Aqua-Vitae is extracted out of all kinds of Grain , Pulse , and Plants : It is a wonderful thing truly , that we see a Linnen Cloth dipped in Aqua-Vitae , and set on fire , and yet nevertheless it is not burnt , nay not so much as scorched : Which proceeds from this , That in Aqua-Vitae there is a kind of Salt , whose Corpuscles sticking to the Linnen , defend it from the burning heat of the Flame , which applies it self to the Sulphur only ; not being able to touch the Salt , or the Subject to which it adheres . Under the fifth Species of Water are comprehended Mineral Waters , so called , because they contain in them a great many Mineral Spirits , as various as the places through which they pass , and as various as the Mettals and Minerals which they meet with in their passage : Amongst them some are hot and boyling , because they run through places in which Sulphur and ●itumen are heated : Of these there are a great many in France , but the most Natural and sweetest of them are the Waters of Bourbon , which conduce very much to the Breast and Stomach , and to the whole Body , by opening their Pores and vents , taking away by transpiration Head-achs , Rheumatisms , and Pals●es ; and they might deservedly be called an Universal Medicine , because besides the Vertues above described , they possess wonderful ones also in the Stone of the Kidneys , and curing Fits of the Mother ; unless that they too much irritate Ulcers and inward Apostems , as also they discover them if they lie hid . I have Chymically extracted out of these Waters a Salt as white as Snow , and altogether like to Sal Polychrestum ; and I can affirm that Nitre also and Sulphur are contained in them : For this Reason , their sharp Particles enrage inward Ulcers , and for the same Cause , sharp-pointed Dock-Leaves being ca 〈…〉 into the Wells of Bourbon , the Salt hinders them from withering . After the same manner as the Salt of the Aqua-Vitae keeps the lighted Handkerchief without being hurt , as we observed before . There are also other hot Waters , which instead of Nitre are impregnated with Vitriol ; whereupon they purge by Stool much more than the others , but they are not altogether so safe . Of these there are many kinds , but all the Bourbon Waters are alike , except the Waters of Jonas , which are not to be reckon'd amongst the best . Moreover the Waters of Bourbon-Lancius in B●●gundy are the hottest , and have some parts of Nitre and Sulphur , but the greatest part of Bittumen ; wherefore they serve for Bathing indeed , but not at all for Drinking , because they purge only by transpiration , and plentiful Sweats . There are also a great many cold Mineral Waters in France , and amongst the rest those of Passy les Paris , which besides that , they as well as other spurge by Stool and Urine , they have this peculiar quality , that they cure Agues , and cool in Burning Feavers ; they open inward and inveterate Apostems , they open Obstructions of the Liver , Spleen , and Bowels , by the help of the Spirits or Corpuscles of Iron which they carry along with them out of the Mines through which they pass : Some of these are stronger , some sweeter , and lastly , some decayed . CHAP. XVI . Of the Sea , its Ebbing , and Flowing , as also of the Saltness of Sea-Water . THe Sea goes about the Earth like a Circle or Girdle , and the Earth is like an Island in the midst of it : But if by the Author of Nature cavities had not been digged in it , in which the Sea might be placed , it would overflow the whole Earth . The first thing in the Sea that offers it self of Note , is the Saltness of its Waters , Originally produced from saline massy Bodies , produced at the beginning in the Earth , and melted by the help of the Waters , which from thence as now they are , were impregnated with Saltness . The heat of the Sun does not a little contribute to th●● saltness , consuming its humidity and Phlegm , as do also the Salt which Rivers and Floods wash out of the Earth in their passage thither : From whence it appears , that it may be truly said , that all the Salt which is contained in the Earth , is carried into the Sea , and drawn out of the Earth by the help of Rivers , and Waters derived from them , and running through the Earth , whilst they are filtred to constitute Fountains of fresh Water . Now if we could filter Sea-Water after this manner , there would never be any scarcity of fresh-water in Ships , and long Voyages . Another thing that I observe in the Sea , is the Ebbing and Flowing of its Waters , in some places so very remarkable , and regular in their turns every six hours . There are some who have thought that Rivers entring into the Sea on one part are the Cause of its flowing , but falling into it from another part , are the Causes of its Ebbing . Others have attributed this effect to winds , but the greatest part to the motion of the Moon , and to the condensation and rarefaction of the Lunar Air. This is the Opinion of Antonius à Reita , extant in his Book entituled Oculus Enoch & Eliae , where he supposes that rarified Air presses the Sea , and lifts it up on both sides like Mountains , from whence there ariseth its Flowing : Which Air being afterwards condensed , the Sea begins to subside , and the Waters to return to their first State , that is , they Ebb. He endeavours to build this Opinion , by this Argument , ( to wit ) that this motion is most observable at the Full of the Moon , at which time the Air is very much rarified , and at the new of the Moon when it is very much condensed . For my part I would rather say that the Ebbing and flowing of the Sea ariseth from the Earths motion from one Tropick to the other : For it cannot possibly in its diurnal motion move a degree forwards daily as it doth , without driving the Waters from one part , and attracting them from the other . According to this Opinion a reason may be given why its ebbing and flowing is only from South to North , and from North to South , and that they are lesser between the Tropicks : Besides , there is nothing contained in this Opinion which is not very probable . But if there are some irregularities observed in ebbing and flowing , they arise from Islands , Rocks , Straights , or Promo 〈…〉 tories , which very much hasten , retard , or lessen this motion ; and partly upon this account , that is to say , by reason of the Straights of Gibralter , there is no notable ebbing and flowing in the Mediterranean Sea ; besides it is seated between the two Tropicks , and is neither too much Northerly , nor too much Southerly . CHAP. XVII . Of Springs and Rivers . THere are two kinds of Springs , ( viz. ) those that sometimes run , and those that run always ; the first proceed from Rains , but these arise from the Sea : But to speak properly , the Sea is the source of all Springs , and Fountains ; for Rains arise from Vapours raised out of the Sea by the help of the Sun , and then falling down by drops , out of which arise the first sort of Springs , which are not perpetual . But perpetual Springs are derived from it more immediately , by the help of some subterraneous Watery Store-Houses which are filled by aqueducts proceeding from the Sea. It is commonly asked why Sea-water is salt , and yet Spring-water which comes from it is sweet ? To which difficulty it is answered , the aqueducts rising out of the Sea run through subterraneous Sands , by which the Water in its passage 〈◊〉 filtred , and deposits its Salt , or else the Salt is precipitated and falls to the bottom of these subterraneous Watery store-Houses , as we see in Salt-Pits , or after the mixing of Oyl of Tartar and Spirits of Vitriol ; or that the Atoms pass through imperceptible aqueducts through which the saline Atoms cannot pass , by reason of their square Figures : So water is made fresh by the help of straining : Or lastly , by the means of distillation . So water being raised up in Vapours , and then condensed , distils into other receptacles which recieve it , and send it to others , till it comes to the place where the Spring breaks out . It seems a Wonder , that Springs arising out of the Sea should be able to ascend to the tops of Mountains . To which difficulty it may be answered , that the Water of the Sea is equally as high as the highest Mountain , because the Earth and Water make but one Globe , and the Mountains of the Earth do appear to us to be high and lofty , only in regard of the Plains and Vallies in which we are placed , and from whence we look upon them : But the Sea is higher than the Plains and Vallies , if you conceive it all Universally , because it makes a perfect Circle : And if a Line should be drawn encompassing the whole terraqueous Globe , it would be found a perfect circle , without any irregularity . From this supposed principle it is evident , that Sea-water does not ascend , that it may find an exit out of the tops of Mountains , but that going out of them it descends , and produces Rivers in the middle of Plains , and bottom of Vallies . And this They ought to mind , who have said that Water ascends out of the Sea to our Mountains , three ways , by which it is wont to be raised ; ( to wit ) by the means of Pumps , Pipes , or woollen Cloth ; so they say Sea-water may be drawn up to the heighth of Mountains , by help of the Beams of the Sun , and Stars ; or by Channels or Pores unknown to us , and made in the shape of Pipes , and disposed of after the manner as we see all the Wine in the Vessel taken out from thence by the help of a Pipe ; or lastly , Sea water may insinuate it self into a spongy and light Earth , which imbibes it , and causeth it to ascend and flow ; after the same manner as we see all the Water contained in a Bason , to ascend to the brims of it , and by degrees to go beyond , by the help of Cotten , or a little Woollen Cloth : As pleasant and as subtile soever as this fancy may be , I think my Opinion is better grounded , and more agreeable to truth . By what hath been said , it is apparent hitherto , that Sea-water supplies Matter to Springs and Fountains ; these do supply Matter to Rivulets , and Rivulets to Streams and Rivers , which empty themselves into the Sea ; from whence they come out to moisten the Earth , and that , as I said before , by a continual fluid circulation . It may be lastly asked , what may be the Cause of this circulation , and from whence proceeds that force , with which we see Floods and Rivers to run downwards ? For to say that Water will seek after its proper Centre , is to flye back again to an Occult Cause , and to renounce our Principles . I conclude therefore , that the Atoms , Corpuscles , and drops of Water are of a perfect round Figure , and since they have a certain inclination without hindrance nothing can keep them back , but that without interruption they do and will drive one another forward even to the World's End. The Fourth Part of Physick . Of those things which are in Man , and of Man himself , as he is a Compound , Physical , Animated Body . WE are now come at length to our Fourth and last part of Physick , wherein according to what we proposed , we are to speak of the things which are in Man , whom now we consider as a Body animated : Which compels us to speak of the Soul , and of Life in general , and afterwards descending to special , we will explain the Life of Man as he is rational , and we shall endeavour by Natural Reasons to prove the immortality of his Soul. CHAP. I. Of Life in general . LIfe , as we have said elsewhere , appears only by action and motion : So those Beings which have most of action and motion , obtain also most of Life : And we say a Man is dying , when there is but little motion left in him , and dead , when it is quite abolished . Every motion is not a vital motion , for that it may be so , it must be Internal of the thing that acts , and proceed from a Principle that is not external : Wherefore the motion of a Stone that is thrown into the Air , is not a vital motion , because it comes from an external Cause ; ( to wit ) from the hand of him that throws it . I say further , that it must be the motion of a Compound Body , if it be a vital motion ; and for this Cause , the motion of Atoms is not so , because they are simple and indivisible beings , neither capable of Life nor Death . And for as much as Atoms are not Compounds , tho' they compound Bodies ; so they are not said to live in the least , although without their impression and ministery there is no Life , nor no motion in the Bodies we speak of . Life therefore is an action and motion of a Compound and Organical Body arising from an internal and seminal Principle : And in this sense Mettals may be said to possess a certain kind of Life , since they obtain a certain motion of vegetation , by which they grow : and we may determine this motion to arise from an internal and seminal principle , though it be abstruse enough , and the Organs of Life scarcely appear ; so that it is a very difficult matter to distinguish them in Plants , and in some Animals , as in the Fish called a Muscle , and in Oysters , which are nevertheless endowed with a more perfect life than Mettals and Plants . We shall in the following Discourse tell you wherein this Life consists , and how Mettals and Plants dye as well as other living Creatures . There is a great difference between Life and the Principle of it , tho' not in like manner between Life and motion , or vital action . For Life is the action and motion of divers Beings gathered by Nature together , and united after such a manner , as that the parts of it move one another , as we see in Machines ; and what the Pullies and Springs are in these , the same are the Spirits in Natural Compound Bodies , that is , the most swiftly moving Atoms . From this Doctrine is collected , first of all , That there are Atoms more swift , and fuller of Motion than others , by reason of their subtilty and figure , such as are Coelestial , Fiery , and Luminous Atoms , to wit , such as Heaven , the Stars , Fire , Heat , and Light are compounded of : This we judge by the compound Bodies that are made and framed out of them : For humane Spirits instructed with material Senses , is not able to penetrate into the essence of Atoms , and their special difference . But we determine that the Atoms out of which Heaven , the Stars , and Light are made , have Figures , and activities greater , more perfect , and more fit for motion , than those that compound cold and heavy Bodies , although ( when the thing is well considered ) it may arise from their greater liberty , and more perfect Figure . Secondly , according to our Principles , we must say , That the Vital Spirts so called , are nothing else but a certain number of Atoms free from all composition , and such whose Figure and condition renders them unfit for service and slavery : This Doctrine supposeth that there are two sorts of Atoms in Nature , some of which like Common-People are destined to Imprisonment , Service , and Bonds ; but others , like Nobles to liberty , and command over others : Now those whose Lot it is to be like the Commons , are made to compose the Machines of our Bodies , and they are such as entangle one another , and are linked and bound together in the formation of Bodies ; whereas those which cannot be bound nor undergo Slavery , are destined to move the whole Machine of our Bodies , as not being fastned to any part , but running through all parts , and bestowing every where motion , sense , and disposition : These are what are called Vital Spirits , because they bestow Life , that is , motion : These Atoms therefore are not Life , but the Principles and Authors of it . Sometimes Atoms that Compound Bodies get out of Service , and as often as occasion offers , and Bodies ●uffer division , are emancipated ; for in all separations and corruptions of Bodies some Atoms do flye away , and like the first seek to recover Liberty ; and when it happens that these Fugitive Atoms are mingled together with those that are essentially free , from thence arise conflicts in our Bodies , and from These , Ill dispositions and our Diseases , which there is no help to be hoped for , nor any cure , unless these rebellious and emancipated Atoms are restored to their first confinement , or else driven out of the Body , that so by this means the Spirits may remain pure and altogether free in their motion , and not be interrupted by these irregular Atoms which are the common disturbers of Nature and Health . And for as much as some Atoms continually flye out of those Bodies which we use for nourishment , by reason of divers degrees of Corruption which they are forced to undergo before they can be changed into our substance : So it is certain that there is always in us some principle of a Disease to be found , and that we never in this World enjoy a perfect Health , and that those are only most healthy who are less sickly than others : As I have said elsewhere , that there are no Men absolutely wise , but that they that are called wise , are less ignorant than others . But moreover , if Captive Atoms are sometimes free'd by emancipation , so on the other hand , those which are not used to be detained , are sometimes incarcerated , and involved with others , nor can they stir beyond the limits of their Prison : And there are some which in like manner are so included with others by the Providence of the Creator , and necessity of Nature , and some only by accident , and the power and plenty of Matter encompassing them . So the Atoms shut up in the Heart , that they may give motion to it , and to the whole Body , were incarcerated at the beginning of its formation , or rather being cast into seminal Bands when God created it ; afterwards they are translated out of this first Prison where they had little or no motion , into another , where they enjoy a more free and wandring motion , as shall be more fully discoursed of in the following Chapters . The third thing that flows from this Principle , is , That these same Atoms are the Cause of Motion and Life , and that there is more of action , and more of Life , where these are in greater plenty and number ; provided the Corporeal Machine be disposed to motion : For one of the principal Springs being broke , the vital Atoms lose their action , the greatest part of them exhale and withdraw themselves , and others wandring about , continue Vagabonds without any order or method . So that it is necessary that the parts of a Compound Body should be disposed in some Order , which when wanting , the vital Atoms exert no motion ; but this order of parts would be to no purpose , unless the vital Atoms were present to give them motion : The same thing we observe in a Clock , where an integrity and just disposition of the Wheels are required , together with the force of a Spring to set all the Wheels in motion . Although there be a great proportion and likeness between living Natural Bodies , and these artificial Machines , yet nevertheless there is a great difference between them , for Atoms are Natural Springs , and exist Originally in the seed out of which the Body is produced , and they themselves are the Artificers of the Machines which give encrease to it , and dispose the Parts of it in such manner , that they may there exercise their motions , and this is that great Artifice of Nature , which operates by seeds produced from God , which exceeds all that ever Art can devise . CHAP. II. Of the Differences of Lives . THe difference of Lives are only known by the difference of Vital Actions , of which there are four kinds , ( to wit ) the Mettallick , Vegetative , Sensitive , and Rational . Man the little World , enjoys a Life , under which all others are comprehended , and chiefly in him we observe a vegetative Life , as in Plants , and a sensitive as in Brutes ; besides which two kinds of life , He possesseth a third of his own , which is a rational Life ; He is nourished , that is , and grows like Plants , he is begotten of another , he is sensible as an Animal , and he speaketh and reasoneth as a Man ; all these different operations which we see in Man , perswades us to consider him especially , and to begin with the life of Plants , which seems less considerable than the sensitive and rational , and which comprehends under it , their generation , growth , and nourishing , which three are equally conspicuous in Man as in Plants , though in a more noble and more eminent manner . CHAP. III. Of the Vegetative Life , common to Man and Plants . THe Life of Plants appears from their growth which supposeth Nutrition , and both these suppose a Birth , and this implies a Generation : For whatsoever grows in a vital manner , and by Nature is nourished ; so likewise whatsoever is nourished , hath a birth , and every thing that is born , is begotten . We will therefore begin to speak of Man's generation , and of the first forming of him . The Generation we here speak of , is the production of a thing out of Seed , under this generation are comprehended . Conception and Birth , as Separation and Death are included in the Corruption of things . This is that which is not found in the Works of Nature , whose conception is made in the mind of the Artificer , and its Formation depends upon his hand , but all that is external to the work , which may be afterwards broken and divided ; when in the mean time it cannot be said that we take away Life from it , or bring Death upon it . So that whatsoever is Begotten , to speak properly , Lives , and whatsoever lives is produced out of Seed : Now Seeds are created from the beginning , and by the Author of Nature ingrafted into every Plant , and kind of Tree bearing fruitful Seed : So we see that there is a perpetual propagation and encrease of individuals in every Species in the Earth , as well as in the Waters and in the Air. All and the only difficulty remains in explaining the Nature of this Seed , and the manner of its propagation . These two are Mysteries in Nature , which seem to surpass all humane reason : Nevertheless I will give you my meditations of them . And first of all , I suppose we may consider Seed in general , and as it is to be found , as we have said , in Mettals , Plants , Animals , and Man. For after this manner being looked upon in general , it is nothing else but a Medium disposed by God to the propagation of these four several kinds in the World , so that one Substance as to its kind produces its like in the same kind ; as Mettal is produced from Mettal , and a Plant from another Plant , &c. From whence appears the fanciful Folly of Chymists , who strive to multiply Mettals without a Mettallick Seed , and to produce Gold without its peculiar Seed : For the same thing that in general Seed , is in respect of the four named generals ; the same in special , is Seed in respect of the individuals which are produced of it . For indeed to produce Plants , the Seed is only to be sought for in the vegetable Kingdom : So in like manner to produce Corn Seed is required , that is , a grain of Corn ; to produce an Apple , there is need of the kernel of an Apple , or at least a Sien of it , which contains in it part of the Spirits and seminal Corpuscles , which insinuate themselves into the wild Stock of the Tree in which they are ingraffed or inoculated , and produce the same effect that a grain does which is thrown into Earth fit to receive it . This is that vegetative Seed which we here speak of ; and in this regard we consider Man , as he is partaker of the life of this Species , and begotten out of Seed . Nevertheless we are to distinguish the two substances in Man ; ( viz. ) the material part , which is his Body ; and his spiritual part , which is his Soul , Created by God , whereas the other is begotten . So that we here speak of Man onely , as he is a material Compound , without medling with his Soul which is immortal . These things being supposed , I turn me to the two difficulties , which I have obliged my self to explain , and I design them a peculiar Chapter . CHAP IV. Of the Nature of Seeds , and of their Propagation . THe Learned Fernelius affirms that Seeds contain an Astral and Coelestial Spirit , but Galen , that they contain something Divine . These great Wits have spoken most wisely , and have considered the seminal Spirit as a thing surpassing the Capacity of our Spirits ; but what is much tobe lamented , they have left us in admiration , and ignorance . Therefore I try as well as I can to resolve these difficulties , that I may perform my promise . First of all , therefore , since Matter is every where one and the same , nor does the Astral and Coelestial differ from the Terrestrial , as we have said elsewhere , but only in this , that Atoms which make Coelestial Bodies , have Figures different from them which compose terrestrial Bodies , and that the Particles of those are better and more strictly united than these : I say we must not conclude with Fernelius , that the Elements of the Stars are different from the Elements of the sublunary World ; nor with Galen , that that divine thing in the Seed , is a certain part of Divinity : But we must confess , that Seeds are Bodies composed of many parts , not only in respect of the sperm and diverse coverings in which the seminal Spirit is shut up and kept , but also in respect of the seminal Spirit it self , which is not a Simple thing , but a Body compounded of most subtile Atoms , excellently figured , made , and proportioned , that as an Original they may serve to the forming all Copies afterwards in the propagation of the Species . These are the Atoms , as I said , shut up , yet without Bonds or Servitude . This Doctrine is agreeable to our Principles , and as we have compared Atoms with the first elements of Grammar , which are Letters ; we say likewise , according to this Opinion , that Letters may be made and written so exactly , as to serve as a pattern to make others by : in like manner , among Atoms there are some so well made and formed , and disposed in so just an order , that they may serve for Samples and Patterns to others ; and in this manner I conceive of Seeds . I come now to the next difficulty , which represents the multiplication of every individual , by a sole dilatation of Seeds : but the manner how this dilatation is made , is not easie to be explained ; but I apprehend it after this manner . A grain of Corn , which is a Seed , is thrown into the Earth , where it putrifies , and is dissolved by an acid menstruum which contains in it a Spirit , whose Atoms are partly of the same Nature with the Spirits of the Seed , or at least are subtile enough to penetrate into the vacuities of the husk of the Grain , and sperm in which the seminal Spirit is shut up , which Spirit ( the coverings of it being dilated by these apertures ) frees it self from the Prison wherein it was detained , and the Atoms and Original Corpuscles begin to drive on one another , they being themselves driven on by the Atoms of the acid or dissolving Spirit , which acted the first part in the Play , and received its motion from the others : For whatsoever is moved , is moved by another , and so successively the parts of the World , Particles , Corpuscles , and Atoms mutually drive on one another , and this motion began with the World and will continue 'till the end of it , when God will fix all things , and put a stop to all generations . So that these seminal Spirits being thus loosed , and endowed with liberty by the acid Spirits , are still driven on by them , and being pressed , rise upwards , and form a stalk with a very slender top , by the concourse of the Salt of the manure , and out of the corruption and division of dissolved Atoms of the neighbouring Bodies which they luckily meet withal , or which are thrown into the Earth near that place on purpose ; this is what Husbandmen know very well , who for this reason Dung their grounds , and burn the stubble . But if they knew how to steep their grains , or seeth Corn in an acid dissolvent ; or water their grounds with it , there would be none found so barren , but would become fruitful , nor would the Husbandman be a little pleased with his plenty of Corn , and from thence the truth of our Principles and Experiments would be manifested . Man , who is generated out of Humane Seed , and like plants receives his first formation , does in this case very much excel them . For as in his dignity he excels all things that have material life , so also he is begotten and conceived after a more Noble and more Eminent manner ; and we may say with Plato , that a Man of all wonders is the most wonderful , not only in his perfect being , but also in his first Formation . This Formation is indeed a Miracle of Nature ; which cannot be more naturally explained , than by saying , That the Womans Womb after having received the Man's Seed , is shut up by the Contraction of its Fibres , and the seminal body , finding there an acid juice , putrifies and is corrupted , in the space of Eight or Ten Days : The Seminal Spirit thus extricating it self , and joyning with the Blood that is there , and even now at the beginning being joyned to the Womans Seed , out of Two is made One , partaking in the Conception of Father and Mother , which is then afterwards formed by the help of this acid Blood which dissolves it , and is the Cause why these two seminal Spirits are joyned together , and out of two , compound One only Being , which is called Embryo . The whole Wonder consists in this Ordination of Parts , which are disposed in so elegant an order , that there is no man in the World able to give them so just an order and disposition ; and now , behold what I think of this business . Besides the general providence of God , which I acknowledge in all things , and besides that particular one , which he takes care of Man as of his own Image , I cannot but return to the motion of Spirits or seminal Corpuscles which form a Body fit to undergo their operations . As many as proceed from every one part of the Body generating , produce a part in the Body generated ; and form it like themselves : The Corpuscles or seminal Spirits derived from the Eyes , form Eyes , and we may say the same of the other parts of the Body ; this supposes Seed to proceed from all parts of the Body , and from hence we gather , that their parts who exceed measure in the Venerial act , are all weakned , especially the Brain , which is sometimes so shaken together , that it heavily decays , and the powers of it are dissolved : So that these sort of Men often dye , seized with Epileptick Convulsions , Palsies , Tremblings of the Nerves , Arthritick Pains and Defluxions . It remains therefore to know how the parts of the Eyes form the Eyes , the parts of the Brain the Brain , and the parts derived from the Hands and Arms , the Hands and Arms of an Embryo : For we see that the Blind beget Blind , and the Lame the Lame , unless the Mothers Blood supplies this defect . I say therefore that in the resolution or dissolving of the seminal Body , there is necessarily caused a motion of Corpuscles mutually driving one another to and fro , each possessing that place which gives them its Figure , by which they are detained in a due site , nor can they abide elsewhere . So the Corpuscles which form the Eyes , are of that Figure that they cannot be placed elsewhere , without a violent concussion of these mutually self impelling Atoms , and these concussions are sometimes the cause why when the Women are hurt , the Child is not at all formed , and that by reason of the sole inordinate motion of one Corpuscle , which either does not , or being hindred by others which cause this motion , cannot find a place due to its Figure . It is plain therefore that seminal Corpuscles have the Figure of that part from whence they are derived , and the whole humane Body is no otherwise shut up in a small part of Matter , than an whole Oak in an Acorn , and an Apple in a Kernel . The example brought by me above concerning the divers kinds of Salt dissolved in water , which in evaporating part asunder from each other , and each possesseth his place , not without a difference of Figures , will give some light to this my Doctrine . CHAP. V. Of Nutrition , which Plants and Brute Beasts have , common with Man. NUtrition is a vital action , and so proper to Living Creatures , that as there is nothing nourished that is not Living , so there is no Living thing that is not nourished . All the difficulty lies in the manner of Nutrition , for no Man doubts but Animals and Plants at the beginning of their existence are nourished , and grow , which could not be , without the addition of new Matter , which is changed into the substance of the thing Living . This addition of Matter takes in , its attraction , preparation , digestion , and its distribution through all the Parts of the Body nourished . These opperations appear in Plants , wherein it is amiss to attribute that to Nutritive , Attractive , Digestive , and Distributive Qualities , which may be explicated by the motion of the Atoms or seminal Corpuscles contained in the Seed . But because Nutrition is much more conspicuous in Living Creatures , and especially in Man , it will be necessary to explain the Reason how that is performed in him in the first State after Conception ; and afterwards , when the Organs are formed : For there is need of Aliment , that the Organs which are just formed , and tenderer then , to be sufficient to undergo their Operations , may grow and be encreased . So that at the very moment he begins to live , there is a necessity that he should be nourished . CHAP. VI. How and with what Aliment an Embryo is nourished 'till the time of his Birth . THe first thing that is done after the laying together of the parts of the Embryo , and the disposition of its Organs , is , the infusion of the Rational Soul , which God in one and the same moment Creates , and gives to this little Body as its Lodging , Forty , or sometimes more days after its Conception : what is done before the infusion of this Soul , to speak properly , is nothing else but a disposition of the Organs to receive it . This admirable Structure begins from the Heart , Head , Bones , and other particular Fundamentals ; and when it is already compleated , and the Soul infused , the seminal Atoms Presidents of the formation of the Body , persevere in performing their works , taking as Companions of their Office these Particles of the Mothers Blood which may serve to nourish the Infant , being sensibly solicitous for its increase , 'till the time of its Nativity . Yet nevertheless it is very difficult throughly to declare the true Reason of the Nutrition and Life of the Infant for seven or eight Months together . Gassendus recounts three Opinions of the Antients concerning this thing , the first is of Alcmaeon in Plutarch , affirming the Infant to be nourished by all parts of the Body , drawing in by the help of the Pores a necessary Aliment . The second Opinion is by the same Plutarch attributed to Democritus , this Philosopher teaches , that the Infant is nourished in the Mothers Womb , in the same manner as it is nourished when born , to wit , by the Mouth , and this is the Cause he says why the newly born seek the Breast with open Mouth . The third is Aristotle's , Galen's , and many others , who conclude that the Infant takes no nourishment in the Womb but by the Umbilical Veins , which taking their Original from the bottom of the Matrix , insinuate themselves into the middle of the Abdomen or Belly , where being collected into one Trunk , they lead on the Mothers Blood into the hollow part of the Liver , where part of it is carried into a Branch of Vena-Cava , and part into a Branch of the Vena-Porta , and the two Arteries which accompany the Umbilical Veins , having passed the Liver , each of them apart go to the two Branches of the Aorta or great Artery , and carry the Arterial Blood which they bring thither , that it may all be distributed through the whole Body of the Infant , and changed into a substance fit for its Nutrition . This Opinion is confirmed by the refutation of the two former . For the first is false : For if the Infant was like a Sponge , it would not be nourished , but swelled , by the Water or serous humour in which it swims , and which is contained in the Amnion . The second Opinion is not probable : For the Infants head is placed betwixt both knees , nor can it suck the Caruncles , which are covered with a Skin , as is supposed , unless at one and the same time it should attract the water wherein it lies hid , or penetrate the Membrane in which it is involved . The third Opinion standing firm , which I believe rests upon a better foundation , nor does the Infants Stomach generate Chyle , nor its Liver Blood , the Mothers Blood subministring all those things : And from hence it is , that a Woman with Child communicates to the fruit of her Womb the purity or impurity of her Blood , her good or ill nourishment , as also her Health and Diseases ; and these Diseases are hereditary , not but that there are some which proceed from the Fathers , whose impure Blood , licentious living , ill nourishment , and frequent excesses afford matter to these evils . Besides , we may say , that the Infant in the Mothers Womb does neither live nor breath , but by the Mouth , Heart , and Lungs of the Mother ; from whence it comes to pass that the Infant for the most part follows the Mothers affections and inclinations ; and seeing that in the state wherein it is in the Womb , it is tyed to its Mother in so strict a bond of Union , it is impossible that she alone should be feaverish , nor that the big-bellied Woman should dye , the Child remaining alive and healthful . CHAP. VII . How Man is Nourished after he is Born. AMan Born hath need of Nourishment : now nothing can nourish him which hath not some Spirit of Life : So Roots , Plants , Corn , Pulse , Flesh , serve to the nourishing of a Man , and all this business is performed by the benefit of Atoms and vital Corpuscles passing from one Compound Body to another . This Nutrition is necessary to encrease the substance of the born Infant , and so there is need of a new Compound Body to serve it for Aliment : And this Compound Body must of necessity perish and be destroyed , that so it may nourish the other Compound Body that is to be produced . Such a Compound Body is Milk , being Blood made white , and fit to nourish the Infant ; and the same Blood wherewith the Infant was nourished in the Womb , being brought by the Epigastrick Veins to the Mammillary's , is there prepared , and by a sole inversion of the Atoms , or a different combination of the Corpuscles , this Blood is turned into Milk , which by the Childs Sucking being drawn into its Mouth , is received into the Stomach where the first digestion is perfected , and without any other Mystery , the Chyle becomes Milk by the sole inversion of Atoms , their site being changed : moreover , this Chyle brought by the branches of the Vena-Porta ( according to the Antients Opinion ) to the hollow part of the Liver , is converted into Blood , and becomes what it was just before ; this demonstrates the circulation of Compound Bodies , which are turned from one thing into another , the first Elements of things always remaining in their own Nature in such a number of mutations . Blood being in this manner prepared in the Liver , is carried from the greater Vessels into the lesser , and out of theseit distils like Dew into the Parts of the Body , and is there converted into a substance homogeneal to the Parts that are nourished , and by this addition of substance the Body is nourished , and encreaseth . This addition differs much from that , by which Stones take their encrease ; for this accretion proceeds rather from an external Agent , than from an internal Principle , and is almost totally performed in the superficies ; whereas in Living Bodies , Animals , and Man especially , it is done by Internal Agents which make part of the Compound , and Universally extend themselves into all the inward parts which are nourished . We must constitute also another kind of difference between the reason why Plants and Animals are encreased , and the manner how stones and Mettals themselves take their increase . And in Animals indeed , three divers States are to be considered . The first is of Augmentation , in which an Animal by Nutrition acquires more of substance than is dissipated , which happens in a Man from the time of his Nativity to the Age of two and twenty . The second is a State of consistence , where the Animal by aliments acquires so much substance as it loses in taking pains , which happens to a Man from two and twenty to forty four . The third is of decrease , wherein a Man loses and dissipates , more substance than he acquires by aliment , and this happens to a Man from forty four to the sixty eighth year , and longer . Aliment therefore is the support of Nature , without which it could not make up the losses which we suffer by the evaporation of the more subtile parts , or by a Consumption of the moist , or by an alteration , loss , and ablation of the solid parts : But besides that , this very thing discovers that continual loss which the substance of Living Bodies makes , by reason of the opposite motions of Atoms which mutually drive one another to and fro , some reciprocally moving others , and the more fixed those that are less fixed : It does also constitute a difference between this , and the Life of Mettals , which doubtlesly increase inwardly , and outwardly , by reason of an internal and external Principle , and new addition of substance : But some contingent loss or dissipation is not repaired by this Addition , which we may see in Plants , and more distinctly in Animals . The Life of Animals , which in some things they have common with Plants , doth yet differ from it in many circumstances , which do not occur in Plants , for Plants have neither Bones nor Teeth to take and chew their Meat , but they take their aliment by sucking , without chewing , by which very thing the first digestion and resolution of aliments is performed . Hunger and Thirst precede this chewing , which does not appear in Plants . Hunger is the desire of a solid , and Thirst of a moist Body . Sharp-pointed Atoms move Hunger , and the Corpuscles of the acid Liquor which velicates the tunicles of the Stomach . Thirst hath its beginning from the drying up of this acid Liquor , its moisture being consumed by the heat of the Liver , or by violent Labour , by reason of this dryness the Orifice of the Stomach wrincles it self up , and the parts of the Jaws , Palate , and Tongue perceive pain and pricking ; to which it requires no other Remedy but Liquor , when the Atoms fill the wrincles and tissures proceeding from the evaporations of the humid parts . CHAP. VIII . The Sensitive Life in Man , and other Animals . MAN would not be in the number of Animals , if he did not enjoy a Life of sense as well as other Animals , but he is an intelligent and rationable Animal , and by a special priviledge bears the Image of his Author . He possesseth a Spiritual and immortal Soul , than which there is no other substantial form in the World , and consequentially , only Man is compounded of Matter and Form. So that all those substantial Forms which go by the name of vegetative Souls in Plants , and in Brutes by the name of sensitive Souls , are nothing else but vain illusions , since Atoms and Corpuscles are the internal Principles of all the sensitive operations which we distinguish in Living Creatures . Five of these operations are thus numbred , ( viz. ) Seeing , Hearing , Smelling , Tasting , and Touching . To these we may add respiration in all Animals , or the greatest part of them , and Speech specially in Man. These operations are not made after the same manner in all Animals , for Man the noblest of them all , is neither sharper sighted , nor quicker of hearing than the rest : And in the same respect the other Senses are much more perfect in other Animals than in Man. The Lynx is sharper-sighted , the Hare hears more distinctly , the Dog smells better , the Ape enjoys a more exquisite taste , and the Spider a more delicate touch : For all these kind of Operations are purely Natural and Animal , and do not depend upon the Will or Reason , but upon the sole disposition of Atoms , and the construction of the Organical Parts . CHAP. IX . Of Sight , its Organ and Object , ( viz. ) Light. SIGHT is the chiefest and most noble of all the Senses , whether we consider its Organ and Object , or the operation of it by it self , and the necessity of it . The Eye is the Organ of Sense , its object is a coloured and lucid Body , for without colour and light there can be no seeing . The Eye is made up of three tunicles , ( viz. ) the Horn-like , the Grape-like , and the Net-like : This last is in the bottom of the Eye ; the Grape-like Tunicle has a perforation called Prunella , and the horn-like is the outward covering of the Eye , some part of which we call the white of the Eye . The Eye enjoys likewise three transparent humors , ( viz. ) the Watery , Chrystalline , and Glassy : the Optick nerve , rooted in the Brain , and applying it self to the bottom of the Eye , brings hither the Spirits or visual Corpuscles woven together out of a luminous substance . The particulars belonging to the composition of the Eye Anatomy will teach : Let us speak something of the Object of Sight , and first of Colour . Colour which Bodies exhibit to us , is nothing else but light reflected and interrupted by the Angles of the Atoms , and the very small Cavities in the extremities of Bodies , as also a diverse reflection and refraction of that Light , upon which the variety of Colours depends . Experience favours this Doctrine , for Galls being broke and thrown into artificial or Natural Vitriolated-Water , give a black colour like Ink ; and hereby is known whether Waters contain any high of Vitriol , Iron , or Copper : For Mineral-Waters when they pass through an Iron Mine by an addition of Galls grow black , but others not ; and this blackness is not any Physical and accidental quality produced in Water by the throwing in of Galls which are not black ; but this change arises only from a new position of Atoms and Corpuscles , whereby the Rays of Light are bended and broken after a new manner . The same thing happens if you mix Minium which is red in its own Nature , with Wine-Vinegar , for that will turn white ; and the yolk of an Egg mixt with Turpentine looks altogether like a white kind of Cream . Now in all these and other Experiments nothing happens besides a perturbation of Atoms which take a new place , and reflect or refract Light after another manner , without any production of any new Accident . Nor is Light any accident or Physical Quality , as the Disciples of Aristotle will have it , but a real effusion and spreading of Corpuscles , which flow from the substance of the Sun and upper Stars , and more or less penetrate through the empty spaces of the Air , as the Air is more rarified , or more condensed . It will be convenient to remember here , that we place the Sun in the Centre of the World , and say that the Sun is of one and the same substance with Gold , Gold melted and purified , and that its glittering and rayes is properly that which we call Light , and which is reflected upon all the Bodies of Planets , amongst which , the Earth only is supposed habitable ; these Sun-Beams are nothing else than that which we call Light , so Light is a certain thing compounded of the Atoms of Gold , by a mutual connection amongst themselves bound together , and which tye all the parts of the World to their Centre the Sun. From whence it is easily gathered , how all things act by vertue of the Sun , and that the Sun it self also is an helper that Man be produced from Man. The truth of this our Doctrine appears from those things which we brought from Monsieur Bezancon's Experiment . Light therefore is of the same Nature with Gold and the Sun , and is therefore Gold , or the Sun rarified , and Air in the day-time is full of this dispersed Gold ; so that in breathing we draw in some Atoms of this rarified Gold , which brings Life to us , in bringing to us the Principle of Natural Heat , and radical moisture . No wonder that Aurum Potabile is of so great esteem , and sought for by every illustrious personage to restore Health : But since true Aurum Potabile is scarce , by reason of the defect of a solvent , and of a Natural and Radical Vehicle , God provides for this , by giving us Light , which we take in by the Air , which serves instead of a Vehicle to it . Light therefore is our Life , and preserves it ; and we say of a Man that is dead , that his Light is extinguished , and of a Man tha lies confined in a Dungeon , that he dwells amongst the Dead . Upon the occasion of this Sentence which I have thought fit to confirm , I observe that Light is the Universal Spirit of the vulgar , varying according to the Subject it meets withal ; and that the same is that famous dissolvent from which only , or by the addition of common Gold , may be made the Universal Medicine . But for as much as to the obtaining this effect there is required that this Light be made liquid , and out of it be made a living Water , and Stream , or Rain of Gold , which few can perform : From hence it is that few possess this supream Remedy . I observe , Secondly , that Light excites the seminal Spirit , which is of the same Nature , and is contained under divers Seeds , and divers coverings , and that the same light produces in us and reproduces those Spirits which are called Vital and Animal , and which are nothing else than Luminous Corpuscles which are always in motion , whilst they take Air , and together with the Air , the Light annexed , without which their motion ceaseth . We see also that a Man dyes for want of Air , and by the hindrance of respiration ; and these Spirits are more dulled by Night than by Day , and so do partly fail in the Body , the Light failing : And unless there did still continue some Luminous and Solar Spirit in the Air , or if the Stars did not afford a sufficient quantity of it in the Night , in the Night it were impossible we should be able to escape Death . Besides we may observe that by this Light , which penetrates and creeps through the Bowels of the Earth , Mettals are produced , for it is their Seed lying invisibly hid in their Bodies : We may say likewise , that every Living thing receives Life from this Light , so that we live by Gold only , we subsist by the benefit of Gold , and all things are filled with Gold , that is , with the Sun rarified , and expanded through all things , through all the most secret places , and through our very Hearts , whose motions will cease when the Light of the Sun and other Stars shall cease ; whose motion will likewise cease at the end of all Ages . By the help of this Doctrine we understand what the Antients meant , when they said all was full of Jupiter and Gold , and that the Commerce of Heaven and Earth was bound together with a Golden Chain : That the Universal Medicine cannot be extracted but out of the water of the Beams of the Sun and Moon . By this means also we comprehend the truth of the saying about Apollo and his Golden hairs , and we shall know that which the Philosophy of the Antients could not explain , to wit , from whence the motion of the Spirits in our Bodies proceed , and in what the Life which we enjoy does properly consist : And so even the new Philosophy will no less Labour in explaining the Essence of Life , unless it follows these our Principles . As many as shall have been sufficiently illustrated by this Light , will here find a Secret for the Nobility , by which for many years they will be able to preserve Health and Vigor beyond the ordinary term . I say enough of this thing to move Illustrious Wits , as being enlightned People , to enquire into the Nature and Effects of the Light and Colours which we see , which the Sun produceth in the Rainbow , and in the Peacocks Tail , where , by the help of a Microscope a thousand Golden threeds are seen . Nor is there any reason why we should stand amazed at the sight of these Colours , since they are nothing else , than Light reflected and refracted , wherein all Colours are contained , as I have said ; for it is of the same Nature with Gold , out of which all Colours may be produced , although the yellow only is apparent . They who have divers ways dissolved Gold , and Mercury , or crude Gold , have there found all of them as many Colours as ever they had seen , and many more Colours than they knew . CHAP. X. How Illustrated Objects are seen . ARISTOTLE and his Scholars will have Vision to be made by certain Qualities commonly called the Intentional Species , which , as is reported , joyn the visive power , that is the Eye , with the Visible Object , and the Powers represent the Object . These Species according to this Opinion are discernable , and are in the Air as in their proper subject : but this is not to be endured , for if these are accidents , and have Air for their Subject , the Air being changed by the least breath of wind , the accident would pass from one Subject to another , which is refractory to the Principles of these Philosophers . These species bring in a great many other difficulties , which relate to their Nature , Production , Propagation in the Air , Eduction , Extension , and Reception into the Eye ; all which cannot be solved without captious contensions , and when all shall be throughly canvased , no body will be e're the wiser , from whence it happens , that all these accidents which are neither Bodies nor Spirits , I am forced to send back to School with their Doctors . Some believe Vision is made by an emission of visual Rayes out of the Eyes ; but neither will this Opinion subsist , in as much as it supposes , that to see an Object ten Leagues distant from us , it is of necessity that the Eye should send Corpuscles thither , and even to the very Heavens , to see the Stars there . Gassendus would have vision made by the Species or Figure of the Object , composed of Corpuscles or most subtile Atoms proceeding from the Object , and received by the Eye : But it cannot be conceived , that a Man placed in the midst of a Plain can continually emit ( without diminution ) Corpuscles from every part , or that these Corpuscles can be in the Air without perturbation and confusion at the same time , whilst other Objects emit an infinite number of theirs ; and all this transmitted in a right Line through the vacuities of the Air , from whence it follows that through one , and that a little space of a Vacuum in the Air , that vast number of Atoms or Corpuscles must pass without penetration and confusion . Gassendus answers , that the difficulty arises from this , that we do not enough conceive the subtilty of Atoms , nor the rapidity of their motion . This reason does not satisfie , since we know that the Vacuities of the Air are not greater than Atoms . How then can a thousand Atoms of Matter pass in a right Line through one only Vacuum , no bigger than one single Atom , without penetration ? This difficulty , besides some others , hath moved some Philosophers to say that the Eye is a natural seeing-Glass , endued with such a convexity as those Glasses have which are put into perspectives , by which we see things a great way distant . These Philosophers say , that Light , wherein is contained every kind of divers Colours , as it is determined upon the Objects by the angles of the Atoms , does also comprehend all kind of Objects too , and represents them with all variety of Colours , according to the divers determination of the Objects : Or to say more truly , that Light represents it self to the Eye , as it is determined by Objects , and it is certain we see nothing but Light , and Colour , that is Light with its determination ; and when we distinctly see an Object , its extention and Figure , that proceeds from nothing else than that we see Light determined by the dimensions and circumstances of the Object . The Nature of Light therefore is solely to be considered , and it will no ways hinder , but that we shall avoid all the difficulties of the others , by embracing an Opinion which rests upon truth , which very well , and with the consent of all , conceives that Light is seen by it self , nor is there need of any Species to see Light : and since we , to speak properly , do not see the Objects , but Light the Object of Sight , there is no necessity , that the Object should transmit Accidents or Corpuscles , as if Light could not be seen of it self . From this Doctrine , that which appears new , follows , that Light is to be considered in a threefold State ; and first of all in the Quality of the Object ; secondly , in the Quality of the Term. The first state is Light , determined by the Object , the second is Light expanded in the air , the third is Light received by the Eye , and represented with all its determinations . And this is it which we call the Image of the Object in the Eye , as it were in a Glass . In prosecuting this subject , we might have treated of the reason why we see Objects by the help of perspective Glasses multiplying their Figure ; or by Microscopes , a new invention , by the help of which many things are discovered which before lay hid , such as are Worms in Wine Vinegar , Gnats in Water and Dew , as also , Pores in Glass , and a thousand little Animals in Seeds . But of these I shall say nothing now , since I have done it already in a little peculiar Tract , which I will Print the first opportunity , where the application of the Principles of my Physick will be seen to explicate more illustrious things which are discovered by the help of Microscopes , if the Reader pleases to spend his time to see and judge of what I say concerning these things . CHAP. XI . Of Hearing , its Organ , and Object . THe Organ of Hearing is the Ear , composed of a Cartilage and hollowness's , wherein the air insinuating it self by its motion causeth sound . Besides these external and apparent Particles , there are others also internal , which are composed of Membranes , as also some little Bones and included air , the auditory Nerve doth also run down thither , that it may bring the Animal Spirit , necessary to all the Operations of the Senses . The Object of Hearing is Sound , to wit , the motion of two or more Bodies mutually meeting one another ; and as no Body that wants Heat and Light is the Object of Sight , so no Body that wants motion can be the Object of Hearing : Or rather , as Light alone , without the intervention of any other Medium , is the Object of Sight , so is motion the Object of Hearing , so that there is no necessity to have recourse to the pretended Quality which is commonly called Sound ; nor to any intentional Species , no , nor so much indeed as to Corpuscles sent out a great way off . I say therefore , that as Light is seen by it self , and Truth immediately and without any other intermedium is known by it self , so Motion is apparent of it self , without the pretended Qualities of Aristotle , or Corpuscles of Gassendus , except those of the Air , which are in motion : For they being wanting or stirred up by an opposite motion , little or very little is observed of it . The motion therefore of Bodies , is the Object of Sounds , but there is a necessity for a fluid Body to be present , that it may be violently moved to and fro , which happens in irregular Sounds , or with Method and Measure ; as in Musick , and the use of Instruments . This Fluid Body is sometimes intercepted by two Solid Bodies , and is forced to go back with violent motion . CHAP. XII . Particular Questions concerning Hearing . THe first Question is concerning the Penetration of Sounds , and it is asked , How it comes to pass that a Sound constant in Motion can more easily penetrate through a thick Wall , than through Glass or Water ? I answer , that the thickest Walls have great Cavities , into which the Air insinuates it self , or lies shut up in them whilst they are Building : After which manner without doubt it is shut up in Guns made of melted Brass , which is the cause that when they are tryed , they sometimes burst asunder , which hapned about two Months ago at Niverina in a Field near St. Germans . Air therefore is more easily shut up within Walls whilst they are Building , than in Guns whilst they are casting : And this included Air , receives its motion from the external Air , and communicates the same with that which is found in the Breech or adverse part of the Gun. Which thing does not happen in Glasses , which have but very small pores , into which the External Air cannot enter , only Light and the most subtile Air enjoying this priviledge . From hence it follows , that Bodies which have none , or but very small Vacuities , and contain no Air , or but very little , are more surd , and less resounding , as Gold , and Lead , however Lead is more surd than Gold , although it hath more frequent vacuities , but they are less regular ; for since it is endowed with more Pores than Gold , it ought to give a greater sound than Gold. For to the making a sound , it is not sufficient that the Body contains Air , but that the Air be so bound up that it cannot sind a way out : and as to the sound of Bells , that depends upon the Air intercepted between the Clapper and the Bell , and wandring round the compass of the Bell , before it can get out , and drive on other Air , yet so , as that it presupposes Air shut up in the Pores of the Mettal . The second Question regards the propagation of Sound ; or the sound of Bells and Guns are heard a great way off : But the reason of this is not difficult to be given ; for the Air violently driven on , because it is easily moved , gives a sound according to its motion , greater , or lesser , and because the motion of Air is not momentaneous , so the sound likewise is not in a moment brought to the Ears . Certainly the Air that is impelled , drives on other Air on every side , until that circular motion ceaseth , as we see when a stone is thrown into a Pool the water is moved in circles : This motion in respect of Sight is not in the Air , we see the stroak ere we perceive the sound , for Light is determined in a moment ; nor does a contrary wind hinder Light as it doth sound ; for Light does not depend upon the motion of the Air , and the Light of the Air is fixed , in the same manner as the Centre of the World , from whence it draws its Origine , to which it is firmly and immoveably annexed , at least that it be not condensed and grow thick . The third Question regards the repetition of Sound , and is called Eccho ; and it is nothing else than a repercussed and reflected motion of the Air by hard Bodies , or retained and renewed by other Air shut up in the Cavities of Bodies , and if there are many Cavities in a streight Line , there are made many reflections , and the Eccho is multiplied , and that more or less distinctly , as the reflections are more or less perfect , and the Ear more or less distant from the angle of reflection , which is always formed right forwards , and is streight , unless there be some hindrance , and hath always a certain and determined Distance . Fourthly , it is asked how it comes to pass that the strings of two Harps Tuned alike , although they be distant two or three paces from one another , the one being struck , the other will give a sound ? I answer , that the air of one being struck into motion , does by its motion excite the motion of the other , which is constituted in the same state , or tuned alike . For here to alledge Sympathy , would be nothing else but to flye to the Sanctuary of Ignorance . Fifthly , It is asked , Why some sounds are sweet and very pleasant , and others on the other hand harsh and displeasing ? It is answered , that this proceeds from a diverse motion , and from the ruggedness and smoothness of Bodies , as also from the smiteing of the Air that is driven to and fro . Sixthly , it may be enquired from whence the noise in the Ears proceed ? and it is answered , that this inconvenience proceeds from a motion of the interior Air , against Nature , which sometimes happens from the breaking in of foreign Corpuscles , or from the solution and emancipation of some Atoms , or from the Pulse of the Arteries , or motion of Vapours , which striking against the Drum of the Ear , make that humming noise of the Ears . Lastly , it is asked why some People hear better than others ? and we may answer , that this proceeds from the impurity of the interior Air : For not to say any thing of those that are born deaf , or have their Organs ill formed , or have no interior or included Air ; or of Old Men , in whom this Air is dissipated , or of those whom a kind of thick humor falling upon the Organ after a long Disease makes Deaf ; or who are wounded , or have an Imposthume in their Ears , I say that those who have most of this interior and purer Air , have their Ears more accurate , and their Hearing more distinct , if withal the Auditory Nerve be well Composed . CHAP. XIII . Of Smelling , its Organ , and Object . SMELLING is an action by which we perceive and distinguish Smells ; the external Organ is the Nostrils , the internal are some glandulous and spongy parts like Teats , which descend from the Brain to the Nostrils , or the Olfactory Nerve ; or Odours which affect the Spirits contained in the Nerve , and move them ; and these Spirits being moved and stirred up , carry the sense of the Odor to the common sense . The Object of Smell are Odours , in quality not distinct from Bodies , but are rather Atoms or sulphurous Particles going out of Bodies , their Figure is hooked and adhering ; from whence it comes to pass that they adhere like Oyle or fatness ; and are preserved a long time in Chests among Cloaths , especially Woollen ones . And therefore contagious Particles lye hid for many Years in Ward-Robes ; and they who frequently Visit those that are Sick of the Plague , do not use Woollen Garments , but Linnen ones , to which the contagious Particles do less adhere . From this Doctrine it appears , that Smells are little Bodies which issue out of all Compound Natural Bodies , especially Living ones ; by reason of their frequent agitation ; and which have Pores more open than Bodies not animated . Besides , it appears that these Corpuscles do never go out of Bodies in greater number , than when they are a dissolving ; after which manner , a smell exhales out of Gold and Silver dissolved , excelling that of Musk and Amber . From Antimony dissolved , an Oyle is drawn of a very grateful smell , and by another way a Sulphur is drawn out , not to be endured for its stink . And by the help of these Odoriferous Corpuscles Dogs Hunt Hares , and find out their forms , and by this means they discover their Masters foot-steps : It is an argument that this is done by the help of these Corpuscles , because they are dissipated by Wind , and hindred by Dew , and Experience teaches that those that handle Musk , carry the smell of it a long while about them : From whence it is known that these very small Bodies are adhering , and that they have hooked Figures , and that they do please and tickle according to that proportion which they have with the Organs . CHAP. XIV . Of Tast , and its Object . TAST is a Sense Natural and proper to Animals , and by the help of that they distinguish Savours , making a difference between the grateful and the ingrateful . The Organ of this sense is the Tongue and Palat , and it is done by the help of Spongy Flesh , and of Nerves which terminate in the Tongue , and ●arry the Animal Spirit to the Organ , and the Savour to the imagination . Savour the Object of Tast , consists in certain saline Corpuscles of Aliments , or other Bodies , out of which they come , and pleasantly or unpleasantly vellicate the Tongue and Palat , according as their Figure is more or less rough and pungent , or smooth and round , and more or less adequetated to the Organ . Since Savours are Corpuscles of Salt , it follows that they differ according to the diversity of Salts , to wit , that they are sharp , sweet , bitter , sowre , and the like , according to the Nature of the Salt that bears rule in their Composition , and according to the quality of Corpuscles coming from elsewhere ; which change the Natural Savour of things , as Wine , by the addition of Water , loseth both its strength and Savour , although in this condition it is more grateful to some , than when pure Wine . From whence we know that the diversity of Tasts does not proceed from the sole diversity of Savours , but also from the diversity of the Organs ; and hence it is , that all people do not relish alike one and the same thing ; nor have all People a Tast equally delicate , from whence it comes that some are delighted with those Meats that others abhor . The Organ also is sometimes so ill disposed , and the Tongue burdned with so great a quantity of ill Humours , that things of the most grateful Savour seem insipid , as also things not very sweet seem bitter ; which thing happens in a double and a continual Tertian Ague , by reason of the dominion of Choler . CHAP. XV. Of Feeling . FEELING is a general Sense extended throughout the whole Body , and is made by the help of Membranes , such as the Skin , the Scarf Skin , and the Skin that covers the Bones called Periostium , and others that are internal ; and this sole sense distinguishes every thing that by its contiguity brings pleasure or Pain . The Object of it is Hot and Cold , Soft and Hard , Moistness and Dryness . Concerning these different qualities of a Body we have treated elsewhere ; excepting Heat and Cold , as which are not Physical accidents , but two particular Bodies . Heat is a heap amassing or flowing together of sharp pointed Corpuscles which penetrate into solid Bodies , and do there cause a Division , and do dissolve the more perfect Bodies ; and this is what we call to be set on Fire , and to be burnt : For Fire does not burn Wood , but by dissolving , nor dissolves it but by burning . Cold is an heap amassing and flowing together of Atoms and Corpuscles of a blunt and plain Figure ; and hence it is that Cold does not penetrate into the Body but with pain and torment , as also it excites a frequent motion of the Parts , or shivering . Besides there are not wanting some Particles so gross as to stop up the Pores of the Body , and to drive the Heat into the inward parts , which we call Antiperistasis , by reason of which the included Heat becomes stronger , which is the Cause why the Heat of the Stomach in Winter time is greater than it is in Summer , and why Wells are warm and reak like Smoak . For the same Reason , Heat being shut up in our Bodies by the external Cold , sometimes such like fumes are raised up in the Brain , which are not without a great deal of danger . Feeling is several ways performed , and first of all by application , where Body is moved to Body , and Hand to Hand , by penetration , in making a solution of that which was whole ; as a Needle pricking the Hand . Secondly , Feeling is made by separation , one Body coming out of another , which if occasioned by Nature , is always accompanied with pain , as in non-Natural ejections . Thirdly , this Sense appears in the motion of those Bodies which are contained by others ; for sometimes they move themselves with so great force , and do so press , rend , and tear , that they excite pains not to be endured , as in violent Head-aches , the Pleurisie , and pains of the Gout and Cholick . CHAP. XVI . Of the Speech , Pulse , and Breathing of Man. VOICE is common to all perfect Animals as well as Men , but so is not Speech , or an articulate Voice . Brutes express their sense of things by Natural Voices : and Men their interiour Speech , to wit , Thoughts , by outward Speech as its Interpreter : And this is done by the motion of the Tongue , as also of the Air after a certain manner driven to and fro between the Teeth , and the fluctuating windings and turnings of the Throat . This motion is natural and voluntary : For Discourse or Speech is an expression of an action of the Soul , to wit , of Thought : But this Thought cannot be outwardly made manifest , without the command of the Will , or the strength or weakness of the Imagination . The dilatation and contraction of the Lungs , as also the action of the Muscles of the Breast serve to the formation of Speech , and a Voice becomes sweet and harmonious , when the Lungs and the aforesaid Muscles act methodically , as also when the Air is duly reflected , repelled , and interrupted by the passages and turnings and windings of the rough Artery , and where the Corpuscles of this Natural little Tongue are less rough and more free from strange Bodies . The Diaphragm , Stomach , and Belly move when we speak , and follow the motion of the Lungs , and the Muscles of the Breast . The Pulse is nothing else but a percussion of the Arteries , upon the variety of which , the difference of Pulses depends . The Cause of the Pulse according to Aristotle , is the Natural heat of the Heart , according to Galen it is the moving faculty ; according to Harvey , this motion of the Heart , and Pulse of the Arteries depends upon the circulation of the Blood , which we will examine in the next Chapter . Breathing comprehends two actions , Inspiration , and Respiration , by the action of the first , the Lungs receive the external Air , and by the help of the last they drive it out . The first is made by a dilatation of the Lungs and Breast , as also by the motion of the Diaphragme , by which the Lungs are opened like a pair of Bellows , and are by that means filled with Air , the second is made by a pressing downwards of the Diaphragme , by which the Lungs are unlocked , and the Air driven forth . Breathing conduces to the tempering the heat of the Heart , and to the exciting and preserving Natural heat , besides it conduceth to the forming the Voice , to perceiving Smells , to expelling Excrements , and dissipating the fumes of the Blood , and lastly to produce vital Spirits , in promoting their motion , by which it happens that we dye when breathing ceaseth , or when we take our last Breath . CHAP. XVII . Of the Motion of the Heart . THat I may rightly explain the motion of the Heart , I suppose it is moved by two different motions , the first of which is Natural , the second against Nature . That resembles the motion of Machines and Clocks , which are moved by help of Strings and Wheels . So the Heart is the principal and chief Wheel of this animated Machine , and moves and drives on all the others , and takes its motion from the weight and impression of certain Fiery and Coelestial Atoms , which like the Silk-Worm are shut up in the Seed and its covering , and which give motion to it , until they flye away from it , which slight of the Atoms Death follows , and an end of motion . The Authors of the circulation of the Blood , deduce the motion of the Heart , from the Bloods entring into it , saying that the Heart is opened by the motion commonly called Diastole , the Blood entring into the Heart ; and that by the motion commonly called Systole , the Blood returns back , and this returning , is the Cause of those two motions ; but it is more reasonable to say , that the motion of the Heart hath its Principle in its self , for it is Vital , and the passing through of the Blood is rather an effect than a Cause of this motion , for the Heart opens it self before the Blood enters in , nor does the Blood go out , but as it is driven by the opened Heart . The second motion of the Heart is accidental , and against Nature , and proceeds from the intemperies of the Blood that passeth through the Heart , and which impresseth this febrile motion , whether as being more hot and subtile than it should be , or having certain foreign Corpuscles mixed with it , or being too thick and viscous , or else offending in quantity , it overwhelms the Heart ; and hereupon depends the difference of motions , contrary to Nature , as also the difference of Pulses and Feavers ; from hence proceeds the palpitation of the Heart , intermitting Pulses , Convulsions , Suffocations , and sudden Death . And it is commonly said that the Life is in the Blood , nor does any thing hinder why we should not say that Death is in it too , when it is corrupted , or very sharp and corroding , or unfit for motion , and containing such like Bodies as lie hid in Venoms and Narcoticks . The motion which is observed in the Hearts of Animals taken out of their Bodies ; as for Example , that of a Viper , which continues a long while , does not disanul Circulation , but only lets us see that Circulation is not the Cause of the Natural motion of the Heart , and if you stretch it never so far , it is only its condition which makes it continue , and keeps the same in its Natural state . Whatsoever we say concerning the Heart and its motions , does not make up that Idea which we conceive in our mind , nor does it satisfie the mind of the Reader , who expects we should explain from whence this motion of the Heart while it is in its natural state proceeds , and what is the Cause of its immoderate motions . That I may therefore satisfie the Reader , I Affirm the Natural Motion of the Heart to be in the motion of the Vital Spirits , shut up in the central Vacuum of the Heart , where they are detained by little Membranes , made firm by the interweaving of Fibres , and of thin threads , so that they cannot escape out , since the Pores of these membranes have a Figure opposite to the Pores of those Spirits or Vital Atoms : And seeing that Atoms enjoy an actual motion , and which can no more be separated from their Essence , than Intelligence from an Angel or separated Soul , or the Inclination from the Will , it follows , that they are always in motion , and by their motions by turns dilate the Heart . This Doctrine supposes what has been said of Vital Spirits , being as it were the internal Principles of Life and Motion , as also of the essential and proper motion of Atoms , and of Bodies compounded of Atoms ; but it is convenient that we remember that we have said , that motion is Natural to Atoms , and that God who hath created them essentially moveable , preserves their motion and moveable Nature in the same action that he Created them . Besides it may be convenient to remember , that there are such a sort of Atoms which may be detained , and constitute the parts of a Compound Body , and others , which are not Naturally such , yet may be shut up , such as those are , which we have said are shut up in the central Vacuum of the Heart of Living Creatures : And these indeed are shut up by the decree of the Creator , and the determination of the seminal covering . The Comparison of an Angel , and the Rational Soul seems to contribute much to the illustrating this Doctrine . An Angel is a certain indivisible , spiritual thing , and an Intelligence free from Matter ; and the Rational Soul is no less a certain indivisible Spiritual thing , endowed with Understanding and Will as an Angel , yet they differ in this , that theSoul is consined , or , as being a part of the Compound , can be consined by a material Body , whereas an Angel neither is nor can be confined , which notwithstanding does not hinder but that it may be shut up into a Body , as it were an assisting Form , yet it hath not any respect to an internal and substantial Form. Besides I look upon an Angel , and consider it under the notion of Atoms naturally free , and the Rational Soul under the notion of those which are subject to confinement . It is true , that a Rational Soul going out of this Dungeon or Physical Prison , by reason of the Corruption of the Body , which permits it a free exit , is like to an emancipated Atom , which being free from the bonds of the Composition , never returns thither again , unless that be restored to its pristine , or to a better condition . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Irregular Motion of the Heart , in Animals , and of Feavers . I Cannot but say something of the inordinate motions of the Heart , stirred up by divers Feavers , and from that Occasion , discourse of the difference of Feavers , their Causes , and Remedies . Feavers are either Diary , ( viz. ) an inordinate motion of the Spirits which are agitated and disturbed by emancipated Atoms ; or they are Hectick , which attack the Fleshy and Solid Parts : And these Feavers are excited by emancipated Atoms , which insinuate themselves into the substance of our Bodies , and are the Cause that the Corpuscles of the Radical Moisture are driven away , and exhaled ; by reason of which , the Body is sensibly dryed . The other Feavers consist in the Humours , and in their fermentation and ebullition , and when this fermentation never remits , the Feaver is continual ; where it keeps its periods by turns , it is an intermitting Feaver , and it is called either a Quotidian , where it comes every day , or a double Tertian , or Quartan , as Phlegme , Choler , or Melancholly predominate . When it comes one day and not the next it is a Tertian , when it remits for two days it is a Quartan , when it rages for two days together , and remits the third , it is a double Quartan : And all these Fits , or redoublings , are owing to emancipated Atoms , or relaxed Corpuscles , which provoke , move , and stir up this or that humour , which cannot be done without an agitation of the Heart , and a manifest Pulsation of the Arteries . That which in this Subject is difficult to be explained , consists in the regular Fits and intermission of Feavers ; that is to say , what is the beginning , and what the Cause of this Flux and Reflux , and of this periodical Motion and State of Rest , and how it comes to pass that Phlegme ferments daily , Choler but every other day , and Melancholly after two days of rest . Physitians say this motion proceeds from the diversity of humours , and that Phlegme has its motion and fermentation every day , Choler every other day , and Melancholly every fourth day . But the Physical Philosopher examines this difficulty more nearly , and the Sick Person has reason to rest satisfied , when the Physitian knowing the Quality of the Feaver , administers Remedies which evacuate the offending humours , and prohibit the generation of the new ; and by this means , the Cause being taken away , they raise him up , and restore him to health . The Physical Philosopher who enquires into the true Causes of the motions in Nature , and does not like the Physician precisely respect the Health of this or that Person ; but endeavours to discover the truth of all things , supposeth first , that there is no humour in our Bodies which goes on from Rest to Motion , unless it be stirred up by some Agent and Mover . So it is questioned , what may be that Principle by which Choler after twenty or twenty-four hours rest is stirred up , and what should excite the fermentation of Melancholly , after it has sat down quietly and unmoved two days , or there abouts . Physicians who are truly Philosophers , and ought to be so , teach us , that in a Cachochymick Body there is always a new generation made of these sort of humours , and when they are already arrived to a due state of plenitude , some sooner than other some , and sometimes where there is a complication , many of them go on together to a fermentation ; and that all this proceeds from the different Nature of humours , and their more easie or more difficult motion , as also from a greater or lesser quantity of one or more humours . But it may also be asked , what is the Principle of this agitation or fermentation in that State of Plenitude , and for what Cause these Febrile motions are so very regular and periodick ? Here , and every where , we will speak Bona Fide , and without a Fallacy , and say according to our Principles , that the Atoms asserting their Liberty , with every dissolution of the Aliment , Chyle and Blood , as we have said elsewhere , do by their sharp-pointed Figures tear the Internal Membranes and Tunicles of the Stomach and Intestines , as also excite those horrours and tremblings at the beginning of the Fit , and which are longer , or shorter , and more , or fewer , according as their Figures are more or less aculeated and rugged , or smooth and orbiculate . According to this Principle we may say , that the Atoms , from the first digestion of the Stomach challenging to themselves a Liberty , and being weary of the covering of Phlegme and Salt-water , do daily stir up this agitation ; but those , which in the dissolution of Chyle , withdraw themselves from servitude , and which abound with a Sulphurous Water , which we commonly call Choler , do stir up a motion more slow by a day than the former , and as many as are emancipated after the third Concoction and dissolution of the Aliments , and are wrapped up in adust Blood , or that black Excrement which they call Melancholly , do produce this Febrile motion two days slower than the first , according to these different dissolutions . Where we must first of all take notice , that the shakeings in the motion of these differing humours are not equal , nay , not in the very Fits of one and the same Feaver , proceeding from one and the same Cause , but which hath different degrees of activity : To which thing , besides what we have said , the Quality of the Food given to the Sick Person in the time of the intermission doth much contribute . Secondly , the Fits of one and the same Feaver are not so very regular , but that they frequently are perceived sooner or later , as the Atoms the disturbers of Health are sooner or later set at liberty . To which thing the regimen of the Sick persons manner of Living does not a little contribute . Hence it follows in the Third place , That the true Remedy of intermitting Feavers doth consist , First , in an order of Living . Secondly , in an evacuation of peccant or strange humours , which hinder , retard , or interrupt , or precipitate the digestion of Aliments , which must be well observed by an experienced Physitian ; and Lastly , the Parts which serve to the first Concoction are to be strengthned , because their faults and defects can never be corrected afterwards . Moreover if it shall happen that there are some emancipated Atoms , as without doubt there are more or less of them in all Bodies , they are to be expelled by transpiration , or their Figures to be inverted by Remedies called Febrifuges . For Experience teacheth us , that there are some of those sort of Remedies very profitable , which are administred with extraordinary good success , and which are not fruitlesly administer'd by me : And I have now some of these sorts of Remedies found out by me , and administered , which in one day have Cur'd the Quartan and double Quartan . I speak the truth ; but I should injure the truth , if I should go so far as to say that my Remedy is infallible : For truly I believe , and not a few of the most eminent and ablest Physitians of the Faculty in Paris are of the same Opinion with me , that there is not a Remedy which can be called infallible and made publick . Of which thing , in the occasion of the fermentation of humours , I will a little more specially treat in my Philosophical Reflections , which in a little time will see the Light. I only add this here , that the Heat which follows the shakeing , does proceed from an agitation of the Spirits , stimulated by the violent motion and repeated stroke of the emancipated Atoms , which are at last expelled through the Pores of the Body , as the Rebellious Angels were thrown out of Heaven by the more powerful good Spirits . CHAP. XIX . Of the Circulation of the Blood. AS many as have delivered themselves from the prejudices of Antient Physick , and Vulgar Philosophy , have taught , after Harvey , That the blood in our Bodies is moved in a circular motion , from the extream parts to the Centre , and not from the Centre onely to the extream parts , as was heretofore believed . Gassendus does not disapprove this Opinion , although he does not embrace it , for Reasons alledged in a particular Treatise set forth by him . I use his Reasons to establish it , as being better founded in Reason , and more agreeable to the disposition of the Veins and Arteries . Let us see therefore how the Circulation of the Blood is made , according to Harvey , and the most Learned Physitians . The Blood , say they , passeth into the Heart , from the Vena Cava , and Arteria Venosa by two Valves , where they are ended , and as often as the Heart dilates it self , a drop of Blood falls into each of its Cavities ; and as often as the Heart contracts it self , the Blood passeth into the Lungs from the right Cavity , through the Vena Arteriosa , and from the left Cavity , into the Aorta ; so that the Blood is moved from the extream parts of the Body , to its Centre , into which it is carried by the Vena Cava , where it exonerates it self in the Right Cavity , from whence it passeth into the Vena Arteriosa , and drives on the Blood which is contained in that , through Anastomoses already discovered , and through Pores less sensible into the Arteria Venosa . And as much Blood as the Arteria Venosa hath received , so much of it deposits into the left Cavity , from whence passing into the Aorta , it is carried into the extream parts of the Body , through Branches which go to the Branches of the Vena Cava , from hence the Blood being brought into the Trunk , continuing its journey by the same way it returns to the Heart , and by the same reason as I said , it wonderfully and without intermission performs the Circulation . This Circulation of the Blood relies upon some Experiments , the first of which , is taken from Blood-letting : For Chyrurgeons when they Bleed a Vein , tye the Arm above the Orifice , and if they put their Finger upon the Vein on the other side of the Ligament , the Blood is stopped immediately : From whence it is apparent , that it comes from the extremity of the Fingers to the Trunk , and not from the Trunk to the extremity of the Fingers , but by Circulation , of which we are discoursing . The Second Experiment is made , if a Vein be tyed in a part of the Body , separated from the Artery : for it will be emptied on that side towards the Trunk , and it will be swelled on the other side ; on that side , that is to say , from whence the Blood according to this Opinion ought to proceed . There is nothing therefore so certain as this Circular motion of the Blood , and its passage into the Heart , but here are three things to be observed . First , that the motion of the Heart does not depend upon this Circulation of the Blood , although it conduce to its conservation and inordinate motion , as this Circulation is made more or less hastily , and as the Blood is more or less temperate in the disposition of its particles , and in its saline serosities which serve for a vehicle to it , and render it more fluid . Secondly , that the Circulation of the Blood as the Moderns indeed will have it , may be performed three times in an hour , yet so that all the Blood does not enter into the Cavities or Ventricles of the Heart , as not once every hour , but either sooner or later , according to the greater or lesser quantity , or greater or lesser subtilty or mobility of the Blood. Thirdly , I say , that the Blood in some cases , cannot pass out of the Arteries into the Veins , through the extremities , that is , when the extremities are cut off ; in which Case , it goes on another way , through insensible Pores , which they call Transpiration , or Transudation . CHAP. XX. Of the Inward Senses , and the Inferiour Appetite . BEsides the exteriour Senses of which we have spoken , there are also found to be in Man interiour Senses , ( to wit ) the Imagination , common Sense , and Sensitive Memory . The first forms a lasting Image of Objects . The Second judgeth of the agreeableness or disagreeableness of them . The third retains and preserves these Images or Ideas ; which is manifest in Dogs , who represent to themselves persons absent , and distinguish both between the good and the evil that hath befallen them , witnessing that they remember the thing by running away if they have an opportunity , or by Fawnings . Appetite follows the interiour Senses , and is common to all Animals , and which is performed by the weight of Atoms , whereby it comes to pass that an Animal hath a propensity , and is driven to seek for that with which it is delighted , and to abstain from that which might bring trouble : So that Delight and Pain are the two great importances of the Life of an Animal . Pleasure according to the Opinion of Epicurus , depends upon Corpuscles which have a soft , round , and agreeable Figure , especially to the Brain , as to which the Object is represented by the imagination , and from which it is carried by the Senses : Pain on the contrary , and both of them are performed by those Corpuscles , whether they come to , or go from , or continue . In Morals , we will speak concerning these Passions , as the two Scales of sensitive actions ; in the mean time I may here say , that the interiour Senses receive these Corpuscles , which bring pleasure or pain by the ministery of the exteriour Senses ; from whence it comes , that those that Sleep , or are Lethargick , or Apoplectick , feel nothing , though they are pricked : For the Brain is filled with strange Humours , which hinder the motion of the aforesaid Corpuscles , or else that motion is stopped by Vapours , brought from the lower parts to the Brain , which happens to those that are asleep . CHAP. XXI . Of Sleep , Wakefulness , and Death . SLEEP is the Image of Death , for all the Senses are at rest , nor is there any motion left but that of the Heart , Lungs and Arteries ; this Rest proceeds from Vapours arising out of the Stomach , which by their clammyness , humidity , and viscousness , do stupifie the Animal Spirits , and Sleep is sweet or restless , according as those Vapours are sweet , or abound with Corpuscles , or are stirred up from Choler , or other things of an irregular Figure , or where some emancipated Atoms make the disturbance . The mixture of these Atoms is often the Cause of Light-headedness , Madness , and Hypochondriac Melancholly ; and they likewise produce watchfulness , by an inversion and confusion of the Ideas in the imagination ; from whence it happens that we see that which we never see directly ; and sometimes Monsters and horrible things . This motion of the Images or Ideas is sometimes so very violent , and there is so great a Troop of these emancipated Atoms in the Brain , that those that are asleep , do sometimes rise out of Bed , Talk , climbe up Walls , Bathe themselves , and then go to Bed again , without ever waking all the while . Death is commonly called a perpetual Sleep , and in Animals ( excepting Man ) it is nothing else than a total dissipation of the Vital Atoms , or a cessation of motion , in which their Life consists . In Man these things are not after the same manner , although however all these things cease in a dying Man , either immediately , as in a violent Death ; or by degrees , as in a Natural Death ; we must confess nevertheless , that in that respect something else is to be accomplished , to wit , the separation of the Soul which God gave him , and which returns unto him that gave it . Before we go any further , and that we may make an end of this Chapter , and be as good as our Word , I am forced a little more specially to discourse concerning the Death of those things which have Life : For whatsoever is Created and Compounded of many Parts , and Liveth , is subject to Death . Man , who is Compounded of a material and Organical Body , like other Beings , dyes at last ; but because he hath an immortal Soul Created after the Image of God , he only dyes that he may live Eternally with God , if he be Faithful ; and his Death is no more than Sleep , and a passing into Eternity . What a Christian Philosopher ought to think of this Soul I shall declare in the last Chapter of this Book : Here I will say something of his Body , as also of its Corruption and Dissolution . The Rational Soul never goes out of this Mortal Body before the motion of the Heart is stopped ; this motion , which is not voluntary , ceasing , Life can no longer continue , since it consists in this motion . If the Rational Soul was only in the Brain , as Duncan and some others will have it , it would be hard to tell why it should depart , upon the cessation of the Hearts motion , whilst the rest of the Parts are in good order . As for my part , I consider it in its Spiritual Nature , believing that he must have too mean an Idea of this Spiritual Substance who confines it to the Brain , and to the smallest part of it . That Opinion which affirms it to be present every where in the whole Body , although it operates more particularly in the Brain and Heart , seems to me to be more Reasonable , and for this Reason , the Soul acting in the Heart , the Organ ceasing , it departs in the same Moment . It may seem a wonder to not a few , that the Rational Soul should so depend upon the material Body , but since it so seemed good to the Author of Nature , we ought to rest satisfied . The Body is endued with Organs for the sake of the Soul , and the Soul is created for the sake of the Body , and one is made for the other , and the Conjunction of these two make a compleat Man. One part onely does not make a Man , nor does a separate Body make up the Essence of a Man ; and indeed a dead Man is not what he was , 'till he Rises again . The Soul therefore is annexed to the Body by such a sort of Tye , that it cannot act but by Organs . So that he sees nothing when his Eyes are out , he hears nothing when his Ears are stopt , and the chief Organ being deficient , the Soul departs because it can do nothing . This Chief Organ , to wit , the Heart , is deficient many ways ; it may be stopped and suffocated for want of Air and respiration , for the Atoms of Light implanted in the Heart at the time of a Man's Conception , ( the commerce of the Solar Spirits being intercepted for want of Air , ) do sometimes suddenly stand still , they flye away , finding a passage through a solution of the continuum , or through Pores made fit by a burning Feaver in the Heart , all the Water of the Pericardium being dryed up : Thick and viscous Blood does sometimes stop the motion of these Vital Atoms . Poyson also does by its acute Particles pierce through the Heart , and give an exit to these Spirits of Light , which are tyed to those which the Sun bestows upon us , and are attracted by them , returning thither from whence they came . Let us see now what the Body does in the Grave ; it putrifies there , that is , it is dissolved , some Corpuscles or Atoms withdraw themselves , some part of the Body is changed into Worms , some of the Vital Spirits resisting . It is a folly here to imagine any substantial form of the Dead Carcasse , or to acknowledge partial forms of the Bones , Flesh , Veins , Arteries , and such like things , Subjects to the form of the dead Carcasse , or alone without this Form. These are Illusions and Chimera's . Matter is the same , and all the change that happens , consists in this , That when the Rational Soul is absent , there remains nothing besides matter ; the Organs by little and little lose their Figure , and having lost their Composition , they lose their action , that which was compounded is dissolved , and the greater part goes into Dust and Ashes ; the Luminous Spirits recede , and follow the motion of the Spirits of their kind : some Parts or Corpuscles joyned to the putrifying Body , purtifie in the place where they are : Experience favours this Doctrine . A certain Servant to a Noble-Man , whose Nose had been by great misfortune newly cut off , freely parts with his own Nose to serve his Master . This Nose being put in the place of that which was newly cut off , took Root , and grew together , after such a manner , with a Cartaliginous Flesh , that it seemed to be Natural . About twenty years afterwards , the Servant dyes in a far Countrey , and was Buried , and as by degrees he putrified , so after the same manner , this end of a Nose began to putrifie , to be corrupted , and to fall off , parting from that part to which it had so long stuck without withering , whilst the Servant lived , the part following the condition of the whole . I say moreover , that the least parts or Corpuscles which proceed from a Body , the Body being Dead and Corrupted , they also are Corrupted , and joyned in commerce with Atoms of the same Nature , which they do , by inviting them to joyn and come together . And here 's an Experiment which every one can understand . It is very well known , that he that puts on a Garment , or touches it , leaves upon it his Scent , that is , Corpuscles which proceed from his Body , and which constitute part of it ; and by the help of these Corpuscles a Dog is able to know his Masters Handkerchief , Hat , or Garment from ten thousand others . This being supposed , if the Dead Man's Garment or Gloak be put into a Press or Chest , first , and for some days , when the Body that is Buried begins to putrifie , there will be a considerable noise and disturbance in the Press or Chest , enough to frighten Children , and other folks too , and the Corpuscles of the dead Body being attracted by those that are going away , by their motion make this noise among the Cloaths : And whereas this attraction is made in a streight Line , and these Corpuscles cannot pass through the Bords , but obliquely , the Wood suffering violence , makes a noise as if it were crackt . Any one may trye this , and know whether this Experiment made by others be true or no : I see no reason to doubt of it : From hence appears that invisible Bond of the Parts with the Body from whence they did proceed . A third Experiment may be made , which will serve to the illustrating this Subject . Take a piece of Veal , or any other Flesh from the Shambles , and with it rub the Warts of any ones Face or Hands , then afterwards fling it upon the Dunghil , or Bury it , and as that putrifies , the Warts will fall off , which denotes that the Corpuscles of Flesh returning to their whole or greater part , and being violently attracted , do in the same manner attract the Warts , and make them go away , which some Learned Men say they have Experienced . We may admire in all these things the Providence of God , who hath Created Atoms , and out of them hath compounded the Universe , wherein we find so great a number of wonderful things , which are the subject of our admiration , and convince our Ignorance . CHAP. XXII . Of the Death of Brutes , Plants , and Mettals . SEeing that Man dyes , other Animals cannot escape Death ; let us see wherein it consists . The Followers of Aristotle are very much puzzled in explaining the Death of a Dog , for when it is destitute of all Sense and Motion , it is dead without doubt , yet in the mean time it hath all its parts and Organs . What therefore happens to this Animal ? It s Soul is separated from its Body , say they , and the Spirit of Life is not in him ; they do the Beast much honour who speak thus in his Favour . But what becomes of this Soul ? Is it corrupted or annihilated ; or does it subsist apart in some other place , or is it taken into some other Body ? No , by no means , say they , it is not , it is destroyed , and that 's sufficient . So it is sufficient to People who don 't seek after the Truth : For if this Soul be a substance as they say it is a material one , it is impossible but it must go into some other thing , or else be reduced into nothing . It is reduced into nothing say they ; therefore it is annihilated , therefore it is Created and made out of nothing , which is Ridiculous , and unbecoming a Christian Philosopher . It is true , this Opinion is very common in the Schools , but this Errour is detected , and they who are wiser than others , say with us , that the Spirits of Life , or Corpuscles of Light being altogether dissipated or hindred in their motion , do withdraw and return to their Original , and Copulate with others which are in the Air , so dyes a Dog , without the loss of that which God made ; the Parts are separated , the Spirits seek the Air , the Body the Earth . Plants dye like other Living Creatures , but their Death very much differs from the Death of Animals , for as much as their Organical Parts do not appear so as they do in Animals , nor does a Plant dye so easily as an Animal : For a Plant is not dead so soon as it is pulled out of the ground , its Life continues to the extream dryness , or evaporation of the Radical moisture , which contains all the Spirits of Life ; and though the Plant be calcined , or burnt to Ashes , part of the Spirits will remain in those Ashes ; for the Lixivium that is made , or the Salt that is extracted , gives all the Savour of the Plant ; and where that Lixivium is congealed by the Cold of the Night , the Figure of the burnt Plant will appear in the very Ice . But what is more to be observed , is , that a Plant dryed in a Kilne , and put into a particular Water whose Virtue is Universal , receives its pristine Greenness , Leaves , and Flowers ; without doubt in this dryed Plant some Vital Spirits were shut up , which are relaxed by the Spirits of this Water , or the Vital Spirits exhaling , give way to the Spirits of the Water we speak of , to take their places . This Water is endued with Vital Spirits , which can fill the place of those that exhale in us , and with this sole Remedy Life may be prolonged , and the losses of ruined Old-Age be repaired , by filling up the Vacuities of the radical moisture which is dissipated . But you will say , where is this Water , it is to be found in Light , according to our Principles , and certainly no where else . This Water is the true Elixir-Vitae , and the Universal Medicine of the Antients , and it is meet that we use it to the preservation of the most Sacred Persons . Mettals have a more abstruse Life than Plants , nor is their Death more conspicuous : Their Life consists in a certain disposition of Parts , which permits a free motion to the Atoms of Life and Light. This is the State of Mettals in their Mines , and when they are melted , this Liberty is lost , by the intervention of the Atoms of Fire ; and when after melting they grow cold , they may be called Dead , for they are deprived of motion , nor do they perform any action . Gold melted when it is grown cold is dead ; it Lived in the Mine , it is dying whilst it is melting , and it is dead , when cast into Ingots . In vain therefore do the Chymists seek for the Living among the Dead , Common Gold is dead , and good for nothing but to make Money of ; but if any one can dissolve this Body , and bring the Dead to Life again by the benefit of that resuscitative Water which we spoke of before , he may prepare a Medicine , profitable to humane and Mettalick Bodies . It is said before , that Stones want Life : But this I meant , that they not a Life so notorious as Mettals , whose Life hitherto is yet obscure enough ; for I have Learnt being convinced by Experience , that the greatest part of Stones are multiplied , and encrease , according to all their dimensions ; and that Sand is turned into Shells . And this very thing is the Cause that I conclude , Light to be the Spirit of Life , that by the benefit of it all things Live , the very Stones also take their Life from hence , Seeds owe all their Vigour to Light , and seeing that Light is woven out of thin threads of Gold , all things therefore Live by the Spirit of Gold. But the Soul of Man is Spiritual ▪ and a Ray of Divine Light , and owes its Life to God and his Word , as also it is an Immortal Substance , as we shall say in the next and last Chpater . 
A53045	----	Ground of natural philosophy divided into thirteen parts : with an appendix containing five parts / written by the ... Dvchess of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. 1668 Approx. 394 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 161 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53045 Wing N851 ESTC R18240 13411012 ocm 13411012 99419 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53045) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99419) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 468:11) Ground of natural philosophy divided into thirteen parts : with an appendix containing five parts / written by the ... Dvchess of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. The second edition, much altered from the first which went under the name of Philosophical and Physical opinions. [12], 311 p. Printed by A. Maxwell, London : 1668. Edition statement transposed from before the statement of responsbliity. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Most Learned Societies , ALL Books , without exception , being undoubtedly under your Iurisdiction , it is very strange that some Authors of good note , are not asham'd to repine at it ; and the more forward they are in judging others , the less liberty they will allow to be judg'd themselves . But , if there was not a necessity , yet I would make it my choice , To submit , willingly , to your Censures , these Grounds of Natural Philosophy , in hopes that you will not condemn them , because they want Art , if they be found fraught with Sense and Reason . You are the Starrs of the First Magnitude , whose Influence governs the World of Learning ; and it is my confidence , That you will be propitious to the Birth of this beloved Child of my Brain , whom I take the boldness to recommend to your Patronage ; and as , if you vouchsafe to look on it favourably , I shall be extreamly obliged to your Goodness , for its everlasting Life : So , if you resolve to Frown upon it , I beg the favour , That it be not buried in the hard and Rocky Grave of your Displeasure ; but be suffer'd , by your gentle silence , to lye still in the soft and easie Bed of Oblivion , which is incomparably the less Punishment of the Two. It is so commonly the error of indulgent Parents , to spoil their Children out of Fondness , that I may be forgiven for spoiling This , in never putting it to suck at the Breast of some Learned Nurse , whom I might have got from among your Students , to have assisted me ; but would , obstinately , suckle it my self , and bring it up alone , without the help of any Scholar : Which having caused in the First Edition , ( which was published under the name of Philosophical and Physical Opinions ) many Imperfections ; I have endeavoured in this Second , by many Alterations and Additions , ( which have forc'd me to give it another Name ) to correct them ; whereby , I fear , my Faults are rather changed and encreased , than amended . If you expect fair Proportions in the Parts , and a Beautiful Symmetry in the Whole , having never been taught at all , and having read but little ; I acknowledg my self too illiterate to afford it , and too impatient to labour much for Method . But , if you will be contented with pure Wit , and the Effects of meer Contemplation ; I hope , that somewhat of that kind may be found in this Book , and in my other Philosophical , Poetical , and Oratorical Works : All which I leave , and this especially , to your kind Protection , and am , Your most humble Servant , and Admirer , MARGARET NEWCASTLE . A TABLE of the CONTENTS . The First Part. Chap. Pag. I. OF Matter , 1 II. Of Motion , 2 III. Of the Degrees of Matter , 3 IV. Of Vacuum , 4 V. The difference of the two Self-moving Parts of Matter , 4 VI. Of dividing and uniting of Parts , 6 VII . Of Life and Knowledg , 6 VIII . Of Nature's Knowledg , and Perception , 7 IX . Of Perception in general , 8 X. Of double Perception , 9 XI . Whether the Triumphant Parts can be perceived distinctly from each other , 9 XII . Whether Nature can know her self , or have an absolute Power of her self , or have an exact Figure , 10 XIII . Nature cannot judg herself , 12 XIV . Nature poyses or balances her Actions , 12 XV. Whether there be degrees of Corporal Strength , 13 XVI . Of Effects and Cause , 15 XVII . Of Influence , 15 XVIII . Of Fortune and Chance , 16 XIX . Of Time and Eternity , 16 The Second Part. I. Of Creatures , 17 II. Of Knowledg and Perception of different kinds and sorts of Creatures , 18 III. Of Perception of Parts , and united Perception , 19 IV. Whether the Rational and Sensitive Parts , have a Perception of each other , 20 V. Of Thoughts , and the whole Mind of a Creature , 21 VI. Whether the Mind of one Creature , can perceive the Mind of another Creature , 22 VII . Of Perception , and Conception , 23 VIII . Of Human Supposition , 24 IX . Of Information between several Creatures , 24 X. The reason of several kinds and sorts of Creatures , 25 XI . Of the several Properties of several kinds and sorts of Creatures , 26 The Third Part. Chap. 1. to 7. Of Productions in general , pag. 27 , to 35 VIII . Productions must partake of some parts of their Producers , 36 IX . Of Resemblances of several Off-springs , or Producers , 37 X. Of the several appearances of the Exterior parts of one Creature , 38 The Fourth Part. I. Of Animal Productions , and of the difference between Productions and Transformations , 39 II. Of different Figurative Motions in Man's production , 40 III. Of the Quickning of a Child , or any other sort of Animal Creatures , 41 IV. Of the Birth of a Child , 41 V. Of Mischances , or Miscarriages of Breeding-Creatures , 42 VI. Of the encrease of Growth and Strength of Mankind , or such like Creatures , 43 VII . Of the several properties of the several exterior shapes of several sorts of Animals , 44 VIII . Of the Dividing and Uniting parts of a particular Creature , 44 The Fifth Part. I. Of Man , 47 II. Of the variety of Man's Natural Motions , 48 III. Of Man's Shape and Speech , 49 IV. Of the several Figurative Parts of human Creatures , 50 V. Of the several perceptions a-amongst the several parts of Man , 51 VI. Of divided and composed Perceptions , 52 VII . Of the ignorances of the several perceptive Organs , 53 VIII . Of the particular and general perceptions of the exterior parts of human Creatures , 54 IX . Of the exterior Sensitive Organs of human Creatures , 55 X. Of the Rational parts of the human Organs , 57 XI . Of the difference between the human Conception , and Perception , 57 XII . Of the several varieties of Actions of human Creatures , 58 XIII . Of the manner of information between the Rational and Sensitive parts , 59 XIV . Of irregularities and regularities of the Restoring-parts of human Creatures , 60 XV. Of the agreeing and disagreeing of the Sensitive and Rational parts of human Creatures , 61 XVI . Of the power of the Rational ; or rather , of the indulgency of the Sensitive , 62 XVII . Of human Appetites and Passions , 63 XVIII . Of the Rational actions of the Head and Heart of human Creatures , 65 XIX . Of Passions and Imaginations , 65 XX. That Associations , Divisions , and Alterations , cause several Effects , 66 XXI . Of the differences between Self-love , and Passionate love , 68 The Sixth Part. I. Of the Motions of some parts of the Mind , and of Forrein Objects , 69 II. Of the Motions of some parts of the Mind , 70 III. Of the Motions of human Passions and Appetites ; as also , of the Motions of the Rational and Sensitive parts , towards Forrein Objects , 71 IV. Of the Repetitions of the Sensitive and Rational actions , 73 V. Of the passionate Love , and sympathetical Endeavours , amongst the Associate parts of a human Creature , 75 VI. Of Acquaintance , 77 VII . Of the Effects of Forrein Objects of the Sensitive Body ; and of the Rational Mind of a human Creature , 78 VIII . Of the advantage and disadvantage of the Encounters of several Creatures , 80 IX . That all human Creatures have the like kind and sorts of properties , 81 X. Of the singularity of the Sensitive , and of the Rational Corporeal Motions , 82 XI . Of the Knowledg between the Sensitive Organs of a human Creature , 83 XII . Of human perception , or defects of a human Creature , 84 XIII . Of Natural Fools . 85 The Seventh Part. I. Of the Sensitive actions of Sleeping and Waking , 89 II. Of Sleeping , 91 III. Of human Dreams , 92 IV. Of the actions of Dreams , 93 V. Whether the interior parts of a human Creature , do sleep , 94 VI. Whether all the Creatures in Nature , have sleeping and waking-actions , 95 VII . Of human Death , 97 VIII . Of the Heat of human Life , and the Cold of human Death , 98 IX . Of the last act of human Life , ibid. X. Whether a human Creature hath knowledg in death , or not , 99 XI . Whether a Creature may be new formed after a general dissolution , 100 XII . Of Foreknowledg , 102 The Eighth Part. I. Of the irregularity of Nature's parts , 105 II. Of the human parts of a human Creature , 106 III. Of human Humors , 107 IV. Of Blood , ibid. V. Of the Radical humors , or parts , 109 VI. Of expelling malignant disorders in a human Creature , 110 VII . Of human Digestions and Evacuations , 111 VIII . Of Diseases in general , 112 IX . Of the Fundamental Diseases , 113 The Ninth Part. I. Of Sickness , 115 II. Of Pain , 117 III. Of Dizziness , 118 IV. Of the Brain seeming to turn round in the head , 119 V. Of Weakness , 120 VI. Of Swooning , ibid. VII . Of Numb and Dead Palsies , or Gangren's , 122 VIII . Of Madness , 124 IX . The Sensitive and Rational parts may be distinctly mad , 125 X. The parts of the head are not only subject to madness ; but also , the other parts of the body , 126 XI . The Rational and Sensitive parts of a human Creature , are apt to disturb each other , 127 XII . Of Diseases produced by conceit , 130 The Tenth Part. I. Of Fevers , 131 II. Of the Plague , 132 III. Of the Small-Pox and Measles , 134 IV. Of the intermission of Fevers , or Agues , 143 V. Of Consumptions , 137 VI. of Dropsies , ibid. VII . Of Sweating , 138 VIII . Of Coughs , 139 IX . Of Gangren's , 143 X. Of Cancers and Fistula's , 144 XI . Of the Gout , ib. XII . Of the Stone , 145 XII . Of Apoplexies and Lethargies , 146 XIII . Of Epilepsies , 147 XIV . Of Convulsions and Cramps , 148 XV. Of Cholicks , ibid. XVI . Of Shaking-Palsies , 150 XVII . Of the Muther , Spleen , and Scurvy , 151 XVIII . Of Food or Digestions , ibid. XIX . Of Surfeits , 153 XX. Of natural Evacuations and Purgings , 154 XXI . Of Purging-Drugs , 155 XXII . Of the various humors of Drugs , 156 XXIII . Of Cordials , 157 XXIV . Of the different actions of the several Sensitive Parts of a human Creature . 158 XXV . Of the Antipathy of some human Creatures , to some Forrein Objects , 159 XXVI . Of the Effects of Forrein Objects , on the human Mind , ib. XXVII . Of Contemplation , 160 XXVIII . Of injecting the Blood of one Animal , into the Veins of ather Animal , 161 The Eleventh Part. I. Of the different Knowledges in different kinds and sorts of Creatures , 163 II. Of the variety of self-actions in particular Creatures , 165 III. Of the variety of Corporeal Motions of one and the same sort and kind of Motion , 166 IV. Of the variety of particular Creatures , ibid. V. Of dividing , and rejoyning , or altering exterior figurative Motions , 167 VI. Of different figurative Motions in particular Creatures , 168 VII . Of the alterations of exterior and innate figurative Motions of several sorts of Creatures , 169 VIII . Of Local Motion , 171 IX . Of several manners or ways of Advantages or Disadvantages , 172 X. Of the actions of some sorts of Creatures , over others , 173 XI . Of Glassie-Bodies , 174 XII . Of Metamorphoses , or Transformations of Animals and Vegetables , 175 XIII . Of the Life and Death of several Creatures , 176 XIV . Of Circles , 178 XV. Human Creatures cannot so probably treat of other sorts of Creatures , as of their own , 179 The Twelfth Part. I. Of the equality of Elements , 181 II. Of several Tempers , 182 III. Of the change and rechange ; and of dividing of the parts of the Elements , 185 IV. Of the innate figurative Motions of Earth , 186 V. Of the figurative Motions of Air , ibid. VI. Of the innate figurative Motions of Fire , 188 VII . Of the productions of Elemental Fire , 189 VIII . Of Flame , 190 IX . Of the two sorts of Fire most different , ibid. X. Of Dead or Dull Fires , 191 XI . Of the occasional Actions of Fire , 192 XII . Fire hath not the property to change and rechange , 193 XIII . Of the innate figurative Motions of Water , 194 XIV . The nature or property of Water , 195 XV. Of the alteration of the exterior figurative motion of Water , 197 XVI . Of Oyl of Vitriol , ibid. XVII . Of Mineral and Sulphurous Waters , 198 XVIII . The cause of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , 199 XIX . Of Overflows , 201 XX. Of the Figure of Ice and Snow , 203 XXI . Of the change and rechange of Water , 205 XXII . Of Water quenching Fire , and Fire evaporating Water , 206 XXIII . Of inflamable Liquors , 207 XXIV . Of Thunder , 208 XXV . Of Vapour , Smoak , Wind and Clouds , 209 XXVI . Of Wind , 211 XXVII . Of Light , 212 XXVIII . Of Darkness , 213 XXIX . Of Colours , 214 XXX . Of the Exterior Motions of the Planets , 216 XXXI . Of the Sun , and Planets , and Seasons , 217 XXXII . Of Air corrupting dead Bodies . 218 The Thirteenth Part. I. Of the innate figurative Motions of Metal , 221 II. Of the melting of Metals , 222 III. Of Burning , Melting , Boyling , and Evaporating , 223 IV. Of Stone , 224 V. Of the Loadstone , 225 VI. Of Bodies apt to ascend , or descend , 226 VII . Why heavy Bodies descend more forcibly than leight Bodies ascend , 227 VIII . Of several sorts of Densities and Rarities , Gravities , and Levities , 228 IX . Of Vegetables , 229 X. Of the production of Vegetables , 230 XI . Of replanting Vegetables , 232 APPENDIX . The First Part. I. Whether there can be a Substance that is not a Body , 237 II. Of an Immaterial , 239 III. Whether an Immaterial be perceivable , 240 IV. Of the Difference between GOD and Nature , 241 V. All the Parts of Nature , worship GOD , ibid. VI. Whether GOD's Decrees are limited , 242 VII . Of GOD's Decrees concerning the particular Parts of Nature , 243 VIII . Of the Ten Commandments , 244 IX . Of several Religions , 245 X. Of Rules and Prescriptions , 246 XI . Sins and Punishments are material , 247 XII . Of human Conscience , 248 The Second Part. I. Whether it is possible there could be Worlds consisting only of the Rational parts , and others only of the Sensitive parts , 251 II. Of Irregular and Regular Worlds , 254 III. Whether there be Egress and Regress between the Parts of several Worlds , 255 IV. Whether the Parts of one and the same Society , could ( after their dissolution , meet and unite , 256 V. Whether , if a Creature being dissolved , if it could unite again , would be the same , 257 VI. Of the Resurrection of Human-kind , 259 VII . Of the dissolution of a World , 260 VIII . Of a new Heaven , and a new Earth , 261 IX . Whether there shall be a Material Heaven and Hell , ibid. X. Concerning the Joys or Torments of the Blessed and Cursed , after they are in Heaven or Hell , 263 The Third Part. The Preamble . 265 I. Of the Happy and Miserable Worlds , 266 II. Whether there be such kinds and sorts of Creatures in the Happy and Blessed World , as in this World , 267 III. Of the Births and Deaths of the Heavenly World , ibid. IV. Whether those Creatures could be named Blessed , that are subject to dye , 269 V. Of the Productions of the Creatures of the Regular World , 270 VI. Whether the Creatures in the Blessed World , do feed and evacuate , 271 VII . Of the Animals , and of the food of the Humans of the Happy World , 272 VIII . Whether it is not irregular for one Creature to feed on another , 273 IX . Of the continuance of life in the Regular World , 275 X. Of the Excellency and Happiness of the Creatures of the Regular World , 276 XI . Of Human Creatures in the Regular World , 278 XII . Of the happiness of human Creatures in the Material World , ibid. The Fourth Part. I. Of the Irregular World , 281 II. Of the Productions and Dissolutions of the Creatures of the irregular World , 282 III. Of Animals , and of Humans in the irregular World , 283 IV. Of Objects and Perceptions , 284 V. The Description of the Globe of the irregular World , ibid. VI. Of the Elemental Air , and Light of the irregular World , 286 VII . Of Storms and Tempests in the irregular World , 287 VIII . Of the several Seasons ; or rather , of the several Tempers in the irregular World , ibid. IX . The Conclusion of the irregular and unhappy , or cursed World , 288 The Fifth Part. Fifteen Sections concerning Restoring-Beds , or Wombs , p. 291 , to 308 The Conclusion , 309 GROUNDS OF Natural Philosophy . The First Part. CHAP. I. Of MATTER . MATTER is that we name Body ; which Matter cannot be less , or more , than Body : Yet some Learned Persons are of opinion , That there are Substances that are not Material Bodies . But how they can prove any sort of Substance to be no Body , I cannot tell : neither can any of Nature's Parts express it , because a Corporeal Part cannot have an Incorporeal Perception . But as for Matter , there may be degrees , as , more pure , or less pure ; but there cannot be any Substances in Nature , that are between Body , and no Body : Also , Matter cannot be figureless , neither can Matter be without Parts . Likewise , there cannot be Matter without Place , nor Place without Matter ; so that Matter , Figure , or Place , is but one thing : for , it is as impossible for One Body to have Two Places , as for One Place to have Two Bodies ; neither can there be Place , without Body . CHAP. II. Of MOTION . THough Matter might be without Motion , yet Motion cannot be without Matter ; for it is impossible ( in my opinion ) that there should be an Immaterial Motion in Nature : and if Motion is corporeal , then Matter , Figure , Place , and Motion , is but one thing , viz. a corporeal figurative Motion . As for a First Motion , I cannot conceive how it can be , or what that First Motion should be : for , an Immaterial cannot have a Material Motion ; or , so strong a Motion , as to set all the Material Parts in Nature , or this World , a-moving ; but ( in my opinion ) every particular part moves by its own Motion : If so , then all the Actions in Nature are self-corporeal , figurative Motions . But this is to be noted , That as there is but one Matter , so there is but one Motion ; and as there are several Parts of Matter , so there are several Changes of Motion : for , as Matter , of what degree soever it is , or can be , is but Matter ; so Motion , although it make Infinite Changes , can be but Motion . CHAP. III. Of the degrees of MATTER . THough Matter can be neither more nor less than Matter ; yet there may be degrees of Matter , as more pure , or less pure ; and yet the purest Parts are as much material , in relation to the nature of Matter , as the grossest : Neither can there be more than two sorts of Matter , namely , that sort which is Self-moving , and that which is not Self-moving . Also , there can be but two sorts of the Self-moving Parts ; as , that sort that moves intirely without Burdens , and that sort that moves with the Burdens of those Parts that are not Self-moving : So that there can be but these three sorts ; Those parts that are not moving , those that move free , and those that move with those parts that are not moving of themselves : Which degrees are ( in my opinion ) the Rational Parts , the Sensitive Parts , and the Inanimate Parts ; which three sorts of Parts are so join'd , that they are but as one Body ; for , it is impossible that those three sorts of Parts should subsist single , by reason Nature is but one united material Body . CHAP. IV. Of VACVVM . IN my opinion , there cannot possibly be any Vacuum : for , though Nature , as being material , is divisible and compoundable ; and , having Self-motion , is in perpetual action : yet Nature cannot divide or compose from her self , although she may move , divide , and compose in her self : But , were it possible Nature's Parts could wander and stray in , and out of Vacuum , there would be a Confusion ; for , where Unity is not , Order cannot be : Wherefore , by the Order and Method of Nature's corporeal Actions , we may perceive , there is no Vacuum : For , what needs a Vacuum , when as Body and Place is but one thing ; and as the Body alters , so doth the Place ? CHAP. V. The difference of the Two Self-moving Parts of Matter . THE Self-moving Parts of Nature seem to be of two sorts , or degrees ; one being purer , and so more agil and free than the other ; which ( in my opinion ) are the Rational Parts of Nature . The other sort is not so pure ; and are the Architectonical Parts , which are the Labouring Parts , bearing the grosser Materials about them , which are the Inanimate Parts ; and this sort ( in my opinion ) are the Sensitive Parts of Nature ; which form , build , or compose themselves with the Inanimate Parts , into all kinds and sorts of Creatures , as Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , Elements , or what Creatures soever there are in Nature : Whereas the Rational are so pure , that they cannot be so strong Labourers , as to move with Burdens of Inanimate Parts , but move freely without Burdens : for , though the Rational and Sensitive , with the Inanimate , move together as one Body ; yet the Rational and Sensitive , do not move as one 〈◊〉 Part , as the sensitive doth with the Inanimate . But , pray mistake me not , when I say , the Inanimate Parts are grosser ; as if I meant , they were like some densed Creature ; for , those are but Effects , and not Causes : but , I mean gross , dull , heavy Parts , as , that they are not Self-moving ; nor do I mean by Purity , Rarity ; but Agility : for , Rare or Dense Parts , are Effects , and not Causes : And therefore , if any should ask , Whether the Rational and Sensitive Parts were Rare , or Dense ; I answer , They may be Rare or Dense , according as they contract , or dilate their Parts ; for there is no such thing as a Single Part in Nature : for Matter , or Body , cannot be so divided , but that it will remain Matter , which is divisible . CHAP. VI. Of Dividing and Vniting of Parts . THough every Self-moving Part , or Corporeal Motion , have free-will to move after what manner they please ; yet , by reason there can be no Single Parts , several Parts unite in one Action , and so there must be united Actions : for , though every particular Part may divide from particular Parts ; yet those that divide from some , are necessitated to join with other Parts , at the same point of time of division ; and at that very same time , is their uniting or joining : so that Division , and Composition or Joining , is as one and the same act . Also , every altered Action , is an altered figurative Place , by reason Matter , Figure , Motion , and Place , is but one thing ; and , by reason Nature is a perpetual motion , she must of necessity cause infinite Varieties . CHAP. VII . Of Life and Knowledg . ALL the Parts of Nature have Life and Knowledg ; but , all the Parts have not Active Life , and a perceptive Knowledg , but onely the Rational and Sensitive : And this is to be noted , That the variousness , or variety of Actions , causes varieties of Lives and Knowledges : For , as the Self-moving parts alter , or vary their Actions ; so they alter and vary their Lives and Knowledges ; but there cannot be an Infinite particular Knowledg , nor an Infinite particular Life ; because Matter is divisible and compoundable . CHAP. VIII . Of Nature's Knowledg and Perception . IF Nature were not Self-knowing , Self-living , and also Perceptive , she would run into Confusion : for , there could be neither Order , nor Method , in Ignorant motion ; neither would there be distinct kinds or sorts of Creatures , nor such exact and methodical Varieties as there are : for , it is impossible to make orderly and methodical Distinctions , or distinct Orders , by Chances : Wherefore , Nature being so exact ( as she is ) must needs be Self-knowing and Perceptive : And though all her Parts , even the Inanimate Parts , are Self-knowing , and Self-living ; yet , onely her Self-moving Parts have an active Life , and a perceptive Knowledg . CHAP. IX . Of PERCEPTION in general . PErception is a sort of Knowledg , that hath reference to Objects ; that is , Some Parts to know other Parts : But yet Objects are not the cause of Perception ; for the cause of Perception is Self-motion . But some would say , If there were no Object , there could be no Perception . I answer : It is true ; for , that cannot be perceived , that is not : but yet , corporeal motions cannot be without Parts , and so not without Perception . But , put an impossible case , as , That there could be a single Corporeal Motion , and no more in Nature ; that Corporeal Motion may make several Changes , somewhat like Conceptions , although not Perceptions : but , Nature being Corporeal , is composed of Parts , and therefore there cannot be a want of Objects . But there are Infinite several manners and ways of Perception ; which proves , That the Objects are not the Cause : for , every several kind and sort of Creatures , have several kinds and sorts of Perception , according to the nature and property of such a kind or sort of Composition , as makes such a kind or sort of Creature ; as I shall treat of , more fully , in the following Parts of this Book . CHAP. X. Of Double PERCEPTION . THere is a Double Perception in Nature , the Rational Perception , and the Sensitive : The Rational Perception is more subtil and penetrating than the Sensitive ; also , it is more generally perceptive than the Sensitive ; also , it is a more agil Perception than the Sensitive : All which is occasioned not onely through the purity of the Rational parts , but through the liberty of the Rational parts ; whereas the Sensitive being incumbred with the Inanimate parts , is obstructed and retarded . Yet all Perceptions , both Sensitive and Rational , are in parts ; but , by reason the Rational is freer , ( being not a painful Labourer ) can more easily make an united Perception , than the Sensitive ; which is the reason the Rational parts can make a Whole Perception of a Whole Object : Whereas the Sensitive makes but Perceptions in part , of one and the same Object . CHAP. XI . Whether the Triumphant Parts can be perceived distinctly from each other . SOme may make this Question , Whether the Three sorts of Parts , the Rational , Sensitive , and Inanimate , may be singly perceived ? I answer , Not unless there were single Parts in Nature ; but , though they cannot be singly perceived , yet they singly perceive ; because , every Part hath its own motion , and so it s own perception . And though those Parts , that have not self-motion , have not perception ; yet , being joined , as one Body , to the Sensitive , they may by the Sensitive Motion , have some different sorts of Self-knowledg , caused by the different actions of the Sensitive parts ; but that is not Perception . But , as I said , the Triumphant Parts cannot be perceived distinctly asunder , though their Actions may be different : for , the joining , or intermixing of Parts , hinders not the several Actions ; as for example , A Man is composed of several Parts , or , ( as the Learned term them ) Corporeal Motions ; yet , not any of those different Parts , or Corporeal Motions , are a hindrance to each other : The same between the Sensitive and Rational Parts . CHAP. XII . Whether Nature can know her self , or have an Absolute Power of her self , or have an exact Figure . I Was of an opinion , That Nature , because Infinite , could not know her Self ; because Infinite hath no limit . Also , That Nature could not have an Absolute Power over her own Parts , because she had Infinite Parts ; and , that the Infiniteness did hinder the Absoluteness : But since I have consider'd , That the Infinite Parts must of necessity be Self-knowing ; and that those Infinite Self-knowing Parts are united in one Infinite Body , by which Nature must have both an United Knowledg , and an United Power . Also , I questioned , Whether Nature could have an Exact Figure , ( but , mistake me not ; for I do not mean the Figure of Matter , but a composed Figure of Parts ) because Nature was composed of Infinite Variety of Figurative Parts : But considering , that those Infinite Varieties of Infinite Figurative Parts , were united into one Body ; I did conclude , That she must needs have an Exact Figure , though she be Infinite : As for example , This World is composed of numerous and several Figurative parts , and yet the World hath an exact Form and Frame , the same which it would have if it were Infinite . But , as for Self-knowledg , and Power , certainly God hath given them to Nature , though her Power be limited : for , she cannot move beyond her Nature ; nor hath she power to make her self any otherwise than what she is , since she cannot create , or annihilate any part , or particle : nor can she make any of her Parts , Immaterial ; or any Immaterial , Corporeal : Nor can she give to one part , the Nature ( viz. the Knowledg , Life , Motion , or Perception ) of another part ; which is the reason one Creature cannot have the properties , or faculties of another ; they may have the like , but not the same . CHAP. XIII . Nature cannot judg her self . ALthough Nature knows her self , and hath a free power of her self ; ( I mean , a natural Knowledg and Power ) yet , Nature cannot be an upright , and just Judg of her self , and so not of any of her Parts ; because every particular part is a part of her self . Besides , as she is Self-moving , she is Self-changeing , and so she is alterable : Wherefore , nothing can be a perfect , and a just Judg , but something that is Individable , and Unalterable , which is the Infinite GOD , who is Unmoving , Immutable , and so Unalterable ; who is the Judg of the Infinite Corporeal Actions of his Servant Nature . And this is the reason that all Nature's Parts appeal to God , as being the only Judg. CHAP. XIV . Nature Poyses , or Balances her Actions . ALthough Nature be Infinite , yet all her Actions seem to be poysed , or balanced , by Opposition ; as for example , As Nature hath dividing , so composing actions : Also , as Nature hath regular , so irregular actions ; as Nature hath dilating , so contracting actions : In short , we may perceive amongst the Creatures , or Parts of this World , slow , swift , thick , thin , heavy , leight , rare , dense , little , big , low , high , broad , narrow , light , dark , hot , cold , productions , dissolutions , peace , warr , mirth , sadness , and that we name Life , and Death ; and infinite the like ; as also , infinite varieties in every several kind and sort of actions : but , the infinite varieties are made by the Self-moving parts of Nature , which are the Corporeal Figurative Motions of Nature . CHAP. XV. Whether there be Degrees of Corporeal Strength . AS I have declared , there are ( in my Opinion ) Two sorts of Self-moving Parts ; the one Sensitive , the other Rational . The Rational parts of my Mind , moving in the manner of Conception , or Inspection , did occasion some Disputes , or Arguments , amongst those parts of my Mind . The Arguments were these : Whether there were degrees of Strength , as there was of Purity , between their own sort , as , the Rational and the Sensitive ? The Major part of the Argument was , That Self-motion could be but Self-motion : for , not any part of Nature could move beyond its power of Self-motion . But the Minor part argued , That the Self-motion of the Rational , might be stronger than the Self-motion of the Sensitive . But the Major part was of the opinion , That there could be no degrees of the Power of Nature , or the Nature of Nature : for Matter , which was Nature , could be but Self-moving , or not Self-moving ; or partly Self-moving , or not Self-moving . But the Minor argued , That it was not against the nature of Matter to have degrees of Corporeal Strength , as well as degrees of Purity : for , though there could not be degrees of Purity amongst the Parts of the same sort , as amongst the Parts of the Rational , or amongst the Parts of the Sensitive ; yet , if there were degrees of the Rational and Sensitive Parts , there might be degrees of Strength . The Major part said , That if there were degrees of Strength , it would make a Confusion , by reason there would be no Agreement ; for , the Strongest would be Tyrants to the Weakest , in so much as they would never suffer those Parts to act methodically or regularly . But the Minor part said , that they had observed , That there was degrees of Strength amongst the Sensitive Parts . The Major part argued , That they had not degrees of Strength by Nature ; but , that the greater Number of Parts were stronger than a less Number of Parts . Also , there were some sorts of Actions , that had advantage of other sorts . Also , some sorts of Compositions are stronger than other ; not through the degrees of innate Strength , nor through the number of Parts ; but , through the manner and form of their Compositions , or Productions . Thus my Thoughts argued ; but , after many Debates and Disputes , at last my Rational Parts agreed , That , If there were degrees of Strength , it could not be between the Parts of the same degree , or sort ; but , between the Rational and Sensitive ; and if so , the Sensitive was Stronger , being less pure ; and the Rational was more Agil , being more pure . CHAP. XVI . Of Effects , and Cause . TO treat of Infinite Effects , produced from an an Infinite Cause , is an endless Work , and impossible to be performed , or effected ; only this may be said , That the Effects , though Infinite , are so united to the material Cause , as that not any single effect can be , nor no Effect can be annihilated ; by reason all Effects are in the power of the Cause . But this is to be noted , That some Effects producing other Effects , are , in some sort or manner , a Cause . CHAP. XVII . Of INFLVENCE . AN Influence is this ; When as the Corporeal Figurative Motions , in different kinds , and sorts of Creatures , or in one and the same sorts , or kinds , move sympathetically : And though there be antipathetical Motions , as well as sympathetical ; yet , all the Infinite parts of Matter , are agreeable in their nature , as being all Material , and Self-moving ; and by reason there is no Vacuum , there must of necessity be an Influence amongst all the Parts of Nature . CHAP. XVIII . Of FORTVNE and CHANCE . FOrtune , is only various Corporeal Motions of several Creatures , design'd to one Creature , or more Creatures ; either to that Creature , or those Creatures Advantage , or Disadvantage : If Advantage , Man names it Good Fortune ; if Disadvantage , Man names it Ill Fortune . As for Chance , it is the visible Effects of some hidden Cause ; and Fortune , a sufficient Cause to produce such Effects : for , the conjunction of sufficient Causes , doth produce such or such Effects ; which Effects could not be produced , if any of those Causes were wanting : So that , Chances are but the Effects of Fortune . CHAP. XIX . Of TIME and ETERNITY . TIME is not a Thing by it self ; nor is Time Immaterial : for , Time is only the variations of Corporeal Motions ; but Eternity depends not on Motion , but of a Being without Beginning , or Ending . The Second Part. CHAP. I. Of CREATVRES . ALL Creatures are Composed-Figures , by the consent of Associating Parts ; by which Association , they joyn into such , or such a figured Creature : And though every Corporeal Motion , or Self-moving Part , hath its own motion ; yet , by their Association , they all agree in proper actions , as actions proper to their Compositions : and , if every particular Part , hath not a perception of all the Parts of their Association ; yet , every Part knows its own Work. CHAP. II. Of Knowledg and Perception of different kinds and sorts of Creatures . THere is not any Creature in Nature , that is not composed of Self-moving Parts , ( viz. both of Rational and Sensitive ) as also of the Inanimate Parts , which are Self-knowing : so that all Creatures , being composed of these sorts of Parts , must have a Sensitive , and Rational Knowledg and Perception , as Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , Elements , or what else there is in Nature : But several kinds , and several sorts in these kinds of Creatures , being composed after different manners , and ways , must needs have different Lives , Knowledges , and Perceptions : and not only every several kind , and sort , have such differences ; but , every particular Creature , through the variations of their Self-moving Parts , have varieties of Lives , Knowledges , Perceptions , Conceptions , and the like ; and not only so , but every particular part of one and the same Creature , have varieties of Knowledges , and Perceptions , because they have varieties of Actions . But , ( as I have declared ) there is not any different kind of Creature , that can have the like Life , Knowledg , and Perception ; not only because they have different Productions , and different Forms ; but , different Natures , as being of different kinds . CHAP. III. Of Perception of Parts , and Vnited Perception . ALL the Self-moving Parts are perceptive ; and , all Perception is in Parts , and is dividable , and compoundable , as being Material ; also , Alterable , as being Self-moving : Wherefore , no Creature that is composed , or consists of many several sorts of Corporeal Figurative Motions , but must have many sorts of Perception ; which is the reason that one Creature , as Man , cannot perceive another Man any otherwise but in Parts : for , the Rational , and Sensitive ; nay , all the Parts of one and the same Creature , perceive their Adjoining Parts , as they perceive Foreign Parts ; only , by their close conjunction and near relation , they unite in one and the same actions . I do not say , they always agree : for , when they move irregularly , they disagree : And some of those United Parts , will move after one manner , and some after another ; but , when they move regularly , then they move to one and the same Design , or one and the same United Action . So , although a Creature is composed of several sorts of Corporeal Motions ; yet , these several sorts , being properly united in one Creature , move all agreeably to the Property and Nature of the whole Creature ; that is , the particular Parts move according to the property of the whole Creature ; because the particular Parts , by conjunction , make the Whole : So that , the several Parts make one Whole ; by which , a Whole Creature hath both a general Knowledg , and a Knowledg of Parts ; whereas , the Perceptions of Foreign Objects , are but in the Parts : and this is the reason why one Creature perceives not the Whole of another Creature , but only some Parts . Yet this is to be noted , That not any Part hath another Part 's Nature , or Motion , nor therefore , their Knowledg , or Perception ; but , by agreement , and unity of Parts , there is composed Perceptions . CHAP. IV. Whether the Rational and Sensitive Parts have a Perception of each other . SOme may ask the Question , Whether the Rational and Sensitive , have Perception of each other ? I answer : In my Opinion , they have . For , though the Rational and Sensitive Parts , be of two sorts ; yet , both sorts have Self-motion ; so that they are but as one , as , that they are both Corporeal Motions ; and , had not the Sensitive Parts incumbrances , they would be , in a degree , as agil , and as free as the Rational . But , though each sort hath perception of each other , and some may have the like ; yet they have not the same : for , not any Part can have another's Perception , or Knowledg ; but , by reason the Rational and Sensitive , are both Corporeal Motions , there is a strong sympathy between those sorts , in one Conjunction , or Creature . Indeed , the Rational Parts are the Designing Parts ; and the Sensitive , the Labouring Parts ; and the Inanimate are as the Material Parts : not but all the three sorts are Material Parts ; but the Inanimate , being not Self-moving , are the Burdensome Parts . CHAP. V. Of Thoughts , and the whole Mind of a Creature . AS for Thoughts , though they are several Corporeal Motions , or Self-moving Parts ; yet , being united , by Conjunction in one Creature , into one whole Mind , cannot be perceived by some Parts of another Creature , nor by the same sort of Creature , as by another Man. But some may ask , Whether the whole Mind of one Creature , as the whole Mind of one Man , may not perceive the whole Mind of another Man ? I answer , That if the Mind was not joyn'd and mix'd with the Sensitive and Inanimate Parts , and had not interior , as well as exterior Parts , the whole Mind of one Man , might perceive the whole Mind of another Man ; but , that being not possible , one whole Mind cannot perceive another whole Mind : By which Observation we may perceive , there are no Platonick Lovers in Nature . But some may ask , Whether the Sensitive Parts can perceive the Rational , in one and the same Creature ? I answer , They do ; for if they did not , it were impossible for the Sensitive Parts to execute the Rational Designs ; so that , what the Mind designs , the Sensitive Body doth put in execution , as far as they have Power : But if , through Irregularities , the Body be sick , and weak , or hath some Infirmities , they cannot execute the Designs of the Mind . CHAP. VI. Whether the Mind of one Creature , can perceive the Mind of another Creature . SOme may ask the reason , Why one Creature , as Man , cannot perceive the Thoughts of another Man , as well as he perceives his exterior Sensitive Parts ? I answer , That the Rational Parts of one Man , perceive as much of the Rational Parts of another Man , as the Sensitive Parts of that Man doth of the Sensitive Parts of the other Man ; that is , as much as is presented to his Perception : for , all Creatures , and every part and particle , have those three sorts of Matter ; and therefore , every part of a Creature is perceiving , and perceived . But , by reason all Creatures are composed of Parts , ( viz. both of the Rational and Sensitive ) all Perceptions are in parts , as well the Rational , as the Sensitive Perception : yet , neither the Rational , nor the Sensitive , can perceive all the Interior Parts or Corporeal Motions , unless they were presented to their perception : Neither can one Part know the Knowledg and Perception of another Part : but , what Parts of one Creature are subject to the perception of another Creature , those are perceived . CHAP. VII . Of Perception , and Conception . ALthough the Exterior Parts of one Creature , can but perceive the Exterior Parts of another Creature ; yet , the Rational can make Conceptions of the Interior Parts , but not Perception : for , neither the Sense , nor Reason , can perceive what is not present , but by rote , as after the manner of Conceptions , or Remembrances , as I shall in my following Chapters declare : So that , the Exterior Rational Parts , that are with the Exterior Sensitive Parts of an Object , are as much perceived , the one , as the other : but , those Exterior Parts of an Object , not moving in particular Parties , as in the whole Creature , is the cause that some Parts of one Creature , cannot perceive the whole Composition or Frame of another Creature : that is , some of the Rational Parts of one Creature , cannot perceive the whole Mind of another Creature . The like of the Sensitive Parts . CHAP. VIII . Of Human Suppositions . ALthough Nature hath an Infinite Knowledg and Perception ; yet , being a Body , and therefore divisible and compoundable ; and having , also , Self-motion , to divide and compound her Infinite Parts , after infinite several manners ; is the reason that her finite Parts , or particular Creatures , cannot have a geral or infinite Knowledg , being limited , by being finite , to finite Perceptions , or perceptive Knowledg ; which is the cause of Suppositions , or Imaginations , concerning Forrein Objects : As for example , A Man can but perceive the Exterior Parts of another Man , or any other Creature , that is subject to Human Perception ; yet , his Rational Parts may suppose , or presuppose , what another Man thinks , or what he will act : and for other Creatures , a Man may suppose or imagine what the innate nature of such a Vegetable , or Mineral , or Element is ; and may imagine or suppose the Moon to be another World , and that all the fixed Starrs are Sunns ; which Suppositions , Man names Conjectures . CHAP. IX . Of Information between several Creatures . NO question but there is Information between all Creatures : but , several sorts of Creatures , having several sorts of Informations , it is impossible for any particular sort to know , or have perceptions of the Infinite , or Numberless Informations , between the Infinite and Numberless Parts , or Creatures of Nature : Nay , there are so many several Informations amongst one sort ( as of Mankind ) that it is impossible for one Man to perceive 〈◊〉 them all ; no , nor can one Man generally perceive the particular Informations that are between the particular Parts of his Sensitive Body ; or between the particular Informations of his Rational Body ; or between the particular Rational and Sensitive Parts : much less can Man perceive , or know the several Informations of other Creatures . CHAP. X. The Reason of several kinds and sorts of Creatures . SOme may ask , Why there are such sorts of Creatures , as we perceive there are , and not other sorts ? I answer , That , 't is probable , we do not perceive all the several kinds and sorts of Creatures in Nature : In truth , it is impossible ( if Nature be Infinite ) for a Finite to perceive the Infinite varieties of Nature . Also they may ask , Why the Planets are of a Spherical Shape , and Human Creatures are of an Vpright shape , and Beasts of a Bending and stooping shape ? Also , Why Birds are made to flye , and not Beasts ? And for what Cause , or Design , have Animals such and such sorts of shapes and properties ? And Vegetables such and such sorts of shapes and properties ? And so of Minerals and Elements ? I answer ; That several sorts , kinds , and differences of Particulars , causes Order , by reason it causes Distinctions : for , if all Creatures were alike , it would cause a Confusion . CHAP. XI . Of the several Properties of several Kinds and sorts of Creatures . AS I have said , There are several kinds , and several sorts , and several particular Creatures of several kinds and sorts ; whereof there are some Creatures of a mixt kind , and some of a mixt sort , and some of a mixture of some particulars . Also , there are some kind of Creatures , and sorts of Creatures ; as also Particulars of a Dense Nature , others of a Rate Nature ; some of a Leight Nature , some of a Heavy Nature ; some of a Bright Nature , some of a Dark Nature ; some of an Ascending Nature , some of a Descending Nature ; some of a Hard Nature , some of a Soft Nature ; some of a Loose Nature , and some of a Fixt Nature ; some of an Agil Nature , and some of a Slow Nature ; some of a Consistent Nature , and some of a Dissolving Nature : All which is according to the Frame and Form of their Society , or Composition . The Third Part. CHAP. I. Of Productions in general . THE Self-moving Parts , or Corporeal Motions , are the Producers of all Composed Figures , such as we name Creatures : for , though all Matter hath Figure , by being Matter ; for it were non-sense to say , Figureless Matter ; since the most pure Parts of Matter , have Figure , as well as the grossest ; the rarest , as well as the densed : But , such Composed Figures which we name Creatures , are produced by particular Associations of Self-moving Parts , into particular kinds , and sorts ; and particular Creatures in every kind , or sort . The particular kinds , that are subject to Human Perceptions , are those we name Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements ; of which kinds , there are numerous sorts ; and of every sort , infinite particulars : And though there be Infinite Varieties in Nature , made by the Corporeal Motions , or Self-moving Parts , which might cause a Confusion : Yet , considering Nature is intire in her self , as being only Material , and as being but one United Body ; also , poysing all her Actions by Opposites ; 't is impossible to be any ways in Extreams , or to have a Confusion . CHAP. II. Of Productions in general . THE Sensitive Self-moving Parts , or Corporeal Motions , are the Labouring Parts of all Productions , or Fabricks of all Creatures ; but yet , those Corporeal Motions , are parts of the Creature they produce : for , Production is only a Society of particular Parts , that joyn into particular Figures , or Creatures : but , as Parts produce Figures , by Association ; so they dissolve those Figures by Division : for , Matter is a perpetual Motion , that is always dividing and composing ; so that not any Creature can be eternally one and the same : for , if there were no Dissolvings , and Alterings , there would be no varieties of Particulars ; for , though the kinds and sorts may last , yet not the Particulars . But , mistake me not , I do not say those Figures are lost , or annihilated in Nature ; but only , their Society is dissolved , or divided in Nature . But this is to be noted , That some Creatures are sooner produced and perfected , than others ; and again , some Creatures are sooner decayed , or dissolved . CHAP. III. Of Productions in general . THere are so many different composed Parts , and so much of variety of Action in every several Part of one Creature , as 't is impossible for Human Perception to perceive them ; nay , not every Corporeal Motion of one Creature , doth perceive all the varieties of the same Society ; and , by the several actions , not only of several Parts , but of one and the same Parts , cause such obscurity , as not any Creature can tell , not only how they were produced , but , not how they consist : But , by reason every Part knows his own Work , there is Order and Method : For example , In a Human Creature , those Parts that produce , or nourish the Bones , those of the Sinews , those of the Veins , those of the Flesh , those of the Brains , and the like , know all their several Works , and consider not each several composed Part , but what belongs to themselves ; the like , I believe , in Vegetables , Minerals , or Elements . But mistake me not ; for , I do not say , those Corporeal Motions in those particulars , are bound to those particular Works , as , that they cannot change , or alter their actions if they will , and many times do : as some Creatures dissolve before they are perfect , or quite finished ; and some as soon as finished ; and some after some short time after they are finished ; and some continue long , as we may perceive by many Creatures that dye , which I name Dissolving in several Ages ; but , untimely Dissolutions , proceed rather from some particular Irregularities of some particular Parts , than by a general Agreement . CHAP. IV. Of Productions in general . THE Reason that all Creatures are produced by the ways of Production , as one Creature to be composed out of other Creatures , is , That Nature is but one Matter , and that all her Parts are united as one Material Body , having no Additions , or Diminutions ; no new Creations , or Annihilations : But , were not Nature one and the same , but that her Parts were of different natures ; yet , Creatures must be produced by Creatures , that is , Composed Figures , as a Beast , a Tree , a Stone , Water , &c. must be composed of Parts , not a single Part : for , a single Part cannot produce composed Figures ; nor can a single Part produce another single Part ; for , Matter cannot create Matter ; nor can one Part produce another Part out of it self : Wherefore , all Natural Creatures are produced by the consent and agreement of many Self-moving Parts , or Corporeal Motions , which work to a particular Design , as to associate into particular kinds and sorts of Creatures . CHAP. V. Of Productions in general . AS I said in my former Chapter , That all Creatures are produced , or composed by the agreement and consent of particular Parts ; yet some Creatures are composed of more , and some of fewer Parts : neither are all Creatures produced , or composed after one and the same manner ; but some after one manner , and some after another manner : Indeed , there are divers manners of Productions , both of those we name Natural , and those we name Artificial ; but I only treat of Natural Productions , which are so various , that it is a wonder if any two Creatures are just alike ; by which we may perceive , that not only in several kinds and sorts , but in Particulars of every kind , or sort , there is some difference , so as to be distinguished from each other , and yet the species of some Creatures are like to their kind , and sort , but not all ; and the reason that most Creatures are in Species , according to their sort , and kind , is not only , that Nature's Wisdom orders and regulates her Corporeal Figurative Motions , into kinds and sorts of Societies and Conjunctions ; but , those Societies cause a perceptive Acquaintance , and an united Love , and good liking of the Compositions , or Productions : and not only a love to their Figurative Compositions , but to all that are of the same sort , or kind ; and especially , their being accustom'd to actions proper to their Figurative Compositions , is the cause that those Parts , that divide from the Producers , begin a new Society , and , by degrees , produce the like Creature ; which is the cause that Animals and Vegetables produce according to their likeness . The same may be amongst Minerals and Elements , for all we can know . But yet , some Creatures of one and the same sort , are not produced after one and the same manner : As for example , One and the same sort of Vegetables , may be produced after several manners , and yet , in the effect , be the same , as when Vegetables are sowed , planted , engrafted ; as also , Seeds , Roots , and the like , they are several manners , or ways of Productions , and yet will produce the same sort of Vegetable : but , there will be much alterations in replanting , which is occasioned by the change of associating Parts , and Parties ; but as for the several Productions of several kinds and sorts , they are very different ; as for example , Animals are not produced as Vegetables , or Vegetables as Minerals , nor Minerals as any of the rest : Nor are all Animals produced alike , nor Minerals , or Vegetables ; but after many different manners , or ways . Neither are all Productions like their Producers ; for , some are so far from resembling their Figurative Society , that they produce another kind , or sort of Composed Figures ; as for example , Maggots out of Cheese , other Worms out of Roots , Fruits , and the like : but these sorts of Creatures , Man names Insects ; but yet they are Animal Creatures , as well as others . CHAP. VI. Of Productions in general . ALL Creatures are Produced , and Producers ; and all these Productions partake more or less of the Producers ; and are necessitated so to do , because there cannot be any thing New in Nature : for , whatsoever is produced , is of the same Matter ; nay , every particular Creature hath its particular Parts : for , not any one Creature can be produced of any other Parts than what produced it ; neither can the same Producer produce one and the same double , ( as I may say to express my self : ) for , though the same Producers may produce the like , yet not the same : for , every thing produced , hath its own Corporeal Figurative Motions ; but this might be , if Nature was not so full of variety : for , if all those Corporeal Motions , or Self-moving Parts , did associate in the like manner , and were the very same Parts , and move in the very same manner ; the same Production , or Creature , might be produced after it was dissolved ; but , by reason the Self-moving Parts of Nature are always dividing and composing from , and to Parts , it would be very difficult , if not impossible . CHAP. VII . Of Productions in general . AS there are Productions , or Compositions , made by the Sensitive Corporeal Motions , so there are of the Rational Corporeal Motions , which are Composed Figures of the Mind : And the reason the Rational Productions are more various , as also more numerous , is , That the Rational is more loose , free , and so more agil than the Sensitive ; which is also the reason that the Rational Productions require not such degrees of Time , as the Sensitive . But I shall treat more upon this Subject , when I treat of that Animal we name MAN. CHAP. VII . Lastly , Of Productions in general . THough all Creatures are made by the several Associations of Self-moving Parts , or ( as the Learned name them ) Corporeal Motions ; yet , there are infinite varieties of Corporeal Figurative Motions , and so infinite several manners and ways of Productions ; as also , infinite varieties of Figurative Motions in every produced Creature : Also , there is variety in the difference of Time , of several Productions , and of their Consistency and Dissolution : for , some Creatures are produced in few Hours , others not in many Years . Again , some continue not a Day ; others , numbers of Years . But this is to be noted , That according to the Regularity , or Irregularity of the Associating Motions , their Productions are more or less perfect . Also , this is to be noted , That there are Rational Productions , as well as Sensitive : for , though all Creatures are composed both of Sensitive and Rational Parts , yet the Rational Parts move after another manner . CHAP. VIII . Productions must partake of some Parts of their Producers . NO Animal , or Vegetable , could be produced , but by such , or such particular Producers ; neither could an Animal , or Vegetable , be produced without some Corporeal Motions of their Producers ; that is , some of the Producers Self-moving Parts ; otherwise the like Actions might produce , not only the like Creatures , but the same Creatures , which is impossible : Wherefore , the things produced , are part of the Producers ; for , no particular Creature could be produced , but by such particular Producers . But this is to be noted , That all sorts of Creatures are produced by more , or fewer , Producers . Also , the first Producers are but the first Founders of the things produced , but not the only Builders : for , there are many several sorts of Corporeal Motions , that are the Builders ; for , no Creature can subsist , or consist , by it self , but must assist , and be assisted : Yet , there are some differences in all Productions , although of the same Producers ; otherwise all the Off-springs of one and the same Producer , would be alike : And though , sometimes , their several Off-springs may be so alike , as hardly to be distinguished ; yet , that is so seldom , as it appears as a wonder ; but there is a property in all Productions , as , for the Produced to belong as a Right and Property to the Producer . CHAP. IX . Of Resemblances of several Off-springs , or Producers . THere are numerous kinds and sorts of Productions , and infinite manners and ways , in the actions of Productions ; which is the cause that the Off-springs of the same Producers , are not so just alike , but that they are distinguishable ; but yet there may not only be resemblances between particular Off-springs of the same Producers , as also of the same sort ; but , of different sorts of Creatures : but the Actions of all Productions that are according to their own Species , are Imitating Actions , but not Bare Imitations , as by an Incorporeal Motion ; for if so , then a covetous Woman , that loves Gold , might produce a Wedg of Gold instead of a Child ; also , Virgins might be as Fruitful as Married Wives . CHAP. X. Of the Several Appearances of the Exterior Parts of One Creature . EVery altered Action of the Exterior Parts , causes an altered Appearance : As for example , A Man , or the like Creature , doth not appear when he is old , as when he was young ; nor when he is sick , as when he is well in health ; no , nor when he is cold , as when he is hot . Nor do they appear in several Passions alike : for , though Man can best perceive the Alteration of his own Kind , or Sort ; yet , other Creatures have several Appearances , as well as Man ; some of which , Man may perceive , though not all , being of a different sort . And not only Animals , but Vegetables , and Elements , have altered Appearances , and many that are subject to Man's perception . The Fourth Part. CHAP. I. Of Animal Productions ; and of the Differences between Productions , and Transformations . I Understand Productions to be between Particulars ; as , some particular Creatures to produce other particular Creatures ; but not to transform from one sort of Creature , into another sort of Creature , as Cheese into Maggots , and Fruit into Worms , &c. which , in some manner , is like Metamorphosing . So by Transformation , the Intellectual Nature , as well as the Exterior Form , is transform'd : Whereas Production transforms only the Exterior Form , but not the Intellectual Nature ; which is the cause that such Transformations cannot return into their former state ; as a Worm to be a Fruit , or a Maggot a Cheese again , as formerly . Hence I perceive , that all sorts of Fowls are partly Produced , and partly Transformed : for , though an Egg be produced , yet a Chicken is but a Transformed Egg. CHAP. II. Of different Figurative Motions in MAN's Production . ALL Creatures are produced by Degrees ; which proves , That not any Creature is produced , in perfection , by one Act , or Figurative Motion : for , though the Producers are the first Founders , yet not the Builders . But , as for Animal Creatures , there be some sorts that are composed of many different Figurative Motions ; amongst which sorts , is Mankind , who has very different Figurative Parts , as Bones , Sinews , Nerves , Muscles , Veins , Flesh , Skin , and Marrow , Blood , Choler , Flegm , Melancholy , and the like ; also , Head , Breast , Neck , Arms , Hands , Body , Belly , Thighs , Leggs , Feet , &c. also , Brains , Lungs , Stomack , Heart , Liver , Midriff , Kidnies , Bladder , Guts , and the like ; and all these have several actions , yet all agree as one , according to the property of that sort of Creature named MAN. CHAP. III. Of the Quickning of a Child , or any other sort of Animal Creatures . THE Reason that a Woman , or such like Animal , doth not feel her Child so soon as it is produced , is , That the Child cannot have an Animal Motion , until it hath an Animal Nature , that is , until it be perfectly an Animal Creature ; and as soon as it is a perfect Child , she feels it to move , according to its nature : but it is only the Sensitive Parts of the Child that are felt by the Mother , not the Rational ; because those Parts are as the Designers , not the Builders ; and therefore , being not the Labouring Parts , are not the Sensible Parts . But it is to be noted , That , according to the Regularity , or Irregularity of the Figurative Motions , the Child is well shaped , or mishaped . CHAP. IV. Of the Birth of a Child . THE reason why a Child , or such like Animal Creature , stays no longer in the Mother's Body , than to such a certain Time , is , That a Child is not Perfect before that time , and would be too big after that time ; and so big , that it would not have room enough ; and therefore it strives and labours for liberty . CHAP. V. Of Mischances , or Miscarriages of Breeding Creatures . WHen a Mare , Doe , Hind , or the like Animal , cast their Young , or a Woman miscarries of her Child , the Mischance proceeds either through the Irregularities of the Corporeal Motions , or Parts of the Child ; or through some Irregularity of the Parts of the Mother ; or else of both Mother and Child . If the Irregularities be of the Parts of the Child , those Parts divide from the Mother , through their Irregularity : but , if the Irregularity be in the Parts of the Mother , then the Mother divides in some manner from the Child ; and if there be a distemper in both of them , the Child and Mother divide from each other : but , such Mischances are at different times , some sooner , and some later . As for false Conceptions , they are occasioned through the Irregularities of Conception . CHAP. VI. Of the Encrease of Growth , and Strength of Mankind , or such like Creatures . THE reason most Animals , especially Human Creatures , are weak whilst they are Infants , and that their Strength and Growth encreases by degrees , is , That a Child hath not so many Parts , as when he is a Youth ; nor so many Parts when he is a Youth , as when he is a Man : for , after the Child is parted from the Mother , it is nourished by other Creatures , as the Mother was , and the Child by the Mother ; and according as the nourishing Parts be Regular , or Irregular , so is the Child , Youth , or Man , weaker , or stronger ; healthful , or diseased ; and when the Figurative Motions move ( as I may say for expression sake ) curiously , the Body is neatly shaped , and is , as we say , beautiful . But this is to be noted , That 't is not Greatness , or Bulk of Body , makes a Body perfect ; for , there are several sizes of every sort , or kind of Creatures ; as also , in every particular kind , or sort ; and every several size may be as perfect , one , as the other : But , I mean the Number of Parts , according to the proper size . CHAP. VII . Of the several Properties of the several Exterior Shapes of several sorts of Animals . THE several Exterior Shapes of Creatures , cause several Properties , as Running , Jumping , Hopping , Leaping , Climbing , Galloping , Trotting , Ambling , Turning , Winding , and Rowling ; also Creeping , Crawling , Flying , Soaring or Towring ; Swimming , Diving , Digging , Stinging or Piercing ; Pressing , Spinning , Weaving , Twisting , Printing , Carving , Breaking , Drawing , Driving , Bearing , Carrying , Holding , Griping or Grasping , Infolding , and Millions of the like . Also , the Exterior Shapes cause Defences , as Horns , Claws , Teeth , Bills , Talons , Finns , &c. Likewise , the Exterior Shapes cause Offences , and give Offences : As also , the different sorts of Exterior Shapes , cause different Exterior Perceptions . CHAP. VIII . Of the Dividing and Vniting Parts of a particular Creature . THose Parts ( as I have said ) that were the First Founders of an Animal , or other sort of Creature , may not be constant Inhabitants : for , though the Society may remain , the particular Parts may remove : Also , all particular Societies of one kind , or sort , may not continue the like time ; but some may dissolve sooner than others . Also , some alter by degrees , others of a sudden ; but , of those Societies that continue , the particular Parts remove , and other particular Parts unite ; so , as some Parts were of the Society , so some other Parts are of the Society , and will be of the Society : But , when the Form , Frame , and Order of the Society begins to alter , then that particular Creature begins to decay . But this is to be noted , That those particular Creatures that dye in their Childhood , or Youth , were never a full and regular Society ; and the dissolving of a Society , whether it be a Full , or but a Forming Society , Man names DEATH . Also , this is to be noted , That the Nourishing Motion of Food , is the Uniting Motion ; and the Cleansing , or Evacuating Motions , are the Dividing Corporeal Motions . Likewise it is to be noted , That a Society requires a longer time of uniting than of dividing ; by reason uniting requires assistance of Foreign Parts , whereas dividings are only a dividing of home-Parts . Also , a particular Creature , or Society , is longer in dividing its Parts , than in altering its Actions ; because a Dispersing Action is required in Division , but not in Alteration of Actions . The Fifth Part. CHAP. I. Of MAN. NOW I have discoursed , in the former Parts , after a general manner , of Animals : I will , in the following Chapters , speak more particularly of that sort we name Mankind ; who believe ( being ignorant of the Nature of other Creatures ) that they are the most knowing of all Creatures ; and yet a whole Man ( as I may say for expression-sake ) doth not know all the Figurative Motions belonging either to his Mind , or Body : for , he doth not generally know every particular Action of his Corporeal Motions , as , How he was framed , or formed , or perfected . Nor doth he know every particular Motion that occasions his present Consistence , or Being : Nor every particular Digestive , or Nourishing Motion : Nor , when he is sick , the particular Irregular Motion that causes his Sickness . Nor do the Rational Motions in the Head , know always the Figurative Actions of those of the Heel . In short , ( as I said ) Man doth not generally know every particular Part , or Corporeal Motion , either of Mind , or Body : Which proves , Man's Natural Soul is not inalterable , or individable , and uncompoundable . CHAP. II. Of the variety of Man's Natural Motions . THere is abundance of varieties of Figurative Motions in Man : As , first , There are several Figurative Motions of the Form and Frame of Man , as of his Innate , Interior , and Exterior Figurative Parts . Also , there are several Figures of his several Perceptions , Conceptions , Appetite , Digestions , Reparations , and the like . There are also several Figures of several Postures of his several Parts ; and a difference of his Figurative Motions , or Parts , from other Creatures ; all which are Numberless : And yet all these different Actions are proper to the Nature of MAN. CHAP. III. Of Man's Shape and Speech . THE Shape of Man's Sensitive Body , is , in some manner , of a mixt Form : but , he is singular in this , That he is of an upright and straight Shape ; of which , no other Animal but Man is : which Shape makes him not only fit , proper , easie and free , for all exterior actions ; but also for Speech : for being streight , as in a straight and direct Line from the Head to the Feet , so as his Nose , Mouth , Throat , Neck , Chest , Stomack , Belly , Thighs , and Leggs , are from a straight Line : also , his Organ-Pipes , Nerves , Sinews , and Joynts , are in a straight and equal posture to each other ; which is the cause , Man's Tongue , and Organs , are more apt for Speech than those of any other Creature ; which makes him more apt to imitate any other Creature 's Voyces , or Sounds : Whereas other Animal Creatures , by reason of their bending Shapes , and crooked Organs , are not apt for Speech ; neither ( in my Opinion ) have other Animals so melodious a Sound , or Voice , as Man : for , though some sorts of Birds Voices are sweet , yet they are weak , and faint ; and Beasts Voices are harsh , and rude : but of all other Animals , besides Man , Birds are the most apt for Speech ; by reason they are more of an upright shape , than Beasts , or any other sorts of Animal Creatures , as Fish , and the like ; for , Birds are of a straight and upright shape , as from their Breasts , to their Heads ; but , being not so straight as Man ; causes Birds to speak uneasily , and constrainedly : Man's shape is so ingeniously contrived , that he is fit and proper for more several sorts of exterior actions , than any other Animal Creature ; which is the cause he seems as Lord and Sovereign of other Animal Creatures . CHAP. IV. Of the several Figurative Parts of Human Creatures . THE manner of Man's Composition , or Form , is of different Figurative Parts ; whereof some of those Parts seem the Supreme , or ( as I may say ) Fundamental Parts ; as the Head , Chest , Lungs , Stomack , Heart , Liver , Spleen , Bowels , Reins , Kidnies , Gaul , and many more : also , those Parts have other Figurative Parts belonging or adjoining to them , as the Head , Scull , Brains , Pia-mater , Dura-mater , Forehead , Nose , Eyes , Cheeks , Ears , Mouth , Tongue , and several Figurative Parts belonging to those ; so of the rest of the Parts , as the Arms , Hands , Fingers , Leggs , Feet , Toes , and the like : all which different Parts , have different sorts of Perceptions ; and yet ( as I formerly said ) their Perceptions are united : for , though all the Parts of the Human Body have different Perceptions ; yet those different perceptions unite in a general Perception , both for the Subsistence , Consistence , and use of the Whole Man : but , concerning Particulars , not only the several composed Figurative Parts , have several sorts of Perceptions ; but every Part hath variety of Perceptions , occasioned by variety of Objects . CHAP. V. Of the several Perceptions amongst the several Parts of MAN. THere being infinite several Corporeal Figurative Motions , or Actions of Nature , there must of necessity be infinite several Self-knowledges and Perceptions : but I shall only , in this Part of my Book , treat of the Perception proper to Mankind : And first , of the several and different Perceptions , proper for the several and different Parts : for , though every Part and Particle of a Man's Body , is perceptive ; yet , every particular Part of a Man , is not generally perceived ; for , the Interior Parts do not generally perceive the Exterior ; nor the Exterior , generally or perfectly , the Interior ; and yet , both Interior and Exterior Corporeal Motions , agree as one Society ; for , every Part , or Corporeal Motion , knows its own Office ; like as Officers in a Common-wealth , although they may not be acquainted with each other , yet they know their Employments : So every particular Man in a Common-wealth , knows his own Employment , although he knows not every Man in the Common-wealth . The same do the Parts of a Man's Body , and Mind . But , if there be any Irregularity , or Disorder in a Common-wealth , every Particular is disturbed , perceiving a Disorder in the Common-wealth . The same amongst the Parts of a Man's Body ; and yet many of those Parts do not know the particular Cause of that general Disturbance . As for the Disorders , they may proceed from some Irregularities ; but for Peace , there must be a general Agreement , that is , every Part must be Regular . CHAP. VI. Of Divided and Composed Perceptions . AS I have formerly said , There is in Nature both Divided and Composed Perceptions ; and for proof , I will mention Man's Exterior Perceptions ; As for example , Man hath a Composed Perception of Seeing , Hearing , Smelling , Tasting , and Touching ; whereof every several sort is composed , though after different manners , or ways ; and yet are divided , being several sorts of Perceptions , and not all one Perception . Yet again , they are all Composed , being united as proper Perceptions of one Man ; and not only so , but united to perceive the different Parts of one Object : for , as Perceptions are composed of Parts , so are Objects ; and as there are different Objects , so there are different Perceptions ; but it is not possible for a Man to know all the several sorts of Perceptions proper to every Composed Part of his Body or Mind , much less of others . CHAP. VII . Of the Ignorances of the several Perceptive Organs . AS I said , That every several composed Perception , was united to the proper use of their whole Society , as one Man ; yet , every several Perceptive Organ of Man is ignorant of each other ; as the Perception of Sight is ignorant of that of Hearing ; the Perception of Hearing , is ignorant of the Perception of Seeing ; and the Perception of Smelling is ignorant of the Perceptions of the other two , and those of Scent , and the same of Tasting , and Touching : Also , every Perception of every particular Organ , is different ; but some sorts of Human Perceptions require some distance between them and the Object : As for example , The Perception of Sight requires certain Distances , as also Magnitudes ; whereas the Perception of Touch requires a Joyning-Object , or Part. But this is to be noted , That although these several Organs are not perfectly , or throughly acquianted ; yet in the Perception of the several parts of one Object , they do all agree to make their several Perceptions , as it were by one Act , at one point of time . CHAP. VIII . Of the particular and general Perceptions of the Exterior Parts of Human Creatures . THere is amongst the Exterior Perceptions of Human Creatures , both particular sorts of Perceptions , and general Perceptions : For , though none of the Exterior Parts , or Organs , have the sense of Seeing , but the Eyes ; of Hearing , but the Ears ; of Smelling , but the Nose ; of Tasting , but the Mouth : yet all the Exterior Parts have the Perception of Touching ; and the reason is , That all the Exterior Parts are full of pores , or at least , of such composed Parts , that are the sensible Organs of Touching : yet , those several Parts have several Touches ; not only because they have several Parts , but because those Organs of Touching , are differently composed . But this is to be noted , That every several part hath perception of the other parts of their Society , as they have of Foreign parts ; and , as the Sensitive , so the Rational parts have such particular and general perceptions . But it is to be noted , That the Rational parts , are parts of the same Organs . CHAP. IX . Of the Exterior Sensitive Organs of Human Creatures . AS for the manner , or ways , of all the several sorts , and particular perceptions , made by the different composed parts of Human Creatures ; it is impossible , for a Human Creature , to know any otherwise , but in part : for , being composed of parts , into Parties , he can have but a parted knowledg , and a parted perception of himself : for , every different composed part of his Body , have different sorts of Self-knowledg , as also , different sorts of Perceptions ; but yet , the manner and way of some Human Perceptions , may probably be imagined , especially those of the exterior parts , Man names the Sensitive Organs ; which Parts ( in my opinion ) have their perceptive actions , after the manner of patterning , or picturing the exterior Form , or Frame , of Foreign Objects : As for example , The present Object is a Candle ; the Human Organ of Sight pictures the Flame , Light , Week , or Snuff , the Tallow , the Colour , and the dimension of the Candle ; the Ear patterns out the sparkling noise ; the Nose patterns out the scent of the Candle ; and the Tongue may pattern out the tast of the Candle : but , so soon as the Object is removed , the figure of the Candle is altered into the present Object , or as much of one present Object , as is subject to Human Perception . Thus the several parts or properties , may be patterned out by the several Organs . Also , every altered action , of one and the same Organ , are altered Perceptions ; so as there may be numbers of several pictures or Patterns made by the Sensitive Actions of one Organ ; I will not say , by one act ; yet there may be much variety in one action . But this is to be noted , That the Object is not the cause of Perception , but is only the occasion : for , the Sensitive Organs can make such like figurative actions , were there no Object present ; which proves , that the Object is not the Cause of the Perception . Also , when as the Sensitive parts of the Sensitive Organs , are Irregular , they will make false perceptions of present Objects ; wherefore the Object is not the Cause . But one thing I desire , not to be mistaken in ; for I do not say , that all the parts belonging to any of the particular Organs , move only in one sort or kind of perception ; but I say , Some of the parts of the Organ , move to such , or such perception : for , all the actions of the Ears , are not only hearing ; and all the actions of the Eye , seeing ; and all the actions of the Nose , smelling ; and all the actions of the Mouth , tasting ; but , they have other sorts of actions : yet , all the sorts of every Organ , are according to the property of their figurative Composition . CHAP. X. Of the Rational Parts of the Human Organs . AS for the Rational parts of the Human Organs , they move according to the Sensitive parts , which is , to move according to the Figures of Foreign Objects ; and their actions are ( if Regular ) at the same point of time , with the Sensitive : but , though their Actions are alike , yet there is a difference in their Degree ; for , the figure of an Object in the Mind , is far more pure than the figure in the Sense . But , to prove that the Rational ( if Regular ) moves with the Sense , is , That all the several Sensitive perceptions of the Sensitive Organs , ( as all the several Sights , Sounds , Scents , Tasts , and Touches ) are thoughts of the same . CHAP. XI . Of the difference between the Human Conception , and Perception . THere are some differences between Perception , and Conception : for , Perception doth properly belong to present Objects ; whereas Conceptions have no such strict dependency : But , Conceptions are not proper to the Sensitive Organs , or parts of a Human Creature ; wherefore , the Sensitive never move in the manner of Conception , but after an irregular manner ; as when a Human Creature is in some violent Passion , Mad , Weak , or the like Distempers . But this is to be noted , That all sorts of Fancies , Imaginations , &c. whether Sensitive , or Rational , are after the manner of Conceptions , that is , do move by Rote , and not by Example . Also , it is to be noted , That the Rational parts can move in more various Figurative Actions than the Sensitive ; which is the cause that a Human Creature hath more Conceptions than Perceptions ; so that the Mind can please it self with more variety of Thoughts than the Sensitive with variety of Objects : for variety of Objects consists of Foreign Parts ; whereas variety of Conceptions consists only of their own Parts : Also , the Sensitive Parts are sooner satisfied with the perception of particular Objects , than the Mind with particular Remembrances . CHAP. XII . Of the Several Varieties of Actions of Human Creatures . TO speak of all the Several Actions of the Sensitive and Rational parts of one Creature , is not possible , being numberless : but , some of those that are most notable , I will mention , as , Respirations , Digestions , Nourishments , Appetites , Satiety , Aversions , Conceptions , Opinions , Fancies , Passions , Memory , Remembrance , Reasoning , Examining , Considering , Observing , Distinguishing , Contriving , Arguing , Approving , Disapproving , Discoveries , Arts , Sciences . The Exterior Actions are , Walking , Running , Dancing , Turning , Tumbling , Bearing , Carrying , Holding , Striking , Trembling , Sighing , Groaning , Weeping , Frowning , Laughing , Speaking , Singing and Whistling : As for Postures , they cannot be well described ; only , Standing , Sitting , and Lying . CHAP. XIII . Of the manner of Information between the Rational and Sensitive Parts . THE manner of Information amongst the Self-moving Parts of a Human Creature , is after divers and several manners , or ways , amongst the several parts : but , the manner of Information between the Sensitive and Rational parts , is , for the most part , by Imitation ; as , imitating each other's actions : As for example , The Rational parts invent some Sciences ; the Sensitive endeavour to put those Sciences into an Art. If the Rational perceive the Sensitive actions are not just , according to that Science , they inform the Sensitive ; then the Sensitive Parts endeavour to work , according to the directions of the Rational : but , if there be some obstruction or hindrance , then the Rational and Sensitive agree to declare their Design , and to require assistance of other Associates , which are other Men ; as also , other Creatures . As for the several Manners and Informations between Man and Man , they are so ordinary , I shall not need to mention them . CHAP. XIV . Of Irregularities and Regularities of the Self-moving Parts of Human Creatures . NAture being poised , there must of necessity be Irregularities , as well as Regularities , both of the Rational and Sensitive parts ; but when the Rational are Irregular , and the Sensitive Regular , the Sensitive endeavour to rectifie the Errors of the Rational . And if the Sensitive be Irregular , and the Rational Regular , the Rational do endeavour to rectifie the Errors of the Sensitive : for , the particular parts of a Society , are very much assistant to each other ; as we may observe by the Exterior parts of Human Bodies ; the Hands endeavour to assist any part in distress ; the Leggs will run , the Eyes will watch , the Ears will listen , for any advantage to the Society ; but when there is a general Irregularity , then the Society falls to ruine . CHAP. XV. Of the Agreeing , or Disagreeing , of the Sensitive and Rational Parts of Human Creatures . THere is , for the most part , a general agreement between the Rational and Sensitive Parts of Human Creatures ; not only in their particular , but general actions ; only the Rational are the Designing-parts ; and the Sensitive , the Labouring parts : As for proof , The Mind designs to go to such , or such Foreign Parts , or Places ; upon which design the Sensitive Parts will labour to execute the Mind's intention , so as the whole Sensitive Body labours to go to the designed place , without the Mind 's further Concern : for , the Mind takes no notice of every action of the Sensitive parts ; neither of those of the Eyes , Ears ; or of the Leggs , or feet ; nor of their perceptions : for , many times , the Mind is busied in some Conception , Imagination , Fancy , or the like ; and yet the Sensitive Parts execute the Mind's Design exactly . But , for better proof , When as the Sensitive parts are sick , weak , or defective , through some irregularities , the Sensitive parts cannot execute the Mind's Design : also , when the Sensitive parts are careless , they oft mistake their way ; or when they are irregularly opposed , or busied about some Appetite , they will not obey the Mind's desire ; all which are different degrees of Parts . But , as it is amongst the particular parts of a Society ; so , many times , between several Societies ; for , sometimes , the Sensitive parts of two Men will take no notice of each other : As for example , When two men speak together , one man regards not what the other says ; so many times , the Sensitive parts regard not the Propositions of the Rational ; but then the Sensitive is not perfectly Regular . CHAP. XVI . Of the Power of the Rational ; or rather , of the Indulgency of the Sensitive . THE Rational Corporeal Motions , being the purest , most free , and so most active , have great power over the Sensitive ; as to perswade , or command them to obedience : As for example , When a man is studying about some Inventions of Poetical Fancies , or the like ; though the Sensitive Corporeal Motions , in the Sensitive Organs , desire to desist from patterning of Objects , and would move towards sleep ; yet the Rational will not suffer them , but causes them to work , viz. to write , or to read , or do some other Labour : Also , when the Rational Mind is merry , it will cause the Leggs to dance , the Organs of the Voice to sing , the Mouth to speak , to eat , to drink , and the like : If the Mind moves to sadness , it causes the Eyes to weep , the Lungs to sigh , the Mouth to speak words of Complaint . Thus the Rational Corporeal Motions of the Mind , will occasion the Senses to watch , to work , or to sport and play . But mistake me not ; for I do not mean , the Senses are bound to obey the Rational Designs ; for , the Sensitive Corporeal Motions , have as much freedom of Self-moving , as the Rational : for , the Command of the Rational , and the Obedience of the Sensitive , is rather an Agreement , than a Constraint : for , in many cases , the Sensitive will not agree , and so not obey : also , in many cases , the Rational submits to the Sensitive : also , the Rational sometimes will be irregular ; and , on the other side , sometimes the Sensitive will be irregular , and the Rational regular ; and sometimes both irregular . CHAP. XVII . Of Human Appetites and Passions . THE Sensitive Appetites , and the Rational Passions do so resemble each other , as they would puzzle the most wise Philosopher to distinguish them ; and there is not only a Resemblance , but , for the most part , a sympathetical Agreement between the Appetites , and the Passions ; which strong conjunction , doth often occasion disturbances to the whole life of Man ; with endless Desires , unsatiable Appetites , violent Passions , unquiet Humors , Grief , Pain , Sadness , Sickness , and the like ; through which , Man seems to be more restless , than any other Creature : but , whether the cause be in the Manner , or Form of Man's Composition , or occasioned by some Irregularities ; I will leave to those who are wiser than I , to judg . But this is to be noted , That the more Changes and Alterations the Rational and Sensitive Motions make , the more variety of Passions and Appetites the Man hath : also , the quicker the Motions are , the sharper Appetite , and the quicker Wit , Man hath . But , as all the Human Senses are not bound to one Organ ; so all Knowledges are not bound to one Sense , no more than all the Parts of Matter to the composition of one particular Creature : but , by some of the Rational and Sensitive actions , we may perceive the difference of some of the Sensitive and Rational actions ; as , Sensitive Pain , Rational Grief ; Sensitive Pleasure , Rational delight ; Sensitive Appetite , Rational Desire ; which are sympathetical actions of the Rational and Sensitive Parts : Also , through sympathy , Rational Passions will occasion Sensitive Appetites ; and Appetites , the like Passions . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Rational Actions of the Head and Heart of Human Creatures . AS I formerly said , In every Figurative Part of a Human Creature , the Actions are different , according to the Property of their different Composers ; so that the Motions of the Heart are different to the Motions of the Head , and of the other several Parts : but , as for the Motions of the Head , they are ( in my Opinion ) more after the manner of Emboss'd Figures ; and those of the Heart , more after the manner of Flat Figures ; like Painting , Printing , Engraving , &c. For , if we observe , the Thoughts in our Heads are different from the Thoughts in our Hearts . I only name these two Parts , by reason they seem to sympathize , or to agree , more particularly to each other's actions , than some of the other Parts of Human Creatures . CHAP. XIX . Of Passions and Imaginations . SOme sorts of Passions seem to be in the Heart ; as , Love , Hate , Grief , Joy , Fear , and the like ; and all Imaginations , Fancies , Opinions , Inventions , &c. in the Head. But , mistake me not , I do not say , that none of the other Parts of a Man have not Passions and Conceptions : but , I say , they are not after the same manner , or way , as in the Heart , or Head : as for example , Every Part of a Man's Body is sensible , yet not after one and the same manner : for , every Part of a Man's Body hath different perceptions , as I have formerly declared , and yet may agree in general actions : but , unless the several composed Parts of a Human Creature , had not several perceptive actions , it were impossible to make a general perception , either amongst the several Parts of their own Society , or of Foreign Objects . But , it is impossible for me to describe the different manners and ways of the particular Parts , or the different actions of any one Part : for , what Man can describe the different perceptive actions of that composed Part , the Eye , and so of the rest of the Parts . CHAP. XX. That Associations , Divisions , and Alterations , cause several Effects . THE Rational and Sensitive Corporeal Motions , are the perceptive Parts of Nature ; and that which causes acquaintance amongst some parts , is their Uniting and Association : That which loses acquaintance of other Parts , is their Divisions and Alterations : for , as Self-compositions cause particular Knowledges , or Acquaintances : So Self-divisions cause particular Ignorances , or Forgetfulnesses : for , as all kinds and sorts of Creatures are produced , nourished , and encreased by the Association of Parts ; so are all kinds and sorts of Perceptions ; and according as their Associations , or their Compositions do last , so doth their Acquaintance ; which is the cause , that the Observations and Experiences of several and particular Creatures , such as Men , in several and particular Ages , joyned as into one Man or Age , causes strong and long-liv'd Opinions , subtile and ingenious Inventions , happy and profitable Advantages ; as also , probable Conjectures , and many Truths , of many Causes and Effects : Whereas , the Divisions of particular Societies , causes what we name Death , Ignorance , Forgetfulness , Obscurity of particular Creatures , and of perceptive Knowledges ; so that as particular perceptive Knowledges do alter and change , so do particular Creatures : for , though the Kinds and Sorts last , yet the Particulars do not . CHAP. XXI . Of the Differences between Self-Love , and Passionate Love. SElf-love , is like Self-knowledg , which is an innate Nature ; and therefore is not that Love Man names Passionate Love : for , Passionate Love belongs to several Parts ; so that the several parts of one Society , as one Creature , have both Passionate Love , and Self-love , as being sympathetically united in one Society : Also , not only the Parts of one and the same Society , may have Passionate Love to each other ; but , between several Societies ; and not only several Societies of one Sort , but of different Sorts . The Sixth Part. CHAP. I. Of the Motions of some parts of the Mind ; and of Forrein Objects . NOtions , Imaginations , Conceptions , and the like , are such Actions of the Mind , as concern not Forrein Objects : and some Notions , Imaginations , or Conceptions of one man , may be like to another man , or many men . Also , the Mind of one man may move in the like Figurative Actions , as the Sensitive Actions of other sorts of Creatures ; and that , Man names Vnderstanding : and if those Conceptions be afterwards produced , Man names them Prudence , or Fore-sight ; but if those Parts move in such Inventions as are capable to be put into Arts , Man names that , Ingenuity : but , if not capable to be put into the practice of Arts , Man names it , Sciences : if those Motions be so subtile , that the Sensitive cannot imitate them , Man names them , Fancies : but , when those Rational Parts move promiscuously , as partly after their own inventions , and partly after the manner of Forrein or outward Objects ; Man names them , Conjectures , or Probabilities : and when there are very many several Figurative , Rational Motions , then Man says , The Mind is full of Thoughts : when those Rational Figurative Motions , are of many and different Objects , Man names them , Experiences , or Learning : but , when there are but few different sorts of such Figurative Motions , Man names them Ignorances . CHAP. II. Of the Motions of some Parts of the Mind . WHen the Rational Figurative Corporeal Motions of an Human Creature , take no notice of Forrein Objects , Man nameth that , Musing , or Contemplating . And , when the Rational Parts repeat some former Actions , Man names that , Remembrances . But , when those Parts alter those Repetitions , Man names that , Forgetfulness . And , when those Rational Parts move , according to a present Object , Man names it , Memory . And when those Parts divide in divers sorts of Actions , Man names it , Arguing , or Disputing in the Mind . And when those divers sorts of Actions are at some strife , Man names it , A contradicting of himself . And if there be a weak strife , Man names it , Consideration . But , when those different Figurative Motions move of one accord , and sympathetically , this Man names , Discretion . But , when those different sorts of Actions move sympathetically , and continue in that manner of action , without any alteration , Man names it , Belief , Faith , or Obstinacy . And when those Parts make often changes , as altering their Motions , Man names it Inconstancy . When their Rational Parts move slowly , orderly , equally , and sympathetically , Man names it Sobriety . When all the Parts of the Mind move regularly , and sympathetically , Man names it , Wisdom . When some Parts move partly regularly , and partly irregularly , Man names that , Foolishness , and Simplicity . When they move generally irregularly , Man names it Madness . CHAP. III. Of the Motions of Human Passions , and Appetites ; as also , of the Motions of the Rational and Sensitive Parts , towards Forrein Objects . VVHen some of the Rational Parts move sympathetically , to some of the Sensitive Perceptions ; and those Sensitive Parts sympathize to the Object , it is Love. If they move antipathetically to the Object , it is Hate . When those Rational and Sensitive Motions , make many and quick repetitions of those sympathetical actions , it is Desire and Appetite . When those Parts move variously , ( as concerning the Object ) but yet sympathetically ( concerning their own Parts ) it is Inconstancy . When those Motions move cross towards the Object , and are perturbed , it is Anger . But when those perturbed Motions are in confusion , it is Fear . When the Rational Motions are partly sympathetical , and partly antipathetical , it is Hope , and Doubt . And if there be more sympathetical Motions than antipathetical , there is more Hope than Doubt . If more antipathetical than sympathetical , then more Doubt than Hope . If those Rational Motions move after a dilating manner , it is Ioy. If after a contracting manner , it is Grief . When those Parts move partly after a contracting , and partly after an attracting manner , as attracting from the Object , it is Covetousness . But , if those Motions are sympathetical to the Object , and move after a dilating manner towards the Object , it is Generosity . If those Motions are sympathetical to the Object , and move after the manner of a Contraction , it is Pity or Compassion . If those Motions move antipathetically towards the Object , yet after a dilating manner , it is Pride . When those Motions move sympathetically towards the Object , after a dilating manner , it is Admiration . If the dilating Action is not extream , it is only Approving . If those Motions are antipathetical towards the Object , and are after the manner of an extream contraction , it is Horror . But , if those Actions are not so extraordinary as to be extream , it is only Disapproving , Despising , Rejecting , or Scorning . If the Rational Parts move carelesly towards Forrein Objects , as also partly antipathetically , Man nameth it , Ill-nature . But , if sympathetically and industriously , Man nameth it , Good-nature . But this is to be noted , That there are many sorts of Motions of one and the same kind ; and many several particular Motions , of one sort of Motion ; which causes some difference in the Effects : but , they are so nearly related , that it requires a more subtile Observation than I have , to distinguish them . CHAP. IV. Of the Repetitions of the Sensitive and Rational Actions . BOth the Rational and Sensitive Corporeal Motions , make often Repetitions of one and the same Actions : The Sensitive Repetitions , Man nameth , Custom . The Rational Repetitions , Man nameth , Remembrances : for , Repetitions cause a facility amongst the Sensitive Parts ; but yet , in some Repeating Actions , the Senses seem to be tired , being naturally delighted in variety . Also , by the Rational Repetitions , the Mind is either delighted , or displeased ; and sometimes , partly pleased , and partly displeased : for , the Mind is as much pleased , or displeased in the absence of an Object , as in the presence ; only the Pleasure , and Displeasure of the Senses , is not joyned with the Rational : for , the Sense , if Regular , makes the most perfect Copies when the Object is present : but , the Rational can make as perfect Copies in the absence , as in the presence of the Object ; which is the cause that the Mind is as much delighted , or grieved , in the absence of an Object , as with the presence : As for example , A Man is as much grieved when he knows his Friend is wounded , or dead , as if he had seen his Wounds , or had seen him dead : for , the Picture of the dead Friend , is in the mind of the living Friend ; and if the dead Friend was before his Eyes , he could but have his Picture in his mind ; which is the same for an absent Friend alive ; only , as I said , there is wanting the Sensitive Perception of the absent Object : And certainly , the Parts of the Mind have greater advantage than the Sensitive Parts ; for , the Mind can enjoy that which is not subject to the Sense ; as those things Man names , Castles in the Air , or Poetical Fancies ; which is the reason Man can enjoy Worlds of its own making , without the assistance of the Sensitive Parts ; and can govern and command those Worlds ; as also , dissolve and compose several Worlds , as he pleases : but certainly , as the pleasures of the Rational Parts are beyond those of the Sensitive , so are their Troubles . CHAP. V. Of the Passionate Love , and Sympathetical Endeavours , amongst the Associate Parts of a Human Creature . IN every Regular Human Society , there is a Passionate Love amongst the Associated Parts , like fellow-Students of one Colledg , or fellow-Servants in one House , or Brethren in one Family , or Subjects in one Nation , or Communicants in one Church : So the Self-moving Parts of a Human Creature , being associated , love one another , and therefore do endeavour to keep their Society from dissolving . But perceiving , by the example of the lives of the same sort of Creatures , that the property of their Nature is such , that they must dissolve in a short time , this causes these Human sorts of Creatures , ( being very ingenuous ) to endeavour an after-life : but , perceiving again , that their after-life cannot be the same as the present life is , they endeavour ( since they cannot keep their own Society from dissolving ) that their Society may remain in remembrance amongst the particular and general Societies of the same sort of Creatures , which we name Mankind : And this Design causes all the Sensitive and Rational Parts , in one Society , to be industrious , to leave some Mark for a lasting Remembrance , amongst their fellow-Creatures : which general remembrance , Man calls Fame ; for which Fame , the Rational Parts are industrious to design the manner and way , and the Sensitive Parts are industrious to put those Designs in execution ; as , their Inventions , into Arts or Sciences ; or to cause their Heroick or Prudent , Generous or Pious Actions ; their Learning , or witty Fancies , or subtile Conceptions , or their industrious Observations , or their ingenious Inventions , to be set in Print ; or their Exterior Effigies to be cast , cut , or engraven in Brass , or Stone , or to be painted ; or they endeavour to build Houses , or cut Rivers , to bear their Names ; and millions of other Marks , for remembrance , they are industrious to leave to the perception of after-Ages : And many men are so desirous of this after-life , that they would willingly quit their present life , by reason of its shortness , to gain this after-life , because of the probability of a long continuance ; and not only to live so in many several Ages , but in many several Nations . And amongst the number of those that prefer a long after-life , before a short present life , I am one . But , some men dispute against these Desires , saying , That it doth a man no good to be remembred when he is dead . I answer : It is very pleasing , whilst as man lives , to have in his Mind , or in his Sense , the Effigies of the Person , and of the good Actions of his Friend , although he cannot have his present company . Also , it is very pleasant to any body to believe , that the Effigies either of his own Person , or Actions , or both , are in the Mind of his Friend , when he is absent from him ; and , in this case , Absence and Death are much alike . But , in short , God lives no other ways amongst his Creatures , but in their Rational Thoughts , and Sensitive Worship . CHAP. VI. Of ACQVAINTANCE . AS there are Perceptive Acquaintances amongst the Parts of a Human Creature ; so there is a Perceptive Acquaintance between , or amongst the Human sorts of Creatures . But , mistake me not ; for I do not say , Men only are acquainted with each other ; for , there is not only an Acquaintance amongst every particular sort , as between one and the same sort of Creatures , but there are some Acquaintances between some sorts of different kinds : as for example , Between some sorts of Beasts , and Men ; as also , some sorts of Birds , and Men , which understand each other , I will not say , so well as Man and Man ; but so well , as to understand each other's Passions : but certainly , every particular sort of Creatures , of one and the same kind , understand each other , as well as Men understand one another ; and yet , for all that , they may be unacquainted : for , Acquaintance proceeds from Association ; so that , some Men , and some Beasts , by Association , may be acquainted with each other ; when as some Men , not associating , are meer strangers . The truth is , Acquaintance belongs rather to Particularities , than Generalities . CHAP. VII . Of the Effects of Forrein Objects of the Sensitive Body ; and of the Rational Mind of a Human Creature . ACCording as the Rational Parts are affected , or disaffected with Forrein Objects , the Sensitive is apt to express the like affections , or disaffections : for , most Forrein Objects occasion either pleasure and delight , or displeasure and dislike : but , the effects of Forrein Objects are very many , and , many times very different ; as , some Objects of Devotion , occasion a Fear , or Superstition , and Repentance in the Mind ; and the Mind occasions the Sensitive Parts to several actions , as , Praying , Acknowledging Faults , Begging pardon , making Vows , imploring Mercy , and the like , in words : also , the Body bows , the Knees bend , the Eyes weep , the hands hold up , and many the like devout actions . Other sorts of Objects occasion pity and compassion in the Mind , which occasions the Sensitive Parts to attend the sick , relieve the poor , help the distressed , and many more actions of Compassion . Other sorts of Forrein Objects , occasion the Rational Mind to be dull and melancholy ; and then the Sensitive Parts are dull , making no variety of Appetites , or regard Forrein Objects . Other sorts of Objects occasion the Mind to be vain and ambitious , and often to be proud ; and those occasion the Sensitive Actions to be adventurous and bold ; the Countenance of the face , scornful ; the Garb of the Body , stately ; the Words , vaunting , boasting , or bragging . Other Objects occasion the Mind to be furious ; and then the Sensitive Actions are , Cursing Words , Frowning Countenances , the Leggs stamping , the Hands and Arms fighting , and the whole Body in a furious posture . Other sorts of Objects occasion the Mind to a passionate Love ; and then the Sensitive Actions are , Flattering , Professing , Protesting in words , the Countenance smiling , the Eyes glancing ; also , the Body bows , the Leggs scrape , the Mouth kisses : also , the Hands mend their Garments , and do many of the like amorous actions . Other Objects occasion the Mind to Valour ; and then the Sensitive Actions are , Daring , Encouraging , or Animating . Other Objects occasion the Mind to Mirth , or Cheerfulness ; and they occasion the Sensitive Actions of the Voice , to Sing , or Laugh ; the Words to be jesting , the Hands to be toying , the Leggs to be dancing . Other sorts of Objects occasion the Mind to be Prudent ; and then the Sensitive Actions , are Sparing or Frugal . Other sorts of Objects occasion the Mind to be Envious , or Malicious ; and then the Sensitive Actions are Mischievous . There are great numbers of Occasional Actions , but these are sufficient to prove , That Sense and Reason understand each other's Actions or Designs . CHAP. VIII . Of the Advantage and Disadvantage of the Encounters of several Creatures . THere is a strong Sympathy between the Rational and Sensitive Parts , in one and the same Society , or Creature : not only for their Consistency , Subsistency , Use , Ease , Pleasure , and Delight ; but , for their Safety , Guard , and Defence : as for example , When one Creature assaults another , then all the Powers , Faculties , Properties , Ingenuities , Agilities , Proportions , and Shape , of the Parts of the Assaulted , unite against the Assaulter , in the defence of every particular Part of their whole Society ; in which Encounter , the Rational advises , and the Sensitive labours . But this is to be noted concerning advantage and disadvantage in such Encounters , That some sorts of Creatures have their advantage in the Exterior Shape , others meerly in the Number of Parts ; others in the agility of their Parts , and some by the ingenuity of their parts : but , for the most part , the greater Number have advantage over the less , if the greater number of Parts be as regular , and as ingenious as the less number : but , if the less number be more regular , and more ingenious than the greater , then 't is a hundred to one but the less number of Parts have the advantage . CHAP. IX . That All Human Creatures have the like Kinds and Sorts of Properties . ALL Human Creatures have the like Kinds and Sorts of Properties , Faculties , Respirations , and Perceptions ; unless some Irregularities in the Production , occasion some Imperfections , or some Misfortunes , in some time of his Age : yet , no Man knows what another Man perceives , but by guess , or information of the Party : but , as I said , if they have have no Imperfections , all Human Creatures have like Properties , Faculties , and Perceptions : As for example , All Human Eyes may see one and the same Object alike ; or hear the same Tune , or Sound ; and so of the rest of the Senses . They have also the like Respirations , Digestions , Appetites ; and the like may be said of all the Properties belonging to a Human Creature . But , as one Human Creature doth not know what another Human Creature knows , but by Confederacy ; so , no Part of the Body , or Mind of a Man , knows each Part 's perceptive knowledg , but by Confederacy : so that , there is as much Ignorance amongst the Parts of Nature , as Knowledg . But this is to be noted , That there are several manners and ways of Intelligences , not only between several sorts of Creatures , or amongst particulars of one sort of Creatures ; but , amongst the several Parts of one and the same Creature . CHAP. X. Of the Irregularity of the Sensitive , and of the Rational Corporeal Motions . AS I have often mentioned , and do here again repeat , That the Rational and Sensitive Parts of one Society , or Creature , do understand , as perceiving each other's Self-moving Parts ; and the proof is , That , sometimes , the Human Sense is regular , and the Human Reason irregular ; and sometimes the Reason regular , and the Sense irregular : but , in these differences , the Regular Parts endeavour to reform the Irregular ; which causes , many times , repetitions of one and the same Actions , and Examinations ; as , sometimes the Reason examines the Sense ; and sometimes the Sense , the Reason : and sometimes the Sense and Reason do examine the Object ; for , sometimes an Object will delude both the Sense and Reason ; and sometimes the Sense and Reason are but partly mistaken : As for example , A fired end of a Stick , by a swift exterior Circular Motion , appears a Circle of fire , in which they are not deceived : for , by the Exterior Motion , the fired end is a Circle ; but they are mistaken , to conceive the Exterior Figurative Action to be the proper natural Figure : but when one man mistakes another , that is some small Error , both of the Sense and Reason . Also , when one man cannot readily remember another man , with whom he had formerly been acquainted , it is an Error ; and such small Errors , the Sense and Reason do soon rectifie : but in causes of high Irregularities , as in Madness , Sickness , and the like , there is a great Bustle amongst the Parts of a Human Creature ; so as those Disturbances cause unnecessary Fears , Grief , Anger , and strange Imaginations . CHAP. XI . Of the Knowledg between the Sensitive Organs of a Human Creature . THE Sensitive Organs are only ignorant of each other , as they are of Forrein Objects : for , as all the Parts of Forrein Objects , are not subject to one Sensitive Organ ; so all the Sensitive Organs are not subject to each Sensitive Organ of a Human Creature : yet , in the perceptive Actions of Forrein Objects , they do so agree , that they make an united Knowledg : Thus we may be particularly ignorant one way , and yet have a general Knowledg another way . CHAP. XII . Of Human Perception , or Defects of a Human Creature . IT is not the great quantity of Brain , that makes a Man wise ; nor a little quantity , that makes a Man foolish : but , the irregular , or regular Rational Corporeal Motions of the Head , Heart , and the rest of the Parts , that causes dull Understandings , short Memories , weak Judgments , violent Passions , extravagant Imaginations , wild Fancies , and the like . The same must be said of the Sensitive Irregular Corporeal Motions , which make Weakness , Pain , Sickness , disordered Appetites , and perturbed Perceptions , and the like : for , Nature poysing her Actions by Opposites , there must needs be Irregularities , as well as Regularities ; which is the cause that seldom any Creature is so exact , but there is some Exception . But , when the Sensitive and Rational Corporeal Motions are regular , and move sympathetically , then the Body is healthful and strong , the Mind in peace and quiet , understands well , and is judicious : and , in short , there are perfect Perceptions , proper Digestions , easie Respirations , regular Passions , temperate Appetites . But when the Rational Corporeal Motions are curious in their change of Actions , there are subtile Conceptions , and elevated Fancies : and when the Sensitive Corporeal Motions move with curiosity , ( as I may say ) then there are perfect Senses , exact Proportions , equal Temperaments ; and that , Man calls Beauty . CHAP. XIII . Of Natural FOOLS . THere is great difference between a Natural Fool , and a Mad Man : for , Madness is a Disease , but a Natural Fool is a Defect ; which Defect was some Error in his Production , that is , in the form and frame either of the Mind , or Sense , or both ; for , the Sense may be a Natural Fool as well as the Reason ; as we may observe in those sorts of Fools whom we name Changelings , whose Body is not only deformed , but all the Postures of the Body are defective , and appear as so many fools : but sometimes , only some Parts are fools ; as for example ; If a Man be born Blind , then only his Eyes are Fools ; if Deaf , then only his Ears are Fools , which occasions his dumbness ; Ears being the informing Parts , to speak ; and wanting those informations , he cannot speak a Language . Also , if a Man is born lame , his Leggs are Fools ; that is , those Parts have no knowledg of such Properties that belong to such Parts ; but the Sensitive Parts may be wise , as being knowing ; and the Rational Parts may be defective ; which Defects , Man names Irrational . But this is to be noted , That there may be Natural and Accidental Fools , by some extraordinary Frights , or by extraordinary Sickness , or through the defects of Old Age. As for the Errors of Production , they are incurable ; as also , those of Old Age ; the First being an Error in the very Foundation , and the other a Decay of the whole Frame of the Building : for , after a Human Creature is brought to that perfection , as to be , as we may say , at full growth and strength , at the prime of his age ; the Human Motions , and the very Nature of Man , after that time , begins to decay ; for then the Human Motions begin to move rather to the dissolution , than to the continuance ; although some Men last to very old Age , by reason the unity of their Society is regular and orderly , and moves so Sympathetically . as to commit few or no Disorders , or Irregularities ; and such old Men are , for the most part , Healthful , and very wise , through long Experience ; and their Society having got a habit of Regularity , is not apt to be disturbed by Forrein Parts . But this is to be noted , That sometimes the Sensitive Body decays , before the Rational Mind ; and sometimes the Rational Mind , before the Sensitive Body . Also , this is to be noted , That when the Body is defective , but not the Mind ; then the Mind is very industrious to find out Inventions of Art , to help the Defects that are natural . But pray mistake me not ; for I do not say , That all Deformities , or Defects , but only some particular sorts of Deformity , or Defects , are Foolish . The Seventh Part. CHAP. I. Of the Sensitive Actions of Sleeping and Waking . THE Sensitive and Rational Corporeal Figurative Motions , are the cause of infinite varieties : for , though Repetitions make no varieties ; yet , every altered action is a variety : Also , different Actions , make different Effects ; opposite Actions , opposite Effects ; not only of the actions of the several Self-moving Parts , or Corporeal Motions , but of the same Parts : As for example , The same Parts , or Corporeal Motions , may move from that , Man names Life , to that which Man names Death ; or , from Health to Sickness , from Ease to Pain , from Memory to Forgetfulness , from Forgetfulness to Remembrance , from Love to Hate , from Grief to Joy , from Irregularity to Regularity ; or , from Regularity to Irregularity , and the like ; and from one Perception to another : for , though all actions are perceptive , yet there are several kinds , several sorts , and several particular perceptions : But , amongst the several Corporeal Motions of Animal , or Human kind , there are the opposite Motions of what we name Waking , and Sleeping ; the difference is , That Waking-actions are , most commonly , actions of Imitation , especially of the Sensitive Parts ; and are more the Exterior , than the Interior actions of a Human Creature . But , the actions of Sleep , are the alterations of the Exterior Corporeal Motions , moving more interiorly , as it were inwardly , and voluntarily : As for example , The Optick Corporeal Motions , in Waking-actions , work , or move , according to the outward Object : but , in Sleeping-actions , they move by rote , or without Examples ; also , as I said , they move , as it were , inwardly ; like as a Man should turn himself inward , or outward , of a door , without removing from the door , or out of the place he stood in . CHAP. II. Of SLEEPING . ALthough the Rational and Sensitive Corporeal Motions , can never be tired , or weary of moving or acting , by reason it is their nature to be a perpetual Corporeal Motion ; yet they may be weary , or tired with particular actions . Also , it is easier and more delightful , to move by Rote , than to take Copies , or Patterns ; which is the reason that Sleep is easie and gentle , if the Corporeal Motions be regular ; but if they be irregular , Sleep is perturbed . But this is to be noted , That the Corporeal Motions delight in varieties so well , that , many times , many and various Objects will cause the Sensitive and Rational Corporeal Motions in a Man , to retard their actions of Sleep ; and , oft-times , want of variety of Forrein or outward Objects , will occasion the action of Sleep ; or else Musing and Contemplating actions . Also , it is to be noted , That if some Parts of the Body , or Mind , be distempered with Irregularities , it occasions such disturbances to the Whole , as hinders that repose ; but if the Regular Parts endeavour not to be disturbed with the Irregular ; and the Irregulars do disturb the Regular ; then it occasions that which Man names , Half-sleeps , or Slumbers , or Drowsiness . And if the Regular Corporeal Motions get the better , ( as many times they do ) then we say , Sleep hath been the occasion of the Cure ; and it oft proves so . And it is a common saying , That a good Sleep will settle the Spirits , or ease the Pains ; that is , when the Regular Corporeal Motions have had the better of the Irregular . CHAP. III. Of Human DREAMS . THere are several kinds , sorts , and particulars of Corporeal Irregularities , as well as of Regularities ; and amongst the infinite kinds , sorts , and particulars , there is that of Human Dreams ; for , the Exterior Corporeal Motions in Waking-actions , do copy or pattern outward Objects ; whereas , in actions of Sleep , they act by rote , which , for the most part , is erronious , making mixt Figures of several Objects ; as , partly like a Beast ; and partly , like a Bird , or Fish ; nay , sometimes , partly like an Animal , and partly like a Vegetable ; and millions of the like Extravagancies ; yet , many times , Dreams will be as exact as if a Man was awake , and the Objects before him ; but , those actions by rote , are more often false than true : but , if the Self-moving Parts move after their own inventions , and not after the manner of Copying ; or , if they move not after the manner of Human Perception , then a Man is as ignorant of his Dreams , or any Human Perception , as if he was in a Swound ; and then he says , he did not dream ; and , that such Sleeps are like Death . CHAP. IV. Of the Actions of DREAMS . VVHen the Figures of those Friends and Acquaintants that have been dead a long time , are made in our Sleep , we never , or seldom question the truth of their being alive , though we often question them how they came to be alive : And the reason that we make no doubt of their being alive , is , That those Corporeal Motions of Sleep , make the same pattern of that Object in Sleep , as when that Object was present , and patterned awake ; so as the Picture in Sleep seems to be the Original awake : and until such times that the Corporeal Motions alter their Sleeping-Actions to Waking-Actions , the truth is not known . Though Sleeping and Dreaming , is somewhat after the manner of Forgetfulness and Remembrance ; yet , perfect Dreams are as perceptive as Waking-patterns of present Objects ; which proves , That both the Sensitive and Rational Motions , have Sleeping Actions ; but both the Sensitive and Rational Corporeal Actions in Sleep , moving partly by rote , and partly voluntarily , or by invention , make Walking-Woods , or Woodden Men ; or make Warrs and Battels , where some Figures of Men are kill'd , or wounded , others have victory : They also make Thieves , Murderers , falling Houses , great Fires , Floods , Tempests , high Mountains , great Precipices ; and sometimes pleasant Dreams of Lovers , Marriage , Dancing , Banquetting , and the like : And the Passions in Dreams are as real , as in waking actions . CHAP. V. Whether the Interior Parts of a Human Creature , do sleep . THE Parts of my Mind were in dispute , Whether the Interior Parts of a Human Creature , had sleeping and waking actions ? The Major Part was of opinion , That Sleep was not proper to those Human Parts , because the Interior Motions were not like the Exterior . The Opinion of the Minor Part was , That change of Action , is like Ease after Labour ; and therefore it was probable , the Interior Parts had sleeping and waking actions . The Opinion of the Major Parts , was , That if those Parts , as also the Food received into the Body , had sleeping actions , the Body could not be nourished ; for , the Meat would not be digested into the like Parts of the Body , by reason sleeping actions were not such sorts of actions . The Opinion of the Minor Parts was , That the sleeping actions were nourishing actions , and therefore were most proper for the Interior Parts ; and , for proof , the whole Human Body becomes faint and weak , when they are hindred , either by some Interior Irregularity , or through some Exterior Occasion , from their sleeping actions . The Opinion of the Major Part , was , That sleeping actions are actions of rote , and not such altering actions as digesting actions , and nourishing actions , which are uniting actions . Besides , that the reason why the Interior actions are not sleeping actions , was , That when the Exterior Parts move in the actions of Sleep , the Interior Parts move when the Exterior are awake ; as may be observed by the Human Pulse , and Human Respiration ; and by many other Observations which may be brought . CHAP. VI. Whether all the Creatures in Nature , have Sleeping and Waking Actions . SOme may ask this Question , Whether all Creatures have sleeping Actions ? I answer , That though sleeping actions are proper to Human Creatures , as also , to most Animal Creatures ; yet , such actions may not any ways be proper to other kinds and sorts of Creatures : and if ( as in all probability it is ) that the Exterior Parts of a Human Creature have no such sleeping actions , it is probable that other kinds and sorts of Creatures move not at any time , in such sorts of actions . But some may say , That if Nature is poysed , all Creatures must have sleeping actions , as well as waking actions . I answer , That though Nature's actions are poysed , yet that doth not hinder the variety of Nature's actions , so as to tye Nature to particular actions : As for example , The Exterior Parts of Animals have both sleeping and waking actions ; yet that doth not prove , that therefore all the Parts or Creatures in Nature , must have sleeping and waking actions . The same may be said of all the actions of an Animal Creature , or of a Human Creature ; nay , of all the Creatures of the World : for , several kinds and sorts of Creatures , have several kinds and sorts of Properties : Wherefore , if there be other kinds and sorts of Worlds besides this , 't is probable that those Worlds , and all the Parts , or several kinds and sorts of Creatures there , have different properties and actions , from those of this World ; so that though Nature's actions are poysed and balanced , yet they are poysed and balanced after different manners and ways . CHAP. VII . Of Human Death . DEATH is not only a general Alteration of the Sensitive and Rational Motions , but a general Dissolution of their Society . And as there are degrees of Time in Productions , so in Dissolutions . And as there are degrees to Perfection , as from Infancy to Manhood ; so there are degrees from Manhood to Old Age. But , as I said , Death is a general Dissolution , which makes a Human Creature to be no more : yet , some Parts do not dissolve so soon as others ; as for example , Human Bones ; but , though the Form or Frame of Bones is not dissolved ; yet the Properties : of those Bones are altered . The same when a Human Creature is kept by Art from dissolving , so as the Form , or Frame , or Shape may continue ; but all the Properties are quite altered ; though the Exterior Shape of such Bodies doth appear somewhat like a Man , yet that Shape is not a Man. CHAP. VIII . Of the Heat of Human Life , and the Cold of Human Death . THere are not only several sorts of Properties belonging to several sorts of Creatures , but several sorts of Properties belonging to one and the same sort of Creature ; and amongst the several sorts of Human Properties , Human Heat is one , which Man names Natural Heat : but , when there is a general alteration of the Human Properties , there is that alteration of the Property as well of his Natural , as Human Heat : but , Natural Heat is not the cause of Human Life , though Human Life is the cause of that Natural Heat : so that , when Human Life is altered or dissolved , Human Heat is altered or dissolved : And as Death is opposite Actions to that Man names Life ; so Cold is opposite Actions to that Man names Heat . CHAP. IX . Of the Last Act of Human Life . THE reason some Human Creatures dye in more pain than others , is , That the Motions of some Human Creatures are in strife , because some would continue their accustomed Actions , others would alter their accustomed Actions ; which Strife causes Irregularities , and those Irregularities cause Differences , or Difficulties , which causes Pain : but certainly , the last Act of Human Life is easie ; not only that the Expulsive Actions of Human Respirations , are more easie than the Attracting Actions ; but , that in the last act of Human Life , all the Motions do generally agree in one Action . CHAP. X. Whether a Human Creature hath Knowledg in Death , or not ? SOme may ask the Question , Whether a dead Man hath any Knowledg or Perception ? I answer , That a dead Man hath not a Human Knowledg or Perception ; yet all , and every Part , hath Knowledg and Perception : But , by reason there is a general alteration of the actions of the Parts of a Human Creature , there cannot possibly be a Human Knowledg or Perception . But some may say , That a Man in a Swound hath a general alteration of Human actions ; and yet those Parts of a Human Creature do often repeat those former actions , and then a Man is as he was before he was in that Swound . I answer , That the reason why a Man in a Swound hath not the same Knowledg as when he is not in a Swound , is , That the Human Motions are not generally altered , but only are generally irregular ; which makes such a disturbance , that no Part can move so regularly , as to make proper Perceptions ; as in some sorts of Distempers , a Man may be like a Natural Fool ; in others , he may be Mad ; and is subject to many several Distempers , which cause several Effects : but a Human Swound is somewhat like Sleeping without Dreaming ; that is , the Exterior Senses do not move to Human Exterior Perception . CHAP. XI . Whether a Creature may be new Formed , after a general Dissolution . SOme may ask the Question , Whether a Human Creature , or any other Creature , after their Natural Properties are quite altered , can be repeated , and rechanged , to those Properties that formerly were ? I answer , Yes , in case none of the Fundamental Figurative Parts be dissolved . But some may ask , That if those dissolved Parts were so inclosed in other Bodies , that none of them could easily disperse or wander ; whether they might not joyn into the same Form and Figure again , and have the same Properties ? I answer , I cannot tell well how to judg ; but I am of the opinion , they cannot : for , it is the property of all such Productions , to be performed by degrees , and that there should be a dividing and uniting of Parts , as an intercourse of Home and Forrein Parts ; and so there is requir'd all the same Parts , and every Part of the same Society , or that had any adjoining actions with that particular Creature ; as all those Parts , or Corporeal Motions , that had been from the first time of Production , to the last of the Dissolving ; and that could not be done without a Confusion in Nature . But some may say , That although the same Creature could not be produced after the same manner , nor return to the degree of his Infancy , and pass the degrees from his Infancy , to some degree of Age ; yet , those parts that are together , might so joyn , and move , in the same manner , as to be the same Creature it was before its dissolution ? I answer , It may not be impossible : but yet , It is very improbable , that such numerous sorts of Motions , after so general an Alteration , should so generally agree in an unnatural action . CHAP. XII . Of FOREKNOWLEDG . I Have had some Disputes amongst the Parts of my Mind , Whether Nature hath Foreknowledg ? The Opinion of the Minor Parts was , That Nature had Foreknowledg , by reason all that was Material , was part of her self ; and those Self-parts having Self-motion , she might foreknow what she would act , and so what they should know . The Opinion of the Major Parts was , That by reason every Part had Self-motion , and natural Free-will , Nature could not foreknow how they would move , although she might know how they have moved , or how they do move . After this Dispute was ended , then there was a Dispute , Whether the particular Parts had a Foreknowledg of Self-knowledg ? The Opinion of the Minor Parts was , That since every Part in Nature had Self-motion , and natural Free-will , every Part could know how they should move , and so what they should know . The Opinion of the Major Parts was , That first , the Self-knowledg did alter according to Self-action , amongst the Self-moving Parts : but , the Self-knowledg of the Inanimate Parts , did alter according to the actions of the Sensitive Self-moving Parts ; and the Perceptive actions of the Self-moving Parts , were according to the form and actions of the Objects : so that Foreknowledg of Forein Parts , or Creatures , could not be : And for Foreknowledg of Self-knowledg of the Self-moving Parts , there were so many occasional actions , that it was impossible the Self-moving Parts could know how they should move , by reason that no Part had an Absolute Power , although they were Self-moving , and had a natural Free-will : which proves , That Prophesies are somewhat of the nature of Dreams , whereof some may prove true by chance ; but , for the most part , they are false . The Eighth Part. CHAP. I. Of the Irregularity of Nature's Parts . SOME may make this Question , that , If Nature were Self-moving , and had Free-will , it is probable that she would never move her Parts so irregularly , as to put her self to pain . I answer , first , That Nature's Parts move themselves , and are not moved by any Agent . Secondly , Though Nature's Parts are Self-moving , and Self-knowing , yet they have not an infinite or uncontrolable Power ; for , several Parts , and Parties , oppose , and oft-times obstruct each other ; so that many times they are forced to move , and they may not when they would . Thirdly , Some Parts may occasion other Parts to be irregular , and keep themselves in a regular posture . Lastly , Nature's Fundamental actions are so poysed , that Irregular actions are as natural as Regular . CHAP. II. Of the Human Parts of a Human Creature . THE Form of Man's Exterior and Interior Parts , are so different , and so numerous ; that I cannot describe them , by reason I am not so learned to know them : But , some Parts of a Human Creature , Man names Vital ; because , the least disturbance of any of those Parts , endangers the Human Life : and if any of those Vital Parts are diminished , I doubt whether they can be restored ; but if some of those Parts can be restored , I doubt all cannot . The Vital Parts are , the Heart , Liver , Lungs , Stomack , Kidneys , Bladder , Gaul , Guts , Brains , Radical Humours , or Vital Spirits ; and others which I know not of . But this is to be noted , That Man is composed of Rare and Solid Parts , of which there are more and less Solid , more and less Rare ; as also , different sorts of Solid , and different sorts of Rare : also , different sorts of Soft and Hard Parts ; likewise , of Fixt and Loose Parts ; also , of Swift and Slow Parts . I mean by Fixt , those that are more firmly united . CHAP. III. Of Human Humours . HVmours are such Parts , that some of them may be divided from the whole Body , without danger to the whole Body ; so that they are somewhat like Excremental parts , which Excremental parts , are the superfluous parts : for , though the Humours be so necessary , that the Body could not well subsist without them ; yet , a Superfluity of them is as dangerous , ( if not more ) as a Scarcity . But there are many sorts of Humours belonging to a Human Creature , although Man names but Four , according to the Four Elements , viz. Flegm , Choler , Melancholy , and Blood : but , in my opinion , there are not only several sorts of Choler , Flegm , Melancholy , and Blood ; but other sorts that are none of these Four. CHAP. IV. Of BLOOD . I Have heard , that the Opinions of the most Learned Men , are , That all Animal Creatures have Blood , or at least , such Juyces that are in lieu of Blood ; which Blood , or Juyces , move circularly : for my part , I am too ignorant to dispute with Learned Men ; but yet I am confident , a Moth ( which is a sort of Worm , or Fly , that eats Cloth ) hath no Blood , no , nor any Juyce ; for , so soon as it is touched , it dissolves straight to a dry dust , or like ashes . And there are many other Animals , or Insects , that have no appearance of Blood ; therefore the life of an Animal doth not consist of Blood : And as for the Circulation of Blood , there are many Animal Creatures that have not proper Vessels , as Veins and Arteries , or any such Gutters , for their Blood , or Juyce , to circulate through . But , say the Blood of Man , or of such like Animal , doth circulate ; then it is to be studied , Whether the several parts of the Blood do intermix with each other , as it flows ; or , whether it flows as Water seems to do ; where the following parts may be as great strangers to the Leading parts , as in a Crowd of People , where some of those behind , do not know those that are before : but , if the Blood doth not intermix as it flows , then it will be very difficult for a Chyrurgion , or Physician , to find where the ill Blood runs : besides , if the Blood be continually flowing , when a sick Man is to be let blood , before the Vein is opened , the bad Blood may be past that Part , or Vein , and so only the good Blood will be let out ; and then the Man may become worse than if he had not been let blood . CHAP. V. Of the Radical Humours , or Parts . THere are many Parts in a Human Body , that are as the Foundation of a House ; and being the Foundation , if any of those Parts be removed or decayed , the House immediately falls to ruine . These Fundamental Parts , are those we name the Vital Parts ; amongst which are those Parts we name the Vital and Radical Spirits , which are the Oyl and Flame of a Human Creature , causing the Body to have that we name a Natural Heat , and a Radical Moisture . But it is to be noted , That these Parts , or Corporeal Motions , are not like gross Oyl , or Flame : for , I believe , there are more differences between those Flames , and ordinary Flames , than between the Light of the Sun , and the Flame of a Tallow Candle ; and as much difference between this Oyl , and the greasie Oyl , as between the purest Essence , and Lamp-Oyl . But , these Vital Parts are as necessary to the Human Life , as the solid Vital Parts , viz. the Heart , Liver , Lungs , Brains , and the like . CHAP. VI. Of Expelling Malignant Disorders in a Human Creature . EXpelling of Poyson , or any Malignity in the Body , is , when that Malignity hath not got , or is not setled into the Vital Parts ; so that the Regular Motions of the Vital Parts , and other Parts of the Body , endeavour to defend themselves from the Forrein Malignancies ; which if they do , then the Malignant Motions do dilate to the Exterior Parts , and issue out of those Exterior Passages , at least , through some ; as , either by the way of Purging , Vomiting , Sweating , or Transpiration , which is a breathing through the Pores , or other passages . After the same manner is the expelling of Surfeits , or Superfluities of Natural Humours : but , if the Malignity or Surfeit , Superfluity or superfluous Humours , have the better , ( as I may say ) then those Irregular Motions , by their Disturbances , cause the Regular Motions to be Irregular , and to follow the Mode ; which is , to imitate Strangers , or the most Powerful ; the most Fantastical , or the most debauch'd : for it is , many times , amongst the Interior Motions of the Body , as with the Exterior Actions of Men. CHAP. VII . Of Human Digestions and Evacuations . TO treat of the several particular Digestive Actions of a Human Creature , is impossible : for , not only every part of Food hath a several manner of Digestive Action ; but , every action in Transpiration , is a sort of Digestion and Evacuation : so that , though every sort of Digestion and Evacuation , may be ghest at ; yet , every Particular is not so known , that it can be described . But this is to be noted , That there is no Creature that hath Digestive Motions , but hath Evacuating Motions ; which Actions , although they are but Dividing , and Uniting ; yet they are such different manners and ways of uniting and dividing , that the most observing Man cannot particularly know them , and so not express them : but , the Uniting actions , if regular , are the Nourishing actions ; the Dividing actions , if regular , are the Cleansing actions : but if irregular , the Uniting actions are the Obstructive actions ; and the Dividing actions , the Destructive actions . CHAP. VIII . Of DISEASES in general . THere are many sorts of Human Diseases ; yet , all sorts of Diseases are Irregular Corporeal Motions ; but , every sort of Motion is of a different Figure : so that , several Diseases are different Irregular Figurative Motions ; and according as the Figurative Motions vary , so do the Diseases : but , as there are Human Diseases , so there are Human Defects ; which Defects ( if they be those which Man names Natural ) cannot be rectified by any Human Means . Also , there are Human Decays , and Old Age ; which , although they cannot be prevented , or avoided ; yet , they may , by good Order , and wise Observations , be retarded : but there are not only numerous sorts of Diseases , but every particular it self , and every particular sort , are more or less different ; insomuch , that seldom a Disease of one and the same sort , is just alike , but there are some differences ; as in Men , who though they be all of one sort of Animal-kind , yet seldom any two Men are just alike : and the same may be said of Diseases both of Body and Mind ; as for example , concerning Irregular Minds , as in Mad-Men ; Although all Mad-Men are mad , yet not mad alike ; though they all have the Disease either of Sensitive or Rational Madness , or are both Sensitively and Rationally mad . Also , this is to be noted , That as several Diseases may be produced from several Causes , so several Diseases from one : Cause , and one Disease from several Causes ; which is the cause that a Physician ought to be a long and subtile Observer and Practiser , before he can arrive to that Experience which belongs to a good Physician . CHAP. IX . Of the Fundamental Diseases . THere are numerous sorts of Diseases , to which Human Creatures are subject ; and yet there are but few Fundamental Maladies ; which are these as follow ; Pain , Sickness , Weakness , Dizziness , Numbness , Deadness , Madness , Fainting and Swounding ; of which one is particular , the rest are general : The particular is Sickness , to which no parts of the Body are subject , but the Stomack : for , though any parts of the Body may have Pain , Numbness , Dizziness , Weakness , or Madness ; yet in no part can be that which we name Sickness , but the Stomack . As for Dizziness , the Effects are general , as may be observed in some drunken Men : for , many times , the Head will be in good temper , when the Leggs ( I cannot say , are dizzie , yet ) will be so drunk , as neither to go or stand ; and many times the Tongue will be so drunk , as not to speak plain , when all the rest of the body is well temper'd ; at least so well , as not to be any ways perceived , but by the tripping of their Speech : but , as I said , no Part is subject to be sick , but the Stomack : And though there are numerous sorts of Pains to which every Part is subject , and every several Part hath a several Pain ; yet they are still Pain . But some may say , That there are also several sorts of Sicknesses . I grant it ; but yet those several sorts of Sicknesses , belong only to the Stomack , and to no other Part of the Body . The Ninth Part. CHAP. I. Of SICKNESS . TO go on as orderly as I can , I will treat of the Fundamental Diseases , and first of Sickness , by reason it is the most particular Disease : for though , as I have said , no part of a Human Creature is subject to that Disease , ( namely , Sickness ) but the Stomack ; yet , there are different sorts of Sicknesses of the Stomack ; as for example , Some sorts of Sickness is like the flowing and ebbing of the Sea : for , the Humours of the Stomack agitate in that manner , as , if the flowing motions flow upwards , it occasions Vomiting ; if downwards , Purging : if the Humours divide , as , partly to flow upwards , and partly downwards , it occasions both Vomiting and Purging . But the Question is , Whether it is the motion of the Humours , that occasions the Stomack to be sick ; or the sickness of the Stomack , that occasions the Humours to flow ? I answer : That 't is probable , that sometimes the flowing of the Humours causes the Stomack to be sick ; and sometimes the sickness of the Stomack occasions the Humours to flow ; and sometimes the Stomack will be sick without the flowing of Humours , as when the Stomack is empty ; and sometimes the Humours will flow , without any disturbance to the Stomack ; and sometimes both the Humours and the Stomack do jointly agree in Irregularities : but , as I said , there are several sorts of sicknesses of the Stomack , or at least , that sickness doth produce several sorts of Effects ; as , for example , some sorts of sickness will occasion faint and cold Sweats ; which sick Motion is not flowing up or down of the Humours ; but it is a cold dilatation , or rarifying , after a breathing manner ; also expelling of those rarified parts through the pores : Other sorts of Motions of the Humours , are like Boyling motions , viz. Bubling motions ; which occasion steaming or watry vapours , to ascend to the Head ; which vapours are apt to cloud the perception of Sight . Other sorts of sick Motions , are Circular , and those cause a swimming , or a dizzie motion in the Head , and sometimes a staggering motion in the Leggs . Other sorts of sick Motions are occasioned through tough and clammy Humours , the motion of which Humours , is a winding or turning in such a manner , that it removes not from its Center ; and until such time as that Turning or Winding Motions alter , or the Humour is cast out of the Stomack , the Patient finds little or no ease . CHAP. II. Of PAIN . AS I said , No Part is subject to be sick , but the Stomack ; but every several Part of a Human Creature , is subject to Pain ; and not only so , but every particular Part is subject to several sorts of Pain ; and every several sort of Pain , hath a several Figurative Motion : but to know the different Figurative Motions , will require a subtile Observation : for , though those painful Parts , know their own Figurarative Motions ; yet , the whole Creature ( suppose Man ) doth not know them . But it may be observed , Whether they are caused by Irregular Contractions or Attractions , Dilatations or Retentions , Expulsions or Irregular Pressures and Re-actions , or Irregular Transformations , or the like ; and by those Observations , one may apply , or endeavour to apply proper Remedies : but all Pain proceeds from Irregular and perturbed Motions . CHAP. III. Of DIZZINESS . I Cannot say , Dizziness belongs only to the Head of an Animal Creature , because we may observe , by irregular Drinkers , that sometimes the Leggs will seem more drunk than their Heads ; and sometimes all the Parts of their Body will seem to be temperate , as being Regular , but only the Tongue seems to be drunk : for , staggering of the Leggs , and a staggering of the Tongue , or the like , in a drunken Distemper , is a sort of Dizziness , although not such a sort as that which belongs to the Head ; so that , when a man is dead-drunk , we may say , that every part of the Body is Dizzily drunk . But mistake me not ; for I do not mean , that all sorts of dizzinesses proceed from drinking ; I only bring Drunkenness for an Example : but , the Effects of dizziness of the Head , and other parts of the Body , proceed from different Causes ; for , some proceed from Wind , not Wine ; others from Vapour ; some from the perception of some Forrein Object ; and numbers of the like Examples may be found . But this is to be noted , That all such sorts of Swimming and Dizziness in the Head , are produced from Circular Figurative Motions . Also it is to be noted , That many times the Rational Corporeal Motions are Irregular with the Sensitive , but not always : for , sometimes in these and the like Distempers , the Sensitive will be Irregular , and the Rational Regular ; but , for the most part , the Rational is so compliant with the Sensitive , as to be Regular , or Irregular , as the Sensitive is . CHAP. IV. Of the Brain seeming to turn round in the Head. WHen the Human Brain seems to turn round , the cause is , that some Vapours do move in a Circular Figure , which causes the Head to be dizzy ; as when a man turns round , not only his Head will be dizzy , but all the Exterior Parts of his Body ; insomuch that some , by often turning round , will fall down ; but if , before they fall , they turn the contrary way , they will be free from that dizziness : The reason of which is , That , by turning the contrary way , the Body is brought to the same posture it was before ; as , when a man hath travell'd some way , and returns the same way back , he returns to the place where first he began his Journey . CHAP. V. Of WEAKNESS . THere are many sorts of Weakness ; some Weakness proceeds from Age ; others , through want of Food ; others are occasioned by Oppression ; others , by Disorders and Irregularities ; and so many other sorts , that it would be too tedious to repeat them , could I know them : But , such sorts of Weakness , as Human Creatures are subject to , after some Disease or Sickness , are somewhat like Weariness after a Laborious or over-hard Action ; as , when a Man hath run fast , or laboured hard , he fetches his breath short and thick ; and as most of the Sensitive Actions are by degrees , so is a Returning to Health after Sickness : but , all Irregularities are Laborious . CHAP. VI. Of SWOVNDING . THE cause why a Man in Swound , is , for a time , as if he were dead ; is , an Irregularity amongst some of the Interior Corporeal Motions , which causes an Irregularity of the Exterior Corporeal Motions , and so a general Irregularity ; which is the cause that a Man appears as if he were dead . But some may say , A Man in a Swound is void of all Motion . I answer : That cannot be : for , if the Man was really dead , yet his Parts are moving , though they move not according to the property or nature of a living Man : but , if the Body had not consistent Motions , and the Parts did not hold together , it would be dissolved in a moment ; and when the Parts do divide , they must divide by Self-motion : but , in a Man in a Swound , some of his Corporeal Motions are only altered from the property and nature of a living Man ; I say , some of his Corporeal Motions , not all : Neither do those Motions quite alter from the nature of a living Man , so as the alterations of the Fundamental Motions do : but they are so alter'd , as Language may be alter'd , viz. From Hebrew to Greek , Latin , French , Spanish , English , and many others ; and although they are all but Languages , yet they are several Languages or Speeches ; so the alteration of the Corporeal Motions of a Man in a Swound , is but as the altering of one sort of Language to another ; as put the case , English were the Natural Language or Speech , then all other Languages were unknown to him that knows no other than his Natural : So a Man in a Swound is ignorant of those Motions in the Swound : but , when those Motions return to the Nature of a living Man , he hath the same knowledg he had before . Thus Human Ignorance , and Human Knowledg , may be occasioned by the alterations of the Corporeal Motions . The truth is , that Swounding and Reviving , is like Forgetfulness and Remembrance , that is , Alteration and Repetition , or Exchange of the same Actions . CHAP. VII . Of Numb and Dead Palsies , or Gangren's . AS for Numb and Dead Palsies , they proceed not only from disordered and Irregular Motions , but from such Figurative Motions as are quite different from the nature of the Creature : for , though it be natural for a Man to dye ; yet the Figurative Motions of Death are quite different from the Figurative Motions of Life ; so in respect to that which Man names Life , that which Man names Death , is unnatural : but , as there are several sorts of that Man names Life , or Lives ; so there are several sorts of those Corporeal Motions , Man names Death : but , Dead Palsies of some Parts of a Man's Body , are not like those of a Man when he is , as we say , quite dead ; for , those are not only such sorts of Motions that are quite , or absolutely different from the life of the Man , or such like Creature ; but such as dissolve the whole Frame , or Figure of the Creature : But , the Motions of a Dead Palsie , are not dissolving Motions , although they are different from the natural living Motions of a Man. The same , in some manner , are Numb Palsies ; only the Motions of Numb Palsies are not so absolutely different from the Natural living Motions ; but have more Irregularities , than perfect Alterations . As for that sort of Numbness we name Sleepy Numbness , it is occasioned through some obstruction that hinders and stops the Exterior Sensitive Perception . As , when the Eyes are shut , or blinded , or the Ears stopt , or the Nostrils ; the Sensitive Figurative Motions of those Sensitive Organs , cannot make Perceptions of Forrein Objects : so , when the Pores of the Flesh , which are the perceptive Organs of Forrein Touches , are stopt , either by too heavy burthens or pressings , or tying some Parts so hard , as to close the Exterior Organs , ( viz. the Pores ) they cannot make such Perceptions as belong to Touch : but , when those hinderances are removed , then the Sensitive Perception of Touch , is , in a short time , as perfect as before . As for Gangren's , although they are somewhat like Dead Palsies , yet they are more like those sorts of dead Corporeal Motions , that dissolve the Frame and Form of a Creature : for , Gangren's dissolve the Frame and Form of the Diseased Part ; and the like do all those Corporeal Motions that cause Rottenness , or Parts to divide and separate after a rotten manner . CHAP. VIII . Of MADNESS . THere are several sorts of that Distemper named Madness ; but they all proceed through the Irregularities , either of the Rational , or the Sensitive Parts ; and sometimes from the Irregularities both of Sense and Reason : but these Irregularities are not such as are quite different from the Nature or Property of a Human Creature , but are only such Irregularities as make false Perceptions of Forrein Objects , or else make strange Conceptions ; or move after the manner of Dreams in waking-actions ; which is not according to the Perception of present Objects : As for example , The Sensitive Motions of the Exterior Parts , make several Pictures on the outside of the Organs ; when as no such Object is present ; and that is the reason Mad-men see strange and unusual Sights , hear strange and unusual Sounds , have strange and unusual Tasts and Touch : but , when the Irregularities are only amongst the Rational Parts , then those that are so diseased , have violent Passions , strange Conceptions , wild Fancies , various Opinions , dangerous Designs , strong Resolutions , broken Memories , imperfect Remembrances , and the like . But , when both the Sensitive and Rational are sympathetically disorderly ; then the Mad-men will talk extravagantly , or laugh , sing , sigh , weep , tremble , complain , &c. without cause . CHAP. IX . The Sensitive and Rational Parts may be distinctly Mad. THE Senses may be irregularly Mad , and not the Reason ; and the Reason may be irregularly mad , and not the Sense ; and , both Sense and Reason may be both sympathetically mad : And , an evident proof that there is a Rational and Sensitive Madness , is , That those whose Rational Parts are Regular , and only some of the Sensitive Irregular , will speak soberly , and declare to their Friends , how some of their Senses are distemper'd , and how they see strange and unusual Sights , hear unusual Sounds , smell unusual Sents , feel unusual Touches , and desire some Remedy for their Distempers . Also , it may be observed , That sometimes the Rational Parts are madly distemper'd , and not the Sensitive ; as when the Sensitive Parts make no false Perceptions , but only the Rational ; and then only the Mind is out of order , and is extravagant , and not the Senses : but , when the Senses and Reason are madly Irregular , then the diseased Man is that we name , Outragiously Mad. CHAP. X. The Parts of the Head are not only subject to Madness , but also the other Parts of the Body . MAdness is not only in the Head , but in other Parts of the Body : As for example , Some will feel unusual Touches in their Hands , and several other parts of their Body . We may also observe by the several and strange Postures of Mad-men , that the several Parts of the Body are madly distemper'd . And it is to be noted , That sometimes some Parts of the Body are mad , and not the other ; as , sometimes only the Eyes , sometimes only the Ears ; and so of the rest of the Organs , and of the rest of the Parts of the Body ; one Part only being mad , and the rest in good order . Moreover , it is to be noted , That some are not continually mad , but only mad by fits , or at certain times ; and those fits , or certain times of disorders , proceed from a custom or habit of the Rational or Sensitive Motions , to move Irregularly at such times ; and a proof that all the Parts are subject to the Distemper of Madness , is , That every part of the Body of those sorts of Mad-men that believe their Bodies to be Glass , moves in a careful and wary motion , for fear of breaking in pieces : Neither are the Exterior Parts only subject to the Distemper of Madness , but the Interior Parts ; as may be observed , when the whole Body will tremble through a mad fear , and the Heart will beat disorderly , and the Stomack will many times be sick . CHAP. XI . The Rational and Sensitive Parts of a Human Creature , are apt to disturb each other . ALthough the Rational and Sensitive Corporeal Motions , may , and do sometimes disagree ; yet , for the most part , there is such a sympathetical Agreement between the Sensitive and Rational Corporeal Motions of one Society , ( viz. of one Creature ) as they often disturb each other : As for example , If the Rational Motions are so irregular , as to make imaginary Fears , or fearful Imaginations , these fearful Imaginations cause the Sensitive Corporeal motions , to move according to the Irregularities of the Rational ; which is the cause , in such fears , that a man seems to see strange and unusual Objects , to hear strange and unusual Sounds , to smell unusual Sents , to feel unusual Touches , and to be carried to unusual Places ; not that there are such Objects , but the Irregular Senses make such Pictures in the Sensitive Organs ; and the whole Body may , through the strength of the Irregular motions , move strangely to unusual places : As for example , A Mad-man , in a strong mad fit , will be as strong as Ten men ; whereas , when the mad Fit is over , he seems weaker than usually , or regularly , he uses to be ; not that the Self-moving Parts of Nature are capable of being weaker , or stronger , than naturally they are : but having liberty to move as they will , they may move stronger , or weaker , swifter or slower , regularly or irregularly , as they please ; nor doth Nature commonly use Force . But this is to be noted , That there being a general Agreement amongst the particular Parts , they are more forcible than when those Parts are divided into Factions and Parties : so that in a general Irregular Commotion or Action , all the Sensitive Parts of the Body of a man , agree to move with an extraordinary force , after an unusual manner ; provided it be not different from the property and nature of their Compositions ; that is , not different from the Property and Nature of a Man. But this is likewise to be noted , That in a general Agreement , man may have other Properties , than when the whole Body is governed by Parts , as it is usual when the Body is Regular , and that every Part moves in his proper Sphere , as I may say , ( for example ) the Head , Heart , Lungs , Stomack , Liver , and so the rest , where each Part doth move in several sorts of Actions . The like may also may be said of the Parts of the Leggs and Hands , which are different sorts of Actions ; yet all move to the use and benefit of the whole Body : but , if the Corporeal motions in the Hands , and so in the Leggs , be irregular , they will not help the rest of the Parts ; and so , in short , the same happens in all the Parts of the Body , whereof some Parts may be Regular , and others Irregular ; and sometimes all may be Irregular . But , to conclude this Chapter , the Body may have unusual Force and Properties ; as when a man says , He was carried and flung into a Ditch , or some place distant ; and that he was pinch't , and did see strange sights , heard strange sounds , smelt strange scents ; all which may very well be caused by the Irregular motions , either by a general Irregularity , or by some particular Irregularity ; and the truth is , The particular Corporeal motions , know not the power of the general , until they unite by a general Agreement ; and sometimes there may be such Commotions in the Body of a Man , as in a Common-wealth , where many times there is a general Uproar and Confusion , and none know the Cause , or who began it . But this is to be noted , That if the Sensitive motions begin the Disorder , then they cause the Rational to be so disordered , as they can neither advise wisely , or direct orderly , or perswade effectually . CHAP. XII . Of Diseases produced by Conceit . AS there are numerous sorts of Diseases , so there are numerous manners or ways of the production of Diseases ; and those Diseases that are produced by Conceit , are first occasioned by the Rational Corporeal Figurative Motions : for , though every several Conceit , or Imagination , is a several Rational Corporeal Figurative Motion ; yet , every Conceit or Imagination doth not produce a Sensitive Effect : but in those that do produce a Sensitive Effect , it is the Conceit or Imagination of some sorts of Diseases ; but in most of those sorts that are dangerous to Life , or causes Deformity : The reason is , That as all the Parts of Nature are Self-knowing , so they are Self-loving : Also , Regular Societies beget an united Love , by Regular Agreements , which cause a Rational Fear of a disuniting , or dissolving ; and that is the reason , that upon the perception of such a Disease , the Rational , through some disorder , figures that Disease ; and the Sensitive Corporeal Motions , take a pattern from the Rational , and so the Disease is produced . The Tenth Part. CHAP. I. Of FEVERS . SOME are of opinion , That all , or , at least , most Diseases , are accompanied , more or less , with a Feverous Distemper : If so , then we may say , A Fever is the Fundamental Disease : but , whether that Opinion is true , or no , I know not ; but I observe , there are many sorts of Fevers , and so there are of all other Diseases or Distempers : for , every alteration , or difference , of one and the same kind of Disease , is a several sort . As for Fevers , I have observed , there are Fevers in the Blood , or Humours , and not in any of the Vital Parts ; and those are ordinary Burning-Fevers : and there are other sorts of Fevers that are in the Vital Parts , and all other Parts of the Body , and those are Malignant Fevers ; and there are some sorts of Fevers which are in the Radical Humours , and those are Hectick Fevers ; and there are other sorts of Fevers that are in those Parts , which we name the Spiritous Parts . Also , all Consumptions are accompanied with a Feverish Distemper : but , what the several Figurative Motions are of these several sorts of Fevers , I cannot tell . CHAP. II. Of the PLAGVE . THere are Two visible sorts of the Disease named the Plague : The weaker sort is that which produces Swellings , or inflamed or corrupted Sores , which are accompanied with a Fever . The other sort is that which is named the Spotted Plague . The First sort is sometimes Curable ; but the Second is Incurable ; at least , no Remedy as yet hath been found . The truth is , the Spotted Plague is a Gangrene , but is somewhat different from other sorts of Gangren's ; for this begins amongst the Vital Parts , and , by an Infection , spreads to the Extream Parts ; and not only so , but to Forrein Parts ; which makes not only a general Infection amongst all the several Parts of the Body , but the Infection spreads it self to other Bodies . And whereas other sorts of Gangren's begin outwardly , and pierce inwardly ; the Plaguy Gangrene begins inwardly , and pierces outwardly : so as the difference ( as I said ) is , That the ordinary sort of Gangren's infect the next adjoining Parts of the Body , by moderate degrees ; whereas the Plaguy Gangrene infects not only the adjoining Parts of the same Body , and that suddenly , but infects Forreign Bodies . Also , the ordinary Gangren's may be stopped from their Infection , by taking off the Parts infected , or diseased . But the Plaguy Gangrene can no ways be stopped , because the Vital Parts cannot be separated from the rest of the Parts , without a total ruine : besides , it pierces and spreads more suddenly , than Remedies can be applyed . But , whether there are Applications of Preventions , I know not ; for , those Studies belong more to the Physicians , than to a Natural Philosopher . As for the Diseases we name the Purples , and the Spotted Fever , they are of the same Kind , or Kindred , although not of the same sort , as Measles , and the Small-Pox . But this is to be noted , That Infection is an act of Imitation : for , one Part cannot give another Part a Disease , but only that some imitate the same sorts of Irregular Actions of other Parts ; of which some are near adjoining Imitators , and some occasion a general Mode . CHAP. III. Of the Small-Pox , and Measles . THE Small-Pox is somewhat like the Sore-Plague , not only by being Infectious , as both sorts of Plagues are ; but , by being of a corrupt Nature , as the Sore-Plague is ; only the Small-Pox is innumerable , or very many small Sores ; whereas the Sore-Plague is but one or two great Sores . Also , the Small-Pox and Sore-Plague , are alike in this , That if they rise and break , or if they fall not flat , but remain until they be dry and scabbed , the Patient lives : but , if they fall flat , and neither break , nor are scabbed , the Patient is in danger to dye . Also , it is to be noted , That this Disease is sometimes accompanied with a Feverish Distemper ; I say , Sometimes , not Always ; and that is the cause that many dye , either with too hot , or too cooling Applications : for , in a Feverish Distemper , hot Cordials are Poyson ; and when there is no Fever , Cooling Remedies are Opium : The like for letting Blood ; for if the Disease be accompanied with a Fever , and the Fever be not abated by letting Blood , 't is probable the Fever , joyned with the Pox , will destroy the Patient : and if no Fever , and yet loose Blood , the Pox hath not sufficient Moisture to dilate , nor a sufficient natural Vapour to breathe , or respirate ; so as the Life of the Patient is choaked or stifled with the contracted Corruptions . As for Measles , though they are of the same kind , yet not of the same sort ; for they are rather Small Risings , than Corrupted Sores , and so are less dangerous . CHAP. IV. Of the Intermission of Fevers or Agues . AGVES have several sorts of Distempers , and those quite opposite to each other , as Cold and Shaking , Hot and Burning , besides Sweating : Also , there are several times of Intermissions ; as some are Every-day Agues , some Third-day Agues , and some Quartan Agues ; and some Patient may be thus distempered , many times , in the compass of Four and twenty hours : but those are rather of the Nature of Intermitting Fevers , than of perfect Agues . Also , in Agues , there is many times a difference of the Hot and Cold fits : for sometimes the Cold Fits will be long , and the Hot short ; other times , the Hot Fits will be long , and the Cold Fits short ; other times , much of an equal degree : but , most Intermitting Fevers and Agues , proceed either from ill-digestive Motions , or from a superfluity of Cold and Hot Motions , or an Irregularity of the Cold , Hot , Dry ; or Moist Motions , where each sort strives and struggles with each other . But , to make a comparison , Agues are somewhat like several sorts of Weather , as Freezing and Thawing , Cloudy or Rainy , or Fair and Sun-shining days : or like the Four Seasons of the Year , where the Cold Fits are like Winter , cold and windy ; the Hot Fits like Summer , hot and dry ; the Sweating Fits like Autumn , warm and moist ; and , when the Fit is past , like the Spring . But , to conclude , the chief Cause of Agues , is , Irregular Digestions , that make half-concocted Humours ; and according as these half-concocted Humours digest , the Patient hath his Aguish Distempers , where some are every day , others every second day , some every third day , and some Quartans : but , by reason those half-concocted Humours , are of several sorts of Humors , some Cold , some Hot , some Cold and Dry , some Hot and Dry , or Hot and Moist ; and those different sorts , raw , or but half-concocted Humours ; they occasion such disorder , not only by an unnatural manner of Digestion , as not to be either timely , or regular , by degrees ; but , those several sorts of Raw Humours , strive and struggle with each other for Power or Supremacy : but , according as those different Raw Humours concoct , the Fits are longer or shorter : also , according to the quantity of those Raw Humours , and according as those Humours are a gathering , or breeding , so are the times of those Fits and Intermissions . But here is to be noted , That some Agues may be occasioned from some Particular Irregular Digestions ; others from a General Irregular Digestion , some from some obscure Parts , others from ordinary Humours . CHAP. V. Of CONSVMPTIONS . THere are many sorts of Consumptions ; as , some are Consumptions of the Vital Parts , as the Liver , Lungs , Kidneys , or the like Parts : Others , a Consumption of the Radical Parts : Others a Consumption of the Spiritous Parts : Other Consumptions are only of the Flesh ; which , in my opinion , is the only Curable Consumption . But , all Consumptions , are not only an Alteration , but a Wasting and Dis-uniting of the Fundamental Parts ; only those Consuming Parts do , as it were , steal away by degrees ; and so , by degrees , the Society of a Human Creature is dissolved . CHAP. VI. Of DROPSIES . DRopsies proceed from several Causes ; as , some from a decay of some of the Vital Parts ; others through a superfluity of indigested Humours ; some from a supernatural Driness of some Parts ; others through a superfluity of Nourishing Motions ; some , through some Obstructions ; others , through an excess of Moist Dyet : but , all Dropsies proceed not only from Irregular Motions , but from such a particular Irregularity , as all the Motions endeavour to be of one Mode , ( as I may say ) that is , To move after the manner of those sorts of Motions which are the innate Nature of Water , and are some sorts of Circular Dilatations : but , by these actions , the Human Society endeavours to make a Deluge , and to turn from the Nature of Blood and Flesh , to the Nature of Water . CHAP. VII . Of SWEATING . ALL Sweating-Diseases are somewhat of the nature of Dropsies ; but they are ( at least , seem to be ) more Exterior , than Interior Dropsies : but , though there be Sweating-Diseases which are Irregular ; yet , Regular Sweating is as proper as Regular Breathing ; and so healthful , that Sweating extraordinary , in some Diseases , occasions a Cure : for , Sweating is a sort of Purging ; so that the evacuation of Sweat , through the Pores , is as necessary as other sorts of evacuation , as Breathing , Urine , Siege , Spitting , Purging through the Nose , and the like . But , Excess of Sweating , is like other sorts of Fluxes , of which , some will scowr to death ; others vomit to death ; and others the like Fluxes will occasion death ; the like is of Sweating : so that the Sweating-Sickness is but like a Fluxive-Sickness . But , as I said , Regular Sweating is as necessary as other ordinary Evacuations : and as some are apt to be restringent , others laxative ; and sometimes one and the same Man will be laxative , other times , costive ; so are Men concerning Sweating : and as some Men take Medicines to purge by Stool , or Vomits , or Urine ; so they take Medicines to purge by Sweating . And , as Man hath several sorts of Excremental Humours , so , several sorts of Sweats ; as , Clammy Sweats , Cold Sweats , Hot Sweats , and Faint Sweats : and , as all Excess of other sorts of Purgings , causes a Man to be weak and faint ; so doth Sweating . CHAP. VIII . Of COVGHS . THere are many several sorts of Coughs , proceeding from several Causes ; as , some Coughs proceed from a Superfluity of Moisture ; others from an Unnatural Heat ; others from a Corruption of Humors ; others from a Decay of the Vital Parts ; others from sudden Colds upon Hot Distempers : Some are caused by an Interior Wind ; some Coughs proceed from Salt Humors , Bitter , Sharp , and Sweet : some Coughs proceed from Flegm , which Flegm ariseth like a Scum in a Pot , when Meat is boiling on a Fire : for when the Stomack is distemperedly hot , the Humors in the Stomack boyl as Liquid Substances on the Fire ; those boiling Motions bearing up the gross Humors beyond the Mouth of the Stomack , and , causing a Dispute between the Breath and Humors , produce the Effect of Straining , or Reaching upwards towards the Mouth , much like the Nature and Motions of Vomiting : but , by reason those Motions are not so strong in Coughing , as in Vomiting , the Coughing Motions bring up only pieces or parts of superfluous Flegm , or gross Spittle . The like for corrupt Humors . Other Coughs proceed from Unnatural or Distempered Heats ; which Heats cause Unnecessary Vapours , and those Vapours ascending up from the Bowels , or Stomack , to the Head , and finding a Depression , are converted or changed into a Watry Substance ; which Watry Substance falls down , like mizling or small Rain , or in bigger drops , through the passage of the Throat and Wind-pipe : which being opprest , and the Breath hindered , causes a Strife ; which Striving , is a Straining ; like as when Crumbs of Bread , or Drops of Drink , go not rightly through the Throat , but trouble and obstruct the Wind-pipe , or when any such Matter sticks in the passage of the Throat : for , when any Part of the Body is obstructed , it endeavours to release it self from those Obstructions : Also , when the Vapour that arises , arises in very Thin and Rarified Vapour , that Rarified Vapour thickens or condenses not so suddenly , being farther from the degree of Water ; but when condensed into Water , it falls down by drops ; which drops trickling down the Throat , ( like as Tears from the Eyes trickle down the Cheeks of the Face ) the Cough is not so violent , but more frequent : but if the Rheum be salt or sharp , that trickles down the Throat , it causes a gentle or soft smart , which is much like the touch of Tickling or Itching , which provokes a faint or weak Strain or Cough . Also , Wind will provoke to Strain or Cough : The Motion of Wind is like as if Hair should tickle the Nose . Or , Wind will cause a tickling in the Nose , which causes the Effect of Sneezing : for , Sneezing is nothing but a Cough through the Nose ; I may say , It is a Nose-Cough . And Hickops are but Stomach-Coughs , Wind causing the Stomack to strain . Also , the Guts have Coughs , which are caused by the Wind , which makes a strife in the Guts and Bowels . Other Coughs are produced from Decayed Parts : for , when any Part is corrupted , it becomes less Solid than naturally it should be : As for example , The Flesh of the Body , when corrupted , becomes from Dense Flesh , to a Slimy Substance ; thence , into a Watry Substance , which falls into Parts , or changes from Flesh , into a Mixt Corrupted Matter , which falls into Parts . The several Mixtures , or Distempered Substances , and Irregular Motions , causes Division of the composed Parts ; but in the time of dissolving , and divisions of any Part , there is a strife which causes Pain : and if the strife be in the Lungs , it causes Coughs , by obstructing the Breath : but , some Coughs proceed from Vapours and Winds , arising from the decayed Interior Parts , sending up Vapours from the Dissolving Substance , which causeth Coughs ; and some Coughs cause Decays of the Prime Interior Parts : for , when there falls from the Head a constant Distillation , this Distillation is like dropping Water , which will penetrate or divide Stone ; and more easily will dropping or drilling Water do it , as Rheum , will corrupt Spongy Matter as Flesh is : but , according as the Rheum is Fresh , Salt , or Sharp , the Parts are a longer or shorter time decaying : for , Salt and Sharp is Corroding ; and , by the Corroding Motions , Ulcerates those Parts the Salt Rheums fall on , which destroys them soon . As for Chin-Cough , 't is a Wind or Vapour arising from the Lungs , through the Wind-pipe ; and as long as the Wind or Vapour ascends , the Patient cannot draw in Reviving Air or Breath , but Coughs violently and incessantly , until it faint away , or have no Strength left ; and with straining , will be as if it were choaked or strangled , and become black in the face , and , after the Cough is past , recover again ; but some dye of these sorts of Coughs . CHAP. IX . Of GANGREN'S . GAngren's are of the Nature of the Plague ; and they are of Two sorts , as the Plague is ; the one more sudden and deadly than the other : The only difference of their Insecting Qualities , is , That Gangren's spread by insecting still the next , or Neighbouring Parts ; whereas Plagues infect Forrein , as much as Home-Parts . Also , the deadly sort of Gangren's , infect ( as I may say ) from the Circumference towards the Center : when as the deadly sorts of Plague , infect from the Center , towards the Circumference . But , that sort of Gangrene that is the weaker sort , infects only the next adjoining Parts , by degrees , and after a spreading manner , rather than after a piercing manner . But some may object , That Plagues and Gangren's are produced from different Causes ; as for example , Extream Cold will cause Gangren's ; and Extream Heat causes Plagues . I answer , That Two opposite Causes may produce like Effects , for which may be brought numerous Examples . CHAP. X. Of Cancers and Fistula's . CAncers and Fistula's are somewhat alike , in that they are both produced from Salt , or sharp corroding Motions : but in this they differ , that Cancers keep their Center , and spread in streams ; whereas Fistula's will run from place to place : for if it be stopt in one place , it is apt to remove and break out in another . Yet Cancers are somewhat like Gangren's , in infecting adjoining Parts ; so that unless a Cancer be in such a place as can be divided from the Sound Parts , it destroys the Human Life , by eating ( as I may say ) the Sound Parts of the Body , as all Corroding , and Sharp or Salt Diseases do . CHAP. XI . Of the GOVT . AS for the Disease named the Gout , I never heard but of Two sorts ; the Fixt , and the Running Gout : but , mistake me not , I mean Fixt for Place , not Time. The Fixt proceeds from Hot , Sharp , or Salt Motions : The Running Gout from Cold , Sharp Motions ; but , both sorts are Intermitting Diseases , and very painful ; and I have heard those that have had the Fixt Gout , say , That the pain of the Fixt Gout , is somewhat like the Tooth-ach : but , all Gouts are occasioned by Irregular Pressures and Re-actions . As for that sort that is named the Windy Gout , it is rather a Sciatica , than a Gout . CHAP. XII . Of the STONE . OF the Disease of the Stone in Human Creatures , there are many sorts : for , though the Stone of the Bladder , of the Kidneys , and in the Gaul , be all of one kind of Disease called the Stone , yet they are of different sorts : but , whether the Disease of the Stone be produced of Hot or Cold Motions , I cannot judg : but 't is probable , some are produced of Hot Motions , others of Cold ; and perchance , others of such sorts of Motions as are neither perfectly Hot , nor Cold : for , the Stone is produced , as all other Creatures , by such or such sorts of Figurative Motions . Here is to be noted , That some of the Humours of the Body may alter their Motion , and turn from being Flegm , Choler , or the like , to be Stone ; and so from being a Rare , Moist , or Loose Body , to be a Dry , Densed , Hard , or Fixt Body . But certainly , the Stone of the Bladder , Kidneys and Gaul , are of several sorts , as being produced by several sorts of Figurative Motions ; as also , according to the Properties and Forms of those several Parts of the Body they are produced in : for , as several sorts of Soyls , or Parts of the Earth , produce several sorts of Minerals ; so several Parts of the Body , several sorts of the Disease of the Stone : And , as there are several sorts of Stones in the several Parts of the Earth ; so , no doubt , there may not only be several sorts of Stone in several Parts , but several sorts in one and the same Part ; at least , in the like Parts of several Men. CHAP. XII . Of Apoplexies , and Lethargies . APoplexies , Lethargies , and the like Diseases , are produced by some decay of the Vital Spirits , or by Obstructions , as being obstructed by some Superfluities , or through the Irregularities of some sorts of Motions , which occasion some Passages to close , that should be open . But mistake me not , I do not mean empty Passages ; for there is no such thing ( in my opinion ) in Nature : but , I mean an open passage for a frequent Course and Recourse of Parts . But an Apoplexy is somewhat of the Nature of a Dead-Palsie ; and a Lethargy , of a Numb-Palsie ; but I have heard , that the Opinion of Learned Men is , That some sorts of Vaporous Pains are the Fore-runners of Apoplexies and Palsies : but , in my opinion , though a Man may have two Diseases at once ; yet surely , where Vapour can pass , there cannot be an absolute Stoppage . CHAP. XIII . Of EPILEPSIES . EPilepsies , or that we name the Falling-Sickness , is of the nature of Swounding or Fainting Fits : but there are two visible sorts ; the one is , that only the Head is affected , and not the other Parts of the Body ; and for proof , Those that are thus distempered only in the Head , all the other Parts will struggle and strive to help or assist the affected or afflicted Parts , and those Parts of the Head that are not Irregular , as may be observed by their Motions ; but , by the means of some other Parts , there will also be striving and strugling , as may be observed by foaming through the Mouth . The other sort is like ordinary Swounding-Fits , where all the Parts of the Body seem , for a time , to be dead . But this is to be observed , That those that are thus diseased , have certain times of Intermissions , as if the Corporeal Motions did keep a Decorum in being Irregular . But some have had Epilepsies from their Birth ; which proves , That their Productive Motions was Irreguar . CHAP. XIV . Of Convulsions , and Cramps . COnvulsions and Cramps are somewhat alike ; and both , in my Opinion , proceed from Cold Contractions : but , Cramps are caused by the Contractions of the Capillary Veins , or small Fibers , rather than of the Nerves and Sinews : for , those Contractions , if violent , are Convulsions : so that Cramps are Contractions of the small Fibers ; and Convulsions are Contractions of the Nerves and Sinews . But the reason ( I believe ) that these Diseases proceed from Cold Contractions , is , That Hot Remedies produce , for the most part , perfect Cures ; but , they must be such sorts of Hot Remedies , that are of a dilating or extenuating nature ; and not such whose Properties are Hot and Dry , or Contracting : also , the Applications must be according to the strength of the Disease . CHAP. XV. Of CHOLICKS . CHolicks are like Cramps or Convulsions ; or Convulsions and Cramps , like Cholicks : for , as Convulsions are Contractions of the Nerves and Sinews ; and Cramps , Contractions of the small Fibers : so Cholicks are a Contracting of the Gutts : and , for proof , So soon as the Contracting Motions alter , and are turn'd to Dilating or Expelling Actions , the Patient is at ease . But , there are several Causes that produce the Cholick : for , some Cholicks are produced by Hot and Sharp Motions , as Bilious Cholicks ; others from Cold and Sharp Motions , as Splenetick Cholicks ; others from Crude and Raw Humours ; some from Hot Winds ; some from Cold Winds . The same some sorts of Convulsions and Cramps may be : but , though these several Cholicks may proceed from several Causes ; yet , they all agree in this , To be Contractions : for , as I said , when those Corporeal Motions alter their Actions to Dilatation or Expulsion , the Patient is at ease . But , those Cholicks that proceed from Hot and Sharp Motions , are the most painful and dangerous , by reason they are , for the most part , more strong and stubborn . As for Cholicks in the Stomack , they are caused by the same sorts of Motions that cause some sorts of Contractions : but , those sorts of Cholick Contractions , are after the manner of wreathing , or wringing Contractions . The same in Convulsive-Contractions . CHAP. XVI . Of Shaking Palsies . SHaging Palsies proceed from a Slackness of the Nerves , or Sinew strings , as may be observed by those that hold or lay any heavy weight upon the Arms , Hands or Leggs : for , when the Burdens are removed , those Limbs will be apt to tremble and shake so much , for a short time , ( until they have recovered their former strength ) that the Leggs cannot go , or stand steadily ; nor the Arms , or Hands , do any thing without shaking . The reason of these sorts of Slackness , is , That heavy Burdens occasion the Nerves and Sinews to extend beyond their Order ; and being stretched , they become more slack , and loose , by how much they were stretched , or extended ; until such time as they contract again into their proper Posture : And the reason that Old Age is subject to Shaking-Palsies , is , That the Frame of their whole Body is looser and slacker , than when it was young : As in a decayed House , every Material is looser than when it was first built ; but yet , sometimes an old shaking House will continue a great while , with some Repairs : so old shaking Men , with Care , and good Dyet , will continue a great time . But this is to be noted , That trembling is a kind of a Shaking-Palsie , although of another sort ; and so is Weakness after Sickness : but , these sorts are occasioned , as when a House shakes in a great Wind , or Storm ; and not through any Fundamental Decay . CHAP. XVII . Of the Muther , Spleen , and Scurvy . AS for those Diseases that are named the Fits of the Muther , the Spleen , the Scurvy , and the like ; although they are the most general Diseases , especially amongst the Females ; yet , each particular sort is so various , and hath such different Effects , that , I observe , they puzzle the most Learned Men to find out their jugling , intricate , and uncertain Actions . But this is to be observed , That the Richest sorts of Persons are most apt to these sorts of Diseases ; which proves , That Idleness and Luxury is the occasion . CHAP. XVIII . Of Food , or Digestions . AS I have said , Digestions are so numerous , and so obscure , that the most Learned Men know not how Food is converted and distributed to all the Parts of the Body : Which Obscurity occasions many Arguments , and much Dispute amongst the Learned ; but , in my opinion , it is not the Parts of the Human Body , that do digest the Food , although they may be an occasion ( through their own Regularities , or Irregularities ) to cause good or bad digestions : but , the Parts of the Food , do digest themselves ; that is , alter their actions to the Property and Nature of a Human Body : so that Digestive Parts are only Additional Parts ; and , if those Nourishing Motions be Regular , they distribute their several Parts , and joyn their several Parts , to those several Parts of the Body that require Addition . Also , the Digestive Motions are according to the Nature or Property of each several Part of the Human Body , As for example , Those Digestive Parts alter into Blood , Flesh , Fat , Marrow , Brains , Humors , and so into any other Figurative Parts of the Sensitive Body . The same may be said of the Rational Parts of the Mind : but , if those Digestive Parts be Irregular , they will cause a Disorder in a well-ordered Body : and , if the Parts of the Body be Irregular , they will occasion a Disorder amongst the Digestive Parts : but , according to the Regularities and Irregularities of the Digestive Parts , is the Body more or less nourished . But this is to be noted , That according to the Superfluity or Scarcity of those Digestive Parts , the Body is opprest , or starved . CHAP. XIX . Of SVRFEITS . SVrfeits are occasioned after different manners : for , though many Surfeits proceed from those Parts that are received into the Body ; yet , some are occasioned through often repetitions of one and the same actions : As for example , The Eyes may surfeit with too often viewing one Object ; the Ears , with often hearing one Sound ; the Nose , with smelling one Sent ; the Tongue , with one Tast. The same is to be said of the Rational Actions ; which Surfeits , occasion an aversion to such or such Particulars : but , for those Surfeits that proceed from the Parts that are received into the Body , they are either through the quantity that oppresses the Nature of the Body ; or , through the quality of those Parts , being not agreeable to the Nature of the Body ; or , through their Irregularities , that occasion the like Irregularities in the Body : and sometimes , the fault is through the Irregularities of the Body , that hinder those received Parts , or obstruct their Regular Digestions ; and sometimes , the fault is both of the Parts of the Body , and those of the Food : but , the Surfeits of those Parts that receive not Food , are caused through the often repetition of one and the same Action . CHAP. XX. Of Natural Evacuations , or Purgings . THere are many sorts , and several ways or means of Purging actions ; whereof some we name Natural , which purge the Excremental Parts ; and such Natural Purgings , are only of such Parts as are no ways useful to the Body ; or of those that are not willing to convert themselves into the Nature and Property of the Substantial Parts . There must of necessity be Purging actions , as well as Digestive actions ; because , no Creature can subsist singly of it self , but all Creatures subsist each by other ; so that , there must be Dividing actions , as well as Uniting actions ; only , several sorts of Creatures , have several sorts of Nourishments and Evacuations . But this is to be noted , in the Human Nourishments and Evacuations , that , through their Irregularities , some Men may nourish too much , and others purge too much ; and some may nourish too little , and some may purge too little . The Irregularities concerning Nourishments , are amongst the adjoining Parts ; the Errors concerning Purging , are amongst the Dividing Parts . CHAP. XXI . Of PVRGING DRVGGS . THere are many sorts of Druggs , whereof some are beneficial , by assisting those particular Parts of the Body that are oppressed and offended , either by Superfluous Humours , or Malignant Humours : but , there are some sorts of Druggs that are as malicious to the Human Life , as the Assistant Druggs are friendly . Several sorts of Druggs , have several sorts of Actions , which causes several Effects ; as , some Druggs work by Siege ; others , by Urine ; some , by Vomit ; others , by Spitting ; others , by Sweating ; some cause sleep ; some are hot , others are cold ; some dry , others moist . But this is to be noted , That 't is not the Motions of the Druggs , but the Motion of the Humours , which the Druggs occasion to flow ; and not only to flow , but to flow after such or such a manner and way . The Actions of Druggs , are like the Actions of Hounds , or Hawks , that flye at a particular Bird , or run after a particular beast of their own kind , although of a different sort : The only difference is , That Druggs are not only of a different sort , but of a different Kind from Animal Kind ; at least , from Human Sort. CHAP. XXII . Of the Various Humours of Druggs . THE reason , one and the same Quantity or Dose of one and the same sort of Purging-Druggs or Medicine , will often work differently in several Human Bodies ; as also , differently in one and the same Body , at several times of taking the same sorts of Medicines ; is , That several Parts of one and the same sort , may be differently humoured : as , some to be duller and slower than others ; and some to be more active than others . Also , some Parts may be ill-natured , and cause Factions amongst the Parts of the Body ; whereas others will endeavour to rectifie Disorders , or Factions . And sometimes both the Druggs , and the Body , falls out ; and then there is a dangerous strife ; the Body striving to expel the Physick , and the Physick endeavouring to stay in the Body , to do the Body some mischief . Also , some Parts of one and the same sort , may be so Irregular , as to hunt not only the superfluous Humours , or the Malignant Humors , but all sorts of flowing Parts ; which may cause so great and general Disorder , as may endanger Human Life . CHAP. XXIII . Of CORDIALS . THere are many sorts of Cordials : for , I take every Beneficial Remedy to be a Cordial : but , many of the Vulgar believe , That there is no Cordial but Brandy , or such like Strong-waters ; at least , they believe all such Remedies that are virtually Hot , to be Cordials : but , when they take too much of such Cordials , either in Sickness , or Health , they will , in some time , find them as bad as Poyson . But , all such Applications as are named Cordials , are not hot : for , some are cool , at least , of a temperate degree . And as there are Regular and Irregular Corporeal Motions ; so there are Sympathetical , and Antipathetical Motions ; and yet both sorts may be Regular . Also , there is a Neutral sort , that has neither Sympathy nor Antipathy , but is Indifferent . But in Disputes between Two different Parties , a Third may come in to the assistance of one Side , more out of hate to the Opposite , than love to the Assisted . The same may Cordials , or such like Applications , do , when the Corporeal Motions of Human Life are in disorder , and at variance : for , oftentimes there is as great a Mutiny and Disorder amongst the Corporeal Motions , both in the Mind and Body of a Man , as in a Publick State in time of Rebellion : but , all Assistant Cordials , endeavour to assist the Regular Parts of the Body , and to perswade the Irregular Parts . As for Poysons , they are like Forrein Warr , that endeavours to destroy a Peaceable Government . CHAP. XXIV . Of the different Actions of the several Sensitive Parts of a Human Creature . SOme Parts of a Human Creature will be Regular , and some Irregular : as , some of the Sensitive Parts will be Regular , and some Irregular ; that is , some Parts will be Painful , or Sick , others well : some Parts will make false Perceptions ; others , true Perceptions : some Parts be Temperate ; others , Intemperate : some Parts be Madd , other Parts Sober : some Parts be Wise ; others , Foolish : and the same is to be said of the Rational Motions . But , in a Regular Society , every Part and Particle of the Body , is Regularly agreeable , and Sympathetical . CHAP. XXV . Of the Antipathy of some Human Creatures , to some Forrein Objects . AS I have often said , There is often both Sympathy and Antipathy between the Parts of some particular Human and Forrein Objects ; in so much , that some will occasion such a general Disturbance , as will cause a general Alteration , viz. cause a Man to swound , or at least , to be very faint , or sick : as for example , Some will Swound at some sorts of Sounds , some sorts of Scents , some sorts of Tast , some sorts of Touches , and some sorts of Sights . Again , on the other side , some Human Creatures will so sympathize with some sorts of Forrein Objects , as some will Long for that , another will Swound to have . CHAP. XXVI . Of the Effects of Forrein Objects , on the Human Mind . AS there is often Antipathy of the Parts of a Human Creature , to Forrein Objects ; so there are often Sympathetical Effects produced from Forrein Objects , with the Parts of a Human Creature . As for example , A timely , kind , and discreet Discourse from a Friend , will compose or quiet his troubled Mind : Likewise , an untimely , unkind , hasty , malicious , false , or sudden Discourse , will often disorder a well-temper'd , or Regular Mind , the Mind imitating the smooth or harsh strains of the Object : and the same Effects hath Musick , on the Minds of many Human Creatures . CHAP. XXVII . Of CONTEMPLATION . HUman Contemplation , is a Conversation amongst some of the Rational Parts of the Human Mind ; which Parts , not regarding present Objects , move either in devout Notions , or vain Fancies , Remembrances , Inventions , Contrivancies , Designs , or the like . But the question is , Whether the Sensitive Parts of a Human Society , do , at any time , Contemplate ? I answer , That some of the Sensitive Parts are so sociable , that they are , for the most part , agreeable to the Rational : for , in deep Contemplations , some of the Sensitive Parts do not take notice of Forrein Objects , but of the Rational Actions . Also , if the Contemplations be in devout Notions , the Sensitive Parts express Devotion by their Actions , as I have formerly mentioned . Also , when the Rational Parts move in Actions of Desire , straight the Sensitive move in Sympathetical Appetites : Wherefore , if the Society be Regular , the Sensitive and Rational Parts are agreeable and sociable . CHAP. XXVIII . Of Injecting of the Blood of one Animal , into the Veins of another Animal . TO put Blood of one Animal , into another Animal ; as for example , Some Ounces of Blood taken , by some Art , out of a Dogg's Veins , and , by some Art , put into a Man's Veins , may very easily be done by Injection ; and certainly , may as readily convert it self to the Nature of Human Blood , as Roots , Herbs , Fruit , and the like Food ; and probably , will more aptly be transformed into Human Flesh , than Hogg's Blood , mixt with many Ingredients , and then put into Gutts , and boyled , ( an ordinary Food amongst Country People ; ) but Blood being a loose Humourish Part , may encrease or diminish , as the other Humors , viz. Flegm , Choler , and Melancholy , are apt to do . But this is to be observed , That by reason Blood is the most flowing Humor , and of much more , or greater quantity than all the rest of the Humours , it is apt ( if Regular ) to cause , not only more frequent , but a more general Disturbance . The Eleventh Part. CHAP. I. Of the different Knowledges , in different Kinds and Sorts of Creatures . IF there be not Infinite Kinds , yet , it is probable , there are Infinite several Sorts ; at least , Infinite particular Creatures , in every particular Kind and Sort ; and the Corporeal Motions moving after a different manner , is the cause there are different Knowledges , in different Creatures ; yet , none can be said to be least knowing , or most knowing : for , there is ( in my opinion ) no such thing as least and most , in Nature : for , several kinds and sorts of Knowledges , make not Knowledg to be more , or less ; but only , they are different Knowledges proper to their kind , ( as , Animal-kind , Vegetable-kind , Mineral-kind , Elemental-kind ) and are also different Knowledges in several sorts : As for example , Man may have a different Knowledg from Beasts , Birds , Fish , Flies , Worms , or the like ; and yet be no wiser than those sorts of Animal-kinds . The same happens between the several Knowledges of Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements : but , because one Creature doth not know what another Creature knows , thence arises the Opinion of Insensibility , and Irrationability , that some Creatures have of others . But there is to be noted , That Nature is so Regular , or wise , in her Actions , that the Species and Knowledg of every particular Kind , is kept in an Even , or Equal Balance : For example , The Death or Birth of Animals , doth neither add or diminish from , or to the Knowledg of the Kind , or rather the Sort. Also , an Animal can have no Knowledg , but such as is proper to the species of his Figure : but , if there be a Creature of a mixt Species , or Figure , then their Knowledg is according to their mixt Form : for , the Corporeal Motions of every Creature , move according to the Form , Frame , or Species of their Society : but , there is not only different Knowledges , in different Kinds and Sorts of Creatures ; but , there are different Knowledges in the different Parts of one and the same ; as , the different Senses of Seeing , Hearing , Smelling , Tasting , and Touching , have not only different Knowledges in different Sensitive Organs , but in one Sense , they have several Perceptive Knowledges : and though the different Sensitive Organs of a Human Creature , are ignorant of each other ; yet , each Sense is as knowing as another . The same ( no question ) is amongst all the Creatures in Nature . CHAP. II. Of the Variety of Self-actions in particular Creatures . THere are numerous Varieties of Figurative Motions in some Creatures ; and in others , very few , in comparison : but , the occasion of that , is the manner of the Frame and Form of a Creature : for , some Creatures that are but small , have much more variety of Figurative Motions , than others that are very bigg and large Creatures : so that , it is not only the Quantity of Matter , or Number of Parts , but the several Changes of Motion , by the Variety of their Active Parts , that is the cause of it : for , Nature is not only an Infinite Body , but , being Self-moving , causes Infinite Variety , by the altered Actions of her Parts ; every altered Action , causing both an altered Self-knowledg , and an altered Perceptive Knowledg . CHAP. III. Of the Variety of Corporeal Motion , of one and the same sort or kind of Motion . THere is Infinite Variety of Motion of the same sorts and kinds of Motions ; as for example , Of Dilatations , or Extensions , Expulsions , Attractions , Contractions , Retentions , Digestions , Respirations : There is also Varieties of Densities , Rarities , Gravities , Levities , Measures , Sizes , Agilness , Slowness , Strength , Weakness , Times , Seasons , Growths , Decays , Lives , Deaths , Conceptions , Perceptions , Passions , Appetites , Sympathies , Antipathies , and Millions the like kinds , or sorts . CHAP. IV. Of the Variety of particular Creatures . NAture is so delighted with Variety , that seldom two Creatures ( although of the same sort , nay , from the same Producers ) are just alike ; and yet Human Perception cannot perceive above four kinds of Creatures , viz. Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements : but , the several sorts seem to be very numerous ; and the Varieties of the several Particulars , Infinite : but , Nature is necessitated to divide her Creatures into Kinds and Sorts , to keep Order and Method : for , there may be numerous Varieties of sorts ; as for example , Many several Worlds , and infinite Varieties of Particulars in those Worlds : for , Worlds may differ from each other , as much as several sorts of Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , or Elements ; and yet be all of that sort we name Worlds : but , as for the Infinite Varieties of Nature , we may say , That every Part of Nature is Infinite , in some sort ; because every Part of Nature is a perpetual Motion , and makes Infinite Varieties , by change or alteration of Action : but , there is so much Variety of the several Shapes , Figures , Forms , and Sizes , as , Bigger , and Less ; as also , several sorts of Heats , Colds , Droughts , Moistures , Fires , Airs , Waters , Earths , Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals , as are not to be expressed . CHAP. V. Of Dividing , and Rejoyning , or Altering Exterior Figurative Motions . THE Interior and Exterior Figurative Motions of some sorts of Creatures , are so united by their Sympathetical Actions , as they cannot be separated without a Total Dissolution ; and some cannot be altered without a Dissolution ; and other Figurative Motions may separate , and unite again ; and others , if separate , cannot unite again , as they were before : As for example , The Exterior Parts of a Human Creature , if once divided , cannot be rejoyned ; when as some sorts of Worms may be divided , and if those divided Parts meet , can rejoyn , as before . Also , some Figurative Motions of different sorts , and so different , that they are opposite , may unite in agreement , in one Composition , or Creature ; yet , when the very same sorts of Figurative Motions , are not so united , they are , as it were , deadly Enemies . CHAP. VI. Of Different Figurative Motions in particular Creatures . THere are many Creatures that are composed of very opposite Figurative Motions ; as for example , Some Parts of Fire and Water ; also , all Cordials , Vitriols , and the like Waters ; also , Iron and Stone , and Infinite the like : But , that which is composed of the most different Figurative Motions , is Quick-silver , which is exteriorly Cold , Soft , Fluid , Agil , and Heavy : also , Divisible , and Rejoynable ; and yet so Retentive of its Innate Nature , that although it can be rarified , yet not easily dissolved ; at least , not that Human Creatures can perceive ; for , it hath puzled the best Chymists . CHAP. VII . Of the Alterations of Exterior and Innate Figurative Motions of several sorts of Creatures . THE Form of several Creatures , is after several manners and ways , which causes several Natures or Properties : As for example , The Exterior and Innate Corporeal Motions of some Creatures , depend so much on each other , That the least Alteration of the one , causes a Dissolution of the whole Creature ; whereas the Exterior Corporeal Motions of other sorts of Creatures , can change and rechange their actions , without the least disturbance to the Innate Figurative Motions : In other sorts the Innate Motions shall be quite altered , but their Exterior Motions be in some manner consistent : As for proof , Fire is of that Nature , that both the Exterior and Innate Motions , are of one and the same sort ; so that the Alteration of the one , causeth a Dissolution of the other ; that is , Fire loses the Property of Fire , and is altered from being Fire . On the other side , the Exterior Figurative Motions of Water , can change and rechange , without any disturbance to the Innate Nature : but , though the Alteration of the Innate Figurative Motions of all Creatures , must of necessity alter the Life and Knowledg of that Creature ; yet there may be such consistent Motions amongst the Exterior Parts of some sorts of Creatures , that they will keep their Exterior Form : As for example , A Tree that is cut down , or into pieces , when those pieces are withered , and , as we say , dead ; yet , they remain of the Figure of Wood. Also , a dead Beast doth not alter the Figure of Flesh or Bones , presently . Also , a dead Man doth not presently dissolve from the Figure of Man ; and some , by the Art of embalming , will occasion the remaining Figurative Motions of the dead Man to continue , so that those sorts of Motions , that are the Frame and Form , are not quite altered : but yet , those Exterior Forms are so altered , that they are not such as those by which we name a Living Man. The same of Flyes , or the like , intomb'd in Amber : but by this we may perceive , That the Innate Figurative Motions may be quite altered , and yet the Exterior Figurative consistent Motions , do , in some manner , keep in the Figure , Form , or Frame of their Society . The truth is , ( in my opinion ) That all the Parts that remain undissolved , have quite altered their Animal actions ; but only the Consistent actions , of the Form of their Society , remains , so as to have a resemblance of their Frame or Form. CHAP. VIII . Of LOCAL MOTION . ALL Corporeal Motion is Local ; but only they are different Local Motions : and some sorts or kinds , have advantage of others , and some have power over others , as , in a manner , to inforce them to alter their Figurative motions ; as for example , When one Creature doth destroy another , those that are the Destroyers , occasion those that we name the Destroyed , to dissolve their Unity , and to alter their actions : for , they cannot annihilate their actions ; nor can they give or take away the Power of Self-motions ; but , as I said , some Corporeal motions can occasion other Corporeal motions to move so , or so . But this is to be noted , That several sorts of Creatures have a mixture of several sorts of Figurative motions ; as for example , There are Flying Fish , and Swimming Beasts ; also , there are some Creatures that are partly Beasts , and partly Fish , as Otters , and many others ; also , a Mule is partly a Horse , and an Ass ; a Batt is partly a Mouse , and a Bird ; an Owle is partly a Cat and a Bird ; and numerous other Creatures there are , that are partly of one sort , and partly of another . CHAP. IX . Of several manners , or ways of Advantages , or Disadvantages . NOT only the Manner , Form , Frame , or Shape of particular Creatures ; but also , the Regularity or Irregularity of the Corporeal motions of particular Creatures , doth cause that which Man names Strength or Weakness , Obedience or Disobedience , Advantages or Disadvantages of Power and Authority , or the like : As for example , A greater Number will overpower a lesse : for , though there be no Differences ( as being no Degrees ) of Self-strength amongst the Self-moving Parts , or Corporeal motions ; yet , there may be stronger and weaker Compositions , or Associations ; and a greater Number of Corporeal motions , makes a stronger Party : but , if the greater Party be Irregular , and the lesser Party be Regular , a hundred to one , but the weaker Party is victorious . Also , the manner of the Corporeal motions ; as , a Diving-motion may get the better of a Swimming-motion ; and , in some cases , the Swimming , the better of the Diving . Jumping may have the advantage over Running ; and , in other cases , Running , over Jumping . Also , Creeping may have the advantage over Flying ; and , in other cases , Flying , over Creeping . A Cross Motion may have the advantage over a Straight ; and , in other cases , a Straight , over a Cross. So it may be said , of Turning and Lifting , of Contracting and Dilating Motions . And many the like Examples may be had ; but , as I have often said , There is much Advantage and Disadvantage in the manner and way of the Composed Form and Figure of Creatures . CHAP. X. Of the Actions of some sorts of Creatures , over others . SOME sorts of Creatures are more Exteriorly active , than other sorts ; and some more Interiorly active ; some more rare , some more dense , and the like : also , some dense Creatures are more active than the rare ; and some rare , are more active than other sorts that are dense . Also , some Creatures that are rare , have advantage of some that are dense ; and some that are dense , over some sorts that are rare ; some leight Bodies , over some heavy Bodies ; and some heavy Bodies , over some sorts of leight Bodies . Also , several sorts of Exterior Motions , of several sorts of Creatures , have advantage and disadvantage of each other ; as for example , Springs of Water , and Air , will make Passages , and so divide hard strong Rocks . And , on the other side , a Straw will divide Parts of Water ; and a small Flye , will divide Parts of the Air : but , mistake me not , I mean , that they occasion the Airy or Watry Parts , to divide . CHAP. XI . Of GLASSIE BODIES . T IS impossible , as I have said , to describe the Infinite Corporeal Figurative Motions : but , amongst those Creatures that are subject to Human Perception , there are some that resemble each other , and yet are of different Natures ; as for example , Black Ebony , and Black Marble , they are both Glassie , smooth , and black ; yet , one is Stone , the other Wood. Also , there be many light and shining Bodies , that are of different Natures ; as for example , Metal is a bright shining Body ; and divers sorts of Stones , are bright shining Bodies : also , clear Water is a bright shining Body ; yet , the Metal and Stones are Minerals , and Water is an Element . Indeed , Most Bodies are of a Glassie Hue , or , as I may say , Complexion ; as may be observed in most Vegetables ; as also , Skins , Feathers , Scales , and the like . But some may say , That Glassiness is made by the Brightness of the Light that shines upon them . I answer : If so , then the ordinary Earth would have the like Glassiness : but , we perceive the Earth to appear dull in the clearest Sun-shining Day : wherefore , it is not the Light , but the nature of their own Bodies . Besides , every Body hath not one and the same sort of Glassiness , but some are very different : 'T is true , some sorts of Bodies do not appear Glassie , or shining , until they be polished : but , as for such sorts of shining Bodies that appear in the dark , there is not many of them perceiv'd by us , besides the Moon and Starrs ; but yet some there are , as Fire ; but that is an Element . There are also Glow-worms Tayles , Cats Eyes , Rotten Wood , and such like shining-Bodies . CHAP. XII . Of Metamorphoses , or Transformations of Animals and Vegetables . THere are some Creatures that cannot be Metamorphosed : as for example , Animals and Vegetables , at least , most of those sorts , by reason they are composed of many several and different Figurative Motions ; and I understand Metamorphose , to be a change and alteration of the Exterior Form , but not any change or alteration of the Interior or Intellectual Nature : and how can there be a general change of the Exterior Form or Shape of a Human Creature , or such like Animal , when the different Figurative Motions of his different Compositions , are , for the most part , ignorant of each others particular Actions ? Besides , as Animals and Vegetables require degrees of time for their Productions , as also , for their Perfections ; so , some Time is requir'd for their Alterations : but , a sudden alteration amongst different Figurative Motions , would cause such a Confusion , that it would cause a Dissolution of the whole Creature , especially in actions that are not natural , as being improper to their kind , or sort : The same of Vegetables , which have many different Figurative Motions . This considered , I cannot chuse but wonder , that wise men should believe ( as some do ) the Change or Transformation of Witches , into many sorts of Creatures . CHAP. XIII . Of the Life and Death of several Creatures . THAT which Man names Life , and Death , ( which are some sorts of Compositions and Divisions of Parts of Creatures ) is very different , in different kinds and sorts of Creatures , as also , in one and the same sort : As for example , Some Vegetables are old and decrepit in a Day ; others are not in Perfection , or in their Prime , in less than a hundred years . The same may be said of Animal kinds . A Silk-worm is no sooner born , but dyes ; when as other Animals may live a hundred years . As for Minerals , Tinn and Lead seem but of a short Life , to Gold ; as a Worm to an Elephant , or a Tulip to an Oak for lasting ; and 't is probable , the several Productions of the Planets and Fixed Starrs , may be as far more lasting , than the parts of Gold more lasting than a Flye : for , if a Composed Creature were a Million of years producing , or Millions of years dissolving , it were nothing to Eternity : but , those produced Motions that make Vegetables , Minerals , Elements , and the like , the subtilest Philosopher , or Chymist , in Nature , can never perceive , or find out ; because , Human Perception is not so subtile , as to perceive that which Man names Natural Productions : for , though all the Corporeal Motions in Nature are perceptive ; yet , every Perceptive Part doth not perceive all the actions in Nature : for , though every different Corporeal Motion , is a different Perception ; yet , there are more Objects than any one Creature can perceive : also , every particular kind or sort of Creatures , have different Perceptions , occasioned by the Frame and Form of their Compositions , or unities of their Parts : So as the Perceptions of Animals , are not like the Perceptions of Vegetables ; nor Vegetables , like the Perceptions of Minerals ; nor Minerals , like the Perceptions of Elements : For , though all these several kinds and sorts , be perceptive ; yet , not after one and the same way , or manner of Perception : but , as there is infinite variety of Corporeal Motions , so there are infinite varieties of Perceptions : for , Infinite Self-moving Matter , hath infinite varieties of Actions . But , to return to the Discourse of the Productions and Dissolutions of Creatures ; The reason , that some Creatures last longer than others , is , That some Forms or Frames of their Composition , are of a more lasting Figure . But this is to be observed , That the Figures that are most solid , are more lasting than those that are more slack and loose : but mistake me not ; I say , For the most part , they are more lasting . Also , this is to be noted , That some Compositions require more labour ; some , more curiosity ; and some are more full of variety , than others . CHAP. XIV . Of CIRCLES . A Circle is a Round Figure , without End ; which Figure can more easily and aptly alter the Exterior Form , than any other Figure . For example , A Circular Line may be drawn many several ways , into different and several sorts of Figures , without breaking the Circle : also , it may be contracted or extended into a less or wider compass ; and drawn or formed into many several sorts of Figures , or Works ; as , into a Square , or Triangle , or Oval , or Cylinder , or like several sorts of Flowers , and never dissolve the Circular Line . But this is to be noted , that there may be several sorts of Circular Lines ; as , some Broad , some Narrow , some Round , some Flat , some Ragged or Twisted , some Smooth , some Pointed , some Edged , and numbers of the like ; and yet the compass be exactly round . But some may say , that , When a Circle is drawn into several Works , it is not a Circle : As for example , When a Circle is squared , it is not a Circle , but a Square . I answer : It is a Circle squar'd , but not a Circle broken , or divided : for , the Interior Nature is not dissolved , although the Exterior Figure is altered : it is a Natural Circle , although it should be put into a Mathematical Square . But , to conclude this Chapter , I say , That all such sorts of Figures that are ( like Circular Lines ) of one piece , may change and rechange their Exterior Figures , or Shapes , without any alterations of their Interior Properties . CHAP. XV. Human Creatures cannot so probably treat of other sorts of Creatures , as of their own . TO treat of the Productions of Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements , is not so easie a Task , as to treat of Animals ; and , amongst Animals , the most easie Task is , to treat of Human Productions ; by reason one Human Creature may more probably guess at the Nature of all Human Creatures ( being of the same Nature ) than he can of other kinds of other kinds of Creatures , that are of another Nature . But , mistake me not , I mean not of another Nature , being not of the same kind of Creature , but concerning Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements . The Elements may more easily be treated of , than the other Two kinds : for , though there be numerous sorts of them , at least , numerous several Particulars ; yet , not so many several Sorts , as of Vegetables : and though Minerals are not , as to my knowledg , so numerous as Vegetables ; yet , they are of more , or at least , of as many Sorts as Elements are . But , by reason I am unlearned , I shall only give my Opinion of the Productions of some sorts ; in which , I fear , I shall rather discover my Ignorance , than the Truth of their Productions . But , I hope my Readers will not find fault with my Endeavour , though they may find fault with my little Experience , and want of Learning . The Twelfth Part. CHAP. I. Of the Equality of ELEMENTS . AS for the Four Elements , Fire , Air , Water , and Earth ; they subsist , as all other Creatures , which subsist by each other : but , in my opinion , there should be an Equality of the Four Elements , to balance the World : for , if one sort should superabound , it would occasion such an Irregularity , that would cause a Dissolution of this World ; as , when some particular Humour in Man's Body superabounds , or there is a scarcity of some Humours , it causes such Irregularities , that do , many times , occasion his Destruction . The same may be said of the Four Elements of the World : as for example , If there were not a sufficient quantity of Elemental Air , the Elemental Fire would go out ; and if not a sufficient quantity of Elemental Fire , the Air would corrupt : also , if there were not a sufficient quantity of Elemental Water , the Elemental Fire would burn the Earth ; and if there were not a sufficient quantity of Earth , there would not be a solid and firm Foundation for the Creatures of the Earth : for , if there were not Density , as well as Rarity ; and Levity , as well as Gravity ; Nature would run into Extreams . CHAP. II. Of several TEMPERS . HEAT doth not make Drought : for , there is a Temper of Hot and Moist . Nor Cold doth not make Drought : for , there is a Temper of Cold and Moist . Neither doth Heat make Moisture : for , there is a Temper of Hot and Dry. Nor doth Cold make Moisture : for , there is a Temper of Cold and Dry. But , such or such sorts of Corporeal Figurative Motions , make Hot , Cold , Moist , Dry ; Hot and Dry , Hot and Moist ; Cold and Dry , Cold and Moist ; and , as those Figurative Motions alter their Actions , those Tempers are altered : the like happens in all Creatures . But this is to be observed , That there is some opposite or contrary Tempers , which have a likeness of Motion : as for example , A Moist Heat , and a Moist Cold , have a likeness or resemblance of Moistness ; and the same is in dry Heats and Cold : but surely , most sorts of Moistures , are some sorts of dilative Motions ; and most Droughts , are some sorts of Contractive Motions : but , there are several sorts of Dilatations , Contractions , Retentions , Expulsions , and the like : for , there are Cold Contractions , Hot Contractions ; Cold Dilatations , Hot Dilatations ; Hot Retentions , Cold Retentions ; and so of Digestions , Expulsions , and the like : But , as I said , Moist Heats , and Moist Colds , seem of a Dilative Nature ; as Dry , of a Contractive Nature . But , all Cold and Heat , or Dry and Moist , may be made by one and the same Corporeal Motions : for , though the Actions may vary , the Parts may be the same : yea , the like Actions may be in different Parts . But , no Part is bound to any particular Action , having a free Liberty of Self-motion . But , concerning Hot and Cold , and the like Actions , I observe , That Extream Heat , and Extream Cold , is of a like Power , or Degree : neither can I perceive the Hot Motions to be quicker than Cold : for Water , in little quantity , shall as suddenly freeze , as any leight Fewel or Straw , burn : and Animals will as soon freeze to death , as be burned to death : and Cold is as powerful at the Poles , as Heat in the Torrid Zone . And 't is to be observed , That Freezing is as quick and sudden , as Thawing : but sometimes , nay very often , Cold and Hot Motions will dispute for Power ; and some sorts of Hot , with other sorts . The like Disputes are amongst several sorts of Cold Motions ; Dry with Moist , Dry with Dry , Moist with Moist . And the like Disputes are also often amongst all Creatures . As for Density , it doth not make Gravity : for , there may be Dense Bodies , that are not Grave ; as for example , Feathers , and Snow . Neither doth Gravity make Density : for , a quantity of Air hath some weight , and yet is not dense . But mistake me not ; for , I mean by Grave , Heavy ; and not for the Effects of Ascending , and Descending : for Feathers , though Dense , are more apt to ascend , than descend ; and Snow , to descend . Also , all sorts of Fluidity , do not cause Moist , Liquid , or Wet ; nor all Extenuations , cause Light : but , they are such and such sorts of Fluidities and Extenuations , that cause such and such Effects . And so for Heats , Colds , Droughts , Moistures , Rarities . The same for Gravities , Levities , and the like . So that , Creatures are Rare , Fluid , Moist , Wet , Dry , Dense , Hard , Soft , Leight , Heavy , and the like , according to their Figurative Motions . CHAP. III. Of the Change and Rechange ; and of Dividing and Ioyning of the Parts of the Elements . OF all Creatures subject to Human Perception , the Elements are most apt to Transform , viz. to Change and Rechange ; also , to Divide and Ioyn their Parts , without altering their Innate Nature and Property . The reason is , because the Innate Figurative Motions of Elements , are not so different as those of Animals and Vegetables , whose Compositions are of many different Figurative Motions ; in so much , that dis-joining any Part of Animals , or Vegetables , they cannot be joined again , as they were before ; at least , it is not commonly done : but , the Nature and Property of the Elements , is , That every Part and Particle are of one innate Figurative Motion ; so that the least grain of Dust , or the least drop of Water , or the least spark of Fire , is of the same Innate Nature , Property , and Figurative Motions , as the whole Element ; when as , of Animals , and Vegetables , almost , every Part and Particle is of a different Figurative Motion . CHAP. IV. Of the Innate Figurative Motions of Earth . THere are many sorts of Earth , yet all sorts are of the same kind ; that is , they are all Earth : but ( in my opinion ) the prime Figurative Motions of Earth , are Circles ; but not dilated Circles , but contracted Circles : neither are those Circles smooth , but rugged ; which is the cause that Earth is dull , or dim , and is easily divided into dusty Parts : for all , or at least , most Bodies that are smooth , are more apt to joyn , than divide ; and have a Glassie Hew or Complexion ; which is occasioned by the smoothness , and the smoothness occasioned by the evenness of Parts , being without Intervals : but , according as these sorts of Circular Motions are more or less contracted , and more or less rugged , they cause several sorts of Earth . CHAP. V. Of the Figurative Motions of Air. THere are many sorts of Airs , as there is of other Creatures , of one and the same kind : but , for Elemental Air , is composed of very Rare , Figurative Motions ; and the Innate Motions , I conceive to be somewhat of the Nature of Water , viz. Circular Figurative Motions , only of a more Dilating Property ; which causes Air , not to be Wet , but extraordinary Rare ; which again causes it to be somewhat of the nature of Light : for , the Rarity occasions Air to be very searching and penetrating ; also , dividable and compoundable : but , the Rarity of Air , is the cause that it is not subject to some sorts of Human Perception ; but yet , not so Rare , as not to be subject to Human Respirations ; which is one sort of Human Perception : for , all Parts of all Creatures , are perceptive one way , or another : but , as I said , there are many sorts of Air ; as , some Cold , some Hot ; some Dry , some Moist ; some Sharp ; some Corrupt , some Pure , some Gross ; and numbers more : but , many of these sorts are rather Metamorphosed Vapours , and Waters , than pure Elemental Air : for , the pure Elemental Air , is , in my opinion , more searching and penetrating , than Light ; by reason Light may be more easily eclipsed , or stopt ; when as Air will search every Pore , and every Creature , to get entrance . CHAP. VI. Of the Innate Figurative Motion of Fire . THE Innate Figurative Motions of Elemental Fire , seem the most difficult to Human Perception , and Conception : for , by the Agilness , it seems to be more pure than the other sorts of Elements ; yet , by the Light , or Visibleness , it seems more gross than Air ; but , by the dilating Property , it seems to be more rare than air , at least , as rare as Air. By the Glassie or Shining Property , it seems to be of Smooth and Even Parts : also , by the piercing and wounding Property , Fire seems to be composed of sharp-pointed Figurative Motions : Wherefore , the Innate Figurative Motions of Fire , are , Pure , Rare , Smooth , Sharp Points , which can move in Circles , Squares , Triangles , Parallels , or any other sorts of Exterior Figures , without an alteration of its Interior Nature ; as may be observed by many sorts of Fuels : as also , it can contract and dilate its Parts , without any alteration of its Innate Property . CHAP. VII . Of the Productions of Elemental Fire . IT is to be observed , That Points of Fire are more numerous , and more suddenly propagating , than any other Element , or any other Creature that is subject to Human Perception . But , Sparks of Fire , resemble the Seeds of Vegetables , in this , That as Vegetables will not encrease in all sorts of Soyles , alike ; neither will the Points of Fire , in all sorts of Fuel , alike . And , as Vegetables produce different Effects in several Soyls ; so doth Fire on several Fuels : As for example , The Seeds of Vegetables do not work the same Effect in a Birds Crop , as in the Earth : for , there they encrease the Bird by digestion ; but , in the ground , they encrease their own Issue ( as I may say ) : So Fire , in some Fuels , doth destroy it self , and occasions the Fuel to be more consumed ; when as , in other sorts of Fuel , Fire encreases extreamly . But Fire , as all other Creatures , cannot subsist single of it self , but must have Food and Respiration ; which proves , Fire is not an Immaterial Motion . Also , Fire hath Enemies , as well as Friends ; and some are deadly , namely , Water , or Watry Liquors . Also , Fire is forced to comply with the Figurative Motions of those Creatures it is joyned to : for , all Fuels will not burn , or alter , alike . CHAP. VIII . Of FLAME . FLAME is the Rarest Part of Fire : and though the Fuel of Flame be of a vaporous and smoaky Substance ; yet surely , there are pure Flames , which are perfect Fires : and , for proof , we may observe , That Flame will dilate and run , as it were , to catch Smoak : but , when the Smoak is above the Flame , if it be higher than the Flame can extend , it contracts back to the Fiery Body . But , Flame doth somewhat resemble that we name Natural Light : but yet , in my opinion , Light is not Flame ; nor hath it any Fiery Property , although it be such a sort of Extenuating or Dilating Actions , as Flame hath . CHAP. IX . Of the two sorts of Fire most different . THere are many sorts of Fires : but two sorts are most opposite ; that is , the Hot , Glowing , Burning , Bright , Shining Fire ; and that sort of Fire we name a Dead , Dull Fire ; as , Vitriol Fires , Cordial Fires , Corrosive Fires , Feverish Fires , and numerous other sorts ; and every several sort , hath some several Property : as for example , There is greater difference between the Fiery Property of Oyl , and the Fiery Property of Vitriol : for , Oyl is neither Exteriorly Hot , nor Burning ; whereas Vitriol is Exteriorly Burning , though not Exteriorly Hot : but , the difference of these sorts of Fires , is , That the Actions of Elemental Fire , are to ascend , rather than to descend : and the Dull , Dead Fire , is rather apt to descend , than ascend ; that is , to pierce , or dilate , either upwards , or downwards : but , they are both of Dilating and Dividing Natures . But this is to be noted , That all sorts of Heats , or Hotness , are not Fire . Also it is to be noted , That all Fires are not Shining . CHAP. X. Of Dead or Dull Fires . OF Dull , Dead Fires , some sorts seem to be of a mixt sort : as for example , Vitriol , and the like , seem to be Exteriorly , of the Figurative Motions of Fire ; and Interiorly , of the Figurative Motions of Water , or of Watry Liquors : And Oyl is of Fiery Figurative Motions , Interiorly ; and of Liquid Figurative Motions , Exteriorly ; which is the cause that the Fiery Properties of Oyl cannot be altered , without a Total Dissolution of their Natures . But , such sorts whose Fiery Figurative Motions are Exterior , as being not their Innate Nature , may be divided from those other Natural Parts they were joyned to , without altering their Innate Nature . CHAP. XI . Of the Occasional Actions of Fire . ALL Creatures have not only Innate figurative Motions that cause them to be such or such a sort of Creature ; but , they have such and such actions , that cause such and such Effects : also , every Creature is occasioned to particular Actions , by forrein Objects ; many times to improper actions , and sometimes to ruinous actious , even to the dissolution of their Nature : And , of all Creatures , Fire is the most ready to occasion the most Mischief ; at least , Disorders : for , where it can get entrance , it seldom fails of causing such a Disturbance , as occasions a Ruine . The reason is , that most Creatures are porous : for , all Creatures , subsisting by each other , must of necessity have Egress and Regress , being composed of Interior and Exterior Corporeal Motions . And Fire , being the sharpest figurative Motion , is apt to enter into the smallest Pores . But some may ask , Whether Fire is porous it self ? I answer : That having Respiration , it is a sufficient proof that it is Porous : for , Fire dyes if it hath not Air. But some may say , How can a Point be porous ? I answer , That a Point is composed of Parts , and therefore may very well be porous : for , there is no such thing as a Single Part in Nature , and therefore , not a Single Point . Also , some may say , If there be Pores in Nature , there may be Vacuum . I answer , That , in my opinion , there is not ; because there is no empty Pores in Nature : Pores signifying only an Egress and Regress of Parts . CHAP. XII . Fire hath not the Property to Change and Rechange . OF all the Elemental Creatures , Fire is the least subject to change : for , though it be apt to occasion other Creatures to alter ; yet it keeps close to its own Properties , and proper Actions : for , it cannot change , and rechange , as Water can . Also , Natural Air is not apt to change and rechange , as Water : for , though it can ( as all the Elements ) divide and join its Parts , without altering the Property of its Nature : yet , it cannot readily alter , and alter again , its Natural Properties , as Water can . The truth is , Water and Fire , are opposite in all their Properties : but , as Fire is , of all the Elements , the furthest from altering : so Water is , of all the Elements , the most subject to alter : for , all Circular Figures are apt to variety . CHAP. XIII . Of the Innate Figurative Motions of Water . THE Nature of Water is , Rare , Fluid , Moist , Liquid , Wet , Glutinous , and Glassie . Likewise , Water is apt to divide and unite its Parts , most of which Properties are caused by several sorts of Dilatations , or Extenuations : but , the Interior , or Innate Figure of Water , is a Circular Line . But yet , it is to be observed , That there are many several sorts of Waters , as there are many several sorts of Airs , Fires , and Earths , and so of all Creatures : for , some Waters are more rare than others , some more leight , and some more heavy ; some more clear , and some more dull ; some salt , some sharp ; some bitter , some more fresh , or sweet ; some have cold Effects , some hot Effects : all which is caused by the several Figurative Motions of several sorts of Waters : but , the nature of Water is such , as it can easily alter , or change , and rechange , and yet keep its Interior , or Innate Nature or Figure . But this is also to be observed , That the Dilating or Extenuating Circle of Water , is of a middle Degree , as between Two Extreams . CHAP. XIV . The Nature or Property of Water . WEtness , which is the Interior or Innate Property , or Nature of Water , is , in my opinion , caused by some sort of Dilatations or Extenuations . As , all Droughts , or Dryness , are caused by some sorts of Contractions ; so , all Moistures , Liquors , and Wets , by Dilatations : yet , those Extenuations , or Dilatations , that cause Wet , must be of such a sort of Dilatations , as are proper to Wet ; viz. Such a sort of Extenuations , as are Circular Extenuations ; which do dilate , or extenuate , in a smooth , equal dilatation , from the Center , to the Circumference ; which Extenuations , or Dilatations , are of a middle Degree ; for otherwise , the Figure of Water might be extended beyond the Degree of Wet ; or , not extended to the Degree of Wet . And it is to be observed , That there is such a Degree as only causes moistness , and another to cause liquidness , the third to cause wetness : for , though Moistness and Liquidness are in the way of Wetness ; yet , they are not that which we name Wet : also , all that is Soft , or Smooth , is not Wet ; nor is all that is Liquid , or Flowing , Wet : for , some sorts of Air are liquid and flowing , but not wet : nay , Flame is liquid and flowing , but yet quite opposite from wet . Dust is flowing , but neither liquid or wet , in its Nature . And Hair and Feathers are soft and smooth , but neither liquid , nor wet . But , as I said , Water is of such a Nature , as to have the Properties of Soft , Smooth , Moist , Liquid , and VVet ; and is also of such flowing Properties , caused by such a sort of Extenuating Circles as are of a Middle or Mean Degree : but yet , there are many several sorts of Liquors , and VVets , as we may perceive in Fruit , Herbs , and the like : but , all sorts of VVets , and Liquors , are of a watry kind , though of a different sort . But , as I have said , all things that are Fluid , are not VVet ; as , Melted Metal , Flame , Light , and the like , are fluid , but not wet : and Smoak and Oyl are of another sort of Liquidness , than VVater , or Juyce ; but yet they are not wet : and that which causes the difference of different sorts of VVaters , and VVatry Liquors , are the differences of the watry Circular Lines ; as , some are edged , some are pointed , some are twisted , some are braided , some are flat , some are round , some ruff , some smooth ; and so after divers several Forms or Figures : and yet are perfect Circles , and of some such a Degree of Extenuations or Dilatations . CHAP. XV. Of the Alteration of the Exterior Figurative Motion of Water . AS I formerly said , The Figurative Motions of the Innate Nature of VVater , is a sort of Extenuating ; as being an equal , smooth Circle : which is the cause VVater is rare , fluid , moist , liquid , and wet . But , the Exterior Figurative Motions of the watry Circle , may be edged , pointed , sharp , blunt , flat , round , smooth , ruff , or the like ; which may be either divided , or altered , without any alteration of the Innate Nature , or Property : As for example , Salt-water may be made fresh , or the Salt Parts divided from the watry Circle : The like of other sorts of VVaters ; and yet the Nature of VVater remains . CHAP. XVI . Of OYL , and VITRIOL . THE Exterior Figurative Motions of Oyl , are so much like those of Water , as , to be fluid , smooth , soft , moist , and liquid , although not perfectly wet : but , the Interior Figurative Motions of Oyl , are of that sort of Fire , that we name a Dull , Dead Fire : and the difference between Salt Waters , Vitriol or the like , and Oyl , is , That the Exterior Figurative Motions of Vitriol and Salt Waters , are of a sort of Fire ; whereas it is the Interior Figurative Motions of Oyl , or the like , that are of those sorts of Fire ; and that is the reason that the fiery Motions of Oyl cannot be altered , as the fiery Motions of Vitriol may . But this is to be noted , That although the Interior Figurative Motions of Oyl , are of such a sort of fiery Motions ; yet , not just like those of Vitriol ; and are not burning , corroding , or wounding , as Vitriols , Corrosives , and the like , are : for , those are somewhat more of the Nature of bright shining Fires , than Oyls . CHAP. XVII . Of Mineral and Sulphureous Waters . IN Sulphureous and Mineral Waters , the Sulphureous and Mineral Corporeal Motions , are Exterior , and not Interior , like Salt waters : but , there are several sorts of such waters ; also , some are occasionally , others naturally so affected : for , some waters running through Sulphureous , or Mineral Mines , gather , like a rowling Stone , some of the loose Parts of Gravel , or Sand ; which , as they stick or cleave to the rowling Stone ; so they do to the running Waters ; as we may perceive by those waters that spring out of Chalk , Clay , or Lime Grounds , which will have some Tinctures of the Lime , Chalk , or Clay ; and the same happens to Minerals . But , some are naturally Sulphureous ; as for example , Some sorts of hot Baths are as naturally Sulphureous , as the Sea-water is Salt : but , all those Effects of Minerals , Sulphurs , and the like , are dividable from , and also may be joyn'd to , the Body of water , without any disturbance to the nature of water ; as may be proved by Salt-water , which will cause fresh Meat to be salt ; and salt Meat will cause Fresh-water to be salt . As for hot Baths , those have hot figurative Motions , but not burning : and the moist , liquid , and wet Nature of water , makes it apt to joyn , and divide , to , and from other sorts of Motions ; as also , to and from its own sort . CHAP. XVIII . The Cause of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. THE Nature of water is to flow ; so that all sorts of waters will flow , if they be not obstructed : but it is not the Nature of Water , to ebb . Neither can water flow beyond the Power of its Quantity : for , a little water will not flow so far as a great one . But , I do not mean by flowing , the falling of water from some Descent ; but , to flow upon a Level : for , as I have said , all waters do naturally flow , if they be not obstructed ; but , few sorts of water , besides Sea-water , ebbs . As for the Exterior Figurative Motions of water , in the action of flowing , they are an Oval , or a half Circle , or a half Moon ; where the middle parts of the half Moon , or Circle , are fuller than the two Ends. Also , the figure of a half Moon , or half Circle , is concave on the inside , and convex on the outside of the Circle : but , these Figurative Motions , in a great quantity of water , are bigg and full , which we name Waves of Water ; which waves flowing fast upon each other , presses each other forward , until such time as the half Circle divides : for , when the Bow of the half Circle is over-bent , or stretched , it divides into the middle , which is most extended : and when a half Circle ( which is a whole wave of water ) is divided , the divided Parts fall equally back on each side of the flowing waves : so , every wave dividing , after that manner , in the full extension , it causes the motion of ebbing , that is , to flow back , as it flow'd forward : for , the divided Parts falling back , and joining as they meet , makes the head of the half Circle , where the Ends of the half Circle were ; and the Convex , where the Concave was ; by which action , the ebbing Parts are become the flowing Parts . And the reason that it ebbs and flows by degrees , is , That the flowing half Circles require so much time to be at the utmost extension . Also , every wave , or half Circle , divides not all at one time , but one after another : for , two Bodies cannot be in one place at one point of time ; and until the second , third , and so the rest , flow as far as the first , they are not at their full extension . And thus the Sea , or such a great Body of Water , must flow , and ebb , as being its nature to flow ; and the flowing Figure , being over-extended , by endeavouring to flow beyond its power , causes a dividing of the Extended Parts , which is the Cause of the Ebbing . But , whether this Opinion of mine , be as probable as any of the former Opinions concerning the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , I cannot judg : but I would not be mistaken ; for the flowing of the water , is according to its Quantity ; for , the further it flows , the fainter , or weaker it is . CHAP. XIX . Of OVERFLOWS . AS for Overflows , there be many ; and many more would be , if the waters were not hindred and obstructed by Man's Inventions . But , some Overflows are very Uncertain and Irregular ; others , Certain and Regular , as , the flowing of Nilus in Egypt : but as for the distance of time of its flowing , it may proceed from the far Journey of those flowing-waters : and , the time of its ebbing , may be attributed to the great Quantity of Water ; so that the great quantity of water , will cause a longer or a shorter time in the flowing or ebbing ; and certainly the waters are as long a flowing back , as flowing forward . As for Spring Tides , they are only in such a time when there is a Naturall Issue of a greater quantity of water : so that Spring-Tides are but once a Month , and Single-Tides in so many hours : but , many several occasions , may make the Tides to be more or less full . As for Double-Tides , they are occasioned through the Irregular dividing of the Half-Circle ; as , when they divide not orderly , but faster than they orderly should do ; which , falling back in a Crowd , and being , by that means , obstructed , so that they cannot get forward , they are necessitated to flow , where they ebb'd . The reason the Tides flow through Streams of Running-waters , is , That the Tide is stronger than the Stream : but , if the Stream and Tides pass through each other , then the Tide and Stream are somewhat like Duellers together , which make Passes and Passages for their conveniency . CHAP. XX. Of the Figure of Ice and Snow . A Circle may not only extend and contract it self without dividing ; but may draw it self into many several Figures , as Squares , or Triangles : as also , into many other Figures mix'd of Squares , Triangles , Cubes , or the like ; being partly one , and partly , another ; and into other several ways , and after several manners ; which is the reason , Water may appear in many several Postures of Snow , Ice , Hail , Frost , and the like : and , in my Opinion , when the Water-Circle is Triangular , it is Snow ; when the Circle is Square , it is Ice : as for Hail , they are but small pieces of Ice ; that is , small Parts , or few Drops of Water , changed into Ice ; and those several Parts moving after several manners , make the Exterior Figures , after several shapes ; as , great Bodies of Ice will be of many several shapes , occasioned by many or fewer Parts , and by the several Postures of those Parts : but , such Figures , though they are of Ice , yet , are not the Innate Figures of Ice . The same is to be said of Snow . But , the reason of these my Opinions concerning the Figures of Ice and Snow , is , That Snow is leighter than the Water it self ; and Ice is heavier , at least , as heavy . And the reason Snow is so leight , is , That a Triangular Figure hath no poyse , being an odd Figure ; whereas a Square is poysed by Even and Equal Lines , and just Number of Points , as , Two to Two : but , a Triangle is Two to One. Also , a Circle is a poysed Figure , as being equal every way , from the Center to the Circumference ; and from the Circumference to the Center , all the Lines drawing to one Point . But , mistake me not ; for I treat ( concerning the Figures of Snow and Ice ) only of those Figures that cause Water to be Snow or Ice ; and not of the Exterior Figures of Snow and Ice , which are occasioned by the Order or Disorder of Adjoining Parts : for , several Parts of Water , may order themselves into numerous several Figures , which concern not the nature of Water , as it is Water , Snow , or Ice : As for example , Many Men in a Battel , or upon Ceremony , joyn into many several Figures or Forms ; which Figures or Forms , are of no concern to their Innate Nature . Also , the several Figures or Forms of several Houses , or several sorts of Building in one House , are of no concern to the Innate Nature of the Materials . The like for the Exterior Figures of Ice and Snow ; and therefore Microscopes may deceive the Artist , who may take the Exterior for the Interior Figure ; but there may be great difference between them . CHAP. XXI . Of the Change and Rechange of Water . WATER being of a Circular Figurative Motion , is , as it were , but one Part , having no divisions ; and therefore can more easily change and rechange it self into several Postures , viz. into the Posture of a Triangle , or Square ; or can be dilated or extended into a larger compass , or contracted into a lesser compass ; which is the cause it can turn into Vapour and Vaporous Air ; or into Slime , or into some grosser Figure : For example , Water can extend it self beyond the proper degrees of Water , into the degree of Vapour ; and the Circle , extending further than the degree of a Vaporous Circle , is extended into a Vaporous Air ; and if the Vaporous Airy Circle be extreamly extended , it becomes so small , as it becomes to be a sharp Edg , and so , in a degree , next to Fire ; at least , to have a hot Effect : but , if it extends further than an Edg , the Circle breaks into Flashes of Fire , like Lightning , which is a flowing Flame : for , being produced from Water , it hath the property of Flowing , or Streaming , as VVater hath , as we may perceive by the Effects of some few Parts of VVater flung on a bright Fire ; for those few drops of VVater being not enough to quench the Fire , straight dilate so extreamly , that they break into a Flame ; or else cause the Fire to be more brisk and bright : and as the Water-Circle can be turned into Vapour , Air , and Flame , by Extension ; so , it can be turned into Snow , Hail , or Ice , by Contraction . CHAP. XXII . Of Water Quenching Fire ; and Fire Evaporating Water . THERE is such an Antipathy betwixt Water and Fire , ( I mean bright shining Fire ) that they never meet Body to Body , but Fire is in danger to be quenched out , if there be a sufficient Quantity of Water . But it is to be observed , That it is not the actual Coldness of Water , that quenches out Fire ; for , Scalding-water will quench out Fire : wherefore , it is the Wetness that quenches out Fire ; which Wetness choaks the Fire , as a Man that is drown'd : for , Water being not fit for Man's Respiration , because it is too thick , choaks and smuthers him ; and the same doth Water to Fire : for , though Air is of a proper temper for Respiration , both to some sorts of Animals , such as Man ; as also , to Fire : yet , Water is not : which is most proper for other sorts of Animals , namely , Fish ; as also , for some sorts of Animals that are of a mixt kind or sort , partly Fish , and partly Flesh : to which sort of Creatures , both Air and Water are both equally proper for their Respiration ; or , their Respiration equal to either : for certainly , all sorts of Creatures have Respiration , by reason all Creatures subsist by each other ; I say , By each other , not Of each other . But , there are many several sorts and kinds of Respirations ; as concerning VVater and Fire , though a sufficient quantity of VVater , to Fire , doth always choak , smuther , or quench out the Fire's Life , if joyn'd Body to Body ; yet , when there is another Body between those two Bodies , water is in danger to be infected with the Fire's heat ; the Fire first infecting the Body next to it ; and that Body infecting the VVater : by which Infection , VVater is consumed , either by a languishing Hectick Fever ; or , by a raging Boyling Fever ; and the Life of VVater evaporates away . CHAP. XXIII . Of Inflamable Liquors . THERE are many Bodies of mixt Natures ; as for example , VVine , and all Strong Liquors , are partly of a watry Nature , and partly of a fiery Nature ; but , 't is of that sort we name a Dead , or Dull Fire : but , being of such a mixt Nature , they are both apt to quench Bright Fire , as also , apt to burn or flame ; so that such sorts are both Inflamable , and Quenchable . But , some have more of the fiery Nature ; and others more of the watry Nature ; and , by those Effects , we may perceive , that not only different , but opposite Figurative Motions , do well agree in one Society . CHAP. XXIV . Of THVNDER . I Observe , that all Tempestuous Sounds have some resemblances to the flowing of waters , either in great and ruffling waves ; or , when the waters flow in such sort , as to break in pieces against hard and rugged Rocks ; or run down great Precipices , or against some Obstruction . And the like Sound hath the Blowings of VVind , or the Clappings of Thunder ; which causes me to be of opinion , That Thunder is occasioned by a Discord amongst some VVater-Circles in the Higher Region ; which , pressing and beating upon each other in a confused manner , cause a confused Sound , by reason all Circles are Concave within the Bow , and Convex without ; which is a Hollow Figure , although no Vacuum : which Hollow Figure , causes quick Repetitions and Replies ; which Replies and Repetitions , we name Rebounds but , Replies are not Rebounds ; for , Rebounds are Pressures and Re-actions ; whereas Repetitions are without Pressure , but Re-action is not : and , Replies are of several Parts ; as , one Part to reply to another . But for Thunder , it is occasioned both by Pressures and Re-actions ; as also , Replies of Extended Water-Circles , which make a kind or sort of Confusion , and so a confused Sound , which we name Horrid ; and , according to their Discord , the Sound is more or less terrifying , or violent . But this is to be noted , That as Thunder is caused by undivided or broken Circles ; so Lightning is caused by broken or divided Circles , that are extended beyond the Power of the Nature of the Water-Circle ; and when the Circle is extreamly extended , it divides it self into a straight Line , and becomes a flowing Flame . CHAP. XXV . Of Vapour , Smoak , Wind , and Clouds . VApour and Smoak are both fluid Bodies : but , Smoak is more of the Nature of Oyl , than Water ; and Vapour more of the Nature of Water , than Oyl ; they are dividable : and may be join'd , as other Elements : also , they are of a Metamorphosing Nature , as to change and rechange ; but , when they are Metamorphosed into the form of Air , that Air is a gross Air , and is , as we say , a corruptible Air. As for Vapour , it is apt to turn into Wind : for , when it is rarified beyond the Nature of Vapour , and not so much as into the Nature of Air , it turns into some sorts of Wind. I say , some sorts : and certainly , the strongest Winds are made of the grossest Vapours . As for Smoak , it is apt to turn into some sorts of Lightning ; I say , apt : for , both Vapour and Smoak can turn into many sorts of Metamorphosed Elements . As for Wind , it proceeds either from Rarified Vapour , or Contracted Air. And there are many sorts of Vapours , Smoaks , and Winds ; all which sorts of Vapours and Smoaks , are apt to ascend : but , Wind is of a more level action . As for Clouds , they cannot be composed of a Natural Air ; because Natural Air is too rare a Body to make Clouds . Wherefore , Clouds are composed of Vapour and Smoak : for , when Vapour and Smoak ascends up high without transformation , they gather into Clouds , some higher , some lower , according to their purity : for , the purer sort ( as I may say for expression-sake ) ascends the highest , as being the most agil . But , concerning the Figurative Motions of Vapour and Smoak , they are Circles ; but of VVinds , they are broken Parts of Circular Vapours : for , when the Vaporous Circle is extended beyond its Nature of Vapour , the Circumference of the Circle breaks into perturbed Parts ; and if the Parts be small , the wind is , in our perception , sharp , pricking , and piercing : but , if the Parts are not so small , then the wind is strong and pressing : but wind , being rarified Vapour , is so like Air , as it is not perceived by human sight , though it be perceived by human touch . But , as there are hot vapours , cold vapours , sharp vapours , moist vapours , dry vapours , subtil vapours , and the like ; so there is such sorts of winds . But , pray do not mistake me , when I say , that some sorts of winds are broken and perturbed Circles , as if I meant , such as those of Lightning : for , those of Lightning , are extended beyond the degree of Air ; and those of Vapours , are not extended to the degree of Air : also , those of Lightning , are not perturbed ; and those of Wind , are perturbed . Again , those of Lightning , flow in Streams of smooth , small , even Lines ; those of Wind , in disordered Parts and Fragments . CHAP. XXVI . Of WIND . WIND and Fire have some resemblance in some of their particular actions : as for example , Wind and Fire endeavour the disturbance of other Creatures , occasioning a separating and disjoining of Parts . Also , Wind is both an Enemy and Friend to Fire : for Wind , in some sorts of its actions , will assist Fire ; and in other actions , dissipates Fire , nay , blows it out : but certainly , the powerful Forces of Wind , proceed not so much from Solidity , as Agility : for , soft , weak , 〈◊〉 quick Motions , are far more powerful , than strong , slow Motions ; because , quick Replies are of great Force , as allowing no time of respit . But this is to be observed , That Wind hath some watry Effects : for , the further water flows , the weaker and fainter it is : so the Wind , the further it blows , the weaker and fainter it is . But this is to be observed , That according to the agilness or slowness of the Corporeal Motions ; or , according to the number ; or , according to the manner of the compositions , or joynings , or divisions ; or , according to the regularity or irregularity of the Corporeal Figurative Motions , so are the Effects . CHAP. XXVII . Of LIGHT . WATER , Air , Fire , and Light ; are all Rare and Fluid Creatures ; but they are of different sorts of Rarities and Fluities : and , though Light seems to be extreamly Rare and Fluid ; yet , Light is not so Rare and Fluid , as pure Air is , because it is subject to that sort of Human Perception we name Sight ; but yet , it is not subject to any of the other Perceptions : and , pure Air is only subject to the Perception of Respiration , which seems to be a more subtil Perception than Sight ; and that occasions me to believe , That Air is more Rare and Pure , than Light : but howsoever , I conceive the Figurative Motions of Light , to be extraordinary even , smooth , agil Lines of Corporeal Motions : but , as I said before , there are many sorts of Lights that are not Elemental Lights ; as , Glow-worms Tails , Cats Eyes , Rotten Wood , Fish Bones , and that Human Light which is made in Dreams , and Infinite other Lights , not subject to our Perception : which proves , That Light may be without Heat . But , whether the Light of the Sun , which we name Natural Light , is naturally hot , may be a dispute : for , many times , the Night is hotter than the Day . CHAP. XXVIII . Of DARKNESS . THE Figurative Motions of Light and Darkness , are quite opposite ; and the Figurative Motions of Colours , are as a Mean between both , being partly of the Nature of both : but , as the Figurative Motions of Light , in my opinion , are rare , straight , equal , even , smooth Figurative Motions : those of Darkness are uneven , ruff , or rugged , and more dense . Indeed , there is as much difference between Light and Darkness , as between Earth and Water ; or rather , between Water and Fire ; because each is an Enemy to other ; and , being opposite , they endeavour to out-power each other . But this is to be noted , That Darkness is as visible to Human Perception , as Light ; although the Nature of Darkness is , To obscure all other Objects besides it self : but , if Darkness could not be perceived , the Optick Perception could not know when it is dark ; nay , particular dark Figurative Motions , are as visible in a general Light , as any other Object ; which could not be , if Darkness was only a privation of Light , as the Opinions of many Learned Men are : but , as I said before , Darkness is of a quite different Figurative Motion , from Light ; so different , that it is just opposite : for , as the property of Light is to divulge Objects ; so , the property of Darkness is to obscure them : but , mistake me not ; I mean , that Light and Darkness have such properties to our Perception : but , whether it is so to all Perceptions , is more than I know , or is , as I believe , known to any other Human Creature . CHAP. XXIX . Of COLOVRS . AS for Colour , it is the same with Body : for surely , there is no such thing in Nature , as a Colourless Body , were it as small as an Atom ; nor no such thing as a Figureless Body ; or such a thing as a Placeless Body : so that Matter , Colour , Figure , and Place , is but one thing , as one and the same Body : but Matter , being self-moving , causes varieties of Figurative Actions , by various changes . As for Colours , they are only several Corporeal Figurative Motions ; and as there are several sorts of Creatures , so there are several sorts of Colours : but , as there are those , Man names Artificial Creatures ; so there are Artificial Colours . But , though to describe the several Species of all the several sorts of Colours , be impossible ; yet we may observe , that there is more variety of Colours amongst Vegetables and Animals , than amongst Minerals and Elements : for , though the Rain-bow is of many fine Colours ; yet , the Rain-bow hath not so much Variety , as many particular Vegetables , or Animals have ; but every several Colour , is a several Figurative Motion ; and the Brighter the Colours are , the Smoother and Evener are the Figurative Motions . And as for Shadows of Colours , they are caused when one sort of Figurative Motions is as the Foundation : for example , If the Fundamental Figurative Motion , be a deep Blew , or Red , or the like , then all the variations of other Colours have a tincture . But , in short , all Shadows have a ground of some sort of dark Figurative Motions . But , the Opinions of many Learned Men , are , That all Colours are made by the several Positions of Light , and are not inherent in any Creature ; of which Opinion I am not : For , if that were so , every Creature would be of many several Colours ; neither would any Creature produce after their own Species : for , a Parrot would not produce so fine a Bird as her self ; neither would any Creature appear of one and the same Colour , but their Colour would change according to the Positions of Light ; and in a dark day , in my opinion , all fine coloured Birds , would appear like Crows ; and fine coloured Flowers , appear like the Herb named Night-shade ; which is not so . I do not say , That several Positions of Light may not cause Colours ; but I say , The Position of Light is not the Maker of all Colours ; for , Dyers cannot cause several Colours by the Positions of Light. CHAP. XXX . Of the Exterior Motions of the Planets . BY the Exterior Motions of the Planets , we may believe their Exterior Shape is Spherical : for , it is to be observed , That all Exterior Actions are according to their Exterior Shape : but , by reason Vegetables and Minerals have not such sorts of Exterior Motions or Actions , as Animals ; some Men are of opinion , they have not Sensitive Life ; which opinion proceeds from a shallow consideration : neither do they believe the Elements are sensible , although they visibly perceive their Progressive Motions ; and yet believe all sorts of Animals to have sense , only because they have Progressive Motions . CHAP. XXXI . Of the Sun , and Planets , and Seasons . THE Sun , Moon , Planets , and all those glittering Starrs we see , are several sorts of that Man names Elemental Creatures : but Man , having not an infinite Perception , cannot have an infinite perceptive knowledg : for , though the Rational Perception is more subtil than the Sensitive ; yet , the particular Parts cannot perceive much further than the Exterior Parts of Objects : but , Human Sense and Reason cannot perceive what the Sun , Moon , and Starrs are ; as , whether solid , or rare ; or , whether the Sun be a Body of Fire ; or the Moon , a Body of Water , or Earth ; or , whether the Fixed Starrs be all several Suns ; or , whether they be other kinds or sorts of Worlds . But certainly , all Creatures do subsist by each other , because Nature seems to be an Infinite united Body , without Vacuum . As for the several Seasons of the Year , they are divided into Four Parts : but the several Changes and Tempers of the Four Seasons , are so various , altering every moment , as it would be an endless work , nay , impossible , for one Creature to perform : for , though the Almanack-makers pretend to fore-know all the variations of the Elements ; yet , they can tell no more than just what is the constant and set-motions ; but not the variations of every Hour , or Minute ; neither can they tell any thing , more than their Exterior Motions . CHAP. XXXII . Of Air corrupting Dead Bodies . SOME are of opinion , That Air is a Corrupter , and so a Dissolver of all dead Creatures , and yet is the Preserver of all living Creatures . If so , Air hath an Infinite Power : but , all the reason I can perceive for this Opinion , is , That Man perceives , that when any Raw ( or that we name Dead ) Flesh , is kept from the air , it will not stink , or corrupt , so soon as when it is in the air : but yet it is well known , that extream cold air will keep Flesh from corrupting . Another Reason is , That a Flye entomb'd in Amber , being kept from air , the Flye remains in her Exterior Shape as perfectly as if she were alive . I answer , The cause of that may be , that the Figurative Motions of Amber , may sympathize with the Exterior consistent Motions of the Fly , which may cause the Exterior Shape of the Flye to continue , although the Innate Nature be altered . But Air is , as all other Creatures are , both Beneficial , and Hurtful to each other ; for Nature is poysed with Opposites : for we may perceive , that several Creatures are both Beneficial and Hurtful to each other : as for example , A Bear kills a Man ; and , on the other side , a Bear 's Skin will cure a Man of some Disease . Also , a Wild-Boar will kill a Man ; and the Boar's Flesh will nourish a Man. Fire will burn a Man , and preserve a Man ; and Millions of such Examples may be proposed . The same may be said of Air , which may occasion Good or Evil to other Creatures ; as , the Amber may occasion the death of a Fly ; and , on the other side , may occasion the Preservation , or Continuation of the Fly 's Exterior Figure , or Form : but , Nature being without Vacuum , all her Parts must be be joined ; and her Actions being poysed , there must be both Sympathetical , and Antipathetical actions , amongst all Creatures . The Thirteenth Part. CHAP. I. Of the Innate Figurative Motions of Metals . ALL sorts of Metals , in my opinion , are of some sorts of Circular Motions ; but not like that sort , that is Water : for , the Water-Circle doth extend outward , from the Center ; whereas , in my opinion , the Circular Motion of Metal , draws inward , from the Circumference . Also , in my opinion , the Circular Motions are dense , flat , edged , even , and smooth ; for , all Bright and Glassie Bodies are smooth : and , though Edges are wounding Figures ; yet , Edges are rather of the Nature of a Line , than of a Point . Again , all Motions that tend to a Center , are more fixt than those that extend to a Circumference : but , it is according to the degree of their Extensions , that those Creatures are more or less fixt ; which is the cause that some sorts of Metals are more fixt than others ; and that causes Gold to be the most fixt of all other sorts of Metals ; and seems to be too strong for the Effects of Fire . But this is to be noted , That some Metals are more near related to some sort , than other : as for example , There is no Lead , without some Silver ; so that Silver seems to be but a well-digested Lead . And certainly , Copper hath some near relation to Gold , although not so near related , as Lead is to Silver . CHAP. II. Of the Melting of Metals . METALS may be occasioned , by Fire , to slack their Retentive Motions , by which they become fluid ; and as soon as they are quit of their Enemy , Fire , the Figurative Motions of Metal return to their proper Order : and this is the reason that occasions Metal to melt , which is , to flow : but yet , the Flowing Motion is but like the Exterior , and not the Innate actions of 〈◊〉 : for , the Melting actions do not alter the Innate actions ; that is , they do not alter from the Nature of being Metal : but , if the Exterior Nature be occasioned , by the Excess of those Exterior actions , to alter their Retentive actions , then Metal turns to that we name Dross ; and as much as Metal loses of its weight , so much of the Metal dissolves ; that is , so much of those Innate motions are quite altered : but , Gold hath such an Innate Retentiveness , that though Fire may cause an extream alteration of the Exterior actions ; yet , it cannot alter the Interior motions . The like is of Quick-silver . And yet Gold is not a God , to be Unalterable , though man knows not the way , and Fire has not the power to alter the Innate Nature of Gold. CHAP. III. Of Burning , Melting , Boyling , and Evaporating . BVrning , Melting , Boyling , and Evaporating , are , for the most part , occasioned by Fire , or somewhat that is , in effect , Hot : I say , occasioned , by reason they are not the actions of Fire , but the actions of those Bodies that melts , boyls , evaporates , or burns ; which being near , or joyned to Fire , are occasioned so to do : as for example , Put several sorts of Creatures , or Things , into a Fire , and they shall not burn alike : for , Leather and Metal do not burn alike ; for Metal flows , and Leather shrinks up , and Water evaporates , and Wood converts it self , as it were , into Fire ; which other things do not ; which proves , That all Parts act their own actions . For , though some Corporeal motions may occasion other Corporeal motions to act after such or such a manner ; yet , one Part cannot have another Part 's motion , because Matter can neither give nor take motion . CHAP. IV. Of STONE . ALL Minerals seem to be some kinds of Dense and Retentive motions : but yet , those kinds of Dense and Retentive motions , seem to be of several sorts ; which is the cause of several sorts of Minerals , and of several sorts of Stones and Metals . Also , every several sort , hath several sorts of Properties : but , in my opinion , some sorts are caused by Hot Contractions and Retentions ; others , by Cold Contractions and Retentions ; as also , by Hot or Cold Densations : and the reason why I believe so , is , That I observe that many Artificial Stones are produced by Heat : but Ice , which is but in the first Degree of a Cold Density , seems somewhat like transparent Stones ; so that several sorts of Stones , are produced by several sorts of Cold and Hot Contractions and Densations . CHAP. V. Of the LOADSTONE . AS for the Loadstone , it is not more wonderful in attracting Iron , than 〈◊〉 Beauty , which admirably attracts the Optick Perception of Human Creatures : and who knows , but the North and South Air may be the most proper Air for the Respiration of the Loadstone ; and , that Iron may be the most proper Food for it . But , by reason there hath been so many Learned Men puzled in their Opinions concerning the several Effects of the Loadstone , I dare not venture to treat of the Nature , and Natural Effects of that Mineral ; neither have I had much experience of it : but I observe , That Iron , and some sorts of Stone , are nearly allied ; for , there is not any Iron , but what is growing , or is intermixt and united in some sorts of Stone , as that which we call Iron-stone . Wherefore , it is no wonder if the Loadstone , and Iron , should be apt to embrace one another . CHAP. VI. Of Bodies , apt to ascend or descend . THERE are so many several Causes that occasion some sorts of Creatures to be apt to ascend , and others to descend , as they are neither known , or can be conceived by one finite Creature : for , it is not Rarity or Density , that causes Levity and Gravity ; but , the Frame or Form of a Creature 's Exterior Shape , or Parts . As for example : A Flake of Snow is as Rare as a Downy Feather ; yet , the Feather is apt to ascend , and the Flake of Snow to descend . Also Dust , that is hard and dense , is apt to ascend ; and Water , that is soft and rare , is more apt to descend . Again , a Bird , that is both a bigger , and a more dense Creature by much , than a small Worm ; yet , a Bird can flye up into the air , when as a leight Worm cannot ascend , or flye , having not such a sort of Shape . Also , a great heavy Ship , as big as an ordinary House , fraughted with Iron , will swim upon the face of the Water ; when as a small Bullet , no bigger than a Hasle-Nut , will sink to the bottom of the Sea. A great Bodied Bird will flye up into the air ; when as a small Worm lies on the earth , with a slow kind of crawling , and cannot ascend . All which is caused by the manner of their Shapes , and not the matter of Gravity and Levity . CHAP. VII . Why Heavy Bodies descend more forcibly than Leight Bodies ascend . ALthough the manner of the Shape of several Creatures , is the chief cause of their Ascent , and Descent ; yet , Gravity and Levity , doth occasion more or less Agility : for , a Heavy Body shall descend with more force , than a Leight Body ascend : and the reason is , not only that there may be more Parts in a Heavy Body , than a Leight ; but , that in a Descent , every Corporeal Motion seems to press upon each other ; which doubles and trebles the Strength , Weight , and Force , as we may perceive in the Ascending and Descending of the Flight of Birds , especially of Hawks ; of which , the weight of the Body is some hindrance to the Ascent , but an advantage to the Descent : but yet , the Shape of the Bird hath some advantage by the Weight , in such sort , that the Weight doth not so much hinder the Ascent , as it doth assist the Descent . CHAP. VIII . Of several sorts of Densities and Rarities , Gravities and Levities . THere are different sorts of Densities and Rarities , Softness and Hardness , Levities and Gravities : as for example , The density of Earth is not like the density of Stone ; nor the density of Stone , like the density of Metal : nor are all the Parts of the Earth dense alike ; nor all Stones , nor all Metals ; as we may perceive in Clay , Sand , Chalk , and Lime-Grounds . Also , we may perceive difference between Lead , Tynne , Copper , Iron , Silver , and Gold ; and between Marble , Alablaster , Walling-Stone , Diamonds , Crystals , and the like : and so much difference there is between one and the same kind , that some particulars of one sort , shall more resemble another kind , than their own : as for example , Gold and Diamonds resemble each other's Nature , more than Lead doth Gold ; or Diamonds , Crystal ; I say , in their Densities . Also , there is a great difference of the Rarity , Gravity , and Levity of seral sorts of Waters , and of several sorts of Air. CHAP. IX . Of VEGETABLES . VEgetables are of numerous sorts , and every sort of very different Natures : as for example , Some are Reviving Cordials ; others , Deadly Poyson ; some are Purgers , others are Nourishers : some have Hot Effects , some Cold ; some Dry , some Moist ; some bear Fruit , some bears no Fruit ; some appear all the year Young ; others appear but part of the year Young , and part Old ; some are many years a producing ; others are produced in few hours ; some will last many hundred years ; others will decay in the compass of few hours : some seem to dye one part of the year , and revive again in another part of the year : some rot and consume in the Earth , after such a time ; and will continue in perfection , if parted from the Earth . Others will wither and decay , as soon as parted from the Earth . Some are of a dense Nature , some of a rare Nature ; some grow deep into the Earth ; others grow high out of the Earth ; some will only produce in dry Soyls , some in moist : some will produce only in Water , as we may perceive by some Ponds ; others on Houses of Brick or Stone . Also , some grow out of Stone ; as , many Stones will have a green Moss : some are produced by sowing their Seed into the Earth ; others , by setting their Roots , or Slips , into the Earth : others again , by joyning or engrafting one Plant into another : so that there is much variety of Vegetables , and those of such different Natures , that they are not only different Sorts , but are variety of Effects of one and the same sort ; and it requires not only the study of one Human Creature , or many Human Creatures ; but , of all the Human Creatures in all Nations and Ages , to know them ; which is the reason , that those that have writ of the Natures of Herbs , Flowers , Roots , and Fruits , may be much mistaken . But I , living more constantly in my Study , than in my Garden , shall not venture to treat much of the particular Natures , and Natural Effects of Vegetables . CHAP. X. Of the Production of Vegetables . T IS no wonder , that some sorts of Vegetables are produced out of Stone or Brick , ( as some that will grow on the top of Houses ) by reason that Brick is made of Earth , and Stone is generated in the Bowels of the Earth ; which shows they are of an Earthly Nature or Substance . Neither is it a wonder that Vegetables will grow upon some sorts of Water , by reason some sorts of Waters may be mixt with some Parts of Earth . But , I have been credibly informed , That a Man whose Legg had been cut , and a Seed of an Oat being gotten into the Wound by chance , the Oat did sprout out into a green Blade of Grass : which proves , that Vegetables may be produced in several Soyls . But 't is probable , that though many sorts of Vegetables may sprout , as Barly in Water ; yet , they cannot produce any of the off-spring of the same Sort or Kind . But , my Thoughts are , at this present , in some dispute ; as , Whether the Earth is a Part of the Production of Vegetables , as being the Breeder ? or , whether the Earth is only Parts of Respiration , and not Parts of Production ; and so , rather Breathing-Parts , than Breeding-Parts , as Water to Fishes ? But , if so , then every particular Seed must encrease , not only by a bare Transformation of their Parts into the first Form of Production ; but , by division of their united Parts , must produce many other Societies of the same sort ; as Religious Orders , where one Convent divides into many Convents of the same Order ; which occasions a numerous Encrease . So the several Parts of one Seed , may divide into many Seeds of the same sort , as being of the same Species ; but then , every Part of that Seed , must be encreased by additional Parts ; which must be , by Nourishing Parts : which Nourishing Parts are , in all probability , Earthy Parts ; or , at least , partly of Earthy Parts ; and partly , of some of the other Elemental Parts : but , as I have often said , all Creatures in Nature are Assisted , and do Subsist , by each other . CHAP. XI . Of Replanting Vegetables . REplanting of Vegetables , many times , occasions great Alterations ; in so much as a Vegetable , by often Replanting , will be so altered , as to appear of another sort of Vegetable : the reason is , that several sorts , or parts of Soyls , may occasion other sorts of Actions , and Orders , in one and the same Society . But this is to be noted in the Lives of many Animals , That several sorts of Food , make great alterations in their Temper and Shape ; though not to alter their Species , yet so as to cause them to appear worse or better : but , this is most visible amongst Human Creatures , whom some sorts of Food will make weak , sick , faint , lean , pale , old , and withered : other sorts of Food will make them strong , and healthy , fat , fair , smooth , and ruddy . So some sorts of Soyls will cause some Vegetables to be larger , brighter , smoother , sweeter , and of more various and glorious Colours . CHAP. XII . Of Artificial Things . ARtificial Things , are Natural Corporeal Figurative Motions : for , all Artificial Things are produced by several produced Creatures . But , the differences of those Productions we name Natural and Artificial , are , That the Natural are produced from the Producer's own Parts ; whereas the Artificial are produced by composing , or joyning , or mixing several Forrein Parts ; and not any of the particular Parts of their composed Society : for , Artificial things are not produced as Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , or the like : but only , they are certain seral Mixtures of some of the divided , or dead Parts , as I may say , of Minerals , Vegetables , Elements , and the like . But this is to be noted , That all , or at least , most , are but Copied , and not Originals . But some may ask , Whether Artificial Productions have Sense , Reason , and Perception ? I answer : That if all the Rational and Sensitive Parts of Nature , are Perceptive , and that no part is without Perception ; then all Artificial Productions are Perceptive . CHAP. XIII . Of several Kinds and Sorts of Species . ACCording to my Opinion , though the Species of this World , and all the several Kinds and Sorts of Species in this World , do always continue ; yet , the particular Parts of one and the same Kind or sort of Species , do not continue : for , the particular Parts are perpetually altering their Figurative Actions . But , by reason some Parts compose or unite , as well as some Parts dissolve or disunite ; all kinds and sorts of Species , will , and must last so long as Nature lasts . But mistake me not , I mean such kinds and sorts of Species as we name Natural , that is , the Fundamental Species ; but not such Species , as we name Artificial . CHAP. XIV . Of Different WORLDS . T IS probable if Nature be Infinite , there are several kinds and sorts of those Species , Societies , or Creatures , we name Worlds ; which may be so different from the Frame , Form , Species , and Properties of this World , and the Creatures of this World , as not to be any ways like this World , or the Creatures in this World. But mistake me not , I do not mean , not like this World , as it is Material and Self-moving ; but , not of the same Species , or Properties : as for example , That they have not such kind of Creatures , or their Properties , as Light , Darkness , Heat , Cold , Dry , Wet , Soft , Hard , Leight , Heavy , and the like . But some may say , That is impossible : for , there can be no World , but must be either Light or Dark , Hot or Cold , Dry or Wet , Soft or Hard , Heavy or Leight ; and the like . I answer , That though those Effects may be generally beneficial to most of the Creatures in this World ; yet , not to all the Parts of the World : as for example , Though Light is beneficial to the Eyes of Animals ; yet , to no other Part of an Animal Creature . And , though Darkness is obstructive to the Eyes of Animals ; yet , to no other Parts of an Animal Creature . Also , Air is no proper Object for any of the Human Parts , but Respiration . So Cold and Heat , are no proper Objects for any Part of a Human Creature , but only the Pores , which are the Organs of Touch. The like may be said for Hard and Soft , Dry and Wet : and since they are not Fundamental actions of Nature , but Particular , I cannot believe , but that there may be such Worlds , or Creatures , as may have no use of Light , Darkness , and the like : for , if some Parts of this World need them not , nor are any ways beneficial to them , ( as I formerly proved ) surely a whole World may be , and subsist without them : for these Properties , though they may be proper for the Form or Species of this World ; yet , they may be no ways proper for the Species of another kind or sort of World : as for example , The Properties of a Human Creature are quite different from other kinds of Creatures ; the like may be of different Worlds : but , in all Material Worlds , there are Self-moving Parts , which is the cause there is self-joyning , uniting , and composing ; self dividing , or dissolving ; self-regularities , and self-irregularities : also , there is Perception amongst the Parts or Creaturs of Nature ; and what Worlds or Creatures soever are in Nature , they have Sense and Reason , Life and Knowledg : but , for Light and Darkness , Hot and Cold , Soft and Hard , Leight and Heavy , Dry and Wet , and the like ; they are all but particular actions of particular Corporeal Species , or Creatures , which are finite , and not infinite : and certainly , there may be , in Nature , other Worlds as full of varieties , and as glorious and beautiful as this World ; and are , and may be more glorious or beautiful , as also , more full of variety than this World , and yet be quite different in all kinds and sorts , from this World : for , this is to be noted , That the different kinds and sorts of Species , or Creatures , do not make Particulars more or less perfect , but according to their kind . And one thing I desire , That my Readers would not mistake my meaning , when I say , The Parts dissolve : for , I do not mean , that Matter dissolves ; but , that their particular Societies dissolve . APPENDIX TO THE GROUNDS OF Natural Philosophy . The FIRST PART . CHAP. I. Whether there can be a Substance , that is not a Body . WHAT a Substance , that is not Body , can be , ( as I writ in the First Chapter of this Book ) I cannot imagine ; nor , that there is any thing between Something and Nothing . But , some may say , That Spiritual Substances are so . I answer : That Spirits must be either Material , or Immaterial : for , it is impossible for a thing to be between Body and no Body . Others may say , There may be a Substance , that is not a Natural Substance ; but , some sort of Substance that is far more pure than the purest Natural Substance . I answer : Were it never so pure , it would be in the List or Circle of Body : and certainly , the purest Substance , must have the Properties of Body , as , to be divisible , and capable to be united and compounded ; and being divisible and compoundable , it would have the same Properties that grosser Parts have : but , if there be any difference , certainly the purest Substance would be more apt to divide and unite , or compound , than the grosser sort . But , as to those sorts of Substance , which some Learned Men have imagined ; in my opinion , they are but the same sort of Substance that the Vulgar call , Thoughts , and I name , the Rational Parts ; which , questionless , are as truly Body , as the grossest Parts in Nature : but , most Human Creatures are so troubled with the Thoughts of Dissolving , and Dis-uniting , that they turn Fancies and Imaginations , into Spirits , or Spiritual Substances ; as if all the other Parts of their Bodies , should become Rational Parts ; that is , that all their Parts should turn into such Parts as Thoughts , which I name , the Rational Parts . But that Opinion is impossible : for , Nature cannot alter the nature of any Part ; nor can any Part alter its own Nature ; neither can the Rational Parts be divided from the Sensitive and Inanimate Parts , by reason those Three sorts constitute but one Body , as being Parts of one Body . But , put the case that the Rational Parts might divide and subsist without the Sensitive and Inanimate Parts ; yet , as I said , they must of necessity have the Properties and Nature of a Body , which is , to be divisible , and capable to be united , and so to be Parts : for , it is impossible for a Body , were it the most pure , to be indivisible . CHAP. II. Of an IMMATERIAL . I Cannot conceive how an Immaterial can be in Nature : for , first , An Immaterial cannot , in my opinion , be naturally created ; nor can I conceive how an Immaterial can produce particular Immaterial Souls , Spirits , or the like . Wherefore , an Immaterial , in my opinion , must be some uncreated Being ; which can be no other than GOD alone . Wherefore , Created Spirits , and Spiritual Souls , are some other thing than an Immaterial : for surely , if there were any other Immaterial Beings , besides the Omnipotent God , those would be so near the Divine Essence of God , as to be petty gods ; and numerous petty gods , would , almost , make the Power of an Infinite God. But , God is Omnipotent , and only God. CHAP. III. Whether an Immaterial be Perceivable . WHatsoever is Corporeal , is Perceivable ; that is , may be perceived in some manner or other , by reason it hath a Corporeal Being : but , what Being an Immaterial hath , no Corporeal can perceive . Wherefore , no Part in Nature can perceive an Immaterial , because it is impossible to have a perception of that , which is not to be perceived , as not being an Object fit and proper for Corporeal Perception . In truth , an Immaterial is no Object , because no Body . But some may say , that , A Corporeal may have a Conception , although not a Perception , of an Immaterial . I answer , That , surely , there is an innate Notion of God , in all the Parts of Nature ; but not a perfect knowledg : for if there was , there would not be so many several Opinions , and Religions , amongst one Kind , or rather , sort of Creatures , as Mankind , as there are ; insomuch , that there are but few of one and the same Opinion , or Religion : but yet , that Innate Notion of God , being in all the Parts of Nature , God is infinitely and eternally worshipped and adored , although after several manners and ways ; yet , all manners and ways , are joyned in one VVorship , because the Parts of Nature are joyned into one Body . CHAP. IV. Of the Differences between God , and Nature . GOD is an Eternal Creator ; Nature , his Eternal Creature . GOD , an Eternal Master : Nature , GOD's Eternal Servant . GOD is an Infinite and Eternal Immaterial Being : Nature , an Infinite Corporeal Being . GOD is Immovable , and Immutable : Nature , Moving , and Mutable . GOD is Eternal , Indivisible , and of an Incompoundable Being : Nature , Eternally Divisible and Compoundable . GOD , Eternally Perfect : Nature , Eternally Imperfect . GOD , Eternally Inalterable : Nature Eternally Alterable . GOD , without Error : Nature , full of Irregularities . GOD knows exactly , or perfectly , Nature : Nature doth not perfectly know GOD. GOD is Infinitely and Eternally worshipped : Nature is the Eternal and Infinite Worshipper . CHAP. V. All the Parts of Nature worship God. ALL Creatures ( as I have said ) have an Innate Notion of GOD ; and as they have a Notion of God , so they have a Notion to worship GOD : but , by reason Nature is composed of Parts ; so is the Infinite Worship to God : and , as several Parts are dividing and uniting after several kinds , sorts , manners and ways ; so is their Worship to GOD : but , the several manners and ways of Worship , make not the Worship to GOD less : for certainly , all Creatures Worship and Adore GOD ; as we may perceive by the Holy Scripture , where it says , Let the Heavens , Earth , and all that therein is , praise God. But 't is probable , that some of the Parts being Creatures of Nature , may have a fuller Notion of GOD than others ; which may cause some Creatures to be more Pious and Devout , than others : but , the Irregulalarity of Nature , is the cause of Sin. CHAP. VI. Whether GOD's Decrees are limited . IN my opinion , though God is Inalterable , yet no ways bounded or limited : for , though GOD's Decrees are fixt , yet , they are not bound : but , as GOD hath an Infinite Knowledg , He hath also an Infinite Fore-knowledg ; and so , fore-knows Nature's Actions , and what He will please to decree Nature to do : so that , GOD knows what Nature can act , and what she will act ; as also , what He will decree : and this is the cause , that some of the Creature 's or Parts of Nature , especially Man , do believe Predestination . But surely , GOD hath an Omnipotent Divine Power , which is no ways limited : for GOD , being above the nature of Nature , cannot have the Actions of Nature , because GOD cannot make Himself no GOD ; neither can He make Himself more than what he is , He being the All-powerful , Omnipotent , Infinite , and Everlasting Being . CHAP. VII . Of GOD's Decrees concerning the particular Parts of Nature . THough Nature's Parts have Free-will , of Self-motion ; yet , they have not Free-will to oppose GOD's Decrees : for , if some Parts cannot oppose other Parts , being over-power'd , it is probable , that the Parts of Nature cannot oppose the All-powerful Decrees of GOD. But , if it please the All-powerful GOD to permit the Parts of Nature to act as they please , according to their own natural Will ; and , upon condition , if they act so , they shall have such Rewards as Nature may be capable to receive ; or such Punishments as Nature is capable of ; then the Omnipotent GOD doth not predestinate those Rewards , or Punishments , any otherwise than the Parts of Nature do cause by their own Actions . Thus all Corporeal Actions , belong to Corporeal Parts ; but , the Rewards and Punishments , to GOD alone : but , what those Punishments and Blessings are , no particular Creature is capable to know : for , though a particular Creature knows there is a GOD ; yet , not what GOD is : so , although particular Creatures know there are Rewards and Punishments ; yet , not what those Rewards and Punishments are . But mistake me not ; for I mean the general Rewards and Punishments to all Creatures : but 't is probable , that GOD might decree Nature , and her Parts , to make other sorts of Worlds , besides this World ; of which Worlds , this may be as ignorant , as a particular Human Creature is of GOD. And therefore , it is not probable ( since we cannot possibly know all the Parts of Nature , of which we are parts ) that we should know the Decrees of GOD , or the manners and ways of Worship , amongst all kinds and sorts of Creatures . CHAP. VIII . Of the Ten Commandments . IN my opinion , the Notions Man hath of GOD's Commands concerning their Behaviour and Actions to Himself , and their Fellow-Creatures , is the very same that Moses writ , and presented to all those of whom he was Head and Governour . But , mistake me not , I mean only the Ten Commandments ; which Commandments are a sufficient Rule for all Human Creatures : and certainly , GOD had decreed , that Moses should be a wise Man , and should publish these wise Commands . But , the Interpretation of the Law must be such , as not to make it no such Law : but , by reason Nature is as much Irregular , as Regular , Human Notions are also Irregular , as much as Regular ; which causes great variety of Religions : and their Actions being also Irregular , is the cause that the practise of Human Creatures is Irregular ; and that occasions Irregular Devotions , and is the cause of SIN . CHAP. IX . Of Several RELIGIONS . COncerning the several Religions , and several Opinions in Religions , which are like several Kinds and Sorts ; the Question is , Whether all Mankind could be perswaded to be of one Religion , or Opinion ? The opinion of the Minor part of my Thoughts , was , That all men might be perswaded . And , the opinion of the Major part of my Thoughts , was , That Nature , being divisible and compoundable , and having Free-will , as well as Self-motion ; and being Irregular , as well as Regular ; as also , Variable , taking delight in variety ; it was impossible for all Mankind to be of one Religion , or Opinion . The opinion of the Minor part of my Thoughts , was , That the Grace of GOD could perswade all Men to one Opinion . The Major part of my Thoughts was of opinion , That GOD might decree or command Nature : but , to alter Nature's nature , could not be done , unless GOD , by his Decree , would annihilate this Nature , and create another Nature , and such a Nature as was not like this Nature : for , it is the nature of this Material Nature , to be Alterable ; as also , to be Irregular , as well as Regular ; and , being Regular , and Irregular , was a fit and proper Subject for GOD's Justice , and Mercies ; Punishments , and Rewards . CHAP. X. Of Rules and Prescriptions . AS Saint Paul said , We could not know Sin , but by the Law ; so , we could not know what Punishment we could or should suffer , but by the Law ; not only Moral , but Divine Law. But , some may ask , What is Law ? I answer : Law is , Limited Prescriptions and Rules . But , some may ask , Whether all Creatures in Nature , have Prescriptions and Rules ? I answer : That , for any thing Man can know to the contrary , all Creatures may have some Natural Rules : but , every Creature may chuse whether they will follow those Rules ; I mean , such Rules as they are capable to follow or practise : for , several kinds and sorts of Creatures , cannot possibly follow one and the same Prescription and Rule . Wherefore , Divine Prescriptions and Rules , must be , according to the sorts and kinds of Creatures ; and yet , all Creatures may have a Notion , and so an Adoration of God , by reason all the Parts in Nature , have Notions of God. But , concerning particular Worships , those must be Prescriptions and Rules ; or else , they are according to every particular Creature 's conception or choice . CHAP. XI . Sins and Punishments , are Material . AS all Sins are Material , so are Punishments : for , Material Creatures , cannot have Immaterial Sins ; nor can Material Creatures be capable of Immaterial Punishments ; which may be proved out of the Sacred Scripture : for , all the Punishments that are declared to be in Hell , are Material Tortures : nay , Hell it self is described to be Material ; and not only Hell , but Heaven , is described to be Material . But , whether Angels , and Devils , are Material , that is not declared : for , though they are named Spirits , yet we know not whether those Spirits be Immaterial . But , considering that Hell and Heaven is described to be Material , it is probable , Spirits are also Material : nay , our blessed Saviour Christ , who is in Heaven , with God the Father , hath a Material Body ; and in that Body will come attended by all the Hosts of Heaven , to judg the quick and the dead ; which quick and dead , are the Material Parts of Nature : which could not be actually judged and punished , but by a Material Body , as Christ hath . But , pray mistake me not ; I say , They could not be actually judged and punished ; that is , not according to Nature , as Material Actions : for , I do not mean here , Divine and Immaterial Decrees . But Christ , being partly Divine , and partly Natural ; may be both a Divine and Natural Judg. CHAP. XII . Of Human Conscience . THE Human Notions of GOD , Man calls Conscience : but , by reason that Nature is full of Varieties , as having Self-moving Parts ; Human Creatures have different Notions , and so different Consciences , which cause different Opinions and Devotions : but , Nature being as much compoundable as dividable , it causes unity of some , as also , divisions of other Opinions , which is the cause of several Religions : which Religions , are several Communities and Divisions . But , as for Conscience , and holy Notions , they being Natural , cannot be altered by force , without a Free-will : so that the several Societies , or Communicants , commit an Error , if not a Sin , to endeavour to compel their Brethren to any particular Opinion : and , to prove it is an Error , or Sin , the more earnest the Compellers are , the more do the Compelled resist ; which hath been the cause of many Martyrs . But surely , all Christians should follow the Example of Christ , who was like a meek Lamb , not a raging Lyon : neither did Christ command his Apostles to Persecute ; but , to suffer Persecution patiently . Wherefore , Liberty of Conscience may be allowed , conditionally , it be no ways a prejudice to the Peaceable Government of the State or Kingdom . The Second Part. CHAP. I. Whether it is possible there could be Worlds consisting only of the Rational Parts , and others only of the Sensitive Parts . THE Parts of my Mind did argue amongst themselves , Whether there might not be several kinds and sorts of Worlds in Infinite Nature ? And they all agreed , That probably there might be several kinds and sorts of Worlds . But afterwards , the Opinion of the Major parts of my Mind , was , That it is not possible : for , though the Rational parts of Nature move free , without Burdens of the Inanimate Parts ; yet , being Parts of the same Body , ( viz. of the Body of Nature ) they could not be divided from the Sensitive and Inanimate Parts ; nor the Sensitive and Inanimate Parts , from the Rational . The Opinion of the Minor Parts of my Mind , was , That a Composed World , of either degree , was not a division from the Infinite Body of Nature , though they might divide so much , as to compose a World meerly of their own Degree . The Major's Opinion was , That it was impossible ; because the three Degrees , Rational , Sensitive , and Inanimate , were naturally joyned as one Body , or Part. The Minor's Opinion was , That a World might be naturally composed only of Rational Parts , as a Human Mind is only composed of Rational Parts ; or , as the Rational Parts of a Human Creature , could compose themselves into several Forms , viz. into several sorts and kinds of Worlds , without the assistance of the Sensitive or the Inanimate Parts : for , they fancy Worlds which are composed in Human Minds , without the assistance of the Sensitive . The Major Part agreed , That the Rational Corporeal Actions , were free ; and all their Architectors were of their own Degree : but yet , they were so joyned in every Part and Particle , to the Sensitive and Inanimate , as they could not separate from these two Degrees : for , though they could divide and unite from , and to Particulars , as either of their own Degrees , or the other Degrees ; yet , the Three Degrees being but as one united Body , they could not so divide , as not to be joyned to the other Degrees : for , it was impossible for a Body to divide it self from it self . After this Argument , there followed another ; That , if it were possible there could be a World composed only of the Rational Parts , without the other two Degrees ; Whether that World would be a Happy World ? The Major Part 's Opinion was , That , were it possible there could be such unnatural Divisions , those divide Parts would be very unhappy : for , the Rational Parts would be much unsatisfied without the Sensitive ; and the Sensitive very dull without the Rational : also , the Sensitive Architectors would be very Irregular , wanting their Designing Parts , which are the Rational Parts . Upon which Argument , all the Parts of my Mind agreed in this Opinion , That the Sensitive was so Sociable to the Rational , and the Rational so Assisting to the Sensitive , and the Inanimate Parts so necessary to the Sensitive Architectors , that they would not divide from each other , if they could . CHAP. II. Of Irregular and Regular Worlds . SOME Parts of my Mind were of opinion , That there might be a World composed only of Irregularities ; and another , only of Regularities : and some , that were partly composed of the one , and the other . The Minor Part 's Opinion was , That all Worlds were composed partly of the one , and partly of the other ; because all Nature's Actions were poysed with Opposites , or Contraries : wherefore , there could not be a World only of Irregularities , and another of Regularities . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That Nature's Actions were as much poysed by the contrary Actions of Two Worlds , as by the contrary Actions of the Parts of One World , or one Creature : As for example , The Peace and Trouble , Health and Sickness , Pain and Ease , and the like , of one Human Creature ; and so of the contrary Natures of several kinds and sorts of Creatures of one and the same World. After which Discourse , they generally agreed , There might be Regular and Irregular Worlds ; the one sort to be such happy Worlds , as that they might be named Blessed Worlds ; the other so miserable Worlds , as might be named Cursed Worlds . CHAP. III. Whether there be Egress and Regress between the Parts of several Worlds . THere arose a Third Argument , viz. Whether it was possible for some of the Creatures of several Worlds , to remove , so as to remove out of one World , into another ? The Major Part 's Opinion was , That it was possible for some Creatures : for , if some particular Creatures could move all over the World , of which they were a part , they might divide from the Parts of the World they were of , and joyn with the Parts of another World. The Minor Part 's Opinion was , That they might travel all over the World they were part of , but not to joyn with the Parts of another World , to which they belong not . The Major's Opinion was , That every Part and Particle , belonged to the Infinite Body of Nature , and therefore not any Part could account it self not of the Infinite Body ; and being so , then every Part of Nature may joyn , and divide from and to particular Parts , as they please , if there were not Obstructions and Hindrances , and some Parts did not obstruct other Parts : Wherefore , if there were not Obstructions , there might be Egress and Regress amongst the particular Parts of several Worlds . The Minor's Opinion was , That if it could be according to the Major's Opinion , it would cause an Infinite Confusion in Infinite Nature : for , every Creature of every World , was composed according to the Nature and Compositions of the World they were of : wherefore , the Products of one kind or sort of Worlds , would not be sutable , agreeable , and Regular , to the productions of another kind . The Major Part 's Opinion was , That it was impossible , since Nature is one united Body , without Vacuum , but that the Parts of all Worlds must have Egress and Regress . CHAP. IV. Whether the Parts of one and the same Society , could , after their Dissolution , meet and unite . THE Fifth Argument , was partly of the same Subject , viz. Whether the particular Parts of a Creature , ( such as a Human Creature is ) could travel out of one World into another , after the dissolution of his Human Life ? The Major Part 's Opinion was , That they could . The Minor's Opinion was , They could not ; because the particular Parts so divided and joyned to and from other particular Parts and Societies , as it was impossible , if they would , so to agree , as to divide from those Parts and Societies they are joyned to , and from those they must joyn with , to meet in another World , and joyn as they would , in the same Society they were of , when the whole Society is dissolved . Neither can Parts divide and joyn , as they would : for , though Self-moving Parts have a Free-will to move ; yet , being subject to Obstructions , they must move as they can : for , no particular Part hath an absolute Power . Wherefore , the Dispersed Parts of a Dissolved Society , cannot meet and joyn as they would . Besides , every Part is as much affected to one Sort , Kind , or Particular , they are Parts of , as to another . Besides , the Knowledg of every Part alters , according as their Actions alter : so that the Parts of one and the same Society , after division , have no more knowledg of that Society . CHAP. V. Whether , if a Creature being Dissolved , and could Vnite again , would be the same . THE Sixth Argument was , That , put the case it were possible all the several Parts belonging to one and the same Society ; as for example , To one Human Creature , after his Human Life was dissolved , and his Parts dispersed , and afterwards , all those Parts meeting and uniting ; Whether that Human Creature would be the same ? The Minor Part 's Opinion was , That it could not be the same Society : for , every Creature was according to the nature of their Kind or Sort ; and so according to the Form and Magnitude of one of their Kind or Sort. The Major Part 's Opinion was , That though the Nature of every particular Creature had such Forms , Shapes , and Properties , as was natural to that sort of Creatures they were of ; yet , the Magnitude of particular Creatures of one and the same sort , might be very different . The Minor Part 's Opinion was , That if all the Parts of one Society , as for example , a Man , from the first time of his Production , to the time of his Dissolution , should , after division , come to meet and unite ; that Man , or any other Creature , would be a Monstrous Creature , as having more Parts than was agreeable to the nature of his Kind . The Major Part 's Opinion was , That though the Society , viz. The MAN , would be a Society of greater Magnitude ; yet , not any ways different from the Nature of his Kind . CHAP. VI. Of the Resurrection of Human Kind . THE Seventh Argument , was , Whether all the particular Parts of every Human Creature , at the time of the Resurrection , be , to meet and joyn , as being of one and the same Society ? The Minor Part 's Opinion was , They shall not : for , if all those Parts that had been of the same Body and Mind of one Man , from his first Production , to the last of his Dissolution ; or , from his Birth , to the time of his Death , ( supposing him to have liv'd long ) should meet and joyn , as one Society , that is , as one Man ; that Man , at the time of his Resurrection , would be a Gyant ; and if so , then old Men would be Gyants ; and young Children , Dwarfs . The Major Part 's Opinion was , That , if it was not so , then every particular Human Society would be imperfect at the time of their Resurrection : for , if they should only rise with some of their Parts , as ( for example ) when they were in the strength of their Age , then all those Parts that had been either before , or after that time , would be unjustly dealt with , especially if Man be the best Product in Nature . Besides , if a dead Child did rise a Man , as at his most perfect Age , it could not be said , He rises according to a Natural Man , having more Parts than by Nature he ever had ; and an old Man , fewer Parts than naturally he hath had : so , what by Adding and Diminishing the Parts of particular Men , it would not cause only Injustice ; but , not any particular Human Creature , would be the same he was . CHAP. VII . Of the Dissolution of a World. THE Eighth Argument was , That when all Human Creatures that were dissolved , should rise , Whether the World they were of , should not be dissolved ? All the Parts of my Mind agreed , That when all the Human Creatures that had been dissolved , should rise , the whole World , besides themselves , must also dissolve , by reason they were Parts of the World : for , when all those numerous dissolved and dispersed Parts , did meet and joyn , the World wanting those Parts , could not subsist : for , the Frame , Form , and Uniformity of the World , consisted of Parts ; and those Parts that have been of the Human Kind , are , at several times , of other kinds and sorts of Creatures , as other sorts and kinds are of Human Kind ; and all the Sorts and Kinds , are Parts of the World : so that the World cannot subsist , if any kind or sort of Creatures , that had been from the first time of the Creation , should be united ; I mean , into one and the same sort or kind of Creatures ; as it would be , if all those that are Quick , and those that have been Dissolved , ( that is , have been dead ) should be alive at one time . CHAP. VIII . Of a New Heaven , and a New Earth . THE Ninth Argument was , That if a World could be dissolved , and that the Human Creatures should rise , and reunite ; what World should they reside in ? All the Parts of my Thoughts generally agreed , That the Omnipotent GOD would command the Parts of His Servant NATURE , to compose other Worlds for them , into which Worlds they should be separated ; the Good should go into a Blessed World ; the Bad , into a Cursed World : and the Sacred Scripture declares , That there shall be a New Heaven , and a New Earth ; which , in their opinion , was a Heaven and a Hell , for the Blessed and Cursed Human Kind of this VVorld . CHAP. IX . Whether there shall be a Material Heaven and Hell. THE Tenth Argument was , Whether the Heaven and Hell that are to be produced for the Blessed and Cursed , shall be Material ? The Minor Part 's Opinion was , That they shall not be Material . The Major Parts were of opinion , They shall be Material , by reason all those Creatures that did rise , were Material ; and being Material , could not be sensible either of Immaterial Blessings , or Punishments : neither could an Immaterial World , be a fit or proper Residence for Material Bodies , were those Bodies of the purest Substance . But , whether this Material Heaven and Hell , shall be like other Material Worlds , the Parts of my Mind could not agree , and so not give their Judgment . But , in this they all agreed , That the Material Heaven and Hell , shall not have any other Animal Creatures , than those that were of Human kind , and those not produced , but raised from Death . But when they came to argue , Whether there might be Elements , Minerals , and Vegetables , they could not agree ; but some did argue , and offer to make proof , That there might be Mynes of Gold , and Rocks of Diamonds , Rubies , and the like ; all which , were Minerals . Also , some were of opinion , there were Elements : for , Darkness and Light , are Elemental Effects : and , if Hell was a World of Darkness ; and Heaven , a World of Light ; it was probable there were Elements . CHAP. X. Concerning the Ioys or Torments of the Blessed and Cursed , after they are in Heaven , or Hell. AS for the Ioys of Heaven , and the Torments of Hell , all the Parts of my Mind agreed , they could not conceive any more probably , than those they had formerly conceived : which former Conceptions they had occasioned the Sensitive Parts to declare ; and having been formerly divulged in the Book of my Orations , their Opinion was , That it would be a superfluous Work to cause them to be repeated in this Book . But , the Ground or Foundation of those Conceptions , is , That God may decree , That both the Sensitive and Rational Parts of those that are restored to Life , should move in variety of Perceptions , or Conceptions , without variety of Objects : and , that those Creatures ( viz. Human Creatures ) that are raised from Death to Life , should subsist without any Forrein Matter , but should be always the same in Body and Mind , without any Traffick , Egress , or Regress of Forrein Parts . And the proof , that the Sensitive and Rational Parts of Human Creatures , may make Perceptions , or rather Conceptions , without Forrein Objects , is , That many men in this world have had Conceptions , both amongst the Rational and Sensitive , which Man names Visions , or Imaginations ; whereof some have been Pleasing and Delightful ; others , Displeasing , and Dreadful . The Third Part. The PREAMBLE . THE Parts of my Mind , after some time of respite from Philosophical Arguments , delighting in such harmless Pastimes ; did begin to argue about a Regular and Irregular World ; having formerly agreed , there might be such Worlds in Nature ; and that the Regular Worlds , were Happy Worlds ; the Irregular , Miserable Worlds . But , there was some division amongst the Parts of my Mind , concerning the choice of their Arguments ; as , Whether to argue , first , of the particular Parts of the Regular , or of the Irregular World. But , at last , they agreed to argue , first , of the Regular World. But , pray mistake not these Arguments ; for they are not Arguments of such Worlds as are for the reception of the Blessed and Cursed Humans , after their Resurrections : but , such as these Worlds we are of , only freely Regular , or Irregular . Also , though I treat but only of one Regular World , and one Irregular World ; yet , my opinion is , there may be a great many Irregular Worlds , and a great many Regular Worlds , of several kinds and sorts : but , these I shall treat of , are such as are somewhat like this World we are of . CHAP. I. Of the Happy and Miserable Worlds . THE First Argument was , Whether there might not be such Worlds in Nature , as were in no kind or sort like this World we are of ? They all agreed , That it was probable there was . The Second Argument was , Whether it was probable that the Happy and Miserable Worlds were , in any kind , like this we are of . They all agreed , It was probable that this World was somewhat like both one , and the other ; and so , both those were somewhat like this : for , as the Happy World was no ways Irregular ; and the Miserable World no ways Regular : so this World we are of , was partly Irregular , and partly Regular ; and so it was a Purgatory World. CHAP. II. Whether there be such kinds and sorts of Creatures in the Happy and Blessed World , as in this World. THE Third Argument was , Whether it was probable , the Happy and Miserable Worlds , had Animal , Vegetable , Mineral , and Elemental Kinds ? They agreed , It was probable there were such Kinds : but yet , those Kinds , and particular sorts of those Kinds , might be different from those of this World. The Fourth Argument was , Whether there was Human sorts of Creatures in those Worlds . They all agreed , There was . CHAP. III. Of the Births and Deaths of the Heavenly World. THE Fifth Argument was , Whether there could be Births and Deaths in the Happy World ? Some Parts of my Mind were of opinion , That if there was so Regular a World , as that there were no Irregularities in it , there could not be Deaths : for , Death was a Dissolution ; and if there was no Death , there could be no Birth , or Production : for , if any particular sort of Creatures should Encrease , and never dissolve , they would become Infinite ; which every particular kind or sort of Creatures , may be , for time , and be Eternal ; as also , be Infinite for Number ; because , as some dissolve , others are produced . And so , if particular sorts or kinds of Creatures , be Eternal ; the particular Production and Dissolution , is Infinite : but , if any Sort , or Kind , should encrease , without decrease , not any particular World could contain them : As for example , If all the Human Creatures that have been produced from our Father Adam , ( which hath not been above Six thousand years ) should be alive , this World could not contain them ; much less , if this World , and the Human sorts of Creatures , had been of a longer date . And besides , if there should be a greater Encrease , by the Number of Human Creatures : in truth , the numerous Encrease , would have caused Mankind , in the space of Six thousand years , to be almost Infinite . But , the Minor Parts of my Mind was of opinion , That then the Happy World could not be so perfectly Regular , if there was Death . The Major Part 's opinion was , That some sorts of Deaths were as regular , as the most Regular Births : for , though Diseases were caused by Irregular Actions , yet , Death was not : for , as it is not Irregular , to be old ; so it is not Irregular , to dye . But , this Argument broke off for that time . CHAP. IV. Whether those Creatures could be named Blessed , that are subject to dye . THE Sixth Argument was , VVhether those Creatures could be called Blessed , or Happy , that are subject to dye ? The Major Parts of my Mind was of opinion , That , if Death was as free from Irregularities , as Birth ; then it was as happy to Dye , as to be Born. The Minor Parts were of opinion , That though Dissolution might be as Regular as Composition ; yet , it was an Unhappiness for every particular Society , to be dissolved . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That though the particular Societies were dissolved ; yet , by reason the general Society of the Kind , did continue , it was not so much Unhappiness ; considering , particular Parts , or Creatures , did make the General Society ; and not , the General , the Particular Societies : so that , the Parts of the Particulars , remained in the General , as in the Kind of Sort. The Minor Parts were of opinion , That the Particulars of the same Kind or Sort , ( as Mankind ) did contribute but little to the General : for , other sorts of Creatures did contribute more than they ; only Mankind was the Occasion , or Contributor of the First Foundation , but no more : but , the other Parts or Creatures of the World , did contribute more to their Kind , than the Creatures of the same Kind did : and , as other Kinds , and Sorts , did contribute to Mankind ; so Mankind , to other Kinds or Sorts : for , all Kinds and Sorts , did contribute to the Subsistance and Assistance of each other . The Major Part 's Opinion was , That if all the Parts of a World did assist each other , then Death could be no Unhappiness , especially in the Regular World ; by reason all Creatures in that World , of what Kind or Sort soever , was Perfect and Regular : so that , though the particular Human Creatures did dissolve from being Humans ; yet , their Parts could not be Unhappy , when they did unite into other Kinds , and Sorts , or particular Societies : for , those other sorts and kinds of Creatures , might be as happy as Human Creatures . CHAP. V. Of the Productions of the Creatures of the Regular World. THE Seventh Argument was , of Productions of the Creatures of the Regular World , viz. Whether their Productions were frequent , or not ? The Minor Part 's Opinion , was , That they were frequent . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That they were not frequent , or numerous , by reason the World was Regular , and so all the Productions or Generations , were Regular ; but could not exceed such a Number as was , regularly , sufficient for a World , of such a Dimension as the Regular World ; and according to the Dimensions , must the Society or Creatures be , let them be large or little . CHAP. VI. Whether the Creatures in the Blessed VVorld , do Feed , and Evacuate . THE Eighth Argument , was , Whether the Blessed Humans , in the Happy VVorld , did Eat , and Evacuate ? They agreed , That , if they did feed , they must evacuate . Then there was a Dispute , VVhether those Happy Creatures did eat ? They all agreed , That , if they were Natural Human Creatures , they had Natural Appetites : but , by reason there were no Irregularities in this World , the Human Creatures had not any Irregular Appetites , nor Irregular Digestions ; Irregular Passions , or Irregular Pastimes . Then there arose a Dispute , VVhether those Blessed Creatures did sleep ? Some were of opinion , They did not sleep : for , Sleep was occasioned through a weariness of the Sensitive Organs , making perceptions of Forrein Objects ; and all Weariness , or Tiredness , was Irregular . The Major part of my Mind , was of a contrary Opinion ; because the delight of Nature , is in Variety : and therefore , Regular Sleeps were delightful . The Minor was of opinion , That Sleep was like Death , and therefore it could not be Happy . But , at last , they did conclude , That Sleep , being a soft and quiet Repose , ( as being retired from all Actions concerning Forrein Parts , and had only Actions at Home , and of private Affairs ; and that all the Parts of Body and Mind , were then most sociable amongst themselves ) that the Blessed Humans did sleep . CHAP. VII . Of the Animals , and of the Food of the Humans of the Happy VVorld . THE Ninth Argument , was , VVhether there were all sorts of Animals in the Regular VVorld ? All the Parts of my Mind agreed , That if there were such Creatures as Human Creatures , it was probable there was other Animal Creatures : but , by reason there was no Irregularities , there could not be Cruel or Ravenous Animal Creatures : for , a Lyon , Leopard , or Wolf , in that World , would be as harmless as a Sheep in this ; and all Kites , Hawks , and the like ravenous Birds , would be as harmless as those Birds that only feed on the Berries , and Fruit of the Earth . CHAP. VII . Whether it is not Irregular , for one Creature to feed on another . THE Tenth Argument was , Whether it was not Irregular , for one Creature to feed on another ? Some were of opinion , That it was natural for one Creature to subsist by another , and to assist each other ; but not cruelly to destroy each other . Upon this Argument , the Parts of my Mind divided into a Minor and a Major part . The Minor Part 's opinion , was , That , since all the Creatures in Nature , had Life ; then , all Creatures that did feed , did destroy each other's Life . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That they might be assisted by the Lives of other Creatures , and not destroy their Lives : for , Life could not be destroyed , though Lives might be occasionally alter'd : but , some Creatures may assist other Creatures , without destruction or dissolution of their Society : as for example , The Fruits and Leaves of Vegetables , are but the Humorous Parts of Vegetables , because they are divisible , and can encrease and decrease , without any dissolution of their Society ; that is , without the dissolution of the Plant. Also , Milk of Animals , is a superfluous Humor of Animals : and , to prove it to be a superfluous Humor , I alledg , That much of it oppresses an Animal . The same I say of the Fruits and Leaves of many sorts of Vegetable Creatures . Besides , it is natural for such sorts of Creatures to have their Fruits and Leaves to divide from the Stock . The Minor Part 's Opinion , was , That the Milk of Animals , and the Fruits of Vegetables , and the Herbs of the Earth , had as much Life as their Producers . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That though they had as much Life as their Producers ; yet , it was natural for such off-springs to change and alter their Lives , by being united to other sorts of Creatures : as for example , An Animal eats Fruit and Herbs ; and those Fruits and Herbs convert themselves into the nature of those Animals that feed of them . The same is of Milk , Eggs , and the like ; out of which , a condition of Life is endeavoured for : and , for proof , such sorts of Creatures account an Animal Life the best ; and therefore , all such superfluous Parts of Creatures , endeavour to unite into an Animal Society ; as we may perceive , that Fruits and Herbs , are apt to turn into Worms , and Flies ; and some Parts of Milk , as Cheese , will turn into Maggots ; so that when Animals feed of such Meats , they occasion those Parts they feed on , to a more easie Transformation ; and not only such Creatures , but Humans also , desire a better Change : for , what Human would not be a glorious Sun , or Starr ? After which Discourse , all the Parts of my Mind agreed unanimously , That Animals , and so Human Creatures , might feed on such sorts of Food , as aforesaid ; but not on such Food as is an united Society : for , the Root and Foundation of any kind and sort of Creature , ought not to be destroyed . CHAP. IX . Of the Continuance of Life in the Regular World. THE Opinion of the Parts of my Mind , was , That , it was probable , that all Societies in the Regular World , ( that is , all such Parts of Nature as are united into particular Creatures ) are of long life , by reason there are no Irregularities to destroy them , before their natural time . But then a Dispute was raised amongst the Parts of my Mind , concerning the natural time , that is , the proper time of the Lives of those Creatures : for , all Creatures were not of the same time of Production ; nor , after their Production , of the same time of Continuance . But the Parts of my Mind concluded , That though they could not judg by observation of any Creature , no , not of their own Sort ; yet , they did believe they could judg better of Human Creatures , as being , at that time , of a Human Society , than of any other : but , by reason they were of this World ( that is , Irregular in part ) they did believe they might very much err in their Judgment , concerning the continuance of Human Lives , in the Happy World. But , after much debate , they concluded , That a Human Creature , in the Regular World , might last as long as the Productions did not oppress or burden that World , ( for that would be irregular ) but how long a time that might be , they could not possibly conceive or imagine . CHAP. IX . Of the Excellency and Happiness of the Creatures of the Regular World. THE Parts of my Mind could not possibly , being Parts of a Purgatory VVorld , conceive the happy condition of all Creatures in the Regular VVorld ; but only , conceiving there was no Irregularities , they did also conceive , that all Creatures there , must be in perfection ; and that the Elemental Creatures were purer , without drossie mixtures ; so that their Earth must needs be so fruitful , that it produces all sorts of excellent Vegetables , without the help of Art ; and their Minerals as pure , as all sorts of Stone that are transparent , and as hard as Diamonds ; the Gold and Silver , more pure than that which is refined in our VVorld . The truth is , that , in their Opinions , the meanest sorts of Metal in the Regular VVorld , were more pure than the richest sort in this VVorld : so that then , their richest Metal must be as far beyond ours , as our Gold is beyond our Iron , or Lead . As for the Elemental VVaters in the Regular VVorld , they must be extraordinary smooth , clear , flowing , fresh , and sweet ; and the Elemental Air only , a most pure , clear , and glorious Light ; so that there could be no need of a Sun : and , by reason all the Air was a Light , there could be no Darkness ; and so , no need of a Moon , or Starrs . The Elemental Fire , although it was Hot , yet it was not Burning . Also , there could neither be scorching Heats , nor freezing Colds , Storms , nor Tempest : for , all Excess is irregular . Neither could there be Clouds , because no Vapours . But , not to be tedious ; it was my Mind's Opinion , That all the Parts of the Happy World , being Regular , they could not obstruct each other's Designs or Actions ; which might be a cause , that both the Sensitive and Rational Parts may not only make their Societies more curious , and their Perceptions more perfect ; but their Perceptions more subtile : for , all the actions of that VVorld being Regular , must needs be exact and perfect ; in so much , that every Creature is a perfect Object to each other ; and so every Creature must have , in some sort , a perfect Knowledg of each other . CHAP. XI . Of Human Creatures in the Regular World. THE Opinion of my Mind , was , That the Happy World , having no Irregularities , all Creatures must needs be Excellent , and most Perfect , according to their Kind and Sort ; amongst which , are Human Creatures , whose Kinds , or Sorts , being of the Best , must be more excellent than the rest , being Exactly formed , and Beautifully produced : there being , also , no Irregularities , Human Creatures cannot be subject to Pains , Sickness , Aversions , or the like ; or , to Trepidations , or Troubles ; neither can their Appetites , or Passions , be irregular : wherefore , their Understanding is more clear , their Judgments more poysed : and by reason their Food is Pure , it must be Delicious , as being most tastable : also , it must be wholsome , and nourishing ; which occasions the Parts of Body and Mind , to be more Lively and Pleasant . CHAP. XII . Of the Happiness of Human Creatures in the Material World. THE Happiness that Human Creatures have in the Regular World , is , That they are free from any kind or sort of Disturbance , by reason there are no Irregular Actions ; and so , no Pride , Ambition , Faction , Malice , Envy , Suspition , Jealousie , Spight , Anger , Covetousness , Hatred , or the like ; all which , are Irregular Actions among the Rational Parts : which occasions Treachery , Slander , false Accusations , Quarrels , Divisions , Warr , and Destruction ; which proceeds from the Irregularities of the Sensitive Parts , occasioned by the Rational , by reason the Sense executes the Mind's Designs : but , there are no Plots or Intrigues , neither in their State , nor upon their Stage ; because , though they may act the parts of Harmless Pleasures ; yet , not of Deceitful Designs : for , all Human Creatures , live in the Regular World , so united , that all the particular Human Societies , ( which are particular Human Creatures ) live as if they were but one Soul , and Body ; that is , as if they were but one Part , or particular Creature . As for their pleasures , and pleasant Pastimes ; in my opinion , they are such , as not any Creature can express , unless they were of that World , or Heaven : for , all kinds and sorts of Creatures , and all their Properties or Associations , in this World we are of , are mixt ; as , partly Irregular ; and partly , Regular ; and so it is but a Purgatory-World . But surely , all Human Creatures of that World , are so pleasant and delightful to each other , as to cause a general Happiness . The Fourth Part. CHAP. I. Of the Irregular World. AFTER the Arguments and Opinions amongst the Parts of my Mind , concerning a Regular World ; their Discourse was , of an Irregular World : Upon which they all agreed , That if there was a World that was not in any kind or sort , Irregular ; there must be a World that was not in any kind or sort , Regular . But , to conceive those Irregularities that are in the Irregular World , is impossible ; much less , to express them : for , it is more difficult to express Irregularities , than Regularities : and what Human Creature of this World , can express a particular Confusion , much less a World of Confusions ? Which I will , however , endeavour to declare , according to the Philosophical Opinions of the Parts of my Mind . CHAP. II. Of the Productions and Dissolutions of the Creatures of the Irregular World. ACcording to the Actions of Nature , all Creatures are produced by the Associations of Parts , into particular Societies , which we name , Particular Creatures : but , the Productions of the Parts of the Irregular World , are so Irregular , that all Creatures of that World are Monstrous : neither can there be any orderly or distinct kinds and sorts ; by reason that Order and Distinction , are Regularities . Wherefore , every particular Creature of that World , hath a monstrous and different Form ; insomuch , that all the several Particulars are affrighted at the Perception of each other : yet , being Parts of Nature , they must associate ; but , their Associations are after a confused and perturbed manner , much after the manner of Whirlwinds , or AEtherial Globes , wherein can neither be Order , nor Method : and , after the same manner as they are produced , so are they dissolved : so that , their Births and Deaths are Storms , and their Lives are Torments . CHAP. III. Of Animals , and of Humans , in the Irregular World. IT has been declared in the former Chapter , That there was not any perfect Kind or Sort of Creatures in the Irregular World : for , though there be such Creatures as we name Animals ; and amongst Animals , Humans : yet , they are so Monstrous , that , being of confused Shapes , or Forms , none of those Animal Creatures can be said to be of such , or such a sort ; because they are of different disordered Forms . Also , they cannot be said to be of a perfect Animal-kind , or any Kind ; by reason of the variety of their Forms : for , those that are of the nature of Animals , especially of Humans , are the most miserable and unhappy of all the Creatures of that World ; and the Misery is , That Death doth not help them : for , Nature being a perpetual Motion , there is no rest either alive or dead . In this World , it 's true , some Societies ( viz. some Creatures ) may , sometimes , after their Dissolutions , be united into more Happy Societies , or Forms ; which , in the Irregular World , is impossible ; because all Forms , Creatures , or Societies , are miserable : so that , after dissolution , those dispersed Parts cannot joyn to any other Society , but what is as bad as the former ; and so those Creatures may dissolve out of one Misery , and unite into another ; but cannot be released from Misery . CHAP. IV. Of Objects , and Perceptions . THE Opinions amongst the Parts of my Mind , were , That in the Unhappy , or Miserable World , all the actions of that World , being irrregular , it must needs be , that all sorts of Perceptions of that World , must also be irregular : not only because the Objects are all irregular ; but , the perceptive actions are so too ; in such manner , that , what with the irregularity of the Objects , and the irregularity of the Perceptions , it must , of necessity , cause a horrid confusion , both of the Sensitive and Rational Parts of all Creatures of that World , in so much , that not only several Creatures may appear as several Devils to each other ; but , one and the same Creature may appear , both to the Sense and Reason , like several Devils , at several times . CHAP. V. The Description of the Globe of the Irregular World. THE Opinion of my Mind was , That the Globe of the Irregular World was so irregular , that it was a Horrid World : for though , being a World , it might be somewhat like other Worlds , both Globous , and a Society of it self , by its own Parts ; and therefore might have that which we name Earth , Air , Water , and Fire : but , for Sun-light , Moon-light , Starr-light , and the like , they are not parts of the World they appear to ; and are Worlds of themselves . But , there can be no such Appearances in the Irregular VVorld : for , the Irregularities do obstruct all such Appearances ; and the Elemental Parts ( if I may name them so ) are as irregular , and therefore as horrid as can be : so that it is probable , that the Elemental Fire is not a bright shining Fire , but a dull , dead Fire , which hath the Effects of a strong Corrosive Fire , which never actually Heats , but actually Burns ; so that some Creatures may both freeze and burn at once . As for the Earth of that VVorld , it is probable that it is like corrupted Sores , by reason all Corruptions are produced by Irregular Motions ; from which Corruptions , may proceed such stinking Foggs , as may be as far beyond the scent of Brimstone , or any the worst of Scents that are in this VVorld , as Spanish or Roman Perfumes , or Essences , are beyond the scent of Carion , or Assafoetida ; which causes all Creatures ( of Airy Substances ) that breathe , to be so infected , as to appear like Poysoned Bodies . As for their Elemental VVater , 't is probable , that it is as black as Ink , as bitter as Gaul , as sharp as Aquafortis , and as Salt as Brine , mixt irregularly together , by reason the VVaters there , must needs be very troubled VVaters . As for the Elemental Air , I shall declare the Opinion of my Rational Parts , in the following Chapter . CHAP. VI. Of the Elemental Air , and Light of the Irregular WORLD . T IS probable , that the Elemental Air of the Irregular VVorld , is neither perfectly Dark , nor perfectly Light ; for , either would be , in some part or kind , a Perfection or Regularity : but , being irregular , it must be a perturbed Air ; and , being perturbed , it is probable it produces several Colours . But , mistake me not , I do not mean such Colours as are made by perturbed Light ; but , such as are made by perturbed Air : and , through the Excess of Irregularities , may be Horrid Colours ; and , by reason of the AEtherial whirling Motions , which are Circular Motions , the Air may be of the colour of Blood , a very horrid Colour to some sorts of Creatures : but 't is probable , this Bloody Colour is not of a pure Bloody Colour , but of a corrupted Bloody Colour : and so the Light of the Irregular VVorld , may , probably , be of a corrupt Bloody Colour : but , by the several Irregular Motions , it may be , at several times , of feveral corrupted Bloody Colours : and by reason there are no intermissions of Air , there can be no intermissions of this Light , in the Irregular VVorld . CHAP. VII . Of Storms , and Tempests , in the Irregular World. AS for Storms , and Tempests , and such irregular VVeather , 't is probable there are continual VVinds and Thunders , caused by the disturbance of the Air ; and those Storms and Tempests , being irregular , must needs be violent , and therefore very horrid . There may also be Lightnings , but they are not such as those that are of a fiery colour ; but such as are like the colour of Fire and Blood mixt together . As for Rain , being occasioned by the Vapours from the Earth and VVaters , it is according as those Vapours gather into Clouds : but , when there is Thunder , it must needs be violent . CHAP. VIII . Of the several Seasons , or rather , of the several Tempers in the Irregular World. AS for several Seasons ; there can be no constant Season , because there is no Regularity ; but rather , a great Irregularity , and Violence , in all Tempers and Seasons ; for there is no mean Degree : and surely , their Freezing is as sharp and corroding , as their Corrosive-Burnings ; and it is probable , that the Ice and Snow in that world , are not as in this world , viz. the Ice to be clear , and the Snow white ; because there the water is a troubled , and black water ; so that the Snow is black , and the Ice also black ; not clear , or like black polished Marble ; but 't is probable , that the Snow is like black VVool ; and the Ice , like unpolished black Stone ; not for Solidity , but for Colour and Roughness . CHAP. IX . The Conclusion of the Irregular and Vnhappy or Cursed World. I Have declared in my former Chapter , concerning the Irregular World , That there could not be any exact , or perfect kind or sort , because of the Irregularities ; not that there is not Animal , Vegetable , Mineral , and Elemental Actions , and so not such Creatures ; but , by reason of the Irregularities , they are strangely mixt and disordered , so that every Particular seems to be of a different Kind , or sort , being not any ways like each other ; and yet , may have the nature of such Kinds , and Sorts , by reason they are Natural Creatures , although irregularly Natural : but , those irregular Natural Creatures , cannot chuse , by the former Descriptions , but be Unhappy , having , in no sort or kind , Pleasure , or Ease : and for such Creatures that have such Perceptions as are any way like ours , they are most Miserable : for , by the Sense of Touch , they freeze and burn : by the sense of Tast , they have Nauseousness , and Hunger , being not satisfied : by the sense of Scent , they are suffocated , by reason of irregular Respiration : by the sense of Hearing , and sense of Seeing , they have all the horrid Sounds and Sights , that can be in Nature : the Rational Parts are , as if they were all distracted or mad ; and the Sensitive Parts tormented with Pains , Aversisions , Sicknesses , and Deformities ; all which is caused through the Irregular Actions of the Parts of the Irregular World ; so that the Actions of all sorts of Creatures , are Violent , and Irregular . But , to conclude : As all the Creatures of our World , were made for the Benefit of Human Creatures ; so , 't is probable , all the Creatures of the Irregular World , were produced for the Torment and Confusion of Human Creatures in that World. The Fifth Part , Being divided into FIFTEEN SECTIONS . Concerning Restoring-Beds , or Wombs . I. AT the latter end of my Philosophical Conceptions , the Parts of my Mind grew sad , to think of the dissolving of their Society : for , the Parts of my Mind are so friendly , that although they do often Dispute and Argue for Recreation and Delight-sake ; yet , they were never so irregular , as to divide into Parties , like Factious Fellows , or Unnatural Brethren : which was the reason that they were sad , to think their kind Society should dissolve , and that their Parts should be dispersed and united to other Societies , which might not be so friendly as they were . And , after many several Thoughts , ( which are several Rational Discourses : for , Thoughts are the Language of the Mind ) they fell into a Discourse of Restoring Beds , or Wombs , viz. Whether there might not be Restoring Beds , as well as Producing Beds , or Breeding Beds . And , to argue the case , they agreed to divide into Minor and Major Parts . II. THE Major Parts of my Mind were of opinion , That there are Beds , or Wombs , of Restoration , as well as Beds of Production : for , if Nature's actions be poysed , there must be one , as well as the other . The Minor Part 's Opinion , was , That , as all Creatures were produced , so all Creatures were subject to dissolve : so that , the poyse of Nature's Productions , was Nature's Dissolutions , and not Restorations . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That there are Restorations in Nature : for , as some dissolved , others united in every kind and sort of Creature , which was a Restoration to the kinds and sorts of Creatures . The Minor Part 's Opinion , was , That though every sort and kind of Creatures , continued as the Species of each sort and kind ; yet , they did not continue by such Restorations as they were arguing about : for though , when some Creatures dye , others of the same Sort or Species , are born or bred ; yet , they are Produced , not restored : for , they conceived , that Restoration was a reviving and re-uniting the Parts of a Dissolved Society or Creature ; which Restoration was not natural , at least , not usual . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That Restoration was natural , and usual : for , there were many things , or Creatures , restored , in some sort , after they were dead . The Minor Part 's Opinion , was , That some Creatures might be restored from some Infirmities , or Decays ; but , they could not be restored after they were dissolved , and their Parts dispersed . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That if the Roots , Seeds , or Springs of a Society , or Creature , were not dissolved and dispersed , those Creatures might be restored to their former condition of Life , if they were put , or received , into the Restoring Beds : As for example , A dry and withered Rood of some Vegetable , although the Parts of that Vegetable be , as we say , dead ; yet , they are often restored by the means of some Arts : also , dead Sprigs will , by Art , receive new Life . The Minor Part 's Opinion , was , That if there were such actions of Nature , as Restoring actions ; yet , they could not be the Poysing Actions , nor the Artificial Actions : for , not any dead Creature can be restored by Art. III. SOME of the Gravest Parts of my Mind , made this following Discourse to some other Parts of my Mind . Dear Associates , There hath been many Human Societies , that have perswaded themselves , That there are such Restoring Actions of Nature , which will restore , not only a Dead , but a Dispersed Society ; by reason they have observed , That Vegetables seem to dye in one Season , and to revive in another : as also , that the Artificial Actions of Human Creatures , can produce several Artificial Effects , that resemble those we name Natural ; which hath occasioned many Human Creatures to wast their Time and Estates , with Fire and Furnace , cruelly torturing the Productions of Nature , to make their Experiments . Also , they trouble themselves with poring and peeping through Telescopes , Microscopes , and the like Toyish Arts , which neither get Profit , nor improve their Understanding : for , all such Arts prove rather ignorant Follies , than wise Considerations ; Art being so weak and defective , that it cannot so much assist , as it doth hinder Nature : but , there is as much difference between Art and Nature , as between a Statue and a Man ; and yet Artists believe they can perfect what by Nature is defective ; so that they can rectifie Nature's Irregularities ; and do excuse some of their Artificial actions , saying , they only endeavour to hasten the actions of Nature : as if Nature were slower than Art , because a Carver can cut a Figure or Statue of a Man , having all his Materials ready at hand , before a Child can be finished in the Breeding-Bed . But , Art being the sporting and toyish actions of Nature , we will not consider them at this time . But , Dear Associates , if there be any such things in Nature , as Restoring-Beds , which most of our Society are willing to believe ; yet , those Beds cannot possibly be Artificial , but must be Natural Beds . Nor can any one particular sort of Bed , be a general Restorer : for , every several Sort or Kind , requires a Bed , or Womb , that is proper for their Sorts or Kinds : so that , there must be as many sorts , at least , and kinds of Beds , as there are kinds of Creatures : but , what those Wombs or Beds are , we Human Creatures do not know ; nor do we know whether there be any such things in this World : but , if there be such things in this World , we cannot conceive where they are . IV. AFter the former Discourse , the Parts of my Mind were a little sad : but , after many and frequent Disputes and Arguments , they all agreed , That there are Restoring Beds , or Wombs , in Nature : but that to describe their Conceptions of those Restoring Beds , was only to describe Opinions , but not known Truths : and their Opinions were , That those Beds are as lasting as Gold , or Quick-silver : for , though they may be occasioned to alter their Exterior Form ; yet , not their Interior or Innate Nature . But , mistake not my Mind's Opinion : for , their Opinion is not , That those Beds are Gold , or Quicksilver : for , their Opinion was , That neither Gold , or Quicksilver , were Restorers of Life : but , if they were Restorers , they could restore no other Creatures , but only dead Metals , by reason several Creatures require several Restoring Beds proper to their Sorts or Kinds : so that a Mineral Kind or Sort , could not restore an Animal Kind or Sort ; because there was no such thing in Nature , as the Elixir , or Philosophers-Stone , which the Chymists believe to be some Deity , that can restore all Sorts and Kinds . V. AS it has formerly been declared , The Parts of my Mind were generally of opinion , That it was , at least , probable , there were such things in Nature as Restoring-Beds , or Wombs . The next Opinion was , That these Beds were of several Kinds or Sorts , viz. Animal , Vegetable , Mineral , and Elemental : so that every Kind or Sort , is a general Restorer of the Lives of their Kind or Sort. As for example , An Animal Restoring-Bed , may restore any dead Animal , to his former Animal Life , in case the Animal Roots or Seeds , ( which we name , the Vital Parts ) were not divided and dispersed , but inclosed , or inurned , so that no other Animal could come to feed on those Roots and Seeds of the dead Animal Body ; and in case the Body was so closely kept , though dead many years , if it was put into a Restoring-Bed , that Animal Creature would reunite to the former Animal Life and Form. But then there arose this Argument , That if the Bodies of the dead Animals , did corrupt and dissolve of themselves , as most dead Animal Bodies do ; Whether , after their Dissolution , they could be Restored ? The Minor Part 's Opinion was , That those dissolved Bodies , being dissolved , or divided , and their Parts out of their places , could not be restored . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , They might be restored ; first , Because , though the Parts may be divided ; yet , they were not annihilated . The next , That those divided Parts were not so separated and dispersed , as to be united to other Societies : Wherefore , if all those dead Animal Parts were put into a Restoring-Womb , or Bed ; the Bed would occasion those Parts to place themselves into their proper Order and Form. VI. AFter the former Discourse , some of the Parts of my Mind were sad , to think , that those that had been embowelled , were made incapable of ever being restored ; and , that it was a greater cruelty to murder a dead man , and to rob him of his Interior Parts ; than to murder a living man , and yet suffer his whole Body to lye peaceably in the Urn , or Grave . But , the other Parts endeavouring to comfort those sad Parts , made this Argument , viz. Whether it might not probably be , that the Bones or Carcase of a Human Creature , were the Root of Human Life ? and if so , then if all the Parts were dissolved , and none were left undissolved , but the bare Carcase ; they might be restored to life . The sad Part 's Opinion , was , That it was impossible they could be restored , by reason the Roots of Human Life , were those we name the Vital Parts ; and those being divided from the Carcase , and dispersed , and united unto other Societies , could not meet and joyn into their former state of Life , or Society , so as to be the same Man. The Comforting Parts were of opinion , It was not probable that the Fleshy and Spungy Parts , being the Branches of Human Life , could also be the Roots . Wherefore , in all probability , the Bones were the Roots ; and the Bones being the Roots , if the bare Carcase of a Man should be put into a Restoring Bed , all the Fleshy and Spungy Parts , both those that were the Exterior , and those that were Interior , would spring and encrease to their full Maturity . The sad Part 's Opinion , was , That if the Bones were the Roots ; and that , from the Roots , all the Exterior and Interior Parts , belonging to a Human Creature , should spring , and so encrease to full Maturity ; yet , those Branches would not be the same they were , viz. the same Parts of the same Man ; and besides , those Branches would rather be new Productions , than Restorations . The Comforting Part 's Opinion , was , That though the Branches were new , the Carcase , as the Root , being the same , the Man would be the same : for , though the Spungy and Fleshy Parts , divide and unite from Home , and to Forrein Parts ; yet , the Man is the same : and to prove that the Bony Parts are the Roots of Human Life , doth it not happen , That if the Flesh be cut from the Bone , and the Bone be left bare ; yet , in time , the bone produces new flesh : but , if any bone be separated from the Body , that Bone cannot be restored ; nor can a new bone spring forth , nor can the divided bone be joyned or knit to the body , as it was before : for , although a broken bone may be set ; yet , a divided bone cannot be rejoyned : All which Arguments , were a sufficient proof , That the Bones were the Roots of Life . The Sad Part 's Argument , was , That it was well known , that if any of the Vital Parts of a Human Creature , as the Liver , Lungs , Heart , Kidneys , and the like , were decayed , pierced , or wounded , the Human Creature dyed , by reason those Parts are incurable . The Comforting Parts were of opinion , That there were many less Causes which did often occasion Human Death ; yet , those Causes were not the Roots of Life : nor were those Parts the Roots of Life , although those Parts which we name Vital , were the chief Branches of Human Life . But , at last , they all agreed in this opinion , That the Bones , were the Roots ; the Marrow , the Sapp , and the Vitals , the chief branches of Life . Also , they agreed , That when an Human Life was restored , the bones did first fill with some Oylie Juyces ; and from the bones , and the sap or juyce of the bones , did all the Parts belonging to a Human Creature , spring forth , and grow up to Maturity : and certainly , Not to disturb the Bones of the dead , was a Holy and Religious Charge to Human Creatures . VII . AFter the pacifying the Sad Parts of my Mind , their Argument was , That , supposing Creatures could be restored ; whether they should be restored as when they were first produced ; or , as when they were at the perfection of their Age ; or , as when they were at old Age ? But , after many Disputes , they all agreed , That those that should be restored , should be restored to that degree of Age and Strength , which is the most perfect : and , as all Productions arrived towards Perfection by degrees ; so those that were restored , should return to Perfection by degrees , if they were past the perfect time of their age : and those that were not arrived to their Perfection , before they dyed , should arrive to it , however , as those that had it : so that , both Youth and Age , shall meet in Perfection : for , as the one encreases , as it were , forward ; so the other return to their Strength and Perfection of their past Age. VIII . AFter the former Opinions , the Parts of my Mind were somewhat puzled in their Arguments concerning the degrees of the Restoring Times ; as , Whether Restoration was done by a General Act , or by Degrees ? The most Doubting Part 's Opinion , was , That it was not natural to Restore , although it was natural to Produce ; and , that all Natural Productions , were by degrees : but , for Restorations , ( being not Natural Productions ) they could not be done by degrees : and therefore the Action of Restoration , was but as one Action , although of many Parts . The Believing Parts of my Mind were of opinion , That all Nature's Actions , being by degrees , all Restorations were also by degrees . The Doubting Part 's Opinion was , That there were some actions that had no degrees : for , One action might signifie a Thousand . The other Part 's Opinion was , That a Thousand actions , or degrees , were in the figure of One. The Doubting Parts were of opinion , That it was impossible . But , at last , they agreed , That the Restoring actions were by degrees . IX . THE Parts of my Mind were divided into Minor and Major Parts , about the Time or Degrees of Restoration of Human Creatures . The Minor's Opinion was , That the Restoring actions of Nature , were so much quicker than the Producing actions , that a Human Creature might be restored in a Months time ; whereas the production of a Human Creature was in ten Months : for , though a Human Creature may Quicken at Three Months time ; yet , it was not fully Ripe for Birth , before the time of Ten Months . The Major Part 's Opinion was , That Restoration was according as the Creature was Dissolved : for , a Man that was newly dead ; or not so long dead , that his Parts were not yet divided ; that Man might be restored to Life in an Hour's time , or less : but , if all the Parts , excepting the bare Carcase , were dissolved , there would require as long a time in Restoring , as in Producing . The Minor's Opinion , was , That the Restoring-time , was no longer than the time of Quickning . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That though the Exterior Form or Frame of a Child , might be before the Quickning ; yet , it was not a perfect Animal , until it was Quick : and although it might be a perfect Animal when it was Quick ; yet , not ripe , that is , not at the full Perfection of a Human Creature . As it is with Fruits : for , a Green Plumb is not like a Ripe Plumb ; but , any Green Fruit , is like a Dead Fruit , in comparison of a Ripe Fruit. At last , the Parts of my Mind did agree , That if a Human Creature was dissolved , excepting the bare Carcase ; it would require Ten Months time ere it could perfectly be restored : for , the Springing Parts would require so long a time ere they could come to full Maturity . X. THE Question being stated , Whether the Restoring-Bed , was a Fleshy Bed ; All the Parts of my Mind , after many Disputes , agreed , That it could not be a Fleshy Bed , by reason the nature of Flesh is so corruptible , dissolvable , and easie to be dissolved , that it could not possibly be of such a lasting nature , as is required for Restoring-Beds . But yet , they agreed , they were like Flesh , for Softness , or Spunginess ; as also , for Colour . Also , they agreed , That the Animal Restoring-Bed , was of such a Nature or Property , that it could dilate and contract , as it had occasion ; in so much , that it could contract to the compass of the smallest , or extend to the magnitude of the largest Animal . Also , they did agree , That it was somewhat like the Stomack of a Human Creature , or of the like Animal , that could open and shut the Orifice ; and that when an Animal Creature was put into the Restoring-Bed , it would immediately inclose the Animal : and when it had caused a perfect Restoration , the Restoring-Bed would open it self , and deliver it to its own Liberty . XI . ANother Question amongst the Parts of my Mind concerning Restoring-Beds , or Wombs , was : That in case there were such Restoring-Beds in Nature , as in all probability there were ; Where could those Restoring-Beds be ? viz. Whether there were any in this World ? If not in this World , in any other World ? The Minor Parts were of opinion , There were none in this World ; but , that there were some in other Worlds . The Major Part 's Opinion , was , That there were such Beds ; but , that Human Creatures would not know them , though they could perceive them : nor , if they could perceive them , could they tell how to make use of them . At last they all agreed , That those Restoring-Beds were in the Center of the World : but , where the Center is , no Human Creature , no , not the most Subtile and Learned Mathematicians , Geometricians , or Astrologers , could , with their most Laborious Arts , and Subtile Observations , know ; and therefore , unless by a special Decree from God , no such Restoration can be made . XII . THE Parts of my Mind were very studious to conceive where the Center of the World was : Some of the Parts of my Mind was of opinion , That there were four Centers , viz. A Center in the Earth , a Center in the Air , a Center in the Sea , and a Center in the Element of Fire . Upon which Opinion , the Parts of my Mind divided into Minor and Major Parts . The Minor Parts were of opinion , That there were Centers in all the Four Elemental Parts ; and that the Restoring-Beds , were only of four Kinds : but yet , there might be many several sorts of each particular Kind ; and that each particular Kind , with all the several Sorts , was produced in each particular Elemental Center . The Major Part was of opinion , That there might be infinite Centers , if there were infinite Worlds : also , there might be many Centers in this World ; for , every round Globe hath a Center . But , their Opinion concerning the Restoring-Beds , was , That they were in the Center of the Globe of our whole World , and not of any of the Parts of the World : for , the Air could have but an uncertain Center ; neither could the Water have a very solid Center ; and the Earth was too solid to have a Center , consisting of the Four kinds of Elements : neither could the Elemental Fire have such a Center , as to breed such different kinds and sorts of Beds , as the Restoring-Beds are , because many of them are quite of a different nature from the nature of Elemental Fire : wherefore , it must be the Center of the World , which must consist of all the Elemental kinds . XIII . AFter the former Argument , the Parts of my Mind were very studious in conceiving , where the Center of the whole Universe of this our World , might be : at last they all agreed , It was the Sea , which is the Watry Element : for , the Sea is inclosed with the Airy , Fiery , and Earthy Parts of the Universe , and therefore must be the Center . And , though the Sea was the Center of the World ; yet , there was a Center of the Sea : so that , there was a Center in a Center ; in which Center , were the Restoring-Beds . XIV . AFter the former Conceptions , the Parts of my Mind were very studious , to conceive where the Center 's Center might be . But , they could not possibly conceive it , by reason they could not possibly imagine how large , and of what compass the Sea may be of : for they did verily believe , that the utmost extension of the Sea , is not , as yet , known to Human-Kind : for , that Circle about which the Ships of Cavendishe , and Drake , did swim , might be , in comparison to the whole Body of the Sea , but such a Circle as a Boy may occasion , with throwing a small Stone , or such like thing , into a Pond of Water . XV. THE last Conception of my Mind , concerning Restoring-Beds , was , That the Parts of my Mind did conceive , That the Center of the whole Universe , was the Sea ; and in the Center of the Sea , was a small Island ; and in the Center of the Island , was a Creature , like ( in the outward Form ) to a great and high Rock : Not that this Rock was Stone ; but , it was of such a nature , ( by the natural Compositions of Parts ) that it was compounded of Parts of all the principal Kinds and Sorts of the Creatures of this World , viz. Of Elemental , Animal , Mineral , and Vegetable kinds : and , being of such a nature , did produce , out of it self , all kinds and sorts of Restoring-Beds ; whereof , some sorts were so loose , that they only hung by Strings , or Nerves : others stuck close . Some were produced at the top , or upper parts : others were produced out of the middle parts ; and some were produced from the lower parts , or at the bottom . In short , the Opinion of the Parts of my Mind , was , That this Rocky Creature was all covered with its own Productions ; which Productions were of all Kinds and Sorts : not that they were numerous ; but , various Productions : also , that these various Productions , were Restoring-Beds : for , the nature of this Rocky Creature , is as lasting as the Sun , or other Planets ; which was the reason that those Productions are not subject to decay , as other Productions are : nor can they produce new Creatures ; but only restore former Creatures ; as , those that had been Produced , and were partly Dissolved . THE CONCLUSION . AFter the Wisest Parts of my Mind had ended their Arguments , there being some of the Dullest , and the most Unbelieving , or rather , Strange Parts of my Mind , that had retired into the Glandula of my Brain , which is a kind of a Kernel ; which they made use of , instead of a Pulpit : out of which , they declared their Opinions , thus : Dear Associates , We , that were not Parties of your Disputations , or Argumentations , concerning Restoring-Beds ; being retired into the Glandula of the Brain , where we have been informed by the Nerves , and Sensitive Spirits , of your wise Opinions , and subtile Arguments , Considering that your Conclusion was as improbable , if not as impossible , as the Chymical Philosophers-Stone , or Elixir ; We desire you ( being Parts of one and the same Society ) not to trouble the whole Society , in the search of that , which , if it was in Nature , will never be found . But to prevent , that your painful Studies , and witty Arguments , be not buried in Oblivion ; We advise you , To perswade the Sensitive Parts of our Society , to record them , so that they may be divulged to all the Societies of our own Kind or Sort of Creatures ; as Chymists do , who , after they have wasted their Times and Estates , to gain the Philosophers-Stone , or Elixir ; write Books to teach it to the Sons of Art : which is impossible , at least , very improbable , ever to be learn'd , there being no such Art in Nature : but , were it possible such an Art was to be obtained ; yet , when obtained , the Artist would never divulge it in Print . But , those great Practitioners , finding , after much Loss and Pains , nothing but Despair , write Books of that Art ; which , instead of the Elixir , did produce Despair ; which again , though produced by Art , did produce , naturally , that Vice , named Malice ; and Malice , being a Pregnant Seed , sowed upon the Fertile Ground of their Writings , produces so much Mischief , that many men of good Estates , have been undone , in following their Rules in Chymistry : And if your Books should be as succesful as Chymistry hath been ( I dare not say , among Fools ; but ) amongst Credulous Men ; your Books will cause as much Mischief as theirs have done ; not by the ways of Fire , but by the ways of Water : for , your Books send men to Sea , a much Cooler Element than Fire ; but , more Dangerous than Chymical Fire , unless Chymical Fire be Hell-Fire . Upon which Discourse , the rest of my Thoughts were very angry , and pull'd them out of their Pulpit , the Glandula ; and not only so , but put them out of their Society , believing they were a Factious Party , which , in time , might cause the Society's Dissolution . FINIS . 
A55584	----	Experimental philosophy, in three books containing new experiments microscopical, mercurial, magnetical : with some deductions, and probable hypotheses, raised from them, in avouchment and illustration of the now famous atomical hypothesis / by Henry Power ... Power, Henry, 1623-1668. 1664 Approx. 287 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 109 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A55584 Wing P3099 ESTC R19395 12289004 ocm 12289004 58849 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A55584) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58849) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 191:12) Experimental philosophy, in three books containing new experiments microscopical, mercurial, magnetical : with some deductions, and probable hypotheses, raised from them, in avouchment and illustration of the now famous atomical hypothesis / by Henry Power ... Power, Henry, 1623-1668. [24], 191, [2] p. [1] folded leaf of plates : ill. Printed by T. Roycroft, for John Martin and James Allestry ..., London : 1664. Books [2]-3 have special t.p., dated 1663. "Subterraneous experiments, or, Observations about cole-mines" has half-title. Errata: p. [2] at end. Reproduction of original in University of Michigan Libraries. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. Physics -- Early works to 1800. Microscopy -- Early works to 1800. Microscopes -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur , Geo. Stradling , S. T. P. Rev. in Christo Patr. D. Gilb. Episc. Loud . à Sac. Domestic . Ex Aed Sab. Aug. 5. 1663. EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY , In Three-Books : Containing New Experiments Microscopical , Mercurial , Magnetical . With some Deductions , and Probable Hypotheses , raised from them , in Avouchment and Illustration of the now famous Atomical Hypothesis . By HENRY POWER , Dr. of Physick . Perspicillum ( Microscopicum scilicet ) si vidisset Democritus , exiluisset fortè ; & modum videndi Atomum ( quam ille invisibilem omninò affirmavit ) inventum fuisse putâsset . Fr. Verulam . lib. 2. Novi Organi , sect . 39. Hinc igitur facillimè intelligere possumus , quam stuliè , quam inaniter sese venditat humana sapientia , quóve ferantur nostra Ingenia , nisi recta ratione , experientiáque ( scientiarum omnium magistra ) nitantur & opin●●●is salebras accuratè vitent . Muffet . De Insect . cap. 15. pag. 115. LONDON , Printed by T. Roycroft , for John Martin , and James Allestry , at the Bell in S. Pauls Church-yard . 1664. The Preface to the Ingenious READER . DIoptrical Glasses ( which are now wrought up to that height and curiosity we see ) are but a Modern Invention : Antiquity gives us not the least hint thereof , neither do their Records furnish us with any thing that does Antedate our late discoveries of the Telescope , or Microscope . The want of which incomparable Artifice made them not onely erre in their fond Coelestial Hypothesis , and Crystalline wheel-work of the Heavens above us , but also in their nearer Observations of the minute Bodies and smallest sort of Creatures about us , which have been by them but sleightly and perfunctorily described , as being the disregarded pieces and huslement of the Creation ; when ( alas ! ) those sons of Sense were not able to see how curiously the minutest things of the world are wrought , and with what eminent signatures of Divine Providence they were inrich'd and embellish'd , without our Dioptrical assistance . Neither do I think that the Aged world stands now in need of Spectacles , more than it did in its primitive Strength and Lustre : for howsoever though the faculties of the soul of our Primitive father Adam might be more quick & perspicacious in Apprehension , than those of our lapsed selves ; yet certainly the Constitution of Adam's Organs was not divers from ours , nor different from those of his Fallen Self , so that he could never discern those distant , or minute objects by Natural Vision , as we do by the Artificial advantages of the Telescope and Microscope . So that certainly the secondary Planets of Saturn and Jupiter and his Ansulary appearances , the Maculae Solis , and Lunations of the inferiour Planets , were as obscure to him as unknown to his Posterity ; onely what he might ingeniously ghess at by the Analogie of things in Nature , and some other advantageous Circumstances . And as those remote objects were beyond the reach of his natural Opticks , so doubtless the Minute Atoms and Particles of matter , were as unknown to him , as they are yet unseen by us : for certainly both his and our Eyes were framed by providence in Analogie to the rest of our senses , and as might best manage this particular Engine we call the Body , and best agree with the place of our habitation ( the earth and elements we were to converse with ) and not to be critical spectators , surveyors , and adaequate judges of the immense Vniverse : and therefore it hath often seem'd to me beyond an ordinary probability , and somthing more than fancy ( how paradoxical soever the conjecture may seem ) to think , that the least Bodies we are able to see with our naked eyes , are but middle proportionals ( as it were ) 'twixt the greatest and smallest Bodies in nature , which two Extremes lye equally beyond the reach of humane sensation : For as on the one side they are but narrow souls , and not worthy the name of Philosophers , that think any Body can be too great or too too vast in its dimensions ; so likewise , are they as inapprehensive , and of the same litter with the former , that on the other side think the particles of Matter may be too little , and that nature is stinted at an Atom , and must have a non ultra of her subdivisions . Such , I am sure , our Modern Engine ( the Microscope ) wil ocularly evince and unlearn them their opinions again : for herein you may see what a subtil divider of matter Nature is ; herein we can see what the illustrious wits of the Atomical and Corpuscularian Philosophers durst but imagine , even the very Atoms and their reputed Indivisibles and least realities of Matter , nay the curious Mechanism and organical Contrivance of those Minute Animals , with their distinct parts , colour , figure and motion , whose whole bulk were to them almost invisible : so that were Aristotle now alive , he might write a new History of Animals ; for the first Tome of Zoography is still wanting , the Naturalists hitherto having onely described unto us the larger and more voluminous sort of Animals , as Bulls , Bears , Tygers , &c. whilst they have regardlesly pass'd by the Insectile Automata , ( those Living-exiguities ) with only a bare mention of their names , whereas in these prety Engines ( by an Incomparable Stenography of Providence ) are lodged all the perfections of the largest Animals ; they have the same organs of body , multiplicity of parts , variety of motions , diversity of figures , severality of functions with those of the largest size : and that which augments the miracle , is , that all these in so narrow a room neither interfere nor impede one another in their operations . Who therefore with the Learned Doctor , admires not Regiomontanus his Fly beyond his Eagle , and wonders not more at the operation of two souls in those minute bodies , than but one in the trunk of a Cedar ? Ruder heads stand amazed at those prodigious and Colossean pieces of Nature , as Whales , Elephants , and Dromedaries ; but in these narrow Engines there is more curious Mathematicks , and the Architecture of these little Fabricks more neatly set forth the wisdom of their Maker . Now as Matter may be great or little , yet never shrink by subdivision into nothing ; so , is it not probable , that Motion also may be indefinitely swift or slow , and yet never come to a quiescency ? and so consequently there can be no rest in Nature , more than a Vacuity in Matter . The following Observations seem to make out , that the Minute particles of most ( if not all ) Bodies are constantly in some kind of motion , and that motion may be both invisibly and unintelligibly slow , as well as swift , and probably is as unseparable an attribute to Bodies , as well as Extension is . And indeed , if the very nature of fluidity consist in the Intestine motion of the parts of that Body call'd fluid , as Des-Cartes happily supposed , and M r. Boyle has more happily demonstrated , Why may we not be bold both to think and say , that there is no such thing in the World as an absolute quiescence ? for 1. the greatest part of the World ( viz. the aetherial Medium ( wherein all the Stars and Planets do swim ) is now confess'd by all to be fluid , and so , consequently , in a Perpetual Motion . 2. All the fixed lights of Heaven are generally concluded to be pure Fire , and so consequently fluid also , and then subconsequentially in motion also ; not to mention the dinetical Rotations of their whole Bodies , which every one is supposed to have , as wel as our Sun : and as for the Opace and Planetary Bodies of the Vniverse , they are all porous , and the aetherial Matter is continually streaming through them , their internal fire and heat constantly subliming Atoms out of them , the Magnetical Atoms continually playing about them : Not to mention also their dinetical Motions about their own Axes , and circumrevolutions about their central Suns : so that , Is it not , I say , more than probable , that rest and quiescency is a meer Peripatetical Notion , and that the supreme Being ( who is Activity it self ) never made any thing inactive or utterly devoid of Motion ? Hence wil unavoidable follow some other Principles of the ever-to-be-admired Des-Cartes : 1. That as Matter is made greater or less , by addition or subduction of parts , so is Motion made swifter or slower by addition given to the Movent , by other contiguous Bodies more swiftly moving , or by subduction of it by Bodies slowlier moved . 2. As the parts of Matter can be transfer'd from one Body to another , and as long as they remain united , would remain so for ever : so Motion may be translated from one Body to another ; but when it is not transfer'd , it would remain in that Body for ever . But these sublime Speculations I shall with more confidence treat of in another place ; the Speculation of Motion , and its Origin , being , as I conceive , one of the obscurest things in Nature . And therfore at present we shal keep within the compass of the Microscope , and look at nothing further than what we can discover therein : The knowledge of Man ( saith the learn'd Verulam ) hath hitherto been determin'd by the view or sight , so that whatsoever is invisible , either in respect of the fineness of the Body it self , or the smalness of the parts , or of the subtilty of its motion , is little enquired ; and yet these be the things that govern Nature principally : How much therefore are we oblig'd to modern Industry , that of late hath discover'd this advantageous Artifice of Glasses , and furnish'd our necessities with such artificial Eys , that now neither the fineness of the Body , nor the smalness of the parts , nor the subtilty of its motion , can secure them from our discovery ? And indeed , if the Dioptricks further prevail , and that darling Art could but perform what the Theorists in Conical sections demonstrate , we might hope , ere long , to see the Magnetical Effluviums of the Loadstone , the Solary Atoms of light ( or globuli aetherei of the renowned Des-Cartes ) the springy particles of Air , the constant and tumultuary motion of the Atoms of all fluid Bodies , and those infinite , insensible Corpuscles ( which daily produce those prodigious ( though common ) effects amongst us : ) And though these hopes be vastly hyperbolical , yet who can tel how far Mechanical Industry may prevail ; for the process of Art is indefinite , and who can set a non-ultra to her endevours ? I am sure , if we look backwards at what the Dioptriks hath already perform'd , we cannot but conclude such Prognosticks to be within the circle of possibilities , and perhaps not out of the reach of futurity to exhibit : however this I am sure of , That without some such Mechanical assistance , our best Philosophers will but prove empty Conjecturalists , and their profoundest Speculations herein , but gloss'd outside Fallacies ; like our Stage-scenes , or Perspectives , that shew things inwards , when they are but superficial paintings . For , to conclude with that doubly Honourable ( both for his parts and parentage ) M r. Boyle , When a Writer , saith he , acquaints me onely with his own thoughts or conjectures , without inriching his discourse with any real Experiment or Observation , if he be mistaken in his Ratiotination , I am in some danger of erring with him , and at least am like to lose my time , without receiving any valuable compensation for so great a loss : But if a Writer endevours , by delivering new and real Observations or Experiments , to credit his Opinions , the Case is much otherwayes ; for , let his Opinions be never so false ( his Experiments being true ) I am not oblig'd to believe the former , and am left at my liberty to benefit my self by the latter : And though he have erroneously superstructed upon his Experiments , yet the Foundation being solid , a more wary Builder may be very much further'd by it , in the erection of a more judicious and consistent Fabrick . HENRY POWER . From New-Hall , near Hallifax , 1. Aug. 1661. MICROSCOPICAL OBSERVATIONS . OBSERVAT. I. Of the Flea . IT seems as big as a little Prawn or Shrimp , with a small head , but in it two fair eyes globular and prominent of the circumference of a spangle ; in the midst of which you might ( through the diaphanous Cornea . ) see a round blackish spot , which is the pupil or apple of the eye , beset round with a greenish glistering circle , which is the Iris , ( as vibrissant and glorious as a Cats eye ) most admirable to behold . How critical is Nature in all her works ! that to so small and contemptible an Animal hath given such an exquisite fabrick of the eye , even to the distinction of parts . Had our famous Muffet but seen them , he would not have spoke so doubtfully as he did : Oculos ( saith he , speaking of Flea's ) habere , verisimile est , tùm quod suos eligunt recessus , tùm quod appetente luce so subducunt . He has also a very long neck , jemmar'd like the tail of a Lobstar , which he could nimbly move any way ; his head , body , and limbs also , be all of blackish armour-work , shining and polished with jemmar's , most excellently contrived for the nimble motion of all the parts : nature having armed him thus Cap-a-pe like a Curiazier in warr , that he might not be hurt by the great leaps he takes ; to which purpose also he hath so excellent an eye , the better to look before he leap : to which add this advantageous contrivance of the joynts of his hinder legs which bend backwards towards his belly , and the knees or flexure of his fore-legs forwards ( as in most quadrupeds ) that he might thereby take a better rise when he leaps . His feet are slit into claws or talons , that he might the better stick to what he lights upon : he hath also two pointers before which grow out of the forehead , by which he tryes and feels all objects , whether they be edible or no. His neck , body , and limbs are also all beset with hairs and bristles , like so many Turn-pikes , as if his armour was palysado'd about by them . At his snout is fixed a Proboscis , or hollow trunk or probe , by which he both punches the skin , and sucks the blood through it , leaving that central spot in the middle of the Flea-biting , where the probe entred . One would wonder at the great strength lodged in so small a Receptacle , and that he is not able onely to carry his whole armour about him , but will frisk and curvet so nimbly with it : Stick a large brass pin through his tayl and he will readily drag it away . I have seen a chain of gold ( at Tredescants famous reconditory of Novelties ) of three hundred links , though not above an inch long , both fastned to , and drawn away by a Flea . Such a like one it seems as our Muffet tells that one Marcus an English-man made . Nay hear what he saith further , Accepimus item à fide dignis , Pulicem sic Catena alligatum , Currum aureum perfectè suis numeris absolutum , nullo negotio traxisse , id quod & Artificis industriam & suas ipsius vires multùm commendat : Yea , we have heard it credibly reported , saith he , that a Flea hath not onely drawn a gold Chain , but a golden Charriot also with all its harness and accoutrements fixed to it , which did excellently set forth the Artifice of the Maker , and Strength of the Drawer ; so great is the mechanick power which Providence has immur'd within these living walls of Jet . OBSERVAT. II. The Bee. THe eye of a Bee is of a protuberant oval figure , black and all foraminulous , drill'd full of innumerable holes like a Grater or Thimble ; and , which is more wonderful , we could plainly see , that the holes were all of a square figure like an honey-comb , and stuck full of small hairs ( like the pores in our skin ) and which ( by blowing upon ) you might see waft to and fro ; all which neat particularities were more palpably discovered in the eye of a great Humble-Bee . Now these holes were not absolute perforations , but onely dimples in their crustaceous Tunica Cornea ; which it seems is full of little pit-holes , like the cap of a thimble : for we cutt out the eye in a large Humble-Bee and Crecket , and bared the shell or horney coat of the eye ; and laying either the convex or concave side upwards ( upon the object plate ) I could easily perceive the little holes or dimples formerly mentioned . So that , by the favour of our Microscope , I have seen more in one hour then that famous Bee-master Aristomachus did in his fifty years contemplation of those Laborious Insects . If you divide the Bee ( or Humble-Bee especially ) near the neck , you shall , without help of the glasse , see the heart beat most lively , which is a white pulsing vesicle . The stings in all Bees are hollow and tubulous ( like a Shoomaker's-punch ) so that when they prick the flesh , they do also , through that channel , transfuse the poyson into it : For if you take a Bee , Wasp , or Humble-Bee especially , and gently squeeze her tayl , so that you may see the sting , you shall perceive a drop of diaphanous liquor at the very end of it , which if you wipe off , you shall distinctly see it renewed again , that humour passing down the Cavity into the end thereof . But if you would see their Common-wealth , Laws , Customs , Military Discipline , and their skill in Tacticks and Architecture , then read our English Butler , an experimental and not Theoretical writer on that subject . OBSERVAT. III. The Common Fly. IT is a very pleasant Insect to behold : her body is as it were from head to tayl studded with silver and black Armour , stuck all over with great black Bristles , like Porcupine quills , set all in parallel order , with their ends pointing all towards the tayl ; her wings look like a Sea-fan with black thick ribs or fibers , dispers'd and branch'd through them , which are webb'd between with a thin membrane or film , like a slice of Muscovy-glasse : She hath a small head which she can move or turn any way : She hath six legs , but goes onely but upon four ; the two foremost she makes use of instead of hands , with which you may often see her wipe her mouth and nose , and take up any thing to eat . The other four legs are cloven and arm'd with little clea's or tallons ( like a Catamount ) by which she layes hold on the rugosities and asperities of all bodies she walks over , even to the supportance of her self , though with her back downwards and perpendicularly invers'd to the Horizon . To which purpose also the wisdom of Nature hath endued her with another singular Artifice , and that is a fuzzy kinde of substance like little sponges , with which she hath lined the soles of her feet , which substance is always repleated with a whitish viscous liquor ▪ which she can at pleasure squeeze out , and so sodder and be-glew her self to the plain she walks on , which otherways her gravity would hinder ( were it not for this contrivance ) especially when she walks in those inverted positions . But of all things her eyes are most remarkable , being exceeding large , ovally protuberant and most neatly dimpled with innumerable little cavities like a small grater or thimble , through which seeming perforations you may see a faint reddish colour ( which is the blood in the eyes , for if you prick a pin through the eye , you shall finde more blood there , then in all the rest of her body . ) The like foraminulous perforations or trelliced eyes are in all Flyes , more conspicuously in Carnivorous or Flesh-Flyes , in the Stercorary or Yellow Flyes that feed upon Cow-dung : The like eyes I have also found in divers other Insects , as the Shepherd-flye or Spinster-flye , which Muffet calls Opilionum Muscam ; also in Cantharides or French-Flyes ; also in all sorts of Scarabees , black and spotted ; also in all sorts of Moth-flyes , called by Muffet , Phalaenae-papiliones ; also in the May-Fly , Butter-flyes , Scorpion-tail'd-fly , Twinges , and Earwigs ; most clearly in the sloe-black eye of the Crecket , and in the large eye of the Dragon-fly or Adderbolt . Many more observables there are in Common Flyes , as their Vivacity ; for , when they appear desperate and quite forsaken of their forms , by virtue of the Sun or warm ashes they will be revoked into life , and perform its functions again . Had Domitian thus busied himself in the Contemplation of this Animal , it had been an employment , not sometimes unworthy of Caesar. For , to conclude with Muffet ; Dei verò virtutem quàm validè animalcula ista , parùm sanè valida , demonstrant ? Contemplare enim vel minimum muscilionem , & quomodò in Tantillo Corpore , pedes , alas , oculos , promuscidem , aliaque membra , omni filo minora , concinnè adaptavit Altissimus , edissere ! OBSERVAT. IV. The Gray , or Horse-Fly . HEr eye is an incomparable pleasant spectacle : 't is of a semisphaeroidal figure ; black and waved , or rather indented all over with a pure Emerauld-green , so that it looks like green silk Irish-stitch , drawn upon a black ground , and all latticed or chequered with dimples like Common Flyes , which makes the Indentures look more pleasantly : Her body looks like silver in frost-work , onely fring'd all over with white silk : Her legs all joynted and knotted like the plant call'd Equisetum or Horse-tayl , and all hairy and slit at the ends into two toes , both which are lined with two white sponges or fuzballs as is pre-observ'd in Common Flyes . After her head is cut off , you shall most fairly see ( just at the setting on of her neck ) a pulsing particle ( which certainly is the heart ) to beat for half an hour most orderly and neatly through the skin . OBSERVAT. V. The Butter-Fly . THis Animal might well deserve our Observation without the assistance of a Microscope ; for who does not admire the variegated diversity of colours in her expansed wings ? which do not onely out-vye the Peacock in all his pride , but does as far out-go the strip'd bravery of the Tulip , as that did Solomon in all his glory : But view them in the Microscope , and you may see the very streaks of the Coelestial pencil that drew them . For the wings of the Butterfly seem like a great plume of feathers , with a glystering splendour exceeding pleasant to behold , especially if the wings be strip'd with several colours : yea that small meal and dust of their wings ( which sticks to your fingers when you catch them ) is all small little feathers , which grow out of their wings ; and you may plainly see the twills by which they stick to the wings , and the holes in the wings , out of which they were pluck'd . Nature having imp'd her wings ( for her better flight ) with those plumeous excrescences ; which shews how vastly * they were mistaken , that held this mealy dust to be an exudation of atoms out of their wings . Her eye is large and globular ( but somewhat flattish ) white like Alablaster , diced or bespeck'd here and there with black spots ( like checker'd Marble ) all foraminous , both the white and black parts of it . I mean in a white Butterfly , for in a red-wing'd Butterfly , her eye is all black and full of perforations as in a Common Fly. The Probe ( which you see lyes in her mouth in spiral contorsions , wound up like a spring , or like the twining tendrils of the Vine , and which you may with a pin draw out to its full length ) seems to be hollow , and supplies the office both of Mouth and Tongue : for you shall see it ( if cutt out and laid on the object-plate ) to winde and coyl it self up like a Spring , and then open again a long time together , and to have a transparent kinde of hollownesse quite throughout . Nature having made it of a considerable length ( when extended ) that she might reach her nourishment , else the length of her legs would hinder the stooping of her head : She hath also fitted it with that spiral or cochleary contrivance , that so being drawn up into an Helix , and retracted into the mouth , it might be no hinderance to her flight . OBSERVAT. VI. A Louse . SHe appears the bignesse of a large Crecket , the body diaphanous and transparent , with three legs on either side , and two horns in the snout , all transparent and of Gauntlet-work , having here and there hairs and bristles ; her feet likewise are slit into toes . Her two eyes were like two black beads , gogled and protuberant , standing somewhat backwards on the side of her head behind her horns : She is blackish about the shoulders ; if she be laid on her back , you may perceive her body to be of Escallop'd protuberances , diaphanous also , very handsome to behold . In this supine position of hers , there are two bloody darkish spots discernable , the greater in the midst of her body , and the lesser towards her tayl . In the Centre of the middle spot there is a white Film or Bladder , which continually contracts and dilates its self upwards and downwards from the head towards the tayl ; and alwayes after every pulse of this white particle or vesicle , then followes the pulse of the great dark bloody spot , in which , or over which , the vesicle seems to swim . This we observ'd two or three hours together , as long as the Louse lived ; and this motion of Systole and Diastole is most palpably seen , when the Louse grows feeble and weak . I prick'd the white vesicle with a small needle and let out a little drop of blood ; and then viewing her again in the Microscope , we could not perceive any life or motion after . In a greater Louse you might see this pulsation of her heart through her back also ; but the white film or vesicle you cannot see till she be turn'd with her belly upwards . The lower dark spot ( which is the lesser towards the tayl ) Dr. Harvey probably conjectures to be the excrements in the guts of the Louse , there reposited just before exclusion . Hear how neatly Sir Theodore Mayhern delivers his Observation of this Animal , taken in a puny Microscope ; Pediculorum oculos prominentes ( Ope Conspicilii ) cernes , & Cornua , & Crenatum Corporis Ambitum , totam substantiam Diaphanam , per quam Cordis & Sanguinis tanquam in Euripo indesinenter fluctuantis Motum . OBSERVAT. VII . A Wood-Louse , or Wood-Mite . THere is a little white Animal ( which you shall finde usually running over the leaves and covers of books , and in rotten wood ) which in Shape and Colour is like a Louse , onely it has a swift motion , and runs by starts or stages ; you may kill it with a very little touch with your finger : This Animal being fastened to the object-plate , by a little spattle , looks like polish'd silver , her whole body cased in Annulary circles , all full of silver hairs , especially towards her tayl , with six legs , three on each side , whose extremities are arm'd with two black tallons , which you might see to move distinctly of themselves : Two long moveable horns were fastened to her head , but revers'd and pointing backwards towards her tayl , with little branches and twigs ( like Bezanteliers ) springing out of them . She hath two pointers also before , like a pair of pincers , which she moved laterally , all full of hairs , and two round knobs at the ends of them . Her eyes are very protuberant , and globular , of a pure golden colour , most admirable to behold , especially when varnish'd with a full light , and most neatly latticed or mashed like a net ( as hath been pre-observ'd in other Insects . ) And she seemed to have this peculiar Artifice , that she can put out or draw in her eye at her pleasure ; so that sometimes we could see them far more prominent then at others ; and sometimes again the one eye more then the other : Insomuch that in one of our Critical Observations , I could see more then a hemisphere of the eye at once ; so that what the Processus Ciliares does to our eyes , either in retracting or protruding the Crystalline Humour ( for helping the sight ) the same does the Optick nerve ( it seems ) to the whole Globe or Bulk of their eyes . OBSERVAT. VIII . The House-Spider . NOw let us see what we can discover in Ovid's Lydian-Spinstresse , that proud Madam which Pallas , for her Rivalship , transform'd into the Spider ; which hath not onely the Character of Aristotle , but of Solomon himself , for a wise and prudent Animal , and therefore a fit Residentiary in the Court of Kings . Of Domestick Spiders there are two sorts ; one with longer legs and a little body , and the other contrariwise . The first eminent thing we found in these House-Spiders , were their eyes , which in some were four , in some six , and in some eight , according to the proportion of their bulk , and longity of their legs . These eyes are placed all in the forefront of their head ( which is round , and without any neck ) all diaphanous and transparent , like a Locket of Diamonds , or a Sett of round Crystal-Beads : so that well might Muffet say of those Philosophers that held them blinde , Sanè coecutiunt illi summo meridie , qui videre ipsas non vident neque intelligunt : Far better might he have said it , if his eyes had had the assistance of our Microscope . Neither wonder , why Providence should be so Anomalous in this Animal more then in any other we know of ( Argus his head being fix'd to Arachne's shoulders . ) For , first : Since they wanting a neck cannot move their head , it is requisite that defect should be supplyed by the multiplicity of eyes . Secondly : Since they were to live by catching so nimble a prey as a Fly is , they ought to see her every way , and to take her per saltum ( as they do ) without any motion of their head to discover her ; which motion would have scar'd away so timorous an Insect . They have a very puffy light body of an Oval figure , covered with a sleek thin skin : which they change once a moneth , sayes Muffet ; though I hardly believe they cast their spoils so often . Their skin is not pellucid , for I could never discover any pulsing particle within them : She hath eight legs , four on each side , split into small oblong fingers at the ends , by which she makes her curious Web-work Both body and limbs is all stuck over with small silver hairs , which the very ayr will waft to and fro , as you may see in the Microscope . OBSERVAT. IX . The little white Field-Spider with short legs . THere is a little white short-leg'd Spider ( which you shall find plentifully amongst new Hey , or in a sweating Hey-mough ) which is a glorious spectacle to behold ; for her Body is like white Amber imboss'd all over with black Knobs , out of every one of which grow bristles or prickles like whin-pricks perfectly taper-grown . And ( which is most admirable ) we could most distinctly see six , in some eight eyes , ranged in this order ; the innermost least , and the outermost greatest , of a very quick and lively transparency or fulgour , like Eagle's eyes ; every Eye hath a pale yellow circle , which encompasseth a violet-blew Pupill , most clear and most admirable , but not perforated at all . Letting her lye on the object-plate for half an hour together , we perceived her Eyes all of them to grow less and less , and a whitish kind of film or socket , by degrees , to cover part of them : I cutt her in the midst at first , and so layd onely her head with the upper part of her body , on the object-plate . OBSERVAT. X. The Field Spider with long Legs . THis Spider was a very pleasant spectacle : having cutt off her legs , and layd her flat with her belly upon the object-plate , I perceived a round knob erected perpendicularly upon the top of her back , which proved to be her head ( though at first I could not perswade my self into that belief ; ) for in it were fixed two jett-black protuberant ( but not foraminulous ) eyes , on either side one , which by diligent Inspection we found to be of different parts , with a very black smooth pupil in the midst of either of them , more protuberant than the rest of the circumambient matter , which was of a coarser grain , browner and more rugged than the prominent Pupil . She had before , two claws ( at a manifest distance from her head ) just like a Crab's claws , with two black tips , like the Chely's in Crabs , which I could distinctly see to open and shutt ( exactly like those in a Scorpion ) which were indented , or made ▪ Saw-wise on the inside ( the better to keep fast what she had once laid hold on . ) There is a Field-Spider of a russet colour and long legs , of the same shape and figure . The head and eyes in all Spiders are contrived with great variety . OBSERVAT. XI . Another Field-Spider . I Took a Field-Spider under a stone , 13. of June , with a bag of eggs fastned to her tayl , bigger than all the bulk of her body ; I opened it , and saw abundance of blewish eggs in it , which in the Microscope look'd white and round , like your counterfeit pearl , and I could most clearly see abundance of very minute Spiders , newly hatch'd , no bigger , and just like Mites in Meal , with white hairs and bristles , especially in their tail , creeping and crawling amongst the eggs : The Nett-work of the Purse or Bag seem'd all diaphanous ; a very pleasant spectacle , and of curious workmanship . I then made the like Observation of a bag full of House-Spider-eggs , which are round and white , just like white Poppy seed ; and all things look'd whitish , and something Transparent therein also : but the youngling Spiders ( that were either hatching , or newly hatch'd ) were far bigger then the former , and white as Alablaster , but shap'd like the Parent with five legs on each side ( without hairs or bristles ) and not by far so active as the other . I could not see any Heart beat in any of them all . OBSERVAT. XII . Mites in Cheese . THey appeared some bigger , some less ; the biggest appeared equal to a Nutmeg ; in shape they seem'd oval and obtus'd towards the tail : Their colour resembled that of Mother of pearl , or Common pearl , and reflected the light of the Sun in some one point , according to their various positions , as pearl doth : so that it seems they are sheath'd and crustaceous Animals ( as Scarabees and such like Insects are . ) I could perfectly see the divisions of the head , neck , and body . To the small end of the oval Body was fastned the head , very little in proportion to the body , its mouth like that of a Mole , which it open'd and shutt ; when open'd , it appear'd red within : The eyes also , like two little dark spots , are discernable : Near to the head were four legs fastned , two on each side ; the legs were just like to those in a Louse , Jemmar'd and Transparent : She has two little pointers at the snout ; nay , you may see them sometimes , if you happily take the advantage , like so many Ginny-Pigs , munching and chewing the cud : About the head and tail are stuck long hairs or bristles : Some we could see ( as little , even in the Glass , as a Mustard-seed ) yet perfectly shap'd and organiz'd : We also saw divers Atoms somewhat Transparent like eggs , both in form and figure . Nay , in these moving Atoms , I could not onely see the long bristles formerly specified , but also the very hairs which grew out of their leggs , which leggs themselves are smaller than the smallest hair our naked eyes can discover . What rare Considerations might an Ingenious Speculator take up here , even from this singular Experiment ? of the strange and most prodigious skilfulness of Nature in the fabrick of so Minute an Animal ( a thousand whereof do not weigh one single grain , ( for one seed of Tobacco is bigger than any of them ) and yet how many thousand parts of Matter must go to make up this heterogeneous Contexture ? For , besides the parts inservient to Nutrition , Sensation , and Motion , how small and thin must the liquours be that circulate through the pipes and vessels disseminated through those parts ? nay , How incomprehensibly subtil must the Animal-spirits be , that run to and fro in Nerves included in such prodigiously little spindle-shank'd leggs ? OBSERVAT. XIII . Mites in Malt-dust and Oatmeal-dust . THey seem somewhat different from those of Cheese , formerly described , yet of the same bulk , proportion , and colour ; onely besett with more and longer white bristles , especially in the tail : they are far more active and quick in motion than those Inhabitants of Case-Bobby , some bigger , some lesser . Some we saw so exceeding little ( yet perfectly organiz'd and shap'd like the rest ) that no bristles nor hairs could be discern'd , either because they had none , or else ( more probably ) because the Glass failed in presenting them : for how small must that hair be , think you , which ( though so excessively augmented in the Glass ) yet seems as small as any hair imaginable ? and upon an Animal too , whose whole bulk to the bare eye is quite indiscernable . If you besprinkle the Object-plate , upon which you view them , with a pretty quantity of Oatmeal , you shall see what working and tugging these poor little Animals make amongst it , running and scudding amongst it ; under it , over it , and into it , like Rabbits into their Burrows ; and sometimes casting it and heaving it up , ( as Moles or Pioners do earth ) and trolling to and fro with this mealy dust ( which seems something diaphanous ) sticking to them , as if it were a little world of Animals , busying themselves in running this way and that way , and over one anothers backs ; which is a spectacle very pleasant to behold . OBSERVAT. XIV . Mites , bred amongst Figs. THey are in colour like other Mites , but bodyed and shaped like Scarabees , with two little short horns at the snout , and above them two very long ones : you may clearly see three leggs on either side the body : they are more sluggish and unweildy then Meal-mites are , and not bristled like them . Though I have seen some amongst them also full of white bristles , and shaped like those in Oatmeal : the like common ( for so I may call them ) Mites I have also found in Hay , in the powder that falls off dryed roots , &c. OBSERVAT. XV. The Mites , in Jujubes and Sebesten's . FRom Jejub's and Sebesten's , being long kept , there falls a brownish kind of powder , which being laid upon the Object-plate , you shall discover in it small whitish Mites , very little ones , and all besett with bristles and hairs round over like a Hedghog , but not of so quick and lively a motion as the other Mites . OBSERVAT. XVI . The red Mite , found on Spiders . THere is a red Mite which you shall often find feeding upon Spiders ; She is bodied just like a Tortoise , with a little head and six long small leggs , three on each side : About the leggs of the Field-Spider I have found many of these Coral-Mites or Tortoises , and this thing I have observed of them , That they cling exceeding close to the Animal whilst she is alive ; but when dead , they all fall off and creep away from her , as lice do from dying men , or other vermin from an old rotten falling house . OBSERVAT. XVII . The Mites or Lice found on Humble-Bees . WIthin that yellow plush or furre of Humble-Bees you shall often find a little whitish very nimbly-running Animal , which hath the shape and form of a Mite in the Microscope : I remember the Industrious Kircher sayes , he hath found by his Glasses Lice upon Fleas : Either our Fleas in England are not like theirs in Italy for this property , or else I have never taken them in their Lowsie season : But I see no reason to the contrary , but both Fleas and Lice may have other Lice that feed upon them , as they do upon us . For since the minutest Animal that comes within the reach of our Microscope , is found to have a mouth , stomack , and gutts , for Nutrition ; and most , if not all , the Parenchymata for Circulation and Separation of Excrements , there can be no doubt , but they have also a continual perspiration and exudation through the habit of their body : Of which excrement of the third and last Concoction , all these Vermin that pester the outside of Animals , are generated . OBSERVAT. XVIII . Pond . Mites . THere are bred in most restagnant Waters , Pools and Fishponds , in June and July , an innumerable company of little whitish Animals , which move up and down the water with jerks and stops in their motion ; in which Animals we could discover two little horns and leggs , but could never get to see it quick in the Microscope : for as soon as ever it is taken out of the water , it is perfectly dead . Neither may it seem strange to find these Animals in restagnant fish-waters , since the very Ocean it self in some places ( in summer time ) is full of Living creatures . For our western Navigators tell us , That in summer , in the West-Indian Seas ( about the Coasts of Virginia , Hispaniola , Jaimaca , Cuba , &c. the Sea swarms with Maggots and Grubs , which in a little time will so eat their very ships ( as far as they draw water ) that lye there at Anchor , that they will be as brittle and as full of holes as a honey-comb , or a grater ; insomuch that we are forced to have them cased either with thin sheets of Lead , or with Flax , Pitch and Tarr , to secure them from that danger . Nay , not onely the Water , but the very Air it self , may certainly at some times and seasons be full of Living creatures ; which must be , most probably , when great putrefactions reign therein , as in the Plague-time especially . Now it were well worth the Observation , if in such aerial Putrefactions any kind of Living creatures could be discovered , which probably may be done by Glasses : for I am sure in my long Telescope I can some days see a tremulous Motion and Agitation of rowling fumes , and strong Atoms in the air , which I cannot see of other days ; of which I shall perchance more largely discourse in my Telescopical Observations . OBSERVAT. XIX . Whey-worms , call'd by some , Wheal-worms , or Hand-worms , or Barrows . THese smallest of Creatures ( being accounted by Muffet as a Species and kind of Mites , bred upon Animals , as the former sort are in Cheese , Meal , Wax , rotten Wood , &c. ) may very well be the subject of our next Observation . In this small Animal you may see an oval reddish head , and therein a mouth or prominent snout , arm'd with an Appendent Proboscis or Trunk , consisting of many villous filaments in figure of a Cone , wherewith it perforates our skin , and sucks the blood or Aqueous nutriment from the pustules it is bred near . Nay , you may discover feet , laterally ranged on both sides , and many hairy tufts on the tayl , with asperities , rugosities , and protuberances in the skin . To behold all which varieties of parts and organs in so minute a particle of Matter ( as this living Atom is ) , I know not whether it be more admirable to behold , or incredible to believe without an Ocular Demonstration . Certainly Scaliger and Muffet would have far more admired this almost invisible sub-cutaneous Inhabitant , had they had the happiness to have seen it in our Microscope . Hear their description , taken onely by the Opticks of Nature , Syronibus nulla expressa forma , praeterquam globi ; vix oculis capitur ; magnitudo est tam pusilla , ut non atomis Constare ipsum sed unum esse ex Atomis Epicurus dixerit : ità sub cute habitat , ut , actis cuniculis , pruritum maximum loso ingenerat , praecipuè manibus : extractus acu , & super ungue positus , movet se , si Solis etiam calore adjuvetur . Mirum est quomode tam pusilla Bestiola , nullis quasi pedibus insidens , tam longes sub Cuticula sulcos peragat . Our famous Mayhern ( who had the advantage of an Ordinary Microscope ) gives this short , but very neat description of this poor Animal . Imò ipsi Acari , ( saith he ) prae exiguitate indivisibiles , ex cuniculis prope aquae lacum , quos foderunt in cute , acu extracti & ungue impositi , caput rubrum , & pedes quibus gradiuntur , ad solem produnt . And therefore it is not to tell in what a small particle of Matter , life may actually consist , and exercise all the functions too , both of Vegetation , Sensation , and Motion : So that , Omnia sunt Animarum plena , may have more of truth in it , than he could either think or dream of that first pronounced it . OBSERVAT. XX. The Gloworm or Glassworm . HEr Eyes ( which are two small black points or specks of jett ) are pent-hous'd under the broad flat cap or plate which covers her head ; which obscure situation , together with their exceeding exiguity , make them undiscernable to common Spectators . Yet in the Microscope they appear very fair , like black polish'd jett or marble , semi-globular , and all foraminulous , or full of small but very curious perforations ( as in Common Flyes . ) Her two horns are all joynted and degree'd like the stops in the germination of some Plants , as Hors-tail and Canes : Under which she hath two other small horns or pointers , of the same stuff and fashion . Take hold of her horns , and you may draw out her eyes and cut them out , and so lay them on your object-plate and see them distinctly . This is that Night-Animal with its Lanthorn in its tail ; that creeping-Star , which seems to outshine those of the Firmament , and to outvye them too in this property especially ; that whereas the Coelestial Lights are quite obscured by the interposition of a small cloud , this Terrestrial-Star is more enliven'd and enkindled thereby , whose pleasant fulgour no darkness is able to eclipse . OBSERVAT. XXI . Common Grasshoppers . IN those Common Grasshoppers , both great and little , which are so frequent at hay-time with us , there are some things remarkable . First , Their Eyes , which like other Insects are foraminulous ; nay , we have taken the Cornea or outward Film of the Eye quite off , and clensed it so from all the pulpous matter which lay within it , that it was clear and diaphanous like a thin film of Sliffe or Muscovy-glass , and then looking again on it in the Microscope , I could plainly see it foraminulous as before . You shall in all Grasshoppers see a green Film or Plate ( like a Corslet ) which goes over the neck and shoulders , which if you lift up with a pin , you may see their heart play , and beat very orderly for a long time together . The like curious Lattice-work I have also observ'd in the crustaceous Cornea of the Creckets Eye , which I have carefully separated from all the matter which stuff'd it within , which certainly is their Brain ; as hereafter shall be made more probable . OBSERVAT. XXII . The Ant , Emmet or Pismire . THis little Animal is that great Pattern of Industry and Frugality : To this Schoolmaster did Solomon send his Sluggard , who in those virtues not onely excels all Insects , but most men . Other excellent Observables there are in so small a fabrick : As the Herculean strength of its body , that it is able to carry its triple weight and bulk : The Agility of its limbs , that it runs so swiftly : The equality of its Motion , that it trips so nimbly away without any saliency or leaping , without any fits or starts in its Progression . Her head is large and globular , with a prominent Snout : her eye is of a very fair black colour , round , globular , and prominent , of the bigness of a Pea , foraminulous and latticed like that of other Insects : her mouth ( in which you may see something to move ) is arm'd with a pair of pincers , which move laterally , and are indented on the inside like a Saw , by which she bites , and better holds her prey ; and you may often see them carry their white oblong eggs in them for better security . OBSERVAT. XXIII . Of the little greenish Grasshopper or Locust , bred upon the backside of green leaves , especially the leaves of Goosberries , Sweet-briar , and golden Muosear , in April and beginning of May. THis pretty Animal is a pleasant Object to look upon in our Glass , being of a light Green , and in the full Sunshine shews exactly like green Cloth of Silver ; hath two horns and four leggs , two on each side : Her eyes are two such very little black Atoms , that , unless to a very critical and smart eye , they are indiscernable ; yet if you advantageously place her , and view her with a full light ( transmitted through a Burning-glass ( which artifice I sometimes use ) you shall fairly see them to be as bigg as two small black round Beads , and drill'd through also with innumerable perforations ( as the eye in a Fly ) which will try the exquisiteness both of your Glass and Eye to behold . OBSERVAT. XXIV . The yellow Locust . THere is a pretty , but very little , white oblong Insect , which sticks to the ribs and backside of Rose-tree-leaves in August , which in the Microscope looks of a pure white colour , and diaphanous like Sugar-Candy , with an Annular body like a Wasp , with some e●ght hoops or rims , and conical or rush-grown towards the tayl , with six long legs , every leg composed of three joynts , all besett with short hairs , especially in the Annulary divisions and Interstices of her body : Her eyes were very globular , protuberant , and large ( as they are in all young Animals ) white , like two crystal Beads , and most neatly lattic'd , which I could most clearly discern . Below the eyes ( as she lay upon her belly ) was two crook'd horns , which bended backwards towards her tayl , and was fasten'd in two sockets at the roots ; and , as I thought , I sometimes see her eyes more protuberant than others , as if she could thrust them out , and draw them in at pleasure , as we have formerly observ'd in the Wood-Louse Observ. She has two pair of Bristles or hairs ( like Mustacho's ) at the snout , one bending one way ; and another , another . I could discover no Mouth , though I turn'd her over and over . This puny Insect I have observ'd to turn into a small yellow Locust , with two white wings longer than the body , and to skip up and down the Rose-tree-leaves in August ; and then ( when she was metamorphos'd into a Locust ) I could discern no Mouth in the Microscope , but onely two pointers like a pair of closed Compasses in her snout , which cannot be seen on her till she be winged , and then laid on the object-plate with her belly upwards . OBSERVAT. XXV . Of Cuckow-Spitt , and the little Insect bred therein , in May. THat spumeous froth or dew ( which here in the North we call Cuckow Spittle , and , in the South , Woodsear ; and which is most frequently found in Lavander-Beds , Hors mint , &c. ) looks like a heap of glass-bubbles , or a knob'd drinking-glass ; in which you shall always find a little Grub , or Animal , which in the Microscope seems a pretty golden-coloured Insect , with three leggs on each side ; and two horns , and two round fair goggle-eyes of a duskish red colour , like polish'd Rubies ; which you may also see latticed and perforated in a clear light . Her tayl is all jemmar'd with Annulary divisions , which at last end in a stump , which she often draws up , or thrusts out , at her pleasure . Muffet cals this Insect , Locustellam , or , a puny-Locust ; and saith , That first it creepeth , then leapeth , and at last flyeth . She has two blackish claws , or pounces ( at the ends of her feet , ) which she can open and shut at her pleasure : We could discover no mouth at all , but a long reddish Probe , between the fore-legs , through which , perchance , she suck'd her froathy nourishment . Now , what this spumeous matter is , and into what Animal this Insect is at last shaped or transpeciated , are Doubts that as yet have found no clear and experimental Decision . That the Spattle is a froathy kind of dew that falls from the Air , I doubt not , whatsoever my Lord Bacon say to the contrary . For , first ; It is found upon most , if not all , Plants whatsoever , but most copiously amongst our Whinns , or prickly Broom ; and generally about the joynts and ramulous divisions , because there it is best secured from the heat of the Sun , which licks it off the open leaves , or else probably it is imbibed by the full grown and porous leaves of Plants , as the Mill-dew , and other honey-Dews are . Secondly , That it is the sole exudation and secrement of Plants , I cannot believe : First , because it is never found upon their Second growth , nor in Eddish : Secondly , How should an excrement of so many several Plants , still breed one and the same Animal , when as we see that all Vegetables whatsoever produce their several Insects ( as Muffet in his 19. and 20. Chapters has particularly enumerated . ) I shall not deny but the Effluvium's that continually perspire out of all Plants whatsoever , may advantage and promote the nutrition of the little Insect that breeds therein . For that all Vegetables have a constant perspiration , the continual dispersion of their odour makes out ; besides an experimental eviction I shall give you by this singular Experiment : 23. of Feb. ( — 61. ) we weighed an Onyon exactly to two ounces , two scruples and a half , and hanging it up till the 6. of May next following ( at which time it had sprouted out a long shoot ) we then , upon a re-ponderation of it , had lost near two drams of its former weight , which was exhaled by insensible Transpiration . OBSERVAT. XXVI . The Cow-Lady , or Spotted Scarabee . IT is a very lively and nimble Animal : Cut off the head , and erect it perpendicular upon the neck ( which must be fasten'd to a bit of soft Wax ) and then you shall see those two little small black eyes it hath , sett upon a little short neck ( which is moveable within the former ) either eye sett between three white plates , like polish'd Ivory ( two little ones on the one side , and one great one on the other ) her eyes are also foraminulous , and curiously lattic'd like those in a Fly formerly describ'd . If you unsheath her body , and take off her spotted short crustaceous wings , you shall find under them another pair of filmy Tiffany long wings , like those of Flyes , which lye folded up , and cased within the former , of both which pair she makes use in flying ; which being removed , nothing remains to secure the bulk of the body but a thin tender black skin , under which you might most lively see the pulsation of her Heart for twelve or fourteen hours , after the head and neck was separated . OBSERVAT. XXVII . The Water-Insect , or Water-Spider . THere is a black crustaceous Insect with an Annular body , and six hairy legs , which moves nimbly upon the water ; the two foremost legs are shorter than the rest by one half , and serve instead of hands to reach any thing to the mouth : She hath two hairy geniculated horns , knotted or joynted at several divisions like Knot-grass , or Hors-tayl : Her body is like Frost-work in silver : Her eyes black , globular , and foraminulous . OBSERVAT. XXVIII . The Wasp-like Locust . THere is a little small long black Insect , which you shall find creeping and leaping amongst Pinks , Gillyflours , Rose-leaves , &c. which in the Microscope hath two fair long wings , and is bodied just like a Wasp ( from whence I have given her the name of the Wasp-Locust ) with six or seven Annulary divisions , of jett-black and yellow wings : She hath two horns , made of five or six white and black internodium's , very pretty to behold ; either of them arising from a black knobb'd root , with three black legs on either side , and two little black eyes , and , as I ghessed , latticed ; though what Art can present distinct parts in that eye which is sett in an Animal so small , that the whole bulk of it is no bigger then a little bit of black thread , or hair . They are kill'd with the least touch imaginable . I took them with a Pint point dipp'd in spattle , and so glew'd them to the object-plate , as I do stronger Insects with a touch of Turpentine . OBSERVAT. XXIX . The Sycomore-Locust . THere is a pretty little yellow Insect , which is bred , and feeds on the Sycomore-leaves , which at first hath no wings , but six leggs and two horns , and runs nimbly up and down : In the Glass , I could not onely see its eyes , which are red , globular , goggled and prominent ; but also I could see them very perfectly latticed . She had two horns , which at the ends were slit and bi-furcated : I could , near her shoulders , see the stumps of her growing wings : This at last is transpeciated into a Fly with two long wings ; or rather a Locust : it consists of Annulary Circles , and has hairs towards the tayl . OBSERVAT. XXX . Of the little white Eels or Snigs , in Vineger or Aleger . THey appear like small Silver-Eels , or little Snigs , and some of them as long as my little finger , constantly wrigling and swimming to and fro with a quick , smart , and restless motion . In which smallest of Animals these things are most remarkable : First , They are not to be found in all sorts of Vineger nor Aleger , but onely in such , probably , as has arrived to some peculiar temper or putrefaction , of which I can give you no Characteristical Signs ; for , I have found them in all sorts of Vineger , both in the keenest and smartest , as well as in the weakest and most watrish Vineger ; and in all these sorts , you shall sometimes find none at all ; and I have both found them , and also vainly sought them , in the former Liquors , at al seasons and times of the year also . Secondly , The manner and best way of observing them is , upon a plain piece of white glass , whereon two or three drops of the said Liquors are laid ; and so laying that glass on the object-plate , and fitting your Microscope to it , you may distinctly see them to play and swim in those little Ponds of Vineger ( for so big every drop almost seems ) to the very brink and banks of their fluid element . Thirdly , Nay you may see them ( especially in old Aleger ) with the bare eye , if you put a little of it into a clear Venice-glass , especially into those pure thin white bubbles , which they call Essence-glasses ; you may then see an infinite company of them swimming at the edges of the Liquor , nay and in the body of it too , like so many shreds of the purest Dutch thread , as if the whole Liquor was nothing else but a great shoal or mass of quick Eels or Hair-worms . I have another advantageous way of discoverance of them to the bare eye also , which is by putting a little of those Liquors into a little cylinder of white glass , of a small bore and length , either sealed or closed up with cork and wax at the one end : therein , if you invert this glass cylinder , and often turn it topsy turvy , no Liquor will fall out , onely a little bubble of aire will always pass and repass through the inverted Liquor , and one pretty thing I have herein observed , that when this bubble has stood in the superiour end of the glass ( and sometimes it would do so for a pretty while together before it broke ) I have seen some of those small Snigs or Animals on the top of it , crawling over the smooth convexity of the bubble ( like so many Eels over a Looking-glass ) without breaking thorow the tender cuticle and film of so brittle and thin a substance . Fourthly , That as the Liquor ( dropt upon your object-plate ) spends and dries up , so you shall see those little Quicks to draw nearer and nearer together , and grow feebler in their motion ; and when all the Vineger or Aleger is dried away , then they lie all dead , twisted and complicated all together , like a knot of Eels , and after a little time dry quite away to nothing . Fifthly , Their heads and tails are smaller then the rest of their bodies ; which is best observed by the Microscope , when the Liquor wherin they swim is almost spent and dried up , so that their motion thereby is rendred more feeble and weak , or when they lie absolutely dead . Sixthly , Another remarkable thing , is , their exceeding exiguity ; for certainly of all Animals they are the least that can be seen by the bare eye , which is helped and advantaged also by the refraction of the water wherein they swim . Seventhly , If you take a spoonful of the foresaid Vineger and heat it over a few coals , it presently destroys all the Quick's in it , so that you may see them all stretched out at their full length , like a pencil chopt small , or little bits of hairs swimming up and down the Liquor , which in a short time will precipitate and all sink down to the bottom of the glass . Nay these poor Vermin are not onely slain by actual heat , but by a potential one also : for , putting but a few drops of the Oyle of Vitriol into an Essence-glass full of that Vineger , it also shortly destroyed them in the same manner as the fire had done before . Eighthly , Now though heat hath that killing property , yet it seems that cold hath not : for I have taken a jar-glass full of the said Vineger , and by applying Snow and Salt to it , I have artificially frozen all the said Liquor into a mass of Ice , ( wherein all these Animals it seemed lay incrystalled ) though I could discover none of them in it ( though I have taken the Icy-mass out on purpose to look at it ) so that now I gave them for gone for ever : yet when I came again ( about two or three hours after ) to uncongeal the Liquor , by keeping the glass in my warm hand , when the Vineger was again returned to its former liquidity , all my little Animals made their re-appearance , and danced and frisked about as lively as ever . Nay I have exposed a jar-glass full of this Vineger all night to a keen Frost , and in the morning have thaw'd the Ice again , and these little Vermin have appeared again and endured again that strong and long Conglaciation without any manifest injury done to them ; which is both a pretty and a strange Experiment . Ninthly , I have filled an essence-glass half with the said Vineger , and half with Oyle ( which floated on the Vineger ) in a distinct Region by it self , and I have observed that in frosty weather when the Vineger has been congealed , that all the little Eels have run up into the super-incumbent oyle to preserve themselves there , and would not return till some warmth was applyed to the Vineger again , and then they would always presently return down into their native Liquor again . Tenthly , Their motion is very remarkable , which is restless and constant , with perpetual undulations and wavings , like Eels or Snakes ; so that it seems , that Animals that come nearest the classis of Plants , have the most restless motions . Eleventhly , the innumerable number and complicated motion of these minute Animals in Vineger , may very neatly illustrate the Doctrine of the incomparable Des-Cartes , touching Fluidity : ( viz. ) That the particles of all fluid bodies are in a continual and restless motion , and therein consists the true nature of fluidity : for by this ocular example , we see there may be an intestine restless motion in a Liquor , notwithstanding that the unassisted eye can discover no such matter , which likewise is evinced by Observ. 13. Of the Mites in Meal . OBSERVAT. XXXI . Of the great Black Snail . IN this slimy Animal ( the slow-paced Engine of Nature ) are very many rare and excellent Observables . The first is his Eyes , which are four in number , ( like black atramentous Spots ) fixed to the end of their horns ; or rather to the ends of those black filaments or optick nerves , which are sheathed in her horns which she can retract or protrude , through the hollow trunck of her horns , as she pleaseth . If with your finger you take hold of the tip of her horn when fully extended , and draw out this nervous filament , or then nimbly clip off the extremities of her horns , you shall in the Microscope see those 2. black spots to be semi-spherical eyes , like two large blew Beads : and we could afterwards also , when she re-extended the stump , clearly perceive it with the bare eye to be tubulous and hollow . And therefore however , though the learned Doctor Brown ( my ever honoured friend ) hath ranked this conceit of the Eyes of a Snail ( and especially their quadruplicity ) amongst the Vulgar errours of the multitude ; yet through a good Microscope , he may easily see his own errour , and Nature's most admirable variety in the plurality , paucity , and anomalous Situation of eyes , and the various fabrick and motion of that excellent organ ; as our Observations will more particularly inform him . If by a dextrous Dissection you would see the internal Fabrick of this Animal , there are many excellent things that will recompence your curiosity . For first , you may find her Heart just over against that round hole near her neck ( which Doctor Harvey ingeniously conjectures to be the place of their respiration ; which hole you may observe to open and shut as she moves or stands still , and out of which I have observed some salivous Matter to be evacuated . We have observ'd her Heart to beat fairly for a quarter of an hour after her dissection ; afterwards we took out her guts which were of a pure green colour , by reason of the thinness of their film , and transparency of the green juice of hearbs with which they were repleated . They were all diaper'd or branched over with pure white Capillary little veins , which ( by help of the Microscope ) we could discern to be hollow , with a blackish kind of pith running through the midst of the smallest of them , which doubtless was their nutrimental juice coagulated there , like the bloud starkn'd in the veins of dead Animals . They are mouthed like a Hare or Rabbit , with four or six needle-teeth , like those in Leeches . Nay this poor Animal ( how contemptible soever it may seem ) hath a whole Sett of the same parts and organs with other Animals , as Heart , Liver , Spleen , Stomach , Guts , Mouth and Teeth , Veins and Arteries : Yea and a pair more of the noblest of the Senses ( the Eyes . ) Nay this Animal doth autoptically evince us , that , as sanguineous and more perfect Animals , have a circulation of their bloud within them ; so this more ignoble creature hath also a circulation of its nutritive humour , which is to it as Bloud is to other Animals . Nay further ( which is the best Remarkable of all ) this juice hath not onely a circular motion ; but also the very Animal Spirits ( by which she moves ) seem to have the like Circulation . For , if you observe her with the bare eye to creep up the sides of a glass , you shall see a little stream of clouds , channel up her belly from her tail to her head , which never return again the same way , but probably go backwards again from the head down the back to the tail ; and thus , so long as she is in local motion they retain their circulation , which is a pleasant spectacle . And more pleasant , if you let her creep upon the lower side of your glass-object-plate , and so view that wavy Current of Spirits through the Microscope ; which handsome experiment does not onely prove the Spirit 's circular motion , but also ocularly demonstrates that the Animal Spirits are the Soul 's immediate instrument in all Loco-motion . Now if you reply that it is onely the parts of her body , that moving by a kind of undulation protrude one another forwards , as Palmer-worms ( which we call Wool-boys , ) and some sort of Caterpillars do : To this I answer , that do but intensly observe any one of the former spots or clouds , and you shall see it go quite along from the tail to the head , keeping alwayes an equal distance from the precedent and subsequent spot : so that it is far more ingenious to believe it to be a gale of Animal Spirits , that , moving from her head along her back to her tail , and thence along her belly to her head again , is the cause of her progressive motion . OBSERVAT. XXII . Of Lampreys . THe Lamprey hath seven holes or cavities , on eiside three or four , and no gills at all , as other fishes have ; whence the common people , through ignorance of these cavities , and their proper use in nature , have affirmed them to be Eyes ; an errour so gross and palpable , that it needs not the Microscope to refute it : For these holes or sluces do indeed supply the defect of gills , and are assisted by the conduit in the head , for ( like Cetaceous Animals ) the Lamprey hath a fistula , spout or pipe , at the back part of the head , whereat they spirt out water , so that both these cavities and the head-pipe together , do very neatly supply the defect of gills , and execute their office of receiving and ejecting water again . These sluces and the fistula , shoot themselves slopewise , and not straight forwards , into the cavity of her neck . The Heart in this Animal is very strangely secured , & lies immured or capsulated in a Cartilage , or grisly substance , which includes the Heart and its Auricle , as the Scull or Pericranium does the Brains in other Animals ; it is of a horny and transparent substance , of an obtuse conical figure , cemented and glewed as it were on all sides to the Pleura , or innermost skin of the Thorax ; the Cone or obtuse Tip of this Capsula , butts or shoots it self into the basis of the Liver , which to give way thereunto has an oval cavity or hollowness exactly fit to receive it . In this Cartilaginous Pericardium , or purse of the heart , is likewise the Auricle co-included , lying not upon the basis of the heart as in other Animals , but laterally adjacent thereunto , insomuch that it being far more flaggy then the heart , they seem to represent the right and left ventricle of the heart . Yet is the Heart , not onely more solid , but seated in the right side , and the Auricle in the left . If the Lamprey be laid upon her back , and you gently lift up with a probe , the Heart and Auricle ; you shall see a fine thin Membrane arise , which separates the Heart from the Auricle , as the falx cerebri does separate the left side of the brain from the right . From this Auricle proceeds a little short Channel , which perforates this separating Membrane , and brings the bloud from the auricle into the heart , we thrust a probe just under this Channel betwixt the Heart and the Auricle , to see the bloud passe from the Auricle into the Heart ; for at every pulse of the Auricle you might see the bloud passe through this Channel into the heart ; for alwayes , as the bloud passed through it was blew , and , when empty , pale , and transparent , that I could easily see the Probe thorow it . Whilest I had the Probe in this position , with another Instrument and it together , I quite stopped the Channel on purpose to hinder the bloud from coming into the heart , which thereupon grew very pale , and in a short time ceased its motion ; the Auricle in the interim swelled and was very red . I no sooner opened the Channel to let the bloud have a free passage as formerly , but the heart began afresh to beat again . We pricked the heart while it was in its motion with a large pin into the cavity thereof , and at every systole or contraction , we plainly saw a drop of bloud squeez'd and ejected out of that hole . In this Animal , you may easily distinguish between the motion of the heart and auricle , for there intercedes the time of a pulse twixt the motion of the auricle and the heart ; and the heart in every diastole is of a fair purple and ruddy colour , and in every systole pale and wan , as is observable in Frogs and other Fishes also ; where you may see the heart to shift colours by turns , as it receives or ejects the bloud in the performance of the circulation . Now the reason of this Cartilaginous Capsula of the heart in this Creature , might be its defect of bones and those costal ribs , which serve others to secure the heart from all external violence ; for , she wanting these , had not Nature wisely secured and capsulated the heart in this gristle , it had been subject to all external injuries , which might have hindred the motion , and endangered the life of the Animal . This horny Capsula , also served instead of a Diaphragm to part the lower Venter from the Thorax . The Lamprey likewise hath no bones : for the spine or back-bone , it hath a Cartilaginous flexible Tube or Channel , without any Vertebrae or Spondyls in it , hollowed or tubulous from one end to the other ; in which lay the Spinal Marrow , which was of a serous , thin , and milky substance . In some Lampreys , I have found the Liver ( as Doctor Brown writes ) of a pure grass-green colour , which remain'd and kept that tincture whilst the Animal lived ; but when I had cut it out of the Body , and layd it by , it presently turned into a faint Olive-colour . Besides I have in the beginning of April cut up many Lampreys , whose Livers were of no such colour at all , but a dull yellow , like that of Eels and other Fishes . So that in this Animal , and Snakes also , you may distinctly see the Bloud 's Circulation . OBSERVAT. XXXIII . Corns of Sand , Sugar , and Salt. IT is worth an Hour-glass of Time to behold the Crystal Sands that measure it ; for they all seem like Fragments of Crystal , or Alum , perfectly Tralucent , of irregular polyhedrical figures , not any one globular ; every Corn about the bigness of a Nuttmeg , or a Walnutt : which from their unequal superficies refracting and reflecting the Suns rays , seem here and there of Rainbow colours . Being layd of a row or train , they seemed like a Cawsy of Crystal Stones , or pure Alum Lumps : So that now we need not so much wonder with the Vulgar Philosophers , how so clear and glorious a body as glass , should be made of so durty , opace , and contemptible Materials , as Ashes and Sand ; since now we are taught by this Observation that Sand , and Salt which is in the Ashes , the two prime Materials thereof , are of themselves so clear and transparent , before they unite into that diaphanous Composition . OBSERVAT. XXXIV . A small Atom of Quick-silver . AN Atom of Quick-silver ( no bigger then the smallest pins-head ) seemed like a globular Looking-glass ) where ( as in a Mirrour ) you might see all the circumambient Bodies ; the very Stancheons and Panes in the Glass-windows , did most clearly and distinctly appear in it : and whereas , in most other Mettals , you may perceive holes , pores , and cavities ; yet in ☿ none at all are discoverable ; the smallest Atom whereof , and such an one , as was to the bare Eye , tantùm non invisibile , was presented as big as a Rounseval-Pea , and projecting a shade ; Nay , two other Atoms of ☿ , which were casually layd on the same plate , and were undiscernable to the bare eye , were fairly presented by our Microscope . OBSERVAT. XXXV . Mercurial Powders . IN those Chymical preparations of Mercury , which they call Turbith-Mineral , Mercurius Vitae , dulcis , sublimate , precipitate , and Mercury Cosmetical , you may most plainly and distinctly see the globular Atoms of current and quick ☿ ; besprinkled all amongst those Powders , like so many little Stars in the Firmament : which shews that those Chymical Preparations , are not near so purely exalted and prepared , as they are presumed to be ; nor the Mercury any way transmuted , but meerly by an Atomical Division rendred insensible . That subtle and pure yellow Powder of Mercury , called Mercurius vitae , looked like the Yolk of an Egge boyled hard and crumbled to a gross Powder : in it and in that Meal-like Powder of Mercurius Cosmeticus , were globules of ☿ plainly discernable . OBSERVAT. XXXVI . Of the seven Terrestrial Planets , as the Chymists call them . Viz. ☉ Gold , ☽ Silver , ♂ Steele , ♀ Copper , ☿ Quick-silver , ♃ Tin , ♄ Lead . LOok at a polish'd piece of any of these Metals and you shall see them all full of fissures , cavities , and asperities , and irregularities ; but least of all in Lead , which is the closest and most compact solid Body probably in the world . OBSERVAT. XXXVII . Ribbans of all sorts of Colours , Silk , Satten , Silver and mixed . IN the Silk Ribbans , you might plainly see the Contexture , how the Warp and the Weft cross one another at right Angles ; and how neatly they are platted , just as in this Picture : In Satten Ribbans , one Warp crossed over three or four Wefts , most lively and pleasant in Cloth of Silver , the Weft ( being flat wired Silver ) that crosses the Warp , it makes a fine Chequered Representation . OBSERVAT. XXXVIII . The small Dust , Powder , or Seeds of the lesser Moon-wort . THat small pure yellow Meal or Dust , which you may shake off from ripe Moon-wort , appears like a heap of little white round Bugles , or Seed Pearl , and something transparent when the Sun shined , like to some other small Seeds , with a fiber about every one of them like the semi-circular ribbe in a Pompion : So that this Experiment hath decided the old quarrel in Herbalism , Which is the least of Seeds ; for though Mustard-seed do carry the Vogue amongst the People , yet its exiguity is to be respectively understood , of such Seeds as extend to large productions ; for we see that the Seeds of sweet Marjerom and wild Poppy , are far lesse ; and the Seeds of Tobacco so small that a thousand of them make not above one single Grain in weight : yet must all give place to the super-exiguity of this farinaceous Seed of Wort , which is indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The exiguity and smalness whereof may very well be one of the Magnolia of Nature , somewhat illustrating the great Work of the Creation , and vast Production from Nothing . OBSERVAT. XXXIX . The Seeds of Wall-Rue , or white Maydenhair . TAke one of the Leafs of Wall-Rue , ( which hath the blackish scurff sticking to the back side of it ) and lay it upon the object-plate , and you shall see all the Seeds look just like a sett of black Buttons upon green Taffata ; and every Button or Seed compassed with a circle or ribbe , somewhat resembling a Catterpillar : It hath been the Opinion of old Herbarists , that the Capillary Plants had no Seeds , which errour did rise mee●ly from a popular inadvertency ; for though these Plants carry not their Seeds in , visible Husks , Pods , Spikes , Fruits , &c. yet are they constantly to be found on the back side of their Leafs . OBSERVAT. XL. Of the Seeds of Strawberries . T Is strange to see , what several wayes Nature produceth and secureth the several Seeds of Plants ; some are preserved in large Pulps , as the Seeds of all pomiferous Plants . Others , besides the circum-involving Pulpe , are immured in Shells , as all Stone-Fruit , &c. Others , in the lesser Pulp of their Berries , as Mulberries , Rasberries , &c. But in Strawberries , Nature hath put out the Seeds , as if they were sproutings from the Pulp : for those small specks or protuberances on the outside of the Strawberry , are the Seeds thereof , and in the Microscope look not unlike the Strawberry ; some reddish , yellowish , and green colours , as the Strawberries themselves are . OBSERVAT. XLI . Corn Poppy Seeds . THey are none of them globular , nor of a smooth surface , but all like Kidneys in form , and of the seeming bigness of Walnuts , and like an Hony-Comb on the surface , with regular Sides and Angles , making all of them pentagonal and hexagonal areola's ; and glistering in the Sun-shine like Tissue , or the Foil on the backside of a Looking-glass , as is presented in these two Figures . Some other Seeds also looked not unlike them , as Henbane , Flower of Bristow , &c. OBSERVAT. XLII . The small Dust or Powder on the Pendents of Lillies . IN all our common Garden-Lillies ( especially the Red and White ) out of the middle of the Flower groweth a long style or poyntel , beset round about with small chives , which are tipped with pendents , a single pendent on the head of every Chivall pounced over with a small Dust or Powder , which will cleave to and smut your fingers : this Powder ( taken from the yellow Lilly ) looks very pleasantly in the Microscope , of a golden colour , and somewhat diaphanous : where you may see every Atom very distinctly to be of an Oval Figure , exactly like some sort of Seeds : the Powder of the white Lilly pendents , looks of a pure pale yellow , and like so many pieces of polished Amber . OBSERVAT. XLIII . The Leafs of several Trees and Plants . THe backside of a Rose-tree-Leaf , but especially of a sweet Brier Leaf , looks diaper'd most excellently with silver . The backside of the Leaf of English Mercury , called bonus Henricus , looks , as if rough-cast with silver , and all the ribs are stuck full of round white transparent Balls , like innumerable Grapes , or Oake Apples , or a Bracelet of Crystal ; and we could discover little foot-stalks in many of them , by which they were fastned to the ribs and fibers of the Leaf , which is a very pleasant Spectacle . A Leaf of Rue looks all full of holes like an Hony-Comb . A Sage Leaf looks like a white Rugge , or Shagge , full of Knots , tassel'd all with white silver Thrums , and one or two fine round Crystal beads or pendents , as big as Peas , fastned to every Knot . OBSERVAT. XLIV . Pink-pendents . THe chives which grow out of red Pinks , and which are tipped with red Pendents , besmeared over with a small Mealy Powder , look very pleasantly in the Glass ; for every Pendent looks like a red Taffata Cushionet , all beset and sprinkled over with round white Beads , or Grumwel-seed . OBSERVAT. XLV . Of Nettles . LOok at the backside of a Nettle-Leaf , and you shall see it all full of Needles , or rather long sharp transparent Pikes , and every Needle hath a Crystal pummel , so that it looks like a Sword-Cutler's Shop , full of glittering drawn Swords , Tucks , and Daggers ; so that here you may autoptically see the Causes , as well as you have formerly felt the Effects , of their Netling . Something like them , appear the Prickles on Borrage-Leafs and Stalks . OBSERVAT. XLVI . Gilla Theophrasti . IT looks pleasantly , like a diaphanous heap of Icycles or stiriated Niter ; but not altogether so regularly figured : but most of them are oblong particles , angular , and pointed , which may perchance exstimulate the Stomach , ( by its netling pungency ) like a heap of needles , and so promote its vomitory operation . OBSERVAT. XLVII . A Nitt . A Nitt is an Egge glewed by some viscous matter to the sides of the hair it sticks to ; it is Oval in shape , white in colour , and full of transparent Liquor or Gelly , and seems to be cased in a brittle Shell by the crackling it makes 'twixt your nails . In the same manner appears a Nitt in a Horse's hair : Muffet will needs have it a quick , or rudely-shaped Animal . Thus discursive Argumentation and Rational probabilities mislead men in the Wilderness of Enquiry ; but he that travels by the Clew , which his own sense and ocular observation has spun out , is likeliest to trace the securest path , and go furthest into the Maze and Labyrinth of Truth . OBSERVAT. XLVIII . A Line drawn upon Paper . AS these dioptrical Glasses , do heighten and illustrate the Works of Nature , so do they on the other side , disparage and depretiate those of Art : For as they shew the incomparable exactness of the former , so do they discover the flaws and deficiencies of the latter ; for a right line either printed or drawn never so neatly upon paper appears all ragged , indented , and discontinued by the rugosities and seeming protuberances of the paper , in which likewise you may see whole clouds , as it were , of raggs , the primitive materials thereof . I had a Rarity bestowed on me by Master Taylor ( once a famous Scrivener in these Parts ) which is , The Lords Prayer and Creed writ in words at length , and a Breviate also of the ten Commandments , and all couched ( but distinctly writ ) in the compass of a single penny . In the Microscope you might read it all , as if it were writ in Text hand , but all the Letters appeared ( as we have observed of the line ) crooked and unhandsome ; so Inartificial is Art when she is pinched and streitned in her Workmanship . OBSERVAT. XLIX . The Sparks of Flint and Steel . TAke a good Steel and Flint , and strike fire over a white sheet of Paper , and observe diligently where some eminent Spark falls ; for there you shall find a little dark spot or moat , no bigger then a pins point , which through our Microscope did appear to be a perfectly round ball polished like Steel or Glass , insomuch that I could see the Image of the Window , and the motion of my hand reflected from it . What this polished Atom is , Master Hook has ingeniously conjectured , viz. That it is a parcel of the Flint or Steel , or both ; which by so violent a percussion is made so glowing hot , that 't is melted into glass : for first , I observed that it was perfectly globular , and exactly like those glassy Cindars , which are melted at the Iron-forges . Secondly , That it was none of the Atoms of the Steel or Stone , grated off by Collision ; for those you might easily see were distinguishable from it ; now that so little a stroak , and so small a fire can vitrify , will be better understood by him that knows , how small a heat at a Lamp-Furnace will melt Glass : I have small Capillary Glass-Tubes , which will melt immediately like Wax , if you hold them but near the flame of a common Candle , without any blast at all ; by which Artifice I make small Syphons , for the Tryal of many notable Experiments , of which I have treated at large in our Mercurial Experiments . This further I shall adde of Flint , that in it you shall see small Sparks of Diamonds angular , and growing out of the Stone as out of a Mineral bed . OBSERVAT. L. Of Hair. WE slit a black Horse's Hair with a Rasor , and perceived it to be hollow , with a white streak like pith in the middle of it ; it seemed as big as a Rush , and like a Rush slit length-wayes into two . They are none of them Cylindrical , but angular and corner'd , which you may even perceive by your fingers , by twirling a Horse-hair in them : Now though Borrelius , and some of our Anatomists , as Bartholin , Riolan , &c. say the like of the Hairs of a mans head , that they also are hollow within , and angular and corner'd without : yet I could never perceive neither the one nor the other in any of the Microscopes I have seen , though I have tried it in four excellent ones , the worst whereof I am confident was better then that of Borrels : In all which , I could perceive nothing of an Hair , but that it was like a thin horn something diaphanous ( especially in the full Sun ) which diaphanity might perchance hinder the appearance both of its cavity and angularity also : for I my self have little glass pipes of so little a Cylinder , and so small a bore , that their hollowness to the bare eye is utterly imperceptible . And since the bristles and quils in other Animals are sensibly hollow , which are analogous to the hairs in a man ; I doubt not , but every one of our hairs is hollow also , which though our Glasses ( by reason of their transparency ) cannot present , yet it is palpably evinced by an odde Experiment in Poland , where there is a disease ( they call the Plica ) which makes the very hairs of their heads drop bloud at the ends , and if cut any where , to drop bloud there also ; which infallibly proves the tubulous cavity of them . Besides , we see the hairs do grain and fork themselves , ( when grown too long ) which is a sign also of their hollowness . What , shall we judge them too small to be perforated by Nature ? since we see she has perforated Vessels within the Body , as small as hairs , as the Venae Lacteae , and Lymphae-ducts ; nay , since we see that Art can blow a glass hollow , and yet as small as hair ; and your Wire-drawers know , that if they take a short piece of Wire , as thick as a quill , and drill it through , that then though they draw it out to the smalness of a hair , yet wil it still remain hollow quite through in despite of their Wurdle : which is as great a Miracle in that Engine , as that the like Wire once gilt , shall remain perfectly gilt all over , though it be drawn five hundred yards longer than it was at first ; which is an experimental truth , and the dayly practice of our Wire-drawers in London . So that the conclusion of this Observation may be this , that every hair of our head is as a little quill or horn , hollow and transparent . Which seems to be further avouched also by the burning of hair ; for there you may perceive the same odour and smell , as of burnt horn ; and the Chymists , as I remember , draw out of hair a volatile Spirit , exactly like that of Harts-horn : both which experiments do prove an homogeneity and similarity of their substance . OBSERVAT. LI. Of Aromatical , Electrical , and Magnetical Effluxions . SOme with a Magisterial Confidence do rant so high as to tell us , that there are Glasses , which will represent not onely the Aromatical and Electrical Effluxions of Bodies , but even the subtile effluviums of the Load-stone it self , whose Exspirations ( saith Doctor Highmore ) some by the help of Glasses have seen in the form of a Mist to flow from the Load-stone . This Experiment indeed would be an incomparable Eviction of the Corporeity of Magnetical Effluviums , and sensibly decide the Controversie 'twixt the Peripatetick and Atomical Philosophers . But I am sure he had better Eyes , or else better Glasses , or both , then ever I saw , that performed so subtle an Experiment : For the best Glasses that ever I saw , would not represent to me , the evaporations of Camphire ( which spends it self by continually effluviating its own Component Particles ; ) nay , I could never see the grosser steams that continually perspire out of our own Bodies , which you see will foil and besmear a polished Glass at any time ; and which are the fuliginous Eructations of that internal fire , that constantly burns within us . Indeed if our Diopticks could attain to that curiosity as to grind us such Glasses , as would present the Effluviums of the Magnet , we might hazard at last the discovery of Spiritualities themselves : however it would be of incomparable use to our Modern Corpuscularian Philosophers , who have banished Qualities out of the list of the Predicaments . And truly , as the Learned Doctor Brown hath it ; The Doctrine of Effluxions , their penetrating Natures , their invisible paths , and unsuspected effects , are very considerable : for ( besides the Magnetical One of the Earth ) several Effusions there may be from divers other Bodies , which invisibly act their parts at any time , and perhaps through any Medium : A part of Philosophy but yet in discovery ; and will , I fear , prove the last Leaf to be turned over in the Book of Nature . Some Considerations , Corollaries , and Deductions , Anatomical , Physical , and Optical , drawn from the former Experiments and Observations . FIrst , Therefore , it is Ocularly manifest from the former Observations , that , as perfect Animals have an incessant motion of their Heart , and Circulation of their Bloud ( first discovered by the illustrious Doctor Harvey ; ) so in these puny automata , and exsanguineous pieces of Nature , there is the same pulsing Organ , and Circulation of their Nutritive Humour also : as is demonstrated by OBSERV . fourth , sixth , seventeenth , &c. Nay , by OBSERV . sixth , it is plain that a Louse is a Sanguineous Animal , and hath both an Heart and Auricles , the one manifestly preceding the pulse of the other ; and hath a purple Liquor or Bloud , which circulates in her ( as the Noblest sort of Animals have ) which though it be onely conspicuous in its greatest bulk , at the heart , yet certainly it is carried up and down in Circulatory Vessels ; which Veins and Arteries are so exceeding little , that both they and their Liquor are insensible : For certainly , if we can at a Lamp-Furnace draw out such small Capillary Pipes of Glass that the reddest Liquor in the World shall not be seen in them ( which I have often tried and done ; ) how much more curiously can Nature weave the Vessels of the Body ; nay , and bore them too with such a Drill , as the Art of man cannot excogitate : Besides , we see , even in our own Eyes , that the Sanguineous Vessels that run along the white of the eye ( nay and probably into the diaphanous humours also ) are not discernable , but when they are preter-naturally distended in an Ophthalmia , and so grow turgent and conspicuous . To which we may adde , that in most quick Fish , though you cut a piece of their flesh off , yet will no bloud be discernable , though they be sanguineous Animals ; but the bloud is so divided by the minuteness of their Capillary Vessels , or percribration through the habit of the Parts , that either it has lost its redness , or our eyes are not able to discover its tincture . Secondly , It is observable also from the former Experiments , that in these minute Animals their nutritive Liquor never arises to the perfection of bloud , but continually as it were remains Chyle within them , for want of a higher heat to dye it into that Spirituous Liquor : Nay , you shall observe in perfect Sanguineous Animals a Circulation of an albugineous chylie-matter ( before the bloud have a being ) if you take Nature at the rise , and critically observe her in her rudimental and obscure beginnings . For view but an Egge , ( after the second day's Incubation , and you shall see the cicatricula in the Yolk , dilated to the breadth of a groat or six-pence into transparent concentrical circles ; in the Centre whereof is a white Spot , with small white threads , ( which in futurity proves the Heart with its Veins and arteries ) but at present both its motion and circulation is undiscernable to the bare eye , by reason of the feebleness thereof , and also because both the Liquor and its Vessels were concolour to the white of the Eggs they swum in ; but the Heart does circulate this serous diaphanous Liquor , before ( by a higher heat ) it be turned into bloud . And one thing here I am tempted to annex , which is a pretty and beneficial Observation of the Microscope , and that is , That as soon as ever you can see this red pulsing Particle appear ( which Doctor Harvey conceited , not to be the Heart , but one of its Auricles ) you shall most distinctly see it , to be the whole Heart with both Auricles and both Ventricles , the one manifestly preceding the pulse of the other ( which two motions the bare eye judges to be Synchronical ) and without any interloping perisystole at all : So admirable is every Organ of this Machine of ours framed , that every part within us is intirely made , when the whole Organ seems too little to have any parts at all . Thirdly , It is peculiarly remarkable from Observation xxxi . That not onely the bloud in perfect Animals , and the chyle in imperfect ones ; but also the Animal Spirits have a Circulation , which singular observation hath often provoked and entised our endeavours into a further enquiry after the Nature of these Spirits , as to their Origin or Generation , their activity and motion , with some other eminent properties belonging to them : we shall draw our thoughts together , and so present them to your View : I will not say , that our discourse hereon , shall pass for an un-controllable authentick Truth ; it is all my ambition if it attain but to the favourable reception of a rational Hypothesis at last . A Digression of the Animal Spirits . FIrst , then , we have not those narrow conceptions of these subtle Spirits to think that they are onely included within the Bodies of Animals , or generated ( much less created ) there , but we doe believe that they are universally diffused throughout all Bodies in the World , and that Nature at first created this aetherial substance or subtle particles , and diffused them throughout the Universe , to give fermentation and concretion to Minerals ; vegetation and maturation to Plants ; life , sense , and motion to Animals ; And indeed , to be the main ( though invisible ) Agent in all Natures three Kingdoms Mineral , Vegetal , and Animal . And lest they should ( because of their exceeding volatility and activity ) be of little or no use , Nature hath immersed them in grosser matter , and imprisoned them in several Bodies , with which she has intermixed them , the better to curb the boundless activity of so thin and spirituous a substance , and therefore the Spirits ( of all compound Bodies especially ) ought to be considered under a triple notion : Viz. Under the state of 1. Fixation . 2. Fusion . 3. Volatilization . First of Fixation , when they are so complicated with the grosser Particles of Matter , and lockt therein so fast , that they can hardly be separated , and dis-imprisoned as in Minerals , but most especially in Gold. Secondly , The state of Fusion , I call that , when the Spirits by any kind of help have so wrought themselves towards a Liberty , that they are in the middle way to Volatility , as in half-concocted Minerals , fermenting Vapours or Liquors , and half-ripned Fruits , &c. Thirdly , The Spirits are in their third state of Volatility , when after a colluctancy with the grosser Particles they have so subjugated and overcome them , that they are just upon wings , and ready to fly away ; as in Wine when it is in the height of its fermentation , and in some part of our arterial bloud alwayes . Now we observe that those Bodies that relax and open the grosser composition of other Bodies , do presently create a fermentation ; for , being like so many Keys , they set the imprisoned Spirits at Liberty , which presently fall on working , and by attenuating the grosser parts , separating the Heterogeneous , volatilizing some , precipitating of others , digesting of others , expelling of others , do at last mould it and work it to such a Body , as the parts of it are fit to make up : In all which interval of time , there is a palpable and sensible heat produced : Thus this Spirit being embowelled in the Earth , and meeting there with convenient matter and adjuvant causes , doth proceed to produce Minerals , creating an actual heat , wheresoever it operates , as in Allum or Copperase Mines , which being broken , exposed , and moistned , will gather an actual heat , and produce much more of those Minerals , then else the Mine would yield , as Agricola and Thurniseer do affirm , and is proved by common experience . The like is generally observed in Mines , as Agricola , Erastus , and ●ibanius , &c. do affirm and avouch out of the dayly experience of Mineral men , who affirm , that in most places they find their Mines so hot , as they can hardly touch them ; although it is likely that , where they work for perfect Minerals , the heat which was in fermentation whilst they were yet in breeding , is now much abated , the Mineral being grown to their perfection , as the skilful and excellent Doctor Jordan very well infers . The like heat we observe constantly to be in our Cole-Pits : Nay , we sometimes observe in our Brass-lumps ( as our Colliers call them ) which is a kind of Marcasite , a very great heat ; for being exposed to the moist Air , or sprinkled with water , they will smoak and grow exceeding hot ; and if they be layd up on a heap and watered , they will turn into a glowing red hot fire , as I have seen them my self . And it was a Casualty once terrible to our Neighbour-Town of Ealand ; for there , one Wilson a Patient of mine , having pil'd up many Cart-loads of these Brass-lumps in a Barn of his , ( for some secret purposes of his own ) the Roof letting rain-water fall copiously in amongst them , they all began to smoak , and at last to take fire , and burnt like red hot Coals ; so that the Town was in an uproar about quenching of them ; and one thing further I took special notice of in this unlucky Experiment , that the Water which drained from the quenching of them , left little pieces and Crystals of Copperase sticking all along to the Piles of Grass , that grew in the Croft it run down . Thus Antimony and Sublimate being mixed together , will grow so hot ( the one relaxing the fermenting spirit in the other ) that they are not to be touched . Thus in the Corrosion of Mettals by Aqua fortis , what a strong heat is there in the Liquor , and what a steam constantly evaporates during their fermentation . In the Commixtion of Oyl of Vitriol with Oyl of Tartar per deliquium , what a violent heat and effervescence do presently arise , besides a sharp and acrimonious vapour that strikes our nostrils . Nay , and we see our Subterraneous Damps do sometimes with intermixtion with the moist Air , grow to that over-height of fermentation , that they fire of themselves and strike down all before them . Thus the Spirit of Niter mixed with Butter of Antimony , grows so hot , that it is ready to rise in a flame . Thus certainly do all Baths receive their heat from Mineral Vapours , or the Minerals themselves , being in solutis Principiis , and so the fermenting Spirit sets a playing in them , as the Learned Doctor Jordan did most rationally conjecture . This universal fermenting Spirit does not onely play these feats in the Mineral ; but also operates in the same manner in the Vegetable Kingdome , which we ocularly behold in the Artifice of Malt , where the Grains of Barly being moistned with water , the parts are relaxed , the internal Spirits in them are dilated , and put into action ; and the superfluity of water being removed ( which might choak it ) and the Barly being layd up in heaps , the fermentation and heat presently appears , with a kind of vinous steam and effluviums which passe from it , and therefore it shoots forth into Spires . Thus we see in wet-Hay , how the spirits work not onely to a heat , but ( if they be not cooled and prevented by Ventilation ) they break out into a flame also ; Nay , in all Vegetables there is this constant Heat ( though it be below our Sensation ) as it is in some Fishes and colder Animals also , and a constant steam and transpiration of particles , as we have experimentally proved in our XXV . Observation . And now let us pursue these Spirits into the Animal Kingdom , and we shall see that they have the like effects and operations there also , as is formerly observed ; onely , being there in greater plenty , and more purely refined , and in a constant state of Fusion and Volatility , they work nobler effects . Now the Spirits that are lodged in all the meats and drinks we receive , being more or less fixed therein ; What does the Soul , but ( like an excellent Chymist ) in this internal Laboratory of Man , by a fermentation of our nourishment in the stomach and guts , a filtration thereof through the Lacteae , a digestion in the Heart , a Circulation and Rectification in the Veins and Arteries : what does she , I say , by these several Physico-Chymical operations , but strive all this while to unfix , exalt , and volatilize the Spirits conteined in our nutriment , that so they may be transmitted to the Brain , and its divarications , and in that reconditory kept and reposited for her use and service . So that these we now call Animal Spirits are the purest , subtlest , and most volatile particles and activest Atoms of the bloud , which by continual pulsation of the Heart are carried with the bloud by the carotidal Arteries up into the Brain , and there by that lax and boggy substance are imbibed and separated from the bloud , and thence by the Spinal Marrow and Nerves transmitted to all the parts of the Body . Now as the Chyle is perfected in the stomach and guts , and their appendent Vessels , the lacteal Veins ; and as the bloud is perfected in the Heart , and it s annexed Vessels , the Veins and Arteries : so the Animal Spirits are separated , preserved , and perfected in the Brain , with its continued trunk and branches , viz. the Spinal Marrow , Nerves , and Fibers , for the uses hereafter to be declared . Now the two former Liquors , the Chyle and the Bloud ( because of their grosser liquidity ) need to be conveyed in hollow Pipes and Channels ( viz. the Veins and Arteries ; ) but the Spirits which is the quintessence of them both , can easily pass by a swift filtration , through the Brain , Spinal Marrow , and Nerves , Membranes , and Fibers , which are as it were the Cords , Sayls , and Tackling , to move this Engine or Vessel we call the Body . Nay , though we can give you no sensible eviction of it , Why may not all those long filaments of which the substance of the Brain , Spinal Marrow , and Nerves consists , be tubulous and hollow ; so that the Animal-Spirits may be channelled through them , as the bloud through the Veins and Arteries ? I am sure , we see by Observation xxxi . and L. what infinitely small filaments and vessels there are in Animals , and yet all tubulous and perforated ; so that the suddain inflation of all those capillary threads or pipes , may serve for Motion of the Body , and the constant though flower filtration of the Spirits through their Coats and Cylindrical Membranes may serve for Sensation . So that it seems , this Cottage of Clay , with all its Furniture within it , was but made in subserviency to the Animal Spirits ; for the extraction , separation , and depuration of which , the whole Body , and all the Organs and Utensils therein are but instrumentally contrived , and preparatorily designed . Just as the Chymical Elaboratory with all its Furnaces , Crucibles , Stills , Retorts , Cucurbits , Matrats , Bolt-heads , Pelicans , &c. were made for no other end by the ingenious Chymist , than for the extraction and depuration of his Spirits and Quintessences ( which he draws from those Bodies he deals with ) in the obtainment of which he hath come to the ultimate design of his indeavours . Now as in Minerals and Vegetables the colluctancy of these fermenting Spirits with the grosser matter , does both create a constant heat and evaporation of Atoms : So in Animals , the like is more eminently conspicuous , to wit the vital heat , or calidum innatum , and those fuliginous effluviums which pass constantly out of us by insensible transpiration ; which Sanctorius hath proved to exceed the bulk and weight of all our sensible Evacuations whatsoever . Having thus demonstrated how the Soul obtains these Spirits after her several operations of Digestion , Chylification , Sanguification , Circulation , &c. the like now let us see what use she makes of so pretious a substance . First , therefore we affirm , that this thin and spirituous matter , which is called the Animal Spirits , is the immediate Instrument of the Soul , in all her operations both of Sense and Motion . First , for sense , it is plain by what is discovered in a Vertigo ; for the Brain it self is not of such a fluid substance , as to turn round , and make all objects to do so too ; wherefore t is a sign that the immediate corporeal instrument of conveying the images of things , is the Spirits in the Brain . Secondly , That they are the chief Engine of Sight , is plain ; not onely because the eye is full of these livid Spirits , but also because dimness of sight comes from deficiency of them , though the parts of the eye otherwayes be entire enough , as in sick and old persons , and in those troubled with an Amaurosis , or Gutta Serena . I had the last year a Patient , a young Boy of seventeen years old , who fell casually stark blind of his right eye ; in which you could outwardly discover no fault at all ( the Disease being an Amaurosis , or obstruction of the Optick Nerve ) for , that Nerve being by successful means disobstructed and relaxed , so that the Animal Spirits were able to flow done to the Retina again , he shortly after perfectly recovered his sight again , without any relapse at all , to this present day . Thirdly , If you cast a Ligature upon any Nerve , you destroy both the sense and motion of that part whither that Nerve was propagated ( as by that pleasant Experiment by tying the recurrent Nerves in a living Dogg , we have tryed ) till by relaxing the Ligature the Spirits may have the freedome to channel into the Nerves again : Which truth is also handsomely made out , by that ordinary example of a mans Leg being asleep ( as we call it ) for by compression of the Nerves , the propagation of the Spirits into the part is hindred ; for , as sense and motion is restored , you may feel something creep into the Leg , tingling and stinging like Pismires ( as Spigelius compares it ) which is the return of the Animal Spirits into that part again . Fourthly , That Spontaneous motion is performed by continuation of the Animal Spirits , from the common Sensorium to the Muscle , ( which is the gross Engine of Motion ) is sensibly evinced in dead Palsies , where one side is taken away . To all which add , the former Observation of the Spirits circumundulation when the Snail at any time moved , and of their joint quiescency together . Having now shown you how these Animal Spirits are generated in our Body , or , to speak more properly , disimprisoned and separated from our nutriment , and so from fixation , brought through Fusion to Volatilization ; having also shown you what use Nature makes of them in Sensation and Motion : let us screw our Enquiry a little further , and see if we can discover how the Spirits move in the Brain and Nerves , to perform the same operations . First , therefore , we affirm that a lesser quantity and slower motion of the Spirits is required for Sensation , than there is for Motion ; for in this the Muscle swells that moves the part , which is a plain Indication of a greater influx of Spirits directed thither ; a greater , I say , for I do not deny but there is required to sensation a moderate quantity and diffusion of the Spirits into all the parts of the Body , else we should alwayes be benummed and stupid ( as when our Leg is asleep ) by an interception of the Spirits . Secondly , that their motion is slower in sensation then motion ; the former Experiment of the Snail does also manifest : whose Animal Spirits never begin to undulate till she begin to move , whereas she is sensible when they are in Quiescency , as you may , by pricking her with a Needle , easily observe . Thirdly , in the return of the Spirits into the stupefied Leg , we plainly perceive by the prickling , what a flow motion the Spirits have . All which Phaenomena do seem to favour our former Conjecture , that for Motion the Spirits move impetuously down the nervous filaments , ( which are hollow ; ) but for Sensation they onely creep by a filtration down their Coats and Membranes . Now these Spirits being so subtle and dissipable , the Soul spends them every day in using of them , and they being much spent , she can hardly move the Body any longer : The sense whereof we call Lassitude ; For certainly , as Doctor More very ingeniously inferrs , if it were an immediate faculty of the Soul to contribute Motion to any matter ; I do not understand ( that Faculty never failing nor diminishing , no more than the Soul it self can fail or diminish ) that we should ever be weary . Thus are the Phaenomena of Sense and Motion best salved , whilst we are awake ; now what happens when we sleep , is a matter of further enquiry : Some have defined Sleep to be a migration of all the Spirits out of the Brain , into the exteriour parts of the Body ; whereas by our former Observations , it may rather seem to the contrary ; that is , The retraction of the Spirits into the Brain , or at least a restagnation of them in the nervous parts , does ( till Nature being recruited by a new supply and regeneration of them in the Brain ) direct them into the Spinal Marrow and Nerves , which being replenished with them again , they run their current as before ; so the whole Animal thereby is made capable of feeling the Impulses of any external object whatever ( which we call , Walking ) and during this Interval and Non-tearm of sensation ( for so we may without a Complement call Sleep ) why may not the Soul be retracted , and wholly intent upon , and busied about , her Vegetative and Plastical Operations ? So that when she has locked up the doors of this Laboratory the Body , she may be busie in augmenting , repairing , and regenerating all the Organs and Utensils within , and painting and plaistring the Walls without . This I am sure we observe to be the greatest part of her obscure employment in the Womb , where the Embryo for the most part sleeps , whilst the Soul is in full exercise of her Plastick and Organo-Poïetical Faculty . Now these Animal Spirits being continually transmitted from the Brain , through the Spinal Marrow , Nerves , Tendons , & Fibers , into all the parts of the Body ( especially whilst we are awaking ) may , some of them at least , have a kind of circulation ; for those which perspire not , having lost their motion , may either mix with the bloud in habitu partium , or relapse into a kind of insipid phlegm , as Chymical Spirits do , that are not purely rectified , and to be returned back by the Lymphiducts again . Lastly , I have but one paradoxical and extravagant Quaere to make , and that is this ; That since we have proved these Animal Spirits to be the ultimate result of all the concoctions of the Body , the very top and perfection of all Nature's operations , the purest and most aetherial particles of all Bodies in the World whatsoever , ( and so consequently of nearest alliance to Spiritualities ) and the sole and immediate instrument of all the Soul's operations here , even in statu conjuncto ( the Body and the Organs thereof , being but secondary and subservient Instruments to the Spirits : ) These things being thus premised , may it not be probable enough that these Spirits in the other World , shall onely be the Soul's Vehicle and Habit , and indeed really that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mentioned by the Apostle ; by a vital re-union with which , it may supereminently out-act all that ever she was able to do in this earthly Prison and heavy Cottage of the Body ; since also ( which I may super-adde ) those volatile Spirits ( being freed by a constant and perpetual dissipation from the Body ) are diffused through this great aetherial Ocean , as into their proper Element , ready to be united to the Soul at the instant of her Separation . Fourth Deduction . FOurthly , The Physiologist also may gather something from the former Observations , touching the nature of Colours ; that they are indeed nothing but the various modification of Light. For most , if not all , Bodies in their minute particles ( through which the Sun's Rays have more freedome to penetrate ) seem to lose their Colours , and grow diaphanous , as you may observe in the Microscope . Secondly , Is it not shrewdly probable , that since motion is the cause of sight , ( which is nothing else , but the impulse that the Luminous Atoms make upon the Retina : ) Is it not , I say , shrewdly probable , that Colours are nothing else but a various modification of this motion , since we see that they are both naturally and artificially made by light , to which we can imagine nothing to be added or deducted to super-induce those fine Tinctures as in the Rain-bow , the Prisme , crystal Pendents , Glass-Globes filled full of water , and in those arenulous Atoms in the former Experiment xxxiii . except some change in the motion of the Luminous Atoms , which must necessarily follow from the diversities of Objects and Mediums they either hit upon or pass thorow ; and so consequently do either accelerate or retardate the Solary Atoms in their Dinetical and progressive Motion ; whence arises both the diversity and variety of all colours whatsoever , as that profoundest Master of Mechanicks ( Des-Cartes ) hath both subtilly excogitated , and ingeniously illustrated by the Prisme . To which we shall add some further experimental Eviction : First , If the Hole ( through which the Species is transmitted into a dark room ) be covered with a leaf of Beaten Gold , it will not onely look of a pure green colour , but all the light trajected through it will put on the same Tincture . Secondly , If with a Prisme you strike the Rainbow-colours upon a wall , and observing where a red is projected , you there place an Eye , the Spectator shall judge it to be another colour ; because that the Solary Atoms , which shot through the Prisme upon the wall , and there painted that colour , being again and again refracted by the Diaphanous Humours of the Eye , must needs , in all reason , exchange their motion , and so consequently paint the Retina with another colour : both which Experiments shew , that Colour is nothing else but the modification of Light , which by the alteration of its motion is dyed into colours . The like Artificial alteration of the Colours may be made by interposing a Burning-Glass 'twixt the Prisme and the Light , and 'twixt the Prisme and the Paper . But this Cartesian Theory of Colours we shall further make out by several Experiments in the Extraction , Commixtion , and Transcoloration of Tinctures . First therefore , If into the Infusion of Violets you put some few drops of the oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , it will presently strike it into a green Tincture : now , if instead of that oyl you put in oyl of Vitriol , it strikes it into a purple Colour : to which if you super-add some drops of Spirit of Harts-Horn , it strikes it green again . Secondly , If into the Tincture of dryed Roses ( drawn in Hot-water with oyl of Vitriol after the usual manner ) you drop a few drops of Spirit of Harts-Horn , or of Urine , or of oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , it will presently strike the red into a green Colour ; which by a super-addition of the oyl of Vitriol , you may re-tincture as before . Thirdly , If into an Infusion of Copperose you shave a little Gall , it presently puts on a Sable inky Colour ; into which if you put a few drops of the Spirit or oyl of Vitriol , it strikes out the Colour immediately , and the water becomes white again ; to which if you super-add a few drops of oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , it re-denigrates it again . Thus a Glass of the Sweet-Spaw-water also , upon the Infusion of Gall , turns into a Claret-colour : but if you drop but a little of the said oyl or spirit into it , it presently eats out the Colour , and the water returns to its primitive clearness again . Draw a faint Tincture of Brasil wood , bruised or rasped in luke-warm water , filter it , and clarifie it ; then if you add a little sharp vineger to a good quantity of it , it will strike it into the exact colour of good stale English Beer , and it will partly have the smell of it also . Secondly , If into another quantity of the said reddish Infusion you add a few drops of the oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , it will turn it to a pure purplish red , like excellent Claret . Thirdly , If into this Artificial Claret you drop a few drops of the oyl of Vitriol , it will turn it into a pale Amber colour ( like Sack as may be ) which with addition of fair water you may empale as you please . By which ingenious commixtion of Spirits and Liquors did Floram Marchand , that famous Water-Drinker , exhibit those rare tricks and curiosity's at London , of vomiting all kind of Liquors at his mouth . For , first ; Before he mounts the Stage , he alwayes drinks in his private Chamber , fasting , a gill of the Decoction of Brasil ; then making his appearance , he presents you with a pail full of luke-warm water , and twelve or thirteen glasses , some washed in vineger , others with oyl of Tartar , and oyl of Vitriol ; then he drinks four and twenty glasses of the water , and carefully taking up the glasse which was washed with oyl of Tartar , he vomits a reddish liquor into it , which presently is brightned up and ting'd into perfect and lovely Claret . After this first assay , he drinks six or seven glasses more ( the better to provoke his vomiting ) as also the more to dilute and empale the Brasil Decoction within him , and then he takes a glass rinsed in vineger , and vomits it full , which instantly , by its acidity is transcoloured into English Beer ; and vomiting also at the same time into another glass ( which he washes in fair water ) he presents the Spectators with a glass of paler Claret , or Burgundian wine ; then drinking again as before , he picks out the glass washed with oyl of Vitriol , and vomiting a faint Brasil-water into it , it presently appears to be Sack ; and perchance if he wash'd the one half of the glass with spirit of Sack , it would have a faint odour and flavour of that Wine also . He then begins his Carouse again , and drinking fifteen or sixteen glasses , till he has almost extinguished the strength and tincture of his Brasil water , he then vomits into a Vineger-glass again , and that presents white Wine . At the next disgorgement ( when his stomack is full of nothing but clear water indeed ( which he has fill'd so , by the exceeding quantity of water which at every interval he drinks ) he then deludes the Spectators by vomiting Rose water , Angelica water , and Cinamon water into those glasses which have been formerly washed with those Spirits . And thus was that famous Cheat perform'd , and indeed acted with such a port and flowing grace , by that Italian Bravado , that he did not onely strike an Admiration into vulgar heads , and common Spectators , but even into the judicious and more knowing part of men , who could not readily find out the ingenuity of his knavery . The Chymical Elaboratories likewise do teach us this Truth in Fumes and Smoaks , as well as Liquors ( which indeed are but rarified and expaused Liquors ; ) for Niter it self , though nothing a kin to redness doth in distillation yield bloud-red Fumes ( called by the Chymists Salamanders-bloud ) which fall again into a Liquor which hath nothing of red in it . So Soot ( though black ) yet when it is pressed and forced up into an exhalation by a strong fire , will fill the Receiver with Milk white Fumes ; thus Sall-Armoniack , and black Antimony , being equally mixed and gradually sublimed in an Urinal , will exhibit a Scene of Colours , and will make a transition out of one into another with a delectable variety . By all which pleasant Observations , it palpably appears that the nature of Colours consists in the free admission , transition , refraction , or reflection of light , from the Objects discoloured ; For first , you see several Colours introduced into Liquors by those Ingredients , that neither had nor could communicate any such tincture . Secondly , 't is as plain , that the minute Particles and Atoms of those Bodies that were imbibed by the Liquors , and filled up their smallest Cavities or Interstices , accordingly as they were altered in their site , position , and motion ; so were the Luminous Beams variously transmitted , refracted , or reflected , and so consequently thence resulted those several Scenes of Colours . Thus when the Atoms wherewith the Liquor is fully impregnated do relax and open themselves , that the light may fairly penetrate , then is the Liquor limpid and clear ; but if they draw up a little closer one to another , so that the light be refracted , then is the Liquor yellow ; if closer yet to a greater refraction of the Light , then is the Liquor red : but if in this randezvouz they draw up into a very close Body indeed , so that by reason of their contiguity , both in rank and file , no light can be trajected through them ; then opacity and darkness arises : If the Rays cannot break the front of them , then is a milky-Whiteness presented there . The Fifth COROLLARY ▪ Anatomical Considerations about the Eye . OUr next Reflections shall be made upon the Eye , to admire as well as contemplate Nature's variety in the constructure and conformation of so excellent an Organ : The two Luminaries of our Microcosm , which see all other things , cannot see themselves , nor discover the excellencies of their own Fabrick : Nature , that excellent Mistress of the Opticks , seems to have run through all the Conick Sections , in shaping and figuring its Parts ; and Dioptrical Artists have almost ground both their Brain and Tools in pieces , to find out the Arches and Convexities of its prime parts , and are yet at a loss , to find their true Figurations , whereby to advance the Fabrick of their Telescopes and Microscopes : which practical part of Opticks is but yet in the rise ; but if it run on as successfully as it has begun , our Posterity may come by Glasses to out-see the Sun , and Discover Bodies in the remote Universe , that lie in Vortexes , beyond the reach of the great Luminary . At present let us be content with what our Microscope demonstrates ; and the former Observations , I am sure , will give all ingenious persons great occasion , both to admire Nature's Anomaly in the Fabrick , as well as in the number of Eyes , which she has given to several Animals : We see the Tunica Cornea in most Insects is full of perforations , as if it were a Tunica Vvea pinked full of Holes , and whereas perfect Animals , have but one Aperture , these Insects have a thousand Pupils , and so see a Hemisphere at once : and indeed 't is worth our consideration to think , that since their Eye is perfectly fixed , and can move no wayes ; it was requisite to lattice that Window , and supply the defect of its Motion , with the multiplicity of its Apertures , that so they might see at once what we can but do at several times , our Eyes having the liberty and advantage to move every way ( like Balls in Sockets ) which theirs have not . Secondly , We observe no diaphanous parts in those lattic'd Eyes , since it is probable , that the Horney Coat of the Eye serves also for a Pericranium for their Brain : For , that the Brain of most Insects lies in their Eyes , seems to me more than a probability . First , because in Flies , Butter-flies , Bees , &c. you can find no other place in their Heads , wherein any matter analogous to the Brain , can be lodged . Secondly , in the Eyes of those Insects you shall alwayes find great store of a pulpous substance , like to be Brain in those Creatures . Thirdly , the Eyes in all Insects are very large , and seem disproportional to so small Bodies , if intended for no other use than Vision . Fourthly , why may not this lattic'd film of their Eye be their Tunica Retina , which as it is concave in us , is convex in them ; and as it is made of the Brain in us , so it is in them , and therefore lies contiguous to it , and may indeed be over-cast , by a transparent Cornea , through which the Net-work of this interiour film may thus eminently appear ; For certainly such Animals as have distinction of Senses , as Seeing , Feeling , &c. must needs have an Animal-Sensation ; an Animal , I say , for I hold also a natural Sensation , which is performed without a Brain , and such an one is discoverable even in Animals , and in our own Selves ; for besides the Animal-Sensation ( whose original is in the Brain ) the Stomach , Guts , and the Parenchymata of the Body , yea and the Bloud too has a natural Sensation of what is good , and what is bad for them , as Doctour Harvey has excellently proved , Lib. de Gener. and so some of the lowest rank of Animals ( as the Zoophyta and plant-Animals ) may perchance be utterly devoid of Animal , and have onely a Natural Sensation ; but this belongeth to some Anatomical Observations I have by me , where I may perchance prove that all Vegetables ( as well as the Sensitive and humble Plants ) have this latter kind of Sensation , as well as Animals . But let us return to the Eye again , of which curious Organ I am tempted to say much more ; but that I have reserved that discourse as more proper for my Telescopical Observations . Onely for the present , to encourage the Lovers of free Philosophy , and to let them see that even the greatest Oculists and Dioptrical Writers , that the World ever saw , Kepler , Des-Cartes , Schemar , and Hugenius , have not yet discovered all Nature's Curiosities , even in that Organ ; I will here deliver one or two Optical Experiments : The first hints whereof , I must ingeniously confess , I received from some Fragments and Papers of our famous , and never to be forgotten Country-man , Master Gascoign of Midleton near Leeds , who was unfortunately slain in the Royal Service for His late Majesty ; a Person he was of those strong Parts and Hopes , that not onely we , but the whole World of Learning suffered in the loss of him . Take a fresh Eye , and , in a frosty Evening , place it with the Pupil upwards , where it may be frozen through , then in the Morning you may cut it as you please . If you cut it with a plain Parallel to the Optick Axis ( which Section Des-Cartes thought impossible ) then shall you see all the Parts , as he has pictured them pag. 92. and each part will be very different in colour , and remain in their natural Site , which may be pricked forth in an oyled Paper : By this trick also you shall find , that there is a double Crystalline humour , one circum-included within the other ; if you do but thaw the Crystalline you shall see the outward will pill off from the inward : The right Figures of both which Crystallines are monstrous difficult , if not impossible , to find out ; hence it follows that every Ray of incidence is seven times refracted in the Eye before it reach the Retina , whatsoever Scheinar says to the contrary . The second Experiment , is one of the ingenious Excogitations of M. Gascoign's , and it is to delineate the prime parts of the Eye ; after this manner : Having a Glass and Table fitted to observe the Eye's spots , place an Eye with the Horny Tunicle either upwards or downwards , between the inmost Glass and Table ; so near the Glass , as the Eye will almost fill up the compass of the Eye's Image , then the representation of the Eye will be very large ( proportionable to the Eye's Image ) upon the Table , and thus you may prick out the three Figures of the Cornea , and the outward and inward Crystallines . Many other neat wayes with my Dioptrical Glasses can I take the Figures of the prime Parts of the Eye , which shall be discovered in their fit places . And now having done with the Fabrick , the Observations lead us to the Consideration of the Number and Plurality of Eyes , that Nature hath afforded some Creatures . I must confess though I have been very curious and critical in observing ; yet I could never find any Animal that was monocular , nor any that had a multiplicity of Eyes , except Spiders , which indeed are so fair and palpable that they are clearly to be seen by any man that wants not his own . And though Argus has been held as prodigious a fiction as Polypheme , and a plurality of Eyes in any Creature , as great a piece of monstrosity , as onely a single one ; yet our glasses have refuted this Errour ( as Observat. viii . and ix . will tell you : ) so that the Works of Nature are various , and the several wayes , and manifold Organization of the Body , inscrutable ; so that we had need of all the advantages that Art can give us , to discover the more mysterious Works of that divine Architectress ; but especially , when she draws her self into so narrow a Shop , and works in the retiring Room of so minute an Animal . Lastly , Many more hints might be taken from the former Observations , to make good the Atomical Hypothesis ; which I am confident will receive from the Microscope some further advantage and illustration , not onely as to its first universal matter , Atoms ; but also , as to the necessary Attributes , or essential Properties of them , as Motion , Figure , Magnitude , Order , and Disposition of them in several Concretes of the World ; especially if our Microscopes arise to any higher perfection : and if we can but , by any artificial helps , get but a glimpse of the smallest Truth , it is not to tell what a Fabrick of Philosophy may be raised from it ; ( for to conclude with that Patriark of Experimental Philosophy , the Learned Lord Bacon , ) The Eye of the Understanding , saith he , is like the Eye of the Sense ; for as you may see great Objects through small Cranies or Levels ; so you may see great Axioms of Nature , through small and contemptible Instances and Experiments . These are the few Experiments that my Time and Glass hath as yet afforded me an opportunity to make , which I hasten out into the World to stay the longing thereof ; But you may expect shortly from Doctor Wren , and Master Hooke , two Ingenious Members of the Royal Society at Gresham , the Cuts and Pictures drawn at large , and to the very life of these and other Microscopical Representations . The End of the Microscopical Observations . EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY , In three Books . Containing New Experiments Microscopical , Mercurial , Magnetical . With some Deductions and probable Hypotheses raised from them , in Avouchment and Illustration of the now famous ATOMICAL HYPOTHESIS . By HENRY POWER , D r. of Physick . LONDON , Printed in the Year 1663. Liber Secundus . Mercuriall Experiments . Begun Anno Domini 1653. By HENRY POWER , M ae . D r. Itaque sperandum omnino est , esse adhuc in Naturae sinu , multa excellentis usus Recondita ; quae nullam cum jam Inventis Cognationem habent , aut parallelismum , sed omnino sita sunt extra vias phantasiae , quae tamen adhuc Inventa non sunt , quae proculdubio , per multos saeculorum circuitus & ambages , & ipsa quandoque prodibunt . Fr. Verulam , lib. 1. Novi Organi , sect . 109. The Second Book . These Physico-Mechanical Experiments are of four sorts , Hydrargyral , Hydraulical , Pneumatical , and Mixt. Such things as are requisite for the triall of these Experiments , are 1. A Quart at least of ( ☿ ) Quicksilver . 2. Several Glass-Trunks , or Cylindrical Glass-Tubes , some open at both ends , and some exactly closed ; or ( as they phrase it ) Hermetically sealed at the one end . All of several Lengths and Bores . 3. A Glass-Tunnel or two , with wooden dishes and spoons , for filling of the Glass-Tubes with Mercury . 4. You must have no Metalline Vtensils about you , for fear they be spoiled with the Mercury . 5. Spread a Blanket or Carpet on the ground when you try these Experiments , that so none of the Mercury may be lost , but may be taken up again with wooden spoons . 6. You may have by you also Glass-Syphons , Weather-Glasses of several right and crooked shapes , &c. the more to advantage the Experiments . MERCURIAL EXPERIMENTS . CHAP. I. Experiment 1. TAke a Glass-Tube of above 29 inches in length , as AB , closed at the end B , and open at A : fill it full of Quicksilver , and so close the end A , exactly with the thumb ( as with a stoppel ; ) then reverse it , and putting it and your finger together into the wooden vessel D , fill'd about two inches deep with Quicksilver , erect it perpendicularly therein ; then drawing away your finger from the orifice , your shall see a great part of the Quicksilver in the Tube to make a quick and smart descent into the external Quicksilver in the vessel ; and after it hath , by several vibrations up and down , found out a certain point or degree , there to stand still and immoveable : so that all the upper part of the Tube ( which the Mercury has deserted ) viz. from E to B , will seem to be a vacuity . The first Inventor of this noble Experiment , was Torricellius the eminent Mathematician , and deserved Successour to the famous Gallilaeo , to whom all the Common-wealth of Learning are exceedingly oblieg'd , because thereby he has excited the greatest modern Wits to higher and nobler Experiments . In this Torricellian Experiment ( for so we shall alwayes hereafter call it ) let me give you notice of these rare Observables : 1. If the Tube be not longer then 29. inches , the Quicksilver will not at all descend : this we have tryed in several Tubes of 18 , 21 , and 26 ½ inches long . 2. In Tubes of a greater length then 29. inches , the Quicksilver will descend . 3. The Quicksilver will not descend lower then 29. inches , or thereabouts ; that is , the Cylinder of Mercury in the Tube will alwayes be 29. inches in height above the superficies of the restagnant Mercury in the vessel . 4. The Quicksilver descends neither more nor less in Tubes of a greater or lesser Bore , provided they exceed the length of 29. inches . 5. How long soever the Tube be , the Quicksilver will fall down to its wonted pitch and stint of 29. inches or thereabouts ; as we have tryed in Tubes of 32 , 35 ½ , 37 , 45 , and 50 inches in Longitude , and all of different Diameters and Bores . 6. If you add any more Quicksilver to that in the vessel , then , that in the Tube rises proportionally the higher : and contrariwise , if you take any Quicksilver out of the vessel , that in the Tube descends lower ; and so consequently , the internal Quicksilver in the Tube keeps alwayes the same height of that in the vessel . 7. That you may with great facility move the Tube to and fro in the vessel'd Quicksilver , but not draw it up towards the superficies of the external Quicksilver in the vessel without some reluctancy . 8. That if you tilt or incline the Glass-Tube , you shall see the Quicksilver gradually to ascend till it almost totally fill the Tube , at which Angle of Inclination the atletus or perpendicular will be equal to 29. inches , let the Tube be of what length soever . 9. That upon removal of your finger from the orifice , you shall see the Quicksilver to make a very Quick and Smart descent six inches at least below the standard of its Altitude in the Glass of 45. inches long , and in others more or less ; and after a few vibrations up and down , to settle at its wonted pitch and altitude of 29. inches , or thereabouts . 10. That if any thing , considerably hot or cold , be applyed to the Superiour part of the Tube , the Quicksilver therein will more or less ascend or descend , as the water in a Weather-glass , though with farr feebler and more insensible effects : So that any time of the year it will not much desert nor surmount the determinate height and pitch aforesaid of 29. inches . 11. That this seeming vacuity in the Tube would be judged by any one that came in at an adventure , to be nothing but such like illuminated ayr as this we breathe in . 12. If you dip your thumb into the vessel'd Mercury , and close the orifice of the Tube therin , and so gently reverse it , you shal see the Quicksilver in the Tube to move more swiftly ( though not without resistance , and ebullitions ) through that seeming vacuity ; and the Mercury will pass with such shoggs towards the depressed extreme of the Tube , as will make you apprehend that the Tube will be either beaten out of your hand or broken : none of which Phaenomena will appear , if you let in the outward ayr into the cavity unpossessed by the Mercury . In which Interim of Motion , your thumb will be drawn and suck'd into the orifice of the Tube , not without some considerable pain . 13. If before the removal of your thumb you reimmerge it again into the vessel'd Quicksilver as before , & then draw the Tube perpendicularly quite out of the vessell'd Quicksilver , the Quicksilver in the Tube will rise to the top of the Glass with such a violence as will indanger the knocking out of the head of the Glass , and then the ayr will pass by a speedy ebullition through the Quicksilver , and it will totally descend into the vessel . I once brake a Glass-tube of near forty inches long , by plucking it suddenly out of the vessel'd Mercury . 14. That you cannot so cautiously perform this Experiment in any Glass Tube whatsoever , but some little Air will be seen in the top of the Tube , when reversed , and before the removal of your Thumb , like the little Cap of Air in the obtuse end of an Egge ; so that if you incline the Tube to what Angle soever ( as in the eighth Observable aforesaid ) the re-ascending Quicksilver will never totally and exactly fill the Tube , but a little Cap of Air will still stand in the top thereof . 15. That , use all the Artifice and Industry you can , you cannot so cautiously fill the Tube , but that the Cylinder of Quicksilver will seem cragged and itched , and never purely smooth and polished , ( though your Glass be never so smooth and dry , and your Quicksilver never so well purged ) which interstices are filled up with Particles of Air that lurk 'twixt the Contiguities of the Glass and Quicksilver : and which after the descent of the Quicksilver do bubble up , and shoot themselves little by little into that seeming vacuity ( as you may ocularly behold them ) and doubtless are the occasion and hindrance why upon inclination of the Tube ( as in 8. Observ . ) the Quicksilver cannot totally replenish and fill the Tube again . 16. We filled a Tube of 27. inches with Quicksilver , and after inversion of it into a Vessel of Quicksilver , as in the Torricellian-Experiment we perceived , just upon retraction of the finger , the little Particles of Air which remained lurking between the sides of the Tube and the Quicksilver , on the suddain to become more visible , by a violent and rapid dilatation , flying out like so many little Springs wound up , and then all at once set at Liberty . 17. If you immerge the Tube into Vessels of Quicksilver of several Capacities and larger Surfaces , the descent of it will not alter . 18. Observe that the height of the Mercurial Cylinder , which here with us is found to be 29. inches at the least ( if you order the Tube handsomely in filling of it ) may seem greatly different from the French Observations , and those of Forrain Experimenters , as Parricellius himself , Doctor Pascal , Roberual , Doctor Pettit , and Pecquet , who all assign its Altitude to be but about 27. inches . To this I shall onely at present answer , that this difference of the Mercurial Cylinder , may partly arise from the variations of the Climates , the Air being more thin and hot then ours , partly from the difference and altitude of the Atmosphere here and there , ( as shall hereafter be made more intelligible ) and partly from the diversity of our measures and theirs , or from the club and combination of all these causes joyned together . To which I may well super-add , the negligence or inconsideration of those that try this Experiment ; for you may alter the height of the Mercurial Cylinder , as you do rudely or cautiously tunnel in the Quicksilver into the Tube ; for I have some time with exact caution , made it to rise to 30. inches in altitude from the Surface of the restagnant Quicksilver in the Vessel . I set down 29. inches as its determinate height , to which it will for the most mount , though you use but a careless kind of carefulness in the management of the Experiment . CHAP. II. That in the superiour part of the Tube there is no absolute Vacuity . BEfore we proceed to any further Experiments , we will first canvass the Cause of this Primitive one of Torricellius , which has given occasion of trying all the rest ; and then we wil● deliver our Hypothesis , which I hope will salve all the strange appearances , not onely in this , but in those stranger that follow . Valerianus Magnus , and some others are so fond to believe this deserted Cylinder to be an absolute Vacuity , which is not only non-philosophical , but very ridiculous . 1. For , the Space deserted hath both Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity , therefore a Body ; for the very nature of a Body consists onely in extension , which is the essential and unseparable property of all Bodies whatsoever . 2. Again we have the sensible eviction of our own eyes to confute this Suppositional Vacuity ; for we see the whole Space to be Luminous ( as by Obser. ) Now Light must either be a Substance , or else how should it subsist ( if a bare Quality ) in a Vacuity where there is nothing to support it ? 3. Again , the Magnetical Efluxions of the Earth are diffused through that seeming Vacuity , as per Experiment . 4. There is some Air also interspersed in that seeming Vacuity , which cannot be expelled upon any inclination of the Tube whatsoever , as by Obser. is manifest . 5. The most full Evidence against this pretended Vacuity is from the returgenscency of the empty Bladder suspended in this Vacuity ; for , how should it be so full blown from nothing ? as is by Exp. most incomparably evinced . CHAP. III. That it is not the Efluviums of Mercury that fill up that seeming Vacuity . BEfore we come positively to declare , what it is that supplies this seeming Vacuity , let us draw some negative Conclusions , and see if we can prove that it is not supplied with any Spirits Mercurial , or Exhalations : and this we shall most fully do by an ingenious Experiment borrowed from the Mechanical Wit of Doctor Pascal , which shall passe for the second in the Bedroll of our Experiments . Doctor Pascal's Experiment 2. THat the deserted part of the Tube , is not filled up with any Hydrargyral emanations , may be thus evinced ; because he hath found the same Experiment to succeed in water onely , without any Quicksilver at all : for he took a Tube or Lead-Pipe of 46. foot in length , made close at the one end in casting of it ; and having filled it full of water , and reversed it into a paile of water , underneath about a foot deep , he found the water to fall within 32. foot of that in the Vessel ; so that the deserted part of the Pipe was 13. foot ; so tall a Cylinder of that Liquor , being it seems but aequi-ponderous to a Mercurial Cylinder of 28. inches . Kircher and Birthius , it seems , also have tried the like in a Lead-Pipe of a 100. foot long , and an inch diameter ; into which at the top was let in a short neck'd weather-glass , or bolt-head , and fastned so to , that no Air could pierce the coement , that luted the Glass and Lead-Pipe together , which Lead-Pipe at the bottome was also fitted with a Turn-cock , which when it was once filled with water would keep it in till they had reversed it into a Hogshead of water underneath ; and then , by a turn of the Cock letting out the water , it deserted the Bolt head , and superiour part of the Tube , wherein appeared this seeming Vacuity . Experiment 3. BUt for a further Confirmation of this Truth , let me subjoyn another Experiment , ( which shall here pass for our third ) of the same Author 's . Take a Glass-Syringe or Squirt ; of what length you please , exactly fitted with a Squirt-staff ; stop the mouth of your Syringe close with your finger , and so drown it over head and ears with hand , and all , in a large Vessel of water ; then draw back the Squirt staff , and the Syringe will appear a Vacuity ( which will pain your finger by an Introsuction of it in at the Orifice ; ) but if then you erect the Syringe perpendicular , and draw it all out of the water ( excepting that end closed by your finger ) and then open the Orifice , you shall see the water suddainly arise and fill the deserted Cavity of the Syringe . Both which Experiments do sufficiently prove that this seeming Vacuity may be exhibited without the help of any Quicksilver at all , and therefore this imaginary Space in the Torricellian-Experiment aforesaid , cannot rationally be supposed to be repleated with any Mercurial Effluviums . CHAP. IV. Experiment 4. That it is not Light onely , which supplies this seeming Vacuity . TAke the Barrel of a long Gun , about 4. foot long , and Bunging up the Touch-Hole , fill it easily with Mercury , and reversing of it into the Vessel'd Quicksilver , as before , you may measure it , to observe the determinate height aforesaid , which you may easily perceive ; First , By the flushing out of the Quicksilver , upon removal of your finger into the Vessel where the restagnant Quicksilver receives it : Secondly , By the re-ascent of the Quicksilver upon tilting or plucking the Gun quite out of the restagnant Mercury , as also by the forceable introsuction of your finger , if you close the muzzle of the Barrel within the Vessel'd Mercury , and so draw it out and reverse it , as also by the plucks and shogs it will give in that action : Thirdly , and most perceptibly , By the repletion of it with water , if you draw the Tube gently out of the Quicksilver in the Vessel into a super-incumbent region of water ( which you first poured into the same Vessel : ) for then if you stop the Orifice with your finger , whilst it stands immers'd in the region of water , and so draw it out and reverse it , you shall perceive it full of water . The like , no doubt , will succeed in Tubes of other Mettals . Again , if Light onely ( onely I say , because we do not deny light to be there ) fill up that empty Cylinder , it would be certainly far more Luminous ( as containing nothing but the pure Solary Atoms ) than the external medium and region of the Air about it , which is confusedly intermixed both with airy magnetical and coelestial particles , besides the halituous effluviums of all Bodies whatsoever . But this contrary to Observat . CHAP. V. That the evacuated Cylinder in the Tube , is not filled with Atmosphaerical Air only . BY Atmosphaerical Air , I understand such as we constantly breathe and live in , and is a mixt Body of Luminous and Magnetical Effluviums , powdred with the influential Atoms of Heaven from above , and the halituous Effluxions and Aporrhoea's of this terraqueous Globe below : And that no such Air fills the Superiour Cavity of the Tube , take this Experiment to evince you . Experiment 5. HAving filled , closed , and reversed the Tube AB as before into the vessel'd Quicksilver D , fill up the said Vessel with water about 2. inches deep , then lifting the Tube gently , but perpendicularly out of the vessel'd Quicksilver into the region of water , you shall see the Quicksilver and Water rise to the top of the Glass , and after a short ( but confused ) intermixion the one with the other , the Quicksilver will totally descend into the Vessel , and the water arise and fill the whole Tube excepting a little cap of Air in the top of the Tube , formerly hinted at in Obser. 14. Now if that Air in the Tube was Homogeneous to this in the Atmosphaere , the water would never rise to thrust it out of its proper place , or , if it did , it could not squeese through the Body of the Tube ; but we plainly see the rising water does fill up the place ( as likewise the Quicksilver does in the first Experiment , where you tilt and incline it ) till it come to that particle of Air , which indeed is of the same nature with ours ( and which we told you formerly lurked 'twixt the Concave Surface of the Tube and the Cylinder of Quicksilver ) and that neither the rising water nor ascending Quicksilver , can or does exterminate . This Truth also is manifestly evinced from the twelfth Observable annexed to the first Hydrargyral Experiment , which palpably shows that it is not common Air which supplies that seeming Vacuity . CHAP. VI. HAving drawn the former negative Conclusions , and demonstrated , That it is not Light onely , not Mercurial Spirits , not Atmosphaerical Ayr , which is diffused through that seeming Vacuity , it will be expected we should deliver something positively , and demonstrate what it is . Pecquet ( who I think follows Roberuallius therein ) ingeniously conceives , that the whole mass of Ayr hath a Spontaneous Eleter , or natural aptitude in it self to dilate and expand it self upon the removal of all circumambient obstacles ( which he calls the Elastical motion of that Element ) so that the particle of Ayr may be understood to be as many little Springs , which if at liberty , and not bound and squeesed up , will powerfully , strongly , and spontaneously dilate and stretch out themselves , not onely to fill up a large room , but to remove great bodies : So that he compares this vast Element of Air , circumfused about this terraqueous Globe , to a great heap of Wooll-fleeces or Sponges , piled one upon another , the superiour particles of the Ayr pressing the inferiour , and hindring their continual tendency to a self-dilatation ; so that all the particles of this Atmosphaere ( especially the inferiour sort ) strive at all times to expand and dilate themselves : and when the circumresistency of other contiguous Bodies to them is removed , then they flye out into their desired expansion ( or at least will dilate so far as neighbouring Obstacles will permit : ) Just like the Spring of a Watch ( which if the String be broke , presently flyes out into its fullest expansion : ) which Elastick motion in the Ayr then ceases , when it comes to an aequilibration with those circumjacent Bodies that resisted it . That this is not onely an Ingenious Hypothesis , but that there is much of reality and truth in it , I think our following Experiment will to safety of satisfaction demonstrate . Onely we differ from Pecquet in the strict notion he hath of Rarefaction and Condensation , which he supposeth to be performed without either intromission or exclusion of any other extraneous Body whatsoever . Now how Ayr or any other Body should diminish or augment its Quantity ( which is the most close and essential Attribute to Bodies ) without change of its own Substance , or at least without a reception or exclusion of some other extrinsecal Body , either into , or out of the Porosities thereof , sounds not onely harsh to our ears , but is besides an unintelligible difficulty . Now though we cannot by Sensible and Mechanical Demonstration shew how any new Substance or Subtler matter ( than Ayr is ) which enters into the Tube to replenish that seeming vacuity , and to fill up the aerial interstices ( which must needs be considerable in so great a self-dilation ) yet we must ( considering the nature of rarefaction aforesaid ) be forced to believe it : and perhaps some happy Experimenter hereafter may come to give us a better then this Speculative and Metaphysical Evidence of it . That the hollow Cylinder in the Tube is not onely fill'd up with the dilated particles of Ayr , but also with a thin Aetherial Substance intermingled with them : 1. Let us suppose therefore ( at random if you please ) that there is a thin subtle aetherial substance diffused throughout the Universe ; nay , which indeed , by farr the greatest thereof : in which all these Luminous and Opace Bodies ( I mean the Starrs and Planets ) with their Luminous and Vaporous Sphaeres ( continually effluviating from them ) do swim at free and full Liberty . 2. Let us consider that this aether is of that Subtil and Penetrative Nature , that like the Magnetical Effluviums , it shoots it self through all Bodies whatsoever , whos 's small pores and interstices are supplyed and fill'd up with this aetherial Substance , as a Sponge with water . 3. Let us add to the former Considerations , that the Ayr hath not onely a strong Elatery of its own ( by which it presses continually upon the Earth , and all Bodies circuminclosed by it ) but it also ponderates , and is heavy , in its own Atmosphaere . But because I am resolved you shall take nothing upon the trust and reputation of the best Authour , take this Experiment to prove the Ayr 's gravitation ( in proprio Loco ) as the vulgar Philosophy cals it . Experiment 6. TAke a Wind-gun ( which new Artifice is now common ) and weigh it exactly when empty , then by plying the Pump-staff charge it soundly and weigh it again , and you shall find it much heavier then before ; yea , a large Bladder , full blown , will weigh more then its self emptied , and manifest this inequality upon a ticklish pair of Scales . Now though this Experiment seems onely to evince the gravitation of Ayr condens'd , yet it consequentially follows , that Ayr also in the Liberty of its own Sphaere , is proportionally ponderous ( though it is a difficult point Mechanically to evince it , unless we were actually above the Atmosphaere , or in a Vacuity to weigh it there in a thinner medium then here we are able to do ; ) yet , if I mistake not , I have an Experiment in Banco which will give some Mechanical Evidence of this great Mystery , which here , with all its consequences , I shall deliver . Experiment 7. THe 6. of May , 1653. I took two Tubes , one of 45. inches , the other 35 ½ in length , and of different Diameters ; and filling them both at the Bottom of Hallifax-Hill , the Quicksilver in both came down to its wonted pitch of 29. inches , thence going immediately to the top of the said Hill , and repeating the Experiment again , we found it there to fall more then half an inch lower then it did at the bottom or foot of the said Hill. Pecquet relates , That Dr. Pascal himself tryed this Experiment upon a Mountain of 500 perches high , near Claramont , and he found Quicksilver there at the Hill to descend lower by three inches , and somewhat more , then it did at the bottom ; so that , according to the Analogy & Proportion of both , and some other considerable Circumstances , we might not only Mechanically find out the Perpendicular height of our great Hill here at Hallifax , or any other Mountain whatsoever , but venture notably at the height of the Atmosphaere it self . For , to manage the Principles we have formerly laid down , First , The reason why the Quicksilver descends at all in the first Experiment , is from its exceeding gravity . Secondly , Why it falls no lower then 29. because a Cylinder of that weight does just aequipoise the Elastick power of the Ayr without , and therefore after a few vibrations up and down ( as is Observable in all Statick Experiments ) they arrive at a Counterpoise . But the reason now ( as to our particular Mountain's Experiment ) why the Counterpoise should alter at the top from that at the bottom of the Hill , and the descent of the Quicksilver be so unequal , is not so much from any alteration in the Elastick power and virtue of that Ayr at the top , from that at the bottom of the Hill ; as from the variation of the gravity of the Superincumbent Ayr : For , a longer , and so consequently , more weighty Columne of Ayr , presses upon the vessel'd Quicksilver at the bottom of the Mountain , and so makes the Quicksilver in the Tube , rise higher than at the top of the Mountain ; which being so much nearer the top of the Atmosphaere , a lesser weight of Superponderant Ayr makes a lesser quantity of Quicksilver arise in the Tube : and so come the Mercurial Cylinders to vary in their Altitudes , viz. from the natural Supergravitation of more or less of the Superincumbent Atmosphaere . So that it is more than probable , that the higher one rises in the Ayr , to try this Experiment , the Quicksilver in the Tube would fall down lower ; and if the Experiment could be try'd at the top of the Atmosphaere , no Quicksilver at all would remain in the Tube , but fall down to a level with that in the vessel . I could wish that some of our Canary-Merchants would get this Experiment try'd at the top of the Pike of Teneriffe , which is deservedly famed for the highest Hill in the world . Object . 1. But I see you are ready to reply , and say , That the inequality of the Mercurial Cylinder ( in the Mountain-Experiment aforesaid ) may every whit as rationally be supposed to proceed from a change in the Elastick property of the Ayr , which may be more vigorous at the bottom , and more faint and feeble at the top of the Hill , and so force a greater or lesser quantity of Quicksilver up into the Tube . Object . 2. I know how harsh it sounds , That Ayr should gravitate in its own Sphaere , and we , and all other Terrestrial Inhabitants , be insensible of it ; and that which augments the improbability , is , That Water we experimentally know ( which is a fluid and dissipable Body , as Ayr is ) does not gravitate in its own proper place ; for if we dive never so deep , it 's so far from depressing of them lower , or weighing on them , that it is readier to buoy them up again : And why should not we conclude the like of its next neighbouring Element , the Ayr ? To the first Objection , I answer , That though I should grant that there should be some difference in the Elatery of some of the aerial particles from others , yet to be so great in so small a distance as four or five furlongs , 't is not so easily credible . I shall answer your Second Objection with this following ( which may pass for the 9. ) Experiment . FIll the Tube , as in the first Experiment , and drown both it and the vessel of restagnant Quicksilver ( by letting down all carefully with strings into a Hogshead , or great Cistern of water ) and you shall see that the deeper you immerge the Tube , the higher still will the Quicksilver in the Tube arise . Let the vessel of water be of a greater or lesser plane in the surface , it matters not ; because onely those parts of water that hang perpendicularly over the vessel'd Quicksilver do gravitate upon it : We drown'd a Tube to 25. inches in depth , above the Superficies of the vessel'd Quicksilver , and it raised the Quicksilver in the Tube about 1 ● / 4 above the stint of 29. inches , at which it formerly stood ; just according to the fore-observed proportion 'twixt the weight of the Water and Quicksilver : a Cylinder of the former of 32. foot , being but aequiponderant to a Cylinder of the latter of 29. inches . Of which noble Experiment , we must confess , the first hint was given us , by those acute and singularly accomplished Gentlemen of Townley-Hall in Lancashire , who were as Judicious as Honourable Spectators of these our Hydrargyral Experiments ; and whose Mechanical Prognosticks seldom failed , but were still made good by the future event of the Experiments . By which it most evincingly appears , that water does gravitate in its own Sphaere ( as they phrase it ) which now we may retort upon the Second Objection , and say , That if water do gravitate , then why not Ayr in their proper Sphaere ? both being fluid , dissipable , and co-neighbouring Elements ; and so consequently whether in Ayr or Water the Experiment be tryed , this effect will follow , That the deeper you immerge the Tube in either Element , the higher will the Mercurial Cylinder rise : And contrariwise , As 32. foot of Superjacent water would raise up a Mercurial Cylinder of 29. inches ; So the same Cylinder of 29. inches is raised by a Column of the height of the whole Atmosphaere it self . But we may by a far more facile and cheaper Experiment evince the gravitation of Water in its Sphaere , which is observable in the common Experiment of a Syphon ; through which , the water , by Suction , being first set on motion , it is easily observable , that the flux in the extravasated leg of the Syphon , is at first most strong ; and proportionally decreases , as the water in the vessel sinks lower and lower towards the bottom of that leg immerg'd in it : which cannot proceed from any other cause imaginable , but from the Supergravitation of the high parts of the water upon the lower , which being thereby more strongly forced up the shorter leg of the Syphon , the flux thereby is stronger in the longer ; and so faints , as the bulk of the Superponderant continually decreases . CHAP. VII . The Reasons of all those extravagant Phaenomena , which we observed in the first Experiment of Torricellius . 1. BEcause the smaller weight of Quicksilver is not able to master the Elastick pressure of the external Ayr. 2. Because then the Cylinder of Quicksilver Superponderates and overpowers both the Ayr 's Elastick virtue and gravity . 3. Because at that stint of 29. inches , the internal Cylinder of Quicksilver comes to an aequilibration with the external Cylinder of Ayr , which presses upon the vessel'd Quicksilver . 4. and 5. Because that in wider and longer Tubes there is at first included a greater quantity of Quicksilver , it does more strongly overpower the Elastick resistence of the Ayr , and so will come ( though with more vehemence and swiftness ) to its wonted Altitude of 29. inches . 6. Because by Addition or Diminution of the vessel'd Quicksilver there is a change in the Tube and Vessel , but not in the Mercurial Cylinder in the Tube ; for that alwayes keeps at an equal Altitude from that in the Vessel . 7. Because the Mercurial Cylinder is very heavy , and Quicksilver in Quicksilver moves as easily as a Bucket of water in the whole Well . 8. Because thereby there is onely a change in the Tube , but not in the Altitude of the Mercurial Cylinder ; for in that Angle of Inclination , the Perpendicular is still 29. inches . 9. Because the Quicksilver , by its long descent , having acquired a greater motion than was requisite to bring it down to its determinate Altitude , cannot suddenly stop there , but by several vibrations up and down , gradually comes back to its wonted Altitude ; as we see Pendents , which multiply their undulations before they rest in their desired Perpendicularity . 10. Because the Atoms of Fire and Heat ( which is alone ) penetrating through the Tube , do expand and dilate the aetherial Ayr in that seeming Vacuity , and so consequently depresse the Mercurial Cylinder ; or else , contrariwise , upon the approach of cold , some aetherial Atoms pass out again through the Glass , and so the Mercurial Cylinder mounts higher . 11. Because it is a Medium somewhat thinner than Ayr alone is ; the reason of your finger's exuction may be the Elastick pressure of the external Ayr , without striving either to come in it self , or thrust any other Body into the Tube ; as also the Tendency of the aetherial Atoms within , to be a free and proportional commixtion with Aerial particles without . 12. Because when the Continuity of the external and internal Quicksilver is broke , the Mercurial Cylinder is by the Elastick pressure of the Ayr ( which then prevails ) forced up into the top of the Tube ; which done , then the Quicksilver , by its gravity overpowring , the Atmosphaerical , or unexpanded Ayr , falls down , and gives place to the lighter Body . 13. Because no Contiguity , it seems , in dry Bodies ( how close soever ) can exclude the interveniency of Ayr. Having in our last ( 9. Experiment ) proved sufficiently the ponderosity of Water , and its gravitation upon the external Quicksilver in the Vessel , we will now come to shew you likewise its gravitation upon the internal Quicksilver in the Tube . Experiment 10. WE took such a like AB ( as in the 1. Eperiment ) near four foot in length , and fill'd it full of Quicksilver , except a Segment ( A of about 14. inches , which we filled up with water ; ) then reversing the Tube , and holding it so long in that posture , till the Quicksilver and Water had exchanged their places , we then drown'd it in the Vessel●d Quicksilver D , and there withdrawing our finger ( as in the 1. Experiment ) the Quicksilver in the Tube descended an inch , and more , lower than the ordinary stint , ( viz. within 2 ½ inches of that in the Vessel : ) and this we try'd in Glass-Tubes of 40. and 45. inches in Longitude : So that the Tube will be replenished with three Cylinders ( viz. ) of Quicksilver , Water , and Ayr. In which Experiment there are three or four remarkable Appearances , which ought not to pass our Observation : 1. That after inversion of the Tube into the vessel'd Quicksilver , before you draw away your finger from the Orifice , you may observe continual Bubbles of Ayr to pass through the Water by an Ebullition , and so presently to create the little Cap of Ayr , formerly observed ( in our 14. Observ. ) though in the interim the Orifice A , be never so closely stopped . 2. That after the removal of your finger , and collapsion of the Mercury to , as aforesaid , the volatile bubbles of Ayr still pass through the Region of Water for a long time . 3. That if the Cylinder of Quicksilver , included in the Tube , be not above 29. inches , besides that of the Water , no effect at all will follow . 4. That if the Cylinder of Quicksilver , included into the Tube , be but one inch higher than its ordinary pitch , then , upon making the Experiment , it will fall proportionally lower , according to the weight of the Supergravitating Water . This Experiment , with those considerable circumstances annexed to it , makes the Water's gravitation more eminently appear : For , since 14. inches of Water is almost aequiponderant to one inch of Quicksilver ( as is evident by the Statick Tables of Getaldi ) and the Quicksilver in the Tube being depressed by the Superincumbent Cylinder of Water of 14. inches , it follows , that it would necessarily depress it one inch lower than the ordinary stint . But unless the Cylinder of Quicksilver be so great , ( or at least that of Quicksilver and Water to be so powerful ) as that it be able to overcome the Elastick pressure of the Atmosphaere , no effect at all will follow , because there can be no descent of either : and as for those Aerial Atoms which pass by bubbles through the Body of the Water , they are those formerly observ'd for to lurk 'twixt the Contiguity of the Quicksilver and Tube ; nay , and perchance , and in the Body of the Quicksilver and Water too , because they cease not after the collapsion and descent of the Mercury . Thus having Mechanically evinced the gravitation of those two fluid Elements , both Water and Ayr , in their proper places and regions ; we may come to make good the second Part of our Hypothesis , which is the Air 's Elastick virtue and property . For the demonstrating of which , take this following Experiment . Experiment 11. FIll the Tube ( as in the former Experiment ) and let the Segment A of 14. inches , which was formerly fill'd with Water , be onely fill'd with Ayr ; then , after you have revers'd it into the vessel'd Quicksilver D , and withdrawing your finger , you shall see the Quicksilver in the Vessel so to fall , that it came down 16. inches lower then its wonted and determinate Altitude : We fill'd the same Tube , of 45. inches long , within two inches of the top , and then reversing it , as before , it descended two inches below the ordinary stint . We also tunnell'd into the Tube a Cylinder of Quicksilver , but of five inches in Altitude ( letting the Ayr supply the other Segment of 40. inches ; ) and reversing it , as before , it fell down within two inches of the Quicksilver in the Vessel . Observe , that in these mixed Experiments of Ayr and Quicksilver , or Water and Mercury , or all three together , that when you have revers'd the Tube , you must hold it close stop'd so long perpendicular , till the several Bodies have acquired their several respective and proper places . To this Experiment likewise we must annex one considerable Phaenomenon : First , That before you withdraw your finger , you shall perceive the internal Quicksilver in the Tube , to press so sensibly upon your finger , as if it would force an entrance out , both before and after it was immerg'd in the Vessel'd Quicksilver : which protrusion cannot possibly be supposed to proceed from any other cause , but the Elatery of the included Ayr ( for the pressure was far greater than the natural gravity of the whole Tube of Quicksilver could make ) which ( upon the removal of your finger ) having got some Liberty to manifest it self , it depells the Quicksilver so far below its determinate height : Hence it appears , that Ayr , besides its gravity , has a nobler rarefactive faculty , by which it forces the Quicksilver to so considerable a descent , whereas Water , by its weight onely ( as is manifest in the precedent Experiment ) and no innate Elatery , did depel the Succumbent Quicksilver in the Tube . But because the Ayr 's Elatery is one of the chief parts of our Hypothesis , we will not onely make it good by one , but confirm it by many more succeeding Experiments . Experiment 12. FIll any manner of Tube , not above 29. inches in Length , half with Quicksilver , and half with Ayr , and then closing your Orifice with your finger , and reversing it into Vessel'd Quicksilver , as in the former Experiments , you shall ( upon removal of your finger ) see the Quicksilver fall an inch lower then before , as being depell'd by the dilated Ayr ; if then you pour water upon the restagnant Quicksilver in the Vessel , to about one inch deep , and draw the Tube out of the Quicksilver into the region of Water above , you shall see the Quicksilver hastily to arise some inches in the Tube , and then the Water and it confusedly to intermingle one with the other . Lastly , ( the Quicksilver being wholly descended into the Vessel ) the Water will arise to fill the one half of the Tube . This we tried in Glasses of 18 , 21 , and 27 inches in Length . In the first it fell 1. inch , in the second it fell 3 ½ inches , in the third 5 inches , and more , from the first point it stood at , before you immers'd it in the Vessel'd Mercury . This Experiment drew me on to the trial of another : for I thought if Quicksilver would descend with a quantity of Ayr included with it in Tubes below the required pitch and Standard of 29. inches , then probably some such like effect would follow in Water and Ayr ( included in any of the longer sort of Tubes ) though much lower then 32. foot , which is found to be the Standard of Water in its Ascent in Pumps and other Instruments ( as is besides delivered in Exper. ) Experiment 13. WE therefore fill'd our Glass-Tubes of 45 inches , half with Water , and the rest with Ayr , and afterwards invers'd it into a pail of water , one or two inches deep ; the success was , that withdrawing your finger , as before , the internal Water in the Tube , did shoot about two inches lower then before , and with such like vibrations ( though far shorter than those in Quicksilver ) Lastly , if you immers'd the Tube one foot deep in the pail of water , the water in the Tube would rise somewhat higher than before . Note , that in these two last Experiments , the descent or fall of the Quicksilver or Water , was most notable about the midst of the Tube , viz. when it was equally fill'd with Ayr and Quicksilver , or Ayr and Water . Which Experiments do not onely make good what is formerly delivered of the Ayr 's Elastick pressure , but also it renders Doctor Pascal's Experiment , of the descent of Water to 3● . foot , very creditable to those that want Instruments to try it . Experiment 14. WE also tried that Experiment of Roberuallius , quoted by Pecquet , pag. 50. I took one of those little Bladders that are in Fishes , ( that in the little Fish , call'd with us , a Graining , is best ) and after it had been a few dayes dried , I let out all the Ayr of it , and tyed the mouth of it again so close , that no new Ayr could re-enter ; then I gently wet it on the out side , and dropped it down to the bottom of the Tube , that it might the better stick there , and not be buoyed up with the Quicksilver poured in upon it ; then cautiously tunnelling in the Quicksilver , and reversing the Tube , as in the first Experiment , we found that after the Quicksilver was come down to its wonted pitch , the Fish-Bladder was full blown , and did swim on the top of the Quicksilver ; which , upon the admission of the external Ayr , grew instantly flavid and empty again . Now , what else is the reason of the Bladder's intumescences upon Collapsion of the Quicksilver to its wonted Standard , but the Spontaneous Dilatation and Elastick Rarefaction of that little remnant of Ayr , skulking in the rugosities thereof ; and then ( upon removal of the circumpressing Quicksilver ) expanding it self in the Bladder , as well as that does in the Tube ? The reason of its flaccescency , upon admission of external Ayr , is , because then the Elater of the external Ayr is so strong , that it forces the embladder'd Ayr into its former extension and consistency again . But hold ; Before I pass from this Experiment , I must take Pecquet in hand , who , upon confidence of this Experiment , insults highly over those that admit not of his Rarefaction , but will introduce a new aetherial substance to intermingle with the dilated Ayr to fill up this seeming Vacuity . Object . 1. If any aetherial Substance penetrate the Glass-Tube , it rushes in equally on all sides towards the Bladder , pendent in the Centre ; and so , in all probability , would rather press and squeese the vesicle on all sides closer together , than ( by an opposite motion , and re-action upon it self ) extend and dilate it . Object . 2. Again , Since it enters in so freely at the pores of the Bladder , what should improfen it there ? Since the pores , which gave it admittance , are continually open , and manifest themselves so to be , when any external Ayr is admitted into the Tube , for then it seems the aether flyes out indeed , and the Ayr is recondensed again into its natural and ordinary Consistence . Object . 3. Again , If the Quicksilver descending do impel the aether through the pores of the Glass , to help the dilated Ayr , in suppliance of that seeming Vacuity ; Why should not Quicksilver totally descend , and fill the whole Tube with aether , and so , consequently , Quicksilver should descend in any Tube ( though lower than the ordinary stint of 29. inches ) whatsoever contrary to Experiment . Object . 4. But if there be a Superaerial region of Aether , as much lighter and subtiller than Ayr , as Ayr is then Water , How comes any part of it to be diffused , or dispersed throughout our Elements ? Or , if it be , Why should not the aetherial particles fly all away to their proper Sphaere ( or be rather forced thither by the continual pressure of these heavier Bodies ? ) as we see no Ayr will abide in Water , but is forc'd up into its proper region and Element above it . Solut. 1. We grant , that the aether pierces equally in on all sides of the Tube , and so likewise on all sides of the Bladder ( into which it would not have entred ) had there been no Ayr at all which had freely open'd in its dilation to receive the coming aether into its intimate recesses . Solut. 2. Why the aether hits not out again ( during the interim of the Ayr 's expansion ) may be , because it has either changed its figure , or it and the aërial particles may be in a new motion , which may not cease till overpowred by the re-admission of new Ayr. But what 's the reason in a Bladder half-blown , and held to the fire , or laid in warm ashes , the internal Ayr should rise and swell up the Bladder , as in this Experiment ? If you say , From the Atoms of Fire , or Heat , which penetrate into the Bladder ; the same Objection I then make to you , ( as he there to me ) Why could they not hit out , as well as in , through the same pores ? The like may be said of the Ayr in a Weather-Glass , upon application of any thing that is hot to the head of the Tube . Solut. 3. Now , why the Quicksilver does not totally descend , we have told you , is from the resistence of the Atmosphaerical Ayr , which forces up a Cylinder of Quicksilver of that height of 28. inches ; but as we have since declared , if the Experiment could be made at the top of the Atmosphaere ( which is not very high ) then it would totally descend , and the aether there would fill the whole Tube . Solut. 4. It is every whit as probable , that aetherial Atoms may be interspersedly diffused through all our Elements , as that Ayr may be , or the Magnetical effluviums : the same we have made probable ( by its being in Water and Quicksilver ) and the latter , no man ( that knows any thing of Magnetical Operations ) doubts of . Before we take our leave of these subtil and rare Experiments , I will give you that ingenious , but very difficult Experiment of Auzotius , as quoted by Pecquet , which shall bring up the rere in this Muster-role of our Experiments , and which will confirm all we have formerly delivered . Experiment 15. Of Auzotius . TAke a long Tube , with a Head like a Weather-Glass , onely open at both ends , as A B , and with a Circular ledge at B ( to tye a Bladder about ) as also a little pipe G , which opens into the Head thereof , reverse it , and into the mouth of the Head let down a hollow Cube of wood or Ivory C , as large as the Head will contain ; which with its four corners may rest upon the neck of the Glass ( as in the Second Figure : ) then take a small Cylinder of Glass , of above 28. inches , and set it in the middle of the Cube C , and close the mouth of the Head B , and the pipe G with Bladders , so that no Ayr can get in ; then stopping the Orifice of the long Tube A , with your thumb , let another tunnel-in Mercury at the top of the small Glass-tube F , which will first fill the Cube C , and then running over , and falling down the Interstices , that the four Angles of the Cube C makes with the neck of the Glass , shall at last come to fill both Tubes : Lastly , closing the Orifice of the great Tube A into the Vessel'd Quicksilver , and there withdrawing your finger , as in the former Experiments , you shall see all the Quicksilver in the small Tube F B , to fall into the Cubical Vessel C , ( which being not able to contain it ) it , together with all the Quicksilver , in the head and neck of the great Glass-tube , will come down to its wonted pitch E 29. inches of that in the Vessel . Which shews , the descending Quicksilver perpetually observes its Sandard-altitude from what height soever . But the great business is , If you open the little pipe G , and let in any Ayr , you shall not onely see it to depel the Mercurial Cylinder A E , but to force up the Quicksilver out of the Cube C , into the small Tube B F , to its wonted Altitude of 29. inches , and totally to expel the Mercurial Cylinder E A out of the Tube : which ocularly demonstrates , that it is the Atmosphaerical Ayr that ( in the first Experiment ) raises and keeps up that Cylinder of Quicksilver in the Tube of 29. inches in Altitude , or thereabouts . CHAP. VIII . Additional Experiments made at Townley-Hall , in the years 1660. and 1661. by the advice and assistance of that Heroick and Worthy Gentleman , RICHARD TOVVNLEY , Esq r. and those Ingenious Gentlemen M r. JOHN , and M r. CHARLES TOVVNLEY , and M r. GEORGE KEMP . THe last year , 1660. came out that excellent Tractate of Experiments of Esq r. Boyle's , with his Pneumatical Engin , or Ayr-pump , invented , and published by him ; wherein he has , by virtue of that rare Contrivance , outdone all that ever possibly could be performed by our late Mercurial and Experimental Philosophers : And , indeed , to give a true and deserved Character of that worthy Production of his , I must needs say , I never read any Tractate in all my life , wherein all things are so curiously and critically handled , the Experiments so judiciously and accurately tried , and so candidly and intelligibly delivered . I no sooner read it , but it rubbed up all my old dormant Notions , and gave me a fresh view of all my former , and almost-forgotten , Mercurial Experiments . Nay , it had not that effect onely on me , but likewise it excited and stirr'd up the noble Soul of my ever honoured Friend , Mr. Townley , together with me , to attempt these following Experiments . Experiment 1. WE took a long Glass-Tube , open at both ends , and put the one end into Quicksilver about one inch deep ; then at the upper end we poured in water by a Tunnel : the effect was this , ( as was presurmised ) That the water rise up to a Cylinder of 14. inches above the surface of the Quicksilver in the Vessel , but then it would rise no higher , but brake through the restagnant Quicksilver in the Vessel , and swum upon the top thereof , which is consonant to the Series and Chain of our former Experiments : wherein it is proved , that one inch of Quicksilver is aequiponderant to above one foot of Water ; and therefore there was reason that one inch of restagnant Quicksilver should support a Cylinder of 14. inches of Water , but no more . But as touching this proportion of Water and Quicksilver , because we have formerly only given it to you upon trust from Maximius Gletaldi , we will now give you an Experimental eviction of it . Experiment 2. WE fill'd a Glass-Vial ( being first counterpoised with Mercury ) and then weighed it ; afterwards we weighed as much Water in a Glass-Vial , of a known weight , as counterpoised the Quicksilver , and then measuring the water in the Mercurial Vial aforesaid , we found it to contain near 14. times as much Water as it did of Mercury . Experiment 3. WE fill'd a Tube with Quicksilver , as in the Torricellian-Experiment , wherein much leisure and accurateness were used in filling the Tube , to make a polite equal Mercurial Cylinder , and after immersion thereof into the Vessel'd Quicksilver , we put both the Tube and Vessel into a frame made for that purpose , and let it stand perpendicular therein for certain dayes together ( viz. ) from the 15. March , to the 20. April after , to observe if it would vary and alter its Standard , which we found it do considerably ; for sometimes it was half an inch higher or lower then the Mark and Standard we left it first at . I think , according to the variation of the Atmosphaere in its temperature : and if you observe strictly , you shall see that the Quicksilver in the Tube does never precisely observe the same Standard not a day together , nay sometimes not an hour . Experiment 4. AGain , we tried the Torricellian-Experiment aforesaid , in a Glas-sSyphon of 46 ½ inches in length , and after immersion of both ends into two several vessels of Quicksilver , the internal Quicksilver fell down to its wonted Standard of 29. inches in both shanks of the Syphon : having applied warm clothes to the top of the Syphon , the Quicksilver descended in either leg the breadth of two Barley corns lower than the ordinary stint . We gently lifted one of the legs out of the vessel'd Quicksilver , and then the Quicksilver in that leg rose violently up , so that part of it passed over into the other shank : then having speedily again drown'd the aforesaid leg into the Vessel , we observ'd the Quicksilver in both legs to have fallen much ( upon the admission of that Ayr ) and to stand in both legs at an equal pitch and height , as it did again the Second time , upon admission of a little more Ayr , though the Quicksilver then did not rise high enough to pass over into the other shank as before . Experiment 5. WE took the same Syphon again ( as before ) and then only fill'd one of the legs with Quicksilver , leaving the other full of Ayr ; then stopping both Orifices , reversed both shanks into two several Vessels of Quicksilver , as before ; then opening both Orifices , the effect was , That the Quicksilver fell in one Tube , and new Quicksilver rose out of the other Vessel into the other Tube to an equal Altitude . Experiment 6. WE fill'd a Tube ( though with much difficulty ) such an one as is here described , with Quicksilver , then invers'd it into Quicksilver , as before : The first effect was , It fell leisurably down out of the head H , and stood at D , 29. inches in perpendicular from the Quicksilver in the Vessel E. The second effect was ; Ayr being let in 'twixt C and B , the Quicksilver rose from D , its former Standard , to A : So that from A to B , and C to E ( for so far as C it fell upon admission of Ayr ) made up its wonted Standard again . Experiment 7. WE took a Glass-Cruet , with a small Spout , and fill'd it with Water , and afterwards luted the great mouth A , so that no Ayr could get in ; then turn'd the small Spout downwards , but no Water came out of the Cruet into the open Ayr , inversing likewise the small Snout into Oyl , no Water descended , nor Oyl , though a lighter Liquor , ascended ; then filling the former Cruet with Milk , though upon inversion of the Cruet none of it would fall out into the Ayr , yet being inversed into Water , these two Liquors changed places , the Milk descending in a little still stream , the Water ascending in the same manner in two constant little streams , running Counter one to another ; in the neck of the Cruet we tinged the Water with Indico , the better to distinguish their streams . Experiment 8. WE fill'd the former Cruet with Quicksilver , and immers'd the Snout into the Water ( having first well luted the mouth of the Vial ) but no exchange of place followed , unless by much shaking of the Quicksilver , you forced it little by little out ; and so either Water or Ayr passed up instead thereof . CHAP. IX . Experiment 9. APril 27. ( 1661. ) we tryed the Torricellian-Experiment in the Porch at the new Church in Pendle , ( which standeth upon a considerable height ) the weather being clear , fair , and moderate , about ten of the clock in the morning , the Tube about 42. inches in length , which we fill'd with very much care and diligence , to make a polite Mercurial Cylinder , and there we then found the Mercurial Standard to be 28 / 4 inches . We tried the same Experiment with the like accurateness , and in the same Tube , at the Beakon upon the very top of Pendle-Hill , on the same day betwixt twelve and one a clock , ( the Ayr being there much colder then at bottom , or at new Church aforesaid ) though the Sky was as clear ; and there the Mercurial Cylinder was lower then before at New-Church , by a just inch , being fallen precisely to 27 / 4 inches . About three a clock of the same day , the said trial was made ( with all the former circumstances ) at Barlow , the lowest place ( for conveniency ) near the said Hill , much lower then the place of the first trial , the Ayr being very much hotter then at the time of the first trial ; and there the Cylinder of Quicksilver was equal to that in the first trial ( viz ) 28 / 4 inches . By which it appears , That ( if the Ayr at Barlow had remain'd of an equal temperature with that of New-Church ) the Quicksilver , in all probability , would have fallen lower then the inch we observed . Experiment 10. AT the top of the said Hill , we put into the same Tube ( which was divided into 102. equal divisions of spaces ) as much Quicksilver , as being stop'd and inversed , the Ayr remaining in the top of the Tube , fill'd 50 / 15 , or thereabout , of the forementioned divisions , and the Quicksilver , the remaining part of the Tube . The Tube being thus immers'd , and the finger withdrawn , the internal Ayr dilated so as to fill of the above-mentioned parts 84 / 75. and there remain'd in the Tube a Cylinder of Quicksilver containing in length 11 / 26 inches . We tried the same Experiment at the bottom of the said Hill , the Tubes being fill'd , as above , and the Ayr 50 / 15. dilated to 83 / 8. and the Cylinder was in height 11 / 78. inches . Experiment II. WE took another Tube , containing in length from the Superficies of the external Quicksilver into which we immers'd it ( for so we measure all our Lengths ) about 26. inches , containing equal divisions of space , 31. and about an half , represented here by AB , which we fill'd so with Quicksilver , that being revers'd and stop'd at B , there remain'd 9. divisions fill'd with Ayr from A to E : then the Quicksilver being left at liberty to fall down into a dish underneath , it fell near to the mark 18 to l. So that the Ayr dilated , fill'd the Space A l , containing of these divisions 17 / 8 , and then the Cylinder l B was in perpendicular height 13 / 86. inches . We brought this Tube , with the same Mountain-Ayr in it , by the help of a long Tube of wood , having a dish fastned to the open end of it , and both full of Quicksilver , into which we put our Tube , AB , ( which Instrument you have here represented ) and at the bottom of the Hill the Quicksilver rose up unto the mark m , under the 17. division . So that the Ayr dilated , fill'd of the equal parts 17 / 35 , and the Quicksilver in B was in height 14 / 31. inches . Then we put out this Mountain-Ayr , and let into the Tube the same quantity of Valley-Ayr , which fill'd the part A E , containing also 9. of the equal divisions aforesaid ; and then the end of the Tube B opened the Ayr dilated to the mark n. So that it contain'd 17 / 58. parts , and the Quicksilver in perpendicular height , 14 / 2. That you may at one glance behold all the varieties of these Dilatations of Ayr , and height of the Mercurial Standard , I have supposed the line AB to represent all the Tubes . AE still represents the Ayr left in them , AD the Ayr dilated , BD the Quicksilver . In the long Tube . At the top of the Hill. At the bottom of it at Barlow . AE — 50 / 15 — 50 / 15 Equal parts of Spaces , Inches . AD — 84 / 75 — 83 / 8 BD — 11 / 26 — 11 / 78 In the lesser Tube . At the top of the Hill. At Barlow with Ayr. At Barlow with Valley-Ayr . AE — 9 — 9 — 9 AD — 17 / 8 — 17 / 35 — 17 / 58 BD — 13 / 86 — 14 / 31 — 14 / 02 Now before we pass to any further Experiment , we think it fit to make and denominate several considerable Spaces of the Tube in the Mercurial Experiments , which will avoid both confusion and multiplicity of terms for the future . Let AB be the Tube in which Quicksilver ( in case it were totally void of Ayr ) would stand in a perpendicular Cylinder above the Quicksilver in the Vessel from B to C. So we shall call that line or space , BC The Mercurial Standard . But if in the Tube there be left as much external Ayr as would fill the Tube from A to E , and that then the Quicksilver would fall from C to D , and the Ayr be dilated to fill the space AD , then we shall call BD — The Mercury . CD — The Mercurial Complement . AE — The Ayr. ED — The Ayr 's Dilatation . AD — The Ayr Dilated . Where note , That the measure of the Mercurial Standard , and Mercurial Complement , are measured onely by their perpendicular heights , over the Surface of the restagnant Quicksilver in the Vessel : But Ayr , the Ayr 's Dilatation , and Ayr Dilated , by the Spaces they fill . So that here is now four Proportionals , and by any three given , you may strike out the fourth , by Conversion , Transposition , and Division of them . So that by these Analogies you may prognosticate the effects , which follow in all Mercurial Experiments , and predemonstrate them , by calculation , before the senses give an Experimental thereof . Experiment 12. WE tried the Pascalian-Experiment in a Tin-Tube of 33. foot long , made of several sheets of Tin , and closely soddered up with Peuter : To the upper end whereof we fastned a long Glass-Tube , open at both ends ; then , having soddered up the lower end , we reared the Tube to a Turret at Townley-Hall , and fill'd it with water ; then closing the top of the Glass-Pipe , and immersing the other end of the Tin-Tube into a cistern of water a foot deep , we opened the lower end , and perceived the water to fall out of the Glass-Tube into the Tin , but how far we could not tell , onely we conjectured to be about the proportion given by Doctor Pascal ; viz that a Cylinder of water stood in a Tube about 32 foot high : but presently our Glass-tube , at the juncture to the Tin , began to leak , and let in Ayr ; so we could make no further process in the Experiment : onely one thing we observed in filling of the Tube , that after the water which we tunnelled in had gone down a pretty way into the Tube , part of it ( by the rebounding Ayr ) was violently forced up again , and shot out at the upper end of our Glass-tube two or three foot high into the open Ayr : Which Experiment may be a caution to Pump-makers , & all Artificers that deal in Water-works , that they attempt not to draw water higher then 33 foot ( its Standard-Altitude ) left they lose both their credit , cost , and pains in so unsuccessful a design . For I remember in my Lady Bowles her new Water-work at Heath-Hall , near Wakefield , where the Water is raised at least 16. yards high , the simple workman undertook first to do it by a single Pump ; but seeing his endevours were frustrated , he was forced to cut his Cylinder in two Pumps , and to raise it , first , eight yards into a Leadcistern , and then by another Pump to raise it out of that other , eight yards , into a cistern above . CHAP. X. NOw to salve all these Mercurial Phaenomena , as also those mixed Experiments of Quicksilver and Water , Quicksilver and Ayr , Ayr and Water , in single and double Tubes and Syphons of all Bores , divers learned and ingenious Heads have excogitated several neat , though different , Hypotheses : For , to omit the whimsies of two Grandees , that is , Valerianus and Hobbs , which so grosly Philosophize : the former affirming the deserted space in the Tube to be an absolute Vacuity ; the latter , to be replenished with this very Common Ayr which we breathe in ; which creeping up 'twixt the Contiguity of the Glass and Quicksilver , fills up that conceited Vacuity . To omit these exorbitant Conceits , I find two or three more intelligible and rational Hypotheses . The first is of Roberual and Pecquet , of the Ayr 's Elasticity and Gravitation , which we have formerly embrac'd , onely with this addition , That whereas they will have Rarefaction and Condensation to be performed without any increase or loss of quantity ( which can never be conceived ) we admit of an aetherial Substance or Matter intromitted and excluded , the Bodies so chang'd as we formerly explicated . The second Hypothesis is of the Vacuist's ; such , I mean , as , though they hold this Spring of Ayr , yet in its dilation will admit of no aether or forrain Substance to enter the pores thereof ; but the particles , so dilated , to remain so with interspersed Vacuities : and this opinion hath many eminent Advocates and Avouchers , Gassend , Doctor Ward , Doctor Charleton , &c. The latest Novellist that hath undertaken this Experimental Philosophy , is one Linus , aliâs Hall , who hath excogitated a new Principle of his own , whereby he not onely salves all the Phaenomena in the Torricellian-Experiments formerly delivered ; but also all those stranger Experiments discovered since by Gerricus and Boyl's Pneumatical Engines . ( His Principles he thus layes down . ) 1. That there is an inseparability of Bodies , so that there can be no Vacuities in rerum natura . 2. That the deserted Space of the Tube ( in the Torricellian-Experiment ) is fill'd with a small film of Quicksilver , which being taken off the upper part of it , is both extenuated and extended through that seeming Vacuity . 3. That by this extended film , or rope ( as he calls it ) of dilated Quicksilver , the rest of the Quicksilver in the Tube is suspended , and kept up from falling into the Vessel . 4. That this funicle , or rope , is exceedingly rarefied and extended by the weight of the pendent Quicksilver , and will ( upon removal of that violent Cause which so holds it ) re-contract it self into its former dimensions again , and so draw up what Body soever it hath hold of along with it ; as the effluviums of an Electrick upon its retreat , plucks up straws , or any other thing with it that it is able to wield . 5. That Rarefaction or Condensation is perform'd without any increase or losse of quantity in the Body so chang'd . 6. That this Extension of the film of Quicksilver , is not indefinite , but hath a certain limit , beyond which it will not be stretch'd ; and therefore if the Tube be of an exceeding great height , the Quicksilver will rather part with another film , and extend that , and so a third , or fourth , till it come to the Standard of 29. inches , where it rests ; having not weight , nor power enough to separate another film from it self . Upon reliance on , and encouragement from these Principles , he undertakes all difficulties , and engages with three great Experimental-Philosophers , Torricellius , Schotus , and Boyle , and resolves all the Phaenomena of their Engines . 1. As first , Why the Quicksilver in the Tube , under 29. inches , descends not at all ? Because it sticks with its uppermost surface so close to the top of the Tube , that there is not weight enough to break that adhaesion : the reason whereof is , because there is nothing to succeed in the room of the descending Quicksilver , and therefore it firmly sticks there , Ne daretur vacuum . 2. In longer Tubes it falls to that Standard , because then the greater weight of the Quicksilver is able to break that linck of Contiguity or Adhaesion ; and therefore the uppermost surface of the Quicksilver being sliced off , is dilated into a tenuous Column , or Funicle , which supplies that seeming Vacuity . 3. The reason why the internal Quicksilver in the Tube does ascend , upon plucking the Tube out of the restagnant Quicksilver , is , Because then ( some of the Quicksilver in the Tube falling out ) the Contiguity is not onely broke , but the Quicksilver in the Tube being made thereby lighter , the rope is able to pluck it up ; which it doth by retracting and shrivelling it self up to the smalness of its former dimension ; and thus by no violent distention , but spontaneous , you must perceive all the Experiments of the Weather Glass to be performed by a tenuous Funicle of Ayr , and , in the Pascalian-Experiment , by a rope of Water ; and so of other Liquors , where this seeming Vacuity is created . By this tast of Philosophy you may easily imagine how he salves all the Mercurial Phaenomena , and those of the Pneumatical Engine . The Arguments by which he strives to authenticate and make good his Hypothesis , are these four Negative ones ; by which he strives to impugn the Doctrine of those that hold the Ayr 's gravitation and Elasticity . The first ( which is the main and Herculean-Argument ) is from the introsuction of the finger , so observable in the Torricellian-Experiment : which , saith he , proceeds from something ( that is at a stress ) within the Tube , and from nothing that is at a full and free Liberty without : this suction and attraction of the finger he proves to be not onely eminently sensible in Tubes above the Standard ( whether open at both ends , or closed at the one ) but also in Tubes under the Standard of 29. inches : for , saith he , take a small Tube , under the Standard , open at both ends , of 20. inches supposed in length , and fill it with Quicksilver , stopping the lower Orifice with your thumb , then closing the upper with your finger , and immerging the lower into restagnant Quicksilver ( as in the Torricellian-Experiment ) you shall ( saith he ) upon removal of your thumb ( though no Quicksilver fall out ) feel a palpable suction of your finger , and the Tube will stick so close to the pulp of your finger , that you may quite lift it out of the Vessel , and carry it ( with all the Quicksilver pendent in it ) up and down the room . Therefore ( saith he ) the internal Cylinder of Quicksilver in the Tube is not held up by the preponderant Ayr without ; for , if so , whence comes so strong a suction , and so firm an adhaesion of the Tube to your finger ? For if the external Ayr thrust the Quicksilver upwards , it can never at the same time draw down the finger too . His second Argument , That the standing Quicksilver in the Tube , is not held up there by the external Ayr , is fetch'd also from another Experiment in the same Tube : For ( saith he ) fill the same Tube almost full of Quicksilver ( leaving a little space of Ayr within it ) and then immerging it as before , you shall see the Quicksilver to make a considerable descent in it , viz. as far as that little Ayr could well be extended , also a strong introsuction of your finger as before : From whence he thus argues ; If the external Ayr cannot hold up 20. inches of Quicksilver ( as we here see ; ) How can it hold up 29. I pray you ( as in the Torricellian-Experiment ? ) This Experiment , as appears by our Mercurial-Observations , we made many years ago . His third Argument is from the Non-gravitation of the Mercurial Cylinder : For , saith he , the Quicksilver in that Station ( viz. after it has fallen to its old Standard ) is not all ponderous , as you may perceive by your finger to the Orifice of the Tube ; from whence , saith he , 't is plain , that the Quicksilver is there suspended by that tenuous , but tenaceous , rope in the Tube . His fourth Argument is from the difficulty of Suction of Quicksilver up a Tube , open at both ends , of what length soever ; through which , saith he , water is easily drawn up to the mouth : And why not Quicksilver ? Since here is nothing else required but the removal of the internal Cylinder of Ayr , which is easily done ( saith he ) by Suction , as is manifest by the ascension of water , but cannot be performed in Quicksilver ( which should as easily be thrust up ( to 29. inches at least ) by the Superincumbent Atmosphaere ) as the water which is repugnant to Experience of the fire : he concludes , 'T is not the external Ayr that causes that effect , neither by its Elasticity , Gravitation , nor both . Now for the Positive Arguments to avouch his Principles by , he has none at all ; onely what he fetches à posteriori , from his commodious Solution of Difficulties , and salving the Phaenomena better then others have done . For read him through , and you shall see he hangs so like a Tumbler by this rope , that swing him which way you will , you cannot get him off ; though , I doubt not , but we shall prove his cord to be a mere rope of sand , and of his own twisting ; and Reason will , Sampson-like , break it easily in pieces . CHAP. XI . A Confutation of this Funicular Hypothesis of Linus ; by Henry Power , M ae . D r. Object . 1. IF you fill a Tube of 45. inches in length ( as we have shewed you in Experiment 11. ) except 15. inches ( which let the Ayr supply ) and invert it , you shall perceive a greater protrusion of your finger by the erupturient Quicksilver , than can possibly be imputed to the Supergravitation of the Quicksilver included in the Tube : for , if the whole Tube be fill'd with Quicksilver , and inverted , it shall not make such a forcible pressure upon your finger ( as that Cylinder of Quicksilver and Ayr does ) which can be imputed to no other cause , then the Elasticity of the included Ayr ; which , striving to dilate it self , detrudes the Quicksilver ; and , when liberty is given , it forces it down much lower than its ordinary Standard of 28. inches : which shewes , that there is no such thing as Attraction in the Ayr , but rather a contrary power of Self-extending , and Dilatation . Now , I confess , this is but an Argument quoad sensum , and therefore not so much to be insisted upon , because not Mechanically demonstrable . Object . 2. Again , this is observable in all Bodies , that are capable of Extension , That still , as their Extension is augmented or increased , so must the force or power be that extends them . As for example , in Ropes or Leather , the first inch of their forced extension is performed by a lesser power then the second inch would be , and that then the third , &c. Now in the third of Boyle's Experiments , pag. 44. it is observed , That the Sucker is as easily drawn down , when it is nearer to the bottom of the Pump , as when it is much farther off ; which is contrary to the nature of forced Extension , as is before delivered . Object . 3. Again , If ( according to Linus ) the Bladder's intumescency , in Boyle's Engine , did proceed from the forced extension of the Ayr in the Receiver ; then the first evacuation of the Pump would extend the Bladder more then the second , and that than the third &c. But the contrary is avouched by his fourth Experiment , pag. 47. which proves against the Funicular Doctrine of Linus , but neatly makes out the Elasticity of the embladder'd Ayr , which gradually increases , as the debilitated Ayr in the Receiver gives room for its expansion . Object . 4. Again , Linus is refuted by the 19. Experiment in Boyle , which is an Experiment of a four-foot Tube , fill'd with water , and inclosed in the Receiver ; by which he found that the water , included in the Tube , did not at all subside after several exsuctions , till the Elasticity of the included Ayr was no longer able to support that Cylinder of water ; but , according to Linus , it should have subsided at the first exsuction , as well as the Quicksilver did when the Torricellian-Experiment was included in the said Receiver . Object . 5. According to Linus his Principles , the Mercurial Standard should be the same at the top of any eminent Hill , that it is at the bottom , especially if the Temperature of the Ayr be in both places alike ; but this is contrary to the Experiments we tried at Hallifax and Pendle-Hill ( as you may see in Experiment 7. pag. 19. also Experiment II. pag. 45. ) where the coldness of the Ayr was a disadvantage to our Experiments ; and yet , for all that , you see how considerably the Mercurial Standard did vary . Which Objection Linus has ingeniously confess'd to me himself ( when once I had the happiness to see him ) that he cannot as yet answer . Object . 6. Take a Glass-Tube above the Standard , but of a small Bore , ( that will not admit above a great Pea , or Cherry-stone ) let it be closed at one end , and fill this with Quicksilver ( which you shall find no easie thing to do ; for I am sure we were a whole hour in filling one , and still were forced to thrust the Quicksilver down into it with a small wire ) then reverse it very gently into a vessel of restagnant Quicksilver , and after it has come down to its wonted Standard , you may lift the Tube out of the vessel , and carry it up and down with the Quicksilver pendent in it ; which will neither fall out , nor rise up to the top , to fill up the reputed Vacuity . Now what sayes Linus to this ? Why does not his rope shrivel it self up , and pull up this Mercurial Cylinder in this Tube , as well as in all others of a larger Bore ? Object . 7. Take a Glass-Syphon A B , and having fill'd both legs with Quicksilver , open the longer into the vessel'd Quicksilver B ; the effect is , That the Quicksilver in the longer shank will fall down to C ( its wonted Standard ; ) but that in the short shank AD , being still close stopped with your finger , will remain full . Now ( according to Linus ) the funicle AC exercises the same power of pulling the Mercurial Surface A as C : and according to the Principles of Mechanick's , If CB be heavier than AD , it should pull over AD into the vessel B. And his Answer ( which you may read , pag. 74. is nothing to the purpose ; for open the short end of the Syphon into the vessel D , ( according to his Salvo ) no Quicksilver should still rise , because it is still as closely adherent to the vessel'd Quicksilver , as it was before , to my finger ; and yet , upon Experiment made , the Quicksilver will rise all out of the vessel D , and go over A , into the vessel B. Which Experiment , as it confuteth his , so it clearly avouches our Principles , of the Elastical pressure of the external Ayr upon the surface of the Quicksilver in the vessel D , which forces it up to A , and so over into the vessel B. Object . 8. We took an ordinary Weather-Glass ( this 15. Octob. 1661. ) AB , of about two foot in Length , and carrying it to the bottom of Hallifax-Hill , the water stood in the shank at C , ( viz. ) 13. inches above the surface of the water in the vessel B , thence carrying it thus fitted , immediately to the top of the said Hill , the water fell down to the point D ( viz. ) 1¼ inch lower than it was at the bottom of the said Hill : which incomparably proves the natural Elasticity of the Ayr. For the internal Ayr AC , which was of the same power and extension with the external at the bottom of the Hill , being carried to the top , did there manifest a greater Elasticity then the Mountain-Ayr there did manifest Pressure , and so extended it self further by CD , which it was not able to do at the bottom , because the Valley-Ayr there was of equal force and resistance to it : Which Experiment very neatly proves the Elasticity of the Ayr ( which Linus would abolish ) as the Torricellian-Experiment ; which being carried to the top of the same Hill ( differ'd ½ an inch ) did eminently prove the gravitation of the Ayr. Also about the end of January , 1661. we went again to the top of Hallifax-Hill , with divers Weather-Glasses of several Bores , Heads , and Shapes ; and found in them all a proportional descent of the Water , as in the former Experiment at the top of the said Hill respectively to what it was at the bottom , with this Observable , That in the greatest-Headed Weather-Glass ( which included most Ayr in it ) the descent of the Water was greater , as being most depress'd , by the greatest quantity of the included Ayr. CHAP. XII . Experiments in Capillary Tubes and Syphons . Experiment 1. TAke a small Capillary Glass-pipe , or Tube , open at both ends ; and dipping the one extreme perpendicular into the water , you shall see the water spontaneously arise to a competent height in the Tube , with a quick and smart ascent . Note first , That the inside of the Pipe ought to be very clean , as well from dust , and little bubbles , as films of water , which will remain in the Pipe , when the water is blown , or suck'd out of it . Secondly , It must be perfectly dry from any other Liquors which will not mingle with water , as Oyl , &c. Thirdly , If you moisten the Pipe first with water , before you try the Experiment , the ascent of the water will be more quick and lively . Fourthly , That not onely Water , but Milk , Wine , Oil , and other Liquors , except Quicksilver , will likewise rise to a certain height in the said Pipes . Fifthly , After the Water has risen to its Standard-height , if you take it out of the Liquor , it shall not fall out at all ; if you invert the Pipe , the included Cylinder of water will fall down also to the other extreme : also the deeper you immerge it in the vessel of water , the higher still will it rise in the Pipe , still keeping its Standard-Altitude above the surface of the water in the vessel : also if you suck it above the Standard , it will still fall back to its wonted Altitude . Sixthly , That not onely Water , but Milk , Wine , Oyl , and all other Liquors , will spontaneously arise in the said Pipes ; but with this difference , That the heavier the Liquors are , the lower their Standard is , and the slower is their Ascent to it : thus you shall see Oyl of Tartar will not rise , by one third , so high as water ; nor Oyl of Vitriol by ⅓ so high as it ; which may alter more or less , according to the goodness of the said Oyls . Seventhly , Now if you take out a Pipe ( wherein in either of the said Oyls has first risen up to its wonted Standard ) and immerge the end thereof into a lighter Liquor ( as water ) you shall see the Oyl fall gradually out into the water , and the Pipe gradually fill with water , and arise to its own Standard ; which is higher a great deal than the Standard of either of the said Oyls , as is before delivered : the like will follow in Syphons . Eighthly , The smaller Bore that your Tube is of , the higher will your Water arise ; yet we could never get it to arise to the height of 5. inches ( as Mr. Boyle mentions ) though we have attempted it in Tubes almost as small as Hairs , or as Art could make them . Ninthly , If the Tubes be of the Bore of an ordinary Quill , or bigger , no Water at all will arise . Tenthly , That little or no difference of the water's ascent in the former Tubes is perceptible at the bottom , or top of our Hill. Experiment 2. BEnd one of these Tubes into a little Syphon ( which you may do by putting it into the flame of a Candle ) and then putting the one extreme thereof into a vessel of water , you shall see it presently fall a running on its own accord . Observe , 1. That the perpendicular height of the flexure of the Syphon to the water's Superficies , be shorter , or at least exceed not that Standard-height , unto which the water would rise , were it a streight Pipe onely . 2. That the pendent Shank hang not onely lower then the water's Superficies , but by such a determinate Length ; for we have found , that if the pendent , or extravasated Leg be shorter , or equal , or but a little lower then the Superficies of the water in the vessel , no effect at all would follow ; but the pendent Leg would hang full of water , without any flux at all . Now what this determinate length is , we conceive the pendent Shank must be longer from the flexure then the Standard of the Liquor would reach ; and then it will run as other Syphons do which have a larger Bore : so that you see , the Mechanical reason ( which is so universally received by all men ) why the pendent Leg in Syphons must be longer than the other , to make the Liquor run out ( viz. ) because the greater weight of water in the pendent Leg , overpoises and sways down that in the shorter , as in a pair of Skales ; is not universally true in all Syphons whatsoever . 3. If to the nose of the pendent Leg you apply a wet piece of Glass , the water then will begin to come out of the Pipe , and run down to the lowermost edge of the Glass ; where , gathering it self into round bubbles , it would fall to the ground : but then you must observe that the nose of the pendent Shank be lower than the Surface of the water in the vessel . Experiment 3. LEt both Shanks of the Syphon be fill'd with water , so that the pendent Leg be longer than the Superficies of the water ( and yet not so long neither as to set it on running ) then to the nose of the pendent Leg apply a vessel of Milk , and you shall see , that though the water would not break out of the Pipe into the open Ayr ( a medium far lighter , and more divisible than Milk ; ) yet it did run out into the Milk , and one might see it purl up again without mingling with the Milk , at a little darkish hole , like a Spring . Observe : Experiment 4. IF you lift the vessel of Milk ( with the pendent Leg drown'd in it ) higher towards the flexure of the Syphon , so that the Superficies of the Milk be nearer the flexure of the Syphon than the Superficies of the Water , you shall ( after a considerable time ) see the Milk rise up the pendent Leg , and to drive back the Water ; and having fill'd the whole Syphon , to fall a running into the Water-vessel , with this difference to the former Experiment , That whereas the Water in the former came to the top of the Milk , the Milk here sunk down to the bottom of the Water , in a small stream like a curl'd white thread , and there setled in a Region by it self . Experiment 5. NOw , contrariwise , if you lift the vessel of Water nearer the flexure of the Syphon than the Superficies of the Milk is , then will the Water rise over the Syphon and beat out the Milk , and fall a running , as in the third Experiment . And thus you may at pleasure change your Scene , and make the Syphon fall a running , either with Milk or Water : which is a pleasant spectacle to behold , especially if the Water be ting'd red with Scutchenel . My Worthy and ever Honoured Friend , Mr. Charles Townley , upon confidence of these Experiments , thought he had discovered that great , and long sought-for Rarity amongst the Mechanicks ( viz ) A Perpetual Motion : For the demonstrating of which , he devis'd this following Experiment . M r. Charles Townley his Experiment ; from which , he would deduce a Perpetual Motion . LEt the Glass DEF be fill'd with two several Liquors , so as they may remain in two distinct Regions , one above another , as AB , without the least mixture ; ( which may be performed in Milk and Water , placing a broad piece of Cork , or Bread , that will swim so upon the Milk , which must be the lower , as A , being heavier than Water , that it may receive the force of the Water's fal when you pour it upon the Milk : ) this done , and the Cork or Bread being taken out , hang the Syphon ACB , first fill'd with Milk , upon the stick DCE , so artificially , that the longer end A may remain in the Region of Milk , and the shorter end B in the Region of Water ; with this caution , That the flexure of the Syphon C be removed no higher from the Milk , than it would naturally ascend to , if the Syphon was streight : Now ( saith Mr. Charles ) Since in the former Experiment the Water would rise over the top of the Syphon , and drive back the Milk ; and afterwards rise to the top thereof , and there swim aloft : why here in the Syphon ACB , the like should not follow , ( viz. ) the Water at B drive the Milk , ( which is suppos'd first to fill the Syphon ) back to C , then to A , where issuing out of the Pipe ( as it did in the former Experiment ) it would ascend to its proper Region of Water again , and so continue in a Circular Motion perpetually . Now however this same Problem of M. Charles might seem probable in the Theory , yet it will prove more than most difficult ( if not impossible ) in the Practice . For , 1. We fill'd the Glass DEF , half full of Milk , and half full of Water , as AB ; then hanging the Syphon ( first fill'd with Milk ) so artificially on the stick DE , so that the longer Shank might reach the Milk A , and the shorter might open into the Superincumbent Region of Water B , we observ'd this effect , That the Milk did for a small time run out of the Orifice B , and seem'd to fall into the inferiour Region of Milk ; but at last the Milk ( or at least the serous or more watrish parts thereof ) so intermixed with the Water ( which we could discern by the whiteness and opacity of the Water ) that the flux was quite stifled . 2. Contrary to Mr. Charles his Prognosticks , the Water did not rise up the short Shank , and drive back the Milk , but quietly permitted the Milk to drill through it ; though I know it was not material which way the flux was performed , provided it would have been perpetual . The Experiment failing in these two Liquors , we attempted the same again in other two Liquors ( which we were sure would not mix ; ) and to that purpose we fill'd the aforesaid Glass with Oyl of Tartar per deliquium , and Spirit of Wine , which we tinged yellow with Saffron , the better to distinguish the Liquors ; and then adapting the Syphon , as before , we wish'd for a happy event in the Experiment . But Experience ( which ought to be the Mistress of wise men as well as fools ) shew'd us the quite contrary ; for the Syphon would not run at all , but continued full , which we afterwards conjectured to proceed from the Heterogeneity of the two Liquors ▪ so that the Oyl of Tartar would not break out into the Spirit of Wine , no more than Milk or Water will do into the open Ayr , where the pendent Shank is shorter than the Standard-height of those two Liquors . So that , it seems , to effect this Experiment indeed , two such Liquors must be found out , as are in some wise Homogeneous , and of a Congruity , and the one considerably lighter than the other , which is tantùm non impossibile . For besides the former Liquors , we have tried Oyl and Water , and no Motion at all was perceived , for the same reason of incongruity formerly delivered . But these , and a hundred more Experiments of this nature are every day excogitated and tried by our Noble Society of Gresham-Colledge , which in a little time will be improved into far nobler Consequences and Theories , than can possibly be done by the single Endevours of any Person whatsoever . The End of the Mercurial Experiments . EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY . The Third Book . Containing Experiments Magnetical : With a Confutation of GRANDAMICVS . Amicus , Plato ; Amicus , Aristoteles ; Grandis Amicus , Grandamicus : Sed , Magis Amica , Veritas . By HENRY POWER , D r. of Physick . LONDON , Printed in the Year 1663. A CONFUTATION OF GRANDAMICVS HIS MAGNETICAL TRACTATE , DE IMMOBILITATE TERRAE . The Third Book . CHAP. I. THe three great Demonstrations and Magnetical Discoveries that this Authour so gloriously pretends to , are 1. A Magnetical Demonstration of the Earth's Immobility . 2. An universal Meridian Magnetically demonstrated . 3. A Magnetical discovery of Longitudes , or something equivalent thereunto . In the canvassing of these three great Discoveries , we shall invert the order , and begin with the last first . But before we can conveniently fasten upon these three main pillars of his Book , there are three other considerable Errors of his , first to be removed ; which , though they lye more obscure and removed from our sight , and buried , as it were , under ground ; yet indeed are they the Basis and Foundation upon which his magnificent Structure is built : And they are these Positions following : 1. That the virtue of the Magnet , and all Magnetick Bodies , is purely immaterial , and a bare simple Quality . 2. That it proceeds intrinsecally from the proper form of the Loadstone ; as he hath delivered , Cap. 3. Pag. 48. 3. That all the World , and consequently all the Bodies therein , were made , by the Divine Providence , for the use of us and our habitation , this Globe of Earths which he has fixed in the Centre of the World , and constituted us Lords and Masters of all the Universe . Grand . Pag. 50. CHAP. II. Of the Corporeal Effluviums of the Loadstone . DOctor Highmore tells us , That the Magnetical Exspirations of the Loadstone may be discovered by the help of Glasses , and be seen in the form of a mist , to flow from the Loadstone : This , indeed , would be an incomparable eviction of the Corporeity of Magneticall Effluviums , and sensibly decide the Controversie under Consideration . But I am sure he had either better Eyes , or else better Glasses than ever I saw ( though I have look'd through as good as England affords ) and the best of them all was as far from presenting these subtil Emanations , that they would never exhibit to me those grosser , and far more material , Effluviums , from Electrical and Aromatical Bodies : Nay , not the Evaporations of Camphire , which spends it self by continually Effluviating its own component Particles : Nay , I could never see the grosser steams , that continually transpire out of our own Bodies , and are the fuliginous Eructations of that internal Fire which constantly burns within us . Indeed , if our Dioptricks could attain to that Curiosity , as to grind us such Glasses as would present the Effluviums of the Magnet ; we might hope to discover all Epicurus his Atoms , Des-Cartes his Globuli aetherii , and all those insensible Corpuscles which daily produce such Considerable effects in the generation and corruption of Bodies about us : Nay , might not such Microscopes hazard the discovery of the Aerial Genii , and present even Spiritualities themselves to our view ? But though both our Natural and Artificial Eyes fail in this performance , yet have we another more Intrinsick Eye , that will yet discover their materiality , and that is the piercing Eye of Reason . For , 1. That the Magnetical Emissions and Fluors , are not bare Qualities , but indeed Corporeal Atoms , is deducible from hence ; That this virtue decayes in progress of Time ( as all Odours do ) and is totally destroy'd by Fire in a few minutes , and is capable of Rarity and Density , whence it is more potent near at hand than further off : all which are the proper and incommunicable Attributes of Bodies . 2. Again , it is further evinced by some Parallel and Analogical effects of Electrical with Magnetical Bodies , that they both work by Corporeal Effluviums ; for a well polish'd stick of hard Wax ( immediately after frication ) will almost as vigorously move the Directory Needle , as the Loadstone it self ; onely there is ( amongst others ) these considerable differences 'twixt these Eminent Bodies , that the Effluviums of the one , ( as being more Gross and Corporeal ) are intercepted by any medium ; but Magnetical Effluviums are hindred ( because of their exceeding tenuity ) by the interposition of no Body whatsoever . Secondly , Whereas Electrical fluors do presently recoyl by short streight lines to their Bodies again , Magnetical Atoms do not so ; but do wheel about , and , by a Vortical motion , do make their return unto the Loadstone again , as Des-Cartes hath excellently declared . CHAP. III. That the Magnetical Effluviums do not proceed intrinsecally from the Stone , but are certain extrinsecal particles , which approching to the Stone , and finding congruous pores and inlets therein , are channel'd through it ; and having acquired a Motion thereby , do continue their Current so far , till being repulsed by the ambient Ayr , they recoyl again , and return in a Vortical Motion , and so continue their revolution for ever , through the Body of the Magnet . Argument 1. THis seems probable , first , from this , That if a Magnet it self be made red hot in the fire , it not onely amits the Magnetical vigour it had in it self before , but acquires a new one , according to the positional Laws in its Refrigeration ; so that by inverting the Extremes ( as it came out of the fire ) you may alter the Poles thereof ( at pleasure , ) nay , you may change the Polarity of many feeble Stones , by a long Position , in a contrary posture to that which it naturally affects . Both which Experiments seem to shew , That the Magnetical Effluviums are not Innate and Congenial to the Stone , but proceed ab extrinseco , &c. therefore do impregnate the Stone again , upon their re-admission ; or do change its Polarity , as the more powerful streams of Atoms do prevail . The like Experiment ( if it could be tried ) would doubtless hold good in the great Magnet of the Earth ; for the Terrella we see in all other Phaenomena , is avouched by her Mother-Earth . Argument 2. The said Argument we may assume from a certain Section of the Stone ; for if you divide the Magnet through a meridian , or Saw of a Segment , parallel to the Axis , the former Axis and Poles will quite vanish away ; and each Segment , by this division , will acquire a new Axis of its own : which shews , That the external Magnetical Fluors , which pass'd through the Stone , all in one continued stream before , now passe by several currents through both Stones , and so create a new Axis and Poles in either . Argument 3. Is from the disponent or directive faculty ( as they call it ) of the Stone ; for to say , This Polary direction proceeds from it self , is to put a Soul , or Intelligence , at least , into the Stone ; which must turn it about ( as Angels are fained to do the Coelestial Orbs : ) How much more credible is it , That the stream of Atoms from without , by beating upon the Stone , do turn it to and fro , till they have laid it in such a Position as is fittest for them to run through it , as a stream of water turns a hollow trunk of wood , or a long stick , till it come to lye parallel to its current . Argument 4. Is from the different effects proceeding from all Effluxions that come from all other Bodies , besides Magnetical , as Electrical , Odoriferous , &c. for all Bodies that effluviate intrinsecally from themselves , their exspirations flye quite away into the open Ayr , and never make any return again to the Body from whence they proceeded , so that in time they do not onely spend their quintessential and finer particles , but even their whole bulk and substance , as is Ocularly manifest in Camphire : Now 't is not so in Magnetical Bodies , whose exspirations are continual and permanent , because they return in Circumgyrations to their Bodies again . Argument 5. If the Magnetick rayes proceeded intrinsecally from the Stone , there is most reason they should proceed from the Centre , the Stone being all of an uniform Substance ; as the Luminous rayes doe from the Body of the Sun , and as Odours do from their Original ; and so there would be no Poles , nor Inclinations of Magnets more in one Latitude than in another : But now since there are two Poles , where the Current of Effluxions are strongest , it is a sign the Magnetical Fluors coming from without , doe strike a stream in at one Pole ; and finding the grain and bait of the Stone , to lye fit for their Tranation , do channel through to the opposite part of the Stone , and so continue their Current in the Ayr , so far , till they are resisted and forced to recoyl by a double whirlpool-motion round about into the Magnet again . Argument 6. That the Magnetick Fluors proceed not intrinsecally from the Stone , to cause the Self-Direction in the Magnet , is further evident from this new Experiment : Take a wedge of Iron ( which the Smiths call Puncheons ) and heating it red-hot , you shall , according to the Laws in its refrigeration , endue it with a polary verticity , as has been praeobserved by all Magnetick Writers : But that which will heighten the Experiment further , is , That though it hath but acquired a feeble virtue by its refrigeration , yet if you take it up cold , and with a few smart strokes of a great Mall , or Hammer , you beat the one end of it , setting the other against some hard resisting matter , as Stone , Brass , Iron , or hard Wood , you shall thereby give it a most powerful Magnetisme , so that it will then as actively move the Needle , at a good distance , as the Loadstone it self : Now , say I , by those percussions you did so open and relax the pores in the Iron-wedge , that the Magnetical Atoms could then enter in , with a full Carriere , which before they could not ; and having once got so free a passage , they will maintein the Current ever after . Argument 7. Since a constant , steddy , and polary direction of parts is onely observable in Bodies Magnetical , we have reason to think and believe , that these Magnetical Effluvia ( which are the cause of this peculiar direction ) are not only transmitted and channel'd through the Earth , but through many other Coelestial Bodies also , as ☉ ☽ ♃ ♄ , and , perchance , the rest of the Planets yea and Fixed Stars too , as by Telescopical Observations is now made very manifest in those Bodies that swim within our Planetary Systeme . Argument 8. Take a Rod of Iron ( or a Puncheon ) as before ; heat it red-hot , and according to the Laws in its refrigeration , you may endue this or that Extreme with whether polarity you please ; now afterwards by striking it with a Hammer in the same posture that it was cooled in , you may much advance and invigorate its Magnetical virtue , as we have formerly declared : But now the main Observable of all , is , That after both the reception of the virtue by convenient refrigeration , as also the augmentation of it by percussion , you may by inverting and repercussing the Extremes , alter the polarity of the Iron at your pleasure ; and then , which is stranger , that if you strike the Iron in the middle 'twixt the two Extremes , it will destroy its formerly acquired Magnetism . Argument 9. If you bore with a Wimble in any hard piece of wood , till you heat it soundly , you will communicate to it a strong Verticity , insomuch that it will nimbly turn a Magnetical Needle ; but if with a dril of Iron or Steel you bore a piece of Brass or Iron till you heat it well , it will acquire so strong a Magnetism thereby , that it will not only turn an equilibrated Needle , but vigorously attract , and lift up a small Needle : and I have observed the small filings and shavings which fall out of the Drill-hole , to stick to the point of the Drill , as if it had been to a Magnet it self ; which shews , that the Magnetical Atoms did more easily by far enter into the Drill or Wimble , when the parts thereof were heat and set in Motion , than before . Which still seems to make out , That the Magnetical Atoms rather enter into , than proceed from those Bodies we call Magnetical , as the reaching soul of the renowned Des-Cartes hath happily supposed . CHAP. IV. That the World was not made Primarily , nor Solely for the use of Man , nor in subserviency unto Him and his Faculties . AS I would not derogate from the Greatness and Eminency of Man ( as being a very Noble Creature ; ) so I would not have him arrogate too much to himself : For though it may be a pious , and morally good conception , To think that the whole world was made for him , yet I am sure 't is no real and Physical Truth . For first , How many glorious Bodies of vast Bulks , and immense Distances , have appeared , nay , and may yet appear to future ages ( as Comets and New Stars ) which are now gone and vanish'd again , which no mortal man ever understood the reasons and causes of , nor received no good nor evil , either before or since their appearances ? Nay , How many such Comets may have been near the Sun , whose first rise , continuation , and disappearance may have been made in six moneths time , of which ( by reason of the Sun's vicinity to them ) we could never see nor know any thing ? Who can be so irrational , as to think that those innumerable company of Stars ( with which the Via Lactea is powdred ) and many other parts of Heaven are throng'd ( as the Pleiades ) in which very Subconstellation I have seen above 20. Stars of a considerable Magnitude , and lesser ones innumerable , also the Hyades , the Stellae Nebulosae , &c. were ever made for the use of Us and our Earth , since they are at that immense distance , and invisible to our eyes ; and had remain'd eternally so , had not the incomparable invention of Telescopes relieved our eye-sight herein ? Nay , to come nearer , Who can imagine that any of the primary Planets were wholly designed for the service of Us and our Earth ; whereas , if most of them were pluck'd out of the Heavens , we should no more feel the want of them , than the Countrey Swain that already knows of no such Wanderers ? What then must we think of the Secondary Planets , as the Circum-Saturnian , and the four Jovialists , which are not onely indiscernable by us , and therefore were never designed for our use , but also have their peculiar Motion about their Primary Planets ( which they orderly and punctually attend ) which shews other ends that God and Nature has designed them for , to wit , to be as wholly Subservient to their Central Planets of Saturn and Jupiter , as the Moon is to us ? Lastly , Who is there that knows not the vast disproportion 'twixt this Speck of Earth , and the immense Heavens , how that it is less than the smallest Mote or Atom , which we see to hover and play in the Sun's beams , in comparison of the Fixed Stars ? So that if one stood but in the Firmament , it could never be seen at all ; and if it were annihilated , would never be miss'd , being so small and inconsiderable a portion of the Creation : Nay , our Modern Philosophers have found , That not onely the Earth , but the whole Orbis Magnus ( which is the Earth's Annual Circle it describes about the Sun ) is but a Point , in regard of the immense distance of the Fixed Stars . Nay , the Noble and Elastical Soul of Des-Cartes , that has stretch'd it self yet a pin higher , has done the Heavens and Upper World more right yet , as to the Magnificent vastness of its Expansion , and has shown us that every Fixed Star is a Sun , and is set in the Centre of a Vortex , or Planetary System , as ours is , and that they are as far remote one off another , as ours is off them ; and that all our whole Planetary Vortex shrinks almost into nothing , if compared to those innumerable Systems above us . What are we then but like so many Ants or Pismires , that toyl upon this Mole-hill , and could appear no otherwayes at distance , but as those poor Animals , the Mites , do to us through a good Microscope , in a piece of Cheese ? Let us not therefore pride our selves too much in the Lordship of the whole Universe , 't is more , I am sure , than we could challenge from our Creatour , that he hath made us such Noble Creatures as we are , that he hath given us such a large Inheritance , as the whole Globe of the Earth , that he hath Subjugated all things therein to our use and service ; and lastly , that he hath endued our Souls with such spiritual and prying faculties , that we can attempt and reach at the Superiour and more mysterious works of his Creation , and therein to admire those things we are not capable to understand . As for the Earth being the Centre of the World , 't is now an opinion so generally exploded , that I need not trouble you nor my self with it . And , indeed , what need I take pains to refute that which is but gratìs dictum , and which he neither hath , nor all the Peripateticks in the world can ever prove . Let us first see him do that , and then you shall see what I am able to say to it . CHAP. V. ANd now I come to his three great Inventions ; and the first shall be of Longitudes . To find the Longitude of any place , or some thing aequipollent thereunto , is easily done ( saith he ) from these three Data ; that is , The Angle of Magnetical Inclination . Magnetical Variation . Elevation of the Pole. As for Example : At Rouen in France , The Angle of North-Easting Variation of the Compass is 2 gr . 30 ' The Angle of Septentrional Inclination is 72 gr . The Elevation of the North-Pole there , is 49 gr . Grandamicus his Consequence from hence . Now 't is impossible ( saith he ) that these three Angles should be the same in any other determinate point of the Earth , but at our City at Rouen . To which we Reply , First , That he runs upon a false Assumption ; viz. That the Angle of Variation it self is perpetually the same in the same place of the Earth , which is false ; For Mr. Burrows , Ann. Dom. 1580. made an exact Observation of the Needle 's Variation towards the East at Lime-House , near London , and found it to amount to no less than 11 gr . 15′ , and afterwards , Ann. Dom. 1622. Mr. Gunter , at the same place , observed it to be diminished to onely 6 gr . and 13′ . And Gildebrand , Ann. Dom. 1634. in the same place found it to come yet lower , and not to exceed 4 gr . 6 min. So that in process of time it is very probable it will come to an exact Meridionality , and , perchance veer as much on the other side of the Meridian Line ( viz ) Westwards , as it hath done of this . Doctor Croone , my Worthy and most Ingenious Friend , writes me word , that in June last , 1661. the Magnetical Variation at London , was found to be by the best Observation 45′ 30″ Westwards : so that it seems it has past the Meridian already . And of this mystery of the Variation of the Variation , Grandamicus himself was not ignorant ; but because it would spoyl his glorious Invention , he therefore unhandsomly and unworthily asperses our English Observations , with Ignorance , Error , and Incertitude , cap. 4. pag. 73. Whereas the Observators nominated , were of that Knowledge and Perspicacity in the Mathematicks , that I am sure 't is a Credit to Grandamicus to be inferiour to any of them . But we shall now tell him , That not onely the English , but his own Countrey-men have found out this truth . So that the like decrease of the Needle 's Variation has been observed at Paris by Mersennus , and at Aix by Gassendus : So then this Angle of Variation being quite fallible , and alwayes variable , his other two Angles will prove nothing at all ; for they are the same in the same Latitude or Parallel round about the Earth . 2. But granting him his three Data : I say , in the opposite point of the Globe ( that is Antipodes to Rouen ) all these three Angles are the same . If you reply , and say , That though the Angles of Variation and Inclination be the same , yet they will be pointed out by the opposite points of the Directory and Inclinatory Needles . To which we Counter-reply , That the same point of the Needle that pointed at the North-pole here , will there point at the South-pole ; therefore he can have no evidence of the Needle of Variation , as is manifest by carrying the Needle from the one Pole of the Terrella to the other . And for the Inclinatory Needle , we see what a ticklish thing it is to make exactly , and though it be poized by a good Artificer , yet will it miss one or more Degrees in hitting the true point of Inclination , which would be a considerable Error , to a Land-Traveller at least . 3. For the Profit and Utility of this Invention , 't is none at all : for to a Traveller that sails in one and the same Parallel ( which he may do many a thousand miles ) the Angles of Inclination and Elevation will remain the same with those at the Port from whence he set Sail ; and though the Angle of Variation did alter ( as he would have it ) yet my Marriner can tell nothing at all thereby , but onely thus , That he is not at Rouen ; but how far he is gone from it , either East or West , he knowes not at all ; unless he foreknew the Angles of Variation in every Longitude , which is yet unknown : and if they were all now known , yet were it of little or no use or benefit , because in process of time the Variation it self varies , as we have pre-observed . CHAP. VI. ANd now we come to his Second great Invention , with which he thunders against the Copernicans , and that is his great Magnetical Experiment to avouch the Earth's Immobability . To this Experiment therefore drawn from the perpendicular position of the Magnet , we answer , That the reason why the Terrella does wheel about , and direct certain parts of its Aequator , to certain and determinate points of the Horizon , is , Because it is overpower'd by the Magnetical Effluxions of the Earth ; which , as a greater Magnet , does violently reduce it to that Situation , which probably is the same that those Aequatorial parts had in their Mineral Beds : And therefore this great Argument against the Dinetical Motion of the Earth , is no Argument at all , unless that he could prove to us that the Terrella could play this trick ; it were removed out of the sphaere of the Earth's Magnetisme , which is beyond his Philosophy ever to demonstrate . 2. Again , If this Motion of the Magnet did proceed from an Intrinsecal Tendency that it has of its own , to bring all its parts to their right and determinate points , there to remain in a perfect Stability , then would those parts constantly affect this ( and no other ) Situation , howsoever the Loadstone was posited ( provided it be at Liberty to move it self to its desired position . ) But this is false ; For , in Grandamicus his Experiment , if you invert the Poles of the Magnet , and set the North-Pole in the Zenith , and the South in the Nadir , you shall see the Stone to Counterchange its Situation , and those aequatorial parts of the Magnet , which before respected the East , shall now wheel about , and fix themselves in the West ; and the Northern parts turn to the South : which shews , That the Stone does not Tack about from an intrinsecal principle and form of its own , but is turned by the extrinsecal Effluxions of the whole Earth ; or rather by the stream of those Magnetical Atoms , that strike not onely through the Axis of the Earth , but also through the Body of every petty Loadstone , accordingly as they are best received by the Grain or Bait of the said Stone . And now I am engaged in this Magnetick Discourse , I must tell you that I think our famous Gilbert has drawn a more prevalent Argument from this Magnetical Philosophy , to prove the Earth's Motion by , than Grandamicus has done to destroy it ; for since it is demonstrated of late , that all the whole Earth is nothing but a great and Globular Loadstone , and that all the Circles of the Armillary Sphaere , are really , truly , and naturally inhaerent in the Earth , by virtue of the transcurrent Atoms , How can we conclude otherwise but with Gilbert ? Quis in posterum eum de facto moveri dubitabit , quum ei omnia ad motum planè requisita , dedit natura ; i. e. figuram rotundam , pendulam in medio Fluido positionem , & omnes terminos motui Circulari inservientes , polos nempè , aequatorem , meridianos & polares circulos , & parallelos ? Lastly , As for his Universal Meridian , it is likewise deduced from his Anti - Copernican Experiment of the Loadstone swimming in a Boat , with its Poles vertically erected : For ( saith he , ) Since the Stone being Horizontally-placed , does not shew the true Meridian , but with an Angle of Variation , in most , if not in all places of the Earth , if you set it with its Axis perpendicular as before , it will ( after some undulations to and fro ) rest quietly , with certain parts facing the Meridian ; which points must be exactly marked , and through them a Circle drawn round about the Stone ; by help of which , you may strike a true Meridian-Line , when and where you please . Now , though we grant this Experiment to be true , and , probably , to hold good in all Longitudes and Latitudes ; yet he that shall perpend ▪ how many ticklish Curiosities , and nice Circumstances there are to perform this Experiment exactly , will find the Invention only pleasing in the Theory , but not in the Practice : For , 1. It is very difficult to place the Terrella in an exact perpendicular ; 2. When 't is so , 't is as difficult to keep it invariable under the same Zenith ; 3. Most difficult to draw an exact Meridian-Line from it : Not to mention how hard a thing it is ; first , to find the two Polary points in a Globe-Loadstone ; also to keep the Boat in a Fluctuation , parallel to the Horizon . The end of Magnetical Experiments . Subterraneous Experiments : OR , OBSERVATIONS About COLE-MINES . BY HENRY POWER , M ae . D r. A The Cole-pit . B The Vent-pit . CC The Sow , that drains all the heads from water . DDD , &c. The Vent-head , not above two yards broad . EEEE The Lateral Heads , which are not above two yards broad . FFF The prick'd lines , the Thurl-vent ; that is , a Vent driven through the lateral heads . GGGG Is Walls or Pillars of the whole Cole-Bed remaining ( which with us is not above two foot thick ) to hinder the roof of the pit for falling . The Roof and Seat is the Top and Bottom of the Works , wherein they get Coles , which is about two foot or more distant the one from the other . Experiment 1. AT the top of the Cole-pit we took the Weather-Glass AB , whose shank EB was about 2 ½ foot long , of a small bore , and the Head AE 2 ● / ● inches in Diameter ; and heating the Head thereof , and immerging it presently in the Glass ful of water B ; the water , after a competent time , rose up to the point C ; where we let it stand for a while , till we saw that the External and Internal Ayr were come to the same Temper and Elasticity . Then carrying the Weather-Glass ( so prepared ) in a Scoop down to the bottom of the Cole-pit ( which was not above 35. yards deep ) there the Water in the Weather-Glass did rise up to the point D , viz. very near 3. Inches higher than its former Standard C. Experiment 2. THe sixth day of November , 1662. we repeated the same Experiment , as before , in a pit of 68. yards deep , and there we found , that at the bottom of the said pit the water in the Weather-Glasse , did rise very near four inches higher than the point C : viz. one inch higher than the point D to F. Now we observ'd , that in carrying down of the said Glass in a Scoop from the top to the middle of the Pit , there the water did not rise so much as it did from the middle to the bottom , by half an inch ; so that it seems the rise of the water was not proportional to the Glasse's descent in the Pit. Experiment 3. WE took a very good arm'd Loadstone , of an Oval figure ( whose poles lay in the long Diameter ) and at the top of the Coal-pit we loaded the North-pole of it with the greatest weight it was able to carry , even to a Scruple ; then taking the Stone down to the bottom of the pit , and hanging on the same weight again , we could perceive no difference in the power of the Stone at the one place from the other ; for it would neither lift more nor less there , than above : though to try this Experiment precisely , and to minute weights , is very ticklish ; for the same Stone in any place will sometimes lift a little more , and sometimes a little less . Experiment 4. WE took a thread of 68. yards long ( which is as long as the deepest pit is with us ) and fastening a Brass lump of an exact pound weight to it , we counterpoiz'd both it and the thread with a weight in the other Scale ; then fastning the other end of the thread to one of the Scales , we let down the pendent weight near to the bottom , and there we found it to weigh lighter by an ounce at least than it did at the top of the said pit . We had tryed this with a Bladder full of water , and other substances also , but that our thread by often untwining broke it self . Experiment 5. THe Collyers tell us , That if a Pistol be shot off in a head remote from the eye of a pit , it will give but a little report , or rather a sudden thump , like a Gun shot off at a great distance ; but if it be discharg'd at the eye of the pit in the bottom , it will make a greater noise than if shot off above-ground . But these Experiments are of a dangerous trial in our pits , and the Collyers dare not attempt them by reason of the craziness of the roof of their works , which often falls in of its own accord without any Concussion at all . Every Cole-pit hath its Vent-pit digg'd down at a competent distance from it , as 50. or 80. paces one from another . They dig a Vault under-ground from one pit to another ( which they call the Vent-pit ) that the Ayr may have a free passage from the one pit to the other ; so that both pits with that Subterraneous intercourse , or vault , do exactly represent a Syphon invers'd . Now the Ayr always has a Motion , and runs in a stream from one pit to the other ; for if the Ayr should have no Motion ( or Vent , as they call it ) but Restagnate , then they could not work in the pits . It is not requisite that the Vent-pit should be as deep as the Cole-pit . Now the Vent , or Current , of Subterraneous Ayr is sometimes one way , and sometimes another ; sometimes from the Vent-pit to the Cole-pit , and sometimes contrariwise ( as the Winds ( above ground ) do alter ; ) and also weaker and stronger at sometimes than at others : and sometimes the Vent plays so weakly , that they cannot work for want of Ventilation . Then to gather Vent ( as they call it ) they straiten the Vault , and wall part of it up ; so that the Ayr ( which before run in a large stream ) being now crowded into a lesser channel , and forced to pass through a narrower room , gathers in strength , and runs more swiftly . Now it is observ'd , that the Subterraneous Ayr is alwayes warm , and in the coldest weather , the warmest ; so that it never freezes in that pit , out of which the Vent plays . Of Damps . THere are three sorts of Damps , or rather three degrees of the same Damp ; Viz. The Common . Viz. The Suffocating . Viz. The Fiery . The Common Damp is that Subterraneous Steam , or Exhalation , which coming out of the Earth , restagnates in the heads and undergroundy-cavities , and hinders their Candles for burning , so that they cannot work . 1. If they incline their Candle downwards , towards their seat , it is observ'd , it will abide in the longer , and not sweal away , and stifle it self with too much tallow , as it would do above-ground . 2. Though this Damp be so great , as it extinguishes the Candle , yet they can abide in it without Suffocation . Also the heavy vapour will restagnate there , and is not able to rise . 3. This Damp is sometimes generated by the Effluviums and Perspirations that come out of their own Bodies that work , if they sweat much ; and if the Candle be within the sphaere of those Effluviums , it will extinguish it as the former ; as the Collyers observe that pass from one head to another that is working in another head . This Damp is sometimes on the one side of the heads and not on the other ; and for the most part it runs all along the roof , so that a Candle will burn , if set upon the seat : but if you lift it up into the superincumbent Region of Damp-vapours , it will be immediately extinguish'd . Now besides the playing of the Vent , they sometimes are necessitated to keep constant fires under-ground , to purifie and ventilate the Ayr : Sometimes the running of the Scoops ( when they begin to work ) will set it into Motion : Sometimes , if the Damp draw towards the eye of the pit , then they set it into Motion by throwing down of Cole-sacks . Of the Suffocating Damp. THe Suffocating or Choking Damp is a more pernicious Exhalation , or else a higher degree of the former ; into which no man is able to enter , but presently he is stifled and dyes . And it is observed , that the Bodies of those ( which are so slain ) do swell , and are puffed up exceedingly , as if poyson'd . This Damp is seldom here in our pits ; but if it be , then the first person that is let down into it , is presently kill'd : so that afterwards they try , by letting down dogs , when it is removed , and fit to enter into ; and most-part by letting down of lighted Candles , which will be extinguish'd by the Damp in the bottom of the pit , if any Damp be restagnant there . Of the Fiery Damp. THe Fiery Damp is of all others the most dangerous , but is never seen in our pits , though in pits at Leeds , which is not above 12. miles off , as also in the Lancashire pits , and Newcastle pits , I have heard much of it . It is a Vapour , or Exhalation , which comes out of the Mineral , or out of the clifts in the Mineral , and it sometimes comes out Fired , and sometimes in the form of a Smoke , which afterwards fires of its own accord , and then forces its way with that vehemence and activity , that it drives all away before it , and kils without mercy ; insomuch that I have heard , that not many years ago , three men in Newcastle-pits were so shattered with it , that their very limbs were sever'd . This Fiery Meteor is observ'd to run all along the roof of the pit , so that if the Collyers have the fortune to see it issuing out , there is no way to secure themselves , but to lye flat along to the seat of the pit , and so do sometimes escape so great a danger . Sometimes it has taken its way up at the pit-eye , or shaft , with such vehemency , that it has thrown the Turn quite away from the mouth of the pit , which is a Cylinder of wood of a great weight , and has burnt and sindg'd the Rope , as black as Lightning does Trees . This is that Meteor , certainly , that Paracelsus calls the Coruscation of Metals , which , he sayes , is a sign of Metals in that place ; and , doubtless , is it that occasions Earthquakes , whensoever it happens in any quantity , and can have no Vent . The end of Subterraneous Experiments . The Conclusion . To the generous VIRTUOSI , and Lovers of Experimental Philosophy . CErtainly this World was made not onely to be Inhabited , but Studied and Contemplated by Man ; and , How few are there in the World that perform this homage due to their Creator ? Who , though he hath disclaimed all Brutal , yet still accepts of a Rational Sacrifice ; 't is a Tribute we ought to pay him for being men , for it is Reason that transpeciates our Natures , and makes us little lower than the Angels : Without the right management of this Faculty , we do not so much in our kind as Beasts do in theirs , who justly obey the prescript of their Natures , and live up to the height of that instinct that Providence hath given them . But , alas , How many Souls are there , that never come to act beyond that of the gazing-Monarch's ? Humanum paucis vivit genus . There is a world of People indeed , and but a few Men in it ; mankind is but preserv'd in a few Individuals ; the greatest part of Humanity is lost in Earth , and their Souls so fixed in that grosser moity of themselves ( their Bodies ) that nothing can volatilize them , and set their Reasons at Liberty . The numerous Rabble that seem to have the Signatures of Man in their faces , are Brutes in their understanding , and have nothing of the nobler part that should denominate their Essences ; 't is by the favour of a Metaphor we call them Men , for at the best they are but Des-Cartes's Automata , or Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the moving frames , and Zanies of men , and have nothing but their outsides to justifie their titles to Rationality . Pugs and Baboons may claim a Traduction from Adam as well as these , and have as great a share of Reason to justifie their Parentage . But it is not this numerous piece of Monstrosity ( the Multitude onely ) that are enemies to themselves and Learning ; there is a company of men amongst the Philosophers themselves , a sort of Notional heads , whose ignorance ( though varnish'd over with a little squabling Sophistry ) is as great and invincible as the former . These are they that daily stuff our Libraries with their Philosophical Romances , and glut the Press with their Canting Loquacities . For , instead of solid and Experimental Philosophy , it has been held accomplishment enough to graduate a Student , if he could but stiffly wrangle out a vexatious dispute of some odd Peripatetick qualities , or the like ; which ( if translated into English ) signified no more than a Heat 'twixt two Oyster-wives in Billings-gate : Nay , these crimes have not onely stain'd the Common , but there are spots also to be seen even in the Purple Gowns of Learning . For it hath been a great fault , and , indeed , a solemn piece of Folly , even amongst the Professors and nobler sort of Philosophers , That when they have arrived to a competent height in any Art or Science , if any difficulty do arise that their Art cannot presently reach unto , they instantly pronounce it a thing impossible to be done ; which inconsiderable and rash censure and forestallment of their endevours , does not onely stifle their own further Enquiries , but also hangs , to all succeeding ages , as a Scar-crow to affright them for ever approching that difficulty . Hence it is , that most Arts and Sciences are branded at this day with some such ignominious Impossibility . Thus came they to upbraid Chymistry with the Altahest , and Philosophers-Stone ; Geography , with Longitudes ; Geometry , with the Quadrature of a Circle ; Stereometry , with the Duplication of the Cube ; Trigonometry , with the Trisection of an Angle ; Algebra , with the Aequation of three discontinued Numbers ; Mechanicks , with a Perpetual Motion ; and our own Profession , with the incurability of Cancers and Quartans . Nay , the Spring and Nepetides in Natural Philosophy , the Doctrine of Comets in Astronomy , the Terra Incognita in Geography , the Heart's Motion in Anatomy , the Forming of Conick Sections in Dioptricks , the Various Variation in Magnetical Philosophy , are accounted as insuperable difficulties as the former , whose Causes ( they say ) defie all Humane Industry ever to discover them . But besides this Intestine war , and civil dissention that is 'twixt men of the same denomination and principles , there is one more general Impediment , which is an Authentick discouragement to the promotion of the Arts and Sciences , and that is , The Universal Exclamation of the World's decay and approximation to its period ; That both the great and little World have long since pass'd the Meridian , and , That the Faculties of the one doe fade and decay , as well as the Fabricks and Materials of the other ; which though it be a Conceit that hath possess'd all ages past , as nearly as ours , yet the Clamour was never so high as it is now : Something , therefore , I shall here offer , that will abate and qualifie the rigour of this Conception . An Essay , to prove the World's Duration , from the slow motion of the Sun 's Apogaeum , or the Earth's Aphelion . FIrst , We take for granted , from the Scripture-Account , that the World is about 5000. years old . Secondly , We take it for granted , that the Sun 's Apegaeum was at the Creation set in the first point of Aries ; for which you will anon see prevalent reasons . Thirdly , From Astronomical Observation 't is now found , that the Sun 's Apogaeum is about the sixth degree of Cancer . Fourthly , By intervals of Observation it is likewise found , That the Motion of the Sun 's Apogaeum , in 100. years , is 1 gr . 42′ 33″ , which by retrocalculation will point out the time of the World's Nativity to be about 5000. years ago , which very handsomely draws nigh to the Scripture-Account , as the famous Longomontanus has ingeniously observed . Now in all likelihood , he that made this great Automaton of the world , will not destroy it , till the slowest Motion therein has made one Revolution . For would it not even in a common Watchmaker ( that has made a curious Watch for some Gentleman or other , to shew him the rarity of his Art ) be great indiscretion , and a most imprudent act , and argue also a dislike of his own work , to pluck the said Watch in pieces before every wheel therein had made one revolution at least ? Now the Apogaeum ( if it move equally , as it hath hitherto done ) will not perfect one Revolution under 20000. years , whereof there is but one Quadrant yet spent , and 15000. years are yet to come . Besides , What reason is there that God should respect the one Hemisphaere of the Earth , more than the other ? For , take the Sun 's Apogaeum now as it is , and the North Hemisphaere of the Earth hath eight days more of the Sun's company than the South Hemisphaere hath ( as is plain to every one's Observation ) for it is eight dayes more from the Vernal to the Autumnal Aequinox , then it is from the Autumnal to the Vernal again ; which inequality will be repaid to our Antoeci in one Revolution of the Sun 's Apogaeum : for 5000. years hence , both Hemisphaeres will equally enjoy the Sun 's illuminating presence ; and 5000. years after that , the Southern Hemisphaere will have the eight supernumerary dayes transferr'd to them ; and then at the period of the last 5000. years , both Hemisphaeres will be equilibrated again : Therefore , in all reason , those Southern Inhabitants may expect , and we must grant one Revolution of the Sun 's Apogaeum , at least , ( which is 15000. years ) yet to come , to ballance our felicities in this world ; and who knows , but it may be continued many more Revolutions ? Thus much for the Macrocosm : Now what decay there is in the Microcosm , we must be both Parties and Judges ; and how far our Modern Wits have outdone the Ancient Sages , the parallel 'twixt the few Inventions of the one , and the rare Discoveries of the other , will easily determine . But the Learned Hackwell's Apology shall be mine at present , for not treating any further of this Subject ; he having long since perform'd that Task , to the conviction of Prejudice it self . Besides this Catholick one , there are other Remora's yet in the way , that have been accessory hindrances to the advancement of Learning , and that is , A diffidence and desperation of most men ( nay even of those of more discerning faculties ) of ever reaching to any eminent Invention ; and an inveterate conceit they are possess'd with of the old Maxim , That Nil dictum , quod non priùs dictum : by which despondency of mind , they have not onely stifled the blossoming of the Tree of Knowledge in themselves , but also have nipp'd the very Buds and Sproutings of it in others , by blazing about the old and uncomfortable Aphorism of our Hippocrates , of Nature's obscurity , the Life's brevity , the Senses fallacity , and the Judgement 's infirmity . Had the winged Souls of our modern Hero's been lime-twig'd with such ignoble conceptions as these , they had never flown up to those rare Inventions with which they have so enrich'd our latter dayes ; we had wanted the useful Inventions of Guns , Printing , Navigation , Paper , and Sugar ; we had wanted Decimal and Symbolical Arithmetick , the Analytical Algebra , the Magnetical Philosophy , the Logarithms , the Hydrargyral Experiments , the glorious Inventions of Dioptrick Glasses , Wind-guns , and the Noble Boyle's Pneumatick Engine . Nay , what strangers had we been at home , and within the circle of our own selves ? We had yet never known the Mesenterical and Thoracical Lacteae , the Blood 's Circulation , the Lymphiducts , and other admirable Curiosities in this fabrick of our Selves . All which incomparable Inventions do not only solicite , but , me-thinks , should inflame our endevours to attempt even Impossibilities , and to make the world know There are not difficulties enough , in Philosophy , for a vigorous and active Reason : 'T is a Noble resolution to begin there where all the world has ended ; and an Heroick attempt to salve those difficulties ( which former Philosophers accounted impossibilities ) though but in an Ingenious Hypothesis : And , certainly , there is no Truth so abstruse , nor so far elevated out of our reach , but man's wit may raise Engines to Scale and Conquer it : Though Democritus his pit be never so deep , yet by a long Sorites of Observations , and chain of Deductions , we may at last fathom it , and catch hold of Truth that hath so long sitt forlorn at bottom thereof . But these are Reaches that are beyond all those of the Stagyrite's Retinue , the Solutions of all those former Difficulties are reserved for you ( most Noble Souls , the true Lovers of Free , and Experimental Philosophy ) to gratifie Posterity withall . You are the enlarged and Elastical Souls of the world , who , removing all former rubbish , and prejudicial resistances , do make way for the Springy Intellect to flye out into its desired Expansion . When I seriously contemplate the freedom of your Spirits , the excellency of your Principles , the vast reach of your Designs , to unriddle all Nature ; me-thinks , you have done more than men already , and may be well placed in a rank Specifically different from the rest of groveling Humanity . And this is the Age wherein all mens Souls are in a kind of fermentation , and the spirit of Wisdom and Learning begins to mount and free it self from those drossie and terrene Impediments wherewith it hath been so long clogg'd , and from the insipid phlegm and Caput Mortuum of useless Notions , in which it has endured so violent and long a fixation . This is the Age wherein ( me-thinks ) Philosophy comes in with a Spring-tide ; and the Peripateticks may as well hope to stop the Current of the Tide , or ( with Xerxes ) to fetter the Ocean , as hinder the overflowing of free Philosophy : Me-thinks , I see how all the old Rubbish must be thrown away , and the rotten Buildings be overthrown , and carried away with so powerful an Inundation . These are the days that must lay a new Foundation of a more magnificent Philosophy , never to be overthrown : that will Empirically and Sensibly canvass the Phaenomena of Nature , deducing the Causes of things from such Originals in Nature , as we observe are producible by Art , and the infallible demonstration of Mechanicks : and certainly , this is the way , and no other , to build a true and permanent Philosophy : For Art , being the Imitation of Nature ( or , Nature at Second-Hand ) it is but a sensible expression of Effects , dependent on the same ( though more remote Causes ; ) and therefore the works of the one , must prove the most reasonable discoveries of the other . And to speak yet more close to the point , I think it is no Rhetorication to say , That all things are Artificial ; for Nature it self is nothing else but the Art of God. Then , certainly , to find the various turnings , and mysterious process of this divine Art , in the management of this great Machine of the World , must needs be the proper Office of onely the Experimental and Mechanical Philosopher . For the old Dogmatists and Notional Speculators , that onely gaz'd at the visible effects and last Resultances of things , understood no more of Nature , than a rude Countrey-fellow does of the Internal Fabrick of a Watch , that onely sees the Index and Horary Circle , and perchance hears the Clock and Alarum strike in it : But he that will give a satisfactory Account of those Phaenomena , must be an Artificer indeed , and one well skill'd in the Wheel-work and Internal Contrivance of such Anatomical Engines . FINIS . Errata . In the Preface , read Daring , instead of Darling Art. p. 6. l. 5. Opilionem . p. 11. l. 18. Bulbe . p. 21. l. 26. strange Atoms . p. 27. l. 17. Observat. 7. p. 29. l. 27. adde sound . l. 28. adde found it had lost . p. 31. l. 14. rings . p. 47. l. 9. Moon wort . and l. 13. of all things . p. 49. l. 17. chive , all . p. 51. l. 6. like . p. 68. l. 10. lucid . & l. 21. down . p. 70. l. 28. dele ( does . ) & l. 29. doth direct . p. 71. l. 22. and so . p. 72. l. 4. And indeed and reality . p. 78. l. 20. of that . p. 81. l. 17. Sun's spots . & l. 21. Sun's image . p. 82. l. 25. dele ( But. ) p. 91. l. 6. off . & l. 14 Cathetus . p. 93. l. 2. etch'd . l. 30. Torricellius . p 94. l. 2. their Ayr. p. 99. l. 13. this is . ibid. Observ. 11. Experiment 1. p. 101. l. 9. Elater . l. 12. particles . p. 102. l. 6. Experiments will to satiety . l. 21. dele ( which ) p. 103. l 2. is by far the greatest part thereof . p. 108. l. 26. superponderant water . p. 110. l. 12. all one . l. 24. at a free . p. 111. l. 7. such a like Tube . p. 112. l. 5. too . l. ult . dele ( And ) p. 114. l. 26. the orifice . p. 117. l. 1. Intumescency . l. 25. Imprison . p. 122. l. 20. About . l. penult . Marinus Ghetaldi . p. 128. l. 26. being open'd . p. 129. l. 11. with Mountain Ayr. p. 130. l. ult . Experimental Eviction . p. 132. l. 26. in the. p. 135. l. 7. Conceive . l. 12. of his Philosophy . p. 137. l. 15. dele ( of the fire ) and read , therefore . p. 168. l. 16. if it . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A55584-e370 D r. Brown , Relig. Med. Boyle his Essays , pag. 10. Notes for div A55584-e1030 Muffet , de Insectis , lib. 2 cap. 28. Muffet , lib. de Insectis , cap. 12. * Dr. Brown in his Vulgar Errors . In Epistolâ dedicatoriâ , Muffeti de Insectis . Muffet , Cap. 24. de Insect . lib. 2. In Epistolâ Prefatoriâ , ad Muffet . de Insectis . Muffet , de Insect . Cap. 16. pag. 122. Sir Francis Bacon Nat. History Exp. 91. 
A28980	----	Experiments, notes, &c. about the mechanical origine or production of divers particular qualities among which is inferred a discourse of the imperfection of the chymist's doctrine of qualities : together with some reflections upon the hypothesis of alcali and acidum / by the Honourable Robert Boyle ... Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. 1676 Approx. 498 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 291 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28980 Wing B3977 ESTC R14290 18047643 ocm 18047643 60282 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28980) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60282) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 836:20a) Experiments, notes, &c. about the mechanical origine or production of divers particular qualities among which is inferred a discourse of the imperfection of the chymist's doctrine of qualities : together with some reflections upon the hypothesis of alcali and acidum / by the Honourable Robert Boyle ... Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. [576] p. Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis ..., London : 1676. Reproduction of originals in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Item at 836:20a bound and filmed with: Of the mechanical origine of heat and cold / by the Honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Experiments and observations about the mechanical production of tasts / by the Honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Experiments and observations about the mechanical production of odours / by the Honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Of the imperfection of the chymist's doctrine of qualities / by the Honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Reflections upon the hypothesis of alcali and acidum / by the honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Experiments and notes about the mechanical origine and production of volatility / by the Honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Experimental notes of the mechanical origine or production of fixtness. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Experiments and notes about the mechanical origine or production of corrosiveness and corrosibility / by the Honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Of the mechanical causes of chymical precipitation / by the honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1675 -- Experiments and notes about the mechanical production of magnetism / by the Honourable Robert Boyle. London : Printed by E. Flesher for R. Davis, 1676. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Experiments , Notes , &c. ABOUT THE Mechanical Origine or Production Of divers particular QUALITIES : Among which is inserted a Discourse of the IMPERFECTION OF THE CHYMIST's Doctrine OF QUALITIES ; Together with some Reflections upon the HYPOTHESIS OF ALCALI and ACIDUM . By the Honourable Robert Boyle , Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1676. THE PUBLISHER TO THE Reader . TO keep the Reader from being at all surpriz'd at the Date of the Title-Page , I must inform him , that a good part of the ensuing Tracts were Printed off , and in my custody , the last year ; and the rest had come out with them divers moneths ago , if the Noble Author had not been hinder'd from committing them to the Press by the desire and hope of being able in a short time to send them abroad more numerous , and by his being hinder'd to do so partly by Remove , partly by the want of some Papers that were odly lost or spoil'd , and partly by the sickness of himself , and divers of his near Relations . And some of these Impediments do yet suppress what the Author intended should have made a part of the Book , which now he suffers to be publish'd without them , though divers of his Papers about some other particular Qualities have been written so long ago , as to have lain for many years neglected among other of his old Writings : Which that he may have both leasure and health to review , and fit for publication , is the ardent wish of the sincere Lovers of Real Knowledge , who have reason to look on it as no mean proof of his constant kindness to Experimental Philosophy , that in these Tracts he perseveres in his course of freely and candidly communicating his Experiments and Observations to the publick , notwithstanding the liberty that hath been too boldly taken to mention them as their own by some later Writers ; as particularly by the Compiler of the Treatise , entitul'd Polygraphice , who in two Chapters hath allow'd himself to present his Reader with alove Fifty Experiments , taken out of our Authors Book of Colours , without owning any one of them to Him , or so much as naming him or his Book in either of those Chapters , nor , that I remember , in any of the others . Nor did I think this practice justified by the confession made in the Preface , importing , that the Compiler had taken the particulars he deliver'd from the Writings of others . For , this general and perfunctory acknowledgment neither doth right to particular Authors , nor , by naming them , enables the Reader to know , whether the things deliver'd come from persons fit to be credited or not : And therefore , since 't is but too likely , that such Concealment of the Names , if not Usurpation of the Labours of the Benefactors to Philosophy , will prove much more forbidding to many others to impart their Experiments , than as yet they have to our generous Author ; it seems to be the Interest of the Commonwealth of Learning openly to discountenance so discouraging a practice , and to shew , that they do not think it fit that Possessors of useful pieces of knowledge should be strongly tempted to envy them to the Publick , to the end onely that a few Compilers should not be put upon so reasonable and easie a work , as by a few words or names to shew themselves just , if not grateful . But not to keep the Reader any longer from the perusal of these Tracts themselves , I shall conclude with intimating onely , that what our Author saith in one of them concerning the Insufficiency of the Chymical Hypothesis for explaining the Effects of Nature , is not at all intended by him to derogate from the sober Professors of Chymistry , or to discourage them from useful Chymical Operations ; forasmuch as I had the satisfaction , some years since , to see in the Authors hands a Discourse of his about the Usefulness of Chymistry for the Advancement of Natural Philosophy ; with which also 't is hoped he will e're long gratifie the Publick . ADVERTISEMENTS Relating to the following TREATISE . TO obviate some misapprehensions that may arise concerning the ensuing Notes about Particular Qualities , it may not be improper to adde something in this place to what has been said in another † Paper in reference to those Notes , and consequently to premise to the particular Experiments some few general Advertisements about them . And I. we may consider , that there may be three differing ways of treating Historically of Particular Qualities . For either one may in a full and methodical History prosecute the Phaenomena ; or one may make a Collection of various Experiments and Observations whence may be gathered divers Phaenomena to illustrate several , but not all of the Heads or Parts of such an ample or methodical History ; or ( in the third place ) one may in a more confin'd way content ones self to deliver such Experiments and Observations of the Production , or the Destruction or Change of this or that Quality , as , being duly reason'd on , may suffice to shew wherein the nature of that Quality doth consist , especially in opposition to those erroneous conceits that have been entertained about it . Of the First of these three ways of treating of a Quality I pretend not to have given any compleat example ; but you will find , that I have begun such Histories in my . Specimens about Fluidity and Firmness , and in the Experiments , Observations , &c. that I have put together about Cold. The Second sort of Historical Writings I have given an Instance of in my Experiments about Colours ; but in these ensuing Notes , the occasion I had to make them having obliged me chiefly to have an eye to the disproval of the errours of the Peripateticks and the Chymists about them , I hope I shall not be thought to have fallen very short in my Attempt , if I have ( here and there ) perform'd what may be required in the Third way of writing Historically of a Quality ; my present Design being chiefly to give an Intelligent and Historical Account of the Possible Mechanical Origination , not of the various Phaenomena of the particular Qualities succinctly mentioned in these Notes ; though , my secondary end being to become a Benefactor to the History of Qualities by providing Materials for my self or better Architects , I have not scrupled to adde to those , that tend more directly to discover the Nature or Essence of the Quality treated of , and to derive it from Mechanical Principles , some others ( which happen'd to come in my way ) that acquaint us but with some of the less luciferous Phaenomena . II. That you may not mistake what is driven at in many of the Experiments and Reasonings deliver'd or propos'd in the ensuing Notes about Particular Qualities , I must desire you to take notice with me , what it is that I pretend to offer you some proofs of . For , if I took upon me to demonstrate , that the Qualities of bodies cannot proceed from ( what the Schools call ) Substantial Forms , or from any other Causes but Mechanical , it might be reasonably enough expected , that my Argument should directly exclude them all . But since , in my Explications of Qualities , I pretend only , that they may be explicated by Mechanical Principles , without enquiring , whether they are explicable by any other , that which I need to prove , is , not that Mechanical Principles are the necessary and onely things whereby Qualities may be explained , but that probably they will be found sufficient for their explication . And since these are confessedly more manifest and more intelligible than substantial Form● and other Scholastic Entities ( if I may so call them ) 't is obvious , what the consequence will be of our not being oblig'd to have recourse to things , whose existence is very disputable , and their nature ve●y obscure . There are several ways that may be employed , some on one occasion and some on another , either more directly to reduce Qualities ( as well as divers other things in nature ) to Mechanical Principles ; or , by shewing the insufficiency of the Peripatetic and Chymical Theories of Qualities , to recommend the Corpuscularian Doctrine of them . For further Illustration of this Point , I shall adde on this occasion , that there are three distinct sorts of Experiments ( besides other proofs ) that may be reasonably employ'd , ( though they be not equally effi●acious ) when we treat of the Origine of Qualities . For some Instances may be brought to shew , that the propos'd Quality may be Mechanically introduc'd into a portion of matter , where it was not before . Other Instances there may be to shew , that by the same means the Quality may be notably varied as to degrees , or other not essential Attributes . And by some Instances also it may appear , that the Quality is Mechanically expell'd from , or abolish'd in , a portion of matter that was endow'd with it before . Sometimes also by the same Operation the former quality is destroyed , and a new one is produc'd . And each of these kinds of Instances may be usefully employ'd in our Notes about Particular Qualities . For , as to the first of them , there will be scarce any difficulty . And as to the second , since the permanent Degrees as well as other Attributes of Qualities are said to flow from ( and do indeed depend upon ) the same Principles that the Quality it self does ; if , especially in bodies inanimate , a change barely Mechanical does notably and permanently alter the degree or other considerable attribute ; it will afford , though not a clear proof , yet a probable presumption , that the Principles whereon the Quality it self depends are Mechanical . And lastly , if , by a bare Mechanical change of the internal Disposition and structure of a body , a permanent Quality , confess'd to flow from its substantial Form or inward Principle , be abolish'd , and perhaps also immediately succeeded by a new Quality Mechanically producible ; if , I say , this come to pass in a body Inanimate , especially if it be also , as to sense similar , such a Phaenomenon will not a little favour that Hypothesis which teaches , that these Qualities depend upon certain contextures and other Mechanical Affections of the small parts of the bodies , that are indowed with them , and consequently may be abolish'd when that necessary Modification is destroyed . This is thus briefly premis'd to shew the pertinency of alledging differing kinds of Experiments and Phaenomena in favour of the Corpuscular Hypothesis about Qualities . What has been thus laid down , may , I hope , facilitate and shorten most of the remaining work of this Preamble , which is to sh●w , though but very briefly , that there may be several ways , not impertinently employable to recommend the Corpuscularian Doctrine of Qualities . For first , it may sometimes be shewn , that a Substantial Form cannot be pretended to be the necessary Principle of this or that Quality ; as w●ll ( for instance ) hereafter be made manifest in the Asperity and Smoothness of bodies , and in the Magnetical Vertue residing in a piece of Iron that has been impregnated by a Load-stone . 'T is true , that the force of such Instances is indirect , and that they do not expresly prove the Hypothesis in whose favour they are alledged , but yet they may do it good service by disproving the Grounds and Conclusions of the Adversaries , and so ( by removing Prejudices ) making way for the better entertainment of the truth . Secondly , we may sometimes obtain the same or the like Quality by Artificial and sometimes even temporary Compositions , which , being but factitious bodies , are by Leerned Adversaries confess'd not to have Substantial Forms , and can indeed reasonably be presum'd to have but resulting Temperaments : As will be hereafter exemplifi'd in the production of Green by compounding Blew and Yellow , and in the Electrical Faculty of Glass ; and in the temporary whiteness produc'd by beating clear Oyl and fair Water into an Ointment , and by beating water into a froth , and , more permanently , in making Coral white by flawing it with heat , and in divers other Particulars , that will more properly be elsewhere mention'd . Thirdly then , in some cases the Quality propos'd may be either introduced , or vary'd , or destroy'd in an inanimate body , when no change appears to be made in the body , except what is Mechanical , and what might be produc'd in it , supposing such a parcel of matter were artificially fram'd and constituted as the body is , though without any Substantial Form , or other such like internal Principle . So when a piece of Glass , or of clarify'd Rosin , is , by being beaten to powder , deprived of its Transparency , and made white , there appears no change to be made in the pulveriz'd body , but a comminution of it into a multitude of Corpuscles , that by their number and the various scituations of their surfaces are fitted copiously to reflect the sincere Light several ways , or give some peculiar Modification to its Rayes ; and hinder that free passage of the beams of Light , that is requisite to Transparency . Fourthly , as in the cases belonging to the foregoing number there appears not to intervene in the Patient or Subject of the change , any thing but a Mechanical alteration of the Mechanical Structure or Constitution ; so in some other cases it appears not , that the Agent , whether natural or factitious , operates on the Patient otherwise than Mechanically , employing onely such a way of acting as may proceed from the Mechanisme of the matter , which it self consists of , and that of the body it acts upon . As when Goldsmiths burnish a Plate or Vessel of Silver , that having been lately boil'd lookt white before , though they deprive it of the greatest part of its colour , and give it a new power of reflecting the beams of Light and visible Objects , in the manner proper to specular bodies ; yet all this is done by the intervention of a burnishing Tool , which often is but a piece of Steel or Iron conveniently shap'd ; and all that this Burnisher does , is but to depress ●●●●●tle prominencies of the Silver , and reduce them , and the little cavites of it , to one physically level or plain Superficies . And so when a Hammer striking often on a Nail , makes the head of it grow hot , the Hammer is but a purely Mechanical Agent , and works by local motion . And when by striking a lump of Glass , it breaks it into a multitude of small parts that compose a white powder , it acts as Mechanically in the production of that Whiteness as it does in driving in a Nail to the head . And so likewise , when the powder'd Glass or Colophony lately mention'd is , by the fire , from a white and opacous body , reduc'd into a colourless ( or a reddish ) and transparent one , it appears not , that the fire , though a natural Agent , need work otherwise than Machanically , by colliquating the incoherent grains of powder into one mass ; wherein , the ranks of pores not being broken and interrupted as before , the incident beams of Light are allow'd every way a free passage through them . Fifthly , the like Phaenomena to those of a Quality to be explicated , or at least as difficult in the same kind , may be produc'd in bodies and cases , wherein 't is plain we need not recurre to Substantial Forms . Thus a varying Colour , life that which is admired in a Pigeons Neck , may be produc'd in changeable Taffety , by a particular way of ranging and connecting Silk of several Colours into one piece of Stuff . Thus we have known Opals casually imitated and almost excell'd by Glass , which luckily degenerated in the Furnace . And somewhat the life changeable and very delightful Colour I remember to have introduced into common Glass with Silver or with Gold and Mercury . So likewise meerly by blowing fine Crystal-Glass at the flame of a Lamp to a very extraordinary thinness , we have made it to exhibit , and that vividly , all the Colours ( as they speak ) of the Rainbow ; and this power of pleasing by diverfiyying the Light , the Glass , if well preserved , may keep for a long time . Thus also by barely beating Gold into such thin leaves as Artificers and Apothecaries are wont to employ , it will be brought to exhibite a green Colour , when you hold it against the Light , whether of the day , or of a good Candle ; and this kind of Greenness as 't is permanent in the foliated Gold , so I have found by trial , that if the Sun-beams , somewhat united by a Burning-glass , be trajected through the expanded Leaf , and cast upon a piece of white paper , they will appear there as if they had been tinged in their passage . Nay , and sometimes a slight and almost momentany Mechanical change will seem to over rule Nature , and introduce into a body the quite opposite Quality to that she had given it : As when a piece of black Horn is , onely by being thinly scraped with the edge of a knife or a piece of glass , reduced to permanently white Shavings . And to these Instances of Colours , some Emphatical and some Permanent , might be added divers belonging to other Qualities , but that I ought not to anticipate what you will elsewhere meet with . There is yet another way of arguing in favour of the Corpuscularian Doctrine of Qualities , which , though it do not afford direct proofs of its being the best Hypothesis , yet it may much strengthen the Arguments drawn from other Topicks , and thereby serve to recommend the Doctrine it self . For , the use of an Hypothesis being to render an intelligible account of the Causes of the Effects or Phaenomena propos'd , without crossing the Laws of Nature or other Phaenomena , the more numerous and the more various the Particulars are , whereof some are explicable by the assign'd Hypothesis , and some are agreeable to it , or at least are not dissonant from it , the more valuable is the Hypothesis , and the more likely to be true . For 't is much more difficult , to finde an Hypothesis that is not true which will suit with many Phaenomena , especially if they be of various kinds , than but with few . And for this Reason I have set down among the Instances belonging to particular Qualities some such Experiments and Observations , as we are now speaking of , since , although they be not direct proofs of the preferrablennss of our Doctrine , yet they may serve for Confirmation of it ; though this be not the only or perhaps the chief Reason of their being mention'd . For whatever they may be as Arguments , since they are matters of fact , I thought it not amiss to take this occasion of preserving them from being lost ; since , whether or no they contribute much to the establishment of the Mechanical Doctrine about Qualities , they will at least contribute to the Natural History of them . III. I shall not trouble the Reader with a Recital of those unlucky Accidents , that have hinder'd the Subjects of the following Book from being more numerous , and I hope he will the more easily excuse their paucity , if he be advertised , that although the particular Qualities , about which some Experiments and Notes , by way of Specimens , are here presented , be not near half so many as were intended to be treated of ; yet I was careful to chuse them such as might comprehend in a small number a great variety ; there being scarce one sort of Qualities , of which there is not an Instance given in this small Book , since therein Experiments and thoughts are deliver'd about Heat and Cold , which are the chief of the four FIRST QUALITIES ; about Tasts and Odours , which are of those , that , being the immediate objects of Sense , are wont to be call'd SENSIBLE QUALITIES ; about Volatility and Fixity , Corrosiveness and Corrosibility , which , as they are found in bodies purely natural , are referrable to those Qualities , that many Physical Writers call SECOND QUALITIES , and which yet , as they may be produced and destroyed by the Chymists Art , may be stiled Chymical Qualities , and the Spagyrical ways of introducing or expelling them may be referr'd to Chymical Operations , of which there is given a more ample Specimen in the Mechanical account of Chymical Precipitations . And lastly , some Notes are added about Magnetism and Electricity , which are known to belong to the Tribe of Occult Qualities . IV. If a want of apt Coherence and exact Method be discover'd in the following Essays , 't is hop'd , that defect will be easily excus'd by those that remember and consider , that these Papers were originally little better than a kind of Rapsody of Experiments , Thaughts , and Observations , occasionally thrown together by way of Annotations upon some Passages of a Discourse , ( about the differing Parts and Redintegration of Nitre ) wherein some things were pointed at relating to the particular Qualities that are here more largely treated of . And though the Particulars that concern some of these Qualities , were afterwards ( to supply the place of those borrow'd by other Papers whilst these lay by me ) increas'd in number ; yet it was not to be expected , that their Accession should as well correct the Form as augment the Matter of our Annotations . And as for the two Tracts , that are inserted among these Essays about Qualities ; I mean the Discourse of the Imperfection of the Chymical Doctrine of them , and the Reflections on the Hypothesis of Acidum and Alcali , the occasion of their being made parts of this Book is so far express'd in the Tracts themselves , that I need not here trouble the Reader with a particular Account of it . V. I do not undertake , that all the following Accounts of Particular Qualities would prove to be the very true ones , nor every Explication the best that can be devis'd . For besides that the difficulty of the Subject , and Incompleatness of the History we yet have of Qualities , may well deterre a man , less diffident of his own abilities than I justly am , from assuming so much to himself , it is not absolutely necessary to my present Design . For , Mechanical Explications of natural Phaenomena do give so much more satisfaction to ingenious minds , than those that must employ Substantial Forms , Sympathy , Antipathy , &c. that the more judicious of the vulgar Philosophers themselves prefer them before all others , when they can be had ; ( as is elsewhere shewn at large , ) but then they look upon them either as confined to Mechanical Engines , or at least but as reaching to very few of Nature's Phaenomena , and , for that reason , unfit to be received as Physical Principles . To remove therefore this grand Prejudice and Objection , which seems to be the chief thing that has kept off Rational Inquirers from closing with the Mechanical Philosophy , it may be very conducive , if not sufficient , to propose such Mechanical accounts of Particular Qualities themselves , as are intelligible and possible , and are agreeable to the Phaenomena whereto they are applied . And to this it is no more necessary that the account propos'd should be the truest and best that can possibly be given , than it is to the proving that a Clock is not acted by a vital Principle , ( as those Chineses thought , who took the first , that was brought them out of Europe , for an Animal , ) but acts as an Engine , to do more than assign a Mechanical Structure made up of Wheels , a Spring , a Hammer , and other Mechanical pieces , that will regularly shew and strike the hour , whether this Contrivance be or be not the very same with that of the Particular Clock propos'd ; which may indeed be made to move either with Springs or Weights , and may consist of a greater or lesser number of Wheels , and those differingly scituated and connected ; but for all this variety 't will still be but an Engine . I intend not therefore by proposing the Theories and Conjectures ventur'd at in the following Papers , to debar my self of the Liberty either of altering them , or of substituting others in their places , in case a further progress in the History of Qualities shall suggest better Hypotheses or Explications . And 't was but agreeable to this Intention of mine , that I should , as I have done , on divers occasions in the following Notes , imploy the word Or , and express my self somewhat doubtingly , mentioning more than one Cause of a Phaenomenon , or Reason of an opinion , without dogmatically declaring for either ; since my purpose in these Notes was rather to shew , it was not necessary to betake our selves to the Scholastick or Chymical Doctrine about Qualities , than to act the Umpire between the differing Hypotheses of the Corpuscularians ; and , provided I kept my self within the bounds of Mechanical Philosophy , my design allowed me a great latitude in making explications of the Phaenomena , I had occasion to take notice of . FINIS . Directions for the Book-binder ; to be put immediately after the general Title Page . THE several Tracts of this Book are to be bound in the order following , viz. After the Preface of the Publisher to the Reader , and the Advertisements relating to the whole Treatise , is to follow , 1. The Tract of Heat and Cold. 2. Of Tasts . 3. Of Odours . 4. Of the imperfection of the Chymists Doctrine of Qualities . 5. Reflexions upon the Hypothesis of Alcali and Acidum . 6. Advertisements relating to Chymical Qualities , to be bound next after the Title Page to Volatility . 7. Of Volatility . 8. Of Fixtness . 9. Of Corrosiveness & Corrosibility . 10. Of Chymical Precipitation . 11. Of Magnetism . 12. Of Electricity . ERRATA . IN the Tract of Heat and Cold , p. 28. at the end of the page dele Finis , and go on to Exp. IX . p. 40. l. 21. r. degree of rapidness . p. 102. l. 15. put a comma after the word before . In the Tract of Corrosiveness and Corrosibility read in the current Title on the top of p. 2. and 3. & seqq . Corrosiveness and Corrosibility , not or . OF THE MECHANICAL ORIGINE OF HEAT and COLD . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. Experiments and Notes ABOUT THE MECHANICAL ORIGINE OR PRODUCTION OF HEAT and COLD . SECT . I. About the Mechanical Production of Cold. HEAT & COLD being generally lookt upon as the most active among Qualities , from which many other Qualities are deducible , and by which many of Nature's Phaenomena , especially among the Peripateticks , are attempted to be explicated ; I suppose it will be very proper to begin with Instances of them to shew , that Qualities may be Mechanically produced or destroyed . A not useless Paraphrase of which expression may be this , That a portion of matter may come to be endowed with a Quality , which it had not before , or to be deprived of one that it had , or ( sometimes ) to acquire or lose a degree of that Quality ; though on the part of the Matter ( or , as some would speak , of the Patient ) there do not appear to intervene any more than a change of Texture , or some other Mechanical Alteration ; and though the Agents ( on their part ) do not appear to act upon it otherwise , than after a Mechanical manner , that is , by their bigness , shape , motion , and those other Attributes by vertue whereof Mechanical Powers and Engines perform their operations ; and this without having recourse to the Peripatetic Substantial Forms and Elements , or to the Hypostatical Principles of the Chymists . And having here ( as in a proper place ) to avoid ambiguity , premised once for all , this * Summary Declaration of the sense , agreeably whereunto I would have these Terms understood in the following Notes about the Origine of Particular Qualities ; I proceed now to set down some few examples of the Mechanical Production of Cold & Heat , beginning with those that relate to the former , because by reason of their Paucity they will be quickly dispatcht . And I hope I shall not need to make an Apology for mentioning no greater number ; since I scarce remember to have met with any Instances of this kind in any of the Classick Writers of Natural Philosophy . EXPER. I. MY first Experiment is afforded me by the Dissolution of Sal Armoniac , which I have somewhat wonder'd , that Chymists having often occasion to purifie that Salt by the help of Water , should not have , long since , and publickly , taken notice of . For if you put into three or four times its weight of Water a pound or but half a pound ( or even less ) of powder'd Sal Armoniack , and stir it about to hasten the dissolution , there will be produc'd in the mixture a very intense degree of Coldness , such as will not be onely very sensible to his hand that holds the Glass whilst the Dissolution is making , but will very manifestly discover it self by its Operation upon a Thermoscope . Nay , I have more than once by wetting the outside of the Glass , where the dissolution was making , and nimbly stirring the Mixture , turn'd that externally adhering water into real Ice , ( that was scrap'd off with a knife ) in less than a minute of an hour . And this thus generated Cold continued considerably intense , whilst the action of dissolution lasted ; but afterwards by degrees abated , and within a very few hours ceas'd . The particular Phaenomena I have noted in the Experiment , and the practical uses that may be made of it I reserve for another place * , the knowledge of them being not necessary in this , where what I have already related , may suffice for my present Argument . And to shew , that not onely a far more intense degree of Cold may emerge in this Mixture , than was to be found in either of the Ingredients before they were mingled , but a considerable Coldness may be begun to be produc'd between Bodies that were neither of them actually Cold before they were put together , I will subjoin a Transcript of what I find to this purpose among my Adversaria . EXPER. II. [ I Remember that once I had a mind to try , Whether the Coldness produced upon the Solution of beaten Sal Armoniac in water , might not be more probably referr'd to some change of Texture or Motion resulting from the action of the Liquor upon the Salt , than to any Infrigidation of the water made by the suddain dispersion of so many Saline grains of powder , which by reason of their Solidity may be suspected to be actually more cold than the Water they are put into ; I therefore provided a Glass full of that Liquor , and having brought it to such a Temper , that its warmth made the Spirit of Wine in the seal'd Weather-glass manifestly , though not nimbly , ascend ; I took out the Thermoscope , and laid it in powder'd Sal Armoniac , warm'd beforehand ; so that the tincted Liquor was made to ascend much nimblier by the Salt than just before by the Water ; and having presently remov'd the Instrument into that Liquor again , and poured the somewhat warm Sal Armoniac into the same , I found , as I imagin'd , that within a space of time which I guess'd to be about half a minute or less , the Spirit of Wine began hastily to subside , and within a few minutes fell above a whole division and a quarter below the mark at which it stood in the water , before that Liquor or the Salt were warm'd . Nor did the Spirit in a great while reascend to the height which it had when the water was cold . The same Experiment , being at another time reiterated , was tried with the like success ; which second may therefore serve for a Confirmation of the first . ] EXPER. III. HAving a mind likewise to shew some Ingenious men , how much the production of Heat and Cold depends upon Texture and other Mechanical Affections , I thought fit to make again a Sal Armoniac by a way I formerly publish'd , that I might be sure to know what Ingredients I employ'd , and shew their effects as well before conjunction as after it . I took then Spirit of Salt , and Spirit of fermented or rather putrified Urine ; and having put a seal'd Weather-glass into an open Vessel , where one of them was pour'd in , I put the other by degrees to it , and observ'd , that , as upon their mingling they made a great noise with many bubbles , so in this conflict they lost their former coldness , and impell'd up the Spirit of Wine in the seal'd Thermoscope : Then slowly evaporating the superfluous moisture , I obtained a fine sort of Sal Armoniac for the most part figur'd not unlike the other , when being dissolv'd and filtrated , it is warily coagulated . This new Salt being gently dry'd I put into a wide Glass of water , wherein I had before plac'd a seal'd Weather-glass , that the included Spirit might acquire the temper of the ambient Liquor , and having stirr'd this Salt in the water , though I took it then off the mantle-tree of a Chimney that had had fire in it divers hours before , it did , as I expected , make the tincted Spirit hastily subside and fall considerably low . EXPER. IV. SInce if two bodies upon their mixture acquire a greater degree of Cold than either of them had before there is a production of this additional degree of that Quality , it will be proper to add on this occasion the ensuing Experiment . We took a competent quantity of acid spirit distill'd from Roch-allom , ( that , though rectifi'd , was but weak , ) which , in the spirit of that salt , is not strange . Of this we put into a wide mouth'd Glass ( that was not great ) more than was sufficient to cover the globulous part of a good seal'd Thermoscope , and then suffering the instrument to stay a pretty while in the liquor , that the Spirit of wine might be cool'd as much as the ambient was , we put in little by little some volatile salt sublimed from Sal Armoniac and a fixt Alcali , and notwithstanding the very numerous ( but not great ) bubbles , and the noise and froath that were produced , as is usual upon the reaction of Acids and Alcalys , the tincted spirit in the Weather-glass , after having continued a good while at a stand , began a little to descend , and continued ( though but very slowly ) to do so , till the spirit of Allom was glutted with the volatile salt ; and this descent of the tincted liquor in the Instrument being measur'd , appear'd to be about an inch ( for it manifestly exceeded seven eighths . ) By comparing this Experiment with the first part of the foregoing , we may gather , that when Volatile and Urinous Salts or Spirits ( for the saline particles appear sometimes in a dry and sometimes in a liquid form ) tumultuate upon their being mixt with Acids , neither the Heat nor the Cold that ensues is produc'd by a Conflict with the Acids precisely as it is Acid , since we have seen that an urinous spirit produc'd an actual Heat with spirit of Salt , and the distill'd Salt of Sal Armoniac , which is also Urinous , with the acid spirit of Roch-Allom produces not a true effervescence , but a manifest Coldness : As the same Salt also did in a Trial of another sort , which was this . EXPER. V. WE took one part of Oyl of Vitriol , and shaking it into twelve parts of water we made a mixture , that at first was sensibly warm ; then suffering this to cool , we put a sufficient quantity of it into a wide mouth'd glass , and then we put a good Thermoscope Hermetically seal'd , above whose Ball the compounded liquor reached a pretty way . After some time had been allowed that the liquor in the Thermometer might acquire the temper of the ambient ; we put in by degrees as much volatile Salt of Sal Armoniac as would serve to satiate the acid spirits of the mixture : for , though these two made a notable conflict with tumult , noise , and froth , yet 't was but a cold ebullition ( if I may so stile it , ) for the spirit in the Thermoscope descended about an inch beneath the mark it rested at , when the seeming effervescence began . EXPER. VI. 'T Is known that Salt-peter being put into common water produces a sensible Coldness in it , as it also does in many other Liquors : But that the same Salt put into a Liquor of another Constitution may have a quite differing effect , I have convinc'd some inquisitive persons by mingling eight ounces of fine Salt-peter powder'd with six ounces of Oyl of Vitriol : For by that commixture with a Salt that was not only actually , but , as to many other bodies , potentially cold , the Oyl of Vitriol , that was sensibly cold before , quickly conceived a considerable degree of Heat , whose Effects also became visible in the copious Fumes that were emitted by the incalescent Mixture . EXPER. VII . THis brings into my mind , that though Gunpowder seems to be of so igneous a nature , that , when 't is put upon a Coal , it is turn'd presently into flame capable of promoting the deflagration of the Charcoal , and kindling divers bodies it meets with in its way ; yet if some ounces of Gunpowder reduced to powder be thrown into four or five times as much water , it will very manifestly impart a Coldness to it , as experience made with , as well as without , a seal'd Thermoscope has assured me . This and the foregoing Experiment do readily suggest an Inquiry into the nature of the Coldness , which Philosophers are wont to oppose to that which immediately and upon the first contact affect the organs of sense , and which therefore they call Actual or Formal . The success of this Experiment upon a second trial serv'd to confirm it , which is the more strange , because I have found , that a small quantity of Oyl of Vitriol , not beforehand mingled with water , would produce a notable heat in its conflict with a small portion of just such Salt as I employed before ( both the parcels having been , if I well remember , taken out of the same Glass . ) And this heat did upon trial , made with the former Thermoscope , make the tincted Spirit ascend much further than the lately recited Experiment made it subside . A DIGRESSION ABOUT POTENTIAL COLDNESS . POtential Coldness has been generally lookt upon , and that partly perhaps upon the score of its very name , as so abstruse a Quality , that 't is not onely rational but necessary to derive it from the substantial Forms of bodies . But I confess I see no necessity of believing it not to be referrable to Mechanical Principles . For as to the chief Instances of Potential Coldness , which are taken from the effects of some Medicines and aliments in the bodies of men , it may be said without improbability , that the produced Refrigeration proceeds chiefly from this , that the potentially cold body is made up of Corpuscles of such size , shape , &c. that being resolved and disjoined by the Menstruum of the stomach , or the fluids it may elsewhere meet with , they do so associate themselves with the small parts of the blood and other liquors , as , by clogging them or otherwise , to lessen their wonted agitation , and perhaps make them act in a peculiar way as well as less briskly on the nervous and fibrous parts ; and the perception of this Imminution ( and perhaps change ) of motion in the organs of feeling is that , which , being referr'd to the body that produces it , we call its Potential Coldness . Which Quality appears by this account to be , as I was saying before , but a Relative thing , and is wont to require the diffusion or dispersion of the small parts of the Corpuscles of the Agent , and their mingling themselves with the liquors or the small parts of the body they are to refrigerate . And therefore , if it be granted , that in Agues there is some morbifick matter of a viscous or not easily dissipable texture , that is harbor'd in some part of the body , and requires such a time to be made fluid and resolvable ; the Cold Fits of Agues need not be so much admired as they usually are ; since , though just before the Fit the same parcel of matter that is to produce it were actually in the body , yet it was not by reason of its clamminess actually resolved into small parts , and mingled with those of the bloud , and consequently could not make such a change in the motion of that liquor as is felt in the Cold Fit of an Ague ; ( for , of the further Change that occasions the Hot Fit , I am not here to speak ) And in some other Diseases a small quantity of matter , being resolved into minute parts , may be able to produce a great sense of Coldness in some part of a body , which by reason of the structure of that part may be peculiarly disposed to be affected thereby ; as I have known Hypochondriack and Hysterical women complain of great Degrees of Coldness , that would suddenly invade some particular part , chiefly of the Head or Back , and be for a good while troublesome there . And that , if a frigorific vapour or matter be exceeding subtile , an inconsiderable Quantity of it being dispersed through the bloud may suffice to produce a notable Refrigeration , I have learnt by Inquiry into the Effects of some Poysons ; and 't is not very material , whether the Poyson , generally speaking , be cold or hot , if it meet with a body dispos'd to have those affections that pass for cold ones produced in it . For I have made a Chymical Liquor , that was penetrant and fiery enough to the Taste , and had acquired a Subtlety and briskness from Distillation , with which I could almost in a trice , giving it but in the quantity of about a drop , cast an Animal into that which appear'd a sleep , and the like Liquor , in a not much greater quantity , being , by I know not whose mistake , apply'd to the aking Tooth of a very Ingenious Person , did presently , as he soon after told me , give him an universal Refrigeration , and trembling , worse than the cold Paroxisme of a Quartane . And though Scorpions do sometimes cause , by their sting , violent Heats in the parts they hurt , yet sometimes also the quite contrary happens , and their Poyson proves , in a high degree , potentially cold ; as may be learnt from the two following Observations recorded by eminent Physicians . * Famulum habui , ( saith Benivenius ) qui à Scorpione ictus , tam subito ac tam frigido sudore toto corpore perfusus est , ut algentissimâ nive atque glacie sese opprimi quereretur . Verùm cùm algenti illi solam Theriacam ex vino potentiore exhibuissem , illicò curatus est : Thus far he : To whose Narrative I adde this of Amatus Lusitanus . Vir qui à Scorpione in manus digito punctus fuit , multum dolebat , & refrigeratus totus eontremebat , & per corpus dolores , cute totâ quasi acu punctâ , formicantes patiebatur , &c. I cannot now stay to enquire , Whether there may not be in these great Refrigerations , made by so small a quantity of Poyson , some small Concretions or Coagulations made of the minute particles of the bloud into little clots , less agile and more unwieldy than they were when they moved separately : which may be illustrated by the little Curdlings that may be made of the parts of Milk by a very small proportion of Runnet or some acid liquor , and the little coagulations made of the Spirit of Wine by that of Urine : Nor will I now enquire , whether , besides the retardment of the motion of the bloud , some poysons and other analogous Agents may not give the motion of it a new modification , ( as if some Corpuscles that usually are more whirl'd or brandish'd be put into a more direct Motion ) that may give it a peculiar kind of grating or other action upon the nervous and fibrous parts of the body . These , I say , and other suspicious that have sometimes come into my thoughts , I must not stay to examine ; but shall now rather offer to Consideration , Whether , since some parts of the humane body are very differing from others in their structure and internal Constitution ; and since also some Agents may abound in Corpuscles of differing shapes , bulks , and motions , the same Medicine may not in reference to the same humane body be potentially cold or potentially hot , according as 't is applied ; or perhaps may , upon one or both of the accounts newly mentioned , be cold in reference to one part of the body , and hot in reference to the other . And these effects need not be always ascrib'd to the meer and immediate action of the Corpuscles of the Medicine , but sometimes to the new Quality they acquire in their Passage by associating themselves with the bloud or other fluids of the body , or to the expulsion of some calorific or frigorific Corpuscles , or to the Disposition they give the part on which they operate , to be more or less permeated and agitated than before by some subtile aethereal matter , or other Efficients of Heat or Cold. Some of these Conjectures about the Relative Nature of Potentially cold bodies , may be either confirmed or illustrated by such Instances as these ; that Spirit of Wine being inwardly taken is potentially very hot , and yet being outwardly applied to some Burns and some hot Tumours does notably abate the Heat of the inflamed parts , though the same Spirit applied even outwardly to a tender eye will cause a great and dolorous agitation in it . And Camphire , which in the Dose of less than a half or perhaps a quarter of a Scruple , has been observed to diffuse a Heat through the body , is with success externally applied by Physicians and Chirurgeons in refrigerating Medicines . But I leave the further Inquiry into the Operations of Medicines to Physicians , who may possibly , by what has been said , be assisted to compose the differences between some famous Writers about the temperament of some Medicines , as Mercury , Camphire , &c. which some will have to be cold , and others maintain to be hot ; and shall onely offer by way of confirming , in general , that Potential Coldness is onely a Relative Quality , a few Particulars ; the first whereof is afforded by comparing together the VI. and the VII . Experiment before going , ( which have oceasion'd this Digression about Potential Coldness ; ) since by them it seems probable , that the same thing may have it in reference to one body , and not to another , according to the disposition of the body it operates upon , or that operates upon it . And the Fumes of Lead have been observed sometimes ( for I have not found the Effect to succeed always ) to arrest the fluidity of Mercury , which change is supposed to be the effect of a Potential Coldness belonging to the Chymists Saturn in reference to fluid Mercury , though it have not that operation on any other liquor that we know of . And lastly , ( for I would not be too prolix ) though Nitre and Sal Armoniac be both apart and joyntly Cold in reference to Water , and though , however Nitre be throughly melted in a Crucible , it will not take fire of it self , yet if , whilst it is in Fusion , you shall by degrees cast on it some powder'd Sal Armoniac , it will take fire and flash vehemently , almost as if Sulphur had been injected . But our Excursion has , I fear , lasted too long , and therefore I shall presently re-enter into the way , and proceed to set down some Trials about Cold. EXPER. VIII . IN the first Experiment we observed , that upon the pouring of water upon Sal Armoniac there ensued an intense degree of Cold , and we have elsewhere recited , that the like effect was produc'd by putting , instead of common water , Oyl of Vitriol to Sal Armoniac ; but now , to shew further , what influence Motion and Texture may have upon such Trials , it may not be amiss to adde the following Experiment : To twelve ounces of Sal Armoniac we put by degrees an equal weight of water , and whilst the Liquor was dissolving the Salt , and by that action producing a great Coldness , we warily pour'd in twelve ounces also of good Oyl of Vitriol ; of which new mixture the event was , that a notable degree of Heat was quickly produced in the Glass wherein the Ingredients were confounded , as unlikely as it seemed , that , whereas each of the two Liquors is wont with Sal Armoniac to produce an intense Cold , both of them acting on it together should produce the contrary Quality . But the reason I had to expect the success , I met with , was this , that 't was probable the Heat arising from the mixture of the two Liquors would overpower the Coldness produceable by the operation of either , or both , of them upon the Salt. FINIS . EXPER. IX . IN most of the Experiments that we have hitherto proposed , Cold is wont to be regularly produc'd in a Mechanical way ; but I shall now adde , that in some sort of Trials I found that the Event was varied by unobserv'd Circumstances ; so that sometimes manifest Coldness would be produced by mixing two Bodies together , which at another time would upon their Congress disclose a manifest Heat , and sometimes again , though more rarely , would have but a very faint and remiss degree of either . Of this sort of Experiments , whose Events I could not confidently undertake for , I found to be , the dissolution of Salt of Tartar in Spirit of Vinegar , and of some other Salts , that were not acid , in the same Menstruum , and even Spirit of Verdigrease ( made per se ) though a more potent Menstruum than common Spirit of Vinegar , would not constantly produce near such a heat at the beginning of its operation , as the greatness of the seeming Effervescence , then excited , would make one expect , as may appear by the following Observation transcrib'd verbatim out of one of my Adversaria . [ Into eight ounces of Spirit of Verdigrease ( into which we had put a while before a standard-Thermoscope to acquire the like temper with the Liquor ) we put in a wide-mouthed Glass two ounces of Salt of Tartar , as fast as we durst for fear of making the matter boil over ; and though there were a great commotion excited by the action and reaction of the Ingredients , which was attended with a copious froth and a hissing noise ; yet 't was a pretty while e're the Glass was sensibly warm on the outside ; but by that time the salt was all dissolv'd , the Liquor in the Thermoscope appear'd to be impell'd up about three inches and an half . ] And yet , if my memory do not much deceive me , I have found , that by mixing Salt of Tartar with another Salt , the Texture of the fixt Alkali was so alter'd , that upon the affusion of spirit of Verdigrease , ( made without spirit of Vinegar and spirit of Wine , ) though there ensued a great conflict with noise and bubbles , yet , instead of an Incalescence , a considerable degree of Coldness was produced . EXPER. X. T Is very probable that further Trials will furnish us with more Instances to shew how the Production of Cold may in some cases be effected , varied , or hinder'd by Mechanical Circumstances that are easily and usually overlook'd . I remember , on this occasion , that though in the Experiment above recited we observ'd , that Oyl of Vitriol and water being first shaken together , the volatil salt of Sal Armoniac being afterwards put to them , produced a sensible Coldness ; yet I found , that if a little Oyl of Vitriol and of the volatile Salt were first put together , though soon after a considerable proportion of water were added , there would be produc'd not a Coldness , but a manifest degree of Heat , which would impell up the liquor in the Thermoscope to the height of some inches . And I remember too , that though Salt of Tartar will , as we shall see e're long , grow hot in the water , yet having distill'd some Salt of Tartar and Cinaber in a strong fire , and put the whole Caput mortuum into distill'd or Rain-water , it made indeed a hissing there as if it had been Quick-lime , but produced no Heat , that I could by feeling perceive . I shall adde , that not onely , as we have seen already , some unheeded Circumstances may promote or hinder the artificial Production of Cold by particular Agents , but , which will seem more strange , some unobserv'd , and perhaps hardly observable , Indisposition in the Patient may promote or hinder the effects of the grand and Catholick Efficients of Cold , whatever those be . This suspicion I represent as a thing that further experience may possibly countenance , because I have sometimes found , that the degree of the Operation of Cold has been much varied by latent Circumstances , some bodies being more wrought upon , and others less , than was upon very probable grounds expected . And particularly I remember , that though Oyl of Vitriol be one of the firiest liquors that is yet known , and does perform some of the Operations of fire it self , ( as we shall elsewhere have occasion to shew ) and will thaw Ice sooner than Spirit of Wine or any other liquor , as I have tried ; yet having put about a pound or more , by our estimate , of choice rectified Oyl of Vitriol into a strong Glass-Vial proportionable to it , we found , that , except a little that was fluid at the top , it was all congeal'd or coagulated into a mass like Ice , though the Glass stood in a Laboratory where a fire was constantly kept not far from it , and where Oyl of Vitriol very seldom or never has before or since been observ'd to congeal or coagulate so much as in part . And the odness of our Phaenomenon was increas'd by this Circumstance , that the Mass continued solid a good while after the weather was grown too mild to have such Operations upon Liquors far less indispos'd to lose their fluidity by Cold , than even common Oyl of Vitriol is . On the other side I remember , that about two years ago , I expos'd some Oyl of sweet Almonds hermetically seal'd up in a Glass-bubble , to observe what Condensation an intense cold could make of it , ( for though Cold expands water , it condenses common oyl ; ) but the next day I found to my wonder , that not onely the oyl remain'd unfrozen by the sharp frost it had been expos'd to , but that it had not its transparency troubled , though 't is known , that oyl will be brought to concrete and turn opacous by a far less degree of Cold than is requisite to freeze water ; notwithstanding which this liquor , which was lodged in a glass so thin , that 't was blown at the flame of a Lamp , continued fluid and diaphanous in very frosty weather , so long till I lost the expectation of seeing it congeal'd or concreted . And this brings into my mind , that though Camphire be , as I formerly noted , reckon'd by many potentially cold , yet we kept some oyl of it , of our making , wherein the whole body of the Camphire remain'd , being onely by some Nitrous Spirits reduc'd to the form of an Oyl ; we kept it , I say , in such intense degrees of Cold , that would have easily frozen water , without finding it to lose its Transparency or its Fluidity . And here I shall put an end to the first Section , ( containing our Notes about Cold ) the design of which may be not a little promoted by comparing with them the beginning of the ensuing Section . For if it be true , that ( as we there shew ) the nature of Heat consists either onely or chiefly in the local motion of the small parts of a body Mechanically modified by certain conditions , of which the principal is the vehemency of the various agitations of those insensible parts ; and if it be also true , as Experience witnesses it to be , that , when the minute parts of a body are in or arrive at such a state , that they are more slowly or faintly agitated than those of our fingers or other organs of feeling , we judge them cold : These two things laid together seem plainly enough to argue , that a Privation or Negation of that Local Motion that is requisite to constitute Heat , may suffice for the denominating a body Cold , as Coldness is a quality of the Object , ( which as 't is perceiv'd by the mind , is also an affection of the Sentient : ) And therefore an Imminution of such a degree of former motion as is necessary to make a body Hot as to sense , and which is sufficient to the Production of sensible Coldness , may be Mechanically made , since Slowness as well as Swiftness being a Mode of Local motion is a Mechanical thing : And though its effect , which is Coldness , seem a Privation or Negation ; yet the Cause of it may be a positive Agent acting Mechanically , by clogging the Agile Calorific Particles , or deadning their motion , or perverting their determination , or by some other intelligible way bringing them to a state of Coldness as to sense : I say Coldness as to sense ; because as 't is a Tactile Quality , in the popular acception of it , 't is relative to our Organs of Feeling ; as we see that the same luke-warm water will appear hot and cold to the same mans hands , if , when both are plung'd into it , one of them shall have been newly held to the fire , and the other be benummed with frost . And indeed the custom of speaking has introduced an ambiguity into the word Cold , which often occasions mistakes , not easily without much attention and sometimes circumlocution also to be avoided ; since usually by Cold is meant that which immediately affects the sensory of him that pronounces a body Cold , whereas sometimes 't is taken in a more general notion for such a Negation or Imminution of motion , as though it operates not perceivably on our senses , does yet upon other bodies ; and sometimes also it is taken ( which is perhaps the more Philosophical sense ) for a perception , made in and by the mind , of the alteration produced in the Corporeal Organs by the operation of that , whatever it be , on whose account a body is found to be cold . But the Discussion of these Points is here purposely omitted , as for other Reasons , so principally because they may be found expresly handled in a fitter place . SECT . II. Of the Mechanicall Origine or Production of HEAT . AFter having dispatched the Instances I had to offer of the Production of Cold , it remains that I also propose some Experiments of Heat , which Quality will appear the more likely to be Mechanically producible , if we consider the nature of it , which seems to consist mainly , if not onely , in that Mechanical affection of matter we call Local motion mechanically modified , which modification , as far as I have observed , is made up of three Conditions . The first of these is , that the agitation of the parts be vehement , by which degree or rapidness , the motion proper to bodies that are hot distinguishes them from bodies that are barely fluid . For these , as such , require not near so brisk an agitation , as is wont to be necessary to make bodies deserve the name of hot . Thus we see that the particles of water in its natural ( or usual ) state , move so calmly , that we do not feel it at all warm , though it could not be a liquor unless they were in a restless motion ; but when water comes to be actually hot , the motion does manifestly and proportionably appear more vehement , since it does not onely briskly strike our organs of feeling , but ordinarily produces store of very small bubbles , and will melt butter or coagulated oyl , cast upon it , and will afford vapours , that , by the agitation they suffer , will be made to ascend into the air . And if the degree of Heat be such as to make the water boil , then the agitation becomes much more manifest by the confus'd motions , and waves , and noise , and bubbles , that are excited , and by other obvious effects and Phaenomena of the vehement and tumultuous motion , which is able to throw up visibly into the air great store of Corpuscles , in the form of vapours or smoak . Thus in a heated Iron the vehement agitation of the parts may be easily inferr'd from the motion and hissing noise it imparts to drops of water or spittle that fall upon it . For it makes them hiss and boil , and quickly forces their particles to quit the form of a liquor , and flye into the air in the form of steams . And lastly , Fire , which is the hottest body we know , consists of parts so vehemently agitated , that they perpetually and swiftly flye abroad in swarms , and dissipate or shatter all the combustible bodies they meet with in their way ; fire making so fierce a dissolution , and great a dispersion of its own fuel , that we may see whole piles of solid wood ( weighing perhaps many hundred pounds ) so dissipated in very few hours into flame and smoak , that oftentimes there will not be one pound of Ashes remaining . And this is the first Condition required to Heat . The second is this , that the determinations be very various , some particles moving towards the right , some to the left , hand , some directly upwards , some downwards , and some obliquely , &c. This variety of determinations appears to be in hot bodies both by some of the Instances newly mention'd , and especially that of flame , which is a body ; and by the diffusion that metals acquire , when they are melted , and by the operations of Heat that are exercis'd by hot bodies upon others , in what posture or scituation soever the body to be heated be applied to them . As a thoroughly ignited Coal will appear every way red , and will melt wax , and kindle brimstone , whether the body be apply'd to the upper or to the lower , or to any other part of the burning Coal . And congruously to this Notion , though air and water be mov'd never so vehemently , as in high Winds and Cataracts , yet we are not to expect that they should be manifestly hot , because the vehemency belongs to the progressive motion of the whole body ; notwithstanding which , the parts it consists of may not be near so much quickned in their motions made according to other determinations , as to become sensibly hot . And this Consideration may keep it from seeming strange , that in some cases , where the whole body , though rapidly moved , tends but one way , 't is not by that swift motion perceived to be made Hot. Nay , though the agitation be very various as well as vehement , there is yet a third Condition required to make it Calorific , namely , that the agitated particles , or at least the greatest number of them , be so minute as to be singly insensible . For though a heap of sand or dust it self were vehemently and confusedly agitated by a whirlwind , the bulk of the grains or Corpuscles , would keep their agitation from being properly Heat , though by their numerous strokes upon a man's face , and the brisk commotion of the spirits and other small particles that may thence ensue , they may perchance occasion the production of that Quality . If some attention be employ'd in considering the formerly propos'd Notion of the nature of Heat , it may not be difficult to discern , that the Mechanical production of it may be divers ways effected . For , excepting in some few Anomalous cases , ( wherein the regular course of things happens to be over-rul'd , ) by whatever ways the Insensible parts of a body are put into a very confus'd and vehement agitation , by the same ways Heat may be introduc'd into that body : agreeably to which Doctrine , as there are several Agents and Operations by which this Calorific Motion ( if I may so call it ) may be excited , so there may be several ways of Mechanically producing Heat , and many Experiments may be reduc'd to almost each of them , chance it self having in the Laboratories of Chymists afforded divers Phaenomena referrable to one or other of those Heads . Many of the more familiar Instances , applicable to our present purpose , have been long since collected by our justly famous Verulam in his short , but excellent , Paper de forma calidi , wherein ( though I do not acquiesce in every thing I meet with there ) he seems to have been , at least among the Moderns , the Person that has first handled the Doctrine of Heat like an Experimentall Philosopher . I shall therefore decline accumulating a multitude of Instances of the Production of Heat , and I shall also forbear to insist on such known things , as the Incalescence observable upon the pouring either of Oyl of Vitriol upon Salt of Tartar , ( in the making of Tartarum Vitriolatum ) or of Aqua fortis upon Silver or Quick silver , ( in the dissolution of these Metals ) but shall rather chuse to mention some few Instances not so notorious as the former , but not unfit by their variety to exemplifie several of the differing ways of exciting Heat . And yet I shall not decline the mention of the most obvious and familiar Instance of all , namely the Heat observed in Quick-lime upon the affusion of cold water , because among learned men , and especially Peripateticks , I find causes to be assign'd that are either justly questionable or manifestly erroneous . For as to what is inculcated by the Schools about the Incalescence of a mixture of Quick-lime and water by vertue of a supposed antiperistasis or Invigoration of the internal Heat of the Lime by its being invironed by cold water , I have elsewhere shewn , that this is but an Imaginary Cause , by delivering upon Experiment ( which any man may easily make ) that , if instead of cold water the liquor be poured on very hot , the ebullition of the Lime will not be the less , but rather the greater : And Oyl of Turpentine , which is a lighter , and is lookt upon as a subtiler liquor than water , though it be poured quite cold on Quick-lime , will not , that I have observed , grow so much as sensibly hot with it . And now I have mentioned the Incalescence of Lime , which , though an abvious Phaenomenon , has exercised the wits of divers Philosophers and Chymists , I will adde two or three Observations in order to an Inquiry that may be some other time made into the genuine Causes of it ; which are not so easie to be found as many learned men may at first sight imagine . The acute Helmont indeed and his followers have ingeniously enough attempted to derive the Heat under consideration from the conflict of some Alealizate and Acid salts ; that are to be found in Quick-lime , and are dissolved , and so set at liberty to fight with one another by the water that slakes the Lime . But though we have some manifest marks of an Alcalizate Salt in Lime , yet that it contains also an Acid Salt , has not , that I remember , been proved ▪ and if the emerging of Heat be a sufficient reason to prove a latent acid Salt in Lime , I know not , why I may not inferr , that the like Salt lies conceal'd in other bodies , which the Chymists take to be of the purest or meerest sort of Alcalys . For I have purposely tried , that by putting a pretty quantity of dry Salt of Tartar in the palm of my hand , and wetting it well in cold water , there has been a very sensible Heat produced in the mixture ; and when I have made the trial with a more considerable quantity of salt and water in a Viol , the heat proved troublesomely intense , and continued to be at least sensible a good while after . This Experiment seems to favour the opinion , that the Heat produced in Lime whilst 't is quenching , proceeds from the Empyreuma , as the Chymists call it , or impression left by the violent fire , that was employ'd to reduce the stone to Lime . But if by Empyreuma be meant a bare impression made by the fire , 't will be more requisite than easie , to declare intelligibly , in what that impression consists , and how it operates to produce such considerable effects . And if the effect be ascribed to swarms of Atomes of fire , that remain adherent to the substance of the Lime , and are set at liberty to flye away by the liquor , which seems to be argued by the slaking of Lime without water , if it be for some time left in the air , whereby the Atomes of fire get opportunity to flye away by little and little : If this , I say , be alledged , I will not deny but there may be a sense , ( which I cannot explicate in few words ) wherein the Cooperation of a substantial Effluvium , for so I call it , of the fire , may be admitted in giving an account of our Phaenomenon . But the Cause formerly assigned , as 't is crudely proposed , leaves in my mind some Scruples . For 't is not so easie to apprehend , that such light and minute bodies as those of fire are supposed , should be so long detained as by this Hypothesis they must be allowed to be , in Quick-lime , kept in well-stopt vessels , from getting out of so laxe and porous a body as Lime , especially since we see not a great Incalescence or Ebullition ensue upon the pouring of water upon Minium , or Crocus Martis per se , though they have been calcined by violent and lasting fires , whose Effluviums or Emanations appear to adhere to them by the increase of weight , that Lead , if not also Mars , does manifestly receive from the Operation of the Fire . To which I shall adde , that , whereas one would think that the igneous Atoms should either flye away , or be extinguished by the supervening of water , I know , and elsewhere give account , of an Experiment , in which two Liquors , whereof one was furnished me by Nature , did by being several times separated and reconjoyned without additament , at each congress produce a sensible Heat . And an Instance of this kind , though not so odd , I purposely sought and found in Salt of Tartar , from which , after it had been once heated by the affusion of water , we abstracted or evaporated the Liquor without violence of fire , till the Salt was again dry ; and then putting on water a second time , the same Salt grew hot again in the Vial , and , if I misremember not , it produced this Incalescence the third time , if not the fourth ; and might probably have done it oftner , if I had had occasion to prosecute the Experiment . Which seems at least to argue , that the great violence of fire is not necessary to impress what passes for an Empyreum upon all calcined bodies that will heat with water . And on this occasion I shall venture to adde , that I have sometimes doubted , whether the Incalescence may not much depend upon the particular Disposition of the calcined body , which being deprived of its former moisture , and made more porous by the fire , doth by the help of those igneous Effluviums , for the most part of a saline nature , that are dispersed through it , and adhere to it , acquire such a Texture , that the water impell'd by its own weight , and the pressure of the Atmosphere , is able to get into a multitude of its pores at once , and suddenly dissolve the Igneous and Alcalizate Salt it every where meets with there , and briskly disjoyn the earthy and solid particles , that were blended with them ; which being exceeding numerous , though each of them perhaps be very minute , and moves but a very little way , yet their multitude makes the confused agitation of the whole aggregate of them , and of the particles of the water and salt vehement enough to produce a sensible Heat ; especially if we admit , that there is such a change made in the Pores , as occasions a great increase of this agitation , by the ingress and action of some subtile ethereal matter , from which alone Monsieur des Cartes ingeniously attempts to derive the Incalescence of Lime and water , as well as that of metals dissolved in corrosive Liquors ; though as to the Phaenomena we have been considering , there seems at least to concur a peculiar disposition of body , wherein Heat is to be produced to do one or both of these two things , namely , to retain good store of the igneous Effluvia , and to be , by their adhesion or some other operation of the fire , reduced to such a Texture of its component Particles , as to be fit to have them easily penetrated , and briskly as well as copiously dissipated , by invading water . And this Conjecture ( for I propose it as no other ) seems favour'd by divers Phaenomena , some whereof I shall now annex . For here it may be observed , that both the dissolved Salt of Tartar lately mentioned , and the artificial Liquor that grows hot with the natural , reacquires that Disposition to Incalescence upon a bare Constipation or closer Texture of the parts from the superfluous moisture they were drowned in before : The Heat that brought them to this Texture having been so gentle , that 't is no way likely that the igneous Exhalations could themselves produce such a Heat , or at least that they should adhere in such numbers as must be requisite to such an effect , unless the Texture of the Salt of Tartar ( or other body ) did peculiarly dispose it to detain them ; since I have found by Trial , that Sal Armoniac dissolv'd in water , though boiled up with a brisker fire to a dry salt , would , upon its being again dissolved in water , not produce any Heat , but a very considerable degree of Cold. I shall adde , that though one would expect a great Cognation between the particles of Fire adhering to Quick-Lime , and those of high rectified Spirit of Wine , which is of so igneous a nature , as to be totally inflammable ; yet I have not found , that the affusion of Alkaol of Wine upon Quick-Lime , would produce any sensible Incalescence , or any visible dissolution or dissipation of the Lime , as common water would have done , though it seemed to be greedily enough soaked in by the lumps of Lime . And I further tried , that , if on this Lime so drenched I poured cold water , there insued no manifest Heat , nor did I so much as find the lump swelled , and thereby broken , till some hours after ; which seems to argue , that the Texture of the Lime was such , as to admit the particles of the Spirit of Wine into some of its pores , which were either larger or more congruous , without admitting it into the most numerous ones , whereinto the Liquor must be received , to be able suddenly to dissipate the Corpuscles of Lime into their minuter particles , into which ( Corpuscles ) it seems that the change that the aqueous particles received by associating with the spirituous ones , made them far less fit to penetrate and move briskly there , than if they had enter'd alone . I made also an Experiment that seems to favour our Conjecture , by shewing how much the Disposition of Lime to Incalesoence may depend upon an idoneous Texture , and the Experiment , as I find it registred in one of my Memorials , is this . EXPER. V. [ UPon Quick-lime we put in a Retort as much moderately strong Spirit of Wine as would drench it , and swim a pretty way above it ; and then distilling with a gentle fire , we drew off some Spirit of Wine much stronger than that which had been put on , and then the Phlegm following it , the fire was increas'd , which brought over a good deal of phlegmatic strengthless Liquor ; by which one would have thought that the Quick-lime had been slaked ; but when the remaining matter had been taken out of the Retort , and suffer'd to cool , it appear'd to have a fiery disposition that it had not before . For if any lump of it as big as a Nutmeg or an Almond was cast into the water , it would hiss as if a coal of fire had been plunged into the Liquor , which was soon thereby sensibly heated . Nay , having kept divers lumps of this prepared Calx well cover'd from the air for divers weeks , to try whether it would retain this property , I found , as I expected , that the Calx operated after the same manner , if not more powerfully . For sometimes , especially when 't was reduced to small pieces , it would upon its coming into the water make such a brisk noise , as might almost pass for a kind of Explosion . ] These Phaenomena seem to argue , that the Disposition that Lime has to grow hot with water , depends much on some peculiar Texture , since the aqueous parts , that one would think capable of quenching all or most of the Atomes of Fire that are supposed to adhere to Quick-lime , did not near so much weaken the disposition of it to Incalescence , as the accession of the spirituous Corpuscles and their Contexture , with those of the Lime , increased that igneous Disposition . And that there might intervene such an association , seems to me the more probable , not onely because much of the distill'd Liquor was as phlegmatick , as if it had been robb'd of its more active parts , but because I have sometimes had Spirit of Wine come over with Quick-lime not in unobserved steams , but white fumes . To which I shall adde , that , besides that the Taste , and perhaps Odour of the Spirit of Wine , is often manifestly changed by a well-made Distillation from Quick-lime ; I have sometimes found that Liquor to give the Lime a kind of Alcalizat penetrancy , not to say fieriness of Taste , that was very brisk and remarkable . But I will not undertake , that every Experimenter , nor I my self , shall always make trials of this kind with the same success that I had in those above recited , in regard that I have found Quick-limes to differ much , not onely according to the degree of their Calcination , and to their Recentness , but also , and that especially , according to the differing natures of the stones and other bodies calcined . Which Observation engages me the more to propose what hath been hitherto deliver'd about Quick-lime , as onely Narratives and a Conjecture ; which I now perceive has detain'd us so long , that I am oblig'd to hasten to the remaining Experiments , and to be the more succinct in delivering them . EXPER. VI. ANd it will be convenient to begin with an instance or two of the Production of Heat , wherein there appears not to intervene any thing in the part of the Agent or Patient but Local Motion , and the natural Effects of it . And as to this sort of Experiments , a little attention and reflection may make some familiar Phaenomenon apposite to our present purpose . When , for example , a Smith does hastily hammer a Nall or such like piece of iron , the hammer'd metal will grow exceeding hot , and yet there appears not any thing to make it so , save the forcible motion of the hammer which impresses a vehement and variously determin'd agitation of the small parts of the Iron ; which being a cold body before , by that superinduc'd commotion of its small parts , becomes in divers senses hot ; first in a more lax acceptation of the word in reference to some other bodies , in respect of whom 't was cold before , and then sensibly hot ; because this newly gain'd agitation surpasses that of the parts of our fingers . And in this Instance 't is not to be overlookt , that oftentimes neither the hammer , by which , nor the anvil , on which a cold piece of Iron is forged , ( for all iron does not require precedent ignition to make it obey the hammer ) continue cold , after the operation is ended ; which shews , that the Heat acquir'd by the forged piece of iron was not communicated by the Hammer or Anvil as Heat , but produc'd in it by motion , which was great enough to put so small a body as the piece of iron into a strong and confus'd motion of its parts without being able to have the like operation upon so much greater masses of metal , as the Hammer and the Anvil ; though if the percussions were often and nimbly renewed , and the Hammer were but small , this also might be heated , ( though not so soon nor so much as the iron ; ) by which one may also take notice , that 't is not necessary , a body should be it self hot , to be calorific . And now I speak of striking an iron with a Hammer , I am put in mind of an Observation that seems to contradict , but does indeed confirm , our Theory : Namely , that , if a somewhat large nail be driven by a hammer into a plank or piece of wood , it will receive divers strokes on the head before it grow hot ; but when 't is driven to the head , so that it can go no further , a few strokes will suffice to give it a considerable Heat ; for whilst , at every blow of the hammer , the nail enters further and further into the wood , the motion that is produc'd is chiefly progressive , and is of the whole nail tending one way ; whereas , when that motion is stopt , then the impulse given by the stroke being unable either to drive the nail further on , or destroy its intireness , must be spent in making a various vehement and intestine commotion of the parts among themselves , and in such an one we formerly observ'd the nature of Heat to consist . EXPER. VII . IN the foregoing Experiment the brisk agitation of the parts of a heated iron was made sensible to the touch ; I shall now adde one of the attempts , that I remember I made to render it discoverable to the eye it self . In order to this , and that I might also shew , that not onely a sensible but an intense degree of heat may be produc'd in a piece of cold iron by Local Motion , I caus'd a bar of that metal to be nimbly hammer'd by two or three lusty men accustom'd to manage that Instrument ; and these striking with as much force , and as little intermission as they could upon the iron , soon brought it to that degree of Heat , that not onely 't was a great deal too hot to be safely touched , but probably would , according to my design , have kindled Gunpowder , if that which I was fain to make use of had been of the best sort : For , to the wonder of the by-standers , the iron kindled the Sulphur of many of the grains of the corns of powder , and made them turn blue , though I do not well remember , that it made any of them go off . EXPER. VIII . BEsides the effects of manifest and violent Percussions , such as those we have been taking notice of to be made with a hammer , there are among Phaenomena obvious enough , some that shew the Producibleness of Heat even in cold iron , by causing an intestine commotion of its parts : For we find , that , if a piece of iron of a convenient shape and bulk be nimbly filed with a large rough File , a considerable degree of Heat will be quickly excited in those parts of the iron where the File passes to and fro , the many prominent parts of the Instrument giving a multitude of strokes or pushes to the parts of the iron that happen to stand in their way , and thereby making them put the neighbouring parts into a brisk and confus'd motion , and so into a state of Heat . Nor can it be well objected , that upon this account the File it self ought to grow as hot as the iron , which yet it will not do ; since , to omit other answers , the whole body of the File being moved to and fro , the same parts , that touch the iron this moment , pass off the next , and besides have leasure to cool themselves by communicating their newly received Agitation to the air before they are brought to grate again upon the iron , which , being supposed to be held immoveable , receives almost perpetual shakes in the same place . We find also , that Attrition , if it be any thing vehement , is wont to produce Heat in the solidest bodies ; as when the blade of a Knife being nimbly whetted grows presently hot . And if having taken a brass Nail , and driven it as far as you can to the end of the stick , to keep it fast and gain a handle , you then strongly rub the head to and fro against the floor or a plank of wood , you may quickly find it to have acquired a Heat intense enough to offend , if not burn ones fingers . And I remember , that going once in exceeding hot weather in a Coach , which for certain reasons we caus'd to be driven very fast , the attrition of the Nave of the Wheel against the Axel-tree was so vehement as oblig'd us to light out of the Coach to seek for water , to cool the over-chased parts , and stop the growing mischief the excessive Heat had begun to do . The vulgar Experiment of strikeing fire with a Flint and Steel sufficiently declares , what a heat in a trice may be produc'd in cold bodies by Percussion , or Collision ; the later of which seems but mutual Percussion . But Instances of the same sort with the rest mention'd in this VI. Experiment being obvious enough , I shall forbear to multiply and insist on them . EXPER. IX . FOr the sake of those that think the Attrition of contiguous air is necessary to the Production of manifest Heat , I thought among other things of the following Experiment , and made Trial of it . We took some hard black Pitch , and having in a Bason , Poringer , or some such Vessel , placed it a convenient distance under water , we cast on it with a good Burning-glass the Sun-beams in such a manner , that notwithstanding the Refraction that they suffer'd in the passage through the interposed water , the Focus fell upon the Pitch , wherein it would produce sometimes bubbles , sometimes smoak , and quickly communicated a degree of Heat capable to make Pitch melt , if not also to boil . EXPER. X. THough the first and second Experiments of Section I. shew , that a considerable degree of Cold is produc'd by the dissolution of Sal Armoniac in common water ; yet by an additament , though but single , the Texture of it may be so alter'd , that , instead of Cold , a notable degree of Heat will be produced , if it be dissolved in that Liquor . For the manifestation of which we devis'd the following Experiment . We took Quick-lime , and slaked it in common cold water , that all the igneous or other particles , to which its power of heating that Liquor is ascrib'd , might be extracted and imbib'd , and so the Calx freed from them ; then on the remaining powder fresh water was often poured , that all adhering reliques of Salt might be wash'd off . After this , the thus dulcified Calx , being again well dried , was mingled with an equal weight of powder'd Sal Armoniac , and having with a strong fire melted the mass , the mixture was poured out ; and being afterwards beaten to powder , having given it a competent time to grow cold , we put two or three ounces of it into a wide-mouthed Glass , and pouring water upon it , within about a minute of an hour the mixture grew warm , and quickly attain'd so intense a Heat , that I could not hold the Glass in my hand . And though this Heat did not long last at the same height , it continued to be very sensible for a considerable time after . EXPER. XI . TO confirm this Experiment by a notable variation ; we took finely powder'd Sal Armoniac , and filings or scales of Steel , and when they were very diligently mixt ( for that Circumstance ought to be observ'd ) we caus'd them to be gradually sublim'd in a glass vessel , giving a smart fire towards the latter end . By this Operation so little of the mixture ascended , that , as we desired , far the greatest part of the Sal Armoniac staid at the bottom with the metal ; then taking out the Caput mortuum , I gave it time throughly to cool , but in a Glass well stopt , that it might not imbibe the moisture of the Air , ( as it is very apt to do . ) And lastly , though the Filings of Steel , as well as the Sal Armoniac , were bodies actually cold , and so might be thought likely to increase , not check , the coldness wont to be produced in water by that Salt ; yet putting the mixture into common water , there ensued , as we expected , an intense degree of Heat . And I remember , that having sublim'd the forementioned Salt in distinct Vessels , with the Filings of Steel , and with Filings of Copper , and for curiosities sake kept one of the Caput mortuums ( for I cannot certainly call to mind which of the two it was , ) divers moneths , ( if I mistake not , eight or nine , ) we at length took it out of the Vessel , wherein it had been kept carefully stopt , and , upon trial , were not deceiv'd in having expected , that all that while the disposition to give cold water a notable degree of Heat was preserved in it . EXPER. XII . IF Experiments were made after the above recited manner with Sal Armoniac and other mineral bodies than Iron and Copper , 't is not improbable , that some of the emerging Phaenomena would be found to confirm what has been said of the Interest of Texture , ( and some few other Mechanical Affections ) in the Production of Heat and Cold. Which Conjecture is somewhat favoured by the following Trial. Three ounces of Antimony , and an equal weight of Sal Armoniac being diligently powder'd and mixt , were by degrees of fire sublimed in a Glass-vessel , by which Operation we obtain'd three differing Substances , which we caused to be separately powder'd , when they were taken out of the Subliming Glass , lest the air or time should make any change in them ; and having before put the ball of a good seal'd Weather-glass for a while into water , that the Spirit of Wine might be brought to the temper of the external Liquor , we put on a convenient quantity of the powder'd Caput mortuum , which amounted to two ounces , and seemed to be little other than Antimony , which accordingly did scarce sensibly raise the Spirit of Wine in the Thermoscope , though that were a tender one . Then laying aside that water , and putting the Instrument into fresh , of the same temper , we put to it a very yellow Sublimate , that ascended higher than the other parts , and seemed to consist of the more sulphureous flowers of the Antimony , with a mixture of the more volatile parts of the Sal Armoniac . And this Substance made the tincted Spirit in the Thermoscope descend very slowly about a quarter of an inch ; but when the Instrument was put into fresh water of the same temper , and we had put in some of the powder of the lower sort of Sublimate , which was dark coloured , though both the Antimony and Sal Armoniac , it consisted of , had been long exposed to the action of a Subliming Heat ; yet the water was thereby speedily and notably cooled , insomuch , that the Spirit of Wine in the Weather-glass hastily descended , and continued to sink , till by our guess it had fallen not much short of three inches . Of these Phaenomena the Etiology , as some Moderns call the Theory , which proposes the Causes of things , is more easie to be found by a little consideration , than to be made out in few words . We made also an Experiment like that above recited , by subliming three ounces a piece of Minimum and Sal Armoniac ; in which Trial we found , that though in the Caput mortuum , the Salt had notably wrought upon the Calx of Lead , and was in part associated with it , as appear'd by the whiteness of the said Caput mortuum , by its sweetish Taste , and by the weight ( which exceeded four drams that of all the Minium ; ) yet a convenient quantity of this powder'd mixture being put into water , wherein the former Weather-glass had been kept a while , the tincted Spirit of Wine was not manifestly either raised or deprest . And when in another Glass we prosecuted the Trial with the Sal Armoniac that had been sublimed from the Minium , it did indeed make the Spirit of Wine descend , but scarce a quarter so much as it had been made to fall by the lately mention'd Sublimate of Sal Armoniac and Antimony . EXPER. XIII . 'T Is known that many learned men , besides several Chymical Writers , ascribe the Incalescences , that are met with in the dissolution of Metals , to a conflict arising from a certain Antipathy or Hostility , which they suppose between the conflicting bodies , and particularly between the Acid Salt of the one , and the Alcalizate Salt , whether fixt or volatile , of the other . But since this Doctrine supposes a hatred between Inanimate bodies , in which 't is hard to conceive , how there can be any true passions , and does not intelligibly declare , by what means their suppos'd Hostility produces Heat ; 't is not likely , that , for these and some other Reasons , Inquisitive Naturalists will easily acquiesce in it . And on the other side it may be consider'd , whether it be not more probable , that Heats , suddenly produced in mixtures , proceed either from a very quick and copious diffusion of the parts of one body through those of another , whereby both are confusedly tumbled and put into a calorific motion ; or from this , that the parts of the dissolved body come to be every way in great numbers violently scatter'd ; or from the fierce and confused shocks or justlings of the Corpuscles of the conflicting bodies , or masses which may be suppos'd to have the motions of their parts differingly modified according to their respective Natures : Or from this , that by the plentiful ingress of the Corpuscles of the one into the almost commensurate parts of the other , the motion of some etherial matter that was wont before swiftly to permeate the distinct bodies , comes to be check'd and disturbed , and forced to either brandish or whirl about the parts in a confus'd manner , till it have settled it self a free passage through the new mixture , almost as the Light does thorow divers troubled liquors and vitrified bodies , which at length it makes transparent . But without here engaging in a solemn examination of the Hypothesis of Alcali and Acidum , and without determining whether any one , or more of the newly mention'd Mechanical Causes , or whether some other , that I have not yet named , is to be entitled to the effect ; it will not be impertinent to propose divers Instances of the Production of Heat by the Operation of one Agent , Oyl of Vitriol , that it may be consider'd whether it be likely , that this single Agent should upon the score of Antipathy , or that of its being an Acid Menstruum , be able to produce an intense Heat in many bodies of so differing natures as are some of those that we shall have occasion to name . And now I proceed to the Experiments themselves . Take some ounces of strong Oyl of Vitriol , and shaking it with three or four times its weight of common water , though both the liquors were cold when they were put together , yet their mixture will in a trice grow intensely hot , and continue considerably so for a good while . In this case it cannot probably be pretended by the Chymists , that the Heat arises from the conflict of the Acid and Alcalizate Salts abounding in the two liquors , since the common water is suppos'd an elementary body devoid of all salts ; and at least , being an insipid liquor , 't will scarce be thought to have Alcali enough to produce by its Reaction so intense a Heat . That the Heat emergent upon such a mixture may be very great , when the Quantities of the mingled liquors are considerably so , may be easily concluded from one of my Memorials , wherein I find that no more than two ounces of Oyl of Vitriol being poured ( but not all at once ) into four ounces onely of distilled Rain-water , made and kept it manifestly warm for a pretty deal above an hour , and during no small part of that time , kept it so hot , that 't was troublesome to be handled . EXPER. XIV . THe former Experiment brings into my mind one that I mention without teaching it in the History of Cold , and it appear'd very surprizing to those that knew not the ground of it . For having sometimes merrily propos'd to heat cold liquors with Ice , the undertaking seem'd extravagant if not impossible , but was easily perform'd by taking out of a bason of cold water , wherein divers fragments of Ice were swimming , one or two pieces that I perceived were well drenched with the liquor , and immersing them suddenly into a wide-mouth'd Glass wherein strong Oyl of Vitriol had been put ; for this Menstruum , presently mingling with the water that adher'd to the ice , produc'd in it a brisk heat , and that sometimes with a manifest smoke , which nimbly dissolved the contiguous parts of Ice , and those the next , and so the whole Ice being speedily reduced to water , and the corrosive Menstruum being by two or three shakes well dispersed through it , and mingled with it , the whole mixture would grow in a trice so hot , that sometimes the Vial that contain'd it , was not to be endured in ones hand . EXPER. XV. NOtwithstanding the vast difference betwixt common water and high rectified Spirit of Wine , whereof men generally take the former for the most contrary body to fire , and whereof the Chymists take the later to be but a kind of liquid Sulphur , since it may presently be all reduc'd into flame ; yet , as I expected , I found upon trial , that Oyl of Vitriol being mingled with pure Spirit of Wine , would as well grow hot , as with common water . Nor does this Experiment always require great quantities of the liquors . For when I took but one ounce of strong Oyl of Vitriol , though I put to it less than half an ounce of choice Spirit of Wine , yet those two being lightly shaken together , did in a trice conceive so brisk a Heat , that they almost fill'd the vial with fumes , and made it so hot , thar I had unawares like to have burnt my hand with it before I could lay it aside . I made the like Trial with the same Corrosive Menstruum , and common Aqua vitae bought at a Strong-water-shop , by the mixture of which Liquors , Heat was produc'd in the Vial that I could not well endure . The like success I had in an Experiment wherein Oyl of Vitriol was mixt with common Brandy ; save that in this the Heat produced seem'd not so intense as in the former Trial , which it self afforded not so fierce a Heat as that which was made with rectified Spirit of Wine . EXPER. XVI . THose Chymists , who conceive that all the Incalescencies of bodies upon their being mixt , proceed from their antipathy or hostility , will not perhaps expect , that the parts of the same body , ( either numerically , or in specie , as the Schools phrase it , ) should , and that without manifest conflict , grow very hot together . And yet having for trials sake put two ounces of Colcothar so strongly calcin'd , that it was burnt almost to blackness , into a Retort , we poured upon it two ounces of strong Oyl of English Vitriol , and found , that after about a minute of an hour they began to grow so hot , that I could not endure to hold my hand to the bottom of the Vessel , to which the mixture gave a heat , that continued sensible on the outside for between twenty and thirty minutes . EXPER. XVII . THough I have not observ'd any Liquor to equal Oyl of Vitriol in the number of Liquors with which it will grow hot ; yet I have not met with any Liquor wherewith it came to a greater Incalescence than it frequently enough did with common Oyl of Turpentine . For when we caused divers ounces of each to be well shaken together in a strong vessel , fasten'd , to prevent mischief , to the end of a pole or staff ; the Ebullition was great and fierce enough to be not underservedly admired by the Spectators . And this brings into my mind a pleasant adventure afforded by these Liquors , of each of which , having for the Production of Heat and other purposes , caus'd a good bottle full to be put up with other things into a box , and sent down into the Countrey with a great charge , that care should be had of the Glasses ; the Wagon , in which the box was carried , happen'd by a great jolt , that had almost overturn'd it , to be so rudely shaken , that these Glasses were both broken , and the Liquors , mingling in the box , made such a noise and stink , and sent forth such quantities of smoke by the vents , which the fumes had open'd to themselves , that the Passengers with great outcries and much haste threw themselves out of the Wagon , for fear of being burnt in it . The Trials we made with Oyl of Turpentine , when strong Spirit of Nitre was substituted in the stead of Oyl of Vitriol , belong not to this place . EXPER. XVIII . BUt though Petroleum , especially when rectified , be , as I have elsewhere noted , a most subtile Liquor , and the lightest I have yet had occasion to try ; yet to shew you how much the Incalescence of Liquors may depend upon their Texture , I shall adde , that having mixt by degrees one ounce of rectified Petroleum , with an equal weight of strong Oyl of Vitriol , the former Liquor seemed to work upon the Surface of this last named , almost like a Menstruum , upon a metal , innumeious and small bubbles continually ascending for a while into the Oleum Petrae , which had its colour manifestly alter'd and deepen'd by the operation of the spirituous parts . But by all the action and re-action of these Liquors , there was produced no such smoaking and boiling , or intense heat , as if Oyl of Turpentine had been employed instead of Oyl of Vitriol ; the change which was produc'd as to Qualities being but a kind of Tepidness discoverable by the Touch. Almost the like success we had in the Conjunction of Petroleum , and Spirit of Nitre , a more full account whereof may be elsewhere met with . In this and the late Trials I did not care to make use of Spirit of Salt , because , at least , if it be but ordinarily strong , I found its operation on the Liquors above mention'd inconsiderable , ( and sometimes perhaps scarce sensible ) in comparison of those of Oyl of Vitriol , and in some cases of dephlegm'd Spirit of Nitre . EXPER. XIX . EXperienced Chymists will easily believe , that 't were not difficult to multiply Instances of Heat producible by Oyl of Vitriol upon solid bodies , especially Mineral ones . For 't is known , that in the usual preparation of Vitriolum Martis , there is a great effervescence excited upon the affusion of the Oyl of Vitriol upon Filings of Steel , especially if they be well drench'd in common water . And it will scarce be doubted , but that , as Oyl of Vitriol will ( at least partly ) dissolve a great many both calcin'd and testaceous bodies , as I have try'd with Lime , Oyster-shells , &c. so it will , during the dissolution , grow sensibly , if not intensely hot with them , as I found it to do both with those newly named , and others , as Chalk , Lapis Calaminaris , &c. with the last of which , if the Liquor be strong , it will heat exceedingly . EXPER. XX. WHerefore I will rather take notice of its Operation upon Vegetables , as bodies which corrosive Menstruums have scarce been thought fit to dissolve and grow hot with . To omit then Cherries , and divers Fruits abounding in watery juices , with which , perhaps on that very account , Oyl of Vitriol will grow hot ; I shall here take notice , that for trial sake , having mixt a convenient quantity of that Liquor with Raisins of the Sun beaten in a Mortar , the Raisins grew so hot , that , if I misremember not , the Glass that contain'd it had almost burnt my hand . These kind of Heats may be also produc'd by the mixture of Oyl of Vitriol with divers other Vegetable Substances ; but , as far as I have observed , scarce so eminently with any dry body , as with the crumbs of white bread , ( or even of brown ) with a little of which we have sometimes produced a surprising degree of Heat with strong or well-dephlegm'd Oyl of Vitriol , which is to be suppos'd to have been employed in the foregoing Experiments , and all others mention'd to be made by the help of that Menstruum in our Papers about Qualities , unless it be in any particular case otherwise declared . EXPER. XXI . 'T Is as little observed that Corrosive Menstruums are able to work , as such , on the soft parts of dead Animals , as on those of Vegetables , and yet I have more than once produced a notable Heat by mixing Oyl of Vitriol with minced flesh whether roasted or raw . EXPER. XXII . THough common Sea-salt does usually impart some degree , though not an intense one , of Coldness unto common water , during the act of Dissolution ; yet some Trials have informed me , that if it were cast into a competent quantity of Oyl of Vitriol , there would for the most part insue an Incalescence , which yet did not appear to succeed so regularly , as in most of the foregoing Experiments . But that Heat should be produc'd usually , though not perhaps constantly , by the above-named Menstruum and Salt , seems therefore worthy of our notice , because 't is known to Chymists , that common Salt is one main Ingredient of the few that make up common factitious Sal Armoniac , that is wont to be sold in the Shops . And I have been inform'd , that the excellent Academians of Florence have observed , that Oyl of Vitriol would not grow hot but cold by being put upon Sal Armoniac : Something like which I took notice of in rectified Spirit of Sulphur made per Campanam , but found the effect much more considerable , when , according to the Ingenious Florentine Experiment , I made the Trial with Oyl of Vitriol ; which Liquor having already furnished us with as many Phaenomena for our present purpose as could be well expected from one Agent , I shall scarce in this Paper about Heat make any farther use of it , but proceed to some other Experiments , wherein it does not intervene . EXPER. XXIII . WE took a good lump of common Sulphur of a convenient shape , and having rub'd or chas'd it well , we found , as we expected , that by this attrition it grew sensibly warm ; and , That there was an intestine agitation , which you know is Local Motion , made by this attrition , did appear not onely by the newly mention'd Heat , whose nature consists in motion , and by the antecedent pressure , which was fit to put the parts into a disorderly vibration , but also by the sulphureous steams , which 't was easie to smell by holding the Sulphur to ones nose , as soon as it had been rub'd . Which Experiment , though it may seem trivial in it self , may be worth the consideration of those Chymists , who would derive all the Fire and Heat we meet with in sublunary bodies from Sulphur . For in our case a mass of Sulphur , before its parts were put into a new and brisk motion , was sensibly cold , and as soon as its parts were put into a greater agitation than those of a mans fingers , it grew sensibly hot ; which argues , that 't was not by its bare presence , or any emanative action , ( as the Schools speak ) that the Sulphur communicated any Heat to my hand ; and also that , when 't was briskly moved , it did impress that Quality , was no more than another solid body , though incombustible as common Glass , would have done , if its parts had been likewise put into an agitation surpassing that of my organs of feeling ; so that in our Experiment , Sulphur it self was beholden , for its actual Heat , to Local Motion , produced by external agents in its parts . EXPER. XXIV . WE thought it not amiss to try , whether when Sal Armoniac , that much infrigidates water , and Quick-lime , which is known to heat it , were by the fire exquisitely mingled , the mixture would impart to the Liquor a moderate or an intense degree of either of those Qualities . In prosecution of which Inquiry we took equal parts of Sal Armoniac and Quick-lime , which we fluxed together , and putting an ounce , by ghess , of the powder'd mixture into a Vial with a convenient quantity of cold water , we found , that the colliquated mass did , in about a minute , strike so great a heat through the Glass upon my hand , that I was glad to remove it hastily for fear of being scorched . EXPER. XXV . WE have given several , and might have given many more , Instances of the Incalescence of Mixtures , wherein both the Ingredients were Liquors , or at least one of them was a fluid body . But sometimes Heat may also be produc'd by the mixture of two powders ; since it has been observed in the preparation of the Butter or Oyl of Antimony , that , if a sufficient quantity of beaten Sublimate be very well mingled with powder'd Antimony , the mixture , after it has for a competent time ( which varies much according to circumstances , as the weather , vessel , place , &c. wherein the Experiment is made ) stood in the air , would sometimes grow manifestly hot , and now and then so intensely so , as to send forth copious and fetid sumes almost as if it would take fire . There is another Experiment made by the help of Antimony , and a pulveriz'd body , wherein the mixture , after it had been for divers hours expos'd to the air , visibly afforded us mineral Fumes . And to these I could adde more considerable , and perhaps scarce credible , Instances of bodies growing hot without Liquors , if Philanthropy did not forbid me . But to return to our Butter of Antimony , it seems not unfit to be enquired , whether there do not unobservedly intervene an aqueous moisture , which ( capable of relaxing the salts , and setting them a work ) I therefore suspected might be attracted ( as men commonly speak ) from the air , since the mixture of the Antimony and the Sublimate is prescribed to be placed in Cellars ; and in such we find , that Sublimate , or at least the saline part of it , is resolved per deliquium , ( as they call it ) which is nothing but a solution made by the watery steams wandering in the Air. EXPER. XXVI . I Have formerly deliver'd some Instances of the Incalescence produc'd by water in bodies that are readily dissolv'd in it , as Salt of Tartar and Quick-lime . But one would not lightly expect , that meer water should produce an Incalescence in solid bodies that are generally granted to be insoluble in it ; and are not wont to be , at least without length of time , visibly wrought on by it ; and yet trial has assured me , that a notable Incalescence may be produc'd by common water in flower or fine powder of Sulphur , and Filings of Steel or Iron . For when , in Summer time , I caus'd to be mingled a good quantity , ( as half a pound or rather a pound of each of the Ingredients ) and caus'd them to be throughly drenched with common water , in a convenient quantity whereof they were very well stirred up and down , and carefully mingled , the mixture would in a short time , perhaps less than an hour , grow so hot , that the Vessel that contain'd it could not be suffer'd in ones hand ; and the Heat was manifested to other Senses than the Touch , by the strong sulphureous stink that invaded the nose , and the thick smoak that ascended out of the mixture , especially when it was stirr'd with a stick or spattle . Whether the success will be the same at all times of the year , I do not know , and somewhat doubt , since I remember not , that I had occasion to try it in other Seasons than in Summer , or in Autumn . EXPER. XXVII . IN the Instances that Chymistry is wont to afford us of the Heat produc'd by the action of Menstruums upon other bodies , there intervenes some liquor , properly so call'd , that wets the hands of those that touch it ; and there are divers of the more judicious Chymists , that joyn with the generality of the Naturalists in denying , that Quicksilver , which is indeed a fluid body , but not a moist and wetting one in reference to us , will produce Heat by its immediate action on any other body , and particularly on Gold. But though I was long inclinable to their opinion , yet I cannot now be of it , several Trials having assur'd me , that a Mercury , whether afforded by Metals and Minerals , or impregnated by them , may by its preparation be enabled to insinuate it self nimbly into the body of Gold , whether calcin'd or crude , and become manifestly incalescent with it in less than two or three minutes of an hour . EXPER. XXVIII . SInce we know that some natural Salts , and especially Salt-peter , can produce a Coldness in the water they are dissolved in , I thought it might not be impertient to our enquiry into Heat and Cold , and might perhaps also contribute somewhat to the discovery of the Structure of Metals , and the salts that corrode them , if Solutions were made of some Saliform'd bodies , as Chymists call them , that are made up of metalline and saline parts , and do so abound with the latter , that the whole Concretions are on their account dissoluble in common water . Other Experiments of this sort belonging less to this place than to another , I shall here onely for example sake take notice of one that we made upon Quicksilver , which is esteem'd the coldest of Metals . For having by distilling from it four times its weight of Oyl of Vitriol , reduc'd it to a powder , which on the account of the adhering Salts of the Menstruum that it detain'd , was white and glistering , we put this powder into a wide-mouth'd Glass of water , wherein a seal'd Weather-glass had been left before it began manifestly to heat the water , as appear'd by the quick and considerable ascent of the tincted Spirit of Wine , that continued to rise upon putting in more of the Magistery ; which warm event is the more remarkable , because of the observation of Helmont , that the Salt adhering to the Mercury , corroded in good quantity by Oyl of Vitriol , if it be washed off and coagulated , becomes a kind of Alom . The event of the former Trial deserves the more notice , because having after the same manner and with the same Weather-glass made an Experiment with common water , and the powder of Vitriolum Martis , made with Oyl of Vitriol and the Filings of Steel , the tincted Spirit of Wine was not at all impell'd up as before , but rather , after a while , began to subside , and fell , though very slowly , about a quarter of an inch . The like Experiment being tried with powder'd Sublimate in common water , the liquor in the Thermoscope was scarce at all sensibly either rais'd or deprest , which argued the alteration as to Heat or Cold , to have been either none or very inconsiderable . Having given warning at the beginning of this Section , that in it I aimed rather at offering various than numerous Experiments about the Production of Heat , I think what has been already deliver'd may allow me to take leave of this Subject without mentioning divers Instances that I could easily adde , but think it fitter at present to omit . For those afforded me by Trials about Antiperistasis belong to a Paper on that Subject . Those that might be offer'd about Potential Heat in humane bodies , would perchance be thought but unnecessary after what has been said of Potential Coldness ; from which an attentive Considerer may easily gather , what according to our Doctrine is to be said of the contrary Quality . And divers Phaenomena , which would have been of the most considerable I could have mentioned of the Production of Heat , since in them that Quality is the most exalted , I reserve for the Title of Combustibleness and Incombustibility , having already suffer'd this Collection ( or rather Chaos ) of Particulars about the Production of Heat to swell to too great a bulk . FINIS . EXPERIMENTS , AND OBSERVATIONS , About the Mechanical Production OF TASTS . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. EXPERIMENTS , AND OBSERVATIONS , About the Mechanical Production OF TASTS . TO make out the Mechanical Origine or Production of Sapors , as far as is necessary for my present purpose , 't will be expedient to premise in general , that , according to our notion of Tasts , they may depend upon the bigness , figure and motion of the saporifick corpuscles , considered separately , and as the affections of single and very minute particles of matter ; or else in a state of conjunction , as two or more of these affections , and the particles they belong to , may be combined or associated , either among themselves , or with other particles , that were not saporous before . And as these Coalitions and other Associations come to be diversified ; so the Tasts , resulting from them , will be altered or destroyed . But , to handle these distinctly and fully , were a task not onely too difficult and long , but improper in this place , where I pretend to deliver not Speculations , but matters of Fact : in setting down whereof nevertheless , to avoid too much confusion , I am content , where I can doe it readily and conveniently , in some of my Trials , to couch such references as may best point at those Heads , whence the Mechanical explications may be derived , and consequently our Doctrine confirmed . By Tast considered as belonging to the Object , ( under which Notion I here treatof it , ) I mean that quality , or whatever else it be , which enables a body by its operation , to produce in us that sensation , which we feel or perceive when we say we tast . That this something , whether you will call it a quality , or whatever else it be that makes or denominates an object saporous , or rather ( if I may be allowed a barbarous term ) saporifick , may so depend upon the shape , size , motion , and other Mechanical affections of the small parts of the tasted body , and result from the association of two or more of them , not excluding their congruity or incongruity to the organs of Tasting , may be made probable by the following Instances . EXPER. I. To divide a Body , almost insipid , into two Bodies of very strong and very differing Tasts . 'T IS observed , that Salt-peter refined , and by that purification freed from the Sea-salt that is wont to be mingled with it , does rather cool the tongue , than make any great saporifick impressions on it . And though I will not say , that it is , as some have thought , an insipid body ; yet the bitterishness , which seems to be its proper tast , is but very faint and languid . And yet this almost insipid body , being distilled by the way of Inflammation , ( which I elsewhere teach , ) or even by the help of an additament of such clay as is it self a tastless body , will afford a Nitrous spirit , that is extreamly sharp or corrosive upon the tongue , and will dissolve several Metals themselves , and a fixt salt , that is likewise very strongly tasted , but of a tast altogether different from that of the Spirit , that is extreamly sharp or corrosive upon the tongue ; and accordingly , this salt will dissolve divers compact bodies that the other will not work on , and will precipitate divers metals and other concretes out of those solutions , that have been made of them by the Spirit . EXPER. II. Of two Bodies , the one highly Acid and corrosive , and the other Alkalizat and fiery , to produce a Body almost insipid . THis may be performed by the way I have elsewhere mentioned of composing Salt-peter . For if upon a liquour of fixt Nitre , made per Deliquium , you warily drop good Spirit of Nitre , till it be just enough to satiate the Alkaly , ( for if there be too much or too little , the Experiment may miscarry , ) we may by a gentle evaporation , and sometimes without it , and that in a few minutes , obtain Crystals , which , being dried after they have been , if it be needfull , freed from any adhering particles , ( not of their own nature , ) will have upon the tongue neither a sharp nor an alkalizate tast , but that faint and scarce sensible bitterness that belongs to Salt-peter , if it be pure Salt-peter ; for the impure may perhaps strongly relish of the common Salt that is usually contained in it . The like production of Salt-peter we have sometimes made in far less time , and sometimes indeed in a trice , by substituting , in stead of the fixed Salt of Nitre , the saline parts of good Pot-ashes , carefully freed by solution and filtration from the earthy and feculent ones . I have sometimes considered , whether the Phaenomena of these two Experiments may not be explicated by supposing them to arise from the new magnitudes and figures of the particles , which the fire , by breaking them , or forcibly rubbing them one against the other , or also against the Corpuscles of the additament , may be presumed to give them ; as if , for example , since we find the larger and best formed Crystals of Nitre to be of a prismatical shape with six sides , we should suppose the corpuscles of Nitre to be little prisms , whose angles and ends are too obtuse or blunt to make vigorous and deep impressions on the tongue ; and yet , if these little prisms be by a violent heat split , or otherwise broken , or forcibly made as it were to grind one another , they may come to have parts so much smaller than before , and endowed with such sharp sides and angles , that , being dissolved and agitated by the spittle that usually moistens the tongue , their smalness may give them great access to the pores of that organ , and the sharpness of their sides and points may fit them to stab and cut , and perhaps sear the nervous and membranous parts of the organ of Tast , and that variously , according to the grand diversities , as to shape and bulk , of the saporifick particles themselves . And this being granted , it seemed further conceivable , that when the Alkalizate and Acid particles come to be put together in the fluid mixture , wherein they swam , many of them might , after a multitude of various justlings and occursions , meet with one another so luckily and opportunely , as to recompose little prisms , or convene into other bodies , almost like those that made up the Crystals of Nitre , before 't was exposed to the fire . To illustrate which , we may conceive , that , though a prism of iron may be so shaped , that it will be wholly unfit to pierce the skin ; yet it may be so cut by transverse planes reaching to the opposite bases or ends , as to afford wedges , which , by the sharpness of their edges , may be fit both to cleave wood , and cut the skin ; and these wedges , being again put together after a requisite manner , may recompose a prism , whose extreams shall be too blunt to be fit for the former use . This may be also illustrated by the breaking of a dry stick circularly cut off at the ends , which though it is unapt , whilst intire and of that bulk , to prick the hand ; yet if it be violently broken , the ragged ends of it and the splinters may prove stiff , slender , and sharp enough to pierce and run into the hand : To which divers other such Mechanical Illustrations might be added . But , since I fear you think , as well as I , the main conjecture may not be worthy any farther prosecution , I shall not insist any longer on it . And because the historical part of these Experiments was for the main delivered by me already in the Essay about the Analysis and Redintegration of Nitre , I shall now proceed to other Trials . EXPER. III. Of two Bodies , the one extreamly bitter , and the other exceeding salt , to make an insipid mixture . TO make this Experiment , we must very warily pour upon Crystals made of Silver , dissolved in good Aqua fortis or Spirit of Nitre , strong brine made of common salt and water . For the mixture of these two being dried , and afterwards brought to fusion in a Crucible , and kept a competent while in that state , will afford a tough mass , the Chymists call Luna Cornea , which you may lick divers times , and scarce judge it other than insipid ; nor will it easily be brought to dissolve in much more piercing Menstruums than our spittle , as I have elsewhere shewn . EXPER. IV. Of two Bodies , the one extreamly sweet , and the other salter than the strongest Brine , to make an insipid mixture . THE doing of this requires some skill and much wariness in the Experimenter , who , to perform it well , must take a strong solution of Minium , made with an appropriated Menstruum , as good Spirit of Vinegar , or else Saccharum Saturni it self , dissolved in a convenient Vehicle ; and then must have great care and caution to put to it , by degrees , a just proportion of strong Spirit of Sal Armoniac , or the like Urinous Spirit , till the whole be precipitated ; and if the two former tasts are not sufficiently destroyed in the mixture , it may be dried and fluxed , as was above directed about Luna Cornea . EXPER. V. Of an insipid Body and a sour one , to make a Substance more bitter than Gall or Aloes . THis is easily performed by dissolving in strong Spirit of Nitre or good Aqua fortis as much pure Silver as the Menstruum will take up ; for , this solution being filtrated , has been often esteemed more bitter than so much Gall or Wormwood , or any other of those simples that have been famous for that quality : And if the superfluous moisture be abstracted , you may by coagulation obtain Crystals of Luna , that have been judged more strongly bitter than the solution it self . And that the corpuscles of these Crystals should leave a far more lasting tast of themselves , than the above-mentioned bitter bodies are wont to doe , will not seem so marvellous , as I remember some that tried have complained ; if we take notice , how deep the particles of these Crystals may pierce into the spungy organs of Tast , since , if one does but touch the pulp or nail of ones finger , ( first a little wetted with spittle or otherwise , ) with the powder of these Crystals , they will so penetrate the skin or nail , and stick so fast there , that you cannot in a reasonable time wash the stain off of the skin , and much less off of the nail , but it will continue to appear many hours on the former , and many days on the other . EXPER. VI. Of an insipid Body and a highly corrosive one , to make a Substance as sweet as Sugar . THis is easily done , by putting upon good Minium purified Aqua fortis or Spirit of Nitre , and letting them work upon one another in a gentle heat , till the liquour have dissolved its full proportion of the metal . For then , if the ingredients were good , and the operation rightly performed , the Menstruum would have a sweetness like that of ordinary Saccharum Saturni . But 't was not for nothing that I intimated , the ingredients should be also pure and good in their kind ; for , if the Minium be adulterated , as often it is , or the Spirit of Nitre or Aqua fortis be mingled , as it is usual before it be purged with Spirit of common Salt or other unfit ingredients , the operation may be successless , as I have more than once observed . EXPER. VII . Of obtaining without addition from the sweetest Bodies , Liquours corrosive enough to dissolve Metals . IF Sugar be put into a sufficiently capacious Retort , and warily distilled , ( for otherwise it will be apt to break the Vessel ) it will afford , among other things , a copious red Spirit , which , being slowly rectified , will lose its colour , and come over clear . The Caput Mortuum of the Sugar , which I have more than once had of an odd Contexture , may be found either almost or altogether insipid . And though the Spirit will be of a very penetrant tast , yet it will be very far from any kind of sweetness ; and though that liquour be thought to be homogeneous , and to be one of the Principles of the analized Sugar , yet ( as I have elsewhere shewn ) I found it to be a mixture of two Spirits ; with the one of which , besides bodies of a less close Texture , I dissolved ( even in the cold ) crude Copper , as was easie to be seen by the deep and lovely colour of the solution . And to these sour Spirits , afforded by Sugar it self , we have restored a kind of Saccharine sweetness , by compounding them with the particles of so insipid a body as Minium ; part of which they will in digestion dissolve . A like Spirit to that distilled from Sugar may be obtained from Honey ; but in regard of its aptness to swell exceedingly , Chymists are not wont to distill it without Sand , Brick , or some other additament . EXPER. VIII . To divide a Body , bitter in the highest degree , into two Substances , the one extreamly sour , and the other perfectly insipid . THis is easily done by putting some fine Crystals of Luna into a good Retort , and then distilling them in a Sand-furnace , capable of giving them so strong a fire , as to drive away all the spirits from the Silver . For , this remaining behind , according to its metalline nature , will be insipid , and the spirits , that are driven away from it , will unite in the Receiver into an acid and corrosive Menstruum . EXPER. IX . To produce variety of Tasts in one insipid Body , by associating it with divers Menstruums . AS this operation may , upon the account I elsewhere mention , be serviceable to investigate the figures of the particles of dissolved metals and other bodies ; so 't is very fit to manifest , what we would here have it shew , how much Tast may be diversified by , and consequently depend upon , Texture ; since a body that has no tast , may , in conjunction with sapid bodies , give them strong tasts all differing from one another , and each of them from that which the saporous bodies had before . I could propose divers ways of bringing this to trial , there being several insipid bodies , which I have found this way diversifiable . But because I remember not , that I have met with any mineral , that is dissoluble by near so many saline Menstruums , as Zinke , I look on that as the most fertile Subject to afford Instances to our present purpose . For I have found , that it will be dissolved not onely by Aqua fortis , Aqua Regis , Oil of Vitriol , Spirit of Nitre , Spirit of Salt , and other mineral Menstruums , but also by Vegetable Spirits , as distilled Vinegar , and by Animal ones too , as Spirit of Sal Armoniac ; though the one be Acid , and the other Urinous . And if the several Solutions , which may be made of this mineral , by so many differing liquours , be compared , the number of their differing tasts will suffice to make good the Title of the Experiment . EXPER. X. To produce variety of Tasts with one Menstruum , by associating it with insipid Bodies . THis Proposition a Mathematician would go near to call the Converse of the foregoing ; and as it may serve as well as that to discover the structure of the minute parts of divers metalline and mineral bodies ; so it may not onely as well , but better than that , serve us to illustrate the Corpuscularian Doctrine of Tasts , by shewing us , that a single , and , as far as Chymistry teaches us , a simple body , endowed with a peculiar tast , may , by being compounded with others , each of them insipid of it self , produce a considerable number of differing tasts . There may be more Instruments than one made use of in this Trial ; but of those that are known , and we may easily obtain , the most proper are Spirit of Nitre , and good Aqua fortis : For that , with refined Silver , will make a Solution bitter as Gall ; with Lead , 't will be of a Saccharine sweetness ; with that part of Tin , which it will keep dissolved , ( for the greatest 't is wont but to corrode and praecipitate ) it produces a tast very distant from both the former , but not odious ; with Copper , it affords an abominable tast ; with Mercury and Iron , it affords other kinds of bad Tasts . Nor are Metals the onely mineral bodies it will work upon : For , 't will dissolve Tin-glass , Antimony , Brass ; to which I could add Emery , Zinke , and other bodies whereon I have tried it . All which together will make up no despicable number of differing Tasts . EXPER. XI . Of two Liquours , the one highly corrosive , and the other very pungent and not pleasant , to compose a Body of a pleasant and Aromatick Tast. THis Experiment , which I elsewhere mention to other purposes , does in some regards better suit our present design , than most of the foregoing ; since here the Corrosive Menstruum is neither mortified by fixt nor urinous Salts , supposed to be of a contrary nature to it ; nor yet , as 't were , tired out nor disarm'd by corroding of metals or other solid bodies . The Experiment being somewhat dangerous to make at first in great , it may suffice for our present turn , to make it in the less quantity , as follows . Take one ounce of strong Spirit of Nitre , or of very good Aqua fortis it self , and put to it by little and little , ( which caution if you neglect , you may soon repent it , ) and another ounce of such rectified Spirit of Wine , as , being kindled in a Spoon , will flame all away : When these two liquours are well mixt , and grown cold again , you may , after some digestion , or , if hast require , without it , distill them totally over together , to unite them exquisitly into one liquour , in which , if the operation have been well performed , the corrosive particles of the Salts will not onely loose all their cutting acidity , wherewith they wounded the palat ; but by their new composition with the Vinous Spirits , the liquour acquires a Vinous tast , that is not onely not acid or offensive , but very pleasing , as if it belonged to some new or unknown Spice . EXPER. XII . To imitate by Art , and sometimes even in Minerals , the peculiar Tasts of natural Bodies , and even Vegetables . THis is not a fit place to declare , in what sense I do or do not admit of Souls in Vegetables , nor what I allow or deny to the Seminal or Plastick principle ascribed to Plants : But perhaps it will not be erroneous to conceive , that , whatever be the Agent in reference to those Tasts , that are said to be specifick to this or that Plant , that , on whose immediate account it is or becomes of this or that nature , is a complication of Mechanical Affections , as shape , size , &c. in the particles of that matter which is said to be endowed with such a specifick tast . To illustrate this , I thought it expedient , to endeavour to imitate the tast of some Natural bodies by Artificial Compositions or Preparations , but found it not easie , beforehand to be assured of the success of such Trials : And therefore I shall content my self here to mention three or four Instances , that , except the first , are rather Observations than such Experiments as we are speaking of . I remember then , that , making some Trials to alter the sensible Qualities of Smell , Tast , &c. of Oil of Vitriol , and Spirit of Wine , I obtained from them , among other things that suited with my design , a certain Liquour , which , though at first pleasant , would , at a certain nick of time , make one that had it in his mouth think it had been imbued with Garlick . And this brings into my mind , that a skilful person , famous for making good Sider , coming one day to advise with me , what he should doe to heighten the tast of it , and make it keep the longer , complained to me , that having , among other trials , put into a good Vessel full of juice of Apples a certain proportion of Mustard-seed , with hopes it would make the Sider more spirituous and pickant , he found , to his wonder and loss , that , when he came to draw it , it stank of Garlick so rank , that every body rejected it . I remember also , that , by fermenting a certain proportion ( for that we found requisite ) of semen Dauci with Beer or Ale , the Liquour had a very pleasant Relish of Limon-pills . But that seems much more considerable , which I shall now add ; That , with an insipid Metal and a very corrosive Menstruum , one may compound a tast , that I have several times observed to be so like a Vegetable , that I presume it may deceive many . This may be done by dissolving Gold , without any gross Salt , in the mixture of Aqua fortis and the Spirit of Salt , or even in common Aqua Regis , made by dissolving Sal Armoniac in Aqua fortis . For if the Experiment be happily made , one may obtain either a Solution or a Salt , whose austere tast will very much resemble that of Sloes , or of unripe Bullace . And this tast , with some little variety , I found in Gold dissolved without any distilled Liquour at all ; and also , if I much forget not , in Gold that by a peculiar Menstruum I had volatilized . The last Instance I shall give of the imitation of Tasts , I found to have been , for the main , known to some ingenious Ladies . But to make the Experiment succeed very well , a due proportion is the principal Circumstance , which is wont to be neglected . I cannot readily call to mind that which I found to succeed best ; but the Trial may be indifferently well made after such a manner as this : Take a pint or a pound of Malaga or Canary Sack , ( for though French and the like Wines may serve the turn , yet they are not so proper ; ) and put into it a drachm or two of good odoriferous Orrice Roots , cut into thin slices , and let them infuse in the Liquour a convenient time , 'till you perceive that they have given it a desired tast and smell ; then keep the thus perfumed Wine exactly stopped in a cool place : According to which way , I remember , that ( when I hit on the right proportion of Ingredients , and kept them a due time in infusion ) I had many years ago a Wine , which , being coloured with Cocheneele , or some such tingeing ingredient , was taken for good Rasberry-Wine , not onely by ordinary persons , but , among others , by a couple of eminent Physicians , one of whom pretended to an extraordinary criticalness of palate on such occasions ; both of them wondering , how at such an unlikely time of the year , as I chose to present them that Liquour among others , I could have such excellent Rasberry-Wine : Some of which ( to add that by the by ) I found to preserve the specifick tast two or three years after it was made . A Short EXCURSION About some Changes made OF TASTS BY MATURATION . IT will not perhaps be thought impertinent , but rather necessary , to add a word or two on this occasion for their sakes , that think the Maturation of Fruits , and the changes of Tasts , by which 't is usually known , must needs be the effect of the Vegetable Soul of the Plant. For , after the Fruit is gathered , and so , by being no longer a part of the Tree , does , according to the most common opinion , cease to be a part of the living Plant , as a Hand or a Foot cut off is no more reckoned among the Lims of the man it belonged to ; yet 't is very possible that some Fruits may receive maturation , after they have been severed from the Plants that bore them . For , not to mention , that Apples , gathered somewhat before the time , by lying in heaps , do usually obtain a mellowness , which seems to be a kind or degree of Maturation ; or that Medlars , gathered whilst they are hard and harsh , do become afterwards in process of time soft and better tasted ; in which state though some say they are rotten , yet others think that supposed rottenness is the proper Maturity of that kind of Fruit : Not to mention these , I say , or the like Instances , 't is a famous Assertion of several Writers of the Indian affairs , that the Fruit they call Bananas is usually gathered green , and hung up in bunches or clusters in the house , where they ripen by degrees , and have an advantageous change made both of their colour and of their tast . And this an ancient acquaintance of mine , a literate and observing person , of whom I inquired about it , assured me , he had himself lately tried and found to be true in America . And indeed I see not , why a convenient degree of warmth , whether external from the Sun and Fire , or internal from some degree of fermentation or analogous intestine Commotion , may not ( whether the Fruit be united to the Plant or no ) put the saporifick Corpuscles into motion , and make them , by various and insensible transcursions , rub against each other , and thereby make the little bodies more slender or thin , and less rigid , or cutting and harsh , than they were before , and by various motions bring the Fruit they compose to a state wherein it is more soft in point of consistence , and abound in Corpuscles less harsh and more pliable , than they were before , and more congruous to the pores of the organ of Tast : And , in a word , make such a change in the constitution of the Fruit , as men are wont to express by the name of Maturity . And that such Mechanical changes of Texture may much alter the Qualities , and among them the Tast of a Fruit , is obvious in bruised Cherries and Apples , which in the bruised parts soon come to look and tast otherwise than they did before . The possibility of this is also obvious by Wardens , when slowly roasted in embers with so gentle a fire , as not to burn off the paper they are wont to be wrapt in , to be kept clean from the ashes . And I have seen , in the bordering Country betwixt France and Savoy , a sort of Pears , ( whose name I now remember not , ) which being kept for some hours in a moderate heat , in a Vessel exactly closed , with embers and ashes above and beneath them , will be reduced to a juicy Substance of a lovely red colour , and very sweet and lushious to the tast . Many other sorts of Fruit in other Countries , if they were handled after the same way , or otherwise skilfully wrought on by a moderate heat , would admit as great alterations in point of tast . Neither is that sort of Pear to be here omitted , which by meer Compression , duly ordered , without external heat , will in a few minutes be brought to exchange its former hardness and harshness for so yielding a Contexture and pleasant a tast , as I could not but think very remarkable . And that even more solid and stubborn Salts than those of Vegetables , may have the sharpness and piercingness of their tasts very much taken off by the bare internal action of one part upon the other , without the addition of any sweetning body , I have been induced to think by having found , upon trial , that , by the help of insipid Water , we may , without any violence of Fire , reduce Sea-salt into a Brine of so mild and peculiar ( I had almost said ) pleasant a tast , that one would scarce suspect what it had been , or believe that so great a change of a Mineral body could be effected by so slight an intestine Commotion as indeed produced it ; especially , since the alteration of tasts was not the most considerable that was produced by this Operation . As to Liquours that come from Vegetables , the emerging of new Sapors upon the intestine Commotion of the saporifick parts , as Consequences of such Commotions , is more obvious than is commonly considered in the juice of Grapes , which , from a sweet and spiritless Liquour , do by that internal motion we call Fermentation , acquire that pleasing pungency and briskness of tast that belongs to Wine , and afterwards degenerates into that acid and cutting tast that is proper to Vinegar ; and all this , by a change of Constitution made by the action of the parts themselves on one another , without the help of any external additament . FINIS . EXPERIMENTS , AND OBSERVATIONS , About the Mechanical Production OF ODOURS . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. EXPERIMENTS , AND OBSERVATIONS , About the Mechanical Production OF ODOURS . SInce Tasts and Odours ( perhaps by reason of the nearness of the Organs they affect ) are wont , by Physical Writers , to be treated of next to one another , I also shall imitate them in handling those two Qualities , not onely for the intimated Reason , but because , what I have premised in general , and some other things that I have said already under the Title of Tasts , being applicable to Odours also , 't will not be necessary , and therefore 't would be tedious , to repeat them here . EXPER. I. With two Bodies , neither of them odorous , to produce immediately a strong Urinous smell . TAke good Quick-lime and Sal Armoniac , and rub or grind them well together , and holding your Nose to the mixture , you will be saluted with an Urinous smell produced by the particles of the volatil Salt , united by this operation , which will also invade your Eyes , and make them to water . EXPER. II. By the bare addition of common Water , to produce immediately a very strong smell in a Body that had no such smell before . THis is one of the Phaenomena of an Experiment made with Camphire and Oil of Vitriol , which I have elsewhere mentioned to another purpose . For , if in that corrosive Menstruum you dissolve a good proportion , but not too much , of the strongly sented Gum , the odour of the Camphire will be quite concealed in the mixture ; but if you pour this mixture into a good quantity of fair Water , the dissolved Gum will immediately recover out of the Menstruum , and smell as strong as before , if not ( by reason of the warmth produced in the Operation ) more strongly . EXPER. III. Of producing some Odours , each of them quite differing from that of any of the Ingredients . HAving taken two ounces ( or parts ) of clear Oil of Turpentine , and mixt it with one ounce ( or part ) of Oil of Vitriol , ( which must be done by degrees , for otherwise the Vessel will be endangered , ) the clear Liquour that came over , upon the distillation of the mixture in a Sand-furnace , in stead of the odour of Turpentine , ( for the Oil of Vitriol alone is wont to be inodorous , ) smelt very strong of Sulphur ; insomuch that once , when I shewed this Experiment , approaching my Nose very boldly and hastily to the Receiver newly severed from the Retort , the sulphureous stink proved so strong , that it had almost ( to speak with the vulgar ) taken away my breath . And to illustrate yet farther the possible emergency of such odours upon the mixture of Ingredients , as neither of them was apart endowed with , we caused the substance that remained behind in the Retort ( in the form of a thin extract ) after one of the newly mentioned Distillations to be farther pressed by a stronger fire , which forced most of it over , partly in the form of a thick Oil , and partly in that of Butter ; both which we keep together in the same Vial , because their odour is neither that of Oil of Turpentine , nor that of Brimstone , but they smell exceedingly like the distilled Oil of Bees-wax . EXPER. IV. About the production of some Odours by Local motion . I Shall not now examine , whether the Local motion of an external Agent may not , without materially concurring to the operation , produce , by agitating and shuffling the parts , odorous corpuscles : But that the celerity and other modifications of the Local motion of the effluvia of Bodies may not onely serve to diversifie their odours , but so far produce them , as to make them perceptible by the sense , which otherwise would not be so , may be gathered from some observations , which , being obvious , are not so proper for this place . Wherefore I shall rather take notice , that I know several Bodies that are not onely inodorous when cold , but when considerably hot , and are fixt in the fire , and yet , by having their parts put into a peculiar kind of agitation , will presently grow plainly odorous . On this occasion I shall add , that , as there are some very hard Woods , that acquire a strong smell by the motion they may be exposed to in a Turner's Lath , ( as I have observed by trialls particularly made with the hard and ponderous Lignum Vitae , ) so some afford , whilst the operation lasts , an unexpected odour . And having inquired about this matter of two eminent Artists , ( whom I often employ , ) concerning the odour of Beech-wood whilst it is turning , they both agreed , that it would emit well-sented effluviums . And one of them affirmed to me farther , that , having bought a great block of that Wood , to make divers pieces of workmanship with it , when he came to turn it , there would issue out not onely a copious odour , but of such a peculiar fragrancy , that one that knew not whence it proceeded would have concluded he was smelling Roses . EXPER. V. By mixing a good proportion of a very strongly sented Body with an almost inodorous one , to deprive it speedily of all its smell . TAke Salt of Tartar , and drop upon it either Spirit of Nitre or Aqua fortis not too much dephlegmed , till all the effervescence cease , and the Liquour will no longer work upon the Alkali . These , by a slow Evaporation of the superfluous moisture , may be made to shoot into Crystalls like those of Nitre , which , after you have ( if need be ) by rubbing them with a dried cloath , freed them from loose adhering Corpuscles , will emulate Salt-peter , as in other Qualities , so in it s not being odorous ; though , if you distill them , or burn them on kindled coals , their fumes will quickly make you sensible , that they abounded with the stinking Spirits , that make Aqua fortis so offensive to the smell . EXPER. VI. By putting a very strongly stinking Body to another of a not sweet smell , to produce a mixture of a pleasant and strongly Aromatick odour . WHat is here proposed is performed at the same time that the Eleventh of the foregoing Experiments of Tasts is made . For the Liquour thereby produced , if it be well prepared , has not onely a spicy tast , but also a kind of Aromatick and pleasant smell ; and I have some now by me , that , though kept not over-carefully , does , after some years , retain much of its former odour , though not so much as of its tast . EXPER. VII . By digesting two Bodies , neither of them well sented , to produce Bodies of a very subtile and strongly fragrant odour . WE took a pound ( for instance ) of Spanish Wine , and put to it some ounces of Oil of Vitriol ; then , keeping them for a reasonable time in digestion , we obtained , as we expected , a mixture odoriferous enough . But this Triall you will find improved by that which insues . EXPER. VIII . By the bare addition of a Body almost inodorous , and not well sented , to give a pleasant and Aromatick smell to Spirit of Wine . THis we have several times done , by the ways elsewhere related for another scope , the summ of which , as far as it needs be mentioned in this place , is this . We took good Oil of blew Vitriol ( that was brought from Dantzick , ) though the very common will serve well , and having put to it , by degrees , an equal weight of Spirit of Wine totally inflammable , we digested them together , for two , three , or four weeks , ( sometimes much longer , and then with better success ; ) from which , when we came to distill the mixture , we had a very fragrant Spirit , which was sometimes so subtile , that , though distilled in a tall Glass with a gentle Heat , it would ( in spite of our care to secure the closeness of the Vessels at the junctures ) pierce through , and fill the Laboratory with a perfume , which , though men could not guess what body afforded it , yet they could not but wonder at it . Whence we may learn , both how much those spirituous and inflammable particles , the Chymists call the vegetable Sulphur of Wine , may work on and ennoble a mineral Sulphur ; ( for , that such an one there is in Oil of Vitriol , I have elsewhere proved by experience ; ) and how much the new Commistions and Contextures made by digestion may alter the odours of Bodies , whether Vegetable or Mineral . That also another Constitution of the same matter , without any manifest addition or recess of particles , may proceed to exhibit a very differing smell , will appear by the following Triall . EXPER. IX . To make the forementioned fragrant Body , without addition or fire , degenerate into the rank smell of Garlick . TO make out this , I need onely relate , that I have more than once put the above mentioned fragrant Liquour in stopt Glasses , whereof the one , and not the other , stood in a warm place , till in process of time I found that odoriferous Liquour so to degenerate in point of sent , that one would have thought it to have been strongly infected with Garlick . And the like unpleasant Smell I observed in a certain Oil made of Vegetable and Mineral Substances distilled together . And on this occasion I will add , ( though not as an Argument , ) this Observation , which though I shall not undertake it will always succeed , I think may not impertinently be set down in this place , partly because of the likeness of the odour produced , to that which was the effect of the last named Triall ; and partly ( or rather chiefly ) because it may shew us , that a Body , which it self is not onely inodorous , but very fixt , may yet , in some cases , have a great stroke in the Phaenomena of Odours ; whether by being wrought on by , and sometimes mingled with , the parts of the odorous body , and thereby giving it a new modification , I shall not now stay to enquire . We took then good Salt of Tartar , and put to it several times its weight of the expressed juice of Onions ; we kept them in a light digestion for a day or two , and then unstopping the Vial , we found the former smell of the Onions quite degenerated into a rank smell of Garlick , as was judged , even when fresh juice of Garlick was procured to compare them . To vary this Experiment , we made with fixt Salts , and some other strongly sented Juices , Trialls , whose events 't would perhaps be tedious here to relate . EXPER. X. With an inodorous Body , and another not well-sented , to produce a muskie smell . THis we have sometimes done by casting into Spirit ( not Oil ) of Vitriol a large proportion of small Pearls unbroken . For the action of the acid Menstruum upon these being moderated , partly by the weakness of the Menstruum , and partly by the intireness of the Pearls , the dissolution would sometimes last many hours . Holding from time to time my nose to the open orifice of the Glass , 't was easie to perceive a pleasant muskie smell , which also others , to whom I mentioned it , took notice of as well as I. And , if I misremember not , I took notice of the like smell , upon Pearls not onely dissolved in Spirit of Vinegar , but in another Liquour that had but a bad sent of its own . The foregoing Experiment calls to my mind that which follows . EXPER. XI . With fixt Metals , and Bodies either inodorous or stinking , to produce strong and pleasant smells , like those of some Vegetables and Minerals . THat Gold is too fixt a body to emit any odour , and that Aqua Regis has an odour that is very strong and offensive , I think will be easily granted . But yet Aurum fulminans being made ( as 't is known ) by precipitating with the inodorous Oil of Tartar the Solution made of the former in the latter , and this Precipitate being to be farther proceeded with in order to another Experiment ; we fulminated it per se in a Silver Vessel like that , but better contrived , that is ( if I misremember not ) somewhere described by Glauberus . And among other Phaenomena of this operation , that belong not to this place , we observed with pleasure , that , when the fulmination was recently made , the steams , which were afforded by the metal that had been fired , were endowed with a delightful smell , not unlike that of musk . From which Experiment and the foregoing we may learn , that Art , by lucky Contextures , may imitate the odours that are presumed to be natural and specifick ; and that Mineral and Vegetable Substances may compound a smell that is thought to be peculiar to Animals . And as Art sometimes imitates Nature in the production of Odours , as may be confirmed by what is above related concerning counterfeit Rasberry-Wine , wherein those that drank it believed they did not onely tast , but smell the Rasberry ; so sometimes Nature seems to imitate her self , in giving like odours to bodies extreamly differing . For , not yet to dismiss the smell of Musk , there is a certain Seed , which , for the affinity of its odour to that perfume , they call the Musk-seed ; and indeed , having some of it presented me by a Gentleman , that had newly brought it from the West-Indies , I found it , whilst 't was fresh , to have a fragrancy suitable to the name that was given it . There is also a sort of Rats in Muscovy , whose skins , whereof I have seen several , have a smell that has procured them the name of Musk-Rats . To which I know not , whether we may not add the mention of a certain sort of Ducks , which some call Musk-Ducks , because at a certain season of the year , if they be chaf'd by violent motion , they will under the wing emit a musky in stead of a sweaty sent ; which upon trial I perceived to be true . On the other side , I have known a certain Wood growing in the Indies , which , especially when the sent is excited by rubbing , stinks so rankly and so like Paracelsus's Zibetum Occidentale , ( stercus Humanum , ) that one would swear it were held under his Nose . And since I have been speaking of good sents produced by unlikely means , I shall not pretermit this Observation , that , though generally the fire impresses a strong offensive smell , which Chymists therefore call Empyreumatical , upon the odorous bodies that it works strongly on ; yet the constitution of a body may be such , that the new Contexture that is made of its parts , even by the violence of the fire , shall be fit to afford Effluviums rather agreeable to the organs of smelling , than any way offensive . For I remember , that , having for a certain purpose distilled Saccharum Saturni in a Retort with a strong fire , I then obtained , ( for I dare not undertake for the like success to every Experimenter , ) besides a piercing and Empyreumatical Liquour that was driven over into the Receiver , a good Lump of a Caput Mortuum of a grayish colour , which , notwithstanding the strong impression it had received from the fire , was so far from having any Empyreumatical sent , that it had a pleasing one , and when 't was broken , smelt almost like a fine Cake new baked , and broken whilst yet warm . And as the fire , notwithstanding the Empyreuma it is wont to give to almost all the bodies it burns , may yet be reduced to confer a good smell on some of them , if they be fitted upon such a contexture of their parts to emit steams of such a nature , ( whatever were the efficient cause of such a contexture ; ) so we observe in the Musk animal , that Nature in that Cat , or rather Deer , ( though it properly belong to neither kind , ) produces Musk by such a change , as is wont in other Animals to produce a putrefactive stink . So that , provided a due constitution of parts be introduced into a portion of matter , it may on that account be endowed with noble and desirable Sents , or other Qualities , though that Constitution were introduced by such unlikely means , as Combustion and Putrefaction themselves . In Confirmation of which , I shall subjoyn in the insuing account a notable , though casual , Phaenomenon , that occurr'd to a couple of Virtuosi of my Acquaintance . An eminent Professor of Mathematicks affirmed to me , that , chancing one day in the heat of Summer with another Mathematician ( who I remember was present when this was told ) to pass by a large Dunghil that was then in Lincolns-Inn-fields , when they came to a certain distance from it , they were both of them surprized to meet with a very strong smell of Musk , ( occasioned , probably , by a certain degree or a peculiar kind of Putrefaction , ) which each was for a while shy of taking notice of , for fear his Companion should have laughed at him for it ; but , when they came much nearer the Dunghill , that pleasing smell was succeeded by a stink proper to such a heap of Excrements . This puts me in mind of adding , that , though the excrements of Animals , and particularly their sweat , are usually foetid ; yet , that 't is not the nature of an excrement , but the constitutions , that usually belong to them , make them so , hath seemed probable to me upon some Observations . For , not to mention , what is related of Alexander the Great , I knew a Gentleman of a very happy Temperature of body , whose sweat , upon a critical examination , wherein I made use also of a surprize , I found to be fragrant ; which was confirmed also by some Learned men of my acquaintance , and particularly a Physician that lay with him . Though Civet usually passes for a Perfume , and as such is wont to be bought at a great rate ; yet it seems to be but a clammy excrement of the Animal that affords it , which is secreted into Bags provided by Nature to receive it . And I the rather mention Civet , because it usually affords a Phaenomenon that agrees very well with the Mechanical Doctrine concerning Odours , though it do not demonstrate it . For , when I have had the curiosity to visit divers of those Civet ▪ Cats , ( as they call them ) though they have heads liker Foxes than Cats ; I observed , that a certain degree of Laxity ( if I may so style it ) of the odorous Atmosphere was requisite to make the smell fragrant . For , when I was near the Cages , where many of them were kept together , or any great Vessel full of Civet , the smell ( probably by the plenty , and perhaps the over-brisk motion of the effluvia , ) was rather rank and offensive than agreeable ; whereas , when I removed into the next room , or to some other convenient distance , the steams ( being less crowded , and farther from their fountain , ) presented themselves to my Nostrills under the notion of a Perfume . And , not to dismiss this our Eleventh Experiment without touching once more upon Musk , I shall add , that an Ingenious Lady , to whom I am nearly related , shewed me an odd Monkey , that had been presented her as a rarity by the then Admiral of England , and told me , among other things , that she had observed in it , that , being sick , he would seek for Spiders as his proper remedies , for some of which he then seemed to be looking , and thereby gave her occasion to tell me this ; which when he had eaten , the alteration it made in him would sometimes fill the room with a musky sent : But he had not the good luck to light on any whilst my visit lasted . EXPER. XII . To heighten good smells by Composition . 'T IS well known to Perfumers , and is easie to be observed , that Amber-greece alone , though esteemed the best and richest perfume that is yet known in the world , has but a very faint and scarce a pleasant sent . And I remember , that I have seen some hundreds of ounces together newly brought from the East-Indies ; but if I had not been before acquainted with the smell of Amber-greece alone , and had had onely the vulgar conceit of it , that 't is the best and strongest of perfumes , my Nostrills would scarce have made me suspect those lumps to have been any thing a-kin to Amber-greece . But if a due proportion of Musk , or even Civet , be dexterously mixt with Amber , the latent fragrancy , though it be thereby somewhat compounded , will quickly be called forth , and exceedingly heightned . And indeed 't is not , as 't is commonly presumed , the plenty of the richest Ingredients , as Amber-greece and Musk , but the just proportion and skilful mixture of them , that makes the noblest and most lasting perfume , of which I have had sufficient experience ; so that with a far less quantity of Musk and Amber , than not onely ordinary persons , but Perfumers themselves are wont to imploy , we have had several Perfumes , that for fragrancy were much preferred to those where Musk and Amber-greece are so plentifully imployed . The proportions and ways of mixture we best approved of , would be too long , and are not necessary , to be here set down ; but you will not much erre in making use of such a proportion as this , viz. eight parts of Amber-greece , two of Musk , and one of Civet : which quantities of Ingredients if they be skilfully and exactly mingled , you will not miss of a good Composition , with which you may innoble other materials , as Benzoin , Storax , sweet Flowers , &c. fit to make Pastills , Ointments for Leather , Pomander , &c. And we may here add , that , upon the score of the new Texture acquired by Composition , some things , that are not fragrant themselves , may yet much heighten the fragrancy of Odoriferous bodies . And of liquid perfumes I remember , 't was the secret of some Court-Ladies , noted for Curiosity about perfumes , to mingle always a due proportion of Wine-vinegar with the odoriferous Ingredients . And on this occasion , to shew the power of mixtures in improving Odours , I shall add something about a Liquour of mine , that has had the good fortune to be very favourably spoken of by persons of Quality accustomed to choice Perfumes . This Liquour , though thought an elaborate preparation , as well for another reason , as to recommend it to some , whose Critical palates can tast the very titles of things , I called it Essence of Musk , is indeed a very plain simple preparation , which I thus make . I take an arbitrary Quantity of choice Musk without finely powdering it , and pour upon it about a finger's breadth of pure Spirit of Wine ; these in a Glass closely stopt I set in a quiet place to digest , without the help of any Furnace , and after some days , or a few weeks , ( according as Circumstances determined , ) the Spirit , which is somewhat odd , will in the cold have made a solution of the finest parts of the Musk , and will be thereby much tinged , but not of a red colour . This Liquour being decanted , I keep by it self as the richest of all ; and pour a like quantity of Spirit on the remaining Musk , which usually will in the cold , though more slowly , draw a tincture , but fainter than the former , which being poured off , the remaining Musk may be imployed for inferiour uses . Now that which made me mention this Preparation as pertinent to our present Subject , is this Phaenomenon of it , that the first essence , or rather tincture , being smelt to by it self , has but a faint , and not very pleasing , odour of Musk , so that every body would not discover that there was Musk in it ; but if a single drop , or two drops at most , were mixt with a pint , or perhaps a quart , of good Sack , the whole body of the Wine would presently acquire a considerably musky sent , and be so richly perfumed both as to tast and smell , as seemed strange enough to those that knew the vast disproportion of the Ingredients . FINIS . OF THE IMPERFECTION OF THE Chymist's DOCTRINE OF QUALITIES . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. OF THE IMPERFCTION OF The Chymist's Doctrine OF QUALITIES . CHAP. I. SInce a great part of those Learned Men , especially Physicians , who have discerned the defects of the vulgar Philosophy , but are not yet come to understand and relish the Corpuscularian , have slid into the Doctrine of the Chymists ; and since the Spagyrists are wont to pretend to make out all the Qualities of bodies from the Predominancy of some one of their three Hypostatical Principles , I suppose it may both keep my opinion from appearing too presumptuous , and ( which is far more considerable ) may make way for the fairer Reception of the Mechanical Hypothesis about Qualities , if I here intimate ( though but briefly and in general ) some of those defects , that I have observed in Chymists Explications of Qualities . And I might begin with taking notice of the Obscurity of those Principles , which is no small defect in Notions whose proper office it should be to conduce to the illustration of others . For , how can that facilitate the understanding of an obscure Quality or Phaenomenon which is it self scarcely intelligible , or at least needs almost as much explanation as the thing 't is designed & pretended to explicate ? Now a man need not be very conversant in the writings of Chymists to observe , in how Laxe , Indefinite , and almost Arbitrary Senses they employ the Terms of Salt , Sulphur and Mercury ; of which I could never find that they were agreed upon any certain Definitions or setled Notions ; not onely differing Authors , but not unfrequently one and the same , and perhaps in the same Brook , employing them in very differing senses . But I will not give the Chymists any rise to pretend , that the chief fault that I find with their Hypothesis is but verbal ; though that it self may not a little blemish any Hypothesis , one of the first of whose Requisites ought to be Clearness ; and therefore I shall now advance and take notice of defects that are manifestly of another kind . And first the Doctrine that all their Theory is grounded on , seems to me Inevident and undemonstrated , not to say precarious . It is somewhat strange to me , that neither the Spagyrists themselves , nor yet their Adversaries , should have taken notice , that Chymists have rather supposed than evinced , that the Analysis of bodies by fire , or even that at least some Analysis is the onely instrument of investigating what Ingredients mixt bodies are made up of , since in divers cases That may be discovered by Composition as well as by Resolution ; as it may appear , that Vitriol consists of metalline parts ( whether Martial , or Venereal , or both ) associated by Coagulation with acid ones , one may , I say , discover this as well by making true Vitriol with Spirit ( improperly called Oil ) of Sulphur , or that of Salt , as by distilling or Resolving Vitriol by the fire . But I will not here enlarge on this subject , nor yet will I trouble you with what I have largely discoursed in the Sceptical Chymist , to call in question the grounds on which Chymists assert , that all mixt bodies are compounded of Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury . For it may suffice me now to tell you , that , whatsoever they may be able to obtain from other bodies , it does not appear by Experience , which is the grand , if not the onely , Argument they rely on , that all mixt bodies that have Qualities , consist of their tria prima , since they have not been able , that we know , truly , and without new Compositions , to resolve into those three , either Gold , or Silver , or Crystal , or Venetian Talck , or some other bodies , that I elsewhere name ; & yet these bodies are endowed with divers Qualities , as the two former with Fusibleness and Malleability , and all of them with Weight and Fixity ; so that in these and the like bodies , whence Chymists have not made it yet appear , that their Salt , Sulphur and Mercury , can be truly and adequately separated , 't will scarce be other than precarious , to derive the malleableness , colour , and other Qualities of such bodies from those Principles . Under this Head I consider also , that a great part of the Chymical Doctrine of Qualities is bottom'd on , or supposes , besides their newly questioned Analysis by fire , some other things , which , as far as I know , have not yet been well proved , and I question whether they ever will be . One of their main Suppositions is , that this or that Quality must have its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Sennertus , the Learnedst Champion of this opinion , calls it , or some particular material Principle , to the participation of which , as of the primary native and genuine subject , all other bodies must owe it : But upon this point having purposely discoursed elsewhere , I shall now onely observe , that , not to mention Local motion and Figure , I think 't will be hard to shew , what is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Gravity , Volatility , Heat , Sonorousness , Transparency and Opacity , which are Qualities to be indifferently met with in bodies whether simple or mixt . And whereas the Spagyrists are wont to argue , that , because this or that Quality is not to be derived truly from this or that particular Principle , as Salt , for instance , and Mercury ; therefore it must needs be derivable from the third , as Sulphur . This way of arguing involves a farther Supposition than that newly examined . For it implies , that every Quality in a compounded body must arise from some one of the tria prima , whereas experience assures us , that bodies may , by Composition , obtain Qualities , that were not to be found in any of the separate Ingredients . As we see in painting , that though blew and yellow be neither of them green , yet their mixture will be so . And though no single Sound will make an octave or diapason ; yet two sounds , whose proportion is double , will have an eighth . And Tinn and Copper melted and mingled together in a due proportion , will make a bell-metal far more sonorous than either of them was before . 'T is obvious enough for Chymists themselves to observe , that , though Lead be an insipid body , and Spirit of Vinegar a very sharp one , yet Saccharum Saturni , that is compounded out of these two , has a sweetness that makes it not ill deserve its name . But this ill-grounded Supposition of the Chymists , is extended farther in an usual Topic of theirs , according to which they conclude , That I know not how many Qualities , as well manifest as occult , must be explicated by their tria prima , because they are not explicable by the four elements of the Peripateticks . To make which argumentation valid , it must be proved , ( which I fear it will never be ) that there are no other wayes , by which those Qualities may be explicated , but by a determinate number of Material Principles , whether four or three : Besides that , till they have shewn that such Qualities may be intelligibly explicated by their Principles , the objection will lye as strong for the Aristotelians against them , as for them against the Aristotelians . CHAP. II. NExt I consider , that there are divers Qualities even in mixt bodies , wherein it does not appear , that the use of the Chymical Doctrine is Necessary . As , for instance , when pure Gold is by Heat onely brought to fusion , and consequently to the state of fluidity , and upon the remission of that heat , grows a solid and consistent body again , what addition or expulsion or change of any of the tria prima does appear to be the cause of this change of consistence ? Which is easie to be accounted for according to the Mechanical way , by the vehement agitation that the fire makes of the minute parts of the Gold to bring it to fusion ; and the cohesion of those parts , by vertue of their gravity and fitness to adhere to one another , when that agitation ceases . When Venice Glass is meerly by being beaten to pouder deprived of its Transparency and turned into a body opacous and white , what need or use of the tria prima have we in the explication of this Phaenomenon ? Or of that other which occurs , when by barely melting down this white and opacous body it is deprived of its opacity and colour , and becomes diaphanous ? And of this sort of Instances you will meet with divers in the following Notes about particular Qualities ; for which reason I shall forbear the mention of them here . CHAP. III. I Observe too , that the Spagyrical Doctrine of Qualities is Insufficient and too narrow to reach to all the Phaenomena or even to all the notable ones , that ought to be explicable by them . And this Insufficiency I find to be two-fold ; for , first , there are divers Qualities , of which Chymists will not so much as attempt to give us explications , and of other particular Qualities the explications , such as they are that they give us , are often very deficient and unsatisfactory ; and do not sometimes so much as take notice of divers considerable Phaenomena that belong to the Qualities whereof they pretend to give an account ; of which you will meet with divers Instances in the insuing Notes . And therefore I shall onely , ( to declare my meaning the better , ) invite you to observe with me , that though Gold be the body they affect to be most conversant with ; yet it will be very hard to shew , how the specific weight of Gold can be deduced from any or all of the three Principles , since Mercury it self , that is of bodies , known to us , the heaviest next to Gold , is so much lighter than Gold , that , whereas I have usually found Mercury to be to an equal weight of water , somewhat , though little , less than fourteen to one , I find pure Gold to be about nineteen times as heavy as so much water . Which will make it very difficult , not to say impossible for them to explain , how Gold should barely by participating of Mercury , which is a body much lighter than it self , obtain that great specific gravity we find it to have ; for the two other Hypostatical Principles , we know , are far lighter than Mercury . And I think it would much puzzle the Chymists , to give us any examples of a compounded body , that is specifically heavier than the heaviest of the Ingredients that it is made up of . And this is the first kind of Insufficiency I was taking notice of in the Chymical Doctrine of Qualities . The other is , That there are several bodies which the most Learned among themselves confess not to consist of their tria prima , and yet are indowed with Qualities , which consequently are not in those subjects to be explicated by the tria prima which are granted not to be found in them . Thus elementary Water , though never so pure , ( as distilled Rain-water , ) has fluidity and coldness and humidity and transparency and volatility , without having any of the tria prima . And the purest Earth , as Ashes carefully freed from the fixt salt , has gravity and consistence and dryness and colour and fixity , without owing them either to Salt , Sulphur , or Mercury ; not to mention , that there are Celestial bodies which do not appear , nor are wont to be pretended , to consist of the tria prima , that yet are indowed with Qualities . As the Sun has Light , and as many Philosophers think , Heat , and Colour ; and the Moon has a determinate consistence and figuration , ( as appears by her mountains ) and Astronomers observe , that the higher Planets and even the Fixt stars appear to be differingly coloured . But I shall not multiply Instances of this kind , because what I have said , may not onely serve for my present purpose , but bring a great Confirmation to what I lately said , when I noted , that the Chymical Principles were in many cases not necessary to explicate Qualities : For since in Earth , Water , &c. such diffused Qualities , as gravity , sixtness , colour , transparency and fluidity , must be acknowledged not to be derived from the tria prima ; 't is plain , that portions of matter may be endowed with such Qualities by other causes and agents than Salt , Sulphur and Mercury . And then why should we deny , that also in compounded bodies those Qualities may be ( sometimes at least ) produced by the same or the like Causes ? As we see , that the reduction of a diaphanous Solid to pouder , produces whiteness , whether the comminution happens to Rock-crystal or to Venice-glass , or to Ice : The first of which is acknowledged to be a natural and perfectly mixt body ; the second a factitious and not onely mixt but decompounded body ; and the last , for ought appears , an elementary body , or at most very slightly and imperfectly mixt . And so by mingling Air in small portions with a diaphanous Liquor , as we do when we beat such a Liquor into foam , a whiteness is produced , as well in pure Water , which is acknowledged to be a simple body , as in white Wine , which is reckoned among perfectly mixt bodies . CHAP. IV. I Further observe , that the Chymists Explications do not reach deep and far enough . For first , most of them are not sufficiently distinct and full , so as to come home to the particular Phaenomena , nor often times so much as to all the grand ones , that belong to the History of the Qualities they pretend to explicate . You will readily believe , that a Chymist will not easily make out by his Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury , why a Load-stone capp'd with steel may be made to take up a great deal more Iron , sometimes more than eight or ten times as much , than if it be immediatly applied to the iron ; or why , if one end of the Magnetic Needle is dispos'd to be attracted by the North-pole , for instance , of the Load-stone , the other Pole of the Load-stone will not attract it but drive it away : or , why a bar or rod of iron , being heated red-hot and cooled perpendicularly , will with its lower end drive away the flower de Luce , or the North-end of a Marriners Needle , which the upper end of the same barr or rod will not repell but draw to it . In short , of above threescore Properties or notable Phaenomena of Magnetic Bodies , that some Writers have reckon'd up , I do not remember that any three have been by Chymists so much as attempted to be solved by their three Principles . And even in those Qualities , in whose explications these Principles may more probably than elsewhere pretend to have a place , the Spagyrists accounts are wont to fall so short of being distinct and particular enough , that they use to leave divers considerable Phaenomena untouch'd , and do but very lamely or slightly explicate the more obvious or familiar . And I have so good an opinion of divers of the embracers of the Spagyrical Theory of Qualities ( among whom I have met with very Learned and worthy men ) that I think , that if a Quality being pos'd to them , they were at the same time presented with a good Catalogue of the Phaenomena , that they may take , in the History of it , as it were with one view , they would plainly perceive that there are more particulars to be accounted for , than at first they were aware of ; and divers of them such , as may quite discourage considering men from taking upon them to explain them all by the Tria prima , and oblige them to have recourse to more Catholic and comprehensive Principles . I know not , whether I may not add on this occasion , that , methinks , a Chymist , who by the help of his Tria Prima , takes upon him to interpret that Book of Nature of which the Qualities of bodies make a great part , acts at but a little better rate than he , that seeing a great book written in a Cypher , whereof he were acquainted but with three Letters , should undertake to decypher the whole piece . For though 't is like , he would in many words find one of the Letters of his short key , and in divers words two of them , and perhaps in some all three ; yet , besides that in most of the words wherein the known Letter or Letters may be met with , they may be so blended with other unknown Letters as to keep him from decyphering a good part of those very words , 't is more than probable , that a great part of the book would consist of words wherein none of his three Letters were to be found . CHAP. V. AND this is the first account , on which I observe that the Chymical Theory of Qualities does not reach far enough : But there is another branch of its deficiency . For even , when the explications seem to come home to the Phaenomena , they are not primary , and , if I may so speak , Fontal enough . To make this appear , I shall at present imploy but these two Considerations . The first is , that those substances themselves , that Chymists call their Principles , are each of them indowed with several Qualities . Thus Salt is a consistent , not a fluid , body ; it has its weight , 't is dissoluble in water , is either diaphanous or opacous , fixt or volatile , sapid or insipid ; ( I speak thus disjunctively , because Chymists are not all agreed about these things ; and it concerns not my Argument , which of the disputable Qualities be resolved upon . ) And Sulphur , according to them , is a body fusible , inflammable , &c. and , according to Experience , is consistent , heavy , &c. So that 't is by the help of more primary and general Principles , that we must explicate some of those Qualities , which being found in bodies , supposed to be perfectly similar or homogeneous , cannot be pretended to be derived in one of them from the other . And to say , that 't is the nature of a Principle to have this or that Quality , as , for instance , of Sulphur to be fusible , and therefore we are not to exact a Reason why it is so ; though I could say much by way of answer , I shall now only observe , that this Argument is grounded but upon a supposition , and will be of no force , if from the primary affections of bodies one may deduce any good Mechanical Explication of Fusibility in the general , without necessarily supposing such a Primigeneal Sulphur , as the Chymists fancy , or deriving it from thence in other bodies . And indeed , since not only Salt-peter , Sea salt , Vitriol and Allum , but Salt of Tartar , and the Volatile Salt of Urine are all of them fusible ; I do not well see , how Chymists can derive the fusibleness even of Salts obtained by their own analysis ( such as Salt of Tartar and of Urine ) from the participation of the Sulphureous Ingredient ; especially since , if such an attempt should be made , it would overthrow the Hypothesis of three Simple bodies , whereof they will have all mixt ones to be compounded ; and still 't would remain to be explicated , upon what account the Principle , that is said to endow the other with such a Quality , comes to be endowed therewith it self . For 't is plain , that a mass of Sulphur is not an Atomical or Adamantine body ; but consists of a multitude of Corpuscles of determinate Figures , and connected after a determinate manner : so that it may be reasonably demanded , why such a Convention of particles , rather than many another that does not , constitutes a fusible body . CHAP. VI. AND this leads me to a further Consideration , which makes me look upon the Chymists explications as not deep and radical enough ; and it is this , that , when they tell us , for instance , that the fusibleness of bodies proceeds from Sulphur , in case they say true , they do but tell us what material Ingredient 't is that being mingled with and dispers'd through the other parts of a body , makes it apt to melt : But this does not intelligibly declare , what it is that makes a portion of matter fusible , and how the sulphureous Ingredient introduces that disposition into the rest of the mass , wherewith 't is commixt or united . And yet 't is such explications as these , that an inquisitive Naturalist chiefly looks after , and which I therefore call Philosophical . And to shew , that there may be more Fontal explications , I shall only observe , that , not to wander from our present instance , Sulphur it self is fusible . And therefore , as I lately intimated , Fusibility , which is not the Quality of one Atome , or Particle , but of an Aggregate of Particles , ought it self to be accounted for in that Principle , before the Fusibleness of all other bodies be derived from it . And 't will in the following notes appear , that in Sulphur it self that Quality may be probably deduced from the convention of Corpuscles of determinate shapes and sizes , contexed or connected after a convenient manner . And if either nature , or art , or chance , should bring together particles endowed with the like Mechanical Affections , and associate them after the like manner , the resulting body would be fusible , though the component particles had never been parts of the Chymists primordial sulphur : And such particles so convening might perhaps have made Sulphur it self , though before there had been no such body in the world . And what I say to those Chymists , that make the sulphureous Ingredient the cause of fusibility , may easily , mutatis mutandis , be applied to their Hypothesis , that rather ascribe that quality to the Mercurial or the Saline Principle , and consequently cannot give a rational account of the fusibility of Sulphur . And therefore though I readily allow ( as I shall have afterwards occasion to declare ) that Sulphur , or an other of the tria prima , may be met with , and even abound in several bodies endowed with the quality that is attributed to their participation of that Principle ; yet that this may be no certain sign that the propos'd Quality must flow from that Ingredient , you may perhaps be assisted to discern by this illustration , That if Tin be duly mixt with Copper or Gold , or , as I have tried , with Silver or Iron , it will make them very brittle ; and it is also an Ingredient of divers other bodies that are likewise brittle , as blew , green , white , and otherwise colour'd , Amels , which are usually made of calcin'd Tin ( which the Tradesmen call Puttee , ) colliquated with the Ingredients of Crystal-glass and some small portion of Mineral pigment . But though in all the above-named brittle bodies , Tin be a considerable Ingredient ; yet 't were very unadvised to affirm , that Brittleness in general proceeds from Tin. For provided the solid parts of consistent bodies touch one another but according to small portions of their surfaces , and be not implicated by their contexture , the Metalline or other Composition may be brittle , though there be no Tin at all in it . And in effect , the materials of glass being brought to fusion will compose a brittle body , as well when there is no Puttee colliquated with them , as when there is . Calcin'd Lead by the action of the fire may be melted into a brittle mass , and even into transparent Glass , without the help of Tin or any other additament . And I need not add , that there are a multitude of other bodies , that cannot be pretended to owe their brittleness to any participation of Tin , of which they have no need , if the matter they consist of wants not the requisite Mechanical Dispositions . And here I shall venture to add , that the way employed by the Chymists , as well as the Peripateticks , of accounting for things by the Ingredients , whether Elements , Principles , or other bodies , that they suppose them to consist of , will often frustrate the Naturalists expectation of events , which may frequently prove differing from what he promis'd himself , upon the Consideration of the Qualities of each Ingredient . For the ensuing Notes contain divers Instances , wherein there emerges a new Quality differing from , or even contrary to , any that is conspicuous in the Ingredients ; as two transparent bodies may make an opacous mixture , a yellow body and a blew , one that is green , two malleable bodies , a brittle one , two actually cold bodies , a hot one , two fluid bodies , a consistent one , &c. And as this way of judging by material Principles hinders the foreknowledg of Events from being certain ; so it much more hinders the assignation of Causes from being satisfactory ; so that perhaps some would not think it very rash to say , that those who judg of all mixt bodies as Apothecaries do of Medicines , barely by the Qualities and Proportions of the Ingredients ( such as among the Aristotelians are the four Elements , and among the Chymists the tria prima , ) do , as if one should pretend to give an account of the Phaenomena and operations of Clocks and Watches , and their Diversities by this , That some are made of brass wheels , some of iron , some have plain ungilt wheels , others of wheels overlaid with Gold , some furnished with gut-strings , others with little chains , &c. and that therefore the Qualities and Predominancies of these metalls that make parts of the Watch , ought to have ascribed to them , what indeed flows from their Coordination and Contrivance . CHAP. VII . THE last defect I observe in the Chymical Doctrine of Qualities , is , that in many cases it agrees not well with the Phaenomena of Nature , and that by one or both of these ways . First , there are divers changes of Qualities , wherein one may well expect , that a Chymical Principle should have a great stroak , and yet it does not at all appear to have so . He that considers , what great operations divers of the Hermeticks ascribe to this or that Hypostatical Principle , and how many Qualities according to them must from it be derived , can scarce do other than expect , that a great change as to those Qualities happening in a mixt body , should at least be accompany'd with some notable action of , or alteration in the Principle . And yet I have met with many instances , wherein Qualities are produced , or abolished , or very much altered , without any manifest introduction , expulsion , or considerable change of the Principle , whereon that Quality is said to depend , or perhaps of either of the two others : As when a piece of fine silver , that having been neald in the fire , and suffer'd to cool leisurely , is very flexible , is made stiff and hard to bend , barely by a few stroaks of a hammer . And a string of a Lute acquires or loses a sympathy , as they call it , with another string of the same or another Instrument , barely by being either stretched so as to make an Unison with it , or screw'd up or let down beyond or beneath that degree of Tension . To multiply instances of this kind would be to anticipate those , you will hereafter meet with in their due places . And therefore I shall pass on from the first sort of Phaenomena , that favour not the Chymical Hypothesis about Qualities , to the other which consists of those , wherein either that does not happen which according to their Hypothesis ought to happen , or the contrary happens to what according to their Hypothesis may justly be expected . Of this you will meet with instances hereafter ; I shall now trouble you but with one , the better to declare my meaning . 'T is not unknown to those Chymists , that work much in Silver and in Copper , that the former will endure Ignition and become red-hot in the fire , before it will be brought to fusion ; and the latter is yet far more difficult to be melted down than the other ; yet if you separately dissolve those two metalls in Aqua fortis , and by evaporation reduce them to Crystalls , these will be brought to fusion in a very little time , and with a very moderate Heat , without breaking the glasses that contain them . If you ask a vulgar Chymist the cause of this facility of fusion , he will probably tell you without scruple , that 't is from the saline parts of the Aqua fortis , which , being imbodied in the metals and of a very fusible nature , impart that easiness of fusion to the metals they are mixt with . According to which plausible explication one might well expect , that , if the saline Corpuscles were exquisitly mingled with Tin , they would make it far more fusible than of it self it is . And yet , as I have elsewhere noted , when I put Tin into a convenient quantity of Aqua fortis , the metal being corroded , subsided , as is usual , in the form of whites of eggs , which being well dried , the Tinn was so far from being grown more fusible by the addition of the saline particles of the Menstruum , that , whereas 't is known that simple Tin will melt long before it come to be red-hot , this prepar'd Tin would endure for a good while not only a thorow ignition , but the blast of a pair of double bellows , ( which we usually imploy'd to melt Silver and Copper it self , ) without being at all brought to fusion . And as for those Spagyrists that admit , as most of them are granted to do , that all kinds of metals may be turned into Gold by a very small proportion of what they call the Philosophers Elixir , one may I think shew them from their own concessions , that divers Qualities may be changed even in such constant bodies as Metals , without the addition of any considerable proportion of the simple Ingredients , to which they are wont to ascribe those Qualities ; provided the Agent , ( as an efficient rather than as a material Cause , ) be able to make a great change in the Mechanical affections of the parts whereof the metal it acts on is made up . Thus if we suppose a pound of Silver , a pound of Lead , and a pound of Iron to be transmuted into Gold , each by a grain of the powder of projection , this tinging powder , as a material Cause is inconsiderable , by reason of the smaliness of its bulk , and as an efficient cause it works differing and even contrary effects , according to the disposition , wherein it finds the metal to be transmuted , and the changes it produces in the constituent Texture of it . Thus it brings Quick-silver to be fixt , which it was not before , and deprives it of the Fluidity which it had before ; it brings Silver to be indissolvable in Aqua fortis , which readily dissolved it before , and dissoluble in Aqua Regis , which before would not touch it ; and which is very considerable to our present purpose , whereas it makes Iron much more susible than Mars , it makes Lead much less fusible than whilest it retained its pristine form , since Saturn melts ere it come to ignition , which Gold requires to bring it to fusion . But this is proposed only as an Argument ad hominem , till the Truth of the transmutation of metals into Gold , by way of projection , be sufficiently proved , and the circumstances and phaenomena of it particularly declared . I must not forget to take notice , that some learned modern Chymists would be thought to explicate divers of the Changes that happen to Bodies in point of Odours , Colours , &c. by saying that in such alterations the Sulphur or other Hypostatical Principle is intraverted or extraverted , or , as others speak , inverted . But I confess , to me these seem to be rather new terms then real explications . For , to omit divers of the Arguments mentioned in this present Treatise , that may be applied to this way of solving the Phaenomena of Qualities , one may justly object , that the supposed Extraversion or Intraversion of Sulphur can by no means reach to give an account of so great a variety of Odours , Colours , and other Qualities as may be found in the changed portions of matter we are speaking of . And which is more , what they call by these and the like names , cannot be done without Local motion transposing the particles of the matter , and consequently producing in it a change of Texture , which is the very thing we would infer , and which being supposed , we may grant Sulphur to be oftentimes actually present in the altered Bodies , without allowing it to be always necessary to produce the alterations in them , since Corpuscles so condition'd and contex'd would perform such Effects , whether Sulphur , as such , did , or did not , make up the subject-matter of the Change. And now I shall conclude , and partly recapitulate what has been delivered in this and the two foregoing Chapters , with this summary consideration , That the Chymist's Salt , Sulphur and Mercury themselves are not the first and most simple Principles of Bodies , but rather primary Concretions of Corpuscles or Particles more simple than they , as being endowed only with the first , or most radical ( if I may so speak ) and most Catholick Affections of simple Bodies , namely Bulk , Shape , and Motion , or Rest ; by the different Conventions or Coalitions of which minutest portions of matter are made those differing Concretions that Chymists name Salt , Sulphur and Mercury . And to this Doctrine it will be consonant , that several Effects of this or that Spagyrical Principle need not be derived from Salt , for instance , or Sulphur as such , but may be explained by the help of some of those Corpuscles that I have lately call'd more Simple and Radical ; and such Explications being more simple and Mechanical , may be thought upon that score more fundamental and satisfactory . CHAP. VIII . I Know it may be objected in favour of the Chymists , that as their Hypostatical Principles , Salt , Sulphur and Mercury , are but three , so the Corpuscularian Principles are but very few ; and the chief of them Bulk , Size , and Motion , are but three neither ; so that it appears not why the Chymical Principles should be more barren than the Mechanical . To which allegation I answer , that , besides that these last nam'd Principles are more numerous , as taking in the Posture , Order , and Scituation , the Rest , and , above all , the almost infinitely diversifiable Contextures of the small parts , and the thence resulting structures of particular bodies , and fabrick of the world : Besides this , I say , each of the three Mechanical Principles , specified in the objection , though but one in name , is equivalent to many in effect ; as Figure , for instance , comprehends not only Triangles , Squares , Rhombusses , Rhomboids , Trapezions , and a multitude of Polygons , whether ordinate or irregular ; but , besides Cubes , Prismes , Cones , Spheres , Cylinders , Pyramids , and other Solids of known Denominations , a scarce numerable multitude of hooked , branched , Eel-like , screw-like , and other irregular bodies ; whereof though these , and some others , have distinct appellations , yet the greatest part are nameless ; so that it need be no wonder , that I should make the Mechanical Principles so much more fertile , that is , applicable to the production and explication of a far greater number of Phaenomena , than the Chymical ; which , whilest they are considered but as similar bodies , that are Ingredients of mixt and compounded ones , are chiefly variable but by the greater or lesser quantity that is employed by Nature or Art to make up the mixt body . And Painters observe , that Black and White , though mixt in differing Proportions , will still make but lighter and darker grays . And if it be said , that these Ingredients , by the Texture resulting from their mixtures , may acquire Qualities that neither of them had before ; I shall answer , that , to alledge this , is in effect to confess , that they must take in the Mechanical Principles , ( for to them belongs the Texture or Structure of bodies ) to assist the Chymical ones . And on this occasion , to borrow an illustration from our unpublished Dialogue of the Requisites of a good Hypothesis , I shall add , that a Chymist that should pretend , that because his three Principles are as many as those of the Corpuscularians , they are as sufficient as these to give an account of the Book of Nature , methinks , I say , he would do like a man that should pretend , that with four and twenty words he would make up a language as well as others can with the four and twenty Letters of the Alphabet , because he had as many words already formed , as they had of bare Letters ; not considering that instead of the small number of variations that can be made of his words by Prepositions and Terminations , the Letters of the Alphabet being variously combined , placed and reiterated , can be easily made to compose not only his four and twenty words , with their variations , but as many others as a whole language contains . CHAP. IX . NOtwithstanding all that I have been obliged to say to the Disadvantage of the Chymical Principles , in reference to the Explication of Qualities , I would not be thought to grant , that the Peripateticks have reason to triumph , as if their four Elements afforded a better Theory of Qualities . For , if I had , together with leisure enough to perform such a Task , any obligation to undertake it , I presume , it would not be difficult to shew , that the Aristotelian Doctrine about particular Qualities is liable to some of the same Objections with the Chymical , and to some others no less considerable ; and that , to derive all the Phaenomena their Doctrine ought to solve from Substantial Forms and real Qualities Elementary , is to impose on us a Theory more barren and precarious than that of the Spagyrists . That to derive the particular Qualities of bodies from those Substantial Forms , whence the Schools would have them to flow , is but an insufficient and unfit way of accounting for them , may appear by this , that Substantial Forms themselves are things , whose existence many Learned Philosophers deny , whose Theory many of them think Incomprehensible , and the most Candid and Judicious of the Peripateticks themselves confess it to be very abstruse ; so that from such doubtful and obscure Principles we can hardly expect clear Explications of the nature and Phaenomena of Qualities ; not to urge , that the Aristotelian Definitions , both of Qualities in general , and of divers of the more familiar Qualities in particular , as Heat , Cold , Moisture , Diaphaneity , &c. are far enough from being clear and well framed , as we elsewhere have occasion to shew . Another thing , which makes the Scholastic Doctrine of Qualities unsatisfactory , is , that it seldom so much as attempts to teach the Manner how the Qualities themselves and their Effects or Operations are produced . Of this you may elsewhere find an Instance given in the Quality that is wont to be first in the list , viz that of Heat , which though it may intelligibly and probably be explicated by the Corpuscular Hypothesis , yet in the Peripatetic account that is given of it , is both too questionable and too superficial to give much Content to a Rational Inquirer . And indeed to say , that a Substantial Form ( as that of the Fire ) acts by a Quality ( call'd Heat ) whose Nature 't is to produce such an effect ( as to soften Wax or harden Clay ) seems to be no other in substance , than to say , that it produces such an effect by some power it has to produce it . But what that power is , and how it operates , is that , which , though we most desire to know , we are left to seek . But to prosecute the Imperfections of the Peripatetick Hypothesis , were to intrench upon another discourse , where they are more fully laid open . And therefore I shall now but lightly glance upon a couple of imperfections , that more particularly relate to the Doctrine of Qualities . And first I do not think it a Convincing Argument that is wont to be imployed by the Aristotelians for their Elements , as well as by the Chymists for their Principles , that , because this or that Quality , which they ascribe to an Element or a Principle , is found in this or that body , which they call mixt , therefore it must owe that Quality to the participation of that Principle or Element . For , the same Texture of parts or other modification of matter may produce the like Quality in the more simple and the more compounded body , and they may both separately derive it from the same Cause , and not one from the Participation of the other . So Water and Earth and Metals and Stones , &c. are heavy upon the account of the common Cause of Gravity , and not because the rest partake of the Earth ; as may appear in Elementary water , which is as simple a body as it , and yet is heavy : So water and oil , and exactly deflegm'd Spirit of Wine , and Mercury , and also Metals and Glass of Antimony , and Minium or calcin'd Lead , whilest these three are in fusion are fluid , being made so by the variously determined motions of their minute parts and other Causes of Fluidity , and not by the participation of water , since the arid Calces of Lead and Antimony are not like to have retained in the fire so volatile a liquor as water , and since Fluidity is a Quality that Mercury enjoys in a more durable manner than Water it self : For that metalline liquor , as also Spirit of Wine well Rectified , will not be brought to freeze with the highest degree of Cold of our sharpest winters , though a far less degree of Cold would make water cease to be fluid and turn it into Ice . To this I shall only add ( in the second place , ) that 't is not unpleasant to see , how arbitrarily the Peripateticks derive the Qualities of bodies from their four Elements , as if , to give an instance in the lately named Quality , Liquidity , you shew them exactly deflegmed Spirit of Wine , and ask them , whence it has its great Fluidness , they will tell you from water , which yet is far less fluid than it , and this spirit of wine it self is much less so than the flame into which the spirit of wine is easily resoluble . But if you ask , whence it becomes totally inflammable , they must tell you , from the fire ; and yet the whole body , at least as far as sense can discover , is fluid , and the whole body becomes flame , ( and then is most fluid of all ; ) so that fire and water as contrary as they make them , must both be by vast odds predominant in the same body . This spirit of wine also , being a liquor whose least parts that are sensible are actually heavy , and compose a Liquor which is seven or eight hundred times as heavy as Air of the same bulk , which yet experience shews not to be devoid of weight , must be supposed to abound with Earthy particles , and yet this spirituous liquor may in a trice become Flame , which they would have to be the lightest body in the world . But , to enlarge on this subject , would be to forget , that the design of this Tract engages me to deal not with the Peripatetic School , but the Spagyrical . To which I shall therefore return , and give you this advertisement about it , that what I have hitherto objected is meant against the more common and received Doctrine about the Material Principles of bodies reputed mixt , as 't is wont by vulgar Chymists to be applied to the rendring an account of the Qualities of substances Corporeal ; and therefore I pretend not , that the past objections should conclude against other Chymical Theories than that which I was concerned to question . And if adept Philosophers , ( supposing there be such ) or any other more than ordinarily Intelligent Spagyrists , shall propose any particular Hypotheses , differing from those that I have questioned , as their Doctrine and Reasons are not yet known to me ; so I pretend not that the past Arguments should conclude against them , and am willing to think , that Persons advantaged with such peculiar opportunities to dive into the Mysteries of Nature , will be able to give us , if they shall please , a far better account of the Qualities of bodies than what is wont to be proposed by the generality of Chymists . Thus , dear Pyrophilus , I have laid before you some of the chief Imperfections I have observed in the vulgar Chymists Doctrine of Qualities , and consequently I have given you some of the chief Reasons that hinder me from acquiescing in it . And as my objections are not taken from the Scholastical subtleties nor the doubtful speculations of the Peripateticks or other Adversaries of the Hermetick Philosophy , but from the nature of things and from Chymical experiments themselves ; so I hope , if any of your Spagyrical friends have a minde to convince me , he will attempt to doe it by the most proper way , which is , by actually giving us clear and particular explications , at least of the grand Phaenomena of Qualities ; which , if he shall do , he will find me very ready to acquiesce in a Truth that comes usher'd in , and endear'd by so acceptable and useful a thing , as a Philosophical Theory of Qualities . FINIS . REFLECTIONS UPON THE Hypothesis OF ALCALI and ACIDUM . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. THough the following Discourse was at first written by way of Appendix to the Treatise of the Imperfection of the Chymical Doctrine of Qualities ; yet the bulk of it , swelling beyond what was foreseen , made it seem expedient to publish it as a Tract by it self . REFLECTIONS UPON THE Hypothesis OF Alcali and Acidum . CHAP. I. I Presume , it will not be difficult to discern , that much of what has been said about the Imperfection of the vulgar Chymical Doctrine concerning Qualities , may with easie variations be applied to some other Hypotheses that are of kin to that Doctrine , and particularly to their Theory , that would derive both the Qualities of Bodies and the rest of the Phaenomena of Nature from what they call Acidum and Alcali . For though these two differences may be met with in a great number and variety of bodies , and consequently the Consideration of them may frequently enough be of good use , ( especially to Spagyrists , and Physitians , when they are conversant about the secondary and ( if I may so call them ) Chymical Causes and Operations of divers mixt bodies ; ) yet I confess I cannot acquiesce in this Hypothesis of Alkali and Acidum , in the latitude , wherein I find it urged and applied by the Admirers of it , as if it could be usefully substituted in the place of Matter and Motion . The Hypothesis , being in a sort subordinate to that of the tria prima , in ascribing to two contrary saline Principles what vulgar Chymists do to their Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury ; most of the objections we have made against the vulgar Chymical Doctrine , may , as I lately intimated , be applied , by a little variation , to this , and therefore I shall need but to touch upon the main things that keep me from acquiescing in this Hypothesis . CHAP. II. AND first , it seems precarious to affirm , that in all bodies , or even in all the sensible parts of mixts , Acid and Alcalizate parts are found ; there not having been , that I know , any Experimental Induction made of particulars any thing near numerous enough to make out so great an assertion , and in divers bodies , wherein Experience is vouch'd for the inexistence of these Principles , that Inexistence is indeed proved not by direct and clear experience , but upon a supposition , that such and such effects flow from the operations of the assumed Principles . Some Spagyrists , when they see Aqua fortis dissolve Filings of Copper , conclude from thence , that the Acid spirits of the Menstruum meet in the metal with an Alcali upon which they work ; which is but an unsafe way of arguing , since good Spirit of Urin , which they take to be a volatile Alcali , and which will make a great Conflict with Aqua fortis , will , as I have elsewhere noted , dissolve filings of Copper both readily enough and more genuinly than the Acid liquor is wont to do . So when they see the Magistery of Pearl or Coral , made by dropping oil of Tartar into the solutions of those bodies made with spirit of Vinegar , they ascribe the Precipitation to the fixt Alcali of the Tartar , that mortifies the Acidity of the spirit of Vinegar ; whereas the Precipitation would no less insue , if , instead of Alcalizat oil of Tartar , we imploy that highly acid liquor which they call Oleum Sulphuris per Campanam . I think also it may be doubted , whether those , I reason with , are so certain as they suppose , that at least when they can manifestly discover an Acid , for instance , in a body , the operation of that body upon another , which they judge to abound with an Alcali , must be the effect of a Conflict between those two jarring Principles , or , if I may so call them , Duellists . For an Acid body may do many things , not simply as an acid , but on the score of a Texture or modification , which endows it with other Qualities as well as Acidity , whose being associated with those other Qualities in some cases may be but accidental to the effect to be produced ; since by one or more of these other Qualities the body may act in cases , where Prejudice may make a Chymist consider nothing but Acidity . Thus when some Chymists see an acid Menstruum , as Aqua fortis , spirit of Salt , oil of Vitriol , &c. dissolve Iron , they presently ascribe the effect to an Acidity of the liquors , whereas well dephlegmed Urinous Spirits , which they hold to have a great Antipathy to Acids , will , as I have tried in some of them , readily enough dissolve crude Iron even in the Cold. And on the other side , Mercury will not work on the filings of Iron , though this be so open a metal that even weak liquors will do it ; and yet if one should urge , that Quicksilver readily dissolves Gold in Amalgamation , he may expect to be told , according to their Doctrine , that Mercury has in it an occult acid , by which it performs the solution ; whereas it seems much more probable , that Mercury has Corpuscles of such a shape and size as fit them to insinuate themselves into the Commensurate Pores they meet with in Gold , but make them unfit to enter readily the Pores of Iron , to which Nature has not made them congruous ; as on the other side the saline Corpuscles of Aqua fortis will easily find admission into the Pores of Iron , but not into those of Gold , to which they do not correspond as they do to the others . And when a knife , whose blade is touched with a Load-stone , cuts bread and takes up filings of Iron , it does neither of them upon the score of Alcali and Acidum , but the one upon the visible shape and the stiffness of the blade , and the other upon the latent Contrivance or change of Texture produced by the operation of the Load-stone in the particles that compose the Steel . This may perhaps be farther illustrated by adding , that when blew Vitriol , being beaten and finely searced , makes a white pouder , that whiteness is a quality which the pouder has not as being of a Vitriolate Nature . For Rock-Crystal or Venice-glass being finely beaten will have the same operation on the Eye , but it proceeds from the transparency of the body and the minuteness , multitude and confus'd scituation of the Corpuscles that make up the Pouder . And therefore , if other bodies be brought by Comminution into parts endow'd with such Mechanical affections , as we have named ; these aggregates will act upon the organs of Sight as white bodies . CHAP. III. AND this leads me to another Exception against the Hypothesis of the Duellists , which is , that the Framers of it seem arbitrarily to have assigned Provinces or Offices to each of their two Principles , as the Chymists do to each of their tria prima , and the Peripateticks to each of their Four Elements . For 't is not enough to Say , that an Acid , for instance , as such , performs these things , and an Alkali so many others , that they divide the Operations and Phaenomena of nature , or at least ( as some , more cautious , are content to say ) of mixt bodies between them ; since Assertions of such great moment ought not to be advanc'd or received without sufficient Proof . And perhaps the very distribution of Salts into Acids and Alcalies hath somewhat of arbitrary in it , since others may , without assuming much more , take the freedom to distribute them otherwise , there being not only several things wherein Acids and Alcalies agree , but also several things wherein Salts of the same denomination widely differ . As , for Instance , some Alkalies , according to those I reason with , are , like salt of Tartar , fixt , and will endure the violence of the fire ; others , like salt of Urin or Harts-horn , are exceedingly fugitive , and will be driven up with a scarce sensible degree of Heat ; some , as salt of Tartar , will precipitate the solution of Sublimate into an Orange-tawny ; others , as spirit of Blood and Harts-horn , precipitate such a solution into a milky substance . Oil of Tartar will very slowly operate upon filings of Copper , which Spirit of Urin and Harts-horn will readily dissolve in the Fire . And among Acids themselves the difference is no less if not much greater . Some of them will dissolve bodies that others will not , as Aqua fortis will dissolve Silver and Mercury , but leave Gold untouched ; or as Aqua Regis , though made without Sal Armoniac that dissolves Gold readily , will dissolve Mercury but scurvily , and Silver not at all . And this may happen , when the Menstruum that will not dissolve the body is reputed much stronger than that which does ; as dephlegm'd spirit of Vinegar will dissolve Lead , reduc'd to minute parts in the cold ; which is an effect that Chymists are not wont to expect from Spirit of Salt. Nay , which is more , one Acid will precipitate what another has dissolved , and contrarily ; as spirit of Salt will precipitate Silver out of spirit of Nitre . And I found oil of Vitriol to precipitate bodies of divers kinds , Minerals and others , out of some acid Menstruums , particularly spirit of Vinegar . To this might be added the Properties , peculiar to some particular Acids , as that Spirit of Nitre or Aqua fortis will dissolve Camphire into an Oil , and coagulate common oil into a consistent and brittle substance like Tallow ; and , though it will both corrode Silver , Copper , Lead , and Mercury , and keep them dissolved , it will quickly let fall almost the whole body of Tin , very soon after it has corroded as much as it can of it . By all which , and some other like Instances , I am induc'd to question , whether the Acidum and Alkali , we are speaking of , have the simplicity that Philosophy requires in Principles ; and shall be kept from wondering , if others shall think it as free for them to constitute other Principles , as 't is for the Learned men I reason with , to pitch upon Acidum and Alkali . And some perhaps will be bold to say , that , since the former of those Principles comprehend such a number of bodies , that are , many of them , very differing , and some of them directly contrary in their operations , it seems a slight and not Philosophical Account of their Nature , to define an Acid by its Hostility to an Alcali , which ( they will say ) is almost as if one should define a Man by saying , that he is an Animal that is at enmity with the Serpent ; or a Lyon , that he is a fourfooted beast that flies from a Crowing Cock. CHAP. IV. BUT although one of the chiefest Conditions that Philosophers may justly require in Principles , is , that , being to explain other things , they should be very clear themselves ; yet I do not much wonder , that the Definitions given us of Acidum and Alcali should be but unaccurate and superficial , since I find not , that they have themselves any clear and determinate Notion or sure marks , whereby to know them distinctly , without which Chymists will scarce be able to form clear and setled Notions of them . For to infer , as is usual , that , because a body dissolves another , which is dissoluble by this or that known acid , the Solvent must also be acid ; or to conclude , that , if a body precipitates a dissolved metal out of a confessedly acid Menstruum , the Precipitant must be an Alcali , to argue thus , I say , 't is unsecure ; since , not to repeat what I said lately of Copper , I found , that filings of Spelter will be dissolved as well by some Alcalies , ( as spirit of Sal Armoniac ) as by Acids . And bodies may be precipitated out of acid Menstruums , both by other Acids , and by liquors , where there appears not the least Alcali : As I have found , that a solution of Tin-glass , made in Aqua fortis , would be precipitated both by Spirit of Salt and by common or rain water . And as for the other grand way that Chymists employ , to distinguish Acids and Alcalies , namely by the Heat , Commotion , and bubbles that are excited , upon their being put together , that may be no such certain sign as they presume , they having indeed a dependance upon particular Contextures and other Mechanical affections , that Chymists are not wont to take any notice of . For almost any thing that is fitted variously and vehemently to agitate the minute parts of a body , will produce Heat in it ; and so , though water be neither an Acid nor an Alcalizate liquor , yet it would quickly grow very hot , not only with the highly acid Oil of Vitriol , but ( as I have more than once purposely tried and found ) with the fiery Alcalizat Salt of Tartar. And 't is to be noted , that neither in the one nor the other of these Incalescent mixtures , there is produced any such visible or audible conflict , as , according to the Doctrine of the Chymists I reason with , one would expect . And as for the production of bubbles , especially if accompanied with a hissing noise , neither is that such a certain sign as Chymists imagine : For the production of bubbles is not a necessary effect or concomitant of Heat excited by Conflicts , but depends very much upon the peculiar Disposition of Bodies put together to extricate , produce , or intercept particles of Air , ( or Steams , for the time equivalent to them ; ) and therefore as Oil of Vitriol , mixt in a due proportion with fair water , may be brought to make the water too hot to be held in ones hand , without exciting bubbles ; so I have found by trials purposely made , that Alcalizat Spirit of Urine drawn from some kinds of Quick-lime , being mixt with Oil of Vitriol moderately strong , would produce an intense Heat , whilest it produced either no manifest bubbles at all , or scarce any , though the Urinous Spirit was strong , and in other Trials operated like an Alcali ; and although also with Spirit of Urin , made per se the common way , the oil of Vitriol will produce a great hissing and a multitude of conspicuous bubbles . On the other side I have sometimes , though not so constantly , found , that some Acid Spirits , especially that of Verdigrease made per se , would , when poured upon Salt of Tartar , make a Conflict with it , and produce a copious froth , though we observed it not to be accompanied with any manifest Heat . And I elsewhere mention two bodies , upon whose putting together numerous bubbles would , for a long time , and not without noise , be generated , and succeed one another , though I could perceive no Heat at all to accompany this Tumult . As for the Tast , which by many is made a great Touchstone , whereby to know Acids and Alcalies , I consider that there is a multitude of mixt bodies , wherein we can so little discern by the Tast , which of the Principles is Predominant , that this Sense would not oblige one to suspect , much less to conclude , there were one grain of either of them to be found there ; such bodies are Diamonds and Rubies , and most Gems , besides many ignobler Stones , and Gold and Silver and Mercury , and I know not how many other bodies . On the other side , there are bodies that abound with Acid or Alcalizat Salts , which either have no Tast , or a quite differing one from that of the Chymical Principle . As though Venice-glass be in great part composed of a fixt Alcali ; yet to the Tongue it is insipid , and Crystalls of Lune and of Lead made with Aqua fortis , and containing great store of the Acid particles of the Menstruum , have nothing of Acidity in the mouth , the latter having a saccharine sweetness , and the former an extream bitterness . And even in Vegetable substances that have a manifest Tast , 't is not so easie to know by that , whether it be the Acid or the Alcalizat Principle that is predominant in them ; as in the Essential oils of Spices and other Vegetables . And in the gross Empereumatical Oils of Woods , and even in high Rectified Spirit of Wine , which therefore some will have to be an Alcalizat liquor , and others list it among Acids , though I did not find it neither to be destroyed or much altered by being put upon Coral or salt of Tartar , as would happen to an acid Menstruum , nor yet by being digested with and distilled from sea Salt , as might be probably expected from an Alcalizat one : A and among those very bodies which their Tasts perswade Chymists to reckon amongst Acids , one may ( according to what I formerly noted ) observe so great a difference and variety of relishes , that , perhaps without being too severe , I may say , that if I were to allow Acids to be One Principle , it should be only in some such Metaphysical sense , as that wherein Air is said to be One Body , though it consist of the associated effluviums of a multitude of Corpuscles of very differing Natures , that agree in very little save in their being minute enough to concur to the Composition of a fluid aggregate , consisting of flying parts . But having dwelt longer than I intended on One Objection , 't is time that I proceed to those that remain . CHAP. V. ANother particular , I am unsatisfied with in the Hypothesis of Alcali and Acidum , is , that 't is in divers cases either needless or useless to explain the Phaenomena of Qualities , there being several of these produced , destroyed , or altered , where there does not appear any accession , recess , or change of either of those two Principles ; as when fluid water by hard beating is turn'd into consistent froth , and when transparent red Coral is , barely by being beaten and sifted finely , changed into a white and opacous powder ; and as when a very flexible piece of fine silver being hammer'd is brought to have a brisk spring , and after a while will , instead of continuing malleable , crack or cleave under the hammer ; and as when ( to dispatch and omit other instances ) a sufficiently thin leaf of Gold , held between the Light and the Eye , appears green . Another thing ( of kin to the former , ) that I like not in the Doctrine of Acidum and Alcali , is , that though the Patrons of it , whilest they would seem to constitute but two Principles , are fain ( as I lately intimated ) to make I know not how many differing sorts of Acids , besides some variety of Alcalies ; yet their Principles are too few and narrow to afford any satisfactory explication of the Phaenomena . For I fear , 't will be very difficult for them to give a Rational Account of Gravity , Springiness , Light , and Emphatical Colours , Sounds , and some other Qualities that are wont to be called manifest ; and much more of several that are confest to be occult , as Electricity , and Magnetism ; in which last I see not , how the affirming that there is in the Magnet an Acid and an Alcali , and that these two are of contrary Natures , will help to explain , how a Load-stone does , as they speak , attract the same end of a poised needle with one of its Poles , which 't will drive away with the other , and determine that needle when freely placed , to point North and South , and enable it to communicate by its bare touch the same Properties , and abundance of other strange ones , to another piece of Steel . But I forbear to alledge particular Examples referrable to the several Qualities above-mentioned , whether manifest or hidden , because that in great part is already done in our Notes about particular Qualities , in which 't will appear how little able the employing of Alcali and Acidum will be to afford us an account of many things . And though I enlarge not here on this objection , yet I take it to be of that importance ; that , though there were no other , this were enough to shew that the Hypothesis that is liable to it , is Insufficient for the explication of Qualities ; and therefore 't will not I presume be thought strange that I add , that , as for those that would extend this narrow Chymical Doctrine to the whole object of Natural Philosophy , they must do more than I expect they will be able before they can make me their Proselyte , there being a multitude of Phaenomena in nature ( divers whereof I elsewhere take notice of in reference to the Chymists Philosophy ) in which what Acidum and Alcali have to do , I confess I do not understand . CHAP. VI. THE last thing ( which comprizes several others ) that seems to me a defect in the Doctrine of Alcali and Acidum , is , that divers if not most of those very things that are pretended to be explicated by them , are not satisfactorily explicated , some things being taken into the explications that are either not fundamental enough or not clearly intelligible , or are chargeable with both those Imperfections . And first I am dissatisfied with the very fundamental Notion of this Doctrine , namely a supposed Hostility between the tribe of Acids and that of Alkalies , accompanied , if you will have it so , with a friendship or sympathy with bodies belonging to the same tribe or Family . For I look upon Amity and Enmity as Affections of Intelligent Beings , and I have not yet found it explained by any , how those Appetites can be placed in Bodies Inanimate and devoid of knowledge , or of so much as Sense . And I elsewhere endeavour to shew , that what is called Sympathy and Antipathy between such bodies does in great part depend upon the actings of our own Intellect , which , supposing in every body an innate appetite to preserve it self both in a defensive and an offensive way , inclines us to conclude , that that body , which , though designlesly destroys or impairs the state or texture of another body , has an Enmity to it , though perhaps a slight Mechanical change may make bodys , that seem extreamly hostile , seem to agree very well and cooperate to the production of the same effects . As if the acid spirit of Salt and the volatile Alkali ( as they will have it ) that is commonly called Spirit of Urine be put together , they will , after a short though fierce conflict , upon a new contexture unite together into a Salt , little , if at all , differing from Sal Armoniac , in which the two reconciled Principles will amicably join in cooling of water , dissolving some metalline bodys , and producing divers other effects . And so , if upon a strong solution of Salt of Pot-ashes or of Salt of Tartar , good Spirit of Nitre be dropt in a due proportion , after the Heat and Tumult and Ebullition are over , the Acid and the Alkalizat Salts will convene into such a Concretion as Salt-peter , which is taken to be a natural body , either homogeneous , or at least consisting of parts that agree very friendly together , and conspire to constitute the particular kind of Salt that Chymists call Nitre . But the Sympathy and Antipathy that is said to be betwixt Inanimate bodys , I elsewhere more particularly consider , and therefore I shall now add in the second place , That the Explications made of Phaenomena according to the Doctrine of Alcali and Acidum do not , in my apprehension , perform what may be justly expected from Philosophical Explications . 'T is said indeed , that the Acidum working on the Alcali , or this upon that , produces the effect proposed ; but that is only to tell us , what is the Agent that operates , and not the Manner of the operation , or the means and process whereby it produces the effect proposed , and 't is this modus that Inquisitive Naturalists chiefly desire to learn. And if it be said , that it is by the mutual hostility of the Principles that the effect is produced , it may be answered , that besides , that that hostility it self is not , as we have just now observed , a thing clear , if so mucha s Intelligible ; this is so general and indeterminate a way of explicating things , as can afford little or no satisfaction to a searching and cautious Naturalist , that considers how very numerous and very various the Phaenomena of Qualities are . CHAP. VII . TO clear up and to countenance what I have been now saying , I shall only take notice of some few obvious Phaenomena of one of the most familiar Operations wherein Acidum and Alcali are supposed to be the grand Agents . 'T is known to the very Boys of Chymists , that Aqua Regis will dissolve Gold , Copper , and Mercury , and that with these metals , especially with the second , it will produce an intense degree of heat . If now the Cause of this Heat be demanded , it may be expected , that the Patrons of the Duellists will answer , that 't is from the action of the Acid salts of the Menstruum upon the Alcali they meet with in the Metalls . But not to mention how many things are here presumed , not proved ; nor that I know some Acid Menstruums , and some much more evidently Alcalizate Bodys than these Metals are , which yet do not upon their mixtures produce any sensible heat ; not , I say , to mention these , it is easie to discern , that this answer names indeed two supposed efficients of Heat , but does not explicate or declare how these Agents produce that Quality , which depends upon a certain vehement and various agitation of the singly insensible parts of Bodys , whether the Duellists , or any other , though very differing , Causes put them into a motion so modified . And therefore Gold and Copper by bare Concussion may be brought to an intense degree of heat without the accession of any acid parts to work upon them . But then further , when we are told , that Aqua Regis by its Acidity working on the Metalline Alcali makes a dissolution of the Metal ; I am told indeed what they think to be the Agent in this change , but not at all satisfied how this Agent effects it ; for , Copper being a very hard metal , and Gold generally esteemed by Chymists the closest and compactest Body in nature , I would gladly know , by what power and way such weak and probably either brittle or flexible bodys as acid Salts , are enabled with that force to disjoin such solid and closely coherent Corpuscles as make up the visible masses of Copper and Gold , nay , and scatter them with that violence as perhaps to toss up multitudes of them into the air . And since in the dissolution of these Metals there is another Phaenomenon to be accounted for , as well as the forcing of the parts asunder , namely the sustentation of the Metal in the Menstruum , the Chymists would have much informed me , if they had well explained , how their Acidum and Alcali is able to sustain and give fluidity to the Corpuscles of the dissolved Metal , which though it be but Copper , is nine times as heavy as a bulk of water equal to it , and if it be Gold , is nineteen times heavier than the Liquor that must keep it from sinking ; and at least divers times heavier in specie than the Salts , that are mingled with the aqueous parts , can make the Menstruum composed of them both . Whereas Trial has assured me , that , if a piece of Wax or any other such matter be made by less than the hundredth part heavier than an equal bulk of Water , it will , when thoroughly immersed , fall to the bottom and rest there . I might also ask a further Question about these Dissolutions , as why , whereas Aqua Regis dissolves Mercury without being much changed in colour by it , Gold retains its own Citrinity or yellowness in the solvent , and the solution of Copper is of a colour , which being greenish-blew is quite differing from that of the metal that affords it , as well as from that of the solvent ? And I might recruit these with other Queries not impertinent , but that these may suffice ( for a sample ) on this Occasion , and allow me to conclude this Chapter , by representing One thing which I would gladly recommend and inculcate to you , namely , that Those Hypotheses do not a little hinder the progress of Humane knowledge that introduce Morals and Politicks into the Explications of Corporeal Nature , where all things are indeed transacted according to Laws Mechanical . CHAP. VIII . I Might easily have been more copious in the Instances annext to the foregoing Animadversions , but that , being desirous to be short as well as clear , I purposely declined to make use of divers others , that seemed proper to be employed , and indeed might safely enough have been so , because those I have mentioned , and especially those , ( which make a great part of them ) that are Mechanical , are not liable to the same exceptions , that I foresaw might be made to elude the force of the Examples I passed by . And though I think I could very well make those foreseen Objections appear groundless or unsatisfactory ; yet that could scarce be done without engaging in Controversies that would prove more tedious than I judged them necessary . And yet , although what I have said in this Excursion be but a part of what I could say , I would not be thought to have forgot what I intimated at the beginning of it . For though the Reasons I alledged keep me from acquiescing in the Doctrine of Alcali and Acidum , as 't is proposed under the notion of a Philosophical Hypothesis , such as the Cartesian or Epicurean , which are each of them alledged by their embracers to be Mechanical , and of a very Catholick extent ; yet I deny not , that the Consideration of the Duellists ( or the two jarring Principles of Alcali and Acidum ) may be of good use to Spagyrists and Physitians , as I elsewhere further declare . Nor do I pretend by the past discourse that questions one Doctrine of the Chymists , to beget a general contempt of their Notions , and much less of their Experiments . For the operations of Chymistry may be misapplied by the erroneous Reasonings of the Artists without ceasing to be themselves things of great use , as being applicable as well to the Discovery or Confirmation of solid Theories , as the production of new Phaenomena , and beneficial effects . And though I think , that many Notions of Paracelsus and Helmont and some other Eminent Spagyrists are unsolid , and not worthy the veneration that their Admirers cherish for them ; yet divers of the Experiments , which either are alledged to favour these notions , or on other accounts are to be met with among the followers of these men , deserve the curiosity if not the esteem of the Industrious Inquirers into Natures Mysteries . And looking upon Chymistry in gross as a Discipline subordinate to Physiques , even Mechanical Philosophers may justly , in my opinion , think favourably of it , since , whatever Imperfections , or , if they please , Extravagancies there may be in the Principles and Explications of Paracelsus or other Leading Artists , these faults of the Theorical part may be sufficiently compensated by the Utilities that may be derived from the Practical part . And this I am the rather induced to say , because the Experiments , that Chymistry furnishes , may much assist a Naturalist to rectifie the Erroneous Theories that oftentimes accompany Them , and even those ( Mistakes ) that are endeavour'd to be evinced by them . And ( to conclude ) Chymistry seems to deal with men in reference to Notions , as it does in reference to Metals , assisting wary men to detect the Errors , unto which it may have missed the unwary : For the same Art that has taught some to impose on others , ( and perhaps themselves first ) by blanching Copper , imitating Gold , &c. does also supply Say-masters and Refiners , with the Means , by the Cupel , Cements , Aqua fortis , &c. to examine , whether Coins be true or false , and discover Adulterate Gold and Silver to be Counterfeit . FINIS . EXPERIMENTS , AND NOTES , About The Mechanical Origine AND PRODUCTION OF VOLATILITY . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. EXPERIMENTS , AND NOTES , About The Mechanical Origine AND PRODUCTION OF VOLATILITY . CHAP. I. AS far as I have yet observed , the Qualifications or Attributes , on whose account a portion of matter is found to be Volatile , are chiefly four ; whereof the three former most regard the single Corpuscles as such ; and the last , the manner of their Union in the aggregate or body they make up . But before I enter upon particulars , give me leave to advertise you here once for all , That in the following Notes about Volatility and Fixtness , when I speak of the Corpuscles or minute parts of a body , I doe not mean strictly either the Elementary parts , such as Earth and Water , or the Hypostatical Principles , such as Salt , Sulphur , or Mercury ; for these things come not here into consideration : But onely such Corpuscles , whether of a simple , compounded or decompounded Nature , as have the particles they consist of so firmly united , that they will not be totally disjoyned or dissipated by that degree of Fire or Heat , wherein the matter is said to be volatile or to be fixt . But these combined particles will in their aggregate either aseend , or continue unraised per modum Unius ( as they speak ) or as one intire Corpusole . As in a Corpuscle of Sal Armoniac , whether it be a natural or factitious thing , or whether it be perfectly similar , or compounded of differing parts , I look upon the intire Corpuscle as a volatile portion of matter ; and so I doe on a Corpuscle of Sulphur , though experience shews when 't is kindled , that it has great store of acid Salt in it , but which is not extricated by bare sublimation : And so Colcothar of Vitriol falls under our consideration as a fixt body , without inquiring what cupreous or other mineral and not totally fixt parts may be united with the Earthly ones ; since the fires , we expose it to , do not separate them . And this being premised in the general , I now proceed to some particulars . And first to make a volatile body , the parts should be very small . For , coeteris paribus , those that are so , are more easily put into motion by the action of the fire and other Agents , and consequently more apt to be elevated , when , by the determination of the movent , the situation of the neighbouring bodies , or other Mechanical Circumstances , the agitated Corpuscles can continue their motion with less resistance upwards than any other way , ( as either downwards or horizontally . ) And if , as 't is highly probable , that which in light bodies , or at least in most of them , is wont to pass for positive Levity , be but a less degree of gravity than that of those contiguous bodies that raise them ; it will happen , that in very many cases , ( for I say not in all ) the great proportion of the surface of a Corpuscle to its bulk , ( which is usually greater in the lesser particles ) by making it more apt to be wrought on , either by the air agitated by the fire , or by the effluvia of kindled fuell , or by the impulse of the shaken Corpuscles of the body it self , will much facilitate the elevation of such a minute particle , by exposing a greater portion of it to the action of the agent , as it will oftentimes also facilitate the renewed sustentation of such a small body in the air , which resists more the descent of particles whose surfaces are large , than of others of the same gravity and bulk : As a leaf of paper displayed will much longer hover in the Air , than if it were reduced into a ball or pellet . That this minuteness of particles may dispose them to be carried upwards , by the impulse of other bodies and that of the agitated Air , is very obvious to be observed : As we see , that Horses in a high-way , though they be not able with the strokes of their feet to make stones , or gravel , or clods of Earth fly up , yet they will easily raise clouds of dust oftentimes mingled with the smaller grains of sand . And where Timber is sawing , the same wind that will not in the least move the beams , and scarce at all move the chips , will easily carry up the Saw-dust into the Air. And we see in our Chimneys , that the smoak readily ascends , whilst even small clods of soot , which is but an aggregate of the particles of smoak , fall headlong down . CHAP. II. THE next qualification requisite in the corpuscles of Volatile bodies is , that they be not too solid or heavy . For if they be so , though their bulk be very small , yet , unless other Circumstances do much compensate their weight , 't will be very difficult to elevate them , because of the great disproportion of their specific gravity to that of the Air , ( which contributes to sustain and even raise many sorts of volatile parts ) and to the strength of the igneous effluvia or other agents that would carry them up . Thus we see , that filings of Lead or Iron , and even Minium ( which is the calx of Lead ) though the grains they consist of be very small , will not easily be blown up like common dust , or meal , or other powders made of less ponderous materials . A third Qualification to be desired in the corpuscles that should make up a Volatile body is , that they be conveniently shaped for motion . For if they be of branched , hook'd , or other very irregular or inconvenient figures , they will be apt to be stopt and detained by other bodies , or entangled among themselves , and consequently very difficult to be carried upwards , in regard that , whilst they are thus fastened either to one another , or to any stable body , each single Corpuscle is not onely to be considered , as having its own peculiar bulk , since its cohesion with the other corpuscle or body that detains it , makes them fit to be look'd upon per modum Unius ; that degree of heat they are exposed to being presumed uncapable of disjoyning them . And this may be one Reason , why Water , though it be specifically heavier than Oil , yet is much more easily brought to exhale in the form of vapours than is Oil , whose corpuscles by the lasting stains they leave on cloath , wood , wool , &c. ( which water will but transiently moisten , not stain ) seems to be of very intangling figures . The fourth and last qualification requisite in a Volatile body is , that the parts do loosely adhere , or at least be united in such a manner , as does not much indispose them to be separated by the fire in the form of fumes or vapours . For he that considers the matter , will easily grant , that , if the contexture of the corpuscles , whereof a body consists , be intricate , or their cohesion strong , their mutual implication , or their adherence to each other , will make one part hinder another from flying separately away , and their conjunction will make them too heavy or unweildy to be elevated together , as intire though compounded parts . Thus we see , that in Spring , or the beginning of Summer , a wind , though not faint , is unable to carry off the lightest leaves of trees , because they stick fast to the bows and twigs on which they grow , but in Autumn , when that adhesion ceases , and the leaves sit but loosely on , a wind no stronger than that they resisted before , will with ease blow them off , and perhaps carry them up a good way into the Air. But here note , that it was not without some cause , that I added above , that in a fluid body , the parts should at least be united in such a manner , as does not much indispose them to be separated . For 't is not impossible , that the parts of a body may , by the figures and smoothness of the surfaces , be sufficiently apt to be put into motion , and yet be indisposed to admit such a motion as would totally separate them and make them fly up into the Air. As , if you take two pieces of very flat and well-polished marble or glass , and lay them one upon the other , you easily make them slide along each others surfaces , but not easily pull up one of them , whilest the other continues its station . And when Glass is in the state of fusion , the parts of it will easily slide along each other , ( as is usual in those of other fluids ) and consequently change places , and yet the continuity of the whole is not intirely broken , but every corpuscle does somewhere touch some other corpuscle , and thereby maintain the cohesion that indisposes it for that intire separation accompanied with a motion upwards that we call avolation . And so , when Salt-peter alone , is in a Crucible exposed to the fire , though a very moderate degree of it will suffice to bring the Salt to a state of fusion , and consequently to put the corpuscles that compose it into a restless motion ; yet a greater degree of heat , than is necessary to melt it , will not extricate so much as the Spirits , and make them fly away . CHAP. III. THE foregoing Doctrine of the Volatility of bodies may be as well illustrated as applied , if we proceed to deduce from it the generall ways of Volatilization of bodies , or of introducing volatility into an assigned portion of matter . For these wayes seem not inconveniently reducible to five , which I shall severally mention , though Nature and Art do usually imploy two or more of them in conjunction . For which Reason I would not , when I speak of one of these wayes , be understood as if , excluding the rest , I meant that no other concurred with it . The first of the five ways or means of Volatilizing a body is , to reduce it into minute parts , and , caeteris paribus , the more minute they are the better . That the bringing a body into very minute parts may much conduce to the volatilizing of it , may be gathered from the vulgar practice of the Chymists , who when they would sublime or distill Antimony , Sal Armoniac , Sea-salt , Nitre , &c. are wont to beat them to powders to facilitate their receiving a further comminution by the action of the fire . And here I observe , that in some bodies this comminution ought not to be made onely at first , but to be continued afterwards . For Chymists find by experience , though perhaps without considering the reason of it , that Sea-salt and Nitre , will very hardly afford their Spirits in Distillations , without they be mingled with powdered clay or bole , or some such other additament , which usually twice or thrice exceeds the weight of the Salt it self : Although these additaments , being themselves fixt , seem unlikely to promote the volatilization of the bodies mixt with them , yet by hindering the small grains of Salt to melt together into one lump or masse , and consequently by keeping them in the state of Comminution , they much conduce to the driving up of the Spirits or the finer parts of the Salts by the operation of the fire . But to prosecute a little what I was saying of the Conduciveness of bringing a body into small parts to the volatilization of it , I shall add , that in some cases the Comminution may be much promoted by employing Physical , after Mechanical , ways ; and that when the parts are brought to such a pitch of exiguity , they may be elevated much better than before . Thus , if you take filings of Mars , and mix them with Sal Armoniack , some few parts may be sublimed ; but if , as I have done , you dissolve those filings in good Spirit of Salt instead of Oil of Vitriol , and having coagulated the solution , you calcine the greenish Crystalls or vitriolum Martis that will be afforded , you may with ease , and in no long time , obtain a Crocus Martis of very fine parts ; so that I remember , when we exquisitely mingled this very fixt powder with a convenient proportion of Sal Armoniac , and gradually press'd it with a competent fire , we were able to elevate at the first Sublimation a considerable part of it ; and adding a like , or somewhat inferiour , proportion of fresh Sal Armoniac to the Caput Mortuum , we could raise so considerable a part of that also , and in it of the Crocus , that we thought , if we had had Conveniency to pursue the operation , we should , by not many repeated Sublimations , have elevated the whole Crocus , which ( to hint that upon the by , ) afforded a Sublimat of so very astringent a Tast , as may make the trial of it in stanching of blood , stopping of fluxes , and other cases , where potent astriction is desired , worthy of a Physicians Curiosity . CHAP. IV. THE second means to volatilize bodies is , to rub , grind , or otherwise reduce their corpuscles to be either smooth , or otherwise fitly shaped to clear themselves , or be disintangled from each other . By reason of the minuteness of the corpuscles , which keeps them from being separately discernible by the Eye , 't is not to be expected , that immediate and ocular Instances should be given on this occasion ; but that such a change is to be admitted in the small parts of many bodies , brought to be volatile , seems highly probable from the account formerly given of the requisites or conditions of Volatility , whose introduction into a portion of matter will scarce be explicated without the intervention of such a change . To this second Instrument of Volatilization , in concurrence with the first , may probably be referred the following Phaenomena : In the two first-of which there is imployed no additional volatile Ingredient ; and in the fourth , a fixt body is disposed to volatility by the operation of a Liquour , though this be carefully abstracted from it . 1. If Urine freshly made be put to distill , the Phlegm will first ascend , and the Volatile salt will not rise 'till that be almost totally driven away , and then requires a not inconsiderable degree of fire to elevate it . But , if you putrefie or digest Urine , though in a well-closed Glass-Vessel , for seven or eight weeks , that gentle warmth will make the small parts so rub against , or otherwise act upon , one another , that the finer ones of the Salt will perhaps be made more slender and light , and however will be made to extricate themselves so far as to become volatile , and , ascending in a very gentle heat , leave the greatest part of the phlegm behind them . 2. So , if Must , or the sweet juice of Grapes , be distilled before it have been fermented , 't is observed by Chymists , and we have tried the like in artificial Wine made of Raisins , that the phlegm , but no ardent Spirit , will ascend . But when this Liquour is reduced to Wine by fermentation , which is accompanied with a great and intestine commotion of the justling parts , hitting and rubbing against one another , whereby some probably come to be broken , others to be variously ground and subtilized , the more subtile parts of the Liquour being extricated , or some of the parts being , by these operations , brought to be subtile , they are qualified to be raised by a very gentle heat before the phlegm , and convene into that fugitive Liquour , that Chymists , for its activity , call Spirit of Wine . Nor is it onely in the slighter Instances afforded by Animals and Vegetables , that Volatility may be effected by the means lately mentioned : For experience hath assured me , that 't is possible , by an artificial and long digestion , wherein the parts have leisure for frequent justlings and attritions , so to subtilize and dispose the corpuscles even of common Salt for Volatility , that we could make them ascend in a moderate fire of Sand without the help of Bole , Oil of Vitriol , or any Volatilizing additament ; and , which is more considerable , the Spirit would in rising precede the Phlegm , and leave the greatest part thereof behind it . This intestine commotion of parts capable of producing Volatility in the more disposed portions of a body , though it be much more easie to be found in Liquours , or in moist and soft bodies , yet I have sometimes , though rarely , met with it in dry ones . And particularly I remember , that some years ago having , for trial sake , taken Mustard-seed , which is a body pregnant with subtile parts , and caused it to be distilled per se in a Retort , I had , as I hoped , ( without any more ado , ) a great many grains of a clear and figured Volatile salt at the very first distillation : which Experiment having , for the greater security , made a second time with the like success , I mentioned it to some Lovers of Chymistry , as what I justly supposed they had not heard of . I leave it to farther Inquiry , whether , in a body so full of Spirits as Mustard-seed , the action and re-action of the parts among themselves , perhaps promoted by just degrees of fire , might not suffice to make in them a change equivalent in order to Volatilization , and the yielding a Volatile Salt , to that which we have observed Fermentation and Putrefaction to have made in the juice of Grapes , Urine , and some other bodies . How far the like success may be expected in other Trialls , I cannot tell ; especially not having by me any Notes of the events of some Attempts which that Inquiry put me upon : Onely I remember in general , that , as some trials , I made with other Seeds , and even with Aromatick ones , did not afford me any Volatile Salt ; so the success of other trials made me now and then think , that some subjects of the Vegetable kingdom , whence we are wont to drive over acid Spirits , but no dry Salt , may be distilled with so luckily regulated a heat , as to afford something , though but little , of Volatile Salt ; and that perhaps more bodies would be found to doe so , were they not too hastily or violently prest by the fire , whereby such saline schematisms of the desired parts of the matter are ( by being dissipated or confounded ) destroyed or vitiated , as in a slow , dextrous , or fortunate way of management would come forth , not in a liquid , but a saline form . Of which Observation we may elsewhere mention some Instances , and shall before the close of this Paper name one , afforded us by crude Tartar. 3. Though Silver be one of the fixedst bodies that we know of , yet that 't is not impossible but that , chiefly by a change of Texture , it may strangely be disposed to Volatility , I was induced to think by what I remember once happened to me . A Gentleman of my acquaintance , studious of Chymical Arcana , having lighted on a strange Menstruum , which he affirmed , and I had some cause to believe , not to be corrosive , he abstracted it from several metalls , ( for the same Liquour would serve again and again , ) and brought me the Remainders , with a desire that I would endeavour to reduce those of Lead and Silver into the pristine metals again , which he had in vain attempted to doe : whereupon , though I found the white Calx of Lead reducible , yet when I came to the Calx of Silver , I was not able to bring it into a body ; and having at length melted some Lead in a gentle fire , to try whether I could make it swallow up the Calx , in order to a farther operation , I was not a little surprized to find , that this mild heat made the Calx of Silver presently fly away and sublime in the form of a farina volatilis , which whitened the neighbouring part of the Chimney , as well as the upper part of the Crucible . 4. From that which Chymists themselves tell us , I think we may draw a good Argument ad hominem , to prove , that Volatility depends much upon the texture and other Mechanical affections of a body . For divers of those Hermetick Philosophers ( as they are called ) that write of the Elixir , tell us , that when their Philosophick Mercury or grand Solvent , being sealed up together with a third or fourth part of Gold in a glass-Egg , is kept in convenient degrees of fire , the whole matter , and consequently the Gold , will , by the mutual operation of the included Substances , be so changed , that not onely 't will circulate up and down in the glass , but , in case the digestion or decoction should be broken off at a certain inconvenient time , the Gold would be quite spoil'd , being , by the past and untimely-ended operation , made too Volatile to be reducible again into Gold : whereas , if the decoction be duly continued unto the end , not onely the Gold , but all the Philosophical Mercury or Menstruum will be turned into a Sulphur or powder of a wonderfully fixt nature . I know , there are several Chrysopaeans , that speak much otherwise of this Operation , and tell us , that the Gold imployed about it must be Philosophick Gold : But I know too , that there are divers others ( and those too none of the least candid or rational ) that speak of it as I have done ; and That is sufficient to ground an Argument on towards all those that embrace Their doctrine . And in this case 't is considerable , that 't is not by any superadded additament , that the most fixt body of Gold is made volatile , but the same massy matter , consisting of Gold and Philosophick Mercury , is , by the change of texture produced or occasioned by the various degrees and operations of fire upon it , brought to be first Volatile , and then extreamly fixt . And having said this in reference to one tribe of the Modern Spagyrists ; to another of them , the Helmontians , I think I can offer a good Argument ad hominem from the Testimony and Experiments of the Founder of their Sect. 5. The acute Helmont , among other prodigious powers that he ascribes to the Alkahest , affirms , that , by abstracting it frequently enough , it would so change all tangible bodies , and consequently stones and metals , that they might be distilled over into Liquours equiponderant to the respective bodies that afforded them , and having all the Qualities of Rain-water ; which if they have , I need not tell you that they must be very Volatile . And I see not how those that admit the Truth of this strange Alkahestical operation , can well deny , that Volatility depends upon the Mechanical affections of matter , since it appears not , that the Alkahest does , at least in our case , work upon bodies otherwise than Mechanically . And it must be confest , that the same material parts of a portion of corporeal substance , which , when they were associated and contexed ( whether by an Archeus , seed , form , or what else you please , ) after such a determinate manner , constituted a solid and fixt body , as a Flint or a lump of Gold ; by having their Texture dissolved , and ( perhaps after being subtilized ) by being freed from their former implications or firm cohesions , may become the parts of a fluid body totally Volatile . CHAP. V. THE fourth means of making a body Volatile is , by associating the particles to be raised with such as are more Volatile than themselves , and of a figure fit to be fastened to them , or are at least apt , by being added to them , to make up with them corpuscles more disposed than they to Volatility . This being the grand Instrument of Volatilization , I shall spend somewhat the more time about it : But I shall first here a little explain the last clause , ( that I may not be obliged to resume it elsewhere , ) by intimating , that 't is not impossible , that the particles of an additament , though not more volatile than those of the body 't is mixt with , and perhaps though not volatile at all , will yet conduce to volatilize the body wherewith 't is mingled . For the particles of the additament may be of such figures , and so associated with those of the body to be elevated , as in this to enlarge the former pores , or produce new ones , by intercepting little cavities ( for they must not be great ones ) between the particles of a body to be raised , and those of the additament . For , by these and other such ways of association , the corpuscles , resulting from the combination or coalition of two or more of these differing particles , may , without becoming too big and unwieldy , become more conveniently shaped , or more light in proportion to their bulk , and so more easily buoyed up and sustained in the air , ( as when the Lid of a Copper-box being put on , makes the whole box emerge and swim in water , because of the intercepted cavity , though neither of the parts of the box would doe so , ) or otherwise more fitted for avolation than the particles themselves were before their being joined to those of the additament . By two things chiefly the corpuscles of the additament may contribute to the elevation of a body . For first , the parts of the former may be much more disposed for avolation than is necessary to their own Volatility . As when in the making of Sal Armoniac , the saline particles of Urine and of Soot are more fugitive than they need be to be themselves sublimed , and thereby are advantaged to carry up with them the more sluggish corpuscles whereof Sea-salt consists . And next , they may be of figures so proper to fasten them well to the body to be elevated , that the more fugitive will not be driven away or disjoyned from the more fixt by such a degree of Heat as is sufficient to raise them both together : To which effect the congruity or figuration is as well required , as the lightness or volatility of the particles of the additament . And therefore some of the fugitivest bodies that we know , as Spirit of Wine , Camphire , &c. will not volatilize many bodies which will be elevated by far less fugitive additaments ; because the corpuscles of Spirit of Wine stick not to those of the body they are mingled with , but , easily flying up themselves , leave those behind them , which they did rather barely touch than firmly adhere to : Whereas far less fugacious Liquours , if they be indowed with figures that fit them for a competently firm cohesion with the body they are mingled with , will be able to volatilize it . Of which I shall now give you some Instances in bodies that are very ponderous , or very fixt , or both . And I shall begin with Colcothar , though it being a vitriolate calx , made by a lasting and vehement fire , 't is ( consequently ) capable of resisting such a one . This being exquisitely ground with an equal weight of Sal Armoniac , which is it self a Salt but moderately volatile , will be in good part sublimed into those yellow Flowers , which we have elsewhere more particularly taught to prepare , under the name of Ens primum Veneris ; in which , that many vitriolate corpuscles of the Colcothar are really elevated , you may easily find by putting a grain or two of that reddish Substance into a strong infusion of Galls , which will thereby immediately acquire an inky colour . Steel also , which , to deserve that name , must have endured extraordinary violences of the fire , and greater than is needfull to obtain other metalls from their Mother Earth ; Steel it self , I say , being reduced to filings , and diligently ground with about an equal weight of Sal Armoniac , will , if degrees of fire be skilfully administred , ( for 't is easie to err in that point , ) without any previous calcination or reduction to a Crocus , suffer so much of the metall to be carried up , as will give the Sal Armoniac a notable colour , and an ironish tast . And here it will be proper to observe , for the sake of practical Chymists , that the Quantity or Proportion of the Volatile additament is to be regarded ; though not so much as its Nature , yet more than it is wont to be : And divers bodies , that are thought either altogether unfit for Sublimation , or at least uncapable to have any considerable portion of them elevated , may be copiously enough sublimed , if a greater proportion of the additament , than we usually content our selves with , be skilfully imployed . And in the newly-mentioned Instance of Filings of Steel , if , in stead of an equal weight of Sal Armoniac , the treble weight be taken , and the operation be duly managed , a far greater quantity of the metall may be raised , especially if fresh Sal Armoniac be carefully ground with the Caput Mortuum . And Sal Armoniac may perhaps be compounded with such other bodies , heavier than it self , as may qualifie it , when it is thus clogged , to elevate some congruous bodies better than it would of it self alone . And I shall venture to add this farther Advertisement , That if , besides the plenty of the additament , there be a sufficient fitness of its particles to lay hold on those of the body to be wrought on , Mineral bodies , and those ponderous enough , may be employed to volatilize other heavy bodies . And I am apt to think , that almost , if not more than almost , all Metalls themselves may by copious additaments and frequent Cohobations be brought to pass through the neck of the Retort in distillation ; and perhaps , if you melt them not with equal parts , but with many parts of Regulus of Antimony , and then proceed as the hints now given will direct you , you will not find cause to despise what I have been saying . You know what endeavours have been , and are still fruitlessly , imployed by Chymists to elevate so fixt a body as Salt of Tartar by additaments . I shall not now speak much of the enterprize in generall , designing chiefly to tell you on this occasion , that , whereas frequent experience shews , that Sal Armoniac being abstracted from Salt of Tartar , not onely the Salt of Tartar is left at the bottom , but a good part of the Sal Armoniac is left behind with it ; I suspected the cause might be , that Sal Armoniac , by the operation of the Alkaly of Tartar , is reduced into Sea-salt , and Urinous or fuliginous Salt , as 't was at first composed of those differing Ingredients ; and that by this means the volatil Salt being loosened or disintangled from the rest , and being of a very fugacious Nature , flyes easily away it self , without staying long enough to take up any other Salt with it . And therefore , if this Analysis of the Sal Armoniac could be prevented , it seemed not impossible to me , that some part of the Salt of Tartar , as well as of Colcothar and Steel , might be carried up by it : And accordingly having caused the Ingredients to be exceedingly well dryed , and both nimbly and carefully mixt , and speedily exposed to the fire , I have sometimes had a portion of Salt of Tartar carried up with the Sal Armoniac : but this happened so very rarely , that I suspected some peculiar fitness for this work in some parcels of Sal Armoniac , that are scarce but by the effect to be discerned from others . But however , what has happened to us may argue the Possibility of the thing , and may serve to shew the volatilizing efficacy of Sal Armoniac ; which is a Compound , that I elsewhere recommend , and doe it now again , as one of the usefullest Productions of vulgar Chymistry . And since I have mentioned the Volatilization of Salt of Tartar , presuming your Curiosity will make you desire my Opinion about the Possibility of it , I shall propose to you a distinction , that perhaps you doe not expect , by saying , that I think there is a great deal of difference between the making a Volatile Salt of Tartar , and the making Salt of Tartar Volatile . For , though this seem to be but a Nicety , yet really it is none ; and it is very possible , that a man may from Tartar obtain a Volatile salt , and yet be no wise able to volatilize that Tartareous Salt , that has been once by the incineration of the Tartar brought to fixt Alkaly . I have in the Sceptical Chymist summarily delivered a way , by which both I , and some Spagyrists that learned it of me , obtained from a mixture of Antimony , Nitre , and crude Tartar , a Volatil salt , which in probability comes from the last named of those three bodies ; but experience carefully made has assured me , that without any additament , by a distillation warily and very slowly made , ( insomuch that I have spent near a week in distilling one pound of matter ) very clean Tartar , or at least the Crystalls of Tartar , may , in conveniently shaped Vessels , be brought to afford a Substance that in Rectification will ascend to the upper part of the Vessel , in the form of a Volatil Salt , as if it were of Urine or of Harts-horne ; of which ( Tartareous ) Salt , I keep some by me : But this operation requires not onely a dexterous , but a patient distiller . But now as to the making a fixt Alkaly of Tartar become Volatil , I take it to be another , and have found it to be a far more difficult , work ; the common Processes of performing it being wont to promise much more than they can make good ; which I may justly say of some other , that private men have vaunted for great Arcana , but upon triall have satisfied me so little , that I have divers times offered pretenders to make Salt of Tartar Volatil , that without at all inquiring into their Processes , I would lay good wagers , that they could not doe what they pretended ; not onely as divers Philosophical Spagyrists require , without any visible additament , but by any additament whatever ; provided I were allowed to bring the Salt of Tartar my self , and to examine the Success , not by what may appear in the Alembic and Receiver , but by the weight of what would remain in the bottom . For I have convinced some of the more Ingenuous Artists , that the Salt that sublimed was not indeed the Alkaly of Tartar , but somewhat that was by the operation produced , or rather extricated out of the additaments . But yet I would not be thought to affirm , that 't is not possible to elevate the fixt Salt of Tartar. For sometimes I have been able to doe it , even at the first Distillation , by an artificial additament perhaps more fixt than it self ; but , though the operation was very gratefull to me , as it shewed the Possibility of the thing , yet the paucity of the Salt sublimed and other Circumstances , kept me from much valuing it upon any other account . And there are other wayes , whereby Experience has assured me , that Salt of Tartar may be raised . And if one of them were not so uncertain , that I can never promise before hand that it will at all succeed , and the other so laborious , difficult and costly , that few would attempt or be able to practice it , I should think them very valuable things ; since by the former way most part of the Salt of Tartar was quickly brought over in the form of a Liquor , whose piercing smell was scarce tolerable ; and by the latter way some Salt of Tartar of my own , being put into a Retort , and urged but with such a fire as could be given in a portable Sand-furnace , there remained not at the bottom near one half of the first weight , the additament having carried up the rest , partly in the form of a Liquor , but chiefly in that of a white Sublimate , which was neither ill-sented , nor in tast corrosive , or alcalizat , but very mild , and somewhat sweetish . And I doe not much doubt , but that by other wayes the fixt Alkaly of Tartar may be elevated , especially if , before it be exposed to the last operation of the fire , it be dextrously freed from the most of those Earthy and Viscous parts , that I think may be justly suspected to clog and bind the truly saline ones . But I have too long digrest , and therefore shall intimate onely upon the by , that even the spurious Sal Tartari volatilized that is made with Spirit of Vinegar , may , if it be well prepared , make amends for its Empyreumatical smell and tast , and may , notwithstanding them , in divers cases be of no despicable use , both as a Medicine , and a Menstruum . CHAP. VI. BEfore I draw towards a Conclusion of these Notes about Volatility , perhaps it will not be amiss , to take notice of a Phaenomenon , which may much surprise , and sometimes disappoint those that deal in Sublimations , unless they be forewarned of it . For though it be taken for granted , and for the most part may justly be so , that by carefully mingling what is sublimed with what remains , and re-subliming the mixture , a greater quantity of the body to be sublimed may be elevated the second time than was the first , and the third time than the second , and so onwards ; yet I have not found this Rule alwayes to hold , but in some Bodies , as particularly in some kinds of dulcified Colcothar , the Sal Armoniac , would at the first Sublimation carry up more of the fixed powder , than at the second or third . So that I was by several Tryalls perswaded , when I found a very well and highly coloured powder elevated , to lay it by for use , and thereby save my self the labour of a prosecution , that would not onely have proved useless , but prejudicial . And if I misremember not , by often repeated Cohobations , ( if I may so call them ) of Sal Armoniac upon crude o● Mineral Antimony , though the Sublimate that was obtained by the first Operation , was much of it variously , and in some places richly , coloured ; yet afterwards , the Salt ascended from time to time paler and paler , leaving the Antimony behind it . Which way of making some Minerals more fixt and fusible I conceive may be of great use in some Medicinal Preparations , though I think it not fit to particularize them in this place : Where my chief intent was , to mention the Phaenomenon it self , and invite you to consider , whether it may be ascribed to this , that by the reiterated action of the fire , and grinding together of the body to be raised , either the corpuscles of the Sal Armoniac , or those of the other body , may have those little hooked or equivalent particles , whereby they take hold of one another , broken or worn off ; and whether the indisposedness of the Colcotharine or Antimonial parts to ascend , may not in some cases be promoted by their having , by frequent attri●●o●s , so smoothed their Surfaces that divers of them may closely adhere , like pieces of polished Glass , and so make up Clusters too unweildy to be so raised , as the single corpuscles they consist of , were . Which change may dispose them to be at once less Volatil and more Fusible . Which Conjectures I mention to excite you to frame better , or at least to make amends for my omission of examining these , by trying whether the Sal Armoniac grown white again will be as fit as it was at first to carry up fresh bodies ; and also by observing the weight of the unelevated part , and employing those other wayes of examen , which I should have done , if I had not then made Sublimations for another end , than to clear up the Doctrine of Volatility . And here it may be profitable to some Chymists , though not necessary to my Subject , to intimate , that Sublimations may be useful to make very fine Comminutions of divers bodies . That those that are elevated are reduced to a great fineness of parts , is obvious to be observed in many Examples , whence it has been anciently , not absurdly , said , that Sublimations are the Chymists Pestles , since ( as in Flowers of Sulphur and Antimony ) they do really resolve the elevated bodies into exceeding fine Flower , and much finer than Pestles and Mortars are wont to bring them to . But that which I intend in this Paragraph is not a thing so obvious , since 't is to observe , that sometimes even bodies so fixt as not at all to ascend in Sublimation , may yet be reduced by that operation into powders extreamly fine . For exemplifying of which , I shall put you in mind , that though Spagyrists complain much of the Difficulty of making a good Clax of Gold , and of the Imperfection of the few ordinary processes prescribed to make it , ( which would be more complained of , but that Chymical Physicians seldom attempt to prepare it , ) yet we are informed by triall , that by exactly grinding a thick amalgam of Gold and Mercury with a competent weight , ( at least equal to its own ) of finely powdered Sulphur , we may , by putting the mixture to sublime in a conveniently shaped Glass , by degrees of fire obtain a Cinaber that will leave behind it a finer Clax of Gold than will be had by some far more difficult processes . But 't is now time to draw towards a Conclusion of our Notes about Volatility ; which Quality depends so much upon the contexture of the corpuscles that are to be raised together , that even very ponderous bodies may serve for volatilizing additaments , if they be disposed to fasten themselves sufficiently to the bodies they are to carry up along with them . For , though Lead be , save one , the heaviest solid we know of , and though Quick-silver be the heaviest body in the world , except Gold ; yet trialls have assured us , that Quick-silver it self being united by Amalgamation with a small proportion of Lead , will by a fire that is none of the violentest , and in close Vessels , be made to carry over with it some of the Lead . As we clearly found by the increased weight of the Quick-silver that passed into the Receiver ; which , by the way , may make us cautious how we conclude Quick-silver to be pure , meerly from its having been distilled over . There remains but one body more heavy than those I come from naming , and that is Gold ; which , being also of a fixity so great that 't is indeed admirable , I doe not wonder that not onely the more wary Naturalists , but the more severe among the Chymists themselves should think it incapable of being volatilized . But yet , if we consider , how very minute parts Gold may be rationally supposed to consist of , and to be divisible into , me thinks it should not seem impossible , that , if men could light on Volatil Salts endowed with figures fit to stick fast to the corpuscles of the Gold , they would carry up with them bodies , whose solidity can scarce be more extraordinary than their minuteness is : And in effect , we have made more than one Menstruum , with which some particles of Gold may be carried up . But when I employed that which I recommended to you formerly under the name of Menstruum peracutum ( which consists mainly , and sometimes onely , of Spirit of Nitre , several times drawn from Butter of Antimony , ) I was able , without a very violent fire , in a few hours to elevate so much crude Gold , as , in the neck of the Retort , afforded me a considerable Quantity of Sublimate , which I have had red as blood , and whose consisting partly of Gold manifestly appeared by this , that I was able with ease to reduce that metall out of it . In reckoning up the Instruments of Volatilization , we must not quite leave out the mention of the Air , which I have often observed to facilitate the elevation of some bodies even in close Vessels ; wherein , though to fill them too full be judged by many a Compendious practise , because the steams have a less way to ascend , yet Experience has several times informed me , that , at least in some cases , they take wrong measures , and that ( to pass by another Cause of their disappointment ) a large proportion of Air , purposely left in the Vessels , may more than compensate the greater space that is to be ascended by the vapours or exhalations of the matter that is to be distilled or sublimed . And if , in close Vessels , the presence of the Air may promote the ascension of bodies , it may well be expected , that the elevation of divers of them may be furthered by being attempted in open Vessels , to which the Air has free access . And if we may give any credit to the probable Relations of some Chymists , the Air does much contribute to the volatilization of some bodies that are barely , though indeed for no short time , exposed to it . But the account on which the Air by its bare presence or peculiar operations conduces to the Volatilization of some bodies , is a thing very difficult to be determined , without having recourse to some Notions about Gravity and Levity , and of the Constitution of the corpuscles that compose the Air ; which I take to be both very numerous and no less various . And therefore I must not in these occasional Notes lanch out into such a Subject , though , for fear I should be blamed for too much slighting my old acquaintance the Air , I durst not quite omit the power it has to dispose some bodies to Volatility . A moderate attention may suffice to make it be discerned , that in what hath been hitherto delivered , I have for the most part considered the small portions of matter , to be elevated in Volatilization , as intire Corpuscles : And therefore it may be now pertinent , to intimate in a Line or two , that there may be also Cases , wherein a kind of Volatilization , improperly so called , may be effected , by making use of such additaments as break off or otherwise divide the particles of the corpuscles to be elevated , and by adhering to , and so clogging , one of the particles to which it proves more congruous , inable the other , which is now brought to be more light or disingaged , to ascend . This may be illustrated by what happens , when Sal Armoniac is well ground with Lapis Calaminaris or with some fix'd Alkali , and then committed to distillation : For the Sea-salt , that enters the Composition of the Sal Armoniac , being detained by the stone or the Alkali , there is a divorce made between the common Salt and the urinous and fuliginous Salts , that were incorporated with it , and being now disingaged from it , are easily elevated . I elsewhere mention , that I have observed in Man's Urine a kind of native Sal Armoniac , much less Volatile than the fugitive that is sublim'd from Man's Blood , Harts-horn , &c. and therefore supposing , that a separation of parts may be made by an Alkali , as well in this Salt as in the common factitious Sal Armoniac , I put to fresh Urine a convenient proportion ( which was a plentifull one ) of Salt of Pot-ashes ( that being then at hand ) and distilling the Liquor , it yielded , according to expectation , a Spirit more Volatile than the Phlegm , and of a very piercing tast ; which way of obtaining a Spirit without any violence of fire , and without either previously abstracting the Phlegm , ( as we are fain to do in fresh Urine ) or tediously waiting for the fermentation of stale Urine , I taught some Chymists , because of the usefulness of Spirit of Urine ; which being obtained this innocent way , would probably be employed with much less suspicion of corrosiveness , than if in the operation I had made use of Quick-lime . Another Illustration of what I was not long since saying , may be fetch'd from the Experiment of making Spirit of Nitre by mixing Salt-peter with Oil of Vitriol , and distilling them together : For the Oil does so divide or break the corpuscles of the Nitre , that the now-disposed particles of that Salt , which amount to a great portion of the whole , will be made easily enough to ascend even with a moderate fire of Sand , and sometimes without any fire at all , in the form of Spirits , exceeding unquiet , subtle , and apt to moak away . To which Instances of this imperfect kind of Volatilization more might be added , but that you may well think , I have detain'd you but too long already with indigested Notes about one Quality . CHAP. VII . THe last means of Volatilizing bodies is , the operation of the Fire or some other actual Heat : But of this , which is obvious , it would be superfluous to discourse . Onely this I shall intimate , that there may be bodies , which , in such degrees of fire as are wont to be given in the vulgar operations of Chymists , will not be elevated , which yet may be forced up by such violent and lasting fires , as are employed by the Melters of Ores , and Founders of Guns , and sometimes by Glass-makers . And on this Consideration I shall here observe to you , since I did not doe it at my entrance on these Notes , that Chymists are wont to speak , and I have accordingly been led to treat , of Volatility and Fixity in a popular sense of those Terms . For if we would consider the matter more strictly , I presume we should find that Volatility and Fixity are but relative Qualities , which are to be estimated , especially the former of them , by the degree of fire to which the body , whereto we ascribe one or other of those Qualities , is exposed ; and therefore it is much more difficult than men are aware of , to determine accurately , when a body ought to be accounted Volatile and when not ; since there is no determinate degree of Heat agreed on , nor indeed easie to be devised , that may be as a standard , whereby to measure Volatility and Fixtness : And 't is obvious , that a body , that remains fixt in one degree of fire , may be forced up by another . To which may be added , agreeably to what I lately began to observe , that a body may pass for absolutely fixt among the generality of Chymists , and yet be unable to persevere in the fires of Founders and Glass-makers : Which brings into my mind , that not having observed , that Chymists have examined the Fixity of other bodies than metalline ones by the Cupel , I had the Curiosity to put dry Salt of Tartar upon it , and found , as I expected , that in no long time it manifestly wasted in so vehement a heat , wherein also the Air came freely at it , ( though Quick-lime , handled after the same way , lost not of its weight , ) and having well mixed one ounce of good Salt of Tartar with treble its weight of Tobacco-pipe Clay , we kept them but for two , or at most three hours , in a strong fire ; yet the Crucible being purposely left uncovered , we found the Salt of Tartar so wasted , that the remaining mixture ( which was not flux'd ) afforded us not near a quarter of an ounce of Salt. And indeed I scarce doubt , but that in strictness divers of those bodies that pass for absolutely fixt , are but semi-fixt , or at least but comparatively and relatively fix'd , that is , in reference to such degrees of fire , as they are wont to be exposed to in the Distillations , Sublimations , &c. of Chymists ; not such as are given in the raging fires of Founders , and Glass-makers . And perhaps even the fires of Glass-makers and Say-masters themselves are not the most intense that may possibly be made in a short time , provided there be but small portions of matter to be wrought on by them . And in effect , I know very few bodies , besides Gold , that will persevere totally fixt in the vehementest degrees of fire that Trials have made me acquainted with . And I elsewhere tell you , that , though Tin , in our Chymical Reverberatories themselves , is wont to be reduced but into a Calx that is reputed very fixt ; yet in those intense fires , that a Virtuoso of my acquaintance uses in his Tin-Mines , there is not seldom found quantities of Tin carried up to a notable height in the form of a whitish powder , which , being in good masses forced off from the places to which it had fastened it self , does by a skillful reduction yield many a pound weight of good malleable metal , which seemed to me to be rather more , than less , fine than ordinary Tin. Postscript , Relating to Page 15. of this Tract ; and here annext for their sakes , who have a mind to repeat the Experiment there delivered , that so they may know the quantities employed in it . WIth two parts of this Crocus we ground very well three parts of Sal Armoniac , and having sublimed them in a strong fire , we took off the high coloured Sublimat , and put in either an equal weight , or a weight exceeding it by half , to the Caput Mortuum , we found after the second Sublimation , which was also high coloured , that of an ounce of Crocus we had raised six drams , that is , three quarters of the whole weight . FINIS . EXPERIMENTAL NOTES OF The Mechanical Origine OR PRODUCTION OF FIXTNESS . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. OF The Mechanical Origine OR PRODUCTION OF FIXTNESS . CHAP. I. FIXITY being the opposite Quality to Volatility , what we have discoursed about the latter , will make the nature of the former more easily understood , and upon that account allow me to make somewhat the quicker dispatch of what I have to say of it . The Qualifications that conduce most to the Fixity of a portion of matter , seem to be these . First , the grossness or the bulk of the corpuscles it consists of . For if these be too big , they will be too unwieldy and unapt to be carried up into the Air by the action of such minute particles as those of the Fire , and will also be unfit to be buoyed up by the weight of the Air ; as we see , that Vapours , whilst they are such , are small enough to swim in the Air , but can no longer be sustained by it , when they convene into drops of rain or flakes of snow . But here it is to be observed , that when I speak of the corpuscles that a fixt body consists of , I mean not either its Elementary or its Hypostatical Principles , as such , but onely those very little masses or clusters of particles , of what kind soever they be , that stick so firmly to one another , as not to be divisible and dissipable by that degree of fire in which the body is said to be fixt ; so that each of those little Concretions , though it may it self be made up of two , three , or more particles of a simpler nature , is considered here per modum Unius , or as one intire corpuscle . And this is one Qualification conducive to the Fixtness of a body . The next is the ponderousness or solidity of the corpuscles it is made up of . For if these be very solid , and ( which solid and compact bodies usually are ) of a considerable specifick gravity , they will be too heavy to be carried up by the effluvia or the action of the fire , and their ponderousness will make them as unwieldy , and indisposed to be elevated by such Agents , as the grossness of their bulk would make bigger corpuscles , but of a proportionably inferiour specifick weight . On which account the calces of some metals and minerals , as Gold , Silver , &c. though , by the operation of Solvents , or of the fire , or of both , reduced to powders exceedingly subtile , will resist such vehement fires , as will easily drive up bigger , but less heavy and compact , corpuscles , than those calces consist of . The third Qualification that conduces to the Fixity of a body , belongs to its Integral parts , not barely as they are several parts of it , but as they are aggregated or contexed into one body . For , the Qualification , I mean , is the ineptitude of the component corpuscles for avolation , by reason of their branchedness , irregular figures , crookedness , or other inconvenient shape , which intangles the particles among one another , and makes them difficult to be extricated ; by which means , if one of them do ascend , others , wherewith 't is complicated , must ascend with it ; and , whatever be the account on which divers particles stick firmly together , the aggregate will be too heavy or unwieldy to be raised . Which I therefore take notice of , because that , though usually 't is on the roughness and irregularity of corpuscles , that their cohesion depends ; yet it sometimes happens , that the smoothness and flatness of their surfaces makes them so stick together , as to resist a total divulsion ; as may be illustrated by what I have said of the cohesion of polished marbles and the plates of glass , and by the fixity of glass it self in the fire . From this account of the Causes or Requisites of Fixity , may be deduced the following means of giving or adding Fixation to a body , that was before either Volatile , or less fixt . These means may be reduced to two general Heads ; First , the action of the Fire , as the parts of the body , exposed to it , are thereby made to operate variously on one another . And next , the association of the particles of a volatile body with those of some proper additament : Which term , [ of proper ] I rather imploy than that , one would expect , [ of fixt ; ] because 't will ere long appear , that , in certain cases , some volatile bodies may more conduce to the fixation of other volatile bodies , than some fixt ones doe . But these two Instruments of Fixation being but general , I shall propose four or five more particular ones . CHAP. II. AND first , in some cases it may conduce to Fixation , that , either by an additament , or by the operation of the fire , the parts of a body be brought to touch each other in large portions of their surfaces . For , that from such a contact there will follow such a mutual cohesion , as will at least indispose the touching corpuscles to suffer a total divulsion , may appear probable from what we lately noted of the cohesion of pieces of marble and glass , and from some other Phaenomena belonging to the History of Firmness , from which we may properly enough borrow some instances , at least for illustration , in the Doctrine of Fixtness , in regard that usually , though not always , the same things that make a body Firm , give it some degree of Fixity , by keeping it from being dissipated by the wonted degrees of Heat , and Agitation it meets with in the Air. But to return to the contact we were speaking of , I think it not impossible , ( though you may perhaps think it strange , ) that the bare operation of the Fire may , in some cases , procure a Cohesion among the particles , ( and consequently make them more Fixt , ) as well as in others disjoyn them , and thereby make them more Volatile . For , as in some bodies , the figures and sizes of the corpuscles may be such , that the action of the fire may rub or tear off the little beards or hooks , or other particles that intangle them , and by that means make it more easie for the corpuscles to be disingaged and fly upwards ; so in other bodies , the size and shape of the corpuscles may be such , that the agitation , caused by the fire , may rub them one against the other , so as by mutual attrition to grind , as 't were , their surfaces , and make them so broad and smooth , if not also so flat , as that the contact of the corpuscles shall come to be made according to a large portion of their superficies , from whence will naturally follow a firm Cohesion . Which I shall illustrate by what we may observe among those that grind glasses for Telescopes and Microscopes . For , these Artificers , by long rubbing a piece of glass against a metalline Dish or concave Vessel , do by this attrition at length bring the two bodies to touch one another in so many parts of their congruous surfaces , that they will stick firmly to one another , so as sometimes to oblige the Work-man to use violence to disjoyn them . And this instance ( which is not the sole I could alleage ) may suffice to shew , how a Cohesion of corpuscles may be produced by the mutual adaptation of their congruous surfaces . And if two grosser corpuscles , or a greater number of smaller , be thus brought to stick together , you will easily believe , their Aggregate will prove too heavy or unwieldy for avolation . And to shew , that the fire may effect a laevigation in the surfaces of some corpuscles , I have sometimes caused Minium , and some other calces , that I judged convenient , to be melted for a competent time , in a vehement fire conveniently administred ; whereby , according to expectation , that which was before a dull and incoherent powder , was reduced into much grosser corpuscles , multitudes of whose grains appeared smooth , glittering , and almost specular , like those of fine litharge of gold ; and the masses that these grains composed , were usually solid enough and of difficult fusion . And when we make glass of Lead per se , ( which I elsewhere teach you how to doe , ) 't is plain , that the particles of the Lead are reduced to a great smoothness ; since , wheresoever you break the glass , the surfaces , produced at the crack , will not be jagged , but smooth , and considerably specular . Nor do I think it impossible , that , even when the fire does not make any great attrition of the Corpuscles of the body to be fixt , it may yet occasion their sticking together , because by long tumbling them up and down in various manners , it may at length , after multitudes of revolutions and differing occursions , bring those of their surfaces together , which , by reason of their breadth , smoothness , or congruity of figure , are fit for mutual cohesion ; and when once they come to stick , there is no necessity , that the same causes , that were able to make them pass by one another , when their contact was but according to an inconsiderable part of their surfaces , should have the same effect now , when their contact is full ; though perhaps , if the degree of fire were much increased , a more vehement agitation would surmount this cohesion , and dissipate again these clusters of coalescent corpuscles . These conjectures will perhaps appear less extravagant , if you consider what happens in the preparation of Quick-silver praecipitated per se. For there , running Mercury , being put into a conveniently shaped Glass , is exposed to a moderate fire for a considerable time : ( For I have sometimes found six or seven weeks to be too short a one . ) In this degree of fire the parts are variously tumbled , and made many of them to ascend , till convening into drops on the sides of the glass , their weight carries them down again ; but at length , after many mutual occursions , if not also attritions , some of the parts begin to stick together in the form of a red powder , and then more and more Mercurial particles are fastened to it , till at length all , or by much the greater part of the Mercury , is reduced into the like Praecipitate , which , by this cohesion of the parts , being grown more fixt , will not with the same degree of Heat be made to rise and circulate , as the Mercury would before ; and yet , as I ellewhere note , I have found by trial , that , with a greater and competent degree of heat , this Praecipitate per se , would , without the help of any volatilizing additament , be easily reduced into running Mercury again . Chymist's and Physicians , who agree in supposing this Praecipitate to be made without any additament , will perchance scarce be able to give a more likely account of the consistency and degree of Fixity that is obtained in the Mercury ; in which , since no body is added to it , there appears not to be wrought any but a Mechanical change . And though , I confess , I have not been without suspicions , that in Philosophical strictness this Praecipitate may not be made per se , but that some penetrating igneous particles , especially saline , may have associated themselves with the Mercurial Corpuscles ; yet even upon this supposition it may be said , that these particles contribute to the effect that is produced , but by facilitating or procuring , by their opportune Interposition , the mutual Cohesion of Corpuscles that would not otherwise stick to one another . Perhaps it will not be altogether impertinent to add , on this occasion , that , as for the generality of Chymists , as well others as Helmontians , that assert the Transmutation of all metalls into Gold by the Philosopher's Stone , me thinks , they may grant it to be probable , that a new and fit Contexture of the parts of a volatile body may , especially by procuring a full contact among them , very much contribute to make it highly fixt . For , to omit what is related by less credible Authours , 't is averred , upon his own trial , by Helmont , who pretended not to the Elixir , that a grain of the powder , that was given him , transmuted a pound ( if I mis-remember not ) of running Mercury ; where the proportion of the Elixir to the Mercury was so inconsiderable , that it cannot reasonably be supposed , that every Corpuscle of the Quick-silver , that before was volatile , was made extreamly fixt meerly by its Coalition with a particle of the powder , since , to make one grain suffice for this Coalition , the parts it must be divided into must be scarce conceivably minute , and therefore each single part not likely to be fixt it self , or at least more likely to be carried up by the vehemently agitated Mercury , than to restrain that from avolation ; whereas , if we suppose the Elixir to have made such a commotion among the corpuscles of the Mercury , as ( having made them perhaps somewhat change their figure , and expelled some inconvenient particles , ) to bring them to stick to one another , according to very great portions of their surfaces , and intangle one another , it will not be disagreeable to the Mechanical Doctrine of Fixity , that the Mercury should endure the fire as well as Gold , on the score of its new Texture , which , supposing the story true , appears to have been introduced , by the new colour , specifick gravity , Indissolubleness in Aqua fortis , and other Qualities wherein Gold differs from Mercury , especially Malleableness , which , according to our Notes about that Quality , usually requires that the parts , from whose union it results , be either hooked , branched , or otherwise adapted and fitted to make them take fast hold of one another , or stick close to one another . And since , in the whole mass of the factitious Gold , all save one grain must be materially the same body , which , before the projection was made , was Quick-silver , we may see how great a proportion of volatile matter may , by an inconsiderable quantity of fixing additament , acquire such a new Disposition of its parts , as to become most fixt . And however , this Instance will agree much better with the Mechanical Doctrine about Fixity , than with that vulgar Opinion of the Chymists , ( wherewith 't will not at all comply , ) That if , in a mixture , the volatile part do much exceed the fixt , it will carry up that , or at least a good portion thereof , with it ; and on the contrary . But though this Rule holds in many cases , where there is no peculiar indisposition to the effect that is aimed at ; yet if the Mechanical affections of the bodies be ill suited to such a purpose , our Philosophical Experiment manifestly proves , that the Rule will not hold , since so great a multitude of grains of Mercury , in stead of carrying up with them one grain of the Elixir , are detained by it in the strongest fire . And thus much for the first way of fixing Volatile Bodies . CHAP. III. THE second way of producing Fixity , is by expelling , breaking , or otherwise disabling those volatile Corpuscles that are too indisposed to be fixt themselves , or are fitted to carry up with them such particles as would not , without their help , ascend . That the Expulsion of such parts is a proper means to make the aggregate of those that remain more fixt , I presume you will not put me solicitously to prove ; and we have a manifest instance of it in Soot , where , though many active parts were by the violence of the fire and current of the air carried up together by the more volatile parts ; yet , when Soot is well distilled in a Retort , a competent time being given for the extricating and avolation of the other parts , there will at the bottom remain a substance that will not now fly away , as it formerly did . And here let me observe , that the recesse of the fugitive corpuscles may contribute to the fixation of a body , not barely because the remaining matter is freed from so many unfixt , if not also volatilizing , parts ; but , as it may often happen , that upon their recesse the pores or intervals , they left behind them , are filled up with more solid or heavy matter , and the body becomes , as more homogeneous , so more close and compact . And whereas I intimated , that , besides the expulsion of unfit corpuscles , they may be otherwise disabled from hindering the fixation of the masse they belong to , I did it , because it seems very possible , that in some cases they may , by the action of the fire , be so broken , as with their fragments to fill up the pores or intervals of the body they appertained to ; or may make such coalitions with the particles of a convenient additament , as to be no impediment to the Fixity of the whole masse , though they remain in it . Which possibly you will think may well happen , when you shall have perused the Instances annext to the fourth way of fixing bodies . The third means of fixing , or lessening the Volatility of , bodies , is by preserving that rest among the parts , whose contrary is necessary to their Volatilization . And this may be done by preventing or checking that Heat , or other motion , which external Agents strive to introduce into the parts of the proposed body . But this means tending rather to hinder the actual avolation of a portion of matter , or , at most , procure a temporary abatement of its volatility , than to give it a stable fixity , I shall not any longer insist on it . The fourth way of producing Fixity in a body , is by putting to it such an appropriated Additament , whether fixt or volatile , that the Corpuscles of the body may be put among themselves , or with those of the additament , into a complicated state , or intangled contexture . This being the usual and principal way of producing Fixity , we shall dwell somewhat the longer upon it , and give Instances of several degrees of Fixation . For , though they do not produce that quality in the strictest acceptation of the word , Fixity ; yet 't is usefull in our present inquiry , to take notice , by what means that volatility comes to be gradually abated , since that may facilitate our understanding , how the Volatility of a body comes to be totally abated , and consequently the body to be fixt . CHAP. IV. AND first we find , that a fixt additament , if its parts be conveniently shaped , may easily give a degree of fixity to a very volatile body . Thus Spirit of Nitre , that will of it self easily enough fly away in the Air , having its saline particles associated with those of fixt Nitre , or salt of Tartar , will with the Alkaly compose a salt of a Nitrous nature , which will endure to be melted in a Crucible without being deprived even of its Spirits . And I have found , that the spirits of Nitre , that abound in Aqua fortis , being concoagulated with the Silver they corrode , though one would not expect that such subtile Corpuscles should stick fast to so compact and solid a body as Silver ; yet Crystalls , produced by their Coalition , being put into a Retort , may be kept a pretty while in fusion , before the metal will let go the Nitrous spirits . When we poured Oil of Vitriol upon the Calx of Vitriol , though many Phlegmatick and other Sulphureous particles were driven away by the excited Heat ; yet the saline parts , that combined with the fixt ones of the Colcothar , stuck fast enough to them , not to be easily driven away . And if Oil of Vitriol be in a due proportion dropt upon Salt of Tartar , there results a Tartarum vitriolatum , wherein the acid and alkalizate parts cohere so strongly , that 't is not an ordinary degree of fire will be able to disjoyn them . Insomuch that divers Chymists have ( though very erroniously ) thought this compounded Salt to be indestructible . But a less heavy liquour than the ponderous Oil of Vitriol may by an Alkaly be more strongly detained than that Oil it self ; experience having assured me , that Spirit of Salt being dropt to satiety upon a fixt Alkaly , ( I used either that of Nitre or of Tartar , ) there would be made so strict an union , that , having , without additaments , distilled the resulting salt with a strong and lasting fire , it appeared not at all considerably to be wrought upon , and was not so much as melted . But 't is not the bare Mixture or Commistion of Volatile particles with Fixt ones , ( yea though the former be predominant in quantity , ) that will suffice to elevate the latter . For , unlesse the figures of the latter be congruous and fitted to fasten to the other , the volatile parts will fly away in the Heat , and leave the rest as fixt as before : as when sand or ashes are wetted or drenched with water , they quickly part with that water , without parting with any degree of their Fixity . But on the other side , it is not always necessary , that the body , which is fitted to destroy , or much abate , the volatility of another substance , should be it self fixt . For , if there be a skilful or lucky coaptation of the figures of the particles of both the bodies , these particles may take such hold of one another , as to compose corpuscles , that will neither by reason of their strict union be divided by Heat ; nor by reason of their resulting grossness be elevated even by a strong fire , or at least by such a degree of Heat as would have sufficed to raise more indisposed bodies than either of the separate Ingredients of the mixture . This observation , if duly made out , does so much favour our Doctrine about the Mechanical Origine of Fixation , and may be of such use , not onely to Chymists , in some of their operations , but to Philosophers , in assigning the causes of divers Phaenomena of Nature , that it may be worth while to exemplifie it by some Instances . The first whereof I shall take from an usual practice of the Chymists themselves : which I the rather doe , to let you see , that such known Experiments are too often over-looked by them that make them , but yet may hint or confirm Theories to those that reflect on them . The Instance , I here speak of , is that which is afforded by the vulgar Preparation of Bezoardicum Minerale . For , though the rectified Butter or Oil of Antimony and the Spirit of Nitre , that are put together to make this white Praecipitate , are both of them distilled liquours ; yet the copious powder , that results from their Union , is , by that Union of volatile parts , so far fixt , that , after they have edulcorated it with water , they prescribe the calcining of it in a Crucible for five or six hours : which operation it could not bear , unless it had attained to a considerable fixation . This discourse supposes with the generality of Chymists , that the addition of a due quantity of spirit of Nitre , is necessary to be employed in making the Bezoardicum Minerale . But if it be a true Observation , which is attributed to the Learned Guntherus Billichius , ( but which I had no Furnace at hand to examine when I heard of it , ) if , I say , it be true , that a Bezoardicum Minerale may be obtained , without spirit of Nitre , barely by a slow evaporation , made in a Glasse-dish , of the more fugitive parts of the Oil of Antimony ; this Instance will not indeed be proper in this place , but yet will belong to the second of the foregoing ways of introducing Fixity . I proceed now to alleage other particulars in favour of the above-mentioned Observation . If you take strong Spirit of Salt , that , when the Glass is unstopt , will smoak of it self in the cold air , and satiate it with the volatile Spirit of Urine , the superfluous moisture being abstracted , you will obtain by this preparation ( which , you may remember , I long since communicated to you , and divers other Virtusi , ) a compounded Salt , scarce , if at all , distinguishable from Sal Armoniac , and which will not , as the Salts it consists of will doe , before their coalition , easily fly up of it self into the air , but will require a not despicable degree of fire to sublime it . Of these semivolatile Compositions of Salt I have made , and elsewhere mentioned , others , which I shall not here repeat , but passe on to other Instances pertinent to our present design . I lately mentioned , that the Volatility of the spirits of Nitre may be very much abated , by bringing them to coagulate into Crystalls with particles of corroded Silver ; but I shall now add , that I guessed , and by trial found , that these Nitrous spirits may be made much more fixt by the addition of the Spirit of Salt , which , if it be good , will of it self smoak in the Air. For , having dissolved a convenient quantity of Crystalls of Silver in distilled water , and precipitated them , not with a Solution of Salt , but the Spirit of Salt ; the phlegm being abstracted , and some few of the looser saline particles ; though the remaining masse were prest with a violent fire that kept the Retort red-hot for a good while ; yet the Nitrous and Saline spirits would by no means be driven away from the Silver , but continued in fusion with it ; and when the masse was taken out , these Spirits did so abound in it , that it had no appearance of a Metal , but looked rather like a thick piece of Horn. The next Instance I shall name is afforded us by that kind of Turbith , which may be made by Oil of Vitriol , in stead of the Aqua fortis imployed in the common Turpethum Minerale . For , though Oil of Vitriol be a distilled liquour , and Mercury a body volatile enough ; yet , when we abstracted four or five parts of Oil of Vitriol from one of Quick-silver , ( especially if the operation were repeated , ) and then washed off as much as we could of the saline particles of the Oil of Vitriol ; yet those that remained adhering to the Mercury made it far more fixt , than either of the liquours had been before , and inabled it even in a Crucible to endure such a degree of fire , before it could be driven away , as , I confess , I somewhat wondered at . The like Turbith may be made with Oil of Sulphur per Campanam . But this is nothing to what Helmont tells us of the operation of his Alkahest , where he affirms , that that Menstruum , which is volatile enough , being abstracted from running Mercury , not onely coagulates it , but leaves it fixt , so that it will endure the brunt of fires acuated by Bellows , ( omnem follium ignem . ) If this be certain , it will not be a slender proof , that Fixity may be Mechanically produced ; and however , the Argument will be good in reference to the Helmontian Spagyrists . For if , as one would expect , there do remain some particles of the Menstruum with those of the metal , it will not be denied , that two volatile substances may perfectly fix one another . And if , as Helmont seems to think , the Menstruum be totally abstracted , this supposition will the more favour our Doctrine about Fixity ; since , if there be no material additament left with the Quick-silver , the Fixation cannot so reasonably be ascribed to any thing , as to some new Mechanical modification , and particularly to some change of Texture introduced into the Mercury it self . And that you may think this the less improbable , I will now proceed to some Instances , whereof the first shall be this ; That , having put a mixture made of a certain proportion of two dry , as well as volatile , bodies , ( viz. Sal Armoniac , and Flower or very fine powder of Sulphur , ) to half its weight of common running Mercury , and elevated this mixture three or four times from it , ( in a conveniently shaped , and not over-wide , glass ) the Mercury , that lay in the bottom in the form of a ponderous and somewhat purplish powder , was , by this operation , so fixt , that it long endured a strong fire , which at length was made so strong , that it melted the Glass , and kept it melted , without being strong enough to force up the Mercury : which , by some trials , not so proper to be here mentioned , seemed to have its salivating and emetick powers extraordinarily infringed , and sometimes quite suppressed . But this onely upon the bye . In all the other Instances , ( wherewith I shall conclude these Notes , ) I shall employ one Menstruum , Oil of Vitriol , and shew you the efficacy of it in fixing some parts of volatile bodies with some parts of it self ; by which examples it may appear , that a Volatile body may not onely lessen the volatility of another body , as in the lately mentioned case of our spirituous Sal Armoniac ; but that two Substances , that apart were volatile , may compose a third , that will not onely be less volatile , but considerably ( if not altogether ) fixt . We mixed then , by degrees , about equal parts of Oil of Vitriol and Oil of Turpentine : and though each of them single , especially the latter , will ascend with a moderate fire in a Sand-furnace ; yet , after the Distillation was ended , we had a considerable quantity , sometimes ( if I mis-remember not ) a fifth or sixth part , of a Caput Mortuum black as a Coal , and whereof a great part was of a scarce to be expected fixtness in the fire . To give a higher proof of the disposition , that Oil of Vitriol has to let some of its parts grow fixt by combination with those of an exceeding volatile additament , I mixed this liquour with an equal or double weight of highly rectified Spirit of Wine , and not onely after , but sometimes without , previous digestion , I found , that the fluid parts of the mixture being totally abstracted , there would remain a pretty quantity of a black Substance so fixt as to afford just cause of wonder . And because Camphire is esteemed the most fugitive of consistent bodies , in regard that , being but laid in the free air , without any help of the fire , it will fly all away ; I tried , what Oil of Vitriol abstracted from Camphire would doe ; and found at the bottom of the Retort a greater quantity than one would expect of a Substance as black as pitch , and almost as far from the volatility as from the colour of Camphire , though it appeared not , that any of the Gum had sublim'd into the neck of the Retort . From all which Instances it seems manifestly enough to follow , that in many cases there needs nothing to make associated particles , whether volatile or not , become fixt , but either to implicate or intangle them among themselves , or bring them to touch one another according to large portions of their surfaces , or by both these ways conjoyntly , or by some others , to procure the firm Cohaesion of so many particles , that the resulting Corpuscles be too big or heavy to be , by the degree of fire wherein they are said to be fixt , driven up into the Air. FINIS . Experiments and Notes ABOUT THE MECHANICAL ORIGINE OR PRODUCTION OF CORROSIVENESS AND CORROSIBILITY . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. Experiments and Notes ABOUT THE MECHANICAL PRODUCTION OF CORROSIVENESS AND CORROSIBILITY . SECT . I. About the Mechanical Origine of Corrosiveness . I Do not in the following Notes treat of Corrosiveness in their strict sense of the word , who ascribe this Quality only to Liquors , that are notably acid or sowre , such as Aqua fortis , Spirit of Salt , Vinegar , Juice of Lemons , &c. but , that I may not be oblig'd to overlook Unnous , Oleous , and divers other Solvents , or to coin new names for their differing Solutive Powers , I presume to employ the word Corrosiveness in a greater lautude , so as to make it almost equivalent to the Solutive power of Liquors , referring other Menstruums to those that are Corrosive or fretting , ( though not always as to the most proper , yet ) as to the principal and best known species ; which I the less scruple here to do , because I have * elsewhere more distinctly enumerated and sorted the Solvents of bodies . The Attributes that seem the most proper to qualifie a Liquor to be Corrosive , are all of them Mechanical , being such as are these that follow : First , That the Menstruum consist of , or abound with , Corpuscles not too big to get in at the Pores or Commissures of the body to be dissolved ; nor yet be so very minute as to pass through them , as the beams of Light do through Glass ; or to be unable by reason of their great slenderness and flexibility to disjoyn the parts they invade . Secondly , That these Corpuscles be of a shape ●itting them to insinuate themselves more or less into the Pores or Commissures above-mentioned , in order to the dissociating of the solid parts . Thirdly , That they have a competent degree of solidity to disjoyn the Particles of the body to be dissolved ; which Solidity of Solvent corpuscles is somewhat distinct from their bulk , mention'd in the first Qualification ; as may appear by comparing a stalk of Wheat and a metalline Wire of the same Diameter , or a flexible wand of Osier of the bigness of ones little finger , with a rigid rod of Iron of the same length and thickness . Fourthly , That the Corpuscles of the Menstruum be agile and advantaged for motion , ( such as is fit to disjoyn the parts of the invaded body ) either by their shape , or their minuteness , or their fitness to have their action befriended by adjuvant Causes ; such as may be ( first ) the pressure of the Atmosphere , which may impell them into the Pores of bodies not fill'd with a Substance so resisting as common Air : As we see , that water will by the prevalent pressure of the Ambient , whether Air or Water , be raised to the height of some inches in capillary Glasses , and in the pores of Spunges , whose consistent parts being of easier cession than the sides of Glass-pipes , those Pores will be enlarged , and consequently those sides disjoyn'd , as appears by the dilatation and swelling of the Spunge : And ( secondly ) the agitation , that the intruding Corpuscles may be fitted to receive in those Pores or Commissures by the transcursion of some subtile ethereal matter ; or by the numerous knocks and other pulses of the swimming or tumbled Corpuscles of the Menstruum it self , ( which being a fluid body , must have its small parts perpetually and variously moved ) whereby the engaged Corpuscles , like so many little Wedges and Leavers , may be enabled to wrench open , or force asunder the little parts between which they have insinuated themselves . But I shall not here prosecute this Theory , ( which , to be handled fully , would require a discourse apart ) since these Conjectures are propos'd but to make it probable in the general , That the Corrosiveness of bodies may be deduced from Mechanical Principles : But whether best from the newly propos'd ones , or any other , need not be anxiously consider'd in these Notes , where the things mainly intended and rely'd on , are the Experiments and Phaenomena themselves . EXPER. I. 'T Is obvious , that , though the recently exprest Juice of Grapes be sweet , whilst it retains the Texture that belongs to it as 't is new , ( especially if it be made of some sorts of Grapes that grow in hot Regions , ) yet after fermentation , 't will , in tract of time , as 't were spontaneously , degenerate into Vinegar . In which Liquor , to a multitude of the more solid Corpuscles of the Must , their frequent and mutual Attritions may be supposed to have given edges like those of the blades of swords or knives ; and in which , perhaps , the confused agitation that preceded , extricated , or , as it were , unsheathed some acid particles , that ( deriv'd from the sap of the Vine , or , perchance more originally , from the juice of the Earth ) were at first in the Must , but lay conceal'd , and as it were sheathed , among the other particles wherewith they were associated , when they were prest out of the Grapes . Now this Liquor , that by the forementioned ( or other like ) Mechanical Changes is become Vinegar , does so abound with Corpuscles , which , on the account of their edges , or their otherwise sharp and penetrative shape , are Acid and Corrosive , that the better sort of it will , without any preparation , dissolve Coral , Crabs-eyes , and even some Stones , Lapis stellaris in particular , as also Minium , ( or the Calx of Lead ) and even crude Copper , as we have often tried . And not onely the distill'd Spirit of it will do those things more powerfully , and perform some other things that meer Vinegar cannot ; but the saline particles , wont to remain after Distillation , may , by being distill'd and cohobated per se , or by being skilfully united with the foregoing Spirit , be brought to a Menstruum of no small efficacy in the dissolution , and other preparations of metalline bodies , too compact for the meer Spirit it self to work upon . From divers other sweet things also may Vinegar be made ; and even of Honey , skilfully fermented with a small proportion of common water , may be made a Vinegar stronger than many of the common Wine-vinegars ; as has been affirmed to me by a very candid Physician , who had occasion to deal much in Liquors . EXPER. II. NOt onely several dry Woods , and other Bodies that most of them pass for insipid , but Honey and Sugar themselves afford by Distillation Acid Spirits that will dissolve Coral , Pearls , &c. and will also corrode some Metals and metalline Bodies themselves ; as I have often found by Trial. So that the violent Operation of the fire , that destroys what they call the Form of the distill'd body , and works as a Mechanical Agent by agitating , breaking , dissipating , and under a new constitution reassembling the parts , procures for the Distiller an Acid Corrosive Menstruum ; which whether it be brought to pass by making the Corpuscles rub one another into the figure of little sharp blades , or by splitting some solid parts into sharp or cutting Corpuscles , or by unsheathing , as it were , some parts , that , during the former Texture of the body , did not appear to be acid ; or whether it be rather effected by some other Mechanical way , may in due time be further considered . EXPER. III. 'T Is observ'd by Refiners , Goldsmiths and Chymists , that Aqua Fortis and Aqua Regia , which are Corrosive Menstruums , dissolve Metals , the former of them Silver , and the latter Gold , much more speedily and copiously when an external heat gives their intestine motions a new degree of Vehemency or Velocity , which is but a mechanical thing ; and yet this superadded measure of Agitation is not onely in the abovemention'd Instances a powerfully assistant Cause in the Solutions made by the lately mention'd Corrosive Liquors , but is that without which some Menstruums are not wont sensibly to corrode some bodies at all , as we have tried in keeping Quick-silver in three or four times its weight of Oyl of Vitriol ; since in this Menstruum I found not the Mercury to be dissolved or corroded , though I kept it a long time in the Cold : Whereas , when the Oyl of Vitriol was excited by a convenient heat , ( which was not faint ) it corroded the Mercury into a fine white Calx or powder , which , by the affusion of fair water , would be presently turn'd into a yellowish Calx of the colour and nature of a Turbith . I remember also , that having for trials sake dissolv'd in a weak Spirit of Salt , a fourth part of its weight of fine Crystals of Nitre , we found , that it would not in the cold ( at least during a good while that we waited for its operation ) dissolve Leaf-gold ; but when the Menstruum was a little heated at the fire , the Solution proceeded readily enough . And in some cases , though the external heat be but small , yet there may intervene a brisk heat , and much cooperate in the dissolution of a Body ; as , for instance , of Quick-silver in Aqua Fortis . For it is no prodigy to find , that when a full proportion of that fluid Metal has been taken , the Solution , though at first altogether liquid , and as to sense uniform , comes to have after a while a good quantity of coagulated or crystalliz'd matter at the bottom , of which the cause may be , that in the very act of Corrosion there is excited an intense degree of heat , which conferring a new degree of agitation to the Menstruum , makes it dissolve a good deal more , than afterwards , when the Conflict is over , it is able to keep up . EXPER. IV. WE have observed also , that Agitation does in some cases so much promote the Dissolutive power of Saline bodies , that though they be not reduc'd to that subrilty of parts , to which a strong Distillation brings them ; yet they may in their grosser and cruder form have the power to work on Metals ; as I elsewhere shew , that by barely boiling some Solutions of Salts of a convenient structure , as Nitre , Sal Armoniac , &c. with foliated Gold , Silver , &c. we have corroded these Metals , and can dissolve some others . And by boiling crude Copper ( in Filings ) with Sublimate and common water , we were able , in no long time , to make a Solution of the Metal . EXPER. V. SOmetimes also , so languid an Agitation , as that which seems but sufficient to keep a Liquor in the state of fluidity , may suffice to give some dry bodies a corroding power , which they could not otherwise exercise ; as in the way of writing ones name ( or a Motto ) upon the blade of a knife with common Sublimate : For , if having very thinly overlaid which side you please with Bees-wax , you write with a bodkin or some pointed thing upon it ; the Wax being thereby removed from the strokes made by the sharp body , 't is easie to etch with Sublimate ; since you need but strew the powder of it upon the place bared of the Wax , and wet it well with meer common water ; for strong Vinegar is not necessary . For after a while all the parts of the blade that should not be fretted , being protected by the Case or Film of Wax , the Sublimate will corrode onely where way has been made for it by the bodkin , and the Letters will be more or less deeply ingraven ( or rather etch'd ) according to the time the Sublimate is suffer'd to lye on . And if you aim onely at a legible impression , a few minutes of an hour ( as four or five ) may serve the turn . EXPER. VI. THis brings into my mind an Observation I have sometimes had occasion to make , that I found more useful than common , and it is , That divers Bodies , whether distill'd or not distill'd , that are not thought capable of dissolving other Bodies , because in moderate degrees of heat they will not work on them , may yet by intense degrees of heat be brought to be fit Solvents for them . To which purpose I remember , that having a distill'd Liquor , which was rather sweet to the taste , than either acid , lixiviate or urinous , though for that reason it seem'd unfit to work on Pearls , and accordingly did not dissolve them in a considerable time , wherein they were kept with it in a more than ordinarily warm digestion ; yet the Glass being for many hours ( amounting perhaps to some days ) kept in such an heat of sand as made the Liquor boil , we had a Dissolution of Pearls , that uniting with the Menstruum made it a very valuable Liquor . And though the Solvents of crude Gold , wont to be employed by Chymists , are generally distill'd Liquors that are acid , and in the lately mention'd Solvent , made of crude Salts and common water , Acidity seem'd to be the predominant quality ( which makes the use of Solutions made in Aqua Regia , &c. suspected by many Physicians and Chymists ; ) yet fitly chosen Alcalizate Bodies themselves , as repugnant as they use to be to Acids , without the help of any Liquor will be enabled by a melting Fire in no long time to penetrate and tear asunder the parts even of crude Gold ; so that it may afterwards be easily taken up in Liquors that are not acid , or even by water it self . EXPER. VII . THe Tract about Salt-peter , that gave occasion to these Annotations , may furnish us with an eminent Instance of the Production of Solvents . For , though pure Salt-peter it self , when dissolv'd in water , is not observ'd to be a Menstruum for the Solution of the Metals hereafter to be named , or so much as of Coral it self ; yet , when by a convenient Distillation its parts are split , if I may so speak , and by Attrition , or other Mechanical ways of working on them , reduc'd to the shapes of Acid and Alcalizate Salts , it then affords two sorts of Menstruums of very differing natures , which betwixt them dissolve or corrode a great number and variety of Bodies ; as the Spirit of Nitre without addition is a Solvent for most Metals , as Silver , Mercury , Copper , Lead , &c. and also divers Mineral Bodies , as Tin glass , Spelter , Lapis Calaminaris , &c. and the fixed Salt of Nitre operates upon Sulphureous Minerals , as common Sulphur , Antimony , and divers other Bodies , of which I elsewhere make mention . EXPER. VIII . BY the former Trials it has appear'd , that the increase of Motion in the more penetrating Corpusoles of a Liquor , contributes much to its Solutive power ; and I shall now adde , that the Shape and Size , which are Mechanical Affections , and sometimes also the Solidity of the same Corpuscles does eminently concur to qualifie a Liquor to dissolve this or that particular body . Of this , even some of the more familiar practices of Chymists may supply us with Instances . For there is no account so probable as may be given upon this supposition , why Aqua Fortis , which will dissolve Silver , without medling with Gold , should , by the addition of a fourth part of its weight of Sal Armoniac , be turn'd into Aqua Regia , which , without medling with Silver , will dissolve Gold. But there is no necessity of having recourse to so gross and compounded a Body as Sal Armoniac to enable Aqua Fortis to dissolve Gold : For , the Spirit of common Salt alone being mingled in a due proportion , will suffice for that purpose . Which ( by the way ) shews , that the Volatile Salt of Urine and Soot , that concur to the making up of Sal Armoniac , are not necessary to the dissolution of Gold , for which a Solvent may be made with Aqua Fortis and crude Sea-salt . I might adde , that the Mechanical affections of a Menstruum may have such an interest in its dissolutive power , that even Mineral or Metalline Corpuscles may become useful Ingredients of it , though perhaps it be a distill'd Liquor ; as might be illustrated by the Operations of some compounded Solvents , such as is the Oyl of Antimony made by repeated Rectifications of what Chymists call its Butter , which , whatever some say to the contrary , does much abound in Antimonial Substance . EXPER. IX . BUt I shall return to our Aqua Regia , because the mention I had occasion to make of that Solvent brought into my mind what I devis'd , to make it probable , that a smaller change , than one would lightly imagine , of the bulk , shape , or solidity of the Corpuscles of a Menstruum may make it fit to dissolve a Body it would not work on before . And this I the rather attempted , because the warier sort of Chymists themselves are very shye of the inward use or preparations made of Gold by the help of Aqua Fortis , because of the odious stink they find , and the venenosity they suspect in that corrosive Menstruum : Whereas Spirit of Salt we look upon as a much more innocent Liquor , whereof , if it be but diluted with fair water or any ordinary drink , a good Dose may be safely given inwardly , though it have not wrought upon Gold or any other body , to take off its acrimony . But , whether or no this prove of any great use in Physick , wherein perhaps , if any quantity of Gold be to be dissolved , a greater proportion of Spirit of Nitre would be needed ; the success will not be unfit to be mention'd in reference to what we were saying of Solvents . For , whereas we find not that our Spirit of Salt here in England will at all dissolve crude Gold , we found , that by putting some Leaf-gold into a convenient quantity of good Spirit of Salt , when we had dropt-in Spirit of Nitre ( shaking the Glass at each drop , ) till we perceived , that the mixture was just able in a moderate heat to dissolve the Gold , we found , that we had been oblig'd to employ but after the rate of twelve drops of the latter Liquor to an ounce of the former ; so that , supposing each of these drops to weigh a grain , the fortieth part of Spirit of Nitre being added , served to turn the Spirit of Salt into a kind of Aqua Regia . But to know the proportion otherwise than by ghess , we weigh'd six other drops of the same Spirit of Salt , and found them to amount not fully to three grains and an half : Whence it appeared , that we added but about a seventieth part of the Nitrous Spirit to that of Salt. The Experiments that have been hitherto recited , relate chiefly to the Production of Corrosive Menstruums ; and therefore I shall now adde an account of a couple of Trials , that I made manifestly to lessen or quite to destroy Corrosiveness in Liquors very conspicuous for that quality . EXPER. X. WHereas one of the most corrosive Menstruums , that is yet known , is Oyl of Vitriol , which will fret in pieces both divers Metals and Minerals , and a great number and variety of animal and vegetable bodies ; yet if you digest with it for a while onely an equal weight of highly rectified Spirit of Wine , and afterwards distill the mixture very warily , ( for else the Experiment may very easily miscarry , ) you may obtain a pretty deal of Liquor not corrosive at all , and the remaining substance will be reduc'd partly into a Liquor , which , though acid , is not more so than one part of good Oyl of Vitriol will make ten times as much common water , by being well mingled with it ; and partly into a dry substance that has scarce any taste at all , much less a corrosive one . EXPER. XI . ANd though good Aqua Fortis be the most generally employed of corrosive Menstruums , as being capable of dissolving or corroding , not onely many Minerals , as Tin-glass , Antimony , Zinke , &c. but all Metals except Gold , ( for , though it make not a permanent Solution of crude Tin , it quickly frets the parts asunder , and reduces it to an immalleable substance ; ) yet to shew , how much the power of corroding may be taken away by changing the Mechanical Texture of a Menstruum , even without seeming to destroy the fretting Salts , I practis'd ( and communicated to divers Virtuosi ) the following Experiment , elsewhere mentioned to other purposes . We took equal parts of good Aqua Fortis , and highly dephlegm'd Spirit of Wine , and having mingled them warily and by degrees , ( without which caution the Operation may prove dangerous , ) we united them by two or three Distillations of the whole mixture ; which afterwards we found not to have the least fretting taste , and to be so deprived of its corrosive nature , that it would not work upon Silver , though by Precipitation or otherwise reduc'd to very small parts ; nay , it would scarce sensibly work in a good while on Filings of Copper , or upon other bodies , which meer Vinegar , or perhaps Rhenish wine will corrode . Nay , I remember , that with another Spirit , ( that was not Urinous ) and afterwards with Alkool of Wine we shew'd a more surprizing Specimen of the power of either destroying or debilitating the Corrosiveness of a Menstruum , and checking its Operation . For , having caused a piece of Copper plate to be put into one ounce of Aqua Fortis , when this Liquor was eagerly working upon the Metal , I caus'd an ounce of the Alkool of Wine , or the other Spirit to be poured , ( which it should warily be ) upon the agitated mixture ; whose effervescence , at the first instant , seemed to be much increased , but presently after was checked , and the Corrosiveness of the Menstruum being speedily disabled or corrected , the remaining Copper was left undissolved at the bottom . Nor are these the onely acid Menstruums that I have many years since been able to correct by such a way : For I applied it to others , as Spirit of Nitre , and even Aqua Regis it self ; but it has not an equal operation upon all , and least of all ( as far as I can remember ) upon Spirit of Salt ; as on the other side strong Spirit of Nitre was the Menstruum upon which its effects were the most satisfactory . Most of the Chymists pretend , that the Solutions of bodies are perform'd by a certain Cognation and Sympathy between the Menstruum and the body it is to work upon . And it is not to be denied , that in divers Instances there is , as it were , a Consanguinity between the Menstruum and the body to be dissolved ; as when Sulphur is dissolved by Oyls whether exprest or distill'd : But yet , as the opinion is generally proposed , I cannot acquiesce in it , partly because there are divers Solutions and other Phaenomena , where it will not take place , and partly because even in those instances wherein 't is thought most applicable , the effect seems to depend upon Mechanical Principles . EXPER. XII . ANd first , 't will be difficult to shew , what Consanguinity there is between Sal Gem , and. Antimony , and Iron , and Zinke , and Bread , and Camphire , and Lapis Calaminaris , and flesh of divers kinds , and Oistershels , and Harts-horn , and Chalk , and Quick-lime ; some of which beong to the Vegetable , some to the Mineral , and some to the Animal Kingdom ; and yet all of them and divers others ( as I have tried ) may , even without the assistance of external Heat , be dissolved or corroded by one single Mineral Menstruum , Oyl of Vitriol . And which is not to be neglected on this occasion , some of them may be bodies , supposed by Chymists to have an Antipathy to each other in point of Corrosion or Dissolution . EXPER. XIII . I Observe also , that a Dissolution may be made of the same body by Menstruums , to which the Chymists attribute ( as I just now observed they did to some Bodies ) a mutual Antipathy , and which therefore are not like to have a Sympathy with the same third body ; as I found by trial , that both Aqua Fortis , and Spirit of Urine , upon whose mixture there insues a conflict with a great effervescence , will each of them apart readily dissolve crude Zinke , and so each of them will , the Filings of Copper . Not to mention , that pure Spirit of Wine and Oyl of Vitriol , as great a difference as there is between them , in I know not how many respects , and as notable a heat as will insue upon their Commixture , will each of them dissolve Camphire ; to which may be added other instances of the like nature . As for what is commonly said , that Oyls dissolve Sulphur , and Saline Menstruums Metals , because ( as they speak ) Simile simili gaudet : I answer , That where there is any such similitude , it may be very probably ascribed , not so much , with the Chymists that favour Aristotle , to the essential forms of the bodies that are to work on each other , nor , with the meer Chymists , to their Salt , or Sulphur , or Mercury , as such ; but to the congruity between the pores and figures of the Menstruum , and the body dissolved by it , and to some other Mechanical Affections of them . EXPER. XIV . FOr Silver , for example , not onely will be dissolved by Nitre which they reckon a Salt , but be amalgam'd with , and consequently dissolved by , Quicksilver , and also by the operation of Brimstone , be easily incorporated with that Mineral which Chymists are wont to account of so oleaginous a nature , and insoluble in Aqua Fortis . EXPER. XV. ANd as for those Dissolutions that are made with Oylie and inflammable Menstruums , of common Sulphur and other inflammable bodies , the Dissolution does not make for them so clearly as they imagine . For if such Menstruums operate , as is alledged , upon the account of their being , as well as the bodies they work upon , of a sulphureous nature , whence is it that highly rectified Spirit of Wine , which according to them must be of a most Sulphureous nature , since being set on fire 't will flame all away without leaving one drop behind it , will not ( unless perhaps after a tedious while ) dissolve even Flowers of Brimstone , which essential as well as express'd Oyls will easily take up ; as Spirit of Wine it self also will do almost in a trice , if ( as we shall see anon ) by the help of an Alcali the Texture of the Brimstone be alter'd , though the onely thing that is added to the Sulphur being an incombustible substance , is nothing near of so sulphureous a nature as the Flowers , and need have no Consanguinity upon the score of its Origine with Spirit of Wine , as 't is alledged that Salt of Tartar has ; since I have tried , That fixt Nitre , employ'd instead of it , will do the same . EXPER. XVI . THe mention of Nitre brings into my mind , that the Salt peter being wont to be lookt upon by Chymists as a very inflammable body , ought , according to them , to be of a very sulphureous nature ; yet we find not that 't is in Chymical Oyls , but in water , readily dissolved . And whereas Chymists tell us , that the Solutions of Alcaly's , such as Salt of Tartar , or of Pot-ashes in common Oyls , proceed from the great cognation between them , I demand , whence it happens , that Salt of Tartar will by boiling be dissolved in the exprest Oyl of Almonds , or of Olives , and be reduc'd with it to a soapy body , and that yet with the essential Oyl of Juniper or Aniseeds , &c. where what they call the Sulphur is made pure and penetrant , being freed from the earthy , aqueous and feculent parts , which Distillation discovers to be in the exprest Oyls , you may boil Salt of Tartar twenty times as long without making any Soap of them , or perhaps any sensible Solution of the Alkaly . And Chymists know , how difficult it is , and how unsuccessfully 't is wont to be attempted to dissolve pure Salt of Tartar in pure Spirit of Wine , by digesting the not peculiarly prepar'd Salt in the cognate Menstruum . I will not urge , that , though the most conspicuous mark of Sulphur be inflammability , and is in an eminent degree to be found in Oyl as well as Sulphur ; yet an Alkaly and water which are neither singly , nor united inflammable , will dissolve common Sulphur . EXPER. XVII . BUt to make it probable against the Chymists , ( for I propose it but as an argument ad hominem ) that the Solution of Sulphur in exprest Oyls depends upon somewhat else besides the abundance of the second Principle in both the bodies ; I will adde to what I said before , an affirmation of divers Chymical Writers themselves , who reckon Aqua Regis , which is plainly a Saline Menstruum , and dissolves Copper , Iron , Coral , &c. like Acid Liquors , among the Solvents of Sulphur , and by that power among other things distinguish it from Aqua Fortis . And on the other side if , there be a Congruity betwixt an exprest Oyl and another body , though it be such as , by its easie Dissolubleness in Acid Salts , Chymists should pronounce to be of a saline nature , an exprest Oyl will readily enough work upon it ; as I have tried by digesting even crude Copper in Filings with Oyl of sweet Almonds , which took up so much of the metal as to be deeply coloured thereby , as if it had been a Corrosive Liquor : Nay , I shall adde , that even with Milk , as mild a Liquor as 't is , I have found by Trial , that without the help of fire a kind of Dissolution may , though not in few hours , be made of crude Copper , as appear'd by the greenish blew colour the Filings acquired , when they had been well drenched in the Liquor , and left for a certain time in the Vessel , where the air had very free access to them . EXPER. XVIII . BEsides the Argument ad hominem , newly drawn from Aqua Regia , it may be proper enough to urge another of the same kind upon the generality of the Helmontians and Paracelsians , who admit what the Heads of their Sects deliver concerning the Operations of the Alkahest . For whereas 't is affirm'd , that this irresistible Menstruum will dissolve all tangible bodies here below , so as they may be reduc'd into insipid water ; as on the one side 't will be very hard to conceive how a specificated Menstruum that is determin'd to be either Acid , or Lixiviate , or Urinous , &c. should be able to dissolve so great a variety of Bodies of differing and perhaps contrary natures , in some whereof Acids , in other Lixiviate Salts , and in others Urinous are predominant ; so on the other side , if the Alkahest be not a specificated Menstruum , 't will very much disfavour the Opinion of the Chymists , that will have some Bodies dissoluble onely by Acids as such , others by fixt Alkalys , and others again by Volatile Salts ; since a Menstruum , that is neither Acid , Lixiviate , nor Urinous , is able to dissolve bodies , in some of which one , and in others another of those Principles is predominant : So that , if a Liquor be conveniently qualified , it is not necessary that it should be either Acid to dissolve Pearl or Coral , or Alkalizate to dissolve Sulphur . But upon what Mechanical account an analyzing Menstruum may operate , is not necessary to be here determin'd . And I elsewhere offer some thoughts of mine about it . EXPER. XIX . IF we duly reflect upon the known process that Chymists are wont to employ in making Mercurius dulcis , we shall find it very favourable to our Hypothesis . For though we have already shewn in the V. Experiment , and 't is generally confest , that common Sublimate made of Mercury is a highly corrosive body ; yet , if it be well ground with near an equal weight of Quicksilver , and be a few times sublimed , ( to mix them the more exactly ) it will become so mild , that 't will not so much as taste sharp upon the tongue ; so that Chymists are wont to call it Mercurius dulcis : And yet this Dulcification seems to be performed in a Mechanical way . For most part of the Salts , that made the Sublimate so Corrosive , abide in the Mercurius duleis ; but by being compounded with more Quicksilver , they are diluted by it , and ( which is more considerable ) acquire a new Texture , which renders them unfit to operate , as they did before , when the fretting Salts were not joyn'd with a sufficient quantity of the Mercury to inhibit their corrosive activity . It may perhaps somewhat help us to conceive , how this change may be made , if we imagine , that a company of meer Knife-blades be first fitted with Hafts , which will in some regard lessen their wounding power by covering or casing them at that end which is design'd for the handle ; ( though their insertion into those Hafts , turning them into Knives , makes them otherwise the fitter to cut and pierce ) and that each of them be afterwards sheathed , ( which is , as it were , a hafting of the Blades too ; ) for then they become unfit to cut or stab , as before , though the Blades be not destroyed : Or else we may conceive these Blades without Hafts or Sheaths to be tied up in bundles , or as it were in little faggots with pieces of wood , somewhat longer than themselves , opportunely placed between them . For neither in this new Constitution would they be fit to cut and stab as before . And by conceiving the edges of more or fewer of the Blades to be turn'd inwards , and those that are not , to have more or less of their points and edges to be sheath'd , or otherwise cover'd by interpos'd bodies , one may be help'd to imagine , how the genuine effects of the Blades may be variously lessen'd or diversifi'd . But , whether these or any other like changes of Disposition be fancy'd , it may be Mechanical Illustrations become intelligible , how the Corrosive Salts of common Sublimate may lose their efficacy , when they are united with a sufficient quantity of Quicksilver in Mercurius dulcis : In which new state the Salts may indeed in a Chymical phrase be said to be satiated ; but this Chymical phrase does not explicate how this Saturation takes away the Corrosiveness from Salts that are still actually present in the sweet Mercury . And by Analogy to some such Explications as the above propos'd , a possible Account may be render'd , why fretting Salts do either quite lose their sharpness , as Alkalies , whilst they are imbodied with Sand in common Glass ; or lose much of their Corrosive Acidity , as Oyl of Vitriol does when with Steel it composes Vitriolum Matris ; or else are transmuted or disguis'd by conjunction with some corroded bodies of a peculiar Texture , as when Aqua Fortis does with Silver make an extreamly bitter Salt or Vitriol , and with Lead one that is positively sweet almost like common Saccharum Saturni . EXPER. XX. TO shew , how much the Efficacy of a Menstruum may depend even upon such seemingly slight Mechanical Circumstances as one would not easily suspect any necessity of , I shall employ an Experiment , which though the unpractis'd may easily fail of making well , yet , when I tried it after the best manner , I did it with good success . I put then upon Lead a good quantity of well rectified Aqua Fortis , in which the Metal , as I expected , continued undissolved ; though , if the Chymists say truly that the dissolving power of the Menstruum consists onely in the acid Salts that it abounds with , it seems naturally to follow , that the more abundance of them there is in a determinate quantity of the Liquor , it should be the more powerfully able to dissolve Metalline and Mineral bodies . And in effect we see , that , if Corrosive Menstruums be not sufficiently dephlegmed , they will not work on divers of them . But , notwithstanding this plausible Doctrine of the Chymists , conjecturing that the Saline Particles that swam in our Aqua Fortis might be more throng'd together , than was convenient for a body of such a Texture of Saline parts , and such intervals between them , I diluted the Menstruum by adding to it what I thought fit of fair water , and then found , that the desired Congruity betwixt the Agent and the Patient emerged , and the Liquor quickly began to fall upon the Metal and dissolve it . And if you would try an Experiment to the same purpose , that needs much less circumspection to make it succeed , you may , instead of employing Lead , reiterate what I elsewhere mention my self to have tried with Silver , which would not dissolve in too strong Aqua fortis , but would be readily fallen upon by that Liquor , when I had weaken'd it with common water . And this it may suffice to have said at present of the power or faculty that is found in some bodies of Corroding or Dissolving others . Whereof I have not found among the Aristotelians , I have met with , so much as an Offer at an Intelligible account . And I the less expect the vulgar Chymists will from their Hypostatical Principles afford us a Satisfactory one , when , besides the Particulars that from the nature of the things and Helmont's Writings have been lately alledg'd against their Hypothesis , I consider , how slight accounts they are wont to give us even of the familiar Phaenomena of Corrosive Liquors . For if , for example , you ask a vulgar Chymist why Aqua fortis dissolves Silver and Copper , 't is great odds but he will tell you , 't is because of the abundance of fretting Salt that is in it , and has a cognation with the Salts of the Metal . And if you ask him , why Spirit of Salt dissolves Copper , he will tell you 't is for the same reason ; and yet , if you put Spirit of Salt , though very strong , to Aqua fortis , this Liquor will not dissolve Silver , because upon the mixture , the Liquors acquire a new Gonstitution as to the Saline Particles , by vertue of which the mixture will dissolve , instead of Silver , Gold. Whence we may argue against the Chymists , that the Inability of this compounded Liquor to work on Silver does not proceed from its being weaken'd by the Spirit of Salt ; as well because , according to them , Gold is far the more compact metal of the two , and requires a more potent Menstruum to work upon it , as because this same compounded Liquor will readily dissolve Copper . And to the same purpose with this Experiment I should alledge divers others , if I thought this the fittest place wherein I could propose them . SECT . II. About the Mechanicall Origine of CORROSIBILITY . COrrosibility being the quality that answers Corrosiveness , he that has taken notice of the Advertisement I formerly gave about my use of the Term Corrosiveness in these Notes , may easily judge , in what sense I employ the name of the other Quality ; which ( whether you will stile it Opposite or Conjugate ) for want of a better word , I call Corrosibility . This Corrosibility of Bodies is as well as their Corrosiveness a Relative thing ; as we see , that Gold , for instance , will not be dissolved by Aqua fortis , but will by Aqua Regis ; whereas Silver is not soluble by the latter of these Menstruums , but is by the former . And this relative Affection , on whose account a Body comes to be corrodible by a Menstruum , seems to consist chiefly in three things , which all of them depend upon Mechanical Principles . Of these Qualifications the first is , that the Body to be corroded be furnish'd with Pores of such a bigness and figure , that the Corpuscles of the Solvent may enter them , and yet not be much agitated in them without giving brisk knocks or shakes to the solid parts that make up the walls , if I may so call them , of the Pores . And 't is for want of this condition , that Glass is penetrated in a multitude of places , but not dissipated or dissolv'd by the incident beams of Light , which permeate its Pores without any considerable resistance ; and though the Pores and Commissures of a Body were less minute , and capable of letting in some grosser Corpuscles , yet if these were , for want of solidity or rigidness , too flexible , or were of a figure incongruous to that of the Pores they should enter , the Dissolution would not insue ; as it happens when pure Spirit of Wine is in the cold put upon Salt of Tartar , or when Aqua fortis is put upon powder of Sulphur . The second Qualification of a Corrodible Body is , that its consistent Corpuscles be of such a Bulk and Solidity , as does not render them uncapable of being disjoyn'd by the action of the insinuating corpuscles of the Menstruum . Agreeable to this and the former Observation is the practice of Chymists , who oftentimes , when they would have a Body to be wrought on by a Menstruum otherwise too weak for it in its crude estate , dispose it to receive the action of the Menstruum by previously opening it , ( as they speak ) that is , by enlarging the Pores , making a comminution of the Corpuscles , or weakening their Cohesion . And we see , that divers Bodies are brought by fit preparations to be resoluble in Liquors that would not work on them before . Thus , as was lately noted , Lime-stone by Calcination becomes ( in part ) dissoluble in water ; and some Metalline Calces will be so wrought on by Solvents , as they would not be by the same Agents , if the preparation of the Metalline or other Body had not given them a new Disposition . Thus , though crude Tartar , especially in lumps , is very slowly and difficultly dissoluble in cold water , yet when 't is burnt it may be presently dissolved in that Liquor ; and thus , though the Filings and the Calx of Silver will not be at all dissolv'd by common water or Spirit of Wine ; yet if by the interposition of the Saline Particles of Aqua Fortis , the Lunar Corpuscles be so disjoyn'd , and suffer such a comminution as they do in Crystals of Lune , the Metal thus prepared and brought with its Saline Additament into a new Texture will easily enough dissolve , not onely in water , but , as I have tried , in well rectified Spirit of Wine . And the like Solubility I have found in the Crystals of Lead made with Spirit of Verdigrease , or good distill'd Vinegar , and in those of Copper made with Aqua Fortis . The last Disposition to Corrosibility consists in such a cohesion of the parts , whereof a Body is made up , as is not too strict to be superable by the action of the Menstruum . This Condition , though of kin to the former , is yet somewhat differing from it , since a body may consist of parts either bulky or solid , which yet may touch one another in such small portions of their Surfaces , as to be much more easily dissociable than the minute or less solid parts of another Body , whose contact is more full and close , and so their Cohesion more strict . By what has been said it may seem probable , that , as I formerly intimated , the Corrosibility of Bodies is but a Mechanical Relation , resulting from the Mechanical Affectious and Contexture of its parts , as they intercept Pores of such sizes and figures as make them congruous to those of the Corpuscles of the Menstruum , that are to pierce between them , and disjoyn them . That the Quality , that disposes the body it affects to be dissolv'd by Corrosive and other Menstruums , does ( as hath been declared ) in many cases depend upon the Mechanical Texture and Affections of the body in reference to the Menstruum that is to work upon it , may be made very probable by what we are in due place to deliver concerning the Pores of Bodies and Figures of Corpuscles . But yet in compliance with the design of these Notes , and agreeably to my custom on other Subjects , I shall subjoyn a few Experiments on this occasion also . EXPER. I. IF we put highly rectified Spirit of Wine upon crude Sulphur , or even Flowers of Sulphur , the Liquor will lie quietly thereon , especially in the cold , for many hours and days without making any visible Solution of it ; and if such exactly dephlegmed Spirit were put on very dry Salt of Tartar , the Salt would lie in an undissolved powder at the bottom : and yet , if before any Liquor be employed , the Sulphur be gently melted , and then the Alkali of Tartar be by degrees put to it , and incorporated with it ; as there will result a new Texture discoverable to the eye by the new colour of the Composition , so there will emerge a disposition that was not before in either of the Ingredients , to be dissolved by Spirit of Wine ; insomuch , that though the mixture be kept till it be quite cold , or long after too , provided it be carefully secur'd from the access of the air , the Spirit of Wine being put to it , and shaken with it , will , if you have gone to work aright , acquire a yellow Tincture in a minute of an hour ; and perhaps in less than half a quarter of an hour a red one , being richly impregnated with sulphureous Particles discoverable by the Smell , Taste , and divers Operations . EXPER. II. [ 'T Is known to several Chymists , that Spirit of Salt does not dissolve crude Mercury in the cold ; and I remember , I kept them for a considerable time in no contemptible heat without finding any Solution following . But I suppose , many of them will be gratified by an Experiment once mention'd to me by an Ingenious German Gentleman , namely . That if Mercury be precipitated per se , that is , reduc'd to a red powder without additament , by the meer operation of the fire , the Texture will be so chang'd , that the above-mention'd Spirit will readily dissolve it ; for I found it upon Trial to do so ; nay , sometimes so readily , that I scarce remember that I ever saw any Menstruum so nimbly dissolve any Metalline body whatsoever . ] EXPER. III. THe former Experiment is the more remarkable , because , that though Oyl of Vitriol will in a good heat corrode Quicksilver , ( as we have already related in the first Section , ) yet I remember I kept a Precipitate per se for divers hours in a considerable degree of Heat , without finding it to be dissolved or corroded by the Menstruum . And yet having , for trials sake , put another parcel of the same Mercurial powder into some Aqua fortis , or Spirit of Nitre , there insued a speedy Dissolution even in the cold . And that this Disposition to be dissolved by Spirit of Salt , that Mercury acquires by being turned into Precipitate per se , that is , by being calcin'd , is not meerly the effect of the operation of the fire upon it , but of some change of Texture produced by that Operation ; may be probably argued from hence , that , whereas Spirit of Salt is a very proper Menstruum , as I have often tried , for the dissolving of Iron or Steel ; yet , when that Metal is reduced by the action of the fire ( especially if a kind of Vitrification , and an irroration with distill'd Vinegar have preceded ) to Crocus Martis , though it be thereby brought to a very fine powder , yet I found not , that , as Spirit of Salt will readily and with heat and noise dissolve Filings of Mars , so it would have the same or any thing near such an Operation upon the Crocus : but rather , after a good while , it would leave in the bottom of the Glass a considerable , if not the greatest , part of it scarce , if at all , sensibly alter'd . And the Menstruum seem'd rather to have extracted a Tincture , than made an ordinary Solution ; since the colour of it was a high yellow or reddish , whereas Mars , dissolved in Spirit of Salt , affords a green Solution . Whether by repeated Operations with fresh Menstruum further Dissolutions might in time be made , I had not occasion to try , and it may suffice for our present purpose , that Mars by the operation of the fire did evidently acquire , not , as Mercury had done , a manifest facility , but on the contrary , a great indisposition to be dissolved by Spirit of Salt. To second this Experiment , we vary'd it , by employing , instead of Spirit of Salt , strong Oyl of Vitriol , which being pour'd on a little Crocus Martis made per se , did not , as that Menstruum is wont to do upon Filings of crude Mars , readily and manifestly fall upon the powder with froth and noise , but ( on the contrary ) rested for divers hours calmly upon it , without so much as producing with it any sensible warmth . EXPER. IV. IT agrees very well with our Doctrine about the dependance of the Corrosibility of Bodies upon their Texture , that from divers Bodies , whilst they are in conjunction with others , there result masses , and those homogeneous as to sense , that are easily dissoluble in Liquors , in which a great part of the matter , if it were separated from the rest , would not be at all dissolved . Thus we see , that common Vitriol is easily dissolved in meer water ; whereas if it be skilfully calcin'd , it will yield sometimes near half its first weight of insipid Colcothar , which not onely is not soluble in water but which neither Aqua Fortis no Aqua Regis , though sometimes they will colour themselves upon it , are able ( as far as I have tried ) to make Solutions of . We see likewise , that simple water will , being boil'd for a competent time with Harts-horn , dissolve it and make a Jelly of it : And yet , when we have taken Harts-horn throughly calcin'd to whiteness , not onely we found that common water was no longer a fit Solvent for it , but we observed , that when we put Oyl of Vitriol it self upon it , a good part of the white powder was even by that Corrosive Menstruum left undissolved . EXPER. V. IN the Fifteenth of the foregoing Experiments I refer to a way of making the Flower or Powder of common Sulphur become easily dissoluble , which otherwise 't is far from being , in highly rectified Spirit of Wine . Wherefore I shall now adde , that 't is quickly perform'd by gently melting the Sulphur , and incorporating with it by degrees an equal or a greater weight of sinely powder'd Salt of Tartar , or of fixt Nitre . For if the mixture be put warm into a Mortar that is so too ; and as soon as 't is reduc'd to powder , be put into a Glass , and well shaken with pure Spirit of Wine , it will , ( as perhaps I may have elsewhere observed , ) in a few minutes acquire a yellow colour , which afterwards will grow deeper , and manifest it self by the smell and effects to be a real Solution of Sulphur ; and yet this Solubleness in Spirit of Wine seems procur'd by the change of Texture , resulting from the Commixtion of meer Salt of Tartar , which Chymists know , to their trouble , to be it self a body almost as difficult as Sulphur to be dissolved in phlegmless Spirit of Wine , unless the Constitution of it be first alter'd by some convenient additament . Which last words I adde , because , though Spirit of Verdigrease be a Menstruum that uses to come off in Distillation much more intirely than other acid Menstruums from the bodies it has dissolved ; yet it will serve well for an additament to open ( as the Chymists speak ) the body of the Salt of Tartar. For this purpose I employ Spirit of Verdigrease , not made first with Spirit of Vinegar , and then of Wine , after the long and laborious way prescribed by Basilius and Zwelfer , but easily and expeditiously by a simple Distillation of crude Verdigrease of the better sort . For when you have with this Liquor ( being , if there be need , once rectified ) dissolv'd as much good Salt of Tartar , as 't will take up in the cold , if you draw off the Menstruum ad siccitatem , the remaining dry Salt will be manifestly alter'd in Texture even to the eye , and will readily enough in high rectified Spirit of Wine afford a Solution , which I have found considerable in order to divers uses that concern not our present Discourse . EXPER. VI. TO the Consideration of the Followers of Helmont I shall recommend an Experiment of that famous Chymist's , which seems to sute exceeding well with the Doctrine propos'd in this Section . For he tells us , that , if by a subtle Menstruum to which he ascribes that power , Quicksilver be devested ( or depriv'd ) of its external Sulphur , as he terms it , all the rest of the fluid Metal , which he wittily enough stiles , the Kernel of Mercury , will be no longer corrosible by it . So that upon this Supposition , though common Quicksilver be observ'd to be so obnoxious to Aqua Fortis , that the same quantity of that Liquor will dissolve more of it , than of any other Metal ; yet , if by the deprivation of some portion of it the latent Texture of the Metal be alter'd , though not ( that I remember ) the visible appearance of it ; the Body that was before so easily dissolved by Aqua Fortis , ceases to be at all dissoluble by it . EXPER. VII . AS for those Chymists of differing Sects , that agree in giving credit to the strange things that are affirm'd of the Operations of the Alkahest , we may in favour of our Doctrine urge them with what is deliver'd by Helmont , where he asserts , that all solid Bodies , as Stones , Minerals , and Metals themselves , by having this Liquor duly abstracted or distill'd off from them , may be changed into Salt , equiponderant to the respective bodies whereon the Menstruum was put . So that supposing the Alkahest to be totally abstracted , ( as it seems very probable to be , since the weight of the body whence 't was drawn off is not alter'd ; ) what other change than of Texture can be reasonably imagin'd to have been made in the transmuted bodies ? and yet divers of them , as Flints , Rubies , Saphyrs , Gold , Silver , &c. that were insoluble before , some of them in any known Menstruums , and others in any but Corrosive Liquors , come to be capable of being dissolv'd in common water . EXPER. VIII . 'T Is a remarkable Phaenomenon , that suits very well with our opinion about the interest of Mechanical Principles in the Corrosive Power of Menstruums , and the Corrosibility of bodies , that we produc'd by the following Experiment : This we purposely made to shew , after how differing manners the same body may be dissolv'd by two Menstruums , whose minute parts are very differingly constituted and agitated . For whereas 't is known , that if we put large grains of Sea-salt into common water , they will be dissolved therein calmly and silently without any appearance of conflict ; If we put such grains of Salt into good Oyl of Vitriol , that Liquor will fall suriously upon them , and produce for a good while a hissing noise with fumes , and a great store of bubbles , as if a potent Menstruum were corroding some stubborn metal or mineral . And this Experiment I the rather mention , because it may be of use to us on divers other occasions . For else 't is not the onely , though it be the remarkablest , that I made to the same purpose . EXPER. IX . FOr , whereas Aqua Fortis or Aqua Regis , being pour'd upon Filings of Copper , will work upon them with much noise and ebullition , I have tried , that good Spirit of Sal Armoniac or Urine , being put upon the like Filings , and left there without stopping the Glass , will quickly begin to work on them , and quietly dissolve them almost as water dissolves Sugar . To which may be added , that even with Oyl of Turpentine I have , though but slowly , dissolved crude Copper ; and the Experiment seemed to favour our Conjecture the more , because having tried it several times , it appear'd , that common unrectified Oyl would perform the Solution much quicker than that which was purified and subtiliz'd by rectification ; which though more subtle and penetrant , yet was , it seems , on that account less fit to dissolve the Metal , than the grosser Oyl whose particles might be more solid or more advantageously shap'd , or on some other Mechanical account better qualified for the purpose . EXPER. X. TAke good Silver , and , having dissolv'd it in Aqua Fortis , precipitate it with a sufficient quantity of good Spirit of Salt ; then having wash'd the Calx , which will be very white , with common water , and dried it well , melt it with a moderate fire into a fusible Mass , which will be very much of the nature of what Chymists call Cornu Lunae , and which they make by precipitating dissolv'd Silver with a bare Solution of common Salt made in common water . And whereas both Spirit of Salt and Silver dissolv'd in Aqua Fortis will each of them apart readily dissolve in simple water , our Luna Cornea not onely will not do so , but is so indispos'd to Dissolution , that I remember I have kept it in Digestion , some in Aqua fortis , and some in Aqua Regia , and that for a good while , and in no very faint degree of heat , without being able to dissolve it like a Metal , the Menstruums having indeed ting'd themselves upon it , but left the Composition undissolv'd at the bottom . With this Instance ( of which sort more might be afforded by Chymical Precipitations ) I shall conclude what I design'd to offer at present about the Corrosibility of Bodies , as it may be consider'd in a more general way . For as to the Disposition that Particular Bodies have of being dissolved in , or of resisting , Determinate Liquors , it were much easier for me to enlarge upon that Subject , than it was to provide the Instances above recited . And these are not so few , but that 't is hop'd they may suffice to make it probable , that in the Relation betwixt a Solvent and the Body it is to work upon , that which depends upon the Mechanical affections of one or both , is much to be consider'd , and has a great interest in the operations of one of the bodies upon the other . FINIS . OF THE MECHANICAL CAUSES OF CHYMICAL PRECIPITATION . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. Advertisement THough I shall not deny , that , in Grammatical strictness , Precipitation should be reckoned among Chymical Operations , not Qualities , yet I did not much scruple to insert the following Discourse among the Notes about Particular Qualities , because many , if not most , of the Phaenomena , mentioned in the ensuing Essay , may be considered as depending , some of them upon a power , that certain bodies have to cause Precipitation , and some upon such a Disposition to be struck down by others , as may , if men please , be called Precipitability . And so these differing Affections may with ( at least ) tolerable Congruity be referred to those that we have elsewhere stiled Chymical Qualities . But though I hope , I may in these few Lines have said enough concerning the name given to these Attributes , yet perhaps it will be found in time , that the things themselves may deserve a larger Discourse than my little leasure would allow them . For that is not a causeless Intimation of the Importance of the subject , wherewith I conclude the following Tract , since besides that many more Instances might have been particularly referred to the Heads treated of in the Insuing Essay , there are improper kinds of Precipitation ( besides those mentioned in the former part of the Discourse ) to which one may not incongruously refer divers of the Phaenomena of Nature , as well in the greater as in the lesser world , whereof either no Causes at all , or but improper ones are wont to be given . And besides the simple Spirits and Salts usually employed by Chymists , there are many compounded and decompounded bodies not only factitious but natural , ( and some such as one would scarce suspect ) that may in congruous subjects produce such Precipitations , as I speak of . And the Phaenomena and Consequents of such operations may in divers cases prove conducive both to the Discovery of Physical Causes , and the Production of useful effects ; though the particularizing of such Phaenomena do rather belong to a History of Precipitations , than to such a Discourse as that which follows , wherein I proposed not so much to deliver the latent Mysteries , as to investigate the Mechanical Causes of Precipitation . OF THE MECHANICAL CAUSES OF CHYMICAL PRECIPITATION . CHAP. I. BY Precipitation is here meant such an agitation or motion of a heterogeneous liquor , as in no long time makes the parts of it subside , and that usually in the form of a powder or other consistent body . As , on many occasions , Chymists call the substance that is made to fall to the bottom of the liquor , the Precipitate ; so for brevity sake we shall call the body that is put into the liquor to procure that subsiding , the Precipitant ; as also that which is to be struck down , the Precipitable substance or matter , and the liquor wherein it swims before the separation , the Menstruum or Solvent . When a hasty fall of a heterogeneous body is procured by a Precipitant , the Operation is called Precipitation in the proper or strict sense : But when the separation is made without any such addition , or the substance , separated from the fluid part of the liquor , instead of subsiding emerges , then the word is used in a more comprehensive , but less proper , acceptation . As for the Causes of Precipitation the very name it self in its Chymical sense having been scarce heard of in the Peripatetic Schools , it is not to be expected , that they should have given an account of the Reasons of the thing . And 't is like , that those few Aristotelians , that have , by their converse with the laboratories or writings of Chymists , taken notice of this Operation , would , according to their custom on such occasions , have recourse for the explication of it to some secret sympathy or antipathy between the bodies whose action and reaction intervenes in this Operation . But if this be the way proposed , of accounting for it , I shall quickly have occasion to say somewhat to it in considering the ways proposed by the Chymists , who were wont to refer Precipitation , either , as is most usual , to a sympathy betwixt the Precipitating body and the Menstruum which makes the Solvent run to the embraces of the Precipitant , and so let fall the particles of the body sustained before ; or ( with others ) to a great antipathy or contrariety between the acid salt of the Menstruum and the fixed salt of the Oil , or solution of calcined Tartar , which is the most general and usual Precipitant they imploy . But I see not , how either of these causes will either reach to all the Phaenomena that have been exhibited , or give a true account even of some of those , to which it seems applicable . For first , in Precipitations , wherein what they call a sympathy between the liquors , is supposed to produce the effect , this admired sympathy does not ( in my apprehension ) evince such a mysterious occult Quality as is presumed , but rather consists in a greater congruity as to bigness , shape , motion and pores of the minute parts between the Menstruum and the Precipitant , than between the same Solvent and the body it kept before dissolved . And though this sympathy rightly explained may be allowed to have an interest in some such Precipitations as let fall the dissolved body in its pristine nature and form , and only reduced into minute powder ; yet I find not , that in the generality of Precipitations this Doctrine will hold ; For in some that we have made of Gold and Silver in proper Menstruums , after the subsiding matter had been well washed and dried , several Precipitates of Gold made , some with oil of Tartar , which abounds with a fixed salt , and is the usual Precipitant , and some with an Urinous Spirit , which works by Vertue of a salt highly fugitive or Volatile , I found the powder to exceed the weight of the Gold and Silver I had put to dissolve ; and the Eye it self sufficiently discovers such Precipitates not to be meer metalline powders , but Compositions , whose consisting , not ( as hath been by some body suspected ) of the combined Salts alone , but of the metalline parts also , may be strongly concluded not only from the ponderousness of divers of them in reference to their bulk , but also manifestly from the reduction of true malleable metals from several of them . CHAP. II. THE other Chymical way of explicating Precipitations may , in a right sence , be made use of by a Naturalist on some particular occasions . But I think it much too narrow and defective , as 't is in a general way proposed , to be fit to be acquiesced in . For first 't is plain , that 't is not only Salt of Tartar and other fixed Alcalies that precipitate most bodies that are dissolved in acid Menstruums ; as in making of Aurum fulminans , oil of Tartar precipitates the Gold out of Aqua Regis : But acid liquors themselves do on many occasions no less powerfully precipitate metals and other bodies out of one another . Thus spirit of Salt , ( as I have often tried ) precipitates Silver out of Aqua fortis : The corrosive Spirit of Nitre copiously precipitates that white powder whereof they make Bezoardicum Minerale : Spirit or oil of Sulphur made by a glass-bell precipitates Corals , Pearls , &c. dissolved in Spirit of Vinegar , as is known to many Chymists , who now use this Oleum Sulphuris per Campanam , to make the Magistery of Pearls , &c. for which vulgar Chymists imploy Oleum Tartari per deliquium . I have sometimes made a Menstruum , wherein though there were both Acid and Alcalizate Salts ; yet I did not find , that either acid Spirits or oil of Tartar , or even Spirit of Urine would precipitate the dissolved substances . And I have observed , both that Salts of a contrary nature will precipitate bodies out of the same Menstruum , as not only Salt of Tartar , but Sea-salt being dissolved , will precipitate each other , and each of them apart will precipitate Silver out of Aqua fortis ; and that even , where there is a confessed contrariety betwixt two liquors , it may be so ordered , that neither of them shall precipitate what is dissolved by the other ; of which I shall have occasion to give ere long a remarkable instance . But it will best appear , that the abovementioned Theories of the Peripateticks and Chymists are at least insufficient to solve the Phaenomena ( many of which were probably not known to most of them , and perhaps not weigh'd by any , ) if we proceed to observe the Mechanical ways , by which Precipitations may be accounted for ; whereof I shall at present propose some Number , and say somewhat of each of them apart ; not that I think all of them to be equally important and comprehensive , or that I absolutely deny , that any one of them may be reduced to some of the other ; but that I think , it may better elucidate the subject , to treat of them severally , when I shall have premised , that I wouldnot thence infer , that though , for the most part , Nature does principally effect Precipitations by one or other of these ways , yet in divers cases she may not imploy two or more of them about performing the operation . To precipitate the Corpuscles of a metal out of a Menstruum , wherein being once throughly dissolved it would of it self continue in that state , the two general ways that the nature of the thing seems to suggest to him that considers it , are , either to add to the weight or bulk of the dissolved Corpuscles , and thereby render them unfit to accompany the particles of the Menstruum in their motions ; or to weaken the sustaining power of the Menstruum , and thereby disable it to keep the metalline particles swimming any longer : which falling of the deserted parts of the metal or other bodie , does oftentimes the more easily insue , because in many cases , when the sustaining particles of the Menstruum come to be too much weakned , that proves an occasion to the metalline Corpuscles , disturbed in the former motion that kept them separate , to make occursions and coalitions among themselves , and their fall becomes the effect , though not equally so , of both ways of Precipitation ; as on the other side , there are several occasions on which the same Precipitant , that brings the swimming particles of the metal to stick to one another , does likewise , by mortifying or disabling the saline Spirits or other parts of the solvent , weaken the sustaining power of that liquor . CHAP. III. TO descend now to the distinct Considerations about these two ways : The first of the most genera Causes of Precipitation is such a Cohaesion procured by the Precipitant in the solution , as makes the compounded corpuscles , or at least the associated particles of the dissolved body , too heavy to be sustained , or too bulky to be kept in a state of fluidity by the liquor . That in many Precipitations there is made a coalition betwixt the small parts of the Precipitant and those of the dissolved metal , or other body , and frequently also with the saline spirits of the Menstruum , may be easily shewn by the weight of the Precipitate , which though carefully washed and dryed , often surpasses , and sometimes very considerably , that of your crude metal that was dissolved ; of which we lately gave an instance in Aurum fulminans and precipitated Silver ; & we may yet give a more conspicuous one , in that which Chymists call Luna Cornea : For , if having dissolved Silver in good Aqua fortis , you Precipitate it with the solution of Sea-salt in fair water , and from the very white Precipitate wash the loose adhering salts , the remaining powder , being dryed and slowly melted , will look much less like a metalline body than like a piece of horn , whence also it takes its name ; so considerable is the additament of the saline to the metalline particles . And that part of such additaments is , retained , may not only be found by weighing , but in divers cases may be argued from what is obvious to the Eye : as if you dissolve Mercury in Aqua fortis , and into the philtrated solution drop spirit of Salt , or salt-water , or an urinous spirit , as of Sal Armoniac , you will have a very white Precipitate ; but if instead of any of these , you drop-in deliquated salt of Tartar , your Precipitate will be of a brick or orange colour . From which experiment and some others I would gladly take a rise to perswade Chymists and Physitians , that 't is not so indifferent , as those seem to think who look on Precipitation butas a kind of Comminution , by what means the precipitation is performed . For by reason of the strict adhesion of divers saline particles of the precipitant and the solvent , the precipitated body , notwithstanding all the wonted ablutions , may have its qualities much diversified by those of the particles of the liquors , when these are fitted to stick very fast to it . Which last words I add , because , though that sometimes happens , yet it does not always , there being a geater difference than every body takes notice of between Precipitations ; as you will be induced to think , if you precipitate the solution of Silver with Copper , with spirit of Sal Armoniac , with salt water , with oil of Tartar , with quick-silver , with crude Tartar and with Zink . And in the lately proposed Example , you will think it probable , that 't is not all one , whether to dissolved Mercury or Silver , you imploy the subtile distilled Spirits of Salt , or the gross body , whether in a dry form , or barely dissolved in common water . And thus much of the Conduciveness of weight to the striking down the Corpuscles of a dissolved Body . That also the Bulk of a body may very much contribute to make it sink or swim in a liquor , appears by obvious instances . Thus Salt or Sugar , being put into water either in lumps or even in powder that is but gross , falls at first to the bottom , and lies there , notwithstanding the Air that may be intercepted between its parts or externally adhere to it . But when by the infinuating action of the water it is dissolved into minute particles , these are carried up and down with those of the liquor and subside not . The like happens , when a piece of silver is cast into Aqua fortis , and in many other cases . On the other side I have several times observed , that some bodies that had long swam in a Menstruum , whilst their minute parts were kept from convening in it , did afterwards by the coalition of many of those particles into bodies of a visible bulk coagulate and subside , ( though sometimes , to hinder the evaporation of the Menstruum , the vessels were kept stopt . ) Of this I elsewhere mention divers examples ; and particularly in urinous and animal spirits , well dephlegm'd , I have found , that after all had for a considerable time continued in the form of a perfect liquor , and as to sense homogeneous , store of solid corpuscles , convening together , setled at the bottom of the glasses in the form of saline Crystals . Having also long kept a very red solution of Sulphur first unlock'd , ( as they speak ) made with highly rectified spirit of urine , I observed , that at length the Sulphureous particles , making little concretions between themselves , totally subsided and left the liquor almost devoid of tincture . By which you may see , that 't was not impertinent to mention ( as I lately did ) among the subordinate causes of Precipitation , the associating of the particles of a dissolved body with one another . Of which I elsewhere give a notable Example in the shining powder that I obtained from Gold dissolved in a peculiar Menstruum , without any Precipitant , by the coalition of the metalline particles , to which a tract of time gave opportunity to meet and adhere in a convenient manner . If in what the Chymists call Presipitate per se , the Mercury be indeed brought to lose its fluidity , and become a powder without being compounded with any additional body , ( which doubt I elsewhere state and discourse of ) it will afford us a notable instance to prove , that the coalitions of particles into clusters of the self same matter will render them unfit for the motion requisite to fluidity . For in this odd precipitation by fire , wherein the same Menstruum is both the Liquor and the Precipitate , being not all made at once , the Corpuscles that first disclose themselves by their redness , are rejected by those of the Mercury that yet remains fluid , as unable to accompany them in the motions that belong to Mercury as such . CHAP. IV. BEfore I dismiss that way of Precipitating , that depends upon the unwieldiness which the Precipitant gives to the body it is to strike down , it may not be impertinent , especially in reference to the foregoing part of this Paper , to consider , that perhaps in divers cases the Corpuscles of a dissolved body may be made unfit to be any longer sustained in the Menstruum , though the Precipitant adds very little to their bulk , or at least much more to their specific weight than to it . For I have elsewere shewn , that in divers solutions made of bodys by acid Menstruums , there are either generated or extricated many small Aerial particles ; and it will be easily granted , that these may be small enough to be detained in the pores of the liquor and be invisible there , if we consider , what a multitude of aerial and formerly imperceptible bubbles is afforded by common water in our Pneumatical Receivers , when the incumbent air that before pressed the liquor , is pumpt out . And if the Corpuscles of the dissolved body have any little Cavities or pores fit to lodge Aerial particles , or have asperous surfaces , between whose prominent parts the generated air may conveniently lie ; in such cases , I say , these Invisible bubbles may be lookt upon , as making with the solid Corpuscles they adhered to , little aggregates much lighter in specie than the Corpuscles themselves would be ; and consequently if the Precipitant consist of particles of such a size and shape as are fit to expel these little bubbles , and lodge themselves in the cavities possessed by them before , there will be produced new aggregates composed of the Corpuscles of the dissolved body and the particles of the Precipitant ; which aggregates though they do take up very little or perhaps not at all more room ( takeing that word in a popular sense ) than those , whereof the Aerial bubbles made a part , will yet be Specifically heavier than the former Aggregates were , and may thereby overcome the sustaining power of the Menstruum . One thing more may be fit to be taken notice of before we pass on further , namely , that 't is upon the score of the Specific gravity of a body , and not barely upon the action of the Precipitant , that an aggregate or a Convention of particles does rather fall to the bottom than rise to the top . For , though the Agents that procured the Coalition , make the cluster of particles become of a bulk too unwieldy to continue in the liquor as parts of it ; yet if each of them be lighter in specie than an equal bulk of the Menstruum , or if they so convene as to intercept a sufficient number of little bubbles or aerial Corpuscles between them , and so become lighter than as much of the Menstruum as they take up the room of , they will not be precipitated but emerge ; as may be seen in the Preparation of those Magisteries of Vegetables , I elswhere mention ; where some deeply colour'd plants being made to tinge plentifully the Lixivium they are boyled in , are afterwards by the addition of Alum made to curdle , as it were , into coloured Concretions , which being ( totally or in part ) too big to swim as they did before they conven'd , and too light in comparison of the Menstruum to subfide , emerge to the top and float there . An easier and neater Example to the same purpose I remember I shewed by dissolving Camphire in highly rectified spirit of Wine , 'till the solution was very strong . For though the Camphire , when put in Lumps into the spirit , sunk to the bottom of it ; yet , when good store of water , ( a liquor somewhat heavier in Specie than Camphire , ) was poured upon the solution , the Camphire quickly concreted and returned to its own nature , and within a while emerged to the top of the mingled liquors and floated there . These particulars I was willing to mention here , that I might give an instance or two of those precipitations , that I formerly spake of as improperly so called . And here I must not decline taking notice of a Phaenomenon , that sometimes occurs in Precipitations , and at first sight may seem contrary to our Doctrine about them . For now and then it happens , that after some drops of the Precipitant have begun a Precipitation at the top or bottom of the Solvent , one shakes the vessel , that the Precipitant may be the sooner diffused through the other liquor , but then they are quickly surprized to find , that instead of hastning the compleat Precipitation , the matter already precipitated disappears , and the solvent returns to be clear , or , as to sense , as uniform , as it was before the Precipitant was put into it . Bu this Phaenomenon does not at all cross our Theory . For , when this happens , though that part of the Solvent , to which the Precipitant reaches , is disabled for Reasons mentioned in this Discourse to support the dissolved body , yet this quantity of the Precipitant is but small in proportion to the whole bulk of the solvent . And therefore , when the agitation of the vessel disperses the clusters of loosly concreted particles through the whole liquor , ( which is seldom so exactly proportioned to the body it was to work on , as to be but just strong enough to dissolve it ) that greater part of the Liquor , to which before the shaking of the vessel the Precipitant did not reach , may well be lookt upon as a fresh Menstruum , which is able to mortifie or overpower the small quantity of the Precipitant that is mingled with it , and so to destroy its late operation on the body dissolved , by which means the solution returns , as to sense , to its former state . Which may be illustrated by a not unpleasant Experiment , I remember I have long since made by precipitating a brick-coloured powder out of a strong solution of Sublimate made in fair water . For this subsiding matter , being laid to dry in the Philter , by which 't was separated from the water , would retain a deep but somewhat dirty colour ; and if then , putting it into the bottom of a wine glass , I poured upon it , either clear oil of Vitriol , or some other strong acid Menstruum , the Alcalizat particles being disabled and swallowed up by some of the acid ones of the Menstruum , the other acid ones would so readily dissolve the residue of the powder , that in a trice the colour of it would disappear and the whole mixture be reduced into a clear Liquor , without any sediment at the bottom . Thus much may suffice at present about the first general way of Precipitating Bodies out of the Liquors they swam in . CHAP. V. THE other of the two principal ways , by which Precipitations may be effected , is the disabling of the Solvent to sustain the dissolved body . There may be many instances , wherein this second way of effecting Precipitations may be associated by Nature with the first way formerly proposed ; but notwithstanding the cases , wherein Nature may ( as I formerly noted ) imploy both the ways therein , yet in most cases they sufficiently differ , in regard that in the former way the subsiding of the dissolved body is chiefly , if not only , caused by the additional weight as well as action of the external Precipitant ; whereas in most of the instances of the later way , the effect is produced either without salt of Tartar , or any such Precipitant , or by some other quality of the Precipitant more than by its weight , or at least besides the weight it adds : Though I forget not , that I lately gave an example of a shining powder of Gold , that fell to the bottom of a Menstruum without the help of an External Precipitant : But that was done so slowly , that it may be disputed , whether it were a true Precipitation ; and I alledged it not as such , but to shew , that the increased bulk of Particles may make them unfit to swim in Menstruums , wherein they swam whilst they were more minute . And the like answer may be accommodated to the Precipitate per se newly mentioned . This premised , I proceed now to observe , that the general way , I last proposed , contains in it several subordinate wayes , that are more particular ; of which I shall now mention the chief that occur to me , and though but briefly , illustrate each of them by examples . And first a Precipitation may be made , if the saline or other dissolving particles of the Menstruum are mortified or rendred unfit for their former function , by particles of a Precipitant that are of a contrary nature . Thus Gold and some other minerals , being dissolved in Aqua Regis , will be precipitated with spirit of urine and other such liquors abounding with volatile and salino-sulphureous Corpuscles , upon whose account it is that they act ; whence these salts themselves , though cast into a Menstruum in a dry form , will serve to make the like Precipitations . And I the rather on this occasion mention Urinous spirits than Salt of Tartar , because those volatile particles add much less of weight to the little Concretions , which compose the Precipitated powder . Upon instances of this kind , many of the modern Chymists have built that Antipathy betwixt the Salts of the solvent and those of the Menstruum , to which they ascribe almost all Precipitations . But against this I have represented something already , and shall partly now , and partly in the sequel of this discourse add some farther reasons of my not being satisfied with this Doctrine . For , besides that 't is insufficient to reach many of the Phaenomena of Precipitations , ( as will ere long be shown , ) and besides that 't is not easie to make out , that there is any real antipathy betwixt inanimate bodies ; I consider , 1. That some of those Menstruums , to which this Antipathy is attributed , do after a short commotion ( whereby they are disposed to make convenient occursions and coalitions ) amicably unite into concretions participating of both the Ingredients ; as I have somewhere shewn by an Example purposely devis'd to make this out ; to do which I dropped a clear solution of fixed Nitre , instead of the usual one of common salt , upon a solution of silver , in Aqua-fortis : For the saline particles of the Solvent and those of the Precipitant , will , as I have elsewhere recirecited , for the most part friendly unite into such Crystals of Nitre for the main , as they were obtained from : And though this notion of the Chymists , if well explained , be applicable to far more instances than the proposers of it seemed to have thought on , and may be made good use of in Practice ; yet I take it to be such as is not true Universally , and , where it is true , ought to be explicated according to Mechanical Principles . For , if the particles of the Menstruum and those of the Precipitant be so framed , that upon the action of the one upon the other , there will be produced Corpuscles too big and unwieldy to continue in the state of fludity , there will insue a Precipitation : But if the constitution of the corpuscles of the Precipitating and of the Dissolved body be such , that the Precipitant also it self is fit to be a Menstruum to dissolve that body in ; then , though there be an union of the Salts of the Precipitant and the metal ( or other Solutum ) and perhaps of the solvent too , yet a Precipitation will not necessarily follow , though the saline particles of the two liquors seemed , by the heat and ebullition excited between them upon their meeting , to exercise a great and mutual antipathy . To satisfie some Ingenious men about this particular , I dissolved Zink or Speltar in a certain urinous spirit ; ( for , there are more than one that may serve the turn ; ) and then put to it a convenient quantity of a proper acid spirit ; but though there would be a manifest conflict thereby occasioned betwixt the two liquors ; yet the speltar remained dissolved in the mixture . And I remember , that for the same purpose I devised another Experiment , which is somewhat more easie and more clear . I dissolved Copper calcined perse , or even crude , in strong spirit of salt ; ( for unless it be such , it will not be so proper , ) and having put to it by degrees a good quantity of spirit of Sal-Armoniac or fermented Urine , though there would be a great commotion with hissing and bubbles produced , the Copper would not be precipitated , because this Urinous spirit will as well as the Salt , ( and much more readily ) dissolve the same metal , and it would be kept dissolved notwithstanding their operation on one another ; the intervening of which , and their action upon the metalline corpuscles , may be gathered from hence , that the green solution , made with spirit of salt alone , will by the supervening urinous spirits be changed either into a blewish green , or , if the proportion of this spirit be very great , into a rich blew almost like ultramarine . And from these two Experiments we may probably argue , that when the Precipitation of a metal &c. insues , it is not barely on the account of the supposed Antipathy betwixt the Salts , but because the causes of that seeming Antipathy do likewise upon a Mechanical account dispose the Corpuscles of the confounded liquors so to cohere , as to be too unwieldy for the fluid part . CHAP. VI. ANother way , whereby the dissolving particles of a Menstruum may be rendred unfit to sustain the dissolved body , is to present them another that they can more easily work on . A notable Experiment of this you have in the common practice of Refiners , who , to recover the Silver out of Lace and other such mixtures wherein it abounds , use to dissolve it in Aqua fortis , and then in the solution leave Copper plates for a whole night ( or many hours . ) But if you have a mind to see the Experiment without waiting so long , you may imploy the way , whereby I have often quickly dispatched it . As soon then as I have dissolved a convenient quantity , which needs not be a great one , of Silver in cleansed Aqua fortis , I add twenty or twenty five times as much of either distilled water or rain water ; ( for though common water will sometimes do well , yet it seldome does so well ; ) and then into the clear solution I hang by a string a clean piece of Copper , which will be presently covered with little shining plates almost like scales of fish , which one may easily shake off and make room for more . And this may illustrate what we formerly mentioned about the subsiding of metalline corpuscles , when they convene in liquors , wherein , whilst they were dispersed in very minute parts , they swam freely . For in this operation the little scales of Silver seemed to be purely metalline , and there is no saline Precipitant , as Salt of Tartar or of Urine , imployed to make them subside . Upon the same ground , Gold and Silver dissolved in their proper Menstruums may be precipitated with running Mercury ; and if a Solution of blew Vitriol ( such as the Roman , East-Indian , or other of the like colours ) be made in water , a clean plate of Steel or Iron being immersed in it , will presently be overlaid with a very thin case of Copper-which after a while will grow thick , er ; but does not adhere to the iron so loosely as to be shaken off , as the Precipitated silver newly mentioned may be from the Copper-plates whereto it adheres . And that in these operations the saline particles may really quit the dissolved body , and work upon the Precipitant , may appear by the lately mentioned practice of Refiners , where the Aqua-fortis , that forsakes the particles of the silver , falls a working upon the copper-plates imployed about the Precipitation , and dissolves so much of them as to acquire the greenish blew colour of a good solution of that metal . And the Copper we can easily again without salts obtain by Precipitation out of that liquor with iron , and that too , remaining dissolved in its place , we can precipitate with the tastless powder of another Mineral . Besides these two ways of weakning the Menstruum , namely , by mortifying its saline particles or seducing them to work on other bodies , and to forsake those they first dissolved , there are some other ways of weakning the Menstruum . A Third way of effecting this , is by lessening or disturbing the agitation of the solvent . And indeed since we find by experience , that some liquors when they are heated , will either dissolve some bodies they would not dissolve at all when they were cold , or dissolve them more powerfully or copiously when hot than cold ; 't is not unreasonable to suppose , that what considerably lessens that agitation of the parts of the Menstruum that is necessary to the keeping the dissolved body in the state of fluidity , should occasion the falling of it again to the bottom . In slow operations I could give divers examples of the precipitating power of Cold ; there being divers solutions and particularly that of Amber-greece , that I had kept fluid all the Summer , which in the Winter would subside . And the like may be sometimes observed in far less time in the solutions of Brimstone made in certain oleaginous Menstruums ; and I have now & then had some solutions , and particularly one of Benzoin made in spirit of wine , that would surprize me with the turbidness ( which begins the state of Precipitation ) it would acquire upon a sudden change of the weather towards Cold , though it were not in the winter season . Another way of weakening the Menstruum and so causing the Precipitation of a body dissolved in it , is the diluting or lessening the tenacity of it , whether that tenacity proceed from viscosity or the competent number and constipation of the parts . Of this we have aninstance in the Magisteries ( as many Chymists are pleased to call them ) of Jalap , Benzion , and of divers others , Resinous and Gummous bodies dissolved in spirit of wine . For by the affusion of common water , the Menstruum being too much diluted is not able to keep those particles in the state of fluidity , but must suffer them to subside , ( as they usually do in the form of white powder , ) or , ( as it may happen sometimes , ) make some parts emerge . Examples also of this kind are afforded us by the common preparations of Mercurius Vitae . For though in oil of Antimony , made by the Rectification of the butter , the saline particles are so numerous and keep so close to one another , that they are able to sustain the Antimonial Corpuscles they carried over with them in Distillation , and keep them together with themselves in the form of a liquor ; yet when by the copious affusion of the water , those sustaining particles are separated and removed to a distance from each other , the Antimonial Corpuscles and the Mercurial ( if any such there were , ) being of a ponderous nature , will easily subside into that Emetic powder , which , ( when well washed ) the Chymists flatteringly enough call Mercurius Vitae . But here I must interpose an advertisement , which will help to shew us , how much Precipitations depend upon the Mechanical contextures of bodies . For , though not only in the newly recited examples , but in divers others , the affusion of water , by diluting the salts and weakenning the Menstruum , makes the metall or other dissolved body fall precipitately to the bottom ; yet if the saline particles of the solvent , and those of the body be fitted for so strict an union , that the Corpuscles resulting from their Coalitions will not so easily be separated by the particles of water , as suffer themselves to be carried up and down with them , whether because of the minuteness of these compounded Corpuscles , or because of some congruity betwixt them and those of the water ; they will not be precipitated out of the weakened solution , but still continue a part of it ; as I have tryed partly with some solution of Silver and Gold , made in acid Menstruums , but much more satisfactorily in solutions of Copper , made in the urinous spirit of Sal Armoniac . For , though that blew solution were diluted with many thousand times as much distilled water as the dissolved metal weighed ; yet its swimming Corpuscles did by their colour manifestly appear to be dispersed through the whole liquor . CHAP. VII . BUT , to prosecute our former discourse , which we broke off after the mention of Mercurius Vitae , 't will now be seasonable to add , that we have made divers other Precipitations , by the bare affusion of water , out of solutions , and sometimes out of distilled liquors ; which , for brevity sake , I here omit , that I may hasten to the last way I shall now stay to mention . Another way then , whereby Precipitations of bodies may be produced by debilitating the Menstruum they swim in , is by lessening the proportion of the Solvent to the Solutum , without any evaporation of the liquor . These last words I add , because that , when there is an obstruction or any other expulsion of the Menstruum by heat , if it be total , 't is called Exsiccation , as when dry salt of Tartar is obtained from the filtrated Lixivium of the calcined Tartar ; and though the evaporation be not total , yet the effects of it are not wont to be reckoned amongst Precipitations . And although the way , I am about to propose , if it be attentively considered , has much affinity with the foregoing , and the Phaenomena may perhaps in some sort be reduced to them ; yet the instances that I shall name , having not , that I know , been thought of by others , and being such as every one would not deduce from what I have been mentioning , I shall add a word of the inducements I had to make the tryals , as well as of the success of them . Considering then , that Water will not dissolve Salts indefinitely , but when it has received its due proportion , 't will then dissolve no more , but , if they be put into it , let them fall to the ground and continue undissolved ; and that if when water is satiated , any of the liquor be evaporated or otherwise wasted , it will in proportion let fall the salt it had already taken up ; I concluded , that if I could mingle with water any liquor , with which its particles would more readily associate than with those of Salt , the depriving the solution of so many of its aqueous particles would be equivalent to the evaporation of as much water or thereabouts , as they , by being united , could compose . Wherefore making a lixivium of distilled water or clean rain-water , and of Salt of Tartar so strong , that if a grain more were cast in it , it would lie undissolved at the bottom ; I put a quantity of this fiery Lixivium into a slender cylindrical vessel , till it had therein reached such a height as I thought fit ; then taking as much as I thought sufficient of strong spirit of wine , that would burn every drop away , that so it might have no flegm nor water of its own , I poured this upon the saline solution , and shaking the liquors pretty well together to bring them to mix as well as I could , I laid the tube in a quiet place , and afterwards found , as I expected , that there was a pretty quantity of white salt of Tartar fallen to the bottom of the vessel , which salt had been meerly forsaken by the aqueous particles that sustained it before , but forsook it to pass into the spirit of wine , wherewith they were more disposed to associate themselves ; which I concluded , because having , before I poured on this last named liquor , made a mark on the glass to shew how far the lixivium reached , I found ( what I looked for ) that after the Precipitation , the Lixivium , that remained yet strong enough to continue unmixed with the incumbent spirit , had its surface not where the mark shewed it had been before , but a considerable distance beneath it , the spirit of wine having gained in extent what it lost in strength by receiving so many aqueous particles into it . I chose to make this tryal rather with a Lixivium of Salt of Tartar than with oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , because in this last named liquor the aqueous and saline particles are more closely combined and therefore more difficult to be separated than I thought they would be in a Lixivium hastily made , though very strong . And though by much agitation I have sometimes obtained some salt of Tartar from the above-mentioned oil ; yet the experiment succeeded nothing near so well with that liquor as with a Lixivium . I made also the like tryal with exceedingly dephlegmed spirit of wine , and as strong a Brine as I could make of common salt dissolved without heat in common water ; and I thereby obtained no despicable proportion of finely figured salt , that was let fall to the bottom . But this experiment , to be succesful , requires greater care in him that makes it , than the former needs . To confirm , and somewhat to vary this way of Precipitation , I shall add , that having made a clear solution of choice Gum Arabic in common water , and poured upon it a little high rectified spirit of wine , on this occasion there was also made , and that in a trice , a copious precipitation of a light and purely white substance not unpleasant to behold . And for further Confirmation I dissolved a full proportion of Myrrhe in fair water , and into the filtrated solution , which was transparent , but of a high brown colour , I dropt a large proportion ( which Circumstance is not to be omitted ) of carefully dephlegm'd spirit of wine , which according to expectation made a copious Precipitate of the Gum. And these instances I the rather set down in this place , because they seem to show , that simple water is a real Menstruum , which may have its dissolving and sustaining virtue weakened by the accession of Liquors , that are not doubted to be much stronger than it . By specifying the hitherto mentioned wayes , whereby Precipitations may be Mechanically performed and accounted for , I would by no means be thought to deny , that there may be some omitted here , which either others that shall consider the matter with more attention , or I my self , if I shall have leisure to do it , may think on . For I propose these but as the chief that occurr to my present thoughts ; and I forbear to add more instances to exemplifie them , because I would not injure some of my other papers , that have a greater right to those Instances . Only this I shall note in general , that the Doctrine and History of Precipitations , if well delivered , will be a thing of more extent and moment than seems hitherto to have been imagined ; since not only several of the changes in the blood and other liquors and juices of the humane body may thereby be the better understood ; and they prevented , or their ill consequences remedied ; but in the practical part of Mineralogy divers usefull things may probably be performed by the assistance of such a Doctrine and History . To keep which conjecture from seeming extravagant , I shall only here intimate , that 't is not alone in bodies that are naturally or permanently liquid , but in those solid and ponderous bodies , that are for a short time made so by the violence of the fire , that many of the things suggested by this Doctrine may have place . For whilst divers of those Bodies are in fusion , they may be treated as liquors ; and metalls , and perhaps other heterogeneous bodies may be obtained from them by fit though dry Precipitants , as in some other writings I partly did , and may elsewhere yet further , declare . FINIS . Experiments and Notes ABOUT THE MECHANICAL PRODUCTION OF Magnetism . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1676. ADVERTISEMENT Concerning the following NOTES About OCCULT QUALITIES . THE following Papers ( about Magnetism and Electricity ) would appear with less disadvantage , if the Author's willingness and Promise , that this Tome should be furnished with notes about some Occult Qualities as well as about divers sorts of those that are presumed to be Manifest , did not prevail with him to let the ensuing Notes appear without those about the Pores of Bodies and Figures of Corpuscles , that should have preceded them , and some others that should have accompanied them . But the Author chose rather to venture these Papers abroad in the Condition , such as 't is , they now appear in , than make those already printed about manifest Qualities stay longer for Accessions , which some troublesome Accidents will not suffer him to hasten to the press ; and without which , he now fears this Tome may swell to a more than competent Bulk . Experiments and Notes ABOUT THE Mechanical Production OF MAGNETICAL QUALITIES . THough the vertues of the Loadstone be none of the least famous of Occult Qualities , and are perhaps the most justly admired ; yet I shall venture to offer something to make it probable , that some , even of these , may be introduced into bodies by the production of Mechanical changes in them . To make way for what I am to deliver to this purpose , it will be expedient to remove that general and settled prejudice , that has kept men from so much as thinking of any Mechanical account of Magnetisms , which is a belief , that these Qualities do immediately ▪ flow from the Substantial Form of the Loadstone , whose abstruse nature is disproportionate to our understandings . But for my part , I confess , I see no necessity of admitting this supposition , for I see , that a piece of Steel fitly shaped and well excited , will , like a Loadstone , have its determinate Poles , and with them point at the North and South ; it will draw other pieces of Iron and Steel to it , and which is more , communicate to them the same kind , though not degree , of attractive and directive vertue it had it self , and will possess these faculties not as light and transient impressions , but as such setled and durable Powers that it may retain them for many years , if the Loadstone , to which it has been duly applied , were vigorous enough : Of which sort I remember I have seen one ( and made some tryals with it ) that yielded an income to the owner , who received money from Navigators and others for suffering them to touch their needles , swords , knives &c. at his excellent Magnet . Now , in a piece of steel or iron thus excited , 't is plain , that the Magnetic operations may be regularly performed for whole years by a body , to which the form of a Loadstone does not belong , since , as it had its own form before , so it retains the same still , continuing as malleable , fusible &c. as an ordinary piece of the same metal unexcited : so that , if there be introduced a fit disposition into the internal parts of the metal by the action of the Load-stone , the metal , continuing of the same Species it was before , will need nothing save the continuance of that acquired disposition to be cap●ble of performing Magnetical Operations ; and if this disposition or internal constitution of the excited iron be destroyed , though the form of the metal be not at all injured , yet the former power of Attraction shall be abolished , as appears when an excited iron is made red hot in the fire , and suffered to cool again . And here give me leave to take notice of what I have elsewhere related to another purpose , namely that a Loadstone may ( as I have more than once tryed ) be easily deprived by ignition of its Power of sensibly attracting Martial bodies , and yet be scarce , if at all , visibly changed , but continue a true Loadstone in other capacities , which , according to the vulgar Philosophy ought to depend upon its Substantial Form , and the Loadstone thus spoiled may , notwithstanding this Form , have its Poles altered at pleasure like a piece of Iron ; as I have elsewhere particularly declared . And I will confirm what I have been saying with an experiment that you do not perhaps expect ; namely , that though it be generally taken for granted ( without being contradicted that I know of by any man ) that , in a sound Loadstone , that has never been injured by the fire , not only the attractive Power , but the particular Vertue that it has to point constantly , when left to it self , with one of its determinate extreams to one determinate pole , flowes immediately from the substantial or at least essential Form ; yet this Form remaining undestroyed by Fire , the Poles may be changed , and that with ease and speed . For among my notes about Magnetical Experiments , whence I borrow some passages of this paper , I find the following Account . EXPER. IV. TO shew that the virtue that a Loadstone hath by this determinate Pole or Extream to attract , for example , the South-end of a poised needle , and with the opposite extream or Pole the North-end of the same needle , I made among other tryals the following Experiment . Taking a very small fragment of a Loadstone , I found , agreeably to my conjecture , that by applying sometimes one Pole , sometimes the other , to that pole of ( a small but ) a very vigorous Loadstone that was fit for my purpose , I could at pleasure , in a few minutes , change the Poles of the little fragment , as I tryed by its operations upon a needle freely poised ; though by applying a fragment a pretty deal bigger , ( for in it self it appeared very small , ) I was not able in far more hours than I employed minutes before , to make any sensible change of the Poles . This short Memorial being added to the preceding part of this discourse , will , I hope , satisfie you , that how unanimously so ever men have deduced all magnetick operations from the form of the Loadstone ; yet some internal change of pores or some other Mechanical alterations or inward disposition , either of the excited Iron or of the Load-stone it self , may suffice to make a body capable or uncapable of exercising some determinate magnetical operations ; which may invite you to cast a more unprejudiced eye upon those few particulars , I shall now subjoin to make it probable , that even Magnetical Qualities may be Mechanically produced or altered . EXPER. V. I Have often observed in the shops of Artificers , as Smiths , Turners of metals &c. that , when hardened and well tempered tools are well heated by Attrition , if whilest they are thus warmed you apply them to filings or chips , as they call them , or thin fragments of Steel or Iron , they will take them up , as if the instruments were touched with a Loadstone : but as they will not do so , unless they be thus excited by rubbing till they be warmed , by which means a greater commotion is made in the inner parts of he Steel so neither would they retain so vigorous a Magnetism as to support the little fragments of Steel that stuck to them after they were grown cold again . Which may be confirmed by what , if I much misremember not , I shewed some Acquaintances of yours ; which was , that , by barely rubbing a conveniently shaped piece of Steel against the floor till it had gained a sufficient heat , it would whilest it continued so , discover a manifest , though but faint attractive power , which vanished together with the adventitious Heat . EXPER. VII . WE elsewhere observe , which perhaps you also may have done , that the Iron bars of windows , by having stood very long in an erected posture , may at length grow Magnetical , so that , if you apply the North point of a poised and excited Needle to the bottom of the Bar , it will drive it away , & attract the Southern ; and if you raise the magnetick needle to the upper part of the Bar , and apply it as before , this will draw the Northern extream , which the other end of the bar expelled ; probably because , as 't is elsewhere declared , the bar is in tract of time , by the continual action of the Magnetical effluvia of the Tarraqueous Globe , turned into a kind of Magnet , whose lower end becomes the North-pole of it , and the other the Southern . Therefore according to the Magnetical Laws , the former must expel the Northern extream of the Needle , and the later draw it . EXPER. VIII . I Have found indeed , and I question not but other observers may have done so too , that , if a bar of Iron , that has not stood long in an erected posture , be but held perpendicular , the forementioned experiment will succeed , ( probably upon such an account as that I have lately intimated : ) But then this virtue , displayed by the extreams of the bar of Iron , will not be at all permanent , but so transient , that , if the bar be but inverted and held again upright , that end which just before was the uppermost , and drew the north-end of the needle , will now , being lowermost , drive it away , which , as was lately observed , w●ll not happen to a bar which has been some years or other competent time kept in the same Position . So that , since length of time is requisite to make the verticity of a bar of Iron so durable & constant , that the same extream will have the same virtues in reference to the Magnetical needle , whether you make it the upper end or the lower end of the bar , it seems not improbable to me , that by length of time the whole Magnetick virtue of this Iron may be increased , and consequently some degree of attraction acquired . And by this Consideration I shall endeavour to explicate that strange thing , that is reported by some Moderns to have happened in Italy , where a bar of Iron is affirmed to have been converted into a Load-stone , whereof a piece was kept among other rarities in the curious Aldrovandus his Musaeum Metallicum . For considering the greatness of its Specific Gravity , the malleableness and other properties , wherein Iron differs from Loadstone , I cannot easily believe , that , by such a way as is mentioned , a metal should be turned into a stone . And therefore , having consulted the book it self , whence this Relation was borrowed , I found the story imperfectly enough delivered : The chiefest and clearest thing in it being , that at the top of the Church of Arimini a great iron-bar , that was placed there to support a Cross of an hundred pound weight , was at length turned into a Load-stone . But whether the reality of this transmutation was examined , and how it appeared that the fragment of the Loadstone presented to Aldrovandus was taken from that bar of Iron , I am not fully satisfied by that Narrative . Therefore , when I remember the great resemblance I have sometimes seen in colour , besides other manifest Qualities , betwixt some Loadstones and some course or almost rusty Iron , I am tempted to Conjecture , that those that observed this Iron-bar when broken to have acquired a strong Magnetical virtue , which they dreamed not that tract of time might communicate to it , might easily be perswaded , by this virtue and the resemblance of colour , that the Iron was turned into Loadstone : especially they being prepossess'd with that Aristotelian Maxim , whence our Author would explain this strange Phaenomenon , that inter Symbolum habentia facilis est transmutatio . But , leaving this as a bare conjecture , we may take notice , that what virtue an oblong piece of Iron may need a long tract of time to acquire , by the help onely of its position , may be imparted to it in a very short time , by the intervention of such a nimble agent , as the fire . As may be often , though not always , observed in Tongs , and such like Iron Utensils , that , having been ignited , have been set to cool , leaning against some wall or other prop , that kept them in an erected posture , which makes it probable that the great commotion of the parts , made by the vehement heat of the fire , disposed the Iron , whilst it was yet soft , and had its pores more lax , and parts more pliable , disposed it , I say , to receive much quicker impressions from the Magnetical effluvia of the Earth , than it would have done , if it had still been cold . And 't is very observable to our present purpose , what differing effects are produced by the operation of the fire , upon two Magnetick bodies according to their respective constitutions . For , by keeping a Loadstone red-hot , though you cool it afterwards in a perpendicular posture , you may deprive it of its former power of manifestly attracting : But a bar of Iron being ignited , and set to cool perpendicularly , does thereby acquire a manifest verticity . Of which differing events I must not now stay to inquire , whether or no the true reason be , That the peculiar Texture or internal constitution that makes a Loadstone somewhat more than an ordinary Ore of Iron , ( which metal , as far as I have tried , is the usual ingredient of Loadstones ) being spoiled by the violence of the fire , this rude Agent leaves it in the condition of common Iron , or perhaps of ignited Iron-ore : whereas the fire does soften the Iron it self ( which is a metal not an Ore ) agitating its parts , and making them the more flexible , and by relaxing its pores , disposes it to be easily and plentifully pervaded by the Magnetical steams of the Earth , from which it may not improbably be thought to receive the verticity it acquires ; and this the rather , because , as I have often tryed , and elsewhere mentioned , if an oblong Loadstone , once spoil'd by the fire , be thorowly ignited and cooled either perpendicularly , or lying horizontally North and South , it will , as well as a piece of Iron handled after the same manner , be made to acquire new poles , or change the old ones , as the skilful experimenter pleases . But whatever be the true cause of the disparity of the fires operation upon a sound Loadstone and a bar of Iron , the effect seems to strengthen our conjecture , That Magnetical operations may much depend upon Mechanical Principles . And I hope you will find further probability added to it , by some Phaenomena recited in another paper , to which I once committed some promiscuous Experiments and Observations Magnetical . EXPER. XII . IF I may be allowed to borrow an Experiment from a little Tract * that yet lyes by me , and has been seen but by two or three friends , it may be added to the instances already given about the production of Magnetism . For in that Experiment I have shewn , how having brought a good piece of a certain kind of English Oker , which yet perhaps was no fitter than other , to a convenient shape , though , till it was altered by the fire , it discovered no Magnetical Quality ; yet after it had been kept red-hot in the fire and was suffered to cool in a convenient posture , it was enabled to exercise Magnetical operations upon a po●s'd Needle . EXPER. XIII . AS for the Abolition of the Magnetical vertue in a body endow'd with it , it may be made without destroying the Substantial or the Essential Form of the body , and without sensibly adding , diminishing , or altering any thing in reference to the Salt , Sulphur and Mercury , which Chymists presume Iron and Steel , as well as other mixt bodies , to be composed of . For it has been sometimes observed , that the bare continuance of a Loadstone it self in a contrary position to that , which , when freely placed , it seems to effect , has either corrupted or sensibly lessened the vertue of it . What I formerly observed to this purpose , I elsewhere relate , and since that having a Loadstone , whose vigor was look'd upon by skilful persons as very extraordinary , and which , whilst it was in an Artificers hand , was therefore held at a high rate , I was careful , being by some occasions call'd out of London , to lock it up , with some other rarities , in a Cabinet , whereof I took the key along with me , and still kept it in my own Pocket . But my stay abroad proving much longer than I expected , when , being returned to London , I had occasion to make use of this Loadstone for an Experiment , I found it indeed where I left it , but so exceedingly decayed , as to its attractive power , which I had formerly examin'd by weight , by having lain almost a year in an inconvenient posture , that if it had not been for the circumstances newly related , I should have concluded that some body had purposely got it out in my absence , and spoiled it by help of the fire , the vertue being so much impaired , that I cared little to employ it any more about considerable Experiments . And this corruption of the Magnetical vertue , which may in tract of time be made in a Loadstone it self , may in a trice be made by the help of that Stone in an excited Needle . For 't is observ'd by Magnetical Writers , and my own Trials purposely made have assured me of it , that a well pois'd Needle , being by the touch of a good Loadstone , excited and brought to turn one of its ends to the North and the other to the South , it may by a contrary touch of the same Loadstone be deprived of the faculty it had of directing its determinate extreams to determinate Poles . Nay , by another touch ( or the same , and even without immediate Contact , if the Magnet be vigorous enough ) the Needle may presently have its direction so changed , that the end , which formerly pointed to the North pole , shall now regard the South , and the other end shall instead of the Southern , respect the Northen pole . EXPER. XV. AND to make it the more probable , that the change of the Magnetism communicated to Iron may be produc'd at least in good part by Mechanical operations , procuring some change of texture in the Iron ; I shall subjoyn a notable Experiment of the ingenious Doctor Power , which when I heard of , I tryed as well as I could ; and though , perhaps for want of conveniency , I could not make it fully answer what it promised , yet the success of the trial was considerable enough to make it pertinent in this place , and to induce me to think , it might yet better succeed with him , whose Experiment , as far as it concerns my present purpose , imports , that if a Puncheon , as Smiths call it , or a Rod of Iron , be , by being ignited and suffered to cool North and South , and hammered at the ends , very manifestly endow'd with Magnetical vertue , this vertue will in a trice be destroyed , by two or three smart blows of a strong hammer upon the middle of the oblong piece of Iron . But Magnetism is so fertile a Subject , that if I had now the leisure and conveniency to range among Magnetical Writers , I should scarce doubt of finding , among their many Experiments and Observations , divers that might be added to those above delivered , as being easily applicable to my present Argument . And I hope you will find farther probability added to what has been said , to shew , that Magnetical operations may much depend upon Mechanical Principles , by some Phaenomena recited in another Paper , to which I once committed some promiscuous Experiments and Observations Magnetical . FINIS . Experiments and Notes ABOUT THE MECHANICAL ORIGINE OR PRODUCTION OF Electricity . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE Esq Fellow of the R. Society . LONDON , Printed by E. Flesher , for R. Davis Bookseller in Oxford . 1675. Experiments and Notes ABOUT THE MECHANICAL ORIGINE OR PRODUCTION OF Electricity . THat 't is not necessary to believe Electrical Attraction ( which you know is generally listed among Occult Qualities ) to be the effect of a naked and solitary Quality flowing immediately from a Substantial Form ; but that it may rather be the effect of a Material Effluvium , issuing from , and returning to , the Electrical Body ( and perhaps in some cases assisted in its Operation by the external air ) seems agreable to divers things that may be observ'd in such Bodies and their manner of acting . There are differing Hypotheses ( and all of them Mechanical , propos'd by the Moderns ) to solve the Phaenomena of Electrical Attraction . Of these Opinions the First is that of the learned Jesuite Cabaeus , who , though a Peripatetick and Commentator on Aristotle , thinks the drawing of light Bodies by Jet , Amber , &c. may be accounted for , by supposing , that the steams that issue , or , if I may so speak , sally , out of Amber , when heated by rubbing , discuss and expell the neighbouring air ; which after it has deen driven off a little way , makes as it were a small whirlwind , because of the resistance it finds from the remoter air , which has not been wrought on by the Electrical Steams ; and that these , shrinking back swiftly enough to the Amber , do in their returns bring along with them such light bodies as they meet with in their way . On occasion of which Hypothesis I shall offer it to be consider'd , Whether by the gravity of the Atmospherical Air , surmounting the Specifick Gravity of the little and rarifi'd Atmosphere , made about the Amber by its emissions , and comprising the light Body fasten'd on by them , the Attraction may not in divers cases be either caused or promoted . Another Hypothesis is that proposed by that Ingenious Gentleman Sir Kenelm Digby , and embraced by the very Learned Dr. Browne , ( who seems to make our Gilbert himself to have been of it ) and divers other sagacious men . And according to this Hypothesis , the Amber , or other Electrick , being chas'd or heated , is made to emit certain Rayes or Files of unctuous Steams , which , when they come to be a little cool'd by the external air , are somewhat condens'd , and having lost of their former agitation , shrink back to the body whence they sallied out , and carry with them those light bodies , that their further ends happen to adhere to , at the time of their Retraction : As when a drop of Oyl or Syrup hangs from the end of a small stick , if that be dextrously and cauriously struck , the viscous substance will , by that impulse , be stretch'd out , and presently retreating , will bring along with it the dust or other light bodies that chanced to stick to the remoter parts of it . And this way of explaining Electrical Attractions is employ'd also by the Learned Gassendus , who addes to it , that these Electrical Rays ( if they may be so call'd ) being emitted several ways , and consequently crossing one another , get into the pores of the Straw , or other light body to be attracted , and by means of their Decussation take the faster hold of it , and have the greater force to carry it along with them , when they shrink back to the Amber whence they were emitted . A third Hypothesis there is , which was devised by the Acute Cartesius , who dislikes the Explications of others , chiefly because he thinks them not applicable to Glass , which he supposes unfit to send forth Effluvia , and which is yet an Electrical body ; and therefore attempts to account for Electrical Attractions by the intervention of certain particles , shap'd almost like small pieces of Ribbond , which he supposes to be form'd of this subtile matter harbour'd in the pores or crevises of Glass . But this Hypothesis , though ingenious in it self , yet depending upon the knowledge of divers of his peculiar Principles , I cannot intelligibly propose it in few words , and therefore shall refer you to himself for an account of it : which I the less scruple to do , because though it be not unworthy of the wonted Acureness of the Authour , yet he seems himself to doubt , whether it will reach all Electrical Bodies ; and it seems to me , that the reason why he rejects the way of explicating Attraction by the Emission of the finer parts of the attrahent ( to which Hypothesis , if it be rightly proposed , I confess my self very inclinable ) is grounded upon a mistake , which , though a Philosopher may , for want of Experience in that Particular , without disparagement fall into , is nevertheless a mistake . For whereas our excellent Author says , that Electrical Effluvia , such as are supposed to be emitted by Amber , Wax , &c. cannot be imagin'd to proceed from Glass , I grant the Supposition to be plausible , but cannot allow it to be true . For as solid a body as Glass is , yet if you but dextrously rub for two or three minutes a couple of pieces of Glass against one another , you will find that Glass is not onely capable of emitting Effluvia , but such ones as to be odorous , and sometimes to be rankly stinking . But it is not necessary , that in this Paper , where I pretend not to write Discourses but Notes , I should consider all that has been , or I think may be , said for and against each of the above-mentioned Hypotheses ; since they all agree in what is sufficient for my present purpose , namely , that Electrical Attractions are not the Effects of a meer Quality , but of a Substantial Emanation from the attracting Body : And 't is plain , that they all endeavour to solve the Phaenomena in a Mechanical way , without recurring to Substantial Forms , and inexplicable Qualities , or so much as taking notice of the Hypostatical Principles of the Chymists . Wherefore it may suffice in this place , that I mention some Phaenomena that in general make it probable , that Amber , &c. draws such light Bodies , as pieces of Straw , Hair , and the like , by vertue of some Mechanical Affections either of the attracting or of the attracted Bodies , or of both the one and the other . 1. The first and most general Observation is , That Electrical Bodies draw not unless they be warm'd ; which Rule though I have now and then found to admit of an Exception , ( whereof I elsewhere offer an account , ) yet , as to the generality of common Electricks , it holds well enough to give much countenance to our Doctrine , which teaches the effects of Electrical Bodies to be perform'd by Corporeal Emanations . For 't is known , that Heat , by agitating the parts of a fit Body , solicites it as it were to send forth its Effluvia , as is obvious in odoriferous Gums and Perfumes , which , being heated , send forth their fragrant steams , both further and more copiously than otherwise they would . 2. Next , it has been observ'd , that Amber , &c. warm'd by the fire , does not attract so vigorously , as if it acquire an equal degree of heat by being chaf'd or rub'd : So that the modification of motion in the internal parts , and in the Emanations of the Amber , may , as well as the degree of it , contribute to the Attraction . And my particular Observations incline me to adde , that the effect may oftentimes be much promoted , by employing both these ways successively ; as I thought I manifestly found when I first warm'd the Amber at the fire , and presently after chaf'd it a little upon a piece of cloth . For then a very few rubbings seem'd to excite it more than many more would otherwise have done : As if the heat of the fire had put the parts into a general , but confus'd , agitation ; to which 't was easie for the subsequent Attrition ( or Reciprocation of Pressure ) to give a convenient modification in a Body whose Texture disposes it to become vigorously Electrical . 3. Another Observation that is made about these Bodies , is , That they require Tersion as well as Attrition ; and though I doubt whether the Rule be infallible , yet I deny not but that weaker Electricks require to be as well wip'd as chaf'd ; and even good ones will have their Operation promoted by the same means . And this is very agreeable to our Doctrine , since Tersion , besides that it is , as I have sometimes manifestly known it , a kind or degree of Attrition , frees the Surface from those adherences that might choak the pores of the Amber , or at least hinder the emanation of the steams to be so free and copious as otherwise it would be . 4. 'T is likewise observ'd , That whereas the Magnetical Steams are so subtile , that they penetrate and perform their Operation through all kind of Mediums hitherto known to us ; Electrical Steams are like those of some odoriferous Bodies , easily check'd in their progress , since 't is affirm'd by Learned Writers , who say they speak upon particular Trial , that the interposition of the finest Linnen or Sarsnet is sufficient to hinder all the Operation of excited Amber upon a Straw or Feather plac'd never so little beyond it . 5. It has been also observed , that the effects of Electrical Attraction are weaken'd if the air be thick and cloudy ; and especially if the South-wind blows : And that Electricks display their vertue more faintly by night than by day , and more vigorously in clear weather , and when the winds are Northerly . All which the Learned Kircherus asserts himself to have found true by experience ; insomuch that those bodies that are but faintly drawn when the weather is clear , will not , when 't is thick and cloudy , be at all moved . 6. We have also observed , That divers Concretes , that are notably Electrical , do abound in an effluviable matter ( if I may so call it ) which is capable of being manifestly evaporated by heat and rubbing . Thus we see , that most Resinous Gums , that draw light bodies , do also , being moderately solicited by heat , ( whether this be excited by the fire , or by Attrition or Contusion ) emit steams . And in pieces of Sulphur conveniently shaped , I found upon due Attrition a Sulphureous stink . And that piece of Amber which I most employ , being somewhat large and very well polish'd , will , being rub'd upon a piece of woollen cloth , emit steams , which the nostrils themselves may perceive ; and they sometimes seem to me not unlike those that I took notice of , when I kept in my mouth a drop or two of the diluted Tincture ( or Solution of the finer parts ) of Amber made with Spirit of Wine , or of Sal Armoniac . 7. It agrees very well with what has been said of the corporeal Emanations of Amber , that its attractive power will continue some time after it has been once excited . For the Attrition having caus'd an intestine commotion in the parts of the Concrete , the heat or warmth that is thereby excited ought not to cease , as soon as ever the rubbing is over , but to continue capable of emitting Effluvia for some time afterwards , which will be longer or shorter according to the goodness of the Electric , and the degree of the Antecedent commotion : which joyn'd together may sometimes make the effect considerable , insomuch that in a warm day , about noon , I did with a certain body , not much , if at all , bigger than a Pea , but very vigorously attractive , move to and fro a Steel Needle freely poysed , about three minutes ( or the twentieth part of an hour ) after I had left off rubbing the Attrahent . 8. That it may not seem impossible , that Electrical Effluvia should be able to insinuate themselves into the pores of many other bodies , I shall adde , that I found them subtile enough to attract not onely Spirit of Wine , but that fluid aggregate of Corpuscles we call Smoak . For having well lighted a Wax-taper , which I preferr'd to a common Candle to avoid the stink of the snuff , I blew out the flame ; and , when the smoak ascended in a slender stream , held , at a convenient distance from it , an excited piece of Amber or a chafed Diamond , which would manifestly make the ascending smoak deviate from its former line , and turn aside , to beat , as it were , against the Electric , which , if it were vigorous , would act at a considerable distance , and seemed to smoak for a pretty while together . 9. That 't is not in any peculiar Sympathy between an Electric and a body whereon it operates , that Electrical Attraction depends , seems the more probale , because Amber , for instance , does not attract onely one determinate sort of bodies , as the Loadstone does Iron , and those bodies wherein it abounds ; but as far as I have yet tried , it draws indifferently all bodies whatsoever , being plac'd within a due distance from it , ( as my choicest piece of Amber draws not onely Sand and Mineral Powders , but Filings of Steel and Copper , and beaten Gold it self ) provided they be minute or light enough , except perhaps it be fire : I employ the word perhaps , because I am not yet so clear in this point . For having applied a strong Electric at a convenient distance to small fragments of ignited matter , they were readily enough attracted , and shin'd , whilst they were sticking to the body that had drawn them : But when I look'd attentively upon them , I found the shining sparks to be , as it were , cloath'd with light ashes , which , in spite of my diligence , had been already form'd about the attracted Corpuscles , upon the expiring of a good part of the fire ; so that it remain'd somewhat doubtful to me , whether the ignited Corpuscles , whilst they were totally such , were attracted ; or whether the immediate objects of the Attraction were not the new form'd ashes , which carried up with them those yet unextinguished parts of fire , that chanc'd to be lodg'd in them . But , as for flame , our Countrey man Gilbert delivers as his Experiment , That an Electric , though duly excited and applied , will not move the flame of the slenderest Candle . Which some will think not so easie to be well tried with common Electricks , as Amber , hard Wax , Sulphur , and the like unctuous Concretes , that very easily take fire : Therefore I chose to make my Trial with a rough Diamond extraordinarily attractive , which I could , without injuring it , hold as near as I pleas'd to the flame of a Candle or Taper ; and though I was not satisfi'd that it did either attract the flame , as it visibly did the smoak , or manifestly agitate it ; yet granting that Gilbert's Assertion will constantly hold true , and so , that flame is to be excepted from the general Rule , yet this exception may well comport with the Hypothesis hitherto countenanc'd , since it may be said , as 't is , if I mistake not , by Kirkerus , that the heat of the flame dissipates the Effiuvia , by whose means the Attraction should be perform'd . To which I shall adde , that possibly the Celerity of the motion of the Flame upwards , may render it very difficult for the Electrical Emanations to divert the Flame from its Course . 10. We have found by Experiment , That a vigorous and well excited piece of Amber will draw , not onely the powder of Amber , but less minute fragments of it . And as in many cases one contrary directs to another , so this Trial suggested a further , which , in case of good success , would probably argue , that in Electrical Attraction not onely Effluvia are emitted by the Electrical body , but these Effluvia fasten upon the body to be drawn , and that in such a way , that the intervening viscous strings , which may be supposed to be made up of those cohering Effluvia , are , when their agitation ceases , contracted or made to shrink inwards towards both ends , almost as a highly stretch'd Lute-string does when 't is permitted to retreat into shorter Dimensions . But the Conjecture it self was much more easie to be made than the Experiment requisite to examine it . For we found it no easie matter to suspend an Electric , great and vigorous enough , in such a manner , that it might , whilst suspended , be excited , and be so nicely poised , that so faint a force as that wherewith it attracts light bodies should be able to procure a Lccal Motion to the whole Body it self . But after some fruitless attempts with other Electricks , I had recourse to the very vigorous piece of polish'd Amber , formerly mention'd , and when we had with the help of a little Wax suspended it by a silken thread , we chafed very well one of the blunt edges of it upon a kind of large Pin-cushion cover'd with a course and black woollen stuff , and then brought the Electric , as soon as we could , to settle notwithstanding its hanging freely at the bottom of the string . This course of rubbing on the edge of the Amber we pitch'd upon for more than one reason ; for if we had chafed the flat side , the Amber could not have approached the body it had been rub'd on without making a change of place in the whole Electric , and , which is worse , without making it move ( contrary to the nature of heavy bodies ) somewhat upwards ; whereas the Amber having , by reason of its suspension , its parts counterpoised by one another ; to make the excited edge approach to another body , that edge needed not at all ascend , but onely be moved horizontally , to which way of moving the gravity of the Electric ( which the string kept from moving downwards ) could be but little or no hinderance . And agreeably to this we found , that if , as soon as the suspended and well rubb'd Electric was brought to settle freely , we applied to the chafed edge , but without touching it , the lately mention'd Cushion , which , by reason of its rough Superficies and porosity , was fit for the Electrical Effluvia to fasten upon , the edge would manifestly be drawn aside by the Cushion steadily held , and if this were slowly removed , would follow it a good way ; and when this body no longer detain'd it , would return to the posture wherein it had settled before . And this power of approaching the Cushion by vertue of the operation of its own steams , was so durable in our vigorous piece of Amber , that by once chafing it , I was able to make it follow the Cushion no less than ten or eleven times . Whether from such Experiments one may argue , that 't is but , as 't were , by accident that Amber attracts another body , and not this the Amber ; and whether these ought to make us question , if Electricks may with so much propriety , as has been hitherto generally supposed , be said to Attract , are doubts that my Design does not here oblige me to examine . Some other Phaenomena might be added of the same Tendency with those already mention'd , ( as the advantage that Electrical Bodies usually get by having well polish'd or at least smooth Surfaces , ) but the Title of this Paper promising some Experiments about the Production of Electricity , I must not omit to recite , how I have been sometimes able to produce or destroy this Quality in certain bodies , by means of alterations , that appear'd not to be other than Mechanical . EXPER. I. ANd first , having with a very mild heat slowly evaporated about a fourth part of good Turpentine , I found , that the remaining body would not , when cold , continue a Liquor , but harden'd into a transparent Gum almost like Amber , which , as I look'd for , proved Electrical . EXPER. II. SEcondly , by mixing two such liquid Bodies as Petroleum and strong Spirit of Nitre in a certain proportion , and then distilling them till there remained a dry mass , I obtain'd a brittle substance as black as Jet ; and whose Superficies ( where it was contiguous to the Retort ) was glossie like that Mineral when polished ; and as I expected I found it also to resemble Jet , in being endowed with an Electrical Faculty . EXPER. III. THirdly , Having burnt Antimony to ashes , and of those ashes , without any addition , made a transparent Glass , I found , that , when rubb'd , as Electrical Bodies ought to be to excite them , it answer'd my expectation , by manifesting a not inconsiderable Electricity . And this is the worthier of notice , because , that as a Vitrum Antimonii , that is said to be purer than ordinary , may be made of the Regulus of the same Mineral , in whose preparation you know a great part of the Antimonial Sulphur is separated and left among the Scoriae ; so Glass of Antimony made without additament , may easily , as experience has inform'd us , be in part reduc'd to a Regulus , ( a Body not reckon'd amongst Electrical ones . ) And that you may not think , that 't is onely some peculiar and fixt part of the Antimony that is capable of Vitrification , let me assure you , that even with the other part that is wont to flye away , ( namely the Flowers ) an Antimonial Glass may without an addition of other Ingredients be made . EXPER. IV. FOurthly , The mention of a Vitrified Body brings into my mind , that I more than once made some Glass of Lead per se , ( which I found no very easie work ) that also was not wholly destitute of an Electrical Vertue , though it had but a very languid one . And it is not here to be overlook'd , that this Glass might easily be brought to afford again malleable Lead , which was never reckon'd , that I know of , among Electrical Bodies . EXPER. V. FIsthly , Having taken some Amber , and warily distill'd it , not with Sand or powder'd Brick , or some such additament as Chymists are wont to use , for fear it should boylover or break their Vessels ; but by its self , that I might have an unmixed Caput mortuum ; Having made this Distillation , I say , and continued it till it had afforded a good proportion of phlegm , Spirit , Volatile Salt , and Oyl , the Retort was warily broken , and the remaining matter was taken out in a lump , which , though it had quite lost its colour being burnt quite black , and though it were grown strangely brittle in comparison of Amber , so that they who believe the vertue of attracting light Bodies to flow from the substantial form of Amber , would not expect it in a Body so changed and deprived of its noblest parts : Yet this Caput mortuum was so far from having lost its Electrical Faculty , that it seemed to attract more vigorously than Amber it self is wont to do before it be committed to Distillation . And from the foregoing Instances afforded us by the Glass of Antimony , we may learn , that when the form of a Body seems to be destroyed by a fiery Analysis that dissipates the parts of it , the remaining substance may yet be endowed with Electricity , as the Caput mortuum of Amber may acquire it ; as in the case of the Glass of Antimony made of the Calx and of the Flowers . And from the second Example above-mentioned , and from common Glass which is Electrical , we may also learn , that Bodies that are neither of them apart observed to be endowed with Electricity , may have that Vertue result in the compounded substance that they constitute , though it be but a factitious Body . To the foregoing Experiments , whose Success is wont to be uniform enough , I shall adde the Recital of a surprising Phaenomenon , which , though not constant , may help to make it probable , that Electrical Attractions need not be suppos'd still to proceed from the substantial , or even from the essential Form of the Attrahent ; but may be the effects of unheeded , and , as it were , fortuitous Causes . And however , I dare not suppress so strange an Observation , and therefore shall relate that which I had the luck to make of an odd sort of Electrical Attraction ( as it seem'd , ) not taken notice of ( that I know of ) by any either Naturalist or other Writer , and it is this . EXPER. VI. THat false Locks ( as they call them ) of some Hair , being by curling or otherwise brought to a certain degree of driness , or of stiffness , will be attracted by the flesh of some persons , or seem to apply themselves to it , as Hair is wont to do to Amber or Jet excited by rubbing . Of this I had a Proof in such Locks worn by two very Fair Ladies that you know . For at some times I observed , that they could not keep their Locks from flying to their Cheeks , and ( though neither of them made any use , or had any need of Painting ) from sticking there . When one of these Beauties first shew'd me this Experiment , I turn'd it into a Complemental Raillery , as suspecting there might be some trick in it , though I after saw the same thing happen to the others Locks too . But as she is no ordinary Virtuosa , she very ingeniously remov'd my suspicions , and ( as I requested ) gave me leave to satisfie my self further , by desiring her to hold her warm hand at a convenient distance from one of those Locks taken off and held in the air . For as soon as she did this , the lower end of the Lock , which was free , applied it self presently to her hand : which seem'd the more strange , because so great a multitude of Hair would not have been easily attracted by an ordinary Electrical Body , that had not been considerably large , or extraordinarily vigorous . This repeated Observation put me upon inquiring among some other young Ladies , whether they had observed any such like thing , but I found little satisfaction to my Question , except from one of them eminent for being ingenious , who told me , that sometimes she had met with these troublesome Locks ; but that all she could tell me of the Circumstances , which I would have been inform'd about , was , that they seem'd to her to flye most to her Cheeks when they had been put into a somewhat stiff Curle , and when the Weather was frosty * You will probably be the less dispos'd to believe , That Electrical Attractions must proceed from the Substantial Forms of the Attrahents , or rom the Predominancy of this or that Chymical Principle in them , if I acquaint you with some odd Trials wherein the Attraction of light Bodies seem'd to depend upon very small circumstances . And though forbearing at present , to offer you my thoughts about the cause of these surprising Phaenomena , I propose it onely as a Probleme to your self and your curious Friends , yet the main circumstances seeming to be of a Mechanical Nature , the recital of my Trials will not be impertinent to the Design and Subject of this Paper . EXPER. VII . I Took then a large and vigorous piece of Amber conveniently shaped for my purpose , and a downy feather , such as grows upon the Bodies , not Wings or Tails of a somewhat large Chicken : Then having moderately excited the Electrick , I held the Amber so near it , that the neighbouring part of the feather was drawn by it and stuck fast to it ; but the remoter parts continued in their former posture . This done , I applyed my fore-finger to these erected downy feathers , and immediately , as I expected , they left their preceeding posture , and applied themselves to it as if it had been an Electrical Body . And whether I offered to them my nail , or the pulpy part of my finger , or held my finger towards the right hand or the left , or directly over , these downy feathers that were near the little Quill did nimbly , and , for ought appear'd , equally turn themselves towards it , and fasten themselves to it . And to shew that the steams that issued out of so warm a Body as my finger were not necessary to attract ( as men speak ) the abovementioned feathers , instead of my finger , I applied to them , after the same manner , a little Cylindrical Instrument of Silver , to which they bowed and fastened themselves as they had done to my finger , though the tip of this Instrument were presented to them in several postures . The like success I had with the end of an Iron Key , and the like also with a cold piece of polish'd black Marble ; and sometimes the feathers did so readily and strongly fasten themselves to these extraneous and unexcited Bodies , that I have been able ( though not easily ) to make one of them draw the feather from the Amber it self . But it is diligently to be observ'd , that this unusual attraction happened onely whilst the electrical operation of the excited Amber continued strong enough to sustain the feathers . For after wards , neither the approach of my finger , nor that of the other bodies , would make the downy feathers change their posture . Yet as soon as ever the Amber was by a light affriction excited again , the feather would be disposed to apply it self again to the abovementioned Bodies . And lest there should be any peculiarity in that particular feather , I made the Trials with others ( provided they were not long enough to exceed the sphere of activity of the Amber ) and found the Experiment to answer my expectation . I made the Experiment also at differing times , and with some months , if not rather years , of interval , but with the like success . And left you should think these Phaenomena proceed from some peculiarity in the piece of Amber I employed , I shall add , that I found uniformity enough in the success , when , in the place of Amber , I substituted another Electrick , and particularly a smooth mass of melted Brimstone . These are the Phaenomena I thought fit to mention at present of this unusual way of drawing light bodies , and with this Experiment I should conclude my Notes about Electricity , but that I think it will not be a miss before I take leave of this Subject , to give this Advertisement , That the event of Electrical Experiments is not always so certain as that of many others , being sometimes much varied by seemingly slight circumstances , and now and then by some that are altogether over-lock'd . This Observation may receive credit from some of the particulars above recited ( especially concerning the interest of the weather , &c. in Electrical Phaenomena . ) But now I shall add , that , not onely there may happen some variations in the success of Trials made with Electrical Bodies , but that it is not so certain as many think , whether some particular Bodies be or be not Electrical . For the inquisitive Kircherus reckons Crystall among those Gems to whom Nature has denyed the attractive power we are speaking of ; and yet I remember not , that , among all the trials I have made with native Crystall , I have found any that was destitute of the power he refuses them . Also a late most learned Writer reciting the Electricks , reckon'd up by our industrious Countryman Gilbert , and increasing their number by some observed by himself , ( to which I shall now add , besides white Saphyrs , and white English Amethysts , the almost Diaphanous spar of Lead Ore ) denies Electricity to a couple of transparent Gems , the Cornelion and the Emraid . And I do the less wonder he should do so to the former , because I have my self in vain tried to make any attraction with a piece of Cornelion so large and fair , that 't was kept for a rarity ; and yet with divers other fine Cornelions I have been able to attract some light bodies very manifestly , if not briskly ; and I usually wear a Cornelian Ring , that is richly enough endowed with Electricity . But as for Emralds , as I thought it strange that Nature should have denied them a Quality she has granted to so many other Diaphanous Gems , and even to Crystal , so I thought the assertion deserved an Examen , upon which I concluded , that at least it does not universally and constantly hold true . I had indeed seen in a Ring a Stone of price and great lustre , which , though green , I found to be , ( as I guess'd it would prove ) vigorously enough Electrical . But this Experiment , though seemingly conclusive , I did not look upon as a fair trial , because the Stone was not a true Emrald , but , which is rare , a green Saphir . And I learned by inquiry of the skillful Jeweller that cut it , that it was so far from having the softness of an Emrald , that he found it harder than blew Saphyrs themselves , which yet are Gems of great hardness , and by some reputed second to none , but Diamonds . Without therefore concluding any thing from this Experiment , save that , if the assertion I was to examin were true , the want of an Electrical faculty might be thought a Concomitant rather of the peculiar Texture of the Emrald than of its green colour , I proceeded to make trial with three or four Emralds , whose being true was not doubted , and found them all somewhat , though not equally , endow'd with Electricity , which I found to be yet more considerable in an Emrald of my own , whose colour was so excellent , that by skilful persons 't was look'd on as a rarity . And though , by this success of my inquiry , I perceived I could not , as else I might have done , shew the Curious a new way of judging of true and false Emralds , yet the like way may be , though not always certain , yet oftentimes of use , in the estimating whether Diamonds be true or counterfeit , especially , if , being set in Rings , the surest way of trying them cannot conveniently be employed . For whereas Glass , though it have some Electricity , seems , as far as I have observed , to have but a faint one , there are often found Diamonds that have a very vigorous one . And I do not remember I met with any Electrick of the same bulk , that was more vigorous than a rough Diamond I have , which is the same that I formerly mentioned to have moved a Needle above three minutes after I had ceased to chase it . And this brings into my mind , that it has been observed , that Diamonds draw better whilst rough , than they do after they are cut and polish'd ; which seeming to contradict what has been observed by others and by us also , that Amber , for instance , attracts more vigorously if the surface be made very smooth than otherwise , it induces me to conjecture , that , if this Observation about Diamonds be true , as some of my trials have now and then inclined me to think it , and if it do not in some cases considerably depend upon the loss of the ( Electrical ) Substance of the Stone , by its being cut and ground , the Reason may possibly be , that the great rapidness with which the Wheels that serve to cut and polish Diamonds must be mov'd , does excite a great degree of heat , ( which the senses may easily discover ) in the Stone , and by that and the strong concussion it makes of its parts , may force it to spend its effluviable matter , if I may so call it , so plentifully , that the Stone may be impoverish'd , and perhaps also , on the account of some little change in its Texture , be rendred lesse disposed to emit those effluvia that are Instruments of Electrical Attraction . But as I willingly leave the matter of Fact to further Trial , so I do the Cause of it , in case it prove true , to farther Inquiry . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28980-e280 † See Tracts about Cosmical Qualities , &c. to which is prefixt an Introduction to the History of Particular Qualities ; Printed at Oxford 1●●1 . Notes for div A28980-e2220 * * See more of this in the Preamble . * * Divers of the Phaenomena , &c. of this Experiment were afterwards printed Numb . 15. of the Ph. Transact . * * Beniven . cap. 56. Abditorum apud Schenk . Lib. 7. de venen . Observ. 24. Cent. 6. Observ. Notes for div A28980-e3220 EXPER. I. EXPER. II. EXPER. III. EXPER. IV. Notes for div A28980-e6760 See in the Paper of Tasts , Exper. XII . Notes for div A28980-e14910 * * This refers to an Essay of the Authors about the Usefulness of Chymistry to , &c. Notes for div A28980-e16700 See the beginning of the first Section . Notes for div A28980-e19620 EXPER. I. EXPER. II. EXPER. III. EXPER. VI. EXPER. IX . EXPER. X. EXPER. XI . * * Relating to the Magnetism of the Earth . EXPER. XIV . Notes for div A28980-e20490 Princip . part 4. Art. 184. * * Some years after the making the Experiments about the Production of Electricity , having a desire to try , whether in the Attractions made by Amber , the motions excited by the air had a considerable Interest , or whether the Effect were not due rather to the Emission and Retraction of Effluvia , which being of a viscous nature may consist of Particles either branch'd or hookt , or otherwise fit for some kind of Cohesion , and capable of being stretch'd , and of shrinking again , as Leather Thongs are : To examine this , I say , I thought the fittest way , if 't were practicable , would be , to try , whether Amber would draw a light Body in a Glass whence the air was pumpt out . And though the Trial of this seem'd very difficult to make , and we were somewhat discouraged by our first attempt , wherein the weight of the ambient air broke our Receiver , which chanced to prove too weak , when the internal air had been with extraordinary diligence pumpt out ; yet having a vigorous piece of Amber , which I had caus'd to be purposely turn'd and polish'd . for Electrical Experiments , I afterwards repeated the Trial , and found , that in warm Weather it would retain a manifest power of attracting for several minutes ( for it stirred a pois'd Needle after above ¼ of an hour ) after we had done rubbing it . Upon which encouragement we suspended it , being first well chafed , in a Glass Receiver that was not great , just over a light Body ; and making haste with our Air-Pump to exhaust the Glass , when the Air was withdrawn , we did by a Contrivance let down the suspended Amber till it came very near the Straw or Feather , and perceived , as we expected , that in some Trials , upon the least Contact it would lift it up ; and in others , for we repeated the Experiment , the Amber would raise it without touching it , that is , would attract it . 
A48262	----	Mathematicall recreations. Or, A collection of many problemes, extracted out of the ancient and modern philosophers as secrets and experiments in arithmetick, geometry, cosmographie, horologiographie, astronomie, navigation, musick, opticks, architecture, statick, mechanicks, chemistry, water-works, fire-works, &c. Not vulgarly manifest till now. Written first in Greeke and Latin, lately compi'ld in French, by Henry Van Etten, and now in English, with the examinations and augmentations of divers modern mathematicians whereunto is added the description and use of the generall horologicall ring: and the double horizontall diall. Invented and written by William Oughtred. Récréation mathématique. English. 1653 Approx. 447 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 177 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48262 Wing L1790 ESTC R217635 99829293 99829293 33730 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48262) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 33730) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1992:7) Mathematicall recreations. Or, A collection of many problemes, extracted out of the ancient and modern philosophers as secrets and experiments in arithmetick, geometry, cosmographie, horologiographie, astronomie, navigation, musick, opticks, architecture, statick, mechanicks, chemistry, water-works, fire-works, &c. Not vulgarly manifest till now. Written first in Greeke and Latin, lately compi'ld in French, by Henry Van Etten, and now in English, with the examinations and augmentations of divers modern mathematicians whereunto is added the description and use of the generall horologicall ring: and the double horizontall diall. Invented and written by William Oughtred. Récréation mathématique. English. Oughtred, William, 1575-1660. aut [40], 286, [17] p. : ill. printed for William Leake, at the signe of the Crown in Fleetstreet, between the two Temple Gates, London : M D C LIII. [1653] Translation of: Jean Leurechon. Recreation mathematique. Henry Van Etten is a pseudonym of Jean Leurechon. With an added engraved title page reading: Mathematicall recreations or a collection of sundrie excellent problemes out of ancient and moderne phylosophers. "The description and use of the double horizontall dyall" has separate title page dated 1652; register is continuous. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Problems, exercises, etx. -- Early works to 1800. Mathematics -- Problems, exercises, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Fireworks -- Early works to 1800. Scientific recreations -- Early works to 1800. Sundials -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-06 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-06 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mathematicall RECREATIONS . OR , A Collection of many Problemes , extracted out of the Ancient and Modern Philosophers , as Secrets and Experiments in Arithmetick , Geometry , Cosmographie , Horologiographie , Astronomie , Navigation , Musick , Opticks , Architecture , Stati●k , Mechanicks , Chemistry , Water-works , Fire-works , &c. Not vulgarly manifest till now . Written first in Greeke and Latin , lately compi'ld in French , by Henry Van Etten , and now in English , with the Examinations and Augmentations of divers Modern Mathematicians Whereunto is added the Description and Use of the Generall Horologicall Ring : And The Double Horizontall Diall . Invented and written by WILLIAM OUGHTRED . LONDON : Printed for William Leake , at the Signe of the Crown in Fleetstreet , between the two Temple Gates , MDCLIII . On the Frontispice and Booke . ALL Recreations do delight the minde , But these are best being of a learned kinde : Here Art and Nature strive to give content , In shewing many a rare experiment , Which you may read , & on their Schemes here look Both in the Frontispice , and in the Book . Upon whose table new conceits are set , Like dainty dishes , thereby for to whet And winne your judgement , with your appetite To taste them , and therein to taka delight . The Senses objects are but dull at best , But Art doth give the Intellect a feast . Come hither then , and here I will describe , What this same Table doth for you provide . Here Questions of Arithmetick are wrought , And hidden secrets unto light are brought , The like it in Geometrie doth unfold , And some too in Cosmographie are told : It divers pretty Dyals doth descrie , With strange experiments in Astronomie , And Navigation , with each severall Picture , In Musick , Opticks , and in Architecture : In Statick , Machanicks , and Chymistrie , In Water-works , and to ascend more hie , In Fire-works , like to Joves Artillerie . All this I know thou in this Book shalt finde , And here 's enough for to content thy minde . For from good Authors , this our Author drew These Recreations , which are strange , and true So that this Book 's a Centre , and t is fit , That in this Centre ; lines of praise should meet W. MATHEMATICALL Recreations Or a Collection of sundrie excellent Problemes out of ancient & moderne Phylosophers Both vsefull and Recreatiue Printed for William Leake and are to be solde at the Crowne in fleet streete betweene the two Temple gates . TO The thrice Noble and most generous Lo. the Lo. Lambert Verreyken , Lo. of Hinden , Wolverthem , &c. My honourable Lo. AMongst the rare and curious Propositions which I have learned out of the studies of the Mathematicks in the famous University of Pont a Mousson , I have taken singular pleasure in certaine Problemes no lesse ingenious than recreative , which drew me unto the search of demonstrations more difficult and serious ; some of which I have amassed and caused to passe the Presse , and here dedicate them now unto your Honour ; not that I account them worthy of your view , but in part to testifie my affectionate desires to serve you , and to satisfie the curious , who delight themselves in these pleasant studies , knowing well that the Nobilitie , and Gentrie rather studie the Mathematicall Arts , to content and satisfie their affections , in the speculation of such admirable experiments as are extracted from them , than in hope of gaine to fill their Purses . All which studies , and others , with my whole indevours , I shall alwayes dedicate unto your Honour , with an ardent desire to be accounted ever , Your most humble and obedient Nephew and Servant , H. VAN ETTEN . By vvay of advertisement . Five or six things I have thought worthy to declare before I passe further . FIrst , that I place not the speculative demonstrations with all these Problems , but content my self to shew them as at the fingers end : which was my plot and intention , because those which understand the Mathematicks can conceive them easily ; others for the most part will content themselves onely with the knowledge of them , without seeking the reason . Secondly , to give a greater grace to the practice of these things , they ought to be concealed as much as they may , in the subtiltie of the way ; for that which doth ravish the spirits is , an admirable effect , whose cause is unknowne : which if it were discovered , halfe the pleasure is l●st ; therefore all the finenesse consists in the dexterity of the Act , concealing the meanes , and changing often the streame . Thirdly , great care ought to be had that one deceive not himselfe , that would declare by way of Art to deceive another : this will make the matter contemptible to ignorant Persons , which will rather cast the fault upon the Science , than upon him that shewes it : when the cause is not in the Mathematicall principles , but in him that failes in the acting of it . Fourthly , in certaine Arithmeticall propositions they have onely their answers as I found them in sundry Authors , which any one being studious of Mathematicall learning , may finde their originall , and also the way of their operation . Fifthly , because the number of these Problemes , and their dependances are many , and intermixed , I thought it convenient to gather them into a Table : that so each one according to his fancie , might make best choise of that which might best please his palate , the matter being not of one nature , nor of like subtiltie : But whosoever will have patience to read on , shall finde the end better than the beginning . To the Reader . IT hath been observed by many , that sundry fine wits as well amongst the Ancient as Moderne , have sported and delighted themselves upon severall things of small consequence , as upon the foot of a fly , upon a straw , upon a point , nay upon nothing ; striving as it were to shew the greatnesse of their glory in the smalnesse of the subject : And have amongst most solid and artificiall conclusions , composed and produced sundry Inventions both Philosophicall and Mathematicall , to solace the minde , and recreate the spirits , which the succeeding ages have imbraced , and from them gleaned and extracted many admirable , and rare conclusions ; judging that borrowed matter often-times yeelds praise to the industry of its author . Hence for thy use ( Courteous Reader ) I have with great search and labour collected also , and heaped up together in a body of these pleasant and fine experiments to stirre up and delight the affectionate , ( out of the writings of Socrates , Plato , Aristotle , Demosthenes , Pythagoras , Democrates , Plinie , Hyparchus , Euclides , Vitruvius , Diaphantus , Pergaeus , Archimedes , Papus Alexandrinus , Vitellius , Ptolomaeus , Copernicus , Proclus , Mauralicus , Cardanus , Valalpandus , Kepleirus , Gilbertus , Tychonius , Dureirus , Josephus , Clavius , Gallileus Maginus , Euphanus Tyberill , and others ) knowing Art imitating Nature that glories alwayes in the variety of things , which she produceth to satisfie the minde of curious inquisitors . And though perhaps these labours to some humourous persons may seeme vaine , and ridiculous , for such it was not undertaken : But for those which intentively have desired and ●ought after the knowledge of those things , it being an invitation and motive to the search of greater matters , and to imploy the minde in usefull knowledge , rather than to be busied in vaine Pamphlets , Play-books , fruitlesse Legends , and prodigious Histories that are invented out of fancie , which abuse many Noble spirits , dull their wits , & alienate their thoughts from laudable and honourable Studies . In this Tractate thou maist therefore make choise of such Mathematicall Problemes and Conclusions as may delight thee , which kinde of learning doth excellently adorne a man ; seeing the usefulnesse thereof , and the manly accomplishments it doth produce , is profitable and delightfull for all sorts of people , who may furnish and adorne themselves with abundance of matter in that kinde , to help them by way of use , and discourse . And to this we have also added our Pyrotechnie , knowing that Beasts have for their object only the surface of the earth ; but hoping that thy spirit which followeth the motion of fire , will abandon the lower Elements , and cause thee to lift up thine eyes to soare in an higher Contemplation , having so glittering a Canopie to behold , and these pleasant and recreative fires ascending may cause thy affections also to ascend . The Whole whereof we send forth to thee , that desirest the scrutability of things ; Nature having furnished us with matter , thy spirit may easily digest them , and put them finely in order , though now in disorder . A Table of the particular heads of this Book , contracted according to the severall Arts specified in the Title-page . Experiments of Arithmetick . PAge 1 , 2 , 3 , 16 , 19 , 22 , 28 , 33 , 39 , 40 , 44 , 45 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 59 , 60 , 69 , 71 , 77 , 83 , 85 , 86 , 89 , 90 , 91 , 124 , 134 , 135 , 136 ▪ 137 , 138 , 139 , 140 , 178 179 , 181 , 182 , 183 , 184 , 185 , 188 , 208 , 210 , 213. Experiments ●n Geometrie . Pag. 12 , 15 , 24 , 26 , 27 , 30 , 35 , 37 , 41 , 42 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 62 , 65 , 72 , 79 , 82 , 113 , 117 , 118 , 119 , 214 , 215 , 217 , 218 , 234 , 235 , 236 , 239 , 240. Experiments in Cosmographie . Pag. 14 , 43 , 75 , 106 , 107 , 219 , 220 , 225 , 227 , 228 , 229 , 230 , 232. Experiments in Horologiographie . Pag. 137 , 166 , 167 , 168 , 169 , 171 , 234. Experiments in Astronomie . Pag. 220 , 221 , 222 , 223 , 224. Experiments in Navigation . Pag. 105 , 233 , 234 , 237 , 238. Experiments in Musick . Pag. 78 , 87 , 126. Experiments in Opticks . Pag. 6 , 66 , 98 , 99 , 100 , 102 , 129 , 131 , 141 , 142 , 143 , 144 , 146 , 149 , 151 , 152 , 153 , 155 , 156 , 157 , 158 , 160 , 161 , 162 , 163 , 164 , 165. Experiments in Architecture . Pag. 16 , 242 , 243. Experiments in Staticke . Pag. 27 , 30 , 32 , 71 , 199 , 200 , 201 , 283 , 204 , 205 , 207. Experiments in Machanicks . Pag. 56 , 58 , 68 , 88 , 95 , 108 , 110 , 128 , 173 , 174 , 176 , 246 , 248 , 258 , 259. Experiments in Chymistrie . Pag. 198 , 255 , 256 , 257 , 260 , 262 , 263 , 264. Experiments in Water-workes . Pag. 190 , 191 , 192 , 193 , 194 , 196 , 247 , 249 , 250 , 252 , 253. Experiments in Fireworkes . From page , 265. to the end . FINIS . A Table of the Contents , and chiefe points conteined in this Book . PROBLEM . II. HOw visible objects that are without , and things that passe by , are most lively represented to those that are within . Page 6 Prob. 1 Of finding of numbers conceived in the minde . 1 , 2 , 3 Prob. 5 Of a Geographicall Garden-plot fit for a Prince or some great personage . 14 Prob. 37 Any liquid substance , as water or wine , placed in a Glasse , may be made to boile by the motion of the finger , and yet not touching it . 54 Prob. 3 How to weigh the blow of ones fist , of a Mallet , a Hatchet or such like . 9. Prob. 30 Two severall numbers being taken by two sundry persons , how subtilly to discover which of those numbers each of them took . 46 Prob. 4 That a staffe may be broken ▪ placed upon two Glasses , without hurting of the Glasses . 12 Prob. 7 How to dispose Lots that the 5 , 6 , 9 , &c. of any number of persons may escape . 16 Prob. 13 How the weight of smoke of a combustible body , which is exhaled , may be weighed . 27 Prob. 12 Of three knives which may be so disposed to hang in the aire , and move upon the Point of a needle . 27 Prob. 17 Of a deceitfull bowle , to bowle withall . 32 Prob. 16 A ponderous or heavy body may be supported in the aire without any one touching it . 30 Prob. 18 How a Peare , or Apple , may be parted into any parts , without breaking the rinde thereof . 33 Prob. 15 Of a fine kinde of dore which opens and shuts on both sides . 30 Prob. 9 How the halfe of a Vessell which containes 8 measures may be taken , being but onely two other measures , the one being 3 , and the other 8 measures . 22 Prob. 8 Three persons having taken each of them severall things , to finde which each of them hath taken . 19 Prob. 6 How to dispose three staves which may support each other in the aire . 15 Prob. 14 Many things being disposed Circular ( or otherwise ) to finde which of them any one thinks upon . 28 Prob. 19 To finde a number thought upon without asking questions . 33 Prob. 11 How a Milstone or other ponderosity may hang upon the point of a Needle without bowing , or any wise breaking of it . 26 Prob. 20 and 21 How a body that is uniforme and inflexible may passe through a hole which is round , square and Triangular ; or round , square and ovall-wise , and exactly fill those severall holes . 35 , 37 Prob. 10 How a stick may stand upon ones finger , or a Pike in the middle of a Court without falling . 24 Prob. 22 To finde a number thought upon after another manner than those which are formerly delivered . 39 Prob. 23 To finde out many numbers that sundry persons or any one hath thought upon . 40 Prob. 24 How is it that a man in one & the same time may have his head upward , and his feet upward , being in one and the same place ? 4● Prob. 25 Of a Ladder by which two men ascending at one time , the more they ascend , the more they shal be asunder , notwith standing the one be as high as the other . 42 Prob. 26 How is it that a man having but a Rod or Pole of land , doth brag that he may in a right line passe from place to place 3000 miles . 42 Prob. 27 How is it that a man standing upright , and looking which way he will , he looketh true North or South . 43 Prob. 28 To tell any one what number remaines after certaine operations being ended , without asking any question . 44 Prob. 29 Of the play with two severall things . 45 Prob. 31 How to describe a circle that shall touch 3 points placed howsoever upon a plaine , if they be not in a right line . 47 Prob. 32 How to change a circle into a square forme . 48 Prob. 33 With one and the same compasses , and at one and the same extent or opening , how to describe many circles concentricall , that is , greater or lesser one than another . 49 Prob. 34 Any number under 10. being thought upon , to finde what numbers they were . 51 Prob , 35 Of the play with the Ring . 52 Prob. 36 The play of 3 , 4 , or more Dice . 53 Prob. 38 Of a fine Vessell which holds Wine or Water being cast into it at a certain height , but being filled higher it will runne all out of its owne accord . 56 Prob. 39 Of a Glasse very pleasant . 58 Prob. 40. If any one should hold in each hand as many pieces of money as in the other , how to finde how much there is . 59 Prob. 41 Many Dice being cast , how artificially to discover the number of the points that may arise . 60 Prob. 42 Two metals as Gold and Silver or of other kinde , weighing alike , being privately placed into two like boxes , to finde in which of them the Gold or Silver is . 62 Prob. 43 Two Globes of divers metals ( as one Gold the other Copper ) yet of equall weight , being put in a Box as B.G. to finde in which end the Gold or Copper is . 65 Prob. 44 How to represent divers sorts of Rainbowes here below . 66 Prob. 45 How that if all the powder in the World were inclosed in a bowle of paper or glasse , and being fired on all parts , it could not break that bowle . 68 Prob. 46 To finde a number which being divided by 2. there will remaine 1. being divided by 3. there will remaine 1. and so likewise being divided by 4 , 5 , or 6. there will still remaine one , but being divided by 7 will remaine nothing . 69 Prob. 47 One had a certaine number of Crownes , and counting them by 2 and 2 , there rested 1. counting them by 3 , and 3 , there rested 2. counting them by 4 , and 4 , there rested 3. counting them by 5 , and 5 , there rested 4. counting them by 6 , and 6 , there rested 5. but counting them by 7 and 7 , there rested nothing , how many Crownes might he have ? 71 Prob. 48 How many sorts of weights in the least manner must there be to weigh all sorts of things betweene one pound and 121 pound , and so unto 364 pound ? 71 Prob. 49 Of a deceitfull balance which being empty seems to be just , because it hangs in Aequilibrio , notwithstanding putting 12 pound in one ballance , and 11 in the other , it will remaine in Aequilibrio . 72 Prob. 50 To heave or lift up a bottle with a straw . 74 Prob. 51 How in the middle of a wood or desert , without the sight of the Sun , starres , shadow , or compasse , to finde out the North , or South , or the 4 Cardinal points of the World , East , West , &c. 75 Prob. 52 Three persons having taken Counters , Cards , or other things , to finde how much each one hath taken . 7● Prob. 53 How to make a consort of Musick of many parts with one voice or one instrument onely . 78 Prob. 54 To make or describe an oval form , or that which is neare resembled unto it at one turning , with a paire of common Compasses . 79 Prob. 55 Of a purse difficult to be opened . 80 Prob. 56 Whether is it more hard and admirable without Compasses to make a perfect circle , or being made to finde out the Centre of it ? 82 Prob. 56 Any one having taken 3 Cards , to finde how many points they containe . 83 Prob. 57 Many Cards placed in divers ranks , to finde which of those Cards any one hath thought . 85 Prob. 58 Many Cards being offered to sundry persons to finde which of those Cards any one thinketh upon . 86 Prob. 59 How to make an instrument that helps to heare , as Gallileus made to help to see . 87 Prob. 60 Of a fine Lamp which goeth not out , though one carries it in ones pocket , or being rolled on the ground will still burne . 88 Prob. 61 Any one having thought a Card amongst many Cards , how artificially to discover it out . 89 Prob. 62 Three Women A , B , C. carried Apples to a Market to sell : A had 20. B had 30. C 40. they sold as many for a penny one as the other , and brought home one as much money as another , how could this be ? 90 Prob. 63 Of the properties of some numbers . 91 Prob. 64 Of an excellent Lamp which serves or furnisheth it selfe with Oile , and burnes a long time . 95 Prob. 65 Of the play at Keyles or Nine-pins . 97 Prob. 66 Of Spectacles of pleasure Of Spectacles which give severall colours to the visage . 98 Of Spectacles which make a Towne seeme to be a City , one armed man as a Company , and a piece of Gold as many pieces . 99 How out of a Chamber to see the objects which passe by according to the lively perspective . 100 Of Gallileus admirable Optick-Glasse , which helps one to see the beginning and ending of Eclipses , the spots in the Sunne , the Starres which move about the Planets , and perspicuously things far remote . Of the parts of Gallileus his Glasse . 102 Prob. 67 Of the Magnes and Needles touched therewith . How Rings of Iron may hang one by another in the aire . 103 Of Mahomets Tombe which hangs in the aire by the touch of the Magnes . 104 How by the Magnes only to finde out North and South 105 Of a secrecie in the Magnes , for discovering things farre remote . 106 Of finding the Poles by the Magnes 107 Prob. 68 Of the properties of Aeolipiles or Bowles to blow the fire . 108 Prob. 69 Of the Thermometer , or that which measures the degrees of heat and cold by the aire . 110 Of the proportion of humane bodies , of statues , of Colosses , or huge Jmages and monstrous Giants . 113 Of the commensuration of the parts of the bodie the one to the other in particular , by which the Lion was measured by his claw , the Giant by his thumbe , and Hercules by his foot . 115 , 116 Of Statues or Colosses , or huge Images ; that mount Athos metamorphosed by Dynocrites into a statue , in whose hand was a Towne able to receive ten thousand men . 117 Of the famous Colossus at Rhodes which bad 70 cubits in height , and loaded 900. Camels , which weighed 1080000 l. 118 Of Nero his great Colossus which had a face of 12 foot large . 119 Of monstrous Giants Of the Giant Og and Goliah . 119 , 120 Of the Carkasse of a man found which was in length 49 foot ; and of that monster found in Creet , which had 46. Cubits of height . 120 Of Campesius his relation of a monster of 300 foot found in Sicile , whose face according to the former proportion should be 30 foot in length . 121 Prob. 71 Of the game at the Palme , at Trap , at Bowles , Paile-maile , and others . 122 Prob. 72 Of the game of square formes . 124 Prob. 73 How to make the string of a Viol sensibly shake without any one touching it . 126 Prob. 74 Of a Vessell which containes 3 severall kindes of liquor , all put in at one bung-hole , and drawne out at one Tap severally without mixture . 128 Prob. 75 Of burning-Glasses . Archimedes his way of burning the ships of Syracuse . 129 Of Proclus his way , and of concave and sphericall Glasses which burne , the cause and demonstration of burning with Glasses . 131 Of Maginus his way of setting fire to Powder in a Mine by Glasses . 131 Of the examination of burning by Glasses . 133 Prob. 76 Of pleasant questions by way of Arithmetick . Of the Asse and the Mule. 134 Of the number of Souldiers that fought before old Troy. 135 Of the number of Crownes that two men had . 136 About the houre of the day . 137 Of Pythagoras Schollers . 137 Of the number of Apples given amongst the Graces and the Muses . 138 Of the testament or last will of a dying Father . 138 Of the cups of Croesus . 139 Of Cupids Apples . 139 Of a Mans Age. 140 Of the Lion of Bronze placed upon a fountaine with his Epigram . ibid. Prob. 77 In Opticks , excellent experiments . Principles touching reflections . 141 Experiments upon flat and plaine Glasses . 142 How the Images seeme to sink into a plaine Glasse , and alwayes are seene perpendicular to the Glasse , an● also inversed . 143 The things which passe by in a street may by help of a plaine glasse be seen in a Chamber , and the height of a tower or tree observed . 143 How severall Candles from one Candle are represented in a plaine Glasse , and Glasses alternately may be seene one within another , as also the back-parts of the body as well as the fore-parts are evidently represented . 144 How an Image may be seene to hang in the aire by help of a Glasse : and writing read or easily understood . 146 Experiments upon Gibbous , or convex Sphericall Glasses . How lively to represent a whole City , fortification , or Army , by a Gibbous Glasse . 147 How the Images are seen in Concave Glasses . 149 How the Images are transformed by approaching to the centre of the Glasse , or point of concourse ; and of an exceeding light that a Concave Glasse gives by help of a Candle . 151 How the Images , as a man , a sword , or hand , doth come forth out of the Glasse . 152 , 153 Of strange apparitions of Images in the aire , by help of sundry Glasses . 152 , 154 Of the wonderfull augmentation of the parts of mans body comming neare the point of inflammation , or centre of the Glasse . 155 How writing may be reverberated from a Glasse upon a VVall , and Read. 156 How by help of a Concave Glasse to cast light into a Campe , or to give a perspective light to Pyoneers in a Mine , by one Candle only . 156 How excellently by help of a Concave Glasse and a Candle placed in the centre , to give light to read by . 157 Of other Glasses of pleasure . 158 Of strange deformed representations by Glasses ; causing a man to have foure eyes , two Mouthes , two Noses , two heads . Of Glasses which give a colour to the visage , and make the face seeme faire and foule . 160 Prob. 78 How to shew one that is suspicious , what is in another Chamber or Roome , notwithstanding the interposition of that wall . 160 Corolary , 1. To see the Besiegers of a place , upon the Rampa●●t of a fortification 161 Corolary 2. and 3. Notwithstanding the interposition of VValls and Chambers , by help of a Glasse things may be seen , which passe by . 162 Prob. 79 How with a Musket to strike a marke not looking towards it , as exactly as one aimed at it . 162 How exactly to shoot out of a Mu●ket to a place which is not seene , being hindred by some obstacle or other interposition . 163 Prob. 80 How to make an Image to be seen hanging in the aire , having his head downward . 164 Prob. 81. How to make a company of representative souldiers seeme to be as a regiment , or how few in number may be multiplyed to seem to be many in number . 165 COROLARIE . Of an excellent delightfull Cabinet made of plaine Glasses . 165 Prob. 82 Of fine and pleasant Dyalls in Horologiographie . Of a Dyall of herbs for a Garden . 166 Of the Dyall upon the finger and hand , to finde what of the Clock it is . 167 Of a Dyall which was about an Obelisk at Rome . 168 Of Dyals with Glasses . 168 Of a Dyall which hath a Glasse in the place of the stile . 169 Of Dyals with water , which the Ancients use● 171 Prob. 83 Of shooting out of Cannons or great Artillery . How to charge a Cannon without powder . 173 To finde how much time the Bullet of a Cannon spends in the Aire before it falls to the ground . 174 How it is that a Cannon shooting upward , the Bullet flies with more violence , than being shot point blanke , or shooting downeward . 174 VVhether is the discharge of a Cannon so much the more violent , by how much it hath the more length ? 176 Prob. 84 Of prodigious progressions , and multiplications of creatures , plants , fruits , numbers , gold , silver , &c. Of graines of Mustardseed , and that one graine being sowne , with the increase thereof for 20 yeares will produce a heap greater than all the earth a hundred thousand times . 178 Of Pigges , and that the great Turke with all his Revenne , is not able to maintaine for one yeare , a Sow with all her increase for 12 yeares . 179 Of graines of Corne , and that 1 graine with all its increase for 12 yeares , will amount to 244140625000000000000 graines , which exceeds in value all the treasures in the World. 183 Of the wonderfull increase af Sheepe . 182 Of the increase of Cod-fish . 182 Of the Progressive Multiplication of soules ; that from one of Noahs Sonnes , from the flood unto Nimrods Monarchie , should be produced 111350 soules . 183 Of the increase of Numbers in double proportion , and that a pin being doubled as often as there are weekes in the yeare , the number of pinnes that should arise is able to load 45930 ships of a thousand Tunne apiece , which are worth more than tenne hundred thousand pounds a day . 183 , 184 Of a man that gathered Apples , stones , or such like upon a condition . 185 Of the changes in Bells , in musicall instruments , transmutation of Places , in Numbers , Letters , Men and such like ▪ 185 Of the wonderfull interchange of the Letters in the Alphabet : the exceeding number of men , and time to expresse the words that may be made with these letters , and the number of Books to comprehend them . 187 , 188 Of a servant hired upon certaine condition , that he might have land lent him to sowe one graine of Corne with its increase for 8 yeares time , which amounted to more than four hundred thousand Acres of Land. 188 Prob. 85 Of Fountaines , Hydriatiques ; Stepticks , Machinecks , and other experiments upon water , or other liquor . First , how water at the foot of a Mountaine may be made to ascend to the top of it , and so to descend on the other side of it 190 Secondly , to finde how much Liquor is in a Vessell , onely by using the tap-hole . 191 Thirdly , how is it , that a Vessell is said to hold more water at the foot of a Mountaine , then at the top of it 191 4 How to conduct water from the top of one Mountaine to the top of another 192 5 Of a fine Fountaine which spouts water very high and with great violence , by turning of a Cock 193 6 Of Archimedes screw which makes water ascend by descending . 194 7 Of a fine Fountaine of pleasure . 196 8 Of a fine watering pot for Gardens . 197 9 How easily to take Wine out of a Vessell at the bung hole without piercing a hole in the Vessell . 198 10 How to measure irregular bodies by help of water . 198 11 To finde the weight of water . 199 12 To finde the charge that a vessell may carry , as Ships , Boats or such like . 200 13 How comes it that a ship having safely sailed in the vast Ocean , and being come into the port or harbour , will sinke down right . 200 14 How a grosse body of metall may swim upon the water . 201 15 How to weigh the lightnesse of the aire . 203 16 Being given a body , to mark it about , and shew how much of it will sink in the water , or swim above the water . 204 17 To finde how much severall metalls or other bodies do weigh lesse in the water than in the aire . 204 18 How is it that a ballance having like weight in each scale , and hanging in Aequilibrio in the aire , being removed from that place ( without diminishing the weights in each balance , or adding to it ) it shall cease to hang in Aequilibrio sensibly , yea by a great difference of weight . 205 19 To shew what waters are heavier one than another , and how much . 206 20 How to make a pound of water weigh as much as 10 , 20 , 30 , or a hundred pound of Lead , nay as much as a thousand or ten thousand pound weight . 207 Prob. 86. Of sundry questions of Arithmetick , and first of the number of sands calculated by Archimedes and Clavius . 208 2 Divers metalls being melted together in one body , to finde the mixture of them . 210 3 A subtile question of three partners about equality of Wine and Vessels . 213 4 Of a Ladder which standing upright against a wall of 10 foot high , the foot of it is pulled out 6 foot from the wall upon the pavement , how much hath the top of the Ladder descended . 214 Prob. 87 Witty suits or debates between Caius and Sempronius , upon the forme of figures , which Geometricians call Isoperimeter , or equall in circuit , or Compasse . 214 1 Incident : of changing a field of 6 measures square , for a long rectrangled fiel of 9 measures in length and 3 in breadth : both equall in circuit but not in quantity . 215 2 Incident : about two sacks each of them ho●ding but a bushell , and yet were able to hold 4 bushels . 217 3 Incident : sheweth the deceit of pipes which conveygh water , that a pipe of two inches diameter , doth cast out foure times as much water as a pipe of one such diameter . 218 7 Heapes of Corne of 10 foot every way , is not as much as one heap of Corne of 20 foot every way . 218 Prob. 88 Of sundry questions in matter of Cosmographie , and Astronomy . In what place the middle of the earth is supposed to be . 219 Of the depth of the earth , and height of the Heavens , and the compasse of the World , how much . 219 How much the starry Firmament , the Sun , and the Moone are distant from the centre of the earth . 220 How long a Mill-stone would be in falling to the centre of the earth from the superficies , if it might have passage thither . 220 How long time a man or a bird may be in compassing the whole earth . 220 If a man should ascend by supposition 20 miles every day : how long it would be before he approach to the Moone . 221 The Sunne moves more in one day than the Moone in 20 dayes . 221 If a milstone from the orbe of the Sun should descend a thousand miles in an houre how long it would be before it come to the earth . 221 Of the Sunnes quick motion , of more than 7500 miles in one minute . 221 Of the rapt and violent motion of the starry Firmament , which if a Horseman should ride every day 40 miles , he could not in a thousand yeares make such a distance as it moves every houre . 221 To finde the Circle of the Sunne by the fingers . 223 Prob. 93 Of finding the new and full Moone in each moneth . 224 Prob. 94 To finde the latitude of Countreys . 225 Prob. 95 Of the Climates of Countreys , and how to finde them . 225 Prob. 96 Of longitude and latitude of the places of the earth , and of the Starres of the Heavens . 227 To finde the Longitude of a Countrey . 228 Of the Latitude of a Countrey . 229 To finde the Latitude of a Countrey . 230 To finde the distance of places . 230 Of the Longitude , Latitude , Declination , and distance of the starres . 231 How is it that two Horses or other creatures comming into the World at one time , and dying at one and the same instant , yet the one of them to be a day older than the other ? 232 Certaine fine Observations . In what places of the World is it that the needle hangs in Aequilibrio , and verticall ? 233 In what place of the world is it the sun is East or West but twice in the yeare ? 233 In what place of the World is it that the Sunnes Longitude from the Equinoctiall paints and Altitude , being equall , the Sunne is due East or West ? That the sunne comes twice to one point of the Compasse in the forenoone or afternoone . 233 That in some place of the World there are but two kindes of winde all the yeare . 233 Two ships may be two leagues asunder under the equinoctiall , and sayling North at a certaine parallell they will be but just halfe so much . 233 To what inhabitants , and at what time the sunne will touch the north-part of the Horizon at midnight . 234 How a man may know in his Navigation when he is under the Equinoctiall . 234 At what day in the yeare the extremitie of the styles shadow in a Dyall makes a right line . 234 What height the Sunne is of , and how far from the Zenith , or Horizon , when a mans shadow is as long as his height . 234 Prob. 97 To make a Triangle that shall have three right Angles . 234 Prob. 98 To divide a line in as many parts as one will , without compasses or without seeing of it . 235 Prob. 99 To draw a line which shall incline to another line , yet never meet against the Axiome of Parallells . 236 Prob. 100 To finde the variation of the Compasse by the Sunne shining . 237 Prob. 101 To know which way the winde is in ones Chamber without going abroad . 238 Prob. 102 How to draw a parallel sphaericall line with great ease . 239 Prob. 103 To measure an height onely by help of ones Hat. 240 Prob. 104 To take an height with two strawes . 240 In Architecture how statues or other things in high buildings shall beare a proportion to the eye below either equall , double , &c. 242 Prob. 106 Of deformed figures which have no exact proportion , where to place the eye to see them direct . 243 Prob. 107 How a Cannon that hath shot may be covered from the battery of the Enemy . 244 Prob. 108 Of a fine Lever , by which one man alone may place a Cannon upon his Carriage . 245 Prob. 109 How to make a Clock with one wheele 246 Of Water-workes . Prob. 110 How a childe may draw up a Hogshead of water with ease . 247 Prob. 111 Of a Ladder of Cords to cary in ones pocket , by which he may mount a wall or Tower alone . 248 Prob. 112 Of a marvelous Pump which drawes up great quantity of water . 249 Prob. 113 How naturally to cause water to ascend out of a Pit. 250 Prob. 114 How to cast water out of a fountaine very high . 252 Prob. 115 How to empty the water of a Pit by help of a Cisterne . 253 Prob. 116 How to spout out water very high . 253 Prob. 117 How to re-animate simples though brought a thousand miles . 255 Prob. 118 How to make a perpetuall motion . 255 Prob. 119 Of the admirable invention of making the Philosophers Tree , which one may see to grow by little and little . 256 Prob. 120 How to make the representation of the great world 257 Prob. 121 Of a Cone , or Pyramidall figure that moves upon a Table 258 Prob. 122 How an Anvill may be cleaved by the blow of a Pistoll . 258 Prob. 123 How a Capon may be rosted in a mans travells at his sa●●le-bowe . 259 Prob. 124 How a Candle may be made to burne three times longer than usually it doth 259 Prob. 125 How to draw Wine out of water 260 Prob. 126 Of two Marmouzets , the one of which lights a Candle , and the other blowes it out . 261 Prob. 127 How to make Wine fresh without Ice or Snow in the height of Summer . 262 Prob. 128 To make a Cement which lastes as marble , resisting aire and water . 262 Prob. 129 How to melt metall upon a shell with little fire . 263 Prob. 130 Of the hardning of Iron and steele . 263 Prob. 131 To preserve fire as long as you will , imitating the inextinguible fire of the Vestales . 264 FINIS . Ad Authorem D.D. Henricum Van Etenium , Alumnum Academiae Ponta Mousson . ARdua Walkeri sileant secreta profundi , Desinat occultam carpere Porta viam . Itala Cardani mirata est Lampada docti Terra , Syracusium Graecia tota senem : Orbi terrarum , Ptolemaei Clepsydra toti , Rara dioptra Procli , mira fuêre duo , Anglia te foveat doctus Pont-Mousson alumnum : Quidquid naturae , qui legis , hortus habet . Docta , coronet opus doctum , te sit tua docto Digna , Syracusii , arca , corona , viri . Arca Syracusiis utinam sit plumbea servis , Aurea sed dominis , aurea tota suis. MATHEMATICAL RECREATION . PROBLEM I. To finde a number thought upon . BId him that he Quadruple the Number thought upon , that is , multiply it by 4 , and unto it bid him to adde 6 , 8 , 10 , or any Number at pleasure : and let him take the halfe of the sum , then ask how much it coms to , for then if you take away half the number from it which you willed him at first to add to it , there shall remain the double of the number thought upon . Example The Number thought upon 5 The Quadruple of it 20 Put 8 unto it , makes 28 The halfe of it is 14 Take away halfe the number added from it , viz 4 , the rest is 10 The double of the number thought upon , viz. 10 Another way to finde what Number was thought upon . BId him which thinketh double his Number , and unto that double adde 4 , and bid him multiply that same product by 5 , and unto that product bid him adde 12 , and multiply that last number by 10 ( which is done easily by setting a Cypher at the end of the number ) then ask him the last number or product , and from it secretly subtract 320 , the remainder in the hundreth place , is the number thought upon . Example . The number thought upon 7 For which 700 account onely but the number of the hundreds viz. 7. so have you the number thought upon . His double 14 For which 700 account onely but the number of the hundreds viz. 7. so have you the number thought upon . To it add 4 , makes 18 For which 700 account onely but the number of the hundreds viz. 7. so have you the number thought upon . Which multiplyed by 5 makes 90 For which 700 account onely but the number of the hundreds viz. 7. so have you the number thought upon . To which add 12 makes 102 For which 700 account onely but the number of the hundreds viz. 7. so have you the number thought upon . This multiplyed by 10 which is only by adding a Cypher to it , makes 1020 For which 700 account onely but the number of the hundreds viz. 7. so have you the number thought upon . From this subtract 320 For which 700 account onely but the number of the hundreds viz. 7. so have you the number thought upon . Rest 700 For which 700 account onely but the number of the hundreds viz. 7. so have you the number thought upon . To finde numbers conceived upon , otherwise than the former . BId the party which thinks the number , that he triple his thought , and cause him to take the half of it : ( if it be odde take the least half , and put one unto it : ) then will him to triple the half , and take half of it as before : lastly , ask him how many nines there is in the last half , and for every nine , account four in your memory , for that shall shew the number thought upon , if both the triples were even : but if it be odde at the first triple , and ev●n at the second , for the one added unto the least halfe keep one in memory : if the first triple be even , and the second odde , for the one added unto the least halfe keepe two in memory ; lastly , if at both times in tripling , the numbers be odde , for the two added unto the least halfes , keep three in memory , these cautions observed , and added unto as many fours as the party sayes there is nines contained in the last halfe , shall never fail you to declare or discern truly what number was thought upon . Example . The number thought upon 4 or 7 The triple 12 or 21 The half thereof 6 or 10 , one put to it makes 11 The triple of the halfe 18 or 33 The halfe 9 or 1● , one put to it makes 17 The number of nines in the last halfe 1 or 1 The first 1. representeth the 4. number thought upon , and the last 1. with the caution makes 7. the other number thought upon . Note . Order your method so that you be not discovered , which to help , you may with dexterity and industry make Additions ▪ Substractions , Multiplications , Divisions , &c. and instead of asking how many nines there is , you may ask how many eights tens , &c. there is , or subtract 8.10 . &c. from the Number which remains , for to finde out the number thought upon . Now touching the Demonstrations of the former directions , and others which follow , they depend upon the 2 , 7 , 8 , and 9 , Books of the Elements of Euclide : upon which 2. Book & 4. proposition this may bee extracted , for these which are more learned for the finding of any number that any one thinketh on . Bid the party that thinks , that he break the number thought upon into any two parts , and unto the Squares of the parts , let him adde the double product of the parts , then ask what it amounteth unto , so the root Quadrat shall be the number thought upon . The number thought upon 5 , the parts suppose 3 and 2. The square of 3 makes 9 the sum of these three nūbers 25 , the squa●e Root of which is 5 , the number thought upon The square of 2 makes 4 the sum of these three nūbers 25 , the squa●e Root of which is 5 , the number thought upon The product of the parts . viz. 3 by 2 makes 6 , which 6 doubled makes 12 the sum of these three nūbers 25 , the squa●e Root of which is 5 , the number thought upon Or more compendiously it may be delivered thus . Break the number into two parts , and to the product of the parts , adde the square of half the difference of the parts , then the Root Quadrat of the aggregate is halfe the number conceived . EXAMINATION . THe Problems which concern Arithmetick , we examine not , for these are easie to any one which hath read the grounds and principles of Arithmetick , but we especially touch upon that , which tends to the speculations of Physick , Geometry , and Optickes , and such others which are of more difficulty , and more principally to be examined and considered . PROBLEM II. How to represent to those which are in a Cham●er that which is without , or all that which passeth by , It is pleasant to see the beautifull and goodly representation of the heavens intermixed with clouds in the Horizon , upon a woody scituation , the motion of Birds in the Aire , of men and other creatures upon the ground , with the trembling of plants , tops of trees , and such like : for every thing will be seen within even to the life , but inversed : notwithstanding , this beautifull paint will so naturally represent it self in such a lively Perspective , that hardly the most accurate Painter can represent the like . But here note , that they may be represented right two manner of wayes ; first , with a concave glasse : secondly , by help of another convex glasse , disposed or placed between the paper and the other Glasse : as may be seen here by the figure . Now I will add here only by passing by , for such which affect Painting and portraiture , that this experiment may excellently help them in the lively painting of things perspectivewise , as Topographicall cards , &c. and for Philosophers , it is a fine secret to explain the Organ of the sight , for the hollow of the eye is taken as the close Chamber , the Ball of the Apple of the eye , for the hole of the Chamber , the Crystaline humor at the small of the Glasse , and the bottome of the eye , for the Wall or leafe of paper . EXAMINATION . THe species being pressed together or contracted doth not perform it upon a wall , for the species of any thing doth represent it selfe not only in one hole of a window , but in infinite holes , even unto the whole Sphere , or at least unto a Hemisphere ( intellectuall in a free medium ) if the beams or reflections be not interposed , and by how much the hole is made less to give passage to the species , by so much the more lively are the Images formed . In convexe , or concave Glasses the Images will be disproportionable to the eye , by how much they are more concave , or convexe , & by how much the parts of the image comes neer to the Axis , for these that are neer are better proportioned then these which are farther off . But to have them more lively and true , according to the imaginary conicall section , let the hole be no greater than a pins head made upon a piece of thin brasse , or such like , which hole represents the top of the Cone , and the Base thereof the term of the species : this practice is best when the sun shines upon the hole , for then the objects which are opposite to that plaine will make two like Cones , and will lively represent the things without in a perfect inversed perspective , which drawn by the Pensill of some artificiall Painter , turn the paper upside down , and it will be direct and to the life . But the apparences may be direct , if you place another hole opposite unto the former , so that the spectator be under it ; or let the species reflect upon a concave Glass , and let that glas reflect upon a paper or some white thing . PROBLEM III. To tell how much waighs the blow of ones fist , of a Mallet , Hatchet , or such like , or resting without giving the blow SCaliger in his 331 exercise against Cardan , relates that the Mathematicians of Maximillian the Emperour did propose upon a day this Question , and promised to give the resolution ; notwithstanding ●caliger delivered it not , and I conceive it to be thus . Take a Balance , and let the Fist , the Mallet , or Hatchet rest upon the scale , or upon the beam of the Balance , and put into the other Scale as much weight as may counterpoyse it ; then charging or laying more waight into the Scale , and striking upon the other end , you may see how much one blow is heavier than another , and so consequently how much it may waigh for as Aristotle saith , The motion that is made in striking adds great waight unto it , and so much the more , by how much it is quicker : therefore in effect , if there were placed a thousand mallets , or a Thousand pounde waight upon a stone , nay , though it were exceedingly pressed down by way of a Vice , by Levers , or other Mechanick Engine , it would be nothing to the rigor and violence of a blow . Is it not evident that the edge of a knife laid upon butter , and a hatchet upon a leafe of paper , without striking makes no impression , or at least enters not ; but striking upon the wood a little , you may presently see what effect it hath , which is from the quicknesse of the motion , which breaks and enters without resistance , if it be extream quick , as experience shews us in the blows of Arrows , of Cannons , Thunder-boults , and such like . EXAMINATION . THis Problem was extracted from Scaliger , who had it from Aristotle , but somwhat refractory compiled , & the strength of the effect he says depends only in the violence of the motion ; then would it follow that a little light hammer upon a piece of wood being quickly caused to smite , would give a greater blow , and do more hurt than a great sledge striking soft ; this is absurd , and contrary to experience : therefore it consists not totally in the motion , for if two severall hammers , the one being 20 times heavier than the other , should move with like quickness , the effect would be much different , there is then some thing else to be considered besides the Motion which Scaliger understood not , for if one should have asked him , what is the reason that a stone falling from a window to a place neer at hand , is not so forceable as if it fell farther 〈◊〉 when a bullet flying out of a peece and striking the mark neer at hand 〈◊〉 not make such an effect as striking 〈…〉 that Scaliger and 〈…〉 this subiect ▪ would not be less troubled to resolve this , than they have been in that . PROBLEM IV. How to break a staffe which is laid upon two Glasses full of water , without breaking the Glasses , spilling the water , or upon two reeds or straws without breaking of them . In like manner may you doe upon two Reeds , held with your hands in the aire without breaking them ▪ thence Kitchin boyes often break bones of mutton upon their hand , or with a napkin without any hurt , in only striking upon the middle of the bone with a knife . Now in this act , the two ends of the staffe in breaking slides away from the Glasses , upon which they were placed ; hence it commeth that the Glasses are no wise indangered , no more than the knee upon which a staffe is broken , forasmuch as in breaking it presseth not : as Aristotle in his Mechanick Questions observeth . EXAMINATION . IT were necessary here to note , that this thing may be experimented , first , without Glasses , in placing a small slender staffe upon two props , and then making tryall upon it , by which you may see how the Staffe will either break , bow , or depart from his props , and that either directly or obliquely : But why by this violence , that one Staffe striking another , ( which is supported by two Glasses ) will be broken without offending the Glasses , is as great a difficulty to be resolved as the former . PROBLEM V. How to make a faire Ge●graphic●ll Card in a Garden Plot , fit for a Prince , or great personage . IT is usuall amongst great men to have faire Geographicall Maps ▪ large Cards , and great Globes , that by them they may as at once have a view of any place of the World , and so furnish themselves with a generall knowledge , not only of their own Kingdoms form , scituation , longitude , latitude , &c. but of all other places in the whole Universe , with their magnitudes , positions , Climats , and distances . Now I esteem that it is not unworthy for the meditations of a Prince , seeing it carries with it many profitable and pleasant contentmen●s : if such a Card or Map by the advice and direction of an able Mathematician were Geographically described in a Garden plot form , or in some other convenient place , and instead of which generall description might particularly and artificially be prefigured his whole Kingdoms and Dominions , the Mountains and hils being raised like small hillocks with turfs of earth , the valleys somwhat concave , which will be more agreeable and pleasing to the eye , than the description in plain Maps and Cards , within which may be presented the Towns , Villages , Castles , or other remarkable edifices in small green mo●●e banks , or spring-work proportionall to the pl●tform , the Forrests and Woods represented according to their form and capacity , with herbs and stoubs , the great Rivers , Lakes , and Ponds to dilate themselves according to their course from some artificiall Fountain made in the Garden to passe through chanels ; then may there be composed walks of pleasure , ascents , places of repose , adorned with all variety of delightfull herbs and flowers , both to please the eye or other senses . A Garden thus accommodated shall farre exceed that of my Lord of Verulams specified in his ●ssayes ; that being only for delight and pleasure , this may have all the properties of that , and also for singular use , by which a Prince may in little time personally visit his whole Kingdom , and in short time know them distinctly : and so in like manner may any particular man Geographically prefigure his own possession or heritage . PROBLEM VI. How three staves , knives , or like bodies , may be conceived to hang in the aire , without being supported by any thing but by themselves . TAke the first staffe AB , raise up in the aire the end B , and upon him cros-wise place the staffe CB , then lastly , in Triangle wise place the third staffe EF ▪ in such manner that it may be under AB , and yet upon CD . I say that these staves so disposed cannot fall , and the space CBE is made the stronger , by how much the more it is pressed downe , if the staves break not , or sever themselves from the triangular forme : so that alwayes the Center of gravitie be in the Center of the Triangle : for AB is supported by EF , and EF is held up by CD , and CD is kept up from falling by AB , therefore one of these staves cannot fall , and so by consequence none . PROBLEM VII . How to dispose as many men , or other things in such sort , that rejecting , or casting away the 6 , 9 , 10 part , unto a certain number , there shall remaine these which you would have . ORdinarily the proposition is delivered in this wise : 15 Christians and 15 Turkes being at Sea in one Shippe , an extreame tempest being risen , the Pilot of the Shippe saith , it is necessary to cast over board halfe of the number of Persons to disburthen the Shippe , and to save the rest : now it was agreed to be done by lot , and therefore they consent to put themselves in rank , counting by nine and nine , the ninth Person should alwayes be cast into the Sea , untill there were halfe throwne over board ; Now the Pilote being a Christian indeavoured to save the Christians , how ought he therefore to dispose the Christians , that the lot might fall alwayes upon the Turkes , and that none of the Christians be in the ninth place ? The resolution is ordinarily comprehended in this verse . Populeam virgam mater regina ferebat . For having respect unto the vowels , making a one , e two , i three , o foure , and u five : o the first vowell in the first word sheweth that there must be placed 4. Christians ; the next vowel u , signifieth that next unto the 4. Christians must be placed 5 Turkes , and so to place both Christians and Turkes according to the quantity and value of the vowels in the words of the verse , untill they be all placed : for then counting from the first Christian that was placed , unto the ninth , the lot will fall upon a Turk , and so proceed . And here may be further noted that this Probleme is not to be limited , seeing it extends to any number and order whatsoever , and may many wayes be usefull for Captaines , Magistrates , or others which have divers persons to punish , and would chastise chiefely the unruliest of them , in taking the 10 , 20 , or 100. person , &c. as we reade was commonly practised amongst the ancient Romans : herefore to apply a generall rule in counting the third , 4 , 9 , 10 , &c. amongst 30 , 40 , 50 , persons , and more or lesse ; this is to be observed , take as many units as there are persons , and dispose them in order privately : as for example , let 24 men be proposed to have committed some outrage , 6 of them especially are found accessary : and let it be agreed that counting by 8 and 8 the eight man should be alwayes punished . Take therefore first 24 units , or upon a piece of paper write down 24 cyphers , and account from the beginning to the eighth , which eighth mark , and so continue counting alwayes marking the eighth , untill you have markt 6 , by which you may easily perceive how to place those 6 men that are to be punished , and so of others . It is supposed that Josephus the Author of the Jewish History escaped the danger of death by help of this Problem ; for a worthy Author of beliefe reports in his eighth chapter of the third Book of the destruction of Jerusalem , that the Town of Jotapata being taken by main force by Vespatian , Josephus being Governour of that Town , accompanyed with a Troop of forty Souldiers , hid themselves in a Cave , in which they resolved rather to famish than to fall into the hands of Vespatian : and with a bloudy resolution in that great distresse would have butchered one another for sustenance , had not Josephus perswaded them to die by lot and order , upon which it should fall : Now seeing that Josephus did save himselfe by this Art , it is thought that his industry was exercised by the helpe of this Problem , so that of the 40 persons which he had , the third was alwayes killed . Now by putting himselfe in the 16 or 31 place he was saved , and one with him which he might kill , or easily perswade to yeild unto the Romans . PROBLEM . VIII . Three things , and three persons proposed , to finde which of them hath either of these three things . LEt the three things be a Ring , a piece of Gold , and a piece of Silver , or any other such like , and let them be known privately to your self by these three Vowels a , e , i , or let there be three persons that have different names , as Ambrose , Edmond , and John , which privately you may note or account to your selfe once known by the aforesaid Vowels , which signifie for the first vowel 1 , for the second vowell 2 , for the third vowell 3. Now if the said three persons should by the mutuall consent of each other privately change their names , it is most facill by the course and excellencie of numbers , distinctly to declare each ones name so interchanged , or if three persons in private , the one should take a Ring , the other a piece of Gold , and the third should take a piece of Silver ; it is easie to finde which hath the Gold , the Silver , or the Ring , and it is thus done . Take 30 or 40 Counters ( of which there is but 24 necessary ) that so you may conceale the way the better , and lay them down before the parties , and as they sit or stand , give to the first 1. Counter , which signifieth a , the first vowell ; to the second 2. Counters , which represent e , the second vowel ; and to the third 3. Counters , which stand for i , the third vowell : then leaving the other Counters upon the Table , retire apart , and bid him which hath the Ring , take as many Counters as you gave him , and he that hath the Gold , for every one that you gave him , let him take 2 , and he that hath the Silver for every one that you gave him , let him take 4. this being done , consider to whom you gave one Counter , to whom two , and to whom three ; and mark what number of Counters you had at the first , for there are necessarily but 24. as was said before , the surpluse you may privately reject . And then there will be left either 1.2.3.5.6 or 7. and no other number can remaine , which if there be , then they have failed in taking according to the directions delivered : but if either of these numbers do remaine , the resolution will be discovered by one of these 6 words following , which ought to be had in memory , viz. Salve , certa , anima , semita , vita , quies· 1. 2. 3. 5. 6. 7. As suppose 5. did remaine , the word belonging unto it is semita , the vowels in the first two syllables are e and i , vvhich shevveth according to the former directions , that to vvhom you gave 2 Counters , he hath the Ring ( seeing it is the second vovvell represented by tvvo as before ) and to vvhom you gave the 3. Counters , he hath the Gold , for that i represents the third vovvel , or 3. in the former direction , and to vvhom you gave one Counter , he hath the Silver , and so of the rest : the variety of changes , in vvhich exercise , is laid open in the Table follovving . rest men hid rest men hid 1 1 a 5 1   2 e 2   3 i 3   2 1 e 6 1   2 a 2   3 i 3   3 1 a 7 1   2 i 2   3 e 3   This feat may be done also without the former words by help of the Circle A. for having divided the Circle into 6 parts , write 1. within and 1. vvithout , 2. vvithin and 5. vvithout , &c. the first 1.2.3 . vvhich are vvithin vvith the numbers over them , belongs to the upper semicircle ; the other numbers both vvithin and vvithout , to the under semicircle ; now if in the action there remaineth such a number which may be found in the upper semicircle without , then that which is opposite within shews the first , the next is the second , &c. as if 5 remains , it shews to whom he gave 2 , he hath the Ring ; to whom you gave ● , he hath the Gold , &c. But if the remainder be in the under semicircle , that which is opposite to it is the first ; the next backwards towards the right hand is the second ; as if 3 remains , to whom you gave 1 he hath the Ring , he that had 3 he had the Gold , &c. PROBLEM IX . How to part a Vessel which is full of wine conteining eight pints into two equall parts , by two other vessels which conteine as much as the greater vessell ; as the one being 5 pints , and the other 3 pints . LEt the three vessels be represented by ABC , A being full , the other two being empty ; first , poure out A into B until it be full , so there will be in B 5 pints , and in A but 3 pints : then poure out of B into C untill it be full : so in C shall be 3 pints , in B 2 pints , and in A 3 pints , then poure the wine which is in C into A , so in A will be 6 pints , in B 2 pints , and in C nothing : then poure out the wine which is in B into the pot C , so in C there is now 2 pints , in B nothing , and in A 6 pints , . Lastly , poure out of A into B untill it be full , so there will be now in A only 1 pint in B 5 pints , and in C 2 pints . But it is now evident , that if from B you poure in unto the pot C untill it be full , there wil remain in B 4 pints , and if that which is in C , viz. 3 pints be poured into the vessell A , which before had 1 pint , there shall be in the vessel A , but halfe of its liquor that was in it at the first , viz. 4 pints as was required . Otherwise poure out of A into C untill it be full , which pour into B , then poure out of A into C again untill it be full , so there is now in A onely 2 pints , in B 3 , and in C 3 , then pour from C into B untill it be full , so in C there is now but 1 pint , 5 in B , and 2 in A : poure all that is in B into A , then poure the wine which is in C into B , so there is in C nothing , in B onely 1 pint , and in 7 A 7 pints : Lastly , out of A fill the pot C , so there will remain in A 4 pints , or be but halfe full : then if the liquor in C be poured into B , it will be the other half . In like manner might be taken the half of a vessell which conteins 12 pints , by having but the measures 5 and 7 , or 5 and 8. Now such others might be proposed , but we omit many , in one and the same nature . PROBLEM . X. To make a stick stand upon the tip of ones finger , without falling . FAsten the edges of tvvo knives or such like of equall poise , at the end of the stick , leaning out somevvhat from the stick , so that they may counterpoise one another ; the stick being sharp at the end , and held upon the top of the finger , vvill there rest vvithout supporting : if it fall , it must fall together , and that perpendicular or plumb-wise , or it must fall side-wise or before one another ; in the first manner it cannot : for the Centre of gravitie is supported by the top of the finger : and seeing that each part by the knives is counterpoised , it cannot fall sidevvise , therefore it can fall no vvise . In like manner may great pieces of Timber , as Joists , &c be supported , if unto one of the ends be applied convenient proportionall counterpoises , yea a Lance or Pike , may stand perpendicular in the Aire upon the top of ones finger : or placed in the midst of a Court by help of his Centre of gravitie . EXAMINATION . THis Proposition seems doubtfull ; for to imagine absolutely , that a Pike , or such like , armed with two Knives , or other things , shall stand upright in the Aire , and so remain without any other support , seeing that all the parts have an infinite difference of propensity to fall ; and it is without question that a staff so accommodated upon his Centre of gravity , but that it may incline to some one part without some remedy be applied , and such as is here specified in the Probleme will not warrant the thing , nor keep it from falling ; and if more Knives should be placed about it , it should cause it to fall more swiftly , forasmuch as the superiour parts ( by reason of the Centricall motion ) is made more ponderous , and therefore lesse in rest . To place therefore this prop really , let the two Knives , or that which is for counterpoise , be longer always then the staffe , and so it will hang together as one body : and it will appear admirable if you place the Centre of gravity , neer the side of the top of the finger or point ; for it will then hang Horizontall , and seem to hang onely by a touch , yet more strange , if you turn the point or top of the finger upside down . PROBLEM XI . How a milstone or other Ponderosity , may be supported by a small needle , without breaking o● any wise bowing the same . LEt a needle be set perpendicular to the Horizon , and the center of gravitie of the stone be placed on the top of the needle : it is evident that the stone cannot fall , forasmuch as it hangs in aequilibra , or is counterpoysed in all parts alike ; and moreover it cannot bow the needle more on the one side then on the other , the needle will not therefore be either broken or bowed ; if otherwise then the parts of the needle must penetrate and sinke one with another : that which is absurd and impossible to nature ; therefore it shall be supported . The experiments which are made upon trencher plates , or such like lesser thing doth make it most credible in greater bodies . But here especially is to be noted , that the needle ought to be uniforme in matter and figure , and that it be erected perpendicular to the Horizon , and lastly , that the Center of gravity be exactly found . PROBLEM XII . To make three Knives hang and move upon the point of a Needle . FIt the three Knives in form of a Ballance , and holding a Needle in your hand , and place the back of that , Knife which lyes cross-wise to the other two , upon the point of the Needle : as the figure here sheweth you ; for then in blowing softly upon them , they will easily turne and move upon the point of the Needle with ●ou falling . PROBLEM XIII . To finde the weight of Smoak , which is exhaled of any combustible body whatsoever . LEt it be supposed that a great heape of Fagots , or a load of straw weighing 500 pound should be fired , it is evident that this grosse substance will be all inverted into smoak and ashes : now it seems that the smoak weighs nothing ; seeing it is of a thin substance now dilated in the Aire , notwithstanding if it were gathered and reduced into the thickest that it was at first , it would be sensibly weighty : weigh therefore the ashes which admit 50 pound , now seeing that the rest of the matter is not lost , but is exhaled into smoake , it must necessarily be , that the rest of the weight ( to wit ) 450 pound , must be the weight of the smoak required . EXAMINATION . NOw although it be thus delivered , yet here may be noted , that a ponderosity in his own medium is not weighty : for things are said to be weighty , when they are out of their place , or medium , and the difference of such gravity , is according to the motion : the smoak therefore certainly is light being in its true medium ( the aire , ) if it should change his medium , then would we change our discourse . PROBLEM XVI . Many things being disposed circular , ( or otherwise ) to finde which of them , any one thinks upon ▪ SUppose that having ranked 10 things , as ABCDEFGHIK , Circular ( as the figure sheweth ) and that one had touched or thought upon G , which is the 7 : ask the party at what letter he would begin to account ( for account he must , otherwise it cannot be done ) which suppose , at E which is the 5 place , then add secretly to this 5 , 10 ( which is the number of the Circle ) and it makes 15 , bid him account 15 backward from E , beginning his account with that number hee thought upon , so at E he shal account to himself 7 , at D account 8 , at C account 9 , &c. So the account of 15 wil exactly fall upon G , the thing or number thought upon : and so of others : but to conceal it the more , you may will the party from E to account 25 , 35 , &c. and it will be the same . There are some that use this play at Cards , turned upside downe , as the ten simple Cards , with the King and Queen , the King standing for 12 , and the Queene for 11 , and so knowing the situation of the Cards : and thinking a certain houre of the day : cause the party to account from what Card he pleaseth : with this Proviso , that when you see where he intends to account , set 12 to that number , so in counting as before , the end of the account shall fall upon the Card : which shall denote or shew the houre thought upon , which being turned up will give grace to the action , and wonder to those that are ignorant in the cause . PROBLEM XV. How to make a Door or Gate , which shall open on both sides . ALL the skill and subtilty of this , rests in the artificiall disposer of foure plates of Iron , two at the higher end , and two at the lower end of the Gate : so that one side may move upon the hooks or hinges of the Posts , and by the other end may be made fast to the Gate , and so moving upon these hinges , the Gate will open upon one side with the aforesaid plates , or hooks of Iron : and by help of the other two plates , will open upon the other side . PROBLEM XVI . To shew how a Ponderosity , or heavy thing , may be supported upon the end of a staffe ( or such like ) upon a Table , and nothing holding or touching it . TAke a pale which hath a handle , and fill it full of water ( or at pleasure : ) then take a staffe or stick which may not rowle upon the Table as EC , and place the handle of the Pale upon the staffe ; then place another staffe , or stick , under the staffe CE , which may reach from the bottom of the Pale unto the former staffe CE , perpendicular wise : which suppose FG , then shall the Pale of water hang without falling , for if it fall it must fall perpendicularly , or plumbe wise : and that cannot be seeing the staffe CE supports it , it being parallel to the Horizon and susteined by the Table , and it is a thing admirable that if the staffe CE were alone from the table , and that end of the staffe which is upon the Table were greater and heavier than the other : it would be constrained to hang in that nature . EXAMINATION . NOw without some experience of this Probleme , a man would acknowledge either a possibility or impossibity ; therefore it is that very touchstone of knowledge in any thing , to discourse first if a thing be possible in nature , and then if it can be brought to experience and under sence without seeing it done . At the first , this proposition seems to be absurd , and impossible . Notwithstanding , being supported with two sticks , as the figure declareth , it is made facile : for the Horizontall line to the edge of the Table , is the Centre of motion ; and passeth by the Centre of gravity , which necessarily supporteth it . PROBLEM XVII . Of a deceitfull Bowle to play withall . MAke a hole in one side of the Bowle , and cast molten Lead therein , and then make up the hole close , that the knavery or deceit be not perceived : you will have pleasure to see , that notwithstanding the Bowle is cast directly to the play , how it wil turn away side-wise : for that on that part of the Bowle which is heavier upon the one side then on the other , it never will go truly right , if artificially it be not corrected ; which will hazard the game to those which know it not : but if it be known that the leady side in rolling be always under or above , it may go indifferently right ; if otherwise , the weight will carry it always side-wise . PROBLEM . XVIII . To part an Apple into 2.4 . or 8. like parts , without breaking the Rinde . PAsse a needle and threed under the kinde of the Apple , and then round it with divers turnings , untill you come to the place where you began : then draw out the threed gently , and part the Apple into as many parts as you think convenient : and so the parts may be taken out between the parting of the Rind , and the rind remaining alwayes whole . PROBLEM XIX . To finde a number thought upon without asking of any question , certaine operations being done . BId him adde to the number thought ( as admit 15 ) halfe of it , if it may be , if not the greatest halfe that exceeds the other but by an unite , which is 8 ; and it makes 23. Secondly , unto this 23. adde the halfe of it if it may be , if not , the greatest halfe , viz. 12. makes 35. in the meane time , note that if the number thought upon cannot be halfed at the first time , as here it cannot , then for it keep 3 in the memory , if at the second time it will not be equally halfed , reserve 2 in memory , but if at both times it could not be equally halved , then may you together reserve five in memory : this done , cause him from the last summe , viz. 35. to subtract the double of the number thought , viz. 30. rest 5. will him to take the halfe of that if he can , if not , reject 1. and then take the halfe of the rest , which keep in your memory : then will him to take the halfe againe if he can , if not , take one from it , which reserve in your memory , and so perpetually halveing untill 1. remaine : for then mark how many halfes there were taken , for the first halfe account 2 , for the second 4 , for the third 8 , &c. and adde unto those numbers the one 's which you reserved in memory , so there being 5 remaining in this proposition , there were 2 halfings : for which last ! account 4 , but because it could not exactly be halved without rejecting of 1. I adde the 1 therefore to this 4 , makes 5 , which halfe or summe alwayes multiplied by 4 , makes 20. from which subtract the first 3 and 2 , because the halfe could not be formerly added , leaves 15 , the number thought upon . Other Examples . The number thought upon . The number thought 12 The halfe of it 6 The summe 18 The halfe of it 9 The summe of it 27 The double of the number , 24 Which taken away , rests 3 The halfe of it 1 For which account 2 and 1 put to it because the 3 could not be halfed , makes 3 this multiplied by 4 makes 12 The number thought 79 The greatest halfe 40 3 The summe 119 The greatest halfe of which is 60 2 The summe of it is 179 The double of 79 is 158 Which taken from it , rests 21 The lesser half 10. which halve :   The halfe of this is 5 which makes   The half of this is 2 which is 10   The half of this is 1 , with 10 and 11 is 21.   this 21 which is the double of the last halfe with the remainder being multiplied by 4. makes 84 , from which take the aforesaid 3 and 2 , ●●st 79 , the number thought upon .   PROBLEM . XX. How to make an uniforme , & an inflexible body , to passe through two small holes of divers formes , as one being circular , and the other square , Quadrangular , and Triangular-wise , yet so that the holes shall be exactly filled . THis Probleme is extracted from Geometricall observations , and seemes at the first somewhat obscure , yet that which may be extracted in this nature , will appeare more difficult and admirable . Now in all Geometricall practises , the lesser or easier Problemes do alwayes make way to facilitate the greater : and the aforesaid Probleme is thus resolved . Take a Cone or round Pyramide , and make a Circular hole in some board , or other hard material , which may be equall to the bases of the Cone , and also a Triangular hole , one of whose sides may be equall to the Diameter of the circle , and the other two sides equall to the length of the Cone : Now it is most evident , that this Conicall or Pyramidall body , will fill up the Circular hole , and being placed side-wise will fill up the Triangular hole . Moreover , if you cause a body to be turned , which may be like to two Pyramides conjoyned , then if a Circular hole be made , whose Diameter is equal to the Diameter of the Cones conjoyned , and a Quadrangular hole , whose sloping sides be equall to the length of each side of the Pyramide , and the breadth of the hol equal to the Diameter of the Circle , this conjoyned Pyramide shall exactly fill both the Circular hole , and also the Quadrangle hole . PROBLEM . XXI . How with one uniforme body or such like to fill three severall holes : of which the one is round , the other a just square , and the third an ovall forme ? THis Proposition seemes more subtill then the former , yet it may be practised two wayes : for the first , take a Cylindricall body as great or little as you please : Now it is evident that it will fill a Circular hole , which is made equall to the basis of it , if it be placed downe right , and will also fill a long square ; whose sides are equall unto the Diameter and length of the Cylinder , and acording to Pergeus , Archimedes , &c. in their Cylindricall demonstrations , a true Ovall is made when a Cylinder is cut slopewise , therefore if the oval have breadth equall unto the Diameter of the Basis of the Cylinder , & any length whatsoever : the Cylinder being put into his owne Ovall hole shall also exactly fill it . The second way is thus , make a Circular hole in some board , & also a square hole , the side of which Square may be equall to the Diameter of the Circle : and lastly , make a hole Oval-wise , whose breadth may be equal unto the diagonall of the Square ; then let a Cylindricall body be made , whose Basis may be equall unto the Circle , and the length equall also to the same : Now being placed downe right shall fall in the Circle , and flat-wise will fit the Square hole , and being placed sloping-wise will fill the Ovall . EXAMINATION . YOu may note upon the last two Problemes farther , that if a Cone be cut Ecliptick-wise , it may passe through an Issoc●●● Triangle through many Scalen Triangles , and through an Ellipsis ; and if there be a Cone cut scalen-wise , it will passe through all the former , only for the Ellipsis place a Circle : and further , if a solid colume be cut Ecliptick-wise it may fill a Circle , a Square , divers Parallelogrammes , and divers Ellipses , which have different Diameters . PROBLEM XXII . To finde a number thought upon ●fter another manner , then what is formerly delivered BId him that he multiply the number thought upon , by what number he pleaseth , then bid him divide that product by any other number , and then multiply that Quotient by some other number ; and that product againe divide by some other , and so as often as he will : and here note , that he declare or tell you by what number he did multiply & divide Now in the same time take a number at pleasure , and secretly multiply and divide as often as he did : then bid him divide the last number by that which he thought upon . In like manner do yours privately , then will the Quotient of your divisor be the same with his , a thing which seemes admirable to those which are ignorant of the cause . Now to have the number thought upon without seeming to know the last Quotient , bid him adde the number thought upon to it , and aske him how much it makes : then subtract your Quotient from it , there will remaine the number thought upon For example , suppose the number thought upon were 5 , multiply it by 4 makes 20. this divided by 2 , the Quotient makes 10 , which multiplyed by 6 , makes 60 , and divided by 4 , makes 1● . in the same time admit you think upon 4 , which multiplied by 4 , makes 16 , this divided by 2 , makes 8 , which multiplied by 6 makes 48 , and divided by 4 makes 1● ; then divide 1● by the number thought , which was 5 , the Quotient is ● ; divide also 12 by the number you took , viz. 4 , the Quotient is also 3. as was declared ; therefore if the Quo●ient ● be added unto the number thought , viz. ● , it makes 8 , which being known , the number thought upon is also knowne . PROBLEM XXIII . To finde out many numbers that sundry persons , or one man hath thought upon . IF the multitude of numbers thought upon be odde , as three numbers , five numbers , seven , &c. as for example , let 5 numbers thought upon be these ● 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. bid him declare the sum of the first and second , which will be 5 , the second and third , which makes 7 , the third and fourth , which makes 9 , the fourth and fifth , vvhich makes 11 , and so alvvayes adding the tvvo next together , aske him hovv much the first and last makes together , vvhich is 8. then take these summes , and place them in order , and adde all these together , vvhich vvere in the odde places : that is the first , third , and fifth , viz. 5 , 9 , ● , makes 22. In like manner adde all these numbets together , vvhich are in the even places , that is in the second and fourth places , viz. 7 and 1● makes 18 , substract this from the former 22 , then there vvill remaine the double of the first number thought upon , viz. 4. which known , the rest is easily known : seeing you know the summe of the first and second ; but if the multitude of numbers be even as these six numbers , viz. 2 , ● , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , cause the partie to declare the summe of each two , by antecedent and consequent , and also the summe of the second and last , which will be 5 , 7 , 9 , 11 , 13 , 10 , then adde the odde places together , except the first , that is 9 , and 13 , makes 22 , adde also the even places together , that is 7 , 11 , 10 , which makes 28 , substract the one from the other , there shall remaine the double of the second number thought upon , which known all the rest are knowne . PROBLEM XXIV . How is it that a man in one and the same time , may have his head upward , and his feet upward , being in one and the same place ? THe answer is very facill , for to be so he must be supposed to be in the centre of the earth : for as the heaven is above on every side , Coelum undique sursum , all that which looks to the heavens being distant from the centre is upward ; and it is in this sense that Ma●●olyeus in his Cosmographie , & first dialogue , reported of one that thought he was led by one of the Muses to hell , where he saw Lucifer sitting in the middle of the World , and in the Centre of the earth , as in a Throne : having his head and feet upward . PROBLEM . XXV . Of a Ladder by which two men ascending at one time ; the more they ascend , the more they shall be asunder , notwithstanding one being as high as another THis is most evident , that if there were a Ladder halfe on this side of the Centre of the earth , and the other halfe on the other side : and that two at the Centre of the World at one instant being to ascend , the one towards us , and the other towards our Antipodes , they should in ascending go farther and farther , one from another ; notwithstanding both of them being of like height . PROBLEM . XXVI . How it is that a man having but a Rod or Pole of Land , doth bragge that he may in a right line passe from place to place above 3000 miles . THe opening of this is easie , forasmuch as he that possesseth a Rod of ground possesseth not only the exterior surface of the earth , but is master also of that which extends even to the Centre of the earth , and in this wise all heritages & possessions are as so many Pyramides , whose summets or points meet in the centre of the earth , and the basis of them are nothing else but each mans possession , field , or visible quantity ; and therefore if there were made or imagined so to be made , a descent to go to the bottome of the heritage , which would reach to the centre of the earth ; it would be above 3000 miles in a right line as before . PROBLEM . XXVII . How it is , that a man standing upright , and looking which way he will , he looketh either true North or true South . THis happeneth that if the partie be under either of the Poles , for if he be under the North-pole , then looking any way he looketh South , because all the Meridians concurre in the Poles of the world , and if he be under the South-pole , he looks directly North by the same reason . PROBLEM XXVIII . To tell any one what number remaines after certaine operations being ended , without asking any question . BId him to think upon a number , and will him to multiply it by what number you think convenient : and to the pro●●ct bid him adde what number you please , or 〈◊〉 that secretly you consider , that it ma● be divided by that which multiplied , and 〈…〉 divide the sum by the number which he 〈…〉 by , and substract from this Quotient the number thought upon : In the same time divide apart the number which was add●d by that which multiplied , so then your Quotient shall be equall to his remainder , wherefore without asking him any thing , you shall tell him what did remaine , which will seem strange to him that knoweth not the cause : for example , suppose he thought 7 , which multiplied by 5 makes 35 , to which adde 10 , makes 45 , which divided by 5 , yields 9 , from which if you take away one the number thought , ( because the Multiplier divided by the Divisor gives the Quotient 1 , ) the rest will be two , which will be also proved , if 10 the number which was added , were divided by 5 , viz. 2. PROBLEM XXIX . Of the play with two severall things . IT is a pleasure to see and consider how the science of numbers doth furnish us , not only 〈…〉 recreate the spirits , but also 〈…〉 knowledge of admirable things , 〈…〉 measure be shewen in this 〈…〉 the meane time to produce alwayes some of them : suppose that a man hold divers things in his hand , as Gold and ●ilver ▪ and in one hand he held the Gold , and in the other hand he held the Silver : to know subtilly , and by way of divination , or artificially in which hand the Gold or Silver is ; attribu●e t● the Gold , or suppose it have a certaine price , and so likewise attribute to the Silver another price , conditionally that the one be odd , and the other even : as for example , bid h●m that the Gold be valued at 4 Crownes , or Shillings , and the Silver at ● Crownes , or 3 Shillings , or any other number , so that one be odde ▪ and the other even , as before ; then bid him triple that which is in the right hand , & double that which is in the left hand , and bid him adde these two products together , and aske him if it be even or odde ; if it be even , then the Gold is in the right hand ; if odde , the Gold is in the left hand . PROBLEM . XXX . Two numbers being proposed unto two severall parties , to tell which of these numbers is taken by each of them . AS for example : admit you had proposed unto two men whose names were Peter and John , two numbers , or pieces of money , the one even , and the other odde , as 10. and 9. and let the one of them take one of the numbers , and the other partie take the other number , which they place privately to themselves : how artificially , according to the congruity , and excellency of numbers , to finde which of them did take 10. and which 9. without asking any qustion : and this seems most subtill , yet delivered howsoever differing little from the former , and is thus performed : Take privately to your selfe also two numbers , the one even , and the other odde , as 4. and 3. then bid Peter that he double the number which he took , and do you privately double also your greatest number ; then bid John to triple the number which he hath , and do you the like upon your last number : adde your two products together , & mark if it be even or odde , then bid the two parties put their numbers together , and bid them take the halfe of it , which if they cannot do , then immediately tell Peter he took 10. and John 9. because the aggregate of the double of 4. and the triple of 3. makes odde , and such would be the aggregate or summe of the double of Peters number and Johns number , if Peter had taken 10. if otherwise , then they might have taken halfe , and so John should have taken 10. and Peter 9. as suppose Peter had taken 10. the double is 20. and the triple of 9. the other ●umber is 27. which put together makes 47. odde : in like manner the double of your number conceived in minde , viz. 4. makes 8. and the triple of the 3. the other number , makes 9. which set together makes 17. odde . Now you cannot take the halfe of 17 , nor 47. which argueth that Peter had the greater number , for otherwise the double of 9. is 18. & the triple of 10. is 30. which set together makes 48. the halfe of it may be taken : therefore in such case Peter the took lesse number : and John the greater , and this being don cleanly carries much grace with it . PROBLEM . XXXI . How to describe a Circle that shall touch 3 : Points placed howsoever upon a plaine , if they be not in a right line . LEt the three points be A.B.C. put one foot of the Compasse upon A. and describe an Arch of a Circle at pleasure : and placed at B. crosse that Arch in the two points E. and F. and placed in C. crosse the Arch in G. and H. then lay a ruler upon G.H. and draw a line , and place a Ruler upon E. and F. cut the other line in K ▪ so K is the Centre of the Circumference of a Circle , which will passe by the said three points A.B.C. or it may be inverted , having a Circle drawne ; to finde the Centre of that Circle , make 3. points in the circumference , and then use the same way : so shall you have the Centre , a thing most facill to every practitioner in the principles of Geometrie . PROBLEM . XXXII . How to change a Circle into a square forme ? M●ke a Circle upon past-board or other materiall , as the Circle A.C.D.E. of which A. is the Centre ; then cut it into 4 quarters , and dispose them so , that A. at the centre of the Circle may alwayes be at the Angle of the square , and so the foure quarters of the Circle being placed so , it will make a perfect square , whose side A.A. is equall to the Diameter B.D. Now here is to be noted that the square is greater then the Circle by the vacuity in the middle , viz. M. PROBLEM . XXXIII . With one and the same comp●sses , and at one and the same extent , or opening , how to describe many Circles concentricall , that is , greater or lesser one then another ? IT is not without cause that many admire how this Proposition is to be resolved ; yea in the judgement of some it is thought impossible : who consider not the industrie of an ingenious Geometrician , who makes it possible , and that most facill , sundry wayes ; for in the first place if you make a Circle upon a fine plaine , and upon the Centre of that Circle , a small pegge of wood be placed , to be raised up and put downe at pleasure by help of a small ho●e made in the Centre , then with the same opening of the Compasses , you may describe Circles Concentricall , that is , one greater or lesser than another ; for the higher the Center is lifted up , the lesser the Circle will be . Secondly , the compasse being at that extent upon a Gibus body , a Circle may be described , which will be lesse than the former , upon a plaine , and more artificially upon a Globe , or round bowle : and this againe is most obvious upon a round Pyramide , placing the Compasses upon the top of it , which will be farre lesse than any of the former ; and this is demonstrated by the 20. Prop. of the first of Euclids , for the Diameter ● . D. is lesse than the line AD.A.E. taken together , and the lines AD.AE. being equall to the Diameter BC. because of the same distance or extent of opening the compasses , it followes that the Diameter E.D. and all his Circles together is much lesse than the Diameter , and the Circle BC. which was to be performed . PROBLEM XXXIV . Any numbers under 10. being thought upon , to finde what numbers they were . LEt the first number be doubled , and unto it adde 5. and multiply that summe by 5. and unto it adde 10. and unto this product add the next number thought upon ; multiply this same againe by 10. and adde unto it the next number , and so proceed : now if he declare the last summe ; marke if he thought but upon one figure , for then subtract only 35. from it , and the first figure in the place of tennes is the number thought upon : if he thought upon two figures , then subtract also the said ●5 . from his last summe , and the two figures which remaine are the number thought upon : if he thought upo● three figures , then subtract 350. and then the first three figures are the numbers thought upon , &c. so if one thought upon these numbers 5.7.9.6 . double the first , makes 1● . to which adde 5. makes 15. this multiplied by 5. makes 75. to which adde 1● . makes 85. to this adde the next number , viz. 7. makes 92. this multiplied by 10. makes 920. to which adde the next number , viz. 9. makes 929. which multiplied by 10. makes 9290. to which adde 6. makes 9296. from which subtract 3500. resteth 5796. the foure numbers thought upon . Now because the two last figures are like the two numbers thought upon : to conceale this , bid him take the halfe of it , or put first 12. or any other number to it , and then it will not be so open . PROBLEM . XXXV . Of the Play with the Ring . AMongst a company of 9. or 10. persons , one of them having a Ring , or such like : to finde out in which hand : upon which finger , & joynt it is ; this will cause great astonishment to ignorant spirits , which will make them beleeve that he that doth it works by Magick , or Witchcraft : But in effect it is nothing else but a nimble act of Arithmetick , founded upon the precedent Probleme : for first it is supposed that the persons stand or sit in order , that one is first , the next second , &c. likewise there must be imagined that of these two hands the one is first , and the other second : and also of the five fingers , the one is first , the next is second , and lastly of the joynts , the one is as 1. the other is as 2. the other as 3. &c. from whence it appeares that in performing this Play there is nothing else to be done than to think 4. numbers : for example , if the fourth person had the Ring in his left hand , and upon the fifth finger , and third joynt , and I would divine and finde it out : thus I would proceed , as in the 34 Problem : in causing him to double the first number : that is , the number of persons , which was 4. and it makes 8. to which add 5. makes 13. this multiplied by 5. makes 65. put 10. to it , makes 75. unto this put ● . for the number belonging to the left hand , and so it makes 77. which multiplied by 10. makes 770. to this adde the number of the fingers upon which the Ring is , viz. 5. makes 775. this multiplied by 10. makes 7750. to which adde the number for the joynt upon which the Ring is , viz the third joynt , makes 7●53 . to which cause him to adde 14. or some other number , to conceale it the better : and it makes 7767. which being declared unto you , substract 3514 ▪ and there will remaine 4.2.5.3 . which figures in order declares the whol mystery of that which is to be known : 4. signifieth the fourth person , 2. the left hand , 5. the fifth finger , and 3. the third joynt of that finger . PROBLEM . XXXVI . The Play of 34. or more Dice . THat which is said of the two precedent Problemes may be applied to this of Dice ( and many other particular things ) to finde what number appeareth upon each Dice being cast by some one , for the points that are upon any side of a Dice are alwayes lesse than 10 and the points of each side of a Dice may be taken for a number thought upon : therefore the Rule will be as the former : As for example , one having thrown three Dice , and you would declare the numbers of each one , or how much they make together , bid him double the points of one of the Dice , to which bid him adde 5 , then multiply that by 5. and to it adde 10 , and to the summe bid him adde the number of the second Dice : and multiply that by 10 : lastly , to this bid him adde the number of the last Dice , and then let him declare the whole number : then if from it you subtract ●50 . there will remaine the number of the three Dice throwne . PROBLEM . XXXVII . How to make water in a Glasse seeme to boyle and sparkle ? TAke a Glasse neere full of water or other liquor ; and setting one hand upon the foot of it , to hold it fast : turne slightly one of the fingers of your other hand upon the brimme , or edge of the Glasse ; having before privately wet your finger : and so passing softly on with your finger in pressing a little : for then first , the Glasse will begin to make a noyse : secondly , the parts of the Glasse will sensibly appeare to tremble , with notable rarefaction and condensation : thirdly , the water will shake , seeme to boyle : fourthly , it will cast it selfe out of the Glasse , and leap out by small drops , with great astonishment to the standers by ; if they be ignorant of the cause of it , which is onely in the Rarefaction of the parts of the Glasse , occasioned by the motion and pressure of the finger . EXAMINATION . THe cause of this , is not in the rarefaction of the parts of the Glasse , but it is rather in the quick locall motion of the finger , for reason sheweth us that by how much a Body draweth nearer to a quality , the lesse is it subject or capable of another which is contrary unto it ? now condensation , and rarefaction are contrary qualities , and in this Probleme there are three bodies considered , the Glasse , the Water , and the Aire , now it is evident that the Glasse being the most solid , and impenitrable Body , is lesse subject and capable of rarefaction than the water , the water is lesse subject than the Aire , and if there be any rarefaction , it is rather considerable in the Aire then in the Water , which is inscribed by the Glasse , and above the Water , and rather in the Water then in the Glasse : the agitation , or the trembling of the parts of the Glasse to the sense appeares not : for it is a continued body ; if in part , why then not in the whole ? and that the Water turnes in the Glasse , this appeares not , but only the upper contiguous parts of the Water : that at the bottome being lesse subiect to this agitation , and it is most certaine that by how much quicker the Circular motion of the finger upon the edge of the Glasse is , by so much the more shall the Aire be agitated , and so the water shall receive some apparant affection more or lesse from it , according to that motion : as we see from the quicknesse of winde upon the Sea , or c●lme thereof , that there is a greater or lesser agitation in the water ; and for further examination , we leave it to the search of those which are curious . PROBLEM . XXXVIII . Of a fine vessell which holds wine or water , being cast in●o it at a certaine height , but being filled higher , it will runne out of its owne accord . LEt there be a vessell A.B.C.D. in the middle of which place a Pipe ; whose ends both above at E , and below at the bottom of the vessell as at ● ▪ are open ; let the end ● be somewhat lower than the brimme of the Glasse : about this Pipe , place another Pipe as H. L , which mounts a little above E and let it most diligently be closed at H , that no Aire enter in thereby , and this Pipe at the bottome may have a small hole to give passage unto the water ; then poure in water or wine , and as long as it mounts not above E , it is safe ; but if you poure in the water so that it mount above it , farewell all : for it will not cease untill it be all gone out ; the same may be done in disposing any crooked Pipe in a vessell in the manner of a Faucet or funnell , as in the figure H , for fill it under H , at pleasure , and all will go well ; but if you fill it unto H. you will see fine sport , for then all the vessell will be empty incontinent , and the subtiltie of this will seeme more admirable , if you conceale the Pipe by a Bird , Serpent , or such like , in the middle of the Glasse . Now the reason of this is not difficult to those which know the nature of a Cock or Faucet ; for it is a bowed Pipe , one end of which is put into the water or liquor , and sucking at the other end untill the Pipe be full , then will it run of it selfe , and it is a fine secret in nature to see , that if the end of the Pipe which is out of the water , be lower then the water , it will run out without ceasing : but if the mouth of the Pipe be higher then the water or levell with it , it will not runne , although the Pipe which is without be many times bigger than that which is in the water : for it is the property of water to keep alwayes exactly levell ▪ EXAMINATION . HEre is to be noted , that if the face of the water without be in one and the same plaine , with that which is within , though the outtermost Pipe be ten times greater than that which is within ; the water naturally will not runne , but if the plaine of the water without be any part lower then that which is within , it will freely runne : and here may be noted further , that if the mouth of the Pipe which is full of water , doth but only touch the superficies of the water within , although the other end of the pipe without be much lower than that within , the water it will not run at all : which contradicts the first ground ; hence we gather that the pressure or ponderosity of the water within , is the cause of running in some respect . PROBLEM . XXXIX . Of a Glasse very pleasant . SOmetimes there are Glasses which are made of a double fashion , as if one Glasse were within another , so that they seem but one , but there is a little space between them . No● poure Wine or other liquor between the two edges by help of a Tunnell , into a little hole left to this end , so vvill there appeare tvvo fine delusions or fallacies ; for though there be not a drop of Wine vvithin the hollovv of the Glasse , it vvill seem to those vvhich behold it that it is an ordinary Glasse full of Wine , and that especially to those vvhich are side-vvise of it , and if any one move it , it vvill much confirme it , because of the motion of the Wine ; but that vvhich vvill give most delight , is that , if any one shall take the Glasse , and putting it to his mouth shall think to drink the Wine , instead of vvhich he shall sup the Aire , and so vvill cause laughter to those that stand by , vvho being deceived , vvill hold the Glass to the light , & thereby considering that the raies or beames of the light are not reflected to the eye , as they vvould be if there vvere a liquid substance in the Glasse , hence they have an assured proofe to conclude , that the hollovv of the Glasse is totally empty . PROBLEM . XL. If any one should hold in each hand , as many pieces of money as in the other , how to finde how much there is ? BId him that holds the money that he put out of one hand into the other vvhat number you think convenient : ( provided that it may be done , ) this done , bid him that out of the hand that he put the other number into , that he take out of it as many as remaine in the other hand , and put it into that hand : for then be assured that in the hand which was put the first taking away : there will be found just the double of the number taken away at the first . Example , admit there were in each hand 12 Shi●lings or Counters , and that out of the right hand you bid him take 7. and put it into the left : and then put into the right hand from the left as many as doth remaine in the right , which is 5. so there will be in the left hand ●4 , which is the double of the number taken out of the right hand , to wit 7. then by some of the rules before delivered , it is easie to finde how much is in the right hand , viz. 10. PROBLEM . XLI . Many Dice being cast , how artificially to discover the number of the points that may arise . SVppose any one had cast three Dice secretly , bid him that he adde the points that were upmost together : then putting one of the Dice apart , unto the former summe adde the points which are under the other two , then bid him throw these two Dice , and mark how many points a paire are upwards , which adde unto the former summe : then put one of these Dice away not changing the side , mark the points which are under the other Dice , and adde it to the former summe : lastly , throw that one Dice , and whatsoever appeares upward adde it unto the former summe ; and let the Dice remaine thus : this done , comming to the Table , note what points do appeare upward upon the three Dice , which adde privately together , and unto it adde ●1 or 3 times 7 : so this Addition or summe shall be equall to the summe which the party privately made of all the operations which he formerly made . As if he should throw three Dice , and there should appeare upward 5 , 3 , 2. the sum of them is 10. and setting one of them apart , ( as 5. ) unto 10 , adde the points which are under 3 and 2 , which is 4 and 5 , and it makes 19. then casting these two Dice suppose there should appeare 4 and 1 , this added unto 19 makes 24. and setting one of these two Dice apart as the 4. unto the former 24 , I adde the number of points which is under the other Dice , viz. under 1 , that is 6 , which makes 30. Last of all I throw that one Dice , and suppose there did appeare 2 , which I adde to the former 30 , and it makes 32 , then leaving the 3 dice thus , the points which are upward will be these , 5 , 4 , 2 unto which adde secretly 21 , ( as before was said ) so have you 32 , the same number whi●h he had ; and in the same manner you may practise with 4 , 5 , 6 , or many Dice or other bodies , observing only that you must adde the points opposite of the Dice ; for upon which depends the whole demonstration or secret of the play ; for alwayes that which is above and underneath makes 7. but if it make another number , then must you adde as often that number . PROBLEM . XLII . Two mettals , as Gold and Silver , or of other kin●● weighing alike , being privately placed into two like Boxes , to finde which of them the Gold or Silver is in . But because that this experiment in water hath divers accidents , and therefore subject to a caution ; and namely , because the matter of the chest , mettall or other things may hinder . Behold here a more subtill and certaine invention to finde and discover it out without weighing it in the water ▪ Now experience and reason sheweth us that two like bodies or magnitudes of equall weight , and of divers mettalls , are not of equal quantity : and seeing that Gold is the heaviest of all mettalls , it will occupie less roome or place ; from which will follow that the like weight of Lead in the same forme , will occupie or take up more roome or place . Now let there be therefore presented two Globes or Chests of wood or other matter alike , & equall one to the other , in one of which in the middle there is another Globe or body of lead weighing 12. l. ( as C , ) and in the other a Globe or like body of Gold weighing 12 pound ( as B. ) Now it is supposed that the wooden Globes or Chests are of equall weight , forme , and magnitude : and to discover in which the Gold or Lead is in , take a broad paire of Compasses , and clip one of the Coffers or Globes somewhat from the middle , as at D. then fix in the Chest or Globe a small piece of Iron between the feet of the Compasses , as EK , at the end of which hang a vveight G , so that the other end may be counterpoysed , and hang in aequilibrio : and do the like to the other Chest or Globe . Novv if that the other Chest or Globe being clipped in like distance from the end , and hanging at the other end the same weight G. there be found no difference ; then clip them nearer tovvards the middle , that so the points of the Compasse may be against some of the mettall vvhich is inclosed ; or just against the extremitie of the Gold as in D , and suppose it hang thus in aequilibrio ; it is certaine that in the other Coffer is the Lead ; for the points of the Compasses being advanced as much as before , as at F , vvhich takes up a part of the Lead , ( because it occupies a greater place than the Gold ) therefore that shall help the vveight G. to vveigh , and so vvill not hang in aequilibrio , except G be placed neare to F. hence vve may conclude , that there is the Lead ; and in the other Chest or Globe , there is the Gold. EXAMINATION . IF the two Boxes being of equall magnitude weighed in the aire be found to be of equall weight , they shall necessarily take up like place in the water , and therefore weigh also one as much as another : hence there is no possibilitie to finde the inequalitie of the mettalls which are inclosed in these Boxes in the water : the intention of Archimedes was not upon contrary mettalls inclosed in 〈…〉 Boxes , but consisted of comparing metta●●● , simple in the water one with another : therefore the inference is false and absurd . PROBLEM . XLIII . Two Globes of diverse mettalls , ( as one Gold , and the other Copper ) yet of equall weight being put into a box , as BG , to finde in which end the Gold or Copper is . THis is discovered by the changing of the places of the tvvo Bovvles or Globes , having the same counterpoyse H to be hung at the other side , as in N. and if the Gold vvhich is the lesser Globe , vvere before the nearest to the handle D● , having novv changed his place vvill be farthest from the handle DE , as in K. therefore the Centre of gravity of the two Globes taken together , shall be farther separate from the middle of the handle ( under which is the Centre of gravity of the Box ) than it was before , and seeing that the handle is alwayes in the middle of the Box , the vveight N. must be augmented ▪ to keep it in equil●●●● and by this way one may knovv , that if at the second time , the counterpoise be too light , it is a signe that the Gold is farthest off the handle , as at the first triall it vvas nearest . PROBLEM . XLIIII . How to represent diverse sorts of Rainebowes here below ? THe Rainbovve is a thing admirable in the vvorld , vvhich ravisheth often the eyes and spirits of men in consideration of his rich intermingled colours vvhich are seen under the clouds , seeming as the glistering of the Starres , precious stones , and ornaments of the most beauteous flovvers : some part of it as the resplendent stars , or as a Rose , or burning Cole of fire ▪ in it one may see Dyes of sundry sorts , the Violet , the Blew , the Orange , the Saphir , the Jacinct , and the Emerald colours , as a lively plant placed in a green soile : and as a most rich treasure of nature , it is a high work of the Sun who casteth his raies or beames as a curious Painter drawes strokes with his pensill , and placeth his colours in an exquisite situation ; and Solomon saith , Eccles. 43. it is a chiefe and principall work of God. Notwithstanding there is left to industrie how to represent it from above , here below , though not in perfection , yet in part , with the same intermixture of colours that is above . Have you not seen how by Oares of a Boate it doth exceeding quickly glide upon the water with a pleasant grace ? Aristotle sayes , that it coloureth the water , and makes a thousand atomes , upon which the beames of the Sunne reflecting , make a kinde of coloured Rainbowe : or may we not see in houses or Gardens of pleasure artificiall fountaines , which poure forth their droppie streames of water , that being between the Sunne and the fountaine , there will be presented as a continuall Rainbowe ? But not to go farther , I will shew you how you may do it at your doore , by a fine and facill experiment . Take water in your mouth , and turne your back to the Sunne , and your face against some obscure place , then blow out the water which is in your mouth , that it may be sprinkled in small drops and vapours : you shall see those atomes vapours in the beames of the Sunne to turne into a faire Rainebowe , but all the griefe is , that it lasteth not , but soone is vanished . But to have one more stable and permanent in his colours : Take a Glasse full of water , and expose it to the Sunne , so that the raies that passe through strike upon a shadowed place , you will have pleasure to see the fine forme of a Rainebovve by this reflection . Or take a Trigonall Glasse or Crystall Glasse of diverse Angles , and look through it , or let the beames of the Sunne passe through it ; or vvith a candle let the appearances be received upon a shadovved place : you vvill have the same contentment . PROBLEM XLV . How that if all the Powder in the world were in closed within a bowle of paper or glasse , and being fired on all parts , it could not break that bowle ? IF the bowle and the powder be uniforme in all his parts , then by that means the powder would presse and move equally on each side , in which there is no possibility whereby it ought to begin by one side more than another . Now it is impossible that the bowle should be broken in all his parts : for they are infinite . Of like fineness or subtiltie may it be that a bowle of Iron falling from a high place upon a plaine pavement of thin Glasse , it were impossible any wise to break it ; if the bowle were perfectly round , and the Glasse flat and uniforme in all his parts ▪ for the bowle would touch the Glasse but in one point , which is in the middle of infinite parts which are about it : neither is there any cause why it ought more on one side than on another , seeing that it may not be done with all his sides together ; it may be concluded as speaking naturally , that such a bovvle falling upon such a glasse vvill not break it . But this matter is meere Metaphysicall , and all the vvorkmen in the vvorld cannot ever vvith all their industrie make a bovvle perfectly round , or a Glasse uniforme . PROBLEM . XLVI . To finde a number which being divided by 2 , there will remaine 1 , being divided by 3 , there will remaine 1 ; and so likewise being divided by 4 , 5 , or 6 , there would still remaine 1 ; but being didivided by 7 , there will remaine nothing . IN many Authors of Arithmetick this Probleme is thus proposed : A vvoman carrying Egges to Market in a basket , met an unruly fellovv who broke them : who vvas by order made to pay for them : and she being demanded what number she had , she could not tell : but she remembred that counting them by 2 & 2 , there remained 1 ▪ likewise by 3 and 3 by 4 and 4 , by 5 and 5 , by 6 and 6 ; there still remained 1. but when she counted them by 7 and 7 , there remained nothing : Now how may the number of Egges be discovered ? Finde a number which may exactly be measured by 7 , and being measured by 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , and 6 ; there vvill still remaine a unite ▪ multiply these numbers together , makes 720 , to which adde 1 ; so have you the number , viz. 721. in like manner 301 vvill be measured by 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 ; so that 1 remaines : but being measured by 7 , nothing vvill remaine ; to vvhich continually adde 220 , and you have other numbers vvhich vvill do the same : hence it is doubtfull vvhat number she had , therefore not to faile , it must be knovvn vvhether they did exceed 400 , 800 , &c. in vvhich it may be conjectured that it could not exceed 4 or 5 hundred , seeing a man or vvoman could not carry 7 or 8 hundred Egges , therefore the number vvas the former ●01 . vvhich she had in her Basket : vvhich being counted by 2 and 2 , there vvill remaine 1 , by 3 and 3 , &c. but counted by 7 and 7 , there vvill remaine nothing . PROBLEM . XLVII . One had a certaine number of crownes , and counting them by 2 and 2 , there rested 1. counting them by 3 and 3 , there rested 2. counting them by 4 and 4 , there rested 3. counting them by 5 and 5 , there rested 4. counting them by 6 & 6 , there rested 5. but counting them by 7 and 7 , there remained nothing : how many crownes might he have ? THis Question hath some affinitie to the precedent , and the resolution is almost in the same manner : for here there must be found a number , vvhich multiplied by 7 , and then divided by 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 ; there may alvvayes remaine a number lesse by 1 than the Divisor : Novv the first number vvhich arrives in this nature is 119 , unto vvhich if 420 be added , makes 539 , vvhich also vvill do the same : and so by adding 420 , you may have other numbers to resolve this proposition . PROBLEM . XLVIII . How many sorts of weights in the least manner must there be to weigh all sorts of things between 1 pound and 40 pound , and so unto 121 , & 364 pound . TO vveigh things betvveen 1 and 40 , take numbers in triple proportion , so that their summe be equall , or somewhat greater than 40 , as are the numbers 1 3.9.27 . I say that with ● such weights , the first being of 1 pound , the second being 3 pound , the third being 9 pound , and the fourth being 27 : any weight between 1 and 40 pound may be weighed . As admit to weigh 21 pound , put unto the thing that is to be weighed the 9 pound weight , then in the other ballance put 27 pound and 3 pound , which doth counterpoise 21 pound and 9 pound , and if 20 pound were to be weighed , put to it in the ballance 9 and 1 , and in the other ballance put 27 and 3 , and so of others In the same manner take those 5 weights , 1 , 3 , 9 , 27 ▪ 81 , you may weigh with them between 1 pound , and 121 pound : and taking those 6 weights ▪ as 1 , 3 , 9 , 2● , 81 , 243 , you may weigh even from 1 pound unto 364 pound : this depends upon the property of continued proportionals , the latter of which containing twice all the former . PROBLEM . XLIX . Of a deceitfull ballance which being c●●●ty seemes i● be just , because it hangs in aequilibrio : not●ithstanding putting 12 pound in one ballance , and 11 in the other , it will remaine in aequilibrio . ARistotle maketh mention of this ballance in his mechanick Questions , and saith , that the Merchants of purpose in his time used them to deceive the world : the subtiltie or craft of which is thus , that one arme of the ballance is longer then another , by the same proportion , that one weight is heavier then another : As if the beame were 23 inches long , and the handle placed so that 12 inches should be on one side of it , and 11 inches on the other side : conditionally that the shorter end should be as heavy as the longer , a thing easie to be done : then afterwards put into the ballance two unequal weights in such proportion as the parts of the beame have one unto another , which is 12 to 11 , but so that the greater be placed in the ballance which hangs upon the shorter part of the beame , and the lesser weight in the other ballance : it is most certaine that the ballances will hang in aequilibrio , which will seem most sincere and just ; though it be most deceitfull , abominable , and false . The reason of this is drawne from the experiments of Archimedes , who shewes that two unequall weights will counterpoyse one another , when there is like proportion betweene the parts of the beame ( that the handle separates ) and the vveights themselves : for in one and the same counterpoise , by hovv much it is farther from the Centre of the handle , by so much it seems heavier , therefore if there be a diversitie of distance that the ballances hang from the handle , there must necessarily be an ineqality of weight in these ballances to make them hang in aequilibrio , and to discover if there be deceit , change the weight into the other ballance , for as soone as the greater vveight is placed in the ballance that hangs on the longer parts of the beame : it vvill vveigh dovvne the other instantly . PROBLEM . L. To heave or lift up a bottle with a straw . TAke a stravv that is not bruised , bovv it that it make an Angle , and put it into the bottle so that the greatest end be in the neck , then the Reed being put in the bovved part vvil cast side-vvise , and make an Angle as in the figure may be seen : then may you take the end vvhich is out of the bottle in your hand , and heave up the bottle , and it is so much surer , by how much the Angle is acuter or sharper ; and the end which is bowed approacheth to the other perpendicular parts which come out of the bottle . PROBLEM . LI. How in the middle of a wood or desert , without the sight of the Sunne , Starres , Shadow or Compasse , to finde out the North or South , or the foure Cardinall points of the world , East , West , & c ? IT is the opinion of some , that the windes are to be observed in this : if it be hot , the South is found by the windes that blow that way , but this observation is uncertaine and subject to much error : nature will help you in some measure to make it more manifest than any of the former , from a tree thus : Cut a small tree off , even to the ground , and mark the many circles that are about the sap or pith of the tree , which seem nearer together in some part than in other , which is by reason of the Suns motion about the tree : for that the humiditie of the parts of the tree towards the South by the heat of the Sun is rarified , and caused to extend : and the S●n not giving such heat towards the North-part of the tree , the sap is lesser rarefied , but condensed ; by which the circles are nearer together on the North-part , than on the South-part : therefore if a line be drawne from the widest to the narrowest part of the circles , it shall shew the North & South of the world . Another Experiment may be thus : Take a small needle , such as women work with : place it gently downe flatwise upon still water , and it will not sink , ( which is against the generall tenet that Iron will not swimme ) which needle will by little and little turne to the North and South-points . But if the needle be great and will not swim , thrust it through a small piece of Cork , or some such like thing , and then it will do the same : for such is the property of Iron when it is placed in aequilibrio , it strives to finde out the Poles of the world or points of North and South in a manner as the magnes doth . EXAMINATION . HEre is observable , that the moisture which aideth to the growth of the tree , is dilated and rarefied by the Meridionall heat , and contracted by the Septentrionall cold : this rarefaction works upon the part of the humour or moisture that is more thinne , which doth easily dissipate and evaporate : which evaporation carries a part of the salt with it ; and because that solidation or condensation , so that there is left but a part of the nourishment which the heat bakes up and consumes : so contrarily on the other side the condensation and restrictive quality of the moisture causeth lesse evaporation and perdition : and so consequently there remaines more nourishment , which makes a greater increase on that side than on the other side : for as trees have their growth in winter , because of their pores and these of the earth are shut up : so in the spring when their pores are open , and when the sappe and moisture is drawne by it , there is not such cold on the North-side that it may be condensed at once : But contrarily to the side which is South , the heat may be such , that in little time by continuance , this moisture is dissipated greatly : and cold is nothing but that which hardneth and contracteth the moisture of the tree , and so converteth it into wood . PROBLEM . LII . Three persons having taken Counters , Cards , or other things , to finde how much each one hath taken . CAuse the third party to take a number which ma● be divided by 4 , and as often as he takes 4 , let the second party take 7 , and the first take 13 , then cause them to put them all together , and declare the summe of it ; which secretly divide by 3 , and the Quotient is the double of the number which the third person did take . Or cause the third to give unto the second and first , as many as each of them hath ; then let the second give unto the first and third , as many as each of them hath ; lastly , let the third give unto the second and first , as many as each of them hath ; and then aske how much one of them hath ; ( for they will have then all alike , ) so halfe of that number is the number that the third person had at the first : which knowne all is knowne . PROBLEM . LIII . How to make a consort of musick of many parts with one voyce , or one instrument only ? THis Probleme is resolved , so that a finger or player upon an instrument , be neare an Echo which answereth his voice or instrument ; and if the Echo answereth but once at a time , he may make a double ; if twice , then a triple , if three times , then an harmonie of foure parts , for it must be such a one that is able to exercise both tune and note as occasion requires . As when he begins ut , before the Echo answer , he may begin sol , and pronounce it in the same tune that ●he Echo answereth , by which meanes you ●ave a fifth , agreeable consort of musick : then in the same time that the Echo followeth , to sound the second note sol , he may sound forth another sol higher or lower to make an eight , the most perfect consort of musick , and so of others , if he will continue his voice with the Echo , and sing alone with two parts . Now experience sheweth this to be true , which often comes to passe in many Churches , making one to beleeve that there are many more parts in the musick of a Quire , then in effect truly there are because of the resounding and multiplying of the voic● , and redoubling of the Quire. PROBLEM . LIIII . T● make or describe an Ovall form , or that which neare resembles unto it , at one turning with a paire of common Compasses . THere are many fine wayes in Geometricall practices , to make an Ovall figure or one neare unto it , by severall centres : any of which I will not touch upon , but shew how it may be done promptly upon one centre only . In which I will say nothing of the Ovall forme , which appeares , when one describeth circles with the points of a common Compasses , somewhat deep upon a skinne stretched forth hard : which contracting it selfe in some parts of the skinne maketh an Ovall forme . But it will more evidently appeare upon a Columne or Cylinder : if paper be placed upon it , then with a paire of Compasses describe as it were a circle upon it , which paper afterwards being extended , will not be circular but ovall-wise : and a paire of Compasses may be so accommodated , that it may be done also upon a plaine thus . As let the length of the Ovall be H. K , fasten 2 pinnes or nailes neare the end of that line as F. G , and take a threed which is double to the length of G. H , or F. K , then if you take a Compasse which may have one foot lower than another , with a spring between his legges : and placing one foot of this Compasse in the Centre of the Ovall , and guiding the threed by the other foot of the Compasses , and so carrying it about : the spring will help to describe and draw the Ovall forme . But in stead of the Compasses it may be done with ones hand only , as in the figure may appeare . PROBLEM . LV. Of a pu●se difficult to be opened . IT is made to shut and open with Rings : first at each side there is a strap or string , as AB . and CD , at the end of which are 2 rings , B & D , and the string CD passeth through the ring B , so that it may not come out againe ; or be parted one from another : and so that the ring B , may slide up and downe upon the string CD , then over the purse , there is a piece of Leather EFGH , which covers the opening of the purse , and there is another piece of Leather AE , which passeth through many rings : which hath a slit towards the end I , so great that the string BC may slide into it : Now all the cunning or craft is how to make fast or to open the purse , which consists in making the string BC slide through the side at I , therefore bring down B to I , then make the end I passe through the ring B , and also D with his string to passe through the slit I , so shall the purse be fast , and then may the strings be put as before , and it will seem difficult to discover how it was done . Now to open the purse , put through the end I through the ring B , and then through the slit I , by which you put through the string DC , by this way the purse will be opened . PROBLEM . LVI . Whether it is more hard and admirable without Compasses to make a perfect circle , or being made to finde out the Centre of it ? IT is said that upon a time past , two Mathematicians met , and they would make tryall of their industry : the one made instantly a Perfect circle without Compasses , and the other immediately pointed out the Centre thereof with the point of a needle ; now which is the chiefest action ? it seems the first , for to draw the most noblest figure upon a plaine Table without other help than the hand , and the minde , is full of admiration ; to finde the Centre is but to finde out only one point , but to draw a round , there must be almost infinite points , equidistant from the Centre or middle ; that in conclusion it is both the Circle and the Centre together . But contrarily it may seem that to finde the Centre is more difficult , for what attention , vivacitie , and subtiltie must there be in the spirit , in the eye , in the hand , which will chuse the true point amongst a thousand other points ? He that makes a circle keeps alwayes the same distance , and is guided by a halfe distance to finish the rest ; but he that must finde the Centre , must in the same time take heed to the parts about it , and choose one only point which is equall distant from an infinite of other points which are in the circumference ; which is very difficult . Aristotle confirmes this amongst his morals , and seems to explaine the difficultie which is to be found in the middle of vertue ; for it may want a thousand wayes , and be farre separated from the true Centre of the end of a right mediocritie of a vertuous action ; for to do well it must touch the middle point which is but one , and there must be a true point which respects the end , and that 's but one only . Now to judge which is the most difficult , as before is said , either to draw the round or to finde the Centre , the round seems to be harder than to finde the Centre , because that in finding of it , it is done at once , and hath an equall distance from the whole ; But , as before , to draw a round there is a visible point imagined , about which the circle is to be drawne . I esteeme that it is as difficult therefore , if not more , to make the circle without a Centre , as to finde the middle or Centre of that circle . PROBLEM . LVII . Any one having taken 3 Cards , to finde how many points they containe THis is to be exercised upon a full Pack of Cards of 52 , then let one choose any three at pleasure secretly from your sight , and bid him secretly account the points in each Card , and will him to take as many Cards as will make up 15 to each of the points of his Cards , then will him to give you the rest of the Cards , for 4 of them being rejected , the rest shew the number of points that his three Cards which he took at the first did conteine . As if the 3 Cards were 7 , 10 , and 4 ; now 7 wants of 15 , 8. take 8 Cards therefore for your first Card : the 10 wants of 15 ▪ 5 , take 5 cards for your second card : lastly 4 wants of 15 , 11 , take 11 Cards for your third Card , & giving him the rest of the Cards , there will be 25 ; from which take 4 , there remaines 21 , the number of the three Cards taken , viz. 7 , 10 , and 4. Whosoever would practise this play with 4 , 5 , 6 , or more Cards , and that the whole number of Cards be more or lesse than 52 ; and that the terme be 15 , 14 , 12 , &c , this generall rule ensuing may serve : multiply the terme by the number of Cards taken at first : to the product adde the number of Cards taken , then subtract this summe from the whole number of Cards ; the remainder is the number which must be subtracted from the Cards , which remaines to make up the game : if there remaine nothing after the Subtraction , then the number of Cards remaining doth justly shew the number of points which were in the Cards chosen . If the Subtraction cannot be made , then subtract the number of Cards from that number , and the remainder added unto the Cards that did remaine , the summe will be the number of points in the Cards taken , as if the Cards were 7 , 10 , 5 , 8 , and the terme given were 12 ; so the first wants 5 , the second wants 2 , the third wants 7 , and the fourth wants 4 Cards , which taken , the party gives you the rest of the Cards : then secretly multiply 12 by 4 , makes 48 ; to which adde 4 , the number of Cards taken makes 52 , from which 52 should be taken , rest nothing : therefore according to the direction of the remainder of the Cards which are 30 , is equall to the points of the foure Cards taken , viz. 7 , 10 , 5 , 8. Againe , let these five Cards be supposed to be taken , 8 , 6 , 10 , 3 , 7 ; their differences to 15 , the termes are 7 , 9 , 5 , 12 , 8 , which number of Cards taken , there will remaine but 6 Cards : then privately multiply 15 by 5 , makes 75 , to which adde 5 makes 80 , from this take 52 the number of Cards , rest 28 , to vvhich add the remainder of Cards , make 34. the summe with 8 , 6 , 10 , 3 , 7. PROBLEM . LVII . Many Cards placed in diverse ranks , to finde which of these Cards any one hath thought . TAke 15 Cards , and place them in 3 heaps in rank-wise , 5 in a heap : now suppose any one had thought one of these Cards in any one of the heaps , it is easie to finde vvhich of the Cards it is , and it is done thus ; ask him in vvhich of the heaps it is , vvhich place in the middle of the other tvvo ; then throvv dovvne the Cards by 1 and 1 into three severall heaps in rank-vvise , untill all be cast dovvne , then aske him in which of the rankes his Card is , which heap place in the middle of the other two heaps alwayes , and this do foure times at least , so in putting the Cards altogether , look upon the Cards , or let their back be towards you , and throw out the eight Card , for that was the Card thought upon without faile . PROBLEM . LVIII . Many Cards being offered to sundry persons , to finde which of these Cards any one thinketh upon . ADmit there were 4 persons , then take 4 Cards , and shew them to the first , bid him think one of them , and put these 4 away , then take 4 other Cards , and shew them in like manner to the second person , and bid him think any one of these Cards , and so do to the third person , and so the fourth , &c. Then take the 4 Cards of the first person , and dispose them in 4 rankes , and upon them the 4 Cards of the second person , upon them also these of the third person , and lastly , upon them these of the fourth person , then shew unto eaeh of these parties each of these ranks , and aske him if his Card be in it which he thought , for infallibly that vvhich the first partie thought upon vvill be in the first rank , and at the bottome , the Card of the second person vvill be in the second ranke , the Card of the third thought upon will be in the third rank , and the fourth mans Card will be in the fourth rank , and so of others , if there be more persons use the same method . This may be practised by other things , ranking them by certaine numbers : allotted to pieces of money , or such like things . PROBLEM . LIX . How to make an instrument to help hearing , as Galileus made to help the sight ? THink not that the Mathematickes ( which hath furnished us with such admirable helps for seeing ) is wanting for that of hearing , it s well knowne that long trunks or pipes make one heare well farre off , and experience shewes us that in certaine places of the Orcades in a hollow vault , that a man speaking but softly at one corner thereof , may be audibly understood at the other end : notwithstanding those which are between the parties cannot heare him speak at all : And it is a generall principle , that pipes do greatly help to strengthen the activitie of naturall causes : we see that 〈◊〉 contracted in a pipe , burnes 4 or 5 foot high , which would scarce heat , being in the open aire : the rupture or violence of water issuing out of a fountaine , shewes us that vvater being contracted into a pipe , causeth a violence in its passage . The Glasses of Galeileus makes us see how usefull pipes or trunkes are to make the light and species more visible , and proportionable to our eye . It is said that a Prince of Italy hath a faire hall , in which he can with facility heare distinctly the discourses of those which walk in the adjacent Gardens , which is by certaine vessels and pipes that answer from the Garden to the Hall. Vitruvius makes mention also of such vessels and pipes , to strengthen the voice and action of Comedians : and in these times amongst many noble personages ▪ the new kinde of trunkes are used to help the hearing , being made of silver , copper , or other resounding materiall ; in funnell-wise putting the widest end to him which speaketh , to the end to contract the voice , that so by the pipe applied to the eare it may be more uniform and lesse in danger to dissipate the voice , and so consequently more fortified . PROBLEM . LX. Of a fine lamp which goes not out , though one carry it in ones pocket : or being rolled upon the ground will still burne . IT must be observed that the vessell in which the oile is put into , have two pinnes on the sides of it , one against another , being included within a circle : this circle ought to have two other pinnes , to enter into another circle of brasse , or other solid matter : lastly , this second circle hath two pinnes , which may hang within some box to containe the whole lamp , in such manner , that there be 6 pinnes in different position : Now by the aid of these pegges or pinnes , the lamp that is in the middle will be alwayes well situated according to his Centre of gravity , though it be turned any way : though if you endeavour to turne it upside downe , it will lie levell ▪ which is pleasant and admirable to behold to those which know not the cause : And it is facil from his to make a place to rest quiet in , though there be great agitation in the outvvard parts . PROBLEM . LXI . Any one having thought a Card amongst many Cards , how artificially to discover it out ? TAke any number of Cards as 10 , 12 , &c. and open some 4 or 5 to the parties sight , and bid him think one of them , but let him note vvhether it be the first , second , third , &c. then vvith promptness learn vvhat number of Cards you had in your hands , and take the other part of the Cards , and place them on the top of these you hold in your hand ; and having done so , aske him whether his Card were the first , second , &c. then before knowing the number of Cards that were at the bottome , account backwards untill you come to it : so shall you easily take out the card that he thought upon . PROBLEM . LXII . Three Women AB.C. carried apples to a marke to sell , A had 20 , B 30 ▪ and C 40 , they sold as many for a penny , the one as the other : and brought home one as much money as another , how could this be ? THe answer to the Probleme is easie ▪ as suppose at the beginning of the Market : A ▪ sold her apples at a penny an apple : and sold but 2. which was 2 pence , and so she had 18 left : but B. sold 17. which was 17 pence , and so had 13 left : C. sold 32. which was 32 pence , and so had 8 apples left ▪ then A said she would not sell her apples so cheap , but would sell them for 3 pence the peece , which she did : and so her apples came to 54 pence , and B having left but 13 apples sold them at the same rate , which came to 39 pence : and lastly ▪ C. had but 8 apples , which at the same rate came to 24 pence : these summes of money which each others before received come to 56 pence , and so much each one received ; and so consequently brought home one as much as another . PROBLEM . LXIII . Of the properties of some numbers . FIrst , any two numbers is just the summe of a number , that have equall distance from the halfe of that number ▪ the one augmenting , and the other diminishing , as 7 and 7 , of 8 and ● , of 9 and 5 , of 10 and 4 , of 11 and 3 , of 12 and 2 , of 13 and ● . as the one is more than the halfe , the other is lesse . Secondly , it is difficult to finde two numbers whose summe and product is alike , ( that is ) if the numbers be multiplied one by another , and added together , will be equall , which two numbers are 2 and 2 , for to multiply 2 by 2 makes 4 , and adding 2 unto 2 makes the same : this property is in no other two whole numbers , but in broken numbers there are infinite , whose summe and product will be equall one to another . As Clavius shewes upon the 36 Pro. of the 9t h book of Euclide . Thirdly , the numbers 5 and 6 are called circular numbers , because the circle turnes to the point from whence it begins : so these numbers multiplied by themselves , do end alwayes in 5 and 6 , as 5 times 5 makes 25 , that againe by 5 makes 125 , so 6 times 6 makes 36 , and that by 6 makes 216 , &c. Fourthly , the number 6 , is the first which Arithmeticians call a perfect number , that is , whose parts are equall unto it , so the 6 part of it is 1 , the third part is 2 , the halfe is 3 , which are all his parts : now 1 , 2 , and 3 , is equall to 6. It is wonderfull to conceive that there is so few of them , and how rare these numbers are ▪ 50 of perfect men : for betwixt 1 & 1000000000000 numbers there is but ten , that is ; 6 , 28 , 486. 8128. 120816. 2096128. 33550336. 536854528. 8589869056 , & 137438691328 ▪ with this admirable property , that alternately they end all in 6 and 8 , & the twentieth perfect number is 151115727451553768931328. Fiftly , the number 9 amongst other priviledges carries with it an excellent property : for take what number you will , either in grosse or in part , the nines of the whole or in its parts rejected , and taken simply will be the same , as ●7 it makes 3 times 9 , so vvhether the nines be rejected of 27 , or of the summe of 2 and 7 , it is all one , so if the nines vvere taken avvay of 240. it is all one , if the nines vvere taken avvay of 2 , 4 , and 0 ; for there vvould remaine 6 in either ; and so of others . Sixtly , 11 being multiplied by 2 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , or 9 , will end and begin with like numbers ; so 11 multiplied by 5 makes 55 , if multiplied by 8 , it makes 88 , &c. Seventhly , the numbers 220 and 284 being unequall , notwithstanding the parts of the one number do alwayes equalize the other number : so the aliquot parts of 220 are 110 , 54 , 44 , 22 , 20 , 11 , 10 , 5 , 4 , 2 , 1 , which together makes 284. the aliquot parts of 284 , are 142 , 71 , 4 , 2 , 1. which together makes 220 , a thing rare and admirable , and difficult to finde in other numbers . I● one be taken from any square number which is odde , the square o● halfe of it being added to the first square , will make a square number . The square of halfe any even number + . 1 being added to that even number makes a square number , and the even number taken from it leaves a square number . If odde numbers be continually added from the unitie successively , there will be made all square numbers , and if cubick numbers be added successively from the unitie , there will be likewise made square numbers . PROBLEM . LXIV . Of an excellent lamp , which serves or furnisheth it selfe with oile , and burnes a long time . I Speak not here of a common lamp which Ca●danus writes upon in his book de subtilita●● , for that 's a little vessell in columne-wise , which is full of Oile , and because there is but one little hole at the bottome neare the weeke or match ; the oile runnes not , for feare that there be emptinesse above : when the match is kindled it begins to heat the lamp , and rarefying the oile it issueth by this occasion : and so sends his more airie parts above to avoid vacuitie . It is certaine that such a lampe the Atheniaus used , which lasted a whole yeare without being touched : which was placed before the statue of Minerva , for they might put a certaine quantitie of oile in the lamp CD , and a match to burne without being consumed : such as the naturalists write of , by which the lamp will furnish it selfe , and so continue in burning : and here may be noted that the oile may be poured in , at the top of th● vessell at a little hole , and then made fast againe that the aire get not in . PROBLEM . LXV . Of the play at Keyles or nine Pinnes . YOu will scarce beleeve that with one bowle and at one blow playing freely , one may strike downe all the Keyles at once : yet from Mathematicall principles it is easie to be demonstrated , that if the hand of him that playes were so well assured by experience , as reason induceth one thereto ; one might at one blow strike downe all the Keyles , of at least 7 or 8 , or such a number as one pleaseth . For they are but 9 in all disposed or placed in a perfect square , having three every way . Let us suppose then that a good player beginning to play at 1 somewhat low , should so strike it , that it should strike down the Keyles 2 and 5 , and these might in their violence strike downe the Keyles 3 , 6 , and 9 , and the bowle being in motion may strike down the Keyle 4 , and 7 ; which 4 Keyle may strike the Keyle 8 , & so all the 9 Keyles may be striken down at once . PROBLEM . LXIV . Of Spectacles of pleasure . SImple Spectacles of blew , yellow , red or green colour , are proper to recreate the sight , and will present the objects died in like colour that the Glasses are , only those of the greene do somewhat degenerate ; instead of shewing a lively colour it will represent a pale dead colour , and it is because they are not dyed greene enough , or receive not light enough for greene : and colour these images that passe through these Glasses unto the bottome of the eye . EXAMINATION . IT is certaine , that not onely Glasses dyed green , but all other Glasses coloured , yield the app●arances of objects strong or weak in colour according to the quantity of the dye , more or lesse , as one being very yellow , another a pale yellow ; now all colours are not proper to Glasses to give colour , hence the defect is not that they want facultie to receive light , or resist the penetration of the beams ; for in the same Glasses those which are most dyed , give alwayes the objects more high coloured and obscure , and those which are lesse dyed give them more pale and cleare : and this is daily made manifest by the painting of Glasse , which hinders more the penetration of the light than dying doth , where all the matter by fire is forced into the Glasse , leaving it in all parts transparent . Spectacles of Crystall cut with divers Angles diamond-wise do make a marvellous multiplication of the appearances , for looking towards a house it becomes as a Towne , a Towne becomes like a Citie , an armed man seems as a whole company caused solely by the diversity of refractions , for as many plaines as there are on the outside of the spectacle , so many times will the object be multiplied in the appearance , because of diverse Images cast into the eye . These are pleasurable spectacles for avaricious persons that love Gold and silver , for one piece will seeme many , or one heap of money will seeme as a treasury : but all the mischiefe is , he will not have his end in the enjoying of it , for indeavouring to take it , it will appeare but a deceitfull Image , or delusion of nothing . Here may you note that if the finger be directed by one and the same ray or beam , which pointeth to one and the same object , then at the first you may touch that visible object without being deceived : otherwise you may faile often in touching that which you see . Againe , there are Spectacles made which do diminish the thing seen very much , and bring it to a faire perspective forme , especially if one look upon a faire Garden plat , a greater walk , a stately building , or great Court , the industry of an exquisite Painter cannot come neare to expresse the lively forme of it as this Glasse will represent it ; you will have pleasure to see it really experimented , and the cause of this is , that the Glasses of th●se Spectacles are hollow and thinner in the middle , than at the edges by which the visuall Angle is made lesser : you may observe a further secret in these Spectacles , for in placing them upon a window one may see those that passe to and fro in the streets , without being seen of any , for their property is to raise up the objects that it lookes upon . Now I would not passe this Probleme without saying something of Galileus admirable Glasse , for the common simple perspective Glasses give to aged men but the eyes or sight of young men , but this of Galileus gives a man an Eagles eye , or an eye that pierceth the heavens : first it discovereth the spottie and shadowed opacous bodies that are found about the Sunne , which darknet and diminisheth the splendor of that beautifull and shining Luminary : secondly , it shewes the new Planets that accompany Saturne and Jupiter : thirdly , in Venus is seen the new , full , and quartill increase ; as in the Moon by her separation from the Sunne : fourthly , the artificiall structure of this instrument helpeth us to see an innumerable number of stars , which otherwise are obscured , by reason of the naturall weaknesse of our sight , yea the starres in via lactea are seen most apparantly ; where there seem no starres to be , this Instrument makes apparantly to be seen , and further delivers them to the eye in their true and lively colour , as they are in the heavens : in which the splendor of some is as the Sunne in his most glorious beauty . This Glasse hath also a most excellent use in observing the body of the Moone in time of Eclipses , for it augments it manifold , and most manifestly shewes the true forme of the cloudy substance in the Sunne ; and by it is seene when the shadow of the earth begins to eclipse the Moon , & when totally she is over shadowed : besides the celestiall uses which are made of this Glasse , it hath another noble property ; it farre exceedeth the ordinary perspective Glasses , which are used to see things remote upon the earth , for as this Glasse reacheth up to the heavens and excelleth them there in his performance , so on the earth it claimeth preheminency , for the objects which are farthest remote , and most obscure , are seen plainer than those which are neere at hand , scorning as it were all small and triviall services , as leaving them to an inferiour help : great use may be made of this Glass in discovering of Ships , Armies , &c. Now the apparell or parts of this instrument or Glasse , is very meane or simple , which makes it the more admirable ( seeing it performes such great service ) having but a convex Glasse thickest in the middle , to unite and amasse the rayes , and mak the object the greater : to the augmenting the visuall Angle , as also a pipe or trunk to amasse the Species , and hinder the greatness of the light which is about it : ( to see well , the object must be well inlightened , and the eye in obscurity ; ) then there is adjoyned unto it a Glasse of a short sight to distinguish the rayes , which the other would make more confused if alone . As for the proportion of those Glasses to the Trunk , though there be certaine rules to make them , yet it is often by hazard that there is made an excellent one there being so many difficulties in the action , therefore many ought to be tryed , seeing that exact proportion , in Geometricall calculation cannot serve for diversity of sights in the observation . PROBLEM . LXVII . Of the Adamant or Magnes , and the needles touched therewith . WHo would beleeve if he saw not with his eyes , that a needle of steel being once touched with the magnes , turnes not once , not a yeare ▪ but as long as the World lasteth ; his end towards the North and South , yea though one remove it , and turne it from his position , it will come againe to his points of North and South . Who would have ever thought that a brute stone black and ill formed , touching a ring of Iron , should hang it in the aire , and that ring support a second , that to support a third , and so unto 10 , 12 , or more , according to the strength of the magnes ; making as it vvere a chaine without a line , without souldering together , or without any other thing to support them onely ; but a most occult and hidden vertue , yet most evident in this effect , which penetrateth insensibly from the first to the second , from the second to the third , &c. What is there in the world that is more capable to cast a deeper astonishment in our minds than a great massie substance of Iron to hang in the aire in the middest of a building without any thing in the world touching it , only but the aire ? As some histories assure us , that by the aid of a Magnes or Adamant , placed at the roof of one of the Turkish Synagogues in Meca : the sepulchre of that infamous Mah●met rests suspended in the aire ; and Plinie in his naturall Historie writes that the Architect or Democrates did begin to vault the Temple of A●sin●e in Alexandria , with store of magnes to produce the like deceit , to hang the sepulchre of that Goddesse likewise in the aire . I should passe the bounds of my counterpoise , if I should divulge all the secrets of this stone , and should expose my selfe to the laughter of the world : if I should brag to shew others the cause how this appeareth , than in its owne naturall sympathy , for why is it that a magnes with one end will cast the Iron away , & attract it with the other ? from whence commeth it that all the magnes is not proper to give a true touch to the needle , but only in the two Poles of the stone : which is known by hanging the stone by a threed in the aire untill it be quiet , or placed upon a peece of Cork in a dish of water , or upon some thinne board , for the Pole of the stone will then turne towards the Poles of the world , and point out the North and South , and so shew by which of these ends the needle is to be touched ? From whence comes it that there is a variation in the needle , and pointeth not out truly the North and South of the world , but only in some place of the earth ? How is it that the needle made with pegges and inclosed within two Glasses , sheweth the height of the Pole , being elevated as many degrees as the Pole is above the Horizon ? What 's the cause that fire and Garlick takes away the propertie of the magnes ? There are many great hidden mysteries in this stone , which have troubled the heads of the most learned in all ages ; and to this time the world remaines ignorant of declaring the rrue cause thereof . Some say , that by help of the Magnes persons which are absent may know each others minde , as if one being here at London , and another at Prague in Germany : if each of them had a needle touched with one magnes , then the vertue is such that in the same time that the needle which is at Prague shall move , this that is at London shall also ; provided that the parties have like secret notes or alphabets , and the observation be at a set houre of the day or night ; and when the one party will declare unto the other , then let that party move the needle to these letters which will declare the matter to the other , and the moving of the other parties needle shall open his intention . The invention is subtile , but I doubt whether in the world there can be found so great a stone ▪ or such a Magnes which carries with it such vertue : neither is it expedient , for treasons would be then too frequent and open . EXAMINATION . THe experimentall difference of rejection , and attraction proceeds not from the different nature of Stones , but from the quality of the Iron ; and the vertue of the stone consisteth only , and especially in his poles , which being hanged in the Aire , turnes one of his ends alwayes naturally towards the South , and the other towards the North : but if a rod of Iron be touched with one of the ends thereof , it hath the like property in turning North and South , as the magnes hath : notwithstanding the end of the Iron Rod touched , hath a contrary position , to that end of the stone that touched it ; yet the same end will attract it , and the other end reject it : and so contrarily this may easily be experimented upon two needles touched with one or different stones , though they have one and the same position ; for as you come unto them apply one end of the magnes neare unto them , the North of the one will abhorre the North of the other , but the North of the one will alwayes approach to the South of the other : and the same affection is in the stones themselves . For the finding of the Poles of the magnes , it may be done by holding a small needle between your fingers softly , and so moving it from part to part over the stone untill it be held perpendicular , for that shall be one of the Poles of the stone which you may marke out ; in like manner finde out the other Pole : Now to finde out which of those Poles is North or South , place a needle being touched with one of the Poles upon a smooth convex body , ( as the naile of ones finger or such like , ) and marke which way the end of the needle that was touched turneth : if to the South , then the point that touched it was the South-Pole , &c. and it is most certain and according to reason and experience : that if it be suspended in aequilibrio in the aire , or supported upon the water , it will turne contrary to the needle that toucheth it ; for then the pole that was marked for the South shall turne to the North , &c. PROBLEM . LXVIII . Of the properties of Aeolipiles or bowels to blow the fire . THese are concave vessels of Brass or Copper or other material , which may indure the , fire : having a small hole very narrow , by which it is filled with water , then placing it to the fire , before it be hot there is no effect seen ; but assoone as the heat doth penetrate it , the water begins to rarefie , & issueth forth with a hidious and marvelous force ; it is pleasure to see how it blowes the fire with great noise . Novv touching the forme of these vessels , they are not made of one like fashion : some makes them like a bovvle , some like a head painted representing the vvinde , some make them like a Peare : as though one vvould put it to rost at the fire , vvhen one vvould have it to blovv , for the taile of it is hollovv , in forme of a funnell , having at the top a very little hole no greater than the head of a pinne . Some do accustome to put vvithin the Aeolipile a crooked funnell of many foldings , to the end that the vvinde that impetuously rolles ▪ to and fro vvithin , may imitate the noise of thunder . Others content themselves vvith a simple funnell placed right upvvard , somevvhat vvider at the top than elsevvhere like a Cone , vvhose basis is the mouth of the funnell : and there may be placed a bovvle of Iron or Brasse , vvhich by the vapours that are cast out vvill cause it to leap up , and dance over the mouth of the Aeolipile . Lastly , some apply near to the hole smal Windmils , or such like , vvhich easily turne by reason of the vapours ; or by help of tvvo or more bovved funnels , a bowle may be made to turne● these Aeolipiles are of excellent use for the melting of mettalls and such like . Now it is cunning and subtiltie to fill one of these Aeolipiles with water at so little a hole , and therefore requires the knowledge of a Philosopher to finde it out : and the way is thus . Heat the Aeolipiles being empty , and the aire which is within it will become extreamely rarefied ; then being thus hot throw it into water , and the aire will begin to be condensed : by which meanes it will occupie lesse roome , therefore the water will immediately enter in at the hole to avoide vacuitie : thus you have some practicall speculation upon the Aeolipile . PROBLEM . LXIX . Of the Thermometer : or an instrument to measure the degrees of heat and cold in the aire . THis Instrument is like a Cylindricall pipe of Glasse , which hath a little ball or bowle at the toppe ▪ the small end of which is placed into a vessell of water below , as by the figure may be seene . Then put some coloured liquor into the Cylindricall glasse , as blew , red , yellow , green , or such like : such as is not thick . This being done the use may be thus . Those that will determine this change by numbers and degrees , may draw a line upon the Cylinder of the Thermometer ; and divide it into 4 degrees , according to the ancient Philosophers , or into 4 degrees according to the Physicians , dividing each of these 8 into 8 others : to have in all 64 divisions , & by this vvay they may not only distinguish upon vvhat degree the vvater ascendeth in the morning , at midday , & at any other houre : but also one may knovv hovv much one day is hotter or colder than another : by marking hovv many degrees the vvater ascendeth or descendeth , one may compare the hottest and coldest dayes in a vvhole year together vvith these of another year : againe one may knovv hovv much hotter one roome is than another , by vvhich also one might keep a chamber , a furnace , a stove , &c. alvvayes in an equalitie of heat , by making the vvater of the Thermometer rest alvvayes upon one & the same degree : in brief , one may judge in some measure the burning of Fevers , and neare unto what extension the aire can be rarefied by the greatest heat . Many make use of these glasses to judge of the vveather : for it is observed that if the vvater fall in 3 or 4 hours a degree or thereabout , that raine insueth ; and the vvater vvill stand at that stay , untill the vveather change : marke the water at your going to bed , for if in the morning it hath descended raine followeth , but if it be mounted higher , it argueth faire weather : so in very cold weather , if it fall suddenly , it is snow or some sleekey weather that wiil insue , PROBLEM . LXX . Of the proportion of humane bodies of statues , of Colossus or huge images , and of monstrous Giants . PYthagoras had reason to say that man is the measure of all things . First , because he is the most perfect amongst all bodily creatures , & according to the Maxime of Philosophers , that which is most perfect and the first in rank , measureth all the rest . Secondly , because in effect the ordinary measure of a foot , the inch , the cubit , the pace , have taken their names and greatnesse from humane bodies . Thirdly , because the symmetrie and concordancie of the parts is so admirable , that all workes which are well proportionable , as namely the building of Temples , of Shippes , of Pillars , and such like pieces of Architecture , are in some measure fashioned and composed after his proportion . And we know that the Arke of Noah built by the commandement of God , was in length 300 Cubits , in breadth 50 Cubits , in height or depth 30 cubits , so that the length containes the breadth 6 times , and 10 times the depth : now a man being measured you will finde him to have the same proportion in length , breadth , and depth . Vilalpandus treating of the Temple of Solomon ( that chieftaine of works ) was modulated all of good Architecture , and curiously to be observed in many pieces to keep the same proportion as the body to his parts : so that by the greatnesse of the work and proportionable symmetrie , some dare assure themselves that by knowledge of one onely part of that building , one might know all the measures of that goodly structure . Some Architects say that the foundation of houses , and basis of columnes , are as the foot ; the top , and roofe as the head ; the rest as the body : those which have beene somewhat more curious , have noted that as in humane bodies , the parts are uniforme , as the nose , the mouth , &c. these which are double are put on one side or other , with a perfect equality in the same Architecture . In like manner , some have been yet more curious than solid ; comparing all the ornaments of a Corinth to the parts of the face , as the brow , the eyes , the nose , the mouth ; the rounding of Pillars , to the vvrithing of haire , the channells of columnes , to the fouldings of vvomens Robes , &c. Novv building being a vvork of the best Artist , there is much reason vvhy man ought to make his imitation from the chiefe vvork of nature ; vvhich is man. Hence it is that Vitru●ius in his third book , and all the best Architectes , treate of the proportion of man ; amongst others Albert Durens hath made a whole book of the measures of mans body , from the foot to the head , let them read it who wil , they may have a prefect knowledge thereof : But I will content my selfe and it may satisfie some with that which followeth . First , the length of a man well made , which commonly is called height , is equall to the distance from one end of his finger to the other : when the armes are extended as wide as they may be . Secondly , if a man have his feet and hands extended or stretched in forme of S. Andrews Crosse , placing one foot of a paire of Compasses upon his navill , one may describe a circle which will passe by the ends of his hands and feet , and drawing lines by the termes of the hands and feet , you have a square within a circle . Thirdly , the breadth of man , or the space which is from one side to another ; the breast , the head , and the neck , make the 6 part of all the body taken in length or height . Fourthly , the length of the face is equall to the length of the hand , taken from the small of the arme , unto the extremity of the longest finger . Fiftly , the thicknesse of the body taken from the belly to the back ; the one or the other is the tenth part of the whole body , or as some will have it , the ninth part , little lesse . Sixtly , the height of the brow , the length of the nose , the space between the nose and the chinne , the length of the eares , the greatnesse of the thumbe , are perfectly equall one to the other . What would you say to make an admirable report of the other parts , if I should reckon them in their least ? but in that I desire to be excused , and will rather extract some conclusion upon ▪ that which is delivered . In the first place , knowing the proportion of a man , it is easie to Painters , Image-makers , &c. perfectly to proportionate their work ; and by the same is made most evident , that which is related of the images and statues of Greece , that upon a day diverse workmen having enterprised to make the face of a man , being severed one from another in sundry places , all the parts being made and put together , the face was found in a most lively and true proportion . Secondly , it is a thing most cleare , that by the help of proportion , the body of Hercules was measured by the knowledge of his foot onely , a Lion by his claw , the Giant by his thumb , and a man by any part of his body . For so it was that Pythagoras having measured the length of Hercules foot , by the steps which were left upon the ground , found out all his height : and so it was that Phidias having onely the claw of a Lion , did figure and draw out all the beast according to his true type or forme , so the exquisite Painter Timantes , having painted a Pygmey or Dwarfe , which he measured with a fadome made with the inch of a Giant , it was sufficient to know the greatnesse of that Giant - To be short , we may by like methode come easily to the knowledge of many fine antiquities touching Statues , Colossus , and monstrous Giants , onely supposing one had found but one only part of them , as the head , the hand , the foot or some bone mentioned in ancient Histories . Of Statues , of Colossus , or huge images . VItruvius relates in his second book , that the Architect Dinocrates was desirous to put out to the world some notable thing , went to Alexander the great , and proposed unto him a high and speciall piece of work which he had projected : as to figure out the mount Athos in forme of a great Statue , which should hold in his right hand a Towne capable to receive ten thousand men : and in his left hand a vessell to receive all the water that floweth from the Mountaine , which with an ingine should cast into the Sea. This is a pretty project , said Alexander , but because there was not field-roome thereabout to nourish and reteine the Citizens of that place , Alexander was wise not to entertaine the designe . Now let it be required of what greatnesse this Statue might have been , the Towne in his right hand , and the receiver of water in his left hand if it had been made . For the Statue , it could not be higher than the Mountaine it selfe , and the Mountaine was about a mile in height plumb or perpendicular ; therefore the hand of this Statue ought to be the 10th part of his height , which would be 500 foot , and so the breadth of his hand would be 250 foot , the length now multiplyed by the breadth , makes an hundred twenty five thousand square feet , for the quantitie of his hand to make the towne in , to lodge the said 10 thousand men , allowing to each man neere about 12 foot of square ground : now judge the capacitie of the other parts of this Collossus by that which is already delivered . Secondly , Plinie in his 34 book of his natural History , speakes of the famous Colossus that was at Rhodes , between whose legges a Shippe might passe with his sailes open or displayed , the Statue being of 70 cubits high : and other Histories report that the Sarasens having broken it , did load 900 Camels with the mettal of it , now what might be the greatnesse and weight of this Statue ? For answer , it is usually allowed for a Camels burthen 1200 pound weight , therefore all the Collosus did weigh 1080000 pound weight , which is ten hundred and fourescore thousand pound vveight . Novv according to the former rules , the head being the tenth part of the body , this Statues head should be of 7 cubits , that is to say , 10 foot and a halfe , and seeing that the Nose , the brovv , and the thumbe , are the third part of the face , his Nose vvas 3 foot and a halfe long , and so much also vvas his thumbe in length : novv the thicknesse being alvvayes the third part of the length , it should seem that his thumb was a foot thick at the least . Thirdly , the said Plinie in the same place reports that Nero did cause to come out of France into Italy , a brave and bold Statue-maker called Zenodocus , to erect him a Colossus of brasse , which was made of 120 foot in height , which Nero caused to be painted in the same height . Now would you know the greatnesse of the members of this Colossus , the breadth would be 20 foot , his face 12 foote , his thumb and his nose 4 foot , according to the proportion before delivered . Thus I have a faire field or subject to extend my selfe upon , but it is upon another occasion that it was undertaken , let us speak therefore a word touching the Giants , and then passe away to the matter . Of monstrous Giants . YOu will hardly beleeve all that which I say touching this , neither will I beleeve all that which Authors say upon this subject : notwithstanding you nor I cannot deny but that long ago there have been men of a most prodigious greatnesse ; for the holy vvritings vvitnesse this themselves in Deut , Chap. 3. that there vvas a certaine Giant called Og , of the Town of Rabath , vvho had a bed of Iron , the length thereof vvas 9 cubits , and in breadth 4 cubits . So in the first of Kings Chap. 17. there is mention made of Goliah , vvhose height vvas a palme and 6 cubits , that is more then 9 foot , he was armed from the head to the foot , and his Curiat onely with the Iron of his lance , weighed five thousand and six hundred shekels , which in our common weight , is more than 233 pound , of 12 ounces to the pound : Now it is certaine , that the rest of his armes taking his Target , Helmet , Bracelets , and other Armour together , did weigh at the least 5 hundred pound , a thing prodigious ; seeing that the strongest man that now is , can hardly beare 200 pound , yet this Giant carries this as a vesture without paine . Solinus reporteth in his 5 Chap. of his Historie , that during the Grecians warre after a great overflowing of the Rivers , there was found upon the sands the carcase of a man , whose length was 33 Cubits , ( that is 49 foot and a halfe ) therefore according to the proportion delivered , his face should be 5 foot in length , a thing prodigious and monstrous . Plinie in his 7. book and 16 Chap. saith , that in the Isle of Crete or Candie , a mountaine being cloven by an Earth-quake , there was a body standing upright , which had 46 Cubits of height : some beleeve that it was the body of Orion or Othus , ( but I think rather it was some Ghost or some delusion ) whose hand should have beene 7 foot , and his nose two foot and a half long . But that which Plutarch in the l●fe of Sertorius reports of , is more strange , who saith , that in Timgy a Morative Towne , where it is thought that the Giant Antheus was buried , Sertorius could not beleeve that which was reported of his prodigious greatnesse , caused his sepulchre to be opened , and found that his body did containe 60 Cubits in length , then by proportion he should be 10 Cubits or 15 foot in breadth ; 9 foot for the length of his face , 3 foot for his thumb , which is neare the capacitie of the Colossus at Rhodes . But behold here a fine fable of Symphoris Campesius , in his book intituled Hortus Gallicus , who sayes that in the Kingdome of Sicilie , at the foot of a mountaine neare Trepane , in opening the foundation of a house , they found a Cave in which was ●aid a Giant , which held in stead of a staffe a great post like the mast of a Ship : and going to handle it , it mouldered all into ashes , except the bones which remained of an exceeding great measure , that in his head there might be easily placed 5 quarters of corn , and by proportion it should seeme that his length was 200 cubits , or 300 foot : if he had said that he had been 300 cubits in length , then he might have made us beleeve that Noahs Ark was but great enough for his sepulchre . Who can believe that any man ever had 20 cubits , or 30 foot in length for his face , and a nose of 10 foot long ? but it is very certaine that there have been men of very great stature , as the holy Scriptures before witnesse , and many Authours worthy of beliefe relate : Josephus Acosta in his first book of the Indian History , Chap. 19. a late writer , reporteth , that at Peru was found the bones of a Giant , which was 3 times greater than these of ours are , that is 18 foot , for it is usually attributed to the tallest ordinary man in these our times but 6 foot of length ; and Histories are full of the description of other Giants of 9 , 10 , and 12 foot of height , and it hath been seen in our times some which have had such heights as these . PROBLEM . LXXI . Of the game at the Palme , at Trap , at Bowles , Paile-maile , and others . THe Mathematickes often findeth place in sundry Games to aid and assist the Gamesters , though not unknowne unto them , hence by Mathematicall principles , the games at Tennis may be assisted , for all the moving in it is by right lines and reflections . From whence comes it , that from the appearances of flat or convex Glasses , the production and reflection of the species are explained ; is it not by right lines ? in the same proportion one might sufficiently deliver the motion of a Ball or Bowle by Geometrical lines and angles . And the first maxime is thus : When a Bowle toucheth another Bowle ▪ or when a trapstick striketh the Ball , the moving of the Ball is made in a right line , which is drawne from the Centre of the Bowle by the point of contingencie . Secondly , in all kinde of such motion ; when a Ball or Bowle rebounds , be it either against wood , a wall , upon a Drumme , a pavement , or upon a Racket ; the incident Angle is alwayes equall to the Angle of reflection . Now following these maximes , it is easie to canclude , first , in what part of the wood or wall , one may make the Bowle or Ball go to reflect or rebound , to such a place as one would . Secondly , how one may cast a Bowle upon another , in such sort that the first or the second shall go and meet with the third , keeping the reflection or Angle of incidence equal . Thirly , how one may touch a Bowle to send it to what part one pleaseth : such and many other practices may be done . At the exercises at Keyls there must be taken heed that the motion slack or diminish by little and little , and may be noted that the Maximes of reflections cannot be exactly observed by locall motion , as in the beames of light and of other quallities , whereof it is necessary to supply it by industry or by strength , otherwise one may be frustrated in that respect . PROBLEM . LXXII . Of the Game of square formes . NVmbers have an admirable secrecie , diversly applied , as before in part is shewed , and here I will say something by way of transmutation of numbers . It 's answered thus , in the first forme the men were as the figure A , then each of these 4 Souldiers placed themselves at each Gate , and removing one man from each Angle to each Gate , then would they be also 9 in each side according to the figure B. Lastly , these 4 Souldiers at the Gates take away each one his Cumrade , and placing two of these men which are at each Gate to each Angle , there will be still 9 for each side of the square , according to the figure C. In like manner if there were 12 men , how might they be placed about a square that the first side shall have 3 every way , then disordered , so that they might be 4 every way ; and lastly , being transported might make 5 every way ? & this is according to the figures , F. G.H PROBLEM . LXXIII . How to make the string of a Viole sensibly shake , without any one touching it ? THis is a miracle in musick , yet easie to be experimented . Take a Viole or other Instrument , and choose two strings , so that there be one between them ; make these two strings , agree in one and the same tune : then move the Viole-bowe upon the greater string , and you shall see a wonder : for in the same time that that shakes which you play upon , the other will likewise sensibly shake without any one touching it ; and it is more admirable that the string which is between them will not shake at all : and if you put the first string to another tune or note , and loosing the pin of the string , or stopping it with your finger in any fret , the other string will not shake : and the same will happen if you take two Violes , and strike upon a string of the one , the string of the other will sensibly shake . Now it may be demanded , how comes this shaking , is it in the occult sympathie , or is it in the strings being wound up to like notes or tunes , that so easily the other may receive the impression of the aire , which is agitated or moved by the shaking or the trembling of the other ? & whence is it that the Viole-bowe moved upon the first string , doth instantly in the same time move the third string , and not the second ? if the cause be not either in the first or second ? I leave to others to descant on . EXAMINATION . IN this Examination we have something else to imagine , than the bare sympathie of the Cords one to another : for first there ought to be considered the different effect that it produceth by extention upon one and the same Cord in capacitie : then what might be produced upon different Cords of length and bigness to make them accord in a unisone or octavo , or some consort intermediate : this being naturally examined , it will be facill to lay open a way to the knowledge of the true and immediate cause of this noble and admirable Phaenomeny . Now this will sensibly appeare when the Cords are of equall length and greatnesse , and set to an unisone ; but when the Cords differ from their equalitie , it will be lesse sensible : hence in one and the same Instrument , Cords at a unisone shall excite or shake more than that which is at an octavo , and more than those which are of an intermediate proportionall consort : as for the other consorts they are not exempted , though the effect be not so sensible , yet more in one than in another : and the experiment will seem more admirable in taking 2 Lutes , Viols , &c. & in setting them to one tune : for then in touching the Cord of the one , it will give a sensible motion to the Cord of the other : and not onely so but also a harmony . PROBLEM . LXXIIII . Of a vessell which containes three severall kindes of liquor , all put in at one bung-hole , and drawn out at one tap severally without mixture . THe vessell is thus made , it must be divided into three Cells for to conteine the three liquors , which admit to be Sack , Claret , and White-wine : Now in the bung-hole there is an Engine with three pipes , each extending to his proper Cell , into which there is put a broach or funnell pierced in three places , in such sort , that placing one of the holes right against the pipe which answereth unto him , the other tvvo pipes are stopped ; then vvhen it is full , turne the funnel , and then the former hole vvill be stopped , and another open , to cast in other vvine vvithout mixing it vvith the other . Novv to dravv out also vvithout mixture , at the bottome of the vessell there must be placed a pipe or broach , vvhich may have three pipes ; and a cock piersed vvith three holes so artificially done , that turning the cock , the whole vvhich ansvvereth to such of the pipes that is placed at the bottom , may issue forth such vvine as belongeth to that pipe , & turning the Cock to another pipe , the former hole vvil be stopped ; and so there will issue forth another kinde of wine without any mixtures ; but the Cocke may be so ordered that there may come out by it two wines together , or all three kindes at once : but it seems best when that in one vessell and at one Cocke , a man may draw severall kindes of wine , and which he pleaseth to drink . PROBLEM . LXXV . Of burning-Glasses . IN this insuing discourse I will shew the invention of Prom●theus , how to steale fire from Heaven , and bring it down to the Earth ; this is done by a little round Glasse , or made of steele , by which one may light a Candle , and make it flame , kindle Fire-brands to wake them burne , melt Lead , ●inne , Gold , and Silver , in a little time ▪ with as great ease as though it had been put into a Cruzet over a great fire . But this is nothing to the burning of those Glasses which are hollow , namely those which are of steele well polished , according to a par●bolicall or ovall section . A sphericall Glasse , or that which is according to the segment of a Sphere , burnes very effectually about the fourth part of the Diameter ; notwithstanding the Parabolie and Ecliptick sections have a great effect : by which Glasses there are also diverse figures represented forth to the eye . The cause of this burning is the uniting of the beames of the Sunne , which heat mightily in the point of concourse or inflammation , which is either by transmissi●n or reflection ▪ Now it is pleasant to behold when one breatheth in the point of concourse , or throweth small dust there , or sprinkles vapours of hot water in that place ; by which the Pyramidall point , or point of inflammation is knowne . Now some Authors promise to make Glasses which shall burne a great distance off , but yet not seen vulgarly produced , of which if they were made , the Parabolie makes the greatest eff●ct , and is g●nerally held to be the invention of Archimedes or Pro●●us . Maginus in the 5 Chap. of his Treatise of sphericall Glasses , shewes how one may serve himselfe with a concave Glasse , to light fire in the shadow , or neare such a place where the Sunne shines not , which is by help of a flat Glasse , by which may be made a percussion of the beames of the Sun into the concave Glasse , adding unto it that it serves to good use to put fi●e to a Mine , provided that the combustible matter be well applyed before the concave Glasse ; in which he saies true : but because all the effect of the practice depends upon the placing of the Glasse and the Powder which he speaks not of : I will deliver here a rule more generall . How one may place a Burning-glasse with his combust●ble matter in such sort , that at a convenient houre of the day , the Sun shining , it shall take fire and burne : Now it is certaine that the point of inflammation or burning , is changed as the Sun changeth place , and no more nor lesse , than the shadow turnes about the style of a Dyall ; therefore have regard to the Suns motion , and ●is height and place : a Bowle of Crystall in the same place that the top of the style is , and the Powder or other combustible matter under the Meridian , or houre of 12 , 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. or any other houre , and under the Suns arch for that day : now the Sunne comming to the houre of 12 , to ● , 2 , ● , &c. the Sunne casting his beames through the Crystall Bowle , will fire the materiall or combustible thing , which meets in the point of burning : the like may be observed of other Burning-glasses . EXAMINATION . IT is certaine in the first part of this Probleme that Conicall , ●oncave and sphericall Glasses , of what matter soever , being placed to receive the beames of the Sun will excite heat , and that heat is so much the greater , by how much it is neere the point of conc●rse or inflamatio● . But that Archimedes or Proclus d●d fire or burne Shipps with such Glasses , the ancient Histories are silent , yea the selves say nothing : besides the great difficultie that doth oppose it in remotenesse , and the matter that the effect is to work upon : Now by a common Glasse we fire things neare at hand , from which it seems very facil to such which are lesse read , to do it at a farre greater distance , and so by re●ation some deliver to the World by supposition that which never was done in action : this we say the rather , not to take away the most excellent and admirable effects which are in Burning-glasses , but to shew the variety of Antiquity , and truth of History : and as touching to burne at a great distance , as is said of some , it is absolutely impossible ; and that the Parabolicall and Ovall Glasses were of Archimedes and ●roclus invention is much uncertaine : for besides the construction of such Glasses , they are more difficult than the obtuse concave ones are ; and further , they cast not a great heat but neere at hand ; for if it be cast farre off , the effect is little , and the heat weake , or otherwise such Glasses must be greatly extended to contract many beames to amasse a sufficient quantity of beames in Parabolicall and Conicall Glasses , the point of inflammation ought to concur in a point , which is very difficult to be done in a due proportion . Moreover if the place be farre remote , as is supposed before , such a Glasse cannot be used but at a great inclination of the Sunne ▪ by which the eff●ct of ●urning is d●min●shed , by reason of the weaknesse of the Sunne-beames . And here may be noted in the last part of this Probleme , that by r●ason of obstacles if one plaine Glasse be not sufficient , a second Glasse may be applyed to help it : that so if by one simple reflection it cannot be done , yet by a double reflection the Sun-beames may be ●ast into the said Caverne or Mine , and though the reflected beams in this case be weak ▪ yet upon a 〈◊〉 c●mbustible matter it will not faile to do the effect . PROBLEM . LXXVI . Containing m●ny ple●sant Questions by way of Arithmetick● . J Will not in●ert i● this Probleme that which is drawne from the ●reek Epigrams , but proposing the Question immediately will give the an●wer also , without ●●aying to shew the manner how they are answered ; in this J will 〈◊〉 be tied to the ●reek tearms , w●●ch J account no● proper to this place , nei●●er to my purpose : ●et t●o●e ●ead that will Di●phanta S●●●●biliu● upon Eu●li●● and others , and they may be satisf●ed Of the 〈…〉 the Mule. JT 〈◊〉 ●hat ●he Mule and the Asse upon a day 〈◊〉 a voyage each of them carried a Barrell full of Wine : now the las●e Asse f●lt her selfe over-loaden , complained and bowed under her burthen ; which th● Mule seeing said unto her being angry , ( for it was in the time when beasts spake ) Thou great Asse , wherefore complainest thou ? if I had but onely one measure of that which thou carriest , I should be loaden twice as much as thou art , and if J should give a measure of my loading to thee , yet my burthen would be as much as thine . Now how many measures did each of them carry ? Answer , the Mule did carry 7 measures , and the Asse 5 measures : for if the Mule had one of the measures of the Asses loading , then the Mule would have 8 measures , which is double to 4 , and giving one to the Asse , each of them would have equall burthens : to wit , 6 measures apiece . Of the number of Souldiers that fought before old Troy. HOmer being asked by He●iodus how many Grecian Souldiers came against Troy ? who answered him thus ; The Grecians , said Homer , made 7 fires , or had 7 Kitchins , and before every fire , or in every Kitchin there were 50 broaches turning to rost a great quantitie of flesh , and each broach had meat enough to satisfie 900 men : now judge how many men there might be . Answer , 315000. that is , three hundred and fifteen thousand men , which is cleare by multiplying 7 by 50 , and the product by 900 makes the said 315000. Of the number of Crownes that two men had . JOhn and Peter had certaine number of crowns : John said to Peter , If you give me 10 of your crownes , I shall have three times as much as you have : but Peter said to J●hn , If you give me 10 of your crownes I shall have 5 times as much as you have : how much had each of them ? Answere , John had 15 crownes and 5 sevenths of a crowne , and Peter had 18 crownes , and 4 sevenths of a crowne . For if you adde 10 of Peters crownes to those of Johns , then should John have 25 crownes and 5 sevenths of a crowne , which is triple to that of Peters , viz. 8 ▪ and 4 sevenths : and John giving 10 to Peter , Peter should have then 28 crownes , and 4 sevenths of a crowne , which is Quintupla , or 5 times as much as John had left , viz. 5 crownes and 5 sevenths . In like manner two Gamesters playing together , A and B ▪ after play A said to B , Give me 2 crownes of thy money , and I shall have twice as much as thou hast : and B said to A , Give me 2 crownes of thy money , and I shall have 4 times as much as thou hast : now how much had each ? Answer , A had 3 and 5 seventhes , and B had 4 and 6 seventhes . About the houre of the day . SOme one asked a Mathemacian what a clocke it was ; who answered that the rest of the day is foure thirds of that which is past : now judge what a clock it is . Answer , if the day were according to the Jewes and ancient Romanes , which ma●e it alwayes to be 12 houres , it was then the ● houre , and one seventh of an hou●e , so there remained of the whole day 6 , that is , 6 houres , and 6 sevenths of an hour . Now if you take the 1 / ● of 5 ● / 7 it is ●2 / 7 or ● and ● 7 , which multipled by 4 makes 6 and 6 / 7 , which is the remainder of the day , as before : but if the day had been 24 houres , then the houre had been 10 of the clock ▪ and two seventhes of an houre , which is found ▪ out by dividing 12 , or 24 by ● . There might have been added many curious propositions in this kinde , but they vvould be too difficult for the most part of people ▪ therefore I have omi●ted them ▪ Of Pythagoras his Schollers . PYthagoras being asked what number of Schollers he had , ansvvered , that halfe of them studied Mathematickes , the fourth part Physick , the seventh part Rethorick , and besides he had 3 vvomen : novv judge you saith he , hovv many Schollers I have . Ansvver , he had in all 28 , the halfe of vvhich is 14 , the quarter of which is 7 , and the seventh part of which is which 14 , 7 , and 4 , makes 25 , and the other 3 to make up the 28 , were the 3 women . Of the number of Apples given amongst the Graces and the Muses . THe three Graces carrying Apples upon a day , the one as many as the other , met with the 9 Muses , who asked of them some of their Apples ; so each of the Graces gave to each of the Muses alike , and the distribution being made , they found that the Graces & the Muses had one as many as the other : The question is how many Apples each Grace had , and how many they gave to each Muse ? ●o ansvver the qeustion , joyne the number of Graces and Muses together vvhich makes 12 , and so many Apples had each Grace : Novv may you take the double , triple , &c. of 12 that is 24 , 36 , &c. conditionally , that if each Grace had but 12 , then may there be allotted to each Muse but one onely ; if 24 , then to each 2 Apples , if ●6 , then to each Muse 3 Apples , and so the distribution being made , they have a like number , that is one as many as the other . Of the Testament or last Will of a dying Father . A Dying Father left a thousand Crovvnes amongst his tvvo children ; the one being legitimate , and the other a Bastard , conditionally that the fifth part which his legittimate Sonne should have , should exceed by 10 , the fourth part of that which the Bastard should have : what was each 〈◊〉 part ? Answer , the legitimate Sonne had 577 crownes and 7 / ● , and the Bastard 42● crownes and 2 / 9 now the fifth part of 577 and 7 ninthes is 1●5 , and 5 / 9 , and the fourth part of 422 and ● is 105 and ● which is lesse then ●15 ● by 10 , according to the Will of the Testator . Of the Cups of Croesus . CRoesus gave to the Temple of the ●ods six Cups of Gold ▪ which weighed together ●00 Drammes , but each cup was heavier one than another by one Dram : how much did each of them therefore weigh ? Answer , the first weighed 102 Drammes and a halfe ; the second 101 Drammes and a halfe , the third 100 Drammes and ● , the fourth 99 a & halfe , the fifth 98 & a halfe ; and the sixt Cup weighed 97 Drammes and a halfe ▪ which together makes 600 Drams as before . Of Cupids Apples . CVpid complained to his mother that the Muses had taken away his Apples , Clio , said he , took from me the fifth part , Euterp the twelfth part , Thalia the eighth part , M●lp●meno the twentieth part , Erates the seventh part ▪ Terpomene the fourth part , Polyhymnia took away 30 , Vrania 220 , and Calliope 300. so there vvere left me but 5 Appls , hovv many had he in all at the first ? I ansvver 3●60 . There are an infinite of such like questions amongst the Greek Epigrams : but it would be unpleasant to expresse them all : I will onely adde one more , and shew a generall rule for all the rest . Of a Mans Age. A Man vvas said to passe the sixth part of his life in childe-hood , the fourth part in his youth , the ●hird part in Manhood , and 18 yeares besides in old age : what might his Age be ? the ansvver is , 72 yeares : vvhich and all others is thus resolved : multiply 1 / ● ▪ ¼ and ⅓ ▪ together , that is , 6 by 4 makes 24 , and that againe by 3 makes 72 , then take the third part of 72 , vvhich is 24 , the fourth part of it , vvhich is 18 , and the sixth part of it vvhich is 12 , these added together make 54 , vvhich taken from 72 , rests 18 this divided by 18 ( spoken in the Question ) gives 1 , which multiplied by the summe of the parts , viz. 72 , makes 72 , the Ansvver as before . Of the Lion of Bronze placed upon a Fountaine with this Epigramme . OVt of my right eye if I let vvater passe , I can fill the Cisterne in 2 dayes : if I let it passe out of the left eye , it vvill be filled in 3 dayes : if it passe out of my feet , the Cistern vvill be 4 dayes a●filling ; but if I let the vvater passe out of my mouth , I can fill the Cistern then in 6 houres : in vvhat time should I fill it , if I poure forth the vvater at all the passages at once ? The Greeks ( the greatest talkers in the vvorld ) variously apply this question to divers statues , and pipes of Fountaines : and the solution is by the Rule of ● , by a generall Rule , or by ●lgebra . They have also in their Anthologie many other questions , but because they are more proper to exercise , than to recreate the spirit , I passe them over ( as before ) with silence . PROBLEM . LXXVII . Divers excellent and admirable experiments upon Glasses . THere is nothing in the world so beautifull as light : and nothing more recreative to the sight , than Glasses vvhich reflect : therefore I vvill novv produce some experiments upon them , not that vvill dive into their depth ( that vvere to lay open a mysterious thing ) but that vvhich may delight and recreate the spirits : Let us suppose therefore these principles , upon which is built the demonstration of the appar●nces which are made ●n all sort of Glasses . First , that the rayes or beames , vvhich reflect upon a Glasse , make the Angle of incident equall to the Angle of Reflection , by the first Theo. of the Catoptick of Euc. Secondly , that in all plain Glasses , the Images are seen in the perpendicular line to the Glasse , as far within the glass as the object is without it . Thirdly , in Concave , or Convex Glasses , the Images are seen in the right line which passeth from the object and through the Centre in the Glasse . Theo. 17. and 18. And here you are to understand , that there is not meant only those which are simple Glasses or Glasses of steele , but all other bodies , which may represent the visible Image of things by reason of their reflection , as Water , Marble , Mettal , or such like . Now take a Glasse in your hand and make experiment upon that which followeth . Experiment upon flat and plaine Glasses . FIrst , a man cannot see any thing in these Glasses , if he be not directly and in a perpendicular line before it , neither can he see an object in these Glasses , if it be not in such a place , that makes the Angle of incidence equall to the Angle of reflexion : therefore when a Glasse stands upright , that is , perpendicular to the Horizon , you cannot see that which is above , except the Glasse be placed down flat : and to see that on the right hand , you must be on the left hand , &c. Secondly , an image cannot be seen in a Glass if it be not raised above the surface of it ; or place a Glasse upon a wall , you shall see nothing which is upon the plaine of the wall , and place it upon a Table or Horizontal Plaine , you shall see nothing of that which is upon the Table . Thirdly , in a plaine Glasse all that is seene appeares or seemes to sink behinde the Glasse , as much as the image is before the Glasse , as before is said . Fourthly , ( as in water ) a Glasse lying downe flat , or Horizontall , Towers , Trees , Men , or any height doth appeare , inversed or upside downe ; and a Glasse placed upright , the right hand of the Jmage seems to be the left , and the left seems to be the right . Fifthly , will you see in a Chamber that which is done in the street , without being seen ▪ then a Glasse must be disposed , that the line upon which the Jmages come on the Glasse , make the Angle of incidence equall to that Angle of reflexion . Seventhly , present a Candle upon a plaine Glasse , and look flaunting upon it , so that the Candle and the Glasse be neere in a right line , you shall see 3 , 4 , 5 , &c. images , from one and the same Candle . Eightly , take tvvo plaine Glasses , and hold them one against the other , you shall alternately see them oftentimes one vvithin the other , yea vvithin themselves , againe and againe . Ninthly , if you hold a plaine Glasse behinde your head , and another before your face , you may see the h●nder part of your head , in that Glasse vvhich you hold before your face . Tenthly , you may have a fine experiment if you place tvvo Glasses together , that they make an acute angle , and so the lesser the angle is , the more apparances you shall see , the one direct , the other inversed , the one approaching , and the other retiring . Eleventhly , it is a vvonder & astonishment to some , to see within a Glasse an Image vvithout knovving from vvhence it came , and it may be done many vvayes : as place a Glass higher than the eye of the beholder , and right against it is some Image ; so it resteth not upon the beholder , but doth cast the Image upvvards . Then place another object , so that it reflect , or cast the Image downeward to the eye of the spectator ▪ without perceiving it being hid behinde something , for then the Glasse will represent a quite contrary thing , either that which is before the Glasse , or that which is about it , to wit , the other hidden object . Twelfthly , if there be ingraved behinde the backside of a Glasse , or drawne any Image upon it , it will appeare before as an Image , without any appearance : o● portraicture to be perceived . EXAMINATION . THis 12 Article of ingraving an Image behinde the Glasse , will be of no great consequence ▪ because the lineaments will seem so obscure , but if there were painted some Image , and then that covered according to the usuall covering of Glasses behinde , and so made up like an ordinary looking-Glasse having an Image in the middle , in this respect it would be sufficiently pleasant : and that which would admire the ignorant , and able to exercise the most subtillest , and that principally if the Glasse be in an obscure place , and the light which is given to it be somewhat farre off . PLace a Glasse neare the floor of a Chamber , & make a hole through the place under the Glasse , so that those which are below may not perceive it , and dispose a bright Image under the hole so that it may cast his species upon the Glasse , and it will cause admiration to those which are below that know not the cause ; The same may be done by placing the Image in a Chamber adjoyning , and so make it to be seen upon the side of the Wall. 14 In these Channel-Images which shew one side a deaths head , & another side a faire face : and right before some other thing : it is a thing evident , that setting a plaine Glasse sidewise to this Image you shall see it in a contrary thing , then that which was presented before sidewise . 15 Lastly , it is a fine secret to present unto a plaine Glasse writing with such industry , that one may read it in the Glasse , and yet out of the Glasse there is nothing to be known , which will thus happen , if the writing be writ backward : but that which is more strange , to shew a kinde of writing to a plaine Glasse , it shall appear another kinde of writing both against sense and forme , as if there were presented to the Glasse WEL it would shew it MET ; if it were written thus MIV , and presented to the Glasse , it would appeare thus VIM ; for in the first , if the Glasse ly flat , then the things are inversed that are perpendicular to the Glass , if the Glass and the object be upright , then that on the right hand , is turned to the left , as in the latter . And here I cease to speak further of these plaine Glasses , either of the Admirable multiplications , or appearances , which is made in a great number of them ; for to content the sight in this particular , one must have recourse to the Cabinets of great Personages who inrich themselves with most beautifull ones . Experiments upon Gibbous , or convex Sphericall Glasses . IF they be in the forme of a Bowle , or part of a great Globe of Glasse , there is singular contentment to contemplate on them . First , because they present the objects lesse and more gracious , and by hovv much more the Images are separated from the Glasse , by so much the more they diminish in Magnitude . Secondly , they that shew the Images plaiting , or foulding , which is very pleasant , especially when the Glasse is placed downe , and behold in it some Blanching , feeling , &c. The upper part of a Gallerie , the porch of a Hall , &c. for they will be represented as a great vessel having more belly in the middle then at the two ends , and Posts , and Joists of Timber will seeme as Circles . Thirdly , that which ravisheth the spirits , by the eye , and which shames the best perspective Painting that a Painter can make , is the beautifull contraction of the Images , that appeare within the sphericity of these small Glasses : for present the Glasse to the lower end of a Gallarie , or at the Corner of a great Court full of People , or towards a great street , Church , fortification , an Army of men , to a whole Cittie ; all the faire Architecture , and appearances will be seene contracted within the circuit of the Glasse with such varietie of Colours , and distinctions in the lesser parts , that I know not in the world what is more agreeable to the sight , and pleasant to behold , in which you will not have an exact proportion , but it will be variable , according to the distance of the Object from the Glasse . Exptriments upon hollow , or Concave sphericall Glasses . I Have heretofore spoken how they may burne , being made of Glasse , or Metall , it remaines now that I deliver some pleasant uses of them , which they represent unto our sight , and so much the more notable it will be , by how much the greater the Glasse is , and the Globe from whence it is extracted for it must in proportion as a segment of some be made circle or orbe . EXAMINATION . IN this we may observe that a section of 2.3 . or 4. Inches in diameter , may be segments of spheres of 2.3 . or 4. foot ● nay of so many fadome , for it is certaine that amongst those which comprehend a great portion of a lesser sphere , and those which comprehend a little segment of a great spheere , whether they be equall or not in section , there will happen an evident difference in one and the same experiment , in the number , situation , quantitie , and figure of the Images of one or many different objects , and in burning there is a great difference . MAginus , in a little Tractate that he had upon these Glasses , witnesseth of himselfe that he hath caused many to be polished for sundry great Lords of Italy , and Germanie , which were segments of Globes of 2.3 . and 4. foot diameter ; and I wish you had some such like to see the experiments of that which followeth ; it is not difficult to have such made , or bought here in Town , the contentment herein would beare with the cost . EXAMINATION . TOuching Maginus he hath nothing ayded us to the knowledge of the truth by his extract out of Vitellius , but left it : expecting it from others , rather than to be plunged in the search of it himselfe , affecting rather the forging of the matter , and composition of the Glasses , than Geometrically to establish their effects . FIrst therefore in concave Glasses , the Images are seene sometimes upon the surface of the Glasses , sometimes as though they were within it and behinde it , deeply sunk into it , sometimes they are seene before , and without the Glasse , sometimes between the object and the Glasse ; sometimes in the place of the Eye , sometimes farther from the Glasse then the object is : which comes to passe by reason of the divers concourse of the beames , and change of the place of the Images in the line of reflection . EXAMINATION . THe relation of these appearances passe current amongst most men , but because the curious may not receive prejudice in their experiments , something ought to be said thereof to give it a more lively touch : in the true causes of these appearances , in the first place it is impossible that the Image can be upon the surface of the Glasse , and it is a principall point to declare truly in which place the Image is seen in the Glasse those that are more learned in Opticall knowledge affirme the contrary , and nature it selfe gives it a certaine place according to its position being alwayes seen in the line of reflection which Alhazen , Vitellius , and others full of grea● knowledge , have confirmed by their writings : but in their particular they were too much occupied by the authority of the Ancients who were not s●fficiently ci●cumspect in experience upon which the principles of this sub●ect ought to be built , an● searched not fully into the true cause of these appearances , seeing they leave unto posterities many 〈◊〉 in their writings , ●nd those that followed them for the most part fell into the like errors . As for the Jmages to bid● in the eye ▪ it cannot be but is imp●rtinent and absurd ; but it followeth that , by how much neerer the ob●ect appro●cheth to the Glasse , by so much the more the appearances seem to come to the eye : and if the eye be without the point of concourse , and the object also ; as long as the object approacheth thereto , the representation of the Image cometh neere the eye , but passing the point of concourse it goes back againe : these appearances thus approaching do not a little astonish those which are ignorant of the cause : they are inversed , if the eye be without the point of concourse untill the object be within , but contrarily if the eye be between the point of concourse and the Glasse , then the Jmages are direct : and if the eye or the object be in the point of concourse , the Glasse will be enlightened and the Jmages confused , and if there were but a spark of fire in the said point of concourse , all the Glasse would seeme a burning fire-brand , and we dare say it would occurre without chance , and in the night be the most certaine and subtilest light that can be , if a candle were placed there . And whosoever shall enter into the search of the truth of new experiments in this subject without doubt he will confirme what we here speak of : & will finde new lights with a conveniable position to the Glasse , he will have reflection of quantities , of truth , and fine secrets in nature , yet not known , which he may easily comprehend if he have but an indifferent sight , and may assure himselfe that the Images cannot exceed the fight , nor trouble it , a thing too much absurd to nature . And it is an absolute verity in this science , that the eye being once placed in the line of reflection of any object , and moved in the same line : the obect is seene in one and the same place immutable ; or if the Image and the eye move in their owne lines , the representation in the Glasse seemes to invest it selfe continually with a different figure . NOw the Image comming thus to the eye , those which know not the secret , draw their sword when they see an Image thus to issue out of the Glasse , or a Pistoll which some one holds behinde : and some Glasses will shew a sword wholly drawne out , sepa●ated from the Glasse , as though it were in the aire : and it is daily exercised , that a man may touch the Image of his hand or his face out of the Glasse , which comes out the farther , by how much the Glasse is great and the Centre remote . EXAMINATION . NOw that a Pistoll being presented to a Glasse behinde a man , should come out of the Glasse , and make him afraid that stands before , seeming to shoot at him , this cannot be : for no object whatsoever presented to a concave Glasse , if it be not neerer to the G●asse then the eye is it comes not out to the sight of the party ; therefore he needs not feare that which is said to be behinde his back , and comes out of the Glasse ; for if it doth come out , it must then necessarily be before his face , so in a concave Glasse whose Centre is farre remote of a sword , stick , or such like be presented to the Glasse , it shall totally be seen to come forth of the Glasse and all the hand that holds it . And here generally note that if an Image be seen to issue out of the Glasse to come towards the face of any one that stands by , the object shall be likewise seen to thrust towards that face in the Glass and may easily be knowne to all the standers by : so many persons standing before a Glasse , if one of the company take a sword , and would make it issue forth towards any o●her that stands there : let him chuse his Image in the Gl●sse and carry the sword right towards it and the effect will follow . In like manner ones hand being presented to the Glosse as it is thrust towards the Centre , s● the representation of it comes towards it , and so the hands will seeme to be united , or to touch one another . FRom which may be concluded , if such a Glasse be placed at the seeling or planching of a Hall , so that the face be Horizontall and look downward ; one may see under it as it were a man hanging by the feet , and if there were many placed so , one could not enter into that place without great feare or scaring : for one should see many men in the aire as if they were hanging by the feet . EXAMINATION . TOuching a Glasse tyed at a seeling or planching , that one may see a man hang by the feet in the aire , and so many Glasses , many men may be seen : without caution this is very absurd for if the Glasse or Glasses be not so great that the Centre of the sphere upon which it was made , extend not neere to the head of him that is under it , it will not pleasantly appeare , and though the Glasse should be of that capacity that the Centre did extend so farre , yet will not the Images be seene to them which are from the Glasse but on●y to those which are under it , or neere unto it : and to them it will not ably appeare , and it would be most admirable to have a Gallerie vaulted over with such Glasses which would wonderfully astonish any one that enters into it : for a●l the things in the Gallery would be seen to hang in the aire , and you could not walk without incountering airie apparitions . SEcondly , in flat or plaine Glasses the Image is seen equall to his object , and to represent a whole man , there ought to be a Glasse as great as the Image is : In convex Glasses the Images are seen alwayes lesse , in concave Glasses they may be seen greater or lesser , but not truly proportionable , by reason the diverse reflexions which contracts or inlargeth the Species : when the eye is between the Centre and the surface of the Glasse ; the Image appeares sometimes very great and deformed , and those which have but the appearance of the beginning of a beard on their chinne , may cheare up themselves to see they have a great beard ; those that seeme to be faire will thrust away the Glasse with despight , because it will transforme their beauty : those that put their hand to the Glasse vvill seeme to have the hand of a Giant , and if one puts his finger to the Glasse it vvill be seen as a great Pyramide of flesh , inversed against his finger . Thirdly , it is a thing admirable that the eye being approached to the point of concourse of the Glasse , there vvill be seen nothing but an intermixture or confusion : but retiring back a little from that point , ( because the rayes do there meet ▪ ) he shall see his Image inversed , having his head belovv and his feet above . Fourthly , the divers appearances caused by the motion of objects , either retiring or approaching : whether they turne to the right hand or to the left hand , whether the Glasse be hung against a wall , or whether it be placed upon a Pavement , as also what may be represented by the mutuall aspect of concave Glasses with plaine and convex Glasses but I will with silence passe them over , only say something of two rare experiments more as followeth . The first is to represent by help of the Sun , such letters as one would upon the front of a house : so that one may read them : Maginus doth deliver the way thus . Write the Letters , saith he , sufficiently bigge , but inversed upon the surface of the Glasse , with some kinde of colour , or these letters may be written with wax , ( the easier to be taken out againe : ) for then placing the Glasse to the Sunne , the letters which are written there will be reverberated or reflected upon the Wall : hence it was perhaps that Pythagoras did promise with this invention to write upon the Moone . In the second place , how a man may sundry wayes help himselfe with such a Glasse , with a lighted Torch or Candle , placed in the point of concourse or inflammation , which is neare the fourth part of the Diameter : for by this meanes the light of the Candle will be reverberated into the Glasse , and vvill be cast back againe very farre by parrallel lines , making so great a light that one may clearly see that vvhich is done farre off , yea in the camp of an Enemie : and those which shall see the Glasse a farre off , will think they see a Silver Basin inlightened , or a fire more resplendent then the Torch . It is this way that there are made certaine Lanthorns which dazell the eyes of those which come against them ; yet it serves singular well to enlighten those which carry them , accommodating a Candle with a little hollow Glasse , so that it may successively be applyed to the point of inflammation . In like manner by this reflected light , one may reade farre off , provided that the letters be indifferent great , as an Epitaph placed high , or in a place obscure ; or the letter of a friend which dares not approach without perill or suspicion . EXAMINATION . THis will be scarce sensible upon a wall remote from the Glasse , and but indifferently seen upon a wall which is neare the Glasse , and withall it must be in obscuritie or shadowed , or else it will not be seen . To cast light in the night to a place remote , with a Candle placed in the point of concourse or inflammation , is one of the most notablest properties which can be shewne in a concave Glasse : for if in the point of inflammation of a parabolicall section , a Candle be placed , the light will be reflected by parallel lines , as a columne or Cylinder ; but in the sphericall section it is defective in part , the beames being not united in one point , but somewhat scattering : notwithstanding it casteth a very great beautifull light . Lastly , those which feare to hurt their sight by the approach of Lampes or Candles , may by this artifice place at some corher of a Chamber , a Lamp with a hollow Glasse behinde it , which will commodiously reflect the light upon a Table , or to a place assigned : so that the Glasse be somewhat raised to make the light to streeke upon the Table with sharp Angles , as the Sunne doth when it is but a little elevated above the Horizon , for this light shall exceed the light of many Candles placed in the Roome , and be more pleasant to the sight of him that useth it . Of other Glasses of pleasure . FIrst , the Columnary and Pyramidall Glasses that are contained under right lines , do represent the Images as plaine Glasses do ; and if they be bowing , then they represent the Image , as the concave and convex Glasses do . Secondly , those Glasses which are plaine , but have ascents of Angels in the middle , will shew one to have foure Eyes , two Mouthes , two Noses , &c. EXAMINATION . TH●se experiments will be found different according to the diverse meeting of the Glasses , which commonly are made scuing-wise at the end , 〈◊〉 which there will be two divers superficies in the Glasse , making the exteriour Angle somewhat raised , at the interiour onely one superficies , which may be covered according to ordinary Glasses to c●use a reflexion , and so it will be but one Glasse , which by refraction according to the different thicknesse of the Glasse , and different Angles of the scuing forme , do differently present the Images to the eye , as foure eyes , two mouthes , two noses ; sometimes three eyes one mouth , and one nose , the one large and the other long , sometimes two eyes onely : with the mouth and the nose deformed , which the Glasse ( impenetrable ) will not shew . And if there be an interiour solid Angle , according to the difference of it ( as if it be more sharp ) there will be represented two distinct double Images , that is , two entire visages and as the Angle is open , by so much the more the double Images will reunite and enter one within another , which will present sometimes a whole visage extended at large , to have foure eyes , two noses , and two mouthes : and by moving the Glasse the Angle will vanish , and so the two superficies will be turned into one , and the duplicity of Images will also vanish and appeare but one onely : and this is easily experimented with two little Glasses of steel , or such like so united , that they make divers Angles and inclinations . THirdly , there are Glasses which make men seeme pale , red , and coloured in diverse manners , which is caused by the dye of the Glasse , or the diverse refraction of the Species : and those which are made of Silver , Latine , Steele , &c. do give the Images a diverse colour also . In which one may see that the appearances by some are made fairer , younger or older than they are ; and contrarily others will make them foule and deformed : and give them a contrary visage : for if a Glasse be cut as it may be , or if many pieces of Glasse be placed together to make a conveniable reflexion : there might be made of a Mole ( as it were ) a mountaine , of one Haire a Tree , a Fly to be as an Elephant , but I should be too long if I should say all that which might be said upon the property of Glasses . I will therefore conclude this discourse of the properties of these Glasses with these foure recreative Problemes following . PROBLEM . LXXVIII . 1 How to shew to one that is suspitious , what is done in another Chamber or Roome : notwithstanding the interposition of the wall . FOr the performance of this , there must be placed three Glasses in the two Chambers , of which one of them shall be tyed to the planching or seeling , that it may be common to communicate the Species to each Glasse by reflexion , there being left some hole at the top of the Wall against the Glasse to this end : the two other Glasses must be placed against the two Walls at right Angles , as the figure here sheweth at B. and C. Then the sight at E by the line of incidence FE , shall fall upon the Glasse BA , and reflect upon the superficies of the Glasse BC , in the point G ; so that if the eye be at G , it should see E , and E would reflect upon the third Glass in the point H , and the eye that is at L , will see the Image that is at E. in the point of the Cath●r● : which Image shall come to the eye of the suspicious , viz. at L. by help of the third Glasse , upon which is made the second reflexion , and so brings unto the eye the object , though a wall be between it . Corolarie . 1. BY this invention of reflections the besiegers of a Towne may be seene upon the Rampart : notwithstanding the Parapet , which the besieged may do by placing a Glasse in the hollow of the Ditch , and placing another upon the toppe of the wall , so that the line of incidence comming to the bottom of the Ditch , make an Angle equall to the Angle of reflexion , then by this situation and reflexion , the Image of the besiege● 〈◊〉 will be seen to him is upon the Rampart Corolarie 2. BY which also may be inferred , that the same reflexions may be seen in a Regular Polygon , and placing as many Glasses as there are sides , counting two for one ; for then the object being set to one of the Glasses , and the eye in the other , the Jmage will be seen easily . Corolarie 3. FArther , notwithstanding the interposition of many Walls , Chambers , or Cabinets , one may see that which passeth through the most remotest of them , by placing of many Glasses as there are openings in the walls , making them to receive the incident angles equall : that is , placing them in such sort by some Geometricall assistant , that the incident points may meet in the middle of the Glasses : but here all the defect will be , that the Jmages passing by so many reflexions , will be very weak and scarce observable . PROBLEM . LXXIX . How with a Musket to strike a mark , not looking towards it , as exact as one aiming at it . AS let the eye be at O ▪ and the mark C , place a plaine Glasse perpendicular as AB . so the marke C shall be seen in Catheti CA , viz. in D , and the line of reflexion is D , now let the Musket FE , upon a rest ▪ be moved to and fro untill it be seen in the line OD , which admit to be HG , so giving fire to the Musket , it shall undoubtedly strike the mark . Corolaries . From which may be gathered , that one may exactly shoot out of a Musket to a place which is not seen , being hindered by some obstacle , or other interposition . AS let the eye be at M , the mark C , and the wall which keeps it from being seene , admit to be QR , then set up a plaine Glass as AB , and let the Musket by GH , placed upon his rest PO. Now because the marke C is seen at D , move the Musket to and fro , untill it doth agree with the line of reflection MB , which suppose at LI , so shall it be truly placed , and giving fire to the Musket , it shall not faile to strike the said mark at C. PROBLEM . LXXX . How to make an Image to be seen hanging in the aire , having his head downeward . TAke two Glasses , and place them at right Angles one unto the other , as admit AB , and CB , of which admit CB , Ho●izontall , and let the eye be at H , and the object or image to be DE ; so D will be reflected at F , so to N , so to HE : then at G , so to ● and then to H , and by a double reflection ED will seeme in QR , the highest point D in R , and the point L in Q inversed as was said , taking D for the head , and E for the feet ; so it will be a man inversed , which will seem to be flying in the aire , if the Jmage had wings unto it , and had secretly 〈◊〉 motion : and if the Glasse were bigge enough to receive many reflexions , it would deceive the sight the more by admiring the changing of colours that would be seen by that motion . PROBLEM . LXXXI . How to make a company of representative Souldiers seeme to be a Regiment , or how few in number may be multiplyed to seem to be many in number . TO make the experiment upon men , there must be prepared two great Glasses ; but in stead of it we will suppose two lesser , as GH . and FI , one placed right against another perpendicular to the Horizon , upon a plaine levell Table : betvveene vvhich Glasses let there be ranged in Battalia-vvise upon the same Table a number of small men according to the square G , H , I , F , or in any other forme or posture : hen may you evidently see hovv the said battel vvill be multiplyed and seem farre bigger in the appearance than it is in effect . Corolarie . BY this invention you may make a little Cabinet of foure foot long , and tvvo foot large , ( more or lesse ) vvhich being filled vvith Rockes or such like things , or there being put into it Silver , Gold , Stones of luster , Jewels , &c. and the walls of the said Cabinet being all covered , or hung with plaine glasse ; these visibles will appeare manifoldly increased , by reason of the multiplicitie of reflexions , and at the opening of the said Cabinet , having set something which might hide them from being seen , those that look into it will be astonished to see so few in number which before seemed to be so many . PROBLEM . LXXXII . Of fine and pleasant Dyal● . COuld you choose a more ridiculous one than the natural Dyall written amongst the Greek Epigrams , upon which some sound Poet made verses ; shewing that a man carrieth about him alwayes a Dyall in his face by meanes of the Nose and Teeth ? and is not this a jolly Dyall ? for he need not but open the mouth , the lines shall be all the teeth , and the nose shall serve for the style . Of a Dyall of hearbes . CAn you have a finer thing in a Garden , or in the middle of a Compartemeet , than to see the lines and the number of houres represented with little bushie hearbes , as of Hysope or such which is proper to be cut in the borders ; and at the top of the style to have a Fanne to shew which way the winde b●oweth ? this is very pleasant and useful . Of the Dyall upon the fingers and the hand . IS it nor a commoditie very agreeable , when one is in the fie●d or in some vil●age vvithout any other Dyall , to see onely by the hand what of the clock it is ? vvhich gives it very neare ; and may be practised by the left hand , in this manner . Take a stravv or like thing of the length of the Index or the second finger , hold this straw very right betvveen the thumb and the fore-finger , then stretch forth the hand ▪ and turne your back , and the palm of your hand tovvards the Sunne ; so that the shadovv of the muscle vvhich is under the Thumb , touch the line of life , vvhich is betvveen the middle of the tvvo other great lines , vvhich is seen in the palme of the hand , this done , the end of the shadovv vvill shevv vvhat of the clock it is : for at the end of the first finger it is 7 in the morning , or 5 in the evening , at the end of the Ring-finger it is 8 in the morning , or 4 in the evening , at the end of the little finger or first joynt , it is 9 in the morning , or 3 in the after-noone , 10 & 2 at the second joynt , 11 and 1 at the third joynt , and midday in the line follovving , vvhich comes from the end of the Index . Of a Dyall which was about an Obeliske at Rome . WAs not this a pretty fetch upon a pavement , to choose an Obeliske for a Dyall , having 106 foot in height , without removing the Basis of it ? Plinie assures us in his 26 book and 8 Chap. that the Emperour Augustus having accom●odated in the field of Mars an Obeliske of this height , he made about it a pavement , and by the industry of Man●lius the Mathematician , there were enchaced markes of Copper upon the Pavement , and placed also an Apple of Gold upon the toppe of the said Obeliske , to know the houre and the course of the Sunne , with the increase and decrease of dayes by the same shadow : and in the same manner do some by the shadow of their head or other style , make the like experiments in Astronomie . Of Dyals with Glasses . PT●lomie w●ites , as Cardanus reports , that long ago there were Glasses which served for Dyals , and presented the face of the beholder as many times as the houre ought to be , twice if it were 2 of the clock , 9 if it were 9 , &c. But this was thought to be done by the help of water , and not by Glasses , which did leake by little and little out of the vessell , discovering anon one Glasse , then anon two Glasses , then 3 , 4 , 5 Glasses , &c. to shew so many faces as there were houres , which was onely by leaking of water . Of a Dyall which hath a Glasse in the place of the Style . WHat will you say of the invention of Mathematicians , which finde out daily so many fine and curious novelties ? they have now a way to make Dyals upon the wainscot or seeling of a Chamber , and there where the Sunne can never shine , or the beames of the Sunne cannot directly strike : and this is done in placing of a little Glasse in the place of the style which reflecteth the light , with the same condition that the shadow of the style sheweth the houre : and it is easie to make experiment upon a common Dyall , changing only the disposition of the Dyall , and tying to the end of the style a piece of plaine Glasse . The Almaines use it much , who by this way have no greater trouble , but to put their Noses out of their beds and see what a clock it is , which is reflected by a little hole in the Window upon the wall or seeling of the Chamber . EXAMINATION . IN this there are two experiments considerable , the first is with a very little Glasse placed so that it may be open to the beames of the Sunne , the other hath respect to a spacious or great Glasse placed to a very little hole so that the Sun may shine on it , for then the shadow which is cast upon the Dyall is converted into beames of the Sunne , and will reflect and becast upon a plain opposite : and in the other it is a hole in the window or such like , by which may passe the beames of the Sun , which represent the extreamity of the style , & the Glasse representeth the plaine of the Dyall , upon which the beames being in manner of shadowes reflect cast upon a plaine opposite : and it is needfull that in this second way the Glasse may be spacious , as before , to receive the delineaments of the Dyall . Otherwise you may draw the lineaments of a Dyall upon any plaine looking-glasse which reflecteth the Sunne-beames , for the applying a style or a pearle at the extreamitie of it : and placed to the Sunne , the reflexion will be answerable to the delineaments on the Glasse : but here note , that the Glasse ought to be great , and so the delineaments thereon . But that which is most noble , is to draw houre-lines upon the outside of the Glasse of a window , and placing a style thereto upon the outside , the shadow of the style will be seen within , and so you have the hour , more certaine without any difficulty . Of Dyals with water . SVch kinde of Dyals were made in ancient times , and also these of sand : before they had skill to make Sun-dyals or Dyals with wheeles ; for they used to fill a vessell with water , and having experience by tryall thar it would runne out all in a day , they did marke within the vessell the houres noted by the running of the water ; and some did set a piece of light board in the vessell to swimme upon the top of the water , carrying a little statue , which with a small stick did point out the houre upon a columne or wall , figured with houre-notes , as the vessell was figured within . Novv it seemes a safer vvay that the vvater passe out by drop and drop , and drop into a Cylindricall Glasse by help of a Pipe : for having marked the exterior part of the Cylinder in the houre notes , the vvater it selfe vvhich falls vvithin it , vvill shevv vvhat of the clock it is , farre better than the running of sand , for by this may you have the parts of the houres most accurate , vvhich commonly by sand is not had : and to vvhich may be added the houres of other Countreys vvith greater ease . And here note , that as soone as the vvater is out ▪ of one of the Glasses , you may turne it over into the same againe out of the other , and so let it runne anevv . PROBLEM . LXXXIII . Of Cannons or great Artillery . Souldiers , and others would willingly see 〈◊〉 Problems , which containe : three or foure subtile questions : The first is , how to charge a Cannon without powder ? THis may be done vvith aire and vvater , only having throvvn cold vvater into the Cannon , vvhich might be squirted forceably in by the closure of the mouth of the Piece , that so by this pressure the aire might more condense ; then having a round piece of vvood very just , and oiled vvell for the better to slide , and thrust the Bullet vvhen it shall be time : This piece of vvood may be held fast vvith some Pole , for feare it be not thrust out before his time : then let fire be made about the Trunion or hinder part of the Piece to heat the aire and vvater , and then vvhen one vvould shoot it , let the pole be quickly loosened , for then the aire searching a greater place , and having vvay novv offered , vvill thrust out the vvood and the bullet very quick : the experiment vvhich vve have in long trunkes shooting out pellats vvith aire only , shevveth the verity of this Probleme . 2 In the second question it may be demanded , how much time doth the Bull●● of a Cannon spend in the aire before i● falls to the ground ? THe resolution of this Question depends upon the goodnesse of the Piece & charge thereof , seeing in each there is great difference . It is reported , that Tich● Bra●e , and the Landsgrave did make an experiment upon a Cannon in Germany , which being charged and shot off ; the Bullet spent two minutes of time in the aire before it fell : and the distance was a Germane mile , which distance proportionated to an hours time , makes 120 Italian miles . 3. In the third question it may be asked , how it comes to passe , that a Cannon shooting upwards , the Bullet flies with more violence than being shot point-blanke , or shooting downeward ? IF we regard the effect of a Cannon when it is to batter a wall , the Question is false , seeing it is most evident that the blowes which fall Perpendicular upon a wall , are more violent than those which strike byas-wise or glaunsingly . But considering the strength of the blow only , the Question is most true , and often experimented to be found true : a Piece mounted at the best of the Randon , which is neare halfe of the right , conveyes her Bullet with a farre greater violence then that which is shot at point blanke , or mounted parallel to the Horizon . The common reason is , that shooting high , the fire carries the bowle a longer time in the aire , and the aire moves more ●acill upwards , than dovvnevvards , because that the airy circles that the motion of the bullet makes , are soonest broken . Hovvsoever this be the generall tenet , it is curious to finde out the inequality of moving of the aire ; vvhether the Bullet fly upvvard , dovvnevvard , or right forvvard , to produce a sensible dfference of motion ; & some think that the Cannon being mounted , the Bullet pressing the povvder maketh a greater resistance , and so causeth all the Povvder to be inflamed before the Bullet is throvvne out , vvhich makes it to be more violent than othervvise it vvould be . When the Cannon is othervvise disposed , the contrary arives , the fire leaves the Bullet , and the Bullet rolling from the Povvder resists lesse : and it is usually seene , that shooting out of a Musket charged onely vvith Povvder , to shoot to a marke of Paper placed Point blanke , that there are seene many small holes in the paper , vvhich cannot be other than the graines of Powder which did not take fire : but this latter accident may happen from the over-charging of the Piece , or the length of it , or windy , or dampenesse of the Powder . From which some may think , that a Cannon pointed right to the Zenith , should shoot with greater violence , then in any other mount or forme whatsoever : and by some it hath beene imagined , that a Bullet shot in this fashion hath been consumed , melted , and lost in the Aire , by reason of the violence of the blow , and the activity of the sire , and that sundry experiments have been made in this nature , and the Bullet never found . But it is hard to believe this assertion : it may rather be supposed that the Bullet falling farre from the Piece cannot be discerned where it falls : and so comes to be lost . 4. In the fourth place it may be asked , whether the discharge of a Cannon b● so much the greater , by how much it is longer ? IT seemeth at the first to be most true , that the longer the Piece is , the more violent it shoots : and to speak generally , that which is direction by a Trunke , Pipe , or other concavitie , is conveyed so much the more violent , or better , by how much it is longer , either in respect of the Sight , Hearing , Water , Fire , &c. & the reason seems to hold in Cannons , because in those that are long , the fire is retained a longer time in the concavitie of the Piece , and so throwes out the Bullet with more violence ; and experience lets us see that taking Cannons of the same boare , but of diversitie of length from 8 foot to 12 , that the Cannon of 9 foot long hath more force than that of 8 foot long , and 10 more than that of 9 , and so unto 12 foote of length . Now the usuall Cannon carries 600 Paces , some more , some lesse , yea some but 200 Paces from the Piece , and may shoot into soft earth 15 or 17 foot , into sand or earth which is loose , 22 or 24 foot , and in firme ground , about 10 or 12 foot , &c. It hath been seen lately in Germany , where there were made Pieces from 8 foot long to 17 foot of like boare , that shooting out of any piece which was longer than 12 foot ; the force was diminished , and the more in length the Piece increaseth , the lesse his force was : therefore the length ought to be in a meane measure , and it is often seene , the greater the Cannon is , by so much the service is greater : but to have it too long or too short , is not convenient , but a meane proportion of length to be taken , otherwise the flame of the fire will be over-pressed with Aire : whic hinders the motion in respect of substance , and distance of getting out . PROBLEM . LXXXIIII . Of predigious progression and multiplication , of Creatures , Plants , Fruits , Numbers , Gold , Silver , &c. when they are alwayes augmented by certaine proportion . HEre we shall shew things no lesse admirable , as recreative , and yet so certaine and easie to be demonstrated , that there needs not but Multiplication only , to try each particular : and first , Of graines of Mustard-seed . FIrst , therefore it is certaine that the increase of one graine of Mustard-seed for 20 yeares space , cannot be contained within the visible world , nay if it were a hundred times greater than it is : and holding nothing besides from the Centre of the earth even unto the firmament , but only small grains of Mustard-seed : Now because this seems but words , it must be proved by Art , as may be done in this wise , as suppose one Mustard-seed sowne to bring forth a tree or branch , in each extendure of which might be a thousand graines : but we will suppose onely a thousand in the whole tree , and let us proceed to ●0 yeares , every seed to bring forth yearely a thousand graines , now multiplying alwayes by a thousand , in lesse then 17 years you shall have to many graines which will surpasse the sands , which are able to fill the whole firmament : for following the supposition of Archimedes , and the most probable opinion of the greatness of the firmament which ●i●ho Brahe hath left us ; the number of graines of sand will be sufficiently expressed with 49 Ciphers , but the number of graines of Mustard-seed at the end of 17 yeares will have 52 Ciphers : and moreover , graines of Mustard-seed , are farre greater than these of the sands : it is therefore evident that at the seventeenth yeare , all the graines of Mustard-seed which shall successively spring from one graine onely , cannot be contained within the limits of the whole firmament ; what should it be then , if it should be multiplied againe by a thousand for the ●8 yeare : and that againe by a thousand for every yeares increase untill you come to the 20 yeare , it 's a thing as cleare as the day , that such a heap of Mustard-seed would be a hundred thousand times greater than the Earth : and bring onely but the increase of one graine in 20 yeares . Of Pigges . SEcondly , is it not a strange proposition , to say that the great Turke with all his Revenues , is not able to maintaine for one yeares time , all the Pigges that a Sow may pigge with all her race , that is , the increase with the increase unto 12 years : this seemes impossible , yet it is most true , for let us suppose and put , the case , that a Sow bring forth but 6 , two Males , and 4 Females , and that each Female shall bring forth as many every yeare , during the space of 12 yeares , at the end of the time there will be found above 3● millions of Pigges : now allowing a crowne for the maintenance of each Pigge for a yeare , ( which is as little as may be , being but neare a halfe of a farthing allowance for each day ; ) there must be at the least so many crownes to maintaine them , one a year , viz. 33 millions , which exceeds the Turkes revenue by much . Of graines of Corne. THirdly , it will make one astonished to think that a graine of Corne , with his increase successively for the space of 12 yeares will produce in grains 24414062●000000000000 , which is able to load almost al the creatures in the World. To open which , let it be supposed that the first yeare one graine being sowed brings forth 50 , ( but sometimes there is seen 70 , sometimes 100 fold ) which graines sowen the next yeare , every one to produce 50 , and so consequently the whole and increase to be sowen every yeare , until 12 yeares be expired , there will be of increase the aforesaid prodigious summe of graines , viz. 244140625000000000000 , which will make a cubical heap of 6258522 graines every way , which is more than a cubicall body of 31 miles every way : for allowing 40 graines in length to each foot , the Cube would be 156463 foot every way : from which it is evident that if there were two hundred thousand Cities as great as London , allowing to each 3 miles square every way , and 100 foot in height , there would not be sufficient roome to containe the aforesaid quantitie of Corne : and suppose a bushel of Corne were equal unto two Cubicke feet , which might containe twenty hundred thousand graines then would there be 122070462500000. bushells , and allowing 30 bushels to a Tunne , it would be able to load 81380●0833 vessels , which is more than eight thousand one hundred and thirty eight millions , ship loadings of ●00 Tunne to each ship a : quantity so great that the Sea is scarce able to beare , or the universal world able to finde vessels to carry it . And if this Corne should be valued at halfe a crown the bushel , it would amount unto 15258807812500 pounds sterling , which I think exceeds all the Treasures of all the Princes , and of other particular men in the whole world : and is not this good husbandry to sowe one grain of Corne ; and to continue it in sowing , the increase only for 12 yeares to have so great a profit ? Of the increase of Sheep . FOurthly , those that have great flocks of Sheep may be quickly rich , if they would preserve their Sheep without killing or selling of them : so that every Sheep produce one each yeare , for at the end of 16 yeares , 100 Sheepe will multiply and increase unto 6553600 , which is above 6 millions , 5 hundred 53 thousand Sheep : now supposing them worth but a crown a piece , it would amount unto 1638400 pounds sterling , vvhich is above 1 million 6 hundred 38 thousand pounds , a faire increase of one Sheep : and a large portion for a Childe if it should be allotted . Of the increase of Cod-fish , Carpes , &c. FIfthly , if there be any creatures in the vvorld that do abound vvith increase or fertilitie , it may be rightly attributed to fish ; for they in their kindes produce such a great multitude of Eggs , and brings forth so many little ones , that if a great part vvere not destroyed continually , vvithin a ●ittle vvhile they vvould fill all the Sea , Ponds , and Rivers in the vvorld ; and it is easie to shevv hovv it vvould come so to passe , onely by supposing them to increase without taking or destroying them for the space of 10 or 12 yeares : having regard to the soliditie of the waters which are allotted for to lodge and containe these creatures , as their bounds and place of rest to live in . Of the increase and multiplication of men . SIxthly , there are some that cannot conceive how it can be that from eight persons ( which were saved after the deluge or Noahs flood ) should spring such a world of people to begin a Monarchie under Nimrod , being but 200 yeares after the flood , and that amongst them should be raised an army of two hundred thousand fighting men : But it is easi●y proved if vve take but one of the Children of Noah , and suppose that a nevv generation of people begun at every 30 yeares , and that it be continued to the seventh generation vvhich is 200 yeares ; for then of one only family there vvould be produced one hundred and eleven thousand soules , three hundred and five to begin the vvorld : though in that time men lived longer , and vvere more capable of multiplication and increase : vvhich number springing onely from a simp●e production of one yearly , vvould be farre greater , if one man should have many vvives , vvhich in ancient times they had : from vvhich it is also that the Children of Israel , vvho came into Egypt but onely 70 soules , yet after 210 yeares captivity , they came forth vvith their hostes , that there vvere told six hundred thousand fighting men , besides old people , women and children ; and he that shall separate but one of the families of Joseph , it would be sufficient to make up that number : how much more should it be then if we should adjoyne many families together ? Of the increase of numbers . SEventhly , what summe of money shall the City of London be worth , if it should be sold , and the money be paid in a yeare after this manner : the first week to pay a pinne , the second week 2 pinnes , the third week 4 pinnes , the fourth week 8 pinnes , the fifth week 16 pinnes . and so doubling untill the 52 weeks , or the yeare be expired . Here one would think that the value of the pinnes would amount but to a small matter , in comparison of the Treasures , or riches of the whole City : yet it is most probable that the number of pinnes would amount unto the sum of 4519599628681215 , and if we should allow unto a quarter a hundred thousand pinnes , the whole would contain ninetie eight millions , foure hundred thousand Tunne : which is able to load 45930 Shippes of a thousand Tunne apiece : and if we should allow a thousand pins for a penny , the summe of money would amount unto above eighteen thousand , eight hundred and thirty millions of pounds sterling , an high price to sell a Citie at , yet certain , according to that first proposed . So if 40 Townes were sold upon condition to give for the first a penny , for the second 2 pence , for the third 4 pence , &c. by doubling all the rest unto the last , it would amount unto this number of pence , 109951●62●●76 , which in pounds is 4581298444 , that is foure thousand five hundred and fourescore millions of pounds and more . Of a man that gathered up Apples , Stones , or such like upon a condition . EIghtly , admit there were an hundred Apples , Stones , or such like things that were plac'd in a straight line or right forme , a Pace one from another , and a basket being placed a Pace from the first : how many paces would there be made to put all these Stones into the basket , by fetching one by one ? this would require near halfe a day to do it , for there would be made ten thousand and ninety two paces before he should gather them all up . Of Changes in Bells , in musicall Instruments , transmutation of places , in numbers , letters , men or such like . NInethly , is it not an admirable thing to consider how the skill of numbers doth easily furnish us with the knowledge of mysterious and hidden things ? which simply looked into by others that are not versed in Arithmetick , do present unto them a world of confusion and difficultie . As in the first place , it is often debated amongst our common Ringers , what number of Changes there might be made in 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , or more Bells : who spend much time to answer their owne doubts , entring often into a Labyrinth in the search thereof : or if there were 10 voyces , how many severall notes might there be ? These are propositions of such facility , that a childe which can but multiply one number by another , may easily resolve it , which is but only to multiply every number from the unite successively in each others product , unto the terme assigned : so the 6 number that is against 6 in the Table , is 720 , and so many ( hanges may be made upon 6 Bells , upon 5 there are 120 , &c. In like manner against 10 in the Table is 3618800 , that is , three millions , six hundred twenty eight thousand , eight hundred : which shews that 10 voices may have so many consorts , each man keeping his owne note , but only altering his place ; and so of stringed Instruments , and the Gamat may be varied according to which , answerable to the number against X , viz. 1124001075070399680000 notes , from which may be drawne this , or the like proposition . Suppose that 7 Schollers were taken out of a free Schoole to be sent to an Vniversitie , there to be entertained in some Colledge at commons for a certaine summe of money , so that each of them have two meales daily , and no longer to continue there , then that sitting all together upon one bench or forme at every meale , there might be a divers transmutation of place , of account in some one of them , in comparison of another , and never the whole company to be twice alike in situation : how long may the Steward entertaine them ? ( who being not skilled in this fetch may answere unadvisedly . ) It is most certaine that there will be five thousand and forty several 1 a 1 2 b 2 6 c 3 24 d 4 120 e 5 7●0 f 6 5040 g 7 403●0 h 8 362880 i 9 3628800 k 10 39916800 l 11 479001600 m 12 6227020800 n 13 87178291200 o 14 1307674368000 p 15 20922789888000 q 16 355687537996000 r 17 6402375683928000 s 18 121645137994632000 t 19 2432902759892640000 u 20 51090957957745440000 w 21 1124001075070399680000 x 22 25852024726619192640000 y 23 6●0448593438860623360000 z 24 positions or changings in the seatings , which maks 14 years time wanting 10 weeks and 3 dayes . Hence from this mutability of transmutation , it is no marvell tha● by 24 letters there ariseth and is made such variety of languages in the world , & such infinite number of words in each language ; seeing the diversity of syllables produceth that effect , and also by the interchanging & placing of letters amongst the vowels , & amongst themselves maketh these syllables : vvhich Alphabet of 24 letters may be varied so many times , viz. 620448593438860623360000 vvhich is six hundred tvventy thousand , foure hundred forty eight millions of millions of millions five hundred ninety three thousand , foure hundred thirty eight milions of milions , & more . Novv allovving that a man may reade or speak one hundred thousand vvords in an houre vvhich is tvvice more vvords than there are conteined in the Psalmes of David , ( a taske too great for any man to do in so short a time ) and if there were foure thousand six hundred and fifty thousand millions of men , they could not speak these words ( according to the hourely proportion aforesaid ) in threescore and ten thousand yeares ; which variation & transmutation of letters , if they should be written in bookes , allowing to each leaf 28000 words , ( which is as many as possibly could be inserted , ) and to each book a reame or 20 quire of the largest and thinnest printing paper , so that each book being about 15 inches long , 12 broad , and 6 thick : the books that would be made of the transmutation of the 24 letters aforesaid , would be at least 38778037089928788 : and if a Library of a mile square every way , of 50 foot high , were made to containe 250 Galleries of 20 foot broad apiece , it would containe foure hundred mill●ons of the said books : so there must be to containe the rest no lesse than 9●945092 such Libraries ; and if the books were extended over the surface of the Globe of the Earth , it would be a decuple covering unto it : a thing seeming most incredible that 24 letters in their transmutation should produce such a prodigious number , yet most certaine and infallible in computation . Of a Servant hired upon certaine conditions . A Servant said unto his Master , that he would dvvell vvith him all his life-time , if he would but onely lend him land to sowe one graine of Corne with all his increase for 8 years time ; how think you of this bargaine ? for if he had but a quarter of an inch of ground for each graine , and each graine to bring forth yearely of increase 40 graines , the whole sum would amount unto , at the terme aforesaid , 6553600000000 graines : and seeing that three thousand and six hundred millions of inches do but make one mile square in the superficies , it shall be able to receive foureteene thousand and foure hundred millions of graines , which is 14400000000. thus dividing the aforesaid 6553600000000 , the Quotient will be 455 , and so many square miles of land must there be to sowe the increase of one graine of Corne for 8 yeares , which makes at the least foure hundred and twenty thousand Acres of land , which rated but at five shillings the Acre per Annum , amounts unto one hundred thousand pound ; which is twelve thousand and five hundred pound a yeare , to be continued for 8 yeares ; a pretty pay for a Masters Servant 8 yeares service . PROBLEM . LXXXV . Of Fountaines , Hydriatiques , Machinecke , and other experiments upon water , or other liquor . 1. First how to make water at the foot of a mountaine to ascend to the top of it , and so to descend on the other side ? TO do this there must be a Pipe of lead , which may come from the fountaine A , to the top of the Mountaine B ; and so to descend on the other side a little lower then the Fountaine , as at C. then make a hole in the Pipe at the top of the Mountaine , as at B , and stop the end of the Pipe at A and C ; and fill this Pipe at B with water : & close it very carefully againe at B , that no aire get in : then unstop the end at A , & at C ; then will the water perpetually runne up the hill , and descend on the other side , which is an invention of great consequence to furnish Villages that want water . 2. Secondly , how to know what wine or other liquor there is in a vessell without opening the bung-hole , and without making any other hole , than that by which it runnes out at the top ? IN this problem there is nothing but to take a bowed pipe of Glasse , and put it into the faucets hole , and stopping it close about : for then you shall see the wine or liquor to ascend in this Pipe , untill it be just even with the liquor in the vessel ; by which a man may fill the vessel , or put more into it : and so if need were , one may empty one vessel into another without opening the bung-hole . 3. Thirdly , how is it that it is said that a vessell holds more water being placed at the foot of a Mountaine , than standing upon the top of it ? THis is a thing most certaine , because that water and all other liquor disposeth it selfe sphericaliy about the Centre of the earth ; and by how much the vessel is nearer the Centre , by so much the more the surface of the water makes a lesser sphere , and therefore every part more gibbous or swelling , than the like part in a greater sphere : and therefore when the same vessell is farther from the Centre of the earth , the surface of the water makes a greater sphere , and therefore lesse gibbous , or swelling over the vessell : from whence it is evident that a vessell near the Centre of the Earth holds more water than that which is farther remote from it ; and so consequently a vessel placed at the bottome of the Mountaine holds more water , than being placed on the top of the Mountaine . First , therefore one may conclude , that one and the same vessel will alwayes hold more : by how much it is nearer the Centre of the earth . Secondly , if a vessell be very neare the Centre of the earth , there will be more water above the brims of it , than there is within the vessel . Thirdly , a vessel full of water comming to the Centre wil spherically increase , and by little and little leave the vessel ; and passing the Centre , the vessel will be all emptied . Fourthly , one cannot carry a Paile of water from a low place to a higher , but it will more and more run out and over , because that in ascending it lies more levell , but descending it swels and becomes more gibbous . 4. Fourthly , to conduct water from the top of one Mountaine , to the top of another . AS admit on the top of a Mountaine there is a spring , and at the toppe of the other Mountaine there are Inhabitants which want water : now to make a bridge from one Mountaine to another , were difficult and too great a charge ; by way of Pipes it is easie and of no great price : for if at the spring on the top of the Mountaine be placed a Pipe , to descend into the valley , and ascend to the other Mountlaine , the water will runne naturally , and continually , provided that the spring be somewhat higher than the passage of the water at the Inhabitants . 5. Fifthly , of a fine Fountaine which spouts water very high , and with great violence by turning of a Cock. LEt there be a vessell as AB , made close in all his parts , in the middle of which let CD be a Pipe open at D neare the bottome , and then with a Squirt squirt in the water at C , stopped above by the cock or faucet C , vvith as great violence as possible you can ; and turne the cock immediatly . Novv there being an indifferent quantity of vvater and aire in the vessel , the vvater keeps it selfe in the bottome , and the aire vvhich vvas greatly pressed , seeks for more place , that turning the Cock the water issueth forth at the Pipe , and flyes very high , and that especially if the vessell be a little heated : some make use of this for an Ewer to wash hands withall , and therefore putting a moveable Pipe above C , such as the figure sheweth : which the water will cause to turne very quick , pleasurable to behold . 6. Sixtly , of Archimedes screw , which makes water ascend by descending . THis is nothing else but a Cylinder , about the which is a Pipe in form of a screw , and when one turnes it , the water descends alwayes in respect of the Pipe : for it passeth from one part which is higher to that which is lower , and at the end of the Engine the water is found higher than it was at the spring . This great Enginer admirable in all Mathematicall Arts invented this Instrument to wash King Hieroies great vessells , as some Authors saye , also to water the fields of Egypt , as Diodorus witnesseth : and Cardanus reporteth that a Citizen of Milan having made the like Engine , thinking himselfe to be the first inventer , conceived such exceeding joy , that he be came mad , foll . 2. Againe a thing may ascend by descending , if a spiral line be made having many circulations or revolutions ; the last being alwayes lesser than the first , yet higher than the Plaine supposed it is most certaine that then putting a ball into it , and turning the spirall line so , that the first circulation may be perpendicular , or touch alwayes the supposed Plain : the ball shall in descending continually ascend , untill at last it come to the highest part of the spirall line , & so fall out . And here especially may be noted , that a moving body as water , or a Bullet , or such like , will never ascend if the Helicall revolution of the screw be not inclining to the Horizon : so that according to this inclination the ball or liquor , may descend alwayes by a continuall motion and revolution . And this experiment may be more usefull , naturally made with a thred of ●ron , or Latine turned or bowed Helically about a Cylinder , with some distinction of distances between the Heli●es , for then having drawn out the Cylinder , or having hung or tyed some weight at it in such sort , that the water may easily drop if one lift up the said thred : these Helices or revolutions , notwithstanding will remaine inclining to the Horizon , and then turning it about forward , the said weight will ascend , but backward it will descend . Now if the revolutions be alike , and of equallity amongst themselves , and the whirling or turning motion be quicke , the sight vvill be so deceived , that producing the action it vvill seeme to the ignorant no lesse than a Miracle . 7. Seventhly , of another fine Fountaine of pleasure . THis is an Engine that hath two wheeles with Cogges , or teeth as AB , which are placed within an Ovall CD , in such sort , that the teeth of the one , may enter into the notches of the other ; but so just that neither aire nor water may enter into the Ovall coffer , either by the middle or by the sides , for the wheele must joyne so neare to the sides of the coffer , that there be no vacuitie : to this there is an axeltree with a handle to each wheele , so that they may be turned , and A being turned , that turneth the other wheele that is opposite : by which motion the aire that is in E , & the water that is carried by the hollow of the wheeles of each side , by continuall motion , is constrained to mount and flie out by the funnell F : now to make the water runne what way one would have it , there may be applied upon the top of the Pipe F , two other moveable Pipes inserted one within another ; as the figure sheweth . But here note , that there may acrue some inconveniency in this Machine seeing that by quick turning the Cogges or teeth of the wheeles running one against another , may neare break them , and so give way to the aire to enter in , which being violently inclosed vvill escape to occupie the place of the vvater , vvhose vveight makes it so quick : hovvsoever , if this Machine be curiously made as an able vvorkeman may easily do , it is a most sovereigne Engine , to cast vvater high and farre off for to quench fires . And to have it to raine to a place assigned , accommodate a socket having a Pipe at the middle , vvhich may point tovvards the place being set at the top thereof , and so having great discretion in turning the Axis of the vvheele , it may vvork exceeding vvell , and continue long . 8. Eightly , of a fine watering pot for gardens . THis may be made in forme of a Bottle according to the last figure or such like , having at the bottome many small holes , and at the neck of it another hole somevvhat greater than those at the bottome , vvhich hole at the top you must unstop vvhen you vvould fill this vvatering pot , for then it is nothing but putting the lovver end into a paile of vvater , for so it vvill fill it selfe by degrees : and being full , put your thumb on the hole at the neck to stop it , for then may you carry it from place to place , and it vvill not sensibly runne out , som●thing it vvill , and all in time ( if it vvere never so close stopped ) contrary to the ancient tenet in Philosophy , that aire will not penetrate . 9. Ninthly , how easily to take wine out of a vessell at the bu●g-hole , without piercing of a hole in the vessell ? IN this there is no need but to have a Cane or Pipe of Glasse or such like , one of the ends of which may be closed up almost , leaving some small hole at the end ; for then if that end be set into the vessell at the bung-hole , the whole Cane or Pipe will be filled by little and little ; and once being full , stop the other end which is without and then pull out the Cane or Pipe , so will it be ful of wine , then opening a little the top above , you may fill a Glasse or other Pot with it , for as the Wine issueth out , the aire commeth into the Cane or Pipe to supply vacuity . 10. Tenthly , how to measure irregular bodies by help of water ? SOme throw in the body or magnitude into a vessell , and keep that which floweth out over , saying it is alwayes equal to the thing cast into the water : let i● is more nea●er this way to poure into a vessell such a quantity of water , which may be thought sufficient to cover the body or magnitude , and make a marke how high the water is in the vessell , then poure out all this water into another vessell , and let the body or magnitude be placed into the first vessel ; then poure in water from the second vessell , until it ascend unto the former marke made in the first vessell , so the vvater vvhich remaines in the second vessel is equall to the body or magnitude put into the water : but here note that this is not exact or free from error , yet nearer the truth than any Geometrician can otherwise possibly measure , and these bodies that are not so full of pores are more truly measured this way , than others are . 11. To finde the weight of water . SEeing that 574 / 1000 part of an ounce weight , makes a cubicall inch of water : and every pound weight Haverdepoize makes 27 cubicall inches , and 1 9 / ● ; fere , and that ● Gallons and a halfe wine measure makes a foot cubicall , it is easie by inversion , that knowing the quantity of a vessel in Gallons , to finde his content in cubicall feet or weight : and that late famous Geometrician Master Brigs found a cubical foot of vvater to vveigh neare 62 pound vveight Haverdepoize But the late learned Simon Stevin found a cubicall foot of vvater to vveigh 65 pound , vvhich difference may arise from the inequalitie of vvater ; for some vvaters are more ponderous than others , and some difference may be from the weight of a pound , and the measure of a foot : thus the weight and quantitie of a solid foot settled , it is easie for Arithmeticians to give the contents of vessells or bodies which containe liquids . 12. To finde the charge that a vessell may carry as Shippes , Boates , or such like . THis is generally conceived , that a vessell may carry as much weight as that water weigheth , which is equall unto the vessell in bignesse , in abating onely the weight of the vessell : we see that a barrel of wine or water cast into the water , will not sink to the bottome , but swim easily , and if a ship had not Iron and other ponderosities in it , it might swim full of water without sinking : in the same manner if the vessell were loaden with lead , so much should the watter weigh : hence it is that Marriners call Shippes of 50 thousand Tunnes , because they may containe one or two thousand Tunne , and so consequently carry as much . 13. How comes it that a Shippe having safely sayled in the vast Ocean , and being come into the Port or harbour , without any tempest will sink down right ? THe cause of this is that a vessel may carry more upon some kinde of water than upon other ; now the water of the Sea is thicker and heavier than that of Rivers , Wels , or Fountains ; therefore the loading of a vessell which is accounted sufficient in the Sea , becomes too great in the hurbour or sweet water . Now some think that it is the depth of the water that makes vessells more easie to swimme , but it is an abuse ; for if the loading of a Ship be no heavier than the water that would occupie that place , the Ship should as easily swim upon that water , as if it did swim upon a thousand fathom deep of water , and if the vvater be no thicker than a leafe of paper , and weigheth but an ounce under a heavy body , it vvill support it , as vvell as if the vvater under it vveighed ten thousand pound vveight : hence it is if there be a vessell capable of a little more than a thousand pound vveight of vvater , you may put into this vessell a piece of vvood , vvhich shall vveigh a thousand pound vveight ; ( but lighter in his kinde than the like of magnitude of vvater : ) for then pouring in but a quart of vvater or a very little quantitie of vvater , the vvood vvill svvim on the top of it , ( provided that the vvood touch not the sides of the vessell : ) vvhich is a fine experiment , and seems admirable in the performance . 14. How a grosse body of mettle may swimme upon the water ? THis is done by extending the mettle into a thin Plate , to make it hollovv in forme of a vessel ; so that the greatnesse of the vessell which the aire vvith it containeth , be equal to the magnitude of the vvater , vvhich vveighes as much as it , for all bodies may svvim vvithout sinking , if they occupie the place of vvater equal in vveight unto them , as if it vveighed 12 pound it must have the place of 12 pound of vvater : hence it is that vve see floating upon the vvater great vessells of Copper or Brasse , vvhen they are hollovv in forme of a Caldron . And how can it be otherwise conceived of Islands in the Sea that swim and float ? is it not that they are hollow and some part like unto a Boat , or that their earth is very light and spongeous , or having many concavities in the body of it , or much wood within it ? And it would be a pretty proposition to shew how much every kinde of metall should be inlarged , to make it swim upon the water : which doth depend upon the proportion that is between the vveight of the vvater and each metall . Novv the proportion that is betvveene metalls and water of equall magnitude , according to some Authors , is as followeth . A magnitude of 10 pound weight of water will require for the like magnitude of Gold. 187 ½ Lead . 116 ½ Silver . 104 Copper . 91 Iron . 81 Tinne . 75 From which is inferred , that to make a piece of Copper of ●0 pound weight to swimme , it must be so made hollow , that it may hold 9 times that weight of water and somewhat more , that is to say , 91 pound : seeing that Copper and water of like magnitudes in their ponderosities , are as before , as ●0 to 91. 15. How to weigh the lightnesse of the aire ? PLace a Ballance of wood turned upside downe into the water , that so it may swim , then let water be inclosed within some body , as within a Bladder or such like , and suppose that such a quantitie of aire should weigh one pound , place it under one of the Ballances , and place under the other as much weight of lightnesse as may counter-ballance and keep the other Ballance that it rise not out of the water : by which you shall see how much the lightnesse is . But without any Ballance do this ; take a Cubicall hollow vessell , or that which is Cylindricall , which may swimme on the water , and as it sinketh by placing of weights upon it , marke hovv much , for then if you vvould examine the vveight of any body , you have nothing to do but to put it into this vessell , and marke hovv deep it sinkes , for so many pound it vveighes as the vveights put in do make it so to sinke . 16. Being given a body , to marke it about , and shew how much of it will sink in the water , or swim above the water . THis is done by knovving the vveight of the body vvhich is given , and the quantity of vvater , vvhich vveighes as much as that body ; for then certainly it vvill sink so deep , untill it occupieth the place of that quantitie of vvater . 17. To finde how much severall mettle or other bodies doe weigh lesse in the water than in the aire : TAke a Ballance , & vveigh ( as for example ) 9 pound of Gold , Silver , Lead , or Stone in the aire , so it hang in aequilibrio ; then comming to the vvater , take the same quantity of Gold Silver , Lead , or Stone , and let it softly dovvne into it , and you shall see that you shall need a lesse counterpoise in the other Ballance to counter-ballance it : vvherefore all solids or bodies vveigh lesse in the vvater than in the aire , and so much the lesse it vvill be , by hovv much the vvater is grosse and thick , because the vveight findes a greater resistance , and therefore the vvater supports more than aire ; and further , because the vvater by the ponderositie is displeased , and so strives to be there againe , pressing to it , by reason of the other vvaters that are about it , according to the proportion of his weight . Archimedes demonstrateth , that all bodies weigh lesse in the water ( or in like liquor ) by how much they occupie place : and if the water weigh a pound weight , the magnitude in the water shall weigh a pound lesse than in the aire . Now by knowing the proportion of water and mettles , it is found that Gold loseth in the water the 19 part of his weight , Copper the 9 part , Quicksilver the 15 part , Lead the 12 part , Silver the 10 part , Iron the 8 part , Tinne the 7 part and a little more : wherefore in materiall and absolute weight , Gold in respect of the water that it occupieth weigheth 18 , and ¾ times heavier than the like quantitie of water , that is , as 18 ¾ to the Quicksilver 15 times , Lead 11 and ⅗ , Silver 10 and ⅔ , Copper 9 and 1 / 10 , Iron 8 and ½ , and Tinne 8 and 1 / ● . Contrarily in respect of greatnesse , if the water be as heavy as the Gold , then is the water almost 19 times greater than the magnitude of the Gold , and so may you judge of the rest . 18. How is it that a ballance having like weight in each scale , and hanging in aequilibrio in the aire , being placed in another place , ( without removing any weight ) it shall cease to hang in aequilibrio sensibly : yea by a great difference of weight ? THis is easie to be resolved by considering different mettles , which though they vveigh equall in the aire , yet in the vvater there vvill be an apparant difference ; as suppose so that in the scale of each Ballance be placed 18 pound vveight of severall metalls , the one Gold , and the other Copper , vvhich being in aequilibrio in the aire , placed in the vvater , vvill not hang so , because that the Gold los●eth neare the 18 part of his vveight , vvhich is about 1 pound , and the Copper loseth but his 9 part , vvhich is 2 pound : vvherefore the Gold in the vvater vveigheth but 17 pound , and the Copper 16 pound , vvhich is a difference most sensible to confirme that point . 19. To shew what waters are heavier one than another , and how much . PHysicians have an especiall respect unto this , judging that vvater vvhich is lightest is most healthfull and medicinall for the body , & Sea-men knovv that the heaviest vvaters do beare most , and it is knovvne vvhich water is heaviest thus . Take a piece of wax , and fasten Lead unto it , or some such like thing that it may but precisely swimme , for then it is equal to the like magnitude of water , then put it into another vessell which hath contrary water , and if it sinke , then is that water lighter than the other : but if it sinke not so deep , then it argueth the water to be heavier or more grosser than the first water , or one may take a piece of vvood , and marke the quantitie of sinking of it into severall waters , by vvhich you may judge which is lightest or heaviest , for in that which it sinkes most , that is infallibly the lightest , and so contrarily . 20. How to make a Pound of water weigh as much as 10 , 2● , ●0 , or a hundred pound of Lead ; nay as much as a thousand , or ten thousand and pound weight ? THis proposition seems very impossible , yet water inclosed in a vessell , being constrained to dilate it selfe , doth weigh so much as though there were in the concavitie of it a solid body of water . There are many wayes to experiment this proposition , but to verifie it , it may be sufficient to produce two excellent ones onely : which had they not been really acted , little credit might have been given unto it . The first way is thus . Take a Magnitude which takes up as much place as a hundred or a thousand pound of water , and suppose that it were tied to some thing that it may hang in the aire ; then make a Ballance that one of the scales may inviron it , yet so that it touch not the sides of it : but leave space enough for one pound of water : then having placed 100 pound weight in the other scale , throw in the water about the Magnitude , so that one pound of water shall weigh downe the hundred pound in the other Ballance . PROBLEM . LXXXVI . Of sundry Questions of Arithmetick , and first of the number of sands . IT may be said incontinent , that to undertake this were impossible , either to number the Sands of Lybia , or the Sands of the Sea ; and it vvas this that the Poets sung , and that vvhich the vulgar beleeves ; nay , that vvhich long ago certaine Philosophers to Gelon King of Sicily reported , that the graines of sand vvere innumerable : But I ansvvere vvith Archimedes , that not only one may number those vvhich are at the border and about the Sea ; but those vvhich are able to fill the vvhole vvorld , if there vvere nothing else but sand ; and the graines of sands admitted to be so small , that 10 may make but one graine of Poppy : for at the end of the account there need not to expresse them , but this number 30840979456 , and 35 Ciphers at the end of it . Clavius and Archimedes make it somevvhat more ; because they make a greater firmament than Ticho Brahe doth ; and if they augment the Vniverse , it is easie for us to augment the number , and declare assuredly how many graines of sand there are requisite to fill another vvorld , in comparison that our visible vvorld vvere but as one graine of sand , an atome or a point ; for there is nothing to do but to multiply the number by it selfe , vvhich vvill amount to ninety places , vvhereof tvventie are these , 95143798134910955936 , and 70 Ciphers at the end of it : vvhich amounts to a most prodigious number , and is easily supputated : for supposing that a graine of Poppy doth containe 10 graines of sand , there is nothing but to compare that little bovvle of a graine of Poppy , vvith a bovvle of an inch or of a foot , & that to be compared vvith that of the earth , and then that of the earth vvith that o the firmament ; and so of the rest . 2. Divers metalls being melted together in one body , to finde the mixture of them . THis wat a notable invention of Archimedes , related by Vitrivius in his Architecture , where he reporteth that the Gold-smith which King Hiero imployed for the making of the Golden Crowne , which was to be dedicated to the gods , had stolen part of it , and mixed Silver in the place of it : the King suspicious of the work proposed it to Archimedes , if by Art he could discover without breaking of the Crowne , if there had been made mixture of any other metall with the Gold. The way which he found out was by bathing himselfe ; for as he entred into the vessell of water , ( in which he bathed himselfe ) so the water ascended or flew out over it , and as he pulled out his body the water descended : from which he gathered that if a Bowle of pure Gold , Silver , or other metall were cast into a vessell of water , the water proportionally according to the thing cast in would ascend ; and so by way of Arithmetick the question lay open to be resolved : who being so intensively taken with the invention , leapes out of the Bath all naked , crying as a man transported , I have found , I have found , and so discovered it . Now some say that he took two Masses , the one of pure Gold , and the other of pure Silver ; each equall to the weight of the Crowne , and therefore unequall in magnitude or greatnesse ; and then knowing the severall quantities of water which was answerable to the Crown , and the severall Masses , he subtilly collected , that if the Crowne occupied more place within the water than the Masse of Gold did : it appeared that there was Silver or other metall melted with it . Now by the rule of position , suppose that each of the three Masses weighed 18 pound a piece , and that the Masse of Gold did occupie the place of one pound of water , that of Silver a pound and a halfe ▪ and the Crown one pound and a quarter only : then thus he might operate the Masse of Silver which weighed 18 pounds , cast into the water , did cast out halfe a pound of water more then the Masse of Gold , which weighed 18 pound , and the Crowne which weighed also 18 pound , being put into a vessell full of water , threw out more water than the Masse of Gold by a quarter of a pound , ( because of mixt metall which was in it : ) therefore by the rule of proportion , if halfe a pound of water ( the excesse ) be answerable to 18 pound of Silver , one quarter of a pound of excesse shall be answerable to 9 pound of Silver , and so much was mixed in the Crowne . Some judge the way to be more facill by weighing the Crowne first in the aire , then in the water ; in the aire it weighed 18 pound , and if it were pure Gold , in the water it would weigh but 17 pound ; if it were Copper it would weigh but 16 pound ; but because vve vvill suppose that Gold and Copper is mixed together , it vvill vveigh lesse then 17 pound , yet more than 16 pound , and that according to the proportion mixed : let it then be supposed that it vveighed in the vvater 16 pound and 3 quarters , then might one say by proportion , if the difference of one pound of losse , vvhich is betvveen 16 and 17 ) be ansvverable to 18 pound , to vvhat shall one quarter of difference be ansvverable to , vvhich is betvveen 17 and 16 ¾ , and it vvill be 4 pound and a halfe ; and so much Copper vvas mixed vvith the Gold. Many men have delivered sundry vvayes to resolve this proposition since Archimedes invention , and it vvere tedious to relate the diversities . Baptista Benedictus amongst his Arithmeticall Theoremes , delivers his vvay thus : if a Masse of Gold of equall bignesse to the Crovvne did vveigh 20 pound , and another of Silver at a capacity or bignesse at pleasure , as suppose did vveigh 12 pound , the Crovvne or the mixt body would vveigh more than the Silver , and lesser than the Gold , suppose it vveighed 16 pound vvhich is 4 pound lesse than the Gold by 8 pound , then may one say , if 8 pound of difference come from 12 pound of Silver , from vvhence comes 4 pound vvhich vvill be 6 pound and so much Silver vvas mixed in it , &c. 3. Three men bought a quantitie of wine , each paid alike , and each was to have alike ; it happened at the last partition that there were 21 Barrells , of which 7 were full , 7 halfe full , and 7 empty , how must they share the wine and vessells , that each have as many vessells one as another , & as much wine one as another ? THis may be answered two wayes as followeth , and these numbers 2 , 2 , 3 , or 3 , 3 , 1 , may serve for direction , and signifies that the first person ought to have 3 Barrells full , and as many empty ones , and one which is halfe full ; so he shall have 7 vessells and 3 Barrels , and a halfe of liquor ; and one of the other shall in like manner have as much , so there will remaine for the third man 1 Barrell full , 5 which are halfe full , and 1 empty , and so every one shall have alike both in vessells and wine . And generally to answer such questions , divide the number of vessells by the number of persons , and if the Quotient be not an intire number , the question is impossible ; but when it is an intire number , there must be made as many parts as there are 3 persons , seeing that each part is lesse than the halfe of the said Quotient : as dividing 21 by 3 there comes 7 for the Quotient , which may be parted in these three parts , 2 , 2 , 3 , or 3 , 3 , 1 , each of which being lesse than ha●fe of 7. 4. There is a Ladder which stands upright against a wall of 10 foot high , the foot of it is pulled out 6 foot from the wall upon the pavement : how much hath the top of the Ladder descended ? THe ansvver is , 2 foot : for by Pythagoras rule the square of DB , the Hypothenusal is equall to the square of DA 6 , & AB 10. Novv if DA be 6 foot , and AB 10 foot , the squares are 36 and 100 , vvhich 36 taken from 100 rests 64 , vvhose Roote-quadrate is 8 so the foot of the Ladder being novv at D , the toppe vvill be at C , 2 foot lovver than it vvas vvhen it vvas at B. PROBLEM . LXXXVII . Witty suits or debates between Caius and Sempronius , upon the forme of f●gures , which Geometricians call Isoperimeter , or equall in circuit or compasse . MArvell ●ot at it if I make the Mathematicks take place at the Ba●●e , and if I set forth here B●rtoleus , who witnesseth of himselfe , that being then an ancient Doctor in the Law , he himselfe took upon him to learne the elements and principles of Geometry , by which he might set forth certaine Lawes touching the divisions of Fields , Waters , Islands , and other incident places : now this shall be to shew in passing by , that these sciences are profitable and behovefull for Judges , Counsellors , or such , to explaine many things which fall out in Lawes , to avoid ambiguities , contentions , and suits often . 1. Incident . CAius had a field which was directly square , having 24 measures in Circuit , that was 6 on each side : Sempronius desiring to fit himselfe , prayed Caius to change with him for a field which should be equivalent unto his , and the bargaine being concluded , he gave him for counterchange a piece of ground which had just as much in circuit as his had , but it was not square , yet Quadrangular and Rectangled , having 9 measures in length for each of the two longest sides , and 3 in breadth for each shorter side : Now Caius which was not the most subtillest nor wisest in the world accepted his bargaine at the first , but afterward● having conferred with a Land-measures and Mathematician , found that he was over-reached in his bargaine , and that his field contained 36 square measures , and the other field had but 27 measures , ( a thing easie to be knowne by multiplying the length by the breadth : ) Sempronius contested with him in suite of Law , and argued that figures which have equall Perimeter or circuit , are equall amongst themselves : my field , saith he , hath equall circuit with yours , therefore it is equall unto it in quantitie . Now this was sufficient to delude a Judge which was ignorant in Geometricall proportions , but a Mathematician will easily declare the deceit , being assured that figures which are Isoperemiter , or equall in circuit , have not alwayes equall capacitie or quantitie : seeing that with the same circuit , there may be infinite figures made which shall be more and more capable , by how much they have more Angles , equall sides , and approach nearer unto a circle , ( which is the most capablest figure of all , ) because that all his parts are extended one from anothes , and from the middle or Centre as much as may be : so we see by an infa●lible rule of experience , that a square is more capable of quantitie than a Triangle of the same circuit , and a Pentagone more than a square , and so of others , so that they be regular figures that have their sides equall , otherwise there might be that a regular Triangle , having 24 measures in circuit might have more capacitie than a rectangled Parallelogram , which had also 24 measures of circuit , as if it were 11 in length , and 1 inbreadth , the circuit is still 24 , yet the quantitie is but 11. and if it had 6 every way , it gives the same Perimeter , viz. 24. but a quantitie of 36 as before . 2. Incident . SEmpronius having borrowed of Caius a sack of Corne , which was 6 foot high and 2 foot broad , and when there was question made to repay it , Sempronius gave Caius back two sacks full of Corne , which had each of them 6 foot high & 1 foot broad : who beleeved that if the sackes were full he was repaid , and it seems to have an appearance of truth barely looked on . But it is most evident in demonstration , that the 2 sacks of Corn paid by Sempronius to Caius , is but halfe of that one sack which he lent him : for a Cylinder or sack having one foot of diameter , and 6 foot of length , is but the 4 part of another Cylinder , whose length is 6 foot , and his diameter is 2 foot : therefore two of the lesser Cylinders or sackes , is but halfe of the greater ; and so Caius was deceived in halfe his Corne. 3. Incident . SOme one from a common Fountaine of a City hath a Pipe of water of an inch diameter ; to have it more commodious , he hath leave to take as much more water , whereupon he gives order that a Pipe be made of two inches diameter . Now you will say presently that it is reason to be so bigge , to have just twice as 〈…〉 before : but if the Magistrate of the Citie understood Geometricall proportions , he would soon cause it to be amended , & shew that he hath not only taken twice as much water as he had before , but foure times as much : for a Circular hole which is two inches diameter is foure times greater than that of one inch , and therefore vvill cast out four times as much vvater as that of one inch , and so the deceit is double also in this . Moreover , if there vvere a heap of Corne of 20 foot every vvay , vvhich vvas borrovved to be paid next yeare ▪ the party having his Corne in heapes of 12 foot every vvay , and of 10 foot every vvay , proffers him 4 heapes of the greater or 7 heaps of the lesser , for his ovvne heap of 20 every vvay , vvhich vvas lent : here it seems that the proffer is faire , nay vvith advantage , yet the losse vvould be neare 1000 foot . Infinite of such causes do arise from Geometricall figures , vvhich are able to deceive a Judge or Magistrate , vvhich is not somevvhat seene in Mathematicall Documents . PROBLEM . LXXXVIII . Containing sundry Questions in matter of Cosmography . FIrst , it may be demanded , vvhere is the middle of the vvorld ? I speak not here Mathematically , but as the vulgar people , vvho ask , vvhere is the middle of the vvorld ? in this sence to speak absolutely there is no point vvhich may be said to be the middle of the surface , for the middle of a Globe is every vvhere : notvvithstanding the Holy Scriptures speake respectively , and make mention of the middle of the earth , and the interpreters apply it to the Citie of Jerusalem placed in the middle of Palestina , and the habitable vvorld , that in effect taking a mappe of the vvorld , and placing one foot of the Compasses upon Jerusalem , and extending the other foot to the extremity of Europe , Asia , and Afric● , you shall see that the Citie of Jerusalem is as a Centre to that Circle . 2. Secondly , how much is the depth of the earth , the height of the heavens , and the compasse of the world ? FRom the surface of the earth unto the Centre according to ancient traditions , is 3436. miles , so the vvhole thicknesse is 6872 miles , of which the whole compasse or circuit of the earth is 21600 miles . From the Centre of the earth to the Moone there is neare 56 Semidiameters of the earth , which is about 192416 miles . unto the Sunne there is 1142 Semidiameters of the earth , that is in miles 3924912 ; from the starry firmament to the Centre of the earth there is 14000 Semidiameters , that is , 48184000 miles , according to the opinion and observation of that learned Ticho Brahe . From these measures one may collect by Arithmeticall supputations , many pleasant propositions in this manner . First , if you imagine there were a hole through the earth , and that a Milstone should be let fall down into this hole , and to move a mile in each minute of time , it would be more than two dayes and a halfe before it would come to the Centre , and being there it would hang in the aire . Secondly , if a man should go every day 20 miles , it would be three yeares wanting but a fortnight , before he could go once about the earth ; and if a Bird should fly round about it in two dayes , then must the motion be 450 miles in an houre . Thirdly , the Moone runnes a greater compasse each houre , than if in the same time she should runne twice rhe Circumference of the whole earth . Fourthly , admit it be supposed that one should go 20 miles in ascending towards the heavens every day , he should be above 15 years before he could attaine to the Orbe of the Moone . Fifthly , the Sunne makes a greater way in one day than the Moone doth in 20 dayes , because that the Orbe of the Sunnes circumference is at the least 20 times greater than the Orbe of the Moone . Sixthly , if a Milstone should descend from the p●ace of the Sunne a thousand miles every houre , ( which is above 15 miles in a minute , farre beyond the proportion of motion ) it would be above 163 dayes before it would fall dovvne to the earth . Seventhly , the Sunne in his proper sphere moves more than seven thousand five hundred and seventy miles in one minute of time : novv there is no Bullet of a Cannon , Arrovv , Thunderbolt , or tempest of vvinde that moves vvith such quicknesse . Eightly , it is of a farre higher nature to consider the exceeding and unmoveable quicknesse of the starry firmament , for a starre being in the Aequator , ( which is just between the Poles of the world ) makes 12598666 miles in one houre which is two hundred nine thousand nine hundred and seventy foure miles in one minute of time : & if a Horseman should ride every day 40 miles , he could not ride such a compasse in a thousand yeares as the starry firmament moves in one houre , which is more than if one should move about the earth a thousand times in one houre , and quicker than possible thought can be imagined : and if a starre should flye in the aire about the earth with such a prodigious quicknesse , it would burne and consume all the world here below . Behold therefore how time passeth , and death hasteth on : this made Copernicus , not unadvisedly to attribute this motion of Primum mobile to the earth , and not to the starry firmament ; for it is beyond humane sense to apprehend or conceive the rapture and violence of that motion being quicker than thought ; and the word of God testifieth that the Lord made all things in number , measure , weight , and time . PROBLEM . XCII . To finde the Bissextile yeare , the Dominicall letter , and the letters of the moneth . LEt 123 , or 124 , or 125 , or 26 , or 27 , ( which is the remainder of 1500 , or 1600 ) be divided by 4 , which is the number of the Leape-yeare , and that which remaines of the division shewes the leap-yeare , as if one remaine , it shewes that it is the first yeare since the Bissextile or Leap-year , if two , it is the second year &c. and if nothing remaine , then it is the Bissextile or Leap-yeare , and the Quotient shews you how many Bissextiles or Leap-yeares there are conteined in so many yeares . To finde the Circle of the Sun by the fingers . LEt 123 , 24 , 25 , 26 , or 27 , be divided by 28 , ( which is the Circle of the Sunne or whole revolution of the Dominicall letters ) and that which remaines is the number of joynts , which is to be accounted upon the fingers by Filius esto Dei , coelum bonus accipe gratis : and where the number ends , that finger it sheweth the yeare which is present , and the words of the verse shew the Dominicall letter . Example . DIvide 123 by 28 for the yeare ( and so of other yeares ) and the Quotient is 4 , and there remaineth 11 , for which you must account 11 words : Filius esto Dei , &c. upon the joynts beginning from the first joynt of the Index , and you shall have the answer . For the present to know the Dominicall letter for each moneth , account from January unto the moneth required , including January , and if there be 8 , 9 , 7 , or 5 , you must begin upon the end of the finger from the thumbe and account , Adam degebat , &c. as many words as there are moneths , for then one shall have the letter which begins the moneth ; then to know what day of the moneth it is , see how many times 7 is comprehended in the number of dayes , and take the rest , suppose 4 , account upon the first finger within & without by the joynts , unto the number of 4 , which ends at the end of the finger : from whence it may be inferred that the day required was Wednesday , Sunday being attributed to the first joynt of the first finger or Index : and so you have the present yeare , the Dominicall letter , the letter which begins the Moneth , and all the dayes of the Moneth . PROBLEM . XCIII . To finde the New and Full Moone in each Moneth . ADde to t●e Epact for the yeare , the Moneth from March , then subtract that surplus from 30 , and the rest is the day of the Moneth that it vvill be New Moone , and adding unto it 14 , you shall have that Full Moone . Note THat the Epact is made alwayes by adding 11 unto 30 , and if it passe 30 , subtract 30 , and adde 11 to the remainder , and so ad infinitum : as if the Epact were 12 , adde 11 to it makes 23 for the Epact next year , to vvhich adde 11 makes 34 , subtract 30 , rests 4 the Epact for the yeare after , and 15 for the yeare follovving that , and 26 for the next , and 7 for the next , &c. PROBLEM . XCIV . To finde the Latitude of ● Countrey . THose that dwell between the North-Pole and the Tropicke of Cancer , have their Spring and Summer between the 10 of March , and the 13 of September : and therefore in any day between that time , get the sunnes distance by instrumentall observation from the zenith at noone , and adde the declination of the sun for that day to it : so the Aggragate sheweth such is the Latitude , or Poles height of that Countrey . Now the declination of the sunne for any day is found out by Tables calculated to that end : or Mechanically by the Globe , or by Instrument it may be indifferently had : and here note that if the day be between the 13 of September and the 10 of March , then the sunnes declination for that day must be taken out of the distance of the sunne from the zenith at noone : so shall you have the Latitude , as before . PRBOLEM XCV . Of the Climates of countreys , and to finde in what C●imate any countrey is under . CLimates as they are taken Geographically signifie nothing else but when the l●ngt● of the longest day of any place , is half an houre longer , or shorter than it is in another place ( and so of the sh●rtest day ) and this account to begin from the Equinoctia●l Circle , seeing all Countreys under it have the shortest and longest day that can be but 12 houres ; But all other Countreys that are from the Equinoctiall Circle either towards the North or South of it unto the Poles themselves , are said to be in some one Climate or other , from the Equinoctiall to either of the Poles Circles , ( which are in the Latitude of 66 degr . 30 m. ) between each of which Polar Circles and the Equinoctial Circle there is accounted 24 Climates , which differ one from another by halfe an hours time : then from each Polar Circle , to each Pole there are reckoned 6. other Climates which differ one from another by a moneths time : so the whole earth is divided into 60 Climates , 30 being allotted to the Northerne Hemisphere , and 30● to the Southerne Hemispheare . And here note , that though these Climats which are betweene the Equinoctiall and the Polar Circles are equall one unto the other in respect of time , to wit , by halfe an houre ; yet the Latitude , breadth , or internall , conteined between Climate and Climate , is not equall : and by how much any Climate is farther from the Equinoctiall than another Climate , by so much the lesser is the intervall between that Climate and the next : so those that are nearest the Equinoctial are largest , and those which are farthest off most contracted : and to finde what Climate any Countrey is under : subtract the length of an Equinoctiall day , to wit , 12 houres from the length of the longest day of that Countrey ; the remainder being doubled shews the Climate : So at London the longest day is neare 16 houres and a halfe ; 12 taken from it there remaines 4 houres and a halfe , which doubled makes 9 halfe houres , that is , 9 Climates ; so London is in the 9 climate . PROBLEM . XCVI . Of Longitude and Latitude of the Earth and of the Starres . LOngitude of a Countrey , or place , is an arcke of the Aequator conteined between the Meridian of the Azores , and the Meridian of the place , and the greatest Longitude that can be is 360 degrees . Note . That the first Meridian may be taken at pleasure upon the Terrestriall Globe or Mappe , for that some of the ancient Astronomers would have it at Hercules Pillars , which is at the straights at Gibraltar : Ptolomy placed it at the Canary Isl●nds , but now in these latter times it is held to be neare the Azores . But why it was first placed by Ptolomy at the Canary Islands , were because that in his time these Islands were the farthest westerne parts of the world that vvas then discovered . And vvhy it reteines his place novv at Saint Michaels neare the Azores , is that because of many accurate observations made of late by many expert Navigators and Mathematicians , they have found the Needle there to have no variation , but to point North and South : that , is to each Pole of the world : and why the Longitude from thence is accounted Eastwards , is from the motion of the Sunne Eastward , or that Ptolomy and others did hold it more convenient to begin from the Westerne part of the world and so account the Longitude Eastward from Countrey to Countrey that was then knowne ; till they came to the Easterne part of Asia , rather than to make a beginning upon that which was unknowne : and having made up their account of reckoning the Longitude from the Westerne part to the Eastern part of the world knowne , they supposed the rest to be all sea , which since their deaths hath been found almost to be another habitable world . To finde the Longitude of a Countrey . IF it be upon the Globe , bring the Countrey to the Brasen Meridian , and whatsoever degree that Meridian cuts in the Equinoctiall , that degree is the Longitude of that Place : if it be in a Mappe , then mark what Meridian passeth over it , so have you the Longitude thereof , if no Meridian passe over it , then take a paire of Compasses , and measure the distance betweene the Place and the next Meridian , and apply it to the divided parallel or Aequator , so have you the Longitude required . Of the Latitude of Countreys . LAtitude of a Countrey is the distance of a Countrey from the Equinoctiall , or it is an Arke of the Meridian conteined between the Zenith of the place and the Aequator ; which is two-fold , viz. either North-Latitude or South-Latitude , either of which extendeth from the Equinoctiall to either Pole , so the greatest Latitude that can be is but 90 degrees : If any Northern Countrey have the Artick Circle verticall , which is in the Latitude of 66. gr . 30. m. the Sun will touch the Horizon in the North part thereof , and the longest day will be there then 24 houres , if the Countrey have lesse Latitude than 66. degrees 30. m. the Sun will rise and set , but if it have more Latitude than 66. gr . 30 m. it will be visible for many dayes , and if the Countrey be under the Pole , the Sun will make a Circular motion above the Earth , and be visible for a half yeare : so under the Pole there will be but one day , and one night in the whole yeare . To finde the latitude of Countreys . IF it be upon a Globe , bring the place to the Brasen Meridian , and the number of degrees which it meeteth therewith , is the Latitude of the place . Or with a paire of Compasses take the distance between the Countrey and the Equinoctiall , which applied unto the Equinoctiall will shew the Latitude of that Countrey ; which is equall to the Poles height ; if it be upon a Mappe . Then mark what parallel passeth over the Countrey and where it crosseth the Meridian , that shall be the Latitude : but if ●o parallel passeth over it , then take the distance betweene the place and the next parallel , which applied to the divided Meridian from that parallel will shew the Latitude of that place . To finde the distance of places . IF it be upon a Globe : then with a paire of Compasses take the distance betweene the two Places , and apply it to the divided Meridian or Aequator , and the number of degrees shall shew ●e distance ; each degree being 60. miles . ●f it be in a Mappe ( according to Wrights pro●ection ) take the distance with a paire of Com●asses between the two places , and apply this distance to the divided Meridian on the Mappe right against the two places ; so as many degrees as is conteined between the feet of the Compasses so much is the distance between the two places . If the distance of two places be required in a particular Map then with the Compasses take the distance between the two places , and apply it to the scale of Miles , so have you the distance , if the scale be too short , take the scale between the Compasses , and apply that to the two places as often as you can , so have you the distance required . Of the Longitude , Latitude , Declination , and distance of the Starres . THe Declination of a starre is the nearest distance of a Star from the Aequator ; the Latitude of a Starre is the nearest distance of a Sarre from the Ecliptick : the Longitude of a Starre is an Ark of the Ecliptick conteined between the beginning of Aries , and the Circle of the Starres Latitude , which is a circle drawne from the Pole of the Ecliptick unto the starre , and so to the Ecliptick . The distance between two Sarres in Heaven is taken by a Crosse-staffe or other Instrument , and upon a Globe it is done by taking between the feet of the Compasses the two Starres , and applying it to the Aequator , so have you the distance betweene those two starre● . How is it that two Horses or other creatures being foaled or brought forth into the world at one and the same time , that after certaine dayes travell the one lived more dayes than the other , notwithstanding they dyed together in one and the sam● moment also ? THis is easie to be answered : let one of them travell toward the West and the other towards the East : then that which goes towards the West followeth the Sunne : and therefore shall have the day somewhat longer than if there had been no travell made , and that which goes East by going against the Sunne , shall have the day shorter , and so in respect of travell though they dye at one and the selfe same houre and moment of time , the one shall be older than the other . From which consideration may be inferred that a Christian , a Jew , and a Saracen , may have their Sabbaths all upon one and the same day though notwithstanding the Saracen holds his Sabath upon the Friday , the Jew upon the Saturday , and the Christian upon the Sunday : For being all three resident in one place , if the Saracen and the Christian begin their travell upon the Saturday , the Christian going West , and the Saracen Eastwards , shall compasse the Globe of the earth , thus the Christian at the conclusion shall gaine a day , and the Saracen shall lose a day , and so meet with the Jew every one upon his owne Sabbath . Certaine fine observations . 1 UNder the Equinoctiall the Needle hangs in equilibrio , but in these parts it inclines under the Horizon , and being under the Pole it is thought it will hang verticall . 2 In these Countreys which are without the Tropicall Circles , the Sunne comes East and West every day for a halfe yeare , but being under the Equinoctiall the Sun is never East , nor West ▪ but twice in the yeare , to wit , the 10. of March and the 13 of September . 3 If a ship be in the Latitude of 23 gr . 30 m. that is , if it have either of the Tropicks verticall : then at what time the Sunnes Altitude is equall to his distan●e from any of the Equinoctiall points , then t●e Sunne is due East or West . 4 If a ship be betweene the Equinoctiall and either of the Tropicks , the Sunne will come twice to one point of the compasse in the forenoone , that is , in one and the same position . 5 Vnder the Equinoctiall neare Guinea there is but two sorts of windes all the year , 6 moneths a Northerly winde , and 6 moneths a Southerly winde , and the flux of the Sea is accordingly . 6 If two ships under the Equinoctiall be 100. leagues asunder , and should sayle Northerly untill they were come under the Articke circle , they should then be but 50 leagues asunder . 7 Those which have the Artick circle , verticall : when the Sunne is in the Tropick of Cancer , the Sun setteth not , but toucheth the western part of the Horizon . 8 If the complement of the Sunnes height at noon be found equall to the Sunnes Declination for that day , then the ●quinoctiall is verticall : or a shippe making such an observation , the Equinoctiall is in the Zenith , or direct over them , by which Navigators know when they crosse the line , in their travels to the Indies , or other parts . 9 The Sunne being in the Equinoctiall , the extremity of the stile in any Sunne-dyall upon a plaine , maketh a right line , otherwise it is Eclipticall , Hyperbolicall , &c. 10 When the shadow of a man , or other thing upon a Horizontall 〈◊〉 is equall unto it in length , then is the Sunne in the middle point between the Horizon and the Zenith , that is , 45 degrees high . PROBLEM . XCVII . To make a Triangle that shall have three right Angles . OPen the C●passes at p●easure : and upon A , describe an Arke BC. then at the same opening , place one of the feet in B , and describe the Ark AC . Lastly , place one of the feet of the Compasses in C. and describe the Arke AB· so shall you have the sphericall Aequilaterall Triangle ABC , right angled at A , at B , and at C. that is , each angle comprehended 9● . degrees : which can never be in any plaine Triangle , whether it be Equilaterall , Isocelse , scaleve , Orthogonall , or Opigonall . PROBLEM . XCVIII . To divide a line in as many equall parts as one will , without compasses , or without seeing of it . THis Proposition hath a fallacie in it , & cannot be practised but upon a Maincordion : for the Mathematicall line which proceeds from the flux of a point , cannot be divided in that wise : One may have therefore an Instrument which is called Maincordion , because there is but one cord : and if you desire to divide your line into 3 parts , run your finger upon the frets untill you sound a third in musick : if you would have the fourth part of the line , then finde the fourth sound , a fifth , &c. so shall you have the answer . PROBLEM . XCIX . To draw a line which shall incline to another line , yet never meet : against the Axiome of Parallels . THis is done by help of a Conoeide line , produced by a right line upon one & the same plaine , held in great account amongst the Ancients , and it is drawne after this manner . Draw a right line infinitely , and upon some end of it , as at I , draw a perpendicular line I A. augment it to H. then from A. draw lines at pleasure to intersect the line I. M. in each of which lines from the right line , IM . transferre IH . viz. KB . LC.OD.PE.QF.MG . then from those points draw the line H.B.C.D.E.F.G. which will not meet with the line IM . and yet incline nearer and nearer unto it . PROBLEM . C. To observe the variation of the compasses , or needle in any places . FIrst describe a Circle upon a plaine , so that the Sun may shine on it both before noone and afternoone : in the centre of which Circle place a Gn●●on or wire perpendicular as AB , and an houre before noone marke the extremitie of the shadow of AB , which suppose it be at C. describe a Circle at that semidiamiter CDF . then after noone mark when the top of the shadow of AB . toucheth the Circle , which admit in D ; divide the distance CD into two equall parts , which suppose at E. draw the line EAF . which is the Meridian line , or line of North & South : now if the Arke of the Circle CD . be divided into degrees . place a Needle GH , upon a plaine set up in the Centre , and marke how many degrees the point of the Needle G , is from E. so much doth the Needle vary from the North in that place . PROBLEM . CI. How to finde at any time which way the wind is in ones Chamber , without going abroad ? VPon the Plancking or floore of a Chamber , Parlor , or Hall , that you intend to have this device , let there come downe from the top of the house a hollow post , in which place an Iron rod that it ascend above the house 10 , or 6 foot with a vane or a scouchen at it to shew the winds without : and at the lower end of this rod of Iron , place a Dart which may by the moving of the vane with the wind without , turne this Dart which is within : about which upon the plaister must be described a Circle divided into the 32 points of the Mariners Compasse pointed and distinguished to that end , then may it be marked by placi● to Compasse by it ; for having noted the North point , the East , &c ▪ it is easie to note all the rest of the points : and so at any time comming into this Roome , you have nothing to do but to look up to the Dart , which will point you out what way the winde bloweth at that instant . PROBLEM . CII . How to draw a parallel sphericall line with great ease ? FIrst draw an obscure line GF . in the middle of it make two points AB , ( which serves for Centres then place one foot of the Compasses in B , and extend the other foot to A , and describe the semicircle AC . then place one foot of the Compasses in A , and extend the other foot to C , and describe the semicircle CD . Now place the Compasses in B , and extend the other foot unto D , and describe the semicircle DF , and so ad infinitum ; which being done neatly , that there be no right line seene nor where the Compasses were placed , will seeme very strange how possibly it could be drawne with such exactnes , to such which are ignorant of that way . PROBLEM . CIII . To measure an in accessible distance , as the breadth of a River with the help of ones hat onely . THe way of this is easie : for having ones hat upon his head , come neare to the bank of the River , and holding your head upright ( which may be by putting a small stick to some one of your buttons to prop up the chin ) pluck downe the brim or edge of your hat untill you may but see the other side of the water , then turne about the body in the same posture that it was before towards some plaine , and marke where the sight by the brimme of the hat glaunceth on the ground ▪ for the distance from that place to your standing , is the breadth of the River required . PROBLEM . CIIII. How to measure a height with two strawes or two small stickes . TAke two strawes or two stickes which are one as long as another , and place them at right Angles one to the other , as AB . and AC . then holding AB . parallel to the ground , place the end A to the eye at A. and looking to the other top BC. at C. by going backward or forward untill you may see the top of the Tower or tree , which suppose at E. So the distance from your standing to the Tower or Tree , is equall to the height thereof above the levell of the eye : to which if you adde your ovvne height you have the whole height . Otherwise . TAke an ordinary square which Carpenters or other workemen use , as HKL . and placing H. to the eye so that HK . be levell , go back or come nearer untill that by it you may see the top M. for then the distance from you to the height is equall to the height . PROBLEM . CV . How to make statues , letters , bowles , or other things which are placed in the side of a high building , to be seen below of an equall bignesse . LEt BC. be a Pillar 7 yards high , and let it be required that three yards above the levell of the eye A , viz. at B. be placed a Globe , and 9 yards above B. be placed another , & 22. yards above that be placed another Globe : how much shall the Diameter of these Globes be , that at the eye , at A , they may all appeare to be of one and the same Magnitude : It is thus done , first draw a line as AK . and upon K. erect a perpendicular KX . divide this line into 27 parts ▪ and according to AK . describe an Arke KY . then from K ▪ in the perpendicular KX , account● ▪ par●s , viz at L. which shall represent the former three yardes , and draw the line LA. from L , in the said perpendicular reckon the diameter of the lesser Globe of what Magnitude it is intended to be : suppose SL , and draw the line SA . cutting the Arke VK . in N. then from K. in the perpendicular account 9 yards , which admit at T. draw TA , cutting YK. in O transferre the Arke MN , from A to P. and draw AP. which will cut the perpendicular in V. so a line drawne from the middle of VF . unto the visuall lines AI , and AV , shall be the diameter of the next Globe : Lastly , account from K. in the perpendicular XK . 22 parts , and draw the line WA . cutting YK in Q. then take the Arke MN , and transferre it from Q to R and draw AR ▪ which will cut the perpendicular in X so the line which passeth by the meddle of XW . perpendicular to the visuall line AW , and AX. be the Diameter of the third Globe , to wit 5 , 6. which measures transferred in the Pillar BC. which sheweth the true Magnitude of the Globes 1 , 2 , 3. from this an Architect or doth proportion his Images , & the foulding of the Robes which are most deformed at the eye below in the making , yet most perfect when it is set in his true height above the eye . PROBLEM . CVI. How to disg●is● or disfigure an Image , as a head , an arme , a whole body , &c. so that it hath no proportion the eares to become long : the nose as that of a swan , the mouth as a coaches entrance , &c yet the eye placed at a certaine point will be seen in a direct & exact proportion . I Will not strive to set a Geometricall figure here , for feare it may seeme too difficult to understand , but I will indeavour by discourse how Mechanically with a Candle you may perceive it sensible : first there must be made a figure upon Paper , such as you please , according to his just proportion , and paint it as a Picture ( which painters know well enough to do ) afterwards put a Candle upon the Table , and interpose this figure obliquely , between the said Candle and the Bookes of Paper , where you desire to have the figure disguised in such sort that the height passe athwart the hole of the Picture : then will it carry all the forme of the Picture upon the Paper , but with deformity ; follow these tracts and marke out the light with a Coles black head or Ink : and you have your desire . To finde now the point where the eye must see it in his naturall forme : it is accustomed according to the order of Perspective , to place this point in the line drawne in height , equall to the largenesse of the narrowest side of the deformed square , and it is by this way that it is performed . PROBLEM . CVII . How a Cannon after that it hath shot , may be covered from the battery of the enemy . LEt the mouth of a Cannon be I , the Cannon M. his charge NO , the wheele L , the axletree PB . upon which the Cannon is placed , at which end towards B , is placed a pillar AE· supported with props D , C , E , F , G ▪ about which the Axeltree turneth : now the Cannon being to shoot , it retires to H , which cannot be directly because of the Axletree , but it make a segment of a circle ▪ and hides himselfe behind the wal QR , and so preserves it selfe from the Enemies battery , by which meanes one may avoid many inconveniences which might arise : and moreover , one man may more easily replace it againe for another shot by help of poles tyed to the wall , or other help which may multiply the strength . PROBLEM . CVIII . How to make a Lever , by which one man may alone place a Cannon upon his carriage , or raise what other weight he would . FIrst place two thick boards upright , as the figure sheweth , pierced with holes , alike opposite one unto another as CD , and EF : & let L , and M , be the two barres of Iron which passeth through the holes GH , and F , K , the two supports , or props , AB . the Cannon , OP , the Lever , RS , the two notches in the Lever , and Q , the hooke where the burthen or Cannon is tyed to . The rest of the operation is ●cill , that the youngest schollers or learners cannot faile to performe it : to teach Minerva were in vaine , and it were to Mathematicians injury in the succeeding Ages . PROBLEM . CIX . How to make a Clock with one onely wheele . MAke the body of an ordinary Dyall , and divide the houre in the Circle into 12. parts : make a great wheele in height above the Axletree , to the which you shall place the cord of your counterpoize ▪ so that it may descend , that in 1● houres of time your Index or Needle may make one revolution , which may be knowne by a watch which you may have by you : then put a balance which may stop the course of the Wheele , and give it a regular motion , and you shall see an effect as just from this as from a Clock with many wheeles . PROBLEM . CX . How by help of two wheeles to make a Childe to draw up alone a hogshead of water at a time : and being drawne up shall cast out it selfe into another vessell as one would have it . LEt R be the Pit from whence water is to be drawne , P the hook to throw out the water when it is brought up ( this hook must be moveable ) let AB be the Axis of the wheele SF , which wheele hath divers forkes of Iron made at G , equally fastened at the wheele ; let I , be a Card , which is drawne by K , to make the wheele S , to turne , vvhich vvheele S , beares proportion to the vvheele T , as 8 to ● . let N be a Chaine of Iron to vvhich is tyed the vessel O , and the other vvhich is in the Pit : E● is a piece of vvood vvhich hath a mortes in 1 , and ● , by vvhich the Cord I , passeth , tyed at the vvall , as KH , and the other piece of timber of the little vvheele as M , mortified in likevvise for the chaine to passe through : draw the Cord I , by K , and the wheele will turne , & so consequently the wheele T , which will cause the vessell O to raise ; which being empty , draw the cord againe by Y , and the other vessell which is in the pit ●ill come out by the same reason . This is an invention which will save labour if practised ; but here is to be noted that the pit must be large enough , to the end that it conteine two great vessels to passe up and downe one by another ▪ PROBLEM . CXI . To make a Ladder of Cords , which may be carryed in ones pocket : by which one may easily mount up a Wall , or Tree alone . TAke two Pullies A , & D , unto that of A , let there be fastened a Cramp of Iron as B ; and at D , let there be fastened a staffe of a foot and a halfe long as F , then the Pully A : place a hand of Iron , as E , to vvhich tie a cord of an halfe inch thick ( vvhich may be of silk because it is for the pocket : ) then strive to make fast the Pully A , by the help of the Crampe of Iron B , to the place that you intend to scale ; and the staffe F , being tyed at the Pully D , put it betvveen your legges as though you vvould sit upon it : then holding the Cord C in your hand , you may guide your selfe to the place required ▪ vvhich may be made more facill by the multiplying of Pullies . This secret is most excellent in Warre , and for lovers , its supportablenesse avoids suspition . PROBLEM . CXII . How to make a Pumpe whose strength is marvelous by reason of the great weight of water that it is able to bring up at once , and so by continuance . LEt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be the height of the case about two or three foot high , and broader according to discretion : the rest of the Case or concavity let be O : let the sucker of the Pumpe vvhich is made , be just for the Case or Pumpes head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & may be made of vvood or brasse of 4 inches thick , having a hole at E , vvhich descending raiseth up the cover P , by which issueth forth the water , & ascending or raising up it shuts it or makes it close : RS , is the handle of the sucker tyed to the handle TX , which works in the post VZ . Let A , B , C , D , be a piece of Brasse , G the piece which enters into the hole to F , to keep out the Aire . H , I , K , L , the piece tyed at the funnell or pipe : in which playes the Iron rod or axis G , so that it passe through the other piece MN , which is tyed with the end of the pipe of Brasse . Note , that the lower end of the Cisterne ought to be rested upon a Gridiron or Iron Grate ▪ which may be tyed in the pit , by which means lifting up and putting downe the handle , you may draw ten times more water than otherwise you could . PROBLEM . CXIII . How by meanes of a Cisterne , to make water of a Pit continually to ascend without strength , or the assistance of any other Pumpe . LEt IL , be the Pit where one would cause water to ascend continually to ●●ach office of a house or the places which are separated from it : let there be made a receive● as A , well closed up with lead or other matter that aire enter not in , to which fasten a pipe of lead as at E , which may have vent at pleasure , then let there be made a Cisterne as B , which may be communicative to A , by helpe of the pipe G , from vvhich Cistern B , may issue the vvater of pipe D , vvhich may descend to H , vvhich is a little belovv the levell of the vvater of the pit as much as is GH . to the end of vvhich shall be soldered close a Cock vvhich shall cast out the vvater by KH . Novv to make use of it , let B be filled full of vvater , and vvhen you vvould have it run turne the Cock , for then the vvater in B , vvill descend by K. and for feare that there should be vacuity , nature vvhich abhors it , vvill labour to furnish and supply that emptinesse out of the spring F , and that the Pit dry not , the Pipe ought to be small of an indifferent capacity according to the greatnesse or smalnesse of the spring . PROBLEM . CXIIII . How out of a fountaine to cast the water very high : different from a Probleme formerly delivered . LEt the fountaine be BD , of a round forme ( seeing it is the most capable and most perfect figure ) place into it two pipes conjoyned as EA , and HC , so that no Aire may enter in at the place of joyning : let each of the Pipes have a cock G , & L : the cocke at G , being closed , open that at I ▪ & so with a squirt force the water through the hole at H , then close the Cocke at A , & draw out the squirt , and open the cock at G. the Aire being before rarified will extend his dimensions , and force the water with such violence , that it will amount above the height of one or two Pipes : and so much the more by how much the Machine is great : this violence will last but a little while if the Pipe have too great an opening , for as the Aire approacheth to his naturall place , so the force will diminish . PROBLEM . CXV . How to empty the water of a Cisterne by a Pipe which shall have a motion of it selfe . LEt AB , be the vessell ; CDE , the Pipe : HG , a little vessell under the greater , in which one end of the Pipe is , viz. C , and let the other end of the Pipe E. passing through the bottome of the vessell at F , then as the vessell filleth so will the Pipe , and when the vessell , shall be full as farre as PO , the Pipe will begin to runne at E , of his owne accord , and never cease untill the vessell be wholly empty . PROBLEM CXVI . How to squirt or spout out a great height , so that one pot of water shall last a long time . LEt there be prepared two vessels of Brasse , Lead , or of other matter of equal substance as are the two vessels AB , and BD , & let them be joyned together by the two Pillars MN , & EF : then let there be a pipe HG . which may passe through the cover of the vessell CD , and passe through AB , into G , making a little bunch or rising in the cover of the vessell AB , so that the pipe touch it not at the bottome : then let there be soldered fast another Pipe IL , which may be separated from the bottome of the vessell , and may have his bunchie swelling as the former without touching the bottome : as is represented in L , and passing through the bottome of AB , may be continued unto I , that is to say , to make an opening to the cover of the vessell AB , & let it have a little mouth as a Trumpet : to that end to receive the water . Then there must further be added a very smal Pipe which may passe through the bottome of the vessell AB , as let it be OP , and let there be a bunch ; or swelling over it as at P , so that it touch not also the bottome : let there be further made to this lesser vessell an edge in forme of a Basin to receive the water , which being done poure water into the Pipe IL , untill the vessell CD , be full , then turne the whole Machine upside downe that the vessell CD , may be uppermost , and AB , undermost ; so by helpe of the pipe GH , the water of the vessell CD , will runne into the vessel AB , to have passage by the pipe PO. This motion is pleasant at a feast in filling the said vessel with wine , which will spout it out as though it were from a boyling fountaine , in the forme of a threed very pleasant to behold . PROBLEM . CXVIII . How to practise excellently the reanimation of simples , in case the plants may not be transported to be replanted by reason of distance of places . TAke what simple you please , burne it and take the ashes of it , and let it be calcinated two houres between two Creusets wel luted , and extract the salt : that is , to put water into it in moving of it ; then let it settle : and do it two or three times , afterwards evaporate it , that is , let the water be boyled in some vessel , untill it be all consumed : then there will remaine a salt at the bottome , which you shall afterwards sowe in good Ground wel prepared : such as the Theatre of husbandry sheweth , and you shall have your desire . PROBLEM . CVIII . How to make an infalliable perpetuall motion . M●xe 5. or 6. ounces of ☿ with is equall weight of ♃ , grinde it together with 10. or 12 ounces of sublimate dissolved in a celler upon a Marble the space of foure dayes , and it will become like Oile , Olive , which distill with fire of chaffe or driving fire , and it will sublime dry substance , then put water upon the earth ( in forme of Lye ) which will be at the bottom of the Limbeck , and dissolve that which you can ; filter it , then distill it , and there will be produced very subtill Antomes , which put into a bottle close stopped , and keep it dry , and you shall have your desire , with astonishment to all the world , and especially to those which have travelled herein without fruit . PROBLEM . CXIX . Of the admirable invention of making the Philosophers Tree , which one may see with his eye to grow by little and little . TAke two ounces of Aqua fortis , and dissolve in it halfe an ounce of fine silver refined in a Cappell : then take an ounce of Aqua fortis , and two drams of Quick-silver : which put in it , and mixe these two dissolved things together , then cast it into a Viall of halfe a pound of water , which may be well stopped ; for then every day you may see it grow both in the Tree and in the branch . This liquid serves to black haire which is red , or white , without fading untill they fall , but here is to be noted that great care ought to be had in anointing the haire , for feare of touching the flesh : for this composition is very Corrosive or searching , that as soone as it toucheth the flesh it raiseth blisters , and bladders very painfull . PROBLEM . CXX . How to make the representation of the great world ? DRaw salt Niter out of salt Earth ▪ which is found along the Rivers side , and at the foot of Mountaines , where especially are Minerals of Gold and Silver : mix that Niter well cleansed with ♃ , then calcinate it hermetically ▪ then put it in a Limbeck and let the receiver be of Glasse , well luted , and alwayes in which let there be placed leaves of Gold at the bottome , then put fire under the Limbeck untill vapours arise which will cleave unto the Gold ; augment your fire untill there ascend no more , then take away your receiver , and close it hermetically , and make a Lampe fire under it untill you may see presented in it that which nature affords us : as Flowers , Trees , Fruits , Fountaines , Sunne , Moone , Starres , &c. Behold here the forme of the Limbeck , and the receiver : A represents the Limbeck , B stands for the receiver . PROBLEM . CXXI . How to make a Cone , or a Pyramidall body move upon a Table without springs or other Artificiall meanes : so that it shall move by the edge of the Table without falling ? THis proposition is not so thornie and subtile as it seemes to be , for putting under a Cone of paper a Beetle or such like creature , you shall have pleasure with astonishment & admiration to those which are ignorant in the cause : for this animall will strive alwayes to free herself from the captivity in which she is in by the imprisonment of the Cone : for comming neere the edge of the Table she will returne to the other side for feare of falling . PROBLEM CXXII . To cleave an Anvill with the blow of a Pistoll . THis is proper to a Warrier , and to performe it , let the Anvill be heated red hot as one can possible , in such sort that all the solidity of the body be softned by the fire : then charge the Pistoll with a bullet of silver , and so have you infallibly the experiment . PROBLEM . CXXIII . How to r●st a Capon carried in a Budget at a Saddle-bowe , in the space of riding 5 or 6 miles ? HAving made it ready and larded it , stuffe ●t with Butter ; then heat a piece of steele which may be formed round according to the length of the Capon , and big enough to fill the Belly of it , and then stop it with Butter ; then wrap it up well and inclose it in a Box in the Budget , and you shall have your desire : it is said that Count Mansfield served himse●fe with no others , but such as were made ready in this kinde , for that it loseth none of its substance , and it is dressed very equally . PROBLEM . CXXIV . How to make a Candle burne and continue three times as long as otherwise it would ? VNto the end of a Candle half●burned stick a farthing lesse or more , to make it hang perpendicular in a vessel of water , so that it swimme above the water ; then light it , and it will susteine it self & float in this manner ; and being placed into a fountaine , pond , or lake that runnes slowly , where many people assemble , it will cause an extreme feare to those which come therein in the night , knowing not what it is . PROBLEM . CXXV . How out of a quantitie of wine to extract that which is most windy , and evill , that it hurt not a sick Person ? TAke two vials in such sort that they be of like greatnesse both in th● belly and the neck ; fill one of them of wine , and the other of water : let the mouth of that which hath the water be placed into the mouth of that which hath the wine , so the water shall be uppermost , now because the water is heavier than the wine , it will descend into the other Viall , and the wine which is lowest , because it is highest will ascend above to supply the place of the water , and so there will be a mutuall interchange of liquids , and by this penetration the wine wil lose her vapors in passing through the water . PROBLEM CXXVI . How to make two Marmouzets , one of which shall light a Candle , and the other put it out ? Upon the side of a wall make the figure of a Marmouzet or other animall or forme , and right against it on the other wall make another ; in the mouth of each put a pipe or quill so artificially that it be not perceived ; in one of which place salt peter very fine , and dry and pulverised ; and at the end set a little match of paper , in the other place sulphur beaten smal , then holding a Candle lighted in your hand , say to one of these Images by way of command , Blow out the Candle ; then lighting the paper with the candle , the salt-peter wil blow out the Candle immediatly , and going to the other Image ( before the match of the Candle be out ) touch the sulphur with it and say , Light the Candle , & it will immediatly be lighted , which will cause an admiration to those which see the action , if it be wel done vvith a secret dexterity . PROBLEM . XXVII . How to keepe wine fresh as if it were in a celler though it were in the heat of Summer , and without Ice or snow , yea though it were carried at a saddles bow , and exposed to the Sun all the day ? SEt your wine in a viall of Glasse ; and place it in a Box made of wood , Leather , or such like : about which vial place Salt-peeter , and it will preserve it and keep it very fresh : this experiment is not a little commodious for those which are not neare fresh waters , and whose dwellings are much exposed to the Sunne . PUOBLEM . CXXVIII . To make a Cement which indureth or lasteth as marble , which resisteth aire and water without ever disjoyning or uncementing ? TAke a quantity of strong and gluing Morter vvell beaten , mixe vvith this as much nevv slaked Lime , and upon it cast Oile of Olive or Linseed-Oile , and it vvill become hard as Marble being applyed in time . PROBLEM . CXXIX . How to melt metall very quickly , yea in a shell upon a little fire . MAke a bed upon a bed of metall with pouder of Sulphur , of Salt-peeter , and saw-dust alike ; then put fire to the said pouder with a burning Charcole , and you shall see that the metall will dissolve incontinent and be in a Masse . This secret is most excellent , and hath been practised by the reverend father Mercen●● of the order of the Minims . PROBLEM . CXXX . How to make Iron or steele exceeding hard ? QVench your Blade or other Instrument seven times in the blood of a male Hog mixt with Goose-grease , and at each time dry it at the fire before you wet it : and it will become exceeding hard , and not brittle , which is not ordinary according to other temperings and quenchings of Iron : an experiment of small cost , often proved , and of great consequence for Armorie in warlike negotiations . PRBOLEM CXXXI . To preserve fire as long as you will , imitating the inextinguible fire of Vestales . AFter that you have extracted the burning spirit of the salt of ♃ , by the degrees of fire , as is required according to the Art of Chymistrie , the fire being kindled of it selfe , break the Limbeck , and the Irons which are found at the bottome will flame and appeare as burning Coles as soone as they feele the aire ; which if you promptly inclose in a viall of Glasse , and that you stop it exactly with some good Lute : or to be more assured it may be closed up with Hermes wax for feare that the Aire get not in . Then will it keep more than a thousand yeares ( as a man may say ) yea at the bottome of the Sea ; and opening it at the end of the time , as soone as it feeles the Aire 〈◊〉 takes fi●e ▪ with which you may light a Match . This secret merits to be travelled after and put in practice , for that it is not common , and full of astonishment , seeing that all kinde of fire lasteth but as long as his matter lasteth , and that there is no matter to be found that will so long in●●●e . Artificiall fire-Workes : Or the manner of making of Rockets and Balls of fire , as well for the Water , as for the Aire ; with the composition of Starres , Golden-rain , Serpen●s , Lances , Whee●s of fire and such like , pleasant and Recreative . Of the composition for Rockets . IN the making of Rockets , the chiefest thing to be regarded is the composition that they ought to be filled with ; forasmuch as that which is proper to Rockets which are of a lesse sort is very improper to those which are of a more greater forme ; for the fire being lighted in a great concave , which is filled with a quick composition , burnes with great violence ; contrarily , a weak composition being in a small concave , makes no effect : therefore we shall here deliver in the first place rules and directions , which may serve for the true composition , or matter with which you may charge any Rocket , from Rockets which are charged but with one ounce of Powder unto great Rockets which requireth for their charge 10 pound of Powder , as followeth . For Rockets of one ounce . Vnto each pound of good musket Powder smal beaten , put two ounces of smal Cole dust , and with this composition charge the Rocket . For Rockets of 2 or 3 ounces . Vnto every foure ounces and a halfe of powder dust , adde an ounce of Salt-peter , or to every 4 ounces of powder dust , adde an ounce of Cole dust . For Rockets of 4 ounces . Vnto every pound of Powder dust adde 4 ounces of Salt peter & one ounce of Cole dust : but to have it more slow , unto every 10. ounces of good dust powder adde 3 ounces of Salt-peter , and 3 ounces of Cole dust . For Rockets of 5 or 6 ounces . Vnto every pound of Powder dust , adde 3 ounces and a halfe of Salt peter , and 2 ounces and a halfe of Coledust , as also an ounce of Sulphur , and an ounce of fyle dust . For Rockets of 7 or 8 ounces . Vnto every pound of Powder dust adde 4 ounces of Salt peter , and 3 ounces of Sulphur . Of Rockets of 10 or 12 ounces . Vnto the precedent composition adde halfe an ounce of Sulphur , and it will be sufficient . For Rockets of 14 or 15 ounces . Vnto every pound of Powder dust adde 4 ounces of Salt peter , or Cole dust 2 ¼ ounces of Sulphur and file dust of 1 ¼ ounce . For Rockets of 1 , pound . Vnto every pound of Powder dust adde 3 ounces of Cole dust , and one ounce of Sulphur . Of Rockets of 2 , pound . Vnto every pound of Powder dust adde 9 ½ ounces of Salt peter , of Cole dust 2 1 / ● ounces , filedust 1 ● / 2 ounce , and of Sulphur ¾ of ounce . For Rockets of 3 , pound . Vnto every pound of Salt peter adde 6 ounces of Cole dust , and of Sulpher 4 , ounces . For Rockets of 4 , 5 , 6 , or 7 , pound . Vnto every pound of Salt peter adde 5 ounces of Cole dust , and 2 ½ ounces of Sulphur . For Rockets of 8 , 9 , or 10 pound . Vnto every pound of Salt peter , adde 5 ½ ounces of Cole dust , and of Sulphur 2 ½ ounces . Here note that in all great Rockets , there is no Powder put , because of the greatnesse of the fire which is lighted at once , which causeth too great a violence , therefore ought to be filled with a more weaker composition . Of the making of Rockets and other Fireworkes . FOr the making of Rockets of sundry kindes , divers moulds are to be made , with their Rolling pins , Breaths , Chargers , &c. as may be seen here in the figure . And having rolled a Case of paper upon the Rolling pin for your mould , fill it with the composition belonging to that mould as before is delivered : now may you load it on the top , with Serpents , Reports , Stars , or Golden Raine : the Serpents are made about the bignesse of ones little finger , by rolling a little paper upon a small stick , and then tying one end of it , and filling it with the mixt composition somewhat close , and then tying the other end . The reports are made in their paper-Cases as the Serpents , but the Paper somewhat thicker to give the greater report . These are filled with graine-Powder or halfe Powder and halfe composition , and tying both ends close , they are finished . The best kinde of starres are made with this mixture following ; unto every 4 ounces of Salt-peter , adde 2 ounces of Sulphur , and to it put 1. ounce of Powder-dust , and of this composition make your starres , by putting a little of it within a small quantity of towe ; and then tying it up in the form of a ball as great as an Hasel-Nut or a little Wal-nut , through which there must be drawne a little Primer to make it take fire . Touching the making of the Golden Raine , that is nothing but filling of Quilles with the composition of your Rockets somewhat hard . Now if the head of a Rocket be loaded with a thousand of those Quilles , it s a goodly sight to see how pleasantly they ●pread themselves in the Aire , and come downe like streames of Gold much like the falling downe of Snow being agitated by some turbulent winde . Of recreative fires . 1 PHil●strates saith , that if wine in a platter be placed upon a receiver of burning Coles , to exhale the spirit of it , and be inclosed within a Cupboard or such like place , so that the Aire may not go in , nor out , and so being shut up for 30 yeares , he that shall open it , having a wax Candle lighted , and shall put it into the Cubboard there will appeare unto him the figure of many cleare starres . 2 If Aquavitae have Camphire dissolved in it ; and be evaporated in a close Chamber , where there is but a Charcole fire , the first that enters into the Chamber with a Candle lighted , will be extremely astonished , for all the Chamber will seeme to be full of fire very subtile , but it will be of little continuance . 3 Candles which are deceitful are made of halfe powder , covered over with Tallow , and the other halfe is made of cleane Tallow , or Waxe , with an ordinary week ; this Candle being lighted , and the upper halfe consumed , the powder will take fire , not without great noise and astonishment to those which are ignorant of the cause . 4 A dozen or twenty smal Serpents placed secretly under a Candlestick that is indifferent big , which may have a hole passe through the socket of it to the Candle , through which a piece of primer may be placed , and setting a smal C●ndle in the socket to burne according to a time limited : which Candlestick may be set on a side Table without suspition to any ; then when the Candle is burned , that it fires the primer , that immediately will fire all the Serpents , which overthrowing the Candlestick will flye here and there , intermixing themselves , sometimes in the Aire , sometimes in the Planching , one amongst another , like the crawling of Serpents , continuing for a pretty while in this posture , and in extinguishing every one will give his report like a Pistoll ; This will not a little astonish some , thinking the house will be fired , though the whole powder together makes not an ounce , and hath no strength to do such an effect . How to make fire run up and downe , forward and backward TAke small Rockets , and place the taile of one to the head of the other upon a Cord according to your fancie , as admit the Cord to be ABCDEFG . give fire to the Rocket at A , which will flye to B , which will come back againe to A , and fire another at C , that will flie at D , which will fire another there , and fl●e to E , and that to F , and so from F , to G , and at G , may be placed a pot of fire , viz. GH . which fired will make good sport ▪ bec●u●e the Serpents which are in it will variously ●ntermix themselves in the Aire , and upon the ground , and every one will extinguish with a report : and here may you note that upon the Rockets may be placed fierie Dragons , Combatants , or such like to meet one another , having lights placed in the Concavity of their bodies which will give great grace to the action . How to make Wheels of fire . TAke a Hoop , and place two Lath● acrosse one the other ; upon the crossing of which make a hole , so that it may be placed upon a pin to turne easily , as the figure Q. sheweth upon the sides of which hoope or round Circle place your Rockets , to which you may place Lances of fire between each Rocket : let this wheele be placed upon a standard as here is represented , and place a piece of Primer from one Lance to another , then give fire at G , which will fire F , that B , that will fire D , that C , and that will fire the Rocket at A ▪ then immediatly the wheel will begin to move , and represent unto the spectators a Circle of changeable fire , and if pots of fire be tied to it , you will have fine sport in the turning of the wheele and casting out of the Serpents . Of night-Combatants . CLubbes , Targets , Faulchons , and Maces charged with severall fires , do make your night-Combatants , or are used to make place amongst a throng of people . The Clubbes at the ends are made like a round Panier with small sticks , filled with little Rockets in a spirall forme glu●d and so placed that they fire but one after another ; the Ma●es are of divers fashions , some made oblong at the end , some made of a sp●rall forme , but all made hollow to put in several composition , and are boared in divers places , which are for sundry Rockets , and Lances of weak composition to be fired at pleasure : The Faulchons are made of wood in a bowing forme like the figure A , having their backes large to receive many Rockets , the head of one neare the neck of another , glued and fastned well together , so that one being spent another may be fired . 〈◊〉 Targets are made of wooden thinne boards , which are channeled in spiral lines to containe primer to fire the Rockets one after another , which is all covered with thinne covering of wood , or Pastboard , boared with holes spirally also ; which Rockets must be glued and made fast to the place of the Channels : Now if two men , the one having a Target in his hand , and the other a Falchon , or Mace of fire , shall begin to fight , it will appeare very pleasant to the Spectators : for by the motion of fighting , the place will seem to be ful of streames of fire : and there may be adjoyned to each Target a Sunne or a burning Comet with Lances of fire , which will make them more beautifull and resplendent in that acti●n . Of standing Fires . SVch as are used for recreation , are Collossus , Statues , Arches , Pyramides , Chariots , Chaires of triumph and such like , which may be accommodated with Rockets of fire , and beautified with sundry other artificiall fires , as pots of fire for the Aire which may cast forth several figures , Scutchions , Rockets of divers sorts , Starres , Crownes , Leaters , and such like , the borders of which may be armed with sundry Lances of fire , of small flying Rockets with reports , flames , of small birds of Cypres , Lan●hornes of fire , Candles of divers uses , and colours in burning : and whatsoever the fancie of an ingenious head may allude unto . Of Pots of fire for the Aire , which are throwne out of one Case one after another of a long continuance . MAke a long Trunk as AG , and by the side AH , let there be a Channel which may be fiered with slow primer or composition ; then having charged the Trunk AG , with the Pots of fire for the Aire at IGEC , and make the Trunk AG , very fast unto a Post as IK , give fire at the top as at A , which burning downewards will give fire to C , and so throw out that Pot in the Aire , vvhich being spent , in the meane time the fire vvil-burne from B to D , and so fire E , and throvv it out also into the Ayre , and so all the rest one after another vvill be throvvne out : and if the Pots of fire for the Aire vvhich are cast out , be filled vvith diverse Fire-vvorkes , they vvill be so much the more pleasant to the beholders . These Trunks of fire doe greatly adorne a Firevvorke , and may conveniently be placed at each angle of the vvhole vvorke . Of Pots of fire for the ground . MAny Pots of fire being fired together do give a fine representation , and recreation to the spectators , and cause a vvonderfull shout amongst the common people vv ch are standers by ; for those Pots being filled vvith Balles of fire and flying Serpents for the Aire , they vvill so intermix one vvithin another , in flying here and there a little above the ground , and giving such a volley of reports that the Aire vvill rebound vvith their noise , and the vvhole place be filled vvith sundry streames of pleasant fire ; which serpents will much occupie these about the place to defend themselves in their upper parts , when they will no lesse be busied by the balls of fire , which seeme to annoy their feet . Of Balles of f●re . THese are very various according to a mans fancy ; some of which are made with very small Rockets , the head of one tyed to the neck of another : the ball being made may be covered over with pitch except the hole to give fire to it ; this Ball will make fine sport amongst the standers by , which will take all a fire , and rolle sometimes this way , sometimes that way , between the legs of those that are standers by ▪ if they take not heed , for the motion will be very irregular , and in the motion will cast forth severall fires with reports . In the second kind there may be a channell of Iron placed in divers places in spirall manner , against which may be placed as many small petards of paper as possible may be , the Channell must be full of slow comp●sition , and may be covered a● the former , and made fit with his Rockets in the middle : this Ball may be shot out of a morter Peece , or charged on the top of a Roc●et : for in its motion it will flye here and there , and give many reports in the Aire : because of the discharge of the petards . Of fire upon the Water . Places which are 〈◊〉 upon Rivers or great Ponds , are proper to make Recreative fres on : and if it be required to make some of consequence , such may conveniently be made upon two Bo●ts , upon which may be built two Beasts , Turrets , Pagins , Castles , or such like , to receive or hold the diversity of Fire workes that may be made within it , in which may play 〈◊〉 fires , Petards , &c. and cast out many simple Granadoes , Balls of fire to burne in the water-Serpents and other things , and often times these boates in their incounters may hang one in another , that so the Combatants with the Targets , and Maces may fight ; which will give great ▪ content to the eyes of those which are lookers on , and in the conclusion fire one another , ( for which end they were made : ) by which the dexterity of the one may be knowne in respect of the other , and the triumph and victory of the fight gotten . Of Balles of fire which move upon the water . THese may be made in forme of a Ball stuffed with other little Balls , glued round about and filled with composition for the water , which fiered , will produce marvellous and admirable effects , for which there must be had little Cannons of white Iron , as the ends of small funnels ; these Iron Cannons may be pierced in sundry places , to which holes , may be set small Balles ful of composition for the water which small Balls must be peirced deep and large , and covered with Pitch , except the hole : in which hole must be first placed a little quantitie of grain-Powder ; and the rest of the hole filled up with composition ; and note further that these Iron Cannons , must be filled with a slow composition ; but such which is proper to burne in the water : then must these Cannons with their small Balls be put so together that it may make a Globe , and the holes in the Cannons be answerable to the hollow Balls , and all covered over with Pitch and Tallow ; afterwards pierce this Ball against the greatest Cannon ( to which all the lesser should answer ) unto the composition , then fire it , and when it begins to blow , throw it into the water , so the fire comming to the holes will fire the graine Powder , the which will cause the Balls to separate and fly here and there , sometimes two at a time , sometimes three , sometimes more , which will burne within the water with great astonishment and content to those which see it . Of Lances of fire . STanding Lances of fire , are made commonly with hollow wood , to containe sundry Petards , or Rockets , as the figure here sheweth , by which is easie to invent others occording to ones fancy . These Lances have wooden handles , that so they may be fastned at some Post , so that they be not overthrowne in the flying out of the Rockets or Petards : there are lesser sorts of Lances whose cases are of three or foure fouldings of Paper of a foote long , and about the bignesse of ones finger , which are filled with a composition for Lances . But if these Lances be filled with a composition , then ( unto every 4 ouncs of powder add● 2 ounces of Salt-Peter , and unto that adde 1 ounce of Sulphur ) it will make a brick fire red before it be halfe spent , if the Lance be fiered and held to it : and if 20 such Lances were placed about a great Rocket and shot to a house or ship , it would produce a mischievous effect . How to shoot a Rocket Horizontall , or otherwise . VNto the end of the Rocket place an Arrow which may not be too heavy , but in stead of the feathers let that be of thinne white tinne plate , and place it upon a rest , as here you may see by the Figure , then give fire unto it , and you may see how serviceable it may be . To the head of such Rockets , may be placed Petards , Balls of fire , Granadoes , &c. and so may be applyed to warlike affaires . How a Rocket burning in the water for a certaine time , at last shall fly up in the Aire with an exceeding quickness . TO do this , take two Rockets , the one equall to the other , and joyne them one unto another in the middle at C. in such sort that the fire may easily passe from one to another : it being thus done , tye the two Rockets at a stick in D , and let it be so long and great that it may make the Rockets in the water hang , or lye upright : then take a pack-thread and tye it at G. and let it come double about the stick DM . at 〈◊〉 and at that point hang a Bullet of some weight as K. for then giving fire at A. it will burne to B. by a small serpent filled there and tyed at the end , and covered so that the water injure it hot , which will fire the Rocket BD , and so mounting quick out of the water by the loose tying at C. and the Bullet at the pack-thread , will leave the other Rocket in the vvater : and so ascend like a Rocket in the Aire , to the admiration of such as knovv not the secrecie . Of the framing of the parts of a Fire-Worke , together , that the severall workes may fire one after another . CAuse a frame to be made as ABCD. of tvvo foot square every vvay , or thereabouts ( according to the quantity of your severall vvorkes ) then may you at each angle have a great Lance of fire to stand , vvhich may cast out Pots of fire as they consume : upon the ledges AB.BC. and CD . may be placed small Lances of fire about the number of 30 or 60 , some sidevvise , and others upright , betvveen these Lances may be placed Pots of fire sloping outvvards , but made very fast , and covered very close , that they chance not to fire before they should ; then upon the ledges RE. FG.HI . and AD may be placed your soucisons , and behinde all the vvork may be set your Boxes of Rockets , in each of vvhich you may place 6 , 9 , ●2 . or 20 small Rockets : Novv give fire at A. ( by help of a piece of primer going from one Lance to another ) all the Lances vvill instantly at once be lighted , and as soone as the Lance at A is consumed , it vvill fire the Channell vvhich is made in the ledge of the frame vvhich runnes under the Pots of fire , and as the fire goes along burning , the Pots vvill be cast forth , and so the rank of Pots upon the sides of the frame AB.BC. and CD . being spent , the soucisons vvill begin to play being fiered also by a Channel vvhich runnes under them , upon the ledges AD , HI●G , and RE. then when the Soucisons are spent upon the last ledge RE. there may be a secret Channel in the ledge CD which may fire the Box of Rockets at K. and may fire all the rest one after another , which Boxes may be all charged with severall Fire-Workes : for the Rockets of the first Box may be loaden with Serpents , the second with Stars , the third with Reports , the fourth with Golden raine , and the fifth with small flying Serpents ; these mounting one after another and flying to and fro will much inlighten the Aire in their ascending , but when these Rockets discharge themselves above , then will there be a most pleasant representation , for these fires will dilate themselves in divers beautifull formes , some like the branching of Trees , others like fountaines of water gliding in the Aire , others like flashes of lightning , others like the glittering of starres , giving great contentment , and delight to those which behold them ; But if the worke be furnished also with Balons ( which is the chiefest in recreative Fire-works ) then shall you see ascending in the Aire but as it were onely a quill of fire , but once the Balon taking fire , the Aire will seeme more than 100. foot square full of crawling , and flying Serpents , which will extinguish with a volley of more than 500 reports : and so fill the Aire and Firmament with their rebounding clamour . The making of which with many other rare and excellent Fire-workes , and other practises , not onely for recreation , but also for service : you may finde in a book intituled Artificiall Fire-workes , made by Mr. Malthas ( a master of his knowledge ) and are to be sold by VVilliam Leake , at the Crowne in Fleet-street , between the two Temple-Gates . Conclusion . In this Booke we have nothing omitted what was materiall in the originall , but have abundantly augmented it in sundry experiments : And though the examinations are not so full , and manifold ; yet ( by way of brevitie ) we have expressed fully their substance , to avoid prolixitie , and so past by things reiterated . FINIS . Printed or sold by William Leak , at the Crovvne in Fleetstreet neere the Temple , these Books following . YOrk's Heraldry , Folio A Bible of a very fair large Roman letter , 4● Orlando F●rios● Folio . Callu learned Readings on the Scat. 21. Hen. 80. Cap 5 of Sewer● Perkins on the Laws of England . Wi●kinsons Office of She●●●fs . Vade Mecum , of a Justice of Peace . The book of Fees. Peasons Law. Mirrour of Just●ce . Topicks in the Laws of England . Sken de significatione Verborum . Delaman's use of the Horizontal Quadrant . Wilby's 2d set of Musique , 345 and 6 Parts . Corderius in English. D●ctor Fulk's Meteors . Malthus Fire-workes . Nyes Gunnery & Fire-workes C●to Ma●or with Annotations , by Wil. Austin Esquire . Mel Helliconium , by Alex. Ross● Nosce teipsum , by Sr John Davis Animadversions on Lil●i●s Grammer . The History of Vienna , & Paris Lazarillo de Tormes . Hero and L●ander , by G. Chapman and Christoph. Marlow . Al●ilia or Philotas loving folly . Bishop Andrews Sermons . Adams on ●eter . Posing of the Accidence . Am●dis de Gaule . Guillieliam's Heraldry . Herberts Travels . Bacc●s Tales . Man become guilty , by John Francis Sen●●t , and Englished by Henry Earl of Monmouth . The Ideot in 4 books ; the first and second of Wisdom ; the third of the Mind , the fourth of S●●tick Experiments of the Ballance . The life and Reign of Hen. the Eighth , written by the L. Herbet Cornwallis Essays , & Paradoxes . Clenards greek G●ammar 80 A●laluci● , or the house of light : A discourse written in the year 1651 , by SN . a modern Speculator . A Tragedy written by the most learned Hugo Grotius called , Christus Patience , and translated into Engl. by George Sand ▪ The Mount of Olives : or Sollitary Devotions , by Henry Vaughan Silurist VVith an excellent discourse of Man in glory , written by the Reverend Anselm Arch Bishop of Canterbury . The Fort Royall of Holy Scriptures by I. H. PLAYES . Hen. the Fourth . Philaster . The wedding . The Hollander . Maids Tragedie . King & no K. The gratefull Servant . The strange Discovery . Othello ; the Moor of Venice . The Merchant of Venice . THE DESCRIPTION AND USE OF THE DOVBLE Horizontall Dyall . WHEREBY NOT ONELY THE Houre of the Day is shewn ; but also the Meridian Line is found : And most ASTRONOMICALL Questions , which may be done by the GLOBE : are resolved . INVENTED AND WRITTEN BY W. O. Whereunto is added , The Description of the generall HOROLOGICALL RING . LONDON , Printed for WILLIAM LEAKE , and are to be sold at his Shop at the signe of the Crown in Fleetstreet , between the two Temple Gates . 1652. The description , and use of the double Horizontall Diall . THere are upon the Plate two severall Dyals . That which is outermost , is an ordinary diall , divided into houres and quarters , and every quarter into three parts which are five minutes a piece : so that the whole houre is understood to contein 60 minutes . And for this dyall the shadow of the upper oblique , or slanting edge of the style , or cocke , doth serve . The other diall , which is within , is the projection of the upper Hemisphaere , upon the plain of the Horizon : the Horizon it self is understood to be the innermost circle of the limbe : and is divided on both sides from the points of East and West into degrees , noted with 10.20.30 , &c. As far as need requireth : And the center of the Instrument is the Zenith , or Verticall point . Within the Horizon the middle straight line pointing North and South upon which the style standeth , is the Meridian or twelve a clock line : and the other short arching lines on both sides of it , are the houre lines , distinguished accordingly by their figures : and are divided into quarters by the smaller lines drawn between them : every quarter conteining 15 minutes . The two arches which crosse the houre lines , meeting on both sides in the points of intersection of the sixe a clocke lines with the Horizon , are the two semicircles of the Ecliptick or annuall circle of the sun : the upper of which arches serveth for the Summer halfe yeere ; and the lower for the Winter half yeer : and therefore divided into 365 dayes : which are also distinguished into twelve moneths with longer lines , having their names set down : and into tenths and fifts with shorter lines : and the rest of the dayes with pricks as may plainly be seene in the diall . And this is for the ready finding out of the place of the Sun every day : and also for the shewing of the Suns yeerely motion , because by this motion the Sun goeth round about the heavens in the compasse of a yeer , making the four parts , or seasons thereof ▪ namely , the Spring in that quarter of the Ecliptick which begins at the intersection on the East side of the diall ▪ and is therefore called the Vernall intersection . Then the Summer in that quarter of the Ecliptick which begin at the intersection with the Meridian in the highest point next the Zenith . After that , Autumne in that quarter of the Ecliptick which beginneth at the intersection on the West side of the diall , and is therefore called the Au●umna●l intersection and lastly , the Winter in that quarter of the Ecliptic● , which beginneth at the intersection , with the Meridian i● the lowest point next the Horizon . But desides this yeerely motte● , the Sun hath a diurnall , or daily motion , whereby it maketh day and night , with all the diversities and inaequalities thereof : which is expressed by those other circles drawn crosse the houre lines ; the middlemost whereof , being grosser then the rest , meeting with the Ec●iptick in the points of the Vernall , and Autumnall intersections ▪ is the Equinoctiall : and the rest on both sides of it are called the parallels , or diurnall arch of the Sun , the two outermost whereof are the Tropicks , because in them the sun hath his furthe●t digression or Declination from the Aequinoctiall , which is degrees 23 1 / ● ▪ and thence beginneth againe to return towards the Equinoctiall . The upper of the two Tropicks in this nor Northerne Hemisphere is the Trop●ck of Cancer , and the sun being in it , is highest into the North , making the longest day of Summer : And the lower next the Horizon is the Tropick of Capricorne ; and the sun being in it , is lowest into the South , making the shortest day of winter . Between the two Tropicks and the Aequinoctiall , infinite such parallel circles are understood to be conteined : for the sun , in what point soever of the Ecliptick it is carried ▪ describeth by his Lation a circle parallel to the Aequinoctiall : yet those parallels which are in the instrument , though drawn but to every second degree of Declination , may be sufficient to direct the eye in imagining and tracing out through every day of the whole yeere in the Ecliptick , a proper circle which may be the diurnall arch of the sun for that day . For upon the right estimation of that imaginary parallel doth the manifold use of this instument especially rely : because the true place of the sun all that day is in some part or point of that circle . Wherefore for the bet●er conceiving and bearing in minde thereof , every fift parallel is herein made a little g●osser then the rest . For this inner diall serveth the shadow of the upright edge of the style ; which I therefore call the upright shadow . And thus by the eye and view onely to behold and comprehend the course of the sun ▪ throughout the whole yeere both for his annuall and diurnall motion , may be the first use of this instrument . II Use. To finde the declination of the sun every day . Looke the day of the moneth proposed in the Ecliptick , and mark how many degrees the prick shewing that day , is distant from the Equinoctiall , either on the Summer or Winter side , viz. North or South . Example 1. What will the Declination of the sun be upon the eleven●h day of August ? look the eleventh day of August and you shall finde it in the sixth circle above the ●quinoctiall : Now because each parallel standeth ( as hath been said before ) for two degrees , the sun shall that day decline Northwards 12. degrees . Example 2. What declination hath the sun upon the 24 day of March ? look the 24 day of March , and you shall finde it betweene the second and third northern parallels , as it were an half and one fift part of that di●tance from the second : Reckon therefore four degrees for the two circles , and one de●ree for the halfe space : So shall the Suns declination be five degrees , and about one fift part of a degree Northward that same day . Example 3. What declination hath the sun upon the 13 day of November ? look the 13 day of November , and you shall finde it below the Equinoctiall ten parallels , and about one quarter which is 20 degrees and an halfe southward . So much is the declination . And according to these examples judge of all the rest . III. Use. To finde the diurnall arch , or circle of the suns course every day . The sun every day by his motion ( as hath been said ) describeth a circle parallel to the ●quinoctiall , which is either one of the circles in the diall , or some-where ●etween two of them . First , theref●re se●k the day of the moneth ; and if it fall upon one of those parallels ; that is the circle of the suns course that same day : But if it fall betweene any two of the parallels , imagine in your mind● , and estimate with your eye , another parallel th●ough that point betweene those two parallels keeping still the same distance from each of them . As in the first of the three former examples , The circle of the Suns course upon 11 of August ▪ shal be the very sixt circle above the Equinoctiall toward the cente● . In ●xample 2. The circle of the suns cou●se upon the 24 of March shall be an imaginary circle between the second and third parallels still keeping an half of that space , and one fifth part more of the rest , from the second . In example 3. The circle of the suns course upon the 13 of November : shall be an imaginary circle between the tenth and eleventh parallels below the Equinoctiall , still keeping one quarter of that space from the tenth . IIII Use. To finde the r●sing and setting of the sun eve●yday . 〈…〉 ( as was last shewed ) the imaginary circle or parallel of the suns course for that day , and marke the point where it meeteth with the horizon , both on the East and W●st sides , for that is the very point of the suns r●sing , and setting that same day , and the houre lines which are on both sides of it , by proportioning the distance reasonably , according to 15 minutes for the quarter of the houre , will shew the houre of the suns rising on the East side , and the suns setting on the West side . V Use. To know the reason and manner of the Increasing and decreasing of the nights●hroughout ●hroughout the whole yeere . When the Sun is in the Equinoctiall , it riseth and setteth at 6 a clock , for in the instrument the intersection of the Equinoctiall , and the Ecliptick with the Horizon is in the six a clocke circle on both sides . But if the sun be out of the Equinoctial , declining toward the North , the intersections of the parallel of the sun with the Horizon is before 6 in the morning , and after 6 in the evening : and the Diurnall arch greater then 12 houres ; and so much more great , the greater the Northerne Declination is . Againe , if the sun be declining toward the South , the intersections of the parallel of the sun , with the Horizon is after 6 in the morning , and before 6 in the evening : and the Diurnall arch lesser then 12 houres ; and by so much lesser , the greater the Southerne Declination is . And in those places of the Ecliptick in which the sun most speedily changeth his declination , the length also of the day is most a●tered : and where the Ecliptick goeth most parallel to the Equinoctiall changing the declination , but little altered . As for example , when the sun is neer unto the Equinoctiall on both sides , the dayes increase and also decrease suddenly and apace ; because in those places the Ecliptick inclineth to the Equinoctiall in a manner like a streight line , making sensible declination . Again , when the sun is neere his greatest declination , as in the height of Summer , and the depth of Winter , the dayes keep for a good time , as it were , at one stay , because in these places the Ecliptick is in a manner parallel to the Equinoctiall , the length o● the day also is but little , scarce altering the declination : And because in those two times of the yeer , the sun standeth as it were still at one declination , they are called the summer solstice , and winter solstice . And in the mean space the neerer every place is to the Equinoctiall , the greater is the diversity of dayes . Wherefore , we may hereby plainly see that the common received opinion , that in every moneth the dayes doe equally increase , is erroneous . Also we may see that in parallels equally distant from the Equinoctiall , the day on the one side is equall to the night on the other side . VI. Vse . To finde how far the sun riseth , and setteth from the true east and west points , which is called the suns Amp●itude ortive , and occasive . Seek out ( as was shewed in III Vse ) the imaginary circle , or parallel of the suns course , and the points of that circle in the horizon , on the East and West sides cutteth the degree of the Amplitude ortive , and occasive . VII Use. To finde the length of every day and night . Double the houre of the sunnes setting , and you shal have the length of the day ; & double the hour of the sunnes rising , and you shal have the length of the right . VIII Vse . To finde the true place of the sun upon the dyall , that is , the point of the instrument which answereth to the place of the sun in the heavens at any time , which is the very ground of all the questions following . If the dyall be fixed upon a post : Look what a clock it is by the outward dyall , that is , look what houre and part of houre the shadow of the slanting edge of the style sheweth in the outward limbe . Then behold the shadow of the upright edge , and marke what point thereof is upon that very houre and part in the inner dyall among the parallels , that point is the true place of the Sunne at the same instant . If the dyal be not fixed , and you have a Meridian line no●ed in any window where the Sunne shineth : place the Meridian of your dyal upon the Meridian line given , so that the top of the stile may point into the north : and so the dyal is as it were fixed , wherefore by the former rule you may finde the place of the Sunne upon it . If the dyal be not fixed , neither you have a Meridian line , but you know the true houre of the day exactly : hold the dyal even and parallel to the Horizon , moving it till the slanting edge of the stile cast his shadow justly upon the time or houre given ; for then the dyal is truly placed , as upon a post . Seek therefore what point of the upright shadow falleth upon that very houre , and there is the place of the Sun. But if your dyal be loose , and you know neither the Meridian nor the time of the day . First , by the day of the moneth in the Ecliptique , finde the su●s parallel , or d●urnall arch for that day ▪ then holding the dyal level to the horizon , move it every way untill the slanting shadow of the style in the outward limbe , and the upright shadow in the Sunnes diurnal arch , both shew the very same houre and minute , for that very point of the Sunnes parallel , which the upright shadow cutteth , is the true place of the Sun on the dyal at that present . But note that by reason of the thicknes of the style , and the bluntnesse of the angle of the upright edge , the Sun cannot come unto that edge for some space before and after noone . And so during the time that the Sunne shineth not on that upright edge , the place of the Sunne in the dyal cannot be found . Wherefore they that make this kinde of double dyal , are to be careful to file the upright edge of the style as thinne and sharpe as possible may be . That which hath here bin taught concerning the finding out the Suns true place in the dyal , ought perfectly to be understood , that it may be readily , and dexteriously practised , for upon the true performance thereof dependeth all that followeth . IX Vse . To finde the houre of the day . If the dyal be fastned upon a post , the houre by the outward dyal , or limbe , is known of every one , and the upri●ht shadow in the Suns parallel , or diurnal arch will also shew the very same houre . But if the dyall be loose , either hold it or set it parallel to the Horizon , with the style pointing into the north and move it gently every way untill the houre shewed in both dialls exactly agreeth , or which is all one , finde out the true place of the Sun upon the dyall , as was taught in the former question , for that point among the houre lines sheweth the houre of the day . X Vse . To finde out the Meridian , and other points of the Compasse . First , you must seek the tru● houre of the day ( by the last question ) for in that situation the Meridian of the dyall standeth direct●y north and south : and the east pointeth into the east , and the west into the west , and the rest of the points may be given by allowing degrees 11. 1 / ● unto every point of the compasse . XI Vse . To finde out the Azumith of the sun , that is , the distance of the Verticall circle , in which the sun is at that present , from the Meridian . Set your diall upon any plain or flat which is parallel to the horizon , with the Meridian pointing directly north or south , as was last shewed : then follow with your eye the upright shadow in a streight line , till it cutteth the horizon : for the degree in which the point of intersection is , shal shew how far the suns Azumith is distant from the east and west points , and the complement thereof unto 90 ; shal give the distance thereof from the meridian . XII Vse . To finde out the Declination of any Wall upon which the sun shineth , that is , how far that wall swerveth from the north or south , either eastward or westward . Take aboard having one streight edg ▪ & a line stricken perpendicular upon it ; apply the streight edg unto the wall at what time the sun shineth upon it , holding the board parallel to the horizon : Set the dyal thereon , and move it gently every way , untill the same hour and minute be shewed in both dyals : and so let it stand : then if the dyal have one of the sides parallel to the Meridian strike a line along that side upon the board , crossing the perpendicular , or else with a bodkin make a point upon the board , at each end of the meridian , and taking away the instrument from the board , and the board from the wall , lay a ruler to those two points , and draw a line crossing the perpendicular : for the angle which that line maketh with the perpendicular , is the angle of the decli●nation of the wall . And if it be a right angle , the wall is exactly east or west : but if that line be parallel to the perpendicular , the wall is direct north or south without any declination at all . You may also finde out the declination of a wall , if the dial be fixed on a post not very far from that wall ; in this manner . Your board being applyed to the wall , as was shewed , hang up a thred with a plummet , so that the shadow of the thred may upon the board crosse the perpendicular line : make two pricks in the shadow and run instantly to the dyal and look the horizontal distance of the suns Azumith , or upright shadow from the meridian . Then through the two pricks draw a line crossing the perpendicular : and upon the point of the intersection , make a circle equal to the horizon of your Instrument , in which Circle you shal from the line through the two pricks measure the Horizontal distance of the upright shadow , or Azumith from the meridian , that way toward which the Meridian is : draw a line out of the center , to the end of that arch measured : and the angle which this last line maketh with the perpendicular , shall be equall to the declination of the wall . XIII Vse . How to place the dyall upon a post without any other direction but it selfe . Set the diall upon the post , with the stile into the North , as neere as you can guesse : then move it this way and that way , till the same houre and minute be shewed , both in the outward and inward dials by the severall shadowes , as hath been already taught , for then the diall standeth in its truest situation ; wherefore let it be nailed down in that very place . XIIII Vse . To finde the height of the sun at high noon everyday . Seeke out the diurnall Arch or parallel of the suns course for that day , ( by Vse III. ) and with a paire of Compasses , setting one foot in the center , and the other in the point of intersection of that parallel with the Meridian , apply that same distance unto the Semidiameter divided : for that measure shal therein shew the degree of of the Suns altitude above the the Horizon that day at high noon . XV Vse . To finde the height of the sun at any houre or time of the day . Seeke out the diurnal Arch , or parallel of the suns course for that day : and marke what point of it is in the very houre and minute proposed . And with a paire of Compasses , setting one foot in the Center , and the other in that point of the parallel , apply the same distance upon the Semidiameter divided : for that measure shall shew the degree of the suns altitude above the Horizon at that time . And by this meanes you may finde the height of the Sun above the Horizon at every houre throughout the whole yeere , for the making of rings and cylinders and other instruments which are used to shew the houre of the day . XVI Vse . The height of the sun being given , to finde out the houre , or what it is a clocke . This is the converse of the former : Seeke therefore in the Semidiameter divided , the height of the sun given . And with a paire of Compasses , setting one foot in the center , and the other at that height , apply the same distance unto the diurnall arch , or parallel of the Sun for that day : for that point of the diurnall arch , upon which that same distance lights , is the true place of the sun upon the dial ; and sheweth among the houre lines , the true time of the day . XVII Use. Considerations for the use of the instrument in the night . In such questions as concerne the night ▪ or the time before sun rising , and after sun setting , the instrument representeth the lower Hemisphaere wherein the Southerne pole is elevated . And therefore the parallels which are above the Aequinoctiall toward the center shall be for the Southerne , or winter parallels : and those beneath the Aequinoctiall , for the Northerne or Summer paral●els ; and the East shall be accounted for West , and the West for East ; altogether contrary to that which was before , when the Instrument represented the upper Hemisphaere . XVIII Use. To finde how many degrees the sun is under the Horizon at any time of the night . Seeke the Declination of the sun for the day proposed ( by Vse II. ) And at the same declination the contrary side imagine a parallel for the sun that night ▪ and mark what point of it is in the very houre and minute proposed : And with a pair of compasses , setting one foot in the center , and the other in that point of the parallel , apply that same distance unto the semidiameter divided : for that measure shall shew the degree of the suns depression below the Horizon at that time . XIX Use. To finde out the length of the C●epusculum , or twylight , every day . Seek the declination of the sun for the day proposed ( by Vse II. ) And at the same declination on the contrary side imagine a parallel for the sun that night . And with a paire of compasses setting one foot in the center , and the other at 72 degrees upon the semidiameter divided , apply that same distance , unto the suns nocturnall parallel : for that point of the parallel , upon which that same distance shall light , sheweth among the houre lines , the beginning of the twilight in the morning , or the end of the twilight in the evening . XX Use. If the day of the moneth be not known , to finde it out by the dyall . For the working of this question , either the diall must be fixed rightly on a post , or else you must have a true Meridian line drawn in some window where the sun shineth , wherefore supposing the diall to be justly set either upon the post , or upon the Meridian . Look what a clock it is by the outward diall , and observe what point of the upright shadow falleth upon the very same minute in the inner diall , and through that same point imagine a parallel circle for the suns course ; that imaginary circle in the Ecliptick shall cut the day of the moneth . I The description of it . THis Instrument serveth as a Diall to finde the houre of the day , not in one place onely ( as the most part of Dials do ) but generally in all Countreys lying North of the Aequinoctiall : and therefore I call it the generall H●rologicall ●ing . It consisteth of two br●zen circles : a Diameter , and a little Ring to hang it by . The two circles are so made , that though they are to be set at right angles , when you use the Instrument : yet for more convenient carrying , they may be one folded into the other . The lesser of the two circles is for the Aequinoctiall , having in the midst of the inner side or thicknesse , a line round it , which is the true Aequinoctiall circle , divided into twice twelue hours , from the two opposite points in which it is fastened within the greater . The greater and outer of the two circles is the Meridian : One quarter whereof , beginning at one of the points in which the Aequin●cti●ll is hung , is divided into ninety degrees . The Diameter is fastened to the Meridian in two opposite points or poles , o●e of them being the very end of the Quadrant , and is the North Pole. Wherefore it is perpendicular to the ●quinoctiall , having his due position . The diameter is broad , and slit in the middle : and about the slit on both sides are the moneths and dayes of the yeer . And within this slit is a litt●e sliding plate pierced through with a small hole : which hole in the motion of it , while it is applied to the dayes of the yeer , representeth the Axis of the world . The little Ring whereby the Instrument hangeth , is made to slip up and down along the Quadrant : that so by help of a little tooth annexed , the Instrument may be rectified to any elevation of the Pole. II. The use of it . IN using this Instrument , First , the tooth of the little Ring must carefully be set to the height of the Pole in the Quadrant , for the place wherein you are . Secondly , the hole of the sliding plate within the slit , must be brought exactly unto the day of the moneth . Thirdly , the Aeqinoctiall is to be drawn out , and by means of the two studs in the Meridian staying it , it is to be set perpendicular thereto . Fourthly , Guesse as neer as you can at the houre , and turn the hole of the little plate toward it . Lastly , Hold the Instrument up by the little Ring , that it may hang freely with the North Pole thereof toward the North : and move it gently this way and that way , till the beams of the Sun-shining thorow that hole , fall upon that middle line within the Aequinoctiall : for there shall be the houre of the day : And the Meridan of the Instrument shall hang directly North and South . These Instrument all Dials are made in brasse by Elias Allen dwelling over against St. Clements Church without Temple Barre , at the signe of the Horse-shooe neere Essex Gate . FINIS 
A53055	----	The philosphical and physical opinions written by Her Excellency the Lady Marchionesse of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. 1655 Approx. 506 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53055 Wing N863 ESTC R31084 11771476 ocm 11771476 48875 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53055) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48875) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1489:37) The philosphical and physical opinions written by Her Excellency the Lady Marchionesse of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. [26], 174 p. Printed for J. Martin and J. Allestrye ..., London : 1655. Errata on p. 174. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Allison Liefer Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Allison Liefer Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PHILOSOPHICAL AND Physical Opinions , Written by her Excellency , the Lady MARCHIONESSE of NEWCASTLE . LONDON Printed for J. Martin and J. Allestrye at the Bell in St. Pauls Church-Yard 1655. Collegium sive Aula S.S. t Trinitatis in Academiâ Cantabrigiensi , 1700 TO THE LADY MARQVESSE OF NEVVCASTLE , On her Book intitled her Philosophicall , and Physicall Opinions . WEre the old Grave Philophers alive , How they would envy you , and all would strive Who first should burn their Books ; since they so long Thus have abus'd the world , and taught us wrong , With hard words that mean nothing ; which non-sense . When we have Conn'd by heart , then we commence Masters and Doctors , with grave looks ; and then Proud , because think , thus we are learned men , And know not that we do know nothing right , Like blinde men now , led onely by your sight . And for diseases , let the Doctors look Those worthy learned men but in your Book , They 'le finde such news in their art , and so true As old Hippocrates he never knew , Nor yet vast Gallen ; so you need not seek Farther then English , to know lesse in Greek ; If you read this and study it , you may Out of dark ignorance see brighter Day . W. NEWCASTLE . AN EPISTLE To justifie the LADY NEW CASTLE , AND Truth against falshood , laying those false , and malicious aspersions of her , that she was not Authour of her BOOKS . I Would willingly begin with the common , and Dunstable rode of Epistles , Gentle Readers , but finding you much otherwise , I will fall to our discourse in hand . First 't is but your envious Supposition that this Lady must have converst with many Scholers of all kindes in learning , when 't is well known the contrary , that she never convert with any profest Shooler in learning , for to learn , neither did she need it , since she had the conversation of her Honorable , and most learned Brother from her cradle ; and since she was married , with my worthy and learned Brother ; and for my self I have lived in the great world a great while , and have thought of what has been brought to me by the senses , more then was put into me by learned discourse ; for I do not love to be led by the nose , by Authority and old Authours , ipse dixit will not serve my turn , were Aristotle made a more Philosophical Bible then he is , and all scholers to have a lively faith in him , doth not move me to be of their Philosophical churche at all . And I assure you her conversation with her Brother , and Brother-in-law , were enough without a miracle or an impossibility to get the language of the arts , and learned professions , which are their terms , without taking any degrees in Schooles . It is not so difficult a thing though they make mountains of mole-hills , & say they , thatthis Lady useth many termes of the Schooles ; but truly she did never Impe her high-flying Phancies , with any old broken Fethers out of any university ; and if you read well , which is to understand , and look on her Poems , you will 〈◊〉 they are all new born Phansies , never toucht of heretofore . But for the rarity of the terms , or nests of Divines , Philosophers , Physicians , Geometricians , Astrono mers , and the rest of the Gown-Tribe , as one tearms them , how is it possible she should know them ; And first for Divinity , when she speaks of Predestination , Free-will , 〈◊〉 , and consubstantiation ; truly these termes are not so hard to be got by heart as to be understood , since I beleeve it puzzels the learned to make sense of them . But I beseech you give this Lady so much capacity , as to get them by heart , since every Tub-preacher discourses of them , and every sanctified wife gossips them in wafers , and hipocris at every Christening . Next are the termes of the Philosophers , Certainly 't is no Conjuration to conceive Atomes , invisible , and indivisible bodies , elements , earth , air , water and fire , whereof your elementary fire under the moon is much doubted of , and then you have but three elements . Motion is a difficult thing indeed , to understand the varietes of it , but certainly not of a body moved , that 's no such transcendent thing . Dilation a spreading , Contraction a gathering together Rarificationthinning , and Condensation thickning ; I confesse in the Latine it seems very learned , but in the English very vulgar , there-fore I beseech you give this Lady leave to have the wit , and the judgement to understand these Great no mysteries . And put the case now that this Lady should name materia prima , - and understand the English of it to be first matter , and ask her friend again what they mean by it , and he tells her they say they mean matter without form , and she should answer , there is no matter without some form , so materia prima are two Latine words that mean nothing . An incorporeal substance is too learned to be understood , so that is waved . Now for the termes of Physicians , when she speaks of Choler , Phlegme , Melancholy and Blood , and of Ventricles in the heart and brain , of veines , arteries and nerves , and discourses of fevers , apoplexies , convulsions , Dropsies , and divers other diseases with their particular causes , symptoms and cures ; how should this Lady understand these terms say some ? truly a good Farmers wife in the country , by seeing one of her sheep opened , may well understand the tearms of most of these , and a Constables wife of a hundred in Essex that useth Physick and Surgery may well talk of the diseases , without any great learned mystery , they are so plain and so common , as none needsto construe Greek in Hippocrates or Galen for them . But would you know how we know the great Mystery of these Physical terms , I am almost ashamed to tell you ; not that we have been ever sickly , but by Melancholy often supposed our selves to bave such diseases as we had not , and learned Physitians were too wise to put us out of that humour , and so these tearms cost us much more then they are Worth , and I hope there is no body so malicious , as to envie our bargain , neither truly do I repent my bargain , since Physitians are the most rational men I have converst with all , and my worthy and very good friends , and truly this Lady never converst with any Physitian of any disease , but what she thought she had her self , neither hath she converst with many of that profession . Now for the great learning of knowing the terms of Geometricians , when this Lady touches upon Triangles , Squares , Circles , Diameters , Circumferences , Centers , lines straight and crooked &c. I will not dissect these great mysteries , because they are so very common , as the meanest understands all these termes , even to Joyners and Carpenters , therefore surely this Lady is capable of them . Then of Astronomers , say they , when she speak's of the Horizon , Meridian , Equator , Zodiack , Eclyptick , Tropicks , Poles of the world &c. When these termes are understood thats their meaning , they are no such subtilties , since every boy may be taught them , with an apple for the Globe , and the parings for the sphears , it is so ridiculous then to think that this Lady cannot understand these tearms , as it is rather to be laught at , then to trouble ones self to answer . And that invincible Problem , the quadrature of the circle , as they call it , which makes me doubt that they think themselves wiser , for naming the quadrature , then squaring the circle , who lives that hath not heard of it , and who lives that can do it , and who is dead that hath done it , and put the case it were done , what then ? why then 't is squared , and that 's all , and that all is nothing , much ado about nothing . But we will leave these impertinent , malicious , and most false exceptions to the Lady , and her Books , and will now begin with her book of Poems , examining first her Philosophy there . That 's an old opinion of Atomes , say some , witnesse Democrates and many others ; T is very true they have talkt of atomes , but did they ever dispose of them as they are there , or tell you what several sorts there are of them , and what figure they bear , and being joyned , what forms they produce of all kindes , in all things , if you have read any such things before , I 'le be bold to burn the Book . Why then all these are new opinions , and grounded upon Reason , I say some , but they are Paradoxes , what then ? I hope a Paradox may be as true as an old opinion , and an old opinion as false as a Paradox , for neither the one nor the other makes a truth , either the new or the old , for what is most reason & reasonable ; for in natural Philosophy , one opinion may be as true as another , since no body knows the first cause in nature of any thing . Then this Ladies Philosophy is excellent , and will be thought so hereafter , and the truth is that it was wholy , and onely wrought out of her own brain , as there are many witnesses , by the several sheets that she sent daily to be writ fair for the presse . As for her Poems , where are the exceptions to these ? marry they misse sometimes in the numbers and in the rimes . It is well known by the copies , that those faults lie most upon the Corrector , and the Printer ; but put the case there might be some slips in that kinde , is all the book damned for it , no mercy Gentlemen ? when for the numbers , every Schoole-boy can make them on his fingers , and for Rimes Fenner would have put down Ben. Johnson , and yet neither the boy or Fenner so good Poets . No , it is neither of those either makes , or condemns a Poet , it is new born and creating Phansies that Glorifies a Poet , and in her Book of Poems , I am sure there is excellent , and new Phancies , as have not been writ by any , and that it was onely writ by her is the greatest truth in the world . Now for her Book called the Worlds Olio , say some , how is it possible that she showld have such experience , to write of such things so ; I answer , that I living long in the great world , and having the various fortunes of what they call good and bad , 〈◊〉 the reading of men might bring me to as much experience as the reading of Books , and this I have now and then discourst unto this Lady , who hath wisely and elegantly drest it in her own way , and sumptuously cloathed it , at the charge of her own Phancies and expressions ; I say some of them she hath heard from me , but not the fortieth part of her book , all the rest are absolutely her own in all kindes , this is an ingenious truth , therefore beleeve it . As for the Book of her Philosophical opinions , there is not any one thing in the whole Book , that is not absolutely spun out by her own studious phancy , and if you will lay by a little passion against writers , you will like it , and the best , of any thing she has writ , therefore read it once or twice , not with malice to finde a little fault , but with judgement to like what is good . Truly I cannot beleeve so unworthily of any Scholer , honouring them so much as we both do , that they should envie this Lady , or should have so much malice or emulation , to cast such false aspersions on her , that she did not write those Books that go forth in her name , they will hardly finde out who else writ them , and I protest none ever writ them but her self ; You should rather incourage her , then by false suppositions to let her see the world is so ill natured , as to beleeve falshoods before truths . But here 's the crime , a Lady writes them , and to intrench so much upon the male prerogative , is not to be forgiven ; but I know Gown-men will be more civil to her , because she is of the Gown too , and therefore I am confident you will defend her and truth , and thus be undeceived . I had not troubled you with this , but that a learned Doctor , our very noble friend , writ is word of the infidelity of some people in this kinde ; whatsoever I have write is absolutly truth , which I here as a man of Honour set my hand to . W. NEWCASTLE . TO THE READER . IN my Book called the Worlds Olio , there are such grosse mistakes in misplacing of Chapters , and so many literall faults , as my book is much disadvantaged thereby . As for Chapters , there are many misplaced , for some Chapters that belong to that part of diseases , are misplaced among those of natural Philosophy , as one that belongs to sleep , and three Chapters that are of the temper of Aire ; likewise another Chapter of the strength of the soul and body is placed between the first and last part of the Common-Wealth , which nothing belongs to it : for though there is a soul and body belonging to every Common-Wealth , yet not such a soul and body as I have discourst of there . For the soul of a Common-Wealth is Actuall Justice , and industry . The soul of a man is Contemplation , Reason , and imagination . And the body of a Common-Wealth , is the Citizens therein , and Magistrates thereof . And the body of a man is the senses therein , and the members thereof . Likewise the strength of a Common-Wealth is the Laws . And the strength of a mans body is the nerves . Likewise a short copie of verses which is at the latter end of the book , is what I intended for this book , as being my beloved of all my works , prefering it as my master-piece , although I do beleeve it will not please my Readers , because as I have said in some of my Epistles , few take delight in the study of Natural Philosophy , yet those that delight not , or slight the study , or dispraise the work , make it not the lesse rational , for reason will be reason in the despite of the most malicious detractors or sophsterian censurers , but for the faults and mistakes in my other works , and perchance the like mischance may come to these , and although I know a passion cannot recal an injury past : yet I cannnot but grieve at the misfortune , as for a friend that should be hurt or lamed by some unhappy accident , but if there be any other faults of indiscretions in it , I the Author am to be pardoned by reason somwhat of it was writ in the dawning of my knowledge , and experience , and not having a clear light I might chance to stamble in dark ignorance on molehills of errors ; not that I accuse my book of faults ; but arm my self with truth against crabbed censurers . Likewise I do not lay all the faults in my book to the Printers or Correctors charge , for that would be so great an injustce , as I could never forgive my self for the crime , for the Chapters that are misplaced are through my fault , by reason I sent some part of it after the book was in the presse , and it seems that the Printer or corrector not understanding where to place them , put them in a wrong place . But the literate faults I lay to their charge , whereof I cannot choose but complain , for in some places it is so falsly printed , as one word alters the sense of many lines ; whereby my book is much prejudiced , and not onely by putting in false words , as a costements , for accoutraments , ungrateful for ungraceful , muster for mufler , and the like ; but the significancy of words , to expresse a singular for a plural ; yet I must confesse that this book is much truer Printed then my book of Poems , for where this book hath one fault , that hath ten ; for which I can forgive the Printer , and Corrector ten times easier then I did for the other , but setting aside the faults of my book , and complaining thereof , I must take the liberty in my own behalf to complain of this ill natured , and unbeleeving age , in not allowing me to be the right Authour thereof ; and though it were an endlesse work to answer every idle and impertinent question , or malicious objection ; for I am assured that rational , wise , learned , and just persons will never make a doubt , knowing that nature hath power to temper a brain as she pleaseth both to receive , retain , discuss , and create , yet for truths sake I am willing to satisfie my worthy readers ( if I can ) although I had thought I had answerd it in my former writings . But to answer those objections that are made against me , as first , how should I come by so much experience , as I have expressed in my several books to have ? I answer , I have had by relation , the long and much experience of my Lord , who hath lived to see and be in many changes of fortunes , and to converse with many men of sundry nations , ages , qualities , tempers , capacities , abilities , wits , humors , fashions and customes . And as many others , especially wives go from church to church , from ball to ball , from collation to collation , gossiping from house to house , so when my Lord admits me to his company , I listen with attention to his edifying discourse , and I govern my self by his Doctrine ; I dance a measure with the muses , feast with the Sciences , or sit and discourse with the arts . The second is , that since I am no Scholer , I cannot know the names and terms of art , and the divers and several opinions of several Authors , I answer , that I must have been a natural fool if I had not known and learnt them , for they are customarily taught all children from their nurses brest being ordinarily discoursed of in every family that is of quality , and the family from whence I sprung are neither natural idiots , nor ignorant fools , but the contrary , for they were rational , learned , understanding and wittie . And when I said I never converst an hour with professed Philosophers , for indeed in this age , I have not heard of many which do professe it , or an intimate acquaintance or familiar conversation with profest scholers , nor so much discourse as to learn from them , for three or four visits do not make an intimacy , nor familiarity , nor can much be learnd therefrom , for visiting and entertaining discourse , for the most part are either cautionary , frivolous , vain , idle , or at least but common and ordinary matter , and most commonly all visiting discourses , are after one and the same manner , although the company be several ; but I did not think my readers would have been so rigid as to think I excluded my husband , brothers , and the rest of my family , neither are they profest Philosophers nor Scholers , although they are learned therein , or to beleeve I was so ridiculously foolish , or so foolishly vain , or so basely false as that I strive to make the world to beleeve , I had all my experience and knowledge before I was born , and that my native Language came by instinct , and that I was never taught my A , B , C ; or the marks and names of several things ; but I hope my book hath more spiteful enemies then faults ; for I have said in an Epistle before the second part of my Olio , that if I had never seen nor heard so much as I have done , should never have been able to have writ a book . Thirdly , that I had taken feathers out of the Universities to enlarge the wings , of my fancy ; I answer , no more then David took the wooll from his sheeps backs to cloath his Poetical Phancies of devotion , or as I may say his devout Poetry which is drest with simulising . But it hath been known in several ages , that even poor Peasents that hear nothing but the blating of sheep : the lowing of herds , the crowing of cocks , and the like , and their ordinary discourses of nothing but of their market , or the like , have been high flying Poets , politick states men , wise Governours , prudent Souldiers , subtle Philosophers , excellent Physitians , and what not , even to be eloquent Orators , and Divine preachers , as the holy writ will make manifest to us , and I beleeve many more are mentioned in other Histories of lesse authority ; thus we may observe that nature is Prevalent in all qualities and conditions ; And since nature is so generous to distribute to those that fortune hath cast out , and education hath neglected , why should my readers mistrust nature should be sparing to me , who have been honourably born , carefully bred , and nobly married to a wise man , from whom , as I have said in some of my Epistles , in my book called the Worlds Olio , and do here say again , and again , if it will satisfie the Readers that I am my Lords Scholer , and as I have learnt , so I do daily learn knowledge and understanding , wit , and the purity of my language ; and let me intre at my Readers to be so just to me , as not to condemn me for an ideot by their objections and doubts , as not beleeving I am capable of learning , but let me tell my Readers that what I have learned since I was married , it is from my Lord , and what I had learned before it was from wy own familie , as from my own brothers , for my father died when I was young , and not from strangers ; for though I have seen much company , yet I have converst with few , and I take conversation to be in talking , which I have not practised very much , unlesse it be to particular friends , for naturally I am so wedded to contemplations , that many times when I have been in company , I had not known one word they have said , by reason my busie thoughts have stopped the sense of my hearing ; and though I prefer the delight of contemplation , before the pleasure of the senses , yet when the neerest and dearest of my friends speak , as my husband , brothers , sisters , or their children , my affection is such that I give such an atention to them , as if I had no other thoughts but of what they say , or any other sense but hearing ; but as I have said of the names and tearms of art , and the several opinions of the Antients , and the distinguishment of the sciences , and the like , I learned them from my neerest and dearest friends as from my own brothers , my Lords brother , and my Lord ( but having the words and termes of art makes me not a Philosopher ) nor a Poet ; and if every one in justice ought to have a due , then nature must have a share , and truly I will never be so ingrateful as not to acknowledge her favours , or to belie her in saying she hath not been bountiful to me , for she hath given me such materials , as I hope to build me a monumental fame therewith ; but to satisfie my Readers , I will tell them as well as I can how I came to know , and understand passages , all though I never practised , or were a spectator therein , or thereof ; as put the case my husband , or brothers should tell me of an Army of horse and foot , and that two Armies encountred , and fought a battle , and expresse the forms and figures , rancks and fiels , the flanck , the wings the vans , the rears , and the like , by which relation to my conceit I see it in my brain as perfectly , as if the battle was pitcht , and fought there , and my fancy will build discourse therefrom . Likewise if they should tell me all the parts of an Animal body , and how they are formed and composed , I conceive it as perfectly to my understanding as if I had seen it dissected although I never did and therefore may be deceived in my understanding , for truly I have gathered more by piece-meals , then from a full relation , or a methodical education for knowledge ; but my fancy will build thereupon , and make discourse therefrom , and so of every thing they discourse of , ( I say they ) that is my husband and brothers ; For the singularity of my affections are such , that though I have an ill memory , and could not if it were for my life relate word for word of any discourse , if it be any thing long that I shall hear from strangers , for I am the worst repeater of a story from strangers , or out of a book in the World , when from my neer friends ( especially my Lord ) whose discourses are lively discriptions , I cannot forget any thing they say , such deep impressions their words print in my brain , when I cannot remember one discourse perfectly from others , were they holy sermons to save my soul. but as I have said from a bare relation , I can conceive to my thinking every particular part , and passage , as if I were a witnesse thereof , or an actor therein ; but many things , although I should never have heard of any such thing , yet my natural reason will guide and discover to me , the right and the truth . For put the case I see a watch , or any other invention , and none should tell me how it was made , yet my natural reason would conceive how it was made , so in natural things my natural reason will conceive them without being any wayes instructed ; and so working a brain I have that many times on small objects or subjects will raise up many several phancies , and opinions therein , from which my discourse betwixt reason and those opinions will be produced ; but the truth is , I have more materials to build with , then ground to build on , wherby they become uselesse , but I beleeve time will moulder them to dust , or accidents , as sicknesse may destroy them , as dropsies may drown them , fevers may burn them , consumptions may waste them , or griefs may wither them , or other imployments like usurpers may throw it out of my head , but as yet my head is fully populated with divers opinions , and so many phancies are therein , as sometimes they lie like a swarm of bees in a round heap , and sometimes they flie abroad to gather honey from the sweet flowry rhetorick of my Lords discourse , and wax from his wise judgement which they work into a comb making chapters therein . But those that make these and the like idle objections against me either have not read all my Epistles , and the rest of my books or understands them not , but that is not my fault , but their unjust natures , to censure and condemn before they examine or understand ; Nay they do in somethings faulsely , ac cuse , and maliciously break out of some of my Epistles some parts to throw against me , which is most base and cruel to dismember my book tormenting it with spiteful objections , misforming the truth with falshood : but those that have noble and generous souls will beleeve me , and those that have base and mechannick souls , I care not what they say , and truly I would not have troubled my self in striving to satisfie this present age which is very censorious ; but fear the future age wherein I hope to live , may be deceived , and I by false constructions wronged ; for I have observed that the ignorant , and malicious , do strive to disturb , and obstruct all probable opinions , wittie ingenuities , honest industry , vertuous indeavours , harmlesse phancies , innocent pleasures , and honourable fames although they become infamous thereby . Readers I had forgotten to mention the objection , that there is no distinction between a scholer , and a Philosopher , if they mean as being vulgarly called both scholers I answer a scholer is to be learnd in other mens opinions , inventions and actions , and a philosopher is to teach other men his opinions of nature , and to demostrate the works of nature , so that a scholer is to learn a Philosopher to teach , and if they say there is no distinction between a profest scholer , and a profest philosopher , I am not of their opinion ; for a profest scholer in theologie , is not a profest Philosopher ; for Divines leave nature on the left hand , and walk on the right to things supernatural and if they mean profest scholers , as being bred at universities ( I answer ) that I take not all those that are bred at an Vniversity , and those that are learned to be profest scholers , or those that are great Philosophers to be profest , unlesse they make it their profession , as a profest Divine that hath taken Orders , or a profest Physitian that hath commenced Doctor , or profest Pleaders , or Lawyers that are made Barresters , or Philosophers , that teach Scholers ; but certainly there are many that are very learned that are not profest , as being of that profession by which they live . Likewise an objection for my saying I have not read many Books ; but I answer , for not reading of many Authors , had I understood several Languages , as I do not , , I have not had so much time ; had I indeavoured to have been learned threin , for learning requires close studies , long time , and labour . Besides , our sex takes so much delight in dressing and adorning themselves , as we for the most part make our gowns our books , our laces our lines , our imbroderies our letters , and our dressings are the time of our studie ; and instead of turning over solid leaves , we turn our hair into curles , and our sex is as ambitious to shew themselves to the eyes of the world , when finely drest , as Scholers do to expresse their learning to the ears of the world , when fully fraught with Authors . But as I have said my head was so full of my own naturai phancies , as it had not roome for strangers to boord therein , and certainly natural reason is a better tutor then education ; for though education doth help natural reason to a more sudden maturity , yet natural reason was the first educator ; for natural reason did first compose Common-Wealths , invented arts , and sciences , and if natural reason have composed , invented and discoverd , I know no reason , but natural reason may finde out what natural reason hath composed , invented , and discovered , without the help of education ; but some may say that education is like mony n put to use , which begets increase ; I say it is true , but natural reason is the principal , which without increase could not be , but in truth natural reason , is both the principal and the increase , for natural reason produceth beneficial effects , and findes out the right and the truth , the wrong and the falshood of things , or causes ; but to conclude , what education hath not instructed me , natural Reason hath infor med me of many things . TO THE TWO UNIVERSITIES . Most Famously learned , I Here present the sum of my works , not that I think wise School-men , and industrious , laborious students should value my book for any worth , but to receive it without a scorn , for the good incouragement of our sex , lest in time we should grow irrational as idiots , by the 〈◊〉 of our spirits , through the carelesse neglects , and despisements of the masculine sex to the effeminate , thinking it impossible we should have either learning or understanding , wit or judgement , as if we had not rational souls as well as men , and we out of a custom of dejectednesse think so too , which makes us quit all all industry towards profitable knowledge being imployed onely in looe , and pettie imployments , which takes away not onely our abilities towards arts , but higher capacities in speculations , so as we are become like worms that onely live in the dull earth of ignorance , winding our selves sometimes out , by the help of some refreshing rain of good educations which seldom is given us ; for we are kept like birds in cages to hop up and down in our houses , not sufferd to fly abroad to see the several changes of fortune , and the various humors , ordained and created by nature ; thus wanting the experiences of nature , we must needs want the understanding and knowledge and so consequently prudence , a nd invention of men : thus by an opinion , which I hope is but an erronious one in men , we are shut out of all power , and Authority by reason we are never imployed either in civil nor marshall affaires , our counsels are despised , and laught at , the best of our actions are troden down with scorn , by the over-weaning conceit men have of themselves and through a dispisement of us . But I considering with my self , that if a right judgement , and a true understanding , & a respectful civility live any where , it must be in learned Universities , where nature is best known , where truth is oftenest found , where civility is most practised , and if I finde not a resentment here , I am very confident I shall finde it no where , neither shall I think I deserve it , if you approve not of me , but if I desserve not Praise , I am sure to receive so much Courtship from this sage society , as to bury me in silence ; thus I may have a quiet grave , since not worthy a famous memory ; but to lie intombed under the dust of an University will be honour enough for me , and more then if I were worshipped by the vulgar as a Deity . Wherefore if your wisdoms cannot give me the Bayes , let your charity strow me with Cypres ; and who knows but after my honourable burial , I may have a glorious resurrection in following ages , since time brings strange and unusual things to passe , I mean unusual to men , though not in nature : and I hope this action of mine , is not unnatural , though unusual for a woman to present a Book to the University , nor impudence , for the action is honest , although it seem vain-glorious , but if it be , I am to be pardoned , since there is little difference between man and beast , but what ambition and glory makes . AN EPILOGE TO MY PHILOSOPHICAL OPINIONS . SOme say that my Book of Philosophy , it seems as if I had converst with Des-Cartes or Master Hobbes , or both , or have frequented their studies , by reading their works , but I cannot say but I have seen them both , but upon my conscience I never spake to monsieur De Cartes in my lise , nor ever understood what he said , for he spake no English , and I understand no other language , and those times I saw him , which was twice at dinner with my Lord at Paris , he did appear to me a man of the fewest words I ever heard . And for Master Hobbes , it is true I have had the like good fortune to see him , and that very often with my Lord at dinner , for I conversing seldom with any strangers , had no other time to see those two famous Philosophers ; yet I never heard Master Hobbes to my best remembrance treat , or discourse of Philosophy , nor I never spake to Master Hobbes twenty words in my life , I cannot say I did not ask him a question , for when I was in London I meet him , and told him as truly I was very glad to see him , and asked him if he would please to do me that honour to stay at dinner , but he with great civility refused me , as having some businesse , which I suppose required his absence . And for their works , my own foolish fancies do so imploy my time , as they will not give me leave to read their books , for upon my conscience I never read more of Mounsieur Des-Cartes then half his book of passion , and for Master Hobbes , I never read more then a little book called De Cive , and that but once , nor never had any body to read to me , as for their opinions , I cannot say I have not heard of many of them . As the like of others , but upon my conscience not throughly discoursed of , for I have heard the opinions of most Philosophers in general , yet no otherw aies then if I should see a man , but neither know his estate , quality , capacity , or natural disposition , thus upon my conscience is a truth , not onely in these two Philosophers , but all Philosophers , and not onely Philosophers , but all their learned men , so that I am no otherwayes learned in writers works , or other opinions then those that onely learned the tearms of arts , and sciences , but know no more . The like they may say of Physitians , as of Philosophers , when they read my opinions of diseases ; it is true I have converst with Physitians more then any other learned profession , yet not so much as to increase my understanding , although more then was advantagious for my health , indeed I have been the worst Physitian to my self ; besides wise learned men think it a discredit to discourse learnedly to ignorant women , and many learned men speak most commonly to women , as women do to children nonsense , as thinking they understand not any thing , or else like those that are of another Language speak such gibbrish , to those they would have understood that they understand not themselves yet think those they speak to do conceive them , as if ignorance was bound to understand nonsense , that is not to be understood ; but I desire my Readers , or censurers ; for some will censure that have not read , or at least not understood me , that I did never take nor steal any opinion , or argument from any other as my own , nor never will , and if I hit or light upon the same , it is meer chance . T is true , I have mentioned many opinions , but not as my own opinions or arguments , but rather , 〈◊〉 civilly I have been opposite to those opinions I have heard of , and I make no question but if my Readers will take the paines to compare my writings to others , and throughly examine them , they will I make no question , finde great difference ; for though other Philosophy have treated of matter , form , and motion , being the fundamental ground , of all all natural Philosophical discourse , yet I believe not my way , nor I never read any book of diseases , or medicines but Gerrards Herball , which no question is a very rare book , and cetainly discribes the tempers of herbs , fruits , and drugs very learnedly , but I do verily 〈◊〉 the learning lies more in the tempers then in the applications ; for I beleeve where one is rightly applied , forty are falsly applied , and how shall it be otherwaies , unlesse he had studied the motions and tempers of diseases ; for one and the same diseases may be of several tempers , and motions , wherefore one and the same simple will not cure one and the same kinde , or rather sort of disease ; Wherefore I beseech my readers to be so charitable , and just , as not to bury my works in the monuments of other writers , but if they will bury them , let it be in their own dust , or oblivion , for I had rather be forgotten , then scrape acquaintance , or insinuate my self into others company , or brag of received favours , or take undeserved gifts , or belie noble Benefactors , or to steal , although I were sure the theft would never be discovered , and would make me live eternally . But I have no acquaintance with old Authors , nor no familiarity with the moderns , I have received no instructions by learning , and I never owned that which was not justly my own , nor never stole that which was justly anothers , neither have I retained , but plain truth to defend , and conscience towitnesse for me . Besides , I have heard that learning spoiles the natural wit , and the fancies , of others , drive the fancies out of our own braines , as enemies to the nature , or at least troublesome guests that fill up all the rooms of the house . This opinion , or rather a known truth , was a sufficient cause for me , neither to read many Books , or hear arguments , or to dispute opinions , had I ever been edicted to one , or accustomed to the other , by reason I found a naturall inclination , or motion in my own brain to fancies , and truly I am as all the world is , partial , although perchance , or at least I hope not so much as many are , yet enough to desire that my own fancies , and opinions might live in the world , rather then the fancies and opinions of other mens in my brain . AN EPISTLE TO MY HONOURABLE READERS . MOst Noble Reader , let not partialitie , or obstinacie weigh judgments scales , but truth ; wherefore if you weigh my Philosophical , and Physical opinions with the ancient Philosophers , lay by the weaknesse , and incapacity of our sex ; my unexperienced age , my unpractised time , my ignorant studies , my faint knowledge , and dim understanding to help to pair my discourse , with theirs , in which scale there are learned studies , long experience , practised time , high arguments , and School-disputations ; Besides , they draw and make the large river of their discourse from many several springs ; mine onely flows in little Rivolets , from the natural spring in my own brain . AN EPISTLE TO THE Reader , for my Book of Philosophy . PErchance many that read this book , will hardly understand it , not but it may be as rational , and as probable , as any that have writ before , but unlesse they be contemplary persons , which are not many in our nation , especially in the Protestant opinion , which live not Monastical lives , are not so curious , nor so inquisitive , after nature , as to study that Science ; Besides , they think it unprofitable , bringing no advantage ; but they are much mistaken , for that it is a great insight to the knowledge of all Vegetables , Minerals , and Animals , their constitutions , their sympathies , and antipathies , their extractions , and applications which they apply , for health , and prolonging of life ; Besides , the study in this Science , brings them acquainted with the course of the stars and planets , and the several tempers of the Climats , and the nature of the several Soyls , which is profitable in husbandry ; then it is advantagious for the art of Navigation , and Plantations , and many other things ; but above all , this study is a great delight , and pleases the curiosity of mens minds , it carries their thoughts above vulgar and common Objects , it elevates their spirits to an aspiring pitch ; It gives room for the untired appetites of man , to walk or run in , for so spatious it is , that it is beyond the compasse of time ; besides , it gives pleasure in varieties , for infinite wayes are sirawed with infinite varieties , neither doth it binde up man to those strickt rules as other Sciances do , it gives them an honest liberty , and proves temperance is the greatest pleasure in nature . T is true , moral Philosophy is an excellent study , but the doctrine is too strict for the practise , for it teaches more then can be followed , and Theologie is a glorious study , but the way is difficult and dangerous , for though there are many pathes , yet there is but one that leads to heaven , and those that step awrie fall into the Gulph of damnation , and the deep study in this many times blindes the eyes , both of faith and reason , and instead of uniting mankind with love , to live in peace , it makes discords with controversies , raises up faction to uphold each-side , whose endlesse quarrels are followed with such hatred , and fought with such malice and envie , and the zeal spits so much blood , as if not onely several parties would be rased out , but the bulk of mankinde ; And to study Law , is to study dissention , to study Logick is to study deceit , to make falshood appear like truth ; to study Rhetorick is to study words more then sense , and many the like studies are more painful then useful , more time lost then profit got , more tedious then pleasant , more sophistry then truth . Indeed the Mathematicks brings both profit and pleasure to the life of man , it gives just measure and equal weight , it makes all odd reckonings even , it sets all musical notes , it brings concord out of discord , it gives diminution and extention ; But as I said before , few or none but Monastical men , which live contemplary lives , despising the vanities of the world , next to the service of God , seek to be acquainted with nature , and to observe the course of her works , yet in an humble and respectful manner , as to admire her curiosity , and to glorifie and adore the God of nature , for the wonders they finde by her works , and workings : for this reason , if I had been so learned , I would have put my book into Latine , which is a general language through all Europe , and not have writ it in my native Language , which goeth no further then the kingdom of England , wherein I fear my book will finde but little applause ; because few therein study natural Philosophy , and what they understand not , they cannot judge of , yet I beleeve all that read will take upon them to give a censure , and what their weak braines is not capable to reach at , their active tongues are capable to pull down , so that I fear me my book will be lost in oblivion , or condemned by ignorance , unlesse some generous disposition which hath a genius in natural Philosophy , and learned and eloquent in the Latine tongue will translate my work ; yet I had rather my book should die in Oblivion , then to be divulged to disadvantage , and instead of cloathing it in a new garment , they will dismember the body of sense , as to put out the natural eyes , and put in glasse eyes in the place , or to cut off the legs , and then set the body upon wooden stumps , but unlesse the Translator hath a genius sutable to the Author of the Original , the Original will be disfigured with mistakes ; yet it is easier to translate prose then verse , for rimes , number , and sense , are hard to match in several Languages , it is double labour , and requires double capacitie ; for although Ovid and Dubartus were so happy as to meet a Sylvester and a Sands , yet very few or no other had the like good fortune in our Language : for this reason I would have turned my Atomes out of verse into prose , and joyned it to this book , but I finding my brain would be like a river that is turned from its natural course , which will neither run so smooth , swift , easie , nor free , when it is forced from its natural motion and course , both which made me desist &c. AN EPISTLE TO MY READERS . I Must advertise my Readers that though I have writ difserent wayes of one and the same subject , yet not to obstruct , crosse , or contradict ; but I have used the freedom , or taken the liberty to draw several works upon one ground , or like as to build several rooms upon one foundation , likewise my desire was , to expresse the several works that several motions make in printed figures , that the sense of my opinions might be explained to the eye , as well as to the ear , or conceivements of my Readers ; but by reason the Painters and Cutters in this Country cannot speak , nor understand English , nor I any other Language ; which reason perswaded me to let my Book be Printed without them , for though I might have had such an Interpreter that could expresse grosse material subjects , yet none that were so learned in both Languages , as to expresse , and instruct them to expresse by their art the figures of the fine , curious , subtil , and obscure motions in nature , and to have them all done would have rather puzled my Readers , and confounded the sense of my opinions , then any wayes have advantaged the one , or informed the other . Wherefore I must intreat my Readers to take a little more paines , and care in the reading , and considering part . AN EPISTLE TO MY READERS . I Desire my Readers to give me the same priviledge to discourse in natural Philosophy , as Scholers have in schooles , which I have heard speak freely , and boldly , without being condemned for Atheisme ; for they speak as natural Philosophers , not as Divines : and since it is natural Philosophy , and not Theologie , I treat on , pray account me not an Atheist , but beleeve as I do in God Almighty . A CONDEMNING TREATISE OF ATOMES . I Cannot think that the substance of infinite matter is onely a body of dust , such as small atoms , and that there is no solidity , but what they make , nor no degrees , but what they compose , nor no change and variety , but as they move , as onely by fleeing about as dust and ashes , that are blown about with winde , which me thinks should make such uncertainties , such disproportioned figures , and confused creations , as there would be an infinite and eternal disorder . But surely such wandring and confused figures could never produce such infinite effects ; such rare compositions , such various figures , such several kindes , such constant continuance of each kinde , such exact rules , such undissolvable Laws , such fixt decrees , such order , such method , such life , such sense , such faculties , such reason , such knowledge , such power , which makes me condemn the general opinions of atoms , though not my particular opinions of the figures , that the long atoms make air , the round water , the flat square earth ; also that all the other figures are partly severed from those ; also the measure , and the weight of atoms , of slime , flame , of burning , of quenching of fire , and of the several motions , compositions , and composers in their creating and dissolving of figures ; also their wars and peace , their sympathies and antipathies , and many the like ; but this opinion of mine is , if the infinite , and eternal matter are atoms , but I have considered that if the onely matter were atoms , and that every atome is of the same degree , and the same quantity , as well as of the same matter ; then every atom must be of a living substance , that is innate matter , for else they could not move , but would be an infinite dull and immoving body , for figures cannot make motion , unlesse motion be in the matter , and it cannot be a motion that sets them at work without substance , for motion cannot be without substance or produced therefrom , and if motion proceeds from substance , that substance is moving innately , but if motion is nothing , then every several nothings , which are called several motions , are gods to infinite matter , and our stronger nothing , which is every stronger motion , is god to every weaker nothing , which is every weaker motion ; for if motion depend upon nothing , every particular motion is absolute ; but the old opinions of atoms seems not so clear to my reason , as my own , and absolutly new opinions , which I hear call my Philosophical opinions , which opinions seem to me to be most probable , and these opinions are like Chymistrie , that from a grosse substance , extract the substance and essence , and spirits of life , or knowledge which I call the innated matter . THE OPINION , or RELIGION OF THE OLD PHILOSOPHERS . NAtural Philosophers in their opinions make three gods , the causer , the worker , and the matter , as God , nature , and the Chaos , all three being eternal , as the causer God was , is , and shall be , the worker , nature was , is , and shall be , the matter , chaos was , is , and shal be , was ever , is present , and shall be eternally , and whatsoever was in its self from all eternity , and shall be to all eternity , is a God , but if they make them all but one thing , then they may say there is but one God ; but if they make them three distinct things , then they make three Gods , for though they make them all one in unity , yet not in property , but God is like a Center , from whom all infinites flow , as from him , and through him , and to him , his infinite knowledg knowes all past , present , and what is to come , and is a fixt instant . THE TEXT TO MY Natural Sermon . I As the preacher of nature , do take my text out of natural observance , and contemplation , I begin from the first chapter , which is the onely , and infinite matter , and conclude in the last which is eternity . But I desire my noble Readers to hear me with so much patience , or be so just to me as to observe , that though my text is common , for who hath not heard of the first matter ? and my application old , for what is older then eternity ? Yet that my arguments , and proofs are new ; for what ancient Philosophers have preached after my way ? wherefore most industrious and ingenious students , cast me not out of your Schools , nor condemn my opinions , out of a dispisement of my sex ; for though nature hath made the active strength of the effeminat sex weaker then the masculine , yet perchance she may elevate some fancies , and create some opinions , as sublime , and probable in effeminate brains as in masculine . Wherefore it were unjust to condemn the probable particulars for the errours of the generality ; and if you speak or think me too vainglorious in pleading in my own cause , it may be thought you are irregular , and if I should not plead for my self in a just cause , it may be thought I were not a right begotten daughter of nature , but a monster produced by her escapes , or defects ; for every true childe of nature will require its just inheritance . The first cause is matter . The second is Motion . The third is figure which produceth all natural effects . Nature is matter , form , and motion , all these being as it were but one thing ; matter is the body of nature , form is the shape of nature and motion . The spirits of nature , which is the life of nature , and the several motions are the several actions of nature . The several figures are the several postures of nature , and the several parts , the several members of nature . OF MATTER AND MOTION . CHAP. I. THERE is no first matter , nor first Motion ; for matter and motion are infinite , and being infinite , must consequently be Eternal ; and though but one matter , yet there is no such thing , as the whole matter , that is , as one should say , All. And though there is but one kinde of matter , yet there are infinite degrees of matter , as thinner and thicker , softer and harder , weightier , and lighter ; and as there is but one matter , so there is but one motion , yet there are infinite degrees of motion , as swifter and slower ; and infinite changes of motion ; And although there is but one matter , yet there are infinite of parts in that matter , and so infinits of Figures : if infinite figures , infinite sizes ; if infinite sizes , infinite degrees of bignesse , and infinite degrees of smalnesse , infinite thicknesse , infinite thinnesle , infinite lightnesse , infinite weightinesse ; if infinite degrees of motion , infinite degrees of strengths ; if infinite degrees of strengths , infinite degrees of power , and infinite degrees of knowledge , and infinite degrees of sense . Chap. 2. Of the Form and the Minde . AS I said , there is but one Matter , thinner and thicker which is the Form , and the Minde , that is , Matter moving , or Matter moved ; likewise there is but one motion , though flower or swifter moving several wayes ; but the slower or weaker motions are no lesse motion , then the stronger or swifter . So Matter that is is thinnest or thickest , softest or hardest , yet is but one matter ; for if it were divided by digrees , untill it came to an Atome , that Atome would still be the same matter , as well as the greatest bulk . But we cannot say smallest , or biggest , , thinnest , softest or hardest it Infinite . Chap. 3. Eternal matter . THat matter which was solid , and weighty from all Eternity , may be so eternally ; and what was spungie , and light from all Eternity , may be so eternally ; and what had innate motion from Eternity , may be so eternally ; and what was dull without innate motion from Eternity , may be so eternally : for if the degrees could change , then there might be all thin , and no thick , or all thick , and no 〈◊〉 all hard , no soft , and fluid , or all fluid , and no solidity . For 〈◊〉 contracting and dilating may bring and joyn parts together , or separate parts asunder , yet those parts shall not be any other wayes , then by Nature they were . Chap. 4. Of Infinite matter . INfinite matter cannot have exact Form , or Figure , because it hath no Limits : but being divided by motion into several parts , those Parts may have perfect Figures , so long as those Figures last ; yet these parts cannot be taken from the Infinite Body . And though parts may be divided in the Body Infinite , and joyned several wayes , yet Infinite can neither be added , nor diminished ; yet division is as infinite as the matter divided . Chap. 5. No proportion in Nature . IN Nature there is no such thing , as Number or Quantity ; for Number , and Quantity have onely reference to division : neither is there any such thing as time in Eternity ; for Time hath no reference but to the Present , if there be any such thing as Present . Chap. 6. Of one Kinde of Matter . ALthough there may be infinite degrees of matter , yet the Nature , and kinde of matter is finite : for Infinite of severall kindes of matter would make a Confusion . Chap. 7. Of Infinite knowledge . THere can be no absolute Knowledge , if infinite degrees of Knowledge ; nor no absolute power , if there be infinite degrees of strength : nor present , if infinite degrees of motion . Chap. 8. No Judge in Nature . NO Intreaty , nor Petition can perswade Nature , nor any Bribes can corrupt , or alter the course of nature . Justly there can be no complaints made against Nature , nor to Nature . Nature can give no redresse . There are no Appeals can be made , nor Causes determined , because Nature is infinite , and eternal : for Infinite cannot be confined , or prescribed , setled , rul'd , or dispos'd , because the Effects are sa infinite as the Causes : and what is infinite , hath no absolute power : for what is absolute , is finite . Finite cannot tell how Infinite doth flow , Nor how infinite matter moveth to and fro . For infinite of Knowledge cannot guess Of infinite of matter , more , or lesse : Nor infinite of Causes cannot finde The infinite Effects of every Kinde . Chap. 9. Of Perfection . IN infinite can no perfection be , For why ? Perfection is in Unity . In infinite no union can combine , For that has neither Number , point nor Line ; Though infinite can have no Figure , Yet not lie all confus'd in heaps together Chap. 10. Of Inequalities . IF infinites have infinite degrees , And none alike to make Equalities . As if a Haire be cut with curious Arts , Innumerable but unequal parts , And that not any part alike shall be , How shall we joyn , to make them well agree ? If every one is like it self alone , Three cannot be , unlesse three equal One. If one , and one make two ; and two , and two make four yet there must be two equal ones to make two , and two equal two's to to make four . And as two and one make three , yet there must be two equal ones joyned to a single one , to make three , or three equal single ones to joyn in three . The like is in weight , and Measure , Motion and Strength . Chap. 11. Of Unities . IN infinite if infinite degrees , Then those Degrees may meet in Unities . And if one man should have the 〈◊〉 of four , Then four to equal him will be no more . As if one Line should be in four parts cut , Shall equal the same Line together put ; So two and one , though odd is theer ; Yet three and three shall equal be . Like those that equal spaces backwards go , To those that 's forward , equals them we know . Like Buckets in a Well if empty be , As one descends , the other ascends , we see ; So Motions , though their crosse , may well agree , As oft in Musick make a Harmony . Chap. 12. There is no Vacuity . IN Nature if Degrees may equal be , All may be full , and no Vacuity . As Boxes small , and smaller may contain , So bigger , and bigger must there be again . Infinite may run contracting , and dilating , Still , still , by degrees without a separating . Chap. 13. Of Thin , and Thick Matter . THus may thin Matter into Solid run , And by its motion ; , make thick Matter turn In several wayes , and fashions , as it will , Although dull Matter of it self lie still : T is not , that Solid Matter moves in Thin , For that is dull , but thin which moves therein . Like Marrow in the Bones , or Blood in Veins ; Or thinner matter which the blood contains . Like Heat in Fire , the effect is straight to burn , So Matter thin makes solid matter run . Chap. 14. Of Vacuum . IF Infinite inequalitie doth run , Then must there be in Infinite Vacuum . For what 's unequal , cannot joyned be So close , but there will be Vacuity . Chap. 15. The Unity of Nature . NAture tends to Unity , being but of a kinde of Matter , but the degrees of this Matter being thinner , and thicker , softer , and harder , weightier , and lighter , makes it , as it were , of different kinde , when t is but different degrees : Like several extractions , as it were out of one and the same thing ; and when it comes to such an Extract , it turns to Spirits , that is , to have an Innate motion . Chap. 16. Of Division . THe several degrees of Matter cause Division by different motion , making several Figures , erecting , and dissolving them , according as their matter moves . This makes motion and Figure alwayes to be in War , but not the matter ; for it is the several effects that disagree , but not the Causes : for the Eternal matter is alwayes in peace , as being not subject to change ; but motion and Figure , being subject to Change , strive for Superiority : which can never be , because subject to Change. Chap. 17. The Order of Nature . THe Reason , that there is not a Confusion in Nature , but an orderly Course therein , is , the Eternal matter is alwayes one , and the same : for though there are Infinite degrees , yet the Nature of that Matter never alters . But all variety is made according to the several Degrees , and the several degrees do palliate and in some sense make an Equality in infinite ; so as it is not the several degrees of matter , that strive against each other , but several motions drive them against one another . Chap. 18. Of War , and no absolute Power . THe Reason that all things make War upon one another , is , the several * Degrees of matter , the contradiction of motion , and the Degrees , and the advantage of the shapes of ( * ) Figures alwayes striving . Chap. 19. Of Power . THere is no absolute Power , because Power is infinite , and the infinitenesse hinders the absolutenesse : for if there were an absolute power , there would be no dispute : but because there is no absolute power , there would be no dispute ; but because there is no absolute power , therefore there be Disputes , and will be eternally : for the several degrees of matter , motion , and Figure strive for the Superiority , making Faction by ( * ) Sympathy , and Fraction , by ( * ) Antipathy . Chap. 20. Similizing the spirits , or Innate Matter . THe Spirits , or Essences in Nature are like Quick-silver : for say it be fluid , it will part into little Sphaerical Bodies , running about , though it be nere so small a Quantity : and though they are Sphaerical , yet those Figures they make by several , and subtle motion , may differ variously , and Infinitely . This innate matter is a kinde of god or gods to the dull part of matter , having power to form it , as it please , and why may not every degree of Innate matter be as several gods , and so a strong motion be a god to the weaker , and so have an infinite , and Eternal Government ? As we will compare motions to Officers , or Magistrates . The Constable rules the Parish , the Mayor , the Constable , the King the Mayor , and some Higher power the King : thus infinite powers rule Eternity . Or again thus , the Constable rules the Hundred , the Major rules the City , the King the kingdom , and Caesar the world . Thus may dull matter over others rule , According as ' tis* shap'd by motions Tool . So Innate matter Governs by degree , According as the stronger motions be . Chap. 21. Of Operation . ALL things in the world have an Operative power ; which Operation is made by Sympathetical motions & Antipathetical motions , in several Figures . for the assisting Operation is caused by one , the destructive Operation by another ; like Poyson and cordials , the one kills , the other cures : but Operations are infinite , as motions . Chap. 22. Natural , or Sensivtie War. ALL Natural War is caused either by a Sympathetical motion , or an Antepathetical motion . For Natural War , and Peace proceed from Self-preservation , which belongs only to the Figure ; for nothing is annihilated in Nature , but the particular prints , or several shapes that motion makes of matter ; which motion in every Figure strives to maintain what they have created : for when some Figures destroyothers , it is for the maintenance or security ofthemselves : and when the destruction is for , Food it is Sympathetical motion , which makes a particular Appetite , or nourishment from some Creatures to others ; but an Antipathetical motion that makes the Destruction . Chap. 23. Of Annihilation . THere can be no Annihilation in Nature : nor particular motions , and Figures , because the matter remains that was the Cause of those Motions and Figures . As for particular figures , although every part is separated that made such a figure , yet it is not Annihilated ; because those parts remain that made it . So as it is not impossible but the same particular Figures may be erected by the same motions , that joyned those parts , and in the matter may repeat the same motion eternally so by succession : and the same matter in a figure may be erected and dispersed eternally . Thus the dispersing of the matter into particular figures by an Alteration of motion , we call Death ; and the joyning of parts to create a Figure , we call life . Death is a Separation , life is a Contraction . Chap. 24. LIFE . LIfe is the Extract , or spirit of common matter : ( * ) this extract is Agile , being alwayes in motion ; for the Thinnesse of this matter causes the subtilty of the Quality , or property , which quality , or preporty is to work upon all dull Matter . This Essence , or life , which are Spirits of sense , move of themselves : for the dull part of Matter moves not , but as it is moved thereby . Their common motions are four . Atractive . Retentive . Digestive . Expulsive . Attractive is that which we call Growth , or youth . Retentive , is that we call strength . Digestive is that we call Health , that is an equal distribution of parts to parts , and agreeing of those spirits . Expulsive is that which we call Death , or decay . The Attractive spirits gather , and draw the materials together . The Digestive spirits do cut and carve out every thing . The Retentive do fit , and lay them in their proper places . The Expulsive do pul down , and scatter them about . Those spirits most commonly move according to the matter they work on . For in spung and porous light matter , their motion is quick ; in solid , and weighty , their motion is slower . For the solid parts are not onely dull , and immoveable of themselves , but they hinder and * obstruct those Spirits of sence , and though they cut and pierce through all , yet it is with more labour , and slower motion ; for their motions change according to the quantity and quality of that matter they meet with ; for that which is porous and spungy , the Figures that they form that matter in , are sooner made , and sudenlier destroyed , then that which is more combustible . This is the reason , Minerals last longer then Vegetables , and Animals , because that matter is both tougher and harder to work on , then Vegetables and Animals are . These Sensitive spirits we may similize to several workmen , being alwayes busily imployed , removing , lifting , carrying , driving , drawing , digging , and the like . And although these spirits are of substance thinner then dull matter , yet they are stronger by reason of their subtility , and motion , which motion gives them power : for they are of an acute quality , being the Vitriol , as it were , of Nature , cut and divide all that opposeth their way . Now these spirts , though they be infinite , yet we cannot think them so grosse an infinite , as combustible matter , yet those thinner infinites may cut , and carve the thicker infinites all into several figures : like as Aqua-fortis will eat into the hardest iron , and divide it into small parts . As I have said before , the spirits of life works according as the matter is , for every thing is shap'd according to the solidity of the matter ; like as a man which builds a house of such wood , which is tough , and strong , because he knows otherwise it will break , by reason of the great weight they are to bear , but to make laths , he takes his wood and cuts it thin , that the nails may the easier passe through , so joyning and fitting several sorts to proper uses to build his house . Or like a Cook , when he 's to raise a pie , must take stiff Dough ; for otherwise it will not onely fall before it be finished , but it cannot be raised , and to make the lids to cover his pye , he must use a softer Paste , otherwise it will not rowl thin ; thus a stiff paste is not fit for a lid , nor a thinner paste for to raise a Pye ; it may make a Cake , or so . So the spirits of life must make figures , as the matter is fit : and proper therto , for the figure of man or the like ; the spirits of life take the solid and hard matter for the * Bones : the Glutinous matter for the Sinews , Nerves , Muscles , and the like ; and the Oyly matter , for Flesh , Fat , Marrow . So the fluid for Blood , and such like matter . and the spirits themselves do give this dull matter , motion , not onely in the building of the figure , but to make the figure move when it is built . Now the spirits of life , or lively spirits do not onely move dull and immoving matter , but makes that matter to move and work upon others ; for some kinde of figures shall make * another to resemble it self , though not just be as it self is made , but as the shadow like the substance ; for it works as a hand that is guided by another , and not of its own strength : that is the reason , Arts have not so much perfection as nature . The Copy is not so lively as the Original ; for the spirits of life move , and work of their own strength , and the dul matter by the strength of the spirits . Chap. 25. Of CHANGE . THe Change of motion in several Figures makes all change and difference in the World , and their several properties and effects thereto . And that which we call Death , or corruption , is not * an absence of life , but an expulsive motion which doth annihilate those figures , that erecting motion hath made . So death is an annihilation of the Print , not of the Mould of figures ; for the Moulds of those figures of Mankinde , Beast , or Plant , of all kindes whatsoever , shall never be annihilated so long as motion and matter last , which may alwayes be ; for the mould of all figures is in the power of motion , and the substance of matter . Chap. 26. Of Youth , or Growth . THus Spirits of sense work according to the substance of the matter : for if the matter be porous and light , they form those figures quicker , and dissolve them suddenly : But if their matter be solid and hard , they work slower , which makes some figures longer ere they come to perfection , and not so easily undone . And if their strength be too weak for the matter they work upon , as wanting help , then the figure is imperfect , and mishapen , as we say . This is the reason Animals and Vegetables , which are yong , have not so great strength as when they are full grown ; because there are fewer spirits , and the materials are loose and unsetled , not knockt close : But by degrees more spirits gather together , which help to forward their work , bring in materials by food , setling them by nourishment , carrying out by Evacuations that matter that is unuseful , and that Rubbish and Chips , as I may say , which would hinder their motion . If they bring in unuseful matter , their figure increases not , as we say , thrives not . And if they carry out the principal materials , the figure decayes , and falls down . But those parts of matter which are not spirits , do not carry that part of matter which is spirit , but these spirits carry the dull matter . Thus the spirits , the innated matter , move in dull matter , and dull matter moveth by the spirits ; and if the matter be fine , and not gross , which they build withal , and their motion be regular , then the figure is beautiful and well proportioned . Chap. 27. Of Increasing . THe reason that the corruption of one figure is the cause of making of another of the same kinde , is , not onely , that it is of such a tempered matter that can onely make such a kinde of figure ; but that the spirits make figures according to their strength : So that the spirits that are in the Seed , when they have undone the figure they are in , by a general expulsion , which we call corruption , they begin to create again another figure of the same kinde , if no greater power hinder it . For the matter that is proper , to make such like figures , is fitted , or temper'd to their strengths . So as the Temper of the matter , and the strength of the spirits , are the Erectors of those figures eternally . And the reason , that from one Seed , less , or more Numbers are increased and rais'd , is , that though few begin the work , more will come to their help ; and as their numbers are increased , their figures are more , or less , weaker , or stronger . Chap. 28. Of Decay . WHen Spirit of Life have created a Figure , and brought it to perfection ; if they did not pull it down again , they would be idle , having no work to do ; and Idleness is against the nature of life , being a perpetual motion . For as soon as a figure is perfected , the spirits generally move to an expulsive motion . This is the reason , that Age hath not that strength as full-growth : But like an old house falling down by degrees , shed their Haires , or Leaves , instead of Tiles , the Windows broke down , and stopped with Rubbish . So Eyes in Animals grow hollow and dim . And when the Foundation of a house is loose , every little winde shakes it . So when the Nerves being slack , and the Muscles untied , and the Joynts unhing'd , the whole Body is weak , and tottering , which we call Palsies : which Palsies , as the winde , shakes . The Bloud , as the Springe dries up , Rhumes , as Rain falls down , and Vapours , as Dust , flie up . Chap. 29. Of Dead , and Death . DEad is , where there is a General Alteration of such Motion , as is proper to such Figures . But Death is an Annihilation of that Print , or Figure , by an Expulsive Motion : And as that Figure dissolves , the Spirits disperse about , carrying their several burdens to the making of other Figures . Like as a house that is ruin'd by Time , or spoyled by accident ; the several Materials are imployed to other uses ; sometimes to the building of an house again . But a house is longer a building then a pulling down , by reason of the cutting , carving , laying , carrying , placing , and fitting every part to make them joyn together ; so all the works of Nature are sooner dissolv'd then created . Chap. 30. Of Local Shapes . SOme Shapes have power over others , but 't is not alwayes in the size , or bulk of the Figure , but in the manner of their Formes that give advantage , or disadvantage . A little Mouse will run through the Snowt of a great Elephant : A little Flye will sting a great Figure to death ; A Worm will wind through a thick Body ; The Lions force lies in his Claws ; The Horses in his Hoof ; The Dogs in his Teeth ; The Bulls in his Horns ; and Man 's in his Armes , and Hands ; Birds in their Bills , and Talons : And the manner of their Shapes gives them several properties , or faculties . As the Shape of a Bird causes them to 〈◊〉 , a Worm to creep , the Shape of a Beast to run , the Shape of Fish to swim ; yet some flie swifter , and higher then others , as their Wings are made : So some run nimbler then others , according as their Limbs are made ; and some swim glider then others , according as their Fins are made . But Man surpasses the shape of all other Creatures ; because he hath a part , as it were , of every shape . But the same motion , and the same matter without the shape , could not give such External Properties ; since all Internal Properties are wrought out of dull matter . So as it is their shapes , joyned with such motions proper thereunto , that giveth strength , and Agileness . But the Internal Qualities may be alike in every figure ; because Rational Spirits work not upon dull matter , but figures themselves . Chap. 31. The Visible Motion in Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals . THe external motions of Animals are , running , turning , winding , tumbling , leaping , jumping , shoving , throwing , darting , climbing , creeping , drawing , heaving , lifting , carrying , holding , or staying , piercing , digging , flying , swimming , diving . The Internal motion , is , contriving , directing , examining , comparing , or judging , contemplating , or reasoning , approving or disapproving , resolving . From whence arise all the Passions , and several Dispositions . These , and the like , are the visible Internal motions in Animals . The Internal motions of Vegetables , and Minerals , are in operation ; As , contracting , dilating ; which is Attractive , Retentive , Digestive , Expulsive . The Vegetables External motion , is , increasing , decreasing , that is , enlarging , or lasting ; although there may be matter not moving , yet there is no matter , which is not moved . Chap. 32. Of the Working of several Motions of Nature . MOtions do work according as they finde Matter , that 's fit , and proper for each kinde . Sensitive Spirits work not all one way , But as the matter is , they cut , carve , lay . Joyning together Matter , solid Light , And build and form some figures streight upright ; Or make them bending , and so jutting out : And some are large , and strong , and big about . And some are thick , and hard , and close unite ; Others are flat , and low , and loose , and light . But when they meet with matter , fine , and thin , Then they do weave , as Spiders when they spin : All that is woven is soft , smooth , thin things , As flowry Vegetables , and Animal skins . Observe the Grain of every thing , you 'l see , Like inter-woven Threads lye evenly . And like to Diaper , and Damask wrought , In several works , that for our Table 's bought . Or like to Carpets which the Persian made , Or Sattin smooth , which is the Florence Trade . Some matter they ingrave , like Ring , and Seal , Which is the stamp of Natures Common-weal . 'T is Natures Armes , where she doth print On all her Works , as Coin that 's in the Mint . Some several sorts they joyn together glu'd . As matter solid , with some that 's fluid . Like to the Earthly ball , where some are mixt Of several sorts , although not fixt . For though the Figure of the Earth may last Longer then others ; yet at last may waste . And so the Sun , and Moon , and Planets all , Like other Figures , at the last may fall . The Matter 's still the same , but motion may Alter it into Figures every way : Yet keep the property , to make such kinde Of Figures fit , which Motion out can finde . Thus may the Fgures change , if Motion hurls That Matter of her wayes , for other Worlds . Of the Minde . THere is a degree of stronger Spirits then the sensitive Spirits : as it were the Essence of Spirits ; as the Spirit of Spirits , This is the Minde , or Soul of Animals . For as the sensitive Spirits are a weak knowledg , so this is a stronger knowledge . As to similize them , I may say , there is as much difference betwixt them , as Aqua Fortis , to ordinary Vitriol . These Rational Spirits , as I may call them , work not upon dull matter , as the Sensitive Spirits do ; but onely move in measure , and number , which make Figures ; which Figures are Thoughts , as Memory , Understanding , Imaginations , or Fancy , and Remembrance and Will. Thus these Spirits moving in measure , casting , and placing themselves into Figures make a Consort , and Harmony by Numbers . Where the greater Quantity , or Number , are together of those rational spirits , the more variety of Figure is made by their several motions , they dance several dances according to their Company . Chap. 34. Of their several Dances , or Figures . WHat Object soever is presented unto them by the senses , they strait dance themselves into that figure ; this is Memory . And when they dance the same figure without the help of the outward object , this is Remembrance , when they dance the figures of their own invention , ( as I may say ) then that is imagination or Fancie . Understanding is , when they dance perfectly ( as I may say ) not to misse the least part of those figures that are brought through the senses . Will is to choose a dance , that is to move as they please , and not as they are perswaded by the sensitive spirits . But when their motion and measures be not regular , or their quantity or numbers sufficient to make the figures perfect , then is the minde weak and infirme , ( as I may say ) they dance out of time and measure . But where the greatest number of these , or quantity of these Essences are met , and joyn'd in the most regular motion , there is the clearest understanding , the deepest Iudgement , the perfectest knowledge , the finest Fancies , the more Imagination , the stronger memory , the obstinatest will. But somtimes their motions may be regular ; but society is so small , so as they cannot change into so many several figures : then we say he hath a weak minde , or a poor soul. But be their quantity or numbers few or great , yet if they move confusedly , and out of order , we say the minde is distracted . And the reason the minde , or soul is improveable , or decayable , is , that the quantity or numbers are increaseable , or decreaseable , and their motions regular , and irregular , A Feaver in the Body is the same motion among the sensitive spirits , as madnesse is in the minde amongst the rational Spirits . So likewise pain in the Body is like those motions , that make grief in the minde . So pleasure in the body is the like motions , as make delight , and joy in the minde , all Convulsive motions in the Body , are like the motions that cause Fear in the minde . All Expulsive motions amongst the rational spirits , are a dispersing their society ; As Expulsity in the Body , is the dispersing of dull matter by the sensitive spirits . All Drugs have an Opposite motion to the matter they work on , working by an expulsive motion ; and if they move strongly , having great quantity of spirits together in a little dull matter , they do not onely cast out superfluous matter , but pull down the very materials of a figure . But all Cordials have a Sympathetical motion to the matter they meet , giving strength by their help to those spirits they finde tired : ( as one may say ) that it is to be over-power'd by opposite motions in dull Matter . Chap. 35. The Sympathy , and Antipathy of Spirits . PLeasure , and delight , discontent , and sorrow , which is Love , and hate , is like light , and darknesse ; the one is a quick , equal , and free motion ; the other is a slow , irregular , and obstructed motion . When there is the like motion of Rational Spirits in opposite figures , then there is a like understanding , and disposition . Just as when there is the like Motion in the sensitive spirits ; then there is the like constitution of body . So when there is the like quantity laid in the same Symmetry , then the figures agree in the same proportions , and Lineaments of Figures . The reason , that the rational spirits in one Figure , are delighted with the outward form of another Figure , is , that the motions of those sensitive Spirits , which move in that figure , agree with the motion of the rational spirits in the other . This is love of beauty ; And when the sensitive motions alter in the figure of the body , and the beauty decayes , then the motion of rational spirits alter , and the love of godlinesse ceases . If the motion of the rational spirits are crosse to the motion of the sensitive spirits , in opposite figures , then it is dislike . So if the motion be just crosse and contrary , of the rational spirits in opposite figures , it is hate ; but if they agree , it is love . But these Sympathies , which are made only by a likenesse of motions without an intermixture , last not long ; because those spirits are at a distance , changing their motion without the knowledge , or consent of either side . But the way that the rational spirits intermix , is , through the Organs of the body , especially the eyes , and Eares , which are the common doors , which let the spirits out , and in . For the vocal , and verbal motion from the mouth , carry the spirits through the eares down to Heart , where love and hate is lodged . And the spirits from the eyes issue out in Beams , and Raies ; as from the Sun , which heat , or scorch * the heart , which either raise a fruitful crop of love , making the ground fertile , or dries it so much , as makes it insipid , that nothing of good will grow there , unlesse stinking weeds of Hate : But if the ground be fertile , although every Crop is not so rich , as some , yet it never grows barren , unlesse they take out the strength with too much kindnesse ; As the old proverb , they kill with too much kindnesse ; which murther is seldom committed . But the rational spirits * are apt to take Surfet , as well as sensitive spirits , which makes love , and Good-will , so often to be ill rewarded , neglected , and disdain'd . Chap. 36. The Sympathy of Sensitive , and Rational spirits in one Figure . THere is a strong Sympathy , and agreement , or Affection ( as I may say ) betwixt the rational spirits , and the sensitive spirits joyned in one figure : like Fellow-labourers that assist one another , to help to finish their work . For when they disagree , as the rational spirits will move one way sometimes , and the sensitive spirits another ; that is , when reason strives to abate the appetite of the Senses ; yet it is by a loving direction , rather to admonish them by a gentle contrary motion for them to imitate , and follow in the like motions ; yet it is , as they alwayes agree at last ; Like the Father and the Son. For though the father rules by command , and the Son obeies through obedience , yet the father out of love to his son , as willing to please him , submits to his delight , although it is against his liking ; * So the rational spirits oftimes agree with the motions of the sensitive spirits , although they would move another way . Chap. 37. The Sympathy of the Rational and Sensitive Spirits , to the Fgure they make , and inhabit . ALL the External motion in a Figure , is , by the sensitive spirits ; and all the internal , by the rational spirits : and and when the rational and sensitive spirits , disagree in opposite figures , by contrary motion , they oft war upon one another ; which to defend , the sensitive Spirits and rational spirits , use all their force , and power in either Figure ; to defend , or to assault , to succour , or to destroy , through an aversion made by contrary motions in each other . Now the rational spirits do not onely choose the materials for their defence , or assault , but do direct the sensitive spirits in the management thereof ; and according to the strength of the spirits of either side , the victory is gain'd , or lost . If the Body be weak , there is like sensitive spirit , if the direction be not advantagious , there is lesse rational spirit . But many times the Alacrity of the rational and sensitive spirits , made by moving in a regular motion , overcoms the greater numbers , being in a disordered motion . Thus what is lost by Scarcity , is regain'd by Conformity and Vnity . Chap. 38. Pleasure , and Pain . ALL Evacuations have an expulsive motion ; If the Expulsive motion is regular , 't is Pleasure , if irregular , 't is pain . Indeed , all Irregular and crosse motion , is Pain ; all regular motion is pleasure , and delight , being Harmony of Motion , or a discord of Motion . Chap. 39. Of the Minde . IMagine the rational Essence , or spirits , like little spherical Bobdies of Quick-silver several ways * placing themselves in several figures , sometimes moving in measure , and in order : and sometimes out of order this Quick-silver to be the minde , and their several postures made by motion , the passions and affections ; or all that is moving in a minde , to expresse those several motions , is onely to be done by guesse , not by knowledge , as some few will I guesse at Love is , when they move in equal number , and even measure . Hate is an opposite motion : Fear is , when those small bodies tumble on a heap together without order . Anger is , when they move without measure , and in no uniform Figure . Inconstancy is , when they move swiftly several wayes . Constancy is a circular motion , doubt , and suspicion , and jealousie , are when those small bodies move with the odd numbers . Hope is when those small bodies move like wilde-Geese , one after another . Admiration is , when those Spherical bodies gather close together , knitting so , as to make such a circular figure ; and one is to stand for a Center or point in the midst . Humility is a creeping motion . Joy is a hopping , skipping motion . Ambition is a lofty motion , as to move upwards , or * higher then other motions . Coveting , or Ambition is like a flying motion , moving in several Figures like that which they covet for ; if they covet for Fame , they put themselves into such Figures , as Letters do , that expresse words , which words are such praises as they would have , or such Figure as they would have Statues cut , or Pictures drawn : But all their motion which they make , is according to those Figures with which they sympathize and agree : besides , their motion and figures are like the sound of Musick ; though the notes differ , the cords agree to make a harmony : so several Symmetries make a perfect Figure , several figures make a just number , and several quantities or proportions make a just weight , and several Lines make an even measure : thus equal may be made out of Divisions eternally , and infinitely . And because the figures and motions of the infinite Spirits which they move and make are infinite , I cannot give a final description : besides , their motion is so subtle , curious , and intricate , as they are past finding out . Some Natural motions worke so curious fine , None can perceive , unlesse an Eie divine . Chap. 40. Of Thinking , or the Minde , and Thoughts . ONE may think , and yet not of any particular thing ; that is , one may have sense , and not thoughts : For thoughts are when the minde takes a particular notice of some outward Object , or inward Idea ; But Thinking is onely a sense without any particular notice . As for example ; Those that are in a great fear , and are amazed , the minde is in confus'd sense , without any particular thoughts : but when the minde is out of that amaze , it fixes it self on Particulars , and then have thoughts of past danger ; but the minde can have no particular thought of the Amaze ; for the minde cannot call to minde that which was not . Likewise when we are asleep , the Minde is not out of the Body , nor the motion that makes the sense of the minde ceast , which is Thinking ; but the motion that makes the thoughts therein work upon particulars . Thus the minde may be without thoughts , but thoughts cannot be without the minde : yet thoughts go out of the minde very oft , that is , such a motion to such a thing is ceast ; and when that motion is made again , it returns . Thus thinking is the minde , and thoughts the effect thereof : Thinking is an equal motion without a figure , or , as when we feel Heat , and see no fire . Chap. 41. Of the Motions of the Spirits . IF it be , as probably it is , that all sensitive spirits live in dul matter ; so rational spirits live in sensitive spirits , according to the shape of those Figures that the sencitive spirits form them . The rational spirits by moving several ways , may make several kindes of knowledge , and according to the motions of the sensitive spirits in their several figures they make , though the spirits may be the same , yet their several motions may be unknown to each other . Like as a point , that writes upon a Table-book , which when the Letter that was 〈◊〉 thereon , is rub'd out , the Table is as plain , as if there were never any letter thereon ; but though the letters are out , yet the Table-book , and in Pen remain . So although this Motion is gone , the spirit , and matter remain ; But if those spirits make other kindes of motions , like other kinds of Letters , or Language , those Motions understand not the first , nor the first understands not them , being as several Languages . Even so it may be in a sound ; for that kinde of knowledge the Figure had in the sound , which is an alteration of the motion of the rational spirits , caus'd by an alteration of the motion of the sensitive spirits in dull matter : And by these disorderly motions , other motions are rub'd out of the Table-book , which is the matter that was moved . But if the same kinde of letters be writ in the same place again ; that is , when the spirits move in the same motion , then the same knowledg is in that figure , as it was before ; the other kinde of knowledge , which was made by other kinde of motion , is rub'd out , which several knowledge is no more known to each other , then several Languages by unlearned men . And as Language is still Language , though not understood , so knowledge is still knowledge , although not general ; but if they be that we call dead , then those letters that were rubbed out , were never writ again ; which is , the same knowledge never returns into the same figures . Thus the spirits of knowledge , or the knowledge of spirits , which is their several motions , may be ignorant and unacquainted with each other : that is , that some motion may not know how other motions move , not onely in several spirits , but in one and the same spirit ; no more then in every Effect can know their cause : and motion is but the effect of the Spirits , which spirits are a thin subtle matter : for there would be no motion if there were no matter ; for no thing can move : but there may be matter without Self-motion ; but not self-motion without matter . Matter prime knowes not what effects shall be , Or how their several motions will agree . Because * t is infinite , and so doth move Eternally , in which no thing can prove . For infinite doth not in compasse lye , Nor hath Eternal lines to measure by . Knowledge is there none , to comprehend That which hath no beginning , nor no end . Perfect knowledge comprises all can be , But nothing can comprise Eternity . Destiny and Fates , or what the like we call , In infinites they no power have at all . Nature hath Generosity enough to give All figures ease , whilst in that Form they live ; But motion which innated matter is , By running crosse , each several pains it gives . Chap. 42. Of the Creation of the Animal Figure . THe reason , * that the sensitive spirits , when they begin to create an animal figure , the figure that is created feels it not , untill the model befinished , that is , it cannot have an animal motion , until it hath an animal figure ; for it is the shape which gives it local motion ? and after the Fabrick is built , they begin to furnish it with * strength , and enlarge it with growth , and the rational spirit which inhabits it chooseth his room , which is the Head ; And although some rational spirits were from the first creating it , yet had not such motions , as when created : besides , at first they have not so much company , as to make so much change , as to take parts , like instruments of Musick , which cannot make such division upon few strings as upon more . The next , the figure being weak , their motions cannot be strong ; besides , before the figure is inlarged by growth , they want room to move in . This is the reason , that new-born Animals seem to have no knowledge , especially Man ; because the spirits do neither move so strong , nor have such variety of change , for want of company to make a consort . Yet some animals have more knowledge then others , by reason of their strength , as all beasts know their dams , and run to their Dugs , and know how to suck as soon as they are born ; and birds and children , and the like weak Creatures , such do not . But the spirits of sense give them strength , and the spirits of reason do direct them to their food , * and the spirits of sense gave them Taste , and 〈◊〉 , and the spirits of reason choose their meat : for all Animal Creatures are not of one dyet , for that which will nourish one , will destroy another . Chap. 43. The gathering of Spirits . IF the rational spirits should enter into a figure newly created , altogether , and not by degrees , a Childe ( for example ) would have as much understanding , and knowledge in the womb , or when it is new-born , as when it is inlarged and fully grown . But we finde by experience there are several sorts and degrees of knowledge and understanding , by the recourse of spirits : which is the reason , some figures have greater proportion of understanding and knowledge , and sooner then others ; yet it is increased by degrees , according as rational spirits increase . Like as children , they must get strength before they can go . So Learning and experience increase rational spirits , as Food the sensitive : But experience and Learning is not alwayes tyed to the eare ; for every Organ and Pore of the body is as several doors to let them in and out : For the rational spirits living with the sensitive spirits , come in , and go out with them , but not in equal proportion , but sometimes more , sometimes fewer : this makes understanding more perfect in Health then in sicknesse , and in our middle age , more then in the latter age : For in age and sicknesse there is more carried out , then brought in . This is the reason , Children have not such understanding , but their reason increaseth with their years . But the resional spirits may be similized * to a company of Good-fellows , which have pointed a meeting ; and the company coming from several places , makes their time the longer ere their numbers are compleated , though many a brain is disappointed ; but in some figures the rooms are not commodious to move in , made in their Creation , for want of help : those are Changelings , Innocents , or Natural Fools . The rational spirits seem most to delight in spungie soft and liquid matter ; as in the Blood , Brain , Nerves , and in Vegetables ; as not onely being neerest to their own nature , but having more room to move in . This makes the rational spirits to choose the Head in Animals , for their chief room to dance their Figures in : * for the Head is the biggest place that hath the spungy Materials ; thus as soon as a figure is created , those rational Spirits choose a Room . Chap. 44. The moving of Innate matter . THough Motion makes knowledge , yet the spirits give motion : for those Spirits , or Essences , are the Guiders , Governours , Directers ; the Motions are but their Instruments , the Spirits are the Cause , motion but an Effect therefrom : For that thin matter which is spirits , can alter the motion , but motion cannot alter the matter , or nature of those Essences , or spirits ; so as the same spirits may be in a body , but not one and the same knowledge , because not the same motion , that made that knowledge . As for example ; how many several Touches belong to the body ? for every part of the body hath a several touch , which is a several knowledge belonging to every several part ; for every several part doth not know , and feel every several touch . For when the head akes , the heel feels it not , but onely the Rational spirits which are free from the incumbrance of dull matter , they are agile , and quick to take notice of every particular touch , in , or on every part of the figure . The like motions of a pain in the Body . The like motions of the Rational spirits , we call grief in the minde ; and to prove it is the like motion of the Rational Spirits to the sensitive , which makes the knowledge of it , is , when the rational Spirits are busily moved with some Fantasmes , if any thing touches the body , it is not known to the rational spirits , because the rational spirits move not in such motion , as to make a thought in the head , of the touch in the heel , which makes the thoughts to be as senselesse of that touch , as any other part of the body , that hath not such paines made by such motions . And shall we say , there is no sense in the heel , because no knowledge of it in the head ? we may as well say , that when an Object stands just before an eye that is blinde , either by a contrary motion of the thoughts inward , by some deep Contemplation , or otherwise : we may as well say there is no outward object , because the rational spirits take no notice of that Object ; t is not , that the stronger motion stops the lesse , or the swifter , the slower ; for then the motions of the Planets wold stop one anothers course . Some will say , what sense hath man , or any other Animal when they are dead ? it may be answered , that the Fignre , which is a body , may have sense , but not the Animal ; for that we call Animal , is such a temper'd matter , joyn'd in such a figure , moving with such kinde of motions ; but when those motions do generally alter , that are proper to an Animal , although the matter , and Figure remain , yet it is no longer an Animal , because those motions that help it to make an Animal are ceas'd So as the Animal can have no more knowledge of what kind of sense the Figure hath ( because it is no more an Animal ) then an Animal , what sense dust hath . And that there is the reason , that when any part is dead in an Animal , if that those motions that belonged to the Animal , are ceas'd in that part , which alter it from being a part of the Animal , and knowes no more what sense it hath , then if a living man should carry a dead man upon his shoulders , what sense the dead man feels , whether any , or no. Chap. 45. Of Matter , Motion , and Knowledge , or Understanding . VVHatsoever hath an innate motion , hath knowledge ; and what matter soever hath this innate motion , is knowing , : but according to the several motions , are several knowledges made ; for knowledge lives in motion , as motion lives in matter : for though the kind of matter never alters , yet the manner of motions alters in that matter : and as motions alter , so knowledge differs , which makes the several motions in several figures to give several knowledge . And where there is a likenesse of motion , there is a likenesse of knowledge : As the Appetite of Sensitive spirits , and the desire of rational spirits are alike motions in several degrees of matter . And the touch in the heel , or any part of the body else , is the like motion , as the thought thereof in the head ; the one is the motion of the sensitive spirits , the other in the rational spirits , as touch from the sensitive spirits , for thought is onely a strong touch , and touch a weak thought . So sense is a weak knowledge , and knowledge a strong sense , made by the degrees of the spirits : for Animal spirits are stronger ( as I said before ) being of an higher extract ( as I may say ) in the Chymistry of Nature , which makes the different degrees in knowledge , by the difference in strengths and finenesse , or subtlety of matter . Chap. 46. Of the Animal Figure . WHatsoever hath motion hath sensitive spirits ; and what is there on earth that is not wrought , or made into figures , and then undone again by these spirits ? so that all matter is moving , or moved by the movers ; if so , all things have sense , because all things have of these spirits in them ; and if Sensitive spirits , why not rational spirits ? For there is as much infinite of every several degree of matter , as if there were but one matter : for there is no quantity in infinite ; for . infinite is a continued thing . If so , who knows , but Vegetables and Minerals may have some of those rational spirits , which is a minde or soul in in them , as well as man ? Onely they want that Figure ( with such kinde of motion proper thereunto ) to expresse knowledge that way . For had Vegetables and Minerals the same shape , made by such motions , as the sensitive spirits create ; then there might be wooden men , and iron beasts ; for though marks do not come in the same way , yet the same marks may come in , and be made by the same motion ; for the spirits are so subtle , as they can pass and repass through the solidest matter . Thus there may be as many several and various motions in Vegetables and Minerals , as in Animals ; and as many internal figures made by the rational spirits ; onely they want the Animal , to expresse it the Animal way . And if their knowledge be not the same knowledge , but different from the knowledge of Animals , by reason of their different figures , made by other kinde of motion on other tempered matter , yet it is knowledge . For shall we say , A man doth not know , because he doth not know what another man knows , or some higher power ? Chap. 47. What an Animal is . AN Animal is that which we call sensitive spirit ; that is , a figure that hath local motion ; that is , such a kinde of figure with such kinde of motions proper thereunto . But when there is a general alteration of those motions in it , then it is no more that we call Animal ; because the local motion is altered ; yet we cannot knowingly say , it is not a sensitive Creature , so long as the figure lasts : besides , when the figure is dissolved , yet every scattered part may have sense , as long as any kinde of motion is in it ; and whatsoever hath an innate motion , hath sense , either increasing or decreasing motion ; but the sense is as different as the motions therein , because those properties belonging to such a figure are altered by other motions . Chap. 48. Of the dispersing of the Rational Spirits . SOme think , that the Rational spirits flye out of Animals , ( or that Animal we call Man ) like a swarm of Bees , when they like not their hives , finding some inconvenience , seek about for another habitation , or leave the body , like Rats , when they find the house rotten , and ready to fall ; Or scar'd away like Birds from their Nest. But where should this Swarm , or Troop , or Flight , or Essences go , unlesse they think this thin matter is an Essence , evaporates to nothing ? As I have said before , the difference of rational spirits , and sensitive spirits , is , that the sensitive spirits make figures out of dull matter : The rational spirits put themselves into figure , placing themselves with number , and measure ; this is the reason when Animals die , the External Form of that Animal may be perfect , and the Internal motion of the spirits quite alter'd ; yet not absent , not dispers'd untill the Annihilating of the External Figure : thus it is not the matter that alters , but the Motion and Form. Some Figures are stronger built then others , which makes them last longer : for some , their building is so weak , as they fall as soon as finished ; like houses that are built with stone , or Timber , although it might be a stone-house , or timber-house , yet it may be built , not of such a sort of Stone , or such a sort of Timber . Chap. 49. Of the Senses . THe Pores of the skin receive touch , as the eye light , the eare sound , the nose scent , the tongue tast . Thus the spirits passe , and repasse by the holes , they peirce through the dull matter , carrying their several burthens out , and in , yet it is neither the Burthen , nor the Passage that makes the different sense , but the different motion ; ( * ) for if the motion that coms through the Pores of the Skin , were as the motions which come from the Eye , Ear , Nose , Mouth , then the body might receive sound , light , scent , Tast , all other as it doth touch . Chap. 50. Of Motion that makes Light. IF the same motion that is made in the Head did move the Heel , there would appear a Light to the Sense of that part of the figure ; unlesse they will make such matter as the Brain to be infinite , and onely in the head of an Animal . Chap. 51. Opticks . THere may be such motion in the Brain , as to make Light , although the Sun never came there to give the first motion : for two opposite motions may give a light by Reflection , unlesse the Sun , and the Eye have a particular Motion from all Eternity : As we say an Eternal Monopolor of such a kinde of Motion as makes Light. Chap. 52. Of Motion , and Matter . VVHY may not Vegetables have Light , Sound , Taste , Touch , as well as Animals , if the same kinde of motion moves the same kinde of matter in them ? For who knows , but the Sap in Vegetables may be of the same substance , and degree of the Brain : And why may not all the senses be inherent in a figure , if the same Motion moves the same matter within the figure , as such motion without the figure ? Chap. 53. Of the Brain . THe Brain in Animals is like Clouds , which are sometimes swell'd full with Vapour , and sometimes rarified with Heat , and mov'd by the sensitive spirits to several Objects , as the clouds are mov'd by the Wind to several places . The Winds seem to be all Spirits , because they are so agile , and quick . Chap. 54. Of Darknesse . TO prove that Darknesse hath particular motions which make it , as well as motion makes light , is that when some have used to have a light by them while they sleep , will , as soon as the light goeth out , awake ; for if Darknesse had no motion , it would not strike upon the Opick Nerve . But as an equal motion makes light , and a perturb'd motion makes colour , which is between Light and darknesse : So darknesse is an Opposite Motion to those motions that make light ; for though light is an equal motion , yet it is such a kinde , or sort of Motion . Chap. 55. Of the Sun. VVHY may not the Sun be of an higher Extract then the rational spirits , and be like Glasse , which is a high Extract in Chymistry , and so become a ( * ) shining body ? If so sure it hath a great knowledge ; for the Sun seems to be composed of pure spirits , without the mixture of dull matter ; for the Motion is quick , and subtle , as we may finde by the effect of the light , and heat . Chap. 56. Os the Clouds . THe Clouds seem to be of such spungy , and porous Matter , as the Rain , and Aire , like the sensitive spirits that form , and move it , and the Sun the Rational Spirit to give them knowledge ; And as moist Vapours from the Stomack rise , and gathering in the Brain , flow through the eyes : so do the Clouds send forth , as from the Brain , the Vapours which do rise in showres . Chap. 57. Of the Motion of the Planets . THE Earth , Sun , Moon , the rest of Planets all Are mov'd by that , we Vital Spirits cal . And like to Animals , some move more slow , And other some by quicker motion go . And as some Creatures by their shapes do flye , Some swim , some run , some creep , some riseth high So Planets by their shapes about do winde , All being made , like Circles , round we finde . Chap. 58. The Motion of the Sea. THe Sea 's more quick , then fresher waters are , The reason is , more Vital spirits are there . And as the Planets move still round about , So Seas do ebb and flow both in and out . As Arrows flye up , far as strength them lend , And then for want of strength do back descend : So do the Seas in ebbes run back again , For want of strength , their length for to maintain But when they ebb , and flow , at certain times , Is like the Lungs that draw , and breath out wind . Just so do Seas draw back and then do flow , As constant as the Lungs do to and fro : Alwayes in motion never lying still , The empty place they leave , turn back to fill . We may as well inquire of Nature , why Animals breath in such a space of Time , as the Seas ebb and flow in such a space of Time. AN EPISTLE TO CONDEMNING READERS . MAny perchance will laugh in scorn at my opinion , and ask what reason I have to think those things I have described should be made with such a kinde of Motion , my answer is , that I guess by the forms , I mean the figures , or shapes , what the motion may be to produce them ; for I see the figure of a four leg'd Creature hath other motions then two legged Creatures , or then those Creatures that have no legs ; and I see some shape Creatures that can flee , by reason of their figures , which is made proper to produce that kinde of motion ; for those that are not made so , cannot do so . By this I think it probable that Internal motions , are after the manner of External motions ; for we may guess at the cause by the effects , so by the figures of Snow , Frost , Hail , Rain , Vapor , and the like , we may guesse at other Internal , or external motions , that produced their External figures , or alterations , and by the effects of light , darknesse , heat , cold , moisture , what manner of motions produced them ; wherefore I know no reason why any should condemn my opinions . But the custom of their breeding in the Schools of Aristotle , and Socrates , and the rest of ancient Authors , or else they consider not my opinions enough ; for if they did , they might see as much probability for mine , as any of their opinions ; For though in natural Philosophy there may be many touches found out by experiences , and experiments , yet the Study is onely conjecturally , and built upon probabilities , and until probabilities be condemned by absolute and known truth , let them have a place amongst the rest of probabilities , and be not so partial to contradict , as to be unjust to me , take not away the right of my place because young ; for though age ought to have respect , yet not so as to do youth wrong , but I hope my new born opinions will be nourished in Noble and learned Schools , and bred up with industrious Students ; but howsoever , I delight my self , for next to the finding out of truthes , the greatest pleasure in Study , is , to finde out probabilities . I make no question but after Ages will esteem this work of mine , but what soever is new , is not received at the first with that good acceptation , by reason it is utterly unknown unto them , and a newnesse , and an unacquaintednesse makes the ignorance , but when time hath made acquaintance , and a right understanding , and a right understanding will make a friendship betwixt Fame and my Book . OF FORTUNE . PART II. CHAP. 59. MAtter , Figure , and Motions , are the gods that Create fortune ; For fortune is nothing in it self but various motions gathered , or drawn to a point , which point man onely thinks it fixt upon him , but he is deceived , for it fixes upon all other things ; for if any thing comes , and rubs off the bark of a tree , or breaks the tree , it is a miss-fortune to that tree , and if a house be built in such a place , as to shelter a tree from great storms , or cold weather , it were good fortune to that tree , and if a beast be hurt it is a miss-fortune to that beast , or bird , and when a beast , or bird , is brought up for pleasure , or delight , and not to work or be imprisoned , it is a good fortune to that beast , or bird ; but as I said before fortune is onely various motions , drawn to a point , and that point that comes from crosse motions , we call bad fortune , and those that come from Sympathetical motions we call good fortune , and there must needs be Antipathetical Motions as well as Sympathetical Motions , since Motions are so various . But man , and for all that I know , all other things , are governed by outward Objects , they rule , and we obey ; for we do not rule and they Obey , but every thing is led like dogs in a string , by a stronger power , * but the outward power being invisible , makes us think , we set the rules , and not the outward Causes , so that we are governed by that which is without us , not that which is within us ; for man hath no power over himself . Chap. 60. Of time and Nature . NO question but there is a time in Nature , for time is the Variation of Nature , and nature is a producing Motion a multiplying figure , an endlesse measure , a quantilesse substance , an indefaisable matter . Chap. 61. Of Matter , Motion , and Figure . AS I said before in my first part of my Book , that there is no first Matter , nor no first Motion , because Eternal , and Infinite , yet there could be no Motion , without matter ; for Matter is the cause , Motion but the effect of Matter , for there could be no motion unlesse there were Matter to be moved ; But there might be Matter , and Figure , without Motion , as an infinite , and eternal dull lump ; For I see no reason , but infinite might be without running forward , or circle-wayes , if there were not several degrees of the onely Matter , wherein Motion is an Infinite Eternal effect of such a degree . Neither is it nonsense to say , Figure is the effect of Matter ; for though there is no Matter without Figure , yet there could be no figure without Matter , wherefore Matter is the prime cause of Figure , yet there could be no figure without matter , wherefore matter is the prime cause of figure , but not figure of matter , for figure doth not make matter , but matter figure , no more then the creature can make the Creator ; but a creature may make a figure . Thus although there is no first matter , yet matter is the first cause of motion and figure , and all effects . Although they are as infinite and Eternal , as matter it self , and when I say Matter prime , I speak for distinction sake , which is the onely Matter ? The innated Matter , is the soul of Nature . The dull part of Matter , the Body . And the infinite figures , are the infinite form of Nature . And the several motions are the several actions of nature . Chap. 62. Of Causes , and effects . AS I have said before the effects are infinite , and eternal as the Causes , because all effects lie in matter and motion , indeed in matter onely ; for motion is but the effect of matter . Wherefore all particular figures although dssiolvable yet is inherent in the matter , and motion , as for example , if a man can draw the picture of a man , or any thing else , although he never draws it , yet the Art is inherent in the man , and the picture in the Art as long as the man lives , so as long as there is matter , and motion , which was from all Eternity , and shall be eternally ; the effect will be so . Chap. 63. Whether motion is a thing , or nothing , or can be Annihilated SOme have opinion that Motion is nothing , but to my reason it is a thing ; for if matter , is a substance , a substance is a thing , and the motion , and matter being unseparablely , united , makes it but one thing . For as there could be no motion without such a degree , or extract of matter so there could be no such degree or extract of matter without motion , thus motion is a thing . But by reason particular motions leave moving in such matters and figures , shall we say they are deceased , dead , or become nothing ; but say some , motions are accidents , and accidents are nothing ; but I say , all accidents live in substance , as all effects in the causes , say some , when a man for example shakes his hand , and when he leaves shaking , whether is that motion gone ( say others ) no where , for that particular motion ceaseth to be , say they . I answer , that my reason tells me , it is neither fled away , nor ceased to be , for it remains in the hand , and in that matter that created the hand , that is in that , and the like innated matter , that is in the hand . But some will say , the hand never moves so again , but I say the motion is never the lesse there , they may as well say , when they have seen a Chest full of Gold , or the like , and when their eyes are shut , or that they never see it more , that the Gold doth not lie in the Chest , although the Gold may lie there eternally , or if they should see it again , say it is not the same Gold. So likewise particular motions are , but shewed , not lost , or Annihilated : or say one should handle a vessel often , that every time you handle the vessel , it is not the same touch , vessel , or hand , and if you never touch the vessel again , that the hand , vessel , or touch is annihilated . But particular motion , as the vessels , or hand is but used , not annihilated , for particular motions can be no more annihilated , then particular figures that are dissolved and how , in reason can we say in reason particular figures are Annihilated , when every part and parcel , grain , and atome , remains in infinite matter , but some will say , when a house : for example , is pull'd down , by taking asunder the materials , that very figure of that house is annihilated ; but my opinion is , that it is not , for that very figure of that house remains in those materials , and shal do eternally although those materials were dissolved into Atoms , and every Ato me in a several place , part , or figure & though infinite figures should be made by those materials by several dissolutions and Creations , yet those infinites would remain in those particular materials eternally , and was there from all eternity ; And if any of those figures be rebuilt , or Created again , it is the same figure it was . So likewise the motion of the hand which I said for example , if the same hand moves after the same manner , it is the same motion that moved the hand before ; so it may make infinite repetitions ; thus one and the same motion may move eternally , and rest from moving , and yet have a being . Chap. 64. Of Motions . THere are millions of several motions which agree to the making of each figure , and millions of several motions are knit together ; for the general motion of that are figure , as if every figure had a Common-Weale of several Motions working to the subsistence of the figure , and several sorts of motions , like several sorts of Trades hold up each other ; some as Magistrates , and rulers ; others as Train-bands , as souldiers ; some make forts , and dig trenches ; some as Merchants that traffick ; some as Sea-men , and Ship-masters ; some that labour and and work , as some cut and carve ; Others paint , and ingrave ; some mix , and temper , joyn , and inlay , and glue together ; some form , and build ; some cast in moulds , and some makes moulds to cast ; some work rough-casts ; some pollish and refine ; some bear burthens , some take off burthens , some digg , some sowe , some plough , some set , some graft , some plant , some gather , some reap , some sift , some thrash , some grind , some knead , some bake , some beat , some spin , some weave , some sewe together , some wind and twist , some create , and others dissolve , and millions of millions of motions , but as we see external , so we may imagine are internal motions . Chap. 65. Many motions go to the producing of one thing , or to one end . FOr there are millions of several motions go to the making of one figure , or in mixing , as I may say , of several degrees of the dull part of matter , as I will give one for example in grosse external motions , where I will describe it by digestive motions , which is to fit parts , and to distribute parts to several places proper to the work . For digestive motions , there are many several sorts , or kinds of motions mixt together , as for example , a piece of meat is to be boyled , or the like , some motions cut fuel , and others take it up , others carrie , other lay down in a Chimnie , or the like place , others put fire , others kindle it , and make it burn , others take mettle and melt it , others cast such a figure as a pot , others bring the pot , others set it over the fire , others take up water , others carry that water to the pot , others put that water into the pot , others kill a sheep , others divide it into parts , others put it a part into the pot . Thus a piece of meat cannot be boyled without all these motions , and many more , which would be too tedious to relate , for I could have inlarged in three times as many more , only to boyl a piece of meat , and if there be so many several motions in our grosse sense in such things as these , then what is there in infinite Nature , yet for all these infinite varieties of motions , as I said before , I cannot perceive but six ground-motions , or fundamental motions , from whence all changes come , which are these attractive motions , contracting motions , retentive motions , dilative motions digestive motions , and expulsive motions ; likewise , although there be infinite kindes , and different figures , yet the ground-work , from whence ariseth all the veriety , is but from four figures ; as Circular , Triangular , Cupe , and Paralels . And as there are infinite changes of motions , amongst the sensitive innated matter , working on the dull parts of matter , so there are infinite changes of motions in the rational innated matter , making infinite kinds of knowledge , and degrees of knowledge , and understanding , and as there are infinite changes of motion , so there are infinite effects , and every produced effect , is a producing effect , and effects which effect produce effects , and the onely matter is the cause of all effects , for the several degrees of onely matter , is the effect of onely matter , and motion is the effect of some sorts of the degrees of onely matter , and varieties are the the effects of matter and motion , and life is the effect of innate matter ; and knowledge the effect of life . Chap. 66. Of the six principal motions . AS I have said , there are infinite Contractions , Atractions , Retentions , Dilations , digestions , and expulsions , and to explain my self to my readers as well as I can , unlesse they should mistake me , I will here describe , although after a grosse way ; yet according to my capacity . A few of the infinite variety of motions , first there are five , or six principal motions , from whence infinite changes are made , or produced , as from Contractions , Attractions , Retentions ; these three principal motions do in some kinde simpathize to each other ; and dilations , and expulsions do also sympathize to each other , but digestions is a mixt motion taking part of all , but I divide them into six parts , for distinction ; Now to treat of them severally , we must make an imaginary Circumference , and Center . Then first for Attracting motions , which is to draw towards the Center , that is , to draw to a lesse compasse , as to draw towards a point , yet Atractions draw not alwayes after one and the same manner , for some motions draw after them , as horses do Coaches , Carts , sleds and the like , but after several fashions , forms , and biasses and several motions , in those motions some slow , some quick , some crosse , some even . Again , some times Attractive motions draw , as if one should pull in a line , or draw in a net , some slope-wayes , some straight wayes ; some square wayes , some round wayes ; and millions of the like varieties , in this sort of motion , yet all Attracting motion . Secondly , Contracting motions which move after another manner ; for though both these sorts of motions , are to bring towards a point , yet Contraction me thinks , strives more against Vacuum , then Attraction , gathering all into a firm body , stopping up all porous passages , shutting out space , and gathering in matter , as close as it can ; indeed Attractions are but in the way to Contractions , as Dilations to expulsions ; but this sort of motions is , surfling , pleating , folding , binding , knitting , twisting , griping , pressing , tying , and many the like , and after several manners , or fashions . Thirdly , Retention is to hold , or to stay from wandring , to fix , as I may 〈◊〉 , the matter to one place , as if one should stick , or glue parts together . Fourthly , Dilations are to inlarge , as to spend , or extend , striving for space , or compasse ; it is an incroaching motion , which will extend its bounds as far as it can , this sort of motion is melting , flowing , streaming , spreading , smoothing , stretching , and millions of the like . Fiftly , Expulsive , is a motion that shuns all unity , it strives against solidity , and uniformity , it disperses every thing it hath power on ; this sort of motion , is , breaking , dissolving , throwing about . Sixthly , Digestive motions , are the creating motions , carrying about parts to parts , and fitting , and matching , and joyning parts together , mixing and tempering the matter for proper uses . Chap. 67. Of Exterior Motions produced from the six principle Motions . I Will here repeat some of the varieties of grosse exterior motions , such as are visible to our grosser senses , to cleer my readers imaginary motion ; Some motions draw , as horses draw Coaches , Carts , Sleds , Harrows , or the like ; others , as horses , and dogs , are led in a bridle , or string . Some , as beasts draw their prey to the Den moving backwards . Some draw up lines shorter , and thicker , and some draw in circular lines , sloping lines , and square lines . Other sorts of drawing , some straight lines ; some square lines , round lines , slope lines , some motions draw up ; some draw down , some draw side-wayes ; some crosse , some regular ; Other motions do , as if one should drive , or shove a solid substance before them , the varieties of these motions . Some are , as if a man should drive a wheel-barrow , or rowling of barrels , or driving a plough , or a rowler , and millions the like . Others are , as if beasts and men were to carry burthens , some bearing burthens on their back ; some on their head ; some in in their mouth ; some in their arms ; some in their hands ; some under their armes ; some on their thighs ; some on their stings , as Bees do , and millions the like , and every one of those burthens , have several motions thereto , and yet all but bearing motions . Other sorts of motions , as throwing the bar , pitching the bar , throwing a ball , striking a ball , throwing a bowl , flinging a dart , darting a dart , throwing upward , downward , straight-out , side-wayes , and all these several manners , is but a throwing motion . Leaping , running , hopping , trotting , gallopping , climing , clamering , flying , and infinite others , yet all is but a lofty motion . Diving , dipping , mowing , reaping , or shearing , rowling , creeping , crawling , tumbling , traveling , running , and infinite the like examples may be given of the varieties of one and the same kinde of motion . Chap. 68. Of double motions at one and the same time , on the same matter . AS for example ; spinning flax , or the like is drawn long , and small , twisted hard , and round , and at one time . Again , a bowl runs round-way , and yet straight-out at one time . A shuttle-cock spins about in a straight line . The winde spreads , and yet blows straight-out at one and the same time . Flame ascends Circular , and many the like examples may be given . Chap. 69. Of the several strengths . ALthough there be infinite strengths of Motion , yet not to all sorts of figures , nor to all degrees of matter ; for some figures move slow , others move swift , according to the Nature of the shape , or the interior strengths , or the degree , or quantity of innated matter , that created them ; for though every degree of innated matter , is of one and the same strength , yet there are different degrees ; but onely two degrees are subject to our weak sense , as the innate minde , and the innated body , which we call sense and reason , which sense and reason , may be in every thing , though after different manners , but we have confined sense , onely to animal kinde , and reason onely to mankinde ; but if the innated matter is in the dull parts of matter , as the life of the body , then there is no part that hath not sense and reason whether creating or created , dissolving , or dissolved , though I will not say that every creature enjoys life alike , so every figure is not innated alike , for some is weaker innated , and some stronger , either by quantity or degree , yet every figure is innated ; for it is innated matter that creates , and dissolves figures , yet the innated matter works according to the several degrees , and tempers , of the dull part of matter , and to such properties , and figures , and figures properties , and proper figures , that is , motion doth form the onely matter , into figures , yet motion cannot alter the Entity of only matter , but motion can , and doth alter the interior , and exterior figures , and though the several degrees of matter may be placed , and replaced in figures , yet the nature of the matter cannot be altered . Chap. 70. The creations of Figures , and difference of Motions . THose motions that are proper to create figures , are different from those motions that dissolve them , so that sympathetical internal motions , do not onely assist one another , but Sympathetical external Motions , and Sympathetical figures ; this is the reason that from two figures , a third , or more is created , by the way of procreation ; yet all figures are created , after one and the same kinde of way ; yet not after one and the same manner of way , as Vegetables , Minerals , and some sorts of Animals , as such as are bred from that we call corruption , as some sorts of worms , and some sorts of flies , and the like ; Yet are they created by the procreation of the heat , and moisture , the same way are plants that grow wilde produced , but those that are sown or set , although they are after one and the same kinde of way , yet not after the same manner ; for the young vegetables , were produced from the seeds , and the earth , which were sowed , or set together , and in grafts is when two different plants produce seed of mixt nature , as a Mule is produced , or the like creature , from two different Animals , which make them of mixt nature ; for As there is a Sympathetical conjunction in one , and the same kinde of figure , so there is a Sympathetical conjunction in some sorts of figures ; but not in all , nor to all , for that would make such a confusion in nature , as there would be no distinction , of kindes ; besides , it were impossible for some kinde of figures , to make a conjunction with other kindes , being such a difference betwixt them , some from the nature of the figures , others from the shape of the figures . And Minerals are produced by the Conjunction of such Elements , which were begot by such motions , as make heat , and drought , and cold and dry . Thus all figures are created from different motions , and different degrees , of infinite onely matter ; for onely matter joyns , and divides it self by self motions , and hath done so , and will do so , or must do so eternally , being its nature , yet the divisions , and substractions , joynings , and creations , are not alike , nor do they continue , or dissolve , with the like measure of time , which time is onely as in a reference to several motions . But as I have said , there can be nothing lost in nature , Although there be infinite changes , and their changes never repeated . For say a man dies , and his figure dissolves into dust , as smal as Atoms , and is disperst so , as never to meet , and every Atome goeth to the making of several figures , and so changes infinitely , from figure , to figure , yet the figures of all these changes lie in those parts , and those parts in onely matter ; so likewise several motions may cease as figures dissolve , but still those motions lies in innated matter , and each particular figure , in the generality of matter and motion , which is on the dull part , and innated part of onely matter . Chap. 71. The Agilenesse of innated Matter : INnated matter seems much nimbler in some works , then in other , as making Elements , and their several changes , being more porous then Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals , which are more contracted , and not so easily metamorphosed , and on the thin part of dull matter , they seem much nimbler , and agil , then when they work on the grosse part of dull matter ; for though the innated matter can work , but according to the strength , yet not alwayes according to that strength ; for their burthens are not alwayes equal to their strength ; for we see in light thin dull matter , their motions to be more swift , having lesse incumbrances , and lighter burthens , unlesse it be oposed , and stopped by the innated matter , that works in the more solid , or thicker part of dull matter , or move solid and united figures , yet many times the innated matter , that works on the thin part of dull matter , or in more porous figures , will make way through solid and thick bodies , and have the power on those that work on more grosse matter , for the innate matter that works on grosse matter , cannot resist so well , having greater burthens , nor act with that facility as the others can , whose matter is lighter , or figures more pourous ; for we see many times water to passe through great rocks , and mountains , piercing and dividing their strengths , by the frequent assaults thereon , or to ; yet many times the passe is kept or lost , according to the quantity of the innated 〈◊〉 of either side . Chap. 72. Of external , and internal figures and Motions . FOr the motions of heat and drought begets the Sun the motions of heat and moisture begets the Aire . The motions of cold and dry , begets the earth , and the rest of the Planets , and as other motions begot them , so they begot others , and as these Elemental Planets beget in gener all figures , which we call creatures in the world ; so these figures , as they are matched , beget each particular figures of several sorts ; For external figures , are made by internal motions ; for though Vegetables , Minerals , and Animals be internal figures , as to the globe of the World , which is the external figures to them , yet they are external figures to those which are created in them , untill such time as they are cast forth of that mould , as I may say , which they were made in , which is the womb , and the several wombs of several kinds , are several moulds , but indeed all moulds differ in their points . Perchance this subject might be better explained , but my modest thoughts will not give my inquisitive thoughts leave to trace Natures Creations by procreation ; Although I beleeve nature , and her works are pure of themselves , but 't is the Abuse of her works , and not the knowledge that corrupts man-kinde . Chap. 73. Of repeating one and the same work , and of varieties . NAture may repeat one and the same creature if she pleaseth , that is , the same motions , on the same matter , may create the same creature , by reason the same motions , and the same matter , is eternally in the body infinite : thus the Original cause of producing one and the same is eternal , by reason nothing in nature can be annihilated , and though the infinite matter is but one and the same , yet the infinite part of innated matter , moves infinite several wayes , and by reason of the diversity of motion , there is such varietie , as seldom any two creatures are alike , for motion delights in variety , not so much in the different kindes , as in the particular creatures , which makes me think that motion is bound by the nature of the matter , to make such kindes ; Although it be at liberty for particulars , and yet the several kindes may be as infinite as the particulars ; as for example , although motion is bound to Animal kinde , Vegetable kinde , Mineral kinde , and also to make such kinde of worlds as this is ; yet motion may make infinite particular worlds , as infinite particular Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , and those infinite worlds may differ , as those kindes of Creaturs ; for worlds may differ from other worlds , not onely as man from man , but as man from beast , beasts from birds , birds from fish , and so as Vegetables do ; for an oak is not like a tulip , or roses ; for trees are not like flowers , nor flowers like roots , nor roots like fruit , nor all flowers alike , nor all roots alike , nor all fruits alike , nor all trees , and the rest , and so for Minerals ; gold is not like lead , nor a diamond like a pibble stone ; so there may be infinite worlds , and infinite variety of worlds , and be all of that kinde we call worlds , yet be nothing alike , but as different , as if it were of another kinde , and may be infinite several kinds of creatures , as several sorts , that we can never imagine , nor guesse at ; for we can guesse , nor imagine at no other wayes , but what our senses brought in , or our imaginations raised up , and though imaginations in nature may be infinite , and move in every particular brain after an infinite manner ; yet it is but finite in every particular figure , because every particular figuse is finite , that is every particular figure comes by degrees from creation to a full growth , from a full growth to a decay , from a decay to a dissolution ; but not a Annihilation , for every particular figure lies in the body infinite , as well as every particular kinde ; for unlesse eternalmatter , and infinite matter , and eternal and infinite motions could be Annihilated , infinite figures wil eternally remain , although not in their whole bulk , yet in their parted pieces ; for though one and the same matter may be made into other figures : yet the former figures have as much a being as the present figures , by reason the matter that was the cause of those figures hath an eternal being , and as long as the cause lasts , the effects cannot be Annihilated . Chap. 74. Of creation , and dissolving of Nature . THe divisions , and substractions , joynings , and creations , are not alike , nor do they continue , and dissolve with the like measures of time ; for some Vegetables are old , and decrepit at a day old , others are but in their prime after a hundred yeers , and so some Animals , as flies and the like , are old and decrepit at a yeer old ; others , as man is but at his prime at twenty yeers , and will live a hundred yeers , if he be healthy and sound ; so in the Minerals , perchance lead , or tin , or the like , is but a flie , for continuance to gold , or like a flower to an oak , then it is probable , that the Sun and the rest of the Planets , Stars , and Millions more that we know not , may be at their full strength at ten hundred thousand yeers , nay million of millions of yeers , which is nothing to eternity , or perchance , as it is likely , other figures were at full strength when matter and motion created them , and shall last until matter dissolves them . Again , it is to be observed that all Spherical figures last longest , I think it is because that figure hath no ends to ravel out at . Chap. 75. Of Gold. SOme say that Gold is not to be altered from the figure that makes it gold , because Chymists have tried and cannot do it , but certainly that innated motion that joyns those parts , and so made it in the figure of Minerals can dissolve those parts , and make it into some figure else , to expresse an other thing ; but being a 〈◊〉 solid part of dull matter then that which makes other minerals , it is longer a creating , and dissolving , then the other figures are , that are of a light or softer substance , and may be the motions that make gold , are of slower nature , so as it is caused from the hardnesse of the matter , or the slownesse of the spirit , caused by the curiosity of the work , wherein they must use more different motions then in other figures ; so as it may be a thousand yeers uniting , or a thousand yeers a dispersing , a thousand , nay ten thousand ; for there is no account , nor time in nature infinite , and because we last not so song as to perceive it , shall we say that Gold was eternal , and shall last eternally ; so we may as well say an Oak , that is a hundred yeers , ere it comes to full maturity , and a hundred yeers , ere it comes to be dissoved , that it was an Oak eternally , and shall be so eternally , because a flower , is created , and dissolved in two or three dayes , but the solidity of the matter , and the cūriosity in the several changes , and enterchanges of motions prolong the work , yet it is hastened , or retarded by the quantity of spirits that work therein ; for when there is more , it is sooner formed , when less , longer ere it come to its figurative perfection . Chap. 76. Of Sympathies , and Antipathies , which is to agree , or disagree , to joyn , or to crosse . THere are infinite sorts of figures , or Creatures , that have Sympathy , and infinite sorts of figures , that have Antipathies , both by their exterior , and interior motions , and some exterior Sympathie with some interior , and some interior with some exteriors , and some exterior with exteriors , and interiors with interiors , both in one and the same figure , and with one and the same kinde , and with different kinds , and with several sorts , which works various effects : and here I will treat a little of Vegetables , and Minerals with Antipathy , or Sympathies , with Animals of all Animals . First , man thinks himself to have the Supreme knowledge , but he can but think so , for he doth not absolutely know it , for thought is not an absolute knowledge but a suppositive knowledge , for there are as many several degrees of knowledge , as of innate matter which is infinite , and therefore not absolute , and as much variety of knowledge , as there is of motions , and though all innated matter is knowing , yet all innated matter is not known ; this makes figures to have of each others a suppositive , but not an absolute knowledge ; thus infinite makes innated matter in some kinde , a stranger to it self , yet being knowing , although not known , it makes an acquaintance with parts of it self , and being various by interchanging motions , it also loseth acquaintance ; the acquaintance we call learning , invention , experience , or memory , the unknown , or not acquainted we call stupidity , ignorance , forgetfulnesse , illiterate , but by the acquaintance of experience , we come to finde the use of many things , and by the use we come to learn , and from our learning we come to practise , and by our practise we come to produce many effects , from the hidden and mystical causes , which are the effects , from the onely cause which is the onely matter , thus we come to finde the use of Earth , Water , Air , and Fire , Vegetables , Minerals , and so Animal with Animal , and we do not onely get new acquaintance ; which is new experience , but we make use of our acquaintance to our own benefit , or at least we strive to do so ; for it is the nature of life , which life is innated matter , to strive for preheminency , and absolute power , that is , onely matter would rule it self , but being infinite it neither absolutely knows it self , nor can absolutely rule or govern it self , and though it be an endlesse work , yet motion which is the moving part of nature , cannot desist , because it is infinite , and eternal , thus moving matter running perpetually towards absolute power , makes a perpetual war ; for infinite , and onely matter is alwayes at strife for absolute power , for matter would have power over infinite , and infinite would have over matter , and eternity would have power over both . Thus infinit and eternal matter joyned all , as to one is alwayes at strife in it self , yet the war is regular , not confused ; For there this is a natural order , and discipline is in nature as much as cruel Tyrannie ; for there is a naturall order , and discipline often-times in cruel Tyranny . Chap. 77. Of different knowledge in different figures . CErtainly there are infinite several kindes , as well as infinite several sorts , and particular creatures in nature , and certainly every several kinde , nay , every several sort in every kinde . Knowledge works after a different manner ; in every different figure , which different manners we call particular knowledges which works according to the figure , so infinite knowledge lies in infinite figure , and infinite figure in infinite matter , and as there are infinite degrees of matter , so there are infinite degrees of knowledge , and as there are infinite degrees of knowledge , so there are infinite degrees of motions , so there are infinite degrees of figures , and as there are infinite degrees , so there are infinite kinds , and as there are infinite kindes , so there are infinite sorts , and so infinite particulars in every sort , yet no kinde can be said to have most , or least , though lesse or more ; for there is no such thing , as most or least in nature . For as I said before , there is onely different knowledge belonging to every kinde , as to Animal kinde , Vegetable kinde , Mineral kinde ; and infinite more which we are not capable to know , but two particular sorts in every kinde ; as for example , Man may have a different knowledge from beasts , birds , fish , worms , and the like , and yet be no wiser , or knowing then they ; For different wayes in knowledge makes not knowledge more or lesse , no more then different paths inlarge one compasse of ground ; nor no more then several words for one and the same thing , for the thing is the same , onely the words differ ; so if a man hath different knowledge from a fish , yet the fish may be as knowing as man , but man hath not a fishes knowledge , nor a fish a mans knowledge . Likewise some creatures may have more , and some lesse knowledge then others ; yet none can be said to have most , or least ; for there is no such thing as most or least in nature , nor doth the weaknesse , or imperfection in particular creatures impaire the knowledge of the kinde , or impair the knowledge as I may say , belonging to any particular sort , nor can any one have such a supremacy of knowledge as to add to the knowledge of the kinde , or sort of kinde , as to have such a knowledge as is above the capacity of that kinde , or sort to understand . As for example , a man to know more then the nature of man is to know ; for what knowledge man hath had , or can have , is in the capacity of the kinde , though not to every particular man , for though nature may work within her self ; yet she cannot work beyond her self , and if there be mixe sorts of creatures , as partly man , and partly beast , partly man , and partly fish , or partly beast , and partly fish , and partly fish , and partly foul ; yet although they are mixt creatures , and may have mixt knowledges , yet they are particular sorts , and different knowledges , belonging to those sorts , and though different sorts have different knowledges , yet the kinde may be of one and the same degree ; that is , every several sort of creatures , in one and the same kinde , is as knowing and as wise , as another , and that which makes some creatures seem lesse perfect then others , or more knowing then others , is the advantage , or disadvantage of their 〈◊〉 , which gives one creature power over another ; but different Knowledg in different creatures takes advantages by turns according as it turns to it . And as there is different Knowledge , and different Kinds , and several sorts , so there is different Knowledge in different senses , in one and the same creature ; for what man hath seen the interior biting motion of Gold , and burning motions of heat ? yet feels them we may imagine by the touch , the interior nature of fire to be composed of sharp points , yet our sight hath no Knowledge thereof , so our sight hath the Knowledge of light ; but the rest of our senses are utterly ignorant thereof ; our ears have the Knowledge of sound , but our eyes are ignorant of the Knowledge thereof ; thus , though our ears may be as Knowing as our eyes , and our eyes as Knowing as our ears , yet they may be ignorant of each other , I say Knowledge , for sense is Knowledg , as well as reason , onely reason is a degree above sense , or sense , a degree beneath reason . Chap. 78. The advantages of some figures , some degrees of matter , and motions , over others . IF we do but stricktly prie into the works of nature , we shall observe , that all internal motions , are much after the manner of external motions , I mean those motions that we can perceive , by those effects , as are subject to our senses , and although for the most part the strongest motions govern the weakest , yet it is not alwayes found that they conquer the weaker ; for there are infinite slights , or infinite advantages to be taken , or mist in infinite nature , some by the 〈◊〉 of their figures , and some in the degrees of matter , and some in the manner of moving ; for slights are just like the actions of Juglers , Vauters , or Tumblers , Wrastlers , or the like ; for shapes I will give one or two for example , as a little Mouse which is but a weak creature , in comparison to an Elephant , yet the small Mouse shall overcome an Elephant , by running up through the snout , and so get into the head , and so gnaw on his brain ; And a Worm is a weak creature in comparison of a man , yet if he get into the guts , it will gnaw out his bowels , and destroy that figure . So for degrees of matter , what advantage hath the innated matter , or the dull part of matter , and for motions , most often the nimbler , and agile motions , get an advantage on the stronger , if more slower , and oftener by the manner of motions ; for many times a diving motion will have the better of a swimming motion , a jumping motion of a running motion , a creeping or crawling motion , of either , a darting motion of a flying motion , a crosse motion of a straight motion , a turning motion of a lifting motion , so an Attractive motion of an expulsive motion , and infinite the like , and every motion may have their advantages by turns , and then the advantages of place , and of times , as I may call it , for distinction sake , some Creatures will suppresse other creatures in the night , when the suppressers dare not appear to the supprssed in the light , a great Army shall be destroyed by a little Army , by standing in a lower patch of ground , oft by fighting at such a time of the day , when the sun shines on their faces , but it would be too long for Methusalems life , to set down examples , being infinite , but this shall serve to expresse my opinions . Chap. 79. Of the figurative figures . MOst figures are lined , and enterlined , as I may say , for expression sake , some figures are like a set , or nest of boxes , as for example , half a dozen boxes one within another , so every of those figures hath the same figure , within one another , the outermost figure being the largest , the inmost figure the least ; as for example , a man builds a house , first he builds the figure of that house with wood , as beams , and rafters and lathes ; next he laies morter , then is the figure of that house in morter , then he laies bricks or stones , then there is the figure of the house in stone , and brick , then it is plaistered within the inside , then there is the figure of the house in plaister , if it be painted , then there is figure of the house in painting ; so likewise an Animal , as a man , first there is the figure of a man in bones , as we may see in a Anatomie , then there is the figure of a man in flesh ; thirdly there is the figure of a man in the skin , then there are many , different figures , belonging to one and the same figure , as every several part of an Animal is of a different figure , and every part hath different figures belonging thereunto ; as man for example , to the hand there is the palm , the back , the fingers , the nailes , yet all makes but one hand . So the head , there is the brain , the pia mater , the dura mater , the scul , the nose , the eyes , the fore-head , the ears , the mouth , the lips , the tongue , the chin , yet all this is but a head ; likewise the head , the neck , the brest , the arms , the hands , the back , the hips , the bowels , the thighes , the legs , the feet ; besides , the bones , the nerves , the muscles , the veins , the arteries , the heart , the liver , the lights , the midrif , the bladder , the kidnies , the guts , the stomacke , the brain , the marrow , the blood , the flesh , the skin , yet all these different figurative parts make but the figure of one man. So for Vegetables , the root , the sap , the peath , the bole , the bark , the branches , make but the figure of one tree ; likewise every figure is different , this man is not like that man , this tree is not like that tree , for some trees are larger , or lesser , higher , or lower , more or lesse branched , crooked , or straghter , so in Animals , some are of one shape , some of another , as men , some are slender and tall ; some little and low ; some big and tall , others thick and low ; some high-nos'd ; some flat-nos'd ; some thick , some thin lipt ; some high fore-heads , some low , some broad , some narrow , and numbers of like examples may be given , not onely to man , but all other Animal creatures according to their shapes , that every particular in one and the same kinde , hath different figures , yet every particular kinde hath but one and the same motion , which properly and naturally belong to that Kinde of figure , as a horse to gallop , to amble , to trot , to runn , to leap , to kick , and the like ; and man to lift , to carry to walk , to run , to pitch , to dig , to shut , to chop , to pull back , to thrust forward ; likewise every particular part in one and the same Kinde , hath but one and the same kinde of motions , local or otherwise , and ever particular bird , hath but one , and the same kinde of motion in their flights , and in their feeding ; So beasts , every particular kinde hath but one and the same manner of motion , and feeding ; so likewise all mankinde hath after one and the same Kinde of motions belonging naturally to every particular part of his body , the onely difference is in the strength , or weaknesse , their restraints or facilities but not different in manner of the movings . But to return , to the figures , I say there are different figures belonging to one and the same kinde of figure , but the ground or fundamental figures in every particular figure , are there . ( As for example ) a tree at first is the figure of wood , the second is such a sort of wood , as a Cedar , an Oak , an Elm , an Ash , and the like ; also of such a nature of wood , some fitter to burn then to build , others that will grow but on such , or such soils , others to last longer , or die sooner , or bud and bear in such , and such seasons , some to bear fruit , others to bear none . Likewise for Animals , the first figure is to be an Animal , that is , to have a local figure , the second figure is to be flesh , not wood . The third is to be such a kinde of flesh as mans flesh , not bears flesh , or dogs flesh , or horse flesh , or cows flesh , and more examples may be given , then I am able to repeat , or my book to infold , but Animals and Vegetables have more different figures , belonging to every particular , figure or Kinde then Minerals , especially metals , which are as it were composed of one piece . Chap. 80. Of the gloomy figures , and figures of parts , and of one piece . AYre is not a shining body of it self , but as the lines of light shine upon it , it is smooth , and may be aglossie body , but not a shining ; for though there are infinite several sorts of brightnesse and shining , yet two I will describe . As there are two sorts of shining figures ; some that cast forth beams of light , as bright shining fire , and likewise from some sorts of stones , bones , and wood , so there are some sorts of figures that onely retain a bright shining quality in themselves , but cast forth no beams there-from ; or else so weak and small , as not useful to our sight , but what is represented to us thereon , by other lights ; this sort is water , metal , and vulgar stones , which perchance ayre may have such a shining body . These shining bodies , as water , or metal , or the like , are not perceived in the dark , but when light is cast thereon , we do not onely perceive the light , but their own natural shining quality by that light . Again , some figures have onely a glosse , which is a faint shining , like as a fained light , or an eclipsed shadow , as all the pores Vegetables , and Animals skins have ; and some figures are glossy through the thinnesse , or transparentnesse , not in the nature , for by reason the figure is thin , and transparent , the light shining , though transparent doth not onely shew the light , but the light gives those figures a glosse . Some figures , as I have said , are as it were all of one piece , as some sorts of earth , water , vapor , and ayr , which may be metamorphosed , by contracting and dilation . Others of divers pieces , and several works , as Vegetables , and Animals , wherein are joynts and knots , some parts soft , and some liquid , some firme , some hard , every part having a several figure , which varieties and contrarieties serve to the consistence , and preservation , but of one perfect figure ; but Animals of all other figures have the most variety of works , and several motions . Chap. 81. Of the dull and innated matter . SOme may say , that if there were infinite dull and in-moving matter , some of it may lie unmoved eternally . I answer , that cannot be , for as there is infinite dulnesse and solidity ; so there is infinite acutenes and facility , by which I mean searching , and penetrating , which in some sense makes it equal , if there be equality in infinite , but the innating matter works not upon the dull matter , as upon a new material ; for the innate matter is mixt with the dull part of matter ; For the innated matter moves in the dull part of matter , and on the dull part of matter , as I have described in my first part , for the innated matter takes not fresh and new ( as I may say ) for distinction sake , to make a figure with ; but turns the dull matter into several figures , joyning each degree as the innate matter will , or as it is proper for such a kinde of figure , for some degrees of matter will not make , I do beleeve some kinde of figures , but the dull part of matter , is not mixed in the innate matter , although the innate matter is mixed in that , for the innate matter is pure in it self , without any gross mixture , for it is the infinite pure part of matter infinite , it is the spirits , or essence of nature . Chap. 82. An answer to an old question , what becomes of the shape , or figure , or outward forms of the old figure , when the nature takes a new form . ALL Created , or not created , or created , and dissolved again , figures or forms , lie in onely matter , either in by parts , or in the whole , for the materials of every figure is but of one matter , and the lump of all figures is the figure of eternal matter , for the infinite particular of figures , is the infinite form , shape , or figure of infinite and eternal matter , and the creation , disposals , and dissolvings of figures , are the several actions of that onely matter ; for infinite motions are the infinite life , of the infinite and eternal life , which life , is as eternal matter , being part of the matter it self , and the manner of moving is but the several actions of life ; for it is not an absence of life when the figure dissolves , but an alteration of life , that is , the matter ceaseth not from moving , for every part hath life in it , be the parts never so small , or disperst amongst other parts , and if life , there must be consequently sense , if sense , knowledge , then there can be no death , if every part hath life in it , so that which we call death , is onely an alteration of such motions , in such a figure , in onely matter . Chap. 83. Of Transmigrations . TRansmigrations are not metamorphosed , for to metamorphose is to change the shape and interior form , but not the intellect , which cannot be without a new creation , nor then , but so as partly the intellect changes , with the shape and interior form , but all bodies are in the way of transmigrations perpetually . As for example , the nourishing food that is received into the stomack transmigrated into Chylus , Chylus into blood , blood into flesh , flesh into fat , and some of the chylus migrated into humors , as Choler , Flegme , and melancholy ; some into excrement , which transmigrats through the body , into dung , dung into earth , earth into Vegetables , Vegetables into Animals ; again by the way of food , and likewise Animals into Animals , and Vegetables into Vegetables , and so likewise the elements . But indeed all creatures are created by the way of transmigration . As for example , hens , or other fouls lay eggs , and then sit on them , from whence a nourishing heat is transmigrated from the hen into the eggs , which transmigrates into a kinde of a Chylus , then into blood , blood into flesh , flesh into sinews , sinews into bones , and some into veines , arteries , brains , and the like . For transmigration is onely the mixing sifting , searching , tempering faculty , of innated matter , which is self-motion , and motion is the onely transmigrater , otherwise infinite matter would lie idle eternally , though I cannot well conceive how infinite can be without motion ; but howsoever we perceive so much as there are proper motions , and mixtures of matter belonging to every particular figure ; and though figures doth produce figures ; yet figures do not order the creation , for it is not the figures that create , but creation that produceth by figures , which creation is motion , which motion is innated matter , which matter creates and dissolves by the way of transmigrations , all figures dissolving to create , and creates to dissolve , but dissolving , and creation , which is that we call life and death , hath onely a reference to the figures , but not of the nature of the matter . Chap. 84. Of metamorphosing of Animals and Vegetables . IT is impossible for Animals and vegetables to be metamorphosed , without a creation , as to transform a man into a tree , or a tree into a man , nor a man into the form of a beast , as to turn mans-flesh into horse-flesh , or horse-flesh into mans-flesh or one mans-flesh to turn into another mans-flesh , or an Oak , into a Cypres , or a Cypres into an Oak , and so the like in all Vegetables , and Animals ; thus Transforming the interior forms , or rather changing the interior form , like garments , putting one , and another interior form , upon one and the same intellect nature , which is impossible , by reason the interior forms , and intellect natures , are inseparable , so that destroying the one , destroyes the other , and a change cannot be made of either , without the dissolution of the whole , no more then a man can change the whole building , without pulling down the house , for though they may make some alterations in the outward shape as to add something more , or take away , and make all lesse , or thicker , or thinner , or higher or lower ; but cannot alter the interior form , which is the foundations , but if they pull it down , the same materials may be put into another form , or into the same form it was at first , but it must first be new built again , before it can have those forms , and they must stay the time of building ; so for every Vegetable creature , and Animal creature , they cannot be metamorphosed , by the reason metamorphosing is to change their forms without a new creation , and they cannot change their forms without a dissolution , and then created anew , by reason the intellect , and the interior form is as one body , and not to be separated ; for the interior forms of these creatures , and the intellects depend upon one another , and without one the another cannot be . The intellect , and the interior form may be divided together into parts ; but not separated apart , though the several sorts of one and the same kinde , as Animal kinde may be mixed in their creations , as to be some part a beast , some part a dog , or the like , and part a man , and some creature partly a bird , and partly a beast , or partly a beast and partly a fish ; yet the intellect is mixt with the interior form , and the exterior shape with the interior form . The like in vegetables , and if the interior forms , and intellects of each sort , nay of each creature , cannot be changed , much lesse of each kinde , thus the intellect natures , and interior forms of it , can never be without a new creation , and as for the exterior shapes of Animals may be altered but not changed ; for Animals of all other creatures have their shapes most unite to the interior form , and 〈◊〉 intellect nature of any other creature in nature . But I desire my readers not to mistake me , for want of terms , and words of Art. For the interior or intellect nature I mean is such properties , disposition , constitution , Capacity , and the like ; that makes it such a creature . The interior form is such a substance , and such a sort as flesh , or fish , or wood , or metal , and not onely so , but such a sort of flesh , as mans-flesh , horse-flesh , dogs-flesh , and the like . So the wood of oak , the wood of maple , the wood of ash ; And the like , so the gold metal , the iron metal , and the like . For horse-flesh is not mans-flesh , nor the wood of oak , the wood of ash , nor the metal of gold , the metal of iron . And as for the exterior form , I mean the outward shape . Chap. 85. The Metamorphosing of the exterior forms , of some figures . ALL figures that are of a united piece , as water and fire are , and not in parts , as not having several parts of different natures , as Animals and Vegetables have , may be Metamorphosed out of one form into another , and rechange into the original form again , yet it is onely their exterior form , not their interior nature . As for example , water that is frozen , or turned to hail , or snow , the exterior is onely metamorphosed ; For the interior nature which is the circular line is unaltered , likewise when the circular line is extenuated into air , the interior circle line is not changed ; but when the interior nature is dissolved , and the matter it was composed of transmigrates into other figures . Likewise metals when the interior nature is changed , it cannot be rechanged again without a new creation ; for if we can turn onemetal into another , yet it is not as the way of metamorphosing , but transmigrating , otherwayes we may say , we can turn Animals and Vegetables into water , when we distil them , but the magick of Chymistry shall nor return them to their interior nature , nor exterior shape . Again , although their desires make them beleeve it possible to be done , but substracting is not metamorphosing , but rather transmigrating , and substracting is one of the chiefest faculties of transmigration . And as for those creatures that are composed of parts of different natures ( as I have said ) their exterior form cannot be metamorphosed , 〈◊〉 those motions that metamorphose one part , cannot metamorphose another . And though every part is different , yet they generally unite to the consistence of the whole figure , whereby the several transforming motions on the several parts would make such a confusion , as upon necessity must dissolve the intellect nature , and interior form of that 〈◊〉 figure , thus striving to alter would destroy . AN EPISTLE TO THE Unbeleeving Readers IN NATURAL PHILOSOPHY . MAny say that in natural Philosophy , nothing is to be known , not the cause of any one thing , which I cannot perswade my self is truth ; for if we know effects , we must needs know some causes , by reason that effects are the causes of effects , and if we can knowbut one effect , it is an hundred to one , but we shall know how to produce more effects thereby . Secondly , the natural Philosophy is an endless study without any profitable advantage ; but I may answer , that there is no Art nor Science , but is produced thereby , if they will without partiality consider from whence they are derived . Thirdly , that it is impossible that any thing should be known in natural Philosophy , by reason it is obscure and hid from the knowledge of man-kinde . I answer , that it is impossible that nature should perfectly understand , and absolutly know her self , because she is infinite , much lesse can any of her works know her . Yet it doth not follow , that nothing can be known , because all is not known . As for example , there are several parts of the world discovered , yet it is most likely not all , nor may be never shall be , yet most think that the whole world is found , because Drake , and Cavendish went in a circular line until they came to the place where they set out at first . And I am most confident that most of all thought all the world was known unto them before the West-Indies were discovered , and the man which discovered it in his brain before he had travelled on the navigable sea , and offered it to King Henry the seventh , who slighted him as a foolish fellow , not beleeving his intelligence , and no question there were many that laughed at him , as a vain fool , others pitied him , as thinking him mad , and others scorned him , as a cheating fellow , which would have couzened the King of England of a sum of money ; but the Queen of Portugal being wiser then 〈◊〉 rest imployed him , and adventured a great summe of money to set him forth on his way , which when the successe was according to the mans Genius brain , and had brought the Queen by the discovery , gold and silver mines for her Coine , then all other nations envied the King of Spain who was heir , and like a company of dogs which fight for a bone , went together by the ears , to be sharers with him . So the Bishop , who declared his opinion , of the Antipodes , was not onely cryed down , and exclaimed against by the vulgar which hates all ingenuity , but learned Scholers stood up against him , and the great and grave Magistrates condemned him as an Atheist for that opinion , and for that reason put him from his Bishoprick , and though he had favour to spare his life , which opinion hath since been found out by Navigators , but the ignorant & unpractised brains , think all impossible that is unknown unto them . But put the case many went about to finde that which can never be found ( as they said natural Philosophy is ) yet they might finde in the search that they did not expect , which might prove very beneficial to them ; or put the case ten thousand should go ten thousand wayes to seek for a cabinet of precious Jewels , and all should misse of it but one , shall that one be scorned and laughed at for his good fortune , or industry ? this were a great injustice . But ignorance and envy strives to take off the glosse of truth , if they cannot wholy overthrow it ; and those that write must arm themselves with negligence against censure . For my part I do , for I verily beleeve , that ignorance and present envie will slight my book ; yet I make no question , when envy is worn out by time , but understanding will remember me in after ages , when I am changed from this life ; but I had rather live in a general remembrance , then in a particular life . Earth Metamorphosed into water , water Metamorphosed to vapor , Aire and fire , at least into heat . PART III. CHAP. 86. MOtion forms a round lump of earth , or such like matter , by extenuating swels it out , and as the swelling increases , the circumferent enlargeth , and when it s extended further then this solid form , it becomes pores , and the parts looser . This degree of extenuation , makes it mud , when it extends further then the degree of mud , it turns to a softer form , as that of slime ; the fourth extenuating degree shapes it into a perfect ring drawing all the loose parts into a compasse line , this becomes water , and the difference of a lump , or ball of earth to the watry circle , for a round lump is when there is no space , or distinct lines , and a circular ring is a distinct line with a hollow center , that is , an empty place , in the midst of a round line , so they may be a round ball , but not a ring , or a round circle line , and a circle line and not a ball , and as I said , when it comes to such a degree , of extenuating , it turns water , that is , to be wet , liquid and fluid , and according as the circles are , is the water more or lesse , and according as the lines are extenuated , or contracted , is the water thicker or thinner , colder or hotter , heavier or lighter , and according as the lines are round , or flat-edge , pointed , or smooth , is the water fresh , sharp , salt , or bitter , but these circles may not onely dilate , and contract several wayes , but after several fashions , as to make vapor , air , fire , snow , hail , ice , and frost , as I shall declare in my following chapters . Chap. 87. Of wetnesse . WE may perceive that whatsoever is hot and dry , and cold and dry , shrinks inward as towards the center , and whatsoever is hot and moist , and cold and moist , dilates as towards the circumference , so that all moisture is wrought by extenuating motions , and drought , by contracting motions , and not onely extenuating motions , but such sorts of extenuating motions , and drought by contracting motions , and notonely extenuating motions , but such sorts of extenuating motions as in circular figures , which circular figures make water , so soft , smooth , and flowing , smooth , because circular ; for Circles make it smooth , the figures having no end extenuating makes it softby spreading and loosing the parts , as flowing by reason dilations drive all outward as toward the circumference yet the degree of extenuating may out-run the degree of wet ; for wet is in such a degree of extenuating circles as I may say , the middle degree , yet there are many sorts of wet , as oylie , wet , and watry ; but I have described that in my chapter of oyl , but I take oyl rather to be liquid and moist , then wet ; For there is difference betwixt moist , liquid , and wet , for though moist and liquid is in a degree of wet , yet it is not an absolute wet , for dissolved gums are liquid , not wet , melted Sugers are liquid , not wet , oyl is more liquid then wet , and smoak may be said to be liquid , as being of an oyly nature , and air rather to be moist then wet , and dust , Ashes , flame , light , winde , may be said to be fluid , but not liquid nor wet . Chap. 88. Of Circles . A Circle is a round figure without ends , having a circumference , and a center , and the figure of a circle , may be many wayes contracted , but can be but in one way extenuated , which is by inlarging the compasse , of the line ; and the reason is , because it is a round piece , without ends ; for a straight line may be drawn out at either end ; but if a circle be drawn out of the compasse , it may stretch out of the one side , but it will pull in the other side after it , unlesse the line be broke , and then it is no longer a circle , thus we can extend no part out , but another part must contract to give way to that part that goeth out . Chap. 89. Of Softnesse . ALL that is wett is soft , I mean that which is naturally wet ; but all that is soft is not wet , as hair , wool , feathers , and the like . Likewise all that is soft or wet is made by extenuating motions ; now some may ask me , why extenuating motions should cause figures to be soft , more then any other ? I answer , first , that all extentions causeth porousnesse , or spunginesse , by spreading or loosing parts , and all that are porous tend to hollownesse , and all that is hollow tends to slacknesse , and all that are porous hollow , and slack tend to softnesse ; for we may perceive whatsoever figure is porous , is not so firm , strong , nor hard , as those which are close compact ; for that which hath no Vacuum , or Convenient distance , hath not so much Liberty , as that which hath Vacuum ; for Vacuum is space and distance betwixt parts , which gives those parts liberty to move , and remove , and that which hath most liberty is most loose , and that which is most loose is least contracted , and that which is least contracted , is most pliant , and that which is most pliant is soft . But I desire my Readers would not mistake me , for as there is hard , soft , light , heavy , thick , thin , quick , slow , belonging to the nature of the onely infinite matter , so there are belonging to such shapes , or figures made by the working of the infinite motions making infinite figures out of infinite matter ; but the difference is , that what is in the nature cannot be altered , but what is done by the working of motions may be undone again , for the effects may alter , but not the cause ; thus motion and figure , or figure by motion may alter , but not the nature of the matter ; For motion and figure are but the effects of the onely and infinite matter &c. Chap. 90. Of Liquors . ALL liquors are wrought by extenuating motions , and all that is liquid and wet , are circles extenuated to such a degree , and after such a manner , and all that are liquid and wet , is either water or of the nature of water , as also of oyls , vitrals , strong-waters , all juices from fruits , herbs , or the like , or any thing that is liquid and wet ; but though all that is liquid and wet naturally agree in extenuating circles , yet their circle lines are different , which causeth the different effects , for some have different effects interiorly , others exteriorly , and some both interiorly , and exteriorly , for some have circular lines of points , others have circular lines pointed , others have circular lines of points pointed , others have circular lines of points edged , some have smooth circle lines onely edged ; as the sharp edge of a knife , or the like , others have circle lines edged of one side of the line , and pointed on the other side , some their circle lines are flat , others their circle lines are round , some their circle lines are twisted , others plain , some checkred , others smooth , some more sharpe-edged , or pointed then other ; some smoother , and some rougher then other ; And infinite more that I know not how to describe ; But these lines , nor circle points , nor edges , are not subject to our senses , although their effects may make them subject to our reason , for nature works beyond our sense , but reason is part of the sense of nature ; but of all wet liquors oyl is most different from the effects of water , for all other wet liquors do strive to quench fire , but oyl doth assist it , yet all vitrals have an exterior burning faculty , which oyl hath not , and although all strong wet liquors will flame when it is set on fire , yet they will quench out fire , if enough be cast thereon . Chap. 91. The extention and contraction of circles . THe nature of extention strives to get ground , that is , space , or compasse , and to disperse , or level parts as it were , and the nature of contraction strives to thrust out space and compasse , and to thrust up parts close together , and this is the reason that a circle may contract so many several wayes , because contraction flings out the compasse , and makes use of the line , laying the line into millions of several works . And yet the exterior form which is the circular line , be one and the same , that is , the circular line is not divided , but when those works are undone , and the line extended to the full compasse , it receives the original form , which is a round circle ; for as they were contracted without breaking the circle , so they may be extended into a circle again . Likewise the circular forms may be wrought with mixt motions , as partly by contraction , and partly by extenuation , as when a round circle is wound about a staff , or pole , or the like ; for though the winding about the staff be a contracting motion , or at least one way , which is when it draws inward , as towards the center , yet by winding it length-wayes , or upward , is a kinde of an extenuation . Likewise , a circle or smoak when it curls in rings , before the circle break , as we shall oft times see it doth contract , as folding and half curling , so it extenuates as it spreads and weares out . Likewise take a round string , that is , joyn the two ends , and put this circular string double , and then winde it serpentine wayes , and the like , and though the winding , or twisting about is contracting , yet winding or twisting one ring before another is extenuating . Here have I set down after what manner of wayes are contracted , or continuated circles , and thus millions of several works may by circles be wrought , and several figures made thereof ; Likewise for circular lines , some may be broad , some narrow , some round , some flat , some edged , some twisted , but those that are flat are most apt to be edged . Likewise there may be circle lines with smooth lines , some pointed , some checkred , some twisted , some braided , and the like . But although the circle compasse is perfect , yet the line is not a perfect Circular compasse , because the roughnesse makes it uneven . Thus as I have said before , milions of changes may be in circles , but perchance some will say , it is no longer a circle , when it is turned square , or triangular-wayes , or the like . I answer , it is a circle squared , but not a circle broke , for as long as the circle is whole , the interior nature is not dissolved , let the exterior figure be after what manner it will or can ; for still it is a natural circle , although it be put into a Mathematical square , or the like ; so those exterior figures , are but changed shapes , not the natural form , but a natural square is to have four distinct lines , and a triangle three distinct lines , and a cupe six , as I take it , or sixteen ; but it is to be observed , that all those figures that naturally are made of one piece , without distinct parts , or several tempered matter , may change , and rechange their shapes , and yet keep their own interiour nature intire , that is the nature proper to such a figure ; but those figures that are made of many distinct parts , or several tempered matter , would make such a confusion in their transformations , as would ruin the intire foundations . Chap. 92. Of congealed water . WAter is not alwayes exteriorly wet , or fluid , as we may see alwayes when it is congealed to snow , ice , and hail , yet still it is water , keeping the interior nature of being wet and fluid , onely the cold contractions have , as may say , altered the face or countenance thereof ; for it is to be observed , as there are extenuating motions , thrusting and stretching , inlarging further and wider out in compasse , bredth , length , and depth , as from the center to the circumference , so there are contracting motions together , draw winde , twist and pull in , as from the circumference to the center , and not onely by interior motions , but exterior motions ; as for example , cold contraction upon water circles , or any thing that is porous and spungie , draws , and gathers them into several works , or draws them into a lesse compasse , as strings do a purse , or like fishers or faulkners nets . But snow , hail , and frost , and ice is made by a level contraction , as if a Circular line should be laid upon a flat ground , and be drawn a particular work , as for example , according to the number of watry circles , there is such a quantity of water , and if the quantity of water be more then the strength of the cold contraction , it is frozen more or lesse , now the several figures which cold contraction draws to make snow , hail , ice , and frost , are after this manner , as first the interior nature of the water is a round circle like a ring . When it contracts into hail , the exterior figure contracts into a ball , or lump , as if one should winde up a double line , or thread into a bundle , or bottom . Snow is made by contraction , as if one should draw a round line into a three square figure , as triangular way . Ice , as if we should draw a round line into a four square figure , as after a cupe way . Frost is made by such contracting motions , as if a round line should be drawn into a surfling , as a crackling figure . When this congealed cold thaws , it is either by the interior strength of dilating motions , or by an exterior heat that draws these contractions out into smooth extenuating circles again . Thus circular lines may be drawn from the round compasse , to be four square , three square , or length-wayes , as one would clap the brim of 〈◊〉 hat together ; and millions of several works , and never divide the circular lines , but I will not say by a Mathematicall rule , though nature is beyond our learning . And that which makes ice and hail more shining then frost , and snow , is , that the lines are evener ; for all figures that are composed by the way of lines , are apt to shine , and those figures that have fewest points , or ends are smoothest . Now some may say , or ask , why I should think snow is made triangular wayes ? My reason is , because it seems rougher , and not so united as ice , or hail , which shews the interior figure hath more points , or unevener numbers , or unequal lines , and a triangular figure is not so smooth , or at least seems not so , as a circular , a paralel , or cupe ; for in the angulars the points and lines are odd , and the lines run slope-wayes , whereas the figure of a cupe , although it hath more points , yet the figure is more proportionable , by the even number of the points and lines ; for as there are four points , so there are four equal lines , which make an equal number , when in the figure of a triangular the points and lines are odd ; for though there are a plural number , yet it is an uneven number , as being odd . And as I have said , the lines are slope when the figure of a cupe is just square , besides triangular points being odd , multiplie and substract by reflections , as we shall see by triangular glasses , that from one face millions are made by subdividings . Thus what is made uneven by odd numbers , are made even by equal numbers , and the odd points , and slope lines , make the figure of snow rough , and the equal points , and straight lines make the figure of ice smooth , but I treat here of exterior figures , or rather countenances , not of the interior form , for their contractions change the exteriors , not the interiors . But if 〈◊〉 be out , and mistake , either in termes of art , or otherwise , I must intreat my readers to pardon it , for I am no Mathematician , onely I have gathered here and there some little parcels or crums from the discourse of my friends , for I have not much kept the company of strangers , nor conversed with dead Authors by books , but these parcels I have got , I place according to my own fancy , if they sound probably , I have my ends , and the lines of my desires are pointed with a satisfaction . Chap. 93. Motion changing the figure from water to fire . VVHen these watry circle lines begin to inlarge , they grow smaller , and thereby become lesse wet , and more thinne , as vapor which is lesse wet then water , and not so grosse ; for as I said before , when the circle comes in such a degree of extenuating , it becomes wet , and beyond such a degree , it becomes lesse wet ; and so lesse and lesse , as beforè it came to such a degree , it became more and more wet , as from being pores to soft , from soft to liquid , from liquid to wet , likewise from wet to moist , from moist to thin , which thin is air . But when the extenuating lines come to such a degree of smalnesse , as to cut , as a very smal line will do , which is to such a degree , as to be sharp as an edge , it makes it in a degree towards burning fire , so far as to become sulphury hot , as we know by the sense of feeling , we finde the air to be hot . This sort of air which is made of watry circles , is like seething hot water , for it is a moist heat , and not like the natural air , for this is but a Metamorphosed air ; for the interior nature of water is undissolved , onely the exterior is altered , the lines being become small and edged , by the fair extenuations , but when those circles extenuate smaller then the quantity of matter will afford to give a compasse , it breaks , and turns to hot burning fire ; for the extenuating motions therein ceasing not , do stretch those lines so smal , as they fall into pointed parts ; this alters the interior nature from being water , to burning fire , for the interior nature of water is the circle line , but if those lines be drawn by contracting motions into bigger lines , and lesse circles , it becomes from thin hot air to vapor , or mists , and from vapor to water , and so from water to slime , from slime to mud , from mud to earth , as it did extenuate , so it contracts , if nothing hinders the same ; for contraction draws in the lines to such a bignesse , like as a smaller thred to a bigger thred , so from the thinnest air to the thickest air , from grosse air to the thin vapor , from thin vapor to thick vapor , fromthick vapor to water to slime , fromslime to mud , from mud to earth ; but according as the contracting and dilating motions are quick , or slow , it is sooner or longer turning out of one shape into another , and if any of the circular lines break by other motions or figures before it coms to the furthest extention , the quantity becomes lesse wasting that matter into figures of other natures , being dissolved from that natural figure ; thus that ball , or lump may be dissolved , like as Animals , or the like ; For no question these balls are created and dissolved as Animal kinde , and are as numerous as other creatures , and some lasting longer then others , and some dissolving sooner ; though their creations are different , one being produced by procreation , the other by extenuation : thus these elements are increaseable , and decreaseable , and other creature are ; and when the interior nature is altered , it dissolves as other creatures do , onely the exterior with the interior dissolves , which most of other creatures do not , for when the interior is altered in Animals , the exterior is perfect , and dissolves more by degrees . Chap. 94. Of Oyl . OYL is partly of the nature of fire , and partly of the nature of water ; for as it is soft , fluid , liquid , and moist , it is of the nature of water ; as it is hot burning and flamable , it is of the nature of fire , for that which makes it fludi and liquid , is by extenuations , and that which makes it moist and liquid is by extenuating circles , and that which makes it burning , is , that those circular lines are composed of pointed parts , which when fire and oyl meets , the fire breaking those lines a sunder , sets those pointed parts at liberty , which causeth it to rise in a flame , and the reason why it flames , is , that it doth not suddenly lose the circular extenuating nature ; for flame is somewhat of the nature of water , as being fluid , though not wet , and the reason why flame is fluid , is , because it ascends in a circular motion , for though the ascent be in a strict parrelled line , yet the matter is after a circular figure , as a hollow spungy body , as after this manner or the like , which shuts upward , like an arrow out of a bow , onely imagining the arrow to be in serpentine * shape , and to turn and spin about as it ascends , likewise the body to extend , or spread outward , according to the bulk or quantity , which several figures , or several motions , may be all at one time , and in one and the same thing , and work to one and the same effect , and to several effects at the same time , which causeth it to be fluid , liquid , and light , for light as well as oyl , water , or flame , is fluid , caused by extenuating motions , for as water will run forward when it hath liberty , or run backward in a torrent when it is stopt , so light will enter when it hath passage , or run back by reflection if it be stopt , but all those fluidities are different by reason their extenuations are different ; For light is caused by swift extenuating paralel lines ; water , oyl , and the like by extenuating circular lines , which make it moist , and liquid , as well as fluid , but flame takes part from all , for it is light and fluid by the swift extenuating parallel lines , it ascends in , and liquid , although not wet , by the circular motions it ascends up in , and burning by the sharp parts it is composed of ; vitral is after the same nature of oyl , onely the lines are edged , as a knife , or the like , or sharp edged tools , which make it have an exterior pressing quality , as burning fire hath ; but the exterior of oylie lines are smooth , which makes it soft , and glib , and not so sharp and penetrating as vitrals , or the like are . Thus flame , light , oyl , fire vitrals , waters , have mixt motions , to make one figure , and many figures , to make those figures which make them to be of mixt qualities producing mixt effects , as indeed all effects are of a mixt nature . Chap. 95. Of Metals . ALL Metals are created after the manner of circle lines , as water , onely the lines in metal are contracted , as drawing inwards , and water circle lines are extended outward , but in all metals the circle lines are flat , and edged , having a cutting and a subdividing nature , and by reason the exteriour nature is of a circle figure , it is apt to be fluid , and to flow as water doth , when the exterior is melted by forcible motions , then it is one , as that of fire , which draws out the contracted circles of metals , causing it to be fluid by extention , yet the extention is not natural , as it is in water , but forced by an over-powerful motion ; for the nature of metal is not to be fluid , which is the reason that assoon as it can get libertie , that is , when the moer strong motions let go their hold , it contracts into a firm and hard body : again , it breaks not the interior circle , for then the nature alters , for as much as metals loseth in the weight , so much is changed of that quantity , from the natural quality , and though some metals do not , wast in quantity , which is to change in quality , so soon as others , yet they are all dissolvable , although some say gold is not dissolvable ; but sure that opinion proceeds from impatience in man-kinde , not to stay the time , or rather for want of longer time of life , having not so lasting a life , as to observe the alteration , as the dissolution of gold , or perhaps they have not the right wayes to dissolve it ; for certainly it is as all other figures are , dissolvable , and not fixt everlastingly in one body , Chymists make gold as a god , unalterable . Chap. 96. Of the Load-stone . ME thinks 't is strange , that men should wonder more at the nature of the Load-stone in attracting iron , and in the norths attracting o f the needle touched with the Loadstone , then at the suns attracting of vapor . But some will say , that it is the nature of fluiditie , of which nature vapor is one , to move with facility , and not the nature of solidity , of which nature iron is one , which is heavy and slow ; but I say , if the attracting motion in one body be stronger then the contracting , and retentive motions in the other body , and those figures motions work with , be advantagious ; I see no reason but a fluid body may attract a solid body ; For it is not the substance of the body that works , or produceth effects , but the agility , subtility , or strength of motion , and advantage of the shape , so that the working power is more in motion and figure , then meerly the matter ; as for example , doth not experience prove that fluid , vitral , will work through solid metal , the reason is , because the expulsive motions in the vitral and sharp points , are stronger then the contracting motions , in the metal and blunt edges : but some will ask me , why the Load-stone attracts onely iron ? such a question I ask , why beauty should forcibly attract the eye ? they will answer by sympathy ; and I have heard , that it was the opinion of learned men , that sympathy had the same effect , betwixt the Load-stone and iron , but I think it not so much in sympathy , as supremacy . Besides , it is the nature of contracting motions , of which the Load-stone is strongly inhabited withal , to work on that which is without it , as from it , not within it , or as it were upon it , which no other visible kinde of motion doth . And certainly the Load-stone is composed of sharp figures , yet not of such sorts as heats or burns , and those figures do issue out as beams do from the sun : and as they draw the iron , they back return , and as the bright beams issue from the sun , do neither weaken nor lessen it , so the visible beams that issue out of the Load-stone , neither make it lesser or weaker ; yet the beams of the Load-stone , do as the sun beams , the farther they spread out , the lesse strength they have to draw ; Besides , if other motions which oppose , and are stronger then the natural motions , may weaken the strength , as accidental maladies mayweaken Animals , or shrewd and froward weather vegetables , or the natural consisting motions proper to that figure , may turn to expulsive motions , and over-power the natural attracting motions , that issued there-from . But as I have said , it seems the attractive power of the Loadstone , is stronger then the irons retentive power , and sharp figures that issue there-from , are more advantagious then the blunt edges in the iron ; and as the sharp figures in fire unknit and loosen the contractive body of metals , making them fluid , so the sharp points that issue in lines from the Load-stone fasten to iron , drawing it to it ; and as fire works upon several bodies after a different manner of way , according to the nature of the body it works on , producing divers effects ; so for all I can perceive may the Load-stone ; for certainly we do not know , nor never can come to that knowledge , as to perceive the several effects , that are produced from the least , or as we account the most inconsiderable creature made in nature ; so that the Load-stone may work as variously upon several bodies , as fire , and produce as various effects , although nor to our sense , nor after the same manner of wayes , that fire doth , and as fire works variously upon various bodies , so there are fires , as several sorts , and those several ral sorts have several effects , yet one and the same kinde , but as the causes in nature are hid from us , so are most of the effects ; but to conclude my discourse , we have onely found that effect of the Load-stone , as to draw iron to it ; but the attracting motion is in obscurity , being invisible to the sense of man , so that his reason can onely discourse , & bring probabilities , to strengthen his arguments , having no perfect knowledge in that , nor in any thing else , besides that knowledge we have of several things , comes as it were by chance , or by experience , for certainly all the reason man hath , would never have found out that one effect of the Load-stone , as to draw iron , had not experience or chance presented it to us , nor the effect of the needle , and all the ages before , I mean those we have Records of , were ignorant of that one effect , and perchance other ages may finde out some other effects produced therefrom , which these ages are ignorant of ; And as our knowledge comes slow , and in parts , and pieces , so we know but parts and pieces of every particular thing , neither is the generality of our senses capable of one and the same knowledge ; for what one sense knowes , another sense is ignorant of , and questionlesse there are some things in nature that it is impossible for our senses to be made acquainted therewith , as being too curious for our senses , but not to some other senses ; for 〈◊〉 nature hath as many different senses , as other works ; indeed all things are wrought by sensitive motions , which 〈◊〉 needs create a sensitive knowledge in every thing , and where knowledge is , reason is ; for knowledge is reason , and sense is knowledge ; but sense and reason work in several figures , different wayes , and not onely in different figures , but in one and the same figure . Chap. 96. Of the needle . I Perceive the norths attraction of the Load-stone is not after the same manner of attraction , as the Load-stone attracts iron , for the attractions of the Load-stone draws iron to it , but the attraction of the north draws the Load-stone towards it , by the turning it that way , as the Sun will do the the heads of some sorts of flowers ; For if the north attracted the Load-stone , as the Load-stone iron , the Load-stone would be in a perpetual motion , travelling to the north pole , unlesse it were fixt , but I do not hear that a Load-stone doth remove out of the place wherein it is , but it turns , as I may say , the face towards it ; now the question will be whether the Loadstone turns it self towards the north , or the north turns by compulsion , or by sympathy , the experiment will be by iron , that if a great quantity of iron should be said at one side of the needle , whether the needle would not vary from the north towards the iron , if it do , it shews the Load-stone turns itself towards the north , or else it could not turn from the north , for certainly the north hath a greater operative power to turn the Load-stone to it , then the Load-stone could have to turn it self from it , so if a quantity of iron can cause the needle to vary , it shews that the Load-stone turns to the north by a self motion , and not the motions of the north that make it turn to it , but if it varies not towards the iron , then the north forces it , unlesse the Load-stone takes more delight to view the norths frowning face , then to imbrace hard iron , or that the feeding appetite is stronger then the viewing delight ; for it onely turns it self to the face of the north , but if it turns not it self , the north forces it to turn , which as I have said before , is to be found by the experiments of iron ; but if it turns it self , I beleeve it may receive some refreshments from those raies which stream from the north , for all things turn with self-ends ; for certainly every thing hath self-love , even hard stones , although they seem insensible , so the Load-stone may work as various effects upon several subjects , as fire , but by reason we have not so much experience of one as the other , the strangenesse creates a wonder , for the old saying is , that ignorance is the mother of admiration , but fire which produceth greater effects by invisible motions , yet we stand not at such amaze as at the Load-stone , because these effects are familiar unto us . But per chance the Load-stone is nourished by iron as many creatures are by heat , for though the creatures are nourished there with , yet the heat alters not its vertue , nor the body in whichthe heat inheres , loses not the property of heating , the sun is not weakned by warming the earth , though the earth is stronger by the warm ' th of the sun ; but warm ' th feeds after a spiritual manner , not a corporal , and as somethings are nourished by warm'th , so others by cold , as ice , snow , and many other things that are above number . So the Load-stone may be refreshed , although not fed by the cold north , and as fire is fed by fuel , so is the vertual part of the Load-stone by iron , or as exercise gets health and strength to Animal bodies , so doth the Load-stone on iron , and as idlenesse breeds faintnesse , or weaknesse , 〈◊〉 doth the Load-stone from iron . Chap. 98. Of stone . FIre hath more power over Metals in some sense , then on stone , and in some sense hath more power over stone then metals . For fire will sooner melt metal , then dissolve stone , but when the exterior form of stone is dissolved , it is changed from the nature of being stone , and be comes dust and ashes . And though metal would likewise change the interior nature , if the exterior form were dissolved , yet metal , although it be melted , keeps the interior nature , and exterior form , but not the exterior motions ; for metal is metal still , although it be melted , onely it becoms fluid , this sheweth that fire doth not onely alter the exterior motion of stone , but dissolves , the exterior form , and so the interior nature , which in metal it doth not , unlesse a more forcible fire be applied thereto then will serve to melt ; which shewes , that although the interior motions of stone be contractions , as all solid bodies are , yet the interior , nor exterior natural figure is not circular as metals are , for stone cannot be made fluid , and as it were liquid as metal will be , but crumbles into dust , and wasts , as wood or the like , and not evaporates away as water , which metal doth ; This sheweth that the exterior and interior natural form of stone is composed of parts , and not in one piece , as a circle ; I do not mean in one piece , as the exterior bulk , but in one piece , in the exterior , and interior nature ; For though you may pound , or file metal to dust , that dust as small as Atoms , the like may be done to stone , wood , and flesh , or any thing that is dividable , yet it will keep the nature of being metal , stone , wood , flesh , or the like , although the parts be no bigger then an Atom ; but if you do dissolve the exterior nature , the interior nature doth dissove also , thus the exterior form may be altered , but not dissolved , without a total dissolution . Chap. 99. Of burning . ALL that is hot is not of a burning faculty , nor all that is burning is not actually hot , and though Burning Motions work several wayes according to the temperament of the matter , and composure of the figures it meets with , yet the nature of all kinds of burnings is to expulse by a piercing and subdividing faculty , provided that the burning Motions , and burning figures are strong enough to incounter what opposeth them ; but when the opposed bodies and motions have an advantage , either by strength , or otherwayes , it alters the nature and faculty of burning , and many times there is great dispute and long combats amongst the several motions , and different figures , for the preheminency . Chap. 100. Of different burning . THough all that is of a burning nature , or faculty may be called fire , yet all that hath a burning nature , or faculty is not of that sort of fire , which is a bright , shining , hot , glowing fire , as for example , vitrals , brimstone , oyl , or spirits , or that we call cordials , or hot-waters , or any of the like nature . Besides all burning figures , or motions , work not after one and the same manner , though after one and the same nature , being all of a burning quality , or faculty , for some burn interiorly , others exteriorly , but as I havesaid all burning , is of a subdividing faculty . Chap. 101. Fires transformation . THe interior , and exterior figures of hot , glowing , burning , bright , shining fire are all one , and the motions working apart according to the nature of the figure it works on can change every thing it hath power over , into its own likenesse , yet the power , and strength doth alter somewhat according to the work , and becoms grosser , and finer , accoring to the temperaments , or degrees of that which they work on : as for example , wood that is set on fire , or a firy coal , is a grosser body of fire , then flaming oyl , or the like , that is such a sort of moist fluid matter set on fire , for fire takes hold , of the thinnest parts , as well as the thickest ; if they be such thin bodies which are subject to take fire , for when fire is set to wood , it doth not onely take hold of the solid'st parts , but those that are more porous , or fluid , as those that rise in smoak , which become a flaming body , which is a fluid fire , but there is a cold , dul , burning fire , as well as a hot , bright , burning , as all strong vitrals , and this we call hot water , or spirits , which have an exterior nature to burn , or dissolve other bodies , and an interior nature to flame , but it hath not an exterior nature to be hot , nor shining . Also there is another sort of fire , which onely hath an interior nature to flame , but the exterior is neither actually burning , nor hot , as sulphur , or oyl , though oyl is nothing , but a liquid sulphur , and sulphur a hardened oyl . But this cold dul fire hath not the power of transforming to its own likenesse , by reason there is some difference in the interiors to their exteriors , where the quick , hot , burning , bright , shining fire , the exterior and interior is all one , without any difference . Chap. 102. Of such sorts of heating Motions , as cause burning , melting , boiling , Evaporating and rarifying . BUrning , melting , boyling , and evaporating are caused by several motions , or several degrees or temperaments of matter . And though burning , melting , boyling , and evaporating , are caused by expulsive and dilating motions , yet al dilative and expulsive motions , work not after one and the same manner , but according as the matter is ; As for example , leather doth not burn as wood doth , yet both are dissolved by an expulsive motion . Besides , some figures do dissolve into flame , others moulder away into dust , and never flame , as stone , and many more examples may be given , but most commonly all burning motions do pierce , or shut , or wedge , in sharp tootht , or pointed figures ; into those figures they work upon , and then it dissolves it by expulsions ; for those sharp pointed figures , help motion to loosing , and unbinde those parts that they finde joyned and contracted , that they may more freely separate those parts and dissolve those figures , which as they dissolve the thinner parts , dilate into vapor , the lighter parts flie out into fiery points , which are those we call sparks of fire , but the grosser , and more solid part moulders away into dust and ashes , as being too heavy and solid for the points to spread forth , they can onely as it were chew it between their sharp teeth ; for ashes are nothing but chewed wood , yet this manner of chewing doth alter the nature from being wood , or any thing that burns after an expulsive manner , but those fiery motions that onely melt , or rather those figures that are not subject to burn , but onely to melt , is done by a stretching motion , for those motions do as it were thrust out the contracted parts , and cause them to extenuate ; but when the fiery motions cause any thing to boyl , they first stretch out the parts so far , as causeth those parts to be fluid , and as it were liquid , if those things were contracted , but if they be liquid and fluid of themselves , they save those fiery motions that labour , and when this motion strives to ascend with those loose parts , the liquor riseth up in bubbles , or waves , but when those fiery motions are over-poured by the weight , they fall back again ; thus the weight of the liquor , and the sharp points of the fire strive together , one party striving to ascend , the other to descend , so that those fiery motions , are to pull out , or to bear up , and the watry motion to pull , or presse down , but evaporating , is when the extenuating lines are stretcht so far out , as to break , or the lighter parts are carried away , and dispersed amongst other figures ; but all rarifying heats , are caused by slow dilating motions , and not expulsions , for if such sorts of dilations as make rarifying heat , were extended beyond the line of the matter they work on , it alters the nature of the figure , and the motions of that nature ; but rarifying heat is an extenuating motion , spreading parts equally , and evenly , but the farther they are spred , the more hot grows the heat , as neerer to expulsion , and though all rarifying heat is in the way of burning , yet not in the manner . But I must intreat my reader to take notice , that burning motions , make use of burning figures , for all sorts of motions work according to the matter and figure they work on , or in , or to . Chap. 103. Of quenching of fire . THere is such Antipathy betwixt fire , and some sorts of wets , as such wets as are made by smooth extenuating circles , as they never can agree when they do personally meet ; and indeed such sorts of wets , have such power over hot , burning , bright shining fire , as they never incounter , but fire is in danger to be quenched out , if there be not a sufficient quantity to break the watry circles , for it is not the coldnesse that quenches fire , but such sorts of wetnesse , for scalding water will quench out fire , and many sorts of liquors as wine , or the like , although they be flameable , yet if they be cast on this bright , hot , burning fire , it will quench it out , by reason they are more of the wet nature ; then the oyly , and sulphurous , or the burning or flaming faculty . T is true , that there are many liquors that are subject to burn , but there are few wets that have not power to quench , for the spherical drops do either blunt the fiery points , or disperse the the united body , or intangle them in the porous circles . Thus water hath the better unlesse the lines break in the combate , but when fire and water treat apart , or by an Attorny , or hath a body betwixt them to Moderate their * spleens they agree better , but in this treaty most commonly the water becoms weak by rarification , and evaporates into air by too strong , or too much extenuating , extending further then the wet compasse . Chap. 104. Of the quenching of fire , and evaporated Water . THe reason why water quenches fire , is , that the figure being spherical , and porous , gives distance and space of parts , where the sharp figures of fire , flying about to bite the circular lines asunder , that they may ravel out that figure of water , lose their strength both in their ffight and compasse , breaking their forces , by dispersing their parts , and intangling their dispersed parts in the hollow places , in the watry figure , like arrows that are shot into a net , seldom break the net , but intangle themselves , by reason there is no firm substance to strick on , or in ; for being soft and spungy , there is no stop , nor hold ; besides water being wet and wet in the nature is sticking , that when those sharp points do at any time break the lines , they joyn again , for being fluid each part moves to each other , and being wet they joyn , and being circular they unite , into the natural figure . Thus in a plain combat water most commonly hath the better of fire , if there be not too much odds on the fires fide for quantity , but when fire doth come by an undermining motion as when some other figures are betwixt them , then fire gets the better , by the help of those undermining motions . Chap. 105. Of a bright-shining hot , glowing , fire . IT is the nature of bright-shining , hot-glowing fires , to have both an interior , and an exterior burning , and is of such a kinde of subdividing nature , as it strives to dissolve all united parts , or bodies , and if it doth not dissolve all bodies it works on , as we shall see many things which grow harder with fire , yet is not that the nature would not dissolve such a thing , but the power cannot , for those bodies that grow harder with fire , opposes the power of fire , and strives by contraction to unite the looser parts , in a more solid body , to resist with more strength . Also some bodies grow hard by shrinking inward , for assoon as they feel the fire , they draw back , as from an enemy , having an Antipathy thereunto . Thus , it is not the fire that dries or hardens , or maks more solidity , but the opposite body that will not burn , having a strength to oppose , or a nature not to subject to this fire , or the fire hath not a sufficient power to overcome , but this sort of fire hath a general power , though some bodies will strongly resist it ; but it is the nature of this sort of fire , that most bodies they overcome , they first convert them into their own likenesse , but their natures being different , their prisoners die in the fiery arms of their enemies . Chap. 106. Of the drinesse of hot , burning , bright , shining fire . DRinesse hath such a relation to hot , burning , bright , shining fire , as moistnesse to water , for though interior motions are expulsive , yet the exterior is attractive , drawing all unto it , like a greedy appetite , and as the teeth doth mince the the food that is chewed , so doth the pointed figure , of fire , all it laies hold on , or enters into . Chap. 107. Of moist colds , and moist heats , of dry colds , and dry heats &c. HEat doth not make drought , for there is a temper of heat , and moist ; nor cold doth not make drought ; for there is a temper of cold , and moist ; nor heat doth not make moisture , for there is a temper of hot , and dry , nor cold doth not make moisture ; for there is a temper of cold , and dry , but when the motions of heat , and the motions of drought joyn , they cause hot and dry effects , and when the motions of cold , and the motions of drought joyn , they cause cold and dry effects , and when the motions of heat , and the motions of moisture joyns , they cause hot and moist effects ; and when the motions of cold , and the motions of moisture joyn , they cause cold and moist effects , yet there are infinite varieties in their several effects ; but those motions which make cold and heat , I may fimilife to wandring armies , of the Gothes , and Vandals , which over-run all figures , as they all the world , sometimes they work attractive , contractive , retentive , disgustive , expulsive , according to the temper and degree of matter , and proportion and shape of the figures they meet , or according to their own power and strength , and although both cold and heat , are motions that work more or lesse upon all the figures in this world , yet cold heat works not upon figure alike , but differ as their figures differ , nor are cold and heat directly the same motions , although they be of the same kinde of motions , no more then several sorts of beasts kinde , yet all beasts are of Animal kinde , and most commonly like several sorts of beasts that falleth out , or rather like two equal powerful Monarchies , that oppose one anothers power , and fight for preheminency , where sometimes one gets the better , and then the other , sometimes by strength , and sometimes by advantage , but when there is a truce , or a league , they have a common commerce , joyning their motions , working sympathetically together , which produceth an equall temper . Chap. 108. Of the motions of cold , and heat , drouth , and Moisture . COld and heat , are not wrought by different kinds of motions , but after a different manner of workings or movings , for a moist cold , and a moist heat , are but one kinde of motions , as being motions that extenuate , and enlarges from the center to the circumference ; for a moist heat , doth thrust , or drive outward , as toward the circumference . A moist cold doth pull , or draw from the center towards the circumference . As for example , we shall often see a gardiner that rolles a green turft walk , to thrust the roll before him , and when he is weary with pressing forward , he will turn his arms behinde him , and pull the roll after him . Also a dry , or congealed cold , and a dry heat , are not several kindes of motions , but moves after several manners ; for as moist cold , and heat extends , and enlarges from the center , to the circumference , so a dry heat , or a dry , or congealed cold , contracts from the circumference towards the center , the congealed cold in several works ; a dry cold , or a dry heat onely draws into a lesse space , or compasse , yet the same difference in the manner of the motions , is between a dry heat , and a dry cold , as was between a moist heat , and a most cold ; for a dry heat drives from the circumference to the center ; & a dry cold draws from the circumference to the center for although al drought is from the circumference to the center , and all moisture from the center to the circumference , yet the several manner of movings are infinite , also cold , and heat are not several kindes of motions , but different motions , as every man is of man-kinde , but they are different men . And if we observe the effects of heat , and cold , we shall finde them to work after one and the same manner ; for very sharp colds , and great heats , paines equally ; and sharp colds destroy with as great & strong fury , as burning heats ; neither can I perceive that burning heats have swifter motions , then sharp colds ; for water to the quantity shall freez , assoon as any light matter shall burn ; for water shall be assoon frozen , as straw burnt , take quantity for quantity , and Animals shall be assoon frozen to death if they be touched , or struck with very sharp colds , such as are neer the poles , as be burnt under the torrid Zone ; as for plants , we oftener see them killed with cold , then heat , and I perceive there is no thaw so sudden , as a frost ; for when any thing is frozen , it is not suddenly thawed , which half perswades me , that cold is the quicker motion ; but howsoever we perceive they do often dispute for the mastry , when some time the cold predominates , and sometimes the heat . But when there is an amity , and friendship between both , then it is temperate weather . Chap. 109. Of dry heats , and cold , and of moist heats and colds . ALL dry heats , and colds , are created , or produced by such manner of motions , as pleating , folding , surfling , crumpling , knitting , linking , brading , tieing , binding into a lesse compasse , or space . All moist heats , and moist colds , are created , or produced by such manner of motions , as smoothing , planing , stricking , or stretching ; but burning heats , are like those motions that prick a sheet of paper full of holes , or dart it , or cut it , but there are infinite of these several kinds of motions , which make these several heats , and colds , working according to the several degrees , or temperaments of matter , and the composers of figures , but l onely set these few notes to make my discourse , as easy to my readers understanding as I can ; for it is a difficulty to expresse several motions , although they be so grosse as to be visible to the optick sense . Chap. 110. Of shining figures . ALL figures that are composed of lines , are the aptest to shine , because lines are the evenest measure , and the smoothest rule , for mathematical motions to work with , but according as the lines , either exterior , or interior is smooth or rough , contracted or extenuated , shines more or lesse ; for some lines are interiorly even , and smooth , and exteriorly rough and unequal , as pointed lines , or chekred , or milions the like . Others are exteriorly even , and interiorly rough , as lines of points , some are interiorly rough , and exteriorly rough as lines of points pointed and some are interiorly smooth , and exteriorly smooth , which are drawn out even , as one piece , and not composed of parts . Chap. 111. The motions that make natural air , and day light . NAtural air , which is not metamorphosed air , is made by such kinde of motions , as makes cloth that is spun threads weaved , as with shuttles in a loom ; so some motions spin threads of thin dull matter , and other motions interweave those threads , where the grossest sort makes the thicker air , as great threads make course cloth , and the thinner matter makes the serenest air , as small threads make the finest cloth ; where some is like cobweb-lawn , so sheer , or clear , as the smallest objects may be seen through , which is spread about the globe of the earth , as a thin vail over a face , or body , and from the sun rising , the motions that make light run in lines upon it , and so is like a garment laid all over with silver-twist , or rather like silverwier , from the sun rising to high noon , it is as it were , setting , sewing , or imbroidering on ; this serene air at mid-day it is quite finished , and by sun set it is quite reapt off again . And to shew that the lines of light are as it were laid upon this serene air , and not mixt into it , is by the vapor which gathers into dark clouds , which will obscure the light , as far as they spread , besides if the light were intermixt the motions and matter could not so easily , nor so quickly withdraw , or intermingle , as we see they do ; for what is intermixt , is hard to separate ; but dark clouds are onely as spots , which by rarification are rubbed out , if they be wet spots , or drops , they fall out in shours of rain , but by such sorts of motions as by ringing , or squeesing , or griping with a hand , or the like , which breaks the sea , or waves of water , which are clouds , into several streams of drops , sometimes with a greater force , and sometimes with a lesse , according as the motions are stronger , or weaker . The difference betwixt this serene , and natural air , and the metamorphosed air , is as a natural face , and a mask which is put on , or put off according as the watry circles contract , or dilate ; the other in probability may be as lasting as the sun it self , not being subject to change , but by a natural creation or dissolution . Chap. 112 Of light . LIght is made by such a kinde of motion as heat , being an equal extenuating motion , but the difference is , that the motions that make heat , is a spreading motion , but light is made by a spining motion , equally drawing out long paralel lines , with an extraordinary swiftnesse , evennesse , smalnesse , and straightnesse . Chap. 113. The reflections of light . THe reflections of light when are the innated matter draws even lines with equal motions backwards ( as I may say ) for when their motions are stopt , with a more solid matter , then that which they work on to make light , where touching , or beating thereon , they do not break their lines , but the leading innated matter , which makes light , returns back in equal lines , with equal motions , so as there becomes equal lines of light , onely as some lines run forward , others run backward , but in straight paralel lines , not crossed , nor perturbed ; for when these motions are crost , or perturbed , it doth as troubled waters do , the one rising in several colours , as the other in waves , so the colours are the waves , or billows of light . Chap. 114. Of light , and reflections . NO question but there are as many various lights , as faces , and as different kinds of lights , as there are different Animals , or vegetables , or minerals , as some I will here set down for distinction , the sun light , the lighs of the fixt stars , the fire light , meteor light , glow-worm light , rotten wood light , the light of fishes bones , and there are many sorts of stones which will sparkle in the dark , as diamonds , and many I cannot recount . Then there are produced lights , as day from the sun , flame from fire , then there are reflected lights , as the planets , and reflected lights from reflected lights , as the light from the planets on the earth , and infinite reflections made by several motions on figures , for on every figure are several reflections . Chap. 115. Of some opinions of light , darknesse , and Death . SOme say light is nothing but a motion , but there can be no motion without some matter , for where there is no matter , there is nothing to move ; but light , as other effects are , is made by such kind of motions on such degrees , or tempered matter , and so is heat , and cold , and darknesse made by several motions , on such matter , although some opinions are , that darknesse is nothing but an absence of light , as some think death is a cessation of motion ; T is true , death is an alteration of such kinde of motions , as we call life ; so darknesse is not made by such motions as make light , for there are motions belong to darknesse , as well as those to make light ; so there be many several motions , in dissolving of figures , which dissolution we call death , as the creating of a figure , which we call life . Chap. 116. Of darknesse . THose motions which make darknesse , seem to be as swift motions , as those that make light , for the air is as soon made dark as light ; but some do say , there is no motion in darknesse , and that darknesse is a cessation of motion ; T is true , of such kinde of motions as make light ; but not of all motions , no more then the motion of the sun makes all light , or the absence of the sun makes all darknesse ; for first the sun is not the onely light , for we can set up lights , when that is gone , by fire , whose flames do illuminate that part of air , that is neerest , and could we make a fire as bigg as the sun , and feed it perpetually , we might have a perpetual day , and the air will be as much illuminated , if there were a sufficient fire , to inlighten so much air at one time , as the sun doth ; wherefore the sun is not the monopler of such kinde of motions , as make light . And can we rationally think there is no motion in darknesse , because the motions of the suns light are gone from our Hemisphear , we may as well say a fish cannot swim , because such a horse doth not gallop , but to my fancy darknesse works upon the air , as well as light ; for a dark cloud shall obscure the light , as well as the light shall pierce through a dark cloud ; thus darknesse covers many times the face of the light , which shewes it is not alwayes the with-drawing of light which makes darkness , since darknesse hath as much power over the light , as the light over darknesse , but obstructed motions make darknesse , and hinder those equal motions which make light , and those motions that make mists , and fogs , are in some degree like the motions which make darknesse , and so are such motions as make colours , but the motions of darknesse seem to be intermixing motions , as I may say snarled motions , which intangle themselves , and the different motions of darknesse , and light , are like skeines of silk , where the light is like thread which is pulled out even and straight . And darknesse is like a skein of silk , which is so insnarled , or broken , as not any can finde a leading thread , being full of ends , knots and entercourses . Chap. 117. The motions that make Darknesse . THe motions of darknesse upon the air , are after another manner , then those of light , for as light is laid in such smal , straight , even , out-drawn lines , so darknesse is like motions of silk imbroidery , the work to be bossy , full of intermixing stiches , and crosse threds , knotted and purled after this manner . And the reason I say silk , is , because darknesse is softer then light , which light I similise to silver , for the brightnesse of light many times hurts the opticks , which darknesse doth not . Chap. 118. Of Shadows . SHadows are copies , and pictures , drawn , or printed , or ingraven by dark motions , for dark lines made by the eclipsed light , are as the pencel , or the like , the light is the paint , the solid body on which shadows are cast , is the ground or substance to work on , motion is the artificer ; for several lights are like so many several sorts of paintings ; for colours are but a perturbed light as some say , but to shew it is darknesse that doth pencel out , is that there would be no such representments , if darknesse were not ; and too much light drowns the figure , or is as it were plash'd , or dabbed out , or if so much paint were spilt , or cast on the ground without order ; Yet all shadows are not as if they were painted , but printed in black and white , as against a wall , or on water , or the like , but on a looking-glasse , or on a piece of paper through a little hole , in a dark room , it is as painted , the colours being represented as well as the figures . Chap. 119. Of shadows and airie figures . SHadows are printed , or ingraven , or painted by those motions , which make darknesse upon inlightned aire , but the print is not seen , but upon a solid ground , or flat , as I may say , which ground must be opposite to the figure it represents , which is after this manner , as one figure makes more , for the figure makes a figure , that is , the external motion of the external figure cuts out a figure of aire ; for questionless wheresoever our bodies are , there is the figure in air ; for we are alwayes encompast about with air , wherein we make prints of our figures ; for the solid bodies print their figures in that which is more porous , and softer substance , as a seal on wax , or a print on butter , or the like ; thus the solid bodies as they remove , still make new prints perpetually , and infinitely , but as they remove , the prints melt out like verbal and vocal sounds , which print words , and set notes in the air , and the reason we uannot see the letter in the air , as well as hear the sound , is , that the air being so porous , is proper onely to convey a sound to the ear , or to spread it abroad ; but not solid enough to fix the eye thereon , having not substance to hold an object so long a time as to take notice thereof , unlesse it be drawn into a shadow upon a substantial ground , on which the eye may fix ; but until the figurative be cast upon a solid ground , the figures are like sculpture , but when they are drawn in shadows upon a ground , it is as painting , or printing . Chap. 120. Of a more probable opinion to me of light making several colours . THe lines of light are whole and come so from the sun until the light of such a figure , and according to the figure , there the lines are broken , and the breaking of light a ccording to the several figures , makes several colours , so it is not inherent in the thing , but in the form of the thing , which is the figure that makes several colours breaking the several lines of light several wayes , so the Diers of several colours by their observations findes it out by their practise , though they know not the reason of it , but the true reason is , that all those several dies make several figures , which several figures breake the lines of light several wayes , which being broken several wayes produce all those several colours . To shew you that it is several figure that breaks the lines of light that make several colours , you may see it in a pigions neck and brest , how many various colours it will change into , with and in the same place , the lines of light being broken several wayes by the pigions feathers , that make several figures , as also you may perceive in Rain-bows , the sun shining upon a watry cloud , the cloud being between you , and the sun what various colours there are , so to spout water out of your mouth , if it be between me and the sun , it makes the same colours , and all this is nothing else , but that the lines of light are broken so many wayes , by the several forms and figures it shines of , which produceth the multiplicity of all those various colours . Again , more plainly to make it appear , that there can be no more truth but this in colour , take a triangular glasse it is all of one colour , and was never sent to the diers , and look in it , and you shall see the most various colours in the world , the colours are not in the glasse , therefore with rational man it suffers no dispute at all , that colour is nothing else , but the lines of light broken by several forms , and figures , that produceth all the various colours that are in the world . And for excellent disputants , that make Aristotle their church of reason , that cannot erre , and will maintain his nonsense against reason , I leave them to their ignorance , and wish they would rather follow his Logick , and his Rhetorick , then his natural Philosophy , for their own sakes . Chap. 121. Of Colours . SOme say colours are made by perturbed or obstructed light , but in my opinion , colours are broken lines of light ; for when light is obstructed as being stopped it reflects with double light , those lines returning back like double strings , and if it were perturbed light , like over-agitated air , or troubled and rough waters , the light would be onely thicker , and mudier , having not liberty to move in so level , even , and straight , paralel lines ; it is true , those perturbed motions may be the cause many times of breaking the light , which broken parts contracting into several figures , or works , causeth several colours , every particular work , being a several colour , and when these several figurative works are mixt , being part of one work , and part of another , the colors are also mixt . For the several works made of the pieces of light , are that which makes several colours , and not the pieces of light without those works , for if those pieces of light lay scattered and not contracted into several figurative workes , they could , or would not make colours , but if colours are not made by pieces of light , they are made by contracting the straight unbroken lines of light , which contraction turns light into colours , as contractions do water into snow , ice , hail , frost ; Now it is to be observed , that it is not onely the contracted motions on the water that make the difference , but being contracted into such or such a figure ; for whensoever water is contracted into such a manner of figure , it is snow , if into such a figure it is hail , if in such a figure it is ice , into such a figure frost , and may do so constantly , and eternally , and so when light is contracted into such a figure , it is red , when into such a figure , blue , into such a figure , yellow , into such a figure green , and when it is contracted partly into the figure of red , and partly into the figure of blue , it makes a figure of purple , and if it be contracted partly into the figure of red , and partly into the figure of blue , and partly into the figure of purple , it makes a fourth figure , which is a fourth colour , and so a fift , and so infinites , likewise one and the same figure which is one perfect colour , may vary with each patticular figure , which is each particular colour , and upon what body soever these figures are printed , they take colours , and according as the figures differ , the colours are changed , or alter ; for it is not the body that they are printed on , or the reflections of light , cast upon such bodies that make colours , but such figures made by contracted lines of light , which figurative works give such colours to any thing they can print , or place on , but the reason why I think they are rather broken pieces of light contracted , then contracted streight lines , is , because they are so lasting , for though some colours will fade sooner , yet some will last a long time ; for whatsoever work is wrought with parts , as I may say , several pieces of thread , is not so apt to undo or ravel out , as that which is but of one piece , unlesse the thread were circular , without ends , but lines of light are paralels , and not circles , as for shadows of colours , in my opinion they are produced after this manner as I said , the figure of blue or the like , which is one perfect colour , and the figure of red which is another perfect colour makes a third figure , which is a mixt colour , likewise blue and yellow makes a different figure , which is a different colour from blue and red , and blue and yellow , makes a different figure , which is a different colour from blue and green , & so we may match figures until we be weary , but whatsoever hath constantly part of one and the same figure , in the several or single compartments of other figures , which are other colours , as blue and green , blue and red , blue and yellow ; and the like appears in shadows , by reason one particular figure , or figurative part is the ground-work , which is , the ground colour , which makes all the colours it mixes with , partly of its own complection , and according as there are more or lesse , of that figure , the shadow is fainter or stronger , and according as the contractions are more or lesse , the colours are deeper , or paler ; for those figures that are closer contracted , and rougher wrought , are the darkest colours , as neerest to black , and those figures that are loosest , contracted , and finer wrought , ars the the lightest , or palest colours , as being most light , when the parts are loosest , and most at liberty , and the brightest , as the most glorious colours that are made of the purest , and clearest light , which is of the smallest lines of light , as I may say , the finest threaded light , for some lights are thicker then others , by reason their lines are grosser . Also colours which are broken contracted lines of light , may appear darker , or brighter according to the reflection , of other lights , or rather according to the straight and unbroken lines of light are that cast upon them , likewise some light doth alter the colours that are made by other lights , as some colours appear not by candle-light as by day-light , and the reason is , that several lines of several lights , being grosser , or finer , causeth the colour to appear duller or brighter , and some particular lights make some colours appear more then others , and some particular lights obscure some particular colours more then others , according as they are further , or neerer off the nature of each other ; for though the several figurative works make the several colours , yet it is the lines and pieces of light , that make those figures and works . Chap. 122. Of airy figures . AS I said before , the solid bodies moving in the soft , & more porous bodies , make many figures therein , some as printed , some as painted , others as sculpture , as cut , or carved in wood , or stone , or cast in metal , or moulded in earth , some are as if a man , or the like creature should print themselves in snow , others as if they should make themselves in snow , as for example ; as if a man should stand , and let the snow fall thick upon him until he were all covered over , there would be his figure in snow , or if he should lie down in snow , there would be his print ; so it is in air , as we move from place to place , new figures are made , and the former figures moulder , or melt out , but according as the air is , so they last , or decay , for if the air be congealed with cold , thickned with grosse fogs or mist , the figures last the longer therein , although in a misshapen posture , like ruinated buildings , or broken statues , or like defeated armies , here an arm , or a piece of an arm , or a hand , and there leggs , here a head , there a mangled body ; but when the air is thin , and serene , the print dissolves assoon as the figure removes ; and if the air were as solid as snow , we should see the figures as perfect in the one , as in the other ; but the air being very thin , and porous , the sight of the eye runs thorow without stay , or stop , taking no notice , like water in a sieve , wherein nought can be contained , because there is no hold to keep the water in from running out . Chap. 123. Of External figures , and internal forms . IN some things there is such sympathy betwixt the internal form , and the external figure , as the alterations of the one , change the nature of the other ; as for fire , when the external figure is altered , the internal faculty is gone , here the internal nature depends upon the exterior figure ; but as for water , the external figure may be changed , as we see when it is frozen , but the internal nature not changed , for it is as water still , though it be not fluid , here the internal depends not upon the external ; but thus much the exterior figures of all things depend so so much upon the exterior form , or nature , that when the internal is changed , the exterior cannot be altered , from and to , as to change the countenance or face , as I may say by contraction , and dilation , as water , and metals , and many others , but an animal figure may remain , as it was for a time , when the internal is changed , but not long , as for example , Animals , although the internal nature , and faculty be changed , which is to move after such a manner , as is proper for Animal , the external figure is not altered : for when Animals are dead , the external , which is the outward shape remains perfect , for a time , yet the internal motions may be in disorder , as they are in animals that sound , or are sick or faint , or in vegetables that are fading , or drooping ; but when the internal motions move orderly again , either of themselves , or by the help of assistant motions , and figures , the Animal is as it was before , and the Vegetable flourisheth green again , thus there may be an alteration ; but when there is an absolute change in the internal , there can be no return , but by a new creation , for all alterations of motions do not do it , but a total change . Chap. 124. Earth , water , air , fire , cold , heat , light , darknesse . EArth , water , air , fire , cold , heat , light , darknesse , is made as Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals , that is , that such degrees of innated matter works upon the dull part of matter with various motions , and several degrees , of dull matter produceth such effects joyning parts together , and separating parts asunder , but joyning , and mixing each degree together , loseth not the entity of each degree , for that can never be altered , for as it was from all eternity , so it will last to all eternity . Chap. 125. The motions of the Sun , and Planets . THe Sun , and the rest of the Planets , are questionlesse created as other Animal creatures , and their local motions are according to the shape , as we see all Animals are , for a worm cannot run , but onely moves by gathering up the body from one place , and then stretching it self out farther , or else by rolling , and winding his body from place to place , nor beasts cannot flee as birds , nor birds cannot trot , amble , nor gallop , as beasts , because they have no shape fitted thereto ; for birds want four leggs to pace and gallop , and beasts want wings to flee , so the Planets move according to their shape , turning about as a spherical circle about a center , and if the sun runs about the world with such speed ( as some old opinions are , it must turn as a wheel about the spoake , or rundle as a bowl in the ecliptick line . But if the sun , as some Modern opinions hold , doth not move out of his place , but is as it were fixed , and that the Planets move about it , in circular wayes according to their shape , then the motions of the sun , are onely by dilation , and attractions : from which light , and heat proceeds , and vapor is drawn or suckt up . Chap. 126. Of the motions and figures of the four natural Elements . THe motions that make the natural figure of earth , are not so curious , nor the matter they work on so fine , as those which make fire , air , and water ; for the materials being grosser , their work is rougher , like morter that is made of hair , and lime , and the motions moving not so evenly , or distinctly , but rather mixtly , causeth it to be sad and dark , the solidity , weight , and drought are caused by the contracting , attracting , and retentive motions , which motions are the chief workers and creators of this element , which work like ants , drawing all thereto , making it like a round heap , or like a Load-stone , that attracts the solid matter . The slimie or gelly part of the earth is made by such kinde of motions as spin small lines lik Silk-worms , in a round hollow ball ; water is made after that manner , onely those lines extenuate more into perfect circles . Natural and pure air is made by such a kinde of motion , as spiders spin webs , smal lines spread , and enterwoven evenly . Natural fire is made by such kinde of motions , as the art of whetting , or sharpening , or pointing with a grind-stone , or Load-stone or the like , and is made like the stings of Bees , which pierce , and wound whatsoever they can enter . Natural light is made by such kinde of motions , as wier-drawing , or drawing a small thread from a spindle . Natural darknesse is made by such kinde of motions , as winding up threads upon bottoms , in a heap . I say natural , because they keep their original form , and is the right kinde , and true shape , as I may say of man-kinde ; For if a creature should be partly a beast , and partly a man , it were not of the right kinde , and true shape . Likewise Elements may be of the right kinde , and yet be different as mankinde , for every particular man is not alike , neither in shape nor quality , the like may elements differ . Chap. 127. The reason of the ebbing and flowing of the sea thus . I Will not dispute , according to Copernicus , that the earth goes about , & the Sun stands stil , upon which ground Galleleo saith , the reason of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , is the jogging of the earth , the old opinion is , that the moon is the cause of it , which I can hardly beleeve , for mark the tide from Scotland to Margel when the moon hath the same influence , and the tide is so many hours in coming from Scotland to Margell as if one rid post , if it were the moon , why should it not be high water , or full tide Margell , that it is in Scotland at the time , the power of the moon being all one , so that comes very improbable to me , for many things fall out at the same time , and yet the one not cause of the other , and in Philosophy there is nothing so ordinary , as to mistake the cause of things , since indeed the things for the most part are hid from us ; some again will have the Sun the cause of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , others rationally say , heat makes motion , and the seas being salt make motion , because it is hot , but how comes it that the fresh waters ebbe and flow ? even springs well , whatsoever the cause be of the seas motion where it moves , ; for in some places they say it doth not , but where it moves it is never high water in one place , but it is low water in another place , and the sea moves alwayes circularly , for as it is the nature of water to be made in figures of circular lines , so it is the nature to flow circularly , which in my opinion is the reason of the ebbing and flowing tides , that moves circularly , that is , part of a circular , where the convex flows still forward , the flowing motion extends more and more , causing it to swell out , and the concave ends to extend longer and closer , in so much as at last the concave ends are joyned into a convex , for it doth not extend in aperfect round circle , as I shall describe in my following discourse , but after an oval , or rather a pear figure , but when the flowing convex is extended beyond the strength , it straight breaks , being most weak , by reason it is most extended out , so that when the tides have no more strength to flow for want of water to extend , and the convex over-powred by extenuation , it breaks asunder , and so falls back , whereby the convex parts are now become the concave , and where it was concave , is now become convex , which causeth it to flow the other way , and ebb where it did flow , for where it lies concave it ebbs , and where it is conex is flows , and thus it ebbs and flows perpetually , where it hath free passage , but the farther it flows , the weaker it becoms , by reason the strength is abated , like a horse that hath run fast and far , at last is so weak and breathlesse as he falls down , so when the convex can extend no farther , it breaks in two , but as the convex extends , the concave ends draw closer together , whereby such time as they come to joyn , the convex is so bowingly stretched , as it becomes brittle , as I may say or weak , which causeth it to break , but it is to be observed that the tides have a double motion , for as the convex flows forward , the concave ends draw backward at one and the same time , for the extenuation of convex one way , causeth the extenuation of the concave ends the other way ; but by reason the two ends draws close towards a point , the ebbing waters seem narrow and little , but the ebbing tides are but an effect of the flowing tides , not a cause in it self , for the interior nature of water is to flow where it can get liberty , and freedom of passage , and where it doth not flow it is obstructed by some obscure cause , but I desire my reader not to mistake me , as to conceive the motions of the tides , and the interior nature of water all one , being something alike ; but the motions of the tides , and the motions of the interior nature of water are as different as the local motions of Animals , and their interior nature , and I beleeve if the fresh waters had the same liberty as the sea waters , to flow which way they would without opposition , or obstructions of hils , dales , banks and walls , and had the like quantity to move withal , I beleeve they would as naturally flow as the sea , and ebbe when their strength fails , and I beleeve if there were a sufficient quantity of water in the sea , and no obstructions , as Islands , creeks , and the like to hinder the passage , and that the earth were like a billiard ball , it would flow perpetually round , as the Globe turns upon the Pole , if the Pole turns not round with the Globe . Chap. 128. Describing the tides . THe flowing water gathers up together like superflous humors , and swells out the convex , as corrupted matter doth the skin , and never leaves extending till it breaks , but it begins by degrees in a demy-circle , and as it flows it grows larger , and longer extending its compasse . And as the convex extends , the concave ends must of necessity draw closer together . Which makes the ebbing waters like a tail to the convex , which as the body , which makes the ebbing waters to be narrow , and by the reason the bulk of the water flows in the convex , it causeth the concave ends to be small , which makes it shallow , and the more the concave ends extend , the smaller they are , like thread drawn from a full distaff of flax ; for so the concave ends draws , or rather extends from the convex body ; But as I said before the more the convex extends , the closer the concave ends draw together , and when the convex is extended to the uttermost they joyn . And assoon as ever they are joyned and mixt together into one point , as it were , it swels into a body . For the former convex being broke , the waters fal back to that part which was the concave , but now is become the convex , and that part which was the convex , is now become the concave . Yet the convex must be full before the concave ends extend , like as a glasse that must be filled above the brims before it can run over . Chap. 229. Of double tides . AN after , or double tide is caused by winde , like as a man should walk against a very great winde , that although he presseth forward , yet it drives him back , but when he hath broken the gust as it were , he passeth more forcible through , and though winde have power over the exterior motions of the waters , yet not on the interior motions , but winde can discompose the face of the waters , as anger doth the countenance of men . Chap. 130. Ofspring Tides . SPring tides I conceive to be caused by waters that issue forth from the veins of the earth , which are apt to swell , and then to vent themselves forth at certain times , as natural issues , which flowing causeth the tides to be greater , because it hath more strength to extend farther , and the tides to be higher because the convex is thicker , and fuller , for the greater body of water , the farther it flowes ; for it is for want of strength which makes an ebb , or want of passage which makes a stop , and when the tides are lower , there are some invisible obstructions , or the eatrh hath drawn or suckt from that part of the sea . Chap. 131. The tide and stream flowing against each other . THe reason the tide flows against the stream a of River , is , that the quantity of sea water forceth through the stream , and the descent of the river forceth the stream to passe through the motion , or rather by the motion of the tide , for the natural motions of all waters being to flow , and the force of the descent added therto , gives it a double , if not a treble strength , so that when the force of the tide , and the force of the stream meets , and incounters , they make passes , as Duellers that fight hand to hand ; but if one water runs quite through another , it is most probable that the tide runs through the stream , by reason it is armed strongly with salt , which may cause it to be streamproof , when the river water is porous , and weak by reason it is fresh , and thin as I may say . Chap. 132. The difference of salt water and fresh water . THe difference of salt water and fresh , is , that salt waters circle lines are flat , and edged , as a knife , or the like , and in fresh water , round , which edge makes it not lesse smooth , although more sharp , nor hinders the extenuating compasse , but the lines being flat , make it more solid , and so give it more strength , then the fresh water circle that is round , which makes it more porous , then salt water is , by the experience of an egge , and the like , which in fresh water the egge will sink to the bottom , but very salt water will bear it up , from sinking , and according to the strength , it will bear more or lesse , but those lines may exteriorly alter , from flat to round , and round to flat , and never alter the interiour nature , as to break the compasse , which is to dissolve the circle or ring ( as I may say ) which circle ring is the interior figure . Chap. 133. Of winde . WInde is wrought by expulsive motions , and the strength doth not proceed from the thicknesse , or solidity of the body , as many think it doth , conceiving it to be contracted , or prest up air , which if it were , it could not enter into such small porous , and narrow passages as it doth ; wherefore me thinks the strength should not proceed so much from the solidity , as the agilnesse therein ; for the quick repetition doth so sorcibly presse on each other , as upon necessity it must drive all loose , and porous bodies before it , but the farther it bloweth , the fainter is the breadth , for as the repetitions grow short , so weaker . Chap. 134. Of the noise of Tempest and storms . AS I have said , that sort of air which is made by watry circles is apt to sound with every motion that strikes thereon , by reason of the hollow figure being sphericall . Likewise this is the reason running brooks make a murmuring noise ; also this is the reason , that the tides do make such a noise in the ebbs , and flowes , circles pressing , or rather strikeing each other . Again , this is the reason the windes , when they blow upon airy , or watry circles , by striking those spherical circles , cause it to sound , and make a roaring noise , by the confusion it makes therein ; for winde which is an expulsive vapor doth not onely strike those watry circles , but those that are extended into air , and when those motions drive circle against circle , or circle upon circle , makes such quick rebound , which rebounds in contracting and crossing each other , make a confused sound , which we call tempestuous and stormy , and it is to be observed , that a tempest in the air , and a storm in the water , and thunder , is much after one and the same kinde of noise ; But as thunder is caused by the expulsion of the most extended circular lines , so winde is the expulsion of the more grosser circles , as when lines break , which are extended no farther then to vapor , also these expulsions , if they be not very violent , cause rain ; for the expulsed motion being no stronger then to presse upon the unbroken and extended circles , either of vapor , or air , drives it into the watry compasse , but when the weather is cloudy , it is not altogether so hard prest upon , as to drive it into perfect water circles , but to the next degree , as a thick vapor . And when the weather is unconstant , as we say , that is sometimes grosse and thick , and then it will be strait clear , and bright , is as the presser doth abate , or increase ; but unforced raines ( as I may call them ) which is without a violent constraint , is when those circles are drawn into a wetry compasse in a natural order , and by the natural waight , being thicker then natural air , that is original air , and not transmigrated water , it falls down on the earth . Likewise the pouring showers make a sound , by the force of the falling drops , striking as they fall , sound ; but by reason the water is divided , by the falling motions into lesse bodies , as it were , which makes not so strong a sound , having lesse compasse as the tides , or air having fewer circles in a body , as in drops , which makes it of a lesse bulk , and the lesse the body is , the weaker , and the smaller is the sound . But when the watry lines are drawn into a triangular figure of snow , it falls silently without sound , by reason the watry line is drawn out of the extended circle . Besides , that figure is the lightest figure , by reason of the inequality , for a square hath four equal parts , which makes a just number , so an equal ballance which gives it a steddy weight , and a circle is equally round , without parts , which gives a steddy weight . But a triangular figure is in three parts , which is no just number , nor equal ballance , nor steddy weight , which make it of lesse force , for being a wavering figure , it cannot presse hard , nor strike strongly , nor fall heavy , but flies lightly about . Chap. 135. Of thunder and lightning . THunder and lightning are caused from watry circles , for when they are extended from water to vapor , from vapor to air , from temperate air , to hot air , from hot air to fire ; for if those circles extended beyond the compasse , and strength of the line , they break , which is the cause of thunder , and lightning ; for assoon as the farthest extention of the circle is broken , those extended parts do with an extraordinary swift motion run , or rather shut forth into bright flaming flashes , as spinning lines of light , but when those lines extend with a strong strength , they break into smal parts , which causeth thunder to follow lightnings ; for those bteaking parts sometimes expulse disorderly , beating and striking upon those circle lines that are unbroke , which circles being of a hollow figure , cause a sound in the higher region , whereto they are ascended , for their extention causeth them to be light , their lightnesse to ascend ; But all hollow figures being concave within , and convex without , do present to the ear , if they be strong , as concave , and convex glasses doth objects , when presented to the eye ; thus hollow figures cause a hollow sound if they be struck , for the concave draws those motions in which rebounds from fide to side , and the rebounds continue 〈◊〉 sound by the Echos repeated , for sound lasts longer in hollow figures , then in any other , and though I will not say that onely hollow figures make sounds , yet I say that no sound can enter but through hollow figures , as the ear is a hollow figure , and all hollow figures , and the ear is not onely hollow , but circular , but sounds are made in the ear , or rather enters , as light and colours in the eyes , for discord is perturbed motion , or rather close Antipathetical motions , and harmony are sympathetical , and regular motions , but the more of these extenuating circles break , the more lightning there is , and the stronger they brea , the more thunder rhere is , and the harder they strike upon the unbroken circles the lowder is the sound . But if the circle lines break onely asunder , and extend , or shut forth into straight lines without more parts , there is onely lightning without thunder , but if those lines break into more parts , there is thunder also , and when there falls r ain at those times of thunder , it is when the gentler motions of some of those expulsed parts , do not strike hard upon some of those unbroken circles , but presse upon them , which causeth them to draw , and gather into a lesse circle , and a grosser line , untill they return into the watry compasse , where growing too heavy for the hight , falls down toward the center of the earth , as all heavie bodies , if not thick bodies under to bear them up , or stronger motions then their weight to hold them up , thus in my opinion is thunder and lightning caused , and when it rains , those unbroken circles return into its nature again . Chap. 136. Of the alterations of motions . ONe and the same degree of innate matter may change , and rechange the natural posture motion in one and the same figure , but a general alteration of those motions proper to that figure , dissolves the natural form of any one particular figure , for a figure moving by several motions , proper to its kinde , must joyntly consent either by a sympathy , or inforcement to make a dissolution , as well as a creation , but all motions works or alter according as the matter is , or figure they work to , or forced by stronger motions to alter their natural course ; likewise several and contrary motions may work by turns in one and the same figure , by one and the same degree of innated matter . Chap. 137. Of different motions . ALL extenuating motions make not fludity or wet , but such kind of extenuating on such tempered , or on such degrees of dull part of matter , for some extenuating motions make light , others make heat , and infinite the like , so all expulsive motions do not burn , nor all 〈◊〉 motions do not work alike , nor all attractive , nor all retentive , nor expulsive ; for there are infinite wayes or kindes of them , which works infinite varieties , for there are infinite several sorts of heats , coldes , droughts , moistures ( and infinite kindes of lights and darknesse as well as of colours , so infinite wayes of contractions , and attractions , and infinite wayes of expulsions , and so there are such varieties in one and the same kinde , as it is impossible for me to describe , as for one man to draw the several pictures of mankinde from all eternity ; but if I could draw but one picture , it will be enough to shew my art and skill , although but a plain draught , but I finde the work too hard for my wit , yet I have ventured , and mean to hang it on the wall of censure , although I know spite will strive to pull it down . Chap. 138. Of the local motions of water , air , and fire . I perceive there be other figures that have local motions besides Animals , yet it is partly their figures that are proper thereto ; for though there is no matter , but is figured , yet all figures move not but of themselves , and though all figures aremoved , or moving , or both moved and moving , yet all local motions move not after one and the same manner ; but I hear mean by local motion , that which naturally can move from place to place , by their interior nature , and exterior shape , but if the word is not right to the sense , pray pardon it , and take the sense and leave the word , and Christen it a new ; but these kindes of local figures are water , arie , and fire , which move after an Animal manner , although they have not the shape of those we cal Animals , yet they seem Animals by their self motion , as moving from place to place , unlesse they be stopt by stronger motions , or other figures that are more powerful : the like of other Animals , as for example , if one man , or more being stronger bindes another man which hath not strength , nor power to oppose , or hinder them , he cannot move according to the property of his nature and shape . So likewise , if cold contractions be more powerful then the extenuating circles , it bindes up the the water with icie fetters , wherby it cannot move according to the nature , nor circular shape ; so if any man should go to a place , and a high wall should stand betwixt him and that place , he cannot passe unlesse there were a passage , or that he can clamber , which must be by art , because there is no footing , and to jump over it he cannot , for it is so high that the weight of his body will pull him down , before the strength or agilnesse of his limbs shall raise him over , and he cannot flee over by reason his shape is not fitted thereto , having no wings , so water being stopt , and the passage hindered , by a thick bank of earth , cannot move according to its property ; for it is proper for water to move descendingly , at least straight forth ; but when it ascends , it is forced by other more powerful motions , so likewise it is proper for air to move after a level , streaming , or spreading manner . For fire to ascend , after a piercing , shooting , and perpendicular manner , for these elements do as other Animals do , for man , beasts , birds , fishes , their local motions are different according to their shapes , for it is the property of a four legged creature to gallop , trot , pace , run , leap , but they cannot flee , because their shape is not fitted thereto , having not wings , nor a bird cannot gallop , trot , nor pace , having not four leggs to make changes therewith , it is true , a two legged creature may leap , jump , hop , and run . Likewise those fishes can neither run nor flee , that have not wings nor legs ; but those that have mixt shapes , have mixt local motions , as there be fleeing fishes , and swimming birds , and running fishes , and swimming beasts , indeed most creatures can swim , for most shapes are fitted thereto in one kinde or another , but mans shape is such as it can imitate most various motions , though it is the shape that makes al creatures to move different ly , yet it is not altogether the shape that makes them move locally , but there must be such an interior nature proper to such shapes , as Vegetables and Minerals , their property is not to move locally , that is , to have a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It seems their interior nature , and exterior 〈◊〉 is not proper thereto , or perchance it is only their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their interior nature that makes them unfit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for we finde their interior nature to be more active 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the exterior shapes of Animals . But to return to those elements I treat of , as first water , the interior nature causes it to be liquid and wet , the exterior shape to be fluid , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjunction give a local motion to descend , and bear all before it , or with it , that is loose , and unfixt , so fire , the interior nature causeth 〈◊〉 to be hot and dry , the exterior figure to be sharp to 〈◊〉 , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjuncting , giving it a local motion to pierce and divide it , all it can enter into , if not over-powered ; so 〈◊〉 the interior nature causeth it to be soft , and pliant , and the exterior figure to be thin and searching , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjunction , gives it a local motion to enter through all porous bodies in a level line , and to fill up all 〈◊〉 places in other figures , unlesse it be thrust out , and kept out by something more powerful ; It is the natural property for fire to be hot and dry , to be sharp and burning , to move ascending . And for water to be liquid , fluid , and wet , and to descend in a descending line . And air to be soft , and yeelding , to be thin and searching , to move in a level line , unlesse they be forc'd otherwaies , for fire may be supprest downward , and water forc'd upwards and air disperst , and fire is not onely subject to be supprest but quenched out for water , if there be a sufficient quantity to the fire on which it is cast , will over power it : for the innated motions which cause water to be wet , destroy the motions that cause fire to be sharp and burning , and the figure 〈◊〉 destroyed , that is disuniting those parts , and those motions , that keep and maintain those parts in that figure , the property is extinguished too , as we see many Animal figures , do to one another , and birds , and fish , and men destroy beast , birds , and fish , according as they have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and advantage , for indeed the dissolution of one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cause of the creation of another , sometime the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one figure , make many figures , and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of many figures make but one figure ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath many several manners of moving locally and the elements as other Animals do move somtimes slower , and sometimes faster . Chap. 139. Explanations of onely Matter . IT is to be observed by those figures that are wrought by the way of lines , are soft , smooth , and shining , whether they be paralel lines , cupe lines , triangular lines , or circular lines , but the smaller , and straighter the lines are , the smoother , and brighter is their work , but there are several sorts of softnesse , and several sorts of smoothnesse which are made by several kindes of motions . Then it is to be observed , that all works of contractions , and retentions are stronger , and more lasting , then those figures that are more light , and porous , or extenuating . Thirdly , it is to be observed , that the innated matter , which works upon the light , and thin part of dull matter , is more agil , and nimbler then that which works upon the thick and solid matter , unlesse the strength of the motions be not above , or at least equal to the solidity of the matter . Also it is to be observed , they can make solid figures of light thine matter , by their close , and curious joynings injectures , and mixtures , and porous , and light figures of solid matter , by their dividings , and spreadings , but though the innated matter can contract and dilate , the thick , or thin , light , or heavie fluid or soft , yet it cannot alter the nature , or degrees of the dull part of matter , neither can the innated matter make it self weaker , or stronger then by nature it is , for the entity of onely matter cannot be changed , but though the nature cannot be altered of dull part of matter , yet it may be cut , and carved , and joyned and dispersed into several figures , so the innated matter , although the nature cannot be altered as to make each degree weaker , or stronger , yet they may move swifter , or flower , according as the dull part of matter is they work on or according as the curiosity of the figure requires ; and as I have said before , there be infinite degrees of the dull part of matter ; as solid , and fluid , thinner , and thicker , lighter and heavier , harder , and softer , and infinite degrees of innated matter , as stronger , and weaker , swifter and slower , and though I have said that the innated matter is the thinnest part of onely matter , yet I do not mean the thin incipit matter , as I may call it for distinction sake ; for there is no incipit in infinite , and eternal matter , though there be dull in moving matter , but the innated matter is the infinite extract of the entity of infinite matter , it is the quintessence of nature . Chap. 140. The differences and alterations of figures . IN the progresse of figures , figures are created in figures . The reason is , that infinite motions which are the gods to create , dissolve , and dispose of figures , as they please to move , share as it were the infinite matter , in their working and dividing , and several motions , which is proper to the creation , of such kinde of figures , assisting each other in their works of creation ; but not in the figures dissolution ; for those motions which are proper to create one kinde of figure , are not proper to create another , for every figure hath different motions , in the creation either more or lesse , which is the reason few , or none are just alike , but either in shape , or minde will differ , but when two figures are made with the same motions , among the sensitive innated matter , then their figures are just alike , as we shall see twins , and if the rational matters motion be just alike in several figures , their dispositions and understandings are just alike , and if they differ in their motions but a little , they resemble much either the minde , or the body ; sometimes both , but the more they differ , the lesse they resemble , but almost all 〈◊〉 are distinguishable , which shewes such variety of motions , as there needs no more repetition to move after one , and the same manner ; for there are not onely different motions in different , and several figures , but in one and the same figure , for the same figure doth not look when it is old , as when it was young , nor when it is sick , as when it is in health ; nor when it is cold , as when it is hot , nay the figure will alter and change , every minuit either by the altered motion of the sensitive , or rational ; but most commonly they alter their motions together , as in a joynt concent , for a troubled minde will make the body appear heavy and sad , for joy and grief will make different countenances in the figure , and so every passion in the minde , is most commonly matched with a countenance agreeable thereto , and most commonly other exterinal actions , yet although the motions may differ , the innated matter may be of one and the same degree , for I do not say every degree of innated matter moves alwayes in one kinde of motion ; for though every degree of innated matter , is of a particular strength , yet not of a particular motion . Chap. 141. Of several worlds . AS the Sun differs from the earth and the rest of the planets , and earth differs from the seas , and seas from the airy skie , so other worlds differ from this world , and the creatures therein , by different degrees of innate matter , on different degrees of dull part of matter , which makes different figures by different motions , and as this world is of a spherical figure , so other worlds may be of other figures ; as for Animals , although all Animals are not of one shape ; for a man differs from the shape of a horse , or any other four legged creature , and every sort of beast differs from one another in their shape . So likewise there is difference in their kinds , as well as in their several sorts , for beasts kind differ from birds kinde , so may worlds differ for all we know , and if we should guesse by the several changse , and variety in nature , it is very probable it is so ; & who knows , or indeed might not very easily beleeve it so to be , that worlds may be match'd by a sympathetical conjunction to produce other worlds , as other creatures do , for we finde the planets by a sympathetical conjunction to produce other creatures , as the sun and the earth . And it is to be observed , that as several motions create figures , so several motions work by their created figures , and those motions that creates figure by a sympathetical conjunction , create after their own likenesse , either in the nature or shape , or both , but those figures that create figures without conjunction of figures , after their invention , or imitation as I may say , cannot make such figures as conjunctially of figures man calls 〈◊〉 figures , as birds make nests , or beasts make dens , and men houses , but to reckon all artificial figures , is past my skill , and beyond my life , who knows since we finde new and unheard stars , but that they are the birth of other worlds . AN EPISTLE TO ALL Learned PHYSITIANS . MOst reverend , and gráve Fathers of health , I present this work unto your sage judgements , your prudent practises , your great experiences , your studious observations ; your miraculous cures , and humbly lay it on the tables of your studies , in hope some spare time may invite you to read therin . I dare not commend it , lest you should disprove it ; for as your wisdomes value it , so it is good , or bad . AN EPISTLE TO MY READERS . I Am to be pardoned , if I have not the names and tearms that the Anatomists have or use ; or if I have mistaken some parts in the body , or misplaced any : for truly I never read of Anatomie , nor never saw any man opened , much lesse dissected , which for my better understanding I would have done ; but I found that neither the courage of nature , nor the modesty of my sex would permit me . Wherefore it would be a great change , even to a wonder I should not erre in some ; but I have seen the intrals of beasts but never as they are placed in their bodies , but as they are cut out to be drest , and in the shambles , and perchance I haue seen passing by the shambles , a cruel Butcher cut the throat of a beast , or rip up the body , where the guts and garbidge would burst out , but that gave me not much more knowledge , not seeing how they lay in their bodies : and though it is a usual custome , for Ladies and women of quality , after the hunting a Deer , to stand by until they are ript up , that they might wash their hands in the blood , supposing it will make them white , yet I never did ; but as I have said before , I have seen the intrals of beasts out of their bodies , which intrals I have heard are much like a mans , especially a hogs , so that I know man hath a brain , a heart , a stomack , liver , lights , spleen , and the like ; yet these I never viewed with a curious and searching eye , but as they have laien in some vessels ; and as for bones , nerves , muscels , veines and the like , I know not how they are placed in the body , but as I have gathered several times from several relations , or discourses : here a bit , and there a crum of knowledge , which my natural reason hath put together , of which meat my wit like an unexperienced Cook hath ventered to dresse , if it pleaseth the palats of my readers , I shall account my time not lost ; if not it is not the first dish of good meat that hath been disgust . OF THE MOTION OF THE BODIE . PART IV. CHAP. 141. PHysitians should study the motions of the body , as naturall Philosophers , study the motions of the heavens , for several diseases have several motions , and if they were well watched , and weighed , and observed , they might easily be found out severally ; and as they take compass of the heaven , and stand upon the earth , so they may take the degrees of the disease , although they diffect not the body . Thus natural Physitians may know , when the sun of health will be eclipsed by the shaddow of melancholly , which gets betwixt the body and health ; and natural physitians may come to know the thoughts , as they the stars , by studying the humors of men , & may know what influences they may have upon the body ; and may know the severall changes of their humor , as they the several changes of the moon , that the several changes of the humor , causeth the bloud to ebb and to flow , as the Tides of the Sea ; thus they may make an Almanack of the body , for to shew what weather and seasons there will be , as great tempests and stormes of wind-collick ; whether there will fall upon the Lungs , great rheumes , as showers of rain , or whether there may be great and hot fevers , or whether there will be earthquakes of shaking Agues , or cold , and dumb-palsies , or whether there will be dearths of flesh , and so leave bones bare , by the droughts of heated fevers , or whether the over-flowing of moisture , which causeth dropsies ; thus if we could finde the several motions in several diseases in a body , as surely might be done by observations , and study , and could finde out the several motions by the several operations in physick , we might surely so apply them together , as to make animals , though not live eternally , yet very long ; and truly I think this both of philosophical opinions , may give a great light to this study . Physicians must first take care in their prescriptions , to prevent errours of mistake , before he apply remedies to cure . Cap. 142. The frame of mans body . I Will first discourse of the orderly course of nature , which is to have a perfect shape according to the kinde , or sort of figure , it was created to ; that is , like a house to be well built ; next to have it strong , and firm ; thirdly , to have it commodious ; fourthly , to have it well furnished ; fifthly , to have it clean from dirt , or rubbish ; sixthly , to keep it in repair ; seventhly , to prop it from falling down with old age ; the pulling it down by some evil accident , or burning it by feavers , or the like , or drowning it by dropsies . Andthough I may similize it , to any figure , yet I onely imploy it , to man-kinde ; that is , to havea perfectand upright shape , a clear strength , sound parts , plump and fat , clean from gross humors and obstructions , to keep it healthful with wholsome food , to help nature with cordials , or physick , death being the destruction . Chap. 143. Of natural self-tyrannie . MOtion doth not onely divide matter infinite , but disturb matter infinite ; for self-motion striving and strugling with self-motion , puts it self to pain ; and of all kinde of motions the animal motions disturbs most , being most busie , as making wars and divisions , not onely animal figures , against animal figures , but each figure in itself , by discontents and dislike ; which discontent makes more pain , then ease , orpleasure , or tranquillity , by reason of irregularity ; but motion is an infinite and eternal tyrant , on infinite figures ; for as motion makes figures , so motion dissolves figures , which makes infinite , and eternal matter , eternal restless ; for the extract of infinite matter , which is an innated matter , which innate matter is motion , and makes the dull part of matter so too , by working thereon ; thus the onely and infinite matter is a tyrant to its self , or rather , I may say , infinite , is a tyrant to motion , and motion to figure , and eternity to all . For though infinite , eternal matter , motion , and figure , are individable , yet they are all as separated , in aspiring for motion , although it is but an effect of matter , yet strives for absolute power over matter and figures , and infiniteness strives for the absoluteness and power 〈◊〉 , motion and figure ; and eternity strives for absolute power over all ; thus the effects strive to have power over the prime causes , which is the onely matter ; for if there were no matter , there could be no figure , nor motion , nor infinite , nor everlasting , the like do the minor effects over the minor causes , for effects are causes of effects . Chap. 144. The two ground motions amongst the rational innate matter . THe rational innate matter , moves as it were two-fold , for they have different motions in the figures , from the figurings , like as the sensitive matter , which moves the dull part of matter , internally and externally , according to the nature of each figure ; as for example , the creating of a figure is one way , and the severall actions of the created is another way ; the like doth the rational innate matter , it first runs into figures , and then moves figuratively : Again , some figures they are stronger then others , will force the weaker figure to move after their manner . Chap. 145. The two chief parts belonging to man , is the head , and the heart , wherein resides the rational spirits . THe head , and the heart , are the two residing parts , for the rational innate matter to move in , making passions in the heart , and reasons in the head ; and whensoever those parts be disaffected , the understanding and passions are disordred , and many times so , as never to be rectified ; but some times this disorder comes by the mis-working of the sensitive 〈◊〉 matter , and sometimes by the wrong steps and false measures of the rational innated matter . But though the annimal knowledg or reason be disordered , yet not extinguished , unless the annimal sense be absolutely altered , which is to dye ; for though they move not regular , yet they move after an animal manner : As for example , a man although he goeth not upright , according to his natural shape , but creeps upon his hands and knees , or that he is forced to role from place to place , having neither armes nor legs , yet he moves in an animal manner , and partly to what his natural shape is , for these force motion , or want of some of the outward parts alters him not from being an animal , nor it from being a man , unless all the sensitive motions , which naturally belong to their figure , be altered , and then he turns from that kinde of creature . Chap. 146. Whether the passions are made in the head or heart . ? SOme are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the passions are made in the head ; others that they are made in the heart ; for my part I am of the latter opinion ; that is , that all passions are made in the heart ; as Love , Hate , Fear , Anger , Grief , Jealousie , Envy , Malice , and the like ; and also the Will , and opinions , which are a kinde of passions ; and that imaginations , conceptions , fancies , understanding , judgment , memory , and remembrance , is made in the brain ; and that which we call thought , or animal knowledg is made both in the brain and heart ; for if either of these two parts be wounded , that knowledg dies , as both the sensitive knowledg , and rational , both being that which we call thought , the one belongs to the body , the other to the minde ; for touch is a weak thought , and thought a strong touch ; and my reason is why I think that the passions are created in the heart , and not in the head , is , first , passion and judgment seldom agree . Secondly , when we have the passion of fear or anger , or the like ; all the motions that work to those passions , are felt in the heart ; for if we do observe , we shall finde all passions arise from the heart , and all the parts near thereto will be disturbed ; when in the brain we finde no violent motions at all , perchance the sensitive part may be disturbed , as to make the head-ache , as with a general distemper . Thirdly , there are oft times passions felt as it were in the heart , without any knowledg , or thought of it in the head ; as when we shall be sad , and angry , and fearful , and know no reason why . Besides , objects many times passe by , or as it were , steal through the senses , and likewise creep through the brains , and raise a passion in the heart , without any notice taking thereof , or knowledg how it came therein . Lastly , that although there is a great sympathy betwixt the passions , and imaginations , yet they are not after one and the same manner of motions , which sheweth they are created in several figures , the one in the triangular heart , & the other in the spherical brain , and the different shapes of the head and heart , may be one cause , that makes the difference betwixt passions and imaginations , as well as the different motions . But to prove passions are made in the heart , and not in the head , is , that when the brain is distempered and mad , as we say , yet the passions may be free and regular ; and Love , and Hate , which are the two chief passions , may be constant to the objects they were placed on ; thus the minde or soul , which is the rational innate matter , lies as much in the heart , as the head . Chap. 147. Of different passions in one and the same part . AS for passion , we shall love and hate at one and the same time , but not one and the same thing , at one and 〈◊〉 same time , for that is impossible . But different passions are made according to the subjects or objects they move by , or to ; yet the rational innated matter which creates passions , may move partly sympathetically , and partly antipathetically , at one and the same time . As for example , a man may be in love with a woman , for her beauty , or wit , or behaviour , and yet have an aversion to her bad qualities ; but a man cannot love the person of a woman , and hate it , at one and the same time , but to the creating of those passions , that sympathies , as love , and hope , and joy , and the like ; The rational innate matter , doth as it were spread , and delate its self ; but for those passions that antipathies , it contracts it self more together ; as in hate , fears , jealousies , doubts , envy , spight , and the like ; and when two or three passions arise at one time ; as a passion of grief for my friend that is killed , and a passionate hate to his murtherer , or the like ; then the rational innated matter , divides its self , partly moving after one manner , and partly moving after a quite contrary manner , and so may divide into as many parts , and after as many several manners , as their place or quantity will give way to ; but when we love what was hated , or hate what was loved , then the innate matter changes their motions , towards such a subject , or object , without a division ; but when they move disorderly , the passions are like a tempest at Sea ; passions beat against passions in a confused manner , distempering the whole body , causing the senses to mistake , with the violence thereof ; likewise in the brain there may be opposite motions , amongst one and the same degree of innated matter , either rational or sensitive , either by an alteration of motion in one and the same part of matter , or by divisions moving in parts ; but when the rationall innate matter moves in a regular division , and the measures of time , and the notes of motions skilfully set , and rightly kept , that is curiously or neatly , and carefully ordered ; then there is a harmony , which harmony is a quiet minde , gentle imaginations , a clear understanding , a solid judgment , elevated fancies , and ready memory ; but when this rational innated matter moves disorderly , there arises extravagant fancies , false reasons , misunderstandings , and the like . Chap. 148. The affinity betwixt imaginations and passions . IT is the rational innate matter that makes passions , and not the sensitive innated matter , for the senses onely present the 〈◊〉 , the rational the passions ; which shews the rational innated 〈◊〉 , is as much in the heart , as in the head , and may be of the same degree of strength , although they work different wayes , as being different figures , yet there is such sympathie with each other , whether by recourse , or otherwise ; as passions will raise imaginations , corrupt judgment , disorder reason , and blindfold understanding : And imaginations will raise passions , as fear , love , hate , doubts , hopes , and the like ; which shews that the rational innate matter , in the head , and heart , hath such affinity as the sensitive innated matter hath in the stomach and head ; as the pain in the head will make the stomach sick , and a sickness in the stomach will make the head-ache , I will not say at all times , but most commonly ; neither will imaginations at all times raise a passion , nor a passion , an imagination , but very often . Chap. 149. Of the Brain . THe brain is not the cause of knowledg and understanding , for a bird that hath but a little brain seems as understanding , if not more , then a great beast , as an ox or the like , which hath far greater quantity of brain ; but perchance the bird hath more of the rational innated matter , in his little brain , then the beast that hath more braine , for the rational innated matter , moves in the brain , not on the brain , for that is wrought and moved by the sensitive innate matter , being made of the dull part of matter ; for when the brain is defective , it is caused by the sensitive innated matter , not the rational innated matter ; yet oft times the sensitive innate matter disorders the motions of the rational innated matter , as we shall see in distempered and sick bodies ; like-wise the disordred motions in the rational innate matter , will disorder the sensitive motions , as we shall see by troubled mindes . Chap. 150. Of the multitude of figures amongst the rational matter in the brain and heart . THe reason why we may have millions of several figures in our memory at one time , so likewise raised up to our remembrance , when we can receive but one perfect figure through our senses at one time , is that the passages for outward objects to enter , is so straight in all animal figures , as that but one object can take place therein , I mean as being perfectly distinct , for the passages being straight , many objects entring at once , make a confusion , at least a disorder , for if more then one object be presented at one time , to any particular sense , they are received but by piece-meals , as in the small parts ; and many times the divided parts are so mixt together , as no piece is perfectly seen or heard , or smelt , or tasted , or touched ; besides , the passages being straight , the sensitive innate matter cannot work so regular , having not liberty , for it is not with the sensitive innate matter as with the rational innate matter , by reason the sensitive innate matter works upon gross materials , as upon the dull part of matter , which makes that it cannot move so nimbly , nor divide into parts so suddenly , especially in a straight passage , as the rational innate matter can , which moves onely in number and measure , without any dull mixture , for the rational innate matter , can figure out the whole world , and millions of several figures therein , sooner and swifter then the sensitive innate matter , can print one figure upon any of the senses ; and not onely those figures that the sensitive innate matter presents , or hath presented , but makes those figures that were never presented , as those we call phantasms ; and as I said the rational innate matter hath more room to move in , as in the head , and heart , then the sensitive innate matter , hath in the ear , eye , nostrils , mouth , or pores of the flesh , so there may be a greater quantity , or proportion of that rational moving matter together , in a body , or bulk , as I may say , then of the sensitive innate matter , in the foresaid passages , and according as the quantity of the rational matter is , there is the more knowledge , and clearer understanding ; the quicker wit , and the livelier memory , the fresher remembrance , and the more multiplicity of thoughts ; for it is not onely the largeness , and extent of the place wherein the rational matter moves in , that makes the more knowledg and understanding , and the like , but the quantity of the rational matter ; for a great head may have but a little wit , or dim understanding , and a little head a quick wit , and clear understanding ; if the little head be full of this rational innate matter , and the great head be empty thereof ; but if the room ( or place ) be large , and filled with this sort of innate matter , according to the bigness , that creature will be very knowing , understanding , and ingenious ; for imagin that all the heads of mankinde were put into the compass of one head , and a sufficient quantity of that rational matter therein , that creature whatsoever it were , would have not onely the knowledg of every particular brain joyned together , but that knowledg and understanding would increase as use-money , for that bulk or bank would multiply , being put together . Chap. 151. Of thoughts . MAny wonder what Thoughts are , and how such millions can be within so little a compasse as the brain . I answer , that a little quantity of the rational innate matter , may make millions of figures , which figures are thoughts . As for example , from eight notes , milions of tunes are made , and from twenty four letters millions of several Languages may be made . Likewise one lump of clay may be molded , and formed into millions of several figures ; and like Pictures many figures may be drawn in one piece , and every figure in a several posture ; Likewise a little picture will represent so great an Army , as would take up many acres of land , were it in a pitched field . Again , a Globe no bigger then a Head , will present the whole world . Again , say some , how is it possible there should be so many several thoughts in the head at one time , and how from one thought should there arise so many of a sudden , and at some times so extravagant as to have no coherence therein , at other times very methodicall , and sympathetical ? To the first I answer , how many several postures may a man put his body into at one time , nay , I may say one part of the body ? for how many several postures may the face draw it self into at one time ? Secondly , I answer , that many several wheels will move with one motion , nay with one kinde of motion several wayes , and many wheels with several motions several wayes , and all within one , and the same compasse , and from one prime spring . Again , some may wonder how it is possible figurative thoughts can inlarge and contract the demension , and extension ; I answer , how is it with Prospective glasses , convex , and concave glasses ; likewise a screen , or a fan , or the like , which can fold in many folds , into one fold , then can draw them out into a plain straight piece again , and so shut up into a fold , or open in a plain piece , as often and as quick as a thought , and millions of the like examples , may be given , but these are enough for this time , on this subject . Chap. 152. Of thinking , or thoughts . THoughts are more pleasant to the minde , then the appetite to the senses , and the minde feeds as greatly on thoughts , as a hungry stomacke doth upon meat ; and as some meat breeds good nourishment , and some bad nourishment , causing either health and strength , or diseases and pain ; so doth thoughts , for displeasing thoughts of grief , and all sad remembrances cause the minde to be dull , and melancholly , or froward , and discontented ; and pleasing thoughts cause the minde to be chearful , pleasant , and delightful . Besides , the minde is like chewing of the cud , for what the senses bring in , and are fed with outward objects ; those swallowed objects , the thoughts of the minde chews over again ; thus the minde is alwayes feeding ; besides , the senses have no longer pleasure , or pain then the objects remain ; but the minde is as much grieved , or delighted when the object is removed , as when they are present ; As for example , a man is as much grieved when he hears his friend is dead , or kill'd , as if he saw him die , or slaine ; for the dead fried lives in the minde , not the minde in the dead friend , and if a man have a fine house , or great riches , or an excellent rare race of horses , or the like , whereupon the minde takes as great delight in thinking of his fine house , as if it dwelt in the house , and as great delight in thinking of his riches , or what he could do with the use of his riches ; for the minde doth not so much dwell in the house , as the house in the minde , nor the minde doth not take so much delight in the use of the riches , as the use to be in the minde , and the remembrance of the curious horses is as much in the minde , as when those horses were in the eye ; for when the sense is filled , the minde can but think , and the minde may as well think when the objects are gone , as when they are present , and the minde may take as much delight , in thinking what the senses have enjoyed , as what they are to injoy , or desire to enjoy ; for thoughts are the fruition of the minde , as objects the fruition of the senses ; for the minde takes as much delight ( if not more ) in thinking of an absolute power , as when the commands of an absolute power is obeyed , for obedience dwells no more in the minde when it is acted , then it did before it was acted , or by the imagination that it is acted ; thus the minde receives no more by action , then it doth by contemplation , onely when the pleasure of the senses are joyned with delightful thoughts , may be said to be more happy , though I beleeve the pleasure of senses draws the delight from the thoughts ; for the more at rest the body is , the more busie the minde is imployed , and as torments of the minde are beyond the torments of the body , or at least the displeasure of the senses ; so the delight of the minde is beyond the ease or rest of the body , or the pleasure of the senses . Chap. 153. Of sleep and dreams . SLeep is caused by a tirednesse of the spirits , for when the sensitive motions are tired , with the working on the dull parts of matter , which tirednesse is slacking the motions , or changing their motions , as when they work lasily , then the figure grows drousy , and the senses dull , being weary of pencelling , copying out objects upon the optick nerve . Likewise with printing letters , and setting notes on the drum of the 〈◊〉 , or in drawing 〈◊〉 of several tasts , touches , and sents on the tongue and pores of the flesh , or striking , or playing on the nerves , and on the dia mater and pia mater , of the brain , but many times the figure grows drowsie , and the senses dull , when the sensitive motions are idle for want of work ; that is , having no variety of objects presented to them ; that is , of such kinde of works ; for the innate matter never ceaseth to move , although the motions are not alwayes agil , and quick , nor after one and the same manner , but when they alter the motions , as I may say more proper then to slacken them , they do as it were cast anchor , pulling down their sail , going as it were under hatches , and the figure that is like a ship , where the motions of the breath are like waves of water , that heave it up , and then sink down , but saile not , nor steer not to any Coast ; and the sensitive innate matter which is in this action , like Mariners when they work under the hatches drawing and winding up the slimy humours in the body , like ropes by attractive motions , staying and setling the loose parts , by retentive motions ; a placing and putting disordered parts into their proper places by disgestive motions , and all the motions busiely imployed ; some mending the figure , stopping the leaks , dearning , b and sewing together the torne sailes , oyling c and greasing the keel , pitching and tarring the cresses ; tying and twisting the roaps , drawing the superfluous moisture to the gutter ready to be pumpt out , sweeping all the rubbish and dirt on a heap , ready to be flung out ; some running up , and returning from the deck , which are the pores of the skin ; but the rational innate matter , is the master of the Animal ship , and the sensitive innate matter , as the Saylors , those works on the dull part of matter , the other directs when occasion serves , that is , when the body is in action ; for though the rational innate matter never labours on the dull part of matter , yet they counsel and direct the animal ship , when it is built , and set afloat , that is , when the body is come to the full growth , and orders it in blustrous storms , and great dangers , but these the rational innated matter , when this animal ship is cast to anchor , which is to sleep , moves onely in a rocking , or rowling motion , as it were from side to side of the cabbin , which is the brain , making no perfect figure nor gives direction , this is sleeping without dreaming ; but dreaming is when they move in figures , making such figures as these objects , which have presented to them by the sensitive motions , which are onely pictures , or copies of the Original objects , which we call remembrance , for remembrance is nothing but a waking dream , and a dream is nothing but a sleeping remembrance , but if the sensitive innated matter moves in the same manner , on the same place , as printing and drawiug such figures or objects in the optick nerve , or setting such notes or letters on the drum of the ear , or drawing such platforms on the dura mater , or pia mater of their brain , or the tongue , flesh , or skin of their own accord , without the presence of the outward objects ; then we see here taste , smell , touch , as strong as if we were awake , if their motions be as strong and industrious ; but many times we have in sleep those objects but in part , and not in whole , the reason is , that either the sensitive innated matter is slow , or else they are not so perfect Artists to work without a sampler , working by misplacing , and mistaking , or else works by halves , according to their skil , or as appetite moves them , make a hogpog , or gallimophry of many several pieces or draughts , into one figure or picture , which make extravagant dreams ; by reason they work not in a methodical manner , and the rational innated matter , moving in the same manner makes a mixt resemblance , but the sensitive innate having not the outward objects in sleep to work by , seldom works perfect , or plain , and working imperfectly they move disorderly , and for the most part that which makes us so often perturbed in our sleeps , is , by moving crosse , and irregular , which crosse , Irregularity insnarles several motions , so as there is no distinction , which is the reason that our dreams are so often obscure , and dark , as we can make nothing of them ; and when the rational innate matter moves crosse , and tumultuously , our dreams are most commonly fearful , and when the sensitive innated matter works so disorderly , our dreams are painfull , and when the sensitive innated matter works perfectly , and the rational innate matter moves justly , we have as much knowledge , and understanding of what we dream of , and as much satisfaction from our senses , as if we were awake , and the real abjects presented to us . Chap. 154. Dreamings of living , and dead figures . THose friends in acquaintance that that have been dead , a long time , and appear in our sleep , we never question the truth of their life , though we may question them how they lived ; again , the reason is , that these figures are as perfect , and lively to our present senses in our sleep , as when we are awake ; for oftimes the sleeping motion prints figures , on the inside of the optick nerve , as on the inside of the pia mater , as the waking motion doth on the outside , and when we hear them as it were discourse words , right on the inside of the drum of the ear , or pia mater , by the sensitive motion , as on the outside when we are awake ; for all the sensitive works inwards asleep , as outward awake ; for if we smell sents pleasing , or displeasing , the sensitive spirits draw lines , and set notes on the inside of the dura mater and pia mater of the brain ; and so for taste and touch , they draw plateforms in the inside of the skin , either of the skin of the tongue , or any other outward parts of the body , as they do on the outside of the skin awake ; Thus the senses present as perfect prints to the rational oft times in sleep , as awake , onely they print on the inside a sleep , and on the outside awake , and what rational creature would not beleeve their senses ; for should a man see another man die , and see him buried , and afterwards should see that man alive again , and hear him speak , and touch him , shall feel the substance of flesh , would not he think he lived ? Thomas the Apostle questions the relations of our Saviours resurrection from the grave , but never questioned his senses , when he saw , and touched him ; so in our dreames , when the sensitive innate matter prints such figures on the optick nerve , as of such a person which is dead , the rational matter straight paterns out the sensitive print ; and when the sensitive print , and the rational figure is just alike , the other motion of the rational matter cannot question the truth of that figure , or figures being there , though they may question how they come alive , again treating with it , as if awake , the same is if the sensitive innated prints , any thing as dead , which is living , and the rational pattern it , the rest of the rational motions make no question of the truth of those sleeping motions , untill waking motions otherwayes inform them ; for rational motion in every particular figure , knows little of the sensitive , but what the senses shews them , in the several motions , yet the rational generally knows what they present unto them , which every particular sense doth not , each motion is unknown , and are strangers to each other in one and the same figure ; for the ear knows not what the eye seeth , nor the eyes know not what the nose smelleth , nor the nose knows not what the tongue tasts , nor the tongue knows not what the body feels , but the rational innat matter in a figure , knows all the sensitive motions in the same figure , as long as the figure is perfect , and moves in an Animal way , and that the rational motion moves regular ; for when the motions are irregular , they can take no perfect copies , nor notice how the sensitive move , that is , the reason that in perturbed passions , which are onely irregular motions , the senses become as it were uselesse to them , but most commonly the disorder of one brings the disorder of the other , I will not say at all times , and so when the sensitive spirits are regular , the rational is regular , but not at all times , for some times the one is regular , the other is not , but the rational which takes copies of the sensitives is oftener disordered by the sensitives , then the sensitives by the rational , for when there is grief in the minde , many times the body is in good health , but it is seldom known when the body is sick , but the minde is troubled . Chap. 155. Of Local Dreames . THe reason that many times we dream of walking woods or houses , and the like , is through this following reason ; The rational innate matter , as I often said before , turns most commonly into such figures , as the sensitive innate matter prints , or hath printed upon the senses , now if a tree or house , or the like , be printed on the inside of the pia mater , or the like sensitive part , when we are asleep , the rational innate matter straight figures them , these figures move after a local manner , although they have not an animal , or local shape ; the reason is , that the rational innated matter being purer in it self , without the mixture of dull matter , moves onely in their own matter , and the figure moves in the matter ; whereas the sensitive innated matter working upon the dull part of matter , moves in that dull matter , and not the dull matter in the sensitive innated matter , that is the sensitive innate matter moves in the dull part of matter , and the dull part of matter is moved by the sensitive innate matter ; thus the sensitive figure is moved , but not moving , but the rational innated matters figures give their own motions ; likewise if we have seen a battle , or heard of a battle , and afterwards we dream of the same , or of the like battle ; then the rational innated matter puts its self into animal figures , and moves after a local manner , each figure placing it self after that manner or way as was related , or printed by the senses , or after away of its own invention , and when the figures encounter each other , as they must do to fight a battle in the brain ; and then some seeme to be falling , and others dead , and some mangled ; those figures are as falling and broken , and cease to move after the local manner ; and when one party seems to move as in a confusion , then the motions are irregular , and just as the senses present , so doth the rational innated matter act in the brain when we sleep , and sometimes when we are awake , as in imagination . Chap. 156. Of the senses , and the objects that pass through the senses . THat innate matter which I call the sensitive spirits makes holes , which holes serve as doors in animal figures to receive outward objects , as the holes that are made in the eyes , ears , nostrils , mouth , and the pores of the skin , wherein the animal receives light , sound , scent , tast , and touch ; the senses are brought and presented by the sensitive innated matter , to the rational innated matter , who takes knowledg thereof ; as for example , there is a hous or a tree , or any the like gross material figure , these being placed beforethe passage of the eyes , those sensitive spirits , in the eye taking notice thereof , with the help of that brings the objects therein , strait prints or paints those objects upon the optick nerve , or upon the outside of the brain , as the dia mater , or pia mater , upon which the rational spirits view as on pictures , then copie them out , not by working on the dull part of matter , as the sensitives innated matter doth , but turn themselves by number and measure , into figures like those printed or painted figures ; the difference is , that the rational matter is like sculptures , the others as pictures upon flats ; these rational figures we call knowledg , or understanding , and as long as these rational figures last , though the object is absent , and the prints rub out , by other objects , or by distance of place , or the like , we call memory ; but when those rational figures are dissolved , and afterwards repeated be wrought without a presentment of the senses , we call it remembrance , and the reason the memory is not so strong , as the present sense , nor the remembrance so perfect as the memory is ; that with the present object there are two figures as the rational sculpture , and the sensitive point , when the memory is but one , as the sculpture , which remains as with the rational , but the sensitive print is rubbed or worn out , and the reason why remembrance is not so perfect , as the memory , is , because remembrance is but a copy of a copy , from the original print , for remembrance is but a pattern taken from the Memory , and the memory 〈◊〉 a pattern taken from the objects . Chap. 157. Of figure presented to the senses , and figures together . THe reason why figurative senses are quicker then the figurative growth , is , It is less labour in printing on the dull part of matter then in cutting out sculpt figures , not for the strength of actions , as for the several laborious actions therein , fetching their material a far way , and for many several places , which requires time and place , when printing is but a press laid upon a flat . Chap. 158. Of objects , and the senses , something differing from the other Chapter . THat innate matter which I call the sensitive spirits for distinction sake , makes holes or doors in animal figures , to receive outward objects ; as the ears , eyes , nostrils , mouth , pores of the skin , and the like , and these outward objects are presented , to that part of innate matter which I call rational spirits , but that part of innate matter I call sensitive spirits ; as for example , thus , there is a house , or a tree , or any the like gross material figure ; which is subject to the sense of animal figures , these standing at the doors of the eyes , which as soon as the sensitive spirits perceive , or other sensitive spirits that come in through these doors , strait print or draw the same figure upon the optick nerve , which optick nerve is made of dull matter , by the sensitive spirits from whence the rational spirits viewing from thence that picture , strait run themselves by number and measure into the likeness of that picture , which are those we call knowledg or understanding , and as long as those figures last among the rational spirits , though the objects are absent that we call memory , for when these prints are rubbed off by the sensitive spirits , and others placed thereon , or vaded by distance of place , or obscured by shutting the lids , yet the figure thereof may remain amongst the rational spirits , which is , as I said before , memory , and the repetitions of figures ; 〈◊〉 is , when one and the same figure was dissolved and created again amongst the rational , it is remembrance ; but memory is not so strong as the present sense , nor the remembrance so perfect , as the memory and the reason is , that what the sensitive spirits wrought on the optick nerve , is like a printed or painted figure , and that which the rational spirits make is like a carved statue , like painting , or sculpture , so that in memory the sculpture remains , and in remembrance is created , although the printing , or painting is worn out , or rubbed out , so that the present senses have two figures , one upon the optick nerve , the other amongst the rational spirits , wherein memory remains but one , and the reason why remembrance is not so perfect as memory is , because it is but the copy of a copy from the original , for remembrance is but a pattern taken from the memory , and the memory but a pattern from the object . Chap. 159. Of the figure of the head . THe figure of the brain gives strength to the sensitive motions , and to the rational knowledg in animals , for the scull being made with an arched rough , and the sides being hollow , and the whole head round , which hollow sides arched rough and round compass , cause rebounds * and reflections of the motions therein , which multiplie , increase , and strengthen them , as for the motions and figures of sound , the notes that are made are struck from the drum of the ear , as balls from a hand , to the concave part , and from thence rebound from side to side , and fall down , as a new note is raised , or like many balls struck one after another , so rebounds follow one another , and according as they are struck , so are the rebounds stronger or weaker , and according as they are repeated , so do they last ; the same for sight , for * lines piercing from the optick nerve , darting on the concave parts reflect , and these reflections cause double lines , which make the sensitive figures on the optick nerve appear plain to the rational figure , but if they rebound , and reflections be disorderly returned by disordered motions , they make a confusion , both in the sense , and rational knowledg , as for tast , it strikes from the nerves of the tongue , upon the brain , besides the hollow cave of the mouth , and according as the rebounds are made , and the strokes are struck , the taste is stronger or weaker , but if the brain be stuff'd with cold , then the concaves being stuft and so stopp'd where the rebounds should return , cause the taste to be weak , insomuch as not to be sensibly felt ; and for touch , the pores of the skin and flesh are hollow ; wherein rebounds are made , striking from side to side of each pores ; and we finde by experience that those parts which are not hollow , have not so strong a sense as those that are hollow : Again , if the nerves from whence the strongest strokes are struck be 〈◊〉 slack , the sense is weak . As for scent which is brought through the nostrils of the nose , like water through spouts , which dilates its self through the brain circling the pia mater , swelling , flowing and ebbing , like to the sea about the earth , which when it flows it is strong , but when it ebbs it is weak . But by reason scent is made by streaming motions , and not striking and retorting motions . As the other four senses are , it retaines not so long in the memory as the others do , although it may last longer in the brain or head , being more lasting , most commonly for the present then the rest are , for a stinke will remain in the brain a great while , and so will strong perfumes . Chap. 160. Of Sight . THe general opinion is , that all objects come through the optick nerve , and print the figures received on the brain , and that there are , nor can be no figures in the brain , but what the opticks bring in , and have passed through the eye ; it is true , by experience we finde , that without an eye , we cannot see an outward object , as they are without us , yet we see those objects , as they are without us in our sleep when our eyes be shut ; thus the sense of seeing is not lost , although the eyes were out , and the optick nerves stopped up . But some will say , those objects in dreams have past through in part , or in whole , therefore the question will be , where an animal can have an insight , if it were born blinde ; but if it be so , as the opinion is , that no figure , or insight can be , but what comes , or hath passed through the eye , and optick nerve , must want that sensible knowledge ; for according to that opinion , the ear can do the understanding no service as toward that sense , by reason sound can make no figure to sight , neither will taste , nor sent ; but some may say , touch may discover somewhat of that sense to the understanding , but I think not ; for in my opinion , touch is as senssesse to insight as sound ; for we cannot comprehend more of touch then of sound , for depth and breadth are no more to insight , then high notes , and low notes , nor soft nor hard , no more to insight then swift , and slow , sharp , or flat , nor pleasure , nor pain , no more then harmony , and discord ; but my opinion is , that figures are as inherent to the minde , as thoughts ; And who can have an unfigurative thought , for the minde cannot have thoughts , but upon some matter , and there is no matter but must have some figure , for who can think of nothing ; but the minde is like infinite nature , having no dimension , or extention , no center , nor circumference , no breadth , no depth , and as the innat matter creates figures , so the minde , which is the matter creates thoughts , which thoughts , are the figures of the minde ; for when we hear of a deity , we say in words it is an incorporeal thing ; but we cannot conceive it so in thought , we say we do , but we cannot prove we do ; T is true , the minde may be in a maze , and so have no fixt thought of any particular thing ; yet that amaze hath a figurative ground , although not subscribed ; as for example , my eyes may see the sea , or air , yet not the compasse , and so the earth , or heavens ; so likewise my eye may see a long pole , yet not the two ends , these are but the parts of these figures , but I see not the circumference to the uttermost extention , so the mind in amaze , or the amaze of thinking cuts not out a whole and distinct figurative thought , but doth as it were spread upon a flat , without a circumference , and though there are not such figures in the brain , as it brought through the opticks , yet such figures as the minde creates ; for the minde is innate matter , and innat matter is self-motion , and self-motion , is alwayes moving , and working , which working is figuring ; thus the sensitives innated matter prints figures iu the brain , and the rational innated matter creates figures in the brain after its own invention , which are imagination and conception , wherein are made imaginary worlds , without the materials of outward objects : and perchance these motions may create such a figure as this world , and such several figures , as the several creatures therein , although not so solid and lasting , because those motions want those grosse materials , of which they should create it withal ; but the sensitive innated matter in this cause , prints these figures upon the brain by patterning the rational figures created in the brain , like as when it doth the outward objects , and when the sensitive innate matter works on the inside , as in sleep , then it gives an insight , which are dreams according to their copied prints , and these motions may make lines of light , triangular lines , for colours set notes of tunes , draw plat-forms of taste , and sent , make prints of touch , not onely the rational innated matter , by imagination ; but the sensitive innated matter gives a sensible touch on the brain of all the outward senses , by which touch , I mean sensible knowledge ; thus the interior motions may move the brain with the variety of every sense , without the exterior passages , or objects , and although it may not make those very objects and subjects ; yet such as are proper for each sense , and of the same nature as I said before , draw lines of light , gathering motions make clouds , triangular motions make colours , insnarled motions make darknesse without the outward object , and all other motions that make several figures , or printed figures . Likewise reflections without the help of the eye and so rebounds , and retorts ; for sound , and set notes print words , and plain tunes without the ear ; so likewise for taste , sent , and touch ; but when the brain is filled withoutward objects , the natural motion seldom works after their own invention , having not room as it were , or else it is as it were overpowred with work , having more objects brought in , then they can either conveniently place or sort , or distinguish ; but weak minds , which are slow moving matter , think life an insensible thing , and the head , or brain empty of figures , when it is not filled with outward objects , like as a barrel is not filled with liquor , thinks it empty , because the thin air with which it is filled , is not subject to their grosse senses , so not to their weak capacities . Thus it is not the outward objects that make the sense , but the innate matter , which is self motion , which is the sense and knowledge , and the different motions therein , and therefrom , make the differences thereof , and though different sense and knowledge , may be in different , and several figures , and such kind of sense & knowledge proper for such kind of sorts of figures ; yet the figure adds nothing to the sense , and knowledge , although the innated matter may give a figure such a kind of sense and knowledge and when that figure dies , that kinde of sense and knowledge may alter , which was proper to that kinde of figure ; yet if it were the figure that gave the sense , and knowledg , and not the innated motions , there would be no alteration when the figure is made , or any extraordinary passion , whereby experience we finde the sense , and knowledge do alter all , though the figure be perfect , and in health . Chap. 161 Of Light and Colours . LIght and colour is made upon the optick nerve , as sound on the drum of the ear , for light the sensitive innated matter draws long , straight , smal , even lines , upon the optick nerve , and when colours are made , notes are set upon those lines , drawn upon the optick nerve as thus . Of colours , are when those lines are set with quavor , semy quavor . But light is onely when those lines are drawn without those quavors , semy-quavors , but as we shall see plain song books , after this manner . And the knowledg the rational innated matter takes thereof , is when they move in plain lines , when they move in figures and lines , they move for colours . Chap. 162. Of Blindnesse . Blindnesse proceeds from many causes , as when the cristalline part of the eye is not clear ; for if it be dimming , or failing , or spotted and foul , the objects seem muddy , and misty , and as the water of the cristaline is coloured , so the objects appear ; for as Diamonds , some are of a black water , others of a yellow water , some of a green water , or blue , others of a white water ; so is the cristalline part of several eyes , and according as it is clear , or coloured , so all objects appear . A second defect may be in the ball of the eye ; for according to the compasse of the concave , or convex thereof , the objects are presented neerer , or at a further distance , or longer or shorter , or broader , or narrower . A third defect may be in the eye hole ; for according to the largenesse , or littlenesse thereof , objects are presented , either in whole , or in part , bigger , or lesser , more , or fewer objects enter at once ; for if the eye-lid hole should be too large , the species would disperse too much , disuniting parts and figures , and if too small , the species cannot passe in 〈◊〉 and file , as I may say ; for though the smaller the circle is , the closer it contracts the species , and draws the objects into a straighter line ; yet if they should passe in a crowd , they will stop the mouth of the passage , like water in a glasse when turned suddenly downward , every drop striving to get out first hinders each others so in the strife , as none can passe . A fourth defect may be in the optick nerve , if it be full of slime , and the like , it darknens the sight , stopping the passage of the light , or if it be shrunk , or dried up , likewise if the head be full of grosse vapours , it obscures the sight , as a thick mist doth the sun ; for this foul foggy , and grosse vapors hinder the species from entring , and the sensitive innated matter that should print these objects , on the optick nerve , and if they are not quite stopt , yet it hinders the regularity , making that innated matter to work by piece-meales , or else staies not so long , as to take a perfect survay . The fift and sixth defect may be , if the eyes move too quick , or too slow , which makes the sight imperfect , or dull ; for too quick motions of the eye dazles the sight , and clips and cuts the exterior objects into so many parts , as no one part can be perfectly known , or seen ; and too slow motion blunts the sight like a sharp point that is struck upon a stone , or the like ; besides , when it is fixt too long upon one object , other objects passe by before it removes , or wearies it so much as one cannot take notice of it ; But when the eyes are too quick , it is by reason the nerve strings that tie and fasten the ball of the eye to the head , are too slack , which makes the eye ball so loose as the least motion moves it , or else these nervous strings are too small which makes them so weak , as every little motion moves , so as they are alwayes in motion as it were ; for if the nerves , and sinew-strings be too small for the weight of the eye ball , it may alwayes have a trembling motion , like a sthe aspen , or like weights that cannot poise steddy , as long as there is a disproportion ; and when the eyes are too slow the reason is when the sinews , or nerve-strings , are so short tied , or shrunk up , so that it holds the eye ball too hard , or too straight , giving it not liberty to stir , and turn from side to side , or to role about . A seventh defect may be when the eyes look asquint , as it may do two several wayes ; the one is when the ball of the eye is tied too short , by the nervous string towards the nose , by which the balls of either eye , are drawn so much inward to each other , as to look at each other ; but that they are some wayes hindered by the nose , this makes the lines or points ; that shoot from either eye , to meet acrosse , which makes all exterior objects to look double ; but if the eye string ties the balls of the eyes too short towards the temples it draws the points from the center , and the eyes out of the natural bias which causeth a side look , as seeing two several wayes at once , but neither way perfectly , by reason that the lines that issue from the eyes , lie not level , neither can those lines meet upon an object , in a triangular , which joyns 〈◊〉 sight of each eye into a point , which makes sight so much the stronger . Thus if the strings be too loose , or too hard , or too small , or that the optick is shrunk up , or the eye-lid-hole covered with some scale , or filme , or the eye-lid-hole too little or too big , or the christalline full , or the brain full , or too many vapours continually ascending from the bowels , or stomach , or if the eye be too quick , or too slow , it is a great defect in sight ; But if the passage be quite stopped up , of the strings or christalline part be broke , those are irrecoverably blinde . Chap. 163. Of Hearing . AFter the same manner is the sense received at the ear , onely the difference is , that instead of drawing , printing the outward objects , received through the eye , printed on the optick nerve , so the sensitive innated matter , sets , or pricks down notes , and draws lines on the drum of the ear , as musicians do upon paper , or the like ; and the sensitive innated matter in making them run , and make stops according as the vocal sound is set , and it is louder , or lower , according as they work weaker or stronger , but for the verbal , it is writ , 〈◊〉 printed on the drum of the ear in letters , for words , and the knowledge the animal figure takes , is when the rational innated matter moves according to those letters or notes , or wayes of division : but in a confused sound there is no order , time , nor stop kept , nor no perfect note , nor letter , nor line prick'd , or printed , or drawn , but , as we vulgarly say , it is all scrible-scrable , or else ciphers set for notes ; and like as it is to the opticks , so it is to the ear , for the notes and letters , as the pictures which fade ; for as the outward motions slacken , so the vocal and verbal sound dissolves ; and the memory and remembrance of sounds , vocal and verbal , is as the sense of the objects on the opticks . Chap. 164. Of Articular sounds , or sounds without distinction . IT is strange if we consider that one word should strike so many several ears , and so to be heard perfectly , by every particular ear ; but surely to my reason one word or note cannot fill so many ears , as can stand to hear it : again , it is strange that a word should directly hit into every ear that stands to hear it , I will not say alwayes , for sometimes a word is spoke two or three times over , although the ear be clear before it can hit the entrance , but that is but seldome ; but in my opinion it is not a single word that runs about from ear to ear , for then all would not hear at once , for if there were a multitude , the last ear might not hear a week after , or at least a day after it had been spoken . Wherefore in my opinion it must be after this manner , the mouth , tongue , and breath formes not onely a single word , but millions in one lump , with the same labour of pains , as for one word ; as for example , take a sheet of paper , or the like , and fold it into many folds , in a small compass , and stamp a print thereon , and every fold shall have the like print with one stamp , and until they are parted they stick so close as if they were but one printed body , when every fold is divided by the stamp with the print thereon ; so likewise the mouth folds up thin air , and the tongue gives the printed stamp , which being cast forth like a ball of wilde-fire , disperseth in a crack or sound , and then suddenly spreads about in several streams ; thus millions of words run about in lines of air , passing in all pores and hollow bodies , as the ear or the like , concaves as hollow wood and vaults , where finding resistance , rebounds back in repetitions , and according to their strength , or the strength of their bearing motions , they pierce farther and fall shorter , and according to the freeness of the passage , they sound louder , clearer , lower , or duller , and according to their stamp they are perfect or imperfect . After the same manner is all distinct sounds , notes being printed as words , but sounds without distinction , are like stamps without prints , that is plain pieces of air , but if the ear be stopped , the sound is lost to the brain , I will not say to natural sense , for surely the brain is not the whole ingrosser of that and the like sensitive knowledg , neither will say the animal head ingrosses all that sort of tempered matter , or that no passage can conveigh a sound but the animal ear . But most probably all sounds spread as lights ; as for example , a small candle will enlighten a large compass , by reason rayes of light streame equally from the center candle to the circumference ; so is sound : for when a pistol , or any the like shots of a bullet , the pistol , or that which makes the sound , is the center which spreads sound as fire doth light , and when such a compass of air is filled with sound , either vocal or verbal , every ear that stands in the compass must needs receive the sound if they 〈◊〉 not deaf ; likewise every eye may see day-light , that is not blinde , and the rebounds of sound are as the reflections of light , and verbals are received into the ear , as figures into the eyes ; and as cross lines of light make various colours , so different notes make various tunes : But some may say , that if the air were full of one and the same words , or notes , that more would enter the ears then was sent . I say that is impossible , unless the ear could draw the spreading , or streaming lines from the circumference to a point , which the ear cannot . But I believe art may do the same for sound as it can with light ; for art can draw with glasses made for that purpose , many beams to appoint , but if the eyes did so , it would burn them out . Also they can draw several species , through a small hole . I believe artificial echoes , are or may be made after such a manner . Chap. 165. Of taste , touch , and smell . THese senses are made by such motions as sound is , and as they are set on the drum of the ear , so these are set on the nerves of the tongue , or on the skin , for when the skin is off our tongue , we cannot taste ; likewise for * touch , they are set on the nerves , and sinnews ; and when these notes are set harmoniously , it pleaseth the senses , otherwise it displeaseth them , which displeasure is pain amongst the sensitive innated matter , and hate amongst the rational innate matter . As for scent , they are motions that draw like lines , like a plat-form upon the pia mater of the brain ; indeed the second draught of the sensitive innated matter , is to draw all their figures upon the pia mater of the brain . Chap. 166. Of Touch. TOuch is the general sense of the whole body , which the other senses are not ; for though every part of the body is of a several touch , yet it is all touch ; When sight onely belongs to the eyes ; sound onely to the ears ; scent onely to the nostrils ; and taste onely to the tongue ; besides the loss of any of these senses , nay all of them , may be wanting , as if they were not belonging to life , as indeed they are not , but onely as conveniencies to the life , but not of necessity ; whereas touch is as it were the life of the figure , for when this sense is generally wanting in the animal figure , it is as we say dead ; that is , the natural motion belonging thereto , is generally altered , or quite changed , as we say . This sense is received through the pores of the flesh , and the nerves are the instrumental strings whereon motion playes , either a harmony of pleasure , or a discord of pain , for as their strings are struck , so is pain or pleasure felt , but I have treated sufficiently of this sense in my chapter of numb'd palsies . Chap. 167. Of the pores of the body . THe pores are passages which let out the smoke or vapor , unnatural heat , and the superfluous humors in the body ; also they are passages to let in comfortable warmth , refreshing colds , nourishing air ; these passages have their inconveniencies , for they are a means to conveigh out the good with the bad ; and many times takes in infections , as malignant diseases that passe through the pores , for infection comes in as much through the pores , as any other part of the body . Besides , many times the radical moisture is carried out by unnatural heats , and sometimes the vital spirits by too many transparations ; but these pores passages are drawn or shut closer together by contracting motions , or set wider open by extenuating motions ; but if these common and necessary passages to the interiour parts be 〈◊〉 close shut , either by cold contractions , or hot contractions , it smoothers and choakes the vital parts by keeping the vapor , or smoke that should go forth , for the pores in this case are as the funnels of chimneys , wherein the smoke ascends up , and goeth out , and if they are set too wide open by the extenuating motions , they cause the body to starve , by giving passage to such matter as should be kept in to feed the body , or by giving too free passage , to the natural moisture , that should quench or temper the heat in the body , or by giving too free a passage to the gadding spirits that should stay in the body , to be imployed to the substance and strength thereof ; besides , when they are too open they are as apt to take in , by giving passage to that which is a prejudice to the 〈◊〉 of the body , as infections , malignity , or unnatural colds , or the like . But the pores of the body are always imployed , where the other passages of the body are imployed but some times . THE NATVRAL VVARS IN ANIMAL FIGVRES . PART V. CHAP. 167. ALL animals after they are created , and have an animal life , the figure is inlarged by nourishing motions , and sympathetical matter , these nourishing motions are disgesting motions , carrying those parts which are received by the senses , unto those parts that are created therein , building thereon , and fitting therewith , strengthning by adding thicknesse , as well as inlarging by extention , yet all that is received into the stomack , is not nourishing , the reason is that the temperament of the matter , is not sympathetical , that is agreeing not with the motions therein ; For though it is not so antipathetical to make an open war , which war is sicknesse , yet they do hinder , and obstruct , like several factions , those natural motions which make health ; but when the natural motions and tempers of humours are quite opposite to the food that is received , or the unnatural humours bred in the body by evil digestion , they become mutanous by the quantity that is received , or that ariseth from obstructions , whereupon there becomes a fierce and cruel fight of contrary motions , and temperaments of matter , and whilest they are in the battle , we say the body is sick , and if the natural motions be not strong enough , to beat that evil , and dangerous matter out , or at least able to resist them so far , as to guard themselves until the evil parts do spend themselves with their own fury , or till the natural motions , and temperaments can have some assistance , as cordials , or physick , it destroyes the figure it fights with ; but if the natural motions be more powerfull , either by their own strength , or by their assistance , then the mutinous and rebellious humours , or the foreign enemy , as surfets , and the like ; but when they are beaten out , killed , or taken prisoners , which is to be purged , corrected , or purified , which makes the humours obedient , and peaceable . Chap. 168. Of the four natural Humours of the Body , and those that are inbred . AS there is natural Fire , Aire , Water , and Earth , that is made by an intire creation derived from their own proper principles . As likewise a metamorphosed Fire , Aire , Water , and Earth . So there are humours in Animal bodies , and in other bodies ; for all I can perceive , and though the bodies cannot be metamorphosed , yet the humours may . But in every Animal body there is natural Melancholy , Choler , Flegme , and blood ; the natural blood is the vital vapor ; the natural Flegme is the radical moisture ; the natural Choler is the radical heat , the natural Melancholly is the animal spirits , being the highest extract . And if we do but observe those that be naturally melancholly , have the soundest judgements , the clearest understanding , the subtilest observation , and curiousest inventions , the most conceptions , the 〈◊〉 fancies , and the readiest wits ; likewise the strongest passions , and most constant resolution . but humours which are inbred as flegme , choler , and Melancholy are made as Metamorphosed fire , aire , water , slime mud , and earth , as for example , the chylus is the matter that is metamorphosed . The dilating motions transform it from chylus to slime , from slime to water , from water to blood , from blood to vapor , from vapor to comfortable and lively heat , from comfortable and lively heat , to burning fevers and hectick fevers , and the like . Likewise the chylus by contracting motions , turns from chylus to slime . If they be cold contractions , it turns from slime to flegme , from flegme to heavy melancholly . If hot contractions , it turns from chylus to temperat choler ; from temperat choler to choler adust , from choler adust , to melancholly ; which from a slimy humour to a muddy humor , from a muddy humour , to an earthy dry humour . Some sort of hot contractions make it sharp , some salt , some bitter . Likewise , several sorts of salts , sharpnesse , and bitternesse , are wrought with mixt motions , cold contractions make the humour , glassy , and stony . Hot contractions make the humours tough , clammy glutenous and stony . Hot dilatings make the humour oylie , cold dilations watry . Likewise , mixt motions makes mixt humours , and mixt tempers inclining to each side , as the motions predominate . Chap. 169 The five natural Maladies of the body . EVery diseased figure is either pained , sick , dissy , numb , weak , or mad , sometimes they meet all in one figure , these are distinct senses one from another ; as for pain , although every several part of the body hath different sense , yet they agree in the general , as to be all pain . But sicknesse is quite different from pain , for it is another , sense ; for to have a pain in the stomach , is not to be sicke in the stomach ; neither is any part of the body , but the stomach is liable to this sense ; the head may ake , and the heart may ake , heel , or any part of the body ; but none but the stomach can be sick ; Indeed it is a different sense from pain . Thirdly , a swimming , or diseases in the head , are different from both the other , it is a third sort of sense , neither is any other part of the body subject to this disease , but the head not properly , yet faintnesse , or weaknesse is a disease , as it were tempered with the three former diseases , as to have pain , sick , and dissy , or swimming , to be mixt or compounded into one disease , but it is so mixt and compounded into all three , as neither is perfectly or distinctly felt ; so as it is no distinct sense this disease is generall to the whole body . The fift is madnesse , this sense is neither painful , nor sick , nor dissy , but light in the head , which is different from dissy or swimming ; but this disease infecteth with a distemper , the five outward senses . The last is a numbnesse , and deadnesse of particular parts ; and sometimes of the whole body ; but this disease is not onely a different sense , but an other nature , which is naturally unknown to the figure ; for the figure is not any wayes sensible thereof ; indeed it is of the nature of sowning ; for those that sown , the motions of the animal sense , and minde are quite altered for a time , but then the animal motions return , that is , rechanged to the proper motions again , so that those dead parts that cannot be restored to the sense of touch , are as it were in a continual sown , for though in a sown the exterior motion are proper to the sense of touch is changed , yet the interior motions proper to the consistence , of that figure are not changed ; for if the interior consistent motions were changed , it would turn to 〈◊〉 , so in dead palsies , if the interior consistent motions were changed , those parts would corrupt as do dead carcases . Numb palsies , ie different from dead palsies as fainting from sowning ; for fainting is in the next degree to a sown , so a numb palsie , is the next degree to dead palsies . Chap. 170. I will treat first of the motions that make sicknesse . THe motions that cause sicknes are different according as the sicknes is , or rather the sicknesse is according to the different motions ; for some motions are like the ebbing and flowing tides of the sea ; For the humor furdles , or folds upwards , as the flowing tide , which most commonly provokes to cast , as overflowing the mouth of the stomack , but when the humour folds backward , as the ebbing waters do , that provokes to the stool ; for as falling tides run from one place , they flows to another , so when the humour fals back from the mouth of the stomack , it overflows the belly , but if the humour neither overflows the belly , nor the mouth of the stomack , it runs into the nerves , like as the water runs through the earth , and as the water breaks forth by springs , so doth the Humor by several 〈◊〉 eumes . Again , some sorts of sicknesse in the stomack , are made by such kinde of motions as water boyling in a pot , over the fire , for as ebbing and flowing motions are running backward , and so forward , so boyling motions , are rising upward , and falling downward , there is as much difference in these motions , as betwixt vaughting and running ; but these rising motions cause vapours to the head , for the thin parts which rise highest , when their rising strength failes , fall not hastily down again , but gather to a more solid body , as vapor from the earth doht into clouds , these clouds cause the dimnesse and darknesse of the sight , obstructing the light that is brought by the optick nerves . Again , there are other sorts of sicknesse in the stomack , caused by such motions , as are like the rolling of a barrel , the humour turning about in the figure of a barrel , which figure , or the like , is somewhat bigger in the middle , then the two ends , this humour in the stomack is most commonly tough and thick , being more united , and somtimes one end of this humour is as set upward , and the other downward , and so turned as a barrel with the head upward , and sometimes moved as a barrel the longest way on the ground , these motions cause neither purging by vomits , nor stool , but thrust out into cold sweats ; for though these are not so strong dilating , or expulsing motions as ouer 〈◊〉 , which forceth to vomit , or to purge , yet it extenuates by thrusting weakly out into a faint sweat , then there are other sorts of sickness , which are caused by such motions , as if meat were turning about on a spit , for the center of the humor removes not out of the place , although the circumference turns about ; this is a constant sickness , and the stomach hath no ease , untill the humor is taken out of the stomach by some stronger motions ; as you would take a spit from the fire , or by 〈◊〉 motions , to hold the humor from turning : so there are millions of several motions , which makes several sicknesses in the stomach , for though the stomach can be but sick , yet the sickness is not always after one and the same manner . Chap. 171. Of the motions which cause pains . PAin is caused not onely by irregular motions , but cross motions , or rather , as I may say , jumbling motions ; that is , motion beats upon motion , or , as I may say , runs upon each other , thronging and justling each other ; and several sorts of pain in several parts of the body , are caused by different , cross , or beating motions , but if they be dilating motions , they beat upon one another , by shufling outward , like as foolish women do for place , tumbling upon each other to get foremost ; those painful motions turn to sores , and putrifie , because dilating motions make moisture , and being perturbed , make corruption , but if they be such contracting motions which cause pains , they turn those parts that are pained to be harder , then naturally those parts are , as the stone dry liver , or brain , or the like ; but if those pains be made of mixt motions , as some beat inward , and some outward , and so run cross , they are hard swelling that extends to the exterior parts , but will not break , as the King 's Evil , or Gouts that lie in the flesh , or Sciatica , and many the like ; for though the extenuating motions would burst out , yet the contracting motions keep in , and being both equally strong , neither get the better , for the time the pain is ; and if the pain be amongst the sinews , it is caused either by contracting motions or 〈◊〉 motions , but not mixt , but as it were divided ; for if it be extenuating motions , 〈◊〉 sinews are irregularly stretch'd too far ; if contracting or atracting motions , they irregularly draw , or pull , or gather the sinews strings too short ; if the paines be in the bones , they are onely cross motions , as if one should run one against the other , yet neither shuff backward nor push forwards , being equally strong ; if in the flesh they are intangled motions , which make it incline towards black , as to seem purple , or read , or black . And if the pain be in the skin , they are pricking motions , as if a needle should draw a thread in and out upon a cloath , or the like , but in every pained part there is some difference in the manner of motions , although not in the nature of the motions . Chap. 172. Of swiming or dissiness in the head . DIssiness and swimming in the head is made by several sorts of motions , of such vapor as is condensed into winde , if winde be condensed , if not , it is rarified vapor turned into winde ; and the agilness of the motions therein , causeth the force thereof , by an often repetition , giving no time for a repulse : but howsoever winde is made , either by rarification , or condensation , it is winde most commonly , which causeth that we call a swimming and dissiness in the head ; * for this condensed or rarified vapor , ( which you will ) when it is expulsed , flies violently about , carrying or driving whatsoever is bearable , loose or moveable along , or about with it , according to the strength thereof ; and if this winde be in those veins which incompass and run through the brain , it carries the bloud therein , with such an extraordinary and swift motion about the head , or brain , as it carries the senses , as it were , along with it , which makes the diseased think the brain turned round in the head , when it is onely the vapor , that wheels round therein , or about ; but the lasting strength wasting by the violent swiftness , brings but a short trouble to the diseased , and seldom or never causeth a ruine , unless there be some vein broken by the violence thereof ; but if it be a windy vapor , in the 〈◊〉 and larger parts of the head , it sometimes will gather like a ball , or like that we 〈◊〉 a spinning top , which spins about in the brain , whilest it hath strength , and when the strength fails , the spinning motion is done , and the vapor disperseth , so the dissiness ceaseth ; at other times those vapors will move like a whirlwinde , moving ascendingly , in lesser and lesser circles , until it brings a circle to a point in the shape of a pyramid ; and when the strength abates , or that it breaks it self against more solid matter , the vapor disperses and so expulses , but this sort of motions is so violent , as it causes the diseas'd to fall , but soon to recover , for what is supernaturally violent cannot last long . Chap. 173. Where the brain turns round , or not in the head . ALthough thin vapor may get betwixt the skull and the brain , and likewise slimy 〈◊〉 ; yet I imagine not that the brain is loose from the skull , so as to flap , flash , or to strike against the sides of the skull , when the head is moved , or to turn round , although it is a common phrase , to say , my brain turns round in my head , when they are dissie ; but imagine it is not in the brain that turnes round , but the vapor or the humor therein ; it is true , the brain turns round , when the whole body turns round , but so as it turns round with the head , as one part , not in the head as a part by it self ; and the reason that the dissiness is cured by turning the contrary way , is , that the sensitive motions therein are turned toward their moderate , naturall , and accustomed manner of moving ; for the violence of turning round , forces the sensitive motions , as the winde doth the air , or water , driving all one way , as before it , or rather like a scrue , or a wheel that windes up those motions , as thread upon a spindle , and so unwinds the contrary way . Chap. 174. Of the sound or noise in the head . WHen there is a thin vapor got into the head , as betwixt the skull and the brain , and runs about in Circular lines as a string about a wheele , it makes a humming noise , as a turning wheel doth , and the more by reason the head as well as the vaporous lines is spherical , and though the brain may stick close to the scull , yet not so close but a thin vapor may get betwixt ; but if the vapor be gathered into little hollow balls like cymbals , and runs about the head , it causeth a noise like those cymbals , as a tickling or gingling noise . But if the vapour in the head hath intermitting motions , the sound is like musical instruments , for the stops like notes , make the divisions according to the several motions in the head , is the sound made therein , although the ear is stopp'd without . Chap. 175. Of Weakness . SOwning is caused by the obstruction of the spirits , or too great evacuations , or when any thing suppresses , or laies siege to the heart , or head , they being the magazine of the life of the body , wherein the least disorder is like fire to gunpowder : Weakness is caused by a too much relaxing of the sinews , and small fibres of the body , which are like laths to an house , and flesh like the morter laid thereon . The bones like the strong timber rafters and beams therein , which when the morter is worn off , the laths are apt to loosen ; so when the body is lean , the flesh is wasted , the sinews are apt to slacken . Again , some are weak , by reason the sinews are boyl'd too tender , as too much towards a jelly , which the body will be after moist extenuating diseases , as after extraordinary sweatings , small pox , measels , or the like , or in hydropical diseases . Weakness is in a degree to death , as being towards a final or general expulsion of the figure . Chap. 176. Of numb and dead palsies . A Dead palsie is not onely made by mis-tempered matter , and disordered motions , but by unnatural motions , as improper to the nature of that kinde of figure , working , or mis-working most commonly upon the exterior parts , drawing up or shutting close those passages that should be open , working by contrary motions , from the nature of the figure , which causes insensibility , but as long as the vital parts be untouch'd , which are the stewards , and trustees , to the life of the body , which are to dispose , discharge , and direct , to take in and lay out , for the subsistance of the body ( as I may say ) as long as these are untouch'd , the life of the body may subsist , although the other particular parts be as we say dead , or lost to the natural use of the body . A numb palsie is of the same nature , but not of the same degree ; as for comparison , a dead palsie is , as if a door , for common and necessary passage , should be close shut and lock'd , or nail'd up ; and a numb palsie is as if the door or doors should be half open , and according as it is open , or shut , the numb palsie is more or less , but both dead ; and numb palsies are occasioned by some unnatural contractions , for if it were by some unnaturall expulsions , the parts infected would rot , and fall from the other parts , as 〈◊〉 , which certainly are caused by such kind of unnatural expulsions , as dead palsies are of unnatural contractions ; thus we finde by experience , that they are unnatural contractions , that cause dead palsies , because they do not rot . Wherefore in these diseases there must be applied opening medicines that work dilatively , and if they be caused from a cold contraction , then hot dilating medicines must be applied , but if they proceed from hot contractions , the cold dilating medicines must be applied ; but the difficulty and skill will be to finde whether they proceed from cold , or heat , although most commonly , all physicians do apply in these diseases , very hot and dry medicines , which are contracting , which medicines are quite contrary to the nature of the diseases , which makes them cure so few , but the surest way is to apply dilating medicines , whether hot or cold . Chap. 177. Of that we call a sleepy numbness . A Sleepy numbness is also caused by obstruction or stoppages ; as for example , if any over-burthensome weight lies upon the arm , or hand , or the like , it will become numb , which is vulgarly called sleepy ; the reason is , that pressing too hard upon those parts , we stop the pores , which by touch is received ; for if the pores be close shut , touch cannot enter , no more then if the eye be shut an outward object can enter , or stopping the ears , or nose , a sound , or scent can enter ; as we may finde by experience ; for if any part is bound too hard , it strait becomes numb , likewise a violent blow ; or when any part is tied too hard , that part becomes numb , the reason is , by striking or thrusting back the bloud ; for the bloud is like a running company , which when they are forcibly beaten back , on those companies that are thrusting forward , unite by contraction into so firm a body , that no particular part can stir ; which solid and thick body stops the pores of the 〈◊〉 , and the running motions in the veines ; but also as we give liberty by uniting , or unbinding , or by taking off waight , or by gently rubbing , to open the pores , and disperse the bloud , it is cured . Likewise the sleepy numbness may proceed from a superfluity of vapor , which flying to the pores for vent may stop the passage , by too great a concourse , being more vapor then sudden vent ; but any alteration of motion cures it , by dispersing the vapor , more thin and evenly . Chap. 178. Of the head feeling numb . WHen the skins which wrap up the brain , as the pia mater , and dia mater , are contracted by an inward cold , or an outward cold taken in at the nose , ears , mouth , or pores of the skin , they shrivel , or are drawn in as a handkerchief , or the like ; when we carry some bulk within it , and when those skins are drawn into a straiter compass , then the nature is , it presses upon the brain , as being too strait , wherein the brain cannot freely move . Besides , the veins and little small strings that run about the brain , being contracted with cold , the bloud in those veins cannot so freely run , and those strings being shrunk , make the brain feel as if it were so hard bound , as to be numb ; but this doth rather afright the life of the diseased , then destroy it ; for a little warmth by rubbing the head , or a hot cloth laid on the head , or some warm spoon-meat cures it . Also numbness may proceed from too much bloud in the veins , or too much matter in the nerves , for being too full causeth a stopping , for want of space or room to move naturally in ; but this numbness is not so easily cured , especially when the oppressions lie in the nerves , for opening a vein gives liberty to the bloud ; but I know not how one should so easily open a nerve , neither is the matter within so liquid , as suddenly to run out ; but this numbness is rather of the nature of a dead numbness , then a sleepy numbness . Chap. 179. The manner of motion , or disorder in madness . THe motions that make that extravagancy we call madness , is as a carver , or painter , ingraver , printer , or the like , should place the figures they work , the wrong end upwards ; or as if Mathematicians should draw a plat-form , and should make a square where a circle should be , or should put equall weights in uneven scales , or set false numbers , or make false measure ; or as a painter , printer , carver , or graver , should paint , print , carve , or grave , a Coaches head to a Lions body , or if a painter should draw feathers , on beasts , and hair on birds , or the like ; indeed a sensitive madness , is like dreams in sleep , onely the sensitive motions work in sleep as I have described before , on the inside of the sensitive doors ; and when awake on the outside ; and in sleep be wrought , without a pattern ; and awake by a pattern srom the reall figure , which they present ; and the differences in madness are , that they work be wrought , without the real subjects , on the outside of the sensitive door , as if awake , although there are no objects to take pattern from , as we may perceive by them that are distempered , that they see such objects that are not present , or such as never was , or can be ; and so the like for sounds , tasts , touch , and smelling , that is , the sensitive motions , paints , prints , carves , graves , or the like ; as on the outside of the optick nerve , without a reall pattern ; and when the sense works regular , they never draw on the outside without a pattern , but on the inside , as in sleep , and the like for all the other senses : But the motions of the rational madness are , when they move violently , and irregularly , if the motions be onely violent , then they fall into violent passions ; as anger , fear , malice , or loving , hating , grieving , dispraises , and resolute intentions ; if their motions be irregular , then they have strange conceptions , wild fancies , mixt memories , inconstant and various opinions ; if their motions be violent and irregular , they have strong and strange imaginations , high despaires , obstinate and dangerous resolutions ; if the sensitive and rational innate matter , sympathie in violent irregularity , then they will violently talke , laugh , sing , weep , and sigh , without reason why , or wherefore ; but mistake me not , for when I say , too violent , strong , swift , weak , slow , it is irregular , as to the temper or nature of the figure , but not as to its own nature ; as for example , a clock may go too swift as to the distance of the hour , and yet strike even every nick ; and the pulse may be too swift for the natural temper , and yet keep even time : a musician may play too fast for a solemn tune , and too slow for a light air , and yet play right to the notes ; as for the irregularity , some motions may be too swift , others too slow , for other assistant motions , as for example an army is to march in a body , and some should go , or ride half a day , or a dayes journey before the rest , and some should lag , and come slowly behinde , or that some should go one way , and some another , or as two should carry a burthen , and the hindemost should go too fast for the former , and so tumble or throw down , or as horses in a Coach , the one runs away , and forceth the other to follow , as for disorder , it is somewhat otherwise , as tumults and uproars , as some doing that which they ought not to do , or belong not to them , or instead of garding a house pull it down , or like those that will make a fire in the midst of the house on a woodden floor , and not in the Chimnie ; then there is a disorder in placing , and matching of parts , and alterations of motions , quite different , from the nature of the figure , for some sort of madnes is made by such different motions , as death from that which we vulgarly call life , that is , the motions , are as different , as several kindes of figures ; for in this kinde of madnesse , they no more know in their fits , or remember out of their fits , what they did , or said , or was done to them in their fits , then if they had been dead ; just as in a sound , they know not what was done to restore them , yet there is not a cessation of motions ; neither in the sensitive , nor in the rational , but an alteration of motion , 't is true , there is for a time a cessation of such sorts of motion , as belong to the natural health of the figure , but not to the life . Chap. 180. Of madnesse in the body and minde . THere are two sorts different in madnesse , the one is irregular motion , amongst the rational innated matter , the other amongst the sensitive innated matter , as misplacing , ill mixing , or mismixing , or mistempering , or distempering , false carving , wrong printing off , and on the dull part of matter , as in fevers , or the like diseases , where the distempered matter is misplaced , by which improper motions , alters the natural motions , which makes the natural temper , and causes , and unnatural temper by improper motions ; working upon every particular sense , irregularly , or rather improperly , and mixtly , which makes extravagancies both in each particular senses , and in the generality , this madnesse proceeds from the sensitive , and not from the rational innated matter ; for the rational part will be in order , and describe distinctly what extravagant the sense presents to them ; but this madnesse of the body is oft times mistaken , and thought to be the distemper of the minde , because the sick persons describe those extravagancies by relation , yet oftimes the one causeth the other , but not alwayes ; for many times the minde will be disordered when the body is sound , and healthful , and many times the body will be distempered , when the minde is regular and free ; but the madnesse of the body , onely continues to the height of the disease , and as the disease abates , the extravagancies vades , and by health vanishes away , or rather is rubbed , or worn out , by the Regular , and proper natural motions belonging to that figure , or body , but the madnesse in the minde proceeds from irregular motions , amongst the rational innated matter , as when they neither keep time , nor measure , not onely in making * figures , but in moving those figures , they make this distemper , or rather that disorder , is altogether in the moving matter , when the other distemper is in disordering the moved matter , for the sensitive innate matter may work regularly , according to the nature and strength , but not according to the temper , or degree of the dull matter , nor according to the nature , and property of the kinde , or sort of figure ; but when the sensitive , and the rational joyns in conjugal disorder the minde is ravening as we say , and the body weak . Chap. 181. Madnes is not alwayes about the head . MAdnesse belongs not onely to the head , as that onely the eye , ear , nose , and mouth , sees , hears , smels , and tasts extravagantly ; but every other part of the body that is sensible of touch ; for extravagant touch , is as much as extravavant sight , and the like ; for touch of the brest , or any other part of the body , is a sense , as much as the eye in the head ; thus the body , or senses will be mad as well as the minde , as I have described in former chapters . Likewise for the madnesse in the minde , it is not alwayes bound in the head ; for where there are extravagant passions in the heart , the minde is as mad , as when there are extravagant imaginations , in the head ; for the rational matter , that which we call the soul , or minde is as much , and hath as much recourse to the heart , as to the head , and so to the other parts of the body , for any thing I can perceive . But that matter I call the rational and sensitive spirits , * which others call the animal , and vital spirits ; perchance fools may think me extravagant for giving the matter other names ; but I was forced to take these names , because they were more significant to the sense of my discourse ; besides , perchance they may think , when I speak of rational and sensitive spirits , that they are hobgoblins , ghosts , or visions , such as nurses fright their children with , or superstitions , or as the wiser sort doth to make credulous fools beleeve to keep them in awe , knowing they are apt to disorders . Chap. 182. Musick may cure mad folks . THere is great reason why Musick should cure madnesse ; for this sort of madnesse is no other but the spirits that are in the brain and heart put out of their natural motion , and the spirits having a natural sympathy with Musick , may be composed into their right order ; but it must be such Musick , as the number of the notes must goe in such order as the natural motion of the brain , though every brain hath not one and the same motion , but are set like notes to several tunes : wherefore if it were possible , to set notes to the natural motion of the heart , or that brain that is distempered , it might be perfectly cured , but as some notes do compose the brain by a sympathy to the natural motion , so others do make a discord or antipathy , and discompose it , putting the natural motions out of tune . Thus much for the sensitive Maladies . Chap. 183. Of the fundamental diseases , first of fevours . THere are many several sorts or manners of fevors ; but I will onely treat of the fundamental fevours , which are three , from which three all other fevors are partly derived ; the first is a malignant fevor , the second the hective fevor ; and the third the ordinary burning fevours ; the first is catching , and often deadly , the second is never catching , but alwayes deadly ; the third is neither catching , and seldom deadly ; the first proceeds from violent disordered motions , and distempered matter , and humour . The second from swift motions , which distemper and make waste of the matter , which matter , I mean the substance of the body . The third is too violent motions on well tempered matter . And these three sorts of fevours are often mixt , as it were a part of all mixt into one ; but a high malignant fevor , is a sudden usurpation ; for the disordered motions joyned with a mistempered matter , which is corrupt humours , surprise the body , and destroy the life therein , as we shall see in great plagues , the body is well , sick , and dead in a moment ; these or the like diseases are caused after three manner of wayes , as being taken from outward infection , or bred by an evil habit in the body , or by taking some disagreeing matter therein , which causeth a war of sicknesse ; for upon the disorder which the disagreeing matter makes , the natural motions belonging to the body grow factious , and like a common rout arise in an uproar , which strives onely to do mischief , stopping some passages that should be kept open , and opening some passages that should be kept shut , hindring all regular motions , from working after that natural manner , forcing those they can over power , to turn rebels to the life of the body . For it is against the nature of the innated matter to be idle , wherefore it works rather irregularly then not work at all , but as long as a body lies sick , the power is divided , one part of the innated matter working irregularly , the other according to the natural constitution , which by the regularity , they strive to maintain the chief forts of life which are the vital parts , especially the heart , and disordered motions striving to take , or pull them down , making their strongest assaults thereon ; for the disordered innated matter makes out-works of corrupted matter , stopping as many passages as their power will give leave , so striving either to starve the vital parts , or to oppresse them with corruption , or to burn them by their unnatural heat they make in the body , or to drown them with watrish humor which is caused by the distemper of ill disgestions , and obstructions ; the regular innated matter , strives to break down those works , and to cast , and expel that filth out of the body , and according as each party gets the better , the body is better or worse , and according as the siege continues , the body is sick , and according as the victory is lost or won , is life or death . Chap. 185. Of the infections of animals , Vegetables , and elements . Such motions as corrupt animal bodies , corrupt vegetable bodies , and as corrupt and malignant air is infectious to animals , so likwise to vegetables , and as malignant diseases are catching and infectious , to those that comes neer them , so oftentimes vegetables are infectious to animals , as herbs and fruits , which cause some yeers such dangerous sicknesse and killing diseases to those that eat thereof ; likewise those bodies that are infected do infect sound , and nourishing food , when once it is eaten , causeth that which is good also malignant when once in the body . Chap. 186. Of burning fevros . ALL burning fevours for the most part , are produced from the vital spirits , as when they move irregularly , they corrupt the natural humours which cause a distemper of heat in the body moving towards expulsions , which are dilation ; and when they move with supernatural quicknesse after an extenuating maner , they inflame the body in either causes , emptying the body , and quenching the fire is to be put in execution , for the emptier the body is , the lesse humours there will be . Ltkewise lesse motion , as having lesse matter , for in matter motion lives , likewise the lesse cumbustible matter there is , the sooner the unnatural fire will be quenched , unlesse that the fire be in the arteries , then it is like a colepit set on fire , wherein there is no quenching it , unlesse you drown the coles , so when the unnatural heat is in the arteries , you must drown the life of the body , like the colein the pit before you can quench the fire ; but a 〈◊〉 may be eased , & somwhat prolonged with cooling brothes , and quenching julips , for though they cannot enter the arteries , yet they may keep the outward parts cold and moist , which may cast cold damps quite through the body , but in this case all evacuations are dangerous , for the more empty the body is of humour , the sooner the body is consumed , for the humours serve as oyl , and though they flame , yet they keep in the light of life ; in all other fevours evacuations of all sorts are good , for if it be some melancholy pitch humours that are set on fire in the body , or some oylie cholerick humours , it is but quenching it with cooling julips , without any hurt to the body , and if it be a brandy blood set on fire , it is but drawing it forth by broaching some veines , and the body will be saved from the destruction . Chap. 187. The remedies of Malignant Diseases . IN malignant diseases expelling medicines are best , which expelling medicines are not hot , and dry medicines , for all drugs that are naturally dry , have a contracting quality which is an utter enemy in this disease ; for they must be dilating medicines , and all dilating medicines have a fluid faculty working after the nature of a flowing tide , which is thrusting , or streaming outward , as to the circumference , and the operations of drying medicines , are like the ebbing tide that draws backward or inward , as to it self ; but as I said before , that all hot and dry medicines have a contracting quality , which contractions draw or gather up the malignity , as in a bundle or heap together , and if it be a fiery contraction , it sets it on a fire , which burns out the life of the body ; for fire makes no distinguishment of good or bad , but destroyes all it can in compasse , so as it will not onely burn up the superfluities , or corruptions , but suck or drink up the radical moisture , or charcoales , the vital parts , and consumes the animal life . Wherefore dilating medicines , must be applied in these diseases , but not strong expulsives medicine , by reason the malignity is so intermixt , or spread in the , body that striving with a strong force to cast forth the malignity they should cast forth the nourishing and consistent matter , for the malignity , and corrupt humours being more strong , having a greater party , can resist with more strength the force of expulsion then the nourishing , consistant part can being weak , so that the expulsions give strength to the malignity , or corrupt humours , by taking away the pure , and well tempered matter ; but leting blood in these diseases 〈◊〉 be excellent good , for bleeding is rather of the nature of sweating , then of purging ; besides , it will draw the malignity more from the vital parts into the veins , for the veins having a natural quality or faculty to draw , and to suck into them , will draw , and suck in that which doth most abound , so as it is but still letting blood as the malignity is drawn in , for it is better to let out the blood , then endanger the vital parts , by keeping it in , for if most of the blood should bee let out there will fresh blood increase in a short time , but if the vital parts be never so little corrupted , or putrified or wasted , we cannot heale or make up those parts again . Chap. 134. Diseases caused by conceit , or cured . AS for the Producing diseases by conceit , is thus ; the vital spirits which are the motions of life , have an absolute power over the body , as working every part thereof , and therein , so the animal spirits which are the motions of the mind create imaginations , and conceptions , and the animal spirits and the vital spirits being as man and wife , the animal as the husband , the vital spirits as the wife , whereupon the animal spirits many times beget that desease it figures which is an imagination , and the vital spirits brings that childe forth , being like the figure the animal spirits made , that is , the vital spirits oft times work such motions as makes such diseases , wherefore the animal spirits work those motions into imaginations ; and to prove it , those that conceit they shall have the small pox , measels , pleague , or the like , most commonly they fall sick of that disease , although they come not neer the infection ; and to prove the animal spirits which is the minde , works the same motions by an imagination as the disease is , that those which conceit a disease , do not fall sick of any other disease but the same they imagine , and the reason why these malignant diseases are produced oftner by imaginations then other diseases , is , that those diseases are dangerous , or that they are apt to deform which makes a fearful conception or imagination , to work more strongly ; for did the imiginations work as strong to other diseases as to these , they would produce the same effects ; As for those which are cured by conceit , is when the motion of the animal spirits works stronger then the vital spirits , which causeth the vital spirits to altar those motions that made such diseases ; but those effects are produced but seldom , by reason that the animal spirits seldom work so strong imaginations , for it requires a double , or treble strength to resist or alter the force another way , which must be to cure a disease after this manner , then to joyn and assist , as in the producing a disease ; for when the imagination produceth a disease , the vital spirits joyn with the animal , but when the disease is cured by imagination , the animal spirits takes the animals from their work ; but a great fright , or a sudden joy is a good remedy in some diseases , by reason those passionate motions are strong , and violent , yet they can cure onely loose diseases , not such diseases as are rooted , or fixt , for then the vital spirits are not to be altered by the animal . Chap. 188. Of the expelling malignity to the outward parts of the body . THe reason why malignant diseases , as the plague , or purples , or small pox , measels , or the like ; there break forth spots , swelling scabs , or whelks , is by the power of expelling motion ; But the reason why it sticks in the flesh , and not quite out , is , because the irregular motions that maintain the health and strength of the body , are opposed by disorderly motions , which makes corrupted matter , that makes disordered motions ; for though there can be no corrupted matter , but what is caused from disordered motion , yet when the humors of the body are once corrupted , the motions are more violent ; again , superabundant humors , cause disordered motions ; for as there is too much humor , obstructing the body therewith , so there is too much motion , to work regularly therein , and being against the natural constitution to have so much humor , and motion , it produceth violent sickness , working to the destruction , and not to the maintenance of the body ; but the regular motions , which are digestive motions , which unites , strengthens , and defends the vital parts , by atracting good 〈◊〉 , by retaining the useful parts ; by concocting it into a sollid substance , by expelling of superfluieties , or malignancy out of the body , after a methodical manner , and according as the strength of expelling motions are , so is the malignity , cast forth , for if the repelling motions be stronger then the expelling motion , the malignant presses so hard upon the vital parts , as it smothers the life therein , or burns up the materials thereof : Again , the expelling motions may be so weak , as they cannot thrust out the malignity so far as the circumference of the body which is the skin , or if so far , yet not to stay there so long , as to evapor it out , and then the malignity fals back with a greater violence ; for what is forced , and resisteth , when once it hath liberty , or gets power , it becomes more violent , by how much more it were forced ; but that malignity that doth evaporate forth , doth insensibly enter into the next body it meets ; entring through the nostrils , mouth , or pores of the flesh ; and thus many times , from animal to animal untill there is a general infection , which is a general disorder , for the malignity that enters in by infection , is like a foraign enemy , which enters into a peaceable country , which not onely disorders it , but makes havock and waste , and many times utterly destroyes it , but when a malignant disease is bred in the body , it is like a civil war , where uproars are raised , and outrages are done , by inbred corrupt humors ; but when malignant or other diseases are caused by surfeits , it is like a deluge of fire or water , that either drowns , or burns up the the kingdom of the body ; where sometimes it is saved by assistant * medicines , and sometimes it is so furious , as nothing can help it . Chap. 189. Of Sweating diseases . ALL sweating diseases are caused by such kinde of extenuating motions , as melt metal , and not by such kinde of extenuating motions as evaporate water , for the evaporations of the watery part of the body breath forth in insensible transpirations , as breathing through the pores like a thin air ; but sweat runs through the pores like liquid oar through gutters of earth : but sweats are good or bad for the body , according to the matter or humors that are melted out , as for example ; I will compare the humors of the body to several metals , as Iron , Lead , Tin , Copper , Silver and Gold ; Iron is melancholly dust ; Lead is cold , and dry or cold , and moist melancholly ; Tin is flegm ; Copper is choler ; Silver is the radical humor ; and God is the vital spirits : These humors must be proportionably tempered to make a healthful body ; there must not be too much quantity of Lead , Tin , or Copper , for the Silver or Gold , but unless there be some , they will not work ; like as coyn , it cannot be wrought , or formed without some allay , and if the allay be too much , it abases the coyn . Likewise there must be so much heat in the body onely as to compound those humors , not to melt them out by sweats unless they superabound ; and then Physicians must onely have a care to melt out that humor that superabounds ; for if the radical humor should be melted , or the vital spirits spent , it destroys the body by wasting the life . But in some cases sweating is very beneficial to the body , as in great colds , which have knit up the pores or passages of the body , or in great surfeits , or in malignant diseases , which help to expel the poysonous humor , or corrupted humors in the body , or melt the Icy humors congeal'd by cold ; but those sweats that are beneficial , and wholesome for the body , the body will be much stronger , and agiler , and the spirits quicker , and livelier , ; but those sweats that are pernicious to the body , the body will be faint and weak , after they have sweat ; but in these diseases , a physician must be very careful , when he puts a patient in a sweat , as to give such medicines as will work upon that humor , he would have sweat forth , but in sweating diseases , as when the body sweats too violently , like as in great and dangerous fluxes , which are not to be staied by ordinary means , for although in these diseases , there must be used contracting medicines , yet some sweats require hot contracting medicines , others cold contracting medicines , and those medicines that are applied , must be applied gently , and by degrees , lest by a sudden contraction they should stop the pores of the body too much , which are the doors to let out the smoak in the body , as well as the sweat of the body , or by too hasty contractions those passages should be shut , that should be kept open , or those to be kept opened that should be shut ; but physicians will guess by the patient , what humor they sweat forth ; for cold sweats are from melancholy , clammy sweats from thick flegm ; hot burning sweat from choler ; cold faint sweats proceed from the radical humor ; hot faint sweats from the vital spirits . Chap. 190. Of Surfeits . SUrfeits are superfluities ; as too much heat , or too much cold , or when there is taken into the body too great a quantity of meat , or drink , or the like . Likewise when the nature of the meat is disagreeing to the nature of the body ; where one scruple will be too much , as being ill , which will give a surfeit , for surfeits do not onely oppress by the superfluous quantities of matter , but disturb by the superfluous motions , the disagreeing matter causing more motion , then naturally belonges to a healthful body : Besides , like a company of rude and unruly strangers disturbs and hinders the irregular motions , altering the natural constitutions , and uniformity of the body ; and many times ruines the body , unless an assistant motion in medicinable matter is brought to help , to expel the superfluous , or that the natural expulsive motions in the body , are strong enough , to throw out that ill matter , either by vomit , or stoole , or other evacuation ; but many times the superfluities become so strong , not onely by their own ill nature , or great quantity , but by making a faction ; And so begetting a party amongst the natural motions , which makes such a general disorder , that though the natural digestive motion , and the natural expulsive motion joyn with the like assistant motions taken in medicines , yet the body shall be ruinated , and life cast out , by that matter , and these motions that are their enemies therein . Chap. 191. Of Consumptions . ALL Consumptions are caused by an unnatural expulsion , caused by mistempered matter , or mistempered matter caused by unnatural motions , such as work not to the subsistance or health of the body ; which after they have corrupted the matter , they turn to expulsions , throwing all out of the body ; but if they be onely exterior expulsions , they onely untile the house , that is , they do unflesh the body ; but if they be interiour expulsions , they do not onely unflesh the body , but rot some part in the body ; and if the unnatural expulsions be amongst the vital parts , which are the foundations of the life of the body , the whole fabrick of the body fals without redemption , and the materials go to the building of other figures . But if they are hot expulsions , caused from a thin , sharp , salt humor , there must be applied cold contracting medicines ; and if they be cold expulsions , there must be apylied hot contracting medicines . All cold expulsions are , when the parts are tender , weak and raw , and undigested ; and hot expulsions are , when the parts are burnt , or ulcerated ; for all hot expulsions work upon the parts of the body , as fire on wood when they are burning expulsions , or else like as fire doth on metal , melting them into a liquid substance ; and cold expulsions work upon the parts , as when cloudes beat down into showers of rain , or slakes of snow , breaking or extenuating those clouds into small parts , so that the dropsical humor that ariseth from hot consumptions , are onely liquid like melted metal ; and the dropsical humor that ariseth from cold consumptions , is as a watery floud : but as I said , in all consumptions the remedies must be contractive , or at least retentive ; because the nature of all consumptions are expulsive , but yet all or the most part of physicians , finding their patients to be lean and dry , give all dilative medicines , as if the parts were onely gathered into a less compass ; but the truth is , when so much of the natural bulk of the body is lessened , so much of the body is wasted : I will not say but these unnatural expulsions might proceed from unnatural contractions , like as when any thing is made so dry as it moulders into dust , but when it comes to that degree , it expulses ; so whensoever the body is in a consumption , the motions therein are expulsive : I do not mean by siege or vomit , although they will spit much , which is a kinde of vomiting , but they waste by insensible inspirations ; but all purging medicines are an enemy to this disease , unless they be very gentle ; for though purging medicines do not expulse , after the nature of consumptive expulsions , yet if they be strong , they may in some kinde assist the consumptive expulsions , neither is much leting blood good in these diseases ; yet a little refreshes , and tempers the body ; for in these diseases physitians must do as Chirurgions when they cure wounds , they first clense the sore or wounds , taking away the putrified matter gently with a probe , and then lay a healing plaister , so Physitians must gently purge and bleed the patient , and then give them strengthening , and nourishing remedies : again many Physitians have a rule , that when they perceive their patient to be exteriorly dry , that is , outwardly dry , they think them hot ; but it doth not follow that all drouth proceeds from heat ; for there are cold drouths as well as hot , so that a Physician must warily observe the patients drouth , whether it proceeds from cold or heat , or whether the drouth proceeds for want of a sufficient quantity of matter , for the body to feed upon , or that the matter , which properly should be porous and spungy , is contracted into an unnatural solidity , and though the interior nature of drought is made by contraction , yet the exterior motions may be expulsive ; as for example , if any thing is dryed to that degree as to fall into dust , although the interior be contracting , that caused it to be so dry , yet the exterior motions are expulsive , that causeth it to fall into parts ; but the drouth of consumptions doth proceed most commonly from a scarcity of nourishing matter that should feed each part of the body , for the principal and consistent parts being distempered , cannot disgest so much as will feed the hungry members therof ; but as I have said before , that all consumptions are wrought by expulsive motions , for what is contracted , is not consumed , nor doth consume untill it expulses , but those bodies that are lean or dry by contractions , are not in consumptions , for nothing is wasted , onely the dimensions , and extentions of the body are drawn into a lesser , compasse ; Thus , as I have said , Physitians , although they mistake not the diseases , yet they may easily mistake the manner of the diseases , for one and the same kinde of diseases may move after divers manners in several bodies , and in one and the same body . Chap. 192. Of dropsies . MOst dropsies are something of the nature of consumptions , as being in the way to consumptive expulsions , for they dilate after that manner , as the other expulses , especially if they are dropsies , which proceed from corrupt parts , and then they turn to consumptive expulsions , and the onely difference in most dropsies , and consumptions , is , that dropsies as long as that disease lasts , the motions in the body are most dilating , which is in a degree to expulsion , and when it comes to a consumption they are all expulsions , but as the motions differ , so the diseases differ , for there are several sorts of dilations , and several sorts of expulsions , nay some are different in the manner of working , as if they were of other kindes of motions , but some dropsies proceed from hot dilations , others from cold dilations , and some proceed from too many digestive motions , that is , when there are too many or too strong disgestive motions in the body ; for the natural temper of the body disgests so fast , as makes more nourishment , then the several parts can feed with temperance , which makes the reignes , and the rest of the sucking parts glutinous , or else those many disgesting motions work too curious , for by reason they cannot be idle , they work the nourishing matter too fine , or too thin , for proper uses ; as if flower should be so often bolted , that it could not work into a lump , or batch for bread ; or like as any thing should be wrought upon so much , as to become liquid , as into oyl or water . Other dropsies proceed from the weaknesse of disgestion , those motions being not strong , or sufficient to work all that is brought into the stomach ; whereupon that superfluous matter corrupts with distempered motions , and when it comes to be corrupted , it either dilates , or expulses , if it onely dilates , it turns to water , if expulsive , it casts forth , either by vomit or stool , or else lies to corrupt the principal parts in the body , which when they are joyned together , expulses life by their treacherous usurpation . Other dropsies are caused by too weak contracting motions , causing that to be tender that should be solid , or those parts loose that should be firm , as not contracting hard enough . As first contracting into Chylus , then into blood , then harder , for flesh , and harder for nerves and bones ; the contractions growing weaker and weaker , until they become of no strength , and then they turn to dilations or expulsions ; but pray mistake me not , for though one and the same innate matter may grow weaker , as to abate of such or such a kinde of motion , so increases stronger and stronger , according to the quantity , as to other motions . But as I said before , that innated matter in such diseased bodies , turns from contracting to dilating , turning by degrees from one to another , and then the dilations work more and more , extending more and more in such circular motions as produce water ; for when it comes to such a degree of extention , it is become from being solid to be lesse hard , from being lesse hard , to be soft , from soft to be liquid , from liquid fluid , and when it comes to such a degree of a fluid extention , it turns wet , and when it is soft , liquid , fluid , and wet it is turned to that we call water ; for oyl , though it be soft , liquid , and fluid , yet it is not absolute wet , it is rather moist then wet : for there is a difference between moist and wet , or glibby and wet , or glibby and moist , so that oyl is a glibby and moist body , rather then a soaking wet body ; but when this watry extenuation extenuates beyond the degree of water , they turn to vapour , which causeth the diseased to be puft or blown like a bladder , rather then swell'd out , as we shall perceive that a little time before the patients fall into a consumption , they will be so puft out , as their flesh wil be like a fire-bal , the next degree they fall into a fiery extenuation ; For when the humour extenuates beyond vapor , which is a kinde of an aire , then it becomes hot like fire , which is a hective fevour , and when the humour hath extenuated to the farthest degree , it expulses , and so pulls down and throws out the life of the diseased ; but in the hidropical diseases , there must first be applied attractive medicines to draw out the watry overflows , by issues , cupping-glasses , or the like , then there must be applyed expulsive medicines as purgings , and bleeding , and sweatings , yet they must be gently applyed , for fear of weakning the body by drawing out the humour too suddenly , then there must be applied contracting medicines to draw into an united substance , as to gather or draw up those parts that have been made loose , porous , and spungie with the disease , then there must be applied retentive medicines , to confirm and settle them , after their natural manner , or form , then last there must be applied disgestive medicines to restore what is wasted ; but if any of the principal parts be impaired , wasted or expulsed : they neither can be restored nor mended , but by a new creation , which uncreating braines perhaps conceive not ; but I must intreat my readers to observe , that some sorts of motions begin a disease , that is , they lay the foundations thereof ; and other sorts of motions work upon those foundations . Chap. 193. Of apoplexies . SOme sorts of apoplexies are caused by an inbred superfluous water , in the brain , which being congealed by a cold contraction , falling to the knitting part of the head , which is the hinder part , it stupifies the senses , stopping the natural motions as a flowing river , that is turned into ice ; but those sorts of apoplexies are curable , if assistance be taken in time , which is by hot dilating medicines , not onely to stretch out the icy contraction , but to expell that cold watry humour by a rarification , but if the apoplexie be caused by an inbred slime , as flegme , which is of a thicker nature then water , and is become crusted or peterated by hot contractions , it is seldom or never cured , no more then brick which is once baked by the sun , or in a fire , can be made to such clay as it was before it was burnt ; But mistake me not , for I do not mean the humour is as hard as stone , or brick in the head , but so hard , as to the nature of the brain , that is , the flegme is grown so dry and tough , as not to be dissolved , so soon as the nature of the brain requires it , for though flegme will be contracted into stone , as in the bladder , and kidnies , yet not in the brain , by reason the nature of the brain is so tender , and so sensible , as it cannot indure so solid a substance therein , nor suffer so long a time as the humour will be penetrating to stop the passages to the brain , not but those kinde of motions that produce stone , may be so strong and so swift as to turn matter into stone immediately ; but I do beleeve not in the animal bodies , for they are too weak figures for so strong motions to work in ; but as I said these hot or cold contractions , for both sorts of contractions produce stone , so both sorts of contractions make tough , clammy , crusted , hard flegme , which is some degree towards stone , flegme if it stop the passages to the brain , it causeth an apoplexie ; but the 〈◊〉 why the watry contractions are more apt for cure , is , because the nature of water is fluid , and is easily dissolved by dilations , having interior nature to extenuations ; but slime , and flegme are more solid , and so not so flexible , to be wrought upon , as suddenly to change shape , or nature , in being dissolved or transformed . The third cause is a fulnesse of blood , or a thicknesse of blood ; for when the veins are too full , there is not vacuity enough for the blood to run , so stops the motion thereof , or if the blood is too thick , or clammy , it becoms lesse fluid , and the more solid it is , the slower the motion is , and though the blood may have too quick a motion by reason of heat , so it may have too slow a motion by reason of thicknesse , and if the veines are filled too full of hot blood , wherein are many spirits , it endangers the breaking some of the veines , like as when strong liquor is put into a barrel , if it be filled too ful the strength of the spirits striving for liberty , break the barrel ; the like will the blood in the veins , and if a vein chance to break in the head , it overflows the brain and drowns the life therein . The last is grosse vapor which may ascend from the bowels , or stomack , which causeth so great a smoak , as it suffocates , or choaks the brain , smothering out the life of the body . All apoplexies are somewhat of the nature of dead palsies . Chap. 194. Of Epilepses , which is called falling-sicknesse . THis disease is caused by a water in the brain , which water is most commonly green , like sea water , and hath an ebbing and flowing motion , like the tides thereof , and when the water is at full tide , on the forepart of the head , it takes the diseased after the manner of panting , and short breathing , beating themselves , and foaming at the mouth , neither can they hear , see , smell , nor speak ; the reason is , that the flowing motion driving the watry humour so far out , as it extends the pia mater , and dia mater of the brain , farther then the natural extention ; which extention swelling out towards the outward part of the head , hinders all recourse , stopping those passages which should receive the objects , through the exterior senses ; and the froth or slimy humor , which is betwixt the skin , where the brain lies ; and the skull being pressed out , fals through the throat into the mouth , and there works forth like yeast , which is called foaming ; but though the motions of the head are thus altered for a time , so as there is neither sense nor rational knowledg , yet the body may be after the natural course , and not any wayes altered ; but the body feeling life opprest in the head , the several parts or members in the body , strive and struggle with what power and strength they have to release it : Like as a loyal people that would defend or release their natural and true born King , from being prisoner to a foraign enemy ; but when this water flows to the hinder part of the head , the pia mater , and dia mater , extending out that way , stops all the nerves in the nodel of the head , by which stopping , it stops the exterior motions of the whole body , by reason that place is the knitting place of those moving strings ; and when the water is flow'd , as I said , to this part , the diseased lies as in a swoon , as if they were quite dead , having no visible motion , but as soon as the water begins to fall back , they begin to recover out of the fits ; but as often as the water in the head is at full tides , either of the fore part of the head , or the hinder part , the diseased fals into a fit , which is sometimes oftner then other , for it keeps no constant course , time , nor measure ; and according as the pia mater and dia mater extends , the 〈◊〉 are stonger or weaker . Likewise such green water with such motions about the heart , may produce the same disease , for oft times this green water , or green thin humor ascends or runs from several parts of the body , into the cesterns of the head and the heart ; and this kinde of water or humor , if it be in the nerves , causeth dangerous convulsions , by reason of the sharpness that shrivels up the nerves ; and when it is in the bloud causes the veins to contract , through the same reason , if in the stomach , it causes vomiting , or great fluxes , by subdividing the humors ; and the sharpness , prickling or tickling the stomach , provokes a straining , as tickling in the nose doth sneezing ; so the stomach , either to strain upwards or downwards . Chap. 195. Of Shaking Palsies . SHaking palsies proceed from a supernatural extenuation in the nerves , which by the extenuating becomes more porous and hollow , and becomes like a perpetual earthquake , having a flatuous or windy humor in the bowels thereof , and cannot finde passage out , if it proceeds from a hot extention , there must be applied cold condensing medicines ; If by a cold extention there must be applied hot condensing remedies . Chap. 196. Of Convulsions , and Cramps . COnvulsions proceed from contrary contracting motions , quite from the natural motions of the body , as winding up the sinews , nerves , or veins ; but especially those sinews , which joyn , and impair the muscles together , drawing not onely contrary , but contracting several wayes , and after divers manners ; for some time the nerves are as if we should tie strings in bowt-knots , others as if we should winde 〈◊〉 Lute strings on pegs ; and some are twisted like whip-cord , and many the like wayes , which would be too long to recount , but these contractions proceed either from a winde got into the nerves , or veines , which troubles them as the winde-cholick doth the guts , or a sharp humor that shrivels them together , or as salt watery humor , mixt with winde , which strugling and striving together turns windes , folds , or roles up the nerves , like the waves of the Sea , or a cold icy humor , which draws and gathers in the nerves , as frost will do , all spungie bodies , or some thick clammy humor which stops some passages , which causeth the natural motions to turn irregular , but if the humor be onely in the veins , it is cured by letting bloud , if the bloud be corrupted , sharp or salt , or if the bloud be cold , windy , or watry , hot liquid medicines cure it , or cordial water , or the like ; and if it be a cold humor in the nerves , hot oyls , and extraordinary hot medicines cures it , as the spirit of Caster , oyl of Amber , and the like ; but if it proceed from a salt , sharp , watery humor , or a thick clammy humor in the nerves , it is seldom or never cured , because it is not easily got out , neither can medicines so suddenly get into the nerves , as into the veins ; for though the cold in the nerves may be easily cured , by melting , and dissolving by the comfortable warmth , or violent heats from the hot cordial medicines , which spread about the body , as a great fire in a chimney , which spreads about and heats all the room , if the fire in the chimney be answerable to the bigness , or largeness of the room it is in , and the lesser the room is , and the bigger the fire is , the hotter it is ; wherefore it is to be considered , that those that are at full growth , or are larger of body , if thus , the diseased ought to have a greater proportion , or a larger quantity of those medicines , then a childe , or those that are but little of stature , for though those that are of little stature may be more stronger then those that are of a far bigger bulk , yet in the cause of diffusing or dilating medicines , the circumference of the body must be considered , as well as the strength of the medicines ; and if the convulsion be in the stomach , caused by the aforesaid humor ; purging medicines or cordials may cure it , unless the stomach is gathered , shrivell'd , or shrunk up by an unnatural contracting heat , like as leather that is put into the fire , which when so , the stomach can no more be cured then leather to be made smooth , which is shrunk up in a purse , by fire ; after the like manner as corvulsions or cramps , but cramps most commonly are only contractions of the smal veins , 〈◊〉 tie or twist them up , & many times so hard as they break ; for those that have been much troubled with the cramp , wil have all the skin , where the cramp hath taken them all stretch'd with broken veins ; I mean the small hair veins , but rubbing the part grieved with a warm cloath , will untie and untwist them again , by dissolving the cold , or dispersing the 〈◊〉 , or rarifying the bloud therein , this we 〈◊〉 by experience ; wherefore I should think that in convulsion fits , that are 〈◊〉 by the like , that if the diseased should be rubbed with hot cloaths , outwardly applied , as well as hot medicines inwardly taken , it may do the patient much good . But I must remember my Readers , that in Convulsions , the strength of the medicines inwardly taken , must be according to the strength of the fits ; for if they be strong fits , weak medicines do no good ; for more strength goeth to untie a hard knot , then a loose knot , or to untwist a hard string , then a loose string ; besides , it is hard to know after what manner the knot is tied or twisted , and many indeed are so ignorant of medicines , as the manner of the disease , to apply such as shall hap of the right end , as those which are cured by chance , and chance hits so seldom right , as not one of an hundred escapes of these kinde of diseases , if the disease is any wayes violent , for then the motions tie so fast , and so strong , as they break the life of that figure asunder . There be natural contractions , and unnatural contractions ; that is , proper or improper to the health of the figure . Chap. 197. Of Collicks . ALL Collicks are towards the nature of Convulsions , or at at least Cramps . Some Collicks proceed from raw undigested humors . Some from sharp melancolly humors . Others from cold flegmatick humors Others from hot cholerick humors . Others from putrified humors . Some Collicks are in the stomach ; others are in the bowels , as the guts ; some in the sides , and sometimes in the veins ; but those Collicks are Cramps ; but the cause of all Collicks are by extenuating motions , though the effects are oft times contracting , but if the cause be contracting , it is a Cramp , not a Collick , for a Collick is properly winde , produced from the aforesaid humors ; that is , when those humors extenuate farther then a watry extenuation , which turns into vapor or winde , which vaporous winde , or windy vapor , striving to get vent , being stopped by grosser vapor , or thicker humor , runs about in cross motions , which cause pain ; for the extenuating motions thrusting outward and the resisting motions thrusting backward , run cross , or beat on each other , which causeth pain ; and as long as the strife lasts , the body hath no ease , until some assistance in medicines be given , or that it can over-master the resistent motions ; but when once it hath liberty , it flies out in expulsive motions , at all vents ; but if the extenuating humors are broke , or dissolved in the body , by the well tempered motion therein , or expulsing of its self , it evaporates through the pores of the body in insensible transpirations ; but if the extenuating can finde no way to be expulsed , it gathers inward in small , and smaller rings , like a scrue drawing in the guts or stomach , therein stopping the passages thereof , whereby the body can neither receive nourishment , nor send out excrement , with which the body is brought to an utter destruction ; but these kinds of windes causing this distember , this distemper is oft times produced from sharp , hot , cholerick humors ; which sharpness hath a natural contracting quality which is rather of the nature of a cramp , or a convulsion , then the nature of a collick ; howsoever expulsive medicines are good in these cases of diseases . Convulsions are collicks in the nerves , and cramps collicks in the veins ; and as the collick in the stomach or guts proceeds sometimes from winde , and sometimes from crude bilious sharp humors , so doth this . Chap. 198. Of the diseases in the head , and vapors to the head . DIseases and swimming , which are diseases , belonging onely to the head , differ as the motions and mixture , and forms of matter differ ; for no disease , although of one and the same sort , is just alike ; but although these diseases belongs onely to the head , yet the motions and humors of the stomach have greater affinity to the head , and many times cause the diseases therein , by the course and recourse thereto and therefrom ; for some humors falling from the head into the stomach , do so disaffect that part , as it returns more malignity up again , and sometimes the stomach begins the war , sending up such an army of ill vapors , as many times they do not onely disorder the head , but totally ruinate it ; but most commonly the vapors which ascend to the head , are gathered by contracting motions , into clouds , as vapor is which ariseth from the earth , and as long as the vapor is in a cloudy body , it makes that part feel heavy , and the senses dull by obstructions , for it stops the nose , dims the sight , fills the ears , blunts the taste , and numbs the touch ; especially if the obstruction be caused from a cold contraction , which congeals the vapor to an icy substance , but when it is expulsed , by a hot dilation , it falls down like hail or flakes of snow , by which , I mean , cold glassie flegme , which cold flegme doth most commonly as snow doth which covers the face of the earth ; so this flegme covers , as it were stops the mouth of the stomack , and deads the appetite thereof ; but the danger is in these cold contractions , that 〈◊〉 they should last too long , they may cause numb palsies ; or the like , and if contracted , so as one may say christalined it may cause an incurable dead palsie , but if it be disperst by a hot expulsion , it is dissolved in thundring coughs , or falls like pouring shoures of * rain , running through the spouts of the noise , eyes , and mouth , and through the pores of the skin , and sometimes falls into the cabberns or bowels of the body , as the stomack , and the intrals ; but if some of the floud-gats chance to be stopped by obstructions , these shoures may chance to overflow the body , and make an utter destruction , otherwise it onely washes and clenses these parts ; but if vapor be gathered by a hot contraction , they become sharp and salt , as being of a burning quality , and if they be disperst by a hot expulsion , they fall down like a misling rain , which hath a soaking and penetrating faculty , cutting and piercing those parts they fall on by insensible degrees , which rots the vital parts , not onely by the sharpnesse which ulcerates , but by a continuated unnatural weaknesse , which if once the parts begin to decay , which is the foundation , the building must needs fall . Chap. 199. Of catching cold . ONe is apter to catch cold standing against a crevis , or door , or window , then in a wide plain . For narrow passages receive air , as pipes do water , though there comes in lesse quantity , it passes with a greater force . The like cause makes us catch cold after great heats , by reason the pores of the body are extended there-with , and are like so many windows set open , which receive air with too great a force . Chap. 200. Of the several motions in an animal body . VVHen a body is in perfect health , the motions therin do not onely work regularly , and proportionably placing every part of matter rightly , and properly mixing , and tempering the matter as it should be , or as I may say , fittly ; that is , when the quantity of matter , or humour is proportionably , and the motion moves equally , for though every kinde or sort of motion may move evenly , and keep just time , yet not equally or harmoniously ; as for example , say there were a company of musicians , and every one played skilfuly , justly , tunable , timely , on the same notes ; yet may there be too many trebles for the tenor , and bases , or too many tenors for the trebles and bases , and too many bases for the tenors and trebles to make a harmony ; So in the body there may be too much of one , or more kinde of motions for other kindes to make a harmony of health , as for proof ; too many contracting motions , make the body too dry , and contract diseases ; as for example , instead of binding any thing , we should break it by pulling or drawing too hard together , or instead of joyning of parts , we should knock them so close as to rivet , or split them ; or instead of gathering such a quantity of matter , or joyning such a number of parts , we should gather twice or thrice the quantity ; or numbers of the like examples might be given ; for all other kinde of motions , as dilating or expulsive , instead of throwing out the 〈◊〉 , or rubbish in a house , we should pull down the house , and disperse the materials therein , digging up the foundation thereof . Likewise too many dilating , or expulsive motions , may disperse , or divide parts , or unsettle , or unground parts : which disunites weaknes , and dissolves parts or bodies . Wherefore all contracting , attracting , retentive , disgestive , dilating , expulsive motions in a well tempered body , must move like the several Planets , every sort in their proper sphears , keeping their times , motions , tempers , and degrees ; but too many or too strong contracting motions , cause the gout , stone , plurisie , hective fevers , numb and dead palsies , dry-liver , brain , and many the like ; and too many dilating motions , cause dropsies , winde-colicks , rhumes , shaking palsies , sweats , or fainting sicknes , & milions , the like , and too many , or too strong expulsive motions , cause fluxes , vomiting , bleeding , and the like , and too many , or too strong digestive motions , cause too much blood , fat , and flesh , which is apt to choak the vital parts , or may nourish some particular parts , so much as may make them grow , and swell out so bigg , as they may be disproportionable , for the rest of the parts in the body . But still I must remember my readers ; that all dilating motions , are in the way of expulsion ; and all attractions in the way of contraction , and digestion , are mixt motions taking part from either side , then I must remember my readers , that there are infinite wayes or manners of contractions , and infinite wayes , or manners of wayes of attraction , and so of retentions , dilations , expulsions , and disgestions , where every change makes a several effect . Chap. 201. Of the several tempers of the body . A Healthful temper of the body , is an equal temper of the body , and mixture of 〈◊〉 , well set parts , and justly tuned motions , whereby life dances the true measure of health , making several figures , and changes with the feet of times ; and a sick distempered body is , when the humours of body are superabundant , or unequally tempered , and the motion perturbed ; and irregular , keeping neither time nor measure , but all diseases proceed from too much cold , or too much heat , or too much drought , or too much moisture , or too much humor , or too much motion , or mistempered humor , or unequal motion , or too swift motion , or too slow motion ; all contracting motions make the body dry , al dilating motions make the bodie moist , some sorts of contracting motions make the body hot and dry , other sorts of contracting motions make the bodie cold and dry ; some sorts of dilating motions make the body hot and moist ; other sorts of dilating motions make the body cold and moist ; all slow or quick motions cause the humours of the body to be heavy , thick , and clammy , all swift motions cause the humors of the body to be thin , sharp , and salt , all crosse-justling , or beating motions , causeth pain ; and according to such and such irregularities , are such , or such sorts , or , kinde , or sorts , or degrees of diseases , are produced there-from . Chap. 202. The nature of purging medicines . MOst purging drugs are of the nature of hot burning fire ; for the inherent motions therein work according to the humour , or matter it meets with , some humor they melt , making it thin and fluid , although it be hard , tough or clammy , and as fire doth oare which is unmelted metal , makes it so fluid , as it will run through a gutter of earth like water ; so do some drugs make some sorts of humour through the body , either upward or downward . Again , some drugs will work upon some humours , as fire upon wood , dividing the humour into small parts , as ashes from wood , which naturally falls downward . And some they will dissolve by mouldring , and crumbling , as fire doth stone , which runs forth like sand , which is stone indeed bred in the body . Some drugs rarifie the humors into wind , as fire will rarifie , and evaporate water , which is set boyling theron . Other drugs will at fire that distils out the moist , and watry substance , from that which is more grosse ; but it is to be observed , that all purging drugs that work by vomit , are somewhat of the nature of that kinde of fire we call sulphur ; or oyl that is melted , or fluid sulphur , when these sorts of drugs are set on fire , as I may say , by the natural or distempered heat in the body , it flies out ascendingly , like AEtna ; for it is of the nature of sulphur to ascend as flame doth ; and certainly al bodies have such motions naturally inherent in them , as make and produce such effects as fire doth on several sorts of humours , by which motions the body hath a natural cleansing faculty , which makes the natural purging quality : but when the motions are so violent , they oftentimes destroy the body with burning fevers , or violent fluxes , or the like ; for the fire in the body , is like a fire in a chimnie , for when the chimny is clean , and the fire proportionable to lie therein , it warms and comforts all about , and is useful for many imployments for the necessaries of life ; but if the chimny be foul , or the fire too big , or too much for the chimny , it sets all in a flame , consuming whatsoever it incompasses , if it be not quenched out with cooling julips , as with water , or by casting on rubbish , or grosse materials to smother it out , as in great fluxes , they will not onely give restringent medicines , as having a natural restringent faculty , but thick meats , as thicked milk , or the like ; but when the body is restringent , or hath taken restringent medicines , it is produced by drying motions , as contracting , or retentive motion , if they be hot , retentive , or contracting motions , they they harden and confirm the humours , as the heat of the sun , or the heat of the fire doth clay , which turns it to brick or tile , or those things we call earthen pots , and according as the humour is grosse or fine , the more britle or hard , or thick or heavie , or thinne or light ; It is for some humor as Proselnye , or Chyney , others as the grosser earthen vessels ; Again , some sorts of contracting , or retentive motions draw the humour , as when bacon , neats tongues , or the like , are dryed in a chimney , or oven , or the like ; other sorts of hot contractions draw the humour , as the sun doth the earth , drying up the watry spring therein ; but if the restringencies either of the body , or of the medicines be caused by cold retentive or contracting motions , it dries the humors , as cold frost dries the earth , or bindes up the humors , as frost binds up the waters in icy fetters , or thickens the humors , as cold thickens the water , or vapor drawn from the earth into clouds of snow . But I am to advertise my readers , that all expulsive motions are not fiery expulsions ; for there are infinite several wayes of expulsive motions , and dilations . Secondly these fiery motions do not alwayes work expulsively , but contractively , attractively , and retentively , and disgestively . Thirdly , all expulsive , dilative , disgestive , contractive , attractive , retentive motions are not fiery , but there is such a kinde , or sort of contractions , attractions , retentions disgestions , dilations , and expulsions , as belong to fire or heat , or as I may better say , produces heat or fire , and as I said there are infinite several wayes of each kinde of motion ; as for example , I will treat of one of them : a bee gather wax , a bird gather straws , and a man gathers sticks ; the bees gather and carie the wax to the hive to make a comb , to lay , or hold and keep the honey ; the bird gathers and carries the straw to build a nest to hatch her young ones in ; the man gathers wood to mend his house , these all gather to one end , but yet several wayes ; for the bees gather the wax , and carie it on their thighs , the bird gathers the straw , and carries it with their bill , the man gathers with his hands , but carries it several wayes , as on his head , or on his shoulders , or at his back , or in his armes , and milions of the like examples may be given upon each kinde or sort of motion , or moved matter . Again , I must advertise my readers , that though I say there are fiery motions in drugs , and natural fiery motions in every animal creature , and so in many other figures ; yet I mean not a bright shining fire , although some are of opinion , that in the heart is a thin flame , and when that is put out , or goeth out , the creature dies ; but I mean not such a fire , for to my apprehension there are three sorts of fire to our perceivance , although there may be numberlesse sorts , yet all of one kinde : as for example , there are those creatures we call animals , though some are beasts , birds , fish , and men , but not onely so , for some are of one sort , and some of another ; for a lennit is not a parot , nor a parot an owl ; nor a horse a cow , nor a sheep a dog , nor a whale a herring , nor a herring a plaise , nor a plaise a lobster ; nor a black-more is not a tauny-more , nor a Europian an Ethiopian , yet all are of animal kinde ; so although there may be several sorts of fire , and so of the other elements , yet all are of the fiery kinde , or likewise the fiery motions make several figures , and several figures have several fiery motions , for every sort of animals have a several shape , and several motions belonging to that shape ; so in fiery figures , and fiery motions ; but as I said before ; there are three sorts of fire . The first is a bright-shining hot-burning fire , that is , when the interior , and exterior temperament of matter , and the interior and exterior figure , and the interior and exterior motions be all as one . The second is a hot-burning fire , but not a bright shining fire , such as Aqua-fortis , vitrals , and such sorts of the same nature which will burn as fire doth , but not thin as the other fire doth ; for though they are both of an interior nature , yet not of an exterior , for the bright-shining fire is all composed of sharp points , as I may say , lines of points , but this vitral fire is as sharp edged lines , like a rasor , or knife , or the like , neither is there external motions alike ; for bright-shining fire mounts upwards , when it is not supprest , or in a straight paralel line , for flame which is the liquid part of bright-shining fire , although it moves in several lines , as it ascends , yet the lines they ascend in are a straight diameter line , but this vitral fire descends as it were downward , or divides as streames of water do , that digs it self a passage through the earth , so this vitral cuts a passage , through what it works on , neither can this sort of fire work so variously , as bright-shining fire can , by reason it hath not so many parts , for points will fall into more parts , and are more swift in motion , then the edged line ; as for example , dust which is numerous little parts heapt together , will be more agile upon the least motion , although it be of a weighty nature , as of the nature of a stone . The smal haires which be of a light , and weightlesse nature , but being not divided into so many parts , cannot move so nimble , as being united lines , but if you cut the hair into smal parts , it shall move with more restlesse motion , then the sand , by so much the more as the substance is lighter . The third sort of fire is that which I call a cold dull fire , such as brimstone , or sulphur , mercury , salt , oyl , or the like , this sort in the interior nature is of the nature of bright-shining fire , both in the motions , and temperaments of matter , but not in the exterior , for it is composed of points , but those points are turned inward , as toward the Center : but assoon as it touches the bright-shining fire , it straight turns the points outward : for those points soon catch hold of those straight circumferent lines , and break them in sunder , which as soon as they are broke , the points are at liberty , and taking their freedom , they mount in a flame ; but when those lines are not dissolved by fire , but crack , as we will snap a string asunder , then they onely sparkle fire out , but not flame out ; but mercury , or quick-silver , the interior is fire , but the exterior is water , for the exterior moves extenuating circles as water doth , and so much as to make it soft , and fluid , but not so much as to make it wet ; for though it alwayes gathers into sphiratical figures , which shews that the exterior would run into wet , but that the interior hinder it , by drawing the circles inward , as cold doth water into hail-stones , but yet the interior wants the force to make it so hard and firm ; but as I did advertise my Readers before , that all sorts of fire work according to the matter it meets with , yet none work so variously , as the bright-shining fire ; which makes me think that drugs are more of the nature of bright-shining fire , then of the two other sorts , because they work in the body according to the humour it meets with , for if it meets wit watrish humors , it boyls it as water in a pot , which either boiles over the mouth of the stomack , or evaporates out in sweat , like dewes , or draws downward , like as in showers ofrain , it melts humors like metal , or turns humors like wood into ashes , or calcines the humor , where some part is fixed , other parts are volable ; As for example , Rubarb hath a double faculty , some humors it expels out , others it bindes up ; for Rubarb is both purging , and restringent , as it is to be observed in great fluxes ; for what it doth not cast forth it confirms to a more solid substance , so as it doth expulse and contract at one time , as I may say , according as it findes the humour it works with ; Again , some drugs move several expulsive wayes , as by vomit and stool , where the vomiting is produced with ascending expulsions , siege with descending expulsions , but that expulses descending are of the nature of vitral fire , all that expulses ascendingly , is of the nature of sulphurous fire ; but the generality of drugs works like bright-shining fire , according to the nature of the matter , it meets with , as I have sormerly described . Chap. 103. The motion of Medicines . AS I have said in my former chapter , that all medicinal drugs , or simples , especially those that purge , are of the nature of fire ; for the motions therein most commonly work apart according to the humor it meets with , as fire doth , which in general is to move so and so * ; yet the natural motions in drugs , and likewise in fire are expulsive , and all that is expulsive , is by antipathetical nature striving to destroy by uniting parts , and all contractive motions are by a sympathetical nature , striving to unite , by imbracing , or drawing parts together , yet the nature of the body they work in the contracting motions , may be antipathetical , and expulsive motions may be sympathetical , the one in expelling the superfluous and corrupted humors , the other in contracting them into a disease , but most diseases are cured by contrary motions ; for if they be diseases of expulsions , they must be cured by contracting , or retentive medicines ; if they be diseases of contractions , they must be cured by expulsive medicines , or else dilating or attracting ; for though the motions of attraction be agreeable , or of the nature of contraction , as to its self , as I may say , that is , to draw or carry , all to a center , as it were , but the onely difference is , that attraction make it self the center , drawing all things to it ; but contractions make the matter they work on , part of the center with them , but all attractions are insinuating motions , inviting , or drawing all towards it self , or like a man that should draw a dish of meat , or as if one should suck the brests or udder , but contracting motions are rather to binde , or knit up parts together , but if the diseases proceed from disuniting motions , then retentive medicines must be applied , which is to firm , hold , or settle parts that are loose , unsteddy ; but if the diseases proceed out of disorder and irregularity , they must be cured by digestive medicines , which is to put every part in order , and in its proper place ; like wise States-men that are neither partial or malicious , ( but Readers know ) that though I say all diseases must be cured by contrary motions , yet the motions that are in such medicines , must sympathize , and agree with the constitution of the body . Lastly , it is to be observed , that every degree in the disease must be followed with the same degree in the medicine , whether swift or slow , strong or weak , or more , or lesse , that is , you match your medicines to the disease ; but mistake me not , I mean not after the literal sense , but after the metaphorical sense ; but al purging medicines are dilative or expulsive , all restringent medicines , are contractive , and retentive . All drawing medicines are attractive . All restorative , or reviving medicines are disgestive . And those contracting medicines that must cure the body , muct sympathize with the natural health , and constitution of the body , not with the disease , for these motions , draw , gather , or at least knit , and bind up the sound parts from the corrupted parts , lest they should intermix , and retentive remedies do not onely stay those parts that are apt to disunite , but give strength , and hold out the assaulting motions in mistempered matter , and all attractive medicines that sympathize with the natural constitutions of the body , sucks and draws forth from the corrupt matter the pure , which is mixed , or inuolved therein ; but those attractive , and drawing medicines that are applied to outward sores , or the like , must have a sympathy with the malady , or putrifaction , for all aversions do cast outward ; or from them , not draw to them . As for the expulsive remedies they must be carefully applied , lest they should cast forth the wrong humor , by which the * malignant grows more powerful , or else should carry out more humor , then the strength of the body , will permit , or should be so weak , or of such a nature , onely to disturb , and unsettle , but not carry forth , from which disturbance great inconveniences , or deadly quarels in the body may arise ; wherefore these medicines are more dangerous then any other sort , although no medicine can be safely applied , unlesse the strength and nature be answerable to the constitution of the body , or the diseases in the body , no not those we call restorative , or reviving remedies , which work disgestively , such as cordials , or the like , for when there is more applied then will agree with the constitution of the body , or with the temper , or degree of the diseases , they turn from being assisting friends , to assaulting enemies , for when they have more force then regular work , they put in disorder those regularities , for want of regular imployment ; for it is against the nature of innate matter to desist from moving , or working , but it is not against nature to change and alter the motions . The several degrees , and natures of drugs of every particular drug , and simple ; I leave my readers to the Herbal , where perchance some of it may be discoursed of right ; or effectually , howsoever it is too laborious a study or practise for me . Chap. 204. Agreeing , and disagreeing of humours , senses , and passions . Some times the humours of the body , and the outward senses agree and disagree ; sometimes the humours of the body , and the passions of the minde , agree , or disagree ; sometimes the passions of the minde , and the outward senses agree , or disagree , and sometimes the senses , and the passions disagree , or agree with the humors of the body . As for example , sometimes the distempered humors in the body , make extravagancy in the senses , as we see in fevers ; and sometimes the distempered humors of the body make a disordered minde , as we see those that have cholerick humors , cholerick passions ; melancholy humours , melancholy passions , and the like , or distempered humors , extravagant imaginations , and the like . Sometimes extravagant senses make extravagant fancies , sometimes a superabundant humor makes a strong particular appetite ; as for example , those in the green sicknesse , the overflowing , or increase of some raw , and indigested humor will cause a strong particular appetite , as some in that disease love to smell strong smells , as camfier , tanned-leather , musty bottles , or the like , or to delight onely in one taste , as oatemeal , coals , or several particular tasts , or extravagant tasts , not natural to the constitution of the body , as to delight to eat coals , leather , candles , cork , and milions of the like ; and the humour increaseth , and is nourished by the sympathy of that extravagant diet ; for what the senses take pleasure in , the minde longs for . Again , some humors Antipathize , as to hate all loathsome tasts , smells , noices , touches , and objects . So passions sympathize with some humors , and disagree with others , for some bitter humors make cholerick passions , sharp humors make spiteful passions , tough humors make a dull understanding , melancholy humors , make timerosity , cholerick humors make courage , and many the like ; then the senses of the minde agree , and disagree often , as some objects will astonish the senses , and ravish the minde , delight the sense , and cause love in the minde ; others which the sense dislike , causeth hate in the minde , pain in the sense , grieving in the minde , pleasure in the sense , delight in the minde ; but if the sense and minde disagree , then the sense likes that the minde hates ; As for example , the sense is taking pleasure upon an object , which for the crosse disposition , the minde 〈◊〉 , or for some injury done , or by some neglect , or out of envie , and as they sympathize , and antipathize in their working , and making ; so in the expulsions , time works out a passion , accidents work out passion , evacuations work out passion ; the like in the senses , so many times humors are expulsed by passions , and as the superfluities are purged out of the body , after the same manner , are violent passions from the minde ; for as the body purges by siege , by vomit , by urin , by spitting , by sweating , by bleeding , by incisions , and the like ; so strong passions are purged by weeping , by sighing , groaning , speaking , and acting ; but if the increasing motions of the humors in the body , and the passions in the minde , be as many , and as strong , as the expulsive motions , then there is a continuance of the same humour or passion , for whatsoever is cast forth , or wasted , is bred again . Chap. 205. Of outward objects disagreeing with the natural motions , and humours in the body . INward commotions of the body are often times caused by outward objects , or subjects , as when the senses take adelight at some kinde of sound , scent , sight , taste , and touch ; as for example , some will sownd at a fearful noise , that is , at a sudden , or unacustomed , or tumultuous noise ; others will sownd at the sight of bloud , or at any cruel object , or at the sight of a cat , or many other creatures ; some will sownd at sweet-smels ; others if they should taste cheese , or any meat they dissike naturally , and some will not onely sownd but die laughing with tickling , the reason is , that the exterior motion anticipates with the natural motions belonging to the body , sometimes onely to the sensitive parts , other-some to the rational part , others to both . The reason is , that the disordered motions of the outward senses , disorder the interior motions , which makes the body sick , and the body passionate , and sometimes the brain frantick , and if they make not the body sick , nor the brain mad ; yet those antipathetical , and these disordered motions , never fail to put the sense to pain , or move passion ; but when these antipathetical motions be toostrong for the natural motions belonging to the body , or minde , it brings death , or unrecoverable madnes , for then the natural motions belonging to that body , is as it were extinguished ; thus we may see that the outward senses may be perfect , and the inward parts within that body may be corrupt and decayed ; so likewise the outward senses may be defected , and the inward parts sound , and so some parts of the body firme , and others infirme , and some of the outward parts , or sense wanting , or defective , others free clear and distinguishing . The reason is , that some of the sensitive innated matter works orderly , others disorderly , and clear from the nature of the body ; for as I have said before , some of the exterior parts of the body , may be nummed , or dead ; the reason is that the natural motions , belonging to such a part of the body are altered , for every part or parcel , hath proper motions belonging thereunto . But if in any part of the body , the natural motions onely work irregularly , then it onely causeth a pain in that part ; but if the motions work crosse to the nature of the body , it causeth that part to die , but if they alter but in part , it causeth onely a numnesse which is in a degree of being dead , but if the natural motions be onely stopt by some outward accident , or actions , as by a sudden fright , which causeth the body to swoon by reason the spirits are contracted by the fright into so straight a compasse , and thronged so close together , that they cannot move in order , or by the action of lying , or pressing too hard , or too heavy upon any part that hinders the spirits therein from moving after their natural manner , which causeth a sleepinesse or numnesse in those parts , that are prest by weight , or strength ; those disorders are soon to be rectified . Again , as by giving liberty , or helping the spirits with cordials which gives strength to them , and sets them at liberty ; but if the sensitive parts be quite altered from their natural course , they seldom are rectified ; But sometimes the assistance of the regular motions in the body , joyning as it were with one consent , do expel that innated matter out of that part wherein they work , contrary to the nature of the body , and supplies that part with fresh , and new matter , that moves as it should do . Likewise as the sensitive innated matter works in some parts of the body irregularly , and in other parts regularly , and in one , and the same part , sometimes regularly , and sometimes irregularly , the same is it many times with the rational innate matter ; for sometimes that will moves regularly , and sometimes iregularly , that makes frantick men , sometimes to be in their wits , and sometimes out of their wits : but if their madnesse be at certain times , as at full of the moon , or high tides , or springs , or falls , or in the midst of summer , or when they keep an evil , or too full a diet , then it proceeds from those outward accidents , which give assistance to the disordered motions , which inhabit in the body , the original defect being amongst the sensitive innate matter , for this shewes that the madness proceeds from some distemper of the body , which most commonly is in the spleen , or that which they call in women , the mother , from which parts arise grosse , and noisom vapors , which ascends up into the head , and disaffects the brain ; and many times the brain is disaffected with its own distempers , and whensoever the brain is distempered , the rational innate matter which moves therein , moves irregularly ; but when those times or seasons are past , or that overfulnesse of humour is purged out , the natural motions of humour get strength , and the man is well untill the return thereof . But if the irregularity be in the rational innate matter , it is most dangerous , for it seldom , or never is cured , nor seldom have intermitting fits , but as a continual fever , in the body , so is a continual madnesse in the minde . But I shall speak more of this in my following chapters . Chap. 206. Of the inward sense , and outward sense , as the interior and exterior parts . SOme of the exterior senses may be extinguished , as sight , hearing , scent , or taste , or some parts of the body numb , or dead , or some disjoynted from the rest ; as leggs , or arms , toes , brest , eyes , nose , or the like , and yet the material parts sound and whole , which materal parts are the vital parts , as the brain , the heart , the liver , the lungs , the lights , the spleen , the maw , the midriff , the kidnies , the bladder , or the like ; as for the heart , and the brain , there is such a sympathising , and conjunction with the whole body , as the least distemper indangers the body , and the least alteration of their shapes , or figures , it destroyes the life of the body , but for the rest of those vitals , or fundamental parts , when they decay , or are any way impaired , the life doth sink down as in were by degrees , according as those parts impaires ; but if they be wounded , or corrupted by poisons , or plaguie infections , or by an absolute , and sudden alteration , from their natural motions or figures , then the life is suddenly extinguished , but the external figures of the rest of the parts have not such a sympathy to the interior motions of the whole figure ; but when I say the exterior figure of the interior parts , I mean the particular figure of every particular part , not onely the outward part , as hands and armes , leggs , and head , and body and the like ; but of brain , and heart , and liver , and so all the rest ; for though they be internal figures , to the external figures , yet they be the external figures to the internal motion that works in them . Chap. 207. The sympathies and antipathies of sound to the minde and actions . THe bottome hole in the eare is covered with a thin caule , or felme , which is called the drum of the ear , where those motions that enter in at the ear beat thereon , like unto drum-sticks , and if the felm , or thin skin , be stretched smooth , or braced straight with the nervous strings , the sound is clear and loud , but if it be weakly braced , and the nervous strings loose , and the thin skin slack , the sound is low and dull , by reason that skin is so soft by the slackness , that the beating , or striking , or playing motion thereon cannot rebound , or retort , but sinks , and is smothered therein ; and if it be stretched very hard , and thin , and then such motions enter the ear , which pierce , or cut sharp , such as we call shrill notes , it doth not onely desturb the natural motion in the brain , but many times breaks that skin , or at least puts it to pain ; likewise if those motions that enter in at the ear , move crosse to the natural motions in the brain , it causeth pain in the head ; likewise if one and the same notes are often repeated , it fills the head so full of this particular motion , as they over-power the natural motions therein ; and as I may say , cause a surfeit thereof in the brain , being glutted therewith , tiring not onely the sensitive part os the brain , which causeth pain or diseases , but oppresseth the rational part of innate matter in the brain , causing a hate thereto ; and if the vocal , or verbal sound are crossed , as by the way of antipathy , it may disorder both the sensitive , and rational innated matter in the brain , so much by striking or pressing into , and by barring and thronging out , as the sense , and reason are so disordered , as the natural government is absolutely overthrown , from whence proceeds madness , at least extravagant passions raised from the heart ; the like disorder both in the head , and heart , may proceed from each of the senses ; and as this or the like external objects , or subjects may disorder by the irregular , and antipathetical motions the health and understanding , which are the interiour motions , so regularity and sympathie of the verbal or vocal motions brought through the ear , may compose the differences , and disorder of the natural interior motions , as health , reason , understanding , affection , or reconcilement ; as for example , a timely , kinde , discreet discourse , may compose a disquiet mind , for the motions of wise , sober , kinde , gentle , or eloquent words may turn the motion of troubled & combustible , or extravagant thoughts into a smooth , and calm temper , or regular order ; Likewise unkinde , and indiscreet , double , false , malicious , hasty , sudden , sad , or frightful discourses , may discompose , and disorder a quiet and well tempered minde , disordering the regular motions , by misplacing the thoughts , making a war in the minde , giving strength to some thoughts , and overpowring others . The like with vocal sounds ; as for musick , the notes in musick agree with the motions of passions , and the motions of several thoughts , as some notes sympathize with passions , and with the several thoughts , and move the actions accordingly , so others discompose the minde , and inveterat and disturb it ; for slow , sought strains on the tenor , and bass , is as commending , extorting , exciting , threatning , terrifying , judging , which moves the minde to melancholy , from whence proceeds fear , superstition , devotion , repenting , praying , and vowing , which causeth an humble submission , dejected countenance , weeping eys , heaved up hands , and bended knees . And slow soft notes , onely on the tenors , are a sad relation , sorrowful laments , mournful complaints , pleadings , petitioning , acknowledging faults , begging pardon , imploring mercy , which moves the minde to a tender pitty and compassion , and a charitable love , from whence proceeds a listning ear , a helping hand , a serious countenance , a sad eye , with a favouring cast therefrom . High , hard , sharp , notes or straines , on the basse or tenor , is like exclaiming , incouraging , or animating , extolling , promising ; which moves the minde to pride , ambition , vain-glory , desire , hope , which makes the body active , the actions adventrous , bold , the eyes darting and quick . Low , sharp straines , and cross notes , and unequal times , move the minde to murmur words , choler , hate , revenge , fury , despair , the cursing , their hands tearing , the legs stamping , their bodies turning several wayes , their countenance maskerd and gastly , and the eyes staring . But quick sharp straines in tenor notes , and soft slow strains on treble notes , are as perswading , flattering , insinuating , professing , inviting , alluring , this moves the minde to love , the thoughts to be amorous ; this makes their actions affective , kissing their hands , making of leggs , mending their garments , offering their service , their words complemental , their countenance smiling , and their eyes glancing . And quick sharp strains , on the tenor , and treble notes , produce a cheerful minde , it makes the thoughts lively , the countenance pleasant , their eyes quick , their discourse wanton , and jesting , their actions laughing , singing , playing , and dancing . But slow low flats strike on the basses , and tenor notes moves the minde to a dull stupidity , wherein the thoughts lie as dead , this makes the body appear like sensless statues of stone , without motion , the head bending down , the eyes fixt to the ground . But Cramatick musick is like Schools disputation , and discord in musick , is like quarrelling , these are the grounds of musical discourses , or discourses in musick . Musick hath a sympathie to the rational motions , because the rational spirits move in number and measure , as musical instruments do . Thus as notes are set , the thoughts are placed , and as the notes change in several tunes , so the thoughts move in several passions , and as notes are composed , so are thoughts , as sembrim of thoughts , a full note is a fixt thought . Thus according as the notes and thoughts agree , the minde , and musick makes a harmony , if I have not matched my strains 〈◊〉 notes , with words and thoughts properly , let those that understand musick , and Rhetorick mend it , for I understand neither , having neither fed at the full table , nor drank at the full head of learning , but lived alwayes upon scattered crums , which I pick up here and there , and like a poor lasie begger , that had rather feed on scraps then work , or be industrious to get wealth , so I had rather write by guesse , then take the pains to learn every nice distinction . And if my book will not please the learned , yet it may please the vulgar , whose capacity can onely dig in the earth , being not able to reach the celestial Orbs by speculation . Chap. 208. The knowledge of diseases . IT is not sufficient for Physitians to study the names of diseases , and to know onely so much , as to distinguish one kinde of disease from another , as we should distinguish man from beast , or so , as a horse from a cow , or as that horse is a barbe , or a coarser , or a genet , or a Turk , or an Arabian , but that this barbe , is not that barbe , or this genet is not that genet , and the like . Likewise to know the nature so , as to know how to use it , and what fit to apply to it ; as for example , a man buyes a horse , and he having onely an old saddle , that he was accustomed to ride with on a horse he formerly had , put it on his new horses back , yet although his horse is of the same Country , or sort of horses , as his former horse was , yet the saddle may not be fit for the new horse , but may be either too big or too little , and by the unfitnesse may gall his horse so sore , and corrupt the flesh so much , as he may be a scald back jade , as long as he lives , if it festers not as to kill him ; so in diseases medicines may be too strong , or too weak , or they may evacuate too much or too little , if they do not not know the just dimension , and extention of the disease . Again , one the same sort of horses may be so dull , as hardly to move out of his pace with the spur , although it should prick so deep , as to make his sides to bleed , when another horse of the same sort , shall run away , over hedg , and ditch , against trees , and stones , untill he hurt himself , and flings his rider , or at least flings , and leaps , and snorts , and stamps ; and grows into a furious heat ; so diseases , some must be handled gently , others more roughly , for in diseases you must learn the disposition of the disease , as well of what kinde , sort , or breed it is ; so likewise it is not enough for a physitian to know what drugs will purge choler , what flegme , and what melancholy , or the like ; but they should study to know the several motions , which work in them , or else their operations will be as their imploiments are , which is chance-medly ; for otherwise a Physitian neither applies his medicines knowingly , nor skilfully , but customarily , because they are usually given in such diseases , whereof some do mend , others do die with them ; but certain if Physitians would take pains to study the several motions of the diseases , and also of the drugs , and medicines they give , and would do as skilful musitians , which make a consort , where although every one plaies upon a several instrument , yet they all make their notes agree , there would follow a harmony of health in the body , as well as a harmony of musick in these consorts . But as I said before it is not sufficient to know how to purg choler , flegme , melancholy , and the like , for the purging of those humors doth not alwayes work cures ; for some diseases do not alwayes proceed so much from the loose humours in the body , as the disordered motions in the body ; for choler , flegme , melancholy , are not superfluous humors of the body ; unlesse the quantity of each be too much ; for the nature of the body , for those humours are part of the body , and the body could not subsist without them , for they are several mixtures , which serve to the consistance of the figure , and as some humours , make and mix such humours , so other motions carry the humour like tempered matter , or lime to the creations or reparations of the figure , which is the body ; and if there were none of those humours , the figure would no more stand , if once a decaying , no more then a house which runs to ruine for want of stone , brick , wood , or morter , or the like : besides , if there were not flegme , choler , would do like a coach wheel , for want of moisture , the motions would set the body on fire , and if no choler , the flegme would drown it , and if neither flegme nor choler , muddy melancholy would dam , or stop it up . But Physitians should study diseases so , as they may be able to distinguish them , as we do the different faces of mankinde , or any other ; For there are as many several kindes of diseases , as there are animals , and as much difference in one , and the same kinde , as there are in the several shapes , and countenances to the body and nature , and disposition of the minde ; besides , diseases are like parents , and children , as the childe may resemble the parent , or the children of the same parents may resemble one another , and yet they are not all one ; Again , diseases may be like half brothers , or sisters , as some may have all one mother , but not one father ; so some diseases may be produced , partly from such a cause , and partly from another . Again , diseases may be matcht , and some to be like widows , and widows that marry again , so diseases may be loose , or be quit of such a producing cause , and joyn with another . As for example , a cold stomack is a disease , and a hot liver is a disease , and both may produce such diseases ; perchance the cold stomack , may be cured , but not the hot liver , when the cold stomack is cured , the hot liver is a widow , which afterwards may chance to match with a cold melancholy spleen , or two or thre , or more diseases , may be matched together ; as if a man should have two or three wives , or a woman as many husbands ; likewise several accidents may be matched , or at least commit adultery , and get bastardly children . As for example , a great heat may be matched or joyned with a sudden cold , which may produce a great fever or other diseases that usually follow , and milions of the like examples may bee given . But I desire my Readers , that they may not condemn my comparisons , as extravagant , and too fantastical for so grave a subject , but I could finde no fitter to expresse my meaning , which is onely that I would have Physitians , as skilful , knowing and learned in diseases , as they are in the customs , manners , humours , and persons of men , and that they may as knowingly distiugnish the difference , alterations , degrees , and alliances of diseases , as they do the several sexes , faces , countenance , dispositions and qualities of men . Besides , who knowes but that the very thoughts of men may be known by the temper of their body ? for could men come but to learn the several motions of the body , which ingenious observations may come to do , they may easily come to learn the motions of the minde , and so come to know the thoughts , which thoughts are the several figures therein , which figures most commonly move sympathetically , with the motions of the body . Chap. 209. To my just Readers . I Desire all those that are friends to my book , if not to my book , for justice sake , that whatsoever is new is my own , which I hope all is ; for I had never any guide to direct me , nor intelligence from any Authors , to advertise me , but write according to my own natural cogitations , where if any do write after the same manner in what language soever , that they will remember my work is the original of their discourse , but they that steal out my opinions , or compare them to old opinions , that are nothing alike , as if one should liken to men that had neither semblance in features , countenance , proportion , nor complexion , because they are two men , as being of madkinde , surely they might be judged to be fools ; but may all such be condemned , as false , malicious , ridiculous or mad . But to such noble dispositions as will give right , and speak truth , may they never receive injury , may honour crown them , fame applaud them , and time reward them with antiquity . This Chapter although it belongs to another book , yet I thought it fit to joyn it to this discourse . Chap. 210. The diatical Centers . ALthough infinite matter and motion was from all eternity ; yet that infinite moving matter is disposed by an in finite Deity , which hath power to order that moving matter , as that Deity pleaseth , by reason there is nothing greater then it self , therefore there is nothing that can oppose its will. Likewise this Deity is as the center of infinite moving matter , for though there can be no center in infinites , by reason there is no circumference , yet in respect the matter is infinite every way from , and to this Deity ; we may say the Deity is the center of infinite matter , and by reason , the infinite moving matter , flowes as much to this diatical , center , as from it , it doth as it were present it self , or rather is forced to be ordered , by its infinite wisdom , which otherwise it would run into an infinite confusion , with which there would be an infinite , horrid and eternal war in nature ; and though this Deity is as the center to infinite matter , yet this Deity in it self is as infinite matter , for its wisdom is as infinite as matter , and its knowledge as infinite as its wisdom , and its power as infinite as both , and the effects of these attributes run with infinite matter , like infinite paralel lines , even and straight , not crossing , nor obstructing , nor can they circumference or circle in each other , the matter and the Deity being both infinite neither is the matter or Deity finite to , or in themselves , for infinite matter hath no end , or period , neither can the infinite Deity comprehend it self , so as it is a god to it self , as well , or as much as to matter ; for this Deity is no wayes finite , neither to its self , nor matter , its knowledge being as infinite as its power , and its wisdom as infinite its knowledge , and its power as infinit as both , and being infinit , its wisdom cannot be above its power , nor its power beyond its wisdom , neither can its knowledge comprehend its power , or the wayes of its wisdom being all infinite and eternal . And though nature is infinit matter , motion and figure creating all things out of its self , for of matter they are made , and by motion they are formed into several and particular figures , yet this Deity orders and disposes of all natures works . GReat God , from thee all infinites do flow ; And by thy power from thence effects do grow ; Thou orderest all degrees of matter , just As t' is thy will and pleasure move it must , And by thy knowledge orderd'st all the best , For in thy knowledge doth thy wisdom rest ; And wisdom cannot order things amiss , For where disorder is , no wisdom is . Besides , great God , thy will is just , for why ? Thy will still on thy wisdom doth rely . O pardon Lord , for what , I now hear speak Upon a guesse , my knowledge is but weak ; But thou hast made such creatures as mankinde , And gav'st them somthing which we cal a mind , Alwayes in motion , never quiet lies , Untill the figure , of his body dies , His several thoughts , which several motions are Do raise up love , hope , joyes , doubts and feare ; As love doth raise up hope , so fear doth doubt , which makes him seek to find the great God out : Self love doth make him seek to finde , if he Came from , or shall last to eternity ; But motion being slow , makes knowledge weak , And then his thoughts 'gainst ignorance doth beat , As fluid waters 'gainst hard rocks do flow , Break their soft streams , & so they backward go : Just so do thoughts , & then they backward slide , Unto the place , where first they did abide ; And there in gentle murmurs , do complain , That all their care and labour is in vain ; But since none knows , the great Creator must , Man seek no more , but in his greatness trust . FINIS . I Finde since I have read my book over , I could have enlarged that part of my book that treats of diseases , much to the advantage ; but I must intreat my noble Readers , to remember there are natural humors , and metamorphosed humors , which are wrought by several motions , as those of Elements ; Also that there are natural contractions , attractions , retentions , digestions , delations , expulsions ; Likewise that there are unnatural of all these motions : that is , such as are proper or improper to the the natural health , or consistence of the several parts and the generality of the whole figure . Also that the motions that make the humor , and the motions that move the humor may be quite different , and some parts of a humor may be made by some sorts of motions , and some by other sorts of motions , where my discourse of the motions which makes the Elements will enlighten the Readers . ERRATA . IN my Epistle to my Honourable Readers , for pair read poiz . In a Condemning Treatise of Atoms , for figures read febures . p. 10. l. 28. r. dissolution . p. 12. l. 30. r. other . p. 22. l. 35. r. dissolution . p. 23. l. 15. r. finite . p. 24. l. 21. r. brain . p. 30. l. 2. r. individable . p. 34. l. 21. r. spread . p. 35. l. 22. r. digging . p. 38. l. 21. r. prints . p. 43. l. 16. r. cold . p. 58. l. 47. r. extenuated . p. 60. l. 15. r. crinkling . and l. 36. r. triangulars . p. 62. l. 4. r. from water . and l. 17. r. as . p. 62. l. 32. r. manner . p. 65. l. 14. r. piercing . p. 104. l. 5. r. heptick fevors . and l. 12. add my . p. 116. l. 25. r. print . p. 123. l. 6. r. foul . p. 130. l. 6. r. dissolution . and l. 27. add and swooning . p. 143. l. 3. r. sensitive . p. 144. l. 24. r. gold . p. 148. l. 10. r. veines . p. 149. l. 6. r. fursball . p. 157. l. 18. blot out , or quick . and l. 42. r. as . p. 158. l. 30. r. dry . and l. 33. r. dry . p. 160. l. 11. r. then . p. 161. l. 19. r. are not all expulsive . p. 162. l. 22. r. matter from the. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A53055-e1450 I mean of Form , dull Matter . Some think there was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confused Heap . The Readers may take either Opinion . Several Motitions , and severall Figures * Not the Matter , but the Degrees . * Not the 〈◊〉 of Figures , but the manner of shapes : which makes some shapes to have the advantage over others much bigger , as a Mouse will kill an Elephant . * Which is in Likenesse . * Unlikenesse . One Shape hath power over another ; one Minde knowes more then another . Either by Growth , or Sense , or Reason . For when Matter comes to such a degree , it quickens . That it begins to move , and Motion is Life . * I mean when I say Obstruct , that it either turns their motion another way or makes them move slower . * I do not say that bones are the solid'st matter in Nature . * As the figure of man. * All Motion 〈◊〉 Life . I mean the Figure of dull matter . As a plentiful Crop or a great Brood . These degrees are visible to us . Dancing is a measur'd Motion . * Scorching is , when the Motioh is too quick . * That is , when there come so many spirits , as they disagree . pressing upon one another . * Those degrees that are neerest , have the greatest Sympathy * Like Chess-men , Table-men , Nine-pins , or the like . * I say higher for expressions sake . * Nothing can be made or known absolute out of Infinite and Eternal . * Though it may mave oMotions , yet not the Animal Motion . * The Figure might be without an Animal Motion , but an Animal motion cannot be untill there is an Animal Figure . * Which food is when such Materials are not proper for such a Figure . * The greater the number is , the more variety of Motion is made , which makes Figures in the brain . * in Animal Shapes * To prove that it is the several Motion , is that we shall have the same sense in our sleep , either to move pleasure or feel pain . * Like glasse . * Natural power . I say extract . because it is the essence of matter . This for example . Drawing motions . Driving m tions . Bearing motions . Throwing , striking , darting motions . Lofty motions . Low 〈◊〉 Conjunction of those different motions . First the earth bears Vegetables , and the plants bear seed , and the seed , and earth bear Vegetables again . Unlesse a greater power destroy it before the natural time . Life is in every thing . It is but one thing , but three words . That is to weaken the degree . Fish is a kind of flesh . The yolk and white is mixt into one substance which we call an adle egge ; before it be a 〈◊〉 it is bloody . T is a lump of flesh before it be bone , or sinew . And then it is no metamorphosing I shal declare . And then it is called a new creature rather then a metamorphosed creature &c. Which circular lines I shal expresse hereafter . I mean natural extenuations . As the pores of the skin . Oyl , hot-waters , wine , vitrals , aquafortis . From earth to water . * As thns Or rather like flame . As if an Ani mal creature should be pulled and dragged out of ' its natural garb . I mean here the exterior nature not the interior nature . I mean the heaviest metal to the hardest stone , as gold to diamonds , or tin , or lead to a soft stone * As Vessels wherein water is put , and fire underneath . This sort of contraction is drawing inward . Those sorts are falling backward . The contracting motions too strong for the expulsive motions . Yet there are but few bodies that are not overcome at last . I mean the matter that made it . As several men will. as peace among neighbours and friends . I say aptest , not as they do . I speak this as a comparison , for I know the sun is much bigger then the earth . As we say dead . I thimk them to be Animals . I say natural because there are metamorphosed elements . If one powers water on the ground it flows with a Convex . In a pear figure . See my chapter of Fame Sound enters into all hollow places , as well as into the Animal ear . I call 〈◊〉 natural that are propper to the figure . Fethers , wool hair , and the like , which are neither liquid , 〈◊〉 , nor wet , onely soft and sympathy All animals are not of one shape . And as a man may pick a hole through the wall , so water will pick a passage through the earth . I mean all exterior motions . Which moves in figures like dancing . The world is presented like a popitplay in the head . a Sleep nonrisheth and gives health , and strength . b Nourishment . c Healing decayes . 〈◊〉 . Strengthening . Knitting the muscles , nervs and the like . Urin to the bladder . Excrements into the guts . Vapors The innate matter can move slower then their strength , or natural agilnesse , but not above nor beyond their natural strength and agilnesse . I call that matter so 〈◊〉 distinction . * As we finde in Churches , and caves made hollow arched , a noise sounds loudest . Lines of light may be made by the sensisitive spirits on the side of the optick nerve as on the outside , as in sleep . All innate matter is as the minde , or life of nature . All without outward help The property of each sense . Fools have lesse rational innated matter in their braines , then those that are wise . * As for touch the pores of the flesh are like harpsical keys , and the nerves like the wyer strings , 〈◊〉 move when those keyes are touch'd , which cause pleasure or pain , like discord , or harmony , according as they are struck or plaid upon . The head ake is different from the tooth ake , or stomack ake , and so every 〈◊〉 , be it never so small , differs . As sauces may be equally mixt with several sorts of things , as none can tast any one thing in it . Like the over flowing of banks . Ebbing from the mouth of the stomack as from the river . Like low marshy grounds . * I think it is rar fied vapor , because it is so easily dispersed . The stronger motions forceth the weaker to their wayes . As on the opticks , or as on the drum of the ear , the pia mater , or the skin for touch and taste . As to see , hear , taste , touch , smell , that which is not present , or perhaps not in nature . * Figures of innated matter . In mad fits . * If I mistake not . Which is corrupt humors . As a sound body . Surfets , or unholsom meats . The stronger motions over power the the weaker Some dayes the body 〈◊〉 better then others , so in an hour or half an hour . As hot and dry Cordials . As to draw every day an ounce , or two as long as the violence of the discase lasts . I meane there interior strength . * As by letting bloud , or the like . Yet it is first caused by other distempered motions , before they come to be distempered expulsions . There are hot expulsions , and cold expulsions , and hot contractions , and cold contractions . As witnesse the frost and ice . The like of other kinde of motions . See in the chap of extenuations of water . Sometimes longer and some times shorter . For as long as the humor remains , the 〈◊〉 are repeated . Winde Collick . A bilious Collick . Cramps oft times taken for Collicks . * Rheums . * Sweats . I have treated of the several sorts of fire . That is when it works , and converts a thinner substance to its own nature . But bound about with straight smooth lines without as to the circumference . As a flint , hard suger , brimstone , or the like . * That which is most apt to I mean purning motions . Restraining motions . Attractive motion . Restoring motion . * The humor that staies behiude . We may hear a tune so often repeated ; that it may grow hateful ; although delightful at first . 
A28944	----	Certain physiological essays and other tracts written at distant times, and on several occasions by the honourable Robert Boyle ; wherein some of the tracts are enlarged by experiments and the work is increased by the addition of a discourse about the absolute rest in bodies. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. 1669 Approx. 607 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 178 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28944 Wing B3930 ESTC R17579 12547210 ocm 12547210 63094 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28944) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63094) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 955:5) Certain physiological essays and other tracts written at distant times, and on several occasions by the honourable Robert Boyle ; wherein some of the tracts are enlarged by experiments and the work is increased by the addition of a discourse about the absolute rest in bodies. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. The second edition. [8], 292, [4], 30 p. Printed for Henry Herringman ..., London : 1669. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. "Two essays, concerning the unsuccessfulness of experiments ... 1668" has special t.p. "Some specimens of an attempt to make chymical experiments ... 1668" has special t.p. Half title: The history of fluidity and firmnesse. Begun by R.B. "Of absolute rest in bodies" has separate t.p. and paging. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CERTAIN PHYSIOLOGICAL ESSAYS And other TRACTS ; Written at distant Times , and on several Occasions . By the Honourable ROBERT BOYLE . The Second Edition . Wherein some of the Tracts are enlarged by Experiments , and the Work is increased by the Addition of a Discourse about the ABSOLVTE REST IN BODIES . LONDON , Printed for Henry Herringman at the Blew Anchor in the Lower Walk of the New-Exchange , M DC LXIX . PHYSIOLOGICAL ESSAYS . LONDON , Printed for Henry Herringman , MDCLXIX . AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER : Prefixed to the First Edition , Put forth A. D. 1661. THE Publisher desires that the Reader should be inform'd , that neither were the following Treatises written near about the same Time ( some of them being divers years elder than some others ) nor yet are they now published in the same Order that they were written in . For the first of these Discourses ( though penned about four years since ) was not only written after the second , third , and fourth , but after divers other Essays which the Author has yet lying by him among his Papers ; it being intended for a kind of Introduction to all those Treatises which under several names , but chiefly that of Physiological Essays , the Author had then compos'd . But having during the late Confusions so disposed of his Papers to secure them , that he could not himself seasonably recover them ; and being engaged by Promise to some friends , to let about half a dozen of his small Tracts come abroad into the world by such a time , he was fain to send the following Treatises to the Press as they came , some at one time , some at another , to his hands . And this his occasions did now and then reduce him to do in such haste , that he could not attend the correcting either the Printers Lapses or his own , and particularly was obliged , partly by haste , and partly by a Distemper in his Eyes , to send away the History of Firmness without so much as reading it over . All which 't is hoped the Equitable Reader will consider in his favour , and bear with what may be imputable to such Circumstances . I should add nothing further , were it not that to save the Reader the trouble of guessing who is meant by that Pyrophilus to whom most of the following Treatises are addressed , I think it requisite to inform him , that the person veil'd under that name , is that hopeful Young Gentleman Mr. Richard Jones , only Son to the Lord Viscount Ranelagh and an Excellent Lady , Sister to the Author . AN ADVERTISEMENT About the Second Edition . FOr the ease of those that had already perused the first Edition of the Physiological Essays , and other Tracts that accompany'd them , the Author took the pains to include the principal things added in the present Edition in Paratheses , that the chief Additions may be found out without the pains of reading over again the whole Book . But finding these Paratheses to have been , by an oversight of the Press , omitted , some amends was thought fit to be endeavoured to be made for that , by intimating that the Experiments that enlarge this New Edition , are , for the most part , to be found in the following Pages of it Page 196.202.222.226.227.241.243.246 . from pag. 252 to 255. p. 257. p. 238 , 239. p. 263. from p. 289 to 291. p. 32 and 33. p. 169 , 170. A PROEMIAL ESSAY , WHEREIN , With some considerations touching EXPERIMENTAL ESSAYS in General , Is interwoven such an Introduction to all those written by the Author , as is necessary to be perus'd for the better understanding of them . I Know not , Pyrohilus , whether what you will meet with in the ensuing Discourses will prove worthy of your taking notice of it : Yet I dare tell you , that if all my Endeavours to serve you were not Duties , I should think I might deserve your Thanks for venturing to write them for your sake . For I am sufficiently sensible both how unlearned I am , and in how learned an Age I presume to write : Nor has the great number of those escap'd my Observation , who finding it a much easier task to censure Experimental Composures than to write such , endeavour to acquire the Title of Judicious , by condemning all things that themselves have not written , or thought on . And indeed , Pyrophilus , I had besides these , so many other discouraging Considerations in my Eye , whilst I was setting down the following Essays , that I should scarce have prosecuted a Design so full of trouble , and so unlikely by its success to make amends for it , if I had thought it free for the securing of my own Quiet and Credit , to suppress Observations which might prove serviceable to you , who having sufficiently convers'd with Books , are now desirous to begin to converse with Things themselves . But I must confess , I look upon Experimental truths as Matters of so great concernment to Mankind , that in spight of the just sense I have of my own Disabilities , I am deterr'd from complying with those Inclinations and Motives that endear silence to me , by considering the Fate of him , who though he had less entrusted to him than any of his Companions , was yet severely punisht for burying his single Talent . And though , Pyrophilus , I could not without such reluctancy resolve to write , yet I found it much more uneasie to resolve to write so soon : For I could not but consider , that being yet but very young , not only in Years , but , what is much worse , in Experience , I have yet much more need to learn , than ability to teach ; and I consider'd too , that after a man is grown somewhat acquainted with things themselves , and has taken some general notice of the Cognations , Differences , and Tendencies of their Properties , he may every day so much improve his Knowledge , that I am apt to think , that if God should be pleas'd to protract my Life a few years longer , I shall at the end of them be able to look upon what I have hitherto written with Pity , if not with Blushes . And I have often observ'd , that it is wont to happen in the productions of the Mind , as in those of the Body . For as those that apply themselves to Procreation too young , and before they have attain'd to their full vigour and strength , do generally both hinder their own growth , and become the Parents but of weak and short-liv'd Children ; so they that too early , and before their Judgment and Experience be fully ripe , addict themselves to write Books , do commonly both hinder their own Proficiency in Knowledge , and write but immature , and therefore seldom lasting Treatises . Nor should I , Pyrophilus , have ever prevail'd with my self to present you so early these Discourses , since by keeping them longer by me , I might easily by second Thoughts , and fresh Experiences be enabled to correct and enrich them , did not the frequent and dangerous distempers to which my very sickly Constitution has of late render'd me obnoxious , make me justly doubt , whether or no , if I should long forbear to write , Death would not sooner come than the expected Maturity of Age and Judgment . And though I had no such Consideration to move me to make hast to tender to you the ensuing Discourses , yet this would suffice to engage me to present them you with all their present defects ; that if I should keep them till I can make them less unworthy of you , I must keep them till you are grown past the need of them . And now that I have told you , Pyrophilus , both why I have written the ensuing Discourses , and why I keep them not by me long enough to present them you with fewer Imperfections , I suppose you will expect that I should next tell you why I have cast them into Essays , rather than into any other form . To satisfie you about this particular , Pyrophilus , I must freely acknowledge to you , that it has long seem'd to me none of the least impediments of the real advancement of true Natural Philosophy , that men have been so forward to write Systems of it , and have thought themselves oblig'd either to be altogether silent , or not to write less than an entire body of Physiology : for from hence seem to have ensu'd not a few Inconveniences . And first , when men by having diligently study'd either Chymistry , Anatomy , Botanicks , or some other particular part of Physiology , or perhaps by having only read Authors on those Subjects , have thought themselves thereby qualify'd to publish compleat Systems of Natural Philosophy , they have found themselves by the nature of their undertaking , and the Laws of Method , engag'd to write of several other things than those wherein they had made themselves Proficients , and thereby have been reduc'd , either idly to repeat what has been already , though perhaps but impertinently enough , written by others on the same Subjects , or else to say any thing on them rather than nothing , lest they should appear not to have said something to every part of the Theme which they had taken upon themselves to write of . In the next place , the specious and promising Titles and comprehensive Method of these Systems have been often found to perswade unwary Readers , that all the parts of Natural Philosophy have been already sufficiently explicated , and that consequently it were needless for them to put themselves to trouble and charges in making further Enquiries into Nature , since others having already sufficiently made it their business to investigate and explicate Physiological Truths , our business needs now be no more than to learn what they have taught , and thankfully to acquiesce in it . Nor has the Systematical way of writing been prejudicial only to the proficiency of some Readers , but also to the reputation of some Writers of Systematical Books . For it not unfrequently happens , that when a Writer , to vent some few peculiar Notions or Discoveries of his own , presumes to write a whole body of Philosophy , what is truly his own , though excellent in its kind , is either lost in the Crowd of the things he has borrow'd from others , and so comes to be over-look'd , or at least not sufficiently taken notice of , by the Reader ; or else the unwelcome , and yet in such Composures scarce evitable , Repetition of many things that others had I know not how often written before , occasions the laying aside of the whole Book , as a Rhapsody of trite and vulgar Notions , scarce worth the perusing : and by this means the Author often loses the Reputation of his peculiar Notions , as well as the Reader the benefit of them ; and that which would have made an excellent and substantial Essay , passes but for a dull and empty Book . But the worst Inconvenience of all is yet to be mention'd , and that is , That whilst this Vanity of thinking men oblig'd to write either Systems or Nothing , is in request , many excellent Notions or Experiments are by sober and modest men suppress'd , because such Persons being forbidden by their Judgment and Integrity to teach more than they understand , or assert more than they can prove , are likewise forbidden by Custome to publish their Thoughts and Observations , unless they were numerous enough to swell into a System . And indeed it may be doubted whether the Systematical Writers have not kept the world from much more useful Composures than they have presented it with . For there are very few men , if any at all , in the world , that are enrich'd with a competent stock of Experiments and Observations to make out clearly and solidly , I say not all the Phaenomena of Nature , but all those that belong to Chymistry , Anatomy , or any such considerable subordinate Doctrine of Physiology . And those very men that are diligent and judicious enough to study prosperously any of those parts of Physiology , are oblig'd to spend so much time in the accurate Prosecution of that , and are wont to be thereby made so wary , and so thorowly acquainted with the difficulty of Physiological Investigations , that they will least of all men be forward to write Systems . And what I say , Pyrophilus , of the inconveniences that have hitherto been observ'd to flow from mens forwardness to write entire bodies of Philosophy ; may be in its degree appli'd to the practice of those that pretend to give us compleat accounts of Chymistry , or almost ( I say almost ) any other considerable and comprehensive part of Natural Philosophy : Though I deny not , that in such attempts which are much less difficult than the former , some Men have done Mankind considerable service , though they have not fully perform'd what the Titles of their Writings seem to promise . Nor am I so rigid as to be unwilling that from time to time some very knowing Writer should publish a System of Physiology , or any part of it , according to the best Authors and Observations of that time : For such a Work may be useful , partly , for the instructing of Youth in Schools and Academies ; and partly , that men may have from time to time an Inventory of what hath been already discover'd , whereby the needless labour of seeking after known things may be prevented , and the progress of Mankind as to Knowledge might the better appear . But then it is to be wish'd that such Writings were not publish'd but by very intelligent Persons , nor till some considerable improvement have been made in Knowledge since the last work of that Nature . Nor would I be thought to disallow such Writings of very Learned Men , as though they may bear very general Titles , yet are not publish'd by their Authors as compleat Bodies or Systems of Physiology , but rather as general Principles ( almost like the Hypotheses of Astronomers ) to assist men to explicate the already-known Phaenomena of Nature . For of such kind of Writings , if their Authors be ( as for the most part they are ) subtle and inquisitive men , there may be very good use , not so much by their gratifying the Intellect with the plausible account of some of Natures Mysteries ; as because on the one side their Writers , to make good their new Opinions , must either bring New Experiments and Observations , or else must consider those that are known already after a new Manner , and thereby make us take notice of something in them unheeded before ; and on the other side , the curiosity of Readers , whether they like or disapprove the Hypothesis propos'd , is wont to be thereby excited to make trial of several things , which seeming to be Consequences of this new Doctrine , may by their proving agreeable or repugnant to Experiment either establish or overthrow it . And that you may know , Pyrophilus , what kind of Writings I mean , I shall name to you the Learned Gassendus his little Syntagma of Epicuru's Philosophy , and that most ingenious Gentleman Mons r Des-Cartes his Principles of Philosophy . For though I purposely refrain'd , though not altogether from transiently consulting about a few Particulars , yet from seriously and orderly reading over those excellent ( though disagreeing ) Books , or so much as Sir Francis Bacon's Novum Organum , that I might not be prepossess'd with any Theory or Principles till I had spent some time in trying what Things themselves would incline me to think ; yet beginning now to allow my self to read those excellent Books , I find by the little I have read in them already , that if I had read them before I began to write , I might have enrich'd the ensuing Essays with divers truths which they now want , and have explicated divers things much better then I fear I have done . But of such Writers the number is yet ( and will I fear always be ) so small , that I shall not need to make many Exceptions when I treat of the usefulness of writing Books of Essays , in comparison of that of writing Systematically : Or at least , Pyrophilus , whilst I presume not to judge of other mens abilities , I hope it may be lawful for me to confess freely to you concerning my self , that I am very sensible of my being far from having such a stock of Experiments and Observations , as I judge requisite to write Systematically ; and I am apt to impute many of the Deficiencies to be met with in the Theories and Reasonings of such great Wits as Aristotle , Campanella , and some other celebrated Philosophers , chiefly to this very thing , that they have too hastily , and either upon a few Observations , or at least without a competent number of Experiments , presum'd to establish Principles , and deliver Axioms . For it very rarely otherwise happens , than that Theories that are grounded but upon few and obvious Experiments are subject to be contradicted by some such Instances as more free and diligent Enquiries into what of Nature is more abstruse , or even into the less obvious Qualities of things , are wont to bring to light . I remember , that being once at Leyden , I was brought to the Top of a Tower , where in a darken'd room ( such as is now used in many places to bring in the Species of external Objects ) a Convex glass , apply'd to the only hole by which light was permitted to enter , did project upon a large white sheet of Paper , held at a just distance from it , a lively representation of divers of the chief Buildings in the Town , all which upon the admission of more light into the room , by opening the Window , did immediately disappear . And methinks , Pyrophilus , that in divers of the Philosophical Theories that have been formerly applauded , something not unlike this may be easily observ'd : for though , whilst they are look'd on with such a weak and determinate degree of light , they may appear very artificial and well-proportion'd Fabricks , yet they appear so but in that twilight , as it were , which is requisite to their conspicuousness . For if but a full light of new Experiments and Observations be freely let in upon them , the Beauty of those ( delightful , but Phantastical ) structures does immediately vanish . And truly , Pyrophilus , if men could be perswaded to mind more the Advancement of Natural Philosophy than that of their own Reputations , 't were not methinks very uneasie to make them sensible , that one of the considerablest services that they could do Mankind , were to set themselves diligently and industriously to make Experiments and collect Observations , without being over-forward to establish Principles and Axioms , believing it uneasie to erect such Theories as are capable to explicate all the Phaenomena of Nature , before they have been able to take notice of the tenth part of those Phaenomena that are to be explicated . Not that I at all disallow the use of Reasoning upon Experiments , or the endeavouring to discern as early as we can the Confederations , and Differences , and Tendencies of things : For such an absolute suspension of the exercise of Reasoning were exceeding troublesome , if not impossible . And as in that Rule of Arithmetick which is commonly called Regula falsi , by proceeding upon a conjecturally-supposed Number , as if it were that which we enquire after , we are wont to come to the knowledge of the true number sought for : so in Physiology it is somtimes conducive to the discovery of truth , to permit the Understanding to make an Hypothesis in order to the Explication of this or that difficulty , that by examining how far the Phaenomena are , or are not , capable of being salv'd by that Hypothesis , the Understanding may even by its own Errors be instructed . For it has been truly observ'd by a great Philosopher , That Truth does more easily emerge out of Error than Confusion . That then that I wish for , as to Systems , is this , That men in the first place would forbear to establish any Theory , till they have consulted with ( though not a fully competent number of Experiments , such as may afford them all the Phaenomena to be explicated by that Theory , yet ) a considerable number of Experiments in proportion to the comprehensiveness of the Theory to be erected on them . And in the next place , I would have such kind of superstructures look'd upon only as temporary ones , which though they may be preferr'd before any others , as being the least imperfect , or , if you please , the best in their kind that we yet have , yet are they not to entirely be acquiesced in , as absolutely perfect , or uncapable of improving Alterations . It were very possible , Pyrophilus , to let you see that all that has been said to recommend to you that form of Writing which ( in imitation of the French ) we call Essayes , is but a part of what may be pertinently said to the same purpose . But because this Introductory Discourse it self is to be but an Essay , not a Book , I dare not long insist upon the Advantages of this sort of Discourses . Only because I think that if I could engage you , Pyrophilus , and such other ingenious Persons , to cast their Physiological Observations and Reflexions into Experimental Essayes , I should thereby do real Learning no trifling service , by bringing so useful a way of writing into the request it deserves ; Upon this consideration , I say , I must beg leave to represent to you this great Conveniency of Essayes , That as in them the Reader needs not be clogg'd with tedious Repetitions of what others have said already , so the Writer , having for the most part the Liberty to leave off when he pleases , is not oblig'd to take upon him to teach others what himself does not understand , nor to write of any thing but of what he thinks he can write well . And if such Essayes be but as they should be competently stock'd with Experiments , 't is the Readers own fault if he be not a Learner by them : for indeed when a Writer acquaints me only with his own Thoughts or Conjectures , without enriching his discourses with any real Experiment or Observation , if he be mistaken in his Ratiocination , I am in some dang●r of erring with him , and at least am like to lose my time , without receiving any valuable Compensation for that great loss : but if a Writer endeavours , by delivering new and real Observations or Experiments , to credit his Opinions , the Case is much otherwise ; for let his Opinions be never so false , his Experiments being true , I am not oblig'd to believe the former , and am left at liberty to benefit my self by the later ; and though we have erroneously superstructed upon his Experiments , yet the foundation being solid , a more wary builder may be very much further'd by it in the erection of more judicious and consistent Fabricks : such a Writer , if I be not wanting to my self , will certainly teach me useful Truths , and if it be not my fault , he can lead me into no errors ; and oftentimes the very Experiments that he delivers , besides that they may be applicable to many other purposes unthought of by him , may be either sufficient or at least helpful to the very discovery of the erroneousness of the Opinions they are alledg'd to countenance : and I make account that a man that gives me , together with his conjectures ( though erroneous ) in matters of Physiology , some noble Experiment or Observation by which he pretends to verifie them , does me no greater injury than Galileo upon his first Invention of the Telescope would have done an Astronomer , if he had told him , that he had discover'd in Heaven those imaginary new Stars which a late Mathematician has fancy'd himself to have descry'd there , and at the same time had made him a Present of an excellent Telescope , with expectation that thereby the Receiver should be made of the Giver's Opinion ; for by the help of his Instrument the Astronomer might not only make divers useful Observations in the Sky , and perhaps detect new Lights there , but discern also his mistake that gave it him . After what has been said , Pyrophilus , of the Usefulness of experimental Essays , we must proceed to say something concerning the Manner of writing them : but because you will also expect to receive some account of the ensuing Discourses , I shall not treat of those two Subj●cts apart , but , in discoursing of the following Essays , shall take occasion to acquaint you with part of my thoughts concerning such kind of Composures in general , the other Considerations belonging to the same Subject being already upon several Occasions dispers'd among , and to be met with in , the ensuing Discourses themselves . And first , as for the style of our experimental Essays , I suppose you will readily find that I have endeavour'd to write rather in a Philosophical than a Rhetorical strain , as desiring that my expressions should be rather clear and significant , than curiously adorn'd : For , to a subject of the serious and important Nature of Physiology , that saying may unquestionably be appli'd , Ornari res ipsa negat , contenta doceri . And certainly in these Discourses , where our design is only to inform Readers , not to delight or perswade them , Perspicuity ought to be esteem'd at least one of the best Qualifications of a style , and to affect needless Rhetorical Ornaments in setting down an Experiment , or explicating something abstruse in Nature , were little less improper than it were ( for him that designs not to look directly upon the Sun it self ) to paint the Eye-glasses of a Telescope , whose clearness is their Commendation , and in which even the most delightful Colours cannot so much please the eye as they would hinder the sight . And that it may not be suspected , that those that would not have it requisite to imploy a florid style in treating of Philosophical Subjects , do but in their own excuse deny the necessity of such Rhetorical Embellishments as they are not able to afford their Composures , give me leave to subjoyn , that it was not an unpolish'd Naturalist , but that Prince of Orators , Cicero himself , who made this studious Declaration , Omne ( says he ) quod de re bona dilucidè dicitur , praeclarè mihi dici videtur : istiusmodi autem res velle ornatè dicere , puerile est ; planè autem & perspicuè expedire posse , docti & intelligentis Viri . But I must not suffer my self to slip unawares into the Common place of the unfitness of too spruce a style for serious and weighty matters ; and yet I approve not that dull and insipid way of writing which is practis'd by many Chymists , even when they digress from Physiological Subjects : for though a Philosopher need not be sollicitous that his style should delight its Reader with his Floridnesse , yet I think he may very well be allow'd to take a Care that it disgust not his Reader by its Flatness , especially when he does not so much deliver Experiments or explicate them , as make Reflections or Discourses on them ; for on such Occasions he may be allow'd the liberty of recreating his Reader and himself , and manifesting that he declin'd the Ornaments of Language , not ou● of Necessity , but Discretion , which forbids them to be us'd where they may darken as well as adorn the Subject they are appli'd to . Thus ( to resume our former Comparison ) though it were foolish to colour or enamel upon the glasses of Telescopes , yet to gild or otherwise embellish the Tubes of them , may render them more acceptable to the Users , without at all lessening the Clearness of the Object to be look'd at through them . And as for Exotick Words and Terms borowed from other Languages , though I expect that Persons not conversant in the Philosophical Composures written ( especially of late ) in our Language will be apt to suspect me for the willing Author of divers new Words and Expressions , yet as for you , Pyrophilus , who peruse other then Moral , Theological , and Historical Books in English , and find how much use is made in them of Exotick Terms , I hope you will find that I have not at all affected them , but have rather studiously declin'd the use of those which Custom has not render'd familiar , unlesse it be to avoid the frequent and unwelcome Repetition of the same word , ( so troublesome to the Ear , and so much forbidden by Orators ) or for some peculiar significancy of some such Word , whose Energy cannot be well express'd in our Language , at least without a tedious Circumlocutioo . And in such cases , Pyrophilus , I suppose a Writer may be allow'd to use Exotick Terms , especially when Custom ha● not only Denizon'd them , but brought them into request . For as in the Fashions of Clothes , though perhaps Fools begin them , yet Wise men , when they are once generolly receiv'd , scruple not to follow them , because then obstinately to decline them would be as ridiculously singular as at first it would have been to begin them : so in Exotick Words , when Custom has once made them familiar and esteem'd , scrupulous●y to decline the use of them may be as well a fault , as needlesly to imploy them : For it is not the Use but the Affectation of them that is unworthy a Philosopher . And from the latter of those I hope I have kept my self far enough : For I should think my self guilty of a very Childish vanity , if the use I made of Languages were so to write as to be the less understood . But besides the unintentional deficiencies of my style , I have knowingly and purposely transgress'd the Laws of Oratory in one particular , namely , in making sometimes my Periods or Parentheses over-long : for when I could not within the Compass of a regular Period comprise what I thought requisite to be delivered at once , I chose rather to neglect the Precepts of Rhetoricians , than the mention of those things which I thought pertinent to my Subject , & useful to you , my Reader . And for this fault , Pyrophilus , since I have made my self guilty of it but for your sake , I think I ought to obtain your pardon at least as easily as my own , since barely to keep you from losing any thing that I conceiv'd might be serviceable to you , I knowingly expose my style to be censur'd as disproportionate to it self . The next thing , Pyrophilus , of which I am to give you an account , is , why I have in the ensuing Essays deliver'd many Experiments and Observations , which may seem slight and easie , and some of them obvious also , or else perhaps mention'd by others already . To satisfie you about this , I must inform you that many of the Particulars which we are now considering , were in my first Design collected in order to a Continuation of the Lord Verulam's Sylva Sylvarum , or Natural History . And that my intended Centuries might resemble his , to which they were to be annex'd , it was exquisite that such kind of Experiments and Observations as we have been newly speaking of , should make up a considerable part of them . And indeed it were to be wish'd , that such inquisitive Persons as cannot be at the Charge , or have not the opportunity , of making new Experiments , would busie themselves , as they have opportunity , in industriously collecting and carefully setting down the Phaenomena to be met with without the Assistance of new Experiments , especially such particulars as seem either to be of moment in order to the hinting or Confirmation of some Considerable Truth , or to the Detection of some Applauded Error , or else to have bin , though obvious enough , yet little taken notice of . For I am confident that very much may be done towards the Improvement of Physiology by a due Consideration of and reflexion on the obvious Phaenomena of Nature , and those things which are almost in every bodies power to know , if he please but seriously to heed them ; and I make account that attention alone might quickly furnish us with one half of the History of Nature , as well as industry is requisite , by new Experiments , to enrich us with the other . And therefore I confess I think my self beholding to him that first makes me take notice of what I might easily have known , but heeded not before ; it not seldom happening , that we are prejudic'd by , though we do not complain of that ignorance from which we might relieve our selves , if we did but diligently turn our eyes to the Observations wherewith even neighbouring and familiar Objects would , if duly consulted , present us . But I digress , and therefore must step back into the way , and tell you , that the reasons why I first design'd the Narrative of what I had try'd and observ'd for a Continuation of Sir Francis Bacons Natural History , you will meet with in my Preface to that specimen of the intended Continuation , which I have given in those of my Essays that treat Of Promiscuous Experiments : and the reason why I have since declin'd that succinct way of Writing , is , for the sake of Pyrophilus , that I might have , in a more free and uncircumscribed way of discoursing , a greater Liberty to insist on and manifesf the Reasonableness of such Animadversions as I thought seasonable for a Person , who , though a great Proficient in the other parts of Philosophy , is but a Beginner in Experimental Learning . And the second Reason why I have often made use of seemingly slight Experiments , is , because such are more easily and cheaply try'd , and they being alledg'd for the most part to prove some Assertion , or credit some Admonition , I thought their Easiness or Obviousness fitter to recommend them , than depretiate them ; and I judg'd it somewhat unkind , or at least indiscreet , to refer you most commonly for proof of what I deliver'd , to such tedious , such difficult , or such intricate Processes , as either You can scarce well make , unless You be already what I desire my Experiments should help to make You , a skilful Chymist ; or else are as difficult to be well judg'd , as the truth they should discover is to be discern'd . I was also hopeful that the Easiness of divers things inviting you to make tryal of them , and keeping You from being disappointed in Your Expectations , the success of Your first attempts would incourage You to make tryal also of more nice and difficult Experiments . And till You have try'd them , do me the right to think that I deal not unsincerely with You. The Reasons of my having divers times recorded Experiments which You may have formerly met with , and perchance ev'n in Printed Books , I have elsewhere deduc'd in a peculiar Discourse on that Subject : and therefore shall now only add , that by reason of my being as yet a stranger to the German Tongue , wherein the most and best Chymical Books are said to be written , I may have set down divers Chymical Experiments and Observations that are extant already in that Hermetical Language , ( if I may so call it ) without having had them from their Dutch Publishers , or so much as dream'd of their having been divulg'd by any man. I have likewise in my Preface to the Essays that you will meet with under the Title of Promiscuous Experiments , given You an account why I have not refrain'd from mentioning divers things which may seem very slight , because very obvious : And I have long had thoughts to inform You in an intire Discourse to be written on purpose , why I think that ev'n the trivial , and therefore slighted , truths of Physiology ought not to be despis'd . And for my own part , I shall not scruple to confess to You , that I disdain not to take Notice ev'n of Ludicrous Experiments , and think that the Plays of Boys may sometimes deserve to be the Study of Philosophers : For as when we go a Hunting , though the flight of the Hare and the pursute of the Dogs be to us but sport and recreation , yet the Beasts themselves are extreamly earnest , the one to save his threatn'd life by flight , and the other to overtake his desired Prey ; so Nature acts very seriously in all the other things that we make sports with , and is in very good earnest , whether we Men be so or no. Perhaps you will wonder , Pyrophilus , that in almost every one of the following Essays I should speak so doubtingly , and use so often , Perhaps , It seems , 'T is not improbable , and such other expressions as argue a diffidence of the truth of the Opinions I incline to , and that I should be so shy of laying down Principles , and sometimes of so much as venturing at Explications . But I must freely confess to you , Pyrophilus , that having met with many things of which I could give my self no one probable cause , and some things of which several Causes may be assign'd so differing , as not to agree in any thing unless in their being all of them probable enough , I have often found such Difficulties in searching into the Causes and Manner of things : and I am so sensible of my own Disability to surmount those Difficulties , that I dare speak confidently and positively of very few things , except of Matters of fact . And when I venture to deliver any thing by way of Opinion , I should , if it were not for meer shame , speak yet more diffidently than I have been wont to do . 'T is not that I at all condemn the Practice of those Inquisitive Wits that take upon them to explicate to us ev'n the abstrusest Phaenomena of Nature : For I am so far from censuring them , that I admire them when their Endeavours succeed , and applaud them ev'n where they do but fairly attempt . But I think 't is fit for a man to know his own Abilities and Weaknesses , and not to think himself oblig'd to imitate all that he thinks fit to praise . I know also that the way to get Reputation , is , to venture to explicate things , and promote Opinions : For by that course a Writer shall be sure to be applauded by one sort of men , and be mention'd by many others ; whereas by the way of Writing to which I have condemn'd my self , I can hope for little better among the more daring and less considerate sort of men , should you shew them these Papers , than to pass for a Drudge of greater Industry than Reason , and fit for little more than to collect Experiments for more rational and Philosophical heads to explicate and make use of . But I am content , provided Experimental Learning be ●eally promoted , to contribute ev'n in the least plausible Way to the Advancement of it , and had rather not only be an Underbuilder , but ev'n dig in the Quarries for Materials towards so useful a Structure , as a solid body of Natural Philosophy , than not do something towards the Erection of it . Nor have my thoughts been altogether idle and wanting to themselves , in framing Notions , and attempting to devise Hypotheses , which might avoid the deficiencies observ'd in other mens Theories and Explications : but I have hitherto , though not always , yet not unfrequently , found that what pleas'd me for a while , as fairly comporting with the Observations on which such Notions were grounded , was soon after disgrac'd by some further or new Experiment , which at the time of the framing of those Notions was unknown to me , or not consulted with . And indeed I have the less envy'd Many ( for I say not All ) of those Writers who have taken upon them to deliver the Causes of things , and explicate the Mysteries of Nature , since I have had opportunity to observe how many of their Doctrines , after having been for a while applauded and even admir'd , have afterwards been confuted by the discovery of some new Phaenomenon in Nature , which was either unknown to such Writers , or not sufficiently consider'd by them . For I have found it happen as well to many others ( that have publisht their Opinions ) as to me ( who have been more private in my Guesses ) in our Theories built on either too obvious or too few Experiments , what is wont to happen to the Falsifiers of Coyn : for as Counterfeit pieces of Money will endure some of them One Proof , as the Touch-stone , others Another , as Aqua fortis , some a third , as the Hammer or the Scales , but none of them will endure All proofs ; so the Notions I mention ( in which sort I fear too great a part of those hitherto extant may be compriz'd ) may agree very fairly with this or that or the other Experiment , but being made too hastily , and without Consulting a competent number of them , 't is to be fear'd that there may still after a while be found one or other , ( if not many ) their Inconsistency with which will betray and discredit them . I have notwithstanding all this on some occasions adventur'd to deliver my Opinion , not that I am very confident of being less subject to erre in those particulars than in any of the others wherein I have refrain'd from interposing any Conjecture , but because I would manifest to You , that I scruple not to run the same venture with those incomparably better Naturalists , that have thought it no disgrace in difficult matters rather to hazard the being sometimes mistaken , than not to afford Inquisitive Persons their best Assistance towards the Discovery of Truth . And because , Pyrophilus , in the Reasons and Explications I offer of Natural Effects , I have not for the most part an immediate recourse to the Magnitude , Figure , and Motion of Atoms , or of the least Particles of Bodies , I hold it not unfit to give You here some account of this Practice , not so much for the sake of those few Passages in my Essays that may be concern'd in it , as for that of many Learned men , especially Physitians , whose useful Writings begin to be undervalu'd , and are in danger to be despis'd , by an Opinion taken up from the mis-understood Doctrine of some eminent Atomists , as if no speculations in Natural Philosophy could be rational , wherein any other causes of things are assign'd than Atoms and their Properties . I consider then , that generally speaking , to render a reason of an Effect or Phaenomenon , is to deduce it from somthing else in Nature more known than it self , and that consequently there may be divers kinds of Degrees of Explication of the same thing . For although such Explications be the most satisfactory to the Understanding , wherein 't is shewn how the effect is produc'd by the more primitive and Catholick Affection of Matter , namely , bulk , shape and motion , yet are not these Explications to be despis'd , wherein particular effects are deduc'd from the more obvious and familiar Qualities or states of Bodies , such as Heat , Cold , Weight , Fluidity , Hardness , Fermentation , &c. Though these themselves do probably depend upon those three universal ones formerly nam'd . For in the search after Natural Causes , every new measure of Discovery does both instruct and gratifie the Understanding , though I readily confess , that the nearer the discover'd Causes are to those that are highest in the scale or series of Causes , the more is the Intellect both gratify'd and instructed . I think it therefore very fit and highly useful , that some speculative Wits well vers'd in Mathematical Principles and Mechanical Contrivances , should employ themselves in deducing the chiefest Modes or Qualities of Matter , such as are Heat , Cold , &c. and the States or conditions of it , ( if we think fit to distinguish these from its Qualities ) as fluid , firm , brittle , flexible , and the like , from the above-mention'd most primitive and simple Affections thereof . And I think the Common-wealth of Learning exceedingly beholden to those Heroick Wits that do so much as plausibly perform something in this kind . But I think too , we are not to despise all those Accounts of particular Effects which are not immediately deduc'd from those primitive Affections of either Atoms or the insensible Particles of Matter , but from the familiar , though not so universal , Qualities of things , as cold , heat , weight , hardness , and the like . And perhaps it would be none of the least advantages which would accrue to Naturalists from a satisfactory explication of such Qualities by the most primitive and simple ones , that it would much shorten the explication of particular Phaenomena : For though there be many things in Nature that may be readily enough made out by the Size , Motion , & Figure of the small Parts of Matter , yet there are many more that cannot be well explain'd without a great deal of Discourse , and divers successive Deductions of one thing from another , if the purpos'd effect must be deduc'd from such primary and Universal Causes ; whereas if we be allow'd to take the Notions of Cold , Heat , and the like Qualities for granted , the explications and proofs may be much more compendiously made . He gives some Reason why Stones and Iron and all other heavy Bodies will swim in Quick-silver , except Gold , which will sink in it , that teaches , that all those other Bodies are in specie ( as they speak ) or bulk for bulk , lighter than Quick-silver , whereas Gold is heavier . He , I say , may be allow'd to have render'd a Reason of the thing propos'd , that thus refers the Phaenomenon to that known Affection of almost all Bodies here below , which we call Gravity , though he do not deduce the Phaenomenon from Atoms , nor give us the cause of Gravity , as indeed scarce any Philosopher has yet given us a satisfactory Account of it . So if it be demanded , why , if the sides of a blown Bladder be somewhat squeez'd betwixt ones hands , they will , upon the removal of that which compress'd them , fly out again , and restore the Bladder to its former figure and dimensions , it is not saying nothing to the purpose , to say that this happens from the spring of those Aerial Particles wherewith the Bladder is fill'd , though he that says this be not perhaps able to declare whence proceeds the Motion of Restitution , either in a Particle of compress'd Air , or any other bent spring . And as for the Reasons of things assign'd by Physitians , they must be most of them despis'd , unless we will allow of such explications as deduce not things from Atoms or their Affections , but only either from secondary Qualities , or from the more particular Properties of Mixt Bodies . If a Physitian be ask'd why Rhubarb does commonly cure Loosenesses , he will probably tell you as a Reason , that Rhubarb is available in such Diseases , because it hath both a Laxative vertue , whereby it evacuates Choler , and such other bad humours as are wont in such cases to be the peccant Matter , and an astringent Quality , whereby it afterwards arrests the Flux : But if you further ask him the Reason why Rhubarb purges , and why it purges Choler more than any other humour , 't is ten to one he will not be able to give you a satisfactory answer . And indeed , not only the manner whereby Purgative Medicines Work , but those other Properties whereby some Bodies are Diuretick , others Sudorifick , others Sarcotick , &c. are not I fear so easie to be intelligibly made out as men imagine , and yet a skilful Physitian would justly think himself wrong'd , if the Reasons he renders of things in his own Profession were deny'd the Name of Reasons , because made without recourse to Atomical Principles . And indeed , there are oftentimes so many subordinate Causes between particular Effects and the most General Causes of things , that there is left a large field wherein to exercise Mens Industry and Reason , if they will but solidly enough deduce the Properties of things from more general and familiar Qualities , and also intermediate Causes ( if I may so call them ) from one another . And I am the more backward to despise such kind of Reasons , because I elsewhere declare , that there are Some ( for I do not say , Many ) things , as particularly the Origine of Local Motion , of which ev'n by the Atomical Doctrine no Physical Cause can well be render'd ; since either such things must be ascrib'd to God , who is indeed the true , but the supernatural Cause of them , or else it must be said , ( as it was by the old Epicureans ) that they did ever belong to Matter , which , considering that the Notion of Matter may be compleat without them , is not to give a Physical efficient cause of the things in Question , but in effect to confess that they have no such Causes . But of this elsewhere more . In the mean time , that you may not be drawn away to undervalue such Writers as I have been pleading for , nor think you ought to refrain from writing what occurs to you , though true and useful , unless you deduce it , or at least can do so , from the Epicurean Notions , I shall here briefly represent to you , ( what perhaps you will not hereafter think a despicable suggestion ) that there are two very distinct Ends that Men may propound to themselves in studying Natural Philosophy . For some Men care only to Know Nature , others desire to Command Her : or to express it otherwise , some there are who desire but to Please themselves by the Discovery of the Causes of the known Phaenomena , and others would be able to produce new ones , and bring Nature to be serviceable to their particular Ends , whether of Health , or Riches , or sensual Delight . Now as I shall not deny but that the Atomical , the Cartesian , or some such Principles , are likely to afford the most of satisfaction to those speculative Wits that aim but at the knowledge of Causes ; so I think that the other sort of men may very delightfully & successfully prosecute their ends , by collecting and making Variety of Experiments and Observations , since thereby learning the Qualities and Properties of those particular Bodies they desire to make use of , and observing the power that divers Chymical Operations , and other ways of handling Matter , have of altering such Bodies , and varying their effects upon one another , they may by the help of Attention and Industry be able to do many Things , some of them very Strange , and more of them very Useful in humane life . When a Gunner or a Souldier employs Gun-powder , it is not necessary that he should consider , or so much as know , of what and of how many Ingredients ( much less of what kind of Atoms ) it is made , and the proportion and manner wherein they are mingled ; but the Notice Experience gives him of the power of that admirable Concrete , as it is made up and brought to his hands , suffices to enable him to perform things with it , that nothing but their being common and unheeded can keep from being admir'd . The Physitian that has observ'd the Medicinal vertues of Treacle , without knowing so much of the names , much less the Nature of each of the sixty and odd Ingredients whereof it is compounded , may cure many Patients with it . And though it must not be deny'd , that it is an advantage as well as a satisfaction , to know in general how the Qualities of things are deducible from the primitive Affections of the smallest parts of Matter , yet whether we know that or no , if we know the Qualities of this or that Body they compose , and how 't is dispos'd to work upon other Bodies , or be brought on by them , we may , without ascending to the Top in the series of Causes , perform things of great Moment , and such as without the diligent Examination of particular Bodies would , I fear , never have been found out à priori ev'n by the most profound Contemplators . We see that the Artificers that never dream'd of the Epicurean Philosophy , have accommodated Mankind with a Multitude of useful Inventions , And Paracelsus , who ( besides that he seems none of the most piercing and speculative Wits ) sure had little recourse to Atomical Notions , if he ever so much as heard of them , was able to perform some things that were truly admirable , besides those he vainly boasted of ; as may appear not only by what I elsewhere represent , but by what Oporinus himself ( as severely as he otherwise writes against his deserted Master ) confesses he saw of the stupendous cures which Paracelsus wrought with his famous Laudanum , ( whatever he made it of . ) But we need not go far to find a noble Example to our present purpose , since we see that the bare making of tryals with the Load-stone , and Irons touch'd by it , though the Experimentors were ignorant ( as some fear we yet are ) of the true and first Causes of Magnetical Phaenomena , have produc'd Inventions of greater use to Mankind , than were ever made by Leucippus , or Epicurus , or Aristotle , or Telesius , or Campanella , or perhaps any of the speculative Devisers of new Hypotheses , whole Contemplations aiming for the most part but at the solving , not the encreasing or applying , of the Phaenomena of Nature , it is no wonder they have been more ingenious than fruitful , and have Hitherto more delighted than otherwise benefitted Mankind : I say Hitherto , because though Experience warrants me so to speak now , yet I am not unwilling to think that Hereafter , and perhaps in no long time , when Physiological Theories shall be better establish'd , and built upon a more competent number of Particulars , the Deductions that may be made from them may free them from all Imputation of Barrenness . But of these things I otherwhere ( though not as I remember in any of the following Essays ) more fully discourse . And therefore I shall now resume the Subject that occasion'd this long Excursion , and add to what I said in excuse of my venturing sometimes to deliver something as my Opinion in difficult or controverted cases , that I must declare to you , Pyrophilus , that as I desire not my Opinions should have more Weight with you than the Proofs brought to countenance them will give them , so you must not expect that I should think my self oblig'd to adhere to them any longer than those Considerations that first made me embrace them shall seem of greater Moment than any that I can meet with in opposition to them . For Aristotle spoke like a Philosopher , when to justifie his Dissent from his Master Plato , he said among other things , That for the sake of Truth , men ( especially being Philosophers ) ought to overthrow ev'n their own Tenents ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) And though for a man to change his opinions , without seeing more reason to forsake them than he had to assent to them , be a Censurable Levity and Inconstancy of mind ; yet to adhere to whatever he once took for truth , though by Accession of more light he discover it to be erroneous , is but a proud Obstinacy very injurious to Truth , and very ill becoming the sense we ought to have of humane frailties . And it ought to be esteem'd much less disgraceful to quit an Error for a Truth , than to be guilty of the Vanity and Perverseness of believing a thing still , because we once believ'd it . And certainly , till a Man is sure he is infallible , it is not fit for him to be unalterable . You will easily discern , Pyrophilus , that I have purposely in the ensuing Essays refrain'd from swelling my Discourses with solemn and elaborate Confutations of other mens Opinions , unless it be in some very few Cases , where I judg'd that they might prove great impediments to the Advancement of Experimental Learning ; and even such Opinions I have been wary of medling with , unless I suppos'd I could bring Experimental Objections against them . For 't is none of my Design to engage my self with or against any one Sect of Naturalists , but barely to invite you to embrace or refuse Opinions as they are consonant to Experiments , or clear Reasons deduced thence , or at least analogous thereunto , without thinking it yet seasonable to contend very earnestly for those other Opinions which seem not yet determinable by such Experiments or Reasons . And indeed , to allude to our former Comparison , I would endeavour to destroy those curious but groundless structures that men have built up of Opinions alone , by the same way ( and with as little Noise ) by which such fantastical structures as those I mention'd to have seen at Leyden may be demolish'd . To destroy which 't were needless to bring battering Engines , since nothing is requisite to that effect but an encrease of Light. And Experience has shown us , that divers very plausible and radicated Opinions , such as that of the Unhabitableness of the Torrid Zone , of the Solidity of the Celestial part of the World , of the Blood 's being convey'd from the Heart by the Veins ( not the Arteries ) to the outward parts of the body , are generally grown out of request , upon the appearing of those new Discoveries with which they are inconsistent , and would have been abandon'd by the Generality of Judicious Persons , though no man had made it his business purposely to write Confutations of them : so true is that Vulgar saying , that Rectum est Index sui & Obliqui . But when at any time , Pyrophilus , I have been induc'd to oppose others , as I have not deny'd my self the freedom that is requisite unto Loyalty to Truth , so I have endeavour'd to use that Moderation and Civility that is due to the persons of deserving Men. And therefore you shall find me not only in one Essay oppose an Author whom in another I applaude , but sometimes you may find me commending a Writer in the very same Page , perhaps , where I am endeavouring to disprove his Opinions : For I love to speak of Persons with Civility , though of Things with Freedom . Nor do I think it reasonable , either that any mans Reputation should protect his Errors , or that the Truth should fare the worse for his sake that delivers it . And as for the ( very much too common ) Practice of many , who write , as if they thought , railing at a mans Person , or wrangling about his Words , necessary to the Confutation of his Opinions ; besides that I think such a quarrelsome and injurious way of writing does very much misbecome both a Philosopher and a Christian , methinks it is as unwise , as it is provoking . For if I civilly endeavour to reason a man out of his Opinions , I make my self but one work to do , namely , to convince his Understanding : but if in a bitter or exasperating way I oppose his Errors , I encrease the Difficulties I would surmount , and have as well his Affections against me as his Judgment : and it is very uneasie to make a Proselyte of him that is not only a Dissenter from us , but an Enemy to us . And that which makes me the more dislike the bitter way of disputing which I am reprehending , is , that I have often observ'd , that though one of the Disputants alone be at first in the fault , yet the other is most commonly drawn to share in the Guilt , though to contract it he must imitate his Adversary . For as a mad Dog by biting others is wont to make those he bites run mad like himself , and do promiscuous Mischief ; so these so provoking Writers are wont to enrage those they offend , and infect them also with their own virulent distemper . But , Pyrophilus , when I 〈◊〉 of dealing respectfully with those I dissent from , I 〈◊〉 be understood of such as have well deserved of Expe●●mental Learning , or at least been candid and sober 〈◊〉 quirers after Truth . For , as I think that it would muc● discourage any prudent Person from venturing to communicate what he thinks he knows to the World , to find that an Error proceeding from humane Weakness , or the Darkness and Abstrusity of things , seldom escapes being detected without being made matter of disgrace or reproach to the Author : so on the other side , when vain Writers , to get themselves a name , have presum'd to obtrude upon the credulous World such things , under the Notion of Experimental Truths , or even great Mysteries , as neither themselves ever took the pains to make tryal of , nor receiv'd from any credible Persons that profess'd themselves to have try'd them ; in such cases , I see not how we are oblig'd to treat Writers that took no pains to keep themselves from mistaking or deceiving , nay , that car'd not how they abuse us to win themselves a name , with the same respect that we owe to those , who though they have miss'd of the Truth , believ'd they had found it , and both intended to deliver It , and took some ( though not prosperous ) pains that they might convey nothing else to us . I fear it will be requisite , Pyrophilus , to tell you why in some of the following Essays you will meet with many Passages transcrib'd out of other Authors , and in some very few or none at all . And therefore to give you first a short Account of the Particular mention'd last , I must mind you , that 't was most suitable both to my Humor and Design to deliver only those things wherewith my own Observations , or Tryals , or Thoughts , had furnish'd me , without troubling you with the Repetition of those things which had been deliver'd by others already ; those kind of Repetitions , unless they be made upon some such grounds as we shall presently mention , seeming to me to be as vainly as ambitiously affected by many Writers , and being deservedly troublesome to Judicioas Readers , who can easily discern that they add much more to the bulk of Books than of Knowledge . But this notwithstanding , Pyrophilus , I thought my self oblig'd on some occasions , for your sake , to overcome my Natural Averseness to stuff any Writings of mine with Passages transcrib'd from those of others , partly for the Reasons elsewhere insisted on , and partly for divers others . As First , because some Particulars are of that Strangeness , and of that Moment , that they need and deserve to be verify'd by more than a single Attestation . Next , because according to the Greek Proverb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is not properly to say over the same thing again , when the Observation , Experiment , or other Passage of an Author , is either illustrated or otherwise improv'd by the Repetition , or else apply'd to some purpose differing from that to which the Author brought it : That being applicable to many a single Experiment or Observation which Seneca somewhere says , Nulla Res consummata est dum incipit ; And , Etiamsi omnia à Veteribus inventa sunt , hoc semper novum erit , Vsus , & Inventorum ab aliis Scientia & Dispositio . And thirdly , because as the Planets and other Stars have ( according to Astrologers ) in their great Synods or Conjunctions , much more powerful , and sometimes other Influences on the Air and some other sublunary Parts of the World , than are ascrib'd to one or two of them out of that Aspect ; so divers Particulars , which whilst they lay single and scatter'd among the Writings of several Authors were inconsiderable , when they come to be laid together in order to the same Design , may oftentimes prove highly useful to Physiology in their Conjunction , wherein one of them may serve to prove one part or circumstance of an important Truth , and another to explicate another , and so all of them may conspire together to verifie that Saying , Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvant . It may then I hope suffice to justifie me on this occasion , that not appealing to other Writers as to Judges , but as to Witnesses , nor employing what I have found already publish'd by them barely as Ornaments to imbellish my Writings , and much less as Oracles by their Authority to demonstrate my Opinions , but as Certificates to attest Matters of fact , I may hope that their Testimonies will as well be illustrated by mine , as mine by their's , and that all of them may contribute to your better Information . And if , Pyrophilus , you grant that upon these Considerations I have not done amiss to apply to my purpose divers of those things which I found deliver'd pertinently to them by those Writers which I chanc'd to cast mine Eyes on , I suppose you will not think I need to make you an Apology for my having made most use of the Passages of those Writers which I suppose will be most difficult to be met with ( such as are many Books of Navigations and other Voyages ) and especially of French Books not yet translated into English or Latin. And I think I shall less need to make an Excuse for my having for the most part set down the Passages I recited in the Authors own Words , that being one of the readiest ways I know to satisfie the Reader , and avoid injuring the Writer . And indeed , I have met with abundance of Quotations wherein the Transcriber doth so mistake , or so mis-represent the cited Authors Meaning , sometimes out of Inadvertence , but sometimes too I fear out of Indulgence to his own Hypothesis , that if ever I should be tempted to trouble the World with any of my thoughts , I would beseech my Readers , not to look upon any thing as my Opinion or Assertion that is not deliver'd in the entire Series of my own Words ; lest a Transcriber should make me deliver those things resolutely and dogmatically , which I deliver but haesitantly and conjecturally ; and lest I should seem to set down those things Positively as Processes for whose success I undertake , which I record but by way of Narrative . For my so frequently mentioning what I have borrow'd from other Writers , or receiv'd from my friends , I expect to be excus'd by that of Pliny , Benignum est ( ut arbitror ) & plenum ingenui Pudoris , confiteri per quos profeceris . Though I have seen divers Modern Writers that so boldly usurp the Observations and Experiments of others , that I might justly apply to them what the same Pliny annexes ; Scito enim , conferentem Authores me deprehendisse à juratissimis & proximis Veteres transcriptos ad Verbum , neque nominatos &c. If other Writers should not prove more equitable ( for I will not say more thankful ) than such as these , they would quickly discourage those whose aims are not very noble and sincere , from gratifying the Publick with Inventions , whose Praise and Thanks would be usurp'd by such as will not name them . But perhaps they would be more just if they reflected on what our Author further adds , Obnoxii profectò animi & infelicis ingenii est , deprehendi in furto malle quam mutuum reddere , cum praesertim sors fiet ex Vsura . And now I have said this concerning the Passages I have borrow'd from other Authors , it will not be improper to add something about those I have declin'd to borrow . For you may possibly marvel , that in divers of the Historical parts of my Writings I have omitted such Testimonies either of Pliny , Solinus , Aristotle , Theophrastus , Aelian , or perchance some of the ancient Physitians themselves ( who yet , as more conversant with things , are usually more credible ) as seems very pertinent to my Discourse , and fit to prove what I design . But when I shall come to entertain you about Natural History , I doubt not but to satisfie you with the Reasons I shall offer you of this Practice . In the mean time , I shall only tell you in short , that though I have a just respect for those Great Names I have mention'd ; yet the sense I have of the difficulties I have found to make and relate an Observation accurately and faithfully enough for a Naturalist to rely on ; and the occasions I have had of looking into divers matters of fact deliver'd in their Writings , with a bold and an impartial Curiosity ; have made me conclude so many of those Traditions to be either certainly false , or not certainly true , that except what they deliver upon their own particular Knowledge , or with peculiar Circumstances that may recommend them to my belief , I am very shy of building any thing of moment upon foundations that I esteem so unsure , and much less upon the suspected Passages that Wecker , Paracelsus , Porta , &c. abound with . And therefore ( though I well enough know how much I impoverish my Discourse by this Niceness ) yet I do not think it fair to imploy that as an Argument to convince you that has not that operation upon me my self . And I the rather take notice of my forbearing to make use of the Historical Traditions and Chymical or Magical Secrets that I meet in the above-mention'd Authors , or any other makers of Collections , unless the Narrative be ( as I was saying ) expresly enough deliver'd upon the Writer's Personal Knowledge , or that of some other credible Witness ; not only because I would give you an account why several of my Writings are unfurnish'd with what most Readers look on as the richest Ornaments of other mens , but because if this wariness could be introduc'd , t' would be the most effectual way of perswading men to write those kind of Tracts I would recommend , Physiological Essays . For he that will confine himself so strictly , will scarce be often tempted on Physical Subjects , to write either Systems or Volumns . Another things , Pyrophilus , I must needs advertise you of in reference to the ensuing Discourses , which is , That besides those Deficiencies in point of Ratiocination which are due to my personal Disabilities , I have purposely let pass some Few ( and but very Few ) Inferences which I discern'd well enough not to be cogent , because I was willing to acquaint you upon some particular Occasions with all the Experiments then occurring to me , which I thought might contribute to the Illustration of the Subject in hand , though each of them apart did not irrefragably , nor indeed so much as strongly infer the Conclusion in order to which they seem'd to have been mention'd as Premisses . And this Practice I made the less scruple of , because I was willing to exercise thereby your Reasoning Faculty , and try how far you would discern the Tendency of several things , all of them pertinent enough to the Subject in hand , but not all of them concluding to the main design in order whereunto they were alledg'd . And I supposed that the things by me mention'd , though not conclusive , being yet Experimental , the mention of them , which in a strictly Logical way of reasoning must have been forborn , might well make you amends for the Exercise to which I intended they should put your Reason . There remains yet one thing , Pyrophilus , of which I suppose you will expect I should give you an Account ; and that is , why in the ensuing Essays I have mention'd divers Experiments which I have not plainly and circumstantially enough delivered . To satisfie you concerning which , I must represent to you , First , That though for your sake I have oftentimes , contrary to my Reason and Genius , deliver'd things , to make them more clear , in such a Multitude of words , that I now seem even to my self to have in divers places been guilty of Verbosity ; yet in some other passages , treating of things which Use had render'd very familiar to me , I may have , to shun Prolixity , unawares slipt into the Contrary Extream . Secondly , There are some Mechanical Experiments wherein I have purposely omitted some manual Circumstances , because I was unwilling to prejudice some ingenious Trades-men , who make either a Livelyhood , or at least a gain , by the sale of the productions of such Experiments . And I made the less scruple to conceal such Mechanical Circumstances , ( if I may so call them ) because they were not necessary to the Physiological Knowledge of the Experiments : in naming of which my intention was to teach you rather Philosophy than Trades . Thirdly , I mention'd some things but darkly , either because I receiv'd them upon Condition of secrecy , or because some ingenious persons that communicated them to me , or others to whom I imparted them , do yet make , and need to make , a pecuniary advantage of them . Fourthly , And some things that , either having been the fruits of my own Labours , or obtain'd in Exchange of such , are freely at my own disposal , I have not yet thought fit so plainly to reveal , not out of an envious design of having them bury'd with me , but that I may be always provided with some Rarity to barter with those Secretists that will not part with one Secret but in Exchange for another , and think nothing worth their desiring that is known already to above one or two Persons . And I think it very lawful to reserve always some conceal'd Experiments by me , wherewith to obtain the secrets of others , which being thereby gained , the other ( as being no longer necessary to the former end ) may freely be communicated . And think not , Pyrophilus , that the bare mention of an Experiment as having been performed , though the way of making it be conceal'd , is of no use , if the Relator of the Experiment be a Person that may safely be credited : For it is something to be assur'd that such and such things have been really perform'd , and consequently are possible to be done , though we be not yet particularly acquainted with the means of performing them . And he tells you something , that tells you upon his own Knowledge , that in such or such Bodies , or Ways of operating on them , considerable things of such or such a Nature are to be met with . And for my part , when I go a Hawking or Setting , I think my self beholden to him that assures me that in such a field there is a Covey of Partridges , though he does no more towards the giving me them . And it is obvious how much Europe is beholden to Columbus for the Detection of many Countries in America which were not discover'd by him , nor perhaps till long after his Death , because he first inform'd us Knowingly that there were unknown Regions beyond that vast Ocean which severs the Old World from the New. But I begin to digress , and therefore shall proceed to tell you , That I am the less troubled at my Omission of the circumstantial parts of some Experiments , because I think it will be much for your Advantage to try them over again your self . And as I have taken care by the truth of the Experiments I have deliver'd to secure your success , in case you try them aright ; so I cannot be very sorry that you should in some Particulars have a kind of Necessity laid on you to exercise your own industry , and thereby encrease your Experience . But besides all that has been said , Pyrophilus , I must freely confess to you , that there is one thing particularly relating to your self , which has made me refrain from delivering in the ensuing Essays some of the chief Chymical processes wherewith they might have been enrich'd . For not yet knowing with what seriousness you will addict your self to promote experimental Philosophy , nor what use you will make of what has been unveiledly communicated to you , I was somewhat unwilling that some things which had cost me a great deal of pains should yet fall into any man's hands that scorns to purchase Knowledge with some pains , and I was desirous , in case you shall prove as industrious as I hope you will , to have something by me to encourage and cherish your industry , which may be more suitable to your improved Knowledge . For I must confess to you , that in reference to the Chymical processes extant in the following Discourses , I look upon most of them but as trifles , not only in comparison of those things which a knowing Chymist might have deliver'd on the same subjects , but even in regard of divers processes ( not impertinent to those discourses ) wherewith I my self , ( as little as I am a Pretender in these Matters ) am not unacquainted : and perhaps I would have given to the following Treatises the Title of Trifles , instead of that of Essays , if I had not been afraid of discouraging you thereby , and if the Chymical part of them had been the chief thing wherewith I intended to acquaint you in them . But if the reception you give to what we have already writt●n , prove such as may encourage us to proceed , we may p●rhaps , if God be pleas'd to vouchsafe us Life and Opportunity , be invited to impart to you those more con●●●erable Chymical Experiments , which either the Comm●nication of our friends or our own Labours have 〈◊〉 us . For it will be much in the power of the Enter●●●●ment which these Papers shall meet with , to make them either the Beginning of our Labours of this nature , or ●he End. And in the mean time , I think I may venture to tell you , that , as inconsiderable as I have confess'd div●rs of the Chymical Processes mention'd in these Essays to be , yet if ever you take the pains ( as I hope you will ) to 〈◊〉 Experimental Essays , and confine your self to take as little upon trust as I have done , you will perhaps be ready to believe , that sometimes a short Essay of this nature , not to say some one single Experiment , may have cost me more than a whole Treatise written on such a Subject , whereon to be able without Discredit to write Books , it is almost sufficient to have read many . And give me leave to add , that as in such kind of Composures , oftentimes the enabling himself to give a considerable Advertisement , or even Hint , may cost the Writer more than the making of several Experiments ; so it may be also more beneficial to the Reader than the Knowledge of them . For we must not always measure the Considerableness of things by their most obvious and immediate usefulness , but by their fitness to make or contribute to the discovery of things highly useful . As , if it be true , what is reported by good Authors of the hazel Wand , or Virgula divinatoria , though the hazel Tree be much less considerable in reference to its fruit , or immediate productions , than a Peach-Tree , an Orange-Tree , or even an Apple-Tree ; yet may it be made much more valuable than any of them , because whereas they only present us with fruits , this may assist us to discover in latent Mines inestimable Treasures . I had almost forgot to advertise you , Pyrophilus , That whereas I have not been so sollicitous as most Writers are wont to be , to swell the ensuing Essays with the Enumeration of the various Opinions and Arguments of Authors about the Subjects I treat of , or to adorn them with acute Sentences , fine Expressions , or other Embellishments borrow'd from eminent Writers ; it has not been , because I utterly dislike the making use of those passages in Classick or other Authors , that may either give ( among the Admirers of those Writers ) some Authority to our thoughts , or very handsomely and Emphatically express them . For I remember , I have known it reprehended by Learned Men in Epicurus , That though he writ very much himse●f , he would not vouchsafe in his Writings to quote those of other Men. And that I have not refrain'd from making use , now and th●n , of those Philological Ornaments of Discourse , when they readily occur'd to me , and appear'd neither impertinent nor prolix , may I hope suffice to keep me from being suspected of the Vanity of thinking my self above other mens assistance . But the reasons of my so much declining to make use of other mens Authority , or Expressions , were chiefly these . First , That the Weakness of my Eyes has this long time kept me from reading almost any Books , save the Scripture , with some Critical Expositions of it , and here and there some Portions of the Writings of those that pretend to teach their Readers Experimental Matters : And the unfaithfulness of my Memory as to things of no great Moment , has made me forget almost all the little Philological and florid Learning I was formerly acquainted with . And really , Pyrophilus , as for the Books that treat of Natural Philosophy , I am so sensible of the smalness of the Advantage which my Disabilities have suffer'd me to make of them , that instead of being ambitious to appear a great Reader , I could be very well content to be thought to have scarce look'd upon any other Book than that of Nature . And in the next place , Pyrophilus , though I ignore not that by this plain and unadorn'd way of Writing , I unkindly deny my Essays many Embellishments which I might give them , and which perhaps you will think they do abundantly need ; yet my frequent Distempers , Journeys , and other Avocations , not allowing me so much time as I desir'd , to entertain you on Philosophical subjects , I thought it more requisite to spend those confin'd hours in acquainting you with my own thoughts , such as they are , than with those of other Men ; unless ( as I formerly intimated ) I can some way or other more than barely recite what I recite of theirs . And you will easily pardon me the injury which for your sake I do my own Reputation by this naked way of writing , if you , as well as I , think those the profitablest Writers , or at least the kindest to their Perusers , who take not so much Care to appear Knowing Men themselves , as to make their Readers such . TWO ESSAYS , Concerning the Unsuccessfulness OF EXPERIMENTS , CONTAINING Divers Admonitions and Observations ( chiefly Chymical ) touching that SVBJECT . LONDON , Printed for Henry Herringman , Anno 1668. Advertisement about the two following Essays . THe Author of these Discourses had inlarged them in this second Edition with divers Observations and Experiments , but that he has made use of them already in other Papers belonging to his Sceptical or Doubting Naturalist . THE FIRST ESSAY , Of the Unsuccessfulness of EXPERIMENTS . I Am very sorry , Pyrophilus , that to the many ( elsewhere enumerated ) difficulties which you may meet with , and must therefore surmount , in the serious and effectual prosecution of Experimental Philosophy , I must add one discouragement more , which will perhaps as much surprize you as dishearten you ; and it is , That besides that you will find ( as we elsewhere mention ) many of the Experiments publish'd by Authors , or related to you by the persons you converse with , false or unsuccessful , ( besides this , I say ) you will meet with several Observations and Experiments , which though communicated for true by Candid Authors or undistrusted Eye-witn●sses , or perhaps recommended to you by your own ●xperience , may upon further tryal disappoint your expectation , either not at all succeeding constantly , or at least varying much from what you expected . This Advertisement may seem of so discouraging a nature , that I should much scruple the giving it you , but that I suppose the trouble at that unsuccessfulness which you may meet with in Experiments , may be somewhat lessened , by your being forewarned of such contingencies : And that if you should have the luck to make an Experiment once , without being able to perform the same thing again , you might be apt to look upon such disappointments as the effects of an unfriendliness in Nature or Fortune to your particular attempts , as proceed but from a secret contingency incident to some experiments , by whomsoever they be tryed . But because Pyrophilus , the Advertisement which I am about to give you may seem , as Paradoxical , so discouraging ; it will be but reasonable that I present you with some instances of the requisiteness of it : which I shall the more willingly do , because thereby I may not only evince the truth of it , but somewhat lessen the despondency it is apt to produce , by letting you see , that though some of your Experiments should not always prove constant , you have divers Partners in that infelicity , who have not been discouraged by it . To make nice and curious distinctions of the several grounds and occasions of the Unsuccessfulness of Experiments , would perhaps prove a work of greater difficulty than use , and therefore I shall content my self grosly to distinguish the causes of that unsuccessfulness , into the particular or mistaken properties of the Materials imploy'd about them , and some such error committed in the handling of these Materials , as though it hinder the success of the Experiment , is not easie to be discerned . Which therefore I mention , that I may distinguish these kind of Errors that I am now to consider from those more obvious ones , which proceeding barely from the unskilfulness of the Tryers of the Experiments , may be easily enough discerned , and either rectifi'd or avoided by a knowing Artist , or a person well vers'd and expert in making those particular Experiments , which through through that unskilfulness may have miscarried . The Materials to be imploy'd about the Experiments we are considering may also admit of several distinctions ; as into Natural and Factitious , Sincere and Adulterate , Simple and Compound , &c. But we shall likewise purposely forbear the insisting on any of these , and content our selves to cast what we have to say on this part of our Theme , into a few and comprehensive Observations . And in the first place we will observe , that divers Experiments succeed not , because they were at one time tryed with Genuine Materials , and at another time with Sophisticated ones : and in this case it may be all one , as to the Event of the Experiment , whether the Materials wherewith it was successfully try'd were sophisticated or not , if those made use of in the latter ●ryal were of differing Qualities from those employ'd in the former ; because it may very well happen , that sophisticated Bodies ( as we may have occasion to shew hereafter ) by the addition of those things , or by that decei●ful way of preparation , whereby they have been sophisticated , may acquire an aptitude to produce such effects , as had they not been adulterated , they would not have been fit to do . Now it is scarcely imaginable to him that has not been very conversant with the Drugs and Simples sold in Shops , how generally they are adulterated by the fraudulent avarice of the Sellers , especially if they be such whose preciousness may make their Sophistication very beneficial to them that practise it . It has been lately much complained of by some of the Cultivators of Clover-grass , that of a great quan●ity of the Seed not any Grass sprung up ; which not being imputable to the Soyl , nor the Sower , proceeds , as some Analogical observations make me suppose , from the effeteness ( if I may so speak ) of the superannuated Seed sometimes sold in the Shops . And upon this Subject I cannot conceal from you what was lately affirm'd to me by one of the eminentest and soberest Chymists of Amsterdam , who was also an Indian Merchant , who assur'd me , that most of the Cinnamon and Cloves that is brought into these Western Regions , is defrauded in the Indies of much of the finest and subtilest Aromatical parts before it be sent into Europe . And to give a more familiar Instance to our present purpose , you may be pleased to remember , Pyrophilus , that in one of the first of these Essays , we have made mention to you of great store of living Creatures which we had observed in Vinegar ; of the truth of which Observation we can produce divers learned and severe Witnesses , who were not to be convinced of it till we had fully satisfi'd them by ocular demonstration : and yet , Pyrophilus , there are divers parcels of excellent Vinegar , wherein you may in vain seek for these living Creatures : and we are now distilling some of that Liquor ( which if we did not think to be of the strongest and best sort , we should scarce think worth the being distill'd for Spirit ) wherein nevertheless we can neither by Candle-light nor by day-light discern Any of those li●tle Creatures of which we have often seen Swarms in other Vinegars . Of such fraudulent tricks as those lately mention'd , I could easily give you divers Instances , if I were not afraid of teaching Fallacies by discovering them . But some are so notorious , or otherwise of such a nature , as that it may be more useful than dangerous to mention them . It is commonly known , that Sublimate is wont to be sophisticated with Arsnick : and how differing the effects of such Sublimate may be from those of that which is faithfully prepar'd , not only upon Metal● , but ( when Mercurius Dulcis and other Preparations are made of it ) upon humane Bodies , they , and scarce any but they , who are acquainted wi●h the noxious qualities of Arsnick , both to Metals and Men , can readily imagine . And indeed as for Chymical Preparations Helmont was not much in the wrong , when he affirm'd , There were scarce any , vulgarly sold in shops , to be rely'd on as faithfully prepar'd . And for my part , I have so often met with Chymical Preparations which I have found unsincere , that I dare scarce trust any , either in the administration of Physick , or so much as in the tryal of considerable Expe●iments , which either my own Furnaces do not afford me , or wherewith I am not supply'd by some person of whose skill and faithfulness I have a good opinion . The other day , having occasion to use some Spirit of Salt , whereof I was not then provided , I sent for some to a Chymist , who making it himself , was the likelier to afford that which was wall made : but though I gave him his own rate for it , at the first Rectification even in a Retort , a single pound afforded us no less than six ounces of phlegm ; and afterwards being further rectifi'd in a high body and gentle heat , the remaining Spirit parted with a scarce credible quantity of the like nauseous liquor , and after all these sequestrations of phlegm was not pure enough to pe●form what we expected from it . Of which complaining to an excellent Chymist of my acquaintance , he sent for ●pirit of Salt to a very eminent Distiller of it , who gets much by his profession , and passeth for a very honest man : but this Spirit , besides its weakness , discover'd it self to be sophis●icated with either Spirit of Nitre , or Aqua fortis , which betray'd it self by its peculiar and odious smell ; whereas Spirit of Salt skilfully and sincerely drawn , is commonly of a greenish colour , bordering upon yellow , and hath usually a Peculiar , and sometimes ( as I can exemplifie to you in some of mine ) a not Unpleasing smell . And let me on this occasion advertise you , Pyrophilus , that in divers cases 't is not enough to separate the aqueous parts by Dephlegmation , as many Chymists content themselves to do , but some Liquors contain also an unsuspected quantity of small corpuscules of somewhat an earthy nature , which being associated with the saline ones , do clog or blunt them , and thereby weaken their activity : And therefore such Liquors to be well depurated require the being distill'd off , and that with a slow fire , that the dry faeces may be left behind in the bottom of the Glass . To satisfie some persons that this Observation is not groundless , we have sometimes taken of the better sort of Spirit of Salt , and having carefully dephlegm'd it , remov'd it into lower Glasses , ( that the less heat will suffice to make the Liquor ascend ) and having gently abstracted the whole Spirit , there remain'd in the bottom and the neck of the Retort whence 't was distill'd , so great a quantity of a certain dry and stiptical substance , for the most part of a yellowish colour , that it seem'd strange to the beholders , that so clear a Spirit should conceal so much of it : and we our selves should have wonder'd at it too , had we not remember'd , that in what the Chymists are wont to call the Oyl or Rectifi'd Butter of Antimony made with Sublimate , the Liquor , though distill'd and very limpid , almost like fair water , consists in great part of the very body of the Antimony : which we would here manifest , but that we elsewhere do it , and therefore chuse rather in this place to take notice , that the Spirit of Salt after this second depuration was so chang'd , that it seem'd to be a much nobler , and almost another Liquor than it was before . But to return to our sophisticated Spirit : what differing effects would be produc'd by true Spirit of Salt , and that which is mixt with the Spirit of Nitre , he that knows the great disparity in the operations of those two Liquors , whereof ( to mention now no other Instances ) the former will precipitate Silver , when the latter has dissolv'd it , may easily inform you . Which Instances I mention not as the considerablest which may be produc'd on this Subject , but as the freshest in my memory . In the next place , Pyrophilus , I observe , that even when the Materials imploy'd about Experiments are no way sophisticated , but genuine , and such as Nature has produc'd them , or Art ought to prepare them , even then , I say , there may be a very considerable Disparity betwixt Concretions of the same kind and name , and which pass without suspicion for bodies of perfectly the same nature . This may , to you , Pyrophilus , seem a great Paradox ; but perhaps upon examination it will appear a great Truth : which because I am perchance the first , or one of the first , that has solemnly asserted , I hope I shall obtain your pardon if I insist somewhat the longer upon the making it out . For though Antimony ( and the like is to be understood of Quick-silver , Gold , Copper , Tin , &c. ) is wont by almost all men without hesitancy to be look'd upon as being all of it of the same nature as well as denomination ; yet he that will take the liberty to suspect that they may be deceiv'd in that opinion , and then heedfully observe the differing progress and event of Experiments , may very well discern , that there is as well a difference in Minerals of the same kind , as there is in Vegetables and Animals of the same species . And as the White-rose , the Red-rose , and the Damask-rose differ much from one another , though all three be Roses ; and as the sowre and sweet Orange are very differing betwixt themselves , and both of them from the China Orange , though all be Oranges ; and as the Hound , the Grey-hound , the Spaniel , the Tumbler , the Mastiff , and the Water dog , &c. are very dive●sly qualifi'd , though all of them be Dogs : so neither are all the parcels of Antimony to be met with in Mines or Shops of altogether the s●me Qualities , though all of them be Antimonial Concretes . There is indeed this difference betwixt the variety to be observed in Vegetables and Animals , and that which is to be found in Minerals , That the former is wont to be more obvious to the Eye , and betray it self by some difference to be observed , either in the size of the Creatures of the same kind , or in some peculiar shape or colour , by which 't is easie for Nature conspicuously to discriminate bodies that consist of many discernably distinct parts ; whereas Minerals appearing to the eye either to be perfectly similar , as Metals , or at least to consist but of two or three distinct ingredients , as Cinnaber , and some other Mineral Concretions , the diversity to be found betwixt Minerals of the same Denomination is hardly to be discerned , before Experience have discover'd it . And on this Subject I consider , that the womb ( if I may so speak ) of a Mineral body is not always like that of an Animal , a place by a competent and peculiar involving fence secur'd from the intrusion of all bodies not of kin to that included in it : But a Mineral being generated in the bowels of the Earth , its womb is oftentimes accessible and open to other Mineral Juyces or Steams that pass that way , though of never so differing natures from that of the more copious Mineral . Insomuch that not only I have had the opportunity to observe ( not without some wonder ) Minerals of differing kinds , as Marchasites and Metals , Marchasites and Stones , ( I mean Stones properly so call'd ) Salt and Sulphur , and the like , blended in the same small lump of matter ; but I have sometimes found in a great mass of one sort of Mineral , small parcels of a Mineral of a quit differing kind perfectly inclos'd in the substance of the other . But to resume what we were saying before , these intruding bodies ( if I may so speak ) being coagulated , and perhaps ripened together with the former by length of time , are not easily either separable , or so much as distinguishable at their first digging out of the ground , and much less after their Colliquation . For the ignorant or heedless Mine-man aiming only at the obtaining a quantity of such a Metal , or other Mineral , as may be vendible under such a determinate name , has neither the design , nor perhaps the skill , to make nice separations of the Heterogeneous bodies to be met with in his Oar , but melts so much of them as he can promiscuously together , and then sells them , not only to the Merchant , but the Chymist , for that Metal or Mineral whose outward form and properties ( as colour , consistence , weight , sound , &c. ) it has ; though that Metal under whose name it passes , be indeed but the predominant Ingredient of the Lump , wherein divers other Minerals may in small quantities lye concealed , and yet upon occasion be discovered by exquisite separations , or discover themselves by unexpected operations , when they meet with bodies fit to act on them , or dispos'd to receive impressions from them . I was lately visited by an ingenuous Goldsmith of my acquaintance , who complain'd to me , that being wont to buy parcels of Gold brought in small pieces , and as it were sandy corpuscles , from Guinea , or some Country of that Coast , though he found it upon all tryals very right Gold , yet was it so very pale , that few but expert Goldsmiths would meddle with it , as fearing it had been some sophisticated Metal ; adding , that this exceeding paleness of it sometimes reduc'd him to melt it with very high-colour'd Gold , or to heighten its tincture with that of Copper , to bring it to the colour of ordinary Gold. The probability of this may be prov'd by what is related by Monsieur Flacourt , Governor of the French Plantation in Madagascar , who in his newly publish'd History of that Island , speaking of the Metals of it , says , Il y a bien , &c. that is , There is certainly Gold among the Inhabitants of Madagascar , which has not been brought thither by Foreign Ships : for 't is not possible that such Ships should have left them so much of that Metal as they have ; and besides , it is of a differing nature from that of Europe , which they call in this Country Voulamene Voutroüa . He adds , that this Gold , which they call Gold of Malacasse , is pale , and is not worth above 10 Crowns , ( or about 50 shillings ) an ounce ; also , that the Negroes affirm , that there are many Mines of it in the Country where it was formerly digg'd ; that there is three sorts of it differing in fineness from each other , and discriminated by the Natives by three peculiar names . But that which he adds as most considerable , is , That Malacassean Gold is of so very easie a fusion , that it is almost as easily melted as Lead ; whereas we here find the Gold we deal with to require considerably strong fires , and are wont to cast in Borax to facilitate the fusion . Having upon occasion had the Curiosity not long since to visit some Mines of Lead , and other Metals , I find , that there is a great difference , and discernable even to the eye , betwixt the several Oars ; for instance , of Lead , some of which I can shew you so like Steel , and so unlike common Lead-Oar , that the workmen upon that account are pleased to call it Steel-Oar , which being of more difficult fusion than ordinary , they are wont to mix it with other Oar , which they call Firm-Oar , to facilitate the melting of it . And I likewise took notice of an Oar , which for its aptness to Vitrifie and serve the Potters to glaze their earthen Vessels , the Miners call Pottern-Oar , and sell it ( at least where I saw it digg'd up ) dearer than other Oar , from which it differs both visibly enough , and as the workmen affirm , in divers other ( and those less obvious ) Qualities ; and yet all these Oars after fusion do pass indiscriminately under the name and notion of Lead . In which therefore it is no wonder that severer Inquirers find a great deal of disparity . I remember I did not long since cause some Lead-Oar to be try'd , which being the most promising that ever I saw , made me suppose it might contain some considerable quantity of Silver : but though it prov'd so rich in Lead as to yield after the rate of seventy pound in the hundred , yet one of the most expert Artists in Europe could not extract one grain of Silver out of it ; whereas the Lead of very many Mines , being skilfully examin'd , will leave behind it upon the Test a proportion of pure Silver . And though this quantity of Silver be not considerable enough to make such Mines as yield it pass for Silver-Mines , ( or , as we are wont to call them , Mines-Royal ) because the Sliver will not quit the cost of extracting it ; yet such Mines , though they pass but for Lead-Mines with the Metallist , may appear to be mixt Mines to the Naturalist , who may meet with divers Experiments , wherein the little Silver that is in them may make their Lead operate differently from that of those Oars which are wholly destitute of Silver . And as this disparity is discernable in Lead-Oars , so it may well be supposed that the like would be discovered in the Oars of other Metals , if they were but purposely and skilfully examin'd . On which Subject I remember , that a very experienc'd person in these affairs , and otherwise very candid and sober , was lately very desirous I should procure , him some Tin-Oar , alledging , that he had met with a sort of it , which after a long digestion in Lixiviate Liquors , afforded him a very considerable proportion of the richer Metals , insomuch that having a large quantity of that Oar , and finding the Experiment on it to succeed constantly , he promised to himself a vast Income by it : But when that stock of Oar was spent , the next that he procured , though with great carefulness manag'd as the former , would by no means be brought to afford either so considerable a benefit , or so much as any at all . Which brings into my mind , that having once bought a parcel of block Tin , ( as the Trades-men call that which is of the most pure or unmixt , and as yet unwrought ) I was desirous to try if I could not make a Menstruum to dissolve it in such manner as Aqua fortis dissolves Silver , and Aqua Regis Gold ; because Chymists are wont to complain , that though they have a Menstruum or two that will dissolve crude Tin , yet they want one that will keep it dissolv'd , and will not , which Aqua fortis will , let it fall into a Calx . Having therefore ( by a way that I elsewhere teach ) prepar'd such a Liquor as was desir'd , I evaporated a Solution of the fore-mentioned Tin , and setting it to shoot , found , somewhat to my wonder , that the Crystals it afforded were not at all like any kind Of Vitriol , but broad , flat , and exceeding thin , just like those of Silver . Whereupon for further tryal having examin'd this Salt by the Tongue , we found not that it had any such taste as the skilfully made Calx of Tin in Spirit of Vinegar , ( wherein 't is not Every Calx of Jupiter that is soluble ) which ( the last time we try'd ) seem'd to us to have , as it were , a chalybeate taste , but such an excessive bitterness as may be met with in the Crystals of Silver made with Aqua fortis : Finding also this further resemblance betwixt the Salts of these two Metals , that they did both of them presently dye upon the nails and skin a blackness that could not in a short time be wash'd off : we should have suspected , that the Menstruum had exalted the Metal dissolv'd in it to a greater cognation to Silver ; but having afterwards prosecuted the same Tryal with the same Menstruum , and another parcel of block Tin , ( the former being casually lost ) this Metal , though bought very soon after the other , and , as I remember , at the same place , made us conclude , that the event of our tryals proceeded from our having lighted upon a lump of Tin that was of a peculiar Nature . I remember also that a while since a learned and inquisitive friend of mine found in his Land a parcel of Oar , part of which he shewed me , and some of which I can shew you , but have not yet made tryal of it , which seem'd to me , among others that look'd upon it , to be Copper-Oar , and which did indeed after fusion yield very good Copper ; but the persons to whom he committed the examination of the Mine , being very inquisitive , and extraordinarily skilful , they did ( as one of themselves immediately after confess'd to me ) find in that Oar , besides the Copper , no inconsiderable quantity of Silver ; and in that Silver ( having dissolv'd it in Aqua fortis ) a considerable proportion of Gold. But to detain you no longer on this Subject , give me only leave to strengthen the Paradox I have proposed by the authority of that great and candid Chymist Basilius Valentinus , who speaking of Antimony , after he hath told us that there are several kinds of it , and especially two , the one more Mercurial , and of a Golden property , witnessed by the shining streaks or beams it abounds with , the other more full of Sulphur , but destitute of the golden nature that inriches the former , adds , that there is such a different goodness betwixt the several sorts of Antimony , as there is betwixt the several sorts of Flesh or Fish , which , though agreeing in name and , if you please , in nature , do exceedingly differ in point of goodness . Which brings into my mind the great difference which I have found , even visible to the eye , betwixt the several sorts of Antimony ; and makes me also remember , that the other day being by an excellent Chymist shew'd a parcel of Antimony as a rarity , upon the score of the variously-colour'd Sulphur wherewith it was conspicuously inrich'd , the possessor of it soon after imploy'd it to make Butter of Antimony : but though he were very expert in that kind of distillation , yet instead of the Liquor he expected , upon the approach of a gentle fire , he found the neck and body of his Retort lin'd with an Antimonial Cinnaber , ( or at least a red substance , by him concluded to be Sulphur ) at which being surprized , he was pleased to withdraw his fire till he had acquainted me with this accident , and in the yet unbroken Retort shew'd me the Cinnaber , which is not wont ( as you know ) to arise till after the Butter of Antimony is come over , and the remaining matter be urg'd with a vehement fire . And 't is perhaps to the undiscern'd difference of Antimonies that we may sometimes ascribe that contingency , which we have divers times had occasion to take notice of in the making of Antimonial Cinnaber : for though in our Furnaces it hath been very successfully made , yet not only we have afterwards fail'd of making it , but we have seen much more expert Chymists , and who because of the high value they do ( not undeservedly ) place upon that Medicine , imploy themselves oftner than we in making it , divers times unsuccessfully attempt the preparing it . And it may be perhaps also from some diversity either in Antimonies or Irons , that eminent Chymists have ( as we have observed ) often failed in their endeavours to make the Starry Regulus of Mars and Antimony . Insomuch that divers Artists fondly believe and teach ( what our Experience will not permit us to allow ) that there is a certain respect to Times and Constellations requisite to the producing of this ( I confess admirable ) body . Upon which Subject I must not omit to tell you , that a while since an industrious acquaintance of ours was working on an Antimony , which unawares to him was , as we then suppos'd , of so peculiar a nature , that making a Regulus of it alone ( without Iron ) the common way , ( for his manner of operation I enquir'd of him ) he found , to his wonder , and shew'd me his Regulus adorned with a more conspicuous Star than I have seen in several Stellate Regulusses of both Antimony and Mars . Yet I dare not be too confident that this depended only upon the peculiar nature of that Antimony , because since that , my own Laboratory has afforded me divers such parcels of Regulus without Mars ( some of which I have yet by me very fairly stellated ) which though made of Antimony that seem'd ( by its various colours ) to be more rich than ordinary in Sulphur ; yet in regard the Antimony did not constantly afford a Starry Regulus , though by the same person order'd as near as could be after the same manner , it did not so clearly appear to me , whether the differing event of the several Tryals proceeded from the peculiar nature of this or that parcel of Antimony , or from some odd and scarce discoverable circumstance in the management of the operation . But in either case , the mention of these uncertain Events will properly enough belong to our present Discourse . As in Antimony , so ( as I intimated above ) in divers other Minerals a considerable diversity may be observed : & I remember I was lately presented with a piece of a Mineral , which to me , as well as to the rest who look'd on it , seem'd to be an ordinary and worthless Marchasite ; and yet a Dutch Merchant ( a skilful Mineralist ) who was the possessor of it , was very industrious to procure a greater quantity thereof , having in some of it , on which he had made Tryals , found a rich proportion of pure Gold. And the same Gentleman whose Copper-Oar I formerly mention'd , digging for more of that Oar , found lately a quantity of red Earth , which by knowing Mineralists was guest to be but Bolus , and indeed looked very like it ; but being melted with Regulus Martis Stellatus by a skilful Tryer of Metals , it divers times richly re●ompenced the Examiners curiosity , by affording him many grains of fine Gold : and though I doubt whether this Gold proceeded from the Bolus , or the Regulus melted with it , yet however it may serve for an instance to shew that some Mineral bodies , which pass without dispute for Minerals of such and such a precise nature , may have lurking in them Minerals of a quite other nature , which may manifest themselves in some particular Experiments , ( wherein they meet with proportionate Agents or Patients ) though not in others . That the Talck which is wont to be employ'd about Cosmeticks is of very difficult Calcination , is so known a thing to those that have tryed to calcine it , that I have met with good Chymists that have looked on all the Calces of Talcks but as Impostures . Nor indeed have we calcin'd Venetian Talck without some length of time , and much violence of heat . But among many sorts of Talck we have here in England , there is one which a moderate fire will in less than an hour reduce into a snow-white Calx , of which I had lately a parcel by me ; and some days since I met with another sort of English Talck which I could suddenly calcine even with the flame of a candle . And my experienc'd friend Dr. K. assures me , that out of a German Talck he met with , he did by digesting it in a strong Solution of Alcalizate Salts separate pretty store of good Gold , and might have made it a very gainful Experiment , if all the Talck growing in the same place had been of the same richness . The like almost has been affirmed to me by a Gentleman of Eminency , who told me , That from a certain Talck he had out of Norway , he had once drawn a pretty quantity of very good Gold : and it seems indeed , that though some have been pleased to laugh at all attempts of sequestring any thing from any kind of Talck ; yet some parcels of that Mineral afford good store of a Tincture , which may for ought I know be of a golden nature . For I remember I have met with a kind of darkish-colour'd Talck ( whereof I can yet shew you a piece ) which when I cast but into Aqua Regis , the Menstruum manifestly work'd upon it , and dissolv'd its colour'd parts in such plenty , that the filtrated Solution pass'd without suspicion among divers knowing Naturalists to whom I shew'd it , for a fair Solution of Gold. Paracelsus himself reckons four kinds of Talck , Red , White , Black , and of that colour which his Interpreter translates Luteous : and perhaps each of these colours comprises several kinds of that Mineral . And therefore that Mineralist did not amiss when he added in the same Discourse , after he had mention'd great variety of Marchasites , Stones , and other Minerals , Sed & hoc verum est , in terra multa adhuc condi , quae mihi incognita sunt , sed eadem nec alii norunt . Certum siquidem est , progressu temporis tot tamque varia à Deo adhuc proditum iri , de quibus nemo nostrûm nedum unquam somniavit . 'T is vulgarly known , that there is a great difference between Vitriols that are reputed to be meerly of the same Metal . And not to mention those Vitriols that I have either made or seen , of less usual colours ; nor to take notice of the Veins , Slate , and even loose Earth , impregnated with Coperas that I have had : to pass by all this ( I say ) as for those Vitriol Stones whereof we in England are wont to make our Vitriol , I have seen at the chief work where Coperas is made so great a variety of them , ( divers of which I have yet lying by me ) that I could scarcely believe the workmen when they affirmed them to be all Coperas Stones , and cannot but think it both very likely , that some of them contain other Mineral substances besides Vitriol , and very possible that the saline parts of those stones upon their solution by the Rain , may work upon those other substances formerly concoagulated with them , and thereby imbue some parcels of the Vitriol made of them with qualities other than are essential to the nature of Vitriol , or belong ordinarily to it . That there is also a difference betwixt those bodies that pass under the general name of common Salt , cannot but be obvious to any Chymist that hath occasion to make accurate tryals on that Subject . And as for those Concretes that pass under the name of Salt-peter , there is probably no small disparity among them : for besides the difference which we have observed and which is obvious enough betwixt good English Nitre , and that which is brought us over from Barbary , ( which before it is much refin'd abounds very much with an adventitious Salt that tastes much like Sea-salt ) besides this I say , those that do use both good European & good East-Indian Salt-peter assure me , they find much difference betwixt them , and give the preference to the latter : and indeed I have often thought I discern'd a considerable difference in the operations of several kinds of Salt-peter even after purification : and probably that sort of Salt-peter which near London an ingenious man of my acquaintance does sometimes ( but cannot always ) make , chiefly out of Sea-salt , hath some differing qualities from that which is drawn the common way out of the Earth . And indeed Salt-peter being but a kind of Sal terrae , generated in very differingly-qualifi'd parcels of Earth , may probably receive divers qualities from the particular soyl wherein it grows , though these qualities lye concealed and unsuspected under the wonted exterior appearance of Nitre . Which consideration brings into my mind what was lately told me by a very ingenious Gentleman concerning one of the eminentest of our London Physitians , who was wont , as this Confident of his assured me , as an excellent secret , to imploy in some of his choice Remedies that peculiar Salt-peter which he had drawn out of the Earth digg'd up in Church-yards . And such kind of differences would probably in other Mineral bodies be taken notice of , if mens prepossessions did not make them ascribe the variations they meet with in their Experiments , rather to any other cause than the unsuspected difference of the Materials imploy'd about them . Nor is it only , Pyrophilus , among Mineral Bodies of the same name that such a diversity is to be found , but if narrowly look'd into , 't is very probable that a greater disparity may be discovered both among Vegetables and Animals , reputed of the same nature , than hath been yet taken notice of . Herbarists indeed have exercis'd a commendable curiosity in subdividing Plants of the same denomination , and few Naturalists ignore that there are ( for instance ) many sorts of Roses , and of Apples , which differ widely betwixt thems●lves , as we see the difference betwixt the Red-rose and the White , betwixt the Crab , the Pippin , and the Pea●-main . But besides these differences which are obvious enough to be Registred by Botanick Authors , there may be more undiscern'd ones ( which yet may be considerable ones ) betwixt the Individuals of the same ultimate subdivision of Plants , arising partly from the temperature of the air , which makes ( for example ) Senna growing in England to differ much from that which is denominated from Alexandria ; partly from the nature of the soyl , as is obvious in the change produced in wild Simples transplanted into Gardens ; and partly from many other causes which we have not now leisure to insist upon . But we see oftentimes , that one Rose much differs from another of the same kind , and one Pear-main from another Pear-main . To which we may add , that the upper crust or surface of the Earth being impregnated with subterraneal exhalations of several sorts , and tempered with variety of Juyces , it may very possibly be , that some particular Plant may attract some such Juyce out of a determinate spot of ground , as may give it Exotick qualities , and make it differ even from the neighbouring Plants of the same kind . To which purpose I remember , that travelling divers years since from Geneva towards Italy , I was in my passage through Switzerland by a Gentleman of those parts ( whose brother had been formerly my Domestick ) invited to his Castle , and entertained among other things with a sort of Wine which was very heady , but otherwise seem'd to be Sack ; and having never met with any such Liquor during my long stay in those parts , I was inquisitive to know whence it was brought : and being answered that it grew amongst those Mountains , I could not believe it , till they assur'd me , that growing on a little spot of ground whose entrails abounded with Sulphur , it had from the soyl acquired its inebriating property , and those other qualities which made it so differing from the Wine of the rest of the Vineyards of that Country . And now I mention Wine , give me leave , Pyrophilus , to put you in mind of taking notice what a great change is made in that Liquor , when upon the recess of the spirits and more volatile sulphureous parts , or else the new texture they make with the others , it degenerates into Vinegar , and yet how little either diminution of quantity or any other alteration doth appear upon this change to the beholders eye . And though no body is like to lose an Experiment by mistaking Vinegar for Wine , because both those Liquors and the changes of them are so familiar unto us , and because we are wont to taste each of them before we imploy it ; yet who knows what changes there may be in other Bodies with whose alterations we are unacquainted , though the Eye , which is oftentimes the only Sense employ'd about judging of them , discern no change in them ? as may daily be observed in the superannuated seeds of Plants , which after their having been kept long beyond their due time , lose all their germinating power without losing any of their obvious qualities . And here let me further observe to you , that Urine is made much use of , not only by Dyers , but ●everal other Trades-men in divers operations ( some of which we may elsewhere have occasion to treat of ) belonging to their professions . Now these men being wont indiscriminately to employ Urine , without examining whether it be rich in Salt or not , and how long it hath been kept , it may not be impertinent to take notice that Chymists , who have occasion to distil it often in great quantities , assure me that they find a notable disparity betwixt Urines , that of healthy and young men abounding much more with volatile Salt than that of sickly or aged persons ; and that of such as drink Wine freely being much fuller of spiritous and active parts than that of those whose drink is but Beer or Water . But because the differing strength of Urines , though it be very probable , is not so easily to be satisfactorily made out , we shall rather insist on this other Observation confirmed to us by Experience , which is , that though Trades-men are often wont to boil such and such things indifferently in any Urine , as if it were all one how new or stale it is , they may sometimes thereby commit considerable errors . For recent Urine , wherein the saline parts are yet intangled among the rest , will suffer it self to be boil'd above one half or two thirds away , without the avolation of its volatile salt and spirits . Whereas Urine that has been divers weeks kept is liable to a Putrefaction , whereby the Cement ( if I may so speak ) of the Ingredients that it consists of , perishing , or some change of texture occasioning their disjunction ( if not also concurring to produce them ) the component parts fall asunder , and the saline Particles extricating themselves from the rest , will even upon a very gentle heat ( as tryal made on purpose has inform'd us ) flye away , and leave a phlegmatick and unactive Liquor behind them . In confirmation whereof I must acquaint you , Pyrophilus , with what lately befel me in reference to the distillation of Urine : for having caused some of it to be buryed in earthen Vessels in a dunghil to be there putrifi'd , for five or six weeks , I was by divers occasional Journeys kept from employing it , till it had layn there between four and five months ; and observing , when I caus'd it to be taken out , that the covers of the vessels had not been , by him I employ'd to put them in , well luted on , and besides were in some places crackt , I suspected that the Heat of the Dunghil had not only loosened the saline parts of the Liquor , but driven them away : and accordingly by distilling it in a very gentle heat , and in a very high Cucurbit , we obtain'd instead of an active and saline spirit , a languid and nauseous phlegm . And how great odds there may be betwixt some Experiments made with recent and putrifi'd Urine , may be easily conceiv'd by him who knows what operations Salts have in the business of Colours , and is acquainted with their efficacy in those other Mechanical Experiments wherein Urine is wont to be employ'd . But I fear I have dwelt too long upon this Theme , and therefore I shall proceed to the next . And in the third place , Pyrophilus , I shall observe to you , that there is a great difference to be found among many things prepar'd by Art , that pass under the same general name : which difference may proceed partly from that which we have already observ'd to be found in the Materials of which such factitious Bodies are made , and partly from the way us'd in preparing them . To these heads many particulars may be reduc'd : But we shall at present restrain our selves to the mention of two sorts of prepar'd bodies , namely , of such as are not putrifi'd and exalted enough , and of such as are so too much . And to begin with the first of these ; it is very certain , that divers Chymical Experiments delivered by sober Authors have been believed false , only because the Menstruums or other Materials emyloy'd in the unsuccessful tryals of them were not as highly rectifi'd , or otherwise as exquisitely depurated , as those that were us'd by the Deliverers of those Experiments ; so that oftentimes the fault of a bad Menstruum is injuriously imputed to a good Artist . That experienc'd Chymist Van Helmont , in his Paradoxical Treatise of the Stone , endeavors ( as we have elsewhere mention'd ) to explicate the manner of its being generated by the Coagulation immediately ensuing upon the mixture of the two volatile Spirits of Urine and of Wine . This noble Experiment has been by many unsuccessfully try'd , and has been therefore by them discredited as a Chymical fiction : and indeed the first , and I think the second time we attempted to make that Coagulum , we found nothing at all of any such thing as we expected upon the confusion of the two fore-mentioned Liquors , which though never so much shaken , and afterwards permitted to rest , did never in the least measure coagulate , which made us long suspect the Experiment ; till at length our favourable thoughts of that expert Chymist , making us think it possible that the Spirits we employ'd had not been sufficiently exalted , we dephlegmated some by more frequent , and indeed tedious Rectifications ( which yet prov'd but necessary ) and then were satisfied by more accurate tryals , that Helmont had not mis-inform'd us . So likewise the same Author in his Treatise de Peste much extolling , as a friend to the Stomach , the Entrails , the nervous parts , and even the Head , the Tincture or Solution of Amber made with spirit of Wine ( which Medicine is indeed no ignoble one when administred to Constitutions that can well bear the heat of it ) divers Physitians and Chymists have attempted the preparing of this Tincture with such bad success , that they have given out , that either Helmont delivered what was not true , or conceal'd some considerable Circumstance of the Process . Whereas having digested sufficiently dephlegm'd spirit of Wine upon very finely powder'd Amber , ( which if it be the higher-colour'd yields the deeper Tincture ) in a very gentle heat , ( for the neglect of which Caution even expert Artists have often lost their pains and glasses ) we have several times had a good yellow Tinctur● of Amber , which was discernable in the Menstruum both by the smell and taste ; and to satisfie some that suspected the Tincture to proceed but from the exaltation of the Menstruum it self by Digestion , and to manifest that it was a real Solution of the subtiler parts of ●he Amber , we poured some drops of it into Beer , or Water , into which the spirit of Wine suddenly diffusing it self , the dissolved Amber was plainly discernable swimming like a thin film upon the surface of the Liquor , whence little by little it steamed away into the air . There is likewise , as we have try'd , to be drawn with spirit of Wine from pure Salt of Tartar a pretty high Tincture , and of a taste which I thought not unworthy the taking notice of : but having a while since try'd to draw this Tincture with spirit of Wine which ( unknown to me ) was much too weak for that purpose , after I had kept the Glass a while in Digestion , coming to look whether or no the Spirit was ting'd , I found that the Salt of Tartar had drawn to it self and imbib'd the aqueous particles of the Spirit of Wine , and being thereby ( for a great part of it ) dissolv'd into a Liquor like that which is commonly called Oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , the subsiding Salt was by the interposition of that saline Liquor protected from the action of the spirit of Wine , which being by this new way dephlegm'd would not mix with the saline Liquor , but swam entirely above it . To which I shall only add in general , that the German Chymists are divers of them so accurate in the Rectification of their Spirit of Wine , that in England , where we are wont to be less careful about that Particular , it is usual enough for those Experiments of theirs to be unsuccessfully try'd wherein the Alcohol of Wine ( as they call it ) is requisite . And as Spirit of Wine , so many other Menstruums are made unfit for the perfecting of divers real Experiments , barely by their not being sufficiently freed from their weakning Aquosity . Nor is it only , Pyrophilus , in Menstruums , but in divers other Bodies , that the want of an exquisite Depuration may produce in Experiments variety of Events . As for instance , It has been complain'd of by sober men , that their Preparations of Silver , though never so carefully made , have been apt to produce violent Vomits ; whereas we have not observ'd a well-prepar'd Medicine of duly refin'd Silver to work Emetically even in Women and Girls , but by Seige or Urine . But we cannot wonder at the violent operation of Medicines made of ordinary Silver : for not only that which is coyned is wont , as the Mint-masters themselves have confess'd to me , to be allay'd with sometimes about a twelfth part , sometimes a smaller or greater proportion of Copper , for the greater conveniency of the Coyn , but even that Silver which is commonly at great rates sold for refin'd Silver , is not wont to be sufficiently freed from its Copper . Which I not long since manifested in the presence of one of our richest and eminentest Refiners , by dissolving some of his purest Silver in his own Aqua fortis ; for the greenness of the Solution quickly betray'd the adherency of Venus to the Silver . And no wonder ; for I have seldom seen our chiefest Refiners blow off from their Silver upon the Test above half its weight of Lead , whereas we think not our Silver sufficiently refin'd for some purposes , till it have been freed from five or six times its weight of Saturn , and then it has sometimes afforded a Solution almost as clear as water , with only now and then a light touch of Sky-colour , but nothing near so high as the Ceruleous ( Liquor that is supposed to be a true ) Tincture of Silver , artificially separated from the rest of the Body . Now that ill effects by the mixture of Copper may be produc'd in such Medicines as ought to be of pure Silver , he that is acquainted with the violent Emetick qualities of Venus can scarcely doubt . And as in men's bodies , so in other subjects , those Experiments may easily deceive the Artists expectation , when he hopes to perform with Silver and Copper together those things which suppose and require Silver without Copper , or any adventitious Metal . And as Silver , so Gold is very often employ'd for pure , when it is not so : for even the foliated Gold which is commonly sold here in England , how fine soever 't is reputed , is not altogether free from the pollutions of other Metals : for our Gold-beaters , though for their own profit sake they are wont to use the finest coyned Gold they can get ( as that which is capable of the greatest extension under the Hammer ) yet they scruple not to employ coyned Gold , and that the Mint-masters ( as themselves inform me ) are wont to allay with Copper or Silver , to make the Coyn more stiff , and less subject to be wasted by attrition . And as for those many Gold-smiths and Chymists who think their Gold most requisitely refined when they have blown from it on the Test a due proportion of Lead , they may be therein sometimes mistaken : for though Saturn may carry away with him all the Copper that did imbase the Gold , yet he does not likewise free it from the Silver ( for which purpose Aqua fortis is therefore wont to be us'd ) nay , the skilfullest Refiner that I ever yet knew , hath several times affirmed to me , that coupleing fine Gold with Lead , the Gold has after retained and protected from the fire a proportion of Silver that lay lurking in the Lead , and was afterwards separated from the Gold by Aqua fortis , but in so small quantity , that the Experiment ( the cost and pains considered ) was not lucriferous . And of this sort of Instances , Pyrophilus , more might be presented , if we did not think Prolixity might be unwelcome to you . But as many Experiments succeed not according to expectation , because the Menstruums employ'd about them were not pure enough , so some miscarry because such Menstruums are but too exactly depurated : for it is not so much the purity of Liquors in their kind , as their fitness for the particular purpose to which they are design'd , that is in Experiments to be principally regarded . For instance , we have sometimes for recreation sake , and to affright and amaze Ladies , made pieces of white paper and linnen appear all on a flame , without either burning , findging , or as much as discolouring them . This is performed by plunging the paper very throughly in weak Spirit of Wine , and then approaching it to the flame of a candle , by which the spiritous parts of the Liquor will be fired , and burn a pretty while without harming the paper . But if this Experiment be tryed with exquisitely rectifi'd Spirit of Wine , it will not succeed . Of this Phaenomenon this plausible reason has been assign'd , that the flame of the Spirit of Wine is so pure and subtile , that like an Ignis lambens , it will not fasten upon the paper . But Experience has inform'd us , that this Conjecture is but a mistake , for the flame of Spirit of Wine is so hot , that I have in Lamp-furnaces employ'd Spirit of Wine instead of Oyl , and with the same flame I have not only lighted paper , but candles , and even melted foliated gold . The true reason therefore why that paper is not burned by the flame that plays about it , seems to be , that the aqueous part of the spirit of wine being imbibed by the paper keeps it so moist , that the flame of the sulphureous parts of the same spirit cannot fasten on it . And therefore when the deflagration is over , you shall always find the paper moist ; and sometimes we have found it so moist , that the flame of a candle would not readily light it . And on the other side , having purposely made tryals of plunging paper into sufficiently dephlegmated spirit of wine , the paper not having aqueous moisture to defend it , was very readily kindled and burned by the flaming spirit . And one of our best ways to try the pureness of spirit of wine is grounded on this very supposition : For dipping it in a Cotton-wiek like that of a candle , and setting it on fire , if the flame fasten on the wiek , it is a sign of the goodness of the spirit ; but if it do not , we conclude it to be weak , and not sufficiently dephlegm'd . It hath been likewise observ'd , that Aqua fortis will work more readily on Lead if it be allay'd with water , than if it be purely rectifi'd . I other-where also mention an Aqua fortis I have us'd , which was so strong , that it would not well dissolve silver it self unless I first diluted it with fair water . And within this very week wherein I write these things , I have had an unwelcome proof that Liquors may by too exquisite a Depuration be made unfit for our purposes . For having , to gratifie some ingenious friends , made a certain Menstruum , wherewith we had formerly done some things upon Gold which were ( not altogether without cause ) thought strange enough , we took care at this time to separate it from whatever was either of an aqueous or an earthy nature more exactly than ever we had formerly done . But coming to make use of this sort of Menstruum , we found to our trouble and loss , that instead of performing its wonted operations upon Gold better than before , we could do nothing at all with it : For it will not now by heat it self be brought to touch gold , though that Metal were wont to be dissoluble in it even in frigido . And to satisfie you , that 't was the too-exquisite depuration of this Liquor , especially from its terrestrial parts , that thus unfitted it to touch a Metal which is otherwise wont to melt as it were naturally in it without Ebullition ( almost like Ice in luke-warm water ) we will subjoyn , that not only we in vain try'd to make it serviceable by weakning it with fair water ; but having , for tryal sake , taken a little of this numerical parcel of Liquor before it was so carefully rectifi'd , we found that it dissolv'd crude gold as well as we had reason to expect . And it would be consider'd whether or no in the Extraction of the Tinctures of several Bodies , Chymists do not only put themselves to a needless , but to a prejudicial trouble , when they refuse to employ any other spirit of wine than that which is highly rectifi'd . For , though in many Bodies the parts desir'd by the Artists being the Sulphureous ones , the Menstruum is the better for an exquisite Dephlegmation ; yet in divers other Concretes the useful and efficacious parts have in them something of Saline , which makes them more free to impregnate copiously such Liquors as have some Aqueous mixed with their Sulphureous parts . But because there is nothing more easie than by diluting spirit of wine , though never so strong , to make it as weak as one pleases ; and because pure spirit of wine is that of all other Menstruums that Chymists generally make most use of , and which costs them most of charge and trouble , ( insomuch that here in London that which is perfectly dephlegm'd is valu'd , in their shops that sell both , at ten times the price of common spirit of wine ; ) I presume you will not take it ill , that without being oblig'd to it by the Title of this Discourse , I take this occasion to acquaint you with the way I employ to obtain dephlegm'd spirit of wine : Especially since the practice of the common way of frequent Rectifications is ( not to mention other Inconveniences ) wont to prove either exceeding tedious , or insufficient . Put then about an inch thick of Tartar calcin'd to whiteness ( for I find it not necessary to reduce it to a Salt ) and very dry into the bottom of a tall and slender Glass body , and pour on it as much spirit of wine that has been but once rectifi'd , as will , when they have be●n shak'd together , swim above the Tartar a fingers breadth ( more or less in proportion to the Tartar you put in ) and then the Head and Receiver being carefully fasten'd on again , in a gentle heat draw off the spirit of wine , shifting if you please the Receiver when about half is come over , and if need be , rectifying once more all that you distil upon dry Calx of Tartar as before . Whether or no you may meet with this Method in some Chymical Books , I know not : But it seems that either it has not been clearly taught , or has been propos'd by suspected Authors , or else among other Processes , by being found in whose company it has been discredited . For the most ancient and experienc'd Distillers I have met with , have either contented themselves to follow the common way of repeated Rectifications , though thereby they lose much time , and much spirit of wine ; or else have had recourse to peculiar Vessels of such a height , as besides that they are neither easily nor cheaply to be procur'd , do not , as far as I have hitherto seen , excuse the need of reiterated Rectifications . Whereas , when we consider'd that the fix'd Salt of Tartar readily imbibes Aqueous bodies , and that yet it will not at all mix with pure spirit of wine , it was easie to conclude , that the Phlegmatick part of the spirit of wine would be soak'd up by the Alcalizate Salt , whereby the inflammable part would be freed from it . And accordingly when we proceeded after the manner above prescrib'd , we found that the Liquor that was produc'd upon the first Rectification from the Salt , being fir'd in a warm Silver-spoon , did not leave behind it one drop of Phlegm , or so much as the least moisture upon the spoon , nay , and indeed did indure a severer Examen , to which for curiositie's sake we thought fit to put it . And when the Distillation was carefully made , we found by frequently ( for tryal sake ) shifting the Receiver , that all the Spirit that ascended was ( to sense ) equally pure , since that which came up last of all , even till the Calx seem'd to begin to grow dry , by beginning to cleave at the top , did burn all away , as well as that which came over first . And having for further tryal taken out the calcin'd Tartar , and distill'd it with a good fire , it yielded us pretty store of a nauseous and strongly-scented Liquor , which seem'd to be but Phlegm , both to the taste , and by it s not being at all inflammable though carefully try'd . The same Calx of Tartar being kept in some earthen Vessel upon the fire till it be well dry'd , which will require a good heat , may be employ'd more than once in this operation . And 't was not needlesly that we prescrib'd Bodies tall and slender : For we found not the Experiment to succeed in large and low ones , and much less in Retorts , in which the Phlegm is wont to rise together with the Spirit ; yet we found , that provided the distillation were made with a sufficiently mild heat , a Glass , though very broad , and but moderately high , would serve the turn so far , as that the first half that ascended ( the other being very weak ) prov'd a Spirit that in a silver-spoon would burn perfectly all away . And because white Calx of Tartar is sometimes not so easie to be procur'd , we will add , that we have for tryal sake sometimes substituted Quick-lime , or Salt of Pot-ashes , ( made by a single Solution , Filtration , and Coagulation ) with no bad success , especially in case of removing the Receiver before the Ascension of the last part of the Liquor , though even that it self has sometimes from Quick-lime come up inflammable enough . And therefore this Alcohol of wine we peculiarly call the Alcalizate Spirit of Wine ; and the rather , because Spiritus vini Tartarizatus , which perhaps may be thought the properest name for it , is employed by eminent Chymical Writers to signifie a different thing . And a practicable way of making such an Alcaliz'd and pure Spirit of Wine , we thought not unfit to teach you here once for all , in regard the Menstruum is so highly useful , not only for Tinctures , Extracts , and many other Chymical operations , but in the making of divers Philosophical Experiments , and particularly some of those which you may meet with in our Writings . And an eminently ingenious person ( but to me a stranger ) chancing to get a sight of this Essay , was pleased to give me thanks for this last part of it , because , though he had very often made use of Salt of Tartar to improve Spirit of Wine ; yet he did it before , not to dephlegm the weaker Liquor , but to acuate the strong with the Alcali : Which though I deny not to be a thing feasible , yet ( as I told him ) unless it be skilfully attempted , the highly rectifi'd Liquor that is poured on , will rather leave some of its most spiritous parts behind , than carry up so fixt a Salt. THE SECOND ESSAY , Of Un-succeeding EXPERIMENTS . WHAT has been already said , Pyrophilus , may , I hope , suffice to shew you , how Experiments may miscarry upon the account of the Materials employ'd in trying them . And therefore we shall now pass on to consider the Contingencies to which Experiments are obnoxious upon the account of Circumstances , which either are constantly unobvious , or at least are scarce discernable till the Tryal be past . And because these Circumstances can hardly be discours'd of in an accurate Method , ( which their nature will scarce admit of ) I shall not tye my self to any other order in setting down the Instances which occur to me on this occasion , than that wherein they offer themselves to my memory . And first I must acquaint you with what was not long since seriously related to me by Doctor K. a person exceeding far both from the Custom , and in this particular from the Temptation of telling untruths . He then assur'd me , that lending his Laboratory in Holland to a friend of his during his own absence , and leaving in that Laboratory among other things great store of Aqua fortis of several compositions which he had made , to employ about his famous Scarlet Dye , this friend of his sent him word a while after his departure , that by digesting Gold with an Aqua fortis , he had separated the Tincture or yellow Sulphur from it , and made it volatile , ( the remaining body growing white ) and that with this golden Tincture he had , not without gain , turn'd Silver ( as to part of it ) into very perfect Gold. Upon which advertisement the Doctor speedily returning to his Laboratory , did himself with the same Aqua fortis divers times draw a volatile Tincture of Gold , which did turn Silver into true Gold : and ( that I may add That upon the by , to gratifie your curiosity ) when I demanded whether or no the Tincture was capable to transmute or graduate as much Silver as equall'd in weight that Gold from whence the Tincture was drawn , he assur'd me , that out of an ounce of Gold he drew as much Sulphur or Tincture as sufficed to turn an ounce and a half of Silver into that noblest Metal . Which I am the more disposed to believe , partly because my Tryals permit me not to doubt of the separableness of a yellow Substance or Tincture from Gold , and partly because I am tempted to think , that Silver may have in it a Sulphur ( to speak in the Chymists Language ) which Maturation is capable to graduate into a Golden one , by having been certifi'd by the observations of men very experienced in Metalline Affairs , ( and perhaps too by my own ) that sometimes by corrosive Liquors ( which Sir Francis Bacon also , if I mistake not , somewhere observes ) and sometimes by the operation of common Sulphur ( especially well open'd and associated with fit Salts ) Silver has afforded some grains of very pure Gold. But our Doctor found himself much mistaken in the hopes of growing rich by this Experiment : For a while after endeavouring to make it again , his hopes were frustrated , which he ascribes to the Aqua fortis , and therefore has attempted the same work afresh . But since all his Tryals have been hitherto fruitless , 't is not improbable that the disappointment proceeded from some other more abstruse cause ; for we find such Adventures to have sometimes befallen Artists irreparably . And Glauber alone , if you will therein credit him , tells us of several ways by which he made Gold once , and could not do it again . Upon which Subject I must not omit those very illustrious Testimonies and Instances of this nature , that I find recorded by that Ornament of his Age and Quality , the Prince of Mirandula , in his Treatise de Auro . Novi ( says he ) qui mihi asseruerit semel se ex mobili argento quod vivum dicitur stabile verumque argentum confecisse succis & foliis herbarum , idque vendidisse peritis explorandae Metallicae veritatis ; eisdem mox usum se foliis frustra , & quod semel perfecerat , nunquam alias , quanquam id saepe tentaverit , perficere potuisse . Alium novi ( says he further ) qui adhuc apud vivos moratur , cui cum aurum & argentum circiter Quindecies per artem effectum esset , amisit artem eam , accepitque oraculo socii per quietem habito , id ingratae mentis vitio contigisse . Vt hinc etiam veritatem Apostolici dicti condiscamus , Neque qui plantat , neque qui rigat est aliquid , sed incrementum dat Deus . And to both these Narratives our learned Prince does in the same Book add divers others . Retulit quidam mihi ( subjoyns he ) sese Aurum ex argento fecisse semel magnâ copiâ ; secundo se usum eisdem rebus , fecisse quidem , sed minimâ semper Quantitate , sic ut detrimentum lucro majus esse supputaverit . Venisse in mentem uti detrimentum effugere possit , si non ex argento , sed ex aere melioris conditione metalli , sese consequi experiretur , idque se conjecturis firmis nixum tentavisse : cumque in eo fuisset ut rem sese adepturum speraret , miris modis evenisse , ut nihil omnino consequeretur . Idem ( continues the Prince ) affirmavit ab amico qui expertus hoc ipsum fuerat accepisse , qui cum ex Cinnabari argentum fecisset optimum , saepenumero sese postea insistentem operi majore cum diligentia semper eventu rei fuisse frustratum . And to these Relations of this famous Prince I could add others of some Acquaintances of mine , who having either once or twice made Luna sixa ( as Artists call that Silver , which wanting but the tincture of Gold abides the tryal of Aqua fortis , &c. ) or some other Lucriferous Experiment , have since in vain attempted to do the like again , and yet have their eyes so dazel'd by the Gold and Silver they have ( either separated or ) made , that they are not to be prevailed with to desist from prosecuting their uncertain hopes . That diverse Experiments succeed when try'd in small quantities of matter which hold not in the great , it may save you something to be advertised of ; diverse Projectors , especially Chymists , having already very dearly bought the knowledge of that truth . For oftentimes a greater and unwieldy Quantity of matter cannot be exposed in all its parts to a just degree of fire , or otherwise so well manag'd as a less Quantity of matter may be order'd . But this is so manifest a truth to those that have dealt much in Experiments , that whereas many Chymists would be vastly rich , if they could still do in great Quantities what they have sometimes done in little ones , many have undone themselves by obstinately attempting to make even real Experiments more gainful . I have not been very sollicitous to subjoyn Particulars to the foregoing Observations , because that by reason of the Contingency of such Experiments as would be the most for my present purpose , you might possibly be tempted to lose toyl and charges upon tryals very likely not only to delude your hopes , but perhaps to make you distrust the fidelity of our relations . Yet for Illustration sake of what we have delivered , I am willing to mention some few contingent Experiments that occur to my thoughts . And first , it is delivered by the Lord Verulam himself , as I remember , and other Naturalists , that if a Rose-bush be carefully cut as soon as it has done bearing , it will again bear Roses in the Autumn . Of this many have made unsuccessful tryals , and thereupon report the Affirmation to be false ; and yet I am very apt to think , that the Lord Verulam was embolden'd by Experience to write as he did . To clear up which difficulty , let me tell you , that having been particularly sollicitous about the Experiment , I find by the relation both of my own and other experienc'd Gardeners , that this way of procuring Autumnal Roses will in most Rose-bushes most commonly fail , but in some that are good bearers it will succeed ; and accordingly having this Summer made tryal of it , I find , that of many bushes that were cut in June in the same Row , the greater number by far promise no Autumnal Roses , but one that hath manifested it self to be of a vigorous and prolifick nature , is at this present indifferently well stor'd with Damask-roses . And there may be also a mistake in the kind of Roses : for experienc'd Gardeners inform me , that the Musk-rose will , if it be a lusty Plant , bear flowers in Autumn without the help of cutting . And therefore that may be misascrib'd to Art , which is the bare production of Nature . And Cinnamon Rose-bushes do so much better thrive by cutting than several other sorts , that I remember , this last Spring my Gardener having ( as he told me ) about mid - April ( which was as soon as that kind of Rose-bush had done bearing ) cut many of them in my Garden , I saw about the middle of June store of the same bushes plentifully adorn'd both with Buds and with blown Flowers . An uncertainty not unlike that which we have newly taken notice of in the Experiment of producing Autumnal Roses , has been likewise observed in the attempts that have been made to make diverse sorts of Fruit grow upon the same Tree . And as for differing sorts of Fruits of the same denomination , as Apples , Pears , &c. though some severe Naturalists are unwilling to believe that they can be made to grow upon the same Tree ; yet we dare not imitate their severity , having lately seen various sorts of Pears fed by the same Tree , and elsewhere three and twenty sorts of Apple-Grafts flourishing upon the same old Plant , and most of them adorn'd with Fruit. Nay , and though the Fruits be not of the same denomination , yet if they be of kin in nature , they may very possibly be brought to grow on the same Tree : for we lately gathered ripe Apricocks and ripe Plums upon one Tree , from which we like-wise expect some other sorts of stone-fruit . But to make fruits of very differing natures be nourished prosperously by the same stock , is so difficult a thing , that we can at most but reckon it among contingent Experiments : for though Pliny and Baptista Porta relate their having seen each of them an example of the possibility of producing on one Tree great variety of differing fruits ; and though such a person as the deservedly-famous Astronomer Dr. Ward assures me , that he has particularly taken notice of Pears growing upon an Apple-tree ; and I elsewhere add a resembling Observation of ours ; yet certainly this Experiment has been for the most part but very improsperously attempted , nor have I yet ever seen it succeed above once , though try'd with very much care and industry . And I remember that this very year , in the same Garden where I gather'd the Apricocks and Plums above mention'd , I saw the Ciens of a Pear-tree so skilfully grafted upon an Apple-stock , that it flourish'd very much with blossoms in the Spring , and gave me great hopes that it would bear fruit this newly-past Summer , but has deceived my expectation , as divers other Plants so grafted in the same Garden have for many years deluded the hopes of the skilful Master of it , who assures me , that though divers of them did for some years successively afford promising blossoms , yet they all decay'd away without bearing any of them any fruit . Which yet may seem somewhat strange , since not only we have this Summer gather'd Pears upon a graft which a Divine , to whom the Garden belongs , affirmed to have been grafted upon a Quince-tree ; and the industrious Kircher tells us , that Ex-perientia docet Persicum Moro insitum fructus proferre , &c. de quo nullum est dubium utpote vulgare penè : but experience tells us , that as little as a White-thorn and a Pear-tree seem of kin , a Ciens of the latter will sometimes prosper well being grafted upon a stock of the former . To contingent Experiments , Pyrophilus , you may if you please refer what is delivered by those learned Writers , who affirm , That if a Lixivium made of the Ashes or fixt Salt of a burn'd Plant be frozen , there will appear in the Ice the Idea of the same Plant : For we have divers times purposely made trial of this Experiment without the promised success : and I remember that in the last cold season , proper for such trials , I purposely made a Lixivium of fair Water and Salt of Wormwood , and having frozen it with Snow and Salt after the manner of Congelation else-where declar'd , I could not discern in the Ice any thing more like to Wormwood than to several other Plants ; and having about the same time , and after the same manner , expos'd to congelation a thin Vial full of a strong Decoction of Wormwood , ( from which an Idea of the Plant may be more probably expected ) thole to whom I shew'd it after it was frozen could discern as little like Wormwood in it as my self . 'T is true , that in both these Vials the Ice seem'd somewhat odly figur'd ; but it is true also not only that we have observed that Water wherein a saline body , as Salt-peter , or Sea-salt , or Sugar , &c. has been dissolv'd , has afforded us Ice which seem'd to shoot into several figures , but even in ordinary water congealed we have often seen Ice figur'd , as if the water had been no Elementary body ; which needs not be admir'd , since ( to omit other causes which may concur to the production of this effect ) many Waters gliding through Earths abounding in saline particles of this or that nature , may be easily , in their passage , impregnated with them ; whence perhaps it comes to pass , that Dyers find some Waters very fit , and others very unfit for the dying of Scarlet and some other Colours . And therefore we cannot but think that the figures that are oftentimes to be met with in the frozen Lixivium or Decoction of a Plant , will afford but uncertain proofs that the Idea of each , or so much as of any determinate Plant , displays it self constantly in that frozen Liquor . And I much fear , that most of those that tell us that they have seen such Plants in Ice , have in that discovery made as well use of their Imagination as of their Eyes . And 't is strange to observe what things some men will fancy , rather than be thought to discern less than other men pretend to see . As I remember Mr. R. the justly famous maker of Dioptrical Glasses , for merriment telling one that came to look upon a great Tube of his of 30 foot long , that he saw through it in a Mill six miles off a great Spider in the midst of her Web ; the credulous man , though at first he said he discern'd no such thing , at length confessed he saw it very plainly , and wonder'd he had discover'd her no sooner . But yet , Pyrophilus , because two or three sober Writers do seriously relate some stories of that nature upon their own observation , I am content for their sakes to reckon their Experiments rather among the Contingent than the absolutely false ones : for it is not impossible but that among the many figures which frozen Liquors do sometimes put on , there may appear something so like this or that Plant , that being look'd upon with the favourable eye of a prepossess'd beholder , it may seem to exhibit the Picture of the calcin'd Vegetable : and we our selves not very long since , setting to freeze in Snow and Salt a fine green Solution of good Verdegrease , ( which contains much of the Saline parts of the Grapes coagulated upon the Copper by them corroded ) obtain'd an Ice of the same colour , wherein appear'd divers little figures , which were indeed so like to Vines , that we were somewhat surpriz'd at the Experiment ; and that which encreas'd our wonder was , that another part of the same Solution being frozen in another Vial by the bare cold of the air , afforded us an Ice angularly figur'd , ( as we have observ'd the Ice of saline Liquors oftentimes to be ) but not at all like that made by the application of Snow and Salt. And having for further trial sake suffered that Ice wherein the Vines appear'd to thaw of it self , and having then frozen the Liquor a second time in the same Vial , and after the same manner as formerly , we could not discern in the second Ice any thing like that which we had admir'd in the first . And in Wine and Vinegar , as much as those Liquors partake of the nature of the Vine , we have not after Congelation observed any peculiar resemblance of it in figure . The mention we have been making of Ice brings into my memory another Experiment , which may perhaps be reckon'd likewise among Contingent ones , and that is the Experiment of burning with Ice as with a Glass Lens ; which though some eminent Modern Writers prescribe to be done without taking notice of any difficulty in it , yet both we and others that have industriously enough try'd it , have met with such defeating circumstances in it , especially from the ununiform Texture wont to be met with in most Ice , that the making of such burning-Glasses may be well enough referr'd to those Experiments whose constant success is not to be rely'd on , as we else-where more particularly declare . In the Trade of Dying there is scarce any tinging Ingredient that is of so great and general use amongst us as Woad or Glastum ; for though of it self it Dye but a Blew , yet it is us'd to prepare the cloath for Green and many other of the sadder Colours , when the Dyers have a mind to make them permanent and last without fading : but yet in the decocting of Woad to make it yield or strike its colour , there are some critical times and other circumstances to be observed ; the easie mistake of which oftentimes defeats the Dyers expectation to his very great loss , which sometimes he knows not to what to impute , of which I have heard several of them complain . And therefore divers of our less-expert Dyers , to avoid those hazards , leave off the use of Woad , though growing plentifully enough here in England , and instead of it employ Indico , though it cost them dearer , as being brought hither sometimes from Spain , sometimes from the Barbadoes , and oftentimes even from the East-Indies . Our London Refiners , when to part Silver and Copper they dissolve those mixed Metals in Aqua fortis , are wont afterwards to dilute the glutted Menstruum with store of fair water , and then with Copper Plates to strike down the dissolv'd Silver . But because by ●his manner of proceeding much Copper is wont after the separation of the Silver to remain in the Menstruum , as may appear by its high tincture , that this thus impregnated Liquor may be impov'd to the best advantage , they are wont to pour it upon what they call Whiting ( which is said to be a white Chalk or Clay finely powder'd , cleans'd , and made up into Balls ) wherewith the tincted parts incorporating themselves , will in some hours constitute one sort of Verditer fit for the use of Painters , and such other Artificers as deal in Colours , leaving the remaining part of the Menstruum an indifferently-clear Liquor , whence they afterward by boiling reduce a kind of Salt-peter fit with the addition of Vitriol ( and some fresh Niter ) to yield them a new Aqua fortis . And these things I mention , Pyrophilus , that you may know what I mean when I tell you , that sometimes the Refiners cannot make this Verditer for a great while together , and yet cannot tell whence their disability to make it proceeds . Of which Contingency I remember I lately heard one of the eminentest and richest of them sadly complain , affirming , that neither he , nor divers others of his Profession , were able , not long since , to make Verditer for divers months together ; and that several others were yet at a loss in reference to that particular : though for his part he had , without knowing the Cause of this Contingency , found a Remedy for it , namely , to warm the Menstruum well before it be poured on the Whiting , on which , when the Liquor was warm , the tincted parts would fasten , though they would not , whilst ( according to the custom of Refiners ) it was poured on cold . Making likewise the other day a visit , to the chief Copperas work we have in England , one of the Overseers of it , who went along with me to shew me the contrivance of it , assured me , that divers times , by the mistake or neglect of a circumstance in point of time , they had lost , and are yet subject to lose , some thousands of pounds of Vitriol at a time , which in spight of their wonted , but not sufficiently-attentive and skilful care , would degenerate into an Unctuous Substance , not to be reduc'd into good Vitriol again ; unless by the tedious way of throwing it abroad , and exposing it with the unprepared stones , from which they draw their Vitriol , to the Rain and Sun to be open'd anew , and fitted for the yielding of Vitriol after the same manner with those crude Minerals . Upon this occasion I must not omit , because much conducing to the scope of our present Discourse , a memorable Relation that I have met with in the Indian History of the learned Josephus Acosta , who diligently survey'd the famous and almost inestimable Mines of Peru , and ( for one that was not a Chymist ) has delivered divers considerable and judicious Observations about them . That which I am now to mention is in that Chapter where he treats of the Silver of the Indies , set down in these words : It is strange to see not only the difference betwixt the refining of Metal by Fire , and without it by Quick-silver , but also that some of these Metals which are refined by the fire , cannot well be molten with any Artificial Wind , as with Bellows , but when it is kindled and blown with the Natural Air or Natural Wind. The Metal of the Mines of Porco is easily refined with Bellows ; and that of the Mines of Potozi cannot be molten with Bellows , but only by the breath of their Guayars , which are small furnaces upon the sides of the Mountains , built expresly where the Wind lies , within the which they melt this Metal : and though it be hard to yield a reason of this difference , yet it is most certain and approv'd by long Experience . If there be any Trade that obliges the Artificers to be assiduously conversant with the Materials they employ , it is that of the Glass-men ; and yet even to them , and in their most ordinary operations , there happen now and then little accidents , which though they know not well to what to ascribe , are yet capable of hindring them from doing sometimes what they have done a thousand times . And I remember that among the last times that I have been at a Glass-house , an eminently-skilful Workman , whom I had purposely engag'd to make some Vessels for me that required more than ordinary dexterity , was not able when I came thither to make Metal ( as they call that colliquated mixture of Sand and fixt Salt whereof they blow their Glasses ) tolerably fit to be employ'd : Wherefore he desired me to take the pains to come again another day , and he would try to repair his unluckiness . But the next time I came , though it were upon appointment , his Metal prov'd again unserviceable , and instead of being colourless when it was cold , look'd as if it had been stain'd with Blew and Yellow , and was besides britler than it ought to have been . So that it need be no such wonder , if Philosophers and Chymists do sometimes miss of the expected Event of an Experiment but once , or at least but seldom try'd , since we see Tradesmen themselves cannot do always , what , if they were not able to do ordinarily , they could not earn their bread . It is affirmed by Helmont and others that treat of the Lapides Cancrorum , that they grow within the skulls of those Craw-fishes from whence they have their name : but I have known good Anatomists complain , that they have sought them in vain in the heads of those fishes , which may well make them distrust the veracity of those that ascribe them to that sort of Animals ; yet we have often taken those stony Concretions out of the heads of Craw-fishes . But passing lately through Hungerford , a Town famous for the plenty of such kind of fish , we made diligent enquiry concerning their Nature , and were there informed by those that looked to them , that the Concretions above mention'd are to be found in their heads but about that season of the year wherein they shift their shells , and that at other times of the year , several persons had in vain endeavoured to store themselves with Crabs eyes at Hungerford . And indeed , having at the last time of my being there ( which was about the latter end of June ) caus'd divers large ones to be taken out of the water , we found these little stones in the head but of one of them ; whereas about a fortnight before , which was near the Summer Solstice , passing by that place , we found in the wonted parts of the heads several such Concretions as to bigness and shape , but so soft , that we could easily crush and discind them betwixt our fingers . And certainly , the mistake of the circumstance of time has much prejudic'd the reputation of many truths : and I remember that Asellius , to whose Anatomical fortune the world is so much beholden , ingenuously acknowledges , that he had like to have lost the discovery of the milky veins , because having at first suspected those unlooked for white Vessels , which he took notice of in the Mesentery of a Dog dissected alive , to be some irregular ramifications of Nerves , he was much confirmed in his conjecture by the next Dog he open'd ; for having diffected him at an inconvenient distance of time from the Dogs repast , the slender Vessels he looked for being destitute of the Chyle , which is it that makes them conspicuous , did not appear : So that he had lost the benefit of his first lucky observation , had not his Sagacity inclin'd him to suspect , that if a Dog were plentifully fed at a convenient distance of time before his being dissected , the Vessel swell'd with alimental juices would be the better discernable ; whereupon having feasted another Dog some hours before he opened him , he manifestly detected those milky Vessels , whose discovery has since set Anatomists so usefully on work . But , Pyrophilus , not to exceed the limits of an Essay , I must not multiply Instances of the Contingencies of Experiments , but content my self to tell you in general , that in divers Cases such circumstances as are very difficult to be observed , or seem to be of no concernment to an Experiment , may yet have a great influence on the Event of it . If on either of the Extremes or Poles of a good armed Load-stone , you leisurely enough , or divers times , draw the back of a Knife , which has not before receiv'd any Magnetick influence , you may observe , that if the point of the blade have in this affriction been drawn from the middle or Aequator of the Load-stone towards the Pole of it , it will attract one of the Extremes of an equilibrated Magnetick Needle ; but if you take another Knife that has not yet been invigorated , and upon the self-same Extremity or Pole of the Load-stone , thrust the back of the Knife from the Pole towards the Aequator or middle of the Load-stone , you shall find , that the point of the Knife has , by this bare difference of Position in the blade whilst it past upon the Extreme of the Load-stone , acquired so different a Magnetick property , or Polarity , from that which was given to the former Knife by the same Pole of the Load-stone , that it will not attract , but rather seem to repel or drive away that end of the Magnetick Needle which was drawn by the point of the other Knife . And this improbable Experiment not only we have made trial of , by passing slender Irons upon the Extremities of armed Load-stones , the breadth of whose Steel-caps may make the Experiment somewhat less strange , but we have likewise try'd it by affrictions of such Irons upon the Pole of a naked terella , and we found it to succeed there likewise . How strange soever it may seem , that the same point or part of the Load-stone should imbue Iron with contrary Properties , barely as they are , during their passing over it , drawn from the Aequator of the Load-stone , or thrust towards it . But whether , and how far this Observation insinuates the operations of the Loadstone to be chiefly performed by streams of small particles , which perpetually issuing out of one of its Poles , do wheel about and re-enter at the other ; We shall not now examine ( though this seem one of the most likely Phaenomena we have met with , to hint a probable Magnetical Hypothesis ) contenting our selves to have manifested by what plainly appears , how much influence a circumstance , which none but a Magnetick Philosopher would take notice of , may have on an Experiment . We have also with pleasure observ'd , how Artificers in the tempering of Steel , by holding it but a minute or two longer or l●sser in the flame , ( or other competent Heat ) do give it very differing tempers , as to brittleness or toughness , hardness or softness ; for as when it is taken out of the flame to be extinguished , it looks either red , yellow , or blew , so they esteem and find it fit to make Knives , Engraving Tools , or Springs for Watches , &c. and yet it passes from one colour to another so swiftly , that none but an Artist expert in tempering of Iron would suspect , that so small a difference oft-time of its stay in the flame could produce so great a difference in its tempers . On which occasion , Pyrophilus , I call to mind , that making a while since some tryals concerning Gravers in the Shop of a famous Artificer , he presented me , as a great rarity , a Graver ( which I yet keep ) that would make the usual Experiments about tempering of Gravers appear false to him that should never try them but upon it ; for with all the care wherewith I try'd upon it the known ways of softning Gravers , I could not soften this : which men eminently skilled in these matters ( together with the person that made it ) affirmed to have been made of Damasco-Steel , the strength whereof in cutting Iron I have ( not without some wonder ) made trial of . But whether this singularity which we have mention'd in this Graver proceed from the nature of the Steel , or from the temper that it had afterward given it , is not yet agreed upon by those skilful men to whom I have shew'd it : but one of them , who by making lnstruments for Navigators , has had the opportunity of making more than ordinary enquiry into matters of this nature , assures me , that he can easily soften this kind of Steel , by only taking it off the Fire at a certain nick of time , differing from that which is wont to be observed in order to the softning of common Gravers . And who knows but that in many other Experiments , seemingly despicable and unheeded Circumstances may be of great concernment , though by reason of the want of such particular Observations as the frequent dealing with the same body has given Magnetick Philosophers and Artificers occasion to make , men have not yet taken notice of their importance . To give you one Instance to this purpose , Pyrophilus , let me take notice to you , that divers Planters of Fruit-trees have with wonder observ'd , that some Grafts of Cherry-trees , for example , have born fruit the same year that they were grafted , ( nay I have observ'd some Plants to bear fruit the same quarter of the year ) and others not till the year after their insition , though neither in the goodness of the Graft , nor in that of the Stock , they had observed any disparity to which the difference above mentioned could be ascrib'd ; and therefore the bearing or not bearing of the Ciens of a Cherry-tree the first year of its Insition is by many Gardiners look'd upon as a thing meerly Contingent . And yet indeed it scarce deserves to be reckon'd among such contingent Experiments as we have been hitherto treating of ; for I am inform'd by the trials of more than one of the most skilful and experienc'd Grafters of these parts , that a man shall seldom fail of having Cherries born by his Graft the same year in which the Insition is made , if he take care that his Graft , which must be of a good kind , have blossom-buds , as they are wont to be call'd , upon it : Whereas if it were only leaf-buds , as they may be term'd , it will not bear fruit till the second season ; and this not being taken notice of by vulgar Gardiners , makes them , as we have said , impute a needless Contingency to the fruitfulness of such kind of Grafts . Now to discern such buds as are fit to produce blossoms from such as will display themselves but in leaves , is no difficult matter , the former sort being more full , and big , and round than the latter , which are wont also to lye more flat and close to the Graft . And 't was , Phyrophilus , such observations as this that induc'd us after the beginning of the former Essays , to discriminate from such contingent Experiments as those wherein the cause of the Contingency is very abstruse and difficult to be discern'd , such other Experiments whose seeming Contingency proceeds from more easily discoverable causes ; for such by diligent observation of circumstances may be reduc'd to a greater certainty than the others seem capable of . Though I dare not deny that even divers of those contingent Experiments , which to us yet seem to belong to the first sort , by mens future skill and diligence in observation may be made fit to be reduc'd to the second sort . Before I leave this Subject , Pyrophilus , I dare not omit to say something to you of the Virgula Divina , or rather Divinatoria , by which many Mineralists pretend to discover the latent veins of Metals . Some use a forked hazel , whose horns they hold by the ends one in each hand ; and others content themselves to chuse a hazel rod ( which some will have to be all of the same years shoot ) and this they bind on to another streight stick of any other wood , and walking softly with it over those places where they suspect the bowels of the earth to be enriched with Metals , they say , that if they pass over a Metalline vein , the Wand will by bowing towards it discover it . And some Dealers in Metals I know who affirm , that by holding the Metals successively in that hand wherein a man holds the rod , he may discover what determinate Metal is predominant in the Vein : for when he puts into his hand that Metal wherewith the Mine chiefly abounds , the Wand will manifestly bow more strongly than when 't is held in the hand with any other Metal . What to determine concerning the truth of this perplexing Experiment , I confess I know not . For Agricola himself , after a long debate concerning it , gives us this account of his sense , Metallicus igitur ( says he ) quia eum virum bonum & gravem esse volumus , virgulâ incantatâ non utetur , quiarerum naturae peritum & prudentem , furcatam sibi usui non esse , sed , ut supra dixi , habet naturalia venarum signa quae observat . The diligent Kiroherus informs us in his Arte magneticâ , that having exactly try'd the Experiment with Metals , for he mentions not his having try'd it with Mines , he could not find it in any measure succeed ; and we our selves having several times made trial of it in the presence of the considentest assertors of the truth of it , could not satisfie our selves that the Wand did really stand either to the Metals when placed under it , or to the Metalline Veins , when we carried it over Mines whence Metalline Oar was at that very time digging out . But on the other side diverse good Authors , and even our diligent Country-man Gabriel Plat , though wont to be somewhat too severe to Chymists , does ascribe very much to this detecting Wand , and diverse persons , in other things very far from credulous , have as Eye-witnesses with great asseverations asserted the truth of the Experiment before us ; and one Gentleman who lives near the Lead-Mines in Somersetshire , leading me over those parts of the Mines where we knew that Metalline Veins did run , made me take notice of the stooping of the Wand when he passed over a Vein of Oar , and protested , that the motion of his hand did not at all contribute to the inclination of the Rod , but that sometimes when he held it very fast , it would bend so strongly as to break in his hand . And to convince me that he believed himself , he did upon the promises made him by his stooping Wand put himself to the great charge of digging in untry'd places for Mines , ( but with what success he has not yet inform'd me . ) Among the Miners themselves I found some made use of this Wand , and others laughed at it . And this I must take notice of as peculiar to this Experiment , that the most knowing Patrons of it confess , that in some mens hands it will not at all succeed , some hidden property in him that uses the Wand being able , as they say , to over-power and hinder its inclinatory virtue . To which I must add what a very famous Chymist , who affirms himself to have try'd many other things with it besides those that are commonly known , very solemnly professed to me upon his own knowledge , namely , that in the hands of those very persons , in whose hands the Rod will ( as they speak ) work , there are certain unlucky Hours , govern'd by such Planets and Constellations , ( which I confess I believ'd not enough to remember their names ) during which it will not work , even in those hands wherein at other times it manifestly will. But of this Experiment I must content my self to say , what I am wont to do when my opinion is ask'd of those things which I dare not peremptorily reject , and yet am not convinc'd of ; namely , that they that have seen them can much more reasonably believe them than they that have not . Nor is it only in Experiments , Pyrophilus , but in Observations also , that mu●h of Contingency may be , witness the great variety in the number , magnitude , position , figure , &c. of the parts taken notice of by Anatomical Writers in their dissections of that one Subject the humane body , about which many errors would have been delivered by Anatomists , if the frequency of dissections had not enabled them to discern betwixt those things that are generally and uniformly found in dissected bodies , and those which are but rarely , and ( if I may so speak ) through some wantonness or other deviation of Nature , to be met with . I remember that a while since being present at the dissection of a lusty young Thief , we had opportunity to observe among other things , that the interval betwixt two of his ribs was near the back-bone fill'd up with a thick bony substance , which seem'd to be but an expansion of the ribs , and appeared not to have grown there upon occasion of any fracture , or other mischance . About the same time being at a private dissection of a large and young humane Body with some learned men , an ingenious Person Professor of Anatomy there present , chancing to cut a great Nerve , spy'd in the substance of it a little of a very red Liquor , which he immediately shew'd me , as wondring what it might be : but I concluding it to be Blood , presently suspected that it might have proceeded from some small unheeded drop of blood wip'd off by the brushy substance of the Nerve from the Knife wherewith it was cut . Wherefore carefully wiping a Dissecting Knife , I did in another place cut the Nerve asunder , and found another very little drop of pure blood in the substance of it as before . This I did again elsewhere with like success , shewing it to the by-standers , who admir'd to see a Vessel carrying blood ( for such they concluded it to be ) in the body of a Nerve , in regard they remember'd not to have ever met with such an accident ; though I the less admire it , because I have in an Oxes Eye or two observ'd in that coat which the Moderns commonly call the Retina , and which seems to be but an expansion of the Pith of the Optick Nerve , little turgent veins manifestly full of blood . We further observ'd in that lately-mention'd body , in which we took notice of the irregular conjunction of two Ribs , that the Lungs which were very sound had a supernumerary lobe on one side , which did so little differ from its companions , that we did not , till we had display'd the Lungs , take notice of it . And I remember that a while before , being invited by a company of Physitians to a private Dissection , and the Lungs , which otherwise seemed not unsound , appearing in divers places fastned to the ribs , two ingenious Anatomists that were there present , did so little agree in thei● Observations concerning such cases , that the one affirmed , that he had never seen any Lungs ( which had not been excessively morbid ) tied to the Thorax ; and the other protested , that he had scarce ever opened a diseased body wherein the Lungs did not so adhere . But if it were not improper to mind a young Gentleman of Venereal Observations , I could easily give you an eminent proof of the disagreement of Anatomical Observators , by insisting on the Controversie betwixt the famous Writers on that Subject , concerning the Anatomical notes or tokens of Virginity , many eminent Authors affirming , that they have seldom fail'd of finding them in one amongst very many dissected Maids ; and many other Artists , both conspicuous and experienced , peremptorily professing , that they have seldom or never met with the pretended marks in persons even of the most undoubted Virginity : and certainly it is very strange , that about a matter which seems so easily determinable by Sense , accurate and sober men should so widely disagree , as that the one should profess he has very rarely , if ever , met with in a humane body what another affirmeth himself to have as seldom , if ever , miss'd . But because , Pyrophilus , this subject is perhaps somewhat improper to be insisted on either to , or by , a yong man , I shall pass on to tell you , that amongst the accuratest of our modern Writers , I suppose you will readily allow me to reckon D. Harvey and D. Highmore , and that that though in their excellent Treatises of Generation they both insist on the production and changes observable in Hens Eggs , as the Patterns whereunto the Generation of other Animals may be referred ; yet have we diverse times in the progress of Nature in her formation of a Chick , observed considerable variations in point of time and other circumstances ( though in the main our Observations commonly agreed ) from what is by them delivered : which diversity may easily proceed from the differing constitutions of Hens , their differing assiduity in sitting on their Eggs , the differing qualifications of the Eggs themselves , and several other particulars of like nature . And I remember , that the other day taking notice of this to my learned friend Dr. Highmore , he readily acknowledged to me , that he himself had likewise observ'd diverse circumstances in Eggs whilst they were hatching , which varied from those set down by him in his Book , though he had there accurately express'd the changes he discerned in those Eggs which at that time afforded him his Observations . And indeed there are certain things of such a nature , that scarce any single mans accurateness in making a single Observation about them , can secure him from appearing unskilful or unfaithful in his Observations , unless those that shall afterwards examine them chance to be endowed with a somewhat more than ordinary either equity , or sagacity , or both . For instance , he that first affirmed that a Needle animated by a Loadstone did constantly convert its extreams to the opposite Poles of the Earth , could scarce suspect himself of having delivered any thing which he had not carefully try'd . And yet of those excellent Pilots , Gonzales Oviedo and Sebastian Cabot , ( who are said to have in America first taken notice of the Declination of the Mariners Needle ) he that did first in those far distant parts of the world compare the Meridian Line afforded by Magnetical Needles with one Mathematically drawn ( which may be readily found by accurate Sun-dials ) and thereby observe the variation of the Needle , or its declination from the true Meridian Line , might easily conclude the Observer formerly mention'd to have been faulty , by reason of his finding the Needles variation differing ( perhaps by divers degrees ) from that delivered by the first Observer . And this second mans Observation might appear to have been as carelesly made to a hundred other Observers , if the Observations of Navigators had not made it apparent , that the Declination of the Needle is far from being the same in all places : for though Cardan ( as Kircher and Fracastorius , as another informs us ) be pleased to affirm , that the Load-stone declines as many degrees as the Pole star is distant from the Pole of the world ; yet besides divers reasons , common Experience sufficiently manifests the inconsiderableness ( not to speak more harshly ) of that assertion . For about the Islands of the Azores , especially that of Corvo , over which the first Meridian is by many supposed to pass , the Magnetick Needle hath bin observed directly to respect the Poles , without any sensible declination from them ; but in other places it is wont to vary sometimes Eastward , sometimes Westward , more or less . Insomuch that not only our venturous Country-man Captain Thomas James observed it in 63 degrees North-Latitude to be no less than 27 Degrees , 48 Minutes ; but a learned Mathematical Writer that is lately come forth , makes the Declination at the Fretum Davis to amount to what is almost incredible , 50 Degrees . And this Deflexion of the Needle sometimes to one side of the Meridian , sometimes to the other , happens with so much seeming irregularity , as has made both the diligent Kircher himself , and divers other Magnetick Writers , almost despair of reducing these kind of Observations to any general Hypothesis . To which we may add , that perhaps very few even of the exactest Observations of this nature made an Age since , would now appear accurate to them that should try them in the self-same places wherein , and the self-same manner after which they were formerly made . So that the diligentest of those Observers would appear to us to have been negligent , if the sagacity of some of their succeeders had not prompted them to suspect , that even in the same place the Needles variation may vary . And I remember , that having not long since enquired of an English Contriver of Mathematical Instruments for the use of Sea-men , what he had observed concerning this alteration of the Needles variation , he told me , that by comparing of ancient and modern Observations made by himself and other accurate Mathematicians at London , he had found the Declination constantly to decrease , and , as he conjectured , about 12 or 13 Minutes ( though that methinks be much ) in a year . And it will be yet more difficult to set down any Observation of this nature which will appear exact to posterity , if that strange thing be true ( as it may well be ) which was related to Kircher by a friend of his , who affirms himself to have observ'd a notable change of the Needles Variation at Naples , after a great Incendium of the neighbouring Mountain Vesuvius ; which alteration he not absurdly suspects to have proceeded from the very great change made in the neighbouring subterraneal parts by that great conflagration . And it seems the same Observation has been taken notice of by Mathematicians elsewhere . For the learned Jesuit Fournier in his French Hydrography tells us in more general terms , that since the Incendiums of Vesuvius the Declination ( of the Needle ) has notably chang'd in the Kingdom of Naples . The same Author somewhere delivers what ( if it be true ) is remarkable to our present purpose , in these words . There are persons who have observ'd , that the same Needle that declin'd 5 degrees upon the surface of the Earth , being carried down very low into certain Caves , declin'd quite otherwise . I added those words , if it be true , not to question the veracity of the Author , but because 't is very possible the makers of the observation ( though learned men ) may have been mistaken in it without suspecting themselves in danger of being so . For I should scarce have imagin'd , unless my own particular observation had inform'd me , in how great a variety of Stones and other Fossiles the Oar of Iron may lurk disguis'd : so that 't is no way incredible , that knowing Chymists themselves , and much more Mathematicians and others , not being aware of the Observation of what I have newly delivered , may presume , because they saw not in the deep Caves above mentioned any Minerals like the vulgar Iron Oar , that there is nothing of that Metal there , when indeed there may be enough to occasion that Deflexion of the Needle ; which ( especially if it be strongly excited ) may be often drawn aside by Iron or other Magnetick Bodies , at a greater distance than those that have not try'd will be apt to suspect : which may perhaps be the reason why in the little Island of Ilva ( upon the coast of Italy ) where they dig up Iron and store of Loadstones , of which I have seen in Toscany of a prodigious bigness , there is in different , but neighbouring places , such a strange disparity of the Needles variation as curious men have recorded . Nor are Magnetical and Anatomical Observations the only ones which are subject to disagree now and then , without the negligence of those that make them : but I want time , and I fear you would want patience , to consider at present as many of them as might be easily enumerated to you . I suppose , Pyrophilus , you may have observed , how I in the past Discourse have forborn to insist on Medicinal Experiments , which I have purposely done , because they are so many , and almost all of them subject to such uncertainties , that to insist on them would require much more time than my occasions will allow me to spend upon this Essay . And indeed in Physick it is much more difficult than most men can imagine , to make an accurate Experiment : for oftentimes the same disease proceeding in several persons from quite differing causes , will be increased in one by the same remedy by which it has been cur'd in another . And not only the constitutions of Patients may as much alter the effects of remedies , as the causes of diseases , but even in the same Patient and the same disease , the single circumstance of Time may have almost as great an operation upon the success of a Medicine as either of the two former particulars , as we may elsewhere have occasion by sundry Instances to manifest . But besides the general uncertainty to which most remedies are subject , there are some few that seem obnoxious to Contingencies of a peculiar nature : such is the Sympathetick Powder , of which not only divers Physitians and other sober persons have assur'd me they had successfully made tryal , but we our selves have thought that we were Eye-witnesses of the operation of it ; and yet not o●ly many that have try'd it have not found it answer ●●●ectation , but we our selves trying some of our own p●●●●ring on our selves , have found it ineffectual , and u●●bl●●o stop so much as a bleeding at the Nose , though upon Application of it a little before we had seen such a bleeding , though violent , suddenly stopt in a person , who was so far from contributing by his Imagination to the effect of the Powder , that he derided those that he saw apply it to some of the drops of his blood . Wherefore that the Sympathetick Powder & the Weapon-salve are never of any efficacy at all , I dare not affirm ; but that they constantly perform what is promised of them I must leave others to believe . But making mention of remedies of this nature , though I am willing , Pyrophilus , to put a Period both to your trouble and my own , yet I must not omit to tell you , that whereas the Paeony-root has been much commended both by ancient and modern Physitians of no mean account , as an Amulet against the Falling-sickness , and yet has been by many found ineffectual , we have been apt to suspect , that its inefficacy , if it be but infrequent , might possibly proceed from its having been unseasonably gather'd ; and when I was last in the West of Ireland , acquainting the eminentest of the Galenists there with my Conjecture , he confirm'd me in it , by assuring me that he had often ●ry'd the Paeony-root unseasonably gather'd without success , but having lately gather'd it under its proper Constellation , as they speak , ( which is when the decreasing Moon passes under Aries ) and ty'd the slit Root about the Necks and Arms of his Patients , he had freed more than one , whom he nam'd to me , from Epileptical fits . Agreeable whereunto I find , that a famous Physitian of Grenoble , Monsieur des Grands Prez , in the last of his Observations communicated to the famous Practical Physitian Riverius , solemnly professes his having divers times freed his Patients from the Falling-sickness by the single outward application of Paeony-roots , collected and apply'd as is above-mention'd . But though he thence infers the usefulness of observing the Stars in the practice of Physick , yet before much weight be laid upon such improbable Notions as most of those of judiciary Astrologers , the Influence of Constellations upon Simples , &c. ought by severe and competent Experiments to be better made out than hitherto it has been . But to say no more of the contingent Observations to be taken notice of in tryals Medical , I could tell you that I have observed even Mathematical Writers themselves to deliver such Observations as do not regularly hold true . For though it hath been look'd upon as their priviledge and glory to affirm nothing but what they can prove by no less than Demonstration ; and though they use to be more attentive and exact than most other men in making almost any kind of Philosophical Observation ; yet the certainty and accurateness which is attributed to what they deliver , must be restrain'd to what they teach concerning those purely-Mathematical Disciplines , Arithmetick and Geometry , where the affections of Quantity are abstractedly consider'd : but we must not expect from Mathematicians the same accurateness when they deliver Observations concerning such things wherein 't is not only Quantity and Figure , but Matter , and its other Affections , that must be consider'd . And yet , less must this be expected when they deliver such observations as , being made by the help of material Instruments fram'd by the hands and tools of men , cannot but in divers cases be subject to some if not many Imperfections upon their account . Divers of the modern Astronomers have so written of the spots and more shining parts or ( as they call them ) Faculae , that appear upon or about the surface of the Sun , as to make their Readers presume , that at least some of them are almost always to be seen there . And I am willing to think , that it was their having so often met with such Phaenomena in the Sun that made them write as they did . And yet when I first apply'd my self to the contemplation of these late discoveries , though I wanted neither good Telescopes , nor a dark room to bring the species of the Sun into , yet it was not till after a great while , and a multitude of fruitless Observations made at several times , that I could detect any of these Solary spots , which have during many months at least appear'd so much seldomer than it seems they did before , that I remember a most ingenious Professor of Astronomy , excellently well furnish'd with Dioptrical Glasses , did about that time complain to me , that for I know not how long he had not been able to see the Sun spotted . And as for the Faculae that are written of as such ordinary Phaenomena , I must profess to you , Pyrophilus , that a multitude of Observations made with good Telescopes at several places and times whilst the Sun was spotted , has scarce made me see above once any of the look'd for Brightnesses . And as the nature of the Material Object wherewith the Mathematician is conversant , may thus deceive the Expectations grounded on what he delivers ; so may the like happen by reason of the Imperfection of the Instruments which he must make use of in the sensible observations whereon the mixt Mathematicks ( as Astronomy , Geography , Opticks , &c. ) are in great part built . This is but too manifest in the disagreeing Supputations that famous Writers , as well Modern as Ancient , have given us of the circuit of the Terrestrial Globe , of the distance and bigness of the fix'd Stars and some of the Planets , nay , and of the height of Mountains : which Disagreement , as it may oftentimes proceed from the differing Method and unequal skill of the several Observers , so it may in divers cases be imputed to the greater or less exactness and manageableness of the Instruments employ'd by them . And on this occasion I cannot omit that sober Confession and Advertisement that I met with in the noble Tycho , who having laid out besides his time and industry much greater sums of money on Instruments than any man we have heard of in latter times , deserves to be listen'd to on this Theme , concerning which he has ( among other things ) the following passage : Facile ( says he ) lapsus aliquis penè insensibilis in Instrumentis etiam majoribus conficiendis subrepit , qui inter observandum aliquot scrùpulorum primorum jacturam faciat ; insuper si ipse situs & tractandi modus non tamabsoluta norma perficiatur ut nihil prorsus desideretur , intolerabilis nec facile animadvertenda deviatio sese insinuat . Adde quod instrumenta usu & aetate à prima perfectione degenerent . Nihil enim quod hominum manibus paratur ab omni mutatione undiquaque existit . Organa enim ejuscemodi nisi è solido metallo affabre elaborentur , mutationi aereae obnoxia sunt ; & si id quoque detur ut è metallica materia constent , nisi ingentia fuerint , divisiones minutissimas graduum non sufficienter exhibent , dumque hoc praestant , sua magnitudine & pondere seipsa ita aggravant , ut facile tum extra planum debitum aut figuram competentem dum circumducuntur declinent , tum etiam sua mole intractabilia redduntur . Quare magis requiritur in Instrumentis Astronomicis quae omni vitio careant construendis , artificium pari judicio conjunctum , quam hactenus à quamplurimis animadversum est . Id quod nos ipse usus longaque docuit Experientia non parvo labore nec mediocribus sumptibus comparata . Hitherto our noble Author . And as for the observations made at Sea , the diligent Fournier advertises , that however many Sea-captains and others may brag of their Mathematical Observations made on Ship-board , yet he , upon tryal of many Instruments both at Sea and ashore , makes bold to affirm , that no Astronomer in the world can be sure to make his Observation at Sea within ten Minutes of the precise truth , no not ( says he ) upon the Sand it self within one Minute of it . But instead of acquainting you with what may be drawn from the writings of our Hydrographer , to prove that his Assertion is rather modest than too bold , I shall observe , that the Observations even of skilful Mathematicians may hold so little , or disagree so much , when they pretend to give us the determinate measures of things , that I remember of three very eminent modern Mathematicians , who have taken upon them by their Experiments to determine the proportion betwixt Air and Water , the one makes not the weight of Water to exceed above a 150 times that of Air , the other reckons Water to be between 13 and 14 hundred times , and the third no less than 10000 times the heavier . Not to mention a modern and famous Writer or two , who have been so mistaken as to think , that the weight of the Water in comparison of the Air is I know not how much under-reckon'd even by this last ( over-bold ) Estimate . And if I had leisure I could annex an Experiment partly statical , and relating to the weight of the Air , which though we made divers times in an hour , yet we miss'd of the like success twice as often in the same hour , without being able to know before-hand whether the Experiment would succeed within some pounds weight . But of this more perhaps elsewhere . The Ends , Pyrophilus , which we have proposed to our selves in setting down the things by us deliver'd in this and the former Essay , are principally two . And first , we desire that the Instances we have given you of the Contingency of Experiments may make you think your self oblig'd to try those Experiments very carefully , and more than once , upon which you mean to build considerable Superstructures either theorical or practical , and to think it unsafe to rely too much upon single Experiments , especially when you have to deal in Minerals : for many to their ruine have found , that what they at first look'd upon as a happy Mineral Experiment has prov'd in the issue the most unfortunate they ever made . And I remember that the most experienc'd Mineralist I have hitherto been acquainted with , though his skill has been rather gainful then prejudicial to him , has very seriously told me , that he could quickly grow an extraordinary rich man , if he could but do constantly whatsoever he has done , not only two or three , but many times . The other End , Pyrophilus , to which I had an Eye in writing the past Discourses , was , that they may serve for a kind of Apology for Sober and Experimental Writers , in case you should not always upon tryal find the Experiments or Observations by them deliver'd answer your expectations . And indeed it would prove a great discouragement to wary and considerate Naturalists from enriching the World with their Observations , if they should find , that their faithfulness in setting down what they observed is not able to protect them from blasting imputations of falshood , but that by publishing any thing for the good of others , they must expose their reputation to all the uncertainties to which any of their Experiments may chance to prove obnoxious . 'T is true indeed , that if a Writer be wont to be fabulous or transcriptive , and to deliver things confidently by hear-say without telling his Readers when he does so , if his Experiments upon tryal succeed not , we may be allowed to impute their unsuccessfulness rather to him than to our selves or to chance , and need not think our selves obliged to have so much a greater care of his reputation than he had of his own , as for his sake to try more than once what he for our sakes never try'd so much as once . But if an Author that is wont to deliver things upon his own knowledge , and shews himself careful not to be deceived , and unwilling to deceive his Readers , shall deliver any thing as having try'd or seen it , which yet agrees not with our tryals of it ; I think it but a piece of Equity , becoming both a Christian and a Philosopher , to think ( unless we have some manifest reason to the contrary ) that he set down his Experiment or Observation as he made it , though for some latent reason it does not constantly hold ; and that therefore though his Experiment be not to be rely'd upon , yet his sincerity is not to be rejected . Nay , if the Author be such an one as has intentionally and really deserved well of Mankind , for my part I can be so grateful to him , as not only to forbear to distrust his Veracity , as if he had not done or seen what he says he did or saw , but to forbear to reject his Experiments , till I have tryed whether or no by some change of Circumstances they may not be brought to succeed . Thus a while since finding in Sir Francis Bacon , that he delivers as a somewhat unlikely truth , that Spirit of Wine will swim upon Oyl ( of Almonds ) we forthwith made tryal of it , but found the Oyl swim upon the Spirit of Wine , and this upon several tryals before Witnesses : but our tenderness of the reputation of so great and so candid a Philosopher made us to bethink our selves , that ( though he mentions it not , nor perhaps thought of any such thing , yet ) possibly he may have used Spirit of Wine more pure than ordinary ; and thereupon having provided some that was well rectifi'd , we found that the Oyl that was wont to swim upon Spirit of Wine , not freed from its aqueous parts , did readily sink , and quietly lye in the bottom of that which was carefully dephlegm'd . And so having been inform'd that the learned Dr. Brown somewhere delivers , that Aqua fortis will quickly coagulate common Oyl , we pour'd some of those Liquors together , and let them stand for a considerable space of time in an open Vessel , without finding in the Oyl the change by him promised , ( though we have more than once with another Liquor presently thickned common Oyl . ) Whereupon being unwilling that so faithful and candid a Naturalist should appear fit to be distrusted , we did again make the tryal with fresh Oyl and Aqua fortis in a long-neck'd Vial left open at the top , which we kept both in a cool place , and after in a digesting Fornace ; but after some weeks we found no other alteration in the Oyl than that it had acquir'd a high and lovely tincture : notwithstanding which being still concern'd for the reputation of a person that so well deserves a good one , the like Contingencies we have formerly met with in other Experiments , made us willing to try whether or no the unsuccessfulness we have related might not proceed from some peculiar though latent Quality , either in the Aqua fortis or the Oyl by us formerly employ'd ; whereupon changing those Liquors , and repeating the Experiment , we found after some hours the Oyl coagulated almost into the form of a whitish Butter . Nor dare I allow my self to be confident , that I shall not need to be dealt with by you upon some occasions with the like equity that I have been careful to express towards others . And since the writing of thus much of this very Essay , having desir'd a very skilful and candid Chymist to do me the favour to provide me some of the purest and strongest Spirit of Salt that could be made ; he kept some Salt in a vehement fire for divers days and nights together , and freed the extracted Liquor so carefully and so skilfully both from its phlegm and its terrestrial faeces , that after all I have written in the former Essay concerning that Menstruum , I must freely confess to you , that I am now satisfi'd , that a Spirit of Sea-salt may without any unsincerity be so prepar'd as to dissolve the body of crude Gold , though I could not find that the Solutions I made of that Metal were red , but rather of a yellow or golden colour , much like those made with common Aqua Regis . But neither this Artist nor I have been since able to make another Spirit of Salt capable of dissolving Gold , notwithstanding all the industry we have employ'd about it , which makes me refer this to Contingent Experiments ; unless the prosperous event of our former tryal may be ascrib'd to the quality of the Salt that was distill'd , which was brought from the Island of Mayo , where the scorching Sun makes out of the Sea-water a Salt that is accounted much stronger and more spiritous than that which is wont to be made in France and other more temperate Climats . And let me , Pyrophilus , take this opportunity to add , that if I had not very cautiously set down the Observation I related in another Essay * concerning the little Fishes or Worms I there teach you to discover in Vinegar , I should perhaps need much of your equity to keep me from being thought to have impos'd upon you in what I there delivered . For I have since met with divers parcels of Vinegar wherein the Observation could not be made , for one wherein it held ; so that I am glad to keep by me some Vinegar stock'd with those scarce visible Animals to satisfie ingenious men , among whom some have been fain , after their own fruitless tryals , to come to me to show them the things delivered in that Observation . What I mention'd a little above to have been try'd upon Sallet-oyl , puts me in mind of telling you , that among our Experiments concerning the changes of colours , we were about to acquaint you with one which we had formerly made upon common Oyl-Olive , it seeming to us a not inconsiderable one , since it was a way that we devis'd of instantly changing the colour of the Oyl from a pale Yellow to a deep Red , with a few drops of a Liquor that was not red but almost colourless . This Experiment , as we were saying , Pyrophilus , we were about to set down among others concerning Colours , but because we do not willingly rely on a single tryal of such things as we know not to have been ever try'd before , we thought it not amiss for greater security to make the Experiment the second time , but could not then find it to succeed , nor even since upon a new Trial ( probably by reason of some peculiar quality in that particular parcel of Liquor we first made use of ) which made us think fit to omit the intended mention of it ; but if I had upon my first trial acquainted you with it without any further scruple , you might upon trial have suspected , if not concluded , that I had misinform'd you , though I had really deliver'd nothing but what I had try'd . And indeed , Pyrophilus , though I have not the vanity to pretend to have deserv'd so much of you as such Naturalists as Sir Francis Bacon have deserv'd from every ingenious Reader of their Books ; yet perhaps you will do me but Right to believe , that though some of the Experiments I have deliver'd may prove Contingent , yet I have not deliver'd them unfaithfully in reference to what I thought I observed in them and remembred of them . And though I desire you should so read my writings as to give no farther assent to my Opinions than the reasons or Experiments produc'd on their behalf require , yet in matters of fact which I deliver as having try'd or seen them , I am very willing you should think , that I may have had the weakness to be mistaken , but not an intention to deceive you . There is yet one thing more that I shall venture to acquaint you with before I conclude this Essay , though you may think it relishes of a Paradox , and it is this : That when I am satisfi'd of the Abilities and Circumspection of a Writer , delivering a matter of fact as upon his own knowledge ; I do not presently reject his Observation as untrue , much less condemn the Person himself as a Lyer , whensoever I find that it seems to be contradicted by a contrary and more undoubted Observation , or to contradict a receiv'd and plausible either Hypothesis or Tradition : but rather try if by fit Distinction or Limitation I can reconcile them ; unless I can imagine something or other which might probably lead him to mistake . And of this indulgence to an intelligent Writer I have this reason to give , That sometimes there happen irregularities contrary to the usual course of things , as is evident in Monsters ; and sometimes the received Hypothesis , though perhaps not to be rejected as to the main , will not hold so universally as men presume ; and sometimes too the contradiction be twixt the Observations may be but seeming ( by reason of the want of some unheeded Circumstance necessary to make them inconsistent ) and so they may both be true . We might dilucidate and confirm what we have newly delivered by several Instances , were it not that this Essay is already but too prolix . Wherefore we shall only recommend to your Consideration these few Particulars . That the Irish Spiders ( of which , whatever is vulgarly believ'd to the contrary , my self have in Ireland seen divers ) are not poisonous is not doubted by the Inhabitants , who have had many Ages experience of their harmlesness : and yet I dare not deny what the learned Scaliger somewhere affirms , that in ( his Country if I mis-remember not ) Gascony their venom is so pernicious , that they sometimes poison those that tread upon them through the very soles of their shoos . And that even here in England ( though a Country so near to Ireland ) some Spiders ( at least ) are venomous even without biting , I may elsewhere have occasion to give you an experimental proof . It is so much taken for granted by divers Authors , who pretend likewise to give reasons of it , and by the generality of their Readers , that under the same Meridian the magnetick Needle keeps every where the same variation without changing it by being carried Northwards or Southwards , that 't is like if many Persons better acquainted with Magnetick Speculations than Trials , should read in the relations of the Hollanders , that under the Meridian that passes by the Island of Corvo , where the Needle points directly at the Poles , and which is therefore wont to be reckon'd the first Meridian , they found at two places , the one about 46 , the other about 55 Degrees of Northern Latitude , a Declination in the former of those Elevations of no less than 7 or 8 Degrees , and in the latter of a far greater number ; and also that they found under the 20. Parallel of Southern Latitude under the same Meridian of the Azores 10 or 11 Degrees of Declination ; many , I say , if they should meet with these particulars , probably would suppose the Dutch to have been very bad Observers , because these Observations do not ( as we intimated above ) agree with the Theory of the Needles Declination . And yet if we confer these Observations with others of the like nature made by good Navigators and other skilful men along other Meridians , we may , I suppose , find cause rather to rectifie the general opinion than reject the Dutch Observations for their disagreeing with it , especially if we take into consideration what is affirmed by the Jesuite Jules Alenis ( whom Fournier , amply treating of Longitudes , extols for the accuratest Observer of the Needles variation that ever was ) sailing into China in a great Portugal Carraque , and accompanied by the famous Pilot Vincent Rodrique , who had then made 28 Voyages to the Indies . For out of one of this Fathers Letters Fournier has preserved this memorable passage , You must ( says he ) take notice of one thing very considerable , namely , that the further you go from the Aequator in the same Meridian , the greater you will find the Magnetical variation . There are some eminent modern Naturalists who affirm , that they have assuredly try'd by Weather-glasses , that Cellars and other Subterraneal places are colder in Winter than in Summer : and yet not to oppose to this Experiment the common Tradition to the contrary , I remember , that the bold and industrious Captain James ( formerly mention'd ) in the relation of his strange Voyage published by his late Majesties command , has this notable Observation , where he relates the excessive coldness of the water they met with in Summer in that Icy Region where they were forced to Winter in the Year 1632. Moreover our Well ( says he ) out of which we had water in December , had none in July . Lastly , though in the Western parts it have been observed , that generally the inside or heart as they call it of Trees , is harder tha● the outward parts , yet an Author very well vers'd in such matters treating of the building of Ships , gives it us for a very important Advertisement touching that matter , that they have observed at Marseilles , and all along the Levantine shores , that that part of the Wood that is next the Bark is stronger than that which makes the heart of the Tree . But to draw at length to a conclusion of this already too tedious Essay ; The Ends above mention'd , Pyrophilus , being those which I propos'd to my self in writing the past Discourse , you will make an use of it , which I was very far from intending you should , if you suffer it to discourage you from the vigorous prosecution of your Enquiries into Experimental Knowledge : nor indeed is any thing that hath been said fit to perswade you to other than Watchfulness in observing Experiments , and Wariness in relying on them , but not at all to such a despondency of mind as may make you forbear the prosecution of them : for neither doth the Physician renounce his Profession , because divers of the Patients he strives to cure are not freed from their diseases by his Medicines , but by death ; nor doth the painful Husbandman forsake his Cultivating of the ground , though sometimes an unseasonable storm or flood spoils his Harvest , and deprives him of the expected fruit of his long toils . For as in Physick and Husbandry , those that exercise them are kept from deserting their professions , by finding , that though they sometimes miss of their Ends , yet they oftentimes attain them , and are by their Successes requited not only for those Endeavours that succeed , but for those that were lost : so ought we not by the Contingencies incident to Experimental attempts to be deterr'd from making them , because not only there are many Experiments scarce ever obnoxious to casualties , but even among those whose event is not so certain , you may very probably make an Experiment very often without meeting with any of those unlucky accidents which have the power to make such Experiments miscarry ; and sure the prosperous success of many succeeding attempts is well able to make amends for the fruitless pains employ'd on those few that succceed not ; especially since in Experiments it not unfrequently happens , that even when we find not what we seek , we find something as well worth seeking as what we mist. Of this last-mention'd truth we may else-where have occasion to discourse more largely , and therefore shall now conclude with barely minding you , that even Merchants themselves are not wont to quit their profession , because now and then they lose a Vessel at Sea , and oft-times their Ships are by contrary winds and other accidents forc'd to put in at other Ports than those they were bound for . Which example● the rather make use of , because that as the American Navigators employ'd by the European Merchants having been by storms forc'd from their intended course , have been sometimes times thereby driven upon unknown Coasts , and have made discovery of new Regions much more advantagious to them than the fairest and constantest winds and weather could have been ; so in Philosophical Trials , those unexpected accidents that defeat our endeavours do sometimes cast us upon new discoveries , of much greater advantage than the wonted and expected success of the attempted Experiment would have proved to us . SOME SPECIMENS OF AN ATTEMPT To make CHYMICAL EXPERIMENTS Useful to Illustrate the Notions of the CORPVSCVLAR PHILOSOPHY . LONDON , Printed for Henry Herringman , Anno 1668. THE PREFACE , Giving an account of the two following Treatises , and Proposing the Desirableness of a good Intelligence betwixt the Corpuscularian Philosophers and the Chymists . THere are many Learned Men , who being acquainted with Chymistry but by report , have from the Illiterateness , the Arrogance and the Impostures of too many of those that pretend skill in it , taken occasion to entertain so ill an opinion as well of the Art as of those that profess it , that they are apt to repine when they see any Person capable of succeeding in the study of solid Philosophy , addict himself to an Art they judge so much below a Philosopher , and so unserviceable to him : Nay , there are some that are troubled when they see a Man acquainted with other Learning countenance by his Example sooty Empiricks , and a study which they scarce think fit for any but such as are unfit for the rational and useful parts of Physiology . I now take notice of these things , because they gave occasion to the two following Treatises . For perceiving divers years ago , that some Learned Men of the temper above describ'd thought it strange ( if not amiss also ) that one of whose studies they were pleas'd to have too favourable an Expectation , should spend upon Chymical tryals ( to which I then happen'd to be invited by the opportunity of some Furnaces and some leisure ) much of those Endeavours which they seem'd to think might be far more usefully employ'd than upon such an empty and deceitful study ; perceiving this , I say , I thought it not amiss to endeavour to manifest , that without seeking after the Elixir that Alchymists generally hope and toyl for , ( but which they that knew me knew to be not at all in my aim ) I did not in the Prosecution of Chymical tryals do any thing either without an end , or unsuitable to the Design I had of attempting to promote Mens Knowledge of the works of Nature , as well as their Power over them . In order to this , I did not think it enough to shew , that by an Insight into Chymistry one may be enabl'd to make some Meliorations ( I speak not of Transmutations ) of Mineral and Metalline Bodies , and many excellent Medicines for the Health of Men , besides divers other Preparations of good use in particular Trades , and in several Occurren●es of Humane Life ; I did not , I say , think it enough to do this , because that though this might suffice to evince that a rational man might without losing his time employ some of it to understand and promote Chymistry ; yet this would scarce suffice to manifest it to be useful to Philosophy . And therefore there seem'd requisite some specimens , which might shew that Chymical Experiments might be very assistant even to the speculative Naturalist in his Contemplations and Enquiries . But against my attempting any thing of this Nature , three Difficulties oppos'd themselves . The first was the want of Leisure , in regard I was already pre-engag'd to write of other Subjects , and to prosecute some Experiments , whose event I was concern'd to know . Another Impediment was , that for other Reasons elsewhere mention'd , and chiefly to keep my Judgment as unprepossess'd as might be with any of the Modern Theories of Philosophy , till I were provided of Experiments to help me to judge of them , I had purposely refrain'd from acquainting my self throughly with the intire System of either the Atomical , or the Cartesian , or any other whether New or Reviv'd Philosophy ; and therefore I could scarce be fit to shew how Chymical Experiments might illustrate their Doctrines . And thirdly , some of those Learned Men for whom I was to write , more favouring the Epicurean , and others ( though but a few ) being more inclinable to the Cartesian opinions , it seem'd very difficult to gratifie by the same Composures Persons of differing Perswasions . But as to the first of these Discouragements , since my Pre-engagements to other Themes were not unknown to those for whom I was to write , it might reasonably be presum'd they would over-look such unaccurateness as should appear imputable to haste : And besides , some such Subject might be chosen to write of , as would conveniently admit Enlargements and Additions , according as my leisure should afterwards serve me to annex them On occasion of the second Impediment , I remember'd , that having divers years before read the Lives of the Atomical , among other Philosophers , in Diogenes Laertius , and having sometimes occasionally heard mention made of divers Epicurean and Cartesian Notions , and having hence fram'd to my self some general , though but imperfect , Idea of the way of Philosophizing my friends esteem'd ; I thought I might without a more particular and explicit Enquiry into it , say something to illustrate some Notions of it , by making choice of such as , being of the more simple and obvious , did not require skill in the more mysterious points of the Hypothesis they belong'd to . And as for the last of the three Discouragements above mention'd , I consider'd , that the Atomical & Cartesian Hypotheses , though they differ'd in some material points from one another , yet in opposition to the Peripatetick and other vulgar Doctrines they might be look'd upon as one Philosophy : For they agree with one another , and differ from the Schools in this grand & fundamental point , that not only they take care to explicate things intelligibly ; but that whereas those other Philosophers give only a general and superficial account of the Phaenomena of Nature from certain substantial Forms , which the most ingenious among themselves confess to be Incomprehensible , and certain real Qualities , which knowing men of other Perswasions think to be likewise Vnintelligible ; both the Cartesians and the Atomists explicate the same Phaenomena by little Bodies variously figur'd and mov'd . I know that these two Sects of Modern Naturalists disagree about the Notion of Body in general , and consequently about the Possibility of a true Vacuum , as also about the Origine of Motion , the indefinite Divisibleness of Matter , and some other points of less Importance than these : But in regard that some of them seem to be rather Metaphysical than Physiological Notions , and that some others seem rather to be requisite to the Explication of the first Origine of the Vniverse , than of the Phaenomena of it in the state wherein we now find it ; in regard of these , I say , and some other Considerations , and especially for this Reason , That both parties agree in deducing all the Phaenomena of Nature from Matter and local Motion ; I esteem'd that notwithstanding these things wherein the Atomists and the Cartesians differ'd , they might be thought to agree in the main , and their Hypotheses might by a Person of a reconciling Disposition be look'd on as , upon the matter , one Philosophy . Which because it explicates things by Corpuscles , or minute Bodie● may ( not very unfitly ) be call'd Corpuscular ; though I sometimes style it the Phoenician Philosophy , because some ancient Writers inform us , that not only before Epicurus and Democritus , but ev'n before Leucippus taught in Greece , a Phoenician Naturalist was wont to give an account of the Phaenomena of Nature by the Motion and other Affections of the minute Particles of Matter . Which because they are obvious and very powerful in Mechanical Engines , I sometimes also term it the Mechanical Hypothesis or Philosophy . By such considerations then , and by this occasion , I was invited to try whether without pretending to determine the above-mention'd controverted points , I could by the help of the Corpuscular Philosophy , in the sense newly given of that Appellation , associated with Chymical Experiments , explicate some particular Subjects more intelligibly than they are wont to be accounted for , either by the Schools or the Chymists . And how●ver since the vulgar Philosophy is yet so vulgar , that it is still in great request with the Generality of Scholars ; and since the Mechanical Philosophers have brought so few Experiments to verifie their Assertions , and the Chymists are thought to have brought so many on the behalf of theirs , that of those that have quitted the unsatisfactory Philosophy of the Schools , the greater Number dazl'd as it were by the Experiments of Spagyrists , have imbrac'd their Doctrines instead of those they deserted ; For these Reasons , I say , I hop'd I might at least do no unseasonable piece of service to the Corpuscular Philosophers , by illustrating some of their Notions with sensible Experiments , and manifesting that the things by me treated of , may be at least plausibly explicated without having recourse to inexplicable forms , real Qualities , the four Peripatetick Elements , or so much as the three Chymical Principles . Being once resolv'd to write some such Specimina as I formerly judg'd requisite , I soon bethought my self of the Experiment hereafter deliver'd concerning Salt-Petre , divers of whose Phaenomena I did also , as time would permit , cast into one of the Essays I was then engag'd to write to a Friend . And having dispatch'd that little Treatise , it found so favourable a Reception among those Learned Men into whose hands it came , that I was much encourag'd to illustrate some more of the Doctrines of the Corpuscular Philsosophy , by some of the Experiments wherewith my Furnaces had suppli●d me ; which also as occasion serv'd I did , partly by writing some Physico-Chymical Treatises , and partly by making such large Notes on the Essay concerning Salt-Petre , as might plentifully contribute to the History of Qualities , of which I had sometimes thoughts . And this continu'd , till in the year before the last , the publick Confusions in this ( then unhappy ) Kingdom reducing me to quit my former Design , together with the place where my Furnaces , my Books , and my other Accommodations were , I fell afterwards upon the making of Pneumatical tryals , whereof I lately ventur'd to give the Publick an account in a Book of New Experiments Physo-mechanical about the Air. I should not trouble the Reader with so prolix a Preface to such small Treatises as those whereto this is prefix'd , but for these two Reasons . The one , that I hope the fore-going Narrative will make me be the more favourably judg'd by the Philosophers I desire to serve , if sometimes I write less skilfully of their Opinions than perhaps I should have done had I allow'd my self to search into them : And the other , that I am earnestly sollicited to publish some other Tracts , tending to the same purpose that these do ; to which also should I ever be induc'd , by the Reception these may meet with , to trouble the World with them , the same Preface as it is now penn'd may serve for an Introduction . I had almost forgot to take notice , That whereas at the end of the Essay concerning Salt-Petre I mention'd a then newly-publish'd Treatise of the laborious Glauber's , which I had not then perus'd , I found it to contain some Observations concerning the History of Salt-Petre , which , if they be true , are considerable enough : I must again recōmend the examination of them to the Readers Curiosity , having been hinder'd by divers Avocations from saving him that labour my self . And whereas also some years after I was inform'd of another little Book he had put out since the former , wherein he teaches us a way of purifying Salt-Petre , to make a Conjunction of the spirituous and fixter parts of it , and then to suffer the Mixture to evaporate and so crystallize into Nitre ; This would I confess have made me apprehensive of passing for a Plagiary with those that did not know me , but that it was easie for me to clear my self by the Testimony of very Learned Men , who had some years before perus'd my Treatise , and especially of one person , ( well known by his Writings ) who was pleas'd to like it so well , as to desire he might translate it , and had accordingly long before turn'd it into very elegant Latin. I might perhaps venture to adde , that though I could not justifie my self by so convincing a proof of my Innocence , yet he that shall take the pains to consider that I could not borrow of Glauber the various Phaenomena I have particularly set down , and much less the Reflections on them , & shall compare in what differing manners , and to what differing purposes , we two propose the making of Salt-Petre out of its own Spirit , and fixt Salt ( He but prescribing as a bare Chymical Purification of Nitre , what I teach as a Philosophical Redintegration of it ; ) He , I say , who shall compare these things together , will perchance think , that I was as likely to find this last nam'd Experiment as another . Which things I say not , as if I scrupl'd to make use of the industrious Glauber's or any other mans Experiments , especially when I borrow not with them any of the Doctrines I build on them ; but because since I neither did nor could take any notice of Glauber's Book in mine , I judg'd it requisite to say something to prevent my being thought to have unthankfully taken one of the chief Passages of my Discourse from a Book to which I was utterly a stranger . The Reasons of my thus consenting to publish the following History of Fluidity and Firmness , without the rest of those Annotations which I writ upon the same Essay touching Salt-Petre , are partly , that these are my recentest Composures of this Nature , ( having been writen but the last year save one ) and were set down when I allow'd my self to be less unacquainted with Writers addicted to the modern Philosophy ; partly also , because the considerableness of the Subject invited me to make these Annotations much more copious , and somewhat less unaccurate , than my Notes upon almost any other part of the Essay ; & partly , ( and indeed principally ) because mention being sometimes made of this History in my freshly publish'd Physico-Mechanical Experiments , both the Printer , and some Learned Gentlemen who were pleas'd to think that Book not unworthy the Translating , have sollicited me to let this Treatise be annexed to the several Versions they are about of that Pneumatical piece , and to the English Edition of the three fore-going Discourses , which the Printer fears would , without the company of these or some others , make but too thin a Book . And I thought fit to premise to this History , the Essay concerning Salt-Petre , not only because it might appear very improper to publish Annotations without the Text it self whereunto they relate ; but indeed because I find that there are still many Learned Men , of the same disposition with those I have mention'd in the beginning of this Preface ; whence I am invited to divulge this Essay by the same Considerations that at first induc'd me to write it . Especially since I remember not that among the new Philosophers I have met with any one Experiment that does so fairly and sensibly accommodate so many of their Opinions . And indeed I freely confess , that I shall think my self to have done no useless service to the Common-wealth of Learning , if I prove so fortunate , as by these , or any other Writings of mine to the like purpose , to beget a good understanding betwixt the Chymists and the Mechanical Philosophers , who have hitherto been too little acquainted with one anothers Learning : There being to this very day a great and almost general Mis-understanding betwixt the Corpuscular Philosophers and the Chymists ; most of Those ( on the one hand ) looking upon the Spagyrists as a company of meer and irrational Operators , whose Experiments may indeed be serviceable to Apothecaries , and perhaps to Physicians , but are useless to a Philosopher that aims at curing no disease but that of Ignorance ; and most of the Spagyrists ( on the other hand ) looking upon the Corpuscularians ( if I may so call them ) as a sort of empty and extravagant Speculators , who pretend to explicate the great Book of Nature , without having so much as look'd upon the chiefest and the difficultest part of it , namely the Phaenomena that Their Art has added to the former Edition of this vast and obscure Volume . But that some of the principal of the Hermetick Opinions may be more handsomely accommodated by the notions of the Phoenician Hypotheses , than by the common Philosophy of Elements of substantial forms , ( which yet their Writers so frequently allude to and otherwise employ ) may appear from hence , that whereas the Schools generally declare the transmutation of one Species into another , and particularly that of baser metals into Gold , to be against Nature , and Physically impossible ; the Corpuscular Doctrine rejecting the substantial forms of the Schools , and making Bodies to differ but in the Magnitude , Figure , Motion or Rest , and Situation of their component particles , which may be almost infinitely varied , seems much more favourable to the Chymical Doctrine of the possibility of working wonderful changes , and even transmutations in mixt Bodies . And on the other side , there are scarce any Experiments that may better accommodate the Phoenician principles , than those that may be borrowed from the Laboratories of Chymists . For first , Chymistry enabling us to depurate Bodies , and in some measure to analyse them , and take asunder their Heterogeneous parts , in many Chymical Experiments we may better than in others know what manner of Bodies we employ , Art having made them more simple or uncompounded than Nature alone is wont to present them us . And next , many Chymical operations being performed in close , and yet in transparent vessels , we may better know what concurs to the effects produced , because adventitious Bodies ( or at least all grosser ones ) are kept from intruding upon those whose Operations we have a mind to consider . And lastly , the Bodies employ'd by the Chymists being for the most part active ones , the progress of Nature in an Experiment , and the series of successive alterations through which the matter passes from first to last , is wont to be made more nimbly , and consequently becomes the more easie to be taken notice of and comprehended . So that all this considered , I hope it may conduce to the Advancement of Natural Philosophy , if , as I said , I be so happy as , by any endeavours of mine , to possess both Chymists and Corpuscularians of the advantages that may redound to each Party by the Confederacy I am mediating between them , and excite them both to enquire more into one anothers Philosophy , by manifesting , that as many Chymical Experiments may be happily explicated by Corpuscularian Notions , so many of the Corpuscularian Notions may be commodiously either illustrated or confirmed by Chymical Experiments . A PHYSICO-CHYMICAL ESSAY , CONTAINING An Experiment with some Considerarations touching the differing Parts and Redintegration of SALT-PETRE . SECTION I. SALT-PETRE , Pyrophilus , though in that form wherein it is sold in Shops , it be no very obvious Concrete ; yet either in its rudiments , or under several disguises , it is to be found in so great a number of Compound Bodies , Vegetable , Animal , and even Mineral , that it seems to us to be not only one of the most Catholick of Salts , but so considerable an Ingredient of many sublunary Concretes , that we may justly suppose it may well deserve our serious enquiries , since the knowledge of it may be very conducive to the discovery of the Nature of several other Bodies , and to the improvement of divers parts of Natural Philosophy . SECT . II. But not having at present much leisure allow'd me by several avocations to make accurate Enquiries into the nature of Salt-Petre in general ; and , which is more considerable , being not yet furnish'd wi●h a competent number of Experiments requisite to such a purpose ; I must content my self for this time to tender you some assistance towards the discovery of how differing Substances may be obtain'd from Nitre , and compound it again , by presenting you some Reflections on an Experiment , which my desire to hasten to another Subject obliges me to set down nakedly , as I first try'd it by way of Narrative . SECT . III. We took then common Nitre ( as we bought it at the Druggists ) and having by the usual way of Solution , Filtration , and Coagulation , reduc'd it into Crystals , we put four ounces of this purifi'd Nitre into a strong new Crucible * in which ( the Vessel being first well neal'd to prevent cracking , and cover'd to prevent the falling in of any thing that might unseasonably kindle the Petre ) we melted it into a limpid Liquor , and whilst it was in fusion , cast into it a small live Coal , which presently kindled it , and made it boil and hiss , and flash for a pretty while : after which we cast in another glowing Coal , which made it fulminate af●esh ; and after that we cast in a third and a fourth , and so continu'd the operation till the Nitre would neither fulminate nor be kindled any more : after which we continu'd to keep it in a strong fire for above a quarter of an hour , that if any volatile part should yet remain , it might be forced off . SECT . IV. Then taking out the Crucible , and breaking it whilst it was hot , we took out , as carefully as we could , the remaining fix'd Nitre before it had imbib'd much of the moisture of the air , and dividing it into two equal parts , we dissolved one of those portions in as much fair water as would just suffice for the solution of it , and then drop'd on it Spirit of Salt-petre till the ebullition occasion'd by the mutual action of those contrary Liquors did perfectly cease ; and forthwith Filtrating this mixture , we expos'd it in a new open Vial to the air in a window ; and returning to the other portion of fix'd Nitre , which we had set apart and not dissolv'd , we drop'd on that likewise of the same Spirit till the hissing and ebullition were altogether ceas'd , and then we expos'd this mixture also in an open glass Jar to the air in the same window with the former . SECT . V. The event of these Trials was , that the mixture wherein fair water was employ'd , did in a few hours fasten to the lower part of the sides of the Glass wherein it was put , some saline particles , which seem'd by their form ( and partly too by their shooting about the lower parts of the Vessel ) to be Salt-petre ; amongst whose little Crystals nevertheless there appear'd to swim very little grains ( much smaller than Mustard-seeds ) of some other kind of Salt , environ'd with a downy matter , not unlike that which is oftentimes to be observ'd in Rose-water , and several other distill'd Waters when they begin to decay . The Crystals were the next day taken out , being by that time grown somewhat greater , and more numerous , and disclos'd themselves , upon tryal , to be indeed Nitrous , as well by their manner of burning , as their shape . Concerning the latter of which , since learned Modern Writers have mis-represented it , some making Nitre to be Cylindrical , and others of a figure less approaching to the true one ; I think my self oblig'd in this place to observe to you by the way , that having purposely consider'd some large Crystals of refin'd and unanalyz'd Nitre , the figure being in such best discern'd , they appear'd to have each of them six flat sides ( not always of equal breadth in respect of one another ) whereof any two that were opposite were commonly parallel . But to return to our augmented Crystals of Nitre : what the other matter that adher'd to them was , there was so very little of it , that we could not well discern , though we then suspected it to proceed from the want of a just or exact proportion betwixt the Volatile and fix'd parts of the Nitre that were to be re-united . SECT . VI. The remaining Liquor being pour'd into an open glass Jar , and left in the same window , continued five or six days without manifesting any considerable alteration ; but at the end of that time there began to appear in it very fine crystalline styriae of Petre , which grew more and more numerous during a fortnight longer ; at which time , being wearied with attending the so slow consumption of the Liquor , we pour'd it from the Crystals , and set it in a digesting Furnace to evaporate more nimbly . SECT . VII . The other mixture wherein no water was employ'd did presently , for a great part of it , subside in the form of Salt ; over which there swam a little liquor which also seem'd to keep the subsiding particles of Salt from congealing into one coherent mass , or so much as greater lumps : and a part of this drenched Salt being taken out and permitted to dry in the Air , did not appear very regularly figur'd , but yet seem'd here and there to recede very little from the shape of Salt-Petre , and being cast on a quick coal it burned partly after a manner not peculiar ( that we have observ'd ) to any distinct kind of Salt ; and yet it partly seem'd to imitate the flashing way of deflagration proper to Nitre . The remaining part of this Salt , together with the Liquor swimming upon it , we kept for about a month in the open air , without discerning any observable change in the Liquor till towards the latter end of that time , and then we found it partly coagulated into small saline masses , whose figure we were not able to discern ; and therefore dissolving the whole mixture in a little fair water , and filtrating it , we found ( after evaporation in a digesting Furnace ) about one half of the Salt shot into fine small Iceicles of the shape of Crystals of Petre , but somewhat differing from them in taste upon their first being put upon the Tongue ; but upon a live coal they burned not unlike Petre. And the remaining half of this dissolution , being somewhat hastily pressed to exhale , let fall its Salt in a figure which we could not reduce either to that of Salt-Petre , or of any other determinate kind of Salt. For the clear comprehending of this Experiment , you may be pleas'd , Pyrophilus , to take notice , SECT . VIII . 1. That a new coal is not to be cast on the Nitre till the detonation occasion'd by the former be either quite or almost al●ogether ended ; unless it chance that the pussing 〈…〉 the coal too soon out of the Crucible , 〈…〉 towards the end of the operation : ) which seems to happen chiefly because the first part of the Nitre growing to be predominant , the inflamable and halituous particles cannot break through the matter , now grown more stiff , but by such impetuous eruptions as make them oftentimes tosse back the coals as soon as ever they are cast into the Crucible : and in this way of proceeding we have been forced to spend much more time , than the opinion of the ready deflagrability ( if I may so speak ) of Salt-Petre did beforehand permit us to imagine . SECT . IX . 2. That we discern'd by our Scales , that the weight of the Spirit of Nitre requisite to be drop'd on , till all the ebullition made betwixt that Liquor and the Solution of fix'd Nitre were ceas'd , did not amount to so great a weight as the Salt-Petre lost in its detonation , and yet fell not much short of it . SECT . X. 3. That the fix'd Nitre this way made , differ'd but very little from vulgar Salt of Tartar in its lixiviate taste , in its aptnesse to attract the air , or to relent by the moisture of it , and in its other more obvious qualities ; onely whereas Salt of Tartar is wont to be white ( which nevertheless being flux'd has been by others , as us , observ'd to become of a kind of sky-colour ) this fix'd Nitre was of a deep colour betwixt blew and green : which colour upon the affusion of the Spirit of Nitre vanish'd ; whereas otherwise ( to observe that to you upon the by ) some sort of calcin'd Nitre will so obstinately retain that colour , that I keep by me a blewish green Liquor made of fix'd Petre , I know not how oftentimes successively resolv'd per deliquium and coagulated again , till it would no longer be reduc'd to a dry Salt , but to an unctuous body easily flowing in heat like Wax : my design in which trial it were here somewhat improper to insist on . That our friends might not be obliged to wait so long for the Redintegration of Nitre , but might see the Experiment made in as little time as is possi●le , we devis'd a more expeditious way of uniting the divorc'd parts of our 〈◊〉 , and it was only by suffering such fix'd Nitre as is mention'd by our Author to run per Deliquium into a Liquor , which being separated from its faeces by filtration through cap-paper was very clear and limpid : For , when we had a mind to shew the Experiment , we did onely upon this Liquor drop some Spirit of Nitre , and that , after such a noise , sparkling and effervescence , as our Author speaks of , ( all which hastily vanished ) did immediately associate it self with a competent proportion of the fix'd Salt swimming in the Solution , and therewith fall down in little Ice-icles of a Nitrous shape and nature ; and when we pleased to continue the affusion of the acid Spirit , this emergency of Salt-Petre would be observable from time to time , till either all , or almost all the fix'd Salt had united it self with the other . And these litle Ice-icles being dried in lumps , did as well upon the tongue and upon a quick coal , as they had done to the Eye , disclose themselves to be so truly Nitrous , that our friends were not wont without some wonder , as well as much pleasure , to behold Salt-Petre thus suddenly generated in lesse than a minute of an hour . These small Ice-icles being in sufficient plenty dissolv'd in fair water , we did for trials sake reduce by Congelation to fairer Cyrstals . But though this be the perfectest and readiest way of reproducing Nitre , yet because it often requires , especially in dry weather , a long time to reduce fix'd Nitre per Deliquium into a Liquor , we have sometimes substituted the following way . We dissolv'd in fair water as much fix'd Nitre as we could , and filtrating the Solution through Cap-paper we satiated it with Spirit of Nitre , after the manner above describ'd , and then setting it to evaporate very slowly , and afterwards suffering it to cool , we obtain'd within some hours after the first mixture of the Liquors , store of fine little Crystalls of Petre , which shot in the Liquor ; the remaining part of which being evaporated afforded more of them . And though the evaporation and Crystallization cost us divers hours , yet it seem'd that the Salt-Petre was produc'd presently upon the ceasing of the conflict betwixt the two Liquors . For the mixture before evaporation tasted very like a Solution of common Nitre , and the little drops that upon the effervescence skip'd out of the Glasse , and fell back upon the sides of it , did there many of them presently coagulate into little grains of Nitrous Salt. SECT . XI . And because , Pyrophilus , it may be suspected , that the Salt-Petre mention'd to have been produc'd by the re-union of the volatile and fix'd part of that Concrete , may have been onely some associated particles of Salt-Petre , that by lurking undiscernedly in the fix'd Nitre had escap'd the analizing violence of the fire , and by the affusion of fair water were set at liberty to assemble toge●her , and thereby disclose themselves in their true shape . To remove this scruple , and to let you see that much the ensuing Discourse will not need your supposing , that the Experiment of the Redintegration of Petre was accurately made , and did accordingly succeed ; I must here annex , that though by divers other Chymical Experiments which I have had occasion to make with Salt-Petre , I somtimes discove●'d , that now and then some undiscern'd particles of the Salt-Petre may possibly escape our diligence when we make fix'd Nitre ; yet those particles are too few to amount to such Crystals of Petre , as the assusion of the acid Spirit upon the lixiviate Salt are capable of affording : And that we have , to satisfie our selves farther in this particular , purposely satiated , according to the former manner , a Solution of common Pot-ashes , bought of them that are wont to sell it in Shops , ( who are not so foolishly knavish as to adulterate them with Salt-petre , which is much dearer than pot-ashes ) and filtrating the Solution from its copious faeces , found after evaporation , in the remaining Liquor , within about two or three days , and sometimes much sooner , pretty store of Crystalline Salt in a Nitrous figure , which though at first it tasted somewhat corrosively , ( perhaps because the proportion betwixt the Nitrous Spirit and the Pot-ashes was not duely observ'd ) yet after it had a while remain'd upon the tongue , the taste of it much emulated that of Salt-Petre ; and part of it being cast upon a live coal , did by its blew and halituous flame discover it self to be of the nature of that Salt. To which we may add , that we likewise tried the experiment with Aqua fortis and Salt of Tartar , and thereby produc'd Salt-Petre , though but in small quantity , and a long time . And those two additional Experiments I the rather mention , because many of the ensuing Reflections may be justifi'd by them , although the main Experiment made on Salt-petre alone should in divers pariculars be suppos'd ( for we have us'd our endeavours that it may not be found , ) to have been mistaken . SECT . XII . The Reflections which may be made on this Experiment are more than I have either the skill or leisure to prosecute , and therefore I shall content my self to present you very succinctly with a few of those that do the most readily occur to my present thoughts . And first , this Experiment seems to afford us an instance ▪ by which we may discern that Motion , Figure , and Disposition of parts , and such like primary and mechanical Affections ( if I may so call them ) of Matter , may suffice to produce those more secondary Affections of Bodies which are wont to be called Sensible Qualities . SECT . XIII . And to begin with the Tangible Qualities , as Heat and Cold ; it is commonly held , that Salt-Petre is in operation a Cold Body , if not one of the coldest in the world ; and accordingly Physicians and Chymists are wont to give it in Fevers to allay the inward exaestuations of the blood and humors : and that profound Naturalist the Lord Verulam highly commends a little of it , and did for many years himself make use of it , to condense the Spirits . But what-ever it be in inward operation , certainly to the outward sense it appears very cold : And yet the parts of this so cold Body ( its Spirit and Alkali , by the latter of which Chymists are wont to mean any fix'd Salt produced by burning ) put together , do immediately agitate each other with great vehemency ; and did in our Experiment produce such an heat , that I could scarcely endure to hold in my hand the Vial , wherein much lesse than an ounce of each was mix'd , though but leisurely and almost by drops : as if Heat were nothing but a various and nimble motion of the minute particles of Bodies . For in our Experiment , as long as that confus'd agitation lasted , so long the heat endur'd , and with that agitation it encreas'd and abated ; and at length when the motion ceas'd , the heat also vanish'd . SECT . XIV . Upon the mixture of the two fore-mention'd Liquors there was also produc'd a very audible sound , not unlike the hissing produc'd by the quenching of a live coal in water ; and this hissing was , as that other is wont to be accompanied with an effervescence and boyling up of the Liquor , with store of bubbles , till it was ready to run over the Vessel . This sound seem'd to proced from the nimble and smart percussions of the ambient air , made by the swift and irregular motions of the particles of the Liquors : And such a kind of sound , but much lowder , was produc'd by the impetuous eruptions of the halituous flames of the Salt-Petre upon the casting of a live coal upon it . What interest such a smartnesse in striking the air hath in the production of Sound , may in some measure appear by the motion of the bullet , and that of a switch or orher wand , which produce no sound if they do but slowly passe through the air ; whereas if the one do smartly strike the air , and the other be shot out of a Gun , the celerity of their percussions on the air puts it into an undulating motion , which reaching the Ear , produces an audible noise even at a good distance from the body , whose swift passage causes those nimble vibrations in the air , as we may elsewhere have occasion to declare . And that in the sound observable in our Experiment , the contiguous air receives many strokes from the particles of the Liquor , seems probable , by the sudden and eager tumultuation of the parts of the Liquors : and by this , that the noise encreas'd and decay'd proportionably to the ebullition of the Liquors , and ceas'd altogether as soon as the saline particles floating in them had by their conflict tir'd themselves into quietnesse . And it is to be observ'd , that the noise ended long before the heat . To the latter of which such an intestine tumult of the parts of many bodies is sufficient , as is yet uncapable to produce a sound . As we see in Amber or good hard Wax heated by rubbing ; and in many Liquors which retain a considerable degree of heat a good while after the expiration of the noise the noise they made in boyling . SECT . XV. We mention'd also , that our fix'd Petre was of a blewish green colour , which upon the affusion of the acid Spirit suddenly vanish'd . That disposition of parts , whereby the light reflected to the eye , was so modify'd as to produce that colour being now alter'd . And the like change we have sometimes observ'd to be producible in fix'd Nitre , by the bare leaving it a while in the moist air . To which I must add , that in some such kind of Experiments I have observ'd the copious fumes , arising from the mixture , to make the unfill'd part of the Glasse look of a reddish colour ; which is not more odd than that which we have lately had opportunity to observe in Soot , which though it be so black it self , and result from the coalition of dark exhalations , yet pres'd with a strong fire , has fill'd our Receivers with fumes white enough to make them look as if they were replenish'd with milk . And we have sometimes also taken great pleasure to behold the variety of Colours which may be now and then discern'd in the sublimate , made by gradually subliming in an Urinal a mixture of equal parts of only white Sal-Armoniack and black Antimony . But to wander no longer far from our present Experiment , give me leave to inform you , that a while since attempting to make Salt of Tartar , resolv'd in a little fair water , an ingredient of Salt-Petre by the addition of good Aqua fortis , the union of these two Liquors produced a deep green colour , which not only was diffus'd quite through the mixture , but also appear'd to reside peculiarly in certain particles of it . For having for trial sake filtred it through Cap-paper , there remained in the Fil●●e a powder of a very deep and lovely colour , but in so little quantity , that we could not attempt any Experiment upon it to make it confess its nature . But this circumstance is not to be omitted , that the Salt of Tartar that was then employ'd was extraordinay pure , having been by a peculiar art ( elsewhere to be taught you ) brought , without any addition , into fair-figur'd Crystals almost like lumps of white Sugar-candy . To which I must add , that the same Aqua fortis with a Solution of other pure Salt of Tartar , did likewise produce a colour much resembling the former , but much fainter . And it is farther to be taken notice of on this Subject , partly , that Nitre it self , although it seem to have nothing of kin to Rednesse , doth in distillation yield blood-red fumes ( fondly call'd by some Chymists the blood of the Salamander ) which fall again into a Liquor that has nothing of red in it ; and partly , that the fix'd Nitre , that did before appear opacous , by a new disposition of its parts conjoyn'd with those of its reimbib'd Spirit , becomes again somewhat Diaphanous and Crystalline as it was at first . SECT . XVI . Upon the mixture of these two Liquors there also obtrudes it self upon the Sense a very strong and offensive smell , proceeding from the Spirit of Petre ; which perhaps occasion'd some Chymists to call a Menstruum ( wherein that Nitrous spirit and smell is predominant ) the Stygian water . But though the Nitrous Spirit have a very strong and unwelcome odour of it self , yet is it made much more offensive by being pour'd on its own fix'd Salt ; for upon their conflict , the matter , being vehemently agitated , doth more copiously emit such stinking exhalations than before , and sendeth forth fumes manifestly discernable as well to the Eye as Nostrils . The odour of the fix'd Nitre is very languid ; but that which it discovers being dissolv'd in a little hot water is altogether differing from the stink of the other , being of kin to that of other alkalizate Salts . And yet the Salt-Petre from which such differingly-sented bodies spring , and which may again emerge from the coalition of them , has not been observ'd , as I remember , to have any smell at all . SECT . XVII . The tastes of these two bodies are as differing as any of their other qualities : for the Spirit is exceedingly acid , and may be call'd a strong and sour Acetum Minerale ; whereas the fixt Nitre has as strong a taste of Salt of Tartar as the Spirit has of distill'd Vinegar : and yet these two bodies , whose sapours are so pungent , and so differing , do both spring from and unite into Salt-Petre , which betrays upon the tongue no heat nor corrosivenesse at all , but coldnesse mixt with a somewhat languid relish retaining to bitternesse . And though we must not conceal from you , that in our trial the redintegrated Salt-Petre had upon its first impression upon the tongue a taste more sharp and perforating ( if I may so speak ) than ordinary Nitre ; yet that pungency may not improbably be supposed to have proceeded from some Acid particles of the Spirit that were not yet duly incorporated with , but onely loosely adherent to , the more perfectly Nitrous parts , which afterwards discover'd it self upon the tongue . And however , the difference betwixt the taste of this new Salt , and those of the Acid and Alkalizate Salts whereof it consisted , and ( unquestionably ) the taste of these compared with that of the crude Petre which was dissipated into them , were sufficient to warrant this Reflection . SECT . XVIII . Of the other Observables presented us by our Experiment , we must , Pyrophilus , content our selves to mention but a few ; our haste being such that it will not permit us either to enumerate them all , or to insist long on any of them . SECT . XIX . Secondly then , the proposed Experiment seems to make it some what questionable , whether or no Inflammability doth strictly in all mixt bodies require a distinct Sulphureous ingredient ; and whether or no in some Concretes it may not result from such a contrivance of parts , as that thereby the particles of the Concrete are dispos'd to be set a moving by the adventitious whether Fiery or Calorisick Corpuscles of another body , in such numbers , and with such celerity , as may put them into that Scheme of matter which we call Flame . How violent an heat may be produc'd upon such an account as this , may in some measure appear by an Experiment wherein our present Theme Salt-petre is the main Agent . For if into a Vial fill'd with good Spirit of Nitre you cast a piece of Iron , you may perceive that the Liquor , whose parts mov'd placidly and uniformly before , manifested no heat to the touch , meeting with pores and particles in the Iron capable of very much altering the motion of its parts , ( and perhaps also that of some very subtile Intercurrent matter , ) those active parts do presently begin to penetrate , sever , and scatter abroad the particles of the Iron ( almost as Gun-powder doth the pieces of breaking Granadoes ) with such rapidity , and in such plenty and throngs , that being themselves also put into a very swift and irregular motion ( whence soever it proceeds ) there is hereby produc'd a heat capable ( if the quantity of the Liquor and Metall be great enough ) to burn his hand that holds the Vessel , and perhaps break the Vessel ( if it be not very open ) all to pieces ; whereas by casting into the same Spirit of Nitre little lumps of Camphire , whose particles were indispos'd to occasion the like disturbance and agitation in the Nitrous Spirit , we observ'd the agitation made of the particles of the white Gum to change it onely into a yellowish and fluid seeming Oyl . SECT . XX. But not to wander any further , our own experiment informs us , that Salt-Petre ( which not onely is inflammable , but burns very fiercely and violently ) may be produc'd by the coalition of two bodies , which are neither of them inflammable ; the one being a fix'd Salt , that to become such has already suffer'd the loss of all that the fire could deprive it of , and the other being a Spirit abounding with acid particles , which kind of Salts have been observ'd to be more apt to quench than foment fire . SECT . XXI . And because we may else-where , God assisting , treat more particularly of the Inflammableness of Bodies , we will now add but a few lines concerning that of Nitre , that this circumstance of it might not escape our observation , namely , that upon casting Salt-Petre on a glowing coal , or upon the casting of a glowing coal into melted Salt-Petre , the Nitre will immediately take fire and flash out into blewish and halituous flames ; whereas if the same Nitre be plac'd in a Crucible , though that Crucible be by degreees made glowing hot , and do immediatly with its concave surface in innumerable places touch the particles of Nitre , yet the strange Salt will be thereby melted , but not kindled . The Reason of which Phaenomenon I must not now ( but may on another Occasion ) spend time to enquire after . SECT . XXII . It may also , Pyrophi . deserve the Enquiry , whence it proceeds that whereas the body of Salt-Petre when committed to Distillation is oftentimes very well dry'd , and consists of Saline parts which are generally accounted to be of a very dry nature , yet the spirits of Petre forc'd by the fire into the Receiver should not , like Sal-Armoniack , and some other bodies distill'd with the like he●t and vessels , adhere in the form of Sublimate to the Receiver , but fall into a liquor , which does not , for ought we have seen or heard of , either totally or in part coagulate again in the cold , as we have seen Spirit of Urine and other volatile liquors ( afforded by Animal substances ) often do ; and as we have observ'd , though rarely , ev'n in the corrosive liquor that is wont to be call'd Butter of Antimony . And the like Enquiry may be made concerning the liquidnesse of the distilled Spirits of decrepitated Salt , calcin'd Vitriol , and divers other bodies , which seem to have been destitute of moisture , when committed to Distillation . SECT . XXIII . But this not being precisely a Phaenomenon of our Experiment , we shall not here prosecute it , ( though perhaps we else where may ) but rather observe to you , Pyrophilus , that whereas good Spirit of Nitre being left in an open vessel , is wont to smoke and waste it self in an Exhalation sensible , especially if it be excited by a little heat , not only in the Nose but to the Eye ; this Fugitive Spirit when it is once re-united to its own fix'd Salt , emits no such steam , though kept a good while near a considerable fire : which Instance may somewhat assist us to make out , that the most fugitive parts of Concretes may in spight of their natural Mobility be detain'd in bodies by their Union and texture with the more sluggish parts of them , among which those lighter and more active Ingredients may be so entangled as to be restrain'd from Avolation . SECT . XXIV . Another thing worth considering in our Experiment is this , that upon the dropping of the acid spirit into the Alkalizate liquor , if you place the open-mouthed glasse wherein the Experiment is perform'd betwixt the light and your eye , you may plainly discern , that the Saline particles of these liquors tosse one another ( or are tossed by some brisk invisible substance ) to the height of divers fingers breadth up into the air , whence most of them fall back into the Vessel like a thick shower of little drops of rain : And it were worth enquiring , whence this sparkling of the parts of these mixt liquors arises ; and whether the Saline Corpuscles may be conceiv'd rapidly to move differing ways , and so , thwarting each other in their courses , and rudely justling at their Occursions , some of them are forc'd to bound or fly upwards , ( almost like Ivory balls meeting each other on a Billyard-Table . ) And to assist you in this Enquiry , give me leave to inform you , that the particles thus thrown into the air appear to be most of them Saline by this Observation ; that soon after the fall of the fore-mention'd showers , you shall find the sides of the glasse wherein the affusion of the Nitrous spirit has been made , all embroidered with little grains of Salt , left there by those wandring drops that fell besides the liquor . SECT . XXV . And let me farther observe to you , that there seems to be a very nimble agitation in the particles of the Spirit of Nitre , by this , That upon the pouring of Aqua fortis ( whose Active part is little else than Spirt of Nitre ) upon a Solution of Salt of Tartar in fair water , in which divers small lumps of the Salt remain'd yet undissolv'd , we have observ'd the acid spirit to sever the particles of the Salt with such impetuosity , that the numberlesse little Bubbles produc'd upon their Conflict , and hastily ascending in swarms from some of the little , lumps , made them emulate so many little , but rapidly rising , Springs . And to make it yet appear more probable , that there may be such crossing motions in the parts of these liquors , we observ'd , that after the two contrary Salts had by their mutual conflict tir'd each other , ( or rather had been upon their occursions fastned to one another ) there would follow no farther ebullition or skipping up and down of little drops of the liquors , upon the putting in of more Spirit of Nitre , unlesse there were added likewise more of the Alkalizate liquor . SECT . XXVI . And , before we passe on from this Reflection , it may not be uselesse to take notice of the difference that there may be betwixt those active parts of a body which are of differing Natures , when they are as it were Sheath'd up , or Wedg'd in amongst others in the texture of a Concrete ; and the same particles , when ( extricated from these Impediments ) they are set at liberty to flock together , and by the exercise of their nimble motions display their proper , but formerly clogg'd activity , or acquire a Disposition to be briskly agitated by some fine interfluent matter . For though in the entire body of Salt-Petre the Ingredients it consists of , or the differing substances into which the fire dissipates it , do so mutually implicate and hinder each other , that the Concrete , whilst such , acts but very languidly ; yet when the parts come to be dislocated , and the halituous and Alkalizate particles are enabled or made to disband from the Concrete , and associate themselves with those of their own nature , we see with how great an activity both the acid Spirit and the fix'd Salt are endow'd . SECT . XXVII . And we may yet farther observe , that it is not barely an indefinite nimblenesse of motion , and activity of the particles of Saline liquors , that enables them to perform each of their particular effects : for to the production of some of these there seems requisite , besides perhaps a Modification of their Motion , a determinate Figure of the corpuscles , answerable to that of the pores of the body by them to be dissolv'd ; as Spirit of Nitre corrodes Silver , but not Gold ; which neverthelesse , its particles associated with those of Sal-Armoniack , and thereby acquiring a new Figure , and perhaps a differing Motion , will readily dissolve : and the liquor of fix'd Nitre will for the same reason , dissolve such Sulphureous and unctuous bodies as the acid spirit will not corrode ; nay , and I have carefully observ'd , that there may be liquors that will not dissolve some bodies , unlesse the motion or activity of their particles be allay'd or modify'd by the mixture of fair water , or such unactive vehicles . SECT . XXVIII . Another particular which in our Experiment we may take notice of , is , the unwarinesse of those vulgar Chymists who presume confidently ( and indiscriminately enough ) to ascribe to each of the heterogeneous Ingredients , or ( in their language ) Principles of a Concrete analys'd by the fire , the virtues and properties ( perhaps too in an exalted degree ) of the entire body . But though this be an errour of very ill consequence in reference to divers Chymical preparations of Medicines ; yet having else-where discours'd purposely of it , we shall here content our selves to allege against it the instances afforded us by the Experiment under consideration : for in that we may observe , that when Salt-Petre is distill'd , the volatile liquor and fix'd Salt into which it is reduc'd by the fire , are endowed with properties exceeding different both from each other , and from those of the undissipated Concrete : for the Spirit of Nitre is ( as we formerly have observ'd ) a kind of Acetum Minerale , and possesses the Common qualities to be met with in acid spirits as such ; whereas the fix'd Nitre is of an Alkalizate nature , and participates the qualities belonging generally to lixiviate Salts ; and Salt-petre it self is a peculiar sort of Salt , discriminated by distinct properties both from those Salts that are eminently acid , as Allum , Vitriol , Sal-gemmae , &c. and from those that are properly Alkalizate , as Salt of Tartar and Pot-ashes ; and accordingly , we may easily observe a vast disparity in the effects and operations of these three bodies . For several , if not all of those mineral Ones which Aqua fortis will by corroding dissolve , the Solution of fix'd Nitre will precipitate ; and divers , if not all of those Sulphureous and unctuous bodies which the Solution of fixt Nitre will dissolve , the acid spirit of Petre will precipitate . And we have in a trice re-dissolved with the Spirit a Solution of Sublimate precipitated with the other liquor : Thus , if into a Scarlet tincture made by an Infusion of Brasil in fair water , we pour a little Spirit of Nitre , the shaken liquor will in a moment change its Rednesse for a kind of Yellow , which by pouring on it a little of the Solution of fix'd Nitre , may be again graduated into a somewhat Sanguine colour , sometimes paler , and somtimes perhaps deeper than the first ; whereas a Solution of Selt-petre it self pour'd on either of the former tinctures , the Red or the Yellow , has not been by us discern'd to have produc'd any sensible alteration . And whereas Salt-Petre it self is partly fix'd , and partly volatile , the acid Ingredients of it are altogether volatile , the Alkalizate fix'd . But having elsewhere occasion to speak to this subject , we shall now proceed to tell you , that SECT . XXIX . It may passe for another Observable presented us by our Experiment , that it gives us occasion to enquire whether the Air doth not contribute something to the artificial production of Salt-Petre , or at least to the figuration of it according to the perfecter shape belonging to that kind of Salt : for we formerly observ'd , that the Salt which was leisurely permitted to shoot of it self in the liquor expos'd to the open air , did shoot into more fair and large Crystalline Stiriae , than those that were gain'd out of the remaining part of the same liquor by a more hasty evaporation , though made but in a digesting Furnace . And we have also observ'd , that when once we pour'd Aqua fortis on a strong Solution of Salt of Tartar , till no further effervescence was discernable betwixt them , though the mixture by a somewhat quick heat afforded a Salt that seem'd to be very Nitrous , yet it would not be brought to shoot in so fair and conspicuously-figur'd Crystals of Petre , till it had been a good while expos'd to the open air : but whether the air its self impregnated with the promiscuous streams of most of the bodies of the terrestrial globe , ( and perhaps with seminal effluvia from some of them ) do really contribute any thing either to the Production or Figuration of Salt-petre in our Experiment , I dare not yet determine , for two chief Reasons . SECT . XXX . Whereof the first is because the Figuration seems not improbably ascribable , not so much to the proper efficiency of the air , as to the conveniency which by quietnesse , and a competent vehicle to move in , was afforded to the Saline particles , to conform themselves ( or be conform'd by a Concourse of Agents and Circumstances ) to that figure which is most natural to them . For we have observ'd already , that the fix'd Nitre which was not dissolv'd in water , before the affusion of the acid spirit , did not shoot into the wonted form of Cristalls of Petre , but remain'd a kind of Nitrous powder , the acid and Alkalizate Saline particles not having a convenient vehicle to expand themselves in ; but being necessitated , for want of room , to make an unseasonable and over-hasty coalition , upon which their own weight made them subside in the figures resulting from their casual concourse , and therefore probably differing from those into which the Saline corpuscles would have been dispos'd , had they been allowed a competency of vehicle and time . SECT . XXXI . The other reason of my hesitancy about the use of the Air in our experiment , is , that I inconsiderately forgot to try whether part of that Liquor which shot into Crystals in an open-mouth'd glass expos'd to the air , would not have done the like , if it had been left quiet as long as the other was , though in a vessel accurately stopp'd : * but whatever the Air hath to do in this experiment , I dare invite you to believe , that it is so enrich'd with variety of steams from Terrestrial ( not here to determine whether it receive not some also from Coelestial ) bodies , that the enquiring into the further uses of it ( for I mean not it's known uses in Respiration , Sayling , Pneumatical Engines , &c. ) may very well deserve your curiosity . To encourage which , I dare at present only tell you , that though I cannot yet pretend to much experience in this particular , yet we have known such changes ( seemingly Chymical ) made in some Saline Concretes , by the help chiefly of the volatilizing operations of the open air , as very few , save those that have attentively consider'd what Helmont , and one or two other Artists , have hinted on that subject , or have made tryals of that nature themselves , will be apt to imagine . SECT . XXXII . And if upon further and exacter tryal it appears that the whole body of the Salt-Petre , after it's having been sever'd into very differing parts by distillation , may be adequately re-united into Salt-Petre equiponderant to it's first self ; this Experiment will afford us a noble and ( for ought we have hitherto met with ) single instance to make it probable that that which is c●mmonly called the Form of a Concrete , which gives it it's being and denomination , and from whence all it's qualities are in the vulgar Philosophy , by I know not what inexplicable wayes , supposed to flow , may be in some bodies but a Modification of the matter they consist of , whose parts by being so and so disposed in relation to each other , constitute such a determinate kind of body , endowed with such and such properties ; whereas if the same parts were otherwise disposed , they would constitute other bodies of very differing natures from that of the Concrete whose parts they formerly were , and which may again result or be produc'd after it's dissipation and seeming destruction , by the re-union of the same component particles , associated according to their former disposition . SECT . XXXIII . The Redintegration ( or Reproduction ) of an analyz'd body , if it can be accurately and really perform'd , may give much light to many particulars in Philosophy , and would certainly be very welcome both to the embracers of the Atomical Hypothesis , and generally to those other Modern Naturalists , who aspire to such Explications of Nature's Phaenomena as may at least be understood : all whom I wish , that though men cannot perhaps in all things , yet at least as far as they can , they would accustom themselves to speak and think as Nature does really and sensibly appear to work ; and not to acquiesce in Notions and Explications of things which , strictly examin'd , are not in●elligible . Wherefore I am about to attempt a Reproduction in Vitriol , Turpentine , and some other Concretes , in which it seems not unlikely to be performable : and perhaps you may see cause to think that the Experiment of Salt-Petre , even as we have already made and proposed it , though it be not an exact and adequate Redintegration , is yet not far from being a real one ; the dissipated parts of the Concrete truly re-uniting into a body of the same nature with the former , though not altogether of the same bulk . SECT . XXXIV . And yet I think it requisite to represent to you , Pyrophilus , that Salt-Petre is a body whose parts are not Organical , and which is not so much as very compounded ; and that therefore bodies that consist of more numerous Ingredients , and much more those whose Organical parts require a much more artificial and elaborate disposition or contrivance of their component particles , cannot be safely judg'd of , by what is possible to be perform'd on a body of so simple and slight a contexture as is Salt-Petre : for we see that even wine , though no organical body , nor so much as the most compounded of inanimate . Concretes , when it 's spirit is , though by the gentlest distillation , drawn from it , will not , by the re-union of it's constituent Liquors , be reduc'd to it's pristine Nature ; because the workmanship of Nature in the disposition of the parts was too elaborate to be imitable , or repairable by the bare and inartificial apposition of those divided parts to each other : besides that in the dissociating action , even of the gentlest fire , upon a Concrete , there does perhaps vanish , though undiscernedly , some active and fugitive particles , whose presence was requisite to contain the Concrete under such a determinate form ; as we see in Wine degenerating into Vinegar , where the change seems to proceed from this , that upon the Avolation or ( if I may so speak ) Depression ) of some subtle sulphureous spirits , whose Recesse or degeneration is not to be perceiv'd by any sensible diminution of bulk in the Liquor , the remaining parts fall into new leagues or dispositions , and constitute an acid Liquor somewhat fix'd and Corrosive , and consequently of qualities very differing from those of the Wine , whose souring produc'd it : as we more fully declare in our Experiments relating to Fermentation . SECT . XXXV . And certainly there is , as we formerly said , so artificial a contrivance of particles requisite to the constitution of the Organical parts of living bodies , that it will be scarce possible for humane Art or Industry to imitate so as to equal those exquisite productions of Nature : And therefore I wonder not that the story of the Phoenix's resurrection out of her own ashes should by the best Naturalists be thought a meer fiction . And if that relation , mention'd by the inquisitive Kircherus as an eye-witness of the Reproduction ( if I may so call it ) of Shell-fishes near the brink of a Lake in the Sicilian Promontorie Peloro , by the watering of their broken bodies with Salt water in the Spring , be strictly true , it seems much more improbable that such changes and vicissitudes should be bare Redintegrations of the dissociated parts of such restored bodies ; than that * , ( according to what we elsewhere teach , ) they should be New Productions made by some seminal particles undiscernedly lurking in some part of the destroyed body , and afterwards excited and assisted by a Genial and cherishing heat so to act upon the fit and obsequious matter wherein 't was harbor'd , as to organize and fashion that disposed matter according to the exigencies of it's own Nature . For that in some bodies the Seminal particles may a while survive the seeming destruction of life , is not altogether without example , as we elsewhere professedly manifest . And in Kircher's story it is to be observ'd , that the restor'd Animals were but Shell-fish ; in whose slimy and viscous substance the Spirits and Prolifick parts are probably both more diffused and kept from being easily dissipable ; to which I know not whether it will be worth while to subjoyn , that in such Fishes the Mechanical contrivance is but very plain , and as it were slight and obvious , in comparison of the exquisitely elaborated parts of more perfect Animals . SECT . XXXVI . The last observable , Pyrophilus , that we shall at present take notice of in our Experiment , shall be this , That it may thereby seem probable that some Chymical remedies may be too rashly rejected by Physicians , because Oyl or Spirit of Vitriol , Aqua Regis , or other Corrosive Liquors , have been employ'd in their preparation : For it is confidently affirm'd by many Physicians , and but faintly denied by some Chymists , that the Corrosive Menstruums made use of in the preparation of remedies , can never be so exquisitely wash'd off from them , but that some of the Salts will adhere to the Medicines , and perniciously display their Corrosive Nature in the body of him that takes them . And it is not to be denied , but that many ignorant and venturous Chymists do unskilfully ( and therefore dangerously enough ) imploy Corrosives sometimes without any necessity or real advantage to invite them to it , and sometimes withou● sufficiently freeing their Medicines from the corroding Salts , by whose assistance they were prepar'd ; for 't is not always the frequency of ablutions , though with warm water , that will suffice to carry off the Salts from some bodies ; and therefore those great Artists , Helmont and Paracelsus , prescribe some things to be dulcifi'd by the abstraction of the water of whites of Egges , ( which though it seem insipid , hath been found a great disarmer of corrosive Salts ) and others by the frequent distillation of Spirit of Wine , which indeed ( not to mention the Balsamick parts it may leave behind ) we have observ'd to have a faculty of carrying up with it the Saline Particles of Spirit of Vinegar adhering to some Chymical remedies . But all this notwithstanding , Pyrophilus , there may be several bodies ( and perhaps more than are commonly taken notice of ) which quite alter the nature of the acid Salts employ'd to prepare them , by occasioning those Salts to degenera●e into another nature , upon the very act of corroding , or else by so associating their own Salts with those of the dissolving Menstruum , that from the Coalition of both , there emerges a third body differing in qualities from either . As in our experiment we find that the Spirit of Petre , which is much more sharp and corrosive than the strongest distill'd Vinegar , and the fix'd Nitre which is Caustick like Salt of Tartar , and may , I suppose , well serve for a Potential Cautery , ( as Surgeons speak ) do by their mutual action work themselves into Salt-Petre , which is far enough from having any eminently fretting Quality , and may be safely taken inwardly in a much greater Dose than either of its Ingredients . SECT . XXXVII . How much corrosive Salts may dulcifie themselves by corroding some bodies , you may easily try by pouring distill'd Vinegar or moderate Spirit of Vitriol upon a competent proportion of Corals , or Crabs Eyes , or Pearls , ( or , as I suppose , almost any testaceous body . ) And for my part , though I am very shy of imploying corrosive Liquors in the Preparation of Medicines ; yet I have lately given a Preparation of refin'd Silver made with Aqua fortis it self , or Spirit of Nitre , not onely innocently , but with such success , that a couple of Experienc'd Physicians themselves , that were troubled with a superfluity of serous humors , sent to request it of me for their own use . SECT . XXXVIII . It were therefore worth while , in every Preparation where Corrosive Liquors are wont to be imploy'd , or may seem requisite to be so , to consider the distinct nature of the particular bodies to be wrought upon , or consult Experience whether or no the acid Menstruum do communicate to the Concrete any Particles capable of retaining their fretting Quality after the end of the Operation ; or whether or no the Salts do not so spend and tire themselves in the act of corroding , that being as it were sheath'd , they become unable to corrode any further ; or whether or no the Menstruum do not in the body to be corroded meet with some such Saline particles , as may with it constitute a new and inoffensive substance , as when Spirit of Vinegar , by corroding calcin'd Lead , is turn'd with it into a Salt , not of an acid , but a Saccharine taste , such as invited Chymists to give it the name of Sugar of Saturn . In the former of these cases the Medicine may be dangerous , unless it be after the Solution or Corrosion ended exquisitely dulcifi'd from all remainder of the Corrosive Salts . But in the two latter cases the remedies may in spight of the Corrosiveness of the Menstruums employ'd about them , be safe and innocent enough ; for it matters not much how sharp and fretting the sever'd Ingredients of a remedy were , provided the remedy it self resulting from them be not so . And whereas it is objected , that in divers of these remedies the Corrosive Salts are not really destroy'd , but onely disguis'd , because by distillation it is possible to separate from them the Liquors us'd about them as Corrosive as ever : it may easily be reply'd , that besides that in several Medicines , the Matter of Fact will not hold in divers others ; the Objection built on it is much more specious than solid , for it very little concerns us to be sure that out of the Medicines we take or give the violence of fire cannot separate Corrosive Salts ; provided we be duely satisfi'd , that no such separation can be made by the heat or Juices of a humane body . And therefore , though it have been affirmed , that Tartarum Vitriolatum would upon the urgent solicitation of a strong fire , part with much of ( that most fretting liquor upon animal substances ) the Oil of Vitriol , that concurr'd to its Production ; yet our best and wariest Physicians , not onely Chymists but Methodists , scruple not to give it inwardly in several constitutions , and distempers . And to end this discourse with the Experiment that began it , we clearly see that Salt-Petre is frequently and innoxiously given inwardly , though the Salt , that makes even Aqua fortis so Corrosive , be the principal Ingredient of it , and may by distillation be driven from it . SECT . XXXIX . It would not have been very uneasie for me , Pyrophilus , to have added to divers particulars of the past Discourse , Experiments and considerations tending to countenance or illustrate the Reflections therein set down : but in the first place , I wanted leisure to expatiate ; in the second place , I was unwilling to anticipate what I have to say to you in other Essays , especially expecting to have elsewhere occasion to make mention of Salt-Petre . And besides all this , I am ( to tell you the truth ) desirous to impose on you a kind of necessity of prosecuting this Experiment , further than when I made it I had opportunity to do . For as I am apt to think it may prove a noble one : so I am sufficiently sensible of my having not yet been able to look into the bottom of it ; and that very sense of my own ignorance , help'd to keep me from lengthening your trouble in this Essay , lest by solemnly endeavouring to countenance my Conjectures , I might be thought Dogmatical in a hasty Scrible , wherein 't is much more my design to awaken and engage your Curiosity , than acquaint you with my opinions . And yet I thought it not amiss to mention the past considerations , such as they are , partly because this one instance seems so fai●ly to accommodate more than one Notion of the intelligible Philosophy , which seems hitherto not to have so much as employ'd , much less produc'd , any store of Experiments ; and partly , because I would have you take notice , that more Observables than one may sometimes be very reasonably sought for in a single Experiment . And perhaps too , I was willing by my spending a whole Essay upon one Experiment , without allowing my self to wander often from it , to invite you to think with me , That Experiments ought to be estimated by their value , not their number ; and that a single Experiment , I say not such as that the last Essay treats of , but in general , such as , it may be , may as well deserve an entire Treatise , as a great many less considerable ones . As one of those large and orient Pearls that are fit to adorn a Monarchs Crown , may outvalue a very great number of those little ( though true ) Pearls that are to be bought by the ounce in Goldsmiths and Apothecaries shops . SECT . XL. Having newly met , Pyrophilus , with some small Treatises freshly publish'd by Glauberus , and not having now the leisure to consider , or indeed so much as to peruse , much less the opportunity to make tryal of divers Particulars , which by turning over the leaves of the book , I find mention'd by him in relation to Salt-Petre , I must recommend to you the care of examining the Particulars he delivers ; and trying how far some of them may serve to correct , or to confirm , and how far others may be corrected by what has been in the past discourse set down concerning Salt-Petre upon Experiments , some of whose fruits I can yet shew you , which were made upon the account of the divisiblenesse of Nitre into fix'd and volatile parts , long before the Publication of Glauber's Treatises . THE HISTORY OF FLUIDITY AND FIRMNESSE . Begun by R. B. ADVERTISEMENTS Concerning the following TREATISE . THAT the Author in those Animadversions upon the Essay touching Salt-Petre , whereof the ensuing Treatise makes a part , might with the more freedom and conveniency adde , alter , and ev'n retract as he should see cause , he thought fit to write them as if they were made on the Work of another . The Author hopes , That the Equitable Reader considering that the following Particulars touching Fluidity and Firmness were first written but by way of Annotations upon the beginning of the above-mentioned Essay , will excuse the unaccurateness of the Method , as a fault scarce evitable on that occasion . It is also hop'd , that if the Reader will remember , that he was told in the Preface to the newly-mention'd Essay , that most of those whom to gratifie , That Treatise and the ensuing Notes on it were written , were addicted to the Epicurean Philosophy ; The Authors Explicating things chiefly according to the Atomical Principles will not be thought strange , nor be lookt upon as a sure Argument of his being wedded to the particular opinions wherein the Atomists differ from other modern Naturalists ; especially ▪ since he has on some occasions plainly enough intimated the contrary , by proposing , together with the Atomical ways of resolving a thing , another Explication more agreeable to the Cartesian , or some other modern Hypothesis . The following Tract was entitl'd a History of Fluidity and Firmness , because indeed the having set down Experiments and other matters of fact relating to the Subjects treated of , is the Main , though not the Only thing the Author dares pretend to have done in it . And he stiles the History as it now comes abroad , Begun : Partly , because he would invite abler Pens to contribute their Observations towards the compleating of what he is sensible he has but begun ; and partly because he may hereafter , if God permit , do something of that kind himself . And lastly , the Author , though troubl'd that he can do it , dares not but Advertise the Reader , That some Pages partly a little after the beginning , and partly about the middle of the following Treatise , having been lost through the negligence or mistake of him to whose Care the sheets whereon it was written were committed ; he fears he has not been able , otherwise than very lamely and imperfectly , to repair that loss out of his Memory . THE HISTORY OF Fluidity and Firmness . The First Part. Of FLUIDITY . SECT . I. WHether Philosophers might not have done better in making Fluidity and Firmness rather States then Qualities of Bodies , we will not now examine . But under which soever of the two Notions we look upon them , 't is manifest enough , that they are to be reckon'd amongst the most general Affections of the Conventions or Associations of several particles of matter into Bodies of any certain denomination , there being scarce any distinct portion of matter in the World that is not either Fluid , or else Stable or Consistent . And therefore , I presume , it may be well worth while to consider what may be the general causes of these two States , Qualities , or Affections of Matter ; and to Try whether by associating Chymical Experiments to Philosophical Notions , there may not be given at least a more Intelligible and more Practical of both these Subjects , than has been hitherto afforded us by the Doctrine of the Schools , which is wont to appear very unsatisfactory to discerning Men ; many of whom look upon what is wont to be taught by the Peripateticks , concerning Fluidity and Firmness , as well as other Qualities , to be partly too general to teach us much , and partly too obscure to be understood . And that which at present invites us to this Enquiry is , chiefly , that some Circumstances of our Authors Experiment , touching Salt-Petre , may afford us some useful assistance in our designed search . For though the chief Phaenomena and Circumstances of the Experiment may be thought principally to respect Fluidity ; yet since that and Firmness are contrary Qualities , and since it is truly , as well as commonly , said , That contraries survey'd together serve to illustrate each other , it may reasonably be hop'd , That the Light which the circumstances just now related to may give to the Nature of Fluidity , may facilitate the knowledge of that of Compactness : nevertheless , we shall often be oblig'd to treat of these two qualities together , because the Experiments we are to produce do many of them relate to both . SECT . II. A Body then seems to be Fluid , chiefly upon this account , That it consists of Corpuscles that touching one another in some parts only of their Surfaces ( and so being incontiguous in the rest ) and separately Agitated to and fro , can by reason of the numerous pores or spaces necessarily left betwixt their incontiguous parts , easily glide along each others superficies , and by reason of their motion diffuse themselves , till they meet with some hard or resisting Body ; to whose internal surface , by virtue of that Motion , their Smallness , and either their Gravity , or something Analogous or Equivalent to it , they exquisitely , as to sense , accommodate themselves . SECT . III. What notion Epicurus , and the Antient Atomists his followers , had of fluid Bodies , may be learn'd from these Verses of his Paraphrast Lucretius : Illa autem debent ex laevibus atque rotundis Esse magis , fluido quae corpore liquida constant . Nec retinentur enim inter se glomeramina quaeque , Et procursus item in proclive volubilis extat . And indeed , it is probable enough that in divers Liquors the little surfaces of the component particles are smooth and slippery , and that their being so does much facilitate the gliding of the Corpuscles among themselves ; and consequently , the Fluidity of the Body they compose . Nor is it to be deny'd , that the Spherical figure of such Corpuscles may also conduce to their easie rouling upon one another : but there are divers other figures which may make the little Bodies indow'd with them voluble enough to constitute a fluid substance . And the other qualities to be met with in divers liquid substances , and even in water it self , and Oyl , seem to argue their parts to be otherwise shap'd , and those fluid Bodies which are not Liquors , as Air and Fire , seem to be compos'd of particles not all or most of them round , but of very various , and sometimes of very irregular figures , and yet that such Bodies deserve to be call'd fluid ones , will be manifest anon : And that they make a much more considerable part of the Universe than those that are wont to be call'd Liquors , may be argu'd from hence , that except the Earth , the Planets , and perhaps too the fixt Stars , the rest of the World , as vast as it is , seems to consist chiefly , if not only , of an Aetherial , thin , and fluid substance , as may appear ( to omit other arguments ) by what latter Astronomers have observ'd concerning the free and unresisted motion of such Comets as have by a Trajection through the Aether , for a long time wander'd through the Celestial or Interstellar part of the Universe . SECT . IV. And here let us observe , that 't is not necessary to the Fluidity of a Body , nay , nor to its appearing fluid to the Eye it self , That the Corpuscles it consists of be crowded as close together as they are wont to be in water , and other bodies that are commonly lookt upon as the only Liquors . For though a parcel of matter no bigger than a grain of Corn , being rarify'd into smoak , will possess an incomparably greater space than it did before ; and though , if a Body be further rarify'd into flame , its expansion will be yet much greater : yet both smoak and flame may be so order'd , as to appear like Liquors . We have practis'd divers ways , to make the fumes of Bodies acquire a visibly-level superficies like water ; but the easiest , though not perhaps the best , is this , ( part of which I remember I have seen perform'd as a kind of trick by a very ingenious Person . ) The mouth being fill'd with the smoak of Rosemary ( that happening to be at hand when I made the Experiment ) if this smoak be plentifully blown into a glass Pipe of an indifferent size , and open at both ends ; and if when 't is well fill'd with smoak , the lower end be presently stopt , and the glass be kept still a while in an erected posture , the fumes will settle by degrees to a level superficies like water : so that , though you gently incline the Pipe any way , the upper surface of the smoak will neverthelesse quickly grow parallel to the Horizon . And if the glasse be further ( but slowly ) made to stoop , the smoak will seem to run down in a Body like water , whilst it continues in the Pipe , though when it is come to the lower end of it , instead of dropping down like water , it will commonly rather flye upwards and disperse it self into the Aire . And as for flame , I fore-see I shall ere long have occasion to mention an Experiment , whereby I have sometimes endeavour'd to shew , that ev'n two contiguous flames , as expanded Bodies as they are , and as open as their Texture is , may like visible Fluids of a differing kind retain distinct surfaces . SECT . V. But instead of Examining any further , how many Bodies are or may be made visibly to appear fluid ones ; let us now resume the Consideration of what it is that make Bodies fluid ; especially , since having intimated some of the Reasons , why we are unwilling to Confine our selves to the Epicurean notion , we hope it will the lesse be dislik'd , that we thought fit to make such a description of a fluid substance , as may intimate , that we conceive the conditions of it to be Chiefly these Three . The first is the Littlenesse of the Bodies that compose it : For in big parcels of matter , besides the greater inequalities or roughnesses that are usual upon their surfaces , and may hinder the easie sliding of those Bodies along one another ; and besides that diverse other Affections of a fluid Body cannot well belong to an aggregate of grosse Lumps of matter ; besides these things , I say , the bulk it self is apt to make them so heavy , that they cannot be agitated by the power of those causes ( whatever they be ) that make the minute parts of fluid Bodies move so freely up and down among themselves : whereas it would scarce be believ'd , how much the smallnesse of parts may facilitate their being easily put into motion , and kept in it , if we were not able to confirme it by Chymical Experiments . But we see that Lead , Q●ick-silver , and ev'n Gold it self , though whilst they are of a sensible bulk , they will readily sink to the bottom of Aqua Regis , or any other such Liquor ; yet when the Menstruum has corroded them , or fretted them asunder into very minute parts , those minute Corpuscles grow then so much more capable of agitation than before , that quitting the bottom of the Liquor , they are carri'd freely every way , and to the top , with the associated parts of the Liquor , without falling back again to the bottom . Nay , we see that ponderous and mineral Bodies divided into corpuscles small enough , may be made so light and voluble , as to become Ingredients ev'n of distill'd Liquors ; as we may learn by what some Chymists call the Butter , others ( simply ) the Oyle , and others the Oleum Glaciale of Antimony , which though it be after Rectification a very limpid Liquor , yet does in great part consist of the very Body of the Antimony , as may appear ( not to mention its weight ) by this , that 't is most easie to precipitate out of it with fair water store of a ponderous white calx , reducible by Art to an Antimonial glasse . Nay , we make a Menstruum , with which we can easily at the first or second Distillation bring over Gold enough to make the distill'd Liquor appear and continue ennobled with a Golden Colour . And to show yet more particularly , that great Bodies are too unwieldy to constitute fluid ones ; We may further observe , how as well Nature as Art , when either of them makes Bodies of considerable bulk fluid , is wont in order thereunto , to make a Comminution of them , as we may observe in divers Examples . SECT . VI. Thus we see that in the stomacks of Dogs , Nature , to reduce Bones into those fluid Bodies , Chyle and Blood , does by some powerful and appropriated juice , ( whether belonging to the Stomack it self , or thrown out of the Arteries in the passage of the circulating Blood ) dissolve them into parts so minute , that the acutest Eye would not tempt a man to suspect , that such a Liquor had ever been a Bone. And that it may not be objected that this dissolution is chiefly performed , or at least must always be assisted by the Liquor which Animals take into their Stomachs by drinking ; I shall represent not only that we find by experience how little , common water the only usual drink of Dogs , Wolves , &c. is able to dissolve bones though they be very long not macerated but boil'd in it ; but that ( if we may believe Natural Historians and credible Travellers ) there are some sorts of Animals , as particularly Camels , that may be brought not to drink once in many days , ev'n when they travel in hot Climates . And to make you think this the less improbable , I shall adde , that I am familiarly acquainted with an Ingenious Gentleman , who , as himself and an ancient Virtuoso , in whose house he lives , have inform'd me , does usually drink but once in several days , and then no excessive draught neither . And when I askt him how long he had actually abstain'd not barely from drink , but from thirsting after it ? He answer'd , that he had once ( some few years before ) continued about nine days without either taking or needing any drink ; and he doubted not but that he might have continued much longer in that state , if by distempering himself one night with long and hard study he had not had some light inclination to take a small draught , which serv'd him for about four days longer . And when I askt him whether in that hot Summers day that preceded the evening wherein he happen'd to tell me this , he had not drunk at all ? he answer'd Negatively . And it adds to the strangeness of this Peculiarity , that this Gentleman is in the flower of his Youth , being but about twenty two years of Age , and of a Sanguine and Florid Complexion . And ( to annex that also upon the By ) I learned by enquiry from him , that he sweats freely enough , as I remember I saw him do , that his Diet is the same with other mens , without restraining him from the free use of Salt Meats , and that his Urine is in Quantity much like that of ordinary Men of his Age and temperament . But to return to what I was saying more generally of the Stomachical Menstruum of Animals ; I shall adde on this occasion , that to make some kind of Imitation of it , I prepar'd , and do elsewhere mention and teach a certain Liquor , that I use , whereby I have in a short time , and without fire , dissociated the parts of rosted or boil'd flesh , bread , fruit : &c. and pull'd them asunder into very minute Bodies , whereby I have reduc'd sometimes one , sometimes another of them , together with the Menstruum , ( which needs not much exceed them in Bulk ) to the consistence of a fluid Body . We see likewise , that Fusion makes metalls fluid , and in Fusion there is manifestly a comminution of the melted Body , the Heat alone of Gold , Silver , or Iron , though encreas'd even to Ignition , being not able to make those metalls become fluid , whilst they continue in masses of any sensible bulk . To which I shall adde anon , that even melted Metalls may have their Fluidity encreas'd by a yet further Comminution of their parts . SECT . VII . And to resume here the Consideration of that very difficult Question , which we have elsewhere men●ion'd , it seems well worth Enquiry , whence it happens that in the distillation of common Salt and other saline Bodies , which not only are not fluid , but are hard ev'n to brittleness , there will yet be obtain'd a perfect and permanent Liquor , and from some of them a very considerable proportion of it . In answer to this Question it may indeed be said , That in diverse dry Bodies , such as Harts-horn , Wood and Bones , committed to distillation , the fire does no more than separate the aqueous or other liquid parts from the others , wherewith they were blended in the Concrete , and bring them together into the Receiver , where they convene into a Liquor . But besides that this it self is perhaps more easily said than prov'd , it does not reach the propounded Difficulty : For with what probability can it be affirm'd of Bodies that have been already calcin'd or melted ? such as are the red Calx of Vitriol , and flux'd Sea Salt , &c. which yet afford Liquors , though their aqueous and other looser parts have been already driven away by a strong fire before their being expos'd to distillation . I have sometimes then consider'd , whether it may not seem less improbable to conjecture , that the vehement agitation produc'd in such Bodies by the violence of Heat , does both divide them into minute Corpuscles , and drive over swarms of them into the cold Receiver , where loosing their former vehemence of agitation , they are reduc'd into a Liquor , chiefly , ( for I would not exclude concurrent causes ) by reason that the fire happen'd to rend the Concrete into parts , by their extreme littleness , or their shape , or both , so easie to be tumbled up and down , that the wonted agitation of the Air , propagated by the interpos'd Bodies or Medium ; or else that the same cause , whatever it be , that gives the Air its wonted agitation , is able to give such minute Corpuscles enough of it to keep them fluid . SECT . VIII . That there is constantly in the Air a various motion of the small parts , will be anon declared . That also some Bodies will be kept fluid by a much less measure of agitation than is requisite to others , seems probable from hence , That Wine will continue a Liquor in such a languid warmth of the Air , as will not keep the parts of water moving , but permit them to rest in the form of Ice . And in cold Countries , where Wine it self would congeal , ( as I have by Art made it do here in England ) 't is observ'd , that though the more aqueous parts will by the loss of their motion be turn'd into Ice , yet the more subtil and spirituous parts remain unfrozen ; and so do diverse other Liquors , ( especially Chymical ) of very subtil and voluble parts . And the Corpuscles that chiefly compose that Body which is properly call'd the Air , though it appears by weather-glasses that Cold may very much contribute to condense it , ( that is , to occasion the approach of its parts to one another , or , reduce them to a closer order ) have not been observ'd to be frozen by any degree of cold whatsoever ; which seems to proceed from hence , that by reason of their extream littleness , ( not excluding their figure ) there cannot be so little of agitation about the Earth , as not to be sufficient ●o continue a various motion in such very minute Bodies , and consequently to keep them fluid . Now , That likewise it is possible that a saline Spirit should consist at least in great part of very minute grains of Salt , we elsewhere declare , where 't is taught , that a Sal-Armoniack may be made by Spirit of Urine and Spirit of Salt , as the common Sal-Armoniack is made with crude Salt : and there a way is also shewn , how these two Salts , ( the Urinous and the other ) as strictly as they are united in the compound , may be readily divorc'd . And agreeably to this I observe , that as ( according to what I elsewhere note ) a common Aqua fortis may be enabl'd to dissolve Gold , ( on which of it self it will not fasten ) by the addition of Spirit of Salt ; so I find that common crude Salt barely dissolv'd in it , will give it the like power of working upon Gold. Nay , I have try'd that crude Nitre dissolv'd in good Spirit of Salt , may make it serve for an Aqua Regis . And I remember on this occasion , that having enquir'd of the most noted Person in Holland for the distilling of corrosive waters , what was the greatest proportion of distill'd Liquors that ever he was able to obtain from Sea Salt ; he ( though a man not given so much as to boasting ) affirmed to me , that by using instead of the ordinary Caput mortuum , as Brick-dust , Sand , &c. ( that Chymists are wont to mingle with Salt before they distil it ) a certain whitish clay , he had sometimes brought over almost the whole body of Salt into a Liquor ; insomuch that from a pound of Salt he could draw , and that without any extraordinary trouble or degree of fire , fourteen Ounces of Liquor . And when , because I suspected that much of this might be water forc'd from the clay mingled with the Salt , I enquired whether he had ever dephlegmed this Liquor ; He answered me , that he had purposely done it ; and sometimes found no less than about twelve ounces of it to be strong rectify'd Spirit : which brought into my mind that almost incredible passage of Beguinus , who somewhere teaching the Distillation of another Salt , addes to the end of his Directions , That if you have wrought well , you shall get from a pound of the matter a pound of Spirit . But because from all these Liquors distill'd from such kind of Salts , 't is possible either by Rectification or some more Philosophical way to obtain a portion of phlegm or water , I leave it to further Enquiry , whether or no the Fluidity of these distill'd Liquors may not in diverse cases be in part further'd by the mixture of some particle● of an aqueous nature , ( such being fit to make Dissolvers and vehicles for Salts ) which may not absurdly be suspected to have been produc'd by the action of the fire upon the Concrete committed to distillation ; if we allow with that famous Chymist Helmont , That by the Alchahest all gross Bodies may be totally , and that without it , ev'n Oyle and Salt may in great part , ( and that without Additaments ) be reduc'd into insipid water . SECT . IX . We shall anon , ( when we come to treat of Firmness ) mention our having made a certain substance so dispos'd to Fluidity , that it may be made to change the stable consistence for a liquid one , by so small an Agitation , as only the Surplusage of that which the ambient Air is wont to have about the middle even of a Winters day , above what it hath in the first or latter part of it . Nay , we have made ev'n a Metalline Salt or Vitriol , capable of this proclivity to liquefaction , of which we have unquestionable witnesses . And therefore , it need not appear incredible , that other heaps or aggregates of Corpuscles much lighter than these , though heavier than those of the Air , may have all their parts so minute and fitted for motion , that the wonted agitation of the Air may not only about noon , but at all other times of the day keep them in motion , and thereby in the state of Fluidity . SECT . X. And here I must adde , that 't was not altogether without cause that I lately took notice of the shapes as well as the sizes of Bodies , in reference to their fitness to constitute fluid ones . For though I be not sure but that in those Bodies , as Sal-Armoniack , Antimony , &c. which are by the fire sublim'd into flowers rather than distill'd into Liquors , the magnitude of the component Corpuscles may not be a hinderance to the Fluidity of the Body they constitute : yet this seems as probably referable to their figure , unapt for the requisite motion , as to their bulk . And I have sometimes made to this purpose this Experiment . That by slowly distilling Oyl-Olive per se in a glass Retort , ( plac'd in Sand ) I found , as I expected , that about the third part of the Oyle , which was driven over into the Receiver , did there coagulate into a whitish Body almost like Butter . So that although it seem'd manifest by the strong smell and very piercing taste of this white substance , that the Oyle which afforded it had its particles , as it were , torn in pieces ; and though distillation be wont to obtain Liquors ev'n from consistent . Bodies ; yet in our Experiment of a concrete that is naturally fluid , the distill'd Liquor it self proves not to be so : of which no cause seems more obvious , than that the newly-acquired shape of the dissipated parts of the Oyly Corpuscles makes them unfit for motion ; either Absolutely speaking , or at least in Respect of one another , by making them less pliant than formerly , or giving them a figure more easie to be entangl'd with the neighbouring Corpuscles , or else by making their surfaces less smooth and slippery than before . SECT . XI . But to return thither whence we have digress'd , and mention some more familiar Examples of the Conduciveness of the smallness of a Bodies disjoyned parts to its Fluidity , we may take notice , that of Bodies that consist of incoherent parts , and are made up , as it were by Aggregation , those de caeteris partibus , in their being pour'd out most resemble Liquors , that are the smallest ; as would appear upon the emptying of several Sacks , the one of Apples , the other of Walnuts , the third of Filberts , the fourth of Corn , the fifth of Sand , and the sixth of Flowre . Confectioners also , Cooks , and others that make much use of whites of Eggs , will easily reduce those clammy and viscous Bodies into a thin and fluid substance , to which for its affinity with water many give the same name : and yet this difference of Fluidity being effected only by long and skilfully beating the mass with a whisk , or even with a spoon , seems to be produc'd but by pulling asunder the parts , ( which perhaps before were long and somewhat twin'd ) and breaking them into shorter or lesser , and consequently more voluble ones . And I remember , I have seen a good quantity of that jelly that is sometimes found on the ground , and by the Vulgar call'd a Star-shoot , as if it remain'd upon the extinction of a falling Star , which being brought to an eminent Physician of my acquaintance , he lightly digested it in a well-stopt glass for a long time , and by that alone resolv'd it into a permanent Liquor , which he extols as a specifick to be outwardly apply'd against Wens . SECT . XII . And here we will subjoin an Observation afforded us by the Art of Casting , which has sometimes yielded us a not unpleasant Diversion . 'T is observ'd then by Gold-smiths well ve●s'd in that Art , ( and has been recommended to me by an Artificer eminently skilful in it ) as one of the chief Remarques belonging to it ; that when any such curious work of Silver is to be cast , as requires that the impression of hairs or very slender Lines be taken off by the Metal , it is not enough that the Silver be barely melted , but it must be kept a considerable while in a strong fusion : For if it be too soon pour'd out , the figure it will make will be but blunt ; whereas if it be kept a competent time in Fusion , the matter becoming thereby more Liquid as well as hotter , will be thin enough to run into the smallest cavities of the Mould , and so receive a figuration ev'n from the delicatest of them . Whence it may probably be deduc'd , that some Bodies already fluid may by a further comminution of their parts be made yet more fluid . The like increase of Fluidity may be observ'd in some other fluid Bodies , especially unctuous ones , as Turpentine , Oyle , &c. when heat begins to break as well as agitate their parts . I may elsewhere have occasion to mention , how by the operation of the fire the Crystalline Salt of Urine may be reduc'd without Additaments to a strong and ponderous Liquor : though in this , as perhaps also in some of the former Instances , 't is not unlikely that ( as we may hereafter more particularly declare ) there may concurre to the pr●duc'd change of consistence some alteration in the figure of the Corpuscles whereof the firm Body consisted . And if that be true which Helmont in several places affirms of his prodigious Liquor , Alkahest , it is possible to turn Plants , Animals , Stones , Minerals , Metals , or whatever kind you please of consistent Body here below , into a Liquor equiponderant to the resolv'd Concrete : which ( if granted ) seems to argue , That the most solid Body by being divided into parts small enough to be put into motion by the causes that keep those of water and other Liquors in agitation , may become fluid Bodies . And this Intimation I shall adde for the sake of Philosophers , that barely by long Digestions , ( and much more if they be help'd by seasonably-repeated Distillations ) in exactly stopt Vessels , and a due degree of heat , there may be made in the parts of many Bodies , both Vegetable and Animal , so great a change from the state of consistence to that of Fluidity , as those that contenting themselves with ordinary courses of Chymistry , have not had a peculiar curiosity for tryals of this nature , will not be forward to expect . SECT . XIII . The Second of the above-mention'd three Conditions is , That there be store of vacant spaces intercepted betwixt the component particles of the fluid Body , or at least about those of the● that are superficial : for without this there will not b● room for each of the Corpuscles to continue its agitation upon the surfaces of the neighbouring ones ; and there would be no Cession of any , because there would be no place unpossest for the impell'd Corpuscle to be received in . But when I speak of vacant spaces , ordinarily , ( if not always ) requisite to be intercepted betwixt the particles of fluid Bodies ; I intend not to determine whether or no such spaces should or may be vacuities properly so call'd ; it being commonly sufficient to this second Condition of a fluid Body , that in the little spaces intercepted between those that either are , or at least are consider'd as solid parts , there be none but such as will easily yield to them , and cannot considerably resist the freedom of their motions . Which being premis'd to keep this Condition from being mistaken , we may in confirmation of it take notice how Snow , which at its first falling is of a loose and open texture , does easily yield to the impressions of the hand : But when by being strongly compress'd and form'd into Balls , the little Icy bodies it consists of are brought into a closer order , and many of them thrust into the little spaces formerly possest only by the yielding Air , they become unable to give way to the motions of our hand as before , but compose a hard and resisting Body . We see also , that when water is strongly forced into and kept compressed in a Bladder , so that its exteriour particles have not about them as before the yielding Air to give way to them , when they should according to their wont swell about the sides of the Bodies that endeavour to press it inwards , it emulates a hard body , and resists such motions as otherwise it would readily yield to ; unless a more easie Cession be occasion'd by the Retching of the moisten'd Bladder it self . And I chuse to instance in a Bladder distended with water , rather than in one full of Air , because , though this latter will also emulate a hard Body , yet in this case the tention of the Bladder would perhaps be ascrib'd to a kind of Spring , which diverse Experiments have taught us to belong to the Air : whence it might be said , that since the enclos'd Air will suffer it self to be thrust inward a good way , though it will quickly when permitted flye out again ; the hardness of a well-blown Bladder proceeds not from want of the rooms requisite to the Cession of the aerial Corpuscles , but to the motion of Restitution natural to them , when like an innumerable company of little Bow or Springs , being bent by the force that compresses the sides of the Bladder , they do as soon as it is taken off stretch themselves out again ( some one way , some another ) as far as is permitted them by the imprisoning bladder , which they thus every way keep strongly distended . But this having of vacant spaces or some yielding matter about the Corpuscles of a fluid Body , seems requisite to its being so , but as what in a School-term one may call a Removens prohibens , I mean , only as it obviates that impediment to their motion , which exquisite fulness may be conceiv'd to give to the various glidings amongst themselves of the parts of a Body suppos'd to be perfectly of the same hardness or softness , or , if you please , altogether equally dispos'd or indispos'd to yield to one another . And although in such Bodies , as Water , Wine , Oyle , Quick-silver , and the like , that are generally agreed upon to be fluid Liquors , it will I presume be granted , that this second Condition we have been speaking of may take place ; yet I will not say that 't were altogether absurd to question , whether there may not be a portion of matter consisting of parts so minute , and so agitated , and consequently so easie to be either crumbl'd into yet smaller parts , or squeez'd into any figure as occasion requires , that they may incessantly change places among themselves , and thereby constitute a most fluid Body , without any vacuities , receptacles , or yielding matter about them , unless perhaps it be about the exteriour parts of those of them that from time to time happen to be the superficial Corpuscles of this thinnest Liquor . But though we have said , that this may be question'd without absurdity , yet it will not so much concern us in this place to examine whether the affirmative may be rationally maintain'd , as to proceed to consider what is farther requisite to that state of matter we are now treating of , especially the Qualification yet unmention'd seeming to be the principal of all . SECT . XIV . For the Third and Chief Condition of a fluid Body is , that the particles it consists of be Agitated Variously and Apart , whether by their own innate and inherent motion , or by some thinner substance that tumbles them about in its passage through them . For this seems to be the main difference betwixt solid Ice and fluid Water , that in the one the parts ( whether by any newly acquir'd texture , or for want of sufficient heat to keep them in motion ) being at rest against one another , resist those endeavours of our fingers to displace them , to which in the other the parts being already in motion easily give way . For whereas in the Ice , every part actually at rest must by the Law of Nature continue so , till it be put out of it by an external force capable to surmount its resistance to a change of its present state ; in Water each Corpuscle being actually ( though but slowly ) mov'd , we need not begin or produce a new motion in it , but only byass or direct that which it has already , which many familiar Instances manifest to be a much easier task . From this Agitation of the small parts of Liquors it comes to pass , that these little Bodies , to continue their motion , do almost incessantly change places , and glide sometimes over , sometimes under , and sometimes by the sides of one another . Hence also may be render'd a reason of the softness of fluid Bodies , that is , their yielding to the touch ; for the particles that compose them being small , incoherent , and variously mov'd , it can be no difficult matter ( as we lately intimated ) to thrust them out of those places , which being already in motion they were dispos'd to quit , especially there being vacant rooms at hand , ready to admit them as soon as they are displac'd . And hence it likewise happens , that these little Bodies must be very easily moveable any way upon the motion of the mass or Liquor which they compose ; and that being very small , and moving so many ways , they cannot but ( according to Aristotle's Definition of things fluid ) be very unfit to bound themselves , but very easie to be bounded by any other firm Body ; for that hinders them from spreading any further : and yet to continue ●heir various and diffusive motion as much as they can , ( especially their gravity , at least here about the Earth , equally depressing and thereby levelling as to sense their uppermost superficies ) they must necessarily move to and fro , till their progress be stopt by the internal surface of the Vessel , which by terminating their Progress ( or Motion toward the same part ) does consequently necessitate the Liquor those little Bodies compose , to accommodate it self exactly ( for ought the Eye is able to discern to the contrary ) to its own figure . SECT . XV. This short and general Account of Fluidity may we hope be as well further explicated and illustrated , as confirmed , by the following Instances and Experiments , and therefore we shall forthwith proceed to Them. And it will be fit to mention in the first place those that are afforded us by the Body our Author treats of , Salt-Petre , they having occasioned our writing about this Subject . Salt-Petre then may be made fluid two several wayes , either by , or without a Liquor . By the intervention of a Liquor it puts on the form of a fluid Body , when being dissolv'd in water or aqueous juices , it is not by the Eye distinguishable from the solvent Body , and appears as fluid as it ; which seems to proceed from hence , that the agitated particles of the water piercing into the joints or commissures of the Corpuscles of the Salt , do disjoyn them , and thereby divide the Nitre into parts so small , that it is easie for those of the water , wherewith they are associated , not only to support them , but move them to and fro : whence it comes to pass , that these Particles being so small , and swimming some one way , some another in the yielding body of water , make no such resist●nce against the motion either of a mans hand or other external Body that strives to displace them , as they did in their saline form . But that with much less Liquor a Nitrous body may be rendred fluid , may appear to him that shall expose such fix'd Nitre as our Author teaches to make , to the moist Air of a Cellar : For there it will run per deliquium , ( as Chymists speak ) into a Liquor , which consists of no more aqueous Particles than are necessary to keep the saline ones ( which seem to be much smaller than those of unanalyz'd Nitre ) in the agitation requisite to Fluidity . SECT . XVI . And hence we may proceed to consider , what Fluidity Salt-Petre is capable of without the intercurrence of a Liquor : and this may be two-fold . For first , if it be beaten into an impalpable powder , this powder , when it is pour'd out , will emulate a Liquor , by reason that the smallness and incoherence of the parts do both make them easie to be put into motion , and make the pores they intercept so small , that they seem not at a distance to interrupt the unity or continuity of the Mass or Body . But this is but an imperfect Fluidity , both because the little grains or Corpuscles of Salt , though easily enough moveable , are not alwaies in actual motion ; and because they continue yet so big , that both they and the spaces intercepted betwixt them are , near at hand , perceivable by sense . But if with a strong fire you melt this powder'd Nitre , then each of the saline Corpuscles being sub-divided into I know not how many others , and these insensible parts being variously agitated by the same heat , ( both which may appear by their oftentimes piercing the Crucible after fusion , wherein they lay very quietly before it ) the whole body will appear a perfect Liquor , and be thought such by any Beholder that shall judge of it but by the Eye : and such also is the Fluidity of melted metals , in which , when they are brought to fusion in vast quantities , I have seen the surface wav'd like that of boyling water , and sometimes parcels of Liquor thrown up a pretty way into the Air. And not only Fire and other actually and manifestly hot . Bodies are able to make some hard ones fluid , but it seems also that some bodies may be brought to Fluidity by others which to the touch appear cold , if they be but fitted to change the texture of the hard body , and put its inflected parts into a convenient motion ; as may be seen in the Chymical Experiment of turning the brittle body of Camphire into an Oyl for the time , by letting it lye upon Aqua fortis , which perhaps bends and complicates the formerly rigid particles , and puts them into such a motion , that they do as well glide along as somewhat twine about each other . And I further try'd , ( not having found it mention'd by the Chymists ) that Camphire may by a dexterous application of heat be brought in close glasses both to flow and to boyl almost like Oyl . 'T is true , that these Liquors taken from the fire quickly lose that name , and grow solid again . But the duration of a thing is not always necessary to denominate it such ; for the Leaf of a Tree , for instance , whilst it flourishes , may be as truly green as an Emerald , though the leaf will after a while wither and turn yellow , which the stone will never do ; and in cold Climates , where Lakes , &c. at other times navigable , are sometimes frozen so hard , that Carts and ev'n great Ordnance may safely be drawn over them , Ice and water are the one a stable , and the other a liquid Body , notwithstanding that the same portion of matter which at one time is frozen into a hard and solid substance , was a little before a fluid Body , and ( now and then in a very short time ) will be thaw'd into a Liquor again . SECT . XVII . I know not whether it be requisite to take notice , that the Fluidity which Salt-Petre acquires upon fusion by fire seems very much of kin to that which is acquir'd by solution in water . But if fusion be made rather by the Ingress and transcursions of the atoms of fire themselves , than by the bare propagation of that motion with which the agitated particles that compose fire beat upon the out-side of the vessels that contain the matter to be melted ; in such case , I say , both those kinds or manners of Fluidity newly ascrib'd to Salt-Petre will appear to be caus'd by the pervasion of a foreign body : Only in dissolution the fluid body is a Visible and Palpable Liquor , and consequently more gross , whereas in fusion the fluid substance that permeates it is more thin and subtil , and divides it into much smaller parts , and so adds very little to its bulk . SECT . XVIII . But because some scruple may possibly arise about this matter from hence , that the powder of Nitre , how fine soever , seems fluid but just whilst it is pouring out , and ev'n then is but very imperfectly so ; and that as for fusion , that is wont to reduce the melted body to a new and permanent state , as the formerly-mention'd powder of Salt-Petre , which before fusion was but a heap of incoherent particles , is by it made a solid and considerably hard Body : to prevent , I say , or remove such scruples , we will set down one Experiment that we long since met with , as to the main , in the shops of Stone-Cutters , which though unregarded by them , will excellently serve to make out what we mention it for . Take then good Alabaster , or in defect of this , of that white stone which is well known to our Masons by the name of Plaster of Paris , beat it very small , and put as many pounds as you please of the finely-searc'd powder into any flat-bottom'd ( and first well heated ) vessel of Brass or Iron ( bigger or lesser according to the quantity you intend to burn : ) Encrease the fire by degrees till it grow to be strong , and when the calorifick Atoms shall have in sufficient numbers pervaded the heap of powder , or , if you please , when the igneous Corpuscles have by their numerous and brisk strokes upon the vessel communicated by its means their agitation to the enclosed powder , and when by either of these ways , or both , the fire ( which may also resolve some of the more spirituous and exhalable parts ( whereof Distillation has shewn me that Alabaster is not destitute ) into Vapours ) shall have put the little bodies it consists of into actual motion ( which will be quickly done ) you shall see it assume the form of a Liquor , and boil with numerous great and confus'd waves just like a seething-pot : and if , whilst it continues in this state , you stir it with a stick , it will not like a heap of sand , or as it self would do at another time , resist the motion thereof , but yield thereto like a Liquor , and , like it , will seem to have something of the Nature of a coherent body ; for by stirring it any thing strongly near one side of the Vessel , you may make the waves beat very manifesty against the opposite part of it . And besides all this , you may observe this further resemblance betwixt this boiling matter and a Liquor , that there will flye up out of the Pot great store of steams like smoak , but that they are white , which will sometimes like smoak ascend , for ought can be discern'd , to the very top of the Chimney , and leave its colour upon the places by which plenty of it hath past . Besides , those that make this Experiment often , as we have taken pleasure to do , may have the opportunity to observe , that when the Vessel has continued so long over the fire that the contained Alabaster relapses into the form of a heavy moveless powder , by keeping it a while longer in the heat , it will for once at least resume the form of a fluid body , and boil again as before , the spirituous steams whose avolation promoted the Ebullition , being not yet quite spent . And lastly , if when it seems most a Liquor , you take up a little of it , and as nimbly as you can cast it upon a sheet of white Paper , it will not at all wet it , but immediately discover it self to be a moveless incoherent powder , as it was before its being set over the fire ; whereby it ( I hope ) appears , that a heap or aggregate of such little bodies as are neither Spherical nor otherwise regularly shap'd , nor small enough to be below the discernment of the Eye , may , without either fusion or being pour'd out , be made fluid barely by a sufficiently strong and various agitation ( from what cause soever that proceed ) of the particles that make it up , and lose its fluidity immediately upon the ceasing of it . Thus have we seen how very much it conduces to the making of a Body fluid , that its smal parts be actually mov'd . But whence this motion proceeds , we shall not at present venture to determine . For though in the Examples newly mention'd , and some others , most men will be forward to ascribe the motion produc'd in the parts of the fluid Bodies there mention'd , to the action of the fire whereunto they were expos'd ; yet what it is that puts the parts of fluid Bodies in general into the motion requisite to make them such , is a Question of which the true Resolution indeed were very desirable . But the full debate of it will not , I hope , be here expected from me , whilst I am writing but Notes , since it would engage me to discuss two or three of the difficultest as well as the importantest Controversies belonging to Natural Philosophy . For first , I should be oblig'd to consider whether Motion , or a propensity to it , be an inherent Quality belonging to Atoms in general , and not losable by them ; or whether all Motion is communicated by impulse from one Body to another . And since those that of late have taught that all visible Liquors , as Water , Oyl , Quick-silver , &c. owe their fluidity chiefly to the agitation of some thin and restless matter which incessantly permeates them , do deduce the necessity of such an Ethereal substance principally from the impossibility that there can be any Vacuum properly so call'd in the Universe , wherein yet are very many spaces unpossest by either Air or grosser Bodies than it : the Examination of this subtil matter would draw on the Consideration of the nice Controversies that perplex Philosophers concerning Emptiness , which 't were more difficult for us to examine in few words , than it is necessary for us to meddle with them in this place ; since not writing of the first Principles of Physiology , but of Fluidity , which is but a secondary or derivative quality ( if I may so call it ) it seems sufficient to give a notion of it , that we deduce it not from the unintelligible substantial form of the fluid Bodies , but from those simple and general Affections of Matter , the Figure , Situation , and Motion of its small parts . SECT . XIX . Wherefore declining to adde any thing in this place to what we have otherwhere discoursed concerning the Origine of Motion , and the possibility or impossibility of a Vacuum ; we will proceed to take notice that there is one thing more which we may learn from Salt-Petre touching the Nature of Fluidity , and that is the distinction betwixt a fluid Body and a wetting Liquor , which are wont , because they agree in many things , to be confounded , but inconsiderately enough : for though every wetting Liquor be fluid , yet every fluid Body does not wet . The Air , the Aether , and ev'n flame it self may be properly call'd Fluid Bodies according to the notion of Fluidity hitherto made out , and yet will scarce by any man be call'd Moist Liquors ; and Salt-Petre , whilst in fusion , is really a Liquor , and so is every melted Metal , and yet these wet not the bodies they touch , as do Water and other wetting Liquors , which are fluid bodies with this peculiar qualification , that they stick to and moisten the dry bodies which they touch ( or at least abound with some parts , which being separated from the rest and reduced to a Liquor , will do so . ) And according to this notion , methinks , it may be conceiv'd , that the humidity of a body is but a relative thing , and depends chiefly upon the congruity or incongruence of the component Particles of the Liquor in reference to the pores of those particular bodies that it touches : for , sometimes the little eminencies and pores of the surface of the dry body on or against which the Liquor flows , are of such magnitudes and figure , that the particles of the Liquor find admittance into those pores , and are detain'd there ( by which means they usually soften it ; ) and sometimes the pores and asperities of the dry bodies surface are so incommensurate in bigness & figure to the particles of the Liquor , that they glide over the surface without sticking or adhering firmly to any part of it . This may be exemplifi'd in Quick-silver , which cannot be said to be a humid body in respect of our hands or cloaths , or of almost all other bodies of the World , upon whose surfaces it will roul without leaving any of its particles lodg'd in their pores , or fastn'd to their little eminencies , whence it is called by vulgar Chymists , the water that wets not the Hands : but in reference to divers Metals , especially Gold and Tin , Quick-silver may be said to be a humid Liquor , for it insinuates it self into their pores , and thereby mollifies their bodies , as other Liquors do those that are moistned by them . And even water , that wets almost all other Animal and Vegetable , and many mineral bodies , besides that it is commonly enough observ'd to stand in almost globular drops upon Cabbage-leaves , seems not a humid Liquor in relation to the feathers of Ducks , Swans , and other water-fowl , whom Nature having design'd to flye sometime in the Air , and live sometimes in the water , she providently makes their feathers of such a texture , that they do not , like the feathers of divers other birds , admit the water , which imbib'd would make them unfit for the use of flying . And 't is observable , that upon the change of texture in a Liquor , it may be brought to stick to the surface of a body to which before it would not adhere ; as may appear by this , that though Quick-silver alone will not stick to glass , yet if there be mixt with it a due proportion of Lead , Tin , and Tin-glass , though neither of them will adhere to glass , yet their liquid mixture ( as we have often tryed and elsewhere * taught ) readily will , even without the assistance of heat . SECT . XX. If it be objected , that this various agitation of the insensible parts of water and resembling bodies wherein we make the Nature of Fluidity chiefly to consist , is but an imaginary thing , and but precariously asserted , since by our own Confession they are so small , that the particles themselves , and more , the diversity of their motions are imperceptible by sense , which represents water , for Example , to us as one continu'd body , whose parts are at perfect rest ; If this , I say , be urged against our Doctrine , we shall not deny the Objection to be plausible , but must not acknowledge it to be unaswerable . For of the seeming continuity of Water and other Liquors this may be the Reason , That the particles whereof the Liquor consists , being too small to be visible , and being not only voluble , but in actual motion , the pores or vacant spaces intercepted between them , must also be too little to be discern'd by the Eye , and consequently the body must appear an uninterrupted or continu'd one : not to mention , that , were the parts of the Liquor less minute , their shifting of places would hardly be perceiv'd by the Eye , each displac'd Corpuscle being immediately succeeded by another like it . 'T is true , that a heap of grains of Nitre , though upon its effusion out of the Vessel it somewhat emulates a fluid body , does yet when it rests in the Vessel appear to be but an aggregate of many little incoherent bodies heap'd up together ; because the intervals or holes left between them are great enough to affect the sense : But if the same Salt be reduc'd into an Alchoole ( as the Chymists speak ) or impalpable powder , the particles and intercepted spaces b●ing then extreamly lessen'd , the body they make up will much more resemble an intire mass , though it be look'd upon from a nearer distance ; and so when this powder is by the fire further broken into parts incomparably smaller than those of the powder , and which consequently intercept such extreamly little pores , that not only Salt-Petre , but some Metals , and ev'n Gold it self , ( from which it will not be suppos'd that any thing exhales to lessen it ) are by some affirm'd ( for I have not my self diligently enough observ'd it , and do yet doubt it ) to take up rather less than more room melted than cold , why should we not grant that these pores may be little enough , not any where to discontinue the body as to sense ? SECT . XXI . And that the incoherent parts of fluid bodies are also diversly agitated , some this way , and some that way , though the sense cannot discern it , may be prov'd by their sensible operations . [* For without such local motion , how could the particles of water pierce into the recesses of Bodies , and occasion those putrefactive alterations that are wont to be imputed to superfluous moisture ? And how comes it else to pass , that aqueous Liquors so readily diffuse themselves into , and so exquisitely mingle with one another ? as we see when red and white Wine are in a trice confounded into Claret : and without this various agitation of the parts of water , how could it be that lumps of Sugar or Salt cast into it , should quickly be so perfectly dissolv'd in it , that the lumps themselves totally disappear , and the dissociated parts are carried about every way by those of the water , even from the bottom to the very top ? as is evident particularly in Sea-salt , which when the superfluous Liquor is sufficiently exhal'd , begins visibly to coagulate , not at the bottom , but upon the surface of the water ; and not only Salt , but even Gold it self , though the heaviest of bodies , may have its parts so scatter'd by the agitation of those waters , as Experience has taught us , and as you may easily try by putting a little of the Solution of Gold made in Aqua Regis into 15 or 20 times as much fair water , which will all thereby be immediately enobled with a Golden Colour . That the little bodies whereof flame consists are fiercely agitated , appears oftentimes even to the Eye , and will scarce be denied by him that considers the operations of it , and the vivid beams it darts round about it against the neighbouring bodies . And that the particles that compose our common air are also very diversly agitated , we may be induc'd to believe by sundry particulars . As first , by those little moats that from a shady place we see swimming up and down in the Sun-beams , and by the tremulous motion which that of swarms of little bodies in the air seems to impart to distant objects look'd on after Sun-rise through a good Telescope , ( and which by the bare Eye in hot weather may be often discover'd by certain very dilute shades , which seem to tremble upon the walls of high-roof'd Halls and Churches , and other spacious Buildings . ) Next , ( and more easily ) by this , That if you take Salt of Tartar , first brought to fusion , and place it in a Cellar , or ev'n in an ordinary Room , it will in a short time ( now and then in a few minutes ) begin to relent and have its surface softn'd by the imbib'd moisture of the air , wherein if it be left long enough , it will totally be dissolved into clear Liquor ; which would not be , if the moist vapours that help to constitute the air did not move to and fro every way , and were not thereby brought to the Salt , and enabled to insinuate themselves into its pores , and by that means dissolve it , and reduce it with themselves into a Liquor . And even in Summer , when the air is wont to be much dryer than at other Seasons of the year , one may quickly discover that there are in the air store of aqueous Corpuscles , mov'd some one way and some another , by the Experiment of putting into a Drinking-glass , for want of Ice and Snow , some Beer or Wine actually very cold : for thereby , after a while , the outside will appear all bedew'd with little drops of Liquor ; which seems plainly to be no other than the aqueous steams that swimming up and down in great multitudes in the air , are by its agitation towards all parts carried , as every other way , so to the sides of the Glass , and being there condens'd by the coldness of that smooth Body , turn into visible and palpable water . And , if I much mis-remember not , it was one of the circumstances of the last Experiment of this kind we have had occasion to take notice of , That the drops that fastn'd themselves to the outside of the Glass , purposely left in part unfill'd , reach'd either not at all , or very little further than the surface of the Liquor within the Glass , whose coldness as it seems did not infrigidate those upper parts of the Glass , to whose level the Liquor it self did not reach . To which I could easily adde Arguments to prove , that the drops we have been speaking of proceeded not from the transudation of the Liquor within the Glass , if I thought it worth while to disprove so unlikely a Conjecture . But instead of that I shall only intimate , that from this Experiment useful hints may be taken both Theorical and Practical , and particularly that a Reason may perchance be given of a strange way of catching a Salt and Liquor out of air , barely by glass-vessels of a peculiar and skilful contrivance . Much of what we have lately said will , I presume , be the less wonder'd at , if we subjoyn what Experience has taught us , That 't is not difficult by the help of a convenient Furnace and fit Vessels to make that ponderous Metal , Lead , ascend to a good height in the open air , in the form of a copious smoak : such a smoak we discern'd after a while to be carried so many ways by the aerial Corpuscles that it met with in actual motion , that it was soon dispers'd so far as to disappear : which perhaps will be thought some confirmation of what we formerly deliver'd , when we taught how much the being divided into very minute parts may conduce to the Fluidity even of ponderous Bodies . SECT . XXII . And though Quick-silver be , excepting Gold , the heaviest known body in the world , yet when it is reduc'd into vapour , it seems to be carried to and fro like the other terrestrial particles that swim up and down in our air : for I remember , that an expert Gilder not long since complain'd to me , that if when he evaporated Quick-silver , he forgot to take off his Rings from his hand , though they touch'd not the Quick-silver whilst it was in a body , the roving fumes would oftentimes fasten upon the Gold in such plenty as would put him to much trouble to get them off from his Rings ; one of which he shew'd me that he had lately thus whitened , and as it were silver'd over with Mercurial fumes , and was then to restore to its native Yellow . SECT . XXIII . But let us return to visible Liquors , and endeavour to prove almost ad Oculum , as they speak , that their ins●nsible parts may be every way agitated , though their motion be but seldom visible to us . Take then what quantity you please of Aqua fortis , and dissolve in it as much as you please of ordinary coyn'd Silver , ( it not being necessary for this Experiment that it be refin'd ) and pour the coloured solution into 12 or 15 times as much fair water , and then decant or filtrate the mixture , that it may be very clear . If you look upon this Liquor , the parts of it will seem to be all of them as perfectly at rest as those of common water ; nor will your Eye be able to distinguish any Corpuscles of Silver swimming in the Liquor : and yet that there are such metalline Corpuscles agitated to and fro with and by those of the water will quickly appear , if you immerse into it a flatted piece of clean Copper , for by that time you have held it two or three minutes of an hour ( perhaps not so long ) in the Liquor , you shall see the particles of Silver that were roving up and down the Liquor , fasten themselves in such swarms to the Copper-plate , that they will appear in their native hue , and cover it , as it were , with a loose case of Silver , which may be easily shaken off in the form of a metalline powder : and if several such Plates be left all night , or for a competent number of hours , in the bottom of the Vessel , you may the next day find all the particles of Silver that were dispers'd through the whole body of the Liquor , setled upon or about them ; the deep blewish green tincture you will discover in the water proceeding only from some little parts of the Copper-plates , and of the Alloy of the Coyn , dissolv'd by the saline particles of the Aqua fortis . And I remember , that to compleat the Experiment , I have sometimes made even these fall to the bottom of the Vessel , by leaving a lump or two of Spelter there for two or three days : for , not only those metalline Corpuscles that were just over or near to the determinate place where I put the Spelter , but also all the rest , into how remote parts soever of the Liquor they were diffus'd , did setle upon the Spelter , as appear'd both by its increase of bulk , and by their leaving the water clear and colourless ; which plainly seems to have proceeded from hence , that the particles of the water were restlesly and every way agitated , and so by frequently gliding along the surface of the Spelter they must carry thither of the Corpuscles of Copper mingled with them , some at one time and some at another , till at length all were brought to it and detain'd there . SECT . XXIV . That of the particles of Spirit of Wine , and such like inflammable Liquors drawn from fermented Juyces , though they seem to the Eye to be at rest , a good many do yet move confusedly and very nimbly , I remember I have long since manifested by an easie and ocular proof which I devis'd about 10 or 12 years ago , when ( being yet scarce more than a Boy ) I first began to consider what Fluidity might be . The Experiment as I writ it down , with all the Circumstances and Observations relating to it , I have not now by me ; but having divers times been desir'd to shew it to Learned men ( Physitians , Mathematicians , and others ) I cannot have forgotten those Phaenomena of it that are the most pertinent to our present Subject . Supposing then that in pure Spirit of Wine , beside the aqueous parts that glide softly along each other , there are store of volatile and Spirituous Corpuscles , whose agitation is stronger , I let fall ( from a pretty height , that it might be broken into small drops by its fall ) into any wide-mouth'd glass fill'd with this Liquor , ( which must not be ov●r dephlegm'd , lest the Oyl sink in it ) a little common Oy● or Spirit of Turpentine , which I therefore made choice of , because its tenacity , greater than that of the Chymical Oyls of Spices , makes it that it will neither mingle with Spirit of Wine , nor spread it self , as divers other distill'd Oyls will , upon the surface of it , but keep it self in the form of round drops , whose shape facilitates their motion . The Oyly drops then swimming at the top of the Spirit of Wine , will be , by the disorderly rovings of the agile parts of it ( which hit against them little Globes , as the vivous Spirits ascend to exhale ) made to move restl●sly to and fro in an irregular manner , the drops sometimes bearing up to one another , as if all or most of them were presently to unite into one body , and then suddenly falling off , and continuing to shift places with one another , after a manner pleasant and strange enough to them that never before saw the Experiment : and this dance will continue for half an hour or an hour , ( or a shorter or much longer time , according to the quantity and strength of the Liquor ) till the spirituous parts being flown away , the drops being no longer impell'd lye at rest upon the disspirited Liquor , as they would upon common water . And whereas the nimble motion of the drops might be suspected to proceed from some secret contrariety in Nature betwixt the Oyl of Turpentine and Spirit of Wine ; besides that I could easily shew that those two Liquors have no Antipathy , I not only try'd the Experiment with another inflammable Liquor than Spirit of Wine , but ( if I much misremember not ) sound , as I expected , that little pieces of chop'd straw ( such both being light and not easily imbibing moisture ) being gently let fall upon the Spirit of Wine , were in a tumultuous manner carried to & fro upon the surface of it ; though I am not sure but that the motion of the Oyly drops may be in part due to some partial solution made of them by the vivous Spirit , which during that ●ction may tumble them to and fro ; not to add that I have by some tryals , been tempted to suspect the air may have some interest in the motion of the drops . However , I have mention'd the recited Experiment , not as if I thought that either it or fugitive Spirit of Wine were fit to teach us the nature of fluid Bodies in general , but to shew by an ocular example that there may be a quick and intestine motion in some parts of a Liquor , notwithstanding that the unassisted Eye can discern no such matter . I shall not here relate , how having caus'd to be Hermetically seal'd up some of these Liquors in a glass , to try how long the extravagant dance of the drops would last , when the more spirituous parts of the vinous Liquor could not exhale , my vessel was soon broken without any discernable violence . Nor shall I now take notice of any of the other Phaenomena of our Experiment , partly , because I have elsewhere mention'd most of them ; and partly , because I think it more pertinent to our present Theme , to observe that this unseen agitation of the minute parts will not only hold in light and spirituous Liquors : For , that the insensible parts even of the heaviest Liquors themselves are also in actual motion , though many may think it unfit to be believed , will follow from what has been already delivered concerning the nature of fluid bodies , as such ; and may be confirm'd by this , that whereas three of the heaviest Liquors we yet know of , are Quick-silver , Oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , and Oyl of Vitriol , that first-nam'd will even in the cold penetrate into the pores of foliated Gold , and destroy the texture of that closest of Metals ; the Liquor also of Salt of Tartar will in the cold draw tinctures from several bodies , and we have endeavour'd to evince the agitation of the parts of Oyl of Vitriol , not only by shewing how in the cold it would corrode divers Metals , but by casting little pieces of Camphire into it , which without the assistance of the sire were made liquid by it , and appeared like so many drops of Oyl . And he that yet doubts , whether the parts of these two Oyls ( as Chymists abusively call them ) how ponderous soever they be , are fiercely agitated or no , may probably be soon satisfied by shaking an ounce or two of each of them together , and observing the heat , hissing , ebullition , and sparkling , that will suddenly ensue upon their being blended . SECT . XXV . But here we must take notice , that though it belong to the Nature of fluid Bodies , that their par●s do easily shift places ; yet that is to be understood only as to th● parts of the same fluid Bodies , as water , or of such differing fluid Bodies as are dispos'd readily to admit each others particles , and mingle together , as we see in Water and Wine . For otherwise , fluid Bodies may be of such differing natures , that when two or more of them are put together , they will not mix , but each retain its own distinct surface ; so that in regard of one another , the contiguous Bodies do in some degree emulate each of them the Nature of a consistent Body : for though it cannot be look'd upon as a hard body but a soft , because of the easie Cession of its superficies , yet it does like a compact or consistent body deny to mingle permanently with the contiguous Liquor or other fluid substance . And I somewhat wonder , that Lucretius and other Atomists should ( at least for ought I remember ) over-see this Observation , since it is obvious enough in Oyl , which will not mix with water , but float upon its surface : Not to mention , that Quick-silver will not incorporate with any of the familiar Liquors known to the Ancients . I had almost forgot , that I promis'd at the beginning of this Discourse an Instance concerning Flame , which I will therefore now recite . And it is , That having by an easie preparation of Copper , by the intervention of a little Sal Armoniack , ( which I have already taught in another Treatise * ) so open'd the Body of that Metal , as to make it inflammable ; I took some small grains of this prepar'd Mineral , and put them under the wieck of a strong and actually burning Candle , whereby ( as I expected ) they were with the melted tallow soon carried up to the bottom of the flame , and by it so kindl'd , that the green ( not blew ) flame of the cupreous Body did ( somewhat to the wonder of the Spectators ) burn for a good while ( this combustible matter being marvellously lasting ) distinct from the yellow flame of the Candle , as if there had been some invisible partition between them . But to return to the unminglable Liquors we were formerly speaking of ; the cause why these retain their distinct surfaces , my present task does not oblige me to enquire into : but this I shall observe in general , that it seems to depend very much upon the texture of the particular Liquors , and perhaps too upon the peculiar motions of their minute parts . For I have observ'd , that though pure Spirit of Wine and Salt of Tartar , resolv'd into a Liquor by the moisture of the Air , will , when put together , retain distinct surfaces , or presently regain them if you shake the Liquors never so strongly together ; yet by adding a little fair water to either of them , the texture being thereby alter'd , it will easily incorporate with the other . And thus although that ( as I noted already ) common Spirit or Oyl of Turpentine will not mingle with Spirit of Wine , yet having had the curiosity to make a tryal with Oyl of Turpentine abstracted skilfully , and with a very gentle fire , ( for otherwise the Experiment may easily miscarry ) from melted or at least well decrepitated Sea-Salt , we found , according to expectation , that though there appeared no visible alteration in the Oyl , yet we could easily by shaking confound it with pure Spirit of Wine . Moreover , though lixiviate Liquors and Oyls will not by an ordinary Agitation be permanently joyn'd , yet I have try'd , that by digesting a good while a solution of Salt of Tartar with Oyl of Almonds , I could reduce them to a soft Saponary substance : which Experiment makes somewhat more to my present purpose , than the common practice of Sope-Boylers , because I did not , as they , boyl away the water wherein the lixiviate Salt is dissolv'd . I might adde also , that if you put one part of Quick-silver into about four parts of Oyl of Vitriol , you will find ( at least if the Experiment proceed always after the same manner as it has done with me ) that the two Liquors will remain distinct whilst you keep them in the cold , but if by degrees of heat you bring the Oyl of Vitriol to boyl , it will pierce the surface of the Quick-silver , and by partly incorporating with it , reduce it to a substance very differing from what it was . But because these two last Experiments may be with less improbability than the two that preceded them refer'd to other causes , I shall no farther insist on them , but take notice of one thing more concerning the difference of fluid Bodies . And it is this . SECT . XXVI . I observe , that some of them do not only not mingle with others that are contiguous to them , but fashion the surfaces of those others , and reduce them to determinate shapes . This I have taken pleasure to consider in some Chymical Liquors , which I have purposely put together ; for Instance , having pour'd Spirit of Wine upon Oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , ( as Chymists call it ) I found that the superficies wherein they touch'd each other was flat , or ( as to sense ) parallel to the Horizon . But if this were done in a very slender or narrow glass , with the mouth unstop'd , though the lower surface of the Spirit of Wine which touch'd the other Liquor appear'd very level ; yet the upper superficies , which was contiguous to the Air , was manifestly very concave . And if to these two Liquors I did in a broader glass pour Oyl of Almonds , that Oyl would sink to the bottom of the Spirit of Wine , ( that being well rectifi'd ) and floating upon the Oyl of Tartar , would separate the two Liquors , and both above and below retain a flat or level surface . But if instead of Oyl of Almonds , or another express'd Oyl , I dropt into pure Spirit of Wine , swimming upon Oyl of Tartar , some common Oyl of Turpentine ; the Oyl would gather into parcels , ( some of the bigness of hail-shot , some as big as small Pistol-bullets , and some of other sizes ) which in case they did swim in the Spirit of Wine , and touch'd neither of its surfaces , seem'd globulous , and continu'd so ( the glasses being stop'd ) for many hours : But in case they emerg'd to the upper part of the Spirit of Wine , as much of them as lay immers'd in the Spirit ( which was by far the greatest part of them ) appear'd round , and continu'd so long as I pleas'd ; the upper parts only of th●se little globes appearing to have the same surface with the Spirit of Wine . And I further observ'd , that some small drops would as it were rest constantly upon the superficies of the Oyl of Tartar , touching it but as it were in a point , and continuing to the Eye Spherical ; though the surface of the Liquor were purposely now and then somewhat shaken . But that which I took special notice of was , that having ( upon design ) into pure Spirit of Wine ( for upon common Spirit Oyl will swim ) let fall some great drops of Oyl of Turpentine , they did at first sink to the bottom of it , and lie upon the surface of the Oyl of Tartar almost like Hemispheres , whose convex part was all above the Oyl of Tartar ; but after a while they were , as I ●xpected , press'd on all sides and fashion'd into round Bodies ( yet a little more protuberant at the sides than the top ) which seem'd scarce to touch the surface of the Oyl of Tartar on which they lean'd . Diverse other Observations of this kind were afforded me by some peculiar mixtures that I made of Chymical Liquors : But not having the leisure to set them down , much less to enquire into their causes , I should scarce have mention'd what I have already deliver'd ( especially since we found that a light variation of Circumstances would often alter the event of such tryals , which we have therefore set down barely historically ) but that finding that drops of Water , Quick-silver , and other fluid Bodies , seem'd to be fashion'd into a round figure by that every way almost equal pressure of the ambient Air ; and having likewise try'd , that Quick-silver suspended in the Air ( as it may easily be , if the Torricellian Experiment being made in a tube exceeding slender , some Air be afterwards dexterously let into divide the long Mercurial Cylinder into diverse short ones ) has both at the top and bottom , where it is expos'd to the Action of the Air , a very protuberant surface ; finding , I say , these Effects of fluid Bodies upon one another , I thought it not amiss to intimate , how some Experiments might be made that may possibly facilitate the giving an Account of the figuration of some of the more considerable fluid Bodies , which , as we noted already , make up much the greater part of the Universe : especially , since I could easily enough make it probable , that such steams of the terrestrial Globe as may well be suppos'd to be the chief Ingredients of our Atmosphere , may like a Liquor retain a superficies distinct from that of the ambient and contiguous Body . And since we are speaking of the distinct surface of fluids , the occasion invites me to add an Experiment , which , though apt to miscarry upon the account of unheeded Circumstances , has yet , when all things were rightly order'd , succeeded very well : I will , I say , subjoin it here , because it shews a way of dividing in a trice , a Liquor Transparent , and , as to sense , Homogeneous into two very differing Liquors , the one Diaphanous , and the other Opacous , which will not mingle . The Experiment is this ; Dissolve one Ounce of clean common Quick-silver in about two Ounces of pure Aqua fortis , so that the Solution be clear and total , then whilst it is yet warm , pour into it by degrees , lest they boyl over , half an Ounce or one Ounce of Filings of Lead , and if no Error , nor ill Accident have interven'd , the Lead will be in a trice praecipitated into a white Powder , and the Mercury reduc'd into a Mass ( if I may so speak ) of running Quick-silver , over which the remaining part of the Aqua fortis will swim , whereby we may see that Liquors being reduc'd into very minute parts , may mingle very well , the Corpuscles of the one supporting in that state those of the other , though in greater Bulk , especially the Texture of one being somewhat varied , they will retain distinct Surfaces . N.B. Note , that when the Operation succeeds not well , the Mercury need not , for all that , be lost , but may ( in great part at least ) be recover'd by freeing the Praecipitated matter from the rest by filtration , and then diligently grinding the white Praecipitate with Water , by which means , the Mercury will little by little be ga●hered into drops . And though this be far from being the true Mercury of Lead , as I may elsewhere shew you ; yet some Inducements , not here to be named , incline me to look upon it , as somewhat differing from common Mercury , and fitter than it for certain Chymical uses . SECT . XXVII . And here I should pass on to the Consideration of Firmness ; but that when a while ago I discours'd of the Agitation of the Corpuscles that compose Oyl of Tartar and Oyl of Vitriol , I forgot to add , that not only in fluid bodies , but in some also of those that are consistent , there may perhaps be more motion in the insensible parts than our senses discern , or we are wont to imagine : especially in those bodies , which having been once endowed with life , are , though not fluid , yet either soft , or at least not perfectly hard . I have more than once taken pleasure to look upon an heap of swarming Bees , for though they make not up a liquid but coherent body , which may be turn'd upside down without losing its coherence , and which being beheld at a distance , seems to be one entire mass or body ; yet it is evident to him that looks at them near enough , that the particular Bees that swarm have most of them their distinct and peculiar motions , and that yet these motions of the particular Bees destroy not the coherency of the heap ; because that when one of the more innermost Bees removes , as she lets go her hold from those that she rested on before , and goes away from those that rested on her , so she meets with others on which she may set her feet , and comes under others that in like manner set their feet on her , and so by this vicissitude of mutual supports their coherence and their removes are made compatible ; and if instead of Bees , the swarm consisted of extreamly little flies , their particular motions would perhaps be inconspicuous . And that some such thing may happen in the consistent bodies we have been speaking of , seems probable from hence , that in wainscot and other hard wood , we often see little heaps of dust produc'd in them by putrefaction ; and not only in Cheese we many times see multitudes of mites start up , but in Apples and other Fruits we oftentimes find Magots , though the skin be whole , ( which could not be unless the parts of the matter were variously transpos'd , ( that is , put into a local motion ) and connected after a manner suitable to the Nature of the infect to be produc'd : ) And by the growth of bones in the bodies of perfecter Animals , as well in respect of the internal cavity , where the marrow lodges , as of the external surface , as also by the growth of the shells of Oysters and Snails , ( though cold Animals ) from a size inconsiderable at first , in regard of what is afterwards attain'd to , and by some other resembling particulars , it seems that the small particles that constitute even the solid parts of Animals are not , whilst the Creature lives , ( or at least whilst it grows ) altogether exempt from some ( though slow and insensible ) local motion . And I remember , that it has by a very diligent observer been affirmed to me , that he saw several pieces of Gum swet out of an old wainscot of above twenty years standing . Which I the less wonder at , because I have several times seen viscous Exsudations disclose themselves like drops of Turpentine upon Deal-boards , which had been made use of about Buildings . ( But of this subject more ( perhaps ) elsewhere . ) SECT . XXVIII . After we have hitherto discours'd of Fluidity as consider'd in distinct Bodies , we might properly enough say here something of what furtherance or hinderance in respect of Fluidity one Body may receive by being mingl'd with another . But the consideration of those changes of Consistence which may be produc'd by Mixture , is a Subject that we shall have such frequent occasions to treat of in what we are to deliver about Firmness , that we shall now only give this general Admonition , That 't is not so safe as one would think , to fore-tell the consistence of a mixture of two or more Bodies , from the bare consideration of the consistence of those Bodies whereof it is to be compounded . And that we might at once both manifest this , and insinuate what Judgment should be made of what is said by so many Chymists and others , who without Limitation teach , That the Addition of Salts to metalline and mineral Bodies does much facilitate their fusion , I remember I purposely made and employ'd this Experiment . We dissolv'd crude Copper in a due quantity of Spirit of Nitre , and by Evaporation reduc'd the Solution to a kind of Vitriol of a lovely colour . We also corroded with two parts of Spirit of Nitre one of good Tin , and suffer'd the mixture to reduce it self ( as it easily did ) to a substance almost like Meal . Of this mixture we put a parcel into a Crucible , and suffer'd it to grow ( and for a pretty while to continue ) red hot : Nay , we put some of it upon a quick coal , and excited the heat by frequently blowing the fire , without finding that this metalline meal did at all melt , though Salt-Petre be a fusible Salt , and Tin it self be of exceeding easie fusion . Whereas , although Copper be a metal which is much harder to melt , not only than Tin and Lead , but even than Silver , ( as those well know that mix Silver with Copper to make a fusible mixture to sod●r upon Copper and Brass ) yet was this metal , that will end●re a long and strong Ignition by being joyn'd per Minima with the same kind of Nitrous Corpuscles , that had so contrary an effect upon the Tin , so strangely dispos'd to fusion , that the Vitriol would melt with as small a heat as that of ones hand . Nay , we have made such a Vitriol either with Spirit of Nitre or with ( what differ'd little from it ) a certain Aqua fortis as would even in Winter be made to stand melted for divers hours together , by the languid warmth of the Sun , though shining on it but through a window , where it also stood but in an unstop'd Glass . So fit it is that we consider as well the new Texture that mingl'd Bodies obtain by the association of their particles , ( whose size and shape , and perhaps motion may be thereby much alter'd ) as the consistence of the particular Bodies before their being mixt . THE HISTORY OF Fluidity and Firmnesse . The Second Part. Of FIRMNESSE . IT is sufficiently known that the Chymists ascribe the Firmness and Hardness of Bodies to Salt , and teach that the Saline Ingredient of them is the Principle of Coagulation in them , and the cause of their Compactness and Solidity . But though this opinion of the Chymists be embra'cd by so many modern Philosophers and Physitians , that some may think it superfluous to make enquiry after other Causes , yet others ( to whom the Explications of Chymists seem not always so much as Intelligible ) will upon the very account of the Receivedness of the propos'd Opinion , think it rather worthy to be examined than to be acquiesc'd in . However , without making it our business , either to side with , or oppose any Sect of Naturalists , we will apply our selves a while to consider the thing it self in prosecution of the Design already begun . And having in the fore-going Part of our little History taken a general view of Fluidity ; we will now proceed to try what Light it will afford us to discover the nature of Firmness or Compactness . And since fluidness and stability being contrary qualities , are to be apprehended under contrary notions , we may conceive that the firmness or stability of a body consists principally in this , that the particles that compose it , besides that they are most commonly somewhat Gross , either do so rest or are so intangled between themselves , that there is among them a mutual cohesion whereby they are rendred unapt to flow or diffuse themselves every way , and consequently to be , without violence , bounded and figur'd by other surfaces than those which their connexion makes themselves constitute . In this rude Description of Firmness we have intimated Three principal causes of it , namely the Grossness , the quiet Contact , and the Implication of the component parts . The first is Grossness of Parts , of which we have in effect almost sufficiently discours'd already : for since treating of Fluidity , we manifested at large how conducive smalness of Parts was to that Quality ; 't is easie to deduce that Grossness of parts in a Body must commonly be a great disposition to its being Firm. And bigger Corpuscles being caeteris paribus more difficult than lesser to be put into motion , when they are on●e at rest , it is obvious that a Body consisting of such Particles is less dispos'd to become fluid , and consequently more apt to continue firm , than if its component parts were smaller , and thereby more easie to be displac'd . But when I speak of the Grossness of Corpuscles , I pretend not to determine whether or no Body or Matter be so perpetually divisible , that there is no assignable portion of matter so minute that it may not at least Mentally ( to borrow a School term ) be further divided into still lesser and lesser parts : For allowing this indefinite Divisibility of corporeal substance , 't is plain that it may in some sense be averr'd , that there are no firm Bodies whose Parts are not extreamly minute . But I understand by the gross parts I here speak of , such Corpuscles as actually convening to constitute a Body , are scarce dissipable or divisible into lesser by the Agitation of the ambient Air or Aether , or by the other causes of the Fluidity of Bodies . It is also to be noted , that when I spake of the fitness of grosser Corpuscles to make a firm Body , I added , Caeteris paribus , because it may happen that the breaking of the small parts of a Body into minute Particles may make them but the fitter to contribute to the Firmness of the Body they belong to : For the parts of the divided Corpuscles may by their comminution acquire a new , and perhaps a more irregular shape than before , upon whose account they may be more dispos'd to be entangled among the neighbouring Particles , or may be better fitted to get into and fill the pores of some kind of Bodies . And in in such little Particles , not only the minuteness may make them lie closer together , and consequently the better exclude the Air : but the greatness of the surface in proportion to the bulk of the matter may perhaps in some Cases occasion a fuller contact , and so facilitate the constitution of a very firm Body , in case these minute parts ( whose intervals ( if they intercept any ) need not be other than very small ) shall be placed and disposed to the best advantage for a full contact of one another . But as I said a while before , from what we have already delivered ( concerning the size of parts , when we treated of Fluidity ) it may easily be understood how much the magnitude of them may conduce to Firmness ; and therefore we will presently pass on to the mention of the two other things to be considered in reference to consistent Bodies . Whereof of the one is the bare Rest of the small and contiguous parts that make up the firm Body ; and the other the intricate Texture of such parts in the body they make up . And either of these two seems alone sufficient to render a body stable : though Nature do perhaps oftentimes make some ( though not equal ) use of both , to fasten the parts of the same body more firmly together . Of the former of these Causes , I am inform'd that the justly famous Monsi●ur Des Cartes has also taken notice , but without adding proof from Experiments , or Observations . But it seems to have been either over-look'd , or , ( as incongruous to their Hypothesis of the innate motion of Atoms ) rejected by the old Atomists , and by Lucretius , who takes notice ( that I remember ) only of the latter : for though they did of old make mention of the sudden divulsion of two flat and solid Bodies , yet they employ that Observation but to prove a Vacuum , ( without otherwise taking notice , that I have met with , of those things that are most material in such Observations to our present purpose , and without deducing thence what we shall endeavour to do in order to the explication of the causes of Firmness . ) Upon what account then soever the Atomists have omitted to reckon for a cause of Firmness that which we have newly been speaking of ; yet ( as we observed above ) If two bodies be once at rest against one another , it seems consonant to the Catholick Laws of Nature , that they should continue in that state of rest , till some force capable to over-power their resistance puts them out of it . And whatever may be said of the unloosable mobility of Atoms strictly so taken , yet that diverse parts of Matter may compose bodies that need no other Cement to unite them than the juxta-position which we here presuppose , and the resting together of their parts , whereby the Air and other fluid Bodies that might dissociate them are excluded , I have been inclined to think by what I have observed in grinding of Glasses : for sometimes the convex surface of one body being ground upon the concave surface of another , the two surfaces will happen to be so closely and exactly fitted to one another , ( their immediate contact in all their parts , or at least in innumerable of them , hindering the intercurrence of the Air ) that a man is not able without breaking one or both of them to pull them directly asunder ; but if you will sever them , you must be fain to make one of them to slip along the surface of the other : which makes the Glass-Grinders often complain of the trouble they meet with in separating such bodies . Nay , if you lay two flat Glasses ground very true and well polished upon one another , so that their surfaces may almost every where touch each other , ( to which it will be requisite to rub them a little one upon another , for the better exclusion of the Air ) you may by lifting up the uppermost , lift up the lowermost ( though perhaps , as we have often try'd , two or three times bigger ) with it , as if the two Plates of Glass made but one body . Nay , we have divers times taken up four or five pieces of Glass at once , laid and prest thus one upon another , and might perchance have taken up a greater number , if we had had more of them at hand . And tryal has also informed us , that if you hold a Looking-Glass very level with the unfoliated side downward , and rub a little against it a piece of other very flat and very smooth Glass , you may easily by that way only , fasten them to one another ; so that the lowermost Glass , though large , will hang between the uppermost and the ground , to the wonder of those that behold it , and can discern nor imagine nothing capable to keep it from falling : and by the same way ( as we shall recite anon ) we have often made one considerably thick piece of Marble take and hold up another , having purposely caused their flat surfaces to be carefully ground and polished , without which the Experiment will not succeed . Nor is it requisite that the glasses be flat to make them adhere very closely together , provided their immediate contact be made according to a large surface : for to what we have already mention'd concerning the cohering of convex and concave Bodies , we may adde , that having purposely appli'd a long glass-stopple of an almost conical figure , and well ground , to the mouth of a thick quart Bottle , whose neck was made long and of a figure convenient to receive the stopple , and ground within fit for it , we found that these two glass bodies touching one another in a multitude of parts , did adhere together so closely , that when the stopple was carefully put in , we could easily , and divers times one after another , lift up the bottle , though there was by our guess above a pound of Liquor in it . Unless we suppose , without much probability , that because 't is found , that moving them to and fro upon one another , and pressing down the stopple , promotes their sticking , their adhesion may be in part ascrib'd either to some Elastical motion in the parts of the pressed glass , or to the exquisite adaptation of the almost numberless , though very small , asperities of the one , to the as numerous little cavities of the other ; whereby the surfaces do lock in with one another , or are as it were clasp'd together . For as polish'd as the surfaces may appear to sense , we must not deny that there may be such inequalities in them , since being wont to be polish'd with Putty or some such powder , or heap of grating and irregularly shap'd Corpuscles , they must needs make store of little furrows , and ridges , and other Asperities on them . But to insist on these Conjectures were to digress . Yet here we must not decline taking notice , that , at least here below , the sticking together of such bodies as are of sensible Bulk , and whose smooth surfaces immediately touch one another , may possibly not so much proceed from this , that their parts , as we formerly observ'd , are at rest among themselves , and by their immediate contact do make up as it were but one body ; as from the pressure of the Atmosphere , proceeding partly from the weight of the ambient Air , ( mixt with the Effluviums of the terrestrial Globe ) and partly from a kind of Spring , by vertue of which the Air continually presses upon the bodies contiguous to it , though through accustomance & negligence , & perhaps some other causes not here to be insisted on , we neither feel it in our own bodies , nor take notice of it in others . Now this pressure of the Air every way being suppos'd , I think the adhering of the smooth bodies we speak of ( for we suppose them far greater than the particles of the Air ) to one another may probably enough be ascrib'd to this , That when , for instance , the smooth surfaces of two pieces of Glass do so exquisitely touch one another , that none of the ambient Air is ei●her intercepted or admitted between them , then the undermost glass will suffer no pressure on that side which touches the uppermost ; the parts of the uppermost glass having no sensible spring in them ( so that they can only Resist , but not Repell the other : ) but that side of the undermost Glass which is expos'd to the Air will be press'd upon thereby ; and there being , as we said , no Elastical pressure on the other side of the glass to balance this , it is not to be wonder'd at that the inferiour glass should not fall off from the other , in regard the weight that would carry it downwards is much too small to overcome that force of the Air that thrusts it against the uppermost glass : As if one should with his hand thrust a plate of Iron broad-wise against the flat cieling of his Chamber , the Iron would not fall as long as the force of the hand perseveres to press against it . Nor is it material , that in our Case the pressure of the Atmosphere is suppos'd to force the lowermost glass upwards : For if we suppose the Air to consist of innumerable little springs ( as it were ) bearing upon and supporting one another , and whereof the lowermost are bent by the Weight of all that are incumbent on them , it will be easie to conceive that neer the surface of the Earth , ( about which the Air must diffuse it self by reason of the Gravity of its small parts , and the Resistance of the Earth against their Descent ) it may press almost equally every way , and by a kind of Recoyl ( though not properly so call'd ) from the Terrestrial Globe upwards , may strongly press any body upon which it can bear , against any other which has no such Elastical power to repel from it a body so press'd against it . This Difficulty being thus dispatch'd , we shall proceed by two or three particulars to confirm our Conjecture at the Cause why smooth Bodies stick ●ogether upon bare juxta-position or contact . And firs●● observe , that if a piece of flat glass be , as we formerl● mention'd , appended to a Looking-glass held with the unfoliated side downwards , parallel to the Horizon , though the adhering glass will not drop down , yet it will v●ry easily be mov'd any way along the level surface ; and if by inclining the Looking-glass any way , you deprive it of its former Level , the smaller glass will easily slide downwards upon the surface of the greater . Of which the Reason seems to be , partly that the Gravity as such of the lower glass does not considerably resist the horizontal motion of it , but only the motion upwards , whereby it must recede from the Centre of heavy Bodies , as might , if need were , be probably deduc'd from divers Instances obvious enough ; and partly , or rather chiefly , that to the edges of the glass the Ambient Air is contiguous as well on the one side as on the other , and so the pressure of the Air being equal on every part of the edges , the gravity of the smaller glass is not hinder'd by the Air ( which can as fast succeed on one side , as 't is displaced on the other ) from making it slide down the shelving surface of the greater Glass , whereas of the broad and flat sides of the lowermost glass the one is , as we said , press'd by the spring of the Air , whilst the other suffers no such pressure from the Looking-glass , to which it was apply'd . And so , if you take a small open-mouth'd glass , and plunge it into a Vessel full of Quick-silver with the mouth upward , that the Quick-silver may fill it without leaving any Air in it , and if then , whilst it is under the Quick-silver , you turn the mouth downwards , and so keeping it upright , lift it up till the mouth be almost come to the top of the Mercury ; you shall perceive that the glass will remain almost full of Quick-silver in the Vessel : And this will continue so , though you incline the glass this way or that way , provided you keep the mouth of it within the Mercury . And this Experiment , though more noble when try'd with Quick-silver , will succeed also when tryed , as it may more easily be , with water . Of which the Reason seems to be , that the glass hinders the Quick-silver in it from the pressure of the incumbent air , whereas the Quicksilver in the Vessel being expos'd to it , must by it necessarily be forced up against the surface of the inverted bottom of the glass , where it meets no Elastical power to repell it downwards . For , that it is not Natures Abhorrency of a Vacuum , that keeps the Quick-silver from descending till some air can come to succeed in its room , the famous Experiment invented by Torricellius , and found true by many others , and our selves , touching the descent of Quick-silver in any Tube of above two foot and a half long , seems clearly to evince . And to confirm what we have said , and shew withall , that it is not so much the Contact of Bodies according to a large surface , as that Contact is considered in it self , as by reason of its being ordinarily requisite to the exclusion of Air , that at least here below keeps bodies from falling asunder ; I shall relate , that having by a certain Artifice out of a large glass ( with a narrow mouth ) caus'd a certain quantity of air to be suck'd , we found that by immediately applying a Book ( which then chanc'd to lie at hand ) to the Orifice of the Vessel , the Book was readily lifted up and sustein'd in the air as long as we pleas'd , though the surface of the suspended Body could be touch'd , as is evident , but by the Ring which incircl'd the Orifice of the Vessel , and though the weight taken up ( besides that it was inconveniently shap'd for such a trial , which would probably have succeeded as well with a much greater weight , if we had had one fitly shap'd at hand ) exceeded twenty Ounces * . Of which event the Cause seems plainly to be this , that by reason of the Exsuction of some air out of the glass , the Elastical power of the remaining Air was very much debilitated in comparison of the unweaken'd Pressure of the External air , which being able to press the Book against the Orifice of the Vessel with greater strength than the internal air can resist , thereby it comes to pass , that the whole Orifice of the Vessel , though there be but part of it of solid body , does yet on this occasion perform in some measure the part of an entire surface exactly smooth . It may be consider'd also ( to adde that upon the by ) whether upon the Principle lately explicated may not in some measure depend the solidity of glass . For though its parts seem very little or not at all branched or interwoven one within another , and appear very smooth and slippery , yet since the fire that brought them to fusion , and consequently to be fluid , may well be supposd to have sub-divided and reduc'd them into very small Particles , and to have thereby assisted them to exclude the air from b●twixt them , it may seem that it needs not much be wonder'd at , if the immediate contact of such small and smooth Corpuscles suffice to make them hold together ; for that their union is strict enough to keep out the air , may appear from this , that those that blow glasses , and those that distill in them , find not the air can traverse the pores even of heated glass ; and as for any more subtil matter , we see by the free passage of Light and Heat , or , to speak more warily , of magnetical Effluvia through glass , without injuring its texture , that such matter but moderately mov'd will not hinder the little solid parts from cleaving together . And on this occasion it might be consider'd , how much the juxta-position of their Corpuscles crowded together by fusion may contribute to the consistence and brittleness of Salt-Petre , and diverse other bodies , which may from an incoherent powder be readily turn'd into one Mass ; as also how far the sticking together ( for I speak not of the figures compos'd by them ) of the small parts of hanging drops of water , and such other Liquors as are not thought to consist of Corpuscles hooked or branch'd , may be ascrib'd to the contact of their small parts , and the exclusion of air . These , I say , and some other such things might be here consider'd , but that we are forbidden to examine them particularly , and especially what has been represented touching the solidity of glass , ( which we suspect another cause may have a great Interest in ) by our haste , which calls us to the remaining part of our Discourse . Though then it be hence ( to omit other proofs elsewhere mention'd ) sufficiently manifest , that the Air has a spring , and that a strong one , yet there appears no great necessity of having recourse to it for the giving an Account why the two smooth glasses above mention'd were able to adhere so closely to each other : For a probable Reason of the same Phaenomenon may be rende●'d by the pressure of the Air consider'd as a weight . And fi●st , we must recall to mind what we ( a little above ) said of the Recoyling , ( or Rebounding of the Pressure ) of a Cylinder of Air from the Earth , to the suspended piece of glass , proceeding from this , that the fluid Air , which is not without some Gravity , being hinder'd by the resisting surface of the terrestrial Globe to fall lower , must diffuse it self , and consequently press as well upwards as any other way . Next , we may consider , that when the surfaces of two flat Bodies of any notable ( and for example of equal ) breadth do immediately touch each other , and lye both of them level with the Horizon , and one of them directly over the other ; in this case , I say , since the Air cannot move in an instant from the edges to the middle of the two surfaces that lye upon each other , the lowermost cannot be drawn away downwards in a perpendicular line from the uppermost , but that by reason of the stiffness and contact of the two Bodies , it must necessarily happen that at the instant of their separation , should it be effected , the lowermost glass will be press'd upon by the whole ( Crooked ) Pillar of Air , suppos'd to reach from the top of the Atmosphere , and to have for Basis the superficies of the undermost glass . For at that instant , the Air having not time to get in between the two glasses , there is nothing between them during that instant to resist the pressure of that Air which bears against the lower superficies of that undermost glass , and consequently such a revulsion of the lower glass cannot be effected but by a weight or force capable to surmount the power of the weight of the abovemention'd Cylinder of the Atmosphere ; and this , as I said , because that by reason of the sudden separation , the upper surface of the glass has not any air contiguous to it , which , were it there , would ( according to the nature of Fluid and springy Bodies ) press as much against the upper surface of the glass , as the Pillar of the Atmosphere against the lower , and consequently sustain that Endeavour of the Air against the lower side of the glass , which in our propos'd case must be surmounted by the weight or force employ'd to draw down the lower glass . And hence we may understand ( to adde that upon the by ) That it is not necessary that the contiguous surfaces of the two flat glasses we have been treating of , be parallel'd to the Horizon : For if you should hold them perpendicular to it , their divulsion would not cease to be difficult , provided it were attempted to be made by suddenly pulling one of the broad surfaces from the other in a level line , and not by making one of the surfaces slide upon the other ; for in the former case , the separation of the contiguous Bodies will be hinder'd by the weight or pressure of the lateral Air ( if I may so speak ) that bears against the broad sides of the glasses contiguous to it . But whereas in these cases we suppose the superficies of the two glasses to be so exactly flat and smooth , that no Air at all can come between them ; Experience has inform'd us , that it is extreamly difficult , if at all possible , to procure from our ordinary Tradesmen either Glasses or Marbles , so much as approaching such an Exquisiteness : For we could very hardly get either experienc'd Stone-cutters , or Persons skill'd at grinding of glasses , to make us a pair of round Marbles , though of an inch or two only in Diameter , that would for so much as two or three minutes hold up one another in the Air by contact , though they would easily enough take up each other , if the uppermost were drawn up nimbly , before the Air could have leisure to insinuate it self betwixt them . But this notwithstanding , we endeavour'd by the following Expedient , not only to manifest that the Power or Pressure of the Air is in these Experiments very great , but also to make some Estimate ( though but an imperfect one ) how great that Power is . Having then provided a pair of Marbles of an inch and half in Diameter , and as flat and smooth as we could get , and having consider'd , that as 't was the getting in of the Air between them that ( for the reason above declar'd ) hinder'd them from sticking strongly together ; so the Access afforded to the Air was for the most part due to that scarcely evitable roughness or inequality of their surfaces that remain'd in spight of the Polish : considering these things , I say , we suppos'd that the intrusion of the Air might be for some while prevented by wetting the surfaces to be joyn'd with pure Spirit of Wine ; and that yet this Liquor , that seems the freest that we know of from tenacity , would not otherwise than by keeping out the air prove a Cement to fasten the stones together . But because the easie separation of such smooth Bodies as adhere but by contact does in great part ( as we formerly noted ) proceed from this , That whereas it is very difficult to hold such Bodies exactly level for any considerable space of time , and yet the least Inclination any way gives the lower Body opportunity to slide off ; because of this , I say , we resolv'd in the first place to see what could be done by fastening to the upper Marble certain Wires and a Button , in such manner as that the lower Marble , when it was joyn'd , might freely fall directly down , but no● slip much aside , being hinder'd by the Wire . And in pursuit of this we found , that not only the dry Marbles could be made to take up and hold up one another , but that once by drawing up the upper Marble nimbly , we could take up ( but not keep up for any time ) together with the lower Marble , a Scale , and in it a pound weight of 16 Ounces Troy. After this we moisten'd the surfaces of the Marbles with such pure Alkalizate Spirit of Wine as we elsewhere teach to make , which was so thin and subtil , that not only we burn'd some of it before we would employ it about this Experiment in a Silver Spoon , without leaving so much as any sign of Phlegm behind ; but it would ( in the open air ) almost in a moment fly away from the surface of the Marble anointed with it , and leave it dry and glossy . The Marbles being skilfully wetted , and kept by the above-mention'd wires from slipping aside , we cast into a Scale fasten'd to the lower of them diverse weights at several times , and by nimbly pulling up the higher stone , try'd many times how much we could draw up with the lower , and did sometimes take up above an hundred Ounces , and once an hundred thirty two Ounces Troy , besides the Scale that contain'd them , and the Marble it self , the Diameter of whose smooth surface was by measure but about an inch and two thirds . But here I must take notice , both in relation to this and the following Experiments to be set down concerning smooth Marbles , that we never yet found any sort of Experiments , wherein such slight variations of circumstances could so much defeat our Endeavours ; which we therefore mention , that in case such Experiments be try'd again , it may be thought the less strange , if others be not able to do as much at the first and second , or perhaps the tenth or twentieth tryal , as we did after much Practice had made us expert in this nice Experiment , and suggested to us divers facilitating Circumstances , which could not here in few words be particularly set down . And now , because we perceiv'd that the Spirit of Wine was too fugitive and subtil a Liquor for our purpose , we suppos'd that Oyl , as it would better fill up the little cavities of the Stones , so it would more exactly keep ●ut the air , and less easily v●nish into it . And accordingly , having moisten'd the surfaces with a due Proportion of good express'd Oyl of sweet Almonds , and having carefully observ'd the other requisite Circumstances , we to●k up some drams above four hundred Ounces Troy hanging at the lower Marble . And that you may not suspect that it was by glewing the Marbles together , that the Oyl did enable them to make so much greater resistance against separation than the Spirit of Wine did ; I shall adde , That in case the flat surfaces of the joyn'd Stones were held not parallel , but perpendicular to the Horizon , that so the air might ( as we formerly also observ'd ) immediately succeed as the looser Marble should slide off , the weight of some Ounces was now and then requisite to draw down the Marbles when they had nothing but Spirit of Wine between them , whereas they would easily enough slide off from one another when they were cemented together with Oyl : perhaps because that the Spirit of Wine by reason of the smallness and penetrancy of its parts , and because of its fugitive nature , did not so well fill up the little pores and furrows of the surfaces of the Marbles ; whereby the little protuberances getting into those little cavities , might more resist the sliding of the Marbles upon one anothers surfaces , whose texture is better fitted to make ●heir surfaces smooth and slippery . And to shew that the resistance of such contiguous Marbles to a violent separation is greater in those which being broader are press'd against or resisted by a proportionably bigger ( though not a longer ) Pillar of the Atmosphere ; We caused two Marbles to be made , whose Diameter was three inches or a very little more : and having after the abovemention'd manner employ'd Spirit of Wine to keep out the air from between them , we did after some tryals , with the uppermost of them take up the lowermost , and with it four hundred sixty eight , or four hundred and seventy Ounces . But making use of Oyl of Almonds instead of Spirit of Wine , we did with our own hands draw up twice , one time after another , with the undermost Stone , a much greater weight , namely , eighty four pound or 1344 Ounces ( Troy weight ) notwithstanding which weight we manifestly perceiv'd the Marble at which it hung to stick strongly to the other . And here again we will take notice , that the interpos'd Oyl was so far from being able as a Cement , rather than by keeping out the air , to make these Marbles stick so close together , that , whereas Bodies glew'd or cemented together are wont to make an almost equal resistance to their being separated , in what Posture soever you place them , I made our Marbles , even when we try'd this last Experiment , very freely slide upon one another , by impelling the upppermost to the right hand or to the left , with my Finger or my Thumb : ( whereof the reason is intimated above , where we mention'd almost the like case in Glasses ) and having sometime before taken up a weight which we conjectur'd to be not much inferiour to that last named , we presently for tryal sake held the Marbles with their edges downwards , and found that those that in an Horizontal Position could not be drawn asunder by so great a weight , did in another posture presently fall asunder by their own weight , which made one readily slide off from the other to the ground . Now although we have confess'd , that this way of measuring the force of the Air is not Accurate ; yet we hope it will not be thought Useless , since ( not to mention that by thus breaking the Ice , we may make way for the happier Enquiries of others ) it not only shows us that this pressing or sustaining force of the air , as unheeded as it is wont to be , is very Great , but it may also assist us to conjecture how Great it is , which though we cannot hereby determine precisely and with certainty , yet we may estimate it with much less uncertainty than otherwise we could . I know that the Peripateticks , and the generality of the School Philosophers , will confidently ascribe the sticking of the Marbles , not to the cause we have assign'd , but to Natures Abhorrency and fear of a Vacuum . But not to engage our selves now in a Disquisition that when we discours'd of Fluidity we did ( for the Reasons there express'd ) decline to meddle with ; We will , without disputing whether or no Nature either can at all admit , or do abhorre a Vacuum , content our selves to confirm the Explication given of this Phaenomenon by these two Considerations . The one , That if Nature did so violently oppose a Vacuum as is pretended , it is not likely that any force whatsoever that we could employ would be capable to produce one ; whereas in our case we find , that a little more weight added to the lower of the Marbles , is able to surmount their Reluctancy to separation , notwithstanding the suppos'd danger of thereby introducing a Vacuum . And my next Consideration is , that ( according to what we have hitherto deliver'd ) without having recourse to any such disputable Principle , a fair account may be given of the propos'd Phaenomenon , by the pressure or weight of the Air. And that what we have said concerning the latter of these may be entertain'd with the less difficulty , let us suppose , that when the Marbles stick well together , the lowermost of them , or the appendant weight were fasten'd to the ground : For in this case there appears no reason to believe that their power to resist separation would be less than it was before . And yet it seems evident , that the uppermost Marble would not be perpendicularly pull'd up but by such a force as were at least ( I say at least ) able to lift up a weight equal to that of the last mention'd Marble , and of a Pillar of Air having the Stone for its Base , and reaching to the top of the Atmosphere ; since at the instant of Revulsion , before the Air can get in , and spread it self between the Stones , there is not for ought appears any such Body under the upper Marble , as can help the hand to sustain the weight both of that Marble and the incumbent Cylinder of the Atmosphere , which then gravitates upon it , and consequently upon the hand ; bec●use there is no Air , nor other equivalent Body underneath it , to sustain its part of the weight , as the lower Air is wont to do in reference to the heavy Bodies that lean on it , and to the weight of the incumbent Air. And therefore we need not much marvel , if when only a less weight than that of the foremention'd Pillar of the Atmosphere hangs at the lower Marble , it should be capable of being drawn up by the uppermost , rather than suffer a divulsion from it . As we see that when two Bodies being fasten'd together , are endeavour'd to be drawn asunder by forces or weights not able to separate them , they will usually both of them move that way , towards which either of them is the most strongly drawn . On which occasion , I remember what I have sometimes observ'd in one of the wayes of trying the strength of Load-stones : For if the Load-stone be able to take up more than its own weight , you may as well lift up the Load-stone by a Knife , as the Knife by the Load-stone . And though one accustom'd to judge only by his Eyes , would have imagin'd , that when I held the great weights formerly mention'd suspended in the Air , there was no strong endeavour to pull up the upper Marble from the lower , because my hand being for a while held steddy , seem'd to be at rest ; yet he will easily be invited to suspect that in such a thought there may be a great mistake , who shall consider , that neither did the weight sensibly appear to pull the lower Marble downwards , though my hand assur'd me that the weight had not lost its Gravitation . And if I shall adde , that once , when the weight after having been lifted up into the Air , was casually so loosen'd from the upper Marble , as suddenly to drop down , my hand , unawares to me , was by the force of that Endeavour it just before employ'd to sustain the fallen weight , carried up with such violence , that I very sensibly bruis'd it by the stroak it gave against the face of a By-stander , who chanc'd out of curiosity to hold his Head over the Marbles . And here it will not be impertinent to bring in an Experiment that I once devis'd , not only for other uses , but to illustrate the subject we have been hitherto treating of . The Tryal I lately found registred among my Adversaria , in these Termes . A Brass Valve of about an Inch Diameter was with Cement well fastned to the shorter Leg ( which was but of very few Inches in Length ) of a long Glass Syphon left open at the end of the other Leg. This Valve being let down to the Bottom of a tall Glass Body full of water , so that 't was ( if I much mis-remember not ) between a Foot and half a yard beneath the surface of the water , when there was let in as much water into the Pipe , as reach'd in that as high as the surface of the External Water in the Tall Cucurbite : Then about an Ounce weight was put into the opposite Scale of a Ballance , to the neighbouring Scale whereof one end of a string was tyed , whose other end was fastned to the said Valve , whose parts would be thereby drawn asunder . But when the water was empty'd out of the Pipe , and the Valve was let down to the former depth , there was requisite about 5 Ounces , that is 4 Ounces more than formerly , to disjoin the parts of the Valve , and let the water get in between : And when ( the Syphon being freed from water ) the Valve was listed higher and higher , together with the Pipe , there needed less and less weight to make a Disjunction ; two Ounces of Additional weight ( to the one Ounce requisite to counterpoize the Cover of the Valve it self ) on the water sufficing to lift up the Cover , when the Valve was held about half way , between its Lower station , and the Top of the water ; a single Ounce sufficing afterwards , and half an Ounce of Additional weight proving enough to disjoin the parts when the Valve was held but a little beneath the surface of the Liquor . This relation of an Experiment which I afterwards show'd to many Virtuosi , will perhaps seem somewhat dark to you without a Scheme ; but if you consider it attentively enough to apprehend it throughly , I presume it will show you , that whether or no there be upon any other score a repugnancy to the separation of smooth Bodies join'd by immediate contact ; yet certainly there may be a great Repugnancy upon the bare Account of the Gravity of the medium , wherein the Divulsion is attempted . For in our case the Fuga Vacui , if there be any , ought to resist the separation of the Parts of a Valve still kept under water , as much near the Top of the water , as at the Bottom . And therefore the great difference found in that resistance at those different places , may be attributed to the Pressure of the Ambient water , that thrust them together . And though it be true that Air is an Exceeding Light Body in comparison of water ; yet in divers Tryals I have found the Disproportion in Gravity of those two Fluids not to exceed that of a 1000. to 1. So that considering how many miles , not to say scores of miles , the Air may reach upwards , there seems no absurdity at all to suppose that the bare Pressure of it against the Marbles formerly mention'd , may keep them as coherent as we found them to be . But since this I have been able to make an Experiment , that does sufficiently confirm the former Doctrine . For having suspended the two coherent Marbles in a Capacious Glass , whence by a certain contrivance , the Air could little by little be drawn out , we found as we expected , that whilst there remain'd any considerable quantity of Air in the Glass , the lower Marble continued to stick to the other , the Pressure of the remaining Air , though but weak , being yet sufficient for the sustentation of the lower Marble , which it was not after the Air was further withdrawn . And if when the Disjunction was made , the upper Marble were by another contrivance let down upon the lower , so as to touch it as before ; though whilst the External Air was kept out of the Glass , the upper Marble might easily be rais'd without taking up the lower with it ; yet when the outward Air was let in , the Marbles were press'd together , and became again strongly coherent . But it is now high time to look back to that part of our Discourse , which the consideration of our Marbles has so long intic'd us from directly prosecuting . Although then it may from the past Discourse be conceiv'd , that in Bodies of sensible bulk , whose smooth surfaces touch one another , the force of the Air does mainly make them cohere ; yet it seems that generally in Bodies ( whether greater or smaller ) it is a sufficient cause of Cohesion that the parts of the Body are at rest by one another , though perhaps the entire Concretion be remov'd from place to place . For Bodies of sensible bulk being either fluid or consistent , and it being ( as above we have taught ) the chief requisite of a fluid Body that its small parts be in motion , there seems not any thing necessary to keep a Body from being fluid , and consequently to keep it a firm Body , but that its contiguous parts be in a state of rest . I know that almost all Philosophers both ancient and modern , require something else than the Rest of the parts ( of which scarce any of them takes the least notice as of a thing conducive to Firmness ) to the keeping together the parts of a dry and stable Body . But although to engage very far in such a Metaphysical and nice Speculation were unfit for me , ( at least at present , when I am but to endeavour to explicate Fluidity and Firmness in the sensible Bodies we converse with ; ) yet we dare not quite skip it over , lest we be accus'd of Overseeing it . The greater number of Contemplators ascribe the effect under Consideration to a certain substantial form , to which they assign , among other Offices , that of keeping all the parts united into one Body . But what this form is , and by what means it unites the parts so strongly in a Diamond or a Ruby , &c. and so loosely in Tallow , Camphire , or the like slight concretions , and how the substantial form continuing the same in Water and Ice , the same matter may easily and frequently become by turns a hard and a fluid Body ; how these , I say , and diverse others things are effected by the forms of solid Bodies , is to me , I confess , at least as difficult to conceive , as to imagine without it a cause of Cohesion in the parts of a dry Body . Other Learned Men there are among the modern Naturalists who have recourse some of them to a Spirit , which penetrating and fastening to each other all substances corporeal , unites them into one World ; but others fancy rather a certain Cement or Glue , whereby they conceive the parts of Bodies to be made as it were to stick to each other . But as for this last Hypothesis , it would be consider'd , that though Glue is made use of to joyn together Bodies of sensible bulk , yet Glue it self being a Body that is so too , it must also it self consist of lesser parts sticking to one another ; which allows me to demand the cause of the mutual Coherence of those parts . And if it be answer'd , that they likewise stick together by the Intervention of some more subtil Glue , I shall again represent that this Glue also must consist of corporeal parts ; and therefore I shall further demand how these also stick together : and if the like Answer be again made me , I shall still renew the like Demand , till at length the Answerer be reduc'd to confess , that parts of Matter so very small cannot be reasonably suppos'd to be kept together by a Cement . And if the Corpuscles that make up the finest Glue imaginable are not kept together by a Cement , we may be allow'd to ascribe their Adhesion to the immediate Contact and Rest of the component parts , ( which is a cause intelligible , and at least probable ) till some other sufficient cause be assign'd , which I do not take that to be which is taught by the Patrons of the first Hypothesis lately mention'd , concerning a Spirit diffus'd through the mass of matter . For not to mention that the Agility of a Spirit seems not so proper a Qualification for that which is to fasten Bodies together , we may consider , that this substance which is called a Spirit is indeed but a subtil Body . And why therefore may not the minute parts of other Bodies , if they be conveniently shap'd for Adhesion , stick to one another , as well as stick to this Spirit ? And I should here also demand , how the parts of this Spirit are kept fast to one another . If any should answer , That this Spirit consists of parts which are inseparable , and yet perhaps of a hooked shape , which fits them to fasten themselves to the Bodies they take hold of , and thereby those to one another ; this would be to propose such a new Notion of the diffus'd Spirit , as I know not whether those whose Opinion I have been examining did ever dream of , or would be content to adopt : and sure according to this Hypothesis there must be a wonderful plenty of these little Spirits in the grossest Bodies ; and Ice for example , which is thought so destitute of Spirits , must be well-nigh half made up of them : For these little spirituous parts can fasten no parts of other Bodies together but those they touch , since otherwise the parts of other sorts of matter , if but contiguous , might cohere without these , which is against the Hypothesis . And since each of these small spirituous Corpuscles , if I may so call them , being really a natural Body , and by consequent necessarily divisible , at least by Thought , into parts , I shall ask the Proposers of this new Notion of Spirit , upon what Account this Corpuscle can be indivisible ; I mean , what it is , if it be not Rest and immediate Contact , that hinders but that the parts ( or designable parcel of corporeal substance ) which are divisible by thought , should be alwayes kept together , and never be actually divided . I am not averse indeed from granting , that they may almost alwayes escape Dissolution : but I am apt to suspect that may be , because that by reason of the extreme smallness , and the Rest and strict Contact of their parts , they can scarce ever meet with an Agent minute and swiftly enough mov'd , to be able to shatter them or dissociate the combin'd parts . For to say , that 't is the Nature of every such Corpuscle to be indivisible , is but to give me cause to demand how that appears : For so important an Assertion needs more than a bare Affirmation for proof . And if two of these Corpuscles that are presum'd to be indivisible should , being smooth and of the same figure , ( as for Example Cubical ) happen to lye upon one another , and a third should likewise chance to be fitly plac'd upon the uppermost of the two , what should hinder but that this Aggregate may by the violent knock of some other Corpuscles be broken in the midst of the whole Concretion , and consequently in the middlemost body ? For suppose them as Adamantine as you please , yet since Corpuscles as hard as they are , can be made very violently to knock against them ; why may not these grate or break the middlemost Corpuscles , or any of the others ? as we see that Diamonds themselves may be reduc'd to powder by other Diamonds , though not ( as Artificers vers'd in the Trade inform me ) by Attrition with any other stone . To prove that the Cohesion of the middlemost of the three lately-mention'd small Deyes with the other two , the one above it , the other below , is not so strong as that of the parts of that middlemost Corpuscle , notwithstanding that the contact between each two adjoyning Bodies is suppos'd to be full , ( for so it must be in such Bodies , though not alwayes in others visibly greater , in which some subtiler substance may be suppos'd to come in part between them ; ) to prove this , I say , there must be assign'd some better cause of the Cohesion of the matter in one part of the propos'd Body than in the other . And it cannot with probability be pretended , that a Corpuscle presum'd uncapable to be divided should consist of hooked parts : and if that should be pretended , yet ev'n these hooks also ●eing true Bodies , the Question would recur concerning Them and be still renewable in infinitum . If it should be said that these minute Bodies are indissoluble , because it is ●heir nature to be so ; that would not be to render a Reason of the thing propos'd , but in effect to decline rendring any . And though I know that in every Hypothesis about the principles of things , something is allow'd to be assum'd , as not being to be explain'd or prov'd by any thing more primary than it self ; yet I know not whether this excuse be proper in our Case , wherein it seems that the entireness and permanency of any parcel of matter , how minute soever , may be probably enough deduc'd from the immediate Contact , the Rest and the extreme littleness of its designable parts . And if for a last refuge it should be said , that the designable parts of these Corpuscles are therefore unseparable , because there is no vacuity at all intercepted between them ; besides that this is contrary to the supposition formerly made ; for such extremely minute Deyes as we imagin'd to be one upon another , having their surfaces according to our Postulatum , flat , smooth , and exquisitely congruous , could no more than the parts of either of the three Corpuscles have any vacuity intercepted between them : besides this , I say , this is both to suppose a Vacuum in all divisible Bodies , and that too as the cause of their being such , and to decline the former Hypothesis touching the use of this Spirit , and take Sanctuary among the Atomists , to whose opinion about the account upon which those Bodies they call Atoms are not dissipated , although some of the Considerations we have alledg'd against the newly examin'd opinion may in part be appli'd ; yet diverse of their other opinions do so fairly comport with the generality of our Experiments in these Notes touching Fluidity and Firmness , that I am willing to decline clashing with them , by not pursuing now any further a Disquisition , which , as I said a while ago , is not necessary to my present design : especially , since the dim and bounded Intellect of man seldom prosperously adventures to be Dogmatical about things that approach to Infinite , whether in vastness or littleness . Nor indeed would I have that look'd upon as a resolute Declaration of what I think of so abstruse a Subject , which I have rather propos'd to avoid saying nothing , where I suppos'd it expected I should say something . The other thing then , which in our Description of a firm Body we mention'd as capable to make it so , is the texture of the parts ( whether homogeneous or not ) that constitute it ; and though the Juxta-position and Rest of these parts may possibly alone suffice to make the Body stable ; yet this Texture seems to be the most usual cause of stability , and sometimes also it may superadde a degree of that quality to that which bodies may have upon the former account only . For , though whilst the parts of the Body are actually at rest it cannot be fluid , yet those parts , if they cohere to one another but by rest only , may Caeteris paribus be much more easily dissociated and put into motion by any external Body actually mov'd , than they could be if they were by little hooks and eyes , or other kind of fastenings intangl'd in one another ; it being often necessary in this case violently to break off these fastenings before the little bodies fasten'd together by them can be disjoyn'd , and put into such a separate motion as is requisite to the constituting of a fluid Body . We formerly made use of that familiar substance , the white of an Egge , to illustrate the nature of Fluidity : Let us now try whether it will also assist us in our enquiry after the causes of stability . When an Egge is made hard by boyling , since whether we suppose this Induration to be effected by bare motion or impulse , or else by the insinuation of fiery Corpuscles , since I say there is nothing that appears to get in at the shell , unless perhaps some calorifick Atoms , and perchance too some little particles of the fluid water it is boyled in , 't is not easie to discover from whence else this change of consistency proceeds , than from a change made in the texture of the parts whereby they are connected and dispos'd after a new manner , fit to make them reciprocally hinder the freedom of each others motions . But if instead of hardning the whites of Eggs by the heat of the fire , you beat them very well into froth , you may perceive that froth to emulate the nature of a stable Body : for not only you may raise it up to a pretty height , and make it retain a sharp top almost like a Pyramide ; but I remember I have for curiosity sake made with a little care a long and proportionably thick Body of these bubbles hang down from my finger without falling , like an ice-icle from one of the Reeds of a thatch'd House , and yet in this there appears not any alteration to be made in the fluid Body , save a meer Mechanical change of the disposition of its parts : which may be confirmed by water beaten into froth , for there the heaped bubbles will quickly subside and fall back into water of the very same consistence it was of before . Now there may be several things whereby a body may be put into such a texture as is convenient to make it firm or stable . And of these , before we consider of them particularly , it will be fit to take notice in general , that for the most part 't is not from any of them Single , but from two or more of them Concurring , that the Stability of Concretions proceeds . The first and chiefest of these seems to be the fitness of the shapes of the component particles to fasten to each other ; as if some were figur'd like the handles of Buckets , and others like the hooks , that are wont to be employ'd to draw them up out of the Well , or some like buttons , others like loops , some like male , others like female screws ( as Mechanicians speak ) or as if many together were so variously branch'd , that their parts may be so interwoven one within another , as not to be easily separable ( as we often see in a well-made dry hedge , of which if a man go to pull away one bough , he shall often be unable to do it without pulling away with it diverse others whose slender twigs will be intangled with it . ) An eminent example of the power of the bare Texture of many small Bodies ( even such as each of them apart is not perhaps extraordinarily shap'd for such a purpose ) to make a stable one , is afforded us by Ropes and Cables ; where only by twisting together and wreathing the slender and flexible threds the Cable is made up of , they are so well as it were wedg'd in between and fasten'd to one another , that they constitute a Body not to be broken by the weight of an Iron Anchor , nor perhaps by the force of a Ship violently driven on by the fury of the Winds and Waves . This figuration of the Corpuscles that make up consistent Bodies , seems to have been the chief if not only cause of their consistence in the Judgment of the antient Atomists , this being the account that is given of it by Lucretius . Denique quae nobis durata ac spissa videntur , Haec magis hamatis inter sese esse necess ' est , Et quasi ramosis alte compacta teneri . In quo jam genere imprimis adamantina saxa , Prima acie constant , ictus contemnere sueta , Et validi salices , ac duri robora ferri , Aeraque quae claustris restantia vociferantur . And indeed , so innumerable may be the correspondent figures which are fit to fasten bodies to one another , that it is very possible that two bodies , whereof each a part is fluid , may upon their Conjunction immediately intangle their parts in one another , and thereupon acquire such a new texture , that their parts cannot as formerly dissociate themselves at pleasure , and move along one anothers surfaces , nor consequently flow after the manner of Liquors , but are so connected or intangled , that the motion of one of them will be resisted by many , and so the whole Body will become firm or stable . Something like this may be seen in the Experiment mention'd by our Author , where he teaches that the distill'd Liquor of Nitre , and that made per Deliquium out of fix'd Nitre , will presently upon their mixture in part concoagulate into saline and consequently stable Bodies : but this seeming only a re-union of the saline particles that did , though invisibly , swim up and down in the aqueous parts of the mingled Liquor , which after this separation remains both more copious than the saline parts , and as fluid as before , we will adde a noble instance ( mention'd to another Purpose by Lully and Hartman ) to declare how much the firmness of bodies depends upon their t●xture . If you take then the Alchool or highly-rectify'd Spirit of Wine , and exquisitely deflegm'd Spirit of Urine , and mix them in a due proportion ( as I remember the last time I made the Experiment I took about equal parts by guess , though two of the former to but one of the latter , if This be excellent , be a better Proportion ; ) you may in and about a minute of an hour turn these two fluid Liquors into a constant Body ; and ● confess it was not without pleasure , that I have immediately upon the shaking of these two Liquors seen them shoot into the likeness of Snow , and acquire such a consistence , that I could without spilling the mixture turn the vessel that contain'd it upside down . But I dare not expect to have this Experiment believ'd ev'n by most of them that shall try it , Experience having taught me , that it will not succeed , unless the Spirits of Urine and of Wine be both of them more exactly deflegm'd than is usual even among Chymists . Yet so much more does this coagulation seem to depend upon the Salt of U●ine as of such a texture , than barely as U●inous , that we will add that , As the spirit of fermented Urine is not ( whatsoever some eminent Chymists may think or say ) so indispensably requisite , but that my curiosity leading me to try whether other Liquors , which I suppos'd to be of a resembling nature , might not serve the turn , I found that sufficiently-rectifyed Spirit of Harts-horn ( to mention that alone here ) may be made to supply its place : So I endeavour'd to make it probable by this , That having try'd a certain method ( though that may seem strange to most Chymists ) of so ordering Urine , that without staying at all to ferment or putrifie it either forty days or half so many hours , I can make the volatile or saline Spirit ascend first in distillation though I use but some such gentle heat as that of a Bath : Having , I say , by this means distill'd a very strong Spirit of unfermented Urine , and rectify'd it too , I found , as I expected , that I could not by any means make it coagulate with Spirit of Wine , which seem'd to proceed from the differing texture of this Spirit from that of Fermented , or rather Putrify'd , Urine , since I had added nothing to the fresh Urine I distill'd , but what was extreamly fix'd and belonging ( as Chymists speak ) to the mineral Kingdom . Wher●upon having had the curiosity to enquire of some of my Chymical acquaintances , I found that they complain'd that they had not been able to coagulate Spirit of Wine with the saline Spirit made of meer Urine , without any addition at all , when they distill'd that Urine without a previous putrefaction ( which is not wont to be perf●cted under six weeks or thereabouts . ) But to return to our Coagulum we will annex , That this is further remarkable in this Experiment , that this whi●e coagulated substance being put into a glass vessel exactly stopt and kept in a gentle heat ( which yet it self is not pe●haps necessary , though expedient ) for some weeks or months , will at least for the gr●atest part by much ( for I have not yet totally seen it do so ) resume the fo●m of a limpid Liquor ; as if eith●r all the c●ooked particl●s that conn●cted the small coalitions of the Vinous and Urinous Corpuscles to one another , were by the motion they were put into by the external heat one after another broken off , or else the same little concretions ( for the Menstruum seems to consist chiefly of them , being able to perform other matters than either of the single Liquors whereof 't is constituted ) either afflicted by outward warmth , or inab●ed thereto by some other cause of mobility , did after many and various attempts to clear themselves of each other , little by little so unbend or break off the crooked particles that intangled them , as at length to extricate themselves , and become capable of freely shifting places among themselves , and so of the form of a Liquor . And here I shall adde a couple of Experiments for the sake of their affinity with some parts of the newly recited Experiments about the Vino-Urinous Coagulate . And first it seem'd to me worth trying , whether some Acid Salts being duly order'd would not concoagulate with Spirit of Wine , as well as with Urinous Salts ; and having for a while digested together in a convenient proportion pure Saccharum Saturni , made with Spirit of Vinegar , and rectify'd Spirit of Wine , I found the mixtures so chang'd in point of Consistence , that upon inclining the Glass which contained it , none of it would run down the Sides . But this Experiment did not afterwards seem to me either easie or consistent , nor is it more then one of the ways , and I doubt none of the best , of attempting what we have propos'd . The other Experiment I promis'd you , relates to the resolution of the Coagulum of Spirit of Wine ( which to be performed by digestion requires a very long time ) And I wish I had not some reasons to hinder me from communicating to you the way of making of it at present ; it being an Experiment that seems somewhat strange in its kind ; but that part of it which is directly pertinent to our present Argument , you will , I trust , believe upon my Relation , which is , that by the addition of nothing but of a very fixt and very dry Body ( insomuch that 't will not yield any thing by the common way of distillation even in a naked fire ) by the sole addition , I say , of this dry Body , the newly mention'd Coagulum , which is also a consistent Body , may in a few hours be brought into a permanent Liquor ( quite distinct from the dry Body ) which when Experience first recommended this way to me , was of too subtle and penetrating a Nature , not to make me expect from it considerable Effects , both in Chymistry and Physick , of which imitation you may be pleas'd to take notice . But to return to what I was about to subjoyn after the mention of our Coagulum , as that is an Example of firmness produced by Texture ; I will here , because it is not easie to procure Spirits pure enough to make such a Concretion as that . I will here , I say , set down another way of speedily hardning one fluid Body by another ; for if you take the white of an Egge , and beat it till it become thin , and then shake well into it about half its quantity ( perhap● much less might serve the turn ) of right Spirit of Salt , you shall have in a few minutes the mixture so coagulated , that I remember when we turn'd the glass wherein we made it upside down , not a drop of Liquor did run out , though some hours after we obtain'd a little by breaking the crudled matter . And another Experiment much of the nature of this is said to be delivered by Sir Francis Bacon , who teaches to coagulate whites of Eggs with Spirit of Wine : and indeed , if you observe a circumstance ( unmention'd , that I hear of , by him ) which is the shaking of the two Bodies well together , and if your Spirit of Wine be good , the Experiment will succeed very well , insomuch that I remember I have made this way a Coagulum , from which no Liquor would drop down in about a minute of an hour . But whereas this great Naturalist conceives this hardning of the Egg 's white to be perform'd by the heat of the Spirit of Wine , I shall willingly confess he has assign'd the cause ingeniously , but must doubt whether he have done it truly : for there are diverse things that seem to argue Spirit of Wine , as inflammable as it is , to abound with a piercing Salt , and that such saline Corpuscles may suffice to crudle whites of Eggs , our freshly-mention'd Experiment of crudling the white of an Egge with Spirit of Salt does sufficiently declare ; and not only we have perform'd the like effect with some other Acid Spirits , and particularly that call'd Oyl of Vitriol , but it may be produc'd , though more slowly , ev'n by a crude Salt ; for by long beating the white of an Egge with a lump of Allum , you may bring it for the most part into white cruds . So that if we will allow the coagulation we treat of to be performed by the Spirit of Wine as hot , it seems that that heat must be only such as may be ascrib'd to the active particles of saline bodies , which yet are commonly accounted rather cold than hot . But because I somewhat doubt how justly they are reputed so , I will adde , that I did purposely for tryals sake , take the Serum or Whey that is wont to swim upon mans Blood after it is cold and setled , and indeavour'd in vain to coagulate it with such Spirit of Wine as would coagulate Eggs , and yet this whey will at least as soon as ( if not much sooner than ) whites of Eggs coagulate over a gentle heat of Embers ; which makes it doubtful , whether the effect proceed not from the greater correspondency in texture of the Spirit of Wine with one of the Liquors than with the other , rather than from the heat ascrib'd to it , which did not at all coagulate the whey . But although we have mention'd some Examples to shew that two fluid Bodies may be associated into a consistent one ; yet we want not an Experiment to make it appear , that likewise by the change of Texture a fluid Body may be divided into two consistent ones . This Experiment which we have partly taken notice of before ( treating of Fluidity ) is , that having for tryals sake by convenient degrees of fire distill'd over a due proportion of the more volatile parts of f●llet Oyl , neither the Liquor that came over , nor the substance that remain'd behind in the Retort was fluid , though the Oyl that yielded them had been so . But when I put to the Oyl before Distillation a convenient quantity of common Salt , and one or two other things , that were fit to change the Texture of the branch'd or hookt Corpuscles whereof it consisted ; I could then obtain an Oyl of common Oyl , that both dropt into the Receiver in the form of a Liquor , and continued a Fluid Body ; which may probably be of good use to Surgeons , Varnishers , and Men of some other Professions . And to make it the more likely , that by Additaments of some such nature as that newly mention'd , some g●●sser and cloggy parts are retain'd , or else much subtiliz'd ●nd otherwise altered . I shall adde that pros●cuting 〈◊〉 I happen'd to meet with in the discourse of a 〈…〉 Chymist , I practis'd a way so to desecate the 〈…〉 muddy Oyl of Am●er drawn per se , that a pretty 〈◊〉 of it would come over so transparent and 〈◊〉 lour'd , that the Experiment did not a little please 〈◊〉 shew'd it to . And if it do not appear upon tryal , 〈◊〉 this way of preparing Oyl of Amber does by detaini●● some parts , which though more gross then the rest , may yet be no useless one ; impair the Remedy , and that it does not , upon some other score infringe the medicinal vertue of the Oyl , the Experiment will not be unuseful . For the Liquor that is thus prepared is not only very diaphanous and well colour'd , but so pure and subtle that 't will swim , not only upon Water , but upon Spirit of Wine it self . And 't will be no despicable thing , it by extending or further applying this Experiment to other indispos'd Bodys , many Empyreumatical Oyls distill'd by strong fires in Retorts , can be brought to emulate essential Oyls ( as Chymists call them ) drawn in Limbicks , as to clearness and lightness . The additament I last thought fit to make use of for purifying Oyl of Amber was briefly this . ℞ . Two Pound or somewhat less of good Brandy , One Pound of good Sea-Salt , and half a Pound of the Oyl to be subtiliz'd , mix and distil them together . Upon the mention I made above of the white Coagulum of the Spirits of Wine and Urine , I remember what I have sometimes observ'd in the essential Oyl of Anniseeds ( as Chymists speak ) distill'd with store of water in a Limbick and Refrigeratory , nam●ly , that in the heat of Summer it would remain a perf●ct Liquor like other Chymical Oyls ; but during ●he cold of the Winter , though they , notwithstanding that season , continued fluid as before , the Oyl of Anniseeds would coagulate into a Body , though not of an uniform Texture to the Eye like Butter ( but rather almost like Camphire ) yet like it white and consistent , not without some kind or degree of Brittleness . And on this occasion I will here insert an Experiment which should have been set down in that part of the former History of Fluidity , where I mention , that the small parts of a Body may be sufficiently agitated to constitute a Liquor by the Air or other Agents not se●sibly hot themselves . The Experiment take ●hus . Casting by chance my Eyes in the Winter time upon a glass of Oyl of Anniseeds which stood coagulated by the cold of the season , I presently bethought my self of making a Liquor ( whose process belongs to another Treatise ) of which as soon as I had prepar'd it I made this Tryal . I melted with a gentle heat the congeled Oyl of Anniseeds to make it flow , and then cover'd par● of it in another glass wi●h a Mix●ure I had provided : and h●ving let th●m both rest in the window , I found , that the meer Oyl being fully refrigerated again , coagulated as before ; but that which was cover'd with the other Liquor continu'd fluid both day and night , and in several changes of weather , and does still remain at the bottom of the Menstruum a clear Oyl distinct from it , though I have purposely shaken them together to confound them . And because , Pyrophilus , I have not discover'd to you the Menstruum I made use of , I will here present you with a Succedaneous Experiment made with a common Liquor . I took then good clear Venetian Turpentine , and having slowly evaporated about a fourth or fifth part of it , till the remaining substance being suffer'd to cool would afford me a coherent Body , ( or a fine Colophony ) I caus'd some of this transparent and very brittle Gum ( of which I have elsewhere taught you some uses ) to be reduc'd to fine powder : of which I put into pure Spirit of Wine a greater proportion , then I judg'd the Liquor was capable of dissolving , to the end that when the Spirit had taken up as much of the Powder as it could , there might remain at the bottom a pretty quantity of our Colophony . On which , though the Menstruum ( being already glutted ) could not act powerfully enough to dissolve it , yet it might give the matter ( which it had already so far softened , as to reduce it into a coherent mass ) agitation enough to emulate a fluid ( though somewhat viscous ) Body . And accordingly I obtain'd a sluggish Liquor , which continued fluid , as long as I pleas'd to continue the Menstruum upon it . The like Experiment I try'd with clarify'd Rosin , and with fine Colophony , though but bought at the Shops ; and although the Tryal sometimes succeeded not ill , yet I found not the success constant and uniform , whether because the Bodys to be dissolv'd were not defecated and pure enough , or that I did not hit upon the best proportion between the Solvent and them . But this circumstance I shall not omit , that when the glutinous Liquor was separated from the Menstruum , it would by degrees , though but slowly , harden in the Air. The Application of which property , for the preservation of small and very tender Bodies , I shall not here more expresly hint then by having barely nam'd it . I had forgot to adde , that whilst the substance continu'd fluid , I could shake it , ( as I lately told you ● could the Oyl of Anniseeds ) with the supernatant Menstruum , without making between them any true or lasting Union . Which last circumstance brings into my mind another Experiment that I likewise forg●t to adde to that part of the former History of Fluidity , where I take notice , that the particular Textures of fluid Bodies may be reckon'd among the chief causes of their being dispos'd , or indispos'd to mingle with one another . For partly to confirm this Conjecture , and partly to manifest that 't is not universally true which Chymists are wont to think , that Acid Salts and Oyls will not incorporate or mingle ; I took an arbitrary quantity ( and , as I remember equal weight ) of common Oyl of Vitriol and common Oyl of Turpentine , as I bought them at the Druggists : these I put together very slowly , ( for that circumstance should not be omitted ) and obtain'd according to my desire an opacous and very deep-colour'd mixture , whose almost Balsam-like consistence was much thicker than either of the Liqu●rs that compos'd it . ( The like Experiment also succesfully try'd with some other Chymical Oyls , but found none preferable for this purpose to Oyl of Turpentine . ) And to make it probable that the disposition of these Liquors to mingle thus presently together depended much on their Texture , we made the mixture be war●ly ●●s●ill'd over , ( for else the Experiment will searce suc●eed ) a●d thereby obtain'd , ( as we elsewhere men●ion to another pu●pose ) a certain gross substance , which was that which seem'd to mediate the former union betwixt the two Liquors . For this substance being separated , and thereby the Texture of one of the Liquors ( or perhaps both ) being chang'd , the Liquors ( which came over very clear into the Receiver ) swome upon one another ; nor have I since been able by shaking them together to confound them for any considerable time , but they presently part again , and do to this day remain distinct as well as transparent . But af●er having forgot to set down these things in their proper place , I must not forget also , that to employ here more words about them were to digress . To this then annex we , that the Liquor we elsewhere mention our selves to have distill'd from Benzoin , has been and is still subject to much more frequent vicissitudes of Fluidity and Firmness ; for part of it all the year long continues in the form of a blackish Oyl , and the rest according as the season of the year or of the day makes the weather cold or hot , frequently changes its Texture , sometimes appearing perfectly the same with the newly-mention'd Oyl , and sometimes shooting into clear and variously-shap'd Crystals , which fasten themselves to the bottom and sides of the Vessel , till a warmer part of the day or of the Season resolves them again into a Liquor . And these two last Observations may also serve to confirm what we formerly taught , that the Fluidity of some bodies depended almost wholly upon the various agitation of their parts : for in there instances the parts of the Anniseeds and those of the B●nzoin , upon the operation or absen●e of the languid heat of the ambient air , sometimes agitating them , and sometim●s suffering them to rest , did constitute a fluid or a consistent Body . An● h●ving thus taken no●ice of this upon the by , we will 〈◊〉 the other Examples mention'd under this second head , that which it a●forded as to ou● presen● purpose by Salt-P●tre , which being ●issolv'd 〈◊〉 ●●fficient quantity of common water , will seem to be lost in it , and to constitute with it one uniform fluid substance ; but if a competent quantity of that water be boil'd ( or permitted to exhale ) away , and the remaining liquor be suffered to rest a while , especially in a cool place , the saline particles will be re-uniting themselves and by the exclusion of the aqueous parts , constitute stable and determinately-figur'd Ice-icles or Crystals . The consideration of this may suggest to us another way , that seems quite contrary to the former , whereby some bodies may become firm and solid , and that is by the intermingling of a due proportion of water or some other Liquor . For , though the small parts of such fluid Bodies , being themselves in motion , are apt to give those of others such an agitation as we have formerly taught that Fluidity principally depends on ; it seems that the admission of any Liquor must rather conduce to the making of a body fluid than consistent ; yet if we consult Experience , it will instruct us otherwise ; for when I have taken either an equal or a double weight of Oyl of Vitriol and distill'd it warily from running Mercury ; very much the greater part of the Liquor would come over , and leave behind it a very white Powder considerably fixt . And if we examine that familiar Production of Chymistry , Mercurius dulcis ( which they now use to make by subliming of together two parts of crude Mercury , with but one of Sublimate , which consists chiefly of Mercury already ) we may find that in That which is counted the best , the fluid Body of Quick-silver is so contex'd with the Salts it carries up in Sublimation , that the dry and brittle Body they compose may contain far more ( perhaps twice more ) Quick-silver than Salt. And other Experiments may perswade us , that the mixture of a convenient Liquor may cement bodies into one hard Concretion , which would scarce be compacted together otherwise . Nor is it against reason that it should be so ; for there may be differing qualifications required to a body whilst it is constituting , and when it is constituted , and though the motion of the parts that make it up , oppose the firmness of a formed body , yet it may conduce to the making of a firm body : for when a great many hard Corpuscles lye together loose and incoherent , they do , as we formerly noted , emulate a fluid body ; whereas by the mixture of a Liquor , those loose Corpuscles being for a while dissociated and put into motion , they may after many Evolutions apply themselves to one another after that manner that is most requisite to make them touch one another closely , and according to a greater surface . Whereupon it often follows , that the Liquor in which they did formerly swim is either squeez'd out upon their closing , or else so dispers'd in small particles , and dispos'd of among those of the harder Corpuscles , that they are unable to agitate them , or prejudice their mutual cohesion . And here to dilucidate the subject under consideration by an instance that seems very pertinent to it , we will make a further use of the Experiment formerly mention'd touching the burning of Alabaster : For if the powder , after it has done boyling and has been sufficiently burnt , and kept some hours ( the most experienced Artificers observing that it is not so convenient to employ it presently after it is taken off the fire ) be well beaten and tempered up with fair water almost to the consistence of thin pap , if the powder have been rightly prepar'd and skilfully temper'd , you shall see that fluid substance in a few minutes of an hour b●gin to set ( as the Trades-men speak ) that is to exchange its Fluidity for Firmness , so that if it were b●●ore cast into a mould , it will perfectly retain the figure of the internal surface thereof . Now that in our mixture there is for a while such an agitati●n of the hard parts produc'd upon the aff●sion of ●he wate● , and a●t●rwards an ●xc●usion of the s●perfl●●us water , we may confirm partly by this , That when any considerable quantity of burnt Alabaster is temper'd up with water , the mixture after a little time grows sensibly hot , and sometimes continues so for a pretty while : and partly also by this , That having purposely for tryals sake fill'd a new and good Glass-Vial , containing about half a pint , or pound , with the mixture we speak of , and when it was top full , stop'd it up very close , the liquid mixture within less than half an hour crack'd the Vial ( though standing in a window ) in several places , and at those crevises discharg'd it self of about a spoonful of clear water , the remaining mixture retaining perfectly the figure and dimensions of the Vial , and growing as hard as Chalk or somewhat harder , insomuch that we were fain to imploy several strokes with a strong Iron to divide the mass . And let me here adde , that some other substances may this way afford much solider Bodies than burnt Alabaster does : and therefore it may be a thing of good use to enquire out and try what other Bodies , easily to be procur'd , may be thus brought to a new and lasting Solidity . For the Learned Hydrographer , Fournier , speaking of those Damms or Digues ( as he calls them in his Language ) which are sometimes made in the Sea to secure Shipping , ( as I have seen at the Port of Genoa and elsewhere ) after having told us that the Romans made the fairest Harbours in the World by the help of a certain Sand to be met with at Cuma and Puteoli in the Kingdome of Naples , which Sand mingl'd with a third part of Quick-lime acquires in the water a flint-like hardness ; , subjoyns this Observation of his own , J'ay veu , &c. that is , I have seen ( sayes he ) in Flanders near Tournay a certain sort of ashes of Lime made of Marble , which was excellent for any kind of work made in the water . For having made a Bed of great stones , they cast upon them whole Baggs full of such ashes instead of Mortar , and the water betwixt the stones having temper'd up these ashes , petrify'd them to that degree , that in a short time they became as hard as Marble . Thus far He. But to pursue our former Discourse . That also which we intimated of the conduciveness of the various tumblings to and fro of the hard particles to their uniting into one firm concretion , seems confirmable by what we have observ'd in some saline Liquors , especially certain parcels of Spirit of Harts-horn , which whatever were the constitution of the ambient air , rem●ind fluid some of them for many months , after which the saline Corpuscles began to shoot at the bottom of the remaining Liquor into exquisitely-figur'd Crystals , which at length grew copious enough . For this spontaneous coagulation of the little saline Bodies happening so late , it seemed that it was preceded by almost innumerable evolutions , which were so many and so various , that at length the little bodies came to obvert to each other those parts of themselves by which they might be best fasten'd toget●●● and consti●ute a firm body . Which conjecture seem'd t●● less improbable , because we could not well imagine th●● this coagul●tion proceeded ( as that of dissolv'd Allum and other Sal●s is wont to do ) from the evaporation of the superfluous Liquor ; for the Glasses wherein what we have mentioned happen'd being carefully stop'd , there was no danger of such an avolation , and if any thing could get away , it must have been the subtil peircing and fugitive Spirit , ( which indeed , as my Nose had inform'd me , does oftentimes penetrate ordinary stopples ) for the flying away of those volatile parts would only have left the remaining Liquor more aqueous . And 't is well known to those that deal with such kind of Liquors , that the more aqueous they are , the l●ss apt they are to Crystallize . And however it will serve our turn , that there was but an insensible diminution of the Liquor upon the recesse of whatever it was that got through the Cork . To the same purpose I remember also , that having in a Crystal Vial carefully kept a pretty quantity of well-colour'd Tincture of Amber , made with pure Spirit of Wine , it remain'd fluid for a year or two , and during that time presented us with a strange Phaenomenon that belongs to other papers . * But having been absent for two or three years from the place where we lock'd it up , we found , when we came again to look upon it , that that though it had formerly remain'd fluid so long , yet several yellow lumps of Amber , almost like Beads , with one side flat , had here and there fasten'd themselves partly to the bottom , and partly to the sides of the Glass : the rest of whose internal surface continues yet transparent . Another thing whereby bodies become stable is , the admission of adventitious Corpuscles into their Pores and recesses . And of the wayes by which these foreign Corpuscles may bring the substance they invade to be compact , these four appear the chief . First then , the adventitious Corpuscles we speak of may produce stability in the matter they pervade , by expelling thence those voluble particles which , whilst they continu'd in it , did by their shape unfit for cohesion , or by their motion oppose the coalition , or disturb the Rest of the other particles whereof the Body consisted . But of this having already discoursed , proceed we to what is to follow . In the next place then , foreign Bodies may contribute to the stability of a substance they get into , by hindering the motion of the little Bodies that constitute it . And thirdly , such advenient Bodies , especially if they be not of the smallest size , may produce a firmness in the substance which they get into , by constituting with the particles it consists of , Corpuscles more unapt for motion , and fitted for mutual cohesion . These two we mention together , because that very often Nature imploys them together for the introducing of stability into Matter . To these seems to be reducible the way of turning the fluid body of milk into cruds by the mixture of a little Runnet , whose saline particles pervading the body of the milk , do not only make a commotion in the parts of it , but fasten the branched particles of it to one another , and with them constitute a body of another texture than was the milk ; and the weight of these crudled bodies reducing them by degrees into a closer order , does , whilst it presses them together , squeeze out the thinner and more serous Liquor , which the Runnet was unable to coagulate , and which being thus sever'd from the grosser parts of the milk , may well be more fluid than milk it self is wont to be . And that there is some coalition of the particles of the Runnet with the coagulated ones of the milk , may appear by the complaints that Houswives sometimes make of their Dairy-maids , that the Cheeses tast too strong of the Runnet , when too great a proportion of it has been mingled with the milk . And though we ascrib'd the crudling of the milk to the saline particles of the Runnet , we ignore not that not only common Runnet , but also diverse juices of herbs will crudle milk , as is well known in thole parts of Italy where Cheese is made without Runnet . But we made especial mention of the saline Corpuscles of the Runnet , because really Houswives are wont to salt it , and because saline Liquors do manifestly and powerfully operate in the coagulation of milk , which may be crudled by juice of Limons , and I know not how many other Acid Salts . And to manifest yet further the coagulative power of them , we have sometimes in about a minute of an hour arrested the Fluidity of new milk , and turn'd it into a crudle substance , only by dexterously mingling with it a few drops of good Oyl of Vitriol . But of the effects of various Salts upon milk we elsewhere may , and therefore shall not now , discourse . Between this last recited Exp●riment , and the two following ones , 't will not be improper to insert the immediately ensuing one , for the Affinity which it seems ( in different respects ) to have with both . I remember ( then ) that I divers years ago prepar'd a Salt , which either was , or at least answer'd well to the qualities ascrib'd to that which is now called Glauberus's Sal Mirabilis , which seem'd to have in it a coagulative power , in reference to common Wa●er . For whereas Salt of Tartar , Common Salt , Ni●re , &c. being dissolv'd in Water , do upon evaporation of a sufficient quantity of ●hat Water , recover indeed their pristine Saline Forms , yet they do but coagulate themselves , without concoagulating with them , either any Water , or at least so much , as Chymists have thought worth the taki●g no●ice of : Whereas this Salt we speak of , being p●epar'd for the purpose , and dissolv'd in a convenient quantity of Water , does upon its recoagulation so dispose of the aqueous Particles , among its own Saline ones , that if the Experiment be well and carefully made , almost the whole mixture will shoot together into fine Chrystals that seem to be of an uniform Substance , and are consistent enough to be even brittle , and to endure to be pulveriz'd , si●ted , &c. though the Concretion may have such a Proportion of Water in it , that ( as I remember ) when the Experiment succeeded well , from three parts of Water and but one of Salt , I had about four parts of Crystals . I need not tell you that this Salt s●ems to have a somewhat more then ordi●ary Res●mblance of a ●rue Coagulum , since it reduces so much water into a stable consi●tence ; yet it does in no contemptible proportion materially concur to the Body produc'd . But I may hereafter ( which I must not do now ) entertain you about a Salt of a differing kind from this ; and which put me upon considering , whether there may not be a Coagulum more properly so call'd of Common Water , which may in a very small proportion operate upon a great quantity of that Liquor , as Runnet does on Milk. I have not yet examined whether it will be sufficient to refer meerly to the second and third ways lately mention'd of making Bodies become stable in the Phaenomena I am about to speak of , or whether it may be reasonably suppos'd ( and added as a fifth way ) that the Bodies to be coagulated may ( in great part ) be brought to be so ; by so acting upon the Bodies to which they are put , that the Agent Liquor ( if I may so speak ) does by its action com●unicate to the subject it works on , or lose upon some other account some sub●le parts whose absence fits the dispos'd remaining Fluid for such a Cohesion , as may suffice to make a Body be ( though very soft , yet ) consistent . But however 't will not be amiss to take some notice of Effects , which , what e're the cause be , belong to the History of Fluidity and Firmness . I some years since prepar'd a Substance of a whitish colour , which would not only destroy the Fluidity of some other Liquors , but would give a consistency to a notable proportion of Oyl of Vitriol it self , though the par●s of this Liquor be presum'd , upon the score of its corrosi●eness , and i●s aptness to grow very hot with many other Bodies and make them smoke , to be very vehemently agita●ed . And I remember that I sometimes shew'd the curious a Glass Vial well stopt , upon th● bottom of which lay a little of this newly mention'd whi●ish powder ; ov●r which the●e was a considerable propo●●ion of Oyl of V●●ri●l ▪ in a consistent Form without seeming to have any thing to do with the Powder , as indeed it had been only pour'd upon it , and suffer'd to stand in the cold for some time ( which if I mistake not was a day or two ) at the end of which the above mention'd change was wrought on the Liquor by the powder which did not appear to be dissolv'd thereby . Which Phaenomenon seem'd indeed to argue , that there happen'd in this Experiment ( that was not the only one of the kind I then made ) something like the coagulation formerly mention'd of Quicksilver by the Vapour of Lead , some subtle parts of the Coagulator , if I may so call it , invisibly pervading the Liquor whose Fluidity was to be suspended , though it seem not improbable to me , that the effect produc'd might depend upon both causes , this newly express'd , and the other a little abovemention'd ; where I guess'd that a change of Texture , and thereby of Consistence in the Menstruum , might be the result of the Operation of the Menstruum , and the Body it acts upon . And because this powder is not so easie to be prepar'd , I shall adde that you may ( though not so well as by the newly mention'd way ) see the Coagulation of a Menstruum upon a firm Body which it does not seem to dissolve by the ensuing Experiment , Take Crystals of Salt-Petre very well dryed , but not powde●'d , and gently pouring on it in a Glass Vial some good Oyl of Vitriol till it swim about half an Inch , or perhaps more above the Salt , leave the Vial clos'd with a cover of Paper in a cool quiet place , where it may not be shaken ; and if the Tryal succeed with you as did it with me , the Liquor will , though slowly , so settle it self about the Nitre , that though you incline the Vial to any side ( or perhaps turn it upside down ) it will not run out ; and I have sometimes taken notice of little Saline Bodies , and as it were Fibres , that seem'd to keep the parts of the mixture united together . I made also some other Tryals to coagulate unflegmatick A. F. upon Nitre and some other Bodies , the Phaenomena of which Tryals , did not oblige me to renounce the lately mention'd Conjectures about the causes of such changes of consistency in Liquors , as I have been speaking of : For I still think it highly probable that the best Coagulator I have met with acts but as a finer sort of Runnet , which in an inconsiderable quantity really disperses material parts of it self through the Liquor to be wrought on , though these when the Coagulator is a consistent Body , be perchance so few or subtle as not to make any Visible diminution of the Body it parts with . A more eminent Example to our present purpose may be afforded us Sometimes ( for I am sure the Experiment will not Always succeed ) by the notable way of coagulating Quick-silver , and thereby turning it from a fluid into a firm body by the vapour of melted Lead , in which when it is taken off the fire ( but before it be quite grown hard again ) a little cavity must be made with a pebble or a stick , that the Quicksilver tied up in a rag may be nimbly put into that hole , and be congeal'd by the permeating stream of the cooling lead . Which Effect may be less hopefully expected by the way wont to be prescrib'd by Authors ( most of whom I doubt never made tryal of it ) then by another that I have practis'd and may on another occasion shew you . And that some metalline steam does really invade the Quicksilver , seems probable by the wasting of Lead by fusion , and by the operations ascrib'd by Chymists to the fume of Lead upon Gold , about which I may elsewhere tell you what is come to my Knowledge . And I remember that not long since , an ingenious Physician of my acquaintance keeping some Lead long in fusion to reduce it per se into a Calx , and holding his head often over rhe melting pot to observe the alterations of the metal , was suddenly purg'd diverse times both upwards and downwards , which both he and I ascrib'd to the Saturnine exhalations . And though I suspected the Congelation formerly-mention'd might proceed from the egress of some subtil substance that formerly agitated , but after deserted , the Mercuria● Corpuscles ; yet that the Concretion of the Quick-silver might be effected by some benumbing vapour of the Lead , seems confirmable by a notable accident that befel that famous Geometrician Doctor Wallis , who related it to me as a Phaenomenon he knew not well what to make of ; namely , That he and other Learned Men at Oxford being minded to make the Experiment under consideration , they found that upon the first fusion of the Lead the immersed Quick-silver was very well coagulated by it ; but when they came to melt it the second time , and put new Qui●ksilver into it , the Experiment would not succeed , at which they wonder'd , finding by Tryals that the Lead might be so easily deprived of its power of hardning Quick-silver . That this Observation will always hold true , I am not apt to believe ; but that such Learned and Candid Naturalists should either be mistaken in making it , or mis-relate it , 't were injurious to susp●ct : wherefore supposing that to have then at least happen'd which one of them registred in writing , and more then one of them told me ; it seems to countenance what we have deliver'd , and looks as if according to our Doctrine there were in Lead a coagulative steam or Spirit , and yet ( at least in that parcel of metal ) in so small a proportion . as that it almost totally dislodges or spends it self upon the first opportunity it meets with of passing into Quicksilver . We have elsewhere to another purpose mention'd our having sometimes ( for , as we there advertise , it will not always succeed ) made an Experiment which seems of kin to the former , and may give much light to the matter under consideration , and it was this ; We pour'd upon Aqua fortis common Sallet Oyl , which floted together at the top of it , but after some hours had its texture so changed by the ascending steams or other subtle insinuating particles of the saline Liquor , that it was turn'd into a white consistent ( and sometimes a brittle ) body like Butter , remaining all in one Cake on the top of the Menstruum . And the like Experiment ( but in a longer time ) we have perform'd with express'd Oyl of sweet Almonds instead of common Oyl . And to shew further , how much the operation of the same visible Agent may be diversified as to the Production of Fluidity or Firmness , according to the differing dispositions of the Bodies it acts on . I have sometimes ( I remember ) taken the same Aqua Fortis , or Spirit of Nitre wherewith I had coagulated express'd Oyl of Olives , and having pour'd it off from the Butter-like Substance : I cast into it some good Camphire , which without heat was thereby reduc'd into an Oyl , that retain'd a distinct Superficies from the Menstruum which it swam upon , and would not incorporate with , so that the same numerical Menstruum without the help of any degree of fire , turn'd a brittle Body into a Liquor , and the Liquor into a brittle Body ( for such is the Substance that may be made of common Oyl , if it be suffer'd to float long enough upon the coagulating Liquor ) which brittle Substance ( to adde that upon the by ) seem'd to have receiv'd a more durable alteration from the steams of the Menstruum then was expected . For not only when melted with fire , it would upon refrigeration recover its consistence without becoming again fluid , as when 't was in the form of Oyl ; but I made a Tryal or two without success to reduce it to a Liquor by mixing it with Oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , which , you know , has a great Faculty to find out and mortifie Acid Spirits , such as those of the Nitre or Aqua Fortis that had ( whether as meer Acids I now examine not ) coagulated our Oyl . The fourth and last way whereby Corpuscles entring from without into a Body may give it a stable consistence , is by making such a commotion in the parts of it , as may make them apply themselves one to another according to a greater surface , or otherwise complicate and dispose them after the manner requisite to make them stick together . This way of making Bodies become consistent , is seldom or never employ'd by Nature without the concurrence of some of the other ways already mention'd : but we have distinguish'd it from the two last recited , because in them we suppose that some of the adventitious Corpuscles are stop'd in the body to whose firmness they conduce , and ( though perhaps but in a very considerable proportion ) do concur to make it up ; whereas here we suppose that without materially concurring to constitute the body they work upon , they do only agitate and variously move the particles it consists of , perhaps breaking some , bending and twisting others , and in a word so altering the Texture , that the parts that did formerly either move separately , or adhere together but loosly , are now reduced to a closer order , or a more implicated Texture , and thereby more firmly connected to one another . That the bare disposition of the parts of a body in reference to each other , without any addition of forein matter , may do much towards stability , we may see both in some examples formerly mention'd , and in Osier wands , which when lying loosly in an heap together may each of them very easily be dissociated from the rest ; but when they are breaded into a Basket , they cohere so strongly , that when you take up any one of them , your shall take up all the rest . To which may be added those many obvious though perhaps unheeded Instances wherein by the bare Texture of the slender hair or filaments whereof Wool or Silk consists , Cloth , Silk-stockins , and many other durable Garments are made by illiterate Tradesmen . We may also observe the force of bare motion in altering the texture , and thereby the consistence of bodies by the common way of Churning , for there the external impulse of the Churn makes a great commotion in the parts of the Cream , and tumbles and shuffles them perpetually to and fro among themselves , whereupon it happens , that the more branched Corpuscles meeting with one another are intangled , and thereby separated from the rest , and after many occursions all these parts are at length fasten'd to one another , and excluding those of the Butter-milk , which seem not so conveniently shap'd for mutual cohesion , do constitute Butter ; which is wont to be made yet more consistent , or rather more compact , by being beaten or otherwise compress'd , as the parts thereby reduced into a closer order squeeze out the fluid Butter-milk that was intercepted among them . It will perhaps be thought more strange that a fluid Body , nay a distill'd Liquor which is very volatile and passes for simple and Homogeneous , and is at least far less compounded than milk , should by motion , without the mixture of any new matter , be made coherent : and therefore I hope that it will not only second the Example newly alleg'd , but likewise confirm some main points of our Doctrine touching Firmness , if we observe that ev'n the Chymical Oyl of Turpentine , which passes for one of the Principles or Elements of that Body , may be in great part , if not wholly , coagulated without addition . And yet ( not to anticipate what I may have occasion to deliver elsewhere concerning this Experiment ) I shall now only relate , That enquiring a while since of a very expert Chymist , whether he had not sometimes observ'd ( which I have often done , as I elsewhere declare ) Oyl of Turpentine to begin to coagulate if it were often distill'd ; he went with me to his Laboratory , and there let me see in a Receiver some Oyl of Turpentine which he had often disti●l'd over per se , in good part coagulated into a whitish and consistent Body : affirming also to me , that he had sometimes by frequent Distillations , without Addition , obtain'd from clear Oyl of Turpentine a far greater proportion of such a stable substance . Whose consistence , whether it should be ascrib'd to the fires breaking the Oyly Corpuscles into parts more fit for mutual cohesion , or whether it proceed from a new texture of the same Corpuscles , only chancing by those various Evolutions to be dispos'd after such another manner as to complicate or otherwise connect them , I need not now spend time to enquire ; since 't is enough for my present purpose , that in this example we have one that declares , how much ev'n motion without the Addition of any sensible substance may in some cases conduce to Firmness . And here to illustrate our Doctrine about this Quality and Fluidity , by shewing what the intestine motion of the parts , even without the assistance of adventitious heat , may do , to make a Body change its consistence according to the previous disposition of the matter , and become of firm , fluid : as we lately saw Oyl of Turpentine made of fluid , firm . I will adde on this occasion what I observed of Oyl of Wax distilled in a Retort with an Additament of the like nature with that I formery mentioned , when I spoke of the fluid Oyl drawn from Oyl of Olives . For this Oyl of Wax , though at first it came over for the most part , if not totally , in the form of a Butter ; yet by standing on a shelf ( and that not in a hot place , as a Stove or Laboratory ) I observed it little by little to resolve into a transparent Oyl , and purposely enquiring of him that lookt after it , whether or no this effect might not be ascribed to the increased warmth of the Weather , he assured me of the contrary , having taken notice what effects the changes of Weather had upon it . But what if we should say , that fluidness and stability depends so much upon the texture of the parts , that by the change of that texture the same parts may be made to constitute either a fluid or a dry body , and that permanently too ? These last words I adde , because of what may be said to this purpose concerning the change of water into Ice , and Ice into water , and of metals into fluid or hard bodies , by fusion and refrigeration : for in these examples the acquired hardness of water and fluidity of metals may be presently lost upon the bare removal of those bodies into a temperate air ; whereas in the instance we are to give , the acquired texture is so durable , that without an extream external violence , such as would destroy most other stable bodies , it is not to be destroyed . And this instance is afforded us by that admirable Repository of Natures wonders , Quick-silver : for if some Ounces of this fluid mineral be put into a convenient glass vessel , and that vessel be first exactly stop'd and kept for 6 , 8 , or 10 weeks ( or longer , if need be ) in a sand Furnace whose heat may be strong and constant , the Corpuscles that constitute the Quick-silver will , after innumerable revolutions , and perhaps bendings , twistings , and other changes , be so connected to one another , that instead of a fluid Body , they will appear in the form of a red powder , that Chymists Precipitate per se : which change is so unexampl'd , that though among the more curious Spagyrists it be very well known , yet many Naturalists cannot easily be brought to believe it ; whom to convince of the possibility of it by a much less tedious preparation , I take half a pound or a pound of Quick-silver , and with a strong fire distil it out of a glass Retort , and for the most part there will remain in the bottom and about the sides of the vessel a little red powder , which seems to be nothing but part of the fluid body ( most exposed to the action of the fire ) turned into a dry one eight or ten hours space . After what manner the fire produces so odde a change in the Quick-silver , I do not presume to know . 'T is true , that though the parts of Liquors do , as we have formerly taught , touch one another but in part of their superficies , yet they all of them seem to have some degree of viscofity , or some slight and loose complication or other kind of Adhesion of parts , as appears by their being so easily contexed into those thin membranes or films we call bubbles , insomuch that not only Spirit of Wine , that seems the most light , and most fluid of Liquors : will afford bubbles , but ( what may seem strange ) we have divers times purposely observ'd , that Quick-silver it self , as ponderous as it is , especially being suffer'd to fall in a slender stream into a vessel almost full of the same mineral , will afford bubbles numerous and large enough , although ( as those also of the Spirit of Wine ) quickly vanishing . And hence it might be imagin'd , that in the operation we are treating of some such change is made in the Quick-silver , as we formerly observ'd to be made in the white of a Egg , when by a new disposition of its parts , either heat or beating it makes it a kind of stable body , or else it might be pretended , that there is a variety of parts argu'd to be in Quick-silver by the great variety of its effects upon other bodies , and that by the frequent evolutions which the fire makes of those parts among themselves , they come at length to be so appli'd to one another , that either they lock into each other as it were , or slip upon one anothers surface in such a manner as that as much of their surfaces immediately touch one another as is requisite to make them cohere , as we formerly mention'd of several very smooth pieces of glass mutually adhering without any other Cement than the congruity and immediate contact of their surfaces . But though these Conjectures and divers others might be propos'd , yet I fear all of them would prove but meer Conjectures . Nor were we much assisted to make better by looking upon our Mercurial precipitate in one of the best Magnifying Glasses in the World ; for what we there discover'd was only , that the red powder had in it many Corpuscles of sundry other colours , and that the little grains of powder seem'd to be of no determinate shape , but look'd like slender fragments of Red Coral : and having but some small dust of a shining precipitate of Gold and Mercury into the same Augmenting Glass , all we could discern was , that the little grains of this precipitate differ'd from those of that made of Mercury alone , in that these ( which a Chymist would take notice of ) were so transparent throughout , that one would verily think he beheld the best sort of those precious Stones-Gold-smiths call Granats . But though we pretend not to make out how the new Texture is produc'd in the Quicksilver , yet to make it still more evident that its change of consistence proceeds from its change of Texture , we will adde , that having a great curiosity to try whether our powder could not be made fluid again , I procur'd some precipitate per se of a Person who formerly lived with me , and was expert in many Mercuri●l operations , and presented me some of his own making : this being weigh'd and put into a convenient glass was carefully press'd with a naked fire ( which should be stronger than that wherewith it was precipitated ) and at length it rose by degrees in fumes , which settl'd in the neck of the Glass in many drops of reviv'd running Mercury ; all which being collected into one , we found that there wanted but about a sixth or seventh part of what we had put in , and we suppos'd we should not have wanted that neither , but that the vehemence of the fire had melted the glass , which swallow'd up a part of the powder that made a great shew through it , after what was colliquated had been remov'd from the fire . This Experiment brings into my mind another that was judg'd uncommon enough , and it was This : Being not long since master of about half an ounce of a certain Mercury , which some ways of examining it that I had employ'd , induc'd me to think Mercury of Saturn ; I imagin'd ( for some reasons ) that it might be made very serviceable to confirm our Doctrine touching Fluidity and Firmness . And accordingly I found upon Tryal , that I could , barely by shaking it long , reduce it to a black powder : in which form it would continue as long as I please to let it do so . And when to the By-standers there appear'd nothing in it that gave suspition of a fluid Body , I could in a Trice , only by dexterously rubbing it in a small Marble Mortar , reduce it little by little into running Mercury , as it had been before . Which quick passage from one quality to another , being made , not only without the help of Fire , but without adding or taking away any visible Substance , prov'd no ignoble Instance , how much Motion and Rest , and the thence easily resulting Texture of the Component Corpuscles of a Portion of Matter , may contribute to its Fluidity or Firmness . From the Experiment of precipitating Quick-silver per se , and from some other things , partly deliver'd already , and partly to be deliver'd by and by , we may learn what to think of the opinion of some Eminent Modern Philosophers who teach , that a fluid body is always divisible into bodies equally fluid , as Quantity into quantities , as if the particles of fluid Bodies must also be fluid themselves : for by them it seems to appear , that Quicksilver , and some other other actually fluid Bodies consist very much of hard Corpuscles , since by the change of their Texture they may be deprived of their Fluidity and become stable . We see also that the stiff and solid particles of Salts dissolv'd in common water , and of Silver dissolv'd in Aqua fortis , being by those Liquors sufficiently dissociated and separately agitated , do with them constitute fluid Bodies . And we have elsewhere mention'd to another purpose an Experiment which may not impertinently be repeated here , namely , that by putting together in●o a glass Retort one part of Quicksilver and four of common Oyl of Vitriol , and distilling them in a sand furna●●● wi●h a strong fire , there remain'd in the bottom of 〈◊〉 V●ss●l a ponderous Calx or Powder , so far from bei●g f●uid ▪ that it was but in par● dissoluble in water : and that which seems to prove that in the very liquid Oyl of Vitriol , though a distill'd Liquor , the saline Corpuscles that chiefly compose it , do retain their stiffn●ss ( generally to be found in undistill'd Salts ) is , that by steeping our Calx in fair water , we could separate from it a considerable quantity of particles , which upon the evaporation of the water coagulated into store of saline and bri●tl● bodies . And that these proceeded rather from the M●nstruum than the metal , we were induc'd to think , b● 〈◊〉 serving the dry Calx , before any water was pour'd on 〈◊〉 : for though the saline part of the Mixture did not weigh ( perhaps any thing near ) so much as the Mercurial distinctly did , yet the Aggregate or Mixture did weigh a great deal more than the Quicksilver did when it was put in ; and the Oyl of Vitriol that was abstracted , a great deal less than it did before it was committed to distillation . Nay , I once or twice observ'd in a glass , where I kept a quantity of Oyl of Vitriol , that there did spontaneously fasten themselves to the sides little saline Crystals , which when I took out , I found hard and brittle ; but when I had for tryal sake expos'd them to the air , they presently resum'd a fluid form , and appea●'d to be Oyl of Vitriol . In the Observation also lately mention'd concerning the spontaneous coagulation of Spirit of Harts-horn , it seems evident , that Bodies which are all or most of them hard , and appear so when they are commodiously connected to each other , may yet constitute a fluid body when they are reduc'd to sufficient smallness , and put into a convenient motion . And indeed , if the least particles of fluid bodies were not ( many of them at least ) indowed with their determinate bigness and shapes , but that such fluid bodies could be always divided into particles fluid also , how comes it to pass that some Liquors cannot pie●ce into or moisten some bodies which are easily pervious to other Liquors ? for if the particles of the excluded Liquor were of necessity always divisible into fluid ones , there seems no reason why they should not be sub-divided into so very small ones , as that no pores can be suppos'd lit●le or odly figur'd enough to keep them out . 'T is true indeed , that as it is hard to demonstrate , so it is not easie to disprove , that the matter whereof fluid bodies consist is capable of b●ing indefinitely divided : and it may be granted too , that by how much the smaller parts a body is divided into , by so much the more easily , Caeteris paribus , are the parts of that body to be put into motion . But this divisibility of a fluid body into perpetually lesser and lesser parts belongs not to it properly as it is Fluid , but as it is a Body ; such divisibility , if suppos'd true , being a primary affection of matter it self , and belonging as well to those portions of it that are hard as to those that are fluid . And though it were admitted , that such an endless division as is presum'd might be made Mentally ( as they speak in the Schools ) that is by the thought or operation of the mind , yet it would remain a great question whether o● no N●ture does actually so far mince and sub-divide Bodi●s : as may appear by what has been freshly noted . And ●owever , it is not only requisite to the constitution of a fluid body that the parts of it be small enough , but that they be also actually mov'd . For we observ'd not long since , that the dust of Alabastar put into motion did ( though its Corpuscles were not insensible ) emulate a fluid Body , and immediately ceas'd to be fluid when they ceas'd to be agitated : whereas the particles of water , as minute and apt as they are to constitute a fluid substance , do yet make that hard and brittle body we call Ice , when those little particles upon what account soever are reduced to be at rest . By what has been hitherto discours'd , we may also be assisted to judge of the Doctrine of the Chymists , who teach that in all Bodies , Coagulation , Stability , Hardness and Brittleness depend upon Salt : for though what above has been said of Crudling of milk by saline Liquors , and the hardness and brittleness obvious in Salts themselves , may keep us from denying that the saline principle is very powerful in the coagulation of some bodies , and does produce much firmness or even brittleness in many or most of the concretes wherein it is predominant ; yet this hardning power of Salt seems not to proceed from any peculiar and inexplicable property it has to coagulate other bodies or make them compact , but from the shape and motion of its Corpuscles , which it seems are more fitted by Nature than those of many other Concretes to insinuate themselves into the pores of other bodies , and fasten their particles to themselves , and to one another , either by wedging their Corpuscles together , or by their stiff and slender parts , or their sharp angles or edges piercing diverse of them together ; as when many Pieces of Paper are kept from scattering by a Wire that runs through them , or as when a Knife takes up at once diverse pieces of Bread and Meat by being stuck into them all . But whensoever there is in the constituent parts of the body a sufficient fitness and disposition to adhere firmly to one another , Nature may of those parts compose a stable body , whether they abound in Salt or no , it not being so much upon Chymical Principles , or ev'n upon the Predominancy or Plenty of any one Ingredient , as upon the shape and motion of the component parts of bodies , that their Fluidity and Firmness depend . I will not here urge that Salts are generally reducible by an easie mixtu●e with water into the form of Liquors ; nor that Sea-salt , Salt of Tartar , and diverse other sorts of Salts , will of themselves , ev'n in the Air , if not very dry , assume the form of fluid Bodies ; nor yet will I press the shortly to be mention'd Example of Coral , which is confidently affirmed to be soft whilst it remains in the Salt water , and to grow hard when taken out of it . I will not here , I say , press these and the like Arguments , but content my self to have hinted them , because they are such as I cannot well in few words make out and vindicate . Wherefore I shall rather demand , what Salt can be made appear to pass out of the body of melted Lead into that of Quicksilver , to perform in it the coagulation abovemention'd ? What accession of Salt is there to be observ'd , when running Mercury is precipitated per se into a powder ? and how will it be prov'd , that when in a well-stop'd glass the whole body of water is in frosty nights turned into firm Ice by the cold of the ambient air , that coagulation is perform'd by Salt , it having not yet been made appear by Chymists , that either Salts or even the distill'd Spirits of them can penetrate , without a kind of Prodigy , the narrow pores of unheated glass ? It is usually observ'd in Eggs , that though at their first coming out of the Hens belly , the shells are soft , yet soon after they grow hard and brittle ; and yet it appears not how the saline Ingredient is encreas'd to effect this speedy induration : and ( to subjoyn that by the by ) albeit I am not averse from thinking that the coldness of the outward Air , and its imbibing some of the loosest of the moist parts of the soft Egge-shell , may concur to this effect ; yet there are many Observations of Egge-shells that have been found hard in the womb of the Hen. And I well remember I have taken notice , that diverse Eggs not yet laid , but found at one time in the body of the same Hen , were each of them furnish'd with a compleat and brittle Shell . But I think I can draw a much stronger Argument against the Chymical opinion from the consideration of an Egg : for I demand what plenty of Salt can be made appear to pierce the hard shell , and more close-wrought membrane that both lines it and involves the Egg , especially since 't is certain , that in Egypt and diverse other places Eggs may be hatch'd by a temperate external heat without the Hen. And yet we may here observe , that the same internal substance of the Egg which at first was fluid , the yolk and white that compos'd it being so , is upon the exclusion of the Chick turn'd almost all of it into consistent Bodies , some of them tough , as the membranes and gristles of the Bird , and some of them harder and almost brittle , as his bones and beak ; and all this as we said without accession of new Salt. It would be hard for Chymists to prove , that Diamonds and Rubies , which are counted the hardest Bodies we know , ( and at particular tryals of whose hardness I have sometimes wonder'd ) do abound in Salt ; at least it will not be unreasonable for us to think so , till Chymists have taught us intelligible and practicable wayes of separating ( at least some ) true Salt from either of those Jewels . And it may be also doubted whether the blood of Animals when it is freest from Serum , do not ( though a Liquor ) as much abound with Salt as their skins or their flesh . And since 't is with Chymists that I am now Reasoning , I presume I may be allow'd to press them with Arguments drawn from some of the Eminentest Writers of their Sect. For the generality of Chymists , and ev●n those that are by the rest , and themselves too , call'd Philosophers , not only granting , but asserting and maintaining the Transmutation of great quantities of Quick-silver and the other ignobler metals into Silver or Gold by means of the white or red Elixir , I shall demand of them whence it happens , that one grain of the powder of Projection can turn a whole pound of Mercury into true Gold or Silver , and consequently change a very fluid Body into a very firm one , though the proportion of Salt employ'd to coagulate the whole Mass of Quick-silver would not amount to the six thousandth or seven thousandth part of the Liquor ; though we should grant that the powder employ'd to work this marvellous change were all of it Salt , to which yet Chymical Writers seem to ascribe much more of the sulphurous Nature . And to this I shall adde , what the famous and acute Helmont does to another purpose relate upon the Experience of Raymund Lully and his own , concerning his prodigious Liquor , Alkahest ; namely , that being abstracted from common Quick-silver , it does in a quarter of an hour coagulate it : and yet in this coagulation he points at this as a singular Phaenomenon , that this Liquor which is as well immortal as exceeding saline , leaves nothing of it self with the Mercury on which it works , and yet so coagulates it , that he prescribes the making it into a subtil powder . I remember also to our present purpose , that a Physitian of much veracity in what he relates , discoursing with me the other day about an odde preparation that he saw at the present Duke of Holstein's , ( that Learned Prince and great Chymist ) assur'd me that among other things he there took notice of a glass of Spirit of Urine , which in warm weather remain'd in the form of a L●quor , but in cold weather did totally coagulate into Cry●talline salt : and being ask'd by me if he knew how this Urinous body had been prepar'd ? he answer'd me , that the Duke caus'd Spirit of Urine exceeding rich in volatile Salt to be distill'd very many times ; after every Distillation re-conjoyning all that came over in a Liquid with that which remain'd in a saline form , till by very frequent cohobations all the parts of the Urinous substance were brought to the union or coalition above-mention'd . What we may propose concerning the various consistence of the saline part of Urine upon our own knowledge , we shall for certain Reasons reserve for another place . And on this occasion we will annex a few particulars , which may tend not only to the making of the Chymical Hypothesis about the coagulation of bodies doubtful , but to the confirmation of much of the Doctrine by us propos'd . The first shall be an Observation afforded us by the Art of making Sugar , wherein very great care is taken , that nothing acid ( and especially juice of Limons ) fall into the Caldrons or other Vessels wherein the juice of the Sugar-Cane is to coagulate into Sugar : for though acidity be generally by the Chymists ascrib'd to Salt , yet here the saline bodies are so far from promoting the coagulation of the saccharine sirrup , that they would quite hinder it . And because that through the want of Sugar-Canes in these parts , we are reduced to take this Observation upon the credit of others , and because also in it self it seems somewhat strange , we will vouch for it two eminent Authors in whose Writings we met with it . The one is the ingenious French Publisher of the natural and moral History of those American Islands , commonly call'd by the French Les Isles Antilles , and by us the Caribe Islands , who describing particularly how his Country-men make Sugar in those parts , gives this caution towards the latter end ; Sur tout , &c. that is , Above all , great heed must be taken to let no juice of Citrons ( or Limons ) fall into the Caldrons , for that would absolutely hinder the formation of the Sugar . The other is the diligent Gulielmus Piso , who having given us a particular account both by words and pictures of the way of making Sugar , tells us that , Si momentum succi Limonis vel acidi quid injiciatur , sacchari consistentiam nunquam acquiret , sed in totum perditur . To which I shall adde , that having purposely inquir'd concerning this Observation , it has been confirmed unto me by Persons that pretend more than ordinary knowledge of the Art of ordering Sugar : which likewise affords us another Observation not impertinent to the Theme we treat of ; for the best Authors that write hereof inform us , that the juice squeez'd out of the Sugar-Canes is wont first to be boild and depurated in vast Vessels of Copper or Brass , whence it afterwards is convey'd to be further purifi'd and coagulated into smaller ones ; and that whilst it is in the former , they use to pour upon it some very strong Lee to facilitate the separation of its feculencies , as in the smaller ones 't is usual to pour a little Oyl or Butter upon the boyling juice , to keep the sirrup from boyling over . Now that which they further observe to our purpose , is related almost after the same manner both by our French Author and by Piso , and by the latter of them in these words , Observatu dignum ( sayes he ) si oleum majoribus inderetur ahenis in quibus Liquor primus , Caldo dictus , purificatur , saccharo conficiendo plane foret ineptus : vicissim si minoribus lixivium sicut majoribus infundatur , aequè impossibile saccharum conficere . So much the Fluidity and Firmness of bodies depend upon their texture , how much soever Chymists would have them depend upon Salt. But to this borrow'd Observation , though borrow'd of Authors not to be distrusted , we will adde two or three Experiments of our own , which we hope may the more confirm the Doctrine by us propos'd touching Stability in Bodies , because it was our aim in them to bring light by them to the matters we treat of . First then , we prepar'd a Liquor elsewhere to be describ'd , which is almost if not altogether as saline as Aqua fortis it self , or any other acid Spirit that is commonly known : and yet when in this Liquor we laid fragments of solid Harts-horn of several sizes to steep , ev'n in a cold place , the Menstruum was so far from hardning them , that it would ( without dissolving them as corrosive Liquors do metals ) gently pierce into them and soften them , so that in about two or three dayes it would reduce them to a kind of white slime or mucilaginous substance at the bottom of the Liquor . We took also good salt of Tartar , and on it pour'd good Spirit of Vineger , as long as the affusion of it would produce any ebullition : Then we distill'd off the Liquor , which came over almost insipid , the saline parts that make Spirit of Vineger so sharp , being retain'd by the Salt of Tartar : Upon the remaining dry mixture we pour'd fresh Spirit of Vineger as long as any hissing ensu'd thereupon , and afterwards abstracted the aqueous parts of this parcel of Liquor also , and so we proceeded , till having sufficiently impregnated the fix'd Salt with the saline parts of the distill'd Vineger , we obtain'd according to our desire a mixture which ( though it were all made up of Salts , and such Salts too as being made by the Chymical Analysis of the Bodies whence they were drawn , may according to the Chymical Doctrine be look'd upon as pure and Elementary ) was yet so neer Fluidity , that it requir'd not the heat of the fire to turn it presently into a Liquor , which shape it assum'd with a gentler warmth than one would expect from a saline Body . Lastly , we took common Oyl of Vitriol , and cast into it diverse little pieces of Camphire , which floating upon it were by degrees and after some hours wholly reduc'd into a reddish Oyl , that was to be seen altogether upon the top of the other Liquor . Then having fo●merly try'd that Oyl of Vitriol would easily mix with common Oyl , we try'd also by shaking the saline and Camphorate Liquors together to unite them , and easily confounded them into one high-colour'd Liquor , which seem'd very uniform , and continu'd so ( at least as to sense ) for many hours . Then we added to this mix●ure three or four times as much fair water , and ( as we expect●d ) the Camphire immediately recover'd a white consistent Body , and by degrees setled at the top of the L●quo● : where we m●y observe , that the Camphire is no● made hard bu● fluid by its mixture with the saline Corpuscles of Oyl of Vitriol , and exchanges its Fluidity for Firmness upon the affusion of Saltless water . And thus much it may suffice to have said touching the Chymists deriving the stability of Bodies from their abounding in Salt. And as for the hardness and brittleness they ascribe to the same principle , how much they may be increas'd or diminished in a body without the acc●ssion or decrement of the saline principle or ingredient , may appear by that Experiment mention'd by us to several purposes , of tempering a slender piece of Steel ; for when it has been sufficiently heated , by plunging it red hot into fair water , which is more likely to dissolve than increase its Salt , you may make it not very hard alone but very brittle , whereas by only suffering it to cool leisurely in the air , it will be both much less hard and more tough , and if after having quench'd it in cold water you again heat it till it have attain'd a deep blew , it will become ( comparatively ) soft and very flexible , and that not from any wasting of the saline ingredient by the fire , for if this softn'd steel be again heated red hot and suddenly refrigerated , whether in water or otherwise , as before , it will re-acquire both hardness and brittleness . Now that by these operations a real change is made in the disposition of the small parts of the steel , we have elsewhere evinc'd ev'n by a sensible proof . And that by procuring a closer order & more immediate contact of the parts of a body , a man may without encreasing the Salt encrease the hardness of it , is , as we formerly also no●ed , obvious in Snow , which whilst it lies in flakes as it falls upon the ground , composes but a soft and yielding body : But when the same snow is by being strongly press'd every way betwixt the hands formed into Balls , the little whether Iceicles or frozen bubbles it consists of are so approach'd to one another , and forced into an order which allows so little wast of room , that the formerly-intercepted spaces being most of them fill'd up with little bodies , the Iceicles can no longer yield as they did before to the pressure of a mans fingers , but constitute a mass considerably hard , which yet may be made harder being melted into water , and afterwards frozen into Ice ; for this having been a fluid Body , ( and in such , Room is wont to be better husbanded than in others ) the bubbles intercepted in it cannot keep it from being of so close a texture as to be considerably hard . I know that not only profest Chymists , but other persons who are deservedly rank'd amongst the modern Philosophers , do with much confidence entirely ascribe the induration , and especially the Lapidescence of bodies to a certain secret internal principle , by some of them call'd a form , and by others a petrifying Spirit , lurking for the most part in some liquid vehicle . And for my part , having had the opportunity to be in a place where I could in a dry mould and a very elevated piece of ground cause to be digg'd out several Crystalline bodies , whose smooth sides and Angles were as exquisitely figur'd as if they had been wrought by a skilful Artist at cutting of pretious Stones , and having also had the opportunity to consider divers other exactly or regularly shap'd Stones and other Minerals , some digg'd out of the Earth by my friends , and some yet growing upon stones newly torn from the Rock , I am very forward to grant , that ( as I elsewhere intimate ) it is a plastick Principle implanted by the most wise Creator in certain parcels of matter , that does produce in such concretions as well the hard consistence as the determinate figure . We deny not then , that these effects depend most commonly upon an internal principle , but the difficulty consists in conceiving how that internal principle produces its effects , which these Writers not pretending to explicate intelligibly , we thought it not amiss briefly to survey some of the principal ways by which it seems that Nature makes bodies firm and stable , whereby we may be assisted to judge whether it be as necessary to have recourse to a plastick Principle or a Gorgonick spirit in all other quick and notable Indurations of Bodies in the cold , as in the hardning of such Bodies whose curious and determinate either internal Textures or outward shapes ( common to several Concretions of one kind ) argue their having been fram'd by some one formative power , or by diverse seminal Principles conven'd together . But this we will do without affirming either that she cannot by some other yet unobserv'd way make consistent bodies , or that of the ways by us discours'd of , she is wont so to confine her self to any one , tha● she does not frequently make use of two or more of them to produce the same effect . And because Hardness is a high degree of Firmness , I suppose it will not be impertinent to shew by some examples how small an external operation may without any appearing adventitious Salt make a soft body hard , and even brittle , when there appears not any other change to be made than that of the Texture or disposition of its component particles . It is a Tradition amongst Naturalists , that Coral grows soft at the bottom of the Sea , but when it is brought up into the open Air , though it retains its bulk and figure , it hardens into a stony Concretion , according to that of Ovid. Ovid. 15. Metamorph. Sic & coralium quo primum contigit auras Tempore durescit , mollis suit herba sub undis . Whether or no this Tradition is strictly true , we had no● opportunity when we staid at Marseilles ( whose neighbouring Sea is the chiefest in Europe where Coral is wont to be fish'd ) to give our selves an ocular satisfaction . But whatever some say to dis●redit the tradition , nay , how confidently soever Beguinus ( who seems to have the most strongly argu'd against i● ) hath rejected it , it must not be denyed to be , sometimes at least true , ( and that 's enough to serve our present turn . ) For the Learned Gassendus in the Life of Piereskius , relating how that incomparable Gentleman had the curiosity to fish for Coral near Toulon , ( a noble Port not far from Marseilles ) has among other things this passage , ( viz. ) The plants which were pluckt up and drawn out were neither red nor handsome till their Bark was pull'd off ; in some parts they were soft , and would give way to the hand , as towards the tops , which being broken and squeez'd they sent forth milk , like that of Figs. I remember likewise , that the Learned Jesuite Fournier , who being also a French Hydrographer , and one that writes of Marseilles and Toulon as places very well known unto him , may be safely credited on this occasion , after he has particularly describ'd the way of fishing Corals near Toulon , he adds , These plants are neither red nor polish'd when they are drawn out of the water , till their Rind have been taken off , nay , they are soft , and being brok●n or else squeez'd betwixt the fingers , they throw out a kind of milk resembling that of Figs ; and when one leaves off pressing them , he may see the small holes or pores that harbour'd the milk that was squeez'd out . Thus far He. The credibleness of a good part of these narratives has been confirmed to me by a practiser of Physick in the East-Indies , who having made some stay at his return on the Island of Mehila , ( near that of Madagascar ) where store of white Coral is reported to grow , I enquired of him whether he had gathered any , and whether he found it soft whilst it was growing ? and he an●wer'd me , that he had of late years diverse times gather'd Coral upon the Sands of that Island , and found it , when he gather'd it , exceeding white , and ( to use his expression ) as soft as an Onion , adding , that though it would in a very short time grow hard in the air , ( which he ascrib'd , how justly I know not , to the external heat of the Sun ) yet it is very well known to the Sea-men that deal in that ware , that if it be not gather'd at a seasonable time of the the year it will not keep long , but either crumble away or otherwise decay , which disagrees not with the experienc'd Piso , who in his natural History of Brasil , speaking of some places of the Brasilian Coast , where diverse stony plants , some like little Trees , some otherwise fram'd , may be seen in clear weather growing in the bottom of the Sea , tells us , that , è fundo erutae mox durissimae , sí insolentur in littore , siccae niveique coloris fiunt . As remarkable a change is that I meet with in Scaliger , who tells us as upon his own knowledge of some , who at the Urinary passages voided a slimy matter , which in the Air coagulated into a firm substance ; the story being memorable , take it in his own words thus : Ex bovillis oppidanus nostris adjutus medicamentis eminxit vitrum sane ex illa nobili Paxagorae pituita , dum mingeretur albuminis mollitie emissum vitri duritie ac splendore , Senatoris filius ejecit , pultis modo multos , & maximos : qui aeris contactu postea in gypseam tum speciem tum firmitatem concrevere ; hic quoque nunc rectè valet . Having likewise had the acquaintance of an inquisitive Merchant of Dantzik , and also of an ingenious Chymist , that spent some time in that City and the neighbouring Country , along whose coast our European Amber is wont to be dragg'd out of the Sea , I enquir'd of them , whether they had never observ'd in Amber a property like that which is reported of Coral : and one of them , as I remember the other also , hath assured me upon his own particular Observation , that lumps of Amber are sometimes taken soft out of the Sea , and grow hard in the Air ; which is the more credible to me , because I have at a Polonian noble-mans seen ( besides other intercepted things ) a whole Spider , and that none of the least , perfectly inclosed in a piece of hard and transparent yellow Amber . And elsewhere I have seen ten or twelve ( if I mis-remember not the number ) pi●ces of such Amber , which contain'd , one a Fly ; another a Spider , a third a Straw , and each of the rest some such other thing . And it seems not impossible , that the contract of the external air may put the parts of such small Bodies into a new motion , whereby some voluble Corpuscles that hinder their reciprocal adhesion may be excluded , and the particles themselves prest or otherwise dispos'd into a closer order ; and we find that some Oyl-colours , after they are brought to their due temper , may be preserv'd very long in the same degree of softness , if they and the shells that contain them be kept all the while under water , whereas in the air they would quickly change their Texture , and become dry and h●rd . But though in this last mention'd Example , and some others the removal of the body out of the water into the air seem manifestly to contribute to its growing hard , yet it seems not to us so easie to determine what share the air has in effecting such indurations : for Gassendus relates of Piereskius , that he being wont in the Summer time to wash himself in one of the lesser streams of the River of Rhosne , he there made the following Observation . Once upon a time he felt the ground , which he had wont to find even and soft , to be grown hard with little round balls or bunches , like hard boiled Eggs when the shell is peel'd off ; at which wondring , he took some of them up , and carried them home , that he might shew them to his Master , and demand of him the Reason . But the miracle was increas'd when a few days after returning to the River , he found those little balls or lumps turned into perfect pebble stones , which he observ'd likewise to befal those which he had carried and laid up at home . But how far this story will prove that such coagulations must be effected by a substantial form or a petrifying Liquor , we define not , especially since , not to repeat what we deliver'd already touching calcin'd Marble out of Fournier , we have elsewhere deliver'd upon our own Observation , that two or three spoonfuls of such pap of burnt Alabaster as we have lately been speaking of , ( and instead of which Artificers use another stone call'd by them Plaster of Paris , burnt and and temper'd up with fair water ) did in the bottom of a vessel-full of water into which we pour'd it in a short time coagulate into a hard lump , notwithstanding the water that surrounded it ; which , it seems by the Texture of the mass , was kept out of its pores , as it is out of those of the Oyls of Cinnamon and Cloves , which though fluid bodies , and sinking in water , suffer not its particles to insinuate themselves into theirs : and Artificers observe , that the coagulating , property of burnt Alabaster will be very much impair'd , if not lost , if the powde● be kept too long , especially in the open Air , before it be made use of ; and when it has been once temper'd with water and suffer'd to grow hard , they tell me they cannot by any burning or powdering of it again make it near so se●vic●able for their purpose as before ; so much doth the co●gulation of these powders mixt with water seem to depend upon their Texture and other Mechanical qualities . I remember also , that though the bones found in the Hearts of Deer , and so magnified by Physicians , do in the air acquire a hard and bony consistence ; yet having had the curiosity to consider one of them in the Heart of a Deer newly kill'd , I found it there of a cartilaginous softness and flexibility . And here I will adventure further to confess , that I have oftentimes doubted whether or no not only consistent Bodies but some of the most solid ones in the World may not have been fluid in the form either of Steams or Liquors , before their coalition and their concretion either into stones or other mineral Bodies . I know there are many who think that Stones , Marchasites , and other such solid and durable Bodies , were made together at the Creation or other beginning of the Universe , and who will not admit that such concretions can be now generated . But not here to debate that famous Controversie , whether stones may be said to grow and to be nourish'd , in the strict sense of those Expressions , I think it not difficult to shew that such parcels of matter are now to be me● with in the form of stones as did not before appear 〈◊〉 ●hat form , but whilst it was divided into minute 〈…〉 was it self some fluid Body or other , or at 〈…〉 as a material part concur to the constituting 〈◊〉 that was so . Of this , besides what we elsewhere 〈◊〉 concerning it , we shall anon have occasion to 〈◊〉 some proofs ; and therefore we shall now o●ly mention ●wo or three instances . The first whereof shall be , that we saw , among the Rarities of a Person exceedingly curious of them , a stone fl●t on the outsides , on one of whose internal Surfaces was most lively engraven the Figure of a small Fish , with all the Finns , Scales , &c. which was affirmed to have been enclosed in the Body of that stone , and to have been accidentally discover'd , when the stone chancing to receive a rude knock upon its edge , split asunder . I remember also that a while since a House-keeper of mine in the Country inform●d me , that whilst a little before he caus'd in my absence one of my Walls to be repair'd , the Mason I was wont to employ casually breaking a stone to make use of it about the Building , found in it ( to his wonder ) a piece of Wood that seem'd part of the branch of some Tree , and consequently was afterwards enclos'd with that solid case wherein he found it . This cavity in the body of the stone and , as I remember , the stick it self he took out of it , he forthwith brought my House keeper , to whom I have given di●ections to send them me . For this example seems to me a more cogent proof of the increase of stones , than some others that eminent Naturalists much rely on , for Reasons discours'd of in another place : where we also make particular mention of that Ghur or Metalline juice , which though the Latin Writers of Chymical and ev'n of Metalline matters have not , that I remember , given us any account of , yet I find a German or two , that were very conversant in the Mines themselves , to have in Books written in their own Language taken a special notice of it . Besides , I have at present something to deliver upon my own Observation , which unless we will suppose ( what seems not probable ) that there were from the beginning made together with and in the midst of great Masses of one kind of Mineral little parcels of another of a quite differing sort , seems manifestly enough to argue , that either whole quarries of stone , or heavy and shining Minerals , or both , may have been fluid Bodies . The Observation whereon I ground this Conjecture is , not only that we have met with in Lead-oar and also in Minera Antimonii parcels of a white stone or spar environ'd with a Metalline body , though I think I have yet by me such lumps of Oar ; but chiefly that I have with my own hands taken a hard and ponderous shining Mineral , which I keep for a Rarity , like a Marchasite , of the shape of a Pear , and of about the bigness of a Walnut , out of the very Body of a stone wherein I suspected it to be enclos'd , and which environ'd it on all sides : and this I took not out of a small and loose stone , but a large stone digg'd out to make Statues of . And I remember that one of those that wrought upon it told me , that in fashioning it into Satues they found some more Minerals in the same parcel of stone , which were also presented me . To which I shall adde , that an ingenious Statuary having in another place taken much pains to saw asunder a very large stone , when he came to the midst of it , found he could saw on no further , and the stone being afterwards broken , he perceiv'd that that which so obstinately resisted his Saws was a round Marchasite , which he brought to me , as a Lover of such Curiosities . But I made him for my further satisfaction bring me also that part of the stone wherein the Marchasite stuck , and by comparing them together discern'd that as much of the stone as was contiguous to the Marchasite had a kind of rust about it , and fitted the Marchasite so close , as if either the Marchasite had been formerly liquid , and had afterwards been as it were moulded in that Receptacle , or the stone had been formerly of some soft or fluid matter , which did exactly accommodate it self to the shape of the other Body ; or else , as if both the matter of the stone and that of the Marchasite had been at once fluid Bodies , but had each of them preserv'd its own surface distinct ( according to what we formerly noted of differing fluids ) till one of them ( probably the Marchasite ) first growing hard , the other , as being yet of a more yielding consistence , accommodated it self to the harder's figure . But the most eminent Instances to declare how much the Fluidity and Firmness of Bodies depend upon the contrivance and Texture of their parts , are afforded us by those waters which being permitted to rest a while do spontaneously cease to be fluid and coagulate into stone it self . There was lately an Ingenious Man , who going to visit some Leaden Mines wherein he had a share , found in the Mountain in whose Entrals they were hid a Cave , from whose arched Roof there drop'd down a petrescent Liquor , which oft-times before it could fall to the ground congeal'd , and by apposition of like matter increas'd so much that they hung from the Roof like Ice-icles in a frosty night from the sides of a House ; and of these he gather'd and brought me diverse , which are perfect stones hard and brittle , and of eight or ten inches long , and proportionably thick . Another ingenious friend of mine being lately in France in the C●ve so famous for petrifying Liquor to be there seen , observing some drops of water to congeal into stone whilst he stood by , took them away with him , and sent them me in a Letter . Nay , we shall scarce deny that an external agent of almost insensible bulk may turn animal Bodies into stony ones , by introducing a new texture into their parts , if we will with some modern Writers believe Aventinus , who in his Bavarian History has recorded , that at a time and place by him specified , above forty Country-men , as also some Milk-maids with their Cows kill'd upon an Earthquake , had their Bodies by a terrene Spirit turned into statues , which he sayes were seen by the Chancellour of Austria and himself . And some relations of this Nature we meet with in other Authors , which , if they be allowed of , seem much to confirm our Doctrine ; for in these strange petrifications , the hardning of the Bodies seems to be effected principally , if not only , as in the induration of the fluid substances of an Egg into a Chick , by altering the disposition of their parts , since the petrifying wind or steam cannot be suppos'd to have any such considerable ( perhaps not any sensible ) propo●tion as to bulk to the body chang'd by it , as to be thought to effect this change principally as an Ingredient . Adde we to all these things , that Pamphilio Piacentino is by an other Author quoted for writing an unparrel'd Story , which because written in Italian , I sh●ll English the substance of it , which is this : That a Woman in Venice , after having eaten an Apple , was t●ken with hideous tortures , and in the space of twenty four hours dying , was turned into exceeding hard stone , and this was judged to be the effect of the poyson'd Apple she had eaten . Which narrative , if we may believe it as confidently as the famous Alleger of it Pamphilio appears to do , would seem to argue , that even to the wonderful induration of Bodies there is sometimes no other principle requisite than what may result from the lucky mixture of the parts of several Bodies . And lest we should seem to build altogether upon the Observations of others , which cannot by us be now brought to strict examination , we will have recourse to a pr●cticable Experiment of our own trying , which though we have elsewhere mention'd , we shall not scruple here to repeat , because we there omitted to speak of that Circumstance of it , which is the most pertinent to our present design . Take then two Ounces of Quick-silver , two Ounces and a half of the best Verdigreese , about half an Ounce or an Ounce of common Salt , a pint or pound of White-wine-Vinegar , and as much fair water , mingle the Verdigreese , Quick-silver , and the Salt very well , and put the mixture with a little of the Vinegar and water into a new Frying-Pan , ( I try'd it in a new Earthen Vessel , but without good success ) in which fry it over the fire for diverse hours , keeping it continually stir'd , and putting in more Vinegar and water from time to time , as that already put in consumes away ; then take out the mixture , and in several clean waters wash it carefully from the adhering Salts ; then dry away all the Aqueous moisture with a clean linnen Clo●h , and you shall have a bright Amalgama almost like Quick-silver . Now that which is remarkable and to our present purpose in this Experiment is , that though this dry'd mixture be a good while after it is perfectly cold not only so●t , but so neer to fluid , that I have cast it into moulds and mad● imbost Images of it , ( when it has been dexterously made , but scarce otherwise ; ) I have found , that by laying i● 〈◊〉 hours in the air , which seem'd less cold than it self , it has acquir'd such a hardness , that being thrown against the floor it would rebound , and was brittle like over-harden'd Steel . And yet in this Example the induration of the Amalgam appears not to proceed from an innate and inward principle , but from the new Texture resulting from the coalition of the mingled Ingredients that make up the Amalgam , whose parts being variously moved , partly by the fire ( and perhaps too by the Salts ) and partly by the native propensity to motion of the Mercurial Corpuscles , were by little and little , or by degrees , so dispos'd , that whereas before touching one another but loosly , it was easie to thrust some of them towards the middle of the body without stirring much of the Mass ( as to sense ) by this change of Texture the particles are brought to touch one another more closely and in greater portions of their surfaces , and to be so complicated , intangled , or otherwise connected among themselves , that you cannot endeavour to thrust one of them out of its place , but that its motion shall be resisted by many others , to whom it is so fasten'd , that you cannot move one part of the Mass without either moving the whole with it , or manifestly breaking it off from the whole , and thereby destroying the continuity and unity of the Body . Now whereas in setting down this Experiment , we spoke as if several Ingredients did concur to constitute the soft Mass , which afterwards grew so hard , we might very safely do so , since the Quicksilver was not so barely chang'd in Texture as that formerly said to have been coagulated by the meer fume of Lead , but conceal'd in its self a great number of metalline Corpuscles besides others , as we made appear by separating from the Amalgam , meerly by the force of fire , a pretty quantity of true and perfect Copper . That the Salts also both were Ingredients ( though in small proportion ) of the Mass , and might have some operation upon the other particles , we may render probable by this , that having purposely expos'd some of this Mass for a pretty while to a moist Air , we found , as we look'd for , that the formerly invisible particles of Salt , that had so insinuated themselves into the Amalgam , that all the water wherein it was wash'd did not separate them from it , had so wrought upon the metalline particles that were most outward , that they had in many parts of the surface of the Mass turned themselves with it into a kind of Verdigreese , which seemed almost to hide the surface of the Concretion . And that in the more inward parts of a much harder Body than our yielding Amalgam , where Cuprious particles abound , saline Corpuscles may have a great operation , may appear by certain sorts of Minerals to be found in some parts of England and elsewhere under the form of stones , of which they make Vitriol ; for these abounding with vitriolate , that is , both saline and metalline particles , will , after they are taken out of the ground and laid in the open air , by the working of the inward Salt , some sooner and some later , swell and burst asunder , which could hardly come to pass without a great change made in the internal disposition of the parts , of such stony Concretions . And I remember , that having l●id a mineral of Kin to these stones a while in the air , though but in a Chamber , I found its surface powder'd with little grains of Vitriol , as both their Colour and their Taste inform'd me . Now whether or no we suppose that the fire did put the parts of the Amalgama into any lasting Agitation , yet the Mass being almost fluid after it was taken from the fire , its parts may according to our notion of Fluidity be well suppos'd to have some kind of motion among themselves ; and it will not be deni'd , that the fire might concur with oth●r things to make that motion convenient to cause the parts to fasten themselves to one another : For that ●he motion wherein a soft and almost fluid Body is once put may possibly tend to harden it long after that motion seems to be extinct , may be made probable by what has been affirm'd to me by eminent and experienced Masons , namely that the best sort of Lime made into Mortar will not have attain'd its utmost compactness till twenty five or thirty years ( perhaps not till three or fourscore ) after it has been imploy'd in Building ; and this is given me as one of the Reasons , why in the demolishing of antient Fabricks , it is sometimes more easie to break the stone than the Mortar . And lastly , that we also made mention of the Texture resulting from the mingled Ingredients of our Amalgam , we might justifie by saying , that having changed the proportion of the Quick-silver to the Verdigreese , we found that the Amalgam coagulated much more slowly , and when it was coagulated , was much less hard than when one used the quantities above specify'd . Here I should put a period for the present to this Discourse , but that having in a late Writer met with a notable Observation of the natural Induration of a soft Body , I think it worthy to be here annex'd , partly , because the French Book is not common , no more than the Observation ; and partly , that by conferring together this natural Induration with that Artificial one freshly mention'd , it may the better appear how Nature and Art have sometimes resembling operations in rendring Bodies solid . My Author then ( by name Pierre Pelleprat ) being not long since sent with some other Jesuites upon the laudable errand of Preaching the Gospel to the Indians of the Southern America , has among other things this passage in the short Relation he makes of the American Continent . There is ( says he ) one thing worthy of Observation neer the mouth of this great river ( he speaks of that of the Amazons ) which is , That men find there a kind of green Clay that is soft as long as 't is in the water , so that one may print on it all kind of Figures , and give it what shape one pleases ; but when it is expos'd to the Air , it hardens to that degree that Diamonds are not much harder than the stones it affords — I have ( adds he ) seen Hatchets made of this Clay , which the Savages employ'd to cut Wood with , when they had not the use of ours , &c. And now at last , I see 't is time to put a period to a discourse , that has been unawares lengthned far too much already : But yet I think you will easily pardon me , if I conclude it not abruptly ; but with the recital of an Experiment , which having had the honour to be seen , as to the main part of it , by an illustrious meeting of Curious Men ; their having been pleas'd to speak very advantagiously of it to others , excited a curiosity among them , to know by what artifice , effects that were so uncommon , had been produc'd . The Scope therefore , and the manner of making the Experiment , were in short as follows . Being desirous to shew how much Fluidity and Firmness may depend upon the Texture and upon the Motion or Rest of the insensible parts of Bodies , I first make with good Spirit of Vinegar , a Solution of Coral so strong , that when 't is filtrated and cool'd , it will commonly , after some time , begin to have a kind of Sediment at the bottom ; the clear Liquor I gently pour off , when the Experiment is to be made , and to this I put a convenient proportion of very well dephlegm'd Spirit of Wine , which if it be pour'd on very slowly and warily , may be made for a pretty while to swim upon it in the form of a distinct Liquor : but if by a few shakes I mingle them together , they will presently unite into a Concretion , of which when the Experiment succeed very well ( as it did when I shew'd it to the above-mention'd Assembly ) not one drop will fall to the ground , upon turning up the wide mouth Glass it should be made in , and holding it with the mouth directly downwards . And this so hastily produc'd consistence may be durable enough , if it be carefully lookt to : But to dispatch the whole Experiment in a short time , I take a little strong Spirit of Nitre ( which perhaps is not needful if good Aqua Fortis be at hand ) and putting about an equal , or other convenient quantity of it to this Mixture , I nimbly stir it and the Spirit together : whereupon the Whole is reduc'd in a very few minutes to a transparent Liquor . N. B. Though I have divers times made and shewn this Experiment , yet there are so many Circumstances requisite to make the first part of it succeed very well ( for to make it succeed in some measure is not so difficult ) that the event has sometimes deceiv'd me , in spite of the several Tryals I have made . Wherefore 't will not be amiss to intimate . First , That one of the first times , if not the first , I made such an odd Concretion , was , with the Solution not made with Spirit of Vinegar , but with Spirit of Verdigrease : ( which I commonly distil without additament ) though afterwards I was invited to prefer strong Spirit of Vinegar , which was the Liquor wherewith the recited Experiment was exhibited . Secondly , That it often happens that if the Solution of Coral ( which is not the only body wherewith I have made such Tryals with indifferent good success ) be not sufficiently strong and impregnated ) with Saline parts , or the Spirit of Wine be not sufficiently rectify'd , the shaking of the two Liquors will not change the consistence of the whole mixture , but leaves some part of it fluid , or else the Concretion will not begin presently to be made , but require to be waited for a while . Thirdly , That I once at least ( if not oftner ) observ'd , that when by mingling the two Liquors and shaking them in a narrow mouth'd Glass whose Orifice was stopt , they would not concoagulate ( as it was confidently expected they should ) yet by trying the Experiment in a wide mouth Glass to which the Air had free access , it succeeded to my content . Fourthly , That in the Reduction of the Concretion to a fluid Body , 't is not proper to employ in stirring it a Knife or any other Metalline Body except it be of Gold ; but rather some Stick of Glass , or at least some clean Stick of Wood , lest the Menstruum should corrode it , and thereby spoil , or at least blemish the Experiment . Fifthly , That the proportion betwixt the Coralline Solution and the Spirit of Wine depends so much upon the strength of the former Liquor , and the dephlegmedness of the latter , that 't is scarce possible to determine generally and exactly what quantity of each ought to be taken ; and therefore a Tryal or two made with a little of the particular Solution you intend to employ ( for some Solutions require more , others less Spirit of Wine to concoagulate adequately with them ) will better direct you what proportion of Spirit will sute that particular parcel of Liquor then any general Rule I can propose . I know I might here , and perhaps it may be expected that I should , take an occasion to treat also of Hardness , Softness , Brittleness , Toughness , Stiffness , and those other qualities that are of kin to Fluidity and Firmness ; but though I confess , I once had thoughts of writing a kind of History of more Qualities than those , yet remembring that wise Counsel given us by one of the Antients , Noscenda est mensura sui , I am now very well content , after having already tir'd my self and I fear you , to recommend so useful but difficult a work to Persons more able and more at leisure than I find my self to go through with so great an undertaking ; contenting my self at present , to have attempted in what has been delivered concerning a couple qualities of such extent , that every sensibly big Body in the Universe seems indow'd with one or other of them ( I mean concerning Fluidity and Firmness ) the explicating of Qualities somewhat more intelligibly than is wont to be done in the Peripatetick Schools , and to have open'd a way ( which I hope many will tread ) of applying Chymical Observations and Experiments to the deduction of those effects of Qualities from such general and obvious affections of matter ; as Bigness , Motion , and Figure , which even the Hermetical Writers have hitherto contented themselves to refer to Salt , Sulphur , Mercury , and the like : the Chymical notion of which ( three Principles ) though of very good use in some other ( especially of the more practical ) parts of Physiology , seems not as yet to have brought any great light to such matters as we have been treating of , having been hitherto directed not so much to the indagation of Causes , as to the production of Effects . The End of the Notes touching Fluidity and Firmness . FINIS . OF Absolute Rest IN BODIES . LONDON , Printed for Henry Herringman at the Blew Anchor in the Lower Walk of the New-Exchange , MDCLXIX . AN ADVERTISEMENT . SInce it hath not been thought amiss that something should be intimated to the Reader about the Occasion of the ensuing Tract , I shall acquaint him with it as briefly as I can , by telling him that it was This. Some very ingenious Gentlemen hapning to meet as Visitants at the Author's Lodgings , fell accidentally into a Discourse about the Absolute Rest supposed to be in many Bodies , that seem'd to have its Rise from a mistake of the true meaning of a passage or two in the History of Fluidity and Firmness , ( that was then re-printing . ) But the Conference chancing to have a period to it , whilst several things pertinent to the Author's purpose remained yet unsaid : the Curiousness of the Subject invited him to draw up ( hastily enough ) the Sum of what he had said , and might further have said if opportunity had serv'd , about the Point in debate , for the further satisfaction of an inquisitive Virtuoso that was present at it . And this was the Rise of the following Discourse , which being written on an Occasion administred by the History of Fluidity and Firmness , whereof a New Edition was ready to come abroad ; 't was thought not improper that this Tract should attend it , as a kind of Appendix , without the First and Last part of a Letter , whereof the Body only is necessary to the Design of it . AN ESSAY Of the INTESTINE MOTIONS Of the PARTICLES OF QUIESCENT SOLIDS . Where the Absolute Rest of Bodies is called in Question . SECT . I. TO remove the Doubt or Scruple that began to be discoursed of just before we last parted , I shall need to do little more than enlarge the Particulars , which ( you know ) I had then time but briefly to make mention of . For the state of the Question was , ( as you may remember ) this , Whether there be among Bodies any absolute Rest ? On which occasion I answered , That Rest being a word that to me seem'd somewhat ambiguous , I thought 't was requisite to clear the sense of the Question before I offer'd at answering it . For the word Rest , when we speak of distinct Masses of Matter , lookt upon as quiescent , does in the vulgar acception of the Term signifie , such a state of a visible and entire Body , or ( rather ) of the Corpuscles it consists of , that they are actually Vnmoved as to sight ; the Eye ( and perhaps not the Touch ) being not able to discern any local Motion in them . Consonantly to this first Member of the distinction of the word Rest , I briefly intimated to the Company , that in this sense of a Corpuscles being at Rest , I thought it manifest , that there is such a thing in Rerum Natura : Since without granting such a Rest in the component Particles of some kind of Bodies , as Diamonds , Iron , Porphiry , &c. 't will be ( I conceive ) very hard to explain , how there can be such solid Masses ( as those Minerals are ) made up of small and separable Particles . Which being said , I added , that I saw no reason why such a kind of firmness , where the inward motion of the insensible Particles is almost infinitely slow , may not suffice to give an account of as great a firmness as we use really to find among consistent Bodies . But whereas I had intimated to the Company , by the lately begun Distinction , that besides this popular sense of the word Rest , there was a second , more rigid and Philosophical Notion , or kind of Rest , which for distinction sake may be called Absolute or Perfect Rest ; which imports a continuance of a Body in the same place precisely , and includes an absolute Negation of all local Motion , though never so slow or imperceptible ; I told them that in this rigid sense of the word Rest , I durst not affirm , that there are any Bodies at Rest in the Universe ( at least for any long time ) but willingly allowed it to be made a Problem , whether there be any or no : adding , that perhaps I enclin'd to the Negative part of the Question . Having thus historically summ'd up what pass'd betwixt us about the state of the Controversie , I need not tell you , that the Doubt I express'd was thought to relish too much of a Paradox ; and therefore since the company 's quick separation allow'd me then no opportunity of enlarging , and since I promis'd no better Arguments than might be expected in a point that I propos'd but as Problematical ; I shall now endeavour to shew you that the side of the Problem I was judg'd enclin'd to , is ( at least ) not so improbable as some thought it . To prove Negatives directly , being wont ( as you well know ) to be no easie Task , and especially in such cases as this ; you will not , I presume , expect that I should attempt the proving of my Conjecture otherwise than by shewing positively , that some of those Bodies which we think to have their parts most at Rest , are not exempted from having Intestine Motions in them ; since 't will be consequent to such a proof , that it must be probable , that in other Bodies whose Solidity is confessed to be inferiour , the component Particles are not in a state of Perfect Rest. SECT . II. If it were necessary and expedient , I should begin my Arguments by saying something against Absolute Rest , in favour of the contrary Opinion , by arguing , agrave ; Priori , as they speak , from the constitution of the World , whether we consider it according to the Epicurean or the Cartesian Hypothesis of the Origine of things . For the Epicureans supposing this World to be produced by the casual concourse of Atoms , and ascribing to every particular Atom an innate , and unlooseable mobility , or rather , an actual motion , or a restless endeavour after it ; 't is consonant to think , that though in Concretions , they so entangle one another , that they cannot in a short time , or a visible manner clear themselves from one another , yet they do incessantly strive to dis-entangle themselves and get away : by which means there is always in the Atoms even of Solid Bodies , actual endeavours of each of the distinct Atoms to extricate it self from the rest : ( which endeavours usually at last succeed , whence comes the decay and destruction of Bodies ) and in the mean while these perpetual and contrary endeavours produce intestine Commotions in the internal parts of the Body wherein these Atoms were imprison'd . On the other side according to the Cartesian Doctrine , the Materia Subtilis , that constantly passes like a stream through the Pores even of the solidest Bodies , may well be suppos'd in its passage to be continually shaking or otherwise agitating the insensible Particles that make up the body that seems to be at Rest , without discovering their Motion to the Eye : As when in Summer time ( to explain my self by a Comparison ) a gentle breath of Wind passes through a Grove removed a pretty way off from the Spectator , though his Eye discern no change in the Grove he looks on , yet the Wind as it blows through the Trees will shake some of the Branches as well as the flexible Twigs ; and not only blow the Leaves into various postures , but blow some of them quite away . I might easily enlarge on this Subject , but having elsewhere done it on another occasion , I think it may be now more proper to satisfie some of the Company , who are yet entangled with the same prejudice with many other very Learned men , who look upon it as a Precarious and Chimaerical Fancy of the Atomists , to imagine , that in Solid , and as to sense , Quiescent Bodies , there should be any intestine Motion of the component Particles , neither the Motions nor the Corpuscles themselves being to be seen , and both of them being therefore as well incredible as invisible . A solemn Debate of the whole Question about the Minuteness of Atoms belongs not to this place , where it may suffice to answer the Objection . SECT . III. And first , As I have elsewhere hinted , it may appear by divers of the Phaenomena above-cited ( in the History of Fluidity ) that when Water and several other Liquors seem to be continued Masses of Matter , and to be as much at rest , as the very Glasses that contain them ; their constituent Corpuscles are in an actual and various though slow and unperceived Motion . Next , That there may be likewise such a Motion in the minute parts of Silver and Iron themselves , may be easily argued , by heating those Metals till they come to be almost red hot : for then though the eye can discern no motion of the Corpuscles those Metals consist of , yet their being able to burn those that hold them in their naked hands , shews that their brisk Motions may be discovered by the help of the Touch ; and if you spit upon them the Liquor will boil , as if it were over the fire . And lest it should be objected , that so anomalous and violent an Agent as the Fire , is necessary to these Tryals , I shall add , that , provided the minute parts be sufficiently agitated , it matters not whether the Motion be produced by Fire or no ; for by the nimbly hammering of Iron or Silver , you may put the minute parts into such a Motion , as will make the Metal very ho● to the Touch , and being communicated to Spittle or Water , will excite Bubbles , and scatter the dissipated parts of that Liquor into the Air , in the form of Smoke or Vapours ; nay I elsewhere shew how I have easily excited a very sensible , though not a visible agitation , and heat in the internal parts of a Metal , barely by my naked hands , without any external instrument whatsoever . And whereas it may be objected , that though the Motion already generated is unseen , yet we may discern a change of the component Corpuscles of a Body which are in the Act of altering its Texture , and introducing a new alteration or quality in the Body to be wrought on , or destroying some pre-existent quality : I briefly answer ( for I would not here repeat what I have elsewhere said of this point ) by this clear Experiment , that though your Eye can discern no change in the outward and visible , much less in the more latent and internal Corpuscles of Iron : a vigorous Loadstone by passing along its Axis from one Pole of the Stone to the other , and back again , yet the Texture of the Iron is by that action of the Load-stone so changed , that it acquires , and then loses those admirable Qualities we call the Attractive and Directive virtue or faculty peculiar to Magnetical Bodies . And to shew you that the invisible Motions even of Metalline Bodies may be quick and brisk enough , and may be sensible , though not visible ; We shall need to consider but the state of a good Bell so long after the Clapper has struck it , that no shaking or other Motion is to be seen in the body of the Bell it self , and yet it causes in the Air an odd kind of ringing , or if I may so call it , undulating Sound or Motion , which will sometimes last a considerable while ; and if the Bell be fitted for sharp notes , 't will not be without a shrilness : for if sounds proceed , as is elsewhere made probable , from the nimble percussions of the Air put into a quick and waving motion by sonorous Bodies ; this acuteness of sound will shew , that whilst to the Eye the Bell seems to be at Rest , yet the minute parts of it continue in a very brisk motion , without which they could not strike the air strongly and fast enough to make it produce so shrill a noise in the Ear. But , I confess to you , that my thoughts present me a Difficulty , which though un-mention'd at our meeting , may afford an Objection , perhaps more difficult than any of ( not to say all ) the foregoing , namely , That 't is scarce imaginable , how such solid and hard Bodies should have their internal parts wrought upon by such slight Agents as the air , and perhaps some yet minuter matter that is dispersed in it ; and how it is possible , that where there is an actual Motion it should be so slow , that a Corpuscle of Iron , for instance , seated in the internal Part of a Magnetick Needle , should spend so long time as our conjecture requires in travelling so little a space as from thence to the next Superficies of the Needle . But to this double Objection , though some instances which you will meet with in the following part of this Paper , may be properly applyed to solve it : yet not to make your curiosity wait , I will here speak a word or two to each of the members of the Objection . SECT . IV. And to the first , I say , That these Intestine Motions of the Corpuscles of hard Bodies , need not be solely , nor perhaps principally ascribed to those obvious external Agents , to which we are wont to refer them , since these may but excite or assist the more principal or internal Causes of the Motions we speak of , as you may gather from what was but lately mention'd of the connate and unlooseable mobility of the Atoms , according to Epicurus , and the permeation of the most Solid Bodies by the Cartesian Materia Subtilis ; and we may see by the sudden effects of the Load-stone , in endowing Steel wi●h Magnetick Qualities , and depriving it of them again ( both which suppose the intervention of a change of Texture , and this a production of Local Motion in the Metal ) that very minute and insensible Corpuscles of matter are not uncapable of effecting durable changes in the solidest Bodies . And as for the other member of the Objection , I confess it is not easie for us who are wont ( perhaps too much ) to follow our Eyes for Guides in judging of things corporeal , and to deny existence to most things , to most things whereto Nature has deny'd a visible bulk : 't is not easie , I say , for us to imagine so great a slowness as 't is very possible for Nature to make use of in her Operations , though our not being able to discern the motion of a shadow of a Dial-plate , or that of the Index upon a Clock or Watch ought to make us sensible of the incompetency of our eyes to discern some motions of natural Bodies , which reason , tells us ought to be incomparably slower than these . But not now to dispute about the existence and Attributes of infinite slowness , or at least a slowness in the next possible degree to infinite : I consider that it has not that I know of been demonstrated , nor attempted to be so , that the motion of the Corpuscle , for example of the Needle above mention'd , must be made in a direct line from the place where 't was first supposed to be to the Superficies of the Needle ; for it seems more rational , and to agree better with the Phaenomena , to suppose , that the way of this Corpuscle in the Body 't would quit , is extreamly crooked and intricate ( almost like that of a Squib in the air , or on the ground ) for it being on the one hand urg'd on by the Causes whatever they be that make it strive to fly away , and on the other hand hindred by the Corpuscles whereto 't is connected , and by the occursions of other Corpuscles whose motions may be opposite to , or disagreeing with those of our design'd Corpuscle ; it may probably , before it can extricate it self , be reduc'd to encounter and wrestle , as it were , with many other Corpuscles , and be by them sometimes thrust or impell'd to the right hand and to the left , and sometimes also repell'd inwards , even after it is come to the superficial part of the Needle ; whence it may not presently have the liberty to fly away , but may be drawn back by some other Corpuscle , wherewith it is yet connected , and which happening to be it self thrust inward may draw after it , and so entangle again our almost disbanded Corpuscle : besides that , the gravity of the component Particles of a Body is oftentimes such , that 't is easier for the Agent that puts them in motion , to continue them in that slow motion among themselves , than drive them up into so light a medium as the air , as experience shews in those Bodies that are called Fixt , as Gold , and Glass , though in actual fusion . But , I forget that I promis'd you to decline Speculations , and therefore I shall only name to you a couple of Instances which will serve to confirm both what I was lately saying , and what I am now in proving . SECT . V. The first of these I shall take from what is usually granted as matter of Fact , namely , that if a Spring , though made of so hard a Body as Steel , be forcibly bent , and kept but a moderate while in that posture , as soon as the force that kept it bent is removed , it will again return to its former Figure ; but if it be kept too long in that forc't position , it will by degrees lose that which they call the motion of Restitution , and retain its new crooked Figure , though the force that bent ●t be removed ; which shews both the power of some of the more familiar Agents in Nature , and ( which is that the shewing whereof I here chiefly aim at ) that where there is a continued endeavour of the parts of a Body , to put themselves into another state , yet the motion , or rather the progress may be much more slow than men seem as yet to have taken notice of , since 't was a great while before ●he Texture of the Corpuscles of the Steel were so alter'd as to make them lose their former springiness . But I will second this with a more illustrious Experiment , which will at once confirm what I have just now said , and shew that the Air or the invisible Corpuscles harbour'd in it may have no inconsiderable power to act upon , and effect changes in the solidest Bodies . To this purpose I shall only observe to you , that though if a Bar of Iron having one of its ends held perpendicularly , and at a fit distance , to the Lilly or North-Point of the Mariners Compass ( I mean that which points towards the North ) it will , as I elsewhere mention , drive it away towards the East or West : and if this same lower end of the Bar of Iron be put into a contrary posture , it will presently lose its temporary magnetism , as I elsewhere declare . Yet if this Bar be very long kept upright in a Window or other convenient place , then , as some late Magnetical Writers will tell you , it will have acquired a constant and durable magnetick power . Which is a Phaenomenon that makes exceedingly for our present pu●pose , since it hence appears both that the Air together with the magnetical Effluvia of the Earth that it receives in its Pores , is able without outward force to work durable changes in so solid a Body as Iron , and that the motions of the internal Parts , for these are requisite to the change of the Metal 's Texture , are performed with a wonderful slowness , since the Bar must be very long exposed to the air , perhaps before it acquires any durable magnetism at all , but at least before it acquires so vigorous and fixt a magnetism as by this means it may attain to . But , because most of the Instances to be propos'd in the following part of this Essay , may serve for Confirmations of what we have been discoursing ; I shall proceed to them , yet not 'till I have advertis'd you , That I purposely decline to mention divers Phaenomena that may even by Learned men be thought fit examples on this occasion , ( such as the Nutrition , Growth , and Wasting of Animals and Vegetables ) because such Bodies receiving constant supplies of Corpuscles , of several , and often unknown , Natures , there may be difficulties suggested about them , not easie to be cleared without longer Discourses than I can allow this Essay . SECT . VI. The first Instance then that I shall mention about Vegetable substances , shall be taken from Lignum Vitae , or Guaiacum ( for many Artificers give them the same name , and use them promiscuously for the same purposes ; ) of which , though it seem to be the solidest wood we know ( insomuch that I as wel as some others have ordinarily us'd it to pound solid Bodies in ) yet the skilfullest Tradesmen I have met with , have upon my inquiry informed me , that if it be wrought before it be well season'd by length of time , it will shew it self very frangible ; which an eminent Turner told me he had often found to his loss : For having turn'd divers fine pieces of Work of Lignum Vitae , before 't was duly season'd , he found almost all of them by the heat of the Sun ( which the uses of many of them requir'd they should sometimes be expos'd to ) crack , and cleave asunder , into I know not how many parts ; whereby those fine pieces of workmanship were quite spoil'd . And I remember , that having enquir'd of an old experienced Tradesman , of whom I bought an excellent Mortar of Lignum Vitae , how long he had kept the Wood in seasoning before I had the Mortar , he answered me ( if I much mis-remember not ) 20 years , under which time it is not fully season'd for some purposes ; of which opinion of his , having occasionally spoken to the lately mention'd Turner , this experienced Workman much confirmed me in it ; as he likewise did in an Observation I not long since made about the slow and unperceived motion that may be , not only in the more loose and fugitive Aqueous parts of Lignum Vitae , but in far more unlikely ones . For he told me that he had often found , in Turning that Wood , Cavities of several sizes in the very inward and solid part of the Wood ( which every way encompass'd them ) and in those Cavities considerable quantities of a certain Gum , much cryed up by some for an Anti-Venereal Medicine . The use I would make of these Examples is this , That since so solid a Body as a Trunk of Lignum Vitae is , when the Tree is newly fell'd , may require so long a time as 20. years , or upwards , to be seasoned ( i.e. ) brought to its full compactness and toughness ; and 〈…〉 account upon which time seasons Wood seems to be this , That by degrees the looser Aqueous , and more fugitive parts exhale into the air , whereby the remaining solid ones are brought into a closer order , and have leisure to be so placed among themselves , as is most convenient to make their Texture firm and durable : it will follow , that even in the internal parts of this solid Wood there must be , not only in the looser and lighter Corpuscles , that extricate themselves , and exhale away , a true local motion , though much too slow to fall immediately under the discernment of our senses . And , if the lately mentioned Gum be either totally , or so much as in part generated , as to sense , after the felling of the Tree , as some Analogous Instances that I have elsewhere taken notice of , make it probable ; then the Example will further be considerable to our present purpose , by shewing that a substance so gross , and so little volatile in comparison of the Aqueous parts , as is the brittle Gum I speak of , may permeate to a great thickness , a very solid and inanimate substance ; which cannot be done without an intestine , though insensible motion among the parts of the Wood , and probably a marvellously slow motion of those of the Gum. SECT . VII . But it will possibly seem more strange , that very thin pieces of Wood , and those saw'd off from a Tree of a much looser Texture , should be much longer in seasoning than that solid and ponderous Wood we have been speaking of . And indeed this discovery is not to be made , as in Lignum Vitae , by the brittleness , or other obvious qualities in the Wood , but by a subtler way ; and accordingly having purposely consulted with the Makers of Musical Instruments , and with some ancient Musitians , I was much con●irmed by them in my opinion : And I remember , the last Maker of Viols , Lutes , &c. of whom I enquired of what Age he thought such Instruments , especially Lu●es , ought to be to attain their full and best seasoning for sonorousness ; he reply'd , that in some of them 20 years would be requisite , in others 40 , according to the nature and thickness of the Wood , and other circumstances . But an Ancient Musician that was present at what was said , inform'd me that there were some famous Lutes , one or two of which he nam'd to me , that attained not their full seasoning and best resonance till they were about fourscore year old . And thus much for inanimate Vegetable substances . SECT . VIII . As for calcin'd Stones made up into Lime , and sorts of raw stones , I have already observed from the credible relations of Masons and others , that the Walls in some Buildings attain not their hardness and solidity till they are 40 years old , or perhaps much ancienter ; and since in gradually proceeding to this degree of solidity , these Walls resemble the seasoning of Lignum Vitae forme●ly explicated , the motion of the internal parts may be argued from the change of Texture as well in these as in that . And , if I would rob other Tracts ( to which they more properly belong ) I could here easily adde some such Instances of the hardening and softning of Stones by time , as would much confirm what I have now been delivering ; but I shall rather chuse to confine my self here to the two Examples following , not taken notice of in Quarrys or by Masons . The first is , That there are Marchasites , consisting as well of a stony as of a metalline substance , which , though harder than many other sorts of Stones , and even than Marble , have yet so great a motion in their internal parts , that if they be expos'd to the air , not only they will have a Vitriolate Efflorescence , if I may so speak , on their superficies ( as I have observ'd in divers other Marchasites ) but they will in Tract of time burst the Stone in Pieces ; of which sort I had sometime since , and I hope I have yet a bulky Marchasite that I procur'd from a Virtuoso that lives just by a Vitriol-work , whither these among other Vitriol-Stones are brought , and where this Stone being chosen for its largeness , was taken up and carefully kept by that ingenious person till it burst of it self , and till I sent for it . And to satisfie my self a little further , that the internal parts of Marchasites may be as well dispos'd to be vitriolated as the external ; I remember I broke a hard Marchasite that I had from another place , and laying it some short time in a Chamber-Window , I found the new superficies made by the Tracture about the middle of the Stone to have acquired an Efflorescence of a vitriolate Nature . The other instance , which is very odd , and much talked of , is this : An ingenious Gentleman of my acquaintance , casually meeting me one day , told me that he had a Turquois-stone , which if he were not mistaken had a wonderful property , for there being in it several spots of Colours differing from the rest of the Gem , these spots seem'd , though very slowly , to move from one part of the stone to the other . And this he thought himself to have taken notice of for very many Months ( perhaps a couple of years ) . This Relation seem'd so strange that the Relator was not at all surpriz'd , when to ascertain my self of the truth of it , I desired to have the Ring this stone was set in , for a while in my own keeping , to which he readily assenting ; besides that I took very heedful notice of the scituation of the spots , I employ'd a very ingenious youth that then lived with me , and was skill'd in drawing , to make the Picture of the stone with the spots as they were then placed , and afterwards to have a watchful eye upon it , and from time to time ( as once perhaps in two or three weeks ) to draw a new Picture of them ; by comparing several of which Pictures , it was unanimously concluded that the spots did shift places in the Turquois , as if the matter they consisted of made its way through the substance of the stone : As we lately noted that the Gum of Lignum Vitae seem'd to do through the substance of the Wood : And as far as we observ'd , the motion of these spots was exceeding slow and irregular , though perhaps it might have been reduc'd to a somewhat less uncertainty , were it not that by an unwelcome accident we were deprived of the opportunity of continu●ng our Observations long enough . And this brings into my mind , that the Turquois being a stone , of which ● had met strange stories in good Authors , I once ask●d several questions about it , of a noted Jeweller ; and enquiring among other particulars , whether he had not observ'd some changes that seem'd spontaneous in the substance or colour of the stone ? he reply'd that in some few Turquois's he had observ'd two differing Blews in differing parts of the same stone , and that one of those Colours would by slow and unperceived degrees invade , and at length overspread that part of the stone , which the other Colour possessed before . I shall here add , that the same Gentleman that lent me the spotted Turquois , shew'd me afterward an Agate Haft of a Knife , where was a certain Cloud , which he told me an ingenious Person had for some years observ'd to remove to and fro in the stone , and had a while since to convince the Relator lent him the Agate , of whose Phaenomena he promis'd me an account , when he shall have had the stone in his custody for a competent time , till the expiration of which , it may suffice to have said of this Agate what I have now related . SECT . IX . But because that Diamonds and Glass are generally looked upon , especially by Chymists , as Bodies of the closest and firmest Texture that Nature and Art afford , if we could shew an intestine motion even in the parts of these ; fitter Instances for our purpose could not in reason be desired : I shall venture to say something of each of them , though what I have to say about Diamonds , is propos'd rather to ground a suspition of what may be , than a demonstration that it must be . In the first place then , to remove that prejudice that may be entertain'd from the incomparable hardness of Diamonds ●which I confess experience has made me admire ) as if Bodies so hard and solid could not have their parts put into motion but by some extraordinary , not to say , prodigious force ; I shall only repeat here what I have elsewhere shewn , that Diamonds are Bodies that easily enough become actually Electrical , and that some Diamonds ( of which sort I have a small one by me ) will by rubbing upon a cloath be brought to shine in the dark , the Quist of both which transient Qualities requiring a change of Texture even in the internal parts ; and the Friction that produces that change , doing it immediately by putting the parts of the stone into local-motion , it may be thence argued , that a very moderate force may suffice to beget an internal motion in the inward Particles of Diamonds themselves . And I am not sure but that more hidden Agents may make impressions upon these hardest Bodies . For in a Ring that I am wont to wear on my little Finger , which has no Diamond , save one more than that shining one I lately mention'd , I have I know not how often seem'd to my self to observe a manifestly greater clearness and sparklingness at some times than at others , though I could not refer it to the clearness or dulness of the weather , the moisture or driness of th● air , the superficial clearness or foulness of the stone , or any other manifest cause I could think of . And in this I was the more enclin'd to think I might not be mistaken , because , besides that the notice I took of it , was frequent , I have by me a rough Diamond just as it came from the Rock , in whose Electrical faculty I have taken notice of changes as to the degree of strength wherewith it attracted , and that within the compass of a very little time , though I could not find any cause whereto I could refer so surprizing a Phaenomenon . And I must not here omit , that chancing one day to shew the newly mention'd Diamond Ring to a very ingenious Lady that used to wear in Rings and Bracelets store of those Gems , and telling her what changes I had taken notice of in the Diamonds ; she who had observ'd more about Gems than any Lady I had yet met with , appeared but little surprized at what I told her , and affirm'd to me that she had divers times observed the like alterations in some Diamonds of hers , which sometimes would look more sparklingly than they were wont , and sometimes far more dull than ordinary . And when I objected , that possibly that dulness might be imputed to the weather , or some casual foulness of the surface of the stone , she reply'd that she had been aware of those circumstances , rubbing the stones clean , and otherwise taking care to secure an Observation , which she had made too often to have deceiv'd her self in it . If I remember aright , I have elsewhere mention'd how I saw a considerable , but Cloudy , Hungarian Diamond , which the Owner would have presented me , made clearer by lying for some time in a cold Liquor , wherein he affirmed that upon his keeping it longer the stone would lose more and more of its cloudiness ; and what I my self saw suffic'd me to argue , that changes may be produc'd even in the inward parts of such Diamonds by Agents that act without any appearing Violence . SECT . X. And if it be true that Diamonds , as I elsewhere observe about many other stones , may be generated from time to time in the bowels of the Earth , it may not perhaps be absurd to imagine , that even true Diamonds , that seem perfect , and are fit for Rings , may long continue to have an insensible motion through the whole stone , whereby the Corpuscles it consists of are dispos'd into a more convenient Texture for the constituting of an extreamly hard body . For though it be taken for granted , that Adamantine Bodies , because they are generally exceeding hard , are equally so , yet that supposition is not favoured by Experience . And I remember , that to satisfie my self further about such matters , I repair'd to an ancient Artificer eminent in his Trade , which was the cutting and setting of Diamonds , and that having demanded of him whether he found that all Diamonds were of equal hardness ; he answered me , that having dealt in these Gems near 20 years in Amsterdam , and divers years in England , he perceived that there are of later years brought over worse and worse sorts of Diamonds , and that he finds several of the recent Diamonds so soft and brittle in comparison of those he was anciently wont to set ( and which he with other Jewellers called Diamonds of the old Rock ) that he is often afraid , and unwilling to meddle with them , when they are brought to him , left he should spoil them in the cutting , or polishing . But this I only repeat historically , till further observation shall discover whether these are Diamonds not yet fully ripe , and capable of growing harder by further maturation , or whether they be of a peculiar sort of Diamonds whose nature it is to be always softer than those of the old Rock . SECT . XI . This brings into my mind a confirmation of the unequal hardness of Diamonds , whatever be the cause of it , which I met with in a little Book lately Published in his own Language by a Frenchman , who giving his Reader an Account of the Eastern Diamond-Mines from the Relation , as he affirms , of a late Eye-witness , speaks thus of the third and last Mine called Gazerpoli , They are very clear , and of a good Water , but they cannot be ground by mutual Attrition ( if I understand the Term he uses ) but with stones of the same Mine ; for if one should employ for that purpose the stones of another Mine , those of Gazerpoli would be broken in pieces : They do also easily break upon the Wheel , and those that are not vers'd in the knowledge of stones may easily be deceived ( in them . ) Of which our Author addes the Example of a Portuguais , who refusing 1200 Crowns for one of them at Ligorn , when he went to have it cut at Venice , it broke upon the Wheel into fifteen or twenty pieces . Another Example that seems to make more for our present purpose is afforded by the same Author , speaking of the second Mine , which breeds the greatest stones called Gane or Colonor ; for he says , that sur●la plus part , i. e. upon the most of these stones after they are cut , there appears always as it were a kind of greasiness or unctuosity , which invites you ever and anon to have recourse to your Handkerchief to wipe it off , which one would guess to proceed from some insensible Effluvium , that exhaling out of the stone comes to be check'd and condens'd by the air on the superficies of it , as it happens to sweat on the skins of Animals : the truth of which conjecture I would examine by very nice scales , if I could procure such Diamonds . SECT . XII . And because Rubies , though inferior in hardness to Diamonds , are yet harder than most other Gems , and much more than Marble and the like courser stones , I will not omit on this occasion , what was more than once affirmed to me by an observing Lady , whom , if she were not too nearly related to me , I could scarce mention without an Elogy . For casually casting my eye upon a fair Ruby she wore upon her finger , and desiring to consider it more attentively , she pull'd off the rich Ring 't was set in , and reaching it me , told me 't was worth my curiosity to consider it . For besides that 't was so fine a stone , that 't was thought worth being left her as a Legacy by a great Lady ( her dear friend ) that was famous , as I knew , for the variety of the rich Jewels she was Mistress of ; this Ruby would not unfrequently vary the degrees of its lustre she knew not why . For sometimes it seem'd to be ennobled by a more vivid fire than ordinary , and at other times it would be manifestly more dull and cloudy than 't is wont to be : and this not imputable , as she expresly assur'd me upon repeated Observations , to the Cloudiness of the Weath●r , or any superficial foulness of the stone . And that I might be convinc'd as well as she her self was , she desir'd me to rub it very clean , and then take notice of the present lustre of it , of which e're long she presum'd she could shew me a manifest alteration ( for I was then come to visit her and pass some weeks with her in her house ) but my occasions calling me away within a few days after , I had not time to wait for the event of her promise . How for what has been said concerning Diamonds may be allowed to be Argumentative towards the scope of this Discourse , I shall willingly leave to the discovery of time , and further Observation ; the mention I have made of the foregoing particulars , having been invited partly by the nobleness of the subject , which made me willing to adde these Relations to what I have elsewhere written about them ; and partly because thus much at least seems probably deducible from what I noted about the exciting of Diamonds by rubbing , both to attract , and to shine , that notwithstanding their incomparable hardness , an intestine motion of their minute parts may be without any considerable violence quickly produc'd . SECT . XIII . And now 't will be time to consider the other Body I promis'd to take notice of , namely Glass . For this being thought so compact and firm a Body , that 't is indistructible by Art or Nature , and being also of so close a Texture , that the subtlest Chymical Spirits ( that are yet known ) cannot pervade it , and lastly having given such proofs of the fixedness of its parts , as to have long endur'd the violence even of a Glass-house-fire , we can scarce imagine a Body more unlikely to have any motion amongst its component Particles : and yet that they may not be always at perfect Rest among themselves , I have been induced to think by the following , and the like Observations . First , having enquired of a famous and experienced Maker of Telescopes , as well as of those that use such Instruments , whether he did not observe that the Venice-Glasses he employed would sometimes crack of themselves whilst they were yet in Plates , and sometimes do the like after they were ground into Convexes , and polished up ; he answered affirmatively . And though it seem'd improbable that Glasses brought so far off as ●rom Venice , and many of them kept a good while here in England before there be occasion to grind them : and perhaps longer after their having been ground before they crack , should after all this time retain an internal motion among their component Particles : yet I have been induc'd to conjecture that some saline Corpuscles more numerous than the Nature of the Glass requir'd , may , by degrees though slow and unperceiv'd , so tend towards the superficies of the Glass , as either to get out of the Pores of it , or crack , or burst the Glass in endeavouring to force their passage outward . For having purposely enquired of the above-nam'd Artificer , and some other observing men that deal in Optical Glasses , whether it had not been taken notice of , That there would sometimes be , especially in Winter and very moist Weather , a kind of Efflorescence of a saltish taste manifestly discernable upon the surfaces of their Glasses ; I was answered in the Affirmative , especially by the above-mention'd Artificer , who having more occasion and opportunity to take notice of such things , told me that he had by tasting found these Exsudations sensibly saltish . SECT . XIV . And I was the more apt to entertain the lately propos'd Conjecture , because of a thick Glass Cup that I have yet by me , in the making of which , to render it the more Diaphanous , I suppos'd an over great proportion of Salt had been employed . For this Cup though for a while it continued clear and entire , yet before the ensuing Winter was ended , though it did not so crack as to fall to pieces , but still retains its former shape , yet it was flaw'd with such a multitude of little cracks , that at a distance it looks like a Whi●e , not like a Christalline Cup. SECT . XV. I remember also that I have sometimes , though not often , had Vessels and other Bodies of Glass of a considerable thickness , which have of their own accord broken suddenly asunder , with noise enough to make me take notice of it . And that this did not always happen for want of the Glass's being gradually or slowly coo●'d , or , in the Workmens Language , neal'd , I was perswaded not only by the spontaneous cracking , not without a loud noise of a thick and empty Glass Vessel , that had for I know not how many Months been kept locked up in my Study ; but by the like Accidents , which I after found had happened unto others . For enquiring of some that made great store of Glass Vessels , as well as of others that sold them ; I learned from both , that they had sometimes by their losses been made to take notice that Glasses that had been long made , and kept unemployed would break of themselves , when there was no visible outward Agent near enough to be suspected of the having broken them . And since this very Page began to be written , I had a fair Christal Vial , not too well stopt , which crackt at the thick bottom , in a Glass-Cabinet ( that was fixed to a Wall ) where I kept that with other choice Vials under Lock and Key ; no other of the included Glasses ( full nor empty ) nor yet of the external Glasses appearing any way crackt or injured . Nay even great and strong Looking-Glasses are not quite exempted from these accidents . For I remember that having purposely enquired of an honest man that furnished the greatest part of London with large Looking-Glasses , whether he did not sometimes find them crack , and that with noise ; he show'd me divers large Plates of excellent Glass , and assured me , that sometimes after they had been a good while in his Shop , some of them would of themselves , not only crack with a loud noise , but now and then also ( though rarely ) fly asunder with that violence as to break some of the neighbouring Plates though thick and strong . SECT . XVI . And having also a mind to enquire further , whether this disposition to break in some sorts of Glass , might not continue much longer than I had opportunity to observe , I addressed my self to an ingenious Master of a Glass-house , and demanded of him how long he had taken notice of Glass to continue sound and whole , and yet afterwards to break of it self . He replyed that he had once a great parcel of Glasses packed up , which not having the occasion he expected to vend and make use of , lay by him for a great while ; and yet when afterwards he had unpack'd them , and rang'd them , in a short time a great many of them , amounting to about a fourth or third part of the whole number , cracked of themselves ; and when I asked how long the Parcels had lain by before they were opened , he replyed , that 't was as he remembred between four and five years . SECT . XVII . These Instances ( to which I could adde divers others ) I have therefore mention'd because either of the two Hypotheses in congruity whereunto they seem likeliest to be intelligibly explicable , will favour the Doctrine hitherto patronized . For according to the Atomical Theory , it may be conceived that there is a constant intestine Motion of the small parts of the Glass upon the score of their constituent Atoms , which endeavour or tend to extricate themselves and get away , which at last they do , by breaking the Glass in some brittle , or other fit place ; where ( after a multitude of encounters and evolutions ) a competent number of them may happen to be got together , and find their Motion ( outwards ) withstood : whence may ensue so unequal an agitation there , of the formerly coherent parts of the Glass , as to make the more agitated ones part from them that are less so ; and consequently crack the Glass . To which agrees what I have often observ'd in Chymical and Mechanical Tryals made with Glass-Vessels , That if there be any grain of Sand or Gravel , or any little Lump of the Alkalizate matter Glass is made of , conspicuously inclos'd in the substance of the Vessel , 't will both be much the more apt to break , and if it do , will almost always begin to crack at that place , ( whence usually as from a Center several cracks go several ways ) the part of the Glass where the blemish is , being commonly of a differing Texture from the rest ( as is often manifest to the very eye ) and being by that incongruous Texture disposed to be put into a motion differing from , and perhaps very disproportionate to that of the neighbouring Parts . SECT . XVIII . I must not here stay to examine , whether or no this motion of the internal parts may not ( in divers cases be made more efficacious by the penetration of some subtle and moist matter into the Glasses Pores , ( especially the more superficial ones of some Glass of a looser sort ) and so by degrees vitiate the Texture of the Body , and promoting the Agitation and swelling of the saline Corpuscles , enable them to burst the Glass , after some such manner as the Marchasites I lately mentioned , came to have a vitriolate Efflorescence , and even to be burst by the operation of the Air ; this , I say , I must not now stay to examine , because I would hasten to propose the second Hypothesis , and tell you that ( else ) we may , congruously to what we elsewhere discourse , imagine , That in tract of time , there is produced in some parts of a Glass a Texture that makes it resist more than it did formerly ●he free passage of the Ae●her , or some other subtle matter , that was accustomed ( perhaps stream-like ) to permea●e it before ; which transient matter now finding its passage obstructed ( and perchance almost quite hindered ) by the vitiating of the Pores of the Glass , or some other ( inconvenient ) change of Texture in it , and endeavouring to con●inue its wonted motion through it , does so stretch the Pores , or otherwise offer violence to the Texture of the Body , that it causes a divulsion in the parts , which according as it is more or less forcibly or suddenly made , does either barely crack the Glass , or make it flye asunder . To the precedent Doctrine these two things agree not ill : The First , That Glass is a Body easily made Electrical by rubbing , which makes it probable that its Particles may easily be put into motion . And the Second , That such a Divulsion may be made in Glass by but an inequal motion between the neighbouring parts ; as may appear by the Chymical practice of cracking Glasses , which they often think fit to do , only by applying a red hot Iron to the place till it be sufficiently heated , and whilst it is very hot , moistening it with cold water ( or even Spittle ) which by cooling the part that it touched , and consequently checking the Agitation of the Corpuscles it meets there , whilst the contiguous parts retain their former vehement Agitation , occasions a discontinuity or divulsion in the Glass , some of whose parts are in so swift , and others are in so slow a motion . SECT . XIX . And on this occasion I shall adde chiefly , because I would not pretermit so considerable a Phaenomenon , That even when Glass seems to have lost the degree of heat that one would think necessary to have its shape or bigness sensibly alter'd , there may remain yet so much agitation in the minute parts , as , when they are modify'd by the Air , by the Cold , or by some other invisible Agent , to make them alter the bulk or shape of the whole Vessel they compose ; and that ( which one would not expect ) by enlarging the Vessel , at least if we allow not in the case any change of Figure : For it has often been observed in those Glass-houses where they work White Glasses , as they call those that are pure and clear , that when they have blown Glasses into a mold , to give them more exactly the desired shape and size , these Glasses when they are cold cannot well be put again into the same mold they were blown in , and require that the Cells of Garde Vials that are to receive them be made a little larger : which Observation an eminent Artificer of my acquaintance that gets considerably by fitting fine Glasses to Cases ; has much confirm'd to me by his complaints of the inconvenience , easie to be incurr'd , by the not knowing , or not remembring so unlikely an Effect of the cooling of Glass . But I must not prosecute the consideration of these , and the like Phaenomena , nor examine which of the preceding Explications is preferrable , having mention'd them , as I was saying , chiefly to shew , that which of them soever we pitch upon , it will argue an intestine motion in the Corpuscles of the Glass , which motion we shall think may be very slow , if we consider how long a time it is on some Occasions in producing its effects before it brings them to be discernable to our senses . SECT . XX. Having thus made it probable , that among the parts of such solid Bodies , as I have hitherto instanced in , there may not be such a perfect Rest , as is generally believed ; it will I suppose be expected that I should now draw this consequence from what has been said , That there is no such thing as absolute Rest in Nature . But since at my first men●ioning this Paradox to you , I proposed it but as Problematical , and since I consider that we are not yet sure , but that though many of the parts of solid Bodies may not be always moveless , yet some others of them may sometimes for a while at least be at perfect Rest : I shall conclude as I began , and without resolutely denying that there can be any such thing in rerum naturâ , as absolute Rest , I shall content my self to say , That 't is not either absurd to doubt whether there be or no ; nor improbable to think that there is not , since we have not found it in those very Bodies , where with the greatest likelihood it might have been expected . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28944-e310 Ethic. Nicom . lib. 1. cap. 6. Quaestion . Natural . lib. 6. cap. 5. Epistola 64. Notes for div A28944-e1680 Accipe pulverem Johannis de ● Vigo propria manu paratam , uam alioquin admistus Minio est adulteratus , prout qualecunque Medicamen Chymicum quod venale exstat fraude plenum est . Helmon . de Febr. c. 14. Sunt nempe olea essentialia venalia , quaeque magno aere penduntur , adulterata omnia atque singula , &c. Idem de Feb. c. 15. Histoire de Madagascar . c. 37. Paracel . de Mineral , Tract .. 1. Paracel . ibidem . Notes for div A28944-e3150 Lib. 3. cap. 6. Josephus Acosta lib. 4. cap. 5. De re Metallicâ lib. 20. p. 28. Lib. 3. part . 5 cap. 3. Fournier Hydr. l. 11. c. 11. In the Table annex'd to his Voyage . Livie 11. chap. 10. Tycho Brahe lib. 2. de Cometa An. 1577. p. 133. * This is one of those that make up the Book of the Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy . De la Longitude chap. xxxiv . Fourn . Architecture Navale chap. 22. Notes for div A28944-e5570 See the Essay of the Vsefulness of Chymistry in the II. Sect. of the I. Part Of the Vsefulness of E. P. Viz. A. D. 1659. Notes for div A28944-e5990 * If it be here demanded , Why the Experiment was not made with a greater quantity of Salt peter ? we may answer , That the mention'd Quantity was most proportionate to the best Crucible we then had . And if it be further ask'd , Whether it were not the better way of obtaining the several substances separable from Nit●e ; to distil it in close Vessels without addition of any foreign Body ? we shall reply only by representing , That the propos'd way is not so practicable as one would imagine : for a● acqui●seing in the common practice of Chymists , who are wont to mingle with the Salt-Petre they distil three or four times its weight of Brick , Earth , or some other Additament , which ( esp●cially in so great a proportion ) may much alter the Nature of the fix'd Salt remaining behind with it ; we have had the curiosity to try more than once , whether we could distil Salt-Petre per se in glass Retorts , and found , that though to avoid giving too strong a fire , we once ( at least ) plac'd the Retort only in a pan ful of Sand ; yet when the heat was grown strong enough to melt the Salt , it crack'd the Retort , and did partly run out at the crack ; only we obtain'd some small quantity of a Liquor , which by its sowreness and operation taught us what we might have expected of the rest of the volatile part of the Ni●re , in case the Vessel would have held till it had passed over into the Receiver . Notes for div A28944-e7230 * Whether the Air have any great interest in the Figuration or in the Reproduction of Nitre , the Author hath since examin'd by particular Tryals ; but in Vessels and by ways not to be easily describ'd in few words , and therefore the further mention of them is reserv'd for another Discourse . Notes for div A28944-e7400 Lib. 3. de Arte Magnet . Par. 5. Cap. 3. * In some Papers about the origine of Living Creatures suppos'd to spring of themselves . Notes for div A28944-e7990 * The Writing here referred to , is the Second Tome of the Vsefulness of Experiment . Philosophy , which should have appeared before these Specimens . [* The Author now finding that something concerning the various motion of the parts of fluid Bodies , which he has but touch'd upon , has been , though but briefly and without Experiments , yet excellently explain'd in a mathematical way by Monsieur des Cartes in the 56th and 57th Articles of the second Part of his Principles , thinks fit to refer the inquisitive Reader thither for fuller satisfaction about tha● Particular . ] * An Historical Dialogue about Flame . Notes for div A28944-e9790 * Much more considerable Instances of this nature may be met with in the Author 's New Physico Mechanical Experiments . This Way the Author afterwards Pub●ished in another Book . Hydrograph . Du P. G. Fournier , Lib. 2. Cap. 6. * This Phaenomenon is partly describ'd at large in one of the Authors Physico-Mechanical Experiments . Helmont de Febr. cap. 14. Hist. Moral . Cap. 5. Histo. Nat. & Med. Brasil . l. 4. c. 1. Gulielm . Piso , & Author Gallic . ubi supra . Beguin . Tyrocin . Chym. Lib. 2 do Cap. 10. Lib. 4o. Anno Domini , 1624. Hydrograph . de P. Fournier . Lib. 4. Cap. 27. Lib. 4. Cap. 68. Gassend . in vita Piereskii , lib. 1. In some of the Authors Papers about the Origine of Minerals . Relation des Messions des P.P.J.J. secon . part , cap. 1. Notes for div A28944-e13860 Egrezes , pag. m. 17.18 . 
A26566	----	The vanity of arts and sciences by Henry Cornelius Agrippa, Knight ... Agrippa von Nettesheim, Heinrich Cornelius, 1486?-1535. 1676 Approx. 716 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 196 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26566 Wing A790 ESTC R10955 11994526 ocm 11994526 52069 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26566) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52069) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 80:2) The vanity of arts and sciences by Henry Cornelius Agrippa, Knight ... Agrippa von Nettesheim, Heinrich Cornelius, 1486?-1535. [18], 368 p. : port. Printed by J.C. for Samuel Speed ..., London : 1676. Prefixed: The life of Henry Cornelius Agrippa; His epitaph; On the learned author ... (verse signed: S.S.). Reproduction of original in Library of Congress. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Agrippa von Nettesheim, Heinrich Cornelius, 1486?-1535. Learning and scholarship -- Early works to 1800. Scholasticism. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-06 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-06 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Behold the figure of that man of Parts who dive'd into the Secrets of all Arts , A Second Solomon , the mighty Hee That try'de them all , and found them Vanity . THE VANITY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES . BY Henry Cornelius Agrippa , Knight , Doctor of both Laws , Judge of the Prerogative-Court , AND Counsellour to Charles the Fifth , Emperour of Germany . ECCLES . Vanity of Vanities , all is Vanity . LONDON : Printed by J. C. for Samuel Speed , and sold by the Booksellers of London and Westminster . 1676. TO THE READER . Studious Reader , WIlt thou not look upon this Labour of mine , to be a most bold and almost Herculean attempt , to wage War against the Giant-like Opposition of all the Arts and Sciences ? And thus to challenge the stoutest Hunters of Nature ? Doctors will knit their enraged brows upon me : the Authority of Masters , the endeavours of the Batchelors of Art , the heat of the Schoolmen , the sedition of the Mechanicks , will be all up in arms against me . All which if I stab at one blow , will it not be a greater work than Hercules in the accomplishment of all his Labours was ever guilty of ? Shall I not have performed a nobler Task , if with no less danger and labour , I overcome these Monsters of Schools , Universities and Pulpits ? For I am not ignorant how bloody a Battle I must fight , or how hazardous and difficult the War will be , being to meet with such an Army of potent Enemies . Wo is me , with what Engins will they seek to destroy me ? With what weight will they not endeavour to crush me ? What reproaches will they not endeavour to throw upon me ? The Grammarians will rail at me : the Etymologists will derive my name from the Gout : the mad Poets will call me Goat and Momus : the frivolous Historians will profane me beyond Pausanias or Herostratus : the obstreperous Rhetoricians will plague me with their big Words and mimical Gestures : the quarrelsome Logicians will confound me with their Syllogismes . The nimble Sophisters will sawe my jawes with the snaffles of their subtle Questions . The barbarous Lullist will make me mad with his absurd Soloecisms . The Atome-numbring Arithmeticians will set an host of Vsurers upon me . The Gamesters will curse me . The Musicians will sing Ballads of me . The proud Matrons will expel me their Meetings . The Wenches will deny to kiss me . The giggling Girls will laugh , and cry , I dance like a Camel. The lewd Players will kill me in a Tragedy . The intricate Geometrician will imprison me in his Triangles and Tetragonals . The vain Painter will make me more ugly than an Ape , or Thersites himself . The Cosmographer will banish me amongst the Bears into Greenland . The Astrologer will erect some wicked Scheme or other for me . The Physiognomist will defame me for being impotent . The Epicures will bespew me to death . The Tyrant will crucifie me in Phalaris's Bull. Hypocrites will declaim against me in their Pulpits . The Whores will pox me . The Priests will excommunicate me . The blasphemous Marriner will throw me over-board . The yawling Hunter will set his Dogs upon me . The Souldier will plunder me . The Ordure-tasting Physicians will throw their Vrinal at my Head. The Chyrurgeons will anatomize me . The Lawyers will accuse me of Treason . The Judges will condemn me . Thus , though I omit for brevities sake many others , dost thou not see , Reader , what dangers I am like to run through ? But I am in hopes to avoid their fury , provided that thou , patient to hear the Truth , and laying all Prepossession and Obstinacy aside , wilt but give thy mind candidly and without passion to read what I have writ . I have moreover the Word of God to defend me , which with an undaunted Courage I intend to make use of for my Buckler . I would have thee moreover to know , that I have not writ these things either out of Hatred , Envy , Ambition , or vain Errour , nor did Arrogance prompt me to it ; but of all Causes the most just and truest : because I see that so many men , pufft up with Humane Knowledge and Learning , not only contemn and despise the Oracles of the Sacred Scripture , but also prosecute and deride it with the same contempt . Others we see , though to themselves they seem to be more holy , who endeavour to confirm and approve the Lawes of Christ , yet attribute more Authority to the Maximes of Philosophers , than to the holy Prophets of God , the Evangelists or Apostles , though there be so vast a difference between them . Moreover , we finde that a most detestable Custome has invaded all or most Schools of Learning , to swear their Disciples never to contradict Aristotle , Boethius , Thomas Albertus , or some such like School-Deity : From whom if there be any that differ so much as a nails breadth , him they proclaim a scandalous Heretick , a Criminal against the Holy Sciences , fit only to be consumed in Fire and Flames . Therefore these and ●cious Giants , these Enemies of Scripture are to be set upon , their Bulwarks and Castles are to be stormed : And it behoves us to shew how intolerable the blindness of Men is , to wander from the truth , misguided by so many Sciences and Arts , and by so many Authors and Doctors thereof . For how great a boldness is it , what an arrogant presumption , to prefer the Schools of Philosophers before the Church of Christ ? and to extol or equal the Opinions of Men , to the Word of God ? Lastly , how impious a piece of Tyranny it is , to captivate the Wits of Students to prefixed Authors , and to deprive their Disciples of the liberty of searching after and following the Truth ? All which things being so manifest , that they cannot be denied , I may be the more easily pardoned , if I seem to have more freely and bitterly inveighed against some sorts of Sciences and their Professors , Farewel . The LIFE of Henry Cornelius Agrippa , Knight , AND Judge of the Prerogative Court. HEnry Cornelius Agrippa , descended from a Noble Family of Nettesheim in Belgia , was by his Parents so educated , that he became Doctor of the Laws and Physick , Master of the Rolls , and Judge of the Spiritual Court. He was naturally inclined to study , making it his Recreation from his Youth to learn : Nor was his Labour spent in vain ; for by his Ingenuity he obtained wonderful Skill and Knowledge in the several various Arts and Sciences . Notwithstanding which , his Fancy guided him to attend or accompany the Army of the Princes , with whom he so prudently behaved himself , that he gained the affections of all that knew him ; and for his singular Valour , was created Knight in the Field . It was about the year 1530 , that his Merits grew great , and he became the Subject of every 〈◊〉 Wonder and Discourse , some admiring his Learning , others his Valour ; and all with a reverend adoration applauding him . In his Studies he grew expert in Occult Philosophy , and composed four Books thereof ; whose incomparable Worth is beyond the reach of an Encomium . Not long after that , he published this his Satyrical Invective , or Cynical Declamation against the Vanity of Arts and Sciences ; informing and affirming with much Reason , Learning , and Piety , that all things are incertain , except onely the pure and solid Word of God. He likewise composed a● History of the double Coronation of Charles the Emperour , to whom his Parts advanced him to be his Counsellour . Then he composed a Treatise of the Excellency of the Feminine Sex ; and another of the Apparition of Spirits . Divers were of opinion that he held a Correspondency with Devils , since he published Commentaries on the Ars Brevis of Raymund Lully , and was extremely inclined to delight in the study of Occult Philosophy and Astrology . To vindicate himself from those various Aspersions that arose concerning him , he published an Apology , wherein he shewed that what he did , was purely done by Art ; nor did he exceed the bounds thereof . In the year 1538 , he wrote many learned Orations , by which his Wit appeared to be excellent : Amongst the large number , these Ten were the chief : The first , on Plato's Banquet , uttered in the Academy of Tricina , containing the praise of Love. The second , on Hermes Trismegistus , treating on the power and wisdom of Almighty God. The third , in behalf of one who was about to take his degree of Doctor . The fourth , for the Lords of Metz ; he being then chosen their Advocate and their Orator . The fifth , to the Senate of Luxemburgh , in behalf of the Lords of Metz. The sixth , for the said Lords , by way of Salutation to the Prince and Bishop thereof . The seventh , likewise for the aforesaid Lords , by way of Salutation to a Nobleman . The eighth , in behalf of a certain Kinsman of his , a Carmelite , made Batchelor of Divinity when he received his Regency at Paris . The ninth , for the Son of Christiern King of Denmark , Norway , and Sweden , delivered at the coming of the Emperour . The tenth , at the Funeral of the Lady Margeret , Princess of Austria and Burgundy . He also writ a Dialogue concerning Man ; and a Declamation of a disputable Opinion concerning Original Sin , to the Bishop of Cyrene ; an Epistle to Michael de Arando , Bishop of St. Paul ; a Complaint upon a Calumny , printed at Strasburgh , 1539. These are the chief of those Pyramids that disperse the Glories of Agrippa , who grew eminently famous , not onely among the Germans , but all other Nations too . He was much beloved , more admired , and somewhat envied : Momus will carp , although among the Gods : Hercules amongst the Heroes , hunts after Monsters : Pluto amongst the Devils , as King of Hell , is angry with the Ghosts : Democritus amongst Philosophers , derides and laughs at all things ; and on the other side , Heraclitus , as if his Eyes were a Fountain of Tears , is always weeping : Pirrhias is ignorant of all things ; and Aristotle believeth that he himself knows all things : Diogen●s scorneth all things ; and Cornelius Agrippa spareth none : he contemneth , knows , is ignorant , weeps , laughs , is angry , pursueth , carps at all things , being himself a most Satyrical Philosopher . His Epitaph . WHy weep'st thou , Marble ? is thy Trust Too great for such a Sacred Dust ? Or dost thou make thy Pious moan , That we might turn our Hearts from Stone ? As Converts then we 'll weep with you ; Our Hearts shall melt to Marble too : For there 's penn'd up within thy Pit , A world compos'd of Worth and Wit. On the LEARNED AUTHOR Of the Vanity of ARTS and SCIENCES . ILlustrious Pen-man , whose immortal Name Speaks thee above the loudest blast of Fame , Since thou for learning wast the choicest He , Whose Head was Europe's University . Oxford and Cambridge both , do still admire How thou attained'st thy Celestical Fire . Well might great Charles , though Germans Emperor , Confer with thee , Dame Nature's Counsellor . 'T was pity thou wast born , great Soul , for why ? Thousands have di'd for grief , that thou didst die . Yet thy rare Works that after thee survive , Instruct the Learned that at present live . The Destinies sure sent thee in their rage , To teach the World , and to correct the Age , Like some prodigious Wit , within the Sphere Of being Priest , and a Philosopher ; A Prophet , and a Poet , to exclaim Against the Worthies , and to laugh at Fame ; To unfold Mysteries , and be i' th' List Of all the choice , the chief Evangelist . I 'm full of wonder , when I contemplate Thee , and thy Works , ordain'd to conquer Fate : An Extasie surprizes every part . I seem a Man , and yet I want my Heart ; From me 't is flown , and yet methinks it meets Again , when I peruse thy learned Sheets . Then in a Grove I 'm lost ; and wish I may Get out , yet Pleasure forces me to stay : For there 's delight that doth the Senses fill , As Accents written with an Angels Quill . To fix thy Sepulchre we 'll shew our Arts , Cementing that with Tears and broken Hearts . Can broken Hearts an Habitation make ? If not , for grief of that , our Hearts shall break . Thou needest no Supporter , for thy Staff Shall be thy Works , thy Fame thy Epitaph . For when weak Poets have their Praises spent , Thy Name shall be thine own rich Monument . S S. Licensed , September 18. 1675. Roger L'●strange . An ALPHABETICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS . Of ARithmetick Page 50-53 Architecture 77 Astronomy 82 Astrology 88 A●gury 103 Agriculture 243-250 Apothecaries 299 Anatomy 304 Alchymy 31● Advocates 324 Of Balls 60 Beginning of natural things 1●● Beggery 211 Of Cosmimetry 74 Chiromancy 10● Conjuring 115 Cabalists 12● Ceremonies 173 Court-Discipline 22● Courtiers Noble 22● Vulgar 230 Court-Ladies 234 Chirurgery 303 Cattle-curing 304 Cookery 307 Chy●●stry 312 Canon-Law 320 Conclusion of the Work 364 Of Dicing 51 Dancing 60 Divination 99 Dreams 105 Dieting 305 Of Elements of Letters 9 Of Fishing 245 F●●ling 246 Of Grammar 12 Geomancy 50.103 Geometry 66 Of History 26 Holy-days 170 Husbandry 243 Hunting 246 Heraldry 276 Of Images 164 Inquisition 327 Interpretative Theology 336 Of Logick 40 Lullius Art 47 Looking-Glasses 73 Law in general 316 Study 326 Of Memory 48 Mathematicks in general 49 Musick 54 Miners and Metals 80 Metoposcopy 100 Madness 107 Magick in general 109 Mathematical Magick 112 Metaphysicks 142 Moral Phylosophy 146 Monks 183 Merchandizing 237 Military Art 253 Masters of Arts 357 Of Natural Magick 110 Necromancy 115 Natural Philosophy 128 Nobility 257 Of Opticks 67 Oeconomy in general 216 Private 218 Of Poesie 21 Pythagorean chance 52 Perspectives 67 Painting 69 Plastick 70 Prospective 73 Physiognomy 100 Plurality of the World 131 Politicks 154 Pandarism 193 Paymasters 241 Pasturage 243 Physick in general 281 Practical 285 Publick Notaries 325 Prophetick Theology 340 Praise of the Ass 360 Of Rhetorick 33 Rhetorism 65 Religion in general 161 Regal Oeconomy 224 Of Sciences in general 1 Sophistry 43 Stage-dancing 63 Statuary 70 Speculatory Divination 105 Soul 133 Superiours of the Church 177 Study of the Law 326 Scholastick Theology 331 Of Theurgy 119 Temples 168 Theology Scholastick 331 Interpretative 336 Prophetick 340 Of Witchcraft 113-126 Whoring 187 Word of God 348 OF THE INCERTAINTY & VANITY OF Worldly ARTS & SCIENCES . CHAP. I. Of the Sciences in General . IT is an old Opinion , and the concurring and unanimous judgment almost of all Philosophers , whereby they uphold , that every Science addeth so much of a sublime Nature to Man himself , according to the Capacity and Worth of every Person , a● many times enables them to Translate themselves beyond the Limits of Humanity , even to the Celestial Seats of the Blessed . From hence have proceeded those various and innumerable Encomiums of the Sciences , whereby every one hath endeavour'd , in accurate , as well as long Orations , to prefer , and as it were to extol beyond the Heavens themselves , those Arts and Mysteries , wherein , with continual Labour , he hath exercised the strength and vigour of his Ingenuity or Invention . But I , perswaded by reasons of another nature , do verily believe , that there is nothing more pernicious , nothing more destructive to the well-being of Men , or to the Salvation of our Souls , than the Arts and Sciences themselves . And therefore quite contrary to what has been hitherto practized , my Opinion is , That these Arts and Sciences are so far from being to be extoll'd with such high applauses and Panegyricks , that they are rather for the most part to be disprais'd and vilifi'd : And that indeed there is none which does not merit just cause of Reproof and Censure ; nor any one which of it self deserves any praise or commendation , unless what it may borrow from the Ingenuity and Virtue of the first possessor . However , I would have you take this Opinion of mine in that modest Construction , which may imagine , that I neither go about to reprehend those who are of a contrary judgment ; or that I intend to arrogate any thing singly singular to my ●elf , above others : Therefore I shall entreat you to suspend your Censure of me , differing in this one thing from all others ; so long as you find me laying an auspicious Foundation of proof , not upon Vulgar Arguments drawn from the Superficies and out-side of things , but upon the most firm reasons deduc'd from the most hidden bowels of secret Knowledge ; and this not in the sharp stile of Demosthenes or Chrysippus , which may not so well beseem a Professor of Christianity , but would rather shew me to be a vain pursuer of flattery and ostentation , while I endeavour to varnish my Speech with the Fucus's of Eloquence . For to speak Properly , not Rhetorically , to intend the truth of the Matter , not the ornament of Language , is the du●● of one Professing Sacred Literature . For the seat of Truth is not in the Tongue , but in the Heart . Neither is it of importance , what Language we use in the Relation of Truth , seeing that falshood only wants Eloquence , and the trappings of Words , whereby to insinuate into the minds of Men ; but the language of Truth , as Euripides writeth , is plain and simple ; not seeking the graces of Art , or painted Flourishes . Therefore if this great Work of ours , undertaken without any Flowers of Eloquence ( which in the series of our Discourse we have not so much flighted as condemned ) do prove offensive to your more delicate ears ; we entreat you to bear it with the same patience , as once one of the Roman Emperours made use of , when he stood still with his whole Army to hear the tittle-tattle of an impertinent Woman : and with the same humour that King Archelaus was wont to hear Persons that were Hoarse , and of an unpleasant Utterance ; that thereby afterwards he might take the more delight in the pleasing sounds of Eloquent Rhetoricians , and Tuneful Voices . Remember that saying of Theophrastus , That the most Illiterate were able to speak in the presence of the most Elegant Persons , while they spake nothing but Truth and Reason . And now that I may no longer keep ye in suspence , through what Tracts and By-ways I have as it were hinted out this Opinion of mine , it is time that I declare unto ye . But first I must admonish ye , That all Sciences are as well evil as good , and that they bring us no other advantage to excel as Deities , more than what the Serpent promis'd of old , when he said , Ye shall be as Gods , knowing good and evil . Let him therefore glory in this Serpent , who boasts himself in knowledge ; which we read the Heresie of the Ophites not a little unbeseemingly to have done , who Worship'd a Serpent among the rest of their Superstitions , as being the Creature that first introduc'd the knowledge of Virtue into Paradise . To this agrees that Platonick Fable which feigns , That one Theutus being offended with Mankind , was the first raiser of that Devil , call'd the Sciences ; not less hurtful than profitable : as Thamus King of Aegypt wisely discourses , writing of the Inventors of Arts & Letters . Hence most Grammarians Expound and Interpret the word Damons , as much as to say Artists . But leaving these Fables to their Poets and Philosophers , suppose there were no other Inventors of Arts than Men themselves , yet were they the Sons of the worst Generation , even the Sons of Cain , of whom it is truly said , The sons of this world are wise● than the sons of light in this generation . If men be therefore the Inventors of Arts , is it not said , Every man is a Lyer , neither is there one that doth good ? But grant on the other side , that there may be some good men ; yet follows it not , that the Sciences themselves have any thing of vertue , any thing of truth in them , but what they reap and borrow from the Inventors and possessors thereof : For if they light upon any evil Person , they are hurtful ; as a perverse Grammarian , an Ostentatious Poet , a lying Historian , a flattering Rhetorician , a litigious Logician , a turbulent Sophister , a loquacions Lullist , a Lotterist Arithmetician , a lascivious Musician , a shameless Dancing-master , a boasting Geometrician , a wandring Cosmographer , a pernicious Architect , a Pirat-Navigator , a fallacious Astrologer , a wicked Magician , a perfidious Cabalist , a dreaming Naturalist , a Wonder-faigning Metaphysician , a morose Ethic , a treacherous Polititian , a tyrannical Prince , an oppressing Magistrate , a seditious People , a Schismatical Priest , a superstitious Monk , a prodigal Husband , a bargain-breaking Merchant , a pilling Customer , a sloathful Husbandman , a careless Shepherd , an envious Fisherman , a bawling Hunter , a plundering Souldier , an exacting Landlord , a murderous Physician , a poysoning Apothecary , a glutton-Cook , a deceitful Alchymist , a jugling Lawyer , a perfidious Notary , a Bribe-taking Judge , and a heretical and seducing Divine . So that there is nothing more ominous than Art and Knowledge guarded with impiety , seeing that every man becomes a ready Inventor , and learned Author of evil things . If it light upon a person that is not so evil as foolish , there is nothing more insolent or Dogmatical , having besides its own headstrong obstinacie , the authority of Learning , and the weapons of Argument to defend its own fury ; which other fools wanting , are more tame and quietly mad : As Plato saith of the Rhetorician , That the more simple and illiterate he is , the more he will take upon him to declaim ; will imitate all things , and think himself not unworthy of any undertaking . So that there is nothing more deadly , than to be as it were rationally mad . But if good and just men be the possessors of Knowledge , then Arts and Sciences may probably become useful to the publick Weal , though they render their possessors nothing more happy . For it is not , as Porphyrius and Iamblicus report , That Happiness consists in the multitude of Arts , or heaps of Words . For should that be true , they that were most loaden with Sciences , would be most happy ; and those that wanted them , would on the other side be altogether unhappy ; and hence it would come to pass , That Philosophers would be more happy than Divines . For true Beatitude consists not in the knowledge of good Things , but in good Life ; not in Understanding , but in living Understandingly . Neither is it great Learning , but Good Will , that joyns Men to God. Nor do outward Arts avail to Happiness , only as Conditional means , not the Causes of compleating our Happiness , unless assisted with a Life answerable to the nature of those good things we profess . Therefore saith Cicero in his Oration for Archias , Experience tells us , That Nature without Learning is more diligent in the pursuit of Praise and Vertue , than Learning without natural Inclination . It shall not then be needful ( as the followers of Averroes contend ) so violently to labour to season our minds with the so long , so tedious , so difficult , so unattainable learning of all sorts of Sciences , which Arist●tle confesses to be a common felicity , and easie to be attain'd to by labour and diligence ; but only to give our selves to what is more easie and common to all , the Contemplation of the most noble Object of all things , God : which common Act of Contemplation so easie to All men , is not obtain'd by Syllogism and Contemplation , but by Belief and Adoration . Where is then the great felicity of enjoying the Sciences ? where is the praise and beatitude of the wise Philosophers , that make so much noise in the School , founding with the Encomiums of those Men whose souls perhaps in the mean time are at that instant suffering the Torments of Hell ? This St. Austin saw and fear'd , while he exclaims with St. Paul , The unlearned rise , and take heaven by force : while we with all our Knowledg , are cast down into Hell. So that ▪ if we may be bold to confess the Truth , That the Tradition of all Sciences are so dangerous and inconstant , that it is far safer to be Ignorant , than to know : Adam had never been Ejected out of Paradise , had not the Serpent been his Master to teach him Good and Evil. And St. Paul would have them thrown out of the Church , that would know more than they ought . Socrates , when he had div'd into the Secrets of all sorts of Science , was then by the Oracle adjudged to be the wisest among many , when he had publickly professed , That he knew nothing . The knowledge of all Sciences is so difficult , if I may not say impossible , that the age of Man will not suffice to learn the perfection of one Art as it ought to be : Which Ecclesiastes seems to intimate , where he saith , Then I beheld the whole Work of God , that man cannot find out the work that is wrought under the Sun ; for the which man laboureth to seek it , and cannot find it : yea , and though the wise man think to know it , he cannot find it . Nothing can happen more Pestilential to Man , than Knowledge : this is that true Plague that invades all Mankind with so much confusion that subverts all Innocence ; subjecting us to so many Clouds of Sin and Error , and at length to Death . This is that that hath extinguish'd the Light of Faith , casting our Souls into profound darkness , which condemning the Truth has mounted Error to a Throne . Therefore in my Opinion , neither is Valentinian the Emperor to be disprais'd , who is reported to be such an open Enemy of Learning ; nor is Licinius to be accompted blame-worthy , who affirm'd Learning to be the Poyson and bane of the Commonwealth . But such is the large freeness , and free largeness of Truth , as can be apprehended by no contemplations of Science , by no judgment of Sence how quick soever ; by no evident proof , no Syllogistical Demonstration , no humane Discourse of Reason , but only by Faith : which he that is indued with , Aristotle in his Book of First Resolves , accompts to be in a better Condition , than he that ▪ is indued with Knowledge : which Words Philoponus Expounding , saith , is to be better disposed , as more knowing by Faith , than by Demonstration , which is done by the cause . Therefore saith Theophrastus in his Book of Supernaturals , As to so far , we may discern by the Cause , taking our beginnings from the Sences ; but after we have passed the Extreams , and first Principles , we can go no farther , either because we know not the Cause , or through the defect of our weak understanding . Plato in his Timaeus saith , That our Abilities will not reach to the Explanation of those things , but commands to believe those that deliver'd them before , though they speak without any necessity of Demonstration . For the Academick Philosophers were in high esteem , for affirming , That nothing could be Affirmed . There were also the Pyronicks , and many others , who were of the same Opinion , That nothing could be affirmed . So that Knowledge hath nothing super-excellent above Belief , especially where the Integrity of the Author directs the freewill of Believing . Hence that Pythagorical Answer of He hath said it ; And that vulgar Proverb of the Peripateticks , We are to believe every man expert in his Art. Thus we believe the Grammarian , as to the signification of Words . The Logician believes the Parts of Speech , delivered by the Grammarian . The Rhetorician takes for granted his Forms of Argument , from the Logician . The Poet borrows his Measures from the Musician . The Geometrician takes his Proportions from the Arithmetician : And upon both these , the Astrologer pins his sleeve . Supernaturalists use the Conjectures of Naturalists , and every Artist rightly trusts to the Method and Rules of another : For every Science hath certain Principles that must be believed , and can be by no means Demonstrated ; which if any one deny , those Philosophers will streight cry out , He is not ●o be Disputed withal , as a denyer of Principles ; or else they will deliver him over to the rack of his own experience : as if one should deny Fire to be hot , let him be thrown into the Fire , and then resolve the Question . So that of Philosophers , they are forc'd to become Executioners , compelling men to believe that by force , that they cannot teach by Reason . To a Commonwealth there can be nothing more pernitious than Learning and Science , wherein if some happen to excel the rest , all things are carried by their Determination , as taking upon them to be most Knowing ; who thereupon laying hold upon the simplicity and unskilfulness of the Multitude , usurp all Authority to themselves ; which is oft the occasion of the changing Popular States into Oligarchie , which dividing into Factions , is at length easily oppress'd by single Tyranny : which never any man in the World was ever known to attain to without Knowledge , without Learning , without Literature ; only Sylla the Dictator , who an Illiterate person , invaded and obtained the Supream Government : to whose ignorance the Commonwealth was yet so far beholding , that it was the occasion that at length of his own accord he quitted his great Command . Furthermore , all Sciences are but the Opinions and Decrees of private Men ; as well those that are of use , as those that are prejudicial ; as well those that are wholsome , as those that are pestiferous ; as well the bad as the good ; being never perfect , but both doubtful , full of Error and Contention : and that this is evident , we shall make appear , by taking a survey , and making a particular inspection into every particular Science . CHAP. 2. Of the first Elements of Letters . FOR who sees not , that the Arts of well speaking , that is to say , Grammar , Logick , Rhetorick , which are but the Porches and Wickets of Sciences , but not of Knowledge , are oft-times the Causes of more mischief then delight ? which notwithstanding have no other rule of Truth for their Establishment , than the Decrees and Statutes of their first Institutors ; which evidently appears in the Invention of Letters themselves , which are the Elements and Materials of all Arts. The first Letters were Caldaean , invented by Abraham , as Philo affirms , and were in use among the Galdaeans , Assyrians , and Phoenicians ; though others say , that Radamanth was the first that fram'd Letters among the Assyrians . After this , Moses delivered certain Characters to the Jews , though not the same which are us'd at this day ; the Author of which , Ezra is said to be , and not only so , but of all the Books of the Old Testament . Afterwards , one Linus a Calcidian is said to have brought over Letters out of Phoenicia into Greece , being the Phoenician Characters , which were there used till Cadmus the Son of Agenor made publick among them other new Letters of another sort , sixteen in Number ; to which in the time of the Trojan War Palamedes added four more ; and after him , Simonides the Melitian as many more . To the Aegyptians it is said that one Memnon first taught the use of Writing by the Portraitures of Beasts , as is seen in their Obelisks ; but as for Letters , Mercurie is said to be the first that gave them the Knowledge thereof : that Mercurie , whom Lactantius affirmeth to be the first of that Name , to whom Vulcan the Son of Nilus succeeded in the Kingdom . But the first that taught the use of Letters among the Latines , was Nicostrata , sirnam'd Carmenta . Thus we see seven sorts of Letters most famous in Antiquity , the Hebrew , Greek , Latin , Syriac , Caldean , Aegyptian , and Getic . Of which in a very Antient Manuscript Crinitus reports that he hath read these following Verses . First Moses Hebrew Letters did invent : To A●tica the wise Phoenicians sent : The Latine ones Nicostrata found out : Syriac and Caldee , Abram without doubt : Ipsis the Aegyptians taught , not with less Art : To Getans , Galsela did theirs impart . But other People and Barbarous Nations of latter times have invented new Letters . For Cordanus ▪ the Bishop invented Letters for the Goths ; and the Ancient Franks , who under the Leading of Marcomirus and Pharamond vanquish'd the Gauls , us'd certain Characters very little different from the Greeks : which Letters Wastaldus , writing their History in their own Language , made use of . There are also other Letters extant among the Franks , whose inventor one Doracus is said to be , far differing in Character from those of Wastaldus ; together with others , of whom Hichus the Frank was Author , who came out of Scythi● to the Mouth of the Rhyne with Marcomir . Beda also produces the Characters of certain Norman Letters , but without any certainty of their first Inventor . Many other Nations have appointed for their own use several new Characters of Letters ; either borrowed from the Ancients , or which they did impart , change , and corrupt : Thus the Dalmatians corrupted the Grecian ; the Armenians the Caldean ; the Lombards and Goths defac'd and alter'd the Latin Characters . Many Ancient Letters are also quite lost , as of the Ancient Hetrurians , which notwithstanding formerly were in high esteem among the Romans , as Livy and Pliny witness . Of which Letters , the Characters are to be seen in many Ancient Coyns , although their signification be altogether unknown . For the Romans heretofore Conquering the greatest part of the World , took from many Nations the use of their own Letters , and violently impos'd upon them their own Forms . In the like manner the Hebrew Letters were lost in the Captivity of Babylon , and their Language was corrupted by the Caldeans . Thus the ancient Letters of the Germans , Spaniards , and other Nations , perish'd upon introducing the Roman Character ; and their Languages were also by the same means wholly corrupted . On the other side , the Letters and Language of the Romans were corrupted and chang'd by the Goths , Lombards , Franks , and other Barbarous Nations : Neither is the Latin Language now in use the same with that in times of yore . Concerning the Hebrew Language and Character , there is no small dissention among the Talmudists ; for Rabbi Jehuda saith , That Adam the first man spake the Aramaean Language . Marsurra affirms , That the Law was delivered by Moses , in the Character which is said to be the Hebrew ; but in the Sacred Idiome of Speech , which being afterwards chang'd into the Aramaean Idiome , and written in the Assyrian Character by Esdras ; a little while after retaining the Assyrian Character , reassum'd the Sacred Idiome . Others say , That the Law was not Written in other Characters at first , than those at present known ; but that sometimes it was changed upon their fallings away , and by and by restor'd upon their Repentance . Rabbi Simon the Son of Eleazer believes neither the Language nor Character to have at any time been chang'd : So little of certain concerning the Hebrew Letters is there among the Hebrews themselves . And indeed , such are the alterations hapning through the Vicissitude of times , that there are no Languages or Letters that are able to make good the Antiquity or Truth of their first Original . CHAP. 3. Of Grammar . YET out of these so inconstant , and in all Ages mutable Principles of Letters and Languages , Grammar first , then the other Arts of well speaking proceeded : For when it seem'd to be of little use to know Letters , unless they were joyn'd together in a certain Method and Form , and Syllables fram'd thereof , which at length might grow into Words and Sentences for the understanding of Speech ; then did certain Ingenious Men undertake to Ordain Rules of speaking ; that is to say , the Construction of government of Words and things signifi'd , imposing as it were a bridle upon Speech , that whatever was written or said according to those Rules , should be well written or said , and should be the Art of well speaking , which Art they call'd Grammar . The first Inventor whereof among the Grecians is said to be Prometheus . Crates Mallotes was the first that brought it into Rome , being sent by Attalus between the second and third Punic War ; which afterwards Palaemo Profess'd with great Ostentation , so that he gave a new Name thereto , calling Grammar the Polaemonian Art : A man so Arrogant , that he boasted That Letters had their beginning , and should dye with him ; so prov'd , that he despis'd all the most Learned men of this Age ; not forbearing to call Marcus Va●ro Hog . However , the Latin Grammar is so barren , and so much beholden to Greek Literature , that whoever understands not so much , is to be ejected out of the Number of Grammarians . Therefore all the Foundation and Reason of Grammar consists only in the use and Authority of our Ancestors , who have been pleas'd , that a thing shall be so call'd and so written , that words shall be so compounded and construed ; which being so done , they esteem well done . From whence though Grammar boast it self to be the Art of well-speaking , yet doth it falsly claim that Pre-eminence , seeing that with more advantage we learn that very thing from our Mothers and Nurses , rather than from the Grammarians . The Language and Speech of the Gracchi , ( who were most Eloquent Men ) their Mother Cornelia polish'd and adorn'd . Istria taught her Son Siles , Son of Aripethis King of Scythia , the Greek Tongue . And it is well known , that in many Provinces where Forreign Colonies have been introduc'd , the Children have still retain'd the Dialect of their Mothers . Hence it is , that Plato and Quintilian are so careful in appointing Rules for the choice of a fit Nurse . Far be it from us therefore to acknowledge the reason of well-speaking to these Grammarians ; who professing Grammar only , and making that their only business , yet are skill'd in nothing less . Priscian could not learn this Art in the whole time of his Life . And Didymus is said to have four , some say six thousand Books upon this Subject . They report that Claudius Caesar was so given to the Greek Tongue , that he added three new Letters thereto , which he afterwards made use of when he was a Prince . Charles the Great is said to have Compil'd a Grammar for the German Tongue , giving new Names to the Months and Winds . Even to this hour how men toyl and labour Day and Night ! scribling continually of all sorts , Commentaries , Forms of Elegancy , or Phrases , Questions , Annotations , Animadversions , Observations , Castigations , Centuries , Miscellanies , Antiquities , Paradoxes , Collections , Additions , Lucubrations , Editions upon Editions . And yet not one of them all , whether Grecian or Latine hath given any accompt how the Parts of Speech are to be distinguish'd , or what order is to be observ'd in their Construction ; or whether there be only fifteen Pronouns , as Priscian believes , or whether more , as Di●medes and Focas will have it : whether a Participle put by its self , be sometimes a Participle , or whether Gerunds are Nouns or Verbs : why among the Greeks , Nouns plural of the Neuter Gender are joyn'd with a Verb of the singular Number : upon what accompt it may be lawful to pronounce in um , Latine words terminating a and us , as for Margarita , Margaritum ; for Punctus , Punctum : how it comes that the Word Jupiter makes Jovis in the Genitive Case : Why many write most Latin words with a Greek Diphthong , others not ; as Foelix , Quaestio : whether the Latin Diphthongs are only written , and not pronounced ; or whether there be a double pronunciation in one Syllable : Likewise , why in some Latine words some use the Greek y , and some the Latin i only ; as in considero : Why in some words some double the Letters , some not ; as causa , caussa ; religio , relligio : Why the word Caccabus , by position long , by reason of the double cc , is notwithstanding most commonly by the Poets made a Dactyle : Whether Aristotles word for the Soul , ought to be writ endelechia with a Delta , or entelechia with a Tau . I omit their infinitie and never-to-be-reconcil'd contentions about Accents , Orthography , Pronounciation of Letters , Figures , Etymologies , Analogies , Declinings , manner of Signification , change of Cases , variety of Tenses , Moods , Persons , Numbers ; as also about the various impediments and order of Construction . Lastly , concerning the Number and Pedigree of the Latin Letters , whether H be a Letter or not ; and many other trifles of the same Nature : so that not only as to Words and Syllables , but also in the very Elements and Foundations of Grammar it self , no reason can be given of such their continual warfare . Such a kind of Battel as this , Lucian of Samos has very elegantly describ'd , about the Consonants S and T , whether should have the Victory in the word Tbalassa , or Thalatta : Answerable to which , one Andreas Salernitanus hath with very much wit compil'd his Grammatical War. But these are poor and low things ; but more , and of greater Consequenc● , could we urge concerning their deprav'd significations of Words , with which they impose upon the greatest part of the Universe , not a little to the damage of the Publick Weal , while they interpret subjection to the Law , Servitude ; Liberty of the People , they call that when every one has Liberty to do what he pleases ; Acrisonomie or Equality of right they call that , when there is the same punishment , the same reward to all alike . In like manner they call that a quiet and peaceable Government , when all things submit to the inordinate will of the Prince ; That a happy Government , when the People wallow in ease and luxury . By such-like expositions as these , and many other , Physick and Law are corrupted : nay , the very Scriptures , and Christ himself , are compell'd to be at a kind of variance one with another , and himself with himself ; wresting those holy words not according to the meaning of the holy Ghost , nor to the Advantage of humane Salvation , but to the sense and meaning of their insignificant Compendiums and discants thereupon : whence arise most eminent mischiefs ; Error in Words , being many times the parent of Error in Matter . This mistake was grievous to Saul first King of the Jews , in the word Zobar , which signifies both a Male , and the Memory . So that when God said , I will root out the memory of Amalech , Saul thought he had sufficiently executed the Command , in destroying all the Males . The like Error befell the Greeks and Latines in the word Phos , which signifies both Light , and Man ; by which ambiguity of the word , the ancient adorers of Saturn being deceiv'd , were wont to Sacrifice a Man in their usual Ceremonies ; whereas otherwise they might have as well appeas'd their Deity by the only kindling of proper Lights and Fires : which Error was afterwards reform'd by the prudence of Hercules . Last of all , Divines and holy Friers mixing themselves among the Tribe of Grammarians , are forc'd to make use of Heresie to make good their Contests about the signification of Words , overturning the Scriptures for Grammars sake ; evil Interpreters of words well spoken : men truly vain , and truly unhappy , blinding themselves with their own Art , and flying the Light of Truth ; who while they over-diligently scrutinize into the sorce of Words , lose the sence of the Scripture , not willing to understand the word of Truth : which puts us in mind of the story of the Priest , who having many Hosts at one Elevation , for fear of committing a Grammar-absurdity , cry'd out , These are my Bodies . Whence arose that execrable Heresie of the Antidicomarianites and the Elvidians , denying the perpetual Virginity of the Blessed Virgin , but from that one word until , where it is said , Because Joseph did not know her until she had brought forth her first-born ? What strife and contention have those two Syllables from and through rais'd between the Latin and Greek Church ! The Latines asserting the Holy Ghost to proceed from the Father and from the Son ; the Greeks denying him to proceed from the Son , but from the Father through the Son. How many Tragedies has the word Nisi been the occasion of in the Council of Basil ! the Bohemians asserting the Lords Supper to be necessary in both kinds , because it is written , Vnless ye eat the Flesh of the Son of Man and drink his Blood , ye shall not have life in ye . Whence that Opinion of the Waldenses and others their followers concerning the Eucharist , but from the word is , which they will have Symbolically understood , which the Roman Church would have meant Essentially ? There are other pernicious Heresies of the Grammarians , but so nice , so subtile , that unless the Oxonians the most acute Divines of England , or the Sorbonists of Paris , had discovered them with their Lynx's eyes , and condemned 'um under their great Seals , it would be difficult to shun them ▪ of this nature are those subtleties , which is best said , Christ thou Preachest , Christ Preacheth ; I Believest , thou Believeth , Believing am I : also that the Word , the permanent Word , may be depriv'd of all its accidents : also that there is no name of the Third Person , and the like ; which if they be Heretical , then are Isaias and Malachy in the first place to be accompted Hereticks , who both introduce God speaking of himself in the Third Person : the first , when God speaks to Ezechiel , saying , Ego addet , not addam super dies tuos . The other is this , Et Domini Ego , ubi est timor meus ? In which place he makes God giving himself the appellation of Dominos in the plural Number . Much rather ought they to be accompted Hereticks , who are now esteem'd the chief Divines in the Roman World , amusing and clouding the whole Doctrine of the Orthodox Church , with noveltie of Pronunciation contrary to all the rules and maximes of Grammar , with far-strain'd words , new-made Vocabularies , and abstruse Sophisms ; teaching moreover , That the Doctrine of Theology cannot be truly delivered in neat and genuine Language . And a miserable thing it is to consider , what Debates , what Errors these obstinate Grammarians and proud Sophists are the occasion of , by means of their perverse and imperious Interpretations of Words ; while some out of words gather Sentences ; others , out of Sentences gather Words . Hence in Physick , in both Laws , in Philosophy , in Theology , infinite Arguments and Errors arise . For Grammarians demonstrate nothing , but solely lean upon Authorities , which are oft-times so various and discordant among themselves , that of necessity the most of them must be false ; insomuch that they who most confide in their Precepts , must be thought to utter least of all to the purpose . For all the Laws of Speech abide not with the Grammarians , but with the People , that by continual custom attain the use and habit of well-speaking . Now the vigor of the Latine Tongue after it ceased among the People , through the Invasion of barbarous Nations , the true substance thereof is not to be sought among the Grammarians , but among the most Authentick and Learned Authors , as Cicero , Cato , V●rro , both Plinies , Quintilian , Seneca , Suetonius , Quintus Curtius , Livie , Salust , and such-like ; in whose Writings only remain the delights of the Latine Language , and the Custom of well-Speaking ; not in the scribblements of Grammatical Letter-mongers , who by their starch'd Rules concerning declining of Verbs and Cases , Compounds and Deponents , impose more upon the Latine Tongue , and oftentimes frame to themselves stranger words than is fit for the Latine Language to own . Though it be apparent to the World , that there is no faith to be given to these Grammarians touching the truth of the Latine Tongue , yet these impertinent Scriblers arrogate to themselves to be the only Censurers of other Mens Writings , their Judges and Interpreters , and all Books and Authors to reduce into Method , and to allow or reject at their pleasures . Never was any Author of so sublime a wit whatever extant , which has scap'd their malicious slanders , or whom they have not tax'd and calumniated as they thought good . They accuse Plato of Confusion , of whose faults George Trap●zund hath put forth several Books , who as Crinitus declares , is therefore by others call'd the Parent of Truth and Verity . They seek perspicuity in Aristotle , condemn him of Obscurity , giving him the nickname of Sepi● ( or Cuttle-fish . ) Vergil they condemn for little Wit , and for being a Pla●arie , and an Usurper of other mens Works . Demosthenes displeases Tully . On the ot●●r side , Tully that great Rhetorician of the Latines , is accus'd of Bribery , reproach'd for being Fearful , superfluous in Repetitions , cold in his Joking , tedious in his Exordiums , idle in his Digressions , seldome growing Warm , slowly Swelling , yea , reprehended by those even of our Age , and by Capella tax'd for his disorderly Stile , but more by Apollinaris branded for being Flat and Insipid . Trogus condemns Livies Orations for Fictions . Plautus and Horace cannot agree . Lucilius is damn'd for the rustickness of his hobling Verse . Pliny like a Rapid Stream is said to grasp and overflow with too much Matter . Ovid is complain'd of , for too much Indulging his own Fancy . Salust is accus'd of affectation , by Assinius Pollio . Terence could do little without the assistance of Labeo and Scipio . Seneca is adjudg'd to be Lime without Sand ; whom Quintilian taxed in these words : If he had not contemn'd his Equals , had he not been Covetuous , had he not too much lov'd and admir'd his own things , if he had not injur'd weighty Matters with trivial Sentences , he then might have been esteemed more in the judgment of Learned Men , than in the Love of Children . Marcus Varro is call'd a Hog . Macrobius a most Learned man degraded , as one of an impudent and ungrateful Genius : neither is there any that ever wrote in Latine , whom Laurentius Valla the Learnedest of all the Grammarians hath spar'd in his Anger ; and yet him hath Mancinellus most cruelly butchered . Servius of old was thought to have well deserved of the Latine Tongue , yet hath Bero●ldus most furiou●ly oppos'd him ; and our later Grammarians altogether shun him as a Barbarian . Thus all the Grammarians rage one against another : but lastly , by their means it comes to pass , that the Translation of the Holy Scriptures , under pretence of Correction , hath been so often chang'd , that now it seems altogether to differ from it self : Through their devices and censures , those doubts now raigning have been rais'd concerning the Revelation , the Epistle of St. Paul to the Hebrews , the Epistle of Jude ; and many other places and Chapters of the New Testament by many call'd in question , even to an endeavour of subverting the Evangiles themselves . But now to the Poets . CHAP. 4. Of Poesie . POeste , in the Judgment of Quintilian , is another part of Grammar : for this reason not a little proud , that heretofore Theaters and Amphitheaters , the most stately Fabricks of the time , were with great cost and magnificence erected , not for Philosophers , Lawyers , Physicians ; not for Rhetoricians , Mathematicians , or Divines but to represent the Fables of the Poets . An Art invented to no other purpose , but with lascivious Rhythmes , measure of Sillables , and the gingling noise of fine words , to allure and charm the Ears of men addicted to folly ; and furthermore , with the pleasing inticements of Fables , and mistakes of feigned Stories , to insnare and deceive the mind . Therefore hath she deserv'd no other title , than to be the female Architect of falshood , and the preserver of idle and fond opinions . And though we may pardon so much of her as coun●enances Madness , Drunkenness , Impudence , and Boldness ; yet who can bear with Patience her undaunted Confidence in maintaining Lyes ? For what corner of the Earth hath she not fill'd with her hairbrain'd Trifles , and idle Fables ! Taking the first rise of her fabulous Stories from the very Chaos , she relates the divisions of Heaven , the birth of Venus , the fight of the Titans , the infancy of Jove , the deceits of Rhea , and cheat of the Stone , Saturnus Bonds , the Rebellion of the Gyants , the Thievery and Punishment of Promethe● , the wandrings of Delos , the travail of Latona , the slaughter of Pytho , the Treachery of Tyrus , Deau●ale●●s Flood , Stones turn'd into Men , the Butcheries of Iacchus , the Fraud of Juno , Semel●s Conflagration the double Prog●ny of Bacchus , and whatever is reported of Minerva , Vulcan , Erichthonius , Boreas , 〈◊〉 , Theseus , Aegeus , Castor , Pollux , the Rape of Helen , the death of Hippolytus ; To these may be added the absconding of Ceres , the Rape of Proserpina , together with the stor●s of Minos , Cadmus , Niobe , Pe●theus , Attaeus , Oedipus , the Labours of Hercules , the Fight of the Sun and Neptune , Athamas madness , ●o turn'd into a H●●fer , and Argos her keeper kill'd by Mercury , with those other Dreams of the Golden Fleece , Peleus , Jason , Medaea ; the death of Agamemnon , and punishment of Clytemnestra , Danaë , Perseus , Gorgon , Cassiopea , Andromeda , Orpheus , Orestes , the Travels of Aeneas and Vlysses , Circe , Thelagon , Aeolus , Palamedes , Nauplius , Ajax , Daphne , Ariadne , Europa , Phaedra , Pasiphaë , Daedalus , Icarus , Glaucus , Atlas , Geryon , Tantalus ; Pan , Centaurs , Satyrs , Syrens , and whatever else has been delivered to memory concerning these notorious untruths . Neither hath she been contented only with Mankind , but also she hath made the Gods themselves Parties to her delusive Stories , relating in pleasing measures , and in the mischievous charms of Verse , their Birth , their Deceases , Strifes , Quarrels , Animosities , Battles , Wounds , Lamentations , Bonds , Loves , Lusts , Fornications , Adulteries ; not only deceiving and infecting the present Age , but having neatly preserv'd and pickled up these be●●ialities of the Gods in neat Verse and Meter , communicates the same to posterity , like the Venome of Mad Doggs , compelling all that are Bit , to be in the same condition . And with so much Art are her Lyes woven , that they are often prejudicial to true History , as appears by the feigned Adultery of Dido with Aeneas , and the taking of ●rey by the Greeks . Some there are arrived at such a height of madness , that they ascribe some share of Divinity to her , because the Devils formerly return'd their Answers in Poetical Anagrams . Hence Poets are in some sence said to be Prophets , and inspired from above ; their trifling Verses being us'd as Oracles and Answers of Divination ; which is the reason that Spartianus , in the Life of Trajan , makes mention of Sortes Homericae , so called from the Verse of Homer , and of the Vergilianae sortes , so nam'd from the Poems of Vergil , which superstition is now transferr'd and apply'd to sacred Text , and the Poetry of the Psalms , not without the connivance of some of the greatest Masters of our Religion . But to return to Poesie St. Austin ; hath commanded it to be exil'd from the City of God : Heathen Plato expels it out of his Common-wealth , and Cicero forbids it to be admitted : Socrates admonishes the person that desires to keep the Virgin-purity of his good name undefiled , to beware of the acquaintance of Poets , for that their power to praise is not so great , as the force that lies in their slander and dispraise . Thus we see Minos , celebrated by Homer and Hesiod for the justest of Kings , because he made War upon the Athenians , rais'd all the Tragick Poets about his Ears , who immediately sent him packing to Hell. Penelope , so famous in Homer for her Chastity , yet Licophron reproaches as one that lay with many Adulterers . Dido , a most vertuous and continent Widow , Foundress of Carthage , Ennius the Poet , in his Poem upon Scipio's Life , feigns to have unchastly lov'd Aeneas , whom by computation of time it was impossible for her to have seen ▪ And Vergil confirms the same so plausibly , that the Story hath almost gain'd belief . At length this Liberty of lying and slandering was advanced to that height , that the Censors thought fit to enact a Law , whereby the falshoods and reproaches of Poets might be suppressed . Among the Ancient Romans , Poesie was held in great disrepute , so that whoever gave his mind to the Study thereof , was , as Gellius and Cato witness , accounted as a publick Enemy . And Q. Fulvius was accused by M. Cato , for that he going Pro-Consul into Asia , had taken Ennius the Poet along with him to bear him company . Neither doth that great Justiciary , the Emperor Justinian , give any freedom or immunity to the Professors thereof . Homer was call'd the Philosopher of all Poets , and the Poet of all Philosophers ; yet the Athenians laid a Fine upon him as a Mad-man , of fifty Drachma's ; and they laught at and derided Ti●hteus the Poet , as one beside his Wits . The Lacedaemonians also commanded the Books of Archilochus the Poet to be carried out of their City . And thus the best and wisest of Men have always despised Poesie as the Parent of Lies , finding Poets to be such monstrous Lyers , as being such who never made it their Study to speak or deliver in Writing any thing of sound knowledge , only to tickle the Ears and Fancies of vain Persons with idle Stories , always building Castles in the Air , as Campanus hath truly said of them . Mad Poets only on their Verses feed ; Reject their Fables , they will starve for need : Their Lyes their Riches are , and all their Gold They faign , and think that they enjoy ; so bold To think the Palm grows only the reward To Crown the Brows of every lying Bard. Furthermore , there are most desperate contentions not only about the Forms and Figures of Verses , and also concerning the Feet , Accents and quantity of Syllables long and short ( for these are the Trisles of Grammarians ) but also about their own Toys , Figments , and Lyes : for example , the Club of Hercules , the chast Tree , the Letters of the Hyacinth , the daughters of Niobe , the Tree under which Latona brought forth ; as also concerning the Country of Homer , and his Sepulcher : Which was eldest in time , Homer or Hesiod : Whether Patroclus were before Achilles : In what Attire Anacharsis the Scythian slept : Why Homer did not honour Palamedes : whether Lucan be to be placed among the Poets , or Hereticks : Also concerning the thefts of Vergil , and what time of the year he dyed . Who was the Author of the little Epigrams , is a great Contest among the Grammarians , and hitherto undecided . To say truth , all the Verses of the Poets are full of Impostures and Fables , invented for the delight of Fools , under pretence of Flattery , or detraction of the worst of Men. Whatever Poets do , whether they relate , praise or invoke , 't is all but in flattery of their own Fables ; again , whether they inveigh , satyrize , or accuse , they do it in applause of their own Fables , acting always the parts of Mad-men . Rightly therefore did Democritus call Poesie not an Art , but Madness . Therefore Plato said , that he never knockt at a Poets Doors , being in his Wits . Then are Poets said to express most admirable lines , when they are either Mad or Drunk . For this cause St. Austin calls Poesie the Wine of Error , quaft only by drunken Doctors . St. Jerome also calls Poesie the Meat of the Devils . An Art of it self thin and naked , which is in reality a meer insipid thing , unless it be clad and season'd with some other learning . An Art always hungry , always starving , and like Mice , feeding on stollen Cates , yet I know not with what boldness in the midst of their trifles and fables , like Tithonus Grashoppers , the Lycian Frogs , the Myrmidons Emmets , promising to themselves immortal Fame and Glory . Live happy then , such Charms my numbers boast , No day shall see ye in Oblivion lost . Which indeed is no Fame or Reward at all , or at most very little profitable . Neither is it the Office of a Poet , but of a Historian , to prolong the life of Reputation . CHAP. VI. Of History . NOw History is a Narration of Actions , either with praise or dispraise , which declares and sets forth the conduct and event of great things , the Actions of Kings and Illustrious Men , according to the order of Time and Place . Therefore most Men think this to be the Mistress of well-living , and most useful for the instruction thereof ; for that by the examples of great things , it both incites the best of Men , out of a desire of Immortal Glory , to undertake great and noble Actions , and also for fear of perpetual Infamy , it deters wicked Men from Vice. But it often falls out contrary ; and many , as Livie relat● of Manlius Capitolinus , had rather purchase great than good Fame : and when they cannot obtain their desired greatness by vertuous means , will endeavour to atchieve it by Acts of Impiety ; as Justin out of Trogus relates of Pausanias the young Macedonian , famous for the Murder of King Philip ; and is also justifyed of Herostratus , who burnt the Temple of Diana , the most famous Structure in the World , which had been two hundred years in building , at the expence of all Asia ; as Gellius , Valerius , and Solinus report . And although it was enacted under most severe Penalties , that no Man should so much as make mention of his name , either by Word or Writing ; yet he attain'd the end which spurr'd him on to commit so great a Villany , his name being still remembred , and yet living to this our present Age. But let us return to History ; Which being a thing that above all things promises Order , Fidelity , Coherence , and Truth , is yet defective in every one ; For Historians are at such variance among themselves , delivering several Tales of one and the same Story , that it is impossible but that most of them must be the greatest Lyers in the World. For to omit the beginning of the World , the Universal Deluge , the Building of Rome , or of any other great City from whence they generally commence the first beginnings of all their huge Narratives , of which they are all altogether ignorant , of the other generally very incredulous , and of the third very uncertain what to determine : For these things being the most remote in time , more easily gain Pardon for vulgar Error . But as to what concerns later times and Ages , within the memory of our Ancestors , there is no excuse that can be admitted for their Lying . Now the causes why they so much differ among themselves , are many . For the most of Historians , because they were not living at the same time , or were not present at the Actions , or conversant with the persons , taking their Relations upon trust at the second hand , mist the chief scope of Truth and Certainty . Of which Vice Eratost●enes , Metrodorus , Speptius , Possidonius , and Patrocles the Geographer , are accused by Strabo . Others there are , who having seen by halves , as in a March , or as Mendicant Travellers to perform Vows , viewing many Provinces , undertake to compile Histories ; such as formerly Onosicritus and Aristobulus set forth concerning India . Some others to please their own Fancies will feign upon true History , and sometimes for the Fables sake omit the whole Truth , as Diodorus Siculus notes of Herodotus Liberianus ; and Vopiscus of Trebellius , Tertullian and Orosius of Tacitus ; among which you may likewise reckon Danudes and Philostratus . Others convert the whole Story into Fables , as Guidius , C●esias , Haecateus , and many other of the Ancient Historiographers . Others there are , who impudently arrogating to themselves the Name and Title of Historians , lest they should seem to be ignorant of any thing , or to have borrowed from others , presume to write strange and wonderful Relations of unknown Places , and inaccessible Provinces . Of which nature , are those Figments of the Arimaspi , Gryphons , Pigmies , Cranes , People with Dogs Heads , the Astromori , People with Horses Feet , the Phanissii and the Trogladytes ; a-kin to which are those Relations that ave● the Northern Seas to be frozen all over : However , they find Fools , and Men without Wit or Judgment , who believe these things , and take 'um for Oracles . In the number of these idle Writers is Ephorus to be reckoned , who related that there was but one City in Ireland ; as also Stephen the Graecian , who said the Franks were a People of Italy , and that Vienna was a City of Galilee ; together with Arianus , that affirm'd the Germans to be Borderers upon Ionia ; and Dionysius , so notorious for his tales of the Pyrenaean Hills . For further confirmation , we find that what Tacitus , Marcellus , Orosius , and Blondus discourse concerning many places of Germany , is for the most part very unagreeable to Truth . Falsly doth Strabo affirm , that Ister , which is the Donaw , rises not far from the Adriatick Sea : Falsly doth Herodotus affirm the same River to flow from the West , that it rises among the Celtae , the farthest people of all Europe , and disgorges it self among the Scythians . Again , falsly doth Strabo relate , that the Rivers Lapus , and Visurgus , flow as far a Hanasus ; when as Lapus falls into the Rhine , and Visurgus into the Sea. So Pliny relates , that the River Mosa hastens into the Ocean , whereas it runs not into the Ocean , but into the Rhine . Errors like these , we find among Historians and Geographers of a later date . Sabellicus makes the Alani to be descended from the Alemanni , and the Hungarians from the Huns. Moreover , he asserts the Goths and Getars to be the Scythians , and confounds the Danes with the Dacians , and fixes the Mountain of D. Ottilias in Bavaria , which was not far from Argentoratum . Volaterranus also will have Austerania and Austria , the Avari and Savari , Lucerna and Naulium , to be the same ; and saith that Pliny makes mention of the Switzers of the Canton of Bearn , when it is known they were placed there long after by Bartholdus , Duke of the Zaringii . In like manner , Conradus Celtes believes the Dacians and Cimbrians to be the same ; and places the Riphean Mountains in Samaria , saying besides that , that the Gum Amber distills out of a Tree . There are yet other Historians guilty of greater Lies than this , and deserving double blame , who though they were present at the transactions themselves , or otherwise knowing the carriage and management of things , yet overcome by favour and affection , in flattery of their own Party , against the Faith of History , will confirm Falsity for Truth , and deliver to Posterity a wrong accompt of things . Of these there are some who undertaking to write Histories in excuse , or justification of some particular Mens Actions , and relating only such things as conduce to make good their Argument , while they 〈◊〉 her dissemble , pass by , or extenuate the rest , make imperfect and corrupt Histories . Of which fault Blondus taxes Orosius , for that he omits that famous overthrow in Italy , which made the Goths Masters of Ravenna , Aquilegia , Ferrara , and almost all Italy ; lest he should injure the Argument which he had propounded to himself . Others there are , who out of Fear , Envy , or Hatred , detract from the Truth . Others , while they greedily desire to extol their own Acts , vilifie the deeds of others , so to bring them into contempt ; writing not what the thing is , but what they desire it should have been : not doubting they shall ever want those that will not only confirm , but Patronize their untruths . This Vice was very familiar among the Ancient Greek Authors , and at this time many of your Annalists and Chronographers are guilty of the same ; as Sabellicus and Blondus , in their Venetian Stories ; Paulus Emylius , and Gaguinus , in their Relations of the Franks . Men whom , as Plutarch saith , Princes cherish for no other reason , than that they by their smart wits suffocating and concealing the Merits of others , may be only free to advance their Actions , magnify'd by the addition of Fables , countenanced by the Majesty of History . Thus the Greek Historians writing of the Inventors of things , assume and arrogate all things to their own Countrimen . There is another Crew the most abominable of all , which are Flatterers , who endeavouring to deduce the pedigree of their Princes from the most ▪ ancient Kings , when they cannot compass their ends in the right line , extravagate into forreign Pedigrees and Fables , feigning the names both of Kings and places , not omitting any Fraud , that may help out their purpose . Of this sort is that Barbarian Hu●ibaldus , who writing the History of the Franks , has feigned the names of Scythia , Sicambria , and Priamus the younger , which never any Historian did before , or ever followed him in doing after , unless those that were like himself , as Gregorius Turonensis , Rhegino , and Sigisbert , and some few others . Of the same Chaff is Vitiscindus , who will have the Saxons , the most ancient people of Germany , to be descended from the Macedonians , especially the Race of Alexander , whom the greatest part of the rest pursue in the same Error . Many write Histories , not so much for Truths sake , as to delight the Reader , and to set forth some Idea of a King which they have framed to themselves . Whom if any one convince of falshood , they cry they did not aim at the Truth of Transaction , so much as the profit of Posterity , and propagating the fame of their own Ingenuity ; therefore they do not relate how things were done , but how they ought to have been done ; it not being their business obstinately to defend the Truth , but to feign and falsify where it seems profitable , calling Fabius to witness , that a lye is not to be dispraised , which perswades to honesty : And furthermore affirming , that when they write to posterity , it matters not under whose name , or in what order of time the example of a good Prince be exposed to publick view . Thus Xenophon wrote the Story of Cyrus , not as he was , but what he ought to have been ; propounding him as a true Pattern and example of a Just and Heroick Prince . Hence it comes to pass that many apt to feign by Nature , and using industry therewithal , have applyed themselves to write those Romances of Morgant , and Morgalona , Amadis , Floran , Tyran , Conamor , Arthur , Lancelot , Tristram ; generally unlearned , and worse than the mad Dreams of Poets , and more fabulous than Comedies and Fables themselves . Among the learned , Lucian and Apulcius obtain the first degree ; part also of the History of Herodotus is not to be left out , which Cicero denies not be to very full of lies and ridiculous Fables . For there we read of the Medes drinking up whole Rivers at a Dinner , and how people sail'd over the Mountain Athos . And whatsoever else the lying Greek In Story dares — And these are the reasons that there is no exact Truth to be found in Historie , though it be the thing we most seek for there . Seeing then there are no Writings of publick transactions that are able to declare the real Truth , and convince Error , but that every Man is left to his own opinion ; hence it happens that there is so much discord among Historians , in so much that they write sometimes quite contrary of the same things . In how many Places , saith Josephus , doth Helianicus differ from Agesilaus in point of Genealogy ! in how many places doth Agesilaus correct Herodotus ! How doth Ephorus shew Hellanicus to be false in most things ! how doth Timaens rebuke Ephorus ! and others coming afterwards , how do they find fault with Timaeus ! but every one blames Herodotus . In many things Thucydides is accused to be fallacious , though he seem to have written very tenderly , and with much care . This Josephus writes of others , whom notwithstanding our Aegesippus very severely corrects . Furthermore , many from the relations of Historiographers relate many things , but not upon proof ; and those that go about to prove things that are not to be justify'd , generally propound the worst examples for imitation . For they who so much extol , and raise such lofty Pyramids to the praises of Hercules , Achilles , Hector , Theseus , Epaminondas , Lysander , Themistocles , Xerxes , Cyrus , Darius , Alexander , Pyrrhus , Hannibal , Scipio , Pompey , and Caesar ; what have they done , but describ'd the greatest and most furious Thieves and Robbers in the World ? Say they were great Generals , yet were they the worst and wickedest of men . If any one shall say to me , That there is much wisdom to be gain'd by the reading of History ; I will grant it , so he allow that there is also more impiety to be learnt : and indeed , as Martial upon another occasion saith , There are some good things made indifferent , but an infinite of Evil. CHAP. VI. Of Rhetorick . NOW Rhetorick , which is the next , whether it be an Art or no , is mainly disputed among the most Learned men , and remains to this day a question undetermin'd . For Socrates in Plato by most sound Reasons argues it to be neither an Art nor a Science , but a certain kind of subtilty , and that neither noble nor honest , but meer low , illiberal , and servile flattery . Lycias , Menedemus , and Cleanthes were of Opinion , That Eloquence could not be comprehended within the bounds of any Art , but that it proceeds from Nature , which is the common School-mistris of Mankind ; and as occasion serves , teaches every one to soothe , to r●●ate pleasant Stories , and to use Arguments : and as for Memory , right Pronunciation , and Invention , they are meerly Natural Effects ; which is indeed not a little evident in Antonius , the Prince of the Latin Orators . And although before Thisias , Coraces , and Gorgias , there was not any one who had either taught , or wrote of Rhetorick ; yet were there many men , who through the strength of their Natural Parts became to be very Eloquent . Furthermore , seeing that Art is defin'd to be a Collection of Precepts , it is a great Dispute among the Rhetoricians , what that end should be , whether to perswade or to teach good utterance : and not content with the true grounds , they dayly seek to invent new and fictitious . To which end , they have found out so many Theses , Hypotheses , figures , colours , characters , suasorie phrases , controversies , declamations , proems , insinuations , courtships , and artificial stories , that it is impossible to recount them all ; and yet they deny , that among all these , the end of Rhetorick is to be found . This made the Lacedaemonians altogether refuse it ; believing that the speech of good men ought to proceed from the sincerity of the heart , not from the Hypocrisie of Studied Artifice . The ancient Romans would not admit Rhetoricians into their City in a long while . And when Cicero had after much labour endeavour'd to shew that the faculty of making Orations did not proceed from Art , but from Wisdom , as he aspires to prove in his Book De Oratore ; yet is not the Rhetorician whom he there proposes for the only true pattern of an Orator so well approv'd of ; nay to Brutus , a man of singular Integrity , no way pleasing . And always this Opinion hath born sway , That the Precepts of Oratory are more hurtful than useful to the Life of Man. And to say truth , it is evident that the whole Discipline of Rhetorick is nothing else but an Artificial help , or the mystery of Flattery ; or as some more boldly affirm , Lying , whereby they endeavour , what they cannot gain by truth , to effect by the flourishing varnishes of fine Language : As Archidamas the Sophist said of Pericles , by the report of Eunapius ; which Archidamas being demanded which was the more powerful , Pericles or himself made answer , If Pericles were overcome by me in War , yet such is his Eloquence of Speech , that should be but discourse thereof , he would rather appear a Victor , than a Person Vanquish'd . And of Carneades , Pliny reports , That while he Disputed it was hard to discern , what was true , and what not : of whom it is likewise related , that when he had one day spoken many things wisely and elegantly in the behalf of Justice , the next day with the same Learning and Eloquence declaim'd in her dispraise . There was Corax a Rhetorician among the Syracusans , a man of an accute Wit and promptness of Speech , who taught this Art for gain . To him Tisias came , and not having ready money , promis'd him double pay so soon as he should have taught him his Art : which condition Corax willingly accepted , and taught him . Tisias having afterwards learnt his Art , and intending to defraud Corax of his reward , demanded of him , What is Rhetoirck ? who answering , That it was effectual perswasion : Then said Tisias , Whatever agreement has been made between us , if I can perswade my self that I owe thee nothing , then shall I be quit of my Debt : If I cannot perswade my self , notwithstanding I shall then owe thee nothing neither , because thou hast pretended to teach me how to perswade . To which Corax reply'd , Whatever , said he , I agreed to take of thee , 〈◊〉 can perswade my self to take it , I ought so to do , because I have so perswaded my self : If I cannot perswade my self , however I ought to take my reward , for having bred a Scholar that so far excels his Master . When the Syracusans heard 'um thus contending , and wrangling together , they cry'd out , Bad Crows lay bad Eggs ; meaning , That bad Masters make worse Scholars . A story not unlike this , Gellius reports of Protagorus the Sophist , and Evath●us his Disciple . Now as it is many times commendable , delightful , and always profitable , to know how for a man to express himself in neat , exact , discreet , and fluent Language ; so sometimes it falls out to be a thing very much to be discommended , many times of ill consequence , and always very much to be suspected : wherefore Socrates thinks Rhetoricians worthy of no respect , and will not allow them any power in a well-order'd Commonwealth . And Plato excludes them out of his Commonwealth with the same contempt as he rejects Players and Poets , not without reason : For there is nothing more dangerous in civil Affairs , than this deluding Mystery , as that from whence all prevaricators , juggling shufflers , backbiters , sycophants , and all other leud and vile-tongu'd persons derive their malice and knavery . With this Art many Persons endu'd , raise Seditions and Commotions in Nations , while by their nimble Tongues some are deceiv'd , some flatter'd , some over-perswaded ; usurping as it were a kind of Tyranny over men , not so subtle as themselves . Therefore saith Euripides , It is Tyrannical to boast of Knowledge : and Aeschylus writes , That compos'd Orations are the greatest Evils in the World. And Raphael Volaterranus , a most studious lover of Histories and Examples , confesses , That upon due consideration of all that he had read or seen either of ancient or modern Stories and Examples , he finds very few Eloquent men to have been good men . Hath not this thing call'd Eloquence , not only greatly disturb'd most Potent Commonwealths , but also wholly ruin'd them ? Witness the Examples of Brutus , Crassus , Gracchus , Cato , Cicero , Demosthenes , who as they were accompted the most Eloquent , so were they the most seditious and turbulent of their time . For Censorious Cato being himself forty times accus'd , seventy times accus'd others ; being nothing but a continual disturber of the Peace , with his mad Declamations , all his life long . The other Cato , call'd Vticensis , by provoking Caesar , was a great occasion of the utter subversion of the Roman Liberty . In like manner did Cicero provoke Antony , to the great mischief of the Empire ; and Demosthenes incensed Philip , to the ruine of the Athenians ; so that there is no State of Government , but has been highly injur'd by this wicked Art : no society of men , that ever lent their Ears to the Charms of Eloquence , that has not been extreamly mischiefed thereby . Moreover , a confident Eloquence prevails much in Judicature : Eloquence being the Patroness , bad Causes are defended , the guilty are sav'd from the punishment of the Law , and the innocent are Condemned . Marcus Cato , the most prudent among the Romans , forbad those three Athenian Orators , Carneades , Critholaus , and Diogenes , to be admitted to publick Audience in the City ; being men endu'd with such acuteness of Wit , and Eloquence of speech , that they could with great ease make evil good , and good evil . And Demosthenes was wont to boast among his friends , That he could sway the Opinions of the Judges , by vertue of his Eloquence , which way soever he pleased ; and that according to his will and pleasure , Philip and the Athenians either made War or Peace . Such is the force of Eloquence , either to allay or incite the Affections of men , having as it were Supream Dominion over Nations , to make them follow her Perswasions . For this reason C●cero was at Rome call'd King , because he Rul'd and guided the Senate by his Orations which way he pleas'd . Hence it appears , that Rhetorick is nothing else but the Art of moving and stirring the Affections by subtile Language , exquisite varnishings of neat Phrase and cunning insinuation , ravishing the minds of heedless People , leading them into the Captivity of Error , and subverting the sense and meaning of Truth . So that if by the benefit of Nature there is nothing but may be express'd in proper Language , what can be more pestilent than the fucus and varnishes of fallacious words ? The Language of Truth is simple , but quick and penetrating , a discerner of the intentions of the Heart , and like a Sword easily cuts in sunder the difficult Enthymems and Gordion-knots of Rhetorick . This made Demosthenes , though he contemn'd all other the fine and Eloquent speakers of his time , nevertheless , to stand in awe of one Phocion , who also spoke pithily , short , plainly , and to the purpose ; and was therefore wont to call him the Hatchet of his Orations . Perchance , the Ancient Romans were not ignorant of these things ; who , as Suetonius witnesses , Twice Expell'd Rhetoricians , by Publick Edict , out of the City ; once , when Faunius Strabo , and Valerius Messala were Consuls ; and the second time , in the Consulships of Domitius Aenobarbus , and Licinius Crassus : and a third time , in the Raigne of Domitian the Emperor , by an unanimous Decree of the Senate , they were not only expell'd out of Rome , but also out of all Italy . The Athenians forbad them to come near the Seat of Judicature , as being perverters of Justice ; they also put to Death Timagoras , for flattering Darius , according to the custom of the Persians , in too high and obsequious a manner . The Lacedaemonians exil'd Tesiphone , only because he bragg'd , That he could talk a whole day upon any Subject . For there was nothing which they hated more , than this curious Artifice of the Tongue , appertaining to men that nothing regarded the speaking of Truth ; but whatever work they propose to themselves , that to polish with high-flown and bigg words ; and only intending to deceive the minds of their Auditors , and to boast of their leading them by the Noses ▪ And now it is evident , That never any men were made better by this Art , but many worse ; who , though they sometimes speak handsomely of Vertue and Honest things , yet are far more Polite , Elegant , and Ingenious in the defence of Error , to sow Sedition , to stir up Factions , to heap Slanders , and Reproaches , and Calumnies , than in the reconciling of differences , making peace , maintaining amity , or in the commendation of Love , Faith , or Religion . Moreover , many men presuming too far upon this Art , have revolted from the Orthodox Faith. From this Art flow those numberless Sects , Heresies , and Superstitions , that contaminate Religion ; while some so contemn the Scripture , because it abounds not in Ciceronian Phrases , that many times they take part with the quaint and fallacious Arguments of the Heathen against the Catholick Truth : which is manifest from the Tatian Hereticks ; and from those whom Libanius the Sophist , and Symmachus the Orator , great Champions of Idolatry ; together with Celsus Africanus , and Julian the Apostate , seduced from the true Religion , insulting over Christianity with their flashes of Rhetorick : From whose pernicious and Blasphemous Oratory , Hereticks have drawn many perswasive Arguments to seduce simple People from the true Faith. And do we not now adays see the most Eminent and Learned , most Elegant and Subtile Doctors and Disputants in the World to be the greatest heads of Heresies and Factions ? So are men affected with the Charms of Eloquence , that rather than not be Ciceronians , they will turn Pagans . These becoming Impious , while those that are more zealously devoted to Aristotle and Plato , become altogether superstitious . But all these vain Bablers that so fill the ears of their Auditors with their empty and idle Orations , shall one day stand before the great Tribunal , to give an account of those Errors which they have so vainly feigned , and invented against the Truth of God. CHAP. VII . Of Logick . LOgick succeeds in aid of the foregoing Arts , being it self also the Mystery of contention and darkness , by which the other Sciences are rendered more obscure and difficult to be understood : and this Logick , forsooth , they call the Art of Reasoning . A most miserable and brutish sort of people surely , that are not able to reason or discourse without the Assistance of this Art. However , Servius Sulpitius extols this for the greatest of all Sciences , and as it were a Light to those things which are taught by others ; as being that which , as Cicero saith , distributes the whole matter into parts , and by definition explains the hidden sence of things , explains obscurity , distinguishes between things doubtful , and points out the certain Rule to distinguish Truth from Falshood . Furthermore , the Logicians promise to find-out the Essential definition of every thing , yet are not able to render themselves Masters of their own word , in making things so clear , but that they may be asked why they could not as well call Man a Man , as Animal Rationale , or a Mortal Rational Creature . More of this you shall find in Boetius , whose Works are not esteemed , but are beyond all the Predicaments , Topicks , Analyticks , and other trifles of Aristotle , whom the Peripateticks following , believe that nothing can stand or be known , unless what is prov'd by Syllogism , that very Syllogism which is set forth by Aristotle ; who never observed in all his Maximes , how all his Arguments are deduced from suppositions , or things granted before : whose rule those other great boasters following , have hitherto as yet made out no true or real Demonstrations , not so much as in Naturals , but deduce them all out of the Precepts of Aristotle , or some other that went before him , whose Authority they preserve and make use of for all their Principles of Demonstration . Now Aristotle affirms that for true Demonstration , which Creates a Science ; which is made by Quiddities , as the Logicians call them , and by the proper differences of things to us unknown and hidden . He saith farther , that Demonstration is made by the Causes ; which Causes proceed , either De , per , or secundum quod ipsum . Which parts of Speech , being convertible , and relating back one to another , yet , saith he , no circular Demonstration can be granted out of the Causes , for all that . If therefore the Principles of Demonstration are unknown , and that Circulation be not admitted , certainly little or no knowledg can be thence concluded : For we believe things demonstrated , through certain very weak Principles , to which we assent either through the preceding authority of the wise , or else approve by experience of our Sences . And indeed all Knowledge hath its original from the Sences . And it is a certain experiment of the Truth of Speech , as Averroes saith , when the words agree with the things thought . And that is most truly known , to the Knowledge of which most Sences concur . Out of sensibles , we are by the knowledge thereof led to all those things that fall within the compass of our Knowledge . But now when all the Sences are subject to be deceived , they can surely produce to us no real experience . Wherefore seeing that the Sences cannot attain to an Intellectual Nature , and that the causes of inferior things , out of which the Natures , Properties , Effects , and Passions of those things ought to be discovered and demonstrated , are by the consent of all Men , altogether unknown to our Sences ; doth it not hence appear , that the way of Truth is wholly shut up , and obscured from our Sences ? So that all those deductions and seeming Sciences deeply rooted in the Sences themselves , must of necessity be altohgther erronious , uncertain , and fallacious . Where is then the benefit of Logick ? where is the fruit of this Scientifical Demonstration from Principles and Experiments ? which when we must be forced to consent to , as to known Terms , will not those Principles and Experiments be rather things perfectly known , than demonstrated ? But let us consider this Art a little more remotely . Logicians reckon up ten Predicaments , which they call , most general Genus's : Those are Substance , Quantity , Quality , Relation , When , Where , Scituation , Habit , Action , Passion . By which they hope to comprehend and understand all things whatever are contain'd within the round circumference of the World. They add moreover five Predicables , so call'd , because they are predicated of themselves , and of their parts ; that is to say , Genus , Species , Difference , Proper , Accident . Then they assigne four Causes of every thing ; the Material , Formal , Efficient , and Final ; by which they believe themselves able to discover the Truth or Falshood of all things , by a certain infallible Demonstration . Now they compound every Syllogism , o● Demonstration , of three Terms : the first is the Subject of the Question , and is called the Major ; the next the Predicate of the Question ; the third is the Middle , participating between both : with these terms they form two Propositions , which they call the Pr●mises , out of which at length springs the Conclusion . This is that egregious Engine , and these the Terms and Parts thereof , whereby they undertake to joyn , divide , and conclude all things , by the help of certain Axiomes which they dream impossible to be refuted . These are the deep and profound Mysteries of Artificial Logick , invented with so much care by these fallacious Doctors , which being such great and secret Mysteries , are not to be exposed or learnt by any other , than they who are able to give great rewards for the same , and to be at large expences to purchase Authority among the Schoolmen . These are the Nets , and these are the Hounds with which they hunt the Truth of all things , whether natural , as in Physicks ; or supernatural , as in Metaphysicks : but according to the Proverb of Clodius and Varro , can never overtake , by reason of their bawling and brawling one with another . CHAP. VIII . Of Sophistry . BUt the late Schools of Sophistry have made an addition of far greater and more Monstrous Prodigies ; such a Scroll of Infinitu●s , Comparatives , Superlatives , Incipits , and Desinits , Formalities , Haecceities , Instances , Ampliatio●s , Restrictions , Districtions , Intentions , Suppositions , Appellations , Obligations , Consequences , Indissolubles , Exponibils , Replications , Exclusives , Instances , Cases , Particularizations , Supposits , Mediates , Immediates , Completes , Incompletes , Complexes , Incomplexes , with many more vain and intolerable Barbarisms , which are thick sown in their Logical Systemes , whereby they endeavour to make all those things to appear Truths , which are in themselves absolutely false , and impossible ; and those things which are really true , like furies breaking out of the Trojan Horse , they seek to ruine and destroy with the Flames of their barbarous words . Others there are , who will admit of no more than three Predicaments , not but two Figures of Syllogisms , and of them but eight Moods ; laughing to scorn all Modal Compositions , together with concrete and abstract Terms . Others are not wanting who have found out the eleventh Predicament , and a fourth Figure of Syllogisms ; Increasing the number likewise of Predicables and Causes ; and have moreover invented so many invincible Stoical subtleties , that the Niceties of Cleanthes and Chrysippus , together with the little conceits of Daphita , Euthydemus , and Dionysiodorus , seem dull , and meer rustical , when compared with the new devices of our Modern Sophisters ; in the Study whereof , the whole fray of our Sophisters are so stupidly employ'd , that their whole business seems to be , to learn to erre , and with perpetual Skirmishes to render more obscure , if not quite to obliterate the Truth which they pretend to explain ; so that the great Art which they profess , is but a Gallimaufry of depraved and barbarous words , by nice and froward Cavilling , perverting the use of Speech , offering violence to the poor Tongue that is scarce able to manage them , the glory whereof consists only in noise and reproach ; the professors themselves coveting Combate rather than Victory , and seeking all occasions rather of Contest , than to find out the Truth . So that he is the best Man among them , who is most impudent , and fullest of Clamour : of whom Petrarch writeth , that whether it be the modesty of their Stile , or a confession of their Ignorance , they are implacable in their Language , yet dare not abide a true Challenge ; and are unwilling to appear in publick , knowing what frivolous Ornaments they are attir'd withal ; and therefore like the Parthians , they exercise a flying Fight , and darting their volatile words up into the Air , may be said to commit their Sails to the Wind. These are they , who , as Quintilian says , are extraordinary subtile in Disputing ; but take them from their impertinent Cavilling , and they are no more able to endure the blows of right Reason ; like little Buggs , that secure in Chinks and Crevises , are easily trod upon in the plain field . Sophisters are unwilling to Fight under the Banners of sound and approved Authors , but like Stratagematists fly for Refuge to the strength of Memory , and the whifling clamor and noise of a nimble Tongue . Neither do they think it of any consequence to consider what reason to use , so they can but give any high instance or example ; nor matters it what they think or say , so that they talk loud and bold enough : For he that among them is fullest of words , seems to be the wisest , and the most learned Person . Arm'd with these Sorceries , they visit the Schools , haunt the Streets , frequent great and full Tables , provoke Antagonists : if the Fight begin , and they find themselves worsted , then they fly to their old lurking holes , and their accustomed Labyrinths . If they find any person unwilling to grapple , then they endeavour to entrap him at unawares with some unusual Question ; to which , if they have not a ready and pertinent Answer , or that the Party seem any thing puzl'd , then they raise to themselves mighty Pyramids and Triumphs . But what good fruit this Logick with her Sophists hath brought forth , or is likely to bring forth in the Church , let us consider : Surely we shall quickly find , that they not assenting to Divine Tradition , confound the holy sence with Reasons deduced from their own fallacious suppositions ; to which while they give too much credit , they banish the Light of Truth , and embrace darkness ; and being thus wrapt and infolded in those shades of Error , blind leaders of the blind , they draw many with their false Argumentations , and shadows of Reason , into the Ditch , together with themselves ; and always blundering in the deep Ocean of Ignorance and Error , seduce the more Ignorant to adore their Fictions ; in honour of which , they dare presume to aver , That sacred Theologie is not able to subsist without Logick ; that is to say , without Brangling and Jangling , without Contention and Sophistry . I deny not , but that Logick may be useful in Scholastick Exercises ; but how it may assist or uphold Theological Contemplation , I cannot apprehend ; whose chiefest Logick consists in Prayer . For truly that promise of Christ was not made in vain ; Pray , and ye shall receive . Through which means , the Faithful of Christ shall obtain from the Master of Truth all necessary Knowledg of the Truth , long before they shall be able to compass the height of their Logical skill . Furthermore , Sophistry with all her quirks and devices could never soar higher than Philosophy ; but through the path of Prayer lies the certain and streight way to the highest Knowledge of Divine and Humane things . Therefore they are in the wrong , who affirm this Sophistry to be the only Engine , and most Potent for the subversion of Heresie ; when it is indeed the chief Strength and Pillar of Heresie . For Arrius and Nestorius relying upon this Art , the one affirm'd divers Substances in the Trinity , the other deny'd the Virgin Mary to be the Mother of God : giving greater credit to the Sophisms of Aristotle , than to the Word of God. For , as St. Jerom observes , all the Opinions of the Hereticks have made their Nests and founded their Sanctuaries among the Briars of Aristotle and Chrysippus . Hence Eunomius argues , That which is born , could not be before it was born . Hence the Manichaean , because he would free God from being the Cause of Evil , makes a bad or evil Deity . Hence Novatus , that he may take away Repentance , denyes Pardon . From such Fountains as these , do spring all the larger Rivolets of Heresie : for seeing there is no sentence which may not be contradicted , nor no Argument which may not be assail'd by another ; hence it is , that it is so impossible to attain to any end of Knowledge , or to come to the Knowledge of Truth , by the means of Sophistical Argumentation : and hence it is , that so many deviate from Truth to Heresie ; thinking that they have found some appearance of more powerful Truth , by the help of Logical Disputes ; or else condemn one Heresie , to be themselves the Establishers of a new one . And thus far of Logick and Sophistry . CHAP. IX . Of the Art of Lullius . RAymund Lullie in these latter times hath Invented a Prodigious Art , not unlike Logick ; by means whereof ( like another Gorgias Leontinus , who was the first that in a Publick Assembly durst put the Question what they would have him to Discourse of ) to enable any person to discourse extempore upon any Subject . But to insist farther upon this , it will not be needful now , seeing we have Commented sufficiently upon this Art already ; and the thing it self is so obvious , that it will not be necessary to use many words about it . This I am to admonish ye of in general , That this Art is of no other use , than only to shew the Pomp and Magnificence of Wit and Learning , and is no way prevalent for the attaining of sound Learning ; having in it far more of confidence than efficacy . CHAP. X. Of the Art of Memory . AMong these Arts , is to be reckon'd the Art of Memory ; which , as Cicero saith , is nothing else , but a certain method of Teaching , and Precept ; like a thin Membrane , consisting of Characters , Places , and Representations ; first invented by Simonides Melito , and perfected by Metrodorus Sceptius . But let it be what it will , more certain it is , that it can never come to good , where there is not a very god Natural Memory before ; which sometimes it perplexes with such monstrous Apparitions , that instead of a new Memory , it is the cause of Madness and Phrenzies ; and over-burdening the Natural Memory with the Characters and Images of innumerable things and words , it occasions those that are not contented with the bounds of Nature , to run Mad with Art. This Art , when Simonides or some body else did offer to Themistocles , he refus'd it , saying , He had more need of Forgetfulness than Memory ; said he , I remember what I would not , but I cannot forget what I would . As for Metrodorus , Quintilian thus writes concerning him : It was a great piece of vain Ostentation , saith he , to glory rather in his Memory by Art , than in that by Nature . Of this Art Cicero makes mention , in his Book of Rhetoricks ; Quintilian in his Institutions ; and Seneca . Among Modern Authors , Francis Petrarch hath writ something concerning it ; together with Mareol , Veronensis , Petrus Ravennas , Hermannus Buschius , and others , though unworthy of a Catalogue , as being obscure Persons . Many there be , that at this day Profess the same , though they get more Infamy and dis-repute , than gain thereby ; being a sort of rascally Fellows , that do many times impose upon silly Youth , only to draw some small piece of money from them for present Subsistance . Lastly , 't is a childish Triumph to boast of a great Memory ; besides that it is a thing of shame and disgrace to make a shew of great Reading , exposing a great Fair of words without doors , when the House within is altogether unfurnish'd . CHAP. XI . Of the Mathematicks in general . IT is now time to discourse of the Mathematicks , surely the most certain of all the Arts. Yet all of them chiefly consist in the Opinions of their Teache●s who have got the most credit ; yet in their several Opinions have committed sundry Errors , which Albumazar among the rest acknowledges , saying , That the Ancients long after Aristotles time did not rightly understand the Mathematicks : And that though all these Arts are chiefly invented for the understanding of Figures , Number , and Motion ; yet are their Professors forc'd to confess , that there was never any Figure yet found , either according to Art or Nature perfectly Spherical . And though these Arts have been the occasion of little or no Heresie in the Church ; yet St. Austin saith , That they avail nothing at all to Salvation ; and that they do rather lead men into Error , and take men off from the Contemplation of true Divinity : and as St. Hierome observes , are not the Sciences of Piety . CHAP. XII . Of Arithmetick . OF these Sciences , the first is Arithmetick , or the Doctrine of Numbers , which is indeed the Mother of all the rest ; not less superstitions than vain , and only valu'd among Merchants , for the low and mean benefit of keeping their Accounts : it treats of Numbers and their Divisions , which is even , which odde ; which is evenly odde , and which odly even ; which superfluous , which a Fraction ; which perfect , which compounded : also of proportion , and proportionality , and their kinds . Lastly , of Geometrical and Harmonical Numbers ; the Effects and use of Number , and their Fractions , and the wayes and rules of casting Accompts . CHAP. XIII . Of Geomancy . A Rithmetick produces to us Geomantick Divination , Cards , Tables , and Dice ; and whatsoever else in the Nature of Numeral Chances : This Geomancy most men do rather make a Member of Astrology , by reason that their method of judgment is the same ; and because the force and vertue thereof consists not so much in Number , as in Motion , according to the saying of Aristotle : The Motion of Heaven is perpetual , and is the Principle and Cause of all Inferiour Motions . Of this Geomancy , among the Ancients , Haly hath written ; among our Modern Authors , Gerard of Cremona , Bartholomaeus of Parma , and one Tundinus . I my self have written a Geomancy , far different from those before mentioned , though not less superstitious and fallacious ; or if you will , I may say , not less crowded with Lyes . CHAP. XIV . Of the Art of Dicing . THE Art of Dicing is one of those Arts that depends wholly upon Chance ; wherein , he that is most studious , and most expert , becomes so much the more vile and wicked , while out of covetousness of another mans , he bears no reverence to his own Patrimony . This is the Mother of Lies , Perjury , Thefts , Quarrels , Injustice , and Murther ; rightly an Invention of Evil Spirits , which after the overthrow of the Asian Empire , was carried away Captive into Greece among the Spoils of those Cities ; where afterwards 〈◊〉 enslav'd and bewitch'd the Conquerors themselves . It is said , that Attalus King of Asia was the first Inventor of that Game , having found it out by his skill in Arithmetick . Among the Romans , it is reported that Claudius the Emperour wrote a Treatise thereof : He , together with Augustus Caesar , being great Admirers of this Game . An Exercise most Infamous , and forbidden by the Laws of Nations , insomuch , that Cobilon the Lacaedemonian being sent to Corinth for the obtaining a mutual League and Friendship between those two Cities , when he saw the Captains and Senators of Corinth playing at Dice , return'd without doing any thing , saying , that he would not so much defile the Glory of the Spartan's , as that it should be said , they had made a League with Gamesters . This Art was so much dis-esteem'd among the greatest of men formerly , that the King of Parthia is reported to have sent a Bale of Golden Dice to Demetrius , on purpose to upbraid his Inconstancy . Now adayes it is a Game in the greatest Request , even among the greatest Princes , and the chief Nobility . How do I say , a Play ? Yea , the only Wisdom , and highest Knowledge of Men most carefully and wickedly bred up to Cheat and Cozen. CHAP. XV. Of the Pythagorean Chance . NEither do I think it fitting to pass by what the Pythagoreans did Assert , what others thought , and what Aristotle himself did believe , That there are certain Numbers in the Elements of Letters , from whence some will undertake to tell Fortunes by the Prope● Names , the Letters whereof being added together ▪ and the Names repeated as oft as there be Letters they give the day to him , whose Name comes to be last reckon'd ; whether the Question be concerning War , Quarrel , Marriage , Life , or any other concernment . And thus , they say , it was foretold that Patroclus should be kill'd by Hector , tha● he should be slain by Achilles . Of which , Terence makes mention in Verse , and how they made use of the Letters of their Names . These greater Numbers , those the less require . He that in doubtful War his Chance would know , If the great number stop , may safely go . But signes of Death , the lesser sums presage ; And thus Patroclus fell , by Hector's Rage . Thus from small sums they did of old foretel How Conquering Hector by Achilles fell . Some will undertake to Erect Horoscopes by these kind of Computations , as one Alchandrius , an obscure Philosopher said to be the Scholar of Aristotle , hath been ready to assert . And Pliny relates , That by the ●inventions of Pythagoras , there is in the Eye a peculiar property to foretel Lameness and some other mischances . CHAP. XVI . Yet of Arithmetick . BUT to return to Arithmetick : Plato saith , That this was first Invented by some Cacodaemon , together with Cards and Dice : and Lycurgus , that great Law-giver among the Lacedaemonians , expell'd it as a most turbulent and factious Science out of his Commonwealth : For it requires a great deal of idle Labor , and diverts men from other more lawful and honest imployments , raising great and mischievous quarrels many times about the smallest matters . Hence arises that irreconcilable dispute among Arithmeticians , Whether an even or odd Number be most to be prefer'd ; which is the most perfect Number between Three , Six , and Ten ; and whether any Number may be properly said to be evenly even : in which matter of so great consequence , they say that Euclid the Prince of Geometricians , has very much err'd . It is a hard matter to say , what strange Pythagorical Mysteries , what Magick Vertues they Dream there be in number , though naked and abstracted from things ; and with a great deal of Presumption aver , That the World could not have been Created by God , had not Numbers been Instrumental ; and that all Divine Knowledge is contain'd in Numbers , as in a certain Rule . From these beginnings , the Heresies of Marcus , Magus , and Valentinus , took their first growth and progression , who presum'd that they were able to discover an innumerable company of Divine Secrets of Truth and Religion , by the dull and weak assistance of Numbers . Some accompt the Pythagorean inventions among the Sacraments , with many other ridiculous fancies and idle stories not worth repeating ; Arithmeticians having nothing to boast of , but an insipid , inanimate , and sensless Number , though they think themselves Gods , because they can only cast a Figure , or can tell how to reckon : But such honours the Musicians will scarce allow them , who think them rather due to their Musick . CHAP. XVII . Of Musick . LET us now discourse a little concerning Musick , of which among the Grecians , Aristoxenus hath written very largely , asserting that Musick was the Soul of Man ; whose Writings Boetius hath Translated into Latine . Now , by Musick I understand that part of Musick which relates to the knowledge of Sounds , and manages either the Voice or Hand ; not that part which teaches the Laws and Rules of Meter and Rythm , more properly term'd Poesie , which , as Alpharabises saith , is carried on not by any method of Speculation or Reason , but with a certain frenzy and madness , as we have before discoursed . Now that part of Musick which consists in Sound , and is the consort of Strings or Voices agreeing in Sounds inoffensive to the Ear , treats more particularly of Sounds , Intervals , Changes of Mood , and variety of Notes . This the Antients have divided into Enharmonick , Chromatick , and Diatonick . The first , that is to say , the Enharmonick , by reason of its profound abstruseness , & the impossibility of discovery , they altogether laid aside : The second , by reason of its wanton measures , they contemn'd and utterly refused : The last , as agreeing best with the composition of the world , they onely admitted . Others there are who have distinguish'd the Moods of Musick as deriv'd from sundry Countries , for whose particular Genius they seem'd at first to have been more properly contriv'd ; of which there are three nam'd , the Phrygian , the Lydian , and the Dorick ; which , according to the opinion of Polimestres , and Saccadas a native of Argos , are said to be of greatest Antiquity . To these Sappho the Lesbian added a fourth , term'd the Mixolydian , of which others take Tersander , others Pythoclides the Piper , to have been the Authors ; though Lisias makes Lamprocles the Athenian inventer thereof . These four Moods pass currant under the Seal of Authority . This whole Structure or Fabrick , they call Encyclopedie , or the Sphere of Sciences , as if Musick did comprehend all Sciences , seeing , as Plato observes in his first Book of Laws , that Musick cannot be understood , without the knowledge of all the other Sciences . Among these four Moods , they approve not the Phrygian , for that it distracts and ravishes the Mind ; therefore Porphyrius gives it the name of Barbarous , as exciting and stirring up men to fury and battel : Others give it the appellation of Bacchick , furious , impetuous , turbulent ; which being generally us'd in Anapesticks , were those Charms which , as we read , formerly incited the Lacedaemonians and Cretans to War. With this sort of Harmony Timotheus incited King Alexander to Arms : and Boetius relates how Taurominitianus , a young man , was mov'd by sound of this Phrygian Harmony to burn a house where he knew a certain Curtisan lay concealed . The Lydian Mood Plato refuses , as too sharp and shrill , and coming short of the modesty of the Dorian , being most proper for Lamentation ; though , as others will have it , most agreeable to merry and Jolly dispositions . This made the Lydians , a Merry and Jocund people , to be very much affected with that sort of Musick ; which afterwards the Tuscans , the Off-spring of the Lydians , were wont to make use of in their dancing . The Dorick , as being more grave , honest , and every way modest , consequently most congruous and agreeable to the more serious affections of the Mind , and graver gestures of the Body , they preferr'd above all the rest ; and was therefore held in great esteem among the Cretans , Lacedaemonians , and Arcadians . Agamemnon being to go to the Trojan War , left behinde him , at home , a Dorick Musitian , to the end he might by his grave Spondaick Songs preserve the Chastity of his Wife Clytemnestra , so that it was impossible for Aegysthus to obtain his desires of her , until he had first murder'd the said Musitian . As for the Mixolydian , onely fit for Tragedies , and to move Pity and Compassion ; they were of opinion that it had a great power either to quicken or put a damp upon the Spirits , either to raise or depress the Affection , and that it had an absolute dominion over Grief and Sadness . To these four Moods , some there are who have added others , which they call Collateral , the Hypodorian , the Hypolydian , and the Hypophrygian ; to the end there might be seven , correspondent to the number of the Planets : to all which Ptolomy adds an eighth , the Hypermixolydian , the sharpest and shrillest of all . But Lucius Apuleius onely names five ; the Aeolian , Hyastian , Varian , shrill Lydian , warlike Phrygian , and Religious Dorick . Marcian , according to the tradition of Aristoxenus , numbers five principal Moods , and ten Collateral . Now though they confess this Art to contain very much of sweetness and delight , yet the common Opinion is verifi'd by general experience , that Musick is an Art professed onely by men of deprav'd and loose inclinations , who neither know when to begin , nor when to make an end ; as is reported of Archabius the Fidler , to whom they were wont to give more money to leave off , than to continue his play : Of which impertinent Musitians , we finde this Character in Horace . Among their Friends all Singers have this vice , That begg'd to sing , none are more coy or nice ; Vnbid , they 'll never cease — Musick has been always a Vagrant , wandring up and down after sordid hire ; an Art which no grave , modest , chast , magnanimous , and truly valiant person ever profess'd : therefore the Greeks generally term them Father Bacchus's Artificers , Bacchanal or lewd Artists , generally of loose behaviour , incontinent in their lives , and for the most part in great poverty and want ; which is not onely the Mother , but Nurse of Vice. The Kings of the Medes and Persians reckon'd Musitians 〈…〉 of their Jesters , Parasites , and Players , pleasing themselves with their Songs , but contemning their persons . And the wise Antisthenes hearing that one Ismenias kept an incomparable Musitian in his house , quoth he , He is a bad man , for he would not be a Fidler if he were honest : for that is not an Art becoming a good and vertuous man , but onely the lazy Epicure . This made Scipio , Aemylius , and Cato utterly to despise this Science , as being contrary to the Majesty of the Roman Manners . Therefore were Augustus and Nero so much condemn'd for giving their minds so much to Musick . 'T is true , Augustus being reprehended , gave it over ; but Nero more eagerly pursuing it , was for that cause hated and derided . King Philip when he heard that his Son had sung very finely at a certain Entertainment , burst into a passion , reproaching him in these words : Art thou not asham'd to sing handsomely ? for it is enough that a Prince will vouchsafe to be present while others sing . Jupiter is never said to sing or play on the Harp , by any one of the Poets : But the learned Pallas is said to hate all manner of Piping . In Homer we read of a Harper to whom Alciones and Vlysses willingly lent their Ears . In Virgil , Iopas both sings and plays , while Dido and Aeneas give attention : Yet when Alexander the Great was singing , his Schoolmaster Antigonus brake his Harp and threw it away , telling him , It was his business to raign , and not to sing . The Egyptians also , as Diodorus witnesseth , forbad the use of Musick to their Youth , as rendring them luxurious and effeminate . And Ephorus , according to Polybius , condemns it as an Art invented onely to delude and deceive men . And indeed , what is more unprofitable , more contemptible , more to be avoided , than the society of these Fidlers , Singers , and other kind of Musitians ; who with so many sorts of Songs , Dialogues , Catches , and Roundelays , more chattering than Rooks or Daws , do but like Syrens bewitch and corrupt the well-dispos'd minds of men , with their lascivious sound of Ribaldry and Debauchery ? Therefore the Mothers of the Cycones persecuted Orpheus even to Hell , for effeminating their Males with his charming Harmony . And if there be any authority in Fables , we finde that though Argus had his head guarded with a hundred Eyes , yet they were all charmed asleep with the sound of one single Pipe. It is true , that from hence the Musitians take occasion to extol themselves far above the Rhetoricians , for that their Art has a greater power to move the passions and affection : and to such a hight of madness they are carried , as to affirm that the Heavens themselves do sing ; not that they were ever heard so to do , but onely as their drunken Dreams and Imaginations prompt them to believe . Neither was there ever any Musitian that ever descended from Heaven , who could ever pretend to know all the Consonances of Sound , or the true reason of Proportions : Onely they say , that it is a most compleat Art , and comprehends all other Sciences ; nor can be throughly understood by any one not Universally learned . Yea , they attribute to it the vertue of Divination , and that thereby men may make a judgement of the habits of the Body , affections of the Minde , and manners of Men. They say moreover , that there is no end of this Art , and that every day produces new discoveries therein ; which in another sense Anaxilas wittily hints , that Musick is like Libya , which every year produces some new sort of venomous Creature or other . Athanasius therefore , by reason of its vanity , exiles it from the Church . It is true , St. Ambrose more delighting in Pomp and Ceremony , instituted the use of Singing and Playing in Churches . But St. Austin in the mean betwixt both , makes a great doubt of the lawfulness thereof , in his Confessions . CHAP. VIII . Of Dancing and Balls . TO Musick Dancing is a kinde of Appendant , most grateful to Children , and youthful Lovers ; a thing which they learn with great care , and practise all night long ; most punctually observing the time of the Musick , and that the measures of their Feet and Capring-steps may exactly answer the time of the Fiddles ; labouring to perform the silliest and maddest thing in the world , with the greatest knowledge and activity their Bodies and Souls will admit : A thing , which were it not set off with Musick , would appear the greatest Vanity of Vanities , the rudest , most nonsensical , and ridiculous sight in the world . This is that which lets loose the reyns of Pride , the friend of Wickedness , the food and nourishment of Lust , the bane and enemy of Chastity , and unworthy so much as the thought of any honest person . At these Balls , saith Petrarch , many a grave Matron hath lost her longpreserv'd Honour : Many an unhappy Virgin there , hath learnt what she had better never have known : from thence many have return'd home polluted , many half overcome ; but never any one more vertuous than they were before . Yet have some of the Grecian Writers highly prais'd this idle Art ( as the worst and most pernicious things never want their extollers ) and have deduc'd the Pedigree of Dancing and Balls even from the Heavens themselves , comparing the Steps of Dancing to the motion of the Stars , that seem in their Harmonical order to imitate a kinde of Dancing motion , which they began so soon as the world was created . Others say , it was an invention of the Satyres . By the help of this Art , Bacchus is said to have soften'd and overcome the Tyrrhenes , Indians , and Lydians , most Warlike Nations . Whence Dancing was by them made use of in their Religious Rites , and the Exercise thereof by the Goddess Rhea commanded the Corybants in Phrygia , and the Curetes in Crete . And in Delos there was no sacred Ceremony perform'd without Dancing ; no Festivals , Sacred or Civil , celebrated , where Dancing was left out . The Brachmans also among the Indians , morning and evening , with their faces toward the Sun , dancing , were wont to worship his Beams . Likewise among the Aethiopians , Thracians , and Scythians , Dancing was us'd in all their Religious Ceremonies , as being first instituted by Orpheus and Museus , the best Dancers of their times . There were also among the Romans the Salian Priests , whose duty it was to dance about in honour of Mars . The Lacedaemonians , the bravest people of Greece , having learnt the custom of Dancing from Castor and Pollux , in all their Feasts and publick Ceremonies us'd Dancing . In Thessaly it was held in such Veneration , that the Commanders and chief Leaders were honoured with the Title of Formost Dancers . Socrates also , by the Oracle judg'd to be the wisest of men then living , was not asham'd to learn to dance when he was far stricken in years ; and not onely so , but highly extoll'd the same Art , and reckon'd it among the most serious parts of Education ; and was esteem'd by him a thing of that Gravity as could hardly be express'd , and enter'd into the world together with the Love of the Gods. But what wonder it should be so highly honour'd among the Grecian Philosophers , who are not asham'd to make the Gods themselves the Patrons of Adultery , Rapes , Parricides , and indeed of all manner of Villanies ? Many have written Treatises of Dancing , wherein they set forth all the several sorts and measures thereof ; expounding their several names , and who were the particular Authors and Inventers of each ; so that I need proceed no farther therein . But the Antient Romans , men ever famous for their Gravity and Wisdome , condemn'd all manner of Dancing ; neither was any woman among them accompted Vertuous , that was given to Dance . Therefore Salust reproaches Sempronia , that she sang and danc'd more exquisitely than was convenient for an honest woman . Nor are Gabinius and Marcus Celius , men in Consular dignity , less blam'd for their over-great skill in Dancing : And Marcus Cato objected it as a Crime to Lucius Murena , that he had been seen to dance in Asia ; whose Cause when Cicero took in hand to defend , he durst not justifie the act as well done , but utterly deni'd the Fact , saying , That no sober man ever danced either alone , or so much as at a moderate Banquet , unless he were mad ; Dancing being always the Companion and Attendant upon immoderate Feasts , and inordinate Plays . We must therefore necessarily conclude , that Dancing brings up the rere of all Vices . Neither is it hard to tell what evils come many times to pass through idle Discourse and Toying . At such time as Youth in the heat of Dancing , uses antick Gestures , and makes a hideous stamping noise , skipping to wanton Tunes , and the sound of obscene Airs , then are Virgins and Matrons handled with shameless hands , tempted with immodest Kisses , and lustful Embraces ; then , what Nature hides , and Modesty vails , Wantonness discovers , and civil sport becomes the pretence of wickedness . An Exercise not sprung from Heaven , but invented by the Devil in defiance of Divinity ; so that when the Children of Israel had erected themselves a Calf in the Wilderness , they sacrific'd thereto , eating and drinking , and afterwards rising up to play , they fell to Singing and Dancing . CHAP. XIX . Of Gladiatory Dancing . NEither must I here omit to tell ye , that there are many other sorts of Dancing , the greatest part whereof are now laid aside , others still in use ; for example , Dancing in Arms , proper onely to Gladiators and Souldiers ; a Tragical invention to kill the Innocent in sport , making it a great infamy for a man to receive his deaths wound for want of Agility . A hateful Invention ; Folly and Impiety mix'd together . And indeed , all sorts of Dancing , as they are full of vanity and shamelesness , are not onely to be disprais'd , but utterly abominated , seeing they teach nothing but a wonderful mystery how to run mad . CHAP. XX. Of Stage-Dancing . STage-dancing was design'd for Imitation and Demonstration , whereby to explain things conceiv'd in the minde , by the gestures of the body ; so cleerly and perspicuously representing manners and affections , that the Spectator shall understand the Player by the motion of his body , though he say not a word . So far the excellency of this Art appears , that without the help of an Interpreter , while the Actors by motion represent an Old Man , a Young Man , a Woman , a Servant , a Drunkard , an angry Person , or of any other condition or affection whatsoever , the Spectator at a distance hearing nothing of the story , shall be able to understand the subject of the Play. This brought Stage-players into great request , as Macrobius witnesseth , so that Cicero was wont to contend with Roscius , who was also very intimate with Sylla the Dictator , who should plainest and soonest , and with most variety , express the same Sentence ; whether the one by Gesticulation , or the other in set Language : which encourag'd Roscius to write a Treatise wherein he compares Stagemotion or Action with Eloquence . But the Massilienses , great preservers of serious Gravity , would not endure a Stage-player among them , for that most of their Arguments consisting in the repetition of Rapes and Adulteries , they thought the often seeing thereof would accustom men to the practise of such things . In fine , it is not onely a dishonest and wicked Calling to exercise Stage-playing , but also a matter of great dishonour to behold them : for the pleasure of lascivious minds often degenerates into wickedness . So that of old there was no name so ignominious as that of a Stage-player , who by the Laws was made incapable of all Honour and honourable Society . CHAP. XXI . Of Rhetorism . THere was also a Rhetorical Gesticulation , not much differing from Stage-action , but more careless , which Socrates , Plato , Cicero , Quintilian , and most of the Stoicks have deem'd most necessary and commendable in a Rhetorician , and an Orator ; as teaching a graceful gesture of the Body , and composure of the Countenance : seeing that the vigour of the Eye , the sound of the Voice , accommodated to the signification of Words and Sentences , together with a decent motion of the Body , and managment of the Countenance , adde much to the force and efficacy of Oration . But this Histrionical-Rhetorical Gesticulation began at length to be little us'd , while Tiberius admonishes Augustus , That he should speak with his Mouth , and not with his Fingers ; and is now quite laid aside , unless it be among some Mimmick Friers , whom you ●hall see now adays with a strange labour of the Voice making a thousand faces , looking with their Eyes like men distracted , throwing their Arms about , dancing with their Feet , lasciviously shaking their Loyns , with a thousand sundry sorts of wreathings , wrestings , turnings this way and that way of the whole Body , proclaiming in their Pulpits their frothy Declamations to the People : mindful perhaps of that Answer of De●nosthenes , reported in Valerius Maximus , who being ask'd what was most efficacious in speaking , reply'd , Hypocrisie and Counterfeiting : and being asked over and over again , still made the same Answer as before ; testi●ying thereby , that the whole force of Perswasion lay therein . But that we may not digress too far from the Mathematicks , let us return to Geometry . CHAP. XXII . Of Geometry . THis is that Geometry which Philo the Jew calls the Principle and Mother of all Arts , and has this Excellency above the rest , that whereas there are manifold Contentions among the Professors of all other Arts , the Masters of this Science generally agree in their Problems ; neither is there any great matter of debate among them , but only as to Points , Lines , and Superficies , whether they be divisible or no ; but they differ not from one another either in Doctrine or Tradition : only every one strives to excel the other in the Invention of new Subtilties , and in making additions to what is already found out . Yet there is no Geometrician that could ever find out the right Quadrature of a Circle , or the Line truly Equal to the side : though Archimedes of Syracuse , and after him many even to our times , pretended to have found the same out . This we may say , That there are very few , or none , that do acquiesce in the Traditions and Axioms of their Predecessors ; and therefore , while they go about to be still adding something which their Masters left Imperfect , they run themselves into such an extremity of Madness , which all the Hellebore in the World is not able to Purge away . To this Geometry , which instructs us in Lineaments , Forms , Intervals , Magnitudes , Bodies , Dimensions , & Weights , belongs the Art of making all Mechanick Engines , and Instruments appertaining to the Mechanick Arts ; all Engines of War , and Architecture , as Battering Rams , Tortoises , Catapults , Scaling-Ladders , moving Towers , Ships , Gallies , Bridges , Carts , Carriages , Wheels , Bars ; together with all those Engines by which great and massie Weights are moved and lifted up with little help , and much ease . Besides these , all those pieces of Art that move by the assistance of Weight , Wind , Water , Ropes or Lines ; as Clocks , Hydraulick Organs . By this Art Mercury is said to have made certain Idols among the Egyptians , that made an Articulate noise with their Tongues , and could walk several Paces . Architas the Tarentine is also said to have made a Dove so exactly by rules of Geometry , that the Figure would move and fly of it self . And Archimedes is said to have made a Brazen Heaven in such sort , that it shew'd all the Motions of the Planets and Sphears , the like whereof we have seen brought to pass in our time . From this Art also proceed the several varieties of Guns , and Fire-vomiting Engines ; of which lately my self have Written a special Treatise , Entituled Pyrographie , which I now Repent me to have done ; seeing that it only Teaches a most pernicious and destructive Art. Lastly , Painting , Measuring of Land , Agriculture , Founders , Statuaries , Smiths , Carpenters , ●nd all that make use of Wood , or Metals , all borrow ●heir Experience from Geometry . CHAP. XXIII . Of Optick and Perspective . NEarest of kin to Geometry , is the Art Perspective . Now Perspective is an Art , that teaches a Threefold way of seeing Direct , Reflex'd , and Broken : as also the difference of Light , Shadows and Spaces ; how Visibles appear through false Intervals , how the beams of the Sun are receiv'd through one or more perspicuous Bodies , and how they play upon several figures of Bodies ; the several accidents of Object , Sight , and Medium ; and how the Object and the Sight are affected according to the variety of the Medium . Now , as concerning the reason of Seeing , there are sundry and different Opinions . Plato thinks that the sight proceeds from an equal clearness in the Eye , and the Object ; the clearness from the Eye , being caus'd by the flowing of the Light to one extrinsick Air ; that which proceeds from the Body , being caus'd by a reverberation of the Sight to the Eye ; the middle clearness about the Air , being easily fluid , and apt to receive shape , according to the force of the Sight that always extends it self in a firy Form. Galen agrees with Plato . But Hipparchus saith that the Beams extended from the Eyes to the Bodies themselves , touching them as it were with a certain Palpitation , returns back the apprehension thereof to the Sight . Aristotle is of Opinion , that the Images of things pass from the Object to the Sight according to their quality , through the alteration of the middle Air. Porphyrius believes , neither Beams nor Images , nor any thing else to be the Cause of Sight , but that the Soul knowing her self , apprehends and sees her own self in all visible beings . But the Geometricians and Opticks coming near to Hipparchus , have invented certain Cones made by the co-incidence or falling together of the Beams , which are emitted through the Eyes , so that the Eye apprehends many visibles at one time ; but those most certainly , where the Beams meet together . But Alchindu● teaches another thing , which St. Austin thinks to be most true , That the Power of the Soul doth act something in the Eye , which is above humane Wisdome to find out . This Art therefore much conduces to the understanding the variety of Coelestial Bodies , their Distance , Magnitude , Motions , and Reflections ; and is also a great help to Architecture , in the measuring , adorning , and perfecting great Buildings . But in the Art of Painting and making of Landskips , is of so great use , that neither can be done without it . For it shews us how to make Figures seem undeformed , and in Symmetry , at whatsoever height or distance they are to be seen . CHAP. XXIV . Of Painting . PAinting is a wonderful Art , imitating the shapes of Natural things , by an accurate description of the Lineaments , and apt choice of Colours . This was once in such high esteem , that it was accompted the chief of all the Liberal Sciences . Not less Liberal than Poetry , in the Opinion of Horace . — Painters and Poets have free leave With equal power to dare and to deceive . For Painting is nothing else but mute Poetry , and Poetry a speaking Picture ; so neer akin they be to each other : for as Poets , so Painters feign Histories and Fables , and representations of all things ; expressing and figuring Light , Splendor , Shades , Heights and Depths . This moreover it borrows from Opticks , to deceive the sight ; and in one Picture , the scituation being varied , to represent various shapes to the sight : and what the Statuary cannot reach , this attains to : it represents in lively colours , fire , beams , light , thunder , lightning , evening , morning , dawn , clouds , passions of Men , the senses of the Mind , and even almost the Voice it self ; and by falsifying measures and dimensions makes these things appear to be , which are not ; and those things which are not , to appear to be . As is related of Zeuxis and Parrhasius , Painters , who contending both for Excellency , the first shewed painted Grapes , so like , that the Birds flew to feed upon them . The other shew'd a Coverlet only Painted ; which was so rarely done , that when the First went to put it aside that he might see the Workmanship that was under , and found his Error , he was forc'd to yield the Victory to the Latter : whereas , he had only deceiv'd the Birds , but Parrasius an Artist . And Pliny relates , That in the Plays of Claudius there was such excellent Painting , that the Crows have flown to the representation of Tiles , mistaking them for the tops of Houses . And the same Pliny relates , How it had been found by experience , that the singing of Birds has been stinted by the sight of a painted Dragon . This moreover is always attributed to Painting , That in all her Works there is more to be understood and judged of , than is to be seen , as Plutarch has diligently found out in his Icons ; so that though the Art be extraordinary , yet the Ingenuity thereof is beyond the Art. CHAP. XXV . Of Statuary and Plastick . PAinting is accompanied with the Arts Statuary , Plastick , Casting , and Engraving : the Inventions of Laborious Wit , which may notwithstanding be all comprehended in Architecture . The Statuary makes the likeness of things , either in Stone , Wood , or Ivory ; the Plaster performs the same in Earth ; the like Images the Caster performs , by casting melted Brass and other metals in Moulds ; The Graver expresses the same things in Stones and Gems . Of all which , Pomponius Gauricus among Modern Writers hath chiefly Treated . But all these Arts , together with Painting , were meerly invented by the Devil , for the nourishment of Pride , Lust , and Superstition : the Authors were those , who first , according to the words of St. Paul , Chang'd the Glory of the Incorruptible God , into the likeness of Corruptible man , of Birds , of Beasts , and of Serpents : the first , who contrary to Divine Command , that forbids the Graven Image , or the likness of any thing either in heaven above , or in the earth beneath , introduc'd Idolatry so detested of God. Of whom the wise man saith , The Idol is curs'd ; and be that made the same , together with the thing made , shall suffer Torments . For the Vanity of Men , as the same Author saith , invented these Arts , to tempt the Soul of Man , and to deceive the Ignorant : And the Invention it self , is the Corruption of Life . However , we Christians above all other People are so mad , and carried so headlong into this corruption of Life and Manners , that in all our Courts , Houses , and Chambers , we are not asham'd to keep and admire these wicked Ornaments ; thereby to invite Women and Virgins to Wantonness , with the sight of obscene Pictures : nay , we stick not to introduce 'um into our very Temples , Chapples , and over our Altars , to the great hazard of breeding Idolatry . But of this more when we come to Treat of Religion . Now that there is a certain Authority not to be contemned in Statues and Pictures , I learnt not long ago in Italy : where there happening a very great debate before the Pope , between the Austin Fryars , and the Regular Canons , about the Habit of St. Austin ; that is to say , whether he wore a black Stole over a white Vest , or a white Stole over a black Vest : and finding nothing in Scripture that gave Light toward the determination of the Question , the Judges at length thought fit to refer the whole matter to the Painters and Statuaries , resolving to give judgment according to what they should declare they had seen in Ancient Pictures and Statues : Confirm'd by this example , I my self labouring with indefatigable diligence to find out the Original of the Monks Cowl , and not finding any that might resolve the doubt in Scripture , at length I refer'd my self to the Painters ; seeking the Truth of the matter in the Porches of Halls of the Monasteries where the Histories of the Old and New Testament are generally Painted . Now seeing that I could not perceive in all the Old Testament , neither any of the Priests or Prophets , no not Elias himself , whom the Carmelites make their Patron ; I went and diligently view'd all the New Testament : There I saw Zacharias , Simeon , John Baptist , Joseph , Christ , the Apostles , Disciples , Scribes , Pharisees , High Priests , Annas , Caiphas , Herod , Pilat , and many others ; but yet I could not see one Cowl among them All : till at length , examining the whole story over and over again , and by and by in the very Front of the Piece I found the Devil himself with a Cowl on , as he stood tempting Christ in the Wilderness . I was very glad to find that in a Picture , that I could observe in no Writing , that the Devil was the first Inventor of Cowls , from whom I am apt to believe the Monks and Fryars have borrowed the same , though wearing it of divers Colours , if they do not absolutely claim it by Inheritance . CHAP. XXVI . Of Prospective , and Looking-Glasses . TO return to Opticks , to which the use of Looking-Glasses and Prospective-Glasses does mainly conduce ; the Experiments whereof are daily seen in the various kinds of Glasses , Hollow , Convex , Plane , Pillar-fashion'd , Pyramidal , Globular , Gibbose , Orbicular , full of Angles , Inverted , Everted , Regular , Irregular , Solid and Perspicuous . So we read , as Celius in his ancient Readings relates , That one Hostius , a Person of an Obscene Life , made a sort of Glasses that made the Object seem far greater than it was ; so that one Finger should seem to exceed the whole Arm , both in bigness and thickness . There is also a sort of Glass , wherein a man may see the Image of another man , but not his own ; and another , which being set in such a posture and place , gives back no representation ; but the posture being alter'd , presently returns the Object presented . Some that shew all sorts of Representations ; some not all , but many . Other Glasses there are , that contrary to the fashion of all others , will shew the right hand directly opposite to the Right , and the Left directly opposite to the Left. Other Glasses there are that do not represent the Image within , but as it were hanging in the Air. Burning-Glasses there are too , that Collecting the beams of the Sun into one point , kindle fire at a distance upon any Combustible Matter . Little Perspicuous Glasses also are not without thier Impostures ; that is to say , to make a little thing appear great ; those that are afar off , neer ; those things or places that are neer , afar off ; those that are above us , below us ; those things that are below us , above us , or in any other posture or situation whatever . There are other of these Glasses that make one Object appear to be many , and will represent things with divers Colours like the Rainbow ; as also , in divers Shapes and Figures . And I my self have learnt to make Glasses , wherein , while the Sun shines , you may discern for the distance of Three or Four Miles together , whatever places are enlightned or over-spread with his Beams . And this is to be admired in plain Glasses , that by how much the less they are , so much less than themselves they will represent the Object ; but let them be never so big , yet shall they not represent the Object ever a whit the larger : which when St. Austin consider'd , writing to Nibridius , he conceives it to be something of an occult Mystery . However , they are vain and useless things , invented only for Ostentation and idle Pleasure . Many both Greek and Latine have Treated of Looking-Glasses and Perspectives , but above all the rest , Vitellius . CHAP. XXVI . Of Cosmimetry . LET us have a few words now concerning Cosmimetry , which is divided into Cosmography and Geography : both measure the World , and distinguish it into Parts ; the First , according to a method drawn from the Heavenly Bodies , by distinguishing Places as they are Situated under such Stars or Constellations , measuring them by Scales of Degrees , or Minutes , by Climates , by the difference of Day or Night , Points of the Winds , various risings of the Stars , Elevations of the Pole , Parallels , Meridians , shadows of Gnomons , and the like ; all which is performed by Mathematical Rules . The Second not regarding any thing of the Celestial Bodies , measures the World by Furlongs and Miles ; divides it into Mountains , Woods , Lakes , Rivers , Seas and Shores , Nations , People , Kingdoms , Provinces , Cities , Ports , and whatever else is worthy taking Notice of . They Native Customes , Native Habits shew , And what each Region suffers there to grow . And in imitation of Painting according to the Rules of Geometry and Perspective , describe the whole World in Plain Tables or Maps . In little Volumes Painting all the World. Of this they reckon Chorography to be a part , which undertaking the particular Description of particular Places , sets them out more fully and accurately . Each part distinguish'd , various order yields Of Vines , of Woods , of Meadows , Fountains , Fields . Behold , how swelling Streams the Ocean fill ! There falls a Valley , there a mounting Hill With wooddy top assails the distant Stars . All these things , and whatever we have before spoken of in this Chapter , Cosmimetry teaches in chief . But what Authors shall instruct us in this Art ! so manifold are the Contentions among them about Bounds , Longitudes , Latitudes , Magnitudes , Measures , Distances , Climates , and Qualities of Countries . All which Eratosthenes has one way explained , Strabo another ; another way Marinus ; another way Ptolomy ; another way Dionysius ; another way the Later Authors . Neither do they agree about the Navil or Middle of the Earth , which Ptolomy places under the Equinoctial Circle ; Strabo believes it to be the Mountain Parnassus in Greece : with whom Plutarch , and Lactantius the Grammarian agree , and believe , That in the time of the Deluge it was the only Mark of distinction between the Skies and the Water . When all the World lay all in Water drown'd , This only appear'd , the Waters utmost bound . But if this reason be the only satisfactory reason of that Opinion , then shall not Parnassus of Greece , but Gordicus a Mountain of Armenia be the Navel of the Earth , which , as Berosus testifies , first appearing above the Waters , was the first resting Place of the Ark. Others Assign other places , and how the middle of the Earth was found out by the flying of Eagles . There are some Divines , who thrusting their Sickle into this Corn , will have Jerusalem to be the Middle of the Earth ; because it is written by the Prophet , God hath wrought Salvation in the middle of the Earth . Lucretius , Lactantius , and Austin , fall under the same Censure , who have so constantly deny'd the Antipodes ; as also those who deny any other Habitable Part beyond Europe , Asia , and Africa ; which notwithstanding we find to be utterly false , by the Voyages and Discoveries of the Spaniards and Portugals ; who also confirm to us all the Torrid Zone to be Inhabited , contrary to the Fables and Trifles of the Poets . Other Errors of the Geographers we have recited in the Chapter of History . Now this Art that undertakes to teach us to Describe and Measure so large a World , such unsearchable Seas , and discover to us the Scituation of all Islands and Regions , Bounds , and remarkable Places ; together with the Originals , Customs , Manners , and different Dispositions of innumerable Nations , what fruit doth it further yield us ? but only that it makes us covetous to pry into the Concernments of other people , while we forget our selves ; and as St. Austin in his Confession saith , Men Travel to admire the high Mountains , the Prodigious Waves of the Sea , the large and dismal Falls of Rivers , the Compass of the Ocean , and the Rounds of the Stars ; but in the mean time , forsake themselves . Pliny saith , That it is a madness to Measure the Earth ; which while we endeavour to measure , we go our selves beyond all bounds . CHAP. XXVIII . Of Architecture . NO doubt but Architecture seems to bring great advantages and ornaments both to publick and private Building . This makes us Walls and Roofs , Mills and Carts , Rivers , Ships , Temples , Churches , Towers , fenced Walls and Fortifications , and all other Engines , either to defend or adorn both Publick and Private Buildings ; a very necessary and honest Art , did it not so much bewitch the minds of Men , that there is no man scarce to be found , if his Wealth will permit him , who does not wholly employ himself , either in Re-building , or adding to that which is well and decently already done : through which insatiable desire of Building it happens , that there is no end or bound thereof : but to please Fancie , Rocks have been cut , Vallies fill'd up , the bowels of the Earth digg'd into , Promontories made over the Sea , the currents of Rivers turn'd , Seas joyn'd to Seas , Lakes exhaust , Pools dryed up , the Seas curl'd , the depth of the Ocean search'd into , and New Islands have been made . All which things though they seem to have been done in desyance of Nature , yet have brought not a little advantage to the Publick . But let us compare with these , all those other things that are of no use at all but for men to gaze and stare at , and out of vain Ostentation to shew the vastness of the Builders Wealth ; such as are the superstitious Wonders of the Aegyptians , Greeks , Hetrurians , Babylonians , and other Nations ; their Labyrinths , Pyramids , Obelisques , Colosses , Mausoleum , the Monstrous Statues of Rapsinatis , Sesostres , and Amasis , and that Extravagant Sphynx , in which King Amasis was said to be Entomb'd . For , saith Pliny , it was hew'd out of a Natural Red-stone ; the compass of the Head was One hundred and two foot round the Fore-head ; the length thereof One hundred forty three . But there are greater Wonders than this , the stupendious work of Memnon and Semiramis , in Bagisianum , a Mountain of Media , a vast E●figies , containing Seventeen Furlongs in bigness . Which had been far exceeded by that Architect , whoever he were , whether Stesicrates , as Plutarch reports ; or Democrates , as Vitruvius asserts , who propos'd to have made an Effigies of Alexander out of the Mountain Athos , which should have held in the hand thereof a City capable to receive Ten thousand men . We may add to these the Babylonian Den , the Basis whereof was a full Furlong in Compass , as Herodotus witnesseth ▪ together with that famous Tower which was made to swim in the wide Sea , upon the backs of Glass Lobsters . With these may be number'd the Gordian Edifices , the Triumphal Arches , the vast Temples of the Gods ; that especially in Ephesus Dedicated to Diana , which was two hundred Years in Building , at the Expences of all Asia : and that Chappel dedicated to Latona , built in Aegypt all of one Stone , broad in Front forty Cubits , and cover'd over also with one entire Stone : as also , the Statue of Nebuchodonosor King of Assyria , all of pure Gold , sixty Cubits in bigness ; which it was a Capital Crime not to Worship : and another Statue Forty Cubits high , fram'd all out of one entire Topaze , in honour of an Aegyptian Queen . Not unlike these are the Temples Erected in our days with most lofty Towers and Spires , vast heaps of Stones , rising to an Incomparable and Prodigious Height ; together with innumerable Steeples for Bells , erected at the vast expence of money drain'd under the pretence of Pious uses and Charity , which had been better improv'd to the relief of thousands of the Poor , who being the true Temples of God , perish in the mean time with hunger , cold , and sickness , more proper to be kept in repair with those Sacred Alms. Now what Destructions , what Devastations this Art Causes among Men , whose Warlike Engines of Batteries , Catapults , Scorpions , Slings , and other manifold instruments of Death , fram'd by the chief industry and invention of her Professors ; so many Nations thereby ruin'd , so many Cities thereby destroy'd , do afford sufficient Testimony : and of this , not only by Land , but by Sea , whole Navies built only for fight and combat do give evident proof : wherein men do not seem so much to Navigate , as to Inhabit the most dangerous Seas , which as they are of themselves full of hazard and terror , by these Ships are render'd far more unsecure and terrible to us ; therein , as on the solid Land , Fighting and Robbing one another . The first that writ of Architecture was Agatarebus , an Athenian ; afterwards Democritus and Anaxagoras ; after them Silenus , Archimenides , Aristotle , Theophrastus , Cato , Varro , Pliny ; and Lastly , Vitruvius , and Nigrigentus . Of Modern Authors , Leo Baptista , Friar Lucas , and Albertus Duretus . CHAP. XXIX . Of Miners and Metals . TO Architecture is adjoyn'd Mining and Digging of Metals ; an Art of no small ingenuity , discovering by the very Superficies of the Earth , either in Plain or Mountain , what Veins are there to be found , how far they extend their bounds and sides , and how to undertop the hollow and empty bowels of the Earth : concerning which , Strato Lampsacus , among the Ancients , hath written a large Treatise , Entituled , De Machinis Metallicis . Though how out of the Metallick Oar , to consolidate and purifie the true Metal by fire ; or if mixt , how to separate them , few or none have hitherto taken the pains to teach ; perhaps because that being an Art too Mechanick and Servile , learned and ingenious Men have thought it beneath their Studies . However , being my self some years since made Overseer of some certain Mines by his Imperial Majesty , searching diligently into the Nature of all those things , I began to write a special Treatise thereof , which I have yet in my hands , continually adding and correcting the same , as my Experience and Knowledge encreased ; intending to omit nothing that may serve to further the Invention and Knowledge thereof , whether in relation to the searching and discerning of the Vein , melting the Oar , under-propping of Mines , framing all manner o● Engines , and whatever else belongs thereto : Mysteries hitherto altogether hidden before . By means of this Art , we come to be Possessors of all Humane Wealth ; the eager desire whereof hath so invaded Mortals , that they make their approaches to Hell , and seek Riches in the very mansions of the Infernal Ghosts ; as Ovid elegantly describes it . Deep in the Bowels of the Earth they toyl ; There what she strove neer Stygian shades to hide , They dig up Wealth , the baneful Root of Pride , Now fatal Steel , but far more fatal Gold , With gain bewitch'd did Mortals first behold . Desire of gain , that Truth and Vertue chas'd , And in their room Deceit and Treason plac'd . Or as another Poet doth express himself , Now Truth is driven out by Gold , By Gold our Laws are bought and sold. Certainly therefore he first found out the greatest plague of Humane life , that first found out Mynes of Gold , and other Veins of Metal . These men have made the very ground the more hurtful and pestiferous , by how much they are m●re rash and venturous than they that hazard themselves in the deep to dive for Pearl . Concerning the places where these Metals are found , Authors do very much vary . Lead , they say , was first found in the Islands called Cassiterides , not far from Spain : Brass in Cyprus , Iron in Crete , Gold and Silver in Pangaeus a Mountain of Thracia : At length they infected the whole world ; onely the Scythians , as Soline relates , condemn'd the use of Gold and Silver , resolving to keep themselves eternally free from publick avarice . There was an antient Law among the Romans against the superfluity of Gold. And indeed , it were to be wish'd that m●n would aspire with the same eagerness to Heaven , that they descend into the Bowels of the Earth , allur'd with that vein of Riches , which are so far from making a man happy , that many repent too often of their time and labour so ill bestow'd . CHAP. XXX . Of Astronomy . IN the next place , Astrology offers it self , otherwise called Astronomy ; an Art altogether fallacious , and more to be derided than the Fables of the Poets ; whose Professors are a sort of confident persons , Authors of Prodigies ; who with an impious Confidence and Curiosity , at their own peasures , beyond humane ability , undertake to erect Celestial Orbs , and to describe the measures , motions , figures , shapes , number , and reciprocal harmony of the Stars , as if they had long convers'd in Heaven , and were but newly descended thence : however , among themselves of most different and dissenting Opinions , even concerning those things by which they say all things are kept up and subsist : that I may well say with Pliny , that the incertainty and inconstancy of this Art , plainly argues it to be no Art at all ; of whose very Fundamentals the Indians think one thing , the Egyptians another , the Moors another , the Caldeans another , the Jews another , the Arabians another , the Latins another , the Antients another , the Moderns another . For Plato , Proclus , Aristotle , Averroes , and almost all the Astrologers before Alphonsus , treating of the number of the Spheres , reckon up but onely eight Spheres ; though Averroes and Rabbi Isaac aver , that one Hermes and some Babylonians did adde a ninth : to which Opinion Azarcheles the Moore adheres , with whom Albertus Teutonicus agreed , in his time , for what notorious fact I know not , called the Great ; and all those that approve the accesses and recesses of the Spherical Motions . But the later Astrologers have constituted and appointed ten Orbs ; which Opinion the same Albertus believes that Ptolomy also held . But Alphonsus following the judgment of Rabbi Isaac , sirnamed Bazam , held onely nine Spheres ; but four years after , in an Edition of his Tables , adhering to the Opinions of Albuhassen the Moore , and Albategnus , he reduc'd them to the number of eight . Rabbi Abraham Avenezra , Rabbi Levi , and Rabbi Abraham Zacutus , believe no moveable Orb above the eighth Sphere . But they differ very much about the motion of the eighth Orb , and of the fixed Stars . For the Caldeans and Egyptians are of opinion , that it is mov'd by onely one motion ; with whom Alpetragus , and among the Modern Writers Alexander Aquilinus agree : but all the other Astronomers from Hipparchus even unto these times , affirm the same to be turn'd with various motions : The Jewish Talmudists assigne thereunto a double motion : Azarcheles , Tebeth , and Johannes Regiomontanus , added the motion of Trepidation , which they call approachings and recedings , upon two little Circles , about the heads of Aries and Libra : but in this differing one from another , for that Azarcheles affirms , that the moveable head is distant from the fix'd not more than ten parts . Tebith asserts them to be distant one from the other not above four parts , with some minutes . Johannes Regiomontanus makes them distant more than eight parts , which is the reason given that the fixed Stars do not always incline to the same part of the Sky , but sometimes they return to the place where they began . But Ptolomy , Albategni , Rabbi Levi , Avenezra , Zacutus , and among the later Authors Paul the Florentine , and Austin Ritius my familiar Acquaintance in Italy , affirm that the Stars do always move according to the successions of the Signes . The later Astrologers make a threefold motion of the eighth Sphere ; the one which is most proper , and is the motion of Trepidation , which is finished once in seven thousand years ; the second they call the motion of Circumvolution , being the motion of the ninth Sphere , and is finished in forty nine years : The last is made by the tenth Orb , and is called the motion of the Primum mobile , or the rapid and diurnal motion , which turns round in the Compass of one natural day . However , among them that give a double motion to the eighth Sphere , there is great diversity of Opinions ; for all the Modern Authors , and they who admit the motion of Trepidation , say that the Sphere is carried about by a superior Sphere . But Albategni , Albuhassen , Alfraganus , Averroes , Rabbi Levi , Abraham Zacutus , and Austin Ritius , say , that the Diurnal motion , which they call the Rapid motion , is not proper to any Sphere , but that it is made by the whole Heaven . Averroes also confirms it , that Ptolomy in his Book intitled Narrations , doth deny the motion of Gyration : and Rabbi Levi saith , that Averroes was in the same opinion with Ptolomy , that the Diurnal motion was the motion of the whole Heaven . Again , there is not less difference among them about the measure of the motion of the eighth Sphere , and of the fixed Stars : For Ptolomy believes that the fixed Stars do move one degree in a hundred years . Albategnus will have them to move so far in sixty six Egyptian years ; with whom Zacutus , Rabbi Levi , and Alphonsus in the correction of his Tab●es , give their assent . Azarcheles the Moore says that they move one degree in seventy five years ; Hipparchus , in seventy eight . Many of the Hebrews , as Rabbi Josua , Moses , Maymon , Rabbi Avenezra , and after them Hay Benrodam , in seventy years ; Johan● Regiomontanus in eighty . Augustin Ritius took the middle way between the opinions of Albategni and the Hebrews , delivering his opinion that the fixed Stars do not move one degree in less than sixty years , nor in more than seventy . But Rabbi Abraham Zacutus , as Ritius declares , by a tradition of the Indians discovers to us , that there are two fixed Stars most diametrically opposite one to another , which do not finish their course , contrary to the order of the Signes , in less time than a hundred and forty years . And Alpetragus is of opinion , that there are many motions of the Heavens which are yet unknown to men ; which if it be true , then there may be also Stars and Bodies proper to those motions , which men have either not been able to behold by reason of the hight , or else they have not fallen within the discovery of any observation . To which opinion Phavorinus the Philosopher assents , in his Oration mention'd by Geliius against Genethliacks . So that it remains most apparent , that never any Astronomer was ever yet in Heaven , to teach us the certain and true motions thereof . Neither is the certain motion of the Planet Mars known to this day : of which Johannes de Monte regio complains , in an Epistle to one Blanchinus : the errour also of the motion of that Planet , a certain famous Astrologer , named William of St. Clou , above two hundred years ago hath left discover'd , but never any one as yet corrected . As truly impossible it is to find out the ingress of the Sun into the Equinoctial points , as Rabbi Levi proves by many reasons . But what shall we say of things since brought to light , and what strange errours were committed about those things in former times ? For many , with Tebith , thought the greatest variation of the Sun to be continually varied ; which we know now to ke●p always one certain measure . And although Ptolomy thought otherwise thereof , yet Albates , Rabbi Levi , Avenezra , and Alphonsus , found otherwise by experience . Otherwise also have they found out concerning the motion of the Sun , and the measure of the year , quite different to what either Ptolomy or Hipparchus deliver'd . Also concerning the motion of the Aux of the Sun , Ptolomy is of one opinion , Albategnus and the rest of another . Concerning the Figures of the Signes , and the considerations and observations of the fixed Stars , the Indians have thought one thing , the Egyptians another , the Caldeans another , the Hebrews another , and Arabians another ; Timotheus is of one minde , Hipparchus of another , Ptolomy of another , and the later Authors of another . I omit their mad contentions , which is the right , or which is the left side of Heaven ; concerning which when Tho. Aquinas and Albertus the Teutonick endeavour to say something seriously , they are yet altogether unable to deliver any thing of certainty . Again , what the Galaxy or Milky way should be , is yet controverted among Astrologers . I omit also all their vain disputes about Eccentricks , Concentricks , Epicycles , Retrogradations , Trepidations , accesses , recesses , swift motions , and Circles of motion , as being the works neither of God nor Nature , but the Fiddle-faddles and Trifles of Mathematicians , taking their beginnings from corrupt Philosophy and the fables of the Poets : Yet which the Professors of this Art believe as true , created by God , and established by Nature ; from these Fictions deducing the causes of inferior accidents , asserting those feigned motions to be the principles of all inferiour motions . These Astronomers a Serving-maid of Anaximenes very seasonably tax'd with a sharp reply . This Maid was wont to walk with her Master , who one day going out a little later than ordinary to look upon the Sky , while he was gazing among the Stars ne're minding the scituation of the place , fell into a Ditch . Then quoth the Maid , I wonder Sir how you can pretend to foreknow things in Heaven , that cannot tell those things that are just before your Nose ? Thales Milesius was reprehended with a like witty saying , by his Maid-servant Thressa . Neither does Tully much vary from either : Astrologers , saith he , while they search and prie into every Coast of Heaven , are ignorant of that which is just before their feet . I my self learnt this Art from my Parents , and have lost not a little time and pains therein ; but at length I found that the whole Art had no other foundation than the meer figments and trifles of imagination : and it very much repents me of the time which I have wasted , and I wish I could absolutely forget and abolish the memory thereof in my minde ; and would wholly abandon the use thereof , unless the violent intreaties of great personages , who oftentimes make use of noble Ingenuities to bad purposes , did not compel me to continue my studies therein ; and that domestick profit did not over-perswade me to enjoy the folly thereof , and with toys to please those that seek after and are covetous of trifles ; I say , Trifles ! for what hath Astrology in it worth notice , unless the Fables of the Poets , their monsters and wonders with which they have fill'd the whole Region of Heaven ? Neither do any sort of people more agree one among another , than the Astrologers and Poets ; onely in that one thing of Lucifer and Vesperus ; the Poets affirming that what day Lucifer appears before the Rising Sun , that day he follows the Setting Sun ; which all the Astrologers deny can be done in one and the same day , onely those that place Venus above the Sun , because those Stars that seem to be at greatest distance from us , seem to appear soonest in their rising , and to set most slowly . But this discord between the Astrologers about the scituation of the Stars and Planets I had quite forgot , had I not had this occasion to remember them , the handling whereof has been more particular to Philosophers than Astrologers . For Plato places the Sphear of the Sun next about the Sphear of the Moon ; and the Aegyptians do the like , placing the Sun between the Moon and Mercury . Archimedes and the Caldaeans make the Sun to be the fourth in Order . Anaximander , Metrodorus , Chius , and Crates , constitute the Sun uppermost , below him the Moon , beneath her the other Planets and fixed Stars . Zenocrates will have all the Stars to move in one Superficies . No less contention there is among them about the distance and bigness of the Sun , Moon , and the rest of the Stars fixed and wandring : Neither is there indeed any constancy of Opinions among them , nor truth of Assertion : and no wonder , when the Heaven it self , which they so much endeavour to search and dive into , is the most inconstant of all , and crowded with Fables and Fictions : for all the Twelve Signes , with the Northern and Southern Constellations , got all into Heaven by the help of Fables , and by these Fables Astrologers live , cheat , and get money , while the Poets their Inventors are ready to starve for hauger . CHAP. XXXI . Of Judicial Astrology . THere is another part of Astrology remaining , which they call the Divining or Fore-telling Part , otherwise call'd Judicial Astrology , which Treats of the Revolutions of the Years of the World ; of Nativities , of Horary Questions , and by what sort of means to foretel and know Future Events , and the Secrets of Divine Providence , thereby to avoid ill Success , and secure the undertaker of Prosperity . Astrologers therefore borrow the Effects and Influences of the Stars from the most remote Ages of the World , beyond the memory of things , even before the days of Prometheus , and from Conjunctions that were before the Flood ; pretending themselves able to display the hidden Natures , Qualities and Effects of all sorts of Animals , Stones , Metals and Plants , and whatever else being part of the Creation ; and to shew how the same do depend on the Skies , and flow from the Stars , and partake of their Influences . A most credulous sort of People , and no less impious , not acknowledging this one thing , That God made the Plants , Herbs , and Trees , before the Heavens and the Stars . The gravest Philosophers also , as Pythagoras , Democritus , Bion , Phavorinus , Panetius , Carneades , Possidonius , Timaeus , Aristotle , Plato , Plotinus , Porphyrius , Avicen , Averroes , Hippocrates , Galen , Alexander , Aphrodisius , Cicero , Seneca , Plutarch , and many others who have diligently laboured in the search of the Causes of Things through all Arts and Sciences , never do remit us to these Astrological Causes , which although they might be allow'd for Causes , yet when they themselves do not rightly understand the Course of the Stars , which is most evident to all wise men , they can never be able to give a certain judgment of their Effects . Neither are there others wanting among them , as Eudoxus , Archelaus , Cassandrus , Hoychilax , Halicarnassaeus , and many others of later date , grave in esteem , who confess , That 't is impossible that any thing of certainty should be found out by the Art of Judicial Astrology , by reason of the innumerable co-operating Causes that attend the Heavenly Influences ; and so Ptolomy is also of Opinion , both for that there are many occasions of Obstruction , as Customs , Manners , Education , Vertue , Empire , Place , Geniture , Blood , Diet , Libertie of Will , and Learning ; as also for that , as they say , the Influences do not compel but incline . Furthermore , they who have prescrib'd the Rules of Judgments , set down their Maxims so various and contradictory , that it is impossible for a Prognosticator , out of so many various and disagreeing Opinions , to be able to pronounce any thing certain , unless he be inwardly Inspir'd with some secret and hidden instinct and Sence and of future things ; or unless by some occult and latent Communication of the Devil , he be enabled with a discerning faculty : which two means he that wants , can never be a true Prophet in Astrological Judgments ; Astrological Prediction not depending upon Art , but meerly upon obscure Chance : And as young People light upon such or such verses in Fortune-Books , not by Art , but by Chance : so Prophesies flow from the brest of an Astrologer by the same Chance , and not by Art ; which Ptolomy witnesses , saying , The knowledge of the Stars is in thee , and thence proceeds ; thereby intimating , that the Prediction of hidden and future things is not attain'd to so much by Observation of the Stars , as of the qualities and affections of the Mind . There is no certainty therefore in this Art , applicable to all things according to Opinion ; which Opinion is gathered and delivered from Conjectures , through an unperceiveable Inspiration of the Devil , or else by meer Chance : therefore is this Art no more than a fallacious Conjecture of Superstitious men , who by the Experience of long time have attain'd to some insight into uncertain things , wherewith to such out a little money ; they many times deceive the ignorant , and are as often deceiv'd : for if their Art were true , and rightly understood by them , whence so many Errors and Deceits continually swimming in their Prognostications ? and if not true , do they not vainly , foolishly , and wickedly profess the Knowledge of things which are not , or are not rightly understood ? But the more cautious among them will not utter their Prognostications but in obscure and ambiguous terms , and which may be apply'd to all things , times , Princes , and Nations whatever . If any thing which they have said do come to pass , then they Collect together the Causes thereof , confirming after the thing is apparent , their old Prophesies by new Reasons , that they may seem to have foreseen : like your Interpreters of Dreams , upon the relation of a Dream know nothing of certainty , but apply their Interpretation to that which happens afterwards . Furthermore , seeing it is impossible in so great a number of Stars , but that we must find some in bad , some in good Positions ; they take occasion from thence of speaking to whom and what they please : foretelling Life , Death , Health , Honours , Wealth , Power , Victory , Off-spring , Friends , Marriage , Magistracy , and many other things : To others , from a bad Position , foretelling Death , Hanging , Shame , Overthrows , Barrenness , Sickness , and Misfortunes ; not by the power of their wicked Art , but by a wicked stupefaction of the Mind , and forcing a necessity of Actions concurring to such Events , drawing credulous people to their ruine , causing also among Princes and Nations most severe Wars and Seditions . Now if it happen that fortune jumps with any of their Prognostications , that among so many ambiguous Vaticinations one or other happen to prove true , how they strut and crow , and fall into raptures and high admiration of themselves ! If they be found to lye continually , and be still convinc'd of falshood , then they excuse it with Blasphemy , fortifying one Lye with another , saying , That a wise man has power over the Stars : whereas in truth , neither the Stars are govern'd by wise men , nor wise men by the Stars ; but both are govern'd by God : or else they cry , That the unaptness of the subject , or the solly of the party , was an obstruction of the Influences ; but if ye require more of them , they are angry . Yet these Fortune-tellers do finde entertainment among Princes and Magistrates , from whom they receive considerable Salaries ; whereas there is indeed no sort or generation of men more pernicious to a Commonwealth , than those that undertake to prognosticate by the Stars , by Dreams , or any other Artifices of Divination , and scatter their Prophesies about : Men always enemies to Christ , and all that believe in him : Of whom Cornelius Tacitus complains : Your Mathematicians , for so they are vulgarly called , are a sort of men , saith he , treacherous to Princes , deceitful to those that believe in 'um ; were always pro●ibited from our City , but never expell'd . Varro also a grave Author testifies , That all the Vanities of superstition flow'd out of the bosome of Astrology . There was a certain Tribute assess'd in Alexandria , which the Astrologers pay , being called Blacenomium , which signifies Folly , because that out of ingenious Folly they made a certain Gain , and because that none but rash and inconsiderate people were wont to consult them . But if our life and happiness proceed from the Stars , what do we fear ? why are we so sollicitous ? Let us trust all these things to God , and the Stars , who can never erre , never do any evil . Let us not dive into things beyond our own capacities , but onely learn to know that which is onely in our reach ; and being that we are Christians , let us leave the Hours to Christ , the Minutes to God the Father . But if the Stars have nothing of force , nothing of power , nothing of influence over our life and happiness , then is every Astrologer a very vain and idle person . But there are a sort of people so very timorous and credulous , that as Children frighted with the stories of Hobgoblins , they believe and are more afraid of those things which are not , than of those things which are ; and by how much a thing seems to be less possible to come to pass , so much the rather are they afraid thereof ; and the less probable a thing is , the sooner they believe it ; who if they were not Astrologers , might eat their nails , or die with hunger . And this strange credulity of theirs , forgetful of things past , negligent of the present , running headlong after future things , is so favourable to these deceivers , that though but one lye told , shall injure the credit and reputation of other men , so that they shall be scarcely believ'd again when they speak truth ; On the contrary , among the Doctors of Lying and Falshood , one Chance-truth shall gain belief of a hundred Publick lyes : In which they who chiefly confide , are the most unhappy of all men , such superstitious trifles always bringing their Adorers into ruine : Which Antiquity witnesseth of Zoroastes , Pharaoh , Nebuchadnezzar , Caesar , Crassus , Pompey , Diotharus , Nero , Julian the Apostate , who as they were most addicted to these Gugaws , so did they perish through their confidence in them : All things falling out most unfortunate to them , to whom their Fortune-tellers promis'd all things favourable and auspicious . As to Pompey and Caesar , whom they both made believe that they should die aged , in their beds , and in great honour , yet both of them came to bad and untimely ends . A perverse and preposterous generation of men , who profess to foreknow future things , in the mean time altogether ignorant of past and present ; and undertaking to tell all people most obscure and hidden secrets abroad , at the same time know not what happens in their own houses , and in their own chambers : Even such an Astrologer as Moore laught at in his Epigram . The Stars , Ethereal Bard , to thee shine clear , And all our future Fates thou mak'st appear . But that thy Wife is common all men know , Yet what all see , there 's not a Star doth show . Saturn is blinde , or some long journey gone , Not able to discern an infant from a stone . The Moon is fair , and as she 's fair she 's chast , And won't behold thy Wife so leudly embrac't . Europa Jove , Mars Venus , she Mars courts , With Daphne , Sol , with Hirce Hermes sports . Thus while the Stars their wanton Love pursue , No wonder , Cuckhold , they 'll not tell thee true . In the next place , it is notorious how they differ from one another among themselves , Jews , Caldeans , Egyptians , Persians , Graecians , Arabians , about the Rules of giving judgment ; and how Ptolomy quite lays aside all the ancient Philosophy ; for which how Avenr●dan defends him ; how Albumasar rails at him ; and how Abraham Avenezra the Jew falls upon the bones of all these . Lastly , Dorotheus , Paulus , Alexandrinus , Ephestion , Maternus , Aomar , Tebith , Alchindus , Zahel , Messahalla , are all of another opinion ; and when they cannot prove what they say to be true , they endeavour to defend themselves by Experiments , and yet they are not all unanimous in that neither . Neither is there less discord about the propriety of the Houses , whence they fetch the Predictions of all Events : wherein Ptolomy is of one opinion , Heliodorus of another , Paulus of another , of another Manlius , Maternus of another , of another Porphyrius , Abenragel of another , the Egyptians of another , of another the Greeks and Latins ; the Ancients and Moderns alike dissenting . Neither can they agree where to place the ends , where the beginnings of their Houses ; which structures the Ancients have built after one fashion ; Ptolomy , Campanus , and Johan Regiomontanus , every one in another distinct manner ; whereby they themselves take away all credit from their own observations , several ascribing several properties to the same persons . An impious Race of men , attributing that to the Stars , which belongs onely to God ; making us that were free born , to be slaves of the Stars ; and when we know that God created all things good , they will be appointing some Stars to be Malevolent in their Aspects , and the Originals of bad Influences ; not without great contempt of God , and injury to the Heavens , in that Divine Senate make all mischiefs and misfortunes to be decreed ; and whatever is done by us out of the depravity of our Wills , which nature cannot avoid , through the corruption of the Subject-matter , all that they Attribute to the fault of the Stars . Neither are they ashamed to teach men to be most pernicious Hereticks and Infidels , while they endeavour to make the gift of Prophesie , the power of Religion , the secrets of Conscience , dominion over Hell , the vertue of Miracles , the efficacy of Prayer , the state of future Life , all these mighty things to depend upon the Stars ; to be granted by them , and the knowledge thereof to be wholly deriv'd from them : For they say , that Gemini being the Ascendent , Saturn and Mars being in Conjunction in Aquarius , That a Prophet should be born in a new part of the World ; and that Christ was therefore famous for so many Vertues , because Saturn and Gemini were together in that place . The several Sects of Religion they make to be govern'd by other mixtures of the Constellations ; Jupiter being nevertheless their Lord and Patron . Jupiter joyn'd with Saturn , governs the Religion of the Jews ; joyn'd with Mars , the Caldean ; with the Sun , the Aegyptian ; with Venus , the Saracen ; with Mercury , the Christian , with Luna , the Antichristian . They say moreover , that Moses instituted the Sabbath among the Jews upon certain Logical reasons that urged him t●ereto ; and that therefore the Christians Erre , that will not observe the Sabbath of the Jews , which is the true Saturday . Next they impugne all Faith both toward Religion , toward Men , and God himself ; affirming , That the secrets of Conscience may be discovered from such a part of the Sun , being in the ninth , third , eleventh houses of the Heaven ; and many have prescrib'd Rules , whereby they pretend to disclose the very thoughts and intentions of Men. Exalting the Coelestial Constellations , above the Miraculous Works of God , as the superintendant Causes of the Universal Flood , the Law given by Moses , and the Child-bearing of a Virgin ; and vainly attributing to Mars the occasion and necessary cause of Christs All-redeeming death . Yea they do affirm , That Christ himself did make choice of his hours wherein to work his Miracles ; and when he rode in Triumph into Jerusalem , what times he knew the Jews could have no power to hurt him ; which was the reason he chid his Disciples in these words , Are there not Twelve hours of the day ? They say moreover , That if any one were happily placed under Mars , being in the Ninth House , such a one shall be able to cast out Devils with his presence only . But he that shall Pray to God , Luna and Jupiter being in Conjunction in the Mid-Heaven with the Dragons-head , shall obtain all his desires ; and that Saturn and Jupiter do promise future prosperity of Life . Moreover , that he who hath Saturn happily constituted with Leo at his Nativity , shall when he departs this Life immediately return to Heaven again . Now who could think it ? as silly and as idle as these Heresies are , yet want they not abettors , Petrus Aponensis , Roger Bacon , Guido Bonatus , Arnoldus de Villa Nova , Philosophers ; Alyacensis Cardinal and Divine : and many other famous Christian Doctors , who have not without great Infamy given their Assent to the same ; and more than that , have been so bold as to testifie and defend the truth thereof . Against these Astrologers of later years , Johannes Picus Mirandula wrote Twelve Books so fully , that he hath scarce omitted one Argument , but with such a force of Eloquence , that neither Lucius Balantius a most strenuous Champion of Astrology , nor any other Hector of this Art could ever defend it from the ruine of those Arguments that Mirandula hath brought against it . For he makes it out by most strong Arguments , That Astrology is an Invention not of Men , but of the Devil ( which Firmianus confirms ) by which he endeavours to exterminate and abolish all Philosophy , Physick , Law , and Religion , to the general mischief of Mankind : for first , it takes away the use of Faith in Religion , lessens the reverence of Miracles , takes away Divine Providence , while it teaches , That all things happen by force and vertue of the Stars , and from the Influences of the Constellations , by a kind of fatal Necessity . It patronizes Sin , excusing Vice as descending from Heaven ; it defiles and subverts all good Arts , in the first place Philosophy , translating the Causes of things from right Reason to Fables ; translating the practice of Physick from the application of Natural and Efficacious Remedies , to vain Observations and idle Superstitions deadly both to Body and Soul ; Abrogating all Laws , Customes and Rules of humane Prudence , when Astrology must be only consulted at what time , how , and by what means to Act ; as if she only held the Scepter that governs humane Life and Manners , together with all Affairs publick and private , deriving an uncontrolable Authority from Heaven , and accompting all things else vain and ridiculous that will not submit to her jurisdiction . A most worthy Art ! which the Devils heretofore Professed , in contempt of God , and to the deceipt of Men. Neither can we think that the Heresie of the Manicheans , which takes away all liberty of Free-will , had any other Original than the false Opinions and Doctrines of Astrology . From the same Fountain sprang that Heresie of Basilides , who believed that there were Three hundred sixty five Heavens , all made successively , and in the same likeness , according to the number of the days of the year ; and assigning to every one of them certain Qualities , Principles , and Angels ; and also giving them names : he calls the supreme Ruler of them all Abraxas , which name according to the Greek Letters contains the Numerals of Three hundred sixty five , to answer the Number of Heavens which he had invented . These things I have therefore set forth , that ye may understand Astrology to be the Mother of Heresie . Besides this same Fortune-telling Astrology , not only the best of Moral Philosophers explode , but also Moses , Isaias , Job , Jeremiah , and all the other Prophets of the Ancient Law ; and among the Catholick Writers , St. Austin condemns it to be utterly expell'd and banish'd out of the Territories of Christianity . St. Hierome argues the same to be a kind of of Idolatry . Basil and Cyprian laught at it as most contemptible . Chrysostome , Eusebius , and Lactantius , utterly condemn it . Gregory , Ambrose , and Severianus , inveigh against it . The Council of Toledo utterly abandon and prohibit it . In the Synod of Martinus , and by Gregory the younger , and Alexander the third , it was Anathematiz'd , and punish'd by the Civil Laws of the Emperours . Among the Ancient Romans , it was prohibited by Tiberius , Vitellius , Dioclesian , Constantine , Gratian , Valentinian , and Theodosius , Ejected also , and Punish'd : by Justinian made a Capital Crime , as may appear in his Codex . CHAP. XXXII . Of Divinination in general . IT willnot be amiss here to bring in those other sorts of Divination , drawing predictions not so much from the observation of heavenly bodies , but of inferiour things that retain a kinde of shadow and resemblance of heavenly things ; that those things being understood , ye may the better understand this Astrological Tree that yields such trashie Fruit ; and from whence , as from a Lernaean Hydra , the Beast of so many Heads is generated . Among the Arts therefore of Fortune-telling Vulgarly professed in hope of gain , are Physiognomy , Metoposcopie , Chiromancy , Soothsaying , Speculatory , and Interpretation of Dreams ; to which we may adde the mad Oracles of former times : All which have not the least of solid Learning in them , nor have any ground of Reason to fix on , but depend upon Chance , familiarity with Spirits , or some apparent Conjectures , which are gathered from ancient Traditions , or long Observations . For all these prodigious Arts of Divination , defend themselves with the Buckler of Experience , and to dis-entangle themselves out of the bonds of hampring Objections , by suggesting to work beyond Faith and Reason ; of all which , the Law takes notice , thus Commanding : Let none be found among you that maketh his Son go through the fi●e , or that useth Witchcraft , or a regarder of times , or a marker of the flying of fowls , or a Sorcerer , or a Charmer , or that councelleth with Spirits , or a Soothsayer : for all that do those things are an abomination unto the Lord. CHAP. XXXIII . Of Physiognomy . PHysiognomy taking Nature for her Guide , upon an inspection , and well observing the outward parts of the Body , presumes to conjecture by probable tokens , at the qualities of the Mind , and Fortune of the Person ; making one Man to be Saturnal , another a Jovist , this man to be born under Mars , another under Sol , some under Venus , some under Mercury , some under Luna ; and from the Habits of the Body , collects their Horoscopes , gliding by little and little from Affections to Astrological Causes , upon which Foundations they Erect what idle Structures they themselves please . CHAP. XXXIV . Of Metoposcopie . MEtoposcopie , to know all things from the sole Observation of the Forehead , prying even into the very beginnings , progress , and end of a Mans Life , with a most Acute Judgment , and Learned Experience ; making herself to be likewise a Foster-Child of Astrology . CHAP. XXXV . Of Chiromancy . CHiromancy fancies Seven Mountains in the Palm of a Mans Hand , according to the number of the Seven Planets ; and by the Lines which are there to be seen , judges of the Complection , Condition , and Fortune of the Person ; imagining the harmonious disposition of the Lines , to be as it were certain Coelestial Characters stampt upon us by God and Nature , and which , as Job saith , God imprinted or put in the hands of men , that so every one might know his works ; though it be plain , that the Divine Author doth not there Treat of vain Chiromancy , but of the Liberty of the Will. These Fortune-tellers have this to say for themselves , That though they judge not of the Events or Effects of things by the Causes of things , yet they judge thereof by such Signs as are taken like Impressions from the same or like Causes , which to the same things continue still the same ; and to things alike , continue still alike . They farther say , That Pythagoras made use of this Art , who made his Conjectures of the Nature , Conditions , and Ingenuity of Children , by the lineaments and features of the Face and Body , and received none into his School but such as he judged capable of Learning . Which was also the practice of Pharaotes King of India , as Philostratus relates . But there is no need to bring any other reason to make manifest the Errors of this Arts Professors , than only that one , that they have no Reason in ' um . Many grave and ancient Authors have Written concerning the same , as Hermes , Alchindus , Pythagoras , Pharaotes the Indian , Zophirus , Helenus , Ptolomeus , Aristoteles , Alpharabius : besides these , Galen , Avicen , Rasis , Julianus , Maternus , Loxius , Philemon , Palamon , Constantine and Africanus : among the Latines , Lucius Sylla and Caesar were mightily addicted to this Art. Of later years , Peter of Appo , Albert the Teutonick , Michael Scotus , Antiochus Bartholomeus , Coclitis , Michael Savonarola , Antonius Cermisonus , Petrus de arca , Andreas Corvus , Tricassus Mantuanus , Johannes de Indagine , and many other famous Physicians : but none of them have been able to make any farther progress than Conjecture , and observation of Experience . Now that there is no certainty in these Conjectures and Observations , is manifest from thence , because they are Figments grounded upon the Will ; and about which , the Masters thereof of equal Learning and Authority do very much differ . Therefore are they most certainly mad , and drowned in Error , that will undertake to foretel by such Signes as these , not only the Complexion of the Body , and Disposition Natural ; but also the very Affections of the Mind , and Chances of Fortune , evident in the judgment of Zopyrus concerning Socrates . Nor must we believe what Appion the Grammarian hath left behind him in writing , that one Alexander did so discerningly paint or express the likenesses of resemblance , that from thence he could tell the certain years of past or future death ; which that they can be known by those Arts , is not so much incredible as it is impossible . But it is given to these idle sort of people thus to dote and frame Chimaeras to themselves by the instinct of the Devil , who by that means leads them from Error into Superstition , and from Superstition into Infidelity . CHAP. XXXVI . Of Geomancy . GEomancy , of which we have spoken before in the Chapter of Arithmetick , is an Art that by certain Points separated either by Chance or by Force ; out of which it composes certain Figures by Numbers Even and Odd , likened to those in the Heavens ; makes a kind of Divination , and therefore by all Writers call'd the Daughter of Astrology . There is another sort of Geomancy which Almadal the Arabian introduc'd ; which by conjectu●es taken from sound , or appearance , as Noise in the Earth , motion , cleaving , swelling of the same , as also by the sounds of Thunder , raises a kind of Divination , or Fortune-telling ; leaning intirely upon the Prop of Astrology , as very observant of hours , of Lunations , as also of the Rising , Setting , and Figures of the Stars . CHAP. XXXVII . Of Augurie . AVgurie , or marking the Entrails of Fowls , of which there are many sorts , is an Art which was held in great Veneration in Ancient times ; even so great was the esteem thereof , that nothing of those things that belong'd either to publick or private Affairs was acted , before the Entrails of Beasts were inspected . This most ancient Art , as Pomponius Laetus testifies , was receiv'd by the Greeks from the Caldees ; the first among whom Amphiateus , Tyresias , Mopsus , Aphilotes and Calchas , were accompted the chief : from the Graecians it passed to the Hetrurians , and from them to the Latines . Romulus himself was a Soothsayer , who first Ordain'd , that the choice of Magistrates should be confirm'd by Augury : and Dionysius tells us , That the Art of Soothsaying was most ancient even in the time of the Aborigines : and Ascanius before he put his Battle in Array against Mezentius , made an Inspection into the Fowl ; and seeing the Augury answered his expectation , he Fought and overcame . The Phrygians also , Pisidians , Cilicians , Arabians , Vmbrians , Tuscans , and many others , observed the Ceremonies of Soothsaying . The Lacedemonians always had an Augur to attend upon their Kings , whom they appointed to be always attending in Publick Councils ; and among the Romans there was a Colledge of Augurs . They who first brought this Art in request , were those that taught how that there were certain Lights of discovery and Revelation that descended from the Heavenly Bodies upon the Inferiour , as it were certain Signes constituted and setled in their Motion , Lying , Resting , Gesture , Walking , Flying , Voice , and Feeding , in their Colour and Working ; wherein , by a certain occult Force , and silent Harmony , they do so far sympathize with the Celestial Bodies , with whose qualities they are affected , that thereby they are enabled to foretel whatever those Celestial Bodies intend to act . From whence it is apparent , that this sort of Divination depends only upon Conjecture , grounded partly upon the Influences of the Stars , partly taken from parabolical Similitudes , than which there is nothing more deceitful . Therefore Panaetius and Carneades , Cicero , Chrysippus , Diogenes , Antipater , Josephus , and Philo , held it very ●idiculous : besides , the Law and the Church condemn it . Of this sort are those Mysteries of the Caldaeans and Aegyptians , which the Hetrurians of old , then the Romans , and now the vulgar sort of Superstitious Heathens adore . CHAP. XXXVIII . Of Speculatory Divination . UPon the same Grounds the Art of Speculatory Divination , is founded which makes interpretations of Thunder and Lightning , and other Airy Meteors , as also of Monsters and Prodigies ; but no otherwise than by Conjecture and Comparison ; which how false and erronious it is , is notoriously manifest . CHAP. XXXIX . Of Interpretation of Dreams . HEre we may usher in the Interpretation of Dreams call'd Onirocritica , whose Interpreters are properly call'd Conjecturers : according to that Verse in Euripides ; He that Conjectures least amiss , Of all , the best of Prophets is . To this Delusion , not a few great Philosophers have given not a little credit , especially Democritus , Aristotle , and his follower Themistius , Sinesius also the Platonick , so far building upon Examples of Dreams , which some accident hath made to be true , that thence they endeavour to perswade Men , that there are no Dreams but what are real . For say they , as the Celestial Influences produce divers Forms in Corporeal Matter , so out of certain Influences predominating over the power of the Fancy , the impression of Visions is made , being Consentaneous , through the disposition of the Heavens , to the Effect which is to be produc'd ; more especially in Dreams , because the mind being then at liberty from all corporeal Cares and Exercises , more freely receives the Divine Influences : therefore it happens , that many things are reveal'd in Dreams to them that are asleep , which are conceal'd from them that wake . With these reasons they pretend to beget a good Opinion of the Truth of Dreams . But as to the Causes of Dreams both External and Internal they do not all agree in one judgment . For the Platonicks reckon them among the specifick and concrete Notions of the Soul. Avicen makes the Cause of Dreams to be an Vltimate Intelligence moving the Moon in the middle of that Light with which the Fancies of men are Illuminate while they sleep . Aristotle refers the Cause thereof to Common Sence , but plac'd in the Fancy . Averroes places the Cause in the Imagination . Democritus ascribes it to little Images or Representatives , separated from the things themselves . Albertus , to the Superior Influences , which continually flow from the Skie through many Specifick Mediums . The Physicians impute the Cause thereof to Vapours and Humours ; others to the affections and cares predominant in persons when awake . Others joyn the powers of the Soul , Celestial Influences and Images together , all making but one Cause . Arthemidorus and Daldianus have written of the Interpretation of Dreams : and certain Books go about under Abrahams Name , whom Philo in his Book of the Gyants and of Civil Life , asserts to have been the first Practiser thereof . Other Treatises there are falsified under the Names of David and Solomon , wherein are to be read nothing but meer Dreams concerning Dreams . But Marcus Cicero in his Book of Divination , hath given sufficient Reasons against the vanity and folly of those that give Credit to Dreams , which I purposely here omit . CHAP. XL. Of Madness . BUT though I had almost forgot it , let us with these Dreamers number those that give a kind of sacred Credit to the Prophesies of Mad-folks , who themselves have lost all knowledge of things present , memory of past , and indeed all humane sense , fondly imagining them to have the gift of Foreknowledg ; as if what the wise and waking know not , Mad-folks and Dreamers should see ; as if God were nearer at hand to them , than to the vigilant , watchful , intelligible , and those that are full of premeditation . Unhappy men that believe such Vanity , that give obedience to such Impostures , that cherish such Deluders , submitting their own Faith and Discretion to their Bellies . For what can we imagine Madness to be , but a departure of Reason persecuted by evil Spirits , convey'd through the Stars , or through the Inferiour Bodies by the bad Angels ? which Lucan seems to intimate , when he brings in Arvus the Thuscan Prophet : In Thunders motion skill'd , and Lightnings bright , And in the downy Feathers airy flight . Then after the City-Procession , after the Offering slain , after the Entrails inspected , he brings in a Potter , thus delivering his judgment : What rage , ye Gods , what w●es do ye prepar● ? If Saturn's baneful Star in topmost Air Should kindle his dull Fires , we then should moan To see Aquarius pour whole Rivers down , And all the World in total deluge drown . If Sol should mount the Nemaean Lions back , In Flame would all the Worlds whole Fabrick crack , And all the Skie with Sol's burnt Chariot blaze These Aspects cease ; but thou that burntst the claws , And firk'st the Tail of threatning Scorpion . What great thing breed'st thou Mars ? milde Jove goes down Oppressed in his fall , and in the Skies The wholsome Star of Venus dulled is , Mercury looses his swift motion , And fiery Mars rules in the Skie alone . Why do the Stars their Course forsaking glide Obscurely through the Air ? why does the side Of Sword-breaking Orion shine too bright ? Wars rage is threatned , the Swords power all right Confounds by force : Impiety shall bear The name of Vertue ; and for many a year This fury lasts . Therefore all these delusions of Divination have their root and foundation from Astrology . For whether the Lineaments of the Body , Countenance , or Hand be inspected , whether Dream or Vision be seen , whethe marking of Entrails or mad Inspiration be consulted , there must be a Celestial Figure first erected , by the means of whose indications , together with the conjectures of Signes and Similitudes , they endeavour to finde out the truth of what is desired : So requisite is the use of Astrology to the Arts of Divination , as if it were the Key that opens the door of all their Mysteries . Therefore how much all these Arts are distant from Truth , is evident from this , that they make use of principles so absolutely false and feigned ; which being such as neither are , ever were , or will be , and yet they will have to be the causes of future Events , what can appear to be more contrary to all Truth ? CHAP. XLI . Of Magick in general . IT is requisite that we should here say something of Magick , which is so linkt to Astrology , as being her neer Kinswoman , that whoever professes Magick without Astrology , does nothing , but is altogether out of the way . Suidas is of opinion , that Magick took its Original and Name from the Magusaei . The common opinion is , that it is a Persian name , with whom Porphyrius and Apuleius consent ; and that Magos signifies in that Language , no more than a Wise man or a Philosopher ; so that Magick containing both Natural Philosophy , and the Mathematicks , takes into the same Society the forces and bands of all Religions ; joyning to its self Goetia and Theurgy ; which is the reason that Magick is generally divided into Natural and Ceremonial . CHAP. XLII . Of Natural Magick . NAtural Magick is taken to be nothing else , but the chief power of all the natural Sciences ; which therefore they call the top and perfection of Natural Philosophy , and which is indeed the active part of the same ; which by the assistance of natural force and faculties , through their mutual & opportune application , performs those things that are above Humane Reason . The Aethiopians and Indians were the greatest admirers of Magick , where there was a great supply of variety of Stones and Herbs conducing thereto . Of this , some think that St. Jerome to Paulinus makes mention , where he saith , That Apollonius Tyaneus was a Magician or Philosopher . Of the same sort were those Magi who bringing Gifts to Christ , did first adore him ; which the Expositors of the Evangels call the Philosophers of the Caldaeans . Such were the Hiarchs among the Brachmans , Tespion among the Gymnosophists , Budda among the Babylonians , Numa Pompilius among the Romans , Zamolxides among the Thracians , Abbas among the Hyperboreans , Hermes among the Egyptians , Zorastes the Son of Ormasus among the Persians . for the Indians , Aethiopians , and Persians always had the pre-eminence in Magick : wherein , as Plato in his Alcibiades testifies , the Children of the Persian Emperours were always instructed , that they might learn to govern the Kingdom by the Pattern of the Grand and Universal Order . And Cicero , in his Book of Divinations , asserts , That no Persian could enjoy the Scepter of that Empire , if he were not skill'd in Magick . Natural Magick therefore is that , which considering well the strength and force of Natural and Celestial beings , and with great curiosity labouring to discover their affections , produces into open Act the hidden and concealed powers of Nature ; so cupoling inferiour with superior faculties , by a mutual application thereof , that from thence many times great and marvelous Miracles have been effected : not so much by Art , as Nature , to whom Art onely shews her self a Hand-maid and Assistant in her operations . For Magicians , as the most accurate inquirers into Nature , taking along those things which are prepared by Nature , and applying Actives to Passives , oftentimes produce effects before the time ordained by Nature ; which therefore the Vulgar take for Miracles , when they are notwithstanding onely natural Operations : as if any person should in March produce Roses , ripe Figs , or Garden-beans ; or should cause Parsly to spring from the Seed into a perfect Plant in few hours ; and greater things than these , as to cause Thunder , Clouds , Rain , Animals of divers sorts ; and several transmutations and transigurations of living beings , such as Roger Bacon is said to have done by pure natural Magick . Of these Operations sundry have written : as Zoroastes , Hermes , Evantes King of the Arabians , Zachary of Babylon , Joseph the Jew , Bocus , Aaron , Zenotenus , Kirannides , Almadal , Thedel , Alchindus , Abel , Ptolomy , Geber , Zahel , Nazaharub , Tebith Erith , Salomo , Astropho , Hipparchus , Alcmeon , Apollonius , Tryphon , and many others ; of which Writings there are many whole and entire , some imperfect , which have come to my hands . Of Modern Writers , there have been but few who have treated of Natu●●l Magick , nor have they left many Writings behinde them ; that is to say , Albertus , Arnoldus de Villa nova , Raymund Lully , Bacon and Aponus , and the Author of the Book dedicated to Alphonsus , which mingles abundance of Superstition with Natural Magick , which many others have also done . CHAP. XLIII . Of Mathematical Magick . THere are besides these , many other imitators of Nature , wise inquirers into hidden things , who without the help of natural Virtues and Efficacies , confidently undertake , onely by Mathematical learning , and the help of Celestial influences , to produce many miraculous Works , as walking and speaking Bodies ; which notwithstanding are not the real Animal : such was the wooden Dove of Archytas , which flew ; the Statues of Mercury , that talk'd ; and the Brazen Head made by Albertus Magnus , which is said to have spoken . In these things Boetius excell'd , a man of a large Ingenuity , and manifold Learning ; to whom Cassiodorus writing upon this Subject , Thou , saith he , hast propounded to thy self to do great things , and to know the most difficult : by thy ingenious skill Metals are heard to roar , Brazen Diomed sounds a Trumpet , a Brazen Serpent hisses , Birds are counterfeited , and they that are incapable of a voice of their own , yet are heard to make a sweet noise : We relate but small things of thee , that hast so great a power to imitate Heaven . Of these delusory Sciences may be said that which we read in Plato's tenth Book of Laws : Art is given to Mortals , which enables them to produce certain posterior and succeeding Inventio●s , neither pertaking of Truth or Divinity , but ce●tain Imitations somewhat akin thereto : Wherein Magicians have adventured to proceed so far , by the help of that ancient and subtile Serpent , the great promiser of knowledge ; that Aping him , they become imitators of God and Nature . CHAP. XLIV . Of Witchcraft . THere is a sort of Natural Magick , which they call Witchcraft ; the effects whereof are wrought by Potions , Philters , and other compositions of Medicaments : such as Democritus is said to have made for the begetting of good , happy , and fortunate Children ; and that other by which we should be able to understand the Language of Birds , which Philostratus and Porphyrius relate Apollonius to have made . Virgil also speaking of certain Pontick herbs : Such Herbs as these when Meris us'd , Streight as a Wolf unto the Woods did flee ; And by their powerful Charms dead bodies rear'd From out their Graves in open Air appear'd . And Crops of Corn to ripeness were improv'd , Streight have I seen to other Fields remov'd . And Pliny declares , that one Demarchus Parrasius at a Sacrifice which the Arcadians made to Jupiter Lycaeus , wherein they offered Humane Bodies , tasted the Entrails of a Boy , and streight changed himself into a Wolf ; by reason of which transmutation into Wolves , Austin believes the name of Lycaeus was attributed to Jupiter and Pan. St. Austin declares also , That when he was in Italy , certain Female Witches , like Circe , giving to certain Travellers a kind of Enchanting Medicament in Cheese , turn'd them into Cattle ; and when they had made them to carry what burthens they thought fitting , they restor'd them again to their former shape : which thing , as he affirms , happen'd to one Father Prestantius . Now , lest any person should believe these things to be meer Chimaera's and Fictions , let him remember how Sacred Scripture testifies of Nebuchadnezzar's being chang'd into an Ox , and that he liv'd upon Fodder seven years together ; though at length , by the mercie of God , he was restored to his former shape ; whose body his son Evilmerodach , after he was dead , caus'd to be thrown to the Vultures to feed on , lest he should rise from the dead , that had been chang'd from a Beast into a Man. And concerning Pharaoh's Magicians , many more things are related in Exodus . But of these Magicians or Witches , the Wise man speaketh but a hard Sentence , when he cries , Thou hast abhorr'd them O God , because they work abominable works by Medicaments . I would have you also farther to understand , that these Magicians do not onely pry into Natural things , but also those things which accompany Nature , and do almost shake off all Relation to her ; as Numbers , Figures , Sounds , Voice , Lights , Affections of the mind , and words . So the Psylli and Marsi called Serpents together , which others with other Charms put to flight . So Orpheus asswag'd the Tempest of the Argonauts with a Song : and Homer relates , how the course of Vlysses blood was stopt by the power of words . Moreover , in the Law of the Twelve Tables , there is a Law against those that did inchant the standing Corn ; whereby it is apparent , that Witches have a power by the force of words , to produce strange Effects , not onely upon themselves , but also upon outward things : All which things , that is to say , to separate the hidden force of things , and either draw them to themselves , and repel them from themselves , they credibly believe themselves to effect no other way than as the Loadstone draws Iron , or Amber or Jet draws Chaff , and as Onions again destroys the Magnetick Power . So that by this Gradual and Concatenated Sympathy , not only Natural and Celestial Gifts , but also Intellectual and Divine may be receiv'd into humane Souls , as Iamblicus , Proculus , and Sinesius gather from the Opinions of Great Men ; and that by this Consent and Harmony of things , Magicians do call up the very Spirits . For some of them are arriv'd at such a height of Madness , that they believe that upon the right Observation of such and such Constellations at such intervals of time , and by such reason of Proportions , an Image being made would receive Life and Motion ; which upon counsel desired , should be able to give Answers , and Reveal the hidden Secrets of Truth . Hence it is manifest , That this Natural Magick inclining toward Conjuring and Necromancy , is often entangled in the Snares and Delusions of Evil Spirits . CHAP. XLV . Of Conjuring and Necromancy . THE Ceremonial Parts of Magick , Conjuring and Necromancy . Geocie or Conjuring , curs'd for being familiar with unclean Spirits , ceremonies of wicked curiosity , compos'd of Prayers and Inchantments , is held Abominable , and wholly Condemn'd by the Decrees of all Lawgivers . Men hateful to the Gods , that stain the Skie , And blot the Stars , though Natures Progenie : The setled course of things they can confound ; Can fix the Poles , send Lightnings on the ground ; Pull down the Heavens , and Hills eradicate . These are those that Invoke the Souls of dead Bodies , who Inchant Children , and cause them to give the Answer of the Oracle ; and as we read of Socrates , carry about with them certain Pocket - Daemons ; and who , as they say , nourish little Spirits in Glasses , by which they pretend to Foretel and Prophesie . All these proceed in a twofold manner . For some of them make it their business to adjure and compel Evil Spirits to appearance , by the Efficacy and Power of sacred Names ; because seeing that every Creature doth fear and reverence the Name of its Creator , no wonder if Conjurors , and other Infidels , Pagans , Jews , Saracens , or prophane Persons , do think to force the Devils Obedience by the Terrour of his Creators Name . Others , more to be detested than they , and worthy the utmost punishment of Fire , submitting themselves to the Devils , sacrifice to them , and Worship them , become guilty of the vilest subjection and Idolatry that may be ; to which Crimes though the former are not quite so obnoxious , yet they expose themselves to manifest dangers . For the Devils are always watchful to intrap Men in the Errors they heedlesly run into . From this insipid crowd of Conjurors have flow'd all those Books of Darkness , which Vlpian the Civilian calls by the name of forbidden Writings . Of which , one of the first Authors is said to be Zabulus , a man wholly inclin'd to unlawful Arts. Then Barnabas 〈◊〉 Cyprian ; and now frequently other Books are Published up and down , under the feigned Titles and Names of Adam , Abel , Enoch , Abraham , and Solomon ; others under the Names of Paulus , Honorius , Cyprian , Albertus , Thomas , Hierome , and one Eboracensis ; to whose silly trifles Alphonsus King of Castile , Robert the Englishman , Bacon , Apponus , and many other of deprav'd Fancies have adher'd . But besides this , they have not only made the holy Patriarchs and Angels Authors and Upholders of their detestable Studies , but also shew several Books which they pretend were written and delivered by Razial and Raphael , tutelar Angels of Adam and Tobias . Which Books notwithstanding , to any one that narrowly considers the Rules of the Masters , the Customes and Ordinances of their Ceremonies , the Nature and Choice of their Words and Characters , their insipid and barbarous Pharases , sufficiently betray themselves to contain nothing but meer Toys and Geugaws , and that they were in far later Ages contriv'd by such as were utterly ignorant of that Magick Profess'd by the Ancients , being ●ounded only upon certain prophane Observations mixt with the Ceremonies of our Religion , with an addition of many unknown Names and Characters , to terrifie ignorant and silly people , and to amuse those that are void of sence and understanding . Neither doth it therefore follow , that these Delusions are Fables ; for unless there were something of reality in them , and that many mischievous and wicked things were accomplish'd thereby , both Divine and Humane Laws had not so strictly provided for the punishment thereof , and Ordain'd them to be quite extirpated from the Earth . Now why these Conjurers make use only of evil Spirits , the reason is , because the Good Angels seldome appear , being only attendant on the Commands of God , and not vouchsafing to be known , but only to upright and holy Men. But evil Spirits submit themselves more willingly to their Invocations , falsely assuming to themselves , and counterfeiting Divinity , always ready to deceive , and delighting to be ador'd and worship'd : and because Women are more covetous of the Knowledge of Secrets , and not less cautious and prone to Superstition , and more easily Deluded ; therefore to them the Devils show themselves more familiar , and make them the performers of many Miracles , as are related of Circe and Medaea ; of many others the Stories of the Poets are full : and Cicero , Pliny , Seneca , St. Austin , and many others , both Philosophers , Doctors , and Historians , as also Sacred Writ , bring many Testimonies ; For in the Book of Samuel we read of a certain Woman-Witch that liv'd in Endor , that rais'd the Soul of Samuel : though most Interpreters agree , that it was not the soul of Samuel , but an Evil spirit that took upon him the shape of the Prophet . Yet some of the Hebrew Doctors aver , neither doth St. Austin to Simplician deny the possibility thereof , that it was the true Soul of Samuel , which before a compleat Year after its departure from the Body , might be easily call'd up , according to the rule of Necromancy . The Necromantick Magicians believe , that the same may be performed by certain Natural tyes and Obligations ; which was the reason that the Ancient Fathers well-read in Spirituals , not without good cause , ordain'd , that the Bodies of the Dead might be buried in Holy-ground ; should be assisted with Lights , and sprinkled with Holy-water , be perfumed with Incense , and pray'd for by the Living , so long as they were above Ground . For say the Hebrew Doctors , All our Carnal Body remains as Food for the Serpent which they call Arazel , which is Lord of the Flesh and the Blood , and Prince of this World : in Leviticus nam'd the Prince of the Deserts : to whom it was said in Genesis , Thou shalt eat the dust all the days of thy life . And in Isaiah , The Dust is thy bread , that is , our Corporeal Body Created out of the dust of the Earth , so long as it remains unsanctifi'd , and not chang'd for the better , to be no longer then at the disposal of the Serpent , but of God , according to the word of St. Paul : It is sow'd corporal , but shall rise spiritual : And in another place , All shall rise , but all shall not be chang'd ; for that many shall remain perpetual food for the Serpent . This foul and detestable matter of the Flesh , the food of the Serpent , lies in the Grave , in hopes of a better Lot , and spiritual Transmutation ; which is already come to pass in those that have already tasted the first-Fruits of Redemption ; and some have attain'd it by vertue of the Deifick Spirit , as Elias and Enoch , and as some are of opinion , Moses ; whose bodies being chang'd into the nature of Spirits , never saw corruption , nor , as other Carcasses , were left to the power of the Serpent . And something to this purpose , it was thought , was the great dispute of Michael with the Devil about the body of Moses , which St. Jude mentions in his Epistle . Thus much concerning Conjuring and Necromancy . CHAP. XLVI . Of Theurgy . MAny there are that believe Theurgy not to be unlawful , which pretends to have to do with none but good Angels , and the Divine Numen himself ; though under the names of God and Angels , it proves to be onely the delusion and mockery of evil Spirits . It pretends no natural Power , but to make use of Celestial Ceremonies , by which they think to attract and reconcile the Divine Natures : Concerning which , the antient Magi have deliver'd several Rules in several Volumes . But the chiefest part of their Ceremonies is , in observing Cleanliness , first of the Soul , then of the Body , then of those things about the Body , as in the Skin , the Garments , the Dwelling , Vessels , Utensils , Immolations , and Sacrifices ; which cleanliness renders them capable of being the receptacles , and fit for the entertainment of Divine Spirits , and is very much encourag'd and commended in Sacred Scripture , according to the words of Esay : Be glad and be clean , and take away the evil of your thoughts . But uncleanness , which often corrupts , and defiles , and infects man , disturbs the most clean and pure Society of Celestial Beings , and chases away the spotless Spirits and Angels of God. It is true , that many times unclean and delusive powers , to the end they may be ador'd and worship'd for Gods , do counterfeit this Purity ; and therefore great diligence and care is to be us'd for the avoiding thereof ; and therefore we have abundantly discours'd thereof in our Books of Occult Philosophy . Now of this Theurgy or Divine Magick , Porphyrius having delivered many things , at length concludes , that by Theurgick Operations the soul may be made fit to receive Spirits and Angels , and to see and converse with them : but that there can be any access to the Deity thereby , he altogether denies . His Rules and Directions are contain'd in his Art Almabel , his Notorious Art , his Art Pauline , & his Art of Revelations , where are abundance of Superstitions to be found , which are so much the more pernicious , by how much they seem more Losty and Divine to the unskilful . CHAP. XLVII . Of the Cabalists . HEre the words of Pliny come into my minde : There is , saith he , another Sect of Magicians , of which Moses and Latopea , Jews , were the first Authors ; which words bring to my remembrance the Cabala of the Jews , which as the constant opinion among the Hebrews goes , was delivered by God to Moses , and thence , through succession of Ages , even to the times of Ezra , preserv'd by Tradition onely , without the help of writing . As of old the Doctrine of Pythagoras was delivered by Archippus and Lysiades , who kept School at Thebes in Greece , where the Scholars learning all their Masters Precepts by heart , made use onely of their Memories instead of Books . So certain Jews despising Letters , plac'd all their Learning in Memory , Observation , and verbal Tradition ; whence it was call'd by the Hebrews , Cabala , that is to say , a receiving from one to another by the Ear : An Art , by report , very antient , though the name be but of later times known among the Christians . Now this Cabala they divide into three parts : the first contains the knowledge of Bresith , which they call also Cosmology , explaining and teaching the force and efficacie of things created , Natural or Celestial ; expounding also the Laws and Mysteries of the Bible according to Philosophical reasons , which for that cause differs little from Natural Magick , wherein they say K. Solomon excell'd . Therefore we finde in the Sacred Histories of the Jews , that he was wont to discourse from the Cedar of Libanon to the low Hyssop ; as also of Cattle , Birds , Reptiles , and Fish , all which contain within themselves a certain kinde of Magical vertue . Moses also the Egyptian , in his Expositions upon the Pentateuch , and most of the Talmudists , have followed the Rules of this Art. The other part thereof contains the knowledge of more sublime things , as of Divine and Angelical Powers , the contemplation of Sacred Names and Characters ; being a certain kinde of Symbolical Theology , wherein the Letters , Figures , Numbers , Names , Points , Lines , Accents , are esteemed to contain the significations of most profound things , and great Mysteries . This part again is twofold : Arithmantick , handling the nature of Angels , the Powers , Names , Characters of Spirits and Souls departed ; and Theomantick , which searches into the mysteries of the Divine Majesty , his Emanations , his Names , and Pentacula , which he that attains to , they account endu'd with most admirable power . By vertue of this Art they say Moses wrought so many Miracles , changing his Rod into a Serpent , the Water into Blood , and plagu'd Egypt with Frogs , Flyes , Lice , Locusts , Emrodes , and Pestilence , slaying the first-born of Man and Beast : By this Art he divided the Red-sea , caus'd Water to flow out of the Rock , brought the Qualls into the Wilderness , sweeten'd the bitter Waters , made Lightning by day , and a Pillar of Fire by night to lead the March of his people , call'd down the Voice of God among the people . By this Art he punish'd the Arrogant with Fire , the Murmurers with Leprosie , Mutiners with sudden Destruction , causing the Earth to swallow them up ; preserv'd the Clothes of the Israelites from wearing out , and gave them Victory over their Enemies . Lastly , by means of this Art , Josua commanded the Sun to stand still ; Elias call'd down Fire from Heaven , and rais'd the dead Youth to life ; Daniel muzzled the Lions mouths , and the three Children sang in the middle of the fiery Furnace . Nay , the perfidious and unbelieving Jews stick not to aver , that Christ himself wrought all his Miracles by vertue of this Art. Solomon , as they say , did excel in this Art , and that he discovered several secrets thereof , containing several Charms against Devils and their Possessings ; as also against Diseases , as Josephus writes . As for my part , as I do not doubt but that God Revealed many things to Moses and the Prophets , which were contained under the Covert of the words of the Law , which were not to be communicated to the prophane Vulgar : so for this Art which the Jews so much boast of , which I have with great Labour and diligence s●arch'd into , I must acknowledge it to be a meer Rhapsodie of superstition , and nothing but a kind of Theurgick Magick before spoken of . For if , as the Jews contend , coming from God , it did any way conduce to perfection of Life , Salvation of Men , Truth of Understanding ; certainly that Spirit of Truth , which having forsaken the Synagogue , is now come to teach us all Truth , had never concealed it all this while from the Church , which certainly knows all those things that are of God ; whose Grace , Baptism , and other Sacraments of Salvation , are perfectly Reveal'd to all Languages . For every Language is alike , so that there be the same Piety ; neither is there any other Name in Heaven or on Earth , by which we can be Sav'd , but only the Name of Jesus . Wherefore the Jews most skilful in Divine Names , after the coming of Christ were able to do nothing , in comparison of their Forefathers . But by that which we have common Experience of , we see , that oft-times wonderful Sentences of very great Mysteries are wrested from the Sacred Text ; that is , nothing but a certain playing with Allegories , which some slothful Persons imploy'd only in the consideration of particular Points , Letters , or Figures , which this Language and manner of Writing easily admit of , take occasion to fancy ; which many times make a noise as if they were very great Mysteries , but are able to prove or evince nothing ; but that according to the words of St. Gregory , they may be contemned with the same easiness , as they are Asserted . Rabanus the Monk has invented several of these , but in Latine Characters and Verses , inserting sundry Pictures , which being to be read which way soever you turn the Letters , declare some Sacred Mysterie representing the Painted History ; which no man denies ; but that they may be extorted out of prophane Authors , no person is ignorant , especially he that hath read the Centones upon Christ , compos'd out of Virgil , by Valeria Proba : all which things , and all of this Nature , are but the speculations of Idle People . But as to what pertains to the working of Miracles , surely there is no man can be so stupid , as to believe there is any force in this Art to accomplish any such thing . The Cabala of the Jews therefore is nothing else , but a most pernicious Superstition , the which by Collecting , Dividing , and Changing several Words , Names and Letters dispersed up and down in the Bible , at their own good will and pleasure , and making one thing out of another , they dissolve the Members of Truth , raysing up sentences , Inductions , and Parables of their own , apply thereto the Oracles of Divine Scripture to them , defaming the Scriptures , and affirming their Figments to consist of them , Blaspheme the Word of God by their wrested suppositions of Words , Syllables , Letters and Numbers ; endeavouring to prop up their Villanous Inventions , by Arguments drawn from their own Delusions . And being blown and puft up with these Trifles , boast themselves to have found out , and to know those ineffable Mysteries of God which are not Reveal'd in Scripture ; by means whereof , they are able to Prophesie , Work Miracles ; all which they blush not with confidence to aver . But it happens to them , as it did to Aesops Dog , who leaving the substance , and catching after the shadow , lost his Food ; who being alwayes busied in the shadows of the Scripture , and laborious in the study of their own Fictions , their Superstitious Cabala , snatching at they know not what , they loose the Bread of Eternal Life ; and feeding upon empty Notions , loose the Word of Truth . From this Judaical ferment of Cabalistical Superstition , I verily believe the Ophites , Gnosticks , and Valentinians came , Hereticks that with the help of their Disciples invented a Cabala , corrupting the Mysteries of the Christian Faith ; and by a Heretical Artifice , drawing and patching together the Greek Letters and Numbers , and framing out of them a thing , which they call , The Body of Truth ; they teach , that without the help of those Letters and Numbers , the Truth of the Gospel cannot be found out , being so various and repugnant one to another , and full of Parables ; written so , that those that have Eyes should not see , and those that have Ears should not hear , but propounded to the Blind , and wandring according to their weak capacities ; so that the hidden Truth is not to be understood by Writing , but by successive Tradition , delivered Viva Voce , which , they say , was that Alphabetary and Arithmantick Theology secretly delivered to his Apostles by Christ himself , and which St. Paul saith , He only speaks among those that are perfect . For these being most high Mysteries , therefore they are not written , nor to be written ; but to be kept in silence among the Wise Men , who are to reserve them in the most secret parts of their Hearts . CHAP. XLVIII . Of Witchcraft . BUt to return to Magick , a part of which is the delusion of Witchcraft , that is to say , of delusions that are onely made in outward appearance , such as are the Phantasms and Miracles dayly wrought by common Juglers ; which is not so much perform'd by Geotick Inchantments , and Imprecations , and Fallacies of Spirits , but by Fumigations , Lights , Philters , Collyries , binding and hanging of Phylacteries and Charms to the parts of the body , Rings , Images , Glasses , and like devices of Magick Arts. Many things are perform'd by Agility and slight of hand , as we see done by Players and Juglers ; which are therefore by some call'd Hand-philosophers , or Chirosophi . Of this Jugling Art there are many Treatises extant , written by Hermes and others . We read of one Pas●tes a Jugler that was wont to shew a great Banquet to an abundance of Guests sitting thereat , which when he pleas'd he caus'd to vanish again out of sight , leaving all the Guests a-dry and hungry . Numa Pompilius also made use of these kinde of Prestiges or Witchcrafts : And we read how that the most learned Pythagoras did once ridiculously act an odd business , which was this : That which came into his minde he wrote in a Glass with his Blood , which being held against the Full Moon , whatever was written appear'd to him that stood behinde , as if it had been in the body of the Moon . To this , whatsoever is written of the changing of Mens shapes , either believ'd by Poets , related by Historians , or credited by some of our Divines . Thus some men seem to have the shape of Asses or Horses , or other Animals ; the Medium Air being disturb'd , or else the Eyes by some Incantation fascinated , such things as these sometimes seem to be done by good and evil Spirits , or else upon the Prayers of good men to God ; as we read of Elisha , when Dothan was besieg'd by the Army of the King of Assyria : but the pure and open sight of God cannot be deceived . Thus the woman , which the people thought to have been a Cow , to Hilarion appear'd to be what she was indeed , a woman . Thus those things which are said to be done by deception of the sight , are called Praestigia . But the transmutation of shape , as of Nebuch●donozor , or of place , and when the Crop of Corn was remov'd into another field , of these we have spoken before . Now of this Art of Witchcraft Iamblichus thus writes : As to what those persons who are bewitch'd imagine , they have no other certainty of the truth of the essence of the action , but what is barely imaginative : for the end of this Craft is not to do things simply , but to extend imagination to appearance , and then on a sudden to remove all signe of any thing . Out of all that hath been said , we must resolve , that Magick is but a mixture of Idolatry , Astrology , and superstitious Physick : And indeed there are a great croud of Hereticks that dayly increase in the Church , who with their first arguments and foundations from these Magitians , who as Jannes and Jambres contradicted Moses , so do they resist the truth . The Ringleader of these , was Simon the Samaritan , who at Rome , under Claudius Caesar , was honour'd with a Statue , for his excellency in this Art , with this Inscription , To Simon the Holy God : Whose Blasphemies are sufficiently related by Clement , Eusebius , and Irenaeus . From the Positions of this Simon , as from a Seminary of all Heresie , sprung those monstrous Ophites , those shameful Gnosticks , Cerdonians , Martionists , Montanians , and many other Hereticks , for gain and vain-glories sake , lying before God ; yet bringing neither profit nor advantage to Men , but leading them into Error and Perdition ; whose believers and admirers , the Judgment of God shall overtake . 'T is true , that being young , I wrote three Books of Magick my self , which I Entitled , Of Occult Philosophy ; in which , what Errors soever I then committed in my Youth , now grown more wary , I do publickly Recant , as having formerly spent too much time in those Vanities . This advantage I got , that now I know by what Reasons to Convince others of the Ruine which those Vanities will lead them into . For while they presume to Prophesie , and Divine , not in the Truth of God , but according to the Operations of Evil Spirits , and boast themselves the Workers of Miracles , not ceasing while they live , and Act by the means of Magick , Vanities , Exorcisms , Incantations , Love-potions , and other Demoniacal Operations , they are all with Jannes and Jambres , and Simon Magus , Destin'd to the Eternal Torments of Hell-Fire . CHAP. XLIX . Of Natural Philosophy . BUT let us now come to things that far surpass all these , the very Maximes of Philosophy it self , which dive into Nature it self , and inquire into the Principles of things by the means of subtle Syllogisms . Which what Truth they have more than what they borrow from the Credit of their first divulgers and defenders , there is no man that very well understands . The Poets were the first Professors thereof , among which were Prometheus , Linus , Musaeus , and Orpheus●s among which , Homer may be numbred . Now what Truth can that Philosophy afford us , which had its beginning out of the Fables and Gewgawes of the Poets ? Which that it is so , Plutarch doth prove , by manifest Arguments , for that all the sects of Philosophers took their Original from Homer : and Aristotle confesses , That the Philosophers are by Nature Philomythi , that is to say , Admirers , or Lovers of Fables . The Sects of Philosophers some have divided into Nine , some into Ten ; But Varro into a far greater Number . So that should one man Assemble all the Philosophers together , it were impossible to find out among them which Opinion were first to be chosen , or what Sect to follow . So repugnant and differing they are among themselves about every particular , maintaining a perpetual War one against another : and as Firmianus saith , One Sect labours to subvert another , to establish themselves and their own Opinions ; neither will either grant the other to be wise lest he should acknowledge himself to be Mad. He that disputes of particular Philosophers , delivers nothing of certainty concerning any one ; which makes me at a stand , whether to reckon Philosophers in the number of Men , or of Brutes : for indeed they seem to excel Beasts , in that they have Reason and Understanding ; but how they should come to be Men , whose Reason is so uncertain , so unconstant , and alwayes staggering upon various and slippery Opinions , whose Understanding cannot find out any thing fixed , either to hold by , or follow , is a very great Quere . The Truth whereof , we shall now shew you more at large . CHAP. L. Of the beginning of Natural things . FOR first , as concerning the Principles of Natural things , upon which the whole Foundation of this Art lies , there is a most deadly Combat among the greatest and wisest Philosophers ; and the Contention is yet undecided which hath determined best . Most perswasive Reasons are urg'd on both sides . For Thales Milesius , accompted by the Oracle the chief wise Man , was of Opinion , That all things had their beginning from Water : His Scholar , and Successor in his School , Anaximander , said , That the beginnings of things were Infinite : but his Disciple Anaximenes held the Infinite Body of Air to be the beginning of all things . Hipparchus and Heraclitus the Ephesian , held Fire to be the first Principle ; to whom Archelaus the Athenian agrees . Anaxagoras the Clazomenian makes Infinite Principles , at first small and confus'd Particles , but afterwards by the Divine Creator reduc'd into Order . Xenophanes said , that there was but one beginning of all things , and that Mutable . Parmenides upheld Hot and Cold , Heat being the Fire that mov'd , and Cold the Earth that form'd . Leucippus , Diodorus , and Democritus , were all for Full and Empty . Diogenes Laertius was altogether for the Air , which he made capable of Divine Reason . Pythagoras the Sami●● set up Number for the beginning of all things ; to whom Alcmeon the Crotoniate adher'd . Empedocles the Agrigentine Discord and Concord , and the four Elements : Epicurus , Atomes and Vacuum or Emptiness . Plato and Socrates , God , Idea and Matter . Aristotle raises up Matter coveting Form by privation , which he makes the Third Principle ; contrary to what he has taught in another place , that Equivocals are not to be reckon'd for Principles . Wherefore some later Peripateticks have set up a kind of impulsive Motion , in the stead of Privation ; which being an accident , how can it be the Principle of Substance ? Or what shall be the mover of this Motion ? And therefore the Hebrew Philosophers admit of no other Principles than Matter , Form , and Spirit . CHAP. LI. Of the Plurality of the World , and of its Continuance . IN their Disputations concerning the World , they are very various . Thales was of Opinion , There was but one World , and that it was the Structure of God himself . Empedocles was of the same Opinion as to one World ; but said withal , that this was a small Particle only of the Universe . But Democritus and Epicurus were of Opinion , That there were Innumerable worlds ▪ whom Metrodorus their Disciple follows , saying , That there are Innumerable Worlds , being that the Causes of them are Innumerable : neither was it less absurd to think , that there should be one World in the Universe , than to imagine one Ear of Corn in a whole Field . But as to the Continuance of the World , Aristotle , Averroes , Cicero , Xenophon , make it Aeternal , and void of all Corruption . For when that they could not understand , whether the Egg or the Bird were first Generated , since no Bird could be without the Egg ; Hence they imagin'd , that this World , and the Beginning of every begotten thing , together with the End thereof , was by perpetual Revolution sempiternal . Pythagoras and the Stoicks said , That the World was of God ; yet as far as its Divine Nature could permit , should be corrupted in time : with whom Anaxagoras , Thales , Herocles , Avicen , Algasel , Alcmeus , and Philo the Jew , concur in Opinion . But Plato affirming that it was Created by God , after his own likeness , denies that it shall ever be destroy'd . Democritus saith , That the World was once Created , shall once be Destroyed , and never more be renewed . Empedocles and Heraclitus the Ephesian were of Opinion , That the World doth every day renew , and every day perish or decay . Let us discourse of any thing which they say proceeds from a Natural Cause ; as for Example , let it be an Earthquake , yet are they at no certainty therein , but wander in Extravagancies ; while Anaxagoras makes the Cause thereof to be the Air ; Empedocles , Fire ; Thales Milesius , Water ; Aristotle , Theophrastus , and Albertus , Subterraneal Wind or Vapour ; Asclepiades , great Mischances , or Devastations , Possidonius , Calisthenes , and Metrodorus , the Destinies . Seneca and others variously dissenting , seem to have labour'd in vain in the search thereof . And therefore the Ancient Romans , when they either felt , or heard of shaking or trembling of the Earth , commanded Holy-days ; but never did Enact to which of the Gods they should be Dedicated , because it was uncertain what force , or which of the Gods was the Cause thereof . CHAP. LII . Of the Soul. IF you desire to know any thing from them concerning the Soul , there is far less of certainty among them . For Crates the Theban affirm'd , that there was no Soul , but that the Body was mov'd by Nature . Those who grant that there is a Soul , suppos'd it to be the most thin and subtile of all bodies , infus'd into this thick and earthy body . Others there be that affirm it to be of a fiery nature ; of which number were Hipparchus and Leucippus , with whom the Stoicks for the most part agree , who define the Soul to be a hot Spirit , together with Democritus , who calls it a moveable and fierce Spirit , mix'd and infus'd into Atomes . Others said it was the Air , as Anaximines and Anaxagoras , Diogenes the Cynick , and Critias ; with whom Varro concurs , where he says , that The Soul is Air receiv'd into the Mouth , heated in the Lungs , temper'd in the Heart , and diffus'd over the whole Body . Others will have it of a watery substance , as Hippias . Others of an earthy substance , as Heliodorus and Pronopides ; to whose opinion Anaximander and Thales willingly agree , both fellow-Citizens with Thales . Others will have it to be a Spirit compos'd partly of Fire and partly of Air , as Boetes and Epicurus . Others , compos'd of Earth and water , as Zenophantes . Others , of earth and fire , as Parmenides . Others affirm'd the Soul to be the blood , as Empedocles and Circias . Some would have it be a thin Spirit diffus'd through the body , as Hippocrates the Physitian . Others , flesh exercis'd by the senses , as Asclepiades . But many others have been of opinion , that the Soul is not that little body , but a certain quality or complexion thereof infus'd through all the particles of the same ; as Zeno the Cithick , and Dicearchus , defining the Soul to be the complexion of the four Elements : Cleanthes also , Antipater , and Possidonius , affirming the same to be a certain heat or complexion of heat , drew Calenus the Pergamenian into the same opinion . Others there are that uphold that the Soul is not that quality or complexion , but something residing in some part of the body , as the heart or brain , as it were in its proper point or center , and from thence governing the whole body . Amongst the number of these , are Chrysippus , Archelaus , and Heraclitus Ponticus , who thought the Soul to be Light. There are others who have thought more freely , believing the Soul to be a certain unfix'd Point , ty'd to no part of the Body , but separated from any determinated Situation , being totally present in every part of the Body ; which whether it were begot by Complexion , or Created by God , yet was first hatch'd and form'd in the bosome of Matter : Of this Opinion were Zenophanes , Colophonius , Aristoxenus , and Asclepiades the Physitian , who held the Soul to be the Exercise of the Sences : and Cretolaus the Peripatetick , who call'd it the Fifth Essence ; as also Thales , who held , That the Soul is an unquiet Nature moving it self ; and Zenocrates would have it to be a Number moving it self : whom the Aegyptians follow , asserting the Soul to be a certain Force or Vertue passing through all Bodies . The Caldaeaus were of Opinion , That it was a Force or Vertue without a determinate Form , but receiving all Forms that are External . So that they altogether agree , That the Soul is a certain Vertue fit to cause Motion ; or that it is else a Sublime Harmony of all the Corporeal Parts , depending however upon the Nature of the Body . The Footsteps of these Men are followed by that Daemoniack Aristotle , who by a new-invented Name of his own , calls the Soul Entelechia ; that is to say , the Perfection of a Corporal Organ , Potentially having life , from which the same Body receives the Principles of Understanding , Perceiving and Moving . And this is the most receiv'd , though most imp●rtinent Definition of a Soul , found out by that great Philosopher ; which doth not , however , declare or make manifest the Nature or Original , but only the Affections of the Soul. There are others that soare somewhat higher than these men ; who affirm the Soul to be a certain Divine Substance whole and individual , diffus'd through the whole and every part of the Body , produc'd in such manner from the Incorporeal Author , as that it depends upon the force of the Agent , not on the Generative Faculty of the Matter . Of this Opinion were Zoroastes , Hermes Trismegistus , Pythagoras , Euminius , Hammonius , Plutarch , Porphyrius , Timaeus , Locrus , and Divine Plata himself , who defin'd the Soul to be an Essence moving it self , endu'd with Understanding . Eunomius the Bishop , consenting partly to Plato , partly to Aristotle , affirms the Soul to be an Incorporeal substance made in the Body ; upon which definition he lay'd the Foundation of all his Opinions . Cicero , Seneca and Lactantius affirm , That it is impossible to define what the Soul should be . Thus it is apparent what great Contention there is among them touching the Essence of the Soul. Nor are the Contentions and Variances less , or less Numerous than their Disputes , when they come to make inquiry which is the Seat of the Soul. For Hippocrates and Hierophilus place it in the Fibres or Ventricles of the Brain . Democritus , in the whole Region of the Temples . Eratistratus , in the Epicranidal Membrane . Strabo , within the space between the Eye-brows . Epicurus gives it room in the whole Brest . Diogenes , in the Arterial Ventricle of the Heart : the Stoicks with Chrysippus , in the whole Heart , and Spirits that surround the Heart . Empedocles seats it in the Blood ; to which Opinion Moses seems to give way , while he forbids his People to eat the Blood of any thing , because the Soul of every Animal is seated therein . Plato and Aristotle , and the more Noble Sects of Philosophers , place the Soul in the whole Body . Galen is of Opinion , That every part of the Body has his particular Soul : For so he makes it appear , in his Book of the Usefulness of the Parts : There are many Particles of Animals , some greater , some lesser ; others altogether indivisible into the Species of the Creatures , yet necessarily every of those wants a Soul. For the Body is the Organ thereof ; and therefore the Particles of the Body are very much different one from another , because the Souls are different . I cannot here pass by a Sentence of Beda the Divine , who writing upon Mark , The Principal seat of the Soul , saith he , is not , as Plato thinks , in the Brain ; but to follow the Doctrine of Christ , in the Heart . Now as concerning the Continuation of the Soul , Democritus and Epicurus were of Opinion , That it dy'd with the Body . Plato and Pythagoras held it to be altogether Immortal ; but that being out of the Body , it retires to some Nature or being like it self . The Stoicks taking the middle way between both these , assert , that the Soul shall leave the Body ; but that if it be not purified and dignifi'd with the excellent Vertues to be possessed in this Life , that then it shall presently dye ; but that if it be endu'd with Heroical Vertues , then that it may attain the Heavenly Seats , and be associated with those Sympathi●ing Natures that stay there in expectance of being joyn'd unto it . Aristotle taught , That some parts of the Soul which remain in Corporeal seats are inseparable from the same , and therefore dye with them ; but that the Understanding , which wants no Corporeal Organ , is separate from the Corruptible Parts . But he is so far from delivering any thing of farther perspicuity , that his Interpreters do wholly abandon the Discourse thereof . Alexander the Aphrodisean saith , That most certainly he held the Soul to be Mortal . And of the same Opinion among us , is Gregory Nazianzene . Against these , Pleton , and Thomas Aquinas in defence of Aristotle , most stiffly stands up , affirming that he was in the right Opinion concerning the Immortality of the Soul. Moreover , Averroes , that most exquisite Commentator upon Aristotle , believes that every man has a peculiar Soul , but Mortal ; But that the Mind or Understanding is Eternal , having neither Beginning nor End ; of which there was but one kind , that all men use in this Life . Themistius saith , That Aristotle held one only Active Understanding ; but that the Understanding capable of Subjects was manifold , and that both were Immortal . Thus through the strange Dissentions and Garboils of these Philosophers , it comes to pass , that there are so many absurd Contests among our Christian Divines about the Original of the Soul ; among whom , there are some that believe that the Souls of all Men were Created at the Beginning , and remaining there as in a Store-house till they come to be us'd ; of which Opinion above all the rest is the Learned Origen . St. Austin also believes , That the Soul of our First Parent had its Original from Heaven , being something Elder than the Body ; and perceiving the Body to be a fit Habitation , of its own accord did covet the same : however , he does not affirm it for any certain or positive Maxime . Others believe the Soul to be propagated extraduce , from Parent to Parent ; and that the Soul is begot by the Soul , as the Body is begot by the Body : of which Opinion was Apollinaris Bishop of Laodicea , Tertullian , Cyril , and Luciferianus ; against whose Heresie St. Jerom fiercely Combats . Others are of Opinion , That Souls are Created daily by God : which Opinion Thomas Aquinas follows , defending himself with that Peripatetical Argument , that seeing that the Soul is the Form of the Body , the same ought not to be Created apart , but in the Body : to which Opinion the Universal Judgment of our Modern Divines adheres . I omit the Degrees , Ascentions and Descentions of Souls , which the Origenists have brought into play , as being neither strengthned by Scripture , nor consen●aneous to the Thesis of Christianity : so little of certainly there is , either among Philosophers , or among Divines , concerning the Original , or indeed the very meaning and definition of the Word Soul. For Epicurus and Aristotle believe it Mortal ; Plato's Circle brings it to the same Station again , in so many years . Some there are that , as Plato says , contract it within the Verges of Humane Bodies ; others diffuse it into the Bodies of Animals : some restore it to Heaven from whence they had it , others send it on Pilgrimage about the World : Some that Compel it to Infernal Hell , others deny any : some say , That every Soul is Created by it self ; others say , They were all Created together . So far Thomas . There was Averroes , who undertaking to broach something more remarkable , First held the Vnity of the Understanding . The Manichaean Hereticks were of Opinion , That there was but one Soul of the Universe , dispers'd as well into Inanimate as Animate Bodies ; but that those things which are without Life , l●●s participate thereof : that Animate things have a greater share , and Coelestial things the greatest of all : and at length they conclude , That singular Souls are but parts of the Universal Soul. Plato also holds but one Universal Soul of the World , but other Souls for particular Creatures ; as if the World subsisted only by its own Soul , but particular Creatures were animated by particular Souls . Others there are that will have but one sort of Souls . Others make a twofold Soul ; that is to say , Rational and Irrational . Others say , there are many , as many as there be species of living Creatures . Galen the Physitian affirms , That there are various and distinct Souls in divers Creatures , according to the variety of the Species ; and moreover , he appoints many Souls in one Body . There are other that place two Souls in a Man , one sensitive from Generation , the other intellectual from Creation : among these we finde Occam the Divine . Plotinus will have the Soul to be one thing , and the Understanding to be another ; with whom Apollinaris consents . Some there are that do not distinguish between the Soul and the Understanding ; but they say , that it is the most Principal Part of the substance of the Soul. Aristotle believes the Intellect to be present only Potentially in the Soul , and that Actually it works from without ; neither that it conduces to the Essence or Nature of Man , but only to the Perfection of Knowledge and Contemplation . Therefore he affirms , That few Men , and those only Philosophers , are endu'd with Actual Understanding . And indeed , there is a great Dispute among Divines , whether , according to the Opinion of Plato , the Souls of Men after they are Departed from the Body , do retain any Memory of things done while the Body was alive ; or whether they altogether want the Knowledge thereof : which the Tomists , together with their mighty Aristotle , firmly assert . And the Carthusians confirm it , from the Testimony of a certain Parisian Divine returning from Hell , who being ask'd , what Knowledge he had left him , return'd Answer , That he understood nothing but Pain : and then citing the words of Solomon , There is no understanding , no knowledge , no wealth in Hell , he seem'd to them to make it out , that after Death there was no Knowledge of any thing : which notwithstanding is not only manifestly against the Opinion of the Platonicks , but repugnant to the Authority and Truth of the Scripture it self also , which teaches , That the wicked shall see and know that he is God ; and that they shall give an account not only of a●l their Deeds , but of all their idle Words and Thoughts . Moreover , there are some that have adventur'd to write and report many things concerning the Apparition of separated Souls , and those oft-times repugnant both to the Doctrine of the Gospel , and the sacred Text. For whereas the Apostle teaches us , That we ought not to believe the Angels from heaven , if they should preach otherwise than what is delivered ; yet the Gospel is so much out of date with them , that they will rather believe one come from the Dead , than the Prophets , Moses , Apostles or Evangelists . Of this Opinion was the Rich Man in the Gospel , who believed that his Brothers and Kindred living would give credit to any one that were sent from the Dead . To whom so vainly Conjecturing , Abraham made answer , If they will not believe Moses and the Prophets , neither will they believe any one that should be sent from the dead . However , I do not absolutely deny some Holy Apparitions , Admonitions , and Revelations of the Dead ; but yet I admonish ye to be very wary , knowing how easie it is for Satan to Transform himself into an Angel of Light. Therefore they are not absolutely to be believ'd , but to be entertain'd as things which are Apocryphal , and without the Rule of the Scripture . There are many Fabulous stories to this purpose , written by one Tundal in his Consolation of Souls ; and also by some others , of which your Cunning Priests and Friars make use , to terrifie the Vulgar sort , and get Mony. A certain French Notary hath also lately put forth a Relation of a Spirit walking at Lyons ; a Person of no Credit , and less Learning . But the most approved Authors that write of these things , is Cassianus , and James of Paradise , a Carthusian . But there is nothing in them of solid Truth or secret Wisdome , tending to the encrease of Charity , or edifying of the Soul ; only they thereby perswade people to Alms , Pilgrimages , Prayers , Fastings , and such other Practical Works of Piety ; which the Scripture nevertheless with far greater Reason and Authority enjoyns . But of these Apparitions we have discours'd at large , in a Dialogue which we have Written of Man , as also in our Occult Philosophy . But now let us return to the Philosophers . All the Heathen , who affirm the Soul to be Immortal , by common consent also uphold the Transmigration of the Soul : and farther , That rational Souls do sometimes Transmigrate into Plants , and Creatures void of Reason . Of this Opinion of Transmigration , Pythagoras is said to be the first Author ; of which , thus Ovid : Souls never die , but in Immortal state , From dead to living bodies transmigrate . I now my self can call to minde how I , When long since Troy the strength of Greece did try , Was then Euphorbus , that my life sold dear , To crown the Conquest of Atrides Spear , Which then my left hand b●re ; I knew the Shield Which late in Juno's Temple I beheld . Much more has been written concerning this Pythagorical Transmigration , by Timon , Xenophanes , Cratinus , Aristophon , Hermippus , Lucianus , and Diogenes Laertius . But Iamblicus , who has many other Abettors , asserts , That the Soul does not Transmigrate out of Man into Brutes , nor return from Creatures Irrational into Men ; but that there are Transmigrations of Souls , that is , of the Souls of Beasts into Beasts ▪ and of the Souls of Men into Men , he does not deny . There are also Philosophers , of which number E●●ripides is one , a greatfollower of Anaxagoras , together with Archelaus the Naturalist , and after them Avicen , who report the first Men to have sprung out of the Earth like Herbs : in that not less ridiculous than the Poets , who feign certain Men to have sprung from the Teeth of a Serpent sown in the Earth . Some there are who deny that the Soul is Generated , and others who deny that it has any Motion . CHAP. LIII . Of Metaphysicks . BUT let us go a little farther , and make it appear , that these Philosophers are not only at a loss about those things that seem to have a Being in Nature , but that they are also at great variance among themselves concerning such as have no Principle or Foundation at all ; it being altogether uncertain whether they be or no ; and which they believe to subsist without Body or Matter , and which they call Separated forms ; which because they are not in Nature , but thought to be above Nature , therefore they are call'd Metaphysicks , and said to be beyond Nature : from thence sprang those Infinite , every way contradictory , and not less impious and unlearned Opinions concerning the Gods For Diagoras , Milesius , and Theodorus Cyrenaicus , altogether deny that there was any God. Epicurus held that there was a God , but that he took no care of things below . Protagoras said , that whether they were or no , they had little or no Power . Anaximander thought that there were Gods Native of Countries , some in the East , and some in the West , at great distances one from another . Xenocrates held , that there were Eight Gods. Antisthenes , that there were many popular Gods , but one Supream , the Creator of the rest . Others have precipitated themselves into such a profundity of Madness , as to make with their own hands the Gods which they intended to Worship ▪ such was the Image of Bell among the Assyrians : which made and carved Gods , Hermes Trismegistus does notwithstanding very much applaud , in his Aesculapius . But Thales Milesius discoursing of the Divine Essence , asserted the Understanding to be God , who Form'd all things out of Water . Cleanthes and Anaximenes held the Air to be God. Chrysippus Deified the Natural Ability endu'd with Reason , or Divine Necess●●y . Zeno ascribes Divinity to the Divine Law of Nature . Anaxagoras , to the Infinite Intellect moveable of it self . Pythagoras would have a certain Soul diffus'd , and passing through the Nature of all things , from whom all things receive Life , to be God. Alcmaeon of Crotona Deified the Sun , Moon , and other Stars . Zenophanes would have God to be All whatever had a Being . Parmenides makes a certain Circumscrib'd Orb of Light , which he calls a Crown , to be God. Aristotle , as if a certain Knowledge of God could be collected from the Motion of the Heavens , hath invented Fictitious Gods of the Nature of them ; and sometimes will have the Mind to be Divine ; and sometimes he calls the World i● self God : sometimes he makes another God far more Supream and Superintendent over it ; whom Theophrastus imitates with the same inconstancy . I omit what Strato , Perseus , Aristo the Disciple of Zeno , Plato , Xenophon , Speusippus , Democritus , Heraclitus , Diogenes the Babylonian , Hermes Trismegistus , Cicero , Sene●a , Pliny , and many others have delivered , whose Opinions notwithstanding are far different from the former , not yet recited . I might here run through all their Debates , and Monstrosities of words , concerning Idea's , Incorporeals , Atomes , Hyle , Matter , Form , Vacuum , Infinity , Eternity , Fate , introduction of Forms , Matter of the Heavens ; whether the Stars ▪ consist of the Elements , or of the Fifth Essence , which Aristotle invented ; with many other such kind of Trifles , that have afforded Men great cause of Dispute and Contention . But I suppose I have made it sufficiently apparent , how far Philosophers are from agreeing about the Truth it self ; to whom , the nearer a man adheres , the more remote he is from any certainty , and the farther he wanders from right Religion . Hence it is , That we find John the Twenty second , Pope , in a very great Error , who was of Opinion , That the Souls of the Blessed should not see the Face of God before the day of Judgment . We know also that Julian the Apostate did Abjure Christ , for no other Cause , than that because being much addicted to Philosophy , he began to scorn and contemn the Humility of the Christian Faith. For the same cause Celius , Porphyrius , Lucian , Pelagius , Arrius , Manichaeus , Averroes , have with so much madness bark'd against Christ and his Church . Hence that common Proverb among the Vulgar , That the greatest Philosophers are the greated Hereticks . St. Jerom therefore calls them the Patriarchs of Heresie , the First-born of Aegypt ; seeing that all Heresie whatsoever hath had its first rise out of the Fountain of Philosophy . By this Philosophy is all Divinity almost Adulterated , so that instead of Evangelical Doctors and Teachers , false Prophets and Heretical Philosophers have appear'd in the World , who have adventur'd to Equalize the Divine Oracles with Humane Inventions ; polluting the same with strange Opinions of Men , have Tranform'd true and simple Divinity ( as Gerson saith ) into swelling and Sophistical Loquacity , and Mathematical Figments . Which St. Paul the Apostle foreseeing , with many times●repeated admonitions commands us to beware left any person should prevail over us , and seduce us through vain Philosophy . St. Austin defends and fortifies his City of God against them . All other Divines and Holy Fathers have condemned it to be wholly extirpated out of the Church . Neither are there wanting Examples of the Heathen , by which we find that they have done the same . For the Athenians put Socrates to Death , that was the Father of the Philosophers . The Romans threw Philosophers out of their City . The Messanians and Lacedemonians never admitted them : and in the Raign of Domitian , they were not only Expell'd the City , but forbid through all Italy . There was also a Decree of Antiochus the King against those young Men that durst take upon them to study Philosophy ; and more than that , against their very Parents that permitted them . Neither have Philosophers been only condemn'd and expell'd by Kings and Emperors , but also exploded by most Learned Men in their several Writings Extant ; of which Number is Phliasius Timon , who wrote a Treatise , Entitled Sylli , in derision of Philosophers ; and Aristoph●nes , who wrote a Play in Contempt of them , which he call'd Nubes , or the Clouds : and Lastly , Dion Prusaeus , who made a most Eloquent Oration against them . Aristides also made a most Learned Oration in the behalf of Four Noble Athenians against Plato ; and Hortensius , a most Noble and Eloquent Roman , hath with most strong and powerful Reasons most sharply oppugned the same . CHAP. LIV. Of Moral Philosophy . IT remains now , that if there be any part of Philosophy that contains the Discipline of Manners , to inquire whether the same do not rather consist in variety of use , custom , observation , and perservation of life , than in the little Rules of Philosophy ; which are changeable according to the times , places , and opininions of men ; and such as threats and fair words teach Children , Laws and Punishments cause men to learn. Of some things which cannot be taught , natural Industry makes an addition in men ; for many things wax out of use , through process of time , and consent of the people . Hence it comes to pass , that that was then a Vice , which is now accompted a Virtue ; and that which is here a Virtue , in another place is compted a Vice ; what one man thinks honest , another man thinks dishonest ; what some hold to be just , others condemn as unjust , as the Laws , Opinions , Times , Places , and Interests of Government vary . Among the Athenians , it was lawful for a man to marry his Couzen-german ; among the Romans , it was altogether forbidden : Formerly among the Jews , and now among the Turks , it is lawful to have plurality of Wives , besides Curtisans and Concubines ; but among us Christians it is not onely forbid , but accompted a most horrible sin . Lastly , that the women should go to Play-houses , and be seen publickly by all persons , was among those Nations accompted no dishonour ; and yet among the Romans so to do , was held infamous and dishonest . However , the Romans were wont to take their Wives with them to great Entertainments , where they went to appear in great Splendor , and abide in the best parts of the house : but in Greece no married wife was admitted to any Banquet or Feast , unless it were among their neerest Relations ; nor was she to converse but in the most retir'd parts of the house , where no man went but the nearest of Kin. Among the Lacedaemonians and Egyptians , it was accompted an honourable thing to steal ; but among us , Thieves are taken and hang'd . Some Nations are so planted by Heaven , that they appear eminent for the unity and singularity of their Customs . The Seythians were always infamous for Savageness and Cruelty . The Italians were always eminent for their Magnanimity . The Gaules were reproach'd for Stupidity . The Sicilians were always subtile . The Asiaticks Luxurious , the Spaniards Jealous , and great Boasters . Besides , several Nations have some particular marks of distinction , which are the more immediate marks of Heaven ; so that a man may easily discern of what Nation such or such a stranger may be , by his Voice , Speech , Tone , Designe , Conversation , Diet , Love or Hatred , Anger and Malice , and the like . For who that sees a man marching in more state than a Dunghill-Cock , in gate like a Fencer , a confident Look , a deep Tone , grave Speech , severe in his Carriage , and tatter'd in Habit , that will not straight judge him to be a German ? Do we not know the French by their moderate Gate , effeminate Carriage , smiling Countenance , pleasing Voice , courteous Speech , modest Behaviour , and careless Habit ? The Italians we behold more slow in Gate , their Carriage grave , their Countenances varying , of few words , captious in Discourse , in their Behaviour magnificent , and decent in their Habit. In Singing also the Italians Bleat , the Spaniards Whine , the Germans Howl , and the French Quaver . In Discourse , the Italians are grave , but subtile ; the Spaniards neat , but great boasters ; the French quick and ready , but proud ; the Germans foure , but simple . In Council , the Italian is provident , the Spaniard subtile , the French rash , the German for profit . Toward Strangers , the Italians are officious , the Spaniard pleasant , the French are milde , the Germans rude and churlish . In their Anger and Malice , the Italians are close , the Spaniards hard to be appeas'd , the French full of threats , the Germans full of revenge . In Conversation , the Italians are prudent , the Spaniards cautious , the French gentle , the Germans imperious . As to their Amours , the Italians are jealous , the Spaniards impatient , the French inconstant , the Germans ambitious . In business , the Italians are circumspect , the Germans laborious , the Spaniards watchful , the French careful . In War , the Italians are stout , but cruel ; the Spaniard full of Stratagems , the Germans fierce and mercenary , the French magnanimous , but rash . The Italians are famous for Learning , the Spaniard or Portugal for Navigation , for Affability the French , for Religion and Mechanick Arts the Germans . And indeed , every particular Nation , whether civil or barbarous , has some particular Manners and Customs particularly imprinted by Heavenly Influence , different from others , not to be acquir'd by any Art or Philosophy , but such as are meerly natural to the Inhabitants , without any assistance of Education . But let us return to those who have publickly treated concerning these things . Those Authors , like the Serpent , have given us the possession of that fruit , by the eating whereof we shall understand Good and Evil ; though they all cry , that it is best for men to follow Vertue , and eschew Vice. But how much more certain , how much more profitable , and indeed how much more happy would it be for us , that we should not onely not commit sin , but also not know it ? Who is ignorant that by that very thing we all then become miserable , when our first Parents learnt to distinguish between Good and Evil ? And therefore perhaps the Errour of Philosophers might be pardon'd , if under the notions of Vertue and Goodness they did not teach us the worst of Evils , and the most shameful Vices . Now there are many Sects of these Philosophers that teach us Ethicks ; as the Academick the Cyrenaick Eliack . Megarick , Cynick , Eroitick , Stoick , Paripatetick with many other such-like . Of all which , that Theodorus , who was honoured with the Title of a God , thus gave his Verdict ; That wise men would not stick to give their minds to Thieving , Adultery , or Sacriledge , when they found a seasonable opportunity : for there is not any one of these that is evil by nature ; and therefore if the vulgar opinion generally conceiv'd concerning these things , were set aside , there is no reason but a Philosopher might publickly go to a Whore without a reproof . This was one of the Maximes of that Heavenly Philosopher , than which nothing could have been reveal'd more wicked , unless it be that which we read in Aristotle , and was also by the Law permitted in Crete , male-Venery , which Jerome the Peripatetick extolls , saying , That the use thereof had been the destruction of many tyrannical Governments . But the words of Aristotle in his Politicks , where he makes it profitable for a Commonwealth that the Vulgar should not be too numerous in Off-spring , are these . The Law-giver , saith he , wisely and carefully ordained many things in relation to temperance in Diet , a thing very necessary ; as also touching Divorcing of women , providing and establishing the use of Males , left the multitude of Children should encrease too fast . This is that Aristotle , whose Ri●es and Customs were condemn'd by Plato ; whence grew that hatred and ingratitude of his toward his Master : This is he who fearing the punishment of his wicked life , fled privately , and in haste , out of Athens ; who being the most ingrateful person in the world to his Benefactors , poyson'd Alexander , by whom he was most liberally and magnificently rewarded ; who also restor'd him to his Country , and trusted him with his Life , his Body , and Soul. This was he , who having an ill opinion of the Soul , deni'd any place of Joy after death ; who filching the sayings of the Ancients , and likewise putting false Interpretations upon them , sought to increase the fame of his Ingenuity by Theft and Calumny . He who at length grown old in wickedness , and running mad out of an immoderate desire of knowledge , was the Author of his own death , becoming a Sacrifice fitting for the Devil that taught him his learning . This is that worthy Doctor so frequent now adays in our Latine Schools , whom my fellow-Pupils , Cullen Divines , have translated to Heaven , having publish'd a Book entitled Of the salvation of Aristotle ; as also another Pamphlet both in Prose and Verse , Of the Life and Death of Aristotle ; upon which they have made a Theological Comment , at the end whereof they conclude , that Aristotle was the forerunner of Christ in Naturals , as John the Baptist was his forerunner in Spirituals . But now let us hear what these Philosophers say concerning Happiness and the chiefest Good , which some plac'd in Pleasure , as Epicurus , Aristippus , Gnidius , Eudoxus , Philoxenes , and the Cyrenaicks . Others joyn'd Honesty with Pleasure , as Dinomachus , and Caliph● . Others in the choice gifts of Nature , as Carneades , and Hierome of Rhodes . Others in Grief , as Diodorus . Others in the Vertues , as Pythagoras , Socrates , Aristotle , Empedocles , Democritus , Zeno Citicus , Cleantes , Hecaton , Possidonius , Dionysius of Babylon , and Antisthenes , and all the Stoicks . Many also of our Divines , adhering to them , do to this day raise great Disputes concerning the connexion of the Vertues , and what should be that common foundation of Happiness , to the building of which all the Vertues ought to meet : For unless they all meet in one , 't is impossible they should make a man happy , though there should be but one wanting . Seeing therefore that the Vertues themselves are in some manner different and repugnant one from another , as Liberality and Thrift , Magnanimity and Humility , Mercy and Justice , Contemplation and Labour ; unless they all concur Harmoniously together , they are not to be esteem'd Vertues , but Vices . Now that wherein they ought all to concur , is Justice , according to the Opinion of Ambrose and Lactantiu● , who together with Macrobius , have followed the Opinion of Plato in his Common-wealth . Others take it to be Temperance , that imposeth a mean in all things . Others will have it to be Sanctity , as Plato in his Epinomides . Others hold it to be Charity , without which all other Vertues little avail , as saith St. Paul ; and upon this Question Scotus , Henry , Thomas Aquinas , and others , have at this day raised very great Disputes . But let us return where we began . Some men have plac'd Felicity in Fortune , as Theophrastus . Aristotle places it in Fortune , joyn'd with Vertue , and the Gifts of generating Nature : as also in Pleasure , varnished over with the profession of Vertue ; as if Epicurus did not defend and shelter his Pleasure under the same pretence . The other Peripateticks thought that it consisted in Speculation . Herillus the Philosopher , Alcidamus , and many Socraticks , held Knowledge to be the chief good . The Platonicks , together with their Master Plato , and Plotinus , never without a smack of Divinity , will not permit Happiness to be separated from the Chief Good. Bias of Pryena constituted supream Happiness in Wisdome ; Bion and Borysthenes in Prudence ▪ Thales Milesius in a mixture of these : Pittacus of Mitylene in well doing : Cicero in leisure from all business ; though when we have sought far and neer , it is onely to be found in God alone . I pass by the crowd of Vulgar Philosophers , that took away all Felicity ; as Pyrrho Eliensis , Euricolus , and Xenophanes ; or else plac'd it in Glory , Fame , Honour , Power , freeness from Trouble , Riches , and the like : as Periander Corinthus , and Lycophron , together with those of whom the Psalmist thus saith : Whose mouth talketh vanity , and whose right hand is the right hand of iniquity ; whose sons are as new plantations in their youth , & whose daughters are as the polished corners of the Temple ; whose garners are full and plenteous with all store ; whose sheep bring forth thousands , and ten thousands in their steets : whose oxen are strong to labour ; who have no decay , no leading into captivity , and no complaining in their streets . Those who enjoy'd these benefits , they accompted happy . Now concerning Pleasure , they all believe as differently concerning it : for , as I told you before , Epicurus makes it to be the Supream Good ; but on the other side , Architas● Tarentinus , Antisthenes , and Socrates , accompt it to be the Chief Evil. Speusippus , and some of the antient Academicks , said , that Pleasure and Pain were two Evils opposite one to the other ; but that was the Good , which was in the mean between ' um . Zeno esteem'd Pleasure neither Good nor Evil , but an indifferent thing . Critolaus the Peripatetick and Plato , affirm Pleasure not onely to be evil it self , but also the fountain of all evils . It would be over-tedious to recite the Opinions of all men concerning Felicity , and to heap 'um up all together ; with which many Scriblers have fill'd whole Volumes . For St. Austin puts us in minde of one hundred and eighty Opinions collected by Varro , touching this very Subject ; the chiefest whereof we have here taken an occasion to repeat . But now let us see how all these Opinions agree with the Doctrine of Christ , and we shall find , that Blessedness and chief Happiness are not to be attain'd or acquir'd by Stoick Vertue , Academical Severity , or Peripatetick Speculation , but by Faith and Grace . You have heard how some Philosophers place Chief Happiness in Pleasure ; but Christ in Hunger and Thirst. Others in Fame and Renown ; but Christ in the Curses and Hatred of Men. Others in Beauty , Health , Mirth , and Pleasure ; but Christ in Weeping and Mourning . Others in Wisdome and Knowledge , and the Moral Virtues ; but Christ in Innocency , Simplicity , and uprightness of Heart . Others in Military Glory , and famous Actions ; but Christ in Peace . Others in Fortune ; but Christ in Mercy . Others in Pomp and Honour ; but Christ in Humility , calling the Meek Blessed . Others in Power and Victory ; but Christ in Persecution . Others in Riches ; but Christ in Poverty . Christ teaches us , That Vertue is not to be acquired but by Grace granted from above ; the Philosophers , by use and Natural Gifts : Christ teaches us to desire the Good Will of all Men , to Love our Enemies , Lend freely , to take Revenge of no body , to give to every one that asks ; the Philosophers , only to those that are able to recompence Courtesie for Courtesie ; and that there is nothing more Lawful , than to be Angry , bear Malice , make War , and exercise Usury . These Philosophers were they that first Erected the Pelagian Heresie , with their Free-Will , dictates of Reason , and Light of Nature . Therefore saith Lactantius , all Moral Philosophy is a vain and empty thing , neither sufficient to instruct men in the Rules of Justice , neither in their duty or Government of themselves . Lastly , it is altogether repugnant to the Law of God , and Doctrine of Christ ; owing its chief honour to Satan . CHAP. LV. Of Politicks . TO this kind of Philosophy Politicks in the next place appertain , which is the Art of Administring and Ordering Publick Affairs . Now Government is divided into three sorts . Monarchy , which is the Government of one Man , or Kingly Soveraignty . Aristocracie , when a few , and those of the Nobility Govern . Democracy , when the meaner sort , or the Common People bear sway . Neer of kin to th●se is , First Tyranny to Kingship ; Oligarchia to Aristocracy ; and Anarchy to Democracy . But which of all these Forms of Government is in the first place to be prefer'd , is not yet concluded among Writers . They who assert Monarchy , confirm their Thesis by the Example of Nature , saying , That as there is but one God that governs the Universe , as there is but one Sun among the Stars , one King among the Bees , one Master-Ram in a Flock , one Commanding Bull in a Heard , one chief leader of the Cranes ; so in a Nation there ought to be but one King , as Soveraign and Head of the Political Body , from which the Members ought in no wise to disagree . This Form of Government Plato , Aristotle , and Apollonius approv'd above the rest ; to whom among those of our own Religion , Cyprian and Jerome adhere . But those who extol Aristocracy , say that there is nothing more effectual in the management of great Affairs , than the Consultations of many , and those the most noble . For the Counsels of the chiefest men ought to be best ; neither can any one man be compleat in Wisdome , seeing that is onely proper to God himself . To the Judgment of these Men , Solon , Lycurgus , Demosthenes , Tully , and almost all the ancient Lawgivers , together with Moses , unanimously subscrib'd . Neither did Plato Diffent from them , affirming that Commonwealth or City to be most happily and firmly Constituted , which was Govern'd by wise Men ; to whom we may likewise add , without prejudice , the most Noble , as being an Opinion Confirm'd by the common consent of all Writers . But they who prefer a Popular State , have dignifi'd it with the most agreeable and specious Title of Isonomie ; That is to say , Impartiality in the Administration of Justice . For therein all things are refer'd to the Common Vote , all Councels are carried on by the Multitude ; the more certain , by how much the greater Number advice is given . Moreover , the Voice of the People is said to be the Voice of God. Hence whatsoever is Enacted by the Generality , whatsoever is Establish'd by the common consent of the People , that seems to be Ordain'd by God himself , and may be presum'd to be best and most just . Besides , they conclude this Form of Government to be safer than that of Aristocracy , as being less subject to Sedition . For the People seldome or never disagree among themselves ; but the Nobles very often , and with great Contention . In a popular Government there is all Freedome and Equality , no oppression of Tyranny : where the degrees of Estates are equal , no man is richer than his Neighbour , but all the People Rule and Command by ●urns . Democracy therefore has been especially commended by Othanes the Persian , Eufrates , and Dion Syracusanus : and we observe at this time the Venetian and Helvetian Commonwealths to be the most flourishing People in the Christian World ; renown'd for their Prudence , Power , Riches and Justice , and no less famous for their Victorious Atchievements . The Athenian Common-wealth also commanding a large Dominion with great Force and Power , was govern'd only by Democracy , all things being acted by the People , and with the People . The Romans also making use of this Form of Government , became Masters of the greatest part of their Empire under Democracy , and were never in a worse Condition than under the Command of their Kings and Nobility ; but chiefly suffered from their Emperours , under whose Command their vast Dominion suffered Shipwrack . So that which of these three Forms is best , is hard to judge , since there is neither of them but has its strong Defenders and Oppugners . Kings , they say , who Command altogether according to their own Will and Pleasure , seldome Govern well , and very rarely without War and great Combustion . Kingly Rule hath also this most unavoydable Mischief in it , that they who before were counted good and just , having obtain'd as it were a Regal Authority , and Liberty to do evil , grow uncontroulable , and the worst of Men ; which is verifi'd in Caligula , Nero , Domitian , Mithridates , and many others . Scripture also witnesses the same in Saul , David , and Salomon , Kings chosen by God : and of all the Kings of Juda , few were approved ; of the Kings of Israel , none . Emperors also , Kings and Princes that now adays Raign , think themselves Born and Crown'd not for the sake of the People , not for the Good of their Citizens and Commonalty , not to Maintain Justice , but to Defend their own Grandeur and Prerogative ; Governing so , as if the Estates of the People were not committed to their Custody , but to be shar'd and divided by them , as their own proper spoyl and prey . They use their Subjects at their pleasure , and as they list themselves , abusing the Power with which they were Entrusted ; Oppress their Cities with borrowing , the Common People , some with Taxes , some with Penal Statutes , others with excessive Subsidies and Imposts , without Measure and without End. Or if some more moderate do release the excess of these Grievances , they do it not in respect of the Common good , but for their own Private ends , permitting their Subjects to be at quiet , that they may live at ease themselves ; or else to gain to themselves the name of being Mild and Just. Others most severely punish guilty Offenders , Confiscating their Goods , and setting great Fines upon their Heads , not caring how many they take in the same Premunire : For as the Offences of Delinquents are the strength of Tyrants , so does the Multitude of Offenders enrich Princes . Being in Italy , I had the honour to be very familiar with a powerful Prince , whom when I once advis'd to suppress the Factions of the Guelphs and Gibellines within his Dominions , he confess'd to me ingenuously , that by means of those Factions , above Twelve thousand Duckets came every Year into his Exchequer . Now where the Nobility Command in chief , there is nothing but Jealousie , Hatred , and Emulation . Rarely therefore they agree in Amity , every one seeking to be Chief , and to make his own Sentence pass . Hence Factions , Seditions , Slaughters , Civil War , and at length , the Total Ruine of the Commonwealth . Whereof there are infinite Examples in the Histories both of the Greeks and Latines . And at this day in most of the Cities of Italy , the Effects of those miscarriages are to be seen . But Popular Government is Universally accompted the most destructive , and worst of all . Apollonius with many Reasons disswades Vespatian from it . And Cicero Affirms , That there is neither Reason , Council , Discretion or Diligence among the Vulgar People , as the Poet also sings . By opposite desires and humours led , Th' uncertain Vulgar move , once taking Head. Othanes the Persian also asserts , that there is nothing more insolent , nothing more stolid ; nothing more proper to the Rabble , than to know ; nothing but headlong , like a Current , to carry all business before ' um . Demosthenes calls the people an Evil Beast . Plato , a Monster with many heads ; which Horace doth not forget . And Phalaris writing to Egesippus , All multitudes , saith he , are rash , mad , slothful , apt to change their Opinion , perfidious , uncertain , treacherous , heady , fraudulent , good for nothing but to make a noise , easie to love or condemn . Hence it follows , that he who in governing the Commonwealth strives to please the people , must be contented to submit to a hundred undeserved Contumelies . Lycurgus being ask'd why he had not erected a Popular Government in his City , Rather do thou , saith he , submit to a Popular Government in thy house . Aristotle also in his Ethicks condemns the government of the people to be the worst of all , but the rule of one person to be the best : for the Commonalty is the Ring-leader of Errour , the Mistriss of evil Customs , and a rude heap of Mischief . No Reason , no Authority , no Perswasions can move , where it either wants knowledge , or is in contempt : Therefore are the Vulgar so indocible and obstinate against all perswasion , whose nature is so unconstant , always desirous of Novelty , despising the present Authority , not to be curb'd by the learned Admonitions of the Wise , by the Precepts of their Ancestors , Authority of Magistrates , or Majesty of Princes . This we finde verifi'd in Socrates , question'd by the Athenians about his opinion of the Gods ; In Capys the Trojan , delivering his judgment about the bringing in of the Grecian Horse ; In Magius the Campanian , advising that Hannibal should not be received into the City ; In Paulus Emilius perswading not to fight at the Batt●l of Canna ; Lastly , in so many of the Predictions of the Prophets of God , no way obey'd or hearkned to by the people of the Jews . Moreover , as to the Laws and Statutes of the people , how is it possible that any of them should be good or profitable , seeing that it is impossible for the popular Multitude to understand which are good , and which are evil ? the greatest part whereof are ignorant labouring Handicraft people , not led by Reason of Justice or Equity , but consisting onely in Number , where there are generally more bad than good : Neither is the determination of Affairs led by Judgment , but guided and turn'd to and fro according to the favour , number and affection of the Multitude : Which Pliny the younger affirms ; for the decrees and choices of the people are number'd , not consider'd . For in popular Consultation , that always carries the day , which not the wisest , but the greatest number think most convenient : among whom , while they all accompt themselves equal , there is nothing more unequal than that Equality it self . Nothing therefore can be rightly order'd by the promiscuous heat and headlong fury of the Multitude ; nor can any thing be rightly amended , that shall be found amiss and disadvantageous to the Commonwealth : rather , those Statutes and Decrees which are made and confirm'd , and found to be most wholesome for the publick good , by the rage of the inconsiderate Multitude , are overturn'd and abrogated . Now among all these so various forms of Rule , and administrations of Government , most Authors have another , compounded of two particular kinds : Such an one did Solon compose , partly of the Nobles , partly of the People ; so making his publick Honours communicable to all . Others thought fit to frame their Political Rules by making a mixture of all three together . Such was the government of the Lacedaemonians , for they had a King who was perpetual ; but he had little or no Command , only in time of War : then had they a Senate chosen out of the richest and wisest part of the Nobility ; moreover , out of the Common People they Created Ten perpetual Ephori , who had power of Life and Death , and were Controulers both of the King and Senate , being Elected out of the Vulgar people . Among the Romans , the Authority of the Senate plainly shew'd that there was an Aristocracy mix'd with their Democracy ; and we find that many things were commanded by the Senate , many things by the People . And at this day , though in many places Kings and Princes do rule at their own pleasures , yet do they make use of the chief Nobility and Gentry in the several Counties and Provinces of their Kingdoms , to transact many Affairs , and of great consequence : from whence hath arose a question , which it is most sate to live under , a good Prince and bad Counsellours , or bad Counsellours and a wicked Prince . Marius Maximus , Julius Capitolinus , and others , choose the latter ; notwithstanding that many grave Authors are no way willing to consent to them ; finding by experience , that evil Counsellors may be corrected sooner by a good Prince , than an evil Prince be amended by good Counsellers . However , for the good government of a Commonwealth or Kingdom , it is not Philosophy nor Kingcraft , nor any other Science that can avail , but the integrity , fidelity , and ability of the Ruler : for a single person may govern best , so may a few , so may the people , provided that in each there be the same intention of Unity and Justice ; but if the designes of each be evil , then can neither rule as they should . But that which convinces the strange rashness of Men addicted to Rule , is this , that when Men in their several stations , some plainly confess themselves ignorant how to Plough and Sow , how to keep Sheep , some how to guide a Ship or govern a Family ; yet there is no Man who does not think himself sufficiently gifted to bear Office in a City , to act a King or Prince , or to command great Nations and People , which is the most difficult thing . CHAP. LVI . Of Religion in General . TO the perfect Weal of a State or Kingdome , Religion is of main concernment , which is a certain Discipline and Canon of outward Rites and Ceremonies , by means whereof , as by certain signes , we are admonished of our Internal and Spiritual Duties . Cicero defines it to be a Discipline teaching us to exercise the Ceremonies of Divine Worship with a reverent Famulatu : which that it is most useful and necessary for all Cities and Governments , the same Cicero , together with Aristotle , firmly holds . For thus saith he in his Politicks , It behoves a Prince above all others to seem Religious . For the People are of Opinion , that such Rulers will do 'um no harm ; and they will be the more afraid to Plot against them , by how much the more they think themselves defended by the Gods. Now Religion is so deeply Rooted in Men by Nature , that it makes the difference more plain betwixt them and Beasts , than Reason . Now that Religion is thus Naturally grafted in us , Aristotle confesses ; besides that it is apparent from ●his very experiment , That as often as we are oppressed with any suddain Dangers , or put to any suddain Affright , presently before we search into the Cause , or seek for any other help , we flye to Coelestial Invocation ; Nature it self teaching us , without any other Instructor , to Implore Divine Assistance . From the Beginning of the World we find , that Cain and Abel did Religiously Sacrifice to God ; though Enoch were the first that taught the Forms and Ceremonies of Divine Worship : for which reason the Scripture saith , That then the name of the Lord first began to be call'd upon . After the Flood , how many several Laws and Ordinances of Religion were Instituted by several persons in several Nations ! For Mercury and King Menna taught the Aegyptians their Forms of Worship . Melissus the Foster-Father of Jove , instructed the Cretans in their Ceremonies . Faunus and Janus Instituted the Rites of the Latines . Numa Pompilius , those of the Romans●Moses , those of the Hebrews . Cadmus also , the Son of Agenor , is said to have brought out of Phoenicia all those Solemn Mysteries , Consecrations of Images , Hymns , Festivals , and other Sacred Rites and Customs , performed in honour of the Gods ▪ which were afterwards in use among the Graecians . Neither did they only give names to the Gods , but also Ordaina what Rites and Ceremonies should be due to each . They held , that there were certain Numens the Protectors of Criminal Offences , and ascrib'd a Deity to Diseases , and evil Accidents : Therefore did the Romans Worship Jove the Adulterer , and Dedicated a publick Temple to the Goddess Feaver , and in their Esquiliae plac'd an Altar to Misfortune . In Hell they also found out Deities to adore , and the Prince of Darkness , Satan , the most miserable , and the lowest of all , they made a shift to Worship , under the Names of Pluto , Dis and Neptune , assigning to him for a Keeper the Three-headed Cerberus , that greedy Monster that Compasses the Earth seeking whom he may Devour ; sparing none , hurtful to all , the Accuser of all Men. From Captive Souls , the Lord of Stygian Lands , For past Offences , Punishment demands : 'Gainst all the shades , remorseless Rage he breaths ; With Furies compass'd , and a thousand Deaths . Here sundry sounds of sundry wayling Pains , There Thousand Torments shake their dismal Chains . Th' Aegyptians , together with their Deities , adore Brute Beasts and Monsters ; and there are at this day that Worship Idols and Images . At this day likewise a great part of the World , as the Turkes , Saracens , Arabians and Moors , give Divine Honours to Mahomets ; though the Author , or first Founder of a most absurd Religion : and the Jews yet persisting in their folly , believe their Messiah yet to come . Among us Christians , several Popes , several Councils , several Bishops have prescrib'd several Varieties and Forms of Worship ; differing among themselves , either touching the manner of the Ceremonies , Meats lawful , Fasts , Vestments , Publick Ornaments : or else about Clerical Promotions and Tithes . But one thing overcomes the admiration of Wonder it self , to see how these Ambitious men think to climb Heaven , by the same wayes that Lucifer fell from it . Neither do all these Laws and Rules of Religion lean upon any other Foundation than the meer Opinions and Pleasure of their Founders . Consider from the Beginning of the World how many there were , how many there are several Inventions of Religion ; how many Ceremonies , how many Heresies , how many Opinions , how many Decrees , how many Canons ; yet cannot Religion lead men in so many Ages to the right Path of Faith without the Word of God ; which being once made Flesh , and Triumphing over his Enemies on the Cross , Temples and dols were thrown down , and the Powers of Numens and Oracles ceas'd . The Voice of Pytho's gone , that seldom ●rr'd . Apollo too , so many Ages ▪ heard , Is now in silence lock't . Tby Service done , to thine own Country go ; Return to thine own Altars down below . For no sooner the Word of God came to shine in the World by the manifestation of the Gospel , but all the Gods of the Heathen , being as it were Thunder-struck , fell to Destruction , according to the saying of Christ in Luke , I saw Satan falling from Heaven like Lightning . How far this concerns Faith , Theology , and the Decrees of the Canonists , we shall discourse hereafter : For now we are only treating of Religion , so far as to those Mysteries contained therein , which concern the benefits of the Priest , or that suffice to render the outward face of the Commonwealth sumptuous with Images , Statues , Temples , Phanes , Chappels , Dignities , Pomp and Riches of the Ministers and Ecclesiastical Officers , of which I have Disputed at large , in my Dispute upon the Theological Decrees , held by me at Collen , in the Year 1510 : and therefore I shall the more briefly pass them over now , yet show you , that among those things which were set apart for the decency of Worship , and most proper for the safety of Mens Souls , not a little of the Tare of Vanity and Destructive Superstition has been mix'd . CHAP. LVII . Of Images . THe worship of Images has not been antiently by all people admitted : For the Jews , as Josephus relates , after they had been so often chastized , and indeed at first the most strict observers of the Law , did abhor nothing more than the making of Images . For the commands of God , delivered by Moses , did utterly prohibit the use of Images , either in Temples or in any other place . And Eusebius testifies , that among the people call'd Seres , the adoration of Images was by Law absolutely forbidden . Neither do we read either in Clement or Plutarch , that ( for so Numa had decreed ) there was any Image to be seen , or that was spoken of , for above a hundred and seventy years after the building of the City . Which also St. Austin alleadges out of Varro , whose words most clearly witness , that there was no Image or Idol in the City for one hundred and sixty years ; and that afterwards it came to pass , that by reason of the Multitude of Images and Idols , the Worship of the Gods was not only neglected , but had in contempt . The Persians also , as Herodotus and Strabo Witness , never suffered Images among them . On the otherside , in the honour of Idols there were none more Superstitious and dotingly stupid than the Aegyptians , from whence that Impiety , as from a corrupted Fountain , over-ran other Nations ; which Superstitious Customes , and false Religion of the Heathens , when the same People became to be Converted to the Christian Faith , did not a little contaminate the Purity of our Religion ; introducing Idols and Images into our Church , together with many Barren Pomps and Ceremonies , of which there was nothing thought of among the Ancient and Primitive Christians : Nor can it be imagin'd how strongly and superstitiously Idolatry is riveted into the Minds of the Unlearned Multitude by the means of Images ; the idle Priests among the Catholicks conniving thereat , as reaping not a little benefit thereby . 'T is true , they endeavour to defend themselves by the help of St. Gregories Words ; who saith , That Images are the Books of the Vulgar , whereby the Memory of things is by them the more easily retain'd ; so that by these , they who cannot read , may yet be taught , and by the sight thereof be drawn to the Contemplation of God. However , these are but the humane Comments and Suppositions of Palliating St. Gregory ; and though that good Man might in some sort approve of the Images themselves ; yet it cannot be thought that he did any way allow the Worship thereof . For it is no part of our duty to learn from the Forbidden Book of Images , but from the Book of God , which is the Scripture . He therefore who desires to know God , let him not endeavour to obtain that Knowledge from the handy-work of Painters and Statuaries ; but according to the Direction of St. John , Let him search the Scriptures what testimony they give concerning him . And they who cannot read , let them hear the Word of the same Scripture , where St. Paul pronounces , That Faith comes by hearing ; and what Christ in another place ●aith . My Sheep know my Voice . As also what in another place he avers , No man can come to him unless the Father draw him , and no man cometh to the Father but by Christ himself . Why then do we take the Glory from God , giving it to Pictures and Images , as if they could draw us to the Knowledge of the most Divine Being ? To this we may add the vain and immoderate Worship of idle Reliques . We confess , That the Reliques of the Saints are Holy , and that they thall one day shine with the Glories of Eternity ; Yet to give them Adoration as to the Reilqu●s of D●ities that hear our Prayers , is a most stupid piece of Fascination . Lest therefore we fall into Idolatry and Superstition , it is the safest way for us not to fix our Faith upon visible things . But the Covetous Generation of the Romish Clergy , greedy after gain , raising matter to ●eed their Avarice , not only out of Wood and Stones , but also from the Bones of the Dead , and Reliques of the Saints , make them the Instruments of their Rapine and Extortion . They shew the Sepulchres of the Saints ; they expose the Reliques of Martyrs ; which no man must so much as touch or kiss , but for mony . They adorn their Pictures , set out their Festivals with great Pomp and State , they extol 'um for Saints , advance the Fame of their Miracles , utterly disagreeing in their Lives and Conversations , from the Lives and Examples of those whom they praise . These were the Men to whom our Saviour spoke , when he cry'd out , Wo be to you that build up the Sepulchres of the Prophets like to those that shew them . Like to the Heathen , to every Saint they allot his proper charge ; to one with Neptune they share the Command of the Seas , and power of Deliverance from the dangers thereof : to another with Jupiter , to have the Dominion of Thunder : to another with Vulcan to controul the Fire : to another they pray with Ceres for seasonable and plentiful Harvests : to another with Bacchus they give the Charge of their Vintages and Vines . The Women also have their Deities , from whom , as from Lucina , they beg for Children , and the cure of Barrenness : and another , by whose Power they either Appease , or Revenge themselves upon their Angry Husbands . Others there are , to whom they give the priviledge of recovering and finding Lost Goods . Neither is there any Disease which has not its peculiar Physitian among the Saints . Which is the reason that Physitians do not get so much as Lawyers ; there being no sort of Action , though never so just , that ever could boast of a Saint for its Patron . 'T is true , the Papists aver , That as the Soul in every Member Displayes a several Act ; and every Act , as it is variously dispos'd , receives a distinct Power , as the Eye to see , the Ears to hear : So Christ in his Mystical Body , of which he is the Soul , by his several Saints , as Members accommodated to the same Body , doth Administer and Distribute the several gifts of his Grace to the Inferiour Creatures ; and that to every Saint is allotted a particular operation for the dispersing of several Graces , according to the variety of Graces given to each Man. But this Conjecture , as being one of Agrippa's Vanities , for which there is no ground in Scripture , we cannot reckon among the Vanities of Science , but as a peculiar Invention of his own . CHAP. LVIII . Of Temples . NOW as concerning Temples , there was nothing wherein the Superstition of the Gentiles was more eminent , who to every Deity were very curious in Building particular Temples ; after whose Example , the Christians afterwards Dedicated their Temples to particular Saints . Yet there were many Nations that never made use of any Temples ; and Xerxes is reported to have burnt all the Temples throughout Asia , at the perswasion of his Magicians , believing it to be an Impious thing to enclose the Gods in Walls . But of these Temples Zeno Citicus Disputed formerly in these Words ; To build Churches and Temples , saith he , it is no way necessary : for nothing ought to be accompted Sacred by Right , nothing to be esteemed Holy which men themselves Build . Among the Persians of old there were no Temples ; Neither was there among the Hebrews from their first beginning , but only one Temple Dedicated to Divine use , which was Built by Solomon , of which however it is thus written in Isaias ; Thus saith the Lord , The Heaven is my seat , the Earth the footstool for my feet , what is this house which thou buildest for me ? And Stephen the Protomartyr adds , Salomon built a House , but the most High Inhabits not in places made with Hands . And Paul the Apostle saith to the Athenians , God dwells not in Temples made with hands : for being the Lord of Heaven and Earth , he is not serv'd by mens hands , who wants not their help . However he teaches , that Humane Nature , even Men themselves Holy , Pious , Religious , Devout to God , are the most acceptable Temples to God : as he Asserts , writing to the Corinthians , Ye are the Temple of God , and the Spirit of God dwells in you ; the Temple of God is holy , so ought you to be . Moreover , Origen writing against Celsus , confesses , That at the first beginning of Christian Religion , and long after Christs Suffering , there were no Churches Built ; Confirming by many Arguments , that among Christians they avail neither to the right Worship of God , nor to the Honour of true Religion . Therefore faith Lactantius , Temples are not to be made to God of Stones piled up to an immense height , but there is a place to be reserv'd in the Heart of every Man , where his Thoughts ought to retire when they are taken up in Religious Exercise . Not Temples made with hands th' Almighty hold ; Just men are the true Temples made of Gold. And Christ sends his Adorers not into the Temple , not into the Synagogues , but into their private Closets to Pray . And we read , that he himself did many times appear with the Multitude in the Cities , in the Temple , in the Synagogue , when he made his Sermons ; but he went into the Mountain to Pray , where he spent the Night in Prayer . However , the Church , that does nothing but by the Inspiration of the Spirit of God , when the Christian Religion began to increase , and that Sinners entred into the Temple with the Godly , the weak with the strong in Faith , and as they entred the Ark of Noe , the Clean with the Unclean , did then Ordain certain Temples , Chappels , Churches , and separated Places free from Prophane business , wherein the Word of God might be Publickly Preached to the Multitude , and the Sacraments might be more decently and orderly Administred ; which have since been held by the Christians in most Venerable Esteem ; and being guarded with the Immunities of several Princes , have encreased to such a vast Number , augmented with the Addition of Monasteries , Abbies , and the like , that it is very necessary that many of them should be cut off as superfluous and unnecessary Members . And here we cannot be unmindful of another Enormity , which is the superbity of Building , wherein vast sums of Alms and sacred Money is expended ; which , as we have observ'd before , would be more fitly and honestly employ'd in the maintenance of the true poor of Christ , the true Temples and resemblances of God , many times ready to perish for hunger , thirst , cold , labour , sickness , and want . CHAP. LIX . Of Holy-days . HOly-days , both among the Gentiles , as among the Jews , were always in great estimation ; who did all at certain times of the year , and upon certain days , set apart several Holy-days for Divine worship upon several occasions ; as if it were lawful to be more religious or more ungodly at one time than another ; or that it were the pleasure of God to be worshipped more at one time than another : which St. Paul objects to the Galatians as a shame , writing to them afthis manner : Ye observe days and months , and times and years : I fear I have labour'd for you in vain , and without a cause . Concerning which when he admonishes the Colossians , he commands them in these words : Let no man judge you for meat or drink upon a Holy-day , or of the New-moon , or of the Sabbath , which are members of future things . For to true and perfect Christians there is no difference of days , who are always feasling and pleasing themselves in God , always keeping a perpetual Sabbath ; as Isaiah prophesi'd to the Fathers of the Jews : The time shall come that their Sabbath shall be taken away ; and when the Saviour comes , there shall be a perpetual Sabbath , and perpetual New-moons . However , for the sake of the common people , and the more illiterate part of the Church , the Holy Fathers did institute Holy-days , that they might have liberty and vacancie to come and hear the Word , and to celebrate Divine Worship , and for receiving the Sacraments ; yet so that the Church should not be subservient to the days , but that the days should be subservient to the Church . Therefore did the Fathers ordain certain Holy-days wherein the common people were exhorted to abstain from worldly business and bodily labour , whereby they might be the more free to serve God , the more at leisure to pray and think upon Divine matters , to be present at Service and Sermons , and to tend such other Duties as might most directly tend to their Salvation . But that same perverter of Equity , that destroyer of all Order and Decencie , that author of all Evil , the Devil , endeavouring to pull down whatever the Holy Ghost sets up , hath neer demolish'd this Tower of Beauty also . While we behold the greatest part of Christians not converting this Holy leisure of Holy-days to the exercises of Prayer , or hearing the Word of God , but spending their pretious time in the corruption of all good Manners , Dancing , Stage-playes , lewd Songs , idle Sports and Games , Drinking , Feasting , Visiting , and in all worldly and Carnal works quite opposite to Spiritual . As Tertullian speaks of the solemn Feasts of the Caesars : They were wont , saith he , to make a great stir , to bring forth into the publick street their Fires and their Chorus's , to junket in the High-way , to make a Tavern of the whole City , to pour Wine down one anothers throats by violence , then to run headlong to do all manner of mischief , and to please themselves in all manner of filthy Lust. Are we not therefore deservedly to be condemn'd , who celebrate the Festivals of Christ and his Saints after such a lewd fashion ? I confess we do not finde many Heretical Disputes concerning Holy-days , omitting the madness and Blasphemy of the Manichaeans , and the pestiferous opinions of the Cataphrygians ; yet had they like to have occasion'd a great breach in the Church , when Victor the Pope excommunicated all the Eastern and Southern Churches for not keeping Easter-day according to the direction of the Western Decrees ; who notwithstanding was notably resisted , among others , by Polycrates Bishop of Asia . Ireneus also Bishop of Lions , though he observ'd Easter-day as was commanded by Victor , yet with great freedom undertook to chide the Pope , for that he had , contrary to the Example of his Predecessors , as a disturber of the Peace , lopp'd off so many Limbs of the Church , not for any Errour in point of Faith , but onely for disagreeing in point of Ceremony from the Church of Rome . 'T is true , there have been many decrees of Popes and Councils to confirm and settle the observation of Easter-day , and many Ecclesiastick Computations have been made , for the better finding out of the true day : And yet to this very hour they could never find out a certain day , or that was Universally observ'd through the whole World at one and the same time . A very worthy business indeed , that for the humour of one obstinate Pope , the whole Church should suffer Shipwrack . CHAP. LX. Of Ceremonies . OF the Members of Religion , the Pomp of Rites and Ceremonies in Habits , in Vessels , in Lights , in Bells , in Organs , in Singing , in Perfumes , in Postures , in Pictures , in the choice of Meats and Fasts , and the like , have been receiv'd and approv'd with great Adoration and Veneration by the Multitude , especially Papistical , who understand no more than what they see with their Eyes . Numa Pompilius first Instituted Ceremonies among the Romans , thereby to invite a rude and fierce People , that had obtain'd a Kingdom by Violence and Rapine , to Piety , Truth , Justice and Religion : such were the Ancylia and Palladium , the Sacred Pledges of the Empires Safety ; the double-Fronted Janus , Arbiter of Peace and War ; The Fire of Vesta , over which a she - Flamin did continually Watch : The Year also divided into Twelve Months , with the variety of Good and Evil Days . The Sacerdotal Dignity divided into Pontifexes and Augurs ; their various Ceremonies of Sacrifices , Supplications , Shews , Processions , Temples ; of which the greatest part , as Eusebius testifies , has been Translated into our Religion . But God himself , who delights not in Flesh and Humane Signes , contemns and despises these Carnal and Exteriour Ceremonies . For he is not to be Worship'd with Corporal Actions , Eye-pleasing Works , or Carnal Adoration , but in Spirit and Truth by Christ Jesus . For he looks upon the Faith , considering the inward Thoughts and Intentions of Men ; the searcher of Hearts , that sees the very Secrets of the Soul. Therefore those Carnal and outward Ceremonies no way advance us toward God , with whom there is nothing acceptable but Faith in Jesus Christ ; with a perfect imitation of his Charity , and an unshaken hope in his Salvation and Reward . This is the true Worship , spotless from all Contamination of External and Carnal Ceremonies ; wherein St. John instructing us , saith , That God is a Spirit , and to be worship'd in Spirit and Truth . This some of the Ethnick Philosophers were not ignorant of ; therefore Plato forbid that any Ceremonies should be used in the Worship of the most high God. For there is nothing wanting to him , who is all things himself ; only it is requisite that we should adore him , by returning our thanks to him for all things . Neither have we any thing more grateful to return to God , than Praise , Glory , and Thanks . Neither will it serve for an Objection , to insist upon the Sacrifices , Rites , and Ceremonies of the Mosaical Law , as if God had taken delight in them . For God brought them not out of Aegypt to offer up Sacrifices and Incense to him ; but that forgetting the Idolatry of the Aegyptians , they might hear the Voice of God , and obey him in Faith and Truth to the ob●aining of their Salvation . Now the reason that Moses Instituted Sacrifices and Ceremonies among them was , that he bare with their Infirmities , and yielded to the hardness of their Hearts , indulging a small Error , to recal them from things more unlawful , directing their Sacrifices to God , and not to Devils . For those things were not principally Instituted , but by consequence ; neither could that Law oblige them otherwise , than as it was approv'd by the people . Therefore Moses when he produc'd the Laws of Ceremonies , he collected the suffrages of the Elders and the people , whereby to render them more pliable to his commands . Therefore might that Law be chang'd according to the alteration of times and manners , and was at last totally abrogated ; but the Law of God delivered in the Tables of Stone , that is perpetual . For so God spake by Jeremiah , Why do ye offer to me Frankincense of Saba ▪ and Cynamon fetch'd from a far Country ? Your Holocau●ts and your Sacrifices have not pleased me . And again by the same Prophet , Thus saith the Lord , Put your burnt offerings to your sacrifice , and eat flesh , for I spake not to your Fathers , nor commanded them when I brought them out of the Land of Egypt , concerning sacrifices and burnt-offerings ; but this thing commanded I them ▪ saying , Obey my voice , and I will be your God , and ye shall be my people ; and walk ye in all the ways that I have commanded , you that it may be well with you . And Isaiah 43. 23. Thou hast not brought me , faith the Lord , the sheep of thy burnt-offerings , neither hast thou honoured me with thy Sacrifices ; I have not caused thee to serve with an Offering , nor wearied thee with Incense ; thou boughtest me no sweet savour with money , neither hast thou made me drunk with the fat of thy Sacrifices : but thou hast made me to serve with thy sins , and hast wearied me with thy iniquities . And Chap. 66. v. 2. To him will I look , even to him that is poor , and of a contrite spirit , and that trembleth at my words . For it is not thy fat flesh that shall cleanse thee from thy iniquities . For Chap. 58. v. 5. It is such a fast that I have chosen , vers . 6. to loose the bands of wickedness , to take off the heavy burthens , to let the oppressed go free , and that ye break every yoke . vers . 7. To deal thy bread to the hungry , and that thou bring the poor that wandreth into thy house : when thou seest the naked , that thou cover him , and hide not thy self from thine own Flesh. Verse 8. Then shall thy light break forth as the morning , and thy health shall grow speedily , thy righteousness shall go before thee , and the glory of the Lord shall compass thee . Verse 9. Then shalt thou call , and the Lord shall answer , Here am I. I will not deny , but that as by Moses and Aaron formerly in the Synagogue , and after him by the succeeding Priests , Judges and Prophets , even to the Scribes and Pharisees ; so also in the Christian Church it was the practise of the Apostles , Evangelists , Fathers , Priests and Doctors , to deck and adorn her with decent Rites , Ceremonies and Institutions , to render her a more amiable Bride to her Celestial Spouse . To which later Ages have added many things too much savouring of Humane Weakness . But as it often happens , that that which is provided as a Remedy , turns oftentimes to nourish the Disease ; so happens it now with the Ceremonies of the Church , that through the folly of Popish Superstition , Christians are now adays more clogged with continual innovations than were the Jews of old ; and , which is worse , though these Ceremonies are many of them neither good nor bad in themselves , but things indifferent ; yet the superstitious people groping in the dark of Popery and Superstition , place a greater belief in them , and observe them more strictly than the Commands of God : the Bishops , Abbots , Monks and Priests conniving all the while thereat , and well providing thereby for their Bellies . Now these Ceremonies , though they have been the occasion of few Heresies against the Faith , yet have they introduced innumerable Sects into the Church , and have been the seed of many Schisms . For from hence it came to pass , that the Greek Church was separated from the Romans , while the one Consecrated Vnleavened , the other Leavened Bread ; when it matters not which , so the Bread be consecrated . Hence the Bohemian Church separated from the Roman , that they might administer the Sacrament in both kinds ; but as St. Paul saith , Gal. 6. 15. Neither circumcision availeth , nor uncircumcision , but the observance of the Commands of God , which the same Author in the same place calls , the new creature . Therefore is it a most abominable piece of Iniquity , for such slight causes , and about things indifferent , to disturb the Unity of the Church , and divide the Body of Christ ; and as our Saviour objects to the Pharisees , to Cleanse the outside of the Cup and swallow a Camel. Therefore by the providence of God the Pope did himself little good , when he was so stingy against the Leaven of the Greeks , and the Bohemian Cup. CHAP. LXI . Of the Magistrates and Superiours of the Church . IN the Government of the Church , it is necessary to make use of Ecclesiastical Magistrates and Officers , for the avoiding confusion . Now whatsoever is done in the Church , either for Ornament or for the increase of Religion , whether it be in the Election of Overseers , or in the Institution of Ministers , unless the same be done by the instinct of the Divine Spirit , which is the Soul of the Church , it is altogether impious , and contrary to the Truth : For whosoever is not call'd to the great Office of the Ministry , and Dignity of Apostleship by the Spirit , as was Aaron ; and whoever enters not in at the door which is Christ , but gets another way into the Church through the window , that is to say , by the favour of men , by purchasing Voices in Election , or by superiour Power ; certainly such a one is no Vicar of Christ or of his Apostles , but a Thief and an Impostor , the Vicar of Judas Iscariot , and Simon the Samaritan . Therefore it was so streightly provided by the antient Fathers in the Election of Prelates , ( which they therefore call the Sacrament of Nomination ) that the Prelates and Apostles who were to be Overseers of the Ministers of the Church , should be men of most unspotted Integrity in their Lives and Conversations , powerful in sound Doctrine , able to give a reason of all their doings : But the antient Constitutions falling from their Majesty , and the late Pontifical Jurisdiction by damnable Custome getting a head , such a sort of Popes and Prelates now adays ascend into the Throne of Christ , such as were the Scribes and Pharisees in the Chair of Moses , who talk and do nothing , binding heavy burthens to the shoulders of the people , to which they will not put the stress of a little finger : Meer Hypocrites , performing all their works to be seen of men , making a shew of their Religion as it were in Scenes ; they covet the chief Seats at Feasts , in Schools , in the Synagogues ; the upper hands in the streets , and to be saluted with the ponderous appellations of Rabbi and Doctors . They barricado up the Gate of Heaven , not onely not going in themselves , but excluding others . They devour Widows houses , jabbering long Prayers , traveling Land and Seas to seduce children and ignorant persons ; that having by the addition of one Proselyte encreased their forlorn number , they may with a more numerous train enter the Regions of Fire prepared for them . With their idle Legends and Traditions , they corrupt the most Holy Laws of Christ ; and neglecting the true Temple of God , the living Images of the Son of the Father , and the Altars of the peoples Souls , with a covetous eye seek after onely Gold and Gifts ; and minding the more profitable and sinister parts of the Law , are very strict in their Decrees touching Tithes , Oblations , Collections , and Alms ; Tithing Fruits , Cattel , Money ; not sparing also things of the smallest price , as Mint , Anise , and Cumin , for which , barking like Dogs , they daily contend with the people in the Pulpit . But as for the more weighty and righthand-works of the Gospel , Law , Christian-Justice , Judgment , Mercie , Faith , these they altogether neglect , slumbling at a little Stone , but leaping over a great Rock ; blinde Guides , false and treacherous , a Generation of Vipers , whitened Sepulchres ; outwardly in their Miters , Caps , Habits , Garments and Cowls , making a shew of Simplicity and Sanctimony , within full of Filth , Hypocrisie , and Iniquity ; Whoremongers , Dancers , Players , Pimps , Gamesters , Gluttons , Drunkards , Sorcerers , who being advanc'd to Bishopricks , Cardinalats , Abbeys , and the like , not by vertue of their deserts , but either by servile Flattery , Gifts , favour of Princes , or affection of Friends and Kindred , under the Mask of Hypocrisie heap to themselves private riches ; devouring the goods of the Poor , making Fairs and Monopolies of the Alms of our Predecessors , wasting them again in Brothel-houses , Gaming , Hunting , and in all manner of Riot and Luxurie . — Who Cure of Souls neglecting quite , In Horse and Hounds place all their chief delight . They perplex the People , set Kings and Princes together by the Ears , sollicite Wars , pull down Churches which the Devotion of their Ancestors rear'd , to Bu●ld stately Palaces in their places , clad in Purple and Gold , to the great loss and impoverishment of the People , infamy of Religion , and insupportable burthen of the Commonwealth ; whom the Famous Bernardus Clarevallensis in a S●rmon at the opening the general Synod of Rbeimes , before the Pope , openly stil'd , not instead of shepherds Mercenary , not instead of Mercenaries Wolves , but instead of Wolves Devils . Now as for the Pope himself , as the Bishop , Camotensis complains , he is the most intolerable and burthensome of all , whose Pomp and Pride never any the most haughty Tyrant yet equall'd . And yet they boast , that the safety of Religion and the Church is establish'd only in them , who throwing the burthens of Religious Duties , and the Ministry of the Gospel , which is the true Pontifical Function , upon their Inferiours , fit at the Helme making their own Laws , and receiving the benefits and profits of the Church , themselves in the mean while as idle , as they are full of iniquity . And making us believe , that the Pontifical Chair either admits none but Holy Men , or else makes them so ; thence they think it lawful for them to perpetrate any manner of wickedness . A perfect Example of all which , Crinitus gives us in Boniface the 8th . This is that great Boniface who did three Great and Miraculous things ; who Cousening Clement with a counterfeit Message from Heaven , caus'd him to resign the Pontifical Chair to him ; who compil'd the Sixth Book of Decretals , and made the Pope Lord and Supream in all things . Lastly , who Instituted the Jubilee , Erecting Fairs for Indulgencies , extending his Jurisdiction as far as Purgatory . I omit those other Monsters of Popes , such as was Formosus , and those other Nine that followed him ; neither do I insist upon those other of later times , as Paulus , Sixtus , Alexander , Julius , most famous Disturbers of the Christian World. I pass by Eugenius , who violating the League made between him and the Turks , was the occasion of such dreadful Calamities that afterwards befel the Christian Common-wealth . How great mischief Alexander the sixth brought upon all Christendome , by poysoning Selim Brother of Bajazeth the Great Turk , is known to all Men. The Legates also of the Popes , as the said Camotensis witnesseth , and daily Experience makes manifest , rage with such Fury in their several Provinces , as if Satan were sent from the face of God to scourge the Church . They trouble the Earth , and put it in an Uproar , that they may seem to have a Charm to appease it again ; they are glad when evil things are committed , rejoycing in the worst and most wicked Actions , and scarce can refrain from Tears when they behold nothing Lamentable . They eat the sins of the people , are clad and nourish'd with the same ; and luxuriously wallow in the same : yet have they fine names and pretences for their Vices ; neither can any thing be objected against them , which they cannot excuse by the Example of some Saint or other . For if it be thrown in their Teeth that they are Illiterate and Ungodly , they say , That Christ chose such for his Apostles , who were neither Masters of the Law , nor Scribes , nor ever frequented Synagogues or Schools . Tell them of the barbarousness of their Language , they 'l tell ye Moses had an impediment in his Speech ; and that Jeremie knew not how to speak ; and that Zacharie , though he were dumb , was not excluded from the Priest-hood . If you object against them their Ignorance of the Scripture , Infidelity , Error , or Heresie ; they repeat to ye , That St. Ambrose not yet a Christian , but only Catechumenos , was Elected to be a Bishop ; and that St. Paul , not only from being an Infidel , but a Persecuter , was call'd to be an Apostle ; that St. Austin was a Manichaean ; and that Marcelline the Martyr in his Papacy , Sacrific'd to Idols . If you upbraid them for their Ambition , they bring ye for an Example the Sons of Zebedee ; If for Faint-heartedness , Jonas and Thomas , the one fearing to go to the Ninivites , the other to the Indians . If for Fornication , they say Oseas married a Strumpet , and Sampson a Whore. If for Quarrelling , Fighting , Murder , or taking up Arms ; they tell you how St. Peter cut off Malchus Ear , how St. Martin serv'd under Julian , and how Moses kill'd the Aegyptian and hid him in a Stable . So that among them it is a matter of no Moment what manner of Person he be , that is admitted to the chiefest Ecclesiastical Promotions : and then every one must submit his Neck to the Sword of these Ecclesiastical Tyrants . Not the Sword of the Word , of which they ought to be the chief Keepers and Ministers ; but the Sword of Ambition , the Sword of Covetousness , the Sword of Injustice and Extortion , the Sword of bad Example , the Sword of Blood and Murther , with which they arm and defend themselves against all Truth , Justice and Honesty . The Scepter 's forceless , where no Justice raigns ; That 's true Religion , Honesty maintains . Freedom is Force , licentiously us'd ; The Sword Protects not , when to Rage abus'd . Nor is it lawful to contradict their Decrees , or disobey their Wills , unless any one be prepar'd to suffer Martyrdom as a Heretick ; the very reason that Jeremy Savanarola , a Divine of the Order of Preaching Fryers , was burnt at Florence , and suffer'd a Martyrdom . However , because all Powers are good , as being of God , who is the giver of all things , and of all good things ; and though to those that are in authority , and those that are in subjection they may sometimes prove of evil consequence , however to the generality there is something of good in them ; God so providing , who turns all our evil actions for the best . Whoever is therefore by God constituted a Bishop or Ruler in the Church , him we ought to obey , and in no wise to contradict ; for who disobeys the Bishop or Priest , disobeys not man but God , as he himself spake to the Contemners of Samuel : They have not contemn'd thee but me : And as Moses reproving the murmuring people , saith , Ye have not murmured against us , but against the Lord your God ; nor will God suffer them to go unpunish'd that resist their Bishop or Prelate . Thus Dathan and Abiram rebell'd against Moses , and the Earth swallow'd them up . Many conspir'd with Corah against Aaron , and were consum'd with Fire . Achab and Jezebel persecuted the Prophets , and were eaten by Dogs . The Children mocked Elisha , and were torn and devour'd by Bears . Vzzia the King presuming to meddle with the Priesthood , was strucken with Leprosie . Saul adventuring to sacrifice without the presence of Samuel the High Priest , was depriv'd of his Kingdom , and not onely depriv'd of his Prophetick Spirit , but possess'd with an Evil one . It is a point of Infidelity not to believe the Scriptures , a point of Impiety to despite the Ecclesiastick Government . CHAP. LXII . Of the several sorts of Monks . THere are yet remaining in the Church a sort of People of several Opinions which are call'd Monks and Fryars Anchorites , altogether unknown to the Old Law : At this day they assume to themselves the Title of Religious Persons ; prescribing to themselves most severe Rules of Living ; and Professing most Holy Duties and Exercises , march under the Name and Banner of some most Religious and noted Person or Martyr , as Bernard , Austin , Benedict , Francis , and the like : but at this time there is an Abominable Rout of sinners crept in among them . For hither , as to a Sanctuary , flock together all those , who out of the guilt of their Consciences , or otherwise fearing the Punishment of the Law , are safe no where else , others who have committed certain Crimes that are to be Expiated by Sufferance and Repentance , whom the dis-repute of their Conversations hath rendred proof against Infamy ; who having wasted their Estates with Whoring , Drinking , Gaming , and all manner of Riot , at length Debt and Want compells 'um to Begg : others there are , whom the hope of ease , loss of Mistress , or their being Cheated when Young , fierce Mothers-in-Law , or severe Tutors , compel and drive to these Houses , the Massie Body of which Higgle-de Piggle-de is joyn'd and soder'd together with a reign'd Sanctimony , a Cowl , and a confidence of sturdy Begging . The Body of their Houses is that great Sea wherein , with the other little Fishes , dwell the great Leviathans and Behemoths , the Great Whales , Monsters , and creeping things , whose number is not to be told . From thence are spew'd up so many Stoical-Apes , so many Penny-Beggers , so many Mendicant Gown-men , so many Monsters in Cowls , so many Beard-weare●s , Rope-carriers , Staff-bearers , black , sad-colour , grey , white , woodden-shooes , ba●●-footed Budget bearers , vary-colour'd , many-coated , canvas-wearing cloak-carriers , gown-men , coat-carriers , some loose , some tuck'd up , with all the rest of the crouds of Histrio's , who having no Faith in Worldly things themselves , by reason of their monstrous habit , are yet by the poor People of the World accompted Divine , Usurping the Sacred Name of Religion to themselves , and boasting themselves to be the Companions of Christ and his Apostles ; whose Life and Conversation is generally most Wicked , contaminated and defil'd with all manner of Covetousness , Lust , Ambition , Sawciness , Impudence , and all manner of enormity ; yet going safe and unpunishable , under the defence of pretended Religion . For they are fortified with the Priviledges of the Romish Church , and exempted from all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , to the end they may the more lawfully go on in Wickedness : and although they are able to cite all other Persons whatsoever before their false and illiterate Tribunal , yet they themselves can be Cited no where but either to Rome or Jerusalem . As for their Vanities and Errors , were I to set them down in Writing , not all the Parchment in Madian would comprehend them ; I mean of them who profess not Piety for Religions sake , but put on the Cowl to maintain their Luxurie . Most rapacious Wolves , who under Lambs-skins and Sheeps-cloathing hide the Fox in their Brests , using such Arts of Dissimulation , that their whole Profession seems to be a meer Mimick Hypocrisie , and a meer trade of Piety driven on by personated Persons , which under a Pale Visage hide their pretended Fasting , making their dutiful Tears obey their deep Sighs , counterfeiting Prayers with the Motion of their Lips , and by means of their sober Gate , and demure Postures , With Head dejected , fixing on the Ground Their Leacherous Eyes . Assuming Modesty and Devoutness to themselves , with their poor Garments covering their pretended Humility , and by means of their Cowls hanging down their backs , creating to themselves an Opinion of Holiness , though their inward and private Conversations be most detestable ; who though they commit very great Enormities , are yet sav'd ; with the pretence of Religion overcoming , and with their Cowls , as with Bucklers , warding off all the Darts of ill-Fortune ; and thus living secure from all civil Troubles and Dangers , eating the bread of Idleness , instead of that which they ought to Labour ●or , they afterwards lye down to Rest in ease and quiet : Esteeming it to be Evangelical poverty , to feed upon the Labours of other men in beggery and idleness . These are they who Professing utmost Humility , clad in mean and vile Habit , bare-footed , Stage-players , bound with Ropes , like Robbers and Thieves , with their Heads shaven like Mad-folks , with their Cowls , Beads , and Bells like Morris-Dancers and Carneval-mummers , prosess themselves to wear these Emblems of Poverty and Contempt for the sake of Christ and Religion : yet swelling inwardly with Ambition , and giving to the chief of their Orders the most Arrogant●Tides of Paranymphs , Rectors , Guardians , Presidents , Priors , Vicars , Provincials , Archimandritae , and Generals ; so that no sort of People seems more covetous of People than they are . There are not wanting many other Enormities which may be truly reported of them ; but there are others before me , who have made sufficient discovery thereof already . I will not deny but there are some Pious and Devout men among them , but the Generality of 'um are Infidels , Reprobates , and Apostates , that deform and deface Religion . CHAP. LXIII . Of Prostitution , or the trade of Whoring . HEre it seems no way unseasonable for us to speak something of the Art of Bawdery , seeing that among the Egyptians , the first institutors of Religion , it was not lawful for any person to be made a Priest that was not first initiated in the ceremonies and mysteries of Priapus ; and for that in our Church it is also a receiv'd Maxime , that there can be no Pope without Testicles , and that Eunuchs and gelt persons are forbidden to be admitted into the Priesthood ; and for that we also finde , that wheree're there be the most stately Priories and Abbies , there are always certain Bawdy-houses adjoyning to 'um : and for that the recluse houses of Nuns , and Religious houses , are for the most part but the receptacles of lewd women , whom the Monks themselves do often keep privately in the Habit of Men , for their particular solace . Therefore I say , it seems very proper to bring in a little discourse of the Practice of Bawdery in this place , which many wise Philosophers have thought not onely profitable , but necessary , in a well-order'd Common-wealth : For Solon the great Lawgiver of the Athenians , and adjudg'd for one of the seven Wise Men by the Oracle of Apollo , as Philemon and Menander do both witness , took care for the buying of Wenches for the Young men , the first that dedicated the Temple of Venus Pandemia at the expence of the Rents of Prostitutes : he also instituted Brothel-houses , establish'd them by Law , and likewise gave them several priviledges and immunities . In Greece ▪ Whores were had in so great esteem , that when the Persian was expected to make his violent invasion , the Corinthian Curtesans were order'd to make a publick supplication for the safety of Greece in the Temple of Venus . It was also a Custome among the Corinthians , that when they were to make any supplication to Venus , about any great matter , the care of that Affair was always committed to their Curtesans . Many Temples were built by the Curtesans among the Ephesians ; and they of Abydos built a most stately Temple in honour of their Prostitutes , having recover'd their lost liberty by the means of a Curtesan . The wise Aristotle also was of opinion , that Curtesans were worthy of Divine honours , when he sacrific'd to Hermia the Harlot , in the same manner as is she had been Ceres Eleusinae . Now the invention of this Art is attributed to Venus , who was therefore translated among the number of the Gods. For she being a woman of little shame , and prostituting her self to all manner of Lust , was the occasion that the women in Cyprus made profit of the use of their bodies : Whence it was a Custome among the Cypriotes , that their Virgins so long before Marriage appointed , might Prostitute themselves for mony to pay their Portion ; and for their Future Chastity should make a small Offering to Venus . It was a Custome likewise among the Babylonians , as Herodotus affirms , That they who had consum'd their Private Estates , might compel their Daughters to Prostitution for their Maintenance . Aspasia the Socratick Curtesan fill'd all Greece with Harlots ; for the Love of whom , and for that the Megareans had ravish'd from her certain of her Young Girls , Aristophanes reports that Pericles undertook the Peloponnesian War. The Emperor Heliogabalus did very much advance the Art of Baudery ; who , as Lampridius witnesses , would alwayes have them prepared in his own House for his Friends and Clyents . He also bestowed great Banquets on them , of Twenty two great Dishes apiece , providing that between every Dish they might wash and retire , and they were sworn to perform duty . Many times he would redeem Harlots from Bawds , and give them their Freedome . And he is said among the rest to have redeem'd a certain Noted and very fair Curtesan for Thirty pounds of Silver . And in one day he is said to have visited the Circus , Theaters , and Amphitheatres , and all the Curtesans through all Parts of the City , and to have distributed to every one a Crown in Gold. Another time he assembled all the Harlots and Curtesans from all Parts of the City into one Publick spacious place , where he made them as it were a Military Oration , calling them Fellow Souldiers , and disputed with them about the Variety of Postures and Pleasures ; and after he had made an end of his Harangue , he order'd 'um , as to Souldiers , a Donative of Three Crowns in Gold : moreover , to such Roman Women as would play the Harlot , he not only granted Immunity but Impunity , and decreed Sallaries to the Harlots out of the Publick Treasury . He also Promulgated several wanton and sportive Decrees of the Senate touching Harlotry , which by the Name of his Mother and Wife , he called Semiramid's Laws : He also invented several sorts of Postures , whereby he might not only exceed the Cyrenian Curtesan call'd Duodecamechanick , for having invented Twelve wayes of Venereal Exercise ; but that he might also Excel all the Ancient Tribad's Hostia's , Apbia's , Spinctria's , Gasalvada's , Casarita's , Prostipula's , and all the other famous Artists of their Times . I omit Juda the Jewish Patriarch a Fornicator , and Sampson , one of the Judges of the People of God , who Married two Harlots ; and Solomon the wisest King of the Jews , who kept whole Troops of Curtesans : Caesar the Dictator , a most strong man , and therefore call'd the man of Women : and Lastly , Sardanapalus Monarch of Babylon , with many other Innumerable and most Potent Patrons of Curtesans . But I cannot pass by Proculeius the Emperour , who has not got a little Fame by Indulging to the Venereal Exercise , for that having taken an Hundred Sarmatian Virgins , he lay with Ten the first Night , and Deflowr'd 'um all in fifteen dayes . Though that were a far greater Labour which the Poets relate of Hercules , that he made Fifty Virgins Women in one Night . Theophrastus a grave Author relates , That there is an Herb of such Vertue in India , that he who Eats of it may be able to lye with a Woman Seventy times . Add to all this , that this Art has receiv'd no small ornament and credit from the Verses of Sappho the Poetess belov'd of Phaon , and from Leontium , with whom Metrodorus kept Company , most Learned in Philosophy ; insomuch , that she wrote against Theophrastus , in defence of Fornication against Wedlock . Among which , we may number Sempronia , most Elegant both in the Greek and Latine Tongues . Nor is L●aena to be pass'd by , kept by Aristogiton ; of a most approved Fidelity towards him , who being put upon the Rack , to cause her to betray her friend , suffer'd the torments with an unspeakable silence and constancie . Neither did ●●hodope the Curtisan less ennoble this Art , the Preservatrix and Bed-fellow of Aesop that compiled the Fables , who attain'd such a mass of Wealth by prostituting her body , that the built a third Pyramid , reckoned among the Wonders of the world . Next to her Thais is to be remember'd , who trusting in the prerogative of her Beauty , disdain'd the company of any others than Kings and Princes . In the advancement of this Art , Messalina far exceeded all these , who frequenting the publick Brothel-houses , overcame a noble Curtesan , suffering her self to be lain withal twenty five times in twenty four hours , returning wearied , but not satisfi'd : With whom we may joyn Joane the most Illustrious Queen of Naples of fresher memory , with many other Princely Curtesans and Palatine Harlots , were it safe to name them ; yet in this differing from the common sort of Strunipets , that contrary to the Law of Heliogabalus , they acted not in publick Brothel-houses like the Empress Messalina , but in private Chambers . We may adde to these both the Julia's , the Niece and Daughter of Octavianus Augustus , together with Populea , and Cleopatra Queen of Egypt ; nor can we forget Semiramis and Pasiphae , most antient Examples of Lasciviousness : Of which the Lust of the one was so burning hot , that she not onely wooed her own Son to her embraces , but also passionately lov'd a Horse even to desire of Copulation . The other , Wife to King Minos , suffer'd her self to be known by a Bull. It is not our business to set forth here a Catalogue of Illustrious Curtesans ; yet we must not omit to inform you , that the Beds of Harlots and Adulteresses have brought forth the most Illustrious Heroes in the world ; for example , Hercules , Alexander , Ishmael , Abimelech , Solomon , Constantine , Clodoveus King of the Franks , Theodorick the Goth , William the Norman , and Raymund of Arragon . So lightly are the Laws of Matrimony set by among great Personages , who at their pleasure divorce , leave , and change their true and lawful Wives ; and so often they wed and rewed their Sons and Daughters , that it is hard to say which is the most lawful Marriage . Do we not read how Ladislaus of Poland , having taken Beatrice to Wife , by whose very nod , as it were , he obtain'd the Kingdom of Hungary , at length repudiated her to marry a French Harlot ? Do we not finde , how Charles the Eight the French King having divorc'd Margaret the Daughter of Maximilian Caesar , took away his espoused Wife and married her ? whom afterwards Lewis the Twelfth , having put away his own Wife , took afterwards to his Bed ; the Bishops and Chief Clergy of the Kingdom assisting him therein , and consenting thereto ; who esteem'd and valu'd the ends of obtaining Britany , more than the observation of the Laws of Marriage . But let us return to the Discourse of Harlots , whose cunning devices he that will understand , that is to say , by what ways they prostitute their Chastity , with what wanton casts of the Eye , with what nods of the Countenance , with what gestures of the Body , with what flatteries of Speech , with what obscene Embraces , with what allurements of Habit and artificial Paintings they provoke their Corrupters , together with the rest of their cunning Harlotry Devices , Snares , and Stratagems , let him seek 'um among the Comick Poets . But he that desires to know what Allurements , what affectionate Language , what Kissing , Handling , Rubbing , Resisting ; what postures of Lying , what impulse of Action , what reciprocations of Kindness compleat the Venereal Game , let him search into the Volumes of Physitians . Yet there be others that have set forth Treatises of Harlotry , as Antiphanes , Aristophanes , Apollodorus , and Callistratus ; in particular , Cephalus the Rhetorician wrote in the praise of Lais the Curtesan , and Alcidamus in honour of Nais . Not have many others both Greeks and Latins been wanting to discover their wanton Amours , as Callimachus , Philetes , Anacreon , Orpheus , Alceon , Pindarus , Sappho , Tibullus , Catullus , Propertius , Virgil , Juvenal , Martial , Cornelius Gallus , and many others , more like Panders than Poets ; though all of them were outdone by Ovid in his Heroick Epistles dedicated to Corinna , which were also outdone by himself in his de Arte Amandi , which he might have better intitled , The Art of Whoring and Pimping : The learning whereof , because it had corrupted Youth with unchast Documents , therefore was the Author deservedly banish'd by the Emperour Octavianus Augustus to the farthest parts of the North , Archilochus also the Lacedaemonian , caus'd all Love-books and Verses to be burnt . Yet now adays this Art is publickly learnt and taught in every School by our unwary Pedagogues , with vain and obscene Commentaries upon the Text. Nay , I my self have seen and read under the Title of The Curtesan , publish'd in the Italian Tongue , and printed at Venice , a Dialogue touching the Art of Bawdery , wickedly explaining the Veneries of both Sexes , which with the Author were more fit to be committed to the fire . I omit to rehearse the most detstable vice of Buggery , which the Great Aristotle so much approves of , and which Nero solemniz'd with a publick Wedding ; at which time St. Paul writing to the Romans , denounces the anger of the Omnipotent against them . For on them shall God certainly rain Brimstone , and Coles of fire shall be the portion of their Cup. Against these the Emperour commands the Laws to arm themselves , and with exquisite torments to inflict capital punishment upon them , the Sword being the Executioner ; but now adays they are burnt with Fire . Moses in his Laws ordain'd most severe punishment for this Crime : and Plato extirpates it out of his Republick , utterly condemning it in his Laws . The Antient Romans , as Valerius and others witness , inflicted most severe penalties on those that us'd it . Examples whereof were Quintus Flaminius , and the Tribune stain by Caelius . But that we may not farther vex the honest Ear , let us return from this monstrous Lust and beastly uncleanness , to our first Subject . For the Love of women is common to all , & there is no person that at one time or other does not feel the Fire thereof ; though the women love one way , the men another ; young men one way , great pesonages another way ; the poor one way , the rich another way : and , which is more miraculous , according to the difference of Nations and Climates . The Italians are of one humour in their Amours , the Spaniards of another , the French of another , the Germans of another . The same difference of Love appears in the difference of Sex , Age , Dignity , Fortune , and Nation , every one having a different sort of amorous Frenzy . The Love of men is more ardent and impetuous , the love of women more constant ; the love of young men is wanton , the love of aged persons ridiculous ; the poor Lover strives to please with Obsequiousness , the rich Lady with Gifts ; the vulgar sort with Feasts and Treatments , Noble-men with Interludes and Plays . The ingenious Italian courts his Lady with a dissembled heat , a quaint kinde of Wooing , praising her in Verse , and extolling her above all other women . If he be jealous , he perpetually shuts her up , and keeps her as his Captive ; if he despair of enjoying his Mistriss , then he confounds her with a thousand Curses , and loads her with Maledictions . The Spaniard is rash , impatient of his heat , mad , and restless , and bemoaning the torments of his Flames , with miserable lamentations worships and adores his Mistriss . If he be cross'd in his Love , he grieves and pines away to death ; if he grow jealous , he kills her , or being ●atiated , leaves her to prostitute her self . The lascivious French-man trusts in his Obsequiousness , and strives to win his Ladies favour with Songs and merry Discourse . If he grow jealous , he complains of his hard fortune ; but if he lose his Love , he reviles her , threatens revenge , and attempts to compass his ends by force . After enjoyment , he neglects her , and marries another . The cold German slowly moves to love ; but being once inflam'd , he makes use of art and liberality . If he grow jealous , he shuts his Purse . After enjoyment , the heat is quickly over . The French-man feigns his Love , the German dissembles his Heat : the Spaniard hath a good opinion of himself , and believes himself to be belov'd ; but the Italians Love is never without Jealousie . The French-man loves a witty , though unhandsome woman ; the Spaniard prefers a fair woman before a witty : the Italian loves a fearful bashful woman ; the German one that is bold . The French-man , through vehement desire , of a wise man becomes a fool ; but the German having wasted all his Estate , at length , though late , of a fool becomes a wise man : the Spaniard , for his Mistriss sake , will attempt great things ; and the Italian , for the enjoyment of his Lady , contemns all thought of danger . Moreover , we see that great men intangled in the Shares of Love and Passion , many times forsake great Actions , and leave most noble Enterprizes behinde their backs , as formerly Mithridates in Pontus , at Capua Hannibal , Caesar in Alexandria , in Greece Demetrius , Antonie in Egypt . Hercules ceas'd from his labours for Iole's sake : Achilles hides himself from the Battel for love of Briseis : Circe stays Vlysses : Claudius ▪ dies in Prison for love of a Virgin : Caesar is detain'd by Cleopatra ; and the same woman was the ruine of Antonius . We read in Scripture , that for the Fornication of Seth with the Daughters of Cain , that the whole Race of man was drowned in the Flood . The Sichemites and the House of Amor was destroy'd in revenge of Fornication and the whole people of Israel , for committing Fornication with strange women , were many times overcome in Battel , and carried into Captivity . And for the single Adultery of one person , David the King , what a destruction and waste of people ensu'd ! For Fornication and ravishing of women , the Thebans , Phoceans , and Circeans were assail'd and quite overthrown ; and for the same reason was the Peloponnesian War undertaken , as I said before , by Pericles ; and Troy for the same reason , ten years besieg'd , to the vast detriment of Greece and Asia . For the same reasons , and upon the same score , Tarquinius , Claudius , Dionysius , Hannibal , Ptolomy , Marck Antony , Theodorick the Goth , Rodoaldus the Lombard , Childerick of France , Advinceslaus of Bohemia , and Manphred the Neapolitan , suffered death , and the ruine of their Countries . Meerly for the vitiating of Julia Cana Daughter of the Governour of Tingitana , by Rodorick the King , the Moors having driven out the Goths , possess'd all Spain . Henry the second , King of England , for abusing the contracted Wife of his Son , Daughter of Philip the French King , had like to have been driven out of his Kingdom by his Son. For being false to their Beds , those enraged Wives , Clytemnestra , Olympia , Laodicea , Beronica , Fregiogunda and Blanch both Queens of France , Joane of Naples , and many other women , slew their Husbands . And this was the reason that Medea , Progne , Ariadne , Althea , Heristilla , changing their maternal Love into Hatred , were every one the cause and plotters of their Sons deaths . And now adays we finde , that many women revenge the Adulteries of their Husbands upon their Children ; and of most milde and patient Mothers , have become most cruel Medea's , furious Althea's , and impious Heristilla's . CHAP. LXIV . Of Pandarism , or Procuring . NOw because that by the advice , assistance , and perswasion of Pimps and Bawds , both Whores and Whoremongers commit their mutual Follies ; Let us discourse a little concerning their Subtleties and Devices ; for as it is the Calling of a Whore onely to prostitute her own body , so it is the business of a Pimp or Bawd to batter and overcome the Chastity of another . Which is therefore a Trade to be in some respects preferr'd before the Trade of Self-prostitution , by how much it is the more wicked ; and so much the more powerful , as being guarded with the Artillery of many other Arts , and Experience besides : so much the more pernicious , that while it makes use of other Arts and Sciences , whatever there is of poyson in any Art or Science , that this worshipful Vocation wholly sucks to it self ; out of which the weaves those Snares , that not like Spiders Cobwebs take the Flies , but let go the stronger Birds ; nor like the strong toils of Hunters catch the bigger Beasts of Chace , and let go the less ; but such strong Nooses and Bands , that no Maid , no Virgin , no Woman , never so silly , never so prudent , never so constant , never so obstinate , never so bashful , never so fearful , never so confident , but will at length lend a willing ear to a Bawd , & be insnar'd with her perswasions . So fine a Craft is this , that no woman can vanquish , whose perswasions no Virgin , Widow , Wife , or Matron , though a Vestal , can resist ; whose unarmed Militia vanquishes the Chastity of most women , which a whole Army would not be able to conquer . The crafty tricks , cunning shifts , deceit , circumventions , delusions , frauds , and strange inventions of the Art of Bawdery , no Pen can suffice to set down , nor Wit to express : So that it is nothing strange , that though there be so many Professors of this Trade of both Sexes , yet there are few that arrive to a perfection therein . For since the Baits of Pandarism lie couch'd in every Art or Science , it behoves therefore a Bawd to be perfect in every one . Therefore she that intends to be a perfect Bawd , must not direct her studies to one particular sort of knowledge , as to her Pole-star , but to be universally learned , as professing an Art to which all other Arts and Sciences are but the Slaves and Hand-maids . For first and foremost , Grammar , the Art of Writing and Speaking , affords ye ability to write Love-letters , and how to compose and frame them of Complements , Petitions , Lamentations , and Moans , Invocations , Protestations , and alluring perswasions ; of all which ye have many late Presidents , in Sylvius , Jacobus , Caviceus , and many other Modern Authors . There is also another use of Grammar for the manner of abstruse and secret writing in Characters , an Invention of Archimedes the Syracusan , as Aulus Gellius reports . Concerning this , Trithemius Abbot of Spanheime hath written two Treatises some few years since , one under the Title of Polygraphy , the other under the Title of Stenography ; in the latter of which , he hath discover'd such mysterious ways and means of expressing the minde at what distance soever , and concealing the meaning of words plainly legible , that the most discerning jealousie of Juno , nor the strict custody of Danae , nor the watchful eyes of Argos can ever prevent . Next to Grammar comes Madam Poesie , who by the assistance of her lascivious Rhimes , wanton Stories , and Love-dialogues , Epigrams , and Epistles , taken out of the Armories of Venus , playing the part of a Pimp and Bawd together , corrupts all Chastity , destroys all the hope , towardliness , and good manners of Youth . Well therefore do Poets deserve to have the Precedencie above other common Pandars and Bawds , of which the chiefest among the Antients were these , whom we have above named in the Chapter of Prostitution : as Callimachus , Philetes , Anacreon , Orpheus , Pindarus , Alceon , Sappha , Tibullus , Catullus , Propertius , Virgil , Ovid , Juvenal , and Martial : and we have now adays too many that write after a most impudent and shameful manner . Next to Poets , Rhetoricians claim Precedencie , the contrivers of fraudulent Flatteries and Perswasions ; for which cause Suadela or Persuasio was held to be the chief Goddess of Pandarism . Historians also have not a little Interest in the World , especially the Compilers of those Historical Romances of Lancelot , Tristram , Eurialis , Peregrinus . Callisthus , and the like ; by means whereof , young Children are in their tender years bred up and accustom'd to the Intrigues and Mysteries of Fornication and Adultery . Neither is there any Engine so powerful whatsoever to overthrow and oppress the Chastity of young Virgins , Wives , and Widows , than the reading of a wanton History : no woman so well principled , or of so chast a disposition , which is not spoil'd and tainted thereby . And yet for Maids and Virgins to discourse what they have read in these Books , to taunt and jeer , and prattle with their Servants or Wooers in imitation of what they read there ! Now there have been many of these Historical Pandars , of which some of obscure same ; as Aeneas Sylvius , Dante 's and Petrarch , Boccace , Poutanus , Baptista de Campo Fragoso , and Baptis de Albertis a Floremine : Also Peter Haedus , Petrus Bembus , Jacobus Carniceus , Jacobus Calandrus , Mantuan , and many others , from all which Boccace bears away the Bell , especially in those Books which he calls his hundred Novels ; where the Stories and Examples set down , do but discover the Stratagems and Tricks of Whores and Bawds . Now when a woman Vertuous , Religious , and Chast , is to be assail'd , then all the fallacious Arguments of Rhetorick are let loose ; and how far they avail , the Fable of Myrrha in Ovid tells ye . Now as concerning the Mathematicks , what greater assistance and help to familiarity , than your Mathematical Plays and Games ? Neither is Musick a contemptible friend of this Art , as being no small incentive and provocative to Lust , by means of her wanton Airs , and the Charms of Voice , and sweet touches of an Instrument , softning the Minde , moulding the Affections , and afterwards introducing variety of Society and Company , who begin at length to be Lovers and Admirers . Neither is there less use of Dancing and Dancing-schools , where the Lovers have freedom of Discourse , liberty of Kissing , Handling , and Embracing ; and many times , after that , the conveniencie of withdrawing . Neither is the Geometrical Artist wanting to give his assistance , by whose contrivance fine convenient Ladders are made for the scaling of Windows , and by the cunning of Daedalus , Keys are many times counterfeited , and no invention omitted that may farther Pasiphae's obedience to her Adulterer . But as for Pictures , these , women that never had the advantage of reading , may understand more than they who had read never so much ; while they behold within their Chambers Copies of Obscenity , easie enough to be imitated , whereby the Eyes , as well as the Ears , become the Conduits to convey evil thoughts to the Heart . Pictures make a deep impression upon the Minde , seeing that the representation of what has been done , easily moves men to do the like : For example , Venus of G●idos drawn in her Temple by the hand of Praxitiles , in the Act of being Vitiated : and a Cupid of the same Artist corrupted by Alchidas a Rhodian young man. Elian also reports , that the Statue of Fortune was so vehemently belov'd by an Athenian young man , that when he could not be permitted to buy it , he expired at her feet . Terence also in his Eunuchus , brings in a young man inflam'd with Love , seeing a Picture , where was painted the Story how Jupiter lay with Danae in a Golden showre . Therefore not undeservedly propose , that a severe penalty should be inflicted upon those Painters , who expos'd such things to the eyes of the multitude , whereby to kindle and inflame Lust ; so that it was not without cause that the wise man said , That Statuary and Painting were invented by the Devil , as a chief means to tempt them to evil . In the next place we meet with Astrologers , Palmistry , Gypsies , Fortune-tellers , Dream-expounders , Witches , & Conjurers , an innumerable tribe of Assistants to Pandarism , by a kinde of Divine Imposition of their Fallacies upon the disturb'd Fancies of Youth , bring unlawful Amours to perfection , contrive and finish most wicked and abominable Marriages , and er'e they be well knit together , dissolve them by and by into most heinous Adulteries . From such Panders as these , not onely credulous women , but to their unspeakable shame , men also fetch the prosperous Omens of their Loves and Marriages , grounding the hopes of Possession or Enjoyment upon their uncertain guesses ; and upon their not so stupid as impious assurances , either Marry , or leave the Pursuit of their Love. Nay , some are so mad as to believe , that by Astrological Images , and observation of Hours , Love may be compell'd , as Theocritus , Virgil , Catullus , Ovid , Horace , Lucan , and many other triflng Poets have made the world believe : By which single piece of Cunning , your Astrologers and Fortune-tellers make no small advantage . Next to which , Magick also brings a very considerable aid . That by her Charms some Lovers trees from fears , Afflicting others with consuming Cares . Of which Lucan thus sings : — Love that before was sl●w , Thessalian Charms now cause to overflow Th' inflamed heart — In Horace we finde Candidia ; in Apuleius , Paemphilae provoking their Lovers ; and in the Tragi comedy of Callisthus , Celestina the Bawd inflames the Virgin Melibae● by her Magick Art. To these we may adde the use of Philters and Love-potions , though very dangerous , sometimes the cause and procurers of Death instead of Love. One of these Drenches kill'd Lucullus and Lucretius , who before they did grew mad , and lost their senses . We read also of a certain woman who was acquitted by the Areopagites , because she did it out of Love. But there is no Art or Science so useful and profitable to Pandarism as Physick , that promises fairly , by renewing the Hymen●an Film , to restore lost Virginity , to hinder the Brests from swelling , to put a Spell upon the Womb , administring procurements of Sterility for the longer continuation and se●resie of Venereal Combats , and teaching how by the swift motion of the Reins , to eject the first matter of Conception , as we read in Lucretius . Thus for their own sakes , Whores were wont to move , Left they should fill too soon , and gravid prove , Not equal Pleasure with their Loves enjoy . By which one benefit of Physick , many Matrons and Widows , many that go for Maids , many Court-La●●es most securely follow the sports of Venus . Neither is Physick less Officious in filling up the clefts of Age , in composing Pomatums and Fucus's , for which you may find infinite Receits in every Volume of Physick , and in all their Pharmacopoeas , under the Title of Decorating and cleansing the skin ; and are of great use for Bawds , to put off their old Worm-eaten Ware : which Compositions the Scripture calls Oyntments of Whoredome . With these you shall also see set down many Incentives and Provocatives to Lust , which are call'd by another Name , Restoratives ; by the help of which , Ovid boasts himself to have liv'd to the Ninetieth Year . Moreover , there is no design of Bawdery so closely and undiscernably carried , as that which is Acted under the Design of Physick ; for there are no Houses so fast shut , no Nunneries so Recluse , no Prisons so well guarded , which will not admit a Physitian-Pander , in whose shape Adulteries have been Committed in the Courts of Princes , as by Eudemus with Livia the Wife of Drusus ; and by Valerius Vectius with Messa●●ina the Wife of Claudius . Now lest any one should think the Philosophers unuseful for Pandarisme , behold Aristippus the very Master of the Cyrenaicks , who associating himself among other Rivals with Thais a Noble Curtesan , boasted that he enjoyed Thais , others were only enjoyed by Thais ; so that while they wasted their Estates upon her , he had his Pleasure with her gratis . Whereby it is shrewdly to be suspected , that ●he Jade did but make the Philosopher her Pimp , by his Example and Authority , minding to draw the young Nobility to her Embraces . Neither was Aristippus satisfied in making himself Pimp to a Whore ; ●ut he also began to teach the Arts of Lust in Publick , Translating them from the Brothel-house into the Schools . Nor are the Mechanick Arts less favourable to the Art of Bawdery than these we have rehears'd ; especially , the Phrygian Arts of Weaving , Knitting , Sewing , and other the like Female Exercises , under pretence whereof your old Bawds while they pretend to carry about Linnen , Silk , Head-cloaths , Hoods , Lockets , Gloves of young Whores , now become stale and experienced Bawds , making those Toyes the Baits of their Allurements , and thereby also obtaining the opportunity of Discourse ; and these are immediately seconded by Laundresses and Chare-women , who have freedom of access into Houses : There are also Beggars that under pretence of Charity are constant at the doors where any Design is laid , on purpose for the Conveyance of Letters and Messages . And to the Married Wife those Gifts convey , Which the Adulterer sends to make his way . The Exercises of the Nobility also , as Tilting and Ju●ing , give great opportunities to Compass the Designs of Pandarisme , as also your Military Traynings , by means whereof , Romulus ravish'd the Sabin Virgins , And as for Hunting , how often have the Woods been privy to the secret Adult●ries of great Personag●s ? In relation to which , Virgil takes a very good occasion to be merry , discribing the opportunity that Dido and Aeneas had when they lost their Company in Hunting . And Jupiter himself did oft-times make the Shepherds his Pimps . What great opportunities are got by going by Water , Venice can testifie . The Art of Cookerie gives also the same advantages at great Feasts and Dinners . After the Feast was ended , all took down , They mighty Goblets place , and Bacchus Crown . Here rich with Gems and Gold , the Queen requires A Bowl with Wine ; them merry be , desires . Then having gently kiss'd the swelling Cup , Gave 't Bicias : be the full Gold soon turns up ; Next other Peers . — Tyrians and Trojans praise with one consent , But the slow Night unhappy Dido spent In various talk , and long imbibed Love. There are many other Artifices also of Bawds and Pimps : but above all , there is nothing like the temptation of Gold , wherein if the Alchymist could satisfie our Expectation , they would be the most Invincible Panders in the World. A Wife well Portion'd , high Repute and Friends , Kindred and Beauty , all Queen Pecunia sends . The Jealous Husband is appeas'd with Gold , the inexorable Rival mollified with Gold , the most strict and watchful Keepers and Guardians are corrupted with Gold : there is no Dore , no Gate , but opens to Gold : no Bed-chamber , but gives entrance to Gold : Bars , Stone-walls , and the indissoluble Bonds of Wedlock , all yield to the Force of Gold : and what wonder if Virgins , Widows , Matrons , Vestal Virgins , are sold and bought for Gold , when Christ himself was sold for Silver ? Moreover , under the Leading and good Conduct of this Captain of Pandarism , many have risen from very low and mean Fortunes , to the highest degree of Nobility . That man prostitutes his Wife , and is presently made a great Officer ; another prostitutes his Daughter , and is presently made an Earl ; another for procuring such or such a Lady into the embraces of his Prince , is streightway thought to be worthy of some great reward , and is presently made a Bed-chamber-man . Others are come to be great persons , for marrying the Kings Concubines ; and being preferr'd to great Employments by the same Arts of Pimping and Pandaring , make sufficient gain of Popes and Cardinals ; neither is there any way more compendious to get an Estate . Now how much Religion conduces to Pandarism , the History of Paulina a most Chast and Constant Lady , related by Aegesippus , most abundantly testifies , whom the Priests of Isis prostituted to a young Knight , whom they made her believe to be the God Anubis . What more powerful Charm for the advancement of Pandarism , than Auricular Confession ? as is sufficiently manifest in the Tripartite History , and of which , were I so minded , I could give fresh Examples upon my own knowledge . For the Priests , Fryers , Monks , and Sisters , have a special Prerogative to be both Pimps and Bawds , having the liberty to wander where they please , and with whom they please , when and as oft as they please , to converse with all privacie and secrecie , without any witnesses neer ; so well and securely and their Bawderies personated and disguis'd . Some there are among 'um , who think themselves anathematiz'd , should they touch Money ; yet the words of St. Paul nothing move 'um , That it is not good to touch a woman : and yet they not onely handle 'um with their unchast hands , but secretly also haunt the publick Brothel-houses , deflowering the Holy Nuns , vitiating Widows , and adulterating the Wives of their Host● sometimes , which I both know and have seen ; like the Trojan Ravisher , they carry 'um quite away , and prostitute 'um in common to their Fellows , according to Plato's Law ; & whereas they ought to gain their Souls to God , they sacrifice their souls to the Devil . Many other more wicked Crimes than these , their mad Lust commits , which it is a shameful thing to utter ; in the mean while , believing that they have sufficiently perform'd their Vow of Chastity , if they do but in words onely bitterly inveigh against Luxury , Fornication , Adultery , and Incest ; not being able to talk of Vertue without shaking their Buttocks . Such as these the great Ladies always keep neer 'um , the Contrivers of Court-marriages and Adulteries . There was in antient time a Decree of the Senate engraven in two Tables , and kept in the Temple of Venus , a Law favourable to Whoremongers and Bawds ; a Copy whereof we finde set down by Crinitus in these words : The Laws of visiting , courting , whispering , toying , intruding , saluting , discoursing , wooing , let them be permitted by me . Let no man hinder them from all conveniences in the House , at the Windows , in the Garden , postico impluvio , let them carry their Messages , let them keep Faith , let them give all aid and Assistance . In the second Table thus : At Night let them mind their Vows , let them with their protestations mingle Complaints , let them put away all shame and fear ; let them suppress sorrow , let them take hold of time and place , never give way to opportunity ; in their Love-Letters succidunto ; in them let them urge their hopes , their affection , their expectation , necessity and compassion , fraud , force or stratagem , let them moderately use ; let them act prudently , or foolishly ; from a Mistress , let them always take any thing as a Pledge or Pawn ; by her permission let them proceed , or seek a new one ; let them Court a Noble high-minded Lady with pomp and subtletie : His Conjectures let him silently pursue . Lycurgus also made a Law , That if any person stricken in Age , and unfit for Marriage , should happen to Wed a young Virgin , it might be lawful for her to choose any young Man strong and lusty , to hansel her Fruitful Womb with a more generous Seed , provided that the off-spring should be her Husbands . There was also another Law made by Solon , which gave liberty to Wives , if their Husbands were grown infirm , and not able for the Venereal sport , to chuse some one person , next of Kin , to lie with 'um , provided the Off-spring should not be alienated . And I onely touch upon it by the way , that there are many Noble women now adays , who are well known to make use of other men to get them with Childe , and impose their spurious Issue upon their Husbands : Afterwards being brought to Bed and up again , they return to the Society of their Adulterers : In that worse than Julia the Wife of Agrippa , who would never receive a Passenger till the Ship was laden . In the Sacred Writ also we finde the stratagems and devices of Lovers and Love-assistants , as of the Mother-in-Law of Ruth , in Jonadah whom the Scripture calls a Wise man , and in Achitophel a grave and prudent Counsellor . We read also , that Abraham when he sojourned with the Egyptians , knowing his Wife to be fair and young , I know , saith he , that thou art a fair woman to look upon , therefore it will come to pass when the Egyptians see thee , they will say , She is his wife ; so will they kill me , but thee will say , keep alive : say , I pray thee , that thou art my sister , that I may fare well for thy sake , and that my life may be saved . So the woman was taken into Pharaoh's house , and Abraham was intreated well for her sake . The same subtlety he also us'd towards Abimeleck King of the Philistines ; and so did Isaac the Son of Abraham . Thus you see the Art of Pandarism has been highly honour'd and advanc'd by the Gods , by Heroes , Legislators , Philosophers , Wise men , Divines , Princes and Prelates . Pan and Mercury themselves were Pandars , and the little Boy Cupid : The Hero Vlysses , the Lawgivers , Lycurgus and Solon , were Pandars , who were the first that built Brothel-houses , and countenanc'd the Prostitution of young women to men . Of later days Pope Sixtus built up a most noble Brothel-house at Rome ; the Emperour also Heliogabalus fed whole droves of Whores in his own house , for the use of his friends and acquaintance . It has been the great care of Queens , Princesses , and great Ladies , to practise this Art , in so much that many Queens have been the procurers of Female-pleasure to their own Sons . Nor have the chief Magistrates and Burgomasters of Cities disdain'd the Office ; for the Corinthians , Ephesians , Abydens , Cyprians , Babylonians , and many other Magistrates of other Towns , were all of them Pimps and Panders to their Subjects , building and maintaining Bawdy-houses in their Cities , not a little inriching their Treasuries with the Tribute which they exacted from Curtesans : which is a thing common in Italy , and in Rome every Curtesan pays a Julio a week to the Pope , which many years amounts to above Twenty thousand Ducats ; the hire and wages of Whores being a great part of the Ecclesiastical Treasury . Nay , I have heard some compting up their Estates in this manner : He hath , saith he , two Benefices , one Curateship of twenty Crowns , another Priory of forty , and the tribute of three Whores in the Bordelli , which amounts to twenty Julio's a week . No less Pimps and Bawds are those Bishops and Officers , that exact a yearly Tribute from the Priests , to permit them the use of Concubines ; which exaction is become a Proverb among the common people , who cry , Shall he , or shall be not have a Concubine ? Let him pay a Crown , and take one . But in the Kingdom of Covetousness , there is nothing accompted shameful by which Money is to be gotten . I pass over the invention of Toleration , which gives a woman liberty , by means of a little Money paid to the Bishop , to co habit in Adultery with another man. All which things are so manifest , that it is impossible to say which is most apparent , the impudence of the Prelates , or the stupidity of the common People : so that it were very needful for the Princes of Germany to seek redress hereof , as one of the greatest grievances and oppressions of their Empire . Such Patrons has the Craft of Pandarism , who with no less power defend the mysteries of Putanism ; for which , to our great grief and shame be it spoken , there are such great Priviledges and Immunities throughout the whole Christian Commonwealth , such ample tolerations , contrary to the Divine Laws , and the Word of God it self : Humane Reason and the Power of Pandarism so potently contriving to give to Youth this wicked Liberty , under the pretence of keeping them from acting higher Impieties . Take away Whores , they cry , out of the Commonwealth , and streight the world will be fill'd with Rapes , Adulteries , and Incests : no Matron shall remain unviolated , the Chastity of no Widow shall be safe , Virgin and Vestal Nuns will not escape their fury : From whence they conclude it to be impossible for a Commonwealth or Nation to be in a quiet posture of Government , without the allowance of Harlots ; without whom the Children of Israel however liv'd so Chastly and Continently for many Ages together : for such was the Command of God , There shall be neither whores nor whoremongers suffered among the children of Israel . Notwithstanding which , that beastly liberty before mentioned has endeavoured to invade the Pale of the Church under the pretence of Religion , and was the ground of the Nicolaitan Heresie , who to avoid the suspition of Jealousie , prostituted their own Wives , and by a Platonick custom maintained community of Wives . But we are bound to let all Princes , Judges , and Magistrates understand , that whoever they be that permit the use of Brothels , or by any way connive at their sufferance , though they themselves may perhaps not be guilty of the Crime it self , to them shall God speak as is spoken by the Psalmist : If thou didst see a thief , thou didst run with him , and didst set up thy portion with Adulterers . These things hast thou done , and I have held my peace ; Thou didst believe I would be like thee , but I will convince thee , and set thy transgressions before thee . CHAP. LXV . Of Beggerie . IT is a great part of the duty of Civil and Ecclesiastical Government , to be mindful of the Poor and Diseased , lest People should commit Sin , or Steal through Poverty , or by continual wandring should occasion the bringing in of Plagues & Pestilences into Cities , or should Perish for Hunger , to the shame of Mankind . Therefore there are Publick Alms-houses Erected in sundry places at the Publick Charge , whose stipends daily increase through the Alms of well-disposed People . For Publikely to beg and wander from place to place , was from the Beginning a thing prohibited by the Laws of all Nations . For in the Old Law , the Jews were commanded by Moses , Let there be no poor or begger among ye . And in the Roman-Law , Justinian hath very sharply Ordain'd against sturdy Beggars , that if any one stout in his Limbs should presume to Beg , he was presently to be Imprision'd , and set to Work. In the Evangelical Law , Christ commanded , that what was superfluous should be given to the poor , that so there might be no Begger among the People , but that there should be a kind of Equality , as saith St. Paul writing to the Corinthians : Let your abundance supply their want , that their abundance may also supply your want , and equality be among ye ; as it is written , He that hath much has not abounded , and he that hath little hath not less . And Writing to the Ephesians , He that stole , saith he , let him steal no more , but rather let him labour and work with his hands the thing that is good , that he may have to give unto him that needeth . The same Apostle commands the Thessalonians to labour with their hands , and to endeavour to abound ; confirming a severe Decree among them , That he that would not Labour should not Eat ; Commanding Loyterers to be Expell'd from the Communion of the Faithful . And in his Epistle to Timothy , he condemns those who imagine Beggery to be Godliness . The Papal Decrees Ordain Alms to be given only to those who are past their Labour , accompting all others that receive Alms in the number of Robers , Thieves , and Sacrilegious persons . By which Authorities we are taught , not only to compassionate Poverty , but to detest Beggery . But those cunning Impostures daily practis'd to advance the trade of Beggery , are by all men to be Abominated , while their Contrivers rather choose to lye before the Gates of Churches , to the great shame of man-kind , and contrary to the Command of God , enduring all the hardships of the bitterest cold , the burning Sun , and Torments worse than Death , rather than to be contented with the mean Allowance of an honest Alms-house ; And which is far more Abominable , in the midst of all their Torments and Pains , Blaspheming , Swearing , Forswearing , Cursing , Banning , Fowl-mouth'd , Injurious and Drunk , using the Name of Christ , but neither Worshipping Christ , or regarding any thing of Sacred or Religious ; filling the Ears of Passengers not with the cries of Martyrs , but with the bannings of Infernally-tormented Creatures . There is another most Impious sort of Beggers , who crusting over their Scars and Wounds with Bird-lime , Meal , and Clotted-Blood , expose themselves all full of Soars and Botches . And others that by counterfeiting other sorts of Diseases and Sicknesses . Others there are , that under the pretence of Vows and Pilgrimages , wander up and down from Country to Country , designedly avoiding Labour , out of a wicked love of Poverty ; begging from Dore to Dore , yet would not change their Lives for Princes , while they have liberty to Vagabond it where they please at their own pleasure ; concern'd neither in War nor Peace ; every where free from Taxes , publick Charges and Duties : And yet they are many times the causes of great and most pernicious Mischiefs , and by their means great Enterprises are brought to pass , while under the rags of Beggers many times Spies are sent to discover the secrets of Fortified Places ; many times Beggers themselve are made use of to bring and carry Letters of Intelligence : By some of them Cities have been set on Fire , as we find by the late sad example of the City of Tryers ; sometimes Wells have by them been poysoned , and the Plague it self brought into Kingdoms , to the Destruction of Thousands of People . Among these we must reckon that sort of Cattle which they call Cyngani or Gypsies . They live on strangers , hate at home to ' bide ; Abhor to know their own , no Land beside . These having their Original from a certain Country between Aegypt and Ethiopia , of the Race of Chus , the Son of Cham , the Son of Noah , still suffer under the Curse of their Progenitor : These are they who Erecting Boothes in the High-way , or else taking up the next Barn for their Habitation , give themselves to nothing but Thievery and Whoredome , and by Thest and Fortune-telling maintain their idle Lives . Volaterran believes , that the first that set up this Trade , from whence it deriv'd it self into these Parts , were the Vxii , a People of Persis ; following Scilates , who wrote the Constantinopolitan History . For he reports , that Michael Traul●● obtain'd the Empire by the Fortune-telling of the Vxii ; which sort of People being dispers'd through Europe and Moesia , maintain'd themselves by telling people their Fortunes . Polydore affirms 'um to be Assyrians and Cilicians . But this Itch of damnable Lying doth not only possess the most prophane and lowest sort of People and wandring Vagabonds , but has also advanc'd it self among the Religious , and into the Orders of the Monks and Priests . Hence those Sects of Fryars , Monks , and other Religious Traders in Palmestry had their Original , who under a cursed pretence of Religion carrying about the Reliqu●s of the Saints , and making shew of great Holiness , by the help of many feigned Miracles ; threatning some with the Anger of the Saints , promising to others Indulgencies and Dispensations ; instead of Alms , they get great Riches . For in this posture wandring from Country to Country , from silly Wenches and trimorous Women here they get a Sheep , there a Goat , here a Kid , there a Pig , or a young Calf : sometimes Wine , Oyl , Butter , Pulse , Milk , Cheese , Eggs , Hens , Wool , Linnen and Money ; as it were Plunder and prey upon the whole Country where they go , returning home Laden with the rich spoils of their Villany , where they are receiv'd by their Companions with all expressions of joy and applause for the Triumphs of their most damnable Impositions : while on the other side , they who by their Fallacies and lying Devices have thus robb'd the Country , think they do God and the Saints good Service , to fat and cram the Guts of their idle Associates , with the fruits of their Cousening and Quacksalving devices , altogether neglecting and contemning to expend these Gifts upon Objects of Charity , to which intent they were both begg'd and given . Apuleius in his Ass is not forgetful to make them part of his Story , under the Title of the Priests of the Assyrian Gods. Among these we may number the whole Tribe of Mendicant Fryars , who laying aside the Sanctimony of their Profession , follow Gain in lieu of Godliness ; as if they made a profession of Religion for no other reason , but that under the pretence of Poverty they may have liberty to profess a wandring Beggery , and with an impudent and bold Hypocrisie to rake Money together ; asham'd of nothing in all places : from which neither Courts of Justice , Temples , Schools , Courts , Private or Publick Societies , Consessions , Sermons , Pulpits are free , where they are wont to sell their Indulgencies , extol the benefits of their Ceremonies , extorting in that manner from Usurers and rich Thieves no small share of their ill-got Gains , and from the thick-scull'd Shop-keepers , and illiterate Rabble , squeezing good store of Money ; beginning like the Serpent with the Women first , that by their Assistance they may the more easily Delude the Men. Who making a shew of Poverty with their affected Raggs , and every where Preaching the Contempt of Money , and the shunning of Ambition ; yet themselves in the mean while make nothing more their utmost study and business than to rake money with their Profession ; to which purpose they compass Sea and Land , intrude themselves into the houses of all sorts of people , performing nothing of their Holy Function but for Hire , exacting Alms more Tyrannically than Tribute ; thrusting themselves into all peoples business , making up doubtful Matches , ordering Wills , composing Suits in Law , informing and reforming the Holy Nuns ; but nothing of all this , unless they find something coming . These are the Tricks and Deceits of the Friers , by means whereof they have arriv'd to so high a pitch of Authority , to the Terror even of Popes and Monarchs , rich beyond the Estates of great Merchants , or the Treasures of Princes , which has enabled 'um with great Sums , not only to purchase Mitres and Hatts , but even the Papacy it self . So Powerful is Religious Beggery ; to which , how opulent soever , they will pretend , while they touch not the money with their bare Fingers , but have their Judas to keep the Keys of their Treasury , and to make up their Accompts ; daring then , most bold Equivocators , to say with St. Peter and St. John ; Gold or Silver have I none . Against these Apes of Christ and S. Francis , are Richard Bishop of Armachanus , Malleolus Governour of Tigurines , and John Bishop of Camot , whose Writings would have been more acceptable , had they not only condemned the Abuse , but also the very allowance of this Religious way of Begging it self . CHAP. LXVI . Of Oeconomy in general . UNder the Title of Government-administration Oeconomy is contain'd , which is the Government of a Family , Republick , or a private Monarchy ; of which there are several sorts . For Oeconomy is partly Regal and Noble , partly Military , partly Publick , or in Community , as in Covents and Colledges , partly Private and Monastick . This Private Oeconomy teaches how Wives , Sons , Nephews , Servants , and whole Families are to be govern'd ; how to enlarge and increase an Estate ; how to manage Expences . Under the notion of Publick Oeconomy , goes that Craft or Cunning which is us'd in ordering great Revenues , as Gabels , Customs , Tithes , great sums of Interest , Monopolies , and whatsoever other Arts of advancing the publick Revenue , or in the management of Treaties and Leagues . National Contests and Wars , which admitting of no certain Rule or Method , is therefore call'd Anomalous . Therefore cannot Oeconomy be said to be either an Art or a Science , but a certain Domestick Discipline or Doctrine made up of Opinion , Use , Custome , Prudence , and Craft , whereto all your labouring Handicrafts , and Mechanick Arts relate ; such as work in Linnen , Wool , Wood , Iron , Brass , and other Metals : as also the more servile Trades of Barbers , Cooks , and Victuallers : together with the several ways of getting Livelihoods , and increasing private Wealth , which neither belong to Rule or Magistracie , nor conduce at all to the Government of the Commonwealth ; aiming at nothing Divine , Ingenious or Heroick . Of which there are so many , and those mean and poor , that they are not to be numbred : some of these that get their Livings by mean things , are generally noted for particular Vices ; as Carters , Mariners , and Victuallers are commonly said to be very great Lyars and Tale-bearers , as likewise are Barbers and Bakers . So Songsters , Fidlers , and Pipers , men altogether Mercenary , made use of to Sing and Play at great Feasts and Entertainments , are generally of lewd and vicious Conversations . But the Life of a Mariner , as it is the most unhappy for hardship , so is it the most vitious and dishonest , who always live as it were in Prison , feeding hard and slovenly , their Apparel Nasty , unprovided of all sorts of Conveniences , perpetual Exiles and Vagabonds , never at rest , tost with uncertain Waves and rage of Winds , lyable to all the hazards of Summer , Cold , Storms , Thunder , Hunger , Drowth and Diseases ; to these we may add the dangers of Rocks , those Insects of the Seas , and Hurricanes ; not omitting Tempests , than which there is nothing more dreadful or horrible : which makes it seem more strange , that as Mariners are the most unhappy of men , and always in most dangers , so they are the most wicked and desperate . But among the whole Croud of Mechanick Arts , there are none that bear so great sway as Merchandize , Tillage , Warfare , Chirurgery , and the meaner part of Law. Of all which we shall discourse in their Order . Though before we begin , let us look into the Fundamentals of Oeconomy . CHAP. LXVII . Of private Oeconomy . THE chief strength of Private Oeconomy consists in Matrimony ; therefore Metellus surnam'd Numidian being Censor , and exhorting the Romans to Marry , If , said he , we could live without a Wife , then we should all be willing to shift our selves from the trouble : But since we can neither live commodiously with 'um , and that without 'um there is no possibility of living ; we ought to choose the perpetual Multiplication of Mankind , rather than a short Pleasure . Thus Aulus Gellius relates . For indeed , without a Wife there is no Family can either be maintained or long endure ; for without a Wife there is no Issue to be had , no Heir , no Inheritance , no Kindred , no Family , no Master of a Family can be . He who has no Wife , has no House , because he keeps not to his House ; or if he have a House , he lives like a stranger and a sojourner in it . He who has not a Wife , though he be very rich , has nothing that he can call his own , because he knows not to whom to leave it , nor whom to trust to , and therefore he is afraid of every body ; his Servants thieve from him , his Friends deceive him , his neighbours slight him , his Acquaintance neglect him , his Kindred seek to betray him : his Children , if he have any born out of Wedlock , are a disgrace to him , neither can he leave them the Name of his Family , the Arms of his Ancestry , nor his Inheritance , being restrain'd by the Laws : neither are they by the common Consent of all Legislators to be Advanced to any Place or Dignity in the Common-wealth ; for he is not fit to Govern a City , that cannot Rule his Family ; nor to Rule the Common-wealth , who never knew how to Govern a private Family , which is the true Pattern and Exemplar of a Republick . This the Grecians well knew , who when Philip of Macedon studied to appease a Dissention among them , and that Leontias the Gorgion rehears'd a Treatise of Concord , which he had written in the City of Olympia , they were both Laught at , who sought to make Peace abroad , who had none in their own Families . For at home , the Son of Philip and his Mother were at Variance ; and Gorgias his Wife could not agree with her Maid : therefore they thought that they who wanted Prudence and Authority to quiet Domestick Brauls , could never be able to compose Publick Discords . That Person therefore who Commands a City , or a Common-wealth , unless he know how to Govern his own House and Family , is very inauspiciously prefer'd . Lastly , this is the only condition of Humane-Life , wherein a Man loving his Wife , giving good Education to his Children , well-ordering his Family , preserving his Estate , and encreasing in Children , may be said to live happily . Wherein , if any thing fall out of Burthen and Labour , as many times Crosses will happen , and there is no mans Life without Misfortune ; yet that very Burthen becomes light , and the Yoke easie : especially the Yoke of Marriage , if they prove not such Wives , whom Covetousness , Pride , Deceit , or Lust , but God hath joyn'd , for whose sake , a man is bound to forsake Father and Mother , Son and Brother , and Kindred , and adhere to his Wife , whose love ought to exceed the love of all others . So Hector seeing the Fate of Troy , which was to be Destroy'd , seems not so much troubled for his Parents , Brothers and Kindred , as for the loss of his dearest Wife . So we read in Homer , I well fore-see the Fate of Mighty Troy , That Priam and his People shall Destroy ; But nor my Countries nor my Fathers smart , Nor Priam's fall so much Afflict my Heart , Nor loss of Kindred many and Renown'd , Whom Hostile rage shall bury under ground , As care for thee my honour'd Spouse doth vex My grieved Mind . — I confess , that unhappy Matches are attended with many Evils and Miseries ; which Socrates remembers us of , that is to say , perpetual Care , consuming Jealousie , continual Quarrelling , upbraidings with Dower , the scornful looks and countenances of Kindred , the manifold Expences and uncertain dispositions of Children ; sometimes Barrenness , and Extinction of the Family , a strange Heir , innumerable Sorrows ; many times the restraint of Election , Marriage being impos'd ; so that whether she be of a good Humour , a Fool , Perverse , Proud , Sluttish , Deform'd , Unchast , nothing of all this can be known , till after Consummation , none of which are seldom , or ever after mended . Of unfortunate Marriages there are many Examples . Marcus Cato Censor , in his time the Chief , and Prince of the Roman Commonwealth , who had scarce his equal both in Peace and War , having in his declining years Married a young Maid the Daughter of one Solomon , a man poor , and of mean Extraction , lost all Mastership and Authority at home in his own House . Tiberius having Married Julia the Daughter of Augustus , Infamous for many detected Adulteries , and not daring to Correct , Accuse , or Repudiate her , was forc'd to retire to Rhodes , not without manifest detriment to his Fame , and danger of his Life . M. Antonie the Philosopher having Married Faustina the Daughter of Antonius Pius , was forc'd to be contented with her , though an Adulteress , for fear of hazarding the loss both of Dower and Empire together . But all these Inconveniences happen , not so much through the fault of the Women , as the negligence of the Men. For it seldom happens that the Women are bad , unless the Husbands are worse . Of whom , thus Varro discourses in Gellius . The Vices of Women are either to be endur'd , or to be taken away . He that forces a Woman to mend a fault , renders her more tolerable to himself ; but he that endures a fault , makes himself the better Man. Of all which we have spoken more largely in our Declamation upon the Sacrament of Matrimony . Again , many times the Education of Children proves not so happy as it was intended , many growing stubborn and disobedient to their Parents , others become Contentious , others Mad , others Foolish , others dull and thick Scull'd , others given to all Debauchery , spending all in Luxury , Lust , and Gaming ; Others prove Parricides , as Al●meon and Orestes , and the Malleoli who kill'd their Mother . Therefore Artaxerxes , surnam'd Mnemon , having be got a Hundred and fifteen Children , was forc'd to put to Death the greatest part of 'um , for Plotting to take away his Life ; and for this Cause , Euripides modestly supposes , what our Bernard positively ●vers , That it is an unknown good to want Children . Augustus also , the most Fortunate of Emperours in other things , yet beholding the behaviour of his Daughter and Neece , was wont to cry out in the Words of Homer : — O that Vnwedded I had liv'd , And never all my dayes for Issue striv'd . Of Servants also , thus saith Euripides : At home there is no greater Enemy ; nothing worse or more unprofitable than a Servant . Says Democritus , A Servant is a necessary Possession , but not pleasing . And Petrarch hath written , I knew , saith he , that I liv'd among Doggs , but never knew my self to be a Hunter , but by Admonition . Servants are called Dogs , as being snappish , devouring , and snarling . Plautus in his Pseudolus well expresses their conditions : A Pestiferous Generation of People , into whose thoughts nothing enters that may at any time perswade 'um to do well ; but when there is occasion , snatch , catch , carry away ; this is their Practice , that a man had better leave Wolves among Sheep , than to entrust these Servants at home . And Lucian in his Palinute ; The Curses of Servants are alwayes ready against their Masters , and there is nothing more at hand among 'um than thievery , deceit , running-away , arrogance , negligence , drunkenness , gluttony , sleepiness , sloth and laziness . From whence arose that Proverb , As many Servants , so many Enemies . But we do not so often find 'um Enemies , as make 'um so ; while Masters carry themselves proudly , covetously , cruelly , and contumeliously ; becoming Lords and Tyrants at home , exercising a feverity over them , not as we ought , but as we please : concerning whom Plautus brings in Strophilus thus speaking in his Aulularia . Masters their Servants use injuriously , And as corruptly Servants now obey . So what is just on neither side is done . Your sparing Old Men with a thousand Keys , Their Cupboards , Kitchins , Cellars , Butteries shut : Which to their Children they will scarce unlock . But Servants , suttle , cunning , crafty Thieves , With Keys Two thousand open 'um again . And then by stealth they swallow and consume What rackt a hundred times they 'l nere confess : Damn'd slaves , on their enslavers thus revenge With Jokes and Laughter take ; which makes me say , Free Masters only faithful Servants make . Many Commonwealths have egregiously suffer'd by reason of their Servants . As well those Historians testifie who have written the Rebellions of Servants against their Masters : More especially the City of the Valsinenses , a City flourishing in Riches , famous for the excellency of her Laws and Government , afterwards a most miserable spectacle of the Insolency of her Slaves . For when the strict severity of the Citizens over their Servants decreas'd , insomuch that they sometimes admitted them to their Councils ; afterwards a few of them presuming to take upon them the Order of Senators , they Invaded the Commonwealth it self ; they commanded Wills to be made at their own pleasures ; they forbid the Publick Feasts and Assemblies of the Freemen ; Married their Masters Daughters . Lastly , they Ordain'd by Law , that all Adulteries committed by them with Widdows , all Fornications with Unmarried Women , should be unpunish'd ; and that No Virgin should be Married to a Free-man , whose Chastity some one of them had not Defil'd before . Thus a most Opulent City , once the Metropolis of Caria , through her too kind Indulgence to her Servants , sunk into the Abyss of Injuries and dishonest Sufferings . For saith Aristotle in his Politick Orations , Omit severe Discipline among Servants , and they streight practise Treacherie against their Masters . So did the Helots against the Lacedemonians , and those of Praeneste against the Thessalians . CHAP. LXVIII . Of Regal Oeconomy , or Court-Discipline . WE have now a fit opportunity to treat of Regal or Court Oeconomy . And to say Truth , the Court is nothing else but a Colledge of Gyants , that is , of noble and splendid Knaves , a Theater of a Wicked Life-guard , a School of most corrupt Manners , where Pride , Arrogancy , Haughtiness , Extortion , Lust , Luxury , Envy , Gluttony , Violence , Impiety , Malice , Treachery , Deceit , Cruelty , and whatsoever other corrupt Customes and Vices rule and bear sway ; where Adulteries , Rapes , and Fornication are the sports of Princes and great Persons , where oftentimes the Mothers of Kings and Princes are Bawds to their own Sons , where the Storms and Tempests of Vice cause an unspeakable Shipwrack of all Vertue , where every Good Man is oppressed , the worst of Men are advanc'd ; where the Downright are laugh'd to scorn , the Just are Persecuted , the bold and Arrogant are Promoted . There only Flatterers , Whisperers , Detractors , Talkbearers , Calumniators , Sycophants , Lyars , Supplanters , Inventers of Evil , sowers of Discord prosper , and the worst of Crimes are openly Professed . Their Lives ●●d Conversations are the most dishonest of all Mens , and whatsoever Hainous is to be observ'd in the single Natures of the worst of Monsters , all seems as it were to be amass'd together in the Rout attending a Court. There is to be seen the fierceness of the Lyon , the cruelty of the Tygre , the rudeness of the Bear , the rashness of the Bore , the pride of the Horse , the greediness of the Wolf , the craft of the Fox , the unconstancy of the Camelion , the various colours of the Leopard , the currishness of the Dog , the timorousness of the Hare , the petulancy of the Goat , the nastiness of Swine , the desperateness of the Elephant , the revenge of the Camel , the stupidness of the Ass , the scurrility of the Ape . There Inhabit the raging Centaures , the pernicious Chimera's , the mad Satyrs , the filthy Harpies , the wicked Syrens , the horrid Struthiocamels , the devouring Gryphens , the rapacious Dragons , and whatsoever fatal Monsters and destructive Prodigies at which Nature is Affrighted ; where every particular Vertue finds a Tyrant and a Hangman . In fine , a man must fit himself for all Wickedness , Malice , and Impiety , or not come neer a Court. It is not Lawful unless far from Court Vnpunish'd to be good . — The provok'd Power of a Potent Courtier , is like a Comet , the Fore-runner of many Mischiefs , and a most Contagious Pestilence where it fixes ; leaving behind most uncurable Effects of its Venome , like the biting of mad Dogs . The Court is generally accompanied with scarcity , the price of things being enhansed , where men think to gain by the Confluence of People : it is accompanied by the excess of Luxury in Dyet , with new-fangled Dishes , driving out the customary Dyet of the Country . It is attended with the height of Pride , which when Men and Women strive to imitate , and seek in change of Fashions to out-vye one another , they consume and waste their Patrimony in Apparel . Now when a Court departs out of any City or Town , what a filthy Tail it leaves behind ! Here Men find their Wives Adulterated , there their Daughters carried away for Whores , their Servants corrupted and abus'd : What follows ? great Complaints , and the face of the whole City is become as it were the Face and Countenance of a Whore. I know a Famous City of France by these means so corrupted , that there was hardly a Chast Matron or a Virgin left ; so that it was counted a great Honour to be a Count's Whore : and the old Women were generally Bawds to the younger ; and so shameless they became at length , that Modesty was quite Exil'd ; so that Men never took notice of their Wives playing the Whores , so that , as Abraham sayes , It were well with them for their sakes . CHAP. LXIX . Of Noble Courtiers . THE Inhabitants of a Court are two-fold . The chief are the Peers and Nobles , those Huffing Thraso's , who are mad with Pride , Luxury , and Pomp ; clad in Purple and Silk , with their Plumes of Feathers , and Garments lac'd with Gold and Vanity . Whom Whoring pleases and affected Gouts , Loose Hair , and strange new Names for gaudy Clouts . For upon Whores they waste all the strength and heat of their Youth ; nor is their Gluttony less active and ingenious , or their Palates less ingenious ; and it is no small part of Honour which they look for , to be splendidly Invited , nobly Entertain'd , and gloriously Treated . And among them there are that count it no dishonour to be so prodigal at one Meal , as to be forc'd to be beholding to other mens Tables for a quarter of a Year after . To these great Entertainment-mongers resort your Fidlers of all sorts , Mimick Parasites , Players , Whores , Bawds , and Dancing-masters , Huntsmen , Faulkners , and such kind of Prodigies of Men. Dogs , Horses , Greyhounds , Hawks , Apes , Parrots must be kept ; and for the greater state of the business , Bears , Lyons , Leopards and Tygres . Their common discourse is meer trifling Tittle-tattle , Detracting , Accusing , Giggling , Lying , and Bragging . Some are always twatling of their Dogs , of their Hunting , what close Woods they met with , how many faults their Dogs made , how they recover'd it , and what other casualties happen'd in the Chase. Others are always prating of their Horses , and what Races were lately run ; of the Wars , and what valiant Acts they themselves perform'd there . If any one has a mind to cross the other , he begins a Discourse quite contrary , to put the other out , though generally his Narratives prove as idle as the former ; which another not brooking , undertakes to contradict him , and jee● him out of the Pit ; which many times turns to Wrath and Anger , so that the Feast proves at length a Banquet of the Lapithae , which seldom ended but in the drawing of Blood , as if the end of their Invitations had been according to the Distick : Cherish your Bodies with your choice of Fare , And then Pot-valiant for the Fight prepare . Now the chiefest Lesson which they learn , is to observe the Princes times and seasons , for fear of Acting irregularly ; wherein they do not advise either with Stars , Heaven , or Ephemerides , but consult the several Opportunities of the Princes Drinking , Eating , Banqueting , Hunting , Rising , and going to Bed ; laying hold on his freedom of Humour , at which time Mirth yields a more easie Audience to discourse ; and then beginning to tickle the Ears with some pleasing story , they proceed by degrees to the sum of their Request . Observing the Counsel of Aristotle to Calisthenes , That to a Prince a man should either discourse very wittily and pleasantly , or else be very silent ; by silence either to keep himself secure , or by pleasing-Discourse to render him self more acceptable . Wherefore if the Prince seem to be pleas'd with any one of 'um , to shew any liking of what they have spoken or done , if he trust him with any thing , or be plea'd to Discourse in private with any one , Then shall such a one be Magnifi'd in the Eyes of Men , he shall presume to do any thing , he shall revile all men , laugh at all men , slight all men , talk ill of 'um privately , rebuke 'um publickly ; he shall speak great things , and all People shall fear him ; he shall spurn at his Inferiors , contemn his Equals , disdain his Superiours , altogether puft up , and seeking to enlarge his Power . Freedom of doing ill is vertue thought , And high command — Whoever is not pleas'd , and applauds him not when he has done evil , is therefore guilty , for he shall be thought either to envy his Good Fortune , or not give him his due Honour . Nor are they only troublesome to their Equals and Inferiours , but also most pestilent to their Princes themselves , whom under pretence of severity , prudence , and giving wholesome Counsel , they perniciously Flatter , and cause to commit most horrid Crimes ; as in Lucan , Curio instigates Caesar. What remiss Power withholds thy Potent Arms ? Is it mistrust of us thy Courage charms ? While in my breathing Veins warm Blood doth flow , And brawny Arms the Massie Pile can throw , Caesar shall never brook the Senates Reign , Nor the Degenerate Gown . — Such instigators had Alexander the Great , who being hot-headed enough of himself , when he was in his maddest humours , stir'd him up the more to Wars and Mischief : such advisers were the Councellors of Rehoboam the Son of Solomon , and such and too many do the present Courts of our Princes abound with , who yielding and soothing 'um up in their Pleasures , obey and humour 'um to bring about their wicked Designs ; and with such cunning they perswade or disswade , that thereby with greater force they work 'um to their Ends ; and where they would have things done , urging slender and impotent Reasons against the doing of it , that by seeming to be convinc'd , they may the better confirm the Error of the Prince : So deceiving , that they cannot be found out , but rather receive a Reward for their Perfidy . Such Councellors Francis the King of France at this time makes use of ; so prone to take all Evil Councel , that while they perswade him to act all sorts of Perfidie and Rigour against Caesar , are notwithstanding accompted Faithful and Loyal Subjects . Thus far of Court-Nobility . CHAP. LXX . Of the Vulgar sort of Courtiers . THere are the Common sort of Court-Attendants , a very wicked Generation , who live in a perpetual Slavery , visiting Noblemens Houses , and parasitically hanging on upon other mens Tables . And as their chiefest Good they daily seek The Trenchers of another man to lick . Therefore they are submissive to every body , flatter every one , studying to become all things to all , counterfeiting more shapes than Proteus , whereby to gain the savour of a Lord : To which purpose they mainly study to remember Discourses at Table , that they may not want matter for Report ; with great craft they inquire into the secrecies of such as are at odds , which they discover sometimes to their Friends , sometimes to their Enemies , so to render themselves acceptable to both , to both Treacherous ; so much the fitter for Treason , as pretending a great deal of simplicity and harmlesness . For though there be no Crime so wicked as Treachery , yet for the obtaining of Riches and Preferment , there is no way more ready nor more compendious , nothing more pleasing or grateful to Princes . They strive the Secrets of a House to know , To keep the Master under — And if at any time any person make 'um privie to any Treason , then they are brave Fellows , and hold up their heads above measure . Dear shall he be to Verres in whose power The Life of Verres lies . Thereby familiarity and kindred is Contracted , in confidence whereof they aspire to great things . First therefore some greatly labour to be listed in the number of Noblemens Servants , though they serve 'um without Salary : For they doubt not to get the favour of the Great Ones , having now fair opportunities of Flatterie , and to insinuate themselves with all manner of obsequiousness and small gifts : what duties others out of Laziness , Fear , or Covetousness omit , they greedily undertake ; they watch day and night , run , ride , post to and fro with Messages , undertake and suffer any toyl . Daring to Act , nor fearing to endure The Punishments provided for the Poor . Till by this means they become Secretaries , Treasurers , or other very great Ministers of State. And now having pass'd the Straits and Difficulties of Labour , double diligence and fawning obsequiousness are quite laid aside , nor regarded by them in others , there being now nothing in esteem but Money . Their new Honours have chang'd their Manners ; they forget what they were , contemn their Beginnings , they covet what is to come , and wholly devoted to Avarice , bend all their endeavours and studies in the pursuit of gain and riches ; sparing in the performance of Promises , yet full of Words ; Flattering , yet at the same time Treacherous ; dark in their Sentences , and like Oracles hard to be understood : whatever they see , whatever they hear , they consture to the worst sense : they trust only themselves , love only themselves , are wise only to themselves ; they trust in no mans faith or friendship , they care for no Society , but for the love of Gain ; their own Profit they prefer above all things ; their Friends , their Guests , their Companions , their Kindred , they Despise 'um all , and look upon 'um as barren Trees , if there be nothing to be got by 'um ; and their former Companions and great Chronics , if they meet 'um in their Dish , they will take no more notice of 'um than if they had never seen ' um . If any one requires their Friendship or Assistance , they feed 'um with Words and Promises , promising Ten times more than they will perform ; and perchance if there be no feeling in the Case , they will not only not help him , but ruine his Cause : all Kindness and Courtesie is vendible ; they despise all Vertue , clouding the Praises of others with Ambiguous Sayings , and Feigned Detractions behind their backs ; they themselves speak in the Praise of no man without a Reserve , as the Orator said of Julius , That he was fortunate indeed , that he was a stout man , and had done many valiant Acts ; but how he could evade being accounted guilty of Bribes , I should admire , but that I know the force of Elocution . And as another says , Happy in Children Proteus , and a Wife , And bating Phocas crimes , that stain'd his Life , A man not to be matcht . — After Gifts they are as greedy as Vultures , every-where hunting after their Prey , which they snatch out of one anothers Chaps , as the Harpyes were said to tear the Meat out of the mouth of Phinaeus . If any misfortune befal a Rival , they rejoyce ; they compassionate no mans Calamity ; they believe that they ought to keep promise and faith with no body , but for their own pleasure and advantage ; never to acknowledge any kindness , judging all men equally unworthy of any favour , or not fit to be taken notice of , or else to be recompenc'd with hatred and envy : rather when they hate , they counterfeit kindness , and dissemble their Anger ; unless the Prince or King , they give reverence or respect to no body , nor them neither but out of Fear , or for the hopes of Reward . At length growing grey in Fraud , Treachery , Labour and Toyl , and having by such base and sordid acts attain'd to high Honours and vast Riches , then they omit no breach of Law Divine or Humane , so that they may be able to leave their Sons Heirs of their Wealth , their Honour and Iniquities . — With Serpents thus and Lizards sought In Fields remote , the Storks their young ones feed , Who streight the self-same Prey their Mothers did , Now taking Wing , by hunger prickt pursue . The Birds of Jove thus to their off-spring true , In shady Woods hunt out the Goat and Hare , And constant supper for their Young prepare : But for themselves now able to provide , Their raging Hunger is not satisfi'd Vntil they find the Prey they tasted first , So soon as Life their tender shells had burst . And these are the Arts and Devices of the Common sort of Courtiers , by means whereof many of mean and low condition rise to the highest Preferments , Dignities , and places of Profit , and the next places of Authority to Kings and Princes themselves ; in Riches equal to their Princes , with which they build stately and Magnificent Structures and Palaces , while the more Noble Courtiers indeed , wast their Estates in Whoring , Gaming , Hunting , Horse-races , Entertainments , Masques , and Gorgeous Apparel ; selling their Lordships , Castles , Possessions , Inheritances , to those Upstart Courtiers , who by their wicked Practises and Contrivances are now mounted into the rank of Nobility . CHAP. LXXI . Of Court-Ladies . NEither are the Court-Ladies without their Vices . 'T is very true , that we behold a great number of Women for Elegancy of Body and exactness of Beauty to be admir'd , splendidly drest , and apparel'd in Purple and Silks , set out with Jewels ; but it is not easie for all men to see what wicked Monsters are conceal'd under those fair shapes : Wherefore Lucian most fitly compares 'um to Aegyptian Temples ; for there you shall behold a Structure most beautiful without , both for the Materials and curiousness of Work , but if you once look for the God within , you shall find there nothing but either an Ape , a Dog , a Goat , or a Cat. Even so it is with those Court-Ladies and Virgins , who being bred up from their tender years in Dancing , Masquing , soft-idleness , and all manner of Luxury and Voluptuousness , and having suck'd the worst of Education out of those Books of Court-love , and fine Histories of Lust , Adulteries , Fornications , and Pandarisms , as also Comedies , Novels , and wanton Songs , are thereby season'd with all sorts of evil Manners , becoming Light , Insolent , Arrogant , Peevish , Impudent , Obscene , Contentious , Contradictory , Obstinate , Revengeful , Crafty , Petulant , Loquacious , Lascivious , and Shamelesly and Obscenely wanton . They have tongues to which silence is a Punishment , their Lips not to be wearied with tittle-tattle , generally the most idle , most impertinent , and troublesome to the hearers . For what can we think they should be able to talk for so many hours together , but Folly ? for Example , how to shade the Hair , how to comb it , how to dye it , how to wash their Faces , how to pleit their Peticoats ; what Gate to observe in walking , rising , or lying ; what Apparel becomes such or such best , who and who are to take or give place , how far to bow in saluting , to whom the honour of the Lip is due , to whom not ; who are allowed to ride a Horse-back , who in a Coach , and who in a Litter : Who ought to wear Jewels , Pendants , Necklaces , Bracelets , and who not ; with a Thousand other trifling enquiries into the Laws of Semiramis . Neither are there wanting many of the older sort , who will tell ye how many Sweet-hearts they had , who sent her Gifts , who were most Courtly in their Addresses . This Woman talks of him that she Loves , that Woman can hardly forbear from speaking evil of him that the hates ; and whatsoever they say , they think they are admired by the Company : sometimes they stuff their Discourse with unseasonable Scoffs and Impudent Lyes : neither do they want most desperate Malice , and quarrelling one among another ; backbiting and flattery there is nothing more frequent : their Eyes , their Looks , their Glances are full of Allurements ; their Nods , their Gestures , their Becknings full of Wantonness ; they are full of Subtilty , and have studied words to deceive their Servants , and get gifts of value from ' um . Let 'um have any Ring , Jewel or Bracelet about them , these Females will never lin till they have flatter'd it into their own Possession ; for which , they return Kisses , Embraces , and Amorous Discourses , which are their publick Ware , and the nutriment of Court-love . It were a shame to discover what Crimes are committed in secret Bed-chambers , as if Marriage had been Consecrated only in Derision of Nature ; and that the putting on their Cloathes , were sufficient to cover all their Enormities . Such Virgins how faithful think ye will they prove afterwards to their Husbands ! Oh what a grief are they to all good Women ! continually hitting them in the Teeth with their Nobility , their Portion , their Beauty , their Forraigne Matches ; teazing their Husbands Ears with continual Clamours and Contumelies . They despise a frugal Table at home , and yet twit their Husbands with their Court-Expences ; and being us'd to Pomp and Extravagancies , they wast their Husbands Wealth , ruine their Families , compel their Husbands to undertake wicked Designes for gains sake ; to which end , they are forc'd to omit no Fraud , Treachery , Dissimulation , and Hypocrisie whatsoever , to compass their Ends. I will not speak of their Forrain Amours , their private Adulteries , their conceal'd Lyings-in , and Bastard Issue ; which affection turning once into hatred , they then prepare for Poyson or some other Mischief . But the most familiar practises of Evil Women , ( as St. Jerome Writes against Jovinianus ) are Frauds , Treacheries , Witchcrafts , Enchantments , and Magick Tricks . So Livia kill'd her Husband , whom she hated to Death . Lucilia also kill'd hers ; the first mixing Henbane with her Jealousie , the other drinking to him a Cup of Poyson instead of a Love-Potion . So that it is safer , ( as Ecclesiasticus saith ) to live with the Lyon and the Dragon , than with a bad Woman . He that would Marry , let him have a care of taking such a Courtier to Wife . It my Tongue hath been too free in Discourse , yet I have said what it was impossible for me not to have said : But I will put my hand upon my mouth , and speak no more of 'um ; and therefore let us depart the Court , and fall to the consideration of those more useful parts of Oeconomy , Merchandizing , Agriculture , and Warfare . CHAP. LXXII . Of Merchandizing . MErchandizing being the most subtile searcher after hidden gain , the most Covetous Devourer of her detected Prey , is never happy in Enjoyment , but alway most miserably Tormented with the desire of more . And yet it is not a little profitable to the Commonwealth , and usefully conducing to Contracts of friendship between Forraine Princes , and not a little advantageous to private Life ; and as some have thought , absolutely necessary . So that Pliny relates it to have been invented for the support of Living . And therefore many famous and wise men have not disdain'd to follow it . Of which number , as Plutarch testifies , were Thales , Solon , Hippocrates . But whatsoever Arts and Sciences we follow , some we admit for Pleasure , some we esteem for the Exercise , some we follow for Virtue and Honesties-sake , some for their Truth and Justice we admire : but Arts , how gainful , how pleasant , how necessary , how laborious soever , are not therefore to be presently accompted Laudable and Honest. Thus the Trades of Merchandizing , Usury , Money-changing , Bankers , are both necessary , profitable , and laborious ; and yet they are accompted illiberal , srdid , and base ways of getting , because they are not Arts , but laborious Cheats that are bought and sold ; which is the Office and Trade not of a clear-spirited , well-meaning , ingenuous , just good man ; but of a crafty , close , deceitful knavish dealer . For all Merchants buy in one place , that they may sell dearer in another , and he is accompted the wisest that can gain most ; among whom , Lying , Imposing , Cheating and Perjury is most frequent ; neither is there any way of attaining Profit which they think disdainful . Nay , they affirm it to be Lawful to Cheat their Chapmen half their just price : neither is it to be doubted , but that seeing the whole course of their Lives is fitted to follow after Gain , and to seek Riches , that they are forc'd many times for Lucres-sake to do many ugly and dishonest Actions : For no men grow Rich without Deceit , as saith St. Austin . — And far beyond the value raises The Wares he striveth to put off with Praises . And as another Poet hath it , The Merchant only worthy Stygian Lake , Vpholdeth Perjury for Lucres sake . One buyes , another sells ; one carries , another brings ; this man is Creditor , another Debtor ; one pays , another receives , another casts up the Accompts ; but all of 'um guilty of Perjury , Cheating , and Deceit ; hazarding Soul , Body , and Estate , in hopes of Gain : respecting neither Kindred , Friends , nor Allies , but only for profits sake : and thus all of 'um all their Life-long run after Gain and Riches , as if Rest and the Comforts of Living were no where else to be found . The painful Merchant to the Indies runs , And proudly thorough Fire , and Surges Shuns . What Cheats Merchants put upon the World , in Wool , Linnen , Silk , Cloth , Purple , Gems , Spices , Wax , Oyl , Wine , Corn , Horses , and many other Creatures , and indeed in all sorts of Commodities , there is no person who is ignorant : who sees not , who feels not , that is not altogether stupid and insensible ? But these are small matters , there are far greater behind . These are they who importing hurtful Commodities , which either for wantonness or rarity being coveted by Women , though they are of no use to humane Life , but only for the support of Luxury , Pride , for Sport , Effeminacy and wanton Pleasure , bring from the utmost ends of the Earth all Allurements to Wickedness . Kingdomes and whole Provinces every Year they empty of great sums of Money ; they corrupt Native Good Manners , by introducing Forraine Vices ; and quite Abolishing wholesome Paternal Customes , always inquisitive after new Inventions , fill the Land with most depraved Fashions . Thefe are they who in Guilds and Companies , contrary to Right and Law , set up Monopolies , trying , endeavouring , searching out all wayes and devices to rake to themselves the Wealth of the People ; by vertue of their large Stocks , out-buying others , preventing others , deter●ing others ; by holding up , or enhauncing Prizes , they themselves engrossing all , which they retail again at their own Rates and Pleasures : many times having borrow'd great Sums of Money , they break Faith and Promises , flye their Country , and seldome or never returning , undo their Creditors ; who oft-times thereupon despair and Hang themselves . These are they who prying into the Secrets of Princes , the Councels of City-Senates , and laden with the news of their own Country , reveal all to the Enemy many times for considerable Rewards , lye in wait for the Princes Life ; there being nothing which for love of Money they will not enterprise , endeavour , do or suffer . All the whole mystery of their Calling consists in Lying , dark Sentences , Siftings , Shiftings , Treachery , Cheating and Deceipt . This was the reason that the Carthaginians provided distinct Residences for Merchants , because they should not live in Common with their Citizens . The way was open for them to the Market ; but where their Ships rode , and to the more secret parts of their City , they allow'd them not so much as to cast an Eye . The Grecians did not receive 'um within their Cities ; but that their Inhabitants might be free from the suspicion of danger , they always kept their Markets for Merchandise in the Suburbs . Most other Nations forbid the Access of Merchants , as being the great depravers of all Good Manners . The Epidaurians , as Plutarch Witnesses , when they saw their Citizens corrupted by Commercing with the Illyrians , fearing the Contagion growing from strangers , and a change of Government with the change of Manners , Elected every Year one grave and circumspect Person out of their whole City , whom they sent to Buy for the rest of the Citizens whatever Commodities of the Illyrians they stood in need of . Plato very much blames Merchandizing , as the chiefest corruption of Good Customs , and therefore would have it Ordain'd in a well-constituted Commonwealth , that the wanton Exuberancies of Forraign Countries should not be imported into such a one , and that no Citizen should be permitted to Travel under the Age of Forty Years ; and that all Forreigners should be sent home , knowing that there was nothing which sooner caus'd the People to forget and hate the frugality of their Ancestors , and their old Country-Customes , then the Contagion of Novelty brought in by Strangers , which generally makes Cities most wicked , filling 'um full of all sorts of Fornications , Adulteries , Luxury and Lust. Such are Leiden and Antwerp , at this time Cities of the greatest Trade of any in these Parts : And Aristotle exhorts Magistrates to take all diligent care of keeping their Cities from being corrupted by the mixture of Forrainers . For though Merchants may be necessary , they ought not to be receiv'd into the number of Citizens , and therefore to be detested , because they live altogether by Lying ; and besides that , disturb the Markets , cause Tumults and private Discord . Therefore among many Common-wealths there was an ancient Law , That no Merchant should be a Magistrate , or be admitted into the Senate or Council . Beyond all this , Merchandizing is palpably condemned by the Opinions of most Divines , and by the Canonical Decrees , ( as St. Gregory , Chrysostome , Austin , Cassiodorus , and Leon testifie ) and by all true Christians utterly forbid . For as St. Chrysostome saith , A Merchant cannot please God ; And therefore , saith he , let no Christian be a Merchant ; or if he will be so , let him be thrown out of the Church . St. Austin also saith , That it is impossible for Souldiers and Merchants truly to Repent . CHAP. LXXIII . Of Paymasters . PAymasters are little better than Merchants ; a Thieving Generation of Men , and most commonly of servile Dispositions , Mercenary , and letting out themselves for Hire ; rude and sloathful , but bold and impudent , knowing little but what concerns their own Trade , that is to say , Writing and Casting Account : but their chief study is an ordinary method of Stealing , somewhat more ingenious than the Common road of Thieving . And therefore of all men living , they are the most given to Filching Wealth by their Fingers Ends , with which they tell Thousands and Millions : which Fingers of theirs are so Birdlim'd , and stuck with so many infinite Hooks , that there is no Money , a thing so light , fugitive and slippery as an Eel or a Serpent , but if they touch it , it sticks so close to 'um , that it cannot be pull'd away . In this they are to be accompted less mischievous , that they only Prey upon the Treasuries of Kings and Princes , and then , that what they Steal from them , they liberally consume in Whoring , Gaming , Banqueting , Building , Horses , Doggs and Plays . Or if they prove Older and Wiser , yet the Sons they leave behind 'um are such , that whatever their Fathers have heap'd together by Perjury , Rapine and Theft , they in a short time scatter and lavish away in Gluttony and Riot , Whores , Hounds , Horses , fine Cloathes , and whatsoever Pleasures else their Luxury prompts 'um to . Nor is this all , for these Paymasters take Use-Money , delaying Payment in hope of Bribes , buying Debentures , holding in with the Captains , counterfeiting Original Bonds , opening Letters and sealing 'um again , washing and counterfeiting Money , and therefore very familiar with Alchymists , many of 'um Alchymists themselves ; or if they want Wit , great favourers at least of the Art. Now whereas Cicero is of Opinion , That Merchandizing , if a man drive a great and plentiful Trade , Importing many Commodities , and those not idle and unprofitable , is not much to be discommended ; and that Merchants and Paymasters were to be commended , if knowing when they had enough , they would then retire into the Country to Husband and till their Lands ; therefore let us now consider what may be thought of Agriculture . CHAP. LXXIV . Of Agriculture . AGriculture , to which feeding of Cattle , Fishing and Hunting is to be annexed , was so highly honour'd among the Ancients , that it was no shame for many Roman Emperors , and most Potent Kings and Princes to Till their own Lands , to Sow , Graft , and Plant : this course of Life did Dioclesian follow , having quitted his Empire ; and Attalus forsaking his Kingly Throne . Cyrus also , that great Monarch of the Persians , was wont to glory very much , that when his Friends came to see him , he was able to shew 'um a Garden of his own Planting . Seneca also Planted Plane-Trees , digg'd Fish-ponds with his own hands , and made his own Water-works , and delighted to be no where more willingly than in the Fields . Hence the Sirnames of those most noble Families of the Fabii , the Lentuli , the Cicero's and Piso's , from the Multitude of that sort of Grain . CHAP. LXXV . Of Pasturage . BY the same Reason , from the feeding of Cattle came the Families of the Bubulci , Statilii , Tanri , Pomponii , Vituli , Vitelli , Porcii , Cato's , Annii , and Caprae . Dioclesian was rais'd from a Shepherd to be an Emperour . Spartacus , that Terror to the Roman Power , was a Shepherd . Paris and Anchises the Father of Aeneas were Shepherds : so was the fair Endymion , so much beloved of the Moon ; together with Polyhemus and the Hundred-eyed Argos . Among the Gods , Apollo himself fed the Herds of Admetus King of Thessaly . And Mercury inventor of the Oaten-Pipe , was the Prince of Shepherds ; as also his Son Daphnis . Pan was the God of the Shepherds ; and Protheus was both a Shepherd and a God : and that we may not forget some of the Hebrew Patriarchs , Judges and Kings , the greatest men among them , and most belov'd of God , were Shepherds . So was Abel the Just , Abraham the Father of many Nations , Jacob Father of the chosen People ; also Moses their Law-giver , a Prophet very familiar with God ; and David their King , a man after Gods own heart . Among the Ancient Grecians every most Illustrious man was a Shepherd ; whence some were call'd Polyarne , some Polymele , some Polybute , from the numerous Herds and Flocks of Lambs , Sheep , and Oxen which they possest . Thus that Italy was so nam'd from Vitulus a Calf , which the Ancient Greeks call Italus , as all men of reading well know . So both the Bosphori , the Cimmerian , and the Thracian , the Aegean-Sea , the Ships Argos and Hippion , were so call'd from the Passage of Bulls , from Goats and Horses . And Numidia a Province of Africa hath its Name from the abundance of Pasturage therein . The first Course of Life that men led after the Fall of Adam , was the Graziers and Shepherds Life . For Pasturage , besides that it affords us all sorts of flesh for Food , it produces Milk , Chese and Butter , as also Wool , Skins and Hides , most useful and necessary for our humane Subsistance and Being : None of which man had the liberty of using till after , whereas man before was sed with the spontaneous Herbs that grew in Paradise . CHAP. LXXVI . Of Fishing . TO these we may joyn Fishing and Hunting . The Art of Fishing was so highly esteemed and set by among the Romans , that they were wont to stock the Italian-Sea , and as it were to sow it as men do Grain , with strange Fish , and unknown to those Coasts , brought thither in Ships from far distant parts of the Ocean ; besides that they were at great Expences , and vast Costs to make Fish-ponds , and Store-ponds for all the choice sorts of Fish ; from whence many Roman Princes have deriv'd their Sur-names , as the Licinii , Murenae , Serii , Oratae ; which made Cicero to call Lucius , Philip , and Hortensius Fish mongers , from the great delight they took in Fishponds . We read , that Octavianus Augustus was wont to Angle with a Rod : and Suetonius writes , That Nero Fish'd with a Net wrought with Purple and Scarlet Silk . Ways of Fishing there are but few : for what Fish there are , are taken either with a Hook , Nets , Weels , Nooses , Jackspears , and Darts . But Fishing deserves the less praise , for that Fish are of hard and bad Digestion , neither grateful to the Stomach , nor were they ever accepted in Sacrifices . CHAP. LXXVII . Of Hunting and Fowling . AS Fish are taken , so are Birds and Fowl , saving that there is a greater strength and exercise of the Body requir'd in Fowling and Hunting , than in Fishing ; and a more industrious search after the Game . Besides several sorts of Nets , there are many sorts of Pitfalls , Traps , and Springes ; nor must we omit the great use of Birdlime , Hawks , Hounds , and Greyhounds . A most detestable Recreation , a vain Exercise , and unprosperous and unhappy sport , with so much labour and watching Night and Day to rage and make War against the poor Beasts : A pastime cruel , and totally Tragical , chiefly delighting in Blood and Death . And therefore from the beginning it was accompted the chief Exercise of the worst of Men , and greatest Sinners . For Cain , Lamech , Nimrod , Ishmael , Esau , are reported in Scripture to be mighty Hunters : Nor do we read of any one in the New Testament that was given to Hunting ; Nor of any Nations that were greatly addicted to the Sport , unless the Ishmaelites , Idumeans , and other People that did not know God. Hunting was the first Original of Tyranny , which cannot find a fitter Author , than such a one , as by continually sporting himself in Blood and Murther , has learn'd to despise God and Nature . The Persian Kings however esteem'd it , as an imitation of Warlike Exercises : For Hunting hath in it self something fierce and cruel , while the Poor Beast overcome at length by the Dogs , becomes a Spectacle of Delight , in having its Blood shed and Bowels torn out ; at which the Barbarous Hunter laughs , while the Foe-Beast rowted with an Army of Dogs , or entangled in a Toyl , is carried home by the Triumphant Huntsman , with a great Troop at his heels ; where the fatal Prey is cut up in bloody terms of Art , and proper words of Butchery , other than which it is not lawful to use . A strange madness of such kind of Men , a most renowned Warfare , where they themselves casting off their Humanity become Beasts , and by a strange perverting of their Manners , like Acteon , are chang'd into Irrational Creatures . Some of these Hunters grow to such a height of Madness , that they become Enemies to Nature , as the Fables relate of Dardames . Now the Inventors of this Fatal Exercise are said to be the Thebans , a Nation infamous for Fraud , Theft , and Perjury , and no less to be detested for Perjury and Incest ; from whence the practice thereof was transmitted to the Phrygians , a Nation equally Abominable , Foolish , and Vain , which therefore the Athenians and Lacedaemonians had in great contempt . Afterwards when the Athenians had repealed their Law against Hunting , and that the Exercise was admitted publickly among 'um , then was the City of Athens first Taken ; which makes me wonder to find Hunting commended by Plato Prince of the Academicks . Unless the Event , honesty of the Invention , or Necessity should be occasions of its Commendations . Thus Meleager slew the Caledonian Boar , not for his own pleasure , but to free his Country from a common Mischief . So Romulus hunted Deer not for pleasures-sake , but to get Food . There is another sort of Hunting , which is call'd Fowling ; not so Cruel , but not less Vain . Vlysses is reported to be the first Inventor thereof , who after the taking of Troy was the first that brought into Greece Birds of Prey manur'd for Game , to comfort with new Recreations those that had lost their Parents and Acquaintance in the Trojan War. And yet he commanded his Son not to make any use thereof . True it is , that these Exercises , so mean and servile in themselves , are come to be so far esteem'd , that now the chief Nobility and Gentry , forsaking all other Liberal and Noble Studies , they are become their chief Learning , and no mean helps to Preferment . Now a days the whole Life of Kings and Princes , nay , which is a greater Grief , the very Religion of Bishops , Abbots , and Chief Doctors and Overseers of the Church , is all consum'd in Hunting ; wherein they chiefly experience their Ingenuities , and shew their Virtues . Among the slothful Herds he longs to try A foming Boar , or from the Mountains high A Lyon make his fell descent — And they who ought to be Examples of Patience , are the only Active Persons in seeking to Hunt and Prey upon what they are able to overcome ; and those Beasts which by Nature are free , and by Law belong to those that can possess 'um , the Tyranny of the Great Ones hath by rash Edicts Usurp'd to themselves . Husbandmen are driven from their Tillage , their Farmes are taken from them , their Meadows likewise ; Downs and Woods are shut up from the Shepherds , for shelter for Wild Beasts , for the Butcherly delight of the Nobility , for whom it is only Lawful to be Possess'd thereof ; of which , if a Husbandman or a Country-man do but only taste , he presently becomes guilty of Petty Treason , and together with the Beasts is made a Prey to the Hunter . Let us search the Scripture ; certainly , neither in the Sacred Scripture , nor in any other Moral History , shall we read of any Holy , any Wise man , or Philosopher , that was addicted to Hunting ; but many Shepherds , and some Fishers . St. Austin affirms it to be an Exercise of all most Wicked ; and the Sacred Elibitan and Aurelian Councels utterly condemn'd it ; and in the Sacred Canons Hunters are not only forbid Promotion to Holy Orders , but the Degree of Chief Priest is thereby taken from him that has attaind it . And therefore no man can deny Hunting to be an ungodly Exercise , which is so Exploded and Condemn'd in the Opinion of all Wise and Holy Men. Anciently also , when men did live in Innocency , there was no Creature that fled from 'um , there were none on the other side that Offended them , or were hurtful to 'um , but they had an absolute Obedience over all . Examples whereof are in latter Times apparent among those that led Holy and Religious Lives . Thus Daniel liv'd among the Lions ; nor was St. Paul in any danger of the Viper . A Crow fed Eliab the Prophet , Paul and Antony the Hermites , and a Hart nourish'd St. Aegidius . Helenus the Abbot commanded a wild Ass , and the Beast obey'd , and carried his Burden : he Commanded a Crocodile , and the Crocodile carried him over a River . Many Anchorites liv'd in the Deserts , and frequented the Dens of Wild Beasts , fearing neither Lyons , Bears , nor Serpents . But with Sin , entred also the mischief , dread , and fear of the Creatures , and upon that occasion was the exercise of Hunting sound out . For as St. Austin observes upon the 3d. of Genesis , No Animals were in their first Production Venomous , Terrible , or Mischievous to Mankind ; but after Sin they became so , for the Punishment of Mans Transgression . Therefore saith God to the Serpent , I will put Enmity between thee and the Woman , and between her seed and thy seed : Out of which Sentence arose the Warfare of Hunting , and the Antipathy of Men with Beasts . CHAP. LXXVIII . More of Agriculture . BUT let us return . Of the Exercises of Husbandry , Pasturage , Hunting , and Fowling , Hiero , Philometer , Attalus , and Archelaus , all Kings , have severally written . Zenophon and Mago great Captains have done the like , together with Oppian the Poet. And besides them , Cato , Varro , Pliny , Columella , Virgil , Crescentius , Palladius , and many others of later times . Cicero believ'd there was nothing better , nothing more gainful , nothing more delightful , nothing more worthy the employment of a generous Spirit , than the occupations above mention'd . Not a few plac'd the chief Good and Supream Happiness in them : Therefore Virgil calls Husbandmen Fortunate , Horace Blessed . The Oracle of Delphos also pronounc'd one Aglaus a most happy man , who having a little Farm in Arcadia , never stir'd out of it ; His Content keeping him free from the Experience of Evil. But miserable men that they are ; while they so highly honour Agriculture , little do they consider , that it was the Effect of Sin , and the Curse of the most High God. For chasing Adam out of Paradise , he sent him to till the Earth , saying , Cursed be the Earth for thy sake ; in sorrow shalt thou Eat of it all the days of thy Life . Thorns also and Thistles shall it bring forth to thee , and thou shalt eat the herb of the field . In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread , till thou return to the Earth , for out of it thou wast taken . Nor are there any persons that feel the sadness of this saying more than Husbandmen and Countrymen ; who after they have Plough'd , Sow'd , Harrow'd , Weeded , Mowed , Reap'd , Graz'd , Shear'd , Hunted , Fish'd ; here one looses his Father for Grief , to see his Labours all on a suddain come to nothing , and wasted with Hail and Tempests : Another Mans Sheep dye , another man's Oxen , or else they are driven away by the Souldiers : Beasts of Prey devour his Lambs , and destroy his Fish : the Wife laments at home , his Children cry , Famine follows ; and after all , with uncertain hope of benefit , he is forc'd to return to his hard Labour . Before the Fall there was no need of Artificial Tillage , no want of Grazing , Hunting , or Fowling , for the Earth was to have produc'd all things of its own accord , always flourishing with all sorts of Fruits , fragrant Smells , constant Summer , and verdant Meadows . Nor had the Earth brought forth any thing noxious , no Herb endu'd with poysonous Qualities , no venomous Toads , Vipers , or other Reptiles . And Man himself being then Lord of the whole Creation , having had the least occasion for the wild Beasts , had found none such , but all naturally Tame : had he but beckned to the Beasts of Carriage , they had willingly submitted to his Burthens . Man then but new Born , had had the use and strength of all his Members and Limbs ; not wanting Garments to hide his Nakedness , Houses for Shelter , nor Sawces to provoke his Appetite ; and had prolong'd his happy days without the help of Physick , all things offering themselves spontaneously to satisfie his desires . The Earth had been his Food , his Garments Air , And for his Bed , the Fields their Flowr's prepare . But the mischief of Sin , and the necessity of Death , rendred all things incommodious to us : for now the Earth produces nothing without our Labour and our Sweat but deadly and venomous , and as it were upbraiding us that we live ; nor are the other Elements less kind to us : Many the Sea destroys with raging Tempests , and the horrid Monsters devour : the Air making War against us with Thunder , Lightning , and Storms ; and with a crowd of Pestilential Diseases , the Heavens conspire our Ruine . Nor are the Creatures only our Enemies : For Man , as the Proverb hath it , is to himself a Wolf. We are encompassed with innumerable Temptations of Unclean Spirits , whereby to draw us into the Dark Receptacles of Pain and Punishment , there to be Tormented in Eternal Fire . By all which it appears , that Agriculture with all its appurtenants of Fishing , Hunting , Fowling and Grazing , is a loss of the greatest happinesses , the invention of Mischief , and a trouble to Humane Life . Those Exercises appurtenant to Agriculture being only incommodious means to restore the Barrenness of the Earth , to supply the want of Food , and defend us from the Rigor of cold , which puts us in mind of Death . And yet this Calamity and necessity of ours might in some measure deserve commendation , could it have retain'd it self within moderate bounds , and not shewn us so many devices to make strange Plants , so many portentous Graftings and Metamorphoses of Trees ; How to make Horses Copulate with Asses , Wolves with Dogs , and so to engender many wondrous Monsters contrary to Nature : And those Creatures to whom Nature has given leave to range the Air , the Seas and Earth so freely , to Captivate and Confine in Aviaries , Cages , Warrens , Parks and Fishponds , and to fat 'um in Coops , having first put out their Eyes , and maim'd their Limbs ; had it not also taught us so many varieties of Weaving , Dying , and dressing of Linnen , Woollen , Skins and Silk , which Nature only design'd for plain and homely Cloathing , but invented for the increase of Pride and Luxury . Pliny complaining of these inconveniences , gives for instance the Seed of Hemp , which being but a little Seed , in a short time produces a large Sail , that by the help of the Wind carries a Ship all over the World , occasioning men , as if they had not Earth to perish in , to perish in the Sea likewise . I omit the many Laws , and Maxims , and Observations of Husbandmen , Shepherds , Fishers , Hunters and Fowlers , so ridiculous , and not only foolish and ridiculous , but Superstitious , and Repugnant to the Law of God ; How to prevent Storms , make their Seed Fruitful , kill Weeds , scare Wild Beasts , stop the flight of Beasts and Birds , the swimming of Fishes , to charm away all manner of Diseases ; of all which those Wise Men before named have written very seriously , and with great cruelty . CHAP. LXXIX . Of the Art Military . BUT now from Husbandmen , let us pass to Souldiers chosen out of the Countrymen , and therefore more fit for Fight , as saith Vegetius : and whom Cate affirms to make the strongest and hardiest Souldiers : and we find in Scripture , That Cain the first Warrier or slayer of Men , was a Husbandman and a Hunter . Therefore the Art of War ought least to be despis'd , which , as Valerius remembers , made the Roman Empire Mistress of all Italy , and of many Cities and Kingdoms of great and Warlike Nations beside ; open'd the streights of the Pontick-Sea , forc'd through the close passages of the Alps and Taurus . And Scipio Africanus glories in Ennius , that by the slaughter and Blood of his Enemies , he open'd a way to Immortality . To whom Cicero assents , saying , that Hercules ascended to Heaven by the same means . The Lacedemonians are said to be the first that deliver'd Rules for teaching this Art ; and therefore Hannibal having taken a Resolution to Invade Italy , desired a Lacedemonian General : Under the Power of Lacedemon many Kingdoms and Nations grew great ; neglected by her , or neglecting her , from large Dominion they fell to nothing : for under the Leading of rash Captains fell the Warlike Numantia , Corinth , the curious Proud Thebes , the Learned Athens , the Holy Jerusalem , and at last the most Potent Rome . This Art , writ with much more Blood than the Laws of Draco , teaches ye how advantageously and neatly to order a Battle , to Assail the Enemy , to use Stratagems , to move Vigorously forward , to Retreat , to maintain a Shock , to strike to purpose , to avoid the stroaks to handle nimbly all manner of Arms , to pursue , when to leave Pursuing ; when to Pursue far , when not too far ; when to fall to the Spoil , to rally , make good Breaches , defend Forts and Towns. It teaches ye also how to prepare and Rig out great Navies , build Castles , fortifie Towns , place fit Garrisons ; to Encamp , cast Trenches , Mine , Countermine , make Engines , Assault Ramplers , provide Provision necessary for the Army , to place and avoid Ambushments , and the like ; also to Besiege Cities , plant Batteries , advance the Trenches , dig down the Walls , shake down the Towers , scale Walls , to burn and demolish Towns and Castles , to spoil Temples , plunder Cities , depopulate Countries , abolish Laws , adulterate Matrons , vitiate Widdows , ravish Virgins ; to Wound , take Prisoners , Captivate and Kill . So that the whole Art studies nothing else but the subversion of Mankind , transforming Men into Beasts and Monsters . So that War is nothing but a general Homicide and Robbery by mutual Consent . Neither are Soldiers other than stipendiary Theeves arm'd to the subversion of the Commonwealth . Now the Events of War being always uncertain , and that Fortune , not Skill affords Victory ; to what purpose serve all the Stratagems , Ambuscades , and Rules of War ? Yet the Divine Plato praises this Art , Teaches it to his Scholars , and commands them to be enroll'd as soon as fit for service : and the Famous Cyrus affirm'd , That War was as necessary as Agriculture : Nay , St. Austin and St. Bernard , Catholick Doctors of the Church , have approved thereof ; neither do the Pontifical Decretals at all impugne it , though Christ and his Apostles teach quite another Doctrine . So that contrary to the Doctrine of Christ , it has obtain'd no small Honour in the Church , by reason of the many Orders of Holy Soldiers , all whose Religion , consists in Blood , Slaughter , Rapine and Pyracy , under pretence of defending and enlarging the Christian Faith ; as if the Intention of Christ had been to spread his Gospel , not by Preaching , but by force of Arms ; not by Confession , and simpleness of Heart , but by Menaces , and high Threats of Ruine and Destruction , strength of Arms , Slaughter and Massacres of Mankind . Nor is it enough for these Soldiers to bear their Arms against the Turks , Saracens , and Pagans , unless they Fight also for Christians against Christians . War and Warfare have begot many Bishops , and it is not seldome that they Fight stiffly for the Popedome ; which made the Holy Bishop of Camora Affirm , That seldom any Pope ascends the Chair without the Blood of the Saints ; and it is call'd constancy of Martrydome in those that dye Fighting desperately for the Papal Seat. Concerning the Art of War , Zenophon , Zenocrates , Onozander , Cato Censorius , Cornelius Celsus , Iginius , Vegetius , Frontinus , Helianus , Modestus , and many of the Ancients ; among the Moderns , Volturius , Nicholas the Florentine , James Earl of Porcia , and some few others . These are great Doctors in the Art , but Speculative , and therefore not so dangerous as the Practisers . Now as to the Titles , Dignities , and Degrees of the Scholars , there are neither Batchelors , Masters , nor Doctors ; Neither are they , as they are vulgarly , to be call'd Emperors , Dukes , Earls , Marquesses , Knights , Captains , Centurions , Lieutenants , Ensignes , names begotten by injury and Ambition ; but Thieves , House-breakers , Robbers , Murderers , Sacrilegious , Fencers , Adulterers , Panders , Whoremongers , Traitors , Gamesters , Blasphemers , Parricides , Incendiaries , Pirates , and Tyrants . All which who ever would express in one Word , let him call 'um Soldiers , that is to say , the most barbarous dregs of Wicked Men , whom their own wicked Natures and Desires carry headlong to all Villany : among whom the Name of Dignity and Liberty takes the freedome to commit all sorts of Enormity and Cruelty , seeking all occasions of Mischief , looking upon Innocency to be a kind of likeness of Death , all of 'um being one body of their Father the Devil : Like the Leviathan , of whom thus speaketh Job , They are a body Arm'd with scales like strong shields , and which is sure Seal'd . One is set to another , that no wind can come between them . One is set to another ; they stick together that they cannot be sundred , Job 41. They assist one another and are assembled together against the Lord , and against his Christ , Psa. 2 . Neither are Purple , Chains of Gold , Garlands & Crowns the Ensignes of War , but wounded breasts , and bodies deformed with scarrs . An Exercise which is never perform'd but with the ruine and mischief of many , the destruction of Good Manners , Laws and Piety ; diametrically at Enmity with Christ , with Happiness , with Peace , with Charity , with Innocency and Patience . The Rewards thereof are Glory got by the Effusion of humane Blood , Enlargement of Dominion , out of a greedy desire of Rule and Possession , obtain'd with the Damnation of many Souls . For seeing that Victory is the End whereat all War drives , no man can be a Conqueror , but he must be a Murtherer ; neither can any one be overcome , but he must wickedly Perish : Therefore the Death of Souldiers is the most desperate , sin writing but a bad Epitaph upon their Graves . They that kill are wicked , though the War be just ; For Souldiers consider not the justness of the War , but what Plunder and Booty they shall get from those that they kill . If there are any who are justly slain , yet they that claim Honour by doing the Fact , make themselves but a kind of Butchers , or Hangmen , who while the Laws are so strict against Thieves , Incendiaries , Robbers , Homicides and Murtherers , yet presume under the Title and Pretence of being Warriors , to be accompted Noble and Virtuous . CHAP. LXXX . Of Nobility . THus we find the Original of Nobility to spring from War , a Dignity obtain'd by Butchery , out of the blood and slaughter of the Enemy , and adorn'd with Ensigns of Publick Honour . This was the reason of so many sorts of Crowns among the Romans , Civil , Mural , Obsidional , Naval ; so many Military largesses of Bracelets , Spears , Trappings , Chains , Rings , Statues , and Images ; from whence the Pedegrees of Nobility took their first rise . Among the Carthaginians they had so many Rings given 'um as they had been present in Fights : the Iberians rais'd about the Sepulchre of the Dead so many Obelisques as he had slain Enemies . Among the Scythians , at their Publick Festivals , it was Lawful for none to receive the Cup that was openly carried about , but they who had slain an Adversary . Among the Macedonians there was a Law , That he that had not slain an Enemy , should be girt with a Headstal or Capistrum , in de●ision of his Cowardise . Among the Germans , no man was to Marry a Wife , till he had brought the Head of a slain Enemy before the King. And many times the Indignity which many Persons have thought has been put upon 'um in not being rewarded according to the Services which they presum'd themselves to have done in War , had urg'd 'um to take up Arms against their Country : Examples whereof we find in Coriolanus , the Gracchi , Sylla , Marius , Sertorius , Catiline and Caesar. Therefore is we do but Examine the Foundations and first Beginnings of Nobility , we shall find it acquir'd by Perfidiousness and Cruelty ; if the growth thereof , we shall find it increased by Mercenary War and Robbery . If we look into the Original of Kingdoms and Empires , we shall meet with most Impious Murthers of Parents and Brothers , Tragical Matches , Fathers expell'd from their Kingdoms by their Sons : and therefore let us view a little the Infancy of Nobility , and we shall find it to be nothing but a sturdy Power , and robustious Dignity , a Happiness got by Wickedness , and the Inheritance of the worst of Children : And that this is apparent , is evident out of Scripture , and no less manifest out of the Ancient and Modern Histories of the Gentiles . For no sooner had Adam at the first Creation of the World begot his First-born Cain the Husbandman , and his other son Abel the Shepherd , but there began a distinction of Power : Abel seem'd to resemble the Commonalty , Cain the Nobility , who being according to the Flesh proud and cruel , and a Persecutor of him that was according to the Spirit meek and gentle , slew his Brother . But the Commonalty was again restor'd in the Birth of Seth , the third Son of Adam ; so that Cain was the first Author of Parricide and Nobility together ; who contemning the Laws of God and Nature , yet trusting in his own strength , and Usurping Dominion to himself , he built Cities , instituted Empire , and by Law began to curb Men Created free by God , the sons also of the Holy Generation ; and to bring them into servitude and subjection , till they themselves contemning the Command of God , all Flesh soon growing Corrupt , by promiscuous Copulation begat Giants , which the Scripture seems to Interpret , men Powerful in their Time , and famous for their Deeds . And this is the most apt and real definition of Nobility ; for these were they that first oppress'd the Weak , advancing themselves by Robbery and Spoil , and glorying in their great Riches , spread the greatness of their Fame by calling Regions , Rivers , Mountains , Cities , and Seas by their own names ; of whom Cain the first Parent , by nature Wicked , enviously and inwardly malitious of God , incorrigible , a treacherous dissembler of his Anger , slew his own brother , adding Blasphemy to Parricide . And thus we see the Primitive and most Ancient Ornaments , the chief Vertues and Embellishments which continue to this very day , whose first Author was the Father of the Gyants whom God destroyed in the Deluge , reserving only Noah a Just Man , of the Generation of Seth. This Noah had three sons , Sem , Japhet , and Ham , who restoring the World after the Flood , according to the Custome of the Ancient Gyants , began to build Towns and Cities ; which is the Reason that from Noah till Abraham the Scripture makes no mention of Just Men : wherefore we are to believe , That all from Noah to Abraham were the Architects of Nobility , that is , of powerful Impiety , Confusion , Power , Warfare , Violence , Oppression , Hunting , Luxury , Pomp , Vanity , and such other marks of Nobility , with which the sons of Noah were stamp'd . Among others Cham , because he was wickeder than the rest , and the first that was disobedient to his Father , therefore he was thought fittest to be the sole Monarch of the World at that time : he begat Nimrod , whom the Scripture describes to be a mighty Potentate upon the Earth , a mighty Hunter before the Lord , some read it , against the Lord. He built Babylon the Great , and gave the first occasion of the Confusion of Languages ; set down Rules how to Govern ; distinguishing the degrees of Honour , Dignity , Offices , and Arms. After that , Laws being made to curb the Commonalty , then was slavery and subjection introduc'd , Taxes laid upon the People , Armies were rais'd , and cruel Wars were first carried on . From the same Cham proceeded Chus , from whom the Aethiopians ; Misraim from whom the Egyptians ; and Canaan , from whom the Canaanites . The most noble and populous Nations , but the wickedest , most reprobate , and accursed of God. At length , after some process of time , again God Elected a Just Man , even the Patriarch Abraham , from whose Loyns he might raise to himself a Holy Seed and People , whom he distinguished by the Mark of Circumcision , from the Multitude of all other Nations : he begat two sons , one of his Maid-servant , Natural , the other of his Wife , Legitimate . Ishmael became a fierce Hunter , a Potentate , Prince of the Ishmaelites , giving from his own a lasting Name to his Nation ; and God blessed him , and established his Grandeur and Nobility upon the foundations of War & Rapine , saying , And he shall be a wild man ; his hand shall be against every man , and every mans hand against him ; and he shall dwell in the midst of all his Brethren . But Isaac observing the Religion of his Father , kept his Flock , and had at length by his Wife Rebecca two sons , Jacob and Esau ; Esau a man whom God belov'd not , red and hairy , a Hunter , a Bowman , and a Glutton , insomuch that for one mess of Pottage he sold his Birthright ; he became a Potent Man , and Prince of the Idumeans , receiving for his blessing the fat of the Earth and the dew of Heaven , but to live by his Sword and in servitude . Jacob being a Just Man , an Exile with his Uncle Laban , fed his Uncles Sheep , whose Daughters when he had both earn'd by an Apprentiship of Fourteeen years for his Wives , he begat of their bodies Twelve Children ; and his Name was called Israel , which Name he left to his Posterity the people of Israel . By the names of his Twelve Sons , Reuben , Simeon , Levi , Judah , Issachar , Zebulon , Joseph , Benjamin , Dan , Naphtali , Gad , and Ashur , were the Twelve Tribes of the whole Nation called : But Joseph was sold by his Brethren into Egypt , where he was instructed in all the Learning of the Egyptians , made a most skilful Interpreter of Dreams ; which he made use of in Prison . So skilful in Oeconomicks , that by his Ingenuity he found out new ways of increasing the Publick Revenue , and heaping up Riches to himself ; whereupon he became a great Favorite of Pharaoh's , being constituted by him Lord and Governour over all Egypt : and of a Slave , was created Noble , after the solemn Custome of Egypt , for the King put his Ring upon his finger , and a Chain of Gold about his neck ; clad him with Purple , made him to ride in his Chariot , the Crier proclaiming , That all men reverence and esteem him as one of the chief Nobility . The like manner of ennobling of men we finde the Persians to have used ; of which Mordecai the Hebrew ennobled by Artaxerxes in Esther was an Example , from whence the Custome of creating Noblemen has continued to this day among the following Races of Emperours and Kings : of which some of 'um purchase their Nobility with Money , others by Pimping and Pandarism , others by Poyson , others by Parricide : Many by Treason have been advanc'd to Grandeur and great Power , as we observe in the Histories of Euthierates , Philocrates , Euphorbus , and Philager . Many more by Flattery , Detraction , Calumny , and Sycophantry ; many by prostituting their Wives and Daughters to Kings ; many by Hunting , Rapine , Murther , and Witchcraft , have attain'd the highest degrees of Honour . But let us return to Joseph . He growing great in the house of Pharaob , and having begat his eldest Son Manasseh , pufft up with his unexpected Nobility , not without blame , spake too severely in contempt of his Father's house and his own Family : God , said he , hath made me forget all my labours and my fathers houshold : For which cause when Jacob blessed the two Sons of Joseph , he set Ephraim before Manasseh . Joseph also , although he were the Son of Jacob , yet by reason of his Nobility contemptible in the sight of God , was not honour'd to have any one of the Tribes bear his name , which was given to his two Sons Ephraim and Manasseh . After this the people of Israel liv'd in Egypt , and kept Sheep in the Land of Goshen ; but when they grew numerous and populous , they grew also suspected and envi'd by the Potentates and Kings of Egypt , who thereupon thought to oppress 'um with continual hard labour and servitude . They also slew their Male-children , thinking to have quite extirpated them from the Earth : But one of those Children , because of his Beauty , was preserv'd by the Daughter of Pharaoh , who adopted him for her Son , and call'd him Moses , because she had preserv'd him out of the Water . Moses therefore grew up in the house of the King , and being bred up in all the Learning of the Egyptians , was accounted as the King's Son , was made a great man , and Captain of Pharaoh's Army against the AEthiopians ; but having married the King of AEthiopia's Daughter , he got the ill will of the Egyptian Lords ; and being banish'd out of Egypt , fled into Midian , where at a certain Well taking part with certain Damsels against the Shepherds of that Country , for that kindness he had bestow'd on him for a Wise one of those Virgins , the Daughter of the Priest of Midian . At length increasing in Age and Wisdome , and remembring himself to be an Hebrew , he return'd into Egypt , and renouncing his Egyptian Honours , encouraged by God , he undertook to be Captain of the Children of Israel ; and by the assistance of many Miracles carried them out of Egypt : and when the people had sinned against God in making a golden Calf , Moses being angry , calling to his aid the strong men of the Sons of Levi , commanded 'um , saying , Put every man his sword to his side , go to and fro from gate to gate through the host , and slay every man his brother , and every man his companion , and every man his Neighbour . Now after he had made this memorable Slaughter of about three , some say three and twenty thousand persons , he bless'd 'um , saying , Consecrate your hands , or ye have consecrated your hands this day unto the Lord , every man upon his son , and upon his brother , that there may be given you a blessing this day ; fulfilling what was said by Jacob of his Sons Simeon and Levi , calling them Instruments of Cruelty in their habitations , cursing their wrath , for it was fierce ; and their rage , for it was cruel . And thus we finde this signal Slaughter to be the first Original of Nobility in Israel : For after that did Moses appoint Princes and Captains among 'um , Captains of hundreds , Captains of fifties and tens ; famous Warriors & stout Fighters through their Tribes and Families : Among whom if there were any that excell'd in valour and strength , him they made their Chief , giving him the power of Judgment and Command . For they had no King , but were govern'd by Judges ; among whom Joshua a Nobleman , strong , warlike , a vanquisher of Kings , not fearing any man , after Moses was dead , held the most Supream Command ; after whose death they liv'd under a Democracie , without any Prince or Leader . But growing seditious , fell out one among another , and had almost totally extirpated the Tribe of Benjamin , insomuch that there were not above six hundred men remaining . And when they had forsworn to given 'um their own Daughters , they contriv'd a way to let 'um have four hundred of the Virgins of Jabesh-Gilead , and for the other two hundred they were permitted to take 'um by force from the men of Silo. And thus was fulfill'd the Blessing of Benjamin's Nobility , like unto a Wolf seizing his Prey in the morning , and diving his Prey in the evening . After this they return'd to Aristocracie , and the Government of Princes ; among whom Abimelech the natural Son of Gideon , of the Tribe of Manasseh , having slain seventy of his legitimate Brethren upon one stone , obtain'd the Kingdom , and rul'd in Sichem . After this the people universally clamouring for a King , God gave them Kings in his wrath ; very few good , very many wicked . For the Lord was angry with them , forewarning them of the high Prerogative of Kings , and the subjection they must suffer under 'um ; affirming that Kings would take their Sons and their Daughters , and would make Carters and inferiour Servants of 'um ; that they would at their own pleasure take their Lands , their Farms , their Men-servants , and their Maid-servants , and employ 'um in his own service ; and that as often as the King was wicked and did evil , the people would suffer for his sake . The first King he gave them , was a young man of the Tribe of Benjamin , named Saul , a man of great strength , tall of Stature , insomuch that he was higher than any of the rest of the people from the shoulders upwards : and God struck such an awe upon the peoples Spirits , that they esteem'd and reverenc'd him as a sacred Minister of God. This man , before he began to raign , was as innocent as a Childe of one year old ; but having obtain'd the Kingdom , he became a wicked man , and a Son of Belial . Therefore God took the Kingdom from Saul , and gave it to David the Son of Jesse , of the Tribe of Judah : He from a Shepherd was advanc'd to be King ; but then being infected with the contagion of Nobility , he also became a man of sin , Sacrilegious , an Adulterer , a Murtherer , though God in his mercy did not quite forsake him . He raign'd at first in Hebron , Ishbosheth the Son of Saul raigning beyong Jordan ; after which he raign'd over all Israel in Jerusalem . Nor could he raign in peace neither ; for while he was yet alive , his Son Absalon invaded the Kingdom in Hebron ; who being slain , Siba the Son of Bochra rebell'd again : After that Adoniah his other Son attempted to gain the Crown , at what time David on his death-bed appointed Solomon his younger Son , born of Bathsheba the Adulteress , to inherit his Throne . He being the first absolute Monarch of the Hebrews , confirm'd himself therein by the Murther of his Brother Adoniah ; but being once establish'd , he forsook the ways of God , and ●ell to Fornication and Idolatry . His bad Son Rehoboam succeeded him , a great sinner against God ; therefore the sole Monarchy of the people was taken from him , ten of the Tribes revolting from his Government , chusing to themselves Jeroboam for their King , a most wicked man of the Tribe of Dan , who poyson'd all Israel , seducing the ten Tribes to Idolatry , setting up Golden Calves in Samaria , that the Blessing might be fulfil'd , saying , Dan shall be a Serpent by the way , an Adder by the path , biting the horse heels , so that his rider shall fall backward . As for the Tribe of Judah , it remain'd quite under the Posterity of David , according to the Prophesie of Jacob , That the Scepter was not to depart from Judah till the Messiah came . Yet was Judah one of the worst of Jacob's Sons , and one that lay with his Mother-in-Law . His Sons also were most lewd and evil ; wherefore the blessing of Power and Nobility was granted to him in the enjoyment of the Scepter , and his blessing to be as strong as a Lion . After that the people of Edom and Jobne revolted from the King of Israel , chusing Rulers of their own at their own will and pleasure , and God promis'd to Esau that he should shake off the Yoak . Among all the Kings of Juda and Israel , scarce four were known to be good . At last their Kings and all their Nobility being ruin'd and overcome , the Jews were carried Captive to Babylon . In process of time , God taking compassion of their Calamities , where they erected a king of Popular Government , living happily under the command of their Priest , and the chief Heads of their Tribes , until Aristobulus the Son of Hircanus took the Regal Diadem , and renewed the Kingdom of the Jews , with the murther of his Mother and Brothers : To him many Kings succeeded , till at length , under Archelaus an insolent and obscene Tyrant , the Kingdom was by the Romans reduc'd into a Province , and last of all wholly ruin'd and laid waste by Vespasian and Titus ; the whole Nation being scatter'd over the whole world from that time to this day in a continu'd servitude . All this I thought convenient to repeat out of the Sacred Scripture , to the end I might make it apparent that at the beginning of the world there was no Nobility whose Original was not evil even among the people of God , and that Nobility is nothing else but the reward of publick Iniquity ; and by how much the life of a man is most polluted , so much the more famous it shall be accompted ; the fuller of wickedness , the greater his Glory and Recompence . As Diomed the Pirate , when he was taken , wittily pleaded before Alexander , I , said he , because I rob but with one Ship , am accus'd for being a Pirate : Thou , because thou dost the same thing with a great Navy , are call'd an Emperour : If thou wert single and a Captive , thou wouldst be a Pirate ; if I had an Army at my command , I should be esteem'd an Emperour : For as to the matter we differ not , unless it may not be disputed whether he be not the worst that takes with greatest violence , who deserts Justice most manifestly , and contemns and breaks the Law. For those whom I fly , thou pursuest : those whom I honour , thou contemnest . The hard●ness of my Fortune , and the narrowness of my Estate , makes me ; thy intolerable Pride , and insatiable Ava●rice , makes thee a Thief . If my wilde Fortune would grow more tame , perhaps I might be better ; but if thou wert more fortunate , thou wouldst be worse . Alexander admiring the constancy of the man , caus'd him to be ●ifted in his Army , that he might lawfully fight and make War , that is , rob and steal . Now to proceed to the Histories of the Ethnicks , I shall from thence also ●hew , that Nobility and Greatness is nothing but Improbity , Madness , Robbery , Rapine , Homicide , Luxury ; the sport of Hunting and violence arising from principles of disorder , prosecuted more wicked , and always coming to a disastrous end ; all which shall be made out from the four famous Monarchies , as also from the success of other more petty Kingdoms . The first Monarchy then after the Flood , was that of the Assyrians , the Founder whereof was Ninus , who first of all not content with the bounds of his own Empire , resolv'd to extend his Dominions as far as he could , made cruel Wars upon his Neighbours , subdu●ng all the Eastern Nations , and increasing the vastness of his Empire with new Acquests and successful Victories . he brought all Asia & Pontus under his subjection . He also murther'd Zoroastes King of the Bactrians . Ninus had a Wife nam'd Semiramis ; she begg'd of her Husband that she might rule onely five days ; which being granted her , she took the Regal Ornaments , and seating her self in the Royal Throne , commanded the Guard to kill her Husband ; who being slain , she succeeded him in the Empire , & not satisfi'd with the large extent of her Dominions , she conquer'd Ethiopia , and carried the War into India : she Wall'd Babylon with a most stately and magnificent Wall , and at length is kill'd by her Son Ninus the second , whom she had wickedly conceiv'd , impiously expos'd , and incestuously known . Under these Murtherers the Assyrian Monarchy took its original of Grandeur , till extinguish'd by the death of Sardanapalus , a man more vicious and effeminate than any woman , whom Arbactus Prefect of Media slew in the midst of all his Concubines , and taking upon him the Kingdom , translated the Empire from the Assyrians to the Medes , which Cyrus afterwards translated to the Persians , among whom Cambyses his Son , founder of New Babylon , joyning and adding by conquest many Kingdoms to his own , began the second Monarchy , which he confirm'd to himself by the murther of his Brother and Son. This Empire declin'd under Narsus the Son of Ochus , who being slain by Bagoas the Eunuch , Darius succeeded him ; and he being overthrown by Alexander , put a period to the Persian Monarchy , with his life ; which the said Alexander , conscious with his adulterous Mother of his Fathers death , and indeed the contriver thereof translated again to the Macedonians . The fourth Monarchy was that of the Romans , the most powerful● and of largest extent : but should we repeat the successions of Governments from the building of the City , we finde it founded upon most wicked beginnings , and maintain'd by as bad principles : Let us therefore observe who were the Founders of this great City . Rome was built by two Twins , Remus and Romulus , incestuously begot upon a Vestal Nun. Remus at the beginning of his Government was murthered by Romulus , a second Cain ; who suffering himself to be call'd the Son of the Gods , having gather'd together a Crew of detestable Villains , ravish'd the Daughters of the Sabines to get themselves Wives ; and from them sprung the Off-spring of Roman Giants so formidable to all the world . After this , thirsting after the blood of his Father-in-Law , he slew Titus Tatius , a good Old man , and Captain of the Sabines ; having drawn him into a League , and associated him into Partnership of the Kingdom . These were the Originals of the Roman Empire , which for two hundred forty three years was govern'd by cruel Kings , and ended under Tarquinius the Proud , exil'd for the Rape of Lucrece . And as the Posterity of Cain ended in the seventh Generation destroy'd by the Flood , so these Roman Successors in the Seventh King from Romulus , were driven out of the City by Popular Tumult . However , though the Romans threw off the Yoak of Kingship , yet they could not shake off the Yoke of Servitude . For the Kings being now thrown out , and the Government translated into the hands of the Nobility , Brutus a Nobleman was the first Roman Consul chosen . He to establish the Foundations of intended Empire , not onely labour'd to equal Romulus , the first Founder of the City , in Murther , but also to outdo him ; for he slew two of his own Sons , and two of his Wives Brothers in the Market-place , after he had caus'd 'um to be publickly whip'd . After this the Government continued for many Ages , sometimes in the hands of the Nobility , sometimes of the Commonalty , under the power and command of sundry Magistrates and petty Tyrannies ; at length under Julius Caesar , a man I cannot say whether stronger in War , or corrupter in Manners ; and afterwards under Antonius , a man inslav'd to Lust and Luxury , wholly determin'd : After which the whole Command of the Roman Empire fell into the sole hands of Octavianus Augustus . In him began the fourth Monarchy of the World , but not without Murther : for though Augustus was accompted one of the mildest Princes in the world , yet he put to death a Son and a Daughter of his Uncle Caesar , begot upon Cleopatra , though his Uncle had Adopted him , and left him his Heir by Will , not regarding Name , Kindness , Affinity , nor Childhood . And now the Roman Emperours held the Monarchy of the world , among whom behold these Monsters of Cruelty and Impiety , Nero , Domitian , Caligula , Heliogabalus , Galienus , and others , under whom the whole world was oppress'd , till Constantine the Great having slain Maxentius , for his Lust and Cruelty hated of the Roman people , was proclaim'd Emperour . He , because he re-edifi'd Byzantium , making her equal with Rome , or else as it were a new Rome , and commanded it to be call'd Constantinople , from his own name , seems to have translated the Roman Empire to the Greeks , and at Constantinople , as Romulus at Rome , assur'd it to himself by the murther of the two Licinii , the Husband and Son of his Sister , as also of his own Childe and Wife . Thus the Empire remain'd among the Greeks till the time of Charles the Great , under whom the name of the Empire onely was remov'd into Germany . And thus far for Monarchies . Let us make inquiry into the beginnings of some other Kingdoms , and we shall finde them founded upon no better principles , nor upheld by less impiety , nor the occasions of their dissolutions less remarkable . I shall omit the Murthers of Dardanus , and by what devilish contrivances having besotted the Greeks to be his impious accomplices , he laid the Foundation of the Greek Monarchie . I omit the Governments obtain'd by the murthers of their Husbands , as the stories relate concerning the Amazonians . I come to later times , and the verges of our own memories . In Spain , in the time of Theodosius the Emperour , Alarick the Goth was the first that raign'd , at which time the Vandals also possess'd a great part of the same Country . The first King of the Goths that obtain'd the Monarchy of Spain , was S●ytilla , which Roderick the King , because he had ravish'd Julia Daughter of the Prefect of the Province of Tingitana , some while after lost to the Saracens or Moors , who after him possess'd Spain , till Pelagius having again recover'd some places , they were then call'd no more Kings of the Goths , but Kings of Spain , the Seat of the Empire being settled at Leon , until the raign of Ferdinando the Holy , who first call'd himself King of Castile , who having slain his Brother Garsias , by means of that parricide obtain'd the Kingdom of Navarre . Their Brother Romanus , whom their Father had begot upon a Concubine , being a warlike and fierce man , became the first King of Arragon . The first King of Portugal was Alphonsus the Son of Henry of Lorain and Terese the Bastard-daughter of Alphonsus King of Castile ; A stout man at Arms , who slew five Princes or great Governours of the Saracens in one Battel ; which was the reason that the Kings of Portugal carry five Shields for their Arms : yet was this Alphonsus curst and cruel to his Mother , whom because she married a second time , he cast into perpetual imprisonment , nor could be mov'd to set her free by any perswasions , intreaties , prayers , or menaces of Ecclesiastical Censure . Thus all the Kingdoms of Spain have been obtain'd by unheard-of Villanies , and held by the same Arts. I omit the Kingdoms of the Burgundians and Lombards , compos'd of the greatest and most famous people of Germany , and begun in Lombardy by Alboynus , in Burgundy by Gondaicus , and in both places maintain'd and propagated by Murther and Bloodshed . Let us view the most Potent Kingdom of the Franks in Gallia , whose first Foundations were laid by Pharamond Son of Meroveus , who coming out of Germany into France , was made King of the Franks ; excelling in nothing more than in Cruelty and Fierceness : His Posterity remain'd till the time of Childerick the Third , who for his sloth and libidinous wantonness was depos'd from his Kingdom , and thrust into a Monastery . In his place was Pipin advanc'd , Steward of Childerick's House , who having got the Kingdom for himself and his Posterity by treason , establish'd his own Power by the Murther of Grifo his Brother . His Posterity continu'd to Lewis the Second , Son of Lotharius , who for adulterating his Wife Blanch's bed , was poyson'd by her : at which time Hugh Capet laid violent hands upon the Scepter ; a stout Warrier , and there highly esteem'd by the Parisians ; but otherwise ignoble , as being the Son of a Butcher . He rebelling against Charles the Uncle of Lewis , and right Heir of the Crown , scrapes together a loose Band of debauch'd fellows and Vagabonds , and having got the said Charles into his hands by treachery , thrust him into Prison , and there kept him till he di'd ; and thus having most barbarously murther'd his King and Prince , he assum'd the Regal Diadem , changing a Kingdom into a Butchers shop ; whose Succession endures to this day . It would be too long and tedious in this place to enumerate the Originals of all Kingdoms , and discourse the Histories of all Antiquity . I have in another Volume writ more at large of what I have here but lightly touch'd , where I have painted out Nobility it self in its proper Colours and Lineaments ; and I have shewed that there never was , nor is any Kingdom in the world , or famous Principality , the Foundations whereof were not built upon Particide , Treachery , Perfidiousness , Cruelty , Murther , Slaughter , and other most horrid Crimes , the Arts and Utensils of Nobility , whereof when we see the Head , we may easily conjecture at the monstrosity of the rest of the Members ; onely prompt and ready for the Execution of all manner of Vice , Violence , Rapine , Murther , Men-hunting , and Lust. Would any person become Noble , let him be a Huntsman , this is the first step to Preferment ; or let him be a mercenary Souldier , and let himself out to commit Murther : This is the true Noble vertue , whereby he that shews himself the bravest and stoutest Thief , shall deserve the greatest Honour and Dignity . He that is a Fool or a Coward , let him buy Nobility with money ; for Nobility is often expos'd at the Market : Or if he cannot do that , let him flatter Great men and Princes , Pimp for Noblemens Wives , prostitute his own Wife and Daughter to the Kings pleasure , marry the Kings Cast-Mistrisses , or espouse his natural Daughters ; and this is the highest Degree of Nobility , for then he becomes embodied to the Root . These are the High-ways , these are the Steps and Ladders by which men most compendiously climb up to the top of Honour . Now they who would appear more magnificent and noble than others , boast themselves to be of the Race of those , which there is no body but would contemn , that is to say , Macedonians , Trojans , Vagabonds , Fugitives , and Exiles , infamous for thousands of Crimes and Misdemeanors : and yet forsooth we must magnifie & extol this Nobility , that had such nefarious beginnings . Others deducing their Pedegrees from Whores and Concubines , cover their shame with some Fable , as we read in the Story of Melusina . There are others that have had other most wicked Originals , from Incest , Rapes , Fornications , and Adulteries . Thus Baldwin was made Earl of Flanders by Charles the Bald , who had ravish'd his Daughter . For the same reason were those Marquesses of Piedmont , viz. Montferrate , Saluces , Sena , and others , advanc'd by Otho the Emperour . For Kings and Emperours are wont , when they cannot for shame punish an Injury , to honour the Actors with some Title of Dignity . Moreover , there are ●our principal Gifts in Noblemen , wherein consists their chief Vertue and Knowledge , if not their onely Happiness : Their first is Rapaciousness , whereby they are taught and instructed to Desire , Gain , and Possess , contrary to all Law and Equity . The second is Pleasure , which carries 'um headlong to all Voluptuousness and Luxury . The third is Liberty , whereby , guarded with the powers of Violence , they presume in contempt of the Law , to act according to their pleasures . The fourth is Ambition , which swells 'um to seek advancement beyond their Merit , and to stop at no wickedness or villany while they are in the pursute of vain Honour . Lastly , the compleatness of Nobility is discern'd in these things : if he be a good Hun●sman , if he be cunning in the wicked Arts of Gaming , if he be able to shew his great strength in Drinking , if the force and vigour of Nature become renown'd by his mighty Acts of Venery , if he be addicted to Pride , Luxury , and Intemperance , if he be an enemie of Vertue , or grow forgetful that he was born , and that he shall die . More noble yet , if these Impieties be but successive from Father to Son , and be inculcated into their Youth by great Authorities . If the Old man be fortunate in Play , 'T is fit the H●ir should thrive the self-same way . These are the signal Vertues of Noblemen . But there is another sort of Industry among the Nobility , wherein they are most excellent above others , to make themselves to be accompted all this while honest and good , famous for Prudence , Liberality , Piety , and Justice ; to which end they faign themselves courteous , fair-spoken , affable , making a conspicuous shew of all Vertue : They steep their Speeches in Oyl : they banquet splendidly from house to house , talk freely of State-affairs , observe the opinions of other men , from whence they gather what is good , and ascribe to themselves the same of other mens wisdom and prudence : By their covetousness they get an opinion of Liberality , while what they take from one , they give to another ; bountiful Thieves ; and what the Ancients write concerning Sylla , by the injuries which they do to some , they enrich others , being themselves in the midst of all their Rapine . The opinion of Justice and Piety they procure , by undertaking the differences among poor people , and maintain their causes against the rich sort ; but they no longer give assistance to the afflicted ; but while they can empty the Coffers of the wealthy . For their intention is not to do good to the Poor , but to injure the Rich ; which they can more easily do , than do good : And under this pretence of Justice and Piety , sometimes they arrogate to themselves the greatest License in the world , on purpose to use violence to Cities and great persons , glorying in their sins like the ancient Giants , and like evil Spirits seeking all occasions of mischief , and then thinking that they do most good , when they do no harm ; so behaving themselves , to be a terrour to all , to be belov'd by none ; combining with the wicked and flagitious , oppressing and ruining all persons that put their confidence in ' um . Of whom Aristophanes thus writes , saying , That it is not convenient for a City to breed and nourish Lions within it ; but if they be of a milde temper , then we ought to be obedient to ' um . The Switzers , formerly oppressed by the tyranny of these Noblemen , slew them all , and extirpated their Race by that memorable slaughter of their Nobles , obtaining a lasting name with the recovery of their liberty , wherein they have happily flourish'd for above four hundred years , the hatred of that sort of Nobility yet remaining among ' um . CHAP. LXXXI . Of Heraldry . NObility was the Foundation of that noble Art of Heraldry , and Philosophy has been very much employ'd in designing and ordering the Arms of Noblemen , for whom it is unlawful to bear in their Coats an Ox , a Calf , a Sheep , a Lamb , a Capon , a Hen , or any of those Creatures which are necessary for the use of Mankind ; but they must all carry for the Ensignes of their Nobility , the resemblances of cruel Monsters , and Birds of Prey . Thus the Romans chose to carry an Eagle , the most rapacious of all Birds : the Phrygians a Boar , a most pernicious Animal : the Thracians , Mars : the Goths , a Bear : and the Vandals invading Spain , carried a Cat , a creature most greedy , and treacherous withal : the ancient Franks , a Lion : the Saxons , the same . Afterwards the Franks remaining in Gallia , chose the Owl : the Saxons a Horse , a most warlike creature . The Cymbrians had for their Ensigne a Bull , the Emblem of strength and good fortune . Antiochus had for his Imprese an Eagle holding a Dragon in her pounces . Pompey bare in his Shield a Lion ; Attila , a crowned Basilisk . The Romans , whose Capitol was preserv'd from the Gauls by the Geese that were fed therein , yet could not be perswaded to carry a Goose for their Shield . There are that admit Cocks and Goats into their Shields , because those creatures are known to be proud and lustful . For the same reason Peacocks are receiv'd , because of their pride ; and the Lapwing or Heath-hen , for that she seems to carry the Emblem of Majesty , wearing the resemblance of a Crown on her head : Nor is she refus'd , because she makes her Neast in Excrements , for we know that Vespatian impos'd a tribute upon Piss , acknowledging , That the smell of Gain was always sweet . There be many of smaller Animals also that claim a prerogative in the Shields of great men , provided they be the Documentors of mischief : Such are Coneys , Moles , Frogs , Locusts , Mice , Serpents , Salpeges , Scolopenders ; through the multitude of which sort of Animals , as Pliny testifies , people have been forc'd to forsake their Habitations , and Cities have been forsaken : For the same reason , some have not been asham'd to bear Lice , Fleas , and Flies ; and some there are that count it a great honour to be mark'd with Blains and Botches , while there are those that hold them for the best Gentlemen that have been most pepper'd with the French Pox. Some there are that bear for their Arms Swords , Daggers , Faulcheons , Towers , Battlements , Engines of War , Fire-works , and whatsoever other Instruments of Murther and Mischief . The Scythians carry Thunder for their Arms , the Persians a Bow and Arrows , the Coralli Wheels . Thus among the Gods Jupiter carried Thunder , Neptune a Trident , Mars a Spear , Bacchus a Thyrse , Hercules a Club , and Saturn a Scithe . And these Ensignes of Armory , as they are the Emblems of Cruelty , Rapine , Violence , Fortitude , Rashness , and other Heroick Vertues , are by the judgment of the Heralds , some nobler than others . Now those Shields that are blazo●●d with things that are less noxious , as Trees , Flowers , Stars , as the Harp of Apollo ▪ the Caduceus of Mercury , or are otherwise distinguish'd onely by variety of Colours , these are accompted much more modern , and less noble than the other , as not being acquir'd by any Acts of War , or other Artifices of Ruine and Destruction . However , 't is a wonder to see how foolishly and idly these applauded Heralds play the Philosophers , Astrologers , and Divines , while they ascribe black and brown to Saturn ; and therefore Perseverance , Patience , and Taciturnity to him also : But Saphyr , and Azure , Faith and Zeal , belongs to Jupiter . Over Red , which signifies Anger and Revenge , they give Mars dominion . The Golden Colour they dedicate to the Sun ; and by reason of the Price of the one , and the Lustre of the other , think it signifies desire and joy . Over Green and Purple Venus is made chief Ruler ; to Purple by reason of its Rosie beautie , ascribing the signification of Love , though the French will have it to denote Treachery : but Green by the consent of all , was the Emblem of Hope , seeing that from the green Fields Fruit is expected at the end of the year . White is ascrib'd to the Moon , which being simple without mixture , yet is it capable of all mixture , and therefore they will have it to denote Purity , Docility , and Simplicity of heart . All other mixt Colours they assign'd 〈◊〉 Mercury , who being himself inconstant and of several humours , so they observe that those humours signifie the various Affections of the Minde : As Ash-colour being neer to Black , signifies Trouble : Flesh-colour inward Grief of the Soul , or secret and hidden Thoughts : Straw-colour , Desperation and Suspition , or Jealousie . Too long it would be to repeat their Trifles of the same nature , feigned and digested into Emblems , from the Water , Days , corners of the World , Winds , Wood , Planets , Plants , Stones , and the very Mysteries and Sacraments of Religion : Nay , they have translated all the Apocalypse into Fables and Trifles of their own invention : And this is that Heroick Philosophy of the Heralds . And here I had made an end of this Discourse , had I not met with the Original of these Heralds . Aeneas Sylvnius deduces the Original of the Heralds from the Heroes . Now these Heroes were old Souldiers , which they ought also to be ; and Harald the Teutonick word , signifies an old man in Arms , or a Veterane Souldier . But now every Servile and Mechanick-fellow , fecial Messengers , and Caduceators , frequently are admitted to the Employment . However , the Priviledges and Offices of Heralds remain inviolable to this very day . Their first Institutor was Father Bacchus , who having conquer'd India , gave them their first beginning , in these words : This day I free you from War and Labour ; I will that ye be called Veterane Souldiers and Heroes . Your business shall be now to take care of the Commonwealth , to punish the bad and cherish the good . From other Offices ye shall be free , in whatever part of the world ye shall be found . Your Diet and Clothing shall be at the King's Charge : Ye shall be honourable among all men ; Princes shall send ye Gifts : Firm credit and authority shall be given to your words ; ye shall abhor Lying , ye shall sit and judge Tratyors ; those who ill entreat their Wives , ye shall adjudge infamous : Ye shall be free in all Countries , secure in Travel and Habitation : Whosoever shall molest or injure any of you , shall be put to death . Alexander the Great , after many Ages following , added very much to their Priviledges , giving them liberty to wear Garments of Gold , Purple , and Scarlet ; as also to bear Royal Coats and Escutch●ons in whatsoever part of the world they inhabited . If any person struck them , or injur'd them in words , they forfeited their Goods as guilty of Treason . All which Thucydides , Herodotus , Didymus , Magasthones , and Xenophon have related , as the same Aeneas reports . Thirdly , Octavianus Augustus , being settled in the Roman Empire , incorporated them , and gave them several Laws : Whoever thou art that has serv'd us in the Wars ten years , provided thou art forty years of age , whether thou wert a Footman or a Horseman , after that thou shalt be free from farther service ; let him be a Heroe and a Veterane : Let free access be given thee to all Cities , Pleading-places , Temples , publick and private Houses : Let no man accuse thee of any Crime , impose any Burthen on thee , or exact any Money from thee . If thou hast done amiss , onely expect to be punish'd by Caesar : Whatever foul act men commit , let them expect thee their Judge , and the Proclaimer of their Miscarriages , whether private or publick persons : what thou shalt affirm or say ▪ let no man contradict , whether Prince or private person . Let all High-ways and places be open to thee . In the houses of Great men let there be a Table provided for thee . Sufficient to keep thee and thy Family , receive out of the publick Treasury . Let thy lawful Wife take place of other women . Whom thou shalt contemn and name for infamous , let him be contemn'd , and esteem'd infamous . Let a Heroe bear the Ensignes , Arms , Names and Ornaments of Kings . What thou hast a minde to do or say , that do or say in any part of the World , in any Country or Nation whatsoever : be that injures thee , let him want a head . At last Charles the Great having obtain'd the name of the Empire into Germany , and being stil'd Caesar Augustus , after he had overcome the Saxons and Lombards , honour'd them as follows : My fellow-Souldiers , said he , ye shall be call'd Heroes , Companions of Kings , and Judges of Crimes : Live henceforward free from Labour , consult and advise with Kings for the Publick good , reprehend soul Actions ; be kinde to Women , and be tender over Orphans ; encompass Princes with your counsels : From them demand your Food . Apparel ▪ and Wages ; whoever denies ye , let him be dishonourable and infamous : He that offers ye injury , let him confess himself guilty of High Treason . And for your parts , take you heed , that so great Honours , so great Priviledges acquir'd by the labours of War , that ye stain them not , nor defile them with Drunkenness , or any other Vice : that what we give for your Glory , may not redound to your Punishment ; the infliction whereof , if ye exceed your bounds , we reserve to our selves and our Successors Kings of the Romans . And this is the magnificent Degree of Heraldry , for which by ancient Custom , they esteem themselves so great . CHAP. LXXXII . Of Physick in general . FRom War and Nobility let us hasten to Physick , which is it self a kinde of Art of Killing , altogether Mechanick , though she pretend to be shadow'd with the Title of Philosophy , and sits above the Law next to Divinity in degree and place ; which hath caus'd great contention between the Civilian and the Physitians . For thus the Physitians argue : Seeing , say they , there are three sorts of Goods , the Goods of the Soul , the Goods of the Body , the Goods of Fortune ; of the first the Divine takes care , of the second the Physitian , the third onely belongs to the Lawyer : Hence it is that the Physitians claim the next pre-eminence to the Divines , forasmuch as the strength and health of the Body is to be preferr'd far before the Riches of Fortune . But this strife was once determin'd by a witty Question . For some one of these Contenders desiring to know ▪ what order and method was observ'd in leading Criminals to Ex●cution , which follow'd , and which should precede , the Thief or the Ha●gman ? and when one answer'd that the Thief went before , and the Hangman follow'd , the other presently gave judgment that the Lawyers should go before , the Physitians follow ; denoting the remarkable Robbery of the one , the rash Murther of the other . But let us return to Physick , of which there are many sorts of Heresies : For there is one which they call Rational , Sophistical , and Dogmatical , which was practised by Hippocrates , Diocles , Chrysippus , Caristinus , Paraxagoras , and Herosistratus ; approved also a long while after by Galen , who above all the rest following Hippocrates , brought all the Art of Physick to be comprehended in the knowledge of the Causes , judgments upon Signes and Symptoms , qualities of things , and the several habits and ages of Bodies . But this Heresie contending more for substance than shadow , I confess to be the meaner part of Philosophy ; but toward the cure of the Sick not at all necessary , if not altogether destructive , as that which rather sends us for Health and Cure to screw'd and forc'd Maximes , than to any sincere and real Medicines : and being employ'd in Scholastick Syllogisms , unacquainted with Woods and Fields , becomes altogether ignorant of Herbs and good Remedies . And therefore Serapion was of opinion that this Rational Method of Physick did nothing at all avail to the Cure of diseases . Therefore there is another Faction of Physicians , altogether Mercenary and Mechanick ; which is therefore termed Operative , and is divided into Empirick and Methodical ; of which we are now to treat . They call it Empirical , because of the Experiments which it makes : whose chief Professors were Serapion , Heraclides , and both the Apollonii . Among the Latines , Marcus Cato , C. Valgius , Pomponius , Leneus , Cassius , Felix , Aruntius , Cornelius , Celsus , Pliny , and many others . Out of this , Hierophilus the Calcedonian constituted his Methodical Physick ; and by the help of long Experience , the Mistress of all things , fixed it to certain Rules , which afterwards Asclepiades , Themistion , and Archigenes confirm'd by most strong arguments , and afterwards Thesillus the Italian compleated ; who , as Varro affirms , set aside all the Opinions of his predecessors , madly raging against all the Physicians of the former Age. After these , many Barbarous Physicians of forraign Nations ventured abroad in Writing ; among which , the Arabians became so famous , that they seemed by many to have been the Inventors of this Art ; and might have easily made it good , but , for the Original Greek and Latine words which they used , betraying another original of the Science . This made the Volumes of Avicen , Rhasis , and Averroes , to have equal Authority with the Books of Galen and Hippocrates ; so that if any one presume the Cure of a person without their Rules , he seemed to throw away the life of the Patient . Now these Factions among Physicians be not many , yet is the Contention and Combate of Opinions not less among them , than among the Philosophers . For observe how idly they contend about the substance of the Seed . Pythagoras will have it to be the spume or froth of the most useful part of the Bloud , or the most useful part of the excrement of the meat . Plato affirms it to be a deflux of the Back-bone-marrow , seeing that the Back and Reins are pained by the over-much use of Copulation . Alcmaeon asserts it to be part of the Brain , for that Copulation weakens the Eyes , which are nourished by the Brain . Democritus will have it to be derived from all parts of the body , and Epicurus to be as it were forcibly strain'd from body and soul together . Aristotle affirms it to be the excrement of the Sanguineous nourishment , which is last digested in the body . Others believe it to be bloud ripened and made white by the heat of the Stones , for this reason , That they who copulate too often , do eject drops of bloud . Adde to all this , that Aristotle and Democritus are of opinion that a Womans seed doth not at all contribute to Generation , neither that she does emit any seed at all , but onely a kinde of Sweat. Galen affirms that they eject seed , but more imperfect ; and that the seed of both sexes assists in generation . Though Hippocrates is of a contrary judgement , affirming that the bodies of all Animals are coagulated out of the four Humours . Yet Aristotle maintains that the Bloud is the next cause of Generation , and that the seed is generated out of the Blood. Many of the Arabians are of opinion that perfect Animals might be generated without the mixture of Male and Female , and be produced without the help of seed ; and therefore did aver that there was no necessity of the Matrix , but by accident . Now speaking of the Original Causes of Diseases , Hippocrates places them in the Spirits , Hierophilus in the Humours , Erasistratus in the bloud of the Arteries : Asclepiades makes them to be certain Atomes entring in thorow the invisible pores of the body : Alcmaeon believes all diseases to proceed from the exuberance or scarcity of the Corporeal faculties : Diocles , from the inequality of the Corporeal elements , and temper of the air we breathe in : Strato , from the surplusage and crudity of Nourishment , and the consequent corruption thereof . Nor do they less differ about the alteration of the Aliment . For Hippocrates , Galen , and Avicen affirm the meat to be concocted in the Stomach by the heat thereof . Erasistratus believes Concoction to be perfected lower in the Belly . Plistonicus and Paraxagoras affirm not onely a Concoction , but Putrefaction . Avieen also , and his Exposi●ors , Gentiles and Jacobus de Ferlino , not without a manifest error , affirm that Ordure is made in the Stomach . But Asclepiades and his followers believe that the meat is not concocted , but distributed raw into all parts of the body ; and affirm the Opinions of all the former to be vain and ridiculous . I omit their Judgements of Urine , not yet perfectly known by any of um ; and the beatings of the Pulses as little apprehended by um . Hippocrates , whom they look upon as a God , has not onely differ'd from many in opinion , but erroneously mistaken : for , in his Book of the nature of Infants he saith , The Bird is generated of the yellow of the egge , but is nourished by the white of the egge ; which Aristotle proves to be manifestly untrue , in his Book of Animals : and in his Book of the Generation of Animals , writing against Alcmaeon , who was of the same opinion with Hippocrates , he concludes the original of the Chicken is in the White ; nourishment is suckt in thorow the Navel out of the Yolk : to which Pliny adheres , saying , The creature is generated out of the White , his nourishment is out of the Yolk . And is not that Aphorism of Hippocrates false ? No woman hath the Gout , till her Terms forsake her ; it being evident that many Menstruous women have the Gout . CHAP. LXXXIII . Of Practical Physick . THe whole Operative art of Healing is built upon no other Foundation than fallacious Experiments , and the slender Credulity of the diseased , doing more harm than good ; there being generally more danger in the Physician and Physick , than in the disease : which the chief Doctors of this Art ingenuously confess , that is to say , Hippocrates himself , who does not deny this Art to be both difficult and fallacious ; together with Avicen , who saith , that the Patients confidence in the Physician oft-times prevaileth more than the Physi●k it self . Galen also affirms , that it is very difficult to finde a Medicament that does very much good , but easie to finde many that do no good at all . There is another who tells us that the knowledge of Medicines is delightful , as of all other things that consist of Rule and Art ; but that the effects of Medicinal operation are meerly fortuitous . Let the fortunate diseased therefore go and put their trust in dangerous Experiments , and habnab-Remedies . But so general is the sweetness of hoping well for a mans self , as Pliny saith , that he believes every Physician that offers himself , though there be no delusion more dangerous . Hence it is that generally men seek for help from Death ; he being the best Physician esteemed , whom the Apothecary , that shares with him , recommonds , or deceives the person ; whose servants are at the Physicians devotion , who like Pandars for reward commend him with praises to the sick . He is also accounted a most excellent Physician , whom a Velvet Coat , or two or three good Rings upon his fingers shall make to be admir'd ; or else his being a Forraigner , or a great Traveller ; or else his being of such or such a Religion . Of no less efficacie to give um credit , fame and authority , is a solid Confidence , and a constant bragging of his Receipts : adde to these a spirit of Contradiction , many Greek and Latine sentences , and the names of Authors , which make him seem learned . Thus arm'd with a Leaden Gravity , but a Military confidence , he undertakes the Trade of a Physician : and first , he visits the sick , looks upon his Urine , feels his Pulse , considers his Tongue , feels his Sides , examines the Excrement , enquires into his customary Diet ; and if there be any thing more privately kept , he desires to finde it out , as if he would weigh the Humours of the Patient in a pair of Scales . Then with great boasting he prescribes Medicaments : R ℞ Catap●tia , let bloud , give Clysters , use Pessaries , Oynments , Plaisters , Lozenges , Masticatories , Gargarisms , Fumes , Quilts ; use Preserves , Waters , Treacles . If the disease be light , and the Patient dainty , then will the Physician invent fine pleasing Gugaws , fit for women and effeminate persons . Provoking Sleep sometimes with hanging beds ; sometimes extenuating the disease with Baths , Frictions , Cupping-glasses ; sometimes re●reshing the sick with delicate diet , and change of air . And to obtain greater fame and authority , observing times and seasons , and seldome administring Physick but according to the directions of some Mechanical Ephemeris . He also claims a great authority over the Apothecary , many times ordering him to make his Medicines before him ; pretending himself to be at the choice of the best ingredients , when for the most part he knows● not good from bad , nay hardly knows the things themselves when he sees them . But if the Patient be rich , and a great person besides , then for his greater fame and profit he prolongs the distemper as much as may be , although perhaps he might have cur'd it with one single Medicine : sometimes exasperating the disease , he brings the Patient to deaths door before he will cure it , that he may be said to have deliver'd the Patient from a most dangerous fit of sickness . If he meet with a Patient whose distemper is dangerous , and that he findes the effect of the Cure to be doubtful , then he uses these Stratagems : severely he prescribes Rules of Diet ; he commands unusual things , prohibits things common : he extols with great arguments what he offers himself ; what others bring he utterly condemns ; on the one side threatning ruine , on the other hand promising life . If he doubt of the event , he perswades the Patient to call a Council of Doctors , desires an assistant , to proceed more warily in the Cure , for fear lest any one coming alone , should perform a Cure , and take from him the glory of the business . If any thing fall out amiss with the Patient , or that he has kill'd him by his most signal want of skill ; then he excuses himself , by pretending some sudden deflux of Rheum , or some other chance , neither to be helped nor avoided ; or else he accuses the Patient for not observing his directions , or else blaming those that tended for want of care ; or else he blames his associates ; or else throws all the blame upon the Apothecary : thereby endeavouring to prove that no diseased person ever died but through his own fault , nor that ever any was cur'd but by the help and art of the Physitian . But that Physicians are Knaves for the most part , we shall prove by Witnesses . For their own Reconciler , Peter Apponius , writes , That the Art of Physick is ascrib'd to Mars , which is the most odious of all the Planets , as being the author of Ingratitude , Quarrelling , and all wickedness . Therefore are Physicians the cause of many mischiefs , both by reason of the influence of Mars and Scorpio , as also because they had their original from a lowe and barren beginning ; growing proud and haughty , as they grow rich . This perhaps he learnt from the example of Aesculapius , whom Antiquity fables to have been the Inventor of Physick , the son of Jupiter , and sent to the Earth through the way of the Sun. Celsus confesses him to be a man , but received into the number of the Gods. Others assert that he was the Incestuous off-spring of Coronidis , a handsom Harlot , with whom the Priests of Apollo lay in the Temple , who therefore gave out that he was the son of the God. But all agree in this , that this God was so wicked , that Jove was forc'd to curb and chastise him with his Thunder . Concerning which , Lactantius thus writes to Constantine the Emperour : Aesculapius the son of Apollo , a vicious person , what other thing did he do worthy divine honours , saving that he cur'd Hippolytus ? His death was more remarkable , in that he merited to be struck with thunder . To say the truth , Physicians are the most wicked , quarrelsome , envious , lying persons in the world : for so they quarrel one among another , that there is not a Physician to be found , who shall approve one Remedy prescrib'd by another , without exception , addition , or alteration : whence it is become a Proverb , The envie and discord of Physicians . For what one approves , the other laughs at . There is nothing certain among them , but all their promises are meer trifles , and airy lyes . Hence the common people , when they would set out a noted lyer , they cry , Thou ly'st like a Physician . For it is their chief study , to follow their own new inventions , and neglect the wholesome precepts of Antiquity : and those few things which they do know , they conceal , as if it did not consist with the Authority of their Art to divulge their knowledge ; and out of envie to others , deprive our lives of the Remedies which other mens Labours have found out . They are moreover superstitious , arrogant , unconscionable , proud , covetous ; having this Sentence always in their mouthes : While there is pain , take . And if the pain cease in one part , they take care that it increase in another , for fear the Cure should be too soon perfected . As we read of Peter Apponi●s , who professing Physick in Bolonia , was so covetous and arrogant , that being sent for one time to a Patient out of town , he would not attend under less than fifty Crowns a day : and being sent for by Honorius the Pope , he covenanted for Four hundred Crowns a day . Besides , we finde it related by Pindarus , that Aesculapius the parent of Physick was struck by Jupiter with Thunder for his Covetousness , for that he had practised Physick with Extorsion , and to the hurt of the Commonwealth . But if a sick man happen to recover out of their hands , there is such an Applause , that the tongue of man can scarce suffice to express the wonder of the miracle , as if Lazarus had been rais'd out of the grave ; claiming the life of the Patient to be their gift , and that they have brought him back : ascribing to themselves what belongs to God , and believe that no reward can suffice to recompence their desert . Some of um are so swell'd up with pride , that they suffer themselves to be worshipt as Gods , and be called Joves and Jupiters ; such as Menecrates the Physician of Syracuse , who is said to have written in these words to Agesilous King of Sparta : Jupiter Menecrates , to Agesilous , greeting . But Agesilaus lauging at his folly , thus answer'd him : Agesilaus to Menecrates , health . But if any one unfortunately happen to die in their hands , then they blame weakness of Nature , the strength and fury of his disease , the unruliness of the Patient : that they are Physicians , not Gods : that they can cure those that are to be cur'd : that it is not their business to raise the dead : that they have nothing to serve the diseased with , in discharge of their duty , but their Experience : and with such vanities as these they maintain their pride . Others that die they accuse of intemperance : and when they have kill'd a man , yet they demand satisfaction for their Bills , from those , that might have been alive without um ; depriving their Patients both of money and life at once ; and yet preserving a safe Conscience to themselves , knowing their faults ( as Socrates says ) to be covered in the earth ; as also for that there is no returning from hell or the grave , to accuse them of their unskilfulness , exaction , and homicides . There are some nasty stinking Physicians bedaub'd with cast Urine and Ordure , more sordid than Midwives , using themselves to behold obscene and beastly sights , with their noses and ears to hear and smell the Belches , Farts , Stinking breaths , Steams and Stenches of the sick , with their lips and tongues to taste the black and loathsome Potions , with their fingers to search the Dung and Excrements . Lastly , all their studies and discourse is onely about the most sad , horrid , and ghastly spectacles of Death and Diseases . Exquisite Judges of the Ordure of men , which Hippocrates is reported usually to have tasted , that he might thereby the better judge of the Disease : which Aesculapius also is said to have done , who is therefore by Aristophanes call'd Scatophagus , or Excrement-eater , a Name generally given to Physicians . Hence Scatomancy , Ouromancy , and Dryniomancy , are said to be the Divinations or Prognostications of Physicians taken from Ordure and Urine . Wherefore , among many Nations , those Mechanick Doctors were formerly had in contempt , so that , as Seneca witnesses , it was accounted a great piece of Infamy to exercise the Calling of a Physician : and at this day , there are several people that forbid Physicians , Midwives and Executioners from coming to their Tables ; or else cause um to eat and drink in Dishes and Cups by themselves : much more abhorring that detestable custom of many Princes , who admit those Pestilential persons to their Chambers in a morning , and admit them infected with the Visits and Vapours of Pestilential people to their Meals , and at meat suffer their impertinent talk of Ordure , Urine , Sweat , Vomits , and Menstruous Courses , Leprosies , Ulcers , Scabs , and Plagues ; and to be spew a noble Feast , furnished with choice dishes , with their impure and obscene discourse . Than to admit a Physician to civil Consultations , there is nothing more idle , or fuller of folly , seeing that the Art of Physick neither treats of Vertue or Good-manners ; and for that a Physician naturally a good man , ought to b● a person of ill Customs . And we know that in many Cities by publike Decrees Physicians are neither admitted to their Counsels , nor suffered to bear any Office of Magistracie : perhaps not so much that they are foolish , vain , or ill tutor'd , as for their Sordidness , and their spreading Contagion , with the continual Visits of all sorts of Diseases ; not onely infecting Men , but the very Seats and Stones , as Lucillus has very well said of a certain Physician , in a Greek Epigram . Alcon but toucht Joves Statue , straight the stone , Though Marble , feels the hot Contagion : Whence from his ancient Temple they remove The Marble-god , so much their healths they love . Now when they meet together in Consultation , then there is a strict examination what the Patient cack'd and piss'd that night ; and going about like the Ephori of the Lacedemonians , to pronounce sentence of Life and Death , 't is a strange , but sad thing to hear , with what Heats and Altercations , not one agreeing in one thing , they brangle about the sick-mans bed ; as if they were hired not to Cure , but to Dispute ; with no small trouble to the distempered person , according to the Verse of Menander : A Prating Doctor is a new Disease Vnto the sick — At length producing some Aphorisms , to shew their Scholastick Learning , which they have always ready fo● use , and invoking Hippocrates , Galen , Avicen , Ras● Averroes , Apponius their Conciliator , and the rest o● their Deities , whose Names onely give them the credit of their Learning ; when they have sufficiently conten●ded and disputed about the Causes , Signes , Affection● and Critical days , at length they come to the applica●tion of some Remedy , which ought to have been th● head and tail of the whole business ; but that they pass over with some impertinent Order : for out of Envie to one another , they will not communicate their Secrets one to another ; as if that would be lost to them , which they discover to others : and therefore they have recourse to the Common Method , which if it fail um , then they flee to the Empirical part , as to a sacred Anchor , by Rashness to help what Reason resists ; affirming it to better to try a Doubtful Remedy , than none . Or else they leave the Patient , if their courtesie be less toward him , to future Prognosticks , saying for excuse , that Hippocrates forbids Remedies to be given to those who are in a desperate condition . Or else if they be any thing Religious , they cast the fault of the Disease upon some of the Saints ; or else prescribe this their last Antidote : ℞ one Proctor , Witnesses in number seven , one Priest with Holy-water and Oyl , and dispose of thy estate , for thou art a dead man. Hence Rasis , conscious to himself of the great stupidity of sick people , as also of the contentious stolidity of the Physicians , giving advice both to the Patient and to the Physician , perswades in his Aphorisms to take onely one Physician : for the Errour of one , brings great shame ; and the advantageous Success of one , is equally prais'd : but he that makes use of more than one Physician , commits the greatest errour . Thus Rasis . This is confirm'd by that ancient Inscription in the Monument , A Tro●p of Physicians was his bane ; and by the Greek Proverb , The admittance of many Physicians lost the Patient : as also by that saying of dying Adrian ; Multitude of Physicians has kill'd a Prince . Therefore there cannot be more profitable or more wholesom , Counsel given for the preservation of Health , than to abstain from Physicians : for we owe our Health to God , not to the Physicians . Therefore was Asa King of Ju●ah reprehended by the Propher , because he sought not the Lord in his sickness , but trusted to the skill of the Physician ; to whose directions they who give themselves over , can never be well . For there is no life so comfortless , as that which is governed by , and leans upon the confidence of their Art. Were it true that Physicians knew , and I would they did know , of the vertues and efficacies of the Elements , Herbs , Roots , Flowers , Fruits , Animals , Minerals , and of all things which Parent Nature produces ; yet would they be so far from making a man immortal , that they would not be always able to cure a slight disease . How often has the Remedy fail'd , that ought to have cur'd ! that which the Remedy ought to have thrown off , it hath not ; and at last , after great pains and cost , the Patient dies , even in the presence of the Physicians . What hope then can we repose in the Physicians , whose experience , as their own Hippocrates confesses , is erroneous ? What certainty can the Physicians promise us , if it be true that Pliny writes , That there is no Art more inconstant than Physick , nor more subject to change ? Many Nations there were of old , and now to this day living without Physicians , strong and lusty beyond the age of Decrepitness , exceeding an hundred years ? Contrarily , those more soft and delicate people who make use of Physicians , for the most part grow old are they have liv'd half their years . And the Physicians themselves we finde more crazie and short-liv'd than other people . Hence one answer'd Lacon , saying to him , Thou hast no distemper . Because ( said the other ) I am not a Physicians wife . Another saying to him , You are a true old man. Because ( said he ) I never us'd Physicians advice . Shewing , that there is no way more certain to Health and Old-age , than to want a Physician . If any one shall say , that many have recovered by the help of the Physicians ; we answer , that many more have di'd , toward whose relief the Physicians skill has nothing at all avail'd . And let um remember this Verse in Ausonius : — They scap'd from ill By help of Fate , not of the Doctors skill . The Arcadians , as Pliny relates , used no other Medicaments than Milk in the Spring , because then the Herbs were most full of juyce : and they chose above the rest Cows milk , as feeding most upon Herbs . The Laconians , Babylonians , Egyptians , Lusitanians , as Strabo and Herodotus affirm , rejected all Physicians : but they brought forth their sick into the streets and Market-places , that they who had scap'd the same disease , might advise them to the Remedies they had try'd before ; believing , as Celsus delivereth , that nothing did more conduce to recovery than Experience , wherein we finde the most learned Doctors often overcome , by silly Country old women , one of which has done more good with one single Herb or Plant , than the most famous Doctors , with all their most elaborate Receipts : for they endeavouring the cure of diseases by a compounded mixture of several Drugs , go more by Conjecture , than by any true knowledge of the cause or reason of the distemper ; rendring the whole Art of Physick meerly a thing of Chance and Guess : whilst the poor woman , knowing the vertue and effect of her simple Remedy , more easily by a natural force of a try'd Receipt shall overcome and cure a distemper . On the other side , the Physicians , by the help of Drugs and pretious Gums brought from India at great charge and expences , promise great Cure ; the poor Woman , by cheap and easie Remedies that grow in her own garden , doth not onely promise , but restore Health . Nay , the Physicians themselves confess that they have several of them learnt more excellent Receipts from Women , worthy to be recorded in their Works , and be made publike to posterity ; such as is the Receipt against the pain in the Head , which Avicen so much extols . Now if Physick , which ought to restore the temperament of Health , consist in proportion and temperament of things both between themselves , and also with the bodies to which they are attributed ; and that it was the most diligent care of the Physician to proportion and temper Medicaments , and to leave um so temper'd by just and harmonical weight and proportion to the bodies and tempers of the sick : what a strange arrogance and impudence is it for others , not onely to change , but to adde , sometimes to neglect , sometimes to know nothing thereof ! Whence it follows , that as the agreeing temperament of a Medicament brings Health ; so the disproportionate mixture causes Pain , increases the disease , and brings death . And therefore a Country-woman shall cure more safely with a Garden-receipt , than a proud Physician with all his prodigious costly and conjectural Medicaments . Many most excellent Physicians were of opinion , that the best way of Curing was by simple Medicaments . To which purpose having searcht into the qualities of Simples , and found them out , they have left us famous Volumes upon those Subjects , as Chrysippus of the Colewort , Pythagoras of the Onyon , Marchion of the Raddish , Diocles of the Turnep , Phanias of the Nettle , Apuleius of Betony ; and many others , of other Herbs and Roots . But your Shop-physicians so little regard these things , that they contemn um , call them Simpletons , that take notice of Simples . But those Physicians that make use of Simple Medicaments , I aver , are the persons to be both followed and consulted : But for your Shop Doctors , I wish all people to avoid um , as meer Hocus-pocus's and Witches , living upon our deaths , by means of their prodigious Compositions , and meerly making a Lottery of our lives . For seeing that compounded Medicaments must of necessity consist of such things whose qualities are altogether disagreeing and repugnant ; it is very difficult , if not altogether impossible , to promise any thing of Certainty , but onely by Thought , Conjecture , and Opinion ; and when there are innumerable things which singly might be advantageous , the Physician onely jumbles those together which Chance and Fortune offer to his memory . Whence it happens , that that compounded Medicament receives its efficacie not from the qualities of the Simple Ingredients , but from the Fancie and Unluckie choice of the Physician , while he by some secret and hidden motive , whether Natural , Celestial , Demoniacal , or Fortuitous , is prompted to chuse this or that thing before another . And indeed , this is the vulgar Saying , and which they themselves confess , that one Physician is more fortunate than another , and that many times the Ignorant proves more successful than the Learned . I my self have known and seen a most Learned Physician , under whose Cure very few have escaped : I have known another half-witted fellow , that has happily cur'd not onely his own Patient , but those who have been left in a desperate condition by others . And I remember I have read of a Physician that cur'd all Noble-men and rich men that fell into his cure ; but all his Patients that were of a mean condition , either dy'd , or run very great hazards . Hence we may easily see , that this Shop-physick , where the good Fortune rather than Learning of the Physician prevails , is to be lookt upon onely as a piece of Fortune-telling , and to be exploded and condemned onely as an art of Murther and Witchcraft . Which made the Romans when Cato was C●nsor to expel all Physicians , not onely cut of Rome , but out of all Italy , as abominating their Cruelty and Lying , for that they kill'd more than they heal'd ; and for that being very dextrous at poysoning , by Hatred , Ambition , or Gain , they were easily hir'd to administer Poyson with their Physick , and for Reward to entrap the lives of men . Thus the Physician of Pyrrhus , whether Timocharis , according to Gellius , or Nacias , as others report , who promis'd Fabricius to poyson his Lord and King : but Fabricius detesting the fact , admonisht Pyrrhus in a Letter to have a care of his Physician : of which Clandian thus writes . The Romans for their vertue ever fam'd , The traytor and his treason still condemn'd . Fabricius nobly to his foe declares What his own servant 'gainst his life prepares . He fairly taught to vanquish , that his War All acts of secret treason did abhor . Cato in Pliny writes to his son about the Physicians of the Greeks : They have sworn to kill all the Barbarians with their Physick ; but this they do for Money , to gain Credit , that they may make the quicker dispatch . And a little after the addes : Whence then proceeded so many cheats in Wills , the same means they have now to hide Adulteries ; as by the example of Eudemus , in Livia wife of Drusus Caesar. Socates also in Plato advises not to let Physicians multiply in a Citie . It were very convenient for the Commonwealth , that there were none , or very few ; and that there were a Law to make their Unskilfulness and Negligence capital . For it is a Capital crime ; and it matters not whether a Physician have endangered a mans life by Folly or Negligence , by Ignorance or Malice , unwittingly or designedly : and that there should not be such an Impunity for Physicians to destroy Mankinde , who have onely this common honour with the Hangman , to be hired to kill men , and onely to be rewarded for Murther , for which all other men are condemn'd without mercy . This is the difference between the one and the other , That the Hangman puts none to death , but what have receiv'd sentence of death by the Judges ; the Physician destroys the Innocent , without any sentence past . Therefore the Pontifical Constitutions forbid Clergie-men to practise Physick , as if they might be as lawfully Hang-men as Clergie-men . Not imprudently also Cato prosecuted them , as being such as strive to increase the Fame of their Art by Novelty ; and when they have nothing new , try their Experiments with the hazard of our lives , and learn their Art by prolonging and increasing our distempers , to their own profit and advantage also . Therefore to remedy this mischief , the Aegyptians had a Law , that the first three days the Physician was to cure the sick , with the hazard of the Patients life ; after three days , at the peril of his own . CHAP. LXXXIV . Of Apothecaries . ANd now for their Cooks , whom they call Apothecaries , the Titles of whose Boxes contain Remedies , the Boxes themselves Poyson , or as Homer signs , Compounded Medicines , many hurtful , many good . For when they themselves will be a● no loss , they compel us to purchase our deaths at great prices ; while they causing us to take one thing for another , or mixing some old rotten Druggs whose vertues are quite lost , they many times give us a deadly Drink , in stead of a Restorative Potion : while they buy old Emplaisters , Unguents , Collyries , and Pill-messes , made for gain of the dregs of the Druggs ; and not able to discern otherwise , are cheated with the Sophistications of the barbarous Merchants . I could here shew their most pernicious Quarrels about the simple Medicines which they use , and their Errours about the Names of their Medicinal Druggs , by them misunderstood , and worse made use of : all which Nicholaus Leonicenus has discover'd in a large Volume . I pass over their prodigious Compositions , their Mixtures of many external Simples ; which while they jumble together , thinking to make one Medicament agreeing with all Constitutions , they effect nothing but what is said of that Poetical Chaos : — A rude and undigested heap , A sluggish weight , and without form or shape . The disagreeing seeds of things ill joyn'd , While to one Lump confin'd : Cold fights with Heat , Drowth Moisture would deprive ; Soft things with hard , and light with heavie strive . Grant that there be some Compositions invented by the ancient Physicians which may have prov'd useful , and which by the Vote of Experience may be receiv'd ; yet are they far from the true Method , and condemn'd by the Physicians , by the compulsion of their own Consciences , and every way exploded by Pliny , Theophrastus , Galen , Plutarch , Hippocrates , Dioscorides , Erasistratus , Celsus , Scribonius , and Avicen ; whose words to repeat here , would be too tedious . Nor are they so much blamed by those ancient Authors , but also by many of the Moderns ; among which , Arnoldus de Villa nova thus asserts , in one of his Maximes : When a man has Simples at hand , I doubt whether it be convenient to use Compounds . But while Simples are either wholly neglected , or else not known , all Medicaments are fetcht from those two great Luminaries of the Apothecaries and Druggists Treasuries , Mesues and Nicholaus , and the gilded Pictures and Inscriptions of their followers . Hence it comes to pass , that while Physicians for their own ease submit the lives of men to their Confidence in the Apothecaries ; and while they without Learning , without Knowledge , trusting to the barbarousness of Merchants for their own profit , make a strange and confused Medley in their Shops , that there is more harm got by the Medicament than by the Disease . Now as concerning the Sophistication of costly Druggs , which are sometimes counterfeited with so much Art , that many knowing persons are deceiv'd ; it would be better for the general Health of men , and for the Commonwealth , to forbid the use of all Exotick Medicaments , which are brought in by Pyratical Merchants , at such Miraculous prices , to the bane of the Inhabitants ; to reduce the Physicians to a Method , and to binde up the Apothecaries by such a Law , as once Nero is said to have made in Rome , when it was better than now it is , by which they were compell'd to use onely those Medicaments which the Country produces , as being most agreeable to the nature of the Natives , as also fresher , of more choice , and to be gotten with less cost and difficulty , and with less danger than those forraign ones , the greatest part whereof are to be suspected as sophisticated , or damaged in the Ship , or else not gathered in due time and place ; from which arises eminent hazard : for Coloquintida not ripe , causes Bleeding and Death ; and that which grows alone , is absolute Poyson . So the Male Agarick is deadly , and by how much the more old , the more Lethiferous . Scammony and Terra Lemnia are both Sophisticated , and there is no Credit to be given to the Seals . Now I would fain know what need there is to use these Forraign Medicaments , when our own Country produces those which are of equal vertue and efficacie ? Is it not an egregious piece of Folly , to fetch those things from India , which we have better at home ? As if our own Soyl and Sea did not suffice ; but preferring forraign things before the growth of our Country , Costly before Cheap , and hard to be got , before easie to be obtain'd . Is it impossible to cure the Spleen without Armoniack , or the Liver without Sanders ? Is it impossible to cure the Ulcers of the inward parts without Bdellium ? or to give ease to the head without Musk and Amber , or to the Stomach without Mace and Coral ? Were these Medicaments convenient for our bodies , Nature , that provides abundantly for all things , would have provided um among us . Did not our forefathers live more healthy without um ? And therefore it is the Slothfulness of the Age , that search not into the nature of our own Simples , but prefer the Trifles and Inventions of Apothecaries , who consult not the Common safety , but their own Profit ; perswading us that there is no Health but in Costly folly : to whom the Prophet Jeremy thus speaks : Is there no Balm in Gilead ? is there no Physician there ? In all Lands and Regions , Nature produces Herbs , and appropriates them to the Constitution , Age , and Climate wherein the people dwell . Should we grant that some Druggs are of greater force and efficacie in some places , and at some times , yet can we not believe um wholesome , but to the people in those Countries where they were produc'd . But there are some Robbing Empiricks that perswade us that none but strange and uncouth Medicaments are most available , without which there can be no Health ; trying their Experiments at the expences of the miserable ; mingling the most hurtful Insects and Reptils in their Medicaments ; and as if all other Remedies were defective , using humane fat , and flesh of men embalmed in Spices , which they call Mummy , which they cause men to eat , as it were to atone Nature . CHAP. LXXXV . Of Chirurgery . CHirurgery remains , another part , which cures the external Deformities and Diseases of the body ; whose Operation is manifest , and whose Remedies are certain : for all other Physicians work under ground . Chirurgeons see and feel what they do , and as occasion requires , change , apply , and remove their Remedies . And this among all the Arts of Physick was first in use . For men accustoming themselves to War , and to receive Wounds , it was necessary to seek out for Cure. They found that the evil proceeded from Man , and therefore expected the Remedy from him . Other Diseases and inward pains , as proceeding from the anger of the Gods , they thought incurable by natural means . Therefore the first Inventor of Chirurgery is said to be Apis King of the Aegyptians , or , as Clemens Alexandrinus records , Misria the son of Cain , Nephew of the great Noah . Of the cure of Wounds Aesculapius was the first that wrote ; after him , Pythagoras , Empedocles , Parmenides , Democritus , Chiron , and Paeon , became excellent therein . Pliny relates that Arehagatus the Peloponnesian was the first that practis'd Chirurgery in Rome ; and that for his Cruelty in Cutting and Burning , he was publikely named the Wound-maker ; afterwards the name was changed into Hangman , or Executioner ; at length they despised the whole Art , and forbid it . Chirurgery therefore is no less famous for Faction among great Authors , and the Authority of great men , than infamous for its bloudy Cruelty , and the Nastiness of its Practitioners . CHAP. LXXXVI . Of Anatomy . HOwever it is excell'd by Anatomy in Cruelty , being the Slaughter-house of both Physicians and Chirurgeons , wherein they were formerly wont to cut up the bodies of condemned persons yet alive and breathing , with most cruel Torments . At this day , out of reverence to Christian Religion , they are grown more milde , first suffering the body to die , then with their own hands , with all sorts of Cruelty , raging , and dismembring the dead Carcase , to observe the situation , order , weight , frame , nature , and all the secrets of the dead , thereby to understand how the better and more effectually to cure the living . A cruel kinde of diligence , and a Spectacle no less horrid and abominable than impious ! CHAP. LXXXVII . Of the Art of Curing Cattel . THere is another sort of Physical practice which consists in the Cure of Cattel , more certain and more profitable than the rest , invented , as they say , by Chiron the Centaur , and wrote of by Columella , Cato , Varro , Pelagonius , Vegetius , and other eminent Authors . But this your fine Physicians account so great a shame to practise , that they are utterly ignorant thereof ; so delicate , that , like the Lapwing , they are never well , but when they are nestling in the dung and ordure of men : so that if any one require a Remedy for his Beast , in stead of a Cure , he shall receive nothing but ill words : As if it did not belong to them , to cure not onely men , but also other creatures , especially those which are profitable to men . For which purpose Alphonsus King of Arragon kept in pay two most expert Physicians , and commanded them diligently to examine what Method of Cure , and what Remedies were most proper for the several Diseases of Beasts . Which they observing , put forth a most excellent Treatise thereof . The same of late years did John Ruellus of Paris , a person skilful in both Languages , and the first Physician that compil'd a Volume of the Diseases of Horses , and their Cures , extracted out of the Works of most ancient Authors ; Apsirchus , Hierocles , Theomnestus , Pelagonius , Anatolius , Tiberius , Eumelus , Hemerius , Africanus , Emilius the Spaniard , and Litorius the Beneventan : a Work very profitable for all Parriers , and very advantageous to the Common-wealth . CHAP. LXXXVIII . Of Dieting . THere is yet the Dieting part of Physick , the first Author whereof was Asclepiades , who altogether rejecting the use of Medicaments , reduced all Cure to the Order of Diet , observing the quantity , quality , and seasoning of Meats ; from whom other Physicians do not much disagree , yet believing that the one has want of the other , that Diet is assisted by Medicaments , and Medicaments by order and course of Diet. Upon these grounds , they command , forbid , curse , and discommend the Meats and Drinks that God has created , framing Rules of Diet difficult to be observ'd ; and those morsels which they forbid others to taste of , they themselves , as Hogs eat Acorns , greedily devour ; and those Laws of living which they prescribe to others , they themselves either altogether neglect , or contemn . For should they live according to their own Rules , they would run not a small hazard of their Health ; and should they permit their Patients to live after their own Examples , they would altogether lose their profits . But of these Diet-mongers thus S. Ambrose writes : The Precepts of Physick are contrary to divine living ; for they call men from Fasting , suffer um not to watch , seduce um from opportunities of meditation . They who give themselves up to Physicians , deny themselves to themselves . And S. Bernard upon the Canticles , thus asserts : Hippocrates and Socrates teach how to save Souls in health in this world ; Christ and his disciples , how to lose um : which of the two will ye have to be your Masters ? He makes himself noted , that in his disputations teaches how such a thing hurts the Eyes , this the Head , that the Stomach ; Pulse are windy , Cheese offends the stomach , Milk hurts the head , drinking Water is hurtful to the lungs : whence it happens , that in all the Rivers , Fields , Gardens and Markets , there is scarce to be found any thing fitting for a man to eat . But grant these words of S. Ambrose and Bernard were onely written to the Monks , for whom perhaps it is not so needful to take so much care of their Healths , as of their Professions : and that variety of dishes and feasts may not be unlawful for civil men to use , with consideration of their Health ; the first the Art of Dieting performs , the second the Art of Cookery , being the dressing and ordering of Victuals . For which reason Plato calls it the Flatteress of Physick ; and many account it a part of Dietary Physick . Though Pliny and Seneca , and the whole throng of other Physicians , confess that manifold Diseases proceed from the variety of Costly food . CHAP. LXXXIX . Of the Art of Cookery . THe Art of Cookery is very useful , and not dishonest , so it exceed not the bounds of Discretion . For which reason , very great and most temperate persons have been induc'd to write of Cookery , and Dressing of Meat . Of the Greeks , Pantaleon , Mithecus , Epiricus , Zophon , Egesippus , Pazanius , Epenetus , Heraclides , Syracusanus , Tyndaricus , Sicyonius , Symonactides , Chius , and Glaucus Locrensis . Among the Romans , Cato , Varro , Columella , Apicus : and among the Moderns , Platina . The Asiaticks were so intemperate and luxurious in their Feeding , that they were known by the Sirname of Gluttons , which we therefore call Asotae . Therefore we read in Livy , that after the Conquest of Asia , forraign Luxury first ●ntred into Rome , and that then the Roman people began to make sumptuous Banquets . Then was a Cook a most useful Slave among the Ancients , and began to be much esteemed and valued ; and all bedabled with Broth , bedaub'd with Soot , with his Pots , with his Platters and Dishes , Pestles and Morters , was welcom'd out of the Kitchin into the Schools : and that which before was accounted but a vile Slavery , was honour'd as an Art : whose chiefest care is onely to search out everywhere for provocatives of Appetite , and to study out in all places for Dainties to satisfie a most profound Gluttony . Abundance of which Gellius cites out of Varro : as , the Peacock from Samos , the Phrygian Turkey , Cranes from Melos , Ambracian Kids , the Tartesian Mullet , Trouts from Pessinuntium , Tarentine Oysters , Crabs from Chios , Tatian Nuts , Aegyptian Dates , Iberian Chesnuts . All which Institutions of Bills of Fare were found out for the wicked wantonness of Luxury & Gluttony . But the Glory and Fame of this Art Apicius above all others claim'd to himself ; that as Septimus Florus witnesses , there were a certain Sect of Cooks that were call'd Apicians , propagated as it were in imitation of the Philosophers . Of whom thus Seneca hath written : Apicius ( saith he ) liv'd in our Age , who in that City , out of which Philosophers were banisht as corrupters of youth , professing the Art of Cookery , hath infected our Age. Pliny also call'd him the Gulph and Barathrum of all Youth . At length , so many subjects of Taste , so many provocatives of Luxury , so many varieties of Dainties were invented by these Apicians , that at length it was thought requisite to restrain the Luxury of the Kitchin. Hence those ancient Sumptuary Laws and Edicts against Riot ; that is to say , Archian , Fannian , Didian , Licinian , Cornelian , and the Laws of Lepidus , and Antius Restio . Lucius Flaccus also , and his Colleague , Censors , put Duronius out of the Senate , for that as a Tribune of the people he went about to abrogate a Law made against the excessive prodigality of Feasts . In defence whereof , how impudently Duronius ascended the Pulpit for Orations ! There are Bridles , said he , put into your mounhes , most noble Senators , in no wise to be endur'd : ye are bound and fetter'd with the bitter Chains of Servitude . For there is a Law made , that commands us to be frugal : Let us therefore abrogate that Command , deformed with the rust of ghastly Antiquity : for to what purpose have we liberty , if it be not lawful for them that will , to kill themselves with Luxury ? There were also many other Edicts , all now antiquated and abrogated ; so that no Age has been more indulgent to Gluttony , than this wherein we now live : and for that cause , saith Musonius , and after him our Jerome , we travel by land and sea , to fetch Wine , and costly Cates to pour down our Gullets . So many Taverns , so many Ale-houses , so many Victualling-houses among us , where men are destroyed by Gluttony , Drunkenness , and Luxury , that many times , to the detriment of the Commonwealth , they consume whole patrimonies : so many varieties of Sauces , so many Rules , Observations , and Table-ceremonies , that the splendid Banquets of the Asiots , Milesians , Sybarites , Tarentines , of Sardanapalus , Xerxes , Claudius , Vitellius , Heliogabalus , Galienus , and the rest of those ancient Gluttons , whom History records to have exceeded all other Nations and persons in the pleasures of the Kitchin , are but meer fordid , rude , and rustick Junkettings , compar'd with the sumptuous Feasts of Great persons now adays . A neat and handsome Entertainment will not serve turn , unless there be an abundance , even to create Loathing , and to fuddle Hercules himself , who was wont to drink out of the same Vessel that carried him ; meat more than would satisfie Milo the Crotonian , or Aurelianus Phago ; the first of which was wont to eat up Thirty loaves of bread , besides meat , at a meal ; the other at the Table of Aurelian devoured a whole Boar , a hundred Loaves , a Weather , and a Porkling . He drank in a Bowl that held more than a Tun. These things are now customary at our great publike Country-feasts , and Dedications of Temples . You would swear they were celebrating Orgia to Bacchus , they are so contaminated with Madness , Quarrelling , Bloudshed , and all the Impieties attending Gluttony and Drunkenness . You may there behold the Banquets of the Centaurs , whence none return without a broken pate . Thus we finde Ovid describing the Voracity of Erisichthon . Without delay , what Sea , what Earth , what Air Affords , at his command they straight prepare : Yet at full Tables he complains of Hunger , And for a Feast of Feasts he calls in anger . What a whole Citie or a Land supplies , For the content of One will not suffice . The more his guts devour , the more he craves , As Rivers are exhausted by the Waves , While the insatiate Sea , and thirsty Sands , Drink up the Flouds still rouling from the Lands . Or as the Fire no nourishment refuses , Burns all that comes , but neither picks nor chuses , And still the more 't is fed , it feeds the more : Thus Erisichthon's prophane Chaps devour All sorts of food ; in him food is the cause Of hunger ; and he still employs his Jaws To whet his Appetite . — Among the Greeks and Romans there were a sort of people call'd Wrestlers , men of most greedy and voracious Appetites : but their Infamy was at length out-vy'd and exceeded by Consular Magistrates and Emperours . For Albinus , who formerly rul'd in Gaul , devour'd at one Supper an hundred Peaches , ten Melons , fifty large green Figs , and three hundred Oysters . And Maximinus the Emperour , who succeeded Alexander Memmeas , ate forty pound of flesh in one day , and drank an Amphora of Wine , containing 48 quarts . Geta the Emperour was also a prodigious Epicure , causing his Dishes to be brought in Alphabetically , and would continue feeding for three days together . Now what greater Impiety , when God and Nature has provided Meats and Drinks for us , to preserve Health , and strengthen Nature , for us to abuse them with various artifices for Pleasure , and to devour them beyond the capacity of Humane nature ? thereby contracting to our selves incurable Diseases , whereby we finde it apparently true what Musonius says , That Masters are less strong , less healthy , less able to endure labour than Servants ; Country-men more strong than they who are bred in the Citie ; those that feed meanly , than they who feed daintily : and that generally the later sort live longer than the former . Nor are there any other persons more troubled with Gouts , Dropsies , Colicks , and the like , than they who contemning a simple diet , live upon prepared Dainties . Of which opinion is Celsus : The most profitable diet for Man , saith he , is simple ; multiplicity of tastes is pestiferous ; and all spic'd meats are unprofitable , for two causes : Because more is consum'd because of Sweetness , and less concocted than ought to be . Therefore many grave and wise men have utterly condemned this indulging to the Appetite , as most pernicious . But as for those that under pretence of Religion , neither hate pleasing their Palates nor Luxury , but onely some sorts of meat ; abstaining from Flesh , they fill and feast themselves with all sorts of Fish , and swill themselves with Wine ; to which they bring their lips , tongues , teeth , and bellies armed , but not their pockets : these are certainly worse than the Epicureans themselves . But of these things enough . Let us now pass from Cookery to Geberica , that is , to the Alcumists Cook-room , where there is no less consumed than in excessive Feasting . CHAP. XC . Of Alchymy , or Chymistry . ALchymy , or Chymistry , is an Art , if it may not be rather called a Fucus , or Persecution of Nature , however of very great Fame , and the same unpunish'd Imposture ; whose vanity easily betrays it self in this , that it promises what Nature neither can suffer nor perform : seeing that all Art is but an Imitation of Nature , coming short thereof by many degrees ; and that the force of Nature is far short of the force of Art. But Chymistry's An Art which good men hate , and most men blame , Which her admirers practise to their shame , Whose plain Impostures , easie to perceive , Not onely others , but themselves deceive . While they seek to change the natures of things , and presume to finde out the blessed Philosophers Stone , as they call it , which , like Midas , is to change whatever it touches into Gold : then they pretend to fetch down from the inaccessible heaven a Fifth Essence , whereby a man shall not onely gain the Riches of Croesus , but perpetual Youth and Immortality . But among all the undertaking Crowd , Not one appears , whose Miracles allow'd The matter prove . — However , they get a small Livelihood by some Physical Experiments , as also by some Paints and effeminate Fucusses , which the Scriptures call the Oyntments of harlots ; whence the Proverb , Every Alchymist is a Physician or a Sope-boyler . They enrich the ears of men with vain words , but empty their Pockets of their Money . Whence it appears to be no Art , but a Composition of Trifles , and inventions of mad brains . However , they finde out men so covetous of so much happiness , whom they easily perswade that they shall finde greater Riches in Hydargyrie , than Nature affords in Gold. Such , whom although they have twice or thrice already been deluded , yet they have still a new Device wherewith to deceive um again ; there being no greater Madness , than to believe the fixed Volatile , or that the fixed Volatile can be made . So that the smells of Coles , Sulphur , Dung , Poyson , and Piss , are to them a greater pleasure than the taste of Honey ; till their Farms , Goods , and Patrimonies being wasted , and converted into Ashes and Smoak , when they expect the rewards of their Labours , births of Gold , Youth , and Immortality , after all their Time and Expences ; at length , old , ragged , famisht , with the continual use of Quicksilver paralytick , onely rich in misery , and so miserable , that they will sell their souls for three farthings ; so that the Metamorphosis which they would have made in the Metals , they experiment upon themselves : for in stead of Alchymists , Cacochymists ; in stead of being Doctors , Beggers ; in stead of Unguentaries , Victuallers , a laughing-stock to the people : and they who in their youth hated to live meanly , at length grown old in Chymical Impostures , are compell'd to live in the lowest degree of poverty , and in so much calamity , that receiving nothing but Contempt and Laughter , in stead of Commendation and Pity , at length compell'd thereto by Penury , they fall to Ill Courses , as Counterfeiting of Money . And therefore this Art was not onely expell'd out of the Romane Commonwealth , but also also prohibited by the Decreed of the sacred Canons of the Church . And if now there were a Law to forbid any of them to practise this Art without the special favour and license of the Prince , upon the forfeiture of their goods , and proscription of their persons , we should have less false Money made , wherewith many are now deceived , to the great damage of the Commonwealth . For which reason it is thought that Amasis King of Aegypt made a Law , whereby every Magistrate was compell'd to give an account what Art or Science he most favour'd ; which he that did not , underwent a very severe punishment . Many things could I say of this Art , of which I am no great enemy , were I not sworn to silence , a custom impos'd upon persons newly initiated therein , which has been so solemnly and religiously observed by the ancient Writers and Philosophers , that there is no Philosopher of approved authority , or Writer of known fidelity , who hath in any place made mention thereof : which hath caus'd many to believe that all the Books treating of this Art were made of late days ; to which the names of the Authors , Giber , Morienus , Gigildis , and the rest of the whole Croud , give no small confirmation ; the obscure words which they use , and the unaptness of their language , and their ill Method of Philosophizing . Some have thought the Golden Fleece to be a certain Chymical Book written after the ancient manner in Parchment , wherein was contained the way of making Gold. Of which sort when Diocletian had got together a great many among the Aegyptians , ( who were said to be very skilful in this Art ) he is said to have burnt them all , left the Aegyptians , confiding in their Riches , and easie means of obtaining Treasure , should at one time or other revolt from the Romans . And therefore was this Art by a publike Edict of the same Emperour rendered infamous . It would be too long to relate all the foolish Mysteries of this Art , and empty Riddles , of the Green Lion , the Fugitive Hart , the Volant Eagle , the Dancing Fool , the Dragon devouring his Tayl , the Swell'd Toad , the Crows Head ; of that which is Blacker than Black , of Mercury's Seal , of the Dirt of Foolishess , ( of wisdom , I ought to have said ) and a thousand other Trifles . Lastly , of that one thing besides which there is nothing else , though as common as may be , the blessed subject of the most holy Philosophers Storie , not to be spoken of without incurring Perjury ; yet I will say somewhat of it obscurely , and in such manner , as none but the sons of Art shall understand me . It is a thing which hath a substance , neither too firy , nor altogether earthy ; nor is it a watry , nor sharp nor obtuse quality , but indifferent light and soft , or at least not hard ; not rough , but sweet in taste , sweet in smell , grateful to the sight , pleasant to the ear , and delightful to think on . More I must not say , nor greater things can I. For I think this Art , by reason of my familiarity with it , worthy the same Honour as Thucydides gives to a good Woman , when he says , That she is the best woman , of whom there is least discourse . I will onely adde this , That Chymists are of all men the most perverse : for when God says , In the sweat of thy brows thou shalt eat thy bread ; and the Prophet in another place , Because thou eatest the labours of thy hands , therefore art thou blessed , and it shall be well with thee : they contemning the divine Command , and promise of happiness , endeavour to raise Golden mountains by Womens labour , and Childrens play . I deny not but from this Art many excellent Inventions have deriv'd themselves : hence Cinaber , Minimum , Purple , that which they call Musical gold , and the temperatures of other Colours , had their beginning . To this Art Aurichalcum , the changing of Metals , Soders and Tryals , owe their first finding out . Guns are the terrible Invention of this Art. Hence sprung the Art of making all sorts of Glasses ; a most noble Invention , of which Theophilus hath writ a most excellent Treatise . But Pliny relates that the temperament of Glass was found out in the time of Tiberius ; but the Work-house was by Tiberius pull'd down , and the Artificer , if we may believe Isodorius , was put to death , left the Glass should detract from Gold , and Silver and Brass lose their value . CHAP. XCI . Of the Law in general . WE come now to the knowledge of the Law , that onely pretends to judge and discern between True and False , Equity and Iniquity , Right and Wrong . The chief Heads now-a-days are the Pope and the Emperour , who boast that they have all Laws written in the Cabinets of their Brests ; whose Will is Reason , and who by their own Arbitrary opinions rule and govern all Sciences , Arts , Writings , Opinions , and whatever other Works of men . For which cause Pope Leo commanded that no person should dare to dispute or justifie any thing in the Church , but by the Authority of the holy Councils , the Canons and Decretals , of which the Pope is the Head. Neither is it lawful for us to make use of the Interpretations of any the most holy and learned Divines , but onely so far as the Pope permits , and authorizes by his Canons . And the Canon further commands , that no Book or Volume whatsoever shall be received by any Divine , but what is first approved of by the Canons of the Pope . The same Authority the Emperour claims over Philosophy , Physick , and all the other Sciences , giving no countenance to any Art , till first all'owed by the skill of his Law , to which all sorts of Arts and Sciences compar'd , are of no use or value . This makes Vlpian say , The Law is King of all humane and divine things ; whose Office it is , as Modestinus saith , to command , forbid , punish , permit ; than which there are no greater marks of Superiority . Pomponius defines the Law to be , the invention and gift of God , and the Maximes of Wise-men . Because all the ancient Law-givers , that their Laws might gain the greater reverence among the Vulgar , feigned that the Laws they wrote were clictated to them by the Gods. Thus Osiris among the Aegyptians seigned to have received his from Mercury , Zoroastes among the Persians from Oromazus , Chariundas among the Carthaginians from Saturn , Solon among the Athenians from Minerva , Zamolxis among the Scythians from Vesta , Lycurgus from Apollo , Numa from the Nymph Egeria . Thus you see how this knowledge of the Law arrogates to it self a Power and Soveraignty over all the Sciences and Arts , exercising a Tyranny over them , and advancing it self above all other Sciences , as the First-born of Heaven , despises and contemns all the rest , being it self constituted out of the frail and infirm Positions and Opinions of men , of all things the most slender , and subject to alteration upon every change of State , Time , or Prince , and which deduces its original from the sin of our First parents , the cause of all our evils . From whence also the corrupt Law of Nature , which is called Jus Naturale , first descended ; of which behold the chief Maximes : Keep off force by force . Break faith with him that breaks faith . To deceive the deceiver is no deceit . A deceiver is not bound to a deceiver in ought . A fault may be recompensed by a fault . Those that deserve ill , ought to enjoy neither justice nor faith . No injury can be done to the willing . He that buys may deceive himself . A thing is worth so much as it may be sold for . A man may provide for his safety with the damage of another . No man is oblig'd to impossibilities . Thou or I are to be ruined , it is better that thou be ruin'd than I. With many more of the same nature . Moreover , the Law of Nature is , Not to hunger , not to thirst , to suffer cold , or destroy ones self with Watching and Labour : which overthrowing all works of Piety and Penance , establishes Epicurean Pleasure for Supreme Happiness . The first occasion of War , Bloudshed , Bondage , Separation of Dominions , was also the first occasion of the Law of Nations : after that , came the Civil or Popular Law , which every Nation appro●priates to it self ; From whence have arisen so many Contentions among men , that there are not words enough to express the subjects and matter which they contain . For seeing that men were so prone to quarrel , it was necessary that there should be an observation of Justice according to Law , that so the arrogancies of Impiety might be suppressed , and that Innocence might be in safety amongst the Wicked , and that the Good might live quietly among the Bad : these are the grounds of Law , of which there have been Legislators innumerable . The first whereof was Moses , who gave Laws to the Je'ws ; at which time Cecrops gave Laws to the Algyptians : after whom , Pheroneus gave Laws to the Greeks : Mercury Trismegist gave Laws to the Aegyptians ; Draco and Solon to the Athenians ; Lycurgus to the La●edemonians . Palamedes first made Military Laws for the governing of Armies . Romulus first of all gave Laws to the Romans , which were called Curiatae . After whom , Numa invented the Ceremonies of their Religion ; and all the rest of the succeeding Kings added their particular Laws , which being all vvritten afterwards in the Books of Papyrius , were afterwards called the Papyrian Laws . After that came the Laws of the Twelve Tables , the Flavian Law , the Helian Law , the Hortensian Law , the Honorarian Law , the Praetors Law ; Decrees of the Senate , Edicts of the People , Law of the Magistrates , and Custom , and the power of Law-giving given to every Supreme Prince . I pass over all those Lawyers , good part whereof are repeated in the second Law of the original of Right . Among those who endeavoured to reduce the Civil Law into a Volume , the first was Cneus Pompey , next Caesar ; but both were prevented by Civil War and untimely death . At length Constantine renewed those old Laws ; and Theodosius the younger reduced them into one Volume , which he called a Codex : and after him Justinian set forth the Codex now in use . But all the authority of the Civil Law rests in the People and Princes ; neither is there any other Civil Law but what the people establish by Common consent . Hence Julian avers , That the Laws binde us for no other reason , but onely for that they are received by the Common Consent of the people , who by universal consent transferred the power and whole authority upon the Prince ; so that whatsoever is ordained by the consent and approbation of the Prince and People , has thereupon , partly by Constitution , partly by Custom , the force of a Law , though it be an Errour or a Falshood : for Vniversal Errour makes a Law , and matter adjudged becomes Truth . Which Vlpian teacheth us in these words : He ought to be taken for a free-man born , who is so adjudged by Sentence , though he were onely manumitted ; because a matter once adjudged , is to be taken for Truth . The same person tells , that one Barbarius Philippus , who was a fugitive at Rome , demanded the Praetorship , and had it : and when he came to be known who he was , yet was it taken for granted , that all whatsoever he had done by vertue of his Office should stand good , though he were but a servant . The same person confesses , that no reason can be given for all the Decrees and Laws which were set forth by our Ancestors . Whence we finde , that all the Wisdom of the Civil Law depends upon onely Will , and Opinions of men ; no other Reason urging , than the Regulation of Manners , conveniency of Converse , power of the Prince , or force of Arms. So that if the Law preserve the Good , and punish the Bad , 't is then a just Law ; if otherwise , the worst of evils , by reason of the evils ensuing , either through the Toleration , Approbation , or Negligence of the Supreme magistrate . And it was the Opinion of Demonax , That all unprofitable Laws were superfluous , as being intended neither for the Good nor the Bad ; since the former want them not , the later are never the better for um . Furthermore , seeing that Cato confesses , that there is no Law that can be adapted to all Emergencies , but such where Equity and Rigor are at a continual variance ; and that Aristotle also calls Equity the Correction of a just Law , wherein that part is defective , which was generally agreed to ; doth it not hence plainly appear , that all the force of Law and Justice depends not so much upon the Law , as upon the Equity and Justice of the Judge ? CHAP. XCII . Of the Canon-Law . FRom the Civil flow'd the Canon or Pontificial Law ; which may to some seem a most holy Constitution , so ingeniously does it hide and mask the precepts of Avarice , and rules of Rapine , under the pretences of Piety ; though it contain very few Decrees that regard either Religion , the Worship of God , o● the Ceremonies of the Sacraments . I forbear to make it out , that some are altogether repugnant to the Word of God : all the rest are meer matters of Strife , Contention , Pride , Pomp and Gain ; and onely Edicts of the Popes , not contented with those already made by Holy men and Fathers , unless they may adde new Decrees , Chaffie extravagancies : so that there is no end or limit of their Canons , which onely proceed from the Pride and Ambition of the Popes , whose Arrogancie has grown so bold , as to command the Angels , to rob Hell , and lay violent hands upon the souls of the Dead : tyrannizing over the Law of God with their Interpretations , Declarations , and Disputations ; left any thing should be wanting or diminisht from the fulness of their power . Did not Pope Clement in a Bull , which is kept to this day at Vienna and several other places , command the Angel to free the soul of one that was going to Rome for Indulgences , and dying by the way , immediately out of Purgatory , and carry him to Heaven ? adding , It is our pleasure that the pains of hell be no farther inflicted on him : granting also power to those that were signed with the Cross , at their own pleasures to take three or four souls out of Purgatory . Which erroneous and intolerable Boldness , if I may not call it Heresie , the Parisian School then utterly condemn'd and reprov'd ; repenting perhaps that they did not report that hyperbolical Zeal of Clement as a Fable , that the Story might live rather than die ; seeing that for all their affirming or denying , there is nothing of injury done to the Authority of the Pope , whose Canons and Decrees have so pinion'd Theologie , that the most Contentious Divine dares neither dispute or think contrary to the Popes Canons without leave and pardon ▪ as Martial says of Rusus . What Rusus says , Rusus has leave for all , Although he laugh , weep , hold his tongue , or braul : He sups , drinks , asks , denies ; yet still the brute Has your good leave ; without your leave he 's mute . Out of these Canons also and Decrees we finde the Patrimony of Christ to be Kingdoms , Donations , Foundations , Wealth , and large Possessions ; and that the Priesthood of Christ is Soveraign power and Command : that the Sword of Christ is Temporal Jurisdiction : that the Rock on which the Church is founded is the Pope ; that the Bishops are not onely the Ministers , but Heads of the Church : that the Goods of the Church are not Evangelical Doctrine , Constancy of Faith , and contempt of the World , but Taxes , Tythes , Oblations , Collections , Purple , Mitres , Gold , Silver , Gems , Mannors , and Money . The power of the Pope is to wage War , dissolve Leagues , absolve Princes from their Oathes , Subjects from their Obedience , and to make the house of Prayer a den of Thieves . Well therefore may the Pope depose Bishops , who can give away other mens rights , commit Simony , dispense with his Oath , and no man be able to say to him , Why dost thou so ? Well may he , for other weighty reasons , dispense with all the New Testament , and send above a third part of the souls of the faithful to hell . But the Office of Bishops is not now-a-days to preach the Word , but to confer Orders , dedicate Temples , baptize Bells , consecrate Altars and Chalices , bless Vestments and Images . But they who are more ambitious than these , if leaving those things to be performed by I know not what mean and titular Bishops , they can procure themselves to be sent Kings Ambassadours , to be their Chief Ministers of State , or to attend upon the Queen ; such great causes may excuse um from serving God in the Temples , if they can serve the King well at Court. Out of the ●me Fountains arise those Equivocations and Shifts to avoid Simony in selling and buying Benefices , daily in use ; or for whatever other Monopolies or Markets are made of Pardons , Indulgences , Dispensations , and the like , whereby they set a price upon remission of sins which God has so freely granted ; and have found out a way to gain by the very pains of Hell. From this Law they borrow that feigned Donation of Constantine , which is quite contrary to the Word of God , seeing that neither Caesar can give away his own Right , nor the Clergie usurp that which is Caesars . To these we may adde so many ravenous Decrees , under the known Titles of Indulgencies , of Bulls , of Confessions , of Testaments , of Dispensations , of Priviledges , of Elections , of Dignities , of Prebendaries , of Religious houses , of Sacred houses , of The place of Judicature , of Immunities , of Judgements , and the like . Lastly , the whole Canon-law is of all the most inconstant , more various than Proteus , more changeable than a Chameleon , more full of perplexity than the Gordian-knot . So that the Christian-Religion , by the Institution of Christ intended to put an end to Ceremonies , is now more clogg'd with Ceremonies than the Jewish Religion of old : the weight whereof makes the easie and sweet Yoke of Christ more heavie and burthensome than that of the Law , while Christians are compell'd to live more according to the Prescriptions of the Canon-law , than the Rules of the Gospel . To say truth , the Learning of both Laws is wholly busied about frail , empty , and prophane matters , Bargains , and Quarrels of the common people ; about Murthers , Thefts , Robberies , Pyracies , Factions , Conspiracies , and Treasons , Perjuries , Knaveries of Scribes , Abuses of Lawyers , Corruptions of Judges ; whereby Widows are ruin'd , Orphans destroyed , the Poor oppressed , the Innocent condemned , and , as it is said in Juvenal , The Crows are pardon'd , and the Doves condemn'd . Thus blinde men run themselves into mischiefs , which they thought to avoid by the assistance of the Canons and Pontifical Decretals ; because they are no Laws or Canons ordained by God , or for the honour of God , but onely invented by the corrupt Wit of men , for Gain , and the supply of covetous desires . CHAP. XCIII . Of Advocates . THere is another Practice of the Law , which they call the Art of Pleading , of which they would pretend a very great Necessity : an ancient , but most deceitful Calling , onely set out with the gaudy Trimming of Perswasion , which is nothing else , but to know how by Perswasion to over-rule the Judge , and to turn him and winde him at pleasure ; to know how by false Interpretations and Comments , to wrest or avoid the Law , or prolong the Suit ; so to cite and repeat Decrees , to pervert Equity , and alter the sence of the Law , and the intention of the Legislator : in which Art there is nothing sooner prevails than Bauling and Confidence : and he is accounted the best Advocate , who intices most the people to go to Law , putting um in hopes of recovering great matters ; and stirs them up by wicked and mischievous advice ; who hunts out for Causes , and who is the greatest Scolder and Brauler , to make the things which are just and true , seem doubtful and unjust ; and by such Weapons as those , to chase and overthrow Justice : with whom Justice is nothing else but publike Gain ; and the Judge that sits upon the Bench is forc'd to confirm , what Money makes appear just . Nay , they expose those things which are not , even privations of things , and Silence it self ; seeing that as none will speak but for Gain , there 's none will hold his tongue but for Reward : after the example of Demosthenes , who when he askt Aristodemus , a Compipiler of Fables , what Fees he had got for Pleading , answered , A Talent . But I ( replyed Demosthenes . ) have got more to hold my tongue . So that the tongue of a Lawyer , unless fast bound in Silver chains , is very mischievous and pernicious . CHAP. XCIV . Of the Calling of Publike Notaries . AMong these , Publike Notaries are to be reckon'd , whose Injuries , Falsities and Mischiefs continually by them wrought , all are bound to endure , while they pretend to have their credit , license and authority from the Apostolike and Imperial power . Among whom they are to be accounted the chiefest , who know best how to trouble the Court , perplex Causes , counterfeit Wills and Deeds , to abuse and deceive their Clyents , and , if need be , to forswear themselves ; venturing at any Roguery , rather than be outdone in plotting and contriving Cheats , Scandals , Quirks , Tricks , Quillets , Treacheries , Scylla's and Charybdis's , by any other person whatsoever . There is no Notary can frame an Instrument , from whence there may not be some cause of Quarrel pickt out , if any person have a minde to contest : for there will be some way or other found out , either to finde out a defect in the Writing , or to invalidate the faith of the publike Notary . These they call the Helps of the Law , which they teach the Contentious how to flie to , and lay hold of . These are the effects of their Watching and Labour , wherewith with they soften the rigour of the Law , when they finde their Clyents willing to contend : for he shall have so much Law , as he can by his power maintain ; the Law averring , that we cannot be equal to those that are more potent than we are . CHAP. XCV . Of the Study of the Law. TO this , those vast Gyants have relation , who contrary to the Edict of Justinian , have begot so many innumerable . Volumes of Comments , Glosses , and Expositions , every one differing in their Interpretation . Besides this , they have gathered together such Storms of Opinions , so many Woods of dark and subtil Counsels and Cautions , wherewith the Iniquity of Advocates is furnished , as if Truth did not consist more in Reason , than in confused Testimonies rak'd together out of such a monstrous heap of Opiniasters , among whom there is so much Dissention , so much Discord , that he that knows not how to differ from another , to contradict the Sayings and Opinions of others , call in question the justice of Adjudged Cases , and to wrest good Laws to their own Humours and Interests , is not to be thought Learned among um . Thus is the Study of the Law made a deceitful Net and Gin of Iniquity : these are the Crafts , and these the Arts by which the whole Christian world is governed ; the Foundations of Empires and Kingdoms , and out of these Knaves are chosen Presidents of Parliaments , Senators , and several great Officers of Popes and Princes : as if wicked Advocates would prove just Judges , when they came to be the Heads of the Nation ! These , like the Titans to Jove , become formidable to their Princes themselves . Out of these come the swag-belly'd Secretaries , and Purple Chancellors of Emperours and Kings ; who govern all affairs of State , dispose of all Favours , Gifts , Benefits , Offices , Dignities and Patents of the prince ; who sell all Right and Justice , all Law , Equity and Honesty , and compel others to purchase of them : According to whose will , such and such are to be Allies , such Enemies to the Prince ; with whom sometimes they joyn in Leagues , sometimes make War according to their pleasures . And being rais'd from the lowest degree of Poverty , and meanness of condition , to so high a pitch of Dignity , meerly by prostituting their Tongues , at length they grow so bold and audacious , that without calling to answer , without order of Council , they will convict and condemn men , and many times alter forms of Government ; they themselves growing fat with Thievery and Robbery . CHAP. XCVI . Of the Inquisition . HEre we must not omit the order of Predicants , Inquisitors after Hereticks ; whose power when it ought to be founded upon the holy Scriptures , yet they derive it all from the Canon-Law , and Pontifical Decrees , as if it were impossible the Pope should erre ; leaving the Scripture as a dead letter , and onely the shadow of Truth , and reject it , as the Buckler and defence of Hereticks . Neither do they receive the Traditions of the ancient Fathers and Doctors , because they may both deceive , and be deceived ; but pretending that the Roman Church cannot erre , of which the Pope is the Head , and therefore the Authority of his Court is the Rule of their Faith ; enquiring no further in their examinations , than whether men believe in the Church of Rome : which if any person refractory do grant , then , quoth they , the Church condemns such or such a Proposition , as heretical , scandalous , and offensive to pious ears ; and then compel the person to revoke and recant his Errour . If the offender continue to justifie himself by Reason or Scripture , or both , straight with great clamour and mouthing they interrupt him , telling him he is not before the Chair of Doctors , or a Convocation of Scholars , but a Tribunal of Judges : he is not to dispute there , but to answer directly whether he will stand to or abide the Decree of the Church , or renounce his Opinion : if not , they shew him Faggots and Fire , saying , Hereticks are to be convinced with Faggot and Fire , not with Scripture and Arguments ; and so compel a man not convicted of any perverse obstinacie contrary to his Conscience , to abjure those things ; which if he deny , they deliver him over to the Secular power , as a deserter of the Church , to be burnt ; saying with the Apostle , Remove the evil thing from among you . In ancient times , such was the lenity and meckness of the Church , that they neither punisht those that relaps'd into Judaism nor Blasphemies : and Berengarius revolting to a most damnable Heresie , was not onely not put to death , but continued in his Archdeaconship . But now , if a man slip into the least Errour , 't is much more than his life is worth ; and he shall be thrown into the Fire by these Inquisitors for a trifle . Perhaps it is now convenient for the Church to use such severe chastisement , for fear of losing its innate piety . Sometimes Hereticks are Inquisitors after Hereticks ; which was the occasion of the Decree which Clement made . But Inquisitors ought not to hold dark Arguments , and talk in wrangling Syllogisms , with Hereticks ; but to labour to convince them by the Word of God , then to determine the matter according to the Decrees and Canons of the Church , and either to reduce him to the Orthodox Faith , or pronounce him a Hereticks : for he is no Heretick , who is not obstinate ; nor is he a favourer of Hereticks , who seeks to defend an innocent person condemned of Heresie , left he should be deliver'd up by these cruel and ravenous Inquisitors , to be butchered without a cause . And although it be expresly provided in the Law , that the Inquisitors shall have no power of Examining , nor any Jurisdiction over any suspition , defence , or favour of Heresie , which is not a Heresie manifestly exprest , and absolutely already condemn'd ; yet these bloudy Vultures , going beyond the Priviledges and Commission of their Office , against all right , and contrary to the Canons themselves , take upon them to meddle with ordinary things , arrogating and usurping the power of Popes in those things which are not Heretical , but onely Scandalous or offensive to the ear ; most cruelly raging against the poor Country-women , whom being once accused of Witchcraft , and condemned without the examination of any lawful Judge , they expose to most strange and unheard-of Torments , till having extorted from them what they least thought to confess , they finde matter to proceed upon to condemnation : and then they think they do the Office of Inquisitors truly , when they never leave the business off , till the poor woman be burnt , or else have so far gilded the Inquisitors hand , until he take pitie of her , as sufficiently purg'd : for an Inquisitor may alter the punishment from penal into pecuniary , and convert it to the use of the Office ; by which there is not a little Money to be got : and some of these poor creatures are forc'd to pay them an annual Stipend , for fear of being harass'd to Torment . And when the Goods of Hereticks are confiscated , then the Inquisitor gets no small matter . The very accusation , or highest suspicion of Heresie , nay the very Citation of the Inquisitor , is enough to bring a womans credit in question , which is not to be salved without money given to the Inquisitor ; which is no small gain . Thus while I was in Millain , several Inquisitors did torment many honest Matrons , & some of very good Quality , and privately milk very large sums from the poor affrighted and terrified women ; till at length , their Cheating being discovered , they were severely handled by the Gentry , hardly escaping Fire and Sword. When I was President of the Commonwealth in the Citie of Mediomatricum , I had a very great Contest with an Inquisitor , who being a loose fellow , had hal'd a poor Country-woman into his Slaughter-house , being a place of disrepute ; and all for a very slight Accusation ; not so much to Examine her , as to Crucifie her . This woman when I undertook to defend her Cause , and found , and had made it evident , that there was nothing of Proof to make out the Crime , the Inquisitor made answer , that there was one proof not to be question'd , That her mother many years ago was burnt for a Witch . Which Article when I shew'd how impertinent it was , and that it was not for the Law to condemn one for the fact of another ; presently he , lest he should have seemed to have talkt out of Reason before , produces this Argument : That therefore it was so , and the Proof good , because Witches were wont to devote their children to the devil ; as also because they are wont to Conceive by lying with the devil , and therefore there is an inherent Guiltiness in the Off-spring . Wicked Father , said I , is this thy way of Theologie ? Are these the Fictions for which thou harriest silly women to Torture ? are these the Sophisms with which thou condemnest Hereticks ? Thou thy self , in my opinion , art far worse than Faustus or Donatus . Grant it were as thou sayst , dost thou not hereby abrogate the grace of Baptism , if for the impiety of a Parent the Off-spring should be the devils due ? And if it were true that Incubi did generate , yet was never any one of that opinion so infatuated , as to think those Spirits did mingle any thing of their own nature with the suffoced seed . But I tell thee upon the true grounds of Faith , and by the true natures of our Humanities , we are all one mass of sin , and eternal malediction , sons of perdition , sons of the devil , sons of the wrath of God , and heirs of hell : but by the grace of Baptism Satan is cast out of us , and we are made new creatures in Jesus Christ , from whom no man can be separated but by his own sin : for far is it from truth , that he should suffer for another mans sin . Seest thou not now how invalid thy most sufficient Proof is , how vain in Law , and indeed how absolutely Heretical it is ? The cruel Hypocrite grew very wroth against me , and threatned to sue me as a favourer of Hereticks . However , I persisted in defence of the poor creature , and at length by the power of the Law I delivered her out of the Lions mouth ; and the bloudy Monk stood rebuk'd and sham'd before um all , and ever after infamous for his Cruelty ; and the Accusers of the poor woman in the Capitol of the Church of Metz , whose Subjects they were , were very considerably Fin'd . CHAP. XCVII . Of Scholastick Theologie . IT remains that we discourse concerning Theologie . I shall pass by the Theologie of the Gentiles , mentioned in Orpheus , Musaeus , and Hesiod , which all men acknowledge to be Poetical and fictitious , and which Lactantius , and Eusebius , and many other eminent Doctors of the Christians have convinced by most strenuous Arguments . Nor shall we speak of the Religion of Plato or the rest of the Philosophers , whom we have already shew'd to be the teachers of nothing but Errour . But we shall here discourse concerning the Christian Religion . This onely depends upon the faith of its Doctors , seeing that it can fall under no Art or Science . And first of Scholastick Divinity , a certain Hodge-podge , or Mixture , of Divine Precepts , and Philosophical Reasons ; looking like a Centaur ; written after a new manner , far different from the antient way of delivery ; diffus'd into little Questions , and subtil Syllogisms , without any Elegancie of speech ; and which has brought not a little profit to the Church in the convincing of Hereticks . The first Authors whereof , and who were most excellent therein , were Thomas Aquinas , Albertus sirnamed the Great , and many other famous men ; besides Johannes Scotus , a most subtil and acute Writer , though a little more given to Contention . Hence Scholastick Theologie sell into Sophisms ; while those newer Theosophists , and as it were Sutlers of the Word of God , never worthy of the title of Divines , but for their money , of so sublime a Studie and Contemplation made a meer Logomachie ; wandring from School to School , starting little Questions , framing Opinions , forcing the Scriptures , inducing a strange sence with intricate words , and more nimble to ventilate than examine , presum'd to erect Seminaries of Strifes , out of which litigious Sophisters gain matter of Contention ; distracting the Intellect , abstracting the Forms , and misrepresenting Genus and Species ; what they take from one , adding to another ; and every one striving to confirm their own Opinion : exposing our holy Faith among the Wise of the Age ( of which Thomas Aquinas complains ) to Laughter and Misbelief . For they neglect the Canonical Scriptures of the Holy Ghost , and chuse onely hard Questions about Divine things , fit for Dispute ; wherein they exercise their Wit , and consume their time ; placing the whole Doctrine of Theologie in those things onely , wherein while they study to contradict the Scripture , they may hear the Scripture saying , The letter kills , is hurtful , is unprofitable . But they will say , We are to search out that which lies hid in the Scripture . Then binding all their mindes to expound , interpret , make Glossaries and Syllogisms , they rather chuse any other sence than that which is most genuine . If you require Reason , or be earnest in apposing , you shall receive ill language , and be call'd Fool. What is hid in the letter you must not understand , but must feed like a Serpent upon the dust . So that none are accounted Divines among them , unless they be such as ate egregrious Branglers , and can give an Instance upon every Proposition , feign readily , finde out new Interpretations , make a noise with uncouth words , not so much to be understood for the difficulty of the matter , as the strangeness of the word . And then they are call'd Doctors , when they are come to that pass that they can hardly be understood . These have a multitude of Followers , who whatsoever they have drawn from those men , believe it fetcht out of the hidden treasuries of Theologie : they swear to their Masters words , and believe it not to be within the compass of thought , if any thing be unknown to him ; and they are so captivated with his Opinions , that they are not to be overcome with any other reasons ; will yield to no Scripture , but , like Antaeus , seek to renew their strength , while they repair to the brest of their mother who brought them forth , calling these Doctors to their aid . The Vulture carkass leaving then behinde , Hastes to his own , and takes away the best : This is the food the Vulture hath design'd , To feast his Palate while he builds his nest . Hence it comes to pass , that the sublime Studie of Scholastick Divinity is so subject to Errour and Impiety ; these evil Hypocrites and audacious Sophisters have introduced so many Sects , and so many Heresies ; who as S. Paul saith , preach Christ not for good-will , but for contention : so that it is far easier for Philosophers than Divines to agree : who have eclipsed the ancient glory of the ancient Theologie with humane Opinions , and new Errours ; and professing a detestable Doctrine consisting in false Titles , and Labyrinths of Dispute , have usurpt the name of Sacred Theologie by Theft and Rapine ; and abominating the Names and Institutions of the old Fathers , have increas'd new Factions , as it was formerly said in the Church , I am of Apollo , I of Paul , I of Cephas ; pretending altogether to their Studies whose Works they first learnt , and admiring onely their own Masters , despise all others ; not minding what is said , but by whom it is said . And yet are these men very much divided among themselves : for some of them , who are of riper ingenuities , and would be thought more skilful than the Prophets and Apostles , believe that they can finde out and demonstrate those things which are onely to be believ'd by faith ; Philosophizing in Divine things in most miserable Questions , and with a prodigious confidence contend about absurd Opinions ; as , when some distinguish the Divine Essence , some by the thing it self , or others by Reason : others constitute infinite Realities , as they call um , like Plato's Idea's ; which some again deny , and some laugh at . Then they frame to themselves so many monstrous shapes of God , so many forms of the Divine Being , so many Idols and Phantomes of their own Imaginations about divine things ; and dismember their very Saviour Christ with the perversness of their Opinions . Him they dress in so many various Disguises of Sophisms , and like an Image of Wax , form and deform him with their absurd suppositions into what shape or figure they please ; so that their Doctrine proves meer Idolatry . But those other , whose duller capacities cannot soar so sublimely , these make Legends of the Saints full of godly lyes , feign Reliques , make Miracles , invent plausible or terrible Examples ; Number Prayers , weigh Merits , invent Ceremonies , sell Indulgencies , distribute Pardons , set to sale their Benedictions , and devour the sins of the people . As for Apparitions , Exorcisms , and Answers of the Dead , they are very exact in um ; and being taught their lessons out of the Books of Tundal and Brandarius , they act the Tragedies of Purgatory , and Comedies of Indulgences and Pardons ; and from the Pulpits , as from a Stage , with a Souldier-like impudence , and boldness of Thraso , with confident eyes , countenance chang'd , extended arms , and more sorts of gestures than are ascribed to Proteus , thunder out their Vanities among the people . But those who pretend to be more Learned , and to understand a greater Decorum of Elegancie ; they , while they bawl , I should say declaim , rehearse Poems , tell Stories , dispute Controversies , cite Homer , Virgil , Livie , Strabo , Varro , Seneca , Cicero , Aristotle and Plato : in stead of preaching the Gospel , and Word of God , making onely an empty noise of words ; spreading a new Gospel , adulterating the Word of God , which they preach not to set forth Grace , but for Gain and Lucre ; living in the mean time not according to the Word of God , but according to the pleasure of the flesh ; and after they have in the day-time made an erroneous Harangue or Exhortation in the Pulpits to vertue , at night exercise their Buttocks in their lurking holes with nocturnal labour . And this is the way by which they go to Christ-Lastly , when Vices are to be reprehended , 't is wonderful with what ill language they rail , with what insolencie of gesture they behave themselves , with what scurrilous language their Choler rages , what loud Exclamations they make ; as if Christ rather chose to have the Preachers of his Word not Fishers drawing on the right hand with a soft Net , but persecuting Hunters and Archers , shooting and wounding from the left : or as if they themselves were not men , or not liable to the same faults , if not guilty of greater . Thus those Fishers of men , whose tongues ought to be a Net to draw sinners to salvation , become Hunters and persecutors of men to their ruine : their mouthes are Bowes of falshood , their tongues are wounding Arrows . But let us now hasten to the Right Theologie , which is twofold ; Prophesie , and Interpretation . Of the later first of all . CHAP. XCVIII . Of Interpretative Theologie . INterpretative Theologists believe , That as by the liberality of Nature , Grapes , Olives , Wheat , Flax , and many other such things , increase and ripen , of which afterwards , by the wit and help of Man , Wine , Oyl , Bread and Cloth , and other works of Nature are compleated by humane Arts : so the Divine Oracles , delivered to us obscure and hidden , are to be explained by Interpretation ; not by the force of our own Wit or Invention , but by the help of the Spirit , who distributes his good things as he pleases , and where he pleases , making some Prophets , and some Interpreters . Therefore this Interpretative Divinity consists not in Compounding , Dividing , Defining , after the manner of the Peripateticks ; neither of which belong to God , who neither can be defined , divided , or compounded , but leads to Knowledge by another way , which is indifferent between this and Prophetical vision , which is a kinde of discovery of the Truth to our purifi'd Intellect , as a Key to a Lock : and this , as it is the most covetous of all Truth , so it is the most susceptible of what things are to be understood , and is therefore called Possible Intellect ; wherewith though we do not discover by a full light , what the Prophets mean , and those who beheld the Divine things themselves ; yet there is a door open to us , that from the conformity of the Truth perceived , to our Intellect , and by the Light which illustrates us , out of those open windows we gain more certainty , than from the appearing Demonstrations , Definitions , Divisions , and Compositions : and we read and understand , not with our outward eyes and ears , but with our better senses ; and extract the Truth flowing from the sacred Scriptures , which the other delivered in dark sayings , and mysterious sentences ; and thereby see what is hidden from the wise and great Philosophers , yet apprehend them not with so much certainty , as that all perplexity may be removed . And whereas there is a manifold . Truth conceal'd in sacred Scripture , holy men have gone about to try various and manifold Expositions of the same . For some gently walking along the back of the Letter , and expounding one place by another , and one letter by another , and making out the sence by the Order , Etymologie , and Propriety and Force of the signification of the words , hunt out the truth of Scripture : which is therefore call'd Literal Exposition . Others refer all things written to the business of the Soul , and works of Justice ; whose Expositions are therefore call'd Moral . Others remit them by various Tropes and Figures to the Mysteries of the Church ; whose Exposition is call'd Tropological . Others given to Contemplation , refer all things to the Myitery of Celestia glory ; and this Exposition is call'd Anagogick . And these are the four most usual sorts of Exposition ; besides which , there are two more , of which the one refers all things to vicissitude of Times , Mutations of Kingdoms and Ages ; therefore call'd Typick . Wherein , among the Ancients , Cyril , Methodius , and Joachim Abbas did most exel : of Modern Authors , Jeremy Savanarola of Ferrara . The other enquires into the nature and qualities of the Universe , the Sensible world , and of the whole Fabrick of the World and Nature : which Exposition is therefore call'd Physical or Natural ; wherein Rabbi Simeon ben Joachim excell'd , who wrote a very large Volume upon Leviticus , wherein discoursing of the natures of all things , he shews how Moses , according to the congruencie of the threefold World , and nature of things , ordain'd the Ark , the Tabernacle , the Vessels , Garments , Rites , Sacrifices , and other Mysteries , for the appeasing and worshipping God. Which Exposition the Cabalists follow , especially those who treat of Beresith , or the Creation . For they who discoursing concerning the Judgement-seat of God , by Numbers , Figures , Revolutions , Symbolical reasons , refers all things to the first Arch-type , search for the Anagogical sence . And these are the six most famous Senses or Meanings of the holy Scripture ; all whose Expositors or Interpreters are by a general word call'd Divines : among whom we finde Dionysius , Origen , Polycarpus , Eusebius , Tertullian , Ireneus , Nazianzene , Chrysostome , Athanasius , Basil , Damascene , Lactantins , Cyprian , Jerome , Austin , Ambrose , Gregory , Ruffinus , Leo , Cassianus , Barnardus , Anselm , and many other holy Fathers which those ancient times brought forth : and some of later years ; as Thomas , Albertus , Bonaventure , Egidius , Henricus , Gandavensis , Gerson , and many others . But now seeing that all these Interpretative Divines are but men , they are subject to humane frailties ; sometimes they erre , sometimes they write things contrary or repugnant sometimes they differ from one another : in many things they are deceiv'd , all of um not discerning all things : for onely the Holy Ghost has the perfect knowledge of Divine things , who distributes to all men according to a certain measure , reserving many things to himself , that we may be always learning of him : for , as S. Paul saith , All of us know and preach by art onely . Therefore all this Interpretative Theologie consists onely in liberty of speech , and is a Knowledge separate from Scripture , whereby every one has the liberty to abound in his own sence , according to those various Expositions recited before , which S. Paul in one word calls Mysteries , or speaking of Mysteries , when the Spirit speaks Mysteries ; whence Dionysius calls this Significative Theologie , treated of by those holy Doctors in several Volumes . Nor are we to believe all that they say , seeing that many hold very Erroneous Opinions of Faith , which are exploded by the Church ; as we may instance in Papias Bishop of Hierapolis , Victorinus Pictoviensis , Irenoeus Lugdunensis , Cyprian , Origen and Tertullian , and many others , who have err'd in the Faith , and whose Tenets have been condemned as Heretical , though they themselves are among the Canoniz'd Saints . But this requires a deeper spirit of consideration , to judge and discern which is not of men , nor of flesh and bloud , but granted from above by the Father of lights . For no man can utter any thing rightly of God , but by the light which comes from himself ; which light is the Word , by whom all things were made , and who illuminates every man coming into this world , giving them power to become the sons of God whoever shall receive and believe . Neither is there any who can declare the things of God , but his own Word : for who besides can know the minde of God , or whoever was made of his council , but the Son of God , being the Word of the Father ? But of this we shall discourse no farther , till we have perfected the next Chapter of Prophetick Theologie . CHAP. XCIX . of Prophetick Theologie . AS Prophecie is the speech of the Prophets , so is Theologie nothing but the Tradition of the Divines , or men discoursing with God. However , not every one that can remember or repeat a Prophecie , or interpret the meaning thereof , is presently a Prophet , but he that in divine things is endued with the knowledge of Piety , Vertue and Sanctity , who discourseth with God , and meditates upon his Law day and night . For so S. John Author of the Apocalypse , in the Letters of Dionysius call'd The Divine , testifies from holy Writing ; to whom the Truth it self has said , He that hears you , hears me ; and he that despises you despises me . Which words are not spoken to contentious Theosophists , but to the true Divines , Apostles , Evangelists , and Messengers of the Word of God , who say , I dare not utter any thing which Christ doth not work by me . Therefore the Traditions of these Divines concerning Faith and Godliness , are truely Theological . To the Writings and sayings of these men we give credit , as being founded , not upon contentious Syllogisms , or Opinions of men , but , as S. Paul saith , being divinely inspired : not in defining , compounding , dividing , contemplating , after the manner of Philosophers ; but in an essential contact of Divinity , apprehended through a clear vision in the divine light it self : of which vision we finde several sorts in the holy Scripture : as the Prophets had several dispositions to receive . For we read how some saw God , or Angels in the forms of men : others in the shape of Fire : others in the similitude of Air or Wind : others in the shape of Rivers or Water : others in the form of Birds , Precious Stones , or Metals : others in the forms of Letters or Characters : others in the sound of a Voice : others in Dreams : others in a Spirit residing within themselves : others in the work of the Understanding . And therefore the Scripture calls all Prophets Seers . Thus we read of The Visions of Isaias , The Visions of Jeremy , The Visions of Ezekiel , and the rest . And under the New law S. John faith , I was in the Spirit upon the Lords day . On the wings whereof he was carried , and beheld the Throne of God. And Paul witnesses , that he saw those things which it is not lawful for men to utter . And this Vision is called a Rapture , or Ecstasie , or spiritual death . Concerning this death it is said , No man shall see God , and live . And in another place , Precious in the sight of God is the death of his Saints . And it is more clearly expressed by the Apostle , where he says , You are dead , and your life is hid with Christ. And it is necessary for him to die this death , that will pierce into the secrets of Prophetick Theologie . Now there is a double sight of this Deifick vision : One , when God is seen face to face ; and then the Prophets see what S. Paul faith , Things which are not fit for men to utter , and which no tongue of men or Angels can express , nor Pen unfold . There is also a certain contact or union of the Divine Essence , and an illustration or enlightning of the pure and separate Intellect , without appearance of any shape or likeness . This Divines call The Meridional Understanding . Of which S. Augustin upon Genesis , and Origen against Celsus , largely dispute . The other sort of Seeing is that by which we see the hinder parts of God ; when the creatures , which are the hinder parts or effects of God , are understood with a more exalted judgement ; as by the knowledge whereof the Creator , the chief workman , and the First Cause that moves all things , is the better known : as the Wiseman faith , From the bigness of the kinde , and of the creature , may be known the Creator of things . And Paul also about the same subject : The invisible things of God are known , being understood by these things which are made . And it is an usual Saying among the Peripateticks , that they who argue from the Effects to the Causes , are said to argue à posteriori , from the hinder part . Moses enjoyed both these Visions , as the Scriptures witness . Of the first , we read that Moses saw God face to face . As to the other , we read what God spake to him : Thou shalt see my hinder parts . And by the means of this later Vision , Moses made a Law , instituted Sacrifices and Ceremonies , built a Tabernacle and other Mysteries , according to the most elaborate Exemplar of the whole world , comprehending all the secret works of God and Nature therein . This Vision is again twofold : for we either behold the creature in God himself , which Divines call The Morning-vision ; or else we behold God himself in the creatures . There is also another Prophetick Vision in Dreams : thus we read in Matthew , how the angel of God appeared to Joseph in a dream . And in another place , that the Magi who ador'd Christ were admonisht in a dream , that they should return another way into their own Country . There are in the Old Testament many Examples thereof . Now what this Vision is , Job expounds , where he says , In the horrour of nocturnal visions , when sleep falleth upon men , and they sleep in their beds ; then he opens their ears , and teaching them , instructs them with learning . And this being a fourth species of Vision , is called Nocturnal . There are also two other kindes of Prophecie : the one receiv'd by word of mouth ; and thus was Moses enlightened and taught in Mount Sinai , Abraham , Jacob , Samuel , and many other Prophets under the Old Law. Under the New Law , the Apostles and Disciples of Christ were taught by the mouth of Christ , he being alive among them . There is another sort of Prophecie , which consists in the agitation of the Spirit , while the soul ravisht away by some Deity , then joyn'd to that , and abstracted from the body of man , is by the same Spirit fill'd with Knowledge beyond humane strength or wit. Which ravishment is not performed always by Angels , but sometimes by the Spirit of God ; as we read of Saul , that the Spirit of God came upon him , and he prophesied , and was changed into a new man , and numbered among the Prophets . And in the Acts of the Apostles , the Spirit of God came upon them that were baptized , in flames of fire . Which Spirit also many times seizes upon men that are liable to sin ; so that there were many Prophets among the Gentiles ; as Cassandra , Helenus , Calchas , Ampharans , Tiresias , Mopsus , Amphilochus , Polybius , Corinthus ; also Galanus the Indian , Socrates , Diotyma , Anaximander , Epimenides the Cretan . Also the Magi among the Persians , Brachmans among the Indians , Gymnosophists among the Aethiopians , Druids among the Gauls , and Sibyls among the Romans . To which Prophetick seizure of the Spirit , many times , certain previous Ceremonies , authority of Function , and communion of sacred Mysteries , do very much conduce , as the Scripture amply declares concerning Balaam ; and in other places by the application of the Ephod . And the Evangelist witnesses concerning Caiaphas , that he prophesied , being high priest that year . Hence the Mecubals among the Hebrews adventured to counterfeit their Artificial Prophecie . I omit what the Hebrews have written concerning the Two and thirty paths of Wisdom ; and what S. Austin has toucht upon concerning the Degrees ; or Albertus in his reception of Forms , of which he reckons up seven Apparitions in Dreams , and as many waking . So we read in Plato and Proculus of Socrates , that he was not inspired by an intelligible influx , but by voice , and familiar speech . But these things come to pass more easily in Dreams . But let us return to our purpose . Now therefore Prophetick Theologie is that which by an Intuitive Inspiration teaches the unshaken Word of God. But the Authority and Arguments by which that Truth is confirm'd , are not the Opinions of Men , not Custom , nor the invented Fictions of the Wise : not the Magnificent Decrees of Sects , not Syllogisms , Enthymems , not Inductions , not soluble Consequences ; but Divine Oracles consonant to one another , received by the Universal Church with an unanimous and solid consent , approved by Miracles , Prodigies , Wonders , Holiness of life , and testimony of Martyrdom . The Doctors of this Prophetick Theologie were Moses , Job , David , Solomon , and many other Canonical Writers and Prophets . The Teachers of the New Testament were the Apostles and Evangelists : but all these , notwithstanding they were fill'd with the Holy Ghost , yet all at one time or other stray'd from the Truth , and in some measure spake untruly ; not that they did so wittingly , or craftily ; for to say so , would be a greater Errour than that of Arius or Sabellicus , subverting the whole Authority of the Scripture , in which Errour notwithstanding the great and holy S. Jerome persisted , disputing against S. Augustine about the reprehension of Peter : for S. Paul , said that S. Jerome , told a lye craftily . Which should it be granted , and that such an untruth should be admitted in the Bible , immediately , as S. Austin saith , the whole certainty of the Bible would fall to ruine . But S. Jerome being thus admonisht , after many Contradictions and defences , at length acknowledged his Errour , and confess'd the Truth . But what I say , that the holy Writers did secundum quid speak things not altogether true , I would have to be understood so , as that they did not willingly erre , but onely stray through humane frailty . Thus Moses failed , in telling the people he would bring them out of Aegypt , and carry them into the Land of Canaan : for though he brought them out of Aegypt , he did not carry them into the Land of promise . Jonas failed in foretelling the destruction of Nineveh within forty days ; intended , but delay'd . Elijah failed , in foretelling many things to come to pass in the days of Ahab , which yet were not fulfill'd till after his death . Isaiah failed , foretelling the death of Hezekiah the next day , when his life was prolonged fifteen years afterwards . Many other Prophets also fail'd , and their predictions are found either not to have come to pass at all , or else to have been suspended . The Apostles also and Evangelists fail'd . Peter also fail'd when he was reprehended by S. Paul. Matthew also fail'd , when he wrote that Christ was not dead till the Launce had pierced his side . But this defect was no defect of the Holy Ghost , but either of the Prophet not rightly delivering what was suggested by the Holy Ghost , or the Vision did declare ; or else proceeding from some alteration of the event of the Command , the sentence of the Oracle being either alter'd or defer'd . Hence it follows , that all Prophets and Writers in some things seem to fail and erre , according to the Scripture , which saith , All men are lyers . Onely Christ , both God and man , never was , nor shall be found to fail , nor shall his words be altered , or be defective ; who , void of Errour , divulged his Oracles most immutable , as he said himself : The heaven and the earth shall pass away , but my words shall not pass away . Now because all Truth is through the Holy Ghost , therefore onely Christ possesses this Truth firmly ; nor shall it ever depart from him , but remains in him . But it is not so with others : for the Spirit was with Moses , but when he strake the Rock it was departed . It was with Aaron , but departed when he made the Calf . It was with Anna their sister , but not when she murmured against Moses . It was with Saul , David , Solomon , Isaiah , &c. but rested not constantly with them . Neither are Prophets always Prophets , or Seers , or foretellers of things to come ; nor is Prophecie a continual habit , but a gift , passion , or transient spirit . And whereas there is no man who doth not sin ; so there is no man from whom the Spirit doth not sometimes depart , and leave him ; unless it be Christ , the onely Son of God , of whom it was therefore said to John : He upon whom thou sawest the Spirit descending , and remaining with him , he is the Son of God ; who Baptizeth with the Holy Ghost , being also able to impart the same to others . Therefore , as saith Simonides , onely God hath this honour , that he is onely Metaphysical : so may we say of Christ , that onely Christ hath this honour , to be a Divine . However , let no man think that the Writings of the Old Testament , since the Gospel of Christ had its divine birth from them , are therefore obsolete and dead ; for they will ever live in high authority : for by them have the Apostles proved their Tenets , and without their testimony they have spoken nothing : and Christ refers us to the search of them ; whose Gospel doth not at all abolish those Writings , but fulfill'd the Law to the least tittle . This is also to be noted , that many Volumes of the Holy Scripture are lost ; which we may easily gather from the Scripture it self : For Moses cites Books of The Wars of the Lord ; and Joshuah , The Book of the Just ; Esther , The Book of memorable things ; and Macchabees cites the holy Books of the Spartiatae ; and the Books of the Kings cite Books of Lamentations , Books of Samuel the Seer , Books and Writings of Nathan , God , Semeiah , Haddo , Ahia the Shilonite , of Jehu the son of Ammon . Jude also in his Canonical Epistle cites the Book of Enoch . And some Authors of credit have cited a Book of Abraham the Patriarch . All which are lost , and never to be found . Nor are these which we have received , of equal Authority : for Dionysius makes mention of A Gospel of S. Bartholomew ; and S. Jerome takes notice of A Gospel according to the Nazarenes : and S. Luke in his Preface to his Gospel , saith , that many did undertake to write Gospels , which are all lost . And many others there are , which are either corrupted with Heresie , or set forth without Authority ; and so neither received by the holy Fathers , nor approved by the Church . I omit false Prophets , who have come in by the by , prophesying through vain-glory things which the holy Spirit never suggested , but unheard-of lyes , neither according to the Scripture , nor tending either to unity of Spirit , or the peace of the Church , but for the introducing of Schism ; who rashly making themselves of Gods Privie Council , dare presume to take the Word of God into their own mouthes , and to write Scriptures and Prophecies altogether Heretical or Apocryphal . Nor were the Canticles of Solomon inserted among the Canonical Books , till they were corrected and approv'd by Isaiah . From hence it appears , how that Theologie it self , that is to say , the holy Scripture , wants many of its Volumes , and may in a manner seem defective ; and few , of many that remain , are true and certain , really Books of life , and Canonical . CHAP. C. Of the Word of God. YE have now heard how doubtful , how uncertain , how ambiguous all the Sciences are , and how , for any thing in them contained , we are generally ignorant where the Truth rests , even in Divinity it self , unless we could finde out any person who had the Key of Knowledge and Wisdom : for the Armory of Truth is lockt and concealed under divers Mysteries ; and the way shut up from wise and holy men , by which we might enter into so great and incomprehensible a Treasury . Now this Key is nothing else but the Word of God : This onely discerneth the force and vertue of all sors of words , and what Disputes proceed meerly from the Cunning of Sophistry , which discovers not the Truth , but onely a meer shadow thereof : and then distinctly shews you what communication sets forth the Truth , not in outward appearance , and counterfeit Colour , but in effect and reason . By this , every Art of deceit and untruth is easily surmounted . Neither Arguments , nor Syllogisms , nor any subtilties of Sophistry , can stand against it . He that is not satisfied therewith , or is of an opinion contrary thereto , as S. Paul saith , is proud , and knows nothing . And there we are to try , by the words of God , all Doctrines and Opinions , as Gold is try'd by the Touch-stone ; and in all difficulties to flee thither , as to a Rock of most safety ; and out of that onely to search for the truth of all things ; and from thence to judge of the Doctrines , Opinions , and Expositions of men . For , as Gregory saith , Whatsoever derives not its authority from thence , is with the same ease rejected as approved . Now as to the knowledge of this Word , there is no School of Philosophers , nor the subtilest Wits of the most subtil Sophisters , that have been able to teach it us ; but onely God , and Jesus Christ , through the Holy Ghost , by means of those Scriptures which are Canonical ; to which , according to the command of God , nothing may be added , and from which nothing may be diminish'd : for whoever shall do it , though he were an Angel of heaven , he is abandoned to the devil , and curs'd by the Law of God. So great the Majesty , so great is the Power of this Scripture , that it admits no strange Expositions , no Glosses of Men nor Angels ; nor suffers it self to be wrested according to the inventions of mens Wits : nor does it permit it self to be chang'd and transform'd into variety of Sences , after the manner of humane Fables , as it were some Poetical Proteus ; but is sufficient to expound and interpret it self ; and judging of all men , is judg'd by none . For the Authority thereof is greater , as Austin saith , than all the florid Subtilties of humane Wit : for it hath one , plain , constant , and holy meaning , in the strength whereof it both combats and overcomes . All other Moral meanings besides this , as Mystical , Typical , Anagogical , Tropological , and Allegorical , by the help whereof many men do besmear and Fucus over the Truth with sundry strange Colours , may rightly and truely perswade us something for the edification of the people , but they can never prove or disprove any thing to confirm the Authority of the Word of God. For let any person bring into controversie the opinion of any one of these ; let him quote any substantial Author thereupon , or let him alleadge the Exposition of any of the holy Fathers ; none of those things are so binding to us , but that we may contradict um : but out of the letter of the holy Scriptures , from the draught and order thereof , such indissoluble Bands are made , which no man can break , nor no man escape through ; but breaking and shattering all Engines of Argumentation , enforces him to say and confess , That it is the finger of God , That Man never spake in that manner , That he speaketh not as the Scribes and Pharisees , but like one that has power . But the Authors thereof , inspir'd from Heaven , have by their authority ordain'd us a Canon , the magnificence whereof is such , that we ought to believe all things therein contained : and whatever that Word hath pronounced and taught , that without any retraction is to be accounted holy and inviolable . Of which thus S. Austin hath spoken : That he gave this honour to those Books which be call'd Canonical , that he most constantly believ'd that none of the Writers of them did or could erre : but to the others be would give no credit , how much learning and holiness soever they had in them , except it be proved with evident reason out of Gods Word that there is a probability for the truth thereof . Unto these Christ sends us , teaching us that we should search the Scriptures . From hence the Apostle commands us to try all things , and to stick to the things which are good ; as also , to prove the spirits whether they be of God ; and by the help of them to be able to give an account of all things , and to reprove them that shall vainly go about to contradict ; that so becoming spiritual , we may judge all things , and be judged of none . Now the truth and understanding of the Canonical Scripture depends upon the onely authority of God revealing the same ; which cannot be comprehended by any judgement of the Senses , by most over-reaching Reason , by any Syllogism of demonstration , by any Science , by any Speculation , by any Contemplation , or by any humane force ; but onely by Faith in Jesus Christ poured out into the soul from God the Father , by the Holy Ghost : which is so much the more predominant and stable than the Credulity of humane knowledge , by how much God himself is superiour to , and truer than Men. But why do I say truer ? Nay rather , God alone is true , and every man a lyer . So that whatever proceeds not from this Truth , is Errour , as that which is not of faith is sin , For God himself hath in himself the fountains of Truth , out of which it is necessary for him to draw it , whoever desires perfect knowledge ; seeing there is no knowledge can be had either of the secrets of Nature , of separated substances , nor of God the Author of all , unless it be reveal'd from above . For things divine are not to be reacht by humane force ; and natural things oft-times keep at too great a distance from the inward thought : whence it comes to pass , that what we believe to be the knowledge of these things , appears to be Falshood and Errour . Which presumption in the Caldeans and other Heathen Philosophers Isaiah reproves , where he says : Thy wisdom and thy knowledg have deceived thee ; thou hast fail'd in the multitude of thy inventious . The Grammarian is very wary that he offend not in talk , and that he utter not a rude and barbarous word : but in the mean while he has no regard to the dishonest courses , and sinfulness of his life . So likewise the Poet chuses rather to halt in his Life than in his Verse . The Historian leaves to Memory , and commits to Writing the deeds of Kings and Princes , and the transactions of successive times ; yet mindes not his own behaviour , or if he do , is yet ashamed to confess his failings . The Orator more abhors the rudeness of his Language , than the deformity of his Life . The Rhetorician will rather deny the manifest Truth , than yield to his Opposer in the least Syllogistical Conclusion . Arithmeticians and Geometricians number and measure all things , but neglect the Measures and Numbers of their lives and souls . The Musicians are all for Sounds and Songs , not minding the Discords of corrupt Manners : Therefore Diogenes the Sinopian was wont to reprove them , that they would fitly make the Harmony and Strings agree ; but that there was neither measure nor harmony in their customs of living . Astrologers behold the Heavens and the Stars , and foretel others what shall happen in this world ; but they never minde the evil which every moment hangs over their own heads . Cosmographers describe the situations of Countries , the forms of Mountains , the course of Rivers , and limits of distinct Regions ; but they make a man never the wiser nor better . Philosophers with great vaunting dive into the Causes and Beginnings of things ; while they neglect , perhaps not so much as know God the Creator of all things . There is no Peace among Princes and Magistrates , being easily drawn for small advantages to seek the destruction one of another . Physicians cure the bodies of the sick , and neglect the health of their souls . Lawyers diligent in observing the Laws of Men , however transgress the Commands of God : whence it is grown to be a Proverb , Neither physicians live well , nor Lawyers die well ; Physicians being the most disorderly sort of men , and Lawyers the most dishonest . Divines make a great noise while they preach to us the observation of the Commands of God , and holy Doctrine ; but their words and conversations differ very much ; being such as had rather seem to know than love God. Now then , he which knows all things , to speak and write well ; he who understands the nature of Verse , the course of Times , the ways of Reasoning , the ornaments of Speech , the colours of Rhetorick ; he that remembers all things , the proportions and sums of Numbers , the harmony of Sounds , the measures of Dancing , the measures of all Quantities , the inflexions , and reflexions of the Sun-beams , the situation of the Earth and Sea , the various ways of rearing all sorts of Edifices and Engines , the ordering of Battels , the tilling of Ground , the taking , feeding , fatting of Beasts , Birds and Fish , every kinde of Country-trade , every species of Mechanick Industry , Painting , Graving , Founding , Hammering , Hewing , Factoring , Sayling ; the course of the Stars , their Influences upon inferiour Bodies ; the forebodings of Destiny ; Divinations of all sorts ; the hidden monstrosities of Magick Art ; the secrets of the Cabalists ; the causes of all Natural things ; the reformation of Manners ; the Governments of Commonwealths ; Family-order ; Remedies for Diseases ; vertues of Medicines , and skill in mixture ; the delicate Dressing of Meats : Let him know both Laws , all the Pleadings of the most learned Doctors and Council , the wrangling of the Sorbonnists , the hypocrisie of the Monks , with all the Learning of the holy Fathers : he , I say , who knoweth all this , and more , if there be any thing yet remaining , yet he knoweth nothing , unless he know the will of Gods Word , and perform the same . He that hath learned all things , and hath not learned this , hath learn'd in vain , and all his Knowledge is in vain . In the Word of God is the Way , there is the Rule , there is the Gole or Mark whither he ought to bend his Course , that will not go astray , but drives to reach the Truth . All other Sciences are subject to Time , and Forgetfulness ; and not onely these Sciences and Arts , but also the Letters , Characters , and Languages which we use , shall perish , and others rise in their places : and peradventure they have more than once been already lost , and have as often come to light again . Neither has there been one manner of Orthography in one Age , nor alike with all men . Nor is the true Pronunciation of the Latine Tongue at this day any where to be found . The ancient Characters of the Hebrew are quite lost ; they which are now in use being found out by Esdras : for the Hebrew Language was corrupted by the Caldeans ; a Misfortune that has happened well-near to all the Languages of the world ; so that there is hardly one at this day which understands its own Antiquity ; new words growing into use , and the old ones decaying . So that there is nothing fixt or durable . Finally , the opinion of Terence is , That nothing is now spoken , which has not been spoken before , And many there are , among whom Volaterrane is one , that would have it that the Gun , which is by most accounted a New Invention of the Germans , was used in ancient time : and this they endeavour to prove out of Virgil. There Salmon lay in cruel torments bound , Curs'd Imitator of th' Olympick Sound : He born by four fleet Steeds , his Flambean shaking , Through Greece , and Elis Towns his journey taking , Triumphing went , and call'd himself a God , Mad as he was , still thundring as he rode ; Thunder and Tempests seem'd to fill the skie , With so much noise his speedy Coursers flie . Much to this purpose hath Ecclesiastes spoken , when he saith , There is nothing new under the sun ; nor can any man say , Behold , this is new : for it hath been in times past before us . There is no remembrance of things past ; neither they which shall be in the later days , shall remember the things which shall be hereafter . And in another place he saith , The learned and the ignorant also shall die . What then shall we here say , but that all Sciences and Arts are subject to death and forgetfulness ? neither shall they for ever remain alive , but together with death shall pass to death , forasmuch as Christ himself saith , That every plant which the heavenly Father hath not planted , shall be rooted out , and cast into everlasting fire . So far are we to be from believing that Knowledge availeth to Immortality ; but that the Word of God alone endures for ever . The knowledge whereof is so needful to us , that he that despiseth it , that esteems it not , and is not a hearer thereof , ( as the Word it self testifies in the holy Scripture ) God will send upon him a Curse , Damnation , and everlasting Judgement . Ye are not therefore to think that it belongeth onely to Divines , but to every one , man and woman , old and young ; so that every one , according to the grace and capacity given to them , is bound to have the knowledge thereof , and not of dissent a hairs breadth from the true sence and meaning of it . For this cause , the Old Testament commands us in this manner : These words shall be in thy heart all the days of thy life ; and thou shalt declare them to thy children and grandchildren , and command them to keep and observe them . Thou shalt ponder them sitting in thy house , and going thorow the street , sleeping and waking ; and shalt binde them as a token to thy hand : they shall always be and move before thy eyes , and thou shalt write them over the doors of thy house . Thus Josiah read all the words , and all these things that were contained in the Volume of the Law before all the multitude of men , women , children and strangers . And Esdras brought the book of the Law before all the multitude of men and women , and read therein openly in the street , before all that could understand . And Christ commanded his Gospel to be preached to all creatures throughout the whole world ; and this not in the dark , not whisper'd in the ear , not in secret , not in private chambers , not to some particular Doctors and Scribes ; but openly , upon the house tops , to the people , to the multitude : for thus faith he to the Apostles : That which I speak to you , I speak to all men : that which I speak to you in darkness , declare you in the face of the sun : that which I tell you in your ears , publish you upon the house-tops . And S. Peter in the Acts saith , He hath charged us to preach to the people . And Paul commands us to bring up our children in the discipline and doctrine of Christ. And , which is more , Christ himself blam'd his disciples for hindering little children to come to him ; whose simplicity and humility , whose mindes are not passed up with vain Opinions , or swell'd with humane knowledge , teacheth us how necessary it is for us to become as little children , seeing that without being such , we are altogether unfit for the kingdom of heaven . For this cause , S. Chrysostom in a certain Homily advises that children above all things should be bred up in the knowledge of the holy Scripture , and that husbands should discourse in their houses at home with their wives concerning the Scripture , and make diligent search and enquiry into the sence and meaning thereof . And the Council of Nice decreed that no Christian should be without the Book of the holy Scripture . Know then , that there is nothing in the holy Scripture so hard , so profound , so difficult , so hidden , which pertains not to all the faithful in Christ ; nor that ever was so committed to these our Masters , for them to hide it from the people : but rather , all Divinity ought to be common to all believers , and to every one , according to the capacity and measure of the gift of the holy Ghost . Wherefore it is the duty of a good Preacher , to distribute to every man as much as he is able to receive ; to one in milk , to another in strong meat ; and to beguile no man of the food of necessary Truth . CHAP. CI. Of Masters of Arts. NOw at length , that I may recollect my self again , ye have heard from those things which have been hitherto said , That Arts and Sciences are nothing else but the Traditions of men , received by us upon the good esteem we have of them ; and that they all consist of nothing else but of things doubtful confirm'd by apparent Demonstrations ; and that most of um are not so uncertain and doubtful , as they are deceitful and wicked : and therefore it is also an evil thing to believe that they can bring to us any heavenly advantage . It is true , that in times past it was the superstition of the Gentiles , that gave Divine worship to the Inventors of things , and to them whom they saw surpass others in any Art or Science , and plac'd them in the number of their Gods , dedicating to them Temples , Altars and Images , adoring them under several likenesses . Thus Vulcan among the Egyptians being the first Philosopher , and referring the beginnings of Nature to the Fire , was by them worshipt as the God of Fire : and Esculapius , as Celsus saith , because he more subtilly practised Physick , then rude and imperfect , was for that reason made the God of Physick . And this , and no other deification of Sciences , was that which the ancient Serpent , the type of these Gods , promised to our first Parents , saying to them , Ye shall be as gods , knowing good and evil . Let him then boast the authority of this Serpent , that boasts in worldly knowledge . For no man can possess Knowledge without the favour of this Serpent , whose doctrines are nothing but delusions , and the end thereof evil . When it is a Proverb among the Vulgar , That the Learned are all mad . To which Aristotle himself assents , saying , that there is no man of great knowledge , without a mixture of madness . And Austin witnesses , that many for the desire of knowledge have lost their wits . Neither is there any thing more contrary to Christian Faith and Religion , than Knowledge ; nor any two things that less agree together . For we finde in the Ecclesiastical Histories , and are also taught by Experience , how Sciences went to wrack , when Christian Religion waxed strongest ; so that the greatest part of them utterly perished , and those mighty Arts of Magick departed in such wise , that not the least signe of them remains : many Sects of Philosophy vanished ; very little of the Peripatetick Philosophy known , and that imperfect . Nor was the state of the Church in more quiet , than when these Sciences were reduced to the lowest extremity ; when Grammar was taught by one onely Alexander Gallus , Logick onely by Petrus Hispanus , Laurentius Aquilegius was the onely Rhetorician , a small Collection of annual transactions serv'd for a History , the Ecclesiastical Computation serv'd for Mathematical Instruction ; and for the rest , one single Isidorus . But now , after that knowledge of Tongues , Eloquence , and number of Authors began to multiply as formerly , the quiet of the Church began to be troubled , and Heresies arose . Neither is there any sort of men less fit to receive Christian doctrine , than they who have their mindes tainted with the knowledge of the Sciences : for they are so stiff and obsti●ate in their self-opinions , that they leave no place for the Holy Ghost , and do so assure themselves , and trust in their own strength and power , that they will allow of nothing else for truth ; and they scorn and despise all those things which they cannot understand by their own Industry . Therefore hath Christ hidden these things from the wise and prudent , and revealed them to little children ; that is to say , to the poor in spirit , not enriched with the treasuries of humane knowledge ; to the pure in heart , not defil'd with the vanity of Opinions ; and to the peace-makers , not followers of other men , not contentious overthrowers of the Truth with wrangling Syllogisms ; and suffer persecution for the sake of Truth and Justice . Thus Socrates was poysoned by the Athenians , Anaxagoras condemned to die , Diagoras accus'd , but escap'd death by flight . Among the Jews , Isaiah was cut to pieces , Jeremiah stoned to death , Daniel condemned to the lions , Amos kill'd with a club , Micah cast headlong from a rock , Zachariah slain at the Altar , Elias persecuted by Jezebel , who slew many of the Prophets . Thus also were the Apostles and other Martyrs , witnesses of the Divinity of Christ , several ways tormented to death : And all this for no other cause , but that they thought more holily of God than the Wise-men of the world . Behold these , who in purity of heart , poverty of spirit , and peace of Conscience , resemble the humility and simplicity of little children , who are prepar'd to shed their bloud for the Truth . These are they to whom onely the true Deifying wisdom is given , that is to bring us to the heavenly Quires , and transforms us into Angels : As we read in the Sermon of Christ , Blessed are the poor in spirit , for theirs is the kingdom of heaven : Blessed are the pure in heart , for they shall see God : Blessed are the peace-makers , for they shall be call'd the sons of God : Blessed are they that suffer persecution for justice sake . It is therefore better , and more profitable , to be Idiots , and without knowledge ; to believe by faith and charity , and to become next to God , than being lofty and proud , through the subtilties of the Sciences , to fall into the possession of the Serpent . Thus we finde in the Gospel how Christ was receiv'd of Idiots , of the vulgar people , and of the simpler sort , while he was rejected , despised , and persecuted even to death , by the High-priests , by the Lawyers , by the Scribes , by the Doctors and Rabbies . For this cause , Christ chose his Apostles not Scribes , not Doctors , not Priests , but unlearned persons of the vulgar people , void of knowledge , unskilful , and Asses . CHAP. CII . A Digression in praise of the Ass. BUt lest any one should falsly accuse me , that I have call'd the Apostles Asses , it will not be from the purpose to discourse the Mysteries of the Ass. For this creature the Hebrew Doctors expound to be the Hieroglyphick of Fortitude and Strength , Patience and Clemency ; and that his influence dependeth on Sephiroth , that is , Hochma , which signifies wisdom . For his conditions are most necessary for a Scholar of wisdom ; for he lives by little food , and is contented whatsoever it be . Patiently he endures Penury , Hunger , Labour , Stripes , and all manner of Persecution ; yet of so low and poor an Understanding , that he cannot discern between Lettice and Thistles . Of a clean and innocent heart , void of Choler , being at peace with all living creatures ; patiently carrying all burthens laid upon his back : as a reward whereof , he is never troubled with Lice , or any diseases , and liveth longer than any other Beast . An Ass , saith Columella , performs many and very necessary labours beyond his share : for he is many times used in Plowing , and drawing heavie Carts : He is also used in Mills , for the grinding of Corn. There is no Country but wants so necessary a creature as the Ass is . How much the Ass is regarded and esteemed in Augury , Valerius witnesses of C. Marius , who having conquered both North and South , being at length declared an enemy of his Country , and pursued by Sylla , by the advice and guidance of an Ass escaped all his threatnings ; an Ass being the cause of his flight and safety . Also in the Old Law God so far honour'd the Ass , that when he commanded every first begotten to be slain for Sacrifice , he onely exempted Men and Asses ; granting , that Man should be redeemed for a price , and that a Sheep should be exchanged for the Ass. Christ would that this Beast should be a witness of his Nativity , as is generally affirm'd : And by him he would be saved from the hands of Herod . The Ass was consecrated by the touch of the body of Christ : for Christ ascending to Jerusalem in triumph for the Redemption of mankinde , as it is recorded in the Gospel , rode upon an As ; which was mysteriously foretold by the Oracle of Zachary . And we read that Abraham the Father of the Elect rode onely upon Asses . So that the Proverb commonly repeated among the Vulgar , is not spoken in vain , That the Ass carries Mysteries . Wherefore I would hereby advertise the famous Professors of Sciences , that if the unprofitable burthen of Humane Knowledge be not laid aside , and that Lions borrowed skin put off , ( not that of the Lion of the Tribe of Judah , but of the Lion that goes about roaring , and seeking whom he may devour ) whereby ye shall be turned into meer and bare Asses , that ye will be utterly and altogether unfit to carry the Mysteries of Divine wisdom . Neither had Apuleius of Megara's Ass been admitted to the holy Mysteries of Isis , if he had not been turn'd out of a Philosopher into an Ass. We read Miraculous actions of divers Beasts ; as , that an Elephant writ the Greek letters : and Plutarch relateth a Story of one , that being a Rival with Aristophanes the Grammarian , lov'd a young Maid named Stephanopolides . And in the same Author we read of a Dragon that lov'd a Virgin of Etholis . The same also preserv'd his Nourisher , running to her assistance , as knowing her voice . In Pliny we finde that a Serpent call'd Aspis was accustomed to come daily to a certain mans Table , who perceiving the son of her Host to be stain by one of her young ones , she flew her young one in revenge of the broken law of Hospitality ; nor would ever after for shame come to that house again . The same Gratitude is recorded of a Panther to a man , for helping her young ones out of a ditch ; for which she conducted him out of the desart , till she brought him safe into the open Road. Histories also report that Cyrus was suckled by a Bitch , and the founder of the Roman Citie by a She-wolf . I pass over the Wonders related of Dolphins , and the Gratitude of Lions for benefits receiv'd . Nor will I speak of the Bear of Daunia , nor of the Bull of Tarentum , both tam'd by Pythagoras . But that which surpasseth all admiration is this , That Ammonius of Alexandria , Master of Origen and Porphyrie , is said to have had an Ass one of the hearers of his Wisdom , a Fellow-scholar with the rest . We finde also in sacred Story , that an Ass was endued with the spirit of Prophecie : for when Balaam a wise man and a Prophet went to curse the people of Israel , he saw not the Angel of the Lord ; but the Ass saw him , and with the voice of a man spake to Balaam that rode him . Thus , I say , sometimes the simple and rude Idiot sees those things oft-times , which a School-Doctor , blinded with the Traditions of men , cannot perceive . Did not Sampson with the jaw-bone of an Ass kill and slay the Philistims ? and being thirsty , when he prayed to the Lord , the Lord loosned a tooth in the same jaw-bone , and clean water sprang out immediately ; which when he had drank , his spirits were refreshed , and his strength recovered . Did not Christ by the mouth of his silly Asses and rude Idiots , the Apostles , vanquish and put to silence all the Learned Philosophers of the Gentiles , and great Lawyers among the Jews ; trampling under-foot all manner of worldly wisdom ; drinking to us out of the Cheek-bone of his Asses the water of wisdom and everlasting life ? By what has been already said , it is now as clear as the Sun , that there is no Beast so fit and proper to retain Divinity as the Ass ; into which creature if ye be not transform'd , ye shall not be able to carry the Divine Mysteries . It was a name common to the Christians among the Romans , to be call'd Asinarii ; and they were wont to paint the Image of Christ with the ears of an Ass , as Tertullian witnesses . Wherefore let neither Popes repute it to their shame , if among those Giant like Elephants of Sciences , there may be some Asses . Neither let Christians wonder , if among those Prelates and expert Doctors , the better learned one is , the less he be esteemed : for the songs of Nightingales are not proper for the ears of Asses ; and it is a Proverb , That the untuneable braying of Asses is not agreeable to the Harp. And yet the best Pipes are made of the bones of Asses , the marrow being taken out ; which as they far exceed the harmony of the Harp , so these Religious Asses far surpass the Brangling and Braying of idle Sophisters . Thus several Philosophers coming to visit Antony , and to discourse with him , being by him answer'd in a few words , return'd with shame . We read also of a certain Idiot that convinc'd a most learned and subtil Heretick , and forc'd him to turn to the Faith , whom the best and most learned Bishops at the Council of Nice with a long and difficult Disputation could not convince . Who being afterwards demanded by his friends , how it came to pass that he yielded to the Fool , who had resisted and withstood so many and so great Learned Bishops , replied , That he had easily given the Bishops words for words , but that he could not resist this Idiot , who spake not according to humane wisdom , but according to the Spirit . The Conclusion of the Work. YOu therefore , O ye Asses , who are now with your children under the command of Christ , by means of his Apostles and Messengers , and Readers of true wisdom in his holy Gospel , being freed from the foggs and mists of flesh and bloud ; if ye desire to attain to this divine and true wisdom , not of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil , but of the tree of life , set aside the Traditions of Men , and every enquiry and discourse of flesh and bloud , whether it concern Reason , consideration of Causes or Effects ; conversing now not with the Schools of Philosophers and Sophisters , but with your own selves . For the Notions of all things are trusted within your own brests ; which , as the Academicks confess , the Scriptures themselves do testifie , seeing that God created all things very good , that is to say , in the best degree they could consist : He therefore , as he created the trees full of fruit , so he created our souls , which are like rational trees , full of Forms and Idea's ; though through the sin of our first parents , all things were conceal'd , and Oblivion took place , the mother of Ignorance . But you that can remove the Veil from your Understandings , who are wrapt up in the darkness of Ignorance , vomit up that Lethean Drench which has made ye drunk with Forgetfulness : awake in the true light , you that are drown'd in the sleep of Irrationality ; and then forthwith with an open countenance ye shall pass from light to light : for ye are anointed , as S. John saith , by the holy Ghost , and know all things . And again , There is no necessity that ye should be taught by any , because his Anointing instructs ye in all things . For he alone it is that giveth language and wisdome . David , Isaiah , Ezekiel , Jeremiah , Daniel , John Baptist , and many other Prophets and Apostles , were never bred up in Learning ; but of Shepherds , Husbandmen , and Fools , became throughly learned in all things . Solomon in a dream of one night was replenished with the knowledge of all things , both sublunary and celestial ; and with so much prudence in the administration of Government , that there was never any Prince equal to him . Yet all these were mortal men , as you are , and sinners . You will say perhaps , that this has happen'd to a very few ; and those — A few whom equal Jove Would signalize by his transcending love ; Or such whose ardent zeal divinely fir'd , With constant motion to the Stars aspir'd . However , do not despair ; the hand of God is not shortned to them that call upon him , that give a true obedience to his will. Anthony and the Barbarian Christian servant gain'd the full knowledge of Divine things by the help of thrre days prayer , as S. Austin testifies . But you that cannot , like the Prophets , like the Apostles , like those other holy men , behold those things with a clear and unclouded Intellect , may procure Understanding from them who have beheld these things with a clear sight . There is also another way remaining , as S. Jerome saith to Russinus , that what the Spirit hath suggested to the Prophets and Apostles , should be sought by you with diligent studie , I mean the study of that Learning which is deliver'd in the Bible , being the most sacred Oracles of the true God , and received by the Church with an unanimous consent : not of such things as have been invented by the Wit of men ; for they do not enlighten , but darken the Understanding . And therefore we must have recourse to Moses , to Solomon , to the Prophets , to the Evangelists , to the Apostles , who shining with all sorts of Learning , Wisdom , Manners , Languages , Oracles , Prophecies , Miracles and Holiness , of heavenly things have spoken from God himself , of inferiour things above men ; delivering all the things of God , and secrets of Nature , distinctly and clearly to us . For all the secrets of God and Nature , all manner of Customs and Laws , all understanding of things past , present , and to come , are fairly taught in the Books of the holy Scripture . Whither do ye therefore run headlong ? why seek ye knowledge of them , who having spent all their days in searching , have lost all their time & labour , being unable to attain to any thing of certain truth ? Fools and wicked men , who not regarding the gifts of the holy Ghost , strive to learn from lying Philosophers , and Doctors of Errour , those things which ye ought to receive from Christ and the holy Ghost ! Think ye to draw knowledge from the ignorance of Socrates ; or light out of the darkness of An●xagoras , or vertue out of the Wells of Democritus , and wisdom out of the madness of Empedocles ? Think ye to lave piety out of Diogenes's Tub , or sence out of the stupidity of Carneades , or wisdom from impious Aristotle , or perfidious Averroes ; or faith out of the superstition of the Platonicks ? Ye are in an Errour , being deceived by them , who were themselves deceiv'd . But recal your selves : you who are desirous of the Truth , descend from the clouds of mens Traditions , and adhere to the true light . Behold , a voice from heaven , a voice speaking from above , and shewing more apparent than the Sun , that ye are enemies to your selves , and delay the receiving of wisdom . Hear the Oracle of Baruch : God is , saith he , and no other shall be compared to him : He hath found out all manner of learning , and hath taught it to Jacob his son , and to Israel his beloved ; giving laws and precepts , and ordaining sacrifices . After this he was seen upon the earth , conversed with men , was made flesh , teaching us plainly with his own mouth , what was mysteriously deliver'd in the Law , and by the Prophets . And that ye may nor think the Scriptures relate onely to Divine , and not to natural things ; hear what the Wise-man witnesseth of himself : He hath given the true knowledge of those things which are , that I might know the situation of the earths compass the vertues of the Elements , the beginning , ending , middle , and revolutions of the Times , the course of the Year , the influences of the Stars , the nature of Animals , Sympathy and Antipathy of Creatures , the force of the Winds , Thoughts of Men , difference of Plants , and the vertues of Roots . In brief , I have learnt whatever things are hidden and conceal'd : for the Artificer of all things hath taught me wisdom . The Divine wisdom faileth in nothing : nothing escapes it , there is no addition to it : for it comprehends all things . Know therefore , that there needs not long Studie ; but Humility of spirit , and Pureness of heart ; not the sumptuous furniture of many Books , but a pure Understanding , made fit for the Truth , as the Lock is for the Key . For number of Books hinders the learner ; and he that follows many Authors , erres with many . All things are contain'd and taught in the onely Volume of the Bible ; but with this Proviso , That they are not to be understood but by those who are enlightned : for , to others , they are onely Parables and Riddles , seal'd up with many Seals . Pray then to the Lord God in saith , doubtful of nothing , that the Lamb of the Tribe of Judah may come and open his Sealed Book ; which Lamb is onely holy and true , who onely has the key of wisdom and knowledge , wh● opens and no man shuts , and shuts what no man opens● This is JESUS CHRIST , the Word , the So● of God the Father , the true Teacher , made Man lik● unto us , that he might make us the children of God● like Himself , blessed to all Eternity . But lest 〈◊〉 should declaim beyond my Hour-glass , let this be th● End of our Discourse . FINIS . 
A43281	----	The paradoxal discourses of F.M. Van Helmont concerning the macrocosm and microcosm, or, The greater and lesser world and their union set down in writing by J.B. and now published. Paradoxale discoursen ofte ongemeene meeningen van de groote en kleyne wereld en speciaal van de wederkeeringe der menschelijke zielen. English Helmont, Franciscus Mercurius van, 1614-1699. 1685 Approx. 529 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 190 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43281 Wing H1393 ESTC R9542 12275060 ocm 12275060 58424 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43281) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58424) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 187:9) The paradoxal discourses of F.M. Van Helmont concerning the macrocosm and microcosm, or, The greater and lesser world and their union set down in writing by J.B. and now published. Paradoxale discoursen ofte ongemeene meeningen van de groote en kleyne wereld en speciaal van de wederkeeringe der menschelijke zielen. English Helmont, Franciscus Mercurius van, 1614-1699. J. B. [16], 127, 215, [1], p., [2] leaves of plates : ill. Printed by J.C. and Freeman Collins for Robert Kettlewel ..., London : 1685. Translation of: Paradoxale discoursen ofte ongemeene meeningen van de groote en kleyne wereld en speciaal van de wederkeeringe der menschelijke zielen. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Microcosm and macrocosm -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Paradoxal DISCOURSES OF F. M. Van HELMONT , Concerning the Macrocosm AND MICROCOSM , OR THE Greater and Lesser World , And their Union . Set down in WRITING by J. B. and now Published . LONDON : Printed by J. C. and Freeman Collins , for Robert Kettlewel , at the Hand and Scepter near S. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet . 1685. THE PREFACE TO THE Courteous READER . I Here present thee with the seeming Paradoxal Discourses of B. V. Helmont , which he discoursed with me , and were by his permission by me pen'd and now Published . And seeing that not onely the Writings of his Father , but himself also , by reason of his Knowledge , are highly and worthily esteemed of throughout all Europe , by many knowing persons ; I and my Companion passing through Holland , heard of his being here in England , whereupon we hastned thither , and immediately upon our arrival , we made it our business to obtain his acquaintance , and information in some particulars , where opportunity and his inclination towards us , so far favoured us , that by his means we got a Lodging in the same House with him ; where by reflecting upon the palpable demonstrations he gave of what he said , we took the liberty to ask of him ; whence it was , that so many contrary Opinions concerning Philosophy had their Rise in the World ? Whereunto he returned this Parabolical Answer , by way of Question : Suppose , said he , That a Man of extraordinary Wisdom and Understanding , had time out of mind enjoyed a glorious Transparent Globe of Stone , all full of Life , called Nosce le ipsum , comprehending the whole Man both Outward and Inward , being the Little World , and consequently also the whole Great World ; having them thus both together , and represented in one and the same subject , which he having offered to Men for their Information and Instruction in Wisdom , he upon their neglect and contempt of it , broke it into 24● pieces ; which a Woman out of pity received into her lap , forasmuch as she knew that there was yet Life in them , and that by being united , they would come to Life again as before ; whereupon she searched every where throughout the World , for such Wise Men , who by a due joyning of the said parts , were able to restore its whole former life ; in which search she indeed met with many serious and likely persons , but yet who as to the main business she came about , could return her nothing but bare words , they never having operatively tried or experienced how to perform the same , and thereupon fell into a necessity of contending about words amongst themselves , from whence they fought stoutly with their Pens and Tongues against one another , notwithstanding that all of them owned the same common name of Philosophers . And if so , can you imagine now that these men without experience could ever be able to accomplish and satisfie the Desire of this seeking Woman ? Whereunto when we had replied , that there was no doubt to be made of it , he added , Well then , you have your Query answered . But we enquiring further , what then was to be done in this case , and how we might with certainty attain to Truth ? he returned us this answer : That we must imitate a wise Judge , who ( in a matter that comes to be tryed before him ) from the duely agreeing Depositions of several Witnesses , having an actual and experimental knowledge of the thing , doth orderly put together that Judgment , which they by their infallible Evidences do in parcels bring to him , and having made a whole of those parts , doth afterwards pronounce the same . In the mean time wholly rejecting the Depositions of false Witnesses , as also of those who have nothing else to say or depose , but I believe it , I think it , I suppose or take it to be so , &c. as not at all serving his purpose . Now as it cannot be , that when the Depositions of true and legal Witnesses , do all justly and exactly agree together , the Judgement formed and deduced therefrom should be opposed or gain-said by any man of Understanding ; even so also , and much less can this natural union or agreement be gain-said , as it is evident to the eye , that the broken parts of a stone , or any slit pieces of wood do so neatly and exactly suit to the parts from whence they were immediately sever'd , that nothing can with any pretence or ground of reason be objected against it . This , said we , cannot be gain-said ; but how might we come to this Skill of setting particulars thus in order , except that he himself would be pleased with his directions to lend a helping-hand to us in this matter ? Whereupon he declared himself not unwilling to comply with our desires , and ready to do what he could presently and out of hand in this matter , that so at least by his beginning and undertaking of it , he might give others an occasion of bettering and mending his Essay towards it . But that he did not use to write himself , yea , that very rarely he took time to read over his own Thoughts , by discourse communicated and writ down by others : And besides , had never yet met with any man that truely and throughly understood the meaning of his Mind , and who consequently could give a full and proper expression to it . But notwithstanding these difficulties alleadged by him , and that we from the Conversation we for some time had with him , had observed that he made use of an ancient Philosophical way of discoursing , propounding all his Matters in Queries , and that very dexstrously ; insomuch that when any one according to his own pleasure , thinks of something in his mind , be it what it will , he by means of his Queries , concerning the circumstances of the thing , all depending upon one another as the links of a chain , and the Answers returned to his Questions , would infallibly find out and name the thing , the party had concealed in his mind and thought of . And when any Question is asked , he sometimes instead of an Answer , divides the same into many parts , and propounds the● as so many several Questions to the Demander , and so makes him return an answer to the Query himself had propounded . By which instances he demonstrates that Truth is clear and simple , and that all things in nature belong to and agree with one another . Which proceeding of his , certainly is a very peaceable and satisfactory way of information ; and from whence no quarrels , contests or opposition can arise ; though at the first it seemed strange and difficult to us , who were not accustomed to it . Yet notwithstanding , my fore-mentioned Companion offered himself to set down his Discourses in Latine , according to his utmost possibility : but after he had finished one sheet , he was seized of a Distemper ( the Air of this Country not agreeing with him ) and so was forced to desist ; whereupon then I undertook to put it in High-Dutch . Wherefore , kind Reader , in case any thing in this Discourse may chance ( as it is not unlikely ) to seem strange unto thee ▪ or not in the usual School-dress , or else not sufficiently explained and enlarged upon ; in the first place know , that the Author of it is far from the humour of pressing his Sentiments upon any one . And again , that herein we have chosen rather to follow the free Order of Nature , and the manner in which it came from the Author in Discourse , than to follow School-inventions . And in the last place , the Reader may be pleased to consider , that in case this Work should have been set down fully and at large , the few leaves of this Book would not have been able to contain it , but would have made a great , yea , rather many great Volumes , Nature her self being so great a Book as she is . But yet if in one or the other ●●ace of this Treatise , some further Information may seem to be wanting , the same may be met with in other parts of it , where , upon occasion , the same thing is again mentioned , for to avoid all superfluity of words : forasmuch as in this Discourse , the End ( conformably to Nature ) is contained in the Beginning , and the Beginning in the End. And therefore neither can any due or right Judgment be passed concerning it , from any one particular passage therein , nor indeed without a considerative and oft-repeated reading over of the whole Book . Nor that I would go about to deny but that some faults may be here found , properly to be attributed to my self , as well for want of skill and capacity with reference to the Language , I not being a German born ; as especially by reason of the weightiness of the things themselves ; which therefore I doubt not but will be easily pardoned me . Not to mention now the haste in which I did it , by reason of my unexpected departure out of the Land , after I had undertaken it . Moreover , seeing that for want of another , this Treatise hath been now Translated into English by a Hollander , it is not improbable but upon this account also ▪ some failures may have slipt in , which the Reader as he meets with them , is desired favourably to pass by . And because we had a great desire that he would be pleased to comply with our desire , of having his Picture engraven in Copper printed in the front of this Book , to the end that a stop might be put to the cheats of many , who make use of his Name to deceive people , and their fraud detected . Forasmuch as the same was done , to my knowledge , by a certain person at Paris about five years since , who pretended to great and extraordinary Cares , and at first by this means got great sums of money ; but afterwards was fain to slip away in secret ; whereas it is notorious that Van Helmont never received either money or monies worth for the like or any other testifications of his Friendship . In like manner we have heard of another here in London , a Lieutenant-Colonel , who pretended to have married his Sister , and that by this means he had obtained many rare and excellent Medicines ; but when Prince Rupert in presence of the said Van Helmont , did send for this Lieutenant-Colonel to come to him and speak with his Brother-in-Law , he excused himself , and withal declared , that what was reported of him was a mistake , and that it was not his Sister , but a Servant of the House whom he had married . Wherefore we supposed that his Effigies placed before the Book , might prevent such an abuse for the future ; but we found he was not resolved to gratifie this our request at present ; but upon our importunate instance , he at last consented to another Request of ours , viz. ( to the end that many ignorant persons , who are very liable to mistake , might be rowsed out of their dream ) that for a testimony of his outward manner of Life , the Patent of Honour freely given and granted unto him , by the Emperour and the Roman Empire , should be printed at the end of this Book . And forasmuch as all this is now published with the will and consent of the Author , he expects that the generous and truth-loving Reader will be pleased well to consider what is here set down , according to the circumstances before-mentioned ; and so pass an impartial Judgment upon all ; in the same manner as the said Author promiseth , that whensoever any in kind love shall better inform him , to take and receive the same with a like affection , to the end that Truth , which for so long a time hath been strange and unknown to the greatest part of Europe , may at length be manifested , and the Publick Good promoted . Dat. Lond. Octob. 5 , 1684. J. B. A Low-Dutch HYMN of ADAM BOREEL , presented by him to the Author of this BOOK , who had it translated into English. I. O Heavenly Light ! my Spirit to Thee draw , With powerful touch my Sences smite ; Thine Arrows of Love into me thraw With flaming dart Deep wound my Heart , And wounded , seize for ever as thy Right . II. O sweetest sweet ! descend into my Soul And sink into its lowest Abyss , That all false Sweets Thou may'st controul , Or rather kill So that Thy Will Alone may be my Pleasure and my Bliss . III. Do thou my Faculties all captivate Vnto thy self with strongest tye My Will entirely regulate : Make me Thy Slave , Nought else I crave ; For this I know is perfect Liberty . IV. Thou art a Life the sweetest of all Lives , Nought sweeter can thy Creature taste : 'T is this alone the Soul revives . Be thou not here , All other cheer Will turn to dull satiety at last . V. O limpid Fountain of all virtuous Lear ! O Well-spring of true Joy and Mirth ! The root of all Contentments dear ! O endless Good ! Break like a floud Into my Soul , and water my dry Earth . VI. That by this Mighty Power I being rest Of every thing that is not ONE , To Thee alone I may be left By a firm Will Fixt to thee still , And inwardly united into one . VII . And so let all my Essence , I Thee pray , Be wholly filled with Thy dear Son , That thou thy splendour mayst display With blissful Rays In these hid ways Wherein Gods Nature by frail Man is won . VIII . For joyned thus to Thee by the sole aid And working ( whilst all silent stands In mine own Soul , nor ought's assay'd From self-desire ) I 'm made entire An Instrument fit for thy glorious Hands . IX . And thus henceforwards shall all Workings cease , Vnless't be those Thou dost excite To perfect that Sabbatick Peace Which doth arise When self-will dies , And the new Creature is restored quite . X. And so shall I with all thy Children dear , While nought debars Thy Workings free , Be closely joyned in union near ; Nay with thy Son Shall I be one And with thine own adored Deity . XI . So that at last I being quite releas'd From this strait-lac'd Egoity , My Soul will vastly be increas'd Into that ALL Which ONE we call , And One in 't self alone doth all imply . XII . Here 's Rest , here 's Peace , her 's Joy and holy Love , The Heaven 's here of true Content , For those that hither sincerely move , Here 's the true Light Of Wisdom bright , And Prudence pure with no self-seeking mient . XIII . Here Spirit , Soul , and cleansed Body may Bathe in this Fountain of true Bliss Of Pleasures that will n'ere decay , All joyful Sights And hid Delights ; The sense of these renewed here daily is . XIV . Come therefore ▪ come , and take an higher flight , Things perishing leave here below , Mount up with winged Soul and Spright , Quick let 's be gone To him that 's One , But in this one to us can all things show . XV. Thus shall you be united with that ONE , That ONE where 's no Duality ; For from this perfect GOOD alone Ever doth spring Each pleasant thing The hungry Soul to feed and satisfie . XVI . Wherefore , O man ! consider well what 's said , To what is best thy Soul incline , And leave off every evil trade : Do not despise What I advise , Finish thy Work before the Sun decline . Concerning the MACROCOSME : OR , Great World. CHAP. I. Concerning the Lights of Heaven . Quest. 1. HOw are we to consider the Lights of Heaven ? Respond . The Lights of Heaven are to be considered in a twofold respect : for there are some warm Lights , and some cool or refrigerating Lights ; both which may be united , because they are of kin together , and symbolize with each other . 2. Q. Which are those you call warm Lights ? R. The warm Lights are those that are Male or Day-lights . 3. Q. Which are the Cool Lights ? R. Those which in opposition to the former may be termed Female or Night-lights . 4 Q. How can we know that the warm Lights are Male or Day-light●● ▪ R. Because the Sun which is the ●arm Male Day-light doth govern or rule by Day , and the Day is more noble than the Night . 5 Q. Why are the cool Lights Female , or Night-lights ? R. Because the Moon and Stars which are cool Night-lights , rule in the night ; and for that the Night is the Days Wife . 6 Q. Must we then consider the Sun in opposition to the Moon and Stars , as the Male or Husband ? R. Yes , forasmuch as we perceive that part of the Moons light proceeds from the Sun , even as the Woman from the Man , Gen. 2. 22. 7 Q. When now the Light of the Sun which is warm , comes into the Moon which is cold , what disposition or property is produced from this meeting or union . R. Cold and Frost . 8 Q. How can this be made out ? R. This may be demonstrated several ways , both from Natural and Mechanical Experiments . 9 Q. How can this be made out from Nature ? R. We perceive in the Summer , that when for some time together a great heat hath been in the air , and a cool air follows upon it , the drops of rain become changed into cold Hail-stones ; by which means the former heat ceaseth , and a cool air succeeds . 10 Q. How may the same be demonstated Mechannically ? R. First , When the warm Light of the Sun , and the cool light of the Moon ( both which are united in the Moon ) are caught and concentred by means of a large burning-glass ; the said united Rayes produce cold , according to what several curious persons , from their own experience have attested : and even Rusticks know as much , for they will not lye down to sleep in the Moon shine but in the shade , because they know by experience that the Rayes of the Moon are cold . Secondly , The same is likewise demonstrated by a peculiar Instrument made for this purpose , invented by Basilius Title , Governour of the Electoral Castle of Pleissenburg , with which Instrument , by means of a cool air which is drawn out of a Cellar , through Leather Pipes into a Copper vessel , and another air heated over the fire in a second vessel , being both of them in due manner through Copper Cocks blown into a third vessel that stands in water , he produceth Snow . Several other experiments might be here alleadged for confirmation of this , as well from Nature as from Art , by means of Salts and Sulphars , warm and cool things , which we on purpose pass by , as being commonly known . 11 Q. What is properly Heat and Cold ? R. Heat as well as Cold is not a bare accident , but a right true spiritual Essence or Being . 12 Q. How can it be made out that Heat is a Being ? R. That Heat is a real Being , may be perceived by this instance ; when a Wain-load of wood of four or five thousand weight is burnt and reduced to ashes , ( which wood is for the most part , a birth or product of the Sun , as is evident from its burning ; and forasmuch also as by its warmth , it makes the Vegetables of the earth to grow , like the Sun which is the Father of all Sublunary things ) which ashes do not amount to above ten or twelve pound in quantity . In these ashes there remains a fix Salt , which before was a Sulphurious Oyl , but is now precipitated by Heat , and may be reduced again into a natural Volatile Salt , and this in the way of Nature by means of the Air. The greatest part of the said Sulphurous Oyl would have gone away , in case the wood had been burnt in the open Air , with a slow & soft fire : but when it is burnt by a quick & strong fire of Reverberation , the said Sulphurous Nature becomes precipitated into Salt , through the violence of the fire . A small part of the said word is changed into a Combustible soot so that all the remaining quantity of so many thousand pounds , was all turned to heat . Now this Heat , which at first was a Spirit , and afterwards became a Body , viz Wood , and now again is changed into a Spiritual Being , can pierce through the closest bodies , even through the hardst Stones and Metals , ( forasmuch as from it they derive their original ) and dwell only in those bodies that stand in need of it , for their sustenance , and makes the same more powerful and full of vertue , as also more ponderous : as we may perceive , forasmuch as men and all other Creatures are fed and maintained by the Heat of the Sun ; for a man cannot eat so much in the Summer , as he can in Winter . And the people that live in hot Countries , as well as the Beasts , do not stand in need of so much food , as those of Cold Countries , and yet they are more lively , vigorous and strong than these . So likewise we observe , that the Fruits , Wood , and other Vegetables which grow in hot Countries , are more vertuous , vigorous , ponderous and balsamick , because they enjoy more of the Sun than those of other Countries . The same is likewise further evidenced from hence ; for that we find by experience , that when the water of the Thames is carried to the East Indies , when the ship in which it is comes under the Aequator , where the power of the Sun is most intense , the water becomes thick , tough and clammy ; but as soon as it is brought again to these parts , it becomes thin again , and takes fire like Brandy . From whence is plainly seen , that the fiery vertue of the Sun is entered into the said water , and corporified in the same . The same effect may likewise be produced by the Sun or common fire in these parts : for if we take clear rain-water , and put it into a well closed glass , and set it for a long time in the Sun , or to digest in warm water , it will putrifie and praecipitate , and the water when distilled will yield an Oyl . Thus in like manner in Holland , when the Sun shines into the water , the faeces are praecipitated , of which Turff are made , which in those parts they make use of for their common firing . It is likewise observed , that where fish-ponds lye exposed to the Sun , that the fish in them are much greater , and multiply more abundantly than in those that are shaded from it . We see also in the Countrey about Boisleduc , and other places besides , where the Earth is not deep , nor far from the Quick-sand , that when it rains , and the rain-water by reason of the nearness of the Quick-sand , cannot sink deep in the Earth , the water stands in pools ; and when the Sun by shining into the same , doth putrifie and dry it up , some brown faeces are found upon the white sand ; and when this hath been oftentimes repeated , a sulphurous Earth is produced which burns like Brimstone . In the same Countries when the Rain-water falls on a place , which is not above a foot or two above the Quick-sand , so as the said brown Sulphur can reach the lower water , which is a Sand-making water ; which water containing all seeds , the said Sulphur takes to it self from thence the seed of Iron , and so between this Brimstone and the sand-making water , Iron-oare is produced ; for that we see that in such places , whole great plates of such Iron-oare , two fingers thick have been sound under the grass . In the same Countries upon the Moor called the Peel , which is all Turff and nine miles over , I have met with people of an hundred years of age , who themselves had digged up Turff there twenty foot deep , who shewed me from place to place , where formerly forty , fifty , sixty and seventy years agone they had digged up Turff , which were by degrees filled up again as before . And at the bottom of these pits from whence the Turff is digged , a yellow clay is found , of which the Potters make their earthen ware . Now from all these instances we may undeniably conclude , that the living and vivifying heat of the Sun , is in it self a true Spiritual Essence ; and that out of the same as from their Universal Father , all real tangible bodies are produced . And forasmuch as we see , that by means of the swift motion of a little common fire , so vast a quantity of combustible matter is reduced into a Spiritual Being , as into Fire or Heat : and also that afterwards , ( as but now was mentioned ) this invisible Being is brought to a Body again , it is well worth our consideration , what a vast quantity of Matter and Corporeal substance , the Sun ( who as the Father , source and original of all fire , doth by the Central effusion of his Rayes , feed and maintain all comprehensible tangible Beings of this world , whether they be above or below ) doth daily and without ceasing produce and work out , or give forth from himself , as shall be more amply evidenced in what follows , when of all the several parts we shall have made a whole , and shewed how all , and every comprehensible Body works together in order to one only Being . 13 Q. It is before mentioned , that the Light or Heat of the Sun , which was called the Light of the day , is the Male or Father of all comprehensible Beings , and so consequently must be a true Spiritual Being in it self : now the Query is , how we are to understand , that the Cooling and refrigerating power of the Moon ( which is the Night light ) and the Stars , is the Mother of all comprehensible Beings , and likewise in it self a true Spiritual Being ? R. We have before said , that the Sun , as the Father , generates and produceth an essential Birth in the water , forasmuch as in the same , the Heat of the Sun becomes corporified , from whence afterwards Stones , Metals , Trees , Herbs and Animals are brought forth . Now it is notorious , that no Birth can be produced without the Union of Father and Mother : Now then if Father and Mother must be united , that so from their union , a Birth , as a third thing , may be accordingly brought forth , it is necessary that they , viz. the Male or Father , and the Female or Mother , must be of kin and symbolize with each other : forasmuch as the Birth which proceeds from them both , must be compleatly , and in all its parts , partaker of both their Natures and Essences , without which it cannot be a true and perfect Birth . Now this Union of Father and Mother , in order to a Birth , can by no means be performed in and according to the body as Body , ( yet not for the reason which our Modern Philosophers assigne , who suppose that all bodies , as such , and in themselves , are devoid of all life , and can never be made partakers of the same ) but in and according to the Spirit , of which the body is made , and doth consist , and into which , after it hath attained its perfection , it must with improvement and advance be again reduced . For a Body , when considered and looked upon as a dead and wholly lifeless thing , and as being an Aggregate onely of corporeal parts , put together corporeally , may touch another Body , but cannot be united with it , though its parts were brought to the utmost smalness imaginable : for that Union is to be performed in unity and indivisibility , that is to say , in spirituality and indefinitness , which hath made the Body , and cannot be attributed to a Body as a Body . To which we may superadde this , that no Union can be performed , unless that the things to be united , do through and through penetrate or pierce one another . Now it is notorious , that sensible and comprehensible Bodies cannot so intimately pervade and pierce one another , but can onely outwardly touch , and be contiguous . It follows therefore , that all Union is to be performed in and according to the Spirit , and by no means in and according to the Body , as being that which is not susceptive of inward and penetrating Union , except it be first reduced to a kind of spiritual body . And such a spiritual , and not corporeal Being , must we suppose the coolness of the Moon to be , by means of the spiritual coalition and commixture of which , with the spiritual warmth of the Sun , all comprehensible Beings are produced , and in due time again reduced into Spirit . 14 Q. How is this Union of Father and Mother ( the Sun and Moon ) performed , and how is the said Birth brought forth by and from them ? R. A Birth cannot be without a preceding Impregnation , neither can this Impregnation be without two , viz. Father and Mother . For according to the common and usual course of Nature , the Father cannot impregnate himself , nor the Mother her self , neither can the Mother impregnate the Father ; so then it onely remains , that the Father must impregnate the Mother . Now if this Impregnation is to be performed , ( which is nothing else but the spiritual Union of both their spiritual Natures and Essences , in order to the birth of a third Being or Body which resembleth them ) they the Parents must needs ( according to Nature ) be of the same specifical nature , or of kin and symbolize together , so as the Father must be partaker of the Mother's , and the Mother of the Father's nature . Now forasmuch as naturally they are of kin , and both of them work together in one , in order to the bringing forth of one onely third Being ; it must needs follow , that before the said Impregnation , they both proceeded from the same Unity , and were once united together ; and that this Union of both was in the man , as he that hath the pre-eminence above his Wife , and doth not come from the woman , but the woman from the man : as shall be shewn hereafter , when we shall in particular treat of Man. From whence then it is evident , that the Mother ( the Moon ) must of necessity lie hid in the Father ( the Sun ) and be one with the same ; and that in a far more high and noble degree than she is in her self , viz. according to the nature and property of the Father , viz. the Sun. Forasmuch then as we may suppose it evident from what hath been said , that the Sun impregnates the Moon , and that he dwells in her ; and not that the Moon impregnates the Sun , or that she should dwell in him . Neither can it in like manner be demonstrated , that as the Sun ( which is a Fire , and the Day-light ) becomes corporified in the Water , ( which is an out-working and out-birth of the Night-light , viz. the Moon and Stars ) so the Moon and Stars cannot become corporeal in the Sun , which ( if it were so ) would cause a great confusion in Nature . 15 Q. What kind of Essence or Being is that , which the Night-lights , the Moon and Stars ( after that they are impregnated by the Sun their Male ) do work out and bring forth ? R. The Night-light , viz. the Moon and Stars , do by day , with great desire and longing , draw in , for their life , increase , and melioration , the Sun , as the Day-light . Now every Star , as well as the Moon , have each of them their own distinct substantial Life , Essence , and Nature , and every one of them draws in the power of the Sun , according to the kind and property of their own Essence , and in it self changeth the same into its own property ; and afterward by night gives forth again in part this attracted virtue of the Sun , together with some part of its own Essence , viz. the Night . And thus the out-birth , or working and efflux of the Stars downwards into the Moon , as the Center of the Night-light , happens according to the kind and property of the distinct Essence of each Star. And in this manner the universal distinct efflux or out-birth of all and every Star , becomes concentred in the Moon , into an upper aethereal water , which in comparison of the lower and grosser , is a spiritual water ; which also is cool and more subtile than that in and upon which the Birds flie , ( viz. the Air ) even as the Fish swim in the lower grosser waters ; which last water is made or produced under the Quick-sand in the Center of the Earth : concerning which , we shall speak more , when we come to treat of a Vacuum , improperly so called . This foresaid living essential virtue of all and every Star , which at first proceeded from the Sun ( in the which they , in and with the Moon , as an Army under their General , were all hid ) as their Seed , which was sowed above in the Heavens ; these virtues of the Stars , I say , after that by their entring into the Moon they are united and concentred in the same , ( as the universal Night-light ) do work and bring forth out , off , or from themselves ( by means of an universal co-operation of all and every one ) these lower waters ; which forasmuch as they be the universal common effect and outworking of all and every Star , it follows that every part of the same , even the very least and most imperceptible drop , must comprehend and contain in it self the innumerable multiplicity of powers , essences , and out-births of all and every Star ; that is , of all together , and each in particular : all which are comprehended together in one onely indivisible Being , which is the very body and essential out-birth of the Stars , who therein have conjoyned themselves into a body . And as the outward water is produced out of the universal Night-light ( viz. the cooling refrigerating virtue ) which is a spiritual Essence ; so can likewise this coolness ( as being the Spirit of this water-body ) pierce through the said water , and all bodies proceeding from the same , nourish , support and work in them , altogether in the same manner as the heat of the Sun goes through all Bodies . From hence therefore we may plainly see and acknowledge , that as the Out-birth of the Sun in these lower waters ( as before-mentioned ) is an Oyl , Balsome , and sulphurous Essence , into which the heat or light of the Sun is changed in the water ; so likewise the Out-working or Out-birth of the Moon and Stars is this lower and material water , which is without form , and therefore susceptive of all , as being the Mother of all sublunary Creatures , that are produced from the spiritual Union of all Stars and the Moon : and that the coolness of the Night-lights is as well a true spiritual Being , from whence all sublunary Creatures do in part receive their support and nourishment , as the heat of the Sun. 16 Q. According to what hath been said hitherto , doth it not appear , as if ( in the Out-working , as well of the Sun , when he brings forth out of himself the Moon and Stars ; as well as of the Moon and Stars , in their producing the lower material water ) all and every part of the Out-birth ( as the circumference ) did perfectly contain in it self the whole and the center , which at this rate seems to run out into a kind of infinity ? R. It is so indeed , and may be clearly enough demonstrated by an example from Quicksilver , which is like a Looking-glass , being a round or globular metalline water . If we take a quantity of this Mercury and lay it in some place under the open Heaven , we can see the whole Horizon with all its parts or objects very plainly represented in the same ; and when this Mercury is reduced into sublimate , and by means of sublimation divided into an innumerable multiplicity of little globular bodies , ( which by reason of their smalness , must be distinguished by a Microscope ) we shall find that the whole Horizon ( as was said before ) will appear in every one of them altogether in the same manner as they appeared in the said greater quantity of Quicksilver . And in case the said division should be yet further carried on into more minute parts than these of the sublimate , yet the same Phaenomena would still appear in them also . 17 Q. From what hath been said , it is evident , that as well the spiritual life , and the spiritual living operation of the Sun , as of the Moon and Stars , are in themselves a true spiritual Essence , and can , by means of an Out-working , be reduced to a true essential comprehensible body , which then is a true Out-birth of their spiritual contexture joyn'd together in one united Seed . Now it is further queried , whether the Sun , as well as the Moon and Stars , do grow less , or are diminished by parting with that which they continually give forth from themselves , as their Out-working or Out-birth , and so finally may be brought to nothing ? Or whether they receive again what they give out from other Heavens , and consequently may continue the same without any change in their own Beings ? R. Neither of these can be admitted : for if the first should be allowed , viz. that they should still give forth before they had attained to their due perfection , then by means of this their giving forth the heavenly Lights , would at last be brought to nothing ; and this World , on the contrary , would grow to an immense , confused , and monstrous bigness ; which would be contrary to Nature , who ( as was said before ) conducts all things from an Unity into an innumerable and incomprehensible multiplication or increase and melioration : whereas in this case the quite contrary would happen , because all particular Out-workings would go to nothing and perish , and all of them ( without the glorification and melioration of all and every natural Essence or being ) be reduced into an unripe , unseasonable , and confused Mass , like an Abortion . And in case we should admit of the other Hypothesis , then by reason of this never-ceasing and ever-renewed Influx , this World , with all its parts and members , would never arise to its destinated and appointed age , perfection , and glorification , because still new Essences and Bodies would be produced ; by which means the bulk or mass of matter would be continually increased , and at last mount to such an height , that it would reach beyond Sun , Moon , and Stars , and swallow up the same in it self , from whence necessarily a total confusion would over-spread Nature . 18 Q. Forasmuch then as neither of these Hypotheses can stand , as drawing impossibilities after them , and that this World and all Beings of the same , did receive a beginning from their Creator , from a Being that never had a beginning , and therefore can have no end , who placed and bounded them in a measured and exactly-determined time , in which they must work out themselves to their due perfection and glorification in all parts ; what way or means is then left by which the heavenly Lights may so work out themselves , in their several set-times , in a right beautiful order and harmony , that without losing their own proper Beings , and without hindring the due perfection of Nature , every one of them , according to their measure , might work together , to the glorification as well of themselves , as of this lower World ? R. This way is no other , nor can there be any other than that which is represented by Jacob's Ladder : for even as upon the same the Angels of God ascended and descended , so likewise the essential living Powers , or spiritual Bodies of the heavenly Lights , do continually descend from above through the aethereal Air to this lower World , as from the head to the feet ; and afterward , when they have finished their Out-working there to their own improvement and melioration , they mount upwards again from below to the head , for to be united again with the same , and by means of the said Union , to be more and more advanced , bettered , and glorified ; until after the consummation of the destinated and set-time , all the particular imperfect parts and beings may gradually be conducted to obtain their perfection . And this Ascension and Descension of the heavenly Powers , and the continual melioration and glorification of the same , which depend thereon , and proceed from thence , endures and continues still without intermission , and must needs do so . Now Descension and Ascension is performed with a twofold difference , viz. ( as is fore-mentioned ) according to Day and Night , Sun , Moon , and Stars , or a male and female property ; and that in all and every Creature after one and the same manner : as shall be declared more amply hereafter , when we shall come to speak of Man and his Revolution , and how the same is likewise done in his body . The descension of the Sun , as the male , is chiefly in the day-time ; and that of the Moon and Stars , as the female-part , mostly by night . The Sun , by his descension or influence , generates a fire in the Creatures , which in Man is to be likened to his bloud ; but the influential descent of the Moon and Stars , generates a water : both of which are driven about with the self-same circulation in Man , the Microcosm , as they are in the Macrocosm or greater World. 19 Q. It is evident then that there must be a never-ceasing Revolution ; by means of which , as well the fi●ry and male virtue of the Sun , as the cool , watry , and female influx of the Moon , are first darted from above , and afterwards must mount up again without ceasing , if ever they shall obtain a perfect spiritual body , and consequently thereby arrive to their full perfection , according to the kind and property of a perfect World. And because the Ascendings and Descendings are twofold , and of two different kinds and properties , as also that the same are become a spiritual body , it will follow , that there must needs be a third , as an Uniter of both the said Essences , of which the said spiritual Body or Birth doth consist , as before hath been shewed ; and that the said Uniter must be more subtile than they both , and therefore in comparison of them a Spirit , or right true spiritual Being , much more spiritual than either of them ; and that to the end it may be able to pierce through them , work in them , and rule them in a wise order and harmony , being united with , and dwelling in them ; that so by means of this Spirit , both these may attain to their due melioration and perfection , by continually approaching nearer to the same , and becoming more like unto it , until finally they be perfectly united with the same . Now the Question is , whether this Spirit be ●he same in all and every Creature , or whether it ●t is different in every Creature , according to the Creatures particular kind and property ? And whether it admits of a particular exaltation and melioration in it self ? R. Many Questions are here joyned together , which may be answered in two parts : for first , as ●o what belongs to the first Question , the same brings its answer along with it : and as for the other Questions , which are , Whether the said Spirit be one and the same in all Creatures , or different ; ●s also , whether it admitteth of its particular exal●ation ? The Answer to these may be best held forth in this Example : A Stone is a part of the Great World , as of the whole , and is a right true living member in the body of the Great World. Now the Spirit of the Great World , it dwells and rules in this Stone : when now this Stone dies or consumes , it doth not therefore go to nothing ; but by the means of a new birth , and multifarious changes , the same is reduced to a sort of Earth , and that Earth ( in which the said Spirit is still working on towards perfection ) when it dies also , it brings forth by means of another new birth , divers Herbs , Trees , and creeping Things ; which when they are fed upon by Animals , or ( to speak more particularly ) by man for his sustenance , they are ( by means of the digestion performed in his stomach , in which his vital specifick powers doth over-rule and operate ) transmuted into his Essence , even into his Flesh and Bloud . And all these changes are superintended and governed by the same Spirit , which by means of those vicissitudes and alterations , doth advance and carry on its own multiplication and glorification . And this Dominion and Rule which the universal Spirit of the World hath ( as a Mother ) over the Creatures ( as over her Children ) doth continue so long in every Creature , as the same , like a member or part of this World , is fastened to and united with it , as a Child to its Mother , whilst yet in the Womb ; but when it is born out of the Mother , and hath attained to its perfection , so as to be able to rule it self , then it begins to work for it self , and doth not stand in need to be ruled by its Mother ; for itself is now become that , what the Mother was before . And this is the joy and glory of the Mother , that she now sees her self living in her Child . 20 Q. Since then there is ( in manner as hath been said ) a never-ceasing Revolution of whole Nature , as if it were a living Clock-work , bounded within a certain beginning and end , in which the whole Age of the World consists , and wherein the same must work out it self until its total perfection and Sabbath ; this Query seems to be necessary in this place , viz. Whether there be not a sure way by which we may come to know and understand the true and right order of this Clock-work , even the end and beginning of the same , and that from the present point of time wherein we live ? And whether there can be any other way than the course and revolution of the Sun , Moon , and Stars , which were created in the midst of the seven days of the Creation , viz. on the fourth day ? R. Yea verily , the Creator of this beautiful World , who is the Master of this Clock-work , hath pointed us to and given us such a way , by means of which we may know when this Clock-work will have accomplished its Period , or when this World ( which comprehends in it self all the Wheels of this Clock-work ) will have wholly wrought out it self to its own perfection in one onely harmony , as well above as below , in order to the attaining of her proper exaltation and glorification . Now this way is to be considered in a twofold manner . First , in Man the Microcosm : for seeing he is a Member , or rather the very Center of the Great World , in whom all the parts of it concurre and meet together ; it is not at all to be doubted , but that if man could dive so deep into himself , he would no less perceive and understand the same , than heretofore some few holy men have found and perceived it . But because this way at present is unknown to the greatest part of men , in as much as they are too far fallen into the outward obscurity of this World , and are become lost therein : therefore the Creator doth likewise set it continually before man in the Macrocosm , that by the outward beholding thereof , he might be stirr'd up to enter into himself for to find and know that which is no less in the Microcosm than in the Macrocosm . 21 Q. Seeing then that this forementioned knowledge of the great Clock-work of this World must be gathered from the course of the Sun , Moon , and Stars , and that the total Period of the Age of this World is far greater than that it can be measured by the course of the Sun and Moon alone ; forasmuch as the Sun partly compleats his course in one day through the twelve hours of it , according to what our Saviour saith , John 11. 9. Are there not twelve hours in the day ? and partly also in a year through the twelve Signes of the Zodiack ? And as for the Moon , she finisheth her course in a month or twenty eight days , accordingly as we find by experience , that by virtue of this circumvolution of the Moon , with sound and understanding people , the same working thoughts which they have had before , but not wholly wrought them out , do return upon them at the same time , when the Moon comes to that point in her Revolution where she was when they had them before . But it is not so perceived with Fools and Lunaticks , inasmuch as they are so inamour'd of the Image once born in them out of the lunar waters , that they will not easily let it go again , and in freedom or unconcernedly work it out ; wherefore also they are by means of the said Image subjected to the dominion of the Moon , whereas otherwise they ought and might rule over their Moon and its Image . Is it not therefore necessary that the whole period of the Age of this World , should be reckoned and measured by a greater Clock-work consisting of greater wheels , and which make a longer motion or circumvolution : and forasmuch as there is no other remaining but the course and circumvolution of the other Planets , must not they make far greater hours , days , and years , than the Sun and Moon do ? R. Yes certainly : for according to the common received Opinion of Astronomers , the Circles of the other Planets , viz. Saturn , Jupiter , Mars , Venus , and Mercury , are so great , that some of the highest of them take up several common years in p●●forming one of their Revolutions . Now the right circumvolution of these , by which the whole Age of the World may be defined , determined , reckoned , and measured , as being commensurate to its total duration , is this ; when the Planets all in general , and every one of them in particular , hath so finished his Course , as that after he hath perfectly wrought out his whole circumference , he returns again to the self-same point in which he stood at his creation , and from whence he at first set out ; so as all the Planets in this state and at this juncture of time , become perfectly united together , after that every one of them , by means of his foregoing conjunctions with them all , hath wrought out a total perfect World , according to his measure , and is made partaker of the Essences of all the rest . 22 Q. In how long time is this perfect Circumvolution and Out-birth of all and every Planet accomplished ? And how many Revolutions must they perform , before their finishing of this universal Revolution , when all of them shall be united together again ? R. Forasmuch as according to Scripture-indication ▪ Psal. 90. 4. & 2 Pet. 3. 8. One day is with the Lord as a thousand years , and a thousand years as one day : and whereas the World was created in seven days , whereof each consists of a thousand years , it follows clearly , that the whole Age of this World doth reach to seven thousand years , of which six thousand are the six work-days , but the seventh thousand of years is the day of Rest or Sabbath of this World : which is the reason why God commanded the day of Rest to be observed , and the seventh day to be sanctified , to the end that in the six days we might end all our works , and offer them up to God , for to enjoy a Rest the seventh day , in order to a new week . 23 Q. Forasmuch as heretofore mention hath been made of the continual Revolution of the Sun , Moon , and Stars , and that without ceasing they give out and take in again ; the Query is , Whether this might not somewhat more clearly be represented and held forth to the Reader ? R. That this indeed is so , may be further cleared by this Example ; that man perceives and experienceth in all visible and living Creatures , ( not one excepted ) and particularly in himself , a natural hunger he hath continually to draw something into him , as to take in the Air and Food for his support and maintenance , and to restore and fill up what continually he gives forth from him . And in like manner it happens also in the Great World : for Man , who is the Little World , must have the self-same Life and Being in him , as hath the Great World ; because he hath all the parts of it in him , and is united with the same . CHAP. II. Concerning the Air. 1 Q. COncerning the Lights of Heaven , their Working and Revolution , some Propositions have already been laid down ; as also that the Great and Little World do relate to each other , and stand in harmony and agreement . Now we see that Man , the Little World , hath a body which in all its parts is perfectly united : the Query therefore is , How we may come to see and know the like perfect Union in all and every part of the Great World , which there is between the members of one body . For seeing that the heavenly Lights do onely touch one another with their Rays , by means of which they work with and upon one another , and are no otherwise united with the lower parts of the Great World , their fellow-members , than by the influence and darting down of their Rays , how can they be said to make up one onely Body , together with the other parts of the Macrocosm ? And what a strange kind of body must that be , in which we find so great a distance between the upper parts of it , and this Earth ? R. We do see indeed that the Air interposeth between the upper and these lower parts of the World ; in which Air the Birds do flie , who likewise are a part of the body of this Great World. And this Air is not a Nothing , nor an empty space , but it is likewise a member of , and in the body of this World , and hath an essential body of its own , which admits of being weighed , as may be seen in my Alphabet of Nature , printed at Sultzbach 1657. pag. 49. where the same is demonstrated . 2 Q. When therefore , in manner as is there expressed , we by force separate a part of the Air from the rest of its body , and so weigh it , being shut up in a Glass , what then is that other Essence which stays behind , and from which the part we weigh is separated , is that a vacuum or empty thing in which neither life nor activity is left ? R. No , it is not an empty Being , or without any virtue or power ; but rather the most powerful and virtuous of all : for whereas the force of other things is earthly and tends downwards , this continually tends and carries upwards , and consequently is more spiritual and heavenly . For we ●ee , that when an ounce of Air is with violence drawn out of the Glass Vessel , and separated from the other remaining Air , it then endeavours with greater force and strength to make up again the defect of this separation and division of its parts ; forasmuch as it hath been found by experience , that the remaining Air hath attracted twenty two measures of Water instead of the Air which was drawn out from it , so as it hath left no room or void space remaining in the Glass : From whence we find , that this subtile spiritual Essence can unite it self to the Water , and dwell in it , without increasing the bulk of it . Of this spiritual Being the Weather-glasses are made , which represent to us the changes of the Weather and Air. So that we may perceive even by the eye , what a great Regiment there is in this spiritual Being or Essence of the Air , which is indeed the vigour and strength of the Macrocosm . 3 Q. What doth this spiritual Being ( which is called the spiritual vigour and strength of the Macrocosm ) work or effect in the Air ? R. Even as in the Microcosm there be many continual Revolutions of various sorts of water and bloud , and that ( according to what shall be shewed hereafter , when we shall treat concerning the Microcosm ) the flesh and sinews take their original from the bones ; as also several living humours and winds , salt and sulphurous essences , &c. In like manner in the Great World this vigour and strength in the Air ( which are as the spiritual strength of the Macrocosm ) do cause many and various Revolutions in the Air , streams and drivings of the Clouds and Winds , and several sorts of Thunder and Lightning , &c. 4 Q. What kind of operation doth this spiritual Being in the Air perform in Thunder and Lightning ? R. The Thunder and Lightning ( which smell like Brimstone and Gunpowder ) have their own proper and peculiar nature and working . Thus in the month of May we have little kind of Thunders , which in Hebrew are called Ramses , which promote the fruitfulness of the Earth ; so that not onely by the Rain which follows upon the said Thunder , but also by the change of the Air which then happens , the Earth is made fruitful . And therefore we read , Gen. 47. v. 11. that the best part of the Land of Egypt where Joseph placed his Father and Brethren , was called Ramses . Now that the Thunder hath its peculiar working , may be partly perceived from hence , that at the time when it thunders , Beer , Milk , &c. turn sower in the Cellars ; and some that are troubled with the Gout , fell their pains much increased . So that we find that the Thunder doth everywhere introduce corruption and putrefaction , yea and in the Earth also , in order to a new Life or Generation . And , as hath been before said , concerning this spiritual Essence in the Air , that it can pierce through the water , and unite it self through the same ; so we may likewise perceive the same in other Bodies , how that it pierceth them also , because it is living and ruling . Hence it is , that we experience when it is kindled into a living Lightning , that it melts the blade of a Sword in its sheath without hurting the sheath , which an artificial Fire or Gunpowder cannot do . So likewise its necessary and glorious regiment and motion is so swift , that as Christ saith , Mat. 24. 27. it reacheth in less than the twinkling of an eye from East to West . 5 Q. It hath formerly been mentioned that this spiritual essence of the Air , doth cause and effect many and different courses and streams of Clouds and Winds in the Air ; the Query therefore is . Whether and how we may know this by experience ? R. That there are different streams or currents of Clouds and Winds in the Air , in order to an universal effect or out-working , appears from hence , that we often see that the Winds and Clouds go together ; but again , at other times , we find that the Wind goes the contrary way to the Clouds . Moreover we do often find , that when many Ships lie together in the Haven wind-bound , that the stream or drift of Wind sometimes is so narrow , that one Ship can get out into Sea , when another Ship that lies near to it is forced to abide in the Haven , for want of wind to get out to Sea. Now this stream or course of wind is oft excited and moved by the sympathetical faith or man ; which faith likewise is the cause why some experienced , courageous , and believing Masters of Ships , have been still delivered from all the dangers they have met with at Sea. For all they that stand in order themselves , and understand the same , do know that all Storms and Winds are good , and that they can onely hurt those that stand in confusion , and are affrighted at them , because they do not know the order of the Universe , but are contrary to it ; by which means they come into danger and suffer loss . And therefore our Saviour reproved his Disciples for their being fearful upon the Sea , Mat. 8. v. 26. 6 Q. From what hath been said , appears clearly , that the Wind of necessity must have its peculiar passages , courses , and operations ; but may not the same be made out more fully from other instances ? R. We find in several Countries , where high Mountains are , ( as for instance , upon the Alps ) that one Region or Layer of the Air is more healthy for some than others . And according as we mount higher and higher upon the Alps , we perceive several sorts of Air : And it hath been oft found by experience , that when men have been at the top of the Alps , they have not perceived any wind at all , but as soon as they came down a little lower , they have found a wind to purpose . This hath been expresly tried several times for to know the certainty of it , and it hath always been found , that the Air within a very small distance , sometimes of no more than twenty foot , hath been very different . On the same Alps we likewise observe , that the higher any one goes up the same , the shriller and sharper he finds the voice of the People that dwell there ; which effect proceeds also from the difference of the Air. It is likewise notorious in those places , that when a little Mist , not above two or three foot broad , like a thin Smoak mounts up on high , as through a Chimney , and reacheth another Region of the Air , that then infallibly Wind or Rain follows , and sometimes also Thunder and Lightning . And that sometimes Winds and Storms are raised inwardly in the Mountains , and from thence break forth , is ( alas ) but too well known by Miners that work in the same , several known Miners having been struck down and kill'd in the Mines by such subterraneous Storms . That also sometimes a Wind arises out of the Water , is undeniable : for it is observed upon the Boden-Sea in Switzerland ( it being a thing very well know thereabouts ) that when the water of the said Sea begins to look as it were boyling or troubled , and that a thin steam ariseth up from the same , then those that are upon it must haste to land as fast as they can , for as soon as the said steam or mist is mounted four foot high ( where two different Regions of the Air meet ) there follows always so violent a Storm , that there is no abiding upon the Sea. In like manner , by another instance , it may yet further be proved , that the motion of the water onely , doth sometimes cause a Wind : for in several parts of Italy , where there is a Rivulet that hath a fall of fifteen or sixteen foot , if near the same an arched Vault be made , and above in the midst of the said arched Vault be put a square Pipe passing thorough into the hollowness of the Vault , and below the said Pipe a round Stone-table of three or four foot broad be set also within the Vault , and underneath the Table a four square hole be made , with a Register to widen or lessen the said hole according to pleasure , and so to let out the water in a due proportion to its income above . When now the water from above is let down through the square Pipe , so as no air can come in with it , then the water makes a great noise and froth by falling upon the Table ; and when the said four-square hole which is under the Table is so adjusted , as that no Air can come in nor out of it , then the Vault will be filled with a strong wind or air : and when afterward a Pipe is opened , which is placed in the side of the said arched Room , there proceeds so strong a blast from the same , as serves instead of a Bellows continually day and night for to melt down Iron-ore . When water is stirred by fire , it likewise causeth wind , as is well known , that when we take a hollow brass Globe or Shell in which there is a little hole , and fill the same with water , and then set it against a fire with the hole of it turned towards another fire , a strong blast will proceed from the said hole as long as any water is left in the Aeolipylae or round hollow of brass , as is commonly known by Chymists . Furthermore , that the motion of the water produceth a wind , Sea-men are very well acquainted with ; who when they have a great calm at Sea , so that they are forced to lie still , they wait for the Flood , that the water may be put in motion , forasmuch as they know that then they shall get a gale of wind . Where ( by the way ) we may take notice , that the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , is nothing ●lse but a continual Revolution , such as is to be ●ound in all other things . 7 Q. Hitherto hath been spoken concerning the several causes of Winds ; but forasmuch as mention hath been already made of Thunder and Lightning ( which are the work and effect of the foresaid spiritual Being in the Air ) that they smell like Brimstone and Gunpowder , may not some further account of the cause thereof be given ? R. That there is in the Air an inflammable sulphurous spiritual Being , hath in part been made out before ; where we treated concerning the Sun , viz. how by means of the Air , and the Sun 's shining into the Water , such a Being is generated ; and the same may also in the Air it self be wrought out into a corporal Pitch and Brimstone , such as was rained down at the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah . That likewise a subtile spiritual Salt-petre and Salt is in the Air , some Salt-petre-men know very well ; who when they have digged so much Earth out of Stables as will employ them a whole year to elixiviate or draw out the Salt from it , never after need to dig up any more fresh Earth for to extract their Salt-petre therefrom . For at the years end they find their elixiviated Earth , after it is again exposed , to be stored with Salt-petre anew , as being impregnated by the Air , which they afterwards again boyl out of the same Earth ; and in refining the said Salt-petre , they separate a great quantity of common Salt. From whence it is most clear and evident , that there inflammable Materials , viz. Brimstone , Salt-petre ; and Salt , are spiritually in the Air , from whence the Thunder and Lightning are produced . CHAP. III. SECT . I. Concerning the Water and Quick-sand . 1 Q. HItherto hath been treated concerning the Air , its Essence , Operation , and Properties ; as also that the same hath a spiritual ruling essential body , which is united with the Sun , Moon , and Stars ; and by means of its spiritual & essential powers and firmness , is fit and proper to unite the Earth ( as being the Out-working of the said heavenly Lights ) with them , and so to compleat , as it were , Jacob's Ladder before-mentioned . Now we see that this lower part of the Great World , viz. the Earth , is made up and doth consist of several Waters , Seas , and Rivers , and of different sorts of Sand , Stones , and Metals , &c. The Query therefore is , how we may come to understand all these things , with the Natures and Properties of them ? R. In order to this , a brief Introduction shall be here set down from proper experience , that there by an occasion may be presented to others to search out and advance further in the knowledge of these things . We find everywhere in the World , in digging , whether it be in Vallies for Springs , or in Mountains for to get out Metals , that though the same be never so high , yet at the bottom is always a Quick-sand found , beyond which there is no digging any further : for this Quick-sand drives with the water ( and is therefore called in High-dutch , Triebsands , that is , Drift or Drive-sand , and in English , Quick-sand , from its continual motion ) and is always mingled with the same . Now this water with which the Quick-sand is mingled , and this Sand which is continually made in the water , is the foundation of the whole Earth , and of the highest and vastest Mountains , as being that on which they rest and are supported ; and is indeed the very Root from whence the whole Earth , all Mountains , and other visible Bodies do arise and have their original , as is expressed , Gen. 1. v. 25. and from whence they likewise receive and enjoy their nourishment , as from their Mother : all which may be made out visibly to the eye . 2 Q. How can it be made out first , that the water and the Quick-sand are the foundation of the Earth , and the Creatures that are in it ? And in the next place , how are the same the Root and Original of all Terrestrial Bodies ? R. As to what concerns the first Question , the same may be cleared in part from this instance ▪ viz. we find in plain and low grounds , as in Brabant near Boisleduc , that we cannot dig above four or five foot deep in the Earth , without coming to the Quick-sand : so that when in these parts they go about to build a high , weighty , and square Church-steeple of Bricks , or the like , they first lay a row of Oaken or other boards ( that will not rot in the water , but continue always sound and undamag'd in the same ) upon the Quick-sand ; and upon the said Boards they begin to build the Church-steeple , about three hundred feet high , which proves a most strong and lasting foundation , as appears from several Steeples that have been in this manner built upon the Quick-sand , and have continued firm and unmovable for many hundreds of years . Adde to this , that when in those parts any one digs a Pond for water , and that he digs up more Sand than is fitting , thinking thereby to make his Pond , Pit , or Well the deeper , he soon after perceives he is in a mistake ; for that the Sand flows and falls in again continually , so that the Well or Pond continues still of the same depth . Moreover , he will find by experience , that if there be built such a Steeple as was just now mentioned , within three or four thousand foot from the said Pit , Pond , or Well , the same will begin to sink and incline toward that side where the Pit is digged , forasmuch as its foundation , viz. the Quick-sand , is drawn away from that side . From all which , it incontestably follows , that seeing such great and massie Buildings do , for so many years , continue firm and stedfast upon this watery Quick-sand , without giving way or sinking ; and that ( on the contrary ) by the fleeting away of the said Quick sand , those Buildings are endangered ; that the said watery Quick-sand is the foundation of all material Bodies , as deriving its original from above , viz. from the Sun , Moon , and Stars , and mounteth again from beneath upwards , through several and multifarious alterations and meliorations , in a ●●●●tinual Revolution : by means of which , the 〈◊〉 World is kept firm and unmoveable on its center . Now the reason why this makes such a stedfast and unmovable foundation , is , because neither the Water nor the Quick-sand ( both which are very nigh of kin to one another , for that the Sand is produced by the Water , and continually renewed by the same ; of which , more in its due place ) will suffer themselves to be thrust down or pressed together , but always preserve their wonted station and measure , as shall be more fully made out in what follows . And as to what respects the second Question , viz. Whether this Water and the watery Quick-sand are the Root of all other sublunary Bodies , this is evident from the Testimony of Nature it self . For first , that the Quick-sand is produced by the Water , hath been found by true and proper experience , viz. in a certain place in the Province of Brabant , some of this Quick-sand-water hath been taken , and being distilled , hath always left some sand in the bottom of the Glass ; and when in order to a more certain knowledge of this matter , the Water hath been before filtred through several Papers , that so it might be evident that no sand could remain in the water ; yet notwithstanding , when distilled , it hath left sand at the bottom of the Glass , as before . And as it is commonly known that water in several places , as in Mountains and Rocks , is changed into stones , so here we find it changed into sand . Furthermore , Experience teacheth us , that in Mountains and Rocks , the water which continually mounts upwards from the Quick-sand , is still changed into many different sorts of sand and stones . The same may also be perceived in Mines , when the Miners have gone very deep to search for Metals , that though the Rock hath been so hard that it would not suffer it self to be cut with any steel Instrument , but the Miners have been forced to break it down or burst it asunder by fire ; and yet in those very Stones that were thus broke off with Instruments , a water hath been found within which went through and through them , and was their food and nourishment , and could be distilled from them in great quantity . Again , we find that Firr-trees do grow upon hard , high , and smooth shining Rocks , where they have no Earth at all , and yet that they do not die or wither , notwithstanding that their root is onely fastened to the stony Rock , so as the very ends and extremities of the said roots may be seen , as not having the least Earth to cover them . From whence we gather , that these Trees must draw the moisture which feeds and makes them to grow out of the said stony Rocks . This Wood also which grows upon such high Rocks , is of great use to many purposes , as is well known to the experienced Makers of Musical Instruments , that the Firr-wood which comes from the high Mountains of Tyrol , is far better to make the belly of their Musical Instruments , than other sort of wood , for that the Firr-trees , and all strait Timber that hath had its growth from out of the mortified Rocks , are more airy , and partake more of the nature of those Rocks , and consequently give a better sound . And here ( by the way ) it will not be amiss to take notice , that the Seed of these Trees is not lost or annihilated by their being burnt down on the ground where they stand , but that they are meliorated and increased by means of their being burnt by fire ; forasmuch as it hath been found by experience , that after the burning down of several whole Woods , and many high-grown Firr-trees , all the said ground ( which was of a considerable extent ) hath been afterwards over grown , and fill'd with innumerable Burch-trees , and all that onely from the ashes of the said Firr-trees ; which Metamorphosis the Ancients have alluded to , and intimated to us by their Fable of the Phaenix . This self-same water ( to return to our former matter ) mounts up from the Quick-sand through the pores of the Earth , to a vast heighth , ( as hath been said ) just as the sap and moisture of a Tree , mounts up from the root to the very top of it , spreading it self through the whole body and all the branches and boughs thereof . And like as Joyners find by daily experience , that wood changeth as it grows , and is not the same at the top as it is beneath ; so Stone-cutters likewise find the same in the stones of the Mountains and Rocks , viz. that they have several changes and various differences , notwithstanding that it be all but one continued piece . Likewise as the Sap or nourishing Juice of a Tree doth change both its nature and taste , as it mounts from the root to the top-branches , so also it is found in the Mountains : for the self-same life , and the same regent power is in the Mountains and Rocks , which are found to be in Trees ; which Life , for its food and nourishment , takes in several sorts or various kinds of moistures or waters , and gives them out again ; that is , manifesteth them in their bodies , and the parts which they grow into , and produce according to the proportion and measure of every part and member of its body . Moreover also , forasmuch as it may easily be observed , how a Tree or Vegetable consists of divers various parts , which are not all the same ; as for example , the Roots , the Trunks or Bodies , the Branches , Leaves , Flowers , Fruits , &c. yea , what more is , the same sort of parts , as for example , the Leaves of one and the same Plant , do all of them differ each from other , as may be proved by observation of any two Leaves of a Tree or Plant ; which will be found to have differing Veins or nourishing Vessels , which in their texture and distribution are not alike , &c. Like as Man , who in his Body hath divers Members , Bones , Nerves , and Bloud , though all his parts be nourished with one and the same Bloud , yet we find that the Sweat which comes out through the pores of his Body hath its peculiar distinct smell in every part of the same : And in like manner doth the Water of the Earth and Mountains differ also . 3 Q. From what hath been already mentioned , we may understand and conclude , that the Water and Quick-sand are the foundation of the Earth ; and that the Water , as the common Mother of all sublunary Bodies , being produced by the Moon and Stars , doth bring forth the Quick-sand , and maintain the same ; and afterwards through the Quick-sand which is born of it , and together with the same , by a continual alteration and multiplication , brings forth several sorts of Stones and Rocks . So that from hence we may conclude , ( according to what hath already in part been mentioned concerning the Sun , Moon , and Stars , as likewise of the Air ) that the universal Spirit of the World , by means of a continual Revolution and multifarious Glorification , doth work out it self to perfection ; that so in like manner , in this Sand and Water there is a continual Revolution in order to melioration and exaltation , and that the said Catholick Spirit rules and works as well in this water and sand , as above in the celestial Lights and the Air : as also that there is a spiritual operative life in both these , the sand as well as the water . That such a spirit and life is in the water , hath been made out before in the discourse about the Nocturnal Luminaries : it remains therefore to query , how it can be evidenced , that this spirit and life is in the sand also ? R. This appears very clearly of it self , for if the Sand had no life in it , how could it move it self in and with the water ( as hath been shewed before , that out of this Sand making water , sand is produced by distillation ) and propagates itself in so fruitful a multiplication , through stones and other things , whose source and original it is ( forasmuch as the Life doth consist in this motion and out-working ) as in part hath been already shewed that it doth . The same may likewise plainly be seen , by spreading some of the said Sands upon a black Table , and considering them through a Microscope ; for so we shall find that every grain of this sand hath a different shape and figure , so as not one of them is like another : from whence we may undoubtedly conclude , that as every one of these grains is of a different form , so likewise there must in every one of them ( as also in every particular Being of the whole Creation , as shall be more amply and fully declared hereafter ) be a different life and specifick seed , which gave it such a form and preserves the same . Moreover , every one of these grains of sand contains within it self its own nutritive and spermatick moisture or water , which it drew in specificated and digested , by its life and the powers thereof ; and after its own particular ripeness or maturity is attained to , it further advanceth that its primogenial moisture , till it become fit to be given forth again as its milk , to its fruit , propagation and off-spring ; and this in proportion as well as the greatest Mountains , or any other Being whatever . Furthermore , it is observed , that there is not one ( though the very least grain of Sand ) but contains a little spiritual subtil Gold and Silver , ( which are nothing else but the light influence , and very being of the Sun and Moon , which is specificated and wrought up in them ) but it is in so small a quantity , that it requires much pains and charges to extract it , and is onely of use to demonstrate , that such astral powers are there , and to teach men that all beings come from thence , and consist thereof . Having thus shewed , that this Sand is to be esteemed as the second Mother and Root of all Sublunary Bodies , ( for the first Mother of all beings is the water , accounting from the center of all upwards ) we may from hence take occasion to enquire , how those words , Gen. 2. v. 7. are to be understood , that Adam was formed or fashioned of Aphar Adamach : Aphar signifies in the Hebrew , Dust of the Earth , Gold ( viz. the least of the living Gold that is in the Sand and Earth ) as also it signifies the world . We may also from hence ( amongst other things ) in part understand the reason , why God first commanded Abraham to count the Stars , and told him , that his Seed should be so , as in Gen. 15. v. 5. And in Gen. 22. 17. promised him that he would bless his seed , in multiplying it as the Stars of Heaven , and as the sand which is on the sea-shore , viz. because the upper and under agree together in a continual beautiful Revolution and Harmony , and help to compleat and make up the perfect body of the world in a wise and comely order . 4 Q. Forasmuch then as it appears , that in general there is such a Revolution from things above to things beneath , and again from beneath to above , and that in a living or vital out-working and propagation ; and also that it hath been already declared , that the Revolution of the Superiour Being coming downwards , doth proceed and is carried on in order ; the Query is , how we may come to know and perceive this order also in these inferiour bodies , viz. how the Revolution from below to above , from the Quick-sand , to Stones , Metals , &c. even up to the very highest Mountains is performed ? R. That the Sand-making water , and the moveable Quick-sand that is in it , are the foundation and root of all other Sublunary Bodies , hath hitherto been made evident . Now then first of all , that the other sort of sand which is on the Sea-shore , as well as that which is at the bottom of it , and elsewhere also on the dry ground is formed out of it , and also wrought out by it , may be gathered from hence ; because in the bottom of the Sea , immediately below the other sort of sand , a Quick-sand is likewise found , in which Quick-sand an Anker cannot take so very well hold , but only on the upper and other sort of sand , as is well known amongst Sea-men . These other sorts of sand therefore , which are as an out-birth from the Quick-sand , do also in part take in water from the Sea , and , as it were , do digest it in themselves , which they afterwards give out again , through the Communication which they have with the other sand of the Mountains , Rocks , and other parts of the Earth ; from which , as from their original or source , afterwards Fountains , Springs , Brooks , and Rivers do arise . Now all Rivers as they thus come out of the Sea , through this means of their Revolution , so they therefore run back again into the same , and that with gain ; forasmuch as they are thus made partakers of the essence and virtue of all those other Beings , through which they have passed , and that in a continual Revolution in order to perfection . For every thing must be continually fed , nourished , and renewed , the very Stones and Rocks not excepted , for that they have also some part of Life in them , and cannot be separated from the whole , viz. the body of this world , as hath been briefly mentioned already , and will be more fully declared in what follows . But before we proceed any farther , we will briefly Treat somewhat concerning the other waters , viz. of the Seas , forasmuch as they have their Rise from the Deep , and by means of a continual Revolution through the Quick-sand , and the other sorts of Sand , and that in order to their being continually new-born or formed ; and further propagated and multiplied . SECT . II. Concerning the Waters of the Seas . 1 Q. WHat is the operation and effect of water properly : forasmuch as we find so many different waters , Seas and Rivers , every where throughout the whole earth ? R. The Seas ( which within themselves contain many Currents , and go forth in many differing streams , which by Circulation return to the Sea again ) do stand , or run ( as before is mentioned , and daily experience teacheth ) over the Sand which is the product of the Quick-sand , and have their particular Life , Rule , Government , and Circulation , in all their innumerable grains or parts , as before hath been mentioned of the Sand. 2 Q. Would it not therefore be needful to set down a more plain declaration , how and in what manner the waters have their Regiment and operation ? R. Yes , forasmuch as that the Seas have a distint Being , Life , and Regiment in themselves , which may partly be observed from their out-working or products ; whereas they bring forth several sorts of Creatures , devoid of breathing , and without Lungs . Experience also teacheth , that in the inland Seas , Lakes and many great Rivers , every month new sorts of fish are caught , which neither were there before , nor can be found afterwards , until the same time of the next year . Thus it is well known that in the Boden-Sea in Switzerland ( through which the Rhine runs ) Herrings are caught at the self-same time that they are caught in the Sea , and in the same manner , even many Millions of them in sholes together ; but neither before nor after , till the next year at the same time : from whence we must conclude , that the Boden-Sea , which brings them forth , doth likewise consume them , in like manner as the earth consumes all things which are in it , in order to renew them , for no seed which God hath Created can go to nothing . 3 Q. What may be the reason why the Seas are so salt , and that in one place more than another ? R. Of this many reasons may be given , amongst which this is one of the chief and most considerable , viz. that from the Sea all Currents do in manner abovesaid , proceed , and circulate to the same again ; as well to be made partakers of its vital operation , as likewise that by the power they receive from the same , they might be able to produce all living Creatures . Upon which account it is necessary for the Sea to have much salt , which is a a power of life , and a good thing , as Christ himself witnesseth , Luke 14. 34. And as we find that there is Salt in the Sea , so likewise it is found in every other Creature : for all of them stand in need of Salt for to preserve and keep themselves in life , and to renew and propagate themselves . And this Salt they make themselves , as we see in Kine , Sheep , and other Beasts , who feed upon nothing but Grass , and drink nothing but fresh Water , and yet notwithstanding they turn a great part of this their nourishment into Salt , as may be perceived by their Sweat , Urine , &c. which are very salt . And the same likewise may be seen in Man , who the more sound and healthful he is , the salter his Sweat and Urine will be ; and the salter they are , the stronger is his life . From whence likewise we may partly gather , why every Sacrifice in the Temple at Jerusalem was to be salted with Salt. Yea , for the same reason also it is conducible to mans health to use much Salt , as a Blessing which comes to him from above : for we see that the Air ( which in part resembleth the upper waters , and without which man cannot live , forasmuch as the Air gives him life ) doth contain Salt in it self , as was mentioned where we spake of Salt-petre . 4 Q. Forasmuch then as the Seas have their own Regiment within themselves , in order to a further working out , as may in part be gathered from the motion and rowling of the water : and seeing that these great motions of the Sea are as well found on the Ocean , as on other Seas , and that they oft cause great trouble to Sea-men rightly to understand them , and to find out their true course ; and that this is the most difficult and troublesome case for Sea-men , that when they are up on the Sea and can see neither Sun , Moon , nor Stars , and consequently know not whereabouts they be ; Whether therefore a way might not be found out , whereby we might arrive to a greater certainty in Navigation , than hitherto hath been had ; and by means of which , Sea-men might in such cases be able to know their right course ? R. That there be many things in Navigation which ought further to be inquir'd into and search'd out by experience , is not to be questioned . Of which we may have an instance in this common thing , viz. that when the Tackle of a Ship is made of clean , good , and well-dressed Hemp , and the same finely spun , it is not needful then to have the said Tackle made so thick as commonly they are , because all the filth of the Hemp is left in them ; and yet notwithstanding , this Tackle made of fine spun Hemp , shall be much stronger , and last longer ; and that because the fine Hemp may be wrought much closer together , so that when they are dipt in Tarr , no rain nor water can pierce them . And because they have but half the thickness of the other , & therefore are more pliable , and consequently more easily to be managed , so that the labour of one man shall go further , and dispatch more with this fine Tacle , than the labour of two shall with the coarser sort : so that the greater charge will be recompensed with double profit . Amongst other things , it may be matter of our admiration , that Sea-men have not all this while found out a way whereby they might measure exactly the length of their Course at Sea , as well as an Instrument hath been invented , which being fastened to a Coach , or to a Person that travels afoot , as oft as the wheels of the Coach turn round , or a man steps forward , doth exactly measure the way that either of them makes . Now why might not in like manner a Water-wheel or Mill of about a foot and a half diameter , be to this purpose fastened to the bottom of the Ship , about the third part of the Ship towards the Helm , the same Water-wheel or Mill being fastened to an Axel-tree or hollow Pipe which must reach to the top of the Ship ; which then by its turning about will give a certain and infallible indication whether the Ship makes great or small way . And upon this occasion it will not be amiss here to relate the Experience of a known , understanding , and curious Person ; who to satisfie his own mind , caus'd two Ships to be built , both of them of one and the same wood , grown in the same place , and both of one form and bulk ; ordered also all the Timber and Boards to be made of one thickness and length . The one of these Ships he caus'd to be built according to the common and cheapest way , for to spare Boards , by laying the Boards in length together on the sides with their ends turned from one another , viz. the upper or top-part of one Board against the root-end of the other , so as that the lower part of the one made up one breadth with the upper part of the other , which was narrower . The other Ship he order'd to be built another way , viz. he made the Boards to be all saw'd of one breadth , and to be laid side by side together , according to the nature of the wood as it grew , that is , top to top , and root-end to root-end , and that the top-ends of the Timber should be all turned forwards ; and thus throughout the whole Ship as far as could be . Whereupon he found by experience , that this last-mentioned Ship did always out-sail the other that was made of the same wood ; yea , and all other Ships besides , so as to get soon out of their sight . The occasion which led him to this Invention , was , that he had in other cases and at other times experienced , that Timber , even after that it was cut down , sawed , and built , did notwithstanding yet retain a life in it in all its parts ; and thus he perceived that the said wood did still take in the Air , and in part enjoy it in the same order which Nature hath appointed , and as it did before , when it was yet growing , it did enjoy the same . And that Wood or Trees do attract the Air for their growth and nourishment , we may plainly see in a Tree that is planted under a Covert , which as it grows up , doth incline and bend it self towards the Air. This life of the Timber in a Ship , of which we have spoken , is also made Partaker of the life of Man , and his Spirit : for when a Ship doth good service , so that the Master of it takes a liking to it , so as to set his love upon it , and put a trust in it ; we shall find that such a man who is a great lover of his Ship , shall effect more with this his Ship , than any other shall do with theirs . In like manner also a Horse-man that hath a good Horse upon which he relies , and loves him , so that it hath been known that some have escaped and saved their lives by riding eighteen German miles in one day with one Horse , for to get out of the Empire into Switzerland , by which means they have escaped the Gallows , and that without any prejudice to their Horse too . In like manner , it is matter of experience , that persons who have been in love , have performed so great Journeys in one day on Horse-back , as was impossible for another to do the like . From whence we may take notice , that the Spirit and Confidence of Man is operative in union with Vegetables and Animals . By this also we may guess at the reason , how it came to pass , that when a certain person had bought some young Trees of another , who assured him , that if any of them happened to wither , he would stand to the damage , and make it good again , that all of them prov'd well : But at another time buying othersome , without any such assurance from the Seller , they all died , viz. for that the Buyer being covetous , had no fear concerning the former-mentioned Trees , because of the in●rance , but wanting that for the latter , he became doubting and fearful , and communicated his fear to the Trees , and thereby killed them . 5 Q. It hath been declared before , that the Water and Quick-sand do generate and produce all other sorts of Sand and Water ; but before we proceed further , it will not be improper here to inquire , forasmuch as it is notorious , that in Pits we can dig no deeper than till we come to the Quick-sand , and that this is but an inconsiderable depth , compared to the whole Globe of the Earth from the Circumference to its Center , whether ( I say ) this immense Bulk from the Quick-sand to the Center be nothing else but meer Quick-sand and Water ? R. That cannot be , because the Quick-sand always and continually gives forth water , ( and that not salt , but sweet and fresh in all places ) yet with several continued alterations from the beginning , until it hath transmuted it self in every little grain of other sort of Sand , which hath its own essence and property , as hath been shewed : neither can the Quick-sand receive or take in water from without , as will be made plain from what here follows . 1. In Fish-ponds that are dugg ( in some places where the Quick-sand lieth but shallow , and a little below the surface of the Earth ) until they come to the Quick-sand , the water doth not rise to above half a foot high , or thereabouts , so that they are forced to convey Rain or other water into the same for to fill it up . Now we find that the water thus added and conveyed , doth always keep its own heighth , and doth not sink into the Quick-sand , as it doth into other moist sand , which is at some good distance above the Quick-sand : for such Sand ( as is known ) will according to a certain proportion , drink up a vast quantity of water . 2. Some Diggers of Wells are not unacquainted with this , who oft deceive people that have bargained with them to dig a Well unto the Quick-sand , and so cause that the water may stand three or four foot high in the same , who when they see that the Spring cannot rise so high , they privately fill it up to that heighth with other water , which continues so , and doth not sink into the sand ; but when the Owners come afterwards and fetch water from thence , they then perceive they have been deceived , forasmuch as the water still decreaseth , and doth not fill up again , which the Undertakers had promised to perform . 3. Forasmuch as the watery Quick-sand is the foundation of the whole building of the Earth , therefore it lets no water into it self : for it is impossible that two bodies of one and the same nature should enter into each other , and consequently that water should enter into water , without increasing of its bulk , &c. that is to say , should so corporally unite it self with the other water , as that the other water and this new-added water should be numerically one and the same water , without all increase of its quantity . From all which , it is most clear and evident , seeing the Quick-sand hath continually from the very beginning of the World , given forth water from it self , and that it can do no other , as having been created for this end ; and that the circumference of this water is not lessened , nor its quantity diminished : therefore it must of necessity follow , that what the Quick-sand gives out , must be made good and restored to it again from within , as the following Query with its Answer will more fully demonstrate . 6 Q. Seeing then that this is the nature of the Quick-sand , how is it possible that it should subsist , or how can it be , that since it continually gives out water , and yet can take in no water externally from above , but that thus at last it must be left emptied and destitute of all water , which cannot be allowed neither ? from whence is it then that it receives the water which it gives forth continually ? R. Here remains no other cause to be assigned than this natural one , viz. that ( as hath been said ) the waters are continually made by the Sun , Moon , and Stars ; for that they , as spiritual Beings , are onely able to penetrate the water and sand . But forasmuch as the Sun , Moon , and Stars can make no water in the water , and yet continually do bring forth water , both below as well as above , we must therefore conclude , that there must be a great space and place of abode for the Air in the Centre of the Earth , in which the Sun , Moon , and Stars do perform their operation , and where afterwards their spiritual and continually descending Rays ( as they mount from thence upwards again ) do change themselves into water , that so all may proceed in a beautiful order ? forasmuch as the beginning and the end , with their whole circumference , according to all parts , not the least excepted , do continually circulate until their full age , maturity , and perfection . And is it not worth our enquiry , whether this space below , before-mentioned , be not spoke of in Scripture under the name of Abyss , as Psal. 42. v. 8. and elsewhere ; as that above is in Scripture-phrase called the Sling , 1 Sam. 25. v. 29. For the lower waters must in like manner be generated of a grosser Air , and comporting with their property , as the upper waters ( viz. the Air ) are born of a more subtile and spiritual Air. And this water that is here below ( forasmuch as it continually comes down from above for to be wrought out ) cannot be dead , but must mount upwards again towards its original and beginning , because it cannot be separated from the nature of its Origine . And this drawing or Magnetisme is the cause of its continual Revolution , and wheeling about unto Perfection . CHAP. IV. Concerning the Earth , Stones , Minerals , and Metals . SECT . I. Concerning Stones . 1 Q. FOrasmuch as the Revolution and Propagation of the Quick-sand and Water hath in part been already declared , it will not be amiss to make inquiry how and in what manner this Revolution proceeds and is carried on further . And seeing that everywhere we meet with so ma-many stones in the water , as well as in and upon the Earth , how the same are generated , and to what end and use they be ? R. The Lord and Creator of this beautiful living World , had and hath the Idea of the same in his mind , and therefore it is impossible there should be the least failure or oversight in the order of it , but all even from the highest Star to the very Center of the Earth , and again backwards from the Center to above , must work joyntly in one harmony , to the end that the whole may work together in a continual Revolution to perfection and old age , and that so , as not the least atome or grain of sand ( forasmuch as it is a Creature by it self , though it belongs to the whole ) can be forgotten ●r shut out : for it is a part of the whole , and ●herefore no body can say , that he doth not enjoy ●he same , or that he hath no need of it , no more than we can say , that the least point or particle which God hath created in man , should be in vain , ●nd not concordant and agreeing with the whole Body . Because Man is the Little World , and the Center of the Great , and therefore cannot be separated from it , which ( if we speak with understanding and any ground of truth ) cannot be denied by us ; as hath already in part been made ●ut , and shall be more largely insisted on , when we shall speak of Man , as being a Compendium and an Abstract of all this World. Thus we see ( as oft hath been mentioned ) that the Quick-sand is , as the second Universal Mother , that brings forth and maintains an innumerable and incomprehensible multitude of sands , many sorts of Stones , Metals , and Minerals of different ( and seemingly to the ignorant , of contrary ) kinds and properties ; all which , notwithstanding , in one Union work to one good end , and are changed into an Earth which is the more immediate Mother of Herbs , Trees , Beasts , and Men , which have their Seed in themselves , as is said Gen. 1. v. 11 , 12. But at present ( for brevities sake ) we shall onely make mention of the chief and most remarkable Stones , from whence others hereafter may take occasion from their own experience to search out this point further . All stones are by a constant and continual r●●volution , generated and maintained by the sand ▪ For when we consider the several heads in every particular member of the world , we find that every sand to the very least grain , doth according t● its kind and nature , continually and without ceasing give forth food and nourishment to the stone as a Mother doth her Milk to her Children , which are born of her , and who from thence must have their growth and increase . In like manner al●● these stones produce other stones , and feed an● maintain the same , even up to the very surface 〈◊〉 the earth , where also many and different sorts 〈◊〉 stone grow , as well of the common as precious for● or kind . Now the life or milk and moisture 〈◊〉 this incomprehensible multitude of different stones , contributes much to the fruitfulness of the earth , from whence ( as hath been mentioned ) Herbs and Trees in every Country , according to their kind are brought forth ; from which afterwards Beasts and men do take their nourishment . Our Saviour himself bears witness to this , that there is a life in stones , Luke 19 v. 40. where he faith , If these should hold their peace , the stones would cry out . And John the Baptist hath a very remarkable saying , Matth. 3. v. 9. That God is able of stones to raise up children to Abraham . Now that stones conduce to the fruitfulness of the earth , experience teacheth us ; for when some Country-men have carried away from off their ground , some sorts of Pebble-stones , that their ●and hath not proved so fruitful as before : con●rning which a larger account shall be given in ●hat follows . 2 Q. But what way is there to reduce all stones 〈◊〉 some general heads , to the end we may distin●uish them the better , and learn to know them ? R. The Stones and Rocks which grow in the ●and , ( Metals and Minerals excepted ) are ; 1. Such as cannot endure the fire , but when put ●nto it , are burnt to Lime . 2. Another sort is of such stones , which without the addition of any thing else , are by fire mel●ed into Glass . 3. A third sort is of those that do of themselves endure the fire , but with Salts and other additions , suffer themselves to be run down or melted into Glass . Now all these stones are not wholly devoid of Metal ; for they are operative and living , as well as all other stones in general , whether great or small , ( the high Mountains and Rocks not excepted ) and every one of them , in the measure and order wherein they are placed , are parts of the great body of the world . 3 Q. What is properly the Nature and Essence of the first of these three sorts of stones , viz. of those which do not abide the fire , but are burnt to Lime ? R. These stones are partly of a Sulphurous nature , as we may perceive by several of them , that when they are rub'd together , a sulphurous smell comes from them . In these stones the fire continues after calcination , so that afterwards they may in part be reduced to a fixed Salt : and forasmuch as some part of the fire is entred into them , and together with them turned to Salt ( as before hath been shewed , that Heat being a Spiritual Essence , pierceth into Bodies and dwells in them ) and forasmuch as by reason of the violence of the fire , the said stone hath lost its stony nature , it endeavours to return to its own nature again , as to its rest , and therefore it attracts the water with such violence , that the water is heated thereby , as daily experience teacheth . Afterwards when this Lime is made up into Mortar , it turns again into stone , wherewith Houses may be built upon the land , yea and in the water also . But when the Lime in any building is exposed to a moist air , the said building cannot continue long , but the Lime will become impregnated with Salt-petre : for the Salt-petre which is in the air , is by means of moisture conveyed into the Mortar or Lime , and mortifies it , and quickens the small quantity of Salt which is in the Lime , into Salt-petre and common salt : which happens the sooner , in a place where Privies or Stables are ; as Salt-petre men know very well how to ripen and reduce Ashes and Lime to Salt-petre , by means of Salt-petre water . Here by the way it will not be unworthy our remark , that when Salt-petre men do first begin to boil their Salt-petre , and have no mother of Salt-petre , which is a ferment wherewith they ripen their Salt-petre , they must then spend much time in boyling , until the scum ariseth , which is that they call the mother of Salt-petre , and which afterwards they mix with their earth , for to put the same into fermentation . But when once they have got this mother , then they dispatch their work with more case : in like manner as we see that Bakers and Brewers do carry on their work with more ease and speed , when they have got yest and leaven , than they could do before when they had them not . 4 Q. What is the nature and property of the second sort of Stones , which of themselves without any addition are melted down into glass ? R. These shew that they do in part consist of a fixed Salt , as in the following description and elucidation of the third sort of stones shall be declared . 5 Q. What is it then we are chiefly to observe , about the third sort of stones , which do of themselves abide the fire , but with addition are melted down to glass ? R. These stones , as for example Chrystals of the Mountain , Flints and all other fix stones , are of this sort , of which glass is made in this manner . First , these stones are made red hot in the fire , and and then cast into the water , by which means some part of the fire abiding in them , makes them soft and friable , that they may more easily be reduced to powder : afterward this powder commixed with Salt , is put into the fire , that they may melt together ; and that it may melt , more Salt must be added to it , than the glass stands in need off , for to render the fixt unfusible stone fusible . When now this powder is molten , it must be taken hot out of the oven or furnace , and cast into cold water , that it may be broken again , and divided into small particles , to the end the superfluous salt which is in it , may in the water be separated from it . The oftner this operation is repeated with the foresaid powder , and the oftner it is put into the fire to evaporate the relicks of the Salt , and is melted down again , the better and purer will the glass be , and become almost like to the unfusible Crystal of the Mountains . From what hath been said , we may gather these following observables . First , that Salt hath a very particular affinity and union with stones , as proceeding both from one Mother ; wherefore when of them both an artificial Chrystal is made , they become so united to one another , that common water can no more separate the salt from the stone . 2. We are likewise to consider , that the forementioned stones ( which are as the body of the glass ) must contain a small part of unfusible Salt , to which the common salt may joyn itself , when with the stone it is melted down to glass , and so in proportion unite itself with the stone , in order to the reducing of it into glass , as hath been mentioned . The same also happens in Metals and Minerals , when precious stones are artificially made of them . 3. We are to take notice that in the making of glass , the salt cannot be perfectly united with the stone ; because the operation is mechanical and not natural : wherefore also by the addition of more salt , the salt may be wholly separated from it , and the glass be consequently reduced again into its former sand and salt . 6 Q. Forasmuch as so great diversities and changes of stones are to be seen every where in the world , and that they , as well as the Rocks themselves , contribute to the fruitfulness of the earth , would it not be necessary to Treat more largely concerning them ? R. Yes , and therefore for the Readers further satisfaction and information in this matter , here shall begin a Dialogue with stones , together with their answers to the questions propounded to them , to the end , that if any please , they may carry on and finish the same for their own satisfaction : seeing that it may be Mechannically or Mathematically demonstrated , that the stones have an operative life in themselves , from whence all sublunary Creatures derive their corporeal and united essence , from which they cannot be separated . The stones then were questioned in manner as follows . 1 Q. Were you stones so created at the begining ? And have you always been such as you are at present , viz. ( as you are commonly reputed to be ) dead or lifeless things . R. If thou desirest to know us and our essence , then thou must be able well to understand our way of Reasoning and Speech , for we were created to bring forth all living Sublunary Creatures , and to give them a body ; for we are the Earth , which is made of the Heavens , and the end of our working is , that in a continual Revolution with increase and multiplication , we may become Heavenly again ; as may be seen in the History of our Creation , Gen. 1. 10 , 11 , 12. that all things stand in a wise order ; and try whether by thy utmost skill and endeavour thou canst find out one Sublunary Creature ( be it of what kind it will ) that either hath been , or is now at present , which did not receive its Corporeal Essence from us , or can be without us , or that doth not stand and abide in continual union with us . 2 Q. Whence is it then that men say you are dead ? R. Consider all our operation and working , and so thou wilt be taught to understand thine own Axiom the better , and find more truth in it , viz. Corruptio unius est Generatio alterius ; the Corruption of one thing is the begetting and bringing forth of another thing . For the fields will in part declare thus much to thee , that when they have given forth their strength in corn , they must then for some time lye fallow , until they be mortified again and get new strength . 3 Q. Are the Stones and Rocks then the very same , as ye were created from the beginning in all your parts without alteration ? Or are ye continually and without ceasing renewed in all your parts , so as that ye stand in need of constant food and nourishment , for your maintenance and growth as other Creatures do ? R. Thou dost answer thy self , for we are not God but Creatures , as well as all others that have their original from us , as our Children . How can it be then that we should be immutable , and not need , as well as they , to be renewed by food from the air and water ? 4 Q. Do ye Stones and Mountains every where continue , as ye were from the beginning , always in the same form and figure , or are not ye also subject to mortification , so that in some places ye become leveld to the ground , and turned into valleys ? R. Go and make an observation and inspection into many and divers places of the earth , but especially in the midst of Europe , where ( as it were ) the Navel of it is , and particularly in the Principality of Sultzbach , in the upper Palatinate near Bohemia , where there is a Spring whose water divides itself into two currents , of which the one runs East , and the other West , and poure forth themselves into the Rhine and Donaw . In the same place thou wilt meet with many Mountains and high Rocks , which are altogether mouldred and mortified , and others that decay and dye daily . For in many places you see stones standing right up of different heights , it may be a hundred foot high more or less , and ten , twenty , thirty , or forty foot broad , which you may judge to have been the heart or kernel of some great Mountain , that formerly stood there , and now is so far spent and decayed , and ( as it were ) died away . Below upon the ground , near these great standing stones , are several great and unmovable stones , that are fallen down : and in many places thereabouts , thou wilt perceive that the lesser stones , wherewith the fields thereabouts are filled , are in part every year plainly , and so as cannot be denied , mouldred and turned into an Earth , or fat clay , by which means the fields are made so fruitful , that there is no need of dunging them before they sow Corn there . In the said Principality of Sultzbach , thou wilt also find many holes or Caverns , under the said perished Rocks , and that their Root is consumed and devoured , like as wood is by worms ; insomuch that many passages are found there , into which those that enter , must take lighted Torches with them , that they may be able to find their way in the said Caves , which extend themselves to many miles . In like manner thou wilt find there , many curious high stone-arches , which are higher than any that are found in Churches . From which instances thou mayst clearly see and know , that in some parts of the world the Mountains and Rocks do die and perish , and are changed into valleys . 5 Q. The question is , whether it be possible , that a man within the short limit and time of his life , should himself see and be assured , that new stones are produced which were not before ? R. In the fore-mentioned Caverns and vast stony arches in the Principality of Sultzbach , ( and elsewhere in such stony places ) thou wilt find a clear transparent water , which men and beasts do drink of , and hath no singular distinguishing tast , and which drops down from the old perished arch , and doth by degrees fill up the said hollow or cavern again , with another new production or birth , distinct from the former , viz. with an hard transparent stone , which is fixt in the fire . Moreover , thou wilt find , in sundry places where the said water hath dropt down , that great pillars or columns are made by it of different figures , which look like ice , and are greater than any pillars of Churches . Thou wilt also find in other streams and Rivers , that the water produceth several sorts of stones ; and there is one stone , among the rest , which in a short time is produced by the water , called Terass-stone , which when it is ground and mixed with Quicklime , in the stead of other Sand , the same abides firm in the water , and unites well with the Lime . 6 Q. Might not another and clearer instance of this matter be produced ? R. In the fore-mentioned Principality thou wilt find very hard Rocks , which may wholly be burnt into Lime ; and within the same , in the midst of the firm stone , thou wilt see several great and lesser holes , of two , three , or four inches or more round , which within are grown over with a transparent white skin ( as it were ) or rind full of sparkling , shining , glittering , and polished Chrystals , like Diamonds , and set in so curious an order , as it is impossible for any Artificer to imitate them : some of which are , one or two inches long , all of them six cornerd , and every one of them most curiously polished . All these Chrystals are fixt in the fire , so that they are of another nature than their Mother , of whom they are born and brought forth , which ( as hath been said ) is a hard Lime-stone . And like as these Crystals are found in these Rocks ; so in other Rocks thou wilt meet with divers other sorts of stones . 7 Q. Is it possible for a man in his life-time to see how the Rocks makes holes in themselves , and in them bring forth other stones ? And how these again are changed , and yet other properties and figures ? R. Thou wilt find in Tyrol , at a place called Schwatz , in the Silver Mine there , a sort of very hard stone , which is fix in the fire , transparent and of a whitish colour , which opens itself visible to the eye , like an Ulcer or Fistula , and doth by degrees through a little hole , thrust forth its birth or foetus , in the appearance of a green and blewish thick moist pulp or seed , which afterwards grows hard , and changeth itself into a green and blew stone , which is called a Malachite , and is good against many diseases . And the deeper men cut their way into the said Rock , the more of such places do they find ; which are filled up with the ●oresaid Malachite . So that it cannot be denied , put that the Rock ( as a Mother ) opens her self for to bring forth her Child , and this Child doth afterwards still change it self into other shapes untill it arrive to its perfection . For thou wilt often find such Sexangular Crystals , which in one part continue transparent , whilst the other part of them remains opace , dark , and metallick , and becomes heavier in weight , without any increase of its outward bulk , and keeping its former shape and figure . It is further observable , that these Crystals have every where in all their parts , their own water , as the nourishment which they have from their Mother , that by means thereof they may further work out themselves , even as the Rocks ( which are their Mothers ) do . And this water may be got out of them by distillation . 8 Q. Is it not possible to find out a mean to know the further specialities concerning these young Chrystals , and other Stones , viz. Whether they do grow on to a greater bulk , until they have attained to their due magnitude , age , and maturity ? And whether their growth and increase be by opposition of something from without ? Or whether they increase in all their parts by means of their inward powers and life , even as a Child grows up to be a man ? As also whether a way might not be found out , whereby we might be assured of this truth , and also find it so to be by experience almost everywhere , and consequently that we should not need meerly to believe it , or to take a Journey to those places where these Rocks are ; as if this truth were limited to onely , or shut up in one place , but rather that she might everywhere stand open to the eyes of all , as is highly necessary it should be : for Wisdom is everywhere , according to the testimony of Solomon , Prov. 8. vers . 1 , 2 , 3. R. Observe therefore such Stones which be throughly interwoven ( as it were ) with several veins and strokes of various colours , which are everywhere to be found , and known by every one . As for example : Thou mayst find black Stones with white veins , which are wholly of another nature than is the Stone it self , and can very plainly be distinguished from it ; which veins do intersect one another through and through from all sides : and these will answer to the Inquiry thou hast made . For consider with thy self , how it is possible that a Stone should grow thus by apposition of parts from without , that every one of the said strokes or lines should abide so curiously and exactly every one of them in their order and proportion , and keep their several colours . And if thou wilt but well weigh and consider this , thou wilt find that it is absolutely impossible that this should be done by such an apposition of parts from without , but rather that it must of necessity proceed from within centrally to its circumference , outwardly in various ways and manners , according to the different kind and property of the Stone , and thou thereby wilt perceive and acknowledge , that the Stones have at once opened themselves in several cracks and slits , and that out of the same , from each side of every such crack or slit , a juice or moisture comes forth , which interposing betwixt the sides of the slit , separate themselves still further from one another ; as it happens in the breaking of a Bone , when the parts of it are heal'd together again . And that thou mayst be assured that it was a whole Stone , and that a slit or crack was made in it by it self , and that from within to without , and that it did not come from without ; all the parts of it will shew thee the truth of the whole . As for instance : When thou breakest a Stone into several pieces , thou canst set them together and joyn them again , so as one may perceive by the eye , that they belong to one another . And if a man should have lost a piece of the said Stone , it were impossible for him to find another piece that should every way exactly suit with ; or to joyn the parts together again so duely and orderly , as that one should not be able to perceive the disconformity or unfitness of the strange part which was thrust in amongst the rest . Wherefore also if thou wilt mind it , when thou findest a Stone with such veins in it , thou shalt commonly see that both the sides of the slit or crack between which the foresaid vein runs , do belong to each other ; so that in case the vein should be taken away , thou wouldst find that both the sides would exactly close and fit together ( like two Sticks slit from the same piec● of wood ) : for those sides did both grow at once ▪ and was before one whole Stone . Furthermore , thou wilt see that these divers cracks or slits came at several times ; and thou mayst exactly perceiv● how one vein runs through the other , and from thence evidently conclude , that the intersected vein● must needs have been before the intersecting one . Also here in England thou wilt find in the Field● ( in Worcester-shire and elsewhere ) many little Pebble-stones of different colours and figures ; and amongst them ( especially if thou wilt take notice of those that are white as Snow , and somewhat transparent ) some of which have many cracks or slits , but yet hold fast together and keep their shape . Others again thou wilt find of the same colour , which in their cracks or slits have small subtile veins of several colours , which veins still grow wider , and do enlarge and expand themselves so far , that the Pebble-stone thereby loseth gradually its former shape and figure . Sometime thou wilt find that the crack or slit doth but reach half way through the Stone , and a thick vein in the form of a Triangle growing in it , so as the other end of the Stone continues whole . From whence we may gather , that there is a life in Stones which is operative , and can according to its property , and in its rank and order , fashion , bend , and move it self . In these veins thou wilt often find little Crystals , which stick fast in the same , and are all of them Sexangular , and curiously po●●shed in the same manner as was said before . These Crystals are also sometimes changed , and ●ecome tinctured with divers colours like Precious ●ones , according to the Metals or Minerals they ●re found with , even as in the Mountains . Thus thou mayst find in these little Pebbles and ●ther Stones , an Image and Representation of the great Mountains ; and from them learn to know ●n some sort the nature also of the Mountains themselves . Besides all that hath been said already , this following instance may give thee some further information concerning this matter , viz. thou mayst meet with many sorts of small Cockles or Snails which have little Stone-houses , which Cockle-shells are very Stones . And because the Hollanders have no other Lime-stone , they burn these Shells into Lime ; and their Buildings continue as long as any other that are built with Lime , that is burnt from Lime-stone . Now these living Cockle-shells tell us , that they grow and increase not from without , but from within , according to all their parts , together with the Cockles or Shell-fish which is in them , without any loss of their form , figure , and colour . For if their bulk were increased by an apposition of parts from without , how is it possible they should retain their true proportion in all their parts , or that the house and building should exactly correspond in bigness to the Shell-fish that is in it ? We do often find other Cockle-shells growing fast to these said Shells , which are the product of a petrifying water , which proceeds from the other Shells , by which means they become united and cleave close to them . Even as we find that oftentimes many Pebbles and other Stones are united and bak'd together , as in a piece of Dough , yet so as that every little Stone keeps its own essence and form , so as it is easie to distinguish them from one another . And this ordinarily is produced by means of an efflux or out-flowing of a petrifying water , either from the Stones themselves , or from the Matrix wherein they are formed . Therefore these and the like instances have given occasion to the rise of that common errour , whereby ( without any further considering of the matter ) it hath been concluded , that Stones are increased from without onely by an apposition of parts , without any either life , order , or inward spermatick principle . And to conclude , observe likewise , that when thou shalt take to task and examine Agates , Marble , Serpentine , and Porphyre-stones , which are of several colours , and look narrowly upon them through a Microscope , thou wilt by this means be able to distinguish ( as before was mentioned ) the multifarious kinds and forms of Stones . And in Stones which are intermixed with two colours , as with white and red , ( as some Porphyre-stones are which are sprinkled with white ) thou wilt find , after a narrow search , that that part which is white in the Stone , was before the red , and that the white brought forth the red : for thou wilt perceive in some places of them many white parts , which in their growth and increase were once conjoyned , but by means of the red , are separated from each other , though they did before belong to one another , and that the red parts , as their bloud , proceed from them . We proceed now to a brief declaration of the operation and being of Metals , and partly how they are interwoven together : which Metals are six in number , or seven , if we count Mercury together with them , ( which is a water from whence the other Metals are produced or born ) and withal we shall set down some short Remarks concerning Minerals and also Salts , ( which are few in number , and stand in harmony together , that the understanding of man might the more easily be able to comprehend them ) in order to give the Reader a small hint how he may be able to discourse with them , as well as with the Stones , forasmuch as they are very nigh of kin , and that there is a great union between them ; for that the Stones are the Mother and Work-house of the Metals . SECT . II. Concerning Metals , Minerals , and Salts . ANd here first of all Mars appears in his whole Armour ; wherefore it is fit to put this Query to him . 1 Q. Why art thou the first of all the rest , who appear'st and shewest thy self ? R. Seest thou not that I must have a nearer alliance in many respects with all the Metals , more than they ( the rest of my Brethren ) have one with another . And seeing that men cannot be without me , and I amongst all the Metals am of greatest use to them , both inwardly and outwardly , by water and by land ; therefore at Sea they must make use of my Needle in their Compass , because I have the North-Pole for my propriety , as my Magnetical living power doth demonstrate , as also doth my Minera the Magnet it self , which here in England is found near the Tinn-Oare . Moreover , the whole Earth is everywhere , as it were , sowed over with Iron-Oare . And besides this , all other Metals are best known unto me , so that I am best able to give an account concerning them . 2. What meanest thou by that expression , when thou sayst , that thou art profitable to man both inwardly and outwardly ? R. Ask the Earth and the plow'd lands where Corn grows , from whence both Beasts and Men do receive their life and nourishment . 3 Q. How am I to understand this ? R. Look into my several Changes , and thou wilt find by experience , that when I am polished I shine like a Looking-glass , and am the hardest amongst all Metals , especially when I am changed into Steel ; so that between my Hammer and my Anvil , all Instruments of Life and Death , and of Peace and War , are made and formed out of me , and through me alone can be prepared . Moreover , I amongst all Metals am soonest changed into Earth or Clay : for when I am moistened with water , I become rusty , and by means of this corruption , corrosion , and suffering , am changed into a yellow-colour'd body , which Painters use , and is called Oker ; this Oker , when put into the fire , is changed into a red colour , forasmuch as it still retains the nature of Iron , and into which the greatest part of it can be changed again . This foresaid yellow Oker thou wilt find in many places where my Mine or Oare is , which when it is again joyned to me by those that are skilful and experienced , it makes a softer and better Iron than the ordinary , because my superfluous sulphur is meliorated in the said yellow-colour'd body , through rust , and is no more so apt to melt , but withal is less stony and brittle : whereas the other Iron wherein the said sulphur doth abound , is more apt to melt , but more stony and brittle when it grows cold . 4 Q. How can the Sulphur have this effect upon Iron ? R. When thou takest a red-hot glowing and fiery piece or gad of Steel , and holdest to it a piece of Brimstone , then the Steel will drop down melted together with the Brimstone , and the drops will be hard , stony , brittle , and unmalleable , though more easie to melt ; but when the said drops are oft put into the fire , until the Brimstone be burnt away from them , then they become harder to melt again , but withal are softer and more malleable as they are cold . 5 Q. What further changes is this foresaid Oker subject to , when it is not melted down to Iron , but is permitted to die and perish ? R. When the said Oker it is changed into a yellow Earth or Clay , which by means of the fire is afterwards baked or burnt into red Bricks , which by their red colour shew that there is some Iron left in them ; which in the fire ( by means of some additions ) may be separated from them . And forasmuch as we find everywhere throughout the whole World , such innumerable multitudes of Fields which consist of such a yellow Clay or Earth , what can we else conclude from thence but this , that the said Earth was formerly Iron-oare , which now partly of it self , and partly by means of the Plough-share , is every year more and more cut off from its Root or Mine , whereby its mortification is promoted , so that it can be changed or transmuted into Grass , Herbs , Trees , and Corn ; from whence men and Beasts have their Food and Being . And from all this , thou mayst lear the great inward profit and advantage I do afford to mankind . 6 Q. From this it may seem as if the advantage which ariseth from this change or alteration , were the reason of the Iron Age ( so called ) wherein men , forasmuch as they were sed herewith , became Iron-like , and cannot yet change the food , and consequently also the ess●●ce , which they receive from the Iron-like Earth , into a better and more noble essence , viz. into Love ; so that the Iron-like nature of their food still remains : which they , as being also Iron-like , do draw magnetically into themselves , and therefore must be ruled with a Rod of Iron , to the end that the said Iron-like nature , through multifarious mortifications and advances , may be gradually improved , transmuted ; and lost through fire , and be changed into the Gold of Love and Unity , which is fix in the fire . Give me therefore now an account also of the outward advantage or profit thou affordest men . R. Concerning my Hammer and Anvil , I have ( by the way ) mentioned something before ; to which may be yet added more particulars , according as Dr. Gilbert hath described them . When I am formed into the Needle of a Compass , and made hot , if then they let me lie upon the Anvil towards the North till I am cold , I shall by this means better turn my self towards the North , than if I had received that impression from the touch of the Magnet . Moreover , all sorts of Instruments , which men make use of throughout the whole course of their lives , in times of Peace or War , for their Buildings , Clothes , Food , &c. and for service in all the necessities of humane life , are mostly made out of me , and are prepared between my Hammer and Anvil , as hath already been mentioned . Therefore it is with reason that I have the preferrence before all other Metals , and thereupon also it is that I speak first , as being ( as it were ) the Foreman and Captain of the rest . 7 Q. Mention hath been made before concerning Steel , and the way of making it which is known , but not the reason of it ; shall we suppose then that this knowledge of making Steel came by chance into the World ? or is it possible for us to understand how and why this is the way , and no other ? R. When a man for example , to make a proof hereof , takes some four-square good tough Iron-rods of a different thickness , as of half , three quarters , or a whole inch square , and a foot in length , of the best and toughest Iron , and puts the same into a Melting-pot , whose depth must be a quarter of a foot more than the length of the Rods ; then set the Rods about one inch distant from one another , and then fill up the interval with these following Materials close and hard press'd together , so as they may neither touch one another , nor the Melting-pot , viz. R. Dust of Beech-coals sifted through a coarse Sieve , and a like quantity of the Ashes of the same wood , well mix'd together , and with these fill up the Pot , the closer and harder the better , as well above as below , and on all sides . Then cover the said Rods or Gads the thickness of a thumb-breadth with small Sand , and cover the Pot with a lid that shuts close , and well-luted ; then place the Pot upon a small Iron Trefoot , that the fire may freely play about it in a calcining Furnace , which is then made wholly red-hot , or candent rather , so as that the Pot may be red-hot likewise through and through for the space of nine hours ; then the said Beech-coals which have first been chark'd ( as being burnt to Coals in a close fire , and now again are put into a like fire , where they cannot wholly fume away ) will press the Rods of Iron by means of their evaporating Sulphur now kept in and repressed ; when they are grown red-hot and endeavouring to fume away , they somewhat drive the two volatile parts of the Iron ( of which the Iron is made and produced ) from within towards the outward pores , which the fire hath swell'd up and opened . One part of the Iron which we just now mentioned , is a combustible Sulphur which is partly burnt and consumed by the fire , and is partly turned into a vitrioline Salt ; the other part is a white and somewhat fix Sulphur which remains still sticking in the pores of the Iron , and can go no further , for that it is so pressed on all sides with the fire in the circumference of the Iron , that he is forced to stay within his own bounds ; and it is this Sulphur that properly makes Steel . This we may see clearly , and to the eye made good by experience , when we take Iron-rods that are flawed , and have Bladders in them , and if we do to them as with those mentioned just before , we shall find in the hollow blown-up Bladders of the Iron , a white sublim'd powder , which is the white Sulphur but even now mentioned ; which is the proper efficient of Steel , and dwlleth in the outward parts of the Iron , & makes the Steel more fusible than the Iron is in it self . This Steel when it hath been several times heated in the strong heat of an open fire , and hammered , then those particles of the white Sulphur , which were driven into the out-parts , do evaporate , and then the remaining is turn'd again into Iron , as it was before . And if we will proceed further , and often repeat this Operation , we shall finally observe , that the said Iron or Steel will for the greatest part thereof be turned into the foresaid white Sulphur . The reason why the Iron-rods are to be taken of a different thickness , which we put into the Melting-pot , when we intend to make a proof of Steel , is this , that one that is curious , and a Lover of these Inquiries , may be able to calculate the heat and the time , that thereby he may see which of the Rods in the said heat is quite turn'd to Steel throughout , and which are not yet wholly transmuted , but retain still in the midst of them a long unchanged streak or thread of Iron ; by which means he shall exactly perceive how long the fire must be continued , before the thickest of the said Rods or Gads will be pierced through and through , and wrought by the fire , and wholly turned into Steel . And as for those Gads which in the midst of them retain something of Iron , they are by experience found to be good to make Spanish Sword-blades of , forasmuch as the tough Iron which they have in the midst of them , makes that the said Blades will not snap or break . This likewise is the reason , that if we take two Coat-Armours of the same thickness and weight , and turn one of them into Steel , yet so as that some Iron may be left in the midst of it , we shall find that the one of these Coat-Armours may be pierced and shot through ; but that the other which is turned onely in part to Steel , cannot , because the Iron in the inside of it , makes that it cannot break , and the outward Steel that it cannot bend . Furthermore , when we take out the Iron-gads that were an inch thick , when first we put them into the Melting-pot , we shall find that they be grown thinner , though they be not burnt from without . From whence we may in part perceive , that the combustible Sulphur ( which makes the Iron to be lighter , and its h●e to be more black and leaden-colour'd than that of Steel is ) is partly evaporated and consumed in the fire . When we give Steel and Iron the same heat , and afterwards quench them in cold water , we shall find the Steel to become white like Silver , hard and brittle ; but the Iron on the contrary , black and tough . This hard and brittle Steel is not fit to make other Instruments of , except Files ; but when we let the same lie a little longer on the fire , we shall then see that its whiteness will be changed into a yellow , and the yellow into a red , and afterwards the red into a Skie-blue , and at last also this Skie-blue into a black colour ; and when we let the same thus cool by degrees , without quenching it in cold water , or exposing of it to the Air , then it will be somewhat soft . But when we quench it when it is of a yellow colour , then it is fit to make Instruments of to work with in Stone or Iron . And when we intend to make of it Ingravers Tools , we are to observe that that part or corner of the ingraving Instrument ( being yet four-square in its ends ) which attracts most Iron-dust , when one works with it in Iron , is the fittest part to ingrave with , because that there it is most hard and tough . Also observe , that when we make the smaller ingraving Tools and quench them in cold Quick-silver instead of cold water , they prove very good . But when Steel is quenched whilst it is yet of a blue colour , then it is fit to work with in wood . 8 Q. But what may be the reason why Steel when it comes into the cold , grows harder ; but when it is in warmth or heat , it grows softer ? R. Take a Gad of Steel of a foot long and make it red hot , and thou wilt find that it is grown a quarter of an inch longer in the fire than it was before ; for the fire hath expanded or dilated it . But when Steel comes into the cold , as into cold water , it contracts it self and becomes closer , because the volatile Sulphur and the fire it self , also is by this means shut up in it ; which is the reason that it grows harder . 9 Q. But how are these two parts of the Iron , viz. it s combustible and fix Sulphur naturally and mechanically woven and united together ? R. The word Weaving will somewhat instruct and inform thee of this : for in things that are mechanically woven together , thou wilt find two sorts , viz. long and short Filaments which are twisted into thread ; and some short threads ( so they be not too short ) we see may be mixed together , and spun into a long sort of thread , of which Linnen , Cotton , Silk , and Woollen Stuffs are made , which serve for making of Cloath . And secondly , as for the shorter Materials , as Hair and the like , which cannot be spun into a thread without the addition of other longer Hairs , yet may ( by reason of their shortness ) be artificially and conveniently intangled so together , as by means of hot water they are fulled into Felts to make Hats of . And this is the second way of weaving . The third sort of weaving is this : When Linnen-cloath which is woven of long threads , as also that which is made of Hemp , Nettles , Cotton , Silk , &c. being first worn out , are made to Paper , viz. by beating them very well upon an Anvil in the water with Hammers , until they become like fine flocks of Wool , or the down of Feathers ; and then these small Linnen-filaments are put into a Copper Sieve with water , and after the water is run through the Sieve , it leaves those little Flocks intangled , and , as it were , woven together , ( as was mentioned before concerning Felts made of Hair ) and when the water is quite pressed away from them , being put between Woollen-cloath , the Paper is made , which hangs together , and may be bended and folded at pleasure without breaking , for that it is compacted and made up of many subtile Hairs of Filaments . This Paper when dipped in Glue-water wherein Allome hath been dissolved ( that it might not cleave together and be too stiff ) and afterwards dried , becomes thereby better and fitter for use . But when too much Glue is put into the water , the Paper is made too stiff and brittle , and will sooner break than bend , and that because the little Filaments cannot move themselves at liberty as before . Moreover , when the Linnen Rags are beaten over-much , so that they be reduced into little round Pellets , then no good Paper can be made of them , but it will be apt to break ; because these round Pellets cannot so well be intangled and woven together , as the foresaid thin Flocks . And this is the onely reason , why no fine Paper can be made of coarse Linnen . These various Textures may be exactly observed and perceived by the help of a Microscope . It will not be amiss on this occasion to speak something concerning Flax , and the way and manner of well preparing the same ; which is as follows . When we take Line-seed , and sow it in the same place where it grew before , notwithstanding that the Earth be well plowed , roled , raked , harrowed and broken , so that it is very fine , as if it had been sifted through a coarse Sieve ( for in this manner the ground is to be prepared ) and the seed sowed therein very thick together , to the end that the stalks may grow up slender and long , as having but little nourishment ; as also that the stalks be several times broken down by sitting upon them . viz. once when the Flax is weeded ; and again secondly , when they find that it grows up too fast , and that the stalks grow too gross or thick : But yet notwithstanding all this , we shall find that the Flax will still grow coarser and coarser , as long as it is sowed in the same ground ; for that the Line-seed in that place doth unite it self too soon with that Earth ; and consequently grows up too fast . But when this seed is sowed about fifty German miles from thence , in another far distant and strange soil , and by that means comes ( as it were ) into a suffering , then it grows and becomes good and fine again , as before . For the thin stalks have as many hairs or strings in them as the thick ; and every hair or string hath again all its hairs or due members , parts or smaller filaments , as well as the grosser and coarser have . But if any should try to make the coarse hairs or filaments of Flax thinner and finer than they a● naturally , by artificially dividing of them , the● the Linnen made thereof , will prove thin and a● to tare , because by this means they are put out ● their due nature and strength . And as we find it happens to Flax , that ( as abovesaid ) by suffering ( as by breaking and tra●splantations ) is meliorated : the same also we s● in Trees by means of Grafting , in Oculation , & ● Yea , and in Man also ; for all suffering is like a consuming fire which purifies , exalts and works 〈◊〉 change for the better . And here by the way 〈◊〉 may take notice , that where in Holy Writ men●tion is made of fine Linnen , there it admits of 〈◊〉 singular and wise signification . 10 Q. Hitherto hath been spoken concerning Mechanical or Artificial Weavings : but now to return from whence we digressed , what is th● Natural Weaving , and how may we come to know and understand the same in Metals ? R. Metals consist universally of a hot and cold Sulphur , as of Male and Female ; both which th● more intimately they be united , or naturally interwoven , the nearer those Metals approach to the nature of Gold. And from the difference of this union ( according to every ones proportion and quantity ariseth the distinction of all Metals and Minerals viz. according as the said Sulphurs are more or less united in them . 11 Q. If Metals be produced and consist by the union of these two , where then is there room for a third Principle of Metals , which is vulgar●y called Salt , according to the Chymists ; who make Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury the Principles of ●ll Metals ? R. This indeed is onely an aenigmatical Speech of theirs : For when we see that the superfluous combustible Sulphur , which is found in great quantity in the Oare of the perfectly united Metals , is by mortification , transmutation , or calci●●ation changed into an acid Salt , it ceaseth to be Sulphur . Now forasmuch as all of the said Sulphur can be changed into a Salt ; so as that it cannot be re-changed into Brimstone back again ( because the Salt serveth onely as a mean to dissolve the two perfect Sulphurs , in order to unite them ) and whereas the white incombustible Sulphur , can never be changed into Salt ; how can we then make out three parts or principles which concur to the composition of Metals ? For two Fathers to one Mother would be monstrous and superfluous ; forasmuch as both of them are but one and the same . Likewise also there cannot be two Mothers to one Father , in order to the bringing forth of one Birth ; for so there would be two Births , out of each Mother one . For it cannot be denyed , that for to generate a Child , whether Boy or Girl ( of which the one hath more of the Fathers nature and property , the other more of the Mothers ) there needs onely a union of Man and Wife ; and it is impossible that a third thing should be superadded essentially . 12 Q. Thou hast now shewed , that to th● birth and production of Metals , Male and Female viz. a white and red Sulphur are required . Now● we see that in the most perfect Metals , as Gold there is but little of this red Male Sulphur , as its yellow colour doth witness , which red Sulphur doth essentially joyn and is united with the Female● white Sulphur ; and so brings it into such a compact body : What is the reason then that so great a quantity of combustible Sulphur is found in the Mines where Metals are ; which Sulphur may be changed into Vitriol , in which several Metals in the Mines have been found dissolved ? R. Thou mayst find an answer to this , in the answer to the next fore-going question ; and in this question itself also , viz. that this Vitriol which proceeds , or is prepared from the said Sulphur , may be serviceable and helpful to dissolve Metals , but not to make them . 13 Q. We have been in part informed concerning the red Male Sulphur ; but may not likewise an instruction be given us concerning the white Female unwoven or unwrought Sulphur ( which is not yet united to the red Sulphur , or come to be a Metal ) and is found by it self alone ; as also together with the Metals , how may we find and distinctly understand the same ? R. Concerning the white Female Sulphur , which in the German Tongue is called [ hutte● rauch ] and by Artists , Ars Senum or Arsenicum , and is found by itself , and likewise with the perfect , as well as imperfect Metals in great quantity ; it is unnecessary for us to treat of it at large here , because the Books of Metallurgist's do give us sufficient information where the said Sulphur is to be 〈◊〉 with in great quantity . This Arsenicum is by the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , probably from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Man , and in the Hebrew the word that signifies a Man is [ Geber ] from whence we may infer , that Geber the famed Author , hath writ with understanding , and like a man concerning this subject . This Arsenick may also be compared to the Serpent , of which mention is made , Gen. 3. not onely because of the poisonous property common to them both ; but also because the Serpent was to eat the dust of the Earth , even as the Serpent Arsenick must eat Ophir or dust of the Earth also ; according to what elsewhere hath been hinted , viz. that Ophir signifies Dust , Gold , or Sand. 14 Q. Is it not necessary to have some information also , concerning the Natural and Mechanical Weavings of both these Sulphurs ? R. When these Sulphurs are each of them alone or by themselves , they continue brittle as Stones , so that they cannot be wrought with the Hammer , and when they are added to Metals by fusion , they spoil them , and make them impure . As for instance : When we take Arsenick and melt it down with Silver or Copper , it robes and spoils the Silver and makes it impure ; and Copper it makes white , hard , and brittle . Also when we take Arsenick , which is somewhat more fixt ( by reason of a little red Sulphur , which is in part nraurally interwoven with it ) as white Zink , called Spelter , which partakes of Lead , and is in the Silver-oare at Goslar , found in a Lead-mine that contains Silver ; and which sublimes and sticks fast to the sides of the Furnace , partly in the form of a Glassie crust or rind , the other part of it being fusible , like to Regulus of Antimony : when , I say , we cast a fourth part of this in to molten Copper , it mechanically or externally interweaves itself with the said Copper ; so as the Copper by means of it gets a golden colour , higher than any common Brass , which is made of Copper by the addition of Lapis Calaminaris . For when this stony glassie crust , which sticks to the sides of the Furnace , is taken thence and put to Copper it will not melt with it , in order to make Brass of it . But when this glassie matter hath been buried several years in the Earth , the Salt of the Glass dissolves therein , and becomes nitrous , and by this means becomes a good fluxing powder ; and being ground to powder , it is added to Copper instead of Lapis Calaminaris , and produceth a gold coloured Brass , as was mentioned ; insomuch that at Goslar some Goldsmiths make Rings and Chains of the same , which to the eye may pass for Gold , but is not so in weight . But when any one goes about to hammer this Metal whilest it is hot ( as they do Gold , Silver , Copper , and Iron ) it breaks all to pieces under the hammer : For the white volatile Sulphurous Zink , which ( as a strange guest ) is unnaturally through heat forced into the Copper , as soon as it grows hot , and that the Copper is swelled up , sublimes away gradual●y through the Copper ; which is the cause why 〈◊〉 must of necessity break when struck with a hammer : But when it is grown cold , we shall find upon the Anvil , in the place where it was laid to cool , a white vapour ( the same as the Lapis Calaminaris doth in Brass ) evaporated , sublimed and sticking to the Anvil , and then it will let itself be wrought with a Hammer , as Copper and other Metals are . By which instances we may partly understand the natural , and partly also the mechanical texture in Metals . To what hath been already said , this further may be added : that when we take the common Arsenick by itself ( which is very volatile and poisonous ) and mix it with Copper , it makes the Copper white and hard indeed ; but cannot by reason of its volatility abide in the fire so long as Spelter doth ; forasmuch as it doth not partake of the red Sulphur , and consequently is not so fixt and constant . For the volatility in Arsenick and Mercury is the cause , that when the fire enters into the same , it makes them swell up , and divides them into small Atomes that can hover upon , and flie away in the Air , which cannot be in the fixt Metals , forasmuch as they be by nature so well and close woven together , that the fire cannot separate or divide them . And the better they are thus woven by Nature , the more like they be to Silver and Gold , as shall be more largely declared , when we shall come to treat of Gold in particular . The common burning Sulphur which is foun●● abundantly in Copper-oare , and some of it also in Iron , doth melt easily with the same , and make● them of easie fusion , because it findes its like in them , with which it can easily unite itself , which it cannot do in Gold and Silver , because it doth not find its like so open in them . But when we melt Antimony with any metals , we find that it makes it to be easily melted , for that it consists 〈◊〉 both Sulphurs , viz. of the combustible and incombustible . The white Sulphur hath an ingress into Gold and Silver , forasmuch as their whole body consists of it , and both the Sulphurs have their ingress into all the other metals . Before Copper can be brought to its true form , which gives it the denomination of Copper , it stands in need of passing many fires and heates more than other metals , to the end that the great quantity of common combustible Sulphur which abounds therein may be separated from it . And when it is now become Copper , we find it in a two-fold Sulphur , viz. the Red and White Sulphur interwoven together , from whence afterwards ariseth and appears . 1. It s deep red colour . 2. That it can like Gold endure a very strong fire before it is melted . 3. It s malleability , as well when it is hot as when cold . 4. It s softness , forasmuch as it suffers itself to be beaten out into thin leaves ; and in all this resembles Gold and Silver . 5. That both these Sulphurs by reason of their strict union commonly flie away together in the fire , in the appearance of a Green-blue flame . 6. That it gives tincture and colour to pale Gold ; which so strongly and intimately unites itself with the Gold , that the fire can no more rob the Gold of it . Likewise , that seventhly , It may be melted down with Gold and Silver , without making the same brittle : and for these reasons ( very well worth our consideration ) it is that the Ancients have endeavour'd to prepare an excellent Medicine out of the same , comporting and agreeing with the nature of man. Concerning which , upon occasion , more may be expected in my Annotations . When a man will melt Iron , he must make use of a great heat ; because it contains much of a hard melting , unripe , white , fix Sulphur ; which is the reason why cast Iron which hath not been wrought with a hammer , hath so little toughness in it , that when we strike upon it with a little hammer , it leaves a dent in the surface of it ; but when we strike on it with a great hammer , it will sooner all break to pieces then bend ; and that because the texture of it is not such as it should be ( according to what we mentioned concerning paper ) and the reason of it is , because Iron stands in need of so great heat for to melt it , that by means thereof , it is reduced into a thin water ; whereby its natural texture , is , for the most part , broken ; which we experience when we go about to make it tough and malleable again ; for then to bring it to its natural threads or filaments , and them to their natural posture , we are fain to melt it anew with a gentler fire , so that such thick drops may fall from it as makes it into a Cake ; which Cake when taken out of the fire proves malleable , and may be hammer'd on the Anvil , because now it is grown tough . For every one of these forementioned drops becomes a thread , and these threads twist themselves together , and the more the Iron is extended on the Anvil , the tougher it grows ; because the threads continue the same in number , but become every time thinner , as before was said of Flax and Linnen . But when afterwards we give this tough Iron too great a heat , it will break to pieces again , as soon as it is cold , and will not be tough , as it was before , and that by reason of the threads being broken again through the great heat . Furthermore , we may remark this Experiment , viz. when we take a foursquare Rod of Iron of an inch thick , and make it red-hot in the fire , so that the sparks fly from it , and afterwards lay this Iron on the Anvil , and swiftly and continually blow against the same with a common pair of Bellows , that the Iron will melt & drops will fall down from it , which drops are no more Iron , but are changed into Glass : for the wind which comes out of the Bellows , causeth that the fire cannot come out of the Iron , but is continually driven back by the wind ; and thus by its being forced to remain in the Iron , it unites itself with it , and turns it to glass . Again it is to be observed , that when a Smith doth not understand the true proportion of his fire , and the stroaks of his hammers , as well as of the thickness and heat of his Iron , but doth stretch and expand his Iron farther , than the heat of it will suffer him , with an intent to make the threads of it the thinner , he will lose by so doing , and shews thereby that he doth not understand his craft : for by this means he will break the threads of Iron . And the same is to be observed as well in Gold , Silver and Copper , for a short and general rule . And on the contrary , it will not be amiss to take notice also of this experiment , that when a quick and active Smith takes a cold rod of tough Iron , of the thickness of a finger , and hammers the uttermost end of it , which is to be four square , very swiftly , then the said part of the Iron in the extending of it , will be made wholly or throughly red hot , after that he hath briskly given it twenty strokes with the hammer . 15 Q. Seeing then the Metals are distinct and different from one another , must we therefore suppose them every one to have a distinct and different form and life , each for it self ? R. That all Malleable Metals have their proper and peculiar form and life , by vertue whereof they are woven in such an order , and according to the property and measure of every one of them , that they cannot so naturally and essentially by fusion be united with one another , as they are in themselves . All Soders will make out this very clear-all all things must perform their Revolutions , in manner as was mentioned before , when we treated concerning the Earth . 68 Q. Now when all things in the Stomach of man are in good and due order , may not we conclude that it must then needs communicate health to the whole body of man , especially to the heart and head ? And like as in the Body the Heart is a more principal part than the Stomach , might we not compare the same with the most holy place in the Temple ? Moreover , as the Temple was open above , and that the Head of man is placed above , and is the upper part of the body ; might we not compare it to Heaven , whither the smell and savour of the Burnt-offerings and Incense mounted continually ? And when all this is done in its due order , will it not again come down from the Head as from Heaven , and so perform its Revolution in order to perfection ? 69 Q. Now for the way and means how this right and due order may be kept and observed in the Body of Man , hath not God fully declared this to the People of Israel by Moses , and ordered the same to be registred in Scripture , as an everlasting Record , viz. that they should eat no Creatures produced by Putrefaction , nor such as be of a ravenous nature ; but onely clean Beasts that divide the Hoof and chew the Cud , and revolving so the Meat ? And doth not God hereby point out to us , that such Creatures as these were the next to Man , and the fittest to be enobled into his nature ? And whereas the Beasts amongst the Jews were to be killed , without any affrightment , as much as possible , to this end their slaughtering Knives were most sharp and keen , without the least notch in them , and that for this end , that all cause of pain and fright to the Beasts might be removed , whereby otherwise their bloud might be obstructed ? 70 Q. Forasmuch then as Man ought to be a King and Governour in his Kingdom which is within him in his Heart , must he not ( in order to keep good rule by means of his spiritual upper & under Officers , each in his own place and order ) so rule the whole Body , that all that is in it may be dispensed and regulated in good order ? And by consequence , must not there be many under Officers , all under the command of the Stomach , which can and must distinguish what is good or bad for man ? According as we see in some sick persons , in whom there is yet some strength of life left , that oft-times there ariseth in them an appetite to some strange thing by means of which , when they can get it , and feed upon it , they soon after recover : And may not the wonderful healing , renewing , and out-working power and property which is in these under Officers , be further discerned in Women with Child , in that those things many time serve to procure their health and recovery , which would be the death of others if they should take them . 71 Q. Moreover , may not the extraordinary mentioned Arsenick . When we go about to separate this Red Arsenick from its redness , it divides itself into two parts ; a small part of it yields a common combustible Sulphur , and the remaining part is white Arsenick , which white Arsenick that hath no mixture in it of Combustible Sulphur , that is by art perceptible , is also found in great quantity in the Silver Mines , as the red is found in Gold-oare . From some Silver-oare they sublime the common white Arsenick , which is every where to be sold , as made out of Cobalt , and in that part of it which in sublimation stays below , a certain matter is found , which the Germans call [ Saffer ] in which are many round Pellets or Globules , which in melting run together , and are called Wismut or Bismut , which are altogether white like Silver , and heavy , but very brittle as glass , and consist of very thin leaves , lying upon one another , as it is in Izing-glass , and shining like the Regulus of Antimony , which is their form . When this Bismuth is sublimed , it changeth into common Arsenick . But as for the Saffer , when it is melted with Pot-ashes and white sand , a Painters blew , commonly called Smalt is made of it , which blew colour shews that it is of a Lunar nature , as indeed there are found several Cobalts that are rich in Silver . As to what concerns the forms of Metals , I shall onely in this place make mention of the form of Gold , as being the most perfect Metal , and consequently must have the perfectest form of them all : for the other imperfect Metals especially are changeable , wherefore also their form cannot be so well perceived , as that of the perfect ones . This likewise is the reason why the perfect Metals retain their form upon the Test , and do not turn to glass without some addition , as all the other Metals do . Upon this account also it is , that the fire cannot dissipate these perfect Metals nor break their form , so as that they should be divided into little particles , and carried away upon the wings of the Air , as it happens to Mercury . When we make an Aqua Regis of Vitriol or Alloms , Salt-petre , common Salt , or Salt Atmoniack , slowly rectifie it , and then dissolve Gold in it , and afterwards cohobate and digest the same several times , and at last slowly distil the water from it ; and poure again of the same Aqua Regis fresh upon it , digesting and cohobating as before ; and last of all distil it with a boiling fire in a low Retort : we shall find that some part of the Gold will come over with the water , and that when any of the said water impregnated thus with Gold , falls upon any ones hand , it tingeth the same with yellow spots , which afterwards are changed into a bright and beautiful red ; and last of all into a high purple colour . This fine dissolved volatile Gold , if we let it stand long in the Air , so as the strength of the water may gradually evaporate , or put to it a little common water distilled , and then let it stand for a while ; we shall observe and find , that the subtile volatile Gold will by degrees form itself into little flat stars , and when we hold the Glass against the light and shake it , we shall see that the whole water is full of such little shining Golden stars , which afterwards swim on the top of the water , and twist and weave themselves in one another ; so that we can plainly and visibly to the eye perceive , how the said Stars do vitally and naturally form themselves , and afterward reduce themselves to a Body again . From which instance we may exactly see and perceive the form of Gold , and understand the reason why fine Gold is so flexible , and suffers itself to be Hammer'd out into such thin leaves ; yea , and yet further to be expanded afterwards , when fine Silver is guilded with the foresaid thin Leaves , and Hammer'd out ; for we find that Gold in conjunction with Silver , suffers itself yet further to be dilated and hammer'd out , until the Silver begins to appear or shine through the Gold , and becomes after that whiter and whiter , until that the Gold at last grows so thin , that it vanisheth from the sight and comprehension of man. This visible , glorious , spiritual Body , may lead us to endless glorious thoughts and meditations , viz. if we consider that in all the Sands ( as was said above ) created by God , there is a little Gold and Silver , from whence all other Beings do exist and have their Being , as proceeding from their Father the Sun , and their Mother the Moon : From the Sun , as from a living and spiritual Gold , which is a meer fire , and beyond all throughly refined Gold ; and consequently is the common and Universal first created Mover ( even as is the heart of Man ) from whence all moveable things derive all their distinct and particular motions ; and also from the Moon , as from the Wife of the Sun , and the common Mother of all Sublunary things . And forasmuch as man is , and must be the comprehensive end of all Creatures , and the Little World ( in whom all Seeds exist and are perfected , which thenceforth can never be annihilated ) we shall not find it strange that he is counselled , Rev. 3. v. 18. to buy Gold tryed in the fire ( the Greek words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gold , that is , all or throughly fired , or all a meer fire ) that he may become rich and like unto the Sun ; as on the contrary , he becomes poor , when he doth abase the Arsenical posion , so that his Silver by the fire must be burnt to dross , which comes to pass when he will keep and hold the Menstrual Bloud ( out of which he in part exist ) for his own propriety in his own thoughts and out workings , and doth not daily offer up the same in the fire of the Sun ; to the end the Woman may be cloathed with the Sun , and become a Sun , and thereby rule over the Moon : that is to say , that he may get the Moon under his feet , as we may see , Rev. 12. v. 1. 17 Q. Forasmuch as we are here treating concerning Gold , it will not be inconvenient to query yet further . Whether is any thing more to be considered and taken notice of about Gold , viz How many sorts of Gold there be ? And how Gold is properly formed ? R. There are three sorts of Gold. 1. There is a white Gold , which hath the weight and all the qualities of Gold , except the colour : for it is white as Silver , and hath either lost its colour , or hath not yet attained it . 2. The second sort of Gold is of a pale yellow colour . 3. The third sort is an high yellow coloured Gold. But how little the tincture or colour doth that is in Gold , we may perceive from what follows . 1. In that the first fort , viz. the white Gold , in its substance is as ponderous as any other Gold ; from which hint or instance we may see , how little the colour conduceth to the being of Gold ; seeing it is not at all , or very hardly to be perceived in its weight and substance . 2. And this also appears yet further , from this new instance , viz. When we take notice how full and plain a yellow colour a little Saffron tingeth a great quantity of Milk ( as if it were a white Gold ) yea , into as high a yellow as that of the most yellow Gold ; and not the least part of the white colour can be perceived to remain in the Milk ; nor yet is the weight or ponderosity thereof sensibly increased by the Saffron . Moreover , some Handicrafts men , as Guilders and Gold-beaters , will be able to give us full information , by what means they bring the two first sorts of Gold , viz. the white and pale yellow , to a high yellow , such as the third sort of Gold hath : to which end they make use of divers means , as indeed it may be performed by several caements , yet those that consist of Cuprous and Antimonial materials , are found to be the most effectual : wherefore their use is to melt their Gold several times with Antimony , and as often blow it off again ; and thus they give their Gold an high yellow colour , as was said before . Now as to the tinging and colouring of Gold , it is very well worth our further taking notice , viz. 1. That the tincture of Gold thus coloured by Art , is so united with it , that with fire alone it can never be separated from the Gold , no more than its natural colour can be separated from it . 2. That an imperfect Mineral or Metal , which hath not yet obtained a perfect body ( such as Antimony or Copper is ) should be able to give a perfect tincture to a perfect Body . 3. That the Gold takes in no more ticture than it hath need of , and belongs to it ; so that notwithstanding its being never so often melted with Antimony or Copper , yet it doth never attain to a higher colour than its pitch is . 4. Now seeing that pale Gold ( as hath been said ) which either hath lost its colour , or not yet attained it ( and yet is good Gold ) may receive an higher tincture , which hath a sure and firm union with the Gold ; upon this ground many have endeavoured to separate the colour , together with that part of the Gold , which is and must necessarily be united to it . As to what concerns the forming of Gold , the expert refiners of Gold and silver are able to give us some information . For we shall find that in Cities of great Trading and Commerce , where much wrought Silver is melted down , in order to make essays for Coyning or Minting , when some of them meet with old Silver Salt-sellers , in which Salt hath stood a long while , so that they are become black on the inside , and deeply coloured with the Salt , they are us'd to cut out that part of the Salts , and not to melt it with the other Silver , for that they have found , that a little Gold is contained in it , and that the Salt hath united part of the Copper , which is mixed with the Silver , by a long and natural opperation with the said Silver . 18 Q. What may be the cause why Gold and Silver ( as was said ) are not by fire upon the test turned to Glass , as other Metals are ? R. For that they have a perfect form , which the Lead by his vitrifying property cannot break ( as he doth in other Metals ) wherefore it is that Lead is made use of on the Test , as the tryer of all Metals . 19 Q. How doth it come to pass that Lead in a less fire is turned to Glass , and in a stronger is again changed into Lead ? R. The reason hereof is this : When we turn a hundred pound of Lead into Minium or Red-Lead , we find that the said hundred pound are augmented ten pound , viz. when the Calx of Lead is ground to powder , and afterward exposed to a small fire , the Lead borrows part of its weight from the fire , in which it was calcined , and part from the water , in which it was ground ; and each of these two severally , and both of them joyntly , do help to turn the easie melting Lead to Glass ; because the fire is naturally and easily reduced to a body in Lead , by which means it also turns all other things into Glass . But when the Lead is exposed to a greater heat in a strong fire , it is forced to leave its vitrifying part behind , viz. the fore-mentioned gained ten pounds , which from the fire and water were super-added to it , and consequently turns to a Metal as it was before ; and then it pierceth all melting-Pots whatsoever , which is the reason why no Vessel is found which can hold such hot Lead . 20 Q. Is there no way to be found out for to make Glass of Gold ? R. Yes , for by adding Iron to it we may make Glass of Gold ; and by this addition the form of Gold is partly broken ; forasmuch as the Iron contains much unripe fix Sulphur , wherefore also Iron requires a strong fire for to melt it down , and when it is molten with Gold , it is difficult to separate the Gold again from it , without loss of the Gold. 21 Q. Is there nothing more to be taken notice of concerning Gold ? R. I shall mention one thing more for a conclusion of this matter , viz. when fine Gold is melted several times with an equal quantity of Regulus of Antimony , and after every time ground small , and sublimed with common Sublimate , and afterwards edulcorated ; this hath been found ( when well prepared ) good for many sorts of diseases , and particularly for the cure of some kindes of the Dropsy , exhibited to the quantity of two , three , or four grains ; and that for this reason , because that each time it is melted , some part of the Gold is volatilized , and loseth its Metallick nature , and becomes disposed to take upon itself a Vegetable nature , as being now exalted and higher digested , wherefore it can ( together with the Antimony ) the better perform its opperations in man , and become united with him . 22 Q. What is now further to be observed about the other Metals ? R. I shall speak of some of these with all possible brevity ; seeing that ( as hath been said ) they are not so perfect , that we can as exactly observe and take notice of their texture and formation , as we can in Gold and Silver : wherefore what here follows , may serve for a short indication and hint for others to enlarge upon , as well concerning the other Metals , as concerning Minerals and Salts . The reason why the fiery Sulphur alone doth make the white Sulphur malleable , we may in part gather from what hath been said already , and in part also from what we find in Lead and Tin. For Tin is the lightest amongst all Metals , and that by reason of the great quantity of combustible Sulphur it contains ; as appears when a small portion of it is mixed with Silver , it makes it all brittle and unmalleable , which doth not happen so when it is mixed with fine Gold. And on the contrary , when Lead is mixed with Gold , it makes the Gold unmalleable ; but hath not the same effect when it is melted with Silver . Now that the combustible Sulphur is the cause of this , may be further gathered from this instance , viz. when we take filings of Tin and mix them with quarter of Salt-petre , and put them into a Crusible upon the fire , then the Salt-petre will kindle the combustible Sulphur ; and at the bottom we shall find a small portion of molten Tin , very hard , and ringing , or sounding . And if we repeat this opperation , the whole will be changed into an unmalleable powder , of which white Glass may be made ; and of itself is no more reducible into Tin. So that we see and may be assured , that the malleability of Metals , and their metallick from , doth proceed from the fiery Sulphur ; as before hath been made out at large , when we treated concerning Gold. We may likewise take a further observation of this , from an experiment of Lead ; which can endure a certain degree of fire upon the Test , before it turns to Glass . When the said Lead is dissolved by Alkalies , and Salts or Oyl , which take in the Sulphur and separate it from the Body , the Lead by this means becomes changed into a volatile running Mercury , which can no more endure the fire , as before , but is cold and running like water , and without a metalline form . From all which instances we may clearly perceive , that Metals are made by the union of both the foresaid Sulphurs ; as also that the Metals differ from one another , according to the quantity and proportion of Sulphur they have in them , and according to the degrees of their natural union in order to perfection . Now if any one should go about to imitate Nature in this her process and endeavour , mechanically to effect the same mixture , which Nature performs in her own way and order ; he will find himself mistaken , for that his eye-sight is not sharp and piercing enough , perfectly to spy and perceive the fine and subtile inter-weavings of Nature , and much less are his fingers fit to knit and work the same . And in case he should try to do it , by a strong fire of fusion , let him first well consider what before hath been set down concerning this matter ; for he shall find that Nature doth nor make use of any such violent fire . But if any should think to make use of violent , strong , corroding waters , in hopes by this means to dissolve the Metals and Minerals , and to unite them again ; he will find by experience , that this will not succeed neither ; forasmuch as Nature never makes use of any such violent and unnatural things in her process about Minerals : for all Salts which are found in the Earth are not violent , but natural , as ( amongst others ) Vitriol is . From both these deductions we may conclude , that a strong fire doth burn and change a thing , but doth not therefore annihilate it , as may be seen in the foregoing instance of burnt Firr-wood . In like manner , when Brimstone ( which is as a fire ) is by heat or putrefaction changed into Vitriol , it hath no more ingress into Metals ; and none have hitherto been found that have been able to reduce it to Brimstone again . But a warm Fire gives and communicates growth and life to a warm moisture : therefore when a strong Fire hath reduced Brimstone to Vitriol , yet the true proper life is not therefore there also , but time is required that a warmth may excite and kindle life in the moisture . Wherefore he that seeks for a Menstruum , which without any changing of it self , shall perform its solutions , will find himself extremely mistaken ; for that nothing is to be found in the World that is not changeable , concerning which matter much more might be said . Common Sea-salt is a thing well known , and doth not differ at all from Salt of the Mountains , or Sal Gemme . Now this Salt appears in two different forms , viz. as a living , or as a dead Salt ; as we may perceive evidently to the eye , when we take a piece of flesh and lay it at the bottom of a Vessel which is full of little holes , and put under the same a Tub or other Vessel , and then strew salt upon the flesh , which must be turned with the convex part upwards , so that the salt as it dissolves may run down from it ; we shall find that the Pickle which drops down through the bottom full of holes into the Vessel that is set under it , when by boiling it is turn'd to Salt again , will retain the form and taste of Salt , but its virtue and life will be gone , so as it will be impossible to salt or season any thing therewith any more because its life is entred into the flush , and hath preserv'd it from corruption : for we shall find by experience , that the flesh ( in this case ) will continue sound and good , but the salt not so : for with reference to this it is what out Saviour speaks of , Mat. 5. 13. Salt-petre , which is made of the Air and Earth as in Stables , and out of Mortar , as also out of Ashes , doth not at all differ from the mineral Salt-petre . Now it remains onely to speak something concerning Salt Armoniack . This same is found in great quantity in the Territory of Naples , at 〈◊〉 , and elsewhere , where the surface , of the ground is hot , by reason of a fire that burns under it , where in many places we find this Salt sublimed being mixed with Brimstone ; which being made into a Lie , and afterwards evaporated by degrees , yields a perfect Salt Armoniack , and is fold in cakes at a cheap rate , because in those parts it is got without any great pains . Concerting the commixture and union of Sulphurs , which are either done manually , as in the dry way , viz. by trituration and grinding ; or with Mercury , by way of amalgamation or solution , or lastly , by way of sublimation , I leave it to the Lover of Truth for to judge of them himself , whether they be natural ways , or ever like to reach the desired end , viz. the producing of a perfect union : for without doubt he will find that it is impossible it should be effected by any of these ways . 23 Q. We find everywhere up and down in the World , many Books , and we hear much spoken concerning the Philosophers Stone , which should have the power to tinge and transmute all meaner Metals into Gold and Silver ; by which imagination many have precipitated themselves into great sickness and poverty : the sum of which amounts to this , that one grain of this Stone or Tinature can suddenly on the Fire change a whole pound of Lead or Mercury into Gold ; whether therefore is it thus , or no ? R. In case this be true , the thing must be subject to the judgment of the Senses , and be comprehensible ; and if it be supposed so comprehensible , we 'll propound these Queries , which contain only my thoughts , and as such , are onely propounded to the curious for further examination . 1. How can it be , that such a small quantity of Tincture should enter into the foresaid quantity of Lead or Mercury , and pierce through them per minima , so as to change them into another perfect body , such as Gold is , so as to abide fixt in the Fire , and not be changed into Glass , as before was said ? 2. If so , it must follow that the whole body of this pound of Gold which is changed out of Mercury , can be through and through , or wholly nothing else but the white incombustible fix Sulphur : and forasmuch as there are no more but two Sulphurs of which Gold consists , ( as before hath been shewed ) shall then this grain of Tincture alone be sufficient to change the white part of Mercury into Gold , and to give it the solar tincture ? Or shall we suppose that Lead and Mercury contain in them a fiery sulphur not united , which ( by means of the Tincture ) must be united to the said white part ? which is well to be noted . 3. We are likewise to weigh and consider how it can be , that such a little body of one grain should naturally be able so to subtiliate it self , as to be able to pierce a body of a pound weight in all its parts ; which commonly is held to be impossible , because they suppose the Metals to be meer gross bodies , and that one body cannot penetrate another . 4. But if any should say that a spiritual body is able to do all this , as we see that Sulphur being in Fire changed ( as it were ) into a spiritual body , doth with its heat or warmth pierce through all bodies in all their parts , so as nothing remains shut up to it . As for instance , when we put Mercury into a Crucible upon the fire , and when he swells up by the heat of the fire , before he takes wing & flies away , and sulphur be melted together with him , with what a great noise doth the molten sulphur enter the Mercury , though indeed the sulphur cannot unite it self wholly with the Mertury , because the sulphur which is in Mercury is not so perfect as that which is in Copper , neither is it united with a white , perfecting , and superabounding sulphur , of which also Gold and Silver have no more than they stand in need of for themselves , as being that which hath given to each of them their peculiar form , that so they can be melted without being broken or dissipated by the fire . How can these difficulties be disintangled ? In answer to this , may be alledged , that if such a Tincture should be found , it must be of such a nature , as to be able to pierce through all the parts of a metalline body , and to make it fix in the fire , and incombustible , and consequently must be incombustible it self ( and easie of fusion to stop and fix the Mercury , before he flies away from the fire ) to the end it also may not flie away like the sulphur , but abide in the said bodies united to them ; forasmuch as those bodies in all their parts have a part of the perfect Metals united with them . Seeing that ( as hath been mentioned before ) one grain of Tin doth pierce through a whole pound of Silver , & one grain of Lead a whole pound of Gold , so as that they cannot ( without difficulty ) be separated even upon the test it self . Wherefore we are to consider , that if both these ( which are but imperfect Tinctures ) be able to do so much , then the Metals cannot be such gross bodies as commonly they are thought to be ; but that indeed they are spiritual bodies , and are the life of stones , in which they are found ; which likewise their very essence it self doth declare , in that they are malleable and may be broken into many little parts , and then made whole again as they were before , without losing any thing of their form , because they retain their seminal and attractive virtue , which the fire cannot rob them of . 24 Q. Here another doubt ariseth , viz. If such a Tincture should be found that could tinge all Metals into perfect Gold , the Question is , Whether or no Silver is to be excluded , seeing that it is fix in the fire , and hath in it self a perfect essence consisting of a white sulphur , and hath also a white body , but possesseth very little united fiery sulphur , which yet alone is that which makes it to be Silver and malleable but is too little in quantity to give it the weight of Gold , or to advance it to the colour of Gold , which notwithstanding it must have , before that it can become Gold ; and a grain of Tincture seems too little to give a yellow colour to so great a quantity ? R. The whole body of common Gold is nothing else , and cannot consist of any thing else but Silver , which is a perfect body , and wants nothing of being Gold , but the fiery male Tincture . If now it should happen that a certain quantity of Silver should be tinged into Gold with one grain of Tincture , and that the said grain should be only sufficient to turn it into Gold , without giving it the true colour , to supply this , we have already shewed that the Gold-beaters and Guilders know how to give it a fixed yellow Gold-colour . 25 Q. It may be further queried , how it comes to pass , that Antimony and Copper can give to pale Gold its perfect colour , and so can help others , whereas they cannot help themselves ? As also whence it is that they can communicate this colour to Gold and not to Silver , or any other Metal , and not to themselves ? R. Forasmuch as Gold doth want this colour , and must have it as its due and property , which it hath either had before , and now lost it , or hath not yet attained to it , but must attain it for the future ; wherefore the Gold , to satiate it self , takes in this Gold-colour in order to its perfection , and can naturally take no more than it ought to have . 26 Q. There remains yet one considerable Question to be asked , viz. forasmuch as it hath been said , that Gold naturally takes in no more of a Golden colour than it stands in need of for it self , and that a tincture which must first turn the imperfect Metals into Silver ( as being the body of Gold ) and afterwards tinge them into Gold ; must consist and proceed from Gold and Silver ( for no third or strange thing can be here admitted ) and yet the said Tincture must not be Gold or Silver , but the very first principle and beginning of Gold and Silver , and so be partaker of the end and perfection of Gold and Silver , and have the sulphur of Gold and Silver in it : for that bodies of one nature ( as before mentioned ) cannot mechanically enter into each other , as being both of them equally hard to be melted . The Tincture therefore must needs be and consist of just such a sulphurous nature , ( viz. which is easily fusible ) as the sulphur of Gold and Silver is of , which hath given them their form , and as it was before it entred into the composition of Gold and Silver , at the beginning of their being made such . And forasmuch as the said Tincture is to tinge the other Metals through and through , not mechanically , but vitally and naturally , it must of necessity abound with the said perfect metallick yellow and white Tincture . Now Silver and Gold ( according to what hath been said ) cannot mechanically take in more than they stand in need of themselves ; the Question therefore is , From whence such a Tincture as this must be taken ? R. Ask Nature of what she makes Gold and Silver in the Gold and Siver-Mines , and she will answer thee , out of red and white Arsenick ; but she will tell thee withal , that indeed Gold and Silver are made of the same , but that thou wilt not be able to find any Tincture there : for the Gold which is there in its vital place where it is wrought and made , is killed by the abundance of Arsenick , and afterwards made alive again and volatized , for to bring forth other Creatures , as Vegetables and Animals , and to give unto them their Being and Life . From whence we may conclude , that Gold is not onely in the Earth for to be digged thence , and made into Coin and Plate : for should we suppose this , it would follow , that an incomprehensible great quantity of Gold must have been created in vain , and be of no use at all , there being vast quantities of Gold which never are , nor ever can be digg'd up . It is here also to be considered , that seeing ( as was mentioned ) Gold and Silver are made volatile and mortified by the Arsenick , in order to their entring upon another and a new life , viz. into a vegetable nature , whether the Gold and Silver must not before be united with the Arsenick , as with their Original from whence they proceeded , before they can be changed into a vegetable nature , because it is the Arsenick which effects this new Birth in Gold and Silver : And whether this Essence , whilst it is yet of a mineral nature , and not come so far as to be changed into a vegetable nature , would not be a Tincture , by means of which the imperfect Metals might be brought to perfection ? Since it is probable that the Gold or Silver which ( by means of the Arsenick ) are now made spiritual , volatile , and fusible , may have ingress into imperfect Bodies , pierce through them , and being thus united with them , change them into their perfect nature , and make them more glorious ? But these are onely curious thoughts : for if this should be true , yet how could we be assured of it , forasmuch as all this is done in the Mountains , and consequently hid from our eyes and senses . And here for a conclusion , that we may lend an helping hand to deliver men from many Diseases , Poverty , and much Toil and Labour , we recommend to their serious consideration what follows viz. That seeing ( as hath been declared ) to Tincture of Gold or Silver ( of which we have here treated at large ) was ever found in any Gold or Silver-Mine in any part of the whole World , nor can be found , as is very aparent ; what ground then is there of that old and great ●ry spread throughout the whole World concerning such● Tincture , whereby so many thousand of high and low degree have been deceived , led aside , bewitched , and precipitated into utter 〈◊〉 ? AN APPENDIX . WE will here briefly set down what is most considerable about the Tincture of Vegetables , viz. what Dyers do ordinarily make use of for to extract their colours , and to prepare the things they do intend to dye or colour . Now therefore all sour liquors , out of Fruits and Vegetables , as Tartar , Vinegars , and all sorts of Salts , as Alloms , Vitriols , Salt Armoniack , Salt-petre , Sea Salt , or Sal Gemme ; and finally , Urines also are useful to this purpose . Onely Alkalies are not ordinarily to be used with the Materials forementioned ; for that when they are mixed with Acid. Salts , they cause a praecipitation , and consequently a change ; and therefore they are to be used alone and by themselves . All the Colours or Dyes which we make use of in Europe , are onely Mechanical , and have no natural union with the things themselves which they colour or tinge , but are onely borrowed and strange to them , and therefore may be separated from them again , as at first they were introduced into them . But if Dyers and Distillers would look about them , and consider what some other handycrafts men make use off , in order to the bringing about of a natural union of things , they might then be able to find out the true way of Dying . In order to which , they need only to mind and consider the practise of some Mechanicks , whom I here shall mention . As , 1. Tanners , who do bring forth life in two several things , which commonly amongst men are looked upon as dead , and unite them so together , as that afterwards they cannot by any art whatsoever be separated again . As for instance , they take the Hides of Oxen , or other Beasts , and when by means of Quicklime they have rid them of all the hair , and afterward throughly washed out the Lime , they dry them , and then lay them to steep in water impregnated with the strength and vertue of Oak-bark , wherein they let them lie for some time , and then take them out again and dry them , and so repeat this moistning and drying them again three , four , or more times , according to the thickness of the Hides , and then after this they take out the Hides , and lay them wet upon one another , strewing some powder of the said Oaken Bark between them , and let them lie so till they grow naturally warm of themselves , and by this means the life and virtue of the Oaken bark , becomes so intimately united with the life of the Hides , that it is impossible to separate them again ; so as a third Creature is produced out of two Natures united together , as is a Mule. For the Leather which before would quickly rot and putrifie in the water , hath by this means obtained on Oaken nature , so as to abide in the water without damage ; as experience teacheth us , how that such a piece of Leather hath continued for several years in a Pump , without rotting or putrifying . We may observe the same likewise from those that make wash-leather , who also do unite two natures , viz. an earthly and watry , so as that they cannot be separated again , viz. they take several skins of beasts , and fetch off the Wool or Hair with Lime , as aforesaid , and then wash them well and dry them , afterwards they moisten them throughly with Train-oile , and beat it well into them , as a Fuller doth when he fulls Cloath : this done , they dry them in the Sun , or in a Stove , till they find that when the Skins are stretched out , there appear some white streaks in them : then they moisten and work or full them again with Train-oile , and dry them , as before , in the Sun , or beated room , which they repeat so long , until the said skins , according to the proportion of their thickness , have taken in and do retain enough of the said Train-oile . Then these skins ( being almost dryed ) are laid in heaps one upon another in a stove or hot-house , until they begin to grow naturally warm of themselves , which they try by thrusting their arm into the midst of them , for when they perceive they are warm enough , they must one by one be turned , so as that which was under most must now lie uppermost , to the end that all of them may equally partake of the said warmth : for if they should grow too hot , and lie too long upon one another , the heat would become too great , and burn the skins . Those parts of the skins , to which the warmth hath not been communicated , will have no true union with the Train-oile , but the same may be washed away from them , and the Leather continues the same as it was before . But what is well united with the said Train-oile , never can be washed off again , neither can the Oile be separated from it ; forasmuch as it is now become of an Amphibious nature , as partaking of the nature of Fish and beast at once . 3. In some places they make vinegar in the manner as follows ; they take the dry stalks of Raisins , and fill a Barrel or other great vessel with the same : and when any one hath got a large vessel , such as are the largest Rhenish-wine Fat 's full of these , he hath enough for his whole life time , for to bring wine to a natural heat withal , and so turn it to vinegar . For when the wine is poured upon these stalks ( called Rap ) and hath stood a while on them , the wine gets through the pores , veins , or hollow pipe vessels of these stalks , as having formerly passed through the same or like , and by means of this motion and passage it grows warm , and then is drawn off , and other wine drawn upon them instead of the former ; and by this means of drawing off and pouring on again , they do make vinegar in Holland . Now if Dyers would well mind and consider the practice and performance of these three sorts of Handicrafts men , they would soon find the great difference there is between the natural union which those Artists introduce into their Materials , and their own Mechanical conjunction of colours with the subjects of their Trade . The Second PART Concerning the MICROCOSME : OR , MAN As being the Little World. CHAP. I. Of the Original and Essence of MAN , and his Vnion with the Great World. 1 Q. SEeing that the Creator of all Beings , before the foundation of the world , and before ever they were brought forth , had and contained the same in his mind and wisdom , even the little world as well as the greater , according to the testimony of Scripture , Prov. 8. 22 , 23. and the following verses ; also Wisd. 8. 4. Must not then the world , the greater as well as lesser , have their Creator ( as their Original and Beginning ) within themselves , so as neither the Creator , nor his Creature are separate from each other ? which St. Paul confirms , Acts 17. 27 , 28. That the Lord is not far from every one of us , for in him we live , move , and have our Beings . 2 Q. Since then the Creator in and through the Son of God , is every where present in the Creatures , in the greater as well as in the lesser world , Man ( who is the Seed and Fruit of the Tree of the greater world ) filling the same in all parts , and working in and with the same , to the end he may advance all things to their due perfection and glory , Col. 1. 16 , 17. Hebr. 1. 2 , 3. Wisd. 8. 5. Syr. 24. 7 , 8 , 9. And seeing it cannot be said , that perfection is come , before the end hath reached its beginning , and the beginning united it self with the end , in order to a New Birth , and production . The Question then is , whether both the great and lesser world , for to arrive at their perfection , must not in all their workings aim at this , viz. that they may return to their beginning , and to be united with it . And that seeing their beginning is the Son of God , John 1. 1 , 2 , 3. Col. 1. 17 , 18. Rev. 22. 13. they through the Son of God , who co-operates in them , and with whom they , as the members of a Body ( in order to their glorification and becoming Sons of God ) must be united , that so they , in the Son , the first-born , as their head , may be joyned again and gathered together , Ephes. 1. 10. and further propagate themselves and be meliorated still more and more , and without ceasing be advanced from one degree of glory to another ? Because else it would follow , that God either continually must create things a new , which is not onely contrary to the unchangeableness of God , which God himself confirms to Moses , Exod. 3. 14. in these words , I AM THAT I AM , compared with the 102 Psal. v. 26 , 27. and Heb. 1. 11 , 12. but it is also contradictory to the clear and express Testimony of the Spirit of God in Holy Writ : That there is no new thing under the Sun ; but that that which was , is the same that shall be hereafter . In like manner , that there is nothing of which we can say that it is new ; for it hath been heretofore in former times that were before us , Eccles. 1. 9 , 10 , 11. and 3 , 15. Or we must conclude , that if ever this continual Renovation , Melioration , and Glorification of the Creatures of God should come to cease , that the Creatures by this means , viz by ceasing from rising higher and higher , would either come to a stand , or else go backwards towards nothing , neither of which can be admitted , not the first , because God always works in his Creatures ; not the latter , because this working of God in his Creatures , is in order to their perfection and advancement , and not to their annihilation or destruction . It would also follow from hence , that God would thus finally cease from Creating ( seeing , as hath been hinted before , that no new thing is created ) , which would also oppose the infiniteness of God , who is from Eternity to Eternity , Syr. 43. 21. And who is also immutable and present in all things . Likewise it is against the Holy Scripture , which witnesseth that whatsoever God doth , continues for ever . Also that wisdom continues the same she is , and yet renews all things . Moreover , that whatsoever is , lives and continues for ever , Eccles. 13. 14 Wisd. 7. 27. Syr. 43. 24. Now whatsoever it is that hath life , must likewise have a continual out-going , or out-working of the said life . 3 Q. Seeing then that Man the Little World being created by God , must come to such a state , wherein continually without ceasing he may be meliorated , and raised from one degree of glory to another , and so becometh still more and more God-like . ( if I may speak so ) or be incessantly advanced : because by this continual Revolution and Glorification , he still comes nearer to God , and yet can never come to an end of his approaches , ( forasmuch as in God there is neither Beginning nor End ) but this melioration and glorification must continue without end ? And will it not follow from hence , that man as being a Compendium of all the Creatures of God , hath had no ( absolute though a respective ) beginning , because if otherwise they must also have an end . It follows also if they have had a Beginning , that before the same , they were not , and consequently that they sprang and came of nothing ? Now seeing that this cannot be , because by this means , a nothing must be conceived to be in God ; whereas indeed he is the Eternal Being of all Beings , Blessed for ever ! They indeed who imagine to themselves a Creaturely God , and according to their gross conceptions , or their outward senses , shut up God in a determinate place or circumference , consistently with this their imagination , must suppose that a Nothing ( which neither is , nor can be conceived of , or comprehended by themselves or others ) before the Creation of the world , did exist together with God. For whatsoever is beyond the bound which they have set themselves , that they call a Nothing . Or else they must assert that God made a Nothing , out of which he afterwards created all things ; which is a contradiction , because a Nothing cannot be made , but whatsoever is made or is , must be something . Moreover , according to this assertion God must have made himself to a Nothing ( because there was Nothing then but God ) which is very absurd . Since then , I say , that this cannot stand , the Question is , whether we must not conclude , that all whatsoever is , must be without beginning or end , and consequently have an Eternal Nature and Being in it self , which without end or ceasing , must further and further work out it self , and that in order to its rising to a still higher and higher degree of perfection ; but yet so as it never can become God himself , though continually it be made more and more like unto him . 4 Q. Seeing then that all the Creatures of God in order to their melioration and glorification , stand in an endless Revolution , in order to perfection , and yet must be known and comprehended : and a thing cannot be known otherwise , than by its end and operation , or out-working , as a Tree by its fruits ; and that the lesser world is the end and comprizal of all Creatures and Works of God , and consequently an Out-birth of the great world , wherein all other Creatures are comprized : the question then is , whether there be any other way by which man may attain to a right knowledge of the great world , with and in all its parts , than in and out of himself ; especially since in him ( as in the end and abridgement of all things ) the Begining hath manifested itself : for the End is nothing else but a Beginning wrought out , that is , displayed into act and manifested ; so that the End is hid in the Beginning ? And whether ( consequently to this ) both the worlds have not a great affinity , and perfect likeness , yea and unity one with the other : and whether they must not be wrought out with one another , and thereby arrive at their highest perfection . 5 Q Now even as both these world 's the greater and lesser , must always stand in harmony and agreement , and as in the great world ( according to what in the first Part hath been shewed ) the Sun , Moon , and Stars , together with all other Creatures of the great world , according to all their parts , do every moment continually flow forth , and again take in , so as still a perpetual Revolution is performed in them , in order to their perfection . Must not then the same consequently happen with Man also , who is the Out-birth of the greater world ? Must not he I say , in like manner , flow forth and take in , and that as to his whole Man , and in all his parts . So that an entire Spiritual Ideal Man , may proportionably without ceasing slow forth from him ( as a fountain gusheth forth water according to all its parts , so as no part can be assign'd of which it may be said that it is not water ) and return to him again . As we daily see before our eyes , that this Ideal man , as he flows forth from every man , so he is again taken in by every one that receives him through the senses , and stays with the receiver , in order to a Spiritual operation or out-working , which is performed in the Head and Heart , in order to its union with the Soulish body of him who receives it . And because these out-going Spiritual Ideal Beings , are not meer Spirits , but Spiritual Bodies , and bodily Spirits , as being born of the whole man , who consists of the Soulish Body and Spirit ; and that all these Spirits have their original out of , and from the Central Spirit of man , viz. out of the Heart , and are sent abroad as his Messengers ? Must not therefore these Messengers , perform that which they were duely sent about , and go thither , whether the contral Spirit or will of man designs and aims them , and in like manner return by revolution to man again ? And must not therefore the works of man follow him , which he hath done in his life-time , whether they be good or evil ? especially seeing ( as was mentioned before ) that new Spiritual Bodies go forth continually from man , which belong to him , and contribute to the whole man , for to make out his full measure , until that member which he supplies in Adam or Christ , do attain to that perfection which sutes with such a Head ; that so a perfect member may be joyned to a perfect Body , and a perfect Body united to a perfect Head ? Must not also finally those Spirits ( as a great and well ordered Army under their Captain General , or Adonai Zebaoth ) and every least Atome , after they have wrought out their revolution , return to man again , and unite themselves with his Central Spirit , and so all these Spirits being united with the Central Spirit , make up the whole man ? 6 Q. When now a man hath lived long , we may consider how many of these Spiritual Bodies , must needs have flown forth from him during the time of his life , seeing that ( as hath been elsewhere hinted ) every three Months the whole man is totally renewed in all his parts : all which parts or spiritual Bodies which flow forth in the time of these three months , belong to the Regiment of that whole Body , which in the said three months hath been renewed . And when farthermore ( as follows from what hath been said ) out of every part of man such a total Ideal man goes forth , and yet these altogether make up but one man , though there be a very great difference between them , so as some are in the state of Children , some of Youths , and others of Manhood , and these again either good or bad : the question therefore is , whether they always continue in these states of imperfection ? or whether or no there be a way whereby they may be advanced to their perfection , and so become right perfect men , to the end that every one of them for himself , may become a perfect member , in the perfect body of Christ. And seeing that Christ himself in this world was to be perfected by suffering , Heb. 2. 10. whether there be any other way to perfect these Spiritual Bodies , than by suffering in this world ; since no renovation can be brought about without dying , and that all dying is suffering ? In like manner whether it doth not follow from hence , that they must so oft perform their Revolutions in this world , until they attain to their due perfection ? 7 Q. Forasmuch then as every man ( in manner as is shewed before ) doth send forth this Spiritual Ideal Image of himself , as a Spiritual Body , or bodily Spirit , from himself into another man or thing , which he lays hold of with any of his senses , and at the same time receives a like Image flowing forth from the person or any other thing he hath laid hold off ; so that every one is in a state of uncessant giving forth and receiving in again ; forasmuch as he continually gives forth his own Image , and again takes in and receives the image of every object . And seeing moreover , that this out flowing Idea is taken in by the receiving party with great lust and desire , as if it were drawn in by a Magnet ; so that he becomes enamoured of the Beauty of the said Image , which takes so much the deeper root in him , and becomes more powerful and operative in him , by how much the more he loves the same ; so that his Central Spirit doth image himself with it ; how can then this fore-mentioned giving out and receiving ( when it happens in due likeness and equality ) be any thing else but love it self , in such a degree as the Reception is ? Now as the senses of man through which this Image or Spiritual Body , and out going Spiritual feed is conveyed into man , cannot be separated from Man , will it not follow from hence , that the received Image , cannot be taken away from Man , before it be duely wrought out according to the property of the fore-going reception or conception ? Of which we have an example in Thaman , Gen. 38. according to the Female property , how that after the death of her two Husbands Er and Onan ( who were Brethren ) Judah the Father of her Husbands , was to raise up and excite in her the seed of his departed Sons , and so bring forth the seed which remained in her of her two Husbands , and was not yet wrought out . Which likewise may be supposed to be the reason why God expresly commanded that a Brother should raise up the Seed of his departed Brother , Deut. 25. 5. 8 Q. Seeing also that this Doctrine , viz. that such a spiritual Seed , without ceasing , goes out and in from every man , is represented to us by out blessed Saviour much more clearly and expresly in several places of the New Testament , but especially Mat. 5. 28. where he faith . Whosoever looks upon a woman to lust after her , bath committed adultery wit hs hers already in his heart : the Query is then , Whether or no there be any Doctrine besides this , whereby all difficulties may be removed , which not without ground are moved by the objecting Jews , viz. how we can make out that our blessed Saviour Jesus was the right , true and natural Son of David , and consequently the true Messiah promised by God ? For that the Messiah was to be the Son of David , is questioned neither by Jews nor Christians . But now it is evident from Luke 1. 5. & 36. that Mary , of whom Christ was born , was of the Tribe of Levi , ( that so the Messiah might at once be both King and Priest , viz. a King by his Father's , and a Priest by his Mother's side ) . Now in this case a satisfactory and unanswerable solution of this difficulty cannot be found out , by which it may appear , without the least injury to the pure and perfect virginity of Mary , that our blessed Saviour was also a Son of Joseph , who was of the House of David , how shall we ever be able to make out , that our Saviour was a true Son of David , and consequently the true Messiah ? Besides , how shall we else be able with wisdom and exactness , to make up the number of the fourteen Generations mentioned Mat. 1. seeing that otherwise we shall find onely thirteen Generations from the Captivity of Babylon to Christ ? Moreover , by what other way can we make out the reason why our Saviour in the New Testament is so often called the Son of Joseph ; for Joseph and Mary being promised and betrothed to each other , became by this means united in spirit , so that this Image and David's spiritual Seed of promise entred into her , and hers again into him , and became united together ; and being united , were wrought out by the Holy Ghost . According to which Position , we see clearly that Christ was really a Son of Joseph , viz. of the spiritual Joseph , or spiritual multiplication , increase , or propagation , seeing that in Joseph the total fulness of the promised Seed of Abraham and David were concentred ? CHAP. II. Concerning the Spiritual and Bodily Conception and Birth of Man. 1 Q. SEeing that every man can know by himself , and certainly acknowledge , that all Images which enter into him through the Senses , do retain the same bigness and measure of the original whose Image is received ; may not we apprehend from hence , that the central Spirit of man ( being the Image of God ) with which these Images are united , doth want no room or matter to receive them in , and work them out in time ? And seeing that no Image enters into this central Spirit , but for this end , that in the same it may be wrought out and perfected ; must it not follow therefore , that the more of these good Images are wrought out in the central Spirit of man , the more perfect such a man must be ? 2 Q. Moreover , when the central Spirit of man which dwells in the heart , as a Center , between the two extremities of his out-flowing and receiving faculty ( both which tend and are in order to Union ) viz. as well in the upper extremity the Brain , as in the lower parts , which is demonstrable by Anatomy : If the said Spirit , I say , shall both receive and work out to perfection these spiritual Images , and we know that one thing alone can perform no operation , because wheresoever shall be any working , there must necessarily be one that works , and one that receives , and so the thing working must contain both natures ; will it not follow then that the central Spirit of man , which is both male and female in union together , hath room enough in his inward spiritual World , to range in himself every one of the received Images in the place which is alike and proper for it ; and to give them their proper and peculiar food , suiting with their several Natures and Beings , by which the said spiritual Image may maintain its Being , and attain to its Perfection ? Forasmuch as by means of this food it becomes united with the central Spirit , and in order to its further perfection , becomes the properiety of the said Spirit , forasmuch as it cannot return to nothing . May not we therefore conclude from hence , that the central Spirit in man , in its male and female propriety , is able to work out in himself perfectly all the Images of created things ? and that in the same there is no distinction of male and female , but that they both ( inasmuch as respects the central Spirit , and his receiving of the spiritual Images ) are alike and perfect ? 3 Q. Forasmuch as the spiritual Conception happens and is compleated inwardly , as hid in two distinct persons , and spiritually , in the central Spirit which wells in the heart , and hath its out-working in the Brain , and the lower parts of our body ; and that nothing that is to be known in this outward World , is known onely in Spirit , but must manifest it self in a Body : must not then the forementioned spiritual Conception and Birth also become bodily , to the end that likewise a corporal and fleshly Conception and Birth may follow , wherein the foregoing spiritual Conception may appear and be manifested ? And seeing that the spiritual shews it self , and dwells in the corporeal , must not they both therefore needs be of near kin to one another ? 4 Q. Seeing then that the spiritual Conception and Birth must become bodily , and that no bodily fleshly Conception and Birth can naturally be compleated , without a male and female : must not therefore a union of Man and Wife precede , because without a foregoing Conception and Union , no Birth can be brought forth ? Now how can such a Conception and Union of both be made out otherwise than thus : that Man and Wife , before they are contracted , must have been pleased with , taken delight in , and loved one another ? And must not this Love ordinarily stand in a constant growth , because every right Union must proceed from a stedfast Love ? And doth not the Love which a man bears to his Wife , cause him to have the Image of his Wife continually standing before him , with her face turned towards his , even face to face ? In like manner , the Love which the Wife bears to her Husband , doth it not cause her to have the Image of her Husband within her standing before her , which she more and more unites to her self , the said Image having its face likewise turned towards her , even face to face ? But forasmuch as no Union can be of two things which in all their parts are strange to one another , and between which there is no interceding relation or affinity ( as was hinted before , when we spake of the Sun , Moon , and Stars ) will it not follow , that a man hath the woman in a hidden manner , and as it were asleep in himself , and so likewise a woman the man ; insomuch that the one is truly in a spiritual manner partaker of the other , and this in order to the bringing forth a common ( first spiritual , and afterwards a bodily comprehensible ) Birth ? And doth not all this ( notwithstanding the strangeness of it at first sight ) very well agree with the Doctrine of the ancient wise men , both amongst the Jews and Heathens , who with one voice witness this ? And likewise with the Holy Writ it self , which with its high authority confirms the same , Gen. 1. 27. where speaking concerning the Creation of Man , Moses expresly declares , that God created man , male and female . As also Mat. 19. 4. where our Saviour himself doth further confirm the same ? 5 Q. When now Man and Wife have taken in and received each others Image , are they satisfied with this alone , that they have received into themselves each others Image spiritually , and retain the same ? or rather have they not each of them an uncessant longing and desire to restore the Image they have taken in to the party from whom they received it ? to the end that one Image being united with the other , they may by this Union be brought to a corporeal , visible , and comprehensible Being ? When therefore such a longing desire possesseth the whole Humanity both of Man and Wife , so that every part and member of both ( none excepted ) press to the union of both Images , and the bodily manifestation of them , as to a bodily likeness of themselves , is it then possible for either Man or Wife any longer to keep in themselves the received Image , seeing that it must now be wrought out and brought to perfection ? 6 Q. And forasmuch as the female Image of the Wife , which the man hath taken in and conceived in his spiritual Wife , cannot stay with him , notwithstanding that by means of its passage through the senses of the man , it hath taken in something of man , and moreover by the nourishment it hath drawn to it self from him , is become yet more of a male property , because it presseth on towards its corporeal perfection . Now then , is the man able in himself alone to advance this Image to the full perfection of a man ? Or rather must it not , in order to its becoming bodily , go down to the Birth , that it may there be wrought out and perfected ? The same may be said of the Wife , because she not being operative in formation , but receptive , is much less able to work out the received Image of her Husband , than he is ( as being operative ) to work out the Image received from his Wife . And must not consequently the Image which is with the Wife ( as well as that of the man ) descend towards the place of Birth for to attain its out-working ? 7 Q. Seeing then that to the accomplishing of the bodily Out-working and Birth of the mutually-received Images of Man and Wife , a bodily fleshly union of Man and Wife must go before , and they both be joyned matrimonially in order to the multiplying of themselves , and live together in Wedlock for the propagating of their like ; must not the man therefore bring back again to his Wife ( as being the Work-house where the Birth must be wrought out ) the Image which heretofore he received from her , and which he had un●ted to himself , and given it a male property , 〈◊〉 such manner , as that her Image which the m● brings along with him , and the mans Image whic● she foremerly hath taken in , cannot come togethe● otherwise than as back to back . Is it not here t● be considered , that when a man can rule over h● own spiritual Wife in himself , ( of which togethe● with his male part he consists ) and consequentl● over the Image also which he hath received from his Wife , that then he is in a fair way to rule over his external married Wife also , forasmuch as he ● the head of the Wife ? Now where the case stand thus , whether upon matrimonial cohabitation an● union of both Seeds , a Son will not be born , fora●much as the Image of the man , being most prevalent , comes forth bodily , but the Image of th● Wife remains spiritually hidden in the Birth ? O● the contrary , when the woman prevails , whethe● then for the foresaid reasons a Daughter will not b● born , and the Image of the man abide spiritually hidden ? Is it not to be considered , that Gen. ● v. 18 , & 20. where of the production of Eve men●tion is made , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is twice expressed signifying that Eve was set face to face to ●●dam N The Membrane of the right Testicle separated and turned back , to the end that the termination of the spermatick Vessels in the Ovarium and the Eggs themselves , might the more commodiously be seen . Now when Man and Wife do matrimonially cohabit , and a conception follows , both their Seeds are united together , and do light or fall on a small point or particle of one of the foresaid Eggs , but so , as is incomprehensible to sense , as being wholly spiritual . Now the spiritual union and conception which is performed in spirit in the heart and head , hath a great affinity with the soulish bodily conception , because both of them are , and manifest themselves in one and the same body . 9 Q. Whilst we are speaking of this Conception and Birth of Man , seeing that so much and differently is spoken concerning the Garden of Eden where man was placed as soon as he was created , it will not be amiss to enquire what and where the said Garden was ? Forasmuch then as God created Man in his own Image , and that the essences of all things are in God , will it not follow , that in man , as the perfect Image of God , the Images and Idea's of all created things must have been likewise ; because otherwise , if we should suppose any thing to be in the Original , which is not in the copy or likeness , such an Image could never be a perfect express of the original ? And must not we therefore with reason conclude , that the Idea of the said Garden of Eden must also have been in the heart of man or his central spirit , as of all things in the greater World ? and that this inward Idea is the center from which the whole outward man proceeded , who takes in through his senses the Idea of the whole outward World , as it is in it self , and hath the same vitally and essentially dwelling in him . 10 Q. Seeing then that man , as a perfect and express Image of God , had all created Beings , and consequently all living Creatures in himself , and that therefore it would have been unnecessary to bring the outward living Creatures outwardly unto him ; must it not then be supposed , that this was done inwardly in the Center , wherein Adam then stood ? And that in this Center he gave to all Creatures their proper and essential names , forasmuch as this could not have been done by him , in case the essential living Idea's of the said Creatures had not been in him , from which he gave forth those essential names , as water gusheth out from a living Fountain ? And may we not therefore with evidence conclude from hence , that the Garden of Eden was not onely an outward place without man ? 11 Q. Doth it not also clearly appear from this , that the Garden of Eden was not onely a place without man ? For that when Adam by his Fall had lost the inward Life out of the Center , ( which proceeds from the Center to the Circumference ) and was come into the Circumference , his eyes were opened , so that now he was fain to take in his Light from without from the outward World , because his own inward World was hid and shut up from him ; and now he saw his earthliness and bodily nakedness ( which is the present state of all men in the World ) for before he was full of Light from the continual eradiation from the Center . CHAP. III. Concerning the Body of Man , of his Formation , and of some of his Parts . SECT . I. Concerning the Forming of Man in his Mothers Womb. 1 Q. SEeing that in the matrimonial cohabitation of Man and Wife together , after that ( as hath been said in the foregoing 2 Chap. 8 Quest. ) both their spiritual Seeds being united , are implanted into the Egg , and it hath received them , the said Egg doth through its Ductus or Pipe slip down into the Matrix , in order to its being further , accomplished there ; where within three days it becomes as big as the thredle of a Hens Egg ( as the adjoyning Figure taken from Dr. Kerckring's Anatomy , doth shew , and in which we may see the form of the Child , but without arms or legs . And this Egg continually increaseth in bigness by means of the menstruous bloud , and is nourished until it come to perfection . Must not we of necessity conclude therefore , that from this little Egg the whole form of the Body is produced in the Womb ? Explication of the Figures . FIGURE I. Represents two humane eggs of a different bigness . FIGURE II. Represents an Embryo of three , or at the most four days after Conception . A Represents to the eye the inward part of the Membranes , Chorion and Amnion being imperfectly formed , and in which there is as yet no appearance of the Hepar uterinum . B Represents an Embryo in which may be seen the distinction of the Head from the Body , but no delineation of any other parts . FIGURE III. Represents an Embryo of fourteen days . A The Hepar uterinum , with the Veins and Arteries which are dispersed through the substance of it . Fig I Fig II Fig III Fig IV Fig V Fig VI BBBB The Membrane-Chorion dissected . CCCC The Membrane-Amnion dissected in like manner . D The Navel-string . E An Embryo of about fourteen days , in which the Face now appears more distinctly , and the rest of the Members are somewhat formed and distinguished . FIGURE IV. Represents to he eye a gristly Scheleton of an Embryo of three weeks . FIGURE V. Represents an Embryo of one month . A The whole gristly bulk of the Head , shewing the gristly points of both the upper and neather Jaw-bone . bb The Clavicula now all bone . cc The points of the ossification of the Shoulder-blades . dd The white strokes designing the ossification of the Shoulder . ee The white strokes shewing the ossification of the Arm-bone . FF These white points in all the Ribs , except the first and last , do denote the ossification already begun in them . gg The Thigh-bones , representing what is bone in them . hh The greater and lesser bone of the Leg both clearly represented , and already of a bony substance . FIGURE VI. Shews an Embryo of six weeks , which differs not from that of two months represented in my Osteogenia , but onely in bigness , and that the lesser bone ( as we have before hinted ) is to be seen here , which in the other did not yet appear . A Doth exhibite the inferiour Jaw-bone distinguished into six little bones . 2 Q. Seeing that we read in Scripture , that Eve was made out of a Bone or Rib , because the Central Spirits have their residence in the Bones , they being the first Product or Out-birth of the said Spirits ; the Query is , Whether it will not follow from hence , that the Bones are the first material being ( which we may call female ) from which the flesh , as from a Spring or Fountain doth continually proceed , and to which it must by revolution return again in order to perfection ? 3 Q. It is further queried what the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tzaelà doth properly signifie , of which it is said , Gen. 2. that the woman was made , seeing that it hath several significations , as of a Beam , Prop , or Support , a Rib , a Side , a Fountain , a Building , &c. And in case any one will needs have it to signifie a Rib here , we must ask which Rib it was , and of which side ? Or whether the said Rib were taken from both sides at once , because the Ribs are fastened to the sides of the Vertebra of the Back-bone , and most of them are likewise joyned together by Cartilages to the Sternum or Breast-bone ? Or forasmuch as the word also signifies a Beam , or any thing that is a Support or Prop , whether if we take it in this sence , it can signifie any thing else but the whole Back-bone of man , which bears up the whole Body in like manner as Beams support a Building ? Moreover , whether for to reconcile all these several meanings together , we ought not to enquire where the mid-point and very center of the whole Back-bone and the Ribs , which are united to it , is ? Forasmuch as this Center is that out of which Eve was made . And is not this well worth our consideration ; for we may easily know that all the rest of the Bones in man proceed from this center of the Back-bone , because it is notorious that an Embryo in the Mothers Womb , doth first begin to have Arms and Legs fourteen days after conception . Whether , I say , after a due weighing of all this , we may not conclude that Eve was made out of the very Center of the whole Body of Man ? 4 Q. Forasmuch as with all women , according to the ordinary course of Nature , every month or four weeks is found a menstruous Bloud , which ●easeth after that they are with Child , because the Embryo in the Womb hath its nourishment in part from thence ; so that the humane Body is partly made and consists of the said menstruous Bloud . Do not we by this means find the number four in man , and the harmony which the Body of man hath with the Moon , which performs its course or circuit in four weeks , or twenty eight days . 5 Q. Seeing that we find , as is clear from Anatomy , that a Child in the Mothers Womb , in the first fourteen days after conception , hath neither Arms , Legs , Hands , or Feet , but onely a meer trunk of the Body , which hath two extreme parts , viz. the Head and Belly , in the midst of which is the Heart , which is the Center from whence all Life comes into the Body of man , even as all the Life of this sublunary World proceeds from the Coelestial Sun ; may not we conclude therefore , that the number one is that within which God takes up his dwelling-place ? And do not these three together , the Head , the lower Belly , and the Heart , which rules over the other two , give rise or original to the number three ? 6 Q. Forasmuch as we find that a Child in the Mothers Womb , within the time of three weeks , hath all his Bones , Fingers , and Toes compleat ; which Bones ( as may probably be conjectured ) are first formed , because to them are first fastened the Muscles , Sinews , &c. and that when this number 3 of the 3 weeks is multiplied by 13 , the product is 39 weeks , in which time the Child is wholly perfect for the birth : may not here therefore be matter for our enquiry , whether in this case there be not to be found an agreement between the greater and lesser World ? because we see that a Child is perfected by thirteen Revolutions , even as the Sun in thirteen Moons makes a year : so as thirteen Revolutions make up a perfect Child● year , like as thirteen Moons make a compleat Solar year ? 7 Q. Seeing that in Arithmetical counting we can go no higher than 10 , because then we begin again anew , which is also evidenced by the 10 Fingers of Man , which are the appointed Instruments for him to work out any thing ; and that the Child lies ten months in the Mothers Womb until it be born , according to the testimony of Scripture , Wisd. 7. 2. May we not also from hence in a certain manner find out the foundation of the number Ten in man ? SECT . II. Concerning the Senses of Man. 8 Q. FOrasmuch as in the Head are five outward and five inward Senses , all which so unite in a centre , where Eyes , Ears , Nose , and Mouth meet together ; so that the four Senses are ●nited in the fifth of Feeling , even as the four fingers ( which are the working instruments of the Head ) are joyned and united with the Thumb . And these five inward and five outward Senses make up the number Ten. Do not we find here ●hen the ground of the number Five , and in part of ●he number Ten also ? I. Concerning the Eyes and Sight . 9 Q. We find in those that have a strong eye●●ght , that when they rub their eyes in the night ●●me , they excite a small fiery light , and can see it as it were before them ; which is a good sign that they have yet life and strength ; and if it be in the time of sickness it gives hopes of recovering former health . In like manner when any one hath a pain in his eyes , or receives a stroke upon them , a fiery light is perceived , as it were , to come from them . May not we therefore conclude from these instances , that the eyes have a fiery operative life in them ( like to that of the Sun ) which flows from within from the centre of the eye , commonly called the Pupilla , or Apple of the eye , which when by reason of the decay of life it becomes wide and fixed in that wideness , this fiery operative light withdraws from the eyes , from whence ariseth a distemper or blindness , which is called in the German Tongue [ Dieschwartre Staar . ] 10 Q. That the Eyes have waters or humors in them is evident from Anatomy , forasmuch as within the Eye , three several humors are contained ; the first and last of which are properly a humour or water ; the first being called Humor Aqueus , or the watry humour , the latter Humor Vitreus , or the glassie humour ; but the middlemost commonly called Humor Crystallinus , or the Crystalline humour , consists of a small cloudy , soft , and pulpy substance , ( which may be reputed as the brain of the eye ) in order to the working out of the Idea's ; which we may experimentally find by taking the Eye of a Beast , and letting it freeze , wherein then with the help of a Microscope , the said pulpy substance may be easily discerned and clearly distinguished , from both the foresaid liquors . And seeing that the Aqueous humor or water , is continually renewed in the Eyes , and hath its Revolutions quickly ( as being the Sea of the Eyes ) insomuch as we find often both with men and Beasts , that when by reason of a wound in their Eyes , the said water is shed or poured forth , that other new water will come and supply its place , without hurting of their eye-sight . Doth it not follow from hence , that this water hath a similitude and agreement with the waters of the great world ? And that the foresaid fiery Being which is in the Eyes , doth work in the water of the Eyes , in order to the perfecting of the said watery substance , even as the Sun of the greater World works in its own waters ? 11 Q. Forasmuch as the right Eye of man is ordained to work out , and the left Eye for to draw in and receive to the heart , by which the left side is known ; and these two are like Man and Wife for to bring forth a spiritual Birth , the right Eye being the Man , and the left the Wife . For without this Birth of a spiritual Idea , we should presently forget any thing we had seen ; and therefore this Idea must abide in man , to the end he may be able to compare the Copy with its Original . Now then seeing that ( in manner as hath been said ) there is a continual Revolution in the Eye-sight , viz. from the right Eye to the left , from the outward to the inward , as it is in the great World ; may not we by all this perceive a great agreement between both Worlds , viz. the Greater and Lesser ? 12 Q. Seeing that man receives his sight from the Sun , and the Sun , Moon , and Stars ( as his Father and Mother , from which as long as he is fastened to this World , and hath not yet wrought them out , he cannot be separated ) are a right spiritual Being , and communicate themselves to us , as a true Being or Essence ; insomuch as what we receive from them is nothing else but a true essence which is subject to a continual Revolution . For the Sun by means of his daily circumvolution from East to West , makes all things to become operative , and puts them in motion : In like manner , when the Sun in a years time passeth through the twelve Signes of the Zodiack , it doth from every Signe communicate to us that of which our Essence consists ; and by means of its out-flowing and generative light and life , from whence also we receive our Eye-sight , which when the Sun , Moon , and Stars are just above the Horizon , can at once see no further than over a twelfth part of the World : Doth not this give us a certain intimation , that we must continually be made partakers of the said course or circumvolution of the Sun , and that we cannot be separated from the same ? And therefore the said Circumvolution of the Sun continues still , to the end it might work without ceasing in us , who are its Seed , for to bring us at last for Reward to the seven thousand years Sabbath . Moreover , because we can find in our selves the four distinct times of the natural day , how that in the night-time , as in death , when man is asleep , by means of the Moon and Stars , the female fleeting waters in him are united , from whence afterwards the essential thoughts are orderly wrought out in him ; which with the approach of day , when the Sun hath performed his whole course about the Earth , and appears again in our Hemisphere , are further wrought out and perfected into words , as so many Births , Psal. 19. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. 13 Q. These changes by taking in and giving forth , are confirmed and made out to us by many Examples : as when in a darkened Room we leave onely a little round hole in the window , so as the light can come in through that alone ; if we hang and spread forth a white Cloath opposite to the said hole , we can see all the Objects that pass by ( without ) as in a Glass , but turned upside down . In like manner , if we take a white Stone-horse , or of any other colour , and artificially spot and paint him with what colour we please , and then place him at the end of a Water-pond , or the like , making a partition overthwart the water by means of a piece of Cloath or such-like , and on the overside of the Pond place a Mare over against the Stone-horse , in such manner , as that by means of the said partition coming between , they shall not be able to see each others form otherwise than in the water . If we let them stand thus for several days together , each of them bound in his own place until their Lust to one another become strong and vehement , then if we loose the Stone-horse , and let him cover the Mare , so that she conceives by him , we shall find that the Mare will have a Fole whose colour shall resemble the artificial painting of the Stone-horse . And must it not be concluded from hence , that all Creatures , continually without ceasing , take in a true substance , and give it out from them again ? And that the Species visibiles ( which we may well call Virtutes , virtues or powers ) have a true living Being or Essence , which they receive from the Sun as their Father ; and that they do not return to nothing , but where they are not received , they do by revolution return again to their original ; but when they are received , become essential and corporeal ? And did not Jacob ( think we ) very well understand this , viz. that such a living Essence continually flows forth from all Creatures , when by means of the effect and out-working of his peeled Rods he procured so great an increase of Ring-streaked , Speckled , and Spotted Lambs from Laban's Sheep ? II. Concerning the Ears and Hearing . 14 Q. As it happens in Sight or Seeing , that the out-flowing Idea , as the living Being or Essence , out of all Creatures comes into Man , and abides dwelling with him , so that it cannot be separated from him , ( because without keeping the Idea with him , he could never know or remember the Original ) and all this by means of the influence of the Sun , Moon , and Stars : so we may in part understand the essentiality of all Idea's , in that Spirits and Ghosts , whenever they appear in a distinct form , do not onely take upon them the Image of the Man in whose form they appear , but likewise the Image of his Cloaths ; from whence we may understand , that an essential efflux must have proceeded from the Cloathes , and entred the Spirit of Man. And doth not the very same happen in Hearing likewise ? and is it not performed by means of a real Essence : And do not the Idea's of things we take in by the Ears , stay in the common Sense ( so called ) by means of which we can distinguish and know such things another time ? And is not this evident from hence , in that by our Hearing we can distinguish between the voices and sounds of all Creatures , so as to know which comes from each of them ; which could not be , if the same had no Being or Essence ? Doth not likewise the Angel confirm this , when he saith to Esdras , Shew me the image of a voice , 4 Esdr. 5. 37. And here , by the way , it is worth our enquiry , whether the said fourth Book of Esdras was not called the Wisdom of God by Christ himself , Luke 11. 49. especially , seeing that what Christ there alledgeth , is nowhere to be found in Holy Writ , save onely in the fore-mentioned fourth Book of Esdras , ch . 1. v. 32 ? 15 Q. Forasmuch as the Central Life-spirit of Man , which hath its habitation in the Bones , hath formed the Organ of the Ear of a Gristle , which is the extreme or outward part of the Bones , and by reason of its softness , is fit and adapted for the Spirit to have its out and in-working through the same . From which Gristles likewise proceeds that balsamick bitter matter called Ear-wax , which is of use in many Diseases , and is especially good for the Hearing . Accordingly we find also in the Ears , a striral Cavity which ends at the Tympanum or Drum ( as is notorious from Anatomy ) which Drum contains a vital Air that makes its revolution with the heavenly Air of the Great World , together with the Sun , Moon , and Stars . And is not this another great instance of the harmony and agreement which is betwixt the greater and lesser World ? Seeing that even as the Central Spirit of Life in Man ( as the Little World ) hath its continual out-workings and revolutions in the several Nerves , Sinews , Veins , and Arteries ; so likewise in the Great World , the spiritual operative essence in the Air , is always at work in a continual and never-ceasing Revolution , causing many changeable courses of the Clouds and Winds ? 16 Q. Forasmuch as we see that Nature hath wisely ordered two Ears for Man , is it not to this end , that both these Ears , as Man and Wife , or as the two Scales of a Balance , should balance and weigh what must be again given out through the voice , corresponding with what is received from the sound of another voice , to the end it may be wrought out in an harmonious sound , in which whole Nature stands , that so a perfect Revolution may be brought to pass ? So that the left Ear , as the Wife , must receive , and the right , as the Man , work it out or judge of it ; that so according to the universal sound ( which hath its seat in the inward man ) it may be wrought and formed as a spiritual Son by his Father . 17 Q. What may be the reason think we , why the Jews in the Hebrew Tongue express Deaf and Dumb with one and the same word ? May it not be upon this account , that seeing the Speech of man must be sowed in him by Hearing , that so ●he Seed of the Word may be formed and wrought ●ut in him , especially since we find that those that ●e born deaf are dumb likewise and cannot speak , ●orasmuch as Speech cannot be planted in them , ●ut by the sense of Hearing ? We may likewise daily observe , how the tongues of little Children ●re moved , as by the Seed of their Mothers voice , by which Tongue the Speech is formed . And is ●ot this likewise the reason that we read of Zacha●ias the Father of John the Baptist , Luke 1. 20. & ●1 . that he was struck not onely deaf , but dumb , when he did not believe the Angel Gabriel , who ●eclared unto him the birth of his Son John ? for ●hat seeing he did not lend a right believing Ear to ●he voice of the Angel , he was also disabled from ●ttering what he had heard ; as we find that he ●ould not speak till after the birth of John : and that withal , he was so deaf , that they were fain to make signes to him for to know how he would have his Son named ? III. Concerning the Nose and Sense of Smelling in Man. 18 Q. When we see that the Nose ( which is in the midst of the Face , and whose substance is , for the most part , gristly , as the Ears ) like a spunge , receives through both the Nostrils ( as male and female ) the air of Life for to smell , as also continually to feed and maintain the Life of man. And that the said air which enters the Nose , is by the inward director ( who in this work makes use of the Belly for a bellows ) through the Lungs ( as through a spunge in which the air is concocted and digested , as the meat is in the stomach ) drawn into the Belly , which is the common receiver , or place in which the attracted air is treasured up : from which afterwards the said air by a due and fit circulation or revolution , is communicated to all other parts and members of the Body , which is afterwards given out again : to supply which , new air is still drawn in , yet so ▪ as that a certain part of this first attracted and wrought-out air remains in the Belly , which serves to the necessary strengthening and maintaining 〈◊〉 Life . And may not we from all this , in part understand , that in the Little World the Body 〈◊〉 Man , as well as in the Great World , there is a continual Revolution without ceasing ? 19 Q. Do not we in like manner perceive this continual Revolution of the Air in the Body of Man , and the Communication of the same from the Belly to all parts of the Body , and that by means of the same , the Life of man is without ceasing fed and maintained , in this instance : That when in aged Persons , and sometimes young , ( who by over-hard labour have already given forth their Life and Strength ) this Revolution comes to be weakened , and draws to a period , the Dropsie follows upon it , because the living power and virtue in the Air can no more be taken in by that party ; and that consequently the Night and Moon , as the Lady of Water , gets the upper hand : And thus the Water takes up its residence in the hollow of the Body , where the Air before had its abode , and from thence pours forth itself into the Legs and Feet , where the Air bore sway before . And upon this account it is that the Dropsie proves incurable , when it seizeth persons in whom this revolutional power of Life is wholly lost , either by reason of old age , or over-hard labour , or long-continued sickness ? 20 Q. May not we further perceive of how great concern this Revolution of the Air in the Body of Man is from hence , that when the Dropsie is onely caused by some obstruction or disorder , by means of which , this Revolution is hindred , and that the Life be not wholly wasted , then it may be cured ; as is known by experience , that many who have had life enough , and by the help of Medicines have had this disorder appeased and reduced , have been perfectly cured of this sickness ? and that by different ways , in case the Disease have not yet taken an entire possession of man , so as to rule over him . 1. It hath been found by experience , that Opium prepared in manner here specified , hath proved very successful in the cure of this Distemper : Take one pound of Opium to eight pounds of the Juice of Quinces , with other Spices or Drugs that shall be thought fit ; digest and ferment these together the space of three weeks ( whereby it is spiritualized and made more fit for due operation ) the press it out and boyl it to a thick consistence , and give the Patient daily of this , six , seven , eight , nine , ten grains , or more , with regard had to his strength , as well as the strength of the Opium , in some warm Vehicle , taking care that he be kept warm in Bed. This , I say , is an experienced Cure of this Distemper : for it makes the Patient to sweat , and opens the obstructed hidden passages . In like manner , for cure of the Quartan Ague , which is nothing else but a bare custom left by the Agues going before , whereby Nature doth , as it were , return back from a Tertian to a Quartan : in which case we give some grains of this prepared Opium , upon the first invasion of the Paroxysm , in some warm Vehicle , and then compose the Patient to sweat in a Bed : and repeat this ( if need be ) nine or ten times , until the Patient do mend and be restored ; by which means many have been recovered . The same likewise is commonly of great use in all those Diseases which proceed from an ebullition of the Bloud , or from a contrariety aversion risen in Nature , such as are the Cholick , Gripes , Bloudy Flux , Pleurisie , &c. for to bring Nature to rest and quiet again ; but in cases where Vomits are necessary , as in foulness of the stomach or Palsey , this Opiate must not be given . 2. Toads cut up in the midst , and their intrails taken out , and afterwards dried and beaten to powder , with a like quantity of Sugar ; give the Patient a thimble full of this Powder fasting in Wine , and it will strongly drive forth the water of the Dropsie by Urine . 3. Where it is yet seasonable , and the sick party is not wholly over-powered by the Disease , the vulnerary Herb called Asclepias or Wince-toxicum , taken inwardly every day , is very good and profitable in this case . Another means serviceable in the curing of this Disease , hath already been set down in the former part of this Treatise ; to which we remit the curious Reader . 21 Q. Forasmuch then as we do perceive that the Great and Lesser World do stand in an harmony and agreement together , and that the Moon and Stars do continually produce water , and bear rule in the same ; and that the Sun continually works in the said waters , in order to the perfecting of them , in that he makes a fiery water , by which means a perfect Revolution is brought about . And do not we find that the same thing happens also in Man the Little World ; so that his Moon and Stars continually generate a water in him , and bear rule in the same ? And whenever this Revolution doth not happen , so that the light of the Sun cannot work orderly in the said waters , doth not then the nature of the Nocturnal Light get the dominion ? And forasmuch as the same doth continually produce water , and that the said water cannot circulate for want of the light of the Sun , must not then this standing water of necessity produce the Dropsie ? And according to this Hypothesis , can the cure of the Dropsie consist in ought else , but in appeasing of the disturbed solar life ; by which means the Sun ( being again duly united with the waters ) doth reduce the waters to their former out-working subtilty and life : seeing that the light of the Sun , Moon , and Stars ( which pierceth through all bodies , how hard soever they may be ) doth again open the hidden spiritual passages that were obstructed , ( which are far more subtile and minute , than to be perceived by any Anatomist , or the outward eyes of any man whatsoever ) and through the said opened passages it afterwards ( by means of the Air ) drives forth that water by Sweat , Urine , and Stool ? But when for want of knowledge of a true Medicine , they tap the Patient , and by making an Incision in his body , let out the water ( in cases where the said Disease is come to such an height , that by reason of the weakness of Nature , the Physicians cannot any other way cure the same ) all at once , through unskilfulness and want of experience ; how can it be otherwise , but that sudden death must needs follow , because the life which is yet in the said water , and cannot in this way be separated from it , is let out together with the water ? In like manner also , when some unexperienced Physicians mistake the Tympanites or Wind-Dropsie for the Water-Dropsie , and according to this imagination of theirs , make an Incision in order to the letting out of the supposed water ; and when now instead thereof , the air at once gusheth forth ( as before was said of the Water-Dropsie ) and with it the life , which as yet dwelt in the same ; can it be any matter of wonder to see the Patient die immediately upon the voiding of the said air ? viz. in cases where the Disease is come to its height ; for then the whole life is contained in the said Air. And when at any time by this undue means , one or other dropsical person is holpen , and the waters tapt from him by degrees , ( though indeed the life indangered thereby , and in some measure weakened ) may not we suppose that this comes to pass , because that Nature in some persons , by means of their foregoing sufferings ( where the Idea or Image of the Disease , hath not yet taken such deep root ) is already reduced to some quietness ; so as nothing else is wanting to her , but that she be freed and eased of the too heavy burthen of water ? 22 Q. Forasmuch as Experience shews , that when a Horse is over-rid or driven , and by this means draws in more air than he can well digest or circulate , he becomes seized with that Distemper which we call Broken-windedness : for that such a Horse draws in too much breath , and hath not time to circulate and work out the same in himself ; and by this means becomes puft up like a Balloon or Ball fill'd with air , so that he can take in no more air , as being quite full and over-stock'd with it ; yea , it sometimes happens , that by reason hereof , the Horse falls down dead of a sudden . At Heidelberg and other places , they help this accident after this manner , before it goes so far as to spoil the Horse : The Horse is fast bound in a Stall that he cannot stir , and his tail tyed up on high , and then a blunt round Stick or Truncheon is thrust up his fundament about nine inches , the Stick being of a convenient thickness to fill up the same . This done , a small Incision is made cross-wise , between the tail and fundament ; after which , they take a round Iron red-hot of the thickness of ones little finger , being also sharpened at the end ; this they thrust through the Incision downwards through the Arse-gut , till it do reach the Truncheon inwardly flaunting ; and this hot Iron must be well and oft turned in the said Incision . And last of all , a leaden Ring of the thickness of a childs finger of eight years of age , is thrust up through the fundament of the Horse into the hole that is burnt with the Iron , and the wound anointed with oyl , until it be perfectly cured , and then the Ring is taken away . After all this , the Horse is serviceable as before , and when he runs post , one may hear the air with a blast gushing through the said hole like a Whistle or Pipe ; for that now the air ( which is in the hollow of his Belly without the Guts ) is not so compressed inwardly as before , as having now a convenient passage or out-let . And doth it not most evidently appear from this example , that the air which is drawn in by the Nostrils , is not onely designed to cool the heart , and after that to be blown forth again , without any further operation or usefulness ; but that the said air doth incessantly pass through the whole body , and perform its Revolution ? 23 Q. As we find that in the Air of the Great World there is a great power which we may call the strength of the Macrocosm , as by example , when by means of a certain Instrument we do by force draw the air out of a Glass , we shall find that the Glass ( how heavy soever it be ) will stick fast to the Instrument ; and that the more strongly the air is drawn out , the faster it cleaves , as hath formerly been declared more at large in our Alphabet of Nature , printed at Sultzbach , Anno 1657. 49 page . And do not we perceive something of like nature in Man ( who is the little World ) that when he is to put his utmost strength to any thing ( as when he goes to lift any thing beyond his ordinary force ) he is fain to keep in his breath , as being that wherein his Fire-life doth consist , to the end that his life and the powers of it , may be so much the more increased and strengthened ? It is likewise matter of every ones experience , that when we move much and strongly ( which motions are performed by means of the Air ) we can digest more than at other times , and that because we take in more Air than usually : for the powers of our life being increased and strengthened by the Air , make us to stand in need of more Food for our sustenance , than at other times ? 24 Q. May not we also perceive the effect or working which the Air hath in Man , from this instance : that when a man is in pain and grief , he is apt to cry out and complain , which yet cannot in the least help him ; forasmuch as by crying he doth but waste his strength ? Now may not we suppose this to be the cause hereof , viz. that a man naturally seeks to rid himself of the pain he feels ; but seeing that this cannot be , except the life it self ( in which the pain is ) and the strength of it be weakened ? Now this life is nothing else but his living Air , which he hath drawn in and keeps in his Belly , it being there united to his own essence ; and by his crying he strives , as by force , to thrust out this Air and his Life together with it , that by this means he may be rid of the fiery pain which is in the kindled or inflamed Life . And forasmuch as through these continual outcries the Fire-life is thrust forth , it so happens that a man loseth his pain and strength together ; so that at length he hath no more force to cry or speak , neither doth his Belly move up and down any more : and then consequently he must have a long time to draw in again and recruit himself with air , instead of that which he hath lost , and so fill his Belly again which is the Treasury and Repository of the Air of Life . May not this also be assigned as a reason why so many women ( through the unskilfulness and unexperience of their Midwives ) die in Travel , because they suffer them to spend themselves in outcries , before the right Birth-pains are upon them ? Do not we likewise find , that when a man is very weary , he is apt to yawn ? And may we not suppose this to be the natural cause of it ; for that a man when he yawns hath a desire to sleep , and to that end lets out his breath , that thereby he may be the more disposed for it ; because as by drawing in of the air we become strong , active , and lively , so on the contrary , the breathing forth of the same , doth make us heavy , dull , and drowsie ? Furthermore , when a man retcheth himself and yawns , may not we suppose this to be the ground of it , that as when a man draws in air , taking in continually and digesting it , to the end that thereby he may attain life , strength and motion ; in order to which , he doth still more concenter the air , for as he draws in his breath , his Sinews are drawn together and contracted : so on the contrary , when a man yawns and retcheth himself , it will follow ( according to what hath been said ) that by this means he must lose much more strength , than when he onely yawns without retching . For a further confirmation of this , I have known a man , who having over-studied himself , so that he was quite weary and very drowsie , found that by his much yawning and retching of himself , his Belly grew cold : but upon his following the advice of a Friend that wish'd him to forbear the said yawning , he sensibly perceived his Belly restored to its former warmth . Moreover it is observed , that the Cramp oft follows after yawning and retching , where it hath been used beyond measure . And as for sighing , may not we conceive this to be the cause of it ; forasmuch , as when any man is in earnest study , or is troubled or grieved , he doth not fetch his breath so oft as otherwise he is wont ; and therefore as soon as he finds in himself the want of it , he is forced to fetch in his breath long and deep : and what is that else but sighing ? And when in this case the seed of Speech , which lies in the throat of man , wants breath and spirit , and consequently quickness and strength , and the party then hems , doth he not thereby stir and excite the seed in his throat , as well as the strength which is in his Belly ? 25 Q. Now that there is in man a fiery life , and a fiery voice proceeding from the same , which proceeds from him in a strong anguishful outcry , in which all the powers of the whole life working in each other , do inkindle and inflame themselves : and though it be impossible to describe the proper image of such a voice , because we cannot with Letters represent the likeness of a voice ; yet ●s it not in some part evident from hence , according to what experience shews , that when impatient unexperienced persons are put to the Rack , who are not able to endure the said pain , or contain themselves , but give forth all their strength by their outcries , we may then perceive a wonderful fiery voice proceeding from them : and such persons as these grow very weak at last , and are forced to confess what is demanded of them . But others who do know that , and how to restrain their voice at the beginning , become patient and retain their strength of life , and their whole body breaks forth into sweat , and their pains decrease , so that they cannot be forced to confess . 26 Q. Now that the life of man , and the air which is in his belly , from whence the voice proceeds , is a true living fiery Essence , may not this ●n part be made out from hence , that when wan●on Children that are in health , let a fart through their shirt kept close to their breech into the flame of a Candle , that the same makes a great blaze much like that of Brandy or Brimstone when they are kindled ? But when these Children be sick , this wind will not take fire , forasmuch as no Brimstone is in it ; wherefore also it hath no sulphurous smell , as that of sound people hath . Now that in this foresaid stinking smell there is a true Brimstone , is not this evident from the kindling of these winds in those that are sound ? We find also that Brimstone when it is dissolved in Oyl , gives forth a much like smell to that of the backwinds and excrements of sound people . Upon which account also the Balsome of Sulphur ( which especially in its preparation gives forth such a smell ) is good for distempers in which the Breath is concerned . 27 Q. Seeing that from what hath been said , may be gathered , that the Nose by which the air is drawn in , is an Instrument through which mans life was blown into him by God ; the Query is , Whether it would not be contrary to the Divine Wisdom and disposal , if in such a noble Instrument by which man draws in his Life and Smelling , as through a carthilaginous Spunge , such an impure matter as the Snot of the Nose is thought to be , ( being look'd upon as a meer Excrement by the ignorant , whereas it is without any scent , when man is in health ) should have its seat and dwelling-place ? Or whether that which is so commonly esteemed , will not , after diligent consideration , be found a much more noble thing ? And seeing that in Anatomy it is notorious , that both the Nostrils or Passages of the Nose ( whereof the one hath a male property to work out , and the other a female to receive and take in , and that in order to the distinguishing of the objects of smelling ) do by Vessels communicate with and go up to the Brain , and come down again to the Throat , and do meet together and are united in the midst of the head , in the common Centre , where the Organs of all the Senses meet together ; from which Center a twofold matter of distinct virtue and property comes down from the Scull and Brain , which is afterwards divided , one part of it passing forwards into the Nose , the other backwards to the Throat . Now forasmuch as this matter doth appear to be no Excrement , whether we might not call this a Seed of the Brain , which comes down into the Nose , and that for the forming and working out the essential and vital Sense of Smelling ? In like manner , as the matter or seed which comes from the Brain to the Throat , doth unite itself with the seed that comes up from beneath from the Heart , and there generates or brings forth the Speech . IV. Concerning the Mouth , and of the Taste , and and Speech of Man. 28 Q. Forasmuch as the Mouth was chiefly given to man for this end , that he might ( through his voice ) bring forth the Issues and Births of the other Senses : for we find that in the Mouth are three Tongues , viz. the upper , middlemost , and under-tongue ; and may not we conceive this to be the use of them , that the upper-Tongue ( Vvula ) which from on high hangs downwards in the Throat , conveys the seed for Speech from the Brain downwards to the under-Tongue ( Epiglottis ) or flap and cover of the Throat , which closeth the Wind-pipe on the top , as doth the lid of a Canne : which Palate when it is diseased or defective , or any way ill-affected , it causeth an hindrance to the Speech , as well as when the middle-Tongue is affected or indisposed . But by means of the under-Tongue or Epiglottis , the seed is conveyed from beneath upwards from the Heart , through the Aspera Arteria or Wind-pipe , for to be united with the seed that comes down from the Brain ; and this Union is effected by means of the middle-Tongue , by which union the Speech is afterwards wrought out and perfected ? And is it not probable , that by means of this under-Tongue , the Ventriloqu● ( viz. such who speak through their Belly ) can speak backwards or downwards in their Belly , without the least motion of their Mouths , in such manner as gives a most wonderful and strange sound , as if a third person did speak , whereby they deceive many ? Now that a seed comes down from the Brain into the Throat , may it not be gathered from hence , that when any one hath a Cold , or when he hawks or hems strongly , a tough slimy matter comes down into the Throat ? And that a like seed comes up from beneath , may not we perceive that likewise , from this instance , viz. when weak persons with coughing do fetch up abundance of slimy matter , which they spit o●t ? Now that some part of this slimy matter is a Seed , may we not partly perceive this from the toughness of it , and that when the said matter is spit out on any thing that is made hot , it clings together , and becomes coagulated like the white of an Egg , which other waters doth not so do ? As likewise fro● hence , that those who are troubled with a Cough , are at the same time indisposed for the act of Generation . Moreover , that coughing is caused by the unripeness , crudity , or distemperature of this Seed , is it not evident from hence , that when the Breath ( which continually passeth through the Nose ) doth convey the praeternatural cr●de smell or scent of this Seed that lies under it in the throat , through the Nose into the Breast , it then causeth ( by reason of its Distemper ) an unseasonable rising up of the Seed from beneath ; forasmuch as all parts of the body do partake and communicate with one another , by which means the Cough is occasioned ? For the cure of which , it hath been ●ound by experience in some Coughs , that when the Seed or crude slimy matter ( which in the Cough mounts up from beneath ) is from the first beginning of it , swallowed down into the Stomach ; and by this circulation out of the Breast into the Stomach , is there concocted and ripened , the Cough by this means hath sometimes been cured . And seeing that there is a threefold Cough ; 〈◊〉 . Such an one as was just now mentioned . 〈◊〉 . A coughing from impatience , which is chiefly occasioned when we cannot bear the tickling o● the Seed in the Throat ; from which impatience it comes to pass , that the more a man spits up , the more matter for spitting is still made inwardly ; as we may see in those that weep , that the more tears they shed , more water for tears is still produced and generated . 3. From both these sorts of Coughs , when they abide or continue long , a third sort of Cough 〈◊〉 generated , which is , when we make a custom 〈◊〉 coughing ; and then it oft happens that the first Cough goes away , and the other two remain Would it not then be good from the very first ( by degrees ) to stop this impatient coughing and not to give the Reins to it , that is , to keep ou●●selves from coughing so strongly or so often , as w● may be prone or apt to do ? And is it not probable , that by this means we may soon get the m●stery of a Cough ? And the same may be said 〈◊〉 other Diseases . 29 Q. Now how both these forementione● Seeds ( the Upper and Under ) by their unio● do produce the Speech and Voice , may not th● be made out , partly from what here follows , vi● It 's known by experience , that when some stron● men in a fiery driving earnestness , by long and intense spea●ing about weighty matters , have tire● themselves , so that their Voice hath grown low● and their Speech at last quite failed them : whic● in some hath been known to continue for thre● weeks together , and afterwards upon the return 〈◊〉 ●heir Speech , they have been sensible of a sweet ●limy matter which came in their Throat , of the ●ame taste and smell with Wheat flower and wa●er mingled together ( which in the Great World ●s the true Seed of the Earth ) and of much the ●ame scent as the Seed of Man hath ; and that when they have chanced ( with a light coughing ) ●o spit out this sweet slimy matter ( which comes into the Throat both from above and from beneath ) before it was fully perfected and united , they have again totally lost their Speech , and become dumb , until a like slimy matter hath afresh ●een gathered again . It hath also been observed , that when they have eat leavened Bread , before that this Seed hath been perfectly united , they have thereupon been taken with a Cough , and so ●spit out the Seed again , and by this means lost their Speech a third time ; but when they have eaten ●unleavened Bread , or sweat Cakes , this hath holpen them to retain the said Seed . They have likewise found , that a due use of Balsome of Sulphur , hath been good for this purpose . 30 Q. Upon this occasion of mentioning unleavened Bread and sweet Cakes , we may enquire into the reason , why God commanded the Israelites to eat unleavened Bread or sweet Cakes , at Easter in the month of March , or Spring-time , when all things begin to get a new life ? whether it may not have been for this reason , because man ( as the Little World ) receives his Seed from the Great World , to the end that the Great World may be perfected in the lesser ? 31 Q. Forasmuch as Wheat , of which Bread is made and baked , is the noblest and best sort of the Food of Man , and that a certain Root commonly called Earth-nuts , ariseth from and is nothing else but Wheat turned and growing up-side downwards ( and in Holland is esteemed and commonly held for no other ) forasmuch as the same is found ordinarily in fruitful Wheat-fields : And whereas we read that Ruben found his Dudaim ( Mandrakes , according to the vulgar translation ) in the field , in Wheat-harvest ; may not this give us great occasion to make inquiry , whether this same Earth-nuts were not the very . Dudaim of Ruben which he brought to his Mother , for which she bought or hired the company of her Husband Jacob that night from Rachel ? For the word Dudaim signifies in the Hebrew Tongue ( Loves ) which the very forming of the sound in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth shew : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies Love , and the termination 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes it of the plural number , and signifies a multiplicity ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the fourth Letter of the H●brew Alphabet , and is formed by the Tongue when the same presseth it self forwards softly with its point against the teeth , which point is the out-worker and former of all and every Letter , and in the Hebrew is the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which with the Cabalists ( not without reason ) stands for the number 10 , and is likened to the virile member , as may be more largely seen in the Authors Book , intituled The Alphabet of Nature . When now this Letter ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in order to a birth , enters into the vowel ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ( whose sound expresseth the death and dying of the word ) then a new birth comes forth , viz. another ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) . This new ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) enters with his new point , as with the lower ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) into the shut-up ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) , which signifies the Mother or Womb , in order to multiplication : And that is the cause why this syllable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( with the Hebrews ) always signifies the plural number . Now Love is nothing else , neither can it be represented otherwise than as a Mother with her Child ; and seeing that a Child ( before it comes to be so ) was onely humane Seed , and that this Seed of Man ( the Lesser World ) proceeds from the Seed of the Greater World , which is Wheat , as being the chiefest Food of Man , and that the Wheat when it turns downwards into a root , doth bring forth a Fruit , and turns to that we call Earth-nuts : and Rachel having for so long a time together ( before their cohabiting together ) so heartily loved her Husband Jacob , and by him again been spiritually beloved , and thereby also was spiritually impregnated by him ; which multiplied impregnation , seeing it was spiritual , went up to the head ( as being the first seat of Love ) and abode there until the time of their coming together , when his Seed being united with hers , by reason of a long-continued custom , having past so many Revolutions , still went upwards , till at length these spiritual impregnations were so greatly multiplied , as to make her burst out into these words , which she spake to Jacob : Give me children , or else I die . From which manifold spiritual impregnation , at last Joseph ( whose name imports multiplicity ) was born . May not this therefore be supposed to have been the reason , why seeing that Rachel knew that the impregnation in her , which formerly ( in a wrong order ) went upwards to bring forth fruit in Idea onely , and in the head , before that the same could take root beneath , must needs first be conveyed from above , downwards , before ever she could bring forth Children ; therefore she desired the Dudaim , because she knew that they were a Fruit that had also grown in a wrong order ( yea , wholly according to what was said of her impregnation ) viz. their upper part was turn'd downwards , that so by means of this Seed of the Great World ( in which the blessing of God or generative power did lie ) might cause in her the Seed of the Little World , which went wrongly upwards into her head in Idea's of love to her Husband , to descend rightly downwards in order to corporeal birth . Now that upon every cohabitation of Man and Wife , a spiritual Seed also doth come into the woman and abide there , and is not annihilated , may not this be evidenced from the example of Thamar , who after the death of both her Husbands , had their Seed raised and excited in her by her Father-in-law Judah ? Gen. 38. 32 Q. Forasmuch as we perceive that the whole Mouth of Man , above , beneath , and on both sides , as well as the Tongue and Teeth , do every one of them , continually and without ceasing , give forth a distinct circulating moisture , so that in the Mouth there is a twofold water , one above , and the other beneath , both which must be united by means of the Tongue , in order both to eating and speaking ; which latter is formed by the Tongue , which therefore is as a Spunge moving and turning itself to all parts of the Mouth , destinated for the forming of all the living Images and Letters , and the sounds of them in the mouth ; as we may see in the printed Hebrew Letters , that they have the same figure and form as they are shaped and formed by the Tongue in the Mouth , especially when any one is forced to speak loud to another at a distance ; as is more largely declared in the said Alphabet of Nature . And may not we again in this circulation of waters in the Mouth of Man perceive an evident harmony and agreement between the greater and lesser Worlds in their continual Revolutions ? 33 Q. Now that the lower waters which come from beneath , viz. from the Belly up into the Mouth , be of Lunar , Nocturnal , and Terrestrial property , and consequently do incline us to fleep , and allay pains , may we not perceive this from hence , that when the sweat of a mans feet is taken by the mouth and swallowed down , it asswageth the pains of the Cholick , as hath been experienced by some ; and as it is commonly known , that by applying the soals of a Stocking , sore Throats are cured . In like manner also , that the Spittle of any one taken in the night-time , as soon as they awake , and applied to the place where a Ring-worm or Tetter is , doth take away the same ; when on the contrary , our Spittle by day so applied , doth increase the Malady . And may not this ( perhaps ) be the reason why the lower waters are of such a nature ( as hath been now said ) viz. for that our Feet , from whence these waters come ( considered with their ten Toes ) are ( as it were ) the roots wherein ( as in the roots of a Tree ) all nourishment must die , as descending into the roots , if ever they are to arrive at an operative power , and to bring forth Fruit through the Arms. Hands , and Fingers , as through Boughs and Branches ? An example of which we have in Women with Child , who when by reason of a longing they have for any Fruit , or from a sudden Fright and Amazement at any thing , they lay their hand on any part of their body , the Child also which is in their Womb will in the very s●me part of its body get an answerable mark or t●ken , which retains a sympathy with the Fruit longed for , or with the thing which was the cause of the Mothers affrightment . From whence we may see , that the hands are nothing else but the essential Out-workers of the thoughts of the head . We might further enquire here , seeing Man hath his beginning and life from the Trees by his feeding upon their Fruit , whether therefore an arboreal essence be not in the first original , and most inward imaging of his outward body ? And whether this Mystery be not hinted to us in the New Testament ( in which all Wisdom , as in the highest divine Philosophy , is contained ) in the story of the blind man , Mark 8. 23 , 24 , &c. where it is related how Christ spit in the blind man's eye , and laid his hand upon him , and asked him whether he saw any thing ? whereupon he looked up , and said , I see men walk like trees . But that afterwards , when Christ a second time had laid his hand upon his eyes , he saw all things clearly . 34 Q. May not the foresaid continual Circulation and Revolution of waters in the Mouth , be supposed to be for the reason as follows : Inasmuch as the said waters must give the first serment , and must kindle the first life in the Food which we take in , whereby our Food comes to be united with us ; of which also even the Americans themselves do not seem to be ignorant , viz. that these waters are a true living Spirit , who when they prepare their strong Drink called Perino , they take a great Root called Cassava , which they grate , and after they have pressed out the Juice ( which is poyson ) bake the remainder of the grated Roots upon hot stones into Cakes of a finger thick , which they eat instead of Bread : Another part of the 〈◊〉 grated or rasped Root they sleep in common water ; and their women take some of the foresaid Cakes and chew them , and spit what they have chew'd into the water in which the Cassava is put to sleep , and this makes the Liquor to ferment , which afterwards serves them for a usual Drink . 35 Q. Furthermore , is not the Revolution of the said waters partly also evidenced from hence , that when women make use of mercurial waters outwardly , for to beautifie themselves , if then when they go to sleep they put one or two Ducats into their mouths , ( because they know by experience , that the Mercury doth revolve or circulate ) the said Ducats become white ; but when put into the fire , the Mercury flies away , and so the Ducats come again to their first golden colour ? In like manner , when some take Mercury inwardly , in order to salivation , by which means an internal Revolution is brought to pass ; now the Mercury by its Circulation causeth salivation , because not being digested , he is not wholly estranged nor changed from his mercurial quality , but doth as yet in part retain the same , as may be urged from this Argument , viz. that he doth first set upon and kill that life of the parts of mans body , which yet is not absolutely the first wherewith man is born , such are the Teeth , which are not born with man ; these , I say , he lays hold of in such a manner , as to cause a corruption of the Gums , and falling out of the Teeth , when the said Mercury is unmeasurably and unskilfully taken or made use off . And the reason hereof is , forasmuch as the said Mercury is not yet wholly changed , and therefore cannot pass through the Teeth , which are some of the Rocks and Stones of the Microcosm . 36 Q. That a certain water or moisture passeth through the Teeth , and that amongst other ends , they were especially formed for this likewise , viz. to afford waters in quantity ; as also that the water in all and every part of the body must suffer a change , to the end it may distribute to every part and member of mans body , its due food and nourishment , even as we may observe that the sweat of man , in each several member , hath a different odour ; so may not we also partly form the said judgment from hence , inasmuch as we find some of the Teeth so fashioned and formed , that when we look upon them through a Microscope , we can perceive in the middle or hollow part of them many spungy bladders , by which they continually draw unto themselves much moisture , and also do renew the same . Might not we from hence likewise gather , in some measure , that the Teeth of man , the Lesser World , bears somewhat a resemblance to the Mountains of the Great World , which continually give forth their waters for to feed and nourish the Earth ; and this the rather , for that we find that a great strength and force is in the Teeth , forasmuch as we daily take notice , that when Children come to get their Teeth , they about the same time also begin to speak ? And on the contrary , when the Teeth by reason of age , or else through infirmity , or other accidents , do fall out , notwithstanding that the party may be able to speak all words as plainly as before , yet will he not be able to hold on a discourse so well as formerly , but will soon be tired . And lastly , doth it not follow , that the Teeth were chiefly given to man , for these three reasons and uses ? 1. To afford water , or to give a ferment , and thereby to excite life . 2. To bite and chew his Food . 3. To speak , that is to help to form his voice . Moreover , seeing that the Teeth are ordinarily thirty two in number , ( even just as many as the Hebrew Letters are , which likewise make up thirty two , the Consonants and Vowels being reckoned together , viz. twenty two Consonants , and ten Vowels , which are formed by the Tongue , and by means of the little Arches , which make the roof of the mouth , and which are above the upper gums inwardly ) which Teeth , together with the foresaid parts , help to form the speech and words , which are afterwards uttered through the Teeth and Lips ? so that through the concurrence of all these , a word is produced or born . Must not therefore both these ( viz. the Teeth and Letters ) have a great analogy and agreement with one another ? 37 Q. Forasmuch as we treat here concerning the Mouth , wherein the speech or words of man 〈◊〉 formed and born , it may give just occasion to the starting of this Question , viz. Seeing that a 〈◊〉 and his word must be united or made one , 〈◊〉 that accordingly the words which flow from his heart , can as little be annihilated , as the man himself can be ; whether then this being so , all the powers of man must not concur to the production and birth of his word ? And forasmuch as the voice and word of man are his Off-spring and Children , viz. his out-flown Spirits and Angels which continually ( from the beginning of his life , until his death ) go out from him , and make up the whole man ; Whether or no then man must not give an account of his words , which do follow him , as well as his works or thoughts ? And whether or no his words should not be his subjects , over which his Central Life-spirit , ought to rule as a King , yea and as a Priest offer them up continually to the most High , and that so long until his perfect Revolution be accomplished , and his total Perfection attained , to the end that man might be capacitated to enjoy the thousand years Sabbath ( which is made and consists of the weekly Sabbaths ) and obtain a spiritual body , and be united with Christ ? For seeing that God hath made his beloved ones Kings and Priests , how could he have made them Kings , in case they had no Subjects ? Or Priests , if they had nothing to offer up to him ? Forasmuch then as the words of Man are to be his Subjects , and consequently must belong to his Regiment or Government ; and that they ( as well as his Sight , and all his Outbirths through all his Senses and Desires ) are a spiritual , endless , and everlasting Being , as well as he himself is ; how is it then possible that ever they should be separated from man , or that they should lose themselves or perish in the Great World , which is Mans Mother , any more than a man is able to lose himself ? As for example , let us suppose that if some thousands of men should be taken away from their Wives , viz. by the Turks , or the like , and carried away Captives into great slavery , and that then there should a man be found who should redeem them all out of bondage , and convoy them home again to their Wives and Children , and after that ( he having made them meet together in one place ) should make a Speech or Discourse to them full of the greatest love and friendliness ; can we imagine that these redeemed Slaves , their Wives , and Children , would ever be able to forget this mans countenance , words or works ? Or may not we much rather suppose that they would from time to time relate all this to their Children and Grand-children , that so the remembrance of this their Redeemer might abide stedfast and fixed in all their Posterity ? Moreover , may it not probably be supposed that some of these women , one more , another less , would become so far possessed of the Idea of this their Redeemer , as even to bring forth Children , which might resemble & be like him , and have ( as it were ) his perfect shape and form ; just as we have had many such examples of women , who have through liking and love , strongly imprinted on themselves the Image of other men or women , and being impregnated , have brought forth Children , which have very much resembled those whose Image they had imprinted in themselves ; insomuch as others ( though strangers ) could observe and take notice , that the Children greatly resembled such and such persons ? 38 Q. Now that not onely the words of man , but also his operative thoughts , before they are yet brought forth into word or work , have a Being , is not to be doubted of , seeing that it is witnessed by our Saviour himself , Mat. 5. 28. when he saith , Whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her , hath committed adultery already with her in his heart . And do not we in like manner experience daily , in many that are united together by a strong and vehement love , that when they are absent from one another , yet not withstanding they are made partakers of each others thoughts and dreams by day and night ; and that also when they are present , they can understand one another without speaking , and be able to answer , before the other hath spoke out his meaning , or expressed his thoughts ? The same , on the contrary , is likewise found in those who fall into great Anger . Envy , Jealousie , &c. against each other ; of which , many examples might be here alledged , but are on purpose ( as being but too notorious ) omitted . Must not now this knowledge which one man hath of the thoughts of another , be caused and wrought by a continual influx , as well as e●flux of Spirits , which are the good or bad Angels of Man ? Seeing that these Spirits , without being bound to time or place , do penetrate and pass through all bodies . Even as we see that when a man fights in a Fencing-School , that according to the bent and intention of his mind , all his members at once in one moment become operative and move themselves . Now like as the Spirit of a man in his body doth thus operate , and man cannot be separated from the Greater World , as being united to the same both in his Spirit and his Body ; shall not we suppose then , that by means of this union , and sympathy arising from thence , man is able to work in all parts of the said Macrocosm , which are in harmony with him ? As we may partly gather by a similitude from without , viz. that when two Lutes are alike tuned , if we touch the strings of the one , the corresponding strings in the other will give forth a like fund . 39. Q. Upon this occasion we may enquire concerning the living Word and Wisdom that are hid in the deep and abstruse Parables , which every-where occur in Scripture , whether the reason ( why the same seem to be dead to many who read the Scripture ) be not this , as the Jews say by way of similitude , that the case here is the same , as when a beautiful , lovely , and virtuous Virgin dwells in a certain house , and of whom some young man becomes enamoured , who knowing that this Virgin doth oft open a certain window of that house , and shews her self thereat , to the doing of which he often secretly draws her by his strong love : whereas others on the contrary , who know nothing of this Virgin , nor have any love for her , they find the said window always shut ; so that though they look never so often , yet they onely see the window , but do never see the Virgin. And in like manner , the inward mystery of the Parables in Scripture , continues hid and concealed from the unwise , as who gaze onely upon the dead Letters . 40 Q. Seeing then that this is so , is there no Key to be found wherewith the Mysteries of Scripture might be opened ? And forasmuch as the Old Testament was written in Hebrew , and that it cannot be translated into another Language , so as to retain its own proper force and energy ; may not we therefore suppose , that in the Hebrew Language ( as we consider the same to be a living Language ) this Key is to be found ? especially since we see that there is no radical word in the said Language , very few excepted , that consists of more than three Consonants , as of a Beginning , Middle , and End ; and that they are all writ without Vowels , when especially the said Language is rightly and truly writ by the Wise ; and that for this reason , that they might be read and understood so as to afford a variety of Wisdom , and diversity of Signification , yet all agreeing and harmonizing together , the like to which cannot be found in any other Speech whatsoever . And they who thus read the Hebrew without Vowels , are necessitated to read the same with understanding and attention , and cannot heedlesly run over it , as is common in other Languages . Must it not follow then from hence , that the perfection of this Speech , and the wisdom which is contained in it , doth chiefly consist in this , that the most part of the radical words , very few excepted , are made up onely of three Consonants , whereas in other Languages there is great confusion , by reason of the many Letters and Syllables of which their words do consist ; and we know that wisdom is not to be found in confusion , but in order ? Concerning this , see Alphabetum Naturae , pag. 94 , 95 , &c. V. Concerning the Sense of Feeling in Man : Also concerning the Brain , and the Pith of the Back-bone , commonly called by Anatomists the Spinal Marrow . 41 Q. That there is ( as it were ) a Seed in the Brain of man , and that the said Seed must be generated there , is it not apparent from the three parts of which the Brain consisteth , two of which are in the fore-part of the Head , the other behind ; all which unite together and generate one Spirit or Seed , which they afterwards conveigh ; by the Nerves , to the other Senses and Members of the Body ? For if in case the Brain were but one onely thing , would it not then follow from thence , that either a man must understand nothing at all , inasmuch as there would be no Worker nor Receiver , or else that he would understand all things in unity and perfection ; which is not to be allowed , because it is onely one of the incommunicable Attributes of God himself ? It is not therefore necessary , that there must be two , because a spiritual and essential Image can onely be made or generated by , first , a receiving from without , and next , by an out-working from within , viz. the one to be operative and male , the other receptive and female ? And must not we then suppose the third , viz. the little Brain ( so called ) which is placed behind in the head , to be the union of the other two , like the Womb in a female ? And that thus these three parts of the Brain , do make out the holy number three or Ternary ? And may not we in some measure perceive from hence , what the nature of that indisposition is which we commonly call a Pose or Cold ? Since we see that fools and mad men also , who want due Apprehension which is performed in the Brain , are commonly free from that Disease : whereas on the contrary , those that think aright & study much , or easily apprehend , and have subtile quick wits , when by earnest meditation they do over-drive their Brain , so as to make more Idea's than ( for the forming of which ) they have received matter or spiritual water sufficient from their Nocturnal Luminary , get thereupon a running of the Nose , which is as it were a Gonorrhaea of the Brain , by which the said Spirit or Seed doth disorderly slow from the Brain , and consequently makes the man unfit at that time to have any deep thoughts ; even as that man who hath contracted a Gonorrhaea below , is unfit to generate Children . 42 Q When now the hinder-part of the Brain , or Cerebellum , which is the union of both the other Brains , together with the Spinal Marrow , which in Holy Scripture is called the Silver Cord ( or Pith of the Back ) which passeth through the whole Back-bone into the Os Sacrum , or Rump-bone , ( at the end of which males have hair growing , because there the spiritual Seed of the Bones is wrought out ) by means of which Spinal Marrow , or Pith of the Back , the spiritual Image which was formed above in the Head , is conveyed down to the place of generation , as it is likewise done to the Testicles ; just as the breath through the Mouth and Nose , passeth to the Heart , and from thence to the same place of generation and birth . May not we conclude therefore , that from the Spinal Marrow almost all Nerves , Sinews , and Bones , as well as all sense of Feeling and motion , have their derivation of their Being and Original ? Forasmuch as experience doth witness to the same , because when a man by growing very crooked hath his Back-bone quite broke or intercepted , so as the Spinal Marrow , or Silver Cord , is utterly separated and cut asunder , or at least totally compressed , we shall find that the party doth , at the very same instant , wherein the breach or compression is made in the Spinal Marrow , wholly lose all sense and motion , viz. from the interception of that breach or compression downwards ; insomuch that when a Needle is run up even to the head into the flesh of that person , he is not in the least sensible thereof . May not we likewise observe the same from such persons as break or rather dislocate the Bones of their Neck , who immediately and in a moment thereupon are deprived of all speech and motion , and lie for dead ; but when some body that is very strong sets his knees against the shoulders of such a party , and puts his head between his legs , and by a strong and streight extending of his head , recovereth that dislocation , and makes his Neck streight again , so as the Spinal Marrow , or Silver Cord , is restored to its former site and erect posture ; then the person is presently restored to his perfect life , speech , and motion , which he had before . 43 Q. Seeing then that the Neck and Back-bone are governed by Sinews , Muscles , and Nerves , by the means of which all motion is performed , viz. forward , backward , on both sides , and also of turning round ; so that when we bow forwards , the foremost Nerves , Muscles , and Sinews , are 〈◊〉 their length contracted , and the hindmost are extended : And the like happens when we move on either side , viz. when we bend towards the right , the Nerves , Muscles , and Sinews on the left are extended ; and those on the right side are in their length contracted : and in like manner it is when the motion turns round . Must it not follow then , that when any one of these Nerves , Muscles , or Sinews loseth its force , and the body thereupon is over-balanced , and leans or bends that way ; whether then , forasmuch as the weight of the Head , Arms , Breast , and of the whole upper part of the Body , by reason of the weakned Nerve , Muscle , or Sinew , is no longer carried in a streight or erect posture or line , but in a crooked and distorted , this weight causing a leaning of one side , must it not of necessity make the body more and more crooked , and so consequently by degrees produce great bunches and protuberances , either in the Back , Sides , or other part of the Trunk of the Body ? And may not this likewise be the reason why young Children , who are yet a growing , when they are set to work at great Spinning-wheels , or any other labour , that makes them sit crooked , do thereupon become crooked and bunch-back'd ? Is it not also evident from hence , why those who are very crooked and bunch-back'd , are also short-winded , not onely because the Lungs have no room to go up and down ( which yet is commonly supposed to be the reason of it ) but because the life and motion which passeth through the Back-bone , cannot have their free course and circulation , as being hindred and weakened by the crookedness of the Spinal Marrow or Pith of the Back-bone . Now I having found out an easie way for to cure and restore such as are crooked or bunch-back'd , and that after the best manner , naturally , easily , and without trouble ; which , upon my direction , hath been often performed and accomplished : whereupon several Friends have importuned me not to suffer so useful an Experiment to Mankind to be buried with me . In compliance with whose desires , I have at the end of this Discourse ( that it might not make too great a gap in the sequel thereof ) described the Instrument wherewith , and manner how this Cure is performed ; to which I refer the Reader . 41 Q. That the five Senses of man ( of which in part mention hath been made before ) do concur and meet together in the Head , may not this partly be inferred from this instance , viz. that when a man stops up his Ears with Wax , or by any other way , and then takes a long Stick and puts one end of the same to his Teeth , and the other end of it leaning on a Virginal , viz. on that part of the Instrument which is near the strings , whilst another plays upon it , he that holds the Stick between his Teeth , will hear the whole Musick most distinctly and sweetly through his Teeth , notwithstanding that his Ears be close stop'd up ? Moreover , the same may be further confirmed , because ( as hath been mentioned ) a twofold Seed flows down from the Brain of man into the center or mid-part of the Head , where all the Senses meet , and there becomes divided , one part of it going forwards towards the Nose , the other backwards to the Throat . Is not the same likewise further apparent from hence , that when we use a Collyrium or Eye-water to our Eyes , ( as for instance , Aloes with a little Copperas dissolved in Rose-water ) we presently perceive the taste of the Aloes in our Throat ; from whence we see that there is a continual Revolution of water from the Eyes to the Throat . The same being yet further demonstrable from hence , that when men weep for joy or grief , and shed many tears , that at the same time much water runs down from the Eyes to the Nose and Mouth also . 45 Q. Seeing we have here made mention of the water of the Eyes , may we not take occasion from hence to enquire for what end and purpose the natural faculty of Weeping and Laughing was given to Man ? And whether or no it were not chiefly given him for this end , viz. that Man keeping himself betwixt both those Extreams , might not turn foolish ; because we see that when a man by his imagination doth frame to himself an Image , which proves to be according to his desires , and such as he delights in , he thereupon is pleased and laughs , and his Eyes give forth their water ( proportionably to the excess of his love for the said Image , which in order to its being perfected , ought to be free ; whereas in this case the party , by reason of his love to the said Image , lays hold on the same as his propriety ) for to drown the said Image , and so take away the excess of love to it ? And on the contrary , is it not for this reason , that we find that Fools which have no understanding , laugh very much , by which means they are hindred from framing any due Images ? And will not this likewise be found to be the reason of their weeping , who are seized with grief and sorrow ; for that when they have lost the beloved Image , which they would willingly have kept as their propriety , they begin to shed tears , in which the said Image is drowned , and their excess towards it taken away . It being a thing of daily experience , that when any one that is in sorrow cannot weep , his sorrow increaseth , and the Image that causeth it , grows stronger ; so as sometimes the party by means thereof becomes a Mope or Fool , and sometimes dies for grief : but as soon as the party comes to weep , so that his Eyes , Nose , and Mouth give forth their water , he thereby is delivered and eased of his sorrow ; and the more plentiful his weeping is , and the more abundantly his Tears and Mouth-water do gush forth , the sooner is he eased , forasmuch as the grief-causing Image is deluged and drowned in the said waters . 46 Q. Now that sorrow without tears doth oft take away the dolorifick Image and Life together , is not this , alas ! too notorious from manifold experience ? And that the very same may be caused by a violent and excessive Laughter without tears , is not this also matter of experience ? For hath it not been known , that young wanton Children playing together , have so long tickled one another , till by excess of Laughter they have lost their breath , and swoned away ? And some wicked ungodly Souldiers were not ignorant of this , who in the late German War ( which continued thirty years together ) when they were minded to force the Country-people to tell them where their Money was , did bind them fast on a Stool or Bench , and having pull'd off their Shoes and Stockings , they anointed the soals of their Feet with Cream , or rubbed them with Salt , and let a Goat lick it off again ; by means of which tickling motion they were forced to extreme Laughter , but without tears ; and by this means having lost their strength , they were forced to confess all , and discover to them where they had hid their monies . 47 Q. Seeing we have many instances of mad people or Lunaticks , who by chance falling into the water , and by letting in the same into the upper part of their body ( so as the air in their Lungs hath been quite choak'd thereby , though not the air which was in their bellies ) have been drowned to appearance , and held by all for dead , who afterwards having been laid upon their bellies with their heads and upper parts inclining downwards , and some body blowing strongly into their Fundament through a Knife-sheath with the end cut off , or other convenient Pipe , have thereupon begun to vomit up all the water they had taken down ; and thus have not onely been restored to life , but at the same time also have been cured of their madness , and restored to the perfect use of their Reason , and continued so . And for a full and convincing evidence of all this , there is a certain Physician , who having made this observation out of my Fathers Writings , hath put the same in practice , so as to make a Profession of it , viz. he takes mad people and binds their hands behind them , and ties their feet together with a Rope , which he runs through a Pulley , and there by lets down the upper parts of their body into a Vessel of water , and lets them hang till he think it to be enough ; then he pulls them up out of the water , and blows into their Fundaments , by which means they void the water they have taken in , which having drowned the Image of their madness , the said Lunaticks have thereby been delivered and freed from the dominion of the Moon . May we not therefore conclude from hence , that when the water of a mans own Little World , viz. his tears of weeping or laughter ( as aforementioned ) are not sufficient to drown the undue Images man hath framed , he is then forced to have recourse to the waters of the Great World ? 48 Q. Is it not likewise very observable on this occasion , that a Dog being a Beast of a very quick scent , hath a very cold Nose , which coldness is a main cause of the quickness of his scent , because the odoriferous emanations from persons and things , are by the said cold condensed , contracted , and repercussed , and therefore made the more perceptible . Now a Dog by means of this his quick scentedness , and the spiritual emanation which continually goes forth from , together with the love he bears to his Master , is able to trace the way he is gone , and to distinguish him from all others ; which a man cannot do : for if he had so quick a scent , his Senses would thereby be dissipated and avocated , and his activity or out-working would be weakened . But Man when he stands aright , is capable of an higher perfection than this , forasmuch as when he hath perfectionated and wrought out his outward smelling , he then obtains a spiritual smelling , and the same may be said concerning all his other Senses , and thus becomes enabled to enjoy and rule over all . So that in this particular also he far excells a Dog and all other Beasts , in case he will but apply himself to it , and retire into himself in his Central Spirit . Now it is upon the same account , as aforesaid , that a Dog doth so love his Master , and others that are his Benefactors , insomuch that he gives up himself willingly to death for them . And forasmuch as his quick scent makes him to be watchful , and of no sound sleep , which sleep notwithstanding all Creatures stand in need of , to the end that the old Images that are in their waters , might be drowned by means of the overflowing Night-water , and so be renewed and bettered . And is it not worth our taking notice , that when these internal waters in a Dog , through divers causes , as Hunger , over-great Heat or Cold , are turned the contrary way and disordered , so that he cannot take his due rest ; the Image of Love he had for his Master , is turned to Enmity ; and by this means grows mad , and becomes shie of the outward water ( forasmuch as he is at enmity with his inward water & the Images formed out of it ) so that he hates it , and cannot endure it ; and that because his internal disordered waters are thereby put in motion ? And whilst he is thus distempered , if he chance to bite another Dog , Beast , or Man , or if he do but touch their skin with the foame of his mouth , immediately the Spirit of his perverted and disordered waters and Image , doth enter into them , and causeth the same disorder in their waters , so that they in like manner become shie of the outward water . Furthermore , it hath been found by experience , that the best means for curing this Distemper , is , lightly to burn or cauterize the skin of the bitten man or beast with a small red-hot Iron or Copper , and by this means to put them into a fright of fire , or else by plunging them well under water : for thus the outward Fire or Water-spirit of the Great World , which stands in its due and right order , will be predominant over and master the disordered Spirit of the Little World , and turn about and set to right the disordered waters of the same . And is not this well worth our animadversion and consideration ? 49 Q. Doth it not appear very probable from all this , that the ancient wise men amongst the Jews did well understand this effect or operation of the waters ; as who without doubt by a paternal tradition from Moses , or it may be yet further from Noah , had received and learnt this ? Seeing that baptizing or plunging under water was very frequent amongst them in the Old Testament , until the time of Christ , and is so even to this day ; so as it is plain that this Ceremony is derived from them . And we find it frequently asserted in the Writings of their Doctors , that there can be no Repentance , without Prayers , Fasting , and of Alms , and being baptized or plunged under water . And that the Jews in Christs time were of this opinion , doth not that clearly appear from the Questions which their Messengers propounded to John the Baptist , asking him why that he baptized , seeing that he was neither the Messias , nor Elias , nor that Prophet ? Yea , there are at this very day some amongst the Jews , who endeavour to excel others in Holiness , that do often , yea two or three times a week plunge themselves under water . Moreover , in all places where Jews dwell , they must have a place for men and women to bathe in ; the women always making use of the same apart , or by themselves : for after that they have accomplished the six weeks of their Purification , before they can again cohabit with their Husbands , the first thing they do , is to go into the Bath . This Bath is a living water or springing Fountain , into which the woman enters stark naked , without keeping so much as a Ring on her finger , and by some understanding women is let down so deep into the same , that the water quite covers her head , for not so much as one hair of her head must abide above water . And this the Jews do , to the end that the old remaining Idea or Image might be drowned by the water , and renewed . This Bath , when made as it ought to be , is contrived after this manner . First , in some convenient place where a living Spring is , they dig five or six foot deep ; and having made it of a fitting compass , they wall it round within , and fix a Stone-Table at the bottom of it , on which the woman that is to be baptized or plunged , doth seat her self in the water , which then ( as hath been said ) covers her head ; under her feet is a Stone-step for a Foot-stool , upon which when she stands upright , her head is above the waters , and so comes up by the steps , made for that purpose in the Bath , out of the water . Now that after a preceding birth there yet remains in women an Idea of the said former birth , which afterwards may become operative , in case it be not thus drowned and renewed in the water , do not we find this by experience ? Thus we see that a Fool , so long as he continues in his foolishness , and is not recovered thereof by being plunged under water , doth beget no Children but what are meer Fools : Is there not ground therefore to fear , that a woman who hath had a Fool for her Husband , hath even after his death something of the old Idea of her deceased Husband abiding with her ? And do not we partly meet with an instance hereof amongst irrational Creatures ? For when a young Mare hath the first time been covered by an Ass , and Conception follows , she brings forth a Mule ; and when the next time she is covered with a Stone-horse , she indeed brings forth a Horse , but yet so distinguished , as that all those who understand Horses , can easily perceive that the Dam of it the time before was covered by an Ass ; forasmuch as the said Horse retains still somewhat of the properties and shape of the Mule. 50 Q. Forasmuch as we have here made mention of Baptism or Plunging under water , it will not be amiss further to observe , that Baptism is to be considered under a twofold notion , viz. either as particular onely , of which hitherto hath been spoken ; or as common and universal , as was that of John the Baptist , who was sent to baptize unto Repentance , and the Baptism of Christ with the Holy Ghost and with Fire . In imitation of which Baptism of John , it happened about four years since , that an old pious simple Jew came amongst his Brethren , who imagined himself ( and declared as much publickly to the Jews ) to be sent to baptize unto Repentance , as a Forerunner of the Messiah , for that the time of the Messiah ( as he declared ) was near : whereupon several simple Jews were baptized by him ; but the learned and understanding men amongst them , were not so ready to approve of this his undertaking , or to be baptized by him , but propounded some Queries to him ; to which , when he could not return any sufficient Answer , he was fain to desist from his further baptizing , and confess that it was a weakness in him , and that he had been mistaken . Forasmuch then as according to this instance , there must be a certain ground for baptizing , we who call our selves Christians , ought in especial manner to know this ground , that we might be ●ble to give to Heathens and Jews , whenever they ●hall demand it , an account and reason of the ●ame . SECT . III. Concerning the Outward Members and parts of Mans Body ; and lastly , concerning the Stomach . I. Concerning the Face of Man. 51 Q. FOrasmuch as we find by experience , that when any person hath a Mole on his ●ace , that the same is also found on another part of ●is body , which bears proportion with that part of his Face ; which is further evidenced from the ●enereal Distemper , which hath its seat in the ●ower parts of the belly , but in its out-working ●oth first seize the Nose and disfigure it : May we not conclude from hence , that the entire proportion of mans body may be found in his Face ? Concerning which , we might here set down many things , which for certain reasons are omitted at present . II. Concerning the Poise and Proportion of the Body of Man. 52 Q. Seeing that man , when he lays himself with his hands stretched out over his head , upon a stiff-stretched Cord , or upon a narrow board , will find his true poise directly under his Navel ( by which , as his Center , he is fastened to his Mothers Womb ) and that on both sides he is of equal length and weight . In like manner , when he lays himself down naked on his back , with his hands joyned on his belly , he then finds his poise under the Rump-bone , from whence both his extremes be of equal length and weight : and when being in this posture he goes about to raise himself , he finds that his head and feet mount together . And may not we from hence plainly perceive , the exact proportion and symmetry of the Fabrick of Mans Body ? III. Concerning the motion of the Thighs and Legs of Man. 53 Q. It is likewise observable , that man hath two semi-circular Bones , viz. his Ankles , by means of which he can turn his feet this way and that way , forwards , and on either side , to the end he might be able to go surely and safely in any uneven or rough way , and not be in danger of falling . As also that his Thighs and Legs are of the same length , and move themselves round , or in a circle . Furthermore , that when a man stands on one Leg , and lifts up the other , it is at the same time , by means of the Thigh , brought into a motion for going ; and when he lies down , and would turn himself , it must be done by means of the weight of his Legs or Arms , which likewise go round , and are just of that length , that when he sits , he can lean upon them , and help to raise himself . Doth not all this well deserve to be weighed and considered by us ? IV. Concerning the Bones of Man. 54 Q. Forasmuch as Man hath two hundred forty eight Bones in order to his out working and motion , and that there are just so many Commands in the Law of Moses of things to be done , and three hundred sixty five Prohibitions of things forbidden , which correspond with a like number of Veins , Nerves , Sinews , &c. which are within the flesh of man , and which , together with the foregoing number of the Bones , make up the number six hundred and thirteen ; to which when the seven Commands of Noah are added , the product is six hundred and twenty . Now it is observed , that in the ten Commandments in Hebrew , there are just six hundred and twenty Letters , so that every Letter , according to this , seems to contain a Precept , and consequently that the ten Commands comprehend all the rest , Commands as well as Prohibitions . May not we therefore in some measure perceive from hence , the reason why our Saviour hath so expresly asserted , that not one Iota or one Keraia ( point or stroke which the Tongue formeth for to make the sound , and to form and shape the Letters ) should perish from the Law until a●l be fulfilled ? V. Concerning the Analogie and Proportion which the ten Fingers of a Mans Hands have with the ten Head-Commands of the Law. 55 Q. Forasmuch then as in the ten Commands all the other six hundred and twenty do meet together and concenter , and that Man hath just ten Fingers to his Hands , which Fingers are the out-workers of the Head or whole Man , that with them ( so far as their activity reacheth ) he might work out and fulfil the said ten Commands , principally with the ends of his Fingers , under the Nails , where his chief and quickest feeling lies , by which he examines and distinguisheth things . Now as it was said before , that a humane Foetas fourteen days after its conception , hath a perfect Body , but without Hands or Feet , so that the Body produces them as its own out-working ; whether this may not be a confirmation of what was just now said , that the Fingers are the out-workers of the whole Man ? And doth not the great Analogy which there is between Man and the Law , plainly appear from what hath been said ? And that the right and truly perfect man , doth consist of these Precepts , yea is nothing else but the Precepts themselves ; which is confirmed by Solomon , Eccles. 12. 13. where the words , according to the original Text , runs thus : Let us hear the head sum of all Doctrine : Fear God , and keep his Commandments , for this is the whole man. VI. Concerning the Hair of Mans Head. 56 Q. Forasmuch as the Head of Man is of a round Figure , and consists of six parts , as above and below , before and behind , left and right side , and that some of the said parts be covered with Hair , with which a man is born ; which Hair hath likewise many excellent properties , by reason of their colour , curling , thickness , &c. Concerning which , much might be said , but for brevity is past over . Amongst other particulars , it is observable , that when a man hath much and thick Hair on his Head , he commonly is very strong withal . As also when any have the Hair on the top of their Heads standing upright or staring , it is an argument of great activity and operativeness , and that such a person busies himself about all matters ; but by reason of the multitude of his thoughts and conceptions , is not able to work them out perfectly ; but when old age comes on , and that the Hair begins to lie flat , and in process of time to fall out , he then becomes disposed to work out his former thoughts , as they revolve in him ? 57 Q. Now that there is a great force or strength in the Hair of Man , may not this in part be considered from hence , that when a man is in danger of his life , so as all his powers at once are in anguish and suffering , that then his Hairs rise on end , as is commonly known ? As likewise from this instance of a known young man , whose Beard was not yet grown , who upon his receiving the Sentence of Death , the day before he was to be executed for Manslaughter by him committed , had the Hair of his Head turn'd gray in one night , which continued so all the days of his life ( for he was pardoned , because of the terrible fright he had suffered in the expectation of death , as was evident from the change of his Hair ) and when afterwards his Beard began to grow , the Hair of it was black , whereas that of his Head continued gray , as was mentioned before . May not we give further evidence to this from another instance , that when a man falls into Despair , he bends and turns his Hands from him , contrary to Nature , and twists and squeeseth his Fingers , as if he had a mind to break them ( as being the Out-workers of his thoughts ) and plucks off the Hair from his Head ( which are the upper Roots of Man , and do receive a strong influence from the Stars , and afford strength to the life of man ) and not his Nose , nor any other part : for Nature understands what the Hair is ? And have not we likewise an abundant confirmation of this power and force which resides in the Hair , from the History of Sampson ? Judg. 16. 17 , &c. 58 Q. Again , that a fiery power is in the Hair , do not we perceive this , in that when some comb their Hair in the dark , a Light or fiery Glance proceeds from it ; and this as well in Beasts as men ? There was a certain known Lady , who by reason of her intolerable Head-ach , could not endure a Candle in her Room by night ; and she having in a dark night her Head comb'd by a Waiting-Gentlewoman that was newly come into her service , who upon seeing a light or fire come from her Ladies Hair , was sore afrighted and ran out of the Room ; but being afterwards perswaded to comb her own head in the dark , she perceived that a light or fire proceeded from her own Hair also ; whereupon she was recovered from her fright and amazement . VII . Concerning the Hair which is before on the Forehead . 59 Q. Don't we find likewise by experience , that those who have their Hair growing down their Foreheads triangle-wise , so as to reach to the midst of them , are of very quick apprehension ; but ordinarily not so stedfast as others ? And may not we from this instance , and from what was mentioned before , conclude what the Hair of the Head ( as it stands in its proper station and order ) is in general , and what use it is of to man ? And that it hath its peculiar powers and out-workings ? As also that they have an Analogy with , and may be compared to the Stars of Heaven ? VIII . Concerning the Eye-brows . 60. Q. Forasmuch as we find by daily observation , that when a man hath variety of thoughts in his head , and is in the earnest study of any thing , he doth knit his Brows and wrinkle the skin of his Forehead , in which wrinkles then we may plainly perceive between the Eyes over the Nose , the Figure of a Balance : and are not we informed from hence , that the Eye-brows of man have and receive power for to judge , find out , and rightly to weigh and consider any thing , which the Eyes have in part taken in and laid hold of ? IX . Concerning the Eye lids . 61. Q. Seeing that we find by experience , that those who by sickness have lost part of the Hair from their Eye-lids , have had their sight weakened thereby , is it not rational therefore to conclude , that the said Hairs were not alone ordained to keep out dust from the Eyes , but that they also contribute much to the sight it self ? which we may the rather infer , for that the Eye-lids , in that part where the hairs grow , are gristly , as the Nose and Ears also be , as was before declared . And accordingly we observe daily , that when a man is sleepy , his upper Eye-lids grow heavy , and sink down ; and will it not follow from hence , that the said gristly substance in the Eye-lids , hath a peculiar power of life to attract and give forth in like manner as is found in the Ears , Nose , and all other Bones whose extreme parts are all vested with such gristles ? X Concerning the Hairs in the Nose and Ears , as well as those of the Beard and Privities , and under the Arms. 62. Q. Forasmuch as Man hath Hairs also in his Nostrils and Ears , and that the Hairs of every part have their peculiar power and operation , ought we not therefore to consider whether the Hairs that grow on these parts , which are ordained to particular sensations , of which they are the Organs or Instruments , must not in all probability have a ●eculiar operation , and contribute much to the ●erfection of the said Senses ? And may not we ●onclude the same concerning the Hair which grows on other parts of his body , and is not born with him , as the Hair under his Arms , of his Beard , Privities , &c. viz. that they also have their pecu●iar powers and operations ? The Hair under the Arms , is it not probable that they communicate to the Arms and Hands a particular power and force for to operate or work out any thing ? And the like may be said of those of the Beard and Privities , forasmuch as we see that Youths before they grow hairy in those parts , have but a weak and womanish voice , ( as is well known by Musicians ) but as soon as they grow hairy , their voices become manly , as being then fit and disposed for the production of Seed ; and is it not probable therefore , that the Hair contributes much to this Operation ? Is it not likewise worth our animadversion ( as that which must have its peculiar cause and reason ) that women have no Hair growing in some parts of their body , where men have ? 63 Q. And that these lower parts of Mans body contribute much to his Beard and Voice , is matter of experience ; because we see that Eunuchs never have any Beard , and always a womanly Voice . And may not we partly gather from this instance , that the Man is properly the Generator of the Word , and is the Chief and Principal in getting of Children ? XI . Concerning the Skin of Man. 64 Q. Forasmuch as by the help of a Microscope we can plainly discern in the prepared Skin of a Man , or tanned Hide of a Bufalo , that the said Skins are throughout , as it were , woven together with many thin nervous Filaments , as with so many Threads . And moreover , that all the said Filaments do properly belong to mans make or frame , as with which he is born ; and therefore we see , that when a man loseth any of the same , it is not in the power of man to restore them , or to make Hair to grow there , as before . The said Filaments are likewise lost , when proud flesh grows in wounds or elsewhere , which in the Dutch Tongue is called wild flesh , for that the same is not natural , but a Disease , and is like an Excrecence growing on a Tree , of which several reasons may be given , which for brevities sake are here omitted . May not we therefore conclude , that the foresaid nervous capillary Filaments , of which the Skin is woven together , are not there in vain , but that they serve for motion , dilatation , and contraction ? 65 Q. Moreover , seeing that the foresaid nervous Skin is covered with a thin and smooth upper Skin , full of little Pores or Sweat-holes , and small Hairs , through which all the spiritual Powers of the whole man ( especially in his Face , which is an Epitome of , and represents the whole man ) do continually flow out from , and enter , and that in the appearance of Light : as we do see in some persons that a light fire or shining glance doth continually proceed from their Faces and Skins ; and that when in the dark we rub their Skin with a piece of Cloath , the said Cloath will appear full of light-shining flames , in like manner as hath been mentioned before concerning the Hair of the Head. Moreover , experience teacheth , that in great and dangerous Diseases , the said upper Skin doth peel off , and the Hair of the Head falls ( which is worth our observation ) as hath partly been mentioned ; though we find also that in other Accidents , yea without any , during the whole life of man , the said upper Skin doth continually wear away and is renewed again , in order to the continuation of mans life ; insomuch as the whole man in all his parts ( not so much as the Nails of his Feet , and Hands , or Flesh excepted ) is continually renewed : which we may perceive by setting a mark at the root of our Nails , for we shall find that in the time of three months the same will be grown up to the top of them . The same is likewise demonstrable from hence , that when a man by sickness hath lost the greatest part of his flesh , he recovers the same again in three months , accounting from the time he begins to recover . Yea , the very Bones of man , from which the Flesh hath its original , are not exempt from this Renovation : for don 't we see , that out of living broken Bones a moisture proceeds , by means of which they are conglutinated again : Now how can we conceive that this could ever be brought about , without a continual Renovation and alteration of the Bones and their moisture ? The Seed of man likewise ( which contains in it and comprehends the whole man in all his parts , the Bones as well as the Flesh ) doth evidence this : for we see that a Child that is generated of the said Seed , doth not onely resemble his Father in shape and flesh , but also in his bones , from which the flesh is produced . And also because the Spirit of man doth properly dwell in the Bones ( which probably was the reason why Joseph commanded the Children of Israel to take his bones along with them out of Egypt , viz. that his Spirit might go long with them ) which Spirit is that which forms the Body , seeing it is impossible that a Body , as such , should bring forth a Spirit ; but the Spirit must bring forth the Body : which Spirit therefore may be supposed to be that Rib of which Eve was built . And may not we from all this conclude , that the Bones must be renewed as well as the other parts of mans Body , forasmuch as all proceeds from one and the same Spirit ? And doth it not follow from all this , that the whole man , according to all his parts ( not the meanest or least point excepted ) must be subject to a continual and never-ceasing Revolution ? 66 Q. This continual Revolution of Man is not onely to be gathered from the Sickness and Health of man , according to what before hath been mentioned concerning his never-ceasing giving out and taking in ; but may likewise be inferr'd from other accidents happening to persons that are in perfect health ; amongst which the following instance will , I suppose , not be unacceptable to the Reader . A known Friend was on a time carried a Prisoner out of Germany towards Rome , to be laid up in the Inquisition there ; and passing through many great Cities and places in Italy , in all which the Streets and Houses , Doors and Windows , were filled with People that flock'd to see him , because the report was , that he was to be burnt at Rome . Forasmuch then as upon this account all eyes were fixed upon him , as being desirous to eye him earnestly , and to have a full view of him ; and he on the other side , had as great desire to look upon them , as being free and unconcern'd in his mind , so as their imaginative sight could gain no entrance into him , or be received by him , and consequently all the central Aspects which they cast upon him , were fain to concenter elsewhere , and so made up a kind of shadowy Person or Image , which sate with his back towards him ; insomuch that he could not imagine that the People gazed upon him , but upon the Person that sate before him , at which he was much surprized , because he did not then apprehend the reason of it . For further confirmation of this , another person that was a Preacher , once propounded this Query to the fore-mentioned party ; whence it was , that many times as he was preaching , he had seen a person in his own shape and likeness standing before him , who , as he thought , preached instead of him : forasmuch as when his Sermon was ended , he found himself as fresh and lively , as he was before he had begun to preach . The fore-mentioned party hereupon related to the Preacher the fore-going accident which had hapned to himself , which as he was doing , these following thoughts opened in him , viz. whether this might not be the reason of what the Preacher had related to him ; that forasmuch as his words were at that time received by his Hearers and taken root in them , he again received back from them , the strength or power he had given forth ; and thus seeing his Hearers continually received his image and word , with delight and satisfaction , and gave forth the same again to him , himself all this while continuing free and unconcerned , that from all this , it could not be otherwise but that he must see the back of his image , which his Hearers had made or fram'd before him . XII . Concerning the Stomack of Man. 67 Q. Forasmuch as the Body of Man , according to the testimony of Scripture , is , and should be the Temple of God , 2 Cor. 3. 13. and Chap. 6. 19. 2. Cor. 6. 16. And that in the Temple at Jerusalem , there was an Altar of Burnt-offering , upon which many Beasts , &c. was offered : and seeing that all the meat a man feeds upon enters into the stomack , might not the stomack be compared with the said Altar ? And might it not properly be called an Altar in the Temple of God , on which all right and well ordered food for the life of man , is to be offered up ? For seeing that the Stomack is a wise and understanding Purveyor for the whole body , which must and doth continually renew all and every part of it , not one of them excepted , by a continual circulation in a two-fold form of Blood and Water : may not we for these reasons likewise suppose the Stomach to be the universal Physician that cures all Diseases ; the rather , because we experience that when the Stomach hath lost its strength , no Medicine can be helpful to the sick ? And whether it be not therefore necessary to preserve the same in its strength and vigour , to the ●end that the whole body may be kept so likewise ? For must not the ferment of the Stomach ( which is its own proper fire ) do all that is to be done in order to the preserving of the Life of Man , and no Strange fire , even as it was forbid to bring any strange fire to the Altar at Jerusalem ? Ought not we therefore in this case to observe to that old Verse , Principiis obsta , serò Medicina paratur , &c. And is it not so much the less strange , that 〈◊〉 peculiar fire should be found in man , forasmuch as the same was very well known amongst the Jews who look'd upon this fire , when abundantly perceiv'd in or about any person , as a great Omen 〈◊〉 Presage of something very extraordinary ; according to what is mentioned of Achitophel in Cabale denudatae Tomo secundo , in tractatu de Revolutionibus Animarum ( which Treatise some years since I got translated by a Friend , and was not long since printed at Francfort on the Mayn ) viz. that fire proceeded from his Member ? And that such a fire as this is contained in mans Urine , and is preserved in the water as a close baked and compacted slime , may not we plainly perceive this by the Phosphorus , which a few years since was found out in Germany , which is made in this manner : First , you evaporate a great quantity of Urine , until it become as thick as Honey , and then mix the same with three parts of Sand ; which mixture being put into a coated Retort , and a large Recipient joyn'd to it with water in it , and the Retort placed in a convenient Furnace , and driven with a sufficiently strong fire , at last a shining matter comes over , which after settles it self into a thick substance ; and when taken out of the water , doth give light and shine in the dark ; and being rubbed upon Paper , doth set it in a light flame . It will not be thought unreasonable here , for us to enquire , whether from what hath been said , we may not in some sort understand the Analogy & resemblance there is between that glorious fire which in former times came down from Heaven upon the Altar at Jerusalem , and the fire which is in Man ? And might not we likewise find out an agreement between the Stomach of Man ( the Little World ) and the Grave , which is the Womb of the Woman of the Great World ? forasmuch as in them both all things must perform their Revolutions , in manner as was mentioned before , when we treated concerning the Earth . 68 Q. Now when all things in the Stomach of man are in good and due order , may not we conclude that it must then needs communicate health to the whole body of man , especially to the heart and head ? And like as in the Body the Heart is a more principal part than the Stomach , might we not compare the same with the most holy place in the Temple ? Moreover , as the Temple was open above , and that the Head of man is placed above , and is the upper part of the body ; might we not compare it to Heaven , whither the smell and savour of the Burnt-offerings and Incense mounted continually ? And when all this is done in its due order , will it not again come down from the Head as from Heaven , and so perform its Revolution in order to perfection ? 69 Q. Now for the way and means how this right and due order may be kept and observed in the Body of Man , hath not God fully declared this to the People of Israel by Moses , and ordered the same to be registred in Scripture , as an everlasting Record , viz. that they should eat no Creatures preduced by Putrefaction , nor such as be of a ravenous nature ; but onely clean Beasts that divide the Hoof and chew the Cud , and revolving so the Meat ? And doth not God hereby point out to us , that such Creatures as these were the next to Man , and the fittest to be enobled into his nature ? And whereas the Beasts amongst the Jews were to be killed , without any affrightment , as much as possible , to this end their slaughtering Knives were most sharp and keen , without the least notch in them , and that for this end , that all cause of pain and fright to the Beasts might be removed , whereby otherwise their bloud might be obstructed ? 70 Q. Forasmuch then as Man ought to be a King and Governour in his Kingdom which is within him in his Heart , must he not ( in order to keep good rule by means of his spiritual upper & under Officers , each in his own place and order ) so rule the whole Body , that all that is in it may be dispensed and regulated in good order ? And by consequence , must not there be many under Officers , all under the command of the Stomach , which can and must distinguish what is good or had for man ? According as we see in some sick persons , in whom there is yet some strength of life left , that oft-times there ariseth in them an appetite to some strange thing by means of which , when they can get it , and feed upon it , they soon after recover ▪ And may not the wonderful healing , renewing , and out-working power and property which is in these under Officers , be further discerned in Women with Child , in that those things many time , serve to procure their health and recovery , which would be the 〈◊〉 of others if they should take them . 71 Q. Moreover , may not the extraordinary sensibleness of these Spirits be gathered from those who have a natural abhorrence and antipathy against many things : as for instance , those who cannot endure Cheese , &c. how ill they grow as soon as the smell of it doth reach their Nostrils , so that their Stomach by a peculiar aversion it hath from it , is ready to vomit ? And when at any time we go about to cozen them by mixing Cheese with any of their Meat , ( though so as cannot be perceived by them ) yet into what disorder doth it cast them ? Thus we observe likewise , that excess in eating or drinking , which makes others sick , doth not hurt fools , notwithstanding that the quantity be very extraordinary ; but they can eat and drink whatsoever is set before them , because they have no apprehension of it . May not we likewise observe a further evidence of this , in those that cannot endure Cats , ( as having a natural antipathy against them ) who as soon as they come into a place where a Cat is ▪ though hid from their sight , yet are ready to fall into a swound ? And is it not plain from hence , what a great and hidden power man hath in himself , which when excited , can distinguish and discern the Spirits that come from Bodies , which are concealed from them ? 72 Q. Seeing that Man , as the Little World , hath everywhere in himself several fiery Solar , and also cool Lunar Spirits , the union of both which is the cause of a good order and health ; but when the said Spirits , by means of any excess , are disordered , will not that be the best way of pacifying them , which is done without the least weakning of Nature ? And must not a good experienced Physician be like an understanding Master of a Ship , who well weighs and considers the condition his Ship is in , and the circumstances of the Storm ; and look to himself and have a care that he doth not do as an unexperienced Master of a Ship , who not onely casts over board what is an overpoise to the Ship , but together with it the necessary Provisions of Life , and so afterwards for want of the same , must perish together with his Ships Company . 73 Q. When therefore an experienced Ship-Master , who hath weathered many Storms , and hath seen many Ships lost , sees a Storm arising , he is not at all affrighted or dismayed thereat , but keeps all things in good order , as knowing that God is the Governour of Nature , and doth all things in number , weight , and measure , and that Storms themselves are not without their use and profit . And ought not likewise an understanding man to consider that Sickness and Diseases prepare men for Patience and Virtues ? In like manner , as a Ship-Master is not against the Wind , because he knows the Wind to be advantageous to him , as furthering his Voyage : and ought not a Physician as well to understand the same ? When by means of disorderly Heats and Colds the wind in man is at any time raised , that the same must be laid and stilled again , and that he must wait the time when ? As our Saviour did in curing Peter's Wives Mother , where he did not proceed , as when he cast out Devils , but onely in the same way and manner as when he rebuked and stilled the raging Waves of the Sea. Furthermore , like as a Ship-Master when he is at Sea , and hath a good Wind ( though not very strong and violent ) is satisfied therewith : Ought not so likewise a man to consider , who finds no Wind in himself , that the Wind is there , though he doth not perceive it , forasmuch as the Wind is his Life ; but that a sensible perception of it is no more needful to him , than a strong and stormy Wind is necessary to a Ship-Master to advance his Voyage ? And forasmuch as some persons-when they perceive a Wind in themselves , are ignorant that it is onely some disorder of their life , and that the Wind it self is good for them and their very life ; yet afterwards when they have learnt by experience that the Wind , Heat , and Cold , are not hurtful to their Life , but rather useful and profitable , can we suppose that ever after they will be against the same , and not rather love it , as the Mother loves her sick Child ? And may not this be accounted the first and best step towards Recovery ? And when such a ground or foundation as this is laid in those that are right Patients , will not then first the outward Medicaments be received and rightly applied by Nature ? Furthermore , that the Wind ( as was now mentioned ) doth work in stilness in Man , without being perceived , can we not infer this from the dissection of Excrements , viz. that a Wind is made in the Guts , which by degrees thrusts forth the said Excrements ? CHAP. IV. Concerning the Revolution of Humane Souls . 1 Q. FOrasmuch as we are informed from Scripture , as well as Nature , that God is a God of Order , who hath created every thing in its certain and determinate number , measure , and weight , to the end that by a never-ceasing Revolution it might be still renewed , until it grow up to its full age , maturity , and perfection , in all the Macrocosm or great World , from above , from the Sun , Moon , and Stars , and thence down even to the Center of the Earth ; and then again to move and rise up from a state beneath to one above . And seeing that man is made out of the Great World , and is the Beginning and End of the same , and continues , as it were , bound and fastened thereunto as long as he is in this life : and will it not follow then , that in like manner there must be a continual Revolution in the whole Man , as well as there is in the Greater World ? Might not we also by this means be able from Nature it self , to answer and satisfie Jews , Heathens , and Turks in Asia , Africk , and Europe , who are wont to produce weighty grounds in relation to this matter in hand , viz. the Revolution of Humane Souls ? For seeing that our Christian Religion , as it is the best , so must be the wisest of all others , in order to convince Gainsayers , and lead them to the perfect Truth : the Query is , how we may be able to satisfie these People , when in confirmation of this their Opinion , they produce these following instances and proofs out of the Old and New Testament of our own Bible ; which we will set down here , and illustrate as briefly as may be . 2 Q. Forasmuch as we find in the Old and New Testament , that the first of all the divine Commands is this : Hear , O Israel , the Lord 〈◊〉 God is one Lord. And thou shalt love the Lord 〈◊〉 God with all thy heart , with all thy soul , and with 〈◊〉 thy might . Mat. 22. 37. Mark 12. 30 , 33. Luke 10 27. Deut. 6. 4 , 5. and cb . 10. 12. Now how can any one love God , when he doth not know him ▪ And how can he know him otherwise than by 〈◊〉 Attributes and Properties ? which amongst others are these : That he is a Creator of Heaven and Earth , and of all created Beings . Moreover , 〈◊〉 Unchangeableness , Goodness , Love , Wisdom , Justice , and Perfection , which are incontestable and unchangeable , and must be allowed him without the least question . Now which way can we reconcile with these Attributes of God , that he wh● is a wise and perfect Creator , who hath created a things in so wise an order , that they might all at last be able to attain their full and ultimate perfection , should have created such imperfect Creatures as Fools and Naturals , Abortives and Monsters , and all those wicked and barbarous men we find in the World , which kill and afterwards feed on one another , & c ? Now to suppose that all these must continue in this their state of imperfection , would not this run directly contrary to the forementioned Attributes ? But how can this be , that God should work and act contrary to his own nature and himself ? And is there any other way to be found , whereby such imperfect Creatures should arrive at perfection , besides that very same which the New Testament points us to , and was by all the Jews and Disciples of Christ ( at the time of his appearance here on Earth ) held for an undoubted truth ? As for instance , John 9. where mention is made of him who was born blind , and that the Disciples on that occasion asked our Saviour , Whether this blind man had sinned , or his Parents , that he was born blind ? Where we find that Christ did not reprove his Disciples for this their opinion of mans Soul returning into another renewed body , but onely answers them , without excepting against their opinion , and signifies to them the true reason why the said blind man was born blind ; by which means he tacitly confirmed the foresaid Doctrine : which afterwards he himself also openly taught , as shall be more largely shewed hereafter . And seeing that we read in the Old Testament of so many Manslaughters committed by the express command of God ; and yet that God by reason of his infinite goodness and wisdom , neither doth , nor can do ought in his universal administration and government of the World , but what must tend to the inevitable salvation and good of mankind ; forasmuch as ( according to Scripture ) he hath mercy upon all , because he hath power over all ; and winketh at the sins of men , because they should amend . For he loveth all the things that are , and hateth nothing that he hath made : for neither would he have made any thing , if he had hated it . Or how could any thing have endured , if it had not been his will ? Or how could it have been preserved , if not called by him ? But he spareth all , because they are his own , who is the Lover of Souls ; and his incorruptible spirit is in all things . Wisd. 11. v. 24 , 25 , &c. From all which , we may take occasion to enquire what the end and aim of God ( in order to the common good of all mankind ) could be , in all this killing and utter destroying of People , but this , that thereby a transplantation in this way of Revolution , for the melioration and final perfection of men might be brought about . Wherefore also God in Paradise foretold to Adam . That the day wherein he did eat of the Tree of knowledge of Good and Evil , dying he should die : that is , die and die again . Thereby signifying to him , that he should then enter upon a continual and uncessant dying , and die in all his right Off-spring , until the great Sabbath of this World. And may we not here take occasion to consider whether this be not one of the chief points of Scripture , and wherein is contained a singular great mystery of that Wisdom which hitherto hath been concealed and hid from the most in Europe ? And whether our ignorance of the same be not the cause of most of that Confusion and Contention , which is amongst those who are called Christians , as for instance , about Praedestination , Justification , &c. And whether all these Differences and Contests may not be taken out of the way by this Doctrine of Revolution , when once the same shall be clearly made out , and generally received ? 3. Q. Forasmuch as the Scripture makes mention of Cain and Abel , who were Brethren and Twins , as the Scripture witnesseth , Gen. 4. 1 , 2. where it is said , that Adam knew Eve his wife , and she conceived and bear Cain : and that she proceeded to bear ( without Adam's knowing of her a second time ) his brother Abel . Which confirms , that both the Brothers were born of one onely Conception ; of whom Abel , who was born last , was the elder and first conceived , ( even as Thamar's Midwife witnessed concerning Pharez and Zarah , Gen. 38. 28. And likewise is the reason why we cannot say , that Jacob did unjustly defraud his Brother Esau of his Birth-right , forasmuch as the same did of right belong to him , as having been first conceived , though he was born last . ) Seeing then , I say , that the Scripture tells us , that Cain killed his Brother Abel , and that the Lord thereupon demanded of Cain , where his Brother Abel was ? It is not worth our inquiry , whether the Lord by this demand did not hint and signifie to him , that his Brother Abel was in him ; which Cain at first was ignorant of , and therefore answered the Lord , I know not ; but presently thereupon call'd to mind and perceiv'd that he himself was the Earth that had received the bloud of his Brother , wherein was his Soul. Whereat he being astonished , answered with wonder and horrour , Am I then become my Brothers keeper ? Gen. 4. 9. May not we therefore conclude from hence , that when a man in anger kills another outwardly as to his Body , that he doth it for this reason , because he cannot endure the being and nature of the other inwardly in himself , and yet because he cannot kill him inwardly , according to his Soul , therefore the Party that is outwardly kill'd , continues inwardly to be his Accuser and Judge , to the end that by means of a due punishment , he may be brought to right and bettered ? And that thus Abel's Bloud , in which his Soul was , continually cried for Vengeance in Cain , until it was executed ; which was , when Cain was killed by Lamech , ( who was the seventh from Adam in the Line of Cain ) according to the common Opinion of the Jews . 4 Q. Seeing that the foresaid Lamech was the first that is mentioned in Scripture , who had two Wives at once , and that he declared unto them the Revolution of Man in the words set down in Scripture , it will not be amiss if we enquire more particularly into the meaning of them . The words are these : Gen. 4. 23. Hear my voice , ye wives of Lamech , and hearken unto my speech : I have stain a man to my own wounding , and a young man to my own hurt : Cain shall be avenged seven times ; but Lamech seventy seven times . Which last words , in the Hebrew admit of a twofold meaning : for besides seventy seven , they may signifie twice seven , or seven and seven . Concerning which , the Jews write , that thereby is intimated , that Cain should be brought to judgment by a double seven , or two times seven , viz. by two men , each of which have seven names in Holy Writ , of which the one was Moses , and the other Jethro . See more of this in Rabbi Jitschak Loriensis de Revolutione animarum , p. 367. Francofurti , 1684. Now when we count twenty years ( which more or less is the age of a man , wherein he ordinarily attains his full growth , for to Marry , or go to War : wherefore the Lord commanded Moses to number those of the children of Israel that were of the age of twenty years and upward , that were able to go forth to war , Numb . 1. 2 , 3. ) and to these twenty years allow one year more for the getting of a Child , and moreover some weeks for the wives purification , which will amount to about a year and an half , and when afterwards we multiply 77 by 21 1 / 2 , we shall find the number of years from Adam to the Deluge , viz. 1656. excepting onely a small gap , which may be filled up several ways : as for example , when a man is onely entred upon the beginning of any year , he counts the same inclusively with the other years of his age , notwithstanding that the said year be not yet ended ; but onely begun . Have not we reason then to think that a very particular hidden meaning lies wrapt up in these words of Lamech ; and whether they may not import thus much ? when he saith . I have stain a man to my wounding , and a young man to my hurt ; that by the man Cain is to be understood , and by the young man his Brother Abel ? And will not this interpretation lay a fair ground for the opening of many other misteries in a due and right order ? As amongst other things we learn from hence , that both the Brothers Cain and Abel did , from the time of their conception , until Cain was killed , inseparably continue together , viz. Abel in Cain for his vengeance and punishment . But that after Cain was killed , they no longer continued Twins , but separated themselves from each other , and by Revolution were afterwards born of two distinct Mothers . Where again we may observe , that Abel , who was the first conceived in Eve , now became the first-born of Ada , and was now named Jabal , and his Brother Jubal , ( which denotes the year of Jubile ) and continnes now his former course of life , being a keeper of Cattle as he was before : whereas Cain who was the first-born of Eve , is here the youngest Son of Zillah , and his name now is Tubal Cain ( which signifies the world of Cain ) and his exercise and labour is in the earth , viz. about Minerals and Metals ; and his Sister is Naëmah ( which denotes Beauty ) of whom no further mention is made in Scripture : but according to the common tradition of the Jews , she and her Daughters did intice and seduce all men by their Beauty , according to what is mentioned , Gen. 6. 1. That the Sons of God were inticed by the Daughters of men . But what may be the reason that in Holy Writ after the mentioning of Lamech's Speech to his Wives , nothing further is declared concerning his being avenged , nor any account of the Actions of Cain or Lamech's posterity ? May not we suppose that it was , because they were all of them entred upon Revolution ? For how could they any other way have been so often avenged , except that they themselves were present , and born anew into this World ? And did not all of them afterwards perish in the Deluge , and by this means enter into Noah , for to be revolved in him , in order to their perfection , which they in process of time , after Christs Resurrection , according to Gods wise and good Disposal , in part attained ? And is not this plain and evident from many places of Scripture , particularly 1 Pet. 3. 19 , 20. where we are told , that Christ ( as the Greek Text doth declare , compared with v. 22. ) after his Ascension into Heaven , preached in Spirit ( by which he was raised again to Life ) to the Spirits in Prison , even to the same Spirits who formerly were unbelieving in the days of Noah , while the Ark was a preparing , wherein few , that is eight Souls , were saved . Doth it not therefore follow from hence , that all those Spirits , whose Bodies perished in the Deluge , and to whom afterwards Christ after his Ascension , in that Spirit , by which he was raised again to life , and which was poured forth upon the Apostles , preached in and by them ( which Spirits at that time appeared again in bodies in this world , from the which they could not be separated , forasmuch as they had not yet attained to their full and final perfection ) and consequently were in a condition to hear the Sermons of the Apostles in flesh ) I say , may we not infer from hence , that all these Spirits entred into these eight Souls in order to their Revolution , and so consequently were propagated by them until the time of Christ ? 5 Q. Noah now , as who derived his descent from Adam and Seth , was an upright perfect man , and begat three sons , Japhet , Sem , and Cham , Gen. 9. 24. and Chap. 10. 21. And may not we suppose that in him a new World began , and that the same day he entred into the Ark for to bring forth a new World , he represented the Spirit of God , which in the beginning of the Creation moved upon the Waters ? And may we not compare the six hundredth year of Noah's age ( in which he entred into the Ark ) with the sixth day of the Creation , in which Man and all Beasts were created ? In like manner , may not Cham his youngest Son , be supposed to represent Adam ; forasmuch as Adam in his Central Spirit , in the Garden of Eden , by his eating of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil , desired through Knowledge ( which is a seeing of the Spirit ) to behold his Source and Original , by which means Adam fell out of the inner into the outward ; and so begat Seth in his own likeness , and not in the Image of God , in which he was created : Now Cham did the same also , though in a more gross and material manner , when he gazed upon his Fathers nakedness ; wherefore also he was cursed by his Father , and made a Servant of Servants ; whereas his other two Brothers , Japhet and Sem , went backwards with a Garment upon their shoulders , to cover their Fathers nakedness , whereupon they obtained the Blessing , as Adam likewise might have done , in case he had behaved himself as they did , which indeed he ought to have done in his Central Spirit ; viz. he should have gone backwards , and wrought out the whole Creation , which was created before him ( and of which ●he was the last ) viz. from the sixth day to the third , which is the middle of the six days , and not have gone from one extreme to the other , as from the End to the Beginning , viz. from Man immediately to the Trees ; but beginning from himself , should have gone through all Beasts backwards , and wrought them out one after another , and glorified them in himself , unto the very last of them ( counting backwards ) which are the creeping things , as the first bestial Life , which had their Original from the putrefaction of Herbs and Trees . Is not this likewise the reason why the spiritual Serpent ( as being the head and chief amongst all the spiritual creeping Creatures in the spiritual World of Man ) did first speak in Adam ? 6 Q. When after the Deluge , the Children of Noah , who were saved in the Ark , and in whom all the Souls that lived before the Deluge ( except Henoch alone , whom the Scripture exempts ) and perished in it , were ingrafted , had now propagated and multiplied themselves , until the number of their Children and Grand-children was grown very great , and perceived in themselves one Mind● Speech , and Expression : but withal , considering that this unity of theirs could not be lasting and constant , but that in process of time they would be divided . May we not suppose therefore , that from an apprehension of such a Division , and a● endeavour to prevent the same , when in their journeying towards the East , they found a Valley in the Land of Shinar , even a vast extended plain where they might dwell together ; they unanimously ( as who were all of one Mind and Language ) agreed to build there a City and Tower whose head should reach up to Heaven ? And may not this Relation contain this secret and hidden meaning , That they had a mind to build a City and Temple , according to the pattern which is in Heaven , and which was afterward shewed to Moses on Mount Sinai , and the description of it given to David , in order to the building of the Temple ? But forasmuch as the right time was not then , nor they the persons whom God had chosen for this purpose to build him an House and Temple ; nor had chosen the right place , because God had destinated Jerusalem for that purpose ; therefore were they from thence scattered abroad upon the face of the whole Earth . 7 Q. Now by what means those that built the Tower of Babel , were , after their being scattered over the face of the whole Earth , brought together again and united , doth not the Wisdom of God hint this to us also in Holy Writ ? And that the begining of this union was brought about in Abraham , as in whom they first of all , in a spiritual manner did revolve , to the end that ( according to the manifold promises of God made unto him ) all Nations of the Earth might be Blessed in him , who was the Forefather of Christ , by whom the Souls of all Nations were created . And did not the Wisdom of God , according to the testimony of Holy Writ , in order to this ingrafting and uniting of all Nations in Abraham , particularly make choice of three persons , viz. Abraham himself , Sarah ( who was Abraham's Sister by the Fathers side , and of excelling Beauty , Wisdom , and Piety ) and Loth the Son of Abraham's Brother ? And doth not the Divine Wisdom in their History , as with a finger point out to us , how by means of these three persons , first all the head Families or Generations of all the Nations of the Earth , and by means of these , afterwards all others were by degrees again brought into union , and implanted into the holy Line of Christ , the universal Head of all Mankind , and living Corner-stone of the whole heavenly Building ? May we not like wise from the said History , when duely considered , understand how first the Egyptians were implanted into Abraham , Gen. 12. 15. and following verses ; afterwards the four Kings whom he overthrew , next the King and people of Sodom ; and last of all the Philistines ? 8 Q. Do not we find it plain in the History how the Egyptians became implanted into Abraham , when Abraham coming as a Prophet into Egypt with his Wife Sarah ( at which time not without a particular Spirit of Prophecy , he desired of his Wife that she would upon occasion tell others that she was his Sister , that it might go well with him for her sake , and that his Soul might live because of her ; for God having promised to Abraham , that all Nations should be blessed in him , this was done by Abraham in order to the bringing all Nations into himself by means of his Wife Sarah ) and King Pharaoh had commanded Sarah to be taken into his House , as being resolved to make her his Wife ; whereupon she became spiritually impregnated by Pharaoh ( as the Ruler over people ) through the love which Pharaoh had imprinted in her ; concerning which matter , we have elsewhere made mention , where we treated of the Conception and Birth of Man , and shewed that a spiritual impregnation must always precede a bodily or carnal one ? 9 Q. That the kings which Abraham smote , and those which he deliver'd , Gen. 14. and in particular the King of Sodom , whom he rescued by venturing his life for them , and so purchased them with his own life , for his propriety ; that all these , I say , were likewise implanted in him , doth not this clearly appear from hence , that Abraham , upon the King of Sodom's request , did not give unto him the Souls of men , ( forasmuch as they were now become his own ) but onely the stuff and outward goods , Gen. 14. 23. and so kept the Souls united in himself , for that he was now become Lord over them ? And did not all these Souls afterwards , by means of Lot and his Wife and two Daughters , revolve in Abraham ? For first they entred into Lot , when he offer'd both his Daughters to the Sodomites , for to deliver the two young men out of their hands . And into his Wife , forasmuch as the ( who was a Daughter of Sodom ) when , contrary to the Command of the Angel , she looked back towards Sodom , and by her desire after , and compassionate love towards her Daughters Bridegrooms , and the rest of the Sodomites , who then perished , did draw them into , and unite them to her self , wherefore she was changed into a pillar of Salt. Which transmutation , forasmuch as it was impossible to natural , doth not the Divine Wisdom by this Salt Pillar shew unto us , that the Blood ( in which is the Soul ) of all and every inhabitant of Sodom , by means of the said fire being purified , was turned into Salt , and became united in one Center , viz. the magnetical compassionate desire of Lots Wife , who by this means was turned into a Pillar of Salt. And may we not further suppose , that the said Lots Wife entred into both her Daughters ( as being their Mother ) and became united with them , because they had drawn their Mother , in her compassionate Spirit , into themselves ? And as for these Daughters , were they not afterwards implanted in Lot , when they lay with him whilst he slept , and conceived by him , without and against his will and knowledge , in like manner as before he delivered his Daughters against their will to the Sodomites to abuse them ? And were not both these passages superintended by a disposal and ordering of the Divine Wisdom ? Is it not also well worth our Animadversion , why two Angels came to Sodom , and onely one of them ( viz. the Lord ) continued with Abraham ? And what afterwards became of these two Angels ? In like manner , why Abraham commanded water to be fetch'd , to wash the feet of the three men that came to him , and set before them hearth-cakes of fine flower , with milk , butter , and an he-calf ; ( which are food fit for a child ) whereas no mention is made that he offer'd them any thing to drink ? Moreover , what may be the signification of these words , which the Lord speaks to Abraham , Gen. 18. 14. At the time appointed returning I will return unto thee , according to the time of life ? Whether , I say , this can admit of any other meaning than that the Holy Ghost did contribute to the conception of Isaac ? And this the rather , because in the 21. Chapter it is said , that the Lord visited Sarah , as he had said , and did unto her , as he had spoken : for Sarah conceived , &c. Concerning which much might be here said , as likewise concerning the Children of Lot's Daughters , viz. the Moabites and Ammonites , what kind of People they were , and why God upon the account of this their relation to Lot and Abraham and their wonderful Original , did take care of them , and expresly commanded the Children of Israel , that in destroying the other Nations , they should spare these . All which we pass by , to avoid prolixity . And as for Lot , who was the third Person that was an instrument of implanting the Sodomites into Abraham ; was not he himself two several ways ingrafted in and united with Abraham ? viz. First by his Birth , as being his Brothers Son , and then again , when Abraham with the hazard of his own Life , delivered him together with all the Inhabitants of Sodom , out of the hand of their Enemies . 10 Q. How the Philistines became ingrafted into Abraham ? may not this be easily gathered from the 20 Chapter of Genesis , as being most expresly hinted throughout that whole Chapter , from the beginning to the end , ( which the inquisitive Reader may be pleased to turn to , and read over , well weighing and considering the several passages of it ) viz. how Sarah became spiritually impregnated by Abimelech , ( the Father of Kings , according to the signification of that name in the Hebrew ) and how all the Births of his House and of his whole Kingdom entred into her , which may it not be inferred from hence , For that all the wombs of Abimelech's house were shut up by the Lord , for Sarah Abrahams wife's sake ? Which afterwards were opened again upon Abraham's Prayer ; and so were healed and restored by the fruitful and proliferous intercession of Abraham , with whom they were already spiritually united . This I leave to the understanding Readers own consideration . 11 Q. Do not we likewise find a plain Argument and Evidence for proof of the Revolution of Souls in the History of Dinah ? Gen. 34. For can any firmer or surer union and alliance of two different People be imagined , than was that which was entered upon and concluded , betwixt Jacob and his Sons , on the one side , and Hamor and his Son Sichem , and all the People of the Land on the other side , as being ratified by the strong and indissoluble tie of Matrimonial Union ? And seeing that this high and weighty undertaking , which was carried on with so much earnestness and concern , did to outward appearance come to nothing : What may we therefore suppose was the cause why the Divine Wisdom ordered the same to be so exactly and carefully set down in writing , without omitting of the least circumstance thereto belonging ; if there were not some exceeding great Mystery hidden in Spirit under this History ? And what can this Mystery be else , but the spiritual union , transplantation , and ingrafting of this People , by means of a conjugal band , and the slaughter which followed thereupon , into the Tribes of the Children of Israel , especially those of Simeon and Levi , who had already in their wrath Prophesied and said , That they would be United and become one People , in case they would be Circumcised , and who killed them , and took all their Goods , Children , and Wives to themselves ? For that a peculiar providence of God did superintend this whole affair , and directed all to an end sutable and comporting with the Divine Wisdom and Designe ; is not this clear from hence , that God caused a fear and terrour to fall upon the inhabitants of the land , so that they did not pursue after Jacob and his sons ; as we see , Gen. 35. 5. 12 Q. And are not some other passages concerning Jacob and his Sons well worth our consideration , with referrence to his Hypothesis ? As that concerning Judah ( who was the fourth Son of Jacob by Leah ) of whose Tribe Jesus was born ▪ how he raised the seed of both his Sons , in his Daughter-in-Law Thamar ; concerning which mention hath been made already ? 13 Q. And is not the History of Moses and the Children of Israel alike memorable ? And the Doctrine of Revolution very plainly held forth in the same ? For seeing that God began a new Union in Moses , in order to reveal himself , to produce a new World , and to settle a new Government , as before he had done in Noah and Abraham : Is it not on this account that the Wisdom of God , not without a singular Mystery , represents to us , Exod. 2. 2 , 3. how Moses when he was yet a Child , swam upon the waters in an Ark of Rushes , as before in the Creation , Gen. 1. it is mentioned that the Spirit of God moved upon the Waters ; and as Gen. 7. 8. Noah saved himself in the Ark upon the Waters , as was formerly mentioned . And forasmuch as Divine Wisdom had chosen Moses to be a Leader and Governour of this new rising Birth ; and that no new one can be without a dying of the old and foregoing : was it not therefore fitting that Moses himself from the very beginning of the work should enter upon dying , as when the Lord came unto him and would have killed him , Exod. 4. 24. And seeing that by means of him all the Egyptians were to be transplanted into the Israelites , and consequently be made partakers of Circumcision ; was not that expression of Zipporah Prophetical , think we , when she said to Moses , Thou art to me a bridegroom of bloods , and that because of Circumcision . Now in order to the production of this new World and Birth ; was it not needful for the old to perish , and that in the Water , as being the first matter ; forasmuch as every new Birth and Creation proceeds from the water , as Christ himself witnesseth , John 3. 5. Now this great Renovation , as a kind of new Creation , which was to be carried on for the good and salvation of two Nations , in order to the rising of a new Life ; what was it else , but the transplantation of the Egyptians into the Israelites ? And to the end that the same might be brought about ; was it not necessary for the Egyptians to die before , forasmuch as without the Death of the old Birth , no such new one can arise , according to the testimony of Christ ? John 12. 24. And forasmuch as every Birth must take its beginning from a Child-like Being ; may it not have been for this reason , that the Divine Wisdom so ordered it , that Pharaoh who was the head of the Egyptians and their Center , caused all the male Children of the Israelites to be drowned , to the end that afterward by the right of Retalliation the Egyptians might be drowned likewise , and by means of the drowned Children of the Israelites , be transplanted into their Mothers ? For may not we suppose that the troubled and vengeance-crying spirit of the Fathers and Mothers , did constantly remain united with their drowned Children ( as in whom their Life was entred ) in the water , and was operative there , until the right of Retalliation was fulfilled and executed upon those that were the cause of their Deaths ? 14 Q. To the end therefore that this right of Retalliation might be fulfilled upon Pharaoh and the Egyptians , and they drowned likewise ; was it not necessary that an union of the Spirits of both Nations should precede , so as the Egyptians might be joyned and cleave to the Israelites ; to the end that they thereby might be able to draw the Egyptians unto them , as by a magnetical power ? And was not this , amongst other things a mean in order hereto , that the Children of Israel were commanded to borrow of the Egyptians Jewels of Gold , and of Silver , and Raiment , to the end that for the recovering of these , they might be put upon pursuing after the Israelites , their hearts and minds sticking fast , and cleaving to the beloved Goods and Jewels the Israelites had taken from them ? Yea , may not yet possible a greater mystery lie hid under the veil of this outward Narrative ? For seeing that here was designed a total and perfect ingrafting of the whole man , with his three chief parts , viz. Body , Soul , and Spirit , may not we suppose , that according to a mystical understanding , by Gold the Spirit , by Silver the Soul , and by Raiment the Body of the Egyptians is signified to us , viz. that all these three were to be ingrafted into the Israelites ? Is not this likewise hinted to us , Exod. 3. 22. where God commanded the Israelitish women to borrow these things from the Egyptians , without making any mention of men at all ? And may not we suppose this to have been the reason ; for that this transplantation in order to a new Birth and Life , could not be accomplished but by women ? And is not this transplantation further intimated to us , in that God expresly commanded the Israelites that they should take the Jewels and Raiment ( by which in a mystery was signified the Spirit , Soul , and Body of the Egyptians , as might be easily made out ) which they had borrowed of the Egyptians , and put them upon their Sons and Daughters ; because the Egyptians were 〈◊〉 enter into them , and by their means be ingraf●ed into the Lineage of the Children of Israel ? And is it not clear from hence , that the Sons ●nd Daughters which were afterwards be got and ●orn of the Children of Israel , were even those very Egyptians which perished and were drowned 〈◊〉 the Red-Sea ? And that consequently the Children of Israel , by bestowing them upon their Children , did restore to the Egyptians what formerly 〈◊〉 had onely borrowed of them ? And was not Pharaoh himself the King of Egypt , ●he chief means of accomplishing this great work , 〈◊〉 his being hardened , for which end God had raised him , as himself saith to Moses , Exod. 4. 21. Chap. 7. 3. Chap. 9. 16. To which also the Apostle hath an eye , Rom. 9. 17. What think we also was the reason why God in order to the delivering of the Children of Israel , slew all the First-Born of the Egyptians , both of Men and Beasts ; and thereupon commanded the Children of Israel to sanctifie to him all the First-Born of Man and Beast , with this express injunction , that when their Children should ask of them why they did so , they should give them this answer , That therefore they Sanctified to the Lord every First-born , both of Man and Beast ; because the Lord for to deliver them , had slain all the First-born of the Egyptians , Exod. 13. 14 , 15 , 16. What else can be the kernel of Wisdom and Mystery that lies concealed under the shell of the History , but this ; that God would thereby signifie , seeing that what he kills he makes alive again , according to the Testimony of Holy Writ , Deut. 32. 39. Wisd. 16. 13. Tob. 13. 2. that the First-born that were killed in Egypt , were in the first place made alive again in the First-born of the Children of Israel ? Doth it not likewise seem probable , that the transplantation of those First-born of the Egyptians was chiefly into the Tribe of Levi , because God Sanctified them to himself , instead of all the First-born of Israel , and set them apart for the Priesthood and Temple service ? What may we likewise think to be the reason ( comporting with that Divine Wisdom which every where shines forth in Holy Writ ) why the Women , even all the Israelitish women , and particularly Miriam the Prophetess , as the chief and leader of the Chorus , went out with Timbrels and made the Air resound with their Voices and Instruments , when they saw the dead Bodies of the drowned Egyptians lying upon the Shore of the Red-Sea ; and without doubt by this Spectacle were put in mind of the Gold , and Silver , Jewels , and Raiment of theirs which they were now possessed of ; as likewise that according to the Divine Disposal they were the causes of their Death ? And may it not here be worth our enquiry whether these very thoughts of theirs might not be a mean , by which the drowned Egyptians entred into the Women of Israel , and so in process of time were born of them , in order to their Renovation ? 15 Q. Forasmuch as we read , Deut. 7. 22. that God commanded the Israelites not by destroy the Heathen People all at once , but by degrees and time after time , that the Beasts of the Field might not increase upon them , &c. Doth not this seem to bear this understanding , viz. that because the Children of Israel did onely seed on the tame and clean Beasts , whereas the Heathen did promiscuously make use of the wild Beasts of the Field for food ; and that in case the Heathens had been destroyed all at once , the said wild Beasts would have grown too numerous , wherefore the command was given to destroy them by degrees that some of them might remain to consume the Beasts of the Field ? May we not therefore conclude from all this that forasmuch as the said Beasts of the Field served for food and nourishment to the Heathen they by this means became ennobled into Mankind and when those Heathens that were afterwards destroyed by the Israelites , they entred by Revolution into them ; by which means an advance and melioration was brought about : First of the Beasts , by their being ennobled , and then of the Heathens by their being ingrafted into the Line of the Sons and Children of God ; and from thence still to advance further and further , from one degree of exaltation and melioration to another , until all at last return to unity again ? Thus we se that all the Israelites that came out of Egypt , Caleb and Joshuah onely excepted , did even in like manner perish in the Wilderness , and did not enter into the Promised Land ; but were fain to revolve several times before they could arrive to a certain step or degree of perfection . 16 Q. We read further , Levit. 25. That the Land of Canaan was to be divided amongst the Children of Israel by lot , according to the names of the Tribes of their Fathers ; and that the Law was made by God himself , that the Inheritance of every Tribe was to abide with it , and could not be alienated or devolve to another . Upon which account also the year of Jubile was appointed , 〈◊〉 which whatsoever had been alienated was to ●turn to its first owners ; to the end that every ●e being repossessed of the self-same Land , which 〈◊〉 the first casting of Lots fell to be the Portion ●d Propriety of their fore-Fathers , and which ●as , as it were the foundation-root of their ●hole stock , and all the boughs and branches ●owing on the same ; and from whence not one● they derived their nourishment and increase , but ●eir very Bodies themselves : I say , that they might ●gain ( as it were ) be planted into the same and ●ecome united with it , and that so by means of their ●oprietary enjoyment of it , the said Land might ●evolve in them ( according to the Divine Ordi●nce and Appointment ) in order to its further ●erfection and glorification . And this Inheritance ●hus divided by Lot , not onely Sons but Daughters ●lso , with some restrictions had a share , according 〈◊〉 Gods Laws given by Moses . And so it was ad●dged and determined by God himself , in the case 〈◊〉 the Daughters of Zelophehad , Num. 27. 36. viz. 〈◊〉 to them should be granted the free possession 〈◊〉 their Fathers Inheritance ( for their Father had ●st never a Son behind him ) yet with this caution , ●●at they must marry into the Family of the Tribe of their Father . And may not we with ●round conclude , that this was thus appointed , to ●he end the deceased fore-Fathers Predecessours ●nd Fathers of these Daughters might by revol●ing through them be restored again to their own ●heritance , as also for to shew , that in case of the want of Sons , the Souls may revolve through Daughters ? May not we likewise here be informed of the reason why the Children of Israel were commanded , that the surviving Brother should raise up the seed of his Brother deceased without leaving any Heirs ? And will it not follow , that the Husbands which the Daughters of Zelophehad married being of their Tribe , by their Wives raised up seed to Zelophehad deceased , without leaving an Heir Male that might perform the same . 17 Q. Moreover , do not we meet with another proof of this Doctrine of Revolutions in Lev. 18. where certain Rules and Limitations are given by God himself about Marriages with those that are near of kin , determining what is lawful and what unlawful in that matter : and when we narrowly inquire into the ground of the said Rules and Restrictions , must not we conclude , that though it be wholly natural for men to cohabite with women , yet that God himself set these bounds , to the end that the order and way of Nature which is appointed for mankind , might not be neglected , perverted , broken , or removed ▪ And is not this the greatest and most universa● Law and Ordinance , which the Creator once for all hath established in Nature , viz. that in all natural propagations there might be a continua● processions or going forwards ? Now that in Nature it is so ordered , that Life goes always forwards , and that Parents do live in their Children , doth not daily experience teach us this ? Thus we see that when a Mother finds her sick Child drawing near to death , she is so highly afflicted and anguished , that she oft wisheth to die for her Child ? Of which we have examples , that Fathers have offer'd themselves to be hang'd for their Sons ; whereby they gave sufficient evidence , that their own lives were sensible of , and did suffer what ever happened to their Children . Now this Law of Nature could never be broken , in whatsoever degree of affinity or consanguinity Man and Wife might be related together , if ( according to the common opinion ) God should for every Birth create a new Soul , and put it into the Body ; for so no such confusion or perverting of the order of Nature could happen . Whereas on the contrary , according to our Hypothesis , which supposeth many Souls concentred and united together , every one of which in a due order and procession must manifest and display it self in many different births and propagations : would it not sollow , that from such a promiscuous and disorderly commixture , a great confusion would arise , to the subversion of the order of Nature ? For was it not therefore thus ordained by God , because he is a God of Order ? And must not his will incontestably take place ? 18 Q We will here omit many passages and examples relating to this matter , which might be alledged out of the five Books of Moses , and onely make reflection on some passages in the Ten Commandments . When we read , Exod. 20. 5 , 6. That God will visit the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate him , but shew mercy to thousands of them that love him , and keep his commandments . May it not bear this Sense ? That forasmuch as formerly hath been hinted concerning the Conception and Birth of Man , every Child is generated and formed of the Seed of his Parents , and that each of these Seeds is twofold , viz. Male and Female , so as the Child is as it were made up of four : Is it not therefore worth our enquiry , whether or no all out-working must not happen in four Generations ? For do not we observe , that when a Father begins to grow covetous , the said vitious disposition increaseth in his Child , and in his Grand-child arrives to extreme covetousness ? And then when this Vice hath attained to its full growth and maturity , the great Grand-child proves a Prodigal and Spend-thrift , because he hath had nothing of the said covetous inclination transmitted to him ; but rather is possessed with an hatred against it , forasmuch as by means thereof he hath been oft pressed and forced against his will , and thus being made sensible of the evil of it ; he takes up an hatred against it , and consequently falls into the opposite extreme , so that he lavishly spends all what his Forefathers in their Covetousness had scraped together , and leaves nothing but Poverty to his Child , which Poverty then occasions that his Child 's great Grand-child becomes disposed to grow up from this humble reduction to a new propagation . And the same may be said of any other Vices whatsoever . For ought we not always to keep in mind this great and fundamental Maxim , That God never punisheth for sin but with this aim , that his creature thereby may be amended , and his Salvation promoted ( forasmuch as Sin , which is finite cannot come in any competition with the infinite Emanation of the Grace of the Creatour in his Creature ) He being in the highest degree Righteous and Good ; and gives to man the fruits of his own doing : For man himself works his own suffering and punishment ; but God in and by the same works out and manifests His own Glory . Would it not therefore prove a very false imagination for any one to think , that God for every Birth doth create a new Soul , and afterwards eternally punish the same for sin ( which according to the meaning of some ) it could not avoid , nor was once guilty of ? For this can never comport with the infinite Righteousness and Mercy of God. Nor according to this Supposition can it be true which is said in Scripture , that we all sinned in Adam ; for how could we sin in him except we had lived and been in him . Is it not therefore more rational for us to conceive , that the Soul of a Child prae-exists in its Parents , and takes its original from them ; and they being sinners do intangle their children in their sin , by which means they get a share in their guilt and punishment ? And may not we in this way often be informed of the sin , by the punishment , and learn the sins of Parents and Forefathers by the punishments inflicted on their Children ? As if we should suppose a wild Apple-tree that hath two main boughs , should have one of them cut off , and that a twig taken from the same , should be grafted upon the stump from whence the bough was cut off ; this ingrafted twig now brings forth good fruit , and the oftner it is grafted the better ; because each grafting being a suffering or dying , doth advance it to a better Life : whereas on the contrary , the branches of the other bough continue as they were , because being without suffering or dying it cannot be advanced to a new Life ? And may not we with truth infer , that for this very reason , that passage of Gods visiting the Parents upon the Children unto the third and fourth generation , was inserted into the second Commandment ? 19 Q. If any one here should object , that forasmuch as the punishment of sin continues onely to the third and fourth Generation , ( as in which the utmost farthing is paid , of which our Saviour speaks , Matth. 5. 26. and Matth. 18. 23 , 24 , &c. ) but the reward of love and obedience to God is promised to thousands ; there seems to be no equallity or proportion betwen the rewards and punishments of God ? May we not answer this Objection thus ? First we ought well to mind that both of them are bounded within a certain number : And again , that Gods rewards always exceed his punishing , to the glory and magnifying of his Mercy and Goodness , which by far exceeds his Severity and Vengeance : In the third place , that sin is a falling off from God downwards , which in a short time comes to its end , whereas the recovery and bringing again to God doth still mount upwards and ascend higher and higher to Infinity , because the Divine Glory hath neither end nor limit , and that still nearer and nearer approaches are made to God in all Eternity . Lastly , for that wickedness must and shall have an end , because there can be no Eternal or Infinite Will. Wherefore the punishment of wicked men is not to be looked upon as that whereby the Creature should still become worse and worse ; but as it is in order to the changing of it from Evil to good , for that when the evil is transchanged , the Good then begins to work upwards , by innumerable steps of ascension towards God , though it can never reach so high as to reach his Being or Essence , ( forasmuch as it is impossible that a Creature should become God ) but must therefore continue to mount upwards , and continually attain to more and greater degrees of Glory . For is not every Creature of God Infinite ? Or at least Indefinite , so as no end or bound can be assigned to the increase and out-working of its power : Forasmuch as it is a piece or part of man , who is made out of all Creatures , and is the end of them . Seeing then that man was created in the Image of God , and that no end or bound is in God ; must it not follow , that this creature Man , and in him all other Creatures must still work upwards and advance in good , to the utmost degree of possible perfection without all end or bounds ? For God works without ceasing in the Creature through Christ , as our Saviour witnesseth , John 5. 17. My Father worketh hitherto , and I work also . 20 Q. Notwithstanding that many other places of the Old Testament might be alledged for confirmation of this Doctrine of the Revolution of Humane Souls , yet for brevity we shall pass them by , and betake our selves to the New Testament ; but there is yet one remarkable passage , Ezek. 16. 55. which we cannot pass by without some observation . The Query is then , that seeing the Lord there speaks thus : When thy Sisters Sodom and her Daughters , shall return to their former estate , and Samaria and her Daughters shall return to their former estate , then thou also and thy Daughters shall return to your former estate : The question , I say is , how it is possible for Sodom , Samaria , and Jerusalem , to return to their former estate , without their living again in this world in flesh and body , as they did formerly ? And whether this could be brought about any other way , than by being born again the common way into this world ? 21 Q. We turn now to the New Testament , in which we find as clear and express testimonies of the Spirit of God in Christ and his Disciples , concerning the Truth and importance of this Doctrine of the Revolution or return of Souls , as in the old , we shall onely take a short view of some of the said places , because in the 200 Queries they have been more largely handled . The Question is then , how these following Texts of Scripture , Matth. 7. 2. Luke 6. 37 , 38. Mark 4. 24. may be reconciled , viz. With what measure you mete , it shall be measured to you again . And Rev. 13. 10. He that leadeth into captivity , shall go into captivity : he that killeth with the sword , shall be killed with the sword . Now how can these words be fulfilled , when we see that many of those who have used violence and unrighteousness , committed Murther and Mansslaughter , led others into captivity , and the like , do notwithstanding all this die upon their beds ? or how can the just Vengeance of God be satisfied upon them , if they be not to return again into this World , there to receive a due reward and punishment for their misdeeds , which in a former life or lives they have committed , and for which they have not been punished , but are yet accountable , and therefore must make restoration , payment , and satisfaction ? 22 Q. Moreover when our Saviour saith , Mat. 23. 35 , 36. That upon You ( speaking to the Jews ) may come all the righteous blood shed upon the earth , from the blood of righteous Abel , unto the blood of Zacharias the son of Barachias , whom ye slew between the Temple and the Altar . Verily , I say unto you , that all these shall come upon this Generation . How shall we understand this ? or how can it be supposed , that that generation should have killed Abel , Zachary , and all the Prophets ? In like manner , how shall we clear the 39th v. of the same Chapter , viz. that they ( to whom Christ there speaks ) should not see him from thenceforth , until they should say , Blessed is he that cometh in the Name of the Lord ? In case this be not admitted as a necessary consequence from these words , that the Souls of the men of that generation , had before been in bodies upon the Earth , and then committed these Murthers , and shed the foresaid righteous blood ? And likewise that the same persons must appear again upon the earth , if ever they shall say , Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord ? Forasmuch as the Jews hitherto have never said or confessed any such thing . 23 Q. Again , when Matth. 14. 1. till v. 12. we read , that when it was told Herod , what the ever Blessed Jesus had spoken and done ; he presently supposed ( v. 2. ) that this Jesus was no other than John the Baptist , who was risen from the Dead ; whom formerly he had beheaded , as appears from what follows , till v. 12. When we also find in the Evangelist Mark , Ch. 6. 14. until 29. that he informs us there with some very express and remarkable words and circumstances concerning this matter : Were it not well worth our pains once for all to inspect these and following places , which hereafter shall be alledged , more dilligently enquire into their meaning . and more maturely to weigh and consider of them than hitherto we have done ? For in the foresaid place of Mark , we are told at the 15. v. that not onely Herod was of that Opinion , that Jesus was John the Baptist , but that others said that he was Elias , and others again one of the Prophets . From whence we may perceive , that this was a very common Opinion , and taken for granted by the King , as well as his Subjects . And we have the same repeated by Luke , Ch. 9 , 7 , 8 , 9. that some said that Jesus was John , others Elias , and others that one of the Prophets was risen from the Dead , &c. 24 Q. Now if any man should object , that these last cited places of Scripture do not evidence or make out the Return of Humane Souls , but rather the Resurrection of the Dead ; may we not meet him with this answer , That the Return of Humane Souls was according to the Doctrine of the Jews , taken in a twofold meaning : to wit , First , when the Soul of a deceased person returns and is imbodied in a new born Child : And again , when a man dies , and his Soul is transposed into the body of another man , who at that time is alive , so as the said Soul becomes , as it were united with the Soul of that person ; which state the Jews call Ibber , or a joyning and union of two Souls in one and the same body . In like manner as it happens to a woman that is with Child , she and her Child being so linked together , that both of them make up but one body , though the Souls both of Mother and Child are in the said body , being ( as it were ) joyned together . As it was with Eliah and Elisha , of which we may read , 2 Kings 2. 9. till v. 15. that the Spirit of Eliah rested upon Elisha . Now these passages of Scripture now alledged out of the three Evangelists , must be taken according to the second meaning or acception of this Doctrine of the Jews , concerning the Return of Souls , and not in the first . 25 Q. Doth not likewise what is said of John the Baptist , John 1. 19 , 20 , &c. agree perfectly with what was just now mentioned ; where the Jews being desirous to know of him who he was , asked him whether he were the Christ , or Elias , or that Prophet ; as being of opinion , that he was really one of the parties they had mentioned , or some such like . And if we compare with this place , Matth. 17. 10. till v. 13. Shall we not find that our Saviour himself , as well as the Scribes , understood that Elias must first come ? Yea , in the 11 , 12 , and 13. v. our Saviour doth plainly confirm , that John the Baptist was indeed Elias . We may compare with this , what is said Matth. 11. 7. till v. 14. as likewise Malach. 4 , 5 , 6. And will not all these places make out most clearly , that John the Baptist according to the Testimony of Christ himself , was really and truly Elias ? But in case it be objected , that John the Baptist himself , John 1. 21. expresly denied that he was Elias : and how can this be reconciled with what our Saviour saith , Matth. 17. 10 , 11 , &c. and 11. 5 , 6. compared with Malach. 4. 5. that John the Baptist was Elias May not this objection be met with by saying , that John the Baptist answered the Jews that were sent to ask of him who he was ; that he was not that Elias whom they expected , viz. One that was to re-establish and set up again the temporal and worldly Government of the Jews . 26 Q. When yet further we take notice , what was the common Opinion the Jews had of our Saviour , Mat. 16. 13 , 14 , 15. viz. that he was either John the Baptist , or Elias , or Jeremy , or one of the Prophets . And we find the same likewise , Mark 8. 27 , 28 , 29. Luke 9. 18 , 19. in which last place this is added : Others say that one of the old Prophets is risen again . What think we then may have been the reason why Christ asked his Disciples , what the People said of him who he was ? Shall we suppose it was because he needed to be informed by them ? No , surely he knew very well what the Jews said of him : For ( as it is witnessed in the fore-mentioned place , John 2. 24 , 25. ) be knew all things , and needed not that any man should bear wintness of man ; for he knew what was in man. But he was willing ( as on another occasion relating to Lazarus , Joh. 11. 15. ) for their sakes to ask them these questions ; that by this means this Doctrine might be imprinted in their minds , and consequently , that it might be a perpetual memorial and remembrance , for all times and people to come ; by being set down amongst the Testimonies of Holy Scripture . As likewise , that it might be a means at any time , when Atheism should arise and begin to prevail upon the minds of men , then to deliver and disintangle them from the snares of many confused contentions and jarrings about Gods Righteousness , Love , Praescience , Praedestination , and other glorious Attributes of God. And that by this Doctrine of the Revolution of Souls , they might be helped to rid themselves of the former intanglements ; and might come plainly to see and acknowledge the Beauty , Riches , and agreeing Harmony of all the Divine Attributes . For we must here take notice , that the Jews have always esteemed this point , as an undeniable and eternal firmly established truth , viz. that God at all times , and in all ways and manners , is perfectly Righteous and Good in all that he doth ; and that it never can be thought of him , that in any thing he should in the least measure deal unbecomingly , and that all judgements and punishments which light upon any , are therefore laid upon them because they are deserved , equal and becoming rewards of Sin. When therefore at any time the Righteousness of God should seem to be impeach'd by our dark and ignorant reason and thoughts , will it not then beseem us to take our refuge to this Doctrine and fundamental Point ; forasmuch as the same doth evidence to us , all the glorious Attributes of God , and frees them from great difficulties and absurdities ? 27 Q. The following Testimonies taken out of the New Testament , will they not , being compared with what hath been already said , give a further evidence to this Doctrine ? As for instance , John 9. 1. till v. 39. where a large account is given concerning the man that was born blind , how the same in a wonderful manner was healed by our Saviour , and how his Disciples upon their first information about the concern of this blind man , asked their Master ( consonantly with this Catholick Doctrine of the Jews ) v. 2. Whether he ( the blind man ) had sinned , or his parents that he was born blind ? And doth not this question plainly imply , that this man had been in Life and corporal Being , antecedently to this his last Birth ? For how could it else in a natural way be supposed of him ; that he should sin before he was born ? And that for the same he was now punished , by being born blind ? And doth not our ever Blessed and most wise Saviour most wisely answer this question ? For he seems to allow , that this possibly might have been the cause which they propounded and supposed to be ; and therefore doth not in the least reprove his Disciples for the extravagance of these their thoughts , consonant to this Catholick Doctrine of the Return of Humane Souls ; but did much more seem to approve of it , and grant that this might have been the cause ; yea , tacitly to assert the same : But yet at last shews them , that this Hypothesis was not applicable to the case before them ; for he tells them v. 3. Neither hath this man sinned nor his parents ( so as for his or their sin this punishment had betided him ) but that the works of God should be made manifest in him : viz. that this wonderful Cure of Jesus , to the admiration of the Spectators , and the exaltation of the Glory of God might be performed upon him : as likewise , that he might serve for a Type and instance of the great works of Christ , who was come into the World for to open the Eyes of the Blind . 28 Q. Forasmuch as in the fore-going Questions it hath been shewed , that the Revolution of Humane Souls , was not onely known amongst the Jews , and acknowledged for a certain and incontestable Truth ; but likewise confirmed by our ever Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ himself , it is worth our enquiry , whether by this means a Door be not opened , for a better and more clear understanding of the intent and aim of our Saviour , in all or most of the Parables he used to propound to the People , as well as his Disciples ? As for instance , the Parable of the unjust Steward , recorded Luke 16. 1. till v. 8. who when his Master demanded of him an account of his Stewardship , in the management of which he had not answered the trust reposed in him , and therefore knew well enough that he must lose his place ; doth not he most craftily make provision for his future condition , which he was in the prospect of ; concluding with himself to employ the small remainder of time he had left in his employment , in providing for , and promoting his own interest , as he found would be most serviceable to his future condition : and this he did by dealing friendly with the Debtors of his Lord , thereby to ingage them to the like friendliness and beneficence towards him , when he should be put out of his employment , even by rebating to them a great part of their debts to his Master , as may be seen at large in that Parable : In the 9th verse our Saviour begins to open and declare his meaning and aim in this Parable , in these words : And I say unto you ; make unto your selves friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness , that when ye fail , they may receive you into everlasting habitations . And afterwards further expresseth himself in the following verses . Now that the explication of this ninth verse hath occasioned much trouble to the learned Expositors of Scripture ; as meeting with great difficulty in their endeavour of clearing and explaining the same ; is sufficiently known ; whereas , if they had well understood this Doctrine of the Revolution of Humane Souls , would they not have done it with much more ease ? For our Blessed and Wise Master Christ , hath not onely in this Parable recommended to us the good use and charitable communication of these earthly good things which the Divine Providence offords us , placing us as Stewards over them ; but also excited and perswaded us to this Love and Beneficence towards our Neighbours . For is it not plainly hinted to us , that when any one lends a helping hand to the poor , to Widows , and Orphans , or any other that are in distress ; that by this means he is taken in , and gets a place in the Hearts and Souls of those who are freed from distress by him , insomuch as his Image is so deeply imprinted and rooted in their mind and Soul , that when this rich person comes to die , he then in and with the said poor , whom formerly he hath delivered from their distress , and into whom he hath been planted , by means of his love and beneficence , comes into Poverty and other distress , in order to his Purification . Is it not likewise well worth our Animadversion here , that the greatest Riches must be changed into the greatest Poverty ? And that those Rich persons , who in this manner enter into the Poor , and being in want with them , are by means of such their sufferings advanced towards a Spiritual and Heavenly Birth , Growth , and Increase , and that much more than ever they could have been in all their former riches and high state ? And may not we by this means arrive at the true and proper meaning of that hard saying of Christ to his Disciples , Mark 10. 23 , 24. ( and is also mentioned by the other Evangelists ) viz. That it is a hard thing for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven : but afterwards addes , that by a rich man he meant one that trusts in his riches , and Luke 18. 17. that what was impossible with man was possible with God , viz. in the way and manner as hath been said , when the rich man dies and is born again , or is taken in into the poor ( to whom he hath shewed himself loving and charitable ) who are yet alive , to bud and bloom anew ; and that by means of suffering he may grow up to a full Heavenly Stature and Proportion . May we not likewise to this same purpose alledge that other Parable of Christ in the same Chapter of Luke , concerning the rich man and Lazarus ? But we will leave this to the enquiry and consideration of him that is a lover of these mysteries ; and pass by several other places of Holy Writ , pointing to the Case in hand ; and proceed to those testimones and proofs of this Doctrine of the Revolution of Souls , which we meet with in the writings of the Apostles . 29 Q. If any one will read the 11 Chapter to the Romans with attention , and exactly weigh and consider the same , making use of his understanding and sound judgement without partiality or prejudice , will he not thereby be enabled to find out a true and right explication of many passages in the said Chapter , concerning the breaking off of the natural branches , and their casting away , in order to the grafting in of other strange branches , which formerly did not belong to the Tree ; and then the ingrafting again of the natural branches which before were cut off , as is most expresly declared in the 23d and following verses : At the 25th verse Paul calls it a Mystery , and v. 26 saith , that when the fulness of the Gentiles shall be come in , then all Israel shall be saved . Besides several other remarkable passages in the same Chapter , both before and after the verses now cited ; which would prove very dark and hard to be understood , without being illustrated by this Hypothesis of the Revolution of Souls . And we may plainly perceive from hence , that this Doctrine was held for a certain and approved truth by the Apostles . 30 Q. And besides these testimonies , is it not worth our consideration , what the Apostle mentions 1 Thess. 4. 14. to the end , concerning the Resurrection of the Dead , & c ? And will it not be a difficult thing to find out the Apostles meaning and sense in those verses , without laying this Doctrine for a foundation ? 31 Q. That we may by way of over-poise draw some arguments from Nature , and the condition and state of man , we 'll propound this Query ; Seeing we find that a child doth not come into the World , till he hath held out nine months , or ten Lunar Revolutions in his Mothers Body , as was already mentioned , until he have attained all his parts and members ; and forasmuch as all the works of God are perfect , must not therefore the Life also , which dwells and operates in Bodies , have time allowed for to arrive at its perfection by divers steps and degrees , even as well as the Bodies of Children stand in need of so much time for to attain their perfection ? And forasmuch as we see that Children when they are newly born , are like clean white Paper , ( that is without all Images ) to the end they may be sit and disposed , every one according to his property , to take in all objects that present themselves to them , and to work out the same : and seeing that this out-working is very imperfect in Children ; yea , that but very few are found amongst old people , which have attained to perfection : must not we then conclude , from the power a man hath to obtain the highest perfection possible in this World , that the said power must at one time or other be brought into act and perfected ? And that in this World , seeing it is very probable that man must attain his end , where he hath had his beginning ? For seeing man consists of many parts , and that during his Life time he doth not onely work out some few of them to any perfection , as from his Childhood to his Youth , from his Youth to Manhood , and from thence to old Age ; all which parts are again multifariously diversifyed , as we may perceive that from one man many do proceed , and they of different properties . Must not he therefore also have different times allotted him for the working out of those parts to perfection ? And what other medium can we imagine for to attain to this perfection , than by dying to their former body , by which means the ungodly are snatch'd away from the stage of this World , that they may no further proceed in their wickedness , but may be prepared to enter into another body , therein to be punished for the sins of their former Life , and receive the measure they have measured out to others , in order to their being bettered thereby . Whereas on the contrary , to the pious and good , a way is made by means of the suffering of Death , for them to attain to a higher degree of perfection , than yet they are arrived to . And do not we thus perceive the reason , why men must be several times born into this World ? For by getting of Children , in whom they partly propagate themselves , they are disposed to receive new Idea's , both good and bad , and thereby to enlarge their circumference , which is their Kingdom : Good Idea's , that by working out of the same , they may be advanced to further perfection ; and evil Idea's , that they may subdue and rule over them ? And to the end they may be fitted for the reception of both these , is it not necessary , that by Death they lose the remembrance of their former Images ? But if we will not allow and admit of this Doctrine of the Revolution of Souls ; then we must assert either that Souls are made perfect in this one Life ( which contradicts our daily experience ) or that they never arrive to it , which is contrary to the Wisdom and Goodness of God ? Or lastly , that some where without this World ( where yet they had their first bodily beginning , and were placed , to the end that therein they might work out their perfection ) they shall attain to perfection ; the which for many reasons ( for brevity here past by ) cannot be admitted . 32 Q. Is it not likewise well worth our consideration , that even as the hands and feet are formed the last of all the other members in the womb of the Mother ; so they are the first that die , as experience teacheth ? And doth it not deserve our serious thoughts , that whereas a Child during the time of nine months is formed in his Mothers Womb , amidst so many cares , sufferings , and dangers of Life , and all this ( according to the aim of Nature ) in order to a degree of out-working of Life in this World ? Now when it happens that a Child dies with in a day or two after its birth , must not we own that the said Child did not reach the aim and end of Nature , to which its formation in the Mothers womb was directed ? And though indeed there must be a cause of this sudden cutting off , yet cannot the said cause be so prevalent and powerful , as is the Divine Wisdom and Providence , and the aim and mark of the Workmaster himself , in cutting off the Childs Life , which is , that the Child by means of Revolution should be wrought out and made perfect , to the end that what hath had a beginning may likewise attain its end . 33 Q. Moreover , when we find that Children in the womb be formed out of Eggs , of which there are so great a number in every woman , that we do not find one that bears so many Children as she hath Eggs , which she brought into the World with her : Must not we therefore conclude , that the rest of these Eggs were created in vain , in case they should not at some time or other attain to their full perfection ? Now to remove this difficulty , must not we conclude , that the Life of these Eggs doth propagate itself another way , to the end that what doth not arrive at perfection one time , may attain it at another ? And that therefore the remaining Eggs must necessarily be revolved in order to their perfection , at which in the production of them , Nature had directed her intention ? In like manner , what can we suppose to be the reason of that express command of God , which we read , Deut. 23. 2. That no bastard should enter into the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation ; but this , that by means of ten Revolutions , the evil might be wrought out ? 34 Q. If any should Query , seeing that Man is constantly changed and renewed , from one Life into another ; how is it possible that notwithstanding all these changes , his memory should continue with him ? May not we return this answer ? That how great so ever the efflux or emanation from any man may be , yet he continues still as the General and Commander over all his out-workings and emanations , onely he grows older , that is , approacheth nearer and nearer to perfection , according to the proportion of his work he hath wrought out in this World : and that the Spirits which he hath given forth are his remembrancers and monitors , and still abide with him . And therefore , when a man brings wisdom with him into this World , is it not a proof that he hath attained , and wrought out the same in another Life or preceding Revolution ? 35 Q. But in case it should be further objected : how is it possible that a man should several times be born into the World , and yet not be able to call to mind the least of any thing that hath passed in the former times of his Life ; may not we return this answer , That the onely end of a mans being in this World is , that he may attain to perfection ; and if he attains the same in any of his Life times ( so as he works it out himself ) it abides with him , and accompanies him through all his Lives and Revolutions . And that it is not at all material that a man cannot call to mind , or give any account of the trouble he hath had , before he arrived so far as now he is come ; no more than it is any trouble to us , or matter of disquiet , that we cannot remember how we first learn'd to go , or how many difficulties and accidents we met with in that undertaking ? It is enough for us that we can go now , and upon all occasions make use of our Feet , without troubling our selves about the circumstances and means whereby we attained the same at first . In like manner , seeing that man is possessed of all these things as his propriety ; yea , that he is all these things himself ; would it not be uneasie and troublesome to him , to have his head always filled with these unprofitable Images ? And is not this the reason why it is needful for Man , during the time of his Life , as well as at his Death , to die to many of these Images , and that in order to his forgetting of those things , which it is not needful for him to keep in his memory ? 36 Q. Forasmuch as we find that the Children of Men are differently gifted , viz. that some are wise and understanding , others simple and dumb born ; we may put this query concerning those that are wise , viz. Whether or no those Spirits which come from wise persons , have not heretofore appeared , and acted their parts upon this Theatre ? As also whether or no any one can be a Man and a Child together , and at the same time ? Which if it be answered in the Negative , ( as certainly it must ) it may be queried further ; Whether all Children be alike fitted and disposed for Wisdom ? Or whether there be not a great difference between them in this respect ? Now we know that no body can reach the uppermost round of a Ladder , but by passing all that are between it and the lowest ; and to pass over all these in the Life of one Body , is not possible . And in case any one should go about to leap over some of these steps , would he not find this altogether impracticable ? Forasmuch as this would be contrary to the order of the Creation ; yea , would it not be the same as if any one should think from the first beginning of Childhood , immediately to become a young man , which is impossible ? Is it not therefore necessary , in case a man shall ever attain to his full perfection , as to the uppermost round of the Ladder , that in order thereto , he appears several times upon this Theatre , and be born again ; until at last through often Dyings and Revolutions , he attain to a perfect conquest and dominion over Death ? 37 Q. Is it not likewise very observable , what we see in the transplanting of Herbs and grafting of Trees , that the said Vegetables by frequent eradications , amputations , and transplantations , are meliorated ? And that a young twig when frequently ingrafted into its own stock , becomes thereby much bettered and advanced ; and that every transplanting , cutting off , and grafting , is a kind of death and suffering ? And Man in like manner , being created in this World , must therein work out his Salvation and Happiness , and that by means of frequent and reiterated dying . And is it not upon this very account , that Adam , if he had continued in innocence , would have been able to have wrought out his Salvation in one onely Life ? But that now since his fall , it must be otherwise ; that is , in several Lives , or times of Life ? 38 Q. Lastly , and to conclude , can it be denied , that all of us proceed from one Unity ? Now if any one pondering this in his mind , should be troubled how to reconcile the great variety and difference which is found amongst men , with the uniformity of their Original ; would not such an one , in order to the clearing of this difficulty , find it of use to him to consider the manifold members of mans body , all of which ( though never so different ) make up but one man ? And would not he by this means come to understand the true ground of this variety , which is found amongst men , and acknowledge , that notwithstanding all this , they are but an emanation from the highest Unity ? And when we compare this body , consisting of many members ( every one of which are opperative and working to a higher degree of perfection ) to an Army ? Can we make any other inference from what hath been said , but that every Souldier in this Army that hath well discharged his place , and done his duty , which belonged to him at such a time , is afterwards made an Officer , and so proceeds till he comes to be a General ? But if any man should object , that this doth too far surpass all bounds of number , as well as the reason and comprehension of Man : May not we answer this Objection , by saying , that it is so much the better , forasmuch as this doth the more magnifie and set forth the Glory of God , who is , and is stiled the Lord of Hoasts ; and hath created us after his own Image , that we might bear a resemblance with him . Upon which account we are likewise called Kings and Priests , because of the surpassing great increase and glorification of our Beings , by means of this never ceasing melioration and Revolution ? As also this may teach us to have more certain , proper , and becoming thoughts of God ; forasmuch as one onely World is much too little to know God in , and find him out to perfection ? And that therefore there are Worlds without End , for that we can never come to an end in the knowledge of God ? For whatsoever the mind can comprehend , is less than the mind itself ; and consequently man is much more happy in feeling and perceiving of God , than he would be in comprehending of him , which is altogether impossible . For there is another way of perceiving God in mans mind , besides that which is meerly intellectual in the understanding , which when it is felt , the mind loseth itself in the perception of a sweetness which is altogether incomprehensible , and therefore inexpressible , and doth not proceed from mans own will , or from himself , but purely and alone from God , and surpasseth all understanding . Herewithal I shall conclude this discourse of the Return of Humane Souls , and hope that therewith I have satisfied the Reader ; and my promise at once , which I made in the Preface to the forementioned 200 Queries , concerning the Revolution of Humane Souls ; to which I for further satisfaction do refer him ; which Treatise upon the desire of a Person of Quality some years ago , I did dictate to a Friend , who afterwards ( retaining the Sence ) put it in another Method , he also adding to it several things of his own ; which was afterwards published by me , without my name at London above a year ago by Robert Kittlewel in Fleet-street , over against St. Dunstan's Church , at the sign of the Hand and Scepter . Now the promise which I there made , was to this purpose ; that in case I should perceive this little Book to prove acceptable , I would publish two other Treatises , whereof the one should treat of the same matter , which is the subject of the said 200 Queries , viz. concerning the Revolution of Humane Souls , but in another way and method than it was handled there : and the other a Latin Treatise , whose Title is , De Revolutionibus Animarum , Tractatus Primus , & Manuscripto haud it a pridem ad nos perlato ; ex operibus Rabbi Jitzchak Loriensis , Cabalistarum Aquilae , Latinitate donatus . This last Tractate I have caused to be added to Cabalae Denudatae , Tom. 2. Sive Libro Zohar restituto : and is Printed at Franckfort on the Mayn . Not as if I approved all that is therein contained ( for I find several things there , concerning which I desire to be further satisfied , and to have my difficulties answered by the Leaned Jews themselves ) but onely to the end the said Treatise might be more known , and consequently also the opinion of the Jews concerning this matter . The former of these two Treatises , is the same I here expose to the unprejudiced judgements of all men , as perswading my self , since upon the request I then made , none to my knowledge hath been found , that openly in print hath objected any thing against the said Two Hundred Queries , that the same hath found acceptance , or entertainment at least with understanding and unprejudiced minds . Thus then I have acquit my self of my promise ; and do now renew to the Courteous and Truth-loving Reader , my former request ; that in case any one should be found , whom this Discourse might not fully satisfie , as to the main point it treats of , and is able to produce some thing better and more consonant to Holy Scripture and sound Reason , whereby as well the Divine Attributes might be better salved , and the difficulties ●rising about the same more easily removed , that he would have the goodness in a short and compendious writing ( for Truth needs no amplification ) to signifie and impart his meaning and ground with becoming discretion ; in full assurance that the same shall be most lovingly and gratefully accepted by me , as well as all others , who are lovers of Truth and Wisdom . Moreover , if for the time to come I should chance to meet with any person that understands my way of speaking , and is disposed to take it in writing from my mouth , it is probable that for the common good , I may hereafter endeavour in another Treatise to supply the defects of this ( which will be published in Latine ) by enlarging my self upon this point of the Revolution of Souls , as well as upon the other fore-going matters . In the mean time , I am not without hope ( in case I should remove into another Land , and that ●●y intended Treatise should be writ in some other language ) but that some Lovers will be found , who may have the Curiosity to Translate it . AN APPENDIX . WE observe and see daily , how that young Children , who are void of all Images , have a continual hunger after Knowledge , which God naturally hath planted in them ; and therefore seek to satisfie themselves of every thing they see or hear . And according as their Life increaseth in strength , this hunger increaseth also , even until they be full grown , at which time they are filled , and have got seed of their own , and so are enabled to give forth something again ; and therefore are not then so fit as before to receive and take in ; because in this very time of their Age their first Revolution happens , as wherein they pass from Childhood to Youth , which time comprehends a perfect Revolution of the Sun of twelve Years , or twelve Circumvolutions through the twelve Signs of the Zodiack . And this is the natural reason why the Jews observe this Rule amongst them , and have kept the same ever since the time of Moses ; that when a Boy is twelve years and a day old , he is then bound to keep all the Commands and Prohibitions of the Law , which are six hundred and thirteen in number , and together with the seven Precepts of Noah make out six hundred and twenty . Now if he shall keep these Commands , it is needful that he first know them , and have learnt them ; wherefore the Parents are obliged in Conscience to inform and cause their Children to be instructed in the Law given to their Fathers , that they may not bring the guilt of their Children upon themselves , in case their Children should not keep the said Commands . But when the Parents have discharged their duty in this matter , then the guilt falls upon the Children themselves , and they must answer for it . And the very same duty is incumbent on Christians in their measure now ; forasmuch as our Saviour himself hath given us an instance hereof , when he was twelve years of age , as we may read Luke 2. 46. whose example sure we have reason to follow . Now it is there said of him , that he was found in the Temple , in the midst of the Doctors , both hearing them , and asking them Questions , and that all that heard him were astonished at his Understanding and Answers . In like manner , Paul also testifieth of Timothy , 2 Tim. 3. 14 , 15. That . from a child he had known the Scriptures , and exhorts him to continue in the doctrine he had learnt : It is also absurd and unnatural to force and tie young Children , that are full of Life , and desire to know and do all things , to one onely thing , which makes them presently to be weary of , and loath the same , and is the cause of great disorder . For whereas Children naturally desire to be at work and in motion , they are commonly forced and plagued , to sit many years together , as it were in Prison , for to learn to Read , Write , &c. until they have got into their heads ( not without great pains and trouble ) many of their School Books ; by which means these Parents who have many Children and no great estate , are necessitated to use unjust ways , that they may be able to pay for the Education of their Children , and to keep them at School . Things being thus , it may be demanded , whether a way might not be found out , whereby this great mischief and disorder might be prevented , and youth better educated , without burthening on overcharging of their parents , and for better service and profit to the Publick and Government ? For seeing God himself hath naturally planted this hunger in youth , he must also have ordained natural means , in order to the satisfying of the said Hunger : Indeed he hath given this hunger for no other end , but that it might be satisfied . And therefore it is worth our enquiry , whether this very hunger itself will not afford us the truest and best directions for to satisfie the same , as we see that a Child as soon as it is born , seeks for the Breast of the Mother , to satisfie its hunger ? In answer to this , I will here set down briefly in part what my own experience hath taught me concerning this matter . We find that Dogs and other Beasts , which have their peculiar natures and properties , when we desire to fit them for some service or other , will not be forced or by violence compelled to the same . We have an instance of this in a young Water-Spaniel , that is to be taught to take the water , and fetch any thing thence , who if he beat first forcibly thrown into the water , it makes him shie of it , and will very hardly afterwards be brought to take it ; but if the said Spaniel by degrees , with bread or otherwise be allured into the water , till he come beyond his depth , and begin to swim of himself , it by this means becomes his delight , and he longs for the word of command from his Master , to go into the water . And the same is the case with Children , for neither are they easily brought to do or comprehend a thing by force , or at least not so well and dexterously ; for Nature in all things will be free and without compulsion . Wherefore in the education of Children we must first of all observe , and have a care , not to confound their Senses , and not to force that in through the Sight , which must enter and be comprehended by the Ear : and also that we do not seperate or divide the Senses , where they ought in concord to agree together , but that all may be done in good order , with reference to all the Senses . In this manner , by observing the foresaid Rules , I have experienced that Children have been taught several Handicrafts at once , and that without any great pains taking ; in order whereunto , the day hath been so divided , that onely one hour hath been allotted for every Art or Handicraft , by which means the Children have been so stirred up in their desire , that the more they have learnt , the more they have still longed to learn ; so as they have thought the day too short for them . And thus after they had every one in order learnt four Arts , they were come so far , as to be able to look out and learn an Art of themselves , without being taught and never have had any need of a Master . I will briefly declare , how I first was led to this way of Practise , and give some short directions how the same may be further carried on in the Education of Children . What regards the Sense of Hearing : I have experienced , that in places where Musick Schools have been kept , that the neighbours Children have onely by hearing them Sing in the School , learnt to Sing , yea , even little Children that were carried in arms , have uttered their first words with a Musical tone or harmony . And at Brussels in some places , where the Italians commonly resort , little Children are found of four or five years of age , whose Fathers are Spaniards , their Mothers Flemmings , and their Servants French , that can speak the Languages of all these four Nations . Again , I have seen that where several Children , Boys and Girls , eight in number , viz. five Brothers and three Sisters , have been together in one room ; & the Boys have been instructed by their Paedagogue in the Latine Tongue , and that the common way , by poring upon Books as Grammars , &c. that the Girls , meerly by the Ear have taken in and remembred those Latine Words and Rules , which their Brothers could not . The reason of which is , because the Girls had their Ears free , and therefore did more easily apprehend the voice and words of their Brothers Paedagogue : whereas , on the contrary , it was much more difficulty to take that in by the Eye , and breaking of their Heads , which they ought to have apprehended by their Ear , this method being contrary to Nature : for by their Eye they make to themselves forced and undue Images , which by means of a voice , would have entred freely , naturally , and rightly formed through their Ears . Whereas the other way false and dead Images are conveyed into Children , and take up the room of true and living Images in their understanding , by which means their understandings and judgements become darkened , disordered , and quite spoiled . In the third place , I have known a Preacher who made about twenty persons , men and women , all poor people , that got their bread by Spinning of Wool , to come into his House one Hour in a Day ( which yet this poor people could hardly dispence with , to be so long from their labour ) and read to them part of the first Chapter of Genesis , one word after another , first in Dutch , and afterwards in Hebrew , making every one of the said persons to repeat every word round , and thus he continued for half an hour , reading some verses , and oft repeating the same , and they after him . The other half hour he read in like manner , some verses out of the New Testament in Dutch and Greek . And as soon as he perceived that they began to understand somewhat of the said Languages , being encouraged thereby he continued the same method , until in a short time he had taught them not onely to read perfectly , but also to understand both the said Languages . I have also my self often , and especially once for my diversion , taught two men and two women in eight days time ( allowing onely one hour a day ) to read Hebrew perfectly , and to understand the first Chapter of Genesis , and continuing this method for six Weeks together , they have been able to understand the whole first Book of Moses , in the Original Hebrew . The way I took to teach them was this : I gave them a Copy of the Hebrew Alphabet in great Letters , which I made them copy so often , and to express the sound of every Letter after me , until they had fully taken in and apprehended them : then I took an Hebrew Bible , either Stephen's Edition in Quarto , or that of Hutterus's in Folio , both of which are printed in a fair and large Character ; and having placed the same on a round Table , that the said four persons might see the Characters as well as my self ; I began to read to them , pointing with a Fescue to every Letter , and ordered them to pronounce every word , with a loud voice after me , first in Dutch , and afterwards in Hebrew , and continued so until the hour was past , with reading and repeating the first verse of the first Chapter of Genesis . The next day instead of one verse I took three , and in eight days time ( increasing every day two or three verses ) they were able perfectly to read and understand the first Chapter of Genesis . In this manner then , viz. by constant hearing and pronouncing after me , they went through the first six Chapters , and repeated the same so often , till they perfectly understood them : and after this they proceeded and learnt of themselves . And by the same way Greek may be taught from the New Testament , and this without any head-breaking at all . When now these women whom I had taught , perceived not without wonder the great advance they had made in so short a time , they were forced to confess , that women were fitter than men for to teach any Language to Children , according to St. Paul's Direction , Tit. 2. 3. 1 Tim. 5. 9 , 10. especially if they have first learnt the same themselves , in such a way as this ; though they should not understand it according to Grammar : Wherefore they also promised me , that in consideration of the pains I had taken with them , they would as occasion presented , in like manner instruct others for nothing . I have furthermore given them directions , how each Mother might teach her Children to Read , Write , and cast Accounts , and that very naturally , without trouble , head-breaking , or charges , after this manner : I caused several plates of Copper or Wood to be made , and in one of them have ordered an Alphabet to be ingraven in running Italian Letters with double strokes , so as an interval of white is left between them , the body of each letter being of the bigness of a great Pease , or somewhat bigger : on another Plate the self same letters , but in a less form ; and on the third Plate , yet lesser . The said Plates are now printed on several sorts of writing Paper on both sides , and each Child receives one of these papers , and is ordered to fill up the distance which is between the double strokes of the said letters , with a Pen dipt in yellow Ink , and to do it as near as they can at one stroke . Now this exercise hath put the Children upon inquiring , what this or the other letter is , and how called ; and when a stop hath been put to their further inquiry , by telling them , that it was too hard for them to understand , their desires to know the said letters have thereby but been the more inflamed . And thus by means of their questions , and the answers that have been returned to them , they have , even unknown to themselves , learnt to know and pronounce their letters . The next day these Children have been made to draw over these letters again with Red Ink , and the third day with black Ink ; and when at any time they have run their Pen beyond the strokes , they have been jear'd at for making drunken or staggering letters . Afterwards turning their paper , they have the following three days drawn over the Letters on the other side , with three several Inks as before ; so that one paper hath employed them a whole week . Now after that the first sort or great Letters have been well and exactly drawn over by them , they have been put to do the same with the second 〈◊〉 of less Letters : and last of all they have had the third or least Letters given them to draw o●● for all which , onely one hour in a day 〈◊〉 been allotted . And after they have been found ready and expert at this drawing over of their Letters , they have left off this way of Writing . Upon the first of the three fore-mentioned Papers , besides the Letters , are likewise set down the Arithmetical figures , from 1 to 10 , with double strokes as was said of the Letters . Upon the second , the Table of Multiplication , in form of a Triangle ; and upon the third some Examples of the four most common operations of Arithmetick , viz. Addition , Substraction , Multiplication , and Division . The several sorts of Ink needful to this intent , may be made many ways ; the simplest and plai●est is to make the yellow Ink , of Saffron and Allome boyle in water ; and the red Ink of Brasile-wood and Allome boyled in water ; and the red Ink of Brasile-wood and Allome boyled as before . Upon a fourth Plate intended , and to be printed upon Writing-paper with red Ink , must be expressed the figure of a naked Boy , a House , a Horse , a Dog , a Tree , a Coat and Breeches , with all their parts , each part distinct , and all exactly according to a lesser proportional measure : so as for the House , ¼ of an inch may be a foot ; and for the Clothes 〈◊〉 of a yard . And this little proportional measure must be engraven on the Plate , and printed on the foresaid paper , with the figures of Arithmetick , to the end the Children may learn with a pair of Compasses to measure the same , and draw over the said figures of a naked Boy , House , &c. with black Ink ; by which means without any trouble , yea with pleasure and delight they will be informed of the Principles of Arithmetick , Drawing , Tayloring , and all other Handicrafts , of Architecture also , and other Arts that depend upon mensuration ; and thus come to understand , that God made all things in number , weight , and measure ; so that thereby they shall at least reap this advantage , that they will not be so easily deceived or imposed on . By this occasion I have found by experience , that it is more natural and profitable to teach Children to Write before we put them to Read ; because naturally every one doth most easily and with pleasure learn to know that which he hath made himself ; I having often observed , not without particular satisfaction , that children of their own motion , would ask others the signification of the Letters they had drawn over , and by means of a little information , learn to read of themselves . And together with this , they likewise learn the figures of Arithmetick , the Table of Multiplication and the four species or most useful operations of Arithmetick , viz. they must be put to ask one another Questions , and so exercise themselves in the Table of Multiplication ; and thus they will easily and without trouble get it by heart , especially where many Children are together in one Room . It would be of good use also , when they are busie about any necessary handy-works which make no noise , that one hour of the day were set apart , in which a Chapter might be read and spelled unto them , and they made to repeat every word after him that spelled and reads , still continuing at their work ; and afterwards another hour should be allowed in which they might read and spell the said Chapter themselves ; and this to be continued till they be perfect in reading . I have also found this a good way to lead on Children to the understanding of what they read , and to make them read distinctly , and observing their stops , viz. to represent a Chapter to them as a whole Regiment of Souldiers under one Commander , in which every Company marcheth apart , and with an interval to distinguish it from the rest ; so as where a full point is ( . ) that is a Captain , and because the interval is supposed to be greater there , a longer stop of the voice is to be made ; and where two points ( : ) or a point and Comma ( ; ) that that is a Lieutenant ; where a Comma ( , ) a Corporal : where there is a note of admiration ( ! ) that 's a Chaplain to the Regiment ? where a note of Interrogation ( ? ) a Drummer ; and where a Parenthesis ( ) a Messenger that brings tidings . That every Word is a file of Souldiers , and every Letter a Souldier , and that at every one of the forementioned Officers , they must hold their breaths longer or shorter , according as the distance of the files of Souldiers is greater or less ; as for instance , they are to hold their breath long at a full point ( . ) at a Colon ( : ) shorter ; at a Comma ( , ) least of all . In this manner I have seen with great pleasure and satisfaction , that Children being by this means excited , would of themselves take notice where a Lieutenant or Corporal was wanting , and would reprove other Children when they read without observing their stops . The other remaining hours of the day , they may be set to some work for their pleasure and recreation . As for instance , they may turn one hour ; in order to which , they must have a little turning-bench provided for them , which they may rule with ease , and that by means thereof they be accustomed to keep their bodies in a due posture , especially their arms , hand , feet , and head , &c. that all their members may co-operate , and they may readily know to turn themselves to the Right or Left , and by this means get a true rule to govern and command all with ease . And when they are thus initiated , they must be instructed how to turn leisurely thin chips of some hard piece of wood . Moreover , they must be informed what to do first , what next ; and in the third place , viz. how they are to set their body , how to hold their Iron several ways , &c. so as they may apprehend and understand it , and may afterwards be able of themselves , by questioning other Artists to learn the said Art perfectly . Thus they may easily of themselves , and without trouble , imitate any thing they see , in due number , measure , and order , by counting how one thing is to follow another . Another hour we may make them draw the figure of a House upon paper , with all its parts according to the foresaid little measure , and after make them to fasten the draughts they have made , upon thin boards of soft Lime-tree Wood. The thickness of the said Boards is to be measured as before , that they may be proportionate to the thickness or thinness of the wall , as well at the bottom as above , exactly answering to the proportions of the great house , which they take for their pattern and would imitate , and which before hath been measured by themselves with a true great measure . And when the papers which with starch , or otherwise they have pasted to their thin boards are throughly dry , they must be exactly sawed through in the strokes upon the paper with a thin Saw , made of the Spring of a Watch , which must not be thicker than the stroke of a Pen , that so nothing of the draught or measure may be lost , Afterwards these Boards must be joyned together , and the floor laid with Beams , Rafters , and Boards , as many as there ought to be , according to what they had before drawn upon the paper . Then they must cast up how many nails they need to one Board , and by this means they will know when they have one floor laid , how many Nails will be required to all the floors of the house , and so likewise to the doors , &c. After this they measure and cast up , how many Bricks be in six foot square , and how many such squares there be in the great house . Also how much Lime they will stand in need of , which they must cast up before , when a like four square wall is built , how much Lime and Sand is made use of , and how much one Labourer can do in one day . And thus afterwards , all the necessary parts , charges and time required to the said Building , may be easily cast up . By this means Children with ease will be made to understand Architecture , and the Carpenters craft at once , and will be quickned and excited , and in time be able to serve themselves and others . Another hour they may be taught to make narrow Silk Ribbans , and so by learning this small piece of weaving , they may in time be brought to understand and work all sorts of more difficult texture . Now suppose a School-master should let his Scholars weave Ribbans , or knit Stockings three hours together , would not he by this means be easily and richly paid , for all his pains taking and labour about them ? As for Girls they must have their separate and distinct employments , to keep them active and lively that they may not fall into Sickness , viz. they must Spin Wool and Flax , Kint , Weave Ribbans , make Laces , Buttons , and whatsoever else is wrought with a Needle . As also they must learn to Bake , Brew , and Dress Meat , and are to be placed where they may learn these necessary Culinary Arts ; and by being diligently employed in the foresaid works , they may so order it , as afterwards when they come to years , they may by their diligence and industry , have provided for themselves a portion against they come to Marry . Towards evening , the Children and whole Family must meet together in one place , for an hour , every one having their Bible before them , in some Language which they understand , no matter what , whether Hebrew , Greek , Latin , or Dutch. And then after a Chapter hath been read distinctly by one of the company , some verse or part of it is taken ( after the Parents have made them cast lots who shall be the first to chuse the said verse or part ) and a discourse begun concerning some Virtue or the like . After this some one or other takes a Concordance , and looks how many places are found in Scripture treating of the same matter , and every one of them , either in their order , or as they are appointed , seek some one or more Texts in his own Bible ; and when every one hath his place ready , they from the youngest to the eldest are commanded to read every one his Text or Texts , and withal to give their judgement upon them , no matter how simple the same may be ; by which both the Children and whole Family are awakened and quickened , and in time attain to a good understanding and mature judgement ; so as afterwards of themselves they are able to propound questions , and so proceed from one degree to another , till they become wise indeed . And this in short is the way which Nature her self points out to us , and by these and the like ways , the Wise men of old instructed their Children at home , in order to prepare them for the further instructions in their publick Schools , and that from the very time of Moses , until that of Christ , and the Apostles also have constantly observed the same . In the Jewish Church , besides the Temple at Jerasalem , they had two sorts of Houses in which the Congregation had their publick Exercises of Piety ▪ the one of which was called Beth Hacneseth , or the House of meeting or gathering together , the other Beth Hammedrasch , or the House of Enquiry . Of these , the first was the House of Prayer , and the other was the House of Instruction : Both these are called in the New Testament , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Synagogues ; that is meeting places or Schools , without distinction ; even as at this day the Jews give the name of Schools to both these places : though the first of these , be also by way of distinction , Acts 16. 3. called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from Praying ; and the other , Acts 19. 19. a School , as being designed for Learning and Instruction . In their great Cities they had a great number of both these sorts of Houses , insomuch as at Bitter there were four hundred Batte Cnesioth ( according to Talmud Gittin , fol. 58. a. ) and at Jerusalem four hundred and eighty ( as in Jalkut Jesai . 1. fol. 40. d. ) from whence we may conclude , that in the foresaid places , were near as many of the Batte Medraschoth . Now forasmuch as the several Congregations ( which were at least to consist of ten persons ) did meet every Sabbath , Monday , and Thursday , in the House of Prayer , and there assisted at the publick Prayers ( which every one of the people were to conclude with saying Amen ) uttered by the Schliach Zibbor , or Angel of the Congregation . The second thing which was perform'd in this Hcuse of Prayer , was the Publick Reading of the Scripture , in the Hebrew Text , performed by seven of the Congregation ( of which the first was to be a Priest , the second a Levite , if any such were present , and the rest common Members of the Congregation ) and thirdly , the Interpreting and Expounding of the Original Text , into their Mother Tongue , by means of a Methurgeman , or Interpreter thereto appointed . Where fourthly also , they had oft times Sermons preach'd to them , which sometimes were delivered to them by the foresaid Interpreter , as when at any time in expounding a Text , he was pleased to enlarge himself upon it . As may be seen in the Jerusalem Talmud Biccur , fol. 65. d. Sanhedr , fol. 20. c. and in the Babilonish Berachoth , fol. 28. a. And fifthly , sometimes by Preachers particularly thereunto appointed ; who especially for the sakes of the women and common people , were to preach publickly , and to move and stir their hearts . As appears from the Glosse upon Schabbath , fol. 30. b. in the Babilonish Talmud . Moreover , in this place were there Children also instructed ; as appears from the Babilonish Talmud Berachoth , fol. 17. a. and the Glosse upon it . After these exercises they went to the Beth Hammedrasch , which they also often call Keneseth and Zibbor , where they were instructed by a peculiar Teacher , in the so called , Oral Law ; and partly also in the Ordinances , which are of common use amongst them , and their secret signification ; partly also in the Cabala and high Mysteries concerning Divine and Spiritual things . Which Teaching was celebrated in this manner : The Doctor himself did not speak aloud to the People , but whisper'd what he had to say in Hebrew in the Ear of a Minister , hereunto especially appointed , who afterwards declared the same to the People in their Mother Tongue ( as appears from the Babilonish Talmud Goma , Fol. 20. b. ) and at these instructions , it was usual for every Talmud Chacham , i. e. Scholar of the Wise or Learned , or any other of the hearers , though he were a Merchant or Handicrafts man ( for it was usual for the most learned amongst them to exercise some Handicraft or other ) to propound one or more questions , and request an answer to them from the Doctor ; as we may see in the Babilon Talmud Berachoth , Fol. 67. compared with Luke 2. 46. Matth. 12. 9 , 10 , 11. Acts 17. 10 , 11. These Bette Medraschoth , they esteem holier and more excellent than the Batte Knesioth : because by this liberty of asking Questions , they acquired more knowledge in the Law , than in the other where they were Hearers onely . In reference to this they used that Proverb , Mibbeth Mickdasch , le beth Medrasch , from the House of Prayer , to the House of Instruction : And to this purpose also they applied that passage out of the 84 Psalm , They go from strength to strength , &c. These Assembles and Exercises in the Houses of Instruction were never abrogated by Christ nor his Disciples ; but rather confirmed and approved of by their visiting of them , and teaching in them ; of which we have a special instance , Acts 19. 9. Insomuch also that in the Primitive Church , there was a particular sort of Officers whom they call Teachers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of whom the Apostle saith , that the Lord had given them , Ephes. 4. 11. and of whom also mention is made , Rom. 12. 7. 1 Cor. 14. 26. 1 Tim. 5. 17. And the same is also particularly mentioned by the Apostle , 1 Cor. 14. throughout the whole Chapter as a Command of the Lord and a thing of great necessity and concern , as appears from the 37 verse of the said Chapter , where he saith , If any man think himself to be a prophet , or spiritual , let him acknowledge that the things which I write unto you , are the Commandments of the Lord. And at the 38 verse , But if any will be ignorant let him be ignorant . Though most of the said particulars , are now adays alas ! not so much as known amongst Christians , much less put in practice ; and which is the onely cause of all that ignorance , disputing , hatred , envy , and persecution which abounds everywhere . Concerning this way of the Ancient Wisemen now mentioned , much more might be said , which for brevity we pass by ; and shall onely for a conclusion briefly hint one thing more , viz. What the Reason may be why so many Similitudes , Parables , Figurative Expressions , &c. are found in Holy Scripture , as may be seen , Prov. 1. 6. and Chap. 25. 2. Eccles. Syr. 39. 1. Math. 13. 34. 35. 1 Cor. 13. 12. Even because the outward man , hath onely an outward understanding , and therefore can onely understand the outward and not the inward , 1 Cor. 2. 14. 15. And therefore the Scripture was written in this Parabolical way ; that we from thence might take occasion to pass from the outward into the inward , from the Body and Letter into the Spirit , and by this means become Spiritual . I have many years since communicated and discoursed the Contents of this Appendix to persons of several perswasions , to try whether the same would be received and put in practice amongst any of them ; but they all with one accord told me , that the same was impracticable and impossible , forasmuch as none would be able to return an answer to all the questions which ( in case this way were introduced ) would be propounded , and therefore must needs be the cause of numberless contests and disputes . By which answer of theirs they tacitly acknowledge , that they keep the Door fast lock'd which leads to the Steps of Wisdom : Without any further considering whether it be likely that our Saviour or his Disciples could leave us any Commands , but what were possible to be obeyed and put in practice , &c. Wherefore notwithstanding these discouragements , and in hope , that what hath not been done hitherto , may be done and put in practice hereafter ; I have here briefly set down the same , together with a short Introduction concerning the Education and Instruction of Children . As also added Christ's Hundred Commandments , of which by the constant use the Children may have them , as it were engrafted in them by the careful and loving Mothers direction to read and write them over daily , instead of their Horn and Coppy Books , that so they may serve them all their Lives time for their true guides . Which practice the Lord grant may tend to his most Holy Names Praise , Honour , and Glory . CHRIST's Hundred Commandments , &c. 1. JEsus said unto him , it is written again , Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God , Mat. 4. 7. And Jesus answering , said unto him , it is said , Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God , Luke 4. 12. 2. Then saith Jesus unto him , get thee hence Satan , for it is written , Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God , and him onely shalt thou serve , Mat. 4. 10. And Jesus answered and said unto him , get thee behind me Satan ; for it is written , Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God , and him onely shalt thou serve , Luke 4. 8. 3. And said unto them that sold Doves , Take these things hence ; make not my Fathers House a House of merchandize , John 2. 16. 4. Marvel not that I said unto thee , Thou must be born again , John 3. 7. 5. But the hour cometh , and now is , when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in Spirit and in Truth : for the Father seeketh such to worship him , John 4. 23. 6. And saying the time is fulfilled , and the Kingdom of God is at hand : Repent ye , and believe the Gospel , Mark 1. 15. 7. Afterwards Jesus findeth him in the Temple , and said unto him , Behold , thou art made whole : Sin no more , lest a worse thing come unto thee , John 5. 14. 8. Search the Scriptures , for in them ye think ye have eternal life , and they are they which testifie of me , John 5. 39. 9. Let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your Father which is in Heaven , Mat. 5. 16. 10. But I say unto you , that whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause , shall be in danger of the Judgement : and whosoever shall say unto his brother Racha , shall be in danger of the Council : but whosoever shall say , Thou Fool , shall be in danger of Hell fire , Mat. 5. 22. 11. But I say unto you , that whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her , hath committed Adultery already with her in his heart . And if they right eye offend thee , pluck it out and cast it from thee ; for it is profitable for thee that one of thy members should perish , and not thy whole body should be cast into Hell : And if thy right hand offend thee , cut it off , and cast it from thee ; for it is profitable for thee that one of thy members should perish , and not thy whole body should be cast into Hell , Mat. 5. 28 , &c. 12. But I say unto you , That whosoever shall put away his wife saving for the cause of Fornication , causeth her to commit Adultery : and whosoever shall marry her that is divorced , committeth Adultery , Mat. 5. 32. 13. But I say unto you , Swear not at all ; neither by Heaven , for it is God's Throne : nor by the Earth , for it is his Footstool : neither by Jerusalem , for it is the City of the great King. Neither shalt thou swear by thy head , because thou canst not make one hair black or white . But let your communcation be , Yea , yea , and Nay , nay ; for whatsoever is more than these cometh of Evil , Mat. 5. 34 , &c. 14. But I say unto you . That ye resist not evil : but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek , turn to him the other also . And if any man sue thee at the Law , and take away thy cloak , let him have thy coat also . And whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile , go with him twain , Mat. 5. 39. Luke 6. 27 , 29. 15. Give to him that asketh thee , and from him that would borrow of thee , turn not thou away , Mat. 5. 42. Luke 6. 30. 16. But I say unto you , Love your enemies , bless them that curse you , do good to them that hate you , and pray for them which despitefully use you , and persecute you , Mat. 5. 44 , &c. Luke 6. 27 , 35. 17. Be ye therefore perfect , even as your Father which is in Heaven is perfect , Mat. 5. 48. Luke 6. 35. 18. Take heed that you do not your alms before men , to be seen of them : otherwise ye have on reward of your Father which is in Heaven . Therefore when thou dost thine alms , do not sound a trumpet before thee , as the Hypocrites do in the Synagogues , and in the streets , that they may have glory of men . Verily , I say unto you , they have their reward . But when thou dost alms , let not thy left hand know what thy right hand does , Mat. 6. 1 , &c. 19. And when thou prayest , thou shalt not be as the Hypocrites are : for they love to pray standing in the Synagogues , and in the corners of the streets , that they may be seen of men . Verily , I say unto you , they have their reward . But thou when thou prayest , enter into thy Closet , and when thou hast shut the door , Pray to thy Father which is in secret , and thy Father which seeth in secret , shall reward thee openly , Mat. 6. 5 , 6. 20. But when ye pray , use not vain repetitions , as the Heathen do : for they think they shall be heard for their much speaking . Be not ye therefore like unto them : for your Father knoweth what things ye have need of , before ye ask him , Mat. 6. 7 , 8. 21. After this manner therefore pray ye : Our Father which art in Heaven , hallowed be thy Name . Thy Kingdom come . Thy will be done in Earth as it is in Heaven . Give us this day our daily bread . And forgive us our Debts , as we forgive our Debtors . And lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil : For thine is the Kingdom , the Power , the Glory , for ever . Amen . Mat. 6. 9 , &c. 22. Moreover , when ye fast , be not as the Hypocrites , of a sad countenance : for they dis-figure their faces that they may appear unto men to fast . Verily , I say unto you , they have their reward . But thou , when thou fastest , anoint thy head , and wash thy face , Mat. 6. 16 , &c. 23. Lay not up for your selves treasures upon earth , where moth and rust doth corrupt , and where thieves break thorow and steal . But lay up for your selves treasures in Heaven , where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt , and where thieves do not break through and steal , Mat. 6. 19 , 20. 24. No man can serve two masters : for either he will hate the one , and love the other ; or else he will hold to the one , and despise the other . Ye cannot serve God and Mammon . Therefore I say unto you , Take no thought for your life , what ye shall eat , or what ye shall drink ; nor yet for your body , what ye shall put on : is not the life more than meat , and the body than raiment ? Mat. 6. 24 , &c. 25. But seek ye first the Kingdom of God , and and his righteousness , and all these things shall be added unto you , Mat. 6. 33. 26. Take therefore no thought for the morrow : for the morrow will take thought for the things of itself : sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof , Mat. 6. 34. 27. Be ye therefore merciful as your Father also is merciful , Luke 6. 36. 28. Judge not , that ye be not judged , Mat. 7. 1. Luke 6. 37. 29. For with what judgement ye judge , ye shall be judged : and with what measure ye mete , it shall be measured to you again , Mat. 7. 2. Luke 6. 38. 30. And why beholdest thou the mote that is in thy brothers eye , but considerest not the beam that is in thine own eye ? Or how wilt thou say to thy brother , let me pull out the mote out of thine eye ? and behold , a beam is in thine own eye ? Thou Hypocrite ; first cast out the beam out of thine own eye ; and then shalt thou see clearly to cast the mote out of thy brothers eye , Mat. 7. 3 , &c. 31. Give not that which is holy unto dogs , neither cast ye your pearls before swine , lest they trample them under their feet , and turn again and rent you , Mat. 7. 6. 32. Ask , and it shall be given you : seek , and ye shall find : knock , and it shall be opened unto you , Mat. 7. 7. 33. Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them : for this is the Law and the Prophets , Mat. 7. 12. Luke 6. 31. 34. Enter ye in at the strait gate ; for wide is the gate , and broad is the way that leadeth to destruction , and many there be that go in thereat : Because strait is the gate , and narrow is the way which leadeth unto life , and few there be that find it , Mat. 7. 13 , 14. 35. Beware of false Prophets , which come to you in Sheeps cloathing , but inwardly they are ravening Wolves . Ye shall know them by their fruits : Do men gather grapes of thorns , or figs of thistles ? Mat. 7. 15 , &c. Luke 6. 43 , &c. 36. And why call ye me Lord , Lord , and do not the things which I say ? Luke 6. 46. Mat. 7. 21. 37. Come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden , and I will give you rest . Take my Yoke upon you , and learn of me , for I am meek and lowly in heart : and ye shall find rest unto your souls . For my yoke is easie , and my burden is light , Mat. 11. 28 , &c. 38. Let both grow together until the harvest ; and in the time of harvest I will say unto the reapers , Gather ye together first the tears , and bind them in bundles to burn them ; but gather the wheat into my barn , Mat. 13. 30. 39. But go ye and learn what that meaneth , I will have mercy and not sacrifice : For I am not come to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance , Mat. 9. 13. 40. Pray ye therefore the Lord of the harvest , that he will send for labourers into his harvest , Mat. 9. 38. 41. Labour not for the meat which perisheth , but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting life , which the Son of man shall give unto you : for him hath God the Father sealed . Then said they unto him , What shall we do , that we might work the work of God ? Jesus answered and said unto them , This is the work of God , that ye believe on him whom he hath sent , John 6. 27. &c. 42. Then Jesus said unto them , Verily , verily , I say unto you , except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man , and drink his blood , ye have no life in you , John. 6. 53. 43. For God commanded , saying , Honour thy Father and Mother : and , he that curseth Father and Mother let him die the death , Mat. 15. 4. Mark 7. 10. 44. Let them alone ; they be blind leaders of the blind . And if the blind lead the blind , both shall fall into the ditch , Mat. 15. 14. 45. Then Jesus said unto them , Take heed , and beware of the leaven of the Pharisees , and of the Saduces , Mat. 16. 6. Mark 8. 15. 46. And when he had called the people unto him with his Disciples also , he said unto them , Whosoever will come after me , let him deny himself , and take up his cross , and follow me , Mark 8. 34 , &c. Luke 6. 23 , &c. 47. And Jesus called a little child unto him , and set him in the midst of them , and said , Verily , I say unto you , except ye be converted , and become as little children , ye shall not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven , Mat. 18. 2 , &c. Mark 9. 36 , 37. Luke 9. 47 , 48. 48. Wo unto the world because of offences : for it must needs be that offence cometh : but wo to that man by whom the offence cometh . Wherefore if thy hand or thy foot offend thee , cut them off , and cast them from thee : it is better for thee to enter into life halt and maimed , rather than having two hands or two feet , to be cast into everlasting fire . And if thine eye offend thee , pluck it out , and cast it from thee : it is better for thee to enter into life with one eye , rather than having two eyes to be cast into Hell fire , Mat. 18. 7 , 8 , 9. Mark 9. 43 , &c. 49. Salt is good : but if the salt have lost his saltness , wherewith will ye season it ? Have salt in your selves , and have peace one with another , Mark 9. 50. 50. Take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones ; for I say unto you , that in Heaven their Angels do always behold the face of my Father which is in Heaven , Mat. 18. 10. 51. Moreover , if thy brother shall trespass against thee , go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone : if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother . But if he will not hear thee , then take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established . And if he shall neglect to hear them , tell it unto the Church : but if he neglect to hear the Church , let him be unto thee as an Heathen man , and a Publican , Mat. 18. 15 , &c. 52. Then came Peter to him , and said , Lord , how often shall my brother sin against me , and I forgive him ? till seven times ? Jesus saith unto him , I say not unto thee , until seven times : but , until seventy times seven , Mat. 18. 21 , 22. 53. Judge not according to the appearance , but judge righteous judgement , John 7. 24. 54. He that believeth on me , as the Scripture hath said , out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water , John. 7. 38. 55. Then said Jesus to those Jews which believ'd on him , if ye continue in my word , then are ye my Disciples indeed : And ye shall know the truth , and the truth shall make you free , John 8. 31 , 32. 56. Notwithstanding , in this rejoyce not , that the spirits are subject unto you : but rather rejoyce that your names be written in Heaven , Luke 10. 20. 57. What is written in the Law ? how readest thou ? And he answering , said , Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart and with all thy soul , and with all thy strength , and with all thy mind ; and thy Neighbour as thy self . And he said unto him , Thou hast answered right : this do , and thou shalt live , Luke 10. 26 , &c. 58. Which now of these three , thinkest thou , was neighbour unto him that fell among the thieves ? And he said , He that sheweth mercy on him . Then said Jesus unto him , Go , and do thou likewise , Luke 10. 36 , 37. 59. But rather give alms of such things as you have : and behold , all things are clean unto you , Luke 11. 41. 60. But wo unto you Pharisees : for ye Tithe Mint and Rue and all manner of herbs , and pass over judgement and the love of God : these ought ye to have done , and not to leave the other undone , Luke 11. 42. 61. In the mean time , when there were gathered together an innumerable multitude of people , insomuch that they trod one upon another , He began to say unto his Disciples first of all , Beware ye of the Leaven of the Pharisees , which is Hypocrisie . For there is nothing covered that shall not be revealed ; neither hid , that shall not be known , Luke 12. 1 , 2. 62. And I say unto you my friends , be not afraid of them that kill the body , and after that , have no more that they can do . But I will forewarn you whom you shall fear : Fear him , which after he hath killed , hath power to cast into hell ; yea , I say unto you , fear him , Luke 12. 4 , &c. 63. And he said unto them , Take heed , and beware of coveteousness : for mans life consisteth not in the abundance of the things which he possesseth , Luke 12. 15. 64. Fear not , little flock ; for it is your Father's good pleasure to give you the Kingdom , Luke 12. 32. 65. Sell all that ye have , and give alms : provide your selves bags which wax not old , a tresure in the Heavens that faileth not , where no thief approacheth , neither moth corrupteth , Luke 12. 33. 66. Let your loins be girded about , and your lights burning ; and ye your selves like unto men that wait for their Lord , when he will return from the wedding , that when he cometh and knocketh , they may open unto him immediately , Luke 12. 35 , 36. 67. When thou art bidden of any man to a wedding , sit not down in the highest room : lest a more honourable man than thou be bidden of him : And he that bade thee and him , come and say to thee , Give this man place ; and thou begin with shame to take the lowest room . But when thou art bidden , go and sit down in the lowest room ; that when he that bade thee cometh , he may say unto thee , Friend , go up higher : then shalt thou have worship in the presence of them that sit at meat with thee , Luke 14. 8. &c. 68. Then said he also to him that bade him , When thou makest a dinner or a supper , call not thy friends , nor thy brethren , neither thy kinsmen , nor thy rich neighbours ; lest they also bid thee again , and a recompence be made thee . But when thou makest a feast , call the poor , the maimed , the same , the blind , Luke 14. 12 , 13. 69. If any man come to me , and hate not his father , and mother , and wife , and children , and brethren , yea , and his own life also , he cannot be my Disciple . And whoever doth not bear his cross , and come after me , cannot be my Disciple , Luke 14. 26 , 27. 70. So likewise whosoever he be of you , that forsaketh not all that he hath , he cannot be my Disciple , Luke 14. 33. 71. And I say unto you , Make to your selves friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness , that when ye fail , they may receive you into everlasting habitations , Luke 16. 9. 72. Take heed to your selves : if thy brother trespass against thee , rebuke him : and if he repent , forgive him . And if he trespass against thee seven times a day , and seven times in a day turn again to thee , saying , I repent , thou shalt forgive him , Luke 17. 3 , 4. 73. In that day , he which shall be upon the house top , and his stuff in the house , let him not come down to take it away : and he that is in the field , let him likewise not return back , Luke 17. 31. 74. And he spake a Parable to them , to this end , that men ought always to pray , and not to faint , Luke 18. 1. 75. For this cause shall a man leave father and mother , and shall cleave to his wife : and they twain shall be one flesh . Wherefore they are no more twain , but one flesh . What therefore God hath joyned together , let no man put asunder , Mat 19. 5 , 6. Mark 10. 8 , 9. 76. But Jesus said , Suffer little children , and forbid them not to come unto me : for of such is the Kingdom of Heaven , Mat. 19. 14. Mark 10. 14 15. Luke 18. 16 , 17. 77. And he said unto him , Why callest thou 〈◊〉 good ? there is none good but one , that is God 〈◊〉 if thou wilt enter into life , keep the Command ments , Mat. 19. 17. 78. But Jusus called them unto him , and said , Ye know that the Princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great , exercise authority upon them , but it shall not be so among you : but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister ; and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant , Mat. 20. 25 , &c. Mark 10. 43 , &c. 79. If any man serve me , let him follow me ; and where I am , there shall also my servant be : if any man serve me , him will my Father honour , John 12. 26. 80. And Jesus said unto him , Yet a little while is the light with you : walk while ye have the light , lest darkness come upon you : for he that walketh in darkness , knoweth not whither he goeth . While ye have the light , believe in the light , that ye may be the Children of light . These things spake Jesus and departed , and hid himself from them , John. 12. 35 , 36. 81. And Jesus answering said unto them , Have faith in God. For verily I say unto you , that whosoever shall say to this mountain , be thou ●emoved , and be thou cast into the sea , and shall not doubt in his heart , but shall believe that those things which he saith shall come to pass , he shall have whatsoever he saith . Therefore I say unto you , What things soever ye desire when ye pray , believe that ye receive them , and ye shall have them , Mark 11. 22. 82. They say unto him , Caesars . Then saith he unto them , Render therefore unto Caesar , the things that are Caesars : and unto God , the things that are Gods , Mat. 22. 21. Mark 12. 16. Luke 20. 25. 83. Jesus said unto him , Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart , and with thy soul , and with all thy mind . This is the first and great Commandment , Mat. 22. 37 , 38. Mark 12. 30. 84. And the second is like unto it , Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy self , Mat. 22. 39. Mark 12. 31. 85. Saying , the Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses's seat . All therefore whatsoever they bid you observe , that observe and do ; but do not ye after their works : for they say , and do not , Mat. 23. 37. 86. And he said unto them in his Doctrine , beware of the Scribes , which love to go in long cloathing , and love salutations in the market place , Mat. 23. 4 , 5. Mark 12. 34. Luke 20. 46. 87. But be not ye called Rabbi : for one is your Master even Christ , and all ye are brethren . And call no man your father upon earth : for one is your Father which is in Heaven . Neither be ye called master , for one is your Master even Christ , Mat. 23. 8 , 9 , 10. 88. And Jesus answered and said unto them , Take heed that no man deceive you : for many shall come in my Name , saying , I am Christ ; and shall deceive many . And ye shall hear of wars and rumours of wars : see that ye be not troubled , for all these things must come to pass , but the end is not yet , Mat. 24. 48 , &c. Mark 13. 28 , &c. Luke 13. 8 , 9. 89. But take heed to your selves , for they shall deliver you up to councils ; and in the Synagogues ye shall be beaten ; and ye shall be brought before Rulers and Kings for my sake , for a testimony against them . But when they shall lead you and deliver you up , take no thought before-hand what ye shall speak , neither do ye premeditate : but whatsoever shall be given you in that hour that speak ye : for it is not ye that speaketh , but the Holy Ghost , Mat. 24. 10. Mark 13. 9 , 11. Luke 21. 12 , &c. 90. In your patience possess ye your souls , Luke 21. 19. 91. Wherefore if they shall say unto you , Behold , he is in the desert , go not forth : behold , he is in the secret chambers , believe it not , Mat. 24. 26. 92. And take heed to your selves , lest at any time your hearts be over charged , with surfeiting and drunkenness , and cares of this life , and so that day come upon you unawars , Luke 21. 34. 93. Watch ye therefore and pray always , that ye may be accounted worthy to escape all these that shall come to pass , and to stand before the Son of man , Luke 21. 36. 94. If I then your Lord and Master have washed your feet , ye also ought to wash one anothers feet . For I have given you an example that ye should do as I have done to you , John 13. 34 , &c. 95. A new Commandment I give unto you , That ye love one another , as I have loved you , that ye also love one another . By this shall all men know that ye are my Disciples if ye love one another . Simon Peter said unto him , Lord whither goest thou ? Jesus answe●ed him , Whither I go thou canst not follow me now , but thou shalt follow me afterwards , John 13. 34 , 35. 96. If ye love me keep my Commandments , John 14. 15. 97. And as they eating , Jesus took Bread and blessed it , and brake it and gave it to the Disciples , and said , Take , eat , this is my Body , Mat. 26. 26. Mark 14. 22. Luke 22. 19. 98. And he took the Cup and gave thanks , and gave it to them , saying , Drink ye all of it , for this is my Blood of the New Testament , which is shed for many for the remission of sins , Mat. 26. 27 , 28. Mark 14. 23 , 24. Luke 22. 20. 99. Abide in me and I in you ; as the branch cannot bear fruit of itself , except it abide in the vine : no more can ye , except ye abide in me , John 15. 4. 100. Go ye therefore and teach all Nations , baptizing them in the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost : teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you : and lo I am with you to the end of the world . Amen . Mat. 19. 20. Mark 16. 15. Here follows the Cure of the Crooked and Hunch-back'd Children , which was promised in the Second Part , and is performed very Naturally , and without trouble to the Patient . FOrasmuch as it is a thing well known , that Women are much more handy about Children than Men , I have communicated the same to one Mrs. Sarah Matthews , Widdow of Capt. Matthews , and to her Daughter , dwelling both in Capt. Risbie's Buildings in Limehouse near Ratcliff-Cross , London ; and have directed them how to prepare all things necessary to the said Cure , as judging them fit and qualified for the same , as well by reason of their great inclination and desire they had to this Undertaking , as also because I found in them a skill in Anatomie , very necessary to the undertaking of this employment . Now in the carrying on of this Cure three things especially are made use of : First , A Bed , whereon the Patient is to lie at Night . Secondly , A Chair for to sit on in the day-time . And then , Thirdly , A Mathematical Chair , whereby the continual decay of Crookedness , or of the Bunch may be measured and distinctly discerned . First , As to what concerns the Bedstead , the same must be made of Wood , and two foot longer than the Patient ; and the bottom of it of even and smooth plained boards , and the head also of the like boards half a yard high , to which must be fastened a round board of hard Wood , upon the edge of which must be set at an equal distance the figures from 1 to 16. this round board must be a foot in Diameter , and a round hollow Nail must be struck through the Center of it , that by means thereof the head or bolster may be ordered and disposed to discretion , and must be fastned behind with a Screw , in such manner as that it may freely turn round ; and the Center of it must be exactly of the same height with the Bolster or Pillow . Moreover , upon this round board must be fastned two Brass rings or loops , each of them about four inches distant from the Center , and through each of them must be put a Leading-string fastned to it , which afterwards must be fitted to the Child , being put under his Arms , and fastned before on his Breast with a Loop and Button , in the same manner as they are fitted to Children who learn to go . In this Bedstead the Child must be laid upon a Matras or Quilt , which together with the Bolster must be fastened with two loops to the Bedstead , which must be made something she living or declining that is , higher towards the head than at the feet , that the Child who lies in it fastened to the Leading-string may slip down gently and easily , for the more gentle the better , for it sufficeth that the Body by this means be insensibly and by degrees accustomed to streightness . The forementioned round Board serves for this end , that the Child may learn to turn himself on that side he should lie on , until he be accustomed to it ; as likewise to keep the Bed-cloaths from falling down , they are to be fastened to the head of the Bedstead with two loops or bands . But here is to be observed that when the Crookedness or Bunch be upwards between the Shoulder-blades , then the Patient must have a string fastned under his Chin , or somewhere about his Head , and the string drawn through the hollow Nail , which goes through the Center of the said round Board , and so come down behind the Beds-head with a fitting weight fastned to it . But in case the Bunch be in both places , that is , above or between the Shoulder-blades , and beneath them also , then both the foresaid strings are to be made use of ; though indeed it be impossible so exactly to discribe all circumstances , and the necessary alterations and aids to relieve them , without leaving much to the discretion and experience of those who undertake this Employment . And in this manner the Child must continue in Bed until ten or eleven a Clock , for the longer he continues there the better . The Second thing required is a Chair , whereon the Child is to sit in the day time , furnished with two weights , hanging by different pullies under the Chair , for to lift up the Child very easily in his Leading-strings , being the same as was before done in the Bed. Thirdly , The Mathematical Chair , which hath these properties ; that a young Child from its first infancy , until it be full grown , may conveniently make use of it and sit upon it , onely the Chair must always be placed where there is a Stove or otherwise warm Room ; because the Child must sit upon it the upper part of his Body naked . Furthermore , the said Chair is so made , that the party sits upon it firm and unmoveable , and yet naturally too , and without the least uneasiness , according to and by means of a particular Rule or Register , by which it may exactly and properly be known , that as a person hath once sate on it , he cannot sit otherwise , but just in the same manner he must sit on it again , though it should be several years after , and so by means of the said Register , the Body is to be measured how it grows in every particular part , both in streightness , length , or weight , and that to the 〈◊〉 part of an inch , so as the Parent or other friends may every month measure their Children , and from their own eyes be satisfied of their growing better . And of this measuring ( which is to be repeated the same day every month ) an exact account is kept and set down in writing , to the end it may be seen how much the party doth advance in streightness from time to time . And all this is performed without the least trouble to the Children , in so much that the very Disease and Pain which formerly were occasioned by their Crookedness are thereby removed and taken away . Besides the aforesaid means , she uses also very effectually several Ointments , the Receipts of which as also the Cuts of the aforesaid Chairs and Bed she will put forth in print hereafter , for the publick good , and adde all her Observations . LEopoldus Divina favente Clementiá Electus Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus , ac Germaniae , Hungariae , Bohemiae , Dalmatiae , Croatiae , Sclavoniae , Rex , Archidux , Austriae , Dux Burgundiae , Brabantiae . Stiriae , Carinthiae , Carniolae , &c. Marchio Moraviae , ac superioris & inferioris Silesiae , Wirtembergae & Theckae , Princeps Sueviae , Comes Habspurgi , Tyrolis , Ferretis , Kiburgi & Goritiae , Landgrauius Alsatia , Marchio Sacri Romani Imperii . Burgoviae ac superioris & inferioris Lusatiae . Dominus Marchiae Sclavonicae , Portus Naonis & Salinarum . Notum facimus per presentes omnibus & singulis , quòd , cûm Nos , tàm ex innata Coesareae Clementiae bonitate , animique spontaneâ promptitudine , quàm sublimi Sacrae Imperatoriae Majestatis dignitate , ad quam benigno summi Dei nutu & providentiâ evecti , eò clementissimè propendeamus , incumbamusque , ut nostrum , ac Sacri Romani Imperii fidelium incolarum , devotorumque , honor , gloria , salus , utilitas & incrementa procurentur , propagentur , extendantur , augeantur atque promoveantur ; imprimis autemilli , qui de ipso Imperio , ejusque Statibus Incolisque , vel Belli vel Pacis tempore , laudabilibus quibusque , & ab insigni virtute profectis actionibus optime meriti sunt , publicâ aliquâ recognitione remunerationeque fidelium ejusmodi officiorum , tam ipsi in eâdem devotione conserventur , quàm & allii ad similium landatorum , & publicè utilium operum exemploramque incitationem , tantò validius excitentur , qui noster affectus & intentio , omnibus quidem virtutum studiosis in genere favens , ergaillos tamen specialiori gratiâ propendet , qui quemadmodum experantiquis Nobilibus Familiis oriundi , it a propriis ipsorummet virtutibus , prundenterque fortiter & laudabiliter gestis , honestis atque praeclari● illis Antecessorum , Majorumque suorum semitis non s●um insistere , easque sequi ; sed etiam aemulatione imprimis laudabili , illos superare , atque hoc modo Genus , nomen & familiam suam in sublimiorem Honoris dignitatisque gradum provehere , omni studio conantur . Considerantes itaque Generosum & Magnificum Nostrum & Sacri Imperii fide lem dilectum Franciscum Mercurium ab Helmont Toparcham in Merode , Royenbourg & Oorschot , ante decinnium fere , ad Divi quondam Imperatoris Ferdinandi Tertii , Domini Genitorii , & Praedecessoris Nostri colendissimi , Agustae memoriae Caesaream evocatum Aulam , tam ibi , quam postmodo apud diversos Electores atque Principes Imperii detentum atque occupatum fuisse , intra quod temporis spatium , ipsum aspirante Divina benignitate , statui salutique publicoe in conciliandis non nullis sublimibus , & Illustrissimis Ducum Principumque Familiis componendis sopiendisque plurimis arduis difficilibus & inveteratis controversiis procurandâ , conservandâ , stabiliendâ , propagandâque Pace amicitiâ bonâque & sincerâ confidentiâ aliisque plurimis modis fidelem , & fructuosam operam proestitisse , adeoque se ipsum & omnia sua , publicis utilitatibus quasi devovisse , neque ullum laborem vel difficultatem , itinerum item , legationum , commissionumque molestiam subterfugisse , neque sumptibus sane non exiguis , huic operi continuè , atque de suo impendendis , se â tam salutari proposito atque instituto deterreri passum esse . Quibus suis praeclaris ac Generoso animo dignis actionibus , nobis partim ex propria scientiâ , partim aliorum maximè conspicuorum virorum , fideli relatione notissi●is , non immeritò clementissimè favemus & applaudimus , idque tantò magis , quôd & Reverendissimus Elector Achiepiscopus Moguntinus favorabli quodam , Nobisque humilimè oblato Diplomate , & praeclarâ atque gratiosâ declaratione , recognitione , testimonio atque commendatione eundem ab Helmont dignum aestimavit , uti ex ejus tenore hîc verbotenus inserto patet . JOannes Philippus Dei Gratiâ Sanctae Sedis Moguntinae Archiepiscopus , Sac. Romani Imperii per Germaniam Archi Cancellarius ac Princeps Elector , Episcopus Herbipolensis , & Franconiae Dux . Cum aequitati consentaneum sit , ut qui vitam suam honestè instituerint , non solum modo promoveantur & foveantur , verùm etiam , ubi opus fuerit , honorificis testimoniis muniantur : Nobis humilimè exposuit Nobilis & Illustris Franciscus Mercurius ab Helmont , Dominus in Merode , Royenbourg , & Oorschot , se ad capessendam Avunculi quondam sui , Baronis de Merode , atque Aviae ejusdem stemmatis jacentem haereditatem , in patriam revocari , quod iter sine magno rerum suarum detrimento nec omittere nec differre potest , sibi quoque non solum utile , sed omnino necessarium fore , si quibus in locis , in quorum conspectu , & quibus rebus totum decennium , quo a solo natali abfuit , impenderit , validis & irrefragabilibus testimoniis demonstrare possit . Nos igitur laudabili ejus desiderio annuentes notum facimus & Declaramus , Nobis constare & plenissime perspectum esse , praedictum Dominum ab Helmont decem annorum novissime praeteritorum spacium in Romani Imperii Provinciis & ditionibus non Solummodo honeste & laudabiliter transegisse , nemini gravem sed é contra pluribus utilem se praestitisse , omnibus gratum singulis acceptum , verum etiam saepius Principum consiliis adhibitum , Magnatum controversiis componendis , non exigui momenti negotiis gerendis , Legationibus obeundis aliisque hujusmodi muneribus exercendis , quae virum & Nobilem & Illustrem ubique decent , feclicem operam saepe impendisse , quae referre & laudare tantominus dubitamus quanto magis plaeraeque ipsius actiones in conspectu nostro ita contigerunt , ut alieno ad morum ipsius integritatem probandam adminiculo non indigeamus . Pro ejus itaque meritis & virtutibus praesenti nostrae benevolentiae argumento illum lubentissime decoratum volumus . Et cum jam à majoribus suis , quorum antiqua & probata Nobilitas , generosam sanguìnem duxerit , seque ipsum etiam propriâ virtute , quae cultores sui illustrius ornat , abunde excoluerit Eum non tantum cognatione & affinitate Illustrium familiarum , quibus sanguine conjunctus est , quos inter Dominos Comites de Merode & Marehionem de Deinsen recensere licet , dignissimum judicamus , sed etiam quandoquidem in Auitae Margarethae natae Baronissae de Merode Haereditatis possessione in Ducatu Juliacensi sita , cum iisdem ut supradictum versatur non incongruum fore , ut Comitis titulo insigniatur , suosque ejusdem dignitatis habeat participes , atque it a in imperio Romano , cui non sterilem aut infructuosam operam impendit , sed de quo optime meritus est , debita virtutis praemia consequatur , nec non imposterum in ejusdem constanti devotione decentius versari & perseverare possit . In quarum rerum fidem praesentes litteras has propria subscriptione ac appenso sigillo nostro firmari voluimus Francofurti ad Moenum prima Maii 1658. Joannes Philipus El. A. M. Ep. Herbip . ( SL ) . PRoinde cum Nos ut saepe memoratus ab Helmont non solum ad ejusmodi laudatarum atque publice utilium actionum continuationem extimuletur obligeturve , sed & notissimorum meritorum suorum susceptorumque atque exantlatorum laborum , curarum , vigiliarum , itinerum , negociationum , expeditionum , sollicitudinum , molestiarum maximarum , item impensarum atque sumptu●maliquam remunerationem & dignum opere precium eximia aliqua publicaque gratitudinis demonstratione consequatur eoque velut bonorum laborum glorioso fructu & ipse & sui collaterales & agnati suique aliquando haeredes posterive totaque Nobilis Familia gaudere possit . Plane inclinati essemus respectu tam saepe dictorum egregiorum meritorum praestitorumque officiorum suorum quam quod pervetusta & ab aliquot seculis in Sac. Rom. Imperio praecipue vero Augustae Domus nostrae Austriacae Haereditariis inferioris Germaniae Provinciis notissima Nobilis & Equestris dignitate splendens familia ab Helmont ( ex qua ipsius ab Helmont Proavum Joannem ab ipso gloriosissime memoriae Imperatore Carolo quinto ob proeclara fortiaque ejus facta Equestri dignitate condecoratum constat ) jam olim cum non paucis Illustris dignitatis Baronum Comitumque familiis cognationis affinitatisque jure copulata atque innexa sit : adeoque dictus ab Helmont qenus ipse suum Maternum è Proaviâ Margarethâ natâ Baronissa de Merode traxerit ipsum suosque consanguineos & haevedes nominatim duas sorores adhuc innuptas Pelagiam Lucinam , & Olimpiam Claram ejusdemque cognatos Ambrosio de Meghem & liberis Augustini de Gottignies p. m. Nominatim Lancelot Ignatius , Joannes , Baptista , Antonius , Nicolaus , Gillis , Lowise , Catharina , Anna , omnes de Gottignies , ad gradum , statum & dignitatem Illustrium Sacri Rom. Imperii Comitum promovere & evehere , verum cum ille & ipsi ob certas considerationes ejusmodi Honoris sublimitatem acceptare eaque uti hoc quidem tempore nondum constituerint , tamen clementissime obtulimus quocunque ipsi tempore realem collationem ejusmodi dignitatis a Nobis humillime petere eaque uti , frui atque gaudere tempestivum atque sibi comodum duxerint , Nos in eo ipsis clementissime gratificaturos , prout Nos nihilominus jam nunc , & ex hoc quasi tunc illum ab Helmont cjusq : scrores atque praedictos agnates illo Cemitum Sacri Rom. Imperii honore . sessione , voto , gradu , privilegiis aliisque consuetis emolumentis ac proerogativis dignos atque capaces declaramus , non aliter ac si eam dignitatem ipsis jam de facto contulissemus . Interim motu proprio , ex certa scientia & animo be●e deliberato , sano accedente consilio , ac Caesarea nostra authoritate ejusdem potestatis plenitudine supramemoratos scilicet ab Helmont duas ejusdem sorores nec non de Meghem & liberos de Gottignies utriusque sexûs in statum gradumque Illustrium Sac. Rom. Imperii Baronum & Baronissarum sublimamus , promovemus atque extollimus aliisque omnibus S. R. Imperii Principatumque ei annexorum natis liberis Baronibus Dynastis atque Nobilibus Vexilliferis odiungimus & sociamus , talesque declaramus , non aliter ac si ab Avis Majoribusq : suis patre matreque familiisque utriusque latere verè Barones & Baronissae forent . Volumus etiam ordinamus atque statuimus , ut ex hoc ipso die & deinceps praedicti ab Helmont Mehbem & Gottignies cum omnibus eorum liberis heredibusque haeredumque haeredibus atque descendentibus masculis atque foeminis hujus nominis stemmatis atque Prosapiae genere , atque armis insignibus semper & omnibus futuris temporibus Nobiles & generosos signiferos five Liberos Barones & Baronissas ab Helmont & Merode , & respectivè à Meghem & Merode item a Gottignies & Merode utpotè quae in S. R. Imperii , Ducatu Juliacensi sita Dynastia horum trium ratione praedictae Proaviae Margarethae de Merode ex sucessione & cessione communis cum reliqvis ejus nominis Baronibus & Comitibus Domus & gentilitia ex qua portio competens ipsis etiamnum debetur se nominare atq : scribere , & pro talibus a Nobis sucessoribus nostris atque omnibus praesertim S. R. Imperii statibus atque ordinibus eorum Cancellariis una cum titulo Generosorum ac Magnificorum , Germanice Wohlgebornen & de Merode agnoscantur , habeantur , honorentur , atque inscribantur , praesertim omnium gratiarum hnorum dignitatum , immunitatum , emolumentorum privilegiorum jurium praecedentiae , status authoritatis sessionis , votorum atque praerogativarum in Imperio aliisque conventibus & Congregationibus hastiludiis exercitiisque Equestribus beneficiis Cathedralibus Capitulis Majoribus minoribusve Ecclesiasticis atque secularibus aliisque quibuscunque honest is negociis actionibusque vel sodalitiis capaces sint revera obtineant participentque inprimis & facultate Illustria Feuda capiendi , vel iis alios porro subinvestiendi gaudeant de jure vel consuctudine sine cujusquam impedimento , Praeterea Caesareae nostrae gratiae erga praefatum Baronem ab Helmont & Merode pluribus declaranda ipsi Gentilitia ejus Arma atque insignia novo aliquo splendore decorare & illustrare eaque ratione praeclara ejus merita atque virtutes , publicique boni studium denotare & celebrare corumque honorificam memoriam ad posteros transmittere cupientes , concedimus volumusque ut obscuris iste nigerque scuti huc usque Helmontici color in anreum permutetur , quique ad praeclarum & splendidun virtutum ejus testimonium , loco aliorum insignium notarumque quae scuti areae alias imprimi solent esse potest debetque . Insuper quoque galeae istae tres aureae & apertae clipei aream bactenus occupantes , ex eo subla● ae ipsi scuto superimponantur ita ut media earum cum inreo tegumento instar pallii hinc & illinc diffluente , antrorsum erecta Regia insuper Corona aurea insignatur prominentibus ad cassidis latera geminis pilis vel vexillis minorihus paulo in altum versis quorum sect ae sint simbriae vel laciniae hastae etiam cum cuspidibus omnes aureae . Porro Clypeum istum duo Angeli in sigium Pacis concordiaeque ab ipso Barone ab Helmont & Merode pro virili procuratae tanquam Pacis nuntil dexter aureus cum vestitu nigro & ramum palmae , sinister vero niger cum vestitu aureo ramum oleae manu praeferentes sustentent : Prout haec omnia in medio hujus nostri Diplomat is pictoris industria ad vivum quasi elaborata cernere licet . Mandamus igitur Universis ac singulis Electoribus aliisque sacri Imperii Principibus tam Ecclesiasticis quam secularibus , Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , Ducibus , Marchionibus , Comitibus , Baronibus , Militibus , Nobilibus , Clientibus , Capitaneis , Vicedominis , Praefectis , Castellanis , Heroaldis , Caduceatoribus , Civibus , Communitatibus , & denique omnibus Nostris & Sacri Imperii subditis & fidelibus , dilectis & aliis , ad quoscunque spectat , cujuscunque status gradus , ordinis dignitatis , praeminentiae & conditionis fuerint , ut saepe memoratos Barones & Baronissas ab Helmont & Merode , de Meghem & Merode de Gortignies & Merode , omnes eorum liberos heredesque in perpetuum descendentes Nobiles Imperii signiferos & liberos Borones & Baronissas cum praedicato & honoris titulo Generosu●um ac Magnificorum Germanice Wohlgebornen de Merode agnoscere , nominare , scribere & honorare , ipso● ; omnibus gratiis , privilegiis , honoribus , dignitatibus , emolumentis , juribus atque praerogativis quae quibuscunque aliis ortu prosapiae Baronibus & Baronissis conveniunt , pacate uti frui & gaudere permittant , defendant & tueautur ea nec ipsi quidque attentare vel fac●re praesumant , vel ab aliis fieri consentiant aut patiantur ullo modo nisi malint incurrere indignationem nostri & Sac. Rom. Imperii , & certam mulctam centum marcarum auri puri , quarum mediam partem Camerae nostrae , mediam alteram ipsis dictis Baronibus quisquis his contravenire ausus fuerit , pendere tenebitur , & nihilominus ipsi nominati Barones in praedicto honore , statu dignitate libertate prestabunt etiam publica Authoritate defensi . In quorum fidem praesentes Sigillo nostro Caesareo appenso , ac manus propriae subscriptione corroboratae atque datae sunt in Civitate nostra Imperiali Francofurti ad Moenum die tertia mensis Augusti , Anno Domini Milleciesimo sexcentesimo quinquagisimo octavo Regnorum Nostrorum Romani primo , Hungariae quarto , Bohemiae secundo , eratque signaotum Leopoldus paulo inferius Johan . Philip. El. A. M. Herbip . & inferius . Ad mandatum Sac. Caesar Majestatis proprium : subsignatum Ferdinandus Comes Curtius , sigillatumque sigillo Sac. suoe Majestatis Caesareae in cereâ rubra . Concordat cum suo Originali , quod attestor . N. Philippi Nots . FINIS . 
A09500	----	Varieties: or, A surveigh of rare and excellent matters necessary and delectable for all sorts of persons. Wherein the principall heads of diverse sciences are illustrated, rare secrets of naturall things unfoulded, &c. Digested into five bookes, whose severall chapters with their contents are to be seene in the table after the epistle dedicatory. By David Person, of Loghlands in Scotland, Gentleman. Person, David. 1635 Approx. 632 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 222 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09500 STC 19781 ESTC S114573 99849798 99849798 14966 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09500) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14966) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 516:8) Varieties: or, A surveigh of rare and excellent matters necessary and delectable for all sorts of persons. Wherein the principall heads of diverse sciences are illustrated, rare secrets of naturall things unfoulded, &c. Digested into five bookes, whose severall chapters with their contents are to be seene in the table after the epistle dedicatory. By David Person, of Loghlands in Scotland, Gentleman. Person, David. [50], 47, [5], 49-93, [7], 97-123, [2], 126-178, [4], 181-190, [4], 177-208, 217-256, [4], 105, [1] p. 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Combat -- Early works to 1800. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion VARIETIES : OR , A SVRVEIGH OF RARE AND EXCELlent matters , necessary and delectable for all sorts of persons . Wherein the principall Heads of diverse Sciences are illustrated , rare secrets of Naturall things unfoulded , &c. Digested into five Bookes , whose severall Chapters with their Contents are to be seene in the Table after the Epistle Dedicatory . By DAVID PERSON , of Loghlands in Scotland , Gentleman . Et quae non prosunt singula , juncta juvant . LONDON , Printed by Richard Badger , for Thomas Alchorn , and are to be sold at his shop , in Pauls Church-yard , at the signe of the green - Dragon . 1635. To THE MOST NOBLE AND ILLVSTRIOVS , IAMES , DUKE OF LENNOX , EARLE Darnley and Marche , Baron of Setrington , Treboulton and Methuen , LORD Great Chamberlane and Admirall of Scotland ; Gentleman of his MAIESTIES Bedchamber ; Knight of the most Noble order of the GARTER , and one of the most Honourable Privy COUNCELL , in both KINGDOMES . WHo sacrificed unto their Gods of old ( most Noble and illustrious Prince ) were accustomed to appropriate the matter of their offerings , as neere as they could , to the nature and better acceptance of the Deity to whom they immolated ; as to Mars a Horse , to Phoebus a Cocke , to Venus a paire of Doves , to Vulcan fire , and the like ; in this Dedication I doe not much deviate from that ceremony , for as your Gr. knowledge is generally observed to bee multifarious , and as the many successive most famous Vertues of your illustrious Predecessors doe most conspicuously survive in you , so no where more duely could this volume of Varieties be sacrificed then to your Gr. Larger merits , which have learned Spaine and other Countreys to speake you every way most generous and Noble ; and which favourably shined upon by our most glorious Sun , makes all conclude you to prove in your maturer yeares both delightfull and profitable to King and Countrey . What my continued night-watches , studies , travells , and expences have beene in these recollections , I will think worthily bestowed if they be graciously accepted ; and if they be thought worthy of your Graces Patronage , I have my wish : Meane gifts have beene favourably receaved by most worthy men ; the PERSIAN KINGS disdaine not their Peasants cups of water ; not Donum but Dantis animus is most acceptable ; and with what integrity of affection I offer this , shall appeare in what more worthy labour shall come from me hereafter ; which already is devoted to your G. most worthy Patronage ; as are my perpetual Orations to God for increase of all happinesse to be heaped on you ; which shall be still seconded with the most reall and best services that are in the possibility of Your G. most humble and most zealous devoted servant . D. PERSON . In PERSONI Polyanthea . SVbtiles , varias , jucundas res , simul uno Congestas Libro , perlege lector , habes . Hîc Coelum , hîc superos Manes , ac Tartara cernes , Totus & ingentes quas capit Orbis opes . Eximium miraris opus , longè tamen infra Authoris vastum subsidet ingenium . Da. Episc. Edinburgensis . Ad LECTOREM . SI variis gaudes , miranda , recondita quaeris ; Si peregrina cupis , splendida , rara , bona ; Si leges , artes , & quae Coelestia spectant ; Si manes , mores , Physica , mentis opes ; Hoc opus eximium , ex cunctis praestantia pandet : Perlege , vix aliud talia , tanta dabit . Liv●r summa petens carpat ; sed carpitur ipse Irradiante libri lumine , ne invideat . Io. Episco . Cathanesius . In praeclara Davidis Personi gymnasmata . FInibus hic arctis ingens constringitur orbis , Et stupet humanae Iuppiter artis opus . Hunc olim fragili conclusit Graecia vitro , Nunc brevis immenso cum Iove charta capit . Vitreus interijt , durabit charteus orbis , Ingenij donec cultor & artis erit . A. Ionstonus , Medicus Regius . In Davidis Personi Lochlandij opera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu de multifaria rerum varietate . QVàm variae rerum facies , quàm gramine campi Depicti vario , varij quàm floribus horti , Quàm varium stellis Coelum , quàm piscibus aequor , Et picturatis volucrum sunt agmina pennis : Tam varia & libri sunt argumenta perennis , Quae Persone tibi famam peperêre perennem . Io. Adamsonus Academiae Edinburgensis Rector Primarius . Of Persons Varieties . THe Lawyer here may learne Divinity , The Divine , Lawes , or faire Astrology ; The Dammaret respectively to fight , The Duellist to court a Mistresse right ; Such who their name take from the Rosie-Crosse May here by Time , learne to repaire their losse : All learne may somewhat , if they be not fooles Arts quicklier here are lesson'd , than in Schooles . Distich , of the same . This Booke a World is ; here if errours be , The like ( nay worse ) in the great world we see . William Drummond , Of Hathorn-den . In DAVIDIS PERSONI Lochlandij 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad Iuventutem Nobilem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . QVos plebi exemit splendor virtutis avitae , Et ditant veteri praedia structa manu ; Dianae queis cura sequi , queis Castra diones ; Quasque voluptates lusus inanis habet , Discite , Personus , quantum majora secutus , Prima dedit Castris tempora Phoebe tuis . Aemulus aethereos imitari deinde labores , Deseruit charum patria quic quid habet . Quique Isim , Rhodanumque citum , Rhenumque Padumque , Qui Lirim , & Tiberim , Dordoniumque bibunt , Tam varios hominum mores scrutatus & urbes , Sedulo Palladias accumulavit opes : Has quoque nunc ultrò promit , queis pectora vobis Sit fas eximijs excoluisse bonis : Quaeque sibi multo constabant ante labore , Dat vobis tenui mole paranda libri . Nubila quicquid habent , quicquid versatilis aether Eximium , aut vasto terra , vel unda sinu , Daedala naturae secreta , Artisque stupenda Quas sophia , aut partes clara mathesis habet , Accipite , & grata pensetis mente labores , Discite & hinc studium Nobile velle sequi . Tho. Crafordius . Generoso & omnigenâ cum ingenij tum morum Nobilitate illustri Davidi Persono à Lochlands . AStraeus poterat vates post somnia lauri Gustatae , lauri demeruisse decus . Maeonios postquam manes pater Ennius hausit , Romani eloquij coeperat esse pater . Pro monstro exemplum est ; quando dij cuncta labore Vendunt , & duris gratia rebus inest ; Tu varios hominum mores , urbesque secutus , Evario florum germine mella refers . Priscaque componens his tempora , cuncta perennas , Cascaque temporibus das rediviva novis . Ast ne ali●s tanti constent , compendia praestas ; Et macrocosmum terra Britanna legit . Ro. Fairlaeus . In DAVIDIS PERSONI Lochlandij , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . NVnc tibi , nunc quantum debebit doctior orbis , Cui tuus unus erit Bibliotheca liber ? Gualt . B●llendinus . A TABLE OF THE WHOLE BOOKE : Wherein their severall Chapters , with their Sections , and whole Contents are orderly pointed forth . The Table of the first Booke , Wherein the matter and nature of the Heaven , Sunne , Moone , Starres , Ayre , Sea , and Earth is comprehended . Sect. 1. OF the matter whereof the Heavens are composed , with the confutation of various opinions of Philosophers concerning it . Pag. 4 Sect. 2. Of the Starres , their substance and splendor , where also of the Sunnes place in the Firmament . 8 Sect. 3. Of the Moone , her light , substance , and power over all sublunary bodies . 10 Sect. 4. Of the Element of Fire , whether it be an Element or not , and of its place . 12 Sect. 5. A briefe Discourse of Meteors ; of their causes , matter , and differences . Sect. 6. That the Earth and Waters make but one Globe , which must bee the Center of the World. Of the Seas saltnesse , deepnesse flux , and reflux ; why the Mediterrancan and Indian Seas have none : Of Magellanes strait ; what maketh so violent tyde there , seeing there is none in the Indian Sea from whence it floweth . Of the Southerne Sea , or Mare del Zur . 18 Sect. 7. That the mountaines and valleyes dispersed over the earth , hindreth not the compleatnesse of its roundnes : Of burning mountaines and caves within the Earth . 25 Sect. 8. Of time , whether it be the producer or consumer of things : Of the wisedome and sagacity of some Horses and Dogges : How the Adamant is mollified of the Needle in the Sea Compas ; and the reason of its turning alwayes to the North. 28 Sect. 9. Of Fishes , if they may be said to breathe , seeing they lack pulmons : Of flying fishes , if such things may be , &c. which are the reasons of their possibility , are deduced , exemplified . 34 Sect. 10. Of fishes , and their generation : How fowles are generated in the waters . If gold can be made potable ; and of the matter of precious stones . 40 Sect. 11. Of the Earth , its circumference , thicknesse , and distance from the Sunne . 43 A TABLE OF THE SECOND BOOKE . OF METEORS . Chapt. 1. THe definition of Meteors , their matter , substance , place , and cause . 46 Chap. 2. Where Meteors are composed of Clouds , where they are fashioned , together with the solution of some questions concerning the middle Region . 52 Chapt. 3. Of falling Starres , Fleakes in the ayre , and other such ●●ery Meteors . 55 Chapt. 4. Of Comets , their matter , forme , nature , and what way they portend evill to come . 61 Chap. ● . Of R●ine , Dew , H●are-frost , and their cause . 69 Chap. 6. Of Snow , its cause , matter , and nature . 73 Chap. 7. Of Windes , their true cause , matter , and nature , &c. 75 Chap. 8. Of Earth-quakes , their cause and nature . 79 Chap. 9. Of Thunder , Lightning , Ha●le , and certaine other secrets of Nature , with their solution . 82 Chap. 10. Of Rivers , Fountaines and Springs , their sources and causes . 88 A TABLE OF THE Third Booke . OF ARMIES AND BATTELS . Sect. 1. THat greatest Armies have not alwayes carried away the victory ; the reason of it ; two examples of Semiramis , and Xerxes . 97 Sect. 2. Examples of Greeke , Roman , and Brittish Battels , where the fewer number have overcome the greater . 100 Sect. 3. Whether it bee requisite , that Princes hazard their Persons in field , or not ; of the encouragement that their presence giveth to the Souldiers : When a King should venture to the field ; and what Lievtenants are to be deputed by him ; all exemplified . 102 Sect. 4. Of the Romans prudencie and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies ; and why the Grecians conjoyned two in their Embassies : and of the danger of too strict Commissions . 105 Sect. 5. Difference betweene Battels and Duels : that Generals may refuse challenges : with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their warres . 108 Sect. 6. That the exploits of our moderne Warriours have bin every way comparable to those of the Ancient ; with some examples to that effect . 111 Sect. 7. The different betwixt the ancient manner of warfare , and the moderne : how farre the moderne engines of Warre exceede those of the ancient Greekes and Romans . 113 Sect. 8. That the Ancients in their warres had greater opportunities to try their prowesse in battell , than the modernes have . 115 Sect. 9. The manner how the Greekes and Romans ordered their battels , both by sea and by land ; the battels of Cannas and Trasimenes described . 116 Sect. 10. A Maxime in Militarie discipline , inferred , to confirme Pompeys oversight at the battell of Pharsalia . 119 Sect. 11. That the French , what within their owne Countrey and abroad , have fought more battels of late times , than any other Nation ; and of their successe in them . 120 Sect. 12. That Emulation amongst the Princes in France , rather than Religion , was the cause of the many Civill-warres there . 122 A TREATISE OF DVELS and COMBATS : Sect. 1. OF Combats by Champions for cleering of Queenes honours : Combats betwixt Ladies ; betwixt Church-men ; and betwixt Iudges : Combatants , rewarded by Kings their spectators ; and S. Almachius kill'd for declaiming against Duels , &c. Sect. 2. A recitall of two memorable duels , the one in France betwixt Monsieur de Creky , and Don Philippin ; the other in Spaine betweene Pedro Torrello , and Ieronimo Anca , both of Arragon , in the presence of Charles the fifth . 129 Sect. 3. How Combats may be thought permissible : the relation of a Combat betwixt Iarnacke and Chastigneray , in the presence of King Henry the second of France ; citations of the Canon Law against Combats : Examples of a Combate where the innocent was killed : that the decision of all such questions whereupon Duels were permitted , ought to be left to God. 133 Sect. 4. Severall objections for the tolleration of Duels and Combats confuted ; Cajetans opinion of Duels , wherein also the lawfulnesse of Battels is allowed . 136 Sect. 5. Cajetans reason for referring the event of Battels to Monomachie : where also is inserted the story of the Horatii and Curiatii . 139 Sect. 6. That Kings and Generals of Armies , for saving of the greater bloud-shed of their Souldiers , have fought single for victories : Examples of both ; A quarrell and challenge betwixt the Emperour Charles the fifth , and Francis the first , King of France : how it tooke no effect . 141 Sect. 7. A discourse of a combate , where thirteene French Knights fought against so many Italians ; wherein the French were overcome , and some observations thereupon . 144 Sect. 8. A memorable Polymachie betwixt two kindreds in the High-lands of Scotland , ( betwixt whom there had beene a long and mortall enmity ) for the totall extirpation of the one of them ; fought before Ki●g Robert the second , at Perth in Scotland . 147 Sect. 9. A combate appointed by two French Barons , the one of Gasconie , the other of Poictou , which was taken up of their own accord in the field : the end of this Title . 149 A TREATISE OF DEATH : And of divers Orders and Ceremonies of Burials . Sect. 1. The remembrance of death requisite in all men : Ceremonies for the remembrance of it ; some documents against the feare of it : what death Iulius Caesar wished : of Autocides : of selfe-murtherers , &c. 153 Sect. 2. That Christians ought not to feare death , as the Ethnicks did . All things , save man , keepe their constant course . The uncertainty of mans life . 156 Sect. 3. In what reverence the interring of the dead was amongst the Ancients : Of Alexander : of Sylla : How the people of Vraba did use their dead : Customes of Finland , Lapland , Greece , and other places , concerning Burialls . 158 Sect. 4. Other severall Customes of interring the dead amongst Egyptians , Romans , and Indians ; that the manner of Christians interrements are preferrable to all other . 162 Sect. 5. That the Church of Rome reapeth great commodity by their funerall ceremonies , as by their Bels , Cymbals , Torches , Processions of order , and the rest : silent obsequies condemned : A story of a woman whose Ghost haunted her Husband and family after death ; and the cause thereof . 164 A TREATISE OF Mentall reservation . Sect. 1. THe Decree of the Councell of Constance , That no faith is to be kept with Hereticks and enemies , is agitated : the commendation of peace : that a necessary and just warre is to be preferred to it : a story of Augustus Caesar. 167 Sect. 2. Montall reservation defined . All fraudulencie in making peace or taking truce , condemned ; for which purpose are instanced examples of Grecians , Romans , and others . 170 Sect. 3. The integrity of the Ancients commended in making peace , and their other pactions . A story of P. Corn. Scipio to that purpose . Graeca fides , what , and wherefore used : Of the dishonest dealing of Pope Alexander , and his Nephew Caesar Borgia , &c. 172 Sect. 4. The difference betwixt the ancient and the moderne Romans in uprightnesse of dealing , instanced by a story of Pompey the Great , and Augustus Caesar. 175 Sect. 5. Of the breach of faith to enemies : treacherie at a siege of Capua : treacherie and cruelty committed by the Spaniards at a siege of Genoa : the strictnesse of Generalls over common Souldiers exemplified , &c. 176 A TREATISE OF Laughing and Mourning . Sect. 1. THe benefits and content that all men reape by the workes and labours of Writers and Travellers . 181 Sect. 2. Of sudden deaths that have happened unto men amidst their feasting and other jolli●ies , exemplified with stories both sacred and prophane . 182 Sect. 3. Stories of severall worthy and brave men , that upon occasions have shed teares : of the sensible griefe of some Horses , Dogges , and Hawkes upon the losse of their Masters . 184 Sect. 4. Risus Sardonicus , what and how to be taken : Of the holy teare kept in the Abby Church at Vandesme in France . 187 Sect. 5. Of weeping for the dead , how to be moderated . The matter of teares : of laughing and weeping for one and the same thing : moderation in both commended . 188 A TABLE OF THE fourth Booke . Of Curiosities , &c. Sect. 1. THe difference betwixt factions and seditions : a rebellion of the cōmon people of Rome against the Senate and Patricians . Emulation a principall producer of great exploits ; the harme that followeth Curiositie , and that Church-men are not exempt from it . 177 Sect. 2. How Curiosities have wonderfully disturbed the peace of the Church ; a recitall of some impertinent curiosities in Religion ; with some also of Subtilis Scotus , and Thomas Aquinas , &c. 179 Sect. 3. A continuation of some other Theologicall and Metaphysicall subtilities and curiosities . 181 Sect. 4. Of Curiosities in Logick ; the relation betwixt the Creator and the creature : to what Heaven the Prophets Enoch and Elias were wrapt : what place is said to be Abrahams Bosome . 182 Sect. 5. The curiositie of the Millenarii ; with many other curiosities more frivolous than necessary . 184 Sect. 6. That the Planets and other celestiall bodies have not that power over the natures of men and women , that Astrologers ascribe unto them : that the starres are innumerable : Of the number and greatnesse of some in Via lactea : where the center of the earth is ; its circumference . Of Aetna , Hecla , Saint Patricks hole , and the like . 186 Sect. 7. To search out the secrets of Nature allow able , if men be not too curious in them ; Eudoxus wish ; Plinius killed on the Mountaine of Vesuvius : Aristotle drowned in Euripus : Too much curiosity is a plague sent down from heaven on men ; the Poet Simonides acknowledged his ignorance of God ; how the heathenish Gods were pourtrayed . 190 Sect. 8. Too great curiosities condemned ; and a moderation to be used in them prescribed . 193 Sect. 9. How God disppointeth the expectations of the most curious ; and that the most subtill spirits runne into greater errours than the meaner doe . 194 Sect. 10. An inducement to the studie and search of the secrets of Nature : Of the Needle in the Sea compasse : Of the inundations of the River of Nilus , and from whence it hath its source and beginning : Of the severall dispositions of men : Why continuall burning Hils and Mount●ines doe not diminish , &c. 190 Sect. 11. Of Christopher Columbus his practicall curiosity in his discovery of the new World , or America . 199 Sect. 12. The conclusion of this Treatise of Curiosity , conteining a singular curiosity of Livia , Tiberius Caesars wife . 203 Of divine Philosophy , and Mans Felicity . Sect. 1. THe Sunne and Moone in the Heavens compared to the Vnderstanding and Will of Man Aristotles definition of happinesse : The distinction in Vnderstanding and Will ; and wherein ancient Philosophers placed their chiefe felicity . 205 Sect. 2. That our felicity consisteth in the actions of our Will , is confuted : Aristotles opinion hereupon . A theologicall solution on it , seconded with a Philosophicall ; and an agreement of both to solve the difference . 207 Sect. 3. Which of the three faculties of the soule , Vnderstanding , Memorie , and Will , is the most excellent . 218 Sect. 4. Liberty and compulsion defined ; that the will is prompted by the understanding , and that the adequate object of it proceedeth from thence : At what the will and understanding chiefly ayme , proved to bee the glory of God. 219 Sect. 5. That all Philosophicall precepts have come short to demonstrate true felicity ; Philosophicall distinctions to know what is good of it selfe in Sciences ; yet all weake to illustrate wherein mans true happinesse consisted ; which is philosophically agitated . 221 Sect. 6. That wealth and honour cannot be esteemed to bee our supreame good or felicity , and the reason therefore ; Philosophers confuted by their difference of opinions : Opinions of severall Sects of Philosophers concerning felicity , instanced to that effect . 223 Sect. 7. The later Philosophers have aymed neerer the definition of true felicity , than the more ancient ; and their opinions specified : the finall and true scope of mans felicity , is illustrated with an exhortatory conclusion to all men , for endevouring to attaine unto it . The Consonancie and Agreement of the ancient Philosophers , with our Christian Professours . Sect. 1. THe difference betwixt the Physiologer and Physician , compared to that betwixt the Metaphysician and Divine . Some of Plato's opinions not farre dissonant from our Christian : The multiplicity of Heathenish gods : that Plato came neere the definition of the Trinity . 229 Sect. 2. Of Gods creating and conserving of all things in an orderly order ; Plato's reasons that the world hath a life . Aristotles opinion of God ; he is praised , and at his dying , preferred before many doubtfull Christians . 231 Sect. 3. Plato's opinion concerning the creation of the world ; seconded by Socrates and Antisthenes : Opinions of Plato , Aristotle , and other Philosophers , confirming God onely to be the Creator of all things . 234 Sect. 4. Opinions of Plato , Aristotle and some Hebrewes , concerning the worlds eternity : the consonancie of opinions betwixt some ancient Philosophers and Moses about the worlds creation . 236 Sect. 5. Ancient Philosophers attributed the framing and continuance of all sublunary Creatures ( as we Christians doe unto God ; with a recapitulation of severall consonancies betwixt us and them . 238 Sect. 6. Severall other opinions wherein the ancient Heathnicks agreed with us Christians , confirmed by the testimonies of their Poets . 240 Sect. 7. Of good and bad spirits ; and wherein the opinions of the Heathnicks agree with ours concerning good spirits . 242 Sect. 8. How neere the Ancients agree with us concerning bad spirits ; and in what orders they were divided of old . 243 OF SLEEPE AND DREAMES . Sect. 1. THat nothing can subsist without sleepe or rest ; exemplified in the death of Perseus King of Macedon : The primary and secondary causes of sleepe : that a sound co●science is a great motive to sound sleepe , proved in the example of Thirois and his two Sonnes . 245 Sect. 2. Examples of Kings and great Commanders , that upon the thoughtfulnesse of some great exploit or encounter , have beene extraordinarily surprized with unusuall sleepe ; and the reasons thereof agitated . 248 Sect. 3. Alexander the great his sound sleeping , when he should have encountred Darius in battell , here excused . Cato's sleeping before his death , whereupon is inferred a discourse against selfe-murther . 249 Sect. 4. Of Dreames both Naturall , Accidentall , Divine , and Diabolicall : Apollodorus dreame ; Abrahams , Iosephs , Pharaohs , Nebuchadnezzars , &c. 251 Sect. 5. The Emperour Severus his dreame of Pertinax ; which he caused to be molded in Brasse : An admirable dreame of the Emperour Henry the fifth ; Cicero's of Octavianus . That beasts dreame , but hard labouring men seldome , and the reason thereof , &c. 254 A Table of the fifth Booke , Wherein the READER must conceive , that the Page begins anew , and doth not follow the former computation . OF THE NVMBERS THREE and SEVEN . Sect. 1. Treating briefly of Numbers in generall . 1 Sect. 2. Conteining variety of memorable things comprehended within the Number of Three , as of Heaven , and Hell , and of Poeticall fictions , and some observations amongst the Romans . 2 Sect. 3. Conteining some Theologicall and Morall precepts and observations , redacted under the number of three . 5 Sect. 4. Of Politicke Government : Of living Creatures ; and of duties belonging to men of severall professions , as Physicians , Iudges , and Lawyers , &c. with some Physicall observations , all Tripartite . 7 Sect. 5. Memorable observations comprehended within the Number of Seven , as of the age of the World , and mans generation . 9 Sect. 6. How the seven Planets are sayd to rule severally over the seven ages in the life of man. 11 Sect. 7. The opinions of some Fathers of the Church and some Philosophers concerning the number of Seven , what attributes they gave , with some of Hypocrates observations thereon . 13 Sect. 8. Of the Seven Wonders of the world . 14 Sect. 9. A continuation of observations on the number of seven , taken out of holy Scripture . 15 Sect. 10. Of the seven great Potentates of the world ; of criticall dayes , and climacterick yeeres , with other observations . 16 Sect. 11. Of the Worlds Continuance and Ending . 19 A TREATISE OF Prodigies and Miracles . Sect. 1. The definition of Miracles , with their distinction ; In what time they were requisite , in what not , &c. 21 Sect. 2. Of Prodigies , and in what veneration they were amongst the ancient Romans . 23 Sect. 3. A continuation of prodigies which happened in the time of the second Punick Warre ; with many others that were seene under the times of severall Consuls of Rome . 26 Sect. 4. Of Prodigies that happened during the civill warres betwixt Marius and Sylla ; of some in Iulius Caesars time ; as , at his passing the River of Rubicone , the Pharsalian warres , and at his death , &c. 28 Sect. 5. Of Prodigies before the death of Galba , before the destruction of Ierusalem , and at the end of the Valeri●n persecution . 29 Sect. 6. A continuation of other Prodigies , with a conclusion of this Treatise . 31 SALAMANDRA ▪ OR The Philosophers Stone . Sect. 1. THe History of the life and death of Antonio Bragadino . 33 Sect. 2. The reason that moved the Author to handle this matter : the different blessings betwixt the Indians and Christians : the definition of the Philosophicall Stone ; the generall way and matter whereof it is made . 35 Sect. 3. The Authors proposition : the reason of its denomination ; opinion of most approved Authors touching it ; and of the possibility and factibility of it . 37 Sect. 4. That the making of the Philosophers Stone is lesse expensive and laborious than many things we both use and weare ; why the makers of it enrich not themselves and others . 39 Sect. 5. A generall relation of the matters and materials requisite to this Worke ; and in what time it may bee perfected . 41 Sect. 6. Of the five degrees whereby the Worke is perfectioned , and first how to bring it to Solution . 43 Sect. 7. How from Solution to make Coagulation . 44 Sect. 8. How from Coagulation to produce Fermentation . 45 Sect. 9. The way to bring the Worke to Fixation . 46 Sect. 10. From all the former , how to perfectionate Multiplication . 47 Sect. 11. A short recitall of some other wayes of perfecting it , used by some Filii artis , and why it is called Salamandra . 47 OF THE WORLD . Sect. 1. OF the various distractions of Philosophers in their opinions concerning their Gods ; and upon how ill grounds they were setled , 94 Sect. 2. Of the severall sorts of Gods amongst the Heathen ; that they imagined them to bee authors of evils ; that they were but mortall men : And some opinions of Philosophers concerning the nature , beeing , and power of their Gods. 51 Sect. 3. Pythagoras opinion concerning the transmigration of soules rejected ; of the coupling of the soule and body together ; with severall opinions of the ancient learned men concerning the substance of the soule . 54 Sect. 4. The former Heathnick opinions confuted by our Christian Beliefe ; that they differed concerning the time of the soules continuance , and place of its abode ; how they thought soules after the separation from the body to bee rewarded for good or ill , &c. 56 Sect. 5. Philosophicall tenents of plurality of Words confuted ; of Gods Creation of male and femall of all living Creatures . 58 Sect. 6. Severall opinions of severall Philosophers concerning the Worlds Eternity ; their naturall reasons for approving of it ; and what the Egyptians thought concerning the antiquity of the World. 60 Sect. 8. The most approved opinion of all Philosophers concerning the Worlds beginning and matter : the infallible truth of it ; and a checke of Augustines against over-curious inquisitors after those and the like mysteries . 64 Sect. 9. How Philosophers differ from Christians in the wayes whereby God is knowne ; the parts whereof the world is composed ; the division of the celestiall Spheares , wherein severall varieties may be observed . 65 Sect. 10. The order of the Elements , with some observations of the Ayre and Water . 70 Sect. 11. Of the Earth , that it is the lowest of all the Elements ; its division , first into three , then into foure parts ; and some different opinions concerning them reconciled . 71 Sect. 12. Of the different professions of Religion in the severall parts of the world : what Countries and Ilands are contained within Europe , and what within Asia . 73 Sect. 13. With what Religions and Sects all the Easterne and Northerne Countries are possessed , and in what places Christianity is most professed , &c. 75 Sect. 14. America and the New found-lands briefly described ; and some opinions about what time of the yeare the world had its beginning . 77 Sect. 15. Wherein is to bee seene some things concerning the time when it is thought to take an end . 79 Sect. 16. Copernicus his opinion of the Earths moving , confuted : Archimedes opinion of the world : an Induction to the following Section . 81 Sect. 17. The division of the starrie firmament , in twelve houres ; of the Power and efficacie that is attributed to the Triplicities of them over every Country : and the maintainers of these opinions confuted : the divers dispositions of people of severall nations , how attributed to the naturall disposition of the Planets : An observation of Gods Providence . 83 Sect. 18. The causes of the Changes of severall things as of men , Countries ; plots of ground , &c. and that these proceede not from triplicities as Astrologers would have it . 87 Sect. 19. How ancient Writers have compared Man and all his parts to the World and all its parts ; wherein is recounted the different dispositions of men of different Countries ; and to what Countries the faculties of the soule are attributed . 88 A generall Introduction and incitement to the study of the METAPHYSICKS . Sect. 1. OF the severall titles and appellations that have beene given by Heathnick and Christian Philosophers to Metaphysick ; the reasons wherefore every of those names were attributed unto it ; and finally whereof it principally treateth . 91 Sect. 2. The Reasons why Aristotle added Metaphysick to the other parts of Phylosophie ; and how it is distinguished from the other Sciences . 93 Sect. 3. Three Reasons conducing to the praise of Metaphysick , inducing all men to the study of it ; and setting downe some principall ends and uses thereof . 95 Sect. 4. The excellencie and dignity of the knowledge of Metaphysick ; that onely free and sublime mindes , not distracted with worldly cares are fit for this studie ; and the Reasons wherefore . 96 Sect. 5. For three respects the Metaphysick is called the most excellent Science , and the most necessary to be understood by Christians . 99 Sect. 6. The first respect , for the universality . 101 Sect. 7. The second Respect , for the dignity . That the consideration of the soule of man belongeth to the Metaphysicks , with severall Reasons for the proofe thereof . 102 Sect. 8. The third Respect , for the Vsefulnesse . Of the great use of Metaphysick is towards the furthering of all Divines , in Controversies , and other things : A Conclusion . 104 A Table of the principall Authors perused in the Contexture of this booke . A AMbrosius . Augustinus . Ammianus Marcellinus . Alexander ab Alexandre . Aristoteles . Aristophanes . Apuleius . Albertus Magnus . Aulus Gellius . Albertus Coloniensis . Ausonius . Aetius . Auriliacus Albitegnius . B Bodinus . Buchananus . Boe●ius Hist. Beroaldus . C Chrysostomus . Cardanus . Caietanus Cicero . Cuspinianus . Cornelius Tacitus . Cujacius . Copernicus Clavius . Chopinus . Comineus . Catullus . Conimbricenses . Claudianus . D Pioniseus Areopagita Dion . E Ennius . Elias Vineti . F. Fernelius . Froissard . Fonseca . G. Guicciardin . Galen . Gensales Ovied●s . H Hieronimus . Horacius . Haly Arab. Homerus . Herodotus . Herodianus . Hypocrates . Herpinus . I. Irenaus . Ius Civile & Canon . Iuvenalis . Iustinus Trogus . L. Lactantius . Lucanus . Lu●●ius . M. Montaignes . P. Martyr Verini . P. Martyr De●ad . Mercator . Martialis . P. Mathew Paris . Magirus . Macrobius . N. Natalis Comes . O. Origines . Ortelius . Onuphrius . Ovidius . P. Plato . Plinius . Plutarchus . Polybrus . Plautus . Philo Hebr●●●● , Propertius Ptolomaus . Pierius Hierogli Q. Quintus Curtius . Quintilianus . R. Riplous . Rodiginus . Ruuius . S. Seneca Ph. Strab● . Sophocles . Seneca Trag. Suettonius . Serres . Scaliger . Suarez . Sabellicus . Sacraboskus . T Tertullianus . Tibullus . Titus Linvius . Terentius . V. Valerius Maximus . Vitruvius . Virgilius . Velleius Paterculus . Villamont . Vlpranus . Volatteranus . X. Xeuophon . TO THE READERS OF these Varieties . Courteous Reader , AS best deserving Precedency I beginne at you , whose short Character may be this : One who is accomplished with such endowments as make an excellent man , the meanest whereof would blow up some men with self-conceit , selfe-love , selfe-praise , and an universall disparaging of others abilities ; He hath learned that God distributeth not his gifts to all men , and makes good use of it ; for he derideth , despraiseth , nor condemneth any man , nor his workes nor actions as being conscious that God might have endued him with that mans spirits , to have produced no more admirable thing : He reades many bookes ; though he may serve for a library himselfe , yet his censure of these bookes he measureth by the Authors abilitie , good intention , and the profits it may yeeld to meaner Capacities than his , but so discreetly , that his words favour more of Commendation than reproach : In a word , he is one that escapeth not the Venemous bites of the ignorant Rable , but hath Antidotes against it , Yea hee is one , who when he considers my Travells , studies , expences , and painefull observations , and withall that my tenne yeares travell abroad hath taught me almost to forget my Native Language , and that the importunitie of friends made me put this to the view of the world which I thought ever to suppresse , as being for the most part composed in the Countrey , farre from the conversation of the learned which is the cheefe helpe to the perfectioning of such workes ; he is one I say , that will then give such a Candide censure of me and it , that the most rigide Critick will be strucke dumbe from Calumnie ; But before I leave him , let him give me leave to tell him ingenuously , that to him onely I present this worke , and promise that ere long he shall be gratified with a present farre more worthy of his excellently well qualified goodnesse . As opposite in all the former expressions to the courteous , I addresse my selfe to the carping Reader ; He is not a naked but a ragged pretender to all wit and learning and hath a smattering of many some things : He is so conceited of himselfe that he is not content to discommend some of the parts and members of another mans creature , as not elegant enough or uniformely composed , but will lay most vile and infamous asperations on the whole body of it whilst in his owne conscience he findes his to be but prodigious monsters , if ever he had a sparke of Promethean fire in him to give a short life to any thing : When hee meetes with any ignorant men , then the Peacockes taile of ostentation spreads abroad and they silly creatures admire the Varietie of its colours even to the disparagement of more perfit and more sweetly singing Birds : but presently that falls , and the most ignorant then perceive the harshnesse of his note : He feedes all the world with large promises of some rare worke to proceed from him ere long , and thereby hee so long feedes and drinkes ; till both he and it and his name doe all die : and none to sing his requiem ; Now being loath to resuscitate so peccant a humour , I leave him too without an Epitaph in hope never to heare of his succession or his ghost wandring after this . For the ignorant Reader , hee hath such a qualitie , to make himselfe appeare wittie , that he will commend every thing that he doth not understand and so I am sure of his approbation ; but Land●●iab indocto vituperari est . Wherefore I leave him to admire and wish for better proficiencie . Lastly , to the view of all in generall ; I expose this booke into the world ; upon this confidence that if the most discreet and Iudicious give it but that auspicious approbation , that many worthy and learned gave it before it sufferd the Presse ; for the rest my care is taken ; yet shall I to all ( but in a different manner ) ever be A Well-wisher . D. P. The Authors Friend to the Booke . GOe ventrous booke , thy selfe expose To learned men , and none but those ; For this carping age of ours Snuffes at all but choycest flowers , Cul'd from out the curious knots Of quaint writers garden plots ; These they smell at , these they savor , Yet not free from feare , nor favour : But if thou wert smel'd a right By a nose not stuft with spight , Thou to all that learning love Might'st a fragrant nosegay prove , So content thee , till due time , Blazethy worth throughout this Clime . To the curious Reader . THough in the former leaves you may descry The Sum of all this Book , drawne to your eye , In succinct perspective ; yet if you trace A little farther , and survey each place As it in all dimensions , colours , Art , Is measured out ; O! then it would impart , That true content that every man enjoyes Betwixt things Reall , and fine painted toyes : Most Sciences Epitomized heere Are as the Noone dayes light set down most cleere ; With other rarities , to yeeld delight , If thou but daigne to reade the same aright . How er'e thou think , or speake , my comfort 's this , They 'le speak themselves wel , though thou speak amisse . ERRATA . What Errors have Escapt in this booke , either in the Quotations , Omission of Words transplacing , or the like , let them be imputed to the Transcriber , And shall be mended Godwilling . PErcurri librum hunc , cui inscriptio est Varieties , &c. nihilque in eo contra Catholicam fidem , aut bonos more 's inveni . THOMAS WEEKES R. P. D. Epo. Lond. à Sacris . The first Booke of Varieties . CONTAINING , A DISCOVRSE AND DISCOVERIE OF some of the Rarest and most Profitable secrets of naturall things , whether in Heaven , Aire , Sea , or Earth . As of The Heavens , Sunne , Moone , and Starres , their Matter , Nature , and Effects , &c. The Ayres Regions , and their effects , &c. The Seas saltnesse , deepenesse , and motion . The Earths circumference , and distance from the Heavens : by way of Question and Answer . The Preface to the following questions ; wherein is set downe the Praise , Effects , Vses , Ends and Parts of Philosophy . SEEING Philosophy ( which is the love of Wisdome , and of the knowledge of divine and humane things ) by auncient Philosophers and Wise men in their severall ages , was accounted not an invention of mortall men , but a precious Iewell , and an inestimable propine , sent downe from the Gods above ; Thereby , in a manner , to make men partakers of their divine knowledge : which made the Poets feigne Minerva ( the patronesse and president of wisdome ) to have issued from Iupiter's braine , and the Muses ( nurses of learning ) to be his daughters ) it is no wonder that Plato in his Timaeo , and M. T. Cicero , do so highly extoll the knowledge of it , giving to it the Attributes of the Searcher of vertue , the Expeller , and chaser away of vice , the Directer and guider of our lives , the Builder of Cities , Assembler of men , ( for before that knowledge , they strayed through Wildernesses like bruit Beasts ) the Inventer of Lawes , Orderer of manners , Promover of discipline , Instructer of morall good living , and the meane to attaine a peaceable and quiet death . Finally , seeing by it we arrive at the perfect understanding ( at least , so farre as humane wit can reach ) of all the secrets that Mother Nature containeth within her imbraces , whether in the Heavens , Aire , Seas , Earth , and of all things comprehended within or upon them . What time can we better spend here on Earth , than that which we imploy in the search of her most delightfull instructions ? for thereby every sort of men , whether Moralist or Christian , may have his knowledge bettered ; which made Saint Paul , and before him Aristotle confesse , that by the knowledge of these visible things we might be brought to the knowledg , admiration , and adoration of our great and powerfull GOD , the Maker of Nature ; for the knowledge of naturall things , and of their causes , leadeth us ( as it were ) by the hand to the search of their Author and Maker . This the Poet points at , when he sang , Praesentemque refert quaelibet herba Deum . There is nothing so meane in Nature , which doth not represent unto us the Image and Power of the Maker ; and argue , that none but He could have been their Former . And it is this sort of Knowledge , which properly we call Philosophy , or Physick , which in this Treatise I intend most to handle ; and by which , as by one of the principall parts of Philosophy , the reader may have an insight in the Cabals and secrets of Nature . The Philosophers and Learned sort reserved , in a manner , to themselves the other parts of Philosophy , as not being so absolutely necessary for all to understand , except a very few , and these pregnant wits only : For Logicke , the first and lowest of all , is but as an Instrument necessary for the other parts , wherewith to serve themselves , by subministring grounds and wayes of reasoning , thereby to inforce conclusions of the precedents , which they propounded . Metaphysicks againe , contrary to the Physicks , medleth with things transcendent and supernaturall , wherto every reader is not called , and wherof al alike are not capable ; neither are the Mathematicks befitting every spirit , giving hard essayes even to the most pregnant wits , all not being alike capable of the dimensions and mensurations of bodily substances ; no more than all are for the Military precepts and Architecture , Printing , Navigation , Structure of Machins , and the like ; which are things consisting in Mechanick and Reall doings : neither are all alike able for Musick , Arithmetick , Astronomy , Geometry , &c. whereas all men as fellow-inhabitants of one World , and the workmanship of one Hand , by an inbred propensenes , w th a willing desire are carried to the search of things meerely Naturall : though , as in a Citie , Common-wealth , or Principality all in-dwellers are not alike , neither in honour , dignity , nor charge . If in the discovery of these Mysteries and secrets of Nature , I answer not the vast expectation of the overcurious ; the more modest and discreet Reader will rest satisfied ▪ that I inferre the most approved Reasons of the more Ancient and Moderne Philosophers , and such men as have most Copiously treated of them , thereby to ease thee and all men of the like paines and turmoile , that I have had in the search of these secrets ; which if they bring thee that content & satisfaction that I desire and intended for thee ; I am assured of a favourable applause , and have the reward I expected . Section 1. Of the matter whereof the Heavens are composed with the confutation of various opinions of Philosophers concerning it . ALthough the world , and all comprehended within its imbraces , is the proper subject of Physicke , and that Physiologie is nothing else but a Discourse of Nature , as the Greek Etymologie sheweth , and so were a fitting discourse for this place ; yet because the questions which concern a Christian to know , against the Philosophicall conceits ; ( Of the Worlds eternity , his pre-existent matter , that it had a beginning , but shall never have an end : if there be more worlds than one ? If the world be a living Creature , in respect of the Heavens perennall and incessant rotation , and the Ayres continuall revolution ; the Seas perpetuall ebbing and flowing ; the Earths bringing forth , o● conceiving fruit alternatively , &c. Because , I say , these questions of the World , together with these , if there was a World before this which is now ? or , if there shall be one after this is consummated ? if there bee any apart by this ? ) are handled in the Chapter of the World in this same Booke ; I passe them for the present , and betake me to the more particular questions more necessary to be knowne , and lesse irreligious to be propounded . And because the Heavens , of all the parts of the World are most conspicuous , as that wheretoever we bend our eyes , being the most glorious Creature of all the Creators workes ; at it I will begin : but as I said , I would alwayes have the Reader to understand that I propound these questions not so absolutely of mine owne braine to solve them , as to give him a view of the variety of opinions ; yea , of the most learned in these high and sublime questions , whereat we may all conjecturally give our opinions , but not definitively , while it please the great Maker to bring us thither , where we may see Him and them more cleerely . Quest. First then , I aske of what matter are the heavens composed ? Answ. Diverse have beene the opinions of Philosophers upon this subject : For Averroes in his first booke of the heavens , and there in Text 7. and tenth , holds it to bee so simple a body that it is free from all materiall substance ; which opinion of his , by this may be refelled , that with Aristotle in the eight booke of his Metaph. chap. 2. and in his first booke De coelo , and Text 92. What ever things falles under the compasse of our senses , these same must bee materially substantiall : But the heavens are such , and therefore they must be materiall . Besides that all movable Essences consist of matter and forme , as Aristotle in his second booke of Physicke chap. 1. holdeth . But so it is that the heavens are movable , therfore they cannot be free of matter . Quest. Seeing then it is evinced by argument , and concluding reasons , that the heavens doe consist of matter ; I aske now , what kinde of matter are they compounded of ? Answ. The Philosophick Schooles in this point are different : Some of them maintaining , a like matter to be common with them , and the sublunarie bodies , that is , that they were composed of the foure elements , of which all things here below doe exist . Neither lacked there some Sects that gave forth for truth , that the heavens were of a fierie and burning nature , which opinion Aristotle confuteth by many reasons in his first Book , De coelo chap. 3. establishing his owne , which have beene held for truth not only by his Sectaries the Peripateticks , then ; but ever since have beene approved ; which is , that the matter of the heavens being distinct in nature , from that of the foure elements of which all other sublunarie things are framed , must bee composed of a quintessence ; which opinion of his he thus maintaineth against the Platonists and all others who maintained that it was framed of the most pure and mundified part of the foure elements : for ( saith hee ) All simple motion which we finde in nature , must belong unto some simple body ; But so it is that we finde a circular motion in nature which no wayes appertaineth unto any of the elements , in regard that in direct line , they either fall downeward , as the waters and earth ; or else they ascend upward , as the ayre , and fire : And it is certaine that one simple body , cannot have more proper and naturall motions than one . Wherefore it followeth of necessitie , that seeing none of the elements have this circular motion as is before verified , therefore there must be a distinct simple body from them , to which this motion must appertaine , and that must be the heaven . As for those who enforce identitie of matter in kind , betwixt the heavens and these elementarie things below , and consequently would involve them under corruption , which is peculiar to all other things ; their warrant is of no validitie : for although they take upon them , to demonstrate , by their late Astronomicall observations in the Aetherian region , new prodigies not observed nor remarkable heretofore , which both Ruvius and the Conimbricenses give forth to proceed from a corruption , and defect of the first cause from whence they flow ; They mistake : in so farre as they are rather extraordinary workes of the great maker , threatning mortalls by their frownings , then other wayes Symptomes of the Celestiall P●r●xysmes and corruption . Neither must you understand that I doe so adhere unto the heavens incorruptibility , that I thinke it free from all change , but contrarily rest assured that at the last conflagration , it shall suffer a change and novation , but no dissolution , as the low elementarie world . Quest. You conclude then that the heavens are of a fift substance , not alembecked out of the foure elements , but an element by it selfe , having it 's owne motion severall from the others which is a circular one ? Answ. Yea , truly I doe . Quest. But now seeing all circular motion is such , that it hath some immoveable thing in the middle of it , whereabout it whirleth ever , as we see in a Coach Wheele and the axeltree : What is this immovable thing , whereabout the heavens circular rotation , and perpetuall motion is ? Answ. The Globe of the earth , which ( whatsoever fond conceit Copernicus had concerning the motion of it ) yet remaineth firme and immovable . And the heaven doth rolle still about this earth , and hath still as much below it as we see round about and above it . Sect. 2. Of the Starres , their substance and splendor , where also of the Sunnes place in the firmament . Quest. But I passe from the motion of the heavens , and their matter , which you hold to be a quintessence , and so a thing distinct from the foure elements . Now I crave to understand , what is the matter of these twinckling Starres which we see glancing in the face and front of this heaven ? Answ. Of that same matter whereof the heavens are , because in simple and not composed bodyes their parts doe communicate with that same nature , and matter whereof the whole is ; so that the heaven being a most simple body , and the Starres , her parts or a part of it , no wonder that they communicate both of one essence ; and of this opinion is the Philosopher himselfe in his second booke De coelo . chap. 7. Quest. But if so be ( as you say ) the starres are of a like matter with the body of the heavens ; how then is it that they are a great deale more cleare and glauncing where they appeare , then the rest of the heaven is ? Answ. Because they are the thicker part , and better remassed together , and of a round Spherick forme , and so more susceptible of light . Now round they must be , for besides , that we discerne them so with our eyes ; the Moone , and Sunne , are found to bee round . But so it is , that all Starres are of a like forme and matter , but the lesser and the bigger differ only by the lesser or greater quantity of their matter condensed , or conglobed together . Quest. But whether doe they shine with their own innate or inbred light , or is their splendor borrowed from any other beside ? Answ. Some such light they have of their owne , howbeit but little , whatsoever Scaliger saith to the contrary in his sixtie two exercitation . But indeed , the brightnesse of the Starres light floweth from the Sun , the fountaine of all light , and that this is either lesser or more , according to their diversitie of matter , and their equality and inequality , there is no question : For which cause the Sunne is placed in the midst of all the moveable Starres , as in the midway betwixt the starrie firmament , and the first region of the aire , from thence to communicate his light unto all ; so that those which are nearer unto him above , and to us below , doe seeme brighter than these higher above ; as may be seene in Venus , Mercurie , and Luna . Sect. 3. Of the Moone , her light , substance , and Power over all sublunarie bodyes . Quest. NOw resolve mee , if the Moone hath not more light of her selfe then the rest ? Answ. Yea she hath a glimps of light indeed of her selfe , but that is dimme and obscure ; as may be seene in the sharp-new ( as we say : ) but as for the fulnesse of that light wherewith shee shineth unto us at the quarters or full , she borroweth that from the Sun. But we may better conceive the weaknesse of her light in her eclipses ; when the earths shadow , interposed betwixt the Sun and her directly , vaileth and masketh her face ; which then appeareth blackishly browne , yet not altogether destitute of light . Now as the light of the Sunne is the fountaine of warmenesse by day ; even so , no question , but the winter and Summer nights , are at a full Moone warmed more , then during the first or last quarters . Quest. But is it true which is usually reported , that in the body of the Moone there be mountaines , and valleys , and some kinde of spirituall creatures inhabiting ; which Palingenius an Italian Poet describeth at length ? Answ. It is certaine , and our Mathematicians have found out , that in the Moone there are some parts thicker , some thinner , which make her face not to looke all cleare alike ; for that dimmer blackenesse in the middle of it ( vulgarly called the Man in the Moone ) is nothing else but a great quantitie of the Moones substance not so transparent as the rest , and consequently lesse susceptible of light : which black part of it , with other spots , here and there Plinius lib. 2. cap. 9. of his Naturall historie taketh to be some earthly humors attracted thither by her force , and attractive power ; which I hardly give way to , in respect of the weaknesse of her force to draw to her any heavy dull and earthly humor , which never transcend the regions of the aire , above all which the Moone is . Quest. Now finally , hath the Moone no power over particular sublunary bodies ? for I heare much of the influence and power of the Planets over the bodies of Men , Beasts and Plants . Answ. As for the power and efficacy of the other Planets over us , I have something in the title of Necromancie . As for the Moones power experience sheweth , that the ebbes and flowes of the Sea , ( how different so ever the Coasts be ) depend totally and constantly on the full and change of the Moone ; for accordingly her waters swell , or decrease . Moreover the braines and marrow in the bones of Man and beast doe augment or diminish as the Moone increaseth , or waneth , as doe likewise the flesh of all shell fishes . Dayly experience too hath taught your Pruners of trees , gelders of cattell , gardners and the like , to observe the Moones increase , and decrease : all which is strongly confirmed by Plinie in his second booke De Historia animalium , and Aristotle lib. 4. cap. 41. De generatione animalium . Sect. 4. Of the Element of Fire , whether it be an Element or not , and of its place . Quest. LEaving the heavens , their number , matter , Sun , Moone and Starres , I come lower unto the foure Elements whereof the Philosophers will all things below the Moone to be framed and made . First , then I adhere to Cardan and Volaterans opinion , that betwixt the sphere of the Moone , and the first region of the aire , where the Philosophers place this fire to be , which they make the first element , it cannot be , and so that it cannot be at all ; because , that if it were there , we should see it with our eyes ; for the Comets , and these lancing Dragons , and falling Stars , &c. whereof many are neighbours with this Ignean-sphere , we visibly see , and the fires which burne on earth also . Answ. There is not a point of Philosophy , which if you reade judiciously , and peruse the Authors treating thereupon , but you shall finde such controversie , concerning the establishing of it amongst themselves , that one to an hundred if you find two or three jumpe together . Quest. But yet as a Mirrour or Glasse giveth way unto diverse faces , and representeth unto every one their owne visage , although never so farre different from other , while it of it selfe remaineth unchanged or unaltered : So it is with truth , how different soever the opinions bee of the searchers out of it in any Science ; yet this verity it selfe abideth in them all , and is alwayes one and alike in it selfe : and so in this point , what ever be Volateran or Cardans opinion , yet sure it is , that the Element of fire is there ; and the cause why it is not seene as are our materiall , and grosly composed fires , of all the Elements mixt together ; is the purenesse , subtilenesse , and simplicity ( if I may say so ) of that Element . Which reason may serve too against them when they say , that if it were there , it should burne all about . And which , likewise , may serve for answer to the objection of the Comets , which are seene : seeing they are of a terrestriall maligne exhalation , and so having in them that earthly mixture , and being inflamed by the neighbour-heate of that fiery Element ; no wonder though they bee seene , and not it ; her subtile purenesse being free of all combustible matter , and so the lesse conspicuous to our eyes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive perspicuum , nisi condensetur , est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quia visum non terminat , Iul. Scal. Exer. 9. There is no such question about the second Element which is the Aire : for of it all agree , that it hath three regions wherein all these you call Meteors are fashioned , as clouds , haile , snow , thunder , wind , and dew ; yea , and higher than all these , in the first and supreme Region these blazing Comets , although other men place them above the Moone , which are so formidable to ignorants who know not the causes of their matter . Quest. Is this so as you give it forth ? Answ. It is of verity , that the first Element which we call the Element of fire , is disputable , and hath beene denied by many : but as for the Ayre , none ( to my knowledge ) ever called it in question ; neither is there in all our Philosophy a subject more fitting a man of spirit to know , than the discourse of the Meteors therein framed ; of all which , although you have a tractate hereafter , by it selfe , yet one word here more to make you understand their nature , and matter , the better . Section 5. A briefe Discourse of Meteors , of their causes , matter , and differences . THE great Creator hath so disposed the frame of this Vniverse , in a constant harmony , and sympathy amongst the parts of it ; that these Heavenly Lights , which wee see , above our heads , have their owne force , power , and influence , upon this Earth , and Waters , whereon , and wherein we live ; marying ( as it were ) these two so farre distant Creatures , both in place and nature , by the mediation of this Ayre above spoken of ; which participateth of both their qualities ; warmenesse from the Heavens , and moistnesse from the Earth and Waters . Nature then , but Melior naturâ Deus , or GOD , better than Nature , hath ordained the Sunne , Fountaine of light and warmth , to be the physicall or naturall cause , yea , and the remotest cause , ( as wee say in the Schooles ) of these Meteors ; as Aristotle himselfe in his first Book of his Meteors , cap. 2. observeth . When I speak of the Sun as most principall , I seclude not the Stars , and these celestiall bodies , which rolling about in a per-ennall whirling and rotation , doe lance forth their power upon the Earth also . The neerest Physicall or naturall cause againe , must be understood to be cold and heate ; heate from these heavenly bodies , to rarifie or attenuate the vapors of the Earth , whereby they may bee the easier evaporated by the Sunne ; or heate , to draw fumes and vapours from the Earth upward ; cold againe , to condensate and thicken those elevated vapours in the Ayre ; to thicken them , I say , either in clouds , raine , or snow , or the rest . Thus , as the Meteors have a twofold cause as you have heard , so have they a two fold matter . The first and remotest , are the two Elements , but of them chiefly Earth , and Water : the neerer cause or matter are exhalations extracted from these former two . Which exhalations I divide in fumes and vapours : fumes being a thin exhalation hot and dry , elevated from the Earth ; and that of their most dried parts , by the vertue of the heavenly Starres , and the Sunnes warmenesse elevated , I say , by the vertue and warmnesse of the Sunne and Stars , from the driest parts of the Earth , even the Element of fire , from whence , and of which , our Comets , fiery-Darts , Dragons , and other ignean Meteors doe proceed ; although later Astronomers have found and give forth , some of the Comets formation to be above the Moone . Whereas vapours are exhalations , thicker , and hotter , swifter drawne up from the Seas and Waters by the power of the Sun and Stars ; of which vapors , thither elevated , are framed , our raines , snow , haile , dewe , wherewith ( they falling back againe ) the Earth is bedewed and watered : When , I say , that these vapours are hot and moist ; thinke it not impossible , although the waters , their mother , be cold and moist ; for that their warmnesse is not of their owne innate nature , but rather accidentall to them by vertue of the Sunne and Starres warmnesse ; by whose attractive power , as the efficient cause , they were elevated . Now then as of fumes , elevated to the highest Region of the Ayre , the fiery Meteors are composed : so of their watery vapours which are drawne no higher than the middle Region , proceeds raine , clouds , snow , haile , and the rest ; or if they passe not beyond this low Region wherein we breath , they fall downe into dew , or in thick mysts . Thus you see , that these vapours are of a middle or meane nature , betwixt the Ayre and the Waters ; because they resolve in some one of the two easily ; even as fumes are medians betwixt fire and earth , in respect that they are easily transmuted or changed in the one or the other . And thus as you have heard the efficient and materiall causes of Meteors : So now understand that their forme dependeth upon the disposition of their matter , for the materiall dissimilitude , either in quantity , or quality , in thicknesse , thinnesse , hotnesse , drinesse , aboundance , or scarcity , and so forth , begetteth the Meteor it selfe , different in species and forme , as if you would say , by the aboundance of hot and dry exhaled fumes , from the Earth , and the most burnt parts thereof are begot the greater quantity of Comets , winds , thunders ; and contrary-wayes by the aboundance of moist vapours , elevated by the force of the Sunne from the Seas and waters , we judge of aboundance of raine , haile , or snow , or dew , to ensue , according to the diverse degrees of light in the Ayrie Region whither they are mounted . Now , when I said before , that hot exhaled fumes are ever carried aloft , to the highest Region of the Ayre ; take it not to be so universally true , but that at times , they may be inflamed even in this low Region of ours here ; and that through the Sunnes deficiency of heate , for the time : for as the uppermost Region is alwayes hot , the middle alwayes cold , so is the lower , now hot , now cold , now dry , and againe moist , according to the Sunnes accesse , or recesse from it , as Aristotle , lib. 1. Meteo . cap. 3. noteth . And of this sort are these even visible inflamations , which in the Seas are seene before any storme , flaming and glancing now and then , as I my selfe have seene ; yea , and sometimes upon the tops of Ships masts , Sterne , and Poope , or such as in darke nights now and then are perceived to flutter about Horse-meines and feet , or amongst people gone astray in darke nights . And these our Meteorologians call Ignes fatui & ignes lambentes , wilde-fires . Sect. 6. That the earth and waters make but one globe , which must be the Center of the world . Of the Seas saltnesse , deepnesse , flux , and reflux ; why the mediterranean & Indian Seas have none ; Of Magellanes strait , what maketh so violent tyde there , seeing there is none in the Indian Sea from whence it floweth . Of the Southerne Sea or Mare del Zur . THus then leaving the Aire , I betake me unto the third and fourth elements , which are the earth and waters ; for these two I conjoyne in the Chapter of the world , and that after the opinion of the most renowned Cosmographers , howbeit Plinius Lib. 2. Naturalis Histor , cap. 66. and with him Strabo lib. 1. distinguish them so , as they would have the waters to compasse the earth about the middle , as though the one halfe of it were under the waters , and the other above , like a bowle or Apple swimming in a vessell : for indeede Ptolomee his opinion is more true , that the earth and waters , mutually and linkingly embrace one another and make up one Globe , whose center should be the' center of the world . But here now I aske , seeing the frame of the universe is such that the heaven circularly encompasseth the low spheares , each one of them another , these the fire , it the Aire , the aire againe , encompasseth the waters ; what way shall the water be reputed an element if it observe not the same elementarie course , which the rest doe , which is , to compasse the earth also , which should be its elementarie place ? Answer . True it is , that the nature of the element is such ; but GOD the Creator hath disposed them other wayes , and that for the Well of his Creatures upon earth . Who , as he is above nature and at times , can worke beyond , and above it , for other wayes the earth should have beene made improfitable , either for the production or entertainement of living and vegetable Creatures , if all had beene swallowed up and covered with waters ; both which now by their mutuall embracing they do : hence necessarily it followeth , that the Sea is not the element of water , seeing all elements are simple and unmixt creatures , whereas the Seas are both salt , and some way terrestriall also . How deepe hold you the Sea to be ? Answ. Proportionably shallow or deepe ; as the earth is either stretched forth in valleys or swelling in mountaines , and like enough it is , that where the mouth of a large valley endeth at the Sea , that shooting as it were it selfe forth into the said Sea , that there it should bee more shallow then where a tract of mountaines end ; or shall I say that probably it is thought that the Sea is as deepe or shallow below , as commonly the earth is high in mountaines , and proportionably either deepe or shallow as the earth is either high in mountaines or low and streacht forth in vallies ? But what reason can you render for the Seas saltnesse ? Answer . If we trust Aristotle in his 2 booke of Meteors and 3. as he imputeth the ebbing and flowing of the Sea to the Moone , so he ascribeth the cause of its saltnesse to the Sunne , by whose beames the thinnest and sweetest purer parts of it , are extenuated and elevated in vapors , whilest the thicker and more terrestriall parts ( which are left behind by that same heate ) being adust become bitter and salt ; which the same Author confirmeth in that same place before cited , by this , that the Southerne Seas are salter , and that more in Summer , then the others are ; and inforceth it by a comparison in our bodies , where our urine by him is alleadged to be salt in respect that the thinner and purer part of that moistnesse , by our inborne warmenesse is conveyed and carryed from our stomack ( wherein by our meate and drinke it was engendred ) thorough the rest of the parts of our body : Neither leaveth he it so , but in his Problems Sect 23. & 30. for corroboration hereof he maintaineth , that the lower or deeper the Sea-water is , it is so much the fresher , and that because the force of the Suns heat pierces and reaches no further , then the Winter Cold extendeth its force for freezing of waters unto the uppermost superfice only , and no further . If it bee true then that the Seas are salt , wherefore are not lakes and rivers by that same reason , salt also ? Answer . Because that the perpetuall running and streames of rivers in flouds hindreth that , so that the sun beames can catch no hold to make their operation upon them : and as for lakes , because they are ever infreshed with streames of fresh springs which flow and run into them , they cannot be salt at all : the same reason almost may serve to those who as●● what makes some springs savour of salt , some vitrio●●●●e of brimstone , some of brasse and the like ? To which nothing can be more pertinently answered , then that the diversity of mineralls through which they run , giveth them those severall tastes . What have you to say concerning the cause of the flowing and ebbing of the Sea ? Answ. To that , all I can say is this , that Aristotle himselfe for all his cunning was so perplexed in following that doubt , that he died for griefe because he could not understand it aright , if it be truth which Coelius Rhodiginus lib. 29. antiquarum lectionum cap. 8. writeth of him ; it is true indeede ( yea and more probable ) that many ascribe the cause of his death to have beene a deepe melancholy contracted for not conceaving the cause aright of the often flowing and ebbing of Euripus a day , rather than to the not knowing the true cause of the Seas ebbing and flowing chiefly , seeing Meteor . 2 & 3. he ascribeth it to the Moone the mother and nurse of all moist things ; which is the most receaved opinion , and warranted with the authoritie of Ptolomee and Plinius both , as depending upon her magnetick power , being of all Planets the lowest , and so the neerer to the Sea ; which all doe acknowledge to bee the mistris of moisture , and so no question but to it it must be referred , which may bee fortified with this reason . That at all full Moones and changes , the Seas flowing and swelling is higher then at other times , and that all high streams and tydes are observed to bee so , seeing the Moone doth shine alike upon all Seas , what is the cause that the Mediterranean Sea , together with the West Indian-Seas , all along Hispaniola and Cuba and the Coasts , washing along the firme Land of America , to a world of extent , hath no ebbing nor flowing , but a certain swelling , not comparable to our Seas ebbing and flowing ? Answ. Gonsalus Ferdinando Oviedes observation in his History of the West-Indian-Seas , shall solve you of that doubt ; and this it is , He compareth the great Ocean to the body of a man , lying upon his back , reaching his trunck from the Pole Artick ( from the North and East ) to the Antartick , South & West ; stretching forth the left Arme to the Mediterranean , the other to the West-Indian-Seas ; now the Ocean ( as the lungs of this imagined body ) worketh , by Systole and Diastole on the neerer parts to it , & maketh a flux and reflux where its force faileth in the extremities , the hands and feet , the Mediterranean and Indian Seas . Quest. How is that possible ; that you admit no flux nor reflux to the West-Indian-Seas ; seeing their Histories informe us , that at Magellanes-strait , that same West Sea doth glide through the firme land of America , into the Mare Del Zur , and that with such rapiditie and vertiginousnesse , that no Ship is able with Wind or Art to returne from that South-Sea backward ? Answ. That must not be thought so much a flowing as the course of Nature , whereby the Heavens , Sun , Moone , and Stars , yea , and the Sea , doe course from East to West , as that Strait doth run . I may joyne to this the Easterly-wind which of all others bloweth most commonly ( as elsewhere ) so there also , which furthereth that violent course : and of this opinion is Peter Martyr in his Decads upon the Historie of that Countrey . Quest. Admit all be true you say : but what have you to say to this , that the Mare Del Zur hath flux and reflux , and yet your West-Indian-Seas have little or none , as you confesse ? how then can the Moone be the cause of the universall Seas ebbing and flowing , seeing they two under one Moone both , are neverthelesse so different in Nature , and yet so neere in place ? Answ. Seeing Ferdinando Oviedes , who was both Cosmographer & Hydographer leaveth that question undilucidated , as a thing rather to be admired than solved , leaving to the Reader thereby ( in a manner ) to adore the great Maker , in the variousnes of his works ; I thinke much more may I be excused not to pry too deepely in it . Quest. What is the cause then , seeing the Moone is alike in power over all waters , that Lakes and Rivers flow not and ebbe not as well as the Sea doth ? Answ. Because these waters are neither large nor deepe enough for her to worke upon , and so they receive but a small portion of her influence . Quest. What is the reason ? why , seeing the Sea is salt , that the Rivers and Fountaines which flow from her ( for we all know that the Sea is the Mother of all other waters ) as to her they runne all back againe ( exinde fluere , saith the Poet , & retro sublapsareferri ) are not salt likewise ? Answ. Because the Earth through whose veines and conduits these waters doe passe to burst forth thereafter in springs , cleanseth and mundifieth all saltnesse from them as they passe . It seemeth that your former discourse maketh way for answer to such as aske , why the Sea doth never debord nor accreace a whit , notwithstanding that all other waters doe degorge themselves into her bosome , the reason being , because there runneth ever as much out of her to subministrate water to springs and rivers , as she affordeth them . But is it possible which is reported that our late Navigators have found by experience , that the Seas water so many fathomes below the superficies is fresh so that now they may draw up waters to their shippes by certaine woodden or rather yron vessells , which ovally closed , doe slyde thorough the first two or three fathomes of the salted superfice downe to the fresh waters , where artificially it opens , and being filled , straight shutteth againe , and so is drawne up , which they report to have but small difference in tast from the waters of fresh Rivers , which ( if it bee true ) is a strange , but a most happily discovered secret . Answ. Yea it is possible , for probably it may be thought , that the Sunnes raies which before are granted to bee the cause of the Seas saltnesse , penetrate no further than the first superfice ; like as on the contrary the coldnesse of the Northerne windes freezeth , but the uppermost water congealing them into Ice ; or the reason may better be the perpetuall and constant running and disgolfing of Rivers , brookes and springs from the earth into it : And verily I could be induced to thinke the Mediterranean sea , the Sound of Norwey , and such like which lye low , and are every where encompassed with the higher land except where they breake in from the greater Ocean , that such Seas should be fresh low , in regard of the incessant currents of large Rivers into them , and in respect they doe not furnish water back again to the springs , rivers , and fountaines , seeing they are low beneath the earth ; yea it hath troubled many braines to understand what becommeth of these waters which these Seas dayly receave : but it cannot bee receaved for possible , that the waters of the great Ocean are fresh , at least drinkably fresh under the first two or three fathomes , it being by God in natures decree made salt for portablenesse . Sect. 7. That the Mountaines and valleys dispersed over the earth , hindreth not the Compleatnesse of its roundnesse : Of burning mountaines , and Caves within the earth . BVt leaving the Sea , thus much may be demaunded concerning the earth , why it is said to be round ? since there are so inaccessible high mountaines and such long tracts of plaine valleys scattered over it all ? Answ. These mountaines and valleys are no more in respect of the earth to hinder its roundnesse , then a little flie is upon a round bowll , or a naile upon a wheele to evince the rotunditie of it , for the protuberances of such knobs deface not the exact roundnesse of the whole Globe , as not having a comparable proportion with it . But what signifie these burning mountaines so frightfull to men , which may be seene in severall places of the earth ; as that of Island called Hecla , in Sicilie called Aetna , besides the burning hills of Naples which I have seene , one in Mexico in our new found lands of America so formidable as is wonderfull : If the earth be cold as you give it forth to be ; then how can these mountaines burne so excessively ; or if they bee chimneys of hell venting the fire which burneth there in the center of the earth , or not ? Answ. No question , but as there are waters of divers sorts , some sweet , others salt , and others sulphureous , according to the minerall veynes they run thorough ; right so there be some partes of the earth more combustible then others , which once being enflamed and kindled either by the heate of the Sunnes beames , or by some other accident , and then fomented by a little water ( which rather redoubleth the heate then extinguisheth it ; as we see by experience in our farriers or smiths forges , where to make their coales or charco ales burne the bolder , they bedew or besprinkle them with water ) they hold stil burning , the sulphureous ground ever subministrating fewell to the inflammation . But they and the like do not hinder the earths being cold , no more , than one or two Swallowes make not the spring of the yeare . But yet , if so be the earth be so solid and massie as you say it is , and that it admitteth no vacuitie ; How and whence proceede these terrible earth-quakes , tremblings , palpitations , to the overwhelming of Cities , shaking of Towers and steeples , &c. Answ. No question but as these are commonly prodigies and fore-runners of Gods wrath to bee inflicted upon the Land where they happen , as may be seene in the second booke of the Kings chap. 22. Commota est , & contremuit terra , & quoniamiratus est Dominus ; So some way lacke not their owne naturall causes : and they be chiefly comprehended in one for all , and this is it , that the earth is not unfitly compared unto a living mans body , the rocks and stones whereof are his bones , the brookes and rivers serpenting thorough it , the veynes and sinewes conveying moistnesse from their fountaines unto all the members ; the hollow of our bowells and of the trunke of our bodies , to the vast and spacious cavernes and caves within the body of this earth ( and yet these not hindering the massinesse of the earth , for where earth is , it is massie indeed ) within the which hollow of our bodyes our vitious windes are enclosed , which if they have no vent , presently they beget in us Iliak passions , collicks , &c. whereby our whole body is cast into a distemper and disturbed ; even as the windes enclosed in these cavernes , and hollow subterranean places , preassing to have vent , and not finding any , making way to themselves , do then beget these earth-quakes . And of this opinion is Aristotle lib. 2. Meteor . cap. 7. Sect. 8. Of time , whether it bee the Producer or Consumer of things : of the wisedome , and Sagacity of some Horses , and Dogges : How the Adamant is Mollified of the needle in the Sea compas : and the reason of its turning alwayes to the North. SEeing there is nothing more properly ours , than time , and seeing it is the eldest daughter of nature ; How is this , that you Philosophers bereave us of our best inheritance saying that there no time at all : in respect ( say you ) the time past , is gone , the future and time to come is not yet , and the time present is ever glyding and running away , yea and your Aristotle calleth it but a number of motions : seeing then it consisteth but of parts not having a permanent being , it cannot be said to be at all , say you . Answ. Our true Philosophers reason not so , it is but our Sophists who by their insnaring captions doe cavil thus , therfore take heed of the subdolousnesse of their proposition , which is not universally true : for admit that maxime might hold , concerning the standing and not standing of a thing in its parts , in subjects materiall essentiall and permanent , yet it must not evert things of a fluid and successanean nature , such as time is : and whereas they say that the parts of time are not , they mistake ; in so farre as time is to be measured by now , which the Greekes doe terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which ever existeth , and by which indeed time is said properly to have existence . Quest. What things hold you to be in Time ? or whether is Time the consumer , or the producer of things ? Answ. To the first , with Aristotle , I understand onely such things to be in Time as are subiect to mutations , changes , risings , and fallings , such as are all naturall things below the Sphere of the Moone ; by which meanes , things sempiternall wanting both beginning and ending , whose diuturnity cannot be measured by time , cannot fall under it . 2. Ans. To the second , whether Time be the producer or consumer of things ; I answer , that as in the contravertible points of Philosophy our learned disagree amongst themselves ; so herein they agree not aright ; indeed Aristotle ( whom customably we all follow ) in his 8. Cap. lib. 4. Physic●●n , will have Time rather to be the cause of the ruine and decay of all things , and that by vertue of its motion , by which sublunary bodies are altered and corrupted , rather than of their rising , increase , or growing . And with him many of our Poets , Tempus edax rerum , tuque invidiosa vetust as Omnia conteritis , — and againe , Omnia fert aetas , animum quoque , &c. Tempora labuntur , tacitisque senescimus annis , Et fugiunt ( fraeno non remorante ) dies . To which opinion of Aristotle Cardan adhereth , calling Time the Author of life and death : but as Iulius Scaliger hath refuted divers of his opinions in his exercitation , 352. not without reason hath he confuted this also , making Time to bee an accidentall cause of the decay of things ; for beside Time there must be causa agens which is the Law of Nature ingrafted in all things living , moving , creeping , vegetating , by which they tend to ruine : as sinne in Man ( besides his naturall corruption ) is , and must bee thought the Author of his death . Now seeing your Philosophy admitteth no other difference betwixt Men and Beasts , but the use of reason , wherewith we are endued above them ; how wil you tearme those many reasonable things performed by Beasts , wherof our Histories are full : as that of Bucephalus of Alexander the Great , who would suffer none to back him but his Master , though never so artificially disguised in his apparell ; Iulius Caesar his Horse likewise , who at his death was observed to fast so long , is remarkeable : and that of Nicomedes , who because his Lord was killed in the field , choosed rather to dye starving for hunger , than to survive him : Stories of the sagacity of Dogs , bookes are fully replenished w th ; the example of one only shall suffice ; This Dog being with his Master , when a Robber killed him for his purse , and had flung him into a River that he might not be found againe , did first leape into the River after his dead Master , and then upon his shoulders bore up his head so long , as any breath was remaining within him , thereafter discerning him to be dead , straight followes the rogue by his sent to the Citie , finds him , and incessantly barketh at him whithersoever he went ; while at length , his Master being missed , and the Rogue under suspicion of robbery , and the Dogs violent pursuing the fellow drew the people into a jealousie of the murther : whereupon the robber being called before a Iudge , after due examination confessed the murther , was condemned , & died for the fact . Now I demand , if these and the like doings of Beasts be not founded upon reason whereof we men brag as of a greater prerogative above them ? Answ. No wayes ; for we must distinguish betwixt actions of true reason , such as ours are ; and these which are done by a naturall instinct or sensitive faculty of sagacity , use and custome , but most especially , from that which is a neere tying bond even amongst the cruellest of Beasts , a perpetuall resenting of a good turne received ; as is manifest in the example of the Lion , who not onely saved the life of that poore condemned caitive , who fled into his denne and cave , because he pulled out of his pawe the thorne which molested him , but likewise fed him , by killing beasts of all sorts and bringing them unto him ; whereof Gellius at length ; and out of him Du Bartas . If I should follow forth here all other questions of Natures secrets , the taske were long and tedious , and peradventure , lesse pleasant to the Reader , than painfull to me : as why , the Adamant-stone which ( of its owne nature ) is so hard , that neither fire nor Iron can bruise or break it , is neverthelesse broke in peeces in a dishfull of hot Goates-bloud , soft bloud being more powerfull than hard Iron ? Whether fishes doe breath or not , seeing they have no lungs the bellowes of breath ? What can be the cause of the Loadstones attractive power to draw Iron unto it ? Why , some Plants and Herbes ripen sooner than others ? Or what makes a member of a Man or Beast being cut from the body , to dye presently ; and yet branches of trees cut off will retaine their lively sap so long within them ? Whether or not there be such affinity , and to say love amongst plants and herbes , that some will more fruitfully increase , being set , planted , or sowen , together , then when mixed amongst others , according to that of the Poet , Vivunt in Venerem frondes , omnisque vicissim Felix arbor amat , nutant ad mutua palmae Foedera , populeo suspirat populus ictu , &c. To which questions , & some others hereafter to be handled , for me to give answer , were no lesse presumption and foole-hardinesse , than a demonstration of my grosser ignorance ; since , Cardan and Scaliger are so farre from agreement in these matters , as may be seen in Scaligers Exercitations ; yet having propounded these questions , and to say nothing of my owne opinion touching the solution of such Riddles ( as wee call them ) were someway an imputation ; and I might be equally blamed with those who leade their neighbour upon the Ice , and leave him there ; wherefore thus I adventure . And first , why the Adamant which for hardnesse is able to abide both the force of the fire , and dint of any hammer , yet being put in Goates-bloud , parteth asunder . Answ. Howbeit Scaliger in his 345. Exercitation Sect. 8. giveth no other reason than that absolutely , it is one of the greatest miracles and secrets of Nature ; and therein refuteth their opinions , who alleage the Analogie and agreement of the common principles of Nature ; which are common to the bloud and to the Adamant together , to be the cause ; yet I thinke for my owne part , that if any naturall reason may be given in so hidden a mystery , it may be this ; That Goates ( as we all know ) live and feed usually on cliffie Rocks wheron herbs of rare pearcing and penetrative vertues and qualities grow ; ( neither is the derivation of that herbes name Saxifrage other , than from the power it hath to breake stones asunder ) Goates then , feeding on such rockie-herbes as these , no wonder that their bloud having Analogie and proportion to their food , be penetrative , and more proper to bee powerfull in vertue , than otherwayes convertible in fatnesse , for wee see them of all grazing Beasts the leanest . Quest. Now by what power draweth the Loadstone Iron unto it ? Answ. Aristotle in the 7th . Booke of his Physicks which almost al other Philosophers do affirme , That the Loadstone attracteth Iron unto it by their similitude and likenesse of substances ; for so you see they are both of a like colour : and that must be the cause how the false-Prophet Mahomet , his Chest of Iron , wherein his bones are , doth hang miraculously unsupported of any thing , because either the pend or some verticall stone of the Vault where it is kept , is of Loadstone : and thus with Iulius Scaliger , Exercitatione , 151. I disallow Caspar Bartholinus his opinion , who alleageth that the Loadstone doth not meerely and solely by its attractive faculty draw Iron unto it , but for that it is nourished and fed by Iron ; for nothing more properly can bee said to feed , than that which hath life . Therefore , &c. Here also it will not be amisse to adde the reason why the Needles of Sea-compasses ( as these of other Sun-Dyals ) being touched by the Loadstone , doe alwayes turne to the North ; and this is the most received ; That there is under our North-Pole a huge black Rock under which our Ocean surgeth and issueth forth in foure Currants , answerable to the foure corners of the Earth , or the foure winds , which place ( if the Seas have a source ) must bee thought to be its spring ; and this Rock is thought to be all of Loadstone ; so that by a kinde of affinity ( it would seeme ) by a particular instinct of nature , it draweth all other such like stones or other metals touched by them towards it . So that the reason of the Needles turning to the North in Compasses is that Nigra rupes of Loadstone lying under our North Pole : which by the attractive power it hath , draweth all things touched by it , or it s alike thither . Section 9. Of Fishes , if they may be said to breath , seeing they lack pulmons : Of flying fishes , if such things may be , &c. which are the reasons of their possibility , are deduced , exemplified . Quest. BVT whether and after what manner can Fishes be said to breath , seeing they have no lungs , the bellowes of breath ? Answ. This question hath beene agitated many Ages agoe , both pro & contra , as we say ; Arist. cap. 1. De respiratione , denying that they can breath : Plato and divers others of his Sect affirming the contrary : they who maintaine the negative part do reason thus ; Creatures that want the Organs and Instruments of breathing , cannot be said to breath or respire ; but such are all fishes , therefore , &c. The opposites on the other side doe thus maintaine their breathing ; all living creatures not onely breath , but so necessarily must breath that for lack of it they dye , as experience sheweth : nay , that the very insects , or ( as you would say ) demi-creatures , they must breathe : but fishes are living Creatures , therefore they must breathe . The Aristotelians answering this , distinguish the major proposition , restraining the universality of it but to such Creatures as live in the Aire , whereas there is no Ayre in the water , the nature of it not admitting place for Ayre as the Earth doth , which being opened with any Instrument , as with a Plough or Spade , may admit Ayre ; whereas the waters will fill all the void presently againe , as we may see by buckets , boxes , or any other materiall thing , being put into the water , and taken out againe , doe leave no vacuum behinde them ; for the waters doe straight wayes reincorporate : seeing then there is no Ayre in the Fishes Element , they cannot nor need not be said to breath ; for contrariwise wee see that being drawne from the waters to the Ayre they doe incontinently dye . For answer to both extreames , I could allow for fishes a kind of respiration called refrigeration , which improperly may be said to be respiration ; but since nothing properly can be said to breath but that which hath lungs , ( the instruments of breathing ) which indeed fishes have not : The conclusion is cleare ; That they have rather a sort of refrigeration , then respiration . Quest. But is it of truth which wee heare of our Navigators , that in the Southerne seas they have seene flying fishes , and herring like a foggie or moist cloud fleeing above their heads , and falling againe in the Seas with a rushing and flushing ? Answ. Yea I thinke it possible ; for the great Creator , as he hath created the foules of the Aire , the beasts of the earth , and the fishes of the Sea , at the first creation , in their owne true kindes ; So hath hee made of all these kindes Amphibia . And as there are foure footed beasts and fowles of double kinds , living promiscuously on land and water , why may there not be fishes of that nature also ? of which hereafter . So hath hee indued the Aire ( as the more noble element of the three ) with that prerogative ; that in it , either fowles or watery creatures might be engendred ; out of vapors either moist or terrestriall , or extracted from standing lakes , stanckes , marishes , myres , or the like oyly and marshie places ; which waters , elevated to the Aire , by the violent operation of the Sunnes beames , either from the Seas , or the fore-said places , by the benefit of the warme Aire , where they abide , as in the fertile belly of a fruitfull mother , doe there receave the figure either of frogge or fish , according to the predominancy of the matter whereof that vapor is composed ; from whence again as all heavie things doe tend downeward , so doe they also . Which hath made some suppose that herrings , ( by them called flying fishes ) doe descend from the aire , their place of generation : where indeed more truly , the error commeth this way ; the Herrings , in their season , doe come in great shoales ( as Sea men say ) upon the superfice of the waters , where scudding along the coasts , some sudden gale of wind ( they being elevated upon the top of some vaste wave ) may chance to blow them violently so farre , till they encounter , and light on a higher billow , which hath made Marriners thinke they flie . Quest. What have you to say to this , that as there are fishes extraordinary , so I have heard of fowles without either feete or plumes ? Answ. Fowles they cannot be , because fowles are defined to be living creatures feathered and two footed ; and since these are not such , fowles they cannot be : And yet Iulius Scaliger exercitatione 228. sect . 1. & 24. maketh mention of them , calling them Apodes , which Greeke word is as much as without feete . Quest. But , leaving the various diversities of fowles , as the Geese who hatch their egges under their paw , or foote , and the like , how doe those claick geese in Scotland breed , whereof Du Bartas maketh mention as of a rare work of nature ? Answ. Their generation is beyond the ordinary course of nature , in so much that ordinarily one creature begetteth another ; but so it is , that this fowle is engendred of certaine leaves of trees , out of which in a manner it buddeth , and ripeneth ; Now , these trees growing upon the bankes of lakes , doe , at their due time , cast these leaves , which falling into the lake , doe there so putrifie , that of them is engendred a Worme , which by some secret fomentation & agitation of the waters , with the Suns helpe , groweth by little and little to be a fowle somewhat bigger than a Mallard , or wild Duck ; and in those waters they live and feed , and are eaten by the inhabitants thereabouts . First then , I resolve their questions who argument against the possibility of this generation , and then I shall cleare you of that doubt you have proposed : thus it standeth then with these Argumentators ; when Aristotle in his last chapter of his third booke De generatione animalium , before he had dissenssed the materiall causes of all kind of perfect creatures , In the end falleth upon the materiall cause of insects , and so of the lesse perfect ; one kinde of them he maketh to be produced of a Marish clay an earthie and putrified slimie substance , whereof wormes , froggs , snailes and the like are produced ; the Sun beames , as the efficient cause , working upon that matter ; The other sort is more perfect , and these are our Bees , waspes , flyes , midges and so forth , which are engendred of some putrified substance , as , peradventure , of a dead horse , oxe , or asse ; out of which by the operation of the environing aire , and the internal putrefaction together they are brought forth : The insects of the Sea are said to have the like generations , whereof Aristotle De historia Animalium , lib. 1. cap. 1. Et in libro de respiratione ; and lately the learned Scaliger Exercitatione 191 sect . 2. Notwithstanding the venerable testimony and authority of such famous Authors ; yet our beleevers of miracles doe reason thus both against the generation of the Claik Geese ; and of the Insects also . Every thing begotten must be engendred of a like unto it selfe , as men , horse , Sheepe , Neat , &c. engender their life ; and this by the warrant and authoritie of Aristotle else where , but particularly cap. 7. Meteor . Text 2. Quest. But so it is that the body of the heavens , the Sun and his heate , are no wayes similia or alike unto these Insects produced and procreated from the slymie and putrified matters above rehearsed . And therefore that cannot be the way of their generation . Thus they . Answ. To this answer must be made Philosophically , in distinguishing the word alike to it selfe ; for things may be said alike unto other , either of right , or univoce as they say in the Schooles : That way indeed our Insects are not a like to the putrified earth or beast they came of , but Analogice they may be said to be alike , that is , in some respect , in so farre as they communicate in this , that they are produced of the earth , and by the warmenesse of the Sun , which are things actually existing . Quest. Now to cleere the question concerning fowles wanting feete and feathers ; whether may such things be , or not ? Ans. Yea , for as the great Creator hath ordained in nature betwixt himselfe and us men here , Angels , yea good and bad spirits ; betwixt sensitive and insensitive Creatures , mid creatures which wee call Zoophyta , and Plantanimalia , as the Fishes Holuthuna , stella marina , Pulmo marinus , &c. Even so betwixt fowles and fishes , nature produced middle or meane creatures , by the Greekes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or beasts of two lives ; partly living by waters , partly by earth ; And of this sort these fowles must be , as betwixt land beasts and fishes , are frogs , and Crocodills ; and some others the like . Sect. 10. Of fishes , and their generation : How fowles are generated in the waters . If gold can be made potable ; and of the matter of precious stones . Question . BVt you have not as yet sufficiently enough satisfied my minde of that scruple , wherewith it was perplexed : for I was saying that if things on the earth were propagated by their likes , as by the authority of Aristotle I did instance , and almost unto that the Lyrick Poet Horace applaudeth while he saith , although not to this purpose wholly , fortes creantur fortibus , and againe , Nec imbellem feroces progenerant aquilae columbam ; then how can fishes be said to live , and have their substance of , and by the Sea ? For if the Maxime both of Philosophie and medicine hold good , that we exist and have our being of those things wherof we are nourished ; surely fishes existing of a more grosse and more materiall substance than water is , cannot be said to live by the Sea ; much lesse Fowles , seeing their flesh is more terrestriall , and for that cause they build and bring forth their young ones upon the Land ; whereas otherwayes it should seeme that they live and have their essence , and existence from the Sea : for in Genesis we reade , that the Great Creator commanded the waters to produce swimming , creeping , and flying creatures upon the Earth ? Answ. With Aristotle whom you object to mee , you must consider , that in the fire and ayre no Creature is framed : For so in the 4th . Booke of his Meteors he holdeth : from them two indeed he admitteth vertue and power to bee derived to those which are created upon the Earth , and in the Waters ; true it is , that Fowles being volatile Creatures , their generation should have fallen by lot in the Ayre ; but in respect that none can be well procreated there , the next Element became their bringer forth ; as neerest in nature to the Ayre , and as being little lesse than a condensed Ayre , from which these Foules might soone flye up : so that all things here below being made up of a dry , and then of a thickned moist matter , which are the Earth and Waters ; no marvell , that properly of them all things are procreated : howbeit they may be said to have their temperament and vertues from the superior two , fire and ayre : and where it may be objected how the matter of Fishes should be so firme and solid , they being nourished by the thin , waterish , and slimy substance of the waters ; it must be considered that the Seas and waters are not so exempted of some mixture of earth in them , out that even as the Earth some way participateth of them , so they impart partly to it their moistnesse againe ; of which mixture both Fowles and Fishes doe live . Quest. What is your opinion concerning the potablenesse of Gold , after which , our Chymists , and Extractors of quintessences , Calcinators , and Pulverizers of Metals make such search and labour ; whereby Gold made drinkable ( as they undertake ) our youth neere spent may be renewed againe , all diseases cured , and the drinker thereof to live for many Ages ? Answ. Although Gold of all Metals be the King , as the Sun amongst the Planets , and that it is the softest of all , and most volatile , so the easiest to bee extended and wrought upon ; in so much , that one Ounce of it is able to cover many Ounces , and Pounds of Silver : yea , although of all Metals it abideth the triall of the fire best , and loseth nothing by it , as Arist. in the 3. Booke of his Meteors , cap. 6. observeth ; yet that it may be made potable I doubt much of it , and am a Galenist in that point , and that for these two notable reasons which Iulius Scaliger setteth downe in his 272. Exercitation . First , because there must bee some resemblance betwixt the body nourished and the thing that nourisheth ; which no more holdeth betwixt our bodies and gold , than betwixt a living and a dead thing . Secondly , because nothing is able to nourish us , which the heate of our stomack is not able to digest : But such is Gold , and therefore , &c. Alwayes of the worth and vertue of Gold , reade Plinius , lib. 1. &c. 3. cap● 1. Quest. Now what is the matter of precious-Stones ; earth it cannot be ; for it is heavie , dull , and blackish coloured ; they are glitteringly transparent like Stars : water it is not , for even Crystalline Ice will dissolve , whereas they for hardnesse are almost indissoluble : yet Cleopatra is said to have liquefide a Pearle to Anthonie . Answ. They are of most purified earth , not without some mixture of moistnesse , but such as are both mavellously by the force of the Sun subtilized , tempered , and concocted . Section 11. Of the Earth , its circumference , thicknesse , and distance from the Sunne . OVR Cosmographers generally , but more particularly our Geographers have beene very bold to take upon them the hability ( as I am informed ) to shew how many graines of Wheate or Barley will encompasse the whole Earth , which I esteeme a thing impossible to any mortall man to doe , and therefore frivolous to be undertaken : and I think it very much , if they can demonsttate how many Miles it is in compasse , leaving to trouble their wits with the other : yet hereupon I desire to be resolved . Answ. The Philosophicall generall knowledge of things , is twofold , either knowing things which fall under the reach of their Science in their effects , thereby to come to the knowledg of the cause ; or contrariwise , by the cause first to know the effects to come . But the Mathematicall demonstrations , whereof Geometry is a part , consist not in these speculations , but in reall demonstrations ; and that in such sort , that their positions being once well founded , thereon they may build what they please ; whereas on the other side , a little error or mistaking in the beginning , becommeth great and irreparable in the end : and so to make way to your answer ; there is no question , but if once a Geometrian give up the infallible number of the Miles which the Earth will reach to in compasse , but soone and on a sudden hee may shew how many graines will encompasse it ; for it is universally held that the Earth is in circuit one and twenty thousands and so many odde hundred Miles ; a Mile consisteth of a thousand paces , a pace of five feet , a foot of foure palmes , a palme of foure fingers breadth , a fingers beadth of foure Barley cornes ; and so from the first to the last , the number of the Miles holding sure , the supputation of the graines number will cleere it selfe by Multiplication . Quest. By that meanes I see you seeme to make no difficulty of that whereof I so much doubted ? Answ. No indeed ; and in this point I perceive how farre learned men are to be respected above ignorants ; yea as much as Pearles , Diamonds , or precious Stones are to be preferred to grosse Minerals . Quest. Seeing all depende upon the knowledge of the Earths compasse , then how many Miles hold you it to be in roundnesse ? Answ. The discovery of our new found-lands , and the confident assurance which our moderne Navigators and Mappers have of this Terra australis incognita , maketh that punctually not to be pointed out : but what may satisfie in that , or in knowing how thick the masse of the Earth is , in how many dayes a man might compasse it about , if by land it were all travellable : or conjecturally to shaddow how great is the distance betwixt the Earth and the Firmament , I referre you to the Title of Curiosity following ; for as I finde a discrepance amongst our most learned Writers , in divers most important heads of their professsion ; So in this point also I finde them variable and disassenting ; for Elias Vineti commenting on Sacrobosk upon that Text , giveth forth the Earths compasse to extend to above two hundred and fifty thousand stadia , whereof every eight maketh up our Mile ; which shall farre exceed the most received opinion of our expertest Mathematicians ; who by their moderne Computations make the reckoning of its circumference but to amount to one and twenty thousand miles and six hundred ; & that answerably to the three hundred and sixty degrees wherewith they have divided the great heavenly Circle , and proportionably thereunto the Earth . Yet pondering aright the discrepance and oddes which doth arise betwixt our learned Authors , concerning the compasse of the Earths Globe , wee shall perceive it to proceed from the great diversity of Miles in divers Nations , every man understanding them to be the Miles of that Nation wherein hee liveth : but speaking to our Natives of Britanne , it is found by daily experience of Mathematicians , that if a man goe 60. of our British Miles further to the North , then ( I say ) visibly he shall perceive the Pole to rise a degree higher , and the Equinoctiall to fall a degree lower ; whereby it is manifest , that to one degree of the great Circle of heaven ( such as is the Meridian ) there answereth on earth 60. of our myles ; Now there being in every such great circle 360. degrees or equall parts , multiplying 360. by 60 ; wee finde that they produce 21600. myles British : for a line imagined to passe by the South and North Poles , and so encompasse the earth , would easily appeare to amount to the same computation . As for the diametricall thicknesse of the earth ; the proportions of a circles circumference to its diameter ( or lyne crossing from one side to the other thorough the centre ) being somewhat more than the triple , such as is the proportion of 22 to 7. called by Arithmeticians triple Sesquiseptima , triple with a seaventh part more ; and seeing the circumference of the great circle of the earth is a little lesse than 22000 myles ; it followeth , that the thicknesse or diameter of it from face to face , is a little more than 7000. And consequently the halfe diameter , viz. from the circumference to the centre neer about 3600 miles . Now then suppose a man to travell under the equinoctiall or middle lyne of the earth betwixt the two poles , making every day 15. of our British myles ; It is manifest that such a Traveller should compasse the whole circumference of the earth in three yeares 345 dayes , some 20. dayes lesse than 4 yeares : As for the distance of the earth from the firmament , I dare not give you it for current : yet in the Schooles thus they shadow it , that the aires diametrical thicknesse is ten times above that of the waters ; the waters diameter ten times above that of the earth : By the Aire I understand here all that vast interstice betwixt us and the Moone ; which if it be true , counteth it selfe : but because the distance betwixt the centre of the earth and the centre of the Sun is more particularly specified by our Astronomers ; therefore to give you further content , thus much of it you shall understand ; that if you will remarke diligently , and compare together the observations of Ptolomeus , Albategnius , and Allacen , you shall finde , that the aforesaid disstance betwixt the centre of the earth and that of the Sun containeth the earths Semidiameter 1110. times : Now as I have said before , the earths Semidiameter being somewhat lesse then 3500. we shall take it in a number , to wit 3400. Which if you multiply by the aforesaid 1110. the product will shew you the whole distance betwixt the centre of the earth and the centre of the Sun to be 3774000. Three millions , seaven hundred seaventie foure thousand myles : likewise if from this number you substract 3400. myles for the earths Semidiameter from the centre to the superfice , and 18700 myles , which is the Suns halfe diameter according to the doctrine of the afore-named Astronomers , there remaineth 3751900. myles , as the distance betwixt the uppermost superfice of the earth which we tread upon , and the neerest superfice of the Sunne , which being the chiefe and middle of the planets may conjecturally shaddow forth the distance of the earth from the heavens . OF VARIETIES THE SECOND BOOKE : CONTEINING A DISCOVRSE OF METEORS , As of Comets , falling Starrs , and other fiery impressions , &c. Of Winde , Clouds , Thunder , Haile , Snow ; Raine , Deaw , Earth-quakes , with their true Naturall Causes and effects , &c. Of Rivers , and Fountaines , their Springs , and Sources , &c. BY DAVID PERSON of Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN . Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvant . LONDON , Printed by RICHARD Badger , for Thomas Alchorn , and are to be sold at his shop , in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene - Dragon . 1635. To THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD PATRICK , By the providence of God Archbishop of Glasgow , Primate of Scotland , and one of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Councell , and Exchequer in that Kingdome , &c. My LORD . TO whom can those two Pillars IACHIN and BOAS erected before Salomons Temple , bee more properly applyed then to your Grace , who both in Church and common-wealth have showne your selfe to bee the lively Hieroglyphick figured by them , as your Memorable deeds in both can beare record to Posterity ? for with what vigor did your piety and zeale extend it selfe in suppressing vice and superstition in the Churches con●redited to your care , and in establishing vertue and learning both there and elsewhere , may appeare in the peoples harmonious Concord in Religion to Gods glory , your eternall praise and their eternall comfort ; And as your Piety , so have your Iustice , and travells beene extraordinary in settling of the Church rents universally through the land , repossessing every man of his owne tithes upon most competent considerations ; all which with your great gravity Munificence and other endowments fit for the accomplishment of so venerable a Prelate , have heaped upon you both Gods blessings , our Royall Soveraignes favour , and the peoples love , and reverence ; But least others should deeme that adulation which the mouth of verity would even extort from your enemies , without further commendations of your Person , I humbly recommend this booke to your Graces Patronage , acknowledging the strong tyes I have to continue Your Graces most obsequious servant , D. PERSON . OF METEORS , THE SECOND BOOKE . CHAPTER 1. The definition of Meteors , their Matter , substance , place , and cause . I Define Meteors to bee things , above our sight , in the ayre , as the Etymology of the word importeth . I divide them into dry and moist , according to the diversity ▪ of the matter whereof they are framed , which are dry and moist vapours and exhalations extracted from the earth and waters ; and from thence elevated to the regions of the ayre , where they are fashioned ; and that diversely , according either to the degree of the Region they are framed in , or the matter whereof they are fashioned . The Philosophers and meere naturalists have not alike consideration of them ; for Philosophers have regard to them both as they have their dependance from above , specifying time , place , and all other their circumstances : whereas the meere naturalists doe particularize none of them , but generally shew how they flow from the earth : the knowledge of stars , and of the regions of the ayre , better fitting the Philosopher then the other . For so it is , that , the vapors , and exhalations which the Sun extracteth out of the Seas and earth , sending them up to the regions of the ayre , are the true and originall materiall cause of these Meteors . Not of all uniformely , but severally of each one , according to the height , whereto they are elevated from the said waters and earth ; and the nature of the vapour elevated : which I may not unfitly compare to the naturall body of man , whose stomacke is the centre of his fabrick , which sendeth up to the head , the moyst or flatulent humors , wherewith for the time it is affected ; and receiveth backe againe either heated and consuming distillations , or refrigerated and quenching humors , wherewith to attemperate and refresh the incessant motion and heat of the other noble parts by a circular motion . Quest. I know the curiosity of more subtile spirits will move the question , whether the Sun draweth exhalations from the lowest or first region of the ayre ; seeing it is humid and hot , sometime hotter , sometime colder , according as the reverberation of the Sunnes heat from the earth affecteth it : although I grant , that the ayre , of its owne nature , is hot ; yet that hindereth not , but accidentally , it may be heated also , yea sometimes made hotter then of its nature it is . To this question I answer . Answ. That the subtilty and rarefaction of the ayrs humidity hindereth the Sunne from exhaling of it ; for although some parts of the moist ayre be grosser than others , yet the same grosser parts are more subtile then any vapor , which the Sun extracteth from the earth or waters : for not all subtile humidity is evaporable , but that of water only , as that which may more easily be apprehended by heat . As then , the lowest and first region of the ayre about us , wherin we breath here , is hot and moist , both by nature and accident ; as I was saying , by the reverberation of the sunne-beames , upon solid and combustible bodyes , and heated by the exhalation of fumes from places or things that are apt to be kindled , even so , the uppermost region is hot and dry , both by nature , and accident ; and almost more , or rather by accident then by nature , propter viciniam ignis ; albeit the supreme region must be hotter then the lower , both in respect of the propinquity of it , to the element of fire , ( even as the lowest region by the neighbour-hood of it to the earth oftentimes is colder than hot ) as also in respect of the nearenesse of it to the heavens , which as with the light of them , they warme the lower things ; So , by the rapidity and velocity of their circular course , they heate this first region also . Now as these two regions are of themselves hot , and moist , and hot and dry ; so the middle Region is only cold , but drierwhere it is contiguous with the uppermost , and more moist whereit is ●igher the lowest . This great coldnesse of it , enforced together , by an Antiperistasis ( as we say ) or opposite contrarieties of heate above , and cold below . The Ayre then being divided into these three Regions , wherewith the uppermost , as comprehended within the concavity of the fiery Element , is ever hot and dry , the lowest hot and moist , but of a weake and debill heat , which by a breathing cold may be changed ; the middle Region is alwayes cold . CHAP. 2. Where Meteors are composed . Of Clouds , where they are fashioned , together with the solution of some questions concerning the middle Region . NOW remaines to know in which of these Regions any of these Meteors are framed : and first , whether or not Clouds be generated in the middle Region of the Ayre ? It is most likely , that not there , but in the lower ; because in it diverse other Meteors alike in matter and forme are framed . To which , not so much cold is requisit , as to the other two ; yet the nature of Clouds being considered , we shall finde them to be generated in the middle Region onely . For , seeing Clouds are nothing else but vapours mounted , and thickned by condensed cold ; then sure they cannot bee framed in the uppermost Region of the Ayre , because in it the Sunnes rayes are directed , lacking reflex , beside the circular and Spherick motion it hath , by vertue of the proximity of the Elementary fire , which warmeth it againe : this thickning or condensing cold cannot be in the lower region , by reason of the heate of it through the reverberation of the Suns rayes , beating upon the solid bodies of the earth , and waters : so there resteth the middle Region , in which the reflex faileth , & the vertue from above too of the direct Sunnes rayes ; so that naturally it being cold , in it only these vapours must be condensed to a cloud . And whereas I was saying before that it should seeme that the Clouds are begotten in the lowest Region ; in respect that in it , Waters , as Dew and Fountaines , at least their matter and forme are brought forth , that alwayes cannot hold ; because that Fountaines , and Rivers , are rather bred in the concavities , and hollow places of the earth , than of it , or rather flow and have their source from the Seas . Neither must my words be mistaken , when I say that the middle Region is naturally cold , seeing before I have set downe the Ayre , naturally to be hot and moist ; for when I say that it is cold , it must bee understood , but respectively , in regard of the other two , as wanting the reflective heate of the lower Region , and the circulative heat by the ignean or fiery warmenesse of the other . Now if it be objected that seeing the middle Region of the Ayre is cold , and all cold things are heavie , and so consequently tend downeward ; what can be the reason that this middle Region falleth not thorow the lowest to its own centre of weight , which is the earth ? It availeth not ; for first , not all frigidity draweth or tendeth alwayes from its circumferences , to the centre , but that only which is absolutely and simply cold ; as that of the Earth and Waters , and not that of the Ayre , which ( as I say before ) is but respectively cold ; yea , albeit that the middle Region divide not the lowest in whole , yet in parts it doth ; as in raine , when it falleth from the middle one upon the dissolution of a cloud . Finally it may be said here , that clouds not onely may bee seene beneath us to inviron the tops of our lower Mountaines ; for I my selfe crossing the lower Alpes , at Genoa , have seene them below me along the sides of the Mountaines ; they likewise may be perceived to glide over the Plaines , and swimming over our Lakes and Rivers : yet that serveth not to prove , that they are generated in the lowest Region ; but rather argueth the ascending of these vapours , and the gathering of them together ; of which the clouds must bee coagulated and no otherwise , as that they are absolutely there framed . But this by the way . CHAP 3. Of falling Starres , Fleakes in the Ayre , and other such fiery Meteors . THere be foure Elements as all know ; the Fire hot and dry , the Ayre hot and moist , the Earth dry and cold , the Waters cold and moist . Now as of the moisture of the Waters , whether in their owne Element , or on the Earths superfice , are composed all watery vapours , as clouds , raine , dew , haile , snow , and hoare-frosts , &c. Even so , from the dry parts of the Earth , calefied , or made hot by the Sun-beames doe proceed fumy exhalations , whereof the fiery and burning Meteors are generated . But so it is , that of these vaporous exhalations , whereof all the ignite and fiery Meteors or impressions are composed , all are not framed alike ; for according to the diversity of the dispositions of their matter they are either round or long , or more long than round , or more round than long ; for if by the efficient and materiall causes , which are the Sunne-beames exhaling these fumous evaporations from the driest part of the Earth , these spumeous exhalations are such as are combustible and capable to bee kindled ( if it be of a like length and breadth : ) then in that case , it shall be seene to burne in the uppermost Region of the Ayre like a blazing fire of straw : if it bee longer than broad , then is it taken for those long falling Stars , which by the Meteorologians are called Dall . If otherwayes broader than long , then are they called fiery inflammations , which seeme to reele in the Ayre , as it were , and to shoot hither and thither . And because sometimes these exhalations ( although dry ) have some coldnesse in them ; therefore the ejaculation of that cold matter , maketh the Meteor to seeme by that extrusion to fall ; as being in labour to expell it ; whence more properly are our falling Stars , which Stars at some times seeme to fall aside , at other times strait downe , or upward , according as their matter is for the time either disposed or placed . And if it be objected how contrary to their nature can they descend or fall downe , their matter being light and not ponderous ? I told before , that that commeth by expulsion , and by way of projection ; for confirmation whereof , may be added the experience we have of Thunder , whose bolts and claps light at times , even at our feet ; otherwhiles what in our houses , beating downe Pinacles and Steeples , the tops of Turrets and the like , although it be both light and dry ; and the reason is , That Thunder being generated in the middle Region of the Ayre , not by exustion of any kindled hot matter , but rather by a separation of an expelling cold ; meane while this cold thickning and coagulating it selfe together with violence , in a manner detrudeth the hot matter , which with it was thither drawn up , and maketh such a noise and terrible din , the time of that expulsion , that not only the Ayre seemeth to bee rent asunder , but the very Earth also appeareth to tremble at its violence . Iust so , as the matter of the falling Stars is placed , they fall either straight down , aside , or upward , as before I noted . Even so is it with the Thunder . Now , as those vapors , thickned in the ayre , doe produce the afore-said effects ; so shall it not bee thought amisse , to say , that the same ayre , being thickned , with their vapors , but not condensed in a cloud , by susception of light , but chiefly from the Suns rayes opposite to it either by night or day , but chiefly by night , become fiery coloured , and looke as burning ; the same vapors stirring to , and fro , and being someway thickned , by refraction of light , doe assume unto themselves variable , and diverse colours ; and those fires in effect are the same which vulgarly are called pretty dancers : and by reason that the materiall cause of such impressions is swift , and soone vanisheth , therefore they abide and remaine the shorter time ; for such phantasmes not being come to the full perfection of other Meteors , ( as seldome they are seene to doe ) so their abode , and being is but short , and inconstant , they being composed but of hot , and dry exhalations , from chalky , rocky , sandy and sulphureous parts of the earth , there being a mixture of moysture with them . And to the effect , that this may be somewhat better cleared , we must consider : That foure sorts of vapors are exhaled , or drawne up out of the earth by vertue of the Sunnes rayes , beside the smoake of our fires , which ascending to the ayre also augments these fiery Meteors . First vapors hot and dry , not having so much humidity in them , as may be able to overcome them ; but rather such , as may make this dry vapor to be continued , for no earthly thing can continue without moisture . Secondly , cold and dry , which altogether are of the earth's nature , virtually cold , albeit formally all vapors are hot . The third are those vapours which are hot and moyst , where humidity predominateth over the heat . The fourth kind of vapors which ascend , are cold and moyst , in which absolutely watry moystnesse beareth rule , and this vapor virtually is called cold . These foure sorts of vapors then are the neerest matter of all our meteors . The first whereof , viz , hot and dry vapors , doe ascend through the ayre quickly , even to the concavity of the firy and ignean element ; where being enflamed and enkindled , it becommeth the right generation and propagator of our fiery Meteors : whereas , the second , being hot , and moyst , doth not ascend so high ; and because it is easily resolved , it commeth to bee ayre . The other two cold and dry , and cold and moyst vapors are elevated aloft also , but no farther then to the colder parts , where they are thickned and coagulated together , by the invironing cold ; but so , as cold and moyst are converted to raine ; and the other cold and dry to wind , or this falls downe with the pluvious or rainy vapour . This being so , we may see , that there are foure kindes of vapors and exhalations , conformable to the foure elements which make up the matter of these Meteors ; in such sort , that as there are hot , and dry exhalations , and cold and dry , even so there are hot vapours and cold and humid ones also . Since then , you know the matter of wind , raine , falling stars and inflammations in the ayre , let us heare what can bee objected : One demands , what is the cause that the falling stars or other descending flames or flashes make no such noyse as the thunder doth , seeing their matter and manner of composing is almost alike . Answ. Because the cloud which throweth away and expelleth them , invironeth not them in her belly , as their clouds doe , in which the matter of the thunder is ; for the thunder bursting thorough the cloud occasioneth the clappe . Quest. Now if it be asked , what meane these fiery inflammations , which at some times in the night are seene , either amongst our horse feet when we ryde , or about their maines , or sometimes like the glaunce of a candle light before , a little above or about us ? The answer is , that these dry exhalations , as diverse other things , are of severall degrees ; some elevated to the highest region , others to the middle region , and these , which ascend no higher then this low region where we inhabit , being composed of a more oleagenous , or oyly substance , doe inflame sooner , than these of the middle region doe , as being invironed with cold . Or if it be asked ? Why see we not such inflammations in the day time as in the night ? No question but that then they are , and more frequent then in the night , but the greater light obfuscateth the lesser . Or if it be asked ; What meane the rents and clefts ( as it were ) which we see in the firmament , as if it were opened and hollowed in 〈◊〉 places ? That is nothing else , but the vapors and exhalations , carryed up to the ayre , which are condensed and thickned together ; where , by accident , if in the midst of this condensation , any part be more subtile , or thinner then the extremities are ; that thinnest part , appearing black , and the two extremities coloured , maketh people believe that it is an open gappe , which indeed is not . Quest. As to that question ; by what cause it hapneth , that moanings , mournfull voyces , and sometimes also laughings are heard in the ayre ? I thinke the Meteorologians answer not so fully satisfactorie as theirs , who treate of spirits , whom I may well call Physiognosticks : for the Albertists , upon this place , say , that the cause is , the multitude of exhalations , extracted out of graves and other Subterranean places , pressing upward , thorough places not proportionable for them ; and being of themselves , of a resolutive nature , doe make noyses , not unlike to those of men ; which in my conceit is ridiculous : and yet such is their glosse upon the latine Text , De die igitur sol pro●ibet . Answ. But I incline rather to their opinion , who , speaking of the nature of spirits , say , that these Cachinnations or laughings , and weeping voyces , which we heare , are rather Aereall spirits ; which is handled more largely in my title of spirits , where you may find all their orders and natures . Now because the matter of comets , is of greatest moment , amongst all the Meteors ; I hasten to them . CHAP. 4. Of Comets , their matter , forme , nature , and what way they portend evill to come . COmets , being of the number of Ignean and fiery Meteors ; No question , they are composed of a like matter ; the difference being in the quantity of that matter more or lesse , to wit , dry , clammie and hot exhalations , in their framing being condensed , and by reason of the motion of the superior bodyes , in the fiery element beginning to kindle , doe make these comets ; and thus they differ from the fiery Dragons , and falling sttars ; for these Meteors , once kindled by way of exustion , and extrusion , or projection , are throwne downe suddenly , and so vanish ; where , on the other side , the dry and hot exhalations , whereof Thunder is composed by way of detrusion , ( the cloud renting asunder , in whose body it was enclosed ) doe presently vanish , as lightnings ( their forerunners ) doe . Now where the nature of comets must be such ; that neither the firy kindling of them may soone consume it , by the greatnesse and violence of it ; neither must their matter be so weake and thinne , that the fire may on a sudden overcome it , but such as may endure at least for a little season , both with the quality of the fire , and the disposition of the matter condensed and thickned ; and yet so as the exustion or kindling of the matter and condensed exhalation , beginning at end of it may ascend upward , til it consume the whole extent of its rayes and beames upon the matter combustible , in forme of a beard , or long discheveld look of haire , continuing so for a time ; from whence Cometa à Coma , hayre , hath its denomination . Now the forme and shape of these exhalations , is not ever after a like proportion or fashion ; that is , alwayes long and broad ; so that the one end being kindled , the other remaineth but enlightned , like a beard , from whence they are called Crinitae stellae , or Barbatae Cometae , bearded Comets . For sometimes their figure wil be Spherick and round ; so that the fire taking these Spherick exhalations in the middest maketh the blazing beames which extend from the centre to the circumferences , to looke like long hayre circled about a face or head . Neither must it be thought that this haire or invironing beames are like to these which before a storme we see incompassing the Sunne , but more frequently the Moone , which Aristotle calleth Halae & Halones ; for these Circles by us called broughes , are a world of way remote from the bodies of the Sunne and Moone , and in effect , are but in the troubled Ayre , with aboundance of exhalations and vapours , thorow which , the Sunne and Moones rayes , making way to themselves , do fashion these circles about them there . Whereas these circles or long beards of the Comets , a●e directly under , yea , sometime above the concave of the Moone ; and thence to the first Region of the Ayre they are conveyed with the Comets of that same matter of exhalation , and nature ; although our moderne Astronomers , now averting this Aristotelian opinion , have found out some Comets place to bee above the Moone . This being briefly spoken of the matter and forme of Comets , it may be asked what course they have ? to which I answer ; first , that the motion of Comets is common with that naturall course of the world ; for either it is from the Orient to the Occident , or from the West to the East : at times most frequently it declineth to the South , and at other times to the North ; now high , then low , now seeming neere to the Earth , then remote from it . And if it be said , how can Comets have so many different courses , seeing a simple body can have no more but one motion of it selfe ? To this I say , that as the Sphere of fire and the supreme Region of the Ayre , by the heavenly motions are wheeled about from the Orient to the Occident ; thus the Comets exist above the first Region , and so naturally with it they should keepe the same course : in respect that conformably a thing placed , must turne with the place , in which it existeth . So if this first Region by the rapidity of the Heavens be moved ; much more should Comets , they being neerer to it than the first Region . Now albeit the Heaven , Fire , and Ayre move in a circular motion , yet they move not all alike , for by certaine degrees the course of the one is swifter than the other ; so that the Ayre as neerest to the Earth , is flower than the other two . By this subdeficiency then , the Ayre , and they within it , seemes but to goe about frō Occident to Orient of its own proper motion , having regard to the swiftnesse and velocity of the superior course . And whereas I say , that they move high and low , to and fro ; that is to be understood in so far that every thing perfectible striveth to attaine to its owne perfection ; which consisteth in the approximation and neere attaining and touching of the generant , which chiefly beareth rule in the place , whereat they aime or tend ; whether that thing engendred bee a Star , or any other celestiall vertue , whereunto this subdeficient striveth to attaine . Now the reason wherefore most commonly Comets doe reach , either to the South , or North , is to be attributed to the speciall influence of some other Star drawing them thitherward ; as the Loadstone maketh Iron turne towards it : and whereas sometimes they appeare low and neere the Earth ; at other times farther remote from it : that must be appropriated either to the inflamation of the Comets matter , either at the neerer or farther end , or else to the height , or lownesse of the Region , above which it is elevated : for none of the three Regions , but have in them their owne degrees and stations , some parts in them being higher than others are . The place of their appearing is most frequently in the Northerne Climates ; and that most often under Via lactea , which is that white coloured draught called the milkey way in the firmament , which may be perceived by night , reaching in a manner from East to West . The time of their abode againe is but at shortest seven or eight dayes ; albeit I reade of some that blazed halfe a yeare ; but such have seldome happened : neverthelesse the shortnesse or length of their abode , is to bee imputed imputed to the bignesse or scantnesse of their matter . Now rests to know , whether or not these Comets may portend or prognosticate bad or infortunate events of things here below , and whether over particular persons or Countries in generall ? To this the Philosophers ( who will have all things , either above or below , to be and exist by naturall reasons , and admit no prodigies or things beyond nature ) make answer that Comets are but meere naturall things , no way fore shewing evils to come . Because ( say they ) when Iupiter fals to bee in the signe of Pisces , or in the signe of Cancer , if then the Comets appeare , it foretokeneth aboundance , and wealth , as in the dayes of Iulius Caesar , there was one seene ; which neverthelesse had no evill ensuing upon it ; as it may bee seene in Albertus his Commentary upon Aristotles Text in the Meteors , latinized , Ejus autem quod est . Besides this say they , when Comets are seene , then these evils which follow them , and which they portend should fall forth through all or very many parts of the Earth , seeing they are seene by all , or most : the contrary whereof is knowne . Besides , that burning Lances or Speares which now and then also are seene in the Ayre ; and other fiery impressions , which are of that same matter with these Comets , should foretell evils to happen , as well as they which are not . But above all , seeing it is oftenest thought , that Comets either foretoken great winds , or raines ; none of which can be , say they : not winds , because the matter whereof the winds behoveth to be , which are dry exhalations , are converted towards the framing of the same Comets themselves . Not raine ; for no one thing can be a signe of two opposite contrarieties . Thus seeing Comets portend drouth , they cannot likewise preaugurate inundations , and overflowings ; finally , much lesse the death of Princes and Monarchs no more than of other private men ; seeing the same constellation and ascendent may be equall , and have regard to meane men as well as to them , in a like distance . Which reasons , with diverse moe albeit at first view , they may seeme forcible ; yet being better considered their insufficiency will soone appeare : for none of the naturall Philosophers but doe acknowledge their Prognostications , for some one thing or other ; albeit the Astrologicall Philosopher particularizeth them more punctually . And thus they say , that a Comet circumbeamed about with that which they call long hayre ( to say so ) invironing it as we see , about the Sunne , Moone and Starres ; before a storme and great tempest , doth signifie and portend great debording of waters ; whereas if it bee but radiant in one side , that is a sure signe of terrible and destructive drougth , and consequently of famine and scarcity ; because without humidity and warmenesse corne and fruits cannot grow . Now as high winds move and stirre the Seas with other waters ; so from that commotion ariseth raine and boisterous showers ; so that appeare how they will , yet they ever portend some one evill or other . As for death of Princes and change of estates fore●howne by them , experience of former Ages can qualifie ; and by late miserable proofe it may be understood by that blazing Star , which appeared in the yeare 1618. I being at that time in Florence , where an Italian Astronomer , upon the third Bridge , drawing in his Table-bookes the height and aspect of it , was overheard by us who gazed on him , to cry although with a low voice , Vae Germaniae , Woe unto Germany : and who so is , but never so little acquainted with the histories of diverse Nations , shall soone perceive in them what lamentable accidents have ensued after extraordinary deluges , and overflowings of waters , and intollerable droughts ; but more especially after the appearing of Comets , what dreadfull effects according to their affections : so we require , that those Recusants would with the Philosopher , who denied that the fire was hot , but put their finger into it to try the truth of his assertion . Neither do our Astronomicall Philosophers want their owne grounds , wherein they settle the warrant of change of estates , after the apparitions of these Comets ; and this for one . That the exhalations of hot and dry vapours from the Earth , whereof these Comets are made , betoken a bilious and wrathfull , sudden and irefull disposition of the in-dwellers of these Countries ; for the same ayre which they attract , and emit , doth someway affect them , and this ayre is filled with these exhalations , resolved by the heat of the incumbing Sun ; so no question but this same way it moveth their bodies and minds to feare fiery and sudden revolts , fightings , seditions , and uproares . Comets appeared in England before their Countrey was conquered by the Normans : and thereafter another , when they subdued France . What more remarkable one then that which appeared above Hierusalem , before its sacking and captivity ? And againe , what desolation befell all Italy , almost after that prodigious debording of waters which fell from the Alpes without any former raine ? Charles the 8th . of France his entering thereafter , and the disasterous chances that followed thereupon can testifie : all which our and their stories can record , besides many others , as Sabellicus in the penult . booke of his last Aeneids doth intimate . Neither yet may I be induced to beleeve , that the Starre whereof Tichobray , that famous renouned and noble Astronomer maketh mention , which is yet seen and was affirmed to be ( though the Prince now bee dead ) most fitly appropriated to the victorious , wise , and fortunate Gustavus King of Sueden , to have beene no other than a Comet , what ever reasons he alledgeth to the contrary . Albeit such remarkable Starres are rather observed to appeare at the death of great men and Kings , than at their birth . Neither must we instance the example of the Starre , which was observed by the wise men of the East , at the birth of our Lord and Saviour at Nazareth ; such extraordinaries should be admired , not inferred to exemplifie things . For answer to this , that the death of common people may as well happen under these Comets , as that of Princes : there is no question but that the supereminency of great persons and States making them the more remarkable , maketh their death also more perspicuously to be notified . And as in the Title of curiosities I have showne , that not ever the most curious questions of Arts and Sciences are the most profitable ; Even so in this I allow not of Hali the Iew his commentary , upon the centiloquy of Ptolomee ; where , referring the death of Princes to comets he thus saith . Quòd si apparuerit cometa Domino istius regni exeunte in Oriente , significat mortem Regis , vel principis ; si autem Dominus istius regni fuerit in Occidente , significat aliquem de regno suo interfecturum Regem ; I over-slip the interpretation of these words , least the divulging of them might more harme than profit . Alwayes leaving Philosophicall alterations , thus much by naturall experience we may resolve upon ; that they never appeare , but some bad event followeth thereon , either to the countrey over which it blazeth , or to which it aspecteth ; or else to that countrey over which ruleth a starre which that comets tayle tendeth towards or followeth ; though much rather to that countrey which it hath aspect unto : not by vertue of its influence , but by reason of the superabundancie of maligne , dry , and hot exhalations regorging and dispersing themselves over it . CHAP 5. Of Raine , Dew , hoare-frost and their cause . AS hot and dry exhalations are the matter and cause of Meteors in the upper region of the aire , of which before : Even so , cold and moist vapors are the causes of these ; after this manner ; vapors elevated up into the ayre , by force of the Sunnes beames ; and being separated from the heat which accompanied them ; either , by that heat 's ascending higher , and leaving the grosser vapors ; or the subtillest of that heat being extinguisht by the grossenes , & aboundance of cold and moist vapors , which mounted up with it in the ayre : or else by the coldnesse of the place , the middle region of the ayre . These grosser vapors I say segregated from that heat , which accompanied it , and being thickned and carried about in the ayre for a time , fall back againe to the earth ; but being first coagulated in a cloud , which dissolving , falleth down to the place from whence it ascended : so that by a circular motion first the waters resolving in vapors , the vapors thickning in a cloud , then that dissolving back againe into waters , imitateth in a manner the circular motion of the Sunne , by whose approximation as these vapors are elevated , even so by his elongation ( if I may say so ) they doe fall backe againe . Now , as this is the generall cause of these moyst Meteors , so is it the particular cause of the falling of Rayne : for Raine being a watery vapor , carryed up by heat into the Ayre , and there that heat leaving it , resolveth and falleth downe againe in great or lesser showers , according to its quantity . Dew and Hoare-frost are not so generated , for why ? When there is not such quantity of vapors elevated in the day time ( through want of heat to draw them up , or through great drowth upon the earth , ) they are not carried high : in hoter countreys they fall downe againe before the day be spent , and that by them is called Serene , as in France particularly : So when these elevated vapors are thickned in waters , without either so much heat as may dry them up , or so much cold as to congeale them ; then I say the dew appeareth . Now the Hoar-frost happeneth otherwise ; as , when the like exhaled vapours are congealed , before they be condensed ; whereby you may see that dew falleth in temperate times and places , whereas Hoare-frosts fall in Winter and in the colder parts of the earth : and the reason may be alleadged , that , seeing vapors are hoter than water ; in respect of the concomitating heat , whereby they are carried up ; no question , but more cold is required , for the congelation of vapors , then of waters : and so if in cold seasons , and places , waters congeale , and harden , much more may we say of vapors congealable into Hoare-frost . Thus we have touched the materiall and efficient causes of dew and Hoare-frost ; so it shall not be amisse to shew that the time when the Sun ingendreth these Meteors in the ayre , by the drawing up of these vapors , from out the earth and waters , must be , when the lowest region of the ayre is , calme , serene and cleare , without wind raine , or cooling clouds ; for they being mounted thither may either hinder their ascending or condensation and thickning ; as also the stirring winds would hinder their condensation , or at least their congregation or gathering together . Now that both dew and Hoare-frost are begotten of vapors not carryed high in the ayre , by this it may be knowne ; because we see little Hoare-frost or dew , in the higher mountaines , where it seemeth likeliest , they are made and doe recide in regard of the cold there ; which is so much the more probable in this , that the heat , which elevateth these vapors from low and Marshy places , carrying ( as you would say ) a burden heavier then their hability can comport with , leaveth them ere they can ascend any higher . Besides that , we may say , that the second region of the ayre , being higher than these mountaines , and carryed about ; and in a manner drawne after the circular wheeling about of the heavens , dissolveth these vapors by its motion ; and by this meanes maketh the dew and Hoare-frost , for so I expound Pruina . Notwithstanding this , a greater motion is required , to disgregate and sunder apart heavy and many vapors , then few and light ones ; now seeing the matter of Snow , and Raine is greater and containeth a great many more vapors then the matter of dew and Hoare-frost : Therefore it is , that in exceeding high Mountaines , neither raine , dew , nor Hoare-frost fall ; because of the violent motion and great flux of the ayre there : for that matter is rather even wheeled about with that violent motion , whereas in the lower Mountaines againe , because of the lesser flux and motion of the ayre snow and raine falls , but not deaw nor Hoare-frosts . To end this part in a word then , I say , That dew and Hoare-frost have a like matter common to both , viz , moyst vapours exhaled from the earth and waters , but not highly elevated in the ayre ; and ( except in quantity ) they differ not , but onely in this , that dew is fashioned of moderate cold , the other is begotten by a more violent . CHAP 6. Of Snow : its cause , matter and nature . THe matter of Snow , is a cloud , composed of an aereall substance , whereby it may bee made some way hot ; and of a terrestriall and earthly matter , whereby when it is dissolved , it leaveth some muddy substance behind it ; but the most speciall matter of it is of the vapors exhaled from the waters dispersed over the earth . Their place , is in the middle region where violent colds are ; which excessive cold must not be thought their generation only , but then , when that cold is dispersed through the whole ayre ; for then this cold is not so sharpe and piercing , as that cold is , which , by the dispersed heat in the ayre , is reenforced and crowded into one place . Now because such colds are not spread abroad through the whole ayre , but at certaine times , as in winter , in the end of Autumne , and in the beginning of the Spring ; therefore it is that in winter in the tayle of Autumne or in the beginning of the Spring , Snow falleth ( at least then ) most frequently . And because the Northerly Climats are coldest and farthest remote from the hot Zone , as there where the Sunne beames hath least reflex ; — Quod sol obliqua non nisi luce videt . Therefore it is also , that in these places snow is most usually seene . Now if it be said , how can it be , that the snowy cloud must be of a hot ayrie disposition , seeing the other two ingredients are earthly and waterish vapors which naturally are cold , for by this I should include contrarieties in one subject ? To which I answer ; that there are no absurdities in that ; for in this case , the one is as ingredient , the other as egredient , the one over-comming , the other remitting something of its dignity : for as the cold holdeth together this snowy cloud , till it dissolve into water ; so , before this cloud begin to dissolve into snow , we find the ayre which before was marvailous cold , during the time of the congealing of this cloud , to wax somewhat hoter by reason of the aery heat , which leaveth the cloud and disperseth it selfe through the ayre . From whence likewise we may gather the reasons why the snowy cloud , before it dissolve in the ayre , is cleare , and cleareth the earth also : Whereas the rainy clouds doe both dimme the sky and earth , & are exceeding cold immediately before the rayne fall downe ? That is , because the rainy cloud , hath nothing but grosse and heavy earth and watrish vapors in it ; whereas the snowy one , hath besides them , the ayre inclosed , which being by nature warme , and then being thrust out of the cloud by the predominancie of the other two , cleareth and warmeth both . CHAP. 7. Of Windes , their true cause , matter and nature , &c. IN the former part of this treatise , we have heard that there are two sorts of exhalations , whereof all Meteors above us , in the Ayre , are composed : one of them moist , called vapours ; the other dry , called fumes or smoke ; not that any of these are so either wholly dry or moist , or that they have no mixture of others , for that is not : but that the predominancy of the one above the other , in the compound , maketh the denomination . Now as the heat of the Sun , extracting these two from the earth and waters is their efficient cause , so they againe are the materiall causes of the Meteors made up by them , viz. vapours , the causes of raine , haile , snow , dew , clouds and so forth . As the dry and fumous exhalations are the causes of winde in particular , as also of the hot Meteors above mentioned . Hot and dry exhalations then are matter and causes of the wind ; and as they are elevated in the Ayre by the force of the Sunne ; so no question but from that same Ayre , the winds begin to blow , and not from the Earth first ; which in this may be discerned ; because that the highest Mountaines ( I meane , if they exceed not the first Region ) Towres , Trees , Steeples , and so forth , are more agitated with winds , then the lower and baser are , as being neerer the ayre . Feriunt summos fulmina montes . Saepius ventis agitatur ingens Pinus — And the reason is , because straining to mount aloft conformable to their nature , they are reverberated againe by the middle region , their opposite ( being cold and moist ) to their hot and dry nature . Now as the beginnings and first springs of Rivers are small , but by corrivation of other lesser ones they increase : Even so the first beginnings and principalls of windes are commenced but with few exhalations ; no question but their increment floweth from the adunition and combination of more exhalations ; Whence it is , that some yeares are more windy and some seasons too , then others ; and commonly the dryest Summers maketh the windiest and most tempestuous winters . It is said in Scripture , that the wind bloweth where it pleaseth , and that none knoweth , either whence it commeth or whither it goeth . And it is truth indeed to speake particularly , we feele it and find it , we know it evanish away into the many vast and spacious inturnings of the ayre ; but from what particular place it floweth , we know not well : for as they are small in their principalls , so no doubt , but they receive augmentations in their progresse . Here then it may be inferred , that winds and raine are not procreated of the selfe same matter , as some foolishly doe maintaine ; which by this only may bee evidently confuted , that often times the windes are abated by raine ; and commonly after raine we have windes : The first for this naturall reason , because that violence of winds blowing clouds together , and the invironing cold condensing and thickning them together , makes them dissolve into water . The other is because of waters or raine falling from the clouds , by which meanes the Ayre is warmed , and consequently the Earth ; which maketh it yeeld aboundance of hot exhalations for the Sunnes rayes to transport upward to the Ayre , wherewith wind is framed againe . And if it be objected , that exhalations are common causes of winds , and yet of the same winds , some are cold , as the North , and East , whereas the Southerly and Westerly are commonly hotter ? To this may be answered , that the exhalations themselvs are not the occasion of that , but the disposition of the Climats from whence they flow ; the Suns heat never aproaching the North Climat , but afarre off , and obliquely , or side-wayes ; occasioning the cold of it , and consequently of the winds blowne from thence . Whereas more perpendicularly it glanceth on the other Meridian and Westerne parts ; by which means , as the Earth is warmed , so are the winds . And if it be asked , why in the height of Summer ( the Sun being in Cancer ) that then are fewest and lowest winds , as in the extremity and cold of Winter there are few likewise , as by experience may be seene : To that may be answered , That as in all things extremities are vicious , even so in this matter ; for great heat and drought in Iune , Iuly , and August , doe keepe back the winds and their matter , as extremity of cold doth in December and Ianuary . The Earth in that time of Summer , being burnd up with scorching heate , hindereth the winds to rise ; because the earth then is burningly dry wthout any mixture of moistnesse ; out of which drougth of the earth , without some moistnesse no fumes can be exhaled . So the Ayre clogged with cold , thick , heavie , and lumpish clouds of raine and waters , holdeth ( as it were ) the winds within their Precinct ; hindring them to blow then , till the Ayre be disburdened of that load , and doe give way to the winds to sport themselves in the spring , recompensing their long captivity with licencious unbridled blasts . Or to know how the wind bloweth is this : First , the exhalations whereof it is composed , are carried from the Earth , high up to the middle Region of the Ayre , but so , that when it is there , it is encountered and repercussed , tossed and moved with cold and condensed Ayre ; finally it is put aside , from whence againe by violence it is throwne downe by the cold predominating in that Region , so it striketh upon this lower Region of the aire , in the descent of it ; not right and diametrically downe , but slentingly ; which ayre againe beating the Earth , by the superiour impulsion , and the earths repelling it upward or back againe , maketh it ( following the round circumference of the Ayre ) to blow about , filling it with its noise . As for the number of the winds , what Countries be subject to such or such winds , what maketh the Northerly winds to blow dry , the Southerly moist ; I refer the first to Sea-men , whose experience is surer than our contemplation : the other are soone solved by a good Naturalist ; for the Sunne shining upon the South Countries more kindlie and hotter than upon the North , maketh the winds conforme to the Ayre of the Countries , hotter there , than in the North , and moister . CHAP. 8. Of Earthquakes , their cause and nature . THIS question dependeth upon the knowledge of the former ; for the nature and matter of winds being well understood will cleere this the sooner . I formerly said then that cold and dry exhalations , by the force of the Sun elevated up in the Ayre , and from thence by predominating cold beaten aside , and from that through the Ayre downward to the Earth back againe whirling upon the face of it , and round about through this lowest Region , are the matter and nature of the winds ; which cold and dry exhalations , I say , are the matter of these winds , which often times so lowdly blow upon the superfice of the Earth ; that not onely Ships on the Seas , Trees in the Woods are overturned by their violence ; but likewise high Steeples and Towers are made to shake and tremble in such sort , that even Bels have beene blowne out of the one , the roofe of the other uncovered ; our fruits and cornes beaten downe to the terror and amazement of the beholders . Even so dry and cold exhalations , but these more grosse , and not so Elementary as the first , enclosed within the bowels and concavities of the Earth , ( for Nature hath no vacuity ) and there converted into winds , doe struggle and strive as it were , to burst up through this earth to attaine to its owne right place , which is upwards ; and that is the cause of this trembling and motion of the Earth which we call Earthquakes . And because the Southerne Countries are hotter than the Northerne , in respect of the Suns approach to them , I meane in its perpendicular beholding of them , they ( I say ) are consequently more apt to bee enflamed , and so to be concaved and wasted within ; yea , and to be more capable of the engendring and reception of these exhalations and winds , and their effects : therefore it is , that these Countries are more subject to the motions and tremblings of the earth ( whereof their particular Histories afford us testimonies enough ) than the more Northerly are ; for they having grosser and lesse matter evaporated from them by the Sunnes heat , doe admit lesse concavities , and so fewer exhalations : so then , both winds and Earthquakes are of one selfesame matter and subject , viz. of cold and dry exhalations , wherof they are framed ; and they differ onely in this ; That the exhalations whereof the winds are , doe rise more purified , of the superfice of the earth , and as we say in Schooles , Ex Elemento superiori ; whereas the other , more grosser are from below , Et ex Elemento inferiori , so that both in matter and motion they doe agree . Neither is this called in question by Aristotle , handling the same matter , Lib. 3. Meteor . Where his Commentator Albertus Coloniensis compareth this motion of the Earth by the power of these inclosed vapours in the bowels and cavernes of it , to the motions and tremblings of our pulse , by the Systole and Diastole of our spirits , in and above our hearts , and so within the cavity or hollownesse of our bodie . And yet , not content with this comparison , he insisteth in the duration and continuance of the Earths motion , saying , that even as the tremblings wherewith our bodies are agitated ( during the fits of a Feaver ) doe continue so long as the faulty and peccant humour reigneth in our veines , and accordingly diminisheth its proportion , as the matter occasioning the feaver impaireth : even so it is with this trembling of the earth , having respect to the multitude of vapours and to their declining ; for the more these vapours are , the Earthquake lasteth the longer , and is more violent ; but when they spend and decline , its violence and continuance is remitted . I know now the Philosopher and Naturallist ( who admit nothing done in nature , to bee otherwise than by naturall meanes ) will admit nothing beyond the reach of Nature when they are posed . How is it then that commonly after Earthquakes , Plagues , Pestilences , and death of Bestiall doe ensue ? To this they answer , That the exhalations which causeth the Earths motion , having burst up through the Earth , infecteth our Ayre with the infective breath of it , which it contracteth when it was incarcerated within the bowels and wast places of the said Earth ? Likewise they ascribe some such or not farre different reasons in their owne degree , to the cause of evils which usually ( I wil not say ever ) befall after blazing Comets , which although in effect they have their owne probabilities ; yet they should not deprive our great Creator from the supernaturall working thereof , who by such unusual and terrible Syncopes of nature , would even foretell , and have mortall men , ( whom these prodigies admonish ) forewarned of some effects of his wrath to ensue ; to the effect , that if they will amend , and turne to their God by humiliation , and repentance , they may avert that evill threatned , and prevent his judgments . CHAP. 9. Of Thunder , Lightning , Haile and certaine other secrets of Nature , with their solution . AND first concerning Thunder . Quest. What can bee the causes of the lightning , and firefleakes , which in Latine are termed Fulgura , & coruscationes , either in the clouds themselves , from whence Thunder proceeds , or wavering in the ayre ? Whether or no the exhalations , inclosed within the cloud from whence they doe proceede , be the cause , and occasion , both of the Thunder it selfe , it 's sound , and of the coruscation and lightning also ? Answ. Yea ; but diversly , and by it's owne course ; for first by the agitation , and motion of it , within the cloud , it causeth the sound after this manner : The dry exhalation , ( whereof this sound , thunder it selfe and lightnings are generated ) ascending upward , in the vapour , to the middle region of the aire , is engrossed in a cloud , through the coldnesse of the place : so it is compacted , and this exhalation coarcted within the belly of that thickned and condensed matter : which dry , or firy exhalation , thus inclosed , ( by Antiperistasis or contrariety ) by the environing cold , in the outward body of the cloud , striveth to get out , and make way for it selfe ; at last , with much reluctance , overcomming the environing cold , maketh that hideous and horrible noyse , wherewith here on earth wee are so terrified , that sometimes Women are strooke in such feare by it , that they part with child ; So by that same agitation it kindleth too , being of a combustible substance , viz. of a dry , terrestriall , and inflamable matter ; which , once kindled by Antiperistasis , expelleth it selfe , with violence , through that cold thickned cloud : but first in , and about the cloud it maketh these flashes and coruscations spoken of before : so in lightnings , it disperseth it selfe , here , and there through the aire , both clearing the cloud above , and the aire beneath . Now if it be asked ; What is the cause , why we see sooner the lightning then we heare the thunder clap ? That is because our sight is both nobler , and the eye is sooner perceptive of its object , then our eare ; as being the more active part and priore to our hearing : beside the visible species are more subtile , and lesse corporeal then the audible species , this being reall , the former intentionall , as the skilfull in Opticks know : and this is the reason why likewise we see the flash , ere we heare the noyse of discharged gunnes . Question . Againe , being asked , why fire , being naturally light , doth not rather ascend then descend ? Answ. ( To that as before : ) Because it is extruded by violence from its abode . Besides this , it being accoupled to a matter contrary to its owne nature , and that matter predominating , viz. A dry terrestriall substance , in which it existeth ; that I say , this terrestriall matter , tending downe-ward , draweth the fire perforce with it : which may be perceaved by a kindled charcoale throwne out of ones hand , which carryeth the fire along with it . Againe , if it be expostulated , what can be the cause of the admirable effects of this thunder ? at some times bruising the blade of a sword , the sheath un-offended ; melting mony and gold in a pocket , the pocket remaining entire ; and killing a Man and not harming his cloathes ; And what maketh things touched by it smell of sulphure and brimstone ? And to kill a man in such sort , that the bolts shall bruise all his bones , the flesh never a whit hurt , nor by appearance touched ; and the like . Thus much for answer . The thunder which is expelled or extruded from blacke clouds , is more violent and hath greater force , than that which is ejaculated from the whiter clouds . This thunder then by nature subtile , and pearcing , but much more purified in it's distent , when it mixeth with the aire , is far more subtilized : And againe being by the fire , and heate of the thunder repurged of all grossenesse , it is made so purely spirituall , that is pearceth suddenly , and insensible as it were , almost all porous bodyes , and never exerciseth it's force till it finde resistance : And hereby it appeareth plainely how the skin is , as it were , untouched when the bone is broken , which may serve for all accidents in this kinde . But when it onely toucheth the outward of things without any great hurt , it betokens the weaknes , and imbecillity of the matter . And where commonly bodyes , so thunder beaten , doe smell of sulphure and brimstone , the matter of Thunder giveth the reason , for it is composed of dry , and sulphureous exhalations , as of the smoake of Sulphur-terrae by Naples ; of hot smoke in bathes , and rocks there ; of Monte de Sommi ; of Aetna in Sicilie : of the burning hills at Mexico in America : of our Hecla in Island , and such like chalkie , lymie and sulphureous places ; so vapors elevated out of these and the like places , must make thunder which is composed of them , to savour of them . Now to those , who aske which is the place where thunder is procreated , and begotten : answere may be made , from the grosse humidity , having in it some terrestriall glutinous , and viscous humor not easily separated from it that it existeth in ; which being thickned in a cloud in the highest part of the middle region whither they are elevated , above all other clouds , composed of other moist vapours ; from thence ( I say ) by the invironing cold , by Antiperistasis , or a stronger opposite part , they are extended and throwne downe . Qu. Again , if any demand why blacke clouds are conjectured most to containe , and send forth thunder bolts most fearefull ? I answer , indeed as blacke clouds , flashes , and lightnings , are little to be regarded , in respect that the blacnesse of them argueth but little firy matter to bee within ; But contrarywayes that it aboundeth in waterish vapours ; So commonly after thunder great raines , ensue ; the cloud being dissolved , and the fire expelled . But indeed , if the lightning bee not much to be feared of such a blacke cloud , yet the thunder bolt of it is terrible , as being violently expelled by the predominating cold , even as the great charge of a Cannon enforceth the bullets flight , and causeth the roaring noyse of it . Of reddish , or whitish coloured clouds , the bolt is but weake in regard of the rarity , and paucity of cold vapours to expell it ; but the flashes and lightning will be found dreadfull , in respect of the abundance of exhalations , wherewith , after their owne colour , the cloud is dyed . But leaving these fiery and hot Meteors , we betake us againe unto the moyst and watery ones , as more consonant and frequent to our climate . First , if it bee asked whether our moyst Meteors , such as snow , haile , and raine , have one common matter , whereof they are generated ; and if they have one , what can be the cause of their different shapes and formes ; for we see the snow broad and soft , contrarieways haile , round and hard . No question but one matter is common to all , viz. Waters ; from which , by vapours they are elevated to the aire ; and in which they are dissolved againe : but the difference standeth here . That the neerest matter ( to say so ) of snow , is vapours congealed in a cloud , which hath in it a great mixture of aire ; by which meanes , being some way heated , when the snow dissolveth , you see it holdeth , open and soft , by reason of that aire , whereas haile hath no airy substance in it , and thus qualified by experience , that we see haile fall downe on a suddaine , and ofttimes with violence , because of the terrestriall heavinesse of it , whereas snow falleth but leasurely . The reason why haile is round may be this , because falling down from the middle region where it is congealed , by the way it reencountereth with some circular and round drop of raine or water , which accordingly by the rolling about of the haile it selfe , becommeth hard likewise ; more especially , as not having any hot place , but the cold aire to fall through , till it light on our lowest region ; which accidentally hot , for the time , you see , maketh them immediately after their lighting upon the earth , to dissolve quickly , or at least not long after . And as these two are formed in the highest of the middle regions , and for the extreame cold which is there are congealed : so on the other side because the clouds from whence raine issueth , doe not ascend so high , therefore they dissolve in drops before they can be congealed . And so by degrees , dew and Hoar-frost , because they are not mounted so high as the matter and clouds of raine ; Therefore they fall sooner , and softlyer then raine doth ; so one matter is common mother unto all of them , but the degrees of their elevation in the aire maketh their differences : the haile higher then the Snow , the Snow then the Raine , the Raine then the Hoar-frost , mildew , or dew is . CHAP 10. Of Rivers , Fountaines and Springs , their sources and causes . THere ariseth a question here not unworthy of our consideration . Whether the Springs and Rivers , in and on the earth have their originall from the waters of the Sea , by subterranean conduits , or from the waters on the superfice of the earth which is caused by raine ; or finally from the huge and unmeasurable caverns , and hollow places of the earth , in whose bowells are monstrous lakes , pooles , and other standing waters , created of the ayre , therein enclosed , which not having any vent to ascend upward , but being condensed there , dissolveth it selfe into these waters . Now before we enter into the solution of this question , we must understand , that when I speake of the vast and endlesse caves , like valleys within the bowels of the earth , wherein waters are , that it is no invention of mine own : for Seneca , & with him Aristotle in his Meteorologicks in the 19 booke of his naturall questions instanceth it , saying , Quid miraris ( saith he ) si distructos terra non sentiat , cum adjectos mare non sentit ? And againe , Quemad modum supra nos imbres , it a infra nos fluvios aer facit , supra autem nos diu segnis aer stare non potest , qui aut sole atte●uatur , aut vento exp●nditur ; sub terra autem , quod aerem in aquam vertit idem semper est , scilicet umbra aeterna , frigus perenne & in excitato densitas quae , semper materiam fontibus fluminibusque praebebunt , and so forth : all which hee confirmeth in that same place by authority of Theophrast , whom hee bringeth in saying , That since the Earth hath swallowed Townes , Cities , and houses , who can doubt but that there are within her bowels , Brookes , Caves , Dens , and Valleyes ? which seeing they cannot be empty , must of necessity bee full of waters . Seeing then all things are composed of all the Elements , as of their common causes ; ( For water is a thickned ayre ; and the Ayre againe a rarified water : ) How then can these subterranean hollow places , but be full of waters , since the Earth doth dissolve in waters , to fil them up ? For the earth being delved or digged but a very few footsteps downe , water doth straight appeare , earth and water being of as great affinity as ayre and waters are : howbeit Zeno and others doe contradict this opinion , saying ; That the Earth is a massie , solid , and homogenean body . I say , that absolutely the Sea ( as a common Mother to all waters ) is she , from whence all Rivers , and Springs have their source , but yet not so wholly , but that they may be augmented by raine and water , as wee see by experience ; that after huge raines , both Fountaines and rivers doe accreasse . And if it bee asked , how water being of its owne nature heavie , can leave its owne element and centre , and bee conveighed to the tops of Mountaines and high places , as may bee daily seene almost every where ? To this first , I say , that the Sea being some way higher than the Earth , most easily , by its owne conduits , and channels , it may make passage unto it selfe , as through so many veines . Besides this , the vapours which the Suns heat , and the power of some other Planets , raiseth from the waters even under the earth , are not ever exhaled and carried aloft to the Ayre , but sometimes are even retained for a long time in solid places of the innermost parts of the earth ; where gathering themselves into the concavities thereof , they boile upward by the force of the said agitation , as a pot upon the fire , by the force of an under heare : so these waters bubling up through the earth cause our fountaines ; which running downeward againe , to the Valleys and Plaines , doe make our Brookes , Rivers , and Springs . And of this opinion is venerable Albertus Coloniensis , commenting Aristotle upon this question , Dubio nono & decimo . Or it may be said , that the caverns and concavities of the earth , being filled up with waters , which distill from the want of the caved earth above , are procured by the grosse Ayre there inclosed and converted into waters , which issuing out of the rarer or voider parts of the Earth , above , do occasion these Springs , Rivers , and Brookes . If it be demanded if steepe Mountaines do not retribute and send downe waters to feed our Springs and Rivers ; there is no question , for in their concavities , of certaine , there are treasures of waters , which bursting out at their lower parts , doe yeeld plenty enough , to bedew the lower Countries ; not that these waters are gathered there by raines which fall ( for raine-waters penetrate not so deepe into the earth ) but rather that the Mountaines themselves , being spongeous , doe attract and draw together , their whole dissolved waterish matter , to the frontiers and concavities ; from whence surging and breaking-forth through orifices , they grow into springs , brooks and sometimes rivers . Quest. What causeth some Fountaines to last longer than others ? certainly , that must proceed from the copiousnesse and aboundance of the veine and and waters , such long-lasting ones have , above the others . Or finally , if it be demanded what can be the cause that some Rivers , and Springs , which formerly did flow in large swift currents , do lessen , and sometimes totally dry up ? That must not be imputed to the scituation or change of the Starres , as some suppose ; by which ( say they ) all places in the world are altered ; but rather unto the decay of the veine : peradventure , because the earth preasing to fill up voidnesse , hath sunke down in that place , and so choaked the passage , and turned , the course another way . Neither can there be a fitter reply given unto those who aske ; what maketh two Springs or Fountaines which are separated onely by a little parcell of ground , to bee of a contrary nature ? yea , one sweet and fresh , the other brackish and salt ; one extreame cold , another neere adjoyning to it , to bee luke-warme . Then the diversity of Oares or Metals , through which these waters doe runne , which is the cause of their different tasts and temperatures ; as on one parcell of ground some flowers and herbs salutiferous and healthfull ; others venemous , and mortall may grow . The Moone is often said to bee the efficient cause of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea ; now if so be ( as universally all the Learned hold ) what is the cause , seeing shee is universally seene by all Seas in a manner , ( and I may say equally ) that therefore all Seas flow not and ebbe not alike ? To this I thinke no better reply can be given , than that some Seas there are which be rather Lakes , in a manner , and of fresher water than Seas , in respect of the incessant running of endlesse Rivers into them , whereof they make no account againe ( to say so ) by subministring matter to Rivers , Fountaines , Brookes , or Lakes , as the Ocean doth : the invironing bankes , and shoares being higher almost than they : such are all Sounds , Gulphs , and ( it may be ) the Mediterranean Sea also . Or yet we may say , that the profundity and deepenesse of some Coasts hindereth the flowing more then it doth upon shallow and ebbe sands and other valley and low bankes . Now the cause of our hot Baths neere Bristoll , in Flanders , Germany , France , Italy , and else where , is onely the sulphureous and a brimstony Oare , or Metall through which their waters runne ; as the salt earth through which some waters doe runne , is the cause of their saltnesse , such as the Salt-pits in Poland , and Hungarie , out of which Salt is digged , as our Pit-coales , and stones are digged out of Quarries . And no question but these waters are heated too by running through such earth . These , and the like , are the reasons given by Philosophers , for such secrets of Nature , as either here before I have touched , or may handle hereafter : and howbeit , by humane reason men cannot further pry into these and the like , yet no question but the power of the great Maker , hath secrets inclosed within the bowels of Nature , beyond all search of man : To learne us all to bend the eyes of our bodies , and minds upward to the Heavens from whence they flow , to rest there in a reverent admiration of his power , working in , by and above nature ; and that by a way not as yet wholly manifested unto mortall men . By all which , and many more we may easily espie as the power , so the wisdome of this our Maker , in disposing the forme of this Vniverse , whether the great World , or the little one , MAN ; in both which there is such a harmony , sympathy , and agreement , betwixt the powers above , which wee see with our eyes , as the Heavens , and the distinguished Regions of the Ayre in the greater World , with the Earth and Seas ; or of the soule , minde , life , and intellect of Man ; the heaven in him comparatively , with his body , the Earth , and such like , of the one with the other ; that is the great and little world together , as is a wonder . For as in the Ayre , how the lower parts are affected , so are the superiour ; and contrarywise , as the superior is disposed , right so the inferiour . So we see that not onely a heaven of Brasse , maketh the Earth of Iron , but likewise waterish and moist earth , causeth foggy and rainy ayre : as a serene or tempestuous day maketh us commonly either ioyfull or melancholy : or as a sad and grieved minde causeth a heavie and dull body : but contrariwayes , a healthfull and well tempered body , commonly effecteth a generous and jovially disposed minde . OF VARIETIES THE THIRD BOOKE : CONTEINING FIVE TREATISES . OF 1. Armies and Battels . 2. Combats and Duels . 3. Death and Burials . 4. Laughing and Mourning . 5. Mentall Reservation . BY DAVID PERSON OF Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN . Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvant . LONDON , Printed by RICHARD Badger , for Thomas Alchorn , and are to be sold at his shop , in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene - Dragon . 1635. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE THOMAS Earle of Hadington LORD Privy Seale of Scotland , and one of His Majesties most HONOURABLE Privy Counsell in both KINGDOMES . Right Honourable , IF writers of books in former ages have made a gratefull commemoration in the front of their workes , of worthy , men who for their brave deeds either in Peace , or War , Church or Common wealth were renounced , thereby to enternize their fame , and by their examples to extimulate others to the imitation of their vertues ; nothing could expiat my trespasse , if I should passe over your Lordships most accomplished rare vertues , thereby to deprive posterity of so excellent a President , especially amongst your other many exquisite perfections you being in this barren age so worthy a patterne , and Bountifull Patron of letters and literate men . Let antiquity boast it selfe of the integritie of a Greeke Aristides , in the gravity and inflexibilitie of a Roman Cato , and the rest : yet our age may rejoyce to have all these accumulated on your Lordship alone ; Envy cannot conceale with what credit and generall applause ( as through the Temple of Vertue to the Sacrary of Honour ) you have past all the orders of our Senatoriall Tribunall even to the highest dignity ; where , like an Oracle , you strike light through most foggie and obscurest doubts . The continued favour of Kings , the aggrandizing of your estate by well managed fortune , the peopling by the fecunditie of your fruitefull loynes not only your owne large stocke but many of the most ancient and honourable families in our nation , may well set out your praises to the world , but the true Panegyrick which I ( if able ) would sound abroad your Honours due deserving merits , to which , in all humility and reverence , I offer this small pledge of my entirer affection , hoping ere long to present them with something more worthy the studies and travels of Your Lordships in all dutifull obedience . D. PERSON . OF ARMIES AND BATTELLS : VVherein by the way our moderne VVarfare , is compared with the Old Roman . THE THIRD BOOKE . Section 1. That greatest armies have not alwayes carryed away the victory , the reason of it ; two examples , of Semiramis , and Xerxes . I FIND in Histories , that not alwayes the greatest , and most numerous armies , have carried away the victories in Battels ; whether it is , that the LORD of Hoasts will disappoint them who trust in their numbers , and armies of men , or their Martiall Horses and their strength , or in their military discipline . For it is probable , that as their infinite numbers , cannot ever be so well Marshalled , as that , at all times requisite , they can come to blowes ; so on the contrary , if once they chance to turne backes , the Panike feare that seazeth on so grosse , and peccant a body , is so remedilesse , that they can scarce ever bee brought againe into any right or perfect order , which in lesser armies , driven to such extremities , we heare and reade to have hapned : Or rather shall we say with that Captaine of the Volsci , marching against the old Romans ? Armati armatis obstant virtute pares , sed necessitate superiores . And againe ; Iustum est bellum , quibus necessarium , & pia arma , quibus nulla , nisi in armis , relinquitur spes . I need not insist too much on battels of unequall numbers , for the Greeke and Roman Histories are replenished with them ; yet two I will produce , as incredible for their numbers , as unlikely for their losse . The one , of Semiramis Queene of Babylon , who setting out for the conquest of the Indies , made up an army of three millions of armed men , whereof tenne hundred thousand Horsemen , the rest were foot , besides many hundred thousand Chariots , with blades like sythes , or falchions , sticking out on either side ; with many hundred thousand Camells and Elephants to fight on . Which horrible armie was so overthrown by the Indian Emperour , that scarce one hundred returned home alive . The other was of Xerxes , that powerfull King of Persia , who intending to subdue Greece , came downe upon it with such an army , that Rivers were drunke dry by the multitude of his souldiers . Herodotus reporter of the former two , reckoneth this whole army to amount to seventeene hundred thousand by land : and two hundred and fifty thousand by Sea , with 2200 Galleys ; for , by Sea and land , he intended their subversion , and came downe for that intent . The insolencie of this King ( environed with this terrible armie ) was such ; that intending likewise to subdue Europe , and for which purpose he prepared to passe the Hellespont , ( some seaven miles broad ) but because his bridge of boates , by the waters impetuousnesse , was overthrowne , which he caused to be contrived for that effect ( as Alexander did at Tyre ) he made his Souldiers , with him , vainely to whip the Sea for it's resistance against his so vast power . Neverthelesse this presumptuous King ( I say ) with all his forces , and numbers of men , by a small number of Greekes , was overcome at the Battell of Thermopilae ; in so far that , that same glorious King of Medes and Persians , was forced to steale over the Hellespont , slenderly accompanied in a frigat , or Shallop , in the yeare of the world 4720. or thereabouts , if Sabellicus mistake not . Now as these two remarkable and populous armies were thus defeated by the smaller number , and so confirmeth this assertion afore-mentioned ; So who will follow forth the tract of all either divine , or heathen Histories , shall finde it more manifestly approved . As for holy Histories , unlesse I were obliged not only by an Historicall but by an Evangelicall faith also , to trust all comprehended with●n the old and New Testament as undoubted veritie , I could hardly be induced to beleeve , that so little a territory as the holy land was ( and yet is ) could afford so many hundred thousand fighting men , as were so often recorded to bee raised in it ; unlesse that some would say , that beside the blessing of God upon that land in making it to overflow with milke and hony , wheat , wine and oyle , that so he would have it to abound in men likewise . Sect. 2. Examples of Greeke , Roman , and British Battels , where the fewer number have overcome the greater . THere is a freedome left to every Reader of Histories , to beleeve or not beleeve every particular in them : yet those battailes , where the fewer numbers have overcome the greater , will most startle beleefe ; as that victorie of Alexander over Darius ; the battails of Thrasymenes , Cannes , with the Pharsalian field , and the like . For Alexander , with but a few , did beat Darius great hosts : Hannibal , with lesser multitudes overthrew the Roman Consuls , Paulus Aemilius , and Terentius Varro ; Iulius Caesar , with almost the halfe of Pompeys number put him and his armie to rout . But neither the imparitie of the Greeke , nor Roman battels fought by them can give so great assurance of possibility , that small troupes have overcome the greater . As that battell of Poictiers by Edward the blacke Prince of England , against Iohn King of France ! where , not onely foure times as many that day were put to rout , by the worthy English , but likewise the King himselfe was led captive into England ; whose ransome redacted his countrie unto that penury , and scarcity of money , that they were forced thereafter , to coyne and stampe pieces of leather money , as their History of that time recordeth . Neither , was that glorious victory over the French much more remarkeable , nor more sufficient for proofe of this then was that famous victorie of our valiant Bruce , at the battell of Bannak-burne , against an other Edward . I might adde to these two the renowned victories woone by Scanderbeg a petty Prince of the Epirots , who with but a handfull of men ( as it were ) did overcome the hundreds of thousands of that victorious Mahomet , as at length may bee read in the Turkish Historie . Sect. 3. Whether it be requisite that Princes hazard their Persons in field or not ; of the Encouragement that their presence giveth to the Souldiers : When a King should venter to the field ; and what Lievtenants are to bee deputed by him ; all exemplified . OVr Politicians , of latter times , have made it a great question , whether a Soveraigne Prince should hazard his person in battell or not , considering the great losse that ensueth either by his death , or captivitie ; a thing never doubted of in former ages ; no not by such Kings who though sickly and diseased , have caused to carry their bodyes from their bed unto the field , thereby the more to encourage , with their presence , their mutining and doubting armies ; as Plutarch witnesseth in the life of Eumenes . Yea , Xisca had such a conciete of himselfe and his owne presence , that after his death , he ordained his skinne to be flead off him , and a drumme to be covered with it ; imagining thereby , that , as he in his life had terrified and sorely beaten his enemies , so the sound of this after his death would be a terrour unto them . Neither , was there any thing encouraged our brave English , at the approch of the Spanish armado , more , than the assurance and undismayed countenance of that ever famous Q. Elizabeth , ryding in the front of her troupes with a Iaveline in her hand ( like an armed Pallas ) as the Bishop of Ely in his treatise of the 88. most appositely relateth . Philippe de Commines observeth nothing more worthy of re-marke in the battell of Fornouncie ( which the Italians call the battell of Tarr which was strooke at the foote of the Appennine mountaines , by the French King Charles the eight , against the Venetian an armie , under the conduct of the Marquise of Mantua , their generall , at the Kings returne from Naples homeward , ) then the young King his generous encouraging of his people , with a chearefull countenance : and so much the more ; because that the night before , the armie was so terribly frighted with thunder , flashes of fire from heaven , horrible tempests of winde , and raine , all which he perswaded his Souldiers , were onely ominous prodigies , to dismay their enemies . So then , when I seeme to admit , or allow the presence of a King in his Armie , rather than to devolve that charge on Deputies ; it is not to bee understood , that therefore hee should play or act the part of a Souldier , exposing his sacred person unto danger and palpable hazard , which are onely for common Souldiers ; but onely by his advice , and countenance , to encourage , direct , and ensure all things . — stetit aggere fulti Cespitis intrepidus vultu , meruitque timeri Nil metuens — As Lucane speaking of Iulius Caesar , exquisitly remarketh : neither yet is it to be understood , that a King should in person be in his battels , and armies at all occasions , but then only and especially , when the enemy is within , or approaching his Countrey ; for otherwayes hee may very conveniently doe his businesse abroad , by his Lievetenants . Provided alwayes , that he who is imployed , be not of such eminency , as thereby he bee able to encroach upon his estate ; and then armed with men , power , and strength , favour and meanes , attempt against his Soveraignety : but that by consanguinity , or other obliging bonds , the Prince bee assured of this great mans fidelity and trust : as examples of former Ages can yeeld sufficient testimony to have beene practised : to which purpose I will onely instance , that notable authority of Velleius Paterculus , in his abridgement of the Romane History ; when he speaketh of that great imployment intrusted unto Pompey , in scouring the whole Seas of those mighty and many Pirats which infested it . Idem autem ( saith he ) in Marci Antonii praetura ipsi concreditum fuit , populus id aequo animo ferebat ; ( and why ) Quia rarò eorum invidetur honoribus quorum vis non timetur , tum demum verò extrema eorum formidantur , qui vim in potestate habent . Next it is most requisite in the deputed expeditions that two Commanders be not placed over one armie , the Heavens cannot abide two Sunnes , as Darius was told by the Macedonian Alexander . — omnisque potestas Impatiens consortis erat — But leaving former examples , or later miserable experiences of this wee have in hand , I cannot but applaud that memorable Motto of the Duke de Mayne , on his Colours and other Ensignes , which doth well to this purpose ; for when he had taken upon him the conduct of his Brother the Duke of Guyse's forces , after hee was killed at Blois , had these words for his Motto , — vno avulso non deficit alter Aureas , & simili frondescet virga metallo . Section . 8. Of the Romans prudency and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies ; and why the Grecians conjoyned two in their embassies : and of the danger of too strict Commissions . IF it be objected here , that the Romans and Grecians ( who were chief Masters of this military Art ) did in all their expeditions send two Consuls , or Deputies together ; yet that maketh not any wayes against the former assertion : for as the severall effects thereof proved not alwayes successefull , as their lamentable warres can testifie ; and particularly the bloudy fights betwixt Silla and Marius , each vindicating to himselfe the honour of captivating the Numenian Iugurtha : they commonly were sent , so , that either alternatively they should beare rule ; or the younger was accoupled to the elder , that the younger might submit and give way to the gravity , yeares , and authority of his Senior ; or finally these Consuls were so attemperated in that charge , that one of a slow and procrastinating disposition was still joyned to one of a sudden and forward nature ; yet none of all scarce ever proved successefull to the Citie : For what desolation Terentius Varro his suddennesse brought unto the State that day that befell him to command , ( although against the will or consent of the elder Paulus Aemilius ) at the battell of Cannes , their Histories yet may beare record in letters of bloud . And though Marcellus and Fabius , were so joyned , that Marcellus impatiency was tempered and allayed by the delaying nature of Fabius , yet there are few Fabii Maximi to endure the upbraiding and insolent bravadoes of a camarade as he did ; yea , and of his whole Armie , for not fighting at such occasions as they thought advantagious ; of whom the Poet said well , Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem . And of both , their legender Plutarch ; That Marcellus was the Sword of Rome , and Fabius the Buckler and defence ! That the Grecians sent alwayes two together , either to wars , or in Embassage , was rather to the effect each should pry into , and controll the others actions , to save their Common-wealth unbetrayed , then for advancing the businesse they were sent about ; as in the lives of Lisander and Calicrates is manifest ; every one of them for envy , emulation , and ambition , undoing that which the other had plotted . Now , as the Romane and Greeke examples above rehearsed , doe make little for the authority of two Generals over an Armie , seeing the formerly particularized evils doe ensue : In as little doe I thinke their example to be imitated in these our dayes for prescribing particular and precise injunctions unto Generals , in so farre , that they may not in a jot transgresse the limits of their Commission . For though the Romane History affordeth examples enow of Fathers ; who , when their own sons had returned victorious , and the businesse they went about , well and honourably performed ; for which the first day they were honoured with the Ovations and Triumphs due unto victors ; yet the next day were put to death for having gone beyond the points of their Commission ; yea , but for halting one day more by the way , than punctually they were enjoyned to doe : ( though peradventure they had brought the enemy unto such a passe , that if that day had escaped from giving battell , or any other thing of like consequence , the state of the Common-wealth might have beene imperilld , or the enemy escaped , or the like . ) Yet I know not how their doings , by Lawes of a well managed state , may be lawfully warranted . For in wars it may be , that the opportunity of doing well presenteth it selfe so , that if the General lose the point of that present service ( though his Commission carry no warrant for it ) he may hazard to posterity both his fame and credit , and may , ( which is more ) endanger the state , or Prince whom he serveth . But as the jealousie of the Romans for the conservation of their liberty and state burst out in these strict Commissions ; so I shall wish that for the preservation of ours , all expert States-men upon most weighty considerations doe advise , such as the multifarious exigencies of affaires require ; for I am no wayes to direct . Section 5. Difference betweene Battels and Duels : that Generals may refuse challenges : with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their warres . NOw to returne to our Battels from which we have digressed ; I observe great ods betwixt battels and duels : for in battels neither Generals of Armies repute it a point of disparagement or discredite , if either they refuse to fight , when they are bravado'd by their enemy : nor yet a point of disgrace to sue for conditions of peace and friendly compositions , when all things all the cleare in the field : any of which , or both , in matter of duels , should be reputed a perpetuall disgrace , unlesse it were in such termes as the Barons did ; mentioned in the Chapter of combats . Of the first , we have the example of Fabius Maximus , whom Hannibal bravadoed so insolently , that Fabius's owne souldiers had him in derision . And of late , the Duke of Parmas example , who relieved the Towne of Paris , from that terrible siege , wherewith King Henry the third and last of the Valoyses had beleagured it ; for rising in armes against him in fauour of the house of Guise : I say , this Duke having raised this siege , at last releeved the City with necessaries , in spight of all King Henry the great , then of Navarre , his valour , and hard pursuit ; yea , and offer of battell : yet he returned the way he came without apprehending any disgrace , but deferred till he thought fitting againe to give him battell . And on the other part , if any of all the worthy Ancients had reputed it an aspersion , or imputation either to their fame , valour , or fortune , who so unlikely to sue for putting off fighting , as that witty , wise , valorous ( and till then fortunate ) Hannibal , and that at the hands of the man on earth , with whom he stood most upon points of credit and reputation , viz. Scipio , his Antagonist ? And yet the History represents unto us , that the sixteenth yeere of the Punick warres , when Scipio the African , had invented , and prosecuted that stratagem of warre , to draw Hannibal out of Italy , by kindling the fire of war in his own Countrey , yea , at the Gates of Carthage ; which accordingly as he had invented , he put in execution ; so that the Countrey and Citie , at the first approach of the Roman army , posted away Commissioners unto Hannibal to hast him over into Africk with all his force , or else that all was undone . Hannibal , I say , considering that policy , and withall remembring unto what extremity he had both driven Rome , and almost all Italy , and what he might have done if he had not beene so soone fatally recalled ; moreover , being landed , and finding his forces not able enough to encounter Scipio ( both Armies being in sight of other ) before the battell should begin , desired parly with Scipio , and in these or the like termes the History makes Hannibal in mid-field to speake unto him , after serious eying each other . The Heavens be propitious unto our meetings ; now that I , who am the elder , sue for cessation from fighting this day ( great Scipio ) impute it unto fortune ; whom now I perceive like a woman to favour thee at this time , who art the younger ; the variablenesse of these events ( mee thinks ) should move thee to condescend unto the peace I plead for , yea , as willingly and effectually as I crave it , if you doe but ponder in the ballance of an impartiall and not preoccupied minde , what diversity of chances have fallen out since the beginning of our warres , and how , even now , this same Citie , which offereth conditions of peace , had both your glorious Rome , and in it all Italy , quaking and trembling under the auspices of my fortunate successes ; and how I am still the same man as before : and withall , how the Gods have a watching eye , and revenging hand when they are invocated as witnesses unto equall conditions offered and refused for the preserving of humane bloud . And as they ever were , so still they are able , to turne the chance against all , whose swelling presumption would hinder the perpetuall peace of both Empires . I am confident yet , great Scipio ( saith he ) that the sense of vicissitude in martiall affaires shall touch thee so , as not to indanger all thy fresh former Trophees under the hazard of a doubtfull battell . Call but to minde the fatall examples of so many brave wariours , and particularly of your countrieman Attilius Regulus ( seeing home-bred experiences are most sensible ) who having attained the verticall point of honour , and preferment , by the fortunatenesse of his succesfull victories , while hee did not command his felicities , was plunged in the miserablest of misfortunes , &c. Sect. 6. That the exploits of our moderne warriours , have bin every way comparable to those of the Ancient ; with some examples to that effect . AS no judicious man can be so unjust as not to retribute due honour to the never dying Worths , and valours , of the many renowned Roman and Greek Commanders , with others in all former Ages ; so ought no man to be so transported with their so largly famed deeds , as thereby to derogate from the true worths , the many most admirable exploits ; the undaunted courages , of the many excellent and most warlike Commanders that have of later Ages , like so many Comets , shined in their times , over Christendome ; of whom our own Countries ( without ostentation I say it ) have filled up a very large number . It is not to be doubted but that in these our latter ages there are men every way equall for all manner of warlike exploits , whether stratagems , policie , or undaunted courage , to the so famed Hannibal , Scipio , Fabius Maximus and the rest . That exploit of Hannibals indeed , when Fabius Maximus had enlabyrinthed him in that straight of the Apennine Mountaines was preferable to any in my conceit : with which I ballance that admirable stratagem of Sir Francis Drake in firing the Spanish Armado in 88. That it bred the ruine of that so huge and expensive Navie and so formidable to this whole Iland . It is observed of Hannibal , that being in that straight , and recollecting his wits how to escape , with his armie , hee gathered together all the Oxen in the country about him , and under cloud of night , having tyed unto their hornes bundles of vine branches , like little fagots , which he kindled , and therewith chased them along the Mountaines . Now they being so terrifyed with the flames of fire , burning about their eares , made such a noyse , and dreadfull show along the sydes of the mountaines , as they ranne , that the Roman army , which lay in the valley , being astonied at such a sight , ( it being in the night ) when all things are most dreadfull ) did betake it selfe unto the opposite Mountaine , and made way to the Carthaginian armie which then marched to escape : neither think I , but for all the fame of these ancient illustrious deeds registrated in their records , but if either they had chanced to have adoe with the people of these ages , where the acts of warre are better refined , and purified then in those times ; Or yet if our commanders had served in that age ; but they had come shorter of victories here , then ours had done in their atchievements there . But as Alexander reputed Achilles happy who had a Homer to sound his praises ; even so these brave Heroes were a like happy , whose Histories have not beene sparing to set them out in their fullest dimensions . Sect. 7. The difference betwixt the ancient manner of warrefare ; and the moderne : how farre the moderne engines of Warre exceed those of the ancient Greekes and Romans . IN marshalling of our armies , and Battels , our moderne plans jump almost with those of the Ancient ; yet our Sieges , beleaguring of townes , and instruments of war doe far exceede theirs , whether by Sea , or by land . And first that the forme of drawing up of our armies , is not far different from theirs , appeareth in this . Our armies consist of so many regiments , the regiment of so many companies , and our companies of so many Souldiers ; then , subdivided amongst themselves . Our armies , in whole , having their Generalls commanding them , our Regiments their Colonells , our Companies their Captaines , and every one of these their Lievtenants and under-officers , conformable unto the stations of their charge , such as Sergeant Majors , Quarter-masters , Ancient Corporalls , Serjeants of companies , &c. Even so the Roman armies were composed of so many legions ; the legion made up of 6000. souldiers , over which a Tribune had command : these againe were subdivided into so many Cohorts : the Cohorts into so many Manipuli , which being redivided in Centuries , were againe subdivided in Contuberneys which were the meanest company in a legion . These had a Captaine , a Lievtenant , and Ensigne bearer , wherefore they were called Subsignarii Milites . Thus two centuries made up a Manipulus , 3. Manipuli a Cohort , 10. Cohorts a legion , and so many Legions an armie lesse or more according to the exigencie of their affaires . When a Legion stood in battell array , the least squadron of it , was a Manipulus wherein was two Ordaines conjoyned together making 10. in front , and their Lievtenant in the reire : this excellent order of the old Roman warre-fare , is well nigh imitated by our moderne warriours , as I was saying in the fields , when , both then , and elsewhere their armies , were like well governed Citties . Yet on the other side the Roman sieges and all their engines of warre , come short in comparison of our manner of beleaguring now adayes , notwithstanding their testudines , vineae , aggeres , and Turres , which were hurdells and plankes of Timber , built in such sort that Souldiers might securely fight under them , or like Mounts of earth rolled before them , under which they might make approach unto Walles , either for scaling , or undermining ; these and all others of this sort , when they come in comparison with our fire workes , but chiefly our thundring Cannons , they are found to be but of little availe . But what shall we say ? Truly we may conclude that in these dayes , true valour and strength had their just assayes , cum latus lateri , dextra dextrae , pes pedi , as Plautus saith , were opposed to one another . Whereas now the bravest , and most venturous fellows without much proofe of their undoubted courages , are prostrate on the ground : So that for any thing I either heare or can reade in the French Histories , where manifest fights have beene in these latter ages ; and since these Vulcanian Thunderers have beene in request ; I understand ( I say ) yea even by those who were present , and had borne a part of the play themselves ; that so soone as the fire and showers of shot were spent , the victory almost beganne to incline , unto one side , or other ; before the push of Pikes , wherein commonly the strength of battels co●sist ; the Romans indeed had their fundi , and hurling ; Darts , but what were all these unto the former ? Sect. 8. That the Ancients in their warres had greater opportunities to try their prowesse , in battell ; then the modernes have . AND as in their field battells , and seiges of Cities , their people had occasion afforded , by the lacke of these shot , to prove themselves and show sufficiently unto their commanders , testimonyes of their valour , strength , and dexterity : Soin their Sea-fights , though they had no Ships of any bignesse but Galleys ( which then , as now , were of a low tyre ; ) yet , whensoever they encountred , they had occasion to exhange blowes enow . Whereas our Sea-fights ( as they say ) now adayes , are able to astonish Nepture himselfe ; no mercie being to be found nor almost place secure within our Ships , exposed as butts unto the fury of the roaring Cannon . That their numbers in these kind of fights exceeded ours , beyond compare , there is no question , their Histories doe verifie it : but if ever in their time there was such a Naumachie or sea-fight in their seas , as the battell of Lepanto betwixt us and the Turkes , I doubt of it . Where the favour of the Lord of Hoasts seco●ding the Christians order , valour , Commanders and Souldiers willingnesse , and affections to that fight , purchased that victory worthy to be sung by a King , yea the best since Salomon , of one that bore Crowne , KING Iames of blessed memorie , which at length is to beseene in the Turkish Historie , and in Du Bartas small workes . Sect. 9. The manner how the Greekes and Romans ordered their battells , both by Sea , and by land ; the battells of Cannas and Trasimenes described . AS for the disposition of the Roman , or Greeke Sea-fights and battells , I find little other order , then that they were drawne up in a cressant , and so was the battell of Lepanto . But for their land battels , I read of foure kinds of pitching of them : For they were either into a straight front , by them called recta acies very usuall amongst them ; Or else the manner of imbattelling observed by Caesar against Ariovistus , was in request , which was , when one corner of the army was advanced neerer the neerest point of the enemies army then the other was ; to the effect , the one being wearied , the other might advance to renew the charge a fresh , which by him in his Commentaries was called acies obliqua . The third I understand , to bee that observed by Scipio in Spaine called acies sinuata , in manner of halfe Moone , whose points were advanced , as the Sea-battells spoken of before : And his reason of marshalling of them thus was , because he understood his enemies best men to be placed in the middle of their army , and so by advancing his cornets he discomfited , and put their battallions unto confusion , before the better Souldiers could come unto blowes . The fourth is acies gibbera , or gibbosa : When the maine battell advanced , but the two cornets lay lagging behinde in manner of Cressant too , with the Hornes or points arreirward : This forme was observed by Hannibal at the battell of Cannas , whereas he did the contrary unto Scipio , neither wanted he his warrand as the effect proved . And howbeit Sr. Walter Raleigh in diverse places of his great and judicious workes takes me much , yet in nothing more , than in this description of the plaine order , fight , and end of that battell at Cannas , which was thus ; Terentius Varro having inforced the grosse of Hannibals Cressant , in which , contrary to Scipio's order , his worst souldiers were , whilst some Numidians counterfeiting a flight , to traine the Romans unto their chase , some further within the Cressant made way unto them ; till in the end , they were encountred by Hanniball himselfe : who standing in his squadron of Carthaginians , under the shaddow of the vanquished grosse battallion drove them back againe , within the circumference of the halfe Moone , whose face looked towards him ; which closing again , where it was first inforced , environed the il-governed Roman Armie ; so that they were exposed as a pray , unto the fury of the Maures , Numidians , Spaniards , Carthaginians , and some of their Countrey-men Italians , whereof Hannibals Armie consisted . Which overthrow of the Romans , with that at Trasimenes received under the consulship of Cneius Servilius , and Titus Flaminius , hapned rather by the fury and blinde ambition of the two younger Consuls , for the time ( who would not attend the opportunities of times , and places appointed by their elders , viz. Paulus Aemilius Consul with Varro , and Cne . Servilius , with Flaminius , ) then by the dexterity of Hanniball ; or yet the valour of his people above them ; yet may they not counterpoyse , or at least over-value that of Pharsalia , where , the Romans , amongst themselves , gave sound proofes of their courages unto their owne destruction : although Iulius Caesars part ( with fewer numbers ) was more to be admired above Pompey , in regard of his providence above him in this . Section . 10. A Maxime in militarie discipline , inferred to confirme Pompeys oversight at the battell of Pharsalia . IT is a maxime of military discipline , that if thy enemy invade thee , by running upon thy Armie with force , in that case , to abide their charge in setled and sound station ; if otherwayes , they budge not to flye upon them : for Pompey his Armie being composed of the flowre of the Roman youth ; no question , but if hee had commanded them to give the charge , they , whose hot bloud and rising spirits , had incensed and redoubled their courages , by the onset , had inforced Caesars host ( which although it was composed of old beaten souldiers , yet being so farre inferiour , as it was in numbers unto them ) to a flight , so to avoide the swelling and furious onset : whereas , on the contrary , they were commanded to abide Caesars charge : and thus by that attendance , their young and first fury being cooled and abated ; withall , Caesar ( as a well experienced Commander , enjoyned his people to invade these young blouds , imagining ( as it came to passe ) that being amorous youths , they had rather turne their faces than have them torne ( howbeit these skars are rather the honourable badges of true valour , than hinderances or lets of love to a discreet mind ) by which meanes , as Pompey lost the field , so did hee all hopes of redintegrating his losses againe , making his recourse unto the King of Aegypt , where by the way he was killed . Section 11. That the French , what within their owne Countrey and abroad , have fought more battels of late times , than any other Nation ; and of their successe in them . BVT to leave Greeke and Roman Histories , and to passe by the battels , whereof in them are plenty to be read : I will descend to the later Ages , where the liberty of Writers is some way better restrained from debording ; and whereof the commemoration will bee more taking , and delightfull unto the Reader . And to begin with the French ; I finde , that they have given maniest battels within this later Age , both at home in their owne bowels , and abroad : and at home with strangers , though not with discredit , yet with small advantage . For to take a survey , either of their battels with the English in France , or in Italy ; either in Lombardy for Millan , or in , and about Naples with the Spaniard ; we shall finde by their owne Writers , that few of them have beene fortunate : in so much , that beside the common losse in field , their Generals were either taken , or killed , both by the English and Spanish . Indeed I will not say , but at some times their deeds have beene most worthy , both in the fights at Giradadda , and Tarr , which may counterpoise the losse of Gaston de Foix at Ravenna ; the Duke of Nemoures at Cerisoles ; and almost the captivity of their King at Pavi● : yet what shall we say ? they have lost all their footing beyond the Alpes : whether by their misfortune , ill government , or the Heavens decree , which have bordered France in w th such unpassable marches , in a manner , that it may learne to live by it selfe without encroaching upon her neighbours . As for their intestine battels againe ; so many in so short space have not bin struck in any place throughout the world . For albeit Flanders and Holland , have beene now for long time debated , betwixt the Spaniards and the States ; in so farre , as it hath beene , sedes belli , and the publike Theatre whereon the Tragedies of bloudy Mars have beene acted unto the view of all Christendome , since the beginning of their troubles , and the reformation of Religion , as well as France : yet we shall scarce find in all their History of one set battell ; for the story of Newport which comes the neerest unto one of any , was rather a successive fight , than a pitched field . Section . 12. That emulation amongst the Princes in France , rather than Religion , was the cause of the many civill-warres there . VVHether the procrastinating and long suffering humour of the Spaniard , with whom the Hollanders have to doe ( wherein they exceed the French ) whether their feare to hazard the undoubted losse of the whole Countries unto the parties overcome upon a doubtfull battell ; or whether ( like wise Scipio ) they are loth to lose a souldier , be the cause of their never appointing set field , I know not : but I dare say , that there have beene more civill-wars and battels strooke within the bowels of France , since the reformation of Religion , there , than in all Christendome , for that or other causes whatsoever . The battell of S. Dennis , Moncon tour , Yvri , Iarnack , Coutras , Arques ; besides , diverse others lesse remarkable may witnesse . Which argueth necessarily how hot and sudden the disposition of that people is . And how justly Iulius Caesar in his Commentaries ( and with him divers others ) have hit , when hee describeth the nature and humour of the ancient Gaules . Neither must it be thought , that the zeale of Religion onely rouseth up this ferocity , on both sides , unto such bloudy fights and battels . For other Countries about , have appeased all dissentions about Religion with fewer fights , and lesse bloudshed at , least in open field , as who frequent their Histories may finde . And howsoever Religion was partly a motive unto it : yet it was sometimes used as a cloake to cover the emulous ambition of some great men : as that betwixt those illustrious Families of Bourbon and Guyse , both aspiring unto the Crowne , by the visible declining of the name of Valois , in the person of King Henry the third . As for all the late battels fought in Germany and other places of Christendome , there being so copious and plentifull relations of them every where to bee had , I passe them by , and referre the Reader to them . OF VARIETIES THE THIRD BOOKE . OF DVELS AND COMBATS . AS by Duels and Combats ( under the false glosse of gaining , maintaining , or repairing of Honour and reputation ) there hath beene more young , generous , and Noble bloud spilt over Christendome , then by any other Pestilentiall Custome whatsoever ; So , no Nation hath beene so universally and so long infested with them , as France ; in so farre , that it almost may be said that the first fountaine of them sprang from thence , all Christendome beside not affording so many memorable ones as it alone . Their heat and impatient sudden fury that way being imputed by some of their owne Writers to Mars the Predominant Planet over that Clime : And first I observe , that by their Salick Law Title 69. Duels were authorized , and that Law seconded by the Gambetts Law , as Agobardus ad Ludouicum Imperatorem hath it ; and continued so ( though not without some opposition till the reigne of Henry 2. Sect. 1. Of combats by Champions for Cleering of Queenes Honours : Combats betwixt Ladies ; betwixt Church-men : and betwixt Iudges : Combatants , rewarded by Kings their Spectators ; and S. Almachius kild , for declaming against Duels , &c. LOtharius ( saies P. P. Nicolas in his 5. Chapter : ) desirous to make tryall of the Chastitie of his Wife Teuberga was advised by the Bishops to choose a Champion , and his wife another ; which two were by simple Combats to resolve the Scruple : Their Queenes too had recourse to Duels , in choosing Champions to maintaine their Honours and cleere any imputations layd against them : for Iudeth , Wife to King Lewis the Gentle , being by him accused of having dishonoured his bed , by accompanying with Bernard his kinsman and Prince of the bloud , was purged of that staine by Bernards entring the lists , and freely offering Combat to any that would maintaine that wrongfull quarrell . And their Ladies also , not Content to have their honours and their other quarrels maintained by their Champions , have themselves to publike view , within lists , body against body fought in single Combats , as Petrus de Auriliaco in his Title de Duello , affirmeth . And not onely their Women , but their Church-men also , were licensed to decide any debate of great consequence that had risen amongst them by Duell , whereof I will onely mention that out of Goffridus Abbas Vindoci in his 3. booke 38 Epistle . of Rhenold Chesnell Clarke of the Church of Xanites , who fought a Combat with one Guilleaume a Religious Monke of Vandosme . But more memorable is that of Anselme Besse , Churchman and Treasurer of the Church of Laon , who being accused of having robbed the Church treasury , of severall rich and precious pieces , and sold them to a Goldsmith of Soissons , who had deposed against him , obstinately denied the fact , and craved combate , which was granted ; they fought , and the Goldsmith was overcome ; notwithstanding these things were sold him by the Monk : yet ( saith my Author ) the Goldsmith for having violated his oath , which he had given unto the other , never to reveale the theft , was condignely punished . Nor have their Iudges beene exempted from this triall by duell ; for Chopnius de Domanio , Tit. 26. § . 15. telleth of one Marsilli a Counsellor of the Parliament who , being accused by another of corruption or bribery , was dispensed withall by the authority of Parliament to challenge his accuse● , and did fight with him in the quarrell . Moreover , Petre d' Auriliack declareth , that their Kings did not onely authorize Duels , but were oft-times eye-witnesses and spectators of them . Charles the 6. ( saith Frossard in his 3. Tome ) was present on S. Thomas day , behinde S. Martines in the fields at Paris , at the combate of Iohn de Carrouges , and Iames Legris , and from that time conferred a Pension on Carrouges : And Charles the 8. ( saith Ferronius , lib. 1. Hist. ) did behold Zerbulo and La Laude whilst they fought , and rewarded both , giving to Zerbulo 300. Crownes , and to La Laude 50. And of later dayes K. Henry the 2d. was present at that of Chastangueraye against Iarnack ; of which hereafter . Nay , the natures of that people in former ages have beene so averse to have any custome , how pernicious so ever , abrogated , that it is recorded of S. Almachius , that for having declamed publikely against Duels and the frequency of them in his time , he was , by the obstinate and seditious multitude over-run , and violently put to death . But not minding to fill up this Discourse with the many famous and memorable combats that have bin fought amongst themselves , and against strangers in that Nation ; as that of Peter Bajard against Don Alonzo de Sancto major : Anno , 1503. Or that of the Earle of Arguemont , against Montmorancy in the Isle of Maisiers ; or that of Delarges against Vaudrey , Anno 1521. with many others : Or of later dayes , how in King Lewes's voyage towards Limo●ine , six score were killed in single combate ; with as many or thereabouts in his voyage towards Savoy . I will only mention in stead of all two most memorable ones , the one in France , the other in Spaine ; and first of the French in the following Section . Section 2. A recitall of two memorable duels , the one in France betwixt Monsieur de Creky , and Don Philippin : The other in Spaine betweene Pedro Torrello , and Ieronimo Anca , both of Arragon : in the presence of Charles the fifth . THE French shal be first inserted here , although latest acted , for it was but in the dayes of King Henry the 4th . surnamed the Great ; set downe by du Mathieu , and thus briefly it is . In the warres betwixt the said King , and the Duke of Savoy , for the recovery of the Marquisat of Saluces usurped long before that time , during the time of the French divisions by the said Dukes , and now reclamed by this King , as having bin formerly rent from his Crowne , although it lyeth in a manner within the Savoyards bosome : it fell out so , at the taking in of a little Towne there , that Crekie did vant to have got in that conflict * Philippin's skarfe : which words being conveighed to his eares , he forthwith challenged Crekie of a lye ; and that so much the rather ; for that at certaine other swaggerings , where Philippin his fortune was to be before this fatall fight ; Crekie likewise , had vented and vaunted , that hee had dipt his hand in the 〈◊〉 bloud ; which wrongs ( at least so pretended by him ) accumulated together , drove him ( if the French History say right , for Fides sit penes Authorem ) to undertake the challenge , yet not without the valorous Duke his brothers threatning instigation : the time , place , weapons , judges , and all , agreed upon , they fought couragiously both : but yet so , that the French having the advantage of the Sun , which even then was tending towards the West , by good fortune , and it may be by the equity of the challenge ( for Perkins holds Duels not to be examens of innocency ) left the Savoiard dead upon the field : The Spanish duell was more remarkable in its circumstance , howbeit inferiour in the dignity of the combarants , and in the event of their fight ; for although it be proverbially spoken , that the French in single combat or duell , are better than the Spaniard , and the Spaniard in battels and greater numbers doe surpasse the French ▪ even so in Italy I have oftentimes heard , that the Florentine alone is more wise , and subtle than the Venetians : but they againe in counsell are more wise and deliberate than the Florentines In this combate the Spaniards gave very sound proofes both of their courage and daring . The discourse of it is at length , and in its punctuall circumstances set downe in their Countrey story , which I will briefly touch . In the dayes of Charles the 5. that fortunate Prince , for the time both Emperour and King of Spaine , there lived in his Court Peter Torello , & Hierome Anca Arragonois , both Gentlemen of note ( for so they were called ) and withall entire and loving Comerades : these two on some occasion faling to contradictory termes , from words they fell so foule , that it came to a challenge , from challenge to a meeting , from that to fighting ; in which combate , after some bouts , Peter Torello was overthrowne by the default of his Rapier , which either broke , or else was beaten out of the hilt by his Antagonists furious blowes ; by whom he was forced instantly either to dye , or sue for life ; who being put to that extremity , condescended to accept of his life ; but conditionally , that on the faith of a Gentleman , hee should reveale that secret to none living , which he might doe the more trustily , seeing no other were witnesses to it , but more especially seeing it was not through lack of courage on his part , nor of daring , but rather by chance of warre . Things thus put up , they returne to Court , living together after their old fraternity , as if never such a thing had beene amongst them , never so much as a motion or whispering of it ; till within a certaine space of time a report of Torello his overthrow burst out , which comming to his eare after it had beene blazed through the whole Court , he pondered with himselfe , that hee could not be avenged on his companions perfidiousnesse by a private duell againe , whom hee perswaded himselfe was the onely revealer of his disgrace and that secret ; ( notwithstanding Hierome Anca certainly affirmed the discovery therof to be by a Neat-heard , who unknowne of them overheard and saw them ) Torello therefore being set on revenge to repaire his disgrace , which he beleeved was whispered and talked of by every one , had recourse to the Emperour , and begged at his Majesties hands , that it might please him for the recovery of his reputation now in question , to grant him a publike combat with his enemy , who perfidiously against his plighted faith , had revealed the matter , whereof he made a particular rehearsall : whereunto the Emperour after many instant solicitations gave way , but with this restriction ; that first , they should fight armed : next , that when hee should throw in betwixt them a golden rod , which at solemne times he bore in his hand , they should give over , and not fight to death , as in other combats : these conditions were accepted by both parties , the day and place appointed , where in the Emperours presence , and face of the whole Court , with great pompe and solemnity , the two combatants did appeare clothed ; first , in their most sumptuous attire , and accompanied with their most honorable friends : from whence , after low and humble reverences done ; first , to the Emperour , sitting there in his Chaire of state , next , to the Chancelor ( whom the Story highly regardeth ) they were conveighed every one to their own pavilion at the ends of the Carieer ; from whence comming forth againe , armed at all peeces , and ( as they say ) Cap ape , they re-entred the precinct of their appointed place ; where after solemne oathes made , that no other quarrell brought them to that hazardous encounter , but the defence of their honour ; they commenced that memorable duell to the admiration of their beholders , with uncertaine victory ; till in the end , the Emperour throwing his golden rod betwixt them , approving the courage and proofes of both , caused them to be parted , though without great difficulty they could not be separated . Sect. 3. How Combats may bee thought permissible : The relation of a Combat betwixt Iarnacke and Chastigneray , in the Presence of King Henry the second of France ; citations of the Canon law against combats : Example of a Combat where the innocent was killed : that the decision of all such questions whereupon Duells were permitted , ought to be left to God. IN the former combats Spanish was more remarkable then the French ; that first it was authorized by an Emperour and then countenanced by him . Wherin if any would inferre , that by this I would seeme to authorize Duells ; hereafter the contrary shall appeare : But thus much I may say ; If any sort of Duels should be tolerated in a Common-wealth , I thinke that that which is performed after this manner ( wherein as in his Miles gloriosus , Plautus speakes , Pes pedi , dextra dextrae , latus lateri opponitur ) it is more dispensable then otherwise to permit men to butcher one another ; true valour , strength , dexterity and courage being then put to the essay , although with the hazard of their lives , yet not with the infallible losse of any or both , as in other Combats . These two examples I have brought in out of the French and Spanish Histories , brieflier couched here then in their owne Countrey Registers , Where they are at length and in their smallest circumstances set downe . Now as here I allow of the Spanish sort of Duells ( if any way to be tolerated ) so can I not but disapprove the French King Henry the second his admitting and permitting of a Duell , not betwixt two men of a privat estate , nor by themselves in private , neither for any remarkable injury done by one to another ; but in the face and presence of himselfe and Court in their shirts , and so to inevitable death of either , or both , and for nothing but a leger or slight French quarrell , as a demanti betwixt two notable persons , of two illustrious houses , Iarnak and Chastaigneray ; where the fortune of the fight favouring the weaker for the time , to wit Iarnak , sent his adversary , if not from the field to the grave , yet so sore wounded , that within few dayes thereafter he dyed . I might have alleadged moe of former ages , but that the neerer our owne dayes things fall out , they bring with them the greater credit to the present times . Charles the fifth his example may bee thought to be tolerable : and though by the constitutions or rather permissions of some Princes , Duells have beene tolerated , as particularly when the notoriousnesse of a fact ( as of murther ) can neither be proved by witnesses , nor oathes of parties , and such other legall wayes ; which sort of proofes the Civilians call a vulgar sort of probation , as in the Decretalls lib. 2. quest . 5. cap. consuluistis , & cap. De Monomachia , is apparent . Neverthelesse , the civill lawes as well as the Canon , do absolutly condemne them , because say they , it is a fallacious proofe , the order of nature favouring commonly the stronger above the innocent . As in the Decretalls cap. supra citato de purgatione vulgari , is manifest by a case propounded of two , who upon accusations of theft , challenged each other to Combat , where the stronger having overthrowne the weaker , was found neverthelesse guilty ; for the goods in question were at last found in the Victors house . To say here ; What shall a Prince doe when hee is importuned by one for Iustice of such or such a man , for this or the like crimes ; but to referre it to a Monomachy or Duell , seeing other proofes faile ? I answer , that by such meanes both God and the King are tempted ; for if God hath reserved to himselfe the discovery of what by all searching cannot be discovered , is not that an intolerable importunity , to pry or search any farther in that , but that the Magistrate ( all legall proofes being used ) doe absolve him , whom secundum allegata & probata hee findeth innocent , and refer to the all-seeing and all knowing God , the punishment of him who is guilty , seeing in his owne time he can by meanes unsearch'd by men , bring about a punishment on him , whom peradventure the civill Iudge hath absolved : for otherwise it should seeme , that we were suing after a miracle , by permitting a Combat for proofe , as was used in Linonia or Lapland in like cases , as may bee seene in the aforesaid Chapter De probatione Vulgari in the Decretalls : for there saith the Canonist ; If any crime such as that could not be proved , and that the accused or suspected , cryed that he was innocent , and so stood forth in the avouching of his innocency , hee was forced for the more and farther proofe thereof , either bare footed to tread on hot yron , or else to wash his hands in hot boyling water . For notwithstanding all the circumspection of Iudges in prescribing equality of armes , and all the objections which can be thought on , either for prescribing equall quarters to both , or to save both from such treachery and circumvention ; Yet can neither of these caveats be so punctually and judiciously set downe , but ●hat the one part may be weaker than the other : nei●her yet have we assurance , that God will ever show his justice in such Combats ; because it is written , Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God. Sect. 4. Severall objections for the tolleration of Duells and Combats confuted ; Cajetans opinion of Duells wherein also the lawfulnesse of Battells is allowed . IF it be said here , that David did fight in single Duel with GOLIAH ; That maketh not against us for that was done by the instinct of the HOLY Ghost : Neither are all the deeds of the Saints to be obtruded as exemplary for all men , to imitate ; they are rather to bee admired than followed : for then Abraham his going to sacrifice his beloved and only Sonne Isaac , might be an instance too for imitation . But with Demosthenes we should live by Lawes not examples , albeit examples are more moving at some times then lawes . I find indeed , that Cardinall Cajetan admits them ; but upon two considerations : first , when two Armies are ready for the shocke and yet where the most equitable part hath the fewest forces , in that case saith he , the event of the battel may be referred to a Duell of one of both armies , for avoyding of greater bloudshed ; for in that case , si bellum sit licitum , quid ni & duellum ? Next when any private man accused of a crime whereof he is innocent , is neverthelesse borne downe by power of adverse parties , if then by the Magistrates authority ( to whom he complaineth ) a Duell be offered , to decide the question , in that case , hee admits these fights to bee permissible : for why ( saith hee ) if we may safely fight with a Rogue , who would rob us of our goods , why not with him who would doe so with our honour , it being alike to him , at least the odds not being great , whether he dye by his adversaries hand , or by the sword of the Magistrat , it being a lot of chance experimented in the person of Ionas . As all the Canonists , save Cajetan only , in the causes and cases above-mentioned do disallow Duells , so the Civilians approve them not ; for in the F. de gladiatoribus . L. Constant. it is said , that Cruenta spectacula in otio civili non placent . Then Leo and Anthemius Titulo de Feriis . L. Dies festos command , ut lachrymosa spectacula ferarum tollantur . Now if such sanguinolent and bloudy showes and baitings of Bores , Leopards , Bulls and Lions , either amongst themselves , or else of condemned persons with them , yea and sometimes of venturous fellowes to try their strength and daringnesse with them , were for these unnaturall sights prohibited , much more thinke I , should these of men one with other bee absolutely discharged . Now if it be objected here , that in the civill law , wee find the Emperours themselves , to have promised immunity and impunity to the gladiators , who either had vanquished their Commerad , or peradventure killed him in such fights , as ad Aquiliam . L. Qua actione . § . Si quis , is evident : To that I answer , and not without the same Law. That such killing when it did happen amongst these Luctators ( which were men appointed to wrestle and fight together for sport to the people , who beheld them barter strokes , and exchange blowes in the bottome of the Amphitheatre called Arena , whilest they sate in security ) was not injuriae causâ , or by any premeditated malice , but only by meere accident without the deliberation of him , qui intulit damnum ; whereas in these combats or Duells , they flye to it on intention and resolution , either to kill or to bee killed : and the intention judgeth our actions , not the events . Neither need I for this be reputed an Anabaptist , though I refute the lawfulnesse of duells , by the afore-said reasons ; as though I therefore denied the lawfulnesse of necessary Warres , because they are founded upon some apparent grounds of Scripture , for out of the same we have many Warrants more inforcing besides examples where the Lord of Hosts hath showne his power and approbation in favouring of battels undertaken for his cause . To say si bellum sit licitum , quidni & duellum ? if a War be lawfull , why not a Duell ? It followeth not , for howsoever Majus and Minus change not the species and kinds of things , as we say in the Schooles , yet is there great discrepance betwixt the two ; for battels are approved by the authoritie of God , nature and Nations ; provided the causes bee lawfull and just , as pro aris & focis : for the other there are none at all ; for David and Golias , their fight carry no example for imitation : But if any Nations have tollerated them , it hath beene but such , Quos sol obliqua non nisi luce videt . Not the Greeks , Latins , Assyrians , Aegyptians and the like . Sect. 5. Cajetans reason for referring the event of Battels to Monomachie : Where also is inserted the story of the Horatii and Curiatii . AS for the first condition admitted by Cajetan for Duells ; which is , when two armies are ready to joyne , for preventing of greater bloud-shed , he averreth that it is better to referre the event of a battell to a Monomachy of two , then otherwise to hazard all : There is nothing more memorable in all the Roman History then the experience of this , in that notable not so much Monomachy as Polymachy of three brethren , Romans , called Horatii , against other three brethren of the Alban side called Curiatii , and those partly of kinne and alliance , to which the decision of the victory of either of the armies , by the Roman and Alban Kings with their whole armies consent was concredited . Those sixe in the middle of both Armies valourously fighting for their owne private lives and credit , their countreys fame and liberty , having so glorious a Theatre to act so important and tragicall a combat upon , did so bravely on both sides , that the panting armies were in no lesse anxiety for the event of their tryalls , then the perplexed combatants themselves : at length the victory , which seemed dubiously disposed in favours of either side begun to incline to the Albans first , and that by the death of two of the Roman brethren ; whereupon the Roman Survaior counterfeits to fly , and so was pursued by the other three ; but turning to the formost of his pursuers he set so furiously upon him that hee forthwith killed him ; then turning to the second with like fury rewarded him after the same manner : Now the Survaiour of the Curiatii being brother in Law to this victorious Roman , received the same lot that his brothers had from his valorous hands , which afterwards caused the death of his owne Sister , the last killed Albans Spouse , as in the Roman Historie may be read at large . Section 6. That Kings and Generals of Armies , for saving of the greater bloudshed of their Souldiers , have fought single for victories . Examples of both . A quarrell and challenge betwixt the Emperour Charles the fifth , and Francis the first , King of France : how it tooke no effect . VVHEN I say then , that neither the Greeks nor Romans admitted single combats , it must bee understood , except in time of just warres , in which either one or moe souldiers may single out a combate with one of the adverse party , with permission of the Generall , or else one Generall with another for saving the bloud-shed of many ; as Cassius and Marcellus did each of them fight with their adverse Generals : yea , and sometimes Kings one against another have done so for sparing the bloud of their subjects ; As Alexander the great did combate single with Porus King of the Indians , Godfrey of Bovillon , against Arnold King of the Saxons ; Romulus , with one of the Kings of Latium ; and Hundick King of Saxony , with a King of Denmarke ; and of fresher memory , Charles of Aniou challenged Peter of Arragon , to duell ; where at Burdeaux in Aquitany , before the Prince of Wales , for the time , with swords , they should have tried the right and claime that they both pretended to the Crowne of Naples , but they met not just on the day and place appointed ; whose default it was , their diverse Histories agree not : like as the Histories of France and Spaine dissent upon the challenge given in a manner , and accepted by Charles the 5th . Emperour for the time , and King of Spaine , with Francis the first of that name , King of France : albeit Guicchardin neutrall to both ; and reputed as another Cornelius Tacitus for his impartiality in his History of Italy , following forth the circumstances of the battell at Pavie sheweth at length , how the French King Francis was beaten there , and taken prisoner by the Viceroy of Naples , Generall of the Imperiall forces , from whence by sea he was conveighed into Spaine : and how after a long and strait imprisonment , he was put to so high and invaluable ransome as lightly hath not beene heard of : moreover , the quitting of the best branch of the patrimony of his Crowne , the rites , titles and interests he pretended to the Kingdome of Naples , the Dutchy of Milan , for the which then they had beene a swaggering ; His rights and soveraignties of Artois , Brabant , Hainault , and so forth : yea , to the mariage of Eleonora Widow of the King of Portugall and sister to the said Emperour , a ransome which he was as unwilling to pay as agree to any of the former Articles , her favour being as it was unfavourable to him , who otherwise was an amorous Prince ; and although the distressed King subscribed to all , and confirmed the Articles with his promise , yet it was so , that often he protested even there ( neither did he smother it ) that promise what he would , performe them he could not , neither legally might he . So that being set at liberty , his two sonnes accepted in hostage for him , and returned home ; he was charged by the Emperour for the performance of the points subscribed by him : whereto he answered , That it was not in his power , no more than in any other Kings to alienate things belonging to the Crowne , without the consent of his whole States obtained thereunto . And for his promises he said , That seeing extraordinary conditions had extorted them from a Prince in close prison , and his consent to them violently wrung from him , they must consequently be infirme , for promises accessory to such like compulsions cannot be of better force and value . Which with the like and better replyes , when they came to the Emperours eares , he forthwith challenged the King by his Heraulds of breach of faith , and offered in single combate to fight with him in the quarrell , which the French king accepting , desired him to appoint day and place , giving him the lye as often as he would say , that he had falsified his promise . But as their severall stories disagree upon the particulars , so every one doth vindicate their owne Prince , from all aspersion and staine of breach . Section 7. A discourse of a combate where thirteene French Knights fought against so many Italians : wherein the French were overcome ; some observations thereupon . THE Italian and French Histories agree not upon the verity of that , not so much monomachy as polymachy of thirteene French Cavalliers against so many Italian . And because it is counted as a very memorable thing in their History , I shall the briefliest I may , touch it , to give the Reader content . At Barletta in the kingdome of Naples where the French and Spanish forces lay debating by sword , the right that either King clamed to that Crowne ; by their Generals for the time , Lantrek the French , and Consalvo Ferrandes , the Spaniard : it fell out so , that at Kubos a Village of no great importance , a French troope had got the foile by an Italian one , for the time , under the pay of the Spaniard ; of which severall Companies , certaine souldiers by hazard ranne encountring together by their contumelious and reproachfull objecting of one anothers defects : the Italians to the French their vaine-glorious brags , and that in effect their courage was not so good . The French to them , their subdolous and crafty tricks by which they fight more fortunately than stoutly . They brought the matter to such a height , that thirteene of the one side were to fight on Horsebacke against thirteene of the other , the field to bee Career rayled about on the side , but not at the two passages , in the middle of both Armies ; the quarrell was for the maintenance of the honour of their countreys ; and it was agreed upon , that the victors should not only have a certaine summe of Gold , but the ransome also of their captiv'd Prisoners . As soone as they had covenanted , they met , they fight ; the French are beaten , some killed , others taken . Which notable overthrow albeit Guicchardine lib. 5. of his History of Italy attributeth absolutely to the valour of his country-men above the French ; and penneth it in all circumstances with the exhortatory Orations of their Generalls before the fight and the triumphs after : yet the French in their bookes , and with them Sabellicus also an Italian , lib. 2. Aenead . XI . imputeth it rather to the cousening subtilties of the Italians then otherwise , to their sole courage , because ( say they ) and Sabellicus with them , it was condescended upon , that if any horse-man that fallied should transgresse the precinct of the Career through error or un-skilfulnes , that he shold be held as dead , neither thereafter should be admitted to reenter the list to help his fellowes ; by which meanes the Italians knowing the eagernes , heat , and impatiency of the French , did plant themselves within the centre of the camp , without budging , and attend the French charge from a little distance within the limit of the Career ; where wisely if they had remained as they were placed , and not precipitated the charge , they had apparantly woon that field . The French then whose charge is ever furious , and then more than ever , let loose so fiercely upon them , that five of their side and but two Italians transgressed the bounds ; who not being able to wheele and raine about their Horses againe , by that meanes lost the victorie , in the sight of the panting and votary Armies . Now albeit in this so conspicuous and ominous combat the French were beaten , neverthelesse we find commonly , that one for one the French surpasse the Spaniard , although in companies they surmount them ; and in this same fight although the French had the worse , yet by all likelihood , if their Horses had not proved their losse , they should have borne away that dayes credit . Alwayes as in this heat of an impatient nature , wee communicate with the French , and it may bee in our single combats too ; So our neighbours the worthy English may justly bee said to participate with the long patience , mature and ripe deliberatnes of the Italian and Spaniard : consequently more capable to maintaine and keepe well , than with the other to conquer and suddenly to subdue . Sect. 8. A memorable Polymachie betwixt two kindreds in the High. lands of Scotland ( betwixt whom there had beene a long and mortall enmity ) for the totall extirpation of the one of them ; fought before King Robert the second , at Perth in Scotland . I Were ingrateful to my country to passe here with silence , that true Polymachy , recorded of in our Histories , registred there to posterity , as a thing memorable , which befell in the dayes and under the Reigne of King Robert the second , if I rightly remember . This brave Prince being often molested with the mutuall complaints of two powerfull Clans or Surnames in the High-lands where his Majesties judiciall power could but hardly and with many incumbrances execute his authority upon the parties offenders on both sides . After their mutuall supplications given in , that they might at one time both rid his Majesty of molestation , themselves and their successors of the perpetuall feare wherein they dayly were , for their Wives , children , goods , and Cattell ; by one open fight , where all of either of these names should be on both sides . The King giving way to their Petition , the day and place was appointed , it fell out so , that there were one fewer on the one side than on the other ; where the generosity of the party having the advantage of the supernumerary man , did appeare in so farre that they refused to fight with the advantage of one more , neither yet could any of them be induced to lye by to make them equall , all being desirous to bee equall sharers of the common fortune : which controversie a Saddler of the City of Perth where the Combat was fought perceiving ; least the King , Court and Country which were met ( to see so famous a spectacle ) should be disappointed , did offer for pay to make up the odde man , and was observed by all to doe so well for his owne hand , that when all the rest were either killed in the field , or else with terrible and deadly wounds left so ( it being one of the most bloudy butcheries of so many as is seldome read of ) he alone or else with few moe escaped , and that by swimming the River of Tey . Howsoever France in the dayes of KING Henry the third and fourth , was so overspread with the bloud of Gentlemen killed in Duells , which amounted to such a number ( notwithstanding all the Kings edicts to the contrary ) that almost they could have made up an army , and that Duells came to such a height , that none was reputed a brave fellow except he had killed a man as they said : Yet finde I none so remarkable as that combat betwixt the Duke of Savoy his bastard brother and the Chevalier Creky , the time of the Wars betwixt King Henry the 4th . and the said Duke , for the Marquissate of Saluces , of which before . Section 9. A Combat appointed by two French Barons , the one of Gasconie , the other of Poictou , which was taken up of their own accord in the field : The end of this Title . NOw to end this discourse : Exemplum alios fortasse nepotes instruet . In my time I remember at the Court of France an ancient Gascon Baron and Poictouvin 2 man of his owne coate , but younger , falling to contradictory termes for a naughty matter , because in the Kings house they durst not put hand to their swords , did agree to meet elsewhere : time place and armes are designed ; the Gascon that same morning betimes calling on his page , commands him to provide a bottle of Wine and to have it in readinesse at the place appointed , before hee came : where he himselfe following and presently espying his adversary , both being demounted , and in their shirts , before they began to lye at their guard , in these or the like termes the Elder bespake the younger . That I as the Elder doe take upon me to speake first , impute it not to any presumption I have of my worth , but to the priority of my yeares . Wee reade in the Roman History , that two of their Consulls who before had bin at mortall enmity and variance , going together with their Armies against the enemy , being a pretty way from the City , the elder should say to the younger , Camerad , seeing we goe together on a publike charge , in conjunct offices , let us lay downe all former grudges under this stone , now if thou please , at our returne , lift thou it up againe and reassume them : you may advise ; but for the present I thinke this best , which was agreed unto to the great contentment of the younger . So say I to thee , if it please thee for so petty and frivolous a quarrell , that wee expose our lives and estates to the hazard of a doubtfull fight and of a variable fortune , I will not decline it : For as none doubteth of your courage ; So I trust , that none dare call mine in question ; so then if you list Cavalier , with the worthy Roman , let us bury in this Boule of wine our yesternights rash words : so we shal procure Gods blessing upon our soules and bodies , and our Prince his favour by our good examples to his quarrelling courtiers ; and withall indissolubly tye our loves together for ever , without any disparagement of our credit or reputation ; which being accepted by the younger , and related to the King , they were by him in presence of the whole Court condignely praysed , as most duely they deserved . Now albeit it be not of those or the like voluntary duels I treat of here , but of these which are tolerated by permission of the Prince or Magistrate for the eschewing of murther & greater bloud-shed in the common-wealth , upon apparent conject res of wrongs received , yet I thought it not altogether imperinent to insert this story . Now for the other . Although some have permitted them , as of old Fraton King of Denmarke , and are yet tolerated in Muscovia : yet we finde that Rhotaris King of Lombardy , absolutely discharged them : and although his successor for the inconvenience which thereafter ensued licensed them againe , yet hee protested that it was against his will and conscience : and as these good Kings inhibited them ; so , many of the French Kings , as Philip le bel , Lewis the 9th . Charles the 9th . King Henries 3d. and 4th . and many moe of the best governed Common-wealths have done the like . Which maketh mee admire why Bodin in his 7. Chapter of his 4. Booke of Republick , giveth way to their toleration ; they being both repugnant to the Law of God , and contrary to the Civill and Canon Lawes , and the constitutions of best governed Kingdomes . Indeed , the said Bodin , admits them onely to be permissible , when legall proofes are wanting , provided , that they be only for matter of honor , not wealth ; and consequently among persons honourable , for the preventing of further bloud-shed , averting of kinsfolkes murthers , and such like evils which might ensue : to which if he had subjoyned Charles the 5th . his condition of fighting armed , I thinke his reasons might have beene more passable . But however in elder times , duels were tolerated by certaine Kings , which by appearance , the necessity of those times required ; as common Stewes were for eschewing of greater inconveniencies ; yet they being practises so ill-grounded , so unnaturall , and so farre both against the Lawes of God , and Man ; Succeeding Kings ( in every Nation almost ) have enacted most strict Lawes against them , with most exemplary punishments , to be executed on the rash infringers of them : all which , being well knowne every where , were superfluous to be inserted in this small Treatise . A TREATISE OF DEATH , And of diverse Orders and Ceremonies of Burials . Section 1. The remembrance of death requisite in all men : Ceremonies for the remembrance of it ; some documents against the feare of it ▪ what death Iulius Caesar wished ; of Autocides ; of selfe-murtherers , &c. THERE is nothing whereof a Christian should be more mindefull than of death . The Ethnickes that wanted the true consolation which a beleeving and faithfull Christian hath , had nothing more frequent in their mouthes than Death : The Poets are full of these passages . Vive memor , quàm sis aevi brevis — . Nascentes morimur , mors rediviva brevis . Especially Horace , with Tribullus , Catullus , Propertius , Seneca Tragoedus , Persius , Iuvenall , Claudian , Ovid , Lucianus , and the rest ; whereof to make mention , were to fill up a little Volume : there is nothing almost under the heavens but may serve man as a memoriall thereof ; the Sunne setteth at evening , the day giveth place to the night ; Summer , to Winter ; infancy to childhood ; that to youth , it to man-hood ; this againe to decrepit old age : whence it may be inferred , that the best fruits we can reap of all our studies , yea , chiefly of Philosophy , are to prepare us for this death : neither almost to any other end tend all their documents , than to live w th pleasure in reason here , & then to dye in patience , no wayes dismaid at the approach of death , because of its inevitablenesse , of our our obedience to the Law of Nature , of the examples of al Ages , sexes and conditions of men to this houre , who have gone before us : so that the principall aime of vertue whereof they made such account , was to induce & prepare all that have beene , are , or shall succeed , to a patient acceptance , or rather a contempt of it , that we might passe our lives more peaceably here ; which otherwise by the perpetuall feare of it , would be a never-dying life . For this cause , it should seeme , the Ancients , did institute Graves , Monuments , and Tombes , to be either in the Churches , or Church-yards adjoyning thereunto , as in the most conspicuous and usuall places where the living frequented most . I cannot but wonder , that what the Philosophers thought fit continually to bee thought on , Iulius Caesar should wish to come upon him suddenly and at unawares . Histories relate , that while some Philosophers were reasoning before him , What sort of death was best ; some alledging one kinde , and some another ; He maintained that a sudden and unfore-seene death , was the best : for howsoever unto a man of his high estate and profession , it might seeme a word dispensable ; yet to a Christian who is learned to say , A morte subita & improvisa libera me Domine , it cannot so well be allowed : who as he should not wish a death unforeseene , neither yet be unprepared at the sudden aproach of it ; so should he not by any meanes either accelerate or wish it , thereby to bee rid out of any incomberances that may befall . Nec metuit mortem bene conscia vita — Nec optat — For as Saint Augustine reason well against such Autocides and selfe murtherers , it is rather a token of pusillanimity and lacke of courage in them , than otherwayes a marke of true resolution to doe so ; seeing they had not the daring to abide the dint of adversities which threatned them . Let us all remember to implore in our daily prayers , our Makers assistance from above , to aide us in that last houre : for my owne part , I thinke it one of the best fruits of my studies or travels , to be ever arming my selfe against it : and as in my morning and evening prayers I call for peace of conscience , in the assurance of my reconciliation with my God ; and for peace on Earth , for his blessing upon my children , his favour upon my King and Countrey : so more specially for the favourable assistance of the Holy Ghost the comforter to assist me then ; that neither the terror of a present death may affright me , nor my trust and confidence breed in mee presumption , nor my feare , despaire ; but there being a sweet harmony betwixt my soule and my God , I may lay downe my life , in hope to re-assume it againe for ever . Section 2. That Christians ought not to feare death , as the Ethnicks did . All things , save man , keepe their constant course . The uncertainty of mans life . IT is true , that the consideration of death , which of all terrible things is most terrible , as being the partition of the soule and body , and so the destruction of this structure , was the cause , why divers of the Ancients fearing almost even to name it , were wont to say in stead of ( he is dead ) he sleepes , he hath left off to be ; hee is gone downe to the lower parts of the earth , — hunc ferreus urget Somnus , in aeternam clauduntur lumina noctem . Or desiit esse , or transiit ad manes , and so forth ; the reason being , that few or none of them had the full knowledge , much lesse the assurance of the enjoying these pleasures after this life past , which we Christians being taught at a better schoole , have : wherefore as well learned disciples of so worthy a master ; let us learne not only to name it , but sted fastly to abide the approch , the frowne and dint of it . In me si lapsus labtur orbis — — impavidum ferient ruinae . Remembring our selves , that howsoever soule and body be severed for a season , and that the body lye companion with them that sleep in the dust ; yet that they shal conjoyne againe in the glorious resurrection to possesse those joyes unknowne to many of the Ancients , which our Lord and Master hath purchased to us by his death : remembring that howsoever wee should live to the fulnesse of yeares , that wee shall see no more , even unto the last date of our dayes , than a boy of ten or fifteene yeeres : For the seasons of the Yeare , the Dayes , and Nights , the Seas , Sun , Moone , and Starres , Plants , Herbes , yea , Beasts themselves , &c. keepe a constant course , which in a perpetuall revolution were set : and if so be that in these any change be , then bee sure it is a foretoken of Gods kindled wrath against us . For the Heathen Astronomer , when the Sunne did eclipse at the time of our Lords passion , could well say , That either the God of Nature was suffering , or else the frame of the world was to dissolve , the eye of all things suffering such a deliquie : now if the elder see any thing other than the younger , be sure it is not in the nature and course of things above spoken , which in perpetuall revolution do observe the course prescribed unto them by their Maker : But in the persons of men , which pointeth out unto us the frailty of their estates ; and even of them also ( if we remarke well ) we shall finde more who have died within thirty or thirty five yeeres of Age , than past it : But death being the common subject of our preachers especially in their funerall Sermons , I passe it over as their peculiar Theme , and according to my first purpose doe hasten to the divers sorts of Burialls . Sect. 3. In what reverence the interring of the dead was amongst the Ancients ; of Alexander ; Of Sylla : How the People of Vraba did use their dead ; Customes of Finland , Lapland , Greece and other places , concerning burialls . AND first for the Antiquity of interring of the dead , as Writers doe abound in their testimonyes , that even amongst enemies in the hottest of their hostility and Wars , Truces were granted for burying of the dead ; so particularly in the Word of God we have warrant out of the Macchabees , that although there were not positive lawes of Nations and Countries for this effect , Nature seemes to have ingraued it in the hearts of all ; thus Palinurus case in Virgill is regrated , that he wanted the honour of buriall , for having made ship-wracke ; thus the Poet deploreth his losse . Heu numium Coelo & Pelago confise seren● , Nudus in ignota Palinure jacebis arena . What reverence and regard the Roman Emperors have had unto it in their lawes and statutes in Iustinians workes may be seene plentifully , and especially in one Title expressed by it selfe , De non violando Sepulchro . Alexander the great having discovered Achilles Tombe in Greece overgrowne with brambles and briers , so honoured it , that being crowned with a Garland of Lawrell and Cyprus , he carowsed so many full bowles of Wine to his memory , untill he had almost lost his owne . So did Tullius Cicero for the time Questor , send into Cicilie to readorne Archimedes Tombe , it being almost obscured with thornes and brambles . Contrariwise to this , Sylla his cruelty and inhumane barbarity against the dead bodyes of his enemys , is yet registred in the records of his Country ; for that he ( to be avenged upon his enemies being dead , whom alive he could not come at ) caused to disinterr the halfe putrified carcases whereon he trampled with his Horses ; and being Iealous of being so served after his death , ordained his body to bee cast into Tyber , and caused to divert the Rivers course , so to disappoint all who should search after it . The like I find done by a certaine Pope , who caused to carry about with him the Corps of some Cardinalls in Sheletons , upon Mules ever before him , to be avenged of them , for that either they had crossed his election , or had conspired against him ; whereupon the Author , Septem praelati Papa iubente praelati , &c. Even the most barbarous Nations , who otherwayes wanted all sort of humanity and civility , have had respect to this . For I finde in Peter Martyrs decads touching the Historie of the West Indies in Vraba and other parts thereabout , how they doe dry ( as we doe fishes ) the bodyes of their dead , which thereafter they hang up round about the Walls of their inner roomes , adorning their heads , shoulders , and upper lips with Gold and Pearle : And Ortelius in his Cosmographie , speaking of Find-land , or Lapland , ( which he calls Livonia ) where there is no Religion almost at all , ( because after the manner of the Heathen they worship the Sunne , Moone and Serpents , &c. ) I find ( I say ) that when any one of great esteeme dieth , his friends sit round about his corps laid on the earth , but not yet covered with any mould , and make good cheere , and drinke to his farewell ; and putting the Cuppes in his hand , as if he could pledge them , they quaffe about a long time ; in end , they lay him in the grave with store of meate , and drinke by him , and put a peece of money in his mouth , and a sharpe Pole-axe fast by him : then they shout aloud in his eares , and give him in Commission , that when he shall come to the other world whither they had victualled him , and given him mony to defray his charges , that he faile not whensoever he meete with any Dutch man , to correct him , as well as they had thralled him and theirs in this world : which custome ( but after a more solemne manner and sumptuous . ) they of China , Cathay , and Tartarie keepe almost in all points . The like wherof that same Author observeth done in Ternessare a Citie of the East Indies , but not to a like enemy : In Greece , yet ( as of old ) at least in such parts of it as are under the Turkish Empyre ; whensoever any remarkable person dieth , all the women thereabouts after their old heathen custome , meete together about the house of the deceased and there choosing the lowdest and shrillest voices to beginne , betimes in the morning they make lamentable howlings and cryes ; weeping and tearing the haire from their heads , beating their teats and breasts , with their nailes , defacing their cheekes and faces , they conduct him to his grave singing by the way his praises , and recounting what memorable things he had done in his life . Which custome Aëtius an ancient Historian of our Country observeth to have beene used of Old amongst our British , and yet in our Highlands is observed : The Poets in their Luctus & neniae make mention of this and the like , as Ovid , Horace , Iuvenall , Catuallus , Tibullus , Propertius ; amongst the Greekes , Sophocles , Musaeus , Aristophanes , Phocyllides and the rest ; whereof Ennius , speaking of himselfe . Nemo me lachrymis decoret , nec funera flet● Faxit , Cur ? volito vivus per ora virum . Sect. 4. Other severall Customes of interring the Dead amongst Aegyptians , Romans , and Indians ; that the manner of Christian Interrements are preferreable to all other . NOw what hath beene the Curiosity of the Aegyptians for the keeping of their dead , their Momies can testifie , where the whole and intyre bodyes of some of their Princes and great men were to bee seene of late , who died many thousand yeares agoe ; whereof who pleaseth to reade may consult Diodorus Siculus , Ammianus Marcellinus , Strabo , Herodotus and others : the Athenians , and after their example the Salaminians ( saith Sabellicus . lib. 5. Aeneid . 2. ) used to interre their dead with their faces turned to the Sunne setting , not to the rising , with the Megarians ; and apparently Catullus was of their opinion when he said , Nobis cùm semel occidit brevis lux , nox perpetua una dormienda est . But of the severall fashions of burying the dead I finde two most remarkable ; the one of some Greeks and Romans , and not used but by those of the better sort , which was in burning the Corps of the deceased after this manner ; There was either an Eagle or some other great fowle tyed unto the top of the Pyramide of Wood wherein the dead body lay ; This Pyramide being kindled by some of the most intire friends of the deceased , amongst the cloud of smoke the Fowle being untyed which was tyed before , was seene to flutter and flye away , which by the Spectators was taken to be the soule of the deceased flying to Heaven ; the Ashes then of this burnt body they collected and kept in an Vrne , and of this the Poets almost every where make mention . The other was the Indians in eating the dead bodyes of their Parents , and friends , as they did in ire to those of their foes , thinking that they could give them no more honorable Sepulchre , abhorring the others burning into ashes as a thing unnaturall ; which might well be seene at the time that Alexander had conquered them ; for he willed both Greekes and Indians to doe alike , but they upon no condition would condiscend to that , the power of custome being so strong , as it was impossible for any Novations ( though never so good ) to alter it . Amongst al fashions above rehearsed , I think that of our Christian interments to be most consonant to nature , seeing of earth we are , and that to it we must returne againe : As for the Greekes howling , weeping , renting their cloathes , haire , and faces , it seemeth that Saint Augustine in his worke De cura pro mortuis habenda , aymed at them ; for in that whole worke , I perceave nothing that maketh much for praying for them , but chiefly he willeth all men to moderate extraordinary Griefes mournings and howlings for them , seeing they rest from their labours ; and his conclusion is good , that if prayers for the dead be not meritorious for them , yet at least that they are some way comfortable for the living ; Si non subsidia mortuorum ( saith hee ) tamen solatia sunt viventium : Indeede I will not deny but that Father and others also in their writings allow prayer for the dead ; as Peter Martyr , Vermillius also in his loco . 9. lib. 3. in the Title De Purgatorio , denyeth it not , but onely he refuseth such prayers to have beene subsidiary or helpfull to them , but rather congratulatorie , for that they were released from all their miseries ; which he instanceth by the funerall Oration of Saint Ambrose upon the deaths of the Emperors , Theodosius and Valentinian , where there is no mention of praying for their soules to ease or shorten their paines in Purgatory . Section 5. That the Church of Rome reapeth great commodity by their funerall ceremonies , as by their bells , Cymballs , Torches , processions of order and the rest : silent obscquies condemned : a story of a woman whose Ghost haunted her Husband and family after her death ; and the cause thereof . NOw for all this , as there is nothing whereby the Church of Rome reapes more commodity then by their prayers for the dead ; for it is called , the Friers kitchen ; So it is , there is nothing wherein their pompous solemnities and their devotion appeareth more than in their accompanying their dead to the grave , with the sound of Bells and Cymballs , Tapers , Torches , prayers , musicke , Church Ornaments , solemne processions of the fraternities , and not without contention of precedence of orders : all which ceremonyes as they bred a kinde of pious compassion in the beholders , So it begetteth a manner of content to their eyes and eares ; But our silent and dumbe obsequies , as wanting Bells and other noyse , doth not so take the Spectators and such as accompany them . Now I will close this Title with one observation which the Poets remarke ; who affirme that the spirits and Manes of them who want their due burialls , wander here and there in Ghostly apparitions untill their bones be interred . Nec ripas datur horrendas , aut nigra fluenta Transportare prius , quàm sedibus ossa quierunt . For the punishment of the neglect of it may appeare in one of our Northern Countries , cald Lawder ; who on her death-bed had enjoyned her husband to bury her in the Church-yard , which if hee did not , shee threatned that her Ghost would haunt him after her death : but the plague then raging in those parts , and he fearing that if she were publikely buried , that all would have suspected her to have died of the plague , whereupon every one would have deserted him , and so lest hee should bee left succourlesse , he resolved to conceale her death , and buried her in a corner of his Garden ; but thereafter , this womans ghost , I say , did so incessantly both haunt and affright , both him , his children , and family , that there was no resting for them at any time ; till by the advise of the Clergy she was taken up againe and buried , where she desired to be in her life-time ; which being done , both she and they rested . A TREATISE OF MENTALL-RESERVATION ; And of no faith to bee kept unto Hereticks . Section 1. The decree of the Councell of Constance , That no faith is to be kept with hereticks and enemies , is agitated : the commendation of peace : that a necessary and iust war is to be preferred to it : A story of Augustus Caesar. I begin this rhapsodicall Treatise with the famous act of the Councel of Constance , wherein it was decreed , That no faith was to bee kept unto Hereticks and Enemies of the faith ; by vertue whereof , as Vlidislaus King of Hungary violated the peace concluded betwixt him and Amurath ( for the time great Turk ) at the instigation and solicitation of Cardinall Iulian sent to him from Rome for that purpose , to the great prejudice of the civill Christian estate , and aggrandizing of theirs ; So by vertue of the same the Martyrizing of Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prague although under trust and safe conduct granted by the good Emperor Sigismundus , was to the great prejudice of the Ecclesiastique Roman estate , by renting a sunder from her Sea a great many of the Churches of Europe : for hee that is the God of peace and Hosts both , never exercises his revenging hand better then when things agreed upon equall termes are not observed : So the Histories report , that the same day of the Battaile given by the Hungarian King unto the Turke , that Amurath lifting up his eyes unto heaven , should say , Iesus , if thou be a true God , and of this people who encounter mee this day , and that they honour and serve thee , shew it by the equity of this cause , which by his obtaining of that dayes victory was plainly manifested : and it is manifestly seene , that the breach of faith plighted to the two Bohemians , and their burning unto ashes , was so far from smothering the faults whereof they complained ; that on the contrary , diverse worthy and learned men after them , blowing this coale , by them then kindled , have made its flame to blaze through all the world : as the bloudy wars through many parts of Europe , for maintaining of their cause ; at least their opinions , can to after ages beare record . It is true indeed , this word Peace sounds sweet in every eare ; wherefore our Saviour Christ leaving this world , left his peace with his Disciples ; and his house also is called Domus pacis : and blessed be the feet of those that carry the glad tydings of peace ; yea , the Angell from heaven proclaimed peace on earth , and towards men good will : in a word , Beati pacifici , Blessed are all peacemakers : yet it hath never beene thought so gracious , but that a necessary warre was to be preferred unto it , if it was dishonestly violated , or shamefully agreed upon . What then may be said to Bartoll one of the greatest Lawyers of his age , who in the Law , Conventionum codice de pactis , or at least in the Digestis maintaineth , That faith is not to bee kept to particular enemies ; which Cicero in his 3. lib. Officiorum , although but a Heathen , contradicteth : and that of Vlpian , no lesse in credit than he , That it is lawfull to circumvent one another ; and chiefly , seeing in all their writings they esteeme more of the true keeping of our promised faith in all our actions , than of strict and precise justice ; but so thought not the good Emperour Augustus Caesar , though he had promised a great many Talents of gold to those who should bring him the head of Crocotas a notable robber in his time , which robber hearing of this reward , came of himselfe , and layed downe his head at the Emperours feet , and craved the reward conditioned ; whereupon the Emperour did appeare so farre from revenge , that he forthwith granted him not onely his life , but the promised Talents also . Neither did the noble Iosua so , when he was deceaved with the Gibeonites ; for although those deceaving Polititians , or rather hypocrites hold for truth that , Frangenti fidem , fides frangatur eidem . And worse than that , they doe violate likewise their plighted faith to those who have done them no injurie , nor made any breach of faith at all : yet , I say , Iosua did not so to the Gibeonites who deceived him ; for when the Iewish Captaines would have beene revenged on them ; the Princes answered : Wee have sworne unto them by the Lord God of Israel , now therefore we may not touch them , &c. Iosh. 9. 19. Section 2. Mentall-reservation defined . All fraudulency , in making peace , or taking truce condemned ; for which purpose are instanced examples of Grecians , Romans , and others . WHat shall bee said to those , who while they sweare and promise , have neverthelesse in their minde no intention at all to performe ? Linguajuravi , mentem injuratam servavi . A maxime with the former , not hatched in the braine of a Florentine matchiavill , but raked out of the profoundest Cabinet of the most secret , and most obscure dungeon in hell : Cleomenes after a truce made up with the Argiues for seven dayes ; the third night thereafter under trust and assurance , surprized them ; and then being challenged of his promise , made answer , That he made truces for dayes , and not for nights : Lysander used to say , that men should be deceaved with oathes , as children with apples : the generosity of a noble Alexander acknowledged no such guile ; who when Polypercon his Counsellor had advised him to take advantage of the darkenesse of the night , against Darius , could reply , That he had rather chuse to repent the losse of his fortune , than to purchase victory with shame , Malo me fortunae poeniteat , quàm pudeat victoriae : and the magnanimous Romans were offended w th their Embassadour Lucius Marcius , in the managing of his wars with Perseus King of Macedon , because he went about by subtilties and circumventions to purchase his victories : on such considerations as these , they sent back to Pyrrhus , K. of Epirots his Physitian , ( who had undertaken to poyson him : ) likewise Camillus at the siege of Veij , made the children whip their Master with rods , who had rendered them by his treachery into the Consuls hands . The bravest , both Commanders , and Souldiers , who were taken prisoners by the Samnites , and had obtained liberty to come backe to Rome to take leave of their friends ; were by them sent back againe , or rather , returned of their owne accord , although some to a certaine death : so farre were they from holding , that faith should not be kept either to enemies in generall or particular , much lesse to stretch a thing to the contrary , whereof they had a reservation in their minde ; for by such jugling evasions those Roman prisoners taken by Pyrrhus , and permitted to come home and visit friends , might have alleaged , that they were not obliged to return , ( as they did ) because they might have said , that howsoever they had sworne with their mouthes , yet in their hearts they thought not so : likewise , Attilius Regulus the Consull , taken by the Carthaginians , and set at liberty to visit the City , upon promise of returne might have said : but the innocency of that age knew no other way but the right and square , and rather choosed to undergoe death , than to make a breach of the integrity of their faith made unto an enemy . Sect. 3. The integrity of the ancients commended in making peace , and their other pactions . A story of P. Corn. Scipio to that purpose . Graeca fides , what , and wherefore used : Of the dishonest dealing of Pope Alexander , and his nephew , Caesar Borgia , &c. I will not passe under silence the manner observed by the Ancients in breaking truces , peace , pactions , or leagues amongst them ; that posterity may understand , how averse they were from having their thoughts dissonant from their words : and to this purpose I remember , that at the peace concluded on betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians in the dictatorship of Pub. Corn. Scipio , a Roman Herauld standing up betwixt both parties , assembled for finishing of the same , after they had spoken their mindes , hinc jnde , the Herauld , I say , standing with a stone in his hand , in these termes concluded the matter . If justly , and without any fraud or guile , I make the oath of observancie , and doe finish this paction , then may the Gods be propitious , and grant that all things may fall happily out unto us ; if I either doe or thinke otherwise than I have spoken , then , ( so all the rest be safe ) let me fall and perish alone by mine owne Lawes , in my owne family , with my private Lares , and domestick Gods , in my owne Temples and Sepulchers , as this stone fals from my hand ; which words finished , he throweth the stone from him , or rather lets it fall to the ground , and so endeth . The Carthaginian Herauld swore by all their Countrey Gods , and their private ones , to observe all that is covenanted . Livius noteth these same tearmes to have beene used in the first peace concluded on betwixt these same people in the consulship of Iunius Brutus , and Marcus Valerius , or shortly after ( if Sabellicus mistake not ) , which two first Consuls , Rome had diverse yeeres before Zerxes expedition against the Greekes : alwayes Polybius hath these same words both exemplary and memorable : like as Sabellicus in his 6. lib. Aenead . 4. punctually fetteth them downe , albeit both Livie and Dionysius remarke but the generals : the speciall thing which I observe , is the word Cogito : if I thinke otherwise ; which confounds all our mentallists , and makes them Mentirists : let the Greekes with their deceaving tricks and coosenages keepe that dishonourable honour , Graeca fides , which is alwayes taken for a subdolous and fraudulent faith : but God defend that ever such aspersions and imputations be laid to a true Britanne ; and let Popish Rome , now of late declined and degenerated from the old honest Rome , pride her selfe and her sectaries in their mentall-reservations ; let one Pope Alexander and his nephew Caesar Borgia vaunt themselves ; the one , that he did never think the thing which he spake ; the other , that like our mentallists , hee never spake the thing which hee thought : and let a Leo the tenth of that name , promise truth and faith to a Paul Baillon , ( who had expelled his nephew out of Perugia , ) that he under trust of his Holinesse's word should come unto Rome safely with his associates , to live at Court as before , and yet neverthelesse , did put him and them to death : as likewise a Cardinall , Alfonso of Sienna , who for suspition of poysoning the Pope with a Buccado , or Nosegay , retired himselfe from Court , perceiving his Holinesse countenance to bee cast downe upon him , and would not be moved to returne againe ; but under his holinesse faith and true promise made , not onely to himselfe , but to the Embassadour of Spaine , in his Masters name , for his more security also ; yet neverthelesse having once caught him in his net , did put him to a violent death . His successor Clement the seventh did almost this same to the Florentines , to whom , as he had solemnly conditioned to give them their liberties and Immunities , as likewise to the Spanish Ambassador in his Masters name , for them , for theirfurther security ; yet being once possest of their City , contrary to promise , he subjected it to his Nephew , who having strengthned it with strong and mighty Cittadells and forts , did appropriate it to himselfe and his family : Let these Popes ( I say ) thinke and promise one thing , and doe another ; farre be it from any Britan to doe so ; as equity and truth is , or ought to be in your hearts , so let truth be in your mindes also . Sect. 4. The difference betwixt the auncient and the moderne Romans in uprightnesse of dealing , instanced by a story of Pompey the Great , and Augustus Caesar. AND now it shall content me to parallell one example amongst thousands which I could produce , of the honestie and integrity of old Rome with our new Christianized Rome ; and then let the indifferent reader judge of the one and of the other ; The great Pompey , when he with his Navall Armie ( so much renowned in their stories , ) had scowred all the Mediterranean Sea , then infested with Pirats , having ( I say ) given his promise of safety to one or two of the most special amongst them , did not violate nor molest them ; but that was little ; for Augustus Caesar did as much to Crocotas ; but herein shewed he his honest minde , that when he had two of his most speciall enemies within his chiefe Galleon , ( although for the time but coldly enough reconciled unto him , ) and was spoken unto by the Pilot , who acquainted him , that now it was the time to ridde himselfe of them both ; and if hee pleased , that he himselfe should be the man to doe the businesse ; No , no , said he ; If thou haddest killed them without acquainting mee therewith , then hadst thou done a peece of good service ; but now , doe it not , since they are here under my trust . Quia habita fides ipsam obligat fidem . We should make our words and actions agree and jumpe together , such Princes who in their life time dissembling grant pardons to offenders , and yet leave it in charge to their successors to be avenged on them , can no wayes be excused : for seeing our intentions do judge our actions ; death cannot acquit them of that obligation , besides that the entrant King is made formidable at his entrie , who otherwise should enter his Crowne with love and peace . Sect. 5. Of the breach of Faith to Enemies : Treacherie at a Siege of Capua : Treacherie and cruelty committed by the Spaniards at a Siege of Genoa . The strictnesse of Generalls over common Souldiers exemplified , &c. NEither yet know I how to exempt from the scandall of this fault these two which I read of in the late Italian History ; The one , that of the LORD Aubigny at the Siedge of Capua , where he commanded the French without the Towne ; and Seigneur Fabricius Colonna within : For the Historie saith , that while the said Colonna was parlamenting on the face of a bastion with the said LORD Aubigny , upon conditions of surrendring ; That the ( French by the negligent watch of Centinells within , suspecting no hostility during a parle ) entred the Citie in fury , and so made Prize of it . Although it might bee lawfull to all commanders ( where there are no covenants made ) to take the best advantages of their adversaries that occasion can offer ; and though Montaignes , whether favouring his owne countrey , or being mis-informed of the passages of that Siedge ( I know not ) thinketh that this Policy was intended or premeditated by that ever upright and most valourous Warriour Bernard Lord D' Aubignie ( which must be a mistake ; ) yet the Precedent and succeeding most valourous and many most generous acts of that ever renouned man , may witnes the contrary ; for many French Writers , ( as may be seene in Master Quines booke of his life ) have so ingenuously , honestly and according to his Merit , illustrated his brave acts in so lively Colours , that the honours , which for them were conferred upon him , would convince one , and confirme their credit that have so largely and truely spoken of him : that it may truly be continued of his worth . Vivet post funera Virtus . The other at Genoa , where the Marquesse of Pesquierra was commander of the Spanish forces without the Towne , and the Duke Seigneur Octavian Fregoso commanding within in the name of the French King ; in like manner ( and it may be for revenge and compensation of the Capuan cruelty ) whilest the two Generalls were under tearmes , yea , and finall conditions of rendring the Towne ; The Spanyard ( taking advantage of the negligent attendance of those within , who were secure , thinking all ready for the surrendring ) entred the City , putting them all to the sword without distinction of Age , Sexe , or condition . I know not ( I say ) how to quit these two from the imputation of treachery , except to say , that at times the insolency and fury of poore incensed Souldiers is so hardly suppressed by the threatnings of their Generalls or Commanders , as is a wonder ; yea admit it were in as reformed a Warfare as that whereof the Lord Montagues in his Chapter of Conscience lib. 12. speaketh ; where amongst divers others of his notable discourses , he bringeth in a Generall causing to kill a Souldier and rip up his stomack to see the pottage which a poore woman complained he had wrest from her , and with which she was to save her childe from starving , conditionally , that if it were not found there , the Woman playntife should dye , to expiate his death and her false accusation . But strange it is albeit , this former recited Maxime should hold in Warres ; That from a generall Councell which ( as they say ) cannot erre , the representative body of the holy Church , the Columne of veritie , that from it ( I say ) such a decree should have sprung , which may occasion us to say of them as was said of the licentious Souldiers , Quibus , cùm quod libet , lioet , & quod libent , audent , & quod audent , faciunt : O Saecucula , O mores ! A TREATISE OF LAVGHING AND MOVRNING . Section 1. The benefits and content that all men reape by the workes and labours of Writers and Travellers . HIstories and travellers are said to be like those who cracke the Nut and give away the kernell ; their toyles , labours and witty inventions are by them readie drest for all readers , hearers or seers ; for when they read their travells and studies , they are like those who lying secure upon land , doe from some Promontory behold a ship tossed on the swelling billowes , beating with raging windes and tempests , and well nigh Ship-wrackt : Et mare cum Spumis candentibus astra lacessit : & cum tartarei subsidit ad ima barathri : Who sees or reades their workes receive the sweete of their toile : but yet not hereby challenging any singularity unto my selfe above others , I freely offer and expose these labours to all , which for the variety will ( I hope ) bee acceptable ; and gracious acceptance is the reward I crave . But to the matter in hand . Section 2. Of sudden deaths that have hapned unto men amidst their feasting and other Iollities , exemplified with stories both Sacred and prophane . IN the Countrie of Agenois ( a part of the famous province of Aquitaine , ) where first I spent some yeares not without some copious and severall observations : a Baron there , Mr. de Longad la barriere , at a feast in his owne house , laughing and making merry with his Guests , having a legge of a pullet in his hand , expired suddainely amongst their hands . Mirth at banquets should not be excessive but moderate ; for which the Aegyptians used at their feast to set a Scull or Anatomie on or by the table , that by the thought and sight thereof they might moderate their excesse , which oftentimes hastneth death or else diseases . Holy Scriptures furnisheth us with examples , as those of Nebuchadonosor , Baltasar , and the rich glutton , who had the most exemplarie punishments in this kinde that we reade of . In the Roman History Cornelius Balbus recorded by Tacitus , who , whilest he was under a cloud and silence of night , carousing , quaffing , and laughing so loud , that the sicke Emperor ( his Lord ) could heare him from his chamber windowes with his camrades , is memorable , who not only endangered the losse of his Princes favour , but of his life also for his so unseasonable and insolent mirth . Now , if we shall leave feasting , and but speake of other Ioyes , we shall finde that when men thinke their estate most secure , and doe rejoyce in the injoying of it ; that even then their suddaine fall hapneth , and followeth them as their shadow : King David for glorying in his numbered people , was plagued : Iulius Caesar in his imperiall Throne having by the overthrow of his enemies attained that verticall point of earthly honour , was even then and there murdered . King Henry the second of France , was amidst the triumphs and tiltings of his Sisters wedding solemnities , killed . King Henry the third at the rendering up of his rebellious Citie of Paris to him , was murthered by the trayterous stroake of a blacke Frier , his predecessors both shortly taken away : But more miserably , his great and valorous successor Henry 4th . in the middest of that glorious City , and of the pompous shewes at his Queenes coronation , was murdered . Our hopefull Prince Henry taken away about the time of his sisters mirthfull Nuptialls . And I read of a Prince in an Historian , whose torch dedicated and lighted to Hymen in his nuptialls , served to kindle his funerall pile . Not to speake a word of Philip of Macedon killed in the middest of his Army , while he is assisting the sacrifice to the Gods : Nor of his Son Alexander the great , cut off in the floure of his yeares , Ioyes , and glorious great victories , with a thousand of this same kinde . Section 3. Stories of severall worthy and brave men ; that upon occasions have shed teares : of the sensible greefe of some Horses , Dogges , and Hawkes upon the losse of their Masters . WHich being so , we may see that the Lord ordained wisely the Pascall Lambe to be eaten with bitter hearbes ; And providently the old heathen enjoyned us to mingle cares amidst our joyes . Laeta tibi austeris varientur festa profestis . From holy Scripture we have warrant , that it is better to be in the house of mourning and weeping , then in that of laughing : And blessed are they that weepe ; for they shall bee comforted , and their teares washt from their eyes ; our Saviour is said to have wept , and never to have laughed : we reade of St. Peters teares ; of the royall Prophets , of the Prophet Ieremy his complaints ; of the groanings , howlings and lamentings of the best servants of GOD , of none , or little of their rejoycing , except it had beene under the Crosse , or at least in the Lord ; finally with teares wee come into this world , with care wee abide in it , and with paine we remove from it . Yea even of those who are most enured , and hardened with fights , bloudsheds , alarmes , and consequently , who should seeme most averse from teares , pitie and compassion , some I marke to have solemnly wept and are signalized , more peradventure in consideration of humane frailty , as measuring things by themselves , then otherwise for any great matter or reason they had to shedd teares for the time ; seeing they had obtained the thing they so eagerly desired . — Nam cum praeda sternitur , alter Praemia solliciti certa laboris habet . The good Emperor Adrian at his triumphant entrie into Rome after a remarkable victorie , seeing the innumerable spoyles of his enemies before his Imperiall chayre , and the Captives themselves manicled and fettered with chaines , doing homage unto him ; It is recorded of him , that though he rejoyced in publike , yet in private hee wept , and in a manner expressed by all likelihood no lesse than our famous Buchanan in this distich . Tuquoque crudelis Babylon dabis improba paenas , Et rerum instabiles experiêre vices . King David shed teares at the sight or hearing of his sonne Absoloms death : Iulius Caesar , at the sight of Pompeys head : Vespasian , seeing the holy and magnificent Sanctum Sanctorum on fire : Xerxes , the insolent Persian King , yet seeing a number of hundred thousands in a plaine , wept , considering the frailty of nature ; for that of so many as hee saw there , they might bee all dead in few houres , dayes , or yeeres . To these , I may subjoyne Bajazet successor to Mahomet Emperour of the Turks , Anno , 1481. his teares , after his brother Zizimus had surrendered himselfe to the great Master of Malta , in name of all the Christian Princes ; whom neverthelesse he drove to that extremity . As for Heraclitus his perpetuall weeping for the misery of this world , I thinke it as worthy of blame , as Democritus his continuall laughing at the folly of it : seeing ( with Salomon ) there are times to laugh , and times to weepe also , — Nam res humana fatiscit , Laeta nisi austeris varientur festa profestis . And if we trust Sabellicus ; not onely Men , but also Horses and Dogs , have beene seene to weepe for the losse of their Masters ; he instanceth particularly , that those Horses which Iulius Caesar vowed to Mars at his passage over Rubicon , were observed before his murther to stray carelessely up and downe , prognosticating ( as it were ) their masters death by their unaccustomed drooping , dejectednesse , and shedding of teares : Du Bartas Hawke , which hee relateth to have cast it selfe ( after some other signes of sorrow ) into the grave with the corps of its dead Master , may be mentioned as rare and memorable . Section 4. Risus Sardonicus , what , and how to be taken : Of the holy teare kept in the Abby Church at Vandesme , in France . NOw for laughing : that which we call Risus Sardonicus , is a perfect modell and patterne of our humane laughing : for as they who have eaten of the hearb Sardis , do all the perfect gestures of one tickled with joy or mirth , as dimpling their cheeks , and other like gestures ; yet it is onely the contracting power of that venomous herbe , that procureth that convulsive gesture in them : the Crocodiles teares may be compared oftentimes to our weeping , as being either delusive , treacherous , or revengefull ; and too many ( I feare ) doe like Iudas , kisse , onely to deceive . But what shall be said to the Teare which is conserved in a Violl , and kept in a little Chappell on the North-side of the Abbey-Church , at Vandome in France ; which they give forth to be a teare which fell from our Lords eyes , and was kept since in that Violl by some holy Saint living in those dayes ; which in an overpious beleefe , they say , hath continued since without diminution ; by them called , La Sainte larme , The holy teare : this at solemne festivall dayes they shew and exhibite to the superstitiously credulous people , that repaire thither from the remotest parts of that kingdome ; who with great and submissive prostration and kneeling , kisse it , to the great and gainefull profit of the keeper : truly , for my owne part , I am not so universally catholick ( though I have seene it ) as to beleeve that , no more than their religious paradoxes of the transportation of our Lady De Loretta her chamber from so many diverse places and countries , to the place where now it is : neither finde I any motion to pray God for helpe in my unbeliefe of this and other such fained miracles of theirs , being so meerely and palpably grosse inventions of men . Sect. 5. Of weeping for the dead how to be moderated . The matter of teares : of laughing and weeping for one and the same thing : moderation in both commended . ALthough Tertullian in his booke De patientia , did forbid the people in his dayes to mourne and weepe for the dead , yet our Lord and other Saints have wept for them : S. Paul indeed , reprehendeth the immoderatenesse of it , 1 Thes. chap. 4. where he forbiddeth not the Thessalonians to sorrow at all ; but not sorrow as those who had no hope of the resurrection . The Poet could finde fault with immoderate mourning for the dead ; which in this Iron and declining age of the world but very few needs to be reproved for . Tu semper urges flebilibus modis Misten ademptam , nec tibi vespero , Cadente decedunt amores , Necrapidum fugiente solem . The philosophicall reason given for not mourning for the dead , I thinke neither allowable to a Christian , nor to a meere naturallist ; for they say , that it is but lost time and action , seeing death is remedilesse , common , necessary ; and teares cannot prevaile to recall them againe , and therefore availe nothing : for such like arguments are rather to reinforce sorrow , than otherwayes to mitigate griefe : and so much the rather , because there is no remedy for it : for as another Philosopher replieth to one who reprooved him for lamenting so heavily the death of his sonne , since ( said he ) you know that there is no remedy for it ; and therefore ( replied the other ) doe I weepe : yet some of the wisest sort of them agreed unto this mourning for the dead , as a kind , naturall duty ; in so farre , that they who wept not for their parents death , were by them said , In patrios minxisse cineres . Not to speake of the matter of teares , whether it be the same with that of sweate , or the waterish part of bloud , all these being salt : I shall enquire the occasion of teares , which we finde out of holy and prophane stories , to be both joy and sorrow . In Ezra , when the Iewes saw the holy Temple re-edified , They wept ( saith the Prophet ) but diversly , some for joy to see it rebuilt againe , others for sorrow to see the glory and ornament of it , as it was then , not comparable to the former : so wept Ioseph for joy upon his brethrens necks : in a word , ire and revenge will occasion teares , as well as pitty and compassion ; yea , some will weepe on no occasion . Mens immota manet , lachrymae volvuntur inanes . I can say no more to the stupidity of these people , than to their folly who laugh at all occasions without cause . OF VARIETIES THE FOVRTH BOOK : CONTEINING FOVRE TREATISES . OF 1. Curiosities . 2. Divine Philosophy , or Mans felicity . 3. The Consonancy and agreement betwixt Ancient Philosophers and Christian professors . 4. Sleepe and Dreames . BY DAVID PERSON of Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN . Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvant . LONDON , Printed by RICHARD Badger , for Thomas Alchorn , and are to be sold at his shop , in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene - Dragon . 1635. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE , IOHN , Earle of Traquair , Lord Linton and Caberston ; his MAIESTIES Treasurer Depute of Scotland , and one of his Majesties most Honorable Privie-Councell there . Right honorable , EXamples of Histories and daily experience teach us , that as Piety and Iustice are the pillars of a State , and the Countrey happy ( as none more than ours ) whose King is endued with them , seeing people commonly follow their example ; so most fortunate is the Land , where a most wise King substitutes such officers of State , as whose piety , justice , charity , and other vertues , may be a comfort , rule , and example to the people , over whom God and their King hath placed them : That this reflecteth upon you my Lord , none of our Nation is so destitute of understanding as to question ; upon which assurance I have adventured this dedication to your Lordship , that where these eminent vertues doe so cleerely shine there can be no clouded mystinesse cast betwixt a candide and auspicious acceptance , and this small tender of my duty to honourable vertue , and entire affection to your Honour : which in your younger yeeres at Paris ( where I began this work ) I did vow unto your then blooming merits ; and now performe , that it may remaine to after Ages , as an everduring token of the love , favour , duty , honour , and respect , that was alwayes carried to the most illustrious name of Stewart in generall , and to You my Lord in particular , as a Noble branch of the Honorable Stock of Lennox , By Your Lordships faithfull and affectioned servant , David Person . OF VARIETIES THE FOVRTH BOOKE , Of Curiosities , where the greatest Subtilities of all Sciences are some way unfolded , and disapprooved ; and some naturall Curiosities propounded , as of the Heavens , Aire , Seas , Earth , &c. Section 1. The difference betwixt factions and ( editions : a rebellion of the common people of Rome against the Senate and Patricians . Emulation a principall producer of great exploites ; the harme that followeth Curiosity , and that Church-men are not exempt from it . AS order and unity are the upholders of a Commonwealth , so factions and seditions are their overthrow ; These two I hold not to bee one ; for sedition is by open violence ; faction , under colour of Iustice ; That both these are procured by too curious and ambitious braines and diseased spirits , who envy other mens preferment or wealth above their owne ; it is manifest ; as thorow all the Romane history , so particularly in that sedition of the Commons who openly rose up against the Senat and Patricians , flying in armes to the Aventine Mount , where neverthelesse by that elegant Oration of Menenius Agrippa ( set downe by Livius at length ) they were appeased . My purpose here is not to hinder that honest emulation , and allowable curious ambition of well doing either in private or publike men ; for both the Greeke and Roman stories doe sufficiently informe us , that there were never greater incitements to an emulous antagonist , then their opposites glorious exploits in war , and vertuous proceedings in peace ; nor sharper spurres to waken and rouse up their lasinesse ( if any was ) then the desire to parallell them ; examples are very obvious in this kinde . My intent here is to desire a moderation in men of all conditions , especially the learned ; for the harme , prejudice and evill that idle and sturring Curiosities ( which have beene caused by Antagonists emulations , and disputes ) have procured in private and publik men or States , in warre and peace , is universally and dayly perceaved and regrated : And who so would thinke that our Clergy and Gowne men who prescribe rules of wisedome unto others , are to bee exempted from this fault , are farre deceaved ; for both of old and late dayes they have barboyled the sound doctrines of their professions , with their idle , unnecessary , and too curious questions ; who so will with me skimme over but a handfull of them , shall soone confesse this truth . Section 2. How Curiosities have wonderfully disturbed the peace of the Church ; A Recitall of some impertinent Curiosities in Religion ; with some also of Subtilis Scotus , and Thomas Aquinas , &c. ANd first then , it may bee demanded , what solid peace and agreement hath been in the sacred Church which is the piller of Truth , since the purity of the Primitive Doctrine left by the holy Evangelists , Apostles , and their Successors hath beene adulterated , and martyred with curious questions ; as those of Transubstantiation , Concomitance , Latreia , Dulia , Hyperdulia , mentall reservation , equivocations , implicite faith , congruities , condignities , and Supererogations , together with the inerrability of the Popes Holinesse , Semi-man , and Demi-God ; as also those questions of our late Divines , whether CHRISTS death alone was satisfactory for our salvation , or His life and death together ? And those questions also of providence , of predestination , of prescience , Gods effective and permissive power in sin , if GOD can lie , or recall time past , or make a thing done , to bee undone , &c. what hath mooved our so inquisitive Curiosists , as Subtilis Scotus , and D. Thom. who have ( as it were ) so overclouded all with their pregnancies of wit , to be so curiously sollicitous , as to enquire , whether or not besides Creation and Generation , there were any other production of things in nature different and distinct from those two ? which surely is not ; for by that meanes accidents should befound to be concreated & congenerated , not inhesive , and having their being in the subject according to the Logicians rule , accidentis est inesse . Whereupon followed that no lesse idle then curious question , whether GOD may sustayne accidents after the substracting of their subject from them , in which they were , and with which they were concreated ; as who can imagine a whitenesse to exist without a wall , paper , cloud , cloath or some such subject to be in , wherwith first it was concreated , as Ruvius in his Commentary upon the second Phys. and second de anima fondly giveth forth ? seeing it is certaine , that the actions of GODS will are ever bounded to , and terminated with an object , either possible or actuall ; and the reason of this is , because all potency and possibility to bee , tendeth to and terminateth in an object , from which it may assume the owne species & kind ; So that the acts of the divine Intellect or understanding tending to an object extant , or in aptibility to exist , do tend to it , as it is in the Divine intellect ; and so consequently such , as actually or possibly existeth . Such questions as these being more fit to cruciate and perplexe the mindes , yea even of the most learned , then otherwise to instruct them or any of the weaker sort . Section 3. A continuation of some other Theologicall and Metaphysicall subtilities and curiosities . SVch as this , is that of the multiplicity of formes in one selfe same subject , and this ; if the formes of matters be extracted out of the potentiality of the matters , which certainly is , the first , not : wherein I agree with Suares , in his disputation upon the first of the Metaphysicks ; and whether Angells be species or individualls ; howbeit in my minde , what ever Divus Thomas speaketh in favour of species , they are more properly to be held as individualls ; yea , and with our Moderne Divines reverence , whether Protestants or Iesuites ; what can bee the formall object of our faith , the subject of it being once perfectly knowne ; howbeit in effect to my opinion , the formall object of it ( with Divus Thomas ) must bee the divine verity manifested unto us in holy Scripture by our Lord and Master , the holy Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles , the pen men of GOD , together with the authority of the Church , which authority is but as a testimoniall , and secondary , and with both and all others permission , who prye and dive so deepely in the Orcum and mysteryes of Learning , as , whether or not Creation bee all one with the thing Created , sooner solved , then advisedly propounded : for so it is , that Creation being an action of the divine will , fiat & factum est . Gen. 1. 34. Moreover , that will in GOD , and His Divine essence being all one , there is no question , but that Creation is prior to the thing created : the like , or part whereof neither the Iewish Thalmud , nor the Mahometan Alcoran scarce ever did propound to their Readers . But I leave the sublimity of Theologicall and Metaphysicall questions which hath puzled marvellously even the best refined and acute Spirits . Section 4. Of Curiosities in Logick ; the relation betwixt the Creator and the creature : to what Heaven the Prophet Enoch and Elias were wrapt ; what place is said to be Abrahams bosome . VVHat hath the Logician advantaged his art of reasoning by troubling himselfe and others , with what kind of relation is betwixt the creature and the Creator ? Whether , with Aristotle , predicamentall or not ? mutuall , or that it holdeth onely of the creature , not of the Creator also ? howsoever , predicamentall with Aristotle it cannot be ; for that Creation argueth no change in GOD , ( as it doth in the thing Created , which is transchanged from a not being to a being which is certaine , ) because GOD and supernall intelligencies ( as meere formes free of all matter ) doe worke by their intellect and will ; So that Creation proceeding from GOD as an act of His will and intellect , must have beene from all eternity with Him , nothing being in Him which was not with Him likewise . To the former adde this curiosity likewise : what Heaven it was which the Prophets Enoch and Elias were wrapt into ? for our curious Our anographers by their doings ( I warrant you ) shall exclude them out of all Heavens : for why say they ? into the Aire , ( which is the first Heaven ) they could not be wrapt , seeing if they were taken up from the Earth for rest and ease , there they would find little , it being the proper place of stormes and tempests ; neither into the second , for if for ease , joy and rest , they were taken from the earth , it behooved to be elsewhere then there , because that starrie Heaven by many is held to be in perpetuall revolution and motion ; much lesse will they admit them into the third Heaven ; because they were not as yet gloryfied , at least , there is no warrant in Scripture for it : besides that , our MASTER IESUS CHRIST being Primitiae resurrectionis was the first that entered , which was many ages after their uptaking . Where the bosome of ABRAHAM is , to which most credibly they were rapt , our curious Topographers cannot agree ; their sublimities and curiosities rather producing scruples then instruction . What it is , is by all almost agreed upon ; but where it is , maketh the doubt : with Peter Martyr Vermillius loco . 16. Classis 3. It is thought to be nothing els then a place of rest , where the soules of the Fathers departed before our SAVIOURS comming to the World , were attending , and in joy expecting it , denominated from Abraham the Father of the faithfull , without excluding the rest of the Fathers ; which place , what ever they say , I take to have beene in Heaven , in which ( we know ) there are many stations , how ever they perplexe themselves in marshalling our lodgings there . And , against them all , of this opinion is S. Augustine , Commenting on the 85. Psalme . Section 5. The Curiosity of the Millenarij ; with many other Curiosities more frivolous then necessary . THe curiosity of the Millenarij , called by the Greekes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is worth your notice ; who give forth , that after the generall resurrection , the godly shall enjoy a thousand yeares pleasures in soule and body on this earth , before the wicked be resuscitated , which they on earth did want whilest the wicked flourished ; and that according to Irenaeus his opinion . lib. adversus haereticos . But they have even as much likelyhood and warrant for this out of holy Scripture , as others have for that other tenent , that after the resurrection of man , there shall bee likewise a renovation of beasts , hearbes , plants , &c. But to proceed in their subjects , what curiosity hath driven our Inquisitors to aske , if death shall bereave our most learned of all sence and insight in Sciences , that in Heaven they shall be in no better degree of happinesse then the rude ignorant ; wheras in the first to the Corinthians and the fifteenth Chapter it is said , alia est gloria lunae , alia solis ; better it were to know how to come there , then inquisitively to search what higher places there are there : but no question if the arguments drawen from contraries , doe hold , then sure in hell there bee diversitie of paynes , so in Heaven also there bee disparity of joyes : for in the house of the Lord are many mansions . Yea , but saith my curiosist , what language shall we speake in Heaven ? an idle question ; what other language should we have but Hallelujuhs , hymnes , and praises to Him who sitteth upon the Throne ? This with many other scruples , and errors in inverting , perverting augmenting , derogating , transverting , throwing , wresting GODS Word , Will , Truth , and Decree , I passe , and apply my selfe to the Physiologist enquiring , if there was a world before this began ; if there shall be another after this . If there bee more then this which presently we inhabite ; if there be more celestiall spheares then one ; what time of the yeare this world began , and when it shall have an end . All which , in my Title of the world I handle , excepting onely the multiplicity of heavenly orbes which I doe admit , refusing alwayes their Eccentrick and Epilicks ; as also I dissallow the Eccentricks of the earth , as being all curiosities of small moment , and remit the Reader to the sound and true knowledge of the course , nature , and influence of the planets ; which our curious Physitians , or Pseudo-Astrologers imaginatively do handle . Section 6. That the Planets and other Celestiall bodies have not that power over the natures of men and Women that Astrologers ascribe unto them : That the Starres are innumerable ; Of the number and greatnesse of some in Via lactea ; Where the center of the earth is ; its Circumference . Of Etna , Hecla , Saint Patricks hole , and the like . NEither can I bee induced to believe the inforcing power they ascribe to these planets over men and womens natures at the houre of their birth ; they may well ( I confesse ) incline and helpe our propensnes , force them they cannot : for with Homer latinized ; Tales sunt hominum mores , qualis pater ipse Iupiter aurifer as lustravit lampade terras . Or rather w th Hippocrates the Lord of their Art I think , against these sublime curiosities , that the heavens worke not upon the sublunary bodies of children , but by the mediation of the Air , which being alwayes in motion , and seldome alike at all times , cannot alwayes produce such and such like infallible dispositions proper to any one alone more then to others , in , and of that same time and place : the contrary whereof we see . Mille hominum species , & rerum discolor usus . Velle suum cuique est , nec voto vivitur uno . But what ever fall out , it must not be so much attributed to the domination of any Starre at the Nativity of him or her , that way disposed , more then to others who sucke in that same Air , but rather to the diversity of mens inclinations of whom they are propagated ; or to their studies , educations , and affections , &c. Thus the extremity of Philosophy is accounted folly , as the best rules in Physicke are ; not but in case of extreme necessity , to use Physicke at all . But yet , what extremity of folly is it in our Astronomers to give up the reckoning , yea even of the immoveable Stars , when GOD their Maker ( blessed forever ) holdeth them ( in respect of men ) as innumerable ; as when He assured Iacob the Patriarch of the numerousnesse of his posterity , He compareth their innumerablenesse to the Stars of the heaven ; when ( howsoever these of via lactea alone are so miscounted , that there are miriads besides , millions of misreckonings given up by the Arabs themselves ) Reneus Herpinus in his Apology for Bodin against Augerius Ferrerius his booke de diebus decretonorijs intendeth to give their supputation , if not infallibly , learnedly and Astrologically ; yet too too curiously , in that place fol. 22. he divideth them in forty eight figures , and placeth twelve in the Zodiack , fifteene Meridionalls beyond the Ecliptick ; twenty one Septentrionalls , and so forth ; besides so many obscure ones , of which some of the biggest he instanceth to be 107 times bigger then the earth ; some againe of the first and sixth bignesse , eighteene times bigger , observing the diameter of the largest , foure times bigger then that of the earth . Whereas the diameter of the lesser sort is in comparison to that of the earth , as fifteene , to eight , in respect of twenty one : all which hee prooveth against Ferrerius to observe a constant , equall , and not different course ; of which Starres neverthelesse , their number , course , bignesse , force , &c. not onely Ptolomeus ( the Primat and Patron of that Science ) ( although Plotinus , Proclus , and Prophyre have not adhered to his demonstrations ) in his worke , at least in his Preface 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaketh rather as of things sooner remarked by the Ancients , then rightly understood by him or them either ; But likewise his Commentator Theon Alexandrinus on the like subjects giveth forth , that in these and the like matters , he desireth not his words to be taken for undoubted authorities : What have our Topographers wonne by inquiring , what can be in the centre of this Terrestiall Globe , which he giveth up to be neere seven thousand myles in diametrall thicknesse ? whether hell be there or not ? and whether or not Aetna in Italy , hecla in Island , Saint Patriks hole in Ireland , or that formidably burning Mountayne by the American Mexico ( wherein at times as elsewhere also ( if our Historians mistake not ) there are plaints and mourning voices to bee heard through ) by the vents and Chimneyes of hell , as they give out . Or what advantage have our Vranographers , or our familiar describers of the heavens , made ( not to bee behind with our Geographers , who have given up the compasse of the earth ? how soone a man may encompasse it , as in the first Treatise of the secrets of nature may be seene ? what have they advantaged ( I say ) by giving up the vastnesse of the firmament so unmeasurably large as they doe ? for by their calculation , though a man ride fourty myles a day , yet shall he not see so much ground in many thousands of yeares as the firmament goeth about the earth in twenty foure houres : So learned Clavius calculateth in his Commentary upon Sacroboscus . But withall to know whether or not the Moone be inhabited , or hath mountaines , vallies , and champion ground within her body , and so forth ; and whether the rest of the planets as she , be likewise inhabited ; considering ( say these curious fellowes ) that these vast bodies cannot be framed for light onely , if not for this use also : but being wearyed with these and alike more curious then profitable questions , I leave them . Section 7. To search out the secrets of Nature allowable ; if men be not too curious in them ; Eudoxus wish ; Plinius killed on the Mountaine of Vesuvius : Aristotle drowned in Euripus ; Too much curiosity is a plague sent downe from Heaven on men ; The Poet Simonides acknowledged his ignorance of GOD ; How the Heathenish gods were pourtrayed . IF any curiosity may be allowed , I thinke the inquiry of the hidden and abstruse secrets of nature are agreeable and pleasing for a curious spirit ; provided that their curiosity carry them no further then to a reverent and respectfull admiration of the power of God , working in Nature by them . But if once such curious and inquisitive braines doe transgresse these limits , and after the meditation of these things , doe begin to drawe out of the secrets of Nature that which is unprofitable , being knowne , and so doe become transgressors of the old Law , Non altum sapere , not to be too inquisitive ; then I say their curiosities become vitious : such as this , was the curiosity of Eudoxus , who desired at the hands of the gods to be so neere the Sun as to discerne the matter of it , ( which was in question amongst his fellow Philosophers for the time ) although it should bee to the hazard of his life ; Such curiosity as this : cost Plinius his life , while too curiously he approached to the top of the Mount Vesuvius , by Naples ( which I did with the hazard of mine also ) from thence to look down to the body of the hollowed hill to see if he might discerne the cause and matter of that fyre , which bursting up in flames now and then , had made it hollow within , for then being choakt with a flash of a suddayne flame , hee dyed ; So the river Euripus did requite Aristotle his curiosity with the like punishment , although not drowning or overwhelming him with waves , yet causing in him such melancholy for not comprehending its nature , as procured his death ! We have warrant from holy Scripture , that too much curiosity to knowe things , is sent downe upon men as a plague , in so farre , that Herod esteemed Saint Paul distracted through his too much learning ; and they are scarce otherwise , who thinke by their shallow capacity , to comprehend the height , length , and depth of GODS workes , which are so much the rather His , by how much the lesse we understand them . And it is observable that our beliefe is setled upon things incredible to humane reason ; to which a humble submission of spirit attayneth sooner , then a curious inquiry . Thus Saint Augustine esteemed , GOD better to be adored , bene sentiendo , quàm multum loquendo ; In such sort , that Simonides the Poet , who was desired to describe God , required first one day to thinke upon the subject ; and then another , lastly a third ; and in the end confessed ingeniously , that the more he studied it , the further he was from comprehending it , and the more he searched into that Theame , the lesse he understood it ; which gave us well to understand how wisely the Aegyptian Priests , Indian Brachmians , the Persian Magi , the French Druides , and all the old Philosophers and wise men did , who caused to mould and pourtrayte their gods with their fingers upon their lippes , to teach men ( their Adorers ) not to bee too curious inquirers after their Nature , or rashly blabbe forth what ever they imagine of them , least that being discovered , they should have beene found in the end to have beene but men , either worthy in their time for warre or peace , and after their death , deified . Micat inter omnes Iulium fidus , velut inter ignes Luna minores . Whereas the Nature of our great God-head is so profound a gulfe , and hid mystery , that as the Sun beames dazeleth our mortall eyes , being too stedfastly fixed upon them ; even so doth over-curious inquiry after God , and such other abstruse mysteries , obfuscate the dim eyes of our understandings : And as the Sun cannot bee seene but by his owne light ; So no more can God be knowne but by himselfe . Section 8. Too great curiosities condemned ; and a moderation to bee used in them prescribed . THus then , as in Divine and heavenly mysteries wee should not be too curious , but should rather content us with what is revealed ; So should we not in our worldly affaires busie our selves too curiously and perplexedly : For as Gods secrets are not disclosed to the highest and most eminent amongst men , but to the meaner and ignorant sort ; even so fortune and chance of this world falleth and followeth not alwayes the wisest and most curious , but on such as for the most part doe not pursue them ; and these we doe tearme , foole happy or more happy then wise . Dum vitant stulti vitia , in contraria currunt . When I blame the extremity of curiosity as a master-vice , it is not for that we should with the Stoicks , ●ull our selves asleepe , and cast off even allowable care concerning the events of our affaires in this life ; as to remitt and put over all to destiny ; which is no lesse blame-worthy , then with the Epicureans , to eate and drinke , as if the morrow we were to die : For as the golden mediocrity , and commendable vertue consisteth betwixt extreames ; even so ( I say ) avoyding both evills , this meant good may be admitted , to be curious after all such things as concerne our vocation and trade of life : And for this indeed wee have warrant ; but so , that we referre the event of all to the alseeing providence , who best knoweth our wants , and can best helpe them . Section 9. How GOD disappointeth the expectations of the most Curious ; And that the most subtill spirits runne into greater errors then the meaner doe . I Wonder , since neither the subtilties of this present age , nor the wisdom of our predecessors , neither Prophets of old , nor preaching of new , no not theirmost curious inquiries could rippe up the causes and notions of things , which it hath pleased the Everliving to worke both above and below the concavity of the Moone , in a manner to dazell mens eyes , and to make their profoundest wits stoope under the wonders of His workes ; Why then should our curious Spirits rack their braines about the resolution of such questions , which , as they are difficult to be solved , so are they dangerous ( I may say ) and impious to be propounded . And it is great presumption for mortall men to reduce under the precinct of humane sciences those things the knowledge of which GOD out of His infinite wisedome hath thought fit not to impart to mortalls . For as God is above nature , so worketh He after His owne will , either supernaturally , or else by some secret power of Nature unknowne to us ; To which point , the most subtile of all the Ancient Philosophers some times were driven . And yet these great spirits who could not content themselves but w th the speculation of such things , as fell not under the reach and capacity of the weaker , and meaner sort ; did sometimes in the meaner subjects stumble most miserably . So while they ranne above the heavens , roaving and tormenting themselves with their numbers , matter , force , motions , sounding , depths and centre , yea , and turning the circumference of the earth , overskimming the Seas , saluting the Antipodes , and bringing novells from their Courts , and of their Caballs , dreaming with themselves ( as Archimedes did ) that they might remove the Globe of the universe out of its owne place , and turne it about , if they had whereon , and wherein to fixe their machins ; they in the end ( I say ) doe stumble , and fall in grosse absurdities ; like those men who peradventure , having sailed the better part of their lives , upon the stormy Ocean , and past her greatest dangers , may neverthelesse at last be drowned in a little Brooke . Medium tenuere Beati . Section 10. An inducement to the studie and search of the secrets of Nature ; Of the Needle in the Sea compasse ; Of the inundations of the River of Nilus ; And from whence it hath its sourse and beginning ; Of the severall dispositions of men ; Why continuall burning hills and Mountaines doe not diminish , &c. BVt on what more fertill and spacious a field can curious Spirits extend , and expatiate the wings of their fancies , then the discovery and searching out of the secrets of Nature , as in those things which are obvious to our outward senses , leaving those contemplative mysteries afore spoken of , to the omniscious Author of them , for when mans curiosity hath reached or rather dived into the depth of the secrets of the heavenly bodies and their changes ; then the Creator , to checke ( as it were ) their curiosities and presumption , altereth that orderly course that they presumed to have gathered thereby ; which made Dionysius Areopagita , seeing the Sunne Ecclipsed at full Moone , when our LORD and SAVIOUR suffered , contrary to their Astronomicall position , to cry out , that either the God of Nature suffered at that time , or the course of Nature was inverted , or the Machine of the universe was to dissolve ; with other the like examples knowne to all that are versed in the Scripture . Now to speake a little more of the incertainty of these curiosities ; Mercator , and other more moderne Geographers hold , that the needle in the compasse , doth vary more or lesse from the Pole , as the place of observation is more or lesse distant from the Azorick Meridian , from whence it hath its longitude ; Whereas the more ancient tooke its longitude to be from the Canaries Meridian . Some againe , as Herodotus , will the River of Nilus , to take its source and beginning from the forked top of the Mountaine Sienna in Ethiopia , from whence ( saith he ) doe surge two admirable Currents , one towards the South and Ethiopia ; the other toward the North and Aegypt ; I call these currents admirable , because the Whirlepooles and bublings in these waters are so great , violent and absorping , that though a Boate were there tyde with most strong Cables , yet they would suck it in and ingurgitate it ! Others will have its inundations and Increment , to issue from the hills of the Moone in Arabia , A montibus lunae Arabia-Australis : whereupon such abundance of Snow falleth , that it liquifying and melting , runneth so abundantly and violently downe , that it procureth these wonderfull inundations : Plinius againe ( if Sabell : mistake not lib. 3. Eneid : 1. ) maketh its source and deboarding to flow from Affrick crossing Media , as the Danube doth Europe ; Or else from Mauritania the lesser , instancing for possibility that the melted snow discending from thence causeth the overflowings in Aegypt ; from whence ( say they ) serpenting and gliding through a vast tract of ground in the bowels of the earth , that striving ( as it were ) to be refreshed with new aire , it bursteth out in Mauritania Caesariensi , where it runneth the space of twenty dayes journey againe under ground ; from whence it issueth againe and plentifully stretcheth it selfe through Ethiopia , with many meandres and turnings , and separateth Aegypt from the rest of Africk ; where finally through most rockie , Precipitious and Declivous Mountaines with most hideous rumbling , and terrible noyse , it casteth it selfe down where the Catadupae dwell ; and running through Aegypt , disburdeneth it selfe , into the Mediterranean Sea. Others againe ( not without great contradiction ) doe variously picture out the severall dispositions of men according to their severall Countryes , whereof read Bodinus in his sixth Chapter lib. 5. of his Republick : where he saith , that those who are borne towards the South are more humane , ingenious and affable then those towards the North : with severall other distinctions which hee setteth downe in that Chapter : Some too , give the reason why so many great hills in severall places of the earth doe incessantly burne , without great diminution of the earth or their greatnesse , to be because the Sea winding it selfe in by secret Conduits , doth continually arrouse , or water the Sulphureous vaine which subministrates fewell to their flame ; as the endlesnesse of the combustible matter is the cause of the not diminishing of the earth : with many of the like , as may bee read in severall authors : Wherefore thus much for the contemplative and coniecturall curiosity ; Now to the Practick . Section 11. Of Christopher Columbus his Practicall Curiosity in his discovery of the new World or America . NOw lastly , to conclude this treatise with Practicall curiosity , instead of many , I will onely touch that so fortunate and so much famed one of Columbus in the discovery of America ; He was an Italian , borne in Genoa , whose most pregnant , curious and searching wit , farre excelled all that ever were before him , in the like attempts ; This worthy Columbus ( I say ) imagining , that since the Globe of the universe , the celestiall Spheares , Aire , Waters , and all superior bodies were round , concluded with himselfe that the earth could not bee triangular , as in a manner it then was when hee knew no other lands , but Europe , Africk , Asia , but circular and round also ; as the rest of the Elements ; and so consequently that there behooved to be some vaste tract of land , yet unknowne , which should extend it selfe from South West to North West ; Which conception of his he thus fortified . That seeing of three hundred and sixty degrees , which the world containeth in longitude , there being onely one hundred eighty filled up with land ; that the Almighty Creator would not have suffered from all beginning the waters to overflow all the rest . But not content with this contemplation onely , he never gave over till he put the tryall of it in practise ; wherefore in the yeere of God , 1492. aided and therefore furthered by the King of Spaine , he set to sea , directing his course to the Canary-Islands ( whereat from Spaine he first arrived ) towards the Southwest : but having spent many dayes upon the Sea without sight of land , to the great toile , labour , and anguish of his men , who began to mutine amongst themselves and despaire of ever returning home , much lesse of attaining their adventure ; he was driven to his wits end , whereupon politickly , ( and as it were prophetically ) he strove with all probabilities to assure them that within two or three dayes , at furthest , they should discover land ; which the more confidently he undertooke , because ( saith my Author ) he had perceived the colour of the clouds then tending towards him , to bee more white and more purified like landclouds , from whence they behoved to come , then those that meerely proceeded from the seas ; which conjecture of his proved true ; for it pleased God , that the third day thereafter they discovered this land they sought for , of which , with its length , bredth , nature , &c. there are whole volumes extant ; and from this countrey it is , that the gold , money and ware be transported , which hath caused our dearths ; all things in the dayes of our forefathers , being bartered one for another as common merchandises . This mans spirit ( no question ) was warmed with a more celestiall fire than ordinary ; who first of all before him , did both invent and execute so glorious a designe , and profitable an enterprise , as the discovery of a new world . Neverthelesse , there hath not wanted some ; who , to bereave him of this honour , doe gather out of Plato's dialogue twixt Critias and Solon , that there was some knowledge of this world in former times ; because so it is , that the Aegyptian Priests of the City Sais reported unto him , that they had found in ancient Monuments , some mention of a terrible great Island , called Atlantida , which was opposit , or went off and on , with the straits of Gibaltar , of old called Hercules Pillars ; but that it was taken away by Deucalions deluge , as we reade of Sicily to have beene rent from Italy . Which admit were true : yet who , amongst the sonnes of men , before Columbus , did ever adventure to discover it ? nay who so thinketh it to be an Island , mistaketh farre : for our moderne navigators have found it to be continent almost , and firme land ; as joyning to the East-Indies on the one hand , and to those Lands under the two Poles on the other : moreover , whereas Sicily is removed from Italy but a very few miles ( if ever they were conjoyned ) as Ireland is from Britanne ; this America , or , as they would have it , Atlantida , is distant from the mouth of the straights , where ( they say ) it was taken away , some thousands of miles . I know too , how Peter Martyr , cap. 1. and first decade , attributeth the first discovery of this to a Spaniard , to defraud Columbus of his due praise and honour : and how some have gone about , to take away from him the denomination of that Countrey , attributing it to Vespucius , calling him Americus , because he entered farther in the firme land than Columbus ; who glad of his first discovery , made no long stay there : so that at the second setting out of a new Navie , this Vespucius went further in , Egregiam verò laudem : as if the honour were not the first attempters : so Sheepe beare wooll , and Oxen plough , although not for themselves . Some too , say , that Columbus , being a learned man , gathered this enterprize from some verses in Seneca in his Medea , Venient annis secula seris . Quibus oceanus vincula rerum Laxet , & ingens pateat Tellus , Tiphis que novos deteget orbes , Nec sit terris ultima Thule , &c. And why not ? for this same ( if it so was ) argued the sublimity of his spirit ; for who , I pray you , before him , ever marked or gathered the like from them to put that Theory and contemplation in practise ? Then , sure it is , that none of the ancients , Greeke or Roman whatsoever , can in this be compared or balanced with him . Sect. 12. The conclusion of this Treatise of curiosity ; containing a singular curiosity of Livia , Tiberius Caesars wife . BVT ere I fully close up this Treatise , and where I might bring before you many ; let me onely present you with one woman , whose singular curiosity was admirable , or ( if you will ) casuall ; it is reported by Cuspinian , an ancient and famous Author , in the life of Tiberius Caesar ; that Livia being with childe of Tiberius , fell into an inquisitive curiosity , to know whether the child she went withall should prove male or female : wherupon , repairing to Scribonius the Astrologer , she was advised by him to take an Egge from under a sitting Hen , and to hold it so long betwixt her hands , till ( through the heate of them ) the egge should burd and breake the shell ; which accordingly she did , and thereout came a Cock-chicken : whereupon the Mathematician divined , that she should be delivered of a man childe ; who as the bird was crested , should beare a crowne , and command over others : and so thereafter it happened . OF DIVINE PHILOSOPHY , AND MANS FELICITY . Section 1. The Sunne and Moone in the Heavens compared to the understanding and will in Man. Aristotles definition of happinesse : The distinction of understanding and Will ; and wherein ancient Philosophers placed their chiefe felicitie . AS there are two Lamps in the heavens which enlighten this lower world , the Sunne , and the Moone : So there are two principall faculties which rule in Man , the understanding and the will. For as the Sunne in the Firmament , is as Master of the rest of the Stars , giving life to the Earth by the mediation of the Ayre ; so this understanding ruleth the rest of the faculties of the minde ; and as the Moone hath little light of her selfe ( as being but a diaphanous body or susceptible of light ) but what it borroweth from the Sunne , as the wife hath her lustre from her husband ; so should not the will obstinately will any thing , but what the cleerenesse of the understanding foreseeth to bee conducible unto us ; and what hath passed and bin sifted through the judgement ; though otherwise we see it oft times come to passe . The Philosophers have a much disputed question , in what our happinesse consisteth , Whether in the actions of our understanding , or in those of our will ( which indeed are nothing else but that which we terme contemplation and action ) distinctly in any one of them , or in both conjunctly . For seeing Aristotle defineth happinesse to bee an operation of the soule according to most perfect vertue , and that elsewhere he calleth it , the best and pleasantest thing that is ; it cannot be then but one ; because , what is spoken superlatively , is peculiar but to one onely : so it would seeme , that this felicity or happinesse consisteth onely in the operation of one of them and not of both ; the one and the other way being both for the object and their operation the most pleasant and perfect things we have : by the operation of our understanding or intellect , we have the speculation and contemplating of God , and by the will his love . Howsoever by this it would seeme , that it consisteth in some one of the two onely ; yet if we have regard to reason which enforceth the placing of it so , or the Texts in Scriptures , where it is said , that our happinesse consisteth in the contemplation of God , or in his knowledge ; we shall finde , that neither this perfect vision and knowledge of God can be separated from his love , nor his love from the knowledge of him . Wherefore it must consist of both joyntly . But if by one of the two simply a man were made happy , then he could not totally , but diminitively be called so , which should not be thought ; seeing nothing which is not entire ought to be attributed to felicity , because it should not be defective in any thing : whereupon we may conclude , that the perfect felicity whereof both the Philosophers of old have treated , and here now we handle , is neither divisively an action of the intellect according to prudence and wisdome , nor yet of the will , according to morall vertue , as Aristotle in his Politicks alledgeth ; but one combined of both according to perfect vertue . For if the question were betwixt the two , to which of them the prerogative and pre-eminence should appertaine , the matter were very ambiguous . Section 2. That our felicity consisteth in the actions of our will is confuted : Aristotles opinion hereupon . A theologicall solution on it , seconded with a Philosophicall ; and an agreement of both to solve the difference . IT is true , that the understanding goeth before the will , whereas will must waite for information from the understanding ; seeing we cannot well will a thing we understand not , Ignoti nulla cupido . Besides this , seeing our beatitude and felicity consisteth in the acquisition and fruition of the end of the thing we aime at : certainely that cannot be by the act of our will , although it hath goodnesse it selfe for the object ; considering , that Will , almost even in the most regenerate is so depraved , that without the grace of God , we cannot so much as will any good thing , without the preceding judgement of reason , in regard that Will is defined to be a rationall appetite ; consequently it is , that even in those who say that their will standeth for a reason , yet in their judgement there wanteth not their judiciary election . For St. Bernard in his worke of Grace and Free-will affirmeth ; that Will , to what hand soever it turne it selfe , hath reason accompanying it ; yet not that it is alwayes guided with true reason , but that at least it is never without its owne reasons . These considerations being had , it would appeare , that this our happinesse should be placed in the understanding , and not in the actions of our will ; except we take them so , as they have a reference to reason or understanding , in which they are rooted , or ( at lest ) should be . But if that be true on the otherside , as certainly it is , which Aristotle in his Ethicks affirmeth , that our happinesse perfecteth it selfe by the most noble operation of the most excellent part upon the excellentest subject ; sure it is , that the noblest part of a man is his soule , the most excellent faculty whereof is his free-will ; whose most lively operation is love , and whose most worthy object is God : so that from thence it would follow , that our happinesse consisteth in the love of God , consequently in the operation of our will. Now that the will hath the more excellent power then the understanding , is cleare ; because that faculty ( whose habits , operations and objects are more noble than the others ) surpasseth the other : but so it is , that will surpasseth in all these , for knowledge and wisedome must give place to love and charity ; because it were better never to have knowne God , then having knowne him not to love him . Besides all this , seeing the actions , which are done , doe depend upon the nature of the agent , the actions of the will , are so much more noble , then those of the understanding , in how far the Intellect may be necessitated by the object of it , and by forcible and convincing reasons , which it cannot withstand ; whereas will is free and cannot bee forced ; for then it should rather bee a nilling ( to say so ) then a willing . Moreover in good Philosophy an argument taken from the nature of opposites is forcible : by the like reason I say then , if the understanding were better than the will , that then the contrary to the understanding were worse than the contrary to the will ; seeing contraries are the consequences of contraries : but so it is not ; for the contrary of will is worse than the opposite to the Intellect ; because the hatred of God , which is opposite to the love of God , which dependeth upon the action of will , is worse than the ignorance of him . Epist. 2. Pet. 6. 2. Now as the actions of the will doe surpasse them of the understanding , so doth the object of it ; for goodnesse which is the object of the will excelleth verity the object of the intellect , as farre as deeds doe words ; seeing verity is nothing else , but an adaequation or conformity of our conceptions with the words we utter . Sect. 3. Which of the three faculties of the soule , Vnderstanding , Memorie , and Will , is the most excellent . THe three principall faculties of mans soule , understanding , memory , and will , have their severall operations : the understanding playeth as it were the Advocate , memory the Clerke , and will the Iudge ; but who knoweth not that the Iudge is alwayes above the other two ? To say then that will cannot well make election without preceding sciscitation from the Intellect , is oft times true ; but not alwayes : for sometimes without the information of understanding the will worketh , Et nunquam visae flagrabat amore puellae . In a word , since the actions of the will are more noble then these of the understanding , it being true ( as it is ) that actions worke not but with a regard to their object : the object of the will being an universall good , and that of the understanding but a particular , under the restriction of verity ; thereupon it followeth , that the object and action of the will ( being the better ) in them consisteth our happinesse . Sect. 4. Liberty and compulsion defined ; that the will is prompted by the understanding , and that the adequate object of it proceedeth from thence ; At what the will and understanding chiefly aime , proved to bee the glory of God. ARguments in the behalfe of will , are grounded most upon the freedome of its operations , whereas these of the understanding are coarcted and limited as is said . Yet when all is spoken , our understanding wanteth not its owne liberty , at least in so farre as liberty is opposed to compulsion . For if there were nothing compelled but that which is repugnant to the inclination of the thing , certaine it is that inclination to any thing agreeth very well with the intellect . Now whereas it is said that the object of will which is good , supposeth that of the intellect , which distinguisheth the veritie of the thing : we must consider ; that the will of it selfe could not have willed that , except first by the understanding it had knowne it to be such ; so by this meanes the will hath no further regard to the object of it , in so farre as it begetteth felicity and happinesse , then the intellect hath ; and although , by way of understanding , it bee made the adaequate or proper object of the will , yet it ceaseth not to bee the object of the understanding also ; as having all things that are , and which may fall under our capacity , for object ; and consequently , it shold be thought nobler and freer then the will , in regard of the boundlesse object which it hath in its extent . But to leave the decision of this question to better Divines , seeing it falleth neere on the controversie of faith and good workes ( by which together wee attaine salvation , as by the operations of will and understanding we attaine felicity ) I say , that all men naturally doe desire for the well of their will , to be happy and have contentment ; and for the exercising of their understanding to have a marke to ayme at , which all Philosophers allow to be true ; yet few of them came ever to the just point of both . It is necessary then to have a butt , and to have that good , and to have one , because GOD hath given us an understanding whose perfection is wisdome , and so one ; to which as at a marke our understanding addresseth all her powers , and bendeth perpectually all her forces : againe to have it good ; because hee hath given a will whose perfection is goodnesse . And certainely , God who is wisedome and goodnesse himselfe , had an eye unto both these in the creation of all things : For seeing the Philosophers confesse , that nature doth nothing amisse , what should then bee thought of God , whom nature serveth , is but as a handmaid . Now as GOD who is the beginning , middle and end of all things , hath had no other end in his workes But himselfe : Even so , we his Creatures , should have no other ayme nor end in our actions but him only , seeing we have both our beginning , continuing and ending from him : Naturally all reasonable creatures doe wish well to themselves , and therefore propose some marke which they ayme at as their peculiar good : which can be nought else but the end for which man was created , to wit the glory of God , who hath made all things for it : So that in striving to come thither , hee attaineth to his owne proper end and good , which is the good hee aymeth at and naturally seeketh . By this meanes if we find either the principle butt of mans ayme or our Soveraigne good , wee have found both , the butt hee shooteth at as the object of his understanding , and his good for the object of the will ; hee therefore should apply all his endeavours to this end , and all his desires to this his good . Section 5. That all Philosophicall precepts have come short to demonstrate true felicity ; Philosophicall distinctions to know what is good of it selfe in Sciences ; yet all weake to illustrate wherein mans true happinesse consisted ; which is Philosophically agitated . IF man had persisted in his first integrity , hee had not beene now to seeke this felicity ; for then his understanding clearely perceaved truths , and his will readily desired all good things . But since the losse of the first , the ladders of the Philosophers in all their sciences have beene too short to lead us to the latter : for although their end is to know ( which Aristotle affirmeth to bee good of it selfe , as by Morall Philosophy to discerne good from evill , and right from wrong ; by physicke , health from sicknesse ; by the Mathematicks , equall from unequall proportions : by Astrology , the course and force of the Starres , and the celestiall signes : by Geography the length and compasse of the earth ; by the Physickes the naturall principles and causes of things : by Metaphysicks supreme essences , good and evill spirits ) yet none of all these could leade us to that right knowledge that I intend here . For all their sciences did conclude only to us , that a mans happinesse consisted in a quiet and pleasant life , whose tranquillity is not interrupted with feare , want , sicknesse and the like , but all these will not serve our turne ; for their worth passeth no further than this life and the body , and so must perish ; but true happinesse never hath an end . In the handling then of this felicity and happines it must bee remarked , that it is common to the whole species of mankind , and therefore as all are borne capable of that end , so all should tend to that butt . Man feareth nothing more then his end ( it being of all terrible things the most terrible ) nor wisheth any thing more earnestly then ever to bee , and this Soveraigne good wee aspire unto is the end of man ; beyond which we shall crave no more ; for if there were any thing further to be craved , it could not be our end , because beyond the end there can be nothing ; or if we craved any thing further , it could not be our Soveraigne good ; seeing the greatest property of this beatitude is as to crave nothing further , so not to feare the losse of that we have , and withall to be content with that which we possesse . Of necessity then , that which must bee our Soveraigne good , behoved to be agreeable to the nature of man , particular to his species , yet common to all the individua of that kinde : And in so farre as it is our Soveraigne good , it must bee universall , perfect and everlasting . Thus having found out the nature of this our beatitude and felicity , let us a little run over the world , and al the Philosophers , to see , if either the one hath in her bosome , or if the other hath found it out by their curious inquiries . Sect. 6. That wealth and Honour cannot bee esteemed to be our supreme good or felicity , and the reason therefore ; Philosophers confuted by their difference of opinions : Opinions of severall sects of Philosophers concerning felicity instanced to that effect . THe things of this world which should seeme to make a man most happy are these two , wealth and honours ; but alas ! the one is winde , and the other clay ; they content not all men , for all men attaine not unto them , and yet they that have them are not alwayes content , seeing they who have most , doe for the most part still crave more . Lastly they perish and decay ; and the feare to lose them is more galling then the pleasure almost to enjoy them is solid ; by which meanes they cannot bee our soveraigne good , seeing these doe neither limit our wishes , nor fulfill our wills : they are not common nor permanent . Vigour , strength and beauty are but blossomes of youth , which decay with age . As for the Philosophers , looke how many sects and diverse orders they had , so different were their opinions . Aristotle in his Ethicks alleadgeth two sorts of happinesse ; the one civill , and Politicke , which consisteth in the prudency of our actions ; the other private and domesticke , which may be thought contemplation : but both these leadeth us not to the end we hunt after , nor yet are they the end themselves . Plato indeed in his Phaedon commeth nearer the truth , when he saith , that beauty , health , strength , wit , doe corrupt and make us worse ; so they cannot bee our chiefe good , unlesse conjoyned with the Gods goodnesse , whereunto Aristotle ( both in his first booke De coelo , and in his worke De mundo ) agreeth . But I list not hereto fill this short Treatise , with long and tedious allegations of authorities . St. Aug. in the 19th . booke of the City of God , in the 1. chap. reports out of Varro , that there was in his dayes 288. different opinions upon that matter , but few or none that hit aright . For as in Mathematicks , a little errour in the beginning becommeth great in the end ; as the mistaking of one in a million in the beginning , falsifies the whole account in the end : so fared it with them ; the further they went , the further they strayed . Socrates indeed came neere ( by the Oracle of Delphos thought to be the wisest amongst them all ; in respect he confessed , he knew nothing , because he knew not himselfe ) when he saith , that if any man may be termed happy , it must be he who hath a cleere and undefiled conscience , whose tranquill and secure ignorance is not perturbed with the worlds cares , but being void of coveting and feare , which molested others , neither needeth nor craveth any more . Solon thinketh , that no man can be happy before his death , seeing the end crowneth all ; considering belike , that as a Ship which hath sailed the vast and spacious Seas , when to appearance all danger is past , may peradventure make shipwrack in the haven : so might a man whose life had beene past in pleasures and security , make a tragicall end , as monuments of all ages can beare record : and the particular example of Croesus King of Lydia , who in his dying houre called on the name of Solon , attesting this saying of him to be true : and this same Solon , hit the marke a great deale neerer than Epicurus , who placeth our felicity in the pleasure of the body ; whom the Stoicks deride , saying , that there was no rose without its prickle , and so they setled it in the peaceable governement of morall vertues . From these againe the Perpateticks , and Academick Philosophers doe differ , amongst whom , divine Plato hath come neerest the foresaid marke . Sect. 7. The later Philosophers have aimed neerer the definition of true felicity than the more ancient ; and their opinions specified . The finall and true scope of mans felicity , is illustrated with an exhortatory conclusion to all men for endeavouring to attaine unto it . THE later Philosophers doe cleare this matter more fully ; wherefore more worthy of citation , as Seneca , Cicero , Plutarch , Iamblicque , and Porphyre , all which have not onely refuted most wittily the Epicures and Stoicks touching their opinions , but have shewen that they and all the others were onely disputable opinions , and have concluded , that the beatitude of man consisteth in the knowledge and union of us with God : but little knew they that the first knot of our union with this God was united , and therefore the question is harder now ; how we are to be reunited againe . To cast up here the opinion of Aristippus , who placed our happinesse in Venery ; or of Diodorus , in the Privation of paine ; of Calypso , and Dinomachus in Pleasure and honesty together : of Herullus , in the knowledge of Sciences , esteeming that thereby we might live both contentedly and prudently : of Zeno , in living according to nature ; and so forth in the rest ; might bee enough to try the readers patience : seeing of these things which they esteemed happinesse , some were common to us with the Beasts ; others were not common to all , and so they failed in the rules of our felicity . This being so , let us now at least finde it out , and so in a word conclude . Briefly , as all happinesse at first consisted in the union of man with God ; so our happinesse renewed , consisteth in the reunion of us with the same God , from whom we have fallen ; by which reuniting , we shall both contemplate his face , and love him , in whom we shall have our joy accomplished , wherewith the heart of man can never here be satiated , beyond which we shall crave no farther : this felicity is not peculiar to the great ones of this world above the meaner , but equally obtainable of all who in humility of heart , and uprightnesse of conversation , doe imbrace IESVS the Sonne of GOD , by whom onely we may be reunited , since he is the onely and soveraigne Mediator , blessed from all eternity . The conscience , which hath its assurance grounded upon this foundation , and rock of verity , may call it selfe truly happy , because it hath the earnest in this life , of that great felicity which is to come , whereby it possesseth it selfe in peace which passeth all naturall understanding ( one of the surest tokens of this happinesse ) neither perturbed with the terrors of the superstitious , nor yet with the carelessenesse and lulled security of the Atheist ; but in a sweet harmony betwixt the two extremes , it retaineth the golden mediocrity . This is that soveraigne felicity to my judgement , whereby a man liveth contentedly here , whatsoever befalleth him ; and dyeth in peaceable assurance of that happinesse which is to come ; which soveraigne felicity we shall attaine unto , if by a lively faith wee embrace the Sonne , and live according to his will ; and so put in ure and practise that great Canon of Religion , to live and beleeve well ; espousing by that meanes our will and understanding together . THE CONSONANCIE AND agreement of the ancient Philosophers , with our Christian Professours . Section 1. The difference betwixt the Physiologer and Physician ; compared to that betwixt the Metaphysician and divine . Some of Plato's opinions not farre dissonant from our Christian : The multiplicity of Heathenish gods : That Plato came neere the definition of the Trinity . AS , where the Physiologer leaveth to contemplate , there the Physitian beginneth ; so where the Metaphysitians end , there the Divines commence their study , not to follow forth their doings , but , to refine their grosser rudiments ; like cunning Painters , by the subtiltie of their Art , giving life , breathing , and in a manner , moving unto a picture , which a more grosse Painter had but rudely delineated . It was of old held for a truth , Platonicos pa●cis mutatis fieri posse Christianos : That with the change but of a very point , the Platonicke Philosophers might be brought to be Christians ; from whence Plato was called Divine . Who so shall revolve the monuments of his workes , shall find that , not without reason , hee hath beene so styled : for all other sects of Philosophers , have but like men in Cimmerian darkenesse , gropingly stumbled , now and then , upon the nature of the true God-head ; and every nation in those dayes , had their severall , and those strangely imaginarie Gods , distinguished in so many rankes , imployed in so many businesses , appointed to so many different and sometime base offices ; that their number , in fine , became almost innumerable ! In the meane time this man , soaring above them al , hath more neerly jumped with our beliefe touching the God-head . In so farre that Amuleus that great Doctor in Porphyre his Schooles having read Saint Iohn the Evangelist his proeme , was strooke with silence and admiration , as ravished with his words ; but at length burst out in these termes : by Iupiter ( saith he ) so thinketh a Barbarian , meaning Plato ; that in the beginning the word was with God , that it is this great God by whom all things were made and created . Now that this is true , This much I find , in his Parmenides , concerning the nature of the God-head . That there are three things to bee established concerning the maker of all : which three must be coeternal , viz. That he is good ; that he hath a minde or understanding ; and that he is the life of the world . Section 2. Of Gods Creating and conserving of all things in an orderly order ; Plato's Reasons that the world hath a life . Aristotles opinion of God ; hee is praysed , and at his dying preferred before many doubtfull Christians . THis King or father of all , which is above all nature , immoveable yet moving all ; hath in him an exuberant and overflowing goodnesse ! From the Father and goodnesse , the minde or understanding proceedeth , as from the inbred light of the Sun commeth a certaine splendor ; which minde is the divine or Fathers Intelligence , and the first borne Son of goodnesse . From this minde ( the life of the world ) floweth a certaine brightnesse , as from light ; which breatheth over all , distributeth , yeeldeth , and conteyneth all things in life ; So that the world which consisteth of foure principles , or elements , comprehended within the compasse of the heavens , is but a body , whose partes , as the members of a living creature , cohering and linked together , are moved , and doe draw breath by benefit of this life or spirit ( as he thinks . ) This Virgil in his sixth of the Aeneids aymed at when he saith , Principio coelum & terras , camposque liquentes , Lucentemque globum lunae , Titaniaque astra Spiritus intus alit , totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem , & magno se corpore miscet . By his opinion here , as all animalls and living creatures doe live every one by their owne life ; so the world as of greater dignity then any of the rest , hath a more noble life whereby it moveth , then they : And in effect , many pithy reasons he produceth both in his Epimenides , in Timaeo , and in the 10. Booke of his Lawes , to prove the world to bee an animall , both from the constant and perpetuall course of the heavens ; from that naturall heat of the Sun , seeing the Sun and man ingender man , to which , as to all the Starres , he attributeth a soule , by which they live ; but so , that as they are of a delicate and transparent body , so live they a most blessed life : yet not that they are moved with an other life then the whole world is . For as in the body of man the soule , whereby our sinewes , bones , flesh , bloud and all , are moved is one and the same , notwithstanding all the members be not alike vivificated ; so is it there . For what reason is there ( saith he ) that man who is called a little world , and encompassed of the foure elements , as well as the great world is , should be said to live , and in the meane time to deprive the greater one of life ; Seeing the motion of the heavens , and of her lights , the moving of the Seas , the seasons of the yeare , all keepe their equall and constant courses ? Alwayes as Plato here before setleth a Trinity in the God-head , the Father ; the minde , or mens which is the Son ; and the life of the world flowing from them as the Spirit , and as brightnesse from light : So in his Timaeo he avoucheth that there is in the heavens one certaine Ens , which is ever alike unto it selfe , without beginning or ending , which neither needeth , nor taketh helpe of any ; which can neither be seene by mortall eye , nor yet perceived by any mortall sense , but onely to be contemplated by our minde and understanding . So Aristotle in his Metaphysicks , and in his workes De mundo , esteemeth this Ens , sempiternall , unmeasurable , incorporeall , and individuall , not resting in this habitable world , but above it , in a sublime one , unchangeable , not subject unto any passion or affection ; who as hee hath of himselfe a most blessed and perfect life , so without errour may it be said of him , that he giveth life unto all other things below ; and it is to be observed , that as in his writings hee acknowledged this God , so in his dying-houre , he made his writings and words jumpe together . Which is so much the rather to be remarked : because , whereas many Christians did professe a sort of religion in their life-time , which on their death-beds they did disclaime : yet this man as he acknowledged God in his writings ; so dying , he recommended his soule unto him in these words , Ens entium , miserere mei . And particularly in his Booke of the Heavens , the 9. cap. as is cleere ; there ( saith he ) without the outmost heavens there is no place , vacuity , or end : because , those that are there , are not apt or meet to bee in place ; neither yet maketh time them any older , nor are they subject to change , or alteration , being exexempted from all passion , affection or change : they leade a most blessed and eternall life . And in the 12. of his Metaphysicks , cap. 7. but more especially , cap. 10. De unitate primi motoris . In God ( saith he ) is age and life eternall , and continuall , which is God himselfe . Section 3. Platos opinion concerning the Creation of the world ; seconded by Socrates and Antisthenes : Opinions of Plato , Aristotle , and other Philosophers , confirming God onely to be the Creator of all things . AS the Philosophers doe agree with us herein , and in sundry other places about the nature of God , so doe they likewise ; that this God made the world , and all that is in it , governeth it , and sustaineth it . And first Plato in Timaeo : if , saith he , this world be created and begotten ; it must necessarily be , by some preceding cause , which cause must be eternall , and be gotten of none other . Now what this cause is , in his Epimenides thus he expresseth , I ( saith he there ) maintaine God to be the cause of all things , neither can it be other wayes . And in that dispute which is betwixt Socrates and his friend Crito : let us not be solicitous what the people esteeme of us , but what hee thinketh who knoweth equity from iniquity , who is above , and the only verity , who cannot be knowne , nor pourtrayed by any image or representation ( saith he ) because no eye hath , or can see him : who whilest hee moveth all things , yet abideth unmoveable , who is knowne to be mighty and powerfull , and who is onely knowne by his workes to be the Creator of this world : as Socrates , so his disciple Antisthenes acknowledged this : yea , Plato in Epimenide , maintaineth these Gods to know all things , to heare and see them : then , that nothing escapeth their knowledge , whatsoever mortall things they be that live or breathe . And Aristotle in his booke De mundo , proveth , that all things which it comprehendeth , are conserved by God ; that he is the perfecter of all things that are here on earth ; not wearied ( saith hee ) like man , but by his endlesse vertue indefatigable . By all which , we may discerne , that hee acknowledgeth , ( I may say religiously ) this visible world , and all things therein to be created of God , as in the 2 Book and 10. chap. of his Worke of generation and corruption , at large appeareth . To which authorities we may adde these of Galenus , lib. 2. De foetu formando ; and of Plato , Deum opificem & rectorem nostri esse : and that of Aristotle , Deum cum genitorem , tum conservatorem nostri esse , quorum principium , medium & finem continet . Of Theophrast , Divinum quiddam omnium principium , cujus beneficio sint & permaneant universa . Of Theodoret , Deus ut Creator naturae , sic & conservator , non enim quam fecit naviculam destituet : but chiefly Galen , Eum qui corpus nostrum finxit , quicunqueis fuerit , adhuc in conf●rmatis particulis manere . Now although in these particulars they agree both with us , and amongst themselves ; yet in one point , as may be seene in the subsequent section , they differ . Sect. 4. Opinions of Plato , Aristotle and some Hebrewes , concerning the worlds eternity . The consonancy of opinions betwixt some ancient Philosophers and Moses about the worlds creation . ARistotle would conclude the eternity of the world , saying , that as it had being from before all beginning , so that it should never have an end ; to which opinions some of the Hebrewes ( particularly Leo the Thesbite ) seeme to assent so far , ( howbeit they speake not of the ever durancie of it ) that after six thousand yeeres expired , they understand it shall rest one thousand ; which then ended , it shall begin of new againe , and last other seven . And so by course last , and rest , till the revolution of that great jubile of seven times seven be out runne . At which time , then this elementary world , and nature the mother of all things shall cease . To which opinion some way Origen in his worke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Quod mundus cum tempore coeperit , did incline . Yet for all this , I say , Plato in his Timaeo , speaking of the procreation of the world , and of the vertues of the heavens , proved that the world had a beginning , and consequently that it shall have an end . And that this is true ( saith he , ) it is aspectable , and may bee seene , it may be handled , it hath a body : whence followeth , that it hath beene begotten , and seeing it is begotten , it must bee by some preceding cause : Now , saith hee , as it is a great worke to search out this causer of it , so by our enquiry having found him , to divulge him unto the vulgar is not altogether convenient . Further he saith , that God willing to beautifie this world , as his chiefe worke , made it a living creature subject to our sight ; containing within the inclosure of it , all other living creatures , according unto their severall species and kindes ; whereas he approcheth neerer the minde and sense of our profession , than his fellow Aristotle : so directly in his Timaeo he maintaineth , that as God created or begat the world , so he infused in it a procreative power ; which by divine or heavenly heate , induced from above , might propagate and procreate every thing according unto the owne kinde of it , whether living or vegetable , whether above or below . And as the great Prophet , and servant of God , Moses , bringeth in God speaking unto his creatures after their creation was finished , Increase and multiply , &c. So Plato in his Timaeo , bringeth in God speaking of the world , and all contained therein , in these words ; All ye who are created by mee , give eare to what I am to say , I will give you seed and a beginning of being ; wherefore , doe ye for your parts beget , and bring to light living creatures after your kinds : augment and nourish them with food , and when they shall cease to be , let the earth receive them back againe from whence they came . And to this Aristotle in his 2 Book De generatione & corruptione , cap. 10. giveth way where preferring in that place generation unto corruption , hee saith , that it is more worthy to be , then not to be ; seeing properly to be appertaineth onely unto God , and not unto creatures . After the fabrick of the universe was accomplished , it should have beene for no purpose , if creatures had beene wanting in it : therefore lest God should seeme to have forgot it , he infused in every one , according unto their owne kind , a procreative power , by which the generation of things might be perpetuated . But how did he this ? saith hee , First generally , having spread abroad in the Heavens , and Starres his divine seed ( for they claime a part in our generation ) Then particularly , in every thing the owne proper seed of it : all which he avoucheth in the 12. Booke of his Metaphysicks , cap. 7. Section 5. Ancient Philosophers attributed the framing and continuance of all sublunary Creatures ( as we Christians doe ) unto God ; with a recapitulation of severall consonancies betwixt us and them . IN which places and severall others of their workes , as these worthy men have ascribed the cause of the being of all things unto God ; contrary to the opinion of these other frivolous preceding Philosophers ; who imputed the cause of it unto the concourse of Atomes : So ascribe they the government of all these sublunary things unto the powers above , with us Christians : and not unto chance or fortune , as these former Philosophers did . Thus Aristotle in the first of his Meteorologicks ; It is necessary , saith he , that this whole world which environeth the earth , should be continuated with the superior conversions , or revolutions of those celestiall circles , and bodies , which roll , and wheele above : because the whole vertue of it dependeth from thence . Neither is it probable , that he , who hath created the world , and all that is within it , should abandon and leave it so : but that as the frame of the fabricke was his , so likewise the guiding and ruling of it should be ascribed unto him also . Which is more cleerely exprest by the said Aristotle , in his booke De mundo . Where he saith that it is an old saying , and left by tradition from our forefathers ; that all things both are of God , and likewise sustained by him ; and that there is no nature of it selfe , left unto it's owne Tutory able to attaine well being ( for so I interprete Salutem ) without his assistance or helpe : wherefore his opinion is , that God holdeth the beginning , middle , and end of all things . So Theophrast saith , that all things have a divine beginning , by which they are and doe subsist . Dionysius likewise in his booke De divinis nominibus avoucheth , that nothing hath subsistance , but by the omnipotent power of God : with whom , Theodoret , that the governour of nature is the Creator of it : neither will he forgoe that Ship which hee hath built : Hence GOD is said by the ancients to bee divided through all natures , as if all were full of God ; because his divine power spreadeth it selfe over , and is seene in all his workes , how be it one way in the heavens , another way againe in the inferiour creatures ; for in them also his power manifesteth it selfe . Inde hominum pecudumque genus , vitaeque volantum , Et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus , Igneus est ●llis vigor & coelestis origo Seminibus — Section 6. Severall other opinions wherein the Ancient Heathnicks agreed with us Christians ; Confirmed by the Testimonyes of their Poets . GOD then as he created all things , maintaineth and governeth them , both according to these Philosophers opinions , and ours ; so they jumpe with us in this , that , to procure his greater favour and to shun his greater curse , we should adore , invoke , and sacrifice unto him not only the calves of our lippes , but reall sacrifices , as in those dayes under the law was done by Aaron and his successors under the Old Testament ; and as they who were appointed to attend upon the Altar were sequestrated from amongst the rest of the people , so was it amongst them . The Poets are full of the testimony of both these . Now as particularly Processions were used for the good successe of their cornes , ( as yet in the Roman Church is observed ) so had they particular dayes , which they esteemed more sacred then others . Tibullus in the first Elegie of his second booke perfectly particularizeth it . Dii Patrii , purgamus agros , purgamus agrestes , Vos mala de nostris pellite limitibus . Neu seges eludat messem , &c. Vina diem celebrent : non festâ luce madere Est rubor , errantes & malè ferre pedes . And as yet in the said Church there is invocation of certaine Saints , for such or such diseases , and for raine , whose relicts in such processions they carry about ; so the same Poet in the same Elegie acknowledgeth some Gods to be appropriated ( as I may say ) to this , or that use and place . Huc ades aspiraque mihi , dum carmine nostro Redditur agricolis gratia Coelitibus Ruracano , rurisque Deos. Lastly as in the new Roman profession there is almost in every family the Statue of some Saint , so finde I amongst the ancient to have beene the like . Sed patrii servate lares ; aluistis iidem , cursarem vestros cùm tener antepedes . Nec pudeat prisco vos esse è stirpite factos , Sic veteris sedes incoluistis avi . Tunc melius tenuere fidem : cùm paupere cultu Stabat in exigua ligneus aede Deus . That they acknowledged nothing to happen unto men by chance , but by the dispensation of the supreme powers , In that also they agreed with us . Finally , I may say that as these Philosophers acknowledged punishments for sins to be inflicted upon men both in their life , and after their death , so had they confidence of joyes to be reaped in the world to come for their good deeds , as Socrates in his Apologie for himselfe at length declareth . Sect. 7. Of good and bad Spirits : and wherein the opinions of the Heathnicks agree with ours concerning good Spirits . AS for their opinion concerning good , or bad spirits ; I reade Plato and Aristotle come so neere ours , that you would beleeve , that they had collected their sayings out of the holy Scriptures yet they doe startle my beliefe , when they say that the continuall rolling of the celestiall orbes and their spirits doe make that harmony they speak of in the heavens ; I could much easier have trusted them if they had spoken any thing of Musicke within the heavens by those spirits , where wee have warrant indeed , that the blessed Spirits there , assisting the presence of him that sitteth upon the Throne , doe sing Allelujas , glory to God on high . Which good Spirits , as I finde them distributed in 9. severall Quires or orders by Dionysius , so in Plato finde I 9. distinct orders of good daemones . Yea the story of the evill spirits is no cleerer set downe by our owne Writers , then they have it expressed in theirs . The blessed spirits as I was saying , are divided by Dionysius in these Quyres , Seraphins , Cherubins , Thrones , Dominations , Vertues , Powers , Principalities , Arch-angels , and Angels ; subdivided in two rankes . The first of them assisting the presence of the Almighty . The second is called inferior , because as it obeyeth the commandement of the first ( as Dionysius in the tenth Chap. of his booke touching the heavenly hierarchie witnesseth : ) so their imployment is much in the world : as the Lord his servants excuting his wil , appointed either for whole countries , or particular persons . Apparent accinctae aurae flammaeque ministrae , ut jussa accipiant . Sect. 8. How neere the Ancients agree with us concerning bad spirits ; and in what orders they were divided of old . AS for the b●d spirits who were banished heaven , ( the first and best mansion ) for their pride , they invaded the principality of this world , and so bewitched it by their craft , that there was no nation almost that they did not draw to their obedience under the name of God , and that so strangely , that every where after a like manner , they were worshipped and adored as Gods , both amongst the French Druides , and the remotest Gymnosophists of the Indies , in shapes of Idols : how soever since the comming of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ , both they and the old Sybillas have ceassed for a great part , although , yet in many places their sacrifices doe continue . And that same Lucifer goeth about yet as a roaring Lion seeking whom he may devoure . So Plato by severall arguments proveth not onely that they are , but setteth down their division and power over the world ; both generally and particularly . But leaving all , both Deos majorum , and minorum gentium , The gods , as they termed them , of greater , or lesser Nations ; their Gods Patrii and Penates , ordained for the custodie of provinces , or families ; their Dii Lares , which were propitious ones , or Larvae the badder sort , with their Genii , good or bad Angels , ordained as they thought for the guarde and attendance of every particular person and so forth , I conclude this Treatise . OF SLEEPE AND DREAMES . Section 1. That nothing can subsist without sleepe or rest ; Exemplified in the death of Perseus King of Macedon : The Primary and secondary causes of sleepe : That a sound conscience is a great motive to sound sleepe ; Proved in the example of Thirois and his two Sonnes . ALL motion tendeth to , and endeth in rest , except that of the Heavens ; Which , in a perennall rotation wheeleth ever about ! Wherefore men , beasts , Fowle , Fishes , after the dayes travell doe covet , and betake themselves to rest , as it is in the Poet. Nox erat , & placidum carpebant fessa soporem Corpora , per terras , syluaeque & saua quierunt Aequora , cum medio volvuntur sider a lapsu , Cum tacet omnis ager , pecudes , pictaeque volucres . — Et corda oblita laborum , &c. Captabant placidi tranquilla oblivia somni . This sleepe is so necessary to the life of man , that for want of it many have dyed , as Perseus King of Macedon , who being prisoner in Rome , and for torture being kept from sleepe , there dyed . Causes of sleep are two fold , Primary and secondary : The true , Primary , Philosophicall , and immediate cause of sleepe may be said to be this ; the heart , the fountaine and seat of life , having much adoe to furnish every part of the body with the streames of vitall spirits , hath most adoe to furnish the braines , which are the greatest wasters of them , in regard of the many and ample employments it hath for them , as for Pensing , Projecting , consulting , reasoning , hearing , seeing and so forth ; which functions of the braine doe so exhaust the animall spirits , sent up thither per venas carotides , through the veines organs ; after by circulation in that admirable Rete , or net of the braine , they are there setled , that of all necessity either our life in the heart behooveth to cease , or it must betake it selfe to rest againe , for the recollection and drawing backe of her spent vitall spirits , to refurnish the braines with a new recrew of them . Secondary causes of sleepe are divers ; as excessive labour , agitation of the body , repletion , as by excesse of meates or drinkes , inanition , as by Copulation and many more of this kinde , which doe so waste the spirits , that of necessity , there behooveth a cessation to be for a time , that new spirits may be recollected for refreshing of it ; Ausonius wittily chiding his servants lasie drowsinesse , imputes it to excesse of meate and drinke . Dormiunt glires hiemem Perennem , At cibo parcunt ; tibi causa , somni est Multa quod potes ; nimiaque tendas — Mole saginam . Adde to these causes the tranquillity of a sound Conscience ; Whereupon it was , that the two Sons of Thirois ( mentioned by Quintilian ) upon most reasonable judgement ; were quitted from the murther of their Father , who was found in that same Chamber with them alone , and they both in a sound sleepe , the murtherer perchance having fled away : for it was reasoned , no men , guilty of so heynous a crime , as Patricide , could sleepe so soundly , as they were found to doe , by the discoverers of their murdered Father . But leaving examples of this or the former causes whereof every where are plenty , I proceed . Section 2. Examples of Kings and great Commanders , that upon the thoughtfulnesse of some great exploite or encounter , have beene extraordinarily surprized with unusuall sleepe ; and the resons thereof agitated . VVE reade that great men and Commanders upon the most important poynt of their exploytes and affaires , have sometime fallen in so deepe sleepes , that their servants and followers have had much adoe to get them to awake , the like formerly being never perceaved in them . Iustinus and Quintus Curtius in the life of Alexander the great relate of him : That , in the morning of that day appoynted for that memorable battell betwixt him and Darius , he fell in so deepe a sleepe , and slept so long , that , on the very shock of the battell , very hardly could his favorite Parmenio , after two or three tryalls get him to awake . It is agreed upon that hotter constitutions are least subject to sleepe , and all his actions and proceedings marke him out to be such an one ; so it could not be his constitution that brought that sleepinesse on him ; but he being then in hazard either to loose or conquer a field , whereby both his Crowne , Countrey , and reputation lay at the stake ( motives to keep a man awake ) had so , no question , toyled his minde and body in the right preparing and ordering of all things befitting a man of his place , for the encounter ; that being at a resolution , he gave himselfe to sleepe , which his former thoughtfulnesse and paines did augment upon him ; and not , as some would have it , the terror of his enemies forces : as Marcus Anthonius objected to Augustus in that Navall combat against Pompey in Sicilie , that he had not courage enough to behold the order of the battell ; for indeed he fell asleepe and slept so long till the Victory was his , which he knew not of till Agrippa with much adoe had awaked him . But indeed I construe both their courages rather to have beene so great ( as their former and succeeding actions may witnesse ) that they disdayned that the app●●hension of such hazards or accidents as might ensue so great encounters , should any way startle them from giving way to their owne inclinations , whether to sleepe or wake , or doe or not doe this or that . Section 3. Alexander the great his sound sleeping , when hee should have encountred Darius in battell , heere excused . Catoes sleeping before his death , whereupon is inferred a discourse against selfe-Murder . BVt laying all these excuses aside ; I cannot much marvell at this sleeping of Alexander , he being so young in the flower of his age , and so more subject to sleepe ; besides being so puffed up with the fortunate successes of his affaires , which made him have so high a conceit of himselfe , ( as to whom ( sayth one ) fortune gave up townes captive , and to whose pillow , whilest he slept , victories were brought ; ) as I must admire that strange sleepe of Cato ; who , after Caesars ▪ Conquest of the field at Pharsalia , despairing of the liberty of his enslaved Countrey , resolved to kill himselfe rather then behold the ensuing alteration which Caesars government would bring with it ; He then ( I say ) having put all his domestick affaires in order , expecting newes of the departure of his Colleagues from the Port of Vtica , fell in so sound a sleepe , that his servants in the next roome , overheard him to snort extreamly ; yet after that sleepe , which ( as it should seeme ) would have opened the eyes of any mans reason and understanding , so farre as not onely to abhorre his first so ill-sett resolution , but totally to extirpate a future thought of so damned an intention : he awaked so strongly confirmed in his former intent , that forthwith he stabbed himselfe : And sleepe is sayd to mollifie and mitigate fury or rage in any mans minde , Praeter Catonis invictum animum . Now , though this man , ( whom , his many other excellent vertues had made famous ) and many other worthy men amongst the ancients , did imagine for the like deathes to be highly commended for courage ; yet Saint Augustine ( and with him every good Christian ) reputeth it rather to be an infallible marke of Pusillanimity , and want of firme and constant resolution , to behold and withstand dangers , and inciteth us rather to awaite death , which is the worst that can befall us ; then , to prevent the sufferance of triviall crosses by unnaturally Boutchering our selves : To which purpose Cicero , in presence of this same Cato , saith : That since , we are placed here by our generall the GOD Almighty , as Souldiers in a garrison ; that it behooveth us not basely to forgoe our station , till it be his good pleasure to call us off : So much for sleepe , now to dreames which are the companions of sleepe . Section 4. Of Dreames , both Naturall , Accidentall , Divine and Diabolicall : Apollodorus dreame ; Abrahams , Iosephs , Pharaohs , Nebuchadnezzars , &c. MAny more things might have beene brought in , in the former Sections , as of those that walke or talke in their sleepe , with the reasons thereof , and illustrations to that purpose ; but so many having handled those theames , and I studying so much as I can brevity , and to shun tautologies , I remit the Reader to them ; and will now by the way touch upon dreames : And they are either Naturall , Accidentall , Divine or Diabolicall . Naturall are caused either by the Predominant matter , humor or affections in us : As the Cholericke , who dreameth of fire , debates , skirmishes and the like ; The Sanguine , of love-sports and all joviall things ; The Melancholicke on death , dangers , solitudes , &c. where the flegmaticke dreameth of Waters , Seas , drowning and the rest . These dreames which proceed from our Naturall or predominant affections are either of love , jealousie , feare , avarice , envy , &c. by the first we may Presage and judge of the sickenesses which may ensue upon the superaboundance of such and such humors ; ( because they being the effects of the redundancy of these humors , have a connexion in Nature with them , as all other effects have in their causes . ) By the latter dreams we may presage , and judge of the affections , and passions of the mind , and so consequently of the vices , consisting in their extreames ; So the avaricious dreameth of gold , the lover of his Mistris , the Iealous of his corrivall , &c. and if not ever , yet for the most part , this happeneth true or at least in part . Accidentall dreames , are caused either by dyet , by feare or joy conceaved in the day time ; or the propense desire to have such or such a thing to come to passe , and the like : Thus oft times a vicious soule will figure to it selfe in dreames the terrors that it feareth : As Apollodorus , who dreaming that the Scythians were fleaing off his skinne , thought that his owne heart murmured this unto him : Wretched man that thou art ! I am the occasion of all these thy evills which thou endurest . Divine dreames are those , whereby it pleaseth God to give either a warning or insight of things to come ▪ such the Lord sent on Abraham the fifteenth of Genesis ; and on Ioseph in the first of Saint Mathew ; that too of Pharaoh , Genesis forty one : Of Pharaohs Butler , and Baker , Genesis forty : of Nebuchadnezzar , &c. Diabolicall dreames cannot fore-shew any thing unto any man ; they may give a shaddow or representation of things past unto us , but not otherwise : Then seeing there is little connexion of things past and to come , therefore can there be no foresight by them ; for although the Divell knoweth many things , and at some times even speaketh the truth of things to come , thereby to inveigle our credulity , when in effect he only lyeth to deceave us ; yet unto them we ought to give no regard or faith . Now how Naturall or accidentall dreames can portend or foreshew future things , it is doubted : indeed Cardan setteth downe the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how , but not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why , any wayes cleerely enough , to my understanding . For the dreames that GOD sendeth upon a man , I understand to be mysticall , and portending somthing touching his service : Our spirits it cannot well bee ; for when we are awake , we cannot foreshew any thing to come , at least without praemeditation , not by any Philosophicall ground whatsoever . Neither can they be moved by the divel , for he is a deceaver , and all his workes impostures : It must be then some other spirit , that infuseth these accidentall dreames whereof we will instance examples heereafter ; to my mind , it must be rather some peculiar extraordinary inspiration in the dreamer for the time , than Anima Mundi , or spiritus universitatis , although many learned men ascrybe such dreames to it particularly . An example of this kind I read in Herodian , where it is reported , that the Emperor Severus dreamed he saw Pertinax mounted upon his richly Caparassoned Horse , and receaved as Emperor by the Pretorian Souldiers , but that the Horse straight wayes flung Pertinax off his backe , and came stooping to Severus ; who reaching the Horse by the mayne forthwith mounted him , and was by the same Souldiers receaved and admitted Emperor ; which indeed came so to passe . Section 5. The Emperor Severus his dreame of Pertinax ; which he caused to be molded in Brasse ; An admirable dreame of the Emperor Henry the fifth ; Cicero's of Octavianus . That beasts dreame , but hard labouring men seldome ; and the reason thereof , &c. WHereon hee caused the whole drift as it happened , to be cast in brasse , of which at length in Sabellicus Aenead . 7. lib. 5. To which I may subjoyne that dreame of the Emperor Henry the fifth , who being grievously pained with the stone , dreamt that Saint Barnabas had cut him and gave him the stone in his hand ; which when he awaked , to his great Ioy he found to be true , if we may be beleeve Cuspinian . Likewise that Dreame of Cicero may bee ranked amongst these : He dreamt that there appeared a Boy before him who once should be Emperor and Master over Rome ; the next day , after his accustomed manner passing through the publicke market place , and espying Octavianus Augustus a little boy playing the part of a Commander over the rest of his companions , he called to minde the feature and stature of the boy who the night before had appeared to him in his sleepe , and finding that in every lineament he assimilated Octavianus , took him by the hand & brought him before all the people that were there assembled , presented him , and told them that one day that boy should command over them , which thereafter came to passe . Now dreaming is not proper to men only when they sleep , but to beasts also ; for War Horses accustomed to allarmes , and skirmishes , are observed to start as afrighted , and sometime to neigh ; Spaniels , Hounds and other hunting Doggs are knowne with their voyces to hunt in their sleepe . — Iam Iamque teneri Credit , & extento stringit vestigia Rostro . But sleeping men doe not at all times dreame , wearyed and labour-toyled bodyes doe never finde them . Dulce sopor fessis in gramine . Againe , Sopor virorum dulcis agrestium . Because nature hath enough to doe to disburden and disgest the drowsinesse , wherewith their whole senses were clogged . But I will adde no more of dreames , then that which Cato long agoe hath warned us of , Somnia ne cures , nam mens humana quod optat Et sperat vigilans , in somnis vidit id ipsum . That this is love , beside dayly experience we have warrants out of our most famous Poets . In somnis eadem plerosque videmus obire , Causidicos causas agere , & componere lites , Induperatores pugnare & praelia obire . The reason hereof being that the object of our senses doe not only move them while they are present at a businesse , but also leaveth some certaine Idea imprinted in the minde ; which rancountring with our drowsie phantasies amidst our sleepes , produceth these confuted dreames above spoken of . FINIS . OF VARIETIES , The fifth Booke . Conteining five Treatises . 1 Of the Numbers Three and Seven . 2 Of Miracles and Prodigies . 3 Of the Philosophers Stone . 4 Of the World. 5 An Introduction to the Metaphysicks . By DAVID PIERSON of LOVGHLANDS in SCOTLAND Gentleman . Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvent . LONDON printed for T. A. 1635. TO THE RIGHT Honourable , my noble good Lord , THOMAS Lord BINNING , &c. My ever honoured good Lord , NO so base attribute but might justly be vented against mee , had I so farre supprest Your Lo ▪ most generous goodnes , and many singular favours conferred on my demerits , as not in this dutifull dedication , sacrificed to the altar of your larger merits , present this small offering of my greater good will and affection : I will not implore your propitious acceptance , for your noted and courteous affability to all , and gracious acceptance of meanest gifts , animates me to this presumption . What your knowne vertues ( my Lord ) are , would require a more accurate and tighter Pen than mine to delineate ; yet were not the world so given , that even truthes themselves are taken for palpable flatteries , I could tell with what universall applause and commendation your younger vertues and generosities in your travels made even strangers to honour and admire you ! I could tell what great hopes our Countrey hath already received , that you will not onely to the Lands and Possessions of your worthily noble Father , succeed as Heyre , but to his singular Knowledges and Vertues also ; which have already so fairely budded and now ripen so hopefully , that none can doubt the successe ; I could tell too of your Prudence , Courage , Charity , and your other ample endowments ; but I am so full of admiration of your every goodnesse , that what the Tragedian said of Cares , I may of my affections , Leves loquuntur , ingentes stupent : Accept then ( my deare Lord ) for expression of all , this little Booke ; which , how voluminous and accurate soever it could be , were due to your high deservings from me ; That Your Lo : in it , is mixed with so noble Partners , I hope for pardon not reproofe , which likewise intreate for all my other trespasses and boldnesse with your Honour , alwayes humbly desiring the continuance of your Noble Love and Favours to one , who would no longer wish to live , if it were not both to live and die Your Lo : most faithfull and entirely-affectioned Servant ▪ D. PIERSON . OF THE NVMBERS THREE and SEVEN . SECT . 1. Treating briefly of Numbers in generall . GOD at the Creation is said to have made all things in number , weight , and measure , as indeede they were in a most exact order , symmetrie and proportion . Antiquity have remarked many things by severall Numbers , as Pierus in his Hierogliphicks at length relateth , Pythagoras is said to have esteemed much of the number of five , as composed of the first even and odde , numbers two and three : Numero Deus impare gaudet . Severall men have severally treated of severall numbers , but I have here made choyce of three and seven , as finding maniest and most memorable things in all Sciences comprehended within them ; which thus pack't up together , cannot but bee infinitely delightfull , and most helpefull to the memory of every Reader . SECT . 2. Conteining variety of memorable things comprehended within the Number of three , as of Heaven , and Hell , and of Poeticall fictions , and some observations amongst the Romans . THree of all Numbers should be held in greatest veneration . The Persons of the God-head are three , Father , Sonne , and Holy Ghost , which is that most blessed Trinity . There are said to bee three Heavens ; Aëriall , which is betwixt this and the starry Firmament : Etheriall , that great Primum Mobile encompassing the first : and Empireall , or Cristalline Heaven , the habitation of the blessed Spirits , whither ( as is supposed ) Saint Paul was ravished . There are also three Regions of the Ayre . As three heavens , so there are said to bee three Hels ; The Grave , the place of torment , and the anxiety of a vexed minde . Saturne had three Sonnes , Pluto , Neptune , Iupiter . Iupiter had his three-fold Thunder , Neptune his three-forked Trident , and Pluto his three-headed Cerberus . Diana , according to the place where shee was , hath three severall names ; in the Heavens , Luna or Lucina ; on Earth Diana ; in Hell Hecate . There were also three Graces , Aglaia , Thalia , Euphrosine : and the Muses are numbred by thrice three . Three Iudges are fained by Poets to be in Hell ; Minos , Aeacus , and Radamanthus . Three Furies Daughters of Acheron ; Alecto , Tyfiphone , Megera . Three Hesperides ; Aeagle , Arethusa , Hesperethusa . Three Syrens ; Parthenope for wit ; Ligia for vertue ; and Leucosia for beauty : Aspectu verbis , animi candore trahuntur Parthenopes , Ligiae , Eeucosiaeque , viri . Three Sisters of the Destinies called Partcae ; Clotho draweth out the thread of our lives ; Lachesis , spinneth or twisteth it ; and Atropos cutteth it at our deaths : Clotho Colum bajulat , Lachesis net , Atropos occat . Gerion was said to have had a three-fold body : Three shaped Chymaera ; Sphinx was fained to have three severall Visages ; and three fatidick or prophecying Sybeles , & many the like amongst Poets : Martia Roma triplex , Equitatu , Plebe , Senatu . Amongst the Romans were three kindes of Flamens or Priests , their Deales , Martiales , and Quirinales . They had also three kindes of Prophets ; Aruspices , who divined by sacrifices on Altars ; Augures by the chirping of Birds ; and Auspices , who foretold the events of things by beholding the entrals of birds . They divided every of the twelve moneths in three ; Ides , Nones , and Calends . The Romans also , for recovery of the Greeke Lawes , sent three men , Spurius Posthumius , Servius Sulpitius , and Aulus Manlius : And amongst them three were noted for obteining greatest spoyles from their Enemies , Romulus , Coriolanus , and M. Marcellus . Romes three-fold government was first by Kings , then Consuls , lastly Emperours . SECT . 3. Conteining some Theologicall and Morall precepts and observations , redacted under the number of three . THere are three Theologicall vertues ; Faith , Hope , and Charity ; and three principall Morall vertues ; Temperance , Iustice , and Fortitude . Three things incident to man ; To fall in sinne , which is humane ; to rise out of it againe , which is Angelicall ; and to lye in sinne , which is Diabolicall . Three things in all our actions are to be observed ; that our appetite bee ruled by reason ; that neither lesser nor greater care bee taken about any thing then the cause requireth ; and that things , belonging to liberality and honour , be moderated . There are three principall duties belonging to every Christian in this life ; to live in piety and devotion towards God ; Charity towards our Neighbours , and Sobriety towards our selves . There are also three subalterne , and lesse principall ; to use respect to our superiours , clemencie to our inferiour ; and gravity to our equalls . Wee offend God three wayes , with mouth , heart , and hands , ( by hand heere I understand all our senses ; ) for which to him wee ought to make amends three other wayes , by Confession , Contrition , and Satisfaction . Three degrees of Christs humiliation ; his Incarnation , life , and death : three of his exaltation ; his Resurrection , ascention , and sitting at the right hand of the Father . There are three things incident to unregenerate Nature ; Ambition , Avarice , and Luxury . There are three wayes to know God : Negatively , whereby what evill is in man , is denied to be in God : then by way of excellencie , whereby , what good is in man we acknowledge to be in God most eminently above man , and in the abstract of it : Lastly by way of causality , whereby we acknowledge God to bee the efficient cause of all things . Gods word was written by Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles . David for numbring his people had choyce of three things , Plague , Sword , and Famine . Salomon had choyce of three blessings ; Wisdome , Wealth , and length of dayes . Three great enemies continually assaile man : the Devill without him , the World about him , and the Flesh within him : Against which hee should be armed with these three weapons ; Fasting , Praying , and Almes giving . Love three fold ; Divine , Worldly , and Diabolicall . Moreover we are tyed to a three-fold Love ; Of God , our neighbour , and our selves . A three-fold feare also possesseth us ; a Naturall feare , for our lives and goods ; a Civill , for our honour and fame ; and a Conscientious for our soules . So wee are said to see with three kinde of eyes ; of our bodies , reason , and faith . The Popes Mitre is engirt with three Crownes . SECT . 4. Of Politick Government : Of living Creatures ; and of duties belonging to men of severall professions , as Physicians , Iudges , and Lawyers , &c. with some Physicall observations , all Tripartite . THere are three kindes of Government ; Monarchy , of Kings ; Aristocracie , of Nobility ; and Democracie of Commons ; as our State consisteth of Clergie , Nobility , and Commons . Phylosophers , Physicians , and Divines doe severally prescribe dyet for living to all men ; the first a moderate , the second a sparing , the third a most strict continencie . There were principally three kinde of Creatures ordained for the use of man , living in three severall Elements , Fowle in the Ayre , Beasts on the Earth , and Fish in the Sea. Three kinde of living things , Intellectuall , Sensitive , and Vegetable ; as Men , Beasts , and Plants . There are three Principles of Physick ; Matter , Forme , Privation . There are also three things requisite in a Physician ; to restore health lost , to strengthen it being weake , and to preserve it when it is recovered . Even so the Lawyers parts are three-fold ; to recover meanes lost , to preserve them when they are purchased , and to purchase such onely as wee have right to ; which three the Canonists performe , in purchasing of Benefites , recovering those which are lost , and in conserving those which are once obtained . A Iudge should have these three qualities ; not to be delaying , mercenary , nor ignorant . Lawes of men are three-fold ; of Nature , of Nations , and of Cities ; and the Lawes of God are , Morall , Ceremoniall , and Iudiciall . Three things chiefly are to bee observed in Iudgement , Examination , Consultation , and Sentence . Three things too are requisite in a good Chirurgian ; an Eagles eye , a Lyons heart , and a Ladies hand . Three thing● required in an Oratour ; to speake fitly , ornately , and copiously ; or as some will have it , demonst ratively , deliberatively , and judicially : and in every of these , the Circumstances are to bee observed , Time , Place , and Persons . There are three objects of the whole Civill Law , Things , Persons , Actions . Amongst Latine Poets , three kindes of Verses are chiefly used , Heroick , Elegiack , and Lyrick ; under Lyrick are comprehended Saphick , Iambick , and the rest . Three species of sicknesse wherewith we ate affected ; which are of quality , humour , and substance ; which againe resolve in three kinde of feavers , Simple , Corrupt , and Pestilentious : Simple feavers too are three-fold , Quotidian , Tertian , Quartan : Corrupt or Hectick Feavers three-fold ; the first being in the consumption of our ordinary humour ; the second in our Balmie or oyly substance , both curable ; the third which consumeth our noble parts called Marasmus , past cure . Of all measurable bodies there are three dimensions ; length , breadth , and deepnesse . Three things especially the Persians taught their children ; to ride , shoote , and speake truth . The day is divided into Morning , Noone , and Evening . Every Moone hath her increase , full , and wane , and Post triduum mulier fastidit & hospes & imber . SECT . 5. Memorable observations comprehended within the Number of Seven , as of the age of the World , and mans generation . THe Number of Seven by many learned men hath beene held the most mysticall , and by some entituled the most sacred of Numbers , as on it many most remarkeable matters have happened : God created the world in six dayes , and rested the seventh ; and therefore amongst the Iewes every seventh moneth , and seventh yeare were appointed to ●est : and in how great reverence was their great Iubilee , which every seventh yeare being multiplied by seven , fell out every 49 yeare ? The age of the world is divided into seven ; the first from Adam to Noahs flood ; the second from that to Abrahams time ; the third from Abraham to the freeing of the people of Israel from their Captivity in Egypt ; the fourth , from their comming out of Egypt to the building of Salomons Temple ; the fifth , from that to the Babylonish Captivity , at what time Ieremie writ his Lamentations ; the sixth , was the time betwixt that and the comming of our blessed Saviour : the seventh from our Saviours time to the end of the world . And some have given forth , that the world shall take end the six thousand yeare of its age , and rest the seventh . The first seven dayes after conception , the seede of man in the wombe becommeth Embrion , the seventh weeke there-after it becommeth faetus and quickneth ; and the seventh moneth after that it is partus , and is brought into the world . SECT . 6. How the seven Planets are said to rule severally over the seven ages in the life of man. AStrologians , who will have the life and constitution of man to depend on the force of the starres and celestiall bodies , ( no wayes depriving God of his Soveraigne and absolute power ) have divided the age of man into seven parts , ascribing to every part one of the seven Planets which ruleth over it . The first they call Infancie , over which they place the Moone , which is of nature weake and moyst , changeable by encreases and wanes , and this they make to last but foure yeares . The second from foure to fourteene , called childhood , over which they set Mercury , because hee of himselfe is indifferently good or bad , according to the good or bad Planets with whom he is joyned ; so in this age a boy bewrayeth his inclination , and is so flexible , that according to his education and company he is mingled with , hee becommeth either good or bad , and that impression he then taketh , can hardly be rooted out of him . The third containeth the next eight yeares , and continueth to the twenty two ; over which they place Venus , Et primae lanuginis aetas in Venerem est praeceps ; and it was called Youthead . The fourth , called Adolocencie , lasteth twenty yeares , and continueth till the 42 yeare , and is governed by Sol , the Sunne , which Astrologians call the spring , the light , the eye of the world , and King over the other Planets : In his age man attaineth to his full strength and vigour , becommeth hardy , judicious , understanding , &c. The fifth lasteth from 42 to 56 , and is called manhood or virile age , ruled by Mars , a bad star , dangerous , fierce , and hot ; for in that men begin to wax angry , impatient , and avaricious , but more temperate in their dyet , and more constant in their actions . The sixth taketh up 12 yeares , so lasts to 78 , and is called old age , governed by Iupiter , a noble Planet , making men religious , just , chaste , temperate , and pious : In this age men abandon on paines and travell , and practise devotion and good workes . The last is from 78 to 98 , which yeares few come to , and is called decrepit old age , ruled by Saturne , the highest and most maligne Planet , cold , dry , and mellancholick ; cumbersome , insupportable , weake , and growing againe childe-like . SECT . 7. The opinions of some Fathers of the Church and some Philosophers concerning the number of Seven , what attributes they gave , with some of Hypocrates observations thereon . BY Saint Ambrose in his 12. chap. de Moha & Arca ; S. Origen in his 2 Homily on Genesis , and his third on Exodus ; and Eusebius de Praeparatione Evangelica ; this number is sometime called a cleane number , a holy number , a virgin number , a mysticall , a number of perfection , with many the like Epithets attributed unto it both by Civill and Ecclesiasticall Writers ; yet Chrysostome in his 24 Homily on Genesis , speaking of the number of Beasts that entered the Arke , inveyeth against , and taxeth all observers of numbers : Hypocrates in his worke de partu Septimestri , enlarging himselfe on the properties of this number , saith , that the life of man consisteth of septinaries ; that in seven dayes a childe hath all his compleate members ; and that if any man abstaine totally from meate and drinke seven dayes , hee cannot live ; that a childe borne the seventh moneth may live , but not one borne the eight ; because ( saith hee ) that then Saturne , by course over-ruseth the birth ; that in seven yeare children have all their teeth ; that the Guts of man are seven times his length ; that the celesticall bodies of the Moone , and of the eight and ninth Orbe doe move by Septinaries ; the Moone maketh her course in foure seven dayes ; the eight Spheare finisheth its revolution in seven thousand yeares ; the ninth , in seven times seven thousand , which make out forty nine thousand , and many the like . SECT . 8. Of the seven Wonders of the world . THere have beene seven wonders famed through the world , so called , either for the vastnesse of the fabrick , or curiosity of workmanship : 1. The Pyramides of Egypt . 2. The Towre of Pharos , built by Ptolemy King of Egypt . 3. The Walls of Babylon , built by Semiramis . 4. The Temple of Diana in Ephesus , which was beautified with 127 Pillars of Parian Marble . 5. The Tombe or Sepulchre of Mausolus King of Caria , built by his Q. Artemesia . 6. The Colossus at Rhodes , the Image of a huge Gyant cast in Brasse , which be-stridde the River which runneth to Rhodes , under which a ship might passe : By some the Pallace of Cyrus which was reported to bee cimmented with gold , obtained the seventh place , though some , as Martiall in his first Epigram , preferreth Vespasians Amphitheater at Rome before it , or any of the former : but the matter is not worthy a controversie . So I leave them and proceede . SECT . 9. A continuation of observations on the number of seven , taken out of holy Scripture . THe Israelites compassed the Walls of Ierice seven times ; and at the seventh blast of the Rammes hornes , which they carried about them , they fell downe to the ground , and the Walls were throwne downe . The greater part of ancient Sacrifices were by sevens , as seven Rammes , seven Bullocks , &c. Sybilla enjoyned Aeneas to sacrifice in sevens , Nunc grege de intacto septem mactare juvenc●s Prestiterit , totidem lectas de more bidentes . The principall Feasts and Solemnities of Gods people continued seven dayes . Seven dayes the people eate unleavened bread at the Passeover . God had seven thousand reserved unto himslfe , which bowed not their knee to Baal . Iob had seven Sonnes ; and Zachary maketh mention of seven eyes , wherwith God seeth all things . The Prophet Elisha commanded Naaman the Leper to wash himselfe seven times in the River of Iordane . The number of Beasts which entered the Arke of Noah were seven : The Arke rested on the Mountaine of Ararat on the seventh moneth : and in the 19. of Proverbs , Wisedome hath built her house on seven Pillars ; the seven Candlesticks , the seven Churches of Asia ; the Booke closed with seven seales ; the seven Angels , with their seven Trumpets ; the seven viols of Gods wrath ; the seven degrees of the Temple ; seven loaves served the whole Companie which were with our Lord : Pharaoh dreamed of seven fat , and seven leane kine : and God in the 26 of Leviticus , threatneth a seven-fold curse to bee multiplied on all that thinke the evils that be fall them to come by chance ; all which with many more mentioned in Scripture , cannot be without their owne mysteries ; No marvell then that Pythagoras and others have reputed this number a religious one ; since Scriptures are full of occurrences of this number ; and the world consisteth of the harmony of seven Vnities , Naturall , Conjugall , Regular , Personall , Essentiall , Ecclesiasticall , and Politicall . SECT . 10. Of the seven great Potentates of the world ; of criticall dayes , and climacterick yeares , with other observations . IN the Heavens are seven Planets , and in the Earth seven great and powerfull Potentates doe rule : the great Cham of Tartary ; the Emperour of China , by them called the second Sonne of God ; the Sophy of Persia ; the great Turke ; the Emperour of Germany ; Prester Iohn ; the powerfull Monarch of Aethiopia ; and the Emperour of Russia . The seventh and forteenth day in all diseases are accounted most dangerous , and are called Criticall . Macrobius , Aulus Gellius and others observe , that every seventh yeare in the life of man there followeth some alteration either in estate , voyce , colour , hayre , complexion , or conditions : And Seneca , Septimus quisque annus aetati notam imprimit , wherefore the 7. 14. 21. 28. 35. 42. 49. 56. and 63. the great Climactericke yeare are counted dangerous for all . Firmian adviseth all to take great heede to themselves in these yeares : Octavianus Caesar having passed this date , writ to his Nephew Caius , to congratulate with him , that he had yet seven yeares more to live . There are seven Liberall Sciences , Grammar , Dialect , Rhetorick , Musick , Arithmetick , Geometrie , and Astronomie : Gram. loquitur , Dia. vera docet , Rhet. verba colorat , Mus. canit , Ar. numerat , Geo. ponderat , As. colit astra . Seven Roman Kings , Romulus , Numa Pompilius , Tullus Hostilius , Ancus Martins , Tarquinius Priscus , Servius Tullius , Tarquinius Superbus . Rome was built upon seven Hills ; Palatinus , Capitolinus , Quiritalis , Caelius , Escalinus , Aventinus , and Viminalis . There were seven wise men of Greece ; Solon , Thales , Chilo , Pittacus , Cleobulus , Bias , and Periander . There were seven kinde of Crownes amongst the Romans . 1 The Triumphall , first made of Lawrell , & there after of Gold , given to their Emperours by the Senate , in honour of their Triumphs . 2 Obsidionall , given by Souldiers to their Emperours , for delivering them from a Siege ; and it was made of grasse , gathered from about the trenches of that Siege . 3 The Civicall Crowne , which was bestowed on any Souldier that had releeved a captived Citizen . 4 A Murall Crowne , which was given to any man that first entered a Towne , or had scaled the Walls of it . 5 Castrensis , a Crown , given to the first enterer into the Enemies Campe or Trenches . 6 The Navall Crowne , bestowed on him that first had boorded an Enemies Vessell . 7 Was called Ovalis , or a Crowne of rejoycing , made of Myrtle , which was put on the heads of their Emperours , in ●vatione ( as they said ) or in signe of rejoycing at his admittance to that dignity . SECT . 11. Of the Worlds Continuance and Ending . THat subtle and excellent Philosopher Leo Hebreus , expatiating in the meditation of this Number of seven , admiring and speaking of the worlds rest , saith ; That after six thousand yeares are expired , in the seventh thousand this elementary world shall rest , which God thereafter will renew seven times , betwixt every seven thousand giving one thousand yeares rest ; after all which , saith hee , this elementary world , the Earth and all beneath the Moone , the Celestiall world also shall take an end : which Proclus also the Academick secondeth , when hee saith , that the life of this world is septenary , its parts , proportion , and circles are septenary ; and with them many other Philosophers have dived too deepe into these mysteries ; yet I cannot passe by Charon , who in his History bringeth in Elias the Iew ( not the Thesbite ) affirming , that the world shall last but six thousand yeares : viz. two thousand before the Flood ; 2000 from it to the comming of the Messias ; and from that two thousand more to the Consummation of all things ; which in all amounteth to 6000. Wherto S. Augustine in his first Booke on Genesis , ad Manichaos , some way enclineth ; yet Hesychius ingeniously confesseth his ignorance of it , since neither to the Sonne of man ( as he was man ) nor to the Angels that knowledge was revealed : Origen adheareth to Leo Hehraeus opinion of 7000. yeares continuance in his Homily , Quòd Mundus cum tempore caeperit , in this third Booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and goeth further , saying , that after this world is ended , another shall begin ; and that before this world , there was another which hee would strive to approve with Authorities out of holy Scripture , which doeth savour a little too much of presumption ; for in all the Scripture there is no expresse mention to bee found either of the one or other : But wee are commanded , not to pry too farre in these and the like mysteries which concerne not our salvation , and which God hath kept onely to himselfe . Mitte arcana Dei , coelumque inquirere quid sit : Yet indeede this Father in his Homily de fine vel consummatione , ingeniously confesseth , that he only handled those matters by way of reasoning , than any wayes to conclude an infallibility of them ; for in the end he acknowledgeth , that hee wrote them in great feare and suspensive trembling . OF PRODIGIES AND MIRACLES : Which are true , which false . SECT . 1. The definition of Miracles , with their distinction ; In what time they were requisite , in what not , &c. SAint Augustine , that famous and reverend Father of the Church in his 6. Booke de utilitate credendi ad Honoratium , defineth Miracles , to bee things beyond the expectation and power of the beholder : Whereof there are two kindes , True and False . The false are such Miracles as are not in effect the thing they seeme to be ; or if they be , they are not of any power that excelleth nature , but meerely of and by the power of nature , though obscured and hid ; which the bad spirits as well as the good can performe . True Miracles are done by the power of God , beyond all faculty of created nature , partly to draw the beholder to a due and true admiration of him in them , and partly to confirme their saith : such as these were ; the bringing back of the shadow ten Degrees in the Diall of Ahaz , for Ezechias : A Virgin to conceive with childe , and yet remaine a Virgin : To draw water out of a hard Rock : To make the Sea to part in twaine ; the Sunne to stand still ; to turne water into wine ; to cause Manna fall from heaven , and many of the like kinde comprehended in holy Scripture , which indeede were miraculous things of themselves , if we consider the nature of their doing ; where , on the other side , false Miracles may , in a manner , be thought miraculous , but not so much for the nature of their doing , as for the manner how they are done ; Neque enim ( saith one ) constant miracula magnitudine operum ; so these Miracles are not so much to be measured by the greatnesse of the worke , as by the way of doing of them : and such as these bad spirits cannot bring to passe , because how wonderfull soever their miracles appeare to be , yet they doe no wayes exceede the reach of Nature : Itaut mirabi lia quanquam sint , non proinde sint , & Miracula . Neither is it to be denied , but that God serveth himselfe with , and permitteth the false Miracle-workers , intending thereby rather to trie the faiths of the beholders of them , than any way to allow or confirme their doings , as Deut. cap. 13. vers . 3. may be seene . Now , where it is said before , that true Miracles are for the confirming , as false ones are for trying of our faiths ; this must be understood to be , when the workers of them doe teach withall so sound doctrine , that his Miracles may bee judged by it , not it by them . Hereby I intend not to enforce a necessity of miracles perpetually for confirming our faith ; for though , during the Churches infancie , they served some way towards the establishing and confirming of the weake and wavering faiths of the hearers ; yet now they are not so requisite , seeing the Law , Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles workes and writing are so universally preached unto all . SECT . 2. Of Prodigies , and in what veneration they were amongst the ancient Romans . BEing loath to trouble the Reader with the tedious definitions of Prodigies , nor with the severall and many opinions of Writers concerning them I will relate onely some storyes of them , and of the times wherein some of them happened ; of all which , as the most part of the Roman Writers make mention , so particularly Sabellicus in his Rhapsoeticall history of the world ; and that from the 11. or 12. Booke of his 4. Aeneid , unto the end of his Worke. During the first Punick Warre , ( which was the first betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans ) under the Consulship of Appius Claudius , and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus , which was the foure hundreth and ninety yeare after the building of Rome ; the Roman Histories were then both more frequent , and did savour more of truth and possibility than their former : Wherefore to begin with that time , I observe , that there never happened any remarkeable Prodigie , either in the Ayre , Water , or Earth , after which there were not presently Expiations , Lustrations , Prayers or offerings made unto their Gods , to whose Temples and Altars people of every sex , age , and condition did flock and runne , to pacifie and appease their incensed wrath ; which may serve to condemne the neglect and contempt that is in Christians of the like Prodigies , and teach us ( as these Heathen did when they chanced ) to repaire to our true God , and implore for mercy , and forbearance of wrath at his hands . To begin then ( as I said ) with Prodigies observed in the time of the first Punick or Carthaginian Warre ; of those many admirable ones recorded by Sabellicus , I finde this most worthy of relation : In the Picenean Territory , Cneius Domitianus , and Lucius Annius being Consuls , a River was observed for the space of a whole morning , to runne red blood , no accident that might cause it being perceived by any ; for which , and some others the like , the Romans intituled their Novendialia sacra , or expiations for nine dayes ; and Livius likewise in the time of Tullus Hostilius their third King , relateth , that the like propitiatory Sacrifices were ordained for the like causes . In Hetruria also , ( which is now the Florentines bounds ) the heavens were perceived to burne . In the Citie of Ariminii , three Moones at once were one night seene by the Inhabitants ; all which Prodigies appeared about the end of the foresaid first Punick Warres . Shortly after , about the beginning of the second warre , after Hanno was overcome by Scipio , a Childe of a moneth old was heard to crie in the Streete Triumphi , Triumphi . In the fields of Amitermin neere Rome , ships were discerned in the skie , and men in long white garments were perceived to march towards one another , but never to meete . In the Picen Territory it rained stones ; and the Sunne and Moone were seene to joust ( as it were ) at one another ; and in the day time two Moones appeared in the heavens . At Phalascis the heavens seemed to bee rent asunder : And at Capua , the Moone seemed to burne ; and , as envolved in a showre of raine , to tend towards the Earth ; Civitas ob haec prodigia ( saith Sabellicus ) lustrata est , lectisternium & supplicatio indicta , aliaque aliis diis placamina decreta . SECT . 3. A continuation of Prodigies , which happened in the time of the second Punick Warre ; with many others that were seene under the times of severall Consuls of Rome . IN the first yeare of this second Carthaginian Warre , under the Consulship of Fabius Maximus , & Marcus Claudius Marcellus , a green Palme tree in Naples tooke fire , and burn'd away to ashes . At Mantua , a litle Rivulet or stripe of water which ranne into the River Mincio , was turned into blood : And at Rome it rained blood . An Oxe was heard there to speake these words , Cavetibi Roma . Afterward in the Consulship of Quintus Fabius , sonne to Fabius Maximus , and Titus Sempronius Graccus , the similitude or likenesse of great , long , and tale ships appeared to bee upon the River of Taracina in Spaine : At Amiternum in Italie , a litle Brooke ranne blood for severall dayes : In Albano monte in Rome , it rained stones . The Sunne at divers times was seene of a bloody colour : Many Temples and holy houses in Rome were beaten downe with Thunderbolts from heaven : some of the Citie Ensignes or field Colours were observed to sweate blood ; two Sunnes appeared in the Heavens ; at one time it rained milke , at another stones . During the Consulship of Cornelius Cethegus , and Sempronius , at what time the Africane Warres were appointed to Scipio , two Sunnes at one time were seene in the Heavens : and the night ( which is by nature darke ) appeared extraordinary light : A Comet in forme like a burning torch was discerned to reach from the East to the West ; and it rained stones after that notable overthrow given to Hanniball by Scipio , ( which was the last to Hanniball ) and at the time when the Consull T. Claudius was appointed to prepare for Africk , to appease some mutinies that had risen there ; upon his setting out to that voyage , the Orbe and face of the Sunne was visibly discerned to be lesse than usuall : Moreover in the Veliternean fields , the Earth rent asunder in so huge and frightfull gappes , that trees and whole houses were swallowed up in it ; after which there followed showres of stones . In the Consulship of ●n . Belius , and L. Aemilius Paulus , it rained blood for two whole dayes together : And the Statue of Iuno in the Temple of Concord at Rome was perceived to shedde teares . SECT . 4. Of Prodigies that happened during the civill warres betwixt Marius and Sylla ; of some in Iulius Caesars time ; as , at his passing the River of Rubicone , the Pharsalian warres and at his death , &c. AT the beginning of the Civill warres betwixt Martus and Sylla , a Mule , by nature barren , did foale : The Capitoll tooke fire ; and which was lamentable , it being a worke of foure hundreth yeares standing , & famous through all the world , was destroyed , the whole Citie was so shaken with Earth-quakes , that the face of it was wonderfully defaced : and a woman conceived and was delivered of a Serpent . When Iulius Caesar had cross'd the River of Rubicon , contrary to the decree of the Senate , the heavens , as foreseeing what imminent danger was to ensue thereupon , rained blood . The Statues and Images of their Gods in the Temples did sweat great droppes of blood ; and many faire buildings in the Citie were beaten downe with fire and thunder from heaven . On the same day that the Pharsalian battell was strooke , the Statue of Victoria , which stood in the Temple of Minerva at Eulide , was seene to turne its face towards the Temple doore , whereas before it beheld the Altar . At Antioch in Syria , such great noyse and clamours were heard twice a day about the Walls of the Towne ; that the people , afrighted with a supposed approach of the Enemy , ranne out of the Citie in their Armes . In the Temples of Ptolemais , Organs and other Instruments were heard to play before Caesars death : And those horses , which at the passage of Rubicon he had consecrated to Mars the day before his massacre , were observed and seene to weepe and to forsake their foode , and stray about . Shortly after his death too , about the proscription of Lepidus and Antonius , an Oxe being led out to plough , uttered these words to his Master ; Why urge you mee to worke , wee shall lacke no corne , but men : and a new borne childe did speake . SECT . 5. Of Prodigies before the death of Galba ; before the destruction of Ierusalem , and at the end of the Valerian persecution . THere were such fearefull Earth-quakes before the death of the Emperour Galba , that at the renting asunder of the Farth , most hideous noyses were heard , not unlike to the lowing of Oxen : But of all the Prodigies and Miracles that I read of , those which went before the destruction of Ierusalem , were the most terrible , whereof Iosephus maketh mention at length , yet my Author recounteth others no lesse memorable , which were these : The Comet in the shape of a Sword that appeared and ( as it were ) did hang directly over the Citie , before the destruction . An Oxe leading to the Altar to be there sacrificed , in the middle of the Temple , did bring forth a calfe , to the amazement and astonishment of all beholders of it : One night , about midnight it grew as light within the Temple , as at noone-day . Hoasts of armed men , and Chariots appeared in the ayre ; and the Priests heard a voyce within the Sanctuary expresse these words ; Let us remove from hence . About the end of the Valerian persecution , before the death of Galenus the Emperour , ( in whose dayes the Empire began mightily to decline ) there was darkenesse for some dayes over all that tract of Earth , in and about Rome ; There were most dreadfull thunders heard , with most frightfull noyses , as roaring and fearefull lowings in the ayre , and bowels of the Earth ; whereupon followed so terrible Earthquakes , and openings of the Earth , that whole Villages and Townes were thereby destroyed : Lastly , through the dread and terrour of these frightfull noyses , and by the sight of these Prodigies and portentuous wonders , many both men and beasts were strucken dead . SECT . 6. A continuation of other Prodigies ; with a conclution of this Treatise . ABout the end of the Goths and Vandals wars against the Romanes , there were seene in the ayre , Armies flaming as all on fire ; from which there rained drops of blood : and thereafter followed extraordinary overflowing and deboarding of Rivers , but chiefly of Tyber ; which of all other Rivers is observed to deboard both most excessively and most often ; and these ever goe before some evill to happen to the City : But of all her deluges , none more memorable than that which happened under the Pontificy of Pelagius , which overswelled the walles of the City , destroyed all the Corne in the lower Countries , and procured such a famine and Pestilence , that thereby many thousands perished , amongst whom the Pope himselfe , after whom Gregory , the most worthy Pope of that name succeeded . In the time of Sabianus successor to him , a terrible and Portentuous blazing starre was seene ; and the sea cast up many Monsters with visages like men . These , and many the like were seene before the dayes of Bonifacius the third , in whose time the Romane Church obtained of Phocas then Emperour , the title of Mother and supreame Church ; for till then the Greeke Church claimed the superiority . In the dayes of Adrian the second Pope of that name , it rained blood three dayes . A little before the death of Sergius ( the first Pope that began to change his Proper-name ) terrible fiery torches and fleakes were seene in the ayre , with great noyse and thundring . In the Pontificy of Iohn the eleaventh , sonne to Sergius , a fountaine in Genoa ranne blood in great aboundance . About the time that Iohn the twelfth was for his flagitiousnesse and abomination deposed by the Emperour Otho , a great stone fell from heaven : In Naples likewise within this hundreth yeares there fell a brownish coloured one of an extraordinary bignesse . In France likewise upon a St. Iohns day there fell a great peece of Ice , in a showre of raine , many feete long . In the yeare of our Lord 1012. when Ierusalem was taken by Anmrath the great Turke , there were terrible earthquakes , and fiery impressions seene over all the firmament , and the Moone appeared bloody . But to recount all Prodigies and Miracles which in latter ages have appeared in severall Countries ; and to set downe the severall Reasons that are given for them , with the events observed to ensue after every of them , would take up a greater Volume than I intend this whole booke to be ; therefore I will here put an end to this discourse . SALAMANDRA , OR A short Treatise of the PHILOSOPHERS STONE SECT . 1. The Historie of the life and death of Antonio Bragadino . THe History of one Antonio Bragadino a Cyprian Gentleman , which in my time I did reade in Villamont a French Barones travels and voyages , hath occasioned mee to undertake this taske . This man , saith he , for the good services done to the Venetians in the time of their Warres upon that Isle , being retired to Venice , and there become their stipendiarie , ( or rather pensioner ) having fallen at variance with some clarissimo whereupon ensued blood ; not being able to keepe their citie any longer for feare of his life , withdrew himselfe to the countrey ; where being in necessity ( through reason of his pension which he wanted ) bethinking himselfe how he might live by his wits ; in the end , retiring to a desert , he rancountred with an Hermite , who tooke , him to his cell ; and having imparted to him his distresse , got this comfortable answer back againe ; that if hee would be partner with him of the taske which sundry yeares agone he had undertaken , that he would not onely releeve him of his present necessity , but likewise ( if the event : deluded not his intention ) would make him one of the richest and wealthiest men in the world : To which discourse having listned , and perceiving it was nothing but the blowing of the coale hee meaned , being allured thereto by his present want , the hope and expectation of future gaine , the venerablenesse and gravity of the person , the religious silence of so solitary a place , he embraced the offer , and in the end became so expert in the calling , that by his white powders , ( for as yet hee had not come to that perfection to make red ) he redeemed himselfe from his exile , by presenting the Senate of the Citie with Ingots , to the value of fiftie thousand Crownes , with certificate , if that it should please them to restore him to his wonted liberty ( for thither was his affection carried beyond all the parts of the world , in regard his Mistresse was there ) hee should enrich their Treasure for ever . Wherewith the Senate being much pleased , received him to their favour againe , where he was entertained like a Prince , attended with a Guard not so much for honour of his person , as for feare he should have left them , and gone otherwhere ; while in the end his Ingots being suspected and called in question for the validity of them , his Guard beginning to vilifie him , and to neglect their wonted strict attendance , hee under cloud and silence of night , with his Mistresse , and a black dogge which still followed him , fled their Citie and Territory ; and in the end having come to the Duke of Baviers ' bounds to Germany , was there apprehended and hanged upon a gilded Gybbet , as one who had deluded the world by his sophisticate monies . SECT . 2. The reason that moved the Author to handle this matter : The different blessings betwixt the Indians and Christians : the definition of the Philosophicall Stone ; the generall way and matter whereof it is made . THe History , I say , of this unfortunate man , and rich couzener , made me the more curious and desirous to know the nature of so rare a thing as that which they call the Philosophicall Stone , which if men might attaine to , the West Indes should not bee so much frequented as they are ; but O how great is the wisedome and power of the Creator of all , who reserveth the perfect knowledge of so high a secret to himselfe , and imparteth it but to very few , knowing the insatiablenesse of the heart of man ; and to these who know not the worth of gold , hee doth bestow it in such plenty , that their ordinary houshold-stuffe , as Tongs , Chuffles , Pots , Tables , and Cupbords , &c. are made of it whereas they starve in a manner for that whereof we have such store ; and which they esteeme asmuch above their gold as we prize their gold above our other necessaries . So far as I can learn , I find that the Philosophicall stone ( by the Arabes called Elixir ) is the very true and just seed that engendereth and begetteth gold : For gold is not procreated ( as I may say ) either of Brimstone , nor of Mercurie , nor of any such thing as fraudulently some suppose and give forth ; but it is to be search't and found out of gold it selfe , and that most purified : for there is nothing in Nature which hath not of it , or rather in it the seede of its owne kinde , whereby it may be multiplied ; but yet hardly by Art may it be drawne out , by reason that the greatest and most vigorous strength of that seede consisteth in a certaine oylie substance , or rather adhereth to it ; which , whensoever by fire wee goe about to draw out , or segregate from the substance it selfe , it consumeth away ; which not being so in gold , because by the violence of no fire it can be so burnt away , but that it may abide the whole strength and force of Art ; therefore out of it onely that seede or Elixir may bee extracted , whereto it seemeth the Poet alludeth , when hee saith , — Vni quoniam nil deperit auro Igne , velut solum consumit nulla vetustas , Ac neque rubigo , aut aerugo conficit ulla Cuncta adeò firmis illic compagibus haerent . SECT . 3. The Authors proposition : the reasons of its denomination ; opinions of most approved Authors touching it ; and of the Possibility and factibility of it . I Passe by the methode and order of Fernelius in his last chapter de ab ditis rerum causis , as being too speculative ; for I will here set downe a more full and ample description of it , and such as hath beene imparted by the most accurate wits that this age affordeth , after I have a litle spoken of the names both of it , and of the Authors who treat of it ; and have resolved some scrupulous difficulties ; yet my intention herein is rather to let the Readers know the most approved opinions of the most learned Writers on this subject , then definitively to set downe mine owne . It is called a Stone , because the things whereof it is composed are consolidated and coagulated in a hard and heavy ( yet friable ) masse , and thereafter reduced to a most subtle powder . It is called the Philosophers Stone , because Philosophers were the first Inventers of it , and they best know the making and use of it . They give it an infinite ( almost ) number of names partly to set out the matter , nature , and properties of it , and partly to obscure and hide it from the ignorant and impostors ; for the which cause they gave it many figurative names , styling it by some part of the matter whereof it is made , and by similitudes , as they call it Salamandra , quae igne concipitur , igne nutritur , igne quoque perficitur : It is conceived , nourished , and perfected by the fire and in the fire : Philosophi celare volentes veritatem quasi omnia figurativè loquuti sunt . Many thinke the Philosophers Stone a thing impossible to be got , but a multitude of most ancient and modern Philosophers have thought otherwise , who knew both the theorie and practick of it : And of the transmutation of mettals , Libavius bringeth in a great number of them that testifie the same , in his Appendix de natura metallorum , amongst whom hee produceth Geberus Hermes , Arnoldus , Thomas de Aquino , Bernardus comes ; Ioannes Rungius , Baptista Porta , Rubeus , Dornesius Vogelius , Penotus , Quercetanus , & Franciscus Picus , who in his 3. Booke c. 2. de auro , declareth eighteene particular instances , whereby he affirmeth plainely , that so many times hee did see the transmutation into silver and gold , so that the possibility and factibility of the Philosophers Stone and transmutation is evident . If any would alleadge difficulty , it is true any thing is difficult , and even the most facile thing is such to them that are ignorant , but to those that know it in speculation and operation , it is most easie , even as ludus puerorum , and opus mulierum . SECT . 4. That the making of the Philosophers Stone is lesse expensive and laborious than many things wee both use and weare ; why the makers of it enrich not themselves and others . THe true making of that Stone is neither expensive , nor long , nor wearisome to those that have the dexterity of it . Betwixt the Barley graine that must be sowne , and the aquae vitae that is made of it , there is both a longer time , and many more points of labour : And betwixt the linnessed , and the linnen cloath wee were , there is a longer time , and much more labour than in the framing of Philosophers Stone , as these blowers would have the world beleeve . It is true , many chymicall Philosophers so soone as they attained this precious Stone , the very knowledge of it delighted them more than worldly gaine ; and they made more use of it in Physick than in projection . And if any would aske ; what was the cause they made not themselves and all their friends most excellently rich . It may be well answered , they lacked not , they had contentment , they delighted more in theory than practick : they disdained to bee gold-makers to those that were greedy , or to those that were through idlenesse needy , and were afraid to be made a prey and captivate slaves to avaricious and cruell tyrants : these things and such like made them obscure and hide from the world what they knew or could doe , intending rather to have by the Philosophers Stone a balsamick universall medecine than the feminary of gold . Many have written divers treatises of this subject some one way some another way , some more mystically some more plainely ; and what is darke in one , is found againe more cleare in another , specially to such as are diligent Readers of the Hermeticall Philosophy , I will therefore set downe here what by most approved consent of all , is the most easie and compendious way to perfite the Philosophers Stone , without prejudice to others , that thinke they knew a better way . In this my discourse there shall be nothing obscure , but that which a ●●lius artis may easily understand . SECT . 5. A generall relation of the matters and materials requisite to this worke ; and in what time it may bee perfected . ANd first , these principles and grounds for this worke are to bee understood , to wit , 1. Every mettall consists of Mercury as a common versatill and flexible matter of the which all mettalls are , and unto the which all may bee by Art red●ced . 2. The species of mettals , and their specifick and essentiall formes are not subject to transmutations , but onely the individuals of the species . 3. All mettals differ not in their common nature and matter , but in their degree of perfection and purity . 4. Art surmounteth and over-reacheth Nature , for Art assisted by Nature in a short space may perfect that which Nature otherwise by it selfe was a thousand yeares in perfiting and accomplishing . 5. God hath created every mettall in its owne kinde , and hath implanted in them ( specially in the perfect mettall ) a seed whereby they may be by Art multiplied . The chiefe matter of this Worke is most purified gold , and silver joyned together in the progresse of the Worke ; and ( as some hold ) Gold alone in operation ad rubeam tincturam , and silver alone ad albam ; and Mercury according to Art well prepared , is the principall perfiter of the Worke. The onely and chiefe key in this Worke , is that black brat that ariseth and is emergent out of the solution of Sol and Luna with Mercury ; called Caput 〈…〉 &c. The chiefest workes are Solutio and Coagulatio ; by solution caput corvi is obtained , as a seminary arising from the dissolved Sol , Luna , and Mercurius , and must be chiefly regarded . By coagulation caput corvi is fixed and fitted for impregnation and fermentation . Solution whereby caput corvi is obtained , is more facile ; but coagulation is more difficile . The time to finish the whole Worke is not yeares , but some moneths ; the expense are not many , but tollerable , and the paines are easie , with some diligent attendance on the Worke : One Fornace Philosophically made for distinction of the degrees of the fire will suffice : And one or two Glasses will be needfull ; the Glasse must be a Viall in forme , and with a long small cragge or neck , the body of it must be round , and so devised , that consisting of two parts , the inferior part may receive the superiour part , that it may be closed skilfully , and opened againe at the Artificers pleasure ▪ SECT . 6. Of the 5 degrees whereby the Worke is perfectioned , and first how to bring it to Solution . THe whole artifice in composing the Philosophers Stone consists in five distinct operations each following other in order , to wit , Solution , Coagulation , Fermentation , fixation , and Multiplication . Solution . Take of Mercury ( made menstruall by calcination , so subtily prepared by sublimation , that it may become sharpe and piercing ) twelve ounces : of Solis the best sort refined by frequent fulmination , and drawne forth in most thinne plates or pieces , one ounce ; upon the which in a Glasse powre some of the Mercury about the fourth or fifth part . Set the Glasse in a luke warme heate in the first degree on ashes , and so stopped and closed , that nothing fall in nor out of it , when it is stirred and inclined ; and let all stand for the space of 15 , or 20 dayes , during the which time a part of the Sol will be dissolved into the Mercury , by reason of the internall fire and corroding acrimome thereof , powre off that menstruall and keepe it , and powre on another part of the same , doing as is said before ; and let all stand eight or ten dayes , and so forth doe till the Sol be all dissolved into the mercuriall watter , which after the commixtion and resolution of Sol into it , Mercury which before was menstruall , now is of another temper , and is called lac virgineum , aqua vitae wherein Sol is fully dissolved . Put all this lac virgineum in the Glasse with the foresaid degree of heate every eight or ten dayes , then will appeare a black brat and mater , partly emerging and swimming above , and partly subsident which ( the watter or lac being first powred off ) must be collected so oft as it appeareth , and is to be kept for coagulation : It is called caput corvi , sulphur auri crudum & nondum fixum . SECT . 7. How from Solution to make Coagulation . COagulation : put the sulphur Solis into the viol-glasse closse stopped , and set it in the foresaid first degree of heat for eight dayes , till it bee almost exsiccat with the humidity of lac virginis that was left inherent in it ; and then open the glasse and poure thereon asmuch of the lac as is the weight of the caput corui , and mixing it well , let it stand one or two dayes till they both be coagulat in one , and become almost dry ; and so forth doe thus till all the lac bee drunke up , which will be about the space of 90. dayes more or lesse , according as the matter is of quicknesse and activity ; and if this lac or aqua vitae bee suspected to have contracted any dulnesse and superfluous humidity while it was in the former worke of solution : in that case it is to bee prepared againe , quickned , sharpned , and made fitter for this present worke of Coagulation . Both these , to wit the Lac virg . and Sol. being Coagulat as is said , the Coagulation must yet goe on , and with the second degree of heat for the space of a month , the matter Coagulat must stand in that heat , till there appeare cauda pavonis , that is , a variety and multitude of colours ; and at length it will turne to a white colour , called corpus album , sulphur album , coagulatum album , terra philosophorum , &c. SECT . 8. How from Coagulation to produce Fermentation . FErmentation : take as much of purified and laminated Sol. ( as answereth to the third part of the foresaid coagulatum album ) and of menstruall Mercury foure parts of the weight of Sol. Amalgamaz them and put them in the viol on a lukewarme heat for 15. dayes , till Sol. by the Mercury bee reduced into a subtile calx . Then amalgamaz in a marble morter all the foresaid coagulatum album with the Calx Solis and menstruall Mercury , then put altogether in the viol , and set it for a month in a heat of the second degree : then set it in a heat of the third degree , and let it so continue a good space till it become an hard white heavy masse , and from thence to an yellow colour , and from this to an orenge colour , and thereafter incline to be redish coloured . SECT . 9. The way to bring the worke to Fixation . FIxation : for projection and transmutation , take the halfe of the said masse and bruise it , put it in a luted glasse , and set it on sand in a furnace , and increase the fire unto the fourth degree , that all may be made so fervent , that if a drop of water do fall on the sand it make an hissing , it must stand so , for 40. dayes , till the pulverished masse become a most subtile pouder . And for projection of this pouder , one part of it upon a 100. parts of Mercury vulgar ( but washed with vineger and salt ) will make the whole , a perfect tincture , and as some hold ; one part of this hundreth fold tincture projected on another hundreth parts of Mercury : in whole will make and afford 1000. parts of tincture for gold , whereof one part projected on 100. parts of warme Mercury , will presently transmute it into perfect Sol. SECT . 10. From all the former , how to perfectionate Multiplication . MVltiplication : is that wonderfull part of this artifice , whereby the stone being once made , needeth not to be made over againe ; but may be multiplied to suffice continually , and it is thus done . Take the other halfe of the masse left in Fixation , or what quantity you please of it before Fixation , and put to it of Lac virgineum or aqua vitae ( prepared and provided for the purpose , and made after the manner aforesaid ) a third part , and handle it after the same manner as is set downe in the worke of Fermentation , and it will become as fit both for Fixation to Projection , and Multiplication as before , and will ever be , so oft as it is reiterate . SECT . 11. A short recitall of some other wayes of perfecting it , used by some Filij artis , and why it is called Salamandra . IF any please to make the Philosophers stone onely ad album , that is for transmutation of Mercury into Luna , he may observe this forefaid methode , which is onely ad rubrum , and so proceede in all things after that same manner , except onely two things . 1. for Sol take Luna fined and battered out in small and thinne plates . 2. when it commeth to the worke of Fermentation , give it onely a heat and fire in the third degree , so long till the Fermented masse become somewhat hard , and then proceede with it to Fixation and Multiplication as is said in the operation ad rubrum . Some joyne together both Sol and Luna in the progresse of the worke till it come to Fermentation , and then to obtaine tinctura alba for transmutation into Luna , they put to Luna for the Ferment , and to obtaine tinctura rubra for transmutation into Sol they put to Sol for the Ferment , & so they proceed as is said . There are diverse otherwayes in the making of the Philosophers stone , some more compendious , some of a longer processe , but this that is here set downe is the best . The Philosophers stone is rightly called Salamandra , because it s bred and nourished in the fire . It is a treasure both for turning other mettals into gold or silver , and for any universall medicine to cure and prevent almost all diseases . Which so admirably being once by art found out , doth shew its power and force ; that with Augurollus , Ipsius ut tenui projecta parte , per undas Aequoris : Argentum vivum tum si foret aequor Omne velimmensum , Verti mare posset in aurum . OF THE WORLD , Its Beginning , Frame , and Ending ; At least the conjecturall Ending . SECT . 1. Of the various distractions of Philosophers in their opinions concerning their Gods ; and upon how ill grounds they were setled . IN perusing the Monuments and Writings of the old Philosophers , as I finde them abstruse and intricate in divers points of their professions ; so particularly I remarke their irresolutions , and likewise the differences amongst themselves . Of these speciall heads following , to passe by divers others which I have observed in their Poets ; First of the true nature and essence of the Godhead which they worshipped ; Next of the discent of their soules into their bodies , and of the event of these soules when they should leave them : And lastly , of the beginning and ending of this World , of every one of which a little here . Alwayes in handling these points , and the first principally I exempt Plato and Aristotle , for what their opinion is herein , I have touched in that Title which sheweth , how neere in all these three they jumpe with our Christian Religion , which otherwise distracted the rest of the Sects . To be briefe then , à love principium ▪ this is admirable , that some Gods they admitted as not perfect ones ; whence Ovid saith , or at least bringeth in Iupiter to this purpose . Quos quoniam nondum coeli dignamur honore , Quas dedimus certè terras habitare sinamus ; as if in any Deity , there should be imperfection ; But , why not so to them ? seeing Chrysippus admitteth some mortall as well as immortall , which at the last conflagration of the world shall all be consumed by fire ; so that of their Dii minorum gentium , none shall goe safe , except Iupiter alone . To passe by , that Srato exempts the Gods from all charge and office , ascribing all things to be done by Nature ; presupposing , as many restoratives ordained for the upholding of it , as there are destructives appointed for its undoing . Was there not Gods appointed by them , as the Patrons to all vices , and authorizers of it ? yea they set them at oddes one against the other ; Mulciber in Troiam pro Troia stabat Apollo . And againe , Neptunus muros , nagnoque immota tridenti fundamenta quatit , &c. And through all Homer , Minerva aideth Achilles ; Iupiter lamed Vulcan ; he againe enchained Mars and Venus , and the like fopperies . SECT . 2. Of the severall sorts of Gods amongst the Heathen ; that they imagined them to bee authors of evils ; that they were but mortall men : And some opinions of Philosophers concerning the nature , beeing , and power of their Gods. IT was some way dispensable , yet at least ( quoad eos ) to have fained Gods almost for all naturall productions , as Flora for the flowers of the Gardens , Bacchus for the Wines , Ceres for the Corne , Iuno for Childe-births , and so forth : yea and to have prescribed one for every Craft or Trade ; yea and one for the tutelage of every Countrey . But that they should have imagined their Gods so irreligious , as to have beene fawtors or authors , much lesse actors of evill , I thinke farre beneath the beliefe of any ( ex faece ) of the lees and dregges of the people , much more of a wise man and a Philosopher ; which moveth mee to thinke , that those were wisest amongst them , who medled least to speake of their Gods , and vexed not themselves with their enquiry ; but with Socrates , esteemed the best judgement that they could make of their Gods , to be , to judge nothing at all of them . The most diligent inquirers in the end discovered them to have beene but mortall men , who in their life-time had proved worthy either in Warre or peace & were deified after their death : And accordingly Augustus Caesar had more Temples and pompous solemnities instituted in his favour , than Iupiter Olimpius almost had . So that to obscure the basenesse of their Gods , it would seeme , that they were moulded or painted of old with their fist closed upon their mouthes , or at least their fingers , as willing thereby living men , to speake either sparingly of their nature , or nothing at all . Thus Pythius Apollo said well , and before him Timaeus to his Disciple Socrates , speaking of the nature of the Gods ; Vt potero explicabo , non ut certa & fixa sunt quae dixero , sed ut homunciolus probabilia conjectura adumbrans . And in other places , Sperantium sunt haec non probantium . But to enter here into the diversity of their opinions concerning the Deity the nature and descent of their Gods I am loath , lest wee should imagine those Philosophers , in stead of wise men , as they were called , to have beene starke madde : Thales esteeming Gods to bee spirits , which had made all things of water , for he was the first that ●ried in the cabin of their secrets : Anaximenes on the contrary , willeth them to be of the ayre , because they ( as it ) should bee in continuall motion : Others of no little note , repute the Sunne and the Moone with the Starres to be Gods. Labentem coelo qui ducitis annum Liber & alma Ceres vestro si numine , &c. Some againe made that Law imprinted in our hearts , by which we are inwardly ( as it were ) driven to doe good , and to abstaine from evill : Pythagoras reputed God to be a certaine Spirit , spread and shed abroad on , or in the nature of all things ; so that with him all were full of Gods : Others finally flatly deny that there was any at all , but that all things had beeing as they are , and should continue in a perennell motion , vicissitude , and change : But I should weary you if I should but relate every one of their severall opinions . SECT . 3. Pythagoras opinion concerning the transmigration of soules rejected ; of the coupling of the soule and body together ; with severall opinions of the ancient learned men concerning the substance of the soule . O What perplexity and doubts were the ancient Philosophers plunged in concerning the transmigration of their soules ? their renowned Pythagoras avouched that strange opinion of Metempsychosis , of the change or transplacing of the soule of a dying man , to , and in the body of a new borne creature , whether beast or rationall body ; and then that body dying againe , that selfe same soule to remove and regaine a new habitation , and so to continue from body to body . To which so fond an imagination , I thinke no old womans fable comparable . And yet I excuse some way the irresolution of the Philosophers in this point , much more than in the mistaking of their Godhead ; because I finde , that besides them , even the best Professors have doubtings in this point ; that some of our Christian Fathers have beene touched with an admiration how the soule and body were coupled and yoaked together , whence one of the most famous is brought in , saying that Modus quo animae adherent corporibus omninò mirus est , nec comprehendi a● homine potest ; as before him Plinius , Omnia abdita & in naturae majestatis gremio reclusa ; So that with the Poet , no marvell though they should say likewise , Ignoratur enim quae sit natura animai Nata est , an contra nascentibus insinuetur . Et simul intereat nobiscum morte perempta An tenebras orci visat , vastasque lacunas , An pecudes alias divinitus insinuet se. The alterations and disputes concerning the substance of the soule are so many and different as is a wonder ; some deny there is any soule in the body , but that our bodies move of themselves , by the instinct and power of nature ; Others againe confesse that there is a soule wherewith our bodies are vivified , say , it is a mixt thing composed of water and earth ; others , of fire and earth : Empedocles wills it to be of and in the blood ; thus Eurialus dying , was said to render sanguineam animam , — Sanguineam vomit ille animam : Zeno more judiciously in that kinde , esteemeth it to bee the quintessence of the foure Elements : Hypocrates , a spirit diffused through the whole body and every part thereof , Ita ut sit tota in toto , & tota in qualibet parte : It was a generall and received opinion , that in this world there was a generall Soule , Anima mundi , from which as all particular ones were extracted , so being separated from their bodies , thither they returned againe , according to which Virgill saith , — Deum namque ire per omnes , Terrasque tractusque maris , &c. And againe , Scilicet hinc reddi deinde ac resoluta referr● Omnia , nec morti esse locum . — SECT . 4. The former Heathnick opinions confuted by our Christian Beliefe ; that they differed concerning the time of the soules continuance , and place of its abode : how they thought soules after the separation from the body to be rewarded for good or ill , &c. THe last most plausible opinion , and which hath purchased to it selfe most Patrons , was , that the Father infused it into the Childe by generation ; from which opinion few have swarved but Christians , who are taught to beleeve that the soule is given us from above . The Iewish Church held ( as wee ) Coelitus demissa , and not ex traduce : Thus Salomon , Eccles. 12. ver . 7. The Philosophers generally held the contrary : the Poets ( whom I account Rythmicall Philosophers , as Philosophers unversified Poets ) are copious in this subject . Fortes creantur fortibus , & bonis , faith the Lyrick , Nec imbelles faerocem . progenerant aquilam columbae : And againe another , Dolus vulpibus , ac fuga cervis A Patribus datur . Now as they differed in opinion touching the substance and discent of their soules ; so no lesse varied they about the time how long , and the place where the soules should continue after the dissolution of their bodies . The Stoicks maintained , that the soule shall remaine a certaine space after the dissolution from the body , but not ever : Pythagoras and his Sect , of whom a little before , that the soules of the departed did remove from that body to another : of which sort yet some were of opinion , that of these same soules some removed to heaven againe , and within a space thereafter reddescended to the lower parts , which Virgill intimateth when hee saith , O Pater ! Anne aliquas ad caelum hinc ire putandum est Sublimes animas , rursumque ad tarda reverti Corpora est ? And againe , Lathos culices & longa oblivia potant . Plato ( and that he hath out of Pindarus ) esteemeth that as a man hath lived well or ill in this world , accordingly his soule shall bee requited hereafter ; if well , that then it shall be rejoyned to the Starre to which it was first assigned ; if ill , that then it shall be coupled to one of some malignant influence . Finally , Apuleius Madaurensis in his tractate of the Moone , bringeth in Plutarch , maintaining , that the soules of well doers here during their abode in bodies , to be converted into Demi-gods or Saints : On the contrary , the ill ones , or at the least the worst are turned into Demons : As for the absolute eternity of them , they medled with that opinion rather more Sperantium quàm probantium . By this preceding discourse , wee may see how farre we are obliged to the infinite mercies of our great God , who as he hath revealed himselfe truly unto us , at whom these ancient wise men but in a glimpse obscurely aymed ; so hath hee ridde our mindes of that perplexity , wherein they were wrapt and infolded touching both the discent and event of our Soules . SECT . 5. Philosophicall tenents of plurality of Words confuted ; of Gods Creation of male and femall of all living Creatures . BEcause the discourse of the World , and the Philosophers opinions touching the beginning , continuance , and ending of it , is the Theame which directly here I intend to handle ; I haste me to it . That there were more worlds than one , Democritus , Epicurus , and others mantained as an undoubted verity , whence the Poet , Terramque & Solem , Lunam , Mare , caetera quae sunt Non esse unica , sed numero magis innumerali . The reason whereupon they grounded the probability of their opinion , was this , because that in all the Vniverse there was nothing created alone without a mate or fellow , as in all birds , fishes , beasts ; Yea in plants and hearbs , and in man their under Monarch may be seene , but as Aristotle himselfe hath confounded that opinion of his , prior Philosophers concerning their plurality of worlds , so naturall reason may leade us by the hand to its convincing ; for , if there was another world , it behoveth to be as this is , spherite and round , because that of all figures the orbicular is as most perfect , so most spacious ; then if they were round , howbeit in their sides they might touch and kisse one another , yet sure betwixt the superior convexes and lower concaves , there behoved to bee vacuities , which their owne Maximes admit not , for Natura , say they , abhorret à vacuo . As for that conjugality ( if abusively I might say so ) of all living Creatures in paires , it was ordained by the great maker for the propagation and multiplication of their kindes , which otherwise had decayed ; for with Apulcias , Cunctatim sumus perpetui , sigillatim mortales . SECT . 6. Severall opinions of severall Phylosophers concerning the Worlds Eternitie ; their naturall reasons for approving of it ; and what the Egyptians thought concerning the antiquitie of the World. THeir other opinion of the Eternitie of the World hath had more Patrons than this , and that so much the rather , because that seeing the Godhead , their supreame Ens was from all Eternitie , that therefore I say , hee could not then even from all beginning ( if Eternitie could admit a beginning ) be a Creator without a creature , for otherwise he should have nothing to do , as they say . So that those of this opinion doe not infringe , that of the most famous in all the Greeke schooles , favoring the Eternitie of the World saying , that the World was a god created by a greater One ; this World being a body composed of soule and bodie , which Soule had its seate and residence in the Center , from whence it diffused by musicall numbers , her force and power to the remotest extremities of the circumference , having within it , other lesser gods , as the Seas , Aire , Starres , which doe corresponde to other in a mutuall harmonie , in perpetuall agitation and motion . The Earth sending up vapors to the Aire , the Aire rayning downe upon the Seas againe , the Seas by secret conduits and channells transmitting them into the earth like veines ramifying themselves and bubbling up in fountaines , rivers , and brookes , &c. The Sunne and starres infusing their force upon all Creatures and vegetables : The Moone hers upon the Sea. Apuleius as in his tractat de Mundo Luna , & Deo ; Socrates aimes at this above spoken : So Herodotus when he enquired at the Aethiopian and Aegyptian Gymnosophists what they thought of the Eternitie of the Word , had for answere , That since their first king of whom they shew him the picture exquisitely done , There had runne out a leven thousand and so many hundred yeares , and that by their observations , the Sunne had changed foure times his ordinary course , and the heavens theirs also . And Diodorus setteth downe that in his dayes the Chaldeans kept Register of foure hundreth thousand yeares since the first beginning , which admit , were but Lunarie ( which is problematicke neverthelesse ) it is above all measure farre beyond the reckoning of their neighbours the Iewes : To this opinion of the Egyptian and Indian Gymnosophists , favouring the Eternitie of the World , may be added the opinion of the Materiarie philosophers , who howbeit they admit the beautie of the World to have come unto it with time , yet they hold confidently that the Chaos and matter it selfe ( whence I call them Materiarcy ) was coetanean and contemporary from all beginning with the Maker : Of this opinion was Hesiod in his Theogoma saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Now to speake of the divers opinions of the other old Philosophers who admitted a beginning to this world , and what principalls they supposed for it . Heraclitus was of opinion that the world was begunne with fire , and that by the fatall order of the Destinies , it should bee destroyed by it againe , and dissolved in flames ; yet in such sort , that after some ages thus being purified , it should be renewed againe , which Leo Hebraeus some way admits . Thales againe would have the beginning of it to have beene of water , having fished that out of Homer as it seemeth and Virgill from him againe : At nos interram lympham vertaminor omnes . And we often reade in Homer and Virgil , pater oceanus . But what more foolish or idle conceit than that of Democritus and Leucippus , who imagined the beginning of the world and of all contained therein to have beene by the casuall encounter of Atoms ( which are little infectile bodies ( not unlike the Moates which wee see to tumble and rowle about in the Sunne beames , when they pierce any glasse-window or cranice , whose encounter like unto these , say they , doe either perpendiculagor or obliquely , sphericall or angularly , crowde together this globe , and all the diversities in it , whereof indeede I may say with the Satyrists : Spectatum ad missir sum teneatis amiei ? This is that which Virgil savoreth when he bringeth in old Silenus his Canto to this purpose , in these words : Nemque canebat uti magnum per inane coacta Semina , terrarumque animaque marisque fuissent Et liquidi simulignis ut his exordia primis Omnia — & ipse etiam mundi concreverit orbis . All which opinions in this may be refuted , that they derogate too much from the power of God , whether they would have had the world eternall , or of any preexisting water , insomuch as they thought not him who is able to draw light out of darkenesse , sufficient to have framed by his very World all this Fabricke of nothing , or yet if this Chaos had beene drowned in oblivion , and sunck in darknesse , not to have raised and reframed a new one , by the same Word and his power . SECT . 8. The most approved opinion of all Philosophers concerning the Worlds beginning and matter : the infallble truth of it ; and a checke of Augustines against over curious inquisitors after those and the like misteries . THe more tolerable opinion was of those who held all things to be composed in time of the foure elements ; admitting the Creatures of the Etheriall Region to bee of a like kinde and species with these of the Sublunary , and yet they thought not that any thing of them could be , but by some preëxisting matter . Whereas we hold sacred anchor of veritie , that the mightie infinite , eternall , and all-powerfull God , created this World of nothing in and with time about five thousand sixe hundereth and odde yeares agoe , and that hee shall destroy it in time knowne onely to himselfe . And if they aske what God was doing before this short number yeeres ; We answere with S. Augustine replying to such curious questioners , that he was framing Hell for them . Seeing then it was created , and with time , it cannot therefore be eternall : ( these two being repugnant and incompatible ad idem as we say ) which indeed to mortall men inlightned but with nature only , is hard to beleeve : As for Trismegistus in his Poemander , and Plato in his Timeo , what they have spoken more divinely than others herein , no question but they have fished it out of Moyses his Pentateuch , who flourished before them , as Diodorus and Iosephus both witnesse . SECT . 9. How Philosophers differ from Christians in the wayes whereby God is knowne ; the Parts whereof the world is composed ; the division of the Coelestiall Spheares , wherein severall varieties may be observed . THere are three wayes of knowing God ; first affirmatively by which , whatever good is in man , they with us acknowledged to be in God , in a supereminent manner , and in abstracto ( as we say in the schooles ) Secondly , by denying what ever evill is in man , can any wayes be in God which is called the way of negation ; But in the third way which is called the way of causation , by which we acknowledge God to be the causer of all things only . There they did mistake in so farre as they imputed the cause of many things to a continued series and a perennall succeeding of one thing to another , for although Saint Augustine , Lib. 2. de civitate dei . cap. 17. and 4. holds that nature hath charecterised that much in every one , to know the finger of God in their Fabricke . For that which to us Christians are as undoubted truths , to them were dubitable grounds , grounded upon their physicall maxime . That ex nihilo , nihil fiet . But leaving these opinions of Philosophers ( as almost al Cosmographers do ) I divide the world into two parts Caelestiall and Elementary ; for the Almighty hath so disposed and linked them together , That the Elementary or lower world cannot subsist without the Celestiall ; Her vertue , power , motion , and influences ; for effectuating whereof the heavens are framed like a concaved Globe , or a hollow Bowle , whose center or middle body is this earth , environed about with these heavens , distant equally at all parts from it . The Celestiall Region , which properly is all the bounds betwixt the Sphere of the Moone , and the highest heavens comprehendeth in it eight Starrie Orbes , of which eight ; seaven Plannets have their spheares betwixt the starrie firmament and the ayre : but so set that every ones orbe is lesser than the other , untill they reach the Moones ; which is the least , last , and lowest spheare of all . The eight orbe which is the starrie firmament comprehendeth all the rest of the fixed starres , and under it the planetary spheares before mentioned ; But yet so , that it againe is environed by one greater , more ample and capacious , called the ninth spheare ; And this ninth is girt about againe by that most supreme of al , called the tenth or primum mobile , above which againe is the Emperian or Christaline heaven , which is the domicile and habitation of the blessed Spirits . The tenth spheare or primum mobile , is that in order , by whose perennall revolution , the starrie firmament and all the rest are rowled and wheeled about in the space of 24 houres from East to West , upon the two Poles of th world called the South and North , or Polearticke or Antarticke . Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis at illum Sub pedibus styx atra videt , manesque profundi . And yet that revolution is not so swift , but that the Plannets have every one their owne course and motions , and that from the West to the East upon other Poles ; by the Astronomers called Zodiack Poles : Nor is each Plannets course aalike swift and rapid for the Moones course through the Zodiack is ended in one moneth . The Sunnes in a yeare and so forth of the rest : So that Saturne finished his but in 30 yeares , Iupiter his in 12. And Mars in lesse and fewer , to wit in 2. Venus , and Mercury whose place is next below the Sunne , in the like space with the Sunne ; but by reason of their changing by retrogradation and progression , they are sometimes before the Sunne in the morning , and sometime behinde at evening , and at othertimes so neere him that they cannot bee seene : finally the Moone as remotest from the first Mover or tenth heaven , is swiftest in her owne peculiar motion through the Zodiack , which shee endeth ( as I was saying ) in 27. dayes and some odde houres . Neither thinke It strange although the change fall not untill the 29. and a litle more ; the reason being , that during the time of 27. dayes wherein the Moone goeth thorough the Zodiack , the Sunne in the meane time by his peculiar motion hath gone 27 degrees forward in that same Zodiack ; which space the Moone must yet measure before shee can be in Conjunction with the Sunne , which in effect is the change . So they two are to be distinguished , the Periodick motion of the Moone , & her Lunation from change to change . All these motions of the Starres , our Astronomers have found out by visible demonstrations ; as for a peculiar motion allotted to them besides , it is a thing of some further consideration . Aristotle , and the Astronomers of that age doe teach , that the eight Spheare , commonly called the Firmament of fixed starres , is the highest and next to the first movable ; yet the later Astronomers observing in the fixed starres , beside the daily revolution of 24 houres , another motion from West to East , upon the Poles of the Zodiack , in regard one simple body ( such as is the Firmament ) cannot have but one motion of it selfe , have concluded , that above the Firmament of fixed starres , there behoved to be a ninth heaven : And last of all the later Astronomers ( and chiefly the Arabs ) observing in the fixed starres a third motion , ( called by them Motus trepidationis , or trembling motion ) from North to South , and from South to North , upon its owne Poles in the beginning of Aries and Libra , have hereupon inferred , that there is yet above all these a tenth heaven , which is the first moveable in 24. houres , moving round about from East to West upon the Poles of the World , and in the same space drawing about with it the nine inferiour heavens ; and the ninth heaven upon the Poles of the Zodiack , making a slower motion to the East , measureth but one degree in one hundreth yeares , and therefore cannot absolve its course before six and thirty thousand yeares ; which space is called the great Platonick yeare , because Plato beleeved , that after the end thereof , the heavens should renew all things as they had beene in former times , seeing they returned to their first course ; so that then hee should bee teaching those same Schollers in the same Schoole : whereby it seemeth , that this motion was not unknowne in his time . The slownesse of this motion proceeding from the neerenesse to the first moveable , like as the eight Orbe or Firmament finisheth its trembling motion in 7000. yeares ; but of this trembling motion as also of the number , motions , and aspects of the Starres , who lists to reade Ioannes Herpinus his Apologie for Bodin against Ferrerius , shall rest marvellously contented . SECT . 10. The order of the Elements , with some observations of the Ayre and Water . NOw betwixt the Spheare of the Moone and the Earth and Waters , is the Element of Ayre , next after the Element of fire , filling up all that vast intecstice , divided in three Regions , whose middle Region by Anteperistasis ( as we say ) of the supreame one ever hot ; and the lower ones now hot , now somewhat cold , is ever cold , and so is made the receptacle of all our Meteors , Raine , Haile , Snow , and so forth , framed there accordingly as the matter elevated from the earth and waters is either hot , moist , dry , cold , high or low . Next to the Element of the Ayre , is the Element of Water and Earth , which two make but one Globe , whose uppermost superficies is breathed upon with the incumbing and environing Ayre . These two are the center to the Globe and environing heavens ; the great Ocean ( by Homer and Virgil called Pater Oceanus ) which compasseth the earth , and windeth about it ; as it is father to all other floods , fountaines , brookes , bayes , lakes , which doe divide themselves through the whole body and upon the face of the Earth , like so many veines shedde abroad and dispersed thorough our humane bodies , whose source and spring is from the Liver ; so hath it divers denominations from the Coasts it bedeweth , as Britannick , Atlantick , Aeth●opick , Indick , and so forth . Now the reason why the Seas which are higher than the Earth , doe not overflow it ( seeing it is a matter fluxible of it selfe ) cannot bee better given by a Naturalist , ( setting aside Gods eternall ordinance ) than that the waters having their owne bounds from the bordering circumferences , doe alwayes incline and tend thither . Praescriptas metuens transcendere metas . SECT . 11. Of the Earth , that it is the lowest of all the Elements ; its division , first into three , then into foure parts ; and some different opinions concerning them reconciled . THe Earth is as the heaviest , so the lowest ; subsidit tellus though divers admit not the waters to bee higher than the earth ; of which opinion Plato seemes to mee to be , placing the spring of Rivers and Fountaines in orco or cavities of the earth . The former opinion our famous Buchanan elegantly illustrateth , in his first Booke de Sphaera , Aspice cumpleuis è littore concita velis Puppis eat , sensim se subducente Carina Linteaque & su●mo apparent Carche sia maio Nec minus è naviterram spectantibus unda In medio assurgens , &c. Which argueth rather the Earth to be round , nor that the Seas or waters are higher than it : so it may be confidently enough said , that the water is above , about , and in the Earth , yea and dispersed thorough it , as the blood is diffused and dispersed thorough the body or man or beast , from its spring the Liver , the Orcum ( as we may say ) of it . This Earth alwayes by the Geographers of old was divided into three parts , viz. Europe , Asia , Africk , not knowing any further , but suffereth now a new partition or division ; since the dayes of Columbus , who in the yeare 1492 , by an enterprize ( to the eternall memory of his name ) made discovery of America , added by our moderne Mappes as a fourth part , which ( according to our late Navigators and discoverers , shall bee found to exceede the other three in extent ; from whence the gold and silver commeth hither as Merchant wares , occasioning all the dearth we have now , considering how things were in value the dayes of our Fathers , as Bodin , in his paradoxes against Malestrot , averreth ; so that the profuse giving of their gold for our trifies , through the abundance of their inexhaustible gold mynes , maketh now , by the abundance of money , which formerly was not ; that a thing shall cost ten , yea twenty , which before was had for one or two ▪ Mercator , that most expert Cosmographer , expecteth as yet the fifth part of the Earth , intituling it Terra Australis ; the Spaniards in their Cardes , Terra dell fuego , which must be by South , that Sea descried by Magellanes : So that by his supputation the world shall be divided yet in three , making Europe , Asia , Africk but one , as but one Continent , which in effect it is ; America , and this looked for terra Australis , the other two . SECT . 12. Of the different professions of Religion in the severall parts of the world : what Countries and llands are contained within Europe , and what within Asia . BVt leaving those two last parts ( as most remote from our commerce and knowledge ) of Europe , Africk , and Asia , thus much I finde in Cosmographers , that scarce the fourth part of these three is Christians , and yet those Christians differing amongst themselves ; the Greeke Church differing in five principall points from the Roman ; that from the Protestants ; and the other amongst themselves . For not to speake of Europe where Christianisme is gloriously professed , consisting of Spaine , Portugall , France , Italy , Greece , Thracia , Germany , Hungary , Rusland , Poll , Sweden , Denmarke , Gothland , of the Ilands lying in the Ocean , as Brittaine , Ireland , Island , Greeneland . In the Mediterr anean , as Cicilie , Rhodes , Malta , Cyprus , Corsica , Sardinia , Candia , Majorica , Minorica , and some few others ; if we shall but overlooke the large & plentifull bounds of Asia , illustrious in this , that the History of the Creation and Redemption of the world was especially accomplished in it , with the places wherein were the largest Monarchies , ( so much blazed in Histories ) in all this I say shall be found litle or nothing of Christianisme . For to divide it in five maine Principalities , or rather Monarchies ( whereof now it consisteth ) to wit , in that of the great Dutchie of Muscovia or Russia , ( a good part whereof is in Europe ) in the great Cham of Tartary his Empire , both these two lying or reaching to the North ; In the Empire of China , whose Lord by them is called the Soveraigne of the Earth , the Sonne of heaven : In the Monarchie of the Sophie of Persia , lying in the bosome of that part of the world ; and in the Turkish Empire , together with the Indian Monarchie : To omit the Emperour of Germany . SECT . 13. With what Religions and Sects all the Easterne and Northerne Countries are possessed , and in what places Christianity is most professed , &c. WHat in all these ( I say ) of our Christian Religion but little , and where there is any , it is so mixed with Iudaisme and Paganisme as is a wonder ; for in Iappan , and thorough all the East Indies , howbeit the Iesuites indeede have laboured to draw them to Christianisine , yet their Histories record how and what way they are mixed ; And to winde about againe towards Aethiopia and Prester Iohn his estate , reputed Soveraigne and Monarch over forty or fifty Kings and Provinces : There are there also some footesteps of our profession , but as else-where , so intoxicated with Iudaisme , that besides divers other points , they are promiscuously circumcised and baptised : Then to passe by Egypt , next neighbour , how it is all enslaved to the Mahumetans , all know : In what better case are the Africans , the Numids , Maures , Barbars ; and then in and about the Atlantick coast , these of Fez and Marroco , and so forth . So it hath pleased God the Maker , to chastise the world for the sinnes of men ; in which although light hath cleerely shined , yet they have delighted more in darknes than in it . I will not say but in Musco , Tartary , China , and Persia there be some Christians also ; but these are commonly Greekes by profession , and yet so farre rent asunder and eclipsed from the true doctrine acknowledged by S. Paul to the Corinthians , Ephesians , Philippians , and the rest , as is pittifull : divided amongst themselves in divers Sects , as Nestorians , Iacobites , Georgians , Armenians , Copits , &c. thus dispersed thorough all the Easterne Church ; they obtrude unto us of the Westerne too , that we are Schismaticks , and severed amongst our selves likewise , as Papists , Anabaptists , Lutherans , Calvinists , &c. Nether are the Negro Princes of Africk , the Turkes and Mahumetans , and all the other idolatrous people and Nations of the South , so in accord amongst themselves , that they are free from division ; for Leo After in the third Booke of his Historie , quoteth particularly their differences and divisions ; for the Turkes foure great Doctors and Mahomete successors are divided in 72 severall Sects , which are extended and dispersed thorough all the Turkes Dominions , in Europe , Africk , Asia ; alwayes the rest of the World , as Terra Australis , and all America , except in such parts where the late Conquests are made by the Spaniards , English ; and French are so farre from Christianity , that they dwell all in the profoundest darknes of most grosse Paganisme , serving and adoring the Devill and his excruciating spirits ; sacrificing their children , and those of the best sort , either to pacifie their ire , or to conciliate their favour . SECT . 15. America and the New-found-lands briefly described ; and some opinions about what time of the yeare the world had its beginning . I Can speake nothing of Terra Australis or Incognita ; as for America , I finde in the Mappe of the new found world , that although it be almost all continent , yet in a manner it is divided in two Ilands , but so that they are made contiguous by nature , by a little Tract of Land or Isthmos , where their principall and Metropolitane Citie standeth , called Mexico ; a brave Citie indeede , lying in that Bay. The Peninsule , or Northerly part of this America containeth in it Hispanianova , the Province of Mexico , Terra florida , Terra nova , Virginia , nova Francia , nova Scotia ; further North is not yet discovered : The Southerne Peninsule againe reaching towards Magellane ; and that part containeth Peru , Brasil , &c. This is the whole world as yet knowne , of which Plinius in the second Booke Naturalis Historiae , ( which you may be sure was long before the discovery of this America ) speaketh , when hee raileth against the covetousnesse of Princes , who incroached upon others limits ; and mens ambition in conquering pieces and lumpes of inheritances here and there ; not taking heede , that so little a piece of ground must containe the best and worthiest Monarchy in the end . Which world hath neither beene made over againe , and recreated as a thing with time worne and growne old , needeth restauration ; of which opinion was Philo Hebreus out of Theophrast ; neither yet was it from all eternity , which Aristotle in his 3. cap. lib. 1. de caelo giveth way to , saying , that to be created and to be from all beginning , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & de numero impossibilium : But , on the contrary , wee have a warrant that it is , and was created , and that consequently it shall have an end , when it shall please the Maker thereof to bring on that period of time ; at which , howbeit both Divines and Philosophers have conjectured , yet punctually to say when , the Angels of heaven know it not , much lesse they ; uncertaine it is likewise , at what time of the yeare it did begin ; although the Rabins , and many Christians following them ( as Bodin in his Republick , and his Apologetick friend Herpinus ) accurately maintain , that it began in September , which September is with them mensis Nisan ; and I could be induced to that same beliefe : yet more probably the Spring of the yeare may be thought to bee the time when the world began , as the day beginneth with the morning , and as the sunne riseth upon our Horizon with the day . And howsoever the authority of fabulous Poets should not serve to instance a matter of so high an importance , yet Virgill his testimony in his fourth Georgicks , is not wholly to be slighted . Haud alios prima crescentis origine mundi Illuxisse dies , aliumve habuisse tenorem Crediderim : ver illuderat , ver magnus agebat . Orbis & Hybernis parcebant flatibus Euri. SECT . 15. Wherein is to be seene some things concerning the time when it is thought to take an end . DIvers ( you see ) have beene the opinions of the Worlds beginning , number , and ending also : some thinking it eternall , others corruptible , and those also differing among themselves . Cyprian Ludovicus ( whom Iohannes Bodin refureth in his cap. of the changes of States ) presumeth the yeare when this dissolution shall bee , may be knowne : howsoever wee should hold us to the written word of God , as to a holy Anchor ; in which as we learne that it had a beginning , so must we know that it shall have an end ; and rather to be preparing for the approach of it , than curiously and superstitiously to be inquiring when that shall be ; seeing it hath not pleased God to make it knowne ; for where God in the Scripture hath not a tongue to speake , we should have none to enquire or aske , or an eare to heare : I will relate the opinions of some in this point , among which , in my opinion , the Arabs , Moores , and with them the Iewes , as particularly Albumazar a Cabalist , have by all likelihood conjectured best the time of its dissolution , that any before either Chaldean or Egyptian have done . For , within these few hundred yeares they have discovered the Caball and secret of the trembling motion of the eight Orbe , that it doth not accomplish its course but in seven thousand yeares ; which in Analogy and relation is some way answerable to the seventh yeares rest of the Earth , the seventh dayes rest from labour : So that indeede by Leo Hebreus his opinion , the world should last but 6000 years , & rest the seventh ; which opinion is founded upon the c. helck , in the Iewish Sanhedrim ; where it is written , 6000 yeares the world shall last , & then it shall decay : which Lactanctius lib. 7. cap. 14. illustrateth , comparing the six thousand yeares to the six dayes of the weekes labour , the seventh to the Saboaths rest : our ancient both Poets and Oratours have all given after ages to understand , that they all , I say , almost knew generally that its destruction was to come in the appointed time by the Fates . Although as wiser than us their successors did not touch the question , as Plato in his Timeo ; Cicero in his Booke de natura Deorum ; Macrobius c. 10. de somno Scipionis : and for them all Ovid us lib. 1. Metamorph. Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur affore tempus , Quo mare , quo tell us , corruptaque regio coeli Ardeat , & mundi moles operosa laboret . SECT . 16. Copernicus his opinion of the Earths moving , confuted : Archimedes opinion of the world : an Induction to the following Section . NExt unto this , I subjoyne the franticke and strange opinion of Copernicus , who taketh on him to demonstrate , speaking of the worlds frame , that the Sunne is immoveable and placed in the Center of the World , and that the Globe of the Earth is moveable , rolling and wheeling about , admitting the change of States to depend upon the Eccentrick of the Earth ; so that hee giveth not onely to the said Earth a daily running about the Sunne in 24 houres , in the space of the day and night , but likewise an annuall revolution ; which opinion how absurd it is , as Nature convinceth it of errour , so authorities of the Learned shall confound it : for besides that , in Scripture we have warrant , that the Earth is stablished sure — — Stat nullo mobilis aevo Terra , super solidae nitens fundaminae molis Pollenti stabilita manu . Moreover Archimedes the rarest Mathematician that erst was or since hath beene , and who caused to be engraven upon his Tombe in Sicilie the Spheare , with this admirable position — Datun● pondus movere . Granted to King Hieron of Siracusa , that there was no weight which he could not move ; And that if there were any other earth beside this whereon he might establish his Machin , and Mathematicall Instruments , he durst undertake to move this out of its place , whereon we dwell ; By which he would have us know , that the earth budged nor moved not , much lesse in such celeritie to compasse the Sunne , as Copernicke esteemed . Lastly , I am to evert that ground of some too curious Astrologers , who upon the change of Triplicities , undertake also to found the change and alteration , which they would prove upon the face of the earth , both in the nature of the ground , and in the qualities of people : But because the Word of Triplicitie is not so usuall as that every one understandeth it aright therefore thus much for the intelligiblenesse of it in the following Section . SECT . 17. The division of the starrie firmament , in twelve houres ; of the Power and efficacie that is attributed to the Triplicities of them over every Country : and the maintainers of these opinions confuted : the divers dispositions of people of severall nations , how attributed to the naturall disposition of the Planets : An observation of Gods Providence . THe body of the Starrie firmament which with our eyes we see , by the moderne , at least not very old Arabs , and Moores ( who first found out the trembling motion of it , as they hold called by them Motus trepidationis ) is divided in twelve houses , which for more cleerenesse , and intelligiblenesse are more compendiously packt up in foure , every one of the foure answerable to a corner of it ; as we see in Scripture the foure Winds mentioned ; To every one of which foure againe , there are three houses or Asterismes appropriated . These houses or starres belonging to them are observed to appertaine to the Region upon which they glanced first : So that what ever nature either the people or ground there at the first influence or aspect of that house had thereupon , by this trembling motion of theirs , the Triplicitie having changed about is transported to another Region , which is another thing than the Triplicit●e set downe , or at the least alleadged so by Ptolomie in his booke Quadripartit , whereof Bodin maketh mention in his fourth de Republica : Allotting the Triplicitie of fire to Europe , of Water to Africa ; to Asia Septentrinall and Orientall Ayre , and the Triplicitie of earth to Asia meridionall . To say that the fixed starres in these houses of theirs , by the trembling motion of their Orbe ; had changed place or seate also , and thereby that they had changed the triplicitie or nature of the regions of the earth either in the qualitie of the ground , or nature of the people , were most absurd , and capable to subvert all the Maximes of Iudiciary Astrologie concerning the Horoscopie of men and Citties ; which hold as true now as they did this day two thousand yeares , as Cardan averreth , who held Ptolomeus his Maximes in that point , which he againe had from the Caldeans and Aegyptians , amongst whom there is not a word of these triplicities . For to say with Haly Arab , that Ptolomie obscured it amongst his writs , to make it a caball and secret , argueth it selfe of falshood , as being unlikely that he had interred and smothered so rare a secret , or yet made it a caball which otherwayes might have added so much lustre to his workes . But so it is on the contrary , that notwithstanding all these alleadged changes of triplicities , we see these same proprieties of Coelestiall signes ; which Cardan and Iulius Maternus observed by Caldeans and Aegyptians stand good in such sort , that not onely the Elements and Elementary things , Reptiles , Plants , Animalls , with all living and moving creatures of all species and kindes mineralls , &c. keepe that same frame and figure without , and nature within which they had at first ingraft and ingraven , and primitively characterised in and upon them ; But also we see the seasons of the yeare , nights and dayes , Sunne , Moone , and Sarres , to observe their constant and equall course which from all beginning was imposed upon them . Whereby even now as before , we see the people of the North different from these of the South in nature , Stature complexion , colour , disposition , as at more length I have set downe in my Title of the diversitie of mens humors : And that not onely by authoritie of famous writers who have described them to bee just so then , as now yet wee see them ; But likewise conforme to the positure of the very body of the heavens themselves . So that in a manner the nature and seate of the Plannets argueth of necessitie the nature of the people to which they shall be found to appertaine . As Saturne to the Meridionall and Southernely people , a dry and Melancholious Starre : Mars , to the Septentionall , as strong and Iustier Iupiter againe , father of light and life equall to both : Venus for the Southerne , as more lascivious than the other : The Moone for us in the North againe as more moyst and unconstant than they , while Mercurie shall be equall almost for both : But more enclyning to the Southerne , as being better spirits ; for from them eloquence , and contemplative Sciences doe flow unto us : As from us to them Miriads of lustie great people , which overranne all their fertill provinces : And if it be objected , how it comes to passe seeing Venus and lasciviousnesse are attributed to them , that they should bee lesse populous than we ; To this I answere , That their women in numbers farre exceed their men . Thus Polygamie was and is so frequent amongst them , for if according to their wits they were both strong and numerous , the World could not abide them : Thus the Al-seeing God hath disposed things wisely in this world , that the worst and subtilest creatures are fewest in number ; as Lyons , Foxes , Wolves , Leopards , whereas the weaker and more Innocuous sort are more frequent , as Sheepe , Beeves , Hart , Hinde , and so forth . SECT . 18. The causes of the Changes of severall things as of men , Countries ; plots of ground , &c. and that these proceede not from triplicities as Astrologers would have it . NOw if so be that some of the people have changed any whit of their former innated Natures , That must not be imputed so much to the change of Triplicities as to education , and the commerce of other more politicke Nations , which is more frequent than before ; formerly it being counted a rare thing for a man to make a voyage to Spaine or Portugall , whereas now new found worlds and people of other countenances , are nothing so strange and wonderfull unto us . Finally , that some Countries , or rather Grounds , are become more barren than they were , that men are more weake , and lower of stature than they were ; must not bee imputed to their triplicities , but rather it argueth the wrath of God upon the earth for the Sinnes of Mortalls , the inhabitants thereof , and in like manner , the decaying age of the World , as in plentifulnesse , so in vertue : for if the Luxurious plentie of Sicily , Asia the lesser , of Egypt on the other side againe ; and Barbarie ; if by these triplicities they are changed , I pray you , where is it ? for my owne part wheresoever I have beene , whatsoever I heare or reade , nothing but universall complaints of the Earths waxing worse and worse : I end this with that of Plimus in his Naturall History , complaining upon the badnesse of the times in his dayes to that they were before . Gaudebat terra triumphali aratore & laureato v●mere subigi . This was when the Emperours themselves tooke pleasure in Agriculture , leaving their Scepters , to betake themselves to the Plough . SECT . 19. How ancient Writers have compared Man and all his parts to the World and all its parts ; wherein is recounted the different dispositions of men of different Countries ; and to what Countries the faculti●s of the soule are attributed . AS these above-cited Writers and many others have gone about with most apparent reasons to attribute the temperament of severall Countries , and the severall dispositions and complexions of men in those Countries , to the site and disposition of the Planets that governe over such and such places and men ; so they instance many inducing examples for the proofe of it . One of them in comparing the great World to the little world [ Man , ] willeth us to imagine a Man , walking or laid , according to the naturall motion of the superiour bodies , from East to West ; and wee shall evidently perceive , that his right Arme , ( wherein his greatest strength and vigour is ) and his right Side , ( where the Liver and Gall are placed ) are towards the North ; and the left hand and side ( which is called the feminine part ) towards the South ; whereupon it is inferred , that according to this and the posture of the celestiall Bodies , the place and people of the world , that the right side beholdeth , which are the Northerne ( wherein the Easterne are comprehended ) are strong and lusty , where the people of the opposite part of the world , are more weake and lash . The one faire and lovely , the other brownish , swarthy and hard favoured ; the one cold and moyst , the other hot and dry ; the one given to labour and travell , the other to study and contemplation ; the one joviall and merry , the other mellancholick and grave ; the one simple and no wayes malicious , the other crafty and deceitfull ; the one inconstant , the other pertinacious , never swarving from his intended resolutions ; the one prodigall , the other parcimonious and sparing ; the one affable and facill , the other arrogant and stayed ; the one mercifull , the other cruell and revengefull ; the one chaste and bashfull , the other venereous and affronted ; the one impatient , the other long suffering ; the one in Counsell rash and sudden the other more constant & deliberate , with severall other the like qualities , wherein the one halfe of the world North and East , doe differ from the other , South and West : All which they doe back with many forcible Reasons , in so farre , that there is not any part in the Microcosme Man , to which they doe not assimilate some part of the great World : yea the three principall faculties of the soule , Imagination , Reason , and Vnderstanding are attributed to three parts of the World. Imagination , which is proper for meditations of divine and sublime Sciences , which consist not in demonstration and Reason , but on a naked and simple beliefe , is appropriated to the Meridionales or Southerne people , who of all others are most carried away with superstitions . The second Reason , to the Mid-people , participating of both extreames , betwixt the religionary Southerne , and the laborious , industrious , and warlike Northerne . The third , which is Vnderstanding , to the Northerne , who have more strong and robustuous bodies , fitter for labour and handy-workes than the other two . So , ( as succinctly as I could ) I have given you a relish , what the most learned have both written and thought of the world , and its parts till a fitter time , wherein ( God willing ) you shall receive a more ample content in this and other things . A GENERALL INTRODVCTION AND INCITEMENT To the studie of the METAPHYSICKS : Wherein the most excellent ends and uses thereof are illustrated , and how necessary it is to be understood by Christians . SECT . 1. Of the severall titles and appellations that have beene given by Heathnick and Christian Philosophers to Mataphysick ; the reasons wherefore every of those names were attributed unto it ; and finally whereof it principally treateth . THe high and sublime Science , which we call Metaphysick , hath divers titles and styles attributed unto it , partly by Aristotle himselfe , and partly by other Authors , as is observed by Suarez in the beginning of his first Metaphysicall Disputation , and by Fonseca in his prooemium , prefixed to his Commentaries upon Aristotles Metaphysicks cap. 8. For first , this Science is called Sapient●a ● Metaph . c. 1. & 2. because it disputeth of highest and most hard matters , and of the first and most generall causes of things . Secondly it is called Philosophia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or by way of excellencie , 4 Metaph. cap. 2. because it exceedeth all other parts of Philosophy in dignity very farre , and as a Queene it hath Soveraignty , and royall prerogatives above them all , prescribing unto every particular Science the bounds and limits of it , confirming or establishing the principles of them all . Thirdly , it is called prima Philosophia , 6. Metaph . cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap. 6. because it treateth of most excellent matters , as of God and of the Angels , in so farre as they may be knowne , by the light of Nature : for as they are knowne to us by divine revelation , the consideration of them belongeth to Divinity . In the same respect it is called Philosophia Theologica , 6 Mataph . cap. 1. and Scientia Theologica , 2 Metaph. cap. 6. and by Christian Philosophers , who know another Theologie above , for distinctions cause , it is called Naturalis Theologia . Last of all , it is called Metaphysica , which word occurreth not in Aristotle himselfe , but is used by his Interpreters and followers ; yet it is grounded upon the titles of Aristotles Bookes of Metaphysicks , which after by Aristotle himselfe , or by Theophrastus , who is thought to have collected Aristotles Workes , and to have digested them in order , are intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , idest , post naturalia aut transnaturalia , and that , either because this Science was invented after Naturall Philosophy , for the knowledge of the natures of bodily substances , ( which is called Physiology ) or else because the things considered in it , are beyond and above the order or ranke of naturall things ; that is , of grosse and bodily substances , for it doth treate of spirituall and invisible substances , viz. of God and of the Angels ; as also it treateth of the attributes and notions or conceptions of entity or beeing , which are common to all things , which have a reall being , whether they be bodily substances , or spirituall , yea whether they be substances or accidents . SECT . 2. The Reasons why Aristotle added Metaphysick to the other parts of Phylosophie ; and how it is distinguished from the other Sciences . ARistotle , who is thought to be the first author of this sublime and almost divine Science , added it to the rest of the parts of Philosophy , chiefly for two causes , as Fonseca well observeth in the 6. chapter of the Preface to his Commentaries upon the Metaphysicks . First , because in the Physicks these substances are considered , which are composed of bodily matter and forme ; and in the Mathematicks , they are said to be accidentia abstracta à materia secundùm rationem ; yet truely and really in their beeing or existence they have a necessary dependencie from bodily matter , and therefore are called Accidentia materialia , because they have their beeing in , and from grosse and bodily substances . Now besides these , there are some things meerely immateriall , that is , neither composed of bodily matter and forme , nor yet any way depending from bodily matter , ( which therefore are in the Schooles said to be abstracta à materia & secundùm rem & secundum rationem ) as God , the Angels , spirituall accidents & caet . And therefore , as materiall substances are considered in the Physicks , and materiall accidents in the Mathematicks ; so it was requisite , that there should be a third kinde of Science , to wit , the Metaphysicks , for the consideration and handling of things meerely immateriall , and independing from bodily matter . Secondly , there are some generall degrees and conceptions of entity or beeing , as also some attributes , properties , principles , and some divisions or distinctions , which are common to all things , whether they be bodily and materiall , or spirituall and immateriall , as ens , essentia , existentia , unitas , veritas , bonitas , and the divisions of ens , in completum , & incompletum , finitum & infinitum , necessarium & contingens , permanens & successivum , absolutum & respectivum , principium & principiatum , causam & effectum , subjectum & adjunctum , signum & signatum , mensuram & mensuratum , actum & potentiam , &c. Now these things are transcending , and doe exceed the limits of particular and inferiour Sciences , as Physick , Geometry , Arithmetick , and the Sciences which are subalternate and subordinate to them ; wherefore they cannot be handled in them , but for the handling of them there must bee some generall and transcendent Science , whose speculation is not limited to any particular species entis , but comprehendeth and taketh in all things under the capacity and amplitude of the object of it . And this is Metaphysick , of which we are now speaking . SECT . 3. Three Reasons conducing to the praise of Metaphysick , inducing all men to the study of it ; and setting downe some principall ends and uses thereof . BY this , every man may cleerely see the necessity of this Science for the perfection of Philosophy . But it may be , that some will thinke , the consideration of these immateriall or spirituall things , of which I did speake in my first reason , as also these attributes , properties , and distinctions which are common to things materiall and immateriall , and of which I did speake in my second reason , some , I say , will thinke the consideration of them not to bee necessary , but to be more curious than profitable . But I perswade my selfe , no wise or judicious man will thinke so . For first , without the knowledge of these generall and transcendent Metaphysicall tearmes and notions or conceptions no solide knowledge can be had , for the subjects which are handled in inferiour Sciences . Secondly , seeing man in respect of the constitution of his nature , is participant , both of things bodily and materiall , as also of things immateriall and spirituall , ( for which cause by Philo Iudeus in his Booke de op●ficio mundi , he is called nexus Dei & mundi , and rerum materialium & immaterialium hor●zon ) were great sottishnesse or stupidity in man , to labour for the knowledge of materiall and bodily things , with which he symbolizeth in respect of his baser part , that is his body , and not to care for knowledge of spirituall and immateriall things , to which he is like , and as it were of kinne in respect of his better part , to wit , his soule . Thirdly , seeing the happinesse of man , I meane his contemplative or speculative happinesse , standeth in the knowledge and contemplation of these things , which are most excellent and most sublime , he would come very farre short , of that happinesse , if he were ignorant of these things , which are handled in the Metaphysicks : for they are spirituall and immateriall , and consequently are most excellent , and also most sublime and difficult , in respect they doe farre exceede the reach of all sense and sensitive knowledge . SECT . 4. The excellencie and dignity of the knowledge of Metaphysick ; that onely free and sublime mindes , not distracted with worldly cares are fit for this stud●e ; and the Reasons wherefore . I Have spoken already of the divers names and titles of this Science , of the reasons wherefore it was invented , as also of the necessity of it : Now in the last roome I will speake something of the excellencie and dignity of it . Aristotle in the 1. Booke of his Metaphysicks 2 chapt . saith , two things which serve very much for manifesting or declaring the excellencie of this Science , first hee saith , that it is a Science more fit and suitable for God than for men ; or to give you it in his owne words , that ejus possessio non existimari debet humana , that is , that man is not sufficiently worthy to possesse or enjoy this Science , and that because this Science , of all Sciences , is most free ; yea it onely is free from all subjection to other Sciences , and from all reference to any higher or more eminent knowledge : for all naturall knowledge can equall , and much lesse exceede the sublimity of Metaphysicall speculation ; and therefore this Science requireth a minde free and sublime , that is , a minde not depressed with base cogitations , nor distracted with worldly cares , as ordinarily the mindes of men are , in respect of the manifold wants and necessities into which they are subject in this life . Seeing then God only is free from such distracting and depressing cares , therefore in Aristotles judgement , this Science is more suitable for him than for men . Secondly hee saith , that this Science is amongst all Sciences the most honourable , because it is most divine : And that it is most divine , hee proveth by two very forcible reasons , first because this Science versatur in rebus divinis , it contemplateth divine and heavenly things : and this hee proveth , because it considereth God himselfe as he is the first principium , and the supreame cause of all things . Secondly , because Haee Scientia maximè à Deo habetur , the perfect and exact knowledge of this Science most truely and properly is attributed to God : for this Science in a manner , vieweth and considereth all things , it hath an especially eye to spirituall and invisible substances , and amongst these it especially and chiefly contemplateth God himselfe , as the highest degree of entity , and the supreame cause of all things . Now to take a full view of all the rankes , orders , and degrees of things to have a positive and distinct knowledge of that invisible world , the world of Angels , and above all , to have a perfect and comprehensive knowledge of that boundlesse Ocean of beeing and goodnesse which is in God , it requireth not a finite ingine or understanding , but an infinite capacity and an unspeakable sharpenesse of wit. SECT . 5. For three respects the Metaphysick is called the most excellent Science , and the most necessary to be understood by Christians . BY these things which are said by Aristotle in that chapter , and in other parts of his workes , for the commendation of this Science , wee may see this Science to be most excellent in three respects . First , because of the universality and amplitude of the object or subject of it ; for in the Spheare or circuite of it , all rankes , orders , and degrees of things are comprehended , so that looke how farre the knowledge of the whole celestiall Globe exceedeth the knowledge of one constellation , and the knowledge of the universall Mappe or table of the whole Earth exceedeth in dignity the knowledge of the Mappe of one Province or Countrey , as farre doth Metaphysick ( which is as it were one universall Carde or Mappe , presenting to our view all rankes , orders , and degrees of beeing ) exceede in dignity these particular delineations and descriptions of things , which are set downe in inferiour Sciences . SECT . 6. The first respect , for the universality . SEcondly , because of the dignity of the subject of it ; for , not onely is this Science exercised about the speculation of the highest and most generall causes , principles , and attributes of things , but also it descendeth into a speciall consideration of the most noble and excellent things of the world , that is , of God and of his Angels : for , not onely doe Christian Philosophers now in the Metaphysicks dispute of them , but also Aristotle himselfe in his Metaphysicks , especially in his 12 Booke , doth most excellently discourse of them . And truely it is more than marvellous , that an Heathnick or Pagan-philosopher should , by the light of Nature , have penetrated so farre into the knowledge of God. For to passe by that which he writeth in the 10. chapter of that Booke De unitate Dei , proving and demonstrating , unum esse principium & gubernatorem universi ; and concluding his discourse with that saying of the Poet : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To omit , I say , this discourse of his De unitate primi motoris , or ( as he calleth God in that Booke ) primi moventis immobilis , in the 7 chapter of that Booke , he sheweth , that God is primum intelligibile & primum appetibile , that is , he is ens omnium aptissimum & dignissimum quod intelligatur & appetatur , as Fonseca , commenting upon that place , doth expound it : that he necessariò existit , & caetera omnia ab co pendent : that perfectissimam & beatissimam vitam degit ; that ejus beatitudo est perpetua , & sine intermissione aut alteratione ; that Dei beatitudo ex sui contemplatione nascitur ; that ejus contemplatio est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , jucund●ssimum quid & optimum ; that not onely vivit vitam beatissimam , but hee is ipsa v●ta beata ; or as he speakes himselfe , vita sempiterna & optima . Truely this Pagan Philosopher hath found a wonderfull joy and delight in this his speculation of the essence and happinesse of God , ( as Suarez noteth writing upon this place , in his Index locupletissimus in Phisicam , lib. 12. cap. 7. ) yea he seemeth to have beene ravished with the sweetnesse of this heavenly contemplation . It is no wonder , that Dav●d in the 104 Psalme vers . 34. said , My meditation of him ( that is of God ) shall be sweete , aud ● w●ll bee glad in the Lord. For if Aristotle found such sweetnesse in the contemplation of God , as hee is Pater mund , or Pater entium ; what sweetnesse , yea what heavenly , what ravishing joy may a man living within the Church have in the contemplation of God , as he is Pater Ecclesiae , and Pater misericordiarum ? 2 Cor. 1. 3. SECT . 7. The seco●d Respect , for the dignity . That the consideration of the soule of man belongeth to the Metaphysicks , with severall Reasons for the proofe thereof . THere are some who thinke , that not onely the contemplation of God , and of the Angels doe belong unto the Metaphysicks , but also the contemplation De anima humana seu rationali ; and that , because it is a spirituall or immateriall substance . Suarez in the first Tome of his Metaphysicks , Disput. 1. Sect. 2. Parag. 18. most justly condemneth this opinion ; and that 1. because consideratio totius , & consideratio partium ejus ad unam & eandem scientiam pertinet . Now the consideration of man himselfe belongeth not to Metaphysick , but to Physick ; and therefore the consideration of the soule of man , which is a part of man , belongeth also to Physick or naturall Philosophy . 2. Albeit the soule of man be an immateriall substance in it selfe , and although in the reall beeing of it , it hath not a necessary dependencie from bodily matter , yet God hath appointed , that the ordinary and naturall existence or beeing of it , as also the operation of it , should be in materia corporea . It is farre more probable , that which is affirmed by Ruvins and Conimbricenses in the Frontispiece of their Treaties de anima separata à corpore , and in their first questio prooemialis , before their disputes de anima , that the consideration of the beeing and operation of the soule in statu separationis à corpore , after death untill the day of the generall resurrection , doth belong not to Physick , but in some respects to Theologie , and in other respects to Metaphysick . For the handling of these questions , [ An status separationis à corpore , sit animae rationali naturalis ; an anima à corpore separata habeat naturalem appetitum redeundi ad corpus ; an anima separata specie ab Angelis differat , & quas facultates seu potentias , quas species intelligibiles , quos habitus , & quem modum cognoscendi habeat anima separata à corpore : ] the handling , I say , of these questions doth belong properly to Metaphysick ; neverthelesse these same Authors , whom I have now cited , as also Suarez in the place already spoken of , affirme , that the Tractatus de anima separata , may most commodiously be added to the Bookes de anima , not as a proper part of the Science de anima , but as an Appendi● to it . SECT . 8. The third Respect , for the Vsefulnesse . Of the great use Metaphysick is towards the furthering of all Divines , in Controversies , and other things : A Conclusion . THirdly and lastly , this Science exceedeth all the rest indignity , in respect of the great use it hath in all other Sciences and Arts , especially in Theology it selfe ; I neede not to insist in the confirmation of this : for it is very well known , that by the grounds of Metaphysick , wee may demonstrate against Atheists , that there is a God ; against Pagans , that this God is one ; against Cerdon , Marcion , and the Manichaean Hereticks , that there are not duo principia , but unum summum & primum principium ; against the Stoickes , that there is not such a fatall necessity in all events as they dreamed of , against that damnable and detestable Heretick Conradus Vorstius that Deus est infinitus , immensus , indivisibilis , simplex , totus in qualibet re in qua est ; aeternus , & quoad substantiam suam , & quoad ejus decret a immutabilis , & omnium accidentium expers ; for that wretched and madde Doctor denied all these things . In many other Questions and Controversies , which the Church hath against Hereticks ancient and moderne , there is great use of Metaphysick . But I feare to weary the Reader with these Generalls , For I intend hereafter ( God willing ) to put forth a small Treatise of Metaphysicks , wherein you shall finde that noble Science more perspicuously delineated . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A09500-e8520 The praise of Philosophy ▪ Effects of Philosophy . Vses and ends of Philosophy . Of Logick ▪ Of Metaphysicks . Of Mathematicks ▪ The Authors Apologie . Questions concerning the World. The way how these questions are propounded . Diverse opinions of the heavens substance . What is the true matter & substance of the firmament . The earth rolled about with the heavens . What is the substance of the stars . What maketh them so cleare . The Sun placed amiddest the Planets & why . What light the Moone thineth with . what signifieth the black spots in the face of the Moone . The Moones power over sublunarie bodies . Reasons that there is not an lement of fire . Comparison of a Mirrour to variety . Why Commets are seene and not the Element of fire . Knowledge of Meteors fit for men of spirit . The remotest cause of Meteors . The neerest cause . Their remotest matter . Matter and cause of the moist Meteors . Difference betwixt fumes and vapours . Great differences of the Meteors . What are our S. Anthonies fires . The earth and waters not se●cred like the other elements but linked together . Quest. Why the waters are not about the earth ▪ Quest. Quest. Why lakes and running flouds are not salt . Why some fountaines savour of brasse , or salt , &c. Quest. Of the Seas ebbing and flowing . Why the Mediterranean & West-Indian Seas have no flux or reflux . Of Magellanes Strait , what maketh so violent a tyde there . Why the Mare Del Zur hath flux , and not the neighbouring Sea. Why Lakes & Rivers ebbe not nor flow not . Why the Sea w●xes never more nor lesse for all the waters runne to and from it . Quest. If the Seas be fresh some fathomes below he superfice . The probability , that certaine Seas may be fresh low . Quest. Reason for the burning hi●ls which are in divers Countries . The true cause of earth-quakes . The comparison of the earth and mans a body . Reasons why there is no time ▪ The Reasons confuted . What things are said to be in Time. Aristotles opinion , that Time is the ruine of things how to be expounded . Quest. Of the wittinesse of Dogs ●nd Horses . Of the love of a Dog to his Master . Discourse of a Dogs memory . Distinction between things done by reason and a naturall inclination . That certaine plants & herbs vvill grow hi●dlier together than others . The true cause how the hard Adamant is dissolved in a dish of Goats bloud . What maketh the Loadstone draw Iron . What maketh the Needle in a Sea compasse turne ever to the North. Reasons pr● and contra that fishes breath . What way fishes may be said to breath . If herring can ●●ie . How herring may be engendred in the Aire . A sea-sawing r●●●on why herring 〈◊〉 site . Apodes , or fowles without feet or Plumes . Of Claick Geese . Diverse kindes of Insects . Sea Insects . Reasons why Insects are not propagated by a Celestiall heat . What middle Creatures are . How fishes can be said to live by the Sea seeing their flesh is more firme then the water whereof they are gene●●ted . How fowles are brought forth in waters The cause of the firme flesh of fishes . That Gold cannot bee made potable . The matter of precious stones Quest. Two Philosophicall wayes to know things . What leeteth that We cannot aright give up the supputation of the Earths cricumference . Diversity of opinions concerning the worlds Compasse . The earths circumference or compasse . The thicknesse of the earth . Distance of the earth from heaven . The most approved opinion of the earths distance from the Sun. Notes for div A09500-e13920 Definition of Meteors : their matter , substance and height of formation . Meteors severally considered by Philosophers and na●uralists . A comparison of these Vapors ●nto the body of man , chiefly to the ven●●icle and head , Whether there be any exhala●ions from the lowest Region of the ayre ? The lowest region of the aire is hot and moist , both by nature and accident . The uppermost region hot and dry . The middle region is only cold , at least respectively . In what region of the Ayre the Meteors are composed . What clouds are . Clouds are fashioned in the middle region . Concerning the middle ●●gion . Solution . The foggy vapours which we see like clouds skimming our lakes are but ascending to frame the cloud . The matter and forme of fiery Meteors from whence they proceed . What are our falling-stars . What maketh them fal dovvn seeing they are light ? Solution . Of thun●er , the matter whereof , and place where . The matter & forme of th●se which we call pretty Dancers Fower sorts of vapors ascend from the earth and waters which ar● the neerest m●tter of all Meteors ▪ Ayre what . Raine what . wind . Quest. What is the cause , that the falling Stars make no noyse as the Thunder seeing one matter is common to both . What meaneth these fi●es wee see by night before us or by us when we ride at some times . Why are they not seene in the day time ▪ What be these complainings and laughing which sometimes are heard in the ayre ? They are Aereall spirits . The nature & forme of comets . The reason of their long hayre or beard . Sometimes they are round . Halos . 1. area ▪ What are the Circles about the Moone , which we call broughes ? What course the Comets observe . Answer for the diverse courses of Comets . What maketh the Comets commonly move from the South to the North. The place of their abode commonly . Whether or not they can portend evill to come . The Philosophers deny it , admitting them but as naturall things . The Philosophicall reason why not . Other of their reasons why they can portend no evill to come . Other reasons of theirs . The contrary is seene by experience . Lamentable accidents which have followed after the appearing of Comets . The reasons which our Astronomicall Philosophers give , that Comets may portend change of States . Examples of Comets appearing before desol●tion . Answer to the former objections . Conclusion of comets with a particular observation . The first matter of raine The way how raine falleth downe . The matter & manner how dew is engendred . What is that which in France we call Serene . The matter & manner how Hoare-frost , are fashioned . The place where dew and hoare-frost are framed . Some more good observations of dew and Hoar-frost What Snow is ? Much Snow in the Northerne climats , and Why ? Difference betwixt the Snowy cloud and the rainy one . The matter and cause of winde . The beginning of wind is but small , but it encreaseth in blowing . A place of Scripture concerning winds solved . What maketh raine commonly follow winde . And what after raine . What maketh some windes cold , other hot seeing one matter is common to both . What maketh that in the heat of Summer there are fewest winds , seeing then there should be most . The way how the wind bloweth . Againe , the way how the wind bloweth . The matter and forme of Earthquakes . What makes the Southerne countries most subject to these earthquakes . The od● betweene wind & earthquakes ▪ A very fit comparison . As our bodies are stirred with a hot ague , even so the earth with an inclosed wind . A remarkable question . Solutions both Philosophicall and Theologicall . What is the matter of lightnings . The right cause of the noyse of thunder after the lightning . Why we see the lightning before wee heare the noyse . And why do●● it descend seing it is light . The cause of the admirable effects of thunder . Why the thunder of blacke clouds are more terrible , then those of White . Why those that be thunder beaten smell of brimstone . The true matter of thunder . The reason why the thunder of black clouds are most dangerous . All weake Meteors have one common matter ▪ Their difference in forme , and place . Why haile is round . Why raine falleth in drops . From whence fountains have their courses . That there is waters within the earth . The Sea the mother of fountaines . How Fountaines are on the tops of mountaines . How mountaine ; furnisheth water unto fountains . Why some springs cease running . What maketh two fountaines a little distant , one hot and another cold . The veines through which the waters run maketh them salt , hot , or cold . Gods power outreacheth mans wisdome ▪ The comparison of the great & little world . A worthy similitude . Notes for div A09500-e18060 Greatest armies have not alwayes done great . Semiramis innumerable army defeated by a very few under an Indian Prince . Xerxes alio overthrowne by a handfull of Greekes and Salamines . The battaile of Thermopilae . Iohn King of France overthrowne by Edward the black Prince of England . Edward Carnarvan of england overthrowen by Bruce at Bannak-burne . Scanderbeg with a handful● overthrew Mahomet . If Princes may hazzard their persons in a field or not . Queene Elizabeth on the front of her armie in 88. The countenance of a King a great incouragement unto souldiers ▪ When a King should be in proper person in a field . Why powerful subjects are not alw●yes fi●est to bee elected Generals of armies . One Generall ●itter , not two , How the Romans and Grecians send two Commanders with their armies abroad . Their foresight and prudence herein . Fabius and Marcellus contrary dispositions . Why the Grecians did send alwayes two , in ambassage , or to field . The limitating of Generals Commission dangerous . Great ods betwixt battels and duels . To shun fighting at times is no disgrace unto a General Hannibal sueth for peace at Scipio . Hannibals speech unto Scipio . Sr. Fr. Drakes stratageme in 88. Hannibals stratagem . A comparison of drawing up of our armies with the Old Romans . If the Roman field malice exceeded ours , yet our beleaguring , & instruments of warre exceed theirs . The terriblenes of our pieces . How the Romans had a fitter occasion of trying their valour then we . The battell of Lepanto surpasseth all the Romans Sea-fights . Foure formes of drawing up of armies used by the Romans Description of the battell of Cannas . The defeates of Cannas and Trasimenes rather by the Romans unskilfulnesse then prowesse of their foes . A maxime of military discipline . Pompey his oversight at the battell of Pharsalia . The neerer our owne tim●s writers are more spa●ing to write without sure warc●nds . More battels of ●ate amongst the French , than all countries ●e●ide . Few fights abroad to their commendation ▪ The Spaniard more slow and mature in their doings than the French. Emulation betwixt the house of Gwyse and Bourbon , and not religion the cause of warres of France . Notes for div A09500-e22260 France most subject to Duels . ●ombats authorised . Lotharius tryall of his wifes Chastitie . Champions in Duell to cleere Queenes Honours . That Ladyes have fought combats . Combats of Church-men ▪ Combats of Iudges and Counsellors a● Law. Combats , whereof Kings have been spectators . Combats rewarded by Kings . S. Almachius slaine for speaking against combats . Six score men killed in combats in one voyage of K. Lewis of Fran. The quarrell , a Commander on the Kings side . * A principall man in the Dukes party , and brother to him . The challenge The combat . Comparison of the French and Spaniard , Venetian and Florentine . A duel betwixt two Spaniards granted by the authority , and fought in the presence of the Emperour Char●es the 5. The occasion , and quarrell . Occasion , moving the challenger to petition a publike combate . Conditions granted by the Emperour whereupon they should fight . Ceremonies observed in this combate . The event of ●heir fight . What way combats permissible if they should be at all suffered . The Canon Law gaine-sa●eth their permission , and Why ? Example where in a Du●ll the innocent was killed We should rather referre to God the punishment of a misdeed , which by no legall meanes can be cleared , rather then to a fight . David his fight with Goliah should not serve for example , and Why ? Cardinall Cajetan his permission where ●nd how ? Solution of certaine Ob●●ctions . It is not a good consequence , seeing I refuse Duells , therefore Batteils too . No more is it a good consequence , if wars and Battels be lawfull , therefore Combats 〈◊〉 A Notable Combat of 3. Brethren Romans against so many Albans . Their fight . Some Grecian , Roman , Hunnish , Danish Kings have combated with others for saving much bloud . Challenge , but no meeting nor fight , betwixt the Prince of Aragon , and Charles of Anjou . Challenge , betwixt Charles the 5. and the French King , Francis. The occasion of the quarrell . Combate of 13 French knights against so many Italians . The quarrell and challenge . The conditions agreed upon . Observation upon this combat . A memorable combat betwixt two powerfull Clan : & parties of our own nation d●bated of Pearth . The conditions accepted and agreed upon . An Exemplary Combat betwixt two French Barons . Notes for div A09500-e26440 All things we see serves to refresh our memories of death and mortality . The documents of all the old Philosophers tendeth to this chiefly , not to feare death . Burials and tombs in most conspicuous places erected for that cause . Iulius Caesar his death which hee wished , not to be allowed of by a Christian. S. Augustine reputeth it a token rather of pusillanimity to put hand on our selves , than of courage . My usuall prayer . The ancients for all their good injunctions , yet feared it . Not to be afraid of death , and why ? All things except man keepe their constant course . If change be in things , a token of Gods wrath . The Antiquity of interring the dead . The Old Roman Empero●s respect had thereunto . Alexander of Macedon daunced about Achilles tombe . Sylla his cruelty against burialls remarked in Histories . The memory they carry to the dead , in Vraba , and the way how they use the Corps . The manner of burialls observed in Find-land and Lapland . That same sort observed of old in this same Country , and yet in certaine parts of our Highland● ▪ The Aegyptian burials and their Momies most remarkable . Two sorts of interring the dead most remarkable . The Romans burned & consumed theirs to ashes . The Indians againe did eat their dead as thinking their bellies a honorable sepulchre for them . The dumbe & silent obsequies of our burialls condemned . A History of a Gentlewoman , who for not being interred in the Church-yard molested her family , by her ghost , while she was disinterred , and according as shee desired , was buried . Notes for div A09500-e27990 Bartol and Vlpian admit deceit to bee used with the circumventer , and no faith to be kept to particular enemies The Emperour Augustus kept faith , although to a rogue . Of mentall reservation , what it is . Cleomenes although packt up a truce with his enemy , for some-dayes , yet in the night surprised them Alexander the great could honourably say , Malo me fortunae pe●iteat quàm victoriae pudeat . The Romane offended with their Legat L. Marcius , because that in their warres under him with Perseus King of Macedon , he used subtilties and circumventions . The manner observed by the ancients in making their truces , peace , or other pactions . The termes and words of their covenants . The Grecians branded with that , to be called , Not keepers of their oathes . Pope Alexander and his nephew Borgia both remarked dishonest in their deeds and words . Other Popes guilty of that same fault . Exhortation to his Countrey-people not to doe so . The integrity of ancient Romans . Of keeping no faith to enemies . A fault ' committed by our Duke Aubigny at the siege of Capua , or rather by the insolent French under him . A Cruelty committed at Genoa against the French within , by the Spanyard without . Notes for div A09500-e29810 Little good followeth commonly excesse of mirth and laughter . Examples of Nebuchadonozor , Baliasar , and the rich glutton to this purpose . Examples of such who in the middest of all their felicities , have been taken away . Wisely was it ordained that the Paschall Lambe should be eaten with foure hearbes . Our Saviour did never laugh . Foure famous and renowned Warriors , have shed teares . The Emperor Adrian even amidst all his triumphs . remembring the frailty of nature . The Prophet David , when he did heare of Absoloms death Iulius Caesar at Pompeys head . Vespasian seeing the temple of Salomon on fire . Xerxes seeing all his numerous Army before him . We reade of Horses which have wept . The Teare which is in the Abby Church of Vandome , what it can be . Weeping for the dead allowable , provided , it be not immoderate . The matter 〈◊〉 our teares . We laugh and weepe dive●sly for the selfe-same causes . Neither they commendable who laugh alwayes , nor they who mourne . Notes for div A09500-e31620 Difference betwixt factions and seditions . Vproare of the Commons at Rome against the Patricians , appeased by Menenius Agrippa . Emulation and ambition in well doing is allowable . Curiosity the Mother of mischief . Our Schooles and Learned men not exempt from it . What peace hath the most curious questions brought unto the Church , but rather hath divided us all . In Metaphysick we crossed to know , if there be in nature any other production besides Creation and Generation . Whether accidents be create or concreat . If God may sustayne accidents without their substances to subsist in . The actions of Gods will tend unto , and terminate with a subject . If there be multiplicity of formes in one selfe same matter . If formes of matters be extracted out of the potentialitie of the matter . If Angels be species or individualls . Curiosity in Logick to know what sort of relation betweene the creature and the Creator . What Heaven the Prophet Enoch was wrapt unto . What and where Abrahams bosome If beasts , herbs plants , will bee renewed with man after the resurrection . If there be degrees of glory in heaven . What language in heaven . Curiosity in Physicke to know whether there be more worlds then one . If there was one before this . The Starres and heavenly lights force not our inclinations . The inclination of Parent● more mooveth children naturally , then the Starres doe . The number and greatnesse of certain Stars in the via lactea . Diversities of opinions . Via Lactea differently given up . The enquiry of the secrets of nature , convenient food for a curious Spirit . Eudoxus craved to be neere the Sunne although it should be with the hazard of his life , as that hee might knowe it . Because curiosity to know , is a plague , therefore our faith is settled upon things incredible to human reason . The Gods of the Ancients were pourtraited with their fingers upon their mouthes , and why . As in Divine mysteries we should not be too curious : So should we not in any worldly businesse . As we should not b● over-curious ; ●o should we not be l●sse curious with the Stoicks referring all to destiny . As the most curious craftsman is not ever either the wisest or the Wealthiest ; So the most curious heads are not they to whom God manifests his se●rets . God as hee is above Nature , so worketh he beyond Nature some times . Great and sublime spirits stumble more vilely , then the meane● sort . Dion : Areopagita's observation of the Ecclipse at our Saviours suffering . Opinions of the needle in the compasse . Of Nilus , her sourse and inundation . Mens dispositions . Burning hills and Mountaines . Columbus first intention , and motive to his voyage . Columbus his reason . His voyage . His policy . The cause of dearth since Columbus voyage . Columbus's worth depraved . His vindication . Columbus denomination of Americus conferred on Vespucius . Here againe vindicated . Another aspersion on him . Livias curiosity . Notes for div A09500-e34950 The understanding and reason in man , is as the Sunne in the firmament . Will , as the Moone which should have no light cut from her Sun , reason . What happines is , according to Aristotle . By our understanding we know God , by our will we love him . What , and wherein consisteth the old Philosophicall felicity , so much spoken of , being that whereof we now treate . That our felici●● cannot consist in the actions of our will. It would seem that our happinesse did not co●sist in the actions of our reason and understanding , but in these of our will. Reasons in favours of Will. The actions of the will , the object of it seemes to bee more noble then these of the intellect . Will and understanding how coincident . This question of felicity consisting in will and understanding is coincident with that Theologicall question , of Faith & good workes . The end of all Sciences is to know , which the Philosopher saith is good of it selfe ▪ The properties of our Soveraigne happinesse . The greatest property of our feli●i●y is , as to crave nothing more , so not to feare the losse of that which wee have . Wealth and honour cannot be our happinesse . The different opinions of the Philosophers upon this purpose . Happinesse wherein it did consist , according to Socra . The Epicureans and Stoicks , their opinions ▪ The latter Philosophers have refuted al others establishing their owne . Finally , what our true felicity is , and wherein it doth consist . By this soveraine felicity , a man liveth in tranquility , and dieth in peace . Notes for div A09500-e36320 A Simile . Difference betwixt Platonick and Christians . Multiplicity of Gods , amongst the heathen . The Trinity shadowed by Plato . Plato his reasons why the world liveth . His opinion of God. Some of the Hebrews of the same mind . Platos opinion of propagation and continuance of all things . Platos termes not far different from Moses words . Comparison of the old Roman Philosophers with the Roman Church now . The Hierarchie of blessed Spirits . Notes for div A09500-e38380 Sleepe , mainteiner of all living creatures Perseus dyed for want of sleepe . Causes of sleep Secondary . Thirois murther . Alexander the great his sleep . Augustus his . Alexanders great fortune . Catoes sleepe . His death . A digression against selfe murder . In his booke de Senectute . Division of dreames . Natural which Accidentall . Divine . Diabolicall ▪ Severus dream of Pertinax . Severus causeth to be cast the manner of his dreame in brasse . Henry the 5 th . his admirable dreame . Cicero's dream of Octavianus . Notes for div A09500-e40260 Antiquity superstitious in the observance of numbers . The use of number . Three Heavens . Three Hells . Heathnick superstitions . Poeticall fictions . Theologicall and Morall Vertues . Of Sinne. How our appetites are bridled . Christian duties . How wee offend God , an how to appease him . Christs humiliation and exalation . How to know God. David . Salomon . Mans Enemies . Love. Of Feare . Degrees of government . About dye●● What Creatures God ordained for mans use . Physicians . Lawyers . Iudges . Division of Lawes . Chirurgian . Oratour ▪ Civilian . Poets . Physicall observations Customes amongst the Persians . The seven ages of mans life attributed to the seven Planets . Seven Wonders . Notes for div A09500-e43820 Two kindes of Miracles . False Miracles which . True Miracles . Difference betwixt true and false Miracles . Why God permitteth false miracles . When miracles were most necessary . The piety of the ancient Romans after any remakeble Prodigies . Christians blamed . A River ra● blood . The institution of the Nov●ndi●lia sacra . The heavens burned . Three Moones ▪ A childe of a moneth old spake . Men seene in the skie . Two moones at once . A greene Palme tree tooke fire of it selfe . Rivers runne blood . An Oxe spake . It rained stones . Ensignes sweat blood . 〈…〉 The ●arth rend asunder . A Statue wept . The Capitoll destroyed by fire from heaven . Images in Temples sweat blood . Instruments heard to play where none were . An Oxe spake . A Comet like a sword hang over Ierusalem . An Oxe cal●ed . Formidable Thunders & Earth-quakes The deboarding of Tyber ominous to Rome . A blazing starre . The sea cast out monsters . It rained blood three dayes . A huge stone fell from heaven . A great piece of Ice fell in Rome . Conclusion ▪ Notes for div A09500-e46030 〈…〉 His meeting with an Her●●te . His proficiencie in the Art of Chimestrie . His Present to the Senate . Restored to favour . He is suspected of Treachery . Hee flyes to Bavaria . He is hanged on a gilded Gybbet● The plenty of gold which the West Indians have . The true matter of gold . Ripleus c. 3. P. 74. Iodoc. Grenerus p. 36. ●los Flor. p. 35. 37. Thom. Aquin . ad fratrem , c. 1. Tauladan . p. 28. Rosarum . p. 18. Libaniu● Mullerus ▪ Aquinase . 3. Daustricus . p. 16. Monachus p. 16. Benedictus p. 5● , 57 , 58. &c. Mo●iennes two principless Solut. & coagulat . Moriennes Theob . Arnaldus . 〈◊〉 p. 61 , 62. Exercet . 3. in tu bam . Arnald . in specie . Scala philosoph . p. 103 ▪ Mulletus de lap . philosoph Rosarium p. 189. Libanius Arnaldus . Iullius , p. 116. Arnaldus . Mullerus . Miracula chymica . Libanius . Isaacus . Lullius . Calid . c. 6. Rolinus . p. 283. Dastin●s p. 30. Mullerus . Libanius . Scotus p. 61. ●●1 . Agur●lls . Notes for div A09500-e48280 Three speciall points wherewith the ancient Philosophers was most perplexed . The opinions of the old Philosophers concerning the nature of the Gods. The philosophers not only admitted their Gods a● inventers of good , but fomenters of evill also . The Philosophicall errour concerning the discent and progenie of their Gods. The errours touching the descent of their soules . Divers opinions of the philosophers concerning the substance of their soules . The different opinion concerning the event of soules after their separation from their bodies . Their reasons why there were mo● worlds than one . Opinions concerning the Eternitie of the World. The Gymnosophists answere concerning the Eternitie . The Philosophicall differences concerning the beginning of the World. The fond conceites of those who imagined all things to be by the encounter of Atoms . A theological observation upon the premisses . Our Christian beleefe touching the Worlds beginning and ending . Three wayes of knowing God. A briefe description of the World. The division of the heavens and Coelestiall Spheares . The Plannets and their retrodations in their proper spheares . Cause of the Moones change . Different motions of the Starres . What the great Platonick Starre was . The Waters and Earth make but one Globe . Why the Seas debarr'd from overflowing the Earth . Division of the Earth . Of America . What maketh all things so deare now . Of our old known world , the third part is not Christian , and that as yet different amongst it selfe . Division of Asia . The West and East parts . Turkish professors divided amongst themselves . A litle description of America , and the New-found-lands . What time of the yeare the world was created . When probably it may be thought to take an end . Copernick his opinion that the Earth did move , rejected . Why the change of Triplicities cannot be a ground for change of States . The starrie firmament devided in so many Asterismes . Bodin his triplicit●ie is not such . The changing of triplicities notable to change the nature of things ; and Why ? Diversities of peoples natures conformeable to the positure of the heavenly Plannets . The naturall disposition of the Plannets argueth the Inclination of people over which they are planted . If people be changed from that which they were wont to be , Why ? and How ? If some Countries be barren , others plentifull , Why , and How ? Man compared to the World. Qualities of the Northern and Easterne people . The three faculties of the Soule . Conclusion . Notes for div A09500-e54080 Metaphysick first called Sapientia . 2 Phylosophia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3 Prima Philosophia . 4 Philosophia Theologica . 5 Metaphysica and why . Whereof it treateth . Two causes why Metaphysick is added to the other Sciences . The first . The second cause . Metaphysick excelleth other Sciences . A supposition resolved . First Reason . Second Reason . Third Reason . That Metaphysick is free from all subjection to other Sciences . Reason . Why the Science of Metaphysick is most honourable . Comparison . Christian Philosophers . Aristotle . Fonseca . Suarez . That the consideration of mans soule , and not himselfe belongeth to Metaphysick . Ruvins his opinion . The benefit of the knowle●ge of the Metaphysick● . Controversies . 
A59232	----	The method to science by J.S. Sergeant, John, 1622-1707. 1696 Approx. 739 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 232 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59232 Wing S2579 ESTC R18009 12437472 ocm 12437472 62043 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59232) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62043) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 296:3) The method to science by J.S. Sergeant, John, 1622-1707. [70], 429 p. Printed by W. Redmayne ... and are be sold by Thomas Metcalf ..., London : 1696. Attributed to John Sergeant. Cf. Errata: p. [7]. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Science -- Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. 2004-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE METHOD TO Science . By I. S. LONDON , Printed by W. Redmayne for the Author , and are to be Sold by Thomas Metcalf , Bookseller , over against Earl's-Court in Drury-lane , 1696. Book I. Of the First Operation of our Understanding . Less . 1. OF NOTIONS , or the very First Ground on which all Science is built . Less . 2. Of the Distinction of Natural Notions , and of the Reducing them under Ten Common Heads . p. 10 Less . 3. How these Common Heads of Notions are to be Divided , and of the Common Head of SUBSTANCE . p. 25 ●ess . 4. Some Considerations belonging to those Heads of Notions , or to the Ten Predicaments in Common . p. 36 ●ess . 5. Of the Common Head call'd QUANTITY . p. 50 ●ess . 6. Of the Common Head of QUALITY . p. 60 ●ess . 7. Of the Common Head of RELATION . p. 71 Less . 8. Of the Common Heads of ACTION and PASSION . p. 81 Less . 9. Of the Common Head of UBI , or WHERE . p. 89 Less . 10. Of the Common Head o● QUANDO , or WHEN . p. 9● Less . 11. Of the Expressions of ou● NOTIONS by WORDS . p. 100 Book II. Of the Second Operation o● our Understanding , or JUDG●MENTS . Less . 1. OF the Nature of Judg●ments , or Propositions , Common ; Of their Parts ; Of 〈◊〉 Ground of their Verification , 〈◊〉 of the several Manners of Predic●ting . p. 11● Less . 2. Of Self-evident Propositions First Principles . p. 1●● Less . 3. That First Principles are Ide●●tical Propositions , prov'd by Insta●●ces . The Use that is to be made of them . Also , of some Other Propositions , either in whole or in part , Formally Identical ; and of the Reducing of Inferiour Truths to Self-evident Propositions . p. 15● Less . 4. Of the Generating of Knowledge in us ; and of the Method how this is perform'd . p. 163 Book III. Of the Third Operation of our Understanding , DISCOURSE ; and of the Effects and Defects of it . Less . 1. OF Artificial Discourse , the Force of Consequence , and of the Only Right Figure of a Syllogism . p. 225 Less . 2. Of the several Manners or Moods of a Syllogism , and of the Laws of Concluding . p. 235 Less . 3. Of the Matter of a Conclusive Syllogism ; or , what Middle Term is Proper for Demonstration . p. 248 Less . 4. How every Truth is to be Reduced to an Identical Proposition ; and , consequently , every Errour to a Contradiction : What Consequences follow thence of one Truth being in another ; and of the Science of Pure Spirits . p. 261 Less . 5. Of other Mediums for Demonstration from the Four Causes . p. 272 Less . 6. Several Instances of Demonstration . p. 288 Less . 7. Other Instances of Demonstration . p. 302 Advertisement . p. 316 Less . 8. Of Opinion and Faith. p. 322 Less . 9. Of Assent , Suspense , Certainty and Uncertainty . p. 344 Less . 10. Of Disputation and Paralogisms . p. 356 Appendix . p. 374 The Errata's in the Preface . PRef . P. 26. l. 15. out of . P. 28. l. 19. cast about . P. 46. l. 19. the Cartesian . Corrections of the Errata . PAge 5. Line 8. onely which . P. 18. l. 10. as is . P. 21. l. 18. that Motion . P. 62. l. 6. most nearly . P. 69. l. 23. but their . P. 75. l. 1. become . P. 77. l. 6. has besides . P. 106. l. 2. False . P. 107. l. 17. Proposition . P. 122. l. 31. A whole . P. 128. l. 12. Sophroniscus . P. 147. l. 18. make . P. 236. l. 16. Proposition is Identical . P. 245. l. 27. & nunc . P. 250. l. 5. that can . P. 255. l. 7. Sensitivum . P. 257. l. 30. 't is Evidently . P. 258. l. ult . Basis. P. 270. l. 31. at one . P. 273. l. 33. est of . P. 281. l. 27. be a kind . P. 301. l. 1. Cause of . P. 308. l. 20. exercise it 's . P. 311. l. 25. there . P. 318. l. 18. Frailty which . P. 321. l. 23. all own . P. 322. l. 3. main . P. 326. l. 1. what is , is . P. 354. l. 20. Erroneous . P. 362. l. 13. he is not . P. 364. l. 30. Grammatical . P. 369. l. 13. The Sixth . P. 370. l. 34. a proud . P. 381. l. 17. with no. P. 388. l. 3. to be . P. 393. l. 19. gives : P. 414. l. 26. very small . P. 417. l. 22. Slender , Flexible and. l. 24. contiguous . P. 419. l. 25. Art. P. 424. l. 18. Is it . P. 425. l. 13. so they . l. 16. do . P. 427. l. 7. Lock . P. 273. l. 17. and seeing . P. 396. l. 21. that is , ' t is . PREFACE DEDICATORY TO THE LEARNED STUDENTS OF Both Our Universities . REason being Man's Nature , and the Proper Act of Reason , the Deducing Evidently New Knowledges out of Antecedent ones , it may seem Wonderful that Mankind , after the using their Reason and Disputing so long time , should still Disagree in their Sentiments , and contradict one another in inferring their Conclusions : so that those who are sam'd for the Greatest Philosophers , do still remain in Perpetual , and ( as far as it can be discern'd ) Endless and Irreconcileable Variance and Dissension about their Tenets . It seems to shock the very Definition of Man , and to lay in some sort a scandal upon Creative Wisdom it self , that , whereas all other Creatures do arrive at the Natural End for which they were made , Mankind alone , nay the Noblest Portion of that Kind , who cultivate their Thoughts with the most exact care that may be , should still miss of Reasoning rightly , and so fall short of True Knowledge , which is their Natural Perfection . What Tree but bears the Fruit Proper to its Kind ? Or , what Cause in the World but produces such Effects as are sutable to its Nature ? And tho' , by the Interfering of Cross-Agents , there happens now and then a Deficiency in some very Few Particulars , yet that Defect is never found in a Considerable part of the Species ; for Chance would not be Chance if it did come near the reaching an Universality : whereas Mankind , in its whole Latitude , seems to fall short of improving it self in Truth ; at least , in gaining Certainty of it ; or , if some have attain'd it , yet the Number of those Right Reasoners is so very Inconsiderable , that they are lost amongst the Croud of those who stray into Errour . Nor can those Happy Few who have light on it , obtain Quiet Possession of what they have Acquir'd ; but their Title to it is perpetually Disputed by Great Multitudes of Pretenders ; who put in their Claim , and set up their Pleas for their Opposit Tenets . Whence , our First Enquiry ought to be , how Man's Nature comes to be so Disabled from performing its Primary Operation , or from Reasoning rightly ; that so we may bethink our selves by what Means it may ( if possible ) recover the true use of its Natural Faculty ; how it may be cur'd of the Impotency it labours under ; and be freed from those Impediments which hinder it from Acting as it ought . 2. Divines will tell us that this mischief happens thro' Original Sin. Nor can it be doubted but there is some Truth in what they alledge . For , questionless , Passion distorts the Understanding by the Ascendent which the Depraved Will has over it in such Concerns as the Will is addicted to , and has espous'd an Interest in . But , this comes not up fully to our difficulty . For , granting that , when the Soul is thus originally tainted , the Will influences and byasses the Understanding , so as it cannot discern clearly the just value of Spiritual Goods , and , by addicting it to such False Goods for which it self has a Passionate Concern , it makes it over-value Vile Pleasures , Aiery Honour or Sordid Profit ; whence , it becomes blinded and makes wrong Iudgments both of the one and the other ; yet , I see no Reason why Original Sin , which works only by giving us Corrupt Inclinations , should hinder us from concluding right in points meerly Speculative , to which our Discourse confines us ; nor why an Archimedes , an Euclid , an Aristotle , or an Hippocrates , tho' Heathens , may not arrive a● Truth in Mathematicks , and other Sciences to which they apply'd themselves ; nor why a man of a Wicked Life , whose Soul is Corrupted with Actual Sin added to Original , may not cast up an Accompt right , as well as he might have done had Adam never fallen . To deduce Consequences right out of other Knowledges , which we call the Premisses , is so nearly ally'd to our very Essence and Rational Nature , that quite to lose that Faculty seems the same as to lose our Manhood ; which we cannot be thought to have forfeited by the Fault of our First Parents . Nor has the Depravation of our Will any Interest or Inclination tempting it to be Accessary to such a Miscarriage : Rather the Acquisition of Science is so Agreeable to our Innate Vanity and Desire of Esteem , that it runs along with the grain of that primigenial Imperfection . The Honour that accrues to an Eminent Scholar prints him in such a Character , and is so grateful to Pride and Self-love , that it excites In●ustry , whets the Wit , and , thence conduces to clear the Understanding . So that t● exercise our Natural Faculty as we ought 〈◊〉 such kind of Studies , and so arrive at an E●cellency in Reasoning , does sooth and not thwart those Vicious Inclinations . Besides , there have been without doubt , many Persons of Eminent Virtue among the Schoolmen both of the present and former Ages ; who by a long practic'd Habit of Virtue have rectify'd those sinister Propensions of the Will inherited from their Parents ; and yet , by their Contradicting one another , we may 〈◊〉 ●ssured that one side does still miss of Truth . Whence we may conclude that neither Virtuous Inclinations do avail the Good , nor do Vicious ones considerably or discernibly hinder the Bad in order to their Attainment of Science : Wherefore , we must look for Another reason for these constant Miscarriages , and this Unaccountable Disagreement among Philosophers and Speculaters ; and how it comes that the Truth or Falshood of very few Conclusions have , in so many Ages , been decisively Determined ; or , which is the same , why Truth , in things subject to Reason , cannot , in so long time , be made clearly ap●ear . Reflecting then that Mathematicians do very rarely disagree in their Conclusions ; or , if any differ from the rest , as in the Quadrature of the Circle , or such like , either thro' Surprize , or Unattentiveness to the long train of Consequences which are prae-requisit to those Conclusions ; and that by this means a Mistake happens , the Errour is evidently discover'd , so that even the Mistaker himself is convinced of his Failing , when it comes to be thorowly examined by others , Learned in the same Art , who like By-standers see more than did the Gamester ; this leads us naturally to consider whether the same Clear Way has been taken in other parts of Philosophy , as has been in that Science . And , at first sight it appears manifestly it has not . For 't is evident that Geometricians do lay for their Axioms Self-evident Propositions and clear Definitions ; and their Postulatums are not such as are meerly begg'd or supposed , and so need our Favour to let them pass for Truths ; but they claim our Assent to them as their Due ; and the Consequenees they draw are all of them Immediate ; which makes the Contexture of the whole Work Close and Compacted . Whereas I have not observ'd that any other sort of Philosophers have taken that Clear Method . Whence we have good reason to suspect that the want of observing this Method , or something Equivalent to it , has been the sole oecasion of all those Deviations from Truth and Disagreements among Philosophers in their Conclusions and Tenets , which we find in the World. I say , [ or something Equivalent to it . ] For , I do not expect that every Demonstrater should be ty'd to observe that severe Method in rigour . This were to condemn Aristotle , and all the Philosophers that ever writ hitherto . 'T is too laborious to the Authour to cast his Thoughts perpetually into that Nice and Exact Frame ; and very Uneasie for the Readers also , and would too much strain their Brains to keep them still bent to such a Solicitous Attention . Besides , a Discourse that proceeds endways by Immediate Connexion , does comprehend as much in one page , as in Euclid's Method could be contain'd in Many . 'T is enough then that such Discourses be so perfectly Consequential , that they can , if need be , bear that most Rigorous Test. And such they must be ; or , otherwise , they will scarce pass muster with Acute Wits , who candidly and unbyassedly pursue Truth . Nor does this precise Mathematical Method sute , in all regards , with the other parts of Philosophy . For the Notions that Science is employ'd in are , for the most part , Extension and Figure ; which being perceptible to our Sight , they show the thing , in some sort , to our Eye , as well as demonstrate it by Reason to our Understanding ; whereas , scarce any Other Science affords us this advantage ; which forces us to have recourse only to our Notions , and to strive to make them Clear by Definitions . In which , having no assistance from our Fancy or Material Representations , they are hence less easily Imprinted and Reflected on ; which makes our Attainment of Science more Laborious . Yet , notwithstanding this Accidental Disadvantage , their Productions are not at all less Evident or less Certain to the Judgment . For , it is not the Noting them with A , B , C , that either makes them True , or shows them to be so ; but the Connexion of the Notions we have of those Lines , Angles , or other Quantities , and of their Proportions to one another , which we voluntarily agree to signifie by such Letters . Whence results this Evident and Comfortable Corollary that Clear Demonstrations may be had , and , consequently , Science attain'd , in other parts of Philosophy , and in all Other Subjects , as well ( tho' not so easily ) as in those of the Mathematicks ; so the Notions belonging to those Subjects be but Clear'd and rightly Connected ; sinee 't is the Connexion of Notions , or ( as Logicians phrase it ) the Connexion of Terms , which does beget Science , and not the Formality of Lines and Letters us'd by Mathematicians . By this time we may seem to have discover'd the true reason of the General Miscarriages of most Philosophers in the pursuit of Truth . For , since 't is Impossible that he who intends to Travel to London , tho' he have both Clear Eyes , and Strong Legs , and employs both of them to his utmost , should ever arrive at his Iourney 's End if he does not take the Right Way to it ; so it is equally Impossible any Man should arrive at Science , if he takes not the right Method or Way to attain it , tho' he have never so Clear a Natural Wit , and a Strong Brain , and labours never so industriously to make use of both to his best advantage . Providence therefore is justify'd , and the Ability of our Natural Faculty asserted ; and the Blame lies wholly at the doors of the Persons who do not first apply their Thoughts to know the Way to Truth , e'er they set forwards in quest of it : but chiefly in those who pretend to be Guides to others , and yet are Themselves Ignorant of the Method that can bring men to it . Mathematicians take the Way , and so arrive at it . Others ( a very few exeepted ) do not take it , and therefore miss of it . Whence we may establish this Fundamental and most Useful Maxim , that The First and Chief Study of those who pursue true Knowledge in Philosophy , is to apply their Industry to comprehend the METHOD or WAY to it : that , If they find not that , their most earnest Study is lost Labour ; but that , having once found it , they cannot doubt of compassing their End by using such Proper Means . But is not the Knowledge of this Method insuperably hard to be attain'd ? For , if it be , we are never the nearer , but still at the same Loss . To give a Stop to such an apprehension , I must avow that no part of Mathematicks is more Demonstrable than is the Way to Demonstrate , or the METHOD TO SCIENCE . Nature ( as we experience ) gives us our Notions ; on which , as on its Elements , all Science is grounded . To make these Clear and Distinct , we can distribute them under Common Heads , and Divide those Heads by Intrinsecal Differences , or such as are Proper to each of them , till we come to the Notion we are to discourse of . While we thus Divide them , we at the same time , and with the same labour , frame Denitions of each Notion comprehended under those respective Heads ; by doing which we gain a Distinct and Clear Conception of them ; which does , to a fair degree , facilitate our Judging whether such or such of them may be with Truth connected in Propositions , ( or in such Speeches as Affirm or Deny , ) in which Truth does Formally consist . To do this more exactly , we consider that those Propositions must either be such as show of themselves that the Two Notions ( call'd it Terms ) must be Connected ; and then they are Self-connected or Self-evident : Or else they need to be shown Connected by means of some other Notion which is Connected with them both ; to show which we call Proving . Those of the Former sort , if perfectly such , are fit to be First Principles ; whose Nature , as Common Sense tells us , is not to need or admit of Proof . The Connexion of the later sort is made known by Proof , or by their joint Connexion with a Third , which we call the Middle Term , Medium or Argument ; to do which is the Proper work of Discourse or Ratiocination : These Three Terms rightly placed or put together , compound that most Close and Exact Discourse call'd a Syllogism . Certain and most Evident Rules may be assign'd how to place those Three Terms in the two first Propositions , so as that Discourse may be most Clear and Perspicuous ; as also , how to find out such a Middle Term as is Proper to Connect the other Two , whose Connexion or Truth is under Dispute ; and to show the Force of the Consequence , and why a New Proposition call'd the Conclusion , must most necessarily follow out of the Former ones . All which being Demonstrated , ( as I have reason to presume is done in this following Treatise ) and the Equivocation of the Words that express our Notions being avoided , I see not what more can be substantially necessary to the METHOD TO SCIENCE . For , our Notions being Clear'd , First Principles establish'd , the true Form of a Syllogism manifested , Proper Middle Terms found , and the Necessity of the Consequence evidenced ; all those Conclusions may be Deduced with Demonstrative Evidence , which ly within our Ken , or which we can have occasion to enquire after ; that is , all that we have Notions of : provided those Notions be not meerly Accidental , or very Remote from one another , and therefore Incapable of being Connected . Yet still there is one Difficulty that sticks , and lies in our way ; and which is more , seems hard to be remov'd . For LOGICK , or the Art of Reasoning rightly , being the Skill which is to teach us this Method to Science ; and so many Logicks being written by Learned Men , and studied by such Multitudes ; how comes it that , notwithstanding such Helps , men do still differ in their Tenets , that is , many or most of them do still err , as much as if they had never had such Proper Assistances . For , if Logick shows them the way to Science , and they take that way , and have a Natural Ability to follow it or walk in it , they must all arrive at Science ; and their Thoughts center in the same Truths without any Disagreement ; the contrary to which we do notwithstanding Experience . To give an Answer to this , I shall be hard put to it how to bear my self between the two Extremes of Modesty , Dissimulation and Boasting . For , if I grant those Logicks are as they ought to be , that is , Full and Evident , and follow'd by Men of divers Sentiments , I must confess I know not how to reply , or solve the Objection . On the other side , to condemn all the Logicks since Aristotle's time , or all Logicks which are not according to his Grounds , is to set up our selves , and savours of Arrogancy . In this porplexity I have no way to secure my self but to speak the plain Truth , and to hope it will bear me out . I must then , in behalf of Truth , declare , that the Pretended Logicks themselves are in the greatest Fault . For , 't is easie to observe , that they do indeed give many dry and unprov'd Rules and Maxims ; they afford many Definitions , some right , some wrong , being oftentimes Illogical and fram'd out of Fancy ; they pester their Books with many unnecessary Divisions and Subdivisions ; they treat very largely of the Predicaments , of Single , Opposit and Aequipollent Propositions ; they are prolix and superfluous in their Doctrine about Syllogisms , their Moods , Figures , several sorts of idle Fallacies , &c. All which look very Learned to New Beginners ; who do , therefore , take much pains to lay them up in their Memory ; I say in their Memory , for none of those passages being Demonstrated , they never sunk into or settled in their Reason . And therefore , notwithstanding all this , when they have as it were got without Book all these particulars , the Readers are no wiser how to demonstrate any point practically , or how to set himself about it , than he was before he read those Treatises . I have studied many of those Logicks my self when I was young , and all of any note I had seen then , and consider'd them very attentively , till I had almost lost my Natural Reason by dwelling upon them ; yet notwithstanding ( and I believe the same passes with other young Students ) I knew no more how to go to work to demonstrate any thing , than if I had never seen them . They started now and then some curious , amusing ( but jejune and useless ) Questions about Ens rationis , Unions , &c. and set many confused Ideas of the several parts of Logick in my Memory ; but still my Reason was not Enlighten'd , nor enabled to perform those fine things they had told me of . Nor was it any wonder ; for they spoke not to my Reason , nor endeavour'd to ground their Discourse on the Nature of the Things in hand ; nor to show demonstratively why every Step they led me , or Lesson they taught me , must be True ; nor how it did influence True Knowledge , or advance directly towards the Acquisition of Science ; so that it look'd more like a kind of History of what those Authours had said or writ , than like a Method to find out Truth ; insomuch that I came at length to suspect that the Intention of those kind of Logicians , was not to pursue the Knowledge of Truth , which is only to be had by Clear Demonstration ; but that they meant to furnish young Wits with certain Modes of Talking with a show of Learning , and of signalizing themselves for being able to argue pro or con indifferently in Scholastick Dissertations . It resembled the Tiring of a Hawk , serving only to exercise its Nibbling Faculty , and whet the Appetite , but had nothing of Nutritive in it to satisfie it . For , Reflexion will teach us very Evidently , that only that which is made Clear to our Reason , can Settle in it , Nourish and Dilate it , as being Proper and Connatural Food to a Rational Soul ; and that whatever we take in or carelesly swallow , that is not such , but meerly Wordish only fills us full of Wind and Ayr , which breaks out in Insipid Talk. The Fault then lies evidently in the Logicks which have been us'd in the Schools hitherto , none of which have attempted to show Demonstratively the Way how to Demonstrate , or given us a Connected Discourse of the METHOD TO SCIENCE . 'T is noted that the Practice of the Preacher going along with his Doctrine , makes the Doctrine it self more Edifying : and , by parity , had the Teachers of Logick Practised Demonstration all the while they had taught how to Demonstrate , those Rules , so Rationally imprinted , sinking deep into their Soul , and thence becoming as it were a Limb or Faculty of their Judgment , would have truly Enabled them how to act accordingly ; whereas , while they swim only in their Memory , they serve for nothing but to pour out indigestedly what they had rawly taken in . But now , where is that Authour who has hitherto made such an Useful and Necessary Attempt ? None that I know of . The Treatise call'd Ars cogitandi has divers Excellent things in it , and in some places has made many good steps towards True Logick ; and the Examples it brings are very Illustrating . But yet , in the main , it amounts to no more but The Schools Reform'd into Method and Elegancy . It abounds with many useless particulars : It does not bottom it self upon Nature , only which can give Solidity to our Reasons : It has many Unprov'd Suppositions , and bare Sayings without offering any Proof . And , yet I do verily believe that , had not the Authours calculated it for that particular sort of Philosophy they had espous'd , which could bear no Evidence , but had follow'd the guidance of their own Natural Genius ( which , doubtless , was very Extraordinary ) it would have much excell'd its present self . * Mr. Le Grand's Method says much , but proves little ; and I believe , both Cartesius , and himself , did first consider and survey the whole Scheme of their Doctrine , and then fitted their Logick to it . Which is Preposterous and Praeter-natural ; for the certain Way to the End of our Iourney should be foreknown , ere we set the First step towards it . Mr. Lushington has with much pains gone about to demonstrate some particulars of the Summulist part of Logick , and chiefly that about Predication . But , there is nothing at all of Nature in his Grounds . He regards not the Common Notions of Mankind , nor in what they consist ; and therefore his Discourses are so perfectly Artificial , that they have nothing to say to Nature , nor Nature to them . He imposes imprudently new Language and new Terms upon his Readers , which he might have assur'd himself they would never take pains to learn. He affects the way of A , B , C , which makes a show of Science ; but the Product of his Discourse is , oftentimes , no more but the bare Proposition he is to prove , onely drest up in a Mathematical Garb. His whole Book , in my judgment , might have been more clearly compriz'd in one Sheet of Paper : And , lastly , as for want of Nature to ground his Conceptions , his several Proofs can never enter into the Reason , so 't is almost Impossible they should ever stay long in the Memory . Yet his Attempt to demonstrate in such a Sceptical Age , and his Industry , deserve a fair Commendation , and may provoke others to make the same Attempt with better Success . Burgersdicius is clearly contriv'd for the Memory onely , and not for the Reason ; and he confounds and over-burthens it too , with the Multitude of his Canons , Rules , and Divisions ; for which he seldome or never gives any reason , but puts them to be Believ'd by his Reader if he pleases ; and , so leaves him still in the dark . Yet he might be made Useful to New Beginners ; were something of every thing , that is to purpose , pick'd out ; Unnecessary things ( in which he super-abounds ) cut off ; his Errours , which are not a few , Corrected by some Learned hand ; and his shatter'd thrums-ends woven into some kind of Connexion , and Dependence on one another ; to do which , little Transitions from one passage to another are Insufficient . But , as he is , he informs not the Understanding of any one thing groundedly or solidly . He falls exceedingly short of Ars cogitandi in many regards : How , he may please Climates of a duller Genius I know not ; but I should much wonder if any Learned Englishman should consider or esteem him . Mr. Clark , far exceeds him in good Sense , and in giving some Reasons for what he says in many particular passages . But , by his framing the Contexture of his Book out of Authours of different Principles , his Discourses do sometimes appear Desultory , and like a kind of Elaborate Rhapsody , laid well together by his own good Wit. He mistakes Aristotle now and then , by taking his Sentiments as represented by his Adversaries ; whose Interest and Principles conspire to make them misconceive him . He abounds with many Reflexions not all conducing to Science . A Fault , from which Aristotle himself was not altogether free ; which makes it more pardonable . For instance ; To what purpose are his many Distinctions of his Propositions , especially those he calls Exponibiles ? Let but the Learner know certainly and liquidly , what are the Subject and Predicate in any Proposition , which is easie to be discover'd by the Copula that is to come between them , and unite them ; and have a care that the words that express them are Univocal ; he will be furnish'd with means to see the Form of Connexion , which is Essential to a Proposition , and is onely Conducive to Science , which wholly consists in the Connexion of Terms . His chief Misfortune is , that he does not seem either at the beginning , or in the Process of his Book , to know , at least to build upon this Truth and stand to it , that our Notions , or ( as the Moderns have taken a Toy to call them ) Ideas , are the very Natures of the Things in our Understanding imprinted by Outward Objects ; without which no Stability of those Notions or Ideas can be , with Evidence , asserted ; nor any Solid knowledge possibly be had of our Predications ; nor the true Ground of Truth or Falshood be understood ; nor , consequently , ean there be any Firmness in our Judgments or Discourses . Whence , I could wish that every Beginner were at first well instructed and settled in this point ; for , without this , all will be but Loose , and Ungrounded Talk in the Air. And , tho' I lose Credit with our late Wits , I must avow that Aristotle's dry Assertion , that [ Anima intelligendo fit omnia , ] tho' it may seem to some a wild Paradox , has more Solid Sense in it , were it rightly understood , and is more Useful to true Philosophy , than all the other Maxims that do not proceed upon it , and suppose it ; which yet I see the Goodness of Nature intimates to many , and forces them to ground their Discourses on it Practically ; even tho' , while they speculate , they deny it , or , at least , seem to doubt of it , or disregard it . Observing therefore this great want under which Philosophy ( which is the Study of Truth ) labours , I have , out of my true Zeal of improving Science , and beating down Scepticism , ( the profest Patron of Ignorance , and covert Parent of all Irreligion ) hazarded the Opinion of Singularity in endeavouring to write and publish a Demonstrative Logick ; at least I have given such Reasons , quite thorough it , as I judg'd to be Clear and Conclusive , in every piece of it that has any Influence upon Scientifical Knowledge . What my Reader may expect from me is this . I begin with our Natural Notions , the Bottom-Ground of all our Knowledge . I show them to be the very Natures of the Things ; whose Metaphysical Verity being Establish'd by Creative Wisdom , does , consequently , give Stability , and Solidity to all our Discourses that are built on them . I distribute those Natural Notions under those several Common Heads , and manifest why there must be so many and no 〈◊〉 show how their Definitions are to be fram'd , which make our Conceptions of the● 〈◊〉 and Distinct. I lay Rules to escape 〈◊〉 Snares , which Equivocal Words lay 〈…〉 way while we are Discoursing . I show ●he Reason of all Truth and Falshood in Connected Notions , or Propositions : Which , if Self-evident and Identical , have Title to be First Principles , as from many Heads I demonstrate . I trace Nature in all those nice and Immediate steps she takes to generate Knowledge in us at First . Coming to those Propositions that need Proof , and the Way of Proving them , I lay open the Fundamental Ground of the Force of Consequence , which gives the Nerves to every Act of True Reasoning , and of the Certainty and Evidence of every Conclusion which we rightly inferr . To perform which , I manifest that there can be but One Necessary or Natural Figure of a Syllogism , and but Four Moods of that Figure . I lay down and fix the Fundamental Laws of Concluding . I evidence the Nature of that Third Notion or Middle Term ; by the Connexion of which with the Two Terms of the Thesis to be Proved , they must inevitably be joyn'd with one another , and so the Thesis it self must be rightly Concluded ; and , therefore , Infallibly True. I show how to find out a Middle Term fit for our purpose , and thence prepare the way for Demonstration . I lay open how every Truth must have at the Bottom an Identical Proposition , and every Errour a Contradiction as their First Principles , and how they may be reduced to those Principles of theirs : To do which ( tho' more laborious ) is the best Way of Demonstrating . I manifest thence how one Truth is in another , and what strange Consequences follow thence . Also , how Middle Terms , Proper for Demonstration , may be taken from all the Four Causes . To clear better the Notion of Science , I treat of the Natures of Opinion , and ( Human ) Faith ; their Grounds , and how the Former of these two last Deviates from Right Reason ; and when the Later does , or does not . Then I consider the Effects issuing from all sorts of Proof ; viz. Assent , Suspense , Certainty , and Uncertainty . And , to put in Practise my self what I do persuade , and recommend to others , I add Seven Demonstrations of the most Considerable Theses in divers Sciences . And , lastly , I lay open the Ways and Methods of Disputation ; and detect the weak Stratagems , and inefficacious Attacques of Fallacies , or Paralogisms . This is the Summ of my Endeavours in common . But , besides these , many particular Knowledges light in on the by , ( and , as I hope , very Useful ones ) which it would be tedious to enumerate . The Manner I use to carry on the Scheme of my Doctrin , is , not to propose my Conceptions Magisterially , or to expect any one should assent to the least Tittle of what I say upon my Word : But , I offer my Reasons for every Paragraph I advance , if it can be conceiv'd to need any ; by doing which I speak to the Reason of my Readers , and withall I expose my self to the Severe Examination of the most Acute and Iudicious Wits ; of which , I doubt not , there are Multitudes in those Seminaries of Learning , our two Famous Universities ; to whom I humbly dedicate this small Present . I neither strive to ingratiate my self by my Style , nor to surprize any by Plausible Discourses ; much less to Impose upon their Understandings by Voluntary Suppositions . I draw now and then divers Useful Corollaries , and some that will seem , I doubt not , Paradoxical ; that so I may carry on my Doctrine to farther Consequences , and show withall to what Unthought-of Conclusions Reason will lead us if we follow her close and home . Nor am I asham'd to declare openly , that I hold , that the Chief End of Science is to beget Virtue ; and not onely to raise us to Higher Contemplation , but also to comfort , and strengthen Divine Faith in us , and to make it more Lively and Operative . Whence I have taken occasion to excite my Reader 's Devotion out of the Reflexions on divers Points , that seem'd of themselves to be but Dry Speculations : making account that Good Thoughts arising , upon the Spot , but of Truths newly Clear'd to our Reason , do affect the Will most connaturally , raise Devotion , heighten Contemplation , and make it Solid ; and , consequently , keep the Soul Clear from Idle Fancies , and set her above Light Bigotteries . I have not enumerated these Particulars to boast my Performances , ( for these are yet to be Decided , by examining whether the Reasons I have all along produced will bear the Test ) but to bespeak my Reader 's Pardon , if , travelling in an unbeaten Road , I happen now and then to stumble . Which as I am not conscious to my self to have done at all , so I shall hope I no where do in any passage that substantially concerns the METHOD TO SCIENCE : Rather , I must positively avow that it is impossible for any Wit of Man to invent any other Way , than what I have propos'd , that is Solid and Evident . For , 't is granted by all Mankind hitherto ( unless , perhaps , the Cartesians ) that Truth is fundamentally the Conformity of our Judgment to the Nature of the Thing , and that it consists Formally in the Connexion of the Terms ; both which I have follow'd most exactly ; and , as some Readers ( I doubt not ) will think , too superstitiously . Now , since Rectum est mensura sui & obliqui , my Design engages me to show ( as far as the Brevity of a Preface will allow ) that the different Methods taken by Others do not lead us to true Science . And , indeed , there is a kind of Necessity laid upon me to make this Charge good : For , since we take Different Methods , if theirs be a Right one , mine must be a Wrong ; and my Publishing it no Advantage , but an Injury to Truth , and to my Greatest Neighbour , the World. The METHODS which I pitch upon to examine , shall be of two sorts , viz. that of Speculative , and that of Experimental Philosophers ; The Former of which pretend to proceed by Reason and Principles ; the Later by Induction ; and both of them aim at advancing Science . Looking about for an Instance if the Former sort , I did not think Epicurus , and his School worth my taking notice of ; for he who supposes all his Principles , bids Defiance to all Methods of Concluding any thing . And , as for our Modern School-Philosophers , they have so disputed themselves quite out of breath for want of any Certain Method , that they have brought all Science to an Indifferency of Opinions , or maintaining any thing with Equal Evidence ( or rather No-Evidence ) a thing absolutely impossible for those who lay any right Method to Science . And this Deficiency of theirs , losing their Credit with our late Wits , have given them occasion to east about how to model Philosophy a-new , and frame it wholly in another Mould : for the Schoolmen on the one side represented Aristotle wrong , and on the other side his ( perhaps affected ) Obscurity , won them rather to believe the Schools concerning his Doctrine , than to be at the Expence of Pains and Patience to understand him right , speaking by himself , or by his First Interpreters . The Inconsiderableness then of other Pretenders to a Method to Science , and the Weakness of their Pleas , throws me forcibly upon examining the Method of that Great Man , Cartesius : It must be confess'd his Method is vastly different from mine . He pretends to a First Principle , and the Self-evidence of that Principle ; which therefore I must either disprove , or give up my Cause , and condemn what I have written ; since it is impossible that two Methods , contrary to one another , can both of them be the right one ; or lay just Claim to Self-evidence in their Principles . But , with how Potent an Adversary has my Unlucky Audaciousness , in attempting to lay a Demonstrative Method to Science oblig'd me to grapple ! It must be acknowledg'd that he was a a Man of that Prodigious Wit , that scarce any Age has produced his Equal . His School has dilated it self into divers Nations ; and his Scholars and Followers are of such Eminent Rank and Name , that it would terrifie any Man to encounter his Doctrine , especially his Principles ( which must be the solidest , strongest , and clearest parts of it ) who had not an unshaken Confidence in the Invincible Strength of TRUTH , under whose ●anner he fights . He dazles the Understanding of his Reader with his most Ingenious and Clear Way of Discoursing ; a Talent peculiar to himself ; and he lays his Thoughts together with such an Artificial and smoothly-flowing Currency , in proper and unaffected Language , that he captivates it at unawares into a Complaisant Assent ; and his greatest Adversary must be forced to confess that , if his Doctrine be not True , at least Truth was never so exactly and handsomely Counterfeited . He postures his Thoughts so dextrously , that nothing but perfect Evidence can break their Ranks , or make a hostile Impression upon them ; so that , if his Hypothesis be False , and hap to be overthrown , it will certainly be the most Glorious Victory Truth ever gain'd . But all those Bug-bears cannot deter me from the Defence of Truth ; in such a Cause , Non Divûm parcimus ulli and the more his Doctrine resembles Truth and has Greater Patrons to abet and carry i● on , the higher Obligation it lays upon me t● detect its Falshood , if I sincerely judge i● Fallacious , and think I can show it to be so I would not be misunderstood to intend her● a Confutation of his Doctrine ; 't is neithe● a Work for a Preface , nor for a Man of m● small Leasure ; but only to take Minutes o● some few , ( but main ) Hinges of his Do●ctrine in order to confute his Method ; leaving it to others who have better parts and less Employments , to carry on my slight Animadversions , if they may be found of weight , to farther Reflexions . To begin then with his six Meditations . In the first place , I cannot conceive why they should be styl'd his Metaphysicks . For 't is proper for that Noblest and Highest Science to treat of Ens , as Ens , or of sueh Notions as concern Being ; which I cannot discern to have been the direct Scope of those Treatises . He sets himself to investigate some First Principle , to fix upon , by a laborious Divesting himself of all those Knowledges he is seemingly possess'd of ; and , after much tossing his Thoughts to and fro● a long time , with doubting or pretending to doubt , of all he had hitherto known , he arrives at length at that odd first Principle of his [ Cogito , ergo sum ] and triumphs mightily with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at his having found it . Against which Procedure ( waving here what I have said of it , Book 2. Less . 4. ) I have divers Exceptions , as Irrational in many Respects . For , First he might as well have made that Inference , or have found that First Principle at the very beginning , when he made his first Doubt ; since [ Dubito ergo sum ] is full as Conclusive of his own Existence as [ Cogito ergo sum ] can be pretended to be . Nor can any reason be given why [ Ego sum dubitans ] does not include in it [ Ego sum ] as well as [ Ego sum Cogitans ] does . And Cartesius himself ( Medit . 3d. ) confesses the same expresly . To what end then did he run on in a long ramble of Doubting , when as the very first Act of Doubting , would have done his whole business , and have prov'd that he is ? If it be pretended that [ Ego cogito ] was more comprehensive than [ Ego dubito ] because Doubting is one Head , or sort of Thinking , then his Argument should have been put thus [ Dubito ergo cogito ] as we argue from [ Est Homo ] ( which is one kind of Animal ) to Ergo est Animal ; whereas he takes and pursues a quite different Method . 2dly . He infers his First Principle , [ Ego sum ] and so makes it a kind of Conclusion ; which is clearly against the Nature of First Principles , they being Self-evident , and , therefore Incapable of being Inferr'd or Prov'd ; because there is nothing more Evident than themselves to inferr or prove them by . I know Spinoza , and some others of his School , deny he meant an Inference , but intended by these Words one positive proposition , viz. Ego sum cogitans , or P●es cogitans . But , what means then the Illative particle [ Ergo ] or what sense bears it ? Or , why did himself in his Third Meditation say expresly , [ Ex eo quod dubito SEQUITUR me esse ? ] Again , his first Principle is deny'd by himself to be [ Ego sum res cogitans ] but meerly [ Ego sum , ] at which he arrives by the means of Ego cogito : For , in the 2d . Meditation he has these words . Nunquam efficiet Deceptor ille summè potens , &c. ut nihil sim , quamdiu me aliquid esse cogitabo ; adeò ut — denique statuendum sit hoc pronunciatum , [ Ego sum , ] [ Ego existo ] — necessariò esse verum . But , not to hold him too severely to his own words , tho' no Man uses to express himself more clearly , let his First Principle be [ Ego sum cogitans ; ] I object then farther against it . 3dly , That , notwîthstanding all that can be alledg'd , it must be granted , he has inferr'd and prov'd that whole First Principle . For was not all that anteceded to the finding it so many Discourses or Reasonings ? And did he not evidently inferr this to be True , because all else might be doubted of ? If not , to what purpose did he pretend he might doubt of all else ? For , if this was Evident of it self , and not needed to be Prov'd , he might have propos'd it at first , without making all that a-do . 4thly , Since he must necessarily grant that something or other is inferr'd or Prov'd by him , that is , follows from his Antecedent Discourses ; and , it is evident that , in his opinion , something did follow thence , because he discours'd or Argu'd all the while , and us'd more than once the word [ Sequitur ; ] and no such Discourse can be , but something must still follow out of what went before ; he ought , in the First place , and ere he began his Discourse , or went about to speak consequentially , to have been perfectly satisfy'd himself , and have shown his Readers , so as to put it past all Doubt , what the Force of a right Consequence is , and in what it consists ; and that himself , while he discours'd , did make use of such right Consequences . And , he should the rather have done this , because Men do more frequently err in drawing Consequences , than in judging that they have a Body , that they see , feel , hear , or use their other Senses ; all which he represents as possible to be doubted of . Whereas , he never starts or makes the least Doubt of his Consequences , which are to bind the parts of his Discourse together all along , and so bring him orderly to his First Principle ; nor gives any Reason why they may not be Doubted of as well as the rest ; nor takes care to settle that Doubt . Which shows that he is not true to his own extravagant Method of settling his First Principle , by Doubting of every thing till he comes at it ; but leaves it , and consequently his First Principle , which depends on it , Uncertain . 5thly , and Lastly , No man can have a Clear and Distinct Idea , ( in which , according to him , all Knowledge consists ) of any thing following out of a First Principle , unless he have a Clear and Distinct Knowledge of that Principle it self : But Cartesius , when , in the Progress of his Thoughts , he came to the settling Ego cogito ( or Ego sum ) for his First Principle , had no Clear and Distinct Idea of that Principle it self ; therefore he could have no Clear and Distinct Idea of any thing which follow'd out of that Principle ; and , consequently , all that Method to Science laid by him is Useless to that End , and Fruitless . The Minor ( which onely can need proof ) is thus manifested . For , he had not , as soon as he had arriv'd at that Principle , as yet any Clear and Distinct Knowledge of the Subject of that Principle ( or Proposition ) [ Ego ] and therefore he had no such Knowledge of the Proposition or Principle it self . The Antecedent is confess'd by himself in the words immediately following the place lately cited , viz. [ Nondum tamen satis intelligo quisnam sim ego ille qui jam necessariò sum ] and thence he proceeds to find , after he had found his First Principle , what Ego means , and at length conciudes that he was praecisè res Cogitans , Mens , Ratio , &c. which Clear and Distinct Conception of himself he had not before , tho' he pretended he knew his First Principle . Again , when he was newly come to the Knowledge of that First Principle , he is put to know nothing but barely that ; nor could he gather this Clear Knowledge of himself from that Principle alone , while it was yet Unknown . It were worth our Enquiry then , how , and whence he had this Clear and Distinct Knowledge of himself . He concludes the Soul to be a Distinct Thing from the Body , because the Idea he has of it , and of its Properties and Affections are clearly different from the Idea , he has of the Body , and its Modifications . By which 't is most Evident that , for want of Logick , he reflects not on the Difference between the Nature , and the Suppositum which has the Nature in it ; that is , between the Essence or Nature , and the Ens or Thing . For , if he did , he would have seen that from the having Different , nay Contradictory Ideas of two distinct NATURES , it does not necessarily follow that they must be two THINGS , meaning by Thing the Suppositum . Surely he has a vastly Different Idea of the Divine and Human Natures , and yet will grant that they were both in One Suppositum , or ( which is the same in an Intelligent Being ) in the same Person , And , I am sure , if he holds the Incarnation , he must renounce this Principle of his , that whenever he has distinct Ideas of two Natures , there must be Two Individual Things or Suppositums . It being one of the most Chief and most Fundamental Articles of our Christian Faith , that there is in Christ our Saviour but One Hypostasis or Suppositum ; tho' the Essences and Properties of the Divine and Humane Nature , and the Ideas ( as he calls it ) of them , do still keep their Exact Distinction , and remain Unconfounded ; and that , whoever holds otherwise , and makes them two Suppositums , does ( in the Christian Phrase ) Solvere Christum , 1 Io. 4.3 . I have not time to reckon up , even hintingly , the many Absurdities that spring from this ill-coherent Position of theirs . But , I will keep to this very Maxim of his , and demonstrate that , even according to that , Man , which must be meant by the Pronoun [ Ego ] is truly one thing consisting of Soul and Body , and not a mere Mens . To show this , I deny that he has a C●●ar and Distinct Idea of himself , unless he conceives himself to be a Rational thing ; or , as he calls himself , Ratio ; nor can he clearly conceive himself to be a Rational Thing , but he must conceive himself to be a Thing that infers new Knowledges out of foregoing ones , leasurely , or with succession of Time , which belongs properly to Bodies and Bodily Motion . Wherefore , something of Corporeal , Extended , or Divisible is found in the Clear and Distinct Idea of Ego , or Himself , if he be a Ratio or Rational Thing ; for , were he meerly a Mens or Spirit , his Operations would be Indivisible , Simultaneous and Unsuccessive , as is abundantly demonstrated in divers places of the following Treatise ; particularly in my Seventh Demonstration , Book 3. Lesson 7. Among the other points , he brings as possible to be yet doubted of , he puts this for one , that a Four-squar'd thing has in it four sides and no more ; of which he pretends he may yet doubt , because some most Powerful Agent may possibly make that appear to him to be so , tho' it be not true in reality . Now , 't is the very Notion or Essence of a Quadratum , to have but four sides ; and , therefore , the Proposition affirming that it has just four sides , is perfectly Identical , and the same as to say , What has but four sides , has but four sides . It being then impossible any thing can be more Certain , or more Evident than an Identical Proposition ; I would ask why he might not as well be Deceivable in his First Principle [ Cogito ergo sum ] as in that Self-evident Proposition ! Or , if he pretends that Proposition , [ Ego sum cogitans ] is more Evident than the other ; then , since all Evidence of the Truth of any Proposition , consists in the Close and Clear Connexion of its Terms , I would demand of him or his Scholars , whether there be any Connexion of Terms more Close and more Clear , than there is of those found in an Identical Proposition , which affirms the Same is the Same with it self ? Or , if they say there is , then to know of them in what that Evidence consists , or how it comes to be more Evident ? To make way towards the settling his beloved and self-pleasing Ideas ; he falls to Doubt of the Certainty of all our Senses in order to Knowledge ; and that not onely as a Supposition for Discourse sake , as he pretended to doubt of other things , but really and seriously ; and his Scholar Malbranche † assures us , the Eyes ( and the same he says of the other senses ) are not given us to judge of the Truth of Things , but onely to discern those things which may either Profit , or injure us ; and all over , he makes them improper Means to attain Knowledge by . Which Tenet of theirs lies open to many Exceptions . For , First , The Reason Cartesius assigns , viz. [ Prudentiae est nunquam illis planè confidere qui nos vel semel deceperunt . 'T is a part of Prudence not to trust them at all , who have so much as once deceiv'd us ] is utterly unworthy so Great a Man : For , it discredits all Nature , for some few Men's Morality ; which is a strange Argument for a Philosopher . He that has but once deceiv'd us designedly , is presum'd to have done it out of Knavery ; and consequently , may not deserve to be trusted the second time , because 't is to be fear'd he is still dispos'd to do the same again : But , what is this to Corporeal Nature , in which ( taking in all circumstances ) things are carry'd on from Proper Causes to Proper Effects . Weak men are sometimes deceiv'd by their Senses ; but Speculative or Learned men , who penetrate the Reasons how the Senses came to misinform them , are aware of those undue circumstances , and by that means easily prevent the being led by them into Errour . 2dly , No wise man builds his Judgments barely on the Impressions made on his Senses , being taught by their Reason , as well as by the Senses themselves better circumstanced ( that is , by Experience ) that they do sometime , deceive us . Whence , they reserve in their Minds certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in what circumstances we may truly give Credit to their Testimony , in what , not . Now , since Exceptio firmat Regulam , to say their Information is to be Excepted against in such Circumstances , is to acknowledge that in all others they are to be trusted . 3dly , As Art does preserve the Learned from being Deceiv'd by the Shortness of the Senses in some Cases , so ( as was said lately ) the Senses themselves do generally correct the False Iudgments they may have occasion'd in Weak People . For example , ( to use some of the Instances they object , ) a Brand whirled round represents a Circle of Fire ; a Stick in the Water looks Crooked ; a Square Tower seen a far off appears Round , and Great Bodies Little. But when the Seer comes near the Brand , the Tower and those Great Bodies , or beholds the Stick out of the Water , he having now a more exact View of them in better Circumstances , is inform'd certainly by the same Sense , ( and , if need be , by others conspiring with it , ) that the former representations were not sincere ; whence he easily corrects his former Mistakes . Why then must the Senses be quite discarded as Useless Servants for Knowledge , and be branded for constant Lyers and Deceivers ? since , if we apply them as we ought , they are the Proper Means to make us correct these too forward Iudgments , which in improper Circumstances they may have occasion'd . Nay , they advance our Knowledge accidentally even when they happen to misinform us ; by stirring us up to enquire whence it came , that the right Impressions on them , from the Objects , which were Customary , was thus perverted ; which , doubtless has been the Cause of very many New Knowledges in Nature . 4thly , What is all this to Science , or to our purpose ? For in the Method to Science , we neither need , nor do build our JUDGMENTS on the Senses alone . All we require is , that they convey into our Knowing Power right A●PREHENSIONS or NOTIONS of the things in Nature : And , this 't is Evident they must do ; for tho' , as they object , a Large Square Steeple seen a far off seems Round and Little ; and therefore who Judges it such is Deceiv'd ; yet it imprints truly in my Mind the Notion of Little and Round ; and , 't is on these unmistakable NOTIONS all our Science is built ; and our Judging right in our Speculations is chiefly grounded on other Principles , as will be seen hereafter . Lastly , Themselves must either grant the Certainty of those Impressions on the Senses , or they must confess all their Ideas are nothing worth . For , since they hold that the Objects imprint Motions on the Fibres of the Senses , which , making such a Report ( as it were ) to the Soul , the Proper and ‖ Ingenit Ideas of such a Body are either Excited in the Soul , or else are , as Cartesius elsewhere expresses it , Elicited , that is Produced by it , upon the hint given it by such a Motion ; in case the Impressions causing such Motions be not Sincere , and do not truly inform her , a wrong Idea may come to be made use of , and so they can never have any certain Knowledge of any thing . Having thus got rid of the Senses giving us notice of outward things , by imprinting Notions in them , which Experience teaches us is the Ordinary Way of Knowing any thing ; it follows of course , that they must recurr to Extraordinary ways by Inward means , or to Inward Light ; which is the Method of Fanaticks in Religion , when they have rejected the Ordinary ways of believing their Proper Teachers . And , hence , the Cartesians tell us , they know there is a God , by the Divine Idea of himself Which he has imprinted in them ; which is in other Terms , to say , that they have it ky Divine Revelation ; for Knowledge , according to them , being caus'd in them by those Ideas , nay , consisting formally in thoir having the Ideas of things in them ; and GOD giving them those Ideas without the help of Second Causes , it follows that GOD is the Immediate Cause of all our Knowledge ; and , so , no thanks at all to the things in Nature , or to Natural Agents . These Ideas I can observe by Cartesius's Discourse , are either of Propositions , or else Simple Ideas . Of the former they say , that whatever we clearly and distinctly conceive to be , is true . By which if they mean no more but that whatever we know to be , is ; or that we cannot truly know that to be which is not , nothing is more certain or more Evident by Common Sense ; onely they run counter in their Discourse , and make not the Understanding to be True , because the Outward Thing is so , but they argue that the Thing is therefore thus or thus , because the Idea in the Understanding is such or such ; and , so , they seem to make Truth consist , not in the Conformity of the Understanding to the Thing , but in the Thing 's being Conformable to the Idea in my Understanding ; as Cartesius himself affirms in his Answer to the Instances of Gassendus . How solidly he argues from Simple Ideas may be seen by his Demonstration of a Deity , which he concludes to be , because he has an Idea of a Being that has all Perfections in it , amongst which Existence is one ; which Idea he contends he could never have had from the Things without us , and therefore it must have been imprinted by GOD himself Immediately . In making which proof passable , tho' Cartesius exerts the utmost of his Great Wit , yet this plain Discourse will manifest how untoward and Inconclusive it is . I can have a Notien or Idea of Finis , of non , and of Perfection , and Thing , and All , and lastly of Existence ; and had I not such distinct Ideas of all these , I could not understand the Meaning of those Words ; for an Idea can be nothing but what 's meant by those Words . Having distinct Ideas of all these , I can compound an Idea pf all these , or frame an Idea of a thing that has all Perfections in it , and Existence among the rest : And this Idea is in my Mind , and the Effect purely of my Mind , already imbu'd with those Simple Ideas , and Compounding them ; for I had it not from any one Thing directly , nor did I gather it by Discourse from the Natures of Things I was pre-acquainted with . But how comes it , or how can he argue that because I have such an Idea fram'd by my Mind , it must exist without my Mind , or have a Reality there : unless my Mind could Coyn or Create Beings at her pleasure , as oft as I have a desire to compound such Ideas together ? He plays wittily upon the word [ Existence . ] But we may consider the Notion of Existence , or ( which is all one ) know the Meaning of that Word , and yet abstract whether it does actually put its Formal Effect , that is , whether that Existence is exercis'd or not exercis'd in the thing : which consideration alone spoils his whole Argument : Let us put a parallel . I have a complex Idea of these Words , My Debtor will pay me a Hundred Pounds to Morrow , at Ten a Clock , at his Goldsmiths ; that is , I have in my Mind the Meaning of all these Words ; and Existence is necessarily involv'd in the Meaning of those words , for they signifie Determinate Persons , Time , Place , and Action , all which involve Existence ; will it therefore follow , that that Action of Paying me Money will be , because my Idea includes the Existence of that Action , so determinately circumstanc'd ? Yet upon his Knowledge of a Deity by this Demonstration , depends , by his Discourse , all the Knowledge he has of any Truth , except perhaps of Ego Cogito . What need was there to run after Whimseys coyn'd in the Mint of our own Mind , to Demonstrate a Deity , when there are so many Clear Demonstrations of it from solid Grounds in Nature ? It may seem harsh that I should resemble , tho' Cartesian Method to Fanaticism , or pretend they bring a kind of Enthusiasm into Philosophy . Let the so much applauded Malbranche be my Compurgator . That very Ingenious and Eloquent Person , who has a peculiar Talent of talking Nonsence as prettily and plausibly as any Man I ever read , in his Preface to the First Volume of his Search after Truth , acquaints us with many Extraordinary things , which would no doubt ( as Bayes says ) very much Elevate and Surprize an ordinary Reader . In Common , he confounds all our Moral and Christian Knowledges , which are immediately ordain'd to raise us towards Heaven , and advance Virtue and Sanctity , with the Speculative Knowledges belonging to meer Philosophy ; and most untowardly misapplies the sayings of the Scriptures and Fathers , which were never meant for his purpose , but in order to Devotion , or Mystical Theology , ( nay to the Beatifical State of GOD's manifesting his Divine Essence to the Saints in Heaven ) to the Maxims and Methods by which we are to attain Human Science . In particular , speaking his own sense , according to the Cartesian Doctrine ; he tells us , we must judge of things by the pure Ideas of the Mind ; whereas , I should rather have thought , that we ought to guide our Thoughts , and judge of them , by the Conformity they have to the Things in Nature : since we are sure Creative Wisdom made them , and implanted Truth in them ; whereas , 't is Uncertain whether GOD or our Whimsical Fancies gave us our Ideas ; and , 't is certain they are the Off-spring of the later , if they be not conformable to the Things without us . He tells us farther that , All Sciences are learned by the Attention of the Mind , which is nothing but its Return and Conversion towards God , who onely can teach us Truth by the Manifestation of his Substance . I am heartily glad to know , that Euclid and Archimedes were converted to God , and that they were so infinitely Happy as to see God's Substance ( which is his Essence ) so manifestly . He proceeds , Men must look within themselves , and draw near unto the Light that shines there continually , that their Reason may be the more Illuminated . — The Mind ought to examin all Human Sciences by the Pure Light of Truth which guides it , without hearkening to the False , and confused Testimonies of the Senses . — Those that hear us do not learn the Truths we speak to their Ears , unless he that discover'd them to us , ( he means GOD the Giver of Ideas ) do reveal them at the same time to the Mind . So that all Science it seems , comes by Divine Revelation . To what end then are Teachers , Professours , Schools and Universities , if , when we have done what we can by all our Teaching and Learning , nothing but Divine Revelation must do the business , or gain us any Science . But now he advances to a higher point . The Mind ( says he ) is immediately , and after a very strict manner United to God ; nay , after a stricter and more Essential manner than with the Body . Now , if this be true , I dare affirm that the Mind is more United to God Naturally , than our Saviour's Humanity was Supernaturally and Miraculously . For , This was but United Hypostatically , or according to the Suppositum or Person of the Eternal Word ; whereas , by this new Philosophy , every Human Mind is United Essentially to God , that is to the Godhead it self . For , to be united Essentially is for one Essence to be united to another Essence , that is , to be one or the same Essence with the Divine Essence . Was ever such Quakerism heard of among Philosophers ! Or , plain honest Human Reason so subtiliz'd and exhal'd into Mystick Theology , by Spiritual Alchymy ! Yet , to say True , this is very Consonant to the Doctrine of Ideas . They slight the Instruction of Nature , they scorn to be beholding to their Senses , and Outwards Objects ; which forces them upon Introversion , and to observe ( as the same Authour says ) what Eternal Truth tells us in the Recesses of our Reason ; that is , in their Darling Ideas . Now common Reason ever taught me , and every Man who did but reflect upon what passes within his Understanding , that the Proper and Effectual way to gain a Clear and Distinct Knowledge of our Simple Notions , is to make DEFINITIONS of them ; and there are most Certain Rules of Art , how those Definitions may be fram'd . But , this was too Ordinary a way to please Minds so Extraordinarily Elevated as these Gentlemen pretend to be bless'd with . The highest Flights of Nature do flag , it seems , too low for their Supernatural pitch , nor can reach the Degrees of their Elevation above our dull Horizon . They are Inspir'd with Heaven implanted Ideas ; and , so , they have no more to do but retire their Thoughts into the Inward Recesses of their Mind , embellish'd and guilded with these Shining Innate Ideas , and their work is done without any need of Definitions made by sublunary Art. Sometimes I am apt to think , that they had recourse to those Spiritual Pourtraitures , out of despair of explicating any other way the Essences of Things , or in what they consisted ; and , I fear two of our Learned men lately mention'd , apprehend them to be Inscrutable and In-explicable . Whereas , speaking of Essences in Common , I do assure them , that nothing can be plainer ; and that every Clown were he interrogated orderly , could give us the true Essences , or ( which is the same ) the true Natures of the things he is conversant with . For , whatever makes Mankind call and esteem any Bodies , such or such Things in Distinction from all others , is truly their Essence ; or , ( to speak in the Language of a Philosopher ) let but Matter be determin'd by such a Complexion of Accidents , with that Harmony or Proportion of parts , connected with that Constancy , that it is fit to act a Distinct part upon Nature's stage , or perform its Primary Operation ; that Complexion of Accidents , ( I say ) is truly the Essence of that Body , or the Form that constitutes it such an Ens , or such a Part of , or in , Nature . Perhaps the Cartesians will say , they allow Definitions to make their Ideas Clear and Distinct. But how can this cohere ? Definitions are the Effects of Art , whereas these Ideas are imprinted by God's Hand who gave them their Nature , and * Cartesius says expresly , they are Ingenitae . This being so , and GOD's immediate Works being Perfect , and those Ideas being intended to give them Knowledge , they can need nothing to make them more Clear and Distinct ; nor consequently can the Users of them have any occasion for Definitions , unless perhaps to explain their Ideas to us ; who think we have a firmer Basis to build them on , than those Ideas of theirs . Nature gives the Ground , and Art , the Rules to make them : And they are such necessary Instruments to true and solid Science , that I could wish for the Improvement of Knowledge , that our Universities would appoint a Committee of Learned Men to compile a Dictionary of Definitions for the Notions we use in all parts of Philosophy whatever . Monsieur de Furetiere has attempted to perform this for all words whatever , in Three Volumes ; Out of which may be Collected those that make for our purpose ; which being , by the Ioynt-labour and Concurrence of the Persons deputed , Examined ; if faulty , Amended , and propos'd to the World ; it could not fail of advancing Science highly . In carrying forward such a Noble Work , and so Beneficial to Mandkind , I should willingly contribute my Quota of Endeavours , nor think my pains better bestow'd in any thing I know of . For Definitions explicating or unfolding the Nature of the Thing , and all Proper Causes and Effects being so nearly ally'd to the Nature of the Thing , it follows that there lies involv'd in the Definitions , all Essential and Proper Middle Terms , to demonstrate whatever belongs to the Notion Defin'd , if Right Logick and studious Industry be not wanting . He blames St. Austin , and wishes he had not attributed to External Bodies all the sensible Qualities we perceive by their means . And why ? Because ( says he ) they are not clearly contain'd in the Idea he had of Matter . What Idea St. Austin had of Matter is little to purpose ; but , if he proceeded consequently to his Thoughts , he could not conceive the First Matter to be such as they put theirs to be . For , what Man of Common Sense can frame any Idea of a Thing that has onely Extension in it ; but is not to any degree either Dense or Rare , Easie or Hard to be Divided , Fluid nor Solid , Soft nor Hard ? &c. And , if their Quaint Ideas and Clear and Distinct Conceptions , which seem to be the Ground of all their Witty Discourses , or Divine Revelations ( as Malbranche calls them ) of Science , be no Wiser or Solider than this , which is , or should be the chief Subject of their Physicks , I shall dare to affirm , that they are in plain Terms most ridiculous and most unintelligible Fopperies ; as I have shown at large in my Appendix . And , indeed , how should we make any Clear Idea of their Matter when themselves speak Contradictions concerning it ; as may be seen hereafter , p. 417. where I shall hope I have demonstrated that their Forc'd Silence , Open Prevarications , and perfect Inconsistency in telling us the Intrinsecal Nature of that First Matter of theirs , has render'd them utterly Incapable of explicating any Body in Nature . Nor can we need any greater Confirmation , that their Natural Philosophy is utterly Unprincipled and Unaccountable in the most Essential part of it , than to observe that neither Cartesius himself , nor Regius , Rohault , Regis , Le Grand , nor any of that School I have met with , have ( as I must think ) been Able to give us any Light of it ; since they neither Attempt , nor Mention it ; which shows they are at an utter Loss about the Primordial Constitution of their First Matter ; of which , notwithstanding , they acknowledge all their Three Elements , and , consequently , all Nature was made . These few Particulars ( omitting innumerable others ) I have thought fit to hint , to show that the Method to Science , which the Great Cartesius follows is utterly Incompetent to attain it , and that the Scheme of his Doctrine is merely a piece of Wit. That which gives it most Credit is , that , his Suppositions granted , he proceeds consequently , in the subsequent parts of it , which are purely Mathematical . But , what signifies that , if he neither observes True Logick in laying his Principles ; nor Nature in his Physicks , which he cannot pretend to do , unless he gives us a particular account of the Intrinsecal Constitution of his First Matter , upon which all depends . A Task , I say again , his Followers neither will ever attempt , nor can possibly perform by his Principles , as is shown at large in my Appendix . Yet it must be confess'd , that those kind of Discourses are very Plausible and Taking with the Middling sort of Readers ; and with such who are much pleas'd with a Melodious Gingle of Words , prettily laid together with Neat Eloquence , Quaint Wit , and Unusual Remarks . For those kind of Embellishments do divert the Reader , make the Authours pass for Curious men , and bear a fine Appearance of Truth ; till they come to be scann'd Exactly , and grasp'd close by Severe Reason reducing them to Principles and Connexion of Terms . Which done , it will be found that they afford to the Learner who sincerely seeks for Truth , nothing but certain Bright Flashes or Coruscations ; which do indeed for a time dazle the Fancy , but they settle in the Iudgment no Constant Steady Light to direct them in their Way to true Science . Farther , I must declare , for the Honour of our English Genius , that , tho' we do not match the French in the Finery , Gayity , and Neatness of their delivering their Conceptions ( a Talent in which they are very Excellent ) any more than we do in our Outward Garb , and Dress ; yet , that there are more Solid Productions , well built Truths , and more Iudicious and Ingenious Thoughts of his own in our Learned Countryman Mr. Locke's Treatise , Entituled , An Essay concerning Human Understanding , than ( as far as I have observ'd ) is found in great Multitudes of such slight Discoursers put together . We are come now to consider the Other pretended Method to Science , which is the Way of Experiments or Induction . Concerning which , ( not to repeat what I have occasionally , by way of Reason , alledg'd against it in my following Book ) I need say no more , but that Matter of Fact shows evidently , that this Method , alone , and Unassisted by Principles , is utterly Incompetent or Unable to beget Science . For , what one Universal Conclusion in Natural Philosophy , ( in knowing which kind of Truths Science consists ) has been Demonstrated by Experiments , since the the time that Great man , Sir Francis Bacon , writ his Natural History ? The very Title of which laborious Work shows , that himself did not think Science was attainable by that Method . For , if we reflect well on what manner such pieces are writ , we shall find that it is , ( as he calls it ) meerly Historical , and Narrative of Particular Observations ; from which to deduce Universal Conclusions is against plain Logick , and Common Sense . To aim at Science by such a Method , may be resembled to the Study of finding out the Philosopher's Stone . The Chymist lights on many Useful and Promising things by the way which feed him with false hopes , and decoy him farther ; but he still falls short of his End. What man of any past , or of our present Curious Age , did ever so excell in those Industrious and Ingenious Researches , as that Honour of our Nation , the Incomparable Mr. Boyle ? yet after he had ransack'd all the hidden Recesses of Nature , as far as that Way could carry him , he was still a Sceptick in his Principles of Natural Philosophy ; nor could , with the utmost Inquisitiveness , practic'd by so great a Wit , arrive at any Certain Knowledge whether there was a Vacuum or no : And certainly , we can expect no Science from such a Method that can give us no Certain Knowledge , whether in such a Space there be Something , or Nothing : which , of all others , should be the most easily Distinguishable and Knowable . Lastly , we may observe , that when an Experiment , or ( which is the same ) a Matter of Fact in Nature is discover'd , we are never the nearer knowing what is the Proper Cause of such an Effect , into which we may certainly refu●d it ; which , and onely which , is the Work of SCIENCE . For , Gassendus will explicate it according to his Principles , Cartesius , according to his ; the Noble Sir Kenelin Digby , and his most Learned Master . Albius , ( whom I Iudge to have follow'd the true Aristotelian Principles ) according to theirs ; So that , after all , the assigning the True Natural Cause for that Effect , and explicating it right , must be Decided by way of Reason ; that is , by Demonstrating first whose Principles of Natural Philosophy are True and Solid ; and onely He or They , who can approve their Principles to be such , can pretend to explicate that Natural Production right by resolving it into its Proper Causes , or to have Science how 't is done ; and , however the Experimental Men may be highly Commendable in other Respects , yet onely those who can lay just Claim to True Principles , and make out their Title to them , can be truly held Natural PHILOSOPHERS . Which sufficiently shows that the Way of Experiments cannot be a True METHOD TO SCIENCE . But to leave other Men's Failings , and Return home to my Self . To obviate the Superficial ways of Reason , so magnify'd by other Speculaters , I have endeavour'd to take the quite Contrary Method ; and have laid my Discourses as deep as I could possibly ; and , perhaps , it will be thought I have over-done in those about Identical Propositions ; for which yet I shall hope , the Reasons I have given there for that procedure , will bear me out and justifie me . For the same inducement I have very frequently drawn my Arguments from Metaphysicks ; being well assured that such Mediums do make the Dicourses , built on them , approach nearest to Self-evidence . Nor do I fear it should be objected , that , in a Logical Treatise , I bring such Instances and Corollaries as entrench upon , and make an In-road into divers other Sciences . Rather , I must profess that I held it a precise Duty in my Circumstances ; because Logick , or the Art of Reasoning , being a Common Instrument to attain all Science , I was to show how it was , upon occasion , to be Apply'd to as many of them as I could ; so I do not make unreasonable Excursions to hunt for them in Foreign Subjects , but that they light Naturally in my way . Lastly , I thought it became a Lover of Peace and Union among Christians to endeavour they should not wrangle about Equivocal Words , so their Meanings be justifiable . In a word , 't is Connexion of Terms which I onely esteem as Proper to advance Science . Where I find not such Connexion , and the Discourse grounded on Self-evident Principles , or ( which is the same ) on the Metaphysical Verity of the Subject , which engages the Nature of the Thing , I neither expect Science can be gain'd , nor the Method to Science Establish'd . But , this done , I make account both the one and the other may be hoped for . How well I have behav'd my self in attempting this , is left to the Iudgment of those who are the Proper Umpires in such Matters , I mean your selves . Your True Honourer and Humble Servant , I. S. THE METHOD TO SCIENCE . BOOK I. LESSON I. Of Notions , or the very First Ground on which all Science is built . 1. WE experience , that Impressions are made upon our Senses , and that those Impressions are Different , according to the different Nature of the Objects that imprint them . 2. We experience also , that those Impressions do not stay in the Outward Senses , but reach the Soul , and affect it . 3. Every thing being received according to the nature of the Subject that receives it , and the nature of the Soul being a Capacity of Knowledge ; hence , those Impressions must so affect the Soul , as to cause some kind of Knowledge in her , how rude and Imperfect soever it may yet be . 4. The Impressions from Objects that affect the Senses , and by them the Soul , do carry the very Nature of those Objects along with them , and imprint them in the Soul : which Prints , or , as it were , Stamps , as received in the Understanding , we call Notions . 5. Wherefore Notions are the First and Rudest Draughts of Knowledge ; being most Simple , and Naturally wrought in the Soul by the strokes of occurring Objects , without any Industry or Active Concurrence on our part . 6. That these Notions are the very Natures of the Thing , or the Thing it self existing in us intellectually , and not a bare Idea or Similitude of it , appears hence evidently , that when we say interiourly , or judge A Stone is hard , we do not intend to affirm , That the Likeness or Idea of a Stone is hard , but the very Stone it self . And were it not so , the Proposition would be false ; ( for the Similitude of a Stone in our Mind is not Hard : ) whereas yet we are well assur'd that Proposition is True. 7. Again , we experience , that we consider , judge , and dis●ourse of the very Thing it self , and of its very Nature ; which ( these being Interiour or Immanent Acts , bred and perfected within our Soul ) we could not do , unless the Objects of those Acts , or the very Things themselves were there . 8. Lastly , It cannot be deny'd , but that we have in our Soul the full and compleat Sense of this Proposition , and Notions of every distinct part of it , viz. [ There is in me the Idea or Likeness of a Stone . ] Therefore there is in me something signified by the word [ Stone ] not only distinct from Idea and Likeness , but moreover Relatively Opposite to it , as the thing Represented is to that which represents it ; which can be nothing but the very Stone it self . 9. Nor need it cause any Wonder , that the same Ens or Thing may have diverse Manners of Existing ; one Corporeal , the other Intellectual or Spiritual ; since the Thing ( v. g. Peter ) * abstracts even from Existence it self ; for 't is not found in the Notion or Meaning of that word , that the Thing signified by it Exists , or not Exists ; much more then does the Notion of Thing abstract from ( that is , is Indifferent to ) all Manners of Existing . 10. The words Notion , Simple Apprehension , Conception , and Meaning , are all synonymous terms . They are called Notions , because they are the Parts or Elements of Knowledge ; which , put and consider'd together , make Cognition , w●ich is Proper and Compleat Knowledge . They are call'd Simple Apprehensi●ns , to distinguish them ●rom Judgments , which are compounded of more Notions , and belong to the second Operation of our Understanding . Or rather , because by them we simply or barely Apprehend , that is , say hold of , or take into us the thing , about which we a●terwards Judge or Discourse . They are call'd Meanings , because they affect the Mind , which only can mean or intend ; or else , in relation to the Words whose Meanings they are . They are called Conceptions , in order to the Power , which , impregnated by the Object , conceives or ( as it were ) breeds them as the Embryo's of Knowledge . Lastly , they are said to be the Natures of the Things , because ( as was shewn ) they are such essentially and formally ; in nothing differing from them , but only that they connotate a new Manner of Existing , which * is Extrinsecal to the Thing , and to the Nature or Essence of it . The word [ Idea ] is the least proper , because it seems to signifie a bare Similitude ; unless the Users of it would express themselves to take it in that sence in which we take the word [ Notion ] here ; or , as we use to understand it when we say , that the Idea's of all things were in the Divine Intellect before they were created ; that is , their very Essences . 11. Notions are called Simple Apprehensions , not from the Fewness of the words that express them , nor from their not having any Grammatical Composition or Syntax in them : but , from the nature or manner of this Operation of our Understanding . For , since ( as was said ) they are called Simple Apprehensions , because by them we simply or barely apprehend or lay hold of the Nature of the Thing intellectually ; it matters not how many or how few the words are , so we do no more than meerly Apprehend or Take the Meaning of the Words , or the Notions , into our Minds , without Judging or Discoursing of them . Whence , we may have a simple Apprehension of a long Sentence , nay , of a whole Sermon or a great Book ; as long as we do not set our selves to Judge or Discourse of the Truth or Falshood of what 's said or writ ; but purely to Apprehend the Sence or Meaning of the Speaker or Writer . 12. Notions being the Natures of the Things in us , have neither Truth nor Falshood in them formally ; since they do neither affirm or deny ( only with Speeches are capable of Formal Verity or Falsity ) any more than does the Thing it self as it stands in Nature , or out of the Understanding . 13. All the Verity they have is their Metaphysical Verity , or their being truly what they are . And they partake this from the Idea's in the Divine Understanding , from which they unerringly flow , and which are essentially Unchangeable . By which we see how the God of Truth is the sole Author of all the Truth that is in us , and how he does ( ordinarily ) communicate it to us , viz. by Fixing unalterably the Natures or Essences of Things ; from which , being thus Establish'd and imprinted on our Minds by our Senses , all Science and Truth in us have their Certainty originally . 14. All true Science being thus built on the Immovable Stability of the Essences or Natures of Created Beings , it follows necessarily , that all Discourses that are not Agreeable to the Natures of Things , and Grounded on them , are Frothy , Incoherent , and False , and , if pursued home , must be found to have a Contradiction for their First Principle , in regard they make the Natures of Things to be what they are not . 15. Wherefore Notions being the Natures of the Things in our Understanding , the Method to pursue True Science is , to attend and hold heedfully and steadily to those Notions which the Things without us have imprinted or stamp'd in our Minds ; and to be very careful lest Imaginations ( which are the Offsprings of Fancy , and do oft misrepresent the Thing ) do delude us , or the Equivocation of Words draw us aside , and make us deviate from those Genuine and Nature instill'd Notions . COROLARIES . Corol. I. Hence is seen how Unreasonable the Scepticks are who endeavour to undermine all Science , by pretending that all our Notions are Uncertain . For they being caus'd by Natural Impressions on our Senses , those Men may as well pretend , that Water does not wet , or Fire burn , as that the Objects work not their several Effects upon our Senses . If they contend , that , every Man 's individual Temper being different , our Notions must therefore differ to some Degree in every Man , they oppose not us , who say the same ; nor will this break any square , in our Discoursing and our Understanding one another ; for few Men ( perhaps none ) can reach these Individual Differences , nor consequently mean them or intend to speak of them when they discourse . But , if they say they are not the same in all Men ( whose Senses o● imagination are not disordered by some Accidental Disease ) substantially and in the main ; then , besides what has been now alledged , they are confuted by this , that Mankind has now for some thousands of Years held Conversation with one another , yet it was never observ'd that they could not understand one anothers Meaning in Discourse about Natural Objects ; or if any hap'd to occurr which was Ambiguous , that they could not make their Notions known by Explications ; or if there had been some notable variation in their Notions , ( as when to Icterical persons , all things seem yellow , or sweet things bitter to depraved Tasts ) the Mistake can easily be made manifest and corrected by the Standard of the Generality of Mankind , who assure them of their Misapprehension ; and of Learned Men particularly , who find the Cause of their Mistake to proceed from some Disease perverting Nature , or some Circumstances of the unduly-proposed Object , or of the Medium ; or from our Inability to reach to some minute Considerations belonging to its Composition , Figure . &c. which hinder not our having Science of it in other Cases . Corol. II. Hence also is shewn the Vanity of that Tenet that maintains the Pre-existence of Souls , as far as it depends on this Ground , That Knowledges are only Excited or Awaken'd ( as it were ) by the Objects working on the Senses , and not Imprinted there by them . For , this Ground shakes , by manifesting the Ways and Means laid by Nature to beget those Knowledges in the Soul , and convey them thither from the Objects . Besides , ( which overthrows all their Hypothesis ) the Knowledge that I am hic & nunc thus affected , cannot with any sence be pretended to have been Pre-existent to the Time and Place in which that Particular Knowledge was made ; since neither ehat Time nor ( perhaps ) Place was then in Being . Whence it follows , that the Soul can gain some new Knowledges , and this by the Senses ; and if any or some , why not , with equal reason , all that the same Senses can receive from Objects imprinted in her ; which ( as far as it depends on this way of instilling Knowledge ) may reach in a manner ad N●tu●● , and by the assistance of Reflexion , Discourse and Art improving it , may stretch it self much farther . Corol. III. From this whole Discourse it appears , that whatever other Method of attaining Science some may propose , however it may seem witty , and one piece of their Doctrine be consonant to the other , and all of them consequent to the Principles they lay ▪ yet it will , I say , evide●tly appear , that the way they take can never be that which GOD and Nature have laid to ingraft Knowledge in us . Whence , tho' such Discoursers may shew much Art , yet , in reality , and if it be examin'd to the bottom , all their Plausible Contexture and Explication of their own Scheme , will be found no better than the running pretty strains of Division upon no Ground ; since their pretended Knowledges do not begin with , nor grow up orderly from the Natures of the Things themselves , or from our Natural Notions , which are the Seeds of Science . Corol. IV. Our Discourse here abstracts from that Question , Whether sensible Qualities are Inherent in the Object or in the 〈◊〉 ? It is enough for my purpose that the Objects work upon the Senses , so as to imprint by their means several Notions in the Mind . Yet , I do not see how Mr. Hobbs proves ( for he does not so much as attempt it ) that Light coming from the Object does not carry away with it some Particles of it ; since we experience , that the Sun beams dry up great Ponds , which they could not do , unless they did , when reflected , dip their dry Wings in that moist Element , and return with some Particles of Water into the Air ; which , when multiply'd , are condensed afterwards into Clouds : And I believe it will be granted , that the Sun-beams reflected from the Moon bring along with them moist Vapours . Much less is it conceivable ▪ that in Smells and Tasts nothing at all of the Nature of those Objects should be convey'd by the Nerves to the Brain , but only a certain kind of Moti●n . 'T is not my task to defend the Opinions of Schoolmen , nor those of vulgar Philosophers , which he impugns , but to mind my own business . Tho' had I a mind to lose a little time , it were easie to shew , that he seems to mistake all-along our P●●●eptions for what is perceiv'd of the Object : And I might as easily deny , that Colour ( for example ) is n●thing but Light ; and affirm that 't is such a disposition in the surface of a Body , Figur'd thus or thus with Parts and Pores , as is apt to reflect more or less of the Light , and then to assert , that that Disposition of the Surface is truly and really Inherent in the Object or Body it self , — sed haec obiter . LESSON II. Of the Distinction of Natural Notions , and of the Reducing them under Ten Common Heads . 1. EVery individual Thing not only ( as was said ) imprints a Notion of it self in our Minds , but many diverse Notions , according to the Various Impressions it makes upon the same or diverse Senses . This is manifest by Experience ; for we find that an Orange ( for example ) causes in us the several Notions of Yellow , Heavy , Round , Juicy , Hard , &c. 2. We can consider One of those Notions , without considering the Others . For we experience , that we can abstract the Notion of Round from the notion of Heavy , ( or any of the rest ) and Consider it apart , and Discourse of it accordingly . ( 3. ) Note , That since the Object or Thing in our Understanding is capable of being consider'd diversly , hence [ Notion ] gets the name of [ Considerability ] and diverse Notions are said to be diverse Considerabilities of the Thing ; which yet is no more but the same Thing as diversly consider'd . 3. Whether or no there be any Knower of a superiour Order , that can at one Intuitive View comprehend the whole thing , yet 't is certain that our Soul , in this state , can have no Science of any thing , otherwise than by these Abstracted Notions . For since * our Notions are the Ground of all our Knowledge or Science , and ( as will be seen shortly ) we have no Notion of any Object , but by Impressions on the Senses , and those Impressions do differently affect us , and so breed Different or Abstracted Notions ; 't is manifest that we can no otherwise know any thing here , but by Different , that is , Abstracted , Partial or Inadequate Notions . 4. 'T is necessary to Science , that it be Distinct and Clear , and not Gross and Confus●d . This is evident from the very Terms ; for Science signifies a Distinct and Clear Knowledge . 5. Our Soul cannot in this state wield more Notions at once , nor consider them , or Discourse clearly of them together ; or rather , indeed , not at all . This will appear evidently , by an easie reflexion on our Interiour : For , we shall find , that we can Discourse of each single abstracted Notion in an Orange viz. on its Bigness , Roundness , Colour , Tast , &c. But if we would go about to Consider or Discourse of us Roundness and Tast both together , ( and the same may be said of any other two that are Disparate , or not included one in the other ) we shall find our selves at a loss , and in Confusion , not knowing how to begin , nor how to proceed . 6. We cannot in this state know , even singly , every particular Considerability found in the thing : For , tho' ( for example ) we can by our Common Sight discern the Colour or Figure of a thing , or of its Grosser parts , yet a Microscope will discover to us innumerable Particularities which escap'd our Common View ; and had we a Glass that magnified more , there would be found still more and more Particularities than did appear when we observ'd it formerly . Wherefore , since every New Observation we can possibly make begets a New Notion in us , * and all our Knowledge is grounded on our Notions , we can no more know the last Considerability , which is in the thing , than we can know the least Part that is to be found in Quantity , or in the Differences of Figure , Colour , and other Respects which each of those very least parts may have ; and therefore they are not All knowable by us in this state . 7. Much less can we , in this state , know perfectly , or discourse scientifically of any Whole Individual thing , or ( as the Schools call it ) the Suppositum , taken in bulk . For , * since all the Considerabilities that integrate it , and consequently the Notions it begets in us , are blended confusedly in the entire Notion of the Suppositum or Thing . Again , since these are † innumerable , and many of them Unknowable by us ; it follows , that no one of them ( that is , Nothing in that whole Suppositum ) can be distinctly or clearly known , while we discourse of that which has them all in bulk ; that is , while we discourse of them all at once ; and consequently , the Notion of the Suppositum , which contains them all , cannot be clearly or perfectly known by us , nor discoursed of scientifically . 8. Wherefore we cannot know in this state any One entire Thing perfectly , since we can never have any perfect Science of it , * either taking it in bulk , † or by Detail . 9. Wherefore all we can do in this state , is to glean from the Objects by our Senses so many Notions of them as may suffice to distinguish them from one another ; and may serve for our Common Use , Needful Speculation ; or , lastly , for our Contemplation . 10. Notwithstanding this , the Science attainable in this State may arrive to be in a manner Infinit . For , since our Notions * are the very Natures of the Things , and the † Natures of the Things are the Seeds of all Science , and diverse Truths spring from them , and other Truths do still follow by Connexion with the former ; and , ‖ since no stint is assignable of the Connexion of Truths , or of our Deduction of one Truth from another ; it follows that there is no Bound or Limit of our Science attainable here , but that ( if Art and Industry be used ) it may be in a manner Infinit . 11. 'T is a most Fundamental Errour to fancy that there are many kinds of little Things in the Object , corresponding to all the different Notions or Considerations which we make of it . For , since the least Pa●ticle that is in it does ground diverse Notions of it , and every various Consideration of each Particle , either according to what is Intrinsecal or Extrinsecal to it , does still beget more : Again , since no Particle can be so small , but we can conceive or have distinct Notions of Two Halves , and many other proportionate Parts in it , and the Particles that are or may be conceiv'd to be in Quantitative Things are Numberless ; it follows , that , were all the Distinct Considerabilities in the Object distinct Things , we could never pitch upon any of those Things ( they still including others in them ) which we could say is One or Vndivided in its self ; nor consequently could we know what Ens or Thing meant in Corporeal or Quantitative Things , with which we converse ; which would Fundamentally destroy and pervert all Human Speech and Discourse about any Thing , and make all Science impossible . 12. From what 's said 't is deduced , that it is one necessary and main Part of the Method to Science , to distinguish our Notions Clearly , and to keep them distinct Carefully . For , * since all Science is grounded on our Notions , and Science must be Clear , and this cannot be † if any Two of them be confounded , or taken together at once ; it is manifest , that 't is one necessary and main part of the Method to Science , to distinguish our Notions Clearly , and to keep them distinct carefully . 13. The best way to do this , is to rank all our Notions under distinct common Heads . For , this done , it will be easie to know , to which of those common Heads they belong ; and those common Heads being easily distinguish't from one another , because they differ most vastly , or ( as the Schools phrase it ) toto genere , it will follow that the several Notions comprized under each of those Heads , must likewise , to a fair degree , be clearly known to be Distinct also . 14. There is but one onely Notion that is perfectly Absolute , viz. that of Existence , and all the rest are in some manner or other , Respective : For , since all Notions that are , must be either of the Thing it self , or of what relates or belongs to it , and the Thing it self relates to Existence , of which ( since only a Thing can be ) it is a Capacity ; and Existence , as being the last Actuality conceivable in the Line of Being , relates to no other or farther Notion ; it follows that only the Notion of Existence is perfectly Absolute , and all the rest are some way or other Respective . 15. Whence it follows , that the Notion of Existence is imprinted in the Soul before any other in priority of Nature . For , since * all other Notions are Respective , and so consist in some ( at least confused or rude ) Comparisons , as it were , of that Notion to what it respects ; to have which is much harder than to have that which is perfectly Absolute , more Simple and not Comparative at all ; hence the Notion of Existence is the most Easie , and therefore the first in priority of nature . Again , since ( as ‖ will be shewn hereafter ) the substance of all Operation is nothing but the Existence of the Object imprinted on the Patient , and the Soul must have a Notion of the Operation made upon her , that is , a Notion of the Existence of the thing imprinting it ; it follows necessarily , that the Notion of the Existence of that thing is first in her . 16. From this last Reason it is evinced , that the Notion of the Man 's own Existence is wrought in the Soul before the Notion of things without him , and this by the Man himself as his own Object , and is not imprinted by Outward ones . For * since the Soul has Notions of Objects , not by Emission of its Virtue to them , but by their being Receiv'd in it , and Existing in it Intellectually ; nor could it have a Notion of them , that is , they could not exist in the Soul , without its having a Notion first ( in priority of Nature ) of its own or the Man's Existence ; it follows , that the Notion of the Man's Existence comes into the Soul before the Notion of other things , and consequently that it is imprinted by the Man himself , as his own Object , and is not caused by Outward ones . Again , since the Existence of the Man is Naturally in him , and consequently in the Soul , ( when she has a Notion of him ) after its manner , that is , intellectually ; it follows , that it has ( as it were ) Naturally a Notion of the Man's Existence , and consequently , before it has the Notion of any other thing . Note 1. To explicate how this is done , and why it must be so , Anatomists tell us , that the Embryo lies in a manner round in the Womb ; whence some parts of it do continually and necessarily touch some others . Wherefore as soon as the Soul is infus'd , and it is now from a meer Animal become a Man , and has got an Understanding Power capable to receive Notions of Objects ; those Touches or Impressions of some parts of himself upon others , do naturally affect the Sense , and by it the Soul , and beget a blind Notion there of the Man ; and by a natural kind of Consciousness or Experience , that he Operates thus upon himself , * of his own Existence . Note 2 d. Hence follows , against the Cartesians , that there is no kind of Necessity of Innate Idea's : For , having once got , by this means , the Notion of Existence , and all other Notions being Respective or Comparative to it ; and the Soul being of its own nature a Comparative Power , since ( as will be seen hereafter ) both our Acts of Judging and of Discoursing are Comparative Acts ; hence the Soul becomes provided with Means to have all other Natural Notions whatever , by what it has from the Object , and by it self . But of this Point more towards the end of this Lesson . Only it is to be remark'd , that it is not here intended that the Soul has only the Notion of Existence alone , and afterwards others ; for at the same time it has the Notion of the Man existing , and existing thus by his operating thus . We only discourse which of those Notions is first in priority of Nature , that is , of its own Nature most Knowable or Perceptible . 17. All other Notions of the Thing besides Existence , being Respective , are either of something Intrinsecally belonging to it , or else of something Extrinsecally refer'd to it by our Understanding . This is evident ; for we can have no Notion of Non-Ens , or Nothing , nor consequently of what belongs to it . 18. Intrinsecal Notions are but Four. For , since Existence is the only Absolute Notion , and can be refer'd to no other , all other Notions must either Immediately or Mediately refer to it ; Wherefore all Intrinsecal Notions must either refer the Thing it self immediately to its Existence , by considering the Ens to be of such an Essence , as it is capable to recieve it ; and then Essence being the Immediate Power to Existence , they are Essential Notions , and belong to that Common Head we call Ens or Substance . Or else they refer the Thing to some Common Manner or Modification ( that is , Consideration ) of it , in which all things we converse with do agree ; that is , to its Bigness or Quantity . Or else they refer the thing to some Modification or Consideration belonging to its own peculiar Nature , denoting how it is well or ill dispos'd in that respect ; which Common Head is called Quality . Or , lastly , they refer some one Individuum , according to something Intrinsecal to it , to another Individuum ; which constitutes the Common Head of Relation . And more Common Heads of Intrinsecal Respects cannot be invented ; therefore there are only Four Common Heads of Intrinsecal Notions . 19. Those Notions that refer not something that is Intrinsecal to the thing , but what 's Extrinsecal to it , are conceiv'd to apply that Extrinsecal to it either by way of Motion , or in Rest. If by way of Motion , then , since Motion has two terms , it may be consider'd either as coming from the Mover , and 't is the Notion of Action ; or as affecting the thing Moved , and then 't is called Passion . And , because the most Regular and most Equable , Motion , to our apprehension is that of the Sun , call'd Time , and therefore all Sublunary Motions must bear a proportion to it , and be measur'd by it , being perform'd while such a proportionable part of it was Flowing ; and Mankind is forced to need and make use of such a Measure to Adjust , Proportion , and Design all their Motions or Actions by , and to know the determinate distance of them from known and notorious Periods ; hence there must be a Common Head of the time When those Motions were perform'd , which we call Quando . If the Extrinsecal application be conceiv'd to be made to the Subject or thing in Rest , then , either that Extrinsecal thing is conceiv'd to be barely apply'd to the whole , that is , to be Immediate to it , or meerly to Contain it , which grounds the Notion , and answers to the Question Where , or Ubi : Or , it denotes some certain determinate Manners how it is apply'd to the whole or to some parts of it ; and then either the whole , or at least some Parts of the Subject or thing , must be conceiv'd to be ply'd and accommodated to the parts of the Extrinsecal thing , and 't is call'd its Site or Situation ; or else the Extrinsecal thing , or its parts , are conceiv'd to be Fitted , Ply'd , or Accommodated to the Subject or Thing , and then 't is call'd Habit. 20. These ten Common Heads are call'd Predicaments , that is , Common Receptacles , which Contain , and whence we may draw , all our Predicates for the Common Subject , Thing : which we may briefly exemplifie thus : Peter 1 , tho' but a yard2 and half high , yet a Ualiant3 Subject4 , fought5 and was wounded6 yesterday7 , in8 the Field , standing9 upon his guard , armed10 . 21. All these Notions , under whatever Head , if they be Corporeal ones , are Natural and Common to all Mankind . For , since they are made by Impressions on the Senses , which are Common to all Mankind , it follows , that the Notions which are the Effects of those Impressions , must be such also ; since the same Causes upon the same-natur'd Subjects , must work the same Effects . 22. Our Soul has in it a Power of Compounding those several Notions together , of Considering them diverse ways , of Reflecting on its own Thoughts and Affections ; and , lastly , of joyning a Negative to its Natural Notions if there be occasion ; such as are the Notions of Indivisible , Immaterial , Incorruptible , Unactive , Insignificant , &c. which particularly happens when we would strive to frame Notions of spiritual Things . All which is manifest by plain Experience , if we reflect never so little on what passes in our own Interiour . 23. No Notions can be imagin'd that do not arise from one of these Heads : For Corporeal Notions are imprinted direct●y ; Spiritual Notions by Reflexion on our Mind , and on its Operations or Affections ; or else by joyning a Negative to our Positive natural Notions . And Mix'd or Compound Notions are framed by joyning our former simple Notions . Wherefore , since there can be nothing imagin'd which is not either Corporeal , Spiritual , or Mix'd , or Compounded of Former Notions , 't is manifest , that all the Notions we have or can have , do arise from one of those Heads . 24. Wherefore 't is hence farther shewn , that there is no necessity at all of making some Notions to be Innate ; and consequently that Conceit of the Cartesians is Groundless , who affirm , That by a Motion made on the Senses , the Soul , by an unknown Vertue peculiar to its self , Excites or awakens such and such an Innate Idea , which till then lay dormant in it , because they find that that Notion is nothing like to the Idea it excites : For , first , how do they prove that only Motion is communicated to the Brain from the Object , or , that that Motion does not carry along with it different-natur'd Particles or Effluviums of these several Bodies , which are ( as it were ) little Models of their Nature ? It is certain this passes thus in the grosser Senses , and no more is requisite to do it in the subtiler , but that the Particles emitted be more subtil ; which cannot shock the Fancy or Reason of a Natural Philosopher , who knows well into what almost-infinite smallness Body is Divisible : And , of all Men in the World , the Cartesians should not be startled at it : whose Principles do allow lesser Particles than those Effluviums , and to pass thro' far lesser Pores than those within the Nerves , or even than such as are in the substance of the Nerves themselves . Now , this being granted , the whole contexture of this Doctrine of ours has a clear Coherence . For , such Particles bearing the nature of the thing along with them , are apt , when they are carried to the Seat of Knowledge , to breed in the Mind , or convey into it the Nature , ( or an Intellectual Notion ) of the Thing it self . To do which , there can need no more , than that every thing ( according to the Maxim ) be receiv'd according to the Nature or Manner of the Receiver ; viz. that those Effluviums , by affecting the Body Corporeally , do affect the Soul Intellectually . Secondly , How is it conceivable , or any way Explicable , that a Motion , which they confess is utterly Unlike the Idea in the Mind , should be the Proper Exciter of such an Idea ? Indeed , were those Motions of the Nature of our Signs , that are voluntarily agreed on and fore-known to the Users of them , they might have a Power to make such a peculiar Excitation of those Ideas , as our Words do now ; or as any odd and disagreeing Things are made use of by us when we practise the Art of Memory . But here things are quite otherwise ; for we have no Fore-knowledge either by Agreement , nor by our voluntary Designation , that such Motions shall excite such Idea's or Notions ; nor , as is confess'd , are they Naturally alike ; wherefore it is altogether inexplicable how they should ever come to excite such particular Idea's . Add , That this hidden Virtue in the Soul , to make such a particular Idea start up as soon as that Motion is made in the Nerve , is both said gratis , and is as Obscure as an Occult Quality ; and so far from Explicable , that even themselves ( as far as I can learn ) have not so much as attempted to explain it : but it seems to be in part taken up gratis , to make good their Doctrine of innate Idea's , as the Tenet of such Idea's is to prove the Soul is a distinct Thing from the Body . Lastly , Their Argument drawn from Experience , that the Idea in the Mind is quite different from that Impression in the Senses or any Bodily Faculty , is shewn to be Inconclusive , by alledging , ( as was said lately ) that the Nature of the Object found in those emitted Particles , and the Nature of it found in the Soul Intellectually ( or as standing under Notion ) are the self-same , and not so Vnlike as they imagin . Add , That their Argument faulters in this too , that the makers of it did not duly reflect , when they advanced it , on that ' foresaid Axiom , Quicquid recipitur , recipitur ad modum recipientis : For , had they done this , they could not have wonder'd that an Affection of the Body ( which is imprinted directly ) and an Affection of the Soul which is spiritual ( and known only by Reflexion ) should have a Different Appearance : The two Manners of Existing , with which the same Nature is vested , differing toto genere , that is as far as Body and Spirit ( their subjects ) can distance them . To explicate this more fully , and to shew the difference between Corporeal and Spiritual Idea's , I offer to their thoughts this Reflexion concerning the distinct nature of a Phantasm , which is a Corporeal Resemblance , and the nature of the thing in the Mind ( that is its N●tion ) express'd by a D●finition , which is Intellectual and Spiritual . The Phantasm or Corporeal Resemblance of a Man is a kind of Picture of a thing with two Legs , two Arms , such a Face , with a Head placed uprightly , that grows , moves itself , &c. Let us regard next the Definition of a Man , or rather ( which is , abating the Expression , the same ) the Notion of him ; which is , that he is a Rational Creature ; and we shall easily discern of how different a shape it is from the other ; how it abstracts from many Corporeal Qualities , Figures of the Parts , and other Considerations , which were Essential Ingredients to the Picture or Phantasm , and not at all Essential to It , nor found in the Definition ; and how some Considerations too are added in the Definition , or imply'd in it ( as to Apprehend , Iudge , Discourse , &c. ) which no more belong to the Phantasm , than it did to Zeuxis's Grapes , to have the Definition of the Fruit of such a Vegetable predicated of them . In a word , one of them is a kind of Portraicture , outwardly resembling ; the other speaks the most Intrinsecal Essence of the thing Defin'd . The one signifies Bodily Parts belonging to such an Animal , and therefore is Corporeal : the other does not signifie , but is the Nature signified ; and this too by Words which denote to us the Mind or Meaning ( that is , the Notion ) of the speaker ; which is therefore Spiritual , at least in part . Whence the Compleat Essence of Man could not be understood , nor a Definition of it fram'd , without making use of some of these Notions or Idea's , which are made by our Understanding , reflecting upon its own Spiritual Operations . LESSON III. How these Common Heads of Notions are to be Divided . 1. THE Differences that divide each Common Head must be Intrinsecal to it . For , since * we cannot discourse of two Disparate Notions at once ; and since were those Heads divided by Differences that are Extrinsecal to the Common Genus , ( or taken from another Head ) each Species of it would consist of two Disparate Notions ; hence it is absolutely necessary to Science that the Differences which divide these Common Heads be such as belong to no other Common Head , but be within the Limits of that Head , or Intrinsecal to it . Again , since the Difference is most Formal in constituting the Species , and the Genus only Material ; were the Differences Extrinsecal or Borrow'd from another Head , it would follow , that all the Species of the Head divided by such Differences would belong to another Head , viz. to that Head whence those Differences are taken : Which would put all our Notions into Confusion , and involve a direct Contradiction , as making Substances to be Quantities , Qualities , &c. 2. Intrinsecal Differences can be no other but more and less of the Common Notion : For since , being Intrinsecal , † they cannot be taken from any other Head , it follows , that they must partake of the Common Notion of their own respective Heads . Again , since , if they did partake of the Common Notion Equally , they would not differ in that Notion , and so would not be Differences of it ; it follows , that they must partake of it Vnequally ; that is , they must be more and less of the Common Notion . 3. Hence the Common Notion of Ens , Thing or Substence being that which is capable of Existence , is Immediately , Intrinsecally , or Essentially divided into what 's more and less capable of Existence . Wherefore , 4. Divisible and Indivisible , which constitute Body and Spirit , are the proper and intrinsecal Differences of the Common Head of Substance : For , since Actual Division of the Entity makes the thing to be no longer indivisum in se ; that is , to be unum ; that is , to be Ens ; that is , to be capable of Existence ; it follows , that that Ens which is Divisible ( or Body ) is less capable of Existence , that is , has less of the nature of Ens or Substance ; and the Ens that is Indivisible ( or Spirit ) has more . Again , since Things Divisible , or Bodies , can only have their own Being or Existence , whereas Things indivisible , or Spirits , are capable of being Other things also , or of having in them the Natures and Existences of all the things they know ; hence they have a greater Capacity of Existence than Bodies have ; since they have enough for themselves , and can impart it to Millions of Other things besides ; and , consequently , Body and Spirit are constituted by Divisible and Indivisible , as by the proper , immediate , and Intrinsecal Differences that divide Substance or Ens. 5. The Divisibility and Indivisibility that are the Intrinsecal Differences of Ens , are not those of being Quantitative and not Quantitative . For , were it so , it would follow , that some Intrinsecal Differences of Ens in Common would be taken from some other Head , viz. that of Quantity , and * so , the Differences being what 's most Formal in the Species , hence those Species of Ens would rather be under that Head than its own . Again , that Divisibility , which is of Quantity , may oftentimes be put into Act , and yet the same Ens remain ; v. g. a Man may lose the Quantity of an Arm ; a Tree , of a Branch , &c. and yet remain still the same Things ; whereas , if Quantitative Divisibility were the Intrinsecal Difference which constituted it such an Ens , Quantitative Division must by consequence make it cease to be that Ens. Moreover , since Quantity ( as will be † shortly seen ) is Divisibility , and Divisibility in Vnity , in case Quantity did Intrinsecally divide Ens , and constitute Body , where-ever there were Quantity there would be Vnity under that notion ; and so all Quantitative things would be but one Ens or one Body ; which is the highest absurdity . Therefore the Divisibility and Indivisibility which are the intrinsecal Differences of Ens , are not those of being Quantitative and not Quantitative . 6. Therefore the Divisibility and Indivisibility which divide Ens Intrinsecally , must be the Divisibility and Indivisibility of the Constituents of Ens , as such ; that is , the Divisibility of it into Matter and Form , and Indivisibility of it into such Constituent parts : Which differences do Essentially divide the Genus of Ens , and constitute the species of Body and Spirit . For , since we see Bodies chang'd into one another , and therefore , the former Body had really somewhat in it determining it to be actually what it was , which we call the Form ; and somewhat by which it could be Another , which we call the Power to be another , or Matter : Again , since we see that the Form , which made the former Thing be what it was , is gone when 't is made Another Thing , and a New Form succeeds into the same Matter ; hence we can frame diverse Conceptions of Body , which belong to it as such an Ens , viz. Matter and Form ; and have a Ground in Nature to say there is a Real divisibility between them . Wherefore since that Ens call'd Body , by being divisible into Matter and Form , becomes liable to have the Form , that constituted it such an Ens , separated from the Matter , and so to lose its being the same Ens it was , and incapable of existing any longer ; and , for the same reason , a Spirit , by it s not being divisible into Matter and Form , has not in its Essence any Principle giving it a Capacity not to Exist , as had the other ; but has in its self , or rather is of its self a more simple and more perfect kind of Vnity , and consequently a more Noble kind of Entity or Capacity of existing , than is the other ; Therefore the Divisibility and Indivisibility which divide Ens Intrinsecally , must be the Divisibility and Indivisibility of it into Matter and Form ; which we call Metaphysical Divisibility , because it is the divisibility of the parts of Ens as such ; that is , of Ens under the Notion of Ens. 7. For the same Reason given above , ( Sect. 1 , 2. ) Mixt and Simple are the Intrinsecal Differences of Body : For , since Simple Bodies , which we call Elements , have in them but the Nature or Essence of One kind of Body only , and Mixt Bodies have both the nature of That Kind , and of other Elements besides ; it is manifest that they divide the Common Notion of Body by more and less , which are Intrinsecal Differences . 8. For the same reason Mixt Body is divided into Living Bodies , and not Living by Intrinsecal Differences ; because Those are more mixt , These less . 9 , For the same Reason , a Living Body , being that which has a Principle of Motion in it self , is divided , as by Intrinsecal Differences into Animal , which is more Living , or more moving it self ( viz. by every slight Impression on the Senses ) and Plant , or Vegetable , which is less-moving it self . 10. For the same Reason , Animal , which is a Body moving it self by Impression on the Senses , is intrinsecally divided into Brutes , which do thus move themselves onely to a set Determinate number of Actions , which is to be less moving it self by impressions on the Senses ; and Man , who by his Reason and Knowledge is apt to move himself to a kind of Vniversality of Action , which is to be more moving himself by means of such impressions . 11. For the same Reason , Man , or Rational Animal , is divided intrinsecally and essentially into those who have more and less the Faculty or Power of Reasoning ; who are , therefore , properly and essentially more and less Men. Note , That Common Logicians , because we cannot descend or reach to those particular intrinsecal Differences which constitute Individuals , do therefore make [ Man ] the lowest species : But 't is one thing what may serve for Logical Speculation ; another , what the nature of the thing bears , and the right division of the Commoner Notion by Intrinsecal differences requires : Wherefore , tho' not able to discern the intermediate Species , and ( as far as I have observ'd ) not reflecting that more and less of the common Notion do make the Intrinsecal and Essential Differences that constitute its Species , Common Logicians do content themselves to put Individuums immediately under Man , and thence mistake Man to have no Essential Differences at all , but Accidental ones only ; yet 't is manifest , that , since all Individuums are diverse Entia or Things , and Essence does formally Constitute an Ens , the Differences that constitute diverse Entia must necessarily be Essential . So that amongst Men there may be many Degrees of more or less Rational , constituting diverse under - Species of Man , could we have light to distinguish them ; as well as there are diverse species of Dogs , Horses , Trees , and Flowers . 12. Particular or Singular Things are properly call'd Individuums , because they cannot be divided into more of the same Notion , as all others in the same Line could . For Socrates cannot be divided into more that have the particular Nature of Socrates in them , as Man could into more that have the Common Nature of Man. 13. Individuals only are properly and compleatly Entia or Things , and capable of existing . For , since the Notion of Thing is [ Capable of Existing ] and all Notions that are superiour to the Individuum are Inadequate or Partial Notions of it , as is manifest ; and the Individuum is the Whole , as comprizing all those Parts ; and no Part can exist by its own Virtue , or out of the whole ; in regard it would then be of it self a whole Ens and not a Part onely ; it follows , that onely Individuals are properly and compleatly Entia or capable of Existing . 14. Individuals are the proper Subject or Suppositum of all other Notions or Natures both of its own Line , and of all the rest . For , * since Individuals onely are properly Things , or capable of Existing ; it follows , that both all in its own Line , and much more in all the other Lines ( which have not at all in their peculiar Notions any Order or Title to Existence ) must exist and subsist in Individuals , as in their suppositum or subject ; which lends them to be , and sustains them in Being . COROLARIES . 1. Hence , 't is Logically demonstrated that every individual Man is but One Ens or Thing ; since he descends Lineally from that Common Head by intrinsecal Differences of more and less , which constitute him truly One in that Line ; that is , one Ens , or one Thing . Whence the contrary Position ravels all the Well-Order'd Frame of Human Notions , and the Division of them by intrinsecal Differences ; which ( as * has been shewn ) must needs put all our thoughts into Confusion , and wholly obstruct the Way to Science . Nor matters it that there are two contrary Natures in him , Corporeal and Spiritual ; since the Notion of Ens is not the Notion of the Nature , * but of the suppositum which has the nature in it . Add , that the notion of Ens is indifferent to both Natures ; and therefore , if they may be co-ordinate to one End , and that it wrong no other Principle , they may both club into one Thing , and compound one Ens : As appears in the Incarnation , in which the Second Person of the Trinity assum'd Human Nature , and joyn'd it to it self in the same suppositum . 2. The Notion of Rational ( which is in some sort truly Spiritual ) may be Co-ordinate to the Notion of some kind of Body . For , since Animal is directly subsum'd under the Notion of Body , and the Notion of Animal ( or of a Thing moving it self by Impressions on the Senses ) is Intrinsecally divided by less-moving it self thus , which constitutes Brutes ; and more-moving it self thus , which is manifestly done by its being Rational , that is in part spiritual ; It follows , that the Notion of Rational or Spiritual may be Co-ordinate to some Body , ( viz. to Animal ) as one of the Proper and Intrinsecal Differences of that Genus , as is shewn above . 3. Notwithstanding Man cannot be both Body and Spirit formally . For , then he must necessarily be Two Entities in distinct Lines of Substance ; the one under the Genus of Body , the other of Spirit . Whence , he would be Vnum and non-Vnum , in the same regard , or according to the same Formal Notion ; that is , he would be Ens and non Ens ; and consist formally of two Things as perfectly distinct as an Angel and an Ape ; and even be more monstrous than a Hircocervus or Chimaera ; because he would be formally , that is essentially , made up of two more-generically-opposit Things than these are conceiv'd to be . Wherefore , the Notion of Man being deduced by Intrinsecal Differences from the Genus of Body , he is formally a Body , tho' his Soul be of a spiritual Nature , which makes him virtually a Spirit . Whence also , the manner of Existence following from what 's Formal in the Thing , he has , in this State , a Corporeal Manner of Existence ; as appears by his gleaning Knowledge by the Senses ; his being Measurable by Quantity , Alterable by Corporeal Qualities ; nay , even his peculiar and proper Action of Discourse attends the slow pace of Fancy and Bodily Motion ; none of which could be competent to a Pure Spirit that exists after a Spiritual and Indivisible manner . Nor does this more prejudice the Spiritual Nature of a Soul that it exists and works in some regards after the manner of a Body , than it does prejudice the Nature of a Body , ( a Stone , for example ) that it exists in us spiritually ; as it does when we know it , or have the Notion or Nature of it in our Understanding . 4. Hence is seen what Notions do formally belong to the Line of Substance , or to Ens as Ens , viz. the several species of it descending downwards from the Common Head , till we come to the I●dividuum ; which therefore is a compleat Ens , as including all those Superiour or partial Notions ; and * therefore it only is in proper speech , an Ens or Thing ; in regard It onely being ultimately determin'd to be This or That , only It is , by consequence , capable of existing , which is the Definition of Ens. Whence all Potential or Indeterminate Notions of Ens , such as are Ens , Corpus , Vivens , or Animal in Common , are , for the same reason , incapable of Existing , otherwise than as they are Parts of the compleat Ens or Individuum ; and therefore they are phras'd by the Schools , Substantiae Secundae , and the Individuum Substantia Prima . Lower than the Individuum in the Line of Ens we cannot go , nor can any Notion be superadded to it that belong Properly to Ens , but that of Existence , of which Ens is a Capacity . Whence we do not call Existence a Form ( or Act , ) for This joyn'd with the Matter ( or Power ) does constitute that compound Ens call'd Body , and , therefore , are both presuppos'd to Existence ; but we call it the last Formality of every created Ens , because it has no Potentiality at all in that Line , but is Pure Actuality ; and therefore most resembles GOD , our Creator and the sole Giver of It , whose very Essence is Self-Existence . 5. All those Notions before said , taking them precisely as determining the common Notion of Ens , and belonging to it ( even to the last Actuality of it [ Existence ] inclusively ) are Metaphysical Notions : The proper Object of which Science is Ens ; not taken as it abstracts from Existence , but as it abstracts from all the other Predicaments or common Heads of Notions ; that is , from all Matter and Motion , and all Modes or Manners of them . For which Reason Existence , which more perfectly abstracts from both , does more formally belong to the Object of Metaphysicks . LESSON IV. Some Considerations belonging to those Ten Heads of Notions , or to the Ten Predicaments in Common . 1. THE last Nine Predicaments , call'd Accidents , are not truly Things , nor ( of themselves ) capable of Existence ; and therefore they are onely Capable of Being by their Identity with Substance . For , since * we cannot clearly know any thing but by framing diverse Notions or Considerations of it , † and all the Notions we have are divided into Ten common Heads , ‖ and it hinders the way to Science , if we keep not the Distinction of those Heads unmingled : Wherefore , it being manifest and undeniable , that among those Heads there is one which is truly the Notion of Ens or Thing , that is , of [ apable of Existing ] viz. that of Substance . Hence , in case we should conceive , or put all the rest to be also Entities or Things , or of themselves capable of Existence , we should confound and jumble all the Common Heads of our Notions together ; which would fundamentally destroy all possibility of Science , even while we are laying it . 2. Notwithstanding this , the Notions or Natures of those Nine Heads are not Fictitious , or fram'd gratis by our Understanding , but real Affections or Modifications of the Thing . For , since * we cannot comprehend all that is in the thing at once , but are forced to make diverse Considerations of it ; nor could we do this unless the thing were diversly Considerable ; it follows , that these Nine Heads ( as well as the First ) are diverse Considerabilities of the same Thing ; that is , the real Thing it self as diversly consider'd or conceiv'd by us ; and therefore , since they are not Things by virtue of their distinct Notions , and yet are really the Thing diversly consider'd ( which takes nothing from their Re●lity ) it is left that they must be Real Affections , Modifications , Respects or Determinations of it , and not meer Nothings or Fictitious ; but , ( as we may say ) somewhat of the Thing , or belonging to it ; which Logicians phrase to be a Thing in an Analogical or Secondary sense . 3. The Distinction of these Considerabilities is partly taken from the Vnderstanding , partly from Nature it self . For , since the diverse Considerabilities of the Thing * are not so many little Entities found in it , but the same thin● diversly conceiv'd ; the distinction of them cannot be taken from the Thing it self , singly consi●●red . On the other side , * since our Understanding is naturally apt to make diverse Abstract Notions of the Thing ; nay , is forced to do it because it cannot discourse clearly of more of them to●ether , much less of the whole suppositum ; and , that the Impressions on the Senses which cause those Notions are naturally diverse ; and , that the Causes in Nature do often work upon the suppositum or thing , according to some one Notion or Considerability of it , and not according to another : for example , on its Figure , and not on its Colour ; on its Locality or Situation , and not on its Substance ; hence ample occasion is ministred to the Understanding to consider it diversly ; that is , to make diverse Conceptions or Notions of it . Wherefore the distinction of these Considerabilities is partly taken from the Vnderstanding , partly from Nature it self ; Nature affording Ground and Occasion for the Understanding to make this Distinction , and the Understanding making it formally . 4. Hence follows , that the only way to acquire solid Knowledge of the Nature of Things , or ( which is the same ) of those Nature-imprinted Notions , is , not to frame high-flying speculations of them , beaten out of our own Brain , or coin'd by our own Wit : but , to gain by attentive Reflexion , the true and genuine Meaning of those Words , which the Generality of Mankind , or the Vulgar , make use of to signifie those Notions : For , this known , * the Meaning of the Word being the Meaning or Notion of those that use it , and their † Notion being the Nature of the Thing , it follows , that the Nature of the Thing will be known likewise . Wherefore , this is the best Test to know which Speculations are Aiery , which solid and Grounded on Nature . For Instance . To know what is properly meant by the word [ Thing ] , ask an honest Country fellow ( as my self did once to satisfie a Sceptick ) how many Things lye upon the Table ; and we shall see that he will readily reckon up all the individual Substances , and be ready to swear there are no more : Which shews , that Nature teaches him that only an individual Substance is truly and properly a Thing . This done , tell him he has not reckon'd all the Things there , but has omitted Bigness , Whiteness , Roundness , &c. which are not Nothings , but Things , and really there . Which done , you will find you have blunder'd him , by putting him to distinguish , which he is not good at : Yet , for all that , he will stand to his former Answer , and tell you , These are not such Things as we call Things ; and that in reckoning up the Other things , he reckon'd up Those into the bargain . Which rude Answer contains the sum of this present Discourse ; viz. that only Individual Substances are truly Things ; the others somewhat of the Thing , or belonging to it ; and that they are no otherwise ●hings , but as they are it , or somewhat of it ; and consequently are not , or have no Existence of their own , but its . 5. Artificial things are in no One of these Heads . For , since Artificial things are either more things join'd together , or some one Natural Body , not as it stands in Nature , but as vested with a new ●rtificial Form , introduced by A●t ; it cannot have one Notion ; nor , consequently , can it be comprized under any one Head. Nor are these Notions Common to all Mankind ; nor , lastly , are they constituted by Essential or In●rinsecal Differences in the Line of Ens , but such as are Accidental or Extrinsecal , and generally by their Figures or Situation of their Parts . 6. What 's Infinit can be in none of these Heads . For , since an Infinit Ens ( for example ) involves in its self all that is or can belong to the Notion of Ens , and can be but One , in regard , were there more , one of them would have something of Entity in it which the other has not , and so they would limit one another , and both of them would be Finite ; it follows , that what 's Infinite can neither be a Common Head it self , because it can have no Particular Infinites under it ; nor can it be a Particular under that Common Head , because it could have no Genus to it , nor Intrinsecal Differences to divide that Genus , and to constitute a Distinct Infinit from the other . 7. Ens , diversly conceiv'd , is the Adequate Object of our Understanding , working naturally . This is evident from the whole Scheme of our Discourse concerning the Ten Common Heads of all our Notions , shewing they are nothing but diverse Conceptions of Ens. 8. Hence we can have no proper Notion of a pure Non-Entity ; not only for the Reason now given , but also , because a Non-Ens could never make any impression on our Senses , and thence convey it● ●otion into our Minds . 9. For the same reason we can have no proper and direct Notions of Indivisibles or Points , or of what 's purely Negative of Ens , or of any real Affection of Ens , taking them as purely Negative , without connotating the Subject , or the Thing ; whose notion only is truly Positive . For ( as has been shown ) all our Conceptions are Notions of the Things as conceiv'd by us ; which when , by a Reflex Act , we consider to be Limited , and to reach no farther under such or such a Notion , we abstract Limitedness from the Real Notion ; and because we can have no Conception but under the notion of Ens , we are forced to use an improper Notion , and conceive it as a kind of Ens ; even tho' at the same time wise Reflecters judge and say , 't is none of it self , or , as totally abstracted from the Thing . In which case no harm is done by our barely Apprehending it so , for 't is Natural , and we cannot help it ; but if , not distinguishing our Manner of Conceiving from what is found in the Thing , we come to judge that to be an Entity which , by the Thing 's reaching no farther , is evident that of it self 't is none ; or to be Diverse Entities because our Conceptions are different , it will certainly pervert all our Discourses , and make them Aiery , Fantastical , and Contradictory . 10. Hence it is a most Intolerable Error , to make Imaginary Space , or an Immense Vacuum beyond the World to Exist ; and , by consequence to belong to some one of those Common Heads . For , the word Vacuum must either be taken as a Concrete , and then it must signifie a Subject or Ens which has an Accident in it call'd Vacuity ; in which case , since none says that that Ens is a Spirit ; nor can it be a Body , being put to be beyond the World , that is , beyond the whole Mass of Bodies ; it follows , that it is no Ens at all , but a meer Nothing ; and so , to put a Nothing to be , is against Common Sence , the Light of Nature , and the very First Principle of our Understanding ; for it puts that to be , which , being no Ens , is not capable to be ; that is , it puts a perfect Impossibility or Contradiction . Or else it is a meer Abstract Term , and means a Vacuity ; and then the Asserters of it must put a Form to bee without any Matter or Subject inform'd by it ; which wanting , it can be no Form ; or an Accident to subsist without any Subject , which makes it no Accident ; since an Accident is that which does accidere substantiae , or is Adventitious to it . Again , the Name they give it , viz. Imaginary Space , by which they distinguish it from Real Space , confesses it not to be in re , but only in our Imagination : Which words can have no sence , unless they mean , that the Imagination is the Only Subject in which it subsists . Wherefore , to speak consequently , they ought to say , that our Imagination , in which only it has any Being , is some infinitely-extended Thing beyond the World ; for there they put this Imaginary Space to bee ; but this is so notorious a Banger , that they dare not say this neither ; and , therefore , they can make no piece of their Tenet cohere , nor make any Sence of their own Words . But let them wriggle what way they will , their putting it to be without the World , and yet not to exist in re , but in our Imagination only , which is within the World , is so full fraught with variety of Contradictions , that they cannot even name it or talk of it , without speaking palpable Nonsence at every step of their Discourse . Moreover , they deny it to be a Thing , and yet they attribute to it the Properties of a Real Thing , by making it have assignable Parts in it ; as also to be Extended , Measurable , &c. which is the highest strain of Contradiction imaginable . For , since Ens and Non-Ens do differ more than toto genere , and as far as Contradiction can distance them ; whatever is affirm'd of an Ens must necessarily be deny'd of Non-Ens ; so that , if a Thing ( a Body for example ) can be extended , measur'd , pass'd through , or mov'd in ; it must necessarily be affirm'd , that a Non-Ens cannot be mov'd in , extended , measur'd , or have Parts . Lastly , Imaginary Space or Vacuum never affected our Senses ; and therefore , since we can have no distinct Notion of it from outward Objects , neither can it , consequently , belong to any of those Common Heads of Notions ; whence follows that one of these Heads , which gives Being to all the other , being Ens , Imaginary Space and Vacuum are meer Nothings . Note 1. That this Discourse equally concludes against Vacuum within the World. For that Imagin'd Space would neither be Body nor Spirit , Subject nor Accident ; and therefore it must be meerly Nothing . Nor , consequently , could it be Measur'd , Extended , Mov'd in , &c. Note 2. That these two Tenets being overthrown , the whole Epicurean Hypothesis , built on them , falls to the Ground , and needs no farther Confutation . 11. Hence 't is Logically demonstrated , that there can be no Protuberancy in the outmost Superficies of the World ; for , were this so , there would be some Distance between the Extream Surface and that Protuberancy ; and that distance could be Measurable , Divisible , &c. which would make Non-Ens to be Ens. 12. This Humour of Fancy , or of ill-govern'd Reason , making Entities of Non-Entities ; and conceiting every Negative , purely as such , to be a Thing , because we cannot conceive Nothings but as Thin●s , destroys all Science , and makes it Chimerical . For , every Species in Nature includes a Negation of all other Species , and every Individuum in the World of all other Individuums : at which rate we should have far more Nothings in the World than Things , if we come to put all those Negations to bee . It were very proper , but withal very pleasant , if such Men of Fancy would , in pursuance of their Tenet , frame us a new No-Logick of their own , and put Non-Ens in Common to be the First Head of their Negative Notions ; and then divide it by more of Non-ens that is , No-Body , and Less of it , or no Spirit ; and then descend to its proper Individuums . as Non-Petrus , Non-Ioannes , Non-Bucephalus , &c. This would be consequent to their Fantastick Tenet . But , even then they must be forc'd to contradict themselves , and confess , that as Non-ens means not capable of existing ; so , by the same reason , they ought to make Non-Corpus to be Non-quantum , Non-quale , Non-passivum , Non-locabile , &c. which would spoil all their Positions of Vacuum and Imaginary Space . So certain it is that all Errors , pursu'd home to their bad Principles , will still confute themselves . Hence the distinction some make of Ens into Ens-Positivum , Privativum , and Negativum , is no wiser than was the saying of the Fanatick Preacher in Ben's Play. viz. That he had three Lights in him ; a Great Light , a Little Light , and No Light at all . 13. We have no Natural Notion , nor Ground , from Nature , of an Union , as they call it . For , the Asserters of it , neither make it the Action that unites two things or parts , nor the Effect of that Action wrought upon the Subject , that is , their being united , ( which hinders it from belonging to the Common Heads of Action or Passion ) but an Intervening Little Entity , whose nature it is to tye them together . And , since such a Notion was never imprinted by our Senses , 't is plain it can be no Natural Notion as those in the Predicaments are , nor belong to any of those Common Heads . Nor can it be collected by Reason ; for since the Matter , before the Union be made , is Ultimately dispos'd by Nature to receive the Form , and the Form is Proper , and by the course of Causes , Necessary to be received into the Matter thus disposed , there can need nothing to Unite them ( as they call it ) but the Efficient , making the Form result from such Matter as was fitted for it and requir'd it , which is to be in it ; any more than , if Fire be apt to burn what 's Combustible , and what 's Combustible be perfectly fit to be burnt by Fire , there can need any thing but Application , to burn it , or ( which in their Phrase is the same ) to unite the Form of Fire to the Matter of the Wood. This Conceit therefore of those little Entities , call'd 〈◊〉 , to tack things together at every turn , is a meer Chimera coin'd by Fancy ; and seems to be borrow'd from those mens observing that two Things , unapt otherwise to cohere , ( diverse pieces of Wood , for example ) do need Glew , or Pitch , or some such tenacious stuff , to fix them together ; whence , by an Unsuitable and Ill-grounded Metaphor , they translate it to the Uniting the parts of Natural Entities ; which , by the wise Conduct of the Author of Nature , are always ready for an Union e're they come to be made One , and can need nothing at all to unite them or make them One Entitatively . Vnion therefore is the Effect of the Action of Uniting , or the same with their being united or their Vnity , and not an Intermediating Entity ; since whatever Things or Parts are naturally Vnited do cling together into one Entity by a kind of spontaneous Inclination ; and by means of the antecedent Dispositions requiring the Form , are such good Friends of themselves beforehand , that there can need nothing to Reconcile them . Besides , this Conceit is ill-grounded in another respect ; for , the Inventers of it make account that those Vnible Parts were , before they were united , Two Things ; whereas , in reality , there was but One Thing , dispos'd to be chang'd into another , by sitting the Matter to receive a new Form. Which Discourse may be apply'd to those who ask , How , or by what means , the Soul and Body were United or made One Thing ? To which the proper Answer is , They were never Two Things . 14. We can have no One Notion of a Transcendent ; for , since Transcendents are those that run through all or many of the Predicaments , and the Predicaments are so many Heads of Notions Generically distinct ; it is impossible to have any one Notion of Transcendents ; Again , there is no more common Genus , which can be divided into those Ten Heads , as its Species , by Intrinsecal Differences ; but those several Summa Genera are distinguish'd from one another by their own Common Notions . Whence the Words that signifie them , whether Vnum , Verum , Bonum , Idem , Diversum , or what ever they be , are the most Equivocal of any that can be imagin'd , and have a vastly different signification as apply'd to the Notions in each of those Heads . 15. No Part of an Ens ▪ can belong to any Predicament : For a Part of an Ens is no more an Ens , than a part of an Apple is an Apple : Nor , can Parts have Intrinsecal Differences in the Line of Substance ; for such Differences would with the Genus make the Part to be a Totum in that Line . COROLLARY . Hence by the way , we may frame a Logical Demonstration against Actual Parts in a Compound . For , were they Actually Distinct , they must have each of them Matter and Form of its own ; which being the proper Constituents of such an Ens , each of them would be such an Ens or a Body ; and so they would have each of them , a Title to Existence , which is the proper Notion of a compleat Ens ; and by consequence each Part would be a Whole . 16. The Notions of Genus , Speci●s , and the Terms of Art , fram'd by the Reflexion of our Understanding , are not Things distinct from the Notions of Ens , Corpus , Vivens , &c. which Logicians call by those Names ; nor are they in any of those Common Heads . For , First , ( * as wil● appear ) these Notions are but Parts of the Individuum , which is the whole Ens. Next Terms of Art are made by Men of Art , who are Reflecters , and not directly imprinted by Nature , or Common to all Mankind : For which Reason we must learn the Meaning of those Words , and , consequently , those Notions themselves , from Learned Men , and not from the Generality . 17. Notwithstanding , it must be Granted , That Nature gives our Understanding Hints or Ground to frame such Artificial Conceptions ; without which they would be Fictitious and Chimerical : For Example , by observing that all the Men we ever knew , do proceed to Action upon some Reason or other ; hence , we frame a Common Notion of a species or Kind , call'd a Rational Thing ; and , observing farther , that Beasts as well as Men have Senses , and are excited and mov'd by means of them ; hence we frame a Higher Notion , common to both the Kinds of Man and Beast , and call it a Genus ; and so still upwards . Nature all along affording us some Ground of framing Universal Notions , and the Understanding making and framing them actually . And , where these Notions were bred , there they dwell or exist ; for , out of the Understanding , and in Nature , there is nothing but Individuals . 18. Note , that the Notions of Genus , Species , &c. as abstracted and rais'd to a Common pitch by Men of Art , or Logicians , reflecting on the Agreement of more under that one Notion , are ( as such ) Wholes ; but , as consider'd in the Ens or Individuum , and as causing our Natural Notions of them , they are but Parts , and the Individuum is the Whole , in respect of them : For , since the whole is that which is larger than some parts are , or rather which comprehends all the Parts ; it follows , that those Notions , thus abstractedly consider'd , being ( according to the condition they have in our Understanding ) larger than the Inferiour Notions , and comprehending all under them , are therefore certain kinds of Wholes , as thus consider'd . On the other side , since only Individuums are truly the Compleat and Whole Entia , as being only Capable of Existing ; and the Notions of Ens , Corpus , Vivens , Animal , Homo , are but Partial and Inadequate Notions of the Individuum ; it follows , that the Individuum does , in reality , comprehend what answers to the Notions of each or all of them : wherefore , thus consider'd , ( that is , as they stand in Nature ) they are but Parts , and the Individuum is the Whole . LESSON V. Of the Common Head called Quantity . 1. QUantity may either be consider'd Mathematically , as abstracted from Motion , and meerly Extending the Body , as it were , in Rest ; or Physically , as affecting Body , its Subject , in order to Motion ; that is , as to natural Action and Passion . This needs no Proof , since it is Evident that Quantity may be consider'd both these ways , and we experience that we can both these ways consider it . 2. The Essential Notion of Quantity is Divisibility into Parts ; and , such a Divisibility as that each of its Parts , after Division , becomes a Whole . For , since the Essential Notion of it cannot consist in its having Matter and Form , which make it an Ens , and so fit it for Existence ( as it was in a Divisible Substance or * Body ) the Essence of it ( such as it is ) must be taken from some Consideration belonging to its own single Abstracted Notion , and from that in the first place that best expresses its Metaphysical Vnity . And , since nothing can be said to be Divisible , or capable to be made more , but it must be said eo ipso to be Actually and truly One ; therefore Divisibility , or a Capacity to be made more , is the very Notion of its Vnity , only connotating that 't is such an Unity as makes its subject Capable to be made more , or dissolved by Division into Parts . Again , † as was said above , and will more evidently be shown hereafter , that is the true Notion of any Nature to which the Sayings of Mankind do agree : But Divisibility is thus shown to be the Notion of Quantity . For example , ask what a Mile is , it will be answer'd , That it has so many Furlongs , Paces , or Yards in it . Ask what a Yard is , it will be answer'd , It consists of so many Feet ; and so of the rest . And when we come to so small a Quantity , that we can no more give an account of it , or assign the parts into which it is divisible , we find our selves at a plunge , and know not how to define it , but seem to have lost the Notion of it . Therefore , however Extension , Measurability , and such others , may truly belong to Quantity as its Properties , yet only Divisibility is its Primary and Essential Notion , because 't is this only denotes its Vnity . And , since it is not a Divisibility into such parts as could not remain Wholes after their separation , such as were Matter and Form , which are the Essential parts of Substance ; hence the Divisibility which Quantity gives to its Subject must be such as makes it remain so many Wholes after the Division is made ; as Experience also shews us . 3. Quantity is adequately divided into Continu'd , or Coherent ; and Discrete , or Number . For , since 't is impossible to ask any Question concerning the Quantity of Things , but either how Many they are , if more Things ; or , how great it is , ( that is how much there is of it ) if it be but One thing ; 't is evident that Mankind has no Notion of any other kind of Quantity but of Discrete and Continu'd ; and , therefore , the Division of Quantity into these two Species is Adequate . Note , that Discrete Quantity is less Quantity than Continu'd , because 't is less Divisible ; or rather 't is not so properly Quantity as is the other , because it has no Vnity to distinguish it from a mere Confused Multitude of Ones but by means of the Understanding , conceiving it to be so many Units terminated by the last ; yet , because Plurality and Paucity are More and Less of any one Determinate Number , and that there is a Ground in Nature for our Understanding to consider many Scatter'd Ones and comprehend or bind them together into one Notion , and that such Notions are useful or necessary to Mankind ; therefore this Order'd Multitude of discrete or shatter'd Ones , call'd Number , is rightly placed in the Predicament of Quantity . For , t is to be noted , that when 't is said Quantity is Divisibilis in semper Divisibilia , it was not meant of Quantity in Common , or all Quantity , but only of that Species of Quantity call'd Continued . 4. The Unity proper to Extended Quantity is Continuity of its parts ; For , if the parts of this sort of Quantity be Discontinu'd , either Nothing ( or vacuum ) comes between them , and then they are still Continu'd against the Supposition ; for Nothing can do nothing and therefore cannot discontinue the Parts of Quantity . Or else some Body comes between them and Discontinues them ; and then , since all Bodies bring their own Quantities along with them , however the Bodies , A. and B. are distanced by C's coming between them , because every Body has its determinate bounds and Limits ; yet , the Quantity of those three Bodies , precisely consider'd , has none , but goes on Smoothly in the self same tenour thro' the whole Mass of Body , whether those Bodies be Different or the Same ; without Notches or Nicks butting and bounding it here and there , or in the least diversifying it ; what ever Variety is found in the Figure , Colour , Hardness , Softness or in any other consideration belonging to those Bodies . Again , since this Species of Quantity has its peculiar Notion , Nature , or Essence , it must have some kind of Vnity too peculiar to it self : But , none is imaginable except Continuity , nor does any so directly subsume under the notion of Quantity , which is Divisibility or Vnity of its potential parts , or sute so exactly with it . Nay , were the parts of Quantity discontinu'd quantitatively , they would be divided quantitatively , that is , not Divisible or One ; that is none , or Not-Quantity , against the Supposition . Therefore the Vnity proper to this Species of Quantity is Continuity of its parts . Cor. I. Therefore the Quantity of the whole World is One Vninterrupted Continuity , and the World it self ( speaking of Quantitative Unity ) One Great Continuum . 5. Quantity , according to its precise Notion , cannot be Essential to Body , because it can neither be the Genus of it , nor the Intrinsecal Difference that constitutes it ; as is prov'd * above . 6. Yet Quantity , Materially consider'd , and not according to its precise and formal notion of Divisibility , may ( as it were ) per accidens contribute to the Essence of Individual Bodies . For , since nothing is truly and perfectly Ens , or Capable of Existence , but Individuals ; nor ( since Thing in common cannot exist ) can any thing be Capable of Existing , but by being ultimately Determinated , and thence compleatly fitted to be This or That ; and this Determination , distinguishing one Individuum from all others , is perform'd by means of such a particular Complexion of Accidents as fits them for their Primary Operation for which Nature ordain'd them ; and this Complexion of Accidents is either of Quantity , or else ( as is shewn in Physicks ) of different modifications of Quantity ; it follows , that Quantity , materially consider'd , and not according to its Formal notion of Divisibility , may ( as it were ) by Accident contribute to the Essence of Individual Bodies . 7. The Intrinsecal Differences of Quantity are more and less of the Notion of Quantity . This is prov'd * formerly , when we treated of the Division of Substance ; and the reason given there holds equally here . 8. The Proper Species of Quantity , mathematically consider'd , or as it abstracts from Motion , are Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity ; otherwise call'd Linea , Superficies , and Corpus . For , it is evident that Latitude is another sort of Quantity , and has more of that Notion in it than Longitude has ; and that Profundity is a different sort of Quantity , and has in it more of Quantity , thus consider'd , than either of the other , as containing in it self all the three Dimensions . 9. Therefore , the Intrinsecal Differences of each of these continued Quantities ( consider'd Mathematically , as abstracted from all Order to Motion ) are Divisibility into greater or into lesser determinate parts : For , since the Notion of Quantity is Divisibility , and Divisibility respects the Parts into which it may be divided ; and this respect cannot be to Indeterminate parts into which it may be divided , they being ( as Euclid has demonstrated ) Infinit , as well in the greatest as the least Quantities , so that they cannot have any differences , thus considered ; wherefore Divisibility into Greater and Lesser parts , being the Intrinsecal Differences of all such Quantities , in regard that the Greater have more of the Immediate Generical Notion , or of that kind of Quantity , in them ; the smaller , less of it ; and Divisibility into parts which are Determinate , may bear the Notion of Greater or lesser Divisibility , which Divisibility into Potential parts ( as was said ) cannot ; it follows that Divisibility into Greater and Lesser Determinate parts are the Intrinsecal Differences of this kind of Quantity , Mathematically consider'd . Besides , Greater and Lesser bear in their Notions some Proportion between those parts ; which cannot be conceiv'd unless those Parts be Determinate . 10. The Proper and Intrinsecal Differences of Continued Quantity consider'd Physically , or in Order to Motion ; that is , Affecting it's subject as apt to be wrought upon by Natural Causes , are more or less Divisible or capable to be wrought upon and divided by those Causes . This is evident from the very same Reason , supposing Intrinsecal Differences to be onely more or less of the immediate common Notion , or of the Genus they are to divide . 11. The More and Less Divisibility of Continu'd Quantity thus consider'd , is to be more easily or less easily wrought upon or divided by Natural Agents . For , since Quantity , thus consider'd , does not respect the Parts it contains or may be divided into , but the Causes in Nature , and their Operation upon its Subject , Body ; it follows , that the Notion of its being more or less Divisible , as thus consider'd , can only mean more or less susceptive of the Efficiency of Natural Causes ; that is , more easily or less easily Divisible by the said Causes ; which is to be Rare and Dense . 12. The Division of Continu'd Quantity into Permanent and Successive , is made by Accidental Differences , and not by Essential ones , as were the former Divisions of it : For , since to move and to stand still are Accidental to Quantity , and have no respect to that Generical Notion , as more and less of it , as had the other Differences above mentioned ; it follows , that these Differences are Accidental to their Generical Notion , and not Essential or Intrinsecal to it . Again , more and less , which are Intrinsecal Differences , signifie some Proportion or Comparison of one to the other , which can have no place in Permanent and Successive Quantities ; for , what sense bears it to say , that a Yard is as Long as an Hour ? Wherefore , since it is a most certain Maxim , That Comparisons are made of things which are of the same Genus or kind ( which by the way shews , that Intrinsecal Differences of any Genus or Kind are Comparative Notions , or More and Less of it ) 't is Evident that Continu'd Quantity is not a Proper Genus to them , as such ; nor They Proper Species of it , or constituted such under it by Intrinsecal Differences ; but each of them is the very Genus it self of Continu'd Quantity , consider'd under diverse States altogether disparate ; and one of them , viz. Successive , connotating the Predicament of Action , the other seeming rather to hold on the side of meer Quantity ; tho' that Common Head does , in rigour , Abstract from both those States . 13. The Division of Permanent Continu'd Quantity into Extensive , containing the three Species * above mentioned ; and Intensive or Weight , is yet more defective than the other : For , first , part of the Genus it self ( viz. Permanent ) is Accidental to Quantity . Next , ( there being no Natural Propension one way or other Inherent in Bodies while in Rest , ( as is shown in Physicks ) Weight must be taken for an Actual tendency downwards ; and so it belongs to the Predicament of Action or Passion , according as the Body that weighs is consider'd either as prest upon by the superiour body , or pressing that below it . Whence , whatever else we can conceive of the Notion of Weight in any Body is nothing else but its Density ; for this makes it apt to receive the full Impression of the descending Ayr , and better and more swiftly cut the medium , when its Motion is once determin'd ; whereas Rare Bodies suffer the descending Particles to slip thro' them , and do but dully and slowly divide the Medium thro' which they are to pass in their descent . But of this more in Physicks . 14. Infinit Discrete Quantity , that is Infinit Number cannot belong to the Predicament of Quantity ; For then , it must either have the place there of a Genus , or of a Species ; whereas it can be neither , because the Generical Notion would in that case be Common to more Infinit Numbers as its Species , which is a Contradiction : For , since each of these Species , being Infinit in such a line , or under such a Notion , must comprehend All that can be in that Line , they would each of them contain the whole Line of Number ; and so each of them would be of as large a Notion as their Genus ; nor would they , in that case , be Different from one another in that Line , because one of them can have nothing which the other has not ; nor consequently can they be diverse Species , nor can Infinit Quantity be their Genus . Besides , two Infinits , under what Notion soever , limit , and so destroy one another : nor can it be solv'd by saying , that Quantity may be divided into Finit and Infinit , and that Species that is Infinit be but one , or have no more of its kind but its single self ; for , since Infinit in any Notion includes All that can belong to that Notion , nothing of the Genus would be left for its fellow - species to partake of ; which makes Finite Number to be no Species . Lastly , As the Differences of Continu'd Quantity were Greater or Lesser determinate parts , so the Differences of Number must be More or Fewer determinate parts ; which can bear no Sense if one of the species have All , or be Endless or Indeterminate . 15. Hence 't is Logically demonstrated that Infinit Number is Impossible and Contradictory ; since it contradicts the Methods and Maxims of all our Natural Notions . For , were it put , it ought to belong to the Common Head of Quantity , which we see is in many regards Implicatory . Add , That as no Ens is capable of Existence unless it be first Ultimately determin'd to be This or That ; so no Affection of Ens , v. g. Number , can possibly exist in Things , unless it be determin'd in its own Line to be This or That Number ; which is here forbidden it by the very Notion of Infinit , which signifies Indeterminate . 16· Therefore Continu'd Quantity , for the same reason , cannot be Infinit ; that is , there cannot be an Infinit Extent or Expansion of Body ; for , then the Subject would verifie it , that there must be in it an Infinit Number of Yards , which is now prov'd Impossible . 17. For the same reason there cannot have been Infinit Time ; for then , again , there must have been an Infinit Number , viz. of Hours . Again , let us put Time to have been Infinit , that is , never to have begun ; then there must have succeeded an Infinit Number of Hours ; wherefore in that whole Collection of Hours there must either have been some one hour distant from this present hour by Infinit Intermediate ones , or no one Hour thus distant . If no one , then the whole Collection of Hours ( consisting of Ones ) is Finite : If some one Hour be distant from this present one by Infinit Intermediate ones , then we are forc'd to put an Infinit which has two Ends , viz. that Hour said to be Infinitely long ago , and this present Hour that now passes ; that is , we must put an Infinit to be Finite . Corol. Hence is demonstrated , that the Course of Nature , consisting in Motion , had a Beginning or First Motion ; therefore a First-Mover , therefore some Spiritual Nature ; as * will be demonstrated hereafter . LESSON VI. Of the Common Head of Quality . 1. THE Notion of Substance being What a Thing is ; and that of Quantity , how Great it is , or how much there is of it ; the Common Notion of Quality , ( as was said above , and indeed as the very word imports ) is how a thing is in respect to its own peculiar nature ; that is , whether it be so as it should be or no. This will be farther Evident from the whole following Discourse . 2. Wherefore there must be so many Common Kinds or Species of Quality as there may be Common Considerations of How a thing is in regard to its own peculiar nature . 3. Wherefore , seeing the Subject may be thus Consider'd , either according to its Intrinsecals , or according to Extrinsecals , to which it may be refer'd : And , if to Intrinsecals , then , either according to some Perfection or Imperfection of its Intrinsecal Temperature or Constitution , which we call Habit , if Permanent ; or Disposition , if Transitory ; or to its outward Shape conceiv'd to inhere in it , call'd Figure . If it be consider'd according to Extrinsecals , then , either according to the Causes from which it may suffer or be variable , which we call Passible Quality , if steddy ; or Passion , if sudden and fleeting ; or to the Effects or Operations it may or may not produce ; which we name its Power or Impotency : Hence Quality in common is divided into Four Kinds and no more ; nor can more sorts of Answers to the Question , How a Thing is , be invented or imagin'd . Examples of the Questions proper to Quality are such as these : How do you ? To which is Answer'd , Sick or in Health , well or ill dispos'd . How is he as to his Understanding ? Learned or Ignorant ; which Answers we call Habits or Dispositions . How is he as to his Walking , or using his Natural Faculties ? To which we answer , well able to walk , or Lame , &c. which signifie his Power or Impotency . How is the Milk that 's over the Fire , or the Bread in the Oven ? To which is answer'd , Hot or Cold ; Dough-bak'd or Enough : which are Passible Qualities . How is he affected to me ? To which is answer'd , Angry , which is Passion . Lastly , it may be ask'd , How he is as to his outward shape ? To which is answer'd , well or ill shap'd , Handsome or Vgly , which Quality is call'd Figure . 4. The Intrinsecal Differences of more or less in this Common Head of Quality , are more properly to be call'd Better and Worse qualified , since they fall into the same as more and less ; only the latter Expressions sute better , having a qualifying sense . 5. Wherefore Power and Impotency are the First Species of Quality , because they spring immediately out of the Essence as it's Properties , and most meerly concern it as to making it Better or Worse ; as also , because they most dispose or indispose the Subject to the substance ( as it were ) of it's Natural Operations . Habit and Disposition are the Second ; because they Supervene to the Power , and only give it a better or worse Facility or Difficulty to Operate . Passible Quality and Passion , taken as such , are the Third ; because , taken as such , they meerly qualify the Subject to be Passive or Alterable by another . I say , taken as such , that is , as Passible ; for , if they be consider'd as Active , as Heat in Fire is conceiv'd to be apt to effect Heat in another thing , then 't is a calefactive Virtue , and has the Notion of Power . Lastly , Figure has the least share of the Notion of Quality , because it onely regards the Outward Lineaments and Appearance , which are the sleightest of all other Qualities . Though it may sometimes , ( especially in Organical Bodies and their several parts , ) contribute to their Power or Impotency ; as an Acute Figure in Dense Bodies makes them better divide the Ayre , and other Bodies , adding thus an Accidental perfection to their Power of Dividing ; and Splay-footedness hinders the Power of Walking , whereas Straightness helps it . Accidental , I say , for the , Essential Notion of Figure is onely to terminate thus , or thus the Quantity of Bodies , as will be shewn hereafter . 6. Wherefore , the Intrinsecal Differences of Quality being to make the Subject of them better or worse , hence most Qualities may admit of several Degrees in each of it's Species , or , as the Schools phrase it , may be Intended or Remitted ; whereas neither Substance nor Quantity can . Not Substance ; because , as we no sooner step out of the Notion of Ens in common but we plunge into Non-Ens , so we cannot depart from the Essential Notion of Hoc Ens , but we must fall into Non-hoc-Ens or Another Ens. Not Quantity ; for , let us design any particular or determinate Species of Quantity ( a Yard for example ) and but in the least Increase or Diminish it quantitatively , and immediately it becomes no yard but of an other Species really , tho' perhaps so little may be added or detracted that we may want a Name for it . 7. Power differs from Habit also in this that Powers are Natural , and spring out of the Essences of things as their Properties ; as the Power of Walking , Seeing , Hearing , Fancying , Understanding , Willing , Heating , Dividing , &c. Whereas Habits are generally , Acquir'd by frequent Acts. In things Inanimate , and Vegetables , and in some sort of Animals they are properly call'd Virtues ; thus we say such a Mineral or Herb has the Virtue of Drying , Cooling , Healing , Cauterizing , Poisoning . In Animals , they are call'd Natural Faculties ; as those of Seeing Walking , Flying , &c. Where the word Faculty is not taken in the same Sense in which we use it , when we tell one he has got a Faculty of doing this or that , meaning thereby a Facility or Habit of doing it , but for the Power it self which is to be facilitated by that Habit. The Privations or want of those Powers due to Nature we call Impotences ; as Deafness , Blindness , Doltishness , &c. Which signify Inabilities to perform such Operations as we ought , were the Subjects Qualify'd as they should be . 8. Habits are generally Acquir'd by Acts : yet some may seem to be had by Nature : as Healthfulness and Sickliness . Of the former we use to say such a one has got a Habit of Dancing , Drinking , Brawling , Swearing , Praying , &c. Of which sort are all kind of Skill's in moving the Body , and all Arts and Sciences qualifying the Mind , and their Opposites : All which we shall find to be Perfections or Imperfections , belonging either to the particular Nature of the Body , as Dancing , Pronouncing , &c. or else suitable or disagreeable to the peculiar Temper of the Mind , which is Reason ; such as are Sciences , Virtues , Vices , Ignorance , &c. But those that are Innate , and have withal some constant Ground of Stability by the steady or fixt course of Causes , are rather call'd States or Conditions than Habits ; such as are Original Justice , Original Sin , Impeccableness in the Saints in Heaven , Obdurateness in Sin in the Divels ; and , Healthfulness or Sickliness , if it comes out of a Man's Natural Constitution . All which , tho' less properly Habits than those that are Acquir'd , yet Habit having in it's Notion a kind of Constancy , we do therefore from their Steady manner of working , denominate Habitual Propensions , Dispositions , Affections , or Determinations of the Subjects , and reduce them to the Species of Habit . 9. Those Natural Affections of Body , consider'd as apt to render the Subject , not to be determinately This or That in the Line of Ens ; nor Bigger or Lesser , but only Alterable thus or thus , without changing the Entity , are for the most part Passible Qualities . This is manifest ; For considering them thus , there is no Predicament but that of Quality , nor any Species of Quality but This , under which they can be rank't . Under the Genus of Passible Quality are particularly The Four First Qualities , Heat , Coldness , Moisture , Dryness ; and the Second , ( and perhaps Third ) Qualities compounded of these , with a variety almost Infinit , of which more in Physicks . 10 All Passible Qualities are Objects of the Senses , Otherwise they would not be Natural Notions , nor belong to any Common Head ; and , consequently , we could not discourse or think of them , which yet we experience we do . 11. Yet 't is not the Consideration of them as the Objects of our Senses which Constitutes them , nor Essentially Distinguishes them ▪ This is evident , for their Essence , as Qualities , must be taken from their manner of affecting their own Subject , and thence giving us ground of denominating it diversly , or framing distinct Notions of it . Besides , to be an Object of any Power , can , as such , be Essential to Nothing ; because it is perfectly Extrinsecal to the Thing or it's Power to which 't is an Object ; as will be farther seen when we come to treat of the Predicament of * Relation . Wherefore , the Division of this Species of of Quality into Visible , Audible , Tangible , &c. is Accidental to Quality and far from Intrinsecal or Essential . 12. Notwithstanding what is said above , some Qualities may contribute to the Essence of a Thing , and so be in part Essential . For , since ( as is shewn in Metaphysicks ) the Complexion of Accidents , and of some Qualities , among the rest , do determine a Thing to be This and Distinct from all others , and withal fit it for its Primary Operation ; and consequently do help to constitute the Essence of an Individual Body as part of it's Form ; Passible Qualities , in particular , may contribute to the Essence of a Thing ; or be in part , and , as joyn'd with Quantity , Essential to it . Yet so , that each of these consider'd Alone is an Accident : but all of them taken together and as clubbing to determin the matter ultimately to be This , they are to be consider'd not as meerly Quantitative , nor as Qualificative , but as belonging to the Substantial Form. 13. No other Species of Quality but Passible Qualities has this Prerogative , Not Power : For Powers are Properties ; and , so , are conceiv'd to follow the Essence constituted , and presuppose it ; much less Habits , for they supervene to the Natural Powers . And least of all Figure , for this is Extrinsecal to the Constitution of the Body ; however in Organical Bodies they may help to determine the Species or Individuum . 14. Figure is nothing but the Termination of the Quantity of a Body , or ( which is the same ) Body thus Terminated . For , since Figure is nothing but such a Superficies , and the Superficies is the Termination of Profundity which is the proper Quantity of Body ; it follows that Figure is nothing else but the Termination of the Quantity of Body . Again , if we look narrowly into particular Figures , we shall find them nothing but that the Quantity goes no further , or ends , here and there . Whence the Figure of it must necessarily be thus and thus . And this is all can be made of it as it is distinguisht from the Body it self or its Quantity ; however we are prone to conceit it , as 't is distinct from Body , to be a kind of Ens. 15. Figure alone is Incapable of more or Less in the same Species . For , since Figure is the Termination of the Quantity of Body , and Quantity being Divisibility , the Termination or No-fartherness of Quantity must be no Quantity , and therefore Indivisible , and there can be no Degrees in Indivisibles ; it follows that Figure is not capable of more and less within the same Species , but every Alteration of the Figure is a New Species of it . 16. Hence the Termination of the Self-same Quantity ( tho' being oft-times Imperceptible , it happens to be Nameless , ) after Several Manners make so many particular Figures . For example , the self same Quantity , ( viz. a Pint of Water , ) may be put into a Round viol and a Square or Oval one ; which being terminated after a particular manner , do make so many particular kinds of Figures . Corol. I. Hence is seen that there is a Real Divisibility ( that is such a Notional one as is grounded in Nature ) between Quantity and Figure ; since the subject may be chang'd according to Figure and not according to Quantity , of which we can have no better nor more familiar Instance than a Pastry-Cook's forming the same quantity of Dow into a Pye , and a Lid for it , or into Pyes of several Figures . 17. The Termination of the Quantity of Body , being the Outside , that Circumscribes and Comprehends all the Body enclos'd in it , which is the Containing it ; the Species of Figure , simply speaking , must be More or less a Capacity to contain Body ; that is , to Contain more or less of it . Hence a Round Figure is the best , a Quadrate Worse , and a Parallelogram still worse than the former : I say , simply speaking ; or regarding Body in common ; for otherwise , if the nature of some sorts of Bodies ( Organical Ones for Example ) requires such a determinate Figure , then that Figure is Better or Worse , which approaches more or less to such a Figure as best sutes with that Nature , fits it best for its Operations , and makes the Symmetry with its other parts most perfect . Things endow'd with this Quality we use to call Well shaped or Handsome ; which , with fit Colours rightly placed in the respective Parts , make up that amiable Quality we call Beauty . 18. All Corporeal Qualities are in reality the very Particles or Parts of Body . This has been prov'd * above , where it was shewn , that Accidents are not Entities , nor can exist of themselves , but meerly by their Identity with their subject . 19. Wherefore Corporeal Powers are nothing but several Mixt Parts , so contriv'd and Organiz'd , as enable the Compounds to perform such and such Operations . Corporeal Habits are nothing but the same Parts by Vse and Bending to and fro made plyable , and , so , apt to perform them more easily . The Passible Qualities are the same Parts as rendring the Subject either perfectly or imperfectly Divisible or Capable to be Alter'd by Natural Causes . Figure can the least be thought to have any Being of its own , since it is onely the Termination of Quantity which is it self but a Determination of Body . Corol. II. Hence is evident that all the Qualities that affect our Senses are nothing but the minute and subtil particles or Effluviums of Bodies ; sent out from them , and lighting on those most tender and sensible Receivers , and affecting them agreeably or disagreebly to the nature of the Subjects . And the same may be said of the Ideas lodg'd in the Fancy or Imaginative Power it self . Nor will this be hard to conceive if we reflect attentively , how Quantitative particles may be still less and less , almost Infinitely . Corol. III. Nor will it hence follow , that Cartesians and Aristotelians agree in the main about the Explication of Nature , in regard they do both of them hold , that there is nothing but the Matter or Substance thus or thus Modify'd . For , the Aristotelians give an account of there Minima Naturalia ; they make them Mixt Bodies ; they reduce them to their First or Original Mixture ; and shew the Intrinsecal Temperature or Constitution of their Subject , or the Inform'd Matter of which they consist , from the Conjunction of the highest and most known Notions in nature , viz. of that matter and Quantity diversly proportion'd ; whence arise the Natures of Rarity and Density in the First species of Bodies . None of which the Cartesians do ; nor can they by their Principles reach the Explication of their First Matter , or render any tolerable account of it ; whether it is Dense or Rare , Hard or Soft , &c. as will be more amply demonstrated in the Appendix . 20. Nothing more obstructs the way to Natural Science than the doctrin of Vulgar Philosophers , That Qualities are certain Kinds of little Entities , which of themselves have a diminutive sort of Being , and are able to produce such and such Effects . For example , Ask them how a Bell works that effect upon my Ear which we call Sound ; they 'll tell you there is a Quality in the Bell call'd Sonoreity , whose nature it is to make a Sound . Ask how a Green thing makes such a pleasing Impression on my Eye ; they 'll answer , There is a certain Quality in it call'd Greenness , whose nature 't is to work such an Effect ; and so of the rest . Which ridiculous Method explicates nothing , but makes the Silliest old wife as good a Philosopher as the most Learned Naturalist , if she can but name the Word that Signifies that Quality . Next , it makes Learners rest easily contented , and well appay'd with a meer Word ; whence they will grow Negligent and Careless to take pains to look into the Natures of the Things ; or else ( if they have any wit in them , ) to despair of all knowledge of Nature , by seeing their Masters so profoundly Ignorant , and so Superficially Learned . And lastly , it hinders Learners from Seeing , or even endeavouring to see , the Natural Proportion and Alliance between Proper Causes and their Effects ; and inclines them to take purely upon trust the whole Administration of Nature , and all Consequence of one thing from another , which renders all natural Science precarious . For , 't is not Science , unless we use our own Eyes , and see the point Demonstrated . Jurare in verba — is ( in such cases ) the Fool 's Oath ; and is , in plain terms , to swear the Devoting or giving up our Reason to a Slothful Contentedness never to grow Wiser . LESSON VII . Of the Common Head of Relation . 1. THE Notion of Relation being what one Individual Thing is , if compar'd to another , there must be some Real Ground of it in the thing Referr'd , which is the Reason of our Referring it , and by which formally we do thus Refer it : For otherwise Relation would be a Chimerical and Fictitious Notion ; and not a Real or Natural one , common to all Mankind , and held by them to be such ; which yet we experience , by our daily Converse with them , it is . 2. This Ground cannot be their having Disparate or Disagreeing Notions in them , or their being of Disparate Orders , which have nothing to do with one another : For , we find that we cannot Refer or compare Green and Hard , Youthful and Transparent , Hot and Triangular , nor any other disparate Notions ; nor yet a Writer and a Plough-share , a Father and a Mill-stone , a Brother and a Handsaw , &c. because they are in Disparate Orders , and have no Respect to one another , grounding our Referring them or Comparing them together , as have a Writer and a Writing , a Father and a Son , a Baker and Bread , &c. 3. Wherefore the Ground of Relation must either be some Notion agreeing to both the things related , that is , found to belong to both , either Intrinsecally or Extrinsecally , or else their having Communication with one another by way of natural Action and Passion . This is prov'd by the former Section , and is evident , because there can be no other Considerations by which they can be order'd to one another , or be of the same Order , but their having some Intrinsecal Notion common to both , or else their Acting and Suffering upon and from one another , which is an Extrinsecal Consideration . 4. Relations of the first sort , which have one and the same Notion in them , are of as many kinds as there are Heads of Notions , since all these have a kind of Nature or Notion in them , and so some kind of Transcendent Unity . Thus , if they have the same Nature or Essence in them which belongs to the Common Head of Substance , the Relation between them is call'd Identity , which is their being of one and the same kind of Entity . If of one and the same Notion of Quantity , 't is call'd Equality , which is their being of one and the same Quantity : If of Quality , 't is call'd Likeness : if of Action , ( singly consider'd ) they are call'd Co-actors , as Fellow-Souldiers , Fellow-Servants , &c. If of Passion ( singly consider'd ) Fellow-Sufferers , Fellow-Martyrs , &c. If of Place , ( or Vbi ) Bed-fellows , Chamber-fellows , Townsmen , Country-men , &c. If of Time , Contemporaries , Co-eve , or born at the same time . If of Habit , Fellow-Mourners , Fellow-Curassiers , Fellow-Souldiers of the Blew or Grey Regiment . If of Situation , Fellow-Assessors or Sitters ; tho' such as this seldom occur . Nay there may be a Relation grounded on having the same notion even of Relation in them ; as Parents or Fellow-begetters . 5. Of the second sort grounded on Action and Passion , not singly consider'd , but with an Order to one another , or as Inferring one another , are such as these , viz. Father and Son , Master and Servant , Prince and Subject , Tutor and Pupil ; which are grounded on the Actions and Passions of Begetting and being Begotten , Commanding and being Commanded , Governing and being Governed , Teaching and being Taught , &c. 6. In both these sorts of Relations the things Referr'd must have their Correlates ; that is , there must be a mutual Relation on both sides . In the former of them , because there is the selfsame Ground or Reason of Referring in one as in the other , viz. that one same Notion , Common or Belonging to Both , to wit , the same Essence , same Quantity , same Quality , same Relation , same Place , same Time , same sort of Action and Passion , same Situation , and the same Habit. 7. This Agreeing and Corresponding of the two things thus Related in those of the former kind of Relation , must be meant to be their Agreeing in the same Abstracted and Common or Specifical Notion , and not in the same Individual one . For , otherwise two Men could not have Identity in their Individual Essence , since then they would be the same and not the same , that is , Vnum and Non-unum : And , for the same reason , Intrinsecal Accidents being Identify'd with the Subjects in which they inhere , and having no Entity but theirs , they can have no Individuality but by them , and so the same Individual Intrinsecal Accident cannot be Common to two Subjects or Substances , but must be Individually Two , as They are . Whence the Relations grounded on them must be upon their being the same in Species or Kind , and not Individually . Which reason holds equally for those Relations that are grounded on Action , Passion , and Situation , and the rest : For , two things cannot be in one Individual place ( that is , in a place capable to hold but one Individual thing ) without Penetration of Bodies : Nor is it possible , in the course of Natural Causes , that two should be born or dye at the same precise Time , that is , in such a portion of Time as is terminated by the same Instants : Nor can Two wear the same Individual Arms , &c. at once . Wherefore it must be meant , that the Notion common to both must be an abstracted or specifical Notion , and not the Individual . 8. The Relations of the later sort became Mutual upon another score , viz. because Action and its proper Passion corresponding to it , do infer one another ; For , nothing can Act , but it must Act upon something that receives that Action , or suffers by it ; nor suffer or be Acted upon , but by something that Acts on it . 9. There is a Third Mix'd sort of Relation , call'd , Of the thing Measured to the Measure ; that is , when the Thing Related depends for its Essence or its Perfection , on Another , and that other does not at all depend for either on it . For Example , When a Picture is drawn from the Prototype , it depends on the Prototype for its Perfection , and is , as it were , Measur'd by it , in regard 't is only so far Good or Bad as it resembles the Man it was drawn for ; but the Prototype or the Man , gets Nothing , nor is in the least Better or Worse , by having a Picture drawn from him . Again , there is a common Notion of Lineaments and Colour found in both , which makes it seem to partake of the first sort of Relation ; also the Prototype , by imprinting an Idea of it self in the Painter , enables him in some sort to draw him , and so contributes something to that Action which gives it to partake of the Second Kind : so that this Kind of Relation seems to be Mixt of the other two , and yet ( as will be shown ) is perfectly of Neither . 10. This kind of Relation is not Mutual , but is found only on the side of the thing measured : For , since the Measure ( v. g. the Prototype ) has no natural Order of Agency or Patiency by which it respects the Picture , because the Man is not a Thing naturally ordain'd to work upon the Fancy of the Painter so to render him , a perfect Efficient cause of the Picture , as Fire is Ordain'd to Heat , a Master to Command , &c. Nor is there a true Vnity of Form , to wit , of Colour and Figure , in both , but only some Counterfeit Resemblance of them ; whence we cannot , without speaking nonsense , say , The Man is like his Picture , as we can that the Picture is like the Man , or that two white Walls are like one another ; nor ( as was said ) does the Man receive any degree of Perfection or Imperfection by being pictur'd ; it follows , that there is no Ground or Reason on the Man's side to make him Related to his Picture ; wherefore he has no Real Relation to it at all , but only a Verbal one , consisting in the Grammatical chiming of the word pictured to ●●●ure . 11. Of this sort are the Relations between all our Powers , whether Corporeal or Intellectual , to their Objects ; for the very Essence and Nature of those Powers is to see , hear , or understand the Objects : and the Perfections of the Powers in their several kinds , are Measured and rated by their doing this Better or Worse ; whereas the Objects are never the Better by being seen , heard , or known . Wherefore there wants on those Objects side a Real Ground , and therefore a Real Relation to our Powers ; however , the words Seer and Seen , Knower and Known , do answer one another , as if they were proper Agents and Patients , and Order'd mutually to each other . 12. Of this sort too is the Relation between GOD , as Creator , and his Creatures . For , seeing the Creature has received all it has , or can have , from its Creator ; that is , has to be an Ens , and not a meer Nothing from the Essential Ideas it had from all Eternity in the Divine Understanding ; and was put afterwards into Actual Being or Existence , and is conserv'd in the same by his continual Influence ; and has , besides all its Accidental Perfections and Conveniences , by the course of Causes , laid by his Divine Providence ( all which is demonstrated in Metaphysicks ) : Hence there is all the Ground imaginable of a Real Relation on the Creature 's part towards GOD. On the other side , since GOD gains no kind of perfection by making Creatures , nor is intrinsecally better in the least by his Creating them , there can be no Ground at all of a Real Relation on GOD's side to the Creature , but only a Verbal Sound of [ Creator ] answering Grammatically to Creature , as Creature does to Creator . So important a thing it is in Philosophy not to be deluded by Articulate Ayr , or meer Characters , but to look deeply and attentively into the Thing it self , and to guide our Thoughts by what we find there , lest we come to frame Mock-notions out of our Fancy which Nature never gave us . Corol. I. Hence follows , that all the Expressions of the Holy Scripture of a Pact or Covenant between God and Creatures , That , upon their behaving themselves thus and thus , he enters an Obligation of doing thus or thus towards them ; the which do , consequently , put God and the Creature upon the same rank of Agency and Patiency : It follows , I say , that such Expressions are purely Metaphorical , and far from Proper or Literally True ; but are spoken humano more , or in accommodation to our Human Actions and Manners of Proceeding . For , on God's side there is nothing but his Infinit Wisdom and Goodness , carrying on Supernatural Good Dispositions to conformable Effects , as he does Natural Dispositions to Effects suitable to the Nature of such things . Which Rectitude of his Will being Essential to him , and consequently Independent on Creatures or their Actions , had produc'd the same Effects whether he had made any such Covenant or no. And the same may be said proportionably of God's Promising , Threatening , Commanding , Requiring Satisfaction , Accepting the Payment of it , and such-like ; which tho' Metaphorical , are notwithstanding True , amount to the same , and induce the same Effects , tho' in a more soveraign way , and more becoming God's Infinit Majesty , than the Gross Capacity of the Generality of Mankind ( for whose sake those low Conceptions and Expressions were us'd ) can apprehend . 13. There is yet another sort of Mutual Relations , which are partly Artificial , partly Natural ; such as are those of Genus and Species , Antecedent and Consequent , Subject and Predicate , Premisses and Conclusion , &c. These are partly Natural , in regard our Vnderstanding has its distinct Nature or Notion , as well as Whiteness , Action or any other Ground of Relation hitherto spoken of ; and these are grounded on the Manner of the Objects existing in our Vnderstanding ; where they are as truly Vniversal and Particular , Subject and Predicate , &c. as the Wall is White , or the Quantity a Yard , &c. And they are also partly Artificial , because Artists in Logick , who reflect on the things as they are in our Minds , do make use of such to clear their Notions , predicate them of one another , and discourse of them exactly . 14. Wherefore those Logicians who call them Relationes Rationis , meaning to oppose them by that Expression to Real Relations , seem to forget that the * Understanding and its manner of working are Real ; whereas they have more of Entity , and consequently of Reality , in them than Bodies , and their Powers or Manners of Working have ; and , consequently , those Relations are far more Real than those which are grounded on Corporeal Powers and their Operations . 15. The Substance ( as it were ) of Relation consists in that Immediate Ground which is the Reason of our referring one thing to another . For , 't is Evident , that 't is the Thing it self in my Mind which is Referr'd , and not the Act of the Mind Referring it . For example ; Two White things have Vnity of Form , or the same Notion in them , which makes them Really Alike of themselves , were they in a Comparing Power , that could actually Referr them and denominate them Relatively as their Nature requires ; so that it is not the Act of my Understanding which made the white Walls really Alike , but their own Natures which are the Object of my Act ; by means notwithstanding of the Comparative Act of my Understanding , which they inform'd , as a necessary Condition to relate them actually , and without which they had each of them had but the Absolute Notion of White , and not the Relative one of being Alike . Corol. II. Hence we have some light given us how there may be True and Real Relations in God , Knowing and Loving himself ; and , how they depend and not depend on our Understanding . 16. The Intrinsecal Differences of Relation being more and less , and our Act adding nothing to the Substance of the Relation , they must be taken from the Greater or Lesser Ground or Reason why the thing is referr'd to another . Hence our greatest Relation is to God , because all the good we have or can have does entirely Referr us to him . Upon which therefore is founded all our Religious Respects , and our Duties of Serving , Obeying and Adoring him . Next follows the Relation of a Husband to a Wife , who is ( in some manner ) the same Individual with himself . After them comes our Relation to our Parents , who concurr'd to our Being , gave us Education , and provided for our Subsistence . Then to Mankind , to whom we are Related by Identity of Nature ; to our Country , our King , and other Superiours , according to their several Ranks ; to our Kinsfolks , Neighbours , &c. from which Relations arise several Duties in proportion to the more or less important Reason or Ground that makes them more or less nearer or remotely Related to us . LESSON VIII . Of the Common Heads of Action and Passion . 1. THERE are Two , and but Two , Common Heads of Extrinsecals conceiv'd to be apply'd to one another by way of Motion . For , since Motion has two Terms , viz. that thing from whence it comes , and that to which it reaches , and these are distinct Considerations ; hence we have Two Common Heads of one Extrinsecal thing conceiv'd to be apply'd to another by way of Motion . Nor can there be more ; for Motion , consider'd ( as it were ) in the Midway between those Terms , has no Notion but that of meer Motion ; whence it is the very Notion of Successive Quantity , and belongs clearly to that Common Head , and therefore cannot belong to another , or constitute a new one . 2. The Notion of Motion is the most Imperfect of all our Notions , and most approaching to Non-Entity . For , since Motion , as it superadds to the Extensive Quantity of its Subject , is wholly made up of not being in this place , or that ; or , of not being still here and not being yet there ; nor has any thing of Permanency , which is in a manner the same Notion with Actual Being ; it follows , that , besides the Common disadvantage other Accidents are liable to , of having no Entity of their own but what 's borrow'd of their Subjects , it has moreover this , that neither it self , nor any part of it self , exists so much as for one Moment . Wherefore Ens being a Capacity of Existence , Motion seems to be ( in a manner ) incapable of Existence , or a Non-Entity ; and this out of its own peculiar Nature or Notion . Again , since in every part of Motion the thing moved is in a space bigger than it self , and Place ( as will be shewn * hereafter ) properly such , is but Equal to the thing it contains , and not bigger than it , hence Motion hinders its Subject to be , properly speaking , in any place , that is any where , which amongst Bodies seems next akin to not being at all . Lastly , Motion is destructive of Actual Being in those things that are arriv'd to their full state of perfection ; which shews its nature to be in some sense directly opposit to the Notion of Being , which has some kind of Constancy and Stability in it . Nor can it be said that it gives Actual Being or Existence to the new Entities it helps to produce , for Existence † is the proper Effect of Self-Existence or the First Cause . Wherefore the Notion of Motion is the most Imperfect of all our Notions , and most approaching to Non-Entity . Corol. I. Hence is demonstrated that , since every Agent produces an Effect suitable to its own Nature , and therefore an Agent infinitely perfect cannot be the Immediate Cause of what 's most Imperfect ; therefore Motion , being both most imperfect , and withal most disagreeable , nay , directly contrary , to God's Nature , which is pure Self-Existence and Essentially Immovable and Vnchangable , was not immediately caus'd by God , but by * some imperfect Agent , or some Creature , that is , by such a Cause as of it self is a Non-Entity . 3. The Notion of Action , as it superadds to meer Motion is , the Exercise of a Power , which is Effective of something . For , since to Act is to Do , and to do Nothing is not to do , it follows , that to Act is to Do something ; but to do something presupposes a Power to do it ; and this so as not to stay in the Notion of meer Power ; for , if it stays there , it only denominates the Thing Able to do , which ( again ) is not to do ; wherefore Action is not the Notion of a sluggish Power , but of a Power Exerted and Exercis'd , that is , Effecting something ; whence the Power is call'd Effective , the Action Efficiency , and the Something it does is term'd an Effect . All which superadd to the notion of meer Motion . 4. The Primary and Chief Natural Action is Division . For , since Substance is the Subject of all Accidents ; and , which being changed , all the Accidents do suffer a change with it ; hence that Action that works upon a Body according to the Substantial Notion of it , has more of Action in it , as working a Greater Effect : But Division makes Two Things of One , and so destroys the former Vnum or Ens , and makes Two new ones , therefore Division is the Primary and Chief of all other Natural Actions . Note , That this is to be understood of Perfect Division , which makes the thing Divided , and is therefore only properly to be call'd Division ; for , Imperfect Division only alters the Figure . It may be objected , That Rarefaction and Condensation , if they be in a great degree , change the Substance as well as Division does . Answ. This arises out of the nature of some particular sort of Bodies , and not out of the precise Notion of those Actions : For , 't is evident that Rarefaction and Condensation import no more in their Notion but the altering the Subject according to some Quality ; whereas Division imports directly the taking away the Vnity of the Thing , and consequently its Entity . Again , meer Rarefaction does not change the Substance , but the Degree of it , when it comes to great height ; and every Body admits Rarefaction a long time without losing its former Essence ; whereas Division consists in an Indivisible , so that the Divisum esse is esse aliud , or esse duo ex uno ; whereas the Rarefactum esse may be without any such Effect following it . 5. Rarefaction and Condensation are the next Actions in Dignity : For , since ( as was proved above ) Rarity and Density are the First Intrinsecal Differences of Quantity , as it affects Body ( in order to natural Action and Passion , it follows , that those natural Actions that cause Rarity or Density , are the next in dignity to Division , which works more upon Divisibility their Genus . 6. These three sorts of Action take up the whole Head of Natural Action . For , since the Genus and its two Differences must needs comprehend all under any common Head , as being Adequate to it , and Division answers to Divisibility , the Genus , and Rarefaction , and Condensation to the Intrinsecal Differences of more or less thus Divisible ; it follows , that these three sorts of Action do take up all that Head , so that there cannot be any kind of Natural Action , which is not reducible to some of these , or not comprehended under them . Besides , all the First and Second Passible Qualities , which generally are the Immediate Objects of Natural Actions , are comprehended in , or spring out of , Rarity and Density ; as will be seen in Physicks . 7. The Formal Virtue of Acting , or working any Effect , which we call its Causality , is the Agent 's being what it is , or its very Existence apply'd by Motion to the Patient , and Communicated to it , or ( as it were ) imprinted on it . For , since no particular Agent in Nature can do every thing whatever , the reason why such particular Causes work such particular Effects must spring hence , that the Effect has something in its Nature that is like the Cause , comes from it , and is Communicated to the Patient , or partak'd by it . Whence come those Vulgar Axioms , Operari sequitur esse , Every thing acts as it is ; An Effect is a participation of the immediate Ca●se , &c. Thus the Cause or Reason why Water moistens , is because it is moist in it self , and imparts that Quality to another thing . The reason why a Seal makes such an Impression , is ; because it self is of such a stamp . The reason why God Creates , or is the Cause of Being , is , because Being is Essential to him . Corol. II. Hence Motion is only requisit to apply the Virtue or Existence of the Agent to the Matter or Patient ; but the Substance of the Effect springs from the Cause's being what it is : Whence it happens , that the Effect from the same Causes is more or less perfect , according as the Existence of a Cause which is of such a Nature or Essence , or more or fewer parts of it , are apply'd better or worse to the Patient , or to more or fewer parts of it , by a feebler or smarter Motion . 8. It follows from this discourse that there must be Four Sorts of Causes necessarily belonging to every Effect in Nature , viz. There must be an Acter which we call the Efficient Cause ; a Subject for the Acter to work upon , called the Material Cause . The Effect wrought in that Matter or Receiv'd in it , which makes it otherwise than it was before , and therefore has the Notion of some Form newly accruing to it ; which constitutes the Formal Cause . And , since Corporeal Action is Motion , and no Body can move it self , and therefore all Motion in Nature must be caus'd ( either Mediately or Immediately ) by something that is not a Body , that is , by a Spiritual or Intelligent Being : and such Agents do design or act for an End ; therefore , there must also be a Final Cause to make those Agents to move Bodies , and make them act as they do in every particular Action tho' never so minute ; which grounds our Notion of Providence adequately Governing the World even as to the least circumstance of it . Wherefore , there are to every Action in Nature Four Causes necessarily requisit ; which will afford Reflecters ample occasion for Speculation and Contemplation . For example , When I write a Letter , the Efficient Cause is my Self ; the Material Cause , Paper , which receives the Effect of my Writing ; The Formal Cause , the Characters received in the Paper ; the Final Cause , to gratify my Friend , treat of Business , or acquaint him with News . 9. There is no Fifth Cause call'd an Idea , as Plato affirms . For , either that Idea is conceiv'd as introduced in the matter and Receiv'd there , and then 't is clearly a Formal Cause : or , as 't is in the Mind of the Artificer ; and then it concurrs to make him an Efficient Cause ; for without such an Idea he could not produce such an Artificial Effect . 10. Operation has not the same Notion with Action , but is Indifferent to Action and Passion , or rather a kind of Neutral Notion made up of both . For example , Notions or Simple Apprehensions are said to be the First Operation of our Understanding , tho' the Soul in having them is purely Passive . So also my Acts of Discoursing , Willing &c. are call'd Operations , tho' they be both perform'd by my Soul and Receiv'd in it ; Whence they have a kind of Neutral Notion , such as have Curro , ardeo , and such-like , taking such words not in a Grammatical , but in a Philosophical and Natural Sense . Of which kind are all Immanent Actions or Acts ; And , therefore , these are not so properly call'd Actions , as Operations , in order to what they have of Effective in them ; or else Acts , because they Actuate or Inform the Subject in which they are as well Received , as they are Produced by it . Whence Action , in the Proper and Obvious Sense , signifies the Efficience of a Natural Cause ; which has a Transitive Notion , and inferrs Passion ; and , consequently , some Effect in the Extrinsecal Subject it lights on . Note , That since Action inferrs Passion , and referrs to it , hence whatever is discoursed here of Action , may , by turning the Tables ( as it were ) or considering Motion in order to its other Term , be understood likewise of Passion ; for which reason we treat of both those Heads in the same Discourse . LESSON IX . Of the Common Head of Ubi or Where . 1. UBI or Where signifying [ in what Place ] the Notion of Place , must first be rightly understood e're we can have a right Notion of the Common Head call'd Ubi . And the word [ Place ] being no Artificial Term but a Natural one , and us'd by all Mankind , we are to learn the true and proper meaning of it from the Users of it ; that is , we must take the Notion of Place , not from men of Art or Speculaters , but from the Vulgar ; and the surest way to do this , is to gather their Sense by reflecting on their Sayings and known Intentions . 2. Since then the Vulgar agree naturally to say a thing is in a Place ; the Notion of Place is to be a Container of the thing that is in it ; and , withal , such a Container as is not Intrinsecal to the Thing of which 't is enquir'd where it is , but Extrinsecal to it ; for it would be very odd and dissatisfactory , and look like a Jest , if when we are ask'd , Where such a man is ? we should Answer , He is in his Skin . Whence , pursuing these Natural Apprehensions of theirs exactly , we shall find , that the Proper Place of any Body must be Another Body that is Immediate and Equal to it ; for were it Distant from it , and so , Vnequal to it , or too wide for it , then ( since there is no Vacuum ) that too-large Container would be a Common Place to other Bodies as well as it , and so would not be its Proper Place , ( which was the Question that was ask'd ) since it would be no more Its Place than that others , but a Common Place to both ; which , therefore , would be no competent Answer to the Question where It was ? Whence , by Reflexion , we shall discover , that Place , in proper and exact speech , is the Ambient Superficies of the next Body ; for , this is Immediate , and therefore Equal to it , because an Indivisible ( such as the Superficies is in respect to Body ) can add no Quantity to it or make the Container Vnequal to the thing Contained . But 't is to be observed , that the Vulgar , whose only aym it is to find a thing by asking for its Place , do not reflect oftentimes upon their own Notion , or as it were refine it to an Exactness , but content themselves to know near what Visible thing that which they look for is placed ; as on the Cup-board , behind the door , under the Beds-feet , &c. which is a Slubberd or Imperfect Notion of Place , even according to their own Sayings ; for these do put the thing sought for to be in that Place , whereas perhaps many other things are on the Cup-board , or near the Bed's feet , as well as the thing sought for . 3. Again , since the Intention of Mankind in asking Where a Thing is ? can be no other but to know how to find it , it follows that Place must be certainly Knowable , that is , such as does not it self need seeking for . Nor could it be such if it were still Subject to be Remov'd ; for then we should be at a loss both to find It and other things by it : and our selves would be at the same plunge as are those that practise the Art of Memory ; who , being to range the things they would remember in ●et Places their Fancy had design'd , do affix them to Stools , Chairs , Brooms , and such like ; which being taken away and Remov'd , they have lost the Memory of the thing their Fancy had placed there ; wherefore Place must have as much Immobility as may Serve for our finding a thing , so that our Enquiry where , or in what Place the thing is , be not defeated ; and no more is requisit . All farther Immobility being nothing to the purpose mankind intended , and therefore was no part of their Notion of Place . 4. Wherefore , there is no Necessity of having recourse to Imaginary Space or Subsistent Dimensions , to find something which is Immoveable Absolutely , which some do upon this account , because all things in Nature are subject to motion . For , we experience , that we can find any thing that we can have necessity to use or know well enough without recurring thither . Besides , Place must be more Knowable then the thing we look for ; whereas , these Imaginary Vbies are not Distinguishable or Knowable at all . So that such wild Conceits as these are Extravagant even to madness . We have prov'd Vacuum to be purely Nothing , and consequently Vnknowable ; and , therefore , to be in a Vacuum is to be in no place or no where . And , as for Subsistent Dimensions , 't is a plain Contradiction upon another score ; because it puts Quantity to be Substance , and capable of subsisting alone or without a Subject . 5. 'T is not much less ridiculous to invent little Entities call'd Vbies for Bodies , or for Spirits ( which are incapable of being in place ) of which we can give no account . For , since the surface of the containing Body , in a Determinate distance from some Parts of the House , the Town , the Country , or the World , which to our apprehension are fixt , answers all Questions that can be proposed about the Place of a thing , and we can be furnisht with this by our Natural Notions ; it follows , that all other far-fetcht Conceits , invented to explicate Place , are Needless and Sensless . Such strange extravagancies capering wits are apt to fall into , when they relinquish Nature and the Solid Notions she imprints in them , to follow meer Fancy , the mint of a thousand ungrounded Capricio's and Chimera's . 6. Examples of Vbi may be such as this . Quest. Where , or in what Place , lives Dr. H. ? Answ. In Kings-street . Q. Where is that Kings-street ? A. In high Holborn . Q. Where is Holborn ? A. At the West end of London . Q. Where is London ? A. About the middle of England . Q. Where is England ? A. In such a part of Europe . Q. Where is Europe ? A. In the Northwest part of the Earth . And , farther than this ( or rather not so far ) none of the Generality of Mankind can have occasion to enquire ; tho' perhaps Artists , or Geographers and Astronomers , may ; nor needs there any more Immobility to be ascertain'd , to find out where that Skilful Doctor lives , since this may serve our purpose of finding him . And we may do this easily , ( let the whole Earth move round never so swiftly ) by getting an Answer to some of these Questions , without the help of Imaginary Space , Subsistent Dimensions , or those little Entities call'd Vbies , which no mortal Man's Eyes ever saw , or any man of Sense could ever understand . Corol. I. Hence it is a Contradiction to say the World is in Place , since it Contains all Space , and , consequently , all Place in its self , and therefore is Contain'd by none ; which ( as was shewn ) is requisit to the Notion of being in Place ; nor is there any necessity or sense it should ; unless we should Fancy that some ultra-mundane Traveller bewilder'd in Imaginary Space , should be put to it to ask some of the Chimera's there , which is the way to the World ? Corol. II. Hence is seen , that the Concave Superficies of a Body , consider'd as affecting its own Subject , is in the Head of Quantity ; but , as Containing another Body , and connotating a respect to some other things , so fixt and known , that by knowing them and It , we may know where the thing contain'd is ; it constitutes the Common Head of Vbi , and consequently of Place . Corol. III. 'T is seen also that Angels are not properly in Place , nor consequently have properly any Vbi ; since they have nothing in them which can have any Commensuration to a Superficies , or be Contain'd within it . Wherefore their being in Place can only be understood of their working upon Bodies which are in Place . 7. From what is said it will appear , that the true and proper Notion of Ubi is not Place it self , but the being in such or such a Place ; that is , it consists formally in the Application of one Extrinsecal thing to another , in Rest ; viz. of the Body Contain'd to the Superficies of the Body Containing , with a Connotation of the respects above-mentioned . Yet , because to be in a Place includes Place in its Notion , it was proper and necessary to treat of it under this Head , seeing it belong'd to it Formally , and to Quantity only Materially . LESSON X. Of the Common Head of Quando or When. 1. THere is some Motion that is Even and Regular , at least to our Apprehension ; and withal Knowable to all Mankind . For , every man sees that the Sun moves ( at least it appears so to us ) and if there be any Irregularity or Unevenness in its Motion , yet it is to us Undiscernable . 2. Therefore this Regular and Known Motion is fit to be a Measure to all our other Motions . For , since there are but three things Requisit to compleat the Notion of a Measure , viz. that it be apt to bear a Proportion to the Thing Measured , and to be compar'd to it , which all Motions have from being Quantities of the same kind , viz. being Successive Quantity ; and that its Quantity be more Known than the Quantity of the thing Measured ; and , lastly , that it be fix'd or Constantly the same , that so it may be a Standard to the others ; and , since the Motion of the Sun has both these last Properties , as well as it has the First from its being of the same Kind of Quantity with other Motions , therefore this proportionable , known , and even Motion of the Sun is every way fit to be a Measure to all our less known and less regular Motions ; which kind of Measure we call Time. 3. Hence Motion may be consider'd three several ways , and thence ground three several Notions : One , as it respects the parts into which it is Divisible , and its peculiar manner of having no two Parts at once ; the former of which gives it the Notion of Quantity , the latter to be of that Species of Quantity call'd Successive . Next , it may be consider'd as it respects the two Terms or Things , viz. that from which it begins , and that on which it lights and where it ends its Career ; which Considerations of Motion ground Action and Passion : And , lastly , it may be consider'd as bearing a proportion to other Motions , and as having such other Properties as fit it to Measure them ; and Motion , as conceiv'd to be furnish'd with these Requisites to Measure all others , is that which we properly call Time. 4. The Notion of Time is a Natural Notion , and Common to all Mankind . This is evident ; For all Mankind , the Rudest as well as the most Learned , ( as we find by their expressions ) has that Notion , must need it , and does use it . 5. Tho' the Notion of Time be clearly grounded in Nature , yet it needs some help of the Understanding to make it compleatly and actually a Measure : For , when I write an hour ( for example ) that motion of Writing was really perform'd while the Sun did run the four and twentieth part of his Diurnal course ; and so , that Motion of my Pen was in reality proportion'd to such a part of Time. On the other side , since every particular Measure bears in its Notion to be determinately thus much , and there is no Determination in Nature of any part of the Sun's Motion , nor any part of it at once , and only my Understanding divides its Annual and Diurnal Motion into so many Proportionate and Determinate parts ; and ( tho' the Motion it self be perpetually fleeting ) yet it resumes so much of it into one Determinate and Constant Notion ( viz. of an Hour ) without which Determination it could not actually be a Measure ; therefore , tho' the Notion of Time be clearly grounded in Nature , yet it needs some help of the Understanding to make it compleatly and actually a Measure . 6. The Notion of Time depends on our Understanding in the same manner that Relati●n did : For , the Ground , Reason , and Substance of Times being a Measure , is found in Nature ; and yet the otherwise-Indeterminate parts of the Sun's Motion must be made Determinate by our comprizing so much of them at once into one Notion , and then considering them as Proportion'd , that is , by our Referring or Comparing them to other Motions , e're they can be Actually a Measure . 7. Hence may be collected , that the True and Genuin Notion of the Common Head of Quando or When , is not the meer precise Notion of Time it self , but of being in such a determinate part of Time ; that is , its Notion consists in the Application of the Extrinsecal Motion of the Sun to Sublunary ( or perhaps in Artists who reach further ) to subsolary or supersolary Motions ; and the Answer to Quando tells us to what part of Time they belong , or are conceiv'd to be Apply'd . For example , these Expressions ; I writ yesterday , I will come to morrow , I will speak with you within an hour , and such-like , do Apply our Past , Present , or Future Actions to some different part of Time. Yet , because their being perform'd in such a Time includes Time in its Notion ; and that Time , tho' it be materially Successive Quantity , yet taking it formally , 't is not consider'd in order to its own Subject , of which it is an Intrinsecal Accident , but in order to Another ; it was necessary to treat of it under this Head ; since taken thus formally it can belong to this , and cannot to any other . Corol. I. Hence 't is a meer Chimera , and as sensless as that of Imaginary Space to fancy Time before or after the World. For , it is in direct terms to put Motion and Time to be when they are not , which is , to put it to be and not be at once . Corol. II. For the same reason meer Being , without Order to Motion , has nothing to do with Time , nor can be said to be in it , or subject to it , or measurable by it . For Being , precisely as such , has no parts by which it may be proportion'd to the Sun's Motion , or Commensurable to it : Wherefore , to fancy God's Eternity ( which consists in the most Absolute Impossibility of his not-being ) to be Commensurate to an Infinit flux of Time , is a Groundless and Sensless Imagination . Tho' his never-altering Being does , even for its being such , eminently include all Possible Time and all Differences of Time , Past , Present , and Future , and this concenter'd in it all at once . Corol. III. For the like reason the Internal Operations of Spirits being Indivisible and Instantaneous , can have no Commensuration to the Motion of the Sun , or to Time ; tho' their External Operation upon Bodies may ; correspondently to what is said before of their being in Place . 8. The Questions of Quando , and their proper Answers , are such as these ; When was Christ born ? Ans. 1696 Years ago . When will there be a Leap-year ? Ans. This Year . When did Mustapha the Turkish Emperor begin his Reign ? Ans. The last Year . 9. The Differences of Quando are Past , Present and Future . Tho' the Present is not in reality , it being an Instant and Indivisible ; yet , since our Understanding can comprise such a portion of Time into one Notion , and consider it , and conceive it , and thence speak of it by a participle of the Present Tense , and as one entire Part of Time , and say 't is Running , till as much as we had fram'd a Notion of were run out or ended ; hence we can truly say , something is doing this present Age , Year , Month , Day and Hour , nay , this very Moment , taking Moment for some short Indeterminate part of Time. 10. The Differences of Past and Future are more and less distant from the Present prefix'd Time ; for Past signifies before it , Future , after it . Inferiour Differences also must be taken from some determinate point , ( as it were ) as , from the Creation , the first Olympiad , the Birth of our Saviour , &c. Note , That it is very nicely to be remark'd , that when Questions are ask'd , by how much or how little of Time ? the Answer belongs to the Predicament of Successive Quantity ; whence an Age , a Year , a Month , &c. are Quantitative Notions , divided by more and less of Successive Quantity or Motion , and constituted by them ; and only what answers precisely to When , belongs to this Predicament of Quando . Thus , if we ask how long Time it is since the Invasion of William the Conqueror ; the Answer is , Six hundred and thirty years ; which is a quantitative Notion consisting of both Continu'd and Discrete Quantity . But if you ask , When was the first Olympiad ? the Answer will be , In the three thousandth two hundredth twenty eighth year from the Creation ; and so it will belong to this Head ; for then it formally signifies , that the Motion or Action of the Games in the first Olympiad were celebrated while such a part of the Sun's Motion was passing . The Predicaments of Situation and Habit are of little use , therefore not worth the dilating on them . LESSON XI . Of the Expression of Our Notions by Words . 1. NOtions being ( as was said ) the Meanings of Words , it comes next to be examin'd , what Advantage or Disadvantage may accrue to Science , by the expressing our Notions by Words , either distinctly or confusedly . If the word have but one Sense or Signification , either taken alone or as apply'd to other Notions , 't is said to be Vnivocal , or to be spoken Vnivocally of them ; because Vex or Word differing from meer Sound in this , that a Voice is apt to express our Inward Sense , Mind , or Notion , so that Sense seems to be the Form or Soul of a Word , and Sound only the material part or ( as it were ) the Body of it : Hence a Word is said to be Vnivocal , when it has but One Sence or Meaning , and Equivocal when it has or may have more . 2. Since , as * was prov'd above , Notions are the Natures of the things in our Understanding , and so can have no Falsity , in regard they have their Metaphysical Verity ; that is , they are what they are , and cannot be other than they are ; nor can they have Formal Falsity , for this consists in the Compounding two Notions together by Affirming or Denying , neither of which is found in Notions or Simple Apprehensions , which are not thus Compounded ; hence no Error can possibly proceed from the Notions , but all Truth ; wherefore , were all Words Vnivocal , and had but One Notion or Meaning , there could be no more possibility of Error from Words than there could be from the Notions themselves , which are signified by those Words . Wherefore , on the contrary , if words be Equivocal , that is , Ambiguous , or liable to be taken in a double Meaning , or ( which is the same ) to signifie diverse Notions , and it happen that some of the persons that use them do take them in one sense , others in another , they must necessarily speak and discourse of different things , and , so fall into different sentiments , and contradict one another . 3. Hence , supposing the Persons be sincere , and that there be no Fault in their Will , most of the Contests and Wranglings in the World do arise from the Equivocal Meaning of Words : For , since the Use of Words is Common to all Mankind , and most Single Words are Equivocal , and the Contexture of them , or the whole Clause , may also be oftentimes taken in a different sense ; hence , unless the double sense of the Words be Clear'd and Distinguish'd , Innumerable and Endless Contests must necessarily happen from the Equivocal Meaning of those Words . 4. Written Words are far more liable to those Inconveniencies than words Spoken , especially if the Authors of those Written Words be Dead , and no Certain way of Interpreting them be agreed on by all Parties . For , if an Equivocation happen in Words spoken , the Speaker , if alive , may easily come to see he is misunderstood , and by a Pertinent Distinction shewing the double sense of the Word , and in which of the senses he means it , may come to a right understanding with his Opposit ; which is Impossible in Written Words , when the Author is Dead , and there is no Certain way of Interpreting those words Agreed on ; as it happens in the followers of Aristotle or any other Dead Authors . Corol. I. This Method or way of Interpreting such Words must either be Evident of it self , or made Evident by Proof ; and it must , besides , be Agreed by both the contending Parties . Evident , because it is a kind of Principle to find out the true sence of the Author . And it must be Agreed on ; for otherwise the Principle not been yielded to , all Contests which depend upon that Principle must remain Vndecided , and end ( if they ever do so ) in a meer Logomachy or Word-skirmish . 5. For the same reason , even the same person , if he be deluded by the Ambiguous Sound of a Word , and , thro' Inadvertence or want of Skill to keep his Thoughts steady , happen to take it now in one sense , now in another , must necessarily blunder in his Discourse , and speak Incoherently . For , since the true Notion of the Thing does Ground all our Knowledge of it , and all our Discourses concerning it ; it follows , that he who proceeds now upon one Notion , then upon another , must needs vary and hobble in his Discourse , and talk Incoherently ; having no Certain and Fixt Notion affording him Light to guide his Steps to the same End , or take the right Way to it . 6. The Meaning of those words that express Natural Notions is to be taken from the Vulgar ; and the sense of Artificial Words from Men who are Learned in those respective Arts : For , the signification of Words can only be taken from the Authors and Users of them ; which in the former sort of Words is the Vulgar ; in the later , Men of Art. 7. Hence Criticisms , generally speaking , are Incompetent to give us the Certain Sense of Words . For , Criticks do very frequently ground the Sense of Words upon Etymologies , or the Derivation of them from other words : Or else , on the Sense in which some few learned Writers do take them ; both which are Fallacious Rules to know their Sense certainly . The former , because the Reason why the word was Impos'd , and the Sense it self of those words are many times Different Notions : For example , a Stone ( as some of them tell us ) is in Latin nam'd Lapis , a laedend● pedes ; but the Notion or signification of that word is the very Substance it self of such a Body . Nor is the latter Rule competent to give us the true Meanings of those words that express Natural Notions ; first , because those Learned Men use to speak Learnedly or Rhetorically with Tropes and Figures , and affect to deliver their thoughts neatly and finely , with quaint Phrases , Allusions , Metaphors , and other knacks of Language ; all which are so many Deviations from the Natural manner of Expression Common to all Mankind , and , consequently , Unsuitable to our Natural Conceptions . Besides that , a Few Authors suffice the Criticks to build their Observations upon ; All which falls infinitely short of that Certainty and Plainness which the Common and Constant Vse of the Generality of Mankind , or the Vulgar , affords us . 8. Equivocal Words are either Simply and Absolutely such , which we call Equivocal by chance ; or Relatively , which we call Equivocal by design . Absolutely , when there is no kind of Reason or Ground why the same word should have two different senses ; as when [ Far ] in English signifies a great way ; in Latin , Bread-Corn ; or any word in one Language happens meerly casually to have a different Signification in another . In which sort of Equivocation there can be no danger to Science , those two Senses of the Word being so vastly disparate : Relatively , when there is some kind of Ground why the same word should be transferr'd from one Notion to another . And this may be done for two different reasons . One , when it is referr'd to another for some Connexion with them as Cause and Effect ; as , when the word [ Healthful ] which properly belongs to an Animal , is ; transferr'd to Meat , because it is the Cause of Health in the Animal ; and to Vrine , because it is an Effect of its Health , and therefore a Natural Sign of it . Or , as when we say there is much Art in such a Picture or Poem , it means the Effect of Art ; for Art in proper speech is to be found only in the Understanding of the Artificer . The other Reason of the words being Transferr'd from one to another , and consequently , Referr'd back to it again , is , when this is done for some Proportion or Resemblance between them : As , when we say of a good Governour , that he is the Pilot of the Common-wealth , to steer it into a safe Harbour , and preserve it from splitting upon the Rocks of Division . Where the word [ Pilot ] which in the First and Proper Meaning signifies a Director of a Ship , is transferr'd to a Governor , because he does the same in Proportion in a Common-wealth which the other does in a Ship. Thus Tranquility , which is properly said of the Sea in a Calm , is Transferr'd to a State or Kingdom , because its Peaceable Condition resembles or bears a kind of Proportion to the Undisturb'd Quiet found in a Calm Sea. 9. Words Transferr'd to another for some Proportion or Resemblance between them are call'd Metaphors , or Metaphorical ; and the best Metaphors are , when the thing , from which 't is Transferr'd , is Eminent under that Notion we intend to express . As when we call a Valiant Man a Lyon , and a Meek man a Lamb ; because Courage and Mildness are Eminent in those Animals . A Continu'd Metaphor is call'd an Allegory . As , in the Example lately given , the word Pilot , steer , harbour , splitting and Rocks , are all Metaphors , and therefore the whole speech is Allegorical . 10. There is no Danger nor Detriment to Science that such words are us'd in Common Speech , or Loose Rhetorical Discourses ; but they are exceedingly pernicious to it when we are treating of Dogmatical Tenets , and searching for Truth out of the Words of Written Authors . For , since those Metaphors , however they be True while understood to be meant in Proportion and Resemblance onely , yet are Literally Tals ; and in delivering Doctrines or Dogmatical Tenets only Litteral Truth is aim'd at ; and , if the Reader happen to take a Metaphorical Expression for a Literal one , he will most certainly embrace an Errour for a Truth ; or , if he takes a word Literally meant for a Metaphor , he will take a Truth for an Errour ; hence , it must Needs be most pernicious to Science not to distinguish between the Metaphorical and Literal sense of the words , but mistake one for the other . And , therefore , unless some Certain Rule be Establisht , by which we may be ascertain'd when Written Words are to be taken Literally , when Metaphorically , 't is impossible to be Certain of any Truth meerly by those Written Words . 11. Those Words which are Transferr'd from Corporeal to Spiritual Natures are , by far , more highly Metaphorical than can be any Transferr'd from one Body to another ; and therefore , the Misunderstanding them must needs be very destructive to Science : For , since Corporeal and Spiritual are the First Species of Ens , and the Division of that Genus into those Species is made by the Contradictory Differences of Divisible and Indivisible ; it follows demonstratively , that whatever , except the precise Notion of Ens , is properly Affirm'd of Body must be properly Deny'd of Spirit : and therefore the words Transferr'd from Bodies to Spirits which are in Different Lines are far more Improper than those which are Tranferr'd from one Body to another ; they being in the same Line , and so less Disparate . Corol. II. Hence is confirm'd the former doc●rine that Spirits are not in place ; nor are Them●elves , or their Spiritual Actions , Subject to Time ●r Commensurable to it , &c. Since all these may ●roperly be said of Bodies ; and therefore must ●roperly be deny'd of Spirits . Corol. III. From the two last Sections it fol●ows evidently that no Dogmatical Tenet can be ●rov'd from Books that treat of Spiritual Natures , ●r of such considerations as belong to them , unless ●ome Certain Rule be first Establisht by which the Reader may know when the words are to be taken ●iterally , when Metaphorically in this or that place ; ●nce a Mistake in this may make the Reader em●race a Falshood for a Truth , or a Truth for a Fals●ood in matters of greatest Importance . For ex●mple , this Proportion , [ God is mov'd by our pray●rs ] is Literally False ; for to be Moved is to be Chang'd , and God is Esse●tially unchangeable . Wherefore , it is only True in a Metaphorical ●ence ; and the Word [ moved ] is a metaphor of the last sort , viz. of Words transferr'd to ano●her for some Proportion or Resemblance between them ; and , so , the true sense is this ; God , tho' Unmov'd in himself , yet acts in the same manner towards him that prays to him , as a good Man here ( who is properly Mov'd ) would act towards one that Petitions him . Corol. IV. Hence also is demonstrated that all the Names and Words we can use when we speak of the Divine Nature and its Attributes , are in the highest manner Metaphorical and Improper . For , since we can no other wise name or speak of a thing but as we Conceive it , and all our Conceptions are Notions taken from Natural Objects , and onely said of them with Propriety ; and no otherwise said of Created Spirits but onely Metaphorically ; and that God's Infinite Perfections do far more excel Created Spirits , than those Spirits do Bodies ; it follows that all the Names and Words we can make use of to speak of the Divine Nature and its Attributes , are in the highest manner Metaphorical and Improper : as may be farther shewn in Metaphysicks . 12. The Word Ens , as apply'd to Substantial and Accidental Notions is of the former sort of Equivocal words , and Analogically spoken of them ; that is , first and properly , of Substance ; and Secondarily or Improperly of Accidents . For , since ( as was shewn above ) Ens signifies Capable of being , and none of the Accidents is of itself Capable of Being , but onely comes to have some Title to Existence by the Substance , from whose Being they have entirely all the Being they have , and that Its being : it follows that the word Ens must be Analogically said of them ; that is , Properly of Substance , and Improperly of Accidents . 13. Since it appears , from what is said hitherto , that the Equivocation of words is most highly Prejudicial to Science , it is one necessary part of of the Method to Science to detect the Snares it lays in the way of our Discourse , that we may avoid them . And this may be done . 14. First , by observing the Explication we make of the Word that is apply'd to different Notions , that so we may know which is the proper Signification of it . For , by doing this we shall certainly find that the less proper Notion , when the word is explicated , will still include the Notion of the Proper one , and bear up to it . As if we would Explicate the word Strong as 't is spoken of Ale or Wine , we shall be forced to say ( if we be put to express our selves Literally , and tell what it means ) that as he is call'd a Strong Man , who is able to overthrow his Enemy , so we call Wine or Beer Strong when it is able to overpower our Brain . Or , if we call a man Hard-hearted , it would be explicated thus , that his Humour is as Hard and Inflexible , considering the Temper of a Rational Creature which ought to be mov'd by Reason , as Hard things , which are very difficult to bend , are among Natural Bodies ; for which reason they sometimes call such men [ Stony-hearted ] or [ Iron-hearted ] ; in both which we see that [ Strength ] is properly in Man , and Hardness in such Bodies as Stone or Iron , and improperly in Wine or the Heart . And the same may be observ'd in the word [ Pilot ] apply'd to a Governour ; in [ Moved ] apply'd to God ; in [ Healthful ] to Meat or Urine . Thus the word [ Religious Honour , Worship or Respect ] is first and properly apprehended as belonging or Due to God , the sole End and Author of all Religion , and Analogically or Improperly to Holy Persons , either on Earth or in Heaven , as his Servants ; and to Sacred Books , Pictures , and Churches , as either Causing , Exciting , Increasing or Belonging to the Religious Honour due properly to Him Alone . Whence Religious Honour given to any other things cannot be Explicated , but in Reference to God , the only proper Object of Religion ; which therefore will be found Included in the Explication of that Religious Honour which is given to any thing else . And yet what Endless Squabbles , Contests and Animosities has this one Equivocation produced , while Passionate or Ignorant men will needs take the word [ Religious ] when spoken of those Different things , to be Vnivocal , which is most clearly Analogical . 15. The next way is , to observe the Notions any way Connected in our Common Speech with that Word whose Equivocalness we doubt of ; that is , to consider the Causes , Effects , Antecedents , Consequents , Contraries , its Superiour and Inferiour Notions , its Circumstances , &c. For , if some or any of these do not agree to the Meaning of any Word when spoken of more things , or found in diverse Contexts , then we may be sure 't is spoken in diverse Senses , and is Equivocal ; and then , by the foregoing Rule we may certainly come to know its proper Signification . So , in the Notion of Religious Honour apply'd to God as properly due to him , and Adoration of him , the chief part of which is an humble Acknowledgment of him to be our Creator , Redeemer , Sanctifier , the Supreme Lord of Heaven and Earth , the Searcher of Hearts , and Judge of all our Actions , &c. none of these are possible to be Connected , or Agree to any of the other Improperly called Objects of Religious Worship : So , when we stile any Eminent Person for Learning [ a Great Man ] we shall easily find it is Equivocal and Improper , because Greatness means , in Proper Speech , much of Quantity , and has that Common Head for its Genus ; whereas a very Little Man in Quantity may be Great in the sence in which we meant it . 16. The Third way is , to attend to what True Science or Faith teach us . For , since one Truth cannot contradict another , therefore we may be assur'd , that , in case we be Certain that what the Writer meant is True , his Words must be taken in that sence which is Agreeable to True Science , or Faith. Hence , when it is said that God made two Great Lights , the Sun and the Moon , it being Evident by Science , that Other Stars are incomparably Greater than the Moon , hence the words [ Great Lights ] in that place , cannot be meant of Great in it self , but as to their Appearance to us . But , care is to be taken that we have true Science of the thing exprest by such words , and that the Subject be not such as exceeds our pitch of Knowledge . 17. The Context may help much to give us the right Notion of the Words ; especially when the Literal Truth is aim'd at , Axioms and evident Principles are laid , and the Discourse is perfectly Connected or Coherent . For , in that case the Symmetry found in the parts of the whole Discourse forbids any word to be taken in a wrong signification ; as we experience in Mathematicks and other Close Discourses . 18. The Intention of the Author , and the Argument and Scope of the Book , avail much to direct us to the right sense of those words in it which are most Material and Significant . For , the Notions meant by such words are as it were the steps which lye level all the way , and lead to the End at which the Author aim'd them ; and , therefore , cannot easily permit a Deviation from their true Sence , or suffer their Meaning to be mistaken . 19. The Words in which Laws are conceiv'd are best interpreted by the Common Practice of those who are subject to those Laws . For , since those Laws are the Causes of the Common Practice , and the Common Practice is the Effect of those Laws , hence the sence of the Laws is demonstrated by the Common Practice a posteriori . 20. But the very best and most assured way to detect and avoid Equivocation in all words whatever , is to observe and examin , whether the same Definition agrees to the word as found in diverse places : For , since the Definition consists of a Determinate Genus , and its Intrinsecal or Proper Differences , it must needs give us the precise Notion or Meaning of the Word ; since , if it be either under any Other Genus , or constituted by any Other Differences , the Essence which they constitute must needs be a different Essence ; and , therefore , the Word which signifies it , must necessarily have another Meaning or Notion . Corol. V. Words being invented to express Sense or Meaning , it follows , that those Words that have many Senses , and all of them True and coherent to one another , have the highest perfection that Words can possibly have . Wherefore those passages in Holy Scripture that bear both a Literal , Tropological ( or Moral ) Analogical and Anagogical sence ( or several of them ) are of a more sublime nature than other Words are , and argue , that they were endited by a Divine Author . BOOK II. OF THE SECOND Operation OF OUR Understanding , or Judgments . LESSON I. Of the Nature of Judgments , or Propositions in Common ; of their Parts ; of the Ground of their Verification ; and of the several Manners of Predicating . 1. HAving treated of Notions , and of their Clear Distinction and Expression , to that degree as may be sufficient for Science , it follows of course that we treat next of Cognition , or the putting together of Notions ; and this not joyning them together on any fashion , by rote as it were , in our Memory , as a School-boy gets a Latin Sentence without book , the meaning of whose words he understands and revolves in his Mind , but regards not whether it be True or no ; nor yet , the putting them together according to Grammatical Congruity , as is this Sentence , [ Virtue and Vice are both equally Laudable ] in which the Words do Cohere indeed according to Grammar Rules , but the Sence is False , and Incoherent : But ( as the word [ Cognition ] imports ) it must be the Connecting or Joyning them together , in order to Knowledge ; that is , with an Application of our Knowing Power to see whether they ought to be thus put together or no ; or , ( which is the same ) whether the Proposition be True. 2. Wherefore , since we cannot know any thing to be so , but what is truly so , it follows , that all Knowledge must be of some Verity or Truth ; and this not of a Truth which is materially such , or repeated in our Mind , ( for this amounts to no more but a Complex Notion or Apprehension ) but to make up the Notion of Knowledge , we must see the Notions of which that Truth does Formally consist , to be truly and indeed Connected . As , when we say [ A Stone is Hard ] we must see that what 's meant by [ Stone ] and by [ Hard ] are some way or other Connected in the Thing ; or , otherwise ( all Truths being taken from the things ) we cannot be said to Know it to be True. 3. Judging , in proper speech is not meerly and precisely the Seeing or Knowing that the Notions are Connected , but the Saying Interiourly or Assenting heartily that they are so . Otherwise , since nothing can be Known to be so , but what is so , it would follow that there would be no False Iudgments . Wherefore , Judging adds to the meer notion of Knowledge , that it is the subduing of all Hesitation , or the Fixure of our Intellective Faculty about the Verity or Falsity of any thing . Whence Judging is the Effect immediately and necessarily resulting from our Knowledge that the Notions are really Connected , when 't is a True Iudgment ; or else from our only Conceiting them to be Connected , when the Judgment is False . Whence , this is a right consequence , I see or know the Notions cohere , therefore I judge the Saying or Sentence that signifies they are connected to be True ; which is the Method that all Rational or Judicious men take : Whereas Passionate or Ignorant men , who are blindly addicted to their own Sentiment , take the Contrary way ; and will have the Notions to cohere , and the Proposition to be True , because they had prejudg'd it so upon some other Motive than the seeing that the Terms themselves were indeed connected . It will be objected , that Knowledge also fixes our Understanding ; and , therefore , Knowing is Judging . I answer , That to fix the Understanding so as to acquiesce to what it sees , is to make it Judge ; but the Notion of Knowing is compleated in the bare Seeing the Terms Connected , and is terminated in regarding the Object or the Proposition that is Known : But Judging superadds to it , that it is moreover the yielding to reject all farther disquisition , and adhering firmly to that Knowledge ; which ( tho' the distinction between them be nice and delicate ) is another Consideration superadded to meer Knowing , and sinks and rivets the Object more deeply and unremovably in the Soul. Lastly , the Intuitive Knowledge of Pure Spirits is True Knowledge ; but it is not made by our way of Judging , in regard they neither Abstract , nor Compound or Divide Notions . 4. Hence is seen that to make Judgments of things out of True Knowledge , is the Greatest Natural Perfection our Soul is capable of . For , since nothing can be Known to be so but what is so , or True ▪ all Judgments resulting from True Knowledge not onely fill our Mind with Truths , but are , moreoever , a Firm Adhesion to Truths and the Secure Possession of those incomparable Endowments , which are the Best Perfections of our Understanding , and make us like the God of Truth . Nor ends the Advantage we gain by Truth in meer Speculation ; but , Truth excluding from its notion all Possible Errour , it makes it Impossible we should ever embrace any Errour while we thus Judge . Which , since Omnis peccans ignorat , and that every Sinner ( as the Proverb is ) has his blind side ; must therefore , if Truth be Express in our Understanding , and kept awake there , Preserve such a mind from Sin ; and by making right and Lively Judgments of our Present and Future State , and of our several Duties here , most certainly bring us to Eternal Happiness hereafter . 5. That Speech that Connects Notions in order to Knowledge , or Expresses a Judgment , is call'd a Proposition ; that is , such a Speech as proposes the Notions , and puts them into such a Frame or Posture of Connexion , as best serves for us to Judge whether they are really Connected or no. Whence it must consist of three parts , viz. that which is Affirm'd or Deny'd of another , which in an Artificial term we call Predicated , and that notion the Predicate . That of which 't is Affirm'd or Deny'd , call'd the Subject : and that Notion which signifies their Connexion , call'd the Copula . The two first are also call'd the Terms or Extremes of a Proposition ; whence all Truth is said to consist in the Connexion of the Terms ; and , if the Terms be not found to cohere , the Proposition is justly held to be False . 6. Since Propositions may be both in the Mind and in Words , and the Meanings of the Words are the same with our Notions ; it follows hence ( so the words be not Equivocal ) that Mental and Verbal Propositions are the same thing ; so that it is , in reality , all one to treat them under either of these Considerations . Therefore , in regard we must use Words in our Discourses concerning Propositions , and many times Artificial ones , we shall treat of them indifferently as taken in either condition ; and sometimes use the Word [ Judgments ] sometimes [ Propositions ] as it lights . Only let it be remember'd , that Judgments are onely in the Mind Formally and Truly : and in Verbal Propositions , only as in Signs of the Mental ones . Tho' even taking them as in our Understanding , they have , even there , their Subject , Copula and Predicate , as well as when they are Pronounced , or Writ in Words . Corol. I. Hence is deduc't , that the rude Vulgar , nay , even Children who cannot Speak or Discourse , may have Mental Propositions , and Consequently what answers to Subject , Copula and Predicate in their Understandings ; tho' they cannot Reflect or Distinguish them , and ( as it were ) dissect and Anatomize their own Thoughts and Inward Acts , as do Men of Art. For Example , when a Clown Knows or Judges that there is such a place as London , or a Child that what it sees is Milk ; they have in their Minds the True , tho Rough , draught of these two Propositions , [ London is Existent ] and [ this is Milk ] and , consequently , of what corresponded to the several parts of those Propositions , after a Natural manner ; tho they cannot yet lick their rude Embryo Judgments into Form , or bring them to a perfect shape , by distinguishing in them these several parts . Corol. II. Hence also , tho' we cannot know the precise time in which Children begin to judge , yet we may be assured it must be as soon as they have Cognition or Knowledge of Common and Familiar Objects , and of their Agreeableness to their own Nature . And , first of all , of that which is next to them and most Knowable , Viz. that themselves exist ; as will be seen hereafter . The reason is , because Judgments are the Immediate Effects resulting out of Knowledge ; and , therefore , as soon as they know any object is Agreeable or disagreeable to them , or that it Exists , they cannot but Judge so after their dull fashion . 6. To proceed . As the Metaphysical Verity ( of which onely our Notions are capable ) is taken from the Things , and Consists in their being truly what they are : so the Formal Verity of our Judgments must be also taken from the Thing 's being such as we Iudge it to be ; Whence Truth is by some defin'd to the Conformity of the understanding to the Thing , wherefore , when we affirm the Thing to be This or That , or to be such or such , the true Meaning of that Affirmation is , that what corresponds to both those Notions of the Subject and Predicate is found or exists in the same Thing or Being ; and , were not this so , it would be False to affirm that one of them is the other . 7. Wherefore the meaning of the word [ is ] which is the Copula , is this , that those Words are Fundamentally Connected in the same Thing and Identify'd with it Materially ; however those Notions themselves be Formally Different , provided they be not Incompossible ; for then the Proposition must , for the reason now given , be necessarily False . As when we say [ a Stone is Hard ] the Truth of that Proposition consists in this , that the Nature of [ hard ] is found in that Thing or Suppositum call'd a Stone , and is in part Identify'd with it ; however the Notions of Stone and Hard be Formally Distinct. Or , ( which is the same ) it is as much as to say , that that Thing which is Stone is the same thing that is Hard. 8. The Copula [ is ] has alwayes the sense now given , except when we are to Speak of Nothings which ( the adequate Object of our understanding being Ens ) we are forc'd to apprehend as Things , even when at the same time we Judge them to be otherwise . As when we say [ Imaginary Species a Chimera ] and yet , even then , it expresses a kind of Identity of the two Nothings , and affirms them to be the same Nonsense , and that to put a Space or Quantity to be no Quantity : or to put a Non-Ens to be Ens is Contradictory and ridiculous . And , indeed , these kind of Propositions are in effect no more than to say , that Non-Ens , Non est Ens , or , What is not Capable of Being cannot be . 9. The Copula [ is ] is the most proper to give us a Clear Intellectual Light ; and , by consequence to fix our Judgment . First , because the Notion of is , or Actual Being , is impossible to admit any Explication ( and therefore 't is self-known ) as any one may evidently experience , if he goes about to Explain it ; for he will find that he must be forc'd to put is , or some word that imports Actual Being in its Explication ; which makes the Explication to be none , but leaves it as obscure as it was before ; nay , more Obscure than formerly by adding other Notions more Obscure than it self was . For example , Ask what it is to be or Exist , all that can be said of it is , that 't is Esse extra Causas ; where ( Esse being the same with Existere ) we vainly endeavour to explicate the same thing by its self ; and to make it look like an Explication , we add extra Causas , which two Notions are less Clear than Esse it self was . 2dly , The Notion of [ is ] is most Determinate of its own nature , and so most Fixt of it's self ; and , therefore , most proper to fix the Judgment . 3dly , Because all other Notions having some Potentiality and Indifferency in them , are ( as it were ) wavering between two or more Notions ; call'd Differences . Whereas the Notion of [ is ] having none , is only Absolutely Steady , Immoveable or Undeterminable to any other Notion . Lastly , Because hence , in Literal , and not Figurative , Speeches , the word that expresses this Notion , can never be Equivocal , since 't is impossible to distnguish it into this or that sence ; all Distnguishing or Differencing Notions being evidently more Formal , Actual and Determinate than the Notion to be Distinguisht : which is in this case , Impossible . 10. To proceed : There being ( as was said ) a Real Relation between those Notions which are the Subject and Predicate , the later being really in the understanding as That which is said of the Former , and the Former that of which 't is said ; and Relation being necessarily compleated and actually such , by the Act of a Comparing Power ; it follows , that every Judgment is a Referring or Comparing one of those Notions to the other , and ( by means of the Copula ) of both of them to the same Stock of Being on which they are engrafted , or the same Ens ; where they are Entitatively Connected ( or the same Materially ) before they are Seen or Judg'd to be so by our understanding . 11. It is sufficient that the two Terms be Materially the same , or Identify'd with the same Ens , when the Subject is a Concrete ; whether it be Substantially a Concrete , that is , consisting of the Nature and the Suppositum , as when we say Petrus or Homo is Animal . Or Accidentally ; as when we say Album est Dulce . But in Abstract Notions , they must , besides this , be moreover the same Essentially or Formally ; that is , they must not onely be found in the same Material Ens or thing , but those very Notions themselves must have the same Formality , either in part , or in whole , in our Understanding . In Whole , as when we say Petreitas est Petreitas , Quantitas est Divisibilitas ; In part , as , when we say , Petreitas est Humanitas or Animalitas ; for then Humanitas and Animalitas are as Essential to Petreitas , and Petreitas as much includes and is the Subject of their Notions and of its own Differnces besides , as Petrus does or is of the Notions of Homo or Animal . 12. An Abstract and a Concrete Term can never be Subject and Predicate in the same Proposition ; tho' never so Essential to one another ; For an Abstract Notion , out of the very Nature of its Abstraction , is formally a Part ; and a Concrete Notion in respect to it a Whole ; and a Part , tho' taken materially , it may belong to the same Ens which is a Whole , and be the same Thing with it ; yet taken formally , it cannot ; for then a Whole would be Formally a Part , and a Part Formally a Whole . Hence we cannot say Petreitas est Petrus , or Petrus est Petreitas , &c. Hence also this Proposition Quantitas est Quanta ( and such like ) is False ; for Quanta being a Concrete , signifies the Subject which has Quantity in it ; and it is False to say that Quantity alone is Quantity and its Subject too . 13. From what 's said above we may gather , that there may be diverse manners of Predicating or referring one Notion to another , and they are reckon'd by Porphyrius to be Five , called by the Schools Predicables ; that is , several Manners how one Notion may be predicated of another . Whose Pardon we must beg , if following the Dictates of Reason , which we Judge Evident , and not the Track beaten by others , we dissent from them , and assign Six . The first is , when the whole Notion is Predicated of the whole , as when we say [ Quantity is Divisibility . ] [ A. Whole consists of all its parts ; or , when we Predicate the Definition of ●he Notion Defi●'d , as , [ Man is a Rational Animal ] ; or , all the Dividing Members of the Notion Divided . And this Manner we call Entirely Identical ; that is , the predicating of the same Whole Notion wholly of it self . In the rest ● Part only is Predicated of the whole ; and then ●he Predicate is either Essential to the Subject , or ●ot . If Essential , then it either predicates that part of his Nature which ( in the common acce●tation of Mankind not reaching to inferiour Differences ) is immediately Superiour to it , and is thought to denote the whole Essence of the thing , and then 't is call'd a Species ; as , Petrus est Homo . Or , but some lesser part of its Essence ; as , Petrus ●st Animal , Vivens or Substantia , which are call'd the Genus or Generical Notion . And both these ( as also the first ) are said to be predicated in Quid , because they are Essential Predicates and answer differently , tho' imperfectly and but in part to the Question made by Quid. As ask , Quid est Petrus , we answer appositely , Homo , Animal , Vivens , &c. Or else the Predicate is that Compart which distinguishes the Genus Essentially from others of the same Common kind , and constitutes it in an inferiour Class under the Common Notion ; and is therefore Referr'd to what it thus constituted , as its Essential Difference ; as , Homo est Rationalis . And , this supposes the Question made by Quid , or what Thing , and answers to a further Question , What kind of Thing . And therefore , 't is said to be predicated not meerly in quale , for then it might have been a meer Quality , and not Essential ; but in Quale quid , as both giving account of the particular Nature of the Thing , as also of its belonging to the Essence of it . If the Predicate be not Essential , then either one notion is Referr'd to another , and Predicated of it ( not as any Part of its Essence , but yet ) as more or less Connected with it , as an Effect or Sign of it ; as , Capable of Admiring , or the being affected with Musick , Proportion , or Beauty , are Connected with Rational Nature or Man , and referr'd to him accordingly , that is Predicated of him as a Property . Thus Combustive or Rarefactive are Connected with Fire ; Opacous with Earth ; and referr'd to those Subjects , or predicated of them as Properties . Or , lastly , the Predicate is Com●par'd or Referr'd to the Subject , as having no kind of ( at least known ) Connexion with the Essence , but meerly casually belonging to it ; or , as Indifferent to the Essence whether it belong to it or no. As Armed , Placed , Situated , &c. belongs to Ma● or Body : and then 't is said to be predicated as an Accident , that is , as affecting him only Casually and Accidentally . Note 1. That in this last Predicable only the Manner how it is Predicated or Compar'd to the Subject is consider'd , and not the Nature of that which is Predicated ; nor , whether it be a substantial Notion , or , whether it does belong to some one of the other 〈◊〉 Accidents , so it be but Casually or Accidentally belonging to the Subject , or Referr'd to it ; for Wooden , Golden , and Earthen are all Predicated as Accidents , or Accidentally , of Cup ( for 't is still equally a Cup , whether it be made of any of those , or of any other matter tho' Wood , Gold , and Earth be substantial Notions . Whence the word ( Accident ) does not here signifie what Inheres in the Substance , as it does in those Predicamental Accidents which are Intrinsecal ones ; but that which belongs to a Subject by Chance or Casuality ; so that the Notion of the Subject is preserved entire , whether it has it , or has it not . Note 2. That since it was clearly the Intention of him who invented these Predicables , and of those who follow'd him and us'd them , to comprehend all the Different Manners how Notions could be Predicated of their Subjects ; and , the being Predicated as a whole of the whole , is most evidently one Manner of Predicating , and Distinct from the Five they assign'd ; it is manifest , that their Account of the Predicables was Defective , and our Supplying it Rational and Necessary . Add , that they omitted that Predicable , or Manner of Predicating , which , if it were not the most Vseful , at least it was the Chief and First in Dignity , all the First Principles having ( as will be shewn hereafter ) this Manner of Predication , and consequently having Title to belong to this Predicable . Besides that , scarce any thing can be so Useful to Science as are those First Principles , and the Definition's being Predicated of the Thing Defin'd ; These being the Propositions which give us chiefly all our Certainty , and all the Ground , to Scientifical Knowledge . 14. When the Notions of the two Terms are of an Vnequal Extent , the Subject of the Proposition ought to be the Inferiour or more Particular Notion , and the Predicate that which is the superiour or more Common one . For , since , when the Notions are not entirely the same , and the Whole Predicated of the Whole , they can belong to one another , but in part , and the Predicate is conceived ( even as to its whole Notion ) to be something belonging to the Subject to which 't is Attributed , and as it were receiv'd in it ; and , that this hinders not the Subject from having many other Notions belonging to it as well as That ; hence , the Subject is conceiv'd to be a kind of a Whole , in respect of the Predicate , and the Predicate but a Part , in respect of it . Again , since ( as was shewn formerly ) all the Superiour and Larger Notions are but Parts of the Inferiour ones , the Lowest ( v. g. Peter ) comprizing in it self Actually all the Superiour ones ( v. g. Man , Animal , Vivens , Corpus , and Ens ) and adding , over and above , other Notions to them which Particularize or Individuate it : it follows , that when two notions are of an unequal size , the Superior , which is the Partial notion , ought to have the place of the Predicate ; and the Inferior , which contains in it self both what corresponds to it , and also to other superior and Partial Notions , and therefore is a kind of whole in respect of them , ought to have the Place of the Subject ; since a Whole cannot be properly said to belong to a Part , ( or to be Receiv'd in it ) but a Part in the Whole . And , Nature it self seems to abet the Reason now given ; for it sounds naturally to say , Peter is a Man ; but most absurdly and unnaturally to say , A Man is Peter . Nor matters it that the Superior Notion is a Whole in the way of Abstraction , and the inferior but a Part of it as thus consider'd ; for the Copula [ is ] by which all Predication is made , does not necessarily express what or how the Notions are in their Abstracted state , where they are only Potential , and ( as such ) only found in the Mind , and made meer●y by our manner of understanding ; but what passes Actually in the Thing in which the Notions of the Predicate and Subject are to be the same Ens or Actually Identify'd . And , 't is Evident , ( as was now shewn ) that in the Thing , whether it be without or within our Understanding , there goes more to make up the Nature or Notion of the Inferior than there does to make up that of the Superior Notion . 15. However , the Predicate has of it self a Large sense , taken alone and Abstractedly ; yet , when attributed to the Subject , it is restrain'd by ●t to mean only such a proportional part of its Notion as befits the Subject to receive . Thus , when we say , Petrus est Homo or Animal , it cannot be meant that he is Homo or Animal at large or in common ; ( for , were it so , Peter might as well be a Brute as a Man ) but one Determinat● Man or Animal . And the same passes in the Thing , as it does in our Vnderstanding . For , tho' Albedo taken alone may reach all the whiteness in the World , yet apply it to a Subject , by saying Paries est Albus , 't is restrain'd to signifie only some part of Albedo in common , or as much of it as affects the Wall : Whence , thus consider'd , it means only Haec Albedo , or Albedo Parietis ; that is , so much of Whiteness as is in the Wall , and no more . 16. Thus much of the Nature or Essence of s●●gle Propositions ; their Quantity and Quality come next to be consider'd . As for the former , eithe● the Predicate is referr'd to more Particulars , as the● agree in one Common notion ; as , Every Man 〈◊〉 an Animal , and then 't is call'd an Vniversal Proposition . Or to some one only ; and this either Indeterminately ; as , some Man is wise ; and then 't is call'd a Particular Proposition : or determinately ▪ as , Socrates was the son of Sophronisens ; and the● 't is called a Singular Proposition . These need no Reflexions on them , it suffices to name them ( they being Artificial Words ) and to explicat● what we mean by them : Only we may note , tha● in regard the Subject is as it were the Matter , and Matter is properly determinable by Quantity , the words expressing the Quantity of the Proposition can only be apply'd to the Subject ; as Nature also will inform us . 17. The Quality of a Proposition , is either its being Affirmative or Negative , which can need no farther Remarks . Or lastly , its being Evident or Inevident : And Evidence is Two fold ; Self-evidence and Evidence by Deduction or Proof ; of both which hereafter . Note that the Negative particle [ non ] must affect the Copula , and not either of the Terms ; otherwise it is no Proposition , or a Speech predicating one Notion of another ; in regard such a Speech wants one of the three Notions ; as , Petrus est non-brutum ; or , Non-homo est Bucephalus : For , the Particle [ Non ] destroys the Positive Notions of Brutum and Homo , and puts no other in their stead . 18. If Propositions be Compar'd to one-another , they are either Equivalent in sence , or Opposit . Equivalents have no difficulty in them . Opposits are either Contradictories which affirm and deny the same in all respects ; as , Petrus hic & nunc currit , Petrus hic & nunc non currit ; or Contraries , which are the Extremes in any kind , having middle Notions between them ; as White and Black are in Colours . Whence these Propositions , All Men are wise , No Man is wise , are said to be Contraries , because they are Extremely distant , and have middle Propositions between them , viz. Some Man is wise , Some Man is not wise ; which Differ or are Oppos'd only according to their Quality ; the one being Affirmative , the other Negative ; for , the Quantity in both is the same ; whence they are call'd Particularly Opposit . But , if one Proposition be an Vniversal Affirmative , and be oppos'd to a Middle Proposition that is Negative , as Omnis homo est sapiens , Aliquis homo non est sapiens ; or , if it be an Universal Negative , and be oppos'd to a Particular Affirmative , as Nullus homo est sapiens , Aliquis homo est sapiens ; then they are said to be Subcontraries , because the one of them opposes the other not fully , as do Omnis homo est sapiens , Nullus homo est sapiens , but in part only . Singular Propositions have no Opposition but that of Contradiction , which happens when one affirms what the other denies of the same Subject in all respects , as was said above . LESSON II. Of Self-Evident Propositions , or First Principles . 1. SINCE , as was said , Judgments or Propositions may be True or False , and in laying the Method to Science we can have no occasion to Speak of False Judgments , but in order to the avoiding them , which is easily done , if we settle the Knowledge of the True ones ; hence that which concerns us , is , to treat of True Judgments or Truths ; and , in the first place , of Those Propositions or Judgments that are the First Truths which we call First Principles . Again , since al● Propositions are either Evident or Inevident , and Inevident or Obscure ones cannot avail us in our quest of Science , it follows , that only Evident Propositions are to be treated of , or made use of by those who aim at Scientifical Knowledge . Wherefore , since all Propositions or Judgments that are Evident must either be Self-evident , or made evident , which is done by way of Proof , and these Latter must depend on the Former for their Evi●dence , we are therefore to begin with the Former which are Self-evident . 2. All First Principles , as being the First Truths must be Self-evident Propositions . This is manifest from the very Terms . For , being the First they can have no other before them , out of whic● they may be Deduc'd or made Evident ; or , into which their Evidence , if lesser , may be Resolv'd . Wherefore they must either not be Evident at all , which would destroy all Possibility of any Evidence , or they must be Self-evident . 3. Our Knowledges may either be consider'd according to the Order by which they are Generated in us at first , or according to the Dependance of one Truth on another , and the Resolving them finally into First and Self-evident Principles . The Former of these is the way that Nature takes to instill Useful Knowledges into us , when as yet we know nothing ; the Later is the Method which Art makes use of to polish and promote those Rude and Short Knowledges had from Nature ; then to link many of those Knowledges together ; and lastly , to render them Exact and Evident by Resolving them into First or Self-evident Principles ; to do which , we call to beget Science , or to frame a Science of them . The Former comes by Experience Unreflectingly ; the Later is attain'd by Study and Reflexion . And 't is of this Later sort of Knowledge , and its First Principles , we intend to treat in this and the next Lesson ; reserving the Former Consideration of how and in what manner Knowledge is first Generated , till Lesson IV. 4. The Self-Evidence belonging to First Principles consists in this , that the two Terms must be Formally Identical . For , since ( as was shewn above ) the Terms in every Ordinary and Inferior Proposition , nay , in every Conclusion that is True , must be materially the same , and so the Proposition it self materially Identical , it follows , that the Terms of the First Principles , which ought to be more evident than They , as being Self-evident , must be Formally Identical . 5. The Terms of the First Principles must no● only be Formally Identical in sense , or be the same Formal Notion ; but it is , moreover , most convenient that they be such in the Expression also ; th●● is , 't is fit that the Subject and Predicate in those Propositions should be the same Word taken in the same sence . For , since First Principles must be the most Evident , and the most Clearly Expressive o● Truth that can be imagin'd , and not liable to the least Mistake ; and Words are subject to Equivocation , which is apt to breed Mistake , Obscurity and Error ; hence , First Principles should not only be Formally Identical in sense ; as when we say , Ho●● est Animal Rationale ; but it is most Convenient they should be such in Expression too ; as , Hom● est Homo , Idem est Idem sibi ipsi , Quod est est , &c. For then , whatever Distinction ( in case of Ambiguity ) affects the Predicate , must also affect the Subject ; and so the Proposition will not only remain still most Formally , but also most Evidently , i● every regard , Identical . Note , That tho' this be most Convenient , yet it may suffice that the Terms , when explicated are reducible to the same Formal Expression by the same Word ; as when we say [ A Whole is Greater than a part ] For , a Whole being that which consists of Parts , and a thing being that of which it consists ; hence , a Whole is All its Parts : that is , is one part and more than one part , whence , the Proportion is reducible to this , [ what 's more than a part is more than a part ] which is not onely most Formally , but besides most Evidently Identical . 6. This Proposition [ Self-Existence is Self-existence ] is , of it self , most Supremely Self-Evident , ●or if the meaning of the word [ self ] which is ●oyn'd with Existence be but understood , and that the Addition of this word to Existence be not meant ●o signify any the least Composition in it but the most ●imple and most Uncompounded Actuality that can ●e imagin'd ; then the same Formality in every respect is predicated Intirely of the same , and so 't is also most perfectly Self-evident . And 't is most Su●remely such , because it expresses the Existence of ●he Deity , which is Infinitely more Simple , and more necessarily it self than any Created Exi●tence can be . Again , since every thing , the more Potential it is , is more Confused ; that is , less distinct and less Intelligible ; and , the more Actual it is , the more Intelligible ; and the Divine Nature , which ●s meant by Self-Existence , is a most infinitely Pure Actuality ; it follows , that this proposition [ Self-Existence is Self-Existence ] is , of its self , the most supremely Self-evident Proposition that can be Imagin'd . 7. This Proposition [ what is is ] or [ Existence is Existence ] is the most Self-evident Proposition that can be imagin'd to be taken from Created things . For , since Existence is the most Evident Notion that can be found amongst all our Notions that can be had from Creatures , that Proposition must needs be the most Evident , ( and consequently , amongst Self-evident ones , the most Self-evident ) in which not only the Notion of the Copula , but of the Subject and Predicate too , is Existence . Again , since the Clearness of all Truths whatever depends on the Connexion of the Terms by the word [ is ] it follows , that unless the Nature or Notion of Existence be first immovably Fix'd or Establish'd , to be Coherent with its self , that is , unless this Proposition What is is , or Existence is Existence , be Self-evident , no Proposition whatever could be Absolutely Certain , Clear , or Coherent ; and so , there would be no possibility of any Truth , Certainty , or Evidence in the World. Lastly , since both the Essences of things , and the Existence they have are in the Divine Understanding , and the Essences which are only Capacities of Being , belong to things as they are Limited , or apt to be Created , that is , belong to them according to the Notion of Creatures ; which being only Potential as to Being , they can have no Claim thence to actual Being or Existence , but meerly by the Free Gift of Him who is Essential Being ; hence the Nature of the Existence of Creatures , and their being such is taken purely from God's side , and holds entirely of him . Whence it is most actual , and most Like him ; that is , most defecated from all Alloy of Potentiality , most Pure , most Intelligibly Clear , and most Establish'd , above whatever else we can conceive in Creatures ; and therefore , It alone is able to give Certainty , Clear Light , and Establishment to all other Truths . 8. Equivalent to the Former , or perfectly Identified with it , ( abating the putting it in a diverse Logical Frame ) is this Proposition , [ Existence is not Non-Existence ] or which is in effect the same , [ 'T is impossible the same thing should be and not be at once . ] For , if the Notion of Existence and Non-Existence could at once belong to the same Subject , then , since the Notion of Existence , as being most Simple and most Actual , can admit of no Distinction of being in part Existence , and in part Non-Existence ; that is , of being in part such , in part not-such , as Potential Notions can ; it would follow , that the entire and most simple Notion of Existence is Non-Existence ; which is directly contradictory to this Principle now mentioned , and consequently , to the equivalent Proposition [ What is is ] ; whence it would be unavoidably consequent , that all we could say must necessarily be False , because the Notion of Existence , by which only we can affirm or say , would involve a Contradiction in its own Bowels , as being Indifferent to Being and not Being , or rather as being both of them . Note , That the same may be said , in some proportion , ( that is , as to the Extent of their own Notion ) of all Propositions that are equivalent to First Principles in any particular Subjects ; as of Homo est homo , Aequale est aequale sibi , &c. to which are equivalent Homo non est non homo , Aequale non est non aequale sibi , &c. For , the same Inconveniences would follow in all Discourses upon those particular Subjects , as did in all Discourses whatever , by wronging the former Self-evident and Universal Propositions ; that is , all that could be said of such Subjects would be Incoherent , Contradictory and False . 9. The next Self-evident Proposition is that of ( Ens is Ens. ) For , since the notion of Ens is most nearly ally'd to Existence , being wholly order'd to it , and a Capacity of it , it follows , that that Proposition which predicates Ens of Ens , is the next , in Self-Evidence , to those which predicate Existence of Existence . 10. Hence all propositions consisting of particular Notions that subsume under Ens , that is , such propositions which affirm that particular Notion or Nature to be what it is , are likewise Self-evident : For , since Ens , taken as Undistinguish'd , or in its whole Latitude , has the force of an Vniversal , and is equivalent to all ; and an Vniversal engages every particular under it , of which it consists ; so that if the terms expressing those particulars be not Self-coherent and Self-evident , it would follow , that neither would the terms of this proposition [ Ens is Ens ] be such : Hence all propositions consisting of particular Notions , that subsume directly under Ens , must be likewise Self-evident . Again , since the proposition ( Ens is Ens ) is for no other reason Self-evident , but because the Notions of the two terms are every way formally Identical ; and this reason is found in those propositions , the notions of whose terms subsume under Ens ; it follows , that these also must , for the same reason , be likewise Self-evident . Corol. I. Hence Homo est Homo , Quantitas est Quantitas , &c. being Self-evident , are the First Principles to all Discourses treating about the Nature of Man or Quantity ; that is , they are the last and most Clear propositions in that Matter or Subject , into which all that can be said of Man or Quantity is finally resolv'd ; and , moreover , the Test of the Truth or Falshood of all that can be said of them . So that if any part of those Discourses do hap to violate those Principles , that is , if it deviates from those Natures , or does , by consequence , make Man not to be Man , or Quantity not to be Quantity , 't is most evidently convicted of Falsity : As , on the other side , if those Discourses do proceed Agreeably to these Principles , it must most certainly and evidently be True. Corol. II. It is not meant here , that these last-mentioned self-evident Propositions do follow the former by way of Proof or Deduction ; but we are only enquiring what Propositions in the resolving of Truths into their Principles are most Self-evident ; and therefore , in priority of Nature , presupposed to the other , and imply'd in them , as those without the Certainty and Evidence of which no Certainty or Evidence at all could be had of any of the others which are thus Imply'd , or Contain'd in the former , and engage their Verity ( as it were ) a posteriori . As if Homo , which is a particular Ens , be not that particular Ens or Homo ; then , neither is Ens Ens , nor Existentia Existentia , because there is the same reason for the Former to be Self-evident as for these Later , tho' not altogether in the same degree . Corol. III. From the Self-evidence and Truth of that Proposition Self-existence is Self-existence , and from the Ground of Verity in all Propositions whatever that are True , we may demonstrate the Existence of a Deity . For , since not only our Simple Notions or Apprehensions are taken from the Things , but also all Connexions of those Notions or Propositions are therefore True , because what 's meant by the two Terms exists in the same Thing ; so that neither this Proposition [ A Stone is hard ] could be True , unless what 's meant by Stone and Hard were found in the same Entity ; nor even could this Self-evident Proposition ( Homo est Homo ) be True , unless there were something , or such a thing as , by being Fix'd in its determinate Nature , or by being the same with it self , had thence a power to verifie it ; it follows , that neither could this Self-evident Proposition [ Self-existence is Self-existence ] be True , unless there were some most Actual Being , which , by being most perfectly the same with it self , did verifie that Proposition . But such an Actual Being can only be the Deity , there is therefore a Deity . It may be reply'd , That we can compound Notions , and joyn Self to Existence ; which done , this Compound Notion , having such a nature in our Understanding , has , consequently , a determinate Nature or Actual Being in our Mind only , and thence a kind of Metaphysical Unity or Verity there , which gives it to be predicated of it self ; so that there is no necessity that such a Thing should be put to be in re to verifie it . 'T is answer'd , That our Argument is not grounded meerly upon our having such a Notion ; for we do not argue as Cartesius does , upon the Notion or Idea of such a Subject ; but we grant , that we may Compound such a one , and yet remain Vncertain whether that Nature be or not ; but our Argument proceeds also , and chiefly , upon our Verifying that Proposition , which is done formally by the Copula ; and I affirm , that the Copula [ is ] could not verifie it , unless there were something out of the Vnderstanding that oblig'd us to do so ; which I explain thus : This Copula sometimes meerly puts together Fictitious Notions , or Non-Entities , which ( all Truth being grounded on Ens or the Thing ) have consequently direct Opposition to Being , and therefore Falsity in their very Natures , or rather No-natures ; as , when we say [ Imaginary Space is a Chimaera ] , for then , indeed , the Connexion is meerly in our Vnderstanding , there being no Thing , nor any Terms , which have an Entitative Notion to be Connected or Verify'd : or rather indeed there was no Connexion at all ; but , as the Terms were Mock-things , so they could only have a Mock-Connexion . In all other Cases , since the Copula [ is ] cannot signifie nothing at all , ( for this would make it a meer Sound and no Word ) it can only signifie the Actual Existence or Co-existence of what 's meant by the Terms , in the same Thing ; and this ( as was * said ) whether that Co-existence be only Material or Formal . And , should it be deny'd that the Copula [ is ] has this signification , we can never know any thing which we say , or can say , is true ; because we can never know , nor see , that the Notions are Agreeable or Conformable to the Thing . Since then the notion of Self-existence is so far from having Non-existence in its Notion ( as the others had Non-ens ) that it is the most perfect in that kind that can be imagin'd ; the ' foresaid Proposition could not be true , unless there were actually something that has , in that Supreme Manner , Metaphysical Verity and Vnity in it self , to verifie it . In the same manner as [ Homo est homo ] could never have been True , had there not been Something which had such a Metaphysical Unity and Verity in its self , as grounded that Proposition . So that the Objecter must either find more significations and uses of the word [ is ] than we have assign'd ( which is impossible ) or alledge , that the Notion of Self-existence is Chimerical , or Destructive of Existence , as Non-Ens is of Ens , which is as absurd as the other ; or , he must be forced to grant our Conclusion , and acknowledge our Argument to be a true Logical Demonstration . I know it will run in the Objecter's Fancy , that we can connect Notions which our selves have coin'd ; but he may easily correct these Misconceits , by reflecting , that this Proposition is True ; and that Truth must not be grounded on our Aiery Fancies , but on the solid Nature of the Thing to which it is a Conformity . I know too he will fancy that the Copula [ is ] has an Office of meerly Connecting without any reference to the Existence of the Thing which is its proper signification ; but he may see the Folly of such a Conceit , if he but consider that we cannot with truth conjoyn Notions in our Minds that are not Conjoyn'd before-hand in the Thing ; and that when the Notions are of some Positive Being , or such as are not Chimerical and Contradictory , the Copula [ is ] must signifie Exists , and does but say in our Mind what is in the thing , if the Saying be true . Also , that that Copula cannot divest it self of all sence while it conjoyns such Terms ; and he will do more than Miracle to invent any other for it but that of Exists . It may yet be further Objected , that these Propositions ( Rosa est Rosa , Animal est Animal ) and such-like , are still True , tho' their Subjects do not actually Exist when we thus Predicate of them ; and that therefore it is not necessary the Copula ( est ) should always signifie Existence , even tho' the Notions of the Terms be Positive Entities . 'T is answer'd , that either the Subjects ( Rosa ) and ( Animal ) mean the Individuals of those Natures ; and then , if once they are perish'd , the Propositions are False ; for haec Rosa is no longer Rosa , nor is hoc Animal Animal , when they are corrupted or turn'd into another thing . Or else these words mean the Abstracted Notions of Rosa and Animal ; and then , since Abstracted Natures , or Vniversals , do ( as such ) no where exist but in the Vnderstanding , they have their Actual Existence where they ought to have it ; and the Copula [ est ] signifies they have their Existence there ; and so the Proposition is True. And it is to be farther noted , that they could not have been even there , unless there had actually been diverse Individuals from which they might be Abstracted . But now , in our Case , it is quite otherwise ; for Self-existence being the simplest Notion that can be conceiv'd , nay , more Actual than any Notion of Existence found in Creatures , it is Impossible there should be any abstracted notion of it ; both because that Abstracted Notion would have Potentiality in it , which would destroy that Notion , and make it Chimerical and Self-Contradictory ; as also , because ( as Metaphysicks demonstrate ) Self-Existence is Unlimited or Infinit in Existence , and so , can be but One. Wherefore the Copula ( est ) does not meerly Conjoyn such Positive Notions , but always signifies Existence , when the Notions it connects are not Chimerical or Opposit to Existence , as Non-Ens is to Ens ; and consequently , if this Proposition [ Self-existence is Self-existence ] be True , there must Actually be , and this out of our Vnderstanding , some Being that verifies it , which can be nothing but the Deity . It may be ask'd , What is to be said of these Propositions , such a Thing is Possible or Future . 'T is answer'd , the word [ Possible ] signifies possible to be , or capable of Being , which is the very notion of Ens ; and so , it means that such a Possible thing is an Ens ; and then it might be true , could we Frame such a Proposition of a thing meerly possible , which is Impossible ; for , if the thing be only [ possible to be ] it never was ; and so ( all our Notions being taken from the Thing ) we could have no Notion of it ; and therefore the Proposition would be none , since we want that Notion that makes the Subject . The Proposition [ such a thing is Future ] is in rigor False , ( for that which is not at all , can have nothing predicated of it ) and it can only be True , as it signifies that there are determinate Causes laid to produce it : which is to say , those Causes are , and so the Copula [ est ] still signifies Existence . 11. To settle this main point , that First Principles must be such Propositions as are most formally Identical , in the manner declared above , many other Proofs may be alledged ; as , that Contradictions are the First of Falshoods ; therefore those Propositions that are directly Opposit to them must be the First Truths or First Principles : But only Propositions thus perfectly Identical are directly Opposit to Contradictions ; Therefore these only are the First Truths or First Principles . To prove the Minor , we shall find by reflexion , that the two Contradictory propositions are comprizable into one which is equivalent to both ; as to ( Peter here and now runs , Peter here and now runs not ) is equivalent ( what here and now runs , does not here and now run ) . Whence is seen clearly , that only such Identical propositions are directly opposit to Contradictions ; since Man's Wit cannot invent a proposition directly Opposit to ( what runs runs not ) but ( what runs runs ) which is perfectly Identical . Add , that all Fault consisting in this , that 't is a Privation of the Opposit Good , Contradictions would not be at all Faulty , but that they violate the Truth of Identical propositions , ( as has been now proved ) since there are no other Truths which they directly and formally Oppose or destroy . 12. Again , as will be seen hereafter , to Conclude is to shew the Terms of the Conclusion to be Connected , by their being Connected with a Third or Middle Term in the Premisses . But , how can we shew that Middle Term is really connected with those Two other Terms in the Premisses ? By finding still another Middle Term to be connected with the Terms of the proposition to be proved . And , how far must this go on ? Endlesly ! or no ? If Endlesly , it is impossible any thing should ever come to be prov'd ; if not , then we must come to some proposition whose Terms are so Connected that no Middle Term can come between them ; that is , such as cannot be Connected by means of Another ; that is , which cannot be prov'd or made evident ; that is , which are self-connected or self-evident ; that is , which are formally Identical . To enforce this , we may observe that the more Remot● the Terms of a proposition are from Formal Identity , the less evident they are , and the more proo● they require ; as also , that they grow still nearer to Evidence , according to the degree of their Approaching to be Formally the same . Wherefore , since all Approach of Distant things ends in their Conjoyning and Centering in the same ; 't is manifest that all Approach of Distant Notions ends in their being the same in Notion , or in a proposition Formally Identical , as in a First and Self-evident Principle . 13. Besides , all Causality , or the whole Course of Nature , is finally refunded into this Self-evident Principle , that Things are such as they are , that is , are what they are . For , since an Effect is a Participation of something that is in the Cause ; and the Cause , as such , is that which imparts or communicates something it has to the Matter on which it works its Effect . Again , since the Effect is such as the Cause is , as to that which is imparted to it ; and if the Cause be of another sort , the Effect still varies accordingly ; there can be no doubt but that Causality is the Imprinting the Existence of that Essence or Thing which is the Cause , upon the Matter . Whence follows evidently , that the very Notion of Natural Causality , and the whole Efficacy of it , consists in the Causes existing ( that is being what it is . Only Motion is added as a Common Requisit to apply that Existing Cause better or worse ; which is refunded into a Nature Superiour to Body ; as will be shewn * hereafter . 14. Lastly , God himself has exprest his own Supreme Essence by this Identical Proposition Ego Sum qui Sum ; that is , I exist ( or am ) Existence . Which is the same , in a manner , with ( Self existence is Self-Existence ) Which , therefore , is the First Increated Truth ; as 't is the First Created one that ( what is is ) or A thing is what it is ; which is therefore True , because God is what He is ; or , because Self-existence is Self-existence . From which Divine and Soveraign Verity all our Created First Principles derive their Truth . For , were not This True , all our Identical Proposition and First Principles would all be False : in regard they have their Verity from the Natures of the Things , and of our Vnderstanding ; neither of which could have their Metaphysical Verity , nor , consequently , could they ground or be capable of any Truth at all , if Self-Existence , their Cause , were not Self-Existence , and thence Unlimited in Power , Wisdome and Goodness to Create and Conserve those Beings which are the Foundation of all the Truth we have or can have . The Reader is desired to referr this Section , to the Third Corollary , and to consider them well together , because they mutually give Light to one another . And , if we rightly consider it , as the Proposition ( Homo est Homo ) is onely the reducing the Metaphysical Verity of Homo into a Formal Truth ; so ( Self Existence is self-Existence ) is the same in respect of the Soveraign Metaphysical Verity of the Divine Nature . Corol. IV. Hence is seen that an Atheist can have no perfectly Certain Knowledge or Evidence of any thing ; but that , by denying his Maker , he deservedly comes to lose the best Perfection of his own Nature . For , if a Sceptick should put him to prove that things have any Metaphysical Verity in them grounding our first Principles , and ▪ consequently , all our Knowledge ; and object , that for any thing he knows , Things are Chimerical , and so contriv'd as to beget in us False Judgments ; he is utterly at a loss through his denying a First Cause : whose Unchangeable and Essential Truth and Goodness has Establisht their Natures to bee Unalterably what they are : whence onely any Certain and Evident Knowledge of them is possible to be attain'd . 15. Definitions , tho' very useful to Science , are not Self evident ; nor are those Propositions that Predicate the Definition of the Notion Defin'd , First Principles . For , Self-evident Principles , by force of their very Terms , do oblige the Understanding to assent , which such Propositions do not . Again , Art is requisit to make such Definitions as are Proper and Adjusted to the Thing Defin'd ; whereas First Principles must antecede all Art , and be known by the Natural Light of our Understanding . Besides , the Possibility of being defind , goes before the Definition ; which Possibility the Thing has from its Metaphysical Verity , determining it to be This and no other . For , if the thing were not truly what it is , it could not be exexplaind to be what it is ; were it not One , that is , Undivided in its self and Divided from all others ; it could not be compriz'd in one Definition ; and , if it were not Determinately of this or that Nature , it 's certain , Bounds and Limits could not be drawn , which is done by the Definition . Whence 't is manifest , that that proposition which affirms , that a Thing is what it is , is the First Principle and Ground to all Definitions : and therefore Definitions themselves are not First Principles . 16. This is further evinc'd , because , Words being liable to Equivocalness , where there are more words ( as there are in Definitions ) there is more room for Equivocation ; which Inconvenience appears no where more than in the known Definition of Man : For , there wants not many Witty , ( or rather half-witted ) Discoursers , who Distinguish , that is makes Ambiguous , the Word [ Rational ] and do not stick to maintain that Man is Rational , or ( Concluding being the Proper Act of Reason ) can Conclude Evidently in Lines and Numbers , but not in Logick , Physicks , Ethicks or Metaphysicks , much less in Theology ; and , by this means they cramp the Definition to less than half the sense the words contain . There are others too , who make Brutes Rational in many things ( and they make Men to be Rational but in some ) and so quite destroy the said Definition by Enlarging and Ampliating it , and making it Common and Indifferent to Man and Beast ; and not apply'd to either of them adequately , but only in some Degree onely : And yet the same men , even tho' perfect Scepticks , would not dispute the Truth of this Proposition , A Man is a Man. Wherefore , since 't is directly against the nature of First Principles to be Disputable , Definitions cannot be First Principles ; and , consequently , only Propositions most perfectly Identical can be such . 17. There is another kind of Self-evidence call'd Practical , which is Inferiour to this we have hitherto spoken of , and Proper to the Vulgar . This is call'd Self-evidence , not because its Evidence is seen in the very Notion of the Terms , as was the other , but because it is bred or instill'd from the Things themselves without Speculation or Study , by a Practical converse with those things . Thus the Vulgar know evidently what is Moist , Dry , Hard , &c. as well as the best Philosophers , tho' they cannot define them as the others can . Nay , the best Philosophers ( as will be seen hereafter ) must learn from their Sayings how to make their Definitions of all such Natural Notions . Thus they know Evidently ( tho' Naturally ) the force of Witnessing Authority , when 't is Vniversal , and of Sensible Matters of Fact : For example , They know there was such a one as Queen Elizabeth , or the Long Civil War in England , for , they know Men could not be deceiv'd themselves in knowing such things , and that they could not All universally conspire to deceive their Children in attesting such a Falshood ; or , if they had had a mind to it , they know that the Cheat must needs have been discover'd by some among so many thousands . Note , That this is call'd Evidence , because , tho' it be a Rude Knowledge , yet it is a True one ; and 't is the Work of Learned men to Polish by Art those rough Draughts of Evidence which the Vulgar have by a Natural way ; as will be farther seen hereafter . 18. Those Speculations only being well grounded which are according to Nature , it will add a great confirmation to this new piece of Doctrine , that First Principles are Identical Propositions ( and help withal to satisfie some superficial Readers , who perhaps may think such Speculations A●ery ) to shew that the Nature-instructed Vulgar do abet this Doctrine , and make use of Propositions exactly Identical , when they would express themselves to stand finally to some Truth which they judge to be most Evident . For example , if you would force a Clown to deny a thing which he is sure of , or knows to be True ; he will tell you soberly , and ( if you press him much ) angrily , that Truth is Truth , or that he is sure A Spade is a Spade , or that he knows what he knows ; or , if it be in a point belonging to Justice , that Right is Right , and he brings these as Evidences from whence he can never be driven . Which signifies clearly , that such Truths as these are Judg'd by him Self-evident , and to be the Principles which naturally determin and fix him in an Immovable Adherence to the point , as the Vltimate Ressort and Reason of his Perswasion ; that is , Nature teaches him to have recourse to these , as to his First Principles . 19. The other Test , by which to examin the Truth of this Discourse of ours about First Principles , is to desire the Objecter to settle some First Principles of his own , after his Fashion ; which done , it will manifestly appear , that , if he takes any other way , either his First Principles will not be Self-evident at all , which yet First Principles must be ; or , in case he pretends them such , he will not be able to tell you or explicate in what that Self-evidence of theirs consists ; or else , he will produce such as he will tell you he will undertake to prove to be Evident , which ( since what 's Prov'd is concluded ) will be the same as to offer to obtrude upon us Conclusions instead of First Principles . Or , lastly , they will be meer Fancies of his own , put together prettily , and exprest wittily and plausibly ; which , when they are divested of their gay Dress , and their naked sence is laid open , will be either meer voluntary Talk or plain Nonsence in cuerpo . Into which Fault of Groundless and boldly and Magisterially pronounced ( tho' wittily exprest ) Assertions , and the Imposing them upon us for Principles , the Author of the Leviathan does fall very frequently ; and I could wish all his Followers would please to examin all his Principles by this Test , and they would quickly discover how strangely they fall short of Self-Evidence , that is , of the Nature of First Principles . Or , in case they judge I have stated 〈◊〉 the Nature of First Principles , I should take it for a Favour , if they would vouchsafe me an Answer to my several Reasons for my Doctrin , as to this point , in this Lesson and the next ; and , in a full Discourse , settle their own First Principles , and shew me my Error ; which , I am very confident , they will never think fit to Attempt . LESSON III. That First Principles are Identical Propositions prov'd by Instances . The Use that is to be made of them . Also of some other Propositions , either in whole or in part , Formally Identical ; and of the Reducing of Inferiour Truths to Self-evident Propositions . 1. THAT the First Principles in Metaphysicks are Identical Propositions , has already * been clear'd . It remains to shew they are such in other Sciences also . We will begin with Physicks . The First Principle that grounds that whole Science , according to some Modern Philosophers , is , [ Corpus est Quantum ] , in which tho' the Subject and Predicate do indeed differ Grammatically , the one of them being Substantively the other Adjectively express'd , yet if we rifle the Words to get out the Inward Sense , ( as Philosophers ought ) we shall find that , since all the Essential Differences they allow between a Body and a Spirit , is this only , that That is Divisible , This Indivisible , as also , that Quantity and Divisibility into Integral parts are ( with them ) the same Notion ; it will appear Eyidently , that , according to them , this Proposition [ Body is Quantitative ] is perfectly equivalent to this [ What 's Divisible is Divisible ] which is every way Identical . I say , with them , for they deny all Metaphysical Divisibility of Body into Matter and Form * by denying all Formal Mutation . The same Discourse holds , if they put for their First Principle [ Corpus est Extensum ] ; for , in that Supposition , they hold that Extension is the Notion that Intrinsecally constitutes Body or Matter , and differences it Essentially from Spirit . Whence the Proposition [ Corpus est Extensum ] is the same as [ Ens Extensum est Ens Extensum , or Corpus est Corpus ] which are most Formally Identical . 2. That the First Principle which grounds all Ratiocination in Logick is an Identical Proposition , will be shewn hereafter , Sect. 10. when we come to shew the Vse of First Principles . 3. The First principle that grounds all Ethicks , or Morality , is , [ A Will is a Will ] . For , since all Morality ( at least in its practice ) consists in Acting for an End , and no man acts for an End but because it appears to him a Good , and therefore an appearing Good is the proper Object of that Active Power call'd the Will ; and Powers are specified by their proper Objects , and have their Essences from them ; it is as certain the Will cannot act when there appears to the Man no Good , and that it will act for what appears to him , taking him as thus Dispos'd , hic & nunc a Good , as it is that A Will is a Will. Object . This takes away the Freedom of the Will , to tye it up to First Principles , or pretend that its Actions can be reduc'd to Rules of Science or Demonstration ; for , this seems to hamper it , and lay a Necessity upon it , which destroys its Free Nature . I answer , that the Will has a Nature of its own , which it can no more forgo than Homo can not be Homo . Whenever then there is but one Appearing Good , the Will is not free in that circumstance , because in such a Case its Essence is engag'd ; and 't is not in the power of the Will to chuse whether it will be its self or no. In all other Cases where its Essence is not engag'd the Will is free , provided there be on the Object 's side Variety enough for Choice : Yet , in the former Case , those Acts of the Will , tho' not free , are Voluntary , because they are more according to what 's Essential to it , or to its very Nature ; and would , if the Will did not bear it self accordingly , make the Will to be no Will. Corol. I. Hence is seen , that the only solid way to perfect our Souls in Christian Morality or True Virtue , is by Wise Judgments or Frequentation of Devout Thoughts and Actions , to gain a Lively and Hearty Conceit of the Transcendent Excellency of Heavenly Goods , and of the Vileness of all Temporary Goods in comparison , since 't is the very Nature of our Will to pursue that with her Interiour Acts which appears lively to be the Greater Good ; that is , to be hic & nunc , a Good to him that wills . 4. Lastly , to omit others , the First Principles in Mathematicks are Identical . For example ; At our first entrance into Euclid , we are met with those Famous and Useful Principles : Those things that are Equal to the same , are Equal to one another . If Equals be added to Equals , the Wholes are Equal . If Equals be taken away from Equals , the Remainders are Equal . Those which are twice as big as the same , are Equals . Those which are Halfs of the same are Equals . All which are in effect but this Identical Proposition [ Aequale est aequale sibi ] ; or else diverse Inferiour Identicals , subsuming under that Common one , as Homo est homo does under Ens est ens . For example , this Proposition [ If Equals be added to Equals , the Wholes are Equal ] is that common Identical Proposition thrice ( as it were ) Repeated ; and is plainly as much as to say , the two supposed Equals are Equal to one another : the two Equals added are Equal to one another ; and so the two Equal Wholes , made up of both those Equal parts , are Equal to one another . There are many other such Identical Propositions on which that great Mathematician builds as on his Principles ; and among the rest [ A Whole is greater than a part of it self ] which I have shewn above to be , in sence . Formally Identical . 5. As for the Vse that may be made of First Principles ; First , they cannot be the Conclusion , for that is the thing to be proved , and First Principles are above Proof , as not being to be made Evident , because they are Self-evident . Nor can they be either of the Premisses ; for ( as will be more clearly shewn hereafter ) the Middle Term must be Connected with one of the Terms of the Conclusion in one of the Premisses , and with the other Term in the other ; which could not be , if the self same Notion were us'd twice in one of those Premisses ; for then the Syllogism must either be fram'd thus , [ Omnis Homo est Homo , Aliquod Animal est rationale , ergo aliquod Rationale est Homo ] ; or thus , [ Nullus Homo est Irrationalis ; Ted aliquis Homo est Homo , ergo Aliquod irrationale non est Homo : ] where we see ( to omit other faults ) that the Notion of Homo is taken thrice , whereas in a Legitimate Syllogism no Term ought to be taken more than twice ; and , so the whole Discourse is Preternatural and Absurd . 6. Hence follows , that since the Vse of First Principles cannot be the bringing down or deducing Truths , which are yet unknown , from them ; therefore the Use of them must consist in the bringing up or Reducing Truths to them ; which is done by Resolving less-clear Truths into others still Clearer , till we arise to those which are the Clearest of all , that is , to Self-evident Principles ; to shew which by Instances , or lay open the way how this is done , is not proper for this place , but belongs to the next Book , where we shall treat of Rigorous Discourse or Demonstration . 7. To make this use of First Principles is no more , in effect , but to attend heedfully to the Nature of the Thing , and not to deviate from it . This is Evident ; for , to Deviate in a Discourse about Homo or Corpus , from their Natures , is , by consequence , to make Homo not to be Homo , and Corpus not to be Corpus ; which Propositions are Contradictory to Homo est Homo and Corpus est Corpus , which are the First Principles in those Discourses . 8. Quaere . It may be ask'd , if there be no more in the business but to attend to the Metaphysical Verity or Nature of the Thing , why we keep such a pother about putting it into such nice , and dry , and seemingly Insignificant Identical Propositions , since we may attend to our Notion , or the Nature of the Thing , without framing Formal Propositions about it , or saying It is what it is ? 'T is answer'd , Because all our Discourses are made up of Propositions , without which we cannot say or affirm any thing ; and therefore those Sayings into which we do finally resolve their Evidence and Truth , as into what 's most true and evident , must be Propositions also . Besides , Self-evident Propositions , which advance the Metaphysical Verity of the thing into Formal Verity , do reflect and redouble ( as it were ) the Notion of it upon it self by expressing its being what it is ; and thence gives an advantage to our bare Single Notion , by not only having had ( as had the Single Notion ) its Metaphysical Verity in it , but by expressing that Metaphysical Verity , so as to make it more fit to be discours'd of . 9. Tho' First Principles cannot be any Proposition in a Legitimate or Regular Syllogism , yet this hinders not but that those particular Identical Propositions which subsume under Ens est Ens * , may in some sort and improperly be Deducible from that Common one . For , since a Common Notion , taken without restriction , is Equivalent to an Vniversal , and includes All that have that Notion , and All includes and signifies Every particular one , as a Whole does its parts ; hence follows , that if Ens be Ens , then Homo is Homo , Lapis is Lapis ; and the same may be said of every particular thing that is comprehended under that Universal . Note , That this is not perform'd by virtue of those Terms orderly plac'd and connected , as 't is done in a Syllogism ; but by vertue of some Logical Maxims applying or referring the Common propositions to those particular Identical ones , as appears in the proof of this last Section . Corol. II. Hence is seen how Metaphysicks give the Principles to all Inferiour Sciences that treat of particular Subjects ; and how they establish both the Truth , Certainty and Evidence of those respective Principles . 10. The other main Use of First Principles is to Establish all our Ratiocination or Deduction of New Truths out of others formerly known : this is evident , because all Inference , Concluding or Proving is perform'd by Identifying the two terms of the proposition to be Concluded with a Middle term in the premisses ; and if it be found that they are both of them the same with it , it is thence Inferr'd that they are the same with one another , and that the Conclusion is true . But , what if that Middle term be not the same with its own self , but Divided within it self ? Why then it must certainly follow , that we could Inferr or prove Nothing : For if that Middle term were divided in it self , as Hirco-cervus , Chimera , and all Non-Entities are , then one of the terms of the proposition to be prov'd might be Identify'd with it according to one of those Considerations , and the other term Identify'd with it according to the other ; and so , it would not follow that the terms of the Propositions to be proved are at all Identified or Connected in the Conclusion by being both of them Identified with it in the Premisses ; but rather it will follow , that they would be Diversify'd or Unconnected , because that Middle term had Diversity and not Identity in it self . Wherefore all the Force of Inference , nay , all possibility of Concluding or proving any thing is entirely grounded on this Self-evident proposition , Idem est Idem sibi ipsi , or , a Thing is the same with it self . Which shews how Useful First principles are , and how they are both the First Truths in themselves ; and , besides , the Bottom-Ground to all Others which are not Evident in themselves , but need Proof to make them so ; how Dry and Insignificant soever they may appear at first sight , or seem ridiculous to Superficial Talkers , or some Men of more Witt and Fancy than of Exact Speculation . Corol. III. Hence is seen that the Light of Reason or the Light by which we draw New knowledges out of foregoing ones , is the Light that shines in this Self-evident proposition : A thing is the same with it's self . Corol. IV. Hence also , if the Terms be Univocally understood , and do agree to the Middle Term in the Premisses , we may be as Infallibly Certain our Conclusion is True as we are that The same is the same with it self . Which will give a great Encouragement , to the Laborious Pursuers of True Science , and comfort the pains they take in Seeking after Truth . Corol. V. Hence , lastly , if any Discourse be so fram'd as to thwart this First Principle or clash with it : 't is Self-evidently Absur'd , False and Contradictory ; as will be particularly seen when we come to treat of Discourse or Ratiocination . 11. There are other Propositions which are , either in the whole or in part , Formally Identical , ●ho ' not most Formally : that is , such as have the ●ame Formal Notion in whole , or in part ; and ●herefore are , upon a sleight reflexion , Evident , ●ho ' not self-evident from the very Terms , as were First Principles . Of the first sort are those whose Predicates belong to the First Predicable , in which ●he whole Notion is predicated of the Whole . And ●hese are either Definitions ( of which we have spo●en above ) as when we say Homo est Animal Ratio●ale ; or the Members of such Divisions as are made ●y Contradictory Differences . For since there ●an be no Middle or Third between two Contra●ictory Notions , and therefore the Dividing parts , ●f Contradictory , do take up all the Parts of the whole , and consequently ( abating the manner of Expression ) are perfectly and Intirely the Whole it self ; it follows , that such parts , taken Divisively , ●re predicated of the Notion Divided as the Whole ●f the Whole . For example , Animal is divided into Rational and Irrational ( that is , not-Rational ) and Number into Even and Odd , ( that is , not-even ) . Whence in those Propositions , [ Animal is either Rational or Irrational ] and ( Number is either Even or Odd ) all the Parts or the whole is predicated of the Whole , and the Propositions are Formally Identical and Evident in the manner explicated in our former Note . Note 2. That these are call'd Formally Identical , because they are Evident by their own Terms when they are once Explaind ; without needing any Formal Proof for the Learned to discern the Connexion of those Terms ; onely there is requir'd some sleight Reflexion on certain Common Maxims , known by the Light of Nature : such as is that a thing either is or is not , and that therefore there can be no Middle between them ; and that All the Parts are the Whole . They are also Self-evident Practically ( that is Evident without Study ) to the Vulgar , because they cannot but know those maxims by their Mother-wit . In like manner as they know also the Substance of the Definition of those Notions they are conversant with , if plainly and fully exprest ; tho they cannot compile or frame it Artificially : whence they will heartily acknowledge it to be true when 't is thus propos'd to them , finding the Notion or Sense of it in their own Understanding . 12. Propositions whose Terms are Formal in part are those whose Predicates belong to the second , third and fourth Predicables ; that is , such as are predicated as the Genus Species and DiffeDifference ; for all these do in part belong essentially to the Thing or Individuum ; as Petrus est Animal , Homo , Rationalis . They belong to it Essentially ; because they are deduc'd by Intrinsecal Differences in the same Line : In part , because the Thing or Individuum ( v. g. Peter ) comprehends both them , and more than them , viz. his Individual Essence . 13. Those Propositions whose Predicates belong to the Fifth Predicable ( viz. Properties ) are neither in Part nor in Whole Formally Identical , and therefore not Evident ; tho' they are oftentimes easily reducible to Evidence . For , since such Predicates are not of the same Line as the Thing is , but in another , they cannot be at all Essential to it , or any direct part of its Formal Notion or Definition ; and , so , not at all Evident from the Terms , but must be made so by Proof . Yet , since all Deduction or Proof is made by Connexion of Notions , and those Notions ( or what corresponds to them ) must be Connected in the Thing e're they can be so in our Understanding ; and Properties are more nearly ally'd to the Essence than other Accidents , as resulting necessarily from it , or being immediately Connected with it ; hence they are , by consequence , most easily Proveable to belong truly to the Thing ; and therefore very fit to be made use of in Demonstrations . 14. Of this sort are all Propositions whose Predicates are Proper Causes and Effects ; and , more immediately , the Powers or Virtues by which they Act on others , or Suffer from others ; as will be seen when we come to treat of Demonstration . 15. Propositions whose Predicates belong to the last Predicable are utterly Inevident , and , as such , not easily Evidenceable . For , since ( as was shewn * above ) such Predicates do belong to the Subject but by chance , or as their very name imports , by Accident ; and Chance signifies a Cause which we do not see or know ; it follows , that the Connexion of such Predicates with the Subject can never be known by Reason , or prov'd that they must belong to it , because we can never know al● the Causes that concur'd to make them belong to it . Wherefore such Propositions are utterly Inevident , nor ( as they are Accidents or Unconnected with the Essence ) easily Evidenceable by way of Reason , that they must belong to them ; however they may be known to belong actually to them hic & nunc by Sense or Experience . Such Predicates are mostly those of the six last Predicaments , and many Quantities , Qualities , and Relations . 16. Notwithstanding , those Propositions which have such Accidental Predicates , were all the Causes by which they hap to belong to the Subject perfectly known , might be perfectly Evident and Demonstrable . For , as we can Demonstrate one Effect that needs but one Cause to put it , from that single Cause ; so , did we know all the Causes that concur'd to any Effect which is brought about by many Causes , we could certainly conclude and know such an Effect would follow ; in which case the Predicate would be no longer an Accident , but the Proper Effect of that Complex of Causes ; nor would the Proposition it self be any longer meerly Accidental . Corol. VI. Hence there is nothing Contingent or Accidental to God , but all Events , tho' never so minute or so odd , are Equally Certain to him , as the most Immediate Effect of the most Proper and most Necessary Causes ; because he lays and comprehends the whole Series of Causes that concur to bring about every least Effect . LESSON IV. Of the Generating of Knowledge in us , and of the Method how this is perform'd . HItherto of Knowledges or Judgments , according to their Dependence on one another , and their being Resolv'd Artificially into First Principles . Our next task is , to consider them according to the Order they are instill'd into us Naturally . 1. The Soul , or the Understanding , is at first void of all kind of Knowledge , or Rasa Tabula . For , since the Author of Nature does nothing in vain , nor acts needlesly , he puts no Effects immediately , or without Second Causes , when there are Causes laid by him to produce them ; and , since we experience that Causes are laid by Him , apt to imprint Notions in us ; and that the Nature of our Soul being evidently Comparative , we can compare those Notions , and can see how they Agree or Disagree , which is to know : Hence , in case the Soul had any Notions or Knowledges infus'd into her otherwis● than by those Causes , it would frustrate and make void that Course of natural Agents which is apt to beget Knowledge in us , and make Nature contradict her self . Again , since we experience that we know no more than we have Notions of , and that we can compare those Notions , and can know all things we have Notions of and do thus rightly Compare ; and , that both those effects do follow naturally from the Impressions of Objects , and from the nature of the Soul ; it falls into the same Absurdity , to affirm , that those Causes do only Excite , and not Beget Knowledge in us . Lastly , the contrary Opinion supposes the Soul to be an Ens before the Body , or at least distinct from it ; and then 't is both Unconceivable and Inexplicable how they can ever come to be Vnited so as to compound one Ens. For , this cannot be done Quantitatively , as is evident , nor by their Acting together , as the Cartesians hold ; both because all Action presupposes the Being of a thing ; whence they must be one Ens before they can Act as one Ens ; as also , because the Line or predicament of Action is * distinct from that of Ens , and Extrinsecal to it , and so cannot † Intrinsecally constitute those Joynt-Acters One Ens or Thing . Nor can it be conceiv'd that the Body , if it be not one Ens with the Soul , can act with it otherwise than as its Instrument ; and it would be most Absurd , to say that my Hand and Pen are o●e thing because they jointly concurr in their different ways , to the Action of Writing . Wherefore the Soul has no Antecedent Knowledge , but is a Rasa Tabula , capable to receive such Impressions as beget Knowledge in her . 2. The First Judgment in order of Nature the Soul has , is . that its self or the Man exists . For , since ( as * was shewn ) the First Notions the Soul has are of the Man himself , and of his Existence , and † all Judgmen●s are made by Compounding or Comparing of Notions ; it follows , that the most Obvious , most Easie , most Natural , and consequently the First Judgment , in priority of Nature , that a Man has when he is ripe to judge , is , that Himsel● is , or [ I am ] . 3. The next Judgment is , that [ He is struck ] or affected by some Object without him ; for , since the Course of Nature is Motion , and therefore Objects are continually moving where the Man is , and , so , do light and act on his Senses , that is , do work Experimental Knowledge in him that he is acted upon or struck by them , it follows , that he must , after he comes to frame Judgments , necessarily and frequently know , and , consequently , Judge he is struck . Nor can this be the first Judgment , both for the Reason lately given Sect. 2. as also because in this Proposition [ I am struck ] the Proposition [ I am ] is most Simple , and manifestly antecedes [ I am struck ] ; the Notion of [ struck ] being clearly superadded to it . 4. The next Knowledge or next Judgment to the former , in order of Nature , is , [ I am struck thus ] or Affected after such a manner . For , the Notion of [ I am struck ] is more Simple , and so , antecedes [ I am struck thus ] which superadds to it : Whence this proposition is prov'd by the same reason that was brought for the third Section . 5. These Judgments had , we are furnish'd by Nature with Means of Knowing in some measure the Distinct Natures of all things that affect us . For , since we get all our Notions or the Natures of things into us by Impressions from Objects ; and by such Impressions , or by their affecting us thus or thus , their Different Natures ; that is , Knowledge how those things Differ from one another ; and Differences do constitute the Nature of the thing by Distinguishing it from all others ; 't is manifest that from the Judgment or Knowledge that we are struck thus and thus by these and these Objects , we are furnish'd with means of Knowing , in some measure , the Distinct Natures of all things that affect us , and of our own Bodies in the first place . And our Soul having the power of Comparing them to themselves , and to Other Natures that are also in her , we hence become capable of framing Innumerable Judgments concerning them , or Knowledges of them . 6. These Knowledges of all things that affect our Senses being gain'd , to a fair degree , by the Different Impressions of Objects , are made more Express , and Improv'd very much by Study and Reflexion . For , since Study and Reflexion are not the Inventing New or Counterfeit Notions or Natures of our own coyning , but the Receiving frequently , and minding heedfully the true and solid Notions of the things which Nature had imprinted there before ; it follows , that , as in Corporeal Sight , by our Regarding the Object frequently , wistly and attentively , we come to observe more and more in it ; so , by often Reflecting on and Revolving Intellectual Objects , or the Natures of things in us , the Eye of our Mind must needs look deeper into them , make new Discoveries of diverse Considerations in them which escap'd a single Cursory view , and gain more exact and more penetrative Knowledge of them . 7. By Methods of Discoursing or Ratiocination made evident by Maxims of Art , this Improvement of Knowledge ( were not vita brevis ) might come to be in a manner Infinit . For , all this is perform'd by Evident Connexion of Terms , both in some propositions which are Truths , and the deducing others by necessary consequence from them , and so forwards . Since then there is no stint assignable of the Connexion of Truths , and ( as will be shewn hereafter ) there are Rules or Maxims of Art to teach us how to connect Terms Aptly and Evidently ; it follows , that there can be no Bounds of the Improvement of Knowledge . 8. From what 's said above , 't is manifest that this proposition [ Ego cogito ] cannot be the first-known Truth whence all our Science is Generated ; for , since this proposition ( Ego cogito ) if put entirely or explicitly as it ought , is ( Ego sum cogitans ) and in the order of Nature the proposition ( Ego sum ) is antecedent to ( Ego sum cogitans ) and more simple than it ; so that if it be not suppos'd to be known , the other cannot possibly be known ; 't is most Evident that ( Cogito ) or ( Ego cogito ) or , which is the same ( Ego sum cogitans ) cannot be the first-known Proposition or First Truth that can be laid in the Method of Generating Science . 9. The proposition ( Ego sum cogitans ) is less clear and evident than many other propositions that have for their predicate Notions directly imprinted on our Senses such as are ; I am Heated , Hurt , Extended , Moving , &c. For , since all our first-known notions ( the Soul being Rasa Tabula ) come by Impressions of Objects on our Senses , those propositions are most Clear whose predicates are the Immediate Effects of those Impressions , and , joyn'd with Ego sum ( which is the first Judgment ) do compound those propositions . But such are the predicates abovesaid , and not the predicate ( Cogitans ) . Therefore the proposition ( Ego sum Cogitans ) is less clear than are the propositions which have those directly imprinted Notions for their Predicates . That the other predicates are notions more known than is Cogitans , I prove thus . The notion of Cogitans is Spiritual , and therefore could not be imprinted in the Soul by a Direct stroke of the Object on the Senses , as are the Others , but must be known by Reflexion ; but what is known by Reflexion is less easily and less early known , that is less Evident to us , taking us as not yet imbued with other Knowledges , than that which is known by Experience or Directly ; therefore the notion of ( Cogitans ) is less known than are those other predicates ; and consequently this proposition ( Ego sum Cogitans ) is less Clear than the propositions ( Ego sum Extensus , vulneratus , movens , &c. Again , were the predicate ( Cogitans ) known experimentally , or by Impressions on the Sense , which it is not at all but as it is joyn'd with the Imagination ( the most Fallacious Faculty we have ) co-operating with the Understanding ; nay , were it an Affection of the Man , and its Notion directly imprinted in him , and , so , as easily and early known as any of the rest ; yet the proposition ( Ego sum Cogitans ) could not be the First or Second in the Order of Knowable : for , since ( as was shewn ) [ I am struck or Affected ] antecedes [ I am affected thus ] or have such an affection in me , and Cogitans is not barely to be Affected by Objects , but to have such a manner of Affection ; hence the proposition ( I am affected by Objects ) is more Simple , and therefore , in priority of Nature , precedes ( I am affected thus ) or ( I am Thinking ) and is more Clear than it . 11. Hence the proposition ( Ego cogito ) is also less Certain than multitudes of other propositions , whose predicates are experimentally known by Direct Impressions on the Senses . For Certainty follows Evidence as its Proper Cause , as Judging does Knowing . Wherefore , if that proposition be less Evident , it is also less Certain . 12. If it be alledg'd , that it is Certain by way of Evident Proof that this proposition ( Ego cogito ) is the most absolutely firm Ground we can relye on to generate and principiate all our other Knowledges , because tho' we would voluntarily divest our selves of all other Knowledges , and call them into doubt ; that is , were all the rest Vncertain , and my self Insecure whether I think True or False in holding them ; yet it is Unquestionably Certain , and Impossible to be doubted of , but that , whether I think right or wrong , still I think ; whence follows , that the proposition ( Ego cogito ) seems to be a firm basis to ground all the rest upon . I answer , that the whole Discourse seems to me to be a Paralogism , and a kind of Fallacy of non causa pro causa ; for , the Question is not whether it be not more Certain that I think than that I think wrong or right ; for , 't is granted that this proposition [ I think ] is more Simple , and therefore antecedes , and is presuppos'd to the propositions [ I think right or wrong , or thus and thus ] and , consequently , it is more Evident and more Certain than These are . But the true point is , whether I am more Certain that I think at all , than that I am Certain that I am ; since if it be not presuppos'd that I am , 't is most Certain that it is Impossible that I should be Certain that I am thinking , or any thing like it . The Objecter then slides over the Certainty of this proposition ( I think ) as compar'd with the proposition ( I am ) and other Judgments experimentally known ; and compares it with other propositions subsequent to ( I think ) . Wherefore he first supposes it to be most Certain , that is , more Certain than they are , and prefers it before all others , without Comparing it with those others ; which is to suppose it so gratis , and ( which is yet more strange ) he grounds all Knowledge whatever upon it . 13. 'T is yet a worse Error , that whereas Ens or Being is the Basis of all other Notions , so that if no Thing be , They cannot be ; the Alledger , by arguing thus [ Cogito ergo sum ] does by a strange Hysteron proteron , put an Operation to be Antecedent to Being it self ; and that [ to be Thinking ] is a more Simple , Clear , and Distinct Notion than [ to be ] . And then , from an Operation found out or suppos'd , he concludes the very Notion of Being it self to be in the Thing . Nay , which is yet more odd , he supposes the Notion of Knowledge of Himself , imported by the Word ( Ego ) and supposes that Ens ( or Ego ) to be , as is signified by the Copula ( Sum ) ; nay more , he supposes that Ens , or ( himself ) not onely to be , ●ut moreover to be such , viz. Operating or Thinking , which most evidently speak or imply Existence ; and when he has done all this , he Infers thence , ( contrary to our 3d. & 4th . Sect. ) the simple being of that which he had not onely put to be and be known ; but , which he had over and above put to be ( or be known ) to be such : that is to be Operating or Thinking . 14. Hence , this Method of Generating Science is Unnatural , Preposterous and Self-contradictory . T is Vnnatural , first because the way Nature takes to Beget Knowledge in us is not by divesting our selves of all other Knowledges to find out what 's most Certain : but , she at first instils Knowledge into us by a Natural way of Imprinting Notions in our Mind , and our Conparing them ; and thence letting us See whether they Agree or Disagree : 2 ly , because it strains Nature to fancy our selves Ignorant of many Clear Truths which the goodness of the same Nature forces us to assent to as Evident . And , 3 ly , because [ I am ] is according to the Order of Nature Antecedent to [ I am Thinking ] . T is Preposterous , because it argues from Compound Judgments which are less known , to in●er what 's more Simple , and , so , more known . And lastly , t is Self contradictory , because it supposes that to bee or to be known ; which , as yet according to that doctrine is not , or is not known : but is to be Concluded , that is , made known ; as is shewn Section 13th . 15. Hypothetical Philosophy , which is grounded on Suppositions ; and beggs that such and such things may be yielded and then it will explicate al● Nature , is built on meer Fancy , and is unworthy the name of Philosophy . For , since it belongs to a Philosopher to Resolve all Truths into their Principles , and all Natural Effects into their Proper Causes ; and , finally , ( if need be ) into their first Principles or First Causes : and a Hypothetical Philosopher can never perform this Duty which is most Essential to a Philosopher ; in regard the First Grounds he layes are barely begg'd or Supposed ; that is neither self-Evident nor made Evident by way of Proof : Hence , Hypothetical Philosophy is utterly unworthy the name of Philosophy ; since all its Assertions and Conclusions , if driven home , are resolved finally into Precarious Suppositions . Again ▪ since all Speculation is Aiery and Fantastical that is not grounded on the Things as they are found in Nature , and such Discoursers do not finally build their Discourses on the Natures of the Things as they find them to be , but on their being such as they suppose them or would have them to be ; it follows , that the whole Scheme of their Doctrine and all the speculations they advance , how Ingenious so ever they may appear , are far from Solid , and , in reality Groundless , Aiery and Fantastical . 16. Hence follows , that who ever supposes any Principle or Proposition that influences his Explication of Nature , or of Natural Effects which ar● apt to be produced by Natural Causes , and demonstrated by them : whether that Principle be that Matter is divided into such or such parts , or that it is moved in such a manner ; That it continues its motion without a Natural Motive Cause continually acting on it , notwithstanding that it still meets with Rubbs from other parts of Matter which it ●reaks asunder ; That there are such Figures of it's Parts ; or such Qualities affecting the Subject and giving it a Virtue of Operating thus or thus ; That ●here are multitudes of little Entities , brought in ●o serve a present turn when the Discourser is at 〈◊〉 plunge ; or Atomes , pursuing and over taking ●heir fellows , and clinging together conveniently ●or his purpose : without giving a reason why and 〈◊〉 they must do so , ( as is the manner of the Epi●ureans ) or , what ever other useful Expedient he ●upposes to carry on the Clockwork of his Scheme ; such a man is no true Philosopher . 17. Likewise , who ever layes for his Ground ●hat neither is nor can be : viz. Vacuum , Imaginary Space , Subsistent Dimensions , Infinit Expansion of Continu'd Quantity . Infinit Number of Atomes and suchlike , can be no true Philosopher ; since they ( as do the former ) Resolve things finally into their own Unprov'd and Ridi●ulous Suppositions : and would have us accept their Groundless Fancies for First Principles ; when as many ●imes the contrary to these is clearly demonstrable . 18. Whoever proceeds meerly upon Experiments and Induction , and cannot assign Proper Causes for the Effects or Matters of Fact they see ●one ; how ever their Inquisitiveness into Nature may merit Commendation , and oblige Artificers and Practical men by many useful Observations ; and , in some measure ▪ help Speculative Men also , who do make use of Principles , to find out more easily the Proper Causes of many Effects : from which Industrious Researches into Nature , such men may deserve the name of Virtuosi , or Curious and Ingenious persons ; yet since ( as will be shewn hereafter ) they cannot , by that Method alone , without making use of Principles , refund Effects into their Proper Causes , nor give the true reason of the Effects they Experience ; nor Deduce so much as one Scientifical Conclusion ; they cannot , in true speech , be call'd Men of Science or Philosophers . 19. Those of the Vulgar who have good Mother-witts , and addict themselves to think much and attentively of some certain Natural Objects , may , by Practical Self-evidence , well improv'd , arrive to such a true Knowledge of the Causes of things , as may rank them in the next Class of Knowers to Scientifical Men , or true Philosophers . For , such Men , by an Innate or Casual Addiction of their Thoughts to some particular sorts of Natures ; and by industrious and frequent consideration of them , joyn'd with a natural Sagacity to penetrate them , and natural Logick to discourse them in their thoughts ; are furnish'd with all the Materials ( as it were ) that are requisite to Science : Nor , while they attend to the Natures of the Things , can they want First Principles by which to guide their thoughts ; so that , they onely want Maxims of Art to put their Thoughts into the posture of Science , to make them more firm , distinct and express , and to improve them by drawing new Consequences from them : Wherefore such Acute Men ( some of which are found in every Country and every Age , ) by having their Knowledge grounded on solid Nature , may far exceed Hypothetical Philosophers , or any of the others before-mentioned , in True Knowledge ; and , so , come nearer the being true Philosophers than any of them ; nay , than Great Artists and Reputed Scholars ; though they caper in the Ayr never so nimbly and quaintly with School-Terms , Distinctions , and Witty and Congruous Explications of their own Schemes ; if they do not begin with , and build upon , Good Honest Solid Nature . BOOK III. Of the Third Operation of our Vnderstanding , Discourse ; and of the Effects and Defects of it . LESSON I. Of Artificial Discourse , the Force of Consequence , and of the only Right Figure of a Syllogism . 1. DIscourse may either mean Common Reasoning us'd by all Mankind in their Ordinary Conversation , or by some in Rhetorical Speeches ; which may fitly be call'd Loose Discourse : Or , it may mean that Artificial way of Reasoning , which consists in such a Connexion of Terms in two Propositions , call'd the Major and Minor ( or the Premisses ) as that a Third Proposition , call'd the Conclusion , must naturally and necessarily follow from them ; which may be properly nam'd Contracted or Strict Discourse , and by Logicians is call'd a Syllogism . 2. This following or Consequence of such a Proposition out of two others , is call'd Inference , Deduction , Concluding , Argumentation and Proving . So that the Essence of a Syllogism consists as formally in the Consequence of that Proposition , which is Concluded from the Premisses , ( exprest by the Illative Particle [ ergo ] as the Essence of a Proposition does in the Copula that connects its Terms , and Predicates or says something of another . 3. Wherefore , since , if the Consequence , in which consists the Essence and all the Force and Nerves of Discourse , be not Clear and Evident , there could be no Certainty or Evidence of any thing that needs to be made known or concluded ; and , so , our Faculty of Exact Reasoning would have been given us to no purpose : hence 't is manifest that , however one Proposition may be made known by others that are Connected and Consequential to one another ; yet , the Consequence it self cannot be prov'd or made clear by another Consequence ; for the Question would still return how , and in virtue of what , that Consequence which made the other Evident is Evident it self ; and so in infinitum . Whence it follows , that the Evidence of all Consequences whatever , must be built on something in a higher manner Evident than any Consequence or Proof can make it ; that is , on a Self-evident or Identical Proposition , as will be shown hereafter . 4. Hence we may gather manifestly , that a Syllogism can have but Three Terms in it ; Two of which are given us in the Proposition to be Concluded ; and the Third is that Middle Term , by finding which to be Identify'd with the other Two in the Premisses , we come to be assur'd , by virtue of the self-evident Proposition hinted above , that they are Identify●d in the Conclusion ; or , which is the same , that the Conclusion is True. 5. From what 's said it appears that a Syllogism is the T●st of all other Discourses ; by reducing them to which their Truth is to be try'd . For , since whatever is most Perfect in its Kind , ought to be the Standard or Test by which to Measure and try the Perfection of all others of the same Kind ; and a Syllogism is the best and most firmly grounded Act of our Natural Reason , made exact by Art which is to perfect Nature ; and therefore absolutely the very Best that can be in its Kind , or the best Discourse ; it follows that 't is to be the true Test and Standard of all other Discourses ; to which the Verity , Sense or Coherence of all the rest are to be reduc'd , and to be try'd by it . Corol. I. Hence , 't is of very Excellent Use for Young Wits to exercise themselves in Reducing loose Discourses to strict ones , or Syllogisms ; For , by endeavouring this , they will , to their Admiration , find how Shallow and far from Evident the Grounds ; how precarious ▪ unprov'd , and oft-times contradictious the particular Assertions ; and how Open and Incoherent the Contexture and Consequences are in many Rhetorical Discourses and Speeches ; which , drest up in fine Language and embell●sht with little Tropes and Figures , and other pretty Tricks of Wit and Fancy , did before look very plausible , and made a gay Appearance of most Excellent Sense . Perhaps scarce any one Expedient can be invented that is more useful to advance Truth , beat down Error , and keep the Generality of Mankind from being deluded , than thus to divest such empty Discourses of their Glossy Out-side ; and to let them see how deformed a Hag Errour will appear to the Eye of Reason , when expos'd stark-naked . Whereas , on the other side , 't is the Glory of Truth to be stript of these Ornamental Tri●●es ; for by this means her Native Beauty and the Symmetry of all her parts will appear more Amiable in the Eye of those who do sincerely affect her . 6. From the third § . it manifestly follows , that , the Consequence of a Syllogism having a self-evident Proposition for its Basis , if upon severe examination , we find that any Discourse does indeed bear that Test , and can be Reduc'd to a rigorous Syllogism ; and the Premisses ( which the Consequence supposes to be True ) be really so , or can be by this Method prov'd True ; it follows , I say , that we may be as perfectly assur'd as that we are that the Conclusion is Consequent , and True ; and , that sooner , may all the Material World crumble into Incoherent Atoms , or relapse into the Abyss of Nothingness , than that any Conclusion , thus deduced , can be False ; since , if it could , then that Identical Proposition , on which the Consequence is grounded , would be False ; and , so a Contradiction would be True ; which falsifies the Metaphysical Verity of Creatures , and of the Ideas of them in the Divine Understanding ; which would consequently shock the Wisdom , and even the Essence of the Godhead it self : For self-existence might not be self-existence if a Contradiction might be True. Corol. II. Were that which is said here , and some other main Hinges of Science , which occur in this Treatise , duely consider'd and well penetrated , it might be hoped , that they would to a fair degree cure the Disease of Scepticism , so Epidemical among our late Wits . For , even the worst of Scepticks will grant that an Identical Proposition must be True ; and he may see here , that by this Doctrin both First Principles must be such , and that all force of Consequence also ( which two are the main Pillars of Science ) must be grounded on such . This last § . requires and supposes that none of the Words which are to signifie any of the three Terms be taken there Equivocally . For , if any of them be taken now in one sense , now in another , that is , if any of these words have , in the same Syllogism , two Meanings or Notions ; then , however the Sound or Character o● that Word may seem the same in a Verbal Syllogism , and make a show of its having only Three Terms ; yet , in a Mental Syllogism , ( which only is Formally and Essentially such ) there are Four Notions of the Extremes , that is , four Terms . Wherefore such a Discourse ( if it be indeed at all such , and not a meer Blunder ) is a Paralogism , or a Fal●e and Deceitful Argumentation , and not a Syllogism ; because a Syllogism ought to be apt to prove the Connexion of Two Terms by their joint-Connexion with a Third , and therefore can consist but of Three Terms . 8. It is most requisite also that a Syllogism be fram'd after the best Manner ; which is done by disposing all its parts in such a Figure as may make the Connexion of the Middle Term with the other Two most Clear ; For , we experience that the placing the Words aptly , renders every Common Discourse clearer ; much more is it requisite in so Nice and Exact a Discourse as a Syllogism is , where there are but Three Terms to be placed . 9. To place the Parts of a Syllogism right , no more is requisit but to place rightly the Middle Term in the Premisses . For , the Proposition that is to be Concluded or Prov'd , and consequently the order of its Terms , is given us to our hands , and already determin●d ; and the C●pula must of necessity still keep its own place . So that nothing more can be requir'd but to place rightly the Middle Term in the Premisses ; for , that done , the Place of the other two Terms , conjoyn'd with it there , must ( as will appear presently ) be likewise necessarily determin'd ; and , so , all the parts of the Syllogism will be placed and ordered as they ought to be . 10. The Middle Term is then placed rightly , when 't is placed in the Middle , or between those other two Terms which it is to conjoyn with one another . This is evident by the Light of Nature ; for , were it not joyn'd to both , it could not be the Means of conjoyning them ; nor could it be joyn'd to both , unless its Notion were in the middle or between both : 11. Hence the Middle Term must be Inferiour in Notion to one of those Terms , and Superiour to the other . For , since ( as has been shown above ) Notions do arise orderly from the Inferiour to the Superiour ones ; it follows , that that Notion is in the Middle between other two which is Inferiour to one of those Notions and Superiour to the other . 12. Wherefore the middle Term must , in the two Propositions which are the Premisses , be the Subject to one of the Terms , and the Predicate to the other . For , since the middle Term must be Inferiour in Notion to one of those Terms , and Superiour to the other ; and the Inferiour or Narrower Notion , by virtue of its place , † is to be the Subject , and the Superiour and Larger Notion the Predicate ; it follows that the Middle Term must be the Subject in one of the Premisses , and the Predicate in the other . For Example , in this Syllogism . Virtue is Laudable , Courtesy is a Virtue , therefore Courtesy is Laudable . The Proposition ( Courtesy is Laudable ) is the Conclusion , and to be Proved ; and so , the placing of it's Terms is already determin'd : The middle Term [ Virtue ] is plac'd in the middle , being subject to , or under Laudable in the Major , and above or Superiour to Courtesy in the Minor. 13. Tho' the place of the Terms of the Conclusion were not determin'd , yet the reason lately given would determin it . For if Laudble be above Virtue , and Virtue above Courtesy , it must follow à fortiori tht Laudable must be above Courtesie , which is the lowest of the Three ; or , that Laudable must be the Predicate in the Conclusion . 14. Wherefore the other two Figures are Unnatural and Monstrous ; For , since Nature has shown us that what conjoyns two Notions ought to be placed in the middle between them , it is against Nature and Reason to place it either above them both , as is done in that they call the Second Figure , or under them both , as is done in that Figure they call the Third . 15. Hence no determinate Conclusion can follow in either of the last Figures from the disposal of the parts in the Syllogism : For , since as appears § 13. the Extreme which is predicated of the middle Term in the Major , has thence a title to be the Predicate in the Conclusion , because it is above the Middle Term , which is the Predicate or above the other Extreme in the Minor ; it follows that , if the Middle Term be twice above or twice below the other two Terms in the Premisses , that Reason ceases ; and , so , it is left indifferent which of the other two Terms is to be the Subject or Predicate in the Conclusion ; and the Indeterminate Conclusion follows not from the Artificial Form of the Syllogism , but meerly from the material Identity of all the three Terms ; or from this , that their Notions are found in the same Ens. Wherefore from these Premisses , Some Laudable thing is Virtue , Courtesy is a Virtue , Or from these , Virtue is Laudable , Some Virtue is Courtesy , The Conclusion might either be , Therefore Courtesy is Laudable , or Some Laudable thing is Courtesy . So that to argue on that fashion , or to make use of these aukward Figures , is not to know certainly the End or Conclusion we aim at , but to shoot our bolt at no determinate Mark , since no determinate Conclusion can in that case follow . 16. From these eight last §§ . it is manifest that nothing can be more Unnatural and more Inartificial , than to invent two other Figures , and then to study how to lay many Elaborate Rules how to reduce them again to the First . For , it will appear by our last Discourse , that this is no better than to use our Wits to contrive how to Erre and goe out of the way ▪ and , when that 's done , to take twice as much pains in shewing how we may get into it again ; whenas we might easily have stay'd in the right way when we were in it , and have sav'd all that Mis-spent Labour . 17. Wherefore , if an Adversary puts a Syllogism in Baroco or Bocardo , or in any Mood of the two last mishapen Figures , the Respondent ought , by the Reason here given , to shew him plainly , and then tell him roundly , that his Syllogism is Illogical and Inartificial , and require of him to mend it . And , if the Opponent , to justifie his proceeding , alledges Universal Custom of the Schools , then to tell him smartly that no Authority , Custome or Prescription ought to be allow'd as a Iust Plea against Reason in Matters subject to Reason ; And that Art ought to perfect , and not to pervert Nature . Nor can the Arguer have any Just Reason to make use of those two last Figures , since ( as will shortly be shown ) all Questions what ever may be prov'd in the First Figure . Nay , he will be convicted of seeking to blunder and obscure Truth , and not to clear it ; since he leaves a plain and easie path of Reasoning for an Intricate and Perplext one . LESSON II. Of the several Manners or Moods of a Syllogism ; and of the Laws of Concluding . 1. THE Right Figure or Position of the Lesser Parts of a Syllogism , ( viz. it's Terms ) being shown to be but one , and the force of it's Consequence , in which consists it's Essence , being still the same ; the Variety of Syllogisms , or the several sorts or Moods of them can only be taken from its greater Parts , the Propositions , or from something belonging to them . This is manifest , because there is nothing , besides these , from which the Distinction of those Moods can be taken . 2. The Moods of Syllogisms may be in part taken from the Quantity of the several Propositions . For , since the Essence of a Syllogism , or the force of Consequence does consist in the Connexion or Identification of Two Terms with a Third ; and , to be universally or particularly Identify'd , are evidently divers Manners of being Identify'd ; 'T is manifest that the variety of Syllogisms may be in part taken from the Quantity of the Propositions . 3. The Moods , or several manners of Syllogisms must be taken also in part from the Propositions being Affirmative or Negative : For , since Affirmative Propositions do express the Agreement of the two Extremes with the Middle Term , and those which are Negative their Disagreement with it ; and this Agreement or Disagreement with it have equal Influence upon the Consequence , and diversifie it , or make it follow after a diverse manner ; it follows that the Moods or Manners of a Syllogism must also be taken from those Propositions being Affirmative or Negative . 4. As it is self-evident that the same is the same with it self ; so it is equally self-evident that what is Different or Diverse from another is not the same with it , or different from it . This is Evident both by the Rule of Contraries , as also because this Proposition is Identical as well as the other . 5. The Quantity and Quality which ought to be in the several Propositions of the Syllogisms of each Mood , are by a kind of Art of Memory , signifi'd by these four words , Barbara , Celarent , Darii , Fe●i● in which the three Syllables correspond to the three Propositions found in a Syllogism ; and the Vowels in each Syllable tell us the Quantity and Quality of each Proposition . A and E signifying an Universal Affirmative and Negative ; I and O a Particular Affirmative and Negative . 6. We are also to reflect on what was shown above , that , in the way of Predication , an Universal is consider'd as a kind of Whole in respect of the Particulars contain'd under it , and the Particulars are conceiv'd to be Parts of that Whole ; whence an Universal Proposition expresses the Identity of its Terms in the Whole or Totally , and a Particular one but in part . 7. The distinction of Moods may also in some part be taken from the Conclusions in the several Syllogisms . For , since those Conclusions are all of them Propositions , and all Propositions ( Singular ones excepted , as not belonging to Science ) must be either Universal Affirmatives or Universal Negatives , Particular Affirmatives , or Particular Negatives ; and the Vowels in the last Syllable of those four Words do answer to all these several Conclusions , and the two Vowels in the two former Syllables of each word do tell us of what Nature the Premisses must be , if we would conclude such Propositions : it follows that the number of those several Moods , or several manners of Concluding , may , in some sort , be taken from the Propositions that are to be prov'd or Concluded , as from the End we aim at , and by which we are to contrive or cast our Premisses . 8. Hence , as we shew'd before there ought to be but one Figure , so 't is shown here , that there can be no more Moods of that Figure Necessary but these Four now mentioned ; because these do fully direct us ( as far as concerns the Form of a Syllogism ) how to Conclude or Prove all the several Questions or Theses that can be ask'd , or propos●d to be Prov'd . And , since all these Moods do belong to that which they call the First Figure , hence also , by the way , is farther confirmed what we prov'd above , that there cannot need , and therefore ought not to be , any more than that one Figure . 9. But , because in treating of the Method to Science , we ought not to deviate from that Method our selves while we are shewing it to others ; hence , we become oblig'd not barely to tell the Reader , as it were by rote , how the Syllogisms in each Mood do conclude , or by pretty Inventions to help their Memory how to do this ; but we are bound to inform their Understanding , and to shew them why such Premisses must necessarily inferr such Conclusions as those four Words do hint to us ; or , which is in a manner the same , why or for what reason such Conclusions must follow from such Premisses . 10. As the substance of the Connexion of the Terms in the Conclusion depends wholly on the Connexion of them with the Middle Term in the Premisses , so the Degree of their Connexion in the Conclusion must depend on the Degree of their Connexion with it in the said Premisses . This is evident , because all the Connexions those Extremes have , is from their Connexion with the Medium ; wherefore , if they be more Connected with the Middle Term in the Premisses , they must be more Connected with one another in the Conclusion ; if less , less Connected . 11. Hence , from two Premisses which are both of them Universal Affirmatives must follow a Conclusion Vniversally Affirmative ; because the Middle Term in the Premisses was Totally or Universally the same with one of the Extremes , and the other Extreme Totally or Vniversally the same with it ; whence follows , that those Extremes must be Totally or Vniversally the same with one another in the Conclusion . For example . Bar-Every Body is Divisible , ba-Every Atome is a Body , therefore ra-Every Atome is Divisible . 12. When one of the Extremes is Universally deny'd of the Medium in the Major , and the Medium Universally Affirm'd of the other in the Minor , the Conclusion must be an Vniversal Negative . For , were the Extremes to any degree the same in the Conclusion , when one of them is Totally the same with the Medium in the Minor , and Totally not the same with it in the Major , it would follow that the Middle Term would be ( in part at least ) not the same with it's self , as being in part Identify'd with two Extremes , which are not Identify'd at all . For Example . Ce — no Indivisible thing is Corruptible , la — Every Spirit is an Indivisible thing , therefore rent — No Spirit is Corruptible 13. When one of the Premisses affirms Universally , the other Particularly , the Conclusion must be a particular Affirmative . For tho' one of the Extremes be Universally or Totally connected with the Medium , yet the other Extreme is but Particularly or in part Connected with it : and so , it can never infer the Total Connexion of them , nor can the Conclusion be an Universal Affirmative * because they were not to that degree Connected with the Medium in the Premisses . For Example , Da — Every Good Man is Charitable , ri — Some Rich Man is a Good Man ; Therefore i — Some Rich Man is Charitable . 14. When one of the Extremes is Universally deny'd of the Medium , and the Medium particularly affirm'd of the other Extreme , the Conclusion must be a particular Negative . For , were the Terms Totally the same in the Minor , as it was in Celarent , then the Terms of the Conclusion had been not at all the same , but Vniversally deny'd of one another as it was there ; wherefore , being but in part the same in the Minor , they can only be in part not the same in the Conclusion . For Example , Fe-No harmful thing is to be used , ri — Some Mirth is a harmful thing , therefore o — Some Mirth is not to be used . From these Grounds , the Reason may be given for diverse Maxims or Axioms , commonly used by Logicians , concerning this present matter ; telling us when and how the Conclusions follow or not follow ; such as are , 15. From two Vniversal Negatives nothing follows . Because neither Extreme is Connected with the Medium , either in whole or in part ; nor , from this that two Notions are different from a Third , is it consequent that they are or are not the same thing with one another . Wherefore , a Syllogism being such an Artificial and perfectly order'd Discourse , that , putting the Premisses to be True , the Conclusion must be True also , such as this ( and the same may be said in part of those other that follow ) wanting that due Connexion of the Terms which is Essential to a Syllogism ; are not Syllogisms , but Paralogisms , v. g. No Brute is Rational No Man is a Brute ; Therefore No Man is Rational 16. From two particular Propositions nothing follows . For a Particular Proposition expressing but some part of the whole Notion of the Middle Term with which it is joyn'd , and there being more parts in that whole Notion , one of the Extremes may be united with it according to one part or Consideration of it , and the other according to another part ; in which case it cannot follow they are united at all with one another in the Conclusion : v. g. Some Man is a Fool. Some Wise Man is a Man , Therefore Some Wise Man is a Fool Where some Man , the Medium , is taken for a diverse Part as it were , of Man in common ; and so the Medium , as considered according to it's Parts which are Diverse , is not One it self : nor , consequently , can it unite others by it's being one or the same with it's self , which is the Fundamental Ground of all Consequence . Corol. Hence follows immediatly that one of the Premisses must be an Vniversal , else nothing is Concluded . Which deserves Remarking , this being useful to confute some Wrong Methods to Science . 17. A Negative Conclusion cannot be deduced from Affirmative Premisses . Because , if the Extremes were the same with the Medium in the Premisses , and not the same with one another in the Conclusion , it would follow that the Middle Term is the same and not the same with it self ; or else , that the Connexion or Inconnexion of the Terms in the Conclusion is not to be taken from the Connexion or Inconnexion with the Middle Term in the Premisses , which utterly subverts all Ground of Discoursing . 18. The Conclusion cannot be Vniversal , unless the Medium be once taken Vniversally in the Premisses . Because , otherwise , both the Premisses would be Particulars ; from which ( as was proved § . 16. ) no Conclusion can follow . 19. The Conclusion always follows the worser part ; that is , it must be Negative or Particular , if either of the Premisses be such . The reason of the former is , because , if either of the Premisses be Negative , then the Medium is not the same with one of the Terms of the Conclusion ; and , therefore , it can never be the cause of Identifying them both , which is done by inferring an Affirmative Conclusion . The reason of the latter is , because if it be only in part the same with one of the Extremes , it cannot prove those Extremes to be wholly the same , which can only be done by their being united with it universally ; for it can give no greater degree of Connexion to the two Extremes than it self has with them , as was shown § . 10. These Maxims or Positions being shown to be Rational , and necessarily Consequent to the Grounds of Rigorous or Syllogistical Discoursing , we proceed in our intended Method . 20. A Singular Proposition may supply the Place of a Particular one in the Minor of Darii and Ferio . For a Singular or Individual Notion is , in reality , some part of the Common Notion ; and the words [ Some Man ] or [ Some Men ] do signify some Individual Man , or Men ; wherefore , abating the manner of the Indeterminate Expression , the sense is the same in both . Hence these are right Syllogisms and Conclusive . Da-Every Philosopher resolves Effects into their Proper Causes , ri — Aristotle is a Philosopher ; therefore i — Aristotle resolves Effects into their Proper Causes . Fe-No Man who supposes his Grounds gratis is a Philosopher , ri — Epicurus supposes his Grounds gratis ; therefore , o — Epicurus is not a Philosopher . 21. Expository Syllogisms , that consist of Singular Propositions are true and perfect Syllogisms . For , since a Syllogism is such a Discourse as from the Clear Connexion of a Middle Notion with the two Extremes inferrs the Connexion of those Extremes with one another , and Singulars have their Notions as well as Universals , and may be connected with one another ; it follows that ( in case these Discourses be not Faulty in other respects ) they cannot , from the regard of their consisting wholly of Singulars , be degraded from being true and perfect Syllogisms . v. g. Tom Long brought me a Letter This Man is Tom Long ; Therefore This Man brought me a Letter . 22. Such Syllogisms do not advance Science . For , since we experience that our Soul is not only Capable of having Universal Notions , but that 't is her peculiar Nature to Abstract , that is , to draw Singular Notions to Universal ones ; and , since Notions are the Ground of all Knowledge , and , consequently , Universal Notions of Universal Knowledges ; and Science is a Perfection of our Mind according to her Nature ; and , therefore , does dilate and enlarge her Natural Capacity by Extending it to the Knowledge of Vniversal Truths : Wherefore , since , on the other side , an Expository Syllogism , as consisting of Singulars ; can Conclude , or gain the Soul knowledge of no more but some one Singular , it Cramps , Contracts or makes Narrow her Natural Capacity ; whence it follows , that such Syllogisms are far from Perfecting the Soul , or from generating Science , which is her Natural Perfection . 23. Hence follows , that such Syllogisms are good for Vse and Practise , and only for That : For , since such Syllogisms are True Discourses , and , therefore , are not wholly in vain , but must be good for something ; Wherefore , since they conduce not at all to Speculation or generating Science ; it follows that they must be good for Vse or Practise , and for that only . Again , since all Outward Action , Use and Practise is wholly employ'd about such Subjects as Exist , and nothing Exists but Suppositums , Individuums , or Singulars ; it follows , that Singulars are the Proper Subjects of Artificers , or such as work Outwardly upon Determinate Matters ; and the Knowledge of the Nature of those Singulars is Useful and Necessary for such men ; for , by this , they know how to work upon those Subjects and Manage them accordingly . For example , an Architect by knowing the certain Quantities and Proportions of his Materials ( Wood , Brick , or Stone , ) may build a House ; but he cannot , without the Science of Mathematicks , have a Clear knowledge ( out of the Natures of those Quantities ) why it must be so always , though it hit to do so once , or hic est nunc . Note that Practical Self evidence may oftentimes ( as was shown formerly ) in a great Measure supply here the place of Science , and Operate like it ; though it can never arrive to that Clear and Grounded Penetration into the reasons of such , Actions as is found in Scientifical Men. 24. Hence , the way of arguing by Induction can never breed Science . First , because out of pure Particulars nothing follows . Next , because to Argue from some Part or Parts to the Whole , is Inconsequent . Wherefore , we cannot thence Inferr an Vniversal Proposition or gain Science of any Nature , unless we could enumerate all the Singulars in the World , that is , all the Parts so to make up an Equivalent to the Whole , which is Impossible . 25. Hence follows immediatly that some Vniversal Proposition must be taken in if we would Conclude any thing from a Singular one . This has been amply Show'd above ; and , accordingly , in Mathematicks Vniversal Maxims and Axioms use to be first laid , without which nothing in any Subject can be known scientifically . 26. Further , 't is collected from our former Discourse that Hypotheticall or Conditional Syllogisms are , in proper Speech , no Legitimate Syllogisms ; nor , consequently , can they generate Science , but by seeing , in common and confusedly , they are the same in sense with Categorical ones . For , since we cannot see Evidently the Truth of any Conclusion or have Science of it , but by seeing Evidently the Connexion of the Two Extremes with the Middle Term ; and , this cannot be seen Evidently unless all the Terms be posturd in their right place , as is done in the First Figure ; therefore , since neither this Clear Position of the Terms , nor any thing like it , is found in Hypothetical Syllogisms , they are not in proper Speech , Syllogisms ; any more than are some sort of more concise Rhetorical Discourses , which have oftentimes virtually the sense of a Categorical Syllogism in them , though the parts of it be disjoynted and out of that due Order that ought to be in a Syllogism . 27. Wherefore all Hypothetical Syllogisms ought in Disputes to be reduced to Categorical ones . For , the Major neither absolutely affirms nor denies ; and therefore cannot be absolutely either affirm'd or deny'd . Next , the same Major proposition has a kind of Consequence in its single self ; and so is a kind of imperfect Syllogism even taken alone . 3ly . It does not identifie it's Terms ; and , lastly , unless they be reduced to Categorical ones , the Figure of its parts cannot clearly appear . 28. The way to reduce them is to vary the phrase or tenour of the Words , still keeping the same sense . For example this Hypothetical , ( If Science be a perfection of the mind it ought to sought after . But Science is a perfection of the Mind ; Therefore Science ought to be sought after . ) May easily be reduced to a Categorical Syllogism in Barbara thus . What ever is a perfection of the Mind ought to be look'd after . But all Science is a perfection of the mind , therefore All Science ought to be look'd after . 29. For some of the same reasons Disjunctive Syllogisms ought to be reduced to Categorical ones , as It is either Day or Night . But it is not day ; Therefore 'T is Night . Which may be reduced to a Categorical in Darii thus . Da-What ever time is not Day is Night ri — This present time is not Day , therefore i — This present time is Night . LESSON III. Of the Matter of a Conclusive Syllogism ; or , what Middle ▪ Term is proper for Demonstration . THE right Manner of framing a Conclusive Syllogism , or of drawing a Consequence right , which is the Form of it , being thus laid open from its Grounds ; there remains no more to be done as to the Attainment of Science , but to shew what is the proper Matter of such a rigorous Discourse : For , since the Matter and Form do constitute the whole Essence or Nature of every thing ; if both these be made known , there can nothing more be wanting for us to conclude or prove Evidently ; which is the sole end and aim of the whole Art of Logick . Wherefore , all the elaborate Rules that occurr in common Logicians , which conduce not to this end , are Frivolous , and meerly invented for vain Show and Ostentation ; and are so far from advancing Science , that they pester the way to it by making in more Perplext and Intricate , which obstructs the attainment of it . 2. Such a Middle Term as is Proper to conjoyn the other two is the only Matter of a Conclusive Syllogism . For ; since there can be in a Lawful Syllogism but Three Terms , and Two of them are given to our hands in the Thesis to be proved , and the right Placing of those Terms belongs to the Form of it ; there is no Consideration left that can be conceiv'd to be the Matter of it , or which , joyn'd with the Former , makes it Evidently Conclude , but such a Middle Term which is apt to conjoyn the other Two in the Conclusion . 3. Wherefore , such a Term being found and order'd in the right Form , nothing more can be requir'd to gain Science of any Proposition whatever . For , this done , the Conclusion so necessarily follows , that it is as Impossible it should not be True as it is that an Identical Proposition should be False ; or ( which is the same ) that a Contradiction should be True , which are the highest Impossibilities . Wherefore , since to have Science of any thing , is to know evidently the thing is so and cannot but be so , and this is known by the means now mentioned ; it follows that no thing more can be requir'd to gain Science of any Proposition whatever . 4. Hence such a Syllogism is Demonstrative , and to produce or frame such a Syllogism is to Demonstrate : For , since a Demonstration bears in its Notion that it must be the most Certain and most Evident Proof than can be ; and no Proof can be more Certain than that which renders it absolutely Impossible the Conclusion should not be True ; nor more Evident than that which engages immediately the highest Evidence of an Identical Proposition ; and all this ( as has been prov'd ) is found in a Syllogism consisting of such a Matter and such a Form , it follows that such a Syllogism is a Demonstrative one , and that to Prove by such a Syllogism is to Demonstrate . 5. All Middle Terms that are Proper for Demonstration must be taken Originally from the Nature of the Thlng or from it's Metaphysical Verity , For , since all Inferiour Truths are therefore such because they are finally resolvable into Identical Propositions which are the First Truths ; that is , because those First Truths are virtually in them ; and Identical propositions are therefore true ( because the thing is what it is , in which consists its Metaphysical verity ; it follows that the Verity of all Inferiour Truths ( such as are the Premisses ) on whose Truth all Demonstration and Truth of the Conclusion necessarily depends , is taken originally from the Metaphysical verity of the Subject and Predicate . Again , since ( as has been shown ) the force of all Consequence is grounded on this that the Middle Term is the same with it's self , or what it is ; It follows that the Force of all Middle Terms that any way conduce to Demonstration must be taken originally from the Nature of the Thing , or from it's Metaphysical Verity . 6. We can have no Demonstration of the Whole Thing taken in gross . For , the Whole Thing , as was said , may be consider'd diverse wayes , and so ground many Notions , and contains in it confusedly what corresponds to all those Notions we can frame of it ; since then we cannot have at once a Distinct and Clear knowledg of what corresponds formally to any two Notions , it follows that we can have no Demonstration ( or Distinct and Clear Knowledg ) of the whole thing taken in Gross . 7. Wherefore , if we would demonstrate the Nature of the Thing according to what 's Essential to it , we must take in pieces , Unfold , Explicate , and , as it were , Detail the Thing into it's Essential Parts , that so we may look more clearly thro' it's Nature or Essence ; which is done by Definitions of the Whole first , and then of it's several Essential Parts , till we come to those Parts of it which are most known , or to the Common Head. For , we experience that we have but a Confused Notion of a Thing while it is exprest but in One Word ; but , when Many Words are used to tell the Nature of it , our knowledg of it grows Clearer , and still more Clear and Distinct after each of those Words also has It's Meaning told , or is Defind . For Example , ask what such a Thing is , it is answer'd a Man ; which gives us , indeed , a True but a Confused Knowledg of it . Whence we may have occasion to ask farther what is a Man ? and the Answer is a Rational Animal ; which clears the Notion of Man to a fair degree . But , the word Animal is also Confused , tho' less than Homo was ; wherefore , to gain a more Distinct Knowledg of it , we set our selves to define It , and we find it to be a Living or Self-moving Thing that is Sensitive , or which is mov'd by Impression on the Senses . And thus still to gain Clearer Light of more and more Essential Notions or Considerations of Man , we may drive on farther the Definitions of the ascending Genus till we come to Ens or Substantia , which is the Supreme in that Line , ( and the Clearest of any except Existence ) which stints our quest . By which way of defining still upwards , we gain many Distinct Notions of Man's Essence , which were before confusedly blended in the single word [ Man ] . And , were the Collateral Differences , which constitute the Inferiour notions to Ens , Defin'd too as well as each Genus , descending in a right Line from it , we should gain a most Distinct and clear Essential Notion of Man. 8. It remains to define the Difference [ Rational ] which is the other Essential Notion that compounds the Entire Notion of Man. If we ask then what Reason is , it will be answer'd that it is a Faculty of Deducing some new knowledg out of foregoing ones ; or ( to express it in the Language of Art ) to draw a Proposition call'd the Conclusion from two other true ones call'd the Premisses . To know more distinctly what this Definition means , we may ask what a Proposition is , and what True means , and it will be answered that a Proposition is defin'd , A Speech by which one Notion is Affirm'd ( or Deny'd ) of another . Next , ask what a Notion is and we are answer'd by the Definition of it , that a Notion is the very Thing as conceiv'd by us , or , the Thing as existing in our Understanding . Ask what True is , it is answer'd , it is the Conformity of what is in our Mind to the Thing without us . Ask what Affirming is , it is answered , it is the Comparing one of the Terms of ●he Proposition to the other , or seeing they both ●gree in the same Ens. Ask what Deducing is , ●nd 't is answer'd 't is a Comparing two Terms ●o a Third , and seeing them to be the same with it , and thence the same with one another ; All which being known , we shall have gain'd ●he Distinct and Clear Notion of Reasoning or Exact Discoursing , and consequently of Rationa●ity , the Power which produces that Act. 9. Hence Proper Middle Terms may be taken from the Line of Ens ( and the same may be said of any other Common Head ) for Demonstrations of any Truth that belongs Essen●ially to any Notion or Nature in those ●espective Lines . For they are taken from the Definitions , afforded us by the Genus and Dif●erence in each Line , both parts of which De●initions are Essential . 10. Tho' when it happens otherwise it wrongs not the Demonstration , yet this is best done when the Superiour Notion is predicated of that which is the Immediate Inferiour , and that Inferiour of the Notion immediately under it . For then the Middle Term is not by our Choice or Ordering , but ex naturâ rei placed in the middle between them . as Every Animal is a Living thing , Every Man is an Animal , therefore Every Man is a Living thing . Every Man is an Animal . Peter is a Man , therefore Peter is an Animal . 10. The same may be said when any of the Intrinsecal Differences is used for the Middle Term ; even tho' it be Remote , in the same Line , from one of the Extremes ; as Every Sensitive thing is an Animal , Every Worm is a Sensitive thing ; Therefore Every Worm is an Animal . The same holds in all the rest , whether they be Generical or Differential Notions ; whether Immediate or Mediate . For , the same Reason concludes for one as for the other . viz. because all such are Essential Predicates ; and , being found in the same Essence , are not only Identify'd in the same Thing materially , as is done when in a true Proposition the Subjects and Predicates are in Distinct Lines as Aethiops est niger ; but being , either expresly , or by consequence , Included in some part of the Definition , the Formality of one is , in some part , the Formality of the others ; as the Notions of Ens , Corpus , Mixtum , Vivens , Sensituum , are found in part to be Formally in the Entire Notion of Homo . The Art of Dividing right is requisit to make exact Definitions . Because the Genus and one of the Proper Differences that divide that Common Notion do constitute and integrate the Definition . Note that the Genus must be Immediate ; because , otherwise , it confounds the Intermemediate Notions with the Species ; and , so , gives a less-distinct Conception of the Notion to be defin'd . Hence , Ens or Vivens Rationale is not a good Definition of Homo ; because Ens and Vivens do but Confusedly , or in part , speak the Notion or Nature of Animal . Nor is Rationale the Proper and Immediate Difference of Ens and Vivens . 12. Hence Dichotomy , or a Division made by two Members , is the best . For , in such a Division , the Parts , if rightly exprest , may be most easily seen to be Equivalent to the Whole . That Dichotomy in which the Members are Contradictory is the very best Division that can be imagin'd . As that of Ens into Divisible and Indivisible ; ( that is not-Divisible ) of Animal into Rational and Irrational ; ( that is not-Rational ) of Number , into Odd and Even ( or not-Odd ) For , since there can be no Middle between Contradictories , it is Evident there can be no more Members than Two ; and , consequently , that those Two parts are Equivalent to the Whole . 13. The Whole Definition , and All the Members of a Division that is rightly made , ( if taken together , ) may be a proper Medium for a Demonstration . For both of these , taken together , are Equivalent to the Whole Notion Defin'd and Divided ; and may as well be a Middle Term as that Whole Notion exprest by one word , as by Man. Animal , &c. v. g. Every Rational Animal is capable of Science , Every Clown is a Rational Animal , therefore Every Clown is Capable of Science . What-ever is either Even or Odd is capable of Proportion , All Number is either Even or Odd , therefore All Number is capable of Proportion . 14. Out of what has been proved 't is seen that Definitions are one of the Best Instruments or Best Means to attain Science . For , since all Knowledg is taken from the Nature of the Thing ; and , therefore all Distinct and Clear Knowledg ( such as Science ought to be ) from the nature of the Thing distinctly and clearly represented ; and this ( as has been shown ) is done by Definitions ; it follows that Definitions are one of the Best Instruments or Best Means to attain to Science . 15. Another use to be made of Definitions in order to Demonstration is this ; when two Notions , by being Remote , seem in a manner Disparate , and , so , the Proposition is Obscure ; we are to pursue home the Definitions of each of the Terms till something that is Formally Identical appears in both of them , Which done , all farther disquisition ceases , and the Point is demonstrated . For example ; If we would prove that Virtue is Laudable , we shall find that the word [ Laudable ] signifies [ deserving to be spoke well of ] and Practical Self-Evidence , as well as Reason , telling us , that , our Speech being nothing but Signes agreed on by Mankind to express their thoughts , that thing deserves to be spoken well of which deserves to be thought well of ; and that what 's according to the true Nature of him that speaks or thinks , or to true Reason , deserves to be judg'd by him Right and Good , that is , thought well of , To which add that Virtue is nothing but a Disposition to Act according to True Reason , it comes to appear that [ Virtuo ] and [ Laudable ] have something couch't in their notions that is Formally Identical ; and that this Proposition , [ Virtue is Laudable ] is full as Certain as that What 's according to right Reason is according to right Reason , or what 's Laudable is Laudable ; which seen , perfect Knowledg is had of the Truth of [ Virtue is Laudable ] that is , 't is the Proposition ; Evidently Concluded or Demonstrated . Note hence that , in Resolving Truths thus into first Principles , Rigorous Definitions do not alwayes need , but Explications of the two Notions ( or of the Meaning of the Words that express the two Terms ) may serve , so they be True and Solid ; since no more is necessary in this case but to resolve the Inferiour Truths , and the Notions that compound them , into Superiour ones . For which reason also Practical Self-evidence , or a Knowledg agreed on by all Mankind in their Natural Thoughts , through Converse with those Natural Objects , is sufficient : For this is a Solid Knowledg , tho' it be not lick't into Artificial shape . Whence it may Suffice oftentimes without Framing the Demonstration , coucht in these Discourses , into a Syllogistick Method ; unless the Form of the Discourse be Deny'd . 16. Hence follows , that All Truths have at the bottom Identical Propositions , and are Grounded on them . For , since all Truths are therefore such , because they are Conformable to the Nature of the Thing , or to its being what it is , which is express'd by an Identical Proposition ; it follows that all Truths have at the bottom Identical Propositions and are Grounded on them . 17. Hence every Errour has at the bottom a fect Contradiction , and is grounded on it . For , since all Truths , as being Conformable to the Nature of the Thing , are grounded on the things being what it is , and so have an Identical Proposition for their Bases ; therefore , for the same reason , every Error , being a Dis-conformity to the Thing , or a Deviation from its being what it is , must be Grounded on this , as its first Principle , that the Thing is not what it is , which is a perfect Contradiction . 18. Hence follows necessarily , that , if Art and Industry be not wanting , Every Truth is Reducible to a Self evid●nt or an Identical Proposition , and every Errour to a Contradiction . For , since these ( as has been prov'd ) are the Bas●s or bottom-Principles of all Truths and Falshoods ; and all Inferiour Propositions derìve all their Truth or Falshood from the First Truths or Falshoods , that is , from Identical Propositions or Contradictions ; it follows that , either no Truth or Falshood can be finally known , or be Knowable or Provable to be such ; or else they must be Reducible either to Identical Propositions or to Contradictions , as the Tests of their Truth or Falsity . Corol. I. Hence follows that , all Learning being Knowledge , those Men only ought to be accounted , Absolutely speaking , True Schollars or perfectly Learned , who can thus settle Truth and confute Errour ; that is , thus Demonstrate the Conformity of the Position he maintains to the Nature of the Thing , or the Disconformity of his Adversaries Thesis to the Essence of the Subject under Dispute . By which it will appear how Unjustly many Men are esteem'd Learned , by the Generality , meerly for their having read a Multitude of Authors : Since the Former know the Truth of the Things , or of the Subjects discours'd of ; These only know it to be True , that such and such Authors , say thus or thus . Those are such Schollars as have God and Nature for their Masters . These are only the Schollars of meer Men ; who , if they take not this way , speak out of Fancy , which is Ungrounded , and therefore Various and Inconstant : Whence , such Men of Reading use to fill their Heads with a gallimowfry of thrums ends of Sayings glean'd from diverse Logicians or Philosophers discoursing thus or thus ; but if you put them to Demonstrate any point , or to Reduce it to its First Principles , they are utterly at a Loss . A certain Sign they do not , in true speech , know any thing . Corol. II. Were the Method of Reducing Truths , as is abovesaid , well settled , Probability in Speculatives ( which is the bane of Science ) would be quite dash'd out of countenance , and sham'd out of the Schools . To do which , how highly it conduces to the Advancement of Science , is ●●sily discernible by the dimmest Eye . LESSON IV. How every Truth is to be Reduced to an Identical Proposition ; and consequently , every Errour to a Contradiction ; What Consequences follow thence of one Truth being in another ; and of the Science of Pure Spirits . 1. TO Reduce any Truth to an Identical Proposition is nothing but to show clearly that , if you deny such a Truth , you must , by consequence , deny the Identical one which is proper to that Subject , and expresses its being what it is . For , since the Reducing Inferiour Truths in any Subject to those which are Supreme or Identical is perform'd by way of Discourse or drawing Consequences ; and , it is Evident that those Propositions which are Inferiour Truths , and the Supreme ones cannot be the same Formally and Expresly ; it follows that they can only be the same Virtually , or as one Truth is Included in another . Wherefore as Deducing is nothing but Deriving downwards the verity which was in some Higher Truths to the Inferiour ones ; so Reducing is the carrying upwards or Resolving those Inferiour Truths into those Higher ones on which they Depend , and the showing them to be by consequence the Same ; or that the Inferiour Thesis must needs be True , if the Identical or Supreme one be so ; and that the Supreme one cannot be True , unless the Inferiour one be such also : So that the verity of the Supreme Truth does by consequence stand engag'd in the Patronage of the Inferiour one . L●mma . All Essences consist in an Indivisible . For , since Essence is the Form of the Ens , and Ens that which is Capable of Existing , and nothing can Exist but that which is Ultimately determin'd in the line of Ens , and distinguisht from all others in that Line ; and , any Essential Predicate taken away , it wants Part of its Essence , that is , Part of that which was to Constitute it such an Ens , and distinguish it from all others , that is , which Determin it to be This ; it follows that the Notion of Ens or Essence requires a Totality of all its Essential parts : But a Totality ( since the least part defalkt from it makes it to be no Totum ) consists in an Indivisibility ; therefore All Essences consist in an Indivisible . 2. Hence an easie way is chalkt out how to Reduce any Truth to an Identical Proposition or any Errour to a Contradiction . For , let but the Subject of the Discourse ( Homo for example ) be Defin'd , and the two parts of its Definition be Defind likewise , and so forwards ; we shall have gain'd a clear and distinct Notion of the Subject , and of all its Essential parts . If , then , the Discourse be about the Nature or Essence of Homo ; all the Divisions of the parts of that Essence , which are Common Notions , being ( as they ought ) made by Contradictory Differences , and this from the Notion of Ens to the very Notion Discours'd of ; consequently , that Discourse must either evidently clash with and Contradict some one of those Essential Parts , or Agree to them All. If it contradicts any one of them , then , since Essences consist in an Indivisible , it does , by consequence , destroy the whole Essence of the Subject , and make homo not to be homo ; and , if it Agrees with All its parts , then , since , All the parts are evidently the whole , 't is by consequence as Certain as it is that Homo is Homo ; since to say that Homo is an Ens , and such an Ens as is Corpus , and such a Corpus as is Compounded , and such a Compound Body as is Vivens , and such a Vivens , as is Sensitive or an Animal , and such an Animal as can have Notions in it , and can Compare one Notion to another , and two to a Third , is evidently to say in Equivalent Terms Homo est Homo : 3. Another Method of Resolving all Truths into Identical Propositions is to Define both the Subject and Predicate , and to pursue their Definitions till some Notion that is perfectly Identical appears in both ; as is Instanced in this proposition [ Virtue is Laudable ] in the last Lesson § . 15. 4. Moreover , all Conclusions formally as such , that is , considering them as Inferr'd or Concluded , are resolv'd finally into this Identical Proposition , [ The same is the same with its self ] as has been demonstrated above B. 2. L. 3. § . 10. 5. Wherefore , the Method being settled of Reducing to Identical Propositions both Inferiour Truths , which are the Premisses ; and , also the Necessity of the Following of the Conclusions from their respective Premisses , which is the Consequence ; it is hard to conceive what can be farther wanting to the Method to Science ; so these Rules be thorowly penetrated , and industriously put in Practice . 6. All Truths whatever that concern the Essences of things , if we have but Notions of the Terms of the Propositions which express them , do come within the Compass of this Method , and are Demonstrable . For , since all Truths , whose Terms we understand , do consist of Notions ; and , it s not hard to know to what Common Head those Notions do belong , nor insuperably hard to Divide by Proper Differences that Common Head ; nor the less General Notions under that Head , till we come to the very Notions whose Connexion is in question ; it follows , that all Propositions belonging to any Head , are , for the same reason , equally Reducible to their Proper Identicals ; since all the Predicates in the nine last Common Heads , which are Analogically Entia , have also their Analogical Essences ; of which we can have as clear and distinct Notions as we have of the First Common Head which is properly Ens ; and , so we can as easily define their Abstract Notions as we can the other , ( or rather much more easily ) and consequently Reduce them to their Identicals . 7. Hence we can Discourse Scientifically , or have true Science , not only of Quantities , which are the Subject of Mathematicks ; but , with equal reason , of Virtues and Vices , which are the Subject of Ethicks . For , we can equally Abstract the Notions of the several Virtues , have a Distinct Conception of them , equally define them , and by that means equally Reduce them to their Identicals . And the same may be said of other Qualities that affect our Senses very distinctly , as Heat , Cold , Moist , Dry : &c. Note , that in such as these , if it be too laborious to arrive at their Definitions by dividing the Common Genus , as it often happens when the Dividing Members are more than Two , and are not Contradictory to one another ; then we may frame our Definitions of them by observing the carriage of the Vulgar towards them , or their Sayings concerning them , For such Qualities , being sensible ones , are the Objects of the Senses of Mankind , and do imprint Lively and Distinct Notions of themselves in all men . Wherefore their Sayings being the Effect of the true Notions they have of them , they ( if enow of them be collected ) must give us the true Notion of them ; or which is all one , of what they mean by the Word that expresses them , which is equivalent in Sense to a perfect Definition . For example , when they speak of those Qualities we call Dry and Moist , we shall observe that they are sollicitous lest Moist things should squander and run about , and therefore they are careful themselves to put such things in some Receptacle or Vessel that may keep them from doing so ; or they bid their Servants do it . On the Contrary , they bid them set Dry things on the Cupboard , or on a Shelf ; and never put them in a Vessel , or be at the needless labour of pounding them into a Pot or Tub , out of fear they should squander about . Which sayings and behaviour of theirs gives us the Definitions of both those Qualities ; viz. that Moist is that which difficultly keeps its own bounds or Figure , and is easily accommodated to the bounds of another thing ; and Dry is that which easily retains its own bounds or Figure , and is Difficulty accommodated to the bounds of another ; which are the very Definitions , which that great Observer of Nature , Aristotle , gives us of those two Qualities . Note II. Whence we may , with a humble Acknowledgment and Thanks , reflect on the Infinite Goodness of the God of Truth , who unenviously bestows knowledge on all , who will dispose themselves to receive it ; that , where-ever Art , by reason of our Shortness , is at a plunge , he supplies it by Practical Self-evidence , or the naturally instill'd Knowledge of the Vulgar : whence it is a high Pride in the greatest Men of Art , to conceit that they are above being still the Children of Nature ; whereas 't is the best Title they have to True and Solid Learning . — Sus Minervam — 8. All Conclusions are virtually in the Premisses ; For , since the Premisses , by Means of the Middle Term and the right Placing of it , have in them the whole force of the Consequence ; and the Consequence cannot be of nothing but must be of some Determinate Proposition , which can be nothing but the Conclusion ; it follows that all Conclusions are virtually in the Premisses . Again , since , before we Conclude Determinately and Expresly we must know what to Conclude , and we know what to Conclude by knowing the Premisses , and the Conclusion is that Proposition which is to be Concluded ; it follows evidently that , since we know the Conclusion , e'er we Actually Inferr and Express it , to be in the Premisses , it is there virtually . 9. All Deduced Truths are virtually in one another . For , since all Deduced Truths are Conclusions , and the Conclusions are virtually in the Premisses ; and the same reason holds for all the following Conclusions as for the first , or for one single one ; it follows that , let there be never so many orderly-succeeding Syllogisms necessary to prove any point , the Conclusions are still in the Premisses and the following ones in those that went before them . 10. All Truths are virtually in the Identical Propositions ; and , consequently , in the Definitions . For since all Truths are taken from the Nature of the Things , and from their Metaphysical verity , and consequently are in the Nature of the Thing fundamentally ; and This is Contain'd and Exprest in the whole by Identical Propositions , and in all its parts by the Definitions ; it follows that all Truths are Virtually contain'd in Identical Propositions , and , consequently , in the Definitions . 11. From what 's lately said , 't is evinced that , if a Middle Term be taken which is a Proper Cause or Proper Effect , the Conclusion is seen to be in the Premisses . For , though the Proper Causes and Effects be not the very Essence of the Thing ; yet , since an Effect is a Participation of the Cause , and so is apt to manifest the Nature of the Proper Cause that produced it ; and , the Operation of a Proper Cause is nothing but the * Existence of such a Cause ( which is sutable to its Essence ) imprinted upon the Patient ; hence , such Mediums do Demonstrably and Mutually inferr one another ; and therefore nothing hinders , but that the Conclusions may be seen to be in the Premisses as well in such Syllogisms as in those which have an Essential Notion for their Middle Term. 12. Hence all Natural Truths , and this throughout the whole Course of Nature , from the very Creation , are virtually in one another , For , since , as will be more clearly seen hereafter , all those Natural Effects were Demonstrative of their Proper Causes , and those Causes Demonstrative of their proper Effects ; and this from the First starting of Nature into Motion ; and so were apt to Inferr one another all along ; that is , new Conclusions were still apt to spring from such Middle Terms Connected with the two Extremes in the Premisses ; and , consequently , the Truth of those Conclusions were all along Virtually in those several Premisses ; it follows that all Natural Truths are in one another , and this throughout the whole Series or Course of Nature from the very Creation . 13. Hence , had we liv'd in every Place , and in every part of Time , where and when those several Causes wrought those several Effects , and had been endowed with Capacity Sufficient for such a performance , and not been diverted with other thoughts from Application to that work ; we might have actually Demonstrated those Effects by their Proper Causes or those Causes by their Proper Effects , through the whole Series or Course of the World , from the beginning to the end ; except Miracle had alter'd that Natural Course . For , in that case , all those Subjects had afforded us Matter or fit Mediums for Demonstration , as well as any single Subject does now ; Wherefore , if we had had wit enough to demonstrate as aforesaid , and that wit sufficiently apply'd in every circumstance , it had been done . 14. Hence every Soul separated from the Body that knows any one Natural Truth knows all Nature , and this all at once , at the first Instant of her Separation . For , since all Nature is carry'd on by Proper Causes , and Proper Effects , and those Mutually inferr one another ; that is , the Truth grounded on the one is seen to be in the Truth grounded on the other , as being Virtually in one another , and we experience that the Capacity of the Soul to know Truths is not fill'd by knowing many Truths , but is Enlarged and Enabled to know still more ; and , being clear of the Body , she is not distracted by Objects working upon the Senses and the Fancy , but intimately and necessarily present to her self , and , consequently , to what is in her self ; and so is Addicted , Apply'd and Naturally Necessitated to know the Nature of her Body , and , consequently of her self , as being the Form of that Body , and fitted for it ; and , by her self to know all the Truths Connected with the Knowledge of her self , that is ( as was shown ) all Nature ; and this , not Successively , one Truth after another , as she did when she was in the Body and needed the Fancy , and so accommodated her manner of working to its slow pace , but , being now a Pure Spirit and Indivisible ▪ and so not commensurable to Time , or to before and after , which are the Differences of Time , she is to know all she could know in the first instant she was a Pure Spirit , that is , at the Instant of her Separation . These things being evidently so , it follows that every Soul separated from the Body , that knew any one Natural Truth , knows all Nature , and this , all at once , in the first instant of her Separation . But of this more hereafter . Corol. I. Hence we may frame some imperfect Conception how our Science differs from that of Angels , and how Angels must know things Intuitively . For , since they have no Senses , they can have no Abstracted Notions by different Impressions from the Objects on the Senses ; nor , consequently , can they Compound any two Notions to frame a Proposition ; much less can they Discourse , or Compare Two Notions to a Third , and so deduce thence New Knowledges , call'd Conclusions : It is left therefore , that they must a tone view , comprehend entirely the Metaphysical verity of the whole Thing , and all that is in it , which we express by an Identical Proposition . Whence this Knowledge or Intuition of theirs , abating the Composition found in an Identical Proposition ( which too is the least that is Imaginable ) is the nearest a-kin to that which we have of these Identicals . By which we see that the Supremum Infimi , in respect of an Angel's and Man's manner of Knowledge , is ( as the Order of Entities requires ) contiguous as it were , to that which is Superiour to it . Corol. II. Hence also is seen how a Separated Soul knows all things after a different manner than Angels do . For , though the Substance of a Separated Soul's Operation be Intuitive , as is the Angels ; yet , because her natural Genius led and forced her here to d●scourse and gather one Truth by another , that is , to see one Truth in another ; hence , she retains a modification or a kind of tang of the Discoursiveness she had here , though she cannot in that State exercise it ; and that , though she cannot then actually deduce new Truths , yet she sees all Truths as Deducible from one another , or following one another by Consequence . We may frame some imperfect conception how this passes by this course Similitude . When we look upon a Picture call'd a Prospective , all the parts of it are equally near our Eye in themselves , and we see them too all at once ; yet , they appear to us as if one of them were farther of than another , even to a vast distance ; observing still a perfect Order and decorum in their greater Propinquity or Remoteness , according as those parts are more or less Shadowed or Luminous . So the Soul knows all at once whatever is Knowable by her , and they are equally near the Eye of her understanding ; yet , because of her acquiring them here by way of Discourse , that is , by proceeding from more-Clear to less Clear Truths , she sees them as following one another , or , as it were , beyond one another ; because they were not to her in this state so clear as the other in themselves , but depending on the others for their Evidence . LESSON V. Of other Mediums for Demonstration taken from the Four Causes . 1. THere must necessarily be † Four Causes concurring to every Effect in Nature . For , since Nothing can do Nothing , it follows that Nothing can be Done , unless there be something that Does or Acts , that is unless there be an Efficient Cause . Which Efficient must act upon something or some Patient , which is the Matter on which it works , or the Material Cause . And it must work something in that Matter , which , being Received in it , must be some Form ( either Substantial or Accidental ) which must consequently concurr to that Action Formally , or be the Formal Cause of it . And , since the Orderer of all Nature , or the First Cause , is an Intelligent Being and not Blind Chance , ( for whàt's Blind can Order nothing ) and this First Cause is the Adequate Governour of the World , and , being an Intelligent Being acts Seeingly or with design , that is , with prospect of some End in every thing that is done , how great or minute soever ; and e●ery Intelligent Creature that administers the World , in their several Stations , under him ▪ ( wh●●her they be Angels or Men ) do , for the same reason , act Designingly too ; that is , do propose to themselves some end , Good , Reason or Mo●ive for which they Act , and without ●hich 't is against their Nature to Act ; and since Metaphysicks do clearly Demonstrate that the Immediate action of the First Cause is only to give Being , and * the Oeconomy of the World is administred Immediately by other Intelligent Beings under him ; hence , there must be a Final cause too for every Effect that is done in the World , how small and inconsiderable soever it may seem . Wherefore , there must necessarily be Four Causes concurring to ev●ry Effect in Nature , viz. The Efficient , Ma●●rial , Formal , and Final . For Example , in my Action of Writing a Letter , the Efficient Cause is my self : the Material Cause , is the Paper ; the Formal , the Characters drawn in the Paper ; and the Final , to gratify my friend , acquaint him with News , &c. 2. Hence we can demonstrate the An est of those Four Causes in the whole Mass of Corporeal Nature , how Remote soever it is from us ; and that they must concur to every Effect , tho' we do not know the Quid est of them . The first part of our Thesis is proved ; For , since the An est of all those Causes , or that there must be such four Causes necessarily concurring to every Effect , follows out of the nature of Action , from the Subject●s being Quantitative and consequently variable Substantially or Accidentally , and from the Supreme Agent 's being Intelligent ; and these are equally found in all parts of the Universe , how Remote soever they be , or in the whole Mass of Bodies ; it follows that the same Causes do concur to every Effect all over the World , as they do in those Bodies near us , and with whose Operations we are acquainted . The Second part is evident , since the knowledg of the An est or [ that there is something ] may it be known by Experience , tho' we know not what that thing is ; as we experience when we hit casually upon something in the dark , or run against it , tho' we neither see or know what that thing is ; or , when we see a thing a far off , we know that that thing is , tho' as yet we know not what it is . The Course of Nature is carry'd on by Efficient Cau●es and Effects ; For since a First Cause being suppos'd who is Infinitely Wise , he Administ●rs his workmanship , the World , after the wisest and best manner ; which is , that the contexture of the whole be not loose and slack , but perfectly Coherent ; nor can this be done , among an infinit variety of Bodies , by any other means ( so as to make up the Course of Nature ) but by making Effects necessarily follow from their Causes ; since , if that were not , the Course of Nature would be at a stand , and need the Artificers hand at every turn to make it go on , which argues an Imperfection in the Workmanship it self : it follows , that the Course of Nature must be carry'd on by Efficient Causes and Effects . 4. The Course of Nature must be c●●ry'd on by such Efficient Causes and Effects as 〈◊〉 ●roper to one another . For , were ●ot ●●ese ●auses and Effects Proper to one anothe● ▪ any 〈◊〉 might do any thing , or suff●r from any thing : v. g. Fire might both heat , and cool , and m●i●ten ; and Water might be as combustible as dry Wood , and so of all the rest . In whi●h case no man could tell how to Order his Actions , or what Efficient Cause , or what Matter , rather than another , he is to make use of to produce any Effect ; nor , consequentl● , sin●e ●uch Essences are ordain'd for such and such Ends , could the Essences or Natures of things be Known or Distinguisht more than in Outward Appearance . 5. Hence follows immediately that every such Proper Efficient Cause put to be Actually Causing , must most necessarily produce 〈◊〉 Proper Effect . For since to Caus● is 〈◊〉 do and to do nothing is not to do , what 〈◊〉 Actually causing must cause something or pro●uce some Effect . An● this Effect must be a Proper one as has been prov'd . § . 4. 6. All the Efficient Causes in Nature are Actually causing . For , since the Virtue or Power of working is in the Efficient Cause it self , as being nothing but it's Existence , and the Matter to be wrought upon is Quantitative , that is , of it 's own nature either Perfectly or Imperfectly Divisible , and Variable innumerable Manners of ways according to it's Qualities ; nor can it have an Infinite Power of resisting the Efficiency of the least Cause , hence , it is apt to have an Impression made upon it to some degree by any Quantitative Agent , provided there be but Immediate Application of the Agent to the Patient , and that it is pr●st upon it : But , there being no vacuum , immediate Application of one Natural Body to another must needs be throughout all Nature ; and the Course of Nature consisting in Mo●ion , one Body must necessarily press upon that which is next it . From all which it follows evidently that all the Efficient Causes in Nature are Actually Causing . 7. From these Discourses 't is evident that we can Demonstrate Proper Effects from Proper Efficient Causes , which we call Demonstrating â priori ; and Proper Efficient Causes from Proper Effects , which is call'd Demonstrating à posteriori . For , since a Cause and a Reason do onely differ in this , that the word [ Cause ] speaks the thing as it is in Nature , and [ Reason ] the same thing as 't is in our understanding ; and Proper Causes and Effects in Nature are necessarily connected to one another , and , consequently , do Infer one another naturally ; it follows , that those Causes ( and , for the same reason Effects ) as they are in our Vnderstanding must be the Reason why one infers the other in our Understanding : Whence follows , that tho●e Causes and Effects can be u●'d as Proper Middle Terms to Infer or Conclude one another . And , that Proofs made by such Mediums are Demonstrative is clear ; for no Proof can be more Clear than that which is Grounded on those Notions or Natures being connected Naturally and , so Connected that it is Impossible it should be otherwise ; as 't is shown these are § . § . 5. and 6. 8. This is farther confirm'd , because , Two Bodies that are Immediate , do Act and Re-act , or are ( in some respect ) mutually Causes and Effects to one another : For since their Existences ( which is their Power of Acting ) are immediately Apply'd ; and by the Course of Nature , consisting in Motion , prest upon one another ; and no Natural Agent is of Infinite Power , nor consequently can it subdue all the Resistence of the Patient in an Instant ; it follows that , till one of them be , by degrees , totally subdu'd , the Resisting Body must necessarily , for the reason given , Re-act upon it ; whence they will be , to some degree or in some respect , Mutual Causes and Effects in regard of each other . Corol. I. The carrying on this Connected Course of Natural Causes is called Providence ; and , as joyn'd with a Course of Supernatural ones ( Interiour and Exteriour ) perfecting and stre●gthening the Will all along to the very end , and ripening Souls for Bliss ( which we call Grace ) is that which is truly meant by Predestinatio● ; which sounds so terribly and is such ●●ugbea● to those that mis-understand it . Cor●● . ●I . Every Step of this Order of Causes has Entity or Goodness in it . For it is manifestly the Causing of Something by Something . Corol. ●●I . Therefore 't is directly against the 〈◊〉 of ●●e First Cause to cause , or lay any 〈◊〉 , for Sin. For , Sin ( formally as such ) has no kind of Entity or Goodness in it , either ●etaphysical , Physical or Moral ; but is formally a meer Privation of some Entity or Goodness which ought to be in an Intelligent Creature ; whence it comes that , by falling-short here in using the Means , that Creature falls short hereafter of attaining the End , which is only attainable by such Means . To explicate which high Points fully is left to Solid Divines . I mean such as do not guide themselves by meer Words , but by Reason and Good Sense . Corol. IV. Hence follows also that , were all the Efficient Causes that produce any Effect , known to us , we could have no Accidental Predications , nor consequently any Opinions ; but the Effect would still be equally Demonst●able from the Complexion of those Causes , as it is now from some one single Efficient , as was hinted formerly . Corol. V. Hence , to one that comprehends the Complexion of all Causes , there could be no Chance ; nor could such a Man have any Ground for such a Notion ; For , Chance ( as the common use of the word tells us ) signifies an Vnseen or Vnforeseen Cause ; whereas no Cause is Vnseen to him who sees Demonstratively how all Natural Effects follow all along from the Causes , and that they cannot but follow from such Causes . Corol. VI. Hence , tho' we know not particularly the Quid est of this Exact Order of the World , or the Course of Nature , because we Comprehend not all Causes , nor know what Cause or Causes did all a long produce such Effects ; yet , since we know and can demonstrate the An est of this Order , or that the Course of Nature is still carry'd on by Proper Causes and Effects ; hence , we can demonstrate there is no such thing as that Chimerical Cause , call'd Chance , governing the World ; which Fantastick whimsy is imputed to the Epicureans . Corol. 7. Hence we can Demonstrate that every the least motion of a Fly or an Insect , the Figure of every leaf of a Tree , or grain of Sand on the Sea Shore , do come within the Compass of this Course of Nature , or Gods Providence ; which neglects not the least of his Creatures , but has a Superintendency over all . Which Considerations , tho' they may at first sight seem Incredible and paradoxical , and Stun our Reason ; yet , after that , by recourse to our Principles , we have recover'd our dazled sight , and clearly see they must be True , will exceedingly conduce to raise our Souls connaturally to deep Contemplations of Gods Infinit Wisdom , Goodness and Providence and ground in us a perfect Resignation to his Will in all occurrences ; and let us see and be asham'd of our froward , proud , peevish and selfish humour , which nothing will content but the having the Whole Course of Nature alter'd for our sakes ; as if the World were made meerly for us , or that Causes should not have their Proper Effects . Which being a Contradiction , is therefore , as Unreasonable and Foolish as it is in a Man , that wants Money , to be angry that Two and Three Shillings do not make Forty . Corol. VIII . Hence , none can have just occasion to grumble at God's Providence for Ill Successes . For , since we know à priori that God , he being Infinitely wise , casts the whole Frame of the World , or the Course of Causes , in the most perfect and best Order ; to wish we should be otherwise , after we see that no Causes can bring our endeavouring it to Effect , is to wish the Whole World should be worse for the Interest of one Inconsiderable piece of it : which is against Common sense and the Light of Nature to expect from a Common Governour , who is to provide in the first place for the Common Good ; and is even against the Judgment and Generous Practice of diverse Heathens , who for the Common Good of a Small part of the World , ( their own Country ) have not car'd to ruine their Private Concerns , nay to Sacrifice their Lives . Corol. IX . On this Doctrine is grounded the Duty of Gratitude we owe to God for all the Good we have , of what nature soever . For , it is hence seen demonstratively , that God is as much the Giver of that Good , by laying such a steady Course of innumerable Causes to convey it to us , as if he had given it by his own hand Immediately ; nay , it ought more to increase our Gratitude , to see that he has Ordered such an Infinity of Causes , from the beginning of the World , to be Instrumental to our Good. Corol. X. Hence , lastly , is shewn the Wisdome of Christianity ; which instructs all its Followers to express in their Common Language , and to put in practise all the Substance of those Truths , which we have , with so much labour , Speculatively Demonstrated . As when they say that , Every thing that happens is Gods Will ; pray his Will may be done ; Resign to it ; Acknowledg that all the Good they have comes from God , thank him for it , free him from all Imputation of Injustice when any Harm lights to them , and bear it with a Humble Patience , &c. 9. There is a certain Order , or priority of Nature , in our Notions taken from the same subject , by which one of them ( or which is the same , the Subject as grounding one of those Notions ) is conceiv'd to be kind of Efficient Cause of Another of them . For it is Evident that the First Efficiency of Fire is the making that smart Impression on our Feeling Sense which we call Heating ; out of which , if continu'd , it follows that it dissipates or shatters asunder all the parts of the mixt Body on which it works . To which 't is Consequent , that it Disgregates the Heterogeneous parts of it , and Congregates the Homogeneous ones ; from which latter Effects of Heating , as being most obvious and discernible to Mankind , Aristotle takes his Definition of Hot things . Thus , out of Rationality springs a Solid and Serious Content in Discovering new Truths , which are the Natural Perfection of a Soul ; and , from this Content a greater degree of the Love of seeing still more Truths . Thus Risibility springs from Rationality ; the Object of which is not a Solid Food , nourishing and dilating the Soul as is this later , which causes some increase of Science in her ; but as it were a kind of Light Repast and Recreation to her , sprung from the Observing some trifling particulars which were Odd , Aukward , and Sudden or Unexpected , and withal not Harmful or Contristating . 10. In those Subjects which have many Accidents in them , we must Separate those Accidents from the Subject , and consider attentively according to which of them it produces such an Effect ; which found , we shall discover a Proper Cause and its Proper Effect . For example , put case we experience Aloes purges Choler , we must separate its Colour , Smell , Hardness , Bitter Tast , and the rest of its Accidents , and endeavour to find out , according to which of them it produces that Effect ; and if we can find it does this precisely as Bitter , we shall discover that Bitterness is the proper Medicine against Choler ; and thence we can gain this Certain Knowledge , and establish this Universal Conclusion , that Every Bitter Thing is good against Choler ; according to that Solid Maxim in Logick , A Quatenus ad Omne valet consequentia . Note , That Induction in such cases gives great light to a Man already well vers'd in Natural Principles . But , this former Maxim must be Understood with this Provis● that it be meant to hold per se loquendo , as the Schools phrase it ; that is , if nothing hinders ; as it does often in the Practise of Physick . For , in Mixt Bodies there is a Strange Variety and Medly of Accidents or Qualities ; divers of which are of a Disparate and sometimes of a Sub-contrary or Contrary nature to one another ; so that it requires a great Sagacity to add to them such other Mixts as may obviate their Interfering , and make the intended Effect follow . Thus much of Demonstration from the thing as it is Active , or from the Efficient ; which is the first of the Four Causes . 11. Demonstrations may be taken also from the Matter or Material Cause , that is from the Thing or Subject , as it is Passive . For , from the Divisibility of a Thing ( whether that Divisibility be Metaphysical , or Physical ) we may demonstrate the Corruptibility of it ; which , necessarily following out of the Thing as 't is Divisible , is therefore a Property of it . Thus , capable of Admiring is a Property necessarily Inferring Rationality in it's Subject : Admiration being nothing but a Suspension of the Rational Faculty at a stand , or non-plust , to find a Reason for the thing it admires ; whence it inferrs demonstratively a Power of Reasoning , capable to act or exercise it self in other things . Of this kind are all Passive Properties , which are quarto modo ( as the Schools Phrase is ) or properly such : For , these springing necessarily or immediatly out of the Essence , are , by consequence , Naturally Connected with it , and the Essence with them ; whence they are Proper Mediums to inferr demonstratively such an Essence à Posteriori , and the Essence a fit Medium to demonstrate them à priori . 12. That Demonstrations may be taken from the Formal Cause or from the Subject as 't is Formally and Essentially such , has been shewn above Lesson . 3. §§ . 7. and 8. where it was manifested that the Middle Notions in the Gradual Line , giving us the parts that were included in the Definition , are Proper Middle Terms to connect demonstratively the Inferiour and Superiour Notions . 13. The Causality of the Final cause consiststing in this , that it moves the Efficient to act , this Cause can have no place but in Intelligent Beings . This is Evident , because only such can know an End or consequently aim at it , or work for it . Corol. II. Wherefore , when 't is said that such an Effect ( v. g. the following of water in a Pump ) happens in Nature ne detur vacuum , that Nature flies from or abhors vacuum ; that ( as Aristotle acutely speculated ) Entia nolunt malè gubernari ; and such like ; the true Meaning of those Sayings can only be this , that 't is highly against the Nature of the First Intelligent Being who created the World , and of the Inferior ones ( Angels ) who manage it under him , that Ground should be laid in Nature for a Contradiction to be True , or that the Course of Nature should be contriv'd in a bad method or carry'd on after an absurd manner . Corol. XII . Hence , these sayings , thus rightly understood , have in them the force of a Nobler and more Solid Demonstration from the Final Cause , than can be taken from any Corporeal Efficients and Effects , though they be never so Proper to one another . For , these Sayings engage the Nature of the Supreme Cause , and of the Noblest causes under him ; and which , had they not Rectitude in their Understandings , Wills and Operations , all Nature would be wrong , and ground or beget in us nothing but Error . The Demonstration stands thus . The Immediate End of those Causes is that the World should be Order'd Wisely , that is , so as that th● Things should be a Ground for Truth ; therefore 't is most highly Impossible there can be any Ground for a Contradiction , in Things which the First Cause did make , and the others do manage : But , were there a vacuum there would be Ground for a Contradiction . Ergo , &c. Corol. XIII . Hence , we may with pity remark the Ignorance , Folly or rather Phrenzy of those gross Speculators , who , by allowing nothing but the Course of Nature , are forc●d by their Impious and Foolish Tenet to speak of Insensible things , as if they were Intelligent . 'T is something pardonable in Lovers , when they speak to Trees , Rivers , and Mountains to vent the Passion that be-mads them ; but 't is shameful in Pretenders to Philosophy , who are to reduce Natural Effects to their Causes , and to speak of both literally as they are . Yet , such and so apply'd , must be the Common language of meer Naturalists , who look no higher than Matter , and talk of Great Nature , or the Soul of the World , and such windy whimsies , Ordering things thus and thus , that is Designing an End ; Hating and Abhorring this thing , Affecting another . Which yet , all the while , they deny to be Intelligent things , lest they should grant a First Being making Nature , and Spiritual Second Causes carrying on the Course of it , and Moving it regularly . Nor Matters it that we had now and than to use the same Language ; for we do acknowledge it to be Improper , and can reduce it to a Litteral Sense agreeing to the Natures of those things manag'd by such Governors , which these Men cannot . 14. There can be no Final Cause in respect to GOD. For End and Good being the same , and GOD being Infinitely Perfect and Infinitely Happy in Himself , there can no Good accrue to him from any thing out of himself , or from Creatures , and so they cannot have the Notion of an End in respect to him . Wherefore , when it is said that GOD aims at the Good of his Creatures , or that to Govern the World wisely is his End ; the meaning of these words is only this , that he acts as becomes his Wisdom , or ( his Wisdom being his Essence ) he acts as he is . 15. Speaking of Mankind , we can demonstrate some Acts of his Will from the Final Cause supposed , and a Final Cause from the supposed Acts of his Will. For , since the Will is a Power , and all Powers are specify'd or have their particular Essence from the respect they have to such or such Objects ; and the Object of the Will is an Appearing Good , it follows that it is Essential to the Will to act for an Appearing Good , Wherefore , if we can demonstrate ( as we may often ) that such a particular Object must ( all things consider'd ) appear a Good to a Man in such circumstances ; it will both follow â priori that , if his Will acts , it is for an Appearing Good ; and also â posteriori , that , if there be an Appearing Good , there will follow an Act of his Will. The Proof of both is plain , For , since the Will is a Power to Act for an Appearing Good , if it did not ( in due circumstance ) act for it , it would follow that the Will is not a Will ; or else it must follow , that an Appearing Good is not the Object of the Will. Whence , since it can have no other Object Imaginable , it would follow again that the Will is no Power ; and consequently , no Will. Nor does this take away the Liberty of the Will , which is exercis'd in Chusing one out of many , but establisheth the Essence of it . Corol. 14. Hence the most easie and most connaturall way to manage or treat with Mankind , is , to make that , which you would bring them to do , appear to be their Good ; for then they will be sure to obey . And if , either thro' Perversness or Delusion by others , they will not be brought to see that which is for the Common Good to be their own , there is no way left but to Over-awe them with fear ; that so , at least , it may appear to them a Good to avoid Punishment . LESSON VI. Several Instances of Demonstration . 1. THE Method of Demonstrating is two-fold ; the One Is perform'd by Exact Syllogisms in right Mood and Figure . The other by laying first certain Maxims , Axioms , or Pestulatums . and then proving the Theses by the Concatenation of many Propositions orderly succeeding one another , which is the way Euclid takes . For this later way may be full as solid as the other , tho' it looks not so Artificially ; provided it's several Consequences be Immediate , and nothing be assum'd which is not some way Evident . This way also is Shorter , and more fit to comprize much Truth , or many Syllogisms , in a little room . The other way is Clearer at first sight . This is more fit for Writers , whose Productions may be scann'd leasurely by multitudes of Readers and Examiners . That , is proper for Disputants in the Schools , who are to Argue or Answer upon the Spot : and ought to be so well verst in the Rules of Art as to be ready to act the part of Opponent or Respondent ex tempore , and without Studying . Amongst the other differences between them this is one , that if an obstinate Adversary denies any Link , in the Demonstration of the Second kind , to be connected to the Other part of the Chain , recourse must be forcibly had to the Syllogistick Method , to convince him by plain Self-evident Principles of our Understanding , on which all Force of Consequence is built , We shall give here some few Examples , of either Method . The first of which is purely Logical ; the Second , Arithmetical : The Third and Fourth , Physical : The Fifth , Sixth , and Seventh , Metaphysical . Thesis I. Infinit Number is Impossible . Demonstration First . Bar-Whatever involves a Contradiction is Impossible ; but ba-All Infinit Number involves a Contradiction ; therefore ra-All Infinit Number is Impossible . The Minor is thus prov'd . Bar-Whatever Notion compriz'd under any of the Common heads is neither the Genus of it's Particular Kind , nor any Species under that Genus , involves a Contradiction , but ba-All Infinit Number ( it being Discrete Quantity ) is Compriz'd under one of the Common Heads , and yet is neither the Generical Notion of Discrete Quantity , nor any Species of it ; therefore ra-All Infinit Number involves a Contradiction . 2. The Major is evident . For all the Notions of any Common Head , till we come to the bottom of that Scale , are either Generical or Specifical . Whence , such a Notion as Infinit Number would be under that Common Head ( as 't is evident Discrete Quantity is under Quantity ) and yet it would not be under it , because Infinit Number is neither the Genus of Discrete Quantity , nor any Species of it . The Minor likewise as to it 's First part is most Evident , because Infinit Number is a Number ; nor is it less a Number for it's being Infinit , but more . The same Minor , as to it's Second part , viz. that Infinit Number cannot be the Genus , or the whole Notion of Discrete Quantity , is thus prov'd . Ce-No Notion that is not Comprehended in each of it's Species can be a Generical Notion or a Genus ; but la-Every Infinit Number is a Notion that is not comprehended in each of the Species of Discrete Quantity therefore rent-No infinit Number can be the Generical Notion of Discrete Quantity . 3. The Major is Evident . For the Genus or Superiour Notion is but a Part of the Inferiour or the Species , and a Part must necessarily be Comprehended in the Whole . And , accordingly , we find the whole Notion and Definition of Animal to be in Homo , of Corpus in Vivens , and of Ens in all under it . 4. This last Minor is likewise most evident : For Ten and Twenty are Species of Discrete Quantity , being both of them Numbers ; and yet 't is impossible that the Notion of Infinit Discrete Quantity or Infinit Number , should be found in each of these ; which yet it must be , if Infinite Quantity be their Genus . 5. The Former Minor , according to it's Third part , viz. that Infinit Number can be no Species of Number or Discrete Quantity , is thus prov'd . Ce-No Species comprehends all that is in it's fellow-Species , but leaves it somewhat which it self has not ; but la-Every Infinit Number comprehends all that is in it's fellow-Species , and does not leave it somewhat which it self had not ; therefore rent . No Infinit Number can be a Species of Discrete Quantity . 6. The Minor is prov'd : For , Essential Differences that constitute the Species , are more and less of the Genus , and not All and None . And , as for the Formal part of the several Species of Number , they are Constituted formally by some one Unity shutting up the rest ; otherwise those Species had had no Distinct Notion , being Indeterminate : v. g. Ten and Twenty are Formally such Species of Number , because there is a Tenth Unity and a Twentieth in them , shutting up or Determining ( that is Terminating ) those Unities which were presupposed . Wherefore , for the same reason , if Infinit Number be a Distinct Species , it must have , besides It 's other Material Constituents , something belonging to it's own Intrinsical and Particular nature , constituting it formally of such a Species ; which can be nothing but an Infinitth one , Determining or Terminating it in the Line of Number ; which is a clear contradiction and makes an Infinit to be Finite . The same Thesis Infinit Number is impossible . Demonstration Second . Axiom . Units are the Elements of which all Number consists , v. g. The Number of Twenty is Twenty Ones , The Number of a Hundred is a Hundred Ones ; and for the same reason , an Infinit Number consists of Infinit Ones . Da-Whatever Tenet puts some One to be Infinitely distant in the Line of Number from Another One assignable , or puts an Infinitth One , puts a Contradiction ; but ri-The Tenet of an Infinit Number puts some One to be Infinitly distant in the Line of Number from Another One assignable , or an Infinitth One ; therefore i-The Tenet of an Infinit Number puts a Contradiction . 7. The Major is self-evident , for it clearly puts àn Infinit or Endless Number , to have Two Ends ; viz. this One assignable , and that other One Suppos'd Infinitely distant from it , or the Infinitth One. 8. The Minor is also Evident . For , since , by the Axiom , all Number , even tho' Infinit , consists of One's as it 's constituent parts , if no One be an Infinitth , then every one is a Finitth ; and so ( all the parts being the whole ) that Whole , or the Infinit Number it self , must be Finite which is a Contradiction . Thesis II. All Continu'd Quantity is one Whole consisting of Potential , or still Divisible , Parts . Demonstration III. Axiom I. Quantity is Divisible without end , This is suppos'd prov'd by Euclid , Element . Lib. 6. Prop. 10 th . Axiom II. What is Actually distinct in any Line , is determinate in that Line . All Act coming from the Form ; which being Determinate it self , makes those Subjects in which it is Determinate likewise . Axiom III. A Quatenus ad omne valet consequentia . Proposition I. Quantity cannot be compounded of a Finite Number of Indivisibles . Co-Nothing that is Infinitly Divisible can consist of a Finite Number of Indivibles ; but la-All Quantity is Infinitly Divisible , therefore rent-No Quantity can consist of a Finite Number of Indivisibles . 9. The Major is evident , For , putting it to consist of a Finite Number of Indivisibles , ( Ten for example , ) when 't is Divided into those Ten , it can be no longer Divisible , and so no Quantity , by the Ax. I. Proposition II. Quantity cannot be compounded of an Infinit Number of Indivisibles . Ce-No One Indivisible added to Another can make Quantity ; but la - All Infinit Number of Indivisibles Consists of , or is One Indivisible added to Another : Therefore rent-No Infinit Number of Indivisibles can make Quantity . 10. The Minor is Evident ; for all Number ( tho' Infinit ) consists of Ones ; that is , of One added to another . Add that 't is demonstrated above that all Infinit Number is Impossible . Proposition III. If any two parts of Quantity be Actually distinct , All the parts must be Actually distinct also . Bar-What ever springs out of the precise nature of Quantity must be equally found where ever there is Quantity , or throughout all the parts of Quantity , by Axiom 3 d. But ba-All Actual Distinction of the parts of Quantity ( if put in any two ) springs out of the precise Notion of Quantity , therefore ra-All Actual Distinction of the parts of Quantity ( if put in any two ) must be equally found wherever there is Quantity , or throughout all the parts of Quantity . 11. The Minor is proved ; for , all Unity and Distinction in any Line follows out of the Entity to which it is peculiar , that is , in our case , out of the Entity or Essence of Quantity . Again , this Actual Distinction of Quantitative parts cannot spring from Substance ; for this has no Distinction of parts , but that of Matter and Form. Nor out of any other Line ; for all those do presuppose Quantity , and spring from it as the Primary Affection of Body ; therefore , if any two parts of Quantity be actually Distinct , that Distinction must proceed from the Nature of Quantity it self . 12. Now , that all the parts of Quantity should be Actually Distinct , destroys the Nature of Quantity , and is Contradictory ; is thus proved . Da-Whatever makes Quantity consist of Infinit Indivisibles contradicts the Nature of Quantity . But ri-That Position which makes all the parts of Quantity Actually Distinct , makes Quantity consist of Infinit Indivisibles , therefore i-That Position which makes all the parts of Quantity , actually Distinct , contradicts the nature of Quantity . 13. The Minor is Evident ; For , those things which are Actually Distinct quantitatively may be Divided quantitatively ; or rather are already so ; as those which are Actually Distinct in the Line of Substance , are Distinct Substances or Distinct things in that Line , Wherefore , since the Nature of such a Subject , as they put Quantity to be , does bear it , let us suppose Quantity divided into all it's Actual parts it can be divided into ; that is , into All , they being all of them suppos'd Actually Distinct ; it is manifest there could remain only Infinit Indivisibles . They must be Indivisible , because it is supposed to be Divided into all it could be Divided into ; and they must be Infinit , for Divisibility that is but Finite , would contradict Euclid's Clear and most Approved Demonstration . Besides , it would follow hence , that if all the parts of Quantity were Actually Distinct , each of them must be Determinate in the line of Quantity ; Wherefore , they being also Infinit in Number ( for a Finite Number of parts makes Quantity not to be Divisible Infinitly against Euclid's Demonstration ) it would follow that each least Quantity would be of Infinit Extension ; for the least Determinate Quantity , Infinit times repeated , makes an Infinit Extension . 14. Hence is evinced our Main Demonstration , that , since Continu'd Quantity is neither compounded of a Finit , nor of an Infinit Number of Indivisibles , nor of Actual parts , it is made up of Potential parts : that is , there is but One Actual Whole in the Line of Quantity ; and this Whole is Divisible without end . Corol. I. Hence is farther demonstrated the Unity of the whole World as to it's Quantity ; or which is the same , the Continuity of the whole imaginable Mass of Body . Corol. II. Hence is demonstrated likewise that all Vacuum , and Epicurus's Scheme of Plenum and Vacuum are Contradictory : As likewise that there cannot possibly be more Worlds than One ; the very Nature of Quantity being but One whole , Divisible still into its Potential parts , or parts still farther Divisible . Thesis III. 15. Successive Quantity or Motion , and , consequently , the Course of Nature , could not have been ab Aeterno , but must have had a Beginning . Demonstration IV. Bar-All Infinit Motion or Time is Impossible , but ba-All Duration of Motion ab Aeterno must have been for an Infinit Time , therefore ra-All Duration of Motion ab aeterno is Impossible . The Minor is Self-evident ; The Major is thus prov'd . Bar-All Infinit Time must be an Infinit Number of Determinate Parts of Time , v. g. Infinit Hours ; but ba-All Infinit Number of the Determinate parts of Time is Impossible ; Therefore ra-All Infinit Time is Impossible . 16. The Major is clearly Evident ; for , were the Number of the Determinate parts of Time Finite , then all the Parts ( which are equivalent to the Whole ) being Finite , the Whole must likewise be Finite , The Minor is prov'd above Demonstration 1. and 2. where it was demonstrated that all Infinit Number is Impossible . 17. Whence is Demonstrated our main Thesis , that Time , Motion , or the Course of Nature had a beginning . Whence many useful Conclusions may be drawn against Heathens and Atheists . Note , that 't is the same as to our Argument , whether there be an Infinit Number of parts of Time , which are Actually Determin'd and Measur'd , or no ; 't is sufficient the Subject [ Infinit Motion , or Infinit Time ] bears the having such a Determination made , by having that in it which corresponds to all those Infinit Determinate parts ; for this necessarily induces and enforces a Contradiction . Thesis IV. There are Spiritual Beings , which we call Angels . Demonstration V. Axiom . 1. What acts , is . 2. Every thing acts as it is ; and , à fortiori , cannot act directly contrary to what it is , especially as an Immediate Agent . 3. Motion is Change 4. There are no Created Beings , but either Divisible or Indivisible ones , that is Body or Spirit . 5. The First Being is Essentially Vnchangeable . Da-Whatever must be the Immediate Cause of some Effect acts , and , consequently , is : but ri-An Angel must be the Immediate Cause of some Effect ; viz. of the First Motion in Nature , therefore i-An Angel acts ; and , consequently is , The Minor is thus prov'd . Da-Every Effect that can neither be caused Immediat●ly by the First Cause no● by a Body : must have been caus'd immediatly by a Created Spirit or an Angel ; But ri-The First Motion in Nature is an Effect which could not have been caus'd Immediatly by the First Cause nor by a Body ; Therefore i-The first Motion in Nature must have been caus'd Immediatly by an Angel ; and , consequently , an Angel acts & is . The former part of th● Minor , viz. that the first Motion could not be caus'd immediately by the First Cause , is thus demonstrated . 19. Fe-No * being that is Essentially Vnchangeable , and whose Nature is directly contrary to the Nature of Change , can be the Immediate Cause o † Change or Motion ; nor , consequently , of the First Motion in Nature , but ri-The First Being is * Essentially Vnchangeable , and his Nature is directly contrary to the Nature of Change or Motion ; therefore i-The First Being cannot be the Immediate Cause of Motion or Change ; nor , consequently , of the First Motion in Nature . 20. The latter part of the former Minor , viz. that a Body could not have been the Immediate Cause of the First Motion in Nature , is thus prov'd . Ce-Nothing that , antecedently to the First Motion , was not-Moving , or in Rest , † could have been the Immediate Cause of the First Motion in Nature , but la-Every Body antecedently to the First Motion in Nature was not-Moving , or in Rest ; therefore rent-No Body could have been the Immediate Cause of the First Motion in Nature . Note that this Demonstration supposes a First Motion in Nature , which was prov'd . Demonstration 4. LESSON VII . Other Instances of Demonstration . Thesis V. THere is a First Self-Existent Being ; or a Deity . Demonstration VI. Proposition I. The Notion or Nature of Ens and of Existent in Creatures , ( and consequently of Essence and Existence ) are Distinct. Da-Every Notion of which [ Existent ] and [ not-existent ] may be truly predicated is Different from the Notion of Existent ; But ri-The Notion of Ens ( in its First and Proper Signification , taken for an Individual Substance ) is a Notion of which Existent and not-existent may be predicated ; therefore i — The Notion of Ens ( thus understood ) is d●fferent from the Notion of Existent ; and , consequently , the Notions of Essence and Existence are also Distinct. 2. The Minor is Evident . For we can truly say that [ Petrus est ] while he is Living ; and as truly say of the same Peter , that [ Fuit ] or [ non-est ] when he is Dead . 3. The Major is no less Evident ; For , when we say [ Petrus est ] or [ Peter is Existent ] were the notion of the Predicate [ Existent ] the same with [ Peter ] the Subject , the Proposition would be ( in sense ) formally Identical , and the same as 't is to say , [ what 's Existent is Existent ] Wherefore , when we say [ Petrus non est ] or Peter is not-Existent , Peter Signifying the same as Existent , it would be the same as if we said , what 's Existent is not Existent , which is a Contradiction . Proposition II. 4. The Notion of Ens Abstracts from Existence , or is Indifferent to it and to Non-existence . This needs no farther Proof ? For , in the two Propositions lately mention'd , Existent and not Existent are truly predicated of the same Ens viz. Peter ; which could not be , unless the Subject [ Peter ] did Abstract from both , or were Indifferent to both . Besides , all the Words which we use to express the Notions or Natures of any Created Ens whatever , do so perfectly Abstract from Existence , that it is neither Exprest , Imply'd , nor in the least Hinted in them ; as appears in the words , Lapis , Quercus , Bucephalus , Petrus , Raphael ; which give us not the least light or intimation that they are Existent or not-Existent . Proposition III. 5. Were there any Inclination in Created Entities to one more than to the other , it seems to be rather to Not-being ; than to Being . For , since Peter , even tho' possest of Actual Being , is still no less capable of Not-being ; it seems as if he had a particular Natural Tendency to Not-being ; because , tho' supported Formally ( as it were ) by it's Opposit [ Actual Existence ] he is notwithstanding , no less a Capacity of Not-existing ; his Original nothingness being so radicated in his Nature as he is a Creature , that it sticks to it , and inclines him to it , even while he is . Proposition IV. 6. Existence is no ways Intrinsical to any Created Ens ; either Essentially , or as an Affection springing out of it's Essence . This has been demonstrated Prop. 2 d. and 3 d. Because Every nature requires all it's Intrinsicals , and what follows out of them , or is Connected with them ; and is not Indifferent to have them or not have them , as Ens is to have or not have Existence . Proposition V. 7. All Created things have their Existence from something that is Extrinsical to them . For , whatever has any thing and not from it's self , or from it's own Intrinsical Nature , must have it from Another , or from something that is Extrinsical to it ; there being no Third sort of Cause imaginable , which is neither Intrinsical nor Extrinsical ; that is , which is neither it's self nor Another . Proposition VI. 8. No Created Ens can give Existence to another , For tho' ( as was shown formerly ) the virtue by which the Ens operates be the Existence of that Ens ; yet it can work no otherwise than as the Thing it self is , or according to the Nature of the Thing , which has that Existence ; whose Nature it actually Imprints ( as it were ) on the Subject , as we find in Fire heating , in Water moistning , and in the whole Line of Universal Causality . Again , since the whole Line of Causality also bears that no Cause can act unless it be first Determin'd , and , as it were Appropriated to work such an Effect , ( whence come those establisht Maxims that the Course of Nature is carry'd on by Proper Causes to Proper Effects , and Ex indifferente nihil sequitur . ) Therefore , seeing ( Prop. 2. ) The Created Ens to which such an Existence belongs , and , consequently , the Nature or Essence of that Ens , Abstracts from all Existence ; and is perfectly Indifferent even to it 's own , and much more to the Existence of any other Ens ; it follows demonstratively that no Created Ens can give Existence to another , or be the Proper Cause of it . Therefore Proposition VII . 9. There must be some Vncreated Cause that gives Existence to all Created Entities . This is already † Evident ; since no Created Entity can have it's Existence either from it's own Intrinsical Nature , or from any other Creature . Proposition VIII . 10. This Vncreated Cause of all Existence must be Self-Existent ; that is , his Essence must be his Existence . For , were his Essence Indifferent to Existence , or Existence Accidental to him and not Essential , he would need Another Cause to give him Existence , for the same reason Creatures do , and , so He would not be Vncreated . Therefore there is a First Self-existent Being or a DEITY . Corol. III. Hence it is seen that all that Created Causes operate upon Entities , grown to maturity is to dispose to the not being of the things they work upon ; by Altering the Matter so that , out of those Alterations brought to such a point , the Body ceases to be any longer of such a Nature or Kind ; and consequently loses it's Existence . At which Instant the Providence of the First Being so Orders his World , that those Determinations of Matter , which were Inconsistent with the Former Ens , should be Proper for the New Ens that is to succeed ; to which in the very First Instant the other ceases to be , and this new one is Ultimately Determin'd to be this , He , by his Bountiful and Steady Emanation of Being , gives it such a peculiar Existence as is Commensurated and Proper to it's Essence . Thesis VI. An Angel cannot undergo any Change after the First Instant of it's Being . Demonstration VII . Axiom 1. If Agent and Patient be perfectly fitted as to the nature of Agent and Patient , there needs no more to begin the Effect , actually but Application . 2. If Agent and Patient be perfectly fitted as to the nature of Agent and Patient , and the Effect be Indivisible , there needs no more to begin and end , that is to Compleat the Effect at once , but Application . 3. An Indivisible Effect cannot be perform'd by piecemeal or by parts . 4. Every thing operates as it is . 5. No Change can be made without the Operation of some Cause . 6. A Pure Spirit is not Quantitative , a Body is . Proposition I. No Corporeal Operation is without Local Motion . For , since Ax. 4. Every thing operates as it is , what is Quantitative operates Quantitatively ; but , nothing can operate Quantitatively , or exercise 't is Quantity , when it perfectly rests according to it's Quantity , that is , moves not according to it's Quantity : It follows , then , that to Operate Quantitatively is to move according to Quantity . Wherefore , since nothing can move according to it's Quantity , but either Intrinsically , by having it's Quantity made greater or less ; or Extrinsically , that is , by having it's Quantity ( unmov'd as to it 's own parts or it's self ) mov'd towards Another ; and both these do evidently require some kind of Local Motion ; 't is Evident likewise , that No C●●poreal Operation is without Local Motion . Proposition II. 13. That an Angel is not susceptible of Local Motion . For , since Motion is Mutation ; and , consequently , Local Motion , Mutation or Change according to Place ; and Change of Place does necessarily require some Space , and Space is Quantity ; it follows , that Local Motion cannot be made in a Subject which has no Quantity . But Angels ( they being Pure Spirits ) * are not Quantitative ; therefore they are not Susceptible of Local Motion , or capable of having Local Motion made in them . Proposition III. 15. That no Body can cause a Change in an Angel. For , since no † Operation of Body is without Local Motion ; and † an Angel ( it being a Pure Spirit ) is not susceptible of Local Motion ; it follows , that neither is it Susceptible of the Operation of Body . But † No Cause can change any thing unless that Cause operates upon it ; Therefore no Body can cause any Change in an Angel. Proposition IV. 16. That an Angel cannot change it self after the First Instant . For , since a Cause , the self same in all respects , if the Patient be likewise the self same , and the Application also the self same , produces the self-same Effect equally in any time assignable that is sufficient for such an Effect ; and an Angel , put to act upon it self or change it self after the first Instant , is put to be the self-same , as to its being a Cause in every Instant before it acts ; as likewise to be the self-same Patient in all respects , and the Application of it self to its self cannot but be Equal ; it follows that in any time sufficient for the same Effect it will produce the same Effect , that is , act upon it self or change it self . Wherefore , since an Effect in an Indivisible subject is Indivisible , that is , Impossible not to be all at once , or in one Instant ; and an Angel , being a Pure Spirit , is * * an Indivisible Subject ; t is Evident that this Effect , or the Action of that Spirit upon it self , would be equally made in every Instant in case it were not already made ; that is , can only be made in the First Instant . Wherefore an Angel cannot change it self after the First Instant . Proposition V. 17. If there were only Two Angels Existent , one of them could not act upon the other after the very First Instant of their Being . Let there be only Two Angels , the one whereof can work upon the other ; and let the Agent be A : the Patient B : and , because they are suppos'd not to act in the First Instant , but after some Duration , let the Duration assign'd be C ; the Instant at the end of that Duration in which they first work D. Since neither A. nor B. are able to work upon themselves except in the First Instant , † and ( as is suppos'd ) one works not upon the other till the Instant D : they must necessarily remain in all respects the same they were in the First Instant till the Instant D ; that is , for the whole Intermediat Duration C : Therefore they are equally fitted in point of Agent and Patient in each ( nay in the very First ) Instant of the Duration C : as they are in the Instant D ; But in the Instant D , in which they acted , they were in all points fitted to act ; therefore , they were also in all points perfectly fitted to act in the very first Instant of the Duration C : Wherefore † the Effect Begun , and , the Subject being Indivisible , * Ended in the very First Instant , in case their wanted not Application of the perfectly-ready Agent to the perfectly-dispos'd Patient . But there wanted not Application in the very First Instant ; For , since Quantitative Application , or Propinquity , is not competent to Pure Spirits ; all the Application they can be imagin'd to have to one another is by Knowledg and Will. But they had the same Knowledg and Will for the Whole Duration antecedent , because they are suppos'd Vnchang'd and perfectly the same for that whole Duration . And , tho' they had not had it formerly , the Argument returns with the same force ; that they could not have had this new Knowledg and Will from Themselves in any part of that Duration , nor from a Body , and therefore they must have had it from an●ther Spirit ; and this in the First Instant , because * that Other was then perfectly apt to give it , This perfectly apt to receive it . And , consequently , If there were only Two Angels Existent one of them could not act upon rhe other after the very First Instant of their Being . Proposition VI. 18. Put any multitude of Angels , how great soever , all that they can work upon one another will be perform'd in the First Instant of their Being . For , since , where there are only Two , † one must therefore act upon the other in the First Instant or not at all , because all the imaginable Concurrents to that Action were then adequately put ; the rest also , where there are more , will for the same reason be wrought upon in the same Instant , in case the Causes of that Action be then adequately put . But they are all Adequately put in the same First Instant ; For the second Angel that acts either is a perfect Agent , and perfectly apply'd by what it has of it self , or by what it has from another ; wherefore , since it can never want what it has of it self , or by it's self , it cannot want any thing to work upon the Third , unless it be to be wrought upon by the First , and so be fitted to work upon the Third , but this is done in the very † first Instant , wherefore also the Third will , for the same reason , be wrought upon in the self-same Instant . Again , since the Third cannot be imagin'd to want any thing to enable it to work upon the Fourth , but to be chang'd by the Second , and this was done as was now shown , in the First Instant ; the Causes of changing the Fourth were adequately put in the same Instant too , and † consequently the Effect . And , since how far soever we proceed , the same reason holds , viz. that the Effects are still Indivisible , and all the Causes of each immediately succeeding Effect , still adequately put in the first Instant , it will follow , that the Effects will still be put in the same Instant , by the same necessity that the Effect of the First up on the Second was put in the First Instant of their Being ; Therefore , all whatever any Multitude of Angels , how great soever , can work upon one another is perform'd in the First Instant of their Being . Proposition VII . 19. That 't is Infinitly more Impossible an Angel should be chang'd by God after the first Instant , than by any other Spirit . For , since the Angel is in the same manner capable of Change , as far as concerns it's self or it 's own power to be changed , whether God or any other Spirit be to change it , on that side precisely there is a perfect Equality . Wherefore seeing , on the other side , 't is infinitly more Impossible that GOD should not have Power to change her in the First Instant , than that any other Spirit should not have such a Power ; and Infinitly more Impossible that GOD should not , of himself , be ultimately dispos'd to act where the nature of the thing is capable of it , his Nature being Pure Actuality . Also , since 't is Infinitly more Impossible that GOD should , after some Duration , receive any Change in himself , fitting him to produce that Effect , than that any other Spirit should ; And , lastly , since 't is Infinitly more Impossible his Active Power should not be Apply'd to the Patient ; both in regard he most necessarily and comprehensively knows it , and most intimately , by himself , conserves it in Being . Wherefore , since from these Considerations or Reasons , however Infinitly short in Creatures , it is concluded to be Impossible that even any Other Spirit , if it should change an Angel at all , should not change it in the First Instant , and these Considerations or Reasons are found to be in GOD with Infinitly greater Advantage ; it is Evident that 't is Infinitly more Impossible that GOD , if he change an Angel at all , should not change it in the first Instant , that is , should change it in the Intermediate Duration ; than that any other Spirit should . Proposition IX . 20. That 't is absolutely Impossible an Angel should be Changed after the First Instant of it's Being . For , since * no Change can be made without ●he working of Some Cause ; and no † Body can work upon an Angel , and all that it self or any other Created Spirit can work upon it , must necessarily be in the very First Instant of it's Being ; † and * 't is much more Impossible GOD should work upon it , unless in the First Instant , than that any Created Spirit should ; and there can be no Cause possible or Imaginable besides GOD , Created Spirits , or Bodies ; it follows that there can be no Cause at all to work upon an Angel , or to Change it after the First Instant of it's Being ; and , therefore , it can undergo no Change after that First Instant . ADVERTISEMENT . 1. THIS last Conclusion may seem a strange Paradox to some Readers , whose Reason and Principles have not rais'd them above Fancy . But not to insist farther on the Evidence of our Consequences from Undeniable Principles , which have forced the Necessity of our Conclusion , such men are desir●d to reflect that [ Ens ] being divided as by it's Proper Differences , by [ Divisible ] and [ Indivisible ] and these Differences being Contradictory to one another ; it follows that [ Body ] and [ Spirit ] which are the Species constituted by those Differences , do agree in nothing at all but in the Common and Generical notion of Ens ; or in this that they are , both of them , Capable of Being . Whence , 't is Logically demonstrated that they must Differ , nay contradictorily disagree , in every thing else ; so that whatever else is Affirm'd literally of the one must be deny'd of the other . Wherefore , since we can truly and literally Affirm that Body is Quantitative , Corruptible , in Place mov'd Locally , Chang'd by Time or Subject to it , Capable of Succession , or of Before and After which are the Differences of time &c. we must be forced with equal Truth Literally to Deny all these of Pure Spirits or Angels , because none of these do belong to the Common Generical Notion of Ens , but to that Difference which constitutes that Species call'd Body ; and , therefore , the Contradictory to all these , and amongst them to be Vnsuccessive in it's Operations , must be predicated of the other Species , call'd Spirit . It will , I doubt not , be much wonder'd at too , that the Devils should be Damn'd in the First Instant of their being ; which looks as if they were Created in the state of Damnation ; A thing certainly , most Unworthy GOD , who is Essentially and Infinitly Good. But , their wonder will cease if they reflect that those Bad Angels had far more Knowledg , and consequently more perfect Deliberation ( such as they can have ) in that one Single Instant than We could have had tho' we have been a thousand years Considering and Deliberating e'er we had made our Choice of our last End , and fix our Resolution to adhere to it Finally . So that it never lay in the power of any Man to have so Clear a Knowledg of his Duty , and so perfect and full sight of all the Motives to continue in that Duty , as the Devil and his Angels had in that one Instant . Whence , the Crime of Lucifer , and his Adherents , was a Sin of pure Malice , and not mere Frailty , or mixt with Frailty ; much less of Inadvertence , Speculative Ignorance , or suggested by the Soul 's deprav'd Companion , the Body ; as are the Sins of the Generality of Mankind , some Inconsiderable number of them excepted , whose Souls are thorowly poison'd with Spiritual Sin 's peculiar to the Devil ; such as are Spiritual Pride , Malice , Envy or such like ; which wicked Sinners are therefore , even while here , so many Limbs ( as it were ) of the Devil , and very difficult to be brought to any Repentance . And this is the reason why GOD's Wisdom , Goodness and Justice laid so many Miracles of Mercy to save poor weak Mankind ; and left the Faln Angels in the sad condition , in which they had so wilfully and desperately engulft themselves . Wisely and Justly placing it in the Order of Causes , that that Sin , which was so perfectly , and ( in despite of all Motives to the contrary ) so Wilfully Resolute , should be Irretractable ; whereas , on the other side , Sins of mere Frailty are not hard to be repented of , when the alluring circumstance is past and gone ; The same Faculty which permitted them to fall , leaving them likewise in a Pliableness to reform and retract what their Reason , abus'd by Passion , had ; perhaps either by surprize or after much struggling , ( that is half unwillingly ) yielded to . Corol. I. Hence , abstracting from Faith and Theology ) 't is Demonstrated against the Originists , by Reason reflecting on the nature of Things , that the Devils are to be Eternally Damn'd ; and how , and why 't is Impossible their Hell should have an End. For , they cannot be saved without Repentance , nor repent without having some new Motive which they either knew not of before , or did not well consider of it . Neither of which can have place here ; for , since they acquire no New Knowledg either by the Senses , or by Discourse , it follows that they have all in the first Instant that is due to their Natures ; that is they know all they could possibly know , and out of that Knowledg made their Full and Final Choice . Nor can there be Consideration in a Knower that sees all things by Simple Intuition . For , Consideration is the Comparing one Motive with another , and therefore 't is an Operation Proper to that Knower that works by Abstracted Notions or Considerations of the Thing . Whence it is most Improper and Incompetent to such an Intelligent Being as knows all as once by way of Simple Intuition . Corol. II. Tho' all that can concern the Internal Operations of Angels was finished in an Instant , yet we may , for all that , conceive certain Priorities of Nature , in the Course or Process ( as it were ) of what belongs to them in that First Instant . v. g. We can conceive them to be ; and to be Good according to th●ir Essence and Existence , as coming Immediately out of God's hand , ere we conceive their own Depraved Will made them Bad. We can conceive them to know Themselves ere they knew in and by Themselves the whole Angelical Order , and the whole Course of Nature . We can conceive them to know Themselves as most fit ( under God ) to preside over Humane Nature , ere they knew that a Man , by the Incarnation of the Word was to be their Head , and ( as it were ) take their office out of their hands , and be Lord of themselves too ; We can conceive them to know This ( which was the cause of their Aversion from GOD ) ere we can conceive them to have had that Aversion from him , for his thus Ordering things . We can conceive Lucifer , their Ring-leader , to have had that Aversion ere he propos'd his Seditious thoughts to other Angels , to debauch them from their Allegiance . We can conceive him to have Debaucht them , ere we conceive the Contrast and Battle was between Michael and his Loyal Angels , and Lucifer with his Rebellious Troops . Lastly , we can conceive this Battel fought , ere the latter black Squadrons were cast down from their Sublime Height into Hell. All these , I say , may be Conceiv'd to have had certain Priorities of Nature to one another , such as those Causes and Effects use to have which are in the same Instant : So that this Single Instant of theirs is , ( tho not Formally , yet ) virtually , and in order to the many Indivisible Effects producible in it , Equivalent or ( as we use to say ) as good as a Long Series of our Time : Not by way of Quantitative Commensuration of one to the other , but by the Eminency of the Angelical Duration or Aeviternity , which is of a Superiour Nature to Body , and consequently Bodily Motion or Time ; and Comprehending it all Indivisibly and Instantaneously . Corol. III. Hence it follows , that the Several Instants which Divines put in Angelical Actions , and particularly in Lucifer and his Fiends , before their Fall , can be no way Solidly explicated and conformably to the nature of Pure Spirits , but by those Priorities of Nature : For since Comparisons can only be made of those Natures which are ejusdem generis we cannot Compare , or Commensurate those Actions which are Spiritual to the Succession found in the Actions of Bodies , which are Measurable by Time , any more than we can their Essence to the Nature of a Body ; and it would be an odd Comparison to say , an Angel is as Knowing as a Horse is Strong , or as a Wall is Hard : Wherefore , [ Before ] and [ After ] which are Differences of Time or Successive Motion , can never be with good Sense apply'd to the Operations of Pure Spirits . Again , should we allow such Instants Succeeding one another , it would avail nothing : † For , since one Indivisible added to another cannot make a thing Greater , nor , consequently , a Duration Longer ; the putting many of them advances no farther than the First Indivisible or the First Instant . Add , that even those Divines who put diverse Instants , do all owe our Principles , that Angels are Indivisible Substances ( for did they hold them Corporeal , as some of the Fathers did , I should not wonder at their Inconsistency ) but they are frightned from the Conclusions that Naturally and Necessarily follow thence ; either because they vainly fear Scripture-Texts , expressing things humano more , or in Accomodation to our low Conceptions , cannot otherwise be verified ; or else , because those Conclusions too much shock their Fancy by their seeming Extravagancy ; or lastly , because they are willing to gratifie and please the Fancy of the Vulgar which is startled at such uncouth propositions : And this is one mane Hindrance to the Advancement of Science , when men are afraid of their own Conclusions ; because the herd of vulgar Philosophers will dislike and decry them : A Fault which , I hope , I have not been Guilty of in this former Treatise ; but have both avoided it my self , and have Indeavour'd to prevent it in others ; by holding firmly , and directing others to hold to the right Notions or Natures of the things , and to pursue steadily the Consequences that do naturally Issue from them ; how Aukward soever the Conclusions may seem , to those who take their Measures from Fancy how to frame their Rules of Logick , which are to direct their Reason . LESSON VIII . Of Opinion and Faith. 1. SCience being grounded on Intrinsical Mediums , and on such as are Proper or Immediately Connected with the Extrems , whence it has to be Evident ; it follows , that those Mediums which are either Extrinsical to the thing , or Common ones cannot beget Science , but some Inevident or Obscure kinds of Light , call'd Faith and Opinion : The former of which is grounded on an Extrinsical Medium call'd Witnessing Authority or Testimony ; the Later , on Remote or Common Mediums ; which seem to bend or lean towards the Conclusion , but do not by any Maxim of true Logick reach it , or inferr it ; Examples of both may be these . 2. That which is Attested unanimously by such a Multitude of Witnesses , and so Circumstanc'd , that they can neither be Mistaken in it Themselves , nor Conspire to deceive others is true ; But That there is such a City as Rome is attested by such a multitude of Witnesses , and so Circumstanc'd , that they can neither be Mistaken in it Themselves , nor Conspire to deceive others ; therefore That there is such a City as Rome is True. What 's Promis'd will be ; but That my Debtor will pay me money to morrow is what 's promis'd ; therefore That my Debtor will pay me money to morrow will be ; Where Omitting the Former at present , the Medium [ what 's Promis'd ] is a Common Notion in respect of Paying ; whence we use to say , All Promises are either Broken or Kept : Besides , 't is far from being Proper or Immediate to the Effect of Paying ; in regard that multitudes of Cross-causes may intervene , hindering that Effect from following , tho' never so really intended ; whereas taking a Proper Effect [ viz. my Chambers being Enlightn'd ] prov'd by it's Proper Cause [ the Suns darting it's Rayes in through my Window ] at which rate all the Course of Nature , and all the Demonstrations that might be fram'd of it all along , do hang together , nothing can intervene to hinder it ; the Efficiency of the Cause being still the Putting the Effect . 3. Common Mediums not being immediate but Remote , are not in true Speech Mediums apt to Connect the Extremes . For , since what Connects two others must it self be Connected with them both ; and what is Connected to two things must be Immediate to them both ; it follows , that a Common Notion , not being Immediate to the Two Extremes , cannot Connect them ; and , so , cannot be in proper Speech , or Univocally , a Middle Term with that which is Immediate . 4. Wherefore , all Assent to a Conclusion from a Common Medium is a Deviation from Humane Nature ; and , consequently , Opprobrious . Whence comes the Proverb Turpe est opinari , 't is Shameful to Assent upon Uncertain and Inconclusive Mediums , such as are Common ones . To which agrees that saying of Holy Writ , Qui credit citò levis est corde ; He that assents hastily is light of heart ; that is Inconstant or Unsteady in his Thoughts and Actions . Whence also he that adheres stiffly upon Opinionative Grounds incurrs the Note of being an Opiniatre . The reason is , becau●e , Reason being Man's Nature , so that as Brutes are led by Sense so he is led by some Reason ( good or bad ) in all his Actions , and True Reason being a Power to draw True Conclusions out of True Premisses ; hence , every Assent Involves ( as it were practically ) that the thing is True for such a Reason ; which Proposition is False if that Reason , for which he assents , does not Conclude it True , as Common Mediums do not . Wherefore , Reason being the true Nature given us by GOD ; and Truth the Perfection of that Nature , all Assents upon Incompetent or Inconclusive Grounds do doubly injure our Nature ; First , as to its Essence , by Concluding unduely ; next , as to it's Perfection , in making it embrace a Falsho●d ; and , such a Falshood as makes it liable to fall into many others , by imbuing the understanding with a wrong Method of Reasoning ; whence he lies expos'd , by leaving the paths of Right Reason , to the Disrepute of being either Passionate or Ignorant . 5. They who do Assent upon such an Inconclusive Medium , notwithstanding that they see it is Inconclusive , are convinc'd to be Deserters of Humane Nature , and led blindly by Passion . For , since all Reasoning is built upon First Principles , they who come nearest the Deny●ng First Principles , do radically ( as it were ) put off and abdicate their Whole Nature ; But such Assenters come as near as is possible to the Denying First Principles ; for they Assent , that is , they Judge or say interiourly , the Conclusion is True , or that the thing is ; and yet they see at the same time , that the Reason , on which only they relie for that Assent , does not Con●lude it to be ; that is , they see it may not be , notwithstanding that Reason : which is to Assent or Judge that to be , which yet , at the same time , they Judge may not be : which is in Substance , though not in Direct Terms , ( Nature not permitting such a palpable Contradiction to settle in a Subject made to see Truth ) as 't is to Deny the First Principle [ what it is ] or , It is Impossible a Thing should be and not be at once . Corol. I. Hence , such Men are convinc'd to bely their own knowledge , to be False to themselves , Self-condemn'd , highly Passionate , Prejudic'd and Govern'd by meer Will ; that is , to be blindly Willful ; which is the Greatest and most Unnatural Depravation , that a Spiritual or Knowing Nature is capable of . Wherefore , they are Justly held to be disposed for any Ill that a Depraved Soul can desire . Which ought to make every prudent Man wary in his Conversing or Negotiating with them , if he cannot well avoid them totally ; since , having renounced the Conduct of Evident Reason , no Reason can manage them , nor the wisest Man give any guess at what they will do , or whether the blind Impulse of Ungovernable Passion will hurry them . 6. Whatever Allowance may be made for Weak or Ignorant People , there can be no Excuse for a Learned Man if he Assents upon a Common or Inconclusive Medium . Because there can be no Necessity Imaginable that can compel him to Interiour Assent , as ( perhaps ) there may be to force him to Outward Actions ; in regard God has given us a Faculty of Suspending our Assent till we see Evidence ; lest our Weakness or Carelessness should at every turn precipitate us into Error . 7. From what has been said , 't is seen that Common Mediums can , at most , but prove a thing Probable or likely to be ; which may consist with it's not-being or being False . The Former part is prov'd , because Proper Mediums only make the Conclusion Certain ; and therefore such as these can only render it Probable or Likely . The Second part is prov'd by every days Experience , which shows us how often we are Deceiv'd in Likelihoods or Probabilities , even though Great ones ; and that the Contrary frequently happens to what such slight Grounds made us expect . 8. When those who are Invincibly Ignorant do assent upon such Common Mediums , it leaves no Note upon them more than that of Weakness and Ignorance ; For , since such Men do , as is suppos'd , use the best of their Understanding , their Erring does not spring from the Obliquity or Byass of their Wills perverting their Light of Reason , which secures their Morality Untainted . 9. Tho' we ought not to Act thus Interiourly , or Assent , upon Inconclusive Mediums ; yet Probability is very often enough to make us act Exteriourly when those Actions are Necessary to be done ; even though they be subject to great hazard . Thus Merchants venture their Effects to Sea , even in the time of War , because their State of life requires it ; yet , even then , they must have Evidence that 't is best to venture ; otherwise their Reason is some way Defective . So that Humane Nature still Obliges all Men to Act upon some Evidence . 10. In Cases of Conscience , and Law-suits , which are only Probable , and in which Interest is concern'd ; the safest way is first to purge our Affections from Coveting that which is perhaps our Neighbours ; next , not to trust to Casuists whom we apprehend to have Large Cases favourable to our Interest ; nor to make choice of a Lawyer who is a Crafty Knave ; but rather one who is reputed Honest , so he be Intelligent . For , while we proceed thus , the Will and Conscience is kept Clear ; however the Decision of the matter may hap to be Vnjust . 11. Thus far of Opinion : FAITH or Belief ( speaking of Human Faith to which our Circumstances determin our Discourse ) is built on Human Testimony or Witnessing Authority . To which ere we ought to yield Assent , two things are Prerequisit , viz. That we be Certain it could certainly know the things it Attests , and that it speaks truly when it does Attest them : that is , there are requisit Knowlèdg and Veracity in the Attesters . 12. If we certainly know that the Attesters knew the thing , and did not only fancy they knew it , it is most Certain the thing is so as they knew it to be ; For , since to know a thing is to have the thing in our Understanding as it is in it self , and none can know what is not Knowable , or is not : it follows , that all Knowledg of the Thing 's Being , or of it's being thus or thus , does most certainly Infer that thing to be as the Asserters knew it to be . 13. Care is to be had that the Attesters did truly Know the Thing and not only fancy they knew it when they knew it not . For , since Mankind is often deceiv'd in thinking they know , and only True Knowledg in the Attesters can ground our Second-hand Knowledg that it is , grounded on their Knowing it to be ; it follows , that we must be sure those Attesters could not err in knowing that thing , ere we can Rationally beleive them . 14. Wherefore no Testimony built on their Knowing Speculative Points can have any force upon our Understanding or Oblige it to Belief . For , since we experience that even Learned Men do often err in their Speculations , either thro' Inadvertency , the Obscurity or Perplexedness of the Object , Ambiguity of Words , Dread of some Authority which over-aws their Reason , or , lastly , thro' want of Logick or a Right Method how to manage their Thoughts : It follows , that we cannot be Sure that they do not err , or that they do truly know Speculative Points ; nor , consequently , can we be Certain that the thing is truly so as they pretend to know it is . All the power they have over us is , to make us prudently wary not to oppose such Speculaters , but upon Evident Reason : especially if they be many and of Repute ; but much more if they pretend to go upon Intrinsical Mediums ; in which the Mistake is both seldom , and quickly discover'd if brought to the Test. Corol. II. Hence no Credit at all is to be given to such Reasoners who do not so much as pretend to Demonstrate , tho never so many . For such men do not so much as affirm themselves to be Knowers , or that the thing is Certainly so as they deem it to be ; and , so , they can have no kind of Authority , even tho' their Speculative thoughts were a thing Attestable . Whence we may establish this Maxim , viz. That No Reasoner ( precisely as such ) has any kind of Authority but by virtue of the Reason he produces ; that is , the Reason , which he alledges , and not his Saying or Word ought to have any force at all upon our Understanding . 15. Wherefore Testimony has for it's Object either Particular things , or Matters of Fact necessarily knowable by Mankind , using their Common and Frequent Sensations , or relying on Vnerrable Experience . For since Vniversal Notions are the Object of Speculation , and men † may err in their Speculations ; Vniversals cannot be the Objects of Witnessing Authority or Testimony , but Particulars only . Again , since every Particular is not obvious to Sense , but many of them are so Circumstanc'd , Insensible , or Remote , that we can have no Certain Experience of them ; it follows that only su●h Particular Objects or Matters of Fact , as make a lively and Certain Impression on the Senses , are those which can be Attested or be the Object of Testimony . 16. Experience may be so Circumstanced , that it is Impossible the thing Experienced should be otherwise . For , since the Senses of Mankind , in due circumstances , are as apt to convey sincere Impressions of Sensible Objects into our Minds , as other Natural Causes to produce their Effects , they being design'd and fitted by God and Nature for that end : it follows , that ( if other Circumstances be agreeaable ) it is Impossible but they should give us such Experiential Knowledg of Sensible Matters of Fact , or Particulars , as may assure us of the things being as we Experience it . The Circumstances requir'd to this Absolute Assurance is , that the Object propos'd be of a thing Subject to Sense ; that it be within a Convenient Distance ; and , that the I●pression be not hindred or perverted by an Inconvenient Medium . Hence , we can be absolutely Certain what House or Street we live in , of our Acquaintance , or Employment , who reigns in such a year ; and of Notable Actions , Universally Knowable , that happen'd in such or such a time ; lastly , of Multitudes of Private Actions , familiarly known to our selves only . 17. Besides Knowledg in the Attester , there is also requisit Veracity in him to ground Human Faith. For , let the Attester know the Object never so well , if we cannot be Certain he tells us True when he sayes he knows it , his Original Knowledg cannot have any Effect on us , or beget a Second-hand Knowledg in us , derivable from his Pretended Knowledg of that Object . 18. No Authority deserves Assent farther then Reason gives it to deserve . For , let us take two Authorities , one that of a whole Town , the other of a Knight of the Post ; and ( since our Nature allows us that Privilege ) let it be ask'd why the Latter is not to be credited as much as the Former ? and the answer will be , For such a Reason . So that Reason , in Common , is the Ground of our Believing at all , as well as of our believing one Authority rather than Another . And , this because Reason is our Nature given us by GOD ; and , therefore , every Act of our Soul that is not for some Reason and according to Reason , is totally without Reason ; that is Unnatural , that is Irrational , that is Brutal or Unbecoming a Man. 19. Wherefore no Man can be oblig'd to believe beyond the Motive he has to believe . For , that degree of Belief that is beyond the Motive or the Reason , as far as it is beyond the Reason is Evidently without Reason , or Irrational . Whence follows that our Reason is to give us our Grounds of Belief , both as to the Knowledg and the Veracity of the Attesters . For otherwise our Belief would have no Reason at all for the Grounds it is to rely upon , and so would be perfectly Irrational . Corol. III. Wherefore , since God governs his Creatures according to the Nature he has given them ; he does not Command us to Assent absolutely upon any Authority which may either be Deceiv'd or Deceive us . For , otherwise , men may be led into Errour by obeying GOD's Command ; that is , since GOD laid that Command , by GOD Himself . 20. Wherefore both the Knowledg and Veracity of the Attesters must be Knowable by Intrinsical Mediums taken from the Nature of the Thing ; and those must be also Conclusive ones . For , their Knowledg and Veracity must either be made known by Intrinsical Mediums , or by Extrinsical ones ; that is by Another Authority ; and the same question recurrs , How we are Certain of the Knowledg and Veracity of that other Authority , and so in infinitum . Whence we must come to be certain of the Knowledg and Veracity of Authority by Intrinsical Mediums , or we can have no Ground at all to believe any Authority . Moreover , the proper work of Reason is to Demonstrate , which is done by Intrinsical Mediums ; and , unless they be Conclusive , they prove nothing , and so are good for nothing . 21. The Knowledg of the First Attesters is ascertain'd by what has been prov'd . § . § . 15.16 . Their Veracity must be prov'd by shewing there could be no Apparent Good to move their Wills to deceive us ; and the best proof ( omitting the Impossibility of joyning in such an Universal Conspiracy to deceive , the Certain loss of their Credit to tell a Lie against Notorious Matters of Fact &c. ) is the seen Impossibility of Compassing their Immediate End , which was to Deceive . Which reason is grounded on this , that no one man , who is not perfectly Frantick , acts for an End that he plainly sees Impossible to be compassed . For example , to fly to the Moon , or to swim over Thames upon a Pig of Lead . Thus it is Demonstrable that all England could not Conspire to deceive those born since , in asserting to them that there was a King Charles the First , or a Long Parliament which rais'd a Civil War here ; because they must see it is impossible to gain Belief of it , which was their Immediate End ; ( whatever farther End they might propose to themselves ) So many Records , Practices , Laws , and other Consequences Issuing thence , giving them the Lie ; besides the Histories of our own and other Countries ; and the Concatenation of Causes and Effects in the Political part of our Neighbouring Nations , all conspiring unanimously and appositly to detect the Cheat. Wherefore , the End being Evidently Impossible to be atchiev'd ; it could never be an Apparent good to them in such a case to act for such an End , or to attempt to deceive us by Attesting it ; and , therefore , they could not tell such a Lie in such a Case ; therefore they were Veracious while they Attested it . 22. Tho' both the Knowledg and Veracity of the Attesters be Demonstrated , and , Consequently , the thing Attested by them be most Certainly and necessarily True ; yet our Assent to the Truth of that thing is neither Science no● Opinion . It cannot be Opinion , because the Medium that begets Opinion is not Necessarily Connected with the Extremes , as is found here . Nor can it be Science , because our Knowledg of the thing is not taken from the Thing it self that is attested , causing such a Notion or Impression in us directly by it's self , or by Reflex Knowledges upon those Direct ones ( on which kind of Impressions all Science is built ) but it is a Knowledg Reflected to us from Anothers Knowledg of it , or a kind of Second-hand Knowledg . Nor is the Knowledg which even the Attesters had of the Object at First-hand , a Proper Effect of the Ens or Thing which is the Object of that Knowledg . Nor is the Thing , as an Object , the Proper Cause of that Knowledg ; only which can beget Science . For , a Proper Cause has a Real Order or Relation , to it 's Proper Effect ; whereas the Objects have no Real Relation at all to the Senses or our Knowing Power , as was shown above where we treated of Relation ; By which we may farther more clearly discover the Essential Differences between Science , Faith , and Opinion . It may be objected that Intelligibility is a Property of Ens ; therefore every Ens is a Proper Cause of Knowledg . 'T is answer'd that it is only a Property of Ens Negatively ( as it were ) in regard nothing can be understood but Ens ; Non Ens not being able to cause any knowledg in us . Or , it may mean that 't is only a Property of Ens in order to an Extrinsical thing , not a true Property , Perfecting it Intrinsically ; as Properties due to a thing by Nature , and Springing from their Essences , do . It may be objected farther that all Natural Powers are true Properties tho' they respect Extrinsical things on which they are to work . 'T is answer'd , that they perfect those Entities Intrinsically , or give them some perfection in their Intrinsical Nature , which , Intelligibility does not ; for nothing is Intrinsically better , or otherwise than it would be , for being Known or Vnderstood . To explicate this better , we may consider that every Entity , being a Part of the World , has some Office or Place there , and some part which it is to act on the Stage of Nature . And , accordingly , Metaphysicks teach us that every Body is constituted such by it's having some Primary Operation , which 't is fitted to produce ; as Fire to heat , Water to Cool , &c. Whence , what ever fits it for such an Operation is either Essential to it , or a Property immediately Connected with it's Essence ; such as are those Natural Powers objected . Now 't is Evident that those Powers do perfect each Nature Intrinsically ; since without them it would be Imperfect and Impotent to perform that which it was Essentially Ordain'd for ; and so the whole course of Nature , carry'd on by such Proper Causes to Proper Effects , would be quite out of frame and Order ; whereas , 't is manifest it would suffer no detriment at all in it self , whether those Proper Causes or Effects were Vnderstood or no. Which shows that their being Known by the First Attesters , or made known to us by their Knowing them , is not a Proper Effect of those Causes , nor Intrinsical to them as they are parts of Corporeal Nature , but Accidental to them as such ; but yet so Accidental that it is Inseparable from them ; and , so , does Necessarily infer the Conclusion . 23. Testimony on which Human Faith relies , is adequately divided into Living and Dead ; that is into such Attesters as speak vivâ voce , and those that speak by Writing . Because there is no Common or Ordinary way but Speech and Written or Printed Characters by which Men can relate Matters of Fact to others , or testify to them their Knowledg of such things . 24. Matters of fact done long a go , if very Concerning to have the Knowledg of them Continu'd , and that they were known at first by the Experience of a great portion of Mankind , may be made known to us who live now , by a Delivery of them down from the foregoing Age to the succeeding One. Which Continued Testimony or Delivery of them is call'd Tradition . For , since the Generality of First Attesters , who liv'd in the same time when they happen'd , could not but know them ; and the Continual Concern of them could not but still prompt and provoke Foregoers to speak of them to their Descendents ; it follows , that the Continuance of those Causes may still continue the same Effect , and bring the Knowledge of them down to our times . 25. Practise , if Frequent , and Obligatory to be Continu'd , will most certainly bring down the Tradition of Former Matters of Fact. This is Evident ; for it is Impossible that the Martyrdom of King Charles the First , or the horrid Powder Treason should ever be forgotten , if the Anniversary of them have a Continu'd Obligation of celebrating such Matters of Fact but once a Year ; much more , were such Practises often repeated . 26. Such a Tradition of such Matters of Fact is Equally Certain tho' the thing Attested had happen'd some Thousands of Years ago , as if it had happen'd but an Hundred Years since . For , since it is equally Easie for the succeeding Age to understand the Attesters , Witnessing still all along that they had been told it , as it was to understand the First Attesters relating they had seen it ; Their Testimony , as far as concerns their Knowledge of what was transmitted , has equal force as had the First Attestation : And , since the Wills of the Intermediate Attesters had the same Object ( viz. an Apparent Good ) which they could not desert or go against , or act without it , and an Evident Impossibility could not be an Apparent Good ; and it was equally acting for an Evident Impossibility , to conspire to say they had such a thing Universally Testify'd to them by their Fore-fathers , or to hope to gain Belief of it , if it had not been so Attested ; their Veracity , in Attesting they thus received it , was no less Assur'd . Wherefore , the same Causes being put all along in each succeeding Age as were at the first , the same Effect of Delivering it down with the same Certainty , must still be Continu'd , though for some thousands of Years . 27. No Dead Testimony or History has any Authority , but by virtue of Living Testimony or Tradition . For , since Falshoods may be Written or Printed as well as Truths , it follows that nothing is therefore of any Authority , because 't is Written or Printed . Wherefore , no Book or History can Authenticate another Book ; whence follows that , if it have any Authority , it must have it from Living Authority or Tradition , continuing down to us the Consent of the World , from the time that Author Writ , or the matters of Fact it relates were done , that the things it relates are True in the main ; and , consequently , that the Book that relates them deserves Credit , or is ( as we use to say ) an Authentick History . For example , had a Romance , ( soberly penn'd , ) and Curtius's History been found in a Trunk for many Hundreds of Years after they were writ ; and the Tradition of the former Ages had been perfectly Silent concerning them both , and the Matters they relate ; we must either have taken both of them for a Romance , or both for a True History ; being destitute of any Light to make the least difference between them . 28. Tradition not only authenticates Books in the bulk , but it gives moreover the d●stinct degrees of Credibility to divers passages in the same Book already authenticated in gross . For no wise Man can give the same degree of Credibility to Alexander's cutting the Gordian Knot , or to his speaking such and such words to Hephaestion or Parmenio , as he is forc'd to give to his Conquest of Asia : And why ? all of them being Equally in the Books ? Certainly , because the latter being Visible , Remarkable , and of great Concern to Innumerable Attesters of it at first , so vast a source of Original Attesters did , consequently , carry down a Matter of fact so hugely Notorious with a vast sway ; whereas the others , being particulars , of small Concern or Note , and seen or heard but by a few at first , wanted a strong Tradition to recommend them for Certain Truths . Whence , ( for ought we know , ) they were grounded and writ upon Hear-say , as our News and many particular Actions and Sayings of Great Men are now adays , which oftentimes prove False . 29. Hence appears , that Historical Faith , meerly as Historical , that is , in passages Vnabetted by Tradition , is not Absolutely Certain , but is liable to be False or Erroneous , and so is not without some Degree of Levity to be absolutely Assented to ; tho' we cannot generally with prudence Contradict them , but let them pass as if they were Truths , till some good occasion awakens our Doubt of them : The reason is given , in our last Paragraph , from this , that all Particulars are of slight Credit that were not Abetted by a Large and well-grounded Tradition . 30. Tradition thus qualify'd as is above-said , viz. So that the Matters of Fact were Certainly Experienced by very great Multitudes of the First Attesters ; that they were of great or universal Concern , and so prompting them still to relate them to the next Age ; that they were Abetted by some obligatory Practise ; and , lastly Impossible to gain a Belief , if they had not been ; and thence , Obliging the Attesters to Veracity : Such a Tradition , I say , is more than Morally , that is , Absolutely Certain . To omit the foregoing reasons , which have evinc'd the force of each of these particulars . This will be Evidently seen , or rather Experientially felt ; by Reflecting on our own Interiour ; and by observing how Nature works in Mankind and forces them to Assent firmly to the points which such a Tradition recommends , and to Suspend as to the other . For Instance ; Let us take some Particular that is only Morally Certain ; as , that I shall not dye this Night ; or , that when I walk abroad a Tile shall not fall from a House , and kill me ; or , that the House I live in shall not fall down and crush me ; or such like . I find at first sight , that these are highly Vnlikely , because it very seldom happens ; and many reasons may occurr why I think it will not be ; Yet if I severely call to account my most Serious and Deliberate thoughts to find any Absolutely Certain Reason , why that may not happen to me which has happen'd to others ; I shall perceive that I can find none such . Whence , I can entertain some Degree of Suspence , whether it may not possibly happen to me or no ; which restrains me from Assenting absolutely that it will not . This duely reflected on , let us propose to our selves Another Particular , to be scann'd likewise by our most strictly-examining Thoughts : viz. whether there was a Henry the 8 th . a Julius Caesar , or that Alexander conquer'd Asia . Which being propos'd to our Examination , let us again consult our Thoughts , and put on the most Sceptical Disquisitiveness we are able , to find out some reason , why these may not possibly be False , as well as the others might . And , in despight of all our most Exact search , and our utmost endeavours to put our selves upon doubting of these said particulars , we shall still find the Affirmative of each of them writ in our Breast in such Indelible Characters , and so Solidly Imprinted there by Nature ( I say , by Nature , for that Certainty was not Acquir'd by Study and Speculation ) that we can never be able to invent any kind of Reason that can breed in us the least degree of Suspense , as to the Verity of these , and such like Matters of Fact ; or unfix us from our most stedfast Adherence to them as most Certain Truths . Which shows Evidently that the former were only Morally Certain , that is , had some Contingency in them , and so , might possibly be otherwise than we , till we came to reflect , deem'd them ; whereas those Latter were more than Morally , that is Absolutely Certain ; because , after the most accurate Reflexion , we could not invent , and heartily embrace , any Ground or Reason to admit the least Suspence as to their Truth ; nor how or why they might possibly be False , or ( which is the same ) that the Testimony or Tradition for them could be Fallacious . Corol. IV. Hence we may make a farther Discovery of the force of Practical Self-evidence instill'd by Nature without Study : and , that it is a solid Knowledge of the An est of the thing Attested , and , consequently , of the Conclusive Force of Tradition , as also of many other Truths ; the Quid est of which ( or the Grounds on which our Rational Nature Unreflectingly , and as it were , at unawares proceeded , ) is to be Demonstrated by Learned Men , looking exactly into Intrinsecal Mediums ; and thence discovering how this Effect , viz. such a Firm Adhesion , was wrought in us Connaturally ; or why such an Authority could not deceive us in Attesting such Particulars . Note , That some of these Matters of Fact now mention'd , do fall short as to some of the best Qualifications found in diverse other Traditions ; viz. as to that of their being Practical . Which gives us farther light to discern the Incomparable Strength of Tradition , and how every way Impossible it is it should deceive us , were it furnisht with all the Advantages it might have . 13. Hence is seen that Opinionative Faith is as much Irrational as Opinion was shown to be , taking it as Oppos'd to Science ; for example . What an Old Wife said is True That she saw a Spright is what an Old Wife said ; therefore That she saw a Spright is True. LESSON IX . Of Assent , Suspence , Certainty and Uncertainty . 1. THE Notion of Potentiality , Indifferency , Indetermination , and Uncertainty , as conceiv'd to be in the Thing , are one and the same ; For , if the Thing be consider'd meerly as a Power to be This or That , or to be thus or thus , 't is evident from the Terms that it is not ( as thus conceiv'd , ) Actually , Particularly , Determinately or Certainly this , or thus ; since all Difference , Determination , and , consequently , Certainty in the thing ( which , if well reflected on , are no more but it's being what it is ) do spring from the Act or Form ; as all Potentiality , Indifferency , Indetermination and Uncertainty of being this , or being thus , does from the Matter . 2. Existence , as being the Last Actuality , takes away all Potentiality , Indifferency , and Uncertainty of being this , or thus that can possibly be in the Thing . This is as Evident as 't is that Perfect Light takes away Darkness , or , that any Opposit is Inconsistent with the other Opposit in the same kind ; or , to come nearer our point , that what is , has , while it is , lost all Potentiality or Power of not being while it is . 3. Wherefore , considering the Thing as it is in our Vnderstanding , it remains Indeterminate and Vncertain to us ; that is , our Understanding , which is Inform'd by it , is Potential or Indeterminate it self ; and consequently , we are Vncertain Intellectually till we see it is . The reason is , because all our Knowledg is Intirely and Adequately taken from the Thing , which makes the Understanding Conformable to it according to the degree of Clearness or Obscurity whereby it is represented to us , or affects us : Whence follows , that , when we see the Existence of the Thing , or that it is , our Understanding is ultimately Determinate , that is , we are Absolutely Certain . 4. Wherefore , on the contrary , while we see the Thing may not be for ought we know , our Understanding is Indeterminate as to it 's Being ; that is , we must remain Vncertain that it is . For , 't is against a First Principle of our Understanding , that the Thing may not be and be at once . 5. Wherefore , [ Assent ] being the Judging that a thing is , all that passes in us ( if we act Rationally ) is Suspence till we come to a Proof that Concludes it is . This is manifest from the Terms ; For the Words [ Suspending of Assent ] do show that , take away all Suspence , Assent succeeds : and , consequently , that ( unless it so happens that we see a thing to be clearly False ) all is Suspence till we come at Assent . 6. Wherefore all Common and Remote Mediums , which are only apt to ground Opinion , being unable to conclude the Thing is ; they are , consequently , unable to Determin the Understanding that the Thing is , and , therefore , they must leave it ( if it works rationally ) in some degree of Suspence ; Indetermination or ( which is 〈◊〉 same ) in Vncertainty . This is Evident ; because such Proofs do reach only to show the thing Likely to be , which falls short of it's Being really and Indeed ; for Likelihood to be is not the Notion of Being , since [ what is , most Certainly is ] which goes beyond all Likelihoods , how great soever they may be imagin'd to be . 7. Suspence may be consider'd as Indifferently hovering between the Things being or not being , or without Inclining to either of them . For , sometimes we have no kind of Reason inclining us to the Likelihood of the one more than of the other . As we experience it happens to us as to our Determining whether the Number of the Stars be Even or Odd. 8. Hence Assent consists in an Indivisible ( as does also Dissent , or a Judgment that the thing is not ) but all Suspense is Divisible or Capable of Different Degrees . The former part is Evident , because it 's proper Object , [ is ] or [ being ] is Indivisible , as is also the Object of Dissent [ is not , ] whereas the Objects of Suspence are seeming Distances from the things being so Actually , or Approaches towards it ; or in Dissent , Approaches towards it's seeming not to be so ; that is , Removes from it's being so . 9. The Differences of this perfectly Indifferent Suspense are more and Less seemingly Distant from , or Approaching to , the Actual Being of the Thing . For this Indifferent Suspense , by it's being Indifferent , is a kind of Genus to the others , and abstracts from them both ; and therefore , the Differences of it must be more and less in that kind . Corol. I. The Disinclining towards Assent or Inclining towards Dissent that the thing is , is call'd Doubt ; and , if the Being of that Thing is our Good , it grounds that Passion call'd Fear of loosing it . And , the Inclining towards Assent in such a Case , or Disinclining to Dissent , causes a disposition in the Understanding opposit to Doubt ; which , ( tho we want a name for it ) is a certain chearing Glimpse in the Understanding , which was in perfect Darkness before , and grounds that Passion which we call Hope . Both which Passions are Rational or Irrational , according as the Likelihoods on which they are built are Great or Slight . 10. Those Different Inclinations or Propensions of the Understanding towards the Things being or not being may be taken from Innumerable Heads : viz. From the meer Frequency or Seldomness of the things Happening ; from Historical Relations unabetted by Tradition ; from Rumour and Common Talk ; from Writers of Uncertain Authority , or proceeding upon Speculation or Opinion ; from the Multitude of such Authors as do not so much as pretend to know , yet are of great Name or Authority ; from the bare Sentiments of Antiquity ; from relying on our Nurses , Parents or Tutors ; from Medals , Monuments , Inscriptions , Fables , &c. From Misconceits deluding our Fancy ; from Equivocation of words ; from Interest and Prejudice ; from ill-agreeing Observations made by our selves of the same happening in a like case ; from Mistakes of Proper Causes , &c. All which agree in this that they are Common or Remote Mediums . 11. Some Degrees of Suspense are so small and Indiscernable , that they are not easie to be discover'd , so that they counterfeit an Assent even in the Wisest , and cause a Real Assent in Weak People . Such as are the Instances of Moral Certainty mention'd * above . 12. The way to discover whether they be Assents or Suspences is to Reflect on our own Interiour , and to study better our careless thoughts , by asking our selves what Certain Ground we had for them . For , 't is Evident that we have many Effects wrought in us by Nature , which , for want of Reflexion , we are not aware of ; in regard our Thoughts , and the several natures of them , cannot possibly be known but by Reflexion . For , to use our former Example , we seem to Assent Absolutely that we shall not dye this Night ; and even the Wisest Men , if they be now in perfect health , do seem to take it to be altogether Certain , or ( to speak more properly ) that themselves are Absolutely Certain of it ; yet , upon recourse to their Grounds , finding themselves unable to fathom the Series of Hidden Causes and the multitude of Casualties that may occur , which they habitually knew before-hand that they did not certainly know ; we shall find that , notwithstanding this seeming Assent of theirs , they yet retain'd some small Degree of Suspence whether it might happen or no , which hinder'd them from truly Assenting . 13. From what 's said it appears that Certainty is a Qualification of Assent , giving it it 's best perfection by Securing it from Errour ; and making it , at the same time , Incapable of ever admitting the least Degree of Suspence . For , since our Assent may hap to be , and oft-times is , upon Irrational and Inconclusive Grounds ; which expose it , when discover'd , to the shame of a future Retractation ; but Certain Assent , cannot be liable to that Hazard and Inconvenience , because what 's Certain to us , is True beyond all Peradventure ; it is evident that Certainty superadds to Assent the highest Perfection that can be . 14. Certainty may either be consider'd as it is in the Object or the Thing ; or else , as it is in the Subject or Person who is Ascertain'd by by that Object . 15. Certainty on the Objects side is nothing but the Things being Determinately what it is , or as it is . This is in a manner Self-evident ; For every thing that is , is Determinate ; and it 's being Fixt to be such , is to be Certainly such of it 's own Nature ; independently on any thing but on the First Cause Establishing that Nature to be what it is ; or ordering it , by Second Causes , to be as it is . 16. Certainty on the Subject's side is the Conformity of our Understanding to this Objective Certainty . For , we can neither be Certain nor Uncertain without Reasons or Motives ; and those must either be taken from the Establish'd or Certain Nature of the Things , or they can be no Reasons . 17. Wherefore , when we discourse or dispute about the Certainty of any Point , it can only be meant of Certainty in the Subject , or of Certainty to us : for , of Certainty on the Object 's side , or that the Thing is Certainly or Determinately what it is , there can be no Dispute . Corol. II. Hence , Certainty being the Determination of the Vnderstanding , which is to be led by Reason ; all Determination of our Understanding which springs from the Will , and not from Reason , is not to be call'd Certainty , but Resolvedness or Wiliful Adhesion . 18. Wherefore 't is most Irrational , and a most senseless Abuse of the word [ Certainty ] to ground it on the Subjects or the Person 's own Perswasion that the thing is so , and not on the Thing it self . For , since our Soul is of her self Tabula rasa , all our Knowledg , and the Firmness or Solidity of our Knowledg , that is our Certainty , must either be taken from the Things that are without us , or ( since Nature can have no other Method but tha● ; ) it must be inspir'd Supernaturally . Wherefore , such a Fantastick and Catachrestical Certainty , is convinc'd to be nothing in those men that are capable of weighing Reasons , but a Self-conceited Resolution to hold or think thus , and to Stick to it , out of meer Wilfulness ( its true and only Ground ) in defiance of all Reason , and of the Natures of Things which do ground all our Reason . 19. Hence follows , that that Certainty they Nick-name [ Moral ] is in reality , Vncertainty . For , since all Certainty has for it's Object or Cause the Existence of the Thing on which all true Assent is grounded ; and this , consisting in an Indivisible has no Degrees ; it follows that as when you step never so little out of the Notion of [ is ] which is its Object , you plunge into [ is not ] so you no sooner relinguish ( tho' never so little ) the true Notion of Certainty but you fall into Vncertainty , in regard the Object of it permits no degrees of passing from one to the other , or Approaching to it nearer by little and little . Wherefore , since Moral Certainty imports some Diminution of True Certainty , it must necessarily be some kind , or some degree of Uncertainty , Whence to say [ I am morally certain of a Thing ] is , in rigour , the same Nonsense as it is to say I am Vncertainly Certain , or ( which is consequent to it ) I ignorantly know , I suspendingly or hoveringly Assent , I diffidently believe or can probably demonstrate . Wherefore , when in common speech men use to say they are morally certain , 't is a Catachrestical phrase , and signifies only that the thing is highly likely , or that they Incline strongly to think 't is True. 20. Hence follows , that Certainty and Infallibility are all one , or the self-same Notion . For , since Nothing sounds more contrary to the Common Sense of Mankind than to say , we are Certain of any thing peradventure , Certainty must be such a Fixure of the Mind , as to the Existence of the Thing , as is beyond all Peradventures of being Deceiv'd in that thing , or beyond all Contingency that it may happen to be otherwise than we are Certain it is . Again , since Certainty is the Immediate Effect of our Knowledge of the Thing , and the thing is Infallibly , what it self is ; and our knowledg of a Thing ( it being Essentially a Conformity to that thing ) is Infallibly as the Thing is : it follows demonstratively that Certainty , which determins and fixes our Understanding by such a Knowledg , or a Knowledg so grounded , must be likewise Infallible . Lastly , ( to omit many other Conclusive Proofs ) If Infallibility and Certainty be not the same Notion , then they are different Notions ; that is , [ Infallible ] is one of the Differences of Certainty , distinguishing it from other sorts or Species of Certainty ; wherefore there must ( in that supposition ) be another species of Certainty which is not Infallible ; that is , ( since what is not Infallible must be Fallible ) there must be another Species of Certainty which is Fallible Certainty ; But this is against the Common Sense and Language of Mankind ; nor can there be greater Nonsense than to say , I am Fallibly Certain of such a Thing ; nor , ( though there could not want occasions to use such words ) was it ever heard or read since the Creation that any man did ever joyn these two words [ Fallibly and Certain ] together in their Discourses and Writings . Therefore , [ Infallible ] is not a Difference of Certainty as its Genus or ( which the same ) a Notion Different from it ; whence 't is Logically demonstrated that it is the same Notion with it , or that Certainty and Infallibility are all one . Quaere . Why is [ Infallible ] then added to [ Certainty ] if it have no Different Signification from it , or do not add some degree of Certainty to it ? Or why does Mankind use such a needless Tautology ? 'T is answer'd ; We may observe that though to say I am Infallibly Certain of such a Thing , sutes very well with the Notions and the Sense and Language of Mankind , yet men never use it but when some Circumstance requires it to put others out of all possible Doubt of the Thing in question : And then Nature puts them upon Redoubling , as it were , their Words or Expressions to assure them of their Certainty of that Thing . Thus in such Cases , they use to say , I know it , I tell you once again , I know it to be so ; or , they think it not enough to say barely I saw it , or I heard it , but they express themselves thus , I saw it with my own eyes ; or I heard it with my own ears ; which , were it not on such an occasion , would seem foolish and Tautological ; since no man can see but with his own Eyes , nor hear but with his own Ears : Or , it may be answer'd that some men use in such occasions to joyn [ Infallible ] to [ Certainty ] to signifie True Certainty , and to distinguish it from that Mock-Certainty call'd Moral ; which must be a Fallible Certainty if it be any Certainty at all , that is , an Vncertain Certainty . Whence , since Mankind never us'd such a phrase as Fallibly Certain , though they might have had many occasions to do so , had it not been Chimerical and Nonsense , and against their Natural Notion of Certainty ; we may hence farther demonstrate ( in confirmation of our 19th . Sect. ) that Moral Certainty , being ( if any ) a Fallible Certainty , is no kind of Certainty at all ; and that 't is as great Non-sense to say Morally Certain ( meaning by those words such a Certainty as we may be Deceiv'd in ) as to say Fallibly Certain ; and it would be as much abhorr'd by Mankind , were not the Phrase cloak'd , and the sense of it clouded by the Unintelligible Notion of the word [ Moral ] which , as they use it , has no determinate Bounds ; and so it cannot be Defin'd , nor Consequently distinctly Vnderstood . Nor ( as far as I have observ'd ) do we read such an Expression in the Antient Latin Authors , either Heathens or Christians , but the word Verisimilitude or Likelihood only ; which is not so apt to impose upon Learners or Readers ; till some late Speculaters being most of them Sceptical , and blundering between Certainty and Uncertainty , invented this odd Mixture call'd Moral Certainty , which should be partly the one , partly the other . To which they were forced by their bad Speculation , and the Care of their Credit : For , it was highly opprobrious to say they had No Certainty at all in their Writings ; and it was Impossible for such Superficial Discoursers to show any thing truly Certain , because they durst not undertake to Demonstrate any thing ; and , therefore , to uphold their Repute on some fashion , they were oblig'd to advance this Ambidextrous Notion of Moral Certainty , which might be either Certain or Vncertain as occasion serv'd . Whereas , ( as has been shown above ) they might with full as much reason have invented a Compound of [ is ] and [ is not ] which would have done a great kindness to Scepticism , and have been a most excellent ground to verifie Contradictions . Nor is this spoken in the air ; Diverse of them have made many great steps towards this Heroick Exploit to un-man Mankind by their putting Vacuum , Imaginary Space , Subsistent Dimensions , Negative Entities and such Chimaeras to have a being ; tho' , either directly or by consequence , they have been manifested to be Pure Nothings . And as they dealt with the Notion of Ens by confounding it with Non Entities , so they labour hard to do the same with the Notion of Existence too , as is seen above . For they are utterly destroying the Notion of [ is ] and the Truth of this Proposition [ what is , is ] while all their Sceptical Discourses would have those best Perfections of our Understanding ( I mean Certainties ) that are Immediately grounded on , and correspond to , the being of the Thing , to be possible not to be as the thing is , or possible to be False ; which they must be , if the Notion of Certainty may be compounded with Moral . 21. No Testimony that is Fallible in what it attests , can prove the thing Attested by it to be True. For , since Knowledge in the Attester is necessary to ground all Attestation , and give it any Weight ; and a Testimony that is Fallible in what it attests , may be Deceiv'd in what it attests ; it cannot be said to Know that thing it Attests , because all knowledge consists in this that the Understanding be Formally , that is Infallibly , as the Thing is . Whence follows that , how firmly soever such Attesters may deem or opine that the Thing is highly Likely to be True ; yet they cannot be said to know , really and indeed , that the Thing is True. Whence 't is Concluded that such Attesters can never prove the Truth of that thing : Truth , Fundamentally consider'd , consisting in an Indivisible , as being the Existence of the thing Known ; and Formal Truth ( or Truth in us ) being the Conformity of our Understanding to the Thing thus Existing ; and , therefore , consisting likewise in an Indivisible . Which sets it above all Gradual Approaches of Likelihood , or Probability of being so ; nay , above all Possibility of no● being so , that is , of being False . Again , they who are Fallible in the thing they Attest may be deceiv'd in that thing ; that is , may be in an Error ; and so what is built on their Testimony may be Erronious or False : But what 's True cannot be False ; therefore a Fallible Testimony cannot be a Ground or Reason to prove a Thing , no better Attested , to be True. Note that this Proposition [ what is True cannot be False ] does hold in all Truths , but those which are in materia contingenti ; as , when we say to day [ it Rains ] this Proposition may be False to morrow , when it is Fair ; because the Matter or Subject , viz. the Temper of the Air on which it is built , is Alter'd . But , this Exception has no place in Speculative Truths ; which Abstract from such Contingency , and are grounded on our Natural Notions , or the Natures of things and their Metaphysical Verity , which cannot Alter . 22. Therefore no Fallible Testimony can deserve Assent to what it Attests or says . For , since a Fallible Testimony may attest a Falshood , and Falshoods do deprave the Understanding , and to Assent to a Falshood is a certain and Actual Depravation of it ; and , therefore , to Assent to a thing that may be false is to hazard to deprave it ; and none ought to hazard such an Injury to his Soul , especially when there is no necessity of doing himself that harm , or of Assenting in such a Case ; both because GOD and Nature have furnish'd us with a Faculty of Suspending till we have Evidence ; as also , because no Outward Force can impel us to Assent ; nor any Interiour Force , but that of Clear Evidence ; and a Motive that may be False ( as Fallible Testimony may ) cannot lay Claim to Clear Evidence , either of it's self , or of its Grounds . It follows that such a Testimony cannot deserve our hazarding to embrace an Error ; nor , consequently , to make us Assent upon its Attestation . LESSON X. Of Disputation , and Paralogisms . DIsputation must be fitted to the Occasions , and to the Ends , we aim at ; which may be either to clear Truth by combating our Adversary with down-right Reason ; or only to gain a Victory over the Defendant by Stratagem . The manners of Disputing may be shown by putting Four Cases or Circumstances which vary the Method of it . 1. When the Defendent holds a False Thesis , the way to convince him will not be Difficult , if the Doctrin deliver'd above be well consider'd and dexterously made use of . For , if a fit Middle Term be taken and rightly placed , the Conclusion will necessarily follow against him ; so that he will be certainly overthrown , and his Cause lost . But , if the Disputant be so Skilful as to Reduce his Discourse to Identical Propositions , he will not have the face to own his Position any longer ; the First Lights of Nature standing so Evidently against him . 2. To know in what Mood we are to frame our Syllogism , we must take the Proposition which is Contradictory to the Defendents Tenet ; and , by the Certain Rules given as * above , it will be easie to know in which of the Four Moods such a Conclusion is to be prov'd . For Example , suppose the Defendent holds that [ Some Body is Unchangeable ] you must take and prove the Contradictory to it , viz. [ No Body is Unchangeable ] which being an Universal Negative , and withal the Proposition which is to be the Conclusion , it can only be prov'd in Celarent ; as Ce-No Divisible thing is Unchangeable ; but la-Every Body is a Divisible thing ; therefore rent-No Body is Unchangeable . 3. The same Method must be taken if the Defendent absolutely denies any of the Premisses of the First Syllogism , or any of the Succeeding ones ; or , if , by Distinguishing , he alters the more Universal or Ambiguous Proposition , to a more Determinate one ; Only you must not now take the Contradictory to it , as you did at first , for then it was your Adversary's Proposition which you were to disprove , now 't is your own which you are to prove ; and , therefore , you must take your Measures now from it self . For example ; if he Denies the Minor , which was an Universal Affirmative , you must prove it in Barbara , thus . Every Quantitative thing is Divisible , but Every Body is a Quantitative thing ; therefore Every Body is Divisible . 4. Besides the having a Middle Term , and knowing in what Form to argue , some other Rules must be Observ'd . 1. Get an Exact Notion of the Terms of the Proposition under debate ; that is , consider well in what Common Head they are , and how defin'd ; which is the same as to look attentively into the Nature of the Thing . For this will best furnish you with Proper Mediums . 2. Agree before-hand with the Defendent about the Meaning of the Words which express those Terms ; which is the most Solid way of Stating the Question , and of avoiding Wordish Distinctions . 3. See the Mediums be Proper or Immediate ; otherwise , not being well connected , they cannot Conclude certainly , although the Form be right . 4. Take heed of Equivocation of Words ; For , otherwise , you will hazard to be carry'd aside from the True State of the Question , and lose sight of the true Nature of the Thing by mistaking one Notion for another ; and , so , you will be certainly non-plust . And , the longer you dispute , the farther still you will err . 5. Observe well the Doctrin of Dividing right , and be sure that each Member of the Distinction he brings , has in it the true Notion of the Term Divided or Distinguisht . Otherwise he will baffle and confound you with impertinent Distinctions , introduce a new Question , and put you besides your Argument . For example , if he distinguishes Space into Real and Imaginary , and obtains of you to admit Imaginary Space for one kind of Space ( which is in reality Nothing ) he will defeat your Argument , and put you to fight against the Air ; while , by getting you to admit Non ens for Ens , he may answer or say any thing . You have lost all your strength when you forego Nature , and suffer your Natural Notions to be perverted . The same may be said of the Distinction of Ens into Positivum and Negativum which is plainly to distinguish Ens , into Ens and Non Ens. 6. When the Defendent grants any thing , then to lay up in careful memory his own Concessions , and make use of them against him to force him to admit Truth or retract . For , otherwise , he may perhaps in the beginning of the Dispute yield candidly to diverse things ; which , afterwards , when he finds himself pincht and reduced to streights , he will flatly deny . 7. To be true to your Cause , and to seek the Victory of Truth over Error , rather than your own over your Adversary ; that is , to hold him still to the Point , and to pursue the Eviction of that ; and not , leaving that pursuit , to catch the Adversary at advantages , and follow on that game to show him Weak and Self-contradictory ; ( tho' it is not amiss to hint , and then wave it ) as is the less-laudable way of those who fall to argue ad hominem . Yet , if the repute of the Person happens to weigh more with his Followers than the Strength of his Reasons , and that he is held Obstinate and to want Candour ; it may be a Duty to Truth , and to the Cause , to Expose him to Contempt by Baffling him . 8. To reflect that , tho' the Words in Common have the same Sence ; yet , as standing in the Context , it may have diverse Constructions , and so cause that Fallacy we call Amphibology . 9. That not only Single words and Sentences may be Ambiguous , but there may lurk an Equivocation even in the Connexion it self ; as when the Middle Term is Accidentally joyn'd to one Extreme by [ is ] and Essentially to another . Thus far of Disputation when the Defendent holds a False Tenet ; which is the only Method an Honest Man , whose sole End is to evince Truth and beat down Error , ought to take . The following ways are more becoming vain Sophisters , whose aim it is to combat Truth on any Fashion . Yet , 't is fit that Honest Men should know them , that they may know how to avoid the Ambushes and Snares of Truth 's Enemy . 5. The second Case then is when the Defendent holds a True point . v. g. [ that there are Angels ] and yet holds a False one Inconsistent with it . v. g. that [ That which is no where ( or in no place ) is not . ] The Disputant , if crafty , may make use of this False Thesis to overthrow the True one , Thus Nothing that is in no where ( or in no place ) is ; but All Angels are no where ; therefore No Angels are . 6. The Third Case is , when the Defendent does not hold an Inconsistent Thesis , yet he is Ignorant of the Antecedents and Consequents of his Tenet . In which case , if the Defendent can be brought to deny some Truth necessarily Connected with his Thesis , he will be forc'd to deny the Thesis it self . As , put case the Defendent holds that GOD , our Creator , is Infinitly Perfect in himself ; yet , through want of Logick , is Ignorant that GOD has no Real Relation to Creatures ; and therefore that the word [ Creator ] apply'd to him is meerly an Extrinsecal Denomination , and no ways Intrinsecally perfecting Him or affecting him ; such a Man may be in danger of foregoing his Christian Tenet by this Argument . Fe-Nothing that depends on another for some Perfection is Infinitly perfect in it self : but ri-GOD depends on Creatures for his being a Creator , which is some Perfection in him ; therefore a-GOD is not Infinitly Perfect in Himself . 7. The Fourth is , when the Defendent Understands only his own Thesis , and is in a manner Ignorant of all others . For example ; Let us suppose that some Defendent by the Language of Christianity , with which he is imbu'd , or by some Solid Discourse he has accidently heard , and ( though not Learned yet ) having a good Mother-wit is made well Understand , does hold that GOD is Vnchangeable ; but yet , being not us'd to Disputes or Speculative Reflexions , he is little verst in other points ; as in the Nature of Christian Language in Spiritual Points , of which , consequently , we have no Natural Notions ; and therefore is not aware that all our Words we use when we speak of them are Equivocal and Improper ; and , especially , when we speak of GOD , highly Metaphorical : Such a man , no better qualify'd , may be stumbled and perhaps made forego that Evident and True Tenet by a Contentious alledging things very Forrein which he not skilful in , and then backing them with Authority , on this manner . What is not GOD Pleas'd when we do well , and when we Sin becomes displeas'd ; that is , changes from being Pleas'd to be Angry ; and , when we repent , is he not Pleas'd again ? Will or dare you deny that which Scripture , Fathers , Catechisms , Prayer-books , and Sermons do so often inculcate , and the Consent of all good Christians does Unanimously and Constantly avow ? Why are we afraid of Sinning , but for fear of losing GOD's Favour , and of a Friend making him become our Enemy ? Will any but a Heretick deny this ? Again ; is not GOD Omnipotent ? cannot he do all things ? 'T is an Article of our Creed he both is and can ; since then to change Himself is to do Something ; will you stint GOD's Omnipotence , and say there is Something he cannot do ? Such Insulting Talk as this , tho' there be never a wise word in it , working upon the Weakness of half-witted People , may hap to make them forego their True Tenet ; and even fright them to renounce their Faith out of Fear of renouncing it . Corol. I. These three last Cases inform us how dangerous it is that any man be allowed to be Truth 's Champion , and to undertake her cause , unless he be thorow-pac'd in Logick , and such other knowledges as are requisit to defend her ; lest Truth it self Suffer for the Confident Weakness of the Unable Undertaker . Corol. II. This last Case belongs to such Disputants , who , to maintain Absurd and Impossible things , do use to argue from Divine Omnipotence ; by alledging and magnifying which , they hope to fright the Piety of a well-meaning , but weak , Defendent to admit any thing though never so Senseless or Ridiculous . The way to answer these men , is to show the Effect to be contrary to our Natural Notions , and , consequently , to the Wise Conduct of the World , which was the Cause of those Notions ; And , therefore , what GOD can do , or cannot do , is nothing to the purpose , unless the thing in question be Agreeable to his Wisdom and Goodness , which determin his Power to act ; and without which it cannot be that he should act . Whence it is generally more Safe , more Edifying , and more Proper , to say in such Cases ; that it cannot be that GOD should will to do such a thing , than bluntly to say GOD cannot do it . For , This flatly limits Omnipotency ; That only restrains its exerting it self hic & nunc because of some Attribute of the Divine Nature to which 't is Disagreeable . I say Generally ; For oft times such Discourses would hav● GOD's Power to do perfect Contradictions ; that is , to undo the Natures of things Establisht by himself ; which is not to do . As in the Instance of his Changing Himself ; which is the same in Effect as not being Himself . Or , when they say , GOD has a Power to Annihilate ; For , since Powers are specify'd by their Objects , and Non-ens ( which can do nothing in any kind , nor consequently specify a Power ) is the Object of Annihilation ; a Power to Annihilate is to be no Power . And 't is as ill to say GOD can suspend his Action of Conserving ; for this takes away from GOD his Goodness , or the Redundancy , Exuberancy or Communicativeness of Being ; which is Essential to him , and was the Sole Cause of the Creation . Thus far of Disputation it self or True Syllogisms . The Faults of it come next to be consider'd , which are call'd Fallacies , or Paralogisms . 8. Fallacies are of two sorts . Those which arise out of Words ; which happens when the Ambiguity of some Single word , or of some Words put together , do lead us into a Mistake of the Thing . And those which are not in the Words , but arise out of the Thing or the Sense ; and thence , make us mistake the Thing and the Words too . 9. Those of the Former sort are , almost all , little Gramarical Quibbles ; and it would do too much honour to them , to spend labour to name them , being too open of themselves to need Exposing . Those which are less discernable and worth Remark are such as this . He that says you are an Animal says true , but He that says you are an Ass says you are an Animal : Therefore He that says you are an Ass says true . Where , as has been particularly shown above , the word [ Animal ] is taken in diverse Senses ; for in this Proposition [ Peter is an Animal ] it is restrain'd by the Subject to signify one Individual Animal and of such a kind , viz. Rational ; But , in the Proposition [ An Ass is an Animal ] it is restrain'd to signify an Animal of Another kind , viz. Irrational . whence 't is no Syllogism , because it has Four Terms . 10. Of these Fallacies which are not grounded on the Ambiguity of the Words , but are built on the Thing or the Sense ; the First worth remarking is that call'd the Fallacy ex Accidente ; which happens when the Middle Term is only Accidentally connected with the Extremes , and not per se , or out of its own Nature , As , Bar-Whatever breeds stirs in a Common-Wealth is bad ; but ba-All Religion breeds stirs in a Common-Wealth ; therefore ra-All Religion is bad . The Common answer is to distinguish the Major and Minor both ; and to say , that what breeds Stirs out of its own Nature , is Bad ; but not that which breeds them Accidentally ; for , otherwise a Sword and Wine must be bad , because the one sometimes helps to commit Murther , and the other causes Drunkenness . But , the more Solid way , and which bears up best to Logical Grounds ; is to deny it to be a Syllogism ; because , though the Form of it be Legitimate , yet the Matter or the Middle Term , is not so . For , a Syllogism being a Speech contriv'd by True Logicians to Conclude a Third Proposition out of the Premises , so as by Connexion of the Medium with the Extremes , we may know it to be Certainly True ( for that which leaves us Vncertain leaves us Ignorant ) it follows , that the Middle Term must be either a Notion Essentially Connected with the Extremes , or else as a Proper Cause or Effect of it ; neither of which it can be if it be but Accidentally belonging to them . We may Note here how Accidental Mediums are Common and Remote ones , or such as beget Opinion : For , between Religion and Commotions , intervene Perversity of will , Disregard of Virtue , Irrational Assents upon Opinionative Ground , Pride , and Faction against Church Governours , who would bind them to good Principles and Religious Duties , Interest &c. All which , or some ( if not most ) of them , are the Proper and Immediate Causes of Dissention ; at least , nearer and more Proper Causes of it than Religion it self ; the Principles of which do Oblige men to the preservation of Peace and Unity . 11. The Second is called Ignoratio Elenchi , which , in easier Language , is the attempting to prove what 's not in question ; or , putting upon our Adversary to hold a Tenet he never own'd nor held ; as it usually passes among Passionate Discourses and Scolds , when they object to others what they neither held nor thought , that they may the more easily confute them or render them Odious . This is avoided in disputes by Stating the Question right , and by Agreeing before-hand in the Signification of the Words in which the Question is conceiv'd ; as was recommended in the second and third Rule . Or , if this be not done before the Dispute begins , it is answer'd by saying Transeat totum , and forcing the Adversary , weary with aiming his blows amiss , to recur to the true point , and to Conclude the Contradictory to the Defendents Tenet ; which was his only Duty , and ought to have been done at first . 12. The Third is , Begging the Question , or Supposing that which should have been Prov'd . Which is manifestly faulty : For the Premisses must be Clearer than the Conclusion ; which they cannot be if the Proof , in whole or in part , is as Unknown and Obscure as is the Conclusion it self ; as it must be if it is barely Suppos'd ; and begg'd gratis . Of which Fallacy therefore all the whole Body of Hypothetical Philosophy is Guilty , as also that Fallacy call'd An Ill Enumeration of the Parts , as follows here . 13. The Fourth is that of an Imperfect or Incomplete Division , which happens w●en 't is falsly pretended that the thing in Question must be one of those which are Nominated ; or , that it must be perform'd one of the ways Assign'd ; when , perhaps , there is Another way how that thing may be done , which was never assign'd , but either Unthought of or Neglected . As , if it should be asserted that Motion must either happen by Atoms descending in an Immense Vacuum , or by the Impression of so much Motion in the Mass of Matter at First by GOD , and his Continuing it ever since ; when as a third way may be assign'd , viz. that a Created Intelligent Being Causes , and all along , Continues , the Motion of the first-moved Bodies , which move the rest . This Fallacy is defeated by Denying the Proposition , which contains the Enumeration of all those Causes or Manners of Action ; and , by Obliging the Disputant to show his Division to be Adequate . 14. The Fifth is called non causa pro causa . That is , in plain terms , the bringing a Medium that does not Conclude ; or the pretending the Conclusion follows from a Medium that cannot necessarily inferr it . This Fallacy , if it must be call'd so , happens chiefly to Experimental Philosophers ; who , going by meer Induction , and laying no Evident or Certain Principles of Nature , a priori , to guide their Thoughts by , but Hypothetical ones only ; do , hence , refund all the Effects of Nature into false-pretended Causes ; whence every man who sets up a new Scheme , does still assign new Reasons or Causes , according to which he strives to Explicate Nature , and into which he endeavours to Resolve all the several Productions and Effects of it . But , why this should be call'd a Fallacy , I cannot comprehend . At this rate every Argument that does not Conclude may be call'd a Fallacy . For , since the Premisses in a Demonstrative Syllogism are the Cause of the Conclusion ; whoever argues ill , argues Fallaciously ; and assigns a wrong Cause , by producing an Incompetent Medium . But , in case the Disputant puts it upon the Defendent to have made use of such a Ground as he never meant , it is then enough to deny it ; and put him to prove that that was indeed his Ground , as was pretended . 15. The Fifth is the Arguing from what 's taken in a Divided sense , as if it were taken in a Compound sense or conjoyntly ; or from what 's taken in a compound sense or conjoyntly to infer the same thing in a Divided sense ; Example of the Former is this , He that is actually sitting may Walk , Peter is actually sitting ; therefore Peter actually sitting ( or while he sits ) may walk . Where the Major is False , unless Sitting and Walking be taken Divisively ; and mean that he who sits now , may Walk hereafter . An Example of the later may be this . Two and Three are Even and Odd. Five is Two and Three : Therefore Five is Even and Odd. Where the Major is False , unless Two and Three be taken Divisively , whereas in the Minor they are taken Conjoyntly . Or , it may be said that Five are † not Two and Three formally , but only materially : In which sense Aristotle said that Bis tria non sunt sex . 16. The Seventh Fallacy is when the Opponent argues à dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter . Which kind of Fallacy is the Erroneous Principle that begets the Vice of Pride , and therefore is peculiar to all Proud People . For the sin of Pride does not consist in Knowing what Endowments any one truly has , or Esteeming himself as having such Endowments ; for this is a Truth ; and did he not know it , and what degree of Perfection it adds to him , he would neither strive to perfect himself , nor know how much he is particularly bound to Love and Thank GOD , who bestow'd on him those Accomplishments or Advantages above others . But Pride , ( as all other Vices have ) has a Lye for it's Principle ; and consists in this , that a Proud Person over values himself , and Preferrs himself Absolutely before all others ; that is , Concludes himself to be the very Best , or Better than others , and to deserve more Esteem than they , because he is Good or Estimable secundum quid , or in some particular which is far short of rendring him so highly Estimable . Thus , some self-conceited Lady Esteems or Concludes her self to be the Best Woman in all the Country , because she has a New-fashion'd Gown , or is Finer , Handsomer , or Richer than others . Thus a King or Lord preferrs himself absolutely before all others , because he has more Power , or can reckon up more Titles than others can . Thus a Great Scholar who is Proud , values himself absolutely to be Better than those who are Unlearned . Whereas a Poor , Ignorant , Ragged Beggar , who has more Virtue or Love of GOD in him , has more Intrinsick Worth in him , and is , absolutely speaking , more Valuable than any or all of them ; notwithstanding their Gayness , Beauty , Riches , Knowledge , Honour and Power . All the rest are but only Good secundum quid , and he is for his Sanctity , Good and Valuable simpliciter . 17. Thus much concerning those Fallacies that are worth noting ; if , indeed , any of them do much deserve it . For , I cannot discern but that , if the Rules for Distinguishing our Notions , of Predicating one of them of another , and lastly the Right Methods of Arguing , both as to the Matter and Form of Syllogisms , were observ'd Exactly ; there is nothing in them that can require the treating of them so elaborately , or making such a pother about them as Authors do . The Agreeing with our Adversary about the Meaning of the Words in which the Question is conceiv'd , forestalls those Fallacies of Ignoratio Elenchi , and that of Begging the Question . * The Doctrin given above how to detect the Equivocation of Single Words , will prevent any advantage that can be taken from the Ambiguity of the Terms ; and the Rules of Predicating , by shewing how a word that is Univocal , taken single , may become Equivocal by being joyn'd to Different Subjects , will defeat all Stratagems that lurk secretly in such Propositions , * as is seen in the First Fallacy § . 9. The Doctrin of using only such Middle Terms as are either Essential , or Proper Causes and Effects , renders Ineffectual the Fallacy ex Accidenti ; as also those of Non causa pro causâ , and à dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter . The Common Doctrin concerning Division , viz. that it's Members be Adequate to the Notion Divided , makes void and insignificant , that Fallacy call'd mala Enumeratio partium . In a word , let but the Rules given here be warily observ'd , and it will scarce be possible the Defender of Truth should be circumvented by any Fallacious manner of Arguing ; but it will either be seen that the Terms are Ambiguous , or ( which generally happens ) it will be found that the Syllogism has Four Terms ; and , so , is no Legitimate Syllogism . The subtlest of them seems to be the First . For the single word [ Animal ] seems to be taken in the same sense , both in the Major and Minor , and has the same Definition in both places ; and yet , by reason of the Different Subjects , it is not Predicated in the same sense , but according to Different Parts of it's Intire Notion or Signification ; whence the Syllogism has Four Terms in sense ; that is , in reality , or in our Mind , where Syllogisms are only Properly and Formally ; however the Word [ Animal ] be the same materially . 18. The Syllogism which is imply'd in every Practical Judgment of a Sinner , has Four Terms , or else one of the Premisses which he grants to himself is False ; and therefore both It and the Action that proceeds from it , is a Deviation from Right Reason , and a Perversion of Human Nature . v. g. Justice is to be done , That Satisfaction be taken of my Enemy who injur'd me , is Justice ; Therefore That Satisfaction is to be taken by my self of my Enemy , is to be done , or I may revenge my self . Where the Major is True , so is the Minor ; but when the injur'd person comes to conclude , instead of the true Conclusion [ Therefore that Satisfaction be taken of him that injur'd me is to be done ] which abstracts from Who is to take that Satisfaction or Revenge , whether Himself or the Magistrate , who is the Overseer of the Laws and the Proper Revenger of Injuries , his Passion , and not Right Reason , coggs in a Fourth Term , not found in the Premisses , viz. Satisfaction is to be taken [ by my self . ] And the same may be observ'd in the Practical Judgment of any other Sinner , whether their Sin be Theft , Incontinency , Rebellion , &c. Corol. III. Hence , all Right Reasoning , which causes Science and Truth , is also , of its own nature , the Parent of Virtue ; and can dictate nothing but what tends to True Morality . As , on the contrary , all False Reasoning , does naturally and necessarily beget Error ; and , by means of Error , leads to Vice. APPENDIX . THE Grand Controversy Concerning Formal Mutation Decided In favour of the Peripatetick School . 1. THE main Hinge on which the greatest Contests between the Peripateticks and Anti-Peripateticks turn , is , Whether or no there be that Composition and Division in Natural Bodies , call'd Formal ; and , consequently , FORMAL MUTATION . The Corpuscularian Philosophers and Atomists deny there is any Mutation in the Thing it self , either in the Whole or any Part of it ; and they affirm that there is only an Extrinsecal Application of Particles Figur'd , Mov'd and Plac'd in various manners ; and , consequently , that the whole Contexture of Natural Bodies is a meer Mechanism . On the contrary , the Peripateticks ( by which word I do not mean the Common School-men , but those who take pains to understand Aristotle , either by his own Books , or by his First Interpreters ) do grant some kind of Particles and Minima Naturalia ; that is , some Least Size of Bodies , which are ( generally ) no farther Divisible because there want Natural Causes little enough to pass between their parts and divide them ; but they say , moreover , that there is not only Local or Situal ( which are Extrinsecal ) but also Intrinsecal or Formal Composition and Division , and , consequently Formal Mutation in them , either in Whole or in Part ; that is , a Change in them according to the Form , and not according to the Matter or Subject ; and they deny that any Solid Discourse or Explication either of Nature or Transnaturals ( which we call Metaphysicks ) can possibly be made , unless this be admitted . 2. The Parts of which they affirm all the Essences or Natures , of all those Entities we converse with , are Compounded , they call Act and Power , or Form and Matter ; whether those be Essential or Accidental . And , they put the Matter and Essential Form to be necessarily found in every Body , and in each of the most minute and insensible Atomes and Particles that can be imagin'd . The reason they give for this Assertion is , because each of them is a Distinct Ens from the Others , in regard it can subsist alone , and so , is Capable of a Distinct Being : whence they conceive there must be Somewhat in every Body and every Atome , by which it is Distinguisht from all Others , and somewhat in which it Agrees with them . That which Distinguishes them they call the Form , and that in which they Agree , the Matter . And they think that , however their Adversaries may quarrel the Words , yet they must allow the Sense : Nature and daily Experience teaching us that One Thing is made of Another ; which cannot be , unless Somewhat of it remains , and Somewhat be lost . For , otherwise , one Thing could not truly be said to be made of another ; but the Former Ens , of which Nothing remains , would be Annihilated ; and the Ens or Body , newly produced , would be made of Nothing ; that is , Created . 3. Now , when the Peripateticks speak of Matter and Form , and that each thing is Compounded of these ; and consequently , that there is some kind of Divisibility or Difference between them ; the Corpuscularians , who fancy nothing but Particles commodiously laid together , are presently apt to conceit that those Parts ( as it were ) that Compound a Body , are meant to be two certain kinds of Things joyn'd together into One ; and , if this be deny'd , they are ready to conclude , that they are either two Nothings , or at least that they leave us in the dark , and at a loss how to distinguish Things from Nothings : and thence object that this doctrin of Matter and Form cannot explicate any thing , or make a man one Jot the wiser . And , indeed , in case the Asserters of them did stay in these Common Expressions , and not draw many Clear Consequences from them , giving a farther account of them , the bare Saying there are such Part● so named , would be as Insignificant as to talk of Occult Qualities . 4. To rectify this Misconceit of theirs , sprung from a just Prejudice against meer School-terms , the Aristotelians defend themselves , by declaring their Meaning to be that One and the same Thing does ground those diverse Notion● of it self in us . That the Faecundity ( as it were ) of the Thing , not being Comprehensible at one view by our short Sighted Understanding , which knows nothing here but by Impressions on our Senses , which are Distinct and of many sorts , forces us to frame Inadequate or Partial Conceptions of it . And , because we cannot Speak of a thing otherwise than as we Conceive it , hence we can truly say , One of those Notions or Conceptions of the Thing is not the other ; which yet means no more , but that that Thing as thus Conceiv'd , is not the same Thing as otherwise Conceiv'd ; or that the Thing , as working by my Sense upon my Understanding thus , is not the Thing as working by the same or another Sense upon my Understanding otherwise . Whence , because what corresponds to both these Conceptions or Notions is found in the same Thing , hence they affirm that there is a certain kind of Composition of them both , in the Thing it self ; which is no more , in reality , but that there is found in that Thing what corresponds to , and grounds , both these Conceptions . 5. Farther , they declare , that , since Nature shows us that the Thing may be Changed according to somewhat in it that answers to One of these Conceptions , Notions , or Natures , and not Chang'd according to what answers to the Other ; hence , we must be forced to grant that there is a kind of Divisibility between them in the Thing , answering to the foresaid Composition ; and consequently , a Capacity of Formal Mutation , by which the Thing may be Chang'd accord●ng to one of them , viz. the Form , and not Chang'd according to the Matter . Whether that Form remains or no after such a Change is Another Point , and Extrinsical to our present business . 6. For Instance ; We experience that that Thing we call ( Wood ) is Chang'd into Another Thing call'd ( Fire ; ) and , therefore , unless we will say that Wood is Annihilated and Fire Created in its room ( which we are forbid to do by the very Notion of its being Chang'd into another ) there must have been Somewhat in Wood by which it was Actually Such a Thing before the Change was made , and which is Lost by its being Chang'd into Fire ; and also Somewhat in it which remains in the Fire into which 't is Chang'd . The Former they call the Form , the Later the Matter ; and thence conclude there must have been a Composition of Matter and Form in the Wood. And , since all Mankind agrees that Wood is One Thing and Fire Another Thing ; hence , ( Essence being the Form that constitutes an Ens , or makes it Formally a Thing ) they do farther affirm , that that which was in Fire , and made us denominate it such a Thing or Ens , is an Essential Form. And , because the Matter of the Wood had , ( or rather was ) a Power to have such a Form as made it now to be Wood , ( and also a Power to be afterwards Fire ) hence they say that that Thing , Ens or Substance we call'd Wood , did consist of Matter and Form , or was Compounded of them ; that is , Wood had truly in it what corresponded to both these Natures or Notions . Lastly , because Wood was Chang'd according to One of them only , viz. the Form , hence they conclude there was Formal Mutation made in the Wood ; which , therefore , was a Change according to somewhat that was most Intrinsecal to it ; because it chang'd it's Essence by making it become Another Thing ; and , consequently , that Change was an Essential one . Thus much of the Doctrin of the Peripateticks concerning Formal Composition and Mutation which is Essential . 7. But , besides this Formal Composition , and the Divisibility of that Essential part call'd the Form from the Matter , which we have now spoken of , there is moreover , ( say the Peripateticks ) another sort of Formal Composition and Mutation , which is Accidental . For even the Intire Thing , consisting of Matt●r and the Essential Form , has many Ac●idental Forms or Modifications in it , which are also truly Intrinsecal to the Thing , tho' not Essential to it . Which Forms are Compounded with the Intire Thing as with the Matter or Subject of them . For example ; We say a piece of Wood is Round , Hard , Long , Green , and such like ; and , therefore , since Wood has in it , besides it 's Essential Form , these Accidental Forms of Hardness , Length , &c. there is therefore a Real Composition of Wood ( which is a Complete Ens , and their Subject ) with these supervening Forms ; because the Thing has really in it what grounds and answers to all these several Conceptions . Farther ( say they ) there is , consequently , a Real Divisibility between the Wood and these Additional Forms ; in regard the Causes in Nature can work upon and Change the Wood according to it's Length , Roundness , Hardness , &c. and yet not change the Nature or Essence of Wood. Therefore ( say the Peripateticks ) the Wood , which is the Subject , can be Chang'd according to these Accidental Forms ; that is , there may be Formal Mutation in it according to those Accidental Notions or Natures , tho' it remains Substantially and Essentially the same . And , since the Form , of what nature soever it be , is conceiv'd to be in the Subject , hence ( say they ) both these sorts of Formal Mutation are also Intrinsecal ; or a Change of the Thing according to somewhat that is truly conceiv'd to be in it . 8. I expect that all this Discourse will look like Gibberish to the Corpuscularians , whose thoughts beat upon nothing but upon Particles thus Figur'd , Moved and Situated ; and all the while they read this , they will be conceiting how dextrously all this may be explicated to be perform'd by their Hypothesis ; and therefore how needless it is to have recourse to such abstruse Speculations as are those about Matter and Essential Forms that are Intrinsecal ; and , especially , to such unintelligible points as Formal Composition and Mutation . But I must beg their Patience to suspend their thoughts till we come to the Proof of Formal Mutation , which we are not yet got to . What we are now about , is barely to declare and lay open the Scheme of the Aristotelian Doctrin ; resting confident that in the sequel of this Discourse , the main point we have undertaken will be forced upon them with such Evidence , that it will be unavoidably necessary to admit it . In the mean time the Aristotelians , with so less Assurance than they use Confidence , do peremptorily challenge their thoughts , and bring them as Witnesses against themselves , if ever they reflected on the Common Rudiments of True Logick , and they set upon them thus . 9. It must be granted that we cannot have Science of any thing but by means of Discourse ; That the most Exact , and most Evident Discourses are those we call Syllogisms : That Syllogisms are resolved into Propositions ; and Propositions into Two Terms , and a Copula that connects them : That all that we can say of those Parts of a Proposition is , that they are Notions , or Meanings of the Words that express them : That , therefore , all Discourse is built on the right putting together of these Notions , and can be built on nothing else , nor made on any other fashion : That no Discourse can be Solid but what is grounded on the Natures of the Things themselves : without which they must necessarily be Aiery and Chimerical , and impossible to beget Knowledge : That , for this reason , our Notions , which ground all our Discourse and Knowledge , are the very Natures of the Things without us , existing Spiritually in our Understanding ; That our Operations of Apprehending , Iudging , and Discoursing of the Natures of Things being Immanent , or Perform'd and Perfected within us , the Objects of those Operations , or the very Natures of the Things , must be likewise within us : That 't is Evident by Experience that we do make Diverse Conceptions or Notions of the same Thing ; that is , all the Operations of our Mind are built on those Partial and Inadequate Notions of the Thing about which we are to Discourse : That we can frame a great Number of these Abstracted or Partial Notions of the same Thing , and many of them Intrinsecal ones : That , therefore , that Thing must have in it what corresponds to all those several Notions ; which we call Formal Composition : That , hence , there is a Divisibility in the Thing as grounding one of those Notions from the same thing as grounding Another of them , by reason that Natural Causes are apt to work upon the Thing according to that in it ( or that part of it , as it were ) which is thus conceiv'd , and yet not work upon it according to what in it is otherwise conceiv'd , or , to what grounds a different Notion . Whence they make account is inferr●d this Grand Conclusion , that therefore There is FORMAL MUTATION , in regard it can be wrought upon according to that in it which corresponds to the Notion of FORM , and not to that in it which answers to the Notion of Matter : Whence follows unavoidably that there is Formal Composition , Divisibility and Mutation in it , as is above explained . Which Conclusion must necessarily follow , if they allow ( as they must ) this Method of Discoursing ; each part of which has been made good in the foregoing Treatise . And the Aristotelians presume it is altogether Impossible for them to assign any other that can bear the least show of Sense or Coherence . 9. The Peripatetick School has yet another great Exception against the Corpuscularians ; which is , that , because their Schemes do not take their rise from our solid Natural Notions , made by Impressions of the Things upon our Senses , and thence convey'd to the Mind ; they come by this means to have little regard to the Nature of the Things , or to their Metaphysical Verity , the only Firm and Deep-laid Ground of all Knowledge . Through which neglect having render'd themselves Incapable of laying any First on Self-evident Principles , ( taken from our most Firm and most Radical Conceptions of the Thing , and Predicated of it accordingly ) to which they may finally reduce their Discou●ses ; hence , they are forced to coin to themselves Principles from their own Wit and Fancy : Out of which they contrive certain Hypotheses ; which granted , they hope they can make some congruous Explication of Nature . By which manner of proceeding , their Systems of Natural Philosophy , being Grounded on such Supposed Principles , is meerly Conditional or Hypothetical . Whence , they not only disable themselves from Concluding any thing , or Advancing Science ; but , instead of doing this , which is the Duty of a Philosopher , they breed an utter Despair of it , and introduce meer Scepticism . To pursue the Truth of which is not our Task at present , nor sutes it with our intended Brevity . 10. Yet to show the Justice of this Objection , it may suffice to remark at present , that neither does Epicurus regard the Intrinsecal Nature of his Plenum or Atomes , or go about to show why they must be so Infractil , nor in what their more than Adamantin Hardness consists ; nor how the Potential parts of these Atomes do come to have such an insuperably-Firm Coherence . Nor yet does Cartesius explicate to us of what Nature his First Mass of Matter is ; what Degree of Consistency or Density it has ; and , if any ( as it must have some or o●her ) why it was to be of that Density , or in what that Density consists . Which shows that neither of them regarded or minded the Intrinsecal Nature of their First Matter ; tho' this must needs have had great Influence on the Oeconomy of the World , and have afforded us much Light to know the Constitution and Temper of Natural Bodies , and consequently of their Proper Causes and Effects ; as also of many Intrinsecal Modifications of them , highly conducing to give account of , and explicate the Operations of Natural Agents . The only thing they seem to have regarded was the Extension of their First Matter , and the Motion , Figure and Situation of it's parts ; which are Extrinsical or Common Considerations ; but to give any account of what Intrinsecal or Essential Nature that Matter was , they are perfectly silent . They suppose it to be , but they do not so much as Suppose it to be of such or such an Intrinsical Nature ; which yet they must be bound to do , since all Extrinsical respects came by Motion , which was not yet begun . Or , if Epicurus does , by making his Atomes Infractil , 't is both said gratis ; and , besides , he gives us no Account in what that Quality of Indissoluble Hardness consists , or how it is to be Explicated . 11. Hence the Peripateticks alledge that , however the Authors of those Sects are men of Great Wits and strong Brains , ( for 't is not a Task for Ordinary Capacities to undertake a Design that fathoms and comprehends all Nature ) yet they can never begin with Evident Categorical Propositions and First Principles , or carry on their Discourses so as to bear the Test of True Logick ; but , either their Principles must be far from Self-evident , and must need Proof , which is against the nature of First Principles ; or else their Consequences must be Loose and Slack . And the only way to refute this Objection is , for some of their School to put it to the Trial by laying their Principles , and , proceeding forwards , to draw all along Evident Conclusions without intermingling their own Suppositions . But the Peripateticks are very Confident they neither can do this , nor will ever Attempt it . I mean so as to carry it along with Connexion and Evidence ; in which Spinoza , tho' perhaps the best Writer of the Cartesian School falls , very short , and pieces out his Discourse with many unprov'd Suppositions ; as is hinted above in my Preface . 12. And hence it is that the Corpuscularians , being forced by their Cause to decline such a severe Method , strive to avail themselves and uphold their Cause by Witty Discourses , Smooth Language , Clear Expressions , Apt Similitudes , Ingenious Experiments that bear a Semblance of Agreeing with their Doctrin , and such like Stratagems , to make a Plausible Show of Science . But their Chief Reliance is on the Facil and Familiar Appearances to Fancy ; with which they court that Delusive and easily Deluded Faculty : And , to this end , they gratifie it with such Proposals as are apt to sink into it most pleasingly ; such as are Particles of Matter , whose Variety of Imaginary Figures , and the Diverse Positions of them , they , without Study , quickly apprehend . And conceiting that all is done when they have thus Fancy'd or Apprehended them , they argue thus ; If these Pores and Parts will do the business , what need is there of those Abstruse and Metaphysical Speculations of Formal Composition and Mutation , and those many Intrinsical Changes , of which Fancy , can frame no Idea's or Shapes . And , indeed , such high Points seem to that Superficial Faculty Mysterious Whimsies ; they disgust it with the Laboriousness of comprehending them ; and persuade men of Fancy 't is Impossible to explicate Nature by such Principles , because they are rais'd beyond it's reach . And , indeed , if Nature could be solidly explicated by a kind of Contessellation of Particles , Fancy would have ( as it never has ) Some Reason : But , if , upon Examination , we come to find that such Schemes go no deeper than the Surface of the Essences of Things , that they can never reach to the Bottom-Principles of Nature , nor give Solid Satisfaction of the true Intrinsical Natures of any thing , to the Judgment attending to Maxims of Evident Reason , and to true Logick ; then we must be forc'd to follow the Aristotelian Doctrin , and have Recourse to Intrinsical and Formal Mutation ; especially , if the Necessi●y of Allowing it shall happen to be Demonstated . 13. To do which being our present Work , we will begin with Epicurus , a Scholar of the First Class in the School of Democritus . This Philosopher ( if we may call him so ) puts Innumerable Atomes , or rather ( contrary to a Clear Demonstration ) an Actually Infinit Number of them , and of an Infinit Number of Figures , descending in an Infinit Imaginary Space or Vacuity ; some of them downwards , some of them overthwart ( according as his Hypothesis had occasion ) that so they might overtake their fellow-Atomes . With which , clinging together by virtue of their meer Figures , they compound several Worlds , and every particular Body in each of those Worlds . That Natural Bodies become Rare or Dense , according as they have in them more or fewer of those Atomes , or ( as they call it ) Plenum , in proportion to the Vacuum . Thus much in common of his Hypothesis ; which , were the circumstance proper , it were easie to show , ( besides it being Vnprov'd ) be a Hotch-potch of the most Refined Nonsense , in every particular Sentence , and almost in every word ; notwithstanding the Explications and Patronage which Gassendus , Lucretius , and our Dr. Charleton have lent him . While I am speaking of his Tenet , I note here by the way , that by the Indivisibility of his Atomes , he means Insuperable Hardness or Absolute Infractilness ; and not that they consist in a Point , or want Extension ; as he is understood by Mr. Le Grand in his Entire Body of Phylosophy , Part 4. c. 4. § . 6. For , to think that , since he makes them of several Figures , there should want room or space to admit Division , could not be meant by such men as Epicurus or Gassendus . But , to return to our business , what concerns us at present is this , that let him contrive his Scheme as he pleases ( for , in such Fantastick Philosophy , all is as pleases Fancy , the Painter ) yet he must be forced to grant Intrinsecal and FORMAL MUTATION , even while he most industriously strives to avoid it . At least , tho' , perhaps , his Followers will not own the Conclusion , yet they must allow the Grounds of it , or the Principles that ought to inferr it . 14. To show which we ask , Are all his Atomes of the same Matter ? He must grant it ; for he allows no difference between them , but that of Figure . Again , each of those Atomes must be granted to be an Ens or Thing , because it can and does Exist alone ; and , to be a Distinct Ens from all the Other Atomes ; for , otherwise , all his several Atomes might be but One Ens or One Atome ; which is both a flat Contradiction , and , besides , quite destroys his own Hypothesis . Wherefore , each Atome must have something in it , that makes it a Distinct Ens , or distinguishes it from all the rest ; which cannot be the Matter of the Atome ; for That is Common to them All ; and what is Common to all , cannot distinguish One from Another . And , if there be Somewhat in each Atome that makes it a Distinct Ens , then ( Essence being that which formally constitutes an Ens , ) it gives it a Distinct Essence , or distinguishes it Essentially ; which is what the Aristotelians mean by an Essential Form. So that they are at unawares , in despite of their own Doctrine , become ( thus far ) Aristotelians . 15. To proceed ; Therefore it is not Impossible but each Atome may be Chang'd according to the Form , and not according to the Matter ; that is , each Atome is Capable of Formal Mutation . Which I thus demonstrate , Whatever does not imply a Contradiction is not Impossible ; but The putting each Atome to be Chang'd another to the Form , and not according to the Matter , does not imply a Contradiction ; therefore The putting each Atome to be thus Chang'd is not Impossible . The Minor , only which can need Proof , is thus Evidenc'd . For , since a Contradiction is no where but in our Vnderstanding , there can be no Contradiction unless the Same be Affirm'd and Deny'd Secundum Idem , or according to the same Notion or Respect , in our Understanding . But , this cannot be in our case : For the Notions of the Matter and Form of each Atome ( as has been in the last § . Metaphysically demonstrated from the natures of Idem and Diversum ) are Distinct Notions that is , Distinct Considerations , Regards or Respects of the same Thing ; and therefore , to Affirm that the Atome is Chang'd according to One of those Different Regards or Notions , viz. the Form , and Not-chang'd according to the Other , viz. the Matter , has not the least show of Affirming and Denying secundum idem ; nor , consequently , the least show of a Contradiction . Wherefore it is evidently Demonstrable from plain Logick , acknowledg'd by all Mankind , that it is Possible each Atom should be Chang'd according to the Form or Formally Chang'd ; whence , if there be Causes in Nature sufficient to change it , it will be Actually Chang'd or Broken ; that is , it will undergo such a Mutation as is not only Formal , but Essential ; because the former Ens is no more when Two Entities are made of it . It remains then only to examin whether there be sufficient Causes in Nature to work this Change , supposing each Atom of it's own Nature Changeable , as has been demonstrated . 16. In order to which we are to reflect that Epicurus puts those Atomes of his to be of all imaginable Figures : Wherefore , there must be some of them like Needles , ending in the smallest Point that can be conceiv'd . Others full of Pores or very small holes , into which some of these sharpest Points will light ; and the more bulky part of the Atome not being able to enter it , that Point will remain Wedg'd in that Pore or Cavity . Now this Point of the Atome may be so almost infinitely Slender , that the least Impulse of other Atomes , crouding and pressing upon it , may be able to break it ; much more , when it happens ( as it needs must ) that the vast weight of Mountains or a great Part of the Body of the Earth do press with a Transverse or Side-motion upon that Atome . In which case , it will be impossible to conceive how that smallest Point , perhaps a million of times less than a Hair can be able to resist such a stupendious Pressure . The same may be said of those Atomes made like our Hooks , clasping with another Hooked one , when a very strong Divulsive force , able to rend Rocks asunder , tears the Compound several ways ; as when Mines of Gun-powder blow up Castles or Mountains . Wherefore , since ( as has been shown ) the Atome is Capable of being Broken , that is , Capable to be Intrinsecally or Formally Chang'd , and there are Causes sufficient to break it ; it follows that ( whatever Epicurus does extravagantly , and against the Sense of Mankind , suppose ) his Atomes would be de facto Broken ; that is Two Entities would be made anew , and the Vnity ( that is the Entity ) of the Former Ens or Atome would be destroy'd ; and , consequently , there must be not only Intrinsecal , but Essential , that is , the Greatest of Formal Mutations , made in his Atomes . 17. The same is Demonstrated from the Notion of Mutation it self , and the Effects it causes in our Understanding . I discourse thus , Our Words express our Notions , and our Notions ( unless they be Fictitious ) are taken from the Thing . Wherefore , unless there be some Change or other in the Thing , our Notions , and , consequently , our Expressions and Denominations , must still be the same . But , when Local Motion of the Atom is made in the Vacuum , we must be forced to speak of it or Denominate it diversly , and to say it is now Here , now There , or in another place than it was before ; for , otherwise , it could not be said truly to be mov'd Locally if it did not change Place . There must then be some Novelty or some Change in some Thing or other to ground this New Notion , which causes this New Denomination . Themselves will not say 't is in the Vacuum ; and , should they say so , it would be perfect Nonsense ; for the Vacuum , being nothing , cannot be Capable of Change ; Therefore this Novelty or Change must be in the Atome . Otherwise , did all the Causes whatever remain the Same , the same Effect , viz. the same Notion and the same Denomination , and not a Different one , must ensue ; or else there would be an Effect ( viz. this New Notion and Denomination ) without any Cause , which is Impossible . Wherefore 't is Logically Demonstrated that there must be Formal Mutation made in the Atome . 17. Perhaps they will say ( for such Discoursers think they have given a sufficient Answer if they can but give us a New Word ) there is only an Extrinsical Change made by the Application of the parts in the Atom to Different parts of the Vacuum . But first a Vacuum can have no parts , much less any Difference of Parts . Next , an Extrinsical Change is a most Improper Expression , and signifies a Thing may be Chang'd , and yet no Change in it . But , suppose we should admit those Words , yet themselves must say an Extrinsical Change means or implies a Change in some Extrinsical Thing which is realy and Intrinsically Changed : and which , by being thus Changed , give an Extrinsical Denomination to Another Thing ; which is all they can mean by these words [ Extrinsical Change ] As when the Wall is Extrinsically denominated [ Seen ] from the Act of my Seeing Power , my Eye is Intrinsically Chang'd by having that Act , and thence gives that Extrinsical Denomination to the Wall : And if the words [ Extrinsically Chang'd ] have not this meaning , they can have no Sense , but are altogether Inexplicable . To be Cloath'd , is an Extrinsical Denomination to the man on whom Cloaths are put : But then the Cloaths suffer an Intrinsical Change of their Figure , and perhaps their Quantity , by being fitted and acomodated to the Body of that man , and the Air suffers the same while the Action or Motion of Cloathing is perform'd . To be Mov'd Locally is an Extrinsical Denomination to the Body that is Moved : but then , Local Motion being a Division of the Medium through which that Motion is made , there is an Intrinsical Change in the Medium Divided , and a New Continuity of the parts of the thing Moved , to New parts of the Medium , is acquir'd ; which is a Quantitative , and therefore an Intrinsical Mutation ; whence the Extrinsical Denomination of [ Moved ] accrues to the Moved Body . Besides , it is scarce possible in Nature , where there can be no Action without some Degree of Reaction , but the Body it self that is Moved must undergo some small Change. But now , in the Scheme of Epicurus his Philosophy , all things are quite otherwise ; since neither the Vacuum , nor the Atoms ( and he puts nothing else ) even according to his own Doctrin , are in the least degree Capable of Change : Wherefore he is convinced to Deny this Self-evident Maxim [ Idem , manens idem , semper facit idem , ] while he must affirm that there can be a New Effect , ( viz. that New Notion and Denomination ) without any Novelty or Change in the Cause , or the Thing ; that is , he must put a New Effect without any New Cause ; or ( which is the same ) an Effect without a Cause . 18. But , leaving him , and turning our Discourse to our Modern Corpuscularians , the Cartesians : These Philosophers tell us the Particles of their Ma●ter are Crumbled or Shattered by Rubbing against one another . Wherefore their Matter , and each Part of it was One Thing before it was Moved , and now is by Motion become Many Things . Nor can it be deny'd , but that All of them were Entities before their Motion ; since both that Whole Mass of Matter , and each of the first Divided Parts , were ( antecedently to the Division ) Capable of Existing apart , and pre-suppos'd to the Division as the Subject of it . Wherefore , both that Whole Bulk of Matter , and each of those Parts , by losing their Vnity did eo ipso lose their Entity too ; and , consequently , the respective Forms that constituted them such Entities ; which is the Greatest Formal and Intrinsical Mutation that can be ; and far Greater , even by their own Doctrin , than could be made afterwards , according to any Accident or Modification of those foresaid Entities . 19. Again , since Motion cannot be made in an Instant , that Mass of Matter must be granted to have been Created , that is , to have had Being , antecedently , in Priority of Nature , to Motion . Wherefore , it had in that Instant some kind of Intrinsecal Nature ; and somewhat in it which made it to be of that Nature : Hence I argue thus ; that Nature and the Form that constituted it , is either Lost when it came to be Divided , and then it was Intrinsecally and Formally Chang'd : Or else it retain'd that Nature after it was Divided ; and then 't is Manifest that that Mass was Diminisht , that is Chang'd according to its Extension ( in regard the Greater Extension of that Original Mass was now made Less ) and yet was Vnchang'd according to its Nature . Let them take which of these they please , they must unavoidably yield there was Formal Mutation ; in the former case , of its Essence ; in the Later of its Extension ; and a Formal Divisibil●ty in it , either of its Form from its Matter ; or of its Extension from its Nature or Essence ; in regard it was by Motion , Chang'd according to the One , and not according to the Other . But , now , in case they make ( as they do ) Extension to be the Essential Form of that Matter , Formal Mutation is made more Unavoidable , and must be granted even by themselves . 20. To understand the force of this Demonstration more Clearly , it is to be noted that the Cartesians do not make their First Matter to be only an Abstracted Conception of an Ens or Body , as it has in it a Power to have a Form and so to be a Thing , as the Aristotelians do ; for which reason they rightly , and acutely Define , or rather Describe it , as thus Abstracted by our consideration , to be Neque Quid , neque Quantum , neque Quale , neque aliquod aliud eorum quibus Ens determinatur ; in regard that , as thus consider'd , 't is a meer Power to be any of them , or all of them , that is , none of them Actually . But they put their first Matter to be Inform'd ; otherwise they could not put it to have Extension in it , which must necessarily be granted to be a Form either Essentially Constituting it , or some Accident or Modification of some Thing that has a Substantial Form. Whence , they must hold that their First Matter is an Ens or Compleat Thing , that is , Compleatly Capable of Existing ; which appears farther by its Terminating the Action of Creation ; the peculiar Effect of which is to give Actual Being ; which concludes it to have been Compleat under the Notion of Ens ; since it is Self-evident that that cannot Actually be , which is not Capable to be ; that is , which is not an Ens. This Note reflected on , it is manifest it must have a Nature of its own , and Somewhat in it to constitute that Nature , or some Essential Form ; and so is Formally Mutable ( whether Extension be that Form or no ) as is deduced by our Argument . § . 19. 21. To come up closer to them , and enforce the Evidence of our Argument to a Nonplusage of their Cause , we ask ▪ Of what kind of Consistency was that Original Matter , into which GOD ( according to them ) did infuse the first Motion , and so Divided it . The very Terms tells us that it must have been of it's own Nature either Easie or Hard to be Divided , nor do we ask the precise Degree ; Let them say 't is either One or the Other , or a Middle Degree between both , we are so reasonable it shall serve the turn . It being then indifferent to our Question , in this perfect silence of theirs we will g●ess as well as we can at what they should say as most congruous to their Doctrin ; and so we will suppose it to be Dense . We enquire next in what consists this Modification or Affection of it call'd Density ? or how they will explicate it ? Motion had not yet begun in that Instant in which it first was , by the Means of which they put all Qualities ( and this amongst the rest ) to be Produced . If they should say ) which yet I do not read they do , nor so much as speak of it as 't is found in their First Matter ) that it consists in the Rest of it's Parts . 'T is reply'd first that that Matter has as yet no Parts , for these are made by Motion , which was not in that Instant begun . Or , if they mean only it's Potential parts , or ( which is the same ) that One Actual Whole ; not to pose them by what virtue those Potential parts do formally cohere , which without making Divisibility ( which is Quantitative Vnity or Continuity ) the Essence of Quantity is impossible to explicate ; the Question returns and we demand how Firmly those parts do cling together ; that is , how Dense that Whole was , and in what it's Density consisted ! which we affirm must have been either in it's Intrinsical Nature or such a degree of Consistency ( which is in it's being to such a degree more or less Divisible by Natural Causes ) or in Nothing . Again , if Density consisted in the Rest of it's Parts , and there was most perfect Rest before there was any Motion , then the Density of it must have surpassed all Degrees ; and , therefore it must have been of the Nature of Epicurus his Atomes ; that is , Insuperably and Essentially Incapable of being Divided ; which they must not say who make their Elements made by the Rubbing of some parts of the Matter against the others . Besides , in tha● supposition GOD , as the Author of Nature , had offer'd Violence to his own Creation , by Dividing it immediately at first . Lastly , that Matter was of it's own nature Indifferent to be Mov'd or not-Mov'd , that is , Indifferent to Rest or Motion ; for Being and Extension abstract from both ; whereas in our case , Density ( and the same may be said had it been Rare ) being Natural to it , and not Adventitious or Accidental by the Operation of External Causes ; it could not have been Indifferent to it ; since every thing necessarily Requires what is Natural to it self . Nor is a Thing , meerly by it's being in Rest , of another Nature . To understand this more clearly , let us consider this Proposition [ That Thing call'd the First Matter is in Rest ] 't is about the Essence or Nature or Intrinsecal Quality of the Subject of this Proposition we are Enquiring ; to which supervenes that Accidental Predicate of being in Rest. Wherefore , to be in Rest does not alter the Intrinsecals of their First Matter , but presupposes them ; and , therefore , all it's Intrinsecals must have belong'd to it of it's own nature , whether it had happen'd to be in Rest , or in Motion . 22. Density then in their First Matter cannot be explicated by Rest , nor , consequently , Rarity by Motion . Let us search then farther in what we can conceive it to consist , or how it may be Explicated . Now , we are to note , that all Particular Natures or Notions , are to be Explicated by more Common and General ones , if we go to work like Philosophers ; for all Grounds and Principles are made up of such Notions as are Common or Vniversal ones ; and , to Explicate Particulars by other Particulars , is the way of Proceeding by Similitudes ; which may serve sometimes to Elucidate , but never to Prove or to Resolve any thing or Notion into its Formal Cause , which belongs properly to Philosophers . We find then , abstracting f●om Rest and Motion , which are Accidental to that Matter , no Notion or Nature in it that can be Superiour to Density and Rarity , but the Essence of it , that is , that Thing it Self call'd the First Matter , and its Quantity : And Quantity may be consider'd two ways ; Either as affecting the Body meerly in order to its Self ; or else in order to the Causes that may work upon it ; The Former we call Extension , the latter , Divisibility ( physically consider'd . ) Now , Density cannot any way be Explicated by Extension as that in which it consists , as is most Evident ; in regard a Body may be Equally Extended , whether it be Rare or Dense ; nor is any thing therefore Rarer or Denser because it is Longer or Shorter . Let us apply then our Consideration to Divisibility , taken in the sense spoken off lately , viz. as making its Subject apt to be wrought upon or Divided by Natural Causes ; and the Proper and Intrinsecal Differences of every Common Notion being More and Less , and it being also Evident from the very Notions , and from the Consent of Mankind , that we call those Bodies [ Dense ] which are Less Easy to be Divided , or Less D●visible ; and those [ Rare ] which are more Divisible or more Easy to be Divided , we are in a fair way to find out clearly what Rarity and Density do consist in ; viz. Rarity in an Excess or greater Proportion of Quantity ( thus consider'd ) to the Matter or Subject of it ; and Density in a Lesser Proportion of the same Quantity to the Matter ; that is , to the Subject of it according to the Notion of it as Matter . Nor , does this more strain our Reason to conceive this various participation of the same Accident [ Quantity ] than it does to conceive a Thing to partake the Quality of Whiteness Vnequally , and be More or Less White . For that Maxim of [ Quantitas non suscipit magis & minus ] is meant Evidently of Extension ; in regard that the least imaginable Extension being Added or Abstracted from the former , must necessarily vary the Species . 23. That we may bear up more directly to our main Thesis : Since Rarity , or else Density must necessarily be in their First Matter , ( for it is impossible to conceive it to be at all Divisible by Natural Causes but it must be either Easily or Hardly Divisible by them ) if we joyn to this that Contraria ( according to the Maxim ) sunt circa idem subjectum , it will and must follow that the same Matter ( whether theirs or ours ) that had a Power in it to be Less Divisible or Dense , had also a Power in it to be More Divisible or Rare ; and this not only in the First Matter it self , but also in every particular Body in Nature made of it , and which has the nature of that Matter in it : whence results this Conclusion , that Rare Bodies are Transmutable into Dense , and Dense into Rare ; and that , therefore , there is Formal Mutation in Bodies according to these two Primary Qualities ; and , consequently , according to all Secondary Qualities too ; which ( as will be demonstrated in Physicks ) are made up of those Primary ones . So that most of the Effects in Nature are carry'd on by Formal Mutation ; nor consequently , can Nature be ever rightly Explicated by the Deniers of such a Formal Change. 24. Let it be well noted that I speak not in this last Discourse of Contradictories , which have no Middle between them , and therefore cannot have the same Matter or Subject , or make it Changeable from one to the other ; as , because Body is Divisible , it does not follow that the same Subject can be Chang'd to Indivisible . What I discourse of , and from whence , in part , I drew my Argument was , from the nature of Contraries , which are two Extremes under the same kind of Quality , and therefore have Middling Qualities between both ; by passing through which , as by Degrees or Steps , the Body is Transmutable from one of them into the other . And the reason is , because neither Extreme is Infinitely such , and therefore has necessarily some Mixture of the Opposit Quality an● is ( as it were ) Allay'd by it ; so that it comes to be Finite under that Notion . Whence the Subject which has one of those Extreme Qualities , becomes a Capacity of Admitting the other Extreme . And therefore Epicurus seems to go to work more like a Philosopher , in this point , than the Cartesians , by supposing his Atoms Essentially that is Infinitely Dense or Incapable to be Broken or Divided ; tho' in most other things he falls very much short of Cartesius his Clear Wit , by his building in a manner wholly on Suppositions ; and , those too , the most Extravagant ones an ill-grounded Judgment could stumble into . 25. They will ask how or by what means can a Dense body be chang'd into a Rare one , or a Rare into a Dense ; or , what Causes do we find in Nature Proper to produce such an Effect ? And , it must be confest the Question is very Pertinent . For to put the Operations of Rarefaction and Condensation without any Proper Agents to cause those Operations , is a thing unbecoming a Philosopher . We answer then , that all Compressive and Divulsive Agents , which we experience are Frequent and almost continually working in Nature , are as Proper to work upon Quantity as such , and to make the Subject of it Rarer or Denser , as Dealbation is to work upon a Subject as 't is Colourable , or Combustion upon a thing as 't is Combustible , or any other Action to produce or inferr it's Proper Effects , or , to cause the Passions that correspond to it . Nor can there be any Notion or Consideration found in a Body on which those two Actions of Compression and Divulsion , can be conceiv'd to work properly and precisely but on it's Quantity or Divisibility , in order to make the same Matter have more or less Quantity in it ; or to make a Body that is Compressed or Drawn several wayes to be Formally Chang'd in those respects . So that we must either say that those two Common Words , importing Natural Actions , and us'd by all Mankind , to have no sense in them , or they must allow them their Proper Effects , which are to Shrink or Dilate the Quantity of the thing , which is to make it Rarer or Denser . Granting them that sometimes and even very often those Effects are perform'd by the Intromission and Extrusion of subtil particles of other Bodies , ( which as the very Terms show , are improperly call'd Rarefaction and Condensation ; ) whenever any Natural Body is Prest or Stretched on all sides by other Bodies closely besieging it , if Quantity be capable of those Effects as is demonstrated above § . 15. it is , the Proper Effects of such kinds of Operations must ensue , and the Body enclos'd , will be to some degree Condens'd or Rarefy'd . 26. Now , had Cartesius put these two First Qualities in the Matter Created by God in the Beginning , so that some parts of it had been Created Dense , some Rare , Nature had been furnisht with Immediate Causes to made Division or Motion connaturally , ( supposing them set on work , or mov'd first by some Superiour Agent ) in regard Dense Bodies are naturally apt to Divide Rare ones , and Rare ones naturally apt to be Divided by those which are Dense . Nor had he then needed to assign to Essential Being whose Nature is Unchangeable , and in which there is no Transmutatio aut Vicissitudinis obumbratio , that is , neither Change nor Shadow of Change , a Drudgery so Mis-becoming his Essence , as to be the Immediate Cause of Motion or Change. Hence I argue : Since neither to be Easily nor Hardly Divisible , is the Essence of that First Matter , in regard it was Compleat in the line of Ens , and terminated the Action of Creation , and so could have subsisted whether it had been Rare or Dense , or , tho' it had not been Divided at all , there is manifestly a Divisibility between the Essence of that Matter and its Rarity or Density ; and therefore , by the same argument we brought formerly against Epicurus , that Matter might have been Chang'd according to either of those Qualities , and not according to its Essence , and yet no Contradiction ensue ; which demonstrates it to be Possible . Again , that Matter being Indifferent to either Rarity or Density , had GOD Created some part of it Rare , some Dense , the course of Nature ( as was lately shown ) had gone on more connaturally : Wherefore , since GOD , as the Author of Nature , and abstracting from Miracle , does always act most connaturally or agreeably to the Nature of Things ; it follows that he did actually order that some parts of the First Matter , of which the World was to be Form'd , should be Rarer , and some Denser than Others , and not of an Uniform or homogeneous Nature . And , accordingly , we are taught by Holy Writt , that in the Beginning there was Earth , Water , and Air. And , if the Cartesians will needs make their First Matter Uniform , and that GOD must move it immediately , 't is justly Requir'd of them to show this Tenet of theirs , most Agreeable to the Natures of the Things : I mean to the nature of GOD whom they put to be the Immediate Cause of the First Motition ; and to the Nature of Matter , the Patient ; and not overleap and slide over the Proof of both these main Points and suppose them ; and this , not because they can even pretend that those suppositions do suit best with the Natures of the Things themselves ; but , meerly , because it best serves to introduce and carry on the Scheme of Doctrin they had resolv'd on . 27. From Essential Mutation of Things in Nature , or their losing their Substantial Form , we come now to demonstrate that there is moreover Mutation in them according to those Forms which are Accid●nt●l . In order to which we will premise this Consideration taught us by daily Experience , that No Body becomes Another Thing in an Instant , but is Alter'd or Dispos'd before hand ere it comes to Suffer an Essential Change. For example ; A piece of Wood ere it comes , by perfect Division , to be made two Things of One , is first Alter'd according to its Figure , that is , Cleft or Nick'd . Before the same Wood is turn'd into Fire , it is first Heated ; that is , it has that Accidental Form call'd the Quality of Heat first introduced into it ; and so in all the rest respectively . Which Changes not being Essential ones , in regard they antecede the Change of the E●tity as Dispositions to it , they must be Accidental ones ; and this , according to Quantity , Quality or Relation , which are all the Accidental Notions we have of the Thing that are Intrinsecal to it . Now , if we admit those Previous Alterations and Dispositions , we cannot avoid the admitting Mutation of the Subject according to those Forms . Wax , by melting is Rarifi'd , that is , Chang'd as to its former Density . A Man or Horse loses a Limb , and consequently their former Quantity and Figure too ; and yet they are the same Individual Man and Horse . A Husband loses that Relation when his Wife dies , and yet is the same Man he was . So that here is most manifestly a Divisibility between the Natures of Essences of those Things , and these Intrinsecal Accidents or Accidental Forms ; and the Subjects are evidently Chang'd by Natural Causes according to These , and not according to its Essence or Nature ; that is , the Subject undergoes so many Formal Mutations that are Accidental . And , let them explicate these Terms as they please after their own odd manner , they shall never avoid the Conclusion , if they do put the Subject or Body to be truly an Ens , and that it may be otherwise than it was , and yet not Immediately cease to be that Ens ; either of which to deny were to bid defiance to Mankind and to Common Sense . 28. I know it will be repli'd , that all Natural Bodies are Compound Entities , or made up of many little Particles ; which , put together , Mov'd and Plac'd Commodiously , do enable them to perform those several Operations peculiar to each ; and that these do occasion our saying in our common Speech , it is such an Ens. And that , therefore , all our Discourse concerning Formal Mutation falls to the Ground ; since all may be Explicated by the Taking away , Adding . Ordering and Moving those Particles after such or such a manner . But , this comes not up to the Point , nor can serve them to escape our Argument , but rather plunges them into a more manifest and Direct Contradiction . For , admit that each Compound Ens ( as they are pleas'd to call those Many Entities ) or at least a great part of it , be made up of those little Particles ; I am still to ask them whether those Particles do really conspire to make it One Thing or no , after the Composition ? that is , whether after the Composition there remains only One Actual Thing , or Many Actual Things or Entities ? If the First , then our Discourse proceeds with the same Force ; for then , since this One Ens or Body is Dissolvable or Corruptible , it must ( as was prov'd above ) have somewhat in it that remains in the Compound w ch is to be made out of it , which we call Matter , and Somewhat which Formally Constituted the Former Body to be what it was , and consequently , which does not remain in the New One ; which is what we call the Form. And , because it did not cease to be or was Corrupted in an Instant , the Former Subject or Body admitted of Alterations first ; and , consequently , there was Mutation in it , both according to those Substantial and those Accidental Forms . But , if they say , ( as I fear they will , because they must ) that after Composition there is no Ens which is truly One but Many ; or , if they say that , after Composition , there is One and Many which are properly and Formally Entities ; then they must say that the same Thing is both One according to the Notion of Ens , and yet not One according to the Notion of Ens , which is a plain Contradiction ; for it Affirms and Denies Contradictories of the Thing acording to the same respect . Whereas in the Aristotelian Doctrin , there is but One Ens Actually , tho' made up of Potential Parts which have a Formal Divisibility between them ; or ( which is the same ) One Thing apt to verify different Conceptions and Notions ; which ( as was said above ) partly because we cannot comprehend it all at once , partly because Natural Causes do change it according to One Respect and not according to Another , we are naturally forced to make of it . Now , to make the Subject consist of Potential parts , Destroys not the Vnity of the Compounded Ens but Establishes it ; for , to say it is Potentially Many , is the same as to say it is Actually One ; and , to Compound an Ens of Potential Parts proper to the Notion of Ens , neither of which were One Actual Part before , is to make that Ens truly One tho' it had no other Titl● to be One of its own nature : For , to compound an Ens of Entitatine parts neither of which is of its Self an Ens , is as plainly to make One Ens as words can express . 29. But , to put them past this Evasion and all hopes of eluding the force of our Discourse by alledging that Natural Bodies are Compounds , I have purposely drawn my Chief Arguments from the Atomes or Molicellae ( as Gassendus calls them ) of Epicurus , and from that Original Mass of Matter , of which the Cartesians affirm their Elements were made , which the Antiperipateticks must be forced to confess are perfectly Vncompounded . And , I farther alledge , that as Many Quantums cannot compound One Quantum unless they be Vnited Quantitatively ; so neither can Many Entities ( such those Distinct Atomes and Particles must be ) compound One Ens , unless they be United Entitavely . Wherefore those parts can be only Potentially in the Compound ( as our Matter and its Essential and Accidental Forms are ) for , were they Actually there , they would be Entitatively Many . Whence the Ens , made up of those Many Actual Entities , could not be Entitatively Vnum or one Ens ; but it would be an Vnum which is Divisum in se ; and which is worst , ( to compleat the Nonsence and make it a perfect Contradiction ) it would be in the same respect Divisum in se in which it is Vnum or Indivisum in se , viz. in ratione Entis ; which is to be perfectly Chimerical . 30. Thus they come off , and so must every one , who guides himself by the sound of Words without looking attentively into their Sense . For , the Word [ Compounded ] is in reality a kind of Transcendent , and therefore in the highest manner Equivocal ; whence , while out of slightness of Reasoning and not heeding where the Question pinches , they take the word in an Vnivocal signification , they come to apprehend that the compounding many Entities together according to some Extrinsecal respects ( such as are Situation , Motion , joynt-Action and such like , ) is the same as to compound them according to that most Intrinsecal respect call'd Substance ; and is sufficient to make them One Entitatively , or One Ens. 31. And let it be noted that this Discourse equally confutes their Position of the Soul 's being a Distinct Thing from the Body , which leads them into Innumerable Errours . And , the absurdity in making These Two to be One Compound Thing , is far greater than to make One Body compounded of those Particles ; in regard the Ranging of Particles may at least , make One Artificial Compound , ( v. g. a House ) tho' not a Natural one ; whereas a Spirit and a Body are forbid by their natures to have any such Artificial or Mechanical Contexture ; but must unavoidably , when the Asserters of this Tenet have shifted and explicated all they can , remain Two Actual Things ; and , moreover , such Two , as are toto genere Distinct ; nor , consequently , can they , either by the Natural or Artificial Names us'd by Mankind , be signify'd by One Word ; or be called A Man ; as the former Compounds could be called a House , or a Clock . And I defy all the wit of Man to invent any way how Two such Actual Things can have any Coalition into One Natural thing , or have an Entitative Union , but by being join'd together as Act and Power , that is , as Matter and Form ; which are the Potential Parts of an Ens , and therefore are apt to compound One Ens , in regard neither of them is a Thing Actually . 32. And indeed if we look more narrowly into the Doctrin of the Deniers of Formal Mutation ( the Antiperipateticks ) we shall find that they have Perplex't and render'd Obscure the most Common , Easie , Obvious , Useful and Necessary Notion which Mankind has or can have , viz. the Notion of a Thing . For I cannot discern that they make their First Mass of Matter to be One Natural Thing , unless they fancy it to be a kind of Idea Platonica of Body , existing Indeterminately or in Common : For they put the Form of it to be Extension , and they make this Extension to be Indeterminate , that is not-Particular ; that is , to be Extension in Common . Nor can we learn of them what kind of Thing it is , more than that it is barely thus Extended : Which tells us , indeed that it has Quantity , but gives us no light of it's Intrinsecal Nature or Entity ; that is , they never explicate to us of what nature that thing is which is Extended . And what man living can conceive a Body which has neither Figure , or Colour , Density or Rarity , Heat or Cold , Hardness or Softness in it , but meerly Extension ? Again , I cannot see that they put those little Particles , made by Motion out of that Matter , to be Natural Things , tho' they do Actually and Distinctly exist in Nature ; because they make them Principia or Elementa Rerum Naturalium ; and the Elements of which Things are made can no more , with good Sense , be called Things , than Letters , which are the Elements of Words , can be said to be Words . The Compound , made up of those Particles , they do , indeed , expresly own to be a Thing ; but , by making it consist of Many Things , ( I mean those Particles ) each of which has a peculiar Actual Existence of its own , and which are not United or made One according to the Notion of Ens , but only according to the Notion of some Accident which is Extrinsecal to the Notion of Ens and differs from it toto genere , they cannot with any show of Reason , call such a Compound A Thing , or One Thing . Whence , according to their Hypothesis ; we can have no Clear Light what is to be called a Thing , or what the word [ Thing ] means . As for our Four Elements ( which perhaps they will object ) they either are found Pure , and out of the Compound ; and then having an Actual Existence of their own , they are truly Things . Or they do not , and then they are Potential parts of the Compound in which they are ; which , and only which , Exists by One Actual Existence , which shows it to be One Thing ; and not by Many , as their Compound does , which makes it Many Things ; at least such Things as they will allow those Elements or Particles to be . 33. But to give them what Satisfaction we may without Injury to Truth , and withal to Clear the true Aristotelian doctrin from the prejudices taken from the bad speculations of those School-men , who make Accidents so many little Entities distinct from Substances , we will confess that many of those Forms we call Qualities , are Effluiums or Particles sent out from other Bodies ; which , while they transiently affect that Body on which they light , they retain their own Distinct Entities , and are call'd the Particles or Vertue of the Emittent Body affecting another Body that is Passive from them . But , when they gain a Permanency there , and , by Continuity of Quantity , or Similitude of Nature , or any other Cause , they come to be naturally Vnited to it , and assist it in its Proper Operation , they lose their Actual Entity and Unity which they had formerly , and become a Potential Part of the Subject that was Passive from them , and Exist and Subsist in it . And ; because the Notion of [ Form ] is to be Receiv'd in the Subject or Matter , and those Particles advene to it already Existing , they are hence call'd Accidental Forms of it ; and either give it such an Alterableness as is agreeable to their nature , as is seen in Passible Qualities ; or , sometimes , if they suit with the Primogenial Constitution of that Body , they strengthen and belong to some Habit , Disposition , Power or Property of it ; and piece out ( as it were ) those Qualities , and , in some degree or other denominate the Subject thus or thus Qualify'd . 34. But to make it yet more manifest how industriously the Cartesians do wave the giving any account of their First Matter , of which notwithstanding they hold all their three Elements , and consequently all Nature , was made , we will take notice of one prevarication of theirs more ; which does evidently bewray at what a plunge they are about it ; by omitting that Consideration , which , even by their own Doctrin , was the Chiefest and most Necessary . They affirm that Matter of theirs to have been Divided first by God into greater parts , which again being moved or jumbled one against another , did shave or wear off every small particles of several sorts of which their First Element was made : Division then was the first and Principal Physical Action , and that which most conduced to frame all Nature : Nay , in case there be no Vacuum , ( as they grant there is not ) it is manifest that the First Motion , and which was exercis'd Immediately upon their Matter , as also all the following Motions exercis'd upon the said Matter , was Division . Now , Divisibility of the Matter being the Proper Power that answers to the Act of Division , or ( which is the same ) to Motion , and withal directly speaking the nature of their Matter as apt to be wrought upon by those Causes : how was it possible they should slip over that , and regard only the Extension of it ? Divisibility is a Natural Notion , and imports an Order to Natural Action ; whereas Extension is a dull sluggish Notion , and meerly Mathematical ; that is , it does Abstract from Action and Motion both ; For an Extended thing is never the more or less Extended whether it Moves or stands still ; but its whole Nature and Notion is taken up in affecting its own Subject , or Extending it , equally and all one whether it Acts or not acts . But , the reason of this willful neglect is this , that , tho' they grant it to have been Divided , yet , should they tell us it was thus Divisible , Common Reason would lead us to pose them with asking whether it were Easily or Hardly Divisible , that is Rare or Dense ; of which Qualities in their Matter , antecedently to Motion , and the Contexture of the particles made by that Motion , their Principles can give no kind of account , nor possibly explicate them . 35. I am apt to think that they foresaw this Rub in their way , which hindred the Currency of all their Doctrin of Physicks ; and , seeing they could not remove it , they very fairly let it alone ; Yet , for a show they take notice of the Word , but they turn it to a quite different Sense : For Mr. Le Graud * coming to give us account of the Divisibility of this Matter , where it was the Proper place to acquaint us to what degree it was Divisible into particles by Natural Causes , he starts aside to tell us that , being Quantitative , 't is Divisible in Infinitum ; which is quite besides our purpose . This is a Mathematical Divisibility ; whereas a Physical Divisibility , or a disposition to be divided by the Motion of the first-made parts , is only that which can concern his Scheme or do it any service . For had it been insuperably Dense or Hard ( as Epicurus fancies his Atomes ) they could not have been Divided at all , nor consequently , his Three Elements have been made . Or , had it been Rare or Soft , one part would have stuck to another , and could not have been shatter'd and crumbled into those most subtil parts which make his First Element . To declare then how and of what nature it was , in this respect , should have been one of the First Principles in his Physicks , his whole Hypothesis depending on it ; whereas it was not a straw's matter whether it were Divisible in Infinitum or no , so it were but Divisible into parts little enough to make their First Element and the rest . I must then , in behalf of Truth , declare that their Avoiding this point , so necessary to their own Scheme , and to the explication of Nature , is a most manifest prevarication , arising hence that they cannot , notwithstanding they are Men of great Wit , make any sense of it according to their Principles . 36. But tho' they do not treat of the Divisibility of their Matter de professo and purposely , as they ought , yet it is scarce possible but they must , against their Wills , be forc'd to say something at unawares of the Intrinsecal Nature of their Matter as either Easily or Hardly Divisible , while they go about to explicate themselves . Errour then being the best Confuter of it self , let us see what they say of it . The Ingenious Gentleman , now mention'd , * tells us that their First Element is made of Particles , which , like shavings ▪ are rubb●d off by Motion from Bodies . Now , since their Matter is held by them to be Homogeneous or Uniform , a man would verily think by those expressions , that the Nature of their Matter is Dense , Hard or ( in a Manner ) Friable or Crumbling . For what is Rare , Soft and Tenacious , cannot be conceiv'd Proper or Fit to be Crumbl'd or Shatter'd into such very small dust by Rubbing . Yet the same Author * tells us the particles of their First Elements are slender and Flexible accomodate themselves to the Figures of the Bodies they are contiguous to . By which expressions one would verily imagine them to be Fluid , Soft , Moist or Yielding , rather than of a Solid or Hard Nature , for only such can accomodate themselves to other Bodies on all occasions . So that he makes it at once to be both Hard and Soft ; as being very apt to break , and yet at the same time very apt to ply and bow too ; that is , he puts Contrary qualities in the same Uniform Matter : Which shews manifestly that they know not what to make of it , nor how to speak coherently concerning it ; and , withal , that , ( which is the true Genius of Hypothetical Philosophers ) they blow and sup at once ; and say any thing that suites with their present occasion . It was for their turn to make them very Flexible , for otherwise it had been impossible to avoid Vacuum , whenas Millions of those Atomes were jumbled together ; which , had they been Solid , had retain'd their Figure , and then Vacuum must have fill'd the little Interstices : And , it was very fitting too they should be Hard and Friable ; otherwise they could never have been Shatter'd by Rubbing into such minute dust , as they had design'd to make their First Element of . So that they play fast and loose with their Reader ; and , no wonder we know not where to have them , when they do not know where they are themselves . 36. The same untoward way they take in expressing themselves , sometimes as if they and we did perfectly agree in our sentiments . And because the Goodness of our common Reason teaches us that the Nature of a Thing is in it , they do therefore allow our well-meant words , and talk of Intrinsecal Forms both Essential and Accidental ; which granted they cannot deny Formal Mutation . Mr. Le Grand Part 6. cap. 24. § 9 , 10 , 11. gives us all these good words , tho' he chuses sometimes rather to use the word [ Modification ] than [ Form ] and in his § 10 , 11. he discourses altogether as if he were an Aristotelian . But , alas ! what trust is to be given to meer Words ! For , coming to the § 12. he tells us plainly his true Meaning , which is as opposit to ours ( tho' using the same Words ) as the two Poles are to one another , viz. that in the Generation of Plants and Beasts a new Substance is no more produced , than in the Framing a Statue , or building a House : which he there exemplifies in some particulars , and then concludes that Generation is nothing but the Translation or new Ranging of the parts of the Matter , and that This is alike in Natural and Artifieial Compositions . But , by his leave , if he that builds a House does not know the Intrinsecal temperament or Consistency of his materials , viz. that Stones are Dense or Hard , and therefore most fit to be the Foundation ; that Wood is Dense , and Lighter , and so more fit for the Superstructures : Lastly , that Mortar is Soft at first , but Hard when it comes to be dry , and so is most fit to bind the Stones together ; I am afraid that if he be ignorant of these and such like particulars , he will make but a ruinous and bungling piece of work of it , tho' he be never so well verst in the Act of ranging the parts of the several Materials artificially or mathematically . And , as has been shown , no man living , no not themselves , can give any account of the Consistency of their Matter , which is the only Material of which they build ( pardon the Bull they force us to ) their Natural-Artificial Structures . 37. This then being his true sense , and , consequently , the true doctrin ( if we may believe him ) of the Cartesian School ; and the word [ Form ] bearing in its notion that it is in the Matter , and therefore is Intrinsecal to the Thing , and makes it either Another if it be an Essential Form ; or Intrinsecally otherwise or Alter'd , if it be an Accidental one ; and , it being likewise Evident that the Ranging the parts of Matter , is only an Outward Application of them to one another , which is meerly an Extrinsecal Notion ; we may hence clearly discover , that they do not use the words [ Form ] and [ Intrinsecal ] in a proper and Natural sense , but utterly pervert and abuse them . 38. By these expressions of his lately mention'd , and their putting nothing but Extension in their Matter , which abstracts from Motion and Natural Action , one would think they intended , in stead of Physicks to give us a piece of meer Mathematicks , for bare Extension fits it for no other Science . Nor are we mistaken in thinking so ; for he tells us expresly * that Natural Philosophy is one part of the Mathematicks . Tho' the Abstraction which , in the place now mention'd , he assigns to Quantity as a Genus , is very odd and Illogical ; For the Abstraction of Quantity from the Thing or from Motion , is an Abstraction of the Accident from the Subject , or from Another Accident ; and therefore is quite another kind of Abstraction than that of the Genus from the species ; and it looks as if they hanker'd after Plato's exploded conceit of a Subsistent Vniversal ; and that they would have their First Matter , contrary to all Logick and good sense , to be a Body in Common ; and therefore the Genus to all particular Bodies : Nor can any thing sound more awkwardly then to make a Mathematical Treatise of Physicks . But Cartesius was a Greater Master of Mathematicks than he was of Physicks ; and therefore had a vast Design to reduce all Nature and all Philosophy within the Purlew of his own Art ; in which it must be confest he was very Excellent . 39. But , to lay yet a Greater Force upon their backwardness to admit a Formal Change in Bodies , we come now to more Palpable and Plain Instances , not fetch'd from Metaphysicks but from obvious Effects in Nature ; which every man sees , and themselves cannot but acknowledg . Let us then take into our consideration a young lately-planted Oak growing in a Nursery ; which in the space of a hundred years , spreads it self into a vast Tree ; dilating it's large and massy Branches on all sides , and over-shadowing a spacious Extent of Ground . Can any man deny but that this is the same Thing , or the same Tree it was at first ? And yet 't is most evidently not the same in Quantity , it being now a thousand times Greater than it was formerly . 'T is manifest then that here is a Real Divisibility between it's Quantity and it's Entity or Substance ; and a Real Mutation according to the Form of the Quantity , and not according to the Notions of Ens or Thing . The same may be said of an Infant grown up to be a Man ; which , when 't is now Bigger in Quantity , should they deny to be the same Thing or the same Man , it would make mad work in the World by taking away Titles of Inheritances , and altering the Right of Succession . The Infant might , perhaps , retain his Title for some very small time ; but the Identity of it being lost by the accruing of new Matter and new Quantity , he has forfeited his Estate , e'er he comes at age to understand or manage it , by losing his Essenee . 41. I know that our late Philosophers will hope to evade this last Instance by alledging that the Numerical Identity of a Man springs from his having the same Soul. Which Tenet , ( were it proper to confute it here ) would prove as Unreasonable and ill-grounded as any of the rest . I only note , on the by , that , as it becomes God's Wisdom , as he is Author of Nature , to carry on the Course of Causes by fitting Dispositions to the Production of farther and more Noble Effects ; and consequently , to sute and proportion what Supervenes to what Prae-exists ; and the Embryo in our case Praeexists , and , by having such Dispositions in it as made it fit to concur ( on it's part ) to work Rationally to such a Degree , made it require to have for it's Form such a Rational Soul joyn'd with it , and , thence , determin'd the Author of Nature to infuse it ; it follows that the thing is quite contrary to what they imagin ; viz. that the Soul was to be adjusted and proportion'd to the Exigency of the Bodily part ; and that , therefore the Soul is Determinately such , or of such a Determinate Degree of Rationality ( which Essentially and Numerically distinguishes Souls , and Men , from one another ) as was fit to be infus'd into and work with such a Body . And were not this so , it would be impossible to explicate how Original Sin is connaturally transfus'd from Adam , or how the Soul becomes tainted by being united to a Body made * ex immundo semine . But , this is not the only ill Consequence that springs from this Extravagant Tenet of the Soul 's being a Distinct Thing from the Body , or that Man is in reality compounded of Two Actual Things , and therefore not to be placed in any one Line of the Predicament of Ens or Substance . For , that odd Opinion does , besides , very much favour ( at least , very well consist with ) the Praeexistence of Souls : Because , if the Soul be not proportion'd to the Disposition of the Corporeal part of Man , and so , be truly the Form of it , but a kind of Assistant Spirit , only apt to joyn with it , and promote it in it's Operations , it might as well Exist before the Body as after it . Whence it will be very hard for them to assign any solid Reason from the Nature of such a Spirit , ( since it might indifferently fit other Bodies or assist more of them ) why there might not be also a Transmigration of Souls from one Man to another ; for it would be , in that case , no more but shifting their Office and assisting now one of them then Another . Not to mention how this Doctrin ( as is discourst in the Preface ) tends to introduce a kind of Fanaticism into the Philosophy Schools , by making all their thoughts run upon nothing but Spiritual Conceits and Innate Ideas , and having a Spiritual communication with God , when they know any Natural Truth , after an unintelligible manner . Not considering that Man , in this Mortal State here , is truly one part or piece of Nature ; and subject to the Impressions of Natural Causes affecting him , both as to his Corporeal and Spiritual Capacity , according to the Different Natures of those Different Recipients . 41. But , to return whence we diverted ; Letting Man and his Individuality alone , what can they say to the former Instance of a young Oak ( or of any other Vegetable or Animal ) increast to it's Full Growth , which all Mankind agrees to be still the same Thing , and yet not the same in Quantity ? It is not hence unanswerably Evident , that there is a Formal Mutation according to it's Quantity and not according to it's Entity , and therefore a Formal Composition and Divisibility in it according to those two Respects ? They cannot say they are the same Physically , or the same Physical Compound : For , since all Natural Bodies , according to their Doctrin , are made solely of their First Matter , or of the Particles made of it ; where there is incomparably more Matter , there must be a New-Compound or a New Body ; in regard more and less must be the Differences of every Notion in the same Line , as has been demonstrated : Wherefore more or less of the Matter ( it being inform'd , and , so truly an Ens or a Body ) ought to outweigh , in constituting Particular Bodies or Entities , all consideration of Accidental Notions or Modifications of it , which are not properly Entities but only Modes of Ens. 'T is a Folly to alledg the Figure or Extension of those Particles ; for , if the Subjects , ( I mean the Particles ) be not the same , all the Accidents which belong to those Numerically different Subjects , must be Numerically different likewise ; and , so , cannot constitute a Thing to be Numerically One , but only add more Numerical Things to it to make it Numerically Many Extension is held by them to be the only Essential Form of their Matter ; they so , ought , if they go to work Logically and consequentially , to say that Particular Extensions of that Matter which come along with those Particles , does give a particular Essence to each of those compounds which are made of that Matter ; and so make the Generical Notion hold in every Species and Individuum of that common Body ; as Entity which is the Form of Ens is found in every Individual Thing in the whole world ; and not to make the Essential Difference of those Bodies consist in such respects as are not Essential . They will tell us of many Modifications of each Compound : But they should consider that Modifications of the Thing or Subject do supervene to it ; and therefore the Thing must first be supposed to be , e'er it can be capable to be Modify'd ; and it looks odd to talk of Modifying what is not , or of modifying a Nothing . Yet tho' it strains good sense , they tell us of other Essential Modifications of the Matter in each Compound ; as if Res were not , by all Mankind and by the Light of Nature , presuppos'd to Modus rei . But this Catachesis they are forced to by their pique against Essential Forms ; the Sense of which the Goodness of Rational Nature forces them to admit ; tho' out of Aversion to the Word , they generally change it into a worse . 42. Their last Evasion then is to say that those Vegetables and Animals are the same Morally . And , indeed , they cannot in all humane Language pick out a blinder Word , and of a more ambiguous Signification ; and therefore , 't is most Proper to make use of for a subterfuge against Clear Reason . I never yet could hear of any man that could define it ; and it is as easy for the Taylor in the Fable to fit the Moon with a Coat , as to fit it with a Definition . But , we will do what we can to show the different senses it may have in our circumstances ; and that none of them can serve their purpose . Either then [ to be Morally the same ] Signifies that the Thing does seem to us to be the same , tho' it it be not so Really . But , this comes over to us instead of opposing us ; for , our Question is what is , and not what seems ; nor is such an Expression to be Tolerated amongst Philosophers , whose Duty 't is to consider what passes Really in Nature , and not what only Appears so . Or else , these words must mean that the Thing is not considerably Chang'd ; and therefore , 't is , morally speaking , the Same . But , this is most evidently False ; for , the over-grown Oak has a thousand times more Quantity in it , and , consequently , according to them , more Matter added to it than it had while it was but a S●yon - Wherefore , it must be more than Morally , that is , Considerably Chang'd according to its Quantity , and yet , not at all Chang'd as it is an Ens or Thing . And this is all I can imagin the Antiperipateticks can any way plead to escape the force of our Argument for Formal Mutation . * Our ingenious Country-man , Mr. Locke , goes more solidly to work , by making it to be the same Plant as long as it partakes of the same Life , in a like continuing Organization , conformable to that sort of Plants . For , Life speaks something Intrinsecal and Essential , ( which the meer Ranging of Particles thus or thus , does not ) unless we will say that a Watch or Clock lives ; And therefore it argues some Formal Mutation of the Matter , while it is disposed , fitted and ( as it were ) digested so as to continue that Life by Nourishing the Vegetable . For , it will seem incredible to any Considerer , that Particles of all sorts should be found , in such vast Quantities , in every little spot of Ground where so many several Plants and Trees do grow , as are Proper to each , and Sufficient to nourish them up , t●ll they increase to such a Prodigious Bigness . yet , this must be asserted , if Formal Mutation be deny'd . But , I can by no means allow what he sayes there that the Principium Individuationis is Existence . For , since Created Entities have not Existence from their being Entia or Things , or ( which is the same ) Individuums : all we can say of them is that they are Capable of Existing ; and this they must have antecedently , in priority of Nature , to their Actual Existence . Wherefore their Individuation must be presuppos'd to Existence ; and , so , cannot depend on it as on its Principle . Again , since Plato's Flash of Ideas existing in common , is now hist out of all Schools ( if indeed that Excellent Man meant them as his Opposers apprehend him , ) and that neither Man nor Horse in Common can Exist , but it must be determinately , and particularly This or That Man , Horse , &c. It must be suppos'd to be constituted Determinately This or That Individuum ere it can be Capable of Existing . Wherefore Existence is an Accidental Formality , supervening to the Individuum already Determin'd and made fit to Exist , that is , to the Individuum already Constituted ; and therefore Existence cannot cause nor constitute it . Had I leasure , and were the place Proper , I would show my respects to the Learned Author by giving him my thoughts of his Chapter concerding Identity and Diversity ; for it is an Important Subject , and I see it is treated by him more elaborately than are some other parts of that worthy Book . 43. Lastly , to say no more of Formal Mutation in Bodies , let us cast a short view upon what passes in Spiritual Natures . When a Soul that before was Ignorant becomes Knowing , or a Wicked Soul Virtuous , can it be deny'd that those Souls are Chang'd according to that Form call'd Quality , and yet remain the same according to their Essence ? Surely , they cannot say that this is done by New Atomes aggregated to that Soul , or by any other of those odd Requisites they put to induce a new Accidental Form. And , if not , they must see and confess that Formal Mutation is , beyond all Dispute , found in Spiritual Natures . Much more then may it have place in Bodies ; which , being Subject to Motion , which is Essentially Change , are , consequently , of a nature far more Changeable than Spiritual Beings are . What can be answer'd to those pressing Arguments I cannot in their behalf imagine ; nor , I am confident , can themselves give any Reply that is Solid , or taken from the known and acknowledg'd Natures of Things ; however they may shuffle it off wittily , by throwing in some Unprov'd Supposition , plainly exprest ; and endeavouring to make that pass upon their Readers . But 't is Impossible they should even attempt to perform this by bearing up to any Evident Principles , or by Deductions connected by such Principles , or Reducible to them : only which can satisfy the Judgments of Learned Considerers and true Philosophers . From what is said hitherto is Establisht this Grand Conclusion , that FORMAL MUTATION must unavoidably be granted . Which evinc't , all the Corpuscularian and Atomical Hypotheses fall to the ground , and can need no farther Confutation . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A59232-e2010 † B. 1. ch . 6. ‖ Medit. 3. * Medit 3. Notes for div A59232-e13050 * See 〈◊〉 3. 〈…〉 * B. 3. L. 7 S. 4 , 6. Less . 1.2 . * Less . 1. Sect. 13 , 14 , 15. * L. 1 S. 13 , 14 , 15. † Sect. 6. * S. 7. † S. 6. * L. 1. S. 6 , 7 , 8. † L. 1. S. 13 , 14. ‖ See B. 3. L. 4. S. 12 , 13 , 14. * L. 1. S. 13 , 14. † S. 5. * Sect. 14 ‖ Less . 8. Sect. 7. * Less . 1. Sect. 1 , 3 , 5. * L. 8. S. 7 * Less . 2. Sect. 5. † S. 1. * S. 1. † Less . 4. Sect. 2 , 4. * Sect. 13 * L. 2. Sect. 12 , 13. * Sect. 14. * L. 1. S. 3 , 4 , 5. † L. 2. S. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. ‖ L. 2. S. 4 , 5. * L. 2. S. 5.7 . * L. 2. S. 11. * L. .1 S. 3 , 5.7 . * Less . 1. S. 6. † Less . 1. S. 6.7 , 8· * S. 18. * L. 3. Sect. 5. † L. 4. S. 4. * L. 3. S. 1 , 2 , 5. * Less . 7. Sect. 1 , 2. * Sect. 8. * B. 3. L. 6. S. 4. * L. 7. S. 10 , 11. * L. 4. S. 1. * L. 3. S. 6. * Less . 3. Sect. 9. † Book 3. L. 7. S. 5. Prop 6 , 7. * See B. 3. L 6. S. 4. * B. 1. L. 1 Notes for div A59232-e46750 * L. 1. S. 7 , & 11. * B. 3. L. 7 * Less . 2. Sect. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. * See Appendix . * See B. 2. L. 2. Corol. 2. * B. 2. S. 13. * Book 1. L. 2. S. 18. † Book 1. L. 3. S. 1. * B 1. L 2. S. 16. † B. 2 L. 1. S 10. Notes for div A59232-e65020 † B. 2. l. ● . ● . 14. * See §. 10 * B. 1. L. 8. §. 7. † See B. 1. L. 8. § ▪ 8. Axl 1. Prop. 1. Prop. 2 ▪ Ax. 1. Ax. 4. * Ax. 2. † Ax. 3. * Ax. 5. † Ax. 2. † Prop. 5.6 . * Ax. 6. † Prop. 1. † Prop. 2. † Ax. 5. * Ax. 3. * Ax. 6. † Prop. 4. † Ax. 1. * Ax 2. * Ax. 1.2 . † Prop. 5. † Prop. 5. † Ax. 3. * Ax. 5. † Prop. 2.3 . † Prop. 8· * Prop. 4.5.6.7 . † B. 8. L. 6. §§ . 8.9.10 . † ● . 14. * L. 3. §. 30. * B. 2. L. 2. B. 2 L. 2. § ●5 † See B. 3. L. 6. §. 6. * B. 1. Lesson last . * See B. 2. L. 1. §. 15. Notes for div A59232-e101900 The Question be●ween the Peri●●●eticks and Antiperipatetick● , stated in common . The Grounds of the Peripatetick Doctrin concerning Matter and Form. The mistake of the Antiperipateticks concerning Matter and Form. The true Doctrin of the Peripateticks concerning Formal Composition The true Doctrine of the Peripateticks concerning Formal Divisibility and Formal Mutation , which are Essential . The same Doctrin declar'd by an Instance . Of that other Formal Composition and Mutation which is Accidental . That all Formal Mutations are Intrinsecal . The Peripatetical Doctrin prov'd from Logick and the known Method of Discoursing . The Doctrin of the Ant●●peripatetick● is Unprincipled . This last Charge made good . The Indirect Methods us'd by the Antiperipateticks . The summ of Epicurus his Doctrin . That the Ep●curean Atomes are ●ormally Changeable That those Atoms de facto are Formally 〈◊〉 . The same demonstrated from this infallible Ma●xim , that all our Notions are taken from the Things . The alledging Extrinsecal Mutation is both Nonsense , and Incompetent . The Cartesians are forced by their own Doctrine to admit Formal Mutation . The Cartesians can give no account of their First Matter . Th●t 't is impossible the Car●esians should explicate Density in their First Ma●ter , because they deny Formal Mutat●on . Formal Mutation demonstrated from th● Transmutation of Rare and Dense things into one another . That there are Proper Agents in Nature to Condense and 〈◊〉 . The Cartesians Hypothesis is Praeternatural . James c. 1. v. 17. That th●re is also Mu●ation a●c●rding to 〈…〉 . * Entire Body of Philosophy Part 4. ch . 4 §. 11. * Ib. ch . 6. §. 6. * Ib. § , 6. * Part 4. chap. 3. §. 24. * Job . 14.4 * An Essay concerning Humane Understanding . B. 2. Ch. 27. 
A46234	----	An history of the wonderful things of nature set forth in ten severall classes wherein are contained I. The wonders of the heavens, II. Of the elements, III. Of meteors, IV. Of minerals, V. Of plants, VI. Of birds, VII. Of four-footed beasts, VIII. Of insects, and things wanting blood, IX. Of fishes, X. Of man / written by Johannes Jonstonus, and now rendred into English by a person of quality. Thaumatographia naturalis. English Jonstonus, Joannes, 1603-1675. 1657 Approx. 1057 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 186 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46234 Wing J1017 ESTC R1444 12013083 ocm 12013083 52474 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46234) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52474) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 568:13) An history of the wonderful things of nature set forth in ten severall classes wherein are contained I. The wonders of the heavens, II. Of the elements, III. Of meteors, IV. Of minerals, V. Of plants, VI. Of birds, VII. Of four-footed beasts, VIII. Of insects, and things wanting blood, IX. Of fishes, X. Of man / written by Johannes Jonstonus, and now rendred into English by a person of quality. Thaumatographia naturalis. English Jonstonus, Joannes, 1603-1675. Libavius, Andreas, d. 1616. Rowland, John, M.D. [16], 354, [2] p. Printed by John Streater ..., and are to be sold by the Booksellers of London, London : 1657. Translation of: Thaumatographia naturalis. Translated by John Rowland. Advertisement: p. [1] at end. "An appendix to the eighth classis : wherein there is contained the observation of Andreas Libavius ... concerning silk-worms, a singular history, anno 1559, at Rotenburgh": p. 268-287. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. Silkworms -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN HISTORY OF THE Wonderful Things of Nature : Set forth in Ten severall Classes . Wherein are contained I. The Wonders of the Heavens . II. Of the Elements . III. Of Meteors . IV. Of Minerals . V. Of Plants . VI. Of Birds . VII . Of Four-footed Beasts . VIII . Of Ins●cts , and things wanting blood . IX . Of Fishes . X. Of Man. Written by Johannes Jonstonus . And now Rendred into ENGLISH . BY A Person of Quality . LONDON , Printed by John Streater , living in Well-Yard near the Hospitall of St. Bartholomew's the Lesse , and are to be sold by the Book-Sellers of London , 1657. TO The most Illustrious Princes and Lords , L. Januszius Radziwilius , the sole heir of the Illustrious Prince Christopher . L. Boguslaus Radziwilius , the Son of the most Illustrious Prince Januszius , of most Illustrious Memory . To the Dukes of Birzae , and Dubink , &c. Princes of S. R. I. D. Boguslaus , Count in Lesznum , Palatinidae Belzensi , &c. D. Uladislaus Monwid . L. B. in Dorostaie , High Marshall of the great Dukedome of Lithuania . His most gracious Lords . Most Illustrious Princes and Lords , AS all things have their revolutions , so hath naturall History the same chance . It was held for a goddess , and much honoured in former times ; witnesse the writings of Aristotle , Pliny , Dioscorides , and other famous men : but now a dayes it is so despised , that it is of no esteem at all ; this mat●er needs no proving . I confesse the history of Plants is adorned by many , and Mineralls are made mention of ; yet I doubt whether it be entirely professed in any University or School , ( except Bononia , where Aldrovandus was ) . They that search out the secrets of Nature , in cursory discourses , fall unfortunatly upon the thorns of subtilties and snares of questions , and do nothing but weave and unweave them with a fine thred of controversies . Whence young Schollers suppose themselves fit to be Masters in Philosophy , when they know how to quote Aristotle for some things , confusedly and unreasonably for generall matters . Most gracious Lords , how unfit and hurtfull that is , I leave to every man to judge . As for me , what Goudanus the Mr. of great Erasmus speaks of Pliny , I dare to apply to natural History . That it is such , that who reads it not , is thought to be unlearned ; he that disdaigns to read it , is more ignorant ; and he that cannot rellish it , is most ignorant of all : And if there be any consideration had of conversation , really it is more comely and more convenient for it , and for us to know wonderfull nature , and her motions ; to learn the forces and natures of living creatures , mettals , sprouts , plants , to look into the Anatomy of man , and to contemplate other rare admirable things in nature , than to rest satisfied in a few general things of motion , of the heavens , of meteors , and of the soul , ( Johannes valent . Andr. in Jnstit . Magica . ) and oft times to agitate these things againe , till we grow ridiculous . And indeed if the general Principles of natural Philosophy be lookt into , it will appeare they cannot consist without knowledg of History . For being that universalls are built upon particulars , illustrated , demonstrated , determined , refuted by them , how can he be skilled in Philosophy , who is ignorant of History ? or how can he salve the many defects thereof , and constitute Axioms that are introductive to action , and search out the forms , & c ? The same will befall him as it befell Ixion , who embraced a Clowd for Juno the powerfull goddess , whom he intended to embrace , and so is reported to have begotten Centaures and Chimaera's . As for what concerns action , he shall never change any other mettal into Gold , who knows not the natures of the weight , the yellow colour , of the malleablenesse , the extensivenesse , the fixt and volatile substance of them , and hath not diligently lookt into the menstruum , and seeds of minerals . He can never hope to retard old age , who hath not first the knowledge of the nature of driness , and of the depredation of the Spirits upon solid bodies ; of assimilation , and alimentation . But the straightning of nature , and daily contesting with her , is the principall thing whereunto the knowledge of the same is directed . He is to me a true Son of natural Philosophy who knows how to augment , and multiply the Winds , to produce new mettals , to make mineral Waters ; Artificial , of Vitriol , Brimstone , Allum , &c. and to bring forth new plants and animals . He is a legitimate enquirer into Nature , who knowes how to prolong life , keep back old age , change statures and complexions , raise the force of imagination upon any body , cure diseases hitherto uncurable , ease pains , and can hasten the times of maturity , clarification , putrefaction , concoction , and germination . I will now say nothing of Natures book , wherein we may behold the supreme power , as the Sun is seen in the water . For it is certain , that he is comprehended under the title of natural history , and it is farr more easy to find out his goodnesse wisdom and power , by the apparition of new Starrs , the flowing of the Sea about Maccareo , the increase of Iron in Ilva , the marriage of palme Trees , the flowring of Mulberries , the ingenuity of Elephants , the Kingdom of Bees , the harvest of Pismires , the foresight of Dolphins , and the infinite Sympathies and Antipathies of things created , than out of those vast discourses of the entity of materia prima , identity of motion , the measure of time , &c : which are found in Albertus , Thomas , Scotus , Fonseca , Masius , Ruvius Toletus and others . Who knows not but that the knowledge of God is the principall end of Sciences ? When I had diligently considered of these things , first induced thereunto by the writings of that reverend man D. Johannes Andreas , my much honoured friend , I not only conceived a high love of naturall History , but I thought my self obliged to perswade young men that were studious , to do the same . But because I observed that the Theoreticall part was shut up in huge Volums , and the practick involved with great difficulties ; and I saw that Youth that are given to idlenesse , would hate labour ; and being addicted to pleasure , would not endure difficult things ; I , imitating the Sons of Aesculapius , ( who allure the sick to use bitter things , use also syrups confections electuaries , &c. ) have culled out the most pleasant things , ( and if any be doubtfull , it was done to spur them on ) as much as my other occasions would suffer me , which I had in Poland , being Tutor to the most noble Kurtzbachius de Zwada : as also by my proper studies in the low Countries , out of the huge volumes of Pliny , ( concerning whom , I like that saying of Lipsius He that calls Pliny his works Pandects , in my opinion shall not err ; for that man read , knew all , and shut up Greece and Italy in one volume ) Agricola , Gesner Aldrovandus , Libavius , Mathiolus , Scaliger , Cardan , and many more writings , and by these my purpose was to invite with intreaty the studious youth , that labour so much in the common principles of natural Philosophy , to a more serious scrutiny of Nature . But , most illustrious Princes and Lords , when , as the manner is , I sought for a Patron , I thought this work did of duty belong unto your Name . For If it be considered ; the examples of Solomon , Alexander , Mithridates , Diocletian , Francis the first King of France , and others , will teach you , that the knowledge of natural Philosophy belongs also to Princes and to great men . If you ; I confesse , the hope of Poland now , and in time may be the Starrs , of that Country , that with the beams of their light , will vouchsafe to illuminate the Church , the Common-wealth , and schooles of learning . If I ; I have drawn these things forth chiefly for the good of my Nation , and I study other things , if God please to lend me space to perfect my intentions . Yet I deny not , but it may be I owe more to you already than I can pay . For , most Illustriuos Prince Janusius , you were pleased at Lipsia to invite me to your Table , and to discourse with me . And the most illustrious Lord Alexander Przybkowic Przybkowsky , your high treasurer , thought me worthy , to have the offer of a place in your illustrious family , if occasion were . Most illustrious Lord , how great your Noblenesse was to me , my conversation at Lesna with the most learned Lord Michael Henry , a most excellent Chymist , and your hof-master ; and with the reverend Mr. David Ursin , a man of singular fidelity and prudence , who sojourns with you , may sufficiently witnesse . Also , most Illustrious Lord Boguslaus , your letters are sufficient testimonies , whereby you often spake to me when I lived in Holland , and the good words you spake of me being absent , most lovingly when you departed from Lesna . Wherefore , most illustrious Lords , whatsoever this small work is , I lay it down at your feet ; and you I hope will receive a small gift of a thankfull mind , with that Heroick humanity that is bred in you ; and think , that I owe you much more , but I cannot give you more than I do . God grant that the Majesty of Arts buried in our minds , may be recall'd and brought to life again by your promoting voyce , and be restored to its former luster . As for me , if I find that you accept of these things , and that they are usefull for our students , I shall indeavour to handle these things more accurately , and to frame a compleat Circle of Arts and Sciences in a small history , that young students may have the fruit of it , and may more happily be promoted in the course of their studies . I wish it . In the mean while , that you most Illustrious Lords , may live long for the glory of God , and good of your Country . Given at London , May 15 old style , Anno 1631. Your most Illustrious Highnesse and Greatnesse , most bounden Servant , John Jonston . The Contents of all the Chapters and Articles contained in this Book . The Contents of the First Classis . Chapter 1. OF the World , Page 1 Artic. 1. Of the Creation of the World , Page 1 Artic. 2. Of the parts of the world , and disposing of them , Page 3 Artic. 3. Of unity , figure , and soul of the World , Page 4 Artic. 4. Of the Duration of the World , past , and to come . Page 5 Artic. 5. Of the hidden qualities of natural bodies . Page 6 Artic. 6. Of Gods Providence in the World , Page 7 Chap. 2. Of Heaven , Page 8 Chap. 3. Of the Stars , Page 8 Article 1. Of the Force and Nutriment of the Stars , Page 8 Artic. 2. Of the Light of the fixt Stars , their magnitude and motion , Page 10 Chap. 4. Of the Five lesser Planets , Page 17 Chap. 5. Of the Sun , Page 18 Artic. 1. Of the Magnitude and Unity of the Sun , Page 18 Artic. 2. Of the Suns light , and Eclipse , Page 19 Artic : 3. Of the Suns Motion , Page 20 Artic. 4. Of the Inequality of Days and Nights . Page 21 Artic. 5. Of the Four Parts of the Year . Page 22 Artic. 6. Of the Sun's shadow . Page 23 Art. 7. Of the Suns Influence on Inferiour things . Page 24 Chap. 6. Of the Moon . Page 24 Artic. 1. Of the Figures and light of the Moon . Page 24 Artic. 2. Of the Spots and Eclipse of the Moon . Page 25 Artic. 3. Of the Moon 's Influence on these sublunary things . Page 26 Chap. 7. Of New Stars . Page 27 Chap. 8. Of Astrologicall Praedictions . Page 29 The Contents of the Second Classis . Chap. 1. Of Fire . Page 33 Artic. 1. Of the Wonderful begining of Fires . Page 33 Artic. 2. Of Fires in the Waters ▪ Page 34 Artic. 3. Of Fires under the Earth . Page 35 Artic. 4· Of the beginning or subterraneall Fire , Page 36 Artic. 5. Of the Miracles of Fires in duration , burning , and quenching , Page 37 Chap. 2. Of the Ayr. Page 39 Artic. 1. Of the three Regions of the Ayr. Page 39 Artic. 2. Of the Infection of the Ayr , Page 40 Artic. 3. Of the Putrefaction of the Ayr. Page 41 Artic. 4. Of Attraction , cooling , and penetrating of the Ayr. Page 42 Chap. 3. Of the Water . Page 43 Artic. 1. Of the quantity and colour of Waters . Page 43 Artic. 2. Of the Taste of the Water . Page 43 Artic. 3. Of the Smell of the Water : the first and second qualities . Page 44 Artic. 4. Of the Diverse running of the Water . Page 44 Artic. 5. Of the change of quantity and of qualities , in Waters . Page 45 Artic. 6. Of some other things admirable in Waters . Page 46 Artic. 7. Of some Floods or Waters ; and of the Universall Deluge , Page 48 Chap. 4. Of the Originall of Fountains . Page 50 Chap. 5. Of Minerall Baths . Page 53 Chap. 6. Of the Sea. Page 55 Artic. 2. Of Navigation in the Sea , Page 55 Artic. 3. Of the depth , freesing , and colours of the Sea. Page 57 Artic. 4. Of the Salt of the Sea , Page 58 Artic. 5. Of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. Page 59 Chap. 7. Of the Earth , Page 64 Artic. 1. Of the New World. Page 64 Artic. 2. Of the Miracles of some Countries ▪ Page 66 Chap. 8. Of Islands . Page 67 Artic. 1. Of the Originall and destruction of Islands . Page 67 Artic. 2. Of the Miracles of some Islands . Page 68 Chap. 9. Of Mountains . Page 69 Artic. 1. Of the Qualities and Quantities of Mountains . Page 69 Artic. 2. Of Aetna and Hecla Mountains . Page 70 The Contents of the Third Classis . Chapter OF Subterraneall Exhalations , Page 73 Chap. 2. Of Comets . Page 74 Artic. 1. Of the Nature and quantity of Comets . Page 74 Artic. 2. What Comets are a sign . Page 75 Chap. 3. Of an Ignis Fatuus , Helena , Castor and Pollux . Page 76 Chap. 4. Of an Ignis Lambens . Page 76 Chap. 5. Of Lightning , Thunder , and Thunder-bolts , Page 78 Chap. 6. Of Winds . Page 80 Artic. 1. Of the Originall of Winds . Page 80 Artic. 2. Of the kinds and effects of winds , Page 81 Chap. 7. Of Earth-quakes . Page 82 Artic. 1. Of the Cause of Earth-quakes . Page 82 Artic. 2. Of the place , time and effects of Earth-quakes , Page 83 Chap. 8. Of Rain , Page 85 Chap. 9 ▪ Of Snow and Hail , Page 86 Chap. 10. Of Dew , Manna , and Honey . Page 87 Chap. 11. Of the Rainbow . Page 88 Chap. 12. Of some wonderful Meteors . Page 89 The Contents of the Fourth Classis . Chapter 1 Of Mineralls in general . Page 91 2 Of Marle and Potters-Earth . Page 92 3 Of Terra Lemnia , Armenia , and Silesiack . Page 93 4 Of Salt , Page 94 5 Of Allum and Nitre . Page 95 6 Of Calcanthum or Vitriol . Page 96 7 Of Naphtha , Petroleum , and Maltha . Page 96 8 Of Pissasphaltum , and the wayes of Embalming dead Corps . Page 97 9 Of Camphir . Page 98 10 Of Amber or Electrum . Page 99 11 Of Ambergreece , Jet ▪ and Earthy Bitumen . Page 100 12 Of Corall . Page 101 13 Brimstone and Stybium . Page 101 14 Of Juices that grow into stones . Page 102 15 Of the Loadstone . Page 103 16 Of the Stones , Schistos , Galactites , Gip , Selenites , Amiantus . Page 106 17 Of Stones that represent divers Forms . Page 107 18 Of the Eagle stone , Enhydros , the Touch-stone , and the Pumex stone . Page 108 19 Of the Glasse-makers stone , and the Looking-Glasse stone , Page 108 20 Of the Crystal , Iris , and the Diamond . Page 110 21 Of the Opalus , Emerald , Heliotropion , and Topaz . Page 111 22 Of the Amethyst , Hyacinth , the Sardonix , and the Onychile . Page 112 23 Of the Jasper , Nephritick stone , and an Agate . Page 112 24 Of the Ruby , the Carchedonius , Sandastrus , Chrysolite , and some others . Page 114 25 Of Jewels found in the bodies of living Creatures . Page 114 Artic. 1. Of the Dragon stone , the Chelonia , the Cock stone and Toadstone . Page 114 Artic. 2. Of the Stones Chelidonium , Crabs eyes , Snail Stones , and Bezar . Page 116 Chap. 26. Of Gold , Page 117 Chap. 27. Of Silver . Page 119 28 Of Quicksilver . Page 120 29 Brasse and Copper , Page 121 30 Of Lead , Page 122 31 Of Iron . Page 123 32 Of Fossil Flesh digged up . Page 124 The Contents of the Fifth Classis . Chap. 1. Of Plants in generall , Page 127 2 Of Wormwood , Wolfsbane , and Snapdragon . Page 129 3 Of Aloes , Lignum Aloes , and Camomill , Page 129 4 Of Ammi , Holly , Ceterach , and the Strawberry-Tree . Page 130 5 Of the Cane reed , Asserall , and Agnacath . Page 130 6 Of the Scythian Lamb , the bashful Plant , and Amfia . Page 131 7 Of the Balsam Tree , and Betel . Page 132 8 Of Betonie , Birch , and Box. Page 133 9 Of Batat , Boxera , Brusathaer , and Baaras . Page 133 10 Of Cachi , Cacavate , Cassia , our Ladies Thistle , and Corallina . Page 134 11 Of Cinnamon and Cedar . Page 135 12 Of Chamaeleon , Cloves , Gilloflowers , and Cichory . Page 136 13 Of Saffron , Cherries , Cachi or Ciccata . Page 136 14 Of the Cornel , Cypresse and Cucumbers , Page 137 15 Of Onions , Celandine , Hemp , and River Sponge . Page 138 16 Of Hemlock , Ciacompalon , and Cocco . Page 138 17 Of Doronicum , Dragons , Olive-honey , Vipers-Bugloss , Eryngion , Euphorbium . Page 139 18 Of Elaterium , Hellebor , Eupatorium , Emitum and Fennel , Page 140 19 Of Fennel Gyant and the Fig-Tree . Page 141 20 Of the Ash , Mushrooms , and the Beech. Page 141 21 Of Guajacum , and Gentian , Page 142 22 Of Broom , Ginger , and St. Johns-wort . Page 142 23 Of Elecampane , Turnsole , and Hiuca . Page 143 24 Of Impia , Juniper , and Glassewort . Page 144 25 Of the Bay-Tree , Mastick-Tree , and Flax. Page 144 26 Of the Larch-Tree , Lilly , Loos-strife , and the Lote-Tree . Page 145 27 Of Malabathrum , Punic and Assyrian Apples , and the Tree called Mangueis . Page 146 28 Of Musk and Mosse , Page 147 29 Of Mandragora , Mallows , and the Mulberry-Tree . Page 148 30 Of Napellus . Page 148 31 Of Nyctegrotus , Granum Nubiae , Nutmegs , and Olive Trees . Page 149 32 Of the Palm-Tree , Page 150 33 Of the Plane-Tree , Apple-Trees , and the Tree called Pater-Noster Page 151 34 Of Pepper , Plantain , Pimpernel , wild Tansie , herb Paris , and Papyr . Page 152 35 Of the Oake , Rhubarb , Rape-root , and Rosa-solis . Page 153 36 Of Crow-foot , Rue , Rosemary , Rose-root and rose-Tree . Page 154 37 Of Scorzonera , Squills , Sage , Scordium . Page 155 38 Of Nightshade . Page 156 39 Of Mustard , Satyrium , and the greater Saxifrage . Page 157 40 Of the Turpentine , and Frankincense Trees . Page 157 41 Of Wheat and Thyme , Page 158 42 Of Tobacco . Page 159 43 Of Trifoly , Teucrium , Thelyphonon , Yew , Thapsia , and Thauzargent . Page 160 44 Of the Vine . Page 161 45 Of Xaqua and Zuccaro . Page 163 46 Of other miraculous Trees . Page 163 47 Of the prodigiousnesse of some Trees . Page 165 The Contents of the Sixth Classis . Chap. 1 Of the Eagle . Page 167 2 Of the Hawke , Page 168 3 Of the Assalon and Heron. Page 169 4 Of the Horn-Owl and Aluco . Page 169 5 Of the Goose , Page 170 6 Of the Kings Fisher , of Ducks , and the Bird Emme . Page 171 7 Of Barnicles . Page 172 8 Of the Owl and Cormorant . Page 173 9 Of the Feldifare and Goat-Sucker . Page 174 10 Of the Cuckow . Page 174 11 Of the Crow . Page 175 12 Of the Rook , and Chrysaethos . Page 176 13 Of the Pigeon . Page 176 14 Of the Swan . Page 177 15 Of the Stork . Page 178 16 Of the Faulcon . Page 179 17 Of the Hen and Cock. Page 179 18 Of the Crane and the Woodwall . Page 180 19 Of the Chough . Page 181 20 Of the Swallow . Page 182 21 Of the Osprey , the Ibis , and the Loxias . Page 183 22 Of the Kite . Page 183 23 Of Manucodita and Gull or Cormorant . Page 184 24 Of the Owl and Musket , Page 185 25 Of Onocrotalus , and Rhinoceros . Page 186 26 Of the Parrot . Page 186 27 Of the Phoenix and Wood-pecker . Page 187 28 Of the Pie , Page 188 29 Of the Peacock . Page 189 30 Of the Pheasant and Sparrow . Page 189 31 Of the Partridge . Page 190 32 Of the Ostrich . Page 191 33 Of the Scythian Bird , and the Castrel . Page ibid ▪ 34 Of the Thrush , and Torquilla . Page ibid. 35 Of Urogallus , Page 192 36 Of the Bat. Page 193 37 Of the Vulture . Page 194 The Contents of the Seventh Classis . Chap. 1. Of the Elk and Ram Page 206 2 Of the Asse . Page 207 3 Of the Boar , and the Archopitecus . Page 208 4 Of the Ox. Page 208 5 Of the Buffe , Bugle , and the Bonasus . Page 209 6 Of the Camel. Page 209 7 Of the Goat . Page 210 8 Of the Beaver , and Colus . Page 211 9 Of the Cat and Coney . Page ibid. 10 Of the Stag. Page 212 11 Of the Dogg . Page 213 12 Of the Marmaset and the Catoblepas : Page 215 13 Of the Baboon and Chamaeleon . Page 216 14 Of the Crocodile . Page 217 15 Of the Horse . Page 218 16 Of the Urchin . Page 219 17 Of the Elephant . Page ibid. 18 Of the Dormouse , and the Gulo . Page 221 19 Of the Hyaena , and the Porcupine . Page ibid. 20 Of the Buck-Goat . Page 222 21 Of the Goat call'd the Evick , and the Indiat Rat , Ichneumon . Page ibid. 22 Of the Lion. Page 223 23 Of the Hare . Page 224 24 Of the Wolf. Page ibid. 25 Of the Lizard , Page 225 26 Of the Lynx and Lutra or Otter . Page 226 27 Of the Mouse . Page 227 28 Of the Wesil , and the Sable Wesil . Page 228 29 Of the Sheep . Page 229 30 Of the Wild Goat call'd Oryx , and the Panther or Leopard . Page 230 31 Of the Frog . Page 231 32 Of the Rangifer , and Rhinoceros . Page 231 33 Of divers Serpents . Page 232 34 Of the Squirril , and Ape-Fox . Page 233 35 Of the Ape . Page ibid. 36 Of Su and Subus . Page 234 37 Of the Sowe . Page 234 38 Of the Mole . Page 235 39 Of Tatus and the Tyger . Page 236 40 Of the Tortoise . Page 236 41 Of the Bear. Page 237 42 Of the Fox , Page 238 43 Of the Unicorn . Page 238 The Contents of the Eighth Classis . Chap. 1. Of the kinds of things without blood , Page 241 2 Of Bees , Page 244 3 Of Spiders , Page 246 4 Of Silk-worms . Page 247 5 Of the Spanish Fly , and the Glo-worm . Page 248 6 Of the Grashopper , Page 249 7 Of the Crabfish , and the Shell-fish breeding Pearls . Page 250 8 Of the Snail , Page 251 9 Of the Gnat , Page 251 10 Of the Sea-Urchin , the Ephemerus , and the Catterpillar , Page 252 11 Of the Pismire . Page 253 12 Of the Horsleech , and Hippocampus . Page 254 13 Of the Locust , that is an Insect . Page 254 14 Of the Sea-Hare , the Lobster , with his shell , and the Calamarie . Page 255 15 Of Pearls . Page 255 16 Of the Fly , Page 256 17 Of the Nautilus or Boat-like Fish , Page 257 18 Of Oysters and fish with hard shells , Page 258 19 Of the Butterflye , and the Polypus . Page 259 20 Of the Lowse and Flea , Page 260 21 Of the Beetle and the Cuttle . Page 261 22 Of the Scorpion , Page 262 23 Of Worms in Wood , and the Tarantula . Page 263 24 Of Worms . Page 263 Article 1. Of Worms in Brute Beasts . Page ibid. Artic. 2. Of Worms in Men. Page 264 Artic. 3. Of Worms in Plants . Page 264 Artic. 4. Of the Indian Worms , and the March Worm . Page 266 Chap. 25. Of Wasps . Page 266 The Contents of the Ninth Classis . Chap. 1. Of Hornback , Sturgeon or Elops , of the Dace or Groundling . Page 289 2 Of the Eele . Page 290 3 Of the Whale , and the Barbel . Page 290 4 Of the Carp , the Clupaea , and the Conger . Page 291 5 Of the Dogg-fish . Page 292 6 Of Dracunculus . Page 293 7 Of the Dolphin , Exocaetus and the Fiatola . Page 293 8 Of Glanis and Glaucus . Page 294 9 Of the Herring and Huson . Page ibid. 10 Of the Pike and Luna . Page 295 11 Of Manaty , and the Whiting . Page 296 12 Of Mirus , Mola , and Monoceros . Page 297 13 Of the Mullet and the Barbel . Page 298 14 Of the River - Powt , and Lamprey . Page 296 15 Of the Perch and Sea-Calf . Page 296 16 Of the Scale , and the Indian Reversus like an Eele . Page 300 17 Of the Remora , and the Sea-Scarus . Page 301 18 Of the Sea-Serpent , and the Sturgeon . Page 302 19 Of the Salmon and Turdus . Page 302 20 Of the Torpedo , and the Tuni● . Page 303 21 Of the Uranoscopus , and the Sword-fish . Page 304 22 Of some other Wonders concerning Fishes . Page 305 The Contents of the Tenth Classis . Chap. 1. Of Man in generall , Page 307 2. Of Nourishment , Page 309 Article 1. Of the harmlesse feeding on venomous things . Page 309 Article 2. Of the eating of other unusuall Meats . Page 311 Artic. 3. Of great Eaters . Page 311 Article 4. Of monstrous drinkers ▪ Page 312 Artic. 5. Of some Secrets concerning Drunkennesse . Page 313 Artic. 6. Of Bread. Page 315 Artic. 7. Of wonderfull Fasting . Page 315 Chap. 3. Of Concoction . Page 317 Article 1. Of the Liver and Spleen . Page ibid. Artic , 2. Of Humours in general . Page 317 Article 3. Of blood Page 318 Artic. 4. Of Urine and Reins . Page 320 Artic. 5. Of Marrow . Page 321 Article 6. Of Sweat. Page 322 Article 7. Of insensible Transpiration . Page 323 Chap. 4. Of Increasing Page 324 Article 1. Of Gyants . Page 324 Artic. 2. Of Pigmies , Page 325 Chap. 5. Of Generation , Page 326 Article 1. Of Seed . Page 326 Artic. 2. Of menstruous Blood and Milk. Page 327 Artic. 3. Of the Generative parts . Page 329 Artic. 4. Of the Female Sex. Page 329 Artic. 5. Of the noise of the Womb. Page 330 Artic. 6. Of numerous Births . Page 331 Artic. 7. Of monstrous Births . Page 333 Artic. 8. Of the recompence Nature makes to Monsters . Page 334 Artic. 9. Of Nations of divers Forms . Page 338 Artic. 10. Of a wonderfull Antipathy between the Father and the Sonne . Page 339 Artic. 11. Of some Wonders concerning Generation . Page 339 Chap. 6. Of Vitall action . Page 340 Article 1. Of the Heart . Page 340 Article 2. Of the Pulse . Page 342 Artic. 3. Of Life and Death . Page 342 Artic. 4. Of Venemous infection . Page 344 Chap. 7. Of the internall and externall Sense . Page 345 Article 1. Of Imaginations of melancholy people . Page 345 Article 2. Of the force of Imagination . Page 346 Artic. 3. Of Sight and Smelling . Page 346 Artic. 4. Of the Face . Page 347 Artic. 5. Of Dreams . Page 348 Artic. 6. Of Walkers in the Night ▪ Page 349 Artic. 7. Of some things observable concerning the Head and the Senses . Page 350 Chap. 8. Of the faculty of moving from place to place . Page 351 Artic. 1. Of the wonderful strength and agility of some people . Page 351 Chap. 9. Of the rational Soul ; and principally of Memory . Page 353 , 354 Scalig. l. 1. de Plantis . I Alwaies thought the compasse of Wisdome to be , as it were , the Treasury of our Mind , into which I suppose we ought to bring all the tribute of our Cogitations and Inventions ; yet onely such as are honest : from whence every Man may fetch for his own use without Envy , or Grudging . For we are all one Body , and there is but one Spirit of this Body , which proceeding from God , watcheth for the common Good. To the Right HONOURABLE ▪ Edvvard Lord Mountague , Baron of Kimbolton , Viscount Mandevill , and Earl of Manchester . My Noble Lord , THis Excellent HISTORY concerning The Wonderfull Things of Nature , was written in Latin ; and digested into Ten Classes , by a Native of another Countrey : who was himself indeed A Wonder in Nature , and might well make up the Eleventh Classis with the History of himself , for his generall and vast understanding in the Universe , as will appear to all men that will take the pains ( so full of profit and delight ) to read his Writings . In his Life-time he was much conversant in England and Scotland , to search out the Wonderfull Things in these Nations . And if Englishmen well weigh and consider it , they cannot but thankfully make their returns unto Almighty God for it , since there is no Countrey of the World that is in all things comparable to Great Britany it self , being adorned with so many strange and wonderfull things . I shall not need to mention the particulars ( which have furnished the Author in severall Classes with some varieties . ) For I fear the World will judge that I have said too much already unto your Honour upon this Subject ( who is far better acquainted with the Wonders and Rarities of these Nations than my self ) and that I have betray'd my own Ignorance , to offer a Translation of mine , unto your Honour , who is so well versed in the Originall , and which cannot be parallel'd when it is made to speak any other Language . But I hope your Honour will excuse this Attempt , because the Authour was a great Lover of our Countrey , and therefore it was held convenient to make him a free Denizon , and to speak English for the publick Good , which your Honour hath alwaies labour'd to advance by your honourable Actions ; and I fear not , but your Noblenesse will tenderly Embrace what is undertaken for that end ; though this Translation can adde nothing to your Honour , but seeks for honour from your noble Patronage . Yet since it pleased God to afford me this opportunity to put your Honour in remembrance of me , who was formerly a Schollar at Eaton Colledge , and contemporary with your Honour ; and that I once had the happinesse to be domestick Servant unto your Honour● Noble Father , who now rests in God , and who was then pleased to honour me so much , as to have the review , and commit to the publick view his , Immortall and Pious Work , entituled , Contemplatio Mortis et Immortalitatis , the fruits whereof he now enjoyes . And that his Honour , for above 40 years accepted my Father to attend so near his Person to do him Service for his bodily health ; I knowing also how much I owe to the Memory of your noble Uncles , to that Reverend Prelate of the Garter James Lord Bishop of Winchester , and Sir Sidney Mountague , who were both my Honoured Patrons ; I might be taxed with high ingratitude , if having nothing better to present your Honour with than this Famous Authours Work , ( though in a meaner dresse ) I had unadvisedly dedicated it to any other Person , and overpast so fair an occasion , whereby I now expresse my due Respects unto your Honoured Father's Memory , and to all your Family , and in particular to your Honour , to whom I and my Fathers house stand so much obliged . My humble Suit is , that your Honour will let passe all other Considerations herein , and to regard onely the gratefull Mind of him , who shall alwayes pray God to blesse your Honour , and your Noble Family , with all blessings Temporall and Eternal , in Him who is the Fountain of all blessednesse , the Lord Jesus Christ ; and shall remain Your Honours in all obedience , John Rowland . OF THE DESCRIPTION Of Naturall VVonders . The First Classis . Wherein are contain'd the Wonders of the Heavens . ABove there are vast spaces , and the mind is admitted into the possession of them : But so , if it bring no corporeall thing with it , if it scour off all sordid matter , and be quick agil , and seem content with what is moderate , Seneca natur . quaest . l. 1. Praefat. CHAP. I. Of the World. Article 1. Of the Creation of the World. PYthagoras calls this whole Consistence of bodies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Latines from its beauty call it Mundus . Ocellus saith , it was from eternity , de universo Aristotel . l. 8. Phys. and some others . We affirm , that it was created at the beginning by the glorious Trinity ; and by faith we understand , that the world was Made . The History is in the Scripture , but the perfect description in Moses's Works , Gen. 1. Nor can the censorious rod of Galen , or of the memory of the Apostles , whereof mention is made by Bishop Turribius , detract any thing from it . The dictates of the Holy Ghost cannot be false , the knowledge of God is free from errour . The eternity of Cardan drawn from the salt of the Sea , lib. de subtil . is as easily rejected as propounded . It is a weak proof , that all pure things were made at first ; I adde , and a false one . Chrysippus apud Laertium amongst the Stoicks , speaks boldly : If there be any thing , that can do that , which a man with his reason cannot do , that thing is greater , stronger and wiser than man ; but a man cannot make heavenly things : Therefore he that made them excells man in Art , Counsel , Prudence and Power . What therefore can that be but God ? All that is , was made of nothing , and by the Word let it be made . Empedocles is false , concerning the concourse of Atoms ; ( of matter and quantity co-eternal ) also that is false in Plutarch , That the essence and matter whereof the World was made , was not first created , but was alwayes ready for the Workmaster , and was fit to be compounded and digested , and made , as far as possible it might be to his own likenesse . But nothing was with God , before he made it , that was not God himself . He it is , that calls things that are not , as though they were . Hermes in Pimander , The Workmaster made the whole World , not by hands , but by his Word . Moses writes , that all things were made in six dayes ; Some think this was onely for order sake , and for our instruction . Augustine thinks , all things were made together in a moment . Philo writes acutely of the making of the World. Moses saith , The World was made in six dayes ; not that God the Maker of it needed time to do it , ( for God is not onely thought to work by commanding , but by contemplating ) but because it was needfull that things should be created in some order : and this is a proper number for order ; and six amongst all numbers is fittest for generation , for it is the first perfect number after a Unite , consisting of parts whereof it is made ; of three that is one half of it ; and two a third part , and one a sixth part , being of a masculine and feminine nature . As for the time , it is supposed to be Autumn , as it is collected from the Feast of gathering in of fruits in the end of the year , and from the moneth Tisri , which answers to September , Bartolin . c. ult . gener . Phys. Some say , the Spring : Ambrosius in Hexametro : Thence it behoved the World to begin , where there was a Spring-like temper fit for all things . Whence it is that the year sets forth the Image of the World at first beginning , and after winter cold , and frost and mists , the clearer brightnesse of the Spring shines forth more than ordinary . Macianus Scotus puts the Lords Day on the 15th of the Calends of April . Macrobius describes the Generation . His words are ; In the making of the World , Aries was in the middle of the Heavens ; the Moon in Cancer ; the Sun rose with Leo ; Virgo with Mercury ; Libra with Venus ; Mars with Scorpio ; Jupiter was in Sagittarius ; Saturn in Capricorn . We shall say with Firmicus , The Day it was made upon , is uncertain . For the time is different in places ; nor was there any then . For all secular things began with the World. If you look at the end , it is the glory of God , and the good of Man. Look which way I will , I see exquisite marks of Gods Wisdome , Goodnesse , and Power . Contraries are here parted , and yet coupled by bands in the mediums . Hence his wisdom appears ; The actions have recourse in order ; hence appears unity : there is neither old age , nor change , nor wearinesse ; thence his power is manifest : every thing had a sufficient perfection given to it , and is content with it ; thence we see his goodnesse . They are all from God , and they tend unto God ; thence is glory . Article 2. Of the Parts of the World , and the disposing of them . WEe need not be over-curious for the matter of it . It contains the Heaven with the Stars ; the Elements , Meteors in the Ayr , Fishes in the Waters , Minerals in the secrets of the Earth , Plants , Animals and Man are in the upper surface . They are all materiall and corporeal things , which wise men include in it , and they are all realities . Heaven is thought to be uncompounded , the Elements serve for composition , Meteors are imperfectly mixt ; Minerals perfectly , but without life ; Plants with life , but without sense ; Beasts with life and sense , but without reason : Man with life , sense and reason , is the compendium of all , a little world in the great world . The perfection is as great as the matter could bear ; the Workmaster could give more , but the Matter was not capable of it , Scalig. Exerc. 243. s. 3. The goodnesse is confirmed by the decree of God : Gen. 1. vers . ult . He saw , and behold , all things were good . The manner of ordering them in this great Engine , Zeno in Laertius amongst the Philosophers hath declared ; That God at first , whilest he was alone , changed all essence by Ayr into Water ; and as in the birth the seed is contain'd ; so God who is the seminal cause of the World , left such a seed in the moysture , that should afford an easie and fit matter for this work ; for the generation of things afterwards . Then he first produced the four Elements , Fire , Water , Ayr , Earth , &c. Trismegistus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speaks true ; There was , saith he , infinite darknesse in the deep , and the water , and an intelligible spirit were by Divine vertue , existing in the Chaos ; wherefore the holy light was taken away , and the Elements were congealed and fastned beneath of a moyst substance , and all these embraced , and were in love with a seminall nature . And when all things were undivided , and not set in order ; they were parted ; and things that were leight , chose the uppermost place ; heavy , the lowest ; moyst , the dry Land : all of them being divided by the Fire , and hanging in the Ayr , and carried by it . And the Heaven appeared in 7. circles , and the gods appearing in the Aspects of the Stars , with all their signs , and the whole circumference was distinguished , and with the gods that are in it was circumscribed with the circumambient Ayr , and carried by a moving Divine spirit . And every God by his own vertue produced what he was commanded , and there were brought forth four-footed beasts , creeping things , Fishes , Birds , and every seminall plant : and grasse and flowers , and every herb , contain'd in themselves seeds of regeneration : and the Generations of men were for the knowledge of Divine things , &c. But Moses sets it down most truly , Gen. Chap. 1. Heaven and Earth , and Light , the first day are : The Firmament dividing Waters second were . The third , the waters parted , Plants , the Earth : The fourth to Sun and Moon and Stars gives birth . The fifth gives Fishes , and all kind of Birds : The sixth brought Cattell , all made by Gods Words : Then Man was made ; the seventh rest affords . Danaeus in Phys. Christiana . Artic. 3. Of Unity , Figure , and Soul of the World. DEmocritus and Empedocles supposed , that other worlds were made successively of some indivisible small seeds . Hence Alexander complain'd , that he had not yet conquered one . Origines , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , said , they were infinite successively ; that the Elementary world was made every 7 thousand years , and the heavenly once in 4900 years . For the Sabbath for the earth , and the yeare of Jubilee was wont to return every 7th year , and every 49 , yeares . Leo Hebraeus toucheth upon this opinion , Dialog de Amore ; where he saith , The inferior world by the opinion of the old divines is generated corrupted and renewd once in 7000 years . But because we see nothing moved in it confusedly , nor any thing set without it , whither shall we go out of it ? Our desire is answered . For in the end of our cogitations , the same question alwaies returns . Wherefore we say , that there is but one world , and the figure of it is plain , like to a skin stretched forth very large , saith Basilius . But Plato held , that it was like a Circumvex , pointed with many Angles . Sanchumates Berytius the most ancient writer of the affaires of Phoenicia , said it was like to an Egge , wherefore at the feasts of Bacchus they religiously adored an egg , as the emblem of the world . Some compare it to the greek letter Ω , in which the outward lineament represents the Ocean , Dalecham P. ad l. 2. Plin. hist. c. 3. But that it is made like a Globe , not only the name and consent amongst men that call it so , but every mans eyes can tell him ; for it is convex , and one half , look upon it which way we will. Plato . Of which living creatures he would have all other living creatures contain'd , he framed that of such a forme , that in that one all the rest might be contain'd . The Sto●cks would have it to be a living creature , endued with sense and reason . Hence grew that description by its parts . The Starr , ( saith Plutarch of the face of the Moon ) are shining eyes in the face of the world , they run their race ; the Sun is in place of the Heart : as this affords blood and spirit , so that sends forth heat and light ; the world useth the Earth and the Sea , as a living creature doth its belly and bladder ; The Moon between the Sun and the Earth is as the Liver between the heart and belly , or some soft bowel , and attenuating its respirations by some concoction , and purgation , scatters them about . Elegantly , but not true ! For the world hath no known soul ; if we ascribe any thing to it , all will be but a diffused force , common to all , and in proportion we may call it a soul. For what the soul is in bodies , the same is force diffused in the universe . Combach . in Phys. cap. de Mundo . Artic. 4. Of the Duration of the World past and to come . THe duration of the World both past and to come , is sought out by many , but no certainty is proved . The Aegyptians formerly boasted of 48000 years past , in their History ; the Chaldaeans 470000 ; The East-Indies 700000. The Aegyptians are disproved by their disagreement : one of them reported 20000 , to Solon that asked him ; another 1300 to Herodotus . The Chaldaeans alleage that in 48863 there have been only 832 luminaries : But the doctrine of Astronomy shewes these to be trifles . If this were not , it might be ; yet Diodorus in Augustus his time , searched for the greatest antiquity of the Aegyptians , and found scarce 4000. Calisthenes Nephew to Aristotle by his sister , found the Chaldaeans not to be 2000 ; Simplicius reports it . Amongst our Chronologers , the Christian Epoche is uncertain ; nor is there any beam so cleare , to discusse these Clowds . Abraham Bucholzerus , with Mirandula and Reusnerus , saith , it was created before the said Epoche 3970 yeares . Buntingius , 3968 ; Mercator , 3967 ; Scaliger , 3947 ; Beroaldus , 3929 ; Broughtonus , 3928 ; Pareus , 3927 ; Pavellus , 4022. Hitherto Scaliger hath been preferr'd , yet it is thought that Pavellus hath discovered his imperfection . The uncertainty concerning its end is greater . Macrobius defines it by 15000 years . Orpheus by 12000 , Cassander counts 30 times 6000000. Ber●sus , as Seneca saith , contends that the earth shall be burnt , when all the Starrs meet in Cancer , and a flood should be in Capricorn . Amongst Christians , Liborovius will have it to be 1666 ; Rossinus 1656. ( Libavius in declam . de comet . anni 1604 ) . Cusanus 1700 , or else the space that goes before 1734. That as after the first Adam , ( they are Cusanus hi● words ) the consumption of sin came in the 34th Jubile by the waters of the flood , in the days of Noah , according to Philo ; so we conjecture that after the second Adam , in the 34th Jubile shall come the consumption of sin by fire . ( Nancelius cites it , in analog . Microcosm . cum Macrocosmo . l. ult . ) Augustinus and Lactantius define it by 6000 yeares . Alstedius holds the term to be uncertain , but it is certain , it shall not be before the yeare of Christ 2694 , ( in Thesauro Chronolog . c. 6. et diatrib . de mille annis ) . A certain friend dreams of some thousands . Napeirus is of one mind , Copernicus of another . What shall we say to this ? It is not in man to declare these things , or to know them ; the Angells know them not , nor yet the Son of man. God hath kept these times in his own power . Thomas speaks true , All those that undertook to determine the time of the end of the world , have been found false , and so shall all that shall undertake the same hereafter . Be the time never so uncertain , yet certain it is , it shall have an end . The word of God saith it ; The Heavens and the Earth shall passe away . Luc. 21.23 . Christ , in Mathew , 23 , foreshews the forerunning signs . The Stoicks set down the manner in the flood , and in the consuming by fire , and the Hebrews seem to consent . For they affirm that the Sea should ascend above the Mountains tops 40 cubits ( Petrus Comestor in Nancelius ) . Aristotle and Plato universally deny it . It is known by the word of God to Christians , that the world perished by the flood , and the burning of it , is expected . For St. Peter saith , c. 2. and 3. but the Heavens that now are , and the earth are reserved for the fire , at the day of Judgment . But whether there shall be another world differing essentially from this , or this shall be renewd wherein we live , is a question . The Apostle saith , The fashion of this world passeth away : the holy Fathers , Basil , Eusebius , do imply an alteration ; and Seneca , in his disputes . Every creature shall be generated anew , and a Man shall be given to the earth , that knows no wickednesse , and bred from better principles : yet he adds , Their innocence shall not last longer then while they are first bred ; for wickednesse will soon break in . He differs from us , because he makes eternal innovations ; which we admit not . The censure of Tatianus against the Gentiles . Doth any man determin God to be a Body ? I think , He is without a Body . Do's he think the world incorruptible ? I think , It is corruptible . That it shall be burnt by degrees ? I think it shall be but once for ever . Artic. 5. Of the hidden qualities of natural bodies . I Said , that natural bodies were containd in the world ; now I say that they are so ordered that they have their peculiar vertues , and in some things they are partakers . Every one hath its nature , they are containd in place , measur'd by time , defined by number , they begin , they perish , they move , augment , diminish , they act , and suffer . Amongst the rest hidden qualities are admirable according to which there is either consent in things , or jarring and discord ; Philosophers call this sympathy and antipathy . The first and second qualities are no causes of these things ; examples of them are spred through the whole field of Nature . The raging Elephant growes calme if he see a Ram ; and if he see a Rhinoreros , he is angry . The tender flesh of sheep bitten by a Wolfe , and the wooll woven also , will breed Worms . Cattel almost dead , and men faint , are revived by the smell of bread . Pencerus de divin . sect . de Astrolog . Porphyrio a bird will dye if it look on a Whore. Woodpeckers will , with grasse , drive out wedges . A Stag draws out Arrows with dittany . The venome of the Tarantula is driven away by the sound of Musick and dancing by measure , Alexander ab Alexan. l. 2. genial . dier . Many will sweat if a Cat be present . Quercetan in diaetetica , and make water at the sound of the harp . Scalig. excerc . 344. s. 6. One was driven from a feast at the sight of Apples , if we credit Quercetan . A boy's lips swelled by eating of eggs , and his face was spotted with black spots . Marcel . A Monk , saith Lusitanus , swounded at the smell of a Rose . Another hated bread and flesh , and lived only upon eggs . One espied an old woman at a feast and could not endure her , and when he was forced to stay , he was carried forth dead . One swounded with the combing of his hair . Demohon the builder of Alexandria was cold in the Sun or a hot Bath , and hot in the shade . The same is said , of a certain Idiot that clothed himself with skins in Summer , but went naked in Winter . Pontanus his dog would eat no Cocks flesh ; but Scholtzius his , would houl lamentably when the strings of a Lute were wound higher . But when they were tuned as they should be , and sounded harmoniously , he was quiet . I say no more . Libavius de Antipathia rerum . The cause of all these things is hid ; But it is certain that the most eminent of them arise from those qualities , that both agree with their forms , and are moved by the force of them . The knowledg of secret forces appertaine to natural magick , wherein we had need of a wonderfull caution . Alvernius lib. de universo writes that Turnsoil will make men invisible , and that quicksilver put between two reeds will hinder witchcraft ; That Rue taken away by stealth , & Basil planted with a feast will grow the more abundantly , saith Trievius de Daemon . decep . and he adds that 7 grains of a certain hearb cast amongst the guests at a drinking feast , will make them fight up to the eares in Blood. These are fooleries , and confuted by propounding them , Delrius l. 1. disquis . Magic . c. 3. Artic. 6. Of Gods Providence in the World. GOd was not pleased onely to make all these things , but he would have them all under his Government , and Providence . Hence comes the preservation of the beings and vertues of things ; and the disposing of them all after the freedom of his will , the wise ordering of all things . In this are the ends set orderly , the means to these ends are exquisitely disposed , and being disposed , are most wisely directed . This Providence was so often and forcibly maintain'd by the Stoicks , that they became a sport and a jest to their adversaries , who call'd this , The fatall old Wife of the Stoicks that foretold future things . Epictetus in Arrianus , speaks admirably ; What concerns the gods , some deny there is any God. Some say there is , but an idle carelesse Deity , that provides for nothing . There is a third sort , that maintain there is a God , and that his Providence governs , yet onely in great and heavenly matters , but in no earthly thing . A fourth sort say , That he takes care for heavenly and earthly things , but in generall onely , not for particulars , and for every one severally . But there are a fifth sort , wherein Ulysses and Socrates , who affirm , That I cannot , O God , be hid or deceive thee in the smallest motion . There is here no place for fortune , nor for casual and needless violence , That Eternal Light spreads his beams every way , and at the same instant he pierceth into all the windings and depths of the Heavens , Earth , and Seas ; nor is his Divine Nature onely President over all these things , but is in them all . CHAP. II. Of Heaven . THe Wisemen ascribed the first place amongst bodies to the Heavens ; both because it is simple , and also is set in the highest place as principall . Some write , that it is of the same nature with sublunary things , and not amisse ; for the Scripture writes , Psal. 102. that it shall wax old like a garment . Also the generation of new Stars seems to intimate as much : All the space in these that reacheth to the fixt Stars , is filled with ayr ; and it is so much the more pure , light , and hot , as it comes nearer unto them , &c. If you consider the magnitude , the Heavens are the greatest body ; the Earth is but a point in comparison to it . The number is but one ; yet Astronomers have distinguished it into divers orbs ▪ Eudoxus into 23. Calippus into 30. Aristotle 47. Ptolomy 31 : Regiomontanus 33. The common opinion is , that there be Ten ; to which if you adde the Heaven of heavens , ( Aquiba call'd it , the marble Table of the World , Maimon . l. 1. perplex ) . they will be eleven . The consideration of the Tenth amongst them is wonderfull ; For they say , it is ten times greater than the eighth sphere , and than the earth 1960 ; and they say , that in 24 hours it goes 469562845 miles , Bodin . l. 5. Theatr. The Miracles of the 9th are not small . The Antients say , it proceeded one degree in one hundred years ; the Neotericks have observed 44 minutes . The period of its motion is 49000 years , if we credit Alphonsus ; but Copernicus saith , 25816. This period is call'd , the great and Platonick year . It is a wonderfull Engine , and all the great works of men compared with it , are lesse than nothing . Plato l. 10. de Repub. imagined a certain spindle , as bright as a Diamond , contain'd in 8 wheels ; and he makes the Heaven to hang by that , lest it should fall . But alas poor man , why so ? There is a God that supports it ; who gave it a power to stand fast at first , when he made it : yet this shall go into smoke , and shews us , that nothing is stable contain'd in this World. CHAP. III. Of the Stars . Artic. 1. Of the Force of the Stars , and Nutriment of them . MAhomet said , That the Stars hang in the Ayr by golden chains : That the Workmaster set them in the Heavens , bright & round , we religiously acknowledge ; that they were made for signs and seasons ; All men know , that they shine and communicate their vertue to sublunary things ; which is done , by sending forth their beams : the will of man , and works of Artificers , are out of this account . There is in these no mixture of new qualities ; but onely an accidentall species is induced to a body ready made . The mind is free from the Elements ; if it suffer any thing , it is by the mediation of the Instruments of the body , the temperament whereof Mens manners easily follow . Hence you may see an errour ; That the characters were formed by a certain position of the Heavens , and are moved by a stronger power from the Heavens . Plato saith false , That the Souls before they come into the bodies were made subject to some Star. These are toyes , That Stars are appointed for every one of us , bright Stars for rich men ; little ones for poor men ; dark ones for defects ; and some for every mans condition , Pliny l. 2. Histor. Natur. c. 8. There is not so great Society between Heaven and us , that for our destiny the brightnesse of the Stars should be mortal . Our chance is in Gods hand : It is false , That Jacob read his sons destinies in the Tables of the Heavens . More writes elegantly of one White , in an Epigram : White in the Stars did oft his Wife behold , That she was chaste and good he all men told ; He look't to find her in the Stars once more , And then he did proclaim her for a Whore. But that thy Wife was common , though thou see Through all the Stars , not one declares to thee . Cleomedes in lib. de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speaks something of the nutriment of the Stars , as Dalechampius cites it , and the Stoicks observed the same . Laertius ( in Lipsius in Manuduct . ad Physiol . Stoicam . ) saith , That these fiery Stars are fed and nourished , ( the Sun and Moon , and the rest ) the Sun by the great Sea , as being the great Torch , and a kind of burning endued with understanding : But the Moon , by fresh waters , and such as may be drunk because it is mingled with the Ayr , and is near to the Earth . Wherefore Macrobius in Somnium Scipionis ascribes it to providence , that the Ocean was placed under the torrid Zone . That all that space which the Sun and the rest of the Planets and the Moon wander up and down in , on this side and that side of the Eccliptick , may have moysture for their nourishment . The opinion seems absurd at first ; yet Ambrosius l. 2. Hex . c. 3. thought so ; nor doth Libavius l. 5. de origin . rerum , seem to deny it . Lucianus saith , there shall be a common bone-fire for the world . Whence shall this burning be , but that moysture must fail ? and that cannot fail , but for nutriment . Yet see that you make not a combustion amongst the Stars , by assuming an aetherial spirit into the nature of the Stars . Artic. 2. Of the light of the fixt Starrs , with their magnitude and motion . THe 8th sphere contains the fixt Starrs , and those in number numberlesse . Alongtime men observed 1022 , which the Phoenicians reduced to constellations . Braheus added 74 , Houtmannus 14 , about the Antartick pole . Bartholin . de Coelo . c. 3. Also they are of divers magnitudes , yet all greater than the Earth , except the sixt magnitude . The magnitude will give you the vast distance : we see them like sparks of fire , yet Astronomers reckon 14000 diameters of the earth . They have their own natural light which shines to men in the night , not that it is put out in the day by the Sun beams , but that the medium being enlightned admits of the more forcible species , the lesser and weaker is carried through the medium unperceived . Scalig. exerc . 6.2 . Historians observe that they have been seen in the day-time , and not without some token . In Commodus his times they were seen a whole day , some were drawn forth at length , as though they were fastned in the Ayre . The slaughter of the Parthians followed , civill warrs , and the killing of five Emperours in one year . The same thing was seen in the raign of Constantius , from Sun rising till noon , about Sun set the Sun first appeared with crooked horns , and then but halfe , some suppose it was an Eclipse . Cardanus saw two at Millan , l. 14. de varietat . rer . c. 70. One Anno 1511 , and the French were driven out of Italy : another 1535 , and the death of Francis Sfor●ia followed , and because he died childless , the Prince was changed , Charls took the Government . Lastly the 9th of June , this yeare there was one seen in England before noon , when a solemn thanksgiving was made to God for the birth of the Prince of Wales . we were certified that some French men saw the same at Diep the same time . There is a wonderfull matter in their motion . Besides their own , which is made from North to South upon the poles of Aries and Libra , they are said to be drawn by the 9th sphere from west to east . Hence it comes that they are all moved from their places . Braheus saith in a hundred yeares they are drawn back , one degree , 25 minuts . Meto , who florished in the 130th yeare after Thales , observed the Starr of Aries to be in the Equinoctiall . Timochares , that it gain'd two degrees , Hipparchus four and nine minuts , Ptolomy 6 , and 40 minuts , Albategnius 18 , and 12 minuts , Alphonsus 23 , and 48 minutes , Vernerus 26 , and 54 minutes , Bodinus 28 and 20 minuts ; The bright one in the utmost tayle of the little dog , which is for the pole Starr , Hipparchus observed to be 12 degrees distant from the pole of the world , we see it but almost three now adays . Cardan saith , that the heads of the motions of this Orbe will be not only in contrary places , in the year 1800 , but the motion will be contrary also , and he collects from thence that there will be strange alterations in the Christian religion , de varietat . rer . l. 2. c. 3. CHAP. IV. Of the Five Planets . THe wandring Stars are called Planets . The Ancients accounted them to be seven ; Those of our times have added four about Jupiter , and no fewer about Saturn . Each of them hath its own sphere , its nodes , epicycle , and its aequant . Their motion is more free than the rest : sometimes they are present with mortals , sometimes they depart from them . Hence arise the names of Aux , and Absis , Peregaeum and Apogaeum amongst Astronomers . But so great is the difference , that Saturn requires 30 years , Jupiter 12 , Mars 2 , Venus 360 dayes , and Mercury as many . Venus is a Planet , by her sirnames that stands in aemulation with the Sun and Moon . For rising before the Sun , she is called Lucifer , like another Sun hastening the day ; again shining in the West , she is called Vesper , or the Evening Star , as prolonging the light , and standing in place of the Moon , Plin. l. 2. c. 9. The cause of their wandring motion , some ascribe to the Sun , who either by its beams sets them forward , or removes them on one side , o● departing from them , lets them remain in their own places . Extraordinary influences , Medicaments , Baths , Phlebotomy , Plantings , choice of businesse , change of the Ayr , are by some tyed to the hour of their position . It is observed , that the Plague growes fierce about Wittenburg , when Saturn moves in Leo or Sagittarius , and abate● by the accesse of Mars ; the same thing is threatned to them at Norimberg , by the signs of Gemini or Sagittarius . Those that Mars and Saturn being in the angles , assayle with a quartile aspect , are short-lived ; if they passe their Infancy , it will be difficult for them to attain the flower of youth ; their conjunction increaseth their force . If Mars and Venus are in conjunction when one is born , the concupiscible appetite is contaminated ; more , if it be in Capricorn , and Mercury be present . By the concurrence of Mars , Mercury , and the Moon , men have subtile wits , Peucerus l. de divinat . s. de Astrologia ▪ But this is a lesser conjunction . That is a great Conjunction , which is made by Saturn and Jupiter ; one happened in the seventy year and 200 dayes . The signs of the Zodiack are run through , that at the beginning of the first meeting there may be a conjunction of the Planets ; the Learned called it a revolution , Alsted . in thesauro Chronologico . There are seven reckoned since the World was made , and constant observation hath proved , that none of them ever came without some notable alteration . All things were heroicall in the first conjunction ; at the second , men despised Noah's preaching ; at the third , there were great pressures in Egypt . The fourth was 17 years after , when Rome began to be built : the fifth was in the 26th year of Christ. The Bishops of Rome pretended the Donation of Pipin and Constantine , when the sixth was . The seventh was in the sign of Sagittarius , in the year I was born in , 1603. the last was in Leo , 1623. what this shall produce , God knowes . The City of Rome about the 800th year under its fiery sight , was thought to be renewed . At the beginning of that , happened the dispersing of the Jews ; what if about the end of it , the calling of them again may be ? CHAP. V. Of the Sun. Artic. 1. Of the Greatnesse and Unity of the Sun. EPicurus thought the Sun to be an accidentall Globe , and fire , but an earthly grosse Body . Anaximander thought it was red-hot Iron , the Peruvians think it a GOD ; and so did Aurelianus a Prince of old ; May the gods do it , and the Sun the created god , in Vopisco . Porphyry writes , that it was adored in the East under the name of Mytra , in his Comment . de Nymph . cultu . And Macrobius shews , l. 1. Saturn . cap. 17. That all the gods of the Gentiles were extended to the Sun. After him Cluverius Polyhistor , in Germ. antiqua . So great reverence was there toward it , in the minds of the Gentiles . It is with us the Principall Planet , and the great Luminary . It is greater than the Earth 167 times ; and it is distant from the Earth in its Apogaeum , 1012868 miles , Kecherm . in his Astronomy . It is but one , and where is there room for more in so great a magnitude ? yet there are more also . That is but one of which we speak , the rest are but figures and draughts of this one beautifull Sun. The Philosophers call them Parelia , they have alwaies some future signification , as we frequently observe , and find it . In 1514. there were 3. seen ; in each there was a bloody sword . The Reformation followed . So , many were seen in Helvetia , in 1528 : a wonderfull Famine was the sequel of it . In 1532. at Venice they were seen with two Rainbowes opposed to the Sun ; one presently vanished , but the other was seen for two hours , Cardan . l. 14. de varietat . Rer. cap. 70. The Suns themselves were transparent , the greater was Southward , the lesse Northward , increasing . In the year 1314. before the War of Lodowick of Bavaria , and Frederick of Austria , more Suns were seen : they signified the dissentions of the Electors , and their falling to sides . Peucer . in Meteorol . Before these troubles we saw it ; a Comet with a fatall tail followed . Because the Empire of Nero had the same beginnings , the future event might easily be foreknown . Artic. 2. Of the Suns light , and Eclips . THe Thalmudists hold that the light of the Sun was seven times greater in the Creation , but was lost afterwards . We see it very great and ruling almost every where . For the Sun-beams enlighten and enliven all things . Cardan maintains that by the force of it , the Southern parts are pressed down lower , but whether it be so , every one may judge . And though at Rhodes or Syracuse there never be a day that the Sun is not seen in some parts of it ; Plin : l. 1. Cap. 62. yet it is certain that the Suns light is often intercepted . When Constantine was blind , the Sun did not shine for 17 dayes . In Plinies time ●e was often 12. dayes , in Leo's time 4. dayes . So never seen that Marriners lost their Course Maiol , Colloq . 1. But this was only a Clouding . An Eclips is somwhat more , when the Suns beams are turned away from by interposing of the Moon . Barbarians understand not this , whence Columbus foretelling the Moons Eclips , won the favour of the Indians . It was a Capital crime in Plath's days to maintain that the Moon could hold the Sun beams from us . Alexander Aphrodis . Problem , 46. Some thought the Devills were the cause , and therefore ran to assist it with lighted Torches . Archelaus was so ignorant , that the day the Eclips of the Sun was , he shut up the Court , and shaved his sonne , as the custome was in time of adversity and of mourning , Senec. l. 5. de benefic . C. 6. The Eclipse of the Sun happens in the new Moon , or in the Conjunction , nor real , but appearing so , when Sun , Moon , and our eyes are in the same right line . It it be totall , it is in a moment in respect of the parts . It was so when Scipio fought and overcome Hannibal at Carthage , Zonaras , Tom. 2. Nicephorus sayth the same happened at Augustus's death , Somtimes in five yeares some are seen . Maiolus thinks they produced Warrs , Famines , and Deaths of Popes . It seemes to be certain that both of them may be Eclips'd twice in six Months , and in five Months , either of them : and that the Suns light may be twice taken from one Country in the period of seven Months , Peucer . in Astrolog : Some are of opinion their operation begins afterwards ; I dispute not , but this is certaine they never appeare , but they foreshew somthing . When in the year 3343 , an Eclips was seen , the most corrupt state of the Kingdome of the Jews appeared . In the yeare 3350. began the 70 yeares captivity . In 3360 , the Temple and Jerusalem were destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar . About the Eclips in 1619 , Stars were seen at noon-day , and the Warre of Peloponesus began with the Athenians . In the yeare 360 , the Sun was Eclipsed untill noon-day , and also in 592. What followed ? Phocas confirmed the Popes supremacy , 622 , wicked Mahomet , sowed his mischief . Alsted in Thesaur Chronol : In 812 , before the Death of Charls the great , a Spot of a black had appeared for seven dayes , witnesse Eginbartus . It seems to intimate , say some , the darkning of the Gospel . In 1415 the 7. of June , so horrible was the Eclipse of the Sun , that birds fell to the Earth , At this time John Hus was burned in the Councell of Constance , the 6. of July , That was supernaturall at our Saviours passion . It was a totall Eclips at a full Moon , and lasted three houres . Dionysius said of it , Either the God of nature suffers , or the frame of the World dissolves . He afterwards , consulting with the Philosophers , built an Altar to the unknown God , and was converted by St. Pauls Preaching . Tertullian in Apologetico saith , it was laid up amongst the publike Acts of Rome , but forbidden to be published . Also there is a notable use of Eclipses amongst Chronologers , especially of those , which with certain circumstances of time , Yeare , Day , Month , Hour , Minuts , and of the distance from other Eclipses , were exactly taken , such as was the Eclips at Arbelia in C●rtius ; or Peloponesus , in Thucydides ; at Cambisia , in Ptolomy . Powel in his Consilio Chronologico . For there are certain bounds and Characters of times fastned in the Heavens , hence Calvisius commends Scaligers Chronology , because he hath observed Phainomena , and Eclipses , allmost according to the years of the World , out of the Tables of the Heavenly motions , and are fitted to the same . Hence the Calyppic period , comprehended in 76 , yeares ; in which time all conjunctions of the Planets , new Moons , and full Moons , and Eclipses returne to the same moment of time . See the famous Chronologer Pavellus , treating accurately of these things . I hasten to other matters . Art : 3. Of the Suns Motion . THe Mahumetans fain that the Sun is carried with Horses , and sets in the Sea , and well washed rises again . Daily experience sheweth us a double motion , we see it rise every day , and set again : and every yeare it makes an Oval figure , passing to North and South . Yet so right under the Ecliptick , that it swarves not a hair from it : The complement of the motion in the Zodiack varieth with many . Hipparchus assignes to it 365 days . Ours , 6 houres lesse . Tebitius saith that there want nine minutes of the 6 , houres . Henricus Mechiniensis , hath written , that all those shall err perpetually , who observe Eclipses by the Tables of Ptolomy , or Albategnius . Bodin . 5. Theatri Naturae . It is the vulgar tenent , to assigne 365 days , and 6 , hours . In that oblique course , we observe the Sun to be nearer the earth , whilst he passeth through the Southern signs , and to be further off in the Northern . That is finished in 178 , dayes , 21 hours , and 12 minuts . This requires 186 , dayes , 8 hours , 12 , minutes . But because the distanc● of the Eccentrick is variable from the centre of the World , therefore Melancthon and Origanus write , that the Sun is nearer to us now than in Ptolomies dayes , by 9900 miles , but Copernicus and Stoflerus cast it to bee 26660 miles . Alsted in Theoria Planetarum . Scaliger dislikes this , Exerc. 99. sect . 2. Nor is it probable , saith Bodin . l. 5. Theat . in so great variety of distance that the knowledge of Eclipses could be so exactly preserved . The Scripture tells us that the Sun went backward miraculously in Ezechiahs dayes , as was known by the shadow on the Diall . The History of Josuah witnesseth that it stood still , and made a day of 36 , houres , Justin Martyr , in Dialog : cum Tryphon . Some think the Sun danceth when it riseth on Easter-day , and honours our Saviours Resurrection in Triumph . If that be so , it is necessary for it to dance a whole day , because it riseth the whole day . What ever this is , it must be ascribed to the Ayre , interposed betwixt , which , about the Sun rising , abounds with Vapours , and if at any time , most in the Spring , because the pores are open , and it sends forth more Vapours , Camer . Cent. 2. Memorab . p. 39. Artic. 4. Of the inequality of Dayes and Nights . WHen the Sun comes to the Horizon , the Day riseth with us ; Night comes when the Sun departs . But because it moves obliquely , and is girt within the bounds of both Tropicks , it keeps equality under the Equinoctiall ; it varies which side soever it declines : yet the greater it is , the farther the Countries are distant from the aequator . In Arabia , a Province of the new World , the Dayes and Nights are alwaies equall . Geographers have written the same of Peru , Ovetan , in Summa . In a Country of Africa called Gambra , in the moneth of July , the Night is no shorter than 11. hours ; The Sun riseth suddenly without dawning . The Troglodites and men of Africa have but 13. hours to their longest day , Strabo , l. 1. They that live under the Pole of the Stars in the spring-Equinox ; see the Sun rising ; but in the Autumnall , setting , Mela. l. 3. c. 2. Hence it is , that they have half a year day , and then half a year night . The Hollanders , at the Straights Vaigats , from the 4th . day of November , to the 24. day of January , have found but one continual Night under the degree of 71. Boetius , in the description of the Narrow Sea , Vaigats . In Laponia , one Night lasts 3. moneths , and there is in that time no more light , than the Moon-shine or clear twilights afford , Zigler . in Laponia . In the farthest part of Norway the Sun is not hid in the night . In another Northern Climate , the Nights are very bright , at the Summer Solstice . Saxo Grammaticus . The Day and Night with us are equall , when the Sun enters Aries and Libra ; they are longer when he is in the Tropick of Cancer ; shorter in Capricorn . The moneth of June is said to contain the longest day , the shortest is assigned to the 25. of December . The more superstitious are perswaded , that strange things are seen the night before . The Olive Tree , and the white Poplar , and the leaves of Willowes are said to be driven about . Macrob. l. 9. c. 7. The moisture in Trees ascends upwards from out of the root . The Apple-tree brings forth blossoms and unripe fruit . Some strings of Instruments are strook with the fingers , and the other strings sound . Suetonius l. 1. Ludicra Historia . The small livers of Mice are increased . The kernells that are shut up in Apples are turned the contrary way . Cicero , lib. 2. de Divinat . Artic. 5. Of the Four Parts of the Year . THe motion of the Sun through the Zodiack makes a Year . Mathematicians make this to be twofold . The one is the space in which the Sun goes from the Spring Equinox , and returns to the same again ; and it consists of 365 dayes , five hours , 49 first minutes , 10 seconds . The other is from the time the Sun departs from the first Star in Aries , and returns to the same again ; and it consists of 365 , 6 hours , 9 first minutes , seconds 23. Copernicus appointed this , and he deserved great thanks for it , Of the former there are four parts , Spring , Summer , Autumn , Winter : Spring and Autumn make the Equinoxes ; this the Winter Equinox , that the Summer . They both happen , when the Sun passeth the Line . The most certain sign of the Springs approach , is the Butterfly , being a weak creature . Pliny in histor . Natural . Cancer makes the Summer , when the Sun-beams are verticall with us . It is inflamed by the rising of the Dog-star , saith Pliny , l. 2. c. 40. yet it were more Philosophicall to say , that when the Sun repeats his Journey , he raiseth hot blasts and wind ; whence our bodies partake of great heat . Truly , sometimes it is extream , if we credit Histories . I read in Livy , l. 4. Histor. That in the year of Rome 322. not onely rain from Heaven was wanting , but the Earth also wanted its inbred moysture , that the Rivers that run continually were almost dry ; that many Fountains and Rivers wanted water , that the Cattel dyed for thirst . In the year 1153 the Woods were fired with over-great heat , the fat Earth took fire , and could be extinguished with no rain . Mergerius . The German Records report , That in 1228 , the heat was so great , that the Harvest was ended ( I will use their own words ) before the Feast of St. John Baptist. Lipsius cites it in his Epistles . In the year 1573. the Wood of Bohemia burnt 18. Weeks . The Danube was so dryed up , that in many places one might foord it . And what is wonderfull , there was no losse in the Corn. But in 994. in the end of July , the Lakes and Waters were so hard frozen , that all the Fishes dyed , and there was great scarsity of water . Cardan thinks it is a mark of an over-hot Summer , de varietat . rer . l. 15. c. 38. if old sheep are very much given to lust in the Spring . Men write , that there was so pleasant an Autumn in the year , 1584. that the Roses and young branches flourished . It is our Winter when the Sun enters Capricorn , then all things quake , are covered with Snow , and bound up with Ice . The Sun foreshews a most bitter Winter in the Northern parts , when he hides himself in a red clowd , as a pillar of fire , and casts out his beams like fiery darts . That descending , it is turned into black . Cardan . l. 1. Or when things that use to be moist seem dryer , or drops dripping from houses fall more slowly . And sometimes the winter hath been excessive . Chronicles say , that in 1234. the winter was most fierce , so that in the Adriatick Sea the Venetian Factors passed over the Ice with their charge of moneys . Zonaras reports the like to have happened under Constantine Copronymus : so in the Pontick Sea , and the Straights adjoyning . Marianus Scotus . In the year 32. of Charles the Great , there was a great and most bitter Frost , so that the Pontick Sea was frozen 100 miles in the East , where it was 50 cubits from top to bottom . In the year 1525. the winter was so cruel , that in Brabant ▪ an infinite company of E●l●s by reason of the Ice went forth of the Lakes , which is a wonderfull thing , and hid themselves in Hay-ricks , and perished there with extremity of cold , Robertus de Monte. The Trees had hardly any leafs afterwards in May. Sometimes the winters are so calm too . In the year 1225. in December the Peach Tree budded ▪ In 1186. in December and January , Crowes and other birds hatched their Eggs with young . But these divers parts of the year for length and duration comes from a divers position . They that live under the Pole are 't is probable in perpetual cold ; and they are more hot that live under the Equinoctiall . They under the Equinoctiall have a double most pleasant winter , and a double Spring . He that would know more of this may read . Mayolus Colloqu . de proprietat : locor . Artic. 6. Of the Sun's shadow . TWo things chiefly are observable concerning the Suns shadow , the operation and the diversity . It can hardly be said how great it is . Men skill'd in the Opticks have described it more acurately . It shews the reason of Eclipses , the Suns magnitude , the variety of Eccentricks , the condition of time hath been demonstrated by it . Men are taught thereby to define the climates and parallells , to prove the Earth to be round , and that the Earths Globe stands exactly in the midst of the Universe , to know the Earths magnitude : &c. Examples shew the diversity ; Those that dwell Northward between the Tropick of Cancer and the Arctick Circle , their Noon-shadowes are cast Northward , and to the Southern people Southward . They of Finmarch and Groenland , and that passe the degree of elevation 66 , see the shadows run round about them : Gauricus in Geograph . In Syene a Town above Alexandria , 5000 furlongs , at noon-day on the solstice , there is no shadow at all , and a pit was made to make experiment of it , and the Sun shined to every part in it . Pliny , l. 2. c. 73. And in India above the River Hispasis , the same falls out a● the same time , as Onesicritus hath recorded . In the Island of Merce , which is the chief of the Ethiopian Country , the shadows fail twice a year , and in Summer they are cast Southwards ; in winter toward the North. In the same , in the most famous Haven of Patales , the Sun riseth on the right hand , the shadowes fly Southward . It is lastly manifest , that in Berenice a City of the Troglodytes , and from thence for 4820 furlongs in the same Country , in the Town of Ptolemais , which is built on the brink of the red Sea ▪ at the first hunting of Elephants , the same thing falls out 45. dayes before the Solstice , and as many after it , and during those 90 dayes , the shadowes are cast into the South . Plin. l. 1. Art. 7. Of the Suns Influence on the Inferiour World. IT was easie to observe , how powerfully this Eye of the World would work upon Inferiour bodies by his lighter and publique motion . There is nothing in the parts of the year , or dayes , or nights , or variety of shadowes , but must be ascribed to it . When the Sun ariseth , all things are enlightened ; when it sets , all are in the dark . Things flourish , when he approacheth ; fade , when he departeth : These are generals , and if we respect particulars , are not much lesse . It is certain , that tempests , and seasonable weather are from the Sun. About the middle of Sagittarius , and the constellation of Pisces by the help of Stars that are in them , and rise , it blowes warm to those that are under it ; and , the humours that were frozen being melted , and the earth being watered with them , it produceth the fruitful Western blasts , and stirs up the force of the Pleiades and Hyades in Taurus , and of the Kids from the North , from the South or Orient that is near unto it ; and of Arcturus that lyes opposite to it , which raise up Southern winds , and for some dayes do water the seed sown with continual rain . Peucer in Astrol. When the Herbs are grown and want moisture again for their just magnitude , it affords it and drawes it forth by it , coming up toward the Stars of Cancer . Pliny takes the signs of Tempests from it , l. 18. c. 35. It belongs to motion ; for Scaliger saith , That men sail faster with the Sun. Exerc. 86. And Pliny l. 2. Histor. c. 71 , writes , That the Currior Philonides ran from Sicyon to Elis , 1200 furlongs in 9. hours of the day , and came back again , oft-times , though it were down hill , at 3. a clock at night : The reason was , because he ran out with the Sun , but returned against the course of the Sun. CHAP. VI. Of the Moon . Artic. 1. Of the Figures and light of the Moon . THe Stoicks thought the Moon to be a dark and hairy light . Cleomedes supposed it was a ball , white on one side , and blew on the other . We acknowledge it to be a heavenly body , one of the two great Lights that God made . Sometimes there have been two , sometimes 3. seen , as when Cn. Domitius , and C. Fannius were Consuls , whom they called the Night-Suns . Pliny , l. 2. c. 82. She is lesse than the Earth , thirty times 9 , or 3. times 40 , if we follow Copernicus . She is distant from it , 44916 German miles ; or if we credit Schrechenfuchsius , whom most follow , it is 28359 , She borrowes her light from the Sun. Whence it comes that she hath so many Aspects ; she is alwaies increasing or decaying , and sometimes she is crook'd with horns , sometimes she is equally divided ; sometimes she is crooked , sometimes full , sometimes she is suddenly wane , and the same appears suddenly again . Pliny , l. 2. c. 9. The Ancients adored the full Moon as a type of beauty . There is a merry Tale in Plutarch in his Symposiacks of Wiseman concerning the Moon decreasing , That the Moon asked of her Mother a Coat fit for her ; and she answered , How can I do that ? for sometimes thou art a full Moon , sometime a half Moon , and sometimes with two horns . In Biarmia she is never seen but with a full circle toward the surface of the Earth , of a fiery colour , and like a cole . Olaus , l. 1. Artic. 2. Of the Spots and Eclipse of the Moon . THe substance of the Moon is spotted : if you ask the reason , wise men have said that the parts of the Moon are unequally compacted . The Poets thought she carryed a Boy with her whom she loved , who covered his face for shame . When she is deprived of the Suns light , she is Eclipsed . But that is only in a diametricall opposition , when the Moon hath no declination from the Ecliptick , or that which is lesse then 67 , minuts , and so it either enters the shadow of the Earth , or cannot avoid it . The antients thought she might be drawn from Heaven by Charms , and being thrust down , she might be compelled . That she powereth forth her venome and force into the hearbs that are subject to her , which may be more succesfully used in Magick arts . Hence it was that they tinkled in Cymballs , that the Charms might not be heard . There are no Eclipses of Sun or Moon , but there follow some changes in sublunary things . There was one in the yeare , 3459. And Darius at Marathon was overthrown by the Athenians with wonderfull ruine . another was , 3782. and Perseus King of the Macedonians was conquered by consul Aemilius , and an end was put to the Kingdom of Macedonia , Alsted . in thesauro Chronolog : Some observe them superstitiously : for example , Niceas of Athens ( Ubbo Emmius Tom. 2. vet . Graec. ) being beaten at Epipolas in Sicilia ; when his Country was in danger , he should have marched away , as Demosthenes and Eurymedon perswaded him : When he did march , the Moon was Eclipsed . Many took that for an ill Omen : this so moved Niceas , that he said he would decree nothing , to remove his Tents , untill three times 9 , days were over , that the Wizards had foreshewed . Plin : l. 2. C. 12. He did it , and so wasted the forces of the Athenians . To this may be referred , the ridiculous opinion of some , who think that an Asse drank up the Moon : for when the Asse drank , the Moon was seen in the water , when the Asse went away , she was covered with a Cloud , and could not be seen . Wherefore they cast the miserable Asse Silenus rod on , into Prison , and cut up his belly , that they might have the Moon again , and they most cruelly took out his bowells . Delrius , disquisit : Magic : l. 2. quest . 11. In the year , 1499 , about setting , the moon was first changed into black ; then she was divided into two parts , and the one part leapt upon the other backwards , both parts were sprinkled with red . They united afterwards , and set as one Moon . Many confederacies followed , and the Nobles , who in 1496 were confederate , opposed themselves against the King of the Romans , Linturius cited by Wolsius in Memorabil . Artic. 3. Of the Moon 's Influence on these sublunary things . INnumerable are the operations of the Moon on sublunary things . If you would run over all the field of nature , Plants , Animals and mens bodyes are subject to the Moons Government . Palladius reports , ( Cardan de varietat : l. 2. c. 13 , ) If Garlick be set when the Moon is under the Earth , and be pulled up again when the Moon is under the Earth , it will lose its strong smel . So they say that Basil bruised in the new Moon , and put into a new Pot , at the full Moon it will send forth flowers at one end ; and if it be set under the Earth twice as long time , it ingenders Scorpions . Vines in the day time are nourished by drawing moisture to them , and in the night they increase , and grow . Lillies and Roses open their buttons only in the night . Keckerman disp : Phys : 3. coroll : 11. Of all that beare head , only the Onion is augmented when the moon increaseth ; when it growes new it fades , as if it hated the course of that Planet . Lucilius . Wherefore the Aegyptians at Pelusium hate to eate it . Gellius , Lib. 20. C. 7. As for living Creatures , Savanarola writes that in the Leap-yeare , living Creatures are barren , Cardan , l. c. It is observed that in the full Moon all Oysters , Perwinkles , and all shell fish increase , and their bodies decrease with the Moon . Also the more industrious have found out , that the fibres of Rats answer to the dayes of the Moon : and that the little Creature , the Ant , is sensible of this Planets force , and alwaies rests in the Conjunction of the Moon . Pliny , Lib. 2. Cap. 41. The skins of the Sea-Calves and Sobles are stiffe , and the haires stand upright , when the Moon increaseth , and they sink down when the Moon decreaseth , and grow weak , Keckerman , l. c. As for Mankind , if the Moon come to the Sun passing thorow Aries or Scorpio , when any one is born , it so afflicts the brain of him that is borne , that when he comes to be a young man , he shall be troubled with melancholly . Things bred in the Conjunction of the Moon , are frequently dry , and are encumbred with a sharp heat , and have all their limbs especially affected , Peucerus de divinat . They that sleep under the Moon-beams , are troubled with heavinesse of their heads and defluxions . Camerar . Memorab . Cap. 9. Art. 85. For by the Moon beams , the moisture of the braines of those that sleep is melted , which being restrained in the head , the internall heat being not active enough to expell it outward , it breeds Catarrhs . The Epileps is exasperated in the full Moon . For the abundance of moysture hinders the sharpnesse of Vapours , and the putrefaction that they cannot breath forth . A smaller quantity doth more easily corrupt , and the heat acting upon it , makes sharper Vapours according to its proportion , Libavius , tom . 3. Singul , lib. 3. cap. 18. At the same time dropsie people are grievously tormented , and therefore they all dye almost about the full Moon . Truly , in March , 1629. when we writ this , it took away that Reverend man , D. Martin Gratianu● the superintendent of the Reformed Churches in the greater Poland , who was the Chariot and Horsemen of Israel . Let his memory be blessed . When the Moon is opposite to the Sun , mad-men rage most . They that are troubled with a disease of the brain from too much plenty of brain , are choked in the full Moon . Hence it is that the Britans on the 14. day of the Moon whip mad folks . Bodin . l. 5. Theatr. Better therefore it is to give a medicament against the Epilepsie the day after , than in the opposition of the Luminaries . For in the hour of conjunction the Moon is calm , nor are there propensions to either side , of advantages ; the next time after it , she begins to work in the humours , and to augment them . Libav . Epist. 15. to S●hnitz●r . CHAP. VII . Of New Stars . WEe have spoken of those things that ordinarily are done by Nature in Heaven . I will now adde some things which the right hand of God hath produced above nature . I mean new Stars , which have appeared , and not being of long continuance , have shortly disappear'd again , and vanish'd from our sight . The Star at our Saviours birth is the chief , which ( Fulgentius saith ) had no place in the Firmament , nor in the Ayr. It went forward with an uncertain motion , sometimes it shewed it self , and sometimes it was hid . Damascenus , l. 2. Orthodox . fidei . Chalcides the Platonist , speaks thus of it , upon Timaeus of Plato ; There is also a more holy and more venerable History that relates , that by the rising of a Star that was unusual , not Death and Diseases were foreshewed , but the venerable descending of God , for man's salvation , and in favour of mortall things , which men testifie to have been observed by the Chaldaeans , who adored God with gifts , who was newly born . Whence they learned the knowledge of its apparition , is shewed in the Books of Balaam the Southsayer , wherein are many fabulous things . The other is that which appeared in the year 1572. This is that year , wherein that Bartholmy-slaughter was acted at Paris , in which ( not excluding other places ) 30000 men were slain , 100000 of honest Families were oppressed in three dayes , Widows and Orphan Children innumerable being brought to the greatest beggery or want . Prisbach . in Respons● . ad oration . habitam apud Helvetios . The summe was so great , that the wiser sort that were no wayes addicted to the Protestant side , when they were come to themselves , and considered the sad condition of things at that time , and disavowed the Act , and sought out curiously the causes of it , and excuses for it , they judged that there was no such Example of cruelty to be found in all Antiquity ▪ should their Chroni●les be searched into . Thuan. l. 53. Histor. That that appeared the 6th . of the Ides of November , under the Constellation of Cassiopaea ; some men said , it was in the Firmament it self amongst the heavenly spheres . It had neither Tail nor hair , but like the other Stars , it sent forth beams equally . The Diameter of it contained the Diameter of the Earth 7. times and ½ part ; and it was greater than the Earth 361 times and ½ , it was bigger than the Sun twice and 2 / ● parts . Tycho Brache 1. part , Progymnas . Astronom . Yet this Eminency of greatnesse and light decreased afterwards by degrees , untill it vanished quite away . It had no motion , except that which it had common with the fixed Stars , it alwayes held the same Position to the neighbouring Stars in Cassiopaea . It lasted 16 months . What was foreshewed by it , is variously determined by divers men . Gemma Frisius in Cosmocritica , writes , That since the birth of Christ there was hardly any apparition to be compared with it , whether we consider the height of the sign , or the rarity , or the long continuance of it . The Britans ascribed it to the lamentable death of Mary . An Oxford Astrologer was Authour of this opinion , who by Cassiopaea , the Sister to King Cepheus , said , That some Queen in the North must be noted out by it ; and by its 16 moneths continuance he foreshewed , ( I know not according to what calculation of the Arabians , and the ascending of the Star into the upper parts , ) That that Northern Queen after 16 years should ascend up into heaven . The event made good his praediction . Thuan. l. 5 ▪ 4 Molerus seemed to expect a new Prophet by it , in the year , 1590 , and the conquest of the Gospel over all through the World. Liborovius foretold , but falsly , War , in 1619 , and the banishment of the chief Prince in Germany , in 1620 ; the restoring of him again by the Eastern Countries , in 1627 , and many such like things . There is extant concerning this Star a godly and excellent Copy of Verses of a certain famous Writer , which I here set down : Whether that Comet without blazing tail , That shines as clear as do the fixed Stars , Shall in succeeding times so far prevail , As to raise Dearths or Plagues , or bloody Wars ; God onely knowes , and after-times will shew . But if Man's Wit can any thing foretell , 'T is not amisse to search such signs are new , And lift our minds above this place we dwell ▪ This is that Star which did the Wise-men bring From the East land , to Bethleem , and there In David's City , born was the great King. It now foreshewes again , and doth declare , That God is coming : cruel Herod fear ! Good Men rejoyce , your Redemption drawes near . The fifth month after the Starre disappeared ▪ Charles died of a bloody flux . The third was seen in the yeare , 1577. in November , and which the following yeare vanished , Jannuary the 26 , Mestlinus placeth this in the sphere of Venus . Tycho writes that the head was 308 Germain miles diameter . Dantzick was then besieged , and 1578 , the Warre of Moscovia began . It was supposed to portend the Death of great Men. In that yeare ( Thuan. l. 65. ) after a desperate sight in Africa , Sebastian King of Portugall died , and Melchus Chorisius King of Morisco Trigitana , whom he came to subdue . And Mahomet that caused the Warre was drown'd . 8000 , Christians were slain , and as many taken Captives , allmost all the Nobility of Portugal fell into the hands of the Mores . That was done in one day . Portingal came ne●t under the Government of Philip. Then in 1604 , about the beginning of October , a fourth new Starr appeared in the 17. degree of Sagittarius , and was from the Ecliptick , but 37 minutes . Astronomers say , it was between Saturn and the 8. Sphere ; yet that seems absurd . Keckerman in his consultation concerning the Starre in the year , 1604. Thes. 53. Also because it had its own proper motion , distinct from the Sphere of Saturn , and the fixed Starrs ; and the Starrs move in and with their Orbs , but that had none . Crabbius saith directly , that it was from the Center of the Earth 22267636 miles , and from the superficies of the Earth , 22266777 miles . disput . de Comet : Thes : And hence he concludes it was greater than the Earth , 91 times ; and hence he proves it was above Saturn , being from the Earth 1007250 miles . It shined full four Months : and after that was to be seen from the 28 of November with Saturn , from the 29. with Sol , and from the 13 of December with Mercury in Conjunctions ; and with Mercury , Mars , Sol , in oppositions , the May following , which was supposed to p●rtend great consultations , confederacies , and changes in France , Spain , the Low Countries , England . Thuan. lib. 131. But the opposition that fell out on the 6 , of June , was held to be Ominous , and men conjectured that this Starr would cause Warrs and calamities to many Countries , and chiefly to Germany in point of Religion . An excellent Mathematician Keplerus writ concerning it , and who was no whit guilty of Astrologicall superstition , by the testimony of Thuanus . See him . I call these apparitions Starrs , not that I am ignorant , that they are referred to Comets , but because I find that in the Skye they are placed amongst the second moveables , and are call'd celestiall , which is not agreeing to Planets : and I think it more fit to call them Starrs , than by naming them Comets , to overthrow the doctrine of Meteors received from the Antients . CHAP. VIII . Of Astrologicall Praedictions . COncerning Astrologicall Praedictions many men have many minds . Some magnifie them , others reject them as idle vanities . It is certain that natural actions , as the changes of dayes ; night● , yeares , seasons , because they have determinate causes in the position of the Starrs , may be foretold by them . Yet because the matter of the elements is mutable and flitting , many particular causes overthrow general causes , and many Starrs in both motions are yet unknown ; and some of them somtimes are opposite to the others forces : also most experienced Artists are few : and lastly there is a vast distance in placing the beginning and ends of the Houses , and proprieties , and therefore it is no wonder if error creep in . Bartholin de caelo . And if we observe particular and individuall actions , the errour will be the greater , for beside the generall influence of the Starrs , there is a special influence which ariseth from the speciall complexion . The indisposition of the matter hinders the good influence of Heaven ; and the goodnesse of the temper derived from the Parents , keeps off the bad influence . We know that Jacob and Esau were born at the same time , in respect of the Heavens position , yet was their fortune most different . In civil actions the Starrs have nothing to do . It is an elegant saying of Bodinus . Lib. 4. de Repub. Cap , 3. There is but one Rule , saith he , of all Philosophers , even of those that idly dispute of what is done in the Heavens ; that a wiseman is not under the affection and power of the Starrs , but only those who like beasts are ruled by their appetites and desires , and will not be subject to reason and good lawes , whom Solomon , the Master of wisdome , threatned sharply with punishment of the rack : yet many have adventured to make triall . The Caldeans by mens actions collected the day of a mans Birth , and from the day of a mans Birth , the fortune of his whole life ; And that men should not reject them , they boasted they had spent 470 , thousand yeares in the experience of this Art. And so bold they were , that they vaunted that it was a thing as necessary to be known , how the position of the Starrs and the force of the Heavens were , when a man would build a house , or make , sow , or put on his Cloths , as to know how they were disposed when Children were new born . Lucius Tarutius Firmianus , by the acts of Romulus , his Life , and Death , found that he was born in the first yeare of the second Olympiad , the 23 , day of the Month ; Peucer de divinat . sect . de Astrolog : and born in the 21 , day of the month Toth , about Sun rising . And hence he found out the first day that Rome was built , and that it began when the Moon was in Libra , the Sun with Mercury and Venus in Taurus , Jupiter in Pisces , and Saturn with Mars in Scorpio . To this purpose we may refer him , who by the first day of Jannuary , would foretell all events . If that a Rain-bow in the Sky appeare , God is well pleas'd with man , they need not fear . If burning Meteors from the Heavens shine , Of great long during heats they are the signe . If Thunder Rore , or Rivers overflow , This foreshews Tempests as all seamen know . But if the Earth be stird and seem to quake , This showes Religion will be brought to 'th stake . If Rivers freez , it then portends great joy , Each woman shall conceive and beare a Boy . Mayol . Colloq . 1. Canicular . Of such , this is true : These Mathematitians by a false interpretation concerning the Starrs , and by their lyes , cast a mist before those that are light and foollish witted , for their own advantage ; Valer. Maxim. l. We have examples of their fraud in Nicetas Chronias , otherwise a prudent Historiographer . In our times ( saith he ) the Emperours do nothing but by advice of Astrologers , and they make choice of dayes and nights to do their businesse , as the Starrs shall dictate unto them . Therefore Alexius the Emperour , desired long to know when he might seasonably return to Blacherna ; at last the day and houre were chosen according to the Starrs . He returned , and that so happily , that the Earth opened very deep before him , and he escaped , but his Son in law Alexius , and many of his Nobles fell into the pit , and were hurt , and one Eunuchus that was a favorite perished . That of Manuel is more ridiculous : when he was Emperour , they of Sicily and Italy had possessed themselves of the Sea neere Constantinople ; he had somtimes sent out a Fleet , but with ill successe . Wherefore the Mathematicians were consulted to assigne a more prosperous time ▪ Constantinus a famous man prepares himself , but he was once more called back again ; because the Prince had found , that the inquiry was not so certainly and wisely made as it ought to be , and there had been some errour . The Scheme was therefore set once more , and Constantinus was sent forth on the day chosen : He was scarce got to Sea , but he and all his forces were taken ; Lips. in monit . polit . A brave art ; yet I wonder , since I read of some that were seldome frustrate of their ends . Nigidius Figulus , foretold to Augustus , that he should be Emperour , ( Xiphilinus ) . Thrasyllus foresaw the Empire of Tiberius , and his own danger when he was on the Tower with the Prince , and should have been cast down headlong ; Sueton. in Octavio . Largius Proculus gave notice of the day that Domitian should dye ; Ascletarius foretold the kind : and being required of him to answer what kind of death , he himself should dye , he said he should be eaten with Doggs : and so it was . For though Domitian to disprove him , commanded that he should be burnt , and he was then burning , yet a tempest rose suddenly , and put out the fire . The spectators ran away , and the Doggs came and devoured him , Sueton. in Domitian . Josephus that wrote the Antiquities of the Jews , saith , that he foretold to the Emperour Vespasian , and to his Son Titus , that they should be Emperours . We know it was so . Petrus Leontius , a Physitian of Spoletanum foresaid , that he himself was in danger of drowning . And he was found afterwards drownd in a pit , Jovius , Elog. 35. The Arch-Bishop of Pisa consulted Astrologers concerning his destiny : they told he should be hanged ; Annal. Florentin . It seemed incredible when he was in so great honour ; yet it proved to be true . For in the sedition of Pope Sixtus the fourth in a sudden uprore he was hanged . Richardus Cervinus had foretold to his son Marcellus that he should come to great dignity in the Church . Hence he conceiving hope of it , when he was invited by his Mother Cassandra Benna , to marry , refused it stoutly ; saying , He would not with the bands of Matrimony bind himself from a greater fortune that the Stars foreshew'd unto him , living single and unmarried : Thuan. l. 15. It so came to passe . Lucius Gauricus delivered this in his Book of Nativities . Which Book , ( and it is a very wonderfull thing ) saith Thuan. l. 1. was published at Venice three years by Curtius Trojanus , before Cervinus was proclaimed Pope . This was that Pope , who when the Reader , as the manner is , read the Scriptures , or Writings of the Fathers at dinner time , said , He could not perceive how those that held so high a Place , could provide for their own salvation . These are Examples of Predictions made good by the Events , Lipsius , l. 1. Monitor . ascribes some to inspiration : Delrius refers some to compacts with the Devill , l. 4. Disquisit . Magic . cap. 3. quaest . 2. Certain it is , that God sometimes suffers them for a punishment to those that are so bold , and that they are true but by accident onely . See Delrius , who handles this Argument largely . The End of the First Classis . Of the Writings of Wonders in Nature . The Second Classis . Wherein are contained the Wonders of the Elements . WHat is the chief thing in humane affairs ? Not to fill the Seas with Ships , nor , to set up standards on the shores of the red Sea ; not where Land is wanting , to wander in the Ocean to injure other men , and seek out unknown places : but to see all with the mind ; and , than which there is no greater victory , to overcome our vices : Seneca , Natur. quaest . l. 3. Praef. CHAP. I. Of Fire . Artic. 1. Of the Wonderful beginning of Fire . FIre was a long time unknown to the Antients , especially if you respect them who in the utmost borders of Egypt dwelt by the Sea side , Plin. histor . Natural . l. 16. c. 40. When Eudoxus found it , they were so pleased with it , that they would have put it in their bosomes . Fire , is not unknown to us . So great is the variety of it , and it is so manifold , that I know not what order to deliver it in . Pliny saith it is from it self ; steel rubb'd against steel causeth fire . Also the stones we call fire-stones , stricken against steel or other stones , send forth sparkles . Therefore the Laplanders begin their Contracts of Marriage with the fire and flint , Scalig. Exerc. 16. s. 1. For fire with them is the Authour of life , and the flint is eternal , wherein the treasure never fails . It is in vain to try that in a brittle stone : for the piece falling away , that which should draw forth the Ayr is lost . The rubbing of sticks one against another will fetch fire . The Indians do so ; They make two sticks fast together , and put another stick between them , turning it swift like a wimble , and so they make them take fire , Ovetan . l. 6. c. 5. In Apulia they wrap a Ca●●● i● cords , and draw them as fast as they can forward and backward , till they fire it by motion , Mayolus Colloq ▪ 2● . The Vestal Nuns did the same , when their eternall fire went out , if we credit Festus . In Nympheus , a flame goes out of a Rock , which is kindled by rain . Aristotle saith , in Admirand . it is not perceived untill you cast oyl upon it , and then the flame flyes upward . We find also in Authours , that in the Country of the Sabins , and Apulia , there is a stone that will fire if you annoint it , Plin. l. 2. c. 207. In Aricia , if a live cole fall on arable ground , the ground will burn . In a Town of Picenum , Egnatia , if wood be laid on a certain stone , that they account holy there , it will flame presently . Also a flame goes forth at the waters of Scantia , but it is very weak at the going forth , and will not last long in any other matter . Also at Gratianopolis in Dauphin , flame shines out , when you stir the burning Fountain with a staff , so that straw may be kindled by it ; Dalechamp . ad l. c. The fire of the Mountain Chimer● is kindled by water , Plin. l. 2. c. 106. If you hold a glasse Globe full of water in the Sun , fire will rise from the repercussion of the light from the water , in the coldest frost : Lactan. de ira Dei , c. 10. Sometimes also fire ariseth so suddenly in houses , that it may be thought wonderful . Cardan . l. 10. de varietate , c. 49. ascribes the cause to the salt , and Salt-Peter that sticks to the walls of the houses . Which Valerius reports concerning the Schollar of the vestall Nun , Maxima Aemilia , l. 1. c. 1. that she adoring Vesta , when she had laid her fine linnen veil upon the hearth , the fire that was out , shined forth again : an old wall being scraped down , he writes , that it might take fire onely by hot Ashes . If you look in the Bible , you shall find a wonderfull originall of fire in it , 1 King. c. 18. Elias when he offered sacrifice brought fire down from heaven , which consumed the sacrifice , wood , stones , dust , and water . In the Book of Judges , Ch. 6. when Gideon at the command of the Angel had laid flesh and bread upon a stone , and poured Frankincense upon them , fire came forth of the stone , and consumed them . Artic. 2. Of Fires in the Waters . IF we will credit Histories , it is most certain , that fires have been seen in the waters . Pliny saith , lib. 2. c. 107. That the whole Lake Thrasimenus was on fire . That the Sea did burn , Liv. lib. 33. when Alaricus wasted Italy , and John Chrysostome was driven from his Bishoprick , the Earth quaked , fire fell from Heaven , and a wind took it , and cast it into the Sea , which took fire by it , and at last went out again ; Niceph. l. 13. c. 36. In the fields of Babylon there is a Fish-pond that burns , which is about an Acre of ground , Plin. lib. 2. c. 106. A stone cast into a Lake near to Denstadium of Thuringia , when it sinks to the bottom , it hath the form of a burning arrow ; Agricol . lib. 4. de nat . affluent . c. 22. In a City of Comagena , called Samosata , there is a Lake that sends forth burning mud ; Plin. l. 2. c. 104. Posidonius saith , that in his time , about the Summer Solstice , in the morning , that between Suda and the Sea of Evonymus , fire was seen lifted up to a wonderfull height , and to have continued so a pretty while , carried up with a continued blast and at length it sunk down . Many dayes after , Slime appeared , that it swam on the top of the waters , and that flames brake forth in many places , and smoaks , and soot , and at length that Slime grew hard , and that the lumps grown hard , were like unto Milstones . Julius Obsequens adds , that it dispersed a great multitude of fish , which the Liparenses much feeding on , were spoiled by them , so that the Islands were made wast with a new plague , Strabo . l. 6. Between , Ther and Therasia which are in the Cyclades , flames went out of the Sea , in such abundance , that is was extreme hot , and seemed to burn ; and when it had swelled by degrees , of the peices cast out , that were like to Iron , an Island was made , which was called Hiera and Automate , now it is called Vulcanellus : by a very small arme of the Sea , it is parted from Vulcanellus . Plin. l. 2. c. 87. Artic. 3. Of Fire under the Earth . I Said that fire was also in the waters ; now I will shew that in the bowells of the earth fire is generated . When Claudius Nero was Emperour , fire was seen to come forth of the Earth , in the land of the Town of Colein , and it burnt the Fields , Villages , Houses ; now because the matter of it was bituminous , and could be quenched neither by raine , nor River waters , nor by any other moisture , it was extinguished by Stones and old Garments . In Misena a Country of Germany , a Mountain of Coles burns continually , the trenches falling down by degrees in the superficies , which if any man behold , they appear to be burning Furnaces . The fire kindles any thing neere to it , at four foot distance , but not put close to it . Agricol . de natur . effluent . ex terr . Vesuvius , also a Mountain in Campania , burned , when Titus Vespasianus , and Flavius Domitianus the seventh , were Consuls . First it cast out Stones from the top broken open ; after that , it cast forth such Flames , that two Towns , Herculaneum , and Pompeti were set on fire ; and it sent forth such thick smoak , that it obscured the Sun ; and lastly it blew forth such a quantity of Ashes , that like snow it covered the Neighbour Country , which by force of winds was carryed into Africa , Aegypt , Syria ; Dion . Cass. in Histor. When the Elder Pliny beheld this Fire , ( the Younger in Epistol . ad Tacitum ) the smoak so stopped his sharp artery , that his breath being intercepted , he was choaked , There is also a mountain of late in Campania , full of rises , from the time the fire was bred there , which burns and rores within , and sends forth smoak in many places , and very hot brooks , the shore smoaks at the foot of the Mountain , the sand is hot , & the Sea boyles , Agricol , l. c. In the same place , there are many ditches covered with sand , into which some that have viewed these things carelesly have sunk in , and were stifled . This is in Europe . In India , there are no lesse burnings by fire . In Ciapotulan , a Province of the Kingdome of Mexico , a Mountain casts forth stones as big as houses , and those stones cast forth have flames of fire in them , and seem to burn , and are broke in pieces with a great noise ; Petrus Alvarad . ad Cortesium . In the province Quahutemallan , of the same Country , two Mountaines within two Leagues one of the other , vomit out fire , and tremble , Petrus Hispalens . p. 5. C. 23. In Peruacum also , out of the Mountain Nanavata , the Fire flies out at many holes ; and out of one , boyling water runs , of which salt is made . In the same Peruacum in the Town Molaha●o fire is vomited forth , and ashes is cast out for many dayes , and covers many Towns. There is an Island next to great Java , in the middle of which land there burns a perpetuall fire Odoard . Barbosa . In the Island Del Moro , there is a Fire cast forth with such a noise , that it is equall to the loudest Cannon , and the darknesse is like Night . The Ashes so abound , that houses have sunk down under them , and Trees have been barren for three yeres , their boughs being lopt off , all places are fild with Ashes , and living Creatures destroyed with hunger and pestilence , also sweet waters have been changed into bitter . Diat . Jesuita . Also there are concealed Fires , namely there , where the waters run forth , hot , warm , or sower , or where exhalations break forth , good or bad , and where places seem adust . Strab. in Geograph : There is a Country in Asia , which is called Adust , which is 500 furlongs long , and 50 broad , whether it should be called Misia or Meonia , saith Strabo . In this there grows no Tree but the Vine that brings forth burnt Wine , so excellent that none exceeds it . You may not think that those Fires stay only in one straight place , for they pass many miles under ground ; Agricol . l. 4. de nat . Effl. c. 24. in Campania , from Cunae , thorough Baianum , Puteoli , and Naples . Also out of Campania they seem to come as far as the Islands , Aenaria , Vulcania , &c. Hence Pindarus elegantly faigned that the Gigant , Typ●o , being stricken with a Thunder-Bolt , lay buried under these places . Artic. 4. Of the Original of Subterraneall Fire . WEe will now search out the original of these Fires , and what it is that kindles and nourisheth them . The Poets speak Fables concerning Aetna , ( but of this , more in the 4th Chapter . ) Hyginius Mytholog . cap. 152. Hell , of the Earth begat Typhon , of a vast magnitude , and a wonderfull shape , who had 100 Dragons heads that sprang from his shoulders ; He challenged Jupiter , to strive for his Kingdome . Jupiter hit him on the breast with a burning Thunder-bolt , and having fired him , he cast Mount Aetna upon him , which is in Sicilia , and from that time it is said to burn yet . Isidor . l. 14. c. 8. ascribes it to Brimstone that is kindled by the blasts of winds . Justinus affirms , that it is nourished by water . Bleskenius relates of Hecla , that no man knowes by what fire , or what matter it burneth ; but since that brimstone is dug forth of all Islandia , it should appear , that a brimstony matter was sometimes kindled there . Not far from Hecla are Pits of brimstone , saith Bertius , in Islandia . That is certain , that brimstone affords nourishment for this fire under ground , and it is such as will burn in water . For in these Mountains Writers make mention of waters ▪ and we have shew'd , that it hath sometimes burned in the Sea. But Lydiat , L. de orig . font . thinks , That in the gulfs of the Sea , a most violent fire is contained ; and he demonstrates this by Earth-quakes . Therefore the food of it cannot be dry , and like to the Earth which we call Dorfa ; for that is quickly consumed by fire , and is quenched by water . Nor is it Marle , for that will not burn , unlesse it be sulphureous and bituminous . Brimstone burns indeed , but it is soon put out with water ; therefore it is Bitumen ; and this seems to be the subject of it . Strabo writes , That there are under this Cave , Fountains of water ; and Pliny addes , l. 2. c. 106. that it burns with water running from Bitumen . Burning Bitumen sends forth fire in Hecla a Mountain in Islandia , which consumes water : The stones of Rivers and the sand , burn at Hephestios , a Mountain of Lycia , and they are bituminous . Naphta is very near akin to fire , and it presently flames , Pliny , l. c. Wherefore we think Bitumen to be the food for these fires , and they are kindled by a fiery vapour that takes fire , if but cold thrust it forth , as the Clowds thrust ou● lightnings , or drives it into some narrow places , where rolling it self up and down , and seeking to come forth , it burns in the conflict , and flames ; Agricol . lib. cit . Artic. 5. Of the Miracles of Fire in duration , burning , and in being Extinguished . SOme Fires are perpetuall . The stone Asbestos , once lighted , can never be extinguished ; therefore Writers say it was placed in Idol Temples , and the Sepulchres of the dead ; Solinus , c. 12. There was a Monument once dug up , wherein was a Candle that had burned above 1500 years ; when it was touched with the hands , it went to fine ashes : Vives ad lib. 21. de Civitat . Dei. Vives saw wicks at Paris , which once lighted , were never consumed . In Britany the Temple of Minerva had a perpetual fire ; when it consumed , it was turned into balls of stone ; Solinus , c. 24. Polyhist . The same thing is written of a certain Wood near to Urabia in the New-found World. There are some fires that burn not , either not at all , or in some certain matter , or else miraculously . In Pythecusis , saith Aristotle admirand . c. 35. there is a fervent and hot fire that burns not : An Ash that shadowes the Waters called Scantiae , is alwayes green . Plin. lib. 2. c. 107. In the Mountain of Puteoli consisting of Brimstone , there is a fire comes forth , that is neither kindled nor augmented by oyl , nor wax , or any fat matter , nor is it quenched with water , or kindled , and it will not burn towe cast into it , nor can any Candle be lighted by it . Mayolus Colloq . 22. he conceives it is not fire , but fiery water . Near Patara in Lycia , flame is cast forth of a field , you shall feel the heat if you put your hands to it , but it will never burn . The parts of the ambient ayr that are cold and moist , are said to be the cause of it , that by their thinnesse entring into the fire , do hinder the burning of it . Some napkins made of a kind of Flax will not burn : and being durty , they are never washed ; but being cast into the fire they are made clean ; Lemnius in l. 2. de occult . That kind growes in the deserts of India , where such is the condition of the Ayr , and the quality of the Earth , which causeth such a temper of the Plants , that they may be spun and woven into linnen Cloth. Wood and Planks , if they be anointed with Allum ( I add , and smeared with Eggs ) they will not burn , Plin. l. 29. c. 3. Nor will posts painted with a green colour , so you do it thick , and Allom with the ashes of white lead be plentifully mingled with the paint : Because the wood is thickned and hardened , the fire cannot enter . Hence it was , that Sylla could not fire a Tower that was smeered with Allom. C. Caesar set fire to a Castle near to Po , that was built of Larch-tree , and it would not burn , Vitruv. l. 2. c. 9. for the Larch tree is not onely free from rottennesse , nor will it resolve into coles . The cause is the compacted matter , Lemnius , l. c. What shall we say of Pyrrhus , on whose great joynt of his right foot , fire could not prevail ? What of Zwinglius , whose heart was not touched after his body was consumed by fire , Thuan. l. 5. Histor. The Salamander lives safe in the midst of the flames , if we credit Pliny ; And the bottom of the Cauldron is cold , when it stands in the midst of the fire , and the water boyles , the sides are red hot . Yet Dioscorid . writes , l. 2. c. 52. That the Cauldron being cold by nature , doth for a while keep off the fire by being so near to it , but at last it burns and wastes . The reason of this is from the Pyramidall figure of the fire , which ascends in a point , and the thin parts rise up first ; the thicker are cast to the sides ; Keckerm : Disp : 4. Phys : coral : 10. In the Scriptures we have examples , God appeared to Moses in a flaming bush , the bush did not burn , Exod. Ch. 3. Elias was taken up into Heaven , with a fiery Chariot and horses . The three Children , cast into the fiery furnace in Babylon , had not a hair touched , and they were consumed that came but near , in the Apocryph : ad c. 3. Daniel is . Eugenius relates what befell an Hebrew Boy at Constantinople . So much for Burning . Now for putting it out : A certain fire came forth of Mount Hecla , which is extinguished with Towe ; that which comes forth of the Mount Chimaera , is put out with Hay , or Earth : At Cullen of the Ubii , with stones , or cloathes . But when Charles Duke of Burgundy had taken the City of Geldria , the ground was burnt , the grasse and roots burned , the fire could be extinguished by no art of man ; it penetrated into Burgundy ; Fulgosius , l. 1. To these I shall adde those Chymicall devices of Tritenhemius , whereby he procured everlasting fires , as an Anonymus reports in Aureo vellere , in the name of Bartholmaeus Korndorferus . Now there are two Eternal Lights . The first of them is made by mingling brimstone and calcined Allum , 4. ounces , and by subliming them , they are made flowrs . He joyned 2 ounces and a half , to 1 ▪ ounce of 〈…〉 Vedetus like Crystall ; and to these 〈…〉 bruised , and put into a h●llow glasse , he poured on the spirit of wi●● four times distilled , and making digestion ▪ and drawing that off , he poured on new , and he did this twice , thrice , or four times , untill the brimstone made hot upon plates of brasse , would run like wax without smoke . This is the food of it . Afterwards the Wick must be thus ordered ; The small shords of the stone Asbestos , about the length of the little finger , and about half so thick , must be tyed together with white silk . The Wick thus made , is sprinkled with brimstone , of the foresaid matter in a Venice-glasse , and it is put under ground , and is boyled in hot sand 24 hours , the brimstone alwaies boyling up . The wick so anointed and wet , is put into a hollow glasse , that it may a little come forth , the prepared Brimstone is heap'd on , the glasse is set into hot sand , that the Brimstone may melt and hold fast to the wick , then will this set on fire , burn with a continual flame : you may see the Lamp in any place . This is the first eternal Fire . The latter is made thus : To a pound of decrepit Salt pour on strong Wine Vinegar ; Draw it off to the consistence of oyl , put on new ▪ let it steep , distill it as before , and do this four times . Infuse in this Vinegar glasse of Antimony finely powdered , one pound ; set the infusion in hot ashes 6 hours in a close vessel , and draw out a red tincture ; Pour off that vinegar , and pour on more , and draw it off again , repeating the labour , untill all the colour be resolved and drawn forth . Coagulate the extractions to the consistence of oyl , and rectifie it in Balneo till it be pure : Then take the powder of Antimony , out of which the rednesse was drawn , and make fine flower of it , put it into a glasse , and pour on the rectified oyl ; draw it off , and pour it on 7 times , untill the body have drank in all its oyl , and become dry . Draw out this by the spirit of wine , changed so often untill all the substance be drawn forth ; distill the Menstruums collected in a Venice Viol , covering it with a five doubled paper , that the spirit coming forth , the incombustible ayr may remain in the bottom ; which must be used with a Wick , as that of Brimstone before . CHAP. II. Of the Ayr. Artic. 1. Of the three Regions of the Ayr. PHilosophers make 3. Regions . The Region in the middle is so cold , that it is almost ready to freeze the Kite , which is wont to live there in the dog dayes from Noon till Night , or his limbs should grow stiff by staying there too long . And in the Alps there is alwaies so much snow , that in Summer the passage is dangerous . They that have crept up to the tops of the Mountaines of Baldus , in the Country of Verona , feel no lesse cold in July and August , than in the coldest Winter . Aldrov●●●● , Ornith , l. ● . c. 15. Some think the aire to be so thin there , that a man can hardly live . Augustin . de Genes . ad liter , l. 13. c. 2. reports from other men , that such as go to the top of Olympus , either to sacrifice , or to view the Starrs , carry sponges with them wet in water , to breathe with . But from the History of the flood , and others , we may observe that some Mountaines are so high , that they are above the Clouds , and yet a man may live in that ayre ▪ Libav . de orig . rer . l. 6. There is in the Island Zelainum , a very high Mountain , and most pleasant on the top . In Arabia Faelix there is an extreame high Mountain , and there is a Town on the top of it . If we observe the force of the aire , it is notable : Philosophers speak much of it . Cardan saith that if it be shut up , it corrupts living Creatures , and preserves dead things , but the open Ayre is contrary . But examples will hardly make that good . In the Navigations of the Portugalls , some Marriners under the Equinoctiall had allmost breathed their last , though it were in the middle of the Sea , and a in a most open ayre . And when we were present , saith Scaliger , Exercit 31. some Italians of Lipsia in the Stoves were like to swound ; and you may remember from Histories concerning the death of King Cocal . Wheat in Syria laid close in Mows corrupts not , but is spoild shut up in Barnes ; if the Windows be open , it takes no harme . Artic. 2. Of the Infection of the Ayre . The Ayre doth not allwaies retain its own qualities , it is infected somtimes with hurtful things . They that go out of the Province of Peru , into Chila thorow the Mountains meet with a deadly ayr , and before the passengers perceive it , their limbs fall from their bodies , as Apples fall from Trees without any corruptions , Liburius de Origine rerum . In the Mount of Peru Pariacacca , the ayr being singular , brings them that go up , in despair of their lives . It causeth vomit so violent that the blood follows , it afflicts them most that ascend from the Sea , and not only Man but Beasts are exposed to the danger . It is held to be the highest , and most full of Snow in the World , and in three or four houres a man may passe over it . In the Mountains of Chilium , a Boy sustained himself three dayes , lying behind a multitude of Carcases , so that at last he escaped safe from the Venomous blasts . In a Book concerning the proper causes of the Elements , it is written that a wind killed the people in Hadramot . The same Authour reports that the same thing hapned in the time of King Philip of Macedo , that in a certain way between two Mountaines at a set hour , what horseman soever past , he fell down ready to die . The cause was not known . The foot were in the same condition , untill one Socrates by setting on high , a steel Looking-Glasse , beheld in both Mountains two Dragons casting their venomous breath one at the other ; and whatsoever this hit upon , died , Liban . l. cit . But the true cause of this mischief was a mineral ayr , stuft with nitrous and other metallick Spirits . Such a one is found in some Caves of Hungary and Sweden , and we know that the Common Saltpeter is full of Spirits ; it is moved dangerously and forcibly if fire be put to it , and cast into water , it cools them much . But that bodies corrupt not , that we ascribe to cold , but it may be attributed to the Spirits of cold by mixture , such as are in some Thunder-bolts , for the bodies of living Creatures killed by them do not easily corrupt , and they last long , unlesse some more powerfull cause coming , drive it out . Artic. 3. Of the Putrefaction of the Ayr. THe Pestilence comes from putrefaction of the ayr : which in respect of divers constitutions is divers . It is observed that there never was any at Locris or Croto : Plin. l. 2.99 . So in that part of Ethiopia , which is by the black Sea. In Mauritania , it ruins all . It lasted so long somtimes at Tholouse , and in that Province , that it continued seven years . It perseveres so long , and oftimes , amongst the Northern people , and rageth so cruelly , that it depopulates whole Countries ; Scaliger , exercit , 32. It is observed in the Southern parts , that it goes toward the Sun setting , and scarse ever but in winter , and lasts but three months at most . In the year 1524 , it so raged at Millan , that new baked bread set into the ayr but one night , was not only musty , but was full of Worms , those that were well , died in 6 , or 8 , hours ; Cardan de rer . varietat . l. 8. c. 45. In the year 1500 it destroyed 30000 at London , somtimes 300000 at Constantinople ; and as many in the Cities of the Vandalls , all the autumne thorow . In Petrarchs dayes , it was so strong in Italy , that of 1000 Men scarse ten remained . Alsted in Chronolog . But that in divers Countries it works so variously on some men and severall Creatures , that proceeds from the force of the active causes , and the disposition of the passive . Forest. l. 6. observ . de Febre . If the active cause from the uncleanness of the Earth or water be not strong , it only affects those beasts that are disposed for such a venome ; but if it be violent , it ceazeth on Mankind ; yet so that of its own nature , it would leave neither Countrey , not Cittie , nor Village , nor Town free . This layes hold on men in one place only . But if the active force be from a superiour cause , or be from the ayr , corrupted below , Mankind alone are endangered by it . But if both a superiour and an inferiour cause concur , then may all living Creatures be infected with the Plague , yet it must be according to the disposition of their bodies . Artic. 4. Of Attraction , cooling , and penetrating of the Ayr. NO man almost is ignorant , but that the Ayr serves for the Life of man ; for the branches of arteria venosa , drink in blood from the whole Lungs , brought to them by the arteria venosa , and it is made more pure in them . The Ayr drawn in at the mouth is mingled with the blood , and this mixture is carried to the left ventricle of the heart , to be made spirituous blood ; Ludovi : du Gardin Anatom : c. 40. But being drawn in heaps it strangles , Zwinger , Physiol . l. 2. c. 23. For if you compasse a burning Candle in the open ayr , with wine from above , you put it out ; because it cannot attract the Ayr prepared on each side , by reason the wine is betwixt , and it cannot from below draw the crude and unprepared Ayr. The desaphoretick force of it will appear in an Egg ; when that is new , a pure spirit sweats through its shell , whilest it rosts , like unto dew . What will this do in the body of man ? It will make that full of chinks , if it be touched by a small heat : otherwise it fills and penetrates all things . It pierceth thorow a brick , and there it inflates the concocted lime , so that the quantity of it is increased till it break it . We see that the Ayr entring by the pores of a baked brick , doth swell a stone that was left there for want of diligence , and is turned into Lime ; and so puts it up , till the brick breaks , Zwinger , Phys. l. 2. c. 25. Farther it is concluded by certain observation , That a wound is easie or hard to cure by reason of the Ayr. In Fenny grounds wounds of the head are soon cured , but Ulcers of the Legs are long : Hence it is , that wounds of the head are light at Bonnonia and Paris , but wounds of the Legs are deadly at Avignon and Rome . There the Ayr is of a cold constitution , and is an enemy to the brain : here it is more hot , whereby the humours being melted , run more downwards , Pa●ae●s , l. 10. Chirurg : c. 8. It may be cooled 9 wayes , by frequent ventilating of it with a fan that fresh ayr may come ; if Snow and water be set about the bed ; if the walls be compassed about with Willow leaves , or with linnen cloaths dipt in vinegar and Rose-water , if the floor be sprinkled , and fountains made to run in the chamber ; if beds , saith Avicenna , be made over a pit of water , If beds be made of Camels hair , or of linnen , laying the skin under them : If the Bed be strewed with herbs ; and lastly , if fragrant fruits be placed near the bed ; Heurn : lib , 2. Medic. c. 18. CHAP. III. Of the Water . Artic. 1. Of the quantity and colour of Waters . SO much for Ayr : Now followes the Element of Water . And first we shall consider the quantity , and the colour of it . In the Country of the great Cham , near the City Simqui , there is the River Quian , which is 10 miles broad ; and waters 200 Cities , and it is so long , that it cannot be sailed in 100 dayes . Polus writes , That he told in the Haven of it 50000 Ships . Also in Moscovia the Duina is so great by the melting of the Snow , that it cannot be passed over in a whole day with a well sayling Ship , it is at least 50 miles broad . Jovius , a Lake of Genebar , the Portingal●s call it January , Thuan. histor . l. 16. is so large under Capricorn , that men write , who have sailed thither , That all the Ships in the World may well harbour there . As for Colours , they are different in many waters . Danubius is white as milk and water , which divides Noricum , and Windelicia from Germany , Agricol . de Natur. effluent . The Waters of the Mayn , especially where it hath passed the Francks , and is fallen into the Rheyn , are yellowish . The Fountain Telephus is muddy near Pat●ra , and mingled with blood . In Ethiopia there are red Waters , that make one mad that drinks them . At Neusola in the Mountain Carpath●s , waters runing out of an old passage under ground , are green . At Ilza , that which comes forth of the Mountains of Bohemia , and runs into Danubius , is black . Artic. 2. Of the Taste of Water . THere is no lesse variety of Waters in their tastes : Some are sweet , some taste like wine : you shall find every where , salt , Allom tasted , sharp bitter waters every where . The Waters of Eleus , Chocops , Rivers , are sweet : The Kings of Persia drank of them , and transported them to far Countries . The water of Cardia in a field called Albus , is sweeter then warm milk . Pausanias . So is Vinosa near Paphlagonia ; whence so many strangers come thither to drink of it . In the bosome of the Adriatick Sea , where it turns to Aquileia ; there are 7. Fountains , and all of them , except one , are salt , Polyb. in Hist. At Malta there is one , that the waters running above are very sweet , but the lower waters are brackish , Aristobul : Cassand . The small River Exampeus is so bitter , that it taints the great River Hypanis in Pontus . In the Lake Ascanium , and some Fountains about Chalcis , the upper waters are sweet , and the lower taste of nitre , Plin. in Hist. The Fountains are sowr about Culma ; and because the water , though it be cold , boyls , they seem to be mad , Agricol . lib. cit . In the same place there is a Mineral water , which they call Furious , because it boyls and roars like thunder . In Cepusium at Smol●icium , it not onely eats iron , but turns it into brasse . But the water about Tempe in Thessaly , of the River Styx , can be contained in no vessel of silver , brasse , iron , but it eats through them , nothing but a hoof can hold it . Artic. 3. Of the Smell of Water : and of the first and second qualities . THe hot Baths that are distant from Rhegium , the Town of Lepidus Aemilius 26 miles , smell of so gallant Bitumen , that they seem to be mingled with Camphir . There was a Pit in Peloponnesus near the Temple of Diana , whose water mingled with Bitumen smelt as pleasant as the unguent Cyzicenum . In Hildesham there are two Fountains ; the one flowes out of Marble that smells like stinck of rotten Eggs , and taste sweet : but if any man drinks of it fasting , he will belch , and smell like the Marble pownded : The other is from Brimstone , and smells like Gun-Powder : The water of this brook , covers with mud the stones that lie in the channel of it , scrape it off and dry it , and it is Brimstone , Agric. lib. cit . Arethusa , a Fountain of Sicily , is said to smoke at a certain time . At Visebad , there is a Spring in the Road-way , the water whereof is so hot , that you may not onely boyl Eggs in it , but scall'd chicken , and hoggs ; for it will fetch off feathers or hair , if you dip them in , or pour it upon them . Ptolomy Comment . lib. 7. affirms , That at Corinth there is a Fountain of water , which is colder than Snow . Near the Sea-Banks at Cuba , there is a River so continual , that you may sayl in it ; yet it is so hot , that you cannot touch it with your hands , Martyr Sum. Ind. Near the Province Tapala it runneth so hot , that one cannot passe over it , Ramus . tom . 3. At Segesta in Sicily , Halbesus suddenly growes hot in the middle of the River . Pontus , is a River that lyes between the Country of the Medes and the Scythians , wherein hot burning stones are rolled , yet the water it self is cold . These , if you move them up and down , will presently cool , and being sprinkled with water , they shine the more bright . Lastly , near the City Ethama , there is a River that is hot , but it is good to cleanse the Lepers , and such as are ulcerated , Leonius . Also some waters swim above others . Arsanias swims above Tigris that is near unto it , so often as they both swell and overflow their banks ▪ Peneres receiveth the River Eurôta , yet it admits it not , but carrieth it a top of it like oyl for a short space , and then forsakes it , Plin. hist. Natural . Artic. 4. Of the Diverse running of the Water . IT is said of Pyramus , a River of Cappadocia , which ariseth from Fountains that break forth in the very plain ground , that it presently hides it self in a deep Cave , and runs many miles under ground , and afterwards riseth a Navigable River , with so great violence , that if any man put a sphear into the hole of the Earth where it breaks forth again , the force of it will cast out the sphear ; Strabo l. 12. Not far from Pompeiopolis in the Town Coricos , in the bottom of a Den of wonderfull depth , a mighty River riseth with incredible force ; and when it hath ran with a great violence a short way , it sinks into the Earth again , Mela. l. 1. c. 6. The Water Marsia after it hath run along tract , from the utmost Mountains of the Peligni , passing through Marsius and the Lake Fucinus , it disemboggs into a Cave , then it opens it self again in Tiburtina , and is brought 9 miles with Arches built up , into Rome , Plin. l. 31. c , 3. The Sabbaticall River was wont to be empty every seventh day , and was dry ; but all the six dayes it was full of water . But that ceased when the sacrifice ceased , Joseph . l. 7. c. 24. There is a certain River Bocatius speaks of , every ten years , it makes a mighty noyse , by the stones striking together ; and this is suddenly in a moment , and the stones ran downwards for 3. dayes , and 3 or 4 times a day , though it be fair weather ; and after three dayes all is quiet . Strabo writes of the Rivers of Hircania , l. 11. There are in the Sea high shores that are prominent , and are cut forth of Rocks ; but when the Rivers run out of the Rocks into the Sea with great violence , they passe over a great space as the fall betwixt the Sea and the Rocks , that Armies may march under the fall of the waters as under Arches , and receive no hurt ▪ Trochlotes in North Norway makes such a noyse when it runs , that it is heard 20 miles , Olaus , l. 2. c. 28. Beca in Livonia runs forth of the Rocks with such a fall , that it makes men deaf , Ortel : in Livon . T●nais , by a very long passage from Scythia , falling into the Lake Meotis , it makes it so long and broad , that those that are ignorant of it , take it for a great Mountain , Boccatius . In Solomon's Temple there ran a Spring , great in Summer , small in Winter ; Euseb. praeparat . Evangel . l. 9. c. 4. If you ask the cause , it is taken from the Time. All things are wet in Winter , then are the Channels full ; and for want of evaporation the waters are kept in . But in Summer all things are dry , and the Suns heat penetrates . Hence it is that they are congregated in their Fountains , and run out by the Ayr inforcing them . Maeander is so full of windings and turnings , that it is often thought to run back again , &c. He that seeks more concerning Nilus and other Waters , let him read Geographerrs . Artic. 5. Of the change of quantity and of qualities , in Waters . THis great variety in Waters that I have set down , is a token of the wisdome and power of God ▪ and it is no lesse wonder , that the same waters should be so diversly changed . It is certain that they are changed . A Fountain in the Island Tenedos alwayes from 3. at night till 6. after the Summer Solstice , overflowes . There is another in ●odon , that hath its Name from Jupiter , it fails always at Noon-day ; And the River Po in Summer , as if it took its rest , growes dry , saith Pliny . In Italy , Tophanus a Fountain of Anagnania is dry when the Lake Fucinus is frozen ; at other times of the year it runs with great quantity of water , Agricol . l. cit . passim . The Waters of the Lake of Babylon are red in Summer . Boristhenes at some times of the year seems to be died with Verdigrease . The water of the Fountain of the Tungri is boyling hot with fire subterraneal , and is red . The Waters of the River Caria by Neptun●s Temple were sweet , and are now salt . But in Thrace when Georgius Despota ruled , a sweet Fountain grew to be bitter intolerably , and whole rivers were changed at Citheron in Beotia , as Theophrastus writes . Men report , that of the Mineral Waters which run by the Pangaeus , a Mountain of Thrace , an Athenian cotyle weighs in Summer 64 grains , and in Winter 96. In the Province of Cyrene , the Fountain of the Sun is hot at midnight , afterwards it cooles by degrees ; and at Sun-rising it is cold : and the higher the the Sun riseth , the colder it is ; so that it is frozen at mid day : then again by degrees it growes warm , it is hot at Sun-set ; and the more the Sun proceeds , the hotter it becomes . The same Fountain every day as it growes cold at mid-day , so it is sweet ; as it growes hot at midnight , so it growes bitter . Artic. 6. Of some other things admirable in Waters . THey were wonders that are passed , but greater follow . In those , it is easy to assign a cause , mixture or some such like , if you rightly consider it ; but here it is difficult , for though you may in some , yet commonly we must fly to hidden qualities . I will briefly rehearse them . Some drops of a Fountain of the Goths powred upon the Earth , cease to move , and are thickned by the ayr . The waters of Cepusia in Pitchers turn into a Stone , those of Rhaetid make people foolish ; they pull out the teeth in two years , and dissolve the ligaments of the sinews , which Pliny writes to be in Germany by the Sea-side . Those of Islandia change things that are hollow into stones . Tybur covers Wood with stone covers . Zamenfes in Africa makes clear voyces . Soractes when the Sun riseth , runs over , as though it boyled , birds that then drink of it die . He growes temperate , who drinks of the Lake Clitorius ; and he forgets who drinks of a well nere the River Orchomenus , sacred to the God Trophonius , Philarch. He proves dull of wit that drinks of a Fountain in the Island Cea . Agricola de reb . 〈…〉 terra effluent . gives a cause for it , as for the former , by reason of the bitumen . For , saith he , the seeds of wild Parsnips wrapt in a linnen clout , and put into Wine , as also the powder of the flowers of Hermodactylus , which the Turks use , being drunk with it , are the cause that it will make a man sooner and more drunk , so some kind of Bitumen mixt with water , is wont to make men drunk . The horses , drinking Sebaris are troubled with sneesing , whatsoever is sprinkled with it , is couloured black . Clitumnus of Umbria drank of , makes white Oxen , and Cesiphus of Beotia white sheep : but a River in Cappadocia makes the hair whiter , softer , and longer . In Pontus , Astaces waters the fields , in which Mares are fed , that feed the whole Countrey with black milk . The waters in Gadaris make men bald , and deprive Cattle ; of hair , hooffs and horns . Cicero writes that in the Marshes of Reate , the hoofs of beasts are hardned . The hot baths at the Fort of New-house , colour the Silver Rings of such as wash in them with a Golden colour , and make Gold Rings more beautifull . Aniger that runs out of Lapithum a Mountain of Arcadia will nourish no fish in it , till it receive Acidan , and those that go then out of it into Aniger are not edible , but they in Acidan are , Pausanias . Agrigentinum a Lake of Sicily will beare those things that do not swim in the waters . In Aethiopia there is one so thin that it will not carry up leaves that fall from the next Trees . In the lake Asphalti●es a man bound hand and foot cannot sink . The cause is held to be the great quantity of Salt. Hieronymus Florentinus , saw a Bankrupt bound and cast headlong from the Tower into it , and it bore him up all the night . Posidonius observed that bricks in Spain , made of Earth , with which their Silver plate is rub'd , did swim in the waters . Cleon and Goon were two Fountains in Phrygia ; either of their waters made men cry . There were two in the fortunate Island ; they that tasted of one laught till they died , the other was the remedy for them . Anauros of Thessaly and Boristhenes , send out no vapour , nor exhalation : many refer the cause of it to its mixture , others seek it other-where . Agricola . l. 2. de effl . ex terr . c. 17. saith , In what part of the Rivers , the Channels in the Fords have no veins and fibres , by that they can breath forth no exhalations . In the snows of Mount Caucasus , hollow Clods freez , and contain good water in a membrane : there are Beasts there , that drink this water , which is very good , and runs forth when the membranes are broken . Strab. in Geograph . Nilus makes women so fruitfull that they will have 4 , and 6 , at one venter ; Pliny in Histor. There is a Well of water , that makes the inhabitants of the Alps to have swollen throats . Lang. l. 5. Epist. 43. But in field Rupert neer to Argentina , there is a water said to be , that makes the drinkers of it troubled with Bronchocele , they seem to be infected with quicksilver : for this is an enemy to the brain and nervs , for it not only sends back flegme to the glandulous parts of the head and neck , but that which is heaped up in the head , it throws down upon the parts under it , Sebizius de acidul . s. 1. dict . 6. Corol. 1. thes . 12. Diana , a River of Sicily that runs to Camerina , unlesse a chast woman draw its water , it will not mingle with Wine ; Solinus , C. 10. Styx in Arcadia drank of , kills presently , it penetrates and breaks all ; yet it may be contained in the horns of one kind of Asse , Seneca . l. 3. natur , c. 25. Two Rivers runs into Niger , a River in Africa , one is reddish , the other whitish , Barrens . Histor. dec . 1. l. 3. c. 8. If any man drink of both , he will be forced to Vomit both up , but if any man drink but of one , he shall Vomit leasurely , but when they are both run into Niger , and a man drink them mingled , he shall have no desire to Vomit . Narvia is a River of Lithuania ; so soon as Serpents tast of the water , they give a hiss , and get away . Cromer . descript . Polon . l. 1. A Fountain of Sardinia , in the Mediterranean , keeps the length and shortnesse of dayes , and runs accordingly . In the Island of Ferrum , one of the Canaries , there is no water , the Ayr is fiery , the ground dry , and man and beast are sad for want of water . But there is a Tree , the kind is unknown , the leaves are long , narrow , and allways green . A Clowd allwaies surrounds it , whereby the leaves are so moystned , that most pure liquour runs continually from it , which the inhabitants fetch , setting vessells round the Tree , to take it in . Bertius in descript . Canariar . Sea-waters if they be lukewarm , they portend tempests before two days be over , and violent Winds . Lemnius de occult . l. 2. c. 49. In England , nere New-Castle there is a lake called Myrtous , part whereof is frozen in Summer . Thuan. in Histor. But I have done with these . Authours have more , if any man desire it , especially Claudius Vendilinus , whom I name for honour sake , if he seek for the wonders of Nilus . Artic. 7. Of some Floods or Waters ; and of the Universall Deluge . THe Floods were signs of Gods anger , and so much the more as that was greater , and mens sins more grievous . The greatest was that we call the generall Deluge , which began about the end of the year of the World , 1656. All the bars of the Channels were broken , and for 40 dayes a vaste quantity of water was poured down . Also the Fountains of the great Deep were cut asunder ; so that the Waters increased continually for 150 dayes , and passed above the highest Mountains 15 Cubits . At length they abated by degrees ; for after 70 dayes the tops began to appear . The Inhabitants of the New World say , they had it from their Ancestours . Those of Peru say , that all those Lands lay under waters , and that men were drowned , except a few , who got into woodden Vessels like Ships ; and having provision sufficient , they continued there , till the waters were gone : Which they knew by their dogs which they sent forth of doors ; and when the dogs came in wet , they knew they were put to swim ; but when they returned dry , that the waters were gone , August . Carat . But they of Mexico say , that five Suns did then shine , and that the first of them perished in the waters , and men with it , and whatsoever was in the earth . These things they have described in Pictures and Characters from their Ancestors ; giving credit to Plato's Flood , which was said to have hapned in the Island Atlantis . Lupus Gomara . But Lydiat ascribes the cause of that universal Deluge to a subterraneal fire in a hotter degree , increasing the magnitude by rarefaction , so long as it could not g●t out of its hollow places . Genesis seems to demonstrate it . For the Fountains of the great Deep are said to be broken open ; and that a wind was sent forth after 40 dayes , and the waters were quieted . We must understand a wind from a dry Exhalation , which a subterraneous fire much increased , had most abundantly raised out of the deep of the Sea , which was then thrust forth of them , and did increase the motion of the ayr that it laid hold of , together with the revolution of the Heavens , and the vehemency of the Firmament . But there were other miraculous Deluges besides this . CHAP. IV. Of the Originall of Fountains . Sea by passages under the Earth . The Sea alone is sufficient to supply all Springs ; and when we see that it no wayes increaseth by the Rivers that run into it , it is apparent that they run to their Fountains by secret channels . But the question is , of the manner how they ascend . Socrates ascribes it to the Tossing of them ; Pliny to the wind , l. 21. c. 65. Bodin , l. 2. Theatr. to the weight of the Earth driving forth the water ▪ Scaliger , to the Bulk of the Sea ; others , to vapours redoubled into themselves . It is a hard matter to define all things , nor is it our purpose . But because Thom : Lydiat , an English Man , hath written most acutely of this Subject , we will set down his opinion here , contracted into a few Propositions : I. The Rolling of the Water is not the cause of its ascending to the superficies of the Earth . For there is no cause for its tossing , and wherefore then should it not at length stand levell ? II. To be driven with the wind , is not the cause . 1. For it seems not to be raised in the Sea by a fixed Law of Nature , but by way of Tempest . 2. The Channels are winding , and should carry it rather to the sides than to the superficies . 3. If a contrary wind cannot do so much in any water , what then can the wind do here ? Also if there were any receptacles for the waters forced upwards , Miners , those that dig in mines , would have found them out , as Vallesius saith . III. The weight of the Earth squeesing out the water is not the Cause . For the Earth doth not lye upon the waters , but contrarily where the Conduits are not full , the lower part is not empty , but the upper part . IV. Nor the Bulk of the Sea. Scaliger thinks that the Waters being pressed in the channels by the Sea lying upon them , do seek to get forth . His Example is of a stone in a vessel . But two things are here assumed . 1. That the gravity is every where , the same as in the weight of a stone . 2. That a great part of the Sea water is out of its place . V. Nor yet vapours redoubled into themselves , and so drawing ; nor the spungy Nature of the Earth , nor the veins of the Earth , whereby the moysture of the water may be drawn forth . For 1. attracting forces would be more fit for Champion ground , than for Mountains . 2. If they should attract , it were for that purpose that they might have the fruition of it , but from whence are there such Rivers ? 3 The veins of waters are no where found so full , as that reason requireth , whether it be for blood in living creatures , or for squirts . VI. The water is raised out of the Caves of the Earth , to the Tops of Mountains , as the Sea is raised above the middle Region of the Ayr. VII . But this Elevation is made by the force of heat resolving the water into vapours . Aristotle himself intimates , that heat is required ; but that water may be made of a vapour , there needs no cold , but a more remisse heat . VIII . The heat of the Earth proceeds not from the heat of the Sun , namely of the Earth in its Intralls . For first , it can penetrate but two yards deep , and therefore the Troglodites make their Caves no deeper . 2. In the hottest Summer a woodden post , that is but one or two Inches thick is not penetrated . 3. The entralls of the Earth about 8 or 10 yards deep are found colder in Summer then in Winter . IX . The Antiperistasis of the cold Ayr in the superficies of the Earth , is nothing to the purpose . 1. It is more weak than the cold of the firm Earth . 2. What ever of the Suns heat is bred within , passeth out by the pores and vanisheth . 3. It perisheth being besieged by both colds to which it bears no proportion . X. The heat that is in the bowells of the Earth , is from a double cause . For in the parts nearest the superficies it proceeds from the Sun beams , but in the bowels of the Earth from other causes . That passeth out by the pores of the Earth in Summer , being opened by the Sun , and therefore it vanisheth when as being removed from its original it is weaker ; but in winter it is bound in by the cold . XI . The heat in the bowels of the Earth , is known by the heat of the Waters ; but these are neither hot by the Sun nor from brimstone , or quicklime in the conduits , but only from a subterraneal fire . Not from the Sun. For. 1. That cannot penetrate so far . 2. If it were from thence it would be most in Summer . Not from brimstone or quick lime , for brimstone heats not unlesse it be actually heated , and quick-lime , only then when it is resolved by Water . Also the vast quantity of it would be resolved in a short time , and would make a change in the Channels . But it may be understood some ways , how it may be heated by a subterraneal fire . 1. As it is actuall , and so the Channels being solid stone cannot derive it . 2. As it is more remote , but sends forth Vapours by pipes , as in Baths , so also not ; for Vapours cannot have so great force as to make it boil . 3. That the Water may run amongst the burning fire , as in bituminous Channels ; But here the question may be ; why it doth not cast out the Bitumen , as in Samosata a City of Comagenes , Pliny saith , l. 2. c. 104. and 107 , that a certain lake cast forth flaming mud , and fire came out at the Waters of Scantium . 4. The fourth way is the truth . Art doth some wayes imitate Nature , but in Stills the water by the force of heat , is resolved into Vapours , and the Vapours fly upwards , to the heads , where they stick , and being removed from the violent heat , they return to Water again , so also in the bowells of the Earth . XII . But Fountains that boyl , seem not to be of those Waters that run , but that stand still : Namely Wells that have formerly been opened by the quakings of the Earth , which it is no wonder that they are joyned to the Sea. In a small Island against the River Timevu● ▪ Pliny l. 2. c. 103. writes that there is a hot spring , that ebs and flows with the Sea. In the Gades it is contrary , Pliny , l. 2. c. ●2 . But if any of these hot springs do run● , we must observe of them , that their Channels are so scituated , that when the Sea flowes , it comes unto them , or if it were come into them before , it powreth forth the more . And so the heat of the fire will be either proportionable , and the exhalation greater , or not , and so lesse . XIII , But what Agricola writes of bituminous Waters , and that yeeld a smell , must be ascribed to their neernesse , but it vanisheth at a farther distance . The same is observed in artificiall distilled waters , that in time the burntness of them will vanish away . XIV . But because this fire by the shaking of the Earth can do much in the superficies , it can then do more in the place it is . It can therefore stop up old Channels , open new ones , in divers caves of the Earth , without sending forth of the matter combustible , or propagation of fire , or conflict of Vapours , it can rayse new fires ; from whence new Rivers may be produced , yet somtimes also it useeth to be extinguished , or sunk so deep , that it cannot send its force to the superficies . This is the opinion of Lydiat , which we have set down more amply ; that being better known , it might be more exactly weighed . CHAP. V. Of hot Baths . THe heat of hot Baths is diversly spoken of by Authours . Aristotle thought it proceeded from Thunder , which is false , for the force of Thunder is pestilentiall , any man may know it , that beholds Wine corrupt by Thunder . It makes men mad or dead , but these are healthfull , as experience daily shews . Also there are many places that were never touched with Thunder , for that never descends above five foot . Sennert . Scient . natural . l. 4. c. 10. thinks it comes from two waters that are cold to be felt , but grow hot in their meeting , from repugnancy of the Spirits , as we see in oyle of Tartar , and Spirit of Vitrial , and in Aquafortis and Tartar , and of the butter of Antimony and Spirit of Nitre , all which , though they are cold to the touch , yet if you mingle them , they grow hot , and so that if you suddenly powre oyle of Tartar into Aquafortis , wherein Iron is dissolved , it will not only boyle , but the mixture will flame , which also happeneth if you pour fast the spirit of Nitre into the butter of Antimony . Some impute it to the native heat of the earth , or to a certain hot spirit ; so that these natural spirits of exhalations heating not violently but naturally , in some places the secret channels of the Earth grow hot : that this heat is communicated to the Walls of those concavities , by reason whereof a sufficient and continuall heat may be communicated to the Baths , even as in an Oven heated , when all the flame is gone , the bread is sufficiently baked , Horstius de natur . Thermar : Others ascribe it to subterraneall fire ; but whether it be so , may be known by what proceeded , Bartholin : de aquis . Farther it may be shewed by an Example : Mingle salt-water with Clay , make of this clay or mud a ball , and hollow it within , then stop the orifice with the clay , and put in a narrow pipe into it , and put this ball to the fire ; the pipe being from the fire , when the ball waxeth hot , out of the ball by the pipe hot water will run , Sennert . l. 4. scient . natural . c. 10. Baths have a taste by the mixture of Earths ▪ and so have things in the Earth . Hippocrates l. de natur . human . saith , That there is in the Earth , sweet , sowr , and bitter ; and in the bowels of it there are divers faculties , and many humours , l. 4. de Morbis . Every thing drawes its nourishment from the Earth in which it is . Hence in Ionia and Peloponnesus , though the heat of the Sun be very sufficient , yet Silphium growes not , though it be sowed , namely , for want of such a humour as might nourish it . Yet there are in that earth juices , not onely for the vaporous , but also for the moyst and solid substance . Juices condensed are dissolved by waters , the moyst are mingled , Earths are dissolved , and scrapings of mettals are found . The goodnesse of them differs sometimes ; because those that in Summer are beray'd with the Suns heat , and attenuated , are the best : In Autumn they are lesse beat upon by its beams , because he is nearer to them : so in the spring . For the Earth is opened , the waters are purified , the healthfull light of the Sun approaches : but in the Winter they are worst : for they are heavier , thicker , and more defiled with earthly exhalations . That they suffer changes , we may learn by divers examples . Fallop . de Therm . c. 11. Savanarola saith , That the Bath waters in the Country of Pisa cause great diseases in those that drink them , and the Inhabitants are warn'd of it . For in March , April , and May , when they see the waters look yellow , and to be troubled , they foresee they are dangerous . Alcardus of Veroneus , a Physitian , who writ of the Cal●erian Baths , saith , That the water of Apponus is sometimes deadly , by the example of one Galeatius a Noble man , who with his Son in Law drank of it , and dyed . The sharp waters of Alsatia are sometimes so sharp , that they cause the dysentery ; and sometimes they are feeble , and are deprived of their wonted vigour , Sebizius de acidulis , diss . 50. s. 1. The causes are divers ; amongst the ordinary , a rainy , cloudy , dark , Southern constitution of the Ayr , too violent flowing of the Sea , inundations , Earthquakes . It is wonderfull that is written concerning some hot Baths in Germany , that they grew dry when there was a tax set upon them , Camerar . horis subcis . cent . 2. c. 69. Something like this , fell out in shell-fish at the Sluce ; for when a kind of tribute was laid upon the collecting of them , they were no more found there ; they returned , when the Tax was taken off , Jacob Mayer . in Annal. Flandriae . CHAP. VI. Of the Sea. Artic. 1. 〈…〉 Artic. 2. 〈…〉 and Hercules Pillars , about Spain and France , in his dayes . But the North Sea for the greatest part was passed over by the happy successe of the famous Augustus . We find in Velleius , that Germany was surrounded by sailing so far as the Promontory of the Cimbri , and from thence the vast Ocean was discovered ; or known by relation as far as Scythia , and the parts that were frozen , by the command of Tiberius . The same Pliny tells us , that Alexander the Great extended his Victories over the greatest part of the East and Southern Seas , unto the Arabian shores ; whereby afterwards when C. Caesar the Son of Augustus managed the businesse , the ensigns of ships were known to belong to the Spaniards that had suffered shipwrack there . But when Carthage flourished , 〈…〉 from the Gades to the furthermost parts of Arabia , and 〈…〉 writing that Voyage , and Hamilco at the same time was sent to discover the outward parts of Europe . Moreover , Cornelius Nepos is the Author of it , in Pliny , that one Eudoxus in his time , when he fled from Lathyrus King of Aegypt , came from the Arabian Coasts as far as Gades ; and Caelius Antipater long before him affirms the same , that he saw him , who sailed out of Spain into Aethiopia 〈…〉 Merchandize . The same Author writes , that the King of Sweden gave freely to Quint. Metellus Celer , Pro Consul of France , those Indians ▪ who sailed out of India for Traffiqu● , and were by Tempests carried into Germany . That Voyage hath been attempted of late , but with extream danger of life , men being hindred continually by Ice , and extream darknesse . If these things be so , then was all our World sailed about . It is further questioned whether there be any passage , through the North Sea , to the Kingdom of Sina , and to the Moluccos . Jovius report● that he heard it of Demetrius Moschus , that Duidna with many Rivers entring into it , ran into the North a wonderfull way ; and that the Sea was there open , so that stearing the course toward the right hand shore , ( unlesse the land be betwixt ) men might saile to Cathay . Those of Cathay belong to the furthest parts of the East , and the parallel of Thracia , and are known to the Portingalls in India , when they , to buy spices , sayled to the Golden Chersonesus , through the Countries of Sina and Molucco , and brought with them garments of Sabell skins . Petru● Bertius , a man that deserved well for his learning , but ill for divinity , reports , in descrip . no● ▪ Zembliae , that he saw a Table described 〈…〉 the Russes ▪ wherein the shores of the Russes , Samogetans , and Ting●●eri , with the North Sea , nere unto them , and some Islands were ●●●ely set forth . In that the Duina River was farthest West ▪ but others Rivers followed towards the East , and in the first place , Peisa , Petcho●a , Obi● , Jeneseia , and Peisida . Therefore the passage must be open from the River Obii , to Peisida . The Histories of ●●e Russes report● , that when the Moscovites and the Tingesi were curious to search out Countries farther toward the East , they sent out discoveries over Land , who passed beyond the River Obii and Jeneseia so far as Peisida ou● foot ▪ and there they fell amongst people , that in their habit , manners , and speech were farr different from them . There they heard the found of Bells from the East , the noyse of Men , the neighing of Hortes ; they saw say is foure square , such as the Indians use . They saw a place , in Aprill and May , abounding with all sorts of flowers ▪ The Duke of Moscovia heard of this afterwards , and triall was made , but the Duke died in the interim , and this noble designe was hindred . It is supposed that those places are nere the Indies , and therefore if the River Peisida can be overpassed , the passage to Cathay and Sinae , were not difficult . Artic. 3. Of the depth , freesing , and ●olo●ys of the Sea. COncerning the depth of the Sea , there are many opinions ▪ Burgensis saith , it is deeper than the Earth 〈…〉 Plin. l. ● . c. 22. and Solinus ; c. 54 , that in many 〈…〉 no borrow can be found . But there speak of a certain Sea in the 〈…〉 , and they speak according to their days , when navigation was 〈…〉 known . Priscianus , reports that Julius Caesar , found by his Searchers 15 furlongs ; others , give 30. But the English , Portugalls , 〈…〉 who now a days use most Navigation ▪ reckon 2 ▪ Italian miles and a time . Olaus Magnus , ( l. 2. Histor. septent . c. 10. ) we●●es that at the sho●es of Norway , it is so deep , thay not open can 〈…〉 , but that is by reason of the hollow shores , and full of cracks every where . And though there be such a wonderfull force of waters in the Sea , yet certain it is that it is somtimes frozen . Strabo . l. c. Geograph , writes that in the mouth of Maeotis , so great Ice was seen , that in the place that King Mithridates Generall overcame the Enemy in the Ice , the same he passed over with his Fleet. When 〈…〉 four , the Sea of Pontus was so frozen for a 100. ●●les ▪ that it 〈…〉 hard as a stone , and was above 30 Cubi●s 〈…〉 ; Vintent . l. 〈…〉 But Olaus , l. 11. c. 25 , saith that in the North Sea , they 〈…〉 and draw along their Engins for Warts , and ●aires 〈…〉 kept . The condition of the Ice there , is very strange . Being carried on the shore it presently thawes , no man furthering it , Ziglerus , l. ● . 8. In Islandra , if it be kept , it vanisheth ▪ and he affirms that some will turn to a stone . The Sea hath many colours : Andrea● Causalius saith , that neer the Inhabitants of the East-Indies there is a milk 〈…〉 that is seen for 300 miles . Martyr also attests the same in his Sum●l●● . That which washes the Island Cabaque , is somtimes green , and sometimes of the yeare , red ; for the Shel-fish every where poure much blood ▪ Petrus Hispan . The red Sea , though it be so called , because it is rinctured with red waters , yet it is not of that nature 〈…〉 for ; but the water is tainted by the shores that are neer ▪ and all the land about it is red , and next to the colour of blood : 〈…〉 . l. 13. c. 1● . The Sea useth frequently to change its colour ▪ Aul●●ell , noct . At●●l . 2. c. 30 ▪ gives the cause ; It is , faith he , observed by the best Philosophers , that when the South wind blows , the Sea is blewish , and ●●eyish , but when the North blows , it is blacker and darker , &c. When the Do● days are , it is troublesome . Men ascribe that to the Sun , that pierceth the inward parts of the Sea with its beams , and stirrs the grosse● parts , but consumes them not . But this is strange that is said , that the Sea Parium in the New Word , is so intangled with so many green herbs , that Men cannot fall in it ; the long branches of herbs , like n●ts hindring them . That Sea is so like a Medow , that as the Waves turn , all the herbs turn with it also ; that the storms are lesse from the Waves , than from the grasse . This endangers Sea-Men , and first Columbus , Ovetan . l. 2. c. 2. For the Ships are held by the bendings of little branches , that they cannot turn . It is deep enough for Galleys to row in , but the herbs rise from the bottom , and grow together on the top , and are 15 hand-breadth higher sometimes . Pliny , l. 13. c. 25. reports that in the red Sea , Woods flourish ▪ chiefly ●he Laurel , and the Olive , bearing Olives , and if it rain , Mushrom●● which , when the Sun shines , are converted into a Pumex-stone . The sprouts themselves , are 3 , cubits great , and are stored with abundance of dog fish , that it is scarse safe to look out of the Ship , and they will set upon the very oars oft times . The Souldiers of Alexander that sailed from India , reported that the boughs of Trees in the Sea were green , but taken out of the Sea , were presently changed by the Sun into dry salt . Also Pol●bius reports , that in the Sea of ●ortingal , Oakes grow , that the Thynni fishes feeding on their Acorns grow fat . Athenaeus , l. 7. Artic. 4. Of the Saltnesse of the Sea. THe Works of God are wonderfull in Nature , but two are most wonderfull , the saltnesse of the Sea , and its flowing and ebbing . It is said , that there is an Island in the Southern Ocean , that is water●d by a sweet Sea ; which also Diodorus Siculus seems to testifie and assert , concerning the Scythian Sea , Pliny l. 6. c. 17. But that is ascribed to the great running of Rivers into it ; and how small is this in respect of the other Sea ? Yet Philosophers argue concerning the saltnesse of the Sea. Aristotle l. 2. Meteor . c. 1. calls for the nature of the Sea , and efficacy of the Sun , to assist him . For the Sea-waters by the mixture of the ground and the shores is thicker , and the Sun by its heat calls forth thinner parts , and resolves them into vapours ; which being burnt with heat , and mingled with the water , cause its saltnesse . Mans body will help us in this , wherein the native heat dissolves the sweetest meats into the saltest humours ; which being collected in the Reins ; is cast forth by urine . Experience confirms it ; that shews us that the Sea is more salt in Summer than in Winter , and more toward the East and South than elsewhere . Lydiat likes not this opinion , but brings another ; That Youth may more exactly comprehend the sense of this brave man ; We will set it down here in a few Propositions . I. The vehement heat of the Sun doth not boyl the Sea to be salt . For , 1. Why is not the same done in a little water in a bason ? 2. The same cause of saltnesse should work upon the subject ▪ with lesse resistance . II. A hot dry , earthly exhalation carried by rain into the Sea , i● not the cause of its saltnesse . For , 1. Why is not the same done in Fountains● 2. It is too little . 3. Why is it not onely salt in the superficies , but in the deep . For though Scaliger , Exercit. 51. denyes that ▪ saying , that the ●●●nators have proved it to be sweet , yet Patricius saith it was found otherwise in the 〈…〉 between Crete and Egypt , when it was very calm ; Philip 〈…〉 witnesseth the same . III. The Sea is salt by the mixture of something with it . That is clear● because all tasting is o● mixt bodies . IV. That which is mingled with the Sea , hath the nature of a hot and dry exhal●●ion ▪ That is apparent ▪ 1. Because the Sea is such ▪ 〈…〉 will hardly extinguish flames , and it is easily 〈…〉 that are washed in it are quickly dryed . 3. 〈…〉 as Britanny and France hotter . V. The Sea is not onely salt , but bitter : therefore it is 〈…〉 called Mare , than S●●um . VI. The salt and bitternesse of the Sea i● from a subterraneal 〈…〉 fire . 1. Bitumen is perceived so bitter in taste , that it may be known to be the first subject of it . 2. Bitumen hath great force to cause i● salt and bitter taste . The bituminous Lake of Palestina is so salt and bitter , that no Fish is bred in it ; it scours cloaths if one wet them ▪ and shake it well out . 3. Pliny reports , that a bituminous water tha● is also salt at Babylon , is cast out of their Wells into salt Pi●● , and is thickned partly into Bitumen , partly into Salt. VII . A salt Exhalation proceeding fro●●hose De●p● i● easily divided by the body of the Sea. For as fine flower or 〈…〉 thing else cas● into 〈…〉 boyling liquor , is cast from the place that boyls unto other parts 〈…〉 on one side to the other , if in the middle to the circumference ▪ 〈…〉 bituminous Exhalation from thence where it boyleth most , and the Sea is most hot , is cast and dispell'd into the whole body of it ▪ So 〈…〉 . Artic. 5. Of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. ANother great miracle of Nature is the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , When the Philosopher sought for the cause of it , h● grew desperate . Possidonius in Strabo l. 3. Geograph . makes 3. Circuits of the Sea's motion . The diurnall , monethly , and yearly . The first is , when the Moon is risen above the Horizon but one sign of the Zodiack ▪ or is gone down under the Horizon , then the Sea swells untill the Moon comes to the midst of the Heaven , 〈…〉 it above or beneath the Earth . When it declines from thence ▪ the Sea begins to retire untill the Moon is but one sign distant from the East or West , and then it stops . Pliny assents thus far to him , that the flowing of the Sea begins about two equinoctiall hours after the rising or setting of the Moon , and ends just so long before its setting or rising . He determines the other to be monethly , in the conjunction , when he saith , That the greatest and quickest returnings of the Sea do happen about the new ▪ and full Moon ; the mean , about the Quarters of the Moon . And Marriners approve this , when they call it the Living Sea , by reason of the great ebbings and flowings , in the new and full Moons ; but the dead Sea in the half Moons , because of the lesser and slower motions of it ▪ Possidonius addes more ▪ That one S●leucus observed a Sea , that was derived from the red Sea ▪ and was different from it , that kept the monethly course of returning , namely according to the Lunar moneth , which men call periodicall . For he had observed in the Moon being in the Equinoctiall signs , that the Tides were equall , but in the solstices they were unequall both for quantity and swiftnesse , and the same inequality held in the rest , so far as any of them happened ●ear to the foresaid places . Lastly , Possidonius saith ▪ That he learned the yearly motions from the Mariners of Gades . For they say , that about the summer Solstice , the ebbing and flowing of the Sea increaseth much ▪ and that he conjectured the same did diminish as far as the Equinoctial ; and again to increase untill Winter● from 〈…〉 to decrease untill the spring Equinox ● and so increase again untill the Summer solstice . Pliny determines the contra●● 〈…〉 reason of the Equinox . But Patricius witnesseth , That i● Lib●●●ia in January great part of the strand● are naked , and continue dry for some dayes . The same Pliny l. ● . c. 97. observes ▪ That in every eight years , in the Moons 100 circumvolution , the Tides are called back to their first motions , and like increasings ; that is to say , the Sun and Moon then returning to a conjunction in the same sign and degree , wherein they were in conjunction eight years before . But for the daily Tides there is a differe●●e amongst Writers . In the Sicilian Sea 〈…〉 and flowings are twice a day , and twice in the night . 〈…〉 in the Sin●s of Aegeum repeats its motion 7. times a day , and sometimes is seen thrown down from the highest Mountains , and so steep down , that no ships can be safe there , Basil i● Hexaemex . In England at Bristoll the Ebb is daily twice , and so great , that the ships that were in the Sea , stand dry , and are twice on dry Land , twice in the Sea. Pitheas Massiliensis , as Pliny testifies , l. 2. c. 67. writes , that it sw●lls fourscore cubits higher than Britanny . In the Southern part of the New World , the Sea rising , flowes two Leagues , Ovetan summ . c. 9. But in a certain Northern Sea there i● no flowing or ebbing observed by the waves of it , Petrus Hispan . p. 5. c. 1. Not far from Cuba Promontory , and by the shores of Margaret Island , and Paria , the Sea flowes naturally ▪ nor can ships by any means , though they have a prosperous gale , sayl against the floods , nor make a mile in a whole day , Petrus Marty●●●n sum . Indiae . In the Adriatick Sea formerly there was wont to be a very great flowing forth , early in the morning , the Sea being so advanced into the Continent , that it went as far up as a strong man could run in a day , Procop. l. 1. Belli Gothici , ●ut singular was that Tide , and a wonder of the World , which in particular , which proceed from whirlepools , by which the waters are suckt up and spued out again by turns . It is very probable this happens in Charybdis , the Syrtes , and Chalcydis about Eubaea . This represents a true flowing , and comes from winds breaking forth of the Caves of the Earth , and forcing forward the waters , or to the Waves running back again and sinking down . But the fourth is 〈…〉 true ebbing and flowing , which runs neither Eastward nor Westward , but begins from the Navel of the Sea , and that boyls up , and as the waters rise thus , they are powred forth toward the Banks , more or lesse , as the cause is more or lesse violent ; unlesse something hinder , the cause whereof we shall seek last of all . And true it is that Marriners in the straights of Magellan , where the South Sea is seperated from the North by a notable difference , marking diligently the Tydes of both Seas , have observed what they could not do in the vast Ocean , namely that both Seas do not begin to flow at the same time . And that it is not moved by any outward cause , not from the Heavens , nor is it brought in from the East or West , but comes from the bottom of it , and boyles out from thence ; the superfluity running toward the Land variously , as the swelling is great or small , the shores high or low , and the cause that moves it from the bottom upwards , weaker or stronger . This is confirmed by the nature of the water , which casts up from the bottom whatsoever it sucks in , if it be not too heavy . Hence it comes to passe that all Seas purge themselves in the full of the Moon . Not that the attraction of the Moon is the cause of it , but because the wind that was in the interim collected in the hollow places under ground , strives to fly upwards , or being heaped up about the putrefactions of the Sea , breaks forth . Lydia● , de orig ▪ s●ntium , attributes it to subterraneal fire ; That you may know the grounds of his opinion , I will set it down in a few Propositions . I. The flowing of the Sea is not because of the Moon , by the nearnesse of her light , and of that especially which she borrowes , which breeds exhalations , whereby the waters swell and run over . For in the full Moon her light is thwart the earth , and yet there is a tide great enough . II. The Sun and Moon do not by their beams cause the flowing of the Sea. 1. When it flowes in one hemisphear , and both the Luminaries are in the other , what is the cause of that ? For it hath not equall forces in both . 2. If Sun and Moon cause the flowing of the Sea , wherefore elsewhere in the very Ocean , and that between the torrid Zone , where their power is extream , are there no Tides at all , or very small ones ? III. When we enquire concerning the flowing of the Sea , we must suppose : 1. That there is a wonderfull plenty of water in the bosome of the Earth . 2. That water which is in the bosome of the Earth is not onely continued to it self , but to this we see , in the Sea , and is joyned with it by the channels or open chaps of the Earth . First , it is probable from hence , that it is a part of the same body . Then , the deeps of the Sea , that were never yet certainly known , are a token of it . 3. When two most vaste Continents , on this side Asia Africa Europe ; on that America , divide CHAP. VII . Artic. 1. Of the New World. and Asia , by which the passage was open to other neighbouring Islands , and from the Island to all the continent , which was in sight , and neere to the Ocean ; but in the mouth of it there was said to be a Haven with a narrow entrance , &c : After this , by a wonderfull Earth-quake ▪ and a continuall inundation for a day and a night , it came to passe that the Earth clave asunder , and swallowed all those warlike people , and the Island of Atlantis was drowned in the deep . But Aristotle , lib. de admirand . c. 8. relates , that in the Sea beyond Hercul●s Pillars , an Island was found out by the Carthagenians , which had Woods and Rivers fit for shipping , but it was distant many days Voyage . But when more Carthagenians , allured by the happinesse of the place , came and dwelt amongst the Inhabitants , they were condemned to death , by the Commanders ; he adds , by those that sayled thither . Let us also hear Seneca , lib. 7. quaest . c. 31. The people that shall come after us , shall know many things we know not ; many things are reserved for after ages , when we are dead and forgotten . The World is but a very small matter , unlesse every age may have something to search for . And again , quaest . 5. c. ult : Whence do I know , whether there may not be some Commander of a great Nation , now not known , that may swell with Fortun 's favours , and not contain his forces within his own bounds ? Whether he may not provide ships to attempt places unknown ? How do I know whether this or that wind may bring Warr ? Some suppose Augustus extended his Empire so far . Marianus Siculus is the Authour , that there was found in the new World , old Golden Money with the Image of Augustus ; and that it was sent to Rome to the Pope in token of fidelity , by Johannes Ruffus , Bishop of Consentia . That is more wonderfull , that the Spaniards write ; that there is a Town in the Province of Chili , in the Valley called Cauten , which they name Imperiola , for this cause , because in many Houses , and Gates , they found the Spread-Eagle , as we see now a dayes in the Arms of the Roman Empire . Animlanus , l. 17. observes somthing not unlike it , that in the obeliscks of the Aegyptians there were ingraven many Pictures of Birds and Beasts , also of the other World. What shall we say to these things ? We say they knew them , but scarse ever travelled thither . But if those relations are true that Plato reports , of which Tertullian also speaks , Apolg. c. 39. and Marcellinus , l. 17. we add farther ▪ That the praediction of Seneca sounds rather of the British Islands in favour of Claudius . That is false which is said of Augustus , We have all the Acts of this Noble Prince ; if there be any thing buried in silence , it is some mean matter ; But Novelty easily gains the name of Antiquity , if there be fraud in him that forgeth it . Artic. 2. Of the miracles of some Countrys . PLiny relates , and we out of him . There is a famous Temple at Paphos dedicated to Venus , into a Court whereof it never rayns , Pliny , l. 2. c. 96. By Harpasa a Town of Asia , there stands a hard Rock , which you may move with one finger , but thrust it with your whole body , and you cannot stirr it . There is Earth in the City Parasinum , within the Peninsula of Tauri , that cures all wounds . In the Country Ardanum , Corn that is sowed will never grow . At the Altars of Martia in Veii , and at Tusculanum , and in the Wood Ciminia there are places , where things fastened into the Earth cannot be drawn forth . Pliny , l. 2. c. 94. In Crustuminum , Hay that grows there is hurtfull , but out of that place it becomes good . Some Earths tremble at the entrance , as in the Country of the Gabii not far from Rome , about a 100 Acres , when men ride upon it ; and likewise at Reate . In the Hills of Puteoli the dust is opposed against the Sea Waves , and being once sunk , it becomes one stone that the waters cannot stirr , and daily grows stronger ; also , if it be mingled with the Caement of Cumae . Plin. l. 35. c. 13. Such is the nature of that Earth , that cut it of what bignesse you please , and sink it into the Sea , it is drawn forth a stone . In a Fountain of Gnidium that is sweet ; in eight Months time the Earth turns to a stone . From Oropus , as far as Aulis , whatsoever earth is dipped in the Sea , it becomes a stone . Tilling of the ground was of old , of great esteem amongst the Romans , they found one sowing , and gave him honours , whence is the surname Serranus . As Cincinnatus was ploughing his four Acres in the Vatican , which are called Quintus his Meadows , Viator offered him the Dictator ship , and , as it is reported , that he was naked , and his whole body full of dust ; To whom Viator said . Put on thy Cloths , that I may deliver to thee , the commands of the Senate and people of Rome : Whence , Pliny , l. 18. c. 3. answers to this question , Whence was it then they had so great plenty ? The Rulers at that time tilled their grounds ●ith their own hands ( as it is fit to beleive ) . The Earth enjoying a plow Crownd with Laurel , and a Victorious plowman : whether it were that they managed their Corn with the same care they did their wars ; and disposed of their fields with the same diligence they did their Camps ; or because by honest labour , all things prosper better , because they are don more carefully . CHAP. VIII . Of the Islands . Artic. 1. Of the Originall and destruction of Islands . ISlands are parts of the Earth , compassed about with the Sea. They have many causes of their beginnings . Some came forth of the Sea ; some were broke off from the continent ; some were made by matters heaped together . One was made in the Aegaean Sea , whilst Seneca beheld it : Seneca , quaest . l. 6. c. 21. He adds that another came forth of the Sea in his Forefathers dayes ; The Sea ( saith he ) fo●●ed continually , and a smoke ascended from the deep ▪ for at last it did disclose a fire not continual , but shinning by times as light●ings do ; as oft as the heat of that was under , had vanquished the weight that lay a top : At length stones were rolled together ▪ and Rocks partly untouched , which the vapour had driven forth , before they were transformed , and partly corroded , and turned to be as light as a pumex-stone , last of all appeared the top of a burnt Mountain , &c. Strabo l. 6.1 . Geograph . writes , that between Thera and Therasia ▪ flames first brake forth of the Sea for four days together , as if the Sea burnt , then by little and little came forth an Island that was twelve furlongs wide , and it was all made of fire-stones . Atalanta , a City of Locris that was fast and contiguous to it , was out off by a sudden violence of the Sea , and was made an Island by it self . O●osius , l. 2. c. 18 ▪ ●nder Leo the Emperour , an old Historian ▪ ( Evagriu● l. 2. c. 14 ▪ ) hath said , that at Constantinople , and Bithynia , there was such abundance of Rain , that in the Lake Beana , which is not far from Nicomedia , by the frequent filthy matter cast into it ▪ Islands were made , thus bega● the Island Tyberina . For Lucretia being violated , by Tar●uin ▪ when Brutus had given counsel to plunder the Kings goods , and to cast them into Tyber , an Island was made . So Livy , l. 2. Histor●● ▪ By 〈…〉 some standing Corn was then of Wheat or Barley , that was read● for the harvest , which fruit of the field , because it was unlawfull to destroy , they cut the Corn down with the straw by the help of many men coming together ▪ and powred i● out of baskets into Tybur , when it ra● but slowly , as it is 〈…〉 to do in the hot weather , and so the heaps of Corn remained in the foards , wrap● over with mud , whence by degrees , and by other things cast in by accident , an Island was made . Also some Islands have ceased to be , as Pliny saith , lib. 2. c. 89. Antissa first an Island was joyned to Lesbos , Zephyr●● to Halicarnassus , Aethusa to Myndus , Narthecusa to Parthenius Promontory . Hybanda was once an Island of Ionia , now it is 200 furlongs from the Sea. Ephesus hath Syrien in the Mediterranean . Artic. 2. Of the Miracles of some Islands . AS Nature hath given Islands , so she hath bestowed on some , singular prerogatives . There is an Island in a certain Lake , about the entring of Nilus , that hath Groves , Woods , and great buildings upon it , yet they flote , and it is driven every way with the wind , Mela , l. 1. c. 5. In the Lake Vadimonis , and Cutilia , there is a dark Wood , that is never seen a night and a day in the same place , Plin. l. 2. c. 95. Of the latter Macrobius speaks ; l. 1. Satur. c. 7. The Pelagi found an Island in the Lake Curilia , for there are large feilds for grasse , whether it were a continent , or the mud of the Lake , it is handsomly trimmed up , and fitly joyned with twigs and Trees like a vaste Wood , and floats every way with the Sea floods , that from hence we may credit the relation of Delus , which hath high Mountaines and large Champion ground , yet floats on the Sea. The Calaminae so called , in Lydia , are not only driven by the winds , but by long poles , whither one please , and many Citizens escaped by that means in Mithridates Warr , Plin : l. 2. c. 95. In the great Lake Tarquiniense in Italy , there are two that carry woods , sometimes they are of a three square figure , sometimes round in compasse , when the winds drive them , but they are never four square . In Garumna a River in Spain , the Island A●ros is pendulous , and lifted up with the waters increasing , Mela l. 3. c. 1. Also in Nymphaeum there are small ones called Saltuares , because in singing of a consort they move at the strokes of the musicall paces : Besides these , in the Fortunatae , Fennel gigant growes as big as a Tree , Solin . c. 58. In Madera , grapes hang down upon four branches , the skins fill'd with juice , want a kernel , they are ready to gather in March. Cadamust●s , when Columbus found out the Island Hispaniola , he mowed Wheat on the 30 of March , that was sowen in the beginning of February ; In this short time the ears grew so great , that they were as long and a big as a mans Arm : Each of them contain'd 2000 grains , Peter Martyr in Sum. Indiae . There are fresh Melons every quarter of the year , Ovetan . Sum. c. 81. Historiar . l. 11. c. 1. so great , that one man can hardly carry one upon his shoulders . Grasse mowed will in five dayes grow a cubit high again . Tyles , two Islands in the Persian Gulph , the Land of them exceeds all other places for this rarity , that no Tree that growes there ever wants leaves , Solin . c. 53. In the Island Ormutium no living creature is found , nor any Fountain-water ; Manna falls down with the night dew , Polus l. 3. c. 4. Dogs will not come into Sigaron an Island of Arabia Foelix ; put them there , and they die running mad , Plin. l. 6. c. 28. In Ithaca , Hares brought thither from other places cannot live , Aristot. histor . Animal . l. 8. c. 28. Ebusus , one of the Baleares , hath no Serpents at all , Plin. l. 10. c. 29. In Creta there lives no Owl ; bring one thither , it will die : and in the same Island there is no mischievous living Creature besides the Spider Philangium . Cyprus in former times was so impatient of graves , that it would cast forth the next night , bodies buried in the day . Ericus the first Danish King was brought dead to Jerusalem by the winds , who was intended for the same place , Saxo Gram. l. 12. In the Island Cephalonia there is a River that hath on one side an infinite multitude of Grashoppers , but none on the other side , Aristot. histor . Animal . l. 8. c. 28. In Cumana an Island of the New World , the Cobwebs of Spiders are knit so fast , that they cannot be broken , Hispan . p. 5. c. 15. Iron that is dug up in Ilva , cannot be melted there , Bertius in descript . Ilvae . To conclude this , in the Arm of the Sea , by Fortha , there is the Island Magotia ; In this Birds build , like Wild-Geese , in such great multitudes , that the 100 Garrison Souldiers that defend the Fort Bassus , feed on no other meat than fresh fish , brought in hourly by these birds ; nor do they use any other wood but the sticks to make fires , which the birds bring to build their Nests . Bellovadius ; and from him , Thuan. in histor . CHAP. IX . Of Mountains . Artic. 1. Of the Qualities and Quantities of Mountains . WEe must suppose the Mountains to have been created at the beginning in part , and part of them have been made since : Onely one Modern Authour in Italy may confirm this . There are many in the World of wonderfull height , and admirable qualities . Olympus and Athos are so high ; that Ashes left on the top of them a whole year , are neither blown away with winds , nor washt off with rain : And such as stand on the Top of Vesavius , have observed the Clowds that are near to be of equall height with the Mountain , and some Clowds to appear under them , Kepler , l. 1. Astrom . p. 3. What Zabarel writes of the Region of the Ayr , c. 8. doth make this good , I went ( saith he ) up to the top of Venus hill in Paravium , and there for the whole day I had a most clear Ayr ; but about the middle of the Mountain I saw Clowds , which were between my sight and the Valleys , that I could not see them ; but in the Evening when I was come down from that Mountain , I found that it had rained a great shower that day at the lower par● of that Mountain , yet it rained not at all on the top of it . Piccolomin . de Meteor . c. 11. saith , the same thing happened to him travelling over the Alps , and Apenninus . In Seleucia there is a Mountain next to Antioch , from whose top at the fourth Watch of the night the Suns body might be seen ; and but turning the body about , the beams dissipating darknesse , there was day , here night to be seen , Solin . c. 37. The Walk about to the top is 19 miles , and 4. miles upright . In the Country of the New World , some Mountains are above 50 miles high ; some are so high , that you cannot see the valleys in three days coming down , Martyr in Sum. and Polus l. 2. c. 43. In Tenerif , which is like a Pyramid , it is 60 Italian miles high , Cadamustus . If you regard the qualities , some abound with great Lakes , some vomit out fire ; others have other rarities worthy admiration . In Mount Noha of Arabia Felix , there is a wonderfull Cistern seen for collecting of rain waters , which will serve for 100000 men . At Dossrinium in Sweden they are covered with such a masse of Snow , even in Summer also , that the balls falling from tops of houses , grow so much in the foot of them , that they overthrow the Towns , Olaus l. 3. c. 23. In new Spain , there is a smoke that alwayes riseth out of the top of a certain Mountain , and keeps round like a Globe ; as it ascends no winds disperse it , and it moves as swift as an arrow , Cortes . relat . 2. In Helvetia near to Lucerna there is a Mountain , and in that is Pilat's Lake ; if you cast a stone into it , you raise tempests , and Pilat is seen there every year , if you will believe it , in the Habit of a Judge , Joachimus Vadianus in Mela. In the Alps of Spain there are Mountains of Salt onely : Cato Major saith , the more you take from them , so much more will grow to them , Gellius l. 2. c. 22. In the Province of Cyrene , there is a Rock and Fountain of the Suns ; when you touch it with a mans hand , a Fountain riseth , and it riseth as fiercely as the Sea in its fury , Mela l. 1. c. 4. Lastly , there are two Mountains about the River Indus , the nature of the one is to hold all Iron , the other to refuse it ▪ therefore if there be nails in your shooes , the one Rock holds your feet immoveable ; the other drives them off , Pliny l. 2. c. 96. Artic. 2. Of Aetna and Hecla Mountains . AETna is a Mountain in Sicilie , hanging over the City Catana , and all the shore there ; Pliny , Mela , Ptolomey , Strabo , Solinus mention it . The Inhabitants call it now vulgarly , Monte Gibello . It hath two Caves , whereof the one is narrow and straight like a pit putting out stones every way like two bed sides ; the stones are burnt , and of many colours , and a stony plain holds it in a narrow circumference . The other is in circumference 24 furlongs , it goes not to the bottom of the same largenesse , but the belly of it is something narrower inwardly , so long , till in the middle of it , it is hollowed with a sit mouth to cast out what the Mountain affords . Smoke comes alwaies forth of those two holes ; when the Sky is clear , it is most white , like a cloud ; the fires are not seen , unlesse some burning flame rise up , Bembus in dialogo . Cl●verius , Sicil. Antiq. l. 1. c. 8. found stones cast out from thence 60 miles from it , on both sides of the City Catana , by the way men go from Leontini to Taurominium , but especially to Catana it self , at the foot of the banks by Aetnae , which is the way to Taurominium , where they represent a sad and formidable Spectacle to Travellers , of great and sharp Rocks . That noyse hath been sometimes so great , that they could hear it as far as to the Hills Gemelli ; the sparks were so great , that they slew burning so far as Catana , and wasted the Town with fire : somewhiles there was such plenty of Ashes driven with the winds , that they fill'd all places 100 miles ; the smoke was so thick , that it so hindred the light , that no man could see in two dayes . At sundry times the burning of this Mountain hath been after a diverse manner . Anno , 1329 , on the I●es of July , about Sun set , from the bottom of the Mountain , suddenly a great Mouth ; and a little after , two more were opened in the same ground , with that force , that out of four Caves not far asunder one from the other , an infinite quantity of great stones were cast forth at once , and lifted up the low Valleys , and Forrests , and Woods , to the height of Mountaines ; For a mighty River ran out of these four Gulphs , like mettals melting in the Furnace , burning not only the Land , it lighted upon , Trees , stones , but also consuming them ; the ground it self that men before went upon , was on fire , and was sent and dispersed far and wide as foam of the Sea that beats against Rocks . But after that this Torrent of fire had passed through many passages of the Mountain , it divided it self at last into three Channells , two of them ran Eastward for many days , the third ran toward Catana , which before it entred the borders of it , the vail of St. Agatha ● Sacerdotibus being cast before it , by the walls of the City , did extinguish it ; while these things were done in the lower part of the Mountain , the rage was no lesse on the top of it ; whence there rose such a shour of Ashes in the Country of Catana , that Fields and Mountaines were hid by it . And the North wind then blowing , plenty of them with a brimstony smell were brought as far as the Island of Malta , which is a 160 miles distant from the Hole . Amongst the greatest Torrents , that is reckoned , which hapned a little before our days , ( they are the words of Bembus in his dialogue of Aetna ) that ran as far as Catana , and wasted great part of the City by fire , and that Haven , of which Virgil writes , And that great Harbour where no wind could blow , Near thundring Aetna lyes some thing below . The torrents of Aetna have so filled up the Haven now , that you would say VIRGIL committed an errour to speak of a great Harbour where is none to be seen almost . Anno , 1537. on the Calends of May , all Sicily for 12 dayes together began to thunder , like Canon shott off frequently . The noise was heard not only at Catana and neighbouring places , but at Palermo , Lylibeum , Sacca , Agrigentum , and allmost in the whole Island , whereby a little Earthquak arose that shook the houses . When these hideous sounds increased , on the third of the Ides of May , unusuall Caves were opened in Aetna , out of which so great a quantity of fiery matter was cast forth , that in four dayes it went 15 , miles , and burnt down all things it met with , and run as farr as the Monastery of St. Nicolas , de . Arenis where , ( leaving the Monastery untouched ) it invaded Nivolasum , and Monpelavium two Towns , and allmost destroy'd them . The upper hole of the Mountain , shortly after for three dayes cast out so much black ashes , that as far as Consentia in Calabria , the Towns were filled with ashes , and they were so scattered by the winds upon the Seas , that for 300 miles distant from Sicily , the ships were fowled by the ashes : afterwards Aetna began to rore mightily , and as it did rore the upper top of it was broken off , and swallowed in the Cave . Though the fire of Aetna be so terrible , yet the land there is so fruitfull that what Pliny speaks of Campania , l. 3. c. 6. we may say the same of the neighbouring parts , From this border begin the hil●s that beare grapes , the juyce whereof is famous in all lands , and the great contest between Bacchus , noble for drunkennesse ( as the Antients said ) and Ceres . In that wooddy Countrey there are spacious places , ( saith Fazellus , rer . sic . dec . 1 ▪ l. 2. c. 4. ) that are very fruitfull for Corn , and there is so good pasture for Cattle , that unlesse you let them often blood in their ears , they are in danger by plethory moreover the fluent matter that is cast forth of Aetna by this fire , growes so hard , that for a good depth it changeth the surface of the ground into a stone , and when they would come at the ground they must cut the stones . For the stone being melted in the Holes or Caves , and cast forth , the humour that swims on the top , is black mire running down from the Mountain , and when it growes together , it becomes as hard as a Milstone , holding the same colour , it had when it ran , and ashes are made of the burnt stones , as of burnt Wood , now as Rue is nourished with Wood-ashes , so it is credible that the Vines flourish by the ashes of Aetna . And thus far for Aetna . Hecla is a Mountain in Islandia , not farr from the Sea , somtimes it casts forth flame , somtimes fiery water , after that black ashes and Pumex stones in such abundance , that it darkneth the Sun , yet somtimes the Mountain is wonderfull quiet , especially when the West wind blows· An. 1553. the 19 , of November , about midnight a flame appeared in the Sea by Hecla , that lightned the whole Island . An hour after , the Island shaked , then there followed a terrible noise , that if all the Guns for Warr were shot off , they were nothing to this terrible noise . Dithnarus Bleskenius writes thus , We had thought the frame of the World would now be dissolved , and that the last day was come ( Camer Horar . subcis . cent . 3. c. 17. ) . It was found afterwards that the Sea was gone back from that place two miles , & it was all left dry . An. 1580 , it vomited out fire with such a noise , that for 80 miles men thought the great Guns were discharged . The common people think the souls of the damned , are there tormented . Georgius Bruno in theatro Mundi . The End of the Second Classis . OF Naturall VVonders . The Third Classis . Wherein are the Wonders of the Meteors . WHat then ? Is it better think you to perish by discontent of Mind , or by Thunder ? Therefore rise stronger against the threatenings of Heaven ; and when the World is all on fire , think that thou hast nothing to lose in so great a Masse , Seneca , quaest . natur . l. 2. c. 59. CHAP. I. Of Subterraneous Exhalations . MEteors are made of Exhalations , the Sun and the rest of the Stars draw them forth ; and the subterraneall fire is the worker of very many of them . We shall speak nothing of them . These are some hurtfull , some safe , as may be proved by many Examples . At the foot of the Mountain Tritulum Halveatum , there are waters you must ascend by 43 degrees ; to a place of sweating , It is in length three miles , the more you are lifted up above them , the hotter you are ; the more you descend into them , the cooler . Those draw flegme from the parts , and cure distillations from the head . There is a hot Bath near the hot waters that run forth of the Lake Agnanum ; The ditches are covered with Turves of grasse , and stones being removed , a hot vapour is sent out , that makes them sweat that receive it . Out of Avernus a Lake of Campania , before Agrippa had cut down the Woods that covered it , and laid it open , the Exhalations were so thick that came forth , that the birds were killed that flew over it . At the Lake of Agnanum in Italy , there is a Mountain , in which there is a narrow Cave , it declines moderately downwards , being 8 foot long ; if you touch the earth of it with your foot or hand , it feels hotter than the rest , it choaks any living creature that is cast in by the venomous blast , deprives them of sense and motion , though you pull it out presently ; but cast the same presently into the next Lake , it is a wonder how it restores their life again , Camer . Cent. 7. Mirab mem . 50. In the Island Ebusus , Exhalations do so infect the ground , that if they fall upon places where Serpents are , the pestilent Creatures cannot endure them . In the great places of refreshment at Baianum there is a ditch , the water whereof sends forth such hot vapours , that wax Candles will melt , & be put on● by them ; and they are so pernicious , that men fall down dead therewith . In Babylon there is a Cave also , out of which riseth such a pestilent vapour , that it kills all that draw it in . Also Plutonium in a little hill of a Mountainous Country hath so moderate a mouth , that it can receive but one Man , but it is wonderfull deep : It is compassed about with square pales , and that so many as would compasse in half an Ac●e , which are so full of clowdy thick darknesse , that the ground can hardly be seen . The Ayr hurts not those who come to the outside of the pales , as being clear from that darknesse , when the winds blow not ; If a living Creature goes in , he dies immediately . Bulls brought in fall down , and are drawn forth dead . Lastly , at Hierapolis in Syria , as Dio in the Life of Trajan writes , there is a den of a filthy and deadly smell ; what living creature sucks it in , is destroyed by it ; Only Eunuchs are free from the venom and hurt of it , Scaliger , Exerc. 277. Sect. 4. CHAP. II. Of Comets . Artic. 1. Of the Nature and Magnitude of Comets . THe original and nature of Comets hath diversly troubled wise then ; nor yet was any man found that could decide the question . Some think they are perpetuall , and are carried about the Sun , like Venus and Mercury , and oft times they lye hid ; some think they are newly created , and are not in sublunary but heavenly places . Democritus thought they were the soules of famous men , who when they had been vigorous many Ages in the earth , make their triumphs when they die . Bodine confesseth his ignorance ; yet he to this inclines , and 〈…〉 l●st they become 〈…〉 Stars ; The cause . The Ancients say they all vanished , and did not se● . Others said they were of two sorts , false ones in the Aire ; true ones , who foreshew'd things to come from the heavenly place . What ever it be , they are secret things ; and because they are in the Heavens , they are so much the harder . That which shined , Anno 1456. possessed more than two signs in the Heavens ; that which appeared Anno 1472 , for a whole mone●h retrog●ade from Libra , 〈…〉 through the whole Zodiack in its motion , at first 40 parts , then 120 parts every day , Sennert . l. 4. Epitom . Cap. 2. Anno 1556. There was one so great , that not onely the most light and dry vapours , but all Woods and Groves , be they as many as are in the whole Earth , would not serve for to feed it two moneths that it shined . They are Bodin's words , l. 2. Theatr. Anno 1543 , it had a very long tayl toward the North , a flame flew from it like a Dragon , it drank up a River , and consumed the fruits of the ground , Sennert . l. c. When Attalus raigned , there was one so great , that it was stretched out exceedingly , and was equall to the milky way in the Heavens , Senec. quaest . natural . l. 7. c. 15. Aristot. 1. Meteorol . c. 7. In the time of Anaxagoras , a huge great one burned 75 dayes ; and so great a Tempest of winds followed , that it brake a stone off as great as a Chariot , and the whirlwind carried it aloft , and threw it into the River Aegaeum in Thracia , Niceph. l. 12. c. Again , in the Reign of Theodosius the elder , an unusuall one appeared at midnight , about Lucifer , and a great multitude of Stars were gathered about it , which by their mutual lustre sent out the greater light ; this was resolved into one flame , like to a two edged sword : The same day in July the Spaniards report they saw it : that was fatall to them and to their Ships . Cardanus l. 4. de varietat . c. 63. saith , it happened either by reason of the purenesse of the Ayr , or the union of Light , or by reason of the darknesse of the day . Artic. 2. Of the Comets signification . MEn say , it is a fore-runner of Calamities , if we look upon the Judgment ; and it is found so to be . It foreshew'd Vespasian's death ; Romes Captivity by Alaricus ; the miserable end of Mauritius ; the destruction of Mahomet ; the destructive diminution of the Emperours of Rome ; the end of Charles the Great ; the Excursion of the Tartars into Silesia , and the cutting off of Lugs . Records say , that Charles the Great when he saw it , was frighted ; and reasoning with Eginhartus , he said it foreshew'd the death of a Prince . And when he , lest he should be sad at it , said , Be not afraid at the signs in the Heavens ; He replyed , We must fear none but him who created us , and the Stars also : but we are bound to praise his Clemency , who will vouchsafe to admonish our sluggishnesse with such signs , Alsted ▪ in Chronol . One was held to be fortunate , which appeared to Augustus , when he prepared Plays for his Genitrix Venus . These are his words , Pliny l. 2. c. 25. The very same dayes I had my pastimes , a hairy Star appeared for seven dayes in the Region of Heaven , which is under the North Star. It rose about the 11th hour of the day , and was clear to be seen in all Lands ; The people believed that that Star signified , that Caesar 's Soul must be received amongst the immortall Gods , upon which account that Ensign was added to the Image of an head , which presently was consecrated by us in the publick Judicature . In the one side of an old Roman penny , Caesar's Image was to be seen , with these Letters , Imp : Caes : Divi , 111. Vir : R.R.C. on the other side the forepart of Venus Temple with a Star , and Caesar's Statue in his Robes of Inauguration , and the Altar where he was wont to sacrifice , make his Vowes and Controversies , by interpos●ng an Oath , and these Letters were added to it , Divo Jul. Delchamp . add . 2. Plin. c. 25. CHAP. III. Of an Ignis Fatuus , Helena , Castor and Pollux . AN Ignis Fatuus useth to be seen about Sepulchres and Gallowses , for it riseth from a birdlimy fat Exhalation . It is lighted by an Antiperistasis of the ayr in the night , and it is carried here and there with the Ayrs motion . It seems to fly from travellers , coming toward it ; and to follow those , that run from it . The Cause is in the Ayr ; It is driven forward in running , and it drawes them forward ; but in flying from it , it followes , and keeps them company : Hence are strangers travelling in so great danger oft times . For they thinking that it is light from Towns , fall into bogs . These 3. following use to appear at Sea. Pliny l. 2. c. 37. saith , That these lights are dangerous , if they come alone , and sink the ships , and burn them if they fall to the bottoms of their Vessels ; but two are successeful , and signs of a prosperous Voyage ; for they by their app●oach drive away , say they , that unhappy and threatning Helena . Wherefore they assign that diety to Castor and Pollux , and call upon them at Sea , making them the tutelar Captains for their Ships . Act. 28. c. 11. Cardan . de sub●ilitat . l. 2. of the Star Helena writes thus ; The Star of Helena is almost of the same kind , about the Mast of the Ship , which falling , will melt brazen Vessels , a certain sign of shipwrack . For it appears onely in great Tempests , and cannot be driven into the ship but by great force of winds , being a most grosse Exhalation ; and burn also ; whence it signifies imminent danger . CHAP. IV. Of Ignis Lambens . IGnis Lambens riseth from a thin and fat Exhalation , and cleaves to the hairs and clothes of living Creatures ; and if it be of a hotter temperament , it kindles by their sweat . Virgil writes some such thing of Ascanius , 2. Aeneid . Behold a shining Crest , was from Jülus head Seen to give light , and so the harmlesse flame Did feel full soft , and on his Temples fed . Cardanus , l. de varietat . 10. c. 49. relates to a friend of his , when he came at one a clock at night , laying down his cloak , as he was wont to do , sparks flew forth behind his Hat ; but 15 dayes after , he being accused of Witchcraft , at his friends perswasion went into voluntary banishment . Also when Servius Tullius was a little boy , and was asleep , a flame shined about his head as they saw it in the house ▪ Which wonder , Tanaquil , Wife to Tarquinius Priscus admired at , and bred up Servius born of a servant Maid , as if he had been her son , and he was elevated to be King , by her , Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 6. Livy l. 35. Also one appeared on the head of L. Martius , Commander of two Armies , as he made an Oration ; the ruine of them , weakned P. and Cn : Scipio in Spain . A Boy of Jena pulling off his shirr over the hinder part of his head , he wiped many sparks off with it , Liban . l. 1. de origin . rerum . The Countesse of Caumantia ; whilest her hair was kemb'd in the dark , it seemed to vomit forth fire . We had ( saith Scaliger , Exerc : 174. ) a white War-Horse out of Calabria , he in the dark , when he was curried , seemed to sparkle . They give the cause to be refraction of Light in a polished subject ; as in the dewy Ayrs , the drops are as so many Looking-Glasses ; so in a hairy head , fat and clammy , and scaly , are hairs and scales : Also in Insects , some fiery matter is said to appear . In the Island Solebe , all the flyes every night seem to shine so gallantly , that they represent so many Torches , Libavius l. c. A Worm is found like a Star , that shines like a Star in the night : ( May be it is the Sea-Star the Chymists promise to extract light from the liquor of it ) . From the joynts of some Worms in Hispaniola Island , a great light shines forth , and glitters like hoar frost . There are others that will give light 100 paces , and that not from their whole body , but only from their joynts . In Spain , of the New World , ●here is said to be a Fly like a Beetle for magnitude , with it wings in a sheath , called Cocujus , whose Eyes enlighten the night , that it serves for a wax Candle to give light to those that walk abroad , and for a Lamp in their Chambers to read and write by ; and that not onely whilest they live , but after they are dead . Some make themselves little ropes of those Candles , and tie them to their necks , to give them light as they travel . The cause is not in Ignis Lambens , but it lyes in the humours of these Creatures , and is done by way of repurcussion , some are thought to have some light shining within them . Truly , Gloworms shut up in your fist , give light if you look through a chink in the darkest night . Reischius saith , That Fish in their scales comprehend some fiery parts , and by that they shine . The Dolphin seems to confirm this ; for it seems gilded in the night , yet is it blew on the back , green on the sides , white on the belly , Reischius in Margarit . Philoso . CHAP. V. Of Lightning , Thunder , and Thunder-bolts . HEe that would neerly understand the breeding of Thunder must consult with Chymists , for so oft as a part of Salt-Peter and brimstone 〈…〉 , there is made a great noise , and we shall say that thundring Gold is carried with a greater force . Also it is well known that if a mixture be made of Niter , Brimstone , Quicklime , and Bitumen , that it will kindle by powring on any moisture ; and so it is here , for when the brimstony and nitrous Vapours in Summer-time , are carried upwards , by heat of the Sun , especially the Southern wind being quiet , they are united and condensed by the opposite winds , and are kindled by a peculiar antiperistasis ; hence comes the sound and lightning . Histories write that it hath been heard in a cleare Sky . Senec. natural . l. 2. cap. 30. Aetna somtimes hath abounded with great fire , and hath cast out a wonderfull quantity of burning Sand , the day was hid in dust , and sudden night frighted the people . They say that at that time there were great thunder claps and noises in the Sky , which were made by the concourse of dry things , and not of the Clouds ; for it is likely in so clear weather , that there were none . The Thunder-bolt oft times is carried into the Earth , because it is cast forth of the Cloud with great violence , and is made of a fast and well compacted matter , yet Pliny , l. 2. c. 55. saith , that it never strikes above five foot deep into the Earth . The effects of it are wonderful ; vessells of water are drank up , the cover being untouched , and no other token being left : Gold , Brasse , Silver have been melted within , and the bags no ways burnd , nor so much as the Seal of Wax defaced ; Pliny , l. 2. c. 51. Lucius Scipio proved that , by Gold he had in a Chest of Osiers . Marcia a Queen of the Romans was Thunder-stricken , when she was great with Child , she had no hurt at all , only the Child was killed . The cause is put in rarity and thicknesse ; that penetrates more easy , this because it penetrates with more difficulty doth more harm . Aristotle , 3. Meteorolog . c. 1. The wine somtimes stands stil the vessel being broken , the cause is because the heat of the thunder , thickneth the outward parts of the Wine , that the wine seems to stand , as shut up in a skin ; Sennert . l. 4. Epitom . c. 2. but this hardnesse will not last 3. dayes , Seneca quaest . natural . l. 2. c. 5. That is most admirable which Me●rerus in Comment Meteorolog . reports that a certain Minister was so suddenly taken away out of the sight of Men , in the way that men passe from Lipsia to Torga , that he was never seen again . Those that shall be presently striken , are so stupefied , that they neither heare the Thunder , nor the greatest claps of it . That , in the German Warrs , hapned to Severus Master of the Horse , Julian being Emperour . First he was stiffe , and then lither , death being at hand ; Pliny writes that it will not touch the Bay-Tree , the Sea Calf , the Eagle ; Rhodiginus adds , the fig-Tree : and saith it is by reason of its bitternesse , Rhodig Antig , lect . l. 3. c. 29. Therefore Tiberius Caesar , as Suetonius saith in his life , fearing thunder , when the Skyes were troubled , wore a Crown of Bays upon his head , and for this reason saith Columella , when a Hen sits they put Bay boughs under her . Therefore they were wont to make the Emperours Tents of Sea Calfs Skins . And Suetonius writes that Augustus was so fearfull of Thunder , and Lightning that he allwaies carried the same with him . Severus the Emperour had a litter made of the same matter for the same purpose : yet Vicomercatus , ad 3. Meteoror , c. 10. relates that the Bay Tree is somtimes stricken from Heaven , and Conimbricense thinks this freedome it hath to be but imaginary , but only by an instinct of nature , they foreshew Thunder . I need not speak much of the Thunder-bolt , kept in houses , of hearb , and Candles , at the m●re solemn feasts purged with holy water , and of the ringing of Bells ▪ who sees not but that these things are superstitious . Some of them say , ( Remig. l. 1. daemonol . c. 26 ) , that ringing of Bells is uneffectuall and uselesse , if any one of them when it is purged , beare the name of the Priests Concubine . For if that sound do rarify the Ayre , ( which yet spoken absolutely is false , for it neither dissipates the Clouds , that are neerer to us , nor doth it fly right upwards , but in many places it comes forth obliquely by the Windows , nor doth it come to the Cloud ) it were better that only the great Guns should be shot off , and only the greatest Bells Rung . Constant observation shews that Dogs , Cats , and Goats are most obnoxious to be Thunder struck . Hence it is that if a Dog be by a man in an open field , he will be frighted and lye between his feet , Cl. Bortholinus casts the cause of it upon the Vapours breathing forth of these Creatures bodys , which as a known matter and nutriment , the Vapours for thunder follow , especially if these Creatures be abroad , that they may be freely carried into the open Ayre ; Hence it is that Cats are often stricken in the entry , and who knows not that the Dogs and Goats smell strong ? And Cats send out such Plenty of Vapours by their pores that some men have fainted at their being present , and the more noble Horses , if they be hid in the Coach , will sweat extreamly , as experience teacheth . Thunder seldom hapneth in the Winter . For but very few or allmost no hot exhalations are lifted up , yet Curtius , l. 8. de Alex , mentioneth that in the time of Alexander , There was saith he allmost a continuall Thunder , and the Thunder bolts seemed to fall in divers places , then suddenly a shore of hayle was poured forth like a Torrent , and force of cold froze this showre into Ice , Ola●s , l. ● . c. 6. thinke that they are more vehement in Northern Climates , for they kill Men ; and in the Kingdom of Mongall in Tartary they fall mingled with Snow ; In Brasile Thunder bolts fall but seldome , but such lightnings that they seem lighter than the Sun ; Joseph Ac. sta , Anno , 1560. In the time of Marcus Antoninus the Philosopher , we read that the Enemy was stricken with Thunder at the prayers of the Christian Souldiers , whence the Christian Legion was called the Thundring Legion , presently ( saith the Emperour of them in Epist. ) as they lay upon their Faces and prayed to a God I know not , a cold shower fell upon us ; but upon our Enemies , hail mingled with thunder , that we found immediately that the hand of the mighty God assisted us . CHAP. VI. Of the Winds . Artic. 1. Of the Originall of Winds . ARistot . 2. Meteor . c. 4. saith , That the Sun is the cause of the winds , by drawing up the moysture that is upon the surface of the Earth , and by heating , doth dry the Earth it self . Lydiat likes not this opinion ; For the Earth moystned being dryed , affords but little matter for winds . For the Earth drinks in no more rain than may quench its thirst , and which it may change into a dry nature , from whence comes no Exhalation of the same allowance , much goes to rain , which is no small part of it . What then shall be left for the vast winds ? wherefore , inward heat is pleaded for . And truly , in Winter the Earth sends forth a smoky exhalation . In the Southern parts , Winds arise from Snow ; A breath riseth from Lakes and standing Pools ; and storms from the Sea , though it be calm : whence is this , but that the Earth breathes out vapours , which break forth through the depth of waters . The Chymical Instrument will shew this , which they use for bellowes , Sennert . l. 4. Epitom . c. 3. A Globe is made of Copper , that it may be fill'd with water , and then shut , a pipe with a small hole is made of one side , the Glob fill'd with water is set to the fire , and the pipe for bellowes is set to another . As the Globe growes hot , and the water rarifies , the Ayr continually breathes forth , and serves for bellows till all the water be consumed . Winds are then bred , when heat burns the moyst Earth . The Sun by drying openeth the pores , and the Ayr helps by its motion . If it rise from the Sea , the Sea at firs● calm making a muttring noise , signifies that an exhalation that is matter for wind , is already then bred in the bowels of it ; some fishes sport , some fasten themselves to rocks : then the Sea swelling a little , shewes that the exhalation newly bred , seeks a passage forth ; then when it fails , it shews it is come to the superficies , but in small quantity ; then the blasts breaking forth with all their force , lift up the waves before them , and cause Winds and Tempests . Artic. 2. Of the Kinds and Effects of Winds . THere are many kinds of Winds , which were chiefly found out by Navigation , and the operations of them according to the difference of their blasts and properties . The North-East wind drawes clowds to it . Circeius a Southern wind , hinders , that the North wind be not mingled with the smell of plants ; and the force of it is so great , that it will overthrow an armed man , and lift ships up from the water into the Ayr , and carry away Windmills with the stones , house and men , to some other place , Pliny l. 2. c. 47. Gel. l. 2. c. 22. Olaus l. 1. c. 4. and 2. c. 3. There is a whirlwind that causeth such Tempests to those that sail out of the Country of China to Jupan , that it is a miracle to escape shipwrack . In the Country of St. Vincent it roots up Woods ; in Hispaniola it will take up men and carry them a furlong . If they arise in the Island of Ormuth , they kill those they meet , with heat ; and they part the flesh of those that are killed from the bones , as boyling water doth . To avoid the danger , they hide themselves in the water up to the head , Ovetan l. 6. Polus l. 1. c. 5. Women are wonderfully prone to lust when their privities are obvious to the South wind ; but the North wind is said to be fit for generation ; whence it is that some believe it will raise men dying with its blast , Rhodigin l. 54. c. 4. & l. 15. c. 23. In Lesbos at Mytilene , when the South wind blowes , men are sick ; they cough when the North-west wind blowes ; the North wind makes them well again . In Tercera it eats Iron and stones , Bertius in Geograph . Amongst the rest are the Etesia , that are very moderate winds , every year two dayes after the rising of the dog-star they are wont to blow 40 dayes . They temper the heat with their blast , and cool the Summer , and defend us from the burthen of the hot moneths . They rise at 3. of the clock of the day , ( thence they are called sleepy winds , ) and they cease at night . It is likely they are bred by great heat , melting the Snow that yet remains in the Northern parts . It is credible , that the Earth being freed from Snow , and uncovered , they will blow the freer . The Ancients sacrificed to the winds to please them . Herodotus saith , That a Temple in Ilissum was built to Boreas ; They call'd them at Athens Boreasmi , who kept the Feasts of Boreas . We believe P. Victor , that at Rome there was a Temple for Tempest , Rhodigin : l. 20. c. 25. CHAP. VII . Of the Earth-quake . Artic. 1. Of the rising of an Earthquake . THe Ancients believed , that the Earth moved by waters fluctuating in the Caves of the Earth . Whence they called Neptune , Earth-shaker and mover , Gell. l. 2. c. 28. Others thought , the wind in the surface of the Earth returning into the hollow caves of it , did shake it . Others again , that the Sun kept the vapours within the ground , and they seeking passage to come forth , did wander where they could , when they found none . Reason and Experience are against it . There is in the West part of Spain a Mountain of wonderfull height , with many hollow Caves , Scalig. Exerc. 38. waters fall down in them with so great noise , that they are heard five miles , yet there is no Earthquake there ; nor yet is the wind or Ayr that goes under , very great ; it is dispersed in the largenesse of the Channels , and the diverticles it finds , going farther , it is stopt : Mineral operations shew this . For they make mighty bellowes to draw the ayr , lest they should be choked for want of it . The contest of winds doth nothing , for that rather tends to the sides , or flyes upwards by its leightnesse ; and at the first hindrance , they fly from the Earth like a whirlwind . It is uncertain whether the Sea can stop the passages , there are seldom any such great Caves by the Sea ; nor can that go in at once , but it will be thrust back again : The Sun cannot more easily exercise its force upon the Earth , and beget an Exhalation , than he can bring it forth being begotten ; for the Sun beams operate no● but by resistance . Whilest they heat and dry , they open the same , because exhalations ascend more strongly to that place which is neer ; One , in respect of continuity , followes another ; but howsoever they enter in , they easily come out of the Earth , and more easily than they can shake it ; for in Mines where the powder finds but a chink , when it is fired , it is lost labour . Wherefore Exhalation bred from fire under the Earth , and shut up in the bowels of the Earth , causeth an Earthquake . And that is apparent by this . For before an Earthquake , Well-waters will not onely boyl , but be more troubled , and brimstony vapours come forth . From whence ? The like vapours are tossed in the bowels of the Earth , Pliny l. 2. Artic. 2. Of the place time and effects of an Earth-quake . THose places are subject to Earth-quakes , which can easily take in wind . Solid places will not admit it , sandy places mixed with lime do easily discuss it , they want receptacles for winds ▪ Champion places have no Caves . Yet the whole Earth is never shaken , for the Vapours included have no proportion to the Globe of the Earth . If it should happen it must be ascribed to divine power , which nature would seem to challenge to her self ; If you consider the duration , it differs as the resistance is ; few Vapours are sooner discussed , many last longer , and rage a greater time ; Senec. natural● , l. 6. c. 3. Campania trembled many dayes ; Livy writes that at that time , when L. Cornelia and Q. Minucius neer Consuls ▪ the Earth-quakes were so frequent , that men were weary not only of it , but of all businesse . The same Author sayes that an Earth-quake lasted 40 days , others say one hath lasted two yeares , and returned again and again , Livy , l. 44. & l. 45. Aristot. l. 2. Meteor . c. 8. Plin. l. 2. c. 82. Such is the condition of the effects of it , that those that hear of it , will be astonished at it , and those that see it dye . Oft times it doth not devour Houses , Cities , or whole famelies only , but whole Nations and Countries : somtimes the Earth falls upon them , somtimes it takes them into its deep jaws and leaves not so much whereby it may appear , that what is not now , ever was . Seneca , L. 6. natur c. 1. The ground covers somtimes the most noble Cities , without leaving any mark of their forme● being , when as the great hollow Caves in the Earth are forced and shaken with winds and fall down , oft times in the Sea , a hollow pit opening drinks up the waters , on the Land Rivers , that both fish and shipping sink into it . On the otherside , the Earth lifted up into a high tumour , hath caused Mountains on land , and Islands at Sea , somtimes the course of Rivers hath been changed , that hilly ground having been removed on that side that they formerly ran . Histories are full of these calamities . The last yeare of Nero , fields and Olive Trees , that the high way passed between , in the Country of the M●rrucinum were transported to the other side . L. Marcius , and Sextus Julius being Consuls , in the Country of the Mutinenses , two Mountains fell together with a mighty noise , Plin. l. 2. and l. 16. c. 40. Many Villages were then beaten down , and Cattel killed . In Parthia , there is a place called Ragai from the clifts , where many Towns , and Villages 2000 , were overwhelmed . At Cajeta in Italy , there is a Mountain toward the South , a part whereof an Earthquake so divided , that one would believe the division was made by the art of Man , the Sea runs under it with a great noise . Agricol ▪ in reb . quae efflu ▪ ex terra . The Houses of Helice and Bura two Towns in the Sinus of Corinth , did appeare in the Sea. In the Island Aenania , a Town was so taken in , that there was no appearance of it left . Not far from Ptolemais , the Waves of the Sea were carried into the deep , and so lifted up themselves , that they appeared like a great Mountain , and afterwards they were carryed to the land , and drownd the Army of Tryphon . When Cneius Octavius and C. Scribonius were Consuls , the River at Velia brake down the bridges , and threw the banks of the River into the waters , drove away the stones that were in the Market place ; in Town and Field it shook the Churches , which a few days after fell down . By an Earthquake , the City of Lacedemon fell all down , when the Mountain Taygetus was broken . In the Warr of Mithridates , at Apamaea a City of Phrygia , new Lakes , Pools , Fountains and Rivers came forth , many of the old ones being suckt in , and amongst these one was salt , that put forth an infinite plenty of Fish and Oysters , and yet Apamaea is far distant from the Sea , Nicolaus Damascenus . During the second Punick Warr , there were such great Earthquakes , at Liguria , and the parts neer unto it , so far as the Sea of Tyrrhenum , that the Rivers ran the contrary ways . The most wonderfull Earthquake was in Hereford here in England , in the year of Grace , after the 15 century , 71 , the 12 of the Cal●nds of March at six a Clock at night the Earth parted in the Eastern part of the County , and a Mountain with a Rock under it , ( first with a wonderfull noise and roaring , that the neighbour parts might hear it ) as if it had been raised out of a long sleep , lifted up it self , and ascended into an upper place , leaving its deep Chamber , and it carryed with it the Trees that gr●w upon it , the folds and slooks of sheep : some of the Trees lay overwhelmed with the Earth , others were joyned to the Mountain , and grew there as well as if they had been there planted at first . It left the place from whence it came with a great pit , 40 foot broad , and 80 els long . The whole field was about twenty Acres It overthrew a Chappel in its way ; It carryed a Peare Tree that was planted in the Church-yard from West to East , and with the same force it thrust forward high ways , Paths , Hedges with Trees that grew in them , It made pasture ground of arable , and arable again of pasture . It rolled against the upper ground , and being driven with greater violence , it heaped it up into a high Mountain ; so when it had passed up and down from Saturday evening , till Munday noon , it rested quiet . This is Cambdens description of it . The Philosophers call this kind of Earthquake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To this may be referred the Earthquake in Apulia , Anno. 1627 , it was open above 200 miles , and overthrow great part of the City , St. Severus , Sarra , Capreola , Dragonora , Procina of St. Lyander ; it laid hold on , Assolum , Bovinium , Troia , Andria , Tranium , Foggita , Campus Marinus , Remitium , Itistonium , Franca , Villa , Asanum , Consilinum , &c : Also it killed 17 thousand Men. It is certain that it brings with it not only present mischiefs , but it is a forerunner of mischiefs to follow , Rome had never any Earth-quake that did not foreshew , some future event● Pliny , l. 2. c. 64. Socrates saith it foretells of discords in religion : wherefore what the Romans did of former times by appointing holydays by injunction let us do the same . They might feare lest by naming one God for an other , they might induce the people to a false religion : but we know that God , by whose power the Earth is shaken . CHAP. VIII . Of Rain . THere is a great difference in respect of the abundance of Rain , in time and other circumstances ; and very wonderfull : no lesse variety than there is in dayes ; and oft-times greater , if you respect extraordinary things . In Ahab's days it rained not for 3. years . It never rains in Cyrenica : The harvest there is onely that which for the hasty ripening of things by reason of the Sun , or Ayr , or Winds , useth to come to passe . It is reported , that from sowing of Seed it is but 30 days to the harvest , Maiolus Colloq . 1. About Uraba a City of the New World ; it rains most part of the year , and therefore the drops hang alwayes on the trees , Hispal . p. 5. c. 26. It never rains in Winter amongst the Tartars , but oft in Summer . But in the Country of Mexico the drops fall with such force , that they are said to kill men : If you consider the substance , it is common water , that is the matter of it ; yet examples shew , that it hath been of another kind oft times . It rained blood sometimes in Borussia , Thuan. l. 27. in the Island Pelagia , gold ; in Lucania , iron , before the Parthian War in which Crassus was slain , Ammian l. 17. It rained Corn in Carinthia for two hours , above two miles space , of which they made bread , Thuan. l. 5. de Anno 1548. Stones fell with rain , as big as Hens eggs , wherein were pictures of mens countenances , and Diadems , Lintur . ad fascic . Anno 1496. Ashes rained in the time of Leo , which lay a little hands heighth upon the tyles , Niceph. l. 15. c. 20. In the Wood Neuholen , they say that a great piece of Iron fell out of the Ayr , like to the drosse , and it weighed many pounds , so that it was too heavy to carry , and no Cart could carry it , because the wayes were unpassible , Agricola observ . Metal . c. 8. In Egypt it frequently rains very small drops , Mice breed of them , that use to gnaw and cut the ears of Corn , Aelian l. 6. c. 40. Also in Thebais , when it rains with hail , Mice are said to appear in the earth , half mud , half flesh , Aelian l. 2. c. 56. But that is most wonderful , if it be not a Fable , that Ol●us l. 18. and Ziglerus hath in Norway , concerning the Northern Creatures . And from them Scaliger hath it , Exerc. 192. Sect. 3. Lemer bestiolae . There are four-footed Creatures as big as field Mice , of a divers coloured skin , they fall in tempests and showers ; we know not whether they come from the remote Islands , or from foeculent clowds . Assoon as they fall , you shall find herbs in their bowels , raw , not digested . These like Locusts eat up all green things ; this plague continues till green herbs come again . They come together like Swallows departing ; they either dye at the set time , or are devoured by ( Lefrat ) other little Beasts . We were told by our Master , the famous Doctor , Menelaus Vinsenius , Doctor of Physick , and Professor in the University of Frisia , that it rained Frogs in Ameland , which admits of no Frogs . To conclude , in Velaunium , there rained from Heaven so many Caterpillars in one night , that they were forced for two dayes to burn straw to kill them creeping in their houses ; all the men and women there , were hardly sufficient to perform this work , Dalecha●p , ad l. 2. Pliny , c. 56. Sennertus thinks , that Creatures that can breed of putrifaction , are bred either of some matter watred by rain , or else they lying hid in the bowels of the Earth , are called forth ; but more perfect Creatures , and stones come another way : yet he thinks that many of these ought to be referred to superiour Causes . CHAP. IX . Of Snow and Hail . IN the Winter there is an infinite abundance of Snow with us , but there is none in the deep Sea , Pliny l. 2. c. 103. Nor is there any such in Aethiopia , Alvarez . de reb . Aethiop . But it is greater in the North. Sometimes great Trees being in the way , it all sticks upon the boughes , and the Ayr stops it that it can fall no lower , making as it were a vaulted Gallery . It is said to have beaten down a City , being on the top of the Mountains of Dofrinium , where it first was like a ball , but at last like a mighty round Mountain , Olaus l. 59. c. 15. and l. ● . c. 13. The tops of Mount Caucasus have scarce any lesse , for they cannot be come at in Winter ; especially in Cambisena the quantity is so great , that whole Troops of men are overthrown by it , Strabo l. 11. The Armenians are in the same condition ; for those that passe over the Mountains , are suddenly covered with clots of Snow , that they cannot be seen , and that in the fierce Winter ; Rhodigin . l. 18. c. 29. In Tartary it comes on also in Summer : mighty cold , vast Snowes , all ▪ are removed by the wind , Hispal . p. 4. c. 23. In the same , the Champion places of Pamer do sustain so great cold , that it will put out the fire , for it will give no light , nor can any thing be boyled with it , Polus l. 2. c. 28. In Moscovia , where water runs out of a high hill , it is congealed before it touch ground , Surius ad Anno 1501. In Armenia they are red , which proceeds from the places that abound with Minium , and by the force of its exhalations they are coloured . Nor is this against reason ; for plenty of bloods yields a blood-coloured dew . Homer shews that , at Troy , ( when he speaks of bloody drops of dew ) that of it sprang hairy rough red Creatures ; Apollonius calls them Worms ; Theophanes , Mountain worms . There is a liquour in them which the people love to drink , Eustath : in Homer , Aristot. 5. Anim. Hail is a kin to Snow , whereof we have nothing to say ▪ except of its greatnesse ; for in the time of Valens it fell like stones of unusual greatnesse , at Constantinople , Socrates histor . Eccles. l. 4. c. 10. When Alaricus took the City , it was greater than stones that can be handled , and was about 8. pounds in weight , Maiolus in Ca●●cul . In France , when Paschal was Pope , one piece fell down that was 12 foot long , Bonsinius . At Augustodanum , one 16 foot long , 7 broad , and 2 foot high , Segebertus . And no lesse fell in the time of Bergoma ; for it was compared to an Ostrich Egg , and was 12 inches about , Bonsinius . They say , in the same year at Bommel in Gelderland there fell one stone was 3 pounds weight , on the 12th of June ; sometimes the forms of it have been wonderful . Anno 1395 , it had the Images of men , with beards , of women with Kerchers and hair . At Cremona , Anno 1240 , it had the sign of the crosse . But we are often deceived , and imagine what is not so . Yet the Works of God are wonderfull . CHAP. X. Of Dew , Manna , and Honey . DEw comes from a thin vapour , resolved into water by the cold of the night . It is first found in the light and thick leaves and flowers of plants ; and sometimes it is scarce lift up above two Cubits high . Some say it was the daughter of Jupiter and the Moon ; for as Plutarch saith , The full Moon makes plenty of Dew . And therefore dogs in the full Moons , can sent out things by the foot worst , because the cold dew takes away the sent , that they cannot smell them ; wherefore it is hard to hunt well in the Spring time . Plutarch saith , that fat women were wont to gather dew with cloaths or soft skins which they used , to make them lean , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) Christophorus Vega writes , That Manna is made by some little Bees like thick Gnats , from whom sitting by swarms upon Trees , sweat as it were drops from them . Sennertus l. 4. c. 8. thinks , that they are rather drawn thither by the sweetnesse of the Manna , and that they make it not . The Learned make a question , whether the Jews Manna was the same with ours ? Many things agree , but in this they differ , that theirs , ground in a mill , or bruised in a mortar , was fit to make wafers . If it be not prevented , it will melt with any Sun ; for an Easterly Sun will melt it . We read that it is used for Sugar with water alone to drink , and to quench ones thirst ; amongst those Shepherds that frequent the desarts of Targa , Scalig. Exerc. 164. Manna is of kin to to honey . This comes out of the Ayr , especially at the rising of the Stars ; it is made especially when the Dog-star shines ; nor doth it appear before the Pleia●es shine in the morning , Plin. l. 11. c. 12. Therefore then in the morning early the leaves of Trees are bedewed with honey ; and if any in the morning be in the open ayr , they shall perceive their clothes anointed with the Liquour , and their hair glewed together . This dew is afterwards collected by Bees , it is altered by them in little bladders : It is put up in little Cells , like pure liquor , in which afterwards it grows hot , and is concocted with natural heat . The 20th day it growes thick , then is it covered with a thin membrane which growes together by its frothing heat , Pliny l. cit . c. 13. Also that it is made by Wasps , Pliny teacheth out of Aristotle . The Spanish Navigations confirm , that it is made of some Molucca flies in Trees , which are lesse than Ants. Lithuania and Moscovia have great plenty . The story is old , concerning a Country-man that fell into a hollow Tree of honey , and a Bear drew him forth . We have heard that concerning honey , that Aristotle speaks of grated wine , for it growes so thick , that it must be shaved off to drink it . Amongst the Troglodites at Belgada , honey is as white as Snow , and hard as a stone , Scaliger , Exerc. 191. S. 1. It is so solid in Calicut , that they carry it it in baskets . Many things are preserved by honey , and many things die by it ; for the milky humour in it is not weak ; wherefore that remaining uncorrupt , corrupts others : Wallnuts keep their nature in it , for by their unctuous quality they resist their peculiar humidity , but Figs , Peaches , Pears , Apples , corrupt in it , Scaliger Exerc. 170. CHAP. XI . Of the Rainbow . THe Poets feigned the Rainbow to be Daughter of Thaumas . The Ancients thought that she drew water by her two horns let down toward the Earth . Hence Virgil , Georgic . ver . 138. — and the great Bowe Drank — But Propertius ▪ L. 3. Why doth the Purple Bowe Rain-water drink ? The colours are so exact , that no Painter can equal them . The blew colour is said to shew that the Flood is past , but the fiery colour shews that which is yet to come Strabo . citant . Rhodigin . Albertus thinks that 3 , and somtimes more may be made in it . When it is made at noon , we cannot see it , for no man ever saw a Rain-bow beyond 3 , miles . It is never made when the Cloud ascends , but allwaies as it goes downward , for so it causeth no dew , but when it falls away Rhodigin , l. 22. l. 12. c. 7. Celius denies that it can be made by the Moon beams . Scaliger , exerc . 80. s. 12. approves it . In the Island of St. Thomas , saith he , if a showr went before , the Moon will make a Rain-bow , the colour of it will be like a whitish Cloud . Combachius , Anno 1609 , in June saw such a one at Oxford . But Anno , 1599 , at Midsummer after mighty Lightning at Wittenburg , Sennertus , l. 4. Epitom . c. 9. As for the influence , some say that Plants smell the sweeter by the Rainbows hanging over them , Scaligor , exerc . 81. s. 7. Cardanus condemns this , yet it is not to be laught at , for Scaliger saw a Cloud come down as low as the clift of a hill , and Aristot , affirms it , of those especially that naturally send forth the sweetest flowers . If it be in the Morning it shews a tempest ; but one in the Evening , fair weather , as Marriners and Husband-men have observed . The cause of the latter is by reason of the Cloud that hath unloaded it self of water ; the former is because of the plenty that was collected by the moisture of the night . These things for recreation are alleaged by Scaliger , Exerc. 81 , s. 12. But it is no light matter to give certain reasons for things , that are uncertain . CHAP. XII . Of some admirable Meteors . THose things that happen extraordinarily either in the Ayre neer us , or in the higher Heaven of the Stars , by their continuall circumrotations , at Gods command , are rankt in the number of wonders . Not only of old time , but even of latter times , variety hath been observed . God and the holy Angells make some of them , and the evill Angells make the rest . Casparus Peucerus in Theratoscopia . Anno , 1532 , not far from Oenipo●s wonderfull sights were seen . The first was a Camel that was compassed round with flame , the other was a Wolf vomiting fire , and hedg'd in with a ring of flame ; A Lyon followed this ; and an Armed Man , standing in the entring of the Mountain , did gently stroke his Mane , and he seemed again to flatter him . These pictures were forerunners of the death of John Duke of Saxony and Elector : first there was a Tree withered and overturn'd , then there was a Knight on Horse-back prepared , carrying the Tree with the boughs lopt off , then there was a great black Crosse in a thick Cloud . At length a horrible Thunder bolt was seen to be cast out of it , with a wonderfull noise . Anno , 1534 , the 3d day of July , in the Town Schleswich , at noon in a clear Sky , Lyons were seen in the Ayre , coming apace from divers parts to fight . An Armed Knight toke their parts , shaking his spear . There lay not far from the Knight a Mans head without a body , wearing an Emperiall Crown , a little while after a Bores bristly head was seen , and two Dragons spitting fire . Lastly there appeared the Image of one most spacious City scituate by a Lake , and it was beseiged with a Navy and Land-forces . On the top of this was a bloody Crosse , by little , and little turn'd into black . There came forth an other Knight on Horsback , burning with a fiery colour , with an imperial Crown on his head , a horse followed him that had no Rider . Then in a large plain there appeared two burning Forts , neer to a high Mountain , where there was a great Eagle , that hid half his body behind the side of the Mountain : there appeared some young Eagls , very compleat of a white colour . Also the head of a sleeping Lyon crownd with a Crown , and a dunghill Cock with his bill beaking and digging his head , till it fell loose from his body , and vanished ; the body remaining lay visible . There were other Lyons present , and by the Bores head , a Unicorn by degrees turning him self against the Dragon ; and many other Creatures of extraordinary figures , and greatnesse . The Fort upon a high rock compassed in with two Armies , burned ; and the whole Country seemed full of many Towns , Forts , and Villages . But presently the whole Country where they stood was consumed with fire , and a most large Lake overwhelmed the ruines of this vast Country , nothing but the Towers appearing in that place , where that great City stood before . At the bank of this great Lake stood a Camel as if he drank . But Anno 1545 , the next day after Whitsontide , these Images were seen in Silesia ; A Bear led an Army well appointed from the East ; an armed Lion met him with his Forces ; between both Armies a most clear Star appeared , presently they met and fought stoutly , that blood seemed to drop from their wounds , and their bodies to fall down dead . As they fought , an Eagle flew from a high rock , and waved herself over the Forces of the Lion with her wings . The fight being ended , the Lion shined amongst his Armies ; but there was no sign of the Bear ; but they were all dead carcases , where the other Army stood , and very venerable old men with their grey heads stood by them . The battel ended , the Lion retreated with his Army to the West ; and when he was gone a little forward , a certain Souldier riding on a white horse very well adorn'd , return'd from the Forces to the place of the fight ; and upon that horse he set a young Souldier that stood there in Armour ; and accompanying him riding toward the East , he vanished with the rest of the Apparitions . But what speak I of old things ? our Age hath seen wonderful things , euen this year . For in 1627. two Armies were seen to fight in Pomerania , the Northern Apparition became Victor . A fiery beam followed this , Mercurius Gallobelgicus . But Anno 1629 , in March , in Misnia two Armies met in the lower Region of the Ayr , they were so framed out of the Clowd , that their faces and countenances might be seen . The lesser Army got the victory , and put the greater to flight . It may be , these are fore-runners of things hereafter ; which that they may happen , we heartily wish ; and with this wish , we will conclude this Third Classis . Oh , oh ! that it might be so . The End of the Third Classis . THE DESCRIPTION OF Wonders in Nature . The Fourth Classis . Wherein are contained the Wonders of Minerals . THis is an Argument of Wealth , and thought to be true Glory , to possesse that which may all presently perish . Nor doth this suffice us , that we drink in a trumpet of Jewels , and we interweave ou● cups with Emeralds ; and we delight to hold the Indies for our drunkennesse , and gold is now but an addition , Plin. l. 33. Histor. natural . in praef . CHAP. I. Of Things digged up , in generall . HItherto we spake of things elevated into the Superiour world ; Now we shall consider of things under the Earth . Which because they are brought forth by mans labour , the Philosophers called them Fossilia , or things dug out , including ●hem under the names of Earths , Juices , Stones , Metals . They think they are bred by subterraneal heat . Others think , that they were at first created by God , and do increase by a seminal principle . And indeed , it is not against Truth , that Metals are made of some vapours . Avicenna saith , That more than once bodies of brasse , like to Arrows with forked heads , have fallen down in clear day , in Persia. But in Spain a Masse of stone with Veins of mettal fell out of the Skys , Lydiat de fontib . 6. c. 6. The latter is confirmed by the testimony of some Writers . For the Gold of Corbachium in Westphalia , every four year grows and springs again in heaps . In Sclavonia a vein of Lead every 40. yeares is changed into Silver . A dry scale of Brasse into Gold , in one yeare . Iron in Silesia at Saganum is digged a new , every tenth yeare . In Sweden , red f●nny mud , laid one yeare in the open Sun , becomes good Iron ; The Mountain of Fessula in Hetruria hath lead-stones , which if they be cut out , will in a short time grow again ; Caesalpinus , l. 2. de metal . c. 6. relates of Iron that is dug up in Ilva , an Island of the Tyrrhene Sea , that all the Earth that wanted Mettal , that is dug up with the Iron will the next time they dig , be turned into good Iron , Lastly in the Indies , there is the Mountain Oromenus , where salt is cut out , as out of quarries , and it grows again , Caesalpin , l. 1. de Metal . c. 1. But that is wonderfull which Garzias ab horto writes of the Diamant , Simpl , Indiae , l. 1. c. 47. The Adama●ts , saith he , that lye deep in the bowells of the Earth , and require many yeares to their perfection , are bred almost on the surface of the ground , and are ready in 2 or 3 yeares : for dig this yeare but a cubit deep in the quarrie , and you shall find Diamonds ; dig there after two yeares , and you shall find Diamonds again . But how that should be , it is hard to say ; yet no man can speak with more care , than Nature can work , when especially she is prodigall , and sports her self in the variety of things , Pliny , l. 21. praefat . Yet it doth not seem unreasonable that the Vapour should congele with a fit matter , and that which is not well concocted to put off to another time , and so to perpetuate the generation . Truly the Flux of Veins hath somthing proportionable to vegetable nature ; and the relation of a Physitian of Friberg , that , in the Lungs of such as use to dig in Mines , their bodies being opened when they are dead , you shall find the same Mettals grown hard , wherein they laboured being alive ( Sennertus lib de consensu et diss . Chymicorum et Galenicorum ) seems to intimate as much . CHAP. II. Of Marle and Potters-Earth . MArle is a thick fat Earth , and yet is somtimes so fluxible and white , that it seems like to marrow in the bones of living Creatures . Of times it is hard , and being drank it stops the Veins that bleed at the mouth , and hath the same force that Terra Samia hath ; It is dug up in many places , especially amongst the Saxons , At Gossaria there are two sorts , one is Ash-coloured , and the other is whiter , of which are made forms , wherein your Image makers make their Pictures they cast . Sharp cold will divide them both into very thin plates , though the former , before the cold have seazed upon it , consists of thick crusts . Potters Earth is thick , soft , it is hard to come by : works are made of fat and thick matter , that the force of fire will not quickly break . Of the same are made Vessels that will neither drink up , nor consume liquor : wherein water that parts Gold from Silver is both made and kept . Potters Vessells have ennobled many Countries : as Asia , by those were made at Pergamus , those that were made at Tralleis . Terra Coa , and Samia are not unknown ; and Aretina is wonderfull , Plin. l. 5. c. 13. Noriberga sends earthen Furnaces , wherein Gare are and Mettals are boiled . Of clay digged up at the Fort of Rottingberg , are made purging Vessels wherein Alchymy is made . These being cast out of the fire with the brasse do not break , but are drawn and wound like burning Glasse . Agricola de illis quae essodiuntur ex terra . CHAP. III. Of Terra Lemnia , Armenia , and Siles●ack . TErra Lemnia , otherwise called sealed Earth ; For Diana's Priest , taking it upon him for the honour of his Country ▪ offering for expiation , wheat and barley , brought this into the City , soked with water , and making it like clay , he dryed it ▪ that it might be like soft wax , and when it was become so , he sealed it with the sacred seal of Diana , Gal. l. 9. Simpl. Now it is digged up yearly , not without superstition , the sixth day of August onely . They that dig are Greeks , the pit sends forth a sweet smell . It is digged after Sun-rising for 6. hours , and it is laid up in one lump , and it must see no light till a year be expired . Then it is taken out and washt , being washt it is put into a bag ; it is mingled with hands , it is made into round Cakes , and marked with the Emperours seal . Then it is dryed and put into a sealed Cabinet ▪ and sent away to the Emperour to Constantinople , Stephanus Albacarius in Epist. ad Busbequium . It is good against deadly poysons . Galen tryed it against the Sea hare , and Cantharides , and found it good . The same Authour writes of it , that in a certain hill by the City of the Ephestii , where no plant lives , it is dug up , the ground being as it were burnt . Terra Armenia was wont to be brought from that part which is adjacent to Cappadocia ; Galen saith , it helps difficult breathing , so that they die , whom it cures not . It is drank with Wine in a thin consistence , moderately allaid , if the party have none , or but an easie feaver ; but if a strong one , with water . At this day ▪ there is a Bolus Toccaviensis in Hungaria , it is like butter , and is good against Catarrhes ; so that it is preferred before the Earth of Armenia ; Crato in Epist. Sileciaca Strigensis , is also preferred before Terra Lemnia ; Sennert . Scient . natural . l. 5. c. 1. Johannes Montanus Silesius was the founder of it , who writ a book of the same ; that it is transmuted gold , by the ordination of God in his providence of nature , prepared and transmuted into a most excellent remedy , that chiefly prevails against venome , no lesse than the Medicaments that are made with great cost out of the best gold of Hungary . CHAP. IV. Of Salt. SAlt is either made , or else it growes ; It is made of salt Fountains , the water whereof boyled long , at length is turned to salt . It breeds many wayes . It is dryed in the Lake Tarentinum , by the Summer Suns , and the whole Lake turns to salt ; in some places it is moderated , not above knee deep . In Bactria two Lak●s very large , one toward the Scythians ; the other toward the Arii , boyl with salt : Also the tops of some Rivers , and condensed into salt , the rest of the River running as it were under the Ice , as at the Caspian mouth , that are called Rivers of Salt. Amongst the Bactrians the Rivers Ochus and Oxus carry out of the opposite Mountains sholes of Salt. There are also natural salt Mountains , as Oxomenus in India , where it is cut out of quarries , and growes again ; and the Custome of it is more to their Kings , than from gold and pearls . In Cappadocia it is digged out of the earth , the humour being condensed : there it is cut out like Tal●um glasse . King Ptolomy found some about Pelusium , when he pitched his Tents . By this example , afterwards between Egypt and Arabia , it began to be found under the sands , as in the desarts of Africa , so far as the Oracle of Ammon . It increaseth with Moon-nights , Pliny . A thin salt is bred by the Sea ; for when the Sea flowes , it froths , and drives that froth against the shores and Rocks . These are cut off , and laid upon them to dry , and in some places are turned into salt , Dioscor . There is a Lake of Salt in Sicily so bright , that , as Pliny writes , you may see your face in it . That of Colomeum tastes like rosted eggs ▪ when it is hard , it cracks in the fire and leaps out ; but melted , it doth not so : nor yet that which breeds in Lakes that is dryed by the heat of the Sun. Salt of Agrigentum will leap out of water , saith Pliny ; torrified , it loseth little or nothing of its magnitude ; but moystned , it loseth . Heaps of Salt that in Africa are made by Utica , and like hills for height , they grow so hard by the Suns heat , that no rain will melt them , and they can hardly be cut with Iron . It is observed , that such who are much disposed to putrid Feavers , are preserved from them by eating of salt freely with their meat , Math. de sebr● pestil . Also fields where it is sprinkled , become fruitful by it , as experience makes good . Fat women , by the moderate use of it for to season their meats , grow fruitful : for it wipes away the moysture , and dryes the Matrix that is over-moyst , that the seed may stick . Also it stirs up the loins in men , and causeth Erection , Lemnius de occult . l. 2. c. 36. Hence the Aegyptians used no salt . That it helps to fruitfulnesse , Mice abounding in ships , and the continual lusting of women that use much salt , is a sufficient argument . Libavius tom . 3. singul . l. 5. thinks it nourisheth , and is changed into ones substance with other things : for we see that there is no body but that Salt may be extracted from it . The generating of the most precious Pearls in the Sea , and of Coral , that comes forth of Rocks with boughes and branches like a Tree divided , is ascribed to salt , Quercetan de medic . Prisc. Phil. 2. Farther ▪ being put to the mouths of such as are Epileptick , it raiseth them . In swoonings , either by resolution of the spirits , or by oppression of them , do but rub the Lips with it , and it is a present remedy . Held in the mouth or swallowed , it hinders Worms from ascending into the stomach . Lastly , that it is an Antidote both for hunger and thirst , the Army of Charles the Fifth made good , at the siege of Tunetum : They had dyed , had no● every one of them held a grain or two under their Tongues , Bicker . in Praes . lib. de f●nit . const . CHAP. V. Of Allum and Nitre . THere are many figures of congealed Allum ; Allum called Seissum , is the flowr of Allum in clods , and is pressed together like planks ; or it flourisheth severally like grey hairs : round Allum swells like bubbles , or is like a spunge , by reason of the holes in it . The liquid Allum sends out of it self such a vapour that smells like fire , as stones do when they are rubb'd together to cause fire . When it is put upon burning coles , or else put into a pot and is torrified with fire burning under it , it swells into bubbles , and loseth something of its substance , Plin. l. 31. c. 10. Nitre in the Clytae of Macedonia is the best ▪ they call it Calastricum , it is white , and next to Salt. There is a nitrous Lake , where a sweet little Fountain comes forth of the middle of it , there Nitre is made about the rising of the Dog star for 9. dayes , and then it ceaseth as long ; then it swims upon it again , and then ceaseth . This is the wonder , that , the Spring of water always running , the Lake doth neither increase , nor run over . Those dayes wherein it is made , if there fall any rain , they make the salter Nitre . The Northern showers make the worst , because they stir the mud too violently . It is made also of the urine of living Creatures , that falls alwayes upon good and shadowy ground , Ang : Salic : Vinc : S. 1. aph . 28. It looks white , feels cold ; it hath in it self a most red spirit , most hot and taking fire , Sennert . l. 5. Epitom . Scient . natur . c. 2. When it is burnt , it sends out alone no savour , that sense can perceive ; but mingled with quick lime , it hath a most vehement smell . The Egyptians strewed their Radishes with their Nitre , as we do with Salt. The Macedonians adde some of the Calastraeum to their Meal , and mould them together to make bread . The fine sands of Nilus , which as it seems were nitrous , were carried by Patrobius , a Freeman of Neson , to white their bodies with . Also Nitre , of which is made Halinitre , is at Servesta , and Bernbergum , Georg. Agricola . That Land will receive no Rain above a cubit . Like unto this , is that , where stone Walls , both in Wine-Cellars and shady places that are free from showers , that use to wash it off , do so sweat ▪ as if they were sprinkled with flowr . CHAP. VI. Of Calcanthum or Vitriol . THe best is the Roman , and Hungarian , the goodnesse is tryed by rubbing your knife against it ; for if it make it look like Copper , it is the best , Quercetan . de capit . affect . c. 30. It is apparent , that in its secret qualities , it contains Copper . The Ancients took one dram inwardly , and kill'd their Worms , and cured the venom of Mushromes , Sennert . l. 5. Epit. Scient . natural . c. 2. A little piece of the white dissolved in water , is happily used for the itching and rednesse of the eyes , Platerus de dol . p. 313. Riolanus saith , That the spirit of it is a caustick , that it will eat glasse wherein it is made . It hath Antipathy with the oyl of Tartar , they are both most acute and sharp . If you mingle them , the acrimony of both is lost , and the liquor becomes insipid , Boethius l. 2. de lapid . Joyned with Nitre , it makes water sit to dissolve silver , Minder . de Vitriol . c. 9. CHAP. VII . Of Naphtha , Petroleum , and Maltha . NAphtha , is the percolation of Bitumen of Babylon , so near akin to fire , that it will take fire at a distance , and easily be inflamed by the Sun-beams . Plutarch relates , That in the hollow Caves of Echatana , by the heat of fire , that it ●low'd as it were into a pond ; so ready to take fire , that before it came at it , it would take fire with the light of a Torch , and fire the Ayr that was between . The Barbarians to shew this to Alexander , strew'd a Village with it , that was in the way to the Kings Lodging ; and at last putting a fire-brand near it , it flamed as if it had been all on fire . Hence he addes , that Naptha by some was called Medea's medicament , wherewith she anointed the Crown and Garment of Creon's daughter , and burnt her by this art . Of this in Persia is made a Physical oyl , wherewith a dart anointed , if it be shot slowly by a weak Bow , ( for with swift flying it is extinguished ) wheresoever it sticks fast , it burns ; and if any would put it out with water , it burns the more ; and there is no means to put it out , but by casting dust upon it . It is thus made : They season common oyl tainted with a certain herb : By experience of these things , and by continuance , a certain kind is made by the Persians , that congealing from a matter very natural , is like to thick oyl , and they call it Naptha , a barbarous name , Libav . Tom. 3. singul . l. 2. c. 7. Petroleum is more liquid than Naphtha ; In Italy and the Country of Matina it distills out of a Rock , white and red of a strong smell . In Sicilia it swims upon Fountains , which they call Sicilian oyl , and they burn it for Lamp oyl ; Pliny commends it against the Scabs of Cattle . In the Country of Parma it runs forth white , at the Village Meiana ; There are 3. Fountains there ; they gather it every , or every other day , thus ; They shake the water with brooms , and foroing the oyl into a corner , they take it with vessels . Every day half a pound in the most hot and dry time of the year , Baubin●n●● l. 1. Dioscor . c. 85. Of the red , at the Mount Zibethum , in the Winter , they collect 15. ounces , in Summer 45 ounces . In the Village Allense , it is collected black , with a fleece and a scoop . The more water is drawn forth , the more oyl they take ; sometimes 240 ounces . It varies as the place doth . The Italian burns not in its Fountain , the Babylonian doth . That is wonderfull which Mathiolus reports , in l. 1. Dioscorid . c. 82. Hercules of Ferrara ● Contrariis , had in his possession a pit , into which Petroleum distilled ; He hired a Plaisterer to stop it ; and because he could not do it without light , he let down a Candle , and the Petroleum took fire by it , and threw forth the Plaisterer , and brake down the sides of his pit . Maltha , is the straining of Bitumen , mingled with mud , that is like clay . Pliny speaks of it , l. ● . c. 104. In the City Samosata ( saith he ) of Comagena , there is a Lake that sends forth burning mud , it sticks to any solid thing it toucheth , and it followes , when you draw from it . In joyning of walls it serves for lime , And the Babylonians used it to build their walls with , Vitruvius l. 1. c. 5. CHAP. VIII . Of Pissaphaltum , and the wayes of Embalming dead Corps . PIssaphaltum is Bitumen that Pitch is boyled with . Bauhinus thinks , it is Mummy of the Arabians . But this is of two sorts , naturall , and artificiall , that they embalmed with , consisting of Myrrhe and Aloes . But of the materials , and the manner how to embalm , we shall speak of them here , as we come to fall upon them : Diodorus Siculus , and Herodotus l. 3. are large concerning it . Three men perform this work . The first is called a Grammarian , who as the body lyes on the ground , appoints how great the incision shall be about the small guts on the left side . The other is the Cutter , and he opens the side with an Aethiopian stone , and then suddenly runs away ; for those that stand by detesting the fact , pursue him with stones . Then follow the Embalmers . One of these drawes his incision through the inside of the body , besides the Heart and Kidneys ; Another washeth it with Phoenician wine mingled with spices . Lastly , they anoint the body washed with Unguents of Cedar , and other pretious things for 30. dayes . Then it is delivered to the kindred that mourn for him ; the hairs of his eye-lids and eye-brows being preserved , that he may seem to be asleep . Herodotus speaks of three kinds of embalming ; The first was by pulling the brains through the Nostrills with a hook , and the bowels taken forth with an Aethiopian stone , they cleanse it with Phoenician wine , and stuffe it with spices , then they fill the fat pannicle with Myrrhe , Cassia and sweet odours beaten , without Frankincense , and sew them in , then they salt it for 70 dayes ; then they wash the Corps , and wrap it in a linnen cloth , and smeer it with Gum , and lay it into the fashion of a Man made of wood . The other is , by salting it 70 dayes , which drawes forth the inward filth . The third way is , the poor cleanse the belly with washing , then for 70 dayes they dry it with salt , and then they lay it up . And not onely men have been so honoured , but beasts also . For some beasts were sacred to the Egyptians ; and when they were dead , they covered them with a linnen cloth , and spread them with salt , striking their breasts , and howling . And to preserve the body the longer , they anointed it with oyl of Ceder , and kept it in hallowed places . Also they put divers Idols into the brest of it . Rondeletius found in the breast of one of them 20 leaves of ancient Paper , written with Arabian letters , Bauhin . ad l. 1. Dioscor . c. 85. Moreover , the French commend Mummy so much , that the Nobility will never be without it . They say , that Francis the 1. alwayes carried it in his purse , fearing no accident , if he had but a little of that by him . CHAP. IX . Of Camphir . THe Moors write , that Camphir is a Gum of a Tree , that spreads out its boughes so far , that 100 men may stand under the shadow of it . They adde , that the wood is white , reedy , and hath the Camphir in its spungy pith . That 's uncertain , but it is more certain , that it is made of a kind of Bitumen ; thus , The Indian Bitumen , which springs from the native Camphir , is boyled in a vessel with fire under it , the thinner parts turn into a white colour , and are carried to the cover , which gives them the form we see , when they are collected . Merchants say , there is native Camphir in the Indies . It is so near to fire , that once fired , it will burn all out . The flame that comes from it , is bright and smells sweet . Hanged in the ayr , it evaporates by degrees , the most thin parts are the cause . Hence Apothecaries put it in a close vessel with Milium or Linseed , and cover it , Plater . de l. f. p. 165. The smell of it hinders lust ; drank , or smelled to , and carried about , it extinguisheth the seed . And because it flyes to the head ; if it carry up with it cold humours , it may cause sleep , and make men hoary before they be old . If to women , sick of the Mother , or fainting of heart pains , a small cup of water be exhibited , wherein so much Camphir is burned as a hazel-nut , it presently helps , Heurnius l. 2. Medic. The Neotericks hold it is cold , and that it is mitigated by Ambergreece ; and that the drynesse may do no hurt , oyl of Violets is poured upon it . Garzias ab Horto saith , he learned by experience , that in inflammations of the eys it was as cold as Snow . But Mindererus l. de Peste writes ; That when he went to visit sick persons , and had swallowed a small piece of it , he perceived nothing within him , but like a very small fire . CHAP. X. Of Amber or Electrum . SOme think it to be the juice of Trees ; but amisse . There stand no Trees by the Sea , that Gums drop from them , falling into the Sea , of which Amber is made . It is more certain , that it is a thick juice of the Earth . The most part is found in Borussia , also in Curlandia , on the part of Sarmatia , but not so plentiful . It is taken in nets like fish . When the North-west or West wind blowes hard at Sea , they all run to the shore , with casting nets of yarn in their hands , Agricol . in l. de Fossil . The winds being allayed , but the Sea flowing , when the waves return back , they draw the Amber from the bottom ; and an herb like pennyroyall , that growes in it . When they have taken it , they carry it to the Magistrates , who give them the weight of it in salt . Every Moneth it is said to be sold for ten thousand German Crowns . At Buchania in Schetland , a masse came to shore greater than a horse . The ignorant Clowns used it for Frankincense , Hector Boetius in histor . Scot. Precious figures are made of it ; the Romans were so taken with it , that a little picture of it was more than the price of a living man , Plin. Histor. natural . Rubb'd , it drawes straws , if it be not smeared with oyl or water . Some seek the cause in a dry spirit : But , Scaliger Exerc. 104. s. 12. saw it draw a green Lettice ▪ some in the super elementary quality : others think it comes by accident , Fernel . l. 3. Med. c. 4. For it hath piercing and sharp spirits , and withal glutinous and fat . Being attenuated by rubbing , they wax hot , and they easily pierce into light things , as they break forth , Libavius in lib. singular . When they meet with cold things , they congele ; congealed , they return toward their beginning ; for the heat is driven back by its contrary . If you make a fine powder of chaff , and iron , the Amber draws forth the chaff , the Loadstone the iron . In the shore at Puceca , of former times , they digged up some of ash colour ; which when it was broken with iron , it drew unto it leaves that were upon the ground , and two foot from it , when they were blown up into the Ayr : The white smells the best ; Because of the Plague , Chambers are perfumed with the scrapings of it , the sent lasts for 3. dayes ; every thin piece of it burnt in fire , flames away . CHAP. XI . Of Ambergreece , Jet , and Earthy Bitumen . AMbergreece is a Juice in Asia amongst the Moors . Some think it growes like Mushrooms , out of the Earth under the Sea : Others say , that the Cod-fish doth greedily follow after it , and kills it self by devouring it : which the Fishe●s knowing , taking him in their Nets when he is dead , they unbowel him , Ma●hiolus in Dioscor . l. 1. The truth is , it runs out of the Fountains into the Sea , and being hardned , there it is cast upon the shore . It is good for the brain , that is cold , Libav . l. 3. Singul. It may hurt the heart , unlesse the cause be cold that molests it ; namely , if the spirits be hot , and too much attenuated , Heurn . l. 2. Medic. A Plaister of Amber is good for bald and weak heads from a cold cause . He that carrieth it , after a little use perceiveth it not . The weaker a woman is , and the Matrix moveable , the more easily is it disquieted by Musk and Amber , and her head will ake . Infused in wine , it will make men drunk . Black Bitumen hardned in the Sea is called Jet : which the floods use to cast upon the shores of the Aestyi with Amber . Earthen vessels that are glazed with it are not defaced , Plin. l. 36. c. 19. When it is burned , it smells like brimstone . It is a wonder , that it kindleth with water , but is extinguished with oyl . It discovers the Falling-sicknesse and Virginity by the smell of it : drank by a Virgin fasting , it causeth her to make water , Dalechamp . in Notis ad l. c. Nicander in his Theriacks calls it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the Interpreter expounds that , Jet ; which is found great , and of a pale colour o● the shore at the Town of Ganges in Lycia . Strabo saith , That creeping things fly from the sent of Jet . It is called Earthy Bitumen , otherwise burning stone , because it will flame , and is good for Iron-Smiths Furnaces . It is called Ampelitis , because it kills little Worms called Caipas ; Also Pharmacitis , because it is good in Physick : I saw it dug up in Scotland . So in the Jurisdiction of Leids , where if it be hard , they make Chapelets of it to say their prayers upon . Hitherto belong the bituminous Furrs , that being dryed , make the Dutch fuel : Also the● are dug forth in Collaum , a Province of Peru , which Monardus describes in these words : In Collaum , a Province of Peru , there is a place all bare ; no Tree nor plant growes upon it , because the Earth is bituminous , out of which the Indians extract a liquour good for many diseases . The way to extract it , is this , They cut the ground into Turfs , and in an open place they lay it upon rods or greater ●eeds , putting vessels under it to receive it ; for by the heat of the Sun this Bitumen melts , then the dry turfs remain without liquor , fit to make fires . Moreover , on the left hand in the shore of the Sinus Pucicus , not far from the Monastery , there are found clots of congealed Bitumen , very hard , about the bignesse of Eggs. They all burn , being kindled , Agricol . in l. de Fossil . Near these there grow pale-coloured shrubs that smell like fish , they are 3 or 4 hands breadths high . They have no roots , and are like little dishes ; the Greeks call them Lepadas , they stick to the clods . CHAP. XII . Of Corall . COrall , otherwise Stone-tree . It comes from a juice that is stony when it growes , under the Sea water : it is a small Tree green and soft , bearing Berries , like the Cornus Tree ; in shape and magnitude , but soft and white : it presently growes hard before it is cut ; it appears all green . Sometimes also the stalks of one Corall Tree are partly red , partly white , and partly black . In the Mediterranean , they gather great quantity of it ; and those of Massilia go yearly to fish for it , and draw it from the bottom of the Sea with Nets , Dispens . Chymic . l. 2 ▪ c. 49. Linschot . part 3. orient Ind. c. 1. At the Cape Bon Esperance , he saith , there are Rocks , on which Coral grows of all colours . The Indians weare it because Southsayers think it avoids dangers . The vulgar thinks it can preserve their Children from Witches . This is superstitious , but certain it is , it will quench thirst , being extreme cold . Mercurial . l. 3. de curand . affect . Tied to the neck , it drives away troublesome dreams , and stills the nightly feares of Children . Pansa de prorog . vitae l. 4. If a Man weare it , it will be very red : but pale , if a woman use it . Lemn , l. de occult . c. 22. The fuliginous Spirits in a woman are the cause of it , and the faint heat in Coral . In men the naturall heat is strong and evaporates . Hence if Coral be covered with Mustard seed it waxeth red . There are other Plants in the Sea that come from a juyce that grows into a stone . About Hercules Pillars , and in the outland Sea , Trees grow like Bay Trees . In the Indian Sea , there are Bull-rushes and Reeds ; in the red Sea , Mushrooms ; all which being cast forth , are changed into stones . Theophrastus and Pliny confirm these ; To this appertains Syringites , that is like a joynted straw , and the reed hollow . CHAP. XIII . Of Brimstone and Stybium . BRimstone is dug up in Islandia by the Mountain Hecla , and that without fire . It is yellow that is digged out of a Plain of Brimstone , which in Campania they call Virgin-Brimstone , because women paint their faces with it . It is so friendly to fire , that pieces of it laid about the wood will draw the fire to them . The Greeks and Romans did purifie houses with the fume of it ; put into the fire , it will by the sent discover the Falling-sicknesse . Anaxilaus made sport with it , carrying it about in a red hot cup with fire under it , which by repercussion made the guests look pale as if they had been dead ; Plin. l. 35. c. 15. The Chymists make such an effectual oyl of Balsome of Brimstone , that it will suffer neither live or dead bodys to corrupt ; but keeps them so safe , that no impression from the Heavens , or corruption of the Elements , or from their own original , can hurt them Weck ▪ Antidot , Spec. l. 1. I shall say something of Stybium . It hath an exceeding purgative quality , as we see by experience . Mathiol . ad Dioscorid , l. 5. c. 59. Andreas Gallus , a Physitian of Trent fell into an inflammation of the Lungs , Heart and Stomack , with a wonderfull thirst , swelling of the Throat , beating of the heart , and a strangling distillation allmost from the head . He took three grains of Stybium with Sugar rosat : first he cast up yellow choler 4 , ounces weight , and afterwards 2 pound weight , symptoms ceased , and he recovered his former health . Georgius Hendschius writes , that the same thing hapned to him in the pestilence ; Also Lucas Contilis . Senensis : taking 4 , grains of Stybium vomited up 12 , bits of Turpentine Rosin , that he had swallowed 15. dayes before . But a Parish Priest of Prague that was mad of melancholy , taking 12 graines of the same , purged choler downwards , that had like scrapings of flesh mingled with it , and they appeared as great melancholly Veins called varices cut into peices . CHAP. XIIII . Of Juices that grow into stones . I had allmost forgot juyces that harden like stones . Nature hath wonderfully spo●ted herself in them , sometimes it hardens before it touch the ground , and somtimes when it is fallen down . Both these ways are seen at Amberga , where there are white pillars made by it . Agricol . l. de effl . ex terra . What ever drinks it in , is made a stone , if it be but porous . Hence you shall find stony Fountaines ▪ and Wood and Bones that are dug up . When the workmen in time of Warr fled into the Mines of Lydia , about Pergamus , the entrance being shut up , they were strangled , the den was afterwards made clean , and there were found Vessels of stone fill'd with a stony juyce . About the Coast of Elbog , there are great-firr Trees , with their barks , in the cracks whereof a fire stone of a Golden colour growes . About Cracovia in Bohemia , there are Trees with boughes , out of which there are Whet-stones with corners ; which was a Present ▪ sent from the Lords of Columbratium , to Ferdinand the first . Hildesham hath beames laid upon heaps ; the heads of these somtimes stick forth , these being stricken with Iron or with another stone , not unlike the marble at Hildesham , they smell like the sent of burnt horn . There is also Wood changed into a stone , and in the cracks of it there is Ebony dug forth , which T●eophrastus was not ignorant of , that it lay hid scattered in the hollow o● other stones . Looking Glasses , rubbing Cloths , Garments , Shoos , being brought into a quarrey in Assus of Troas become stones , Mucianus . But stones that congele from juyce are commonly soft and brittle . In the hot Baths of Charls the 4th , many stones together are found , hollow like Hives , half Globe figured , so great as pea●e , they grow from the drops of the hot waters falling down . But those earthen Vessells that are found in the Earth ; were Pi●chers for dead mens bones , because in all of them covered with lids , there were ashes , and in some Rings were found , wee saw such a one in the Library Thoruniense . It was the fashion of the Antients , as all know , to burn and lay up their ashes . In Italy also some urns were found of glasse . Caesar Carduinus had foure found in the fields of Naples : but what hapned at Verona , see Bertius in desc●i . agri Veronen . CHAP. XV. Of the Loadstone . THe Loadstone is well known : The effects of it are admirable , two are special , its turning to the poles of the World , and its dawing of another Loadstone and Iron . As for the first , in many places it doth nor exactly respect the poles , the Declination is somtimes more or lesse . This age observeth , that for 10 degrees beyond the fortunate Islands , where Cosmographers have set the beginning of Longitude , it concurs with the poles of the World ; toward the East it varies more : About Norimberg , they count 10 degrees , in Norway 16 , in Zembla 17 , as the Dutch observed ; but one Gilbertus hath found out 23 degrees variation . Whence we collect the greatest variation to be 23 degrees . If we ask the cause , the learned are of divers opinions , some say there are certain Mountains of Loadstones under the poles , and they say the Loadstone moves by sympathy . Others write that it turns to certain Starrs . Others say there are in it two opposite points , whereof the one turns to the North , the other to the South . Others think , that it moves toward the South , because the operation of all the Planets is Southward . They all seem to be deceived . How great and what kind of Mountains these are , is yet unknown , and there are many Mines of it in Aegypt . It doth not directly point at the Pole , unlesse it stand in the Meridian . The point that is toward the South , is held the stronger . The work-Masters gives us a notable Maxime , when in the finger of the Marriners Chart , they rub that part of the neidle with the Loadstone , wherewith it turns to the South . Lastly there are opposite places , wherein the Eccliptick declines from the Aequator toward the North , and the Planets from the East make their motions by the North. It seems most probable , Sennert , l. 5. scient . natural . c. 4. that the Loadstone moves toward the South pole , either only , or if it hath two motions , the greatest is Southward . Let it suffice what Scaliger writes Exerc. 131. Nature , saith he , is at concord , and agrees with her self , she unites by an admirable order , all things above and below , that it may be one by a perpetual necessity . So that there are in things seperated not only steps , entrances , and retreats , but also minglings of those things which seem to be wholly parted . Bodinus pronounceth that all the 4 , parts of the world are equally respected by the Loadstone Theatr. natur . l. 2. For ( saith he ) the steel needle easily rubbed upon the Loadstone , from that part of the Loadstone that pointed North before it was cut out of the rock , if the needle be equally ballanced , the end rubbed with the Loadstone will turn to the North. The same force there is to the South part , if he needle be rubbed on the South part of the Loadstone . Nor is the force lesse for the East or West part of the Loadstone ▪ though the stone cannot turn it self to the Poles of the world , but only the steel needle that is touched with it . But this I have said cannot be understood , but by experience : for if you put a peice of Loadstone upon a peice of Wood swimming in the water , and you apply that side of the Loadstone that looked Southward before it was cut out of the Rock to the side of another Lodstone that looked Southward also , before it was hewen forth , the stone that swims will fly unto the opposite part of the Vessel with water ; but if you turn the Northern part of the Loadstone , to the Southern part of another Loadstone swimming in the water , the Loadstone that swims presently comes and joyns with it , so that th●● both unite by an admirable harmony of nature ; though the Wood or the Vessell of water be between . The same will be done , if you put only an iron Needle , thrust through a quil into a Vessell of water , and hold in your hand a peice of a Loadstone , one side of the Loadstone will drive off the needle , the other will draw it . So saith Bodin . What concerns drawing : that the Loadstone doth draw , is maintained of the Aethiopian Loadstone ; Plin. l. 36. c. 16. experience hath proved it ; Libavius . I , saith he , when I proved this , wiped off all dust from the Loadstone , and then I scraped away some powder of its own substance , this was laid upon a paper or plank of wood , and the powder scraped from it was laid under it , the Loadstone moved and attracted . The Loadstone draws the Loadstone , by a certain line , because there is a spirit in it like to the other , and nature enclines and is carried to its like , as much as may be . It is as certain , that it draws Iron also . The hardnesse of Iron gives way , and obeys ; and that matter which tames all things , runs to I know not what empty thing , and as it comes nearer it stands still , and is held and sticks in imbraceings , Plin. l. 36. c. 26. The vertue of it was found out , when the nails of his shoos and top of his crook stuck fast , for the first inventor was a Heyward . Nor doth it draw Iron on each part with the same force . The rule seems to be a right line . Therefore where the vertue comes not , the ends are turned , and whilst one of them inclines to the needle , the other accidentally turns from it , and seems to reject it . The same reason serves for divers Loadstones . In the Midland Seas of Sardinia , at the foot of the Mountaines that part , they bend Eastward ; they say there is a Loadstone that draws Iron , but on the opposite part , one that drives it off , and therefore it is called Theamedes , Plin. l. 2. Wherefore do we go to Mountaines ? We may see it in every laboratory , if we will beleive Libavius , Syntagm , Art. Chymic . Tract . 1. l. 1. c. 19. There are opposite parts in one and the same stone contrary to the rest : and it hath an example of sympathy and antipathy in it self ; as Vipers , Scorpions and venemous Creatures have in themselves both their friends and their enemies . I shall set down some examples of attraction . Severus Milevitanus saw , when Bathanarius , heretofore governour of Africa , put Silver under between the Stone and the Iron ; the Iron on the top moved , and the Silver was in the middle , and suffered nothing but with a most swift retrait , the Man drew the stone downward , and the stone drew the Iron upward . August de civitat . Dei lib. 21. cap. In Alexandria in Aegypt , at the roof of the Temple of Serapus , there was a Loadstone fastned in , which held an Idol that had an Iron in the head so fast , that it hung between the roof and the ground ; Euseb in Histor. Eccles. Agricola said , he saw a round looking glasse , that was three hands breadth broad , and two high ; in the concave part whereof there was a Loadstone , included above , ( Agricola de subter●●n ) that drew an Iron boul placed at the bottom of the glasse unto it self , so that the thick body of the glasse could not hinder the force of it ; the Iron Globe that useth to fall down , was carried up . Let us come to the cause , and inquire whence comes this force in the Loadstone . Each man speaks diversly , and so many men allmost so many opinions . Libav . l. 1. de Bitum ▪ c. 12 , saith that there is a bituminous nature in the Loadstone , reduced to the disposition of Iron , by a similitude of sympathy and mixture , whereby the same principles grow in Iron . And he adds , that there is an Iron bituminous spirit common to them both , but it flows not out continually , and as strong from Iron as from the Loadstone , by reason of the diversity of coagulation or commis●ion ; Others attribute that to the hidden forme : Others alleage a mutual harmony of naturall things . There are in the great world , saith Langius , l. 2. Epist. 55 , under the concave of the Moon , some things that by a secret consent agree wonderfully together . The truth is , the Loadstone is some kind of vein of Iron , and Iron may be generated of it : Sennert . l. 8. Epit. c. 4. But the Loadstone loseth its attractive force , if you work it in the fire : For whilest it burns , the brimstony spirit of it flyes forth , as Libav . l. 2. singul . thinks . We saw , saith Porta ( Mag. natur . l. 7. c. 7. ) with great delight , the Loadstone buried in burning Coles , to cast forth a blew brimstony Iron kind of flame , which being dispersed , the quality of its life departed , and it lost its power to attract . It yields to the injuries of the weather , and dies with old age . The expiring of it , is hindred by oyntments rub'd upon it , and the tenacious juice of Leeks ; others add , oyle of Bricks . Lem. l. 4. c. 10. de occult . But Cardanus l. 7. de subtil : denyeth this . It will not lay hold on rusty Iron , and much lesse on rust , Scaliger Exerc. 112. Otherwise if Iron-filings were buried in dust , or the Iron be on the other side of the Table , the spirit , as was said , is not hindred . CHAP. XVI . Of the Stones , Schistos , Galactites , Gip , Selenites , Amiantos . SChistos the more it shines like Iron , the harder it is . In Missena there are bred some knobs about the bigness of a Wallnut , so hard , that laid on an anvil , they resist the strokes . Agricola saw one of Missena , that weighed 14 pounds . Galactites at Hildesham is dug forth of a Sand-pit ; yearly it increaseth from a milky and lutinous juice so that some are found as big as ones head ; they say it makes Nurses full of milk that drink it in powder with water or sweet wine . All Gin is hard : In Saxony in the Land of Hildesham , it is found like to Sugar ; The Inhabitants of Hercinium , and Thuringum , burn ●hat which is hard , and grind that which is burnt ; and wetting it with water , they use it for Lime : what colour soever it be , it growes white by burning . Lysistratus of Sy●e , Brother to Lysippus , was the first that made a Mans picture with a face in Gyp , and then poured Wax melted into that form , trying thereby to make it better . A wall was made of Gyp , in pieces of Ash-colour , at Northusia in Thuringia , and the Port of Alg●●s , a Town of Mauritania Caesariensis . Selenites is a stone that is wont to be found at dark night when the Moon increaseth ; and it represents the Moon by shining in the night , and it increaseth and diminisheth with it daily . It not onely shews your face , but it will represent the image of a thing behind your back . It endures the Suns heat , and Winters cold , but it cannot away with rain ; for it will corrupt , if great pieces of it be exposed to rain . Amianthus is made of an appropriate juice ; the fire is so far from polluting its lustre , that if it be cast in , it will shine the brighter . Once lighted , it never goes out , if oyl fail not . Hence it is called Asbestos ; and because it is like to womens full hair , and to mens hoarinesse , it is called Bostrychitis and Corsoides . We saw ( saith Pliny ) in banqueting places , napkins made of it , that when the filth was burnt out of them , were cleansed more with fire , than they would have been with water . It was found at the siege of Athens , that things anointed with it would not burn ; under L. Sylla . This stone is kembed , spun and wove , though with difficulty , because it is short : and they make not onely Napkins , but Table-cloaths of it ▪ and Towels . Also of old time they made the Funeral Coats for Kings , which were put upon them , when they were put into great fires to be burnt , that so the ashes of their bodies being parted from the wood-ashes , might be laid up in their Sepulchres . Pliny saith , that this Linnen hath been found to equall the price of the best pearls ; but now it is sold at mean rates . CHAP. XVII . Of Stones that represent divers Forms . THere are many stones representing divers forms . We will mention some here , namely , Trochites , Eutrochos , Encrinos , Enorchis , and others . Trochites , is like the round head of a pillar : the round part is smooth , but each broad part hath , as it were , a kind of conveyance , from whence are lines unto the extream part of the Circle . Put into vinegar , it raiseth bubbles , and some are found that move from place to place . Eutrochos is made of Trochites not yet separated . Whose Trochites have eminent lines ; in that part where two of them meet , there seems to be a girdle twisted round within it . But the Trochitae are so joyned , that the lines of the one enter into the furrowes of the other . Encrinos , is like Lillies , for when one part with corners is parted from the other , both shew like five Lillies . Enorchis in the shards is like testicles . In the Diocesse of Trevirs , when Cements are digged up to repair buildings , they meet with blackish stones that represent the secrets of women , Diphyis by an intercurrent line represents the Genitals of both Sexes . The D●ctyli of Ida , in Crete , of an iron colour , are like a mans thumb . There is also a stone found like a new Moon , cloathed with Armour of a golden colour . Haephestites , represents the nature of a glasse , and in the Sun it will fire dry matter . At Salfelda in Thuringia , there is a stone dug forth of a pit 20 fathom deep ; it is like a firm breast , a foot and half long , three hands breadth ; on the former part where the ribs end , it is six fingers thick , on the hinder part where the whirlbones are pierced through the middle , but three ; the back-bone was empty , where it should represent the marrow . The outside of this stone was either black , or some rare colour , and the inside was like to the Lapis Arabicus ▪ It is supposed to be of great vertue . Belemnites , is like an Arrow , with a large head , and a sharp point : There is in it a kind of rift , it is clothed with golden coloured lines , and it shines naturally like a Looking-glasse : It smells like filed or burnt horn , if it be rubb'd . The Saxons name it by a name compounded of Ephialtes , and an Arrow ; and they say , if one drink it , that it is good against suppressions , and such hags in the night . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Eagle stone , Enhydros , the Touch-stone , and the Pumex stone . THe Eagle stone is found in divers Countries ; In the Country of Misenus , then especially , when great rains fall . It smells like a Violet , by the Mosse sticking upon it . It hath in it little stones , that being loose and shaken , make a noise : They commonly stick to Misenus ; some have earth with them , as at Hildesham , and some gold , as those of Cyprus . That which hath a little stone in its belly , as the Greeks say , if it be bound to the left arm of a woman great with Child , through which an Artery runs from the Heart , toward the ring-finger , next to the little finger , it will hold the Child in the womb that is ready to miscarry ; bound to the left thigh of one in labour , it will so help her , that she shall be delivered without pain : but so soon as she is delivered , it must be taken off , that the Matrix follow not . As it fell out with the Wife of a Citizen of Valencia , Francis. valeriola l. 1. observ . 10. It helped her , tyed on , to be delivered ; but not taken away , it was her death . Enhydros hath water within it ; It is perfectly round , it is white and smooth , but it flotes when it is shaken . There is liquour in it like as in an Egg. Also liquid Bitumen , sometimes that smells sweet , is found in stones shut up as in vessels . The Touch-stone is that stone they prove gold by : In Theophrastus's dayes they were onely found in Tmolus ; but at this day in the Rivers of Hildesham , and Gosselar . The parts of them that are found looking toward the Sun , are the best for tryall ; the worst look toward the Earth , those are the dryest : but these are hindred by their moysture that they cannot take the colour of gold or silver . The Pumex stone is found in places that have been burnt , baked out of the earth , or stone : because it hath holes , in which the light ayr flotes ; and because it is without moysture , it burns not . They that have charge of Wines put it into a vessel of boyling new Wine , and it presently gives off boyling . Drunkards that strive for mastery in drinking , arm themselves with the powder of it ; but unlesse they drink abundantly , they are in danger , saith Theophrastus . CHAP. XIX . Of Lapis Vitrarius and Specularis . THere are three kinds of stones that will run in a burning furnace . The one is like to transparent Jewels . It hath their colour , but is not so hard . Of this kind is Alabandicus , which melts in the fire , and is melted for glasse ; The second kind is not much unlike it , but hath not so many colours , the third kind is lapis Vitrarius . This hath its proper Veins also . At A●nebe●gum , in a Silver Mine it was found in the forme of a Crosse ; at Priberg like to an Ape ; pieces of it are found also out of the Earth : but by the running of the waters , they are polished by rubbing against some stones of their own , or of some other kind . The white stone is burnt , beaten to powder , searsed ; of that they make sand , of these they blow glasses . The River Belu● at the foot of the Mount Carmel , rising in Phoenicia , between the Coloney of Ptolemais and the City Tyre , brings those kind of Sands fit for glasse to the Sea side , which being tumbled with the Waves of the Sea , shine , their foulness being washed off . Plin. l. 6. c. 26. The report is that a ship came loaded with Nitre , the Merchants provided their Victualls as they were dispersed here and there on the Sea shore , and when they found no stones to make them Tables of , these took fire , and the Sea shore●sand mingled with them , thence those transparent Rivers of this noble liquor began to run ; and this was the beginning of Glasse . But we must not think that Glasse is made of this Sand only . To three parts of that they add one part of Nitre , and of these melted cometh Amm●-●itre . If Nitre be wanting , mineral salt will supply the defect . If this , then either Sea salt , or the Ashes of the hearb Anthyllis burnt . But when that the matter of glasse melts in the fire , it froths , and the froth is taken off with a drag : when they are forthwith hardned , they are made into white loafs , in which there is a mixt tast more salt than bitter . Men report that in Tiberius's days , there was a way invented to make glasse malleable , and that his whole shop was ruin'd , that the price of Gold , Silver , Brasse and other mettles should not be brought down ; but the fame of it is more constant than certain . In our time , especially at Venice , is glasse of high esteem ; we have seen some that have framed divers works of it , as bright as a Candle . When Nero raigned , by the art of making glasse , was found out to make small Cups with two ears , they called them Pinnati or Pterota : one of them was sold for 6000 Denarit . I referre the lapides speculares to these , because they were of a bright substance , as Basilius writes , it was transparent like the Ayre . The Antients used it for Windows , as we do glasse . Nero made a Temple for Fortune of these stones , so that whosoever stood without was seen , though the dores were shut , the light appeared though not sent through . Pancirolla , l. 1. de veter . deperd . CHAP. XX. Of Crystal , Iris , and the Diamond . COncerning the Originall of Crystall , writers differ . Pliny , l 37. c. 2 , saith , that it is made by the most violent frost from Snow or Ice . Agricola , l. 6. fossill . saith , it is some sap congealed by cold in the bowels of the Earth . The former opinion seems to be true . For not only the name confirms it , but the place also where it is bred , for it is found in those places where the Winter Snows are , in such unaccessible places of the Alps , that oft times they are fain to be let down with ropes to draw it to them . In Asia and Cyprus it is Plow'd up , and carried along with the torrents . Scalig. exe●c . 119. From the Percinian Rocks , which are in the extreame parts of Noricum , it is pulled off from the tops of Mountaines there , that are covered with no earth . Somtimes there is a kind of coorse Silver in it , of the colour of lead Ore , and of divers weights . In India it is found so great that they make a Vessel of it somtimes that will hold four Sextaryes . Livia Augusta dedicated one in the Capitol , that made a Vessell that held 50 , pounds . They are seldom found single , many of them oft times stick upon one root , somtimes rising together , and somtimes a part . They lye somtimes so fast , that it is a hard matter to pul them off . Every Crystall point , and the whole body of it , is with 6 Angles . It cannot be melted by heat of the Sun. The extreame cold hath so frozen it , that it is not a small thing can melt it , yet can it not endure heat , Bodin . l. 2. Theatr Natur. For in the hottest furnaces and great flames , it will run by continuance ; being melted , it will harden again ; and if you poure hot liquour into a Crystal cup , it will break . It is thought , worn about one , to cure the Vertigo ; and for that cause , Men drink out of Venice Glasses , Plater , l. 1. de . l. f. There are made of it , both Glasses and Chamber pots , such a one as Pliny writes was bough by a Matron that was not very rich , for H. S. C. L. M. or 150000 sestertii . Pancirolla had one of so pure matter , and so transparent , that it seemed almost to be ayre , the outsides only being opposed to the view . It had an adder in it , with open mouth ready to devoure a young Lamb , but he was hindred by the opposite Crosse. Pancirol . de veter . deperd . l. 1. Also Iris is a white Jewel : if it have a sexangular forme , held against the Sun beams entring in at the Windows , it casts the colours of the Rain-bow on the wall that is over against it . The Diamond is found in many Mines . The Indian Diamond exceeds not the kernel of a small nut , that of Cenchros is no bigger than a millet seed , Agricola l. 6. de fossil . The Antients speak much of it , namely that it cannot be broken by hammers , that it takes all virtue from the Loadstone ; and so resists fire , that it will never waxe hot . Those of our days have found the contrary . Camer . memorab . med . c. 8. M. 42. For a hammer will break it , and an iron pestle will bring it to powder . It yields to fire , and may be calcined with a long continued flame ; yet though in an hour by the fire it will lose its lustre , it will recover it again by polishing with some defect in the lustre . It hath been found , that rubbing one against the other , they have been so glew'd , that they could not easily be parted , Bodin . Theatr. Natur. l. 2. It hath been seen to draw strawes when it hath been hot , Garzias ab Horto l. 1. arom . c. 47. It was hitherto believed , that the powder of it drank , would breed the Dysentery ; but that hath been disproved . Slaves have swallowed down some to hide their theft ; they sent them forth by stool whole , without any hurt to their health . Cardan . ( 2. Tract . 5. Contrad . 9. ) saith , That one dram weight drank in powder , did no more harm than a piece of bread . The Turkish Emperour gave 50000 Crowns for one . CHAP. XXI . Of the Opalus , Emerald , Heliotrop , and Topaz . OPalus is a Jewel , which when you hold it downward , it hath the clear fire of the Carbuncle , the shining purple of the Amethyst the green Sea of the Emrald , and all things else shining with an incredible mixture . An Emerald doth so change the ayr about it with its own tincture , that it will yield neither to candles , Sun light , nor shade . Hence in the water it seems greater . Those that are not perfectly green , of them , are made better by wine and oyl . They are seldom so great , as that you may grave a seal upon them . Yet there is one not very small at Lyons in a Monastery , and that which ▪ was seen at Prague in the Chappel of St. Vencessius , it is above 9 parts of 12 , greater than that , Bodin . l. 2. Theatr. There is one longer at Magdeburg , which is contained in part of the spire fashioned Cabinet , wherein the Host is carried ; some say it was the handle of the knife of Otho the first . There was a Jewel once found in Cyprus , the one half of it was an Emerald , and half a Jaspir . The Emerald hath wonderful vertue ; It is an Enemy to poysons and bitings of venemous beasts ; and it breaks , if they overcome it . It is said , to further womens labour , tyed to the hips ; and to hinder it , laid to the belly , Sennert . l. 5. Epitom . Scient . natural . c. 5. Shut in a ring , or hanged about the neck , if it touch the naked flesh , it preserves from the Apoplex , Plat. l. 1. del f. It hath been known to break off from the fingers of the Master of it that wore it , when he was dead . It cannot endure venery ; for if it touch ones body in the act , it will break ▪ Albertus , the King of Hungary had one that brake at that time in 3. pieces . Heliotropium is a Jewel marked with bloody veins ; cast into a vessel of water , it changeth the Sun beams falling on it , by reflexion , into blood colour . Out of the water it receives the Sun , like a burning Glasse , and you may perceive the Suns Eclipses by it , how the Moon moves under . A Topaz is not onely transparent , but also shines wonderfully ; and the brightnesse goes forth like gold : it is greater than other Jewels : for thence it was , that a Statue was made for Arsinoa Wife to Ptolomaeus , Philadelphus , of 4 cubits high , and was consecrated in the Temple that was call'd the golden Temple . CHAP. XXII . Of the Amethyst , Hyacinth , the Sardonix , and the Onychite . IT is called an Amethyst , because it comes near the colour of wine , and before it comes to it , it ends in a Violet colour , Plin. l. 21. c. 8. Laid to the Navel , first it drawes the vapours of Wine to it self , and then it discusseth them ; wherefore it keeps him sober that wears it , Aristotle . The Hyacinth in clear weather shines the brighter ; in clowdy weather the darker . By its fast cold , it condenses , and refreshes bodies , and preserves one that wears it , from the fierce pestilence . Sardonix is a Jewel compounded of a Sardonius and an Onyx . It shews inverted like a nayl of a mans hand : the most generous roots are from a certain blackish ground , and first represent Onyxes , then they are compassed with a reddish circle , from thence a round line goes about them , then at a greater distance the circle growes larger ; lastly , to all those girdles another kind of basis is placed under them . The Graecians made great account of this Jewel . Polycrates the King of Samos esteemed it so highly , that when as fortune had alwaies favour'd him , that he might try the contrary fortune , he cast his ring into the Sea , wherein this stone was set . An Onychites at Colonia , in the Temple of the 3. Kings is broader than ones hand , Agricola . The milky veins of it so run forth , that they represent two young mens heads ; the black veins so , that they represent a Serpent descending from the forehead of the lower head , and a black-Moors head with a black beard : But that was placed upon the mandible of the white head . Two Onyxes rubbed under a Table , will so burn , that you cannot hold them in your hands . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Jasper , Nephritick stone , and an Agat . A Jasper bound to the thigh , will stop the menstrual flux of blood , and all bleedings , which admit of no help otherwise . It stops bleeding at the Nose , being hanged about the Neck , Sennert . l. 5. Epitom . Scient . natural . Bound to the mouth of the stomach , and so carried all day for the Falling-sicknesse ; if sweat follow , it frees from the fit , or else the sick fall , Baccius de gem . Pliny saith , he saw one of eleven ounces , and of that was made the picture of Nero in Armour , Plin. l. 37. c. 9. There is found in Silis one of a blew colour , that goes 9 foot deep , and then comes a dark sandy stone , about 12. foot long , that hath no Jasper in it , Agricola l. 6. de Fossil . From the authority of Thaetilis the Jew , There are found some strange kinds of it . There was a man seen in one , that had a Buckler on his neck , a Spear in his hand , a Serpent under his feet ; It had vertue against all enemies : In another , there was a man with a bundle on his neck . It had vertue to discover all diseases , and to stop blood , Lemnius de gemmis Biblicis . The report is , that Galen wore it on his finger . There is a green one found signed with the crosse , good to keep one from drowning . The Nephritick stone is referred to the Jasper , it is found onely in Hispaniola , Sennert . l. 7. Inst. l. 5. p. 1. S. 1. c. 17. The superficies of it is alwayes fat , as if it were anointed with oyl . The Spaniards wear them cut in divers forms . Many things confirm the wonderfull vertue of it , Unzer . de Nephritid . l. 1. c. 7. Hanged about the neck , it so breaks the stones , that they will seek for passage out of the body at both the Eyes , and where they can find way . A certain Merchant of Lipsick testifieth this , who had such things happened to him ; and both his eyes grew red , by the salt and sharpnesse of the same . It will cure all distillations that fall from the head on the Chest , saith the same Merchants Wife . For when she had carried one 3 weeks , she was cured ; but the Physitians could not cure her . It will cause one to make water that is stopt , as we find in the same place : but this is singular , that born about one awhile , it will cause a great tickling ; yet it ceaseth in 2. or 3. days space ; but it returns , if it be applyed again . Also it causeth hollow places under the skin ; which if you break , then they send forth a very great quantity of sand . It is prepared by a singular and secret art , and one dram and a half for a dose of it so prepared , is given in Parsley and Juniper water : But the gravel doth hurt , if it find the stomach full . Libavius 1. Synt. Art. Chym. l. 1. c. 14. doubts of it , whether it doth these things by its own force , or anothers . His words are ; Sometimes it happens , that nature is stimulated , by meer perswasion and belief , from some conception of the mind , which we ascribe to the Object , the Fancy moving first by that . But the efficacy is not alike in all , nor is their assent and belief alike , unlesse you would say , that not onely the Patient is troubled with the gravell , but he must be of such a disposition also , as may admit the force of that stone . And it is found , that the Nephritick stone is uneffectual to many . An Agat out of a River of Sicilia , hath its name from it . Veins and spots do so run up and down in it , that sometime it represents a Turtle ; sometimes a horn ; sometimes one small Tree , 2 , 3 , or 4 ; appearing like a Wood. Camillus of Pisdura , saw once one that had as it were 7. Trees in a Plain . I● the Agat of King Pyrrhus there were the 9. Muses naturally with Apollo ; and the Muses had their several badges . That which is of one colour , being boyled in an earthen pot full of oyl with several paints , and in two hours being made somewhat hot , will make one colour like red Lead out of them all , Dalechamp in Plin. l. 37. Agricola l. 6. Fossil . Plin. l. 37. c. 1. CHAP. XXIV . Of the Ruby , the Carchedonius , Sandastrus , Chrysolite , and some others . A Rubie is of an exceeding red colour ; Sometime it is so great , that vessels are made of it , containing a Sextarius . A Carchedonius is so called , because it was found amongst the Garamantes and Nasamones , amongst the gravel , and was brought to Carthage . It is otherwise called a Granate . It is said , that when they sealed , though in the shade , the wax would melt , Archelaus . It will not burn in the fire . Sandastrus hath red with a golden colour , golden spots shine within , as Stars in a transparent body ; the more they are , the more costly is the Jewel . But because commonly it is marked with the 5. Stars called Hyades , both in their nmber and disposition , the Chaldaeans were superstitious about it . The Chrysolite differs in the plurality of its Stars . Bochus writes , he saw a Spanish one of 12 pounds weight . Agricola saw a clod dug out of the Mines in Germany , that was made of more than 60 Chrysolites , all of them four square . The greatest was an inch broad , and 2 fingers in length , it was too soft to polish : Asyctos , made hot in the fire , contains the heat for 7 dayes ; it is black and ponderous with red veins distinguishing it . Calcophnes is black , but struck upon , it sounds like brasse ; it is said to be good for Tragaedians to carry with them . Catochites is a stone of Corsica , wonderful , if report be true ; it holds , your hand laid upon it , like Gum. The Medes send Gasidanes , it growes in Arbelis . They say it conceives , and being shaken , you may hear the noise of the Infant ; it conceives in 3. moneths space . CHAP. XXV . Of Jewels found in the bodies of living Creatures . Artic. 1. Of the Draconite , the Chelonia , the Cock stone and Toadstone . MAny Jewels are found in the bodies of living Creatures . I will only set down some . For too reckon them all is to much for an Epitomist . Draconites of Dracontia is made out of Dragons brains , but unlesse you cut it out whilst they are alive , it will never grow hard , by reason of the malice of the Creature , finding it self ready to dye . Therefore Men cut them out when they are asleep . Sotacus , who writ , that he saw that Jewel with a King , saith , that those that seek it ▪ ride in Chariots , and when they spy the Dragon they scatter sleepy medicaments , and so they come to cut it out . Plin. l. 37. c. 10. They are transparent white , and admit of no art to polish them . Cinediae are found in the brain of a fish of the same name ; they are white and somwhat long and wonderfull in effects , if it be so as men write . They foreshew the face of the Sea , by their troubled or peaceable colour . Chelonia is the eye of an Indian Tortis , most wonderfull by the invented lyes of Conjurers : for they promise , that if you lay it upon your tongue with liquid honey , it will foreshew future events at the full and new Moon for all day ; but when the Moon decreaseth , before the Sun is up , at other times from one a Clock till six . Moreover of Draconitis , Philostratus writ ; and ascribes to it as much vertue as Gyges ring had ; Rhodig . c. 11. l. 6. antiq . lection . Alectorius is cut out of the gizard of a Cock with a Comb , being included with a thin skin or membrane , 4 , yeares after he hath been gelded ; Lemn . de occult . It may , be it is congealed from the excrement of seed , by force of his imbred heat , as milk grows hard in the breasts . It procures Men favour , and makes them lusty . Toads produce a stone ; with their own Image somtimes . It never grows but in those that are very old . Libav . l. 3. singul . In the family of Lemnius there is one kept that is greater then a Hazel nut . Lemnius de occult . l. 2. c. 30. It is proved to dissolve tumours that rise from bitings of venomous beasts , if you rub it on often . The Lapis Bufonius , called Grateriano , the Swedes Chronicles write of it , it weighed 5 , Physicall pounds , and 3 , Ounces , 2 , drams lesse ; Crasius annal , Suevit . l. 12. p. 3. c. 37. The words are these . After the joyfull birth of our Lord Jesus Christ , of the Virgin Mary , the mother of God. Anno , 1473 ; after the birth of St. John , the 27 of June , Berchtholdus Gratterus dwelling then at Hopstach , in the afternoon went into a Wood , which they call the Vale of Dipachia , to cut poles to make hoops for Vessells . In that place he heard a hissing and a great noise by a River in that Valley , and when he stood a farr off to see what the matter was , he saw an incredible heap of Serpents and Vipers , and Toads lying twined together . As nere as he could conjecture , it was a greater quantity than a great washing Tub could contain . He was frighted and durst go no neerer , yet he cut a bough , and marked the place there in the confines ; that day he came twice back , and beheld that conventicle of Serpents , and he found them all , allmost together upon a heap : wherefore he left them and went home , concealing the matter for three dayes ; when he returned to the Wood , he found that these water Snakes were gon , and none ●f these venemous Creatures were left , but only one Toad that was killed , and a Snake in a white glutenous humour , and thick , shining like to frog-Spawn , and neere to it , that Toadstone Bufonius , which he catcht up , and wiped it , and carried it with him home , keeping it for some farther profit . But after that Gratterus came into the Town ( about a 100 yeares since ) the stone was used successully , for Man and Beast , as it followes . The eldest Sonne of the house of Gratterians keeps this Toadstone , and he will not lend it especially to strangers , under a pawn of 50 , or a 100 , Livers . Amongst the other vertues it is observed that it hath very great force against malignant tumours , that are Venemous , Cholerick or Erisipelas , Apostems , and Bubos ; and for Cattel that are bewitched . They are used to heat it in a bag , and to lay it hot without any thing between to the naked body , and to rub the affected place with it . They say it prevails against Inchantments of Witches , especially for great bellied Women and Children bewitched . So soon as you apply it to one bewitched , it sweats many drops . In the Plague it is laid to the heart to strengthen it . It draws Poyson out of the heart , and out of Carbuncles and Pestilent sores . It consumes , dissipates and softens all hardnesse , Tumours , and Varices . Artic. 2. Of the Stones Chelidonium , Crabs eyes , Snail Stones , and Bezar . CHelidonius is so called as if it came from Swallows : Yet it is formed of a yellow Gold coloured Jasper . Bound to the right arme , it is good against fantastick thoughts , from melancholy : It cures such as are Lunatick and mad , and hath a peculiar vertue against diseases of the eyes , Plater . Also in the heads of River Crabs , there are stones which steeped in most sharp Vinegar , they will seem to move . Quercet . in dial . s. 3. c. 7. With their powder to half a dram in White Wine , the Stones of the Kidneys are happily driven out . Henric. a Bra. de calc . The Snail-Stone , put under the tongue , hath a great force to cause salivation . It makes the tongue moyst , and the humour fluent , and stencheth thirst , and represseth heat . Bound on , it helps Children to breed teeth , Plin. l. 30. c. 5. A water Snake casts up by vomit , a stone into the water under her , if you bind a cord to her tayle . Holler . l. 1. de morb . inter . c. 39. This hath such force to consume water , that it presently drinks it up . Wherefore , laid to the belly of an hydropick person , it consumes the water by degrees , Plater . l. de vita . The Bezar Stone is found in the Stomack of a hee Goat ( rather of a shee Goat ) in the Indian Mountaines . Sennert l. 5. Epitom , scient . natural . c. 4. Somthing which hath a kind of bark , and is , as I may so say , Chamford ( saith Sennertus ) proceeds from a small beginning , that is oft times , straw , to which some moisture sticks like glew , and hence it is that that stone is made up as it were of many thin plates . It is great in an old , lesse in a young shee Goat ; and all those plates both inward and outward are smooth and shining . Rasis by experiment commends it against all Venome . Not only drank saith Mathiol . on Diascorid . l. 5. c. 75. but also bound on , so that , it may touch the naked skin of the left side , it excells all other things . Abdalnarchus adds farther , The stone they call Bezoar , we have now seen , with the Sons of Almirama keeper of the Law of God : for which stone at Cardubahee , at the beginning of the Warrs , parted with a magnificent , and allmost Kings Palace . Some say , that the Bezar stone is nothing but the Tears of the Stag ; for they say , that the old ones , overgrown with Age , do eat Serpents , and grow young again : and for to conquer the venom , they drench themselves in a River , onely their head forth● ; and , as they stay so , a clammy humour falls from their eyes ; and being congealed by the Suns heat , it becomes a Stone there . It is like an Acorn , and being fallen from their eyes , it is gathered up by such as attend for it . Yet they are thought to be divers , Scalig. Exerc. 112. writes thus concerning the Stags tears , which he held to be the dearest thing to him in his Treasure of the Muses ; Before 100 years a Stag hath none ; after that age it growes at the corner of the eye , and thrusting forth like a bone , it growes harder than horn . The prominent part is round , very shining of a gold yellow colour , with prints of other veins . It is so smooth , that you can scarce feel it ; and it so drawes it self away , that it even seems to move . It is an excellent remedy against poysons . To those infected with the Plague , it is given with a little wine , and they will sweat so , as if their whole body would melt . Thus far Scaliger . He that would be fully instructed , let him read Bauhinus of the Bezar stone . CHAP. XXVI . Of Gold. WEe have done with Minerals thus far . Now follow Metals . First , Gold : This is found in its proper vein , and in stones that are of shining white ; also in the true Pyrite , and sometimes in stones of iron . In Spain some pieces have been found weighing above ten pound weight . It is plough'd up in Galitia , Justin. l. 44. Dubravius writes , that in the Mountains of the Gelovienses , a masse of ten pounds was taken out of a Rock ; and he saith , it was presented to King Wenceslaus . In India the Pismires ( which in Aegypt are as great as Wolves ) do carry it and keep it . In the Islands of the Sea of Aethiopia , the plenty of it is so great , that the Inhabitants have barter'd a Talent for horses , Plin. l. 6. c. 36. This one thing loseth nothing by fire , but the more it burns , it growes the better . Yet the juyce of Lemmons will abate from its weight , Lemnius occult . l. 2. c. 36. and if hens limbs be mingled with melted gold , they consume it , Plin. l. 29. c. 4. The heat of living Creatures may work upon it , as Wendlerus witnesseth in Prognostic . Anni 1619. A Senator of Gorlicum had a fat Hen , she had eaten about 4. books of leaf-gold beaten out with the hammer . When she was killed , it was found pure within her . In her breast 3. golden streaks were seen , some Artificer was thought to have drawn them , Schnitzerus Epistol . 50. writes , that in the stomach of another , that was killed , some moneys were found half consumed . To this adde what Zacharias à P●teo affirms in his Clavis Medica Spagyrica , and Chirurgica ; When , saith he , I studied at Padua , it happened , that one of our Hens , flew upon the Table ; there were upon it some ornaments for women : amongst the rest a precious pearl , which hung to an ear Jewel curiously made by an Artificer , and it had some golden covers drawn about it , the Hen swallowed this pearl with the ear-jewel ; when 4. or 5. hours were past , the Pearl and Jewel were mist. A certain Maid thought the Hen had swallowed it ; because some dayes before the said Hen had swallowed one , the Italians call Gazetta . Wherefore , the hen was killed , and presently her Gisard being parted and cut , we found the pearel with the earing not yet passed into the cavity of the stomach , but contained in the orifice thereof ; extream hot , and yielding to the touch like wax , and the ornaments of it almost consumed by the heat thereof , which Jewel in a short space , when it grew cold , and the heat was gon , became hard , as it was before ; the forme was spoiled , and when it was weighed with another caring like it , it wanted a third part in weight . But to return to Gold. No Mettal is drawn out further , or can be more divided : for one ounce of it will be hammer'd into 750 and more leaves , of 4. fingers broad and long , Plin. l. 33. c. 3. That it may be wire-drawn , and spun without silk , I need not approve of ; The Luxury of the Age is well known . Pliny lived , when Agrippina , as Claudius , made a shew of a Sea-sight , sate by him , clothed in a robe of woven gold , without any other addition . Now though it consumes not in the fire , yet it is resolved Chymically , and becomes so aërial , that if it be but stirred with an iron Spatula , or grow hot any other way , it will presently take fire and make a great noise ; and one scruple of it shall work more forcibly than half a pound of Gun-powder , Crollius cited by Sennert . c. 18. de Consens . et dissens . Chymicor . A few grains of it if they flye down perpendicularly , can strike through a Table of wood , Quercetan . The cause is , the contrariety of the spirit of Nitre , and the brimstone of gold : for when as oyl or salt of Tartar is poured into the solution of gold , the salt of Tartar unites it self with common salt , and also with Allum , and Ammoniac ; and hence it is , that gold left to it self sinks to the bottom ; and if any of these salts is left with the gold , it is washed off with hot water , Sennertus de consens . et dissens . Chymic , et Galen . c. 19. onely the spirit of Nitre is left , which perfectly unites with the Gold. If that therefore grow hot , so soon as it perceives that the Sulphur of gold is there present , it opposeth it self against its Enemy , and breaks forth with a mighty noise , in flame . It hath been long disputed , whether it can be made potable ; experience shews that it may . For that famous man Dr. Francis Antony , Physitian of London , brought it into a consistence like honey , and sent certain portions of it to the Physitians of Germany to try it , Johan . Vincent . Finckius in Enchiridio dogmatico Hermetico . Yet Heurn . l. 1. Aph. 24 , thinks it hath no nutritive faculty , because between potable and solid Gold , there is no difference but the liquefaction ; and if a man cannot be nourished by the pure Elements he can hardly be fed with things inanimate and distilled : Also it may be made , nay it was made . Kelleius an English man converted one pound of quick-Silver with one drop of a liquor of a deep red colour , into Gold , that with one grain , he tainted 5000 , and with one he extracted about ten Ounces of pure Gold , Sennert . de consens et diss . cap. 2. And what Theophrastus did , is known out of Neander ; it is known out of Oporinus , Neander in Geographia , Oporinus in Epistolis . Nicolaus Mirandulanus , made an Ingot of Gold out of Brasse , he did it also at Jerusalem , and there are so many witnesses , that it were impudence to deny it . Picus Mirandula Apollinaris did aver sincerely that he had above 20 ways to make Gold. Hence was made that Epitaph at Rome , To the collector of Gold out of Lead . Some think they may be changed in shape but not in substance , I see not what hinders . The forme of Lead is not turned into Gold ; but , that departing , this succeeds . Where there is community of matter , there must be symbolization of necessity . Plants have a perfect form in their kind , yet are they turned into Chylus , and it is no sophistication ; The forms of things are unknown to us , we know them but by their properties ; and , when as they all inhere in that , what place is there for doubting ? Yet that is difficult , and to be attempted warily . Penotus was an excellent Chymist ; learned men know how miserably he was deceived in his old age . His words were , If there were any man whom he could not hurt by open violence , he would perswade him to turn Chymist . Sennert . lib. cit . It is known to all Men , that divers works are made out of Gold. Heliogabalus unloaded his belly in Golden Vessells . Xerxes had a Golden Tree , under which he was wont to sit . A King of Aegypt buried his daughter in a Coat of Coffin . Agricola in observ . Metal . In lower Germany , on Danubius , there were Vines that had tendrels and somtimes white leaves of pure Gold , Alexander . The cause is assigned , That ( there ) are Gold Mines , and that Gold grows about their roots , and being bred with it , and hardned by a secret Original , whilst Vines send out their branches , by a wonderfull work of nature or decree of the Starrs , the Gold grows out with them . Alexander ab Alexandro , l. 4. Genial . dier . CHAP. XXVII . Of Silver . PUre Silver is dug up in many places , but especially out of two places in Germany . So much was dug forth of the Mine at Sueberg , that it was worth 1000000 Rhenish Nobles . That of Abertham afforded 150000 Nobles . About some hundreds of yeares since , the Mine at Friberg yeelded enough to buy all the Kingdom of Bohemia : Agricola in praefat . in decemfossil libros ad Henricum Principem M●senae . Wherefore Prince Henry , neere Northusa set a great Tree of Silver , that he might bestow some of the leavs of it , ( which were partly Silver and partly Gold ) on those Noble Men that had gallantly discharged themselves in fighting on horsback . Somtimes great lumps are dug forth . In the time of Albertus the Saxon , the pieces were so great , that he used them in the Mines for a Table , saying ; Frederick the Emperour is powerfull and rich , yet he hath not at this time such a Table ▪ In the Valley Joachim , they report that there was a Lump dug forth that weighed ten Attick Talents . Nature makes it of many fashions ; sometimes like Trees , sometimes like hairs . It is white , yet some hath been found green . Put rude suddenly into the fire , it will leap forth : When black Lead is mingled with it , it is melted in a great vessel , and part is turned into Lead ore , part into Lytharg : but when it burns long , it loseth something , sharp things corrode it ; Divers works are made of it . Amongst the Tectosages there are made silver Mills . An Historian writes , that the Buckler of Barchinus Asarubal weighed 138 pounds . The History of the Passion was made in pure silver ; so were Hercules's 12 labours , brought to King Ferdinand . To Charles the Emperour a Pillar made of silver . Cortesius himself brought it from Mexico . The price was 49000 Crowns , Maiolus de metallis . I saw Diana with a Stag and Hounds made of silver , with a Dial on the back-part , and there were many kinds of Insects about it cast very exactly . That it stood upon , was like a Table with many wheels . It ran , and their heads seemed to shake as they were turned back . India is chiefly fruitfull of silver . The Mines of Potossum are known . Geographers will direct you , Bertius in Geograph . Also the Treasures of Spain are known . They that are acquainted with it , have written , that 9 times a hundred 45 millions of Crowns have been brought thence , Boterus in Hispan . descript . If there be a fifth part of silver to five of gold , it makes Electrum ; of which formerly they made Calices , because it would discover venom . For bows like the Rainbows will run up and down in these cups with a fiery crashing , and so foreshew it two wayes . By the light it is clearer than silver , Plin. l. 33. c. 4. CHAP. XXVIII . Of Quicksilver . IT is found pure in the Trenches , when Cenoble is washed with waters dropping from the veins ; for so it is collected and turned into Quicksilver . The same dryed turns again to be like Vermilion , very plentiful Fountains run in the veins of it , and the grasse growes very green upon it , Vitruvius l. 8. c. 3. For they that search for the veins of it , in a clear morning in May , they observe the clowds comming forth of the Tops of the Mountains , and hanging like wooll upon the grasse . It hath a marvellous sympathy with gold , Plater . l. 2. del . f. c. 3. If it be in the body , it is drawn forth by drinking of gold . Silver cannot be gilded without Mercury . It is a wonder , that if one be anointed for the French Pox , let him have a gold ring in his mouth , and with his tongue roll it up and down , the Quicksilver in the body falls to the ring , it is taken out like silver , it is recovered by putting it into the fire , Lemnius l. 2. de occult . c. 35. When all other things swim upon it , onely Gold sinks into it . It so flyes the fire , that if it cannot go downward , it will fly upwards : and being shut in , it breaks the cover , Unzer . l. de Merc. c. 1. Put into a rin● , and put to the fire , it makes it leap . Bread in the Oven , Pease in the Pot , Eggs at the fire , if they be touched with a drop of it , will make men laugh by their dancing . The fire will make it fly into a vaporous smoke , but it is not dissipated . For , received and kept in a vessel , it shortly returns to Quicksilver again , and loseth nothing of its weight . Powred on a a plain body ▪ it moystneth not , and therefore men think it is dry . That is false ; for nature makes it round , and it is hindred from sti●king by the lead Ore that surrounds it , Palm . Constant. de morb : Contag . l. 3. c. 4. It alwayes moves . The terrestrial part is excellently well concocted , the ayr and spirits are the cause of it , for they are so shut in , that they cannot get forth ; because they strive to get out ▪ they are moved , Marc. l. 4. c. 6. The use of it , is divers . The Moons , when as all things are burnt by the heat of the Sun , pour that into a Vessel , and casting a skin upon it , they lye down upon that and cool themselves : Put into the ear , and so into the brain , it causeth the Falling-sicknesse . For it dissipates the animal spirits , Heurn . de cap : aff . c. ●● . Water wherein some Quicksilver hath been infused , if it be strained and drank , wonderfully drives forth Worms . Midwives when women have been long in labour , for the last remedy give them a scruple of Quicksilver . Put into a hazel nut-shell by a hole , and so fastned in , and tyed about ones neck with a red silk , it preserves one from the Plague , Quercet . l. 2. pest . alex. 5. There have been so many experiments of it , that we must needs commend it before other remedies . If it hang down to touch the belly , it is singular against the Cholick , Plater . de dol . c. 13. CHAP. XXIX . Of Brasse and Alchimy . PUre Brasse is found both in its own Mines , and amongst silver Mines . The lumps are dug forth of divers fashions , like Ic●● sickles , globes , rods . In shops where they separate brasse from silver , it is yellow and red , which they call regular ▪ duskish red they call Cauldrons mettle , Agric. in lib. Fossil . That is softer , and may be dilated and not melted onely ; this will melt , but not be drawn : with the tincture of Cadmia it will look like gold , and is called Alchymy . It melts and runs in the fire , but in a great crucible it will not endure the force of the fire , nor yet put alteraatì● with things that purge silver and gold , but will be consumed wholly . It will not corrupt , and keeps other things from corruption . Hence saith Horace , ( A Monument more lasting than brasse ) and therefore the Egyptians seem to have put plates of brasse into the Carcases of dead bodies . Pierius in Hieroglyph . testifies , that they were wont to stick sharp Spears of Brasse into dead bodies . Camerar . ho● . subcis . cent . 1. c. 14. saw such Images at Venice with Lauredanus . The son of Lawredanus affirmed , that they were taken out of the bodies of men that were embalmed . There are divers works made of Brasse . The hundred gates of Babylon are celebrated in records : and that brasen cup of 900 Gallons which the Lacedemonians gave to Cro●sus . At Florence the Chappel of St. John Baptist , which they call the Font , hath three brazen doors gilded . The Colossus of Rhodes was made of the same metal , it was 70 cubits high . Fifty years after it was thrown down by an Earthquake , and lay many years for a miracle , Plin. l. 34. c. 7. Few could fathom the thumb of it , the fingers were longer than most Statues . Vast Caves were seen when the limbs were broken . There were within it mighty great stones : by the weight of them he ●hat made it , made it stand fast . They say it was 12 years making of 300 Talents . It was one of the Seven Wonders of the World. CHAP. XXX . Of Lead . LEad is of 3. sorts , white , ash-coloured , and black . The first is not found of its own colour , but the stones are whitish of which it is made . Ceruss is made of it corroded by the steam of vineger . The ash-coloured is dug up at Sneberg . When silver is boyled out of it , the fire consumes it all . Of the black are made square vessels , in which salt is boyled from salt water ; from nitrous water , Nitre , Agricol . in observat . These filled with liquor , and set in the Ayr , foreshew rain , if there be drops on the outside . There is nothing hotter than it , yet if you anoint your hands with the juice of Mallowes or Mercury , you may wash your hands in melted lead , so you do it quickly with swift motion , Lemnius l. 2. de occult . c. 34. It is heavier than silver , yet will swim upon it being melted . It may be , the volatil parts of evaporating Lead fly away by the fire ; but the silver not evaporating , sinks down , Libavius l. 2. Epist. Chym. Ep. 98 ▪ It is said to increase in weight and magnitude , if it be hid in C●llars , where the Ayr is troubled , so that what is put there , presently gathers rust . The Leaden bands of Statues that bind their feet , are sometimes found to grow , and to swell sometimes so much , that they will hang like Crystal out of the stones . Experience hath proved it to be unfit for Medicament , Fernel . lib. de lue Vener . c. 7. For when as one by the advice of an Emperick , had eaten half a pound of the powder of it with his meat in 15 dayes , to cure the joynt Gout , those things that were taken in , had a nidorous taste of Lead , and what was voided by stool , looked of Lead colour . Yet it is found also to be for externall medicinal use . For it cools . Wherefore both Mortars and Pessels are wont to be made of it , in which if Liquors are beaten , what comes by the mixture of both is very cooling . The plates are good to lay to the loyns over-heat with venery , and against nocturnal pollutions in dreaming . Calvus the Orator , did prevent lust therewith , that he might preserve his strength for his study , Pliny . Musicians were wont to lay them upon their breasts , to sing the lowder , Isidorus . Nero had a plate of Lead to lay upon his breast when he slept , to preserve his voice , Suetonius in Nerone . CHAP. XXXI . Of Iron . THe Mine of Iron is the greatest of all Mettals . On that part of Cantabria which the Sea passeth by , there is a Mountain , high and cragged , it is incredible to speak it , it is all of Iron Ore ; Plin. l. 34. c. 14. It is rare in India . Hence they write that 14 , pounds of Iron , at the Island of Zabur have been bartred for 250 , pounds of Gold. Pegaffetta . It was formerly found in China , called Azzalum Indicum , of such an excellent temper in the edg that it would cut any Iron , Pancirol , l. de novis repertis . Digged up in Sicilie , and Lusatia , it grows again , and the earth and stocks of Trees , as it grows , become Iron . First it is like a thick liquor , and by degrees it grows hard , Agricola in observat . metal . When it is boyled , it becomes moyst like water , afterwards it is broken into Spunges . The more tender Iron instruments , are steeped in oyle to quench them , lest they should grow too hard and brittle with water . Plin. lib. citat . But in the Island Palmosa , it cannot be melted , & also in Aethalia , Strabo . l. 15. Bertius in Descript Ilvae . Smeared with Alum and Vineger it becomes like brasse . At Smolnicium ( it is a Town of the Mount Carpathum ) water is drawn out of a pit , and it is powred into Pipes laid in a threefold order , and that pieces of Iron in them , turn into brasse . Agricol de metal . But the piece of Iron that is put into the end of the Pipes , is eaten by this water , that it becomes like mud ; that , afterwards boyled in a furnace becomes good Brasse . It is most agreeing with all Copper , that it will mingle with it in melting . The Poets call these Mars and Venus in their Fables , Minder . de Vitriolo . c. 1. Aristonides , when he would expresse the fury of Athamas who would throw down headlong his Son Clearchus , and when he had don so , the manner of his sorrow ; he mingled Brasse and Iron , that the rust of it shining through the brighter Brasse , might expresse his shame and bashfullnesse , Plin. lib. citat . Plunged fiery ▪ hot in water , it becomes Steel ; in Vinegar , it will endure no hammering , but will sooner break than draw . Hence the Lacaedonians who were wont to make their coyn of Iron Rods , steeped them red hot in Vinegar ; that , being brittle , they might never be put to any other use . Plutarch in Lycurgo . If you seek a reason , we say that Vinegar goes into the heart of the Iron ; Bodin , l. 2. Theatr : In Furnaces where they make it into bars , there rise such Vapours from it , when it is hammerd , that a certain powder increaseth sensibly , and multiplyes sticking to the walls . Albert. Mag , in lib. de Animal . It is so strong that it can never be consumed by fire . In the new World there is an herb called Cabuja or Hentquen ; of the leavs of it , there is a reddish string , that with sand will cut Iron . Ovetan . Histor. l. 7. c. 10. Iron scales are very drying , they put it in their shoos that have sweating feet . The best Iron is most white and light , and hath little branches , somtimes like to Corall , somtimes bound together with very fine strings . They make bullets of it , for great Guns . CHAP. XXXII . Of Fossil Fl●sh . ANdreas Libavius , a Man exceedingly deserving in Philosophy and Physick , saith , that it was reported on the credit of the Jevenses Schroterori , that at the rampire of Erfurd , by the port of St. Andrews , upon occasion of raising the Bulwark higher , that great pieces of raw flesh were dug out of ground , and that it was brawny ; much like to Oxe-flesh , ( only it had no bones ) : Hubnerus affirms this in Epistol . ad Libavium . But because those that dug it up prated that they could find it only upon Thursdays , wise men began to suspect the matter , and having discovered the fraud , the deceivers were cast into Prison . Though fraud here may be objected ; yet it is not against reason to say with Libavius , that there may be fossil flesh . Most true it is that the Earth , ( I add the water also ) is the Mother of some living Creatures , and of those imperfect ones that came by aequivocall generation ; and by the mixture of both these , Clay may be made fit for the breeding of an animall principle , which somtimes becomes a perfect Creature , and somtimes is deficient . As in the kinds of perfect Creatures , somtimes rude lumps are bred , somtimes provided with that supplies their defect . If that be first , and yet , helps being present , it is not frustrated of its motion , it is likely that a Mole of clotted blood or somthing like flesh should be made : no otherwise than as matter disposed with it for a bone , becomes a bone , which is called Fossil Horn. So Histories relate , that shell fish have been found in the tops of the highest Mountaines of sand , from Marle and Marble putrified : which though some think they are the reliques of the General flood , yet is it not probable , that they could last so long , by reason of the injury of time . For Marble it self will at last dissolve . And if you think it absurd that a Creature with blood should proceed from matter that is without blood ; I could by examples shew your absurdity . When Nilus sinks down , living Creatures are bred of the mud by heat of the Sun , some perfect , some half perfect , sticking to the Clods , Diodor. Sicul. A Venemous frog is bred deep within the Earth , where you can see no holes , when as the futures of stones are broken with wedges , Agricola . Of the rayning of blood and flesh there are many Histories , and that came not by the Sun , drawing blood from Carkeises , but by changing the humour so disposed . In a ditch of the Town Beichelstein beneath out of a Willow , stinking blood ran . At Spira they say it came forth of bread . At Suidnicium , a bloody Fleece of Snow fell down like hail . What shall I say more ? The Chymists say that of Satyrium , great Comfrey , Tutsan , Bread and Wine , a juyce may be made that is perfectly blood , which by due digestions may be made into substantial flesh . Of Brimstone boyled in Linseed Oyle , they make a Masse like a Liver . Lastly the fowls in the Orcades are said to be fruits of Trees . You shall see it proved in the appendix of the sixth Classis . Wherefore we conclude with Libavius , that there may be Fossil Flesh ; and with this discourse we will shut up this Classis . Setting aside those things that may be said concerning Devill in Mettalls , which we shall speak of in our Thaumatographia Pneumatica , which if God pleaseth , we intend to publish . I add one thing that I had forgot . When Henry the 2. King of France was at Bononia , there was brought to him from the East Indies by an unknown person , but , as it appeared by his gesture , a Barbarous fellow , a stone of a wonderfull shape and nature , for it shone with light and clearnesse exceedingly , and it seemed as if it were all on fire , and turn it which way you would , the lustre of it so enlightned the ayre with its beams , that they could hardly endure to look upon it : And this was strange in it , that it could endure no earth upon it , but if it were covered with it , it would break forth with violence of its own accord : no art of man could hold it in a narrow place , for it delighted in the spacious Ayre , it was exceedingly pure and bright , no filth was upon it , it had no certain figure , but was inconstant , and changed in a moment ; and being so beautifull to behold , yet it was not safe to touch it , and those that dealt roughly with it to hold it , felt the inconvenience , as many that stod by can testify . If any part were broken off from it , by contending with it , for it was not very hard , yet the vertue of it was very usefull for many things , and the Stranger said it was needfull chiefly for Kings . He boasted much of the miracle , but refused to discover it , unlesse he might first receive a mighty reward . Thuan saith , that he delivered these things as they were in Leters of John Pipin an eye witnesse of it : who in the Family of A. Mamorantius , M. E. professed Physick , and sent his Leters to Antony Mizaldus a famous Physitian ; also , to Bononia , on the day before Ascension day , and saith , he leaves the matter to Philosophers to discusse farther . For Pipinus in his Letters , neither said that the Antient knew any such stone , nor do I affirm it . Thuan , l. 5. Histor. The End of the Fourth Classis . OF Naturall VVonders . The Fifth Classis . Wherein are the Wonders of Plants . NAture , daily breeds Flowers and Sents : it is evident , that men are much admonished thereby , that those things that flourish most delightfully , do soonest wither , Plin. l. 21. histor . Natural . c. 1. CHAP. I. Of Plants in generall . WEe have seen the Wonders of things without life ; Now let us see the Wonders of living Creatures ▪ Plants are first in order ; not that they are the chief , but because they have that degree in common to all living Creatures . They have a vegetative soul , producing the nutritive , augmenting , and generative faculties , with all things subordinate to them . And besides , each hath a specificall form of its own being , works by it , and is distinguished from others . Nature hath made up their bodies of certain parts , which Philosophers call the kernel , the pith , the bark of the root , the stock , the boughes , the branches , the flowers , the fruit . As these vary , so is there very great difference in Plants . The Earth is their Mother , their faculty was given by creation ; and because qualities are different , it is found very various in Plants also . Moses speaks expresly , Let the Earth bring forth grasse , the herb yielding seed , and the fruit tree yielding fruit after its kind , whose seed is in it self upon the Earth . But Porta ( l. 2. Phytogn . c. 1. ) when he had heaped up much ground together , which was cast forth from the foundations of houses , and laid it open to the Ayr ; a few dayes after , from the divers qualities of the Earth , divers sorts of herbs sprang forth . He saw these things familiarly in Naples climat and grounds , some of them must needs marry . The principles of Male and Female are mingled in them . But that which Pliny writes is false , that they are begot by the West wind . They wither that fructifie most , for their nourishment is consumed ; and beyond St. Thomas Island , the South wind onely is said to blow , elsewhere onely two winds by courses : And it is certain , that all kinds of Plants do not grow in all places . For near Rome Chestnuts will hardly grow : and about Cimmerian Bosphorus , in the City Particapaeum . King Mithridates and the rest of the Inhabitants wanted the Bay and Myrtill Tree in their solemnities . Some new Plants are found in new-found places , as Tobacco lately in America , wild Tobacco was found in the Woods of Thuringia , Libavius l. 4. de orig . rerum . Anaxagoras ascribes it to the ayr that hath in it the seeds of all things , and sends them down in showrs , and they become Plants . Diogenes , to the waters putrifying and mingled with the earth . Others to the winds , bringing them . We ascribe them , to Divine providence , which did not produce each individual plant , but disposed of the best in Paradise , and left the rest without , endowing some with virtues to come forth into the light at their set times . As for their Life , they live by heat in the earth , and dye with cold . Theophrastus l. 2. de Plant. c. 4. testifies , that some of them will spring again ; if an Olive Tree be burned to the root , it will grow again : Some will live without the ground , as Onions and Garlick , which being many moneths from the Earth , grow without any nutriment from thence , being fortified by much grosse humour of their own , Marcel . l. 4. histor . medic . mir . c. 12. The forces of Plants are wonderful . It hath been observed , that if men with wands travel where ill Plants grow , the Ulcers will be inflamed , and cured where the Plants are healthful , Mathiol . in Dioscor . Praefat. By touching of Spleenwort , Splenetick people have been helped ; and Jaundy-sick , by putting Celandine to their naked feet in their shooes . No man shall be troubled with blear-eyes , so long as he keeps very clean by him the root of the wild sowr Dock . He shall not be troubled with the Strangury any more , who quencheth in his urine the burning root of Tamarisk . Physitians do diversly dispose them ; the Chymists teach us to know them by their signatures ; and Porta of Naples thinks , that it is certain , that what part of Man they resemble that they are good for , Sennert . de cons. Chym. c. 18. But of these , more hereafter if God please . Now let us see Nature prodigall in Plants , and opening her Treasures , let us admire with thanksgiving . CHAP. II. Of Wormwood , Woolfsbane , and Snapdragon . WOrmwood is in many things a wonderful Plant , it is very bitter , yet the distilled water of it is sweet . Hence the Commentators on Mesues think , that the intrinsecal parts are sweet : but the matter must be ascribed to the thinnesse of the outward parts ; for these being soluble into a vapour , being more attenuated by heat of the fire , are easily resolved , and abate of their bitternesse , Mathiolus in Dioscor . c. 24. The Lye out of which the salt of it is prepared , will so benum the hands , that they almost lose their feeling , Mathiol . de febrib . pest . It is credible , that if Infants before they be 12 weeks old , be anointed with the juice of Wormwood on their hands and feet , that neither heat nor cold will ever trouble them during their life : and if the whole body be anointed , they shall never be scabby , Guerth . in Append. ad memorab . Mizaldi . Wolfsbane is the quickest of all venomous things ; for if it touch but the secrets of a woman , it kills her the same day . This was the poyson , that Mar : Coecilius objected , that Calphurnius Bestia killed his Wives with , when they were asleep : hence it is that he so sharply declamed against him , that they dyed by his hand . Yet experience teacheth , that this may be made use of for mans good , and against the bitings of Scorpions , given in hot wine , the nature of it is to kill Man , unlesse it find some venome in him to be destroyed . Scorpions are stun'd by the touch of it ; and being astonished , shew by their palenesse that they are subdued . White Hellebore helps them by its resolving touch , and Wolfsbane yields to two evils , to that which is evil to it self , and to all others , Pliny . But Snapdragon is so contrary to them , that the sight of it stuns them : but whilest some by this Amulet hope to procure Princes favours , they are deceived , Mathiol : in l. 4. Dioscor . c. 128. CHAP. III. Of Aloes , Agallochum , and Camomill . SCaliger had found by above 40 years tryal , that Aloes hurts the Liver , Exerc. 160. Sect. 3. They whose veins swell , or are opened , if they take never so little of it , it will certainly go thither ; for it will adde something of its own to open these vessels . But Agallo●●um is Aloes wood so excellent , that cast into water , it will not swim at all , but sinks presently ; When it is cut from the Tree , the Inhabitants bury it a whole year , that the bark may wither under ground , and the wood lose nothing : and they think it will never be so sweet , unlesse it first be worm-eaten , Simeon Sethi citante Mathi●lo . Camomil is so like to May-weed , that you cannot know them asunder by sight , but onely by smell . This stinks , and bound on will presently blister the skin . The flowers of Camomil taken without the leaves , and beat in a Mortar , and made with oyl into balls , if they be dissolved in the same oyl , and those that have Feavers be anointed therewith from the crown of the head , to the soles of the feet , and be presently covered with blankets to sweat ; if they sweat plentifully , it cures them of their Agues . This is Nictessius Aegyptius his receipt , Mathiol . in Dioscorid . l. 3. c. 1 37. CHAP. IV. Of Ammi , Holly , Ceterach , and the Strawberry-Tree . AMmi , if it be the right seed that comes from Alexandria , it cherisheth Womens fruitfulnesse : if you drink of it a dram weight in the morning every other day , 3. hours before meat . Yet in those dayes they must not lie with their husbands , as Mathiol . in 3. Dioscor . c. 61. With the flowers of Holly , water congealeth ; and a stick made of it , thrown at any living creature , though it fell short by the weaknesse of him that threw it ; yet of it self it will fall nearer to him , Plin. l. 22. Ceterach growes in Crete , by the River Potereus , that runs between two Cities Enosa and Cortina : it destroyes the Spleen in Cattel , that eat it ; thence it hath its name Spleenwort ▪ In a certain place that lyes toward Cortina , this Spleenwort is found in great abundance ; but it is otherwise toward Enosa , for there growes none . In the wrong side of the leave of it , there is found a precious powder , which being given one dram weight , with half a dram of the powder of white Amber , in the juice of Purslane , cures the Gonorrhaea . The Strawberry Tree flowers in July ; the buds by a singular hanging together , are joyned in clusters at the utmost end , each of them like a long form'd Myrtil berry , and as great , without leaves ; hollow , as an Egge made so , with the mouth open ; when it fades , what hindred is perforated , Theophrast . l. 3. c. 16. de Plantis . CHAP. V. Of the Cane reed , Asserall , and Agnacath . IN Zeilam the Reeds are so large , that they make boats of them severally ; also they make Javelius of them : As in the Kingdom of Pegu , they make Masts and Oars of the Myoparones : Certain it is , that they are some of them 7 foot about , Scaliger Exerc. 166. Mathiolus writes , that in India they grow so great , that between every knot , they serve for Boats to sail in Lakes and Rivers , for three Men to sit in them . Mathiol . in Dioscorid . l. 1. c. 97. Between the Reed and the Fern there is a deadly feud , and they say that a Reed tied to the Plough destroys all the Fern that growes there . It agrees with Sparagus ; for if they be sowed in Reedy grounds , they increase wonderfully . Mathiol , l. citat . The Turks , going to battle , devoure Asseral , and by that they grow merry and bold against dangers . Juglers use this often on their Scaffolds . They mingle a Medicament with Wine , that will draw their mouths together : and whom they would put a trick upon , they bid him dip his finger in and suck it ; he putting this into his mouth , cannot for pain suck it . The Juglers , as if they pittied him in this case , annoint the arteries of his wrists and temples with some peculiar Oyntment . When he is recovered , like one that comes from Sea after Shipwrack , he winds his hair and garments as if they were wet , and wrings them out , he wipes his Armes , blows his Nose . Scaliger . Exerc. 159. Agnacath is a Tree like a Peare Tree , and as great , allwayes with green leaves , and very clear in the outside . It makes men so lusty that it is miraculous . Kin to this , is a root in the Western Hills of Allas , the Inhabitants call that part Surnaga . The eating of it gives wonderfull strength for Venus ▪ they say if a Man make water on it , he is presently provoked . If Virgins do but sit on them in the fields ; or Urine upon them , the Hymen is presently broken , as if they had known a Man. Scalig. Exerc. 175. s. 1. CHAP. VI. Of the Scythian Lamb , the bashfull Plant , and Amfi● . THe Scythian Lamb is a Plant that come 〈…〉 seed like a Kernel , but not so long . The Tartars call it 〈…〉 . It g●●ws like a Lamb about three foot high , and is like a Lamb in his feet , claws , ears , the whole head , except the Horns . For Horns ; it hath h●ire : is is singular like a Horn , and a very thin Horn covers it , the inhabitants take it off , and use it for cloathing . It is of a wonderfull sweetnesse ; Blood runs forth of the wound . As long as other herbs grow about it , so long it will live . It dies , when these are gon . Wolves desire it , but other beasts that feed on flesh , do not . Scali●●r exerc , 181 , sect . 2. The Bashfull-Tree draws back , if you but touch the leaves with your hand . Apollodorus , Scholler to Democritus , discovered that Amfia is a medicament amogst the Iridi , of wonderfull use . They that are not used to it from their Childhood , if they eat it afterwards , it kills them : also it kills those that are used to it , and then 〈…〉 it ; but hurts not those if they continue it . The women of Cambaya ▪ when they would avoid punishment feed of it ; and dye without pain . The King of Province fed with this from his young yeares grew so Venemous , that the very flies that but suckt his skin swelled and died with it . It is thought to be Opium , and the Turks Maslach . Tthough Turnheuserus herbar . l. 1. c. 29. saith , that by the secret relation of the Turks , he learned that this was made of the juyce of Leopards bane , yet it is nothing else , but Opum , as Scaliger , Poterius , and Johannes Baptista Sylvagius , interpreter for the Venetians with the Turkish Emperour , do testify . He being demanded by Bucretius , reported that the Turks have two medicaments , to make them merry , Afra and Bongelie ; That prepared of Opium : this with Honey , and the leaves and seeds of hemp powdred and used frequently , This will make them undergo any dangers , for it makes them frantick ; and if they sleep , they dream of the fighting of Gyants , and fires , and Cities burning . CHAP. VII . Of Balsome Tree , and Betel . BEfore these times , in Judaea the Balsom Tree yielded great profit , and there was an Orchard of it in two Kings dominions , one of 20 Acres , the other not so many ; but now there is none to be found . It is probable that the Kings of Aegypt transplanted it into their own Gardens , as being jealous of their greatnesse , Plin. l. 12. c. 25. In grand Cairo there is a Garden of Balsom Trees , the leafe is like Rue leaves alwaies green . The Gum of it is gathered in the Trunk of it , making incision at the upper part , with Iron ; When the Sun is hottest , that which remaines is not much . For a man can hardly fill a Cockle shell in a whole day . Theophrastus , l. 9. c. 6. de plantis . Pliny writes , if it be cut with an Iron , it presently dies , and therefore they that gather Balsome , use Glasse , Stone , and Bone-Knives to cut the Bark , and taking the juyce in wool , they collect it in little Hornes . That which is Indian or Occidental , is brought out of the West Indies into Spain . It is the liquor of a Tree called Xilon ; the bark of it , which is thinne being cut , a clammy whitish liquor in small quantity flows forth , which the Inhabitants preserve . Also the boughs and roots cut into pieces , very small like Chips , and boyled in a Cauldron with water , when it is cold , yeilds the same . From Shell-fish they collect an Oyle that swims at top , that is red from black , of a most sweet smell , a sharp tast and somwhat bitter . A pound of it in Spain is sold for three Dudats , whereas an ounce was wont to be sold for 10 or 20. Bauhin . in Dioscorid ▪ Be●●l a lease called so from the River , which runs not far from Gamba●a , it grows from a Plant that is wrapt with others and wants propping● it hath neither flower nor juyce . The Indians feed daily on it , when they are at leasure : for they think when it is green that it promotes venery ; It makes their lips red , and their teeth black . Mathiol . l. 4. Dioscorid . c. 2. It troubles their minds if they eat of it too freely , therefore the women of Tarnassarum , to lament for their Husbands , eat it till they grow mad , and so they run into the fire , and are burnt with them . It is sprinkled with water made of lime , from Shells of Fishes , and then they eat it , Scaliger , Exerc. 1.46 . s. 2. CHAP. VIII . Of Betonie , Birch and Box. BEtonie is said to defend consecrated places and graves from fearfull apparitions ; and is so forcible , that it will draw forth broken bones ; bruised with a little salt , and put into the nose , it stops the bleeding of it , Mathiol . in 5 , Dioscorid , c. 1. Birch loves to grow in a cold and Snowy Country . The stalk pierced with a piercer sends forth abundance of most clear water , it is good to break stones in the Reins and Bladder , if it be long drank . Mathiol . l. 1. c. 93. The Ananii take of the bark of it , and wreath it , and make Candles of it to burn at night , which because they abound with a Pitchy fat , they burn like Torches , and give the colour of Rosin like Pitch . In the Boxwood there is a kind of narcotick force , and a sleepy sulphureous matter . That is apparent from the stinking smel of it , and the ground it delights to grow in . For it bree●● in Mountaines and stony grounds , and prospers there , and drinks in a most stinking Brimstone . From the rasping of it , a water is distilled like the spirit of Vitriol . The greatest Tooth-ach is allayed , if you dip a Tooth-picker into it , and thrust it into the root of the a●ing Tooth , and that so suddenly , that by miracle allmost , and by way of a Charms , the pain is presently gon● Que●● et . Tetrad . c. 1● . The flowers 〈…〉 said so to purge the blood , that if one drain thereof be giv●● with field Poppy water , and blood be drawn a● hour after , it will run clear ; Petreius in Nosol . Harm . discurs . 14. CHAP. IX . Of Batat , Baxera , Brusathaer , and Baara● . BAtat is a root like a Turnep , with a black rind , it spreads underneath , as it were by Armes ; The colour of the 〈…〉 , and so it is divided into divers kinds , but the worst is the yellow . It is planted wonderfully , for it is Se●mo● with the root ▪ but 〈…〉 the Olive , by a Slip ▪ the twig , being cut into severall parts , is 〈…〉 yet some of the rind must be left . They set it like the Vine and prop it up , for the fibres of it , run about like hops ▪ In the fifth month it is ripe , Scaliger , exerc . 181. s. 17. Baxera● 〈…〉 a Tree in the Kingdom of Belus , which is neere to the Tartars of Cathay . The root of it 〈…〉 kills one presently . The fruit of Nira●und is a remedie for the mischief of it . It drives away any Poyson whatsoever , Scaliger . Exerc. 153. s. 6. B●u●ath●er are Sea-Trees in the S●●us of China ▪ So great are they , that birds of wonderfull bignesse do lodge in them . They are so vast , saith Scaliger , that the greatest Creatures may be born up by them , and taken above ground . Scalig. exerc . 181. s. 10. Josephus writ of Baaras . In a valley , saith he , where the City is conpassed on the North side , there is a certain Lake called Baaras , where there is a root called by the same name . It is of a flame colour , and about the evening , it shines like the Suns beams . Those that come to it , and would pul it up , cannot easily do it , but it draws from them ; nor will it st●y , untill some body powre the urine of the menstrual blood of a woman upon it . Also , then if any one touch it , it is certain death , unlesse he carry the same root hanging in his hand . It is taken an other way without danger , which is this ; They dig round about it , so that very little of the root be covered with the Earth , then they tye a dog to it , and he striving to follow him that tied him , pulls the root out very easily , but the dog allwaies dies , as in place of him , that should take it up : for after that , there is no fear for any man to take it up . It seems to be a Fable , unlesse there be some other meaning in it . CHAP. X. Of Cachi , Cacavate , Cassia , our Ladies Thistle , and Corallina . CAchi is a prickly Tree in Malabar , they call the fruit of it Ciccara ; It is like the Pine-nut ; for within , the severall divisions are distinguished by Membranes , as in the Pomegranate . The Apples are like figs in shape , and sweetnesse , without any rind : there are 250 , and somtimes 300 upon them ; Scalig. exerc . 181 , s. 12. Amongst these small fruits , there is another like a Chesnut , and cracks like it , when it is rosted . The fruit grows forth of the stock , as it doth on the Mulberry Fig-Tree , between the prickles and the leaves . Somtimes , which is the greater wonder , it comes forth of the root under ground , and it brings forth but one Apple , but so great that it will load a strong Man , Maiol . col . de Plant. Cacavate is a Tree in the Province of America Nicaragna , which so abhors the Sun , that it must be kept allwaies in the shade , and must be covered with the shadow of some higher Tree : In Woody places that are wet , if it come to the Sun , it perisheth . Libavius de orig . rerum . Cassia oft times is changeed into Cinnamon . Galen saw some boughs that were exceeding good and alltogether like it , and some twigs of Cinnamon like to Cassia : hence grew his opinion that for one part of Cinnamon , two parts of choise Cassia might be substituted in physicall compositions . Galen de Antid . l. 1. The twigs of it were cut in peices , and sowed up in green Oxe-hides , least the wood should grow unprofitable , by Worms that will breed in it . Plin. l. 12. c. 29. Of solutive Cassia men say , that he that shall daily swallow three drams of the pulp of it before dinner , shall never be troubled with the stone nor colick , Mathiol in Dioscor . l. 1. The flowers of the milky Thistle , which they call Carduus Mariae . Platerus de vit . saith , they cured a Souldier of the Strangury , onely by looking upon them . Corallina is of so great force against Worms , that it drives them forth the same day it is taken . There was a Boy that took it , and voided 70 Worms . The Antients knew it hot , now they use it all over Greece , Lemn . occult l. 3. c. 9. CHAP. XI . Of Cinnamon and Cedar . CInnamon growes in Zeilam , and in one of the Molucco Islands , Mutir . It bears no fruit . In the heat , the rind cleavs and comes off , it is pull'd off twice a year , Scalig. Exerc. 144. First it growes sweet , and the next moneth it comes to perfection . In Galen's dayes it was so scarce , that no man had any but the Emperour , Galen l. 1. de Antid . But even at this day there is scarce any such as Galen describes , Scalig. loc . cit . It holds not good for 30 years ; for it is false , that others write , that it never growes old . I ( saith Galen , loc . cit . ) observed some change in Cinamon , not that was 200 years old , but far younger , in comparison : For at the time that I made Theriac for the Emperour Antoninus , I saw many woodden vessels wherein such Cinamon was , some were laid up in the time of Trajan ; others of Adrian ; some in Antoninus his time ; and all these in taste and smell did exceed or fall short one of another , so much as they differed in age . Cedar doth bring spungy flesh to putrefaction without pain , because it is dry ; and preserves dead bodies from corruption ; for it drinks up the superfluous moys●ure in them , not medling with what is firm , Mathiol . l ▪ 1. Dioscor ▪ c. ●9 . It kills Nits , Lice ; Moaths and Worms bred in the ears ; ●aid on , it kills the Child that is living , and drives forth the dead , Theophrast . l. 5. c. 8. It corrupts the seed in copulation , and hinders procreation . It grew formerly abundantly in Libanus ; now adayes it is very little there , ( Rhanwolsius reckoned but 24 Trees ) . It is wonderful for height and thicknesse . The body is so great , that three Men cannot fathom it . It is far greater in Orchards , if it be let alone and not cut down . At Utica there was the Temple of Apollo , where the beams of the Numidian Cedars lasted ; for they were laid there at the first founding of that City , that was 1188 years , Plin. l. 16. c. 40. CHAP. XII . Of Chamaeleon , Cloves , and Cichory . THe root of black Chamaeleon is venomous in Greece and Pontus : Mathiolus ascribes it to the goodnesse of the climate , where it is not so . For the Peach Tree was formerly deadly to the Persians , but safe to the Egyptians ; and Cuckowpint was so mild amongst them of Cyrene , that they eat it for meat like Rape roots . In Greece and Italy they cannot eat it boyled nor raw . It kills both Dogs and Sows , Dogs , when it is kneaded with barley meal , oyl , and water ; Sows , with Coleworts . If you would try whether a sick man shall live , some say he must be washed with that root for 3. dayes ; if he can endure it , they think he will not die . The clammy substance growing at the roots of it , is present venom ; but taken moderately , it makes sleepy persons wakeful , Theophrast . l. 9. de Plant. c. 23. Hence the women of Crete , that they may not sleep at their work , eat a little of it after Supper . The Clove-Tree growes in the Indies in some Islands of the Indian Sea , it is like a Bay-Tree , with narrower and most sweet smelling leaves . Cloves proceed from them , that are nothing but the beginning of the fruit . It growes of its own accord when the Cloves fall down , Mathiol . in l. 2. Dioscorid . c. 253. It growes to perfection in 8. years , and lasts a hundred years . It bears fruit onely in the Molucco Islands . The keepers of it beat the Tree with Canes , covering the Earth before with Palm-Tree coverings . For 3. years it yields fruit , then it growes barren , and degenerates , Scalig. Exerc. 146. s. 1. Cichory , called Wart-Succory , kills Warts . Many by once eating one Sallet of the leaves of it , have been freed . The seed doth the like , taken one dram for three dayes after Supper , Mathiol . in l. 2. c. 125. CHAP. XIII . Of Saffron and Cherries . SAffron flowrs almost for a moneth ; After the flowers , by and by come forth the leaves , that are green all the Winter , not caring for the cold ; they grow dry , and fall off in the Spring ; they never appear in Summer , Mathiol . ad l. 1. Dioscorid . c. 25. It flowers when the Pleiades set ; and presently with the leaf it drives out the flower . The root loves Lime , it comes up by perishing ; whence those Verses were made : Saffron that 's bruis'd growes fairer ; be not sad , To suffer , for at last 't will make thee glad . Minder . Aloed . c. 4. It is good for shortnesse of breath , Cardanus de spirat . diffic . It recovered the Mother in law of Caesar de Comitibus , who for 2. moneths was so short-winded , that she was next to deaths-door . Given to women in labour , it presently flyes to the Matrix , so that one woman was delivered with a child , dy'd in Saffron , Heurn . l. 2. medic . c. 14. It is hurtful to the brain , and with much using of it , it will cause one to laugh : we have an example of a Merchant who fell into such a laughter after meat , when he had eaten over-much of it , that he was ready to die . A Mule-driver at Pisanta , sleeping upon two little bags of Saffron , dyed that night , Lusitan . Com. ad c. 25. l. 1. Dioscor . Cherry-Trees cannot away with dung ; if therefore you dung their roots , they degenerate ; they prosper well if you cut off the branches of them , and bury them by the roots , that they may corrupt there . They grow without stones , if you cut the Tree off when it is young , about 2. foot from the ground , and pick out the pith of it with an iron , clearing the stock , and bind both parts together again , Mathiol . ad l. 1. Dioscor . c. 129. CHAP. XIV . Of the Dog-Tree , Cypresse-Tree , and Cucumbers . THe Inhabitants of Ida by Troy say , that the male Dog-Tree is barren . In Macedonia they are both fruitfull ; but the Male brings ripe berries in Summer , the Female in Autumn . These Berries are not so good as those ; for they can hardly be eaten . Bees that taste of its flower , die by a dysentery . The Cypresse-Tree growes naturally onely in Candie ; for in what place soever the earth is digged , unlesse it be planted as it should be , it will come forth again of it self . In Mount Ida it growes very well and numerous , in ground that is not forced , Plin. l. 16. c. 33. Set in watry grounds it presently decayes , and it is kill'd by laying dung to it . The seed is as small as Atoms . The Pismires desire it , which is the greater wonder , that so small Creatures can devour it all ; the leaves are alwaies green , and the substance is never rotten , nor breeds Worms , Rhodigin . l. 25. c. 2. Plin. l. 26. c. 40. The Image of Vejovis made of this wood , remained in the fortresse from the year the City was built , 551. even to the dayes of Rhodiginus . In Arcadia at Phophis there were some so tall , that they overshadowed the Mountain that was next to them , Dalechamp . ad loc . cit . Plin. Cucumbers are sometimes wonderful gr●at , that in India one man cannot carry one of them . Scaliger saw one was 7. foot and a half long . He saith also , Exerc. 171. That he had a dry Gourd , which a man that carried it in sport , seemed to have a great Log on his back ; It was 13 hands breadth . Eaten , they remain in the stomach till the next day ; for they are of a clammy and cold substance , Plin. l. 19. c. 5. They so hate oyl , that if a vessel of oyl be put under them when they hang on the stalk ▪ they will turn from it , and grow crooked : They grow very tender , if the seed be steeped in milk before they be set . CHAP. XV. Of Onions , Celandine , Hemp , and River Sponge . THe Onions of the Ascalonitae are of a peculiar nature ; they onely are cleft from the root and barren ; nor will they grow from that part , Theophr . l. 7. c. 4. Therefore they are not set , but sowed with their seed , and in the Spring they are transplanted with their branches . In Candie also , there is a kind of them that growes thick in the root , sowed in seed ; but set , it spreads into stalks and seed ; it is sweet in taste , but hath no head . Seed of Elinus being put into Onions , there will spring up an herb , with leaves like flax , of a sharp taste , they call it Dragons . Yet Scaliger was deceived when he sowed it , and thought to try this miracle , Scalig. Exerc. 169. s. 2. They say of Celandine , that Swallowes lay it on the Eyes of their young ones , and restore their lost sight , Dioscor . l. 2. c. 186. Hence , Aristotle 4. de generat . Animal . c. 6. saith , prick the young Swallows eys , and they will see again : Worn next the soles of the feet , it cures the Jaundies : laid to womens breasts , is will stop the too great abundance of their Terms , Mathiol . ad Dioscor . loc . cit . Garden Hemp-seed will make Hens lay , and it extinguisheth mans nature eaten too largely , Mathiol . ad l. 3. Dioscor . c. 48. The decoction of new Hemp if you presse it out strongly , and pour it on the ground , it will force the Worms out of their holes , and kills Worms in the ears , Plin. l. 20. c. 23. River Sponge is proper especially to the Rivers by the Alps. A pruner of Trees was cured by it , that fell from a Tree , and brake almost all his bones . They laid it round his body , and as oft as it grew dry , they sprinkled it with water . Though they did this but seldom , yet he was quickly restored , Mathiol . ad l. 4. Dioscor . c. 94. CHAP. XVI . Of Hemlock , Ciacompalon , and Cocco . HEmlock is a kind of poyson , that makes men mad , and kills them . Franciscus Trapollinus dyed mad with it , when his Maid had put it into his Pottage instead of Parsley . It hath made some Creatures lie for dead , and when they stood up again , they were astonished a long time , and afterwards they ran wildly up and down . Scaliger writes , he never saw any man that was killed by it . Starlings feed on it . From Plato we collect , that the force of it may be abated , if one be moderately hot before he take the juice of it : Therefore Scaliger , Exerc. 152. s. 1. saith , That the Executioner that was to give this most deadly Poyson , warned Crito , that he should not suffer Socrates to dispute too much , because by that agitation of the mind , he would grow hot . Ciocompalon is a kind of Tree in Camalonga , which sends forth only 4 , or 5 , branches from a long stalk : the leaves are very great , for the inhabitants weare them for a Cloke , against the heat of the Sun and rayn . In the top of the Tree it puts forth flowers like Bean flowers , about 200 , from whence grow fruit abundantly , as big as ones hand breath . It is a yearely Plant. It withers after it hath brought forth . Coccus is the same with Tenga . It is a Tree with a leaf like the Palme-tree : they cover their houses with them , for they make mats of them to serve for six months , ( in China and Malabar ) Scalig. exerc . 25. s. 13. It brings fruit in clusters , as the Palme Tree doth , each hath ●00 nuts . When its comes forth , there is water bred in it ; it is filled with it , when it is perfect . The end of this increase is the beginning of the Pith , for it grows by the thickning of it . The quantity is full three Cyathi . It is very sweet . When the Tree is come to the full growth , in August , they cut some of the boughs of it in the middle ▪ and leave the rest ; they cut off the top also a little . They hang a cu● to each of them , four great jugs are filled in one day . It brings fruit that continually follow one the other ; it lives , 30 , or 40 , yeares . CHAP. XVII . Of Doronicum , Dragons , Olive-honey , Vipers , Bugloss , Eryngion , Euphorhium . DOronicum is Poyson , that kills doggs suddenly . Matthiolus gave some to his dogg , and the dogg fawned on him all the time he lived ; in seven hours he died , as of a falling sicknesse . There is a 〈…〉 of Tree in the West Indies neere Carthagena , the fruit whereof is perfectly like a Dragon , with a long neck , open mouth , nostrills lifted up , a long taile , standing on its feet , so that who sees it would think it to be a Dragon . Monarel . In Palmyra of Syria there runs forth oyle from a stock of a Tree , that tasts sweet ; it is called Etaeo-meli , Mathiol . in l. 4. c. 73. It purgeth choler and crudities , exhibited one sextarius of it , with one Hemina of water . They that take it grow stupid , but they receive no harm if they be often rowsed , that they may not sleep . Dioscor . l. 1. c. 32. Echion or Vipers Buglosse , was found by one Alcibius . Sleeping on the ground , a Viper bit him , Mathiol in l. 4. c. 25. When he rose up ; he pressed out the juyce o● the hearb with his teeth ▪ and drank it down , the rest he laid to the wound , and it cured him . Nature hath made the hearb with hairs like Vipers , that Men might know the use of it . Eryngion , if a Goat take it in the mouth , the whole heard will stand still , and cannot move till you take it out . Plutarch in lib. quod maxin● cum princip . disp . si philos . The smell of it passeth so quick , that it spreads like fire to what is next , and exerciseth its force upon it . Suphorbium , if we believe the Africans , is a prickly Plant , out of the root of it the fruit comes forth of a long forme like to Cucumbers , somtimes two foot long , when it is ripe it is pricked with an Iron , and a clammy white liqu●r comes forth of it , which they let run into a bottle , and they keep that . Scalig , exer . 181. s. 2. It purgeth the belly , but the patient will faint and sweat with a cold sweat . Given , the weight of two O●boli , it cures the dropsy ; it kills one if he take three drams weight . For in 3 , days it will corrode the Stomach and the Guts . Mathiol . in l. 3. c. 80. CHAP. XVIII . Of Elaterium , Hellebour , Eupatorium , Emitum and Fennel . ELaterium lasts longest of all Physicks . One had of it that was 200 yeares old . The moysture is said to be the cause of it . For though it be cut moyst and layd in the ashes , yet for 50 yeares it will put out a Candle , if it be put to it . Theophil , l. 9. c. 14. With the infusion of Hellebour in the midst of Winter , when the cold is greatest , many have been cured of a Quartane Ague . Matthiolus ad l. 4. c. 146 , Never saith he as I remember , did we give our infusion to those had quartane Agues , but at once or twice taking , by Gods assistance they were cured . By the smell of dryed Eupatorium , venemous Creatures are driven away . Hearts wounded are cured by eating this ; Matthiol . ad loc cit , c. 37. Emitus is a Tree in Trachimia ; if Serpents come neere , and but touch it , they dye . Aelian , l. 9. c. 27. Also Strabo saw one l. 15. that I will here mention , it was like a Bay Tree ; beasts that tast of it , grow mad , some at the mouth , and fall into an Epilopse . In the Kingdome of Tombut which is the wilde of West Aethiopia● , Fennel grows so big , that they make bowes of it . Scalig. exerc . 166. In Spain , whilst it is green , the Country people mowe down the stalks of it for firing . Dalecamp . ad Plin. l. 20 c. ult . CHAP. XIX . Of Fennel Gyant and the Fig-Tree . FEnnel Gyant grows in hot Countries . Out of the first shoots of it Shepherds take out a little pith , like to the the yolk of an ege that is hard . That wrapt in a wet paper and rosted under the embers and then sprinkled with Salt and Pepper , tasts exceeding well and makes them busy . Mathiol . ad l. 3. c. 76. They are by nature of great antipathy to Lampreyes , for if they but touch them , they dye , Plin. l. 20. c. 33. Also they are present Poyson to other Beasts ; yet very pleasant food for Asses . The Indian Fig-Tree is wonderfull great . Scaliger briefly describes it out of Theophrastus . The Fig-Tree , saith he , beares small fruit ▪ it plants it self , and is spread forth with vast boughs , by the weight whereof they are so bended to the earth , that in a yeares space , they stick in and grow up with new branches , round about their parents like to Arbouts : so that seven Shepheards may summer under it , being shaded and fenced about with the fence of the Tree . It is pleasant to behold , and from far it seems , an arched circumference . The upper boughs of it put forth very high , and in abundance like a wood from the huge bulk of the Tree , that many of them make a round of 60 paces , and they will cast a shade two furlongs . The broad leaves are like an Amazonian Target : wherefore covering the fruit , it will not let it grow ; It is very rare , and no bigger than a beane . Scalig. exerc . 166. Moreover Carthage was destroyed by the Fig-Tree . For Cato beareing a deadly ●ate against Carthage , and being carefull to secure his posperity ; when he had cried out at every meeting of the Senate , that Carthage must be destroyed , he brought one day into the Court , a early ripe Figg , that was fetcht from Carthage , & shewing it to the Son a tours ; he asked them , whence they thought that Fig was taken from the Tree ▪ And when they all granted it was newly gathered , he replied , 3 , dayes since was this pulled at Carthage ; so neere to our walls is the enemy . They presently began the 3d ▪ Punick Warre ▪ wherein Carthage was rooted out . In Hyrcania there are some that each of them will beare 260 Bushells . Plin. l. 15. c. 18. CHAP. XX. Of the Ash , Mushrooms , and the Beech. THe Ash is an Enemy to Serpents , none of them can ●ndure the shade of it , though it be late at night , Plin. l. 16. c. 13. Pliny saith , he proved it , that if a Serpent be compassed in , with Ashwood and fire , he will leap into the fire , before he will passe over the Ash wood . This is the great bounty of Nature , that it flowers before the Serpents come forth ; nor do the leaves fall , till the Serpents be gone to hide themselves . Vessels made of the wood of it for use of meat and drink , help the Spl●●● and the Stone wonderfully , Dom. Zean . l. 1. pract . At the waters 〈…〉 out of which fire breaks forth , it did once prosper , Pliny hist. l. 2. c. 107. Mushrooms gro● so great in Namidia , that they are thicker than Quindes . In the Kingdome of Nanles the crust of the ground is thick , and like Marble , that being covered with earth a span deep , and sprinkled with warm water , in 4. dayes sends forth Mushromes , Scalig. Exerc. 181. S. 1. It is of necessity that there be some seminary vertue , out of whose bosome they may proceed ; for the water that is sprinkled on affords matter and nutriment , and also a procatarctical cause , Libav . l. 1. Epist. Chym. 30. If they be boyled , or the juice be pressed forth and poured at the roots of Trees , ( especially Beech-Trees ) Mushroms will grow from thence in great abundance , Sennert . de cons. et disp . Chym. c. 12. In the Northern parts under the Pole , Beech-Trees are frequent of a magnetick vertue , and the Mushroms that grow to them are changed into Loadstones , saith Olaus l. 12. c. 1. CHAP. XXI . Of Guaicum and Gentian . GUaicum is of great vertue against the French-Pox ; In Italy at first they were fearful to drink it . Bread and Raisins were prescribed with a moderate diet , and to live 40 dayes in a dark Chamber , and that so curiously , that they admit not of the least Ayr , Mathiol . in l. 1. c. 3 : The errour was observed afterwards , and Hens flesh was allowed , but not a drop of Wine . Mathiolus was the first that tryed it with successe , and others followed him , Gentian , called also Cruciata , is the herb of S. Ladistaus a King. The report is , that the Tartars drove him out of Hungary , and that he fled to Claudiopolis a City of Da●ia ▪ There he grew acquainted with a rich man , and became his Godfather . He helped him to drive out the Tartars . They as they fled , threw down moneys of Gold that they had plundered in the field of Aradium , as a means to hinder those that pursued them . The King pray'd unto God , that they might be changed into stones ; and it was so . Hence it is , that there are so many stones there . After this Hungary being afflicted with a grievous Plague , He obtain'd of God , that what plant an Arrow shot into the Ayr should fall down upon , might be a remedy for that disease . It fell upon Cruciata , and by the use of that the Plague was driven out of that Country , Camerar . Centur. 3. Memorab : s. 23. CHAP. XXII . Of Broom , Ginger , and St. Johns-wort . IN stony and sandy grounds , 3. foot from Broom , one moneth before and after the Calends of June , there is a kind of Broomrape found that is a cubit high ; if this be bruised , and the juice pressed forth , which is like to clear wine , and be kept in a glasse bottle stopt all the year , it is an excellent remedy against the Plague . Ginger is a root that creeps along with knots and joynts , the leaves are like reed leaves that wax green anew twice or thrice a year , Mathiol . l. 2. c. 154. There is some difference in the taste when it is dug forth before its time to be ripe . The fit time to gather it is , when the root growes dry , otherwise it is subject to Worms and rottennesse . St. Johns-Wort both feed and flower is wonderful to heal all wounds ; besides those in the head . Some write , that the Devils hate it so much , that the very smell of it drives them away . I think this superstitious . The same is reported of Pellitary , especially for green wounds . If it be bruised green and bound to a wound , and taken off the third day , there will need no other Medicament , Mathiol . in l. 4. c. 81. CHAP. XXIII . Of Elecampane , Turnsole , and Hiuoa . ELecampane is a yearly Plant , that growes higher than a man ▪ Sometimes 24 foot in height : it growes up in 6. moneths after the seed is sown ; on the top of the stalk there growes a head like an Artichoke , but it is rounder and broader , and it extends it self with a flower as big as a great Dish , Bauhin . ad lib. 4. Dioscor . c. 182. Sometimes the diameter of the dish is more than a foot and half ; and it is compassed about with long leaves of a golden colour , or as it were Sun-beams , and the plain of it in the middle is purple colour . The seed is disposed of in the holes of the dish ; it hath a black rind and sweet substance within : so great is the abundance of it , that sometimes you shall find above a thousand in one dish : Some there are , that take the tender stalks of the leaves ; and scraping away the Down , they boyl them on a grid-iron , and season them with Salt , Oyl , and Spices , and they are better tasted than Artichokes . It is a wonder , that it turns with the Sun East and West ; for when the Sun riseth , as if it did adore the Sun , it bows down the head , and it riseth with it , alwaies pointing toward the Sun , and opening it self very much at the root of it , till the Sun sets . Turnsole kills Pismires , if you stop their holes with it . If a Scorpions hole be compassed about with the juice of it , he will never come forth ; but if you put in the herb , he dies , Mathiol . ad l. 4. c. 186. Hiuca is as great as a mans thigh , it goes about with the Sun , though it be a clowdy day , and at night it is contracted as sad for the Suns absence , Plin. l. 22. c. 21. They break it into fine meal by rubbing it with Pumex stones or whetstones ; then they put it into an Hippocras bag , and pour water to it , and presse forth the juice : The Liquor is deadly , but the meal that is left , is set in the Sun , as they do Sugar-Candy ; when the meal is dry they temper it with water , and make bread of it , Scalig. Ex●rc . 153. l. 8. CHAP. XXIV . Of Impia , Juniper . and Glasse-wort . IMpia is thought to be a plant that no Creature will taste of , and from thence it hath its name : yet bruised between two stones , it will grow hot ; and the juice of it mingled with Wine and milk , is excellent against the Quinsie , Mathiol . in l. 3. c. 115. They that shall taste of it will never be troubled with that disease . Some think that part of this herb is put into birds nests , and that keeps their young ones from being strangled when they eat so greedily . Juniper is hard ; hence it is , that the wood will not corrupt in an hudnred years . Therefore Annibal commanded to build the Temple of Diana at Ephesus with Juniper beams , Plin. l. 15. c. 40. A light cole of it covered with its own ashes , will keep fire a whole year , if we will credit the Chymists . An admirable Bath is made of it for the Gowt thus : Take 12. pound of Juniper wood cut in pieces , boyl it in water in a great Cauldron , till but a third part remain ; then pour forth the decoction with the wood into a Fat : let the sick go into it , and sit there up to the navel ▪ and bathe his limbs , but he must first purge , Mathiol ▪ l. 1. Dioscor . c. 87. Many Gouty people have been made whole by this Bath , that were forced to keep their beds before . The pith of it in Numidia is white ; in Aethiopia , black ; in Lybia , purple coloured , Scalig. Exerc. 181. s. 9. Also the African Physitians raspir and use it successefully for Guaicum , against the Indian disease . I say by the by , that this disease was carried by the Jews out of Spain into Africa , and cannot there be cured without a remedy . But if the Patients go into Numidia , or Aethiopia by Nigris , there the Climate onely will cure them . Of the Ashes of Kaly , Salt is made this is dissolved , with powder of stones , and a kind of clammy substance swims a top to make glasse : when it is cold , it growes hard , and is called commonly Axungia Vitri ; being powdred , it makes the teeth wonderful clean , Plater . l. 2. de Vit. CHAP. XXV . Of the Bay-Tree , Mastick-Tree , and Flax. THe Bay-Tree will yield fire of it self ; and if you rub the dried boughes often together , strewing powder of brimstone thereon , it will take fire , Mathiol . in l. 1. c. 90. It is alwayes with green leaves ▪ and so great is the force of it , that but stick some of the boughs in the fields , and the corn will never be hurt with smut , which is the plague of Corn ; for it will take hold of the leaves . At Rome they held antienly , that Jupiter sent it from heaven , Plin. l. 15. c. 30. For an Eagle from aloft let fall a white hen , into the lap of Livia Drusilla , ( who afterwards was called Augusta , being married to Caesar , whom she was espoused to ) she wondred at it , but was not afraid ; the miracle was , that she had in her beak a Bay●bough that was full of Bay-berries . The Southsayers commanded to keep the Hen , and her Chickens , and to set the Bay bough , and take care of it , which was done in the Mannour of the Caesars , that was by the River Tibur , about 9 miles from Rome , in the way Flaminia ; and therefore is called , ad Gallinas , and it grew into a great wood . Caesar afterward in triumph held a Bay-bough in his hand , and had a Crown of bayes on his head . Amongst all Trees this onely is never stricken with thunder , unlesse it be for a sign of future calamity ; no houses are thunder-stricken , as they say , where the boughs are ; Therefore Tiberius fearing thunder , when it did thunder , put on his Lawrel Crown . Theophrastus writes , 4. de Pl●nt . c. 8. that they are stony in the red Sea. The Mastick-Tree beats little bladders bowed in like to horns , wherein there is contain'd a clear liquor , which with age is turned into little Creatures , like to those that fly out of Elm and Turpentine bladders . In the Island Chios , of the Egean Sea , from the Mastick Tree cut , runs forth Mastick : it growes in ground that is ram●d fast together , and paved , Mathiol . l. 1. c. 45. If you oft-times distill Linseed oyl , saith Bapt. Porta . l. 10. mag . c. 9. it will be so ready to take fire , that you can scarce shut it up in a Vessel , but it will draw fire to it , and if the vessel be open , it is so thin , that it will fly into the Ayr and evaporate , and if the light of a candle or fire touch it , the ayr will kindle , and the oyl will flame so violently at a great distance , that it is almost impossible to put it out . In the Desarts of India it growes red , that will endure the fire , and be purified by it . It growes out of stones , springing , and rising upward , the hair is short ; and is therefore hard to be spun , Libav . l. 2. c. 7. de Bomby● . CHAP. XXVI . Of the Larch-Tree , Lilly , Loostrife , and the Lote-Tree . SOme of the best Writers say , That the Larch-Tree will not burn , and we alledged it before out of Lemnius ; but that is found to be false . In the Mountains of Trent Iron is made , and the Furnaces are heat with Larch-wood ; and no wood will better melt mettals . And if stones will burn that have a Bituminous matter in them , what shall we conclude of a Ros●●ous kind of wood ? Lillies will hold green all the year , if when they are shut , and have not opened themselves , they be crop● , and put into new unglased pots , and kept close covered , Mathiol . ex Anatolio in l. 3. Dioscor . c. 99. When in the mean time you take them out for your use , bring them to the Sun , and by warmth of it they will open themselves . Loosstrife is a notable remedy against the Plague ; the Country people found this Plant amongst the Coenomani ; bound something high upon a man , it will drive the poyson of the plague downwards , and keeping it there , will not let it rise up any more , Ruel de natur . stirp . l. 3. c. 78. If Oxen disagree , lay this on their yokes , and they will be quiet . The Lote-Tree is a va●t spreading Tree full of large boughes . Domitius valued 6. of them at a thousand Sestertia , Plin. l. 17. c. 1. They lasted untill such time as Nero burnt the City , 180 years . There is also an herb in Egypt call'd by ●●i ' Name , that when the waters of Nilus go back that water'd the ground , it comes up like a bean , Plin. l. 13. c. 17. The fruit of it is like a Poppy head dented in , and the seeds are in it . The Inhabitants putrefie the heads in heaps , then they wash them apart ; when they are dry , they bruise them , and eat them for bread . When the Sun sets , these Poppy heads close and are covered in leafes ▪ when the Sun riseth they open , till they grow ripe , and the white flower fall off ; That bread is Physical , Plin. l. 22. c. 21. They that feed on it are never troubled with a Dysentery nor Tenasmus , nor any diseases of the belly . When it is hot , it is the most easie of digestion ; but cold , it is harder for the stomach . CHAP. XXVII . Of Malabathrum , Punic and Assyrian Apples , and the Tree called Mangueis . MAlabathrum is a leaf of its own kind that the Lakes of India produce , swimming like Duckweed on the waters without any root : they gather it and stitch it through , and hang it up to dry , Diosc. l. 1. c. 11. They say , that when the Summer heat dryes up the waters , the dry sprigs do burn on the ground , and if this come not to passe , it growes there no more . Dioscor . divides Pomgranates into 3. heads , some are sweet , some sharp and sowr ; others are between both . They say that sharp ones will grow sweet , if hogs or mans dung be laid to the roots of the Trees , and to water them oft with old urine , Mathiol . l. 1. Dioscor . c. 127. They are kept from corrupting a whole year , if when they are almost ripe , the branches they hang by , be woond about the Tree ; or after that they are gathered , they be smeered all over with Clay resolved in water , and laid some dayes in the Sun. Also they are dipt into scalding water , and are presently taken forth again , and laid 8. dayes in the Sun to dry . The Assyrian Apple-Tree bears fruit alwaies , some fall off , others coming in their places , ripening one after the other . Pliny , l. 12. c. 3. saith , That people tryed to transport them for themselves , because they are so good for health , and to carry them in earthen vessels , giving place for their roots to take ayr by holes in the vessels , as all such things that must be carried far to be set and transplanted must be used , which you must remember that we may not say one thing twice . But they will not grow but amongst the Medes and Persians . Do●dius writes , as Libav . de orig . rerum . reports , than an Assyrian Apple , when it was cut , was found great with a young one in it , that lay in it as in the Womb , and was fastned to its stalk . The question was how it grew so , and it seems there were may Apples on that twig placed close together ; and the first growing but slowly , that which grew over it by abundance of matter coming to it , grew faster , and pressing with its weight on the lesser , took it into it , and so grew about it . Mangueis is a Tree in the Country Temistitan ; out of whose stock peirced , there flows a watry juyce . If any Man drink too much of it , he grows drunk and stupid . The bark is good for thread , the wood for niedles , the leaves to cure diseases , and to cover houses . Matol . in Colloqu . de Plant. CHAP. XXVIII . Of Musk and Mosse . MUsk is bred in the Navel of a certaine Creature ; two kinds of this Creature are described : one is like a Goat with one Horn ; and a great body . This when it is prone to venery , with the vehemence of Lust , the Navel swells , and the impostume grows great by the thicker blood heaped together , R●ell . ex Aetio . Then it will neither eat nor drink , and roles it self often on the ground , by which rowling it presseth forth the blood that swells in the Navell ; The matter pressed out , in a short time grows wonderfull sweet . Scaliger writes of the other , that is in the Kingdome of Pegu , like a roe busk , white , from whose lower Mandible , the teeth put forth equally on both sides . Under the belly of it ( I set down the story out of Scaliger Exerc. 21 ) the Navel swells . They catch the beast , and cut off that part with the skin : and all the drops of blood that run out , when it is cut , and fall down , they are either catcht , or gathered up for good Musk. When they have cut it , they set leeches on , so many and so long , till they kill it by drawing blood from it : that blood so drawn forth , being dried and made into powder , they mingle with the former in small quantities , that is very strong . One hundred part is sufficient . The sophistication is discovered , if you smel to it . That which is unmixt , will draw blood from your nose if you put it neere . There is another kind of Musk called Civet , it is bred in a little Bladder in the testicles of a certaine Creature . Mathiol ad l. 5. c. 20. And growing like sweat in the testicles , is of quality moyst and hot : that put into the Navel hole wonderfully cures the strangling of the Matrix . There is one kind of Cranes-bill that smels like Musk ; especially Evening and morning . The hairy Mosse of the Larch-Tree , if it be set on fire , burns so violently , that it exceeds Gun-Powder . Mathiol loc . cit . For they flame with a World of sparks in a darknight , and flye up toward the Starrs , leaving a sweet smell behind them . Gathered new , and steeped with Oyle of Roses , it wonderfully abates paines of the head that come from a hot cause ; it stops blood , layd upon wounds . CHAP. XXIX . Of Mandragora , Mallows , and the Mulberry-Tree . MAndragora is a sleepy medicament , as experience proves , Lemnius in explic . herb . biblic . c. 2. For when as he had negligently laid the fair and amiable fruit of it in his study , he was oppressed with drowsinesse ; but when he removed it , he grew wakefull again . The same thing hapned to the Afcicans in their Warre against the Carthagenians . For Hamilcar corrupted the Wine in the Vessells , and let the Africans take it for spoil : when they had drank , they all fell asleep , and the Carthagenians became Conquerors . Potyan , l. 5. Phythagoras calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , For the roots from the middle to the bottom come forth with two forks , that it seems to have legs like Men. The fruit is like an Apple , not far from the root , upon the leaves lying on the ground . Heidfeld . in sphing . Philosoph . Wherefore if it be dug up at that time , that it beares fruit , it represents a Man without Armes . There are also some Counterfeits made of reeds , Mandragora , and Bryonie roots . Matthiol l. 4. Dioscor . c. 7. sheweth the way an impostor used to make one . They carve ( saith he ) in these the Images of both men and women , sticking the graines of Barley and millet in the places , where they will have haire come forth ; then making a hole in the ground , they cover it with thin sand , so long till those graines shoot forth , which will be in 20 dayes at least . Then they take them up againe , and cut the roots where the graines grow to them , with a very sharp Knife , and they sit them so , that they may represent the haire of the head , the beard , and other parts that are hairy . Mallows are so venereous , that the seed of that which hath but one stalk strewed on the privities , is said by Xenocrates to increase lust infinitely in women . Also three roots bound together are thrust up with great successe for the tenesmus and the Dysentery . But it is a wonder , that water should in the open ayre grow thick by it , and white as Milk. Plin. l. 10. c. 21. The Mulberry Tree will not bud till the cold be over , yet it brings forth fruit with the first ; when it begins to bud , it buds so violently , that in one night it buds all over with a noyse , so that the whole Tree will be covered with flowers . Pliny , l. 16. c. 25. CHAP. XXX . Of Napellus : NApellus kills with every part , but chiefly the root . For held in the hand till it wax hot , it will destroy you . It is certain , that some shepherds that used the stalk for a spit to rost birds , dyed of it . Mathiolus . ( Com. in l. 4. Dioscor . c. 73. ) confirms this venomous quality of it by many examples . I shall adde one . One dram of Napellus was given to a Thief that was 27 years old : He drank it down , and said it tasted like pepper . Most grievous symptoms followed : for he vomited often something green , as Leeks . He felt a thing like a ball about his Navell , it came upwards , and sent a cold vapour to his head : then he became stupified as if he had a palsie that laid hold on his left arm , and leg , that he could scarce stir the top of his hand , all motion being lost in the other parts . By and by , this force of the disease forsook his left side , which became sound , and seized on his right side , and wrought the like effects there . He said , That all the veins of his body were grown cold . He had giddinesse in his head , and his brain was so often disturb'd , that he said it seem'd to him like boyling water . He had Convulsions in his Eyes and Mouth , and a very sharp pain in his Mandibles ; wherefore he often held those parts with his hands , fearing they would fall off . His eyes appeared outwardly swoln , his face wan , lips black , and his belly was seen to swell , like a Tympany : His Arteries beat strongly , and his mind was diversly troubled , as the symptoms increased . For sometimes he thought he should die , and presently he hoped to live ; sometimes he spake rationally , and sometimes he doted ; sometimes he wept , and sometimes he sang . He affirmed , that in all this time he was thrice blind , and thrice in an agony of death , but his tongue was firm , never troubled with any symptome . Thus far Mathiolus . But all these symptomes by giving him Bezars stone , vanished in seven hours . CHAP. XXXI . Of Nyctegretum , Granum Nubiae , Nutmegs , and Olive Trees . NYctegretum was admired by Democritus , amongst a few things ; it is hot as fire , and hath thorny leafs , nor doth it rise from the ground . It must be dug up after the vernal Equinoctial , and dryed by the Moon-light for 30 dayes , and then it will shine in the night , Plin. l. 21. c. 11. It is also called Chenomychon , because Geese are afraid at the sight of it . In Nubia , which is Aethiopia by Aegypt , there is a grain that swallowed will kill living Creatures . A tenth part of it will kill them in a quarter of an hour , Scalig. Exerc. 153. s. 11. In Banda an Island of the Molucco's the Nutmeg growes , and it is covered with a cup for a shell , when 't is ripe it is all covered over . Under the first covering the shell is not presently that covers the kernel , but a thick skin which the Arabians call Macin . The Olive-Tree if it be cropped at the first budding by a Goat , growes so barren , that it will never bear by any means ; but if there be any other cause , the certain cure is , to lay open their roots to the Winter cold , Plin. l. 7. c. 14. The Olive and the Oak so disagree , that one planted by the other will shortly die . The Lees of oyl mingled with Lime , if walls be plaistered with it , and the roofs , they not onely drop down all adventitious humours that they contract , but neither Moth nor Spiders will endure them , Mathiol . in Dioscor . It flowereth in July , the flowers coming forth by clusters . From whence grow first green berries , and they are pale as they grow ripe ; then they become a full purple colour , and lastly black . They are pulled in November and December , then are they laid in pavements till they become wrinkled , then are they put in under a milstone , and are pressed out with presses , pouring scalding water on , and so they yield their oyl . The wood of the Tree burns as well green as dry . At Megoris a wild Olive Tree stood long in the Market-place , to which they had fastned the Arms of a valiant man ; but the bark grew over it , and hid them for many years . That Tree was fatall to the Cities ruine , as the Oracle foretold , when a Tree should bear arms : for it so fell out when the Tree was cut down , spurs and helmets being found within it , Plin. l. 16. c. 29. The Olive Tree lasts 200 years , Plin. l. 16. c. 44. CHAP. XXXII . Of the Palm-Tree . THey say that the female Palm-Trees will bring forth nothing without the Males , which is confirmed when a wood growes up of its own accord ; so about the Males , many females will grow enclining toward them , and wagging their boughes . But the male with branches standing up as it were hairy , doth marry them , by the blowing on them , and by standing near them on the same ground , Plin. l. 13. c. 4. When the Male is cut up , the females are in widowhood , and are barren . Hence in Egypt they so plant them , that the wind may carry the dust from the Male to the Female , but if they be far off , they bind them together with a cord Pontanus reports , that two Palm-Trees , one set at Brundusium , the other at Hydruntum were barren , till they were grown up to look one upon the other , and though it were so great a distance , yet they both did bear fruit . Dalechamp . ad lib. cit . Poets write thus of them : A Tree there grew in large Brundusium Land , A Tree in Idumaea much desir'd , And in Hydruntum Woods one rare did stand , Like Male and Female , 't is to be admir'd : On the same ground they did not grow , but wide Asunder , and they both unfruitful stood . They many leaves did bear , nothing beside ; At last they grew so high , above the wood , That of each other they enjoy'd the light . Then they grew fruitful , like to Man and Wife , Each in the other seem'd to take delight , And to be partners each of th' others life . Cardanus reports , that in Data a City of Numidia , there was a Palm-Tree , the fruit whereof , unlesse the boughes of the flourishing male were mingled with the boughes of the female , the fruit was never ripe , but were lean with a great stone in them , and by no help could they be kept from consuming ; but if any leaf or rind of the male were present , then they would grow ripe . Philo. l. 1. de vita Mosis saith , that the vital force of it is not in the roots , but in the top of the stock , as in the heart , and in the middle of the boughes , that it is guarded about with all , as with Halberdiers . There is a kind of Palm-Tree growes in India , out of the stock whereof , the boughes being for that purpose cut in the moneth of August , a liquor like wine runs forth , that the Inhabitants receive in vessels : unlesse it be boyled , it growes sowr after 3. daies , Mathiol . ad l. 1. c. 126. Boyled , it is converted into most sweet honey , which afterwards is resolved in water , in 20 daies it is strained forth artificially , and so clarified it will last . But the Palm-Trees which Dioscorides calls Thebaicae , in time grow so dry in the Sun , that they are ground to make bread of them . Thevet speaks of a Palm-Tree that yields wine in the promontory of Aethiopia , which is the fairest sort of Palm-Trees for height , and for being alwaies green . They cut it 2. foot above the ground to draw forth the juice . They let it run into Earthen vessels for their daily drink ; and to make it keep , they cast in a little salt . It is like white Wine of Campania in colour and substance . Linschottus l. 4. America novae c. 26. reports ; That in a place of the West-Indies , called St. John de portu divite , there growes a Palm-Tree that every moneth brings new leaves , and is loaded with Cocker-nuts . Pierius in Hieroglyph . saith it is an Emblem of the year , because this Tree alone at every new Moon sends forth several branches . CHAP. XXXIII . Of the Plane-Tree , Apple-Trees , and the Tree called Pater-Noster . OF old they gave so much honour to the Plane-Tree at Rome , that they infused the roots in Wine a long time to preserve them . In the Island of Candie there is one that never loseth its leafs , Plin. l. 1. c. 1. But there is a noted one in Lycia , by the way side , that is hollow like a house , the hollow cave in it is 81 foot wide , it hath a wooddy top , and vast boughes , like great Trees ; it overshadowes the fields with its far casting shadow ; and that nothing may be wanting to the likenesse of a Cave , there is a stony circumference within , that is full of mossy Pumex stones : the miracle is so great , that L. Matianus that was thrice Consul , thought fit to divulge it to posterity , that he and 18. more feasted in it . If Apples in winter be kept amongst Grapes , they so corrupt the Grapes , that they presently wither and corrupt . It is reported , that if a woman with Child eat Quinces , she shall be delivered of an industrious and witty child . Citron Apples keep garments from Moths and Worms ; how good they are against poyson , you may know by examples out of Athenaeus . A Citron Apple hath cured some that were stung by Vipers . They keep longer uncorrupted , if they be put into a heap of Barley or Millet . They cure Scabs , if they be cut in the middle , and powder of Brimstone be finely strewed upon them , and they be rosted in hot Embers , and so the Patient be rubb'd therewith . Apples of Sodome are fair to sight ; but touched , they fall to ashes , Solin . c. 36. In Hispaniola there is a Tree called Pater noster , the fruit is as great as a Hasel nut : put this in boyling water , and dip a linnen or woollen Cloth in it , it will be died gallantly with diversity of spots , but it corrodes with its over-great force , Ovetan . l. 9. c. 1. CHAP. XXXIV . Of Pepper , Plantain , Pimpernel , wild Tansie , herb Paris , and Paper . ROund black Pepper growes upon some weak branches like tendrels , that creep up to the tops of Trees by them , clinging about them . It growes like the fruit of the wild Vine in clusters , flourishing close together of a green colour till it become dry ; which when it doth , ( as it doth in October ) it is gathered , and laid upon Palm-Tree coverlids in the open Sun to torrifie , and so it becomes black and shrivelled , Mathiol . l. 2. Diosc. c. 153. The root of the greater Plantain put in a little bag and bound with a thread near the Region of the heart , preserveth a man from the Plague . Scholtius relates it for a certain remedy out of Monavius , Epist. 268. Pimpernel was found out by Prince Chaba , for with this alone were cured 5000 wounded Hungarians , after the battel , Clus. in Nomen . Pannon . steeped in hot water it is approved for to cure a continual Feaver . It hath so great force against the disease called Hydrophobia , that whosoever shall use it betimes in the morning for some dayes , in Sallets , or otherwise , after he hath been bitten , shall find no harm , Fernelius . Wild Tansey applyed to the palms of the hands , and soles of the feet , abates the heat of any Feavert , Mathiol . in l. 5. c. 37. In the berries of Herb Paris , there is found seed , that hath great vertue against Witchcraft . Some grow sottish by Chronicle diseases ; others by Witchcraft . If these drink the seed , one dram , for 20. days they are cured . Paper reed growes in the Lakes of Aegypt , or where the waters of Nilus have run over , and stand still , and are not above two Cubits high : the crooked root is as thick as ones arme , it hath triangular sides , it is not above ten Cubits in length , it runs up spire wise , like a Javelin . Plin. l. 13. c. 12. The Aegyptians made matter to joyne their Ships together with the inside of this bulrush , cutting off the tops of the reed ; also they made Sailes and shoes of it . Herodot , l. 2. Onely the Priests wore those shoos , as Arist. writes . They were wont to sell , and to eat the lower part , of about a Cubit in length , and they were exceeding sweet , when they were torrified in an Oven . This was the chief meat of the Aegyptians , hence was the original of Paper . Dalechamp . ad l. 13. Plin. c. 11. CHAP. XXXV . Of the Oake , Rhubarb , Rape-root , and Rosa-solis . IN Maritania , Oaks beare a long Acorn that tasts sweeter and more delicate than Chestnuts . Scaliger Exerc. 181. s. 26. The land of the shore of Sinus Pucicus is Rocky , and the Clods of Earth are bituminous : there grow upon them pale shrubs , scarce a foot high . They have a kind of Okes , and Box-Trees , but they have no root . Scaliger saw one that was without knots and straight , 75 , foot long . There were 30 Crowns offered for it . Scalig. Exerc. 166. A little above the Cauchi , Pliny , lib. 16. c. 1. writes that there were mighty ones , by the banks of two Lakes , which being either undermined by the waters , or blown down with the wind , pull'd up great Islands with them that they grew upon with their roots , and so standing equally ballanced , they sailed , being furnished with huge boughs . They oft terrified the Roman Navy , when as they were driven by the Waves as it were of purpose , and seen by those that kept watch on the decks . There was one in the Country of Thurirum that never cast its leaves , yet never budded till midsummer . Rheubarb grows only in China , and is brought by Usebech into Turkie , and so to Venice ; The vertues of it are said to be notable , and they bring an example of an hydropick person , who having been in exceeding great danger , by the use of Rhubarb he was cured , and lived to be a very old man. Adolph . Occo in Scholtii Epist. The same man received a mortall wound by his Servant , after his disease , and the Chyrurgians expected he would dye in four days , or seven at farthest : he recovered , by Rhubarb , next under God. One writes thus of it , Camerar . Cent. 8. in 51. Rhubarb is hot and dry ; the belly binds ; And opens Children , Women great with Child May safely use it , t is good for all kinds . Opens Obstructions , and gives purges mild , Both Flegme and Choler , 't is for 'th stomach good , And helps the Liver , serves to clense the blood . Stops spitting blood , and ruptures , and we prise This root for weak folk , and dysenteries . From the small seed of Rhubarb in 3● months , so great a root grows that in some places it weighs 100 pound weight , Mathiol . in l. 2. c. 104. Mathiolus saw Turneps in the Country of Anamum , that one of them weighed 30 pounds . Those that are sowed in Summer , are free from Worms , mingling sutt with the seed when t is sowed ; or else steep the seed a night in the juyce of the greater housleek . It hath been proved , Columella . By Harlem , Anno 1585. there was one dug up like a Mans hand with nails and fingers exactly . I saw the picture of it at Leyden with Cl. Bundarcius . Ros solis , or Sun dew , which shines under the Sun like a Starr with his beams , hath its name from its admirable nature for , though the Sun in summer shine long and hot upon it , yet the leaves of it are almost alwaies wet , and the down of them is alwaies full of drops . And which is admirable , that moysture that is contain'd in the cups of the leaves , so soon as you touch it with your fingers , while it yet growes on the ground , or else is pulled up presently , and held in the Sun beames , is drawn forth by and by into white threads like Silke , which harden immediately , and so continue ever after , Camerar . cent . 8. memorab . 98. CHAP. XXXVI . Of Crow-foot , Rue , Rose-mary , Rose-root and rose-Tree . CRowfoot , if Men eat it , will cause Convulsions , and draw their mouths awry . They seem to laugh that dye with it , Pausan. Also Salustius speaks of it : In Sardinia , saith he , there grows an herb called Sardea , like wild Smallage : this contracts the Mouths and Jaws of Men with pain , and kills them , as it were , laughing . Rue resists Venome , therefore a Weasel will carry it , when he fights with a Serpent . It is of a mighty greatnesse at Macheruntum , Joseph . l. 7. de bell , Juddic . c. 25. It was as high as any Fig-Tree , and had remain'd from the time of Herod . It is a singular remedy for the Epilepsy , as a Country man found by accident . Camerar , Cent. 3. Memorab . 36. He bruised it ; and with the smell of the Rue he stopt the nose of this Epileptick person fallen , and presently he rose up . Rosemary grows so plentifully in France that they burn it , so thick that they make Tables of it . It flowers both spring and fall ▪ Mathiol . l. 3. c. 37. Barclay , in his Icon animarum . c. 4. writes thus of it in England : Rosemary in many Countries is costly ●y the very paines is used about it to cherish it ; here it is common , and somtimes serves to make hedges for Gardens . Rhodium root is the most lively of all roots ; for dug out of the earth , unlesse it be laid up in very dry places , if it be planted again after many Months , it will grow . It grows on the highest Rocks where it hath scarse so much earth as to stick by . Mathiol . l. 4. c. 41. The Rosebush at Carthage in Spain is alwaies full of Roses in Winter , and was alwaies honour'd by the Romans ; for they were wont to strew the leaves on their dishes of meat , and to besmear their Citron Tables with the juyce of them , that they might by reason of their bitternesse be free from Worms . Heliogabalus commanded to throw Roses on his Banqueting guests from the top of the Room , as if it rayned Roses . Dalechamp in l. 21. c. 4. That is wonderfull that is related concerning revification . There was a famous Physitian at Cracovia , who could so curiously prepare the ashes of every part of a Plant , that he would exactly preserve all the Spirits of them . The ashes waxing a little hot by putting a Candle to the Glasse , represented a Rose wide open , which you might behold growing by degrees ▪ to augment , and to be like a stalke , with leaves , flowers , and at last a double Rose appeared in its full proportion ; when the Candle was taken away it fell againe to ashes . Rosenberg Rhodolog , c. ult . The same thing allmost was done with a Nettle , as Quercetan testifieth in his History of the Plague . For when one would appoint a remedy against the stone , at the end of Autumn he pull'd a great many Nettles up by the roots , of these Nettles he made a lye the common way with hot water , and by strayning and filtring , he purified this lixivium , that he might at last produce salt artificially as he intended : but when he had set the lixivium all night to cool in an Earthen Vessel , the next day when he thought to Evaporate to extract the Salt ; it hapned that night , that the ayre was so cold , that all the Lixivium was over frozen . When therefore in the Morning he purposed to cast that Lixivium out at the Window , besides his expectation he saw that all the water of the Lixivium was frozen , and a thousand figures there of Nettles were in it , so perfect with roots leaves and stocks , and shewing so exactly , that no Painter could paint them better . CHAP. XXXVII . Of Scorzonera , Squills , Sage , and Scordium . SCorzonera is no ancient Plant , Mathiolus first described it , l. ● . c. 137. It was found in Catalonia by an African servant : he that found it , shew'd that it was a present remedy against the bitings of Adders ; he that will escape , must drink the juice . Of Squills , vinegar is made , of an admirable quality , saith Mathiolus , if one daily drink a little ; his jawes and Mouth will never be ill , his stomach will be well , he will breathe well , see well , he will be troubled with no wind in his belly , and will be well coloured and long winded . He that useth this vinegar will digest his meat well , though he eat much : There will be no crudities in his body , not wind , nor choler , no dr●gs , nor will the urine or ordure passe away with over loosenesse , Mathiol . in l. 2. c. 168. Of Sage they say , that it stops the flowing of the courses , if one smell to it ; and eaten by one with Child , it will retain the child , and keep it lusty , Mathiol . in l. 3. c. 34. Hence it is that Agrippa calls it , sacred . If a woman drink a Hemina of the juice of it with a little salt the fourth day she hath abstain'd , and layn alone , and then lie with her husband , she will conceive . It is reported , that in Coptus of Egypt , after a great plague , that the women drank it , and did bear many children . In many places of Asia they bear Apples ; In Calabria of Consentia , Scaliger saith , Exerc , 168 , that one did bring forth a gall of an Ash-colour , and that he saw it . Dead bodies are preserved by touching Scordium , Galen . l. 1. Antidot . For the dead bodies of those that fell upon the Scordium of Crete after they were slain in the War , did corrupt least , especially on that part whence the Scordium had touched them . It if it be boyl'd in wine , it is good to drink against stinging of Serpents , Const. de Febr. pest . c. 18. CHAP. XXXVIII . Of Nightshade . THere are many kinds of Nightshade : amongst these are Winter Cherries , the sleepy Nightshade , the greater and the spungy Nightshade ; they seem to have some strange things in them . Halicacabum is such an enemy to Vipers , that if the root be near them they die with deep sleep . Vesicarium hath long leafs , white flowers , out of which come forth green round bladders , with six divisions long waies , the seed within is murry colour , as great as Orobus ; in the side of it is the figure as it were of a mans heart , with a white colour . Nature framed it so , that we might know it was good for the diseases of it . Sleepy Nightshade , tasted causeth sleep : the Danes found that , by their example . For when by Sueno King of Norway besieged Duncanus King of Scotland in the Town of Perth ; He calling forth Maccabaeus his Cousin-german , began to treat of surrendring up the place , and provision , Hector . Boet. l. 12. Scot. hist. The Danes accepted the conditions , and took what provision they had ; but so soon as they had tasted of it , they were all so oppressed with sleep , ( for their wine and beer were infected with Nightshade ) that Macchabaeus vanquished them . Ten of them suspecting the gifts of Enemies were safe . These carried King Sueno like one that was dead , in a Fishers Boat to the mouth of Thais , and so home . The root of the greater Nightshade dryed , if half a dram of it be steeped in wine seven dayes , it will so infect it , that if any one shall drink it strain'd , he can eat nothing ; let him drink vinegar and it is presently gone , but if you take it too largely , it will strangle you . Franciscus Calce●larius of Verona was the first discovered this secret , and revealed it to others , Mathiol . in l. 4. c. cit . Of the tuberous Nightshade , the root is spungy , sometimes as great as ones fist , as long as ones hand ; where the stalk riseth , many fibrous roots come forth , that are spread on the ground ; from these at the beginnining of the Spring , come up other stalks , and other bulbous roots grow with them ; and it will propagate so many roots , that for one plant dug up in the Winter time , Bauhinus ( ad loc . cit . Dioscor . ) observed , that there were above 40 bunches belonging to it . CHAP. XXXIX . Of Mustard , Satyrium , and the greater Saxifrage . MUstard seed covered with Sugar , or eat with honey for junckates is a safe experiment ; for stupidity proceeding from moisture , Horst . l. 2. de sanit . tenend . c. 1. Where the Uvula is fallen , this sawce will draw it up presently . Pythagoras esteem'd of it , because besides preserving ones health , it ascends high , into the closet of reason where the mind resides . Pansa . Theor. spu . de pror . vit . c. 51. saith thus ; I commend the infusion of this in sweet wine to all Scholers , chiefly in winter time . For it heats all the body , opens the mesaraick veins , and promotes the Chylus toward the Liver : For there is nothing better than to have a loose belly , and that helps it self . Satyrion is very good for venery , only touched . Theophrastus saith , it was proved 70 times in an Indian that brought it , and 12 times in others that touched it . Cynosorchis is like to this , whose greater root is full of flatulent matter , and causeth lust , the lesser restrains it . Great Saxifrage growes in Mount Baldus coming forth of a firm hard stone , and old walls of Cities , Mathiol . ad l. 4. c. 15. The root sticks so fast in rocks , that it cannot be pulled out but by sharp Irons : It is good to drive out stones ; by the drinking thereof abundance of stones were driven forth at once , and they were as great as Beans . CHAP. XL. Of the Turpentine , and Frankincense Trees . TUrpentine Trees , are one male , the other female , Theophrast . l. 3. c. 25. The Male is barren , the female brings forth a red fruit , as big as a Lentil , which cannot be digested ; Another kind of female brings forth green fruit , and it growes red afterwards ; And last of all , like the grape , as it growes ripe , it becomes black , and is as great as a Bean. Egisippus l. 4. c. 3. de excid . Hierosol . writes , that in Memphis there was a Turpentine-Tree , that was set at the making of the World ; and it was there in his dayes . Frankincense is bred in Arabia in a private place almost in the middle of the Country , beyond the Aramites in the Land of the Sabaeans . The Minaei were the first that found it out ; and it is reported , that onely 300 Families have interest in it , and they keep it by succession . The people that are their Neighbours call them sacred . For when they cut the Tree , where the liquor runs forth , or when they gather it , they neither come at Funerals nor their Wives . They were wont to gather it , by cutting the bark of the Tree , at the rising of the Dog-star , because then it was most full of humours ; that which dropt out of the Tree was received in a Palm-Tree covering , Scaliger Exerc. 49. It is there so cheap , that they carine ships with it instead of Pitch . But of Frankincense is made the best Medicament for blear and red eyes . It is said to cure in one night , Mathiol . ad l. 1. c. 73. Dioscor . A piece of Frankincense is put on a sharp point and burned , in a wax candle , then it is quenched in 4. ounces of Rose water ; this is often done even to 30 times , then the water must be strain'd with a clean cloth , and the corners of the eyes must be anointed with a feather dipt in it , when the sick go to bed . If rednesse and tears increase with great pain , breast-milk will cure them , if you wash them therewith . CHAP. XLI . Of Wheat and Thyme . THere is nothing more fruitful than Wheat ; for of one bushell if the ground be good , as in the Country of Bizacum in Africa , there will come 150 bushells , Plin. l. 18. c. 7. saith , That the Provider sent to Augustus , that grew from one grain ( 't is hardly credible ) 400 ears near upon : also he sent to Nero 340 strawes that sprang from one corn . The Fields of Leontini in Sicily yield 100 increase . In the Country of the Senones by the Sea side , one root hath born 24 ears , and one bushell hath sometimes afforded an hundred , Mathiol . in l. 1. Dioscor . c. 78. In Asia beyond Bactra , in a certain place Theophrastus writes it growes so great , that every grain is as great as an Olive stone , Theophrast . l. 8. c. 4. But he addes , that in Pissoris it is so strong , that he that eats too much will burst . The Indian Wheat hath a stalk like a Cane , that hath a white pith in it , like to Sugar-Canes , in the top whereof it puts forth branches divided and empty . The fruit wherein the Corn is shut up in thin covers , come forth of the sides of the stalk . The Ear is as great as the apple of the Pitch-Tree , there are round about it , clear white grains within as great as Pease , disposed of in 8. or 10. right lines on all sides . From the Top of the Cod , hang long shoots of the same colour with the corn , the Indians call it Malitz . It is steeped 2 dayes in water before they sow it ; nor do they trust it , untill it be wet with rain . They reap it in 4 months : but that which growes in Eubaea is ripe in 40 dayes , Theophrast . lib. cit . Thyme begins about the Summer Solstice ; and honey from thence is successefull for Bees and Bee-masters , Theophrast . l. 6. c. ● . If it put forth , its flowers ; otherwise , the making of honey doth not succeed well , the flower perisheth if a shower fall . There runs oyl from it of a golden colour , when the herb is distilled through a bath of hot water , when it is green . It tastes like a pome Citron , Mathiol . in l. 3. Dioscor . c. 37. CHAP. XLII . Of Tobacco . TObacco , or Nicotiana from the finder of it , is called also the holy Herb , the Queens herb ; the herb of the holy Crosse , and Petum . It is well known to them that know the Indian Merchandise , and those that have smelt the fume of it in Britany , France , and the Low-Countries . It is sowed when the Moon increaseth , and cut down when she decreaseth . There is one kind call'd the Male , with a broad leaf ; and another called the female , with a narrower leaf , but a longer stalk . The least seed of it falling of its own accord , lies safe in the coldest winter ; and the next Summer , being carried into many grounds with the wind , cometh up of itself , Camerar . in hort . Nea●der in Tobaccolog . From the seed of the male , they say the female will spring , if it fall into a ground where Tobacco grew before , and that so fruitfully , that it will yearly grow up of it self . But it will not endure the cold ; but if it be well preserved , it will like Citron Trees continue all the year , and remain 4 years without damage , Monardus de simpl . medicam . As for the forces of it , it will cause thirst , hath an acrimonious taste , it troubles the mind , and makes head-ach , Neander . They that drink it too greedily , have fallen down dead , and stupified for a whole day , Benzon . l. 1. c. 26. hist. nov . orb . Hence it was that King James of famous memory King of England writ Misocapnos . For he supposed it weakned the bodies of his Subjects . Yet many famous men have written high commendations of it . The Spaniards say , it resists poyson . For when the Cannibals had wounded them with poyson'd darts , they cured themselves with the juice of Tobacco , laying on the bruised leafs , Monard . loc . cit . The Catholick King made tryal of it on a Dog , wounded with a venom●● weapon , and it cured him . Heurnius writes , that it oures perfectly the pain of the teeth , and takes away all the dolour . His words are ; When I was vehemently pain'd with Tooth-ache about a year since , I boyled Tobacco in water with some Camomil flowers , and I held a spoonfull of the warm decoction in my mouth . I spit it forth , and used this for two houres ▪ the pain abated : The next day ( saith he ) I went to my Garden in the Subburbs as I was wont to do , and bending down with my head to pull up some grasse , there ran a moysture out of my nostrills ; yellow as Saffron , it smelt like Tobacco , and all the pain of my teeth was gone . Never did blood , nor any thing but a flegmatick matter run forth of my nose in all my life , and I never saw any deeper yellow , than what ran now out of my nostrills . That it restores the sight , see Wiburgius ad Schnitz . Epist. 209. A certain Maid had the pupil of her eye covered ; he with the juice of the best Tobacco boyl'd to an unguent with May butter , and anointing the Eye outwardly with it , the eye being shut , effected so much , that none could discern it but those that stood close by . Clusius saith , That the Indians use to make pills with the juice of it and Cockle-shells bruised , that will stop their hunger for 3. dayes . It is no wonder ; for by resolving of slime that falls upon the stomachs mouth , it abates the appetite . Castor Durantes in an Epigram describes the vertues of it , thus : An herb call'd Holy Crosse doth help the sight , It cures both Wounds and Scabs , and hath great might 'Gainst Scrophulous and Cancerous Tumours , Burnings , and Wild-fires , repressing humours ; It heats , it binds , resolves , and also dries , Asswages pains , diseases mundisies . Pains of the Belly , Head or Teeth with ease It helps , old Coughs , and many a sad disease Of Spleen and Reins , and Stomach , and more parts , As Womb , sore Gums , and Wounds with venom'd darts Are cur'd thereby , with sleep it doth refresh , And covers naked bones with perfect flesh : For Breast and Lungs , when that we stand in need , All other herbs Tobacco doth exceed . CHAP. XLIII . Of Trifoly , Teucrium , Thelyphonon , Yew , Thapsia , and Thauzargent . TRifoly foreshews a tempest at hand , for when it is coming it will rise up against it . It hath been observed that when this hearb hath plenty of flowers , it portends many showers and frequent inundations that year ; and a few flowers , shew drinesse . Fuchs . in herb . It is called Cuccow bread , either because she feeds of it , or because it comes forth about the time the Cuccow sings ; seven times in a day it hath a sweet smell , and seven times in the day it loseth it But pulled up it always holds it , and when a showr is coming , it will smell so sweet that it will fill all the houses . Teucrion otherwise Hermion neither beares flowers nor seed . It cures the Spleen , and they say it was so found out Plin. l. 25. c. 5. when the entralls were thrown upon it , they report , it stuck to the Spleen , and drew it empty , It is said that swine that feed on the root of it , dye without a Spleen . Thelyphonum hath a root like to a Scorpion , and put to them it kills them ; but if you strew white Hellebour upon them , they will revive again ; it is scarce credible . Theophrast , l. 9. c. 19. The Yew brings forth berries that are red , and like red Wine ; they that eat them fall into Feavers and Dysenteries . Cattel will dye if they eat the leaves of it , and do drivel . Theophrastus writes it l. 3. c. 10. but Pliny confutes it , l. 16. c. 10. It is so Venemous in Arcadia , that it kills such as sleep under its shadows , Ovetan . Sum , c. 78. In India it makes the eyes and mouth of such as sleep under it to swell . Thapsia grows in the Athenian land ▪ Cattle bred there will not touch it , but strange Cattle will feed on it , and there follows either a scowring or death . Theophrastus , l. 9. c. 22. It grew famous by Nero : For he , when he had his face bruised by his revellings in the night , he annoynted it with Thapsia , wax , and Frankinsence , and beyond expectation it was whole the next day . For it wonderfully takes away bruised marks . Plin. l. 13. c. 22. Thauzangent is a root in the Western Mauritania of so good smel , that a smal quantity hanged about the roof of the house will make a gallant perfume . Scalig. Exerc. 142. s. 6. CHAP. XLIV . Of the Vine . VInes are somtimes infinite great . For in Campania , those that grow neere the tall Poplar Trees , run up by the boughs of them , with their joynts , till they come to the top , so that he that is bound to gather their grapes , is in danger of his life . Plin. l. 4. c. 1. Pliny saith , they will not easily corrupt . For the Image of Jupiter in the City Populonia , remain'd there many yeares uncorrupted , and the Temple of Diana of Ephesus , had staires to go up to the top , made of one Vine of Cyprus . Some of them do yeeld fruit thrice a yeare . Dalechampius saw it in many places ; at Lyons especially , in the Garden of Guilet Caulius . They are called mad Vines . Dalechamp , ad c. 27. s. 16. Plin. At the end of the Spring they send forth smal flowers like Starrs , set about with round scrapings like Silver , of a subspiceous colour ; These being fallen off like to a little Starre , presently appear the clusters of Grapes , Lemnius in herb . bibl . c. 2 The smell of them drives away Venemous Beasts ; the water that runs from the Vine , when it is pruned , heals Scabs . Some catch it in a glasse bottle , and set it in the Sun a whole yeare , in the open ayre free from rayn . At last a honey substance congeles , which is of as great vertue as balsome . For it cleanseth , fills with flesh , conglutinates , takes away spots . Water distilled from the tender leaves of the Vine in May , is good for women that long ; They suffer no harm , though they want it . Sennert . l. 4. p. 2. c. 2. From Grapes , Wine is pressed that we drink . The vertues of it are divers as the Wines are ; Lemn . de occult . l. 1. c. 16. The Wines of Poictou make men peevish and froward ( for the Vapours of it prick the braine ) but your Rhenish Wines are more gentle . In the Country of Goritium the Wine is highly commended , and next to that , is the Wine of Pucinum and Vipacum . Mathiolus , when he had a long time paines of the Stomach , by experience found the force of it . Livia Augusta , owed her 82 yeares of her life to the Wine at Pucinum . Plin. l. 14. c. 6. The Country people that inhabite Japidia , because they drink Wines neere Pucinum are seldom sick . Galen de Theriaca , saith , that the best never grows sowr ; and Pliny writes that some have lasted 200 yeares : when it is corrupted it becomes Vinegar , the natural heat being resolved . It is of an excellent vertue . For it hinders tempests , and the ruine of Sailers , and dissipates the ●aul●y ayre , suffering no humours to corrupt , Plin. l. 2. c. 48. Pearls are tu●●'d into Powder by it , as we have an example from Cleopatra , who objected to Antony that she alone would spend at one supper a hundred thousand Sestertii : and she took a Pearle out of her eare , the like was not found in the East Indies , and put it into a saw●●r of Vinegar , and when it was dissolved she drank it up ; Plin. l. 9. c. 35. Aqua vitae is also made of it , which is otherwise called Elixir , the Golden water , the Heaven of the Philosophers , the quintessence , the Soul of Wine , the Divine water , and the Philosophers Key . Canonher . de admirand . vini . l. 1. c. 5. Physitians write wonders of it , which are impossible for ignorant people . It is thin , and the best part of it will flye into the ayre , that you would wonder at it . For the heat of it , kept inwardly by help of the motion of the Ayre , resolves the thin substance into a Vapour . Cardan . de Aethere . Things steeped in it , in 24 hours lose their vertues , Heurn . l. 1. prax . Medic. It is an Antidote for all things , Mathiol . in Dioscor . l. 6. and not only drank but spurted out of ones mouth into anothers face , it recalls Epileptick and hystericall persons , restoring lost speech , Antonius della Scarparia , when he was 80 yeares old , said , O Aquavitae for 22 years I owe my life to thee . Savanarola of the art of making Aquavitae simple and compound . Francis the first , Duke of Mantua was much delighted with it : for having a cold Stomach he was troubled with wind . His words are these , That he had tried all remedies , and found none so good as Aquavitae , Canonher loc . cit . Quercetan shews an unusuall way of trying Wine , in Diaetetica in these words : All the Gascony Wines that must be transported by Sea , are brought to Burdeaux , there they are laid in Wine-Cellers for publick use , that are wonderfull long and broad , so that they may be truly called the Wine-Market , without the City a little way : and there they are set in close order , only a place is left between the ranks to draw Wine at . The Merchants that come to buy Wines and are cunning , care not so much to taste the Wines that are good , but they will go over all the Wine-Vessels , and so they can tell by treading on them which are the most spiritful Wines , and lightest , and those they seal ▪ For they go lighter and nimbler on the best Wines , than on the grosser and more earthly Wines , for they make their passage more heavy . There be wonders of it in Pliny l. 14. c. 18. In Arcadia it makes women barren , and men mad . Theophrast . l. 6. c. 19. In Achaia it causeth abortion ; if Bitches , eat Grapes they cast their whelps , Victor l. 7. c. 23. They that drink Traezenium , lose their generative faculty . In Thasias one kind causeth sleep , another makes men wake . In Aegypt , the Grape is sweet and purgeth the belly , in Lycia it binds it . CHAP. XLV . Of Xaqua and Zuccarum , or Sugar . XAqua is a Tree in Hispaniola ; The fruit is like to Poppie , and a clear white water runs forth of it , and whatsoever is sprinkled with it , grows like black , so that no washing will make it clean . In 20 dayes it parts from the rind , of it self . Ovetan Summ. c. 77. There are two kinds of Zuccarum , one from Canes , another from an hearb ; There is another kind from an Indian Tree , called Haeoscer , Scalig. Exerc. 164. But this is scarce Sugar , but the thinner part of milk compacted by heat , which falling forth of the buds and roots of the leaves , thickneth into a gum . They say the fruit is like to Camels Testicles ; Out of any part of the Tree cut , Milk runs forth so hot , that it is held for the best meanes to take off haire . The Inhabitants make their skins smooth with this . There are two kinds of the true one is got out of Canes two ways , for either it is pressed out and boyl'd to the whitenesse of Sugar ; or it comes forth of it self from the reeds , like teares . From the Indies formerly they sent it , so gathered with their other Merchandise . That which is called Sugar-Candy was carried about , in reeds . Histories testify , it was made naturally . For at Dathecala in the Indies , it is sold for Merchandise . In St. Thomas Island , the reeds yeeld it every Month. In the fifth Month they are ripe , and are cut down , and are grund and pressed for the juyce : what remaines is given to Fowle and Hogs , and it will fat them wonderfully , and it will make them so tender and delicate , that no hens flesh can be better , for those that are sick , to feed on . Another kind of Sugar , sweats-out wonderfull strangely . The Arabians and Aegyptians call it Tigala . They say a little Worm doth eate the hearb ; whence Sugar swells forth , and grows together in little peices . It quencheth thirst , is good for the Chest , and takes away a Cough . CHAP. XLVI . Of other Miracles of some Trees . NAture is rich ; and her riches are so various , that they not only delight our understanding but exercise our industry . Truly besides what we have said , there are many wonderfull things . In the Island Tylos , there are Trees that beare Wool , and their fruit is guords , as big as Quinces : these breaking when they are ripe , shew balls of Down or Cotton , of which they make pretious linnen garments , Plin. l. 12. c. 10 In great Java they say there is a rare Tree , whose pith is Iron : it is very small , yet runs from the top to the bottom of the Plant. The fruit that grows on it , is not to be pierced with Iron . Scaliger calls it , Exerc. 181. s. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , In the Island Cimbubon there is another whose leaves , fallen down upon the earth , do move and creep . It hath leaves like the Mulberry-Tree . They have on both sides like two little feet ; pressed , they yeeld no liquor . If you touch them , they flye from you . One of them kept 8 , dayes in a dish lived , and moved so oft as one touched it ; Scalig. Exerc. 112 , in Malavar there is a plant that contracts it self , if any one puts his hand to it ; and if you pull back your hand , it recovers it self again . Garzias ab horto . That which he described from Costa , under the name of Mimosa hortensis , put your hand to it , it withers ; take it away , it grows green again . The same Authour says that there is a certain Tree that is full of faire sweet flowers all night , but so soon as the Sun riseth , it withers : yet whatsoever this is , it may be ascribed to the tenuity of the Spirits of it . But Linschot saith , there is one that is contrary to this . In Virginia there is an hearb that the leaves are good Silk , and they take it off like a thin shining Membrane . It is two foot and a half high , the leaves are two foot long , and half a foot broad . In England , there vvas made a triall of this in weaving . For of this plant the whole Web made , vvas silk and approoved for good . Arioth . in Verginia , In America there is the flower of Granadilla , in which may be seen the instruments of Christs passion , the Nails , the Rod , the Pillar , the Crown , the Wounds . Mejer de Annat . Scoticis . That Libav . l. 4. de orig . rer . ascribes to Imagination , And , saith he , a friend of mine hath a Cherry-stone , upon which may be seen 120 faces . In the Northern Island there are Rocks of Loadstone . If Beeches grow upon them , they are turn'd into Loadstone , Olaus , l. 2. c. 1. There is also in Musicanum an Indian Tree extreme high , the boughs of it are above 12 Cubits long , and it not only grows downwards of it self , but it fastneth in the ground of its own accord , and roots anew , and from thence arise new Trees ; the boughs do thus bow down also , and cause more Trees , and thus they will grow in ranks , that they will make an Arbour for 400 men to walk under . Not far from Malacca there is another , that hath many roots , and as they divide severally into parts , so are they of different vertues . For those parts that look toward the East are an Antidote against poyson , but the parts toward the West are poyson . Senar , res , p. 4. c. 17. A certain fiery root cut in pieces , if it be set right over against a burning Candle , at first it makes it blink , and at last it puts it out , and that hath been often proved . Biker in . proph . s. 2. There was a firr Tree very admirable , seen in a Ship , which brought it from Aegypt by the command of Caius the Emperour . There was a foursquare obelisk set up in the Vatican , and he brought four blocks of the same stone to support it . The thicknesse of that Tree was as much as four men could fathom . Plin. l. 16. c. 40. The root of the hearb Aproxis takes fire a great way off , Plin. l. 24. c. 17. From Trees in India , as high as Cedars or Cypresse Trees , and with leaves broader then Palm-Tree leaves , ( they are called Carpi●n ) an oyle distills that is taken with wooll pressed against the Trees , and you may smell it five furlongs off . In the same Authour we read of the Tree Parebo that grows only in Kings Gardens ; it is as great as an Olive Tree , without flower or fruit ; but under the earth the roots are as thick as a mans arm . Nine inches of it will draw Gold , Silver , Brasse , Stones , or any thing but Amber ; but an ell of it will draw Sheep and Lambs . The weight of an Obolus cast into water , will make it congeal ; and wine also , that you may work it in your hands like wax , yet the day after it will resolve again , Libav . l. 2. debitum c. 6. this seems to be a stinking ly , if it be not well interpreted ; but surely a Philosopher cannot want that interpretation : you shall find it loc . cit . CHAP. XLVII . Of Wonders of Trees . SOme are found that bear no leafs ; And Pliny l. 17. c. 25. tells us of a Vine and Pomegranate Tree , that did bear fruit on the body or stem , not on the branches or boughes ; and of a Vine that had fruit without leafs ; and of Olive Trees , that the berries remain'd when the leafs were fallen . We said , that an Olive Tree burn'd down quite , will grow again ; and in Boeotia Fig-trees eaten with Worms will bud again , At Pausania in Arcadia , the Oke and Olive Tree will grow both upon one root , Dalechamp . ad loc . cit . The same at Corinth , called Hercules Club , from a wild Olive Tree , took root and grew again : When Xerxes came to Laodicea , a Plane-Tree became an Olive Tree . A Tree sank into the ground at Cumanum , a strange thing , a little before the Civill Wars of Pompey ; onely a few boughs were to be seen . At Cyzicum before Mithridate's siege , a Fig-Tree grew out of a Bay-Tree , when he with 100000 men , and many horse ; fought against that City , Strabo l. 12. A green Palm-Tree was seen to grow up amongst the Tralles in the Temple of Victory under Caesar's Statue , where the stones joyned , and it was of a great bignesse , Valer. l. 1. c. 6. Also at Rome , in the Capitol , in the head , ( some explain that to be the top of the house ) twice in the War with Perseus did a Palm-Tree spring forth , presaging Victory and Triumph . When this was thrown down with Tempests , in the same place a Fig-Tree grew up . When M. Messalus , and C. Cassius were Censors , A. P. Sulpicius being Pro-Consul , Letters were brought from Macedonia with news , That a Bay-Tree grew up in the stern of a Galley . Lastly , the year before this , in Silesia a little Tree in the battlements of the walls of the Church was changed into a Palm-Tree : Religion was changed after that . Not without being revenged ; for the change of the Species gives us hope of it . The End of the Fifth Classis . OF Miracles of Nature . The Sixth Classis . In which are contained the Wonders of Birds . Seneca Natur. quaest . l. 2. c. 32. ALso those things are not out of our power , which are immoveable , or for their swiftnesse , equall to all the World , are like to things without motion . CHAP. 1. Of the Eagle . THe Eagle challengeth the first place ; nor that it is the best dish at the Table , for none will eat it ; but because it is the King of Birds . It is of the kind of birds of prey . The right foot of it is greater than the left ; the brain is so hot , that mingled with Hemlock juice , and drank in powder , it will make one mad . It drinks not , because it seems the blood of what it preys upon , sufficeth it . But in old age , when the Beak is crooked with drynesse , it preserves it self by drinking , Aelian . They have been seen a cubit in largenesse , and some young one , whose wings stretched out would reach 7. els . The Claws were bigger than a great mans fingers , and the thighes greater than a Lyons . Gesner saith , that was seen at a place between Dreson ond Mysnia : when it lyeth down it takes a stone called Ae●ites , which because they grow so hot as if they boyled , doth temper their heat . When the young ones are hatcht , she holds them in her Talons against the Sun ; and having proved them to be legitimate , she takes them on her wings and carries them ; the strongest of them , when she hath them aloft , she lets them fall , and then she flies and meets them , and takes them up again . When they are old enough , she drives them forth of her nest and quarter . The female is so falacious , that being trod 30 times in a day , if the male come to her again , she will run to him . It is so quick-sighted , that flying over the Sea , out of mans view , it will discern the smallest fish : And as for its smell , it will flie to carcases 500 miles distant . It roars like a Bull ; but the young ones are mute , because their tongue is hindred by moisture . It is an enemy to the Cranes : therefore when they fly over Mount Taurus from Cilicia , they take stones in their mouthes , and stop their clarying , and flye over it in the night . When the sight , bill , and wings fail her , she flyes above the Clowds , and there by the Suns heat she recovers her sight . She when she is become extream hot , plunges into the water , then she flies to her nest , grows feavorish , casts her feathers , is fed by her young ones , and renews her self ; but sooner , if she can find Serpents to feed on . CHAP. II. Of the Hawke . THe Hawke is of divers magnitudes according to its Sex and Country . The females are the greater , because their heat is lesse , Calent . in Epist. It hath a great heart that enclines toward the breast with a blunt point ; the Milt is so small , that it can hardly be seen , Aristot. de part . animal . c. 38. It is full of feathers , which when it is young it casts 4. times . It is not very generative , for the over great heat thickneth the seed ; also the moysture of it is sent to the feathers , the Tallens , and legs : yet it is so venereous , that the female will return 30 times a day , if she be required , Alb. l. 10. c. 8. She flies from Carrion , and if it come to a mans carcase , it will not feed thereon . She drinks , when she can light on no prey for blood . She flyes sometimes so high , that she cannot be seen . In the Ayr she will turn on her back , and stretches out her tail , back , and wings , and lyes upon them , Aelian . It hath wonderful ingenuity ; The bird she takes in the Evening she holds under her feet , and when the Sun riseth she lets it flie away , and if she meets it again , she will never pursue it . When her eyes grow dim , she seeks for Hawkwort , and rubs it , and with the juice of it she anoints her eyes , Aelian l. 2. de anim . c. 43. She seems to lament the death of Man , and will cast the earth on his eyes , and if he be not buried , she will throw Earth to bury him . The thigh bone of it put toward gold , doth draw it to it with delight , Aelian . l. 4. c. 43. Pigeons so soon as they hear its noise fly away ; hens eggs , if they sit , will be spoyled ; small birds are so frighted at the sight of her , that you may take them off the hedges with your hands . The chief disease she hath is the molting of her feathers . It happens , before Nilus overflowes the fields , that is , in August . When the South wind blowes they stretch forth their wings , and grow hot with the heat of the wind ; when this is wanting , they fan themselves with their wings in the warm Sun. By this warmth the pores are opened , the old feathers fall , and new grow up . The Aegyptians thought they lived 700 years . CHAP. III. Of the Assalon and Heron. ASsalon , is called Smerillus and Merillus . It will so pursue Larks , that it will follow them into a hot Furnace , or pit of water , or to mens cloaths , Cressent . l. 10. c. 13. It fights with the Crowes and Foxes , breaking the eggs of the one , and killing the Cubs of the other . To kill Herons , in England is a capital Crime , wherefore there are many of them in that place . They are so continent , that they are sad 40 dayes when they are upon venereous actions , Glycas l. 1. Animal . If they dung upon a Hawk , they corrupt and burn its feathers . When a showring is coming , they flie above the Clowds . They swallow shell-fish , shells and all ; but when they think their heat hath opened them , they cast them up again , and eat the fish . They lie in wait for fish very cunningly ; for they stand so against the Suns beams , that their shadow may not be seen to drive them away : But the Countrey men of Colen say they have such force , that if they put but a foot into the water , they will draw the fish to them as with a bait . Gesner writes , that he read in a German Manuscript , that if their feet be distill'd by descent , and a mans hands be anointed with the oyl , they will come to ones hands that they may be taken . Franciscus Vallesius the first , King of France kept them so tame , that though they be wild by nature , they would come home of themselves ; some say , they sweat blood in Treading , but Albertus confutes that . CHAP. IV. Of the Horn-Owl and Aluco . A Sin , or Otus , and a Night-Crow , makes such a noise , as a man doth that is chill'd with cold ; they cry hu , hu . With his cry ; and the bird Cyncramus , he leads the Quails when they depart hence . He imitates those things he sees men do : Also they watch fowlers standing over against them ; wherefore they seem to anoint their eyes with a kind of bird-lime , then they depart and leave it in the holes ; the Otus or Do●rill comes and glews his eyes together , and so is he taken . There are two kinds of Aluco's , the greater , and the lesse . The greater Aluco hath this property , that he winks with his eye-lid ; he hath no little ears like horns , but in place of them he hath a kind of Crown-circle made of feathers that covers his whole face ; small feathers rising above his eys ; like a high ridge of a hair above the eye-lids ; and on both sides they go about by the temples , and meet under the chin , like a womans ketcher . The lesser is found in the clifts of Oaks that the Worms have eaten hollow . If he take any living creature he swallowes it whole ; for his throat is so wide , that he will swallow bits bigger than egs ; nor doth he eat any meat till he have plumed the feathers and hairs , and cast away the bones . CHAP. V. Of a Goose. GEese in the Kingdom of Senega , are of divers colours . Whiter than Swans , and with red heads , are bred in Hispaniola , Cadamust . And Odoricus à foro Julii saith , That in the Kingdom of Mancum in India the superiour , they have a bone above their head as big as an Egge , of a blood red colour , and a skin hanging half way under the throat . Aldrovandus thinks , it is of the kinds of Onocrotalus . Strabo l. 6. Geograph . saith , there are none in the South part of Arabia . They live many years , Albertus saith 60 , Gratalorus 200 years . But Aldrovandus writes , he should not take his oath for it . Gardanus thinks it not fabulous , because their flesh is so sound . For it is known , that a Wild-Goose hung up for 3. dayes continually , would not grow tender , and cast to the dogs they would not eat it . But amongst all kind of Geese , that is the most wonderful , which in Scotland they call the Soland Goose. In Descriptione Scotiae , Boetius writes thus of it ; Above other Islands , Maya of D. Hadrian is noble , for the reliques of him and his fellowes , who suffered Martyrdom for Christs sake . A Fountain of most sweet water runs forth of a very high rock in the midst of the Sea , a wonderful miracle of Nature . The Fort Bass that is invincible to mans forces stands upon it , and exceeds all the rest in strangenesse . Also there is a Rock situate in an arm of the Sea , that hath a narrow entrance , a Fisherman's Boat can scarce passe into it ; that hath no houses made in it by art of man ; yet is it hollow , and hath habitations as convenient in it , as if men had built them . But they are by this means the more forcible ; whatsoever is in it , is full of wonderful things ; For those Birds which in our Mother-Tongue we call Soland Geese , not unlike to those which Pliny calls Water-Eagles , dwell here in abundance , and hardly any where else . These so soon as they come at the beginning of the Spring , they do bring so much wood with them to build their nests , that the Inhabitants that dwell there ( nor do they repine at it ) carry away as much as serves them for fuel a whole year . They feed their young ones with the most choise fish . For if they have caught one , and they see a better swimming at the bottom of the Sea , they let that fall and plunge themselves vio●●ntly into the waters to catch the other . When they have brought 〈…〉 fish to their young ones , they let men take away what they please ●●llingly , and flie again to catch more . Also they let the people 〈…〉 their young ones without resistance ; whence there accrues to 〈…〉 Governour of the Castle a mighty revenue yearly : for pulling off their skins with the fat , they make an oyl of them of great worth . Also they have a small gut that is full of oyl of great vertue , for it cures the hip and joynt Gouts ; so that this Bird serving for all mens use , is inferiour to none , but that he is not common to be had : So far Boetius . When I was in Scotland , I smelt of them , and they smelt like Herrings . CHAP. VI. Of the Kings Fisher , of Ducks , and the Bird Emme . IT is reported , that the Kings-Fishers build their nests of the hardest fish bones , and the sharpest thorns , and are seldom seen but at Sea , where the waters are salt . They breed about the middle of winter . Wherefore when it is a calm Winter , they call it Halcyon dayes , 7. dayes before the midst of winter , and 7. dayes after the midst of winter . In the first he makes his nest , in these last he breeds , Plin. l. 5. c. 8. The nest is made like a Pine-Apple , or a glasse with a long neck , Albert. It is so artificially made , that it cannot be easily cut with a sword . But Aristotle saith , that if you break and bruise it with your hands , and then break it with an Iron , you may easily destroy it : That the Sea may not enter into it , she makes her hole of a spungy matter that will swell , and the swelling shuts up the entrance ; Those that go in , do presse against it , and so presse out the water and find passage . The Shee of them so loves the Hee , that she is alwaies with him , and in old age carrieth him on her back ; and they both die in copulation , Plutarch . de solert . animal . House Ducks are known almost to all men ; those of Lybia are of a middle stature , between a Goose and a Duck. Their genitall member is so great as a finger is thick , and five times as long , and is red as blood , Bellon . Look on their eyes by the Sun , and you shall see a black spot on the top , which is in the Beaks of them , Scalig. They make no noise , though they have both Lungs and Wind-pipe . When our Country-people would keep abundance of them , let them keep two of our Ducks for each of those Drakes , and so they will lay abundance of Eggs. But the young Ducks so bred , will never procreate again , as other living Creatures that are bred of divers kinds . In Ancyra there are some that blow like a Horn , as those that sound when horsemen march in orders , Auger . They love their liberty so well , that being kept 3. years in a Cage , and fed , if they can find opportunity they will flie away . There is such plenty of the wild ones , that they cover all the waters ; but they live no where but in warm Countries . In the Winter , that they may not be Frozen in , by an instinct of nature , they swim circularly and on one side , they keep the waters open , and cry so lowd that they may be heard . When the cold grows too violent they flye aloft to the Sea , Olaus , l. 19. c. 6. The Hollanders brought the Bird Emme from Java ; it is twice as great as a Swan , black and with black wings . But out of two originalls there proceed two more , as it is with the Ostrich . It wants wings and a tongue ; on the top of the head , it hath a buckler as hard as a Tortesse-shell , like a Target . It would swallow Apples as big as ones fist , and lumps of Ice ; also burning Coles , and all without any hurt . Aldrovand . CHAP. VII . Of Barnacles . THere is a bird in Britanny that the English call , Barnacles , and Brant Geese , the Scotch call them Clakguse ; It is lesse than a wild Goose , the breast is somwhat black , the rest As●-colour . It flies as wild Geese do , cries , and haunts Lakes , and spoiles the Corne. The learned question the original of it very much . For some say it breeds from rotten wood , some from Apples , some of fruit that is like to heaps of leaves ; which when , at the time appointed , it falls into the water that is under it , it revives and becomes a living Creature . It grows in the Isle Pomonia in Scotland toward the North. And of this opinion is Isidore , Alexander ab Alexandro , Olaus Magnus , Gesner , Boetius , and others ; contrarily Albertus , and those that are of his mind , hold that they breed by copulation . The Hollanders from their own experience in Greenland , affirm they found some Barnacles sitting on egs , and had young ones . But these things may agree together , for things bred of corruption may have eggs , and that seems also most clear that Boetius hath written concerning them . That every man may perceive they are not fabulous , I shall set it down . Now it remains that we speak of those Geese which they call Clak-Geese ; and which commonly they think amisse , to be bred upon Trees in these Islands , of which we were for a long time very inquisitive , and have found by experience . For I think the Sea between , is the greater cause of their generation than any thing else . For things are bred in the Sea variously ; as we have observed . For if you throw wood into the Sea , in time Worms breed in it , that by degrees have a head , feet , wings ; and lastly , feathers . Lastly they are as great as Geese , when they are full grown , they flye upward as other birds do , using their wings to carry them through the ayre , which is as clear as day , and was seen in the yeare from the Virgins conception , 1490 , Many looking on . For when some of this wood was carried by the Waves to the Castle , Pethschl●ge , in great quantity ; they that first espied it , wondred , and ran to the Governour and tell him this strange news . The Governour came , and bid them Saw the Log in sunder ; then they saw an infinite sort of living Creatures that were partly Worms , some not formed , others were , and were partly birds ; and some of them were callow , some had feathers . Wondring at the miracle , at the Governours command , they carried that Log into the Church of St. Andrew at Tira where it yet remaines full of Worm holes as it was . The like to this two yeares after , was brought into Tham by the tide , to Bruthe Castle ; many ran to see it , which again , two yeares after at Leith in the Harbour , all Edenburgh came to see . For a great ship , that had the name and the ensigne of Christopher , when it had been 3 whole yeares at Anchor in one of the Hebrides ▪ was brought back hither , and drawn on land : that part of it that was alwaies under the Sea , had the beames eaten through , and was full of Worms of this kind , partly unformed , not yet like birds , and partly those that were perfect Birds . But it may be some man will cavill at it , and say , that there is such a vertue in the boughs and stocks of Trees that grow in those Islands ; and that the Christopher it self was made of the wood , growing in those Hebrides : wherefore I shall willingly declare what I saw 7 , yeares since . Alexander Gallovidianus Pastor of the Church of Kil●y ( a man besides his great integrity ; incomparable for his care in study of wonders ) when he had pull'd forth some Sea weeds , from the stalks and boughs , and likewise from the root , that grew up to the top where they joynd , he perceived some shell fish-breed : he frighted with the novelty of the matter ; presently opened them to know farther , and then he wondred far more than before . For , he saw no flesh shut up in the shells , but ( which is wonderful ) a bird : Wherefore he ran presently to me whom he a long time knew , desirous to know such new things , and shew'd it me , who was not more astonished at the sight of it as I rejoyced at the occasion to see a thing so rare , and unheard of . By this , I think it is evident enough , that these are not the seeds of breeding of Birds in fruits of roots of Trees , but in the Sea it self , which Virgil and Homer rightly term the Father of all things . But because they saw that come to passe vvhen the Apples fell from the Trees that grevv on the shore into the vvaters , that by continuance of time Birds appeared in them , they vvere of that opinion , that they believed the Apples vvere turned into Birds , &c. Thus far Boetius . Reader thou may'st judge of it : for my part I admire at Gods providence , and at the end of this Classis by vvay of Appendix , I shall add some thing out of the discourse of Majerus concerning the Tree-Bird . CHAP. VIII . Of the Owl and Catarrhacta . THe Owl builds in the highest Rocks , that sometimes it is hard to find her eggs ; for its young , Pliny saith , comes forth by the tail out of the egg , because the eggs being reversed by weight of their heads , brings the hinder part to be fostered by the dam. It is said , That in Churches she drinks up the oyl ; she not onely kills Birds , but Hares also . A Duck hath been found in one cut open . The brain of it with Goose-grease doth wonderfully joyn wounds . The Catarrhacta hath a wonderful way of sitting on her eggs , if that be true that Oppianus hath written . She layes Sea-weed upon her eggs on a rock , and so leaves them open to the winds . Hence the male catcheth those eggs he thinks sit to breed the males , and the female doth the like for the females ; then they carry them up on high with their Talons , and so let them fall into the Sea ; doing this often , they grow hot by motion , and the young ones are hatched . CHAP. IX . Of the Feldifare and Goat-Sucker . THe Feldifare makes her nest in the thickets ; the walls are mosse , wooll , downy herbs ; the ground-work is heath . They have six young ones , and they are so unlike their old ones , that they have scarce any mark like them ; Because he flyes , he doth a little imitate the other Birds notes , he catcheth those that fly to him , and is easily taken himself ; for when he sees a bird shut up in a cage , he flyes upon it to invade it . The Caprimulgus goes into the folds of shepherds , and sucks the Goats teats for milk ; the udder loseth its force by this injury , and the Goats that are so suckt grow blind , Pliny l. 10. c. 40. He sees little in the day , but is quick-sighted at night , Arist. histor . l. 9. c. 30. In Candie it makes such an horrible noise , that it will fright the Inhabitants , Bellonius . CHAP. X. Of the Cuckow . THe Cuckow is a Bird of a very cold constitution of body , whence she is so fearful , that all the birds offend her , Plin. l. 10. c. 9. she breeds in other birds nests ; especially , the Woodculver's , the hedge-Sparrow's , the Lark , the Red-breast and the Nightingall . If their nests be empty , she will not turn in there , but if there be eggs , she breaks some and sucks them , and layes her own in the room ; in some nests they say she breaks them all , Arist. l. 6. c. 7. The young ones hatcht and known by the bird , are said to be beaten , and to fly away to their own dam. Note the goodnesse of nature ! they say she layes in those Birds nests that feed on common meats ; she feeds on Worms , Insects , and Corn. The Grashoppers before the dog-dayes when they hear the Cuckow sing , run upon her in troops , and they get under her wings and kill her , Isidor . l. 12. c. 8. They are said to be bred of Cuckow spittle . In winter she casts her feathers , and changeth her colour , Arist. 9. histor . c. 43. In a Mountain of Greece where many Cuckowes breed , it is said that a Holly Tree growes there , that what living Creature soever sits upon it , is glewed fast as with birdlime , except the Cuckow , Plin. l. 30. c. 10. In what place soever you first hear the Cuckow sing , if you make a circle about your right foot , and dig up that compasse of earth , no fleas will breed , wheresoever that is spread . CHAP. XI . Of the Crow . IT is certain , that in the New World the Crowes are white ; and Alphonsus King of Cicily had one . They say they grow white if the eyes be anointed with the brain or fat of a Cat , and be put under a white 〈…〉 in a cold place . They flock together to a fruitful field ; but two at once , where the field is not fruitfull . He hath many notes , they say 64 , the proper note is ●roking , which he makes , being changed with no passion or variety of weather . He longs for raw flesh , and corrupt , and that dyed of it self ; if he refuse this , it is an ill omen , as Thucidides observed in the Plague at Athens . Julius Caesar Moderatus Ariminensis , learned by experience , that he vomits up again the bones and the small feet . Hyginus denyes , that he can drink when he eath eaten figs , because then his throat is pierced thorow . He casts off his young ones if they be white ; though they write , that seven dayes after they are hatcht , they become black . Cassiodorus thinks out of the Psalmist , that they then live upon dew . A tame Crow at Erfurd took money off of the Table and kept it , and did so exactly call Conrade the Cook when he was hungry , that you would believe it were a mans voice ; then he pricked holes in a Musick-book that he found , as if he understood Musick , Scalig. E●erc . ●37 . Barbarus observed , that he carried fire in his mouth when Lightning fell . Some think he catcheth sparks of fire , instead of pieces of flesh ▪ when exhalations take fire in Lightning . He is said to live 180 years . Indeed in a City of France , Corvatum , one lived 100 years , Albertus 9. hist. c. 10. A certain Physitian that was famous in Pliny his days , burnt two Crowes to ashes taken out of the nest in the moneth of March , and being made into fine powder , gave them to people for the Epilepsie ; one dram weight twice or thrice in a day , with water of the decoction of Castorium . CHAP. XII . Of the Rook , and Chrysaethos . IN Britany there is abundance of Rooks , because the Sea washeth it on all sides ; and in the grounds that are moyst there breed abundance of Worms for their food , Cardanus . Ludovicus Rhodiginus saw a white one , with a black head , not far from the walls of Rhodigium , l. 17. Antiq. lect . c. 11. He loves Nuts chiefly , which if he cannot break , he lets them fall upon stones , Aelian l. 3. c. 9. They do not inconsiderately couple ; for when one dyeth , the other lives single alwayes after . When Storks fly beyond Sea , this leads them . It is so industrious , that Merthes King of Egypt had one that would carry letters whither he sent him , Porphyr . de abstin . ab animal . When she is slain and remains dead till she stincks , she drawes mice , if you lay her in a place where you may kill them , Gesner . The Chrysaethus hath a tongue like a mans , armed on both sides toward the roots with two horny hooked appendices . The length is sometimes from the beak to the clawes four hands breadth and a half , the breadth is eight when the wings are stretched out . It layes but one egg ; if it lay two , one is rotten . CHAP. XIII . Of the Pigeon . THe Pigeon when she layes two eggs , the one egg will bring a male , the other a female ; but because the heat is greater in the male , he is said to be first hatcht , Paul. à Castro . When the young ones are brought forth , she thrusts the salt Earth into their mouthes , which she hath first fitted in her own , to prepare them to receive some meat , and to implant fruitfulnesse into them , and to raise their appetite , Athen. 9. hist. c. 24. Many things prove them to be apt to learn. One of them pecked corn out of Mahomet's ear . When Leyden was besieged , some of them carried Letters , Lipsius . The same was done at the siege of the Buss. Divers men use divers remedies to keep them in the Dove-houses , and to allure others thither . Some stir Man's blood up and down in an earthen vessell for a quarter of an hour , with Pease , and then anoint Pigeons with it , and cast the pease to them to eat , Gesner . Some hang the skull of an old man in the Dove-house , Albertus . Some hang a piece of the halter that a man was hang'd with , on rheir windows , Pallad . l. 3. c. 44. Pliny ( l. 11. c. 37 , ) writes , That there is poyson in mans teeth that will kill young unfeather'd Pigeons . We have it from the secrets of the Egyptians , that such as feed on Pigeons flesh will never be infected with the Plague . Hence in times of pestilence onely Princes feed on them . Cardanus prescribes them with their broth . Their dung is so hot , that being fired by the Sun , it hath fired houses , saith Galen . The same Author useth it for a hearing remedy ; and being bruised dry with the seed of Cresses , some apply instead of Mustard for a rubisicative . Anno 1550. there was one taken in Germany with 4. feet , and 2. bellies ; It was brought to the Emperour , and Electors ; who all wonder'd at it . CHAP. XIV . Of the Swan . THere are abundance of Swans in many places . In Moravia a Province of Scotland there is a Lake called Spina , it is noted for multitudes of Swans . For therein there growes a certain herb whose seed they feed greedily on ; and therefore it is called Swans meat . The nature of that herb is , that cast into water it will never putrifie . Hence it is , that though the Lake be extended about five miles , and was wont , as men remember , to abound with Fish and Salmons ; since that began to spring up , it hath increased by degrees , and hath made that Lake fordable , and that men cannot swim in it ; nor is there any more any great Fish therein , Boetius in descript . Scotiae . The internal constitution of Swans is wonderfull , Aldrovandus dissected them . The Intestines were 14. spans and a hand breadth long ; and many of them were covered with fat inwardly , as thick as ones thumb , which served instead of a caul ; which being not intricate with many windings and turnings , but onely by a single revolution are turned back into themselves inwardly , with a middle rundle , perchance some of the nutriment might passe by nor distributed ; but nature , to help this inconvenience , hath fastened two blind guts ; a hands breadth between the anus and their beginning : the right intestine passing between , which should make amends for the windings of the guts that are deficient . The gullet is of a wonderfull structure . For the sharp artery that accompanies the wesand under it , descending to the throat , when it comes there , doth not tend directly to the Lungs as in other Creatures , but is elevated above the chanel bones , and is inserted into a rib of the breast-bone , or Sternon . And this rib is not made of one single bone , but of two side ones , and a third from above , made for a covering to lye upon these ; and it is like a scabberd or sheath , and serves for the same use . When the Artery comes to the end of it , it is bent backwards beneath like a Serpent in fashion of the letter S ; and by and by it goes forth again beneath the foresaid part of this covering that was placed above it , and ascending to the middle of the channel bones , it leans upon their coupling as on a prop ; and being so upheld , it is again bent backwards like a Trumpet , and going under the hollow of the Thorax , before it comes to the lungs , it makes as it were another Larynx , cut athwart , and with a little bone as long as this is broad , and which is covered with a thin membrane ; it represents a hollow pipe , or an Organ pipe , in figure and composition , which are open in the neather part of them with the like fissure . Under this Larynx the artery is parted into two channels , each of which in the middle are stretched out wider , and stick forth , and are distributed , going directly to the very small Lungs , that are wholly fastned to the sides behind . This is a wonderfull composition , and it serves for the breathing and voyce . For when in the bottom of Lakes she seeks for her food , she needed a long neck , lest by long continuance she should be in danger to be suffocated by such an Artery . And indeed whilest for half an hour almost she thrusts down her head into the water , she takes breath by that part of the Artery which is open in the sheath we spake of in the breast . As for its singing , some say she sings before her death , and some deny it . Oppianus saith , she sings early before Sun rising ; but as she is very near her death , she sings on the Sea-shores , but not so loud in her old age . The West wind , he adds , is observed by them when they sing , when they are feeble and their strength is spent . The fashion of their sharp artery seems to make good this opinion . CHAP. XV. Of the Stork . THe Storks of old time about Fidena , neither made any nests , nor fed their young ones . Also at the Lake Larius in Italy beyond Poe , a pleasant place with small Trees , they are hardly seen , Pliny , The Author of the book of Nature writes , that they neither come into , nor will inhabit a City in Germany where no tythes are paid . They are travelling birds ; but it is a question whether all or not . Many as if they were dead , were drawn forth in Fishers nets , and these were joyned together , and had their bills thrust into their anus , together , and being hot in Minerall waters they lived again . In Lorenge it is certain , that it so happened , Anno 1467 , as Campofulgosus reports , l. 1. memorab . when they depart , they meet all at a set place of rendevouz , and will leave none of their company behind . It is observed , that they are seldom seen after the Ides in August ; when they are costive they thrust their bills into their Anus , and give themselves a Clyster , that brings forth the faeces , and thence Chirurgions learn'd that art . They are very chaste and gratefull . One of them in upper Vesalia bade his Host farewel when he departed , and when he return'd , he saluted him again . And not content with a vocall gratitude , he brought him a root of green Ginger . Another pickt out the Eyes of one that lay with his Hostesse when his Host was abroad . Another finding out the adultery of his mate in his absence , brought more company and tore her to pieces . The Stork carries his aged Parents upon his shoulders , and feeds them out of his mouth ▪ Whence the word of gratitude is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gesner . By the ●xample of 〈…〉 it is apparent , that she foreshews things future ; for he , as Aeneas Sylvius writes , unlesse he had seen Storks from the high Towers in Aquileia , would have departed thence ; and supposing that to be a token of taking the City , he held on his purpose , and shortly wal● it , when he had besieged it 3. years . There are none in England as Cl : Bandarcius saith . CHAP. XVI . Of the Faulcon . A Faulcon is so strong , that when he strikes a bird , he will ●ut him in two , from head to tail . A Sea-Swallow call'd Drepanis , a little Bird about Lakes , when she hears the Castrel , will rather let men stone her , than she will rise . She is wont to be sick of a disease the Faulconers call the Filandre . That is , a kind of worms not far from their reins , near to which they are wrapt up in a thin and proper membrane : they are as small as hairs , and half an ell long , it may be from their first originall ; unlesse you prevent them , they will eat up the principall parts and the heart . The Gyrsaulcons are of divers kinds ; They are some white found in Moscovy , Norway , Ireland . They are bold : If one of them be let fly at five Cranes , he will follow them all till he have killed them . The food of it reserved in its Cave , it will take in order . She never wets her self with water , but onely with sand . She loves the cold so well , that she will alwayes delight to stand upon ice , or upon a cold stone : sometimes untaught she is sold for 50 Nobles . There is a Faulcon called Ru●eus , because the spots , that are white in the rest , are red and black in this kind ; yet they seem not to be so , but when she stretcheth forth her wings . The cause of this rednesse is a feeble colour infused into the superficies of the body , and inflaming the smoaky moysture , which is put forth to breed the feathers . CHAP. XVII . Of a Hen and Cock. HEns in the Kingdom of Senega are thrice greater than ours ; there are many near to Thessalonica ; some lay two eggs , that is with two yolks , which are parted by a partition , that they may not be confounded . Aristot. in mirabil . reports , that some have laid ●● double ones , and to have hatcht them ; one chicken was greater than another , and at last it became a Monster . In Macedonia there was one Hen which once laid 18 eggs , and hatcht two young chickens at once , saith Pierius l. 24. Hieroglyph . But their eggs ▪ as also d●uer ▪ birds eggs , are first conceived above , where the partition is , where first it is seen to be faint and white , as Aristot. writes ; than red and bloody ; and as it increaseth , it becomes all yellow ; but as it more increaseth , it is distinguished , so that the yellow part is inward , and the white goes outwardly about it ; when it is perfect , it is finished and comes forth of the shell , soft at first hatching , but presently it growes hard . The place of its perfection is the Matrix it self into which they fall , Aldrovand . l. 14. Ornithol . Some report also , that a Cock layes an egge when he is 9. or 14. years old ; and they suppose it proceeds from seed putrified , or ill humours concurring together . It is thought to be round , and to be laid about the rising of the Dog-star . For the expulsive faculty being then weak , is helped in an aged Cock by the outward heat . With Ferrans Imperatus an Apothecary , one was seen that was long fashioned , Aldrovand . The Cocks are wonderful falacious , for they will tread the Hens 50 times a day , and they have been seen to ejaculate their seed when they but saw the Hen , or heard her note , Aelian . There was an old Law , as Plutarch saith , in Libro , Num bruta ratione careant , That if one Cock trod another , he should be burnt alive . When he finds he is too full of blood , he will scratch his comb till he fetch blood . All men know he Crowes in the morning . Some say the cause is , the Love he hath to the Sun ; some , to his venery ; others to his desire of meat . The Mahumetans say , they answer a Cock that crowes in heaven , Keckerm : in Physicis . The first reason seems something ; for he will crow when he is full also , and after copulation ; also he crowes when the Hen is present ; but when he is gelt he crowes no more , Plin. Yet l. 29. c. 4. he saith , That , a circle of Vine-twigs tied about his neck , he will not sing ; Albertus saith , if his head and forehead be anointed with oyl . He is at great Amity with the Kings-Fisher , that if they be both in the same house , and the Kings-Fisher dye , the Cock will dye with hunger . They that have fed on Fox flesh boyl'd , are free for two moneths from their Treachery , Boetius . As for a Dung-hill Cock , Gesner saith , he found it in a German Manuscript ; that a Noble-man having tryed all remedies for pains of the Collick , and finding none ; at length he drank a small cup of Capons-grease unsalted , boyl'd in water . But ( saith he ) you must drink the fat that swims on the top , as hot as you can . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Crane and the Woodwall . THe Cranes travell all over the World. Yet Aldrovandus saith , he scarce believes that they will live willingly in all Countries , l. 20. The Aspera arteria of them is set into the flesh on both sides , at the Breast-bone : whence you may hear a Crane afar off . They travel , but no time is set ; yet how swiftly they fly , is manifest by the example of Cyrus , who was said so to have disposed of his Posts at certain stages , that when one was weary , another should proceed night and day , that they out-went the Cranes that flew . When they fly , they keep a triangular sharp angled figure , that they may the easier pierce through the Ayr that is against them . That Crane that gathers the rest together , will correct them , as Isidorus saith . When one is hoarse , another succeeds . When they light upon the Earth to feed , the Captain of them holds up his head to keep watch for the rest , and they feed securely . Before they take rest , they appoint another Sentinel , who may stand and ward with his neck stretched forth , whilest the rest are asleep , with their heads under their wings , and standing upon one leg . The Captain goes about the Camp , and if there be any danger , he ●laries . Lest they should sleep too soundly , they stand upon one foot , and hold a stone in the other above ground , that if at any time being weary they should be oppressed with sleep , the stone falling might awaken them . They love their young ones so much , that they will fight whether shall give them their breeding . Albertus saw a male●Crane cast down a female and kill her , giving her eleven wounds with his bill , because she had drawn away his young ones from following of him . This fell out at Colen , where tame Cranes use to breed . Those are fables that men relate of the Battels between the Pigmies and the Cranes . The Woodwall hangs up her nest on the boughs like a Cup , that no four-footed beast can come at it . The nest is like to the fashion of a Rams-stones , Albert. Magn. Some say there is Silk ●ound in it , and that rhe nest is built not far from the water , made of moss , and the cords it hangs by are horse hairs . She leaves Italy , when Arcturus ariseth . As she hangs down , she sleeps upon her feet , hoping for more safety thereby , Plin. l. 10. c. 32. When she comes into Germany , there is great hopes that Winter for Snow and Frost is gone . CHAP. XIX . Of the Chough . IT is thought that the Choughs feed on Locusts besides Corn , because the Inhabitants of the Island Lemnos were reported to worship these birds , because they flew to destroy the Locusts , Plin. l. 10. c. 29. The males will rather lose their lives than part with their females . They fly at the eyes of him that holds them . The reason is rendred by Nicolaus Leonicus , because the eyes are shining and very moveable : and these birds are bred to allure and draw things to them . For Birds are wont to pick and scratch at ones finger that is often moved about their bills , or because the eyes are such perfect Looking-glasses , that the pupill that is so small will represent their image standing over against it : now when the Birds see their own shape in our eyes , they , it is likely peck at them , as desirous to come to what they delight . CHAP. XX. Of the Swallow . SWallowes are found almost in all Countries . Yet Pliny saith , they will not fly right to Thebes , because they are often taken there ▪ Nor are they found in Bizia in Thracia , by reason of the wickednesse of Tereus . They can endure no cold . Hence Claudian writes , As when cold Snow and Frost , like feathers , fall On Trees , the Winter-Swallowes die withall . Where they live in Winter , is diversly described . It is certain , that in hollow Trees lying many close together , they preserve themselves by mutual heat . But Olaus Mag. Episcop . Upsalensis , saith , That in the Northern parts where men dye of cold in winter , the Swallowes live in the water . Though , saith he , many Writers of Natural Histories affirm , that Swallowes change their stations , that is , do go to hotter Countries in Winter ; yet in the Northern parts , Swallowes are often drawn forth by Fishermen by accident , like a congealed Mass , and they have united themselves together , bill to bill , foot to foot , wing to wing ; after the beginning of Autumn , to go amongst the reeds , &c. When that masse is drawn forth and put into a hot-house , the Swallowes are thawed by heat coming to them , and so begin to fly ; but they last but a very short time , because they are not made free , but captives , by being taken too soon . In Egypt their wonderfull Industry is seen : For in the mouth of Heraclia in Egypt they make such an impregnable Mount with their nests continued together against the overflowing of wandring Nilus , for a furlong in length , that it is thought no man could do as much , Pliny . In the same Egypt near the Town Coptus , they say there is an Island consecrated to Isis ; which that the same River may not demolish , they fence by labour , in Spring-time , making firm the mouth of it with straw and stubble , for 3. nights together , labouring so hard , that many dye of it . Their young ones are bred blind , if we believe the Philosopher , and Pliny : when they receive their sight but slowly , they hasten it by putting Celandine upon it . Their copulation is wonderful : For when the rest of Birds are trod by the old ones , Swallowes ▪ couple a contrary way , Gesner . Jacobus Olivarius saith , he heard from Hieronymus Montuus an excellent Physitian , that Swallowes hearts being taken with Cinnamon , and Species of Pills Elephanginae , they will help memory . Hence Johannes Ursinus writes , — with amomum eat their heart ; And wit and memory will gain their part . CHAP. XXI . Of the Osprey , the Ibis , and the Loxias . OF Ospreys , or Sea-Eagles , some are said to have one foot like an Eagle , and hooked ; the other , plain like a Goose , to swim withall ; that it hath also costly Fat in the tail , and that he flies in the Ayr , and hangs there as it were , and le ts drop some of this fat into the water , whereby the fish are astonished ; that they turn upon their backs , and so he catcheth them , as some say . Ibis is a Bird so loving to Egypt , that it will live no where else ; so soon as it is hatcht , if it be weighed , it weighs two drams . Plutarch . de avib . l. 4. c. 9. The heart is greater than is proportionable to the body . The Gut is 96 cubits long ; and that in the wain of the Moon is pressed together , till the light of it increaseth again , saith Gaudentius Merula . The Lakes in Arabia send forth such multitudes of winged Serpents that are of so sudden a venomous nature , that when they bite , they kill before the wound can be perceived ; these birds by a kind of foresight , are stirred up , and fly forth in Troops and meet these pestilent multitudes in the Ayr , before they wast their Coasts , Marcel . Loxias , in respect of its bill , it differs from all other Birds . Whence Aristotle thinks it is not known . It is wont to have a red breast , neck and belly , but in winter it changeth its colour . It delights in Hemp-seed , dead carcases and kernels of the Fir-Tree , and it builds in such Trees in January and February . In Winter when all things are frozen , it sings , but forbears in Summer . CHAP. XXII . Of the Kite . KItes live almost every where , but they change their quarters , especially if they be neere . For otherwhiles they are found in hollow Okes , cherishing themselves with the rotten dust . About Pontus neere the Sea Euxinum , they are seen in such abundance in Winter , that if for 15 , days so many should fly thither , as Bellonius saw in one day , they would be more then all Mankind . They bring the Cuckow with them on their backs , because he cannot flye so far ▪ Isidore . The scripture ascribes to them the knowledge of the change of times . Jerem. c. 8. About the Dog-dayes , she flyes up to the middle region of the Ayre , because it is cold , and sits there till the evening . Herodot . l. 2. Yet in Lybia and the Island of St. Dominick , they are alwaies ; also at London , because it is not lawfull to kill them . Hence amongst multitudes of people they will catch up their prey , ( any filth that the Inhabitants cast forth into the City , or into the Thames ) Clus , l. 2. c. 36. in observat . Bellon . They will take meat out of the Shambles , bread out of Childrens hands , and hats off of mens heads , especially when they make their nests . Aelian , l. 2. c. 47. In the first yeare they persue great birds ; when they grow older , little birds ; and in the third yeare , gnats and flies . Ap●leius speaks much of their sight . Aristophanes calls them all-eys . They flye so high that somtimes they are out of sight , so farr that they pass through the Ayre every where , and they flye so swift that they will catch any garbage thrown forth before it touch the ground . Bellonius , l. 2. de Avib , c. 26. Somtimes they will ballance themselves in the Ayre , not stirring their wings in an hour ; for , lifting up their wings a little in part , where the Ayre goes under them , they receive the Ayrs motion with their whole body , and so they are held up . It never sits on a Pomegranat Tree , nor can it endure the sight of it ; and it delights to behold an Owle . Burnt alive in a pot it is said to cure the falling sicknesse . CHAP. XXIII . Of Manucodiata and the Cormorant . ALdrovandus observed five kinds of the Manucodiatae ; none of their bodies was much bigger than a Swallow , and their heads were like to them . They are said to live alwaies in the Ayre , and to rest firme without any , but a tonick motion ; for they want feet , and never come to the ground , but when they are dead . This is a fable ; for they could hardly sleep there , when their senses are bound up ; For all their exercise is a tonick motion . It is like to that , That there is a hole in their back in the muscles , where the Female that hath a hollow belly lays her eggs . Aldrovandus , who saw these Manucodiatae , never found any such thing . And that is like this , that they feed on dew ; because they flye so high , that they cannot alwaies meet with Dew . But that must alwaies be restored , that alwaies wasts . Bellonius saith that the Janissari , people of India , deck themselves with their feathers . They think that under their protection they shall be out of danger in the head of the battel . The Mahumetans Marmin perswaded their Kings that they came from Paradise , as tokens of the delights of that place . The Cormorants are taken in the East to catch fish with . In a certaine City , saith Odoricus à Foro Julii , scituate by the great River in the East , we went to see our host fish . I saw in his little ships , Cormorants tied upon a perch , and he had tied their throat with a string , that they should not swallow the fish they took . In every bark , they set three great panniers , one in the middle , and at each end one ; then they let loose their Cormorants , who presently caught abundance of fish , which they put into the Panniers , so that in a short time they fill'd them all . Then mine ●ost took off the straps from their necks , and let them fish for themselves : when they were ful● ▪ they came back to their pearches and were tied up againe , Scaliger writes that the same was done at Venice . They put their heads deep into the water , and perceive the change of the Ayre under the waves ; and when they perceive any tempest , they flye to the land , making a 〈…〉 , Isidore , l. 12. c. 7 ▪ Mizaldus saith , that Vapours rise up from the waters that cause rainie Clowds , and they cunningly observe it . The liver of them boyld , and eaten with Oyle and a little Salt , is so present a remedy against the biting of a mad dog ; that the sick will presently desire water , Aetius . The same continued with Salt , and drank with Hydromel two spoonfulls , will drive forth the Second 〈…〉 ▪ Dioscorides . CHAP. XXIV . Of the Owl and Musket . OWls were formerly plentifull in Athens ; in Gandie , they neither breed , nor will live , brought thither . Also in Mountain Countries of Helvetia there are none . They sit close 60 dayes in Winter . They are not hurt by fasting 9 , dayes . Plin. l. 10. c. 17. Eustatius says they see in the dark , when the Moon is hid ▪ but hardly for want of a Medium . Crescent , l. 10. c. 16. yet they cannot see in the day by reason of too dry and thin substance of the humour which ●s dissipated by the fiery substance of the light . He makes a double noise , the one is Tou , Tou , the other noise they call Howling . She is at great enmity vvith Crovvs . Pausanias reports , that the Crovvs snatcht avvay the picture of an Ovvl that vvas to be sold , and earings of Gold out of ones hand , that vvere made like Dates . It is commonly observed that if the Ovvl forsake the Woods , it signifies a barren yeare . Ovvls egs given for three days in Wine to drunkards , vvill make them loath it . Plin. The Musket , in Winter sits in Woods that use to be lopt , and comes not to her place till Sun set . When she looks upon any thing , the black of the pupill of her eye grovvs greater then ordinary . We read of this bird in the Salick lavvs , that he vvho should steal ou● , if he be taken , must pay 120 denarii . CHAP. XXV . Of Onocrotalus , and Rhinoceros . ONocrotalus is from the tip of his bill , to the bottom of his feet , ten spans and more in magnitude , Aldrovandus . His vvings stretched forth make ten spans ; under his lower mandibule , there is a receptacle like a bladder , as long as it , that hangs down at length . And that is so great that a very great man thrust in his leg as far as his knee , with a boot on , into his Jaws , and pull'd it out again , without harme . Perottus Sanctius reports that a little Blackmore was found in one . At Mechlin there was one of 80 , yeares old , and for some yeares he went before the camp of the Emperour Maximilian , as if he would determine the place for them . Afterwards he was fed by an old woman at the Kings cost , who was allowed for him 4 , Stivers the day , she fed him 56 , yeares , when he was young he would somtimes fly so high into the Ayre , that he seemed no greater than a Swallow , Gesner . Also the cubit bones of his wings were covered with a membrane , out of which there arose 24 , Tendons , that were so firmely set into them , that there was no way to part them . Gesner writes that he heard , he was wont to come once a yeare about Lausanna by the Lake Lemannus . Rhinoceros is a bird whereof one was kild in the Ayre flying , at what time the Christians conquered the Turk in a Sea fight . The head was about two spans , adorned with black tufts of feathers , very long , and that hung downwards . The Beack is almost a span long , bent backward like a bow . A horn grows out of its forehead , and sticks to the upper part of his Bill , of a great magnitude . For about the forehead it was a hands breadth . Aldrovandus thinks it is , Pliny his Tragopanada . CHAP. XXVI . Of the Parrot . THe Antients knew but one kind of Parrots ; but those that have seen the Indies , have found above a hundred kinds , different in colour and magnitude . Vesputius writes that in a Country above the promontory of good hope , that hath its name from Parrots , they are so high that they are a cubit and halfe long . Scalig. exerc . 236 , saith , he saw one so great , that he almost fill'd up the space of the lattice of a Window : Some are no bigger than a Thrush , or Pigeon , or Sparrow . No man could hitherto paint sufficiently all its colours , they are so many . In burning Aethiopia , and the farthest Indies , they are all white ; in Brasil , red , in Calecut , they are all Leek green , Watchet , or Purple coloured . Scalig. Exerc. 59. s. 2. The Antients esteemed the Green best . The head and beck of it are extreme hard : wherefore , when they teach him to speak , it feels not , unlesse you strike i● with a wand of Iron , woodden rods will do no good , and it is dangerous to do it with Iron ones . The Parrot alone with the Crocodile , moves his upper mandible ; also his Beck , which is common to no other , where it is joyned to his neck , is open beneath under his chops . His tongue is broad like to a mans , and represents the forme of a gourd seed , the feet are like Woodpickers feet . In the desert● of Presbyter John , they are found with two Claws . He puts his meat in his mouth like as men do . He not only cuts in sunder the Almonds , but by rowling them in the hollow of his Beck , and pressing and moving it with his tongue , he breaks them , and chews them as it were , and then swallows them . Nature gave this bird a crooked bill like halfe a circle , it is very strong ; Because she is of a clambering disposition , and hath not feathers in her taile that she can fasten into a Tree , she had need of a strong beck , that she might first cast it in like a hook , and by that she might raise her body , and then take hold with her feet . They live in hot Countries . In the Country of Parrots they are so cheap , that one may be bought for two pence : They alwaies flye by couples , and lest they should hurt their weak feet when they light upon the ground , they trust to their strong beck , and break the fall with lighting upon that . They imitate a man , they learn his words and will pronounce all almost with an articulate voyce . One was taught that would say the Creed to a Cardinal . Scalig. exerc . 238. He will answer questions . Henry the eight , King of England had one that fell into the Sea , and cried for help , promising 20 , pounds , but when he was pull'd forth , he bad , Give a Groat . If you stroke her gently , she will kisse you , Scalig. exerc . 236. Amongst mourners she will lament also . Tiraquel saith , that the females do never or very seldome speak like to Men. They are so simple that when a Parrot cries in a Tree , and the fowler sits close in the boughs of the same Tree , great multitudes of them will flye thither , and suffer themselves to be easily taken . Pet. Martyr in Decad. Oceani . They are fed and grow fat on wild saffron seed , that is a purgative to men . They will hang by the heels with their heads down toward the water , and their tails upwards . They build in a high Tree . They bind a branch that hangs down , with small twigs to the top , and they hang their nest upon it as round as a ball , with a little hole in it . They lay eggs fit for their bignesse . They dye by much rayn . They are sacred amongst the Indians , but not so in Columbus days . CHAP. XXVII . Of the Phoenix and Woodpecker . CLaudian describes the Phoenix , thus . A fiery mouth with sparkling eys , A glittring crest like Sun it 'h Skies ; The legs are of a Tyrian dye , Lightning the Ayre as she doth fly . She is reported to inhabit Arabia , and chiefly Heliopolis a City of Aegypt , where she was seen . Her nest is made of spices , namely Cinamon , and Cassia neere to Nilus ; she sits in it , and by waving her wings she kindles a fire , from her ashes a Worme breeds , from that a young Phoenix . Oppian doth not so much as speak of the Worm . Men write diversly of her age . The common opinion is 500 years ; some say , she lives 1461 years . But all this is false . The Woodpickers have a sharp bill , that is hard round and strong , to pick holes in Trees with . They have a long tongue that is extended to the hinder part of their head , and is wrapped up over all the crown of the head like a clue of yarn , it is exceeding sharp , and the end of it is gristly . They feed on Wormes , and when they seek for them , they will so exceedingly make Trees hollow , that they will throw them down . Arist. l. 9. hist. c. 9. Their nest is made so artificially , that the sticks put together they make it of , are better to pull a sunder with ones hands than to cut in peices with a sword . Pliny reports that the young ones come forth of their eggs with the tayle first , because the weight of their heads turns the eggs upside down , and so the dam sits on their tails . They never sit on stones for fear of hurting their sharp claws . They climb unto the top like Cats , and that backwards . In what Tree soever they breed , no naile nor wedge can stick in it , but when it is fastned , it will fall out with a cracking of the Tree , Plin. l. 10. c. 18. Men suppose that she hath the greater Moon-light , an herb , that increaseth and diminisheth . CHAP XXVIII . Of the Pie. THe Pie almost every hour changeth her note ; she learnes and loves to speak as men do . One at Rome hearing the Trumpet sound , at first was astonished , but came to her self , and did perfectly imitate the same , Plutarch . If she be catcht in a Snare , she will move nothing but her beck ; lest , moving her body , she should be more ensnared : when rapes are sowed , then is the time for her to moult her feathers . Her feathers being pul'd off , and her guts taken out , if she be boyl'd in White Wine till the Wine be consumed , and the flesh part from the bones , and then she be bray'd with the broth , and so set for three days in the Sun , and then applyed to the eys with a fine rag , it will cure the roughnesse , darknesse , and rednesse of the eyes , The Pye that feeds on mosse , hath blew ouerthwart marks on the sides of her wings , you shall seldome see the like in any other bird , she hath a throat so wide , that she will swallow Chestnuts . The Pye in Brasil hath a bill two hands breadth long , and one almost in breadth , measured from the bottom of the lower part , to the top of the upper part . The substance of it is very thin like a parchment ; yet bony , shining , hollow , and most capacious as the Ear ; also it is dented and made up as it were with certain skales ; she feeds on pepper , but she presently casts it up again raw , and indigested . CHAP. XXIX . Of the Peacock . OF old Peacocks were rare in Europe ; when Alexander saw one in India , he forbad to kill it on pain of death ; but afterwards in Athenaeus his time they grew so common , that they were as ordinary as Quails . In the Land Temistana , they lay sometimes 20 or 30 eggs , Martyr . They are so cleanly , that when they are young , they will die if they be wet ; Albert. When they want cooling , they spread their wings , and bending them forward , they cover their bodies with them , and so drive off the force of heat : but if the wind blow on their back-parts , they will open their wings a little , and so are they cooled by the wind blowing between . They are said to know when any venomous medicament is prepared , and they will fly thither and cry . Aelian reports , that a Peacock will seek out the root of flax as a natural Amulet against Witchcraft , and will carry it thrust close under one of its wings . The Peacock suffers such languishing pains as children are wont to suffer when their teeth first come forth , and they are in great danger when their crest first grows out , Palladius l. 1. de re rustica c. 20. When in the night they double their clanging note , it foreshews rains at hand . The cause is said to be , that by doubling of that troublesome noise , is shewed , that with heat that sharp vocal spirit breaks forth , Mizaldus . Their flesh will not corrupt easily . After a whole year it will not stink , onely it appears drier . Antonius Gigas gave a piece of the boyl'd flesh to Aldrovandus in 1598 ; it was boyl'd Anno 1592 ; and it was full of round holes quite through , like a sieve , out of which , if it were a little shaked , dust did fall , as rotten powder doth out of some Trees ; it was salt in taste , and somewhat bitter , Aldrovand . CHAP. XXX . Of the Pheasant and Sparrow . IN the Country of Curium , Pheasants were so common , that the Christians coming thither , bought them for two little pins apiece , Martyr . l. 8. Decad. Frederick Duke of Saxony let fly 200 in Saxony , and forbad any man to catch them . In the places of Scandinavia , they lye under the Snow without meat , Olaus . When they grow fat they lose their feathers . The Sparrow doth so fear the Hawk , that one that was pursued flew into Xenocrates's arms . It is the lust fullest almost of all Birds ; for it hath been seen to tread 20 times in half an hour , Scalig. It will devour venomous seeds without any hurt . Some ascribe that to the smallnesse of its veins . An herb , the name whereof is not known , being put under ground in 4. corners of a Corn-field , will drive them from the Corn , Pliny . Others bid carry a red Toad through the field by night , before it be sowed , and to be buried under ground in the middle of the field , shut up in an earthen vessel . Yet , lest the corn should grow bitter , it must be dug up again before harvest . Those of Taprobana , when they are in the deep Sea , let fly Sparrowes they brought with them for that end ; and by their conduct , because they know not the use of the Loadstone , they find the way home , Acosta . CHAP. XXXI . Of the Partridge . IN that part of the World that is called the Continent , Partridges have a double flesh , so apparent , that it may be discerned ; so great , that the greatest glutton cannot eat one at a meal , Gonsal Oviedus . Their testicles in venery increase wonderfully , but there appear none in Winter , Aristotle , l. 3. hist. c. 21. They are so salacious , that when the females are wanting , they will couple amongst themselves , and with their young ones : when they are present , they are filled by the males with wind they send forth , also by their cry and flying upward , Plin. l. 10. c. 33. Aristot. l. 5. c. 5. Their fruitful spirit is thought to perform that , which Ephesius interprets to be a vapour ; which carries the heat arising from the generative seed of the male , and which being received through the pores of the Partridge , penetrates as far as the menstruum of her . Their young ones are impatient of delay , and break forth of themselves before the eggs be opened ; and making a passage in the Eggs , so soon as they can put forth their heads and feet , they run away with the shell on their backs , and seek for food . Odoricus de foro Julii , shews us their docilenesse , and saith , That in the Countries about Trapezunda , which was formerly call'd Pontus , he saw a man that drove 4000 Partridges and more : he travelled by Land , and they flew in the Ayr , he brought them to a certain Castle call'd Thanega , that is 3. dayes Journey from Trapezunda . These Partridges when the man rested , would all rest about him , as Chickens about a Hen ; and then he took of them as many as he pleased , and the rest he brought home again . CHAP. XXXII . Of the Ostrich . THe Ostrich , hath a small head like a Goose , not covered with feathers , with cloven feet , Aristot. 4. hist. He is too big to fly , yet sometimes he runs swiftly , the wind entring under his wings , and extending them like sails . It is certain he will out-run a man on horseback . He is a fruit-eater . He will swallow small pieces of bones and stones greedily , but he casts them out again ; also pieces of Iron . How should he digest them , for a Lion that is hotter cannot ? He makes a nest of sand , that is low and hollow , and fenceth it against the rain . She layes above 80 eggs : yet the young ones are not all hatcht at the same time ; The eggs are very great , as big as a young Childs head , weighing about 15 pounds , they are extream hard , and the shell is like stone . The young are bred of them by heat of the Sun ; some , because they saw this Bird looking on them , thought the young ones to be hatcht by her eye : She is wonderfull simple ; when she hides her neck in a bush , she thinks she is all hid . CHAP. XXXIII . Of the Scythian Bird , and the Castrel . OF the Scythian Bird , Aristotle writes thus : There is ( saith he ) a Bird that inhabites the Scythian Land , as great as a Bustard , which produceth two young ones ; and the eggs she layes , she doth not sit upon them , but leaves them wrapt up in a Hare's or Fo●e'● skin , and so layes them up on a high Tree . When she hunts no● , she stayes and keeps and defends them . A Castrell is most loving to Pigeons ; wherefore Countrey men put the young Castrels in Earthen pots , and fence them with putting on the Cover , and fastning them with Gip , they place them in some corners of their Dove-coats ; this makes Pigeons love the place : He so frights Hawks , that they fly from the sight and cry of him , Columel . CHAP. XXXIV . Of the Thrush , and Torquilla . THrushes were amongst the Romans formerly great dainties ; for at Rome they were sold for 3 denarii ; that is , 12 pieces of money apiece . Varro , a very copious Authour , saith , That out of one Cage 5000 Thrushes were sold at the said price ; saith he , In a Farm of my Aunts , in Sabini 24 miles from Rome , there is a house for to keep Birds , out of which alone I have known 5000 Thrushes sold for 3. denarii apiece , that that part of the Farm yielded one year 6000 Sestertia , twice as much , saith he , ( speaking to Axius ) as thy ground of 200 Acres yields really . The Thrush of Agrippina shews they will learn ; for this would imitate all mens speeches . It is a wonder , if it be true , that Thrushes should be so deaf . Scaliger hath a delicate Copy of Verses of the singing Thrush . We will here set them down : Sweet little Thrush , little Throat , Abating cares with thy small note , With thy melody be so kind , To pacifie my troubled mind . And let thy warmbling breast With thousand tunes at least Free me from gulphs of cares , O Prince of happy Ayres . Little Bird , King of voyce , That makes thy Lord for to rejoyce When he awakes , with thy clear note , Sweet little Thrush , little Throat . CHAP. XXXV . Of Urogallus . URogallus is found in the highest Mountain tops ; in Germany , and the Northern parts , he most delights . Encelius l. 3. de lapid . c. 54. writes of his wonderfull copulation . For the Cock of this kind doth spit and vomit out his seed in the Spring when they couple , and with a loud noise calls the hens , who gather up the seed was cast forth of his mouth ; and they swallow it down , and so they conceive . Then the Cock treads them , and ratifies as it were the seed eaten . Those hens that he treads not , do bring eggs that are windy . Olaus Magnus writes , that in the Winter , in the North , the lesser Urogalli will lye hard under the Snow two or three moneths . But in Pontus they say in Winter some Birds are found , that neither boult their feathers , nor do they feel when their feathers are pluckt out , nor when they are thrust through with a spit , but onely then when they wax hot at the fire . It is hardly true . The greater Grygallus is so deaf , that he cannot hear the noise of a great Gun. CHAP. XXXVI . Of the Batt . PLato calls the Bat , a bird and no bird . Valla , half a Mouse . He loves Caves and holes in the earth . In the hollow place● of Apenni●u● , there were some thousands that lodged . It brings forth the young ones ready formed ; when they are bred , they are first like young Mice , smooth and naked as young children : She suckles her young ones with her milk , and she casts them especially between the hollow places in Tiles or roofs of houses . They stick so fast to her Teats , that they cannot be pull'd off when she is dead . She , the second day after she hath disburden'd her self of them , flies to find food ; but in the mean time she devours the secondines . Sometimes she is bred of putrid matter . Frisius saith , she proceeds from a sickly excretion of the Ayr ; she flyes with leather wings ; or , as Isidore saith , born up with the membranes of her arms , flying winding up and down , and not far from the earth . When she is weary she hangs by her claws , the rudiments whereof they have in the middle of their wings : she will fly also with two young ones in her bosome . They eat Gnats , Flies , Bacon . They will so eat a flitch that hangs by a beam , that they will lye in the hollow place . In hot Countries they will fly at mens faces . In Dariene a Province of the New World , they troubled the Spaniards in the night : One of them fell upon a Cock and Hen , and bit the Cock dead , Martyr . Pompilius Azalius saith , That in the East-Indies some are so great , that they will strike men , passing by , down with their wings . The Argument of this , is their carcases that lie all over the Vale. The Storks eggs grow barren , if a Bat touch them , unlesse she take ●eed by laying Plane-tree leaves in her nest : It is killed by the smell and smoke of Ivy , Aelian de animal . Locusts will not flye over the place , where Bats are hang'd on the Trees that lie open . The biting of it is cured with Sea-water , or other hot water , or with hot ashes , as hot as one can suffer it . Strabo saith , That in Borsippa a City of Babylon , where they are greater than in other places , they are pickled up for food . So in St. John's Island they are skinned with hot water , and they are made like chickens with their feathers pull'd off with us ; for their flesh is very white . The Inhabitants of the Isle of Catigan in the Sea del Zur , do eat them . They are as great as Eagles , and as good meat as Hens , Scalig. Exerc. 236. s. 3. CHAP. XXXVII . Of the Vulter . THe Vulter hath filthy and terrible eyes , and a space under his throat as broad as ones hand , set about with hairs like Calfs hairs , Bellonius l. 2. observ . c. 1. He hunts after Cattell in Chyla a Province of the West-Indies , and that not from Sun-rising till Noon , but from Noon till Night , Monard . de Arom . Some say , that the males are not bred , but the females conceive by the wind ; which is false : for they have been seen between Worms and Augusta of Trevirs ●o couple , and to lay eggs ; Alb. Mag. They are so libidinous , that when they are kindled , if the male be absent , they will tread one the other , and conceive by a mutuall Imagination of lust ; or else drawing dust by force of desire , they will lay eggs . When he wants his prey , he will draw blood from his thighs to feed on . Simocatta writes , that they are great with eggs 3. years . He hath an excellent sight , for he will see when the Sun riseth from East to West ; and when the Sun sets from West to East . He will smell Carrion 500 miles , Aldrovand . Avicenna saith , That he sees the carcases from aloft ; but Aldrovandu● writes , That the wind carries the sent of them to him . He hath an exquisite sense to perceive . He lives a hundred years . If you pick your teeth with his quill , it will make your breath sowr . A kernel of a Pomegranate will kill him , Plin. l. 30. c. 4. Aelian . l. 6. c. 46. The End of the Sixth Classis . AN APPENDIX TO The Sixth Classis : Wherein some things are taken out of a Treatise of Michael Maierus , a most famous Physitian , concerning the Bird that growes on Trees . WHen one shall read ; that there is a place in the World , where Geese grow on Trees like Apples ; perchance he will be doubtfull concerning the truth of it , and question the Authour . And if any man shall say , that living Creatures are bred , not onely of one , but of divers kinds , from Trees and vegetables , that part will fly ; and part will not fly ; h● will have enough to do to make good what he sayes , if he would not be accounted a Lyar. Yet I think , it may be easily proved by what we have said already , where we have asserted , from experience , that Gnats are bred in Okes , and mosse of Okes ; and Worms are bred in other Trees and Vegetables ; which , though they be small creatures , yet are they reckoned in the number of living creatures , because they feel and move : Yet I should not affirm the first as the words sound . For Birds make their nests sometimes in Trees , hedges , bryars and other vegetables ; but that they grow there like pears , is incredible . There is one of the Canary Islands called Ferro , where is a Fountain of sweet water concealed ( and there is none besides in the whole Island ) in some Trees by a wonderfull Indulgence of Nature ; the leaves do draw abundantly water out of the Earth or Ayr : which they drop down for the Inhabitants to drink . For should they want this boon , no men nor Cattell could live there ; for there are no Fountains ; but the Ocean or salt-water runs round about it . The great bounty of God hath afforded water to those , to whom it is denyed in other considerations . As in Egypt where there never falls any rain , Nilus overflowes to supply that defect ; and other Countries have other gifts given them . So also is this bird afforded to the Isles of the Orcades , and other neighbouring places , which is found no where else . Yet should any man look to find him growing on the Trees , he might wander all the Woods over and find none , nor yet do Pyrats amongst the Ferrenses find water , but are forced to leave the Country for want of it , nor can they find it in the Trees Concerning this bird that is no Fable , that very learned Authors have written , making mention of it also in their other works , as Hieron . Card. de varietat . rer . c. 36. Du Bartas , in his Weeks , the 6 th day , and 1 day of his 2 week . But they all do not agree of the places and manner of its generation . Munster saith , the Orcades are full of these birds , Gyraldus speaks of Ireland , Dubartus of Scotland which he calls Luturnen , as also Mela writes . Hector Boetius , relates the same things of the Hebrides . A French man understands it ▪ concerning any part of the Hesperian Sea. He saith , a certaine bird i● bred without Cock or Hen , but only from some vegetable , namely in Scotland from the Trees of that Country . Also ships made of the same Trees , when they are in the middle of the Sea , produce the same fowls . The French call them Marquerolle ; it is good to eat . Plutarch makes mention of the same bird , in a Treatise that begins , Whether an Egge were first or a Hen ? The Scotch call them Klekgues . Others write of them thus . In the Orcades Island , and Scotland , there is a Tree by the Sea side , and on the banks of Rivers , that beares fruit not unlike to Ducks , and when it is ripe it falls down into the water , and swims away alive , and becomes a bird ; if it fall on the the ground it corrupts . Others call them Barnacles . As also in the ●ittle Theatre of the World , they are ascribed to Ireland , and are thus deciphered . There are also here Birds called Barnacles growing by nature contrary to Natures order , not unlike to Ducks , but only they are lesse . For from wood of Masts for Ships , first comes forth some kind of Gum , then with weed ( or Sea grass calld'd Wier ) some shell-fish sticks to those kinds of wood together with the pitch , which in time get wings and become Birds , and fly or fall into the waters , and swim . I have often seen ( saith Silvester ) abundance of these Tree-Ducks hanging on the Wood , inclosed in shells till they could fly . They lay no eggs as other Birds do , nor are they bred of eggs . In some places they eate these Birds for Fish , and not for Flesh. Hector Boetius tells the same History of a Bird , he calls Cla●is . For , saith he , if you cast Wood into the Sea , about the Hebrides , in time Worms will breed in it , that eate that Woodhollow , and afterwards become Birds , and are like to Geese , flying . Hee ascribes the generation of them to the Sea , called by Homer and Virgil , the Father of all things . But these different descriptions of Authors do neither agree amongst themselves , nor in all things with the truth it selfe . For the place , some say it is the Orchades ; others Ireland ; others the Hebrides , others Scotland , and all this may be true , since in the Ocean between Scotland and the Orcades , and Ireland , and the Hebrides , they are said to breed in both places . For it is no small extent of place where they are , but all that compasse of the Sea in the outmost bounds of Scotland and Ireland . For the name , there is no difference ; for divers Nations use divers names . But whether that faculty be to be ascribed to the Woods or Trees of those Countries , or to Worms that breed from those Trees , and are changed into Shell-Fish , is worth Enquiry ▪ since the forementioned Authours were of so various opinions . But we shall consent with none of them . For were this vertue in the Wood , why should not the same kind of Wood , used for Masts , have the same faculty in all places ; yet that is not so , nor do Ships made of that Woo● produce such fowle in the middle of the Sea. For who ever heard any such thing done in France , Germany , or England , yet are all their Havens frequented by Scotch Merchants , and Ships from the Orcades ▪ No● can this be referred to the Trees , for they beare not birds but fruit of their own kind . If they be cut down and turn'd to other uses , and cast into the Sea , to corrupt and grow rotten , that is , that they may dye as it were , as to their first being , and be turned into the common matter of Wood ; then begins this new generation of living Creatures by the influence of the Heavens , and the Suns heat co●operating . For how should a vegetable , produce a flying Creature like a Goose ? Is not every Tree known by its specifical fruit , whether it be good or bad ▪ Againe doth not every kind of fruit , testify what Tree it was bred on ● Trees do not beare fish ; nor the Sea , Trees . Hares use to be found in Woods , and merry conceits in words , and not the contrary . A vegetable doth not couple with an animal , nor an animal with a vegetable , each keeps its own rank , and doth not exceed it , unlesse Nature using the help of putrefaction , do produce some small living Creatures in vegetables ▪ as I said before . They that think that Worms may become fowls , do not in my Judgment , speak what is probable . For how should a shell-fish come of a Worm , yet understand me so , that what I deny of each by themselves , I would grant of all together . But because I know this not by heare-say , but I have seen above 50 , ( almost hundreds ) of these shell-fish , and when they were opened , I have seen little young Birds coming forth as out of a●● egge , with all their parts necessary for flight , and I have had them in my hands , I must not omit here to set down an exact description of them , and this it is . If perhaps some pieces of Masts of Ships smeer'd with pitch fall into those Seas in the outmost parts of Scotland , nor far from the Orcades or Hebrides , and lye there a long time ; they not only grow rotten and full of Worms , but are covered all over with Sea weeds , for of such grass there is abundance there , which cleaves to any Wood easily , especially if it send forth a pitchy fatnesse as Masts that are fi●re or pitch Trees , and are full of pitchy Rosin ; and then for Ships occasions are again besmeerd with the same , namely that the sayls may suddenly be noised up and pulled down , and stay no where . Now the Sea breeds those weeds at the bottom neere the shore , that are longer or shorter , and these at certain times swim on the top of the water , being moved or pull'd up , as it were , by the waves . This , bred in the water , doth not easily corrupt , having much of a salt nature in it : wherefore in North Holland , and many other places they make of those weeds a strong fence against the violence of the Sea , so that they fetch a remedy from the disease , wherefore these weeds hanging round about the said pieces of Masts insinuate themselves into the rotten places ; and in time on the other side of each grass will grow small shell-fish , which are whitish or of the colour of a Mans nayls , and in forme , hollownesse , and long fashion , like to the nayle of a mans little finger ; whereof if two be joyned together that they may stick well , the upper parts being the sharpest , they take hold of the ends of the weeds , and are fast shut in the broader parts , which afterwards open , that the fruit may come out to flye . Thus a thousand at least of these shell fish are fastned to the weeds at the ends , which as I said are fastned to the pitcht Wood , with the other end , in such plenty , that the Wood can hardly be seen : yet those weeds do hardly exceed 12 fingers breadth in length , and are so strong as thongs of leather : somtimes they are longer , and are some-feet-long . This is the whole external description ; For you can see nothing but a piece of a Mast full of rotten holes , and Sea Weeds thrust into them , having at the other end shell-fish , like to the nayle of a Mans little finger . But if these shells be opened , those small Birds appeare , like chickens in eggs , with a beck , eys , feet , wings , down of their feathers beginning , and all the other parts of callow Birds . As the young Birds grow , so do the shells or covers of them , as they do in all other Oysters , Muscles , shell-fish , snails , and the like carriers of their houses . It may be asked how they get their food ? I answer as other Z●ophyta do ; partly from the sweeter part of the water , or else as shell fish that breed pearls , and Oysters do , from the dew , and rayn ; partly , from the pitchy fat of the rotten Wood , or the resinous substance of Pitch or Rosin . For these by the intermediant grass , as by umbilical Veins , do yeeld nutriment to these Creatures , so long as that Wood is carried by the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , hither and thither . For were it on the dry land , it would never bring forth the said shell fish . An example of this , we have in places neere the Sea , where those shell fish are taken alwaies with black shells , sticking to Wood put into the water , as also to the woodden foundations of bridges , and to Ships that have been sunk . And they stick either to the wood , by some threds like to hayrs , or Mosse , or else by Sea Weeds ; whence it is evident that some clammy moysture is afforded to shell-fish sticking to any Wood whatsoever , though it be Oke , but much more to firre Wood , full of Rosin , whereof Masts of Ships are made : For this Wood is hotter than Oke , and hath much aeriall clamminesse , and therefore takes fire suddenly and when it is wounded , while it is green , it sends forth an oily Rosin , but when it is dry , it will easily corrupt under water ; but the Oke will not , because it is of a cold and dry nature . It longer resists corruption , and under water grows almost as hard as a stone . If any man will consider the abundance and diversity of fish and living Creaturs which are bred in the Seas every where , he cannot but confesse that the Element of water is wonderful fer●ill , which breeds , not only the greatest living Creatures , ( as Whales , whereof some , as Pliny writes , l. 32. entred into a River of Arabia , that were 600 foot long , and 300 foot broad ) and that in such abundance and variety that the same Authour reckons up 176. kinds of fish in the Sea only , besides th●se bred in Rivers . But one would chiefly admire the great diversity and beauty of Sea shell-fish ; for I remember that I saw a● ●e●terdam , Anno 1611 , with Peter Carpenter a very famous man , above a thousand severall kinds of them , in such plenty that he had a whole Chamber full of them , which he kept as the pretious treasures and miracles of nature . No doubt but these are the Ensign● of Natures bounty ; for they rather serve for the ornament of the world , than for mans use , wherein you may see a kind of an affected curiosity in the variety of the forms of them . Hence we may conclude the great fruitfulnesse of the Sea , which doth exceed the Land in breeding of living Creatures , and vegetable animals ▪ which the Antients observing , they ascribed to Neptune , who was god of the Sea , great multitudes of Children begotten from divers Concubines ▪ call'd Sea-Nymphs ; amongst these , were Tryton and Protheus ▪ whereof he , sounding a shell-fish , is his Father Neptunes Trumpeter ; but this , is changed into various forms , as into fire , a Serpent , and such like ; clearly teaching , that the Sea breeds divers forms . These causes seemed to move them who ascrib'd the generation of these Birds in the Orcades to the Sea alone , as being the Authour of fruitfulnesse , and of diversity of Creatures . But how rightly they did that , shall be seen . We deny not , but that many pretty shell-fishes are bred of the Sea , onely from the influence of omnipotent nature ; so that the Ocean affords the place and matter of them , but not the form and the cause efficient . All the fish , except a few , are bred of the seed of other fish , naturally ; and here can be no question of these . Yet we may doubt whether so many kinds of shell-fish do breed from the seed of other shell-fish . It is manifest of the foresaid Bird , that it breeds neither from an egge ▪ as other birds do , nor yet from seed . Whence then ? From the Ocean ? or must the cause be imputed to the Ocean ? Not at all . For though the place be said to generate the thing placed , yet that is understood of the matrices that are the cause of generation , sine quâ non : but not the efficient cause , much lesse the formal material and final , and not concerning every generall thing containing . But to search out more exactly the nature of this wonderfull Bird , we will run over those four kinds of causes , not doubting , but having searched out these as we ought ▪ what , why , and from whence it is , will easily be resolved . The Efficient cause therefore of this generation , is external heat , such as the Sun sends forth into sublunary bodies ; as also in the internal hea● ▪ in the matter corrupting . For without heat nature produceth no generation , but useth heat as her chief Instrument , whereby homogeneous things are congregated , and heterogeneous are parted ; the parts and bowels are formed in living Creatures , and are disposed in their orders and figures . In Artificiall things that men make , they use divers Instruments , as their Hands , which may be call'd the Instrument of Instruments , Hammers , Anvils , Files , Sawes , Wimbles , and the like . In natural things , there is onely Heat as the efficien● cause ▪ and Nature moves it as the Artificer doth them ▪ The outward heat brings the internal into Action : Without which , this would be uneffectual , and shut up in the matter as dead ; as it appears in some living creatures , which when Winter comes , and the outward heat fails , they are as it were asleep , and lye as dead , as Swallows , Frogs , Flies , and such like : But so soon as the Sun beams heat the water and the earth , presently these little Creatures revive ; as owing their lives to the Suns heat . And as the heat is greater , so is the efficacy thereof , and their flying about and crying ; as we see in Flies and Frogs . As for heat , the Sun , the great light of the World , is the Father of it ; which it sends upon all earthly creatures , enlightning and enlivening them . Hence men say , that the Sun and Man beget a man ; namely , by the intermediate seed . Otherwise it proceeds of another fashion , when without those mediums , in things are bred of putrefaction , as we said before . For when the solar or elemental heat incloseth any mixt body , wherein natural heat is included ; this is raised up by that , is moved and stirred to perform its operations ; as appears in the hatching of eggs by artificiall heat of Furnaces , or natural heat of the hens . For in the yolks there is a hidden naturall heat , that is stirred by the external heat ; so that , by circulation of the Elements , Water is turn'd to Ayr ; Ayr into Fire ; Fire into Earth ; Earth into Water , and the Chickens limbs and entrals are formed and made by natural heat , which is the principal internal Agent . The Material cause in the generation of this Tree-Goose , is that clammy matter of the wood of Firre , or the Rosin and Pitchy substance of it , upon which the outward Suns heat doth work ; and the internal heat increased in the corrupt matter . This matter though it be small , yet may well afford the first rudiments to this Embryo , which is afterwards nourished by the clammy substance of the Ocean , as Oysters and other shell-fish grow and increase ; for neither the hard substance of the wood , nor yet the weeds affords any matter for it ; for the one is observed to be the container , and the other the conveyer of the true matter . For as in the generation of Man , neither the Matrix , nor the umbilical vein do afford any matter , but are required as necessary instruments ; so must we judge here , of the wood , and the Sea-weeds . Some will have it , that from the worm bred in the rotten wood , there should be made some transmutation , and that the worm doth afford the first matter for this generation ; yet that opinion is false , for that Worm cannot come ●orth to the end of the weeds , nor can it make shell-fish , but that must breed at the end of the weeds ; nor doth it come thither from any other place , that it can go from place to place by an animall motion , before it receive its essential form . Pliny writes , that the Fish Pinnothe● is so cunning , that he will hide himself in the Oyster ; and as he growes , he will go into such as are greater ; but to imagine any such thing of that Worm that eats into the wood , is against the nature of it . But it is no doubt , but that the rosinous and pitchy matter may communicate something to the end of the weeds , which yet nature must do by a way we cannot perceive ; as nature useth in all other generations such wayes and means that we can better think and judge of by reason , than see with our eyes . For who can see how the heart in the generation of living Creatures is first formed ? What fibres and veins nature useth there for her Instruments ; how and by what means this is done ; and when it is done , how she disposeth of the other bowels , and makes them of a seminall and menstruall matter : There was never man yet found so quick-sighted , that he could see these things whilest they were doing ; but when they are done , reason can discern them . So no man could yet say , how this matter , that was first radical moysture in the wood , could passe to the ends of those Sea weeds , and should be formed there ; yet it is plain afterwards , that so it was made . Nor will that be so hard , for the matter to passe through the grasse to the end of them , as to passe without any medium . But the greater difficulty is , and most worthy to know , the Formal or seminall cause of this wonderfull birth ; which since it is nor contain'd in seeds ; for here are none to be found ; it must needs enter into the matter , otherwise than in other kinds of generations . For the seeds of both Sexes in living Creatures which are mixt together in copulation , are as it were the sheaths and cases of the forming spermaticall faculty ; which forms the prae-existent matter of the seed or blood into an essentiall form fit for that kind , that the seeds belong unto , howsoever they are mingled or drawn forth into act . That force of nature is a blessing given to her in the creation , in the word increase ; which word was never idle , nor shall be whilest the world endures : God spake , and all that God said were made very good , containing in themselves principles to multiply their own kinds by ; because individualls must perish . The Heaven with its Stars shall last from the beginning to the end , and the entire Elements , Ayr , Water , and Earth . But things compounded of them , as they ●y , so they are restored again by multiplication of seed , not the same in number , but in kind ; not by external form , but by that form which is internall and essential . But since that God gave this Commission for propagation to the sublunary World , and this alwaies proceeds by mediums ; though in the production of these Barnacles there are no visible seeds , whereby the matter may receive its form ; wherefore it is consonant to Reason and to Nature , that the form must come from some other place into the matter , lest any thing should seem since the Creation to be made of nothing , contrary to Gods will. For nothing is the cause of it selfe , or forms it self , but only the eternal and infinite God. All other things indeed were made by him of nothing , but not by themselves , nor are they propagated of nothing , nor from themselves , but from means appointed by Nature . Plato sets universal Ideas of every species of things subject to generation , fixed in a certain place from whence a formative force descends , to beget and make all individualls to be made . This opinion is pleasant but not true . For there can be no universal substances ( save in the conceptions of Mens minds ) but only individuals , that cannot give what they have not , and what they do give , they cannot alwaies hold themselves . Nature is in all things as in individuals , dispersed all over , which yet operates in each individual according to the condition that every one of them requires , which is true in all things that have seeds , for those are the very subjects and vessells that nature works upon . But the question now is , how that faculty is imprinted on the seeds , and from whence ? whether from nature ? If this be true , then of every matter she makes what she will , when as she can imprint what forme she please on any matter . And then , how can nature in this Barnacle , that hath no seed visible presupposed , proceed to generation ; and in other such like things bred of meer putrefaction . As in man there is an imagination and cogitative force , which is performed by a subtile Artifice of Images conceived in the brai● ▪ arising first from the outward senses , and so proceeding to the inward parts of the brain , by a locall motion ; yet without any changing of the place , only by calling to remembrance things at the greatest distance , which were seen long before , or were done , or thought of ▪ So in the Sun , the Heavens , the fixed Starrs , there is a kind of imaginative vertue ; not passive as in animals , but purely active , which by locall motion comes thence into sublutary bodies , and is communicated to certaine subjects , as to seeds of individualls . And this is the form that first begins and increaseth all generation , communicating the essence to every thing , that it shall be such a thing , and not another . This force is the first moveable , frameing its subject , as an Architect , and one that frames her self a house , where to dwell , that she governs to that end that Nature the artificer assigns it . That is the spermatick faculty , that resides in the body of the seed , without which this is barren and vain , nor doth promote any generation . If this by time vanish , or by breaking the Container of it ; there follows no fructification , as appeares in Corn , which if it grow old , or be ground to meale , it can propagate no more . Or why doth this power reside in that body rather than in another , and perisheth presently afterwards ? I answer , there is no other reason to be given , than that Nature rejoyceth in such means , and hath included that vertue that it cannot flye away , if it be obedient unto nature , vvhich if she would , she could have put into other subjects . It is admirable , that the animal spirits in men are contained in the nerves 〈…〉 do they flye out of them into the Ayre ; and when those nerves are pressed their passage is stopped , whence astonishment or a palsey for a time s●aseth on the foot or arme , which is by and by removed by the Spirits succeeding into the nerves . After the same manner , that imaginative vertue of the heavenly bodies , especially of the Sun , if it passe into the individual subjects or seeds of things ▪ it naturally remaines in them at the will and pleasure of nature . But where there are no seeds , there the same vertue of the Heavens is communicated to some certaine matter immediately : as , in this generation , to this fat and clammy subject , of which we spake before , as to the material cause . For there are two things in all seeds , the Elementary matter , and the celestiall forme , the latter whereof may perish , the matter and externall forme remaining entire , but nothing of that was generated out of the matter , when the celestial forme is lost . Matter in this generation is in time before the forme , and receives it by influence , though it be not deprived of any forme it had . I speak of the first matter , but the subsequent forme , if it do not take away the first forme , yet it perfects it . But it is a question , Wherefore this formal force ( as for example ▪ in making a bird ) is not sent into every matter , or into any whatsomever , when as it is received without certaine vessells , or bodies of seeds ? I answer ; that matter , so prepared in such wood and not in another , and in such a place and not in another , supplies the place of a seminal body ; whose qualities not being in another , therefore noe other subject is capable of that formal and determinate vertue . There are examples every where of this Imagination , or celestiall Influence , namely in some places of the County of Mansfield , where Mines of Brasse in a stone that may be cut , do shew forth all kinds of Fishes ; and the forms of such as are in the next Lake , as we may see Teeth ; Horns ; and Lyons to perfection , formed by nature under ground in hollow Caves and other places . In Amber also , which by the Sea Waves is cast on the shores of the Island , now call'd Sudovia in Borussa ; divers forms of flyes gnats , spiders , butterflies , frogs , lizards , and other Creatures appear ; not really , but only from the imaginative faculty of the Heavens imprinted in it . For if you should cut the Amber or break it to find them , the places would be empty , which nature hath so sported her selfe upon ; yet are all their parts and particles so shadowed to the life , that a man would sweare , that such Creatures are really included in that matter , perchance wrapt in when the gum was moyst . But it is no such matter : for there is no earthly matter , and which is not transparent , that is contain'd in those concave figures , which yet ought to be otherwise , since a corporal substance cannot vanish away , and only the forme of it remaine . Moreover if any such living Creatures had fallen into the gummy substance of it ▪ as into Rosin or Turpentine , their wings or feet that are besmeer'd would be seen so , and not extended entire , and direct , which is not so here ; but all seem entire as through a Crystall glasse . Farther , if that should fall from Trees into the water , those Trees would be known . Pliny l. 37. c. 2. & 3 , writes of Amber thus , Pitheus ( saith he ) discovered to the Guttones , borderers on Germany , an arme of the Sea called Mentonomon , for the space of 6000 furlongs ; from this the Island Abulus is a days sailing ; from thence Amber is carried by the Waves of the Sea , and it is the purging of the Sea congealed . The inhabitants use it for wood to burn , and sell it to the Germanes their neighbours . Timoeus beleived this , but he called the Island Baltia . Mithridates saith , there is an Island in the shores of Germany , and it is called Osericta that is full of a kind of Cedar Trees , from thence it runs to the Rocks . But certaine it is , that it breeds in some Islands of the North Sea , and the Germans call it Glessum ; and therefore our Country men call one of those Islands , Glessaria ; When Germanicus Caesar was there with his Navy , the Barbarians called it Austravia . It is brought by the Germans , especially into the Country of Pannonia : Thence the Venetians first , whom the Geeeks call Heneti , spread the fame of it , they receiving that from Pannonia about the Adriatick Sea. That shore of Germany is about 600 miles from Carnuntum of Panonia , from whence it is brought , being but lately discovered . A Roman Knight , sent by Julian to trafique for this , who took care of the fencing sports of Nero Caesar , passed over all those shores , where these Merchandises were , and saw such abundance brought in , that the nets that were set to keep off wild beasts from the Galleries , were full of knots of Amber , but the weapons , and biers , and the whole provision for one day was made of Amber . He brought a great weight or clot of it , that weighed 13 , pounds . Pliny . In Amber , as it is transparent , that incorporeal figure doth easily appeare ; but not so in other dark bodies . Nor yet in the matter of the wood we speak of ; In which not only the figure of a bird , but also a spermatick natural force to forme it , nourish , and augment it , and to preserve it in its vital functions , is implanted , as in other birds . But since it is not propagated , ex traduce , from an egg or seed , it neither leaves egg nor seed , nor gives more to another than nature gave to it . For if it lay'd eggs , that chickens might proceed from , the Barnacle had been so bred her self ; but neither of these is so . For as a Mule is not bred of a Mule , but from the mingling of an Asse and Mare together , so it doth not generate a Mule , but continues alwaies Barren , as this bird doth . Bees are bred of Worms , the Worms in the honey combs from honey , by a wonderfull operation of nature , though without any sensible body of seed , yet not without virtuall seed imprinted on the Honey-Combs by the Bees , which they first had from Heaven . Nor is it possible , that these effectual and spiritual qualities should proceed from the pure Elements , or onely by propagation ; since the matter of the seed , which is made of nutriment and blood , could be extended in infinitum without diminution of it self . For we observe , that the Elements are but like dead and materiall receptacles of the formal vertues , and that the matter of the seed is dayly supplyed , and heaped up by the Elements . And therefore it is necessary that the formative force , should daily flow into the formed seeds ; or , where they are wanting , into a matter prepared by Nature from corruption , or other operations . From whence the form of this wonderfull Creature is easily drawn , namely , that it is an imaginative vertue of the Heavens , or of the Sun , actively infused into a viscous matter of that wood in those places , so disposed by corruption , that it may enliven it , and promote it to be a new kind of living plant , or bird included in a shell ; which so soon as it falls into the waters may swim , and when the wings are grown , fly about . The final cause is the common ornament of the World , the variety and wonderfull works of Nature , the profit of those that dwell near , and especially the providence , omnipotence , and clemency of our good and great God , all whose attributes do appear to mankind as well from this creature , as from the rest , whilest he crowns the year with his free gifts , and the whole earth with variety of Creatures . So that he is far more mighty in creating and making different kinds of living Creatures , than we are able to expresse them , to nominate or to know them . Let it suffice us , that we have seen some part of the wonderfull works of God , and taken a view of them ▪ for it is not possible for a mortall Man to be capable to apprehend them all ; yet to consider of none of them , were brutish ; and we should , so , be more like unto Beasts than Men. OF Naturall VVonders . The Seventh Classis . Wherein are set down the Wonders of Four-footed Creatures . Seneca l. 3. de ira . c. 30. WE are troubled with frivolous and vain matters . A red colour makes a Bull angry , and a viper is stirred by a shadow . A picture will make Bears and Lions fiercer . All things that are cruell and ravening by nature are moved with vain things . The same things happen to unquiet and foolish spirits ; they are stricken with jealousie and suspition of things . CHAP. I. Of the Elk , and the Ram. THe Elk is a four-footed beast commonly found in Scandinavia ; in Summer of an Ash-colour almost ; in Winter it turns toward black . The horns are fit for footstools , each of them is 12 pound weight , and two foot long . His upper lip hangs out so long , that he cannot eat but going backwards . Men write , that he is subject to the falling sicknesse ; and that the remedy he hath is to lift up the right claw of the hinder foot , and put it to his left Ear. It holds the same vertue , if you cut it off when he goes to rut in August or September . He is commended for his swiftnesse , for he will run as much ground in one day as a horse shall in three . He is very strong ; for a strong blow with his foot will kill the hunter . The Ram for six Winter moneths sleeps on his left side ; but after the vernal equinoctiall , he rests on his right . Aelianus hath discovered this , but the Butchers deny it . In Camandu a Country of Tartary , they are as big as Asses , their tails weigh 30 pound weight . One was seen in the Court of the King of the Arabians , whose tail weighed 40 pound , Vartom . Cardanus ascribes that to its cold temperament , when the rest of the bones will no more be extended . Lest he should be choked with his own fat , he sends down the humour unto his tail . CHAP. II. Of the Asse . IN the Kingdom of Persia , Asses are so esteemed , that one of them is sold for 30 pound of gold ; amongst the Pigmies they are as big as our R●ms , Paul Venet. In Egypt they amb●e so swiftly , that one will go 40 miles a day without any hurt , Scalig. Exerc. 217. s. 1. She doth sparingly dip-in her mouth when she drinks . She is afraid , saith Cardanus . For when she beholds the great shadow of her ears in the water , she is fearfull they will be wet . There are some found in Africa that do not drink : She staleth when she seeth another stale ▪ or upon a dunghill . For Nature doth stirre them up being slothfull , by the acrimony of the smell . Cardan . l. 10. subtil . Observation proves , that where an Asse hath cropt a vine branch , the vine will grow more fruitfull . The monument of this matter was seen at Nauplia , where an Asse of stone was set up in thankfull remembrance for posterity . Vadimonius writes , that there is a fruitfull Orchard , in the middle whereof she was buried , Aldrovand . l. 1. de quadr . c. 2. In Hetruria when they have eaten Hemlock they fall asleep , that they seem to be dead . The Countrey-men are deceived by it , for oft-times they rise up and fright them when they have pull'd off their skins almost , Mathiol . in Dioscorid . Sheep will run into the fold , if you pen them in an Asses stall . If one be stung by a Scorpion , if he sit upon on Asse with his face toward the tayl , the Asse will endure the pain , and not he . It is a sign of it , because she will dye farting , Merula . Asses milk is commended . Poppaea , the Wife of Domitius Nero , that conceived in all 500 times , did wash her body in a Bath of Asses milk , thinking to stretch her skin thereby , Plin. l. 15. c. 40. 〈…〉 of crete , being in a Consumption , recovered by feeding on Asses flesh . Moreover , there are some in Scythia whose horn contains Stygian water , for it will pierce through iron vessels . Some in 〈…〉 have one horn in their forehead : Who drinks out of that , is preserved from a disease ; but if any venomous matter be drank , it is ca●t forth . They are so strong , that they will kill a horse to travell with them . Also that was a wonderfull one , that was sent as a present with other gifts by the King of Assyria , to Ferdinand of Naples ▪ for the hair was wonderfull , the body was full of streaks , of divers colours and equall lines , Pontan . d● Magnificent . CHAP. III. Of the Boar , and the Archopitecus . IN Crete there are no Boars . In a great part of the New World there are some that are lesse than ours . Their tails were so short , that the Spaniards thought they were cut off . The fore-feet are whole , the hinder feet cloven . In some parts of Scandinavia they are 12 foot long . Scaliger writes , that the petty King of Salvimons , had a huge one , which would at the sound of the horn go forth to hunt with his Lord and the dogs . Archopitecus is a creature in America that is wonderfull ill-favour'd . The Inhabitants call it Ha●●t ; He is as great as a Monky , his belly toucheth the ground , he hath a head and a face like a child ; and when he is taken , he sighs like to a child . Three claws hang to his hinder feet , and four long ones to his fore-feet , like the great prickly bones of a Carp , and with these he creeps up upon Trees . His tail is 3. foot long . He was never found to eat mans flesh , whilest he is alive ; and they think he lives upon nothing but leaves , which in their language they call Amohut . When he is tame , he will love a man , and run up upon his shoulders . Thevet left him in the open Ayr , yet was he never wet . CHAP. IV. Of the Ox. IN one of the outermost Provinces of Asia , between the outmost Mountains of India and Cathay , Oxen are bred white and black , with a horses tail , but more full of hairs , and reaching down to their feet . The hairs of them are most fine , like feathers , and as dear , Venet. Brought into Hispaniola they will grow so much , that they are greater than Elephants , Petr. Martyr in Decad. In these parts where we write these things , Guickardinus testifieth that one of them weighed above 1600 weight : we saw one at Leyden that weighed 2970 , pound But Ptolomaeus 11 , had the horn of one that held 27 , gallons . When the Cows are great with young , men say they carry their young ones on their right side , though they be great with two . But they that drink of the River Charadrus , not farr from the City of the Patrenses , conceive for the most part only Males : the same will come to passe if in time of copulation you bind the left testicle of the male with a band ; or let them couple when the North wind blows , Pausan. in Achaicis : and if the right , or when the South wind blows , the Cows will conceive a female . The Cows if they be more fruitfull in summer , are a Token of a rainy Winter . For a fruitfull Creature cannot abound with generative humour , unlesse it be moved by a celestiall influence , Albert. Somtimes they are very fierce . In the yeare 1551 in Rhoetia , between Duria and Velcuria , some of them , brought into the fields from two Villages , fought so violently that 24 , were killed before the combate could be ended . Gesner de quadrup . Somtimes they are puffed up with fullnesse , for the cure whereof they use a Charme , nameing the swelling , In the name of the Father , Son , and Holy-Ghost . Men say that Pythagoras , by whispering some words at Tarentum , tamed an Oxe , so that he forsook bean straw , and followed a Country Man , and lived to be very Old at Tarentum , eating out of mens hands , Coelius . The smok of Oxe-dung will preserve Bee-hives free from Flies , and Spiders . Bullocks blood powred into a wound , will stop the bleeding . Also the dry dung burnt , drunk three spoonfulls , will cure the dropsy . CHAP. V. Of the Buffe and Bonasus . A Buff is a Creature greater than an Oxe with a bunch on his back , ( two or three men may sit between his Horns ) for it hath a very large forehead , and curled with haire that smels like Musk. The flesh of it is most fat in Summer , but it tasts of Garlick that it feeds on . It is wonderfull strong , for he will take up a Horse and his Rider . The blood of it is redder than purple , so hot that it will make Iron on the Hunters Speare turn every way , and in the greatest cold it will corrupt in two houres . In the Scotch woods , they so abhor the company of men , that they will not touch the shrubs that men have touched , after many days ; and being taken by art , they will dye for grief , Cambd. in Scotia . Gesner makes the Bonasus to be a kind of Bugle , of whom men write that he dungs extream hot when the Hunter follows him ; but that happens to living Creatures by running so fast . The intestines grow hot thereby , and heat raiseth winds , which being shut in , they break forth violently through a narrow place , chiefly if there fall out to be any pressing of the places by motion . Also the Cuttle fish gives an example , that feare will cause her to cast out her inky juyce . Philip King of Macedon , killed one with a Dart at the foot of Mount Orbelus , the Hornes were 16 , handfulls , which were consecrated to Hercules . CHAP. VI. Of the Camel. THe Camel hath a manifold belly , either because he hath a great body : or , because he eats Thorny and Woody substances , God hath provided for the concoction . Puddle water is sweet to him ▪ nor will he drink River water , till he have troubled it with his foot . In Africa when they have fasted 50 , days , they will not eat at night , but when they have their burdens taken off , they will feed on leaves in the fields . Leo Afric . L. 3. He lives a hundred yeares , unlesse the Ayre agree not with him . Plin. They serve the Indians to travel with , if we credit Philostratus ; nor is it beyond his force , to go a thousand furlongs in one day . But that kind of Camel , the Africans call Ragnail , will go a hundred miles a day for 8 , days together , with a very little meat . They never couple with their dams . When as his keeper had admitted him to the dam vailed ▪ when she was discovered , he was so inraged , that she trampled on him , and threw her selfe headlong . Arist. in admirand . Examples shew that they are very docile : when they are longer on their journey than ordinary between Aethiopia and Barbary , they do not whip them forward , but they sing to them , whereby they will run so fast that men can hardly follow them . One at Alcair danced at the sound of a Taber , being taught by a strange art . For when he is young , he is brought into a stove , the pavement being very hot . One plays on a Tabret at the dore , he because of the heat lifts up one foot : they continue this exercise , and use him to it a whole yeare , that coming in publick remembring the hot pavement , when one plays on the Tabret he will lift up his feet , and seem to dance Leo. Aphric . In the Land of Gyants there is a Creature that hath a head , ears , and neck like to a Mule , a body like a Camel , a taile like a Horse , he is 6 , foot high , and five foot long , his neck is as white as a Swan . There was one brought to Middleburg in Zeland , Anno. 1558. It was called an Indian Sheep . Scalig. in exerc , calls it Allo. Camelus . CHAP. VII . Of the Shee-Goat . THe report is that Goats see as well by night as by day , wherefore if those that are blind in the night , eat a Goats Liver they will be cured . They breathe out of their eares and nostrils , if we will credit the Shepherds . Phi●es gives the reason , because when their nostrills are stopt , they are not hurt , Aelian . When the Sun sets , they lye backwards in the fields , and so they do at other times , but one with another . A Goats horn laid under a sick mans head , will bring him to rest ; scraped with honey , it stops the belly flux ; burnt , it will raise people in a Lethargy . In Aegypt they are said to bring 5 , young ones . The cause is the water of Nilus that is drank by such as are Barren and want milk . They shew the revolution of Syrius . For as often as he riseth with the Sun , they turn to the East and gaze upon it , Plutarch . In some part of Africa , they sheer them , and make Cabels of their haire . Those of Lybia shew when rayn comes , for so soon as they come forth of their stalls , they run to feed , and presently come back to their stalls again , Ael●an . Those of Giman●a do not drink in six moneths ; but , turning toward the Sea , they receive the vapours with open mouth , and so they quench their thirst . The Goat of Mambrey will endure a saddle and bridle , and a rider ; he hath ears that hang down to the ground , and horns twisted below his mouth , Gesner . l. 1. de quadrup . The wild ones in L●bia are as great as Oxen ; so active , that they will leap upon the highest Mountain tops ; and their limbs are so hard , that if they fall , they neither break their horns , nor hurt their heads , Aelian . l. 14. c. 16. CHAP. VIII . Of the Beaver and Colus . THe Beaver is a most strong Creature to bite , he will never let go his teeth that meet , before he makes the bones crack , Plin. His hinder feet are like a Gooses , and his fore-feet like an Apes . His fat tail is covered with a scaly skin , and he useth it for a rudder when he pursues fish . He comes forth of his holes in the night ; and biting off boughs of Trees about the Rivers , he makes his houses with an upper loft , and when the water riseth , he lies there , Albert. When they are cut asunder , they are very delightsome to see ; for one lies on his back , and hath the boughs between his leggs , he holds them fast that they may not fall down , and the others draw him by the tail to their Cottage . Colus is a four-footed wild Beast , amongst the Scythians and Sarmatians , he is for greatnesse between a Stag and a Ram. He is white , and very swift . He drawes his drink by his nostrils into his head , and holds it for some dayes ; so that he will feed well enough in Pastures where there is no water , Strabo l. 7. Sometimes they will be 500 together ; but about Easter you may see 2000. In March they dig up an herb , by the sent whereof they stirre up venery ; when that is spent , for a day they lie as half dead , but when they taste of it once more , they are restored , Gesn. CHAP. IX . Of the Cat and C●ney . THe Cats eyes are so good , that she will see any thing in the dark , Albert. The Cat by the Egyptian Sea is observed to change the pupils of his eye , as the Sun doth alter . They are long in the morning , round at noon ; when the Sun sets they are obscured , Gellius . He commonly playes on his back , that he may look round about . Cut off his ears , he will stay at home more , for he cannot endure the drops that fall into his ears . If a Cat 's hair fall into a mans mouth , it will stick there . Hence matter is heaped together , that causes a Scr●fulous diseases . Scaliger saith , That in the Province of Malabar , there are wild-Cats dwelling in Trees , they leap as though they flew , having no wings . They have a membrane stretched out from their fore-feet to their hinder-feet , when they rest they contract it up to their belly ; when they begin to fly , by moving their feet and thighes , they are carried and born up by stretching out and gathering in this membrane , and it is wonderfull to see them run as if they ran in the Ayr. Conies are abundant in the Baleares , where they do the Corn and the fields great harm , Solin . They breed every moneth , nor are their young ones blind . They presently take Buck again , so soon as they have bred , though the young ones do suck , Plin. l. 10. The female hath not milk presently so soon as she hath brought forth , before she hath been six hours with the Buck , and they have eaten some Oats , Gesner de quadrup . CHAP. X. Of the Stag. IT is certain , that there are white Stags , and Does that have horns . Apollonius saw them as he passed beyond Paraca a City of the Indies , Philostrat . l. 3. Sertorius led one about , which he feigned to have received from Diana , that he took counsel with , that so he might keep his Souldiers in obedience , Gellius . Lewis King of France took one , and when Anna of Britanny asked what that was , he said , That they were all such at first , and that God took them from them for their pride . Their blood hath no fibres , as other creatures have , and therefore it will never grow thick . The Gall is not upon the Liver , but upon the Intestines , or in the Tail. Hence it is so bitter , that dogs will not eat it , Plin. In their heads they have live Worms ; sometimes 20 , and they are parted , so great as Maggots in flesh . They are said to breed under the hollow of their tongue , near the Vertebra , where the head joyns to the neck . If you pierce the scull bone in such as are of years , under the eye , you shall see Wasps fly out , bred of the superfluous humour , if you will credit Hunters ; and then he can live no longer unlesse he eat a Serpent to renew himself . Gesner writes , That in the basis of the heart between the lap of the greater ventricle , and the urinal vein , there is a bone found . He addes , That it is reddish from the heart blood , and melancholick ; some adde , that from a dry vapour it is turned into a bony substance . Some adde further , that it is found at no other time , than between the two Feasts of the blessed Virgin , that is , from the middle of August to the I●es of September . The Doe breeds near the pathwayes , for she thinks that she is safe from wild beasts , by reason of men passing up and down . So soon as she is delivered , she first ea●e the gleaning ▪ hence it is , that the herb Seseli is her medicament in bringing forth , Arist. in hist. animal . They swim over the Sea like Ships , the Master Buck leads , the rest follow . They lean their heads one upon the others back ; then the first brings up the rear , when he is weary , and would refresh himself . By nature they conquer Serpents . For by strong sucking in their breath , they will draw them out of their holes , and then devoure them . After this Banquet they bathe themselves , and eat Crevish . Then they weep , and their tears are turned to Bezar stones . They die , if they drink before they have done this , Gesner . CHAP. XI . Of the Dog. THere are many wonderfull things in a Dogg , his manner of birth ▪ quick sent , biting , docile nature , fidelity and the like . The puppies are borne blind ; the more they suck , the slower they are to see , but commonly in 7 ; days , if they see quickly ; but 20 , days is the longest time . Some say , if one Whelp be littered , he will see in 9 , days ; if two in ten , and so it is if there be more ▪ each addeth a day of blindnesse to the time . Lastly , one bred of the first litter of a Bitch will see soonest . The best of the puppies is that which sees last , or which is first puppyed . Albertus writes , that he saw a Mastiff that first littered 19 , then 18 , then 13 , at one time . He hath a sent so quick that he will never eate Doggs-flesh , be it never so well seasoned to deceive him . In Scotland there is a kind of them that will persue a theif , and if he passe over a River , they will swim over after him , and when they come on the other side ▪ they will hunt about to find his foot-steps , and still follow him , Gesner . A mad Doggs biting is wonderfull Venemous and deadly . ( He runs mad about the Dogg days with the Tooth-ach ; he is cured if he eate Hellebour with Barley flower , and Vomit it up again ) the pisse of a mad Dogg trod upon hurts extreamly those rhat have an Ulcer , and it is observed that their wounds will increase by treading on it , that were ever bitten by any Dogg . They will cause Hens eggs to grow addle , and Cattel to miscarry . A man had a wound in his Arme : that , after 12 yeares that he was bitten , became sore again , and he died in two days . Albert. Fear of water first troubles such as are bitten , and , which is the greater wonder , after 7 , years it may shew it self ; One thought , that he was cured , being washed with Sea water , yet after some months by touching of the Dogg-Tree-Wood he fell into a relapse . Gesner . Also in their Urine , Doggs heads are said to appeare . As for their docilenesse and fidelity , there are many examples . The Dog of Francis , Marquis of Mantua , would call his servants . They will draw Coaches , carry burdens in Ibissibur a Countrey of Tartary . Lipsius Cent. 1. had a Dogg at Lovain that would carry letters so far as Brussels , ad Belg. Epist. 44. and he would bring letters back from thence . A Dogge at Brussels would carry money to the Shambles , and fetch ●ome meat , ●e fought with other Doggs upon the way , and when he was beaten , he laid hold of a peice . The Dogs at Rhod●s knew Christians from Barbarians , Gabel●n ▪ Histor. A certain Mountebank in the time of Justinian the Emperour had a Dogg that would take up many Rings , cast down , and restore every man his own ; he would tell you by pulling them by the cloaths which was a Wife , a Widow , or a Maid . Lastly , in Plutarch , there was one that would represent a Man that was poysoned . We read of the wonderfull fidelity of Dogg in Scaliger his Exercitations , I will set it down in his own words , and upon his own reputation : A Courtier envying the credit of a certain friend of his , or carried away with some other malice , came suddenly upon him , and killed him , and after buried him in a place besides the way . The party slain had at the same time a Hound with him , who lay a long while upon his Masters grave . Hunger for that time overcoming love , he returns home , and being seen without his Master by some other friends , who thought the dog had been strayed from him , they bade that some meat should be given him . Having let down a few morsels , he returns to the grave : Which course he continued so often , that the friends of the dead began to suspect ; and at last believed that the Dog sought for his Master : They follow him , and coming to the place where the earth was cast up , dig into it , find the body , take it away , and cause it to be buried in another place . The solemnities ended , the dog keeps with them whom he had led to this discovery . A good while after , the Murtherer comes again to the Court ; the Dog knows him , and begins to run at him with great cryes , and so earnestly pursueth his point upon him , that suspition begins to enter into the minds of a great many , that there was some evill in the man. The dog continuing still to vex him , the King was at last advertised of the case , who commanded that the man should be straitly examined touching the fact . He affirmeth himself innocent : The dog , when the Murtherer denyed that he knew what was become of the Dogs Master , never left barking and bawling ; insomuch , as all that were present took the same as a disproof , that the dog made against him . Well , the matter proceeded so far , that the King ordered it should be decided by a Combat between the man and the dog . To make short , the dog had the day : and the Combat is painted and finely set forth in the Hall of a certain Castle in France ; and the work wearing out with age hath sometimes been renewed by Commandement from the King. It deserveth ( saith the Lord de la Scale ) to be set forth in pictures of brasse , that it may never perish . But to close up this Discourse , we will adde hereunto that which James Micyllus a learned Poet hath written in praise of a Dog , in good Latin Verses , expressed thus in our Tongue : Of any Beast , none is more faithfull found , Nor yields more pastime in house , plain , or woods ; Nor keeps his Masters person , or his goods With greater care , than doth the Dog or Hound . Command : he thee obeyes most readily . Strike him : he whines and falls down at thy feet . Call him : he leaves his game and comes to thee With wagging tail , offring his service meek . In Summers heat , he followes by thy pace : In Winters cold , he never leaveth thee : In Mountains wild he by thee close doth trace ; In all thy fears and dangers true i● he . Thy friends he loves ; and in thy presence lives By day : by night he watcheth faithfully That thou in peace mayst sleep : he never gives Good entertainment to thine enemy . Course , hunt , in hills , in valleys , or in plains ; He joyes to run and stretch out every lim : To please but thee , he spareth for no pains : His hurt ( for thee ) is greatest good to him . Sometimes he doth present thee with a Hare , Sometimes he hunts the Stag , the Fox , the Boar , Another time he baits the Bull and Bear , And all to make thee sport , and for no more . If so thou wilt , a Collar he will wear ; And when thou list to take it off again , Unto thy feet he coucheth down most fair , As if thy will were all his good and gain , In fields abroad he looks unto thy flocks , Keeping them safe from Wolves and other Beasts : And oftentimes he bears away the knocks Of some odde Thief that many a fold infests . And as he is thy faithfull bodies guard , So is he good within a Fort or Hold Against a quick surprise , to watch and ward ; And all his hire is bread musty and old ▪ Canst thou then such a creature hate and spurn ? Or barre him from such poor and simple food ? Being so fit and faithfull for thy turn , As no Beast else can do thee half such good ? CHAP. XII . Of the Ma●mase● and the Catoblepas ▪ IN the Country of Prasium , Monkeys are as big as great Dogs . The tail of one is five cubits long ; hair hangs down from their foreheads , and they have long beards , and an inbred tamenesse , Strabo l. 15. There are others wonderful great , like to men . For by their legs , face , privities ; they look like Countrey men , they are elsewhere all-over hairy . They love Children and women , and desire to embrace them , Cardanus . The common ones are well known , they have testicles of a blew and green colour . When they eat up the ears of Corn , one of them lies perdue in the field , and makes an out-cry when he spies a Country man , the rest fly . They so hate a Crocodile , that they cannot endure to see his skin at a great distance . Gyllius made tryal of it , and he observed , that they being tyed in chains , yet trembled and scowred , and would have run away through fire and water to escape . In the borders of Cariai , there is a kind of them that will leap from bough to bough , as if they flew , they are enemies to Boars ; for it will leap furiously upon him , and twine about him with the tail . Aelian l. 3. saith , That the Catoblepas is like the Bull , and is very terrible to behold , and fierce , and with blood-shot eyes it looks downwards . It feeds on venomous herbs , and so soon as it looks on them with a countenance like a Bull ; it fears , and lifts up the Mane ; having lifted up this , with open lips it roars terribly , sending such a steam out of the Throat , that the Ayr over the head will be infected , and will make others dumb that draw it in , and causeth mortal convulsions . The Souldiers of Marius found it to be so ; for they supposing it had been a wild sheep : they ran at it with drawn-swords several times , but when they were killed by it , they found their errour . This wild beast was slain afterwards by the Nomades that were horsemen , and they brought it to Marius . CHAP. XIII . Of the Baboon and Chamaeleon . A Baboon is a Creature with a head like a dog , but in shape like a man , he will fish cunningly ; for he will dive all day , and bring forth abundance of fish . He takes wonderfull delight to wear a garment ; he hurts no man. He understands what the Indians say , he will gently feed sheep for their milks sake , Plin. l. 7. c. 7. Strabo , l. 15. Two things are most wonderful in him ; that in the two equinoctials , 12 times a day he will make water , once every hour , and doth the same at night , Prec●os . Johan . in Epist. ad R. P. Hence the Egyptians have the picture of a Baboon pissing upon their Dials . The second is , that when the Moon hath been sometimes in conjunction with the Sun , and loseth her light , the male will not look nor feed , but holds down his face to the Earth ; nor will the female move her eyes any way , casting withall her sperm forth . Therefore are they held sacred , and fed untill this day , that by them the set time of the Moons conjunction with the Sun may be known by them . Africa breeds Chamaeleons , but India more frequently ▪ He is said to have five toes of his feet , which he stands upon opened , but he draws them in when he lies down upon round young branches . He changeth his colour oft-times , both in his eyes , his tail , and his whole body ; and he changeth like that thing he next toucheth , except red and white ; when he is dead he is pale , Plin. It is certain , that sometimes he lives by the Ayr. For he will suffer hunger a whole year , and taking in the Ayr by gaping , and shutting his chaps , he will shew forth his great belly . Some said that he turns to the Sun , and drawes in the Suns beams , and followes them with open mouth . From Zandius we have it , that he will hunt flies : who saith , he dissected the tongue of one that was as long as ones hands breadth ; hollow , and empty , in the top was a hole with snivel in it , with which he catcht his prey , Card. de subtil . Alexander Myndius saith , he fenceth himself against the hungry Serpent , after this manner : He holdeth a bro●d and strong stalk , and turning himself under that like a buckler , he encounters the Serpent . The Serpent , because the stalk is broader than he can take in his mouth to bite in sunder , and the rest of the Chamaeleons limbs are too hard for him to do him any harm , he labours in vain . CHAP. XIV . Of the Crocodile . THe Crocodiles are bred in Egypt , but not all so dangerous ; the furious ones are towards the Mountains , from Caire to the Sea they are mild ; that is because there is scarsity of fish ; but here are men that are rewarded to kill them . For whosoever kills a great Crocodile , and brings it into the City , hath ten crowns out of the Treasury . Also when Nilus runs back to its channel , the Crocodiles will lye hid in the mud , watching to satisfie their hunger ; and they strike those that come , and strangle them with their tails . They strike so strongly , that one of them brake the four legs of a great beast at one blow , Martyr . They lay one egge as big as a Goose egg , yet from this small beginning they grow to a vast bignesse ; sometimes they are more than 18 cubits long . In the time of Psammeticus 25 cubits ; in the time of Amasis 26 , Plin. They hold their young one legitimate , if he catch up something so soon as he is hatched , Aelian . Their tongue sticks all fast , the reason is given by Aristot. l. 2. de part . Anim. c. 7. The Trochilus is his guard , and the Tentyritae are his Enemies . He awakes him when Ichneumon is like to do him hurt , and entring into his wide Jaws he pulls out flesh from amongst his rows of teeth with his beak ; when he flies away , he is warned to close his upper chap , Plutar. Plin. 8.25 . But these swim in the River , and getting upon their backs , as if they rid , they thrust a bough into their mouths , and frighting them with their cry alone , they compell them to vomit up the bodies they had newly devoured , that they may be buried ; hence it is that there are none in their Island , and the very smell of a man will make them fly away . How he fights , the history of him will shew . CHAP. XV. Of the Horse . IN Portugal they say , the Mares conceive by the wind , Varro , Pliny , and Solinus affirm , that the Birth is fruitlesse , for their Colts live not above 3 , yeares . Justinus calls these things Fables . In the Island Hispaniola , the foals conceive in ten months after they are born , and oft times they beare twins , Peter Martyr . A Barren Mare will conceive , saith Aldrovandus , if you bruise a little handfull of Leeks in a Mortar , and powre upon it a little cup of Wine , and shall for two days cast in 12. Spanish flies of divers colours into the Matrix with water by a Syringe : the next day have your Horse to the Mare that is lusty ; when he hath leapt her , wash the privities twice . In the Province of Belascia their hoofs are so hard , that they are never shod . Amongst the Ambes they are so swift , that they will run a hundred miles in 24 houres . Ludov. Rom. l. 4. Navig . And Historians relate of such a one that was taken in the Alanick Warr by Prince Probus . In Artois the Governour of the Fort , Mellomus , had one bred , very large , and with Horns : at this day is to be seen the leap he made , which was 60 , foot . Lipsius Cent. 3. ad Belg. Epist 56. They live very long ; some have come to 50 , yeares , and some above 60 , yeares . Albert Solinus and Niptus say 70 , years . The same saith , We have observed that , in Opus by name , a Mare lasted to breed on , for 40 , years . They so fear a Camel that they cannot endure to see him or smell him , wherefore Cyrus when he was to fight against Craesus , opposed his Camels against the others Horses , Herodot . Pliny writes that if Horses tread where Wolves have passed , they will be benummed in their legs : and Aelian adds , that if they touch the foot step of a Wolfe when they are in a Wagon drawing , they will stop presently as if they were frozen . The Tartars love to eate their flesh , and the rich men had it rosted in their feasts in Persia. The Moscovites , of old time Servants to the Tartars , were wont to pay tribute to them in their journeys , by their Duke when they demanded it , of Mares milk . Their sweat , causeth women with Child to suffer abortion , and if Knives hot be wet with it , they are so infected that the part they wound , will bleed till they dye , Albert. They will weep : Caesars Horse wept 3 , days before he died . Cardan had a Gennet that would weep abundantly , chiefly in Summer . They are so docile , that Alexanders Bucephalus , nor Caesars Gennet , could be ruled by any man , except his Mr. There have been seen in Olandia an Island of the Gothick Sea , that at the sound of a Tabret would dance . Scalig. writes of one thus , A certain Mountebank led about a little Horse , which would do any thing at his word , or beck ; amble , trot , run , leap , on four or two feet , drink Wine , sit on his buttocks , and bring his foreseet to the cup , he would hold a Bason or Dish , with his Legs , as if he were to be barb'd , he would lye on the ground at length , and shut his eye lids and nod . He would lift up his head at his Masters beck , turn on his back , and lye to shew how women lay : this I saw , saith he , and we also , saith Gaudentius Merula , saw a Horse of a Physitian of Pannonia , that stood at the dore untied till his Master came forth from visiting the sick , if it were a whole day , &c. CHAP. XVI . Of the Urchin . A Hedg-Hogg or land Urchin , is a Creature with a Hogs snowt , he hath most stiff bristles on his skin , that a sword can hardly cut them . Volch●rus Coiter , first observed that he rowls himself up like a ball , by reason of a long and broad Muscle over his whole back that contracts the skin . He opens , if you poure water on his belly . For because he cannot breath , he opens and cries with a shrill note . Rosenbach in Indice . About the time of the Vintage , he goes under the Vines , and he breaks down clusters of Grapes , and takes them upon his prickles , Plutarch . When he is taken he pisseth on his back , and it corrupts , therefore hee never useth that mischievous way , but when he is past hopes , for they hate their imbred Venom , and will not hurt themselves ; and will stay till the very last , that they will first be almost taken . CHAP. XVII . Of the Elephant . THe Elephant is a stranger with us , but the Indians and other places have them common . The King of the Palibroti had 90000 , of them ; of the Siamenses , 12000 ; and 4000 of them were armed against sudden occasions : The great King of Mogor had 50000 at command . Vartomannus saw heards of them in Mozambica . In Africa there are plenty . For Appianus Alexandrinus writes that there were 300 stalls for them at Carthage . Many strange things are spoken of them , and the most part past beleif . Lipsius hath collected them in his Epistle ; we shall briefly reduce all to two , that is to their body and soul. As for the first ; it is exceeding great , the greatest of all land creatures , wherefore the Hebrews call him in the plural number Behemoth . It is certain that of old time they carried Castles of armed men into the Field , and an Author namelesse writes that he saw one of their teeth sold for 36 Ducats , it was 14 spans long , and 4 , spans thick : so heavy that he could not take it up from the ground Aldrovandus . In his heart he hath a bone wonderful big , that Aldrovandus writes he saw in one that was killed . Aristotle maintains that he hath three stomacks . There were two found that weighed 225 pounds , Vartomannus . As for its soul , Writers set down great endowments that he hath . Christophorus Acosta , who searched diligently the East Indies writes things that are incredible of them . It is most certain , saith he , that in the Kingdom of Malabar they talk together , and speak with mans voice . There was , saith he , in the City Cochin an Elephant , who carried things to the Haven , and laboured in Seafaring matters : When he was weary the governour of the place did force him to draw a Galley from the Haven which he had begun to draw , into the Sea : the Elephant refused it , the Governour gave him good words , and at last intreated him to do it for the King of Portugal . Hereupon , ( it is hardly credible ) the Elephant was moved , and reported these two words clearly , Hoo , Hoo , which in the language of Malabar is , I will , I will , and he presently drew the ship into the Sea. There was another example at Rome ; when Tiberius was Emperour , 12 , Elephants were brought into the Amphitheatre , in Cloaths that Players use , and first thir Commander divided them into several places of the Circuit , as they went they went easily as if they danced , and again when he spoak , they came together and danced in a round , and they scattered their flowers and Garlands , and according to the musick , they gently and in order moved their feet , and performed all things as well as the best sword Players . Then they ( which is a mad wonder ) as they were taught , sat down at Table , did eat and drink very modestly as if they had been men . The beds to sit on were low , covered with Purple , and embroidered work , the Tables were furnished with divers kinds of provision in abundance , cups of Gold and Silver , great and small ; were set upon them , in great dishes were meat , bread , flesh , and fruit . Then came in the Elephants , 6 , males , and 6 , females , they in Mens Gowns these in Womens Cloaths . They lay themselves very decently and reverently on the beds , and so sat at Table . Then , when the Mr. gave the sign , they put forth their snowts to the Table instead of hands , and take the meat very modestly , and tast of it , no greedinesse or ravening was observed in them , none seemd to covet the greater or the better part , nor did they catch one before the other when boys that waited on them gave them the cup , and then by meanes of their trunk drank it jovially off , and they did sprinkle the remainder of the Wine upon the standers by , and so made a noise as pot companions do . Lipsius writes this in his own words , and it is the direct opinion of Aelian . And they learn all these things so eagerly , that Plutarch and Pliny say , that an Elephant that was somthing dull , and was often beat for not learning well , was found acting his part by Moon light , and some say that Elephants will learn to write and read . For Pliny saith plainly from Mucianus , that one of them learned to describe the Greek letters , and did write in the same tongue these words . I my self ▪ writ this , and I offerd the Celtick spoils . But what we may judge of them may be collected out of Libavius de Intellectu bestiarum . They seem also to hold a sympathy with the Moon , for when the Moon after Conjunction begins to appeare again , they crop boughs from Trees , and hold them up , and looking toward the Moon , they shake them . They may 〈…〉 her diety . But I say no more . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Dormouse , and Gulo . THe Dormise sleep all the Winter as round as a ball ; when they come to the calm Ayr they will revive between your hands , by a warm breathing , Gesner . They are strangely taken in the valley of Pelnig : for the Country men go forth in the night with Torches , and coming near them , they blind them with the light , and so take them with their hands . They put Apples on cleft sticks or forks , which the Dormise love to eat the kernels of , so they can the better take them out : Amongst the Rhetians that speak Italian , they salt up their flesh , because it is sweet and fat , and as pleasant as hogs flesh , Gesner . Gulo is a creature in the North parts , he feeds on Carrion , till he be full like a drum ; then he goes between narrow Trees , and presses his stretched belly till he unload himself , and then he crams again , Michov . l. 2. descript . Sarmat . Europeae . CHAP. XIX . Of the Hyaena , and the Porcupine . THe Hyaena is a Creature as big as a Wolf , and hath horses hair , but harder , and it goes all over his back , Aristot. in admirand . He seems to have the genitals of both Sexes ; but some have onely a long line under their Tail , Aristot. If you take hold of the right , when he is at his venery , he becomes stupid ; but if by the left , it kills him , Gillius in Aelian . A Portupine is like a Pig at two moneths old , he hath a head like a Hare , ears like a man , feet like a Bear , a mane that stands up , and the forepart is hollow . Two little bunches of skin grow on both sides of his mouth ; long bristles grow out of them . In Summer he lies hid , but comes forth in Winter : and when it is great with young , it is said to follow the Bear in time , Agricola de subterran . Gisner refers Cardanus Monster to the Porcupine , for he writes thus , l. 10. subtil . There was a Creature ( saith he ) of a strange kind , which this present year 1530 , January 19 , we saw at Papia ; It was as great as Fox , but the face was sowething longer , and the jawes were like to a Hares , with long hair , and two very long teeth , for they stuck out as long as a mans finger , like to a Squirrils teeth , the eyes were like to Serpents eyes , black , and without corners . There was a cap on its head like a Goats beard , but no otherwise than a Peacocks tuft . The hair was like to a Weasels , very fair , onely about the neck it appeared like white wooll ; the forefeet were like a Badgers , the ears and hinder feet like to mens , but that the feet had nails like a Bear. On the back and hinder part , there were about a hundred thorny quills like a Porcupine , some of them were crooked at the point ; they stuck forth , but were not moveable , as they say the Porcupine can shoot hers ; when it moved they made a noise by rusling together . The tail was like a Gooses , but the feathers were pointed like thorns . If you saw nothing else , you would say it were a Goose. He had feathers white and coloured , and a great eye like a Goose. The tone was obscure and hoarse like the barking of a dog . It was an angry creature , yet the Mountebank could easily deal with it . It hated dogs extreamly , this was a young one , and a shee . It did not drink , but eat bread dipt in water , &c. CHAP. XX. Of the Hee-Goat . A Goat sometimes runs so violently at one , that he will run a hole in a board , or a Target : after he is 7 months old , he begins to couple , Aelian . His blood is a present remedy for the pains of the stone in the Reins or bladder . For it dissolves stones that are bred , and will let no more grow , easing the pains also , Aetius l. 11. c. 12. But great Gesner shews how it must be prepared . When the Grapes begin to grow ripe , take a new pot , and pour water into it , and boyl it untill the pot have been well cleansed , then take a Hee-goat that is of ripe age , out of the herd , about 4. years old , and kill him , and receive the middlemost blood in the pot , leaving that blood that came first forth , and that which comes last : let the middlemost blood thicken , and as it is in the pot , break it into many pieces with a sharp reed , then expose it to the open Ayr , covered with a thick net , or thin linnen cloath , or a close sieve , that it may be prepared by the Sun , and become dewy ; wipe off the dew , and after two of the clock set it in the Sun , taking care that no rain fall upon it . When it is well dryed , put it up diligently in a box for use ; and when the pain abates , give a spoonful of it with Candie wine . This medicament is called Gods-hand . CHAP. XXI . Of the Goat call'd the Evick , and the Indiat Rat , Ichneumon . THe Evicks in the Alps are a kind of wild Goats . They naturally require cold , otherwise they would grow blind . They have huge weighty horns that are reclining toward their backs ; and the elder they are , so much the greater . The old horns are with 20 knots grown on them , and then two of them weigh above 16 pounds . There is no rock so steep but they will leap upon it , if they can but find place to stand ; some say they will climb up a steep wall . Hunters say , that when they are ready to die they will clamber up a very high rock , and leaning one horn against the rock , they will run round continually , till they have broken it , and fall down dead , Gesner . Ichneumon is a Creature in Egypt with a long tail , like to a Serpents , Oppian . Without the Chin he hath an excrescence beset with hair , when it is hot he openeth that , his mouth being shut . The Country men of Alexandria sell the young ones in the Market ; for they bring them up to catch Mice , which they will do like Cats . He is an Enemy to the Crocodile ; for when he observes him sleeping , he rolles himself in clay , and goes into his mouth , and so into his belly , and eats his Liver , and then leaps forth again , Gillius in Oppian : but Gesner will not believe it . CHAP. XXII . Of the Lion. THere is plenty of Lions in the Province of Gingui , they are so offensive to the Inhabitants , that they dare not go out of their houses by night , nor come with Ships into the Haven , Gesner . Lions bones have no marrow in them , and are so hard , that they will strike fire , Aelian . They have teeth like Sawes . Their neck is made of one stiff bone , without any vertebra's : they have five clawes on their forefeet , and but four on the hinder feet ; the balls of their eyes are black , Aristot. They are no gluttons , for they eat but once in two dayes , and drink in like manner ; for when they are crop-sick , they will abstain one day ; and when they have eaten too much , they will thrust in their clawes down their throats , and pull it out again , Aristot . When they have filled themselves with the flesh of any creature , they will breathe on the remainder with open mouth ; whence it will stink so , that no Creature will touch it , Aelian . They sleep but little , and when they do sleep , their eyes are half open . They bring forth but once in their life , and that but one , saith Herodot . hist. 3. The Whelps littered , sleep 3. dayes ; The Males roar , and rouze them , Gellius l. 13. c. 7. They love their young ones exceedingly . In Pangeum a Mountain of Thrace , a shee-Bear had killed the Lions Whelps , when the Lyons were absent ; and she was gon , and clamberd up a Tree . The old Lyons followed , but they could not get up , so they could not be revenged . The Shee-Lyon stay'd , and the He went into the Mountains , and found a Shepherd with an Ax , the Lyon favvnd upon him who was sore afraid , and makes him take up his ax : and taking hold of his Cloths , brought him to the Tree : which being cut , the Bear fell down , and they tore her in peices . The Lion is mild to them that yeeld . He will scarse hurt those that lye down , and when he is not hungry he will seaze on men , rather then women , but not upon Children unlesse he be extream hungry . Avicenna writes that if any man throw a stone or dart at the Lyon , and misse him , or hurt him but little he will rather threaten him than kill him : if he do revenge , he will do no more hurt , than he received ; Crantzius in Saxon , l. 8. c. 24. He saith , that formerly in England a Lyon could tell noble blood from base . There are tame ones : For in a plain Country of the Kingdom of Fez , they will drive them with a staffe , and in another Country of Africa , they gather bones in Villages , Leo African . Lastly those of India are so gentle , that being used to the place they will be led on hunting , Aelian . Marcus Antonius first yoked them , they are frighted with Coach wheels running round , and with the Combs , and Crowing of Cocks , but chiefly by fire , Plin. In Armenia they are killed with the powder of deadly fish , Aelian , and some little Worms that are Venemous to Lyons , with the powder whereof they strew flesh for them , Solin . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Hare . THe Country of Ithaca is dangerous for Hares , for bring them thither they will dye . But the Baleares is a pleasant place for them : for heretofore they were there in such abundance , that the inhabitants desired Souldiers to assist them against them , from Augustus , Pliny . The young ones are white in the Alps in Winter , Gesn. But Pausanias saw in Arcadia white ones brought from Lybia . He wakes with his eye lids shut , and sleeps with them unmoved , Xenophon . He sees but ill , for the eys are stretched out , the eye-lids are cut short , they do not cover the pupills of the eys . Albertus denies that there are of both sexes , but Niptus saith , That which Albertus said concerning Hares was alwaies a question with me , for in hunting I observed that a Hare had both a yard and testicles , and had young Hares in her belly , also we observed that a Hare had a Matrix , and young ones in it , and did want both pis●le and testicles . Rondeletius thinks , they are little bladders full of sanies ; and indeed such do hang down from the beaver , wherein Castoreum is contain'd . They are said to live with dew , they use superfaetation , and bring young ones every Month. When they go to their forms , they lay their young ones at least , an acre of ground asunder , lest if danger come , they should be all in hazard . Then they , running about many rounds , at last leap out into their form . CHAP. XXIV . Of the Wolf. IN Sardinia , Candie , Olympus , there are no Wolves . In Scandia if they go too far on the frozen Sea , the cold blinds them , Jervand . In the Mountains of Doffrinium they are white , and go in Troops . They eat Moles , Mice , &c , Olaus . Their necks are pressed together , so that they cannot stirre it , to look about , but they must move their whole bodies , Aelian . One that is hungry will smell his prey in the night , though the wind be contrary , for half a mile , Stumpfius . When they have fasted very long , and have filled themselves again , their bellies will hang down , their tongues swell , their mouth is stopped , their ravening is abated , but returns again , when they become lank as they were , Aelian . They devour hair , and bones and all , and void them as they eat them , Stumpf. When they are to fight in great herds , they fill their bellies with earth . When they are to passe over Rivers , they joyn tails ; loaded with that weight they are not easily thrown down , and the floods can hardly carry them away , being joyned together , Aelian . When they have choice , they will alwaies spare man ; they fight also with hogs , very cunningly . One told me , ( saith Albertus ) that a Woulf was seen to take a great piece of wood in his mouth of 30 or 40 pound weight , in a Forrest , and did use with that to run over a great stock of a Tree , then when he thought he was skilfull enough in that exercise , he hid himself , and a wild hog coming thither by reason of Oates that were sowed there , and many hogs young and old with him ; he brake forth , and catched the hog , that was about the bignesse of the block , he lept behind the stock of the Tree and there devoured him . They will not eat Oxen , if you hang his tail at the Cratch , Albert. Horses will tire under the rider , if they follow on the Wolves footing ; if they tread on his heel , they will stand still , Gillius . The skins of sheep slayn by Wolves , will breed lice ; but their flesh is the sweeter , Aristot. Plutarch ascribes this to his breath . His words are , The flesh of a sheep that is bitten by a Wolf , is made the sweeter , because the biting of the Wolf makes it soft and tender ; for the breath of the Wolf is so fiery , that he will melt and consume the hardest bone in his stomack . Examples shew , that when he is shut in , he will do no harm : For in Italy , one going into a Country-mans house , the Country man ran away ; but the Wolf did his Children no hurt , and falling into the same Cave with a Fox and a Woman , he hurt neither , Gesner . CHAP. XXV . Of the Lizzard . VOlatteranus writes , That there was a Lizzard 8. cubits long brought to Rome from Aethiopia , by the command of a Cardinal of Lisbone , and the mouth of it was so wide , that a Child might be put into it . Lerius c. 10. hist. saw one in Brasil , 7. foot long , as thick as a mans arm . If you strike it on the soal , and cut it in two pieces with a twig , neither part will dye , but it parts , and first goes , then joyns together , Aelian . The green ones are friends to man , that they will gaze upon him obliquely , and follow him when he goes ; they will lick up his spittle , and Childrens urine , Erasmus in colloq . de amicitia . Putt alive into a new earthen vessell , and boyl'd with 3. Sextaryes of wine to one Cyathus , it is excellent good for one sick of the P●hisick , if he drink of it in the morning fasting , Marcell . Seven of them suffocated in half a measure of oyl ▪ and set in the Sun for 3. dayes , will so alter it , that by anointing therewith , it will cure the Rose , Gesn. A water Lizzard , if he be angry , and as it were puffed up , will stand upright on his feet , and look terribly with open mouth on him that hurt him , and will by degrees send forth a venomous white swear , till he become all white , Agricola . When he is old and cannot see , he lies by a hole in the wall , against the East , and looking toward the Sun rising , he regains his sight , Isidor . To conclude , 't is a wonder that Aelian speaks in his history . There was ( saith he ) a man that catcht a great Lizzard , and with a brazen point he put out the eyes thereof , then he put it into an Earthen pot full of holes , that it might have breath , yet not come forth ; he put in also de●y earth , and an herb , whose name he mentions not : then with an Iron ring , wherein the stone Sogates was set , in which was cut the picture of a Lizzard he made 9 seals , and every day he blotted out one : Lastly , when he took off the 9 th . seal , and opened the p●t , I saw the Lizzard , and his sight was restored . CHAP. XXVI . Of the Lynx , and Lutra or Otter . THe Lynx is said to see so clearly , that he will pierce through solid bodies ; yet too great light offends him . Some say , they onely suck the blood of their prey , and never meddle with the flesh . Erasmus saith , he assaults greater four-footed beasts , leaping upon them from Trees , and catching them by the crown with his ●alo●s , he will tear their heads , and eat their brains , not touching the other parts ; but he will eat lesser creatures every bit . In Summer they are weak , in Autumn strong . They hide their pisse in heaps of sand , as Theophrastus saith , and it growes as hard as a pretious stone . It is like Amber in colour , and drawes things to it ; it cures pains of the Kidneys , and the Kings-Evill . We saw one at Lyons in the repositary of Cl. Dominus Baudartius . Men say , that in Carpathus they burn their claws , and their skins for to be drunk effectually by men in powder , against all obscenenesse , and against too great lust in women , Plin. The flesh eaten with the broth cures quartan Agues , and the bones burnt cure Ulcers , Collinus . In the Tower of London there was once a living Creature that Gesner refers to a Lynx ; It was alwaies moving , and would never stand still , as John Gaius an Englishman writes ; but it would stand still at the voice of a Hickeway ▪ Lutra hath a Dogs head , the Beavers ears , a Foxes legs ; but these are somewhat thicker , they are more prevalent in Water than on Land. The hinder parts are plain with a membrane to fence them . His Cottage is near the waters , it is made of boughes that it cannot be we● . Sometimes it is so full of Fish , that they stink . It is so quick-sented , that he will smell fish by water that comes forth of a ●ivule● at some miles distance , and will go to the Fish-ponds and destroy them . In Scandinavia he is so tame , that he will bring fish out of the water to the Cooks in the Kitchins ; but because he is greedy of his prey , and kills too many , he is seldom used . CHAP. XXVII . Of the Mouse . AMongst the Allobroges the Mice are white , and the Inhabitants think they live by Snow , Scaliger . In the Island of Cyprus they will gnaw Iron ; and in another Island , Gold ; therefore they are cut in pieces for mettal , Aristot. in mirab . Their generation is wonderfull : If they do but lick salt , some think they will conceive without copulation , Aristot. A shee Mouse great with young , staying some time in a vessel of Millet seed ; when the vessel came to be opened , there were found 120 Mice , Plin. In a part of Persia , she-Mice were opened that had she-mice with young ones in their bellies . They first perceive when a House will fall ; Helice is an Example of it ; for five dayes before it happened , the Mice and Serpents were seen to go away in Troops , Aelian ●n variis . When they fall into a vessell of water , and can hardly come forth , they lay hold one by the tail of another , and so clamber forth . Elephants cannot endure the smell of them , for they will not feed on any thing that Mice have touched . They will ●lye away if one be gelded , or let run away with the skin of his head pull'd off . Avicenna , when they cry they foreshew tempests , they cry either because they perceive the Ayre cold , or because their skin is fine , and they cannot endure to tread on the cold earth , and therefore they leap up , Aratus . Some think they will not be taught , yet Albertus saith in upper Germany , he saw a Mouse hold a Candle at supper time , to give light to those that sate at Table when his Mr. commanded him . If a Mouse fall into new Wine and be drown'd , put him into hot ashes , and he will recover , Col●mel . 12.31 . There are many kinds of Mice ; A rat is four times as big as a Mouse . Agricola saw one taken in the mid'st of Aprill , that was white , with red eyes sticking out , and it was all hairy , and had a beard with very long haires . Men say that there are none to be found at Auspurg about the Temple of St. Huldericus , when they are lustfull they are furious , so that i● they pisse on any naked part of a Man ▪ it will rot to the bones , nor will the Ulcer be cured Albert Aquatic . They will hunt fish , and diving under water they will find some holes to come to land another way . The field-Mice that breed of putrefaction have one right gut , and no more . A Physitian that dissected one , observed that , Gesner . When Nilus runs back again , little Mice are found imperfect , part of their body being alive from the mixture of earth and water , and part dead earth . In some places they come so suddedly in abundance , that they will eate up all the Corn , Pliny . The Wood-Mice steep from the ending of Autumne till the Spring begins , Gesnerus . In Norway it is called Citellus , it dwells in the Caves of the earth . There are found somtimes 40 , in one hole , with abundance of small nuts . They eate them fresh , or dried in the Chimney , Agricola . The Cricotus , or Hamester , is referred to Mice : his haire sticks so fast to his skin , that the skin will sooner come from the flesh , than the hairs from the skin . He will not easily be drawn out of his hole , but by scalding water . The male is false ; for when there is meat enough within , he shuts out the female . But she revengeth his falsenesse with fraud ; for possessing her self of some hole , not far from him , she will gather Corn he knows not of , and live upon that , Agricola . Mice in the Alps are as big as Hares , or else betwixt a Co●ey and a Hare . It will foreshew a tempest with a very shrill voyce like a pipe , and that not only in the Mountains , but when he is kept in the House . He hath three holes in his cave , at one he enters and comes out again , in another he rests and dwells , in the third he ●ays his excrements . When Mountains are covered with snow , he hides himself in his Cave , and shuts the holes : he stops in the earth so fast , and rams it in , that it is easier to dig up the earth on either side , than where it is rammed into the holes . CHAP XXVIII . Of the Wesil , and the Sable Wesil . WEesils carried into Baeotia will run away : in a certaine Island they will not be taken out , for if they be , they dye , Albertus . There was a man that affirmed he saw a Weesil passing over the River Limagus , constantly leaping ; so that he never swam , but leaped upon the surface of it . It is an Aegyptian Hieroglyphick , for they say it ingenders by the eare , and is delivered by the mouth ; this emblem shews the nature of speech . His genitalls are bony ; and is a speciall remedy against the stone . Yet , that must not , saith Albertus , be understood as if it were so indeed , but only by proportion that it hath . The Germans call the best sort of them Zobella . This skin is of very great price : for sometimes 2000 Crowns at Constantinople will hardly buy a coat of them . Jovius . But the nature of them is such , that laid in the Sun to dry , they will consume more , than if they be worn a whole yeare . This creature whilst it lives , alwaies lurks in a shady grove , and watcheth for Coneys ; They are nimble and use their taile for a helme , as squirrils do , and will leap from Tree to Tree . CHAP. XXIX . Of the Sheep . SHeep are creatures known to all . The Arabian Sheep have a very broad taile ; and the fatter it is , the thicker it will be : Some tails weigh ten pounds , some 20 , and it naturally grows fa● . Johannes Africanus saw one above 80 pound weight ; some have seen them above 150 pound weight . In Africa , Rams are bred with Horns presently , and also Sheep , as there are some with Horns in England . Albertus saw a Ram that had 4 , great Horns growing on his head , and two long ones on his legs , that were like to Goats Horns : yet in Pontus in the Province of Scythia they have no Horns , Aristot. And they have no gall ; But in the Island Naxus they have two , and men say the Pontic Wormwood is the cause of it . Plin. In cold Countries when the snow abounds , they lose it , but recover it again in the Spring , Aelian . Anno , 1547 , one was given to the French King that was very fat in Picardy : one of the claws , namely the inward claw of both feet , was eight inches long , the extream part of it turned upwards , and it had a Horn like to wild Goats , Gesner . In the Country of Prasy , they yeeld most sweet milk ; for it rayns liquid honey that they feed on , Aelian . The milk is very fat in the Isle Erythea , for it hath no whey , and to make cheese they temper it with abundance of Fountain water . The cause is the plenty of pasture . It grows so fat and full that in 30 days the Sheep will be choked , if it be not let blood , Pliny . About Calimos a Village of India , they smell like fish , for wanting grasse they eate fish ▪ and they that feed on fish give them dry fish to eate , Arrian . When the North wind blows , males are chiefly conceived ; when the Southwind , females . For such is the force of the North wind , that it will change those that yean none but females , and cause them to bring males , Plin. When a noise is made they flock together ; and if , when it thundereth , one that is with lamb be left alone , she will miscarry , Arist. In the Orcades Islands they all almost yean twins , and oft times 3 , lambs , Boetius . Though their bodies be very soft , yet they are free of the plague , Columella . One was seen to run mad , which a mad Cow had hit with her Horn. In England they rot in their bowells , if in rainy Summers they feed on moyst ground , and lick the dew , Gesner . In France if they eate the herb , Duva , they breed black Creatures in their Livers , and this disease is incurable . The French in Normandy call that hearb Duva , that is like to the sharp dock , but the leaves are narrovver , and stand alvvaies upright , and the middle nerve is almost red , and serves for Causticks , Gesner . Meadovv vvater drank , breeds Horseleeches , shut up in bladders in the same place ; they are a finger and half long , and almost halfe as broad . CHAP. XXX . Of the Wild Goat call'd Oryx , and the Panther or Leopard . PLiny reckons Oryx amongst wild Goats . When the Moon comes to the East , it looks upon it and cryes ; and men say , that for hate thereof , it will digge up the ground with its forefeet , and will set the very balls of the eyes to the ground , and cast it up . Some think it doth the same when the Sun riseth ; what place soever in the desart it finds water in , it will trouble it by drinking at it , and stirs the mud , and throwes dust into it , that it may not be fit to drink . The Panther smells so sweet , that it will allure all the wild beasts ; but the frowning countenance it hath , frights them ; wherefore he hides his head , and so they come and are caught . In the right shoulder they have a mark , like to the Moon ; and as that increaseth , this increaseth , and decreaseth , Albert. It breeds but once in the life-time , if we credit the Author of the Book of naturall things . When the young ones are grown in the Mothers belly they will not tarry , but tear out their passage : she with pain is delivered of them , and so can never after conceive again , the parts being corrupted where the seed should stay . Demetrius Physicus writes of it , that one of them lay in the way waiting for a man , and suddenly appeared to him : he was frighted ▪ and began to run away , but the wild beast came and tumbled before him that was frighted , and was grieved at it . Which also may be understood of a Panther : For she had litt●red , and her Whelps were fallen into a pit . First therefore he had cause to pity her , and not to be afraid ; and next to take care : and he was secure , as he understood the cause of her grief , and followed her , she gently laying her claws and drawing him by the garments ; and he had his life for a reward for taking out her whelps ; and she having got her young ones again , went along with him , and guarded him out of the desart , and she was jocant and merry , that it might easily appear how gratefull she was , and not to wrong him for his good deeds ; which is a rare thing in a Man. They love wine , and when they are drunk they are catcht . The Holy Ghost likeneth Alexander the Great , who founded the Graecian Monarchy , to the Leopard . You shall see the application in Cl : Domino Conrado Grasero , our Master , in his Isagogue of Universal History , a Work never can be enough commended . CHAP. XXXI . Of the Frog . FRogs couple in the Spring , and lay their spawn in the spring of the year following ; in the middle of it the frog lieth hid , the Frogs being come forth , shew their great heads , Albertus . At Lutavia they catch Bees when they come to drink at the water ; it is observed , that they will eat a dead mole , Albert. In August their mouth is so shut , that they can neither eat nor drink , nor cry ; and you can hardly open it with your hand , or with a stick , lib. de nat . rer . Their young ones are destroyed by the leaves of Mullens , or Nut-leaves cast into the water , Aelian . If a candle lighted be set on the bank , they will leave croking , African . in Geopont . Their spawn is first found in March , wash your hands in it , and it will cure the Itch. Gesner saith it will cure the worms , whereof a fellon is a kind , if you lay it on your fingers . The Egyptian Frogs when they light upon a water-Snake , will take a reed in their mouthes , and so they cannot be devoured , Gillius . A Toad burned , will breed again of his own ashes . But in Dariene a Province of the New World , they breed presently from the drops that fall from their slaves hands , whilest they water the pavements . Martyr changeth them in Summer into Fleas ; he ascribeth it to the filthy muddy Ayr. If you beat him with a wand , he will first cast forth his venom by his legs , and then he sweats some drops like milk . Frederick Duke of Saxony gave one of them to hold till it grew hot ; it was first thrust through with a woodden spit , dryed in the shade , and wrapt in Sarsnet ; and this was his remedy to st●nch blood . Gesner makes the reason to be , Cold. Borax is a kind of Toad , especially of a brown colour , and in hot Countries is of a cubital magnitude , and sometimes carries its young on its back . In the forehead of this Toad is the stone found , sometimes it is white , sometimes brown , which is best , if it have a yellow spot in the middle . Some say it is onely a bone ; some say it is bred of that bird-limy froth , which Toads meeting together in Spring-time , do breathe into the forehead of one of the chief of them . Gesner l. 2. de Oviparis , he cannot believe that it is a stone . He that would hear more of Frogs , shall ●ind it in the books of Libavius , his Battrachiorum , if he reads them . CHAP. XXXII . Of Rangifer , and Rhinoceros . RAngifer breeds in the North , specially in Norway and Swethland ; it is like a Hart , but bigger in body , and exceeding strong . He ●ath three ranks of horns on his head , so that in each there are two , and his head seems to be set about with twigs . Of these two are greater than the rest ; when they come to perfection , they are five cubit● , and have 25 branches in them , Albertus . They are milked , and will go 30 miles a day , Olaus . Rhinoceros is a Beast as big as an Elephant , he hath one horn in his nose , and from thence he hath his name . It is moderately bent , and so sharp , that is will pierce stones and Iron , Aelian . His skin is very thick with skaly crusts , in colour and figure like a Tortoisse shell ; It is so fast , that a Dart can hardly enter it . He is an Elephants enemy , when he fights with him , he whets his horn on a stone ; then putting his horn under the Elephants belly , where it is softest , he rends him . He that will see examples , let him read Camerarius in subcisivis horis . CHAP. XXXIII . Of divers Serpents . IN the Province of Caraia , under the King of Tartaria , some Serpents are ten yards long , and ten hands broad ; some want fore-feet , but have clawes in the room of them . Their eyes are as great as two small loaves . They are wonderfull good in Physick . For one , bit by a mad dog , if he drink but a penny weight , presently he will be suddenly cured ; and a woman in labour , if she taste never so little thereof , will be delivered immediately , Paul Venetus . Americus Vespatius saw some in the Indies that men did eat . They were as big as Kids , and a yard and half long , their feet were long , armed with strong claws ; their skin was of divers colours , and nose like a Serpent . From the ears to the end of the tail , a certain bristle went quite through the back , that you would think they were Serpents indeed . Calecut breeds the like so great as Boars , and sometimes with greater heads , four feet , no venom , yet they bite dangerously , Ludovic . Rom. in Navig . In Hispaniola , called Hivana , of the West-Indies , there are some like to these . Their back is with pricks , their heads crested , they are mute , with four feet , a Lizzards tail , very sharp teeth , they are bigger than Conies , they live indifferently in Trees , Land , or Water , and will suffer hunger many dayes . Anno 1543 , there appeared four-footed beasts in the borders of Germany near to Styria , they were like Lizzards , and had wings , their biting was incurable . Anno 1551 , about St. Margarets day in Hungary near Zischa , about the River Theisa , they were found in the bodies of many : They killed about 3000 men . Some came out of mens mouthes , but they went in again . It is almost incredible what is reported of those places : That multitudes of them were found in piles or handfuls of wheat : and when the Country men thought to burn them , there came a great many more forth , and charged them with mans voice to forbear , saying , that they were not bred naturally , but sent by God to punish men for their sins . CHAP. XXXIV . Of the Squirril , and Ape-fox . THe Squirrils have but one blind gut , as great as a stomack , and in dissection it is alwayes found swoln with excrements , Vesalius . They are said to have a bony generative part . They foresee a tempest , and opening their holes on the contrary side , they shut those places where the winds will blow , Albert. When it would passe over the water for to find food , he takes the bark of a Tree that is very light , and sets it on the water , sitting in it , and stears it with his Tail lifted up , and so the wind carries him over , Autor . lib. de natur . The Ape-fox is a Creature in Pariana , a Country of the Indies . Before , he is like a Fox ; behind , an Ape : he hath mans feet , and Owls ears : under his common belly he hath another belly like a Wallet ; she keeps her young in this , and it comes not forth but to suck , Gillius . Peter Martyr Decad. 1. l. 9. saith , he saw one dead , amongst such vaste Trees , that 16. men together could not fathom round . CHAP. XXXV . Of the Ape . THere are in some Countries Apes in abundance . Posidonius saw a wood full of them in the borders of Lybia . In a word , Alexander saw Mountains full of them in the Indies . He thought when he espyed them by chance , standing upright , that an Army was ready to besiege him , Aelian . Amongst the Troglodites they have Manes like Lions , and the greatest are as tall as weathers , Scalig. in Exercit. In the Indies Mediterranean , they are huge bodies , and they follow civill Merchandise without any offence . Galen thought them the likest to Mankind , amongst all creatures , for their Bowels , Muscles , Arteries , and Nerves . But Vesalius saith , they are the most unlike in the Muscles of the Thorax , that move the arm , cubit and thigh ; and those that move the shoulders and toes ; and lastly , for the inward structure of the hand . A Male was seen , whose heart had two points , Albert. Scaliger saw many without tails , as great as a boy of eight years old , and a male and female with their young . If the young desire any thing , the shee is admonished by the hee clinching his fist , and he will correct her with a fierce look , as being guilty of ill-using her young ones . Mutianus saith , that those which have such tails , are sad when the Moon is decaying , and they rejoyce and adore the new Moon . He addes , That some were seen to play at Chesse , for they will imitate a man unluckily ; for an Ape saw a Midwife wash the Child , and bind him up in swathebands , and lay him in the Cradle , when he spide that the Child was alone , he went in at the window that was open , and took up the Child and unswathed it , and washed it with scalding water till he kill'd it , Aelian . He is very much afraid of a snail . Erasmus saith , At Rome we had an example of this . A man put a snail on his Childs head , and covered it with a Cap. Then he brought him to the Ape , who was glad and leaped on the boys shoulder to look lice , taking off his Cap he saw the Snail : it was strange to see how he was frighted and leapt back , and how fearfully he looked backward to see if the snail followed him . Another example . We tied a snail to one end of the cord that the Ape was tied with , that he could not get away , but he must look upon it ; t is wonderfull how he was frighted , only he did not dye for feare ; somtimes he strove to drive away the beast that stuck fast with his hinder feet , at last he pissed and shit all he had in his belly ; and of this fright he fell into a feaver , that we were forced to let him loose , and to give him Wine mingled with Water to refresh him . CHAP. XXXVI . Of Su and Subus . SU in Patagonia , is a most monstrous beast , she takes her Whelps on her back , and covers them with her tail , when the hunter follows , and so she escapes . Wherefore she is caught in a pit , covered with leaves : when she is taken , she kills her young ones for madnesse , and cryes out so horridly that she frights the Hunters , Thevet . in descript . Americae . Subus is an Amphibion , with two Horns : he follows shoals of fish swimming in the Sea : Lobsters , Pagri , and Oculatae , are fishes that love him ; but he cares for none of their love , but makes them all his prey . CHAP. XXXVII . Of the Sow . WEe shall contract briefly what is said of the Sow . It is a creature we know , but it will not live in Arabia , Pliny . Brought into Hispaniola , it grows as great as a Mule , Martyr . In Aethiopia it hath Horns . In England and Sclavonie , they have none . In Macedonia they are mute , Aelian . A Sows brain is fat : when the Moon decreaseth , it abateth ; the eares are full of a humour like gall . When she looks upward , she is silent ; for , looking commonly down ward , when she looks upwards , the light dants her , and her sharp artery being straightned holds in her voyce . Aphrodis . Somtimes , she will grow so fat , that it is miraculous . There were two ribs of a Hogg sent to L. Volumnius being in Spain , they weighed 23 , pound ; and from the bone to the skin was a foot and 3 , fingers , Pliny . And Crescentiensis saith , that the whole hog weighed 570 pound . There was one seen in Arcadia , that the Mice and Rats had eaten into it , and bred there : The same happened at Basil , Gesner . For some Creatures have fat that is insensible : and we read in Pliny , that the fat was taken away from the Son of L. Apronius the Consul , and his body was made lighter , of a burden one man could not carry . As concerning venery , Sows breed often that are homebred ; but wild Sows but seldom : For they have plenty of meat , and do not labour much ; these must seek for it , and wandring over the Mountains , endure trouble , Plutarch . Both of them are so wearied with copulation , that they fall asleep , and will grunt and grow so mad , that they will rend those that come near unto them , Aristotle . They will miscarry . They are friends with the Crocodile , and will come to the banks of Nilus without offence , Calcagn . They mightily hate some kind of Barley in Thrace , for they do not onely forbear to eat it , but they refuse all excrements that proceed from it , Aristot. in admirand· The Measils is a common disease amongst them , and there is scarce any Hogg that hath not three kernels . The Druides make mention of a famous remedy , an herb that growes in moyst grounds ; but because they command us to gather it with the left hand , and that he that gathers it must not look back , and must lay it no where but in their trough that they drink , having first bruised it , it is superstitious . CHAP. XXXVIII . Of the Mole . THere is great store of Moles , in Boeotia in the Country Orchomenia , Arist. In Lebadia that is near unto it , there are none ; and brought from other places , they will not earth . Aristotoles saith , they want eyes ; but Gesner saith , their eyes are plain , and putting forth , without the skin like black spots , as great as Millet seed , and fastned to their nerves . Also a Learned man in Gesner saith , That he found young ones in one that he dissected , with great heads , and they had eyes : They delight in Toads ; and Albertus testifieth it by his own example : but he also knew Frogs and Toads to eat a dead Mole . Johan . averlin . Consul Gedanensis was cured of a Fistula in the corner of his eye , by the powder of a Mole that was burnt , and given him in powder to drink . CHAP. XXXIX . Of Tatus and the Tyger . TAtus is a four-footed Creature that is a stranger to us . It hath a thick covering , and a scaly shell , so that his flesh may be easily taken forth of it . I first saw this Creature at St. Andrews in Scotland ( it is an Archiepiscopall City , and there is a famous University in it ) in the place for rarities of the most noble and most courteous Gentleman John Arnet , Protonotary for the Office of the Commissary in the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews , at whose house I lodged . But because it drawes it self into its shell , it is thought to be a kind of Brasilian Urchin . It is like to that which in new Spain is called Avitochli : it is as big as a Cat , having a bill like a Duck , feet like a Hedge-hog , a long neck ; and men report , that it grunts like a Sow . I have little to say of the Tyger , unlesse I should set down the history of Peter Martyr , of one in Dariene , an Island of the new World. It did so afflict the whole Island with killing people , that no man could go safe out of his house , afterwards it fell into a Pit that was dug , and stuck upon sharp stakes that were fastned in the bottom , and was yet so strong , that it would break Spears cast upon it , into a thousand pieces ; but in the end it was killed with stones . Ledesma a Spaniard saith , they boyl'd the flesh of it , and he eat part thereof , and it was as good as Ox-flesh : It is a Creature so swift , that Oppianus compares it to the West wind . CHAP. XL. Of the Tortoise . TOrtoises in Taprobana are so great , that one of them will weigh 300 pound , Scalig. Pliny saith , that some are so great , that men may dwell under them . And between the Islands , especially of the red Sea , they rowe in them for Boats. The Sea - Tortoises have no tongue , nor teeth , they break all things with the edge of their snowe . In Hispaniola at what time they are given to venery , they come forth of the Sea ▪ Sand being cast into a deep pit , she lays 3. or 400 eggs there ; when she hath laid all , she covers her eggs with sand , and returns to the Sea , taking no more care for her young ones . At the time appointed they come forth , as out of an Ant-hill , in great multitudes ; onely by heat of the Sun , without help of the old ones , Martyr . The eggs are as big as Goose egs . When the head of one is cut off ▪ it doth not die presently , but sees , and will shut its eyes , if you put your hands before them ; and if you put them near , it will bite them , Aelian . Bellonius saw a kind of Tortle brought out of Turky , that the Ancients knew not of . The shell of it is thin and Transparent , like to the colour of a Chrysolite . The Turks make hafts for knives of them , they are so pretious , that they adorn them with studs of gold . There is an Island in the Sea found by Jambolus toward the South , that brings forth little Creatures , that are of admirable vertue for their blood and nature . Their bodies are round and like to Tortles , with two overthwart lines cutting one the other in the middle ; in the end of each of them there is an ear and an eye , so that they see with four eyes , and hear with as many ears . It hath but one belly without any gut , and what it eats runs into that . They have many feet round about , and walk both wayes . The blood is said to be of wonderfull vertue . For every body that is wounded will grow together again , if it be smeered with this blood , Johan . Boemus ▪ CHAP. XLI . Of the Bear. IN the farthest part of Arabia they devour flesh , Strabo l. 1● . But in Mysia it is otherwise ; for when they are hunted , they send forth a breath that will corrupt the flesh of the Hunter ; and if they come nearer , they will cast a flegme out of their mouthes ; that kills or blinds dogs and men , Aristot. in mirab . Sometimes they are very great , five cubits long . There was one brought to Maximilian that was as great as a large Ox , Vadianus . His head is so weak , that a sound blow will strike him dead , Pliny . He eats his water when he drinks , and having tasted of the Apples of Mandragora , he recovers by licking at an Ant-hill . She is said to bring forth a young one bigger than a Rat , but lesse than a Cat , that is both naked and unformed in its parts , Gillius : and Pliny , a rude masse . But one that was cut forth in Polonia was sent to Gesner , it was above ones finger long , and as thick as ones thumb ; the body had joynts , except the hinder feet , Gesnerus . When he is fa● , he creeps into his den upon his back ▪ and so takes away his footsteps , that the hunters may not perceive them . In this den he will grow lean in 40 dayes ; and he will keep himself alive , lying still and sneking his right foot 14 dayes . When he perceives that his 〈…〉 is grown so empty , that it cleaves almost together , he comes forth and feeds on Cuckow-pint , Aelian . Then there is no shew of meat left , but onely a little moysture in his belly , and some small drops of blood about his heart . Theophrastus thought that , during that time , the flesh was digested , and the Bear grew bigger by it . The Males love women . Amongst the A●●obroges one was seen , that caught a Maid and carried her to his den ; and wooed her venereously , and fed her with Apples growing in the Woods . Swidrigelus ▪ the Prince of Lithuania hath tryed it , that they will grow tame . For he bred up a Shee-Bear , which he was wont to feed by hand , and she was wont to run into the Woods and come home again , and would come home into the Prince his bed-Chamber , Volater . l. 7. CHAP. XLII . Of the Fox . IN Caspia there is such abundance of Foxes , that they will go into Country houses , and come into Cities , Aelian : and will be so tame , that they will fawn like dogs . They are very strong , in Sardinia , for they will kill the fiercest Rams , and young Calves , Munster . They are white in Muscovy ; in Arabia they are of an ill-favoured hair , and exceeding bold . At night they rowze one the other by barking , and seeking for their prey , they will snatch away mens very shooes , Scalig. When they are to passe over frozen Rivers in Thracia , they will lay their ears to the Ice , and so judge whether it be thick enough , Plin. When they see a flock of birds flying , they will roll themselves in red clay , that they may appear like blood and they counterfeit themselves dead ; but when the birds come to sit upon them , they catch them , and eat them , Herus . When they are troubled with fleas , they will take some soft straw , and dip their hinder parts into the water ; the Fleas when they feel the cold water , will creep up toward their heads , and then they put their heads under water , and the Fleas will leap into the straw , the Foxes let go the straw , and run away . CHAP. XLIII . Of the Unicorn . AUthors ore of divers opinions concerning the Unicorn . They doubt whether there be such a creature , some affirm it and some deny it . Garzias , ab Horto . Physitian to the Kings Deputy in India , observed a creature like to the description of an Unicorn . It had a wonderfull Horne , that he would turn somtimes on one side , somtimes on the other , and somtimes he would lift it up , and somtimes let it down . Ludovicus Vartomannus saith , that he saw two of them sent to the Sultan at Machae out of Aethiopia , to Mahomets Tomb , they were shut up in Lattises , and were not fierce . The Horns of this creatures are shew'd in many places ; At the Monastery of St. Denys there is a whole one in a dark vault of the Sanctuary , and the end of it stands in water . The water is given to drink to those that go under that hollow arch ; so soon as they have drank that , they suddenly fall into a great sweat . There is one also seen at Venice , in St. Marks Church , and another at Rome covered with a Purple covering . Aldrovandus writes that there was a Jew at Venice that boasted he had a true one , and proved it by a wonderfull example : for he laid a Scorpion and Spider on a Table , and compassed the place in with the Unicorns Horn , these creatures were not able to passe out , but were killed either by the shade or the vertue of it . Cardanus describes it , That it is a rare creature as big as a horse , with hair like a Weasil , a head like a Stag , that hath one Horn growing on it , 3 Cubits long ; it stands in the middle of the forehead , and is right and strait , it is broad at the bottom ; it hath a short neck , a thin mane , lying but on one side , with small feet like a Goat , &c : Pliny saith , that it is a most rough creature ▪ and the rest of the body is like to a horse , the head like a Stags , the feet like an Elephants , the taile like a Bor●s , with one black Horn , sticking out of the middle of the forehead two cubits length ; what ever it be , here is cause enough to doubt of it . For first there are many kinds of Unicorns described , and we know not whether they be of the same kind . In India there be Oxen that have their hoofs undivided , and they have but one Horn if we credit Pliny , There are Bulls in Aonia if we beleive Aelian and Oppianus . There were some in the Wood Hercynia , if Caesar be to be believed . Ludovicut Barthema saith , that he saw in Zeilam a City of Aethiopia , a kind of Cows that had but one Horn in their forehead , that was but a hand breadth long , and turned backwards . As for the Horns , there is much sophistication in them . There was one found upon the shore of the River Arula , in Helvetia , nere to Bruga : who shall certainly make choice of these for the Unicorns Horn. That which Albertus saw was a hand breadth and a half thick , ten foot long , without any spirall lines , and like to a Stags Horn ? And a Horn so thick and long , seems to appertain to a living creature as great as a great Ship. Aldrovandus thinks that the cup which Alvarez Mendosa gave to the great Duke of Hetruria , which he had from the King of Narsinga , was rather made of one of those creatures Horns which are seen in Basma and Macinum , Countries of Tartary , that are as big as Elephants . The Diameter of that cup was as much as both hands could hardly compasse . He that would read more of the Unicorn , let him read Andreas Marinus , Andreas Baccius , and Casparus Bartholinus . I for a conclusion will add somthing , omitted concerning the Mule. The common opinion is that the Mule is barren , and if they do bring forth , it is held for a monstrous thing . Yet in some Countries of Africa they are ordinarily with young and do bring them forth , Varro . It appears by the Monuments of the Athenians that one lived 80 , yeares . And they took pleasure in it , when they built a Temple in the Fort , that this old Mule would encourage their Cattel that fell down , with accompaning them , and labouring with them , wherefore they made a decree , that no men that cleansed Corne should drive the Mule from their sieves , Plin. Some write they will not kick if they drink Wine . They have an excellent smell . Hence those Mules that are out of the way will return into the way when they smell it , and they easily are infected with the contagious force of the Ayre , and fall sick of the Plague , Aldrovandus , l. 4. de Quadrup . There is something in them that is death to Mice ; for the fume of the hoofe of a Mule will drive them from the house . Columella saith , That the pain of their guts is abated by the sight of swimming Ducks . Cardinal Ponzettus bids us to inclose one that is infected with the Plague , into the belly of a Mule newly slain : and Marantha de simplicibus saith , he must be shut in so long , untill all the heat of the Mule be vanished ; and this must be done oft times . The End of the Seventh Classis . OF THE DESCRIPTION OF Naturall VVonders . The Eighth Classis . Wherein are contained the Wonders of Creatures that want blood . Plin. Histor. Natural . l. 11. c. 2. THe Nature of things , is no where more totally in any Creature , than in the smallest Creatures : And , In the contemplation of it nothing can seem superfluous . CHAP. I. Of Living Creatures without blood , in generall . TRuly the nature of bloodlesse Creatures seems to be contemptible ; and not to be compared in the least , with the shoulders of Elephants that carry Castles , or the necks of Bulls , and their fierce casting up of things into the Ayr ; nor to the Manes of Lions : yet is there no where a more remarkable piece of Nature's Workmanship ; and Nature is no where total , more than in the least Creatures . For in great bodies there was a sit place to work in , the matter being ductile ; but in these that are so small , and almost as nothing , what reason , what force , what unspeakable perfection is there ? Where hath Nature placed so many senses in the Gnat ? Where hath she set her eyes ? where her smelling ? Where hath she made that horrid and great Voyce , considering its proportion of body ? how hath she cunningly fastned the wings ? lengthned the legs ? hath disposed a hollow place instead of a belly ? and made it thirsty after blood , especially mans blood ? but by what art hath she whe●●ed the snowt of it to make it penetrate into the skin ? And since the smallnesse of it cannot be discerned , in comparison with that is very great , nature hath helped it by a twofold art , that it might be sharp to peirce , and hollow to drink with all . Plin. l. 11. c. 2. Aristotle reckons 4 , kinds of bloodlesse creatures ; The soft , the hard crusty , the shell-wearing , and the insect . The soft kinds want scales , and their skin is not rough , nor with a shell , but soft as it is in Men. They have no bones , no bowels . If there be any , they are like to fishes prickles , except only the Polypus . Plin. l. 9. c. 28. Their heads are between their legs , and their bellies , they have no tongues , nature only hath given them somthing that is fleshy , to discern the pleasure of that they eate . But they have a Brain , and they have that is proportionable to that part which is designed by nature for the principality of feeling . Also they are of both sexes . The parts of the males are all more rough , and distinguished with various lines running between , the tayl is sharper , the passage under the throat , comes from the brain to the bottom of the pipe ; and the place it is carried to , is like to the teats . It is double that is set above in the females , and reddish little bodies are joyned to it in both sexes . They refuse salt water , they can hardly endure cold , for they are naked , and fearfull because they want blood . Their eggs when they are lay'd increase as Worms do , but they must needs have their vital force from the seed of the male , as fishes have . Aristot. de generat . l. 3. c. 8. Of those that are crusty there are two kinds , for they are all either with tails or round . Their taile is evident and stretched forth : the cover of this , as it were , covers the end of their belly , and is so joyned to the lower part of their belly that it shews not at all like a taile ; Scalig. exercit . 245. Their parts are as the other parts of bloodlesse creatures . Their teeth in their mouths are long and round , covered with a double covering , Aristot. de part 4 , c. 3. between which such things are placed , as are knit between the teeth of Locusts . They want eylids , but their eyes are placed above their mouth , they are hard , and apt to move inward and outward , and obliquely . They breathe not , but casting water through a hollow pipe they are refreshed . The males have small passages for their genital parts , the females have membranous matrices cut as farr as their intestins , and in them an egge is bred . They copulate after the manner of those creatures that pisse backwards . The female brings forth a red egge covered over with a thin shelly membrane : they are otherwise called Conchylia , purple shell fish , that were of old held for great dainties , that they grew into a proverb , to be the widows delights . Nature hath so sported in the variety of them , in so many figures and colours , that it is hard to number them . Plin. l. 9. c. 33. to explain the variety of them saith thus ▪ They are of so many figures , plain , hollow , long , like the half Moon , round cut in half circles , rising in the back , smooth , rugged , dented , streaked , the top wreathed like the Murex , the borders pointed , outward , or folded inward , somtimes distinguished with little lines , hairy , curled , like doggs waved like a comb , a tyle , lattice wise , or like net work , stretched out obliquely or right forth , close thickned together , open as when men clap their hands , bended backwards like to a Horn. Moreover , in the red Sea they are of a wonderfull greatnesse , also they are found on the tops of the highest Mountains , and they somtimes lye hid in the inward parts of the earth or in stones , Goropius . Becanus in Aldrovandus saith , he hath seen some in a flint , that we use to pave the streets with , brought from Bethum : there were so many shell-fish all of stone , and shut up entire in their coverings , that you would judge that flint to have been framed with great care and art of them , joyned with some cement . In the fields about the suburbs of Paris , that are fruitfull with Corn above , there is underneath a Cave that is under great part of it , where Chariots may passe . I found there a great many shells , like Sea perwinkles , in a delicate order , both twisted and adorned with little knots , and so exact , that there was nothing wanting to their perfection but the living fish . I saw in England a stone cut out of the highest Mountains , that was like a living perch , not the least line was wanting to make it perfect . Insects have incisions either above or beneath , or else on both sides , and though it be bony or fleshy , yet they have somthing that is between both . The differences of them are many , if you note their place the quality of their body , their quantity , their food , their generation , their motion of their going . As for the place , ( we must speak somthing ) reddish hairy Worms are bred in Snow ; in the fire , Worms called Pyrausta ; in the Sea water , the insect call'd Micro-rinchotoros , or little nose , the Sea - Scotopendra , and the gnat . In fresh water there ariseth , Leeches , Scrophulae , Strumae , Cherodes ; in the earth , Worms , and Juli ; in minerals , not a few . In the stumps of Trees , Cossi , and Teredines . The Fig-Tree breeds the Worm Cerastes : if an Olive Tree be planted where an Oke is digged up , there breed Frogs , and little Worms , in the Service-Tree there are breed red hairy ones ; in the bladders of Elms , Psennes ; in Vines , those that Tully calls Butyri ; in the Spindle-Tree , or as Theophrastus calls it , Tetragonia , there is yearly bred some Catterpillers that dye so soon as the leaves are wasted . In the apple of a certain shrub call'd Coccios there breaks forth a little living creature so soon as the fruit is ripe . There are Worms found in the gnats , that tied to the neck will retain the birth , they must be taken off before delivery can be . In the leaves of Night-shade there is a Worm that is of a green and yellow colour , that hath a Horn in the forehead , as long as ones finger . In the Asphodil Worms breed , that become flies , in the fashion of flowers , for when the stalk fades and withers , they eat the cover they are in and fly out : you shall find no fewer insects observable in living creatures . Mans excrements are known sufficiently , especially when the Sun shines on the excrements of beggerly people . We know that in Aegypt Worms are presently bred in Mens legs . In a Carp the first year a black Worm is bred neer his gills . River perches breed as it were 12 pearls , so great as tares , and each of them hath in it a slender long round worm . Lastly , it is said , that in Bee-hives a worm is bred . As for the parts , Flies have open wings , Beetles have sheath wings ; some have their belly joyn'd to their mouth , and the right Intestin revolved from that . Those that leap , have either their hinder legs longer , or else they lean upon their tails bended backwards . As for their generation , some are bred from animals of the same kind ; some do generate , but not of their own kind , but only Worms , and those not from living creatures , but from putrefaction of moysture and drynesse . Amongst those that couple , the females are commonly the biggest , the males have no feminal passages ; nor do they thrust in their member into the females , but the females into them by the lower part . This I have spoken more largely of bloodlesse creatures , because I know that their external habit hath made them contemptible . Wherefore the mind of man ought to be rouzed up contemplate their worth , by the majesty of the internal nature of them , and to verse it self therein . CHAP. II. Concerning Bees . IN Lithuani● and Podolia there is an infinite company of Bees , that the hollow parts of the earth that are dry , are filled with honey : Olaus Magnus saith , That great Bears have fallen in and been drown'd . The fruitfulnesse of the fields causeth the plenty of them , the sweet smells , the abundance of flowers , the pleasant taste of them . Adde to this the mighty Woods of Pine-Trees , which are alwaies green , and keep the place warm , with high tops , and large boughs ; in Summer they shade the Bees , and in Winter they hide themselves in the coverings of the Pines , Leo. Nolan . in Problem . Solinus saith , That Scotland breeds none ; but I know that is false : for I saw some in my Host's Garden at St. Andrews ; and sometimes I have been much delighted with them . In Africa they are rare . If you ask the cause , you shall find it is the want of those things that I spake of in Sarmatia . In some parts of Egypt , if you bury a Bull to his horns , Bees in time will breed from it , from its putrefaction . If therefore you would breed Bees so , read Florentinus . He bids you , as Caesar Constantinus relates , make you a house ten cubits high , and ten cubits broad , and the other sides equal thereunto ; let there be but one place of entring , and four windows , on each side one ; drive an Ox that is fleshy and 30 moneths old into this place , he must be very fat ; cause many young men to stand round about him , and beat him sorely , and kill him with Clubs , breaking his very horns and bones ; yet they must take great heed that no blood follow . For the Bees are not bred of blood : and when they strike him first , let not them run violently upon him ; Then presently stop all passages in the Ox , with clean pure napkins , dipt in pitch , as the mouth , the nostrills , the eyes , and all parts Nature hath made for Evacuation . Then laying a great deal of Thyme under , and the Ox upon it , let them come forth of the house , and presently shut the door and the windows , and daub them with Lime , that neither Ayr nor wind may enter or come forth ; but the third week you must set the house wide open , and let in the light and the cold Ayr , unlesse it be on that side where the wind blowes very strong . For if it fall so out , you must stop that side the wind blowes strongly on , and daub it with clay . The eleventh day after , when you open it , you shall find Bees hanging abundantly in clusters together ; and of the Ox that is left you shall find nothing but his horns , his bones , and his hair . They say the Kings are bred of his brain , the common Bees of his flesh ; Also the King is bred of the spinall marrow ; but it is said , that those which breed of the brain , are the best , for strength beauty and magnitude . From hence you shall know the first change and transformation of flesh into living Creatures , and as it were a conception , and generation , thus : For , opening the place , small white creatures , like to one another , and not yet perfect , nor yet living , will appear in great numbers about the Ox , all immoveable , but augmenting by degrees . You shall see also the excrescence of their wings , yet unjoynted ; and you shall see Bees in their proper colour , gathering together and flying about the King , but with small short wings , trembling for want of using to fly , and the weaknesse of their limbs . They will come continually , flying violently against the windows , for the desire of light . But it is best to open and shut the windows every other day , as we said . For it is to be feared , that they will change the nature of Bees , or else be stifled for want of Ayr. If a wing of them , or the sting be pull'd off it can never grow again ; for because this is fastned to the Intestine , it pulls that out also , and so they die . They have a King , who is so much honoured by them , that he never goes forth , but they all attend him ; if he ●rre in flying , they are quick-sented to find him out ; and when he cannot fly , they carry him , Aristotle . They are so chaste , that they will sting those that smell of copulation , and they stall themselves in Virgins Sepulchres , Plutarch . For Augustinus , whose sirname was Gallus , saith , That at Verona they crept into the Sepulchre of two sisters that were Virgins , they were the Daughters of that famous Lawyer , Bartholomaeus Vitalis , they went in by the chinks of the wall next an Orchard , they made abundance of combs in the dead bodies of them both . The matter two years after their burial was made manifest , by the fall of thunder , without any hurt to the carcases of the Bees and combs . There were some found also in the Tomb of Hippocrates , and it is constantly avouched , that the honey of them anointed on little blisters of Childrens mouths by the Sepulchre , did miraculously cure them . The Inhabitants of the Country of Cuma do feed on them . If thou wouldst have thy beard grow quickly , anoint thy chin with the ashes of burnt Bees , and Mice dung , Aldrovandus . CHAP. III. Of Spiders . IN the new world , as Oviedus , l. 15. c. 3 , relates , there are green Spiders , and the Web is of a Golden colour , as good as silk . In Cuma they weave it so strong that it will not break , but holds like silk . In Hispaniola they are as big as hand-balls , and as hard as nuts . In Brasil there is a very great kind of them , like to a Crab , yet a fly takes him and draws him into his hold , contrary to what is used in Europe ▪ Cardan . l. 9. subtil . saith , that in the West-Indies they are as big as Sparrows . Some write they couple backwards , and do scatter eggs in their Webs , for they leap and so lay them . They are perfected in 28 , days . Scaliger , l. 1. de . causis plant . saith , that they breed of filth . When I somtime observed Spiders egs , I found them to be , many small ones , black and blew with little spots , divided and parted one from the other : they are soft , and clammy , and if by chance any be lost , the Spider diligently enquires , and she carries them back by fastning them on some thing from within , and with her beck also . I have seen also innumerable young ones come forth of one egg , so small that they could hardly be discerned ; yet so soon as they were come forth of the egg , they spun such fine Webs that nothing can be more wonderfull . Also I have observed under the belly of a Spider that was taken , a mighty heap of eggs , so small as Atoms ; they were white , and crushed with the finger , they gave a crack . They have a great faculty of feeling ; for sitting in the middle of their Web , they feel a fly that toucheth it in the most remote part . Hence Antonius Ludovicus . l. 1. Problem . s. 5. Problem 13. saith , that for that cause they lye in the middle of their Nets . And being that the lines are equall from the Centre , she sitting in the middle , and holding with her feet the beginnings of the threds she spun , she can easily know from all parts . They make very fine nets , and in them gnats and other little weak creatures are insnared . This is made from somthing they have without them , or from their hard skin , which being by degrees kembed and drawn like to a thred , they diminish , and they eat up their threds ; or else naturally they have a fruitfullnesse of drawing threds ; or else at a set time , the nature of their belly is corrupted , like an excrement . The woof is fastned within , and from that those fine lengths are drawn forth : we see the first to happen in Silk Worms , for they draw silken threds out of their own excrements , and they change their lives for a silken case , their proper substance being turn'd into a Fleece , Antonicus Ludovicus , l. 1. s. 5. problem . 52. And Franciscus Bonzella Cardinal . l. 3. c. 14. de Venenis writes , that such as are bitten by a house Spider , fall ill of a Priapisme . And Plin. l. 24. c. 9. saith that the same things happen when one is bitt by the Spider Phalangium . The nature of the poyson is said to be the cause of it . For though it penetrate easily ; yet the terrestiall part of it causeth flatulent humours , which being driven to the lower parts , cause erection . When they hurt the young Lizzards , first they wrap them in their Webs , then they bite their lips , which is a sight fit for a Theatre , when it happens , Plin. l. 11. c. 24. Also the same Authour , l. 10. c. 74 , saith , that the Spider doth ballance himself , to come down upon the head of a Serpent that lyeth under the shade of a Tree , and he so fiercely bites the Serpents brain ; that he makes him to hisse , yet he can neither break the thred that hangs from aloft , nor yet run away ; and there is no end of it , till he kill him . When houses are like to fall , the Spiders first fall down with their Webs . Plin. l. 8. c. 28. When the Rivers are like to rise , they rayse their nets higher , and because they weave not in fair weather , but in foule , many Spiders foreshew rayn , Plin. l. 11. c. 24. The Thebans , as Pausanias witnesseth , in Baeoticus , were ignorant of that ; For when the Spiders had woven white Webs about the dores of the Temple of the Goddesse Ceres , about that time that the battle was fought at Leuctra , when the Macedonians assaulted them , the Spiders spun all black Webs , which was a sign that signified somthing far different from the former . CHAP. IV. Of the Silk-Worm . ZOnoras saith , that the Italians knew not the Silk-Worm before the time of Justinian : in his dayes it was wittily found out and brought thither , Procopius . He adds , that two Monks brought Silk-Worm eggs from India to Constantinople , and putting them into dung transformed them into Worms . Now Sera whence they came , is a City in the farthest parts of Persia , wherein there is made so much Silk work , that ten thousand pounds of Silk are daily given out to work-folks . Also in Taprobana Silk is gathered from Trees without any labour , as many Navigations have discovered . Nature hath shew'd so much art in this Insect , that it is impossible to comprehend it all . Much is written , and much more may be . First , it is a Worm ; shut up in a bladder , it dies without any forme ; at length a winged butterfly comes forth of the case : wherfore a creeping Insect is changeed into a flye by a medium that is vegetable void of sense and motion , by a strange metamorphosis . The little Worm first shut out , seeks abundance of nourishment , and eating greedily what she is able , by often lifting up her head , striving as it were with a Lethargy , she sleeps at length 3 , or 2 , days , and in the mean while casting her skin , she falls to her wonted diet again , when she hath fed 4 , times , slept 4 , times , and 4 , times changed her Coat ; she will eat no more , but climbs up on high upon the branches , and twigs , having discharged her belly as it should , she begins to spin some rudiments of her Silken work upon the boughs , but in disordered turnings , then she shuts her self into a transparent case , and thrusts forth the fruit of her indefatigable labour , from the centre to the circumference , white Wooll , yellow , and green , of an ovall figure , striving as it were with her fellows , in 9 dayes she ends her task , and dyes within it . From this case laid under ground , a horned Butterfly comes forth after ten dayes , but being neither mindfull of its wings nor food , being about to repair the losse of its short life by its fruitfulnesse of young ones , put into a soft fleece for 3. dayes together , but seldom for 4. dayes , is the male coupled to the female , and dies ; and shortly after the female widow , leaving behind her about a hundred seeds like Millet seeds , she dyeth also . But because Andreas Libavius , a most deserving Physitian , hath most accurately described this from his own observation , I thought fit to joyn his historicall observation , as an Appendix to the end of this Classis , for the benefit of those that search the Secrets of Nature . CHAP. V. Of the Spanish Fly , and the Glo-worm . CAntharides are bred from a Worm in a spungy substance , especially of the sweet-brier , but most fruitfully in the Ash. If they breed in Fig-trees , it is likely that the Tree will die , Plin , l. 29. Their venom is most tart . A Physitian call'd out of Egypt , kill'd Cossinus a Roman Knight , whom Nero loved , with Cantharides in drink , when he was sick of a Tetter , which was a peculiar disease in Egypt , Plin ▪ l. 1. c. 4. The same thing happened to an Abbot from a whore , Paraeus l. 20. c. 28. A Glo-worm hath a belly with roundles , divided with many segments , in the end whereof there are two spots very light like to fire , tending toward a kind of sky-colour . Then is she most conspicuous , when her belly is pressed , and that transparent humour goes to the end of her belly , and her brest against the light shines like to fire , Aldrovand . de Insect . l. 4. c. 8. There is something spoken of this , in the Second Classis . Adrianus Junius , when he was in the Country of Bononia , drew the liquor of them upon Papers that shined like Stars : what is writ with that in the day , may be read in the night . Many have shewed the way to compound it . Baptista Porta doth it thus : We did cut their tails from their bodies , taking care that nothing should mingle with the shining parts ; we ground it on a Porphyr stone , and 15 dayes or longer we buried it in dung , in a glasse vessel , and it is best that these parts should not touch the sides , but hang in it : for these dayes being over , the glasse being put into a hot oven , or a bath of hot water ▪ and ●itted , you may by degrees receive that clear distilled liquor in a receiver underneath , and so putting it into a fine Crystall glasse , you may hang this water that causeth light in your private Chamber ; and it will so enlighten the Ayr , that you may read great letters . Albertus de sensu et sensato shews , why their light cannot be extinguished by water : For their light cannot be said to be of a coelestiall body , because a coelestiall nature comes not into composition of bodies generative and corruptible : But the determination of this question and the like , is fetched from what we determined in our second de Anima ; where we shew , That the nature of perspicuity is not proper to any Element , but it is common to many , and is participated by them per prius et posterius , which is the more pure , the farther it is from darknesse ; and this is so , by how much it is more like to the nature of superiour bodies ; and the proper act of this is light , which hath to do in that nature . Now this falls out in it , as often as the parts of it are very noble and clear : and therefore all such things do shine . Now this composition sometime is in the whole body ; sometimes not in the whole , but in some externall parts : the cause whereof is , that when such a nature is from the Elements that are light ; it proceeds more from the internall parts to the external , because such things will swim . And so it is found in the heads , and sins , and bones of some Fish , and in the shells of some eggs , because such parts are lesse rosted , and heat hath wrought in them much nature of perspicuous bodies condensed : Sometimes this heat acts in the externall parts of some things , when it exhales from them , and that which is subtile brings with it much perspicuity ; so the parts of Okes corrupted do shine . But all those things that have but a weak light , are hid when a clearer light appears . CHAP. VI. Of the Grashopper . ISidore writes , that Grashoppers breed of Cuccow-spit . Plutarch in Sympos . saith , Out of the Earth . Baldangelus saith , they breed out of the earth not tilled , that looks Eastward toward the Sun-rising ; and that white ones were dug up under Okes , but their form was , as the rest were . Aristotle l. 5. hist. c. 30. saith , they breed by copulation . Pliny sets down the manner : First , there is a Worm bred , then of that Tettigometra , or Mother of the Grashopper , the shell of it being broken , about the Solstices they fly forth alwaies in the night , being first black and hard ; but when he strives to come forth of his Tettigometra ; [ You may observe , that Grashoppers and Butterflies breed alike ; for what is in these , at first , a Caterpillar , is in them , first a little worm ; and that case , call'd Chrysalis or Aurelia , for the Catterpillar ; is call'd Tettigometra , for the Grashopper , Yet you shall know that they differ : For a rude Chrysalis is a lump wherein no parts of the body are distinguished , as we can discern ; but in the Tettigometra you may see the head , eys , feet , breast , and all the parts , except the wings ; it is whitish in colour , and sprinkled with small lines ; ] First he gets up a Tree , and sticks to some branch of the Tree ; then at the upper end where a cleft is first seen , he comes forth ; his whole body is then almost green ; shortly , his upper part enclines to Chestnut colour , and that in one day becomes of a black colour ; and because his legs and wings are weak at first , he sits upon his cast skin till be can fly . In Cephalenia there is a River where Grashoppers are on one side , but none on the other , Plin. l. 11. c. 27. And Antigonus writes , that the same thing happeneth in Dulichium , an Island of the Ionian Sea : Ambrosius Nolanus writes the same of Nola , and the hill Vesuvius . In the Country of Rhegium they are all mute . In Locris beyond the River , they sing ; in Acanthus also they are mute , Pliny l. 12. c. 27. If you ask the reason , Strabo thinks , that at Rhegium the Country is dark and shady ; at Locris the heat is great ; and therefore he thinks , that the dewy skins of their wings are not there extended ; but here he thinks they have dry , and , as it were , horny skins . But because they do that when they fly , and when they stand , which the others are thought not to do , the heat is the cause of it : For being hotter by nature , they need more cooling , and move the Ayr the stronger : The others do not need so much , either because they are but of a weak heat , they are not heard to do it , therefore it may be thought they are said not to do it , Nicolaus Leonicus . CHAP. VII . Of the Crabfish , and the Shell-fish breeding Pearls . CAmmarus , is a River-Crab ; in his head , are two little stones : In the full Moon they are seen in figure of a Globe divided into two , Agricola . It is said to eat flesh ; It will eat the Pike in a net : And Gesner writes , That in Danubius , when flesh is tyed to their ships , and hang'd down into the water , multitudes of Crabs will hang about it : Some say , that in June they will go forth to feed in the fields , catch Frogs , and feed on grasse . Fed with milk without water , he will live many dayes . Gesner kept one alive in water 13 days ; put into distilled wine , burnt , he presently growes red , and may be set on the Table alive amongst those that are boyl'd , Georg. Pictorius ▪ The Males are easily discerned from the females ; For they , where their tail is joyn'd to their body underneath , have four long rods sticking forth , but these have none : Also their tail is rounder , plainer , and thicker . Leonellus Faventinus commends the powder of their eyes drank with water of peach leaves , after opening a vein , against a bastard Pleurisie . The powder of them rubb'd on the teeth , cleanseth and whiteneth them . In India a Shell-fish that breeds Pearl is sometimes found so great , as they report , that in the Island Borneus in the Sea , there was one taken , that the meat within it weighed 47 pound ; yet methinks it is questionable . CHAP. VIII . Of the Snail . THe Snails which Dioscorides calls Garden Snails , are found in abundance in the Mountains of Trent , and they are the best . In Winter they are dug up out of the Earth , and in Gardens , with some iron hooks , near to the roots of herbs , the Earth being dug forth . They are covered with a white shell against the cold , it is like to Gip , so they lye under ground , hid , and afterwards they are more pleasant meat , Matthiolus . They have eyes in the top of their horns , and they pull them in when any thing comes near to them , and put their horns into their heads , their heads into their bodies , Albertus . They lay white eggs , as great as the Pikes eyes ; and in May they are found to sit upon them , Gesner . Albertus saith , they are bred of corruption and clammy dew , and that that dew hardneth into a shell . Porta saith the same . Phytol . l. 5. c. 4. Pliny l. 9. c. 5. saith , they are bred in Winter . Fulvius Hirpinus made Caves of them , in Tarquinis , a little before the Warr with great Pompey , &c. Pliny , l. 9. c. 56. In the Island Scyathos , the Partridges feed on them ; but those that are call'd Ariones , deceive them : For going out of their shells , they feed , leaving their empty houses to the Herns and Partridges , Aelian l. 10. c. 5. Andreas Fulnerus Gallus relates , That a Remedy is made of them to multiply hair : Take 300 Snails out of their shells , and boyl them in water , and take them out again , and gather the fat that swims a top , and put that into a glazed vessell , and pour a Sextarius of water upon it ; wherein Bay leaves have been boyled with three spoonfulls of oyl , one spoonfull of Honey , Saffron one scruple , and a little Venice Soap , and a spoonfull of common Soap moderately stirred ; boyl them altogether . With this liquor anoint your hair often , and wash it with a Lye made of the Ashes of burnt Colewort stalks , ( the place is obscure , or corrupted ) and you shall find your hair increase daily . CHAP. IX . Of the Gnat. IN Aegypt there are great store of Gnats , whence Herodotus calls it Conopaeam , and Bellonius , observat . l. 2. c. 35 , writes that he was so vexed with them the first night , that the next day he seemed to have the Measils . In divers parts of India , there are kinds of Gnats , whereof some in Summer time especially , when the fields are cleansed , do lye in the Woods , others lye about the shores . At Myon a City of Jonia , there was a creek of the Sea not very great , which , when Maeander a River of that Country running into it , that was very muddy , had stopped the mouth of it with mud , brought along with it , so that in time it made a Lake , there bred from thence such abundance of Gnats , that the people of Myon , left their City , and went to Miletus . When the Northern people would hinder their biting , they sprinkle a decoction of Wormwood or Nigella on their heads , and the rest of their body , Olaus . Yet he makes a difference in their bitings . For they that have their blood pure and not corrupted , bite them they not . They meddle not with fruit before they grow sharp by corruption , and they most delight in sowre things . Leo●h Ja●hin . But because they chiefly suck mans blood , they are called the spowts of the blood of Man. It is not proved that they will suck things that are sweet . For the sweeter part of the blood that is most pure is consumed for nourishment , and lyeth inwardly , that which is rawest comes next to the skin , whence it is that Pushes break forth of the body . CHAP. X. Of the Urchin , the Ephemera , and the Catterpillar . SEa-Hedge-hogs , so often as they are tossed with the flowing water , make themselves heavy with ballast , lest they should be tossed too much being light , or carried away with a tempest ; and so they stick fast to the Rocks . Plutarch . l. Utr. Animal . The parts of the live ones covered with their shell , and armed with their prickles , if they be broken and cast into the Sea , they will come together again , and will know the part that is next to them , and being applyed they will joyne , and unite by a natural sympathy , Aldrovandus . As for the Ephemara , the River Hypanis in Cammerius Bosphorus , under the Solstice produceth little bladders greater than grape stones , out of which flying creatures proceed with four feet . This kind of creature lives till the afternoon , the same day ; when the Sun departs it decays , and presently dies when the Sun sets , from hence it hath the name of Ephemer , or a creature that lives but one day . Aldrovand . As for Catterpillars ; Hieracles testifieth , that if Horses rowle themselves upon them , black and blew spots will arise , their skins will grow hot , their eyes will be distorted , and the cure is to bray vitriol one quarter of a pound , Vinegar half a pound . They feed on pot hearbs ; but if a rocket seed be sowed amongst them , they will not touch them . But that those hearbs may breed no noysome creatures , dry all the seeds you mean to se● , in a Tortis shell ; or sow mint in many places , especially amongst Coleworts . Prasocurides , saith Cardan , are such living Creatures that use to do hurt in Gardens ; Men say , that if you bury the panch of a Wether with the dung in it , not deep within the earth , in the place where they abound , in two days you shall find them all in heaps in that place ; in twice or thrice so doing , you may destroy them all . Paulus Aegineta writes that herb rocket annoynted with oyle , will preserve men safe from the bitings of Venemous creatures . CHAP. XI . Of the Pismire . IN the Kingdom of Senega there are white Pismires , and naturally they build low houses . For they carry earth in their mouths , and cement it without lime , you would say that they are like Ovens or little Country houses , Scaliger , exerc . 367. In the Province of Mangu , they are red , and they eat them with Pepper . Scalig. exerc . 9.6 . Amongst the Brachmans , they are 4 , fingers breadth in greatnesse ; in new Spain they are as big as Beetls . Amongst the Dardae , which is a mighty Nation in the Mountains of India , there is said to be a hill of 3000 furlongs in compasse , there are Gold Mines under it , that Ants as big as Foxes do dig into , Plin. I think , as Strabo doth , that it is a fable . In Baia Salvatoris there is an infinite company of them , they have in their mouths somthing like pinsers , and with that they so crop the Plants , that they dye with their biting of them . Aldrovand . In the same West-Indies they are called Comixen , half - Pismires , and half-Worms that creep with a white tail . They eat into the Wood , and do great harm to houses . When they creep up a wall or house , they are covered with earth , a finger thick , and they live under this , Ovied . in sum . Ind. occid . c. 52. In Brasil when they are bruised they smell like Cedar . Their head is so small that they have no eys in it , but above it there are some additionalls like two hairs coming forth . It is a sign that these are their eys because when these are cut off , they mistake their way . Albert. tract . 4. l. 6. c. 1. When this kind grows old , it comes to have wings . They breed eggs that have Worms in them , in white coverings ; these , being exposed to the Sun , breed Pismires . Alb. l. 2.6 . But in the new World it is otherwise ; for when the old one is dead , innumerable Worms breed from the body of it , and they living after a wonderfull fashion , come forth at last out of their subterraneal habitations in a wonderfull manner ; Their Ant-hills is made wonderfull artificially , no City is made more curiously . Aldrovand . Lud. describes what he saw , thus . It seemed like a City with four square sides , four foot almost in length , and above a fooot broad , and the Ants like Pismires ran up and down about their businesse in it , as if they had been Citizens , the sides and angles were drawn directly , in the length of the City there was a way in the middle , a fingers breadth and depth , this was cut crosse with 3 , other ways a fingers breadth and depth as the former , very directly . In the outmost corners of these ways , their eggs were layd together as in narrow turnings of the streets . On the other part of the City were dens fill'd with Corn , that they abounded so far as the very ways . All the paths were most clean . Lastly in the middle of the length of the City , there was one gate right against the West . CHAP. XII . Of the Horsleech , and Hippocampus . STrabo writes , That in a River of Mauritania , Horsleeches breed seven cubits great : Their throat is hollow , that they breathe through ; in all of them there is a little hole in the middle ; and from the Mouth to the Belly , there is but one continued passage . In putrid Feavers they are of great use , for being applyed to the veins of the fundament , and setting on a cupping glasse , that the orifices of the veins may appear , they help much to ease the pains of the head , and to assist concoction . Some have drunk them down in drink , saith Galen : but the smell of Wiglice will drive them forth . The Hippocampus or Sea-horse is a fish not to be eaten , of a singular form ; for it hath a head like a horse , and a snowt and a Mane ; the rest of the body is rough with grisly indentures . On the back , it hath a tail with a sin , that is four square and pliable . It is in length a span ; being taken , it shortly dyes ; and when it is fresh , it shines in the night . CHAP. XIII . Of the Locust , that is an Insect . ABout Brundusium there is an infinite company of Locusts . In the Island Lemnos , there is a certain measure set for men that shall kill them , and they must bring it to the Magistrate . In Cyrene thrice a yeer they are to be killed ; and he that refuseth , is punished for his default , Plin. Amongst the Nigretae every 3. years there are such abundance , that they shadow the skie at least 12 miles . In Hispaniola they want wings , Aloysius Cadamustus . Vincentius reports , that a woman bred up one ; when it grew up , it was found to be with young ones of it self . Anno 852 , when they wasted France 20 miles in one day , they went as it were in Troops , and pitched their Tents upon the earth . The leaders with a few more went before the whole Army a dayes journey , as if they went to take up quarters , the next day at the same hour they all arrived . They did not march till Sun-rising ; when the Sun arose , they marched by bands . In the sixth year of the Emperour Argyropolus , the Locusts did so much mischief in the Provinces of the East , that the Inhabitants were forced to sell their Children , and to passe away into Thrace . The wind afterwards cast them into Hellespont , but the next year they revived again ; and having spoyled the Provinces three years , they perished at Pergamus , Cedrenus . CHAP. XIV . Of the Sea-Hare , the Lobster , with his shell , and the Calamarie . THe Sea-Hare hath a body all white , you would think it to be a little box , or congealed flegme . It is seldom taken but in great heat of weather ; for then all things are troubled by the extream heat , even those things that lye at the bottom of the Sea. And though very few water-Creatures are found to be venomous , because they dwell in moysture , which for the general is contrary to venome ; and some creatures contain their venome in some part onely , as the Spider-fish in its prickles , the Sea-Ray in the radius , yet the Hare is poyson all over . Titus the Emperour was reported to be poyson'd with this by his Brother Domitian . For when the Oracle was consulted concerning the manner of his death ; The answer was , He should perish as Ulysses did , by the Sea. Now Ulysses was killed by the sting of the Ray. They that die by the venom of it , will be so many dayes in dying , as the Hare lived , Licinius Macer , in Pliny , l. 31. c. 2. Lobsters will not breed in the Sea Euripus , if we credit Aristotle hist. 9. c. 37. but in the Indian Sea , they are 4 cubits long , Pliny l. 9. c. 3. Concerning the Calamaries , Pliny writes out of Trebius Niger , that they fly sometimes in such multitudes , that they will drown Ships . But Albertus l. 24. de animal . saith , That in Sexus a River of Mauritania , a Calamarie is five cubits long , and near the Sea he will fly like an arrow . Rondeletius thinks , that this is nothing incredible , when as they swim many together , holding one upon the other , and therefore many are taken together . CHAP. XV. Of Pearls . PEarls are in some Shell-fish like the upper crust ; in others like to the Off-spring ; in some like hail . There are many in them , and of great weight . In a bosom of the Sea of the New World , there are some as big as a Bean ; in the Island Solon , bigger than Turtles Eggs. Martyr writes , he took an Oyster there , that the meat of it weighed above 47 pounds . The King of the Island Eubagna , had one so big as a Wallnut , it weighed 31. caracts , and it was sold for 1200 pieces of Castile . Gonzalvus Oviedus saith , that one was sold at Panama , that weighed 26 caracts , it was round , and as big as the knob of a Pillar . It is said that neere the Island Borneo , there was one as great a Goose egge ; and so round , that lay'd on a Table , it will hardly stay in one place . Peter Martyr , Decad 1. l. 8. saith , That in his presence , when he was invited to dine with the famous Duke of Medina Sidonia , at Baetica , they brought one to sell unto him , that weighed above a hundred ounces Heaps are cast up of shells in Summer , some of them have Pearls in them that are ready , others not yet perfect , out of a River that runs by the Village of Hussin in Bohemia ; These they give their bucks to devoure , then they gather up purer , being clensed in their Bellies , Gesner . Five or six are sound in one . Vesputius saith he found 130 , in some Indian Oysters . Somtimes some small ones are found behind , like to small kernells . But the question is how these are bred . Some think they are bred of the dewy ayre ; but this opinion seems to be false . For some lye in the bottom of the deepest waters , and some are black , some yellow , some green , some blew . Oviedus , hist. Ind. l. 9. c. 8. But they say that the white ones are bred of pure dew , the pale ones of that which is troubled . Androstenes in Athenaeus saith that as kernells are bred in hogs , so Pearls breed in shell-fish . Juba , as Pliny saith , subscribes to this . The Indians , that inhabit the Island Cabagna , say , they breed as eggs do in them . For the greater of them are next the orifice , and are first thrust forth , but in the more inward parts of the Matrix , the lesser Pearls lye hid . Rondeletius and Alexander Benedictus compare their originall to that of stones in some greater living creatures ; We saw , saith he , stones voided forth of ones bladder as big as a hens egge , over which a clammy matter grew by degrees covering them , like to a crust of divers colours somtimes , and they were hardned by a fiery heat , and so they are said to increase by little and little . Pearls in shell-fish are reported to grow the same way , and the Jewellers can discover by a turning instrument divers coats in them , as we see in Onions ▪ And Rondeletius saith , he thinks that Pearls grow the same manner in shell-fish , as kernells do in hogs , and the stone in the Reins and the Bladder . The yeare wee writ this , there was one died that had a Stone in his Reins , that had so many partitions as there were branches of small Veins in his Reins . The little stone with these partitions , was like the outmost knob of a round white marble , or like a great Pearl for its figure and brightnesse , I think it was compacted of a vitreous flegme . Therefore it is no wonder if in Oysters and shell-fish , when they grow old , Pearls are to be found . They may also be dissolved , the Chymists shew how . Cardanus saith , you must first wash them being entire , and strain the juyce of Lemmons twice or thrice ; then put them in , and set them in the Sun ; in five or six days they will dissolve . CHAP. XVI . Of Flyes . IN Cyrene there are found many kinds of Flyes , distinguished by their forms and colours . Some have broad foreheads , like to Weasils , others are like to Vipers . They say that in Sicilie and Italy they bite so sharply , that they will kill whom they bite . At Toledo in the shambles somtimes one Flye will appeare for a whole yeare , that is notable for its whitenesse . Rhodigin ▪ l. 17. lect . antiq . c. 11. In Hispaniola , they are green and painted , especially in the City of St. Domingo ; they are as great as Wasps , and dig the earth with their feet , to make themselves houses under ground . Strabo saith , the Spaniards have a flye peculiar to them , in great numbers , and it alwaies comes with the Plague ; that in Cantrabia the Romans appointed some , to catch these Flyes , and gave them a set reward for it , by number . In Carina a Mountain of Crete , that is 9 , miles about , there are none , Plin. l. 21. c. 14. Nor was there ever any seen at Rome in Hercules Temple , nor yet in the Island Paphos in Venus Temple , Apollonius . Lasty Emma the wife of the Duke of lower Saxony promised a fruitfull pasture ground to the Church of Breine , not far from the City , that had this praerogative , that no Flyes should molest the Cattel there , Crantzius , l. 4. Saxon. l. 29. The Hebrews , saith Tostatus , invent old wives tales concerning them , for they say that David inquired of God why he made Fools , Spiders , Flyes , with other things that seeme not only to be superfluous , but dangerous ; and God promised to make it appeare to David that these three things were profitable for some things . For foolishnesse , it was manifest ; for unlesse he himself had counterfeited the fool's part before King Achis , he had been taken captive , and perhaps perished . And the Flye was usefull , when he descended from the hill Hacbilla into Sauls camp , when all were a sleep , and took away Sauls spear ; for then he set his feet between Abner his feet who lay about Saul , and when he feared least he should be taken , if he should violently draw out his foot , God sent a Flye who bit Abners legs , and so Abner gave way , and yet did not wake Abner , so David escaped . Lastly the Spider did him good service , because she hanged her Web on the mouth of the Cave , wherein David hid himself , when Saul searched after him . To drive them away many men have invented divers means . If a peice of an Onyon be laid upon flesh , some think the Flyes will not come at it ; Miraldus cent . 7. Aphor. 72. saith , they will not come into a house , if a Wolfs head be hanged up in it . Dioscorid , l. 4. c. 3. saith that the fume of Loostrife will drive them away . Plin. l. 23. c. 8. saith that white Hellebour bruised with milk , and sprinkled , will drive them away . Those Flyes that live on the branches of Napellus , are good against any venemous bitings , if we credit Scaliger Exerc. 85. CHAP. XVII . Of the Boat-fish . BEllonius gives an exact description of the Boat-fish ; The shell of it seems to consist of 3. pieces , ( namely the Keel and the sides , and yet it is but one entire piece ) the side-pieces whereof seem to be joyn'd on both sides as to the Keel . It is commonly as great as we can clasp in both hands , and as broad as the space between the thumb and the forefinger : but they all in thicknesse do not exceed a piece of parchment , and with ridges drawn to the borders , they are plaited with indentures , ending in a round form ; The hole by which the Boat-fish is nourished , is very great at the place he comes forth of his shell ; This is very brittle , milk white , shining , polished , altogether representing the form of a round ship ; for it swims on the top of the Sea , arising from the bottom , and the shell comes the bottom upwards , that it may ascend the better , and sail with an empty Boat ; and when she is come above the water , then she turns her shell . Moreover , there is a membrane that lyes between the fore-legs of the Boat-fish , as there is between the toes of water-fowl ; but this is more thin , like a cobweb , but strong ; and by that she sails , when the wind blowes ; the many tufts she hath on both sides , she useth for rudders ; and when she is afraid , then she presently sinks her shell , full of Sea water . Farther , she hath a Parrots bill , and she goes with her tufts as the Polypus doth , and after the same manner she conceives in hollow partitions . CHAP. XVIII . Of Oysters and Muscles . THough Oysters love sweet waters , yet Pliny reports that they are found in stony places ; but Aristotle saith , that though they live in water , and cannot live without it , yet they take in no moysture nor Ayre . When in the time of the Warr with Mithridates , the earth parted at Apumaea a City of Phrygia , Rivers did suddenly appeare , and not only sweet but salt waters brake out of the bowels of the earth , ( though the Sea were farr distant ) so that they filled all that Coast with Oysters . Athen. l. 8. The Oysters are of divers colours . In Spain they are red , in Sclavonie brown , in the red Sea they are so distinguished with flaming Circles , that by mixture of divers colours it is like the Rainbow . Aelian . l. 10. c. 13. At the beginning of Summer they are great and full of milk . At Constantinople they cast this wheish matter into the water , which cleaving to stones , will beget Oysters ; Gillius writes it , and it is very probable . For , of the decoction of Mushroms powred on the ground , it is certain that Mushroms will grow , the Crabfish doth wonderfully desire the meat of them , but he comes hardly by them because they have a strong shell by nature , wherefore he useth his cunning . For when in places where the wind blows not , he sees them taking pleasure in the Sun , and to open their shells against the Suns beams , he privately casts in a stone , that they cannot shut again , and so he conquers them . CHAP. XIX . Of the Butterflye , and the Polypus . THe Butterflies couple after August , & the male dying after copulation , the female lays egs , and dieth also . How they are preserved in winter , is hardly discovered by any man , except by Aldrovandus de Insectis . But he enquired of Country people , and they hold him , that the leaves were great with the Butterflies seed ; at what time they plowed the ground , they were hid in the bowells of it , and fostered by its heat , yet he thinks that they only are preserved , that lye hid in the hollow barks of Trees , but what lyes on leaves is quickned the same yeare . And Aldrovandus adds , I saw eggs layd under the leaves of Chamaeficus out of which about the end of August , little Catterpillars naturally came forth . They were wrapped in a thin down , that the ayre might not hurt them , and these little Catterpillars falling did not fall to the ground , but hung by a small thred like Spiders in the Ayre . When they lay under leaves , they fold them so that the rain cannot hurt them , and lay them up as under a penthouse . I twice observed one Catterpillar , that I took amongst the Coleworts , first to lay yellow eggs , wrapt up also in fine down , and when they were laid she turned into a Chrysalis , of the same colours that she was , that is , yellow , green , and black : and that which seemed strange to me , out of those eggs , little flying creatures came forth , that I could hardly see them , such as are wont to be found in the bladders of Elms : when they are in great abundance they shew contagion of the Ayre . Anno 1562 , they flew at Bannais neere the waters , in such multitudes , that they darkned the course of the River , especially after Sun set ; then coming hither about night , they wandred through the Villages as in Battel aray , little differing from Moths . Cornelius Gemma testifieth that that was a tempestuous yeare . The Polypus in time grows so great , that it is taken for a kind of Whale . In the bowells of them , there is a strange thing like a Turbane , that you would say it had the nature of the Heart , or of the Liver , but it suddenly dissolves and runs away . They exceedingly love the Olive-Tree . For if a bough on which Olives hang , be let down into the Sea and held there , you may catch abundance of them , hanging about the bough . Somtimes they are taken sticking to Figg-Trees growing by the Seaside , and they eat the fruit of them . They also delight wonderfully in Locusts , of which you shall find a cleare Testimony in Petrus Berchorius . I have heard , saith he , that some Fishermen in the Sea of Province , had set Locusts on the shore to boyle over burning coles , and a Polypus smelling the Locust , came forth of the Sea , and coming to the fire would with his foot have taken a Locust forth , but he feared the heat of the fire , and so went back to the Sea , and fil●'d a coat which he had on his head , like a Friers cowle , with water , and went and came so often with it , and cast it on the fire , that he put the fire out ; and so taking the Locust , he had carryed it to the Sea , unlesse one of the Fishermen that saw him , had caught him , and broyl'd him to eat , instead of the Locust . CHAP. XX. Of a Lowse , and a Flea . SOme think , that Lice are bred of flesh ; others , of blood ; but both opinions are false : For first they breed in the skin of the head , and we know they abound in the second and third kind of hectick feavers ; when as , there , is little flesh ; and , here , they are almost consumed . Again in putrid Feavers they breed not ; and things bred do confirm their principles . Their colour shews they proceed not from blood . Wherefore some think they breed from putrid matter that is cold and moyst , which abounds in the skin , in places where they cannot be blown away . Experience teacheth , that they will leave those that are dead , either because the blood is cold in the body when the heat is gone ; or because the dead body is cold , and they fly from the cold , Nolanus Problem . 225. They that eat figs often are thought to be troubled with them . Nolanus makes the juice of them to be the cause . For , this increasing in the veins heats the blood , and makes it moyst and frothy ; which because it naturally tends to the skin , and retain'd under that it putrefies , it turns to lice . Truly they , that feed on figs , have little knots and warts on their skins . A Flea is a small Creature ; yet Africanus a cunning Artificer , tied one with a gold chain , and it leaped , Scaliger Exerc. 59 , and 326. He most commonly bites under the groins : The tumour begins to grow the fourth day ; when it comes to its full growth , it s bigger than a Pease , and it is full of Nits ; They are killed with the root of wild Buglosse : also with Sage bruised , and mingled with oyl and vinegar ; anoint with this against them . The best remedy is Silk-yarn put into the bed , for they will gather together in it . Franciscus Georgius Venetus , of Minoritum , saith , they will trouble one more in linnen than in woollen . He gives his reason , because they both proceed from the same Northern Fountain ; for they are both in Aries and March bred . But Aldrovandus thinks it comes to passe , because linnen is more near to the body than woollen . Wherefore you shall find them hungry in your shirts and sheets ; but in your breeches full , where they lay their eggs . CHAP. XXI . Of the Beetle and the Cuttle . IN Chalcida of Thracia , which is next to Olynthus , there is a pretty large ground , called Cantharoletron . When any living Creature comes thither , it abhors it , and departs , yet safely ; onely the Beetle , but going about it , dyeth for hunger , Arist. in admirand . The female Beetle is never bred ; but the male , when he hath made a round ball of Ox dung , rolls it with his face backwards , & begets her by sending in his seed , Clem. Alex. l. 5. strom . Yet Aldrovandus saith , That Crabs are begotten by Copulation : for he found , that in May , in two hours space , the female produced above 40 little white worms , like to Weevells . They were small Caterpillars coming forth like Silk-worms , which in five hours began to weave balls of very fine thred white , as big as Pompions seed without the hull , l. 4. de Insectis . Ruellius saith , That the New Moon is known by their breeding , l. 2. de stirp . c. 150. For ( saith he ) they roll little balls of Ox dung from East to West , and make them as round as a Globe , which they bury in a hole in the ground 28 dayes , and conceal it so long , till the Moon runs through the Zodiack , and returns to its Conjunction and disappears ; then opening the ball that shews the conjunction of the Lights , they let forth the young one , nor hath it any other way of breeding . Cut into two , they will live ; but the smell of Roses kills them . The Cuttles lay eggs like to black Myrtil berries . They stick together like a bunch of grapes , and cannot be separated : For the male casts some humour upon them , the clamminesse whereof holds them together . They breed all the year , and they continue 15 days to lay eggs , Aristot. histor . 5. c. 12. When she knows that cunning Fishers fish for her , she casts forth her ink , and being environed with that , the Fishers cannot see her : she hunts small fish with her promuscides : Whence Oppianus writes ; The cunning Cuttle when she hunts her prey , With slender branches from her soft head springing , Like to fine cords , small Fish without delay She takes , they hold like hooks , when as they clinging , Lye on the sand , she with her tail makes way . Anaxilaus in Pliny saith , That the ink of her is so strong , that burnt in a lamp , it will make those that stand by , look like blackamores , the first light being taken away . CHAP. XXII . Of the Scorpion . CEdrenus saith , that in the desarts of the Brachmans there are Scorpions of two cubits . In the place where the Turks sell Christians , Nicolaus à Nicolais , saw some that were yellow , as long as a mans finger . In Aegypt they have wings , and two stings . Aelian . l. 16. c. 42. In Scythia , if they sting Man or Beast they kill them . Also hogs , though they feel not other venemous bitings , yet dye of these , chiefly if they be black ; yet each of them dies suddenly , if he come at the water . Aristot. l. 8. c. 29. In the antient habitations of the Scaligers , that are in the coasts of the Alps by Noricum ; they are all the Country over , without doing hurt ; and they are in such multitudes that you can remove no stone , but you shall find one under it . Scalig. Exerc. 189. In barks of Trees also , they breed without a tayle . They will turn themselves so fast in a circle , as if they were moved with a paire of Compasses . Exerc. 196. In the Country that lyes next to those that feed on Locusts , such abundance of them bred once of immoderate rayn , that the inhabitants were so stung they were forced to leave their Country ; Diodor. Sicul. l. 3. c. 3. Some say that Scorpions devoure their young ones , leaving only one that is most subtile , Pliny , This sits fast within the thighs of its dam , and is free from the biting and tail of it , and this revengeth the death of the rest . Pliny . l. 11. c. 25. Aristotle thinks the contrary , l. 5. c. 26. His sting is most dangerous in a dry Country , and when the Dogg-Starr is up . First the place begins to be inflamed , waxing hard and very red . Somtimes it is very hot , somtimes very cold , sweat follows , shaking and trembling , the outward parts are cold , the groins swell , they break wind backwards , the hairs stand an end , the limbs are pale , Cardan . l. 1. de . venen . c. 23. Many remedies are invented ; Those that live in Africa going to sleep , annoynt their beds , and their feet with Garlick . Strabo , and Alexandrinus , saith Jovianus Pontanus doth testify , that one was cured presently by drinking beaten Frankinsence , wherein the picture of the Scorpion was engraven . Also its sting loseth the force , if it touch Bezar Stone . Jacob Hollerius , l. 1. c. 1. de morbis internis , writes , that by the frequent smelling of an herb of Brasil , an Italian had a Scorpion that bred in his brain : and Albertus saith that Avicenna had a friend that could of rotten wood make Scorpions when he pleased ; and he adds , that from them others did breed . CHAP. XXIII . Of Worms in Wood , and the Tarantula . THe Teredo grows in Wood , and there especially he feeds . And though they are bred in many Trees , except the Oke and the Tyle-Tree , yet there are other Trees that they breed not in . For Theophrastus and Pliny write , that the Firr-Tree , the bark being taken off of the branches , will remaine in water without any hurt , That was apparent , saith Theophrastus in Phneum of Arcadia , where the ground was narrow into a Lake , there were bridges made with firr ; when the water swelled higher , there were other planks laid one upon another : at last all that stopped being thrust forth , the whole frame was borne away , and was found uncorrupted , so that this was found out by chance . Vincentius ex authore libri de Natura rerum , sets it down for a miracle , that Box and white Thorn which are the hardest Wood will breed Worms : But the nut of Aeubaea will never putrefie . Lastly in Tylus an Island of Arabia , there is Wood that will never corrupt in the water : for it hath been observed to have lasted 200 , yeares in the water uncorrupted . The Phrygians , if we will credit Rhodiginus , made their dainties of white fat Worms with black heads , that bred from rotten Wood , called Xylophagi . Aelian . writes that the King of the Indies used for his second course , a certain Worm breeding in Plants , and it was broiled at the fire . Lastly in an Island call'd Talacha , there are Worms like to those , that breed in rotten Wood , and are the chiefest dish of the Table , Johannes Mandevil . Tarantulae are a kind of Spiders from the City Tarentum . They are harmlesse to look upon , but when they bite they cause divers symptoms ; For those that are stung with the Tarantula , some alwaies sing , some laugh , some cry , some cry out : for being infected with black Choler , according as their temper is , they have all these symptoms . CHAP. XXIV . Of Worms . Article 1. Of Worms in Brute Beasts . ROttennesse is the mother of Worms , which whence it proceeds , is known by the generall principles of naturall Philosophy . Therefore because in Guiney there are great putrefactions , by the continual distemper of the Ayr , there are found abundance of worms . Hence it appears , that a hot and moyst distemper is fit to breed them ; that in Summer Moneths , and when the blasts are warm , Gardens commonly abound with Snails , and flesh with Worms : They are found in Cattel , Plants , and in men . Anno 1562 , There was a cruel murrain for Cattle , worms breeding about the region of their Liver , Cornelius Gemma . A worm sticks to the forked hoofs of sheep and Rams , which unlesse it be taken out when you eat the meat , it causeth loathing and pain of the stomach . The Mullet fish breeds but onely thrice in its life-time , and is barren all the rest of the time . For in the matrix of it little Worms breed , that devour the seed . In others , some small ones breed , that hinder procreation . Artic. 2. Of Worms in Men. WOrms are found in Men. For sometimes the active cause is sufficient , and there is matter enough in their bodies ; and many examples are found every where in Authors , that confirm this . Anno 1549 , There were many men about the River Thaysa , in whose bodies there were found Creatures call'd Lutrae , and Lizzards . Wierus saw a Country man that voided a Worm 8 foot long , it had a mouth and head like to a Duck , l. 3. c. 15. de praestig . Daemon . A Maid at Lovain ( saith Cornelius Gemma ) voided many prodigious creatures , amongst the rest a living creature a foot and half long , thicker than a mans thumb , like to an Eagle , but that the tail of it was hairy . A Maid ( saith Dodonaeus ) cast forth some like to Caterpillars , with many feet , and they were alive . Hollerius l. 1. saith , he saw a Worm that bred in a mans brain . Beniventus c. 100 , exemp . medic . writes , That he had a friend that was troubled with great pain in his head , raving , darknesse of sight , and other ill symptomes ; at last he cast forth a Worm out of his right nostrill , longer than his hand ; when that was gone , all the pain presently ceased . Theophrast . hist. Plant. l. 9. c. ult . writes thus of Worms in the belly ; Some people have belly worms naturally ; for the Egyptians , Arabians , Armenians , Syrians , Cilicians , are in part troubled with them , but the Thracians and Phrygians have none . Amongst the Greeks , we know that the Thebans , that use to live in Schools , and also the Baeotians have a worm bred in them ; but the Athenians have none . A woman in Sclavonia cast out a very strange worm , described by Amat . Lusitan . curat . medic . Cent. 6.74 . It was four cubits long , but not broad , half so broad as ones nail , of a white colour , of the substance of the guts , having something like an Adders skin : The Head was warty , and white , out of which the body grew broad , and grew still narrower toward the tail . This Worm was but one body with many divisions ; the parts of this broad Worm were like to Gourd seeds , that had nothing contain'd in them by reason of the compression of its broad body . Artic. 3. Of Worms in Plants . ALl Plants , herbs , shrubs and Trees have their worms : a worm in the root is deadly . For let the Tree be what it will , and flourish , yet this will make it wither , saith Aldrovandus l. 6. de Insect . c. 4. And there are sure witnesses , that in the roots of Okes such venomous Worms will breed , that if you should but tread on them with the sole of your foot , it would fetch off the skin . There are small white ones found in the sponge of the sweet bryer , which is outwardly soft and hairy , but inwardly so hard and so solid a substance , that a sharp instrument will hardly peirce it . In the white Daffodill , some are bred , which are changed into another flying and beautifull creature , which when the herb begins to flourish , presently eats through the cover , and flyes away . Pliny , l. 20. c. 6. writes , that some think that Basil chewed and laid in the Sun will breed Worms . If you bruise the green shells of Wallnuts , and put them into the water , and then sprinkle them with earth , Worms will breed in abundance , that are good for Fishers , Carol. Stephan , Agricultur , l. 3. c. 34. But Theophrastus 5 , de caus . Plant. saith , that a Worm beed in one Tree , and put into another , will not live . Joachimus Fortius reports that he saw some who affirmed that from a hazel nut that had a Worm in it , there grew a Serpent for magnitude and forme . For the nut being opened so farr as the Worm , and the Worm not being hurt , they put the nut into milk , and set the vessel of milk in the Sun , yet so that the Worm was not beaten upon by the Sun ; wherefore , on that side the Sun shined , they covered the Vessel , and so nourished the Worm many days . Afterward adding more Milk , they set it to the Sun again . The milk must be sheeps milk . Also they report , that a Worm is found in the leaves of Rue , nourished the same way , that lived 20 , days . Theophrastus writes of the cause of them , plainly and fully . His words are these . Ill diseases happen to all seeds , from nutriment and distemper of the Ayre , namely when too much or too little nourishment is afforded , or the Ayre is immoderately moyst or dry , or else when it doth not rayne seasonably . For so Worms breed in chiches , vetches , and pease ; and in rocket-seeds , when as hot weather falls upon them before they be dried ; but in Chiches , when the salt is taken from them , and they become sweet . For nature doth every where breed a living creature , if there be heat and moysture in due proportion . For matter comes from moysture for the heat to work on , and concoct ; as we see it happens in Wheat . Worms will breed in the root of it , when , after seed time , Southern winds blow often . Then the root growing moyst , and the Ayre being hot , the heat corrupting the root , ingendreth Worms . And the Worms bred , eat the roots , continually . For nature hath appointed that everything shall feed where it is bred . Another kind of Worm is bred within , when the moysture cannot come forth , shut in by the drinesse of the Ayre about it , then the heat contracts it , when the corruption is made . Then also food is administred to it , from the same thing . The same thing seems to happen to Apples and Trees that are Worm-eaten from drought . For the little moysture that remains in the Tree , causeth corruption , whence the Worm proceeds ; but when there is plenty of nutriment it is otherwise , for then the juyce is sent forth to the upper parts , for it conquers by its quantity , and cannot corrupt . Next to this is that which happens to Vines , for in these especially when the South wind blows , Worms breed , that are called Ipes , that is when they are very moyst , and the Ayre causeth fruitfullnesse , then do they presently gnaw the matter that is of the same nature with them . Also Carpae breed in Olive Trees the same way , and such as breed in other things , both when they bud , and when they flowre , or after that the flowers be over . For the● all proceed from the same cause . But this chiefly happens to Vines because 〈…〉 are moyst by nature , and their moysture is without tast and watery . 〈…〉 a moysture , may be easily affected . Somtimes Ipes cannot be bred , because the ayre it pleasant and not too moyst . Artic. 4. Of the Indian Worm , and the March Worm . IN Ganges it is miraculous , they report there are blew Worms with two legs , that are 60 cubits long , and they say they are so strong , that when Elephants come to drink they will catch hold of them , by their trunk and carry them away . Aelian speaks of an Indian Worm of seven cubits long , and so thick that a Child of ten yeares old can hardly fathom it . It hath one tooth in the upper part of the mouth , and one below ; both are four square , and almost a cubit long , and so strong , that what living creature it lays hold of with them , it will easily crush them . Somtimes it lyes hid in the bottom of a River ; in the mud it delights in . At night it comes on land , and catcheth whatsoever comes in the way . The skin of it is 2 , fingers thick . The way to catch it is this , they fasten a strong hook to an iron chain , joyning also to it a rope of white broad flax , and they wrap both the hook and rope in wool , that the Worm may not bite them off . Then they put a Lamb or a Kid for a bait upon the hook , and so let it down into the River . Thirty men stand ready with Darts , Leashes , and drawn Swords , and strong pikes well pointed at the ends , if they should have cause to strike . When he is caught with the hook , they draw him forth and kill him . They hang him up against the Sun 30 dayes , and thick oyl distills from it into earthen pots ; every worm will yield 5. Sextarii of oyl , the rest of the body is good for nothing . The vertue of this oyl is such , that without any fire , a measure of this poured on , will fire any stack of wood , Aelian . It is said , that the King of Persia took Cities from his Enemies with this oyl ; It cannot be put out but with abundance of thick clay . The moneth of March in Germany is wonderfull , that breeds young creatures in stinking filthy waters , that are like to guts , and feed only on sand . If any man go into that water barefoot , where this creature swims on the top of the water , he shall have a circle on his legs , as high as the water came , Card. l. 7. de var. c. 37. CHAP. XXV . Of Wasps . WAsps then breed most , when Wolves kill Horses or Oxen. Sometimes they are found in a Stags head , sometimes in his nostrills . One brought one of these formed Wasps houses that was wonderfully made , to Pierius Valerianus , at Bellunum , from some Wood in a desart : Which he describes thus : There were 7. Concamerations or rounds , one above another , set at two fingers distance , distinguished by little Pillars between , that every one might have space enough to go and come to his house . The diameter of the rounds unto the fifth , was about 12 digits ; the others from the fifth , were made narrower , by little and little , so that the last was 5. or 6. digits . The first round , that is , the first Chamber , was hanged to a bough of an old Tree , fenced and guarded with a crust against all injuries of wind and weather ; Beneath there were six angled Cells very close together , so that the other Chambers were all overcast with the same crust , and made with the like Cells ; and all were held up with their pillars . All these Creatures flew out of the upper stations , and an innumerable multitude filled the middle Concamerations , a thin skin being drawn for a cover upon the hole of every one of them ; when I had taken some of them away , I saw the Wasps with their heads downwards , that filled all those houses . But those that were in the lowest rooms seemed like to Embryo's of like imperfect Worms ; they were also fenced with the same covering , but very thin , as snails in Winter , kept for a milder time in the Spring . But these all died there , by the extream cold Winter , yet none corrupted ; and after so many years they keep the same form and posture . They are most lively ; for , part their belly from their breast , and they will live long , and will sometimes prick one that toucheth their sting , an hour after . Aristotle saith , That if you take a Wasp by the legs , and make him to hum , ( not those that have a sting , but those that want one ) the rest will fly to help them . If they appear before the end of October , they foreshew a hard VVinter . If they go in heaps under ground before the 7. Stars rise in the Evening , they signifie the same . A swarm of Wasps is naturally an ill omen . So Livy thought , when at Capua , a great swarm of them flew into the Market place , and settled in Mars his Temple . They were collected carefully , and burnt in the fire . The Decemviri were commanded to their books , and the Nine-daies sacrifice was appointed , supplications were made , and the City was purged . If any one touch the skin of a man with the distilled water of the decoction of Hornets or VVasps , the place will so swell , that it will cause men to suspect poyson , or a Dropsie , or some great sicknesse ; The remedy is Theriac drank or smeered on it , Mi●aldus Memor . Cent. 7. &c. The End of the Eighth Classis . AN APPENDIX TO The Eighth Classis : Wherein there is contained the Observation of Andreas Libavius , a most famous Physitian , concerning Silk-worms , a singular History , Anno 1599 , at Rotenburgh . SInce it is hard to explain the opinions and experiments of all Authors exactly , and what they observed in divers places and ●imes , to make a history thereof , and to condemn or allow , for this or that mans relation , what every man hath found to be true by his own use and observation : Perhaps it may so fall out , that neither Pliny , nor Pausanias , nor others , who seem to comment otherwise than we have found it , ought to be condemned ; I will adde a special History of Silk-worms bred up at hand , which in the year of Mans Redemption , 1599 , at Rotenburg at Tubaris , I , by diligent care and attention looking into their works and natures , set it down into a Calender . If any thing differing from this , hath been observed in Greece , India , Italy , or elsewhere in other Times , Government and Education , Custom , and the like : though Nature be said to act alwayes the same way , and to vary onely by accidents ; yet what they observed will help , that by many mens observation , the history of Nature may be augmented and perfected . The Silk-worms eggs that were laid in a clean paper the year before , and which in Winter I kept in a warm Chamber , I exposed them to the Sun , shining through the windows , on the 25 day of April . Those which were lead-coloured or black , they did not all in one day become Caterpillars , yet they all were changed before the end of that moneth , the worms creeping forth especially in the morning , as every one was grown to perfection , leaving an empty shell , or covering of a white colour , the egge being eaten on the side , in which place the ends were blackish , by reason of the biting . The purple or Citron coloured , or clear , or distinguished with a black point , brought forth nothing ; either because they were not touched with male seed , or the principle was suffocated in them . These small Catterpillars within the egge obtain their form , and lye wrapt into a Circle ; whence the shell being eaten , they first put forth a black shining head ; then by degrees , they creep forth , with their little mouthes , and little feet , by their striving . Then I observed little threds hanging from their mouths , and they were so small , that they could not be seen , unlesse it were against the light : by these they ballance themselves , and hang from the leaves ; or wheresoever they fell from higher places , they creep up by them again ; or wheresoever they were hanged , to try what they would do , they involve themselves with manifold turnings , and so mount upward , like ordinary Catterpillars that eat leaves and boughes . There is a black little worm and hairy , with a white circle near the breast and head , and with another where the belly joyns to the little breast , and yet by reason of the hairinesse , it is not very plain to be seen at the first . At the end of the back , where the belly ends , a little grisle comes forth ; and as for the rest of its form , it is the same with the Silk-worms , but that the hairinesse and blacknesse , by some changes in the skin , passe into smoothnesse that shines , and is white ; and of a small creature , a worm is made as long as the middle finger of an ordinary man , with the 3. joynts , as thick almost as the little finger ; yet they are not all of one bignesse . You shall find some Caterpillars with a three-fold spur in their tails , or a double one ; so that the greater of them riseth from the last circle of the back , the lesser ones rise presently from the coat of the tail that is under it . I saw one great one that was on both sides fenced with two lesser ones , in the place whereof there are sometimes onely two points that stick forth . Catterpillars go as Silk-worms do : For they stick the props of their tails into the ground , and then by degrees they go on by circular motion . First drawing up those parts between their tails and their hinderfeet : then fastning these upon the distance between their breast and their feet , untill they come unto their breast and former feet ; which being fastned , they lift up their tails again , and underprop their steps . For animal motion is made , when some part stands and underprops the rest . So soon as they were bred , I gave them the tender leaves of Mulberries , I put them upon the leaves with a thin knife ; or I let them creep upon them of themselves , and I put them together into a woodden box ; They set upon the sides and smooth parts of the leaves , above and beneath . For the appendixes of their noses do not hinder them . So I fed them from the end of April , or thereabouts , untill the eighth day of May , whereon I found they cast their first skin , which was a little black shining mouth , with a slender black skin . They are wont a little before , to pause on it , and to sleep ; it is a renewing sleep , if it be a sleep properly . So soon as their old skin is cast , they appear greater presently , smoother , and of a more shining black , for the horny covering of the head that growes under the old , is greater in proportion . When the skin is off , the rest of the body swells , as if the narrownesse of the skin hindred it to grow so great before . The same covering or skull of the head , when it is new , is white ; but when it is confirmed , it grows black again , untill there be many changes . But as , before they put off their skin , they abstain from food , so a little after they seem to grow sluggish . For their mouthes are too tender to feed on leaves . Whilest they run over the leaves , oft-times one goes over another , and they willingly endure it , if they be not hurt too much . For then lifting up their little breast , they will shake their heads , moving them here and there , and the Silk-worms do the same . Food is given them once and again , and the multitude of them remains in a narrow place . When they have eat enough , they grow sleepy . Then you shall see them like Statues , or such as are taken with a Catoche , lifting up their mouths and breasts growing stiff upon the leaves . But if you cast in new food , they wake presently and feed again . They seem to perceive the new leaves by smelling them . For before they touch them , they will raise their bodies toward them . Yet you may suppose that is done by some alteration in the feeling quality . The excrement of their belly is then small and black like to Gun-powder . The 16 day of May some of them cast their skins the second time , some slept , and the dayes following cast off their skins . They break near the head , and they stick to the leaves , the Caterpillars coming forth by circles moved in order . The little mouth also doth not fall away presently , but hangs for a time about the new mouth . Then the black colour changeth into grey , and the Caterpillars grow greater ; but the breast is white , and so full of juice , that it is almost transparent . But because they do not all change their skins in one day , if you please you may part the one that doth , from the other that doth not . But I left them together , and onely gave the new ones new food , the rest yet sleeping in their old clothes , and waiting for their change . For you cannot then cleanse their stall , but you must defer it till they awake , and can be invited to new leaves . The third change began the 22 of May , when many of them slept , some of them put off their coats . It was no longer so black , but it was white , with the little mouth ; and the worms came forth whiter , leaving their old skin : they were more rugged that did not stick to the leaves by threds ; and those lesse , that did . For these skins were long and triangular hanging so high . Downward they rise sharp in the middle , which , I conceive , happeneth , by the top of the tail drawn thither , and lifting up the skin . The last extremity of this cast skin is like to a fishes forked tail . The Caterpillars once more freed , fed till the 25 day , and then I observed them to sleep a renewing sleep , and some new ones of them the same day . More slept on the 26 day , some on the 27 ; very few on the 28 and 29th dayes , that now the difference was greater . But those that slept on the 27th day , were changed the next day , and fed again after a little pause . With this fourth change of Catterpillars were made Silk Worms , smooth and white , yet with lead colour'd spots , and a mouth like a white horn . This is the first moneth of their life , and their first age . But since in the third and fourth change of their skin , all things are more easily observed , and known , I shall somthing more accurately describe them . Catterpillars neer their third and fourth change , have their skins somthing more ill favoured , and stiffer than for the breeding of a Worm . Wherefore a soft skin comes up underneath , and the other falls off by degrees : and because they stick with some nervous bands on both sides , wherein there are some prints of spots , and these are not easily broken , they strive more to cast them off , and therefore sleep two days almost , when therefore they come forth , their old horny mouth is parted from the new that comes up under it . The Worm it self , when the cast skin sticks to the leaves , pulls up his feet and little legs , somtimes pulling them up , somtimes slackning them again , untill she hath pull'd them out of their old covers . In the mean time the skin on their sides is wrinkled , the skaly divided body being contracted into it self , and extended again . So the old skin is loosned from the whole body . By and by the Worm goes foward , and draws the bands on the sides by degrees , the skales being thrust forward orderly , and then drawn in again , that at first you would doubt whether the Worm would come forth before or behind . But this way are the bands broken . First you shall observe it to move forward neere the brest , for there the points depart , and you shall see two in the cast skin , two in the worm . Moreover whilst the skales are drawn , a violet colour'd line as it were is in both sides of the cast skin , both by reason of the points and of the bands applied to both sides . In the mean while the tayle is wrinkled , the feet are freed , and a new worm creeps forth in half a quarter of an hour , that hath an old mouth joyn'd to its mouth , as a Mule with a headstal , you shall see also a white string that it draws at the end of the tail , wherby the skin stuck to the back of it : when they are fast they strive but easily , but when they are loose , they turn themselvs strangely on their backs , sides , bellies , till they can get loose . Some of their skins cast , are round ; some long . If you take it by both ends , you may draw it out to its full length , with the points of all the feet and skales , for nothing is wanting but the little mouth . The fourth skin in this change is far whiter then the third , as also the covering of the head . These Worms are now Silk-worms , if you take good care to feed them , and govern them rightly ; They are fat and white , but some more than others , for some seem yellowish , some almost lead-coloured . The feet and mouth at first are soft , wherefore they stay a while from touching or feeding on leavs . They stick fast to them , and by help of their tails , they can draw themselvs in and out . The hinder feet are thicker and blunter , as it were with 3 , joynts , and in the middle a black spot , which I think to be the instrument they hold by , because she can at pleasure pull it in and out , as Cats do their claws . The forefeet do not only serve to go with , but to lay hold on leavs to help their body in passing , to draw the threds , and for other uses . The parts from head to tail in length , on the back are the head , the bunch or wrinkled swelling of the brest , eight semicircular scales , and a three forked taile . The swelling of the brest neere the head is white in some , in some it is distinguished with two black and blew spots , which are divided with a yellow line , and in severall ones it is severally made . For in some the colour is more remisse and watry , and not so visible , in others it is more deep . But where that bunch riseth up , there are seen 4 , knots , and the skin that is by them is wrinkled . The half Circles follow . They are joyn'd with a very thin membrane , as it were by a green line from blew . But the skales are white though in some of them there is somthing of a lead colour that shines under , and when the Silk-worms are ready for their Silkwork , they become of a spiceous colour , and all of them are marked with one spot on each side , with a little circle about it . I said there were bands , which appeare also in the Aurelia . Lastly the eighth scale is either distinguished by two black and blew spots , or moonlike semicircles , which two half Moons one respecting the other with their horns are there inscribed . But they are not equall in all , for somtimes they are more conspicuous , somtimes more fading , fine , thin , lead colour'd , white . Hence there are two small Circles , and that which follows these , hath two knots , untill that which is next the rump , and raiseth the tip or point ; In the great ones there are observed bunchings forth in all the skales , but they are more eminent in the third skale . The skull is horny , but it is divided as it were into 3. parts , the right and left , which you would take to be marks of the eyes , and then the setting together of the mouth , which are again distinguished into the appendices and the jaws , wherein stand the saw-like teeth , The throat runs through all the length of the back , as farr as the props of the taile , upon which in the last skale is the end of the Belly . Also there are to be seen in the back , as far as the Plectrum of the tayle , some nervs moveable with a continuall pulsation , as the heart and arteries use to move , and these nervs are yellow from white , and when they are drawn asunder , they discover a green throat or intestine . They stick to the plectrum , as if there were some passage for breathing , though they do not breathe . But it is no doubt but there is the Seat of life , though I discovered in the young ones a kind of red part , as I shall shew underneath , beating by it self alone like the heart , when that plectrum is cut , a moyst yellowish liquour comes forth , and the Worms themselves do not dye , but they stirr the more violently , and roule and turn themselves that you will judge that they are in great pain , the nervous principle being hurt . The dung of them represents their meat , for it is dry with six corners long , as it were set with eyes , whence one may collect the disposition of the gut or belly . They are green from their food , but because they are hard , and without moysture , they seem black , as those that are more moyst seem more green . Here if you mark you may distinguish the males from the females . For the females here , as the Philosopher writes of other females are greater , fatter , moyster , softer , whiter than the males , which are more rude , more spotted with wan spots , and more slender . If you handle them you shall find them all to be cold . They use oft to rayse themselves on their hinder feet , and to stand so like statues . When they will feed they fasten on the sides and swelling veins of leaves , contrary to Catterpillars . I believe the appendixes of their mouths hinder them , yet they afford some help for their former feet to hold their meat with . They eat the leaves round , that they leave a round pit . When they are full they go aside , and they rest many together on a heap ; I think they are delighted with mutuall heat ; you may discern those that sleep , from those that cast their skin , by observing the pulsation in their back . For the motion in those that sleep is equall to those that wake ; but when they cast their skins , it is slower and lesse , that you would then think they were sick . Also those that sleep have but one mouth ; but such as cast their skins , shew a little mouth besides . But this is not in Silk-worms , but whilst they are yet Catterpillars . Some of them being four times renewed , have a filthy dark head , and yet they feed on . Some do not increase much , but continue small . We said before , that from May 25 , to May 29 , the fourth change is made in divers of them . From this time to June , the 7th , and 8th , 9 , 10 , 11th , they feed greedily , and grow fat and great ; and I was forced three times a day , and about the last days , four times a day to give them meat , or oftner . For when they are almost ripe for Silk work , they eat more greedily , going with great courage to the leaves and biting off the nervs . You shall note that about 13 days passe between their fourth change , and their abstinence from meat , and provision to make their Silk . For the times answer one the other , from the 25 , of May to the 7 , of June , from 26 , to 8 , from 27 , to 9 , from 28 , to 10 , from 29 , to 11 , wherein I included the last , except one small male , that fed longer . About the last days , many begin to grow of a spiceous colour , which begins to appeare more evidently on the hinder part , and from thence to enlarge and go forward to the bunch of the breast , though others are more , and almost all yellow ; some remaine white with blew mingled with it . When they must dye , they go to the sides of the chest , nor will they bite the leaves , though they creep over them . Some fasten their threds at the corners , as if they were beginning the entry ; others creep by the outsides , and seek here and there for a fit place to lye hid in . I shut many of them in , with paper-Coffins , which I disposed of and fastned commodiously in some place , in which by gnawing and rending the sides , they do make a noise for a while , but afterwards by voiding a dry and moyst excrement of their belly , ( for they void out both ) by their hinder parts , they fasten them so fast to the paper , that you would think they were glewed . Afterwards for 3 , days continually they make a little bladder , which being absolved they lay aside their fifth skin , with their head and tayle and are transformed into a nympha again . Some I did not shut up in papers , but disposed them in a wodden chest with boughs , and let them choose a nest for themselves ; you shall observe thence , that they seek chiefly for corners and hiding places , and oft times many of them make their Silk in the same place , if it may be ; some ordering them , right forward , others obliquely , others broad ways . If the place be too narrow , the wrong end of the skin is pressed together on the side , nor doth it containe perfectly Oval . One of these cases is longer , thicker , larger than another for the greatnesse and strength of the Silk-worm . They differ also in colour ; some are Gold , Silver , Citron colours , and they are double . For some are greenish , some more yellow , though others call all these green . The first of them all , as I observed , was white , except some few that send a yellowish tow before . Some of Gold colour have their inward coat white , nor is the yellow colour certain . For when the cases are unfolded in water , the silk growes white ; and in dye , yellow , &c. But it is worth your labour to contemplate the matter of the silk ; and what that is , that yields a thred so long . When therefore I saw a great worm to wander , I put a line about his neck , and dissected him . He lived stoutly when his throat was tied , and felt acutely . For at every incision of his back , the knife scarce touching him , he would tosse himself violently , as if he would help himself with his mouth and forefeet . His skin being divided , I saw his long gut , as in a pike , the forepart was swoln and wide , the hinder part narrower . On that gut did the nerves or beating arteries lye , with a continuall systole and diastole , and they ended on the plectrum of 〈…〉 tayl . When I cut off this , not onely a yellow clear humour did break forth , but the heads of the nerves , put themselves forth in the motion , and their stirring grew weaker . The Intestine hath a double coat , one thick outward coat , and another thin one within . The thick coat feels accurately , and it is near the throat covered over with much glutinous matter , which afterwards becomes matter for their wings , and of the hairinesse of the Silk-worm , as the external excrementitious moysture becomes the Aurelia , or outward shell . When the thick coat is pricked , the intestine comes forth , yet wrapt with a thin coat , and it contains much of the meat they eat the day before of green leaves . Also you may see , when the skin is cut , and the thick coat of the Intestine , that moysture will run forth in abundance , that is transparent , which I think is their blood , and by concoction is changed into silk , and the parts of the Creature . The head cut off , the beginning of the throat swells forth , and doth represent the blunt head of the Nympha . The gut being taken out with the foeces contain'd in the abdomen , there are seen , like worms , some glutinous clammy concretions , some yellow , some white , two very great , the rest small , so like worms , that nothing wants but a skin and life . They are sharp at both ends . They are so placed in the belly , that both their points are turned toward their tail , and the body of them is doubled ; you would say it were their yarn folded together . If they begin to spin from the points , it is necessary that they be drawn from the tail to the mouth . I think that the small whitish pieces make weaker silk and towe ; but the greater , the stronger . I took out these worms , and I found that they dryed presently on the paper , and became hard and brittle , as Ox glew useth to do , and as the Tendons and Intestines of living creatures . The body of it , is all of one kind and transparent , that no man can draw it into so fine and small thred ; but this labour must be left to the Silk-worm , as webs to the Spiders . The outward skin was white , mingled with lead colour ; but within , it was drawn with a little skin black and blew in part ; and partly with a shining gold colour as in a Herring . About the belly where the matter of the silk lay , the substance was pretty thick , consisting of nervous deductions , and a texture containing a white fat , infolded with nervous coats ; the like is found afterwards in the young Nymphs of Silk-worms ; and they have a matrix and a genital member . Under that substance there are lead-colour'd branches let down into their feet like to tendons or chords . This skin , the matrix and genital member remaining , is put oft in weaving their silk , with all the parts that stick forth : so that the Nymph , and Butterfly that riseth from thence , borrow nothing from the Silk-worm but the belly and gut , and the nervous parts that are in them . There remains in the gut and genitals a great deal of moysture . From whence afterwards growes the matter of the seed , and excrements of the belly . But the humour that is in the Intestine is yet raw , and is partly green , partly yellow , something thick , and elsewhere thin . If one part the fat from the nervous coats of the genitals , and smeer it on paper , when it is dry it will be like ●ewer , and brittle . You may compare it with milk in fishes . Therefore it is apparent , that in the Silk-worm these members are outward ; It s threefold feet , the skaly joynting of the belly , the breast , head , mouth , the anus , skin , tail , plectrum : but within is the Intestine , the vital arteries , or the nerves , the white flesh of the breast , the genitals , betwixt which and the Intestine , is contain'd the matter for Silk ; and besides those , the pannicles and nervous membranes , in which the parts are contain'd . Whether they have any heart , let others seek out : yet there must be some such Principle ; and that not in the head , nor any where but near the breast , whence the vital force is sent through the whole body : And this is manifest chiefly by motion of the nerves or arteries ( as I may call them ) in the back of the belly , not of the breast , so far as the hollow of the tail . I will speak afterwards of the nymphs and young silk-worms : Now I will add what I observed in their making of silk . When they abstain from meat , and , as I said , they seek for a place to make their case ; they have commonly about the end of their belly a green wan mark , the other part of their body is white with green , or wan , and of a spiceous colour . Then I saw them often make it as they went up and down , and to gape at the mouth , as it were Cows chewing the cud , when as out of their gorge they pull back their meat to chew on . Then it is likely , that the Silk-worms strive to turn the matter of the silk toward their mouths , and to draw it out . If you put them into a paper Coffin , you shall hear them gnawing a whole day , and then into the bottom of this Coffin like a Fryars cowl , they put down their excrement , first dry , like a black green pill or yellow . The last pill but one is commonly green , the last is yellow , and sanious . The number of t●is dung is , as their excrements abound . For I found in one paper , sometimes two little knobs , sometimes more , to 12 , of divers colours , as black , green , yellow , and those not with bright spots , but round . When the last yellow pill comes forth , watry matter comes forth of divers colours , and a different consistence . For some part is thicker , some thinner , having some red colour with yellow and green ; yet some of the sanies is bloody and blackish ; such it appears on a clean paper , where you may sometimes see green polluted with yellow ; sometime somewhat like chalk . In a glasse , it is like to Lye. But that you may not doubt whether she voids it by her mouth or her belly ; know , that she makes her silk onely out of her mouth , and her excrements by her belly . Yet they send forth moysture also out of their mouth , when they are sick , or strangled , or pressed . I found a Silk-worm that was at liberty , that put forth both these excrements behind . Some of them void forth much moysture , others but a little . They that void much seem to be the weaker , and to have gathered lesse silk . For many of them make small silk cases , but not all . It is doubtful what colour the silk will be . For I was often deceived by observing their heads , backs , bellies and feet . All of them do not make silk of the same colour ; and oft-times the towe and utmost coat is white , but the middle silk is gold-coloured . I thought the Silk-worms that were of a spiceous colour would make yellow ; and the white ones , white silk ; but that was false . For both drew white . Once and again I judged right , that a Citron coloured female would make such a thred : yet such was also drawn by that silk-worm , whose belly was Lead-colour with white , and the spot in the fore-head yellow . I saw a female also all white , that made white silk . In small and narrow papers , yet according to the Worms proportion , lesser cases are made , but thicker , with lesse towe ; yet I observed little cases in the larger . They that are not shut up , but choose a place freely , they consume much thred in towe at random : whence the silk is much lost . For their cases are lesse , and not wrought so thick . If you will observe , you may know exactly the reason of their spinning in these things . For when they have wandred a time , and have begun here and there to make their entrance of their work , ( which they do by diligent bending of their bodies , whilest sticking by their hinder feet , they do variously move their head and their whole breast upwards , downwards , backwards , forwards , and on all sides , if there be a fit place to fasten their silk threds , which they do not by sight , but by touching ; for they have dull eyes ) then they draw forth their threds , and the foundations of their house , and that simple or manifold , as they find need of a strong foundation . If it be near the pavement , they stick to it with their hinder part ; and if it be aloft , they hang by the same , or from boughs , or any other place . For they turn their breast and head freely ; and if there be need , they change the situation of their hinder parts . Thus the entrance of their first work is made . Now the dry excrements are voided from their belly ; the Entrance being finished , so that now the Silk-worm is secure and free from outward injuries : she voids the last dung with moisture , of which I spake before . The towe is oft polluted with this , yet it runs off to the bottom . When her belly is emptied , the spinner ceaseth for a while , and puts forth her anus , as if she had a Tenasmus . Then she calls back the matter of the true silk , and continues that to her last breath , and till her silk work is ended . Then by degrees she thickens her threds from a large to a narrower compasse , so that it becomes an ovall figure , in the hollow whereof she may turn her self . Her mouth , breast , and forefeet are in a continued motion . The hinder parts stick , yet are they translated to another place , when she makes the bottom or the top . They that make their cases in the ground or pavement , they seem to sit on the naked pavement ; but by degrees they weave threds under them , and in all parts they thicken the whole case alike , except in the point , to which in straight places they cannot reach . Therefore the frame of this is made more at first , but the basis more in the end : Though this be not neglected at the beginning . Wherefore when the threds are unfolded , by untwisting them , the point is first made plain , and the inward coat is left , like a fingerhood . So they weave to the third day ; and you may see them working the second day , if you hold the case to the Sun. In paper hoods the base is made upwards , the top downwards : and in two dayes it appears but thin . The third day it is thickned : and then the worm puts off her old skin , and becomes a nymph , which may easily be observed : for when they weave , yet they stick fast ; neither is their dull falling down yet perceived . But when it becomes a Nymph , as if it were a stone shut in , shake the case and the Nymph falls down . And this dull falling down endures untill it be changed into a young Worm . For then the empty place is fill'd again , and the Worm sticks to the case , seeking to come forth . There was one Worm I had , that made a case , whose entrance , amongst those were shut in a Paper , was a solid coat : in those that are at liberty , it consists of threds disposed and drawn divers ways to and fro . Some have observed in one case two or three shut in ; but when the place would be too narrow , that case cut was common to them three , and the Silk-worms found within were become close together , so that they seemed like to 3 , fingers joyned , when they were all set at liberty , they worked a little , but it was but a little . It is observable , that some Silk-worms in paper made no Silk , but presently turned to Nymphs ; I think this befell them , because they fed on lettice , ( yet not to them all ) or to such as had too little meat given them , or that were sick and could not gather matter of Silk , which I suppose is made of abundant blood like fat , and laid apart . Other strange things happen ; whereof in their proper place . All their cases are long and ovall . Y●● I saw a white one almost exactly round , that it had a basis sphaericall on both sides without any point . It was small with its fore-house , but yet thick as it should be . But the silk-worm in that did not go to be a Nymph , nor a perfect young worm , as I shall shew by and by . It seems a question whether they draw forth the silk out of the end of their belly , or out of their mouth , though they alwaies distribute it with their mouth and their forefeet . It is no small argument , because that near the props of their tail at the bottom of their belly , a chink is seen , and both ends of the silk-matter in the belly lie to that place : Also the voiding of the Excrements at the beginning of their working , confirms this . For as when a woman is to be delivered of a child , what faeces there are in the bladder and the right intestine , that is voided and pressed forth ; so we may think the silk matter striving to come forth in the Silk-worm doth the like . When she begins to labour , her belly swells more ; from the belly begins the maturity , known by the yellownesse ; That comes first out , as being first ready . Also Caterpillars and Silk-worms , stick to the pavement , with a hairy down about their feet . Some are observed to weave on their backs , that the silk may be drawn out of their belly , and may the more easily be ordered by their mouths and feet . This may be alledged for the first opinion . But stronger arguments prove this to be false . For you may see with your eyes , that when the belly rests , threds are drawn out of their mouths , and they sticking by their clamminesse , are drawn out by degrees , by turning back their necks . And therefore Silk-worms do not onely so draw their threds lying on their backs , but lying also on their bellies where yet the whole Worm turns her self freely . Then it cannot come forth by the tail , nor by the chap under the tail . For from the place of the silk to the Intestine , there is no passage : and the chap of the tail , that notes out the genitals of the young worm that shall be , is covered with a skin , Moreover , before the silk comes forth , oft-times the silk-worms do cry and mutter , as if they were r●a●y to vomit , drawing the matter to their throats . Nor do they swell about their tails , but about the middle of their bellies ; Also in a Coffin of paper , when no thred appeared on their feet , I saw them draw it forth with their mouth onely , and to fasten it ; and the 2d . of June , when I earnestly observed one making its case , I drew the beginning of the thred out of the worms mouth , when it was wet , to its full length , the belly and the feet having no silk upon them . So Caterpillars hang by the mouth , their thred coming out there . Nor do Spiders and Palmer-worms on trees make their webs otherwise . And so much for this question . When the Case is made , the Silk-worm is changed into a Nymph , and the fleeces are taken , first choosing what males and females you please , for preservation of their kind . Some say you may know their sex by the colour of their case ; some by the bignesse : And this is some argument . For , because females are commonly the greater , they make also the greater houses . Yet sometimes we are deceived ; for a strong male may make a greater case than a weak female . I have seen them both of a bignesse , and I have seen females , ●ed in other places , to make far lesse houses than my males . Wherefore the signs must also concur , observed in the silk-worms themselves ▪ of which before . The other cases are cast into scalding water , that the worms may dy , or they are choaked with the heat of an oven , after the bread is taken forth , taking care they burn not . Then taking away the Towe , maid-servants or such as can labour , are ready , who may loosen the beginnings of the threds ; which being found out , many of them are cast into a bason of cold or warm water , and the servant Maid sitting ready with a drawing instrument , doth continually roll down 30 or 40 , or more threds joyned together . If the thred break any where , the fellow-labourer must seek for the begining of it , and give it again to him that unwinds it . That is continued untill they come to the inward coat , which being very difficult to untwist , it is dryed and pull'd into towe and kembed . When the threds are thus untwisted , they send much dust into the Ayr , and you may see in the bottom of the vessel some filth that fell from the silk . I tryed carefully , whether I could with one work unwind a whole case not breaking it , taking away the Towe , which by reason of its various foldings together , weaknesse , and divers principles , cannot be untwisted at once drawing . I obtain'd my desire onely in the middle of the silk ; for that which is before the house is wont to break easily , but the middle holds best . The last coat , by the weight added to it , ( for then the Nymph falls down ) was unfolded by me with great care to the thin skin , which was scarce equall to the thumbs nail . Those cases are best untwisted , whose basis and top answer diametrically ; but those are harder , whose top is bound , and they that are crooked or bunched . For here the thred sticks and is tangled , that it will hardly yield without breaking . First , the point is made bare , and untwisted all to the middle of the case . — The thred of one silk case was as long as this line here drawn , when it was drawn forth 7000 times , and in one it was above 8000 times longer : yet they are not all of one thicknesse and greatnesse ; which may be seen , by drawing them asunder into little skins . For some fleeces I drew into 12 , some into 8 , more or lesse coats . The wild Silk-worm hath an entrance , a single coat , and somthing a thicker case : wherefore the thinner cases easily yeeld to the fingers pressing them , but the thicker will resist . When the top hath a hole almost to the middle , that the Nympha may easily fall forth ; she falls with her cast skin , wherein there is both her head and all her feet . Somtimes commonly the head of this old skin is over against the top of the case , that we may understand that it was cast off , whilst the Worm when the case was perfected , doth bend and turn her self upwards through narrow streets . The Crown of the Nympha is toward the basis , the tail toward the top ; and being that the Silk-worm is above twice as long , the Nympha is contracted to a small bignesse , that it is scarse so long as the middle joynt of the second finger of a man. She is alive , and gives tokens that she is so , by the moving of her top or tail when she is touched . If you regard her outward forme , you would say she is a scaly Worm , and her head is covered with a bag . The scales are dark coloured , as if they were staind with smoke , and they are eight in number , as farr as the confines of the Crown : On the sides of each of them there are two round points , out of which the tendons or bands appertain to the young Silk-worm . On the Crown there is a white spot , as if the mouth of the young Silk-worm shined through it , with three little black spots . After this on the foremost part there are prints of feet and horns , and on the hinder part toward the sides , are prints of wings , If you will observe the inward parts , the fourth day before it is changed into a young Silk-worm , after it hath lain hid , you may open it , you shall see nothing else but a common empty place , and in this only three distinct humours . One of a watry thin substance , of a yellow colour ; This is equally diffused through the whole space . The other is red , like blood ; This sticks in the upper part , where the head and brest will be ; you would judge it to be the rudiment of the heart , because I saw the like afterwards in the young Silkworm , a certain Masse that moved of it self , if a heart may be attributed to this creature . The third humour is white and yellow ; and it is like to a hen egge , cast into a hot water and run about ; or like cheese-curds , if you add some yellow to them . Where you see the prints of wings and feet outwardly , there lies hid a phlegmatique clammy matter , fit to make the membranes of , you shall see no distinction of parts ; I think the life is in the nervous coat , that is next under the outward shell . For the Silk-worm in that part was exceeding sensible , and had a motion of the heart and arteries ; you would call this a little bladder fill'd with humours , which yet compared to the Aurelia , after the young Silk-worm is crept forth , is far thicker , and you would say it were a shell cloathed on the inside with coats and a tenacious glow . After this , is the down of the young Silk-worm , the wings , feet , skin , and the other outward parts . So the Silk-worm passeth into throat and belly , for whose sake only it was detain'd there . Yet here appeareth no green colour which was much in the intestine of the Silk-worm now ready to spin . Part therefore was voided before the case was made , and part was changed into some other juyce . In the tip of the tayle there was also some clammy matter like to the raw white of an egge . I thought it to be the rudiment of the genitall parts . For with that the matrix & spermatical Vessels were cast off , the beginning whereof is seen also in the belly of the Silk-worm . The humours taken on a clean paper and dried , were stain'd with black , as if you had mingled ink with them , yet the tallowy substance remain'd white , and in some places a red and yellowish spot appeared with a white spot like chalk : whence we may collect that that blacknesse was only from a watery yellow humour , which only shined on the paper where it stuck thick , like to shining ink . The rest of the Nymphs , partly deprived of all Silk , and naked partly shut up yet in a single coat , partly safe in the whole Silken case , I handled with no other care , but I only putt them up in a box , and set them in my window , yet I distinguished them into divers Cells , such as I thought to be females , and such as I thought to be males , and I was not deceived in more than one only . So from the first shutting them in , untill they came forth , there passed 26 , or 27 , days , setting them in my study to the afternoon ▪ Sun in the heat of June , as it was very hot in 99. For the female that was buried on the 11 , of June , came forth a young Silk-worm on the 8 , of July . A male that began to spin on the 9 , of June , on the fifth of July became a butterfly . The same day two females came forth out of two greater white cases , and one male from a lesse yellow case . On the sixth of July in the morning ( for they all come forth in the morning ) a male came out of a white case , he was dusky colour'd and rough ; and a white female very tender , with a great belly , and with great wings , came out of a case that was yellow and greenish . Also before on the second of July , a male crept forth of a Gold colour'd case , and a female out of a white one . These began their Silken case the tenth of June . When young Silk-worms are ready to come forth of whole cases , when you shake it , you shall find no more a dull weight ; and then the aurelia opens about the back of the thorax ; after that a great deal of cleare humour that is white is powred out of the mouth , and the place grows wet , where they will make their passage . This way they came forth with labouring and striving . I saw a female coming forth on the 8th , of July ; she sent so much moysture before her , that a great drop fell into the box . Then her head appeared , she striving with her feet within . By degrees , after her head , she put forth these ; and presently she stood upon the pavement with them , and by striving by little and little , she drew forth the Circles of her belly ; that when the first was drawn forth , and she would draw out the second , she drew up all her foreparts , that so she mi●ht pull forth the next roundle ; yet it is very like , that by that contracting of her self , the hole was made wider that her belly at last might come forth with lesse paine . Her divers turning side ways , helps for this also . In the meane while the thicker young Silk-worms and such as have more moysture in their bellies , presse somthing forth when they strive , and they do besmeer the case where the hole is , both inside and outside with a plaister-like clammynesse . They that labour lesse and are slenderer , leave but little . Then you shall see the whole hoary case , somthing wet by the moysture comes forth of their mouths , and made easy to passe through . Somtimes they are wont to be quiet , and oft times to inflate their bellies , to draw it forth and draw it in againe , as if they did set their disioynted limbs , and put them in their true places . And they do so draw forth and loosen the circles , that the joynts stick up fill'd with a yellow humour , as if they were inflated . You shall see the naked Nymphs , when the butterflye is perfect within , two or three dayes before to move themselves , as if they would break the bands by which the young Silk-worm is tied to the Aurelia . I then opened one of them with my knife and nailes , that I might see the congruity of the outward with the inward parts . That I did , the fourth of July , when as then about 20 , days were passed from the time of their making Silk ▪ The first skale being removed , about the beginning of the little breast on the backside I saw the tender upper circle of the belly ; it was skinny covered with a moyst down , yet so short and made plain that the down could scarce be seen . Under the place of the side wings , which in the Aurelia you may compare to the Shoulder blades , two true wings of the young Silk-worm did lye hid , joynd together , and one laid upon the other . They were all short and tender , as not being yet perfect in quantity . Between the wings of ●he thorax , the latter knob appeared , fenced on both sides with long hairynesse , but not yet covered over . The wings and this red part being dispatched , I came to the upper lines bending downwards ; under these were their horns . But under those that followed , the feet on the brest did lye ; being bent obliquely and directed to their belly . Under the white spot on the Crown of the Nympha , the hairy Crown of the young Silk-worm , and the hinder part of the head are placed ; next to which lyes the print of the eyes , like to two black spots , which are divided with a cleft like a Lyons lip , the whole belly is like to white paint . The hairs of it are very wet , and appeare smooth . They have roundells , as well as the Silk-worm and the Nymph . But I did not open the whole young Silk-worm , but he by his striving pull'd himself forth of the rest of the Aurelia . I saw with what labour he unloosed the bands of his belly , which like white cords do hang from the points of the circles , and are left in the empty Aurelia . The fundament sticks also fast , wherefore the tip of the Aurelia is contracted toward the brest inwardly . The male was with hairs and wings imperfect . I left him in the box . He lay still , till the next day . Then he grew white by degrees , and the downynesse was seen more exactly . The wings also grew , and then he grew more jocund , and being admitted , the third day he copulated stoutly . What these young Silk-worms are , appeares by what we now say , and did say before : we must add this ; that the belly in the Aurelia is more contracted , and when it comes forth it becomes greater and longer by a third part , by distending and inflating it . In the Aurelia , there is a threefold rupture from the Crown through the back of the thorax , and there the young Silk-worm comes forth . The other parts are entire . All the rest of the young Silk-worms being come forth before the 14th of July , two cases remained whole , as if they would yield nothing , though they were very thick . One was a small round male ; the other a female twice as long , and pretty large , a little about the back the worm was raised with a little bunch . The colour of the Towe of both was white ; but in the Citron-colour'd , the silk was greenish , though it were a more watry colour in that . When I divided the round Coffin with the edge of my knife , a carcasse appeared outwardly , half a Silk-worm , half a Nymph . The forepart was a plain Silk-worm , the latter a Nymph ; for it had not put off the whole skin , but onely the latter part , which was next it in the case ▪ The carcasse lay crooked , so that the forefeet in the breast touched almost the first pair of the hinder feet . For here between the first conjugation of the hinder feet , and the second , the skin was broken ; So that the Nymph was covered with her former skin , wherein was her head and breast with 6. feet , and part of her belly with the two first . The skin and the Aurelia being removed , within there lay a perfect male young silk-worm , and it had been living , as appeared ; for that striving to come forth two dayes before I made Infection , he had wet the case with his moysture ; and the 19 of July , when I perfectly freed him , he shew'd clear signs of motion in his belly and feet : The cause why he could not clear himself and come forth was found , in the close sticking of the Silk-worm's skull , and of the fore-feet , the coat being fastned to it by nature . Therefore though in the back of the Thorax he had made a gap both in the Aurelia and the cast skin , yet could he not pull forth his head and feet ; so he fainted by degrees . Here I observed the policy of Nature : For when in putting off the cast skin the forefeet are plucked off , and the hinder feet depart also ; yet there are prints left , under which afterwards others grow up . And the sins of the wings were inserted into the holes of the old silk-worm , and the whole head of the new silk-worm , with the horns of the head were shut in a covering . This was the male . The Female quite dead , seemed yet more monstrous . The Silk-work being finished ( which was a great silk case , and as long as two joynts of ones little finger , but the males was thinner a great deal ; ) The silk-worm strove to cast off the skin , that was white , light , and shining within side , but outwardly hairy and yellowish , and he had drawn forth his whole back , that bunched forth extreamly , his foreparts being contracted circularly ; but he could not free himself of the little mouth that stuck too fast . Wherefore there you might see the head of the cast skin , the crown of the Nympha , and of the Necydalus joyn'd together : which conjunction kept the skin upon the belly , that it could not be totally cast off , and drawn forth . Wherefore it stuck so with the point of the belly , as if it were shut into a sack , and bound about the head ; but a hole being made on the backside , it might have drawn forth the back , but it would yet have stuck by the head and fundament , so lying crooked and dead . The cast skin was thus . Out of this also stuck forth the Aurelia , as concerning the upper part . Again , out of the Aurelia almost the entire young Silk-worm had wrested it self ; breaking the shell on the back-side , and in the wonted place , but the head stuck fast not to be pull'd asunder , as also the outmost parts of the belly . In the belly put forth was seen a great number of yellow eggs . For the female presently within the Aurelia , perfects her Eggs in her matrix , but they are unfruitfull till the male besprinkled them . I saw one lay eggs that had coupled with no male . Hence it was clear , how Nature puts off the old skin with the form of it first , and then passeth into a Nymph ; the Aurelia whereof being again put off , out comes the Necydalus . This was a triple formed Monster , worthy to contemplate of . In this also you might observe the Aurelia , on that part the wings were marked , to be black and dark , as if it had been in hot smoke : then how ●uch the female Necydalus had striven to come forth , was plain by the eyes that stuck out in the distances of the skaly circles . Sometimes the circles of the belly stick together by contiguitie , a thin skin coming between them . But in this the circles were so disjoynted , that the girdle of the juncture was larger than the circle . The top of the belly of the cast skin , and of the Aurelia were transparent against the light , so that you might exactly discover all about it . The end of the Necydalus came as far as the middle capacity of the Aurelia ; the Necydalus was hairy about the back , though imperfectly , as also the wings were not yet of their full bignesse . And thus much for Monsters . When the Necydalus is lusty , it is full of life , chiefly in the breast . For when the head and tail are cut off , it will move the wings strongly , and run with its feet , and that till the next day or longer . The female being cut in the belly , shews her matrix full of Eggs ; that when 400 are laid , there are more behind . It seemed to be wrapped in a very thin coat . There appeared also some nervous pipes , like the passages of the guts . In the middle of the belly a little bladder was seen , containing an earthy juyce , that was yellow or russet colour . This bladder of it self had a continual systole and diastole . I thought the principle of life was there as in the heart . About the neck of the matrix there was a double white nervous knot , like to the bladder of animals ; it was hard and shining , and that within the belly . I shall speak of the dug-like processions afterwards . There was one little knot that was bigger , and another that was lesse . The neck of the matrix is like to a pipe ; to which being full of juice , there are joyn'd without on both sides two yellow knots like to brests . About the neck there is a circle with horny reins , that are broad , and blunter on the top , with which she takes hold of the genital of the male . The breast is fleshy . The head is membranous and horny . The horns triangular , with a white back sticking up , but the wings are let down on both sides , to make the Triangle : If you cut them off whilest they are alive , a kind of transparent juice comes forth of the back , as out of a pin-feather , and there appears a hole within . Thus I found the female , which I opened whilest she was living . When she was dead , there was nothing found in her belly but a notable cavity of her belly near to her breast ; and then that vital humour in the bladder , though it now was no longer living ; after that , the reliques of the matrix that was emptied , which were nervous and membranous . The upper parts of the male agree with the female . If you op●n his belly , you shall find much red matter within ; and besides that , a tallow matter full of nerves , to which the genital passage is fastned . He hath a peculiar genital , wanting other things that belong to the female . The History of it is this ; Under the tail environed with a long Down , there is a notable hole under a membranous circle , as hard as horn , that is divided as it were into two teeth . In the middle of this compasse there is the three forked neck of the genital part , with the extremities of it that are horny . About this there are set reddish prickles ( all the horny processes are red going toward black ) the two uppermost are like hooks , of bended back like ankers , or like Goats-horns bent backwards . The single one beneath them is strait . These prickles are next the neck of the member . A little beyond in the middle of the compasse , there are three other small pricks ; with so many bands he lays hold of the matrix of the female , and draws it to him , and holds it so fast , that if you would pull them one from the other , you would sooner believe the joyning together of the belly , and the circles should break , than the copulation should unloose , which I often proved . Also from hence you may judge of the constancy of their copulation , for I saw them stick fast together whole Summer days , and at night , I know not at what houre , it is probable about morning , they parted asunder , and in the morning I found many Oval little Worms , and them lying quiet one from the other , yet they will stick together , being cast into cold water . When I sprinkled salt and pickle on the joyning of their tails they held fast ; nor were they parted with water of vitriol added . I drencht the male into the water , and I let the female stand dry on the brink of it , casting both vitriol and salt into the water , yet he lived and held his copulation . Then I left him so all night in the water , in the morning some hundreds of eggs were in the bottom of the water , and the young Necydali swam alive . I cut off another males head in copulation , yet he parted not . I divided his brest from his belly ; he stuck fast till I drew him off by force . The head and brest , as of divided flyes , live long , but the brest longest . This male cut asunder in copulation , had in his belly also a yellow reddish matter , with some intestinal substance that is yellowish , and skinny . The male was bred the fourth of July , and died for weaknesse on the fifth , and being opened he had nothing else in his belly . Otherwise the Necydale will live 7 , or 8 , or more dayes . For , as I said , he is constant , so that vvhen I broak vvith four strokes the beginnings of the vvings and the brest , and then the belly somtimes , yet it lived as not hurt , though the Spirit were dissipated at length ; the next day for the most part , if they be so dealt vvithall , they dye . The male hotly desires copulation ; after a little stay , vvhen he is come forth of the Aurelia , and that vvhen he hath often unburdned his belly , and somtimes also vvhen he hath sent forth no moysture ; and this happens also in the female . The male that is lively after the first dayes copulation , when he hath rested at night , the next day he seeks for the same female , or any that hee can meet with , so that he will couple three or four times . The female also admits of the male as often , though she do not alwaies lay eggs . For she begets no eggs , unlesse she have some within her , though she copulate with the male . So soon as they uncouple , she presently lays her egs in order one after another , you shall see them thrust forth with striving and contraction of her belly , and be shut forth from the neck of the matrix put out , so that it will touch the pavement . I reckoned above 400 , from one female , and almost 400 , out of others ; and these being dissected , had yet many more in their matrixes . What therefore Vidas writes of hundreds , that may be understood of lean little Necydalls , such as I see proceed from want of nourishment , others were almost three times as great . Some males do void their dung once before copulation , and again after their second copulation . Somtimes the males , loosed and not yet satisfied , will hinder the female that is about to lay eggs , and couple again with her , though the female copulates with him by force , and desires by contracting her belly , and by striving with her hinder legs , to be loose . So one before copulation laid 17 , after she had once coupled and was loose again , 194 , and then coupling again , after four hours copulation , she laid 245 , then the male having an appetite , she cast moysture as out of a spout , and coupling again , and being freed , she laid above 20 , eggs . Those Egges that were laid on the fourth of July of a Citron-colour , on the 7th grew red , and after that , Lead-colour'd . I kept them in a box behind my Window , exposed to the afternoon-Sun . Those that were barren did never change their colour , but onely sank down . In the Necydalls that are loose , you shall sometimes observe a trembling motion , like as if they had an Ague . Yet I say not , that they are aguish . But I think , that shaking comes by the alteration and promotion of the seminall matter , the vapour exhaling from thence , and rending the nervous parts . The last Necydale was a small one ; and on the 24th of June , weaving a small case between two Mulberry leafs , he came forth the 13th of July , in which besides that , he had made a very small Silk case ; This also was observable , That he came not forth of the basis of the case , but made a hole in the top , contrary to all the rest . Yet he was a male that feared not to copulate with a female that had thrice been coupled with a male before , and was almost dead . When he had twice copulated , he afterwards fainted . His wings were painted otherwise than the others were ; for whereas the others are distinguished with lines , long and broad wayes , as with welts ; this had four such Lead-colour'd lines broad wayes ; but between the second and the third , toward the outward borders of the wings , there was a small circle coming between , not exact , but wan , with a white spot in the middle . But indeed Nature is so ingenious in this Insect , that when you have observed and writ many things , you have more to observe still . Therefore I conclude this History ; and leave the rest to those that are studious in the Secrets of Nature . OF THE DESCRIPTION Of the Wonders of Nature . The Ninth Classis . Wherein are set down the Wonders of Fishes . Plin. l. 9. Natur. Hist. c. 2. THe common opinion is true , That whatsoever cometh forth in any part of Nature , is to be found in the Sea ; and there are many more things , which are to be found no where else . CHAP. I. Of Hornback , Sturgion or Elops , or the Dace or Groundling . THe Hornback Fish hath a chap under her belly ; wherein Rondeletius saith , he saw her eggs ly . For cutting that fish at the beginning of Winter , he found many eggs in that cleft . Yet after she is delivered , it closeth so fast , as if it grew together ; which is no wonder , as may be seen in the English Pikes . It is covered in so hard a shell , that a sharp sword can hardly cut it . The Sturgions when they are taken lament their destiny , and seem to intreat ; and leaping in the nets , strive to free themselves . Oviedus and Plutarch say , that with their sharp backs they will cut the line , and free their captive fellowes . The Dace of Phalera is so soft and fat a fish , that if it be held long in the hand , it will melt ; or if many of them be carried in Ships , they will drop fat , which is gathered to make Candles with . Apitius , as Suidas reports , set the pictures of these Fishes , with Rape roots cut into long and slender pieces , boyl'd with oyl , and strewed with pepper and salt , before Nicomedes the King of Bithynia . CHAP. II. Of the Eele . ALl know , that Eeles are found in many fresh Waters ; yet Nauclerus writes , That in the Danube there are none ; but in the Rhein there are . Albertus makes the cold of Danubius to be the cause thereof ; and this proceeds , because it runs before the mouth of the Alps from West to East , and receives the greatest part of its water from thence . These onely , contrary to other fishes , do not flote , being dead , Pliny . The reason is given by Aristotle , from the small belly it hath , and little fat . The swimming of Lampreys , Congers , and Muraenas , that abound with fat , confirm this to be true . They are so lusty , that being devoured whole by a Cormorant , they will come forth of his guts , nine times one after another ; and when they are grown weak , then he retains them , Gesner . Held in a mans bosome , especially great eels , will twist about a mans neck and choke him , Cardanus . On the Land they dye , if the Sun shine on them ; otherwise very hardly , as you may see them living when their skin is pull'd off . Athenaeus , Aelianus , and Plutarch do testifie , that in Arethusa of Chalcidon , there are tame ones , adorned with ear-rings of gold and silver , that will take their meat by hand . Nymphodorus reports the same of the River Elorus . CHAP. III. Of the Whale , and the Barbel . THe Whale is the greatest and chief of all Fishes . Pliny calls this the greatest creature in the Indian Sea , which was four Acres in bignesse ; Massarius interprets this to be 960 foot long . Nearchus saith , that there are Whales of 23 paces in length , and reports , that in the Island before Euphrates , he saw a Whale cast forth of the Sea , that was 150 cubits . That Whale which was taken in the Scald , ten miles from Antwerp , Anno 1577 , on the second day of July , was of a blackish blew colour : he had a spout on his head wherewith he belched up water with great force : he was 58 foot long , and 16 foot high , his tail was 14 foot broad ; from his Eye to the top of his nose the distance was 16 foot . His lower chap was 6 foot , of each side , armed with 25 Teeth , and there were as many holes in the upper chap where there were no teeth , yet so many might have stood there . The longest of his Teeth , was not above 6 thumbs long . A Whale not long since was taken at Sceveling , a Village near the Hague in Holland , was 60 foot long . His head was about 3. cubits long , I saw him there . Platina observes , that the Barbels eyes are venomous , chiefly in May. Antonius Gazius found it so . For when he had eaten but two bits thereof , at Supper time his belly was so inflated , that he looked as pale as ashes ; he was distemper'd all over , at last he fell into the cholerick passion . Nor did these symptomes abate , ●ill the eyes were voided upward and downvvard . CHAP. IV. Of the Carp , the Clupaea , and the Conger . THe Carp , saith Gesner , hath a little white hard stone in his head , near his tongue , and in the middle of his head a thick substance like to a heart , that is flexible while it is new ; but afterwards it grows hard . Sometimes it is found 20 pound weight . Jovius saith , That there was one found in the River Latium two hundred pound weight . When the Female finds her self great with young , when the time of bringing forth is past , by moving her mouth she rouseth the male , who casts on his milt , and then she bringeth forth . In Polonia , broad Carps being put into a fish-pond by one , when the waters were frozen , though he sought them diligently , he could not find them ; when the Spring came , and the waters were thawed , they all appeared , Gesner . Clupaea is a great fish . In Sagona a River in France , when the Moon increaseth , it is white ; but black when it decreaseth . When the body is but a little augmented , it is destroy'd by its own prickles . In the head of it there is found a stone like a barley corn , which when the Moon decreaseth ; some think it will cure the quartan Ague , if it be bound to the left side , Calisthenes Sybarita , citante Stobaeo . Congers contain their off-spring within them , but it is not equally so in all places , nor doth their increase appear in a fat grosse matrix , but it is contain'd in it , in a long rank , as in Serpents ; which is manifest by putting it into the fire : For the fat consumes ; but the eggs crackle , and they leap forth , Aristotle 6. Hist. c. 17. CHAP. V. Of the Dogg-fish . THe men of Nicea , saith Gellius , took a Dogg-fish that weighed 4000 pound ; a whole man was found in the belly of it . Those of Massilia found a man in Armour . Rondeletius saw o●e on the shore at Xanton , the mouth and throat were so wide that they would take in a fat man. Bellonius saith , that each side of the mouth had 36 , teeth , wherefore some think the Prophet Jonas was swallowed by this fish : and that this is that they call the Whale , it being so vast a creature . The same Bellonius writes , that this Fish at divers times brings forth 6 , or 8 , young ones , and somtimes more , each of a foot long , perfect with all their parts , and oft times the young one coming forth there are eggs yet raw in the matrix , and some hatcht , lying in the upper part toward the midriff ; and some of them are contained in the right turning of the matrix some in the left . In her Whelps , this is chiefly wonderfull , that they were covered with no secondine , and they are fed from some part of the Navell that hath Veins . For since saith he , she doth not put forth her eggs , and they are tied by certaine bands to the matrix , they seem to need no other coat than the Amnios ; whereby the Whelp being now formed , and by a chink in the sternon , that passeth between the fins that are toward the gills , it receiveth nourishment from the matrix by a band , or the middle of it , that is so slender , as a Lute string ; But this nutriment by that slender string is carried into a little bag , which you would say were the stomach , which is alwaies full of it , like to the yolk of an egge : the position of it is in the middle of the belly , and under the two laps of the Liver . And that this is true , if you cut a Whelp taken out of the dams belly , through the belly , you shall find the true stomack of it to be alwaies empty . For it takes and devours nothing by the mouth . But you shall see the right intestine to swell with wan colour'd excrements . If you take the young Whelp alive out of the dams belly , and do not hurt him , but cast him into the water , you shall see him to live and swim presently . Rondeletius observed the eggs to stick in the middle of the matrix toward the back bone ; and when they increase they are translated into both the Sinus of the matrix . The forme of the eggs is like to pillows we sleep upon under our heads ; out of the corners there hang long and slender passages which Aristotle calls hairy pores , and they are rowled up like Vine tendrels ; if you stretch them out at length , they are two cubits long . When the shell breaks , the young ones come forth . CHAP. VI. Of Dracunculus . DRacunculus is a fish with a great head , a compacted nose sticking forth , a little mouth without any teeth , without any opening at the gils ; but in the place of this , above the head there is a hole on both sides , wherewith it takes in and puts forth water . It hath great eyes set above the head , the head-bone ends at the prickles that tend to the tayl . The Fins are exceeding long , considering the body partly Silver , part Gold colour'd . Those about the Gills , are Gold-coloured , and Silver colour'd in the root ▪ These that are in the lower part , and next to the mouth , are longer than those that are next to the gils . On the back two stand up ; the first is small , Gold colour'd , distinguished with Siver lines ; the latter is very great on the middle of the back , not much unlike to butterflies wings , and is made of five bones like to ears of Barley , and a membrane . The former bones of radii are the longer , the hinder are the shorter , contrary to what it is in the membrane ; which being as it were woven between all the distances of those radii , increaseth by degrees . The same also , is divers ; for it is distinguished with Silver lines set between two black lines . This is hid in the middle hollow of the back , as in a sheath . There is also another Golden colour'd membrane from the tail to the Podex , excepting the fringes that are black . CHAP. VII . Of the Dolphin , Exocaetus and the Fiatola . THe Dolphins see so exactly , that they will see a fish hid , in a hole , Oppianus . They are so swift that Bellonius observed one of them to swim faster than a ship could run under sayle , before the wind that blew strongly . Some make their Fins to be the cause of it , others their light body . The famous Baudarcius thinks the membrane between their foreyards being extended , serves them for sails . They love one the other so well , that one being taken at Caria and wounded , a great multitude of them came to the Haven , and departed again when he was set free . When the Marriners whistle , they will stay the longer about the ship but when a tempest riseth , the credulous Greeks say , if any man be in the ship that hath killed a Dolphin , they will all flock thither to be revenged . When then play on the calme Sea , they foreshew which way the wind will blow , and when they cast up water , the Sea being troubled , they foreshew a calme . Plin. l. 8. c. 35. Thomas thinks that exhalations rising from the bottom of the Sea , when a storm is at hand in Winter , is the cause of it ; and he thinks that the Dolphins feel heat thereby , and so break forth the oftner . But since more fishes also perceive a tempest coming , Rondeletius thinks that they are affected in the water with the motion of the ayre , as those that are sick are wont to be , when the South wind begins to blow . Exocaetus lives long on the dry land . The cause is , the plenty of ayr ; which being he doth not draw it in , too largely , he is not choked by it . Hence it is , that an Eele will live a long time under ground , Rondelet . Fiatola is a broad plain fish , with a taile like to a half Moon , a fleshy tongue ; contrary to all other fish , he hath no sins under his belly , and he is wholly without them . His Liver hath but one lap , without any Gall , his stomach is made like the Letter V , the lower part of it ends in a point ; and there are so many Appendixes of hairs unto it , that they cannot be numbred . CHAP. VIII . Of Glanis and Glaucus . WRiters report of Glanis , that it is a mighty and terrible fish , especially in the River Tissa that runs into the Danube . Hee riseth so boldly that he will not spare a Man. It is publikely said in Hungaria , that there was found in the belly of one , a hand with rings upon it , and peices of a Boy that swam in the Danube , that was devoured by it , Comes Martinengus . Gesner saith , he heard it of a learned Hungarian , that the same was taken in the River Tissa ; it was 7 , or 8 , cubits long , and was carried in a Cart. This had layn hid in the River 16 , yeares , neere the Kitchin of a Noble man ; at last it was caught with a hook , when it had young ones to look to : when she found her self taken , she leaped forth ; the fishers ran after her two miles , at last they wearied and took her , and carried her to a Town called Nadlac . There was in her belly a Mans head , with his right hand and three Gold Rings upon it . The Glaucus hath a spongy Liver distinguished into two laps , the left is the larger . From the right lap there hangs a little Gall bladder , from a thred three fingers long , so great as a pease ; and it hath in the bottom of the stomack a kind of Apophysis , not to be seen almost in other fishes , besides five others in the Pylorus , that fence the stomack about . CHAP. IX . Of the Herring and Huso . THat the Herring lives by water , the Author of the Book of Nature witnesseth ; taken out of it , it will not live , as experience testifies . In his belly there is nothing found , for it hath onely one hungry gut . They swim together in such great sholes , that they cannot be taken for multitudes . When they see light , they swim in flocks , and so they are caught in the autumnal equinoctiall . They shine in the water turning their bellies upward , and they send forth such a light , that the Sea seems to lighten . It is a miracle that some relate concerning the Inhabitants of the Island Terra Sancta of the German Ocean , namely , that in the year 1530 , after the Virgins delivery , 2000 men lived by Herring-fishing there ; but when they peevishly whipped one of them , they had taken with rods , these fishes did so diminish , that afterwards scarce 100 could live by that labour . The Husons have a grisle instead of a back bone , that hath a great empty hole , from head to tail as bored with a piercer . What Aelian , l. 14. c. 25. saith of the Autacea , that in time they grow as big as the greatest Tunie fish in the Danube , and their abdomen is so fat , that you would say their paps were as great as a Sowes that gave suck , and are covered with a rough skin that Spears are polished with them , with a membrane so tied from the brain to the tail , that dryed in the Sun , it will serve for a whip , that must be understood of these Husons : For Vadianus , in Epitome trium terrae partium , writes , that he saw some of 400 weight : They are so fearful , that the least fish will fright them . They follow the sound of Trumpets , that they will come to the bank over against it . Lastly , they are so strong in the water , that if they strike the fisher with their tail , they will strike him out of the Ship ; so soon as they put their heads above water , they grow weak . They will drink strong wine , and live many days , being drunk they are carried to strangers , they will drink 4. Sextarii of Wine . CHAP. X. Of the Pike and Luna . ALbertus writes , that the Pike hath its stomach so joyn'd to the throat , that sometime it will cast it up for greedinesse of meat ; but it hath many appendixes wherein the Chylus made is preserved , as Rondeletius observed . There was a very great one seen that had another great one in the belly ; and this again had a vvater-mouse . Another was seen that had tvvo young Geese in it ; another had a Moor-hen in its stomach . For great hunger it will feed on food at Land. It hath a natural Enmity with a frog . Hence it is that the Frog will oft times dig out his eyes . He cures his wounds by rubbing against a Tench , which he alwaies keeps company with . His jaw-bones boat into fine powder , given the quantity of an aureus , will break the stone . In England they cut off the belly of it two fingers breadth , and if they cannot find a Chapman , they will sew up the belly and put it into their fish-pond again vvhere Tench are . Though the cause may be attributed to friendship ; yet it is better to attribute it to the clammy matter the Tench abounds with , by which he may heal his wound . A Pike of Frederick the Emperour was said to have lived 267 years in a Lake , that was found out by a brasse ring that he hid under his skin in his gills , when he put him into the lake . It had a Greek Inscription on it ; which is to this sense ; I am that Fish that was first put into this Lake by Frederick the Second , Emperour of the World , on the fifth of October . Conradus Celtes saith , that ring was found upon that Pike , taken Anno 1497 ; as Gesner relates in Epistola nuncupatoria . Luna is a fish exceeding beautiful , very small , broad bodied , of a blevvish colour ; on the back it hath soft fins , which vvhilest it dilates in swimming , it makes a semicircle like to a half Moon , Aelian . ex Demostrato . Those that fish for Bream say , that at the full of the Moon it will grow dry and die ; and , put on herbs , it will make them wither . CHAP. XI . Of Manaty , and the Whiting . MAnaty is a great Fish taken in the Rivers of Hispaniola ; His head is like an Ox head , or bigger : His eyes in respect of his body are small ; he hath two thick feet , like wings in the place of gills , with which he swims , they are set about his head ; he hath a thick skin , and no scales . He is so great that there needs a yoke of Oxen to carry him . Sometimes he is above 14 or 15 foot long , and eight hands thick ; near the tail he is narrower , and as it were girt in , from which straightnesse the tail growes longer and thicker . He hath two stones , or rather bones in his head , so great as little hand-balls , or the bullet of a Crosse-bowe , and sometimes greater , as the fish is . He wants ears , but in place of them he hath small holes , by which he hears . His skin is like the skin of a shriveled Ox , a finger thick , ash-coloured , and thin set with hairs . The tail from that straight part unto the end of it , is all nervous . From that , cut into pieces , and then set five or six dayes in the Sun and dryed , and then boyled in a Cauldron , or rather fryed , much fat comes forth : for it all resolves into fat . It is good to fry eggs in a frying-pan . For it never grows rank , nor unsavoury . He is made tame , and will be taught like a dog ; but Franciscus Lopetius saith , he will remember Injuries . The petty King of Caramatexum , in the Island of Hispaniola , fed one of them 26 years in the Lake Guaynabo , and made him so tame , though he were grown great , as great as an old Dolpbin ; for he would take meat by hand ; and when they call'd him Mato , which in their Tongue signifies Magnificent , he would come forth of the Lake , and creep to the house for meat , and then go back to the Lake again . Boyes and Men going with him , and when they sang , he seemed to be delighted with it : and he would let them sometimes ride on his back ; he would easily carry ten at a time from one part of the Lake to the other . But when a certain Spaniard would make triall whether his skin were so hard or no , and threw a dart at him , he grew so angry , that if he saw any clothed in Christians habit , though he were called , he would not come forth of the water . After that , the River Haibon swelled extreamly and ran into the Lake Guaynabo : so he found his way to the Sea ; and the people were very sorry that he was gon . The Whiting eats nothing , unlesse he see it is dead , Aelian . The male is very jealous . For he stays at home , and fearing his young ones should be caught , he stays to preserve them . CHAP. XII . Of Mirus , Mola , and Monoceros . THe Fish Mirus is briefly described by Ambrosius Pareus . In the Venetian Sea , saith he , between the Venetians and Ravenna , two miles above Clodia , Anno 1550 , there was a flying Fish taken , very terrible and monstrous , four feet long ; he had a very thick head , and two eys not set one against the other , with two ears , and a double mouth , a very fleshy nose green colourd , with two wings , and five holes in his throat as Lampreys have ; his tail was an ell long , and in the top of it were two little wings . Also Mola is a Fish , that was taken on the calends of March , Anno 1552 , not farr from Venice ; at first sight it seem'd rather a peice of Flesh than a Fish. It was round , it had a skin without skales or hairs . The mouth was so straight , that it was miraculous considering the greatnesse of the Creature . The eyes were large , stretching out , and greater than Oxe eyes . The gills were uncovered , fleshy , and beat ; the fins on the sides were a span long . It had a very hard knot . The Jaws on both sides were fenced with a solid continued bone , the tongue of it stuck fast to the lower mandible , that he seem'd to have no tongue , the tayle was about 4 , foot long . There were three fins on the taile , so that the taile with the fins , were 9 , foot long . The Fish was 8 , foot long , 5 , foot high and more ; and turn which way it would , it was so high : when it was unbowelled , the heart , liver , milt , were greater than of an Oxe ; and it had one gut coming to the passage for excrements placed under the belly . In the bottom of this gut there was a kind of bottom , made as it were of bruised nervs , like fiddle strings bruised . The Flesh of the creature was white as milk , and solid , as in a hog that is 5 , or 6 , fingers thick with fat , as in Whales . Clusius calls the Monoceros or Unicorn , a Fish ; which the Dutch coming from the East-Indies brought along with them . Anno , 1601. A Merchant valewed it so high that hardly any mony would buy it . From the outmost part of the mouth , unto the fins of the tail it was not much more than three inches , the middle of the body was little above an inch broad ; from the top of the head , where a horn stuck forth between the eyes , unto the lowest part of the belly , which also ended in a sharp point , it was an inch and half broad ; the body was covered with a dark rough skin , moreover it had a little narrow mouth sticking out half an inch long , set with two bony little teeth , which seem'd divided into ten above , but beneath into fewer , unlesse they were broken out . The eyes that were put out , seem'd to have been very great , over which on the head , a little slender Horn stuck forth , that was four square , about an inch long , armed with ten pins like hooks tending downward , on both sides , from which to the fin , which from the middle of the back stretched out to the taile , there was an inch in length , pressed down like to a furrow , into which when he swims , he seems to incline his horn , &c. Clusius , l. 6. exotic . c. 27. CHAP. XIII . Of the Mullet and the Barbel . THe Mugil is a most temperate fish , if he light upon another , he will not touch it , till he move the taile . If it move he leaves it , if it moves not , he preys upon it , Aelian . l. 1. c. 3. It is so salacious , that in Phoenicia , and the province of Narbon , at the time of copulation , that the male being taken out of Fish-ponds , and with a long line drawn through his mouth and fastned to his gills , cast into the Sea , and drawn back againe by the same line , the females will follow him to the shore , and the Males again will follow the Females at the time they bring forth , Plin. l. 9. c. 13. They are so fleet that when they are hungry they will cast themselves over ships in their way . The Mullet was formerly so noted for luxury amongst the Antients , that it was sold for a mighty price ; and private Romans would often buy it for the weight in Silver , saith Jovius , if it were above a foot long . Also Pliny writes that Asinius Cel●r a Consul , was so proud of this Fish , that when Claudius was Emperour , he Merchandised with one of them for 8000 peices of money , that is about , 400 rich Dollers . Macrobius , l. 3. Saturnal , c. 16. adds more , that the Luxury of that age may be esteem'd the greater , because Pliny , saith in his time no Barbel was found , above two pound weight . Scaliger saith , exerc . 226 , s. 15 , that the Liver of it , lies next the left side , the milt next the right . But Albertus saith , that lust is extinguished by feeding on them , and it is so strong that it will make a Man that eats of it , to smell like it . Athenaeus saith , that strangled in Wine , it spoils the Wine . Pliny saith , that if it be stale , it will make one vomit . CHAP. XIV . Of the River - Powt , and Lamprey . THe River - Powt is so sweet meat , that in Thuringia , the Wife of one of the Earls of Bichling , is reported to have spent all her Estate , in feeding on them . They are chiefly commended before Christs-Mas day ; but they are not good when they are with young , for then in some waters they are meazly . Some Hucksters , cut out their Livers , and turn them into the waters againe , having sewed up the wound . Encelius writes that the stomack of it , with the appurtenances hath a wonderfull vertue . Let it be , saith he , never so old , in Saxonie , the Women give it in drink , and it will draw out the secondine staying behind , after Child birth ; and is of great concernment for all defects of the matrix . They say also that oyle is collected out of the Liver , hanged in a glassy Vessel against the Sun , or in an Oven : this is thought to be so excellent for suffusions of the eyes , and for spots , that Forestus in observat . saith , it will miraculously make a dark sight clear . Nicander saith that Lampreys are wonderfull bold ; for often coming forth of fish ponds , they will bite the painfull Fisher-men , and flye to the Sea , and will cast them headlong from the ships into the Sea ; yet that they may be made tame , is apparent by the example of that Lamprey , which Macrobius and Aelian , & others do testifie , that L. Crassus who was Censor with Cn. Domitius , did adorn with Gold-earings and Jewells , and a brave neck-lace . This knew Crassus his voyce when he called her , and being call'd would swim to him ; and when he offerd him any thing , she would leap with delight , and lay hold of it . Crassus wept for her when she was dead , and buried her honorably . And when Domitius taunted him sharply , saying , Fool Crassus , thou weptst for a dead Lamprey . He answer'd , I wept for the death of my Beast , but thou weepst for none , not when thy three Wives died ; thou buriedst them , but lamentedst them not . Pliny , l. 9. c. 23. saith , that it will grow mad by tasting Vinegar . But that is a wonder that Aelian writes , l. 1. c. 37 , That if you give them one stroke they will endure it , and stand senselesse ; but if you strike them again , they will be enraged . CHAP. XV. Of the Perch and Sea-Calf . FIshermen in the Lake Lemanus have observed , as Gesner saith , that Perches will send forth a little red bladder that hangs out of their mouth , and they will escape by that means ; for it will make them swim over the nets , even against their wills : But it is thought this proceeds from anger , that they fell into the nets . This falls out especially when they drag them . But it is wonderful that this falls out onely in Winter . Their young ones do stick so close together , that the Fishermen in that Lake make them up in ●eaps . All of them have a measly Liver : Georgius Mangoldas writes it , and Gesner quotes him for it . Sea-Calfs , when they sleep , s●ort so much , that you would think they lowed . Rondeletius saith , that the clammy humour that sticks in their sharp artery being agitated by breathing in and out , is the cause of it . They love the Sea exceedingly : For when their skins are tanned , if there be any hair left , they will turn as the Sea lies , by a naturall instinct . For if the Sea be troubled and tosse , they will stand upright ; but if the Sea be quiet , they lye flat down . When Pliny would not credit this , he made tryall of it in the Indian Sea , and about the Island Hispaniola , he found it to be no fable , as Cardan saith . Rondeletius saith , That by their skin , changes are foreshew'd ; for when the South winds blow , their hair sticks up ; but when the wind is in the North they fall so flat , that you would think they had none . Aldrovandus saw one Calf taught by a Mountebank , who would rejoyce at the name of any Christian Prince , and would seem to mutter some words ; but he was silent when the Turk or an Heretick was named . CHAP. XVI . Of the Scales , and the Indian Reversus like an Eele . THe Scales do bring forth two or three young ones at one time ; but at many times they bring forth more . Their eggs are first seen without a shell , in the upper part of their matrix . Some of them are as big as Hen egs , some lesse , some scarce so big as chi●h-peasen . Aldrovandus counted above a hundred in one of them ; those that are next to be laid , are put into the lower part of the matrix , and are covered with a shell , wherein there is contain'd both the white and the yelk . When he much admired at this , and sought for the cause of it , he boyl'd hen-eggs , in which appeared no white at all , being but newly formed ; and he observed the white severed from the yelk by the heat of the fire . Hence he found , that at first they lye confused , but are separated by degrees by heat , and the shell that compasseth them , is made of the grosser part grown hard . Olaus , in tabula Septentrionali , pictures forth a Scale in the Sea , defending a man from a kennel of Dog-fish , in a place a little beyond the borders of Denmark . The Indian Reversus like an Eel , is a Fish of an unusuall figure , like to a great Eel in body , and it hath on the hinder part of the head a capacious skin , like to a great purse . The Inhabitants hold this fish bound at the side of the ship , with a cord , and onely let it down , so far as the fish may stick by the keel of the ship , for it cannot any wayes endure the ayr ; and when it sees any fish or Tortoise , which are there greater than a great Target , they let loose the fish ; he so soon as he is loose , flies swifter than an arrow on the other fish or Tortoise , and casting that skin purse upon them , layes hold of his prey so fast , that no force can unloose it , unlesse they draw up the cord a little , and pull him to the brink of the water . For so soon as he sees the light of the ayr he forsakes his prey , Martyr . Rondeletius ascribes to him the understanding of an Elephant , for he will be tame , and know what is said to him . CHAP. XVII . Of the Remora , and the Sea-Scarus . THe Antients believed , that the Remora would stay Ships ; and it hath been found true by examples of late . Petrus Melaras of Bononia reports , that the ship of Francis Cardinal of Troas , when he went by Sea out of France , was held fast in the swiftnesse of its course . Many have sought for the cause , but no man hath certainly found it . Some things are alwayes immoveable to do their office , as the Poles ; some things in respect of their place , as the Center of the Earth , which naturally never moves . Contrarily some things are to move alwaies to do their office , as the Heavens ; some things in regard of their place , as Rivers . So some things have a faculty of moving , as the Loadstone ; some to stop motion , as the Remora . But since no reason can be given , why cold is an enemy to heat , so not for these things , why such things that have efficient principles in them of motion , do cause motion ; and those that have principles of resting , should cause rest . Keckermannus seems to ascribe this to a cold humour that the Remora sends forth , that he freezeth the water about the rudder , In Disput. Physica . Aristotle , l. 2. Hist. c. 17. saith , That of all Fishes the Scarus onely chews the cud . Ovid testifieth , that when it is caught in a net , it breaks not forth with the head foremost , but turns his tail , and breaks his way forth with that , often striking the net . They roast them in Candie , thrusting a spit through their mouth , and there the Fishermen eat greedily their maws , stuft with more delicate meat . They mash their Livers , that are very great , and without any gall , and their excrements also , together , adding to them salt and vinegar , Bellonius . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Sea-Serpent , and the Sturgeon . IT is most certain , that there are Serpents in the Sea ; and Histories shew , that they are of divers magnitudes . Aristotle reports , that in Africa they will overthrow their Galleys , and kill Men. Olaus Magnus writes , that about Norwey , when the Sea is calm , Serpents will shew themselves that are 100 or 200 foot long , and sometimes they will catch men from the Ships . Schiltbergerus a Hollander , hath described the Combat between the Sea and Land-Serpents . His words are ; In the Kingdom of Genyck , there is a City call'd Sampson : at what time I resided with Ureiasita King of the Turks , Water-Snakes , and Land-Serpents innumerable did surround that City for a mile on all sides . These came forth of the Woods that are many in the Countries adjoyning , and those forth of the Sea. Whilest these met , for 9. dayes no man for fear durst stirre forth ; yet they hurt neither man , nor any other living Creature . On the tenth day , these two kinds of Serpents began to fight early in the morning , and continued till Sun-set , and the Water-Serpents yielded to the Land-Serpents ; and the next day 8000 of them were found dead . Many suppose that the Sturgion will pine away in the Albis . Gesner writes , that Johannes Fredericus Elector of Saxony , bought a Sturgion that weighed above 260 pound weight , for so many Franks . He is so strong with his tail , that he will cut wood in sunder , strike down a strong man , and strike fire out of hard stones ; and the same is done by the rubbing of those little bones that are prickly all his body over . CHAP. XIX . Of the Salmon , and the Turdus . A Salmon about Colen is two cubits long , and they are greater amongst the Miseni ; and at Dessavia , neere the River Albis , from 24 , to 36 , pounds weight . In Helvetia neere Tigurus they are taken somtimes above 36 , pound weight . Albertus saith , the intestine of it , is divided into many parts like to fingers . Gesner writes , that he observed two passages from the very throat of one that he dissected : they stretched downward , one to the Maw by the Wezand , and the other was namelesse . In the River Mulda neere to Dessavia , if the Salmon striving to overcome the precipice of the water , be frustrated at the second or third leap , he swims to the foard , and there he will lye hid under stones and gravel , and pine away : he is full of brasse colour'd spots , and his beck is bent like a great hook . In Scotland in Autumn they meet in little Rivers or places fordable , where they joyne bellies , and lay eggs , and cover them in the gravel ▪ at which time the male is so spent , spending his milt and seed , and the female with her spawn , that they are nothing but bones and prickels and skin . That leannesse is infectious , for they will infect all the Salmons they come neere . It is an argument thereof , that oft times they are taken , and one side is consumed , the other not so . From their eyes covered in the sand , little fishes breed the next spring that are so soft , that untill they be no bigger than a mans finger , if you presse them with your fingers , they will run as from congeled moysture . Then first , as Nature leads them , they hasten to the Sea , and in 20 , days , or a little more , it is incredible how great they will grow , when they come from the Sea , against a River that runs thither , they shew a wonder . For the Rivers that are straightned with Rocks , and Banks , on every side , and therefore run down swiftly , when they fall with a great fall , the Salmons do not presently swim forth by the Channel , but they fling themselves up crooked by force of the water , and so are carried in the Ayre , before they fall . That they are lively , is seen by their heart taken forth . Robertus Constantinus testifies that he saw the heart of a Salmon that was unbowelled , that was wet with a moyst sanies , and it lived after it was taken forth above a day . There are some different kinds of Turdi . Some have as it were some skiny yellowish Apophyses hanging down from their lower chop ▪ somtimes they vary , and are all for the most part Gold colour , or colour of the Amethyst or blew . Their eyes are extreme great , and a black circle goes about a Golden Apple ▪ a Golden circle about the black , and lastly a black circle goes about them all . The fins by the gills are wholly Gold colour , but of the brest they are all blew , except their nervs that are Gold colour'd . The fin that is from the anus , and that which is on the back , and taile , where they are joyn'd to the rump , are Gold colour'd , but sprinkled with little red blood spots , the rest are blew . CHAP. XX. Of the Torpedo , and the Tunie . I Have nothing to say of the Torpedo , but that he benums the hands ; and hence he hath his name . And he doth this , so effectually , that before he is taken , he will do it by the net , or the rod. He useth this cunning , that covering himself with mud and dirt , he will catch little fish very strangely , Plin. l. 1. utr . anim . The Tunies though they be caught in many places , yet chiefly about Constantinople ; for when they come to the Islands Cyaneae , and are past by the shore of Chalcedonia , a certain white rock appears to them , and doth so terrifie the Tunies , that immediately they put over to the farther bank ; and being taken away with the swift current of the waters , the natural fitnesse of the place turns the course of the Sea to Constantinople , and the winding thereof , so that being driven thither by force of Nature , it is no wonder , that they fall into snares . They are also ingendred in the Lakes of Maeotis ; and when they are a little grown , they break forth of the mouth of the Lake in sholes , and run by the Asiatick shore so far as Trapezunda ; but because they cannot endure tempests and cold weather , whereby their eyes grow dim ; they stay in a very deep place of the Thracian Sea , that harbours them , it is called Melas , and it hath hollow and muddy places fit to cherish fish in , and they grow till the Spring . They seem to understand the blowings of the winds . For Pliny saith , they stay for the North wind , that they may get out of the Pontick Sea , with the flowing of the water to help them . They enter into Pontus one way , and go forth another . For Aristotle , l. 8. Histor. c. 13. saith , they lye on their right side next the Earth when they no in , and come forth on the contrary side ; for they turn on the left side ; which , saith he , they are therefore said to do , because naturally they see clearest with their right eye , and duller with the left . The old Oracle of the Prophet Amphyllus in Herodotus , proves that they go forth in the night . And this is again confirmed by ancient medalls , such as Bellonius writes that he saw at Paris , on one side was an Ear of Corn ; and on the other side the Tunie ; and above this , the Moon with an Inscription of Phillips . They sleep so soundly , that they may be taken napping . CHAP. XXI . Of the Uranoscopus , and the Sword-fish . URanoscopus is a fish that swims alone , and eats flesh ; so lively , saith Bellonius , that if you take out all his Entrals , yet he will move still : It is the greediest eater of all fish , he hath an apophysis hanging forth of his mouth , and with that he ensnares the fish . This shews he is an insatiable paunch , that if you cast meat to him , he will feed so long , till the meat come up to his throat . The Sword-fish hath a beck on both chaps , but the lower of them is short and triangular ; the upper is more bony and harder , and far longer , sometimes two cubits long . In the Indian Sea they grow so great , that they will pierce the sides of the strongest Ships , a hand and half in thicknesse sometimes , Jovius . Gesner writes from the relation of a faithfull friend of his , who saw a man when he sailed into Syria , that swam by the Ship side , and he was cut in the middle by the beck of this fish . He fears a Whale , and when he sees one , he claps his sword into the earth , or some place of the Foard that he can , and so forms himself like to a log ; and the Whale neglects him , and swims by him . CHAP. XXII . Of some other Wonders concerning Fishes . IN Minerals and Quarreys also fishes are found , especially if the places be moyst , though there be no water . Theophrastus observed this in many places of Pontus ; Eudoxus in Paphlagonia ; Agricola at Orterantum , beyond the Albis . There is a plain by the River Narbon , by this run the Rivers , Iliberis and Roschinus ; there are fossil fish found therein . The earth is tender there , and brings much grasse ; about two or three cubits under this , runs the water of the Rivers that hath dilated it self . If at any time they overflow , they fill the plain with fish from underground , Polyb. in Histor. There are two sorts of them , some round like to Eels , but they want a tuff skin ; they are scaly as Gudgeons , their flesh is hard , and not well savoured . The great ones are two fingers thick , the smaller but one . Those are four hands breadth long ; these but three : they make a sharp noise . Apothecaries shut them up in glasses , and hang them down from a beam , and feed them with bread for a long time . Sometimes they come forth of Rivers that run in Fenny grounds , and come far into the Land by the veins of the banks , and sometimes into Cellars . Theophrastus writes , That in Caves they feel nothing , because their senses are stupified ; but when they are boyl'd in a pot , and when they are dug up they will stirre . In a certain River of the East-Indies there are fishes call'd Tuberones ; they are so greedy , that one of them catcht at a man standing on the side of the Ship , and first bit off his foot , and next his hand , Linschotten . in Navigat . It is almost incredible , that the same man writes , namely , That a Ship coming from Mozambique , went backward 14 dayes , though the wind were good for it , and nothing to hinder it , and that was found by every dayes observation of the Suns heighth . And when the doubtful Marriners enquired for the cause of it , and thought they had been bewitched , at last a fish was found under the Ship , and they collected , that this fish carried the Ship on his back the contrary way against the force of the wind . For so soon as with much ado , they had driven this fish away , they sailed forward very well . The History is painted in the Palace of the Deputy-King of Goanum , with the Name of the Pilote , the Year and the Month. Blefhenius writes , in his description of Islandia , That in the Island Sea there is a Monster , the name he knowes not , but they take it to be a kind of Whale ; when he puts his head above the Sea , he doth so fright men , that they will fall down almost dead . He hath a head is four square , flaming eyes , and it is fenced about with black horns ; His body is black , and set about with black feathers . If he be seen at Night at any time , his eyes seem fiery , that all his head that is thrust above the Sea may be seen by it . Olaus , l. 12. makes mention of it , and saith , it is 12 cubits long . So much for Fish. The End of the Ninth Classis . OF THE DESCRIPTION Of Naturall VVonders . The Tenth Classis . Wherein are set down the Wonders of MAN. WHosoever thou art , that dost unjustly determine the condition of Man , consider how great things our Mother Nature hath given unto us ; how much more strong Creatures are under our subjection ; how we can catch those that are much more swifter than our selves , that nothing that is mortal is not under our power . We have received so many Vertues , so many Arts , and lastly a Soul , swifter than the Stars ; for it will out-run them in their motions , that are to be performed many years after , and in one moment penetrates into whatsoever it is intent about ; Seneca . CHAP. I. Of Man in generall . HItherto I have described irrational living Creatures ; Man followes next , of whom we shall speak in order , according to his actions , natural , vital , animal , and rational . And first of his proportion . This is so excellent and admirable , that it cannot be more . The body of Adam was made out of the Earth , and ours of 3. small drops of seed , and as much blood , poured forth like milk , and framed like to cruddled cheefe ; of the same matter , are so many and so divers parts made . The whole structure consists of above 200 bones to support it , and as many cartilages ; all the joynts are smeered with , all are joyn'd together with many ligaments , and cloathed with innumerable membranes : the vast mass of the members , are watered with above 30 , paire of nervs , as with little cords , and all the parts are sprinkled with as many arteries as with water pipes , filld with foming blood and vital Spirits ; the empty places are filled up , and the entralls covered , with almost 400 , Muscles , and flesh of divers sorts , as with flocks : and lastly all is covered about with skin . The Image of God is in it ( his mind represents the same ) and it hath included in it , the forces and temperament of all the creatures . You shall find many men that have an Ostrich stomack , many that have the Lyons Heart , not a few have the heart of a Dogg , many of a Sow ; and infinite there are , that are like the Asse by nature . Alexander the Great , had such a symmetry of humours , that his spirits , and humours , and also his dead body , smelt as sweet as natural balsom ; because in man as in the Centre , as in a knot , or little bundle , the original and seminary cause of all creatures lye bound up . Vegetables are nourished and increased by the balsom-like Spirits of Mineralls , animals of vegetables , and by them of mineralls ; but man , for whom all things were created , is nourished and augmented by the balsamick spirits of animals , vegetables , and mineralls ; wherefore there is reason that he should consist of all ●hese . Wherefore in man there do flowrish , and produce fruit , that are messengers of health or sicknesse , both the balme , violets , Germander , namely the Spirits of the Heart , Brain , and Liver : the Nettle , Wake-Robin , Crowfoot , as Pushes , Scabs , Creeping sores ; Also there are wrought in man mineral separations , that appeare in paroxysms , of Vitriol , Alum , Salt , of Gemma , of the Colcothat , Tartar ; as the Leprosy , Elephantiasis , Morphew , Cancer , discovering themselves in several Tinctures and Signatures . Nor are aqueal generations wanting , as Gold , Silver , Tin , Copper , Iron , Lead ; the Heart , Brain , Liver , Reins , Stomach . There are found in our bodies Mines , out of which stones are dug , the stones of the Bladder and Kidneys , not to build but to destroy the house . The head is the Fort of mans mind , the seat of reason , the habitation of Wisdom , and the shop of memory , judgment , and cogitations ; possessing the highest place doth it not represent the uppermost and angelicall part of the World ? You have the middle and the Caelestial part in the Thorax ▪ and in the middle belly , exactly set forth . For as when the Sun riseth , the upper parts are enlightned , and all the lower parts are enlivened ; but contrarily , when the Sun departs , they grow cold , and tend to ruine : so by the perpetuall motion of the heart , and by the vital heat thereof , all things flourish , and there is a plentifull harvest of rejoycing , to be perceived ; but when that is darkned by cares , sorrows , fears , and other Clowds , all the parts are debilitated , and at last dye . Who sees not the sublunary part of the World , expressed in the lower belly ? In it , are containd the parts that serve for nutrition , concoction , and procreation . Perhaps you will want the Dukedome of the Planets in this little world . Behold , the flowing marrow of the brain represents the moystning power of the Moon , the genital parts serve for Venus , the Instruments of eloquence and comelinesse do the office of witty Mercury ; the Sun and the Heart hold the greatest proportion . Man's Liver , the fountain of good vapours , is compared to beneficiall Jupiter ; the bladder of the Gall , contains the fiery fury of Mars ; and the loose spungy flesh of the Milt , which is the receptacle of melancholique humours , doth perfectly represent the cold Planet of Saturn . And if you please to proceed farther , I can say boldly , that the Elements , Seas , Winds are here shadowed forth . The spirits of Mans body do set forth Heaven , the quintessence of all things . The four humours expresse the four Elements ; Hot dry choler represents the Fire ; blood-hot and moyst ▪ the Ayr ; flegme , cold and moyst , the Water : melancholy cold and dry , the Earth . So the belly of Man is the Earth , fruitful of all fruits : The hollow vein , is the Mediterranean Sea ; the Bladder the Western Sea , into which all the Rivers discharge themselves , and the superfluous salt which is resolved , is collected . He hath the East in his Mouth , the West in his Fundament ; the South in his Navel ; the North in his Back . Europe , Asia , Africa and America may summarily be described in Man. Wherefore Abdalas the Barbarian said well , that the body of Man is an admirable thing ; and Protagoras call'd Man , The measure of all things . Theophrastus , The pattern of the Universe , and Epitome of the World. Synesius , The horizon of corporeall and incorporeall things . And lastly , we may truly cry out with Zoroastres , O Man ! the Workmanship of most powerfull Nature ; for it is the most artificiall Master-piece of Gods hands . CHAP. II. Of Nutrition . Article 1. Of the harmlesse feeding on venomous things . IF we regard Histories , we can hardly doubt , but that venomous things may by custome become nutrimental : For many learned men having written thus , they ought to be of credit . Avicenna , Rufus , and Gentilis speak of a young Maid , who was fed with poysonous creatures from her tender age ; and her breath was venom to those that stood by her . Albertus writes , That at Colonia Agrippina , there was a man that held Spiders for his daintiest meat . One Porus ▪ a King of the Indies , used poyson every day , that he might kill other men . There was one who killed venomous creatures that bit him ▪ Avicenna l. 8. de anim . c. 2. It is a known History of a young Maid fed with poyson , with which the Persian Kings kill'd other men . In Hellespont the Ophyogenes feed on Serpents : One that was delighted with the same food , when he was cast into a vessell fill'd with Serpents , received no harm . Pliny and Athenagoras of Greece , could never be hurt by Scorpions ; and the Aethiopians that are Inhabitants by the River Hyaspis , made brave cheer of Serpents and Vipers . Galen saith , That an old Woman of Athens eat a great quantity of Hemlock , which did her no hurt . Hypoth . the Empirick writes , that another took 30 drams of it , and received no harm ; and he saith further , That one Lysis eat 4 ▪ drams of Opium . The Thracian Dame made gallant victualls of handfulls of Hellebor . Lastly , King Mithridates could not poyson'd bee , He drinking poyson oft , grew poyson-free . If you search the cause of it , you shall find divers . First is , every mans natural property , by reason of which , Stares feed on Hemlock ; Sows on Henbane , with delight . Then there is a certain proportion of poyson ; for this changeth the power of the poyson , and the disposition of the subject . Again , the strength or weaknesse of the body . Conciliator saith , he saw four men feeding on venomous meats , one dyed suddenly , two were dangerously sick , and the fourth escaped . To this adde the force of the composition , and the quantity ; the variety of the time and place wherein they are collected . So Trassius Mantinensis gathered his Hemlock in the coldest places , that he might sooner kill men . Theophrastus shews , l. 9. hist. Plant. that at Chios there was a certain way to compound it , to make it effectuall . One stung by a Scorpion , may live many dayes ; and one stung by Ammodites may live 7 dayes . Chersydrus kills in 3. days ; a Viper in 3. hours ; a Basilisk suddenly . Lastly , the history of a woman that sought to poyson her husband , proves , that poyson growes more effectuall by being mingled with poysons of the same kind ; and lesse , by being mingled with poysons of a contrary kind . Also it is certain , that hot poysons cannot be conquer'd ; for Sublimate by its extream corroding cannot be concocted by nature ; and Napellus kills by its extremity of heat . Article 2. Of the eating of other unusuall Meats . NAncelius l. 3. Analog . writes of a Maid delighted to feed on dung ; and he relates , that a certain Noble-man did greedily sup up the liquid dung of Maids . Fernelius l. 6. Pathol. c. 3. tells of a Maid that eat quicklime as great as a mans Fist. Trincavellus tells of one , l. 7. c. 5. that eat threds out of Garments . Lusitanus c. 3. cur . 86 , of one that eat Bombasse and Wooll . Marcellus Histor. mirab . l. 4. c. 1. of one that eat Lizards . A woman that was fifty years old eat Tartar , Nicolaus serm . 5. tract . 4. c. 36. Camerarius speaks of another eat hair ; This may happen in a particular disease , which in women with Child is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Virgins and others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For the cause is a vicious naughty humour , impacted in the coats of the stomack , or bred in the same by ill diet , or coming thither from the matrix . Hence for the three first months especially , it happens to women great with Child , when they vomit , and the Child consumes not much . It troubles maids , when their courses are stopt . But it is hard to say , how such an appetite should proceed from this cause , and it is better to ascribe it to a hidden quality than to commit an absurdity in what is manifest . But what is reported of one Lazarus , that he would eat glasse , stones , Wood , Living creatures , and Live-fish ; and we were told by the famous Winsemius in praelection . anatomic . that a Country man in Frisland would do the same for money , that seems to proceed from the fault of the nerves . For in him ▪ when he was dissected , the fourth conjugation of nervs , that is produced in other men for the benefit of their tast , neither came to his tongue nor palate , but was turned back to the hinder part of his head , as Columbus observed , Anatom . l. 15. Some also think a man may be nourished by smells , and some Histories say , it hath been done . Rondeletius de piscib . saith , that one at Rome lived 40 , yeares only by the Ayre , and Laertius reports that Democritus the Abderite , a Philosopher lived four days by smelling of bread steeped in Wine , that he might not profane the feasts of Ceres . Cardanus l. 8. de varietate rerum . c. 41 , saith , that men may live longer only by contemplation . Lastly , Megasthenes writes that at the farthermost part of the Indies , from the East about the River Ganges , there is a Nation call'd Astomores , people that have no mouth , their body is all hairy , and they are clothed with the mosse of boughs : they live only by the Ayre and sents that they take in by their nostrills , they take no meat nor drink , but only the diversity of smells from roots and flowers , and wild Apples , that they carry with them in long Voyages , that they may not want sweet smells ; and if the sents be too strong a little , they easily are killed thereby , Pliny l. 7. c. 3. Yet surely sents being but qualities can nourish no man ; they may out of all question refresh and cherish the brain . Artic. 3. Of prodigious Eaters . THere was a Woman once at Alexandria , as Athenaeus sets it down ; he saith , She eat 12 pound of flesh , four chaevice of bread that is more than 12 pound ; and she drank a gallon of wine and upward . Maximinus the Emperour would drink often in one day 9. Gallons of Wine of the Capitol measure , he eat 40 , pound of flesh , and as Cordus saith , 60 pound , Capitolinus is my Authour ; now an Amphora is 8 , congii , that is about 9 , Gallons . One Phagon in Vopiscus , who was in great respect with Aurelianus the Emperour , eat so much in one day , that he devoured a whole Bore , a hundred Loafs , a Wether and a young Hogg ; and he drank more than an Orca of Wine with a tunnel put into it : now an Orca was a Vessel of Wine greater than an Amphora . What shall I say of Clodius Albinus the Emperour ? He , as Capitolinus writes , devoured so much fruit as is incredible to speak : for Cordus saith , that he eat 500 dried Figs which the Graecians call Callistruas , for a breakfast ; and a hundred Peaches of Campania , and ten Melons of Ostia , and 20 pounds of Grapes of Lovinium , and a hundred Gnatsappers , and 400 Oysters . Uguccio Fagiolanus being a banish'd old man , did glory at the Table before Scaliger at Verona ; that when he was a young man , he eat four fat Capons , and so many Partridges , and the roasted hinder parts of a Kid , and the breast of a Calf stuft , beside salt fish , at one Supper To this appertains that prodigious man , in the time of Caesar Maximilian , who eat a raw Calf , and a Sheep , at one meal . Suidrigellus Duke of Lithuania , sate 6. hours at Supper , and fed on 130 dishes , Sylv. l. 2. Comment . in Pannormit . The Epitaph of Thymocreon Rhodius was this : Here Lies Timocreon Rhodius , who had skill To eat and drink , and rail , and speak much ill . Now over-great appetite , if it proceed from a praeternatural cause , it is called Bulimos ; and if it be with vomiting , it is call'd dogs appetite . And it proceeds from some gnawing humour in the stomach , or from a consumption of the whole body , or by reason of the operation of the cold ayr ; or , lastly , from Worms . Brutus , when he went from Dyrrachium to Apollonia through the Snow , had like to have got this disease ; and a woman that cast up a Worm of twelve fingers breadth long , lost her great stomach ; and so did another that voided 100 worms . Brasavolus testifies , that this disease was epidemical at Ferrara ; and Anno 1535 , it was so in Borussia ; Leonellus Faventinus writes it . Gemma Frisius speaks of a woman not very aged , that could not live one moment without eating . He gives the cause to be the greatnesse of her Liver , and the prodigious peculiar temperament of it . For her fat being increased unmeasurably , and her heat choaked , her belly was opened , and about 20 pounds of fat were taken out ; her Liver was found to be sound , swelling with blood and spirits , but extream red , and huge great , that by its very weight it pressed the vitall parts , Frisius l. 1. c. 6. Cosmocrit . Article 4. Of monstrous drinkers . IT is no hard matter to find men that sail in drink , and rowe in their cups . You see that drunkennesse abates in no part of the World , and as if we were born to consume Wines , and they could not be poured forth , but through the bodies of Men. What Seneca foretold , That a time should come when drunkennesse should be honour'd ; and to drink abundance of Wine , should be esteemed Vertue , is come to passe in our dayes . He is counted best , not he that can speak knowingly of Philosophy , but he that can drink off many great cups , Galen . And not onely wine and waters , but smokes and fumes are introduced to make men mad ▪ Yet all go not an equal pace , some will win the garland . In that publick drinking for a wager before Alexander , there was one Promachus that drank four Congii , that is , 40 pound . We read the same of Proteus of Macedonia in Athenaeus . Novellius Torquatus of Millan drank 30 pints at one draught , Tiberius the Emperour standing by to see this wonder , Plin. l. 14. hist. Natur ; And which is more wonderfull in him , they are Pliny his words , He wan the glory of it , that is very rare , for he never fail'd in his speech ; nor did he vomit or void any thing any way when he drank ; nor did he sleep : he drank most at one draught , and drank many more little draughts : and he was faithfull in the businesse , not to take his breath when he drank , nor to spit any out ; nor did he cast away any snuff that could be heard dash on the pavement . Cicero the son , drank two gallons . Bonesus , as the words of Spartianus confirm , drank more than any man. Aurelianus said often of him , He was not born to live , but to drink . Yet he long honour'd him for military affairs . For if any Embassadours of barbarous people came from any Country , he drank with them to make them drunk , and so in their cups he would find out their secrets . He drank what he pleased , and was alwaies sober ; and , as Onesimus the writer of Probus his Life , He was wiser in his drink . This was farther admirable in him , that so much as he drank , the like quantity he pissed , and his belly or stomach or bladder were never burthened . A certain man drank 6 gallons at a marriage of a Noble-man , in the dayes of Lipsius . Nicetas l. 3. Histor. writes of Camaterus Logotheta that drank two gallons . Article 5. Of some Secrets concerning Drunkennesse . DRunkards differ in their manner of their drunkennesse ; for some are drunk before others . And some when they are drunk fall backwards , some forward , some sing , some quarrel . Writers give many reasons for this : They that are soonest drunk , are not accustomed to Wine , or they have drank more then their ability , ( for naturally one cannot go from one extream to another without inconvenience ) or they have narrower veins that are too hot , or have a thicker constitution of body , or they prate too much when they drink . For speaking out , augmenteth natural heat that is inflamed by wine , and fills the head with vapours , and heaps up abundance of them ; which being corrupted by continuall motion , are distributed through the whole body , distending the eyes , inflating the temples , offending the brain . The same reason serves for such who at Feasts eat hot bread , drink strong wine , and eat abundance of meats that are salt , and talk continually . For all these things increase thirst exceedingly , and makes men drink out of measure . Also divers sorts of men eat bread wherein there is contain'd Nigella seed , Darnell , when they eat brown bread , or mingled with Millet seed . For these cause heavinesse , and a passion like to drunkennesse by grosse vapours , Canonher . l. 3. de admirand . Vini c. 1. Hitherto appertains refined wine , poured from the Lees. For this , though it be weaker to preserve it self , and having no lees , will sooner grow sowr , ( for the Lees are the root to preserve the Wine ) yet because it is moyster , and pierceth into all the Veins of those that drink it , it sooner inflames the blood , makes men drunk , and overturns reason . Jason Pratens . de morb . cerebri . But women come not into this consideration , nor such as drink sharp Wine after sweet , or such as delight in new Wine . For women are of a very moyst body , are often purged , have very open passages , Macrob. in Saturnal . Yet because they have a weaker brain , and narrower sutures of their skull , it is better to say with Alphonsus Lupeius , that they are seldom so drunk that they rave , but they are often sottish in their drink . Sweet Wine stops the pores , through which the Vapours of sharp Wines , might ascend to the head . Lastly sweetnesse so resists drunkennesse , that Physitians cause such that are too much inflated with Wine , first to vomit much , and then they give them bread with honey to eat , to repell the fumes that remaine of the Wine ; Macrob. Saturnal : What concerns their divers gestures , that is founded in the diversity of the parts and humours . Fumes from Wine flye to the forepart of the head , and fumes of Beer and Ale to the hinder parts . Those that are drunk with this , fall backwards , but these with Wine fall forwards . Those are clamorus and talkative , these sleepy and forgetfull . Lemnius l. 2. de . occult . c. 19. They see things lesse a farr off , because the optick Spirits are made more thick . The sanguine tempers laugh ; the cholerick prate and are mad ; the phlegmatique grow stupid ; the melancholique sad . And because all of them have their opticks troubled with Vapours , they all see a divers colour'd circle about the light of the Candle . Gordon Libro . Medic. part . 2. c. 21. If they weep they delight in so doing . Rhodig . l. 12. c. 4. Moysture makes them stammer ; for by this the tongue is extended as a sponge with water , and being swoln and thick cannot speak plain . Jacob Pratens . de natura vini . Moreover experience hath found that Coleworts resist drunkennesse exceedingly , chiefly raw , and above all the red Cabbage . Lemnius l. 2. c. 11. de occult . But Galen saith , L. 2. de composit . medicam . c. 5. hot Cabbage macerated , and bound about the head . And so great is the antipathy between it and Wine , that if one powre Wine to it whil'st it boyls , it will not boyle much . If you desire a reason , some say , that by eating of it , grosse Vapours ascend , that thicken the Vapours of the Wine . Aristotle saith that it draws the moysture of Wine down to the belly , and cools the body . Weckerus attributes the same force of the Ivy , and Alexander saith that smallage , nuts , Lupins will do the like . Pumanellus saith , powder of Pumex-stone drank in water will do it . Gratarolus speaks the same of Saffron , de vini natura c. 5. Africanus , of a Goats Lungs . Amandus de Sancta Sophia . l. 1. de veris secretis , attributes as much to new Milk drank fasting . Platerus prax . medic . Tom. 1. c. 3. prescribes pap made of Milk and Barley meal taken with Vinegar . And he describes a certain powder thus : Take Colewort seeds 1 , dram ; Coriander seed 5 , drams ; camphir , 10 , grai●s : make a powder , and give one spoonfull in sharp Wine . But the dung of swallows powdred and drank , will maka a man sober , Pliny . Rue eaten , Merula . The humour that first drops from the Vines at the beginning of the Spring ; bread that is made of darn●l , dried and made into powder . But that is superstitiously said , That whosoever shall rehearse this verse , before the first glasse of Wine he drinks , Juppiter his alta sonuit clementer ab Ida. shall never be drunk . Artic. 6. Of Bread. THe chief foundation of mans preservation and nutriment ▪ and the staffe of life , is bread , well ordered . Hence some say , Panis , Bread , comes from pasco to feed : some take it to be so call'd from Pan , that is , all , because it answers all meat . It is made of divers things . The Aethiopians made it of the seed of Orindium . The Icthyophagi made it of fish dried in the Sun. Plin. l. 7. c. 1. The Aegyptian shepherds made it of the Lote-Tree seed . Pliny , l. 22. c. 21. Neer the Mountain Vogesus , about the Town Burcken , there is a fine white meale dug forth of a Mountain ; the Inhabitants make Bread of it , and all sorts of Cakes , Claudius Diodatus , l. 2. Panther Hygiastici . c. 4. But I say , that can be no true meal , but it must be miraculous . I think it is some thick juyce that proceeds out of the earth , and in time is congealed by heat of the Sun , and so becomes fine meale . Divers Medicaments are made of bread . Aqua-vitae , the most noble treasure of life is thus made . Take the best bread cut into thin sippets , what is sufficient ; put them into a hot Furnace , that by degrees they may dry , like red Bisquit : then bruise it grosely , and put it into a wide cauldron , and for every pound of this Bread , put in five pound of Fountain Water ; flowers of hops one handfull , of anniseeds one ounce : boyle them together till one part be consumed , let them coole a little , and then powre them forth , and pass them through a basket or sieve , then powre on some leaven , first dissolved in warm water ; shut this up in a Vessel , and let it ferment and work like new wine : lastly part it as it grows clear , distill it , and rectifie it like Spirit of Wine . Some distill the crumbs of white bread newly taken forth of the Oven , putting it into glasse Stills ▪ four ounces of it are given successefully against the Epilepsie . See Deodate how the quintessence may be extracted . Artic. 7. Of wonderfull fasting . THough nourishment be necessary for our life , yet there have been many , that have lived along time without it . In Saint Augustine his days , one lived 40 , days without eating any thing . Another , in the time of Olimpiodorus the Platonist , for so long as he lived , he neither fed nor slept , but only stood in the Sun to refresh himself . The daughter of the Emperour Clotarius fasted eleven years . Petrus Aponus saw one fasted 18 years . Rondeletius saw one fasted ten , and afterwards became a fruitfull Mother . Hermolaus knew a Priest who lived in health 40 years without any thing , but by sucking in the Ayr. Lastly , one Nicolaus Helvetius under Waldensis , Anno 1460 , after that he had five Children by his Wife , lived a solitary life , and neither ate nor drank in 15 years . Some dare affirm , that he fasted 22 years ; and Bocatius saith , that this party , or another , fasted 30 years . Mago Carthaginensis , and Lasyrtas Lasionensis lived without taking any liquid substance all their lives , Athen. l. 2. c. 2. One that Coelius speaks of , that was by Country of Tomos , did the like at Naples ; and Aristotle speaks of Andronis of Greece . I will not speak of Conflana and Bernenses , two Maids , in Quercetanus l. 2. Diaetetica c. 6. nor the Maid of Colen , in Albertus l. 7. de animal ; nor her of Hay , in Namelius ; nor yet of the Aunt of Timon , in Athenaeus l. 2. nor yet of the French-man that came from his Pilgrimage from Jerusalem : Yet there is no man , I think , but will say , that all these things are preternatural . The cause is , in what takes away , or augments the appetite ; and that is done either when the meseraique veins do not attract the Chylus , and draw it out of the stomach ; or when their sucking is not perceived in the orifice of the stomach . That , is caused by stopping of the veins , or by a hot distemper , or want of evacuation of the excrements that abound ; or when the orifice of the stomach is beset with flegmatick humours . This , either from the inhibition of the influence of the animall spirits , and the fainting of them , or from the distraction of the faculty , or from the distemper of the stomach , and stupidity of it . But because death doth not follow this taking away of the appetite , there must be some other cause besides . Some make this to be , the relaxation of the nerves in the orifice of the stomach , as Langius ; others think the Ayr drawn in , feeds the spirits , as Quercetan . But since they do not shew the cause of life , and this opinion is yet doubtful ; and they , which make the cause to be abundance of flegmatique humours , confesse there are plenty of them in cachecticall bodies ; Sennertus his Judgment pleaseth me best , who sayes , that such bodies are almost immortall ; and little or nothing exhales from them ; because they consist of a tenacious humour well compacted and growing fast together , and that will not yield to the action of heat that feeds on nutriment ; and their heat is most mild and gentle , and requires not much nourishment , Instit. l. 2. Part. 3. Sect. c. 2. CHAP. III. Of Concoction . Article 1. Of the Liver and Spleen . NUtrition hath attraction , retention , expulsion , concoction subordinate unto it . Concoction is either in the Stomach , the Liver , or the Spleen , or in other parts . In the first the Chylus is made of the meat , the faeces and watry excrements are cast forth : In the second , blood , yellow choler , whey , and urine are sent forth : in the third , dew , glew , and that which is call'd Cambium , some thicker , some thinner are thrust forth . As for the Liver , there was none found in Mathias Ortelius , a Merchant of Antwerp . Though it be one entire body in Man , yet in bruit beasts it is divided into many Laps . In one Maid it was found with three laps . In Carolus Sabaudus it ha● four little coats , Francisc. Puteus , l. 5 : Apol. In Colet , the outmost fibres of it were adorned with hairy tufts sticking forth , Camerar . When the heat of it growes weak , a Dropsie followes . I will say a few things of the Spleen ; There was a woman at Paris was found to have none , Holler . in observ . And Pliny l. 1● . saith , That in Cawnus , men are born without it , Natur. Histor. c. 73. Hence the common people think it may without hurt be cut out of Footmen and Horses . Pallopius observed 3. that lay one upon another . Posthius observes two at Montpelier : Where it increaseth , the body decayes . For then it sucks away too much Chylus from the Liver . Hence Trajan call'd the Spleen the Treasury : For , as this growes rich , the common people grow poor : so , as the Milt increaseth , the body decreaseth . One was seen so great , that it weighed above 20 pounds , C●lumb . l. 15. Anatom . A Marriner had a Milt 23 pound weight , and his Liver eleven pounds . In Jacobus Antonellius it was no bigger than a Pigeons Egge ; In one of Spoletum it was empty like a purse . Article 2. Of Humours in generall . THere is scarce any question to be made , but that the Humour● cannot he defined by the onely force of the Elementary qualities . For Man lives upon Plants , and they contain in them sharp , bitter , and sometimes Minerall juices . They are alter'd indeed by that internall Archaeus , which is naturall heat ; but when they are unmingled , unfit , and robustous , they cannot be changed . Hence it is that Urines are made somtimes that will corrode cloth ; and somtimes blood falne from the nose will do the like . Doring . l. 1 : de medicin . et medic . Somtimes things are cast up so hot by vomit , that they will boyle in the bason , and dye Silver Chargers with a brasen colour , that no washing , nor strong rubbing can take off , Schenk . obs . l. 3. Sometimes things yellow like Saffron are voided , so sweet ; that they tast like liccoris , when as they should be bitter . Cardan , contra , 9. l. 2. tract . 5. reports that a woman that had drank Poyson , had a vein opened , and no blood would run forth , but a green juice as from herbs , to 9. ounces in quantity ; and a mans blood was , like to milk . The humours have wonderfull conveyances in the body , and certain periods . The blood doth grow vigorous , saith Soranus Ephesinus , ( which like the Evangelists , doth measure the spaces and course of day and night by equall hours ) from 9 a clock at night , till 3. a clock in the morning , in which time the blood in Man is concocted and elaborated : Thence is the mind of Man cheerfull at Sun-rising . Yellow choler is concocted from 3. in the morning , untill 9 a clock ; in which time the naturall faculty separates choler from blood , and sends it to the gall bladder : Thence a man is prone to anger . Black choler is elaborated from 9. a clock of the day , till 3. at night . In this time the Liver is purified , and made clean of grosse blood ; and this , Nature , as some say , ordains for the Spleen . From hence is the mind of Man darkned . Flegme is concocted from 3. at night till nine : For then Supper being ended , concoction begins to be made in the stomach , and the meat to be liquified . From hence Flegme swimming upon the stomach , and carried to the brain , makes a man sleepy . But if they be over-much , and joyn'd one with another , then they do not keep their times . Moreover , the Persians , by reason of their moderate exercises being children , grew so dry of body , that they neither spit , nor did blow their noses , nor were their bodies puft up , Varro in fragment . Artic. 3. Of Blood. BLood is stopt by some , wonderfully : Gesner notes , that Frederick Duke of Saxony , gave a Toad that was thrust through with a woodden spit , and well dryed in the Sun , and wrapt in Sarsnet , for them that bled at the nose , to hold in their hands till it grew hot , and so the blood was stopt . A hens chicken will do the same , if the part hurt be thrust into that place where Cocks use to be gelt , a hole being cut open . Platerus l. 2. de vit . c. 5. proved it , and found it so . A noble Matron stayd bleeding at the nose , by holding a bit of white chalk under the ring-finger , on that side the nostrill bled , Forest. l. 13. c. 10. Osorius writes also of Nahodaguca , a Prince in the Kingdome of Malacca , who was hurt with many wounds and fell down , yet not one drop of blood came forth ; when he was stript , and a bracelet of gold was taken off , then it began to run . That stone was said to have power to stop blood , that was set in it . It is taken out of beasts which the Sinenses call Cabrisias , Osor. l. 7. de reb . Afric . et Indicis . That it comes forth of a vein cut , the distending of the vessels is the cause . For the continuall motion of the arteries added to the veins , doth presse the veins : but if the veins be opened , the blood comes forth , because there is nothing to hinder it . Hence when a vein is opened , if one swoond , the blood stops . For the vitall spirit doth no longer distend the vessels , Bartholin . Probl. 5. It is observed , that when a man is killed , it will run forth if the murderer be present ; but when a man is drown'd , it runs forth when friends are present . When you ask the cause , it is either motion and agitation that opens the orifices of the veins , or Sympathy and Antipathy : The revenge of the person is put for an Argument . He that is grievously wounded , becomes the Assailer , saith Rhodigi● . Thought greedily desires revenge ; choler burns suddenly for it ; the blood is presently inflamed with it , and runs with all its force to the wound , both to foment it , and to revenge . The spirits fly together , and by an inbred leightnesse do fly about the Author of it , by whose heat they continue , and remain for some time , Rhodig . 3. Antiq. c. 12. It was of old thought to be a remedy for the Falling-sicknesse , to drink man's blood yet warm . It was the Devil's Invention , who delights in the slaughter of men ▪ and to do them mischief . The Wife of Marcus Antonius the Philosopher , fell in love with a Fencer ; the Wizards were enquired of , and they gave counsel to kill him , and that Faustina should drink his blood , the next time she lay with Caesar. It was so done , and her love was ended , but the boy born was of a fighting disposition , and destroy'd the Common-wealth , Jul. Capitolin . Langius reports , that the Son of a certain shepherd was faint-hearted for robberies ; but when he had eaten a crust of bread dipt in mans blood , he was flesh'd for all villany . The Carmani had this custom , that at Feasts they would open a vein in their face , and mingle the blood that ran forth with wine , and so drink it , holding it the end of their friendship , to taste one the others blood . ( But these things belong to the description of Wonders in Customes ) There is compounded a Lamp of life and death with mans blood , whereof Ernestus Burgravius writes thus : This Lamp or Light once lighted , burns continually , so long as that man , of whose blood it was made , doth live , and at the very same moment that he di●s , it will go out . Know also , that if the flame be bright , rising high and quiet , that Man feels nothing that troubles his Mind or Body : But if it be otherwise , and the flame rising , twinckles diversly , or is lower and clowdy and troubled , it gives thee a sign of great sorrow and other passions . For perpetually from the coelestiall influences bred with the Microcosme , and from the naturall inclinations ( since that blood is nourished by the blood of that man , and the body of the same from the substance of this very blood , from which blood was as it were mutually taken to prepare it ) that flame shines according to the state and habit of that man , in prosperity or adversity , and so shews it self . Sennertus and Deodate , call this Pyromantia . Artic. 4. Of Urine and Reins . MAny things perswade us , that there is somthing else contain'd in Urines beside the watery substance . For in diseases they are made plentifully , though men have drank nothing . And it is observed that creatures that drink nothing , will make water . Physitians foretell many things by their colours , thinnesse , and thicknesse . And Chymists find salt in Urine resolved . But whatsoever that is , it is call'd Serum , and it is the superfluous salt matter in meats and drinks , and is not fit for nutriment . Salt is hid in meats , to season them ; and that plants are full of salt , you may find by distilling them . It is very well known that divers kinds of salt may be fetched out of Urines . Aegineta saith , that artificiall Chrysocolla is made with Urine . Nitre is made of earth , moystned with the Urine and dung of living creatures . Baccius shews the way : His words are . Saltpeter is made now a days by industry of a most sharp Lixivium , that drains forth from old dung , or rotten ordure , from the matter of Churchyards , and some earths that are rotted together , the sane water being often powred on in wodden Vessels . This Lixivium is boyld in great Cauldrons , and Salt-peter is made , long fibres growing hard in the bottom like to salt . Hence Ruffus Ephesmus said ; that Urine was a nitrous humour that falls into the bladder . de appel . corp human . c. 36. The Arabians write that in the Urine of those are bit with mad dogs , the pictures of dogs may be seen Abenzoar . But that seems to be attributed to the force of the Venom , because it changeth exceedingly a mans constitution , and makes it like to a doggs . For the humours are so corrupted by it , that some little creatures like to puppies are bred in the body , Sennert . l. 2. p. 2. s. 2. c. 4. Truly we find Worms to breed in the bladder ; for a woman voided one a span long ; and a noble maid , voided many as great as wiglice , Schenck , l. 3. obs . Also Charls Count of Mansfield , voided one like a Magpie ; Duretus , like a Hog-louse . But one that had the stone of the bladder voided two , with a sharp head , with horns ; the back and belly were crusty , and they were black , and like Tortoises , but that their belly was red , Pareus l. 19. c. 3. Holler . de morb . intern . Another voided a living Scorpion ; another , shell-fish , Schenk . observ . All know the urinary passage , yet somtimes other things are voided by it . The Sonne of Boninus made water a little beneath the glans ; and a Maid of a noble family at the Hague , urin'd her Navel . An old Vine dresser had it coming forth at an Ulcer of his left buttock ; a Souldier Voided it by his hip and thigh ; others by their belly . Schenk . in obser . Fernel . l. 6. Pathal . c. 13. As for the Kidneys , Gemma saw 3 , or 4 , Lib. 6 , Cyclogn . Wolphius and Columbus , l. 15. Anatom . saw but one . They were seen fastned to the Liver by Holtzapfelius at Auspurg . The fat of them is somtimes found so hard and congeal'd that it is almost as hard as a stone , Eustach . de Renib . c. 45. Saxonia saw the substance of them resolved into little peices of flesh . Stones also are bred in them of a faeculent matter , mingled with a salt and stony juyce . Somtimes they are very great . A Father general of the Carmelites had a stone in one of his Kidneys , which growing from a large root , was divided into eight branches , according to the forme of the Channels of the urinary Vessels , and the number of them , this excellently resembled the stock and branches of Corall ; moreover the flesh much contracted and diminished , with the Veins , stuck so fast to this stone all about , that it had lost its own form , and seem'd to be a thick skin that covered it round . Eustach . ad c. 44. de Renib . Artic. 5. Of Marrow . PLinie writeth , that a Serpent is ingendred of the Marrow of the back-bone of a man. The truth of this testimony appeareth by experience , and is made manifest by an example that we read in Plutarch . For the King of Aegypt having made the dead body of Cleomenes to be hanged up , and they that watched it having spied a great Serpent winding about his head , and covering the face in such sort as no bird that preyes upon carrion durst soare thereabouts ; the people of Alexandria running thither ( saith he ) in troupes to see this spectacle , called Cleomenes a demi-god , and the sonne of the Gods : untill such time as the best in knowledg among them had called to mind , that as of the putrified flesh of a dead Oxe , there grow Bees ; of a horse , Wasps ; and of an Asse , Beetles : so likewise , when the matterie substance which invironneth the Marrow , gathereth together and thickneth , Serpents are ingendred thereof . Camerarius saith , he hath oftentimes seen in a well-known place of Germany a yong gentlemans tombe , who was buried in a Chappell where his predecessors lay : It is said , that he was the fairest yong man of his time ; and being troubled with a grievous sicknesse in the flower of his age , his friends could never get so much of him ( no more than Agesilaus friends could get of him ) as to suffer himself to be represented in sculpture or picture , to serve for posteritie : only this , through their importunitie he agreed unto , that after he should be dead and some daies in the ground , they should open his grave , and cause him to be represented as they then found him . They kept promise with him , and found that the Worms had half gnawne his face , and that about the midriffe and the back-bone there were many Serpents . Upon this , they caused the spectacle ( such as they found it ) to be cut in stone : which is yet at this present to be seen among the armed Statues of the Ancestors of this yong gentleman . A notable example of the fragilitie of mans body , how faire and goodly so ever it be ; and that all the splendor and magnificall shew that may be seen therein , is nothing else but rottennesse and Wormes-meat : as the Author of Ecclesiasticus saith ; When a man dieth , he is the heritage of Serpents , Beasts and Worms . Which is confirmed by a certaine inscription graven upon a tombe at Rome in Saint Saviours Church , where are two Latine Verses to this effect . When in my bodies prison I was pent , I was compact of shamefull filth and ordure : Now to this lower dungeon being sent , To crawling Wormes I serve for food and pasture . Saint Bernard aymed at the same when he said , That man was nothing but stinking seed , a sack of excrements , and the food of Worms . Of bodies dead ingender Worms , of Wormes a rotten stink , And then as horrible a state as mind of man can think : This is our very case , for all our pride and hie conceit , Nor can we stay the stroake of death when he our life doth threat . So then , nature ingendring of the carrion of our bodies , a Serpent , or a Dragon , it seemeth to shew unto us ( as it were with the finger ) the author of our calamities and corruptions ; as also the enemie that hath an unreconcileable warre with us : to wit , that old dragon and serpent , who not only layeth traps for the living ; but besides never leaveth rending and devouring those that be dead and buried . Article 6. Of Sweat. ARistotle reports , that some have sweat blood . And Fernel . l. 6. de part . morb . c. 4. observed , that sometimes blood will run forth of the ends of the veins that end in the skin , in many places . There was one , that every month about a pound of blood , run forth of a vein opened , by the skin , near the lower part of the Liver ▪ when it was voided , none could discern where it came forth , Beneven . Lastly , the President of Mons Marinus , when he was besieged by Augustus the base son of the Prince of Salucia , and was called forth as it were to parley , and then held prisoner , and he was threatned with death , if he yielded not up the place , was so frighted with this undeserved death , that he sweat blood all over his body , Thuan. l. 11 ▪ Histor. The causes are two , saith Aristotle . The thinnesse of the blood , the rari●y of the skin , and the opening of the pores . To this may be added , the weaknesse of the parts that serve for nutrition , if the retentive faculty hold not , and the expulsive cast forth strongly . Anno 1486 , there was a kind of disease call'd the English Sweat ; It first fell out in England , and in Germany Anno 1529 , it so spread , that it brake off the Treaty of Zwinglius and Luther . The force was so great , that it killed men in 24 hours , or else they recovered if it did breathe forth by sweat , Thuan. lib. 6. Physicall observations shew , that one recovered who went into a very hot oven , and sweat violently . But as many as eat of the bread was baked in the same oven , were all consumed by a consumption , Riqu . de febre sudor in Epist. And though Sweat , when other signs are good , be a Token of a good Crisis , yet a cold sweat is certainly mortall , for it comes from the decayd heat of the solid parts . When as it breaks forth from a great feavorish heat within , it is cooled in the Externall parts that are now void of all heat . Whence our Hippocrates , l. 4. Aphor. 37. saith , If cold Sweats come forth upon a hot Feaver , they signifie Death ; but if the Feaver be mild , a Chronicall disease . Article 6. Of insensible Transpiration . AS in the great World , vapours are drawn forth from moyst places by the heat of the Sun and the Stars : so in Man , the litle world , we must grant the same is caused by force of the inward heat . Yet lest they being united in mans body , should cause distemper , and make Feavers , God made mans body open and full of pores , through which the vapours breathe out , and that so finely , that the senses can scarce perceive them . Yet Sanctor . Sanctorius , did observe and weigh them as fine as they are . Hence grew , that Physick is called Statica , wherein amongst other Aphorismes these are contain'd : I. Insensible transpiration is far more , than all sensible transpirations put together . II. If the weight of the body begins to increase more than usually , without any greater addition of meat or drink , or retention of sensible excrements , there is a stopping of the pores . III. Perspiration that cures the body of a disease , and of that unprofitable weight , is not that which is made by sweat , but by that invisible breathing forth , which in Winter in one naturall day can send forth above 50 ounces . IV. After sleep , before he voids any sensible Excrements , a man feels himself lighter ; for he is so , about 3. pounds weight more than ordinary . V. In one night commonly a man voids 16 ounces of urine , more or lesse , 4. ounces of excrements by siege , and above 40 ounces by insensible transpiration . VI. Many men void more in one naturall day by insensible transpiration , than they do by their belly in 15. dayes . VII . If cold fall upon the Ayr in Summer , and a man drink hard that day , it will hinder a third part almost of insensible transpiration ; and if sensible transpiration do not help , it will easily dispose a man to corrupt humours or Cachexia . VIII . In Summer temperate bodies are lighter than in Winter about three pound weight . IX . In Summer if cold fall upon heat , the same day about one pound of excrements are kept in , and cannot breathe forth . X. From the Autumnall Equinoctiall , to the Summer Solstice , we breathe forth above one pound weight lesse every day ; and from thence to the Vernall Aequinox we begin to breathe them forth more freely . XI . The stomach fill'd with meat , if it perform the first concoction whilest we sleep , the perspiration of that night commonly amounts to 40 ounces ; but if it do not end it , it comes to about 18 ounces . XII . Meats that nourish much , except Wether-Mutton , from Supper to Dinner , use not to breathe out above 18. ounces . XIII . Plenty of meats , that nourish but little , in one night may breathe forth above 40 ounces in most men . XIV . Wether-Mutton is easily concocted , and will breathe forth ; for in one night it will come forth by insensible transpiration 3. ounces more than other ordinary meats . XV. Unquiet rest hinders at least 3. ounces of ordinary transpiration . XVI . I have found that insensible transpiration in many men will breathe forth in 7. hours 40 ounces , when they sleep ; and 20 when they wake , or thereabouts . CHAP. IV. Of Increasing . Article 1. Of Gyants . THere are two sorts of Gyants . For they are either people of a Country ; or else Monsters , by errour of the matter , or of the Agent . Goropius Becanus denyes that ever there were , or are any of the first kind . But the holy Scripture gives testimony , and there are evident examples , and modern experience confirm it . For the Spies , Numb . 13. v. 33. say expresly , We saw Gyants the sons of Anak , which come of the Gyants , that we seemed in our eyes like to Grashoppers , and so we were in their eyes . And what are the names of the Emims , and Zamzummims ; but titles of Gyants ? Procopius testifieth , that Justinian wondred at the Goths of old for their vast bodies . Some think they had their names from Gygas , Bartholin . de Pigmaeis c. 5. Mela. l. 3. c. 4. writes , That amongst the Indians there were men so tall , that they rid on the greatest Elephants instead of horses . The Patagones in America are certainly known to be 12. spans high . Pigafetta saith , he saw there amongst the Canibals a Gyant that was taller than other men from the girdle upwards . But about the straights of Magellan near the Antartick Pole , he saw men whose neck was half as long as a mans Arm ; and he affirms it exceedingly . We may place Goliah , and such as are spoken of , 2 Sam. 27. in the number of the last kind of Gyants . Augustine saw the grinding tooth of one , that , cut into pieces , would make a hundred teeth of ours , Lib. 15. de civitat Dei , c. 9. Some were found in Drepanum in Sicily , each of them weighed 3. pound , Pulgosius l. 1. c. 6. Lucius Flaccus and Metellus in the Cretian Warre found some of their bodies that were 30 cubits . In the same place the earth opening by an Earthquake cast up one 40 cubits high , Plin. l. 7. c. 26. In another place amongst the waves there was a Maid seen 50 cubits long , and she was 4. cubits broad between the shoulders , she was clothed in a purple garment , Vincentius histor . Natur. l. 31. c. 25. But what saith Bertius of another in his description of Zealand ▪ Our Chronicles relate , from Gulielmus Bonus , Earl of Holland , unto the Marriage solemnities of Charles the fair , King of France , a woman was brought , of an unusuall stature , born in Zealand , in respect of whom very tall men seemed but dwarfs ; and she was so strong , that she would carry two barrels full of beer in both hands , each of them weighing 40 Italian pounds ; and a beam that 8 men could not lift , she would weeld at pleasure . He that desires more , let him read the Book of Johannes Cassio de Gygantibus : I onely mention some of the chief , commonly they that feed abundantly do not grow so beautifull . The choaking of the natural heat , is the cause , with abundance of moysture . The same happeneth in diseases , Lemnius in occult . Artic. 2. Of Pigmies . PYgmies have their name from their cubital stature . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the distance from the bending of the elbow to the top of the little finger . The Hebrews call them Gammadim , from Gomed a cubit . There were two sorts of them , some very little ones brought up in Princes Courts for sport ; born by accident as Monsters are . Some are a people that live some where , or else they did formerly . I need not prove the former . Under Theodosius there was one so small in Aegypt , that he seem'd no bigger than a Partridge ; he was very wise , and had a pleasant voyce , and spake clearly , shewing the marks of a generous mind , he lived 20 , years . Nicephor l. 12. Eccles. histor . c. 37. Johannes Cassinon de Gygant , p. 66 , saw two at Lyons , one of them had a long beard , and was of a very beautiful countenance , some of our Chamberfellows saw at Falconburg , a mile from Leyds the last yeare , a female a cubit long , There was a Dwarf at the Marriage of the Duke of Bavaria , who was compleatly arm'd , with a short spear , and his sword girt about him , and he was hid in a Pie that one could not see him , and he was set upon the Table , and he brake the crust of the Pie and came forth , and drawing his sword he danced like a Fencer , and made all the people laugh and admire him , Plater . l. 3. Observ. At Dresda in the Castle of the Elector of Saxony there is to be seen the Skeleton of a dwarfe , not a cubit high , with so solid and well proportion'd bones , that one would think they were the bones of an Embryo . Bartholin de Pigm . c. 6. In Marchia and Lusatia , there was an entire skeleton found , with the skull , 2 foot and 3 fingers long , Leonhardus ▪ Turnheuserus in German Pisone memorat . l. 7. c. 84. Now because Coffins of the dead were often dug up in those parts , the people think the Pigmies make them under ground . In Winter they lye 20 , foot deep , about Whitsontide one cubit , it is the opinion of the people . Multitudes of Authours may perswade us to beleive that there was a Country of Pigmies : amongst the rest C●esias Indicus writes thus : Middle India hath blackmen , that are called Pigmies , and they speak the same language , the rest of the Indians do ; they are very small , for great part of them are but half a cubit high , and the greatest of them is not above two cubits . Their haire hangs as farr & somtime below their knees , & they wear their beards longer than any men . And so soon as their long beard is grown , they use no clothing , but they let their haire fall backwards much below their knees , and their beard covers their fore-parts . Then when they have covered their whole bodies with haire , they girt themselves about with them instead of garments . Also their Yard is so thick and so great , that it will come down to their ankles . They are also flat nosed and deformed . Their sheep are no bigger than our Lambs , their Oxen and Asses are like our Rams in greatnesse , their Horses and Mules , and other creatures to carry burdens are no bigger . The King of the Indies hath 3000 of these Pigmies in his company . For they are most cunning Archers . They are very just , & use the same Laws the other Indians do . They hunt Hares & Foxes , not with Dogs , but with Crows , Kites Rooks , & Eagles , There is a lake amongst them that is 800 furlongs about , upon which , when the wind troubles it not , oyle swims which some of these men take away from the middle of it in boats , swimming through it with little ships , and this they use . They use also oyle of Sesama & nuts , but the best is taken out of that Lake . So far he describes them . Antonius Pigafetta found some of them in an Island of the Moluccas , but Jovius l. 3. de rebus Muscovit . saith , they are in the Island Caphi , beyond the Laplanders ▪ Lastly Odericus de reb . Indic . l. 3 , saith , he saw some but three hands breadth , and that they begat Children at five yeares old . CHAP. V. Of Generation . Article 1. Of Seed . THe Seed , the most noble principle in Generation , resists many injuries . That appears even from this , that the essence of many things can remain entire in many changes , & under another form . Let a Goat be fed with many purgative herbs ; let the nurse drink the Goats-milk , and it will purge the child that sucks her : yet in the stomach of the Goat those herbs were changed into Chylus , and the Chylus was made blood in the Liver , and from blood milk in the Udder ; when the nurse drinks this milk , again Chylus is made of it in the stomach , blood of this Chylus in the Liver , milk of this blood in her breasts . I received it from one , saith Sennertus , worthy of credit , de consens . et dissens . that from the froth of a mad dog that stuck upon a cloath , little creatures were bred like to whelps . It is wont , being retain'd in Virgins and lusty Widows , to get a venomous quality , by corrupting in the matrix , and it will cause strong symptoms . For a malignant vapour flying up , presseth the Intestines , the Liver , and the 〈…〉 ▪ and makes the breathing so small , that it can hardly be perceived . When any thing hangs over the parts of the privities or Navel toward the Diaphragma , and ascending to the orifice of the stomach is perceived , there followes presently panting of the heart , aking of the heart , swimming of the head and palenesse . Whilest this continues ▪ a woman falls suddenly down , and is deprived of breathing , speech , and sight ; ( many have layn so 3 dayes ; others have been buried , as though they had been dead ; Vesalius dissected one to his great dishonour ) and sometimes a woman is affected with the Epilepsie , Convulsion sits , and raving ; and , as the malignant vapour fall on this or that part , so is she disquieted . Sometimes wonderfull voyces are heard out of their bellies , crying of frogs , hissing of Serpents , croking of Crowes , crowing of Cocks , barking of dogs ; which Gemma Frisius l. 1. c. 6. Cosmocrit . thinks they do vary as the passages and the spirits that break forth are proportioned . The Daughters of the President of Roan did alwaies laugh , and would not cease from it ▪ Holler . de intern . morb . It happens sometimes , that imagination being hurt , they grow sick of melancholy , and think the Devill is present ; also they fall into the fury of the womb , and wandring melancholy : this principally is of force in February , and is heaped up in winter . When they are so affected , they will speak divers things , and divers wonders in strange tongues . Physitians say , they will desire to lye with those they meet ; they will talk in the night , and hide themselves in tombs , Henr. Petreius Nosolog . Harmon . Discours . 3. We read , that the Virgins of Miletus affected with this disease , offered violence to themselves . The order of formation is this ; First of all , the membranes that surround the Infant are made ; For in these the nobler part of the seed is included , and the heat of the spirit and seed is covered after : After this all the spermatick parts are delineated ; and as their dignity is , so is each of them made in its order . Yet some are perfected sooner , some later . Hence at the first time of conception there appear 3. bubbles , as it were , swelling with spirits , which are the rudiments of the Brain , Heart and Liver , and an innumerable company of threds , that are the beginnings of veins , nerves and arteries , and , as it were , the foundations of the solid parts , Sennert . l. 1. Institut . c. 9. Artic. 2. Of menstruous Blood and Milk. THe coldness of Women , & generation is the cause that all blood is not wasted in them , yet because they are not alwaies with Child , it is then collected in the vessels about the matrix , and is cast forth every month , that they may not feel the burden of it , wherefore Physitians call them monthly terms . They begin to be cast forth , when they are young Maids , the bottom or neck of the matrix determins the manner of the flux . It is observed that a fresh maid , with great brests hanging down , which had hair under her arm-pits , and on her privities , had her courses five yeares together without any hurt Schenk . l. 4. observ . Nature if it cannot find the ordinary way seeks another passage . A Maid of Saxony had her Terms come forth of her eys . A Nun had them came forth of her ears . Pareus his Wife had them by her nostrills : A Maid at Sturgard vomited them up : A Maid in the Island Chios , spit them up . Amatus speaks of some that voided them by their Teats : A woman of Trent , voided them by her Navel ; and which is wonderfull , a Nun voided them every month by her little finger , and ring finger of her left hand , Ludovic . Mercat . l. 1. c. 7. de Mulierib . affect . All have not this flux uniforme ; Those that are of a good habit have them twice a yeare without hurt , and some not so much as once . And Hortensius saith they have them before they conceive . Institut . medic . l. 1. c. 28. They that are born from Mothers that were long before they had their Terms , are commonly sickly . So it was with Francis the 2 d. King of France , who never had a s●otty nose , and seldom spit , but a great deal of filthy excrements came towards his eare , and purged his brain that way , and at last the corruption grew Mortall . Thuan. l. 23. Histor. And Pliny affirms that there is a venemous quality in it . For l. 7. c. 15. l. 19. c. 1. he writes thus , You shall not easily find any thing that is more monstrous than the terms of women : new Wine will grow sowre by them , Corn will wither by touching them , plants will dye , the buds of Trees will be burnt by them , and fall ; Looking-glasses grow dark by their very looks . The edge of Steel and the brightnesse of Ivory is mad blunt , swarms of Bees dye , Brasse and Iron will presently rust , and a stinking smell corrupts the ayre : Dogs run mad that tast them , and bite deadly with venome incurable . Also it is reported that the Ant , the smallest creature is sensible of this , and will not eat the Corn hath touched them , not come there any more . Milk hath been somtimes found in Mens brests . For Cardan de subtil . testifies that Antonius Benzus , being 34 , yeares old , pale , and with a thin beard , fat of body , had as much Milk in his brests as would suckle a Child . They that have seen the new World , affirm that all the men almost have abundance of Milk. Aristotle saw a hee Goat in Lemnus , that afforded so much milk as would suffice to give a kid suck . l. 3. histor . animal . c. That it will somtimes grow hard as a stone , see Schenkius observat . Mathaeus Medic. quaest , centur . qu. 14 ▪ denies that Virgins have any . Heurnius ad l. 5. Aphor. 39. affirms it . If Virgins , saith he , abound with this blood , and their termes be stopt , unlesse this be voided by letting blood , or vomiting , or bleeding at the nose , or emrods , or a bloody dysentery ; and if their brests be hotter and rubbed , it may incline somtimes that way and be turned into milk . Hippocrates in the same Aphoris●m . If a woman have Milk , and be neither great with Child , nor delivered , her courses are stopt . Yet we confesse , this hapneth but seldom , since Nature ordaind the Milk to suckle the Infant . Artic. 3. Of the Generative parts . I Shall speak but little of these , and with a mind that is modest , and with such a mind they ought to be read . Histories relate , that Sylla had but one testicle ; and Philip Landgrave of Hassia had 3. Thuan. l. 41. He addes , he was so full of juice for venery , that when he used onely his Wife , and she could not suffer him so often , as he would ; he being otherwise a chaste man , by consent of his wife , and relating his mind to the Priests , he was forced to take a Concubine besides . A Prince of Germany who was emasculated by a Cannon bullet , made that member of silver , and with that he got many children , Nancel . Analog . Microcosm . l. 7. A Bull that presently leapt on a Cow , so soon as he was gelt , got her with Calf , Aristotle . And Albertus relates of an Eunuch that used copulation . One was born without a genital member , yet with the Scrotum and testicles ; another , without the parts of either Sex , Schenkius in observat ▪ It is certain , that Virgins have a virginall Cloyster . But there is not a little skin placed a thwart in the middle of the matrix , that makes the neck thereof impassible : but four Caruncles , placed round , with small fibres comming between them , till they are broken by force , and they are circularly shrivelled by course , leaving a hole in the middle of them , that the terms may run forth from the matrix , Ludovic . de Gardin . Anatom . c. 99. Avicenna l. 3. sen. 21. makes mention of a part found in the privity of a woman , which he calls the wand , or Albathara . Albucasis l. 2. c. 7. calls it Tentigo ; and sometimes this hath grown so big , that women that have it , could copulate with others like men , Fa●lopius . Caesarean births shew , that the womb may be cut sometimes without danger . Physicall Histories testifie , that one had her Matrix cut out for her Lasciviousnesse , yet without danger of her life . Rhodiginus saith , he saw a Maid foretell future things by her matrix . Chrysostome saith , that one of Apollo's Nuns did the like . Article 4. Of the Female Sex. WEe all know there are two Sexes : the male the superiour ; and the female , inferiour almost in all things . God gave the man the Superiority , and commanded the woman to obey . If we consider her body , she shewes by this , her condition is the lowest ; chiefly if we consider her temper and excrements . Hence , because they send forth sad vapours , by reason of their courses , they will make Nutmegs and Corall , look foul and black . But if a male carry the first it will grow fatter , the latter will look more red , Lemnius l. 2. c. 12. de occult . They are easily angry , and their choler kindled , soon will boyl over ; and for want of heat , they are not so ingenious . It is now the common opinion , that this sex is more lustfull than men are . Yet no man will deny , but that there are degrees in this . For in pale lean people , the genitall parts are filled with a sharp biting humour , and desire to be moystned . Lemnius l. 2. de occult . c. 37. conjectures , that they are more venereous than red fat people . Rue makes men lesse , women more lustfull . Secundus Philosophus , when he was perswaded that all women were naught , and having made triall , found it so in his own Mother , not that he lay with her , but found she would give him leave , being asked by Adrian what a woman was , answered , Mans Confusion ; an unsatiable beast ; a continuall trouble ; a battel without end : the shipwrack of an incontinent Man ; the slave of mankind . Yet be what it will be ; This sex is not so much to be despised : but there are some found above this condition . In the Siege at Brunswick a woman playd the Souldier ; another did the like formerly in Caesar's Camp , Camer . Hor. subcis . c. 76. Cent. 3. Eudoxia the Wife of Theodosius the younger writ Poems ; and there is extant of her making Homers fragments concerning our Saviour . Proba Falconia did the like out of Virgils Verses . Jane Grey , understood Hebrew , Greek , and Latine . Olympia Fulvia Morata , could make verses Greek or Latine ; and when she turned to the Orthodox Religion , she gave her self wholly to Divinity . What shall I say of Elizabeth Queen of England ? she by her vertues put all the world into admiration ; and she so amazed Pope Sixtus , that he said , That she onely with Henry the Fourth of France was fit to give counsell concerning the state of the whole Christian World. Examples testifie , that women in time were changed into men . At Antioch a famous Maid being married after she had born a child , became a man ; at Maevan , another also became a man. At Rome one , the same day she was married , was transformed , Volat. l. 24. Comm. Urbin . The same happened to Aemilia , after she had been married 12 years . See more examples in Schenkius . Artic. 5. Of the noise of the Womb. SOme have observed , that Children have cryed in their mothers wombs , and so lowd , that they could be well heard . In Weinrichius of Monsters , you shall find Examples . A Poet writes thus : Wonder it is , a Child did sadly cry , Which was unborn , and in the womb did ly . The cause was this , it griev'd , and with its might Strove to come forth , to see the Worlds great light . Or else perhaps , it shew'd the earnest care To help its Parents that now weary were . Some think , that this portends some hurt to the child , or to the mother : others think , that this is contrary to reason and experience . To Experience , because there is no certainty that any such thing happened amongst the old Philosophers . To Reason , because there can be no cry heard without drawing the ayr by the mouth , and without the beating at the ayr by the sharp artery when we breathe it forth , and without a certain forming of it by the mouth , and the Palate . For being there is no place for a reciprocall course of the ayr , in the veins and arteries , and the Infants urinary passage , that are filled with other things ; nor for so great abundance , that a passage should be made by the heart ; it cannot enter by the navel , by reason of the notable danger of heat , nor can it be admitted by the matrix : to say nothing , that all are full of an excrementitious glutinous matter . Libavius supposeth all things required for breathing in the Thorax to be made , and he thinks that the internal aereal breath made of the humours by the active heat , and shut up within the house where the child is , and also contain'd in the capacity of the Lungs , being pressed forth by the Child , may serve the turn . See disc . de vagitu , &c. Artic. 6. Of numerous Births . IN the single faculty of generation , that man hath , there happens variety , if we consider time and number . Some are born in the fift month , some in the sixt , some in the 7th , 8th , or 9th , and some in the tenth , 13th . 15th . Paschal . in Biblio . medica saith , one was great with Child 23 months , another 2 years , Aventinus . l. 5. Annal , This Child was born speaking ; One was with Child four yeares , Mercurialus . Yet Physitians set the 9th and tenth months for the time of natural birth , when the Child is grown great and wants plenty of nourishment , and the place where he lyes is grown too narrow . Those that are born in the fift month , are very feeble , as a maid was that Valescus de Philos. sacra c. 18. mentions , who was more slender and thin than women-kind use to be . Those that are born in the 7th month are weak , and suspected , not to be perfect in all things ; few live in the 8th month , the striving to be born in the 7th month , hath made them weak as some think . For number some will bring two , three , four , oft times ; and some will exceed this , that it is miraculous . An Aegyptian , in Gellius l. 10. c. 2. had five at a birth . The Mother of Lamisius King of Lombardy had 7 , Sigebert in Chronic. The Countesse of Quenfurt had 9. Betraff . l. 4. of the Princess of Anhalt . A woman that Albertus speaks of , miscarried of 22 , another of 70 , another of a 150. The matter was proved by cutting the little coats they were wrapped in , Caelinus l. 4. c. 25. The Wife of Irmentrud Isenbert , Earl of Altorf , was delivered of 12. Margaret the Wife of the Earl of Viraboslai of 36 , Cromer . l. 11. Margaret the daughter of Florentius Earle of Holland had 365 , Ludovicus vives in colloquiis . Maude Countesse of Henneberg under Frederick the second had 1500. Aventin . l. 7. annal , Cuspinianus saith , 350. But if you take them at severall times , you shall find wonderfull examples of fruitfullnesse . Priamus by Hecuba had 19 , Children , and 31 , by other Women . Artaxerxes had 106 , Herotimus , 600. Conradus Duke of Moscovia had 80. The King of Giloto ( it is an Island amongst the M●luccas ) had 600 , Pigafetta of Ziamb , 325. another had 650. Martinus Polus l. 3. c. 6. saith , he saw these living . Ludovicus Vives saw a Country man in Spaine , whose Children whil'st he lived , had filled a Village of above a hundred housholds . And in our times an old Wife spake of her ofspring , thus . Ah my daughter , tell thy daughters daughter to lament for her daughters daughter . Sphinx . c. 17. Thomas Fazell writeth , that Iane Pancica , who in his time was maried to Bernard Belluard , Sicilian , of the citie of Agrigent , was so fruitfull , that in thirtie child-beds she was delivered of seventie and three children : which should not seeme ( saith he ) incredible , seeing Aristotle affirmes , that one woman at four births brought forth twentie Children ; at every one , five . Albertus Magnus writes , That a woman of Germanie had two and twentie abortive Children at one time , all having their perfect shapes : and another woman , seventie . And besides , that another woman delivered into a bason a hundred and fiftie , every one of the length of ones little finger . Erasmus , Vives , and others , have written of the strange deliverance of the Countesse of Henneberg . Lewis Guicciardin in his description of the Low-Countries setteth down the same storie , taken out of the ninth book of the Annals of Flanders , composed by Guido Dominicus Petrus : His words are these ; A certaine poore woman , brought a bed of two Children , prayed the Countesse to give her some assistance in her necessitie : but the Countesse did not only send her away empty-handed , but charged her that she was of an ill behaviour , saying that it was a thing against nature ( in her opinion ) for a woman that is honest to conceive by her husband two Children at one birth ; and therefore that this her deliverance had bewraied , that she had lewdly abandoned her selfe to some others . The poore woman moved with this reproach and ignominious repulse , and of the other side well assured of her honest carriage , made earnest request to God , that for the proofe of her innocency , and of the faith which He knew she had kept inviolably to her husband , it would please him to grant that this Countesse might have so many Children at one burden , as there were daies in the yeare : which within a while after came to passe . And he addeth , that these Children were as big as Chickens new hatcht , all alive , and sound , and died within a little while together with their mother : to whom this Epitaph following was erected in the Monasterie of Lodun , where there were Nunnes of the order of S. Bernard , and it is hard by the Hague in Holland . THE EPITAPH . The daughter of the right noble Lord Florent Earle of Holland , and of Mawd his Wife the daughter of Henrie Duke of Brabant , sister of William King of Almaine , named Margaret , of the age of fortie two yeares , was brought a bed upon the Friday before Easter , in the yeare 1276 , at nine a Clock in the morning , of three hundred , three-score , and five Children , as well male as female ; who after they had been all baptized in a great bason by the reverend Bishop Don William , Suffragan , in the presence of some great Lords and notable persons , the male Children being called by the name of John , the female by the name of Elizabeth , dyed all of them together with their mother ; their souls returning to God , to live eternally , their bodies resting under this Tombe . The like storie well neere is reported of the beginning of the noble race of the Wolfes . Irmentrudes the Wife of Isenbard Earle of Altorf , having given her selfe the reines so far , as to accuse of adulterie a woman that had three Children at one birth , being not able to believe that one man could at one time get so many Children , adding withall , that she deserved to be sowed in a sack and thrown into the water , yea , and accusing her in that regard to her husband : It happened that the next yeare the Countesse felt her self with Child , and the Earle being from home , she was brought a bed of twelve male Children , but all very little . She fearing the reproach of adulterie ( whereof yet she was not guilty ) and the punishment of like-for-like , commanded that eleven of them should be taken and cast into a River that was not far from the house , and that one should be saved to be brought up . It so fell out that Isenbard met the woman that was carrying the little infants to their death , and asking her , whither she went with her paile ? he had this answer , that she was going to drown a few baggage whelps in the River of Schere . The Earle came unto her , and ( for all the resistance the woman made ) would see what was there , and then discovering the Children , pressed her in such wise , that she told him all the matter . Then he caused them to be nourished and educated secretly , and so soon as they were grown great and brought home to him , he set them in an open hall besides him whom his wife had brought up : and then being all known to be brethren by their faces , and their other fashions , their mother moved in conscience confessed all the fact , and obtained pardon for her fault . In remembrance whereof the honorable race of the Wolfes got that name , which ever since it hath kept . Article 7. Of monstrous Births . NAture in working intends her own businesse ; but because divers obstacles may happen in respect of the first agent , the seed , the constitution of the Heavens , the formative vertue , imagination , heat , it is no wonder if she erre sometimes . And though there be Monsters almost in all mixt bodies , yet those Monsters that happen amongst living creatures are chiefly remarkable . And such fall out either in quantity or quality . A woman of Troas , Anno 1569 , brought forth twins joyn'd by the heads , Pareus l. 24. oper . c. 2. Valeriola locor . commun . l. 1. c. 8. saw at Avignon one with two bodies all from the neck . Munsterus saw two Maids joyn'd together , with their foreheads one against the other ; and when one went forward , the other went backwards . At Florence there were two boyes , one was an entire body , the other was fastned by his shoulders to the others stomach , that all his head seemed to be thrust into it ; and when the former sucked , he moved as if he sucked also , Benivent . de reb . abdit . Paraeus l. 24. c. 2. Anno 1530 , saw the same at Paris , in a man of 40 years . About the end of the Empire of Lotharius , a certain woman bore a child like a man and a dogg ; their bodies joyn'd entirely , and they were fastned at the ridge of their backs , Lycost . lib. prodigior . In Scotland there was one that was a male for the nether parts , but above the navell it had two members , distinct both for use and in shape . This Monster was taught the Musicall Art , and learn'd many Languages . It held consultation , and when they differ'd , they would chide and quarrel ; it lived 28 years . And when one body dyed many dayes before the other , the other that lived pined away , half the body being putrified before , Buchan . in histor . Scotica . Lastly , in former times there was a child born at Cracovia from noble Parents , that was terrible to behold , with flaming shining eyes ; the mouth and nostrils were like to an Oxes , it had long horns , and a back hairy like a dogs , and faces of Apes in the breast , where the teats should stand ; it had Cats eyes under the navell fastned to the hypogastrium , and they looked hideously , and frightfully , and the heads of dogs of both elbowes ; and at the whirlbones of each knee , looking forwards ; It was splay-footed , and splay-handed ; the feet were like Swans feet , and it had a tail turn'd upwards that was crooked backwards , about half an ell long : It was born and lived four hours , and then spake thus ; Watch , the Lord your God comes ; and then it dyed , Peucer . in Tetratosc . To this may be added , the stony birth at Agendicum of the Senones , that was carried 28 years , and was cut out of the mothers womb , when she was dead . It is seen to this day at Agendicum , for a miracle , and is not corrupted , Thuan. l. 76. Histor. He that would hear more , let him read Bauhinus de hermaphrodite , Weinrichius de monstris , and others . Article 8. Of the recompence Nature makes to Monsters . IT is commonly said , that those that are deficient naturally , are marked for some malignant qualities : and this is sometimes found to be true ; but it is most false , that it is alwayes so . For to say nothing of the diversity of parts , which Lemnius adviseth us to take notice of : such is the force of education , that it made Socrates good , that would have been bad . Moreover , Nature is so indulgent , that , as if she were ashamed of her mistake , she largely recompenceth her errour with other endowments . Count Mansfeld that fail'd in sight , could by touching , know white from black , Keckerm . in Physicis . Hamar , a Captain of a Caravan , would know where he was by onely smelling the same , Leo African . A Preacher in Germany that was blind from his nativity , chose the fairest of three Sisters , by taking her by the hand , Camer . Hor. subcis . Cent. 3. c. 80. Cicero saith , Homer was blind ; we see not him , but his Poetry . His words are , Tusculan . 5. What Country , what place , what Town of Greece , what form , what fight , what Army , what rowing , what motion of men or beasts , is not so represented by him , that what he saw not , he described it so , that we might see it ? Didymus Alexandrinus was also blind from his childhood , who professed wisdome divine and humane , which he learned , Ruffin . l. 11. c. 7. Eccles. histor . What shall I say of Thomas Schweikerus ? Posthius a Poet , and a famous Physitian writes thus of him , Thomas by nature wanting arms , with 's feet Performs all things , youl 'd wonder for to see 't ; With 's feet he eats and drinks , full well ; and then , With 's feet he turns his books , or makes a Pen With 's feet to write , and paint doth understand , No man can do it better with his hand . Caesar Aemilian , as stories mention , Admir'd , maintain'd him , with a Pension . Georgius Pictorius Villinganus l. 4. Sermon Convival . testifies , that he saw a Spaniard born without arms , so cunning with his feet , that he could spin , or use the neidle curiously , as the cunningst woman could with both her hands . He could so wield his arms , that no Souldier could match him ; and shoot in a bowe , that he would never misse the mark ; and with one stroke he would break a thick log . To conclude , Keckerman speaks of a Schollar , l. 1. Physic. c. 4. that had but one little finger on each hand , and his feet were triangular without any toes , and he had more force in one finger , than others had with five ; he writ curiously and swiftly , and stood so firm , that in slippery places he would seldom slip . Also Pliny may cease to complain of nature , that is a bountifull mother to all ; and recompenseth a defect with more benefit . Camerarius and some others being once at Combourg , in the house of Erasmus Neusteter , a wise and vertuous gentleman of Germanie , he entertained us with the greatest kindnesse that could be devised , and sent to a place not very farre from them for one Thomas Schweiker , a young man of one and thirtie yeares of age , descended of a worshipfull house , and borne without ever an arme , who did with his feet all that a readie man could do with his hands , so that himself affirmed he was recompenced with one gift in stead of another . Having set himself in a place equall with the heighth of the table whereon the meat was placed , he took a knife with his feet , begins to cut bread , and to cut meat , which he carried with his feet to his mouth , and likewise the cup , as easily as another would have done with his hands . After dinner , ●e begins to write examples in Latin and German letters , so straight and so faire , as every one of us desired to have some of them to keep as a speciall monument . Being requested , he did with a penknife make penns , very good to write with , which he gave us . While he was thus a doing , I marked diligently the making of his feet , and saw that his toes were long , fit to take hold of things ; and to behold them a farr off , one would take them for fingers : for his thighs and legs , he kept them mannerly covered with his Cloake . This sight ( which we had never seen before ) was no lesse pleasing than strange to us ; as it was also at another time to the Emperor Maximilian the second , who passing that way , desired to see the man , and having noted in him ( not without wonderment ) the strange recompence of Nature , he dismissed him with a rich gift . Of late there hath been seen a man without armes going about in Germanie , who had learned by custome turned into art , to handle a sword , and to flourish it about his neck ; to fling halberds , and to do other strange things so nimbly , and so surely withall , that he would most commonly hit the marke ; and all other duties of the hands , he did them with his feet . But the end of his life shewed that he was a deceiver and a wicked person : for he was broken upon the wheele for his robberies and murders . We have at Nuremberg a young Man and a young Maid , borne of one Father and Mother , of a good House , and well known , that are endued with a singular quick conceit : for although they be deafe and dumb by nature , yet can both of them read very well , write , cypher , and cast account . The young man conceiveth at first by signes that are made him , what he is required to do . If his pen be wanting , by his countenance he sheweth his thoughts , being the quickest and cunningest at all games both at Cards and Dice , that one can find among the Germans ; although there they use great advisement , and be marveilous readie and quick . His sister passeth all other maids for working with her needle all kinds of Seamstrie , Tapistrie , Embroiderie , &c. But among all the other wonderfull recompences of nature , this is remarkable in them , that most commonly as soon as they see ones lips stirr , they understand his meaning . They are oftentimes at Sermons , and a man would say that they draw and conceive with their eyes the words of the Preacher , as others use to do with their eares : for , they will oftentimes ( no body ever teaching them , or setting them any Letters or Copies ) write the Lords Prayer and other godly prayers , know by heart the texts of the Gospels that are read upon holy-days , and write them readily . When in the Sermons the Preacher maketh mention of the name of Jesus , the young man is readie before any of the hearers , to take off his hat , and to bow his knee with all reverence ; So carefull is nature , like a good mother , to make amends for a fault , that none should accuse her to be a step-mother : for , what she taketh away in some of the senses , she alloweth in the rest , as appeareth by Didymus Alexandrinus , of whom ●ussinus writeth , that he being blind , after he had humbly recommended himself to God , spent all his time in hearing , insomuch as by his diligent attention he attained to that which others obtaine by reading ; and by the direction of the holy Spirit , became so skillfull in divine and humane learning , that he was excellent among the Divines of his time . Moreover , our Ancestors have seen Iohn Ferdinand , a blind and poor soul , a Spaniards son , who overcame so happily these two difficulties ( very crosse to all , especially to learned men ) that he became not only a very learned Poet and Philosopher , but also so excellent a Musician , that he played upon divers kinds of Instruments , to the great pleasure of the hearers ; and besides , he made good songs and full of musick , of many parts . Another , named Nicasius of Werd , borne at Macklin , excelled him : for falling blind when he was three yeares old , and not being able before 〈…〉 learne any one letter , he so profited in the knowledg of Philosophy , both humane and divine , that all men were ravished with him . Having proceeded Master of Arts at Lovain , and afterwards being made Principall of Macklin Colledg , where he discharged his dutie passing well ; he ascended a while after to the degree of Licenciat in Theologie , and though he were blind , he read , and preached openly . Furthermore , being made Doctor of the Laws in the University of Colen , he read there , and expounded the Civil and Canon Law , repeating by heart the texts which he had never read , and at last died at Colen in the yeare 1492. We will conclude this Chapter with an example of one borne blind , in whom nature made supplie of that defect with a marvelous recompence other ways . The story is mentioned by Antonius de Palermo , thus : I learnt ( saith he ) of King Alphonsus , that there was a Sicilian borne blind , living still at that time in the Citie Gergento , called in old time Agrigentum , who had followed him oftentimes a hunting , shewing to the Hunts-men ( who had their sights well ynough ) the retraits and repairing places of the wild beasts . He added further touching the industry of this blind man , that having by his sparing and scraping , gotten together about five hundred Crowns , which put him to a great deale of care , he resolved ( at last ) to hide them in a field . As he was making a hole in the ground to that end , a gossip of his being his neighbour , espied him , who so soon as the blind man was gon , searched in the earth , found the money , and caried it cleane away . Two or three dayes after , the blind man returning thither to visit his cash , and finding nought there ; like one altogether forlorne , he frets and torments himselfe , and after much debating and discoursing concludes , that no man but his gossip could have played him such a trick . Whereupon finding him out , he thus began to say unto him ; Gossip , I am come to you to have your opinion : I have a thousand Crowns , and the one half of them I have hid in a safe place ; and for the other halfe I know not what to do with them , having not my sight , and being very unfit to keep any such thing , therefore what think you ? might I not hide this other halfe with the rest , in the same place of safetie ? The gossip approved and commended his resolution , and going speedily to the place , carried back againe the five hundred Crowns that he had taken away before , hoping that he should have all the whole thousand together . A while after the blind man goes to his hole , and finding there his Crowns againe , took them up , and comming home , calleth for his gossip , saying unto him with a cheerfull voice ; Gossip , the blind man hath seen better than he that hath two eyes . Article 9. Of Nations of divers forms . WHat I said in the 8th Article of Monstrous Births ▪ happens but seldom ; yet some thought , that happened commonly amongst some Nations . Not far from the Troglodites in Aethiopia , there is a people that have no heads , and their eyes are in their breasts . Augustine saw them , Serm. ad Fratr . in Eremo . Solinus confirms it , c. 53. Pliny l. 5. c. 8. In Peru in the Province of Caraqui , Hispalensis sayes , they want the forepart , and hinder part of the head , Sylvius ▪ p. 5. c. 35. For he adds , That so soon as they are born , they make their heads level with boards . Rawleigh in his Navigations to Guiana , speaks of some that are call'd Epumerocaci . The Circades , a people beyond Taprobana , are long visaged , with horse heads , if we credit Arrianus , Ramus tom . 1. In the Mountains of the Indies they have Dogs heads , and claws , and hides like beasts ; they cannot speak , but bark , saith Megastenes , Aelian l. 10. c. 26. saith , they are in Egypt , in the way to Ethiopia , and he describes them , that they are black visaged , having no voyce , they make a thrill noise , and their chin is so far beneath their beards , that it is like to a Serpent . They live by hunting Oxen and Does . Augustin de civitate Dei , l. 16. c. 6. thinks , that is not incredible . Amongst the Scythians there are some with such large ears , that they will cover all their bodies , Isidor . l. 11. c. 3. Some have their feet so broad , that they can shadow their whole bodies with them , when they lie down , from the heat . I may here adde , that there are Sea-Men . Anno 1403 , a Sea-Woman was taken in the Lake of Holland , and brought to Harlem , she was ready to learn some things that women do , but she could not speak . Anno 1526 , in Frisland a Sea-Man was taken with a beard and hairy , he lived some years , but could never speak , Libav . l. 6. de universitat . rerum . And not long since , when the Denmark Ambassadors sail'd into Norway , they saw a man in the Sea , that had a swathband of corn , they took him and put him into the Ship , and he dyed , they cast him into the Sea again , and he revived . Historians approved do write these things . We will not here add what we think , onely the Devill hath many wiles ; and great is the force of Imagination ; and sometimes beasts are taken for men , if they be but like them . We read in the Scotch History , that the Kings Embassadours were brought by a storm into Norway , and saw hairy beasts in the Mountains wandring like to men , they thought they had been men , the Inhabitants told them they were wild beasts . Let every man think what he please . I may have occasion to speak more of this elsewhere . Article 10. Of a wonderfull Antipathy betweeen the Father and the Sonne . THere was a Father that hated his child as much as some men do Cats ; for if he were present , though he saw him not , he would swoond . Georgius Mylius , a Divine of Jena , related it . Libavius sought the cause diligently . And if the reason of antipathy in naturall things be worth enquiry , that is most worthy to be searched out , that is between children and parents . This is certain , that the cause of this discord cannot be found , nor in the rational nor the sensual part . For he wished his son no harm , nor can sympathy or antipathy be called love or hatred in parents . For they are to be found in things that are not living ; and if they be in living creatures , they are not in them as they are living , but as they are natural , things . Yet because he did not abhor his other son , nor hate his off-spring , for which cause he married , it is certain that was no hereditary infirmity . It is probable , the son was changed into a disposition the father could not away with ; and that might proceed from the seminary body ill disposed from the womb , or by the confluence of impure blood , that had in it some ground for this alteration , or from the blood the Embryo was nourished with . For this growes divers from the matter of the nourishment , or may degenerate from some other inward cause , or from the place : sometimes the spirits that assist the blood and the whole nature , cause a change . Therefore either the mother had a great longing for some meat the father hated ; or else she was frighted at something the father could not endure : To say nothing of the Midwife , or of hidden causes . So a Maid at Uratislavian , drank Cats blood , and became of a Cats qualities ; and Faustina tasting the Fencers blood , had a son that was most cruell . If any think that a habit cannot be got by one act , he must know that is false of naturall powers ; for they that of old were once taken into Trophonius his den , were wayward ever after ; and a woman that fell into a Wolfs hole , grew hoary the same night . Artic. 11. Of some Wonders concerning Generation . I Adde these , though I have said much , that nothing might seem to be wanting . Soranus Ephesinus Isag. 17. writes , that women that are delivered in ships , have still children ; not that they cannot speak , but they will not cry when they are born . Ausonius speaks of one thus : Thy Father Geno●es , thy Mother Graecian blood , Born in a Ship at Sea , can that Son ere be good ? Ligurians vain , Greeks liars , false Sea , these three Thou dost resemble well , they all do meet in thee . Some are born with marks upon them : Johannes Fredericus , Elector of Saxony had a golden crosse on his back , a sign of his future calamity , Buchol . in Chronol . James , King of Great Britany , had a Lion , a Sword , and a Crown when he was born , Camer . hor. subcis . Cent. 3. c. 42. The Kings of the Corzani have the sign of a black Eagle on their shoulders , Marcus Venetus . It is a report , that the Princes of Austria , ( others do not write so ) are born with a golden crosse , that is , that they have white hairs drawn out in the form of a crosse , Foelix Faber histor . Suev . l. 1. c. 15. Some men procreate after 80 years . For Masanissa begot 6. Children after that age ; and a Noble-man of Francony had a son and a daughter , after that time , Camerar . Women have born children after 50 years . And some have born children being children themselves . Albertus Magn. l. 4. sentent . writes , that one was with child at 9 years old , and was delivered at ten . And Pliny l. 7. c. 2. saith , that some have born children at 7. years old , and that but once , and they lived not above 40 years , and they were held to be very old . Rhodig . Antiqu. l. 14. c. 18. saith , that a boy of ten years old got a child . Some have been delivered in the second , third , or fourth month after their first child , of another living child . Nancelius l. 8. Analog . writes of one that was brought to bed twice in two months . Others could not be delivered but by a Chirurgions opening their wombs . Schenkius reports , that one woman was cut open four times for four severall children . Pliny writes , that Proculus Caesar got 100 Maids with child in 15 dayes , Pliny l. 7. c. 32. In Picenum a child was born with 6 teeth , Bonfin . Decad. 3. l. 8. In Prussia the son of the King of Bythinia , had but ▪ one solid bone in place of teeth , Solin . c. 3. Some are born , that can sometimes move their ears . Zoroaster was born laughing . So much for this ; we shall proceed to other matters . CHAP. VI. Of Vitall action . Article 1. Of the Heart . SOme have wanted a Heart , if we credit Avicenna , and if his writings be not corrupted , Rhodig . l. 4. c. 6. When Caesar was Dictator , the same day he went in his purple garment , the Priest found it twice wanting in the bowels , Plin. l. 11. c. 37. Some have been found with two hearts , as the Partridges in Paphlagonia ; some have wanted the left ventricle ; and the midriff in some hath been like a gristle , Columb . l. 15. Anatom . And Gemma found a bone in it in two mens bodies , l. 2. Cyclog . And Wier . l. ● . de praestig . Daemon . c. 16. found stones as big as pease . Aristomanes Messenius , who killed 300 Lacedemonians , and was sometimes taken , and sometimes escaped , had a hairy heart , Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 8. The same thing Beniventus reports of a certain thief , c. 33. de abditis . The 〈…〉 or purse wherein the heart lies , may be wanting . Columbus l. 15. Anatom . observed a young man that wanted it , and he was troubled with swoonding fits . A wound may be in the heart that is not mortall ; for the Son of Maryllus the writer of obscene matters , had the pericardium cut , that one might see his heart , yet he did not die , Galen . l. 7. administr . Anatom . A history of Groning tells the same almost that happened upon a wound in the Heart ; because but few know it , I shall set it down . A wonderfull Accident of a wound in the Heart . Nicol. Malerius wisheth happinesse to the Reader . IT hath been thought hitherto that a man could not live a moment almost ; if his Heart were wounded . Reason and Experience prove it . For since our life depends upon the safety of the spirits , the shop and making whereof is in the Heart ; when the heart is wounded , it is necessary that the generation of the spirits cease . Yet I thought good to set down here a very notable History ; a history of a Souldier that lived 15 dayes after he was wounded in the heart ; none of the old or new Physitians mention any such thing . Andreas Hasevanger , who was of the Lifeguard of the most illustrious Count William of Nassaw , Governour of Frisia , Groning , and Omland , &c. received a wound in his brest by his fellow-Souldier , Anno 1607 , on the 22 of August about the Evening , he died September the 8th , at one of the clock after Sun-rising , which was the 16 day after he received the wound . The body of the dead Souldier , by command of the Generall of the Army was opened to search for the wound , by me and two Chirurgions , Caspar and Lucas Hultenus ; a noble valiant man , Bernard Hoornkens looking on , and some other Souldiers that were of note . When we had opened the cavity of his breast , and a great deal of very stinking matter was run forth ; we found , and wondred , that the wound had entred the right cavity of his heart , and all that part of his heart was almost all consumed ; the left part being entire , wherein is contain'd the chief shop of the vitall spirits ; By the benefit of this , Andreas lived to the sixteenth day : and left some should not believe this , the most noble and worthy men signed it with their names subscribed , to confirm it , &c. Article 2. Of the Pulse . THe Pulse is the motion of the heart and arteries , consisting of a systole and diastole . Platerus thinks it is felt on the left side , by reason of the great Artery . Yet Cardan saith , some have perceived it onely on the right side . There is great inequality in it , from divers accidents that happen , whence comes the diversity of pulses amongst Physitians . No man can deny , but that sometimes it may be intercepted ; and not felt when the Arteries lye deep , Balduinus Ronseus . The Player of Andreas Count of Gorca , had naturally all kind of inequalities of pulse . But Johannes Brosovius of the Order of the Crosse of the blessed Virgin had it with intermission all the time he lived . Physitians try the motion of the heart in living creatures . Coiterus observed it in a Cat. Then cutting the Pericardium , he observed a double and contrary motion in the heart , namely unto the ears of it . For whilest the heart beat , the ears sank down ; when the heart sank , the ears were lifted up and fill'd ; which in the ears were composed for a diastole : they seemed to be inflated like a bladder ; and when they were extended , they were red , and continued so a while , before they came to a systole . The same reason was observed in the space of the diastole . Yet in the systole they grew white , and became loose , and sank down , and by the force of the heart , they were drawn a little toward the basis of the heart , &c. In obs . Anatom . Artic. 3. Of Life and Death . I Have little to say of Life , but that men were long lived before the Flood : after that time none lived to Adam or Methusalems Age. Yet some have lived very long , Lemnius l. 4. c. 24. Occult. writes , that he saw a Pilote at Stockholm a 100 years old , who married a Wife of 30 , years , and had some Children by her . Laurentius Hethlandius in Buchanan was 140 years old , and yet in the coldest Winter went a fishing . An Indian of the Nation of the Gandaridae , they call it now a days , Bengala , lived 335 years , his Son was 90 years old , and though he knew no letters , yet he could by memory report as true as the Chronicles . His teeth shed and grew again , and his hoary beard grew black again . Petrus Maffeius . That is also rare , that Thuan. l. 134 writes . That Emanuel Demetrius , bred obscurely , lived 103 , yeares , his Wife was 99 , and was married to him 75 years , the one supervived the other but three hours , and Anno 1603 they were both buried at Delph . The years of Mans age that rise by 7 and 9 , are decretory or climactericall , hence Children are endangered about 4 , 7 , 9 , years , &c. Cels. l. 2. c. 1. The 63 year is most dangerous for old men . Whence that proceeds it is hard to conjecture . Lemnius l. 2. c. 32. He thinks that at certain periods of yeares , a great abundance of humours are heaped up , by the agitation whereof diseases arise . For when nature comes to immoderate repletion , and the receptacles cannot receive the plenty of humours , it must come to a disease . Philo in loc . allegor . l. 1. writes thus of the 7th year . Nature delights in the 7 th number ; there are 7 Planets , the Bear hath 7 Stars ; the Moon hath some change every week , and those changes in the ayre proceed from thence . All humane things , that have a divine principle , are moved healthfully in the 7 th number ; Children born in the 7 th month are safe ; in the 7 th yeare a man is perfectly a reasonable creature ; at 14 he is able to get his like , at 21 he leavs growing : the part of the brutish soul is divided into 7 , into the five senses , the instrument of voyce , and the generative force . The motion of the body is 7 fold , six according to the parts , the 7 th round about . There are 7 inward Bowels , the Stomach , Heart , Milt , Liver , Lungs , the two Kidneys . There are 7 Members of the Body , the Head , Neck , Brest , Hands , Belly , the Groins , the Feet . The principall part of man hath seven holes , two Eyes , two Ears , Nostrills and Mouth . There are 7 excrements , Tears , S●ot , Seed , and what comes forth by the two sinks of the body , and Sweat in every part , &c. What ever it be , live long or little , death is certain to all . Nature at the same moment gave a law of being born , and to dye , Valer. Max ▪ l. 5. c. 10. Mourning weeds are put upon conquerours dores , Senec. ad Polyb. But the way is unknown , and divers . Baldus was bit by a Cat at Meletum , but lightly , on the lip ; he grew mad four months after , fell into Hydrophobia , and died . Magol . in Colloqv . Ladislaus King of Naples , when he dwelt at Perusium , died of the Pox. Colenut . in compend . histor . Neapolitan . Some have died with too much joy , some with grief . When the Janisary was sent to kill the youngest Son of Bajazet by Solymans command , and he saw the Child laugh at the halter , and to kisse him , and to sport ; this cruel man was so moved , that he fell down dead . Thuan l. 24. After death , almost all Carkases corrupt , and are changed into other bodies . Pliny saith , l. 10. c. 66 , that Serpents breed of the Marrow , and so they did of the body of Cleomenes who was hanged , Plutarch . The same was done in a young Man Camer . cent . 1 horar. subcis . c. 11. For when he was thought to be the fairest of his time , and fell deadly sick , he could not be perswaded to leave his picture to posterity ; only he granted thus much to their request , that many days after he was dead and buried , they should open the Monument , and as they then found his body ; so should they picture him . When they opened it , his face was found halfe eaten up with Worms , and they saw many Serpents about his Diaphragma , and Marrow of his back . The Sepulcher of Carolus Martellus , was found without his body , and a Serpent in the place , Guaguin et Aemil. In Aegypt whole Carkases are found , out of which Mumie is taken , that is a cure for many diseases . Nor do those bodies corrupt that are seen neere Kijovia by Borystenes . Artic. 4. Of Venemous infection . BEcause Venoms are most pernicious by a hidden quality , I shall add a few things concerning the variety of Infections . First I shall speak of the Ayre infected . That is seen in the Plague , and might be proved by all in that Cave neere to Naples . And the matter is come so far , that the Ayre may be infected by art , that the enemy coming into it may be killed . That was clear in the Sepulcher of Semiramis , that was placed above the famous gates of the City . For when Darius , hoping to find treasure , opened this , he found a little Coffer , which being opened , such a Venemous blast flew out , that it killed a third part of the men . Some living Creatures kill by sight , and hissing . That was thought true of the Basilisk , that was seen in the treasure of Maximilian the Emperour . And Avicenna writes l. 4. sen. tract . 3. c. 22. that a Souldier wounded a Serpent with his Lance , and by his Lance he and his Horse were poysoned , and died . Bartholin . Phys. special . part . 3. c. ult . saith , that in Cimbria a Shepheard that leand his arme on a Barn dore , had his sense and motion taken suddenly away on that side he leand , and his beard grew grey on that side , and there was a brood of Serpents , found under the dore . Jambolus saith , in Arabia there is an hearb , and if any man sleep upon it , they die in a sweet sleep . Diodor. Sicul. l. 2. I add tasting to sight . So in India when those of Europe tasted the beautifull Plants , they died suddenly . Alexanders Army was almost ruin'd by a new kind of Apple . A Country man in the Valley of Ana , was bit unawares by the head of a Serpent cut off , he put his mouth to the wound and sucked it , to help it ; but he grew suddenly speechlesse and died , Mathiol . What shall we say for touching ? The Turks have Poysons that will kill in one day by touching . Cardan . l. 1. de venen . c. 15. Otho the 3 , Emperour of Rome was killed by a pair of venom'd gloves sent him from the Wife of Crescentius a Roman Consul , who was frustrated of his marriage . Johan Galeacius was killed by Venome put into his stirrop when he rid . Dryinus , if any man tread upon it , it will excoriat his feet , and the hand of the Chirurgion that dresseth the sore will be excoriated by it . Lastly many dye by venom'd smells . For Alexander Magnus his horse-forces in India , died all almost of the smell of a Pestilent shrub : and Franciscus Ordelaphus , a Captain of Forolivium , had a kind of Poyson , that , cast upon coles , would kill all came neere it . Think not that to be done by the naked quality : some Venemous thing was joyn'd with the smell ; for certain it is , that there are many effluxions of things . CHAP. VII . Of the internall and externall Sense . Article 1. Of Imaginations of melancholy people . THose that are sick of melancholy have such strange phantasms presented to them that sometimes the wisest men are deceived by them . One man thought he was all Soul ; another that he was a Millet seed . One , that he had so great a nose , that no gates were great enough to let him in , Lemnius l. 2. de complex . c. 6. Some thought they had no head ; some thought their buttocks were made of glasse , Lemnius . One of Sena of noble birth , thought that if he should make water , he should drown the World , Laurent . l. de melanchol . c. 7. A woman , saith Trallianus , tied the middle finger of her hand , as if she carried the whole world upon it ; she cryed , saying , she feared that should she bend it , the whole World would fall down . A learned man in Quercetan . Diaetet . Polyhist . l. 1. c. ult . thought , that two evill spirits were put into him by his friend that brought them out of Italy , and that they oft-times talked with him . A Burgundian at Paris in the Temple of St. Julian , said , he was dead , and desired the Physitians to trouble his soul no longer , that was flying out of Purgatory into Heaven . Then he imitated men dying , Scholiogr . ad . c. 17. l. 1. Holler . de morb . intern . A certain man in Montan. consil . 75. thought the world was made of fine glasse , and that Serpents lay under it , and that he was in his bed as in an Island ; and should he come forth , he should break the glasse and fall down amongst the Serpents . I say nothing of a Maid , who supposed she was in Heaven , and that she walked with the sacred Trinity , and Angels , and the Devill perswaded her to think so . Sometimes such people use to speak strange tongues , and foretell future events . So Erasmus in Encom . Medicinae , writes , that one of Spoletum , when he was sick , spake a strange Language ; when he recovered , he forgat it . Guainerius tract . 15. c. 4. reports , that he saw a Country man that was sick of melancholy , who alwayes when the Moon was combust , would write Latine verses ; and after a new Moon , about two dayes , till the next new Moon , he could not speak one word in Latine . Forestus writes of a melancholy woman that would sing Latine songs that she had never learned . And Johan . Huartus in scrutin . Ingenior . makes mention of a Spanish servant , who imagined himself to be a King , and made learned speeches concerning Government when he was sick . But we must needs confesse , that the Devill is the Author of these things , by a just Judgment of God. Nor can this be ascribed to the Stars , as Guainerius thinks ; nor to the agreement of the Latine tongue with the rationall Soul , as Huartus would have it ; nor to the pure overshadowing of the spirits , or to a malignant quality , as others suppose . Whether some modern examples appertain to this matter , I leave it to wise men to judge , and will say no more of it . Article 2. Of the force of Imagination . THe force of Imagination may be known by the former Article ; but because melancholique Imaginations are with sicknesse , they do not so well expresse it , as fear and conception do . For when a noble Youth who had ravished a Maid , was to dye for it , he considered so deeply of it , that his vital heat and spirits were so extinguished , that all his beauty became despicable , and the roots of his hair grew dry , for want of moysture , and turn'd grey , Camer . memorab . medic . Cent. 2. Mem. 15. The same happened to Franciscus Gonzaga , when he was imprisoned for a Traytor , Scalig. Exer. 312. And to Lodowick . Bavarus the Emperour , when he had slain Helica a Virgin of Prenneberg , cut off his Wifes head , and had cast another Noble woman headlong from a Tower , he fell sick of it by a vision in the night , Avent . l. 7. Innumerable Examples prove , that in conception the same may happen . The Wife of Duke Plumbinus having layn with a Black-moor , was delivered of a Blackmore . Persina an Aethiopian , seeing the Image of a white child when she lay with a man , had a child with a white face , Heliodor . When Charles the fourth was Emperour , the Wife of John Baptista , looking often on a picture , bare a hairy child . A man disguised lying with the Wife of Bolduck , as if he had been the Devill , got her with child , and the boy ran about so soon as he was born . You shall find the like Monster in Lemnius in occult . And he extends Imagination so far , that he thinks , that in more venereous Virgins , their seed being mingled with their blood by imagination of venereous things , may cause the rudiments of a living creature . How that may be , it is hard to explain , nor doth it belong to this place . Artic. 3. Of Sight and Smelling . AUgustus Caesar had such clear eyes , that whom he looked on intentively , he would make them to wink , as at the Sun beams . Suetonius saith , that Tiberius could see in the dark like a Cat. It is certain , that Strabo had such acute eyes , that from Lilybaeum he could discern Ships going forth of the Carthagenian Haven , Val. l. 1. c. 8. and he could number all the Ships . The distance was 135 miles . If this be true , that is true also , That a Spaniard , one Lopes , was in Gades , who from a high Mountain call'd Calpen , would see over the Sea against it , and discern out of Europe , the banks of Africa , ( the passage , as Cleonardus in Epistol . ad Jacob. Labocum saith , is in a calm Sea , 3 or 4 hours over , ) yet he could see what was done there , Camer . hor. subcis . l. 3. c. 81. In the West of Africa there are Blackmores with four eyes , Lycosten . Also Isigonus and Nymphodorus report , that Some Families in Africa have eyes that bewitch people : If they praise any things , they perish by it , trees will wither , Children will die : and Isigonus saith , there are such people in Illirium , and the Triballi , that will bewitch any thing with looking on it , and kill those they look upon long , especially with angry eyes , and young men especially are bewitched by them . That is most notable that they have two Apples in each eye . In Albania there are some that have Owls eyes , and are hoary from their childhood , who see better by night than day , Pliny l. 7. c. 2. Anastasius the Emperour had Apples of his eyes of divers colours , the right eye was blacker , the left more grey , Zonar . They that dwell near Lakes cannot endure smells . Strabo l. 16. reports , that such amongst the Sabaeans as are stupified by sweet smells , are refreshed by the fume of bitumen , and by the beard of a Goat burnt . That stinking smells are good sometimes , women that are cured by them of their hysterical passions , and the plague , thereby removed , do confirm . At Antwerp a Country man coming into a Perfumers shop , swo●nded , but came to himself by rubbing his nose with horse dung , Lemn . l. 2. occult . c. 9. Article 4. Of the Face . GOd hath set Majesty in some mens Faces , chiefly if you regard Princes : some are of a wonderful form for comelinesse ; others for ill-favourednesse . They of Bruges were afraid of the Countenance of Caesar Maximilian , being captive , Delf ▪ l. 3. in Maximil . vita et Philippi . The Conquerours that beheld the Countenance of Francis the first King of France , who was worthy of everlasting renown , when he was taken at Ticinum , they all strove to do him service , seeing his Kingly Countenance , Forcatul . de Gullor . Imper. l. 3. When the Conspirators thought to have slain Alphonsus Estensis the First , Duke of Ferrara , he frighted them with his looks that they durst not do it . The twins Moenechmi in Plautus were so like , that neither their Nurse nor Mother could know them asunder . Vives observes the same of two sons , John and Peter , of a Senatour of Mechlin . Antonius Bithynicus was so fair , that Adrian the Emperour built a Temple to him , in Mantinea , and a City by Nilus , and engraved his Image on the Coin. The son of Maximinus was so beautifull , that his head that was grown black after he was dead , and soked with corrupt matter , yet seemed very fair . Democles an Athenian boy was call'd so for his comelinesse , and he had so much care of his chastity , that to decline the force of Demetrius , he cast himself into a Kettle of scalding water , Plutar. in Demetrio . Spurina a young Maid , by her very looks enticed men and women to lust , Vale● . Max. Lastly , Queen Suavilda was so delicate of form , that when she was bound with thongs , and exposed to be trod on by horses , she was a terrour to the very beasts , that they durst not tread on her fair limbs , Saxo Gram. l. 3. histor . Danic . Artic. 5. Of Dreams . AS in other things , so Nature sports her self in dreams : for sad people are merry when they dream somtimes , merry people are sad ; Servants are Kings , and Lords become Servants . And though we must confesse that many of them , and what is then done be natural , yet scarse any can deny , but many of them are supernatural . God in elder times did teach his Church by dreams , and now adayes many dreams come to pass● . When Lucas Iselius the Son in Law of Zwingerus was at Vesontio , he foresaw in his dream the death of Huber , a Physitian of Basil. For he seemed to see his bed covered with fresh earth cast upon it , which when removing the blanket , he thought to cast off , he saw Huber the Physitian under the bed , and in the twinkling of an eye he was changed into the forme of a Child . Nessenus the same day he was drownd in the Albis , dreamt of some hurt came to the boat , and his own falling out of it . Christopher Rhaumbavius a Physitian of Uratislavium , followed the counsel he had given him in a dream , concerning the cure of a disease , was to him incurable ; and he recovered his patient . The wonder was , that a few yeares after he met with that receipt in a Book newly printed . Doring . de medic . l. 1. part . 2. s. 1. d. 1. c. 3. Histories report that the same hapned to Philip , and to Galen before him . To this may be added the dream of the Mother of Scanderbeg , concerning a Serpent , that covered all Epirus , and stretched forth his head into the Turks borders , devouring them with bloody jaws , but the tayle was contain'd amongst the Christians , and the government of the Venetians . Barlet . l. 1. de gest . Scanderbegi , c. 82. That of Scaligers , of a great flame with a mighty noise passing over the Alps , at Noricum , Rhaetia , and Liguria without any hurt . Scalig. in com . l. de insomn . Hippocrat . Apotel . 42. Of Hunnius his , of a Pillar in the Church ; These did foreshew the future condition of their Sons , and that certainly . For Scanderbeg was a hammer to the Turks Scaliger the bright S●ar of those quarters . And Hunnius a Pillar of the Church he lived in . What shall I say of Gunthram King of the Francks ? It is wonderfull what he dreamt . For when on a time he went through a Wood a hunting , by chance losing his company , and having but one man left with him , who was more faithfull to him than the rest , he came to a brook of cold water . And when he was heavy with sleep he laid his head in that Mans bosome and fell a sleep . This servant there observed a strange thing ; For he saw as it were a little Creature creep out of his mouth whilst he slept , and go strait to the River ; and when he strove in vain to passe over , the Servant laid his drawn sword over the brook , whereby , when the little beast had easily passed over , he crept into a hole in a Mountain hard by , and coming back an hour after he passed the same way , and crept again into the Kings mouth . The King wak'd and told his Servant , that in a dream he seemed to be brought to the bank of a great River , and to have passed over an iron bridge , and so to come to a Mountain where there was great store of gold hid . When the King had related this to his Servant , and heard again from him what strange thing hapned when he slept , they both went to that Mountain , and there they found a mighty masse of Gold conceald . Heidfeld in Sphinge c. 14. Marinus Mersennus in Genesin , calls this a diabolical dream . That is more wonderfull , that he dreamt at Schmalcaldium . He that will have the relation , let him read Pencerus de Divinatione . And , in place of that , I will set down the dream of David Pareus , which is thus described by him . I saw a great Oxe that was weary , which extended his head to the East , and behold a Ram came from the East with three horns , and he ran upon this Oxe , and hurt his hinder legs , and the Oxe fastned himself , and stood stronger . And I saw that the weary Oxe set his feet firmer . And there came another Ram from the Mountain of the Gentils , and those ways , and breaking one leg between his horns , he ran upon his fore parts ; yet the Oxe stood fast again and fell not , but the Rams grieved exceedingly , and those that adored the Rams wept ; because God preserved him , and sent him food from India that strengthned him . And behold on the otherside of the River stood an Armenian Tyger , with the Moon upon his Head , and he said , I will prey on both the conquerer , and the conquered ; and the Ram with three horns was devoured by the Tyger , and conquered him . The other Ram fled to his Mountain , and the grasse withered , but the Oxes horns grew , and the Tyger fled from him ; and the Ram did not escape into the Mountain , and I was glad that God preserved the Oxe . Artic. 6. Of Walkers in the Night . THere are many examples of Night-walkers . A certain young man rising out of his bed , putting on his Cloths , and his Boots and Spurs , got astride above the window , upon a Wall ; and spurd the Wall as if it had been a horse . Another went down into a Well and came not up again till he had touched the water . Horstius tells of a Noble Man that went to the top of a Tower , and robb'd a birds nest , and came down again by a rope . It is reported , that one at Paris , girt with his sword , swam over the Seyn , and killed one he was minded to kill before ; when he had done this villany , he return'd home , Aleman . comm . ad . libr. Hippocrat . de Aere , &c. As for the cause , many men are of divers minds . The best opinion ascribes it to Imagination : for the sensitive soul in sleep , not onely rouzed by an external object , converts her self to be sensible , and first perceives darkly , afterwards more clearly ; but being affected by the inward object represented in a dream , rouzeth the moving faculty . The Imagination is rouzed by the species of things reserved ; about which whilest it acts intentively , it stirs up the moving faculty . That this is so , appears by daily experience . For who knowes not but we are troubled in our sleep ? That we rise not , is because our phantasie is not altogether so busie about the Images reserved , as in some other men . Yet the stronger motion doth not alwaies proceed from the same cause . For some think the same thing may be caused from diurnal cogitation , especially in younger people , that are more bold , and more lustfull . Others suffer this from an internal affection of their body , yet they are not all of the same kind . Some have more cheerful , and more phantastick animal spirits ; some seem to do this out of simplicity . That they wake not , is caused by the stiffnesse of the vapours . For these not suffering them to be easily awaked ; and on the other side , the animal spirits being lively , it falls out that they are half awake , half asleep : yet it is not likely , that all are of the same kind . For that boy Libavius speaks of , that went naked to the door , and came home again , observed a Watchman sitting in the streets . Lastly , the cause they do those things in their sleep , they cannot do waking , is their ignorance of the danger ; the action of reason is darkned , and they cannot hinder the motions raised by Phantasie , Libav . in Noctambulis . Article 7. Of some things observable concerning the Head and the Senses . THere was one born and grew to be a man , Anno 1516 , that put forth another head at the navel , Lycosthen . Anno 1487 , there was a boy at Venice that had his mouth cut divers wayes , and a genital member growing to his crown . Some of years have had horns grow on their heads . A Virgin had them about the joynts of her Feet and Arms , like to Calves horns , she was cured afterward , Schenk . l. 1. observ . The Egyptians had such hard heads , that you could hardly break them with throwing a stone at them . The Persians heads were so weak , that a little stone would break them , Herodot . The Indians heads in Hispaniola are so hard , that they will break swords . Cardan . l. 12. de variet . rer . Beniventus saith , de abdit . c. 10. that a Monk had his forehead bone eaten naked by a sharp humour . Tyrrhenus Torcon and Cyonus Trojanus , were grey when they were young , Cal. l. 3. c. 27. Antiq. And Ctesias writes , that in a part of the Indies , the women never breed but once , and presently grow grey after the first child . The Miconii are born without hair , Plin. l. 14. c. 37. It is rare for a woman to grow bald ; no Eunuchs ever do , nor any man before he hath known a woman , Pliny . There was a woman seen at Paris with a black upper beard that began to be hoary , of a great magnitude , her chin also was moderately hairy . Also they report , that in the company of women , that Albertus the Duke of Bavaria kept , one of them had a long beard , Wolsius . There was a child born in Lombardy in the time of Pope Gregory , that had ears big enough to cover the whole body , Thomaius in horto mundi c. 19. Many men could move their ears , and the skin of their heads at pleasure , Dalechamp . Men say , that in the inward parts of the East , there are people without any nose , and their face is flat ; others that want their upper lip ; others without tongues , Plin. l. 6. c. 30. They write also , that there is a part of Aethiopia , where the Inhabitants are born with a flexible body , that they can wind themselves easily every way they please ▪ and they have two tongues , and can use them both , and speak plainly with them a● pleasure , Gem. Fris. l. 1. c. 7. Cosmocrit Mutianus saith , he saw Zanes a Samothracian Citizen , who had his teeth grew again after 104 years , Plin. l. 11. c. 17. Aristotle l. 2. c. 4. de histor . animal ▪ makes mention of a woman that had her cheek teeth come forth with pain , in her 80 year . Pliny writes , that some had teeth bred in their palates , Pliny l. 11. c. 37. Moecenas never slept in three whole years , at last he was cured by gentle Musick , Seneca de provident . Nizolius , call'd Ciceronianus , never slept in ten years , Heurn . c. 16. de morb . cap ▪ Cardan , when he pleased , could be so taken up in his thoughts , that he would feel no pain in that state . And Augustine l. 14. de Civ . Dei ▪ c. 24. reports the same of a Presbyter restored : He lay as though he were dead , and did not feel those that pulled him ; nor would he stirre , though they burn'd him with fire : yet he confessed , that he could then hear men speak , if they spake aloud , as though they were far off from him : And it was confirmed by this Argument , that he did not do it by resisting , but by not feeling , that he moved not his body ; for he lay as dead , and drew no breath . The English History relates , that Elizabeth Burton a Maid of Canterbury had contracted the same custom of taking away her senses , from a disease she had . CHAP. VIII . Of the faculty of moving from place to place . Artic. 1. Of the wonderfull strength and agility of some people . I Shall speak Wonders ; and that there were such Examples , Polydamas may prove : who being unarmed slew a Lion. The same man set upon a herd of Oxen , he caught hold of the hinder foot of one of the greatest Oxen , and would not let it go , though the Ox raged , till he left his hoof in his hand . He held Chariots with four horses back , with his hand , when they went with all their force , Rhodig . l. 7. c. 37. When Milo Crotoniensis held an Apple , no man could wrest it from him . He at the Olympian Games , carried an Ox a furlong , and held his breath all the while ; then killed him with a box of his fist , and easily eat him up all the same day . At last , when he thought to pull asunder a cleft Oke , it fell upon him and kill'd him , Pliny l. 7. c. 20. Maximinus the Emperour had such strong limbs , that he put on his Wifes bracelets , that was a circle set with Jewels , that went about her Arms , for a ring on his thumb . A Cobler in Sweden carried alwayes 120 pounds of gold hang'd about his neck ; and he fought with 9 Fencers , and killed them all , Olaus l. 5. c. 2. One Paulus in Bonsinius rer . Ungar . decad . 4. l. 2. was in stature and for limbs like Hercules : He took an armed man in his teeth at a military dance ; and though he was in armour himself , yet he carried him with him , and danced . Ubert●s de cruce , of Mill●in , carried a beast laden with Wheat , and standing but upon one foot , no man could thrust him off from the place he stood , Leander in Mediol . Lastly in the Mountain Anchusa , not farr from Atlas , every single foot-man can resist two horse-men in ●ight . Leo African . Philetas Colis was so light , that he tied leaden bullets to his feet , that the wind should not carry him away . There are as wonderfull examples of agility of body . In a Western Province of the New World , the Indians are so swift , that they will run a whole day to overtake a Man. Hispal . sylv . p. 5. c. 7. The Scritofinni will out run Wild Beasts . Krant . in Suecia . The same Author writes that Herald a Noble Irish man would out run any horse . l. 5. Norveg . c. 6. In Mexica , Posts in four days will run 70 leagues . Polymnestor Milesius , when he was a boy catcht a hare in sport . Philonides in one day ran 1200 furlongs on foot , that is 75 French leagues . Ladas , so ran over the white sand , that he left no prints of his feet . In Italy there was a Boy born when Fonteius and Vip●anius were Consuls , who at eight yeares old ran 45 , miles from Noon to Night . Solin . But wonderfull is the agility of a Country man bred amongst Cattle , who came to the Court of the Prince of Papeberg . Camer . cent . 1. hor. subcis . c. 75. The Prince had in his Court a Dwarf call'd Martinettus , that got on the back of that nimble man , as upon a horse , and he turnd round with him , and ran here and there as he li●ted , but when he pleased , he would at one leap cast his rider , though he sat never so fast . Then he with the Dwarfe on his back would fight with the Hownds , and great Mastives the English call them Dogs : some of them were very fierce , and yet with his b●rking like a dogg , and grinning , and with his hair about his ears , he did fright them , and drive them out of the Chamber , and somtimes he would bite the lesser dogs , when he had driven forth all the doggs he leapt wonderfully up and down , with four feet , and jumped to the highest corners of the room , that an ape could hardly do as much , and yet he with his Country square body did it with ease . I saw him , once and twice , when I dined with the Prince , when he had cast off the Dwarfe from his back , and barked away the doggs , he leaped over the shoulders of one that sat at table , then over the Table , not touching the cups nor platters that stood upon it , and then into higher places , and that so nimbly , that he seemed to flye like a Squirrel , or Indian Cat whereof Julius Scaliger writes . He adds , many were of opinion , that he cast a mist before mens eyes , but he knew nothing of that , nor do I think he could do that if he would . Justinus l. 44. writes that Habides Son to Gargor , King of the Curetes was of the like agility . CHAP. IX . Of the rational Soul ; and first , of Memory . THe rational Soul is the Form of Man , and gives man his Being , distinguishing him from other creatures . The faculties of it are two , Understanding and Will , the speaking faculty is given to them both , to interpret . There is scarce any thing to be said of them . For though there are infinite almost considerations of them , if you consider the diversity of inventions , virtues , consultations , tongues , manners of writings , and the rest , yet , should we adde them here , it would be a great fault in method , for they are more fitly handled in the Ethicks , and therefore I forbeare them here . I shall onely adde one thing of Memory : That some have had an excellent Memory ; Esdras the Priest had all the Jews doctrine by heart . Cyrus and Scipio knew every Souldiers name in their Armies . Carmides would say any books that any one asked for in their Libraries , as if he read in them , Plin. Mithridates had learned the Languages of 22 Nations , Gellius . Julius Caesar would dictate to four at the same time ; Pliny saith , he was wont to dictate , to read , and to hear . Themistocles had such a Memory , that when Simonides offered to teach him the Art of Memory , he said , He had rather learn the Art to forget ; saying , He remembred what he would not , but could not forget what he would , Cic. l. 2. de finib . Seneca repeated in order 2000 names as they were first spoken . He rehearsed 200 verses , and began at the last . Portius Latro never read over again what he was to deliver : For he learned it as he writ it , and he repeated it , and never missed one word . As these had excellent Memories , so others had as bad , either from some disease , or ill constitution by birth . Messala Corvinus forgat his own name . Franciscus Barbarus , a most learned Man at Athens in the Greek Tongue , having a blow on his head with a stone , remembred firmly all things else , onely he forgate Learning , that he had spent so much time upon , Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 8. Clusius Sabinus had such a barren Memory , that sometimes he forgat the name of Ulysses , sometimes of Achilles , sometimes of Priamus , Seneca in Epistol . Atticus the son of Herod the Sophister , could never learn the names of the letters . The Thracians could never count above four . But the greatest Wonder is that Thuan. l. 134 writes of Theodore Beza , that before he dyed , when his mind was grown feeble , he forgat things present , but what was printed in his Memory afore time , when he had his understanding , that he held ; and it continued for two years so , when he languished . As for wit , that depends on a certain temperament . And it is wonder , that oft-times those are stupid in many things , that are held wise in other things . Themistocles could not so well take as catch counsels . There was one could not learn the Rules of Logick , yet other Arts he could quickly learn , Huartus . For the excellency of it ; Janus Drusus , the famous Student , had a son so singular , that from 15 years old to 20 , when he dyed , he writ excellent Commentaries on the Proverbs and other Books . Drus. in praef●t . Paralip . in n. 7. Yet the Wit of Man cannot reach many things . The force of the Loadstone ; flowing of the Sea ; the wonderful effects of humours in Man's body ; the constitution of his naturall heat ; and many more . They have busied many , but no man hath rightly found them out . The vulgar opinion is , God cannot be comprehended by reason of his Excellency ; nor materia prima for its worthlesnesse . Hidden Properties are too loose an Asylum for our Ignorance . I will here stop , for so I intend . My purpose was to set down things most pleasant , to make young Men delight in Naturall History , and to help those that teach Noblemens children privately . I have inserted many things doubtfull , and I have alledged their causes from other mens opinions , to shew , that Nature requires searching . Nature is fruitfull , and I could not set down all . Her bounds are so large , that it is beyond my strength to search over all . If what I have writ be accepted , and I shall have so much ability and opportunity , I shall write an Enchiridion of Naturall History , wherein Nature shall be set forth at large , and in short also . I shall leave the scrutiny to others ; Whether , and Wherefore , things are . But the Supream over all will provide for these things . To whom be praise and glory to all Ages . Amen . FINIS . Books Printed for John Streater , and are to be sold by the Booksellers of London . THe Vale-Royall of England ; or , The County Palatine of Chester Illustrated . Wherein is contained a Geographicall and Historical Description of that Famous County , with all its Hundreds , and Seats of the Nobility , Gentry , and Freeholders ; Its Rivers , Towns , Castles , Buildings Ancient and Modern : Adorned with Maps and Prospects , and the Coats of Arms belonging to every individuall Family of the whole County . Unto which is added , An excellent Discourse of the Island of Man. The Refinement of Zion : Or , The old Orthodox Protestant Doctrine justified , and defended against several Exceptions of the Antinomians ▪ methodically digested into Questions , wherein many weighty and important cases of Conscience are handled , concerning the nature of Faith and Repentance , or Conversion to God. By Anthony Warton . De Morbis Foemineis : The Womans Counsellour ; or , The Feminine Physitian . Modestly treating of such occult Accidents , and secret Diseases , as are incident to that Sex. Pharmacopaea : Or , Rhaenodaeus his Dispensatory . Treating of the whole Body of Physick : Performing the Office of an Herball , as well as an Apothecarie's Shop . The LIFE of the Renowned Peireskius : Containing his Learned Experiments in all kind of Learning . Written by Gassandus . Now done into English. 
A29031	----	Some considerations touching the vsefulnesse of experimental naturall philosophy propos'd in familiar discourses to a friend, by way of invitation to the study of it. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. 1663 Approx. 1104 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 291 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29031 Wing B4029 ESTC R19249 12219966 ocm 12219966 56384 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29031) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 56384) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 128:9) Some considerations touching the vsefulnesse of experimental naturall philosophy propos'd in familiar discourses to a friend, by way of invitation to the study of it. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. Sharrock, Robert, 1630-1684. 2 v. in 1. Printed by Hen. Hall ... for Ric. Davis, Oxford : 1663. Written by Robert Boyle. Cf. BM. "The publisher to the reader" signed: Ro. Sharrock. Errata at the end of both volumes. Includes indexes. Imperfect: pages 49-56 lacking. Reproduction of original in Library of Congress. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-09 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-09 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SOME CONSIDERATIONS touching the VSEFVLNESSE Of EXPERIMENTAL Naturall Philosophy , Propos'd in Familiar Discourses to a Friend , by way of Invitation to the Study of it . OXFORD Printed by HEN : HALL Printer to the University , for RIC : DAVIS . Anno Domini 1663. OF THE VSEFVLNESSE OF Experimental Philosophy . The PVBLISHER to the Reader . IT is , Courteous Reader , part of the Satyr of Petronius against the Vice of his own Time. Priscis temporibus , cum adhuc nuda Virtus placeret , vigebant Artes ingenuae , summumque certamen inter homines erat , ne quid profuturum saeculis diu lateret . Democritus omnium Herbarum succos expressit , & ne lapidum virgultorumque vis lateret , aetatem inter Experimenta consumpsit . Other Examples of the like Industry he brings , and then concludes against the Laziness and Luxury of his own Age. At Nos , saith He , ne paratas quidem Artes audemus cognoscere , sed accusatores Antiquitatis vitia tantum docemus & discimus . It was for want of a Democritus or two that he casts this hard Censure upon his own Time. For , notwithstanding all his Harangue in Commend●tion of some Ages which were antient to his Own , It is evident out of History , that there was never at once any great Number , who seriously and in earnest for the Benefit of Mankind applyed themselves to these severe Scrutinyes of Natural Bodyes . It is true that now and then , in all Centuries from the Beginning of the World , there have appear'd some Persons of a Nature more refin'd , as if indeed ( according to that Phancy of the Old Poets ) some Prometheus had made them either of another Metall , or of another Temper , from the Vulgar , utterly above all Mixture with , or Embasement by the common Fashions of this World ; who did make it the End of their Lives , by Severing and Mixing , Making and Marring , and multiplying Variety of Experiments on all Bodies , to discover their hidden Vertues , & so to enlarge the Power & Empire of Man. But these were ever very few and singular . Even in that so much celebrated Time of Democritus these Studies were so rare , that his usual Exercise of the Anatomy of Beasts was look'd upon , as that which made the Soundness of his Mind questionable , even as a Spice of Madness in him : and probably much more might the Vulgar of his Age have been amused , had they seen him torturing Minerals and Metals in the more toilsome Anatomy of Fire . Now if it be a dishonourable Crimination to an Age , that it hath brought out no Persons who make it their great Endeavour Ne quid profuturum saeculis lateat : and if the Discovery of one or two persons of this Kind be enough to expiate for , and take off the Dishonour of the Proletarian Lazinesse and Luxury of the Rest , I think I may justly esteem that the exhibiting to the World the History of the Studyes of the Honourable Author of this Piece may serve to be the Apology and Defence of our Age against such Censures as that wherewith the newly cited Satyrist stained his own Time. And this was one great Reason that hath made me very forward to promote the Publication of This , and diverse other Writings of the same Noble Author . For were there only Tokens of Endeavour in Them , the proof of This Endeavour ( even without Attainment ) ought to wipe off all Imputations of this nature . But this Motive ( though I do account that by exhibiting this Expiation I do somewhat oblige the Age , whose Honour is thereby defended , yet ) was far from being the most great and forcible . For the Excellence of the Works themselves , even as soon as they fell from the pen of the Author , did long since in all Equity set an Imprimatur on them . Nec sumunt aut ponunt secures Arbitrio popularis Aurae . Epicurus ▪ when he was casting up the account of his life , upon the very Day of his Death , mentions a very great pleasure that he even then took in two Parts of his former Studyes : And these were his Rationes , and his Inventa ; Points well argued , and things happily sound out . The two very same particulars are principally conspicuous in this ensuing Piece . There are good Conclusions against the Enemies of the Being and Providence of God in the First Part , and in the Second there be Notices of divers Inventa profitable to the Use of Man. By the one sound Notions are proposed to the Readers apprehension from the Contemplation of God's Creation and Government of the World , and thereby good Matter is suggested to his Affection for the Advancement of his Devotion ; by the Other , the●e are divers things deliver'd , which may tend to enlarge Man's power of doing Good : By them , in the whole , both our Honour to God , and our Charity to our Neighbors may be assisted : in which two the Substantial part of all the most Noble , not only Human but Christian Vertues , both Speculative and Practical , are certainly contained . I must not omit , that an Argument of this Nature , at this Time , may justly be commended for its Seasonableness , when divers Persons , who know not the way of Experimental Philosophy , and are loath now to give themselves the trouble of learning it , have been making some attempts , very unthankfully , to traduce both It , and its Promoters . These Considerations passed with me for Reasons , and had upon me this force and Prevalence , that as soon as I had the Authors leave , I durst not forbear the committing of them to the Press , notwithstanding his Many arguments , which were plausible enough to the Contrary : as , namely , that much of the First Part was written when he was of so immature Years , that should I be particular concerning his Age then , to any person who hath read the Piece , the Paucity of such Instances might justly make me dispair of begetting Credit to my Relation . Another Objection was , That , though his Method did of necessity lead him to it , yet it might be look'd upon as unbecomming for Him to meddle with the Physitians Art , of which he never did ( nor could , by reason of his Native Honour ) make any Profession . But these Oppositions being raised upon points of Curiosity in Ceremony and outward Decorum , were of lit●le weight , when the forementioned Noble Offices of Charity and doing good were in the other Scale . The greater Question was . Suppose them to be publisht , But why now ? Why so soon ? Should not rather the Edition have been delay'd , untill it might have come out together with The second Section of the second Part ? ( which discovers the Use that may be made of Experimental Learning , to advance the Empire of Man over other Creatures ) or untill the Common Preface , and some other little Tracts , all written long since , and intended to accompany this , might be revised by the Author ; or at least untill the Author might have had leisure to have made some more new & full Animadversions to the Receipts & Processes contain'd in the Appendix ? The Consideration which answer'd this Objection was , That this Piece , as now printed alone , would make ( as you see it doth ) a very competent Book , which would have by it Self the perfection , if not of the Whole yet of a more principal part ; and of that part , which to Professors or Candidates of Learning is most desireable . And then the Author's Avocations and other Studies being so many , that we could prefix no certain time for the complement of the mention'd remaining parts , I was loath to hazard the Preservation of These by deferring the Impression ; since I know there is no Security of the continuance of those Writings which are reposed only in single , or at most in few written Copies . I remember , the Author had once lost for a good while one of these very Essays which are now here Printed , and put beyond that Danger for the future . Besides other Casual accidents , the very Contingency of Humane life , and the chance of a Man's papers after Death , ( For to them the Question of King Solomon is most proper and pertinent , VVho knows whether then they may happen to fall into the hands of a Wise man or a Fool ? ) were of force enough to perswade me to secure these , when it was in my power , unto the Common Use. Would not Printing in all probability have preserv'd unto Us that Universal History of Vegetables from the Cedar of ●ibanus unto the Moss that groweth upon the Wall , written by that Wise and Learned King , and the loss of which we now in vain lament ? Would not Printing have sav'd that Excellent Book of Democritus , which he inscribed his XEIPOKMHTA or EXPERIMENTS of his own personal Tryal , so utterly lost , that the Name of the piece is not mention'd among the Catalogue of his Writings in Laertius ? And may not the Printing of this Piece be a meanes of the preservation ( besides the Notional part ) of divers very useful XEIPOKMHTA of the Honourable Author , who hath been ever unwearied in the Tryal of all probable Experiments , that may increase the Light or advance the Profit of Mankind ? But before I leave the Reader , I must give him this single Advertisement , that the Passages included within the Paratheses or Crotchetts , as the Press stiles them , that is , between any two such Marks as these [ ] were inserted long since the writing of these Essays , upon the Relection of some parts of the Book before He sent it to me : Which I therefore did so distinguish , and do intimate , that there may appear no inconsistency in our Author , and the Reader may not marvel to find somethings very Recent in a Book written several Years agoe . Farewell . RO : SHARROCK . The Author's ADVERTISEMENT about the following ESSAYS . THat the Title of the following Treatise might not raise in the Reader an Expectation of more then he will find in the Book , I think my self oblig'd to inform him , That , though it come not forth before , divers parts were sent to the Press in 1660 , or 1661 , and this present Y●ar 1663 , yet the very Last Essay of it was written divers Years before . Since when those Papers were left , sometimes in the hands of Friends , and sometimes in distant places where I could not come at them : which I mention , that the Reader may neither wonder nor blame Me , if he now meet with some things in them that have already been published by others , or are more vulgarly known then my way of mentioning them implyes . For it may , this notwithstanding , very well be , that when I writ them , no body had yet lighted on some of them , and that others of them did then but begin to be taken notice of . And as for the Five first Essays , which treat of The Usefulness of Natural Philosophy to the Mind of Man , though by my addressing them all the way to the Gentleman I call Pyrophilus , they may seem to have been Originally written to the same Person , and about the same time with the Essays , that make up the Second Part ; yet indeed a great Portion of the First part was written , as I remember , 10 or 12 years ago , ( when I was scarce above 21 or 22 years old ) to another Friend , to whom the Considerations that serv'd to confirm Piety , and excite Devotion , were far more acceptable then those that were more purely Physiologicall : so that having , whether through lazinesse , or w●nt of leisure contented my self to substitute the name of Pyrophilus for that of my other Friend ( who was not unwilling I should do so ) in a Discourse written when I was so Young ; I would not have the Reader think , that I do now so app●ove of all those Youthful Discourses ( which I therefore suffer to pass abroad without a Name ) as to think all the Tenets they propos'd to be irrefragable T●uths , or all the Reasonings they contein , to be Demonstrative ; & that I would at present have my Judgment estimated according to their Cogency . But yet I do without much Reluctancy comply with those Friends , who would by no means consent , that the Five first Essays of this Treatise should not come forth with the Rest ; partly because not writing all things for all Readers , I hold it not unfit to publish something to gratify those , who desire with me to be both excited and assisted to admire and praise the Great and VVise Author of all things ; partly because the Treatise would seem main'd and incompleat , if the latter Essays should come abroad without the Rest ; and partly too because Learned Men have been pleas'd to assure me , that those Essays are not destitute of Notions and Ratiocinations , that are not altogether vulgar or contemptible . However those Readers , that either cannot rellish , or at least desire not any thing , but what is meerly Physiologicall , may , thus advertis'd , passe by the former part of this Treatise , and content themselves to read over the Latter , though they who shall take the Pains to read Both , will not perhaps think their Labour lost : Since I have taken Care to leave even the former Part as little disfurnisht with Experiments and useful Notions , as , the Argument consider'd , I conveniently coul● . And since also for the Paucity of such things in the First Part , I have endeavoured to make amends in the Second , which is almost wholly Physiological ; concerning which nevertheless I shall admonish the Reader . And indeed the whole Tenets that make up the following Book , are by no means to be look'd upon as Published for an acurate Treatise of the Usefulnes of true Physiology , but as Familiar Writings , that want only the formality of Salve and Vale to passe for Physiological and Medical Epistles ; consisting of such loose Observations , as I thought might be this way preserv'd , and did not so properly belong to my other Writings as they seem'd fitted for the use , and whereto I have applyed them ; namely , that being drawn up together into one Treatise , their Union might enable them to make the greater Impression , and might ( somewhat at least ) recommend that sort of Learning to a Beginner . And one thing that must be especially comprehended in this Admonition is , that the Particulars I have mentioned , to shew of what use Chymical Experiments may be to a Physitian , are not , possibly , the chiefest that even I could set down , if I were not restrained by some justifiable Considerations ; especially 'till I see what Entertainment , the things I now venture abroad , will meet with there : Some of those I reserve , appearing such to me , that I confesse I do not slight them enough to be fond of obtruding them upon the Publick , if I thought they would not be welcome to it . And I do so little desire to have , what I have written , look●d upon as the most that can be said , to shew the Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy , that I scruple not to acknowledg there are things which incline me to suspect , that some in the world , though not particularly known to me , may have Arcana , to which most of the Processes I reserve , as well as all that is commonly known in Chymistry , may prove little more then Trifles . Of the USEFULNESSE of EXPERIMENTALL PHILOSOPHY , Principally as it Relates to the MIND of MAN. THE NATURAL PHILOSOPHY wont to be taught in most Schools , being little other then a Systeme of the Opinions of Aristotle , and some few other Writers , is not , I confesse , Pyrophilus , very difficult to be Learned ; as being attainable by the perusall of a few of the more Current Authors . But , Pyrophilus , that EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY , which you will find Treated of in the following Essayes , is a Study , if duely prosecuted , so difficult , so chargable , and so toilsome , that I think it requisite , before I propose any particular Subjects to your Enquiries , to possesse you with a just value of true and solid Physiologie ; and to convince you , That by endevouring to addict you to it , I invite you not to mispend your time or trouble on a Science unable to merit and requite it . In order , Pyrophilus , to the giving you this satisfaction , Give me leave to mind you , that it was a saying of Pythagoras , worthy so celebrated a Philosopher , That there are two things which most ennoble Man , and make him resemble the Gods ; To know the Truth , and To do Good. For , Pyrophilus , that Diviner part of Man , the Soule , which alone is capable of wearing the Glorious Image of its Author , being endowed with two chief Faculties , the Understanding and the Will ; the former is blest and perfectionated by Knowledg , and the latter's Loveliest and most improving property is Goodnesse . A due Reflection upon this excellent Sentence of him to whom Philosophers owe that modest name , should , me thinks , Pyrophilus , very much endear to us the Study of Naturall Philosophy . For there is no Humane Science th●t does more gratifie and enrich the Understanding with variety of choice and acceptable Truths ; nor scarce any that does more enable a willing mind to exercise a Goodnesse beneficiall to others . To manifest these truths more distinctly , Pyrophilus , and yet without exceeding that Brevity my Avocations and the bounds of an Essay exact of me , I shall , among the numerous advantages accruing to Men from the Study of the Book of Nature , content my selfe to instance only in a Couple , that relate more properly to the Improving of Mens Understandings , and to mention a few of those many , by which it encreases their Power . The two chiefe advantages which a reall acquaintance with Nature brings to our Minds , are , First , by instructing our Understandings and gratifying our Curiosities ; and next , by exciting and cherishing our Devotion . And for the first of these , since , as Aristotle teacheth , and was taught himself by Common Experience , all Men are Naturally desirous to Know : that Propensity cannot but be powerfully engaged to the Works of Nature , which being incessantly present to our senses , do continually sollicite our Curiosities : Of whose potent inclining us to the Contemplation of Natures Wonders , it is not perhaps the inconsiderablest Instance , That though the Naturall Philosophy hitherto taught in most Schools , hath been so Litigious in its Theorie , and so barren as to its Productions ; yet it hath found numbers of Zealous and Learned Cultivators , whom sure nothing but Mens inbred fondnesse for the Object it converses with , and the end it pretends to , could so passionately devote to it . And since that ( as the same Aristotle taught by his Master Plato well observes ) Admiration is the Parent of Philosophy , by engaging us to enquire into the Causes of the things at which we marvail ; we cannot but be powerfully invited to the Contemplation of Nature , by living and conversing among Wonders , some of which are obvious and conspicuous enough to amaze even ordinary Beholders ; and others admirable and abstruse enough to as●onish the most inquisitive Spectators . The bare prospect of this magnificent Fabrick of the Universe , furnished and adorned with such strange variety of curious and usefull Creatures , would , suffice to transport us both with Wonder and Joy , if their Commonnesse did not hinder their Operations . Of which Truth Mr Stepkins , the famous Oculist , did not long since supply us with a memorable Instance : For ( as both himselfe and an Illustrious Person that was present at the Cure informed me ) a Maid of about Eighteen yeares of Age , having by a couple of Cataracts , that she brought with her into the World , lived absolutely blind from the moment of her Birth ; being brought to the free Use of her Eyes , was so ravisht at the surprizing spect●cle of so many and various Objects , as presented themselves to her unacquainted Sight , that almost every thing she saw transported her with such admiration and delight , that she was in danger to loose the eyes of her Mind by those of her Body , and expound that Mysticall Arabian Proverb , which advises , To shut the Windowes , that the House may be Light. But if the bare beholding of this admirable Structure is capable of pleasing men so highly , how much satisfaction , Pyrophilus , may it be supposed to afford to an Intelligent Spectator , who is able both to understand and to relish the admirable Architecture and skilfull contrivance of it : For the Book of Nature is to an ordinary Gazer , and a Naturalist , like a rare Book of Hieroglyphicks to a Child , and a Philosopher : the one is sufficiently pleas'd with the Odnesse and Variety of the Curious Pictures that adorne it ; whereas the other is not only delighted with those outward objects that gratifie his sense , but receives a much higher satisfaction in admiring the knowledg of the Author , and in finding out and inriching himselfe with those abstruse and vailed Truths dexterously hinted in them . Yes , Pyrophilus , as the Understanding is the highest faculty in Man , so its Pleasures are the highest he can naturally receive . And therefore I cannot much wonder that the famous Archimedes lighting in a Bath upon an Expedient to resolve a perplexing difficultie in Naturall Philosophy , should leap out of the Bath , and run unclothed like a mad-man , crying nothing but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have found it , I have found it . Nor do I so much admire as deplore the ●atally venturous Curiosit● of the Elder Pliny , who , as the Younger relates , could not be deterr'd by the fo●mi●ablenesse of the destructive flames vomite● by V●suvius , from indevoring by their Light to read the Natu●e of such Vulcanian Hils ; but in spight of all the disswasi●ns of his Friends , an● the ●ff●●ghting eruptions of that hideous Place , he resolved that Flaming Won●er should rather kill him , then escape him ; and thereupon approch'd so neer that he lost his Life to satisfie his Cu●iosity , and fell ( if I may so speak ) a Martyr to Physiologie . For we daily see Alchymists hazard their L●ves on Minerall Experiments in Furnaces , where though the fires are not so vast and fierce , as those that Pliny went to consider ; yet the ( dangerous when not pernicious ) Fumes do sometimes prove as fatall . One would think , Pyrophilus , that the conversing with dead and stinking Carkases ( that are not onely hideous objects in themselves , but made more ghastly by the puting us in mind that our selves must be such ) should be not onely a very melancholy , but a very hated imployment . And yet , Pyrophilus , there are Anatomists who dote upon it ; and I confess its Instructiveness has not onely so reconciled me to it , but so enamor'd me of it , that I have often spent hours much less delightfully , not onely in Courts , but even in Libraries , then in tracing in those forsaken M●nsions , the inimitable Workmanship of the Omniscient Architect . The curious Works of famous Artificers , are wont to invite the V●sits , and excite the wonder of the generality of inquisit●ve Persons . And I remember , that in my Travels , I have often taken no small pains to obtain the pleasure of gaz●ng upon some Masterpiece of Art : But now , I confess , I could with more del●ght look upon a skilful Dissection , then the famous Clock at Strasburg . And , methinks , Aristotle discou●ses very Philosophically in that place , where p●ssing from the consi●●●ation of the sublimist productions of Nature , to just●fie his diligence in recording the more homely Circu●st●nces of the History of Animals , he thu● dis●o●●●es : R●stat ( sa●th he● ut d● animanti natura d●sseramus , nihil p●o viribus omitten●es v●l viliu● vel nobilius . Nam & in iis quae hoc in g●nere minùs grata nostro occurrunt sensui , Natura parens & author omniū miras excitat voluptates hominibus , qui intelligunt causas & ingenuè Philosophan●ur . Absurdum enim nulla ration● p●obandum est , si imagines quid●m rerum naturalium non sine delectatione p●optereà inspectamus , quòd ingen●um contempla●ur quod illas condiderit , id est , artem pingendi aut fingendi ; rerum autem ipsarum naturae ingenio miráque solertia constitutam contemplationem non magis prosequamur atque exosculemur , modo causas perspicere valeamus : It remains ( saith he ) that we discourse of the natures of Animals , being circumspect to omit none , either of the nobler or inferior sort : For even from those Creatures which less please our sense , does the universal Parent , Nature , afford incredible contentments to such Persons , as understand their causes , and Philophize ingenuously . Since it were absurd and inconsistent to reason , if we should behold the Portraitures of Natural things with delectation , because we observe the accuratness wherewith they are designed , namely , the skil of Painture or Sculpture ; and not much more aff●ct and pursue the contemplation of things themselves , contrived by the exquisite Artifice and Sagacity of Nature , provided we be able to und●rstand their causes . And the better to make out to you , Pyrophilus , the delightfulness of the study of Natural Philosophy , let me observe to you , That those pleasing Truths it teacheth us , do highly gratifie our intellectual Faculties , without displeasing any of them : for they are none of those Criminal Pleasures , which injur'd and incensed Conscience does very much allay , even in the Fruition , and turns into Torments after it . Nor are the Enquiries I am recommending of that trifling and unserviceable sort of Imployments , which though Conscience condemns not as unlawful for a Christian , Reason disapproves as not worthy of a Philosopher ; and wherewith to be much delighted , argues a weakness ; as to be pleased with Babies and Whistles , supposes unripe and weak Intellectuals : But the contemplation of Nature , is an Imployment , which both the Possessors of the sublimest Reason , and those of the seve●est Virtue , have not onely allowed , but cultivated . The Learne● Author of the Book De Mundo , ascrib'd to Aristotle , begins it w●th this Elogium of Natural Philosophy : Mihi quid●m saepe ( says he ) divina quaedem res , Alexander , admirationeque digna visa est Philosophia ; praecipuè vero in ea parte in qua sola ipsa sublime sese t●llens ad contemplandas rerum naturas , magno illic studio contendit existentem in ●is veritatem pernoscere . Philosophy ( saith he ) O Alexander , hath oftentim●s seem'd to me a Divine and Admirable Thing ; but chiefly , that part of it , which aspires to contemplate the Natures of things , imploying its utmost power in searching out the truth contained in them . The reasonableness of which Commendation , he handsomly enough prosecutes in the subsequent Discou●se : To which I shall refer you , that I may proceed to minde you , that Pythagoras , Democritus , Plato , and divers others of those whose Wisdom made after-ages reverence Antiquity , did not onely esteem the Truths of Nature worth studying for , but thought them too worth Travelling for as far as those Eastern Regions , whose Wise-men were then cry'd up for the best Expositors of the obscure Book of Nature . And that severe Teacher , and perswasive Recommender of the strictest Virtue , Seneca ( whose eminent Wisdom made him invited to govern Him that was to govern the World , and who so often and so excellently presses the husbanding of our time ) does not onely in several Passages of his Writings praise a contemplation of Nature , but Writes himself seven Books of Natural Questions , and addresses them to that very Lucilius , whom in his Epistles he takes such pains to make compleatly Virtuous ; and in his Preface , after he had said according to his manner , loftily , Equidem tunc Naturae rerum gratias ago , cum illam non ab hac parte video , quae publi●a est , sed cum secretiora ejus intravi , cum disco quae Universi Materia sit , quis Author , aut Custos , &c. Then do I pay my acknowledgements to Nature , when I behold her not on the out-side , which is obvious to publick view , but am enter'd into her more secret Recesses ; when I understand what the Matter of the Universe is , who its Author , and Preserver , &c. He concludes in the same strain , Nisi ad haec admitterer , non fuerat operae pretium nasci : Had I been debarr'd from these things , it would not have been worth coming into the World. And to adde what he excellently says in another Treatise , Ad haec quaerenda natus ( says he , having spoken of Enquiries concerning the Universe ) aestima quàm non multùm acceperit temporis , etiam si illud totum sibi vindicet , cui licet nihil facilitate eripi , nihil negligentia patiatur excidere ; licet horas suas avarissime servet , & usque in ultimae aetatis humanae terminos procedat , nec quicquid illi ex eo quod Natura constituit fortuna concutiat ; tamen homo ad immortalium cognitionem nimis mortalis est . Ergo secundum Naturam vivo , si totum me illi dedi , si illius Admirator Cultorque sum . Natura autem utrumque facere me voluit & agere , & contemplationi vacare . Being born designedly for searching out these things , consider that the portion of time allotted to Man , is not great , if this study should ingross it all ; since though he should pr●serve his hours with the greatest frugality all his life-time , not suffering any to be stolen from him , or slide away negligently , and never be disturb●d by Accidents of Fortune in th● Imployment Nature has appointed him , yet is he too Mortal to attain the knowledge of Immortal Things . Wherefore , I live agreeably to Nature , when I give up my self wholly to Her , and am Her Admirer and Adorer . Moreover , Nature hath d●signed me to act , and imploy my self in Contemplation . How far Religion is from dis-approving the Study of Physiology , I shall have occasion to manifest ere long , when we shall come to shew , That it is an act of Piety to offer up for the Creatures the Sacrifice of Praise to the Creator ; For , as anciently among the Jews , by virtue of an Aaronical Extraction , Men were born with a Right to Priesthood ; so Reason is a Natural Dignity , and Knowledge a Prerogative , that can confer a Priesthood without Unction or Imposition of Hands . And as for Reason , that is so far from making us judge that Imployment unworthy of Rational Creatures , that those Philosophers ( as Aristotle , Epicurus , Democritus , &c. ) that have improv'd Reason to the gr●atest height , have the most seriously and industriously imploy'd it to investigate the Truths , and promote the study of Natural Philosophy . And indeed , that noble Faculty call'd Reason , being conscious of the great progress it may enable us to make in the knowledge of Natures Mysteries , if it were industriously imploy'd in the study of them , cannot , but like a great Commander , think it self disobliged by not being considerably employ'd . And certainly we are wanting to our selves , and are guilty of little less then our own Degradation , that being by Gods peculiar vouchsafement , endowed with those noble Faculties of Understanding , and Discoursing , and plac'd amidst a numberless variety of Objects , that incessantly invite our Contemplations , can content our selves to behold so many Instructive Creatures which make up this vast Universe , whose noblest Part we are design'd to be , with no more , or but little more discerning Eyes then those less favored Animals , to whom Nature hath denyed the Prerogative of Reason , as we deny our selves the use of it . Aristotle well observes , that among Animals , Man alone is of an erected Stature ; and adds , That it is because his Nature hath something in it of Divine : Officium autem Divini ( infers he ) est intelligere atque Sapere : The Qualifications of a Divine Being , are Understanding and Wisdom . And it cannot but mis-become the dignity of such a Creature to live Ignorant or Unstudious of the Laws and Constitutions of that great Commonwealth ( as divers of the Antients have not improperly stiled the World ) whereof he is the eminentest part : And were we not lulled asleep by Custom or Sensuality , it could not but Trouble , as well as it Injures a reasonable Soul to Ignore the Structure and Contrivance of that admirably Organiz'd Body in which she lives , and to whose intervention she owes the Knowledge she hath of other Creatures . 'T is true indeed , that even the generality of Men , without making it their design , know somewhat more of the Works of Nature , then Creatures destitute of Reason can , by the advantage of that Superior Faculty , which cannot but even unurg'd , and of its own accord make some , though but slight , reflections on the Information of the Senses : But if those Impressions be onely receiv'd and not improv'd , but rather neglected ; and if we ( contenting our selves with the superficial account given us of things by their obvious Appearances and Qualities ) are beholding for that we know , to our Nature , not our Industry , we faultily loose both one of the noblest Imployments , and one of the highest Satisfactions of our rational Faculty : And he that is this way wanting to himself , seems to live in this magnificent Structure , call'd the Universe , not unlike a Spider in a Palace ; who taking notice onely of those Objects that obtrude themselves upon her Senses , lives ignorant of all the other Rooms of the House , save that wherein she lurks , and discerning nothing either of the Architecture of the stately Building , or of the Proportion of the Parts of it in relation to each other , and to the intire Structure , makes it her whole business , by intrapping of Flies to continue an useless Life ; or exercise her self to spin Cob-webs , which though consisting of very subtle Threds , are unserviceable for any other then her own trifling uses . And that the contemplation of the World , especially the higher Region of it , was design'd for Mans Imployment by Natures Self , even the Heathen Poet ( perhaps instructed by Aristotle ) could observe , who Sings , Pronaque cum spectent Animalia caetera terram , Os homini sublime dedit , coelumque tueri Jussit , & erectos ad sidera tollere vultus . Wise Nature , framing Brutes with downward looks , Man with a lofty Aspect did indue , And bad him Heaven with its bright Glories view . I might annex , Pyrophilus , the Story Josephus tells us in the beginning of his Jewish Antiquities , that 't was the holy Seth and his Posterity ( who are in Genesis stil'd the Sons of God ) that were the Inventers of Astronomy , whose more Fundamental Observations ( to perpetuate them to Man-kinde , and sever them from the foretold destructions by Fire and Water ) they engraved upon two Pillars , the one of Brick , the other of Stone ; the latter of which our Historian reports to have been extant in Syria in his time . And it is an almost uncontroll'd tradition , that the Patriarch , whom God vouchsafes to stile his Friend , was the first Teacher of Astronomy and Philosophy to the Egyptians , from whom , long afterwards , the Grecians learn'd them . Berosus himself records him to have been skill'd in the Science of the Stars , as he is cited by Josephus , ( Ant. lib. 1. c. 8. ) who a little after speaking of Abraham and the Egyptians , expresly affirms , that Numerorum scientiam & sid●rum benignè illis communicavit : Nam ante Abrahami ad se adventum , Aegyptii rudes erant hujusmodi disciplinarum ; quae à Chaldeis ad Aegyptios profectae , hinc ad Graecos tandem pervenerunt . But , Pyrophilus , to put it out of question that the sublimest reason needs not make the Possessor of it think the studie of Physiologie an Imployment below him , that Unequall'd Solomon , who was pronounced the Wisest of men by their omniscient Author , did not onely Justifie the Study of Naturall Philosophy by addicting himselfe to it , but ennobled it by teaching it , and purposely composing of it those matchlesse Records of Nature , from which I remember some Jewish Authors relate Aristotle to have borrowed diverse ; which ( if it be true ) may well be supposed to be the choicest pieces that adorn'd his Philosophie , and which Providence perhaps depriv'd the World of , upon such a score as it did the Jewes of the Body of Moses , lest men should Idolize it ; or as some Rabbies are pleased to informe us , lest vicious men should venture upon all kinds of Intemperance , out of Confidence of finding out by the help of those excellent Writings the Cure of all the Distempers their dissolutenesse should produce . And , Pyrophilus , yet a little further to discover to you , the Delightfulnesse of the Contemplations of Natures works , Give me leave to mind you of their almost unimaginable Variety , as of a Propertie , that should methinks not faintly recommend Naturall Philosophy , to curious and active Intellectuals . For most other Sciences , at least as they are wont to be taught , are so narrow and so circumscrib'd , that he who has read one of the best and recentest Systems of them , shall find little in the other Books publisht on those subjects , but disguis'd repetitions ; and a diligent Scholar may in no long time learn as much as the Professors themselves can teach him . But the objects of Naturall Philosophy , being as many as the Laws and Works of Nature are , so various and so numberlesse , that if a Man had the Age of Methuselah to spend , he might sooner want time then matter , for his Contemplations : And so pregnant is each of that vast multitude of Creatures , that make up the Naturalists Theme , with usefull matter to employ Mens studie , that I dare say , that the whole life of a Philosopher spent in that alone , would be too short to give a full and perfect account of the Natural Properties and Uses of any one of several Minerals , Plants , or Animals , that I could name . 'T is an almost incredible variety of Vegetables , that the teeming Earth , impregnated by Gods Producat Terra , does in several Regions produce . Botanists have a pretty while since , reckon'd up near 6000 Subjects of the Vegetable Kingdom ; since when , divers other not-described Plants have been observed by Herbarists ; the chief of which will , I hope , be shortly communicated to the World , by that Curious and Diligent Botanist my Industrious Acquaintance , Dr. How , to whom I not long since presented a peculiar and excellent kinde of Pepper , whose Shell tastes not unlike Cinnamon , and smells so like Cloves , that with the Odor I have deceived many , which he confest to be new even to him ; it having been lately g●thered in Jamaica ( where it abounds ) and presented me by the inquisitive Commander of the English Forces there . And yet , Pyrophilus , this great variety of Simples could not deter either Ancient or Modern Inquirers from Writing entire Treatises of some particular Ones . So Pliny tells us , a That Themison the Physitian publisht a Volume ( for so he call'd it ) of that vulgar and despised Herb called Plantain : So the same b Author tells us , That Amphilochus ▪ writ a Volume De Medica Herba , & Cytisa ; and King c Juba another , of a sort of Nymphaea by him found on Mount Atlas . And in our Times , not to mention those many Books that have been written by Physitians , Of the Structure of Mans Body , and De Usu Partium : Carolus Rosenbergius writ some Years since an entire Book of Roses , which he calls his Rhodologia : Martinus Blochwitius since published another Book of Elder , under the Title of Anatomia Sambuci . Among the Chymists , Angelus Sala publisht in distinct Treatises , his Vitriologia , Tartarologia , Saccharologia : Untzerus also writ peculiar Tracts , De Mercurio , De Sulphure , De Sale. And Paracelsus himself vouchsafed distinct Treatises to Hypericon , Persicaria , Helleborus , and some other particular Plants . Basilius Valentinus ( one of the most Knowing and Candid Chymical Writers ) publisht long since an excellent Treatise of Antimony , inscrib'd Currus Triumphalis Antimonii ; but though in his other he hath also taught us divers other things concerning it , yet he left so much undiscovered in Antimony , that Angelus Sala was thereby emboldned to publish his Anatomia Antimonii . And Hamerus Poppius ( if that be his true name ) Johannis Tholdius , and the experienced Alexander van Suchten , thought fit to write entire Treatises of that same Mineral ; by which if they seem to Eclipse the diligence of Basilius , at least they bore witness to his Judgement : for modestly inviting his Readers to make further enquiries into the Nature and Preparations of that abstruse Mineral , He gives this account of his leaving many things unmention'd , That the shortness of Life makes it impossible for one man throughly to learn Antimony , in which every day something of new is discovered . And I remember , that having lately given a Chymist , upon his request , some Directions for drawing , not an imaginary Mercury of Antimony , as those which are wont to be taught by Chymists , but a real fluid Quick-silver ; he some days since brought me about an Ounce of it ( which you may command when you please ) as the first Fruits of Directions , differing enough from those which I have hitherto met with in Authors A peculiar way likewise of separating from Antimony , not such a Substance as those which are as improperly as vulgarly call'd Antimonial Sulphurs , but a really combustible Body , which looks and burns so like common Brimstone , that it is not easily distinguishable from it , we shall elsewhere , God willing , Pyrophilus , teach you . And I remember , that whereas according to the way mentioned by Basilius in his Currus Triumphalis , and both generally transcrib'd by Authors , and formerly practis'd by our selves , the Tincture of the Gl●ss of Antimony is very tedious to make , being to be drawn with Spirit of Vinegar , I once made a Menstruum to draw it more expeditiously , which having not hither to met with in any of the Authors I have read , I shall not conceal from you : Taking then an arbitrary quantity of the best French Verdegreece , and distilling it orderly in a strong naked Fire , I found the extorted Liquor to extract ( even in an ordinary digesting heat ) from powdred Antimonial Glass , a Blood-red Tincture in three or four hours ; and my curiosity leading me to abstract the Menstruum from the tinging Powder , and put it again upon ●ulveris'd Glass , I found it again h●ghly Tincted in a very few hours . And prosecuting the Experiment , I found that by drawing off the Menstruum , and ●igesting Spirit of Wine upon the remaining Calx , I could soon obtain a red Tincture , or Solution , From which some Chymists , if I should tell them what I have now told you , would perhaps expect no ordinary Medicine . But this , I suppose , you will think less strange , then that with a Liquor easily separated , by a way which I may elsewhere teach you , from an obvious Vegetable , of which you may safely eat a whole Pound at a time , I have drawn a deep red Tincture , even from crude Antimony , and th●t in not many hours , and without heat . And to these Experiments of Antimony , I might ( partly from the communication of my Friends , and partly from some tryals of my own ) adde divers other undivulg'd Experiments relating to that Mineral ; if it were not now more seasonable , reserving them for other Papers , to minde you , That the Learned Kircherus hath inrich'd us with a great Volume in Folio , of Light and Shadows ; and another in Quarto , of the Load stone : and yet none of these have so exhausted the Subjects they have treated of , but that an after-Enquirer may be able to recruit their Observations with many new ones , perhaps more numerous or more considerable then the former : As after our Learned Country-man Gilbertus had written a Volume of the Load-stone , the Jesuit Cabeus was not by that deterr'd from writing another of the same Subject : And though since Cabeus , the Ingenious Kircherus have so largely prosecuted it in his Voluminous Ars Magnetica , yet he has not reap'd his Field so clean , but that a careful Gleaner may still finde Ears enough to make some Sheaves . And what I have lately try'd or seen , makes me think it very possible to recruit those many of Kircherus , with some further Magnetical Experiments unmention'd in his Book . And I have , the very day I writ this , made in that admirable Stone a not-inconsiderable Experiment , not extant ( that I remember ) there : For taking an oblong Load-stone , and heating it red-hot , I found the attractive Facultie in not many minutes , either altogether abolish'd , or at least so impaired and weakned , that I was scarce , if at all , able to discern it . But this hath been observed , though not so faithfully related , by more then one ; wherefore I shall adde , That by refrigerating this red-hot Load-stone either North or South , I found that I could give its Extreams a Polarity ( if I may so speak ) which they would readily display upon an excited Needle freely plac'd in Aequilibrium : And not onely so , but I could by refrigerating the same ●nd sometime North & sometime South , in a very short time change the Poles of the Load-stone at pleasure , making that which was a quarter of an hour before the North-pole , become the South ; and on the contrary , the formerly Southern Pole become the Northern : And this change was wrought on the Load-stone , not onely by cooling it directly North and South , but by cooling it perpendicularly ; that end of it which was contiguous to the Ground , growing the Northern Pole , and so ( according to the Laws Magnetical ) drawing to it the South en● of the Needle ; and that which was remotest from it , the contrary one : As if indeed the Terrestrial Globe , were , as some Magnetick Philosophers have suppos'd it , but a Great Magnes , since its Effluviums are able , in some Cases , to impart a Magnetick Faculty to the Load-stone it self . Some other Experiments of this nature , not extant in Kircherus , we may have elsewhere fit opportunity to mention . And indeed , that Enigmatical Mineral ( if I may so call it ) the Load-stone , is a subject so fertile in Rarities , that I hear , he himself is Reprinting that accurate Treatise , with new and large Additions . Nor are the smallest and most despicable productions of Nature so barren , but that they are capable both to invite our Speculations , and to recompense them . Pliny in the eleventh Book of his Natural History , where he treats of Insects , is a little after the entr●nce , transported with an unwonted admiration of the Workmanship of Nature in them : Nusquam alibi ( says he ) spectatiore Naturae rerum artificio : In nothing elswhere ( saith he ) is the workmanship of Nature more remarkable then in the contexture of these little Creatures . And after a Wonder , not unworthy a Philosopher , he concludes , Rerum Natura nusquam magis quam in minimis tota est : Nature in her whole Power is never more wholly seen then in her smallest Works . To which Epiphonema he adds this Sober and Philosophical Admonition , Quapropter , quaeso ne haec legentes , quoniam ex his spernunt multa , etiam relata fastidio damnent , cum in contemplatione Naturae nihil possit videri supervacaneum : Wherefore I would request the Perusers of these Discourses , that although the subjects we treat of are contemptible in their eyes , they would not therefore disdain the relations we shall make of them ; since nothing ought to seem superfluous in the contemplation of Nature . I remember that it is from the consideration of so despicable a part as the skin of the Sole of the Foot , that Galen takes occasion to magnifie the Wisdom of God in those excellent terms that we shall have occasion to mention hereafter . And , as he says rarely well , though some Creatures seem made of much courser Stuff then others , yet even in the vilest the Makers Art Shines through the despicableness of the Matter . For Idiots admire in things the Beauty of their Materials , but Artists that of the Workmanship : To which , after a great deal of Philosophical Discourse , he adds , N●que oculo nec cerebro deterius est pes constructus , si utraque pa●s ad actiones , cujus gratia fuit facta , se habeat optimè ; neque cerebrum sine pede se probe haberet , neque pes sine cerebro : Eget enim , opinor , illud vehiculo , hic autem sensu : Nor is the Foot worse contriv'd then the Brain or Eye , provided each part be duly dispos'd for performance of the actions to which it was design'd : Since the Brain could not conveniently want the Foot , nor the Foot the Brain : For , I conceive , that one stands in need of a support for local motion , and the other of a source from whence to derive the faculties of Feeling . To which we may annex that Judicious reasoning of Aristotle , who descending from the Contemplation of the sublimer Works of Nature , to treat of the Parts of Animals , thus endeavors to keep his Readers from thinking that the Object of it must render that Enquiry despicable : Restat ( says he ) ut de animante Natura disseramus : And having set down those Words which you have not long since read in connection to these , he thus prosecutes his Discourse : Quamobrem , viliorum animalium disputationem perpensionemque fastidio quod am puerili sprevisse , molesteque tulisse dignum nequaquam est : Cum nullares sit Naturae , inqua non mirandum aliquod habeatur . Et quod Heraclitum ferunt dixisse ad eos , quicum alloqui eum vellent , quòd fortè in Casa furnaria quadam caloris gratia sedentem vidissent , accedere temperarunt , ingredi enim eos fidenter jussit , Quoniam , inquit , ne huic quidem loco Dit desunt immortales ; Hoc idem in indaganda quoque natura animantium faciendum est . Aggredi enim quaeque sine ullo pudore debemus ; cum in omnibus Naturae numen , & honestum pulchrúmque insit Ingenium ; Wherefore it is altogether unseemly to reject with a kind of Childish nicetie , or be offended at the Discourse and Speculation of inferior Animals ; Since there is nothing in all Nature , but containes in it somewhat worthy of Admiration . And as it is recorded of Heraclitus , that seeing some persons desirous to speak with him , refuse to approach towards him , because they beheld him warming himselfe in a miserable Cottage , he bad them come in without scruple , since here also ( said he ) are the Immortall Gods present : So in like manner ought we to be highly perswaded of the Dignity of Animals , when we make Enquirtes into their Natures . Which we ought in no wise to be asham'd of ; since the mighty Power and laudable Wisdome of Nature is conspicuous in all things . Nay Paracelsus himselfe , as haughty as he was , was Philosopher enough not to disdain to write a Book De Mysteriis Vermium ; wherein , though according to His manner he have set down many extravagances , he is more Candid in the Delivery of severall Remedies ( which Experience hath recently taught us to be more effectuall then probable ) then in most other of his Writings : And in that Treatise he justly reprehends the Lazinesse and Pride of those Physitians , who not only neglect and scorn Enquiries of Nature themselves : but when the fruits of such Enquiries are presented them by others , instead of a gratefull acceptance , receive them with contempt and derision . To which a while after he adds , what is most true , That God hath Creat●d nothing so Vile , Despicable , Abject , or Filthy in the World , that may not make for the Health and Use of Man. And certainly what ever God himselfe has been pleased to think worthy his Making , its Fellow-creature , Man , should not think unworthy of his Knowing . Nor is it a disparagement to a Humane Notion , to represent a Creature , which has the Honour to have been framed according to a Divine Idea : and therefore the Wisest of Men in His Naturall History , scruples not to write as well of abject Reptil's , as of Lions , Eagles , Elephants , and other Noble Animals : and did not only Treate of the tall Cedars of Lebanon , but that despicable Plant ( whatever it be that is designed by the Hebrew Ezob ) which growes out of the Wall. For my part , If I durst think my Actions fit to be Examples , I should tell you , that I have been so farre from that effeminat● squeamishnesse , that one of the Philosophicall Treatises , for which I have been gathering Experiments , is of the Nature and Use of Dungs . And though my condition does ( God be praised ) ennable me to make Experiments by others Hands ; Yet have I not been so nice as to decline dissecting Dogs , Wolves , Fishes , and even Rats and Mice , with my own Hands . Nor when I am in my Laboratory do I scruple with them naked to handle Lute and Charcoale . I should here , Py●ophilus , cease to entertain you with Discourses of the pleasantness of Natural Philosophy , but that I remember I have not yet told you , that the Study of Physiologie is not only Delightful , as it teaches us to Know Nature , but also as it teaches us in many Cases to Master and Command her . For the true Naturalist ( as we shall see hereafter ) does not only Know many things , which other men Ignore , but can Performe many things that other men cannot Doe ; being ennabled by his skill not barely to understand several Wonders of Nature , but also partly to imitate , and partly to multiply and improve them . And how Naturally we affect the Exercise of this Power over the Creatures may appear in the Delight Children take to do many things ( which we may have occasion to mention elsewhere ) that seem to proceed from an Innate Propensity to please themselves in imitating or changing the Productions of Nature . And sure 't is a great Honour that the Indulgent Creator vouchsafes to Naturalists , that though he gives them not the power to produce one Atome of Matter , yet he allowes them the power to introduce so many Formes ( which Philosophers teach to be nobler then Matter ) and work such changes among the Creatures , that if Adam were now alive , and should Survey that great Variety of Man's Productions , that is to be found in the shops of Artificers , the Laboratories of Chymists , and other well-furnished Magazine● of Art , he would admire to see what a new world , as it were , or set of Things has been added to the Primitive Creatures by the Industry of His Posterity . And though it be very true , that Man is but the Minister of Nature , and can but duely apply Agents to Patients ( The rest of the Work being done by the applied Bodies themselves ) yet by His skill in making those Applications , he is able to performe such things as do not only give him a Power to Master Creatures otherwise much stronger then himselfe ; but may ennable one man to do such wonders , as another man shall think he cannot sufficiently admire . As the poor Indians lookt upon the Spaniards as more then Men , because the knowledg they had of the Properties of Nitre , Sulphur and Charcoale duely mixt , ennabled them to Thunder and Lighten so fatally , when they pleased . And this Empire of Man , as a Naturalist , over the Creatures , may perchance be to a Philosophical Soul preserved by reason untainted with Vulgar Opinions , of a much more satisfactory kind of Power or Soveraignty then that for which ambitious Mortals are wont so bloodily to contend . For oftentimes this Latter , being commonly but the Gift of Nature or Present of Fortune , and but too often the Acquist of Crimes , does no more argue any true worth or noble superiority in the possessor of it , then it argues one Brasse Counter to be of a better Mettal then its Fellowes , in that it is chosen out to stand in the Account for many Thousand Pounds more then any of them . Whereas the Dominion that Physiologie gives the Prosperous Studier of it ( besides that it is wont to be innocently acquired , by being the Effect of his Knowledg ) is a Power that becomes Man as Man. And to an ingenious spirit , the Wonders he performes bring perchance a higher satisfaction , as they are Proofes of his Knowledg , then as they are Productions of his Power , or even bring Accessions to his Store . ESSAY II. OF THE SAME . THe next Advantage , Pyrophilus , that we mention'd the Knowledg of Nature to bring to the Minds of Men , is , That it therein excites and cherishes Devotion ; Which when I say , Pyroph . I forget not that there are severall Divines ( and some of them Eminent ones ) that out of a Holy Jealousie ( as they think ) for Religion , labour to deterre men from addicting themselves to serious and thorough Enquiries into Nature , as from a Study unsafe for a Christian , and likely to end in Atheisme , by making it possible for Men ( that I may propose to you their Objection as much to its Advantage as I can ) to give themselves such an Account of all the Wonders of Nature , by the single Knowledg of Second Causes , as may bring them to disbelieve the Necessitie of a First . And certainly , Pyrophilus , if this Apprehension were well grounded , I should think the threatned Evill so considerable , that instead of inviting you to the Study of Naturall Philosophy , I should very earnestly Labour to Disswade you from it . For I , that had much rather have Men not Philosophers then not Christans , should be better content to see you ignore the Mysteries of Nature then deny the Author of it . But though the Zeale of their Intentions keep Me from harbouring any unfavourable Opinion of the Persons of these Men , yet the Prejudice that might redound from their Doctrine ( if generally received ) both to the Glory of God from the Creatures , and to the Empire of Man over them , forbids Me to leave their Opinion unanswer'd ; though I am Sorry that the Necessity of Vindicating the Study I recommend to You from so Heinous a Crime as they have accus'd it of , will compel me to Theologize in a Philosophical Discours : Which that I may do , with as much Brevity as the Weight and Exigency of my Subject will permit , I shall Content my selfe onely in the Explication of my own Thoughts , to hint to you the grounds of Answering what is alledg'd against them . And First , Pyrophilus , I must premise , That though it may be a Presumption in Man , ( who to use a Scripture Expression , Is but of Yesterday , and knows Nothing , because his Dayes upon the Earth are but as a shadow ) precisely and peremptorily to define all the Ends and Aimes of the Omniscient God in His Great Work of the Creation ; Yet , perhaps , it will be no great venture to suppose that at least in the Creating of the Sublunary World , and the more Conspicuous Stars , two of God's Principal Ends were , the Manifestation of His own Glory , and the Good of Men. For the First of these ; The Lord hath made all things for himselfe , saies the Preacher ; For of Him , and through Him , and to Him , are all things , saies the Apostle . And , Thou hast Created all things ; and for Thy Pleasure they are and were Created , say the Twenty foure Prostrate Elders ( Representatives , perhaps , of the whole Church of both Testaments , propagated by the Twelve Patriarchs , and the like number of Apostles ) to their Creatour , which Truth , were it requisite , might be further confirmed by several other Texts , which to decline needlesse prolixity , I here forbear to insist on . Consonantly to this we hear the Psalmist Proclaiming that The Heavens Declare the Glory of God , and the Firmament sheweth his Handy-Works . To which purpose we may also observe , that though Man were not Created till the close of the Sixt Day ( the Resident's Arrival being Obligingly Suspended till the Palace was made ready to entertain Him ) yet that none of God's works might want Intelligent Spectators and Admirers , the Angels were Created the First Day , as Divines generally infer from the Words of God in Job ; Where wast thou when I laid the Foundations of the Earth ? and a little after ; When the Morning Stars sang together , and all the Sons of God shouted for Joy. Where by the Morning Stars and Sons of God are suppos'd to be meant the newly Created Angels ; one of whose earliest exercises was , it seems , to applaud the Creation , and take thence occasion to sing Hymnes to the Almighty Author of it . I should not , Pyrophilus , adde any thing further on this subject , but that having since the writing of these thoughts met with a Discourse of Seneca's , very consonant to some of them , I suppose it may tend to your delight as well as to their advantage , if I present you some of the Truths you have seen in my courser Languag , drest up in his finer and happier Expressions . Curiosum nobis ( saith he ) natura ingenium dedit , & artis sibi pulchritudinísque conscia , spectatores nos tantis rerum spectaculis genuit , perditura fructum sui , si tam magna , tam clara tam subtiliter ducta , tam nitida & non uno genere formosa solitudini ostenderet ; Ut scias illam spectari voluisse , non tantum aspici , vide quem locum nobis dedit ; nec erexit tantummodo hominem , sed etiam ad contemplationem Viae facturum ; ut ab ortu sidera in occasum labentia prosequi posset & vultum suum circumferre cum toto , Sublime illi fecit caput , & collo flexibili imposuit . Deinde sena per diem , sena per noctem signa produxit ; nullam non partem sui explicuit , ut per haec quae obtulerat ejus oculis cupiditatem faceret etiam caeterorum : nec enim omnia nec tanta visimus quanta sunt , sed acies nostra aperit sibi investigando viam , & fundamenta veri jacit , ut inquisitio transeat ex apertis in obscura , & aliquid ipso Mundo inveniat Antiquius . And least you might be offended at his mentioning of Nature , and silence of God , give me leave to informe you , that about the close of the Chapter immediately preceding that , whence the Passage you come from Reading is transcrib'd , having spoken of the Enquiries of Philosophers into the Nature of the Universe , he adds , Haec qui contemplatur , quid Deo praestat ? ne tanta ejus Opera sine teste sint . And to proceed to that which we have formerly assign'd for the Second End of the Creation ; That much of this Visible World was made for the use of M●n , may appear , not only from the time of his Creation ( already taken notice of ) and by the Commission given to the first Progenitors of Mankind , to replenish the Earth , and subdue it , and to have Dominion over the Fish of the Sea , and over the Fouls of the Air , and over all the Earth , and over every living thing that creepeth or moveth on the Earth : But also by God's making those noble and vast Luminaries , and other Bodies that adorn'd the Skie to give light upon the Earth , though inferiour to them in Dimensions , and to divide between the Day and between the Night , and to be for Signes , and for Seasons , and for Daies , and for Years . To this agrees that Passage in the Prophet , Thus saith the Lord that Created the Heavens , God himselfe that form'd the Earth , and made it , He hath estab●ished it , He Created it not in Vaine , He formed it to be Inhabited , &c. And the Inspired Poet speaks of Man's Dignity in very comprehensive Termes , For thou ( saies he to his Maker ) hast made him little lower then the Angels , and hast Crowned him with Glory and Honour ; Thou madest him to have Dominion over the Works of thy Hands , thou hast put all things under his Feet . The same truth may be confirm'd by divers other Texts , which it might here prove tedious to insist on . And therefore I shall rather observe , that consonantly thereunto , God was pleased to consider man so much more then the Creatures made for him , that he made the Sun it selfe at one time to stand still , and at another time to goe back , and divers times made the parts of the Universe forget their Nature , or Act contrary to it ; And ha's ( in summe ) vouchsafed to alter by Miracles the Course of Nature , for the instruction or reliefe of Man ( As when the Fire suspended its destructive Operation , whilst the three resolute Jewes with their Protectour walk'd unharm'd in the mid'st of those flames that destroy'd the Kindlers ; and as the heavy Iron emerg'd up to the swimming piece of wood , miraculously by Elisha made Magneticall . ) And you may also , Pyrophilus , take notice , that when Adam had transgressed , immediatly the ground was cursed for his sake . And as it is not unusual in Humane Justice to raze the very houses of Regicides and resembling Traitours ; So when the provocations of Sodom swell'd high enough to reach Heaven , God did not only Destroy the Inhabitants from the Face of the Earth , but for the Inhabitants Sins destroy'd the very Face of the Earth . So when in Noah's time a Deluge of Impiety call'd for a Deluge of Waters , God looking upon the living Creatures as made for the Use of Man , stuck not to Destroy them with him , and for him ; but involv'd in his Ruine all those Animals that were not necessary to the perpetuation of the Species , and the Sacrifice due for Noah's preservation . And so when ( in the Last daies ) the Earth shall be replenish'd with those Scoffers mention'd by St Peter , who will walk after their own Lusts , and deride the Expectation of God's foretold coming to Judg and Punish the Ungodly , their Impiety shall be as well punisht as silenc't by the unexpected Flames ( perhaps hastned by that very impiety ) that shall either Destroy or Transfigure the World. For as by the Law of Moses , the Leprous Garment which could not be recover'd by being washt in Water , was to be burnt in the Fire , so the World which the Deluge could not Cleanse , a generall Conflagration must Destroy . Nor is reason it selfe backward to countenance what we teach . For it is no great presumption to conceive , that the rest of the Creatures were made for Man , since He alone of the Visible World is able to enjoy , use , and relish m●ny of the other Creatures , and to discerne the Omniscience , Almightinesse and Goodnesse of their Author in them , and returne Him praises for them . 'T is not for themselves that the Rubies fl●me , other Jewels sparkle , the Bezar-stone is Antidot●●l ; n●r is it for their own advantage that fruitfull trees spend ●nd exhaust themselves in Annual profusions . The Light which he diffuses through the World is uselesse to the Sun himselfe , whose inanimate being makes him incapable of delighting in his own splendor ; which he receives but to convey it to the Earth , and other by him illuminated Globes : whence probably the Hebrewes call'd him Shemesh , which Grammarians derive from the Roote Shemash signifying in the Chaldean Tongue , to serve , or minister to ; the Sun being the great Minister of Nature , and Servant general of the Universe . And as Animals alone among the Creatures seem to have a proper sense of , and complacency in , their own Being ; So Man alone among Animals is endow'd with Reason , at least such a pitch of it , as by which he can discerne God's Creatures to be the Gifts of God , and referre them to their Creator's Glory . This truth I find not only embrac'd by Christians , but assented to even by Jewes and Heathens ; Among the Jewes my Learned Acquaintance , Manasseh Ben Israel , professedly labours to prove it by Scripture and Tradition ( though in some of his Arguments he might appear more a Philosopher , if he would have appear'd lesse a Rabbi ) and among other passages I remember he alledges that , wherein the Wise man saies ( as our Translators English it ) That the Righteous is an everlasting Foundation ; which he renders , Justus est columna Mundi , The Just Man is the Pillar of the World. And indeed if the Context did not somewhat disfavour the Interpretation , the Hebrew words [ tzaddîk yesôd olâm ] would well enough bear the sense assigned them . Congruously whereunto , I remember that when Noah ( who is call'd in Scripture a Righteous man , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Herald , or Proclaimer of Righteousnesse ) offer'd up that noble Sacrifice of all the sorts of clean Beasts and Fowles , as a Thank-offering for the Reprieve of the World , God is said to have smelled a Savour of Rest , and to have resolved in his Heart never to Curse the ground for Man's sake , but to continue the vicissitudes of Summer , and Winter , Day , and Night , &c , as long as the Earth shall remain . And among the Philosophers themselves , the Truth we are now manifesting , has not been altogether ignor'd . For though Seneca somewhere , more wittily then truely , saies , Non causa mundo sumus hyemem aestatémque referendi ; suas ista leges habent , quibus divina exercentur . Nimis nos suspicimus , si digni nobis videmur , propter quos tanta moveantur : Yet Lactantius ( not to mention other Authors ) tels us that the Stoicks generally believed the World to have been made for man. Vera est ( saies he ) sententia Stoicorum , qui ajunt nostra causa Mundum fuisse constructum . Omnia enim quibus constat , quaeque generat ex se Mundus , ad utilitatem hominis accommodata sunt . And Seneca himselfe speaks elsewhere almost as if he had read and believed the beginning of Genesis ; Dii ( saies he ) non per negligentiam nos genuere , quibus tam multa genuerant : Cogitavit enim nos ante Natura quam fecit . Nor were the Stoicks the only Philosophers to whom the Contemplation of the Universe discover'd this End of it . For to instance now in Cicero only ; Quorum igitur causâ ( saies that great Orator ) effectum esse mundum ? Eorum scilicet Animantium , quae ratione utuntur : Hi sunt Dii et Homines , quibus profecto nihil est melius . Having thus prem●sed , Pyrophilus , that two of God's principal aimes in the Creation , were the manifestation of his own Glorious Attributes , and the Welfare of his noblest Visible Creature , Man ; It will not be perhaps difficult for You to discerne , that those who labour to deterre men from sedulous Enquiries into Nature , do , ( though I grant , designelessely ) take a course which tends to defeat God of both those mention'd Ends. For to speak first to the Last of them ; that man 's external fruition of the Creatures , and the Delight and Accommodation which they may afford him , must be highly prejudic'd and impair'd by his ignorance of that Natural Philosophy , wherein his Dominion over the Creatures chiefly consists , what we sh●ll say hereafter concerning the usefulnesse of the Knowledg of Nature to humane Life , will sufficiently evince . But such an Animal fruition ( if I may so call it ) of the Works of Nature , affords not Man all the good that God design'd him in them . For Religion being not only the great Duty of Man , but the grand Instrument of his future Happinesse , which consists in an Union with and Fruition of God , during that endlesse Terme that shall succeed the expiration of his transitory Life on Earth ; what ever increases or cherishes his Religion deserves to be lookt on as a great contributer to his Happinesse . And we may therefore venture to affirme that the knowledg of the Creatures does lesse advantage Man , as it ennables him to Master them ; then as it Assists him , by admiring and serving him , to become Acceptable to their Author . And what ever our distrustful Adversaries are pleas'd to surmise to the contrary , certainly God intended that his Creatures should afford not only Necessaries , and Accommodations to our Animal part , but Instructions to our Intellectual . The World is wont to be stil'd not unfitly by Divines , The Christians Inne ; but perchance it may be altogether as properly call'd his Ship : for whereas both Appellations suppose him a Traveller , the Inne , though it refresh him in his Journey , does not further him in it , but rather retard his progresse by detaining him in one place ; whereas a Ship not only serves the Passenger for an Inne when he is weary , but helps to convey him towards his Journey 's End. And according to this Notion , to suppose that God hath placed in the World innumerable things to feed Man , and delight him , and none to instruct him , were a conceit little lesse injurious to God , then it were to a wise Merchant , that sends Persons , he loves , to a farre Country , to think that he would furnish their Cabinets with plenty of Provisions , soft Beds , fine Pictures , and all other accommodations for their Voyage , but send them to Sea disprovided of Sea-Charts and Mariners Compasses , and other requisite helps to steer their Course by , to the desired Harbour . And indeed so farre is God from being unwilling , that we should Prye into his Works , that , by divers Dispensations he imposes on us little lesse then a necessity of studying them . For first he begins the Book of Scripture with the Description of the Book of Nature ; of which he not only gives us a general account , to informe us that he made the World ; since for that end the very first Verse in the Bible might have suffic'd : But he vouchsafes us by retaile the Narrative of each Day 's Proceedings , and in the two first Chapters of Gen●sis , is pleas'd to give nobler hints of Natural Philosophy , then men are yet perhaps aware of . Though that in most other places of the Scripture , where the Works of Nature are mentioned but incidently , or in order to other purposes , they are spoken of rather in a Popular then Accurate manner , I dare not peremptorily deny , being unwilling to interesse the reputation of Holy Writ ( design'd to teach us rather Divinity then Philosophy ) in the doubtful contentions of Naturalists , about such matters as may ( though the History of the Creation cannot ) be known by the meer Light of Natural Reason . We may next observe , that God has made some knowledg of his Created Book , both conducive to the beliefe , and necessary to the Understanding , of his Written one : Our Saviour making it one cause of the Sadduces great Error about the Resurrection , that they knew not the Power of God. And the Scripture being so full of Allusions to , and comparisons borrowed from the properties of the Creatures , that there are many Texts not clearly Intelligible without some knowledg of them ; as may appear even by the first Gospel ( The Promise that the Seed of the Woman should Bruise the S●rpents Head , and have his Heele bruised by that subtle Creature ) preached to fallen Man in Paradise , and by the representation of the Worlds Four great Monarchies , and the Genius of each of them , under the Notion of Four Beasts , in Daniels prophetick Vision : and that often repeated Precept of our great Master to his Disciples , is coucht in an expression alluding to the properties of Animals : For where he commands them to be Wise as Serpents , and Harmlesse as Doves , he does not only recommend to them a Serpentine warinesse in declining dangers , but seems also to prescribe not alone an inoffensivenesse towards others ( the conspicuousnesse of which quality in Pigeons have made them , though erroneously , be supposed to have no Gall ) But also as harmlesse a way of escaping the dangers they are actually ingaged in , as that of Doves , who being pursued by Birds of Prey , endeavour to save themselves not by fight but , only by flight . And indeed so many of the Texts in Scripture are not to be competently illustrated , without some knowledg of the properties of the Creatures related to in them , that I wonder not , that Levinus Lemnius , Frantzius , Rueus , and other Learned Men have thought it requisite to publish entire Treatises , some of the Animals , others of the Stones , and others of the other Works of Nature mentioned in Scripture : Only I could wish that they had been as wary in their Writings , as commendable for their Intentions , and had not sometimes admitted doubtful or fabulous accounts into Comments upon that Book , whose Prerogative it is to teach nothing but Truth . Nor ought their Labors to deterre others from cultivating the same Theme ; For as ( such is Gods condescention to Humane weaknesse ) most of the Texts , to whose Exposition Physiologie is necessary , may be explicated by the knowledg of the external , or at least more easily observed qualities of the Creatures ; So , that there are divers not to be fully understood without the Assistance , of more penetrating indagations of the Abstrusities of Nature and the more unobvious properties of things , an Intelligent and Philosophical peruser will readily discerne . Now if you should put me upon telling you , Pyrophilus , what those Attributes of God are , which I so often mention to be visibly display'd in the Fabrick of the World , I can readily answer you , that though many of Gods Attributes are legible in his Creatures , yet those that are most conspicuous there , are his Power , his Wisdome , and his Goodnesse , in which the World , as well as the Bible , though in a diff●ring , and in some points a darker way , is designed to instruct us , which that you may not think to be affirm'd gratis , we must insist a while on each of the Three . And fi●st , How boundlesse a power , or rather what an Almightinesse is eminently displayed in Gods making out of Nothing all Things , and without Materials or Instruments constructing this Immense Frabrick of the World , whose Vastnesse is such , that even what may be prov'd of it , can scarcely be conceived , and after a Mathematical Demonstration , its Greatnesse is distrusted ? Which yet is , I confesse , a wonder lesse to be admir'd then the Power expressed by God in so immense a Work , which neverthelesse some moderne Philosophers ( whose opinions I find some Cabalists to countenance ) suppose to be not the only Production of Gods Omnipotence . Not to mention Elephants , or Whales , some of which an Hyperbolist would not scruple to call moving Mountains and Floting Islands ; and to passe by those stupendous Hils , and those Seas , where the Light looses it selfe , as Objects which their neernesse only represents so Bulky ; let us hasten to consider , that whereas the Terrestrial Globe we Men inhabit , containes , besides all those vast Kingdomes the Unions of some of which constituted the Worlds foure celebrated Monarchies , those spacious ( since detected ) American Regions , that have been deservedly stiled The New World : And that whereas the Common Account makes the circuit of this Terrestrial Globe to be no lesse then 22600 Italian miles , consisting each of 1000 Geometrical Paces ( which number the more recent account of the accurate Gassendus makes amount to 26255 Miles of the same measure ) whereas , I say , this Globe of Earth and Water seems to us so vast , Astronomers teach us , that it is but a Point in comparison of the Immensity of Heaven ; which they not irrationally prove by the Parallaxis ( or Circular difference betwixt the place of a Star , suppos'd to be taken by two Observations , the one made at the Centre , and the other on the surface of the Earth ) which Gassendus confesseth to be undiscernable in the fixt Stars : as if the Terrestrial Globe were so meer a Point , that it were not material , whether a fixt Star be look'd upon from the Centre , or from the surface of the Earth . This may lessen our wonder at the Ptolomaeans , making the Sun ( which seems not half a Foot over ) to be above a hundred sixty and six times bigger then the Earth ; and distant from it One thousand one hundred sixty and five Semi-Diameters of the Earth , each of which contains , according to the afore-mentioned computation of Gassendus , 4177 Miles ; and at their supposing the fixt Stars ( whose distance the same Author , as a Ptolomaean , supput's to be 19000 Semi-Diameters of the Earth ) so great , that they conclude each of the fixt or smallest Magnitude to be no less then 18 times greater then the whole Earth , & each Star of the First or Chief Magnitude to exceed the T●rrestrial Globe 108 times . And as for the Coperricans ( that growing Sext of Astronomers ) they , as their Hypothesis requires , suppose the vastness of the Firmament to be exceedingly greater then the Ancients believed it . For Philippus Lansbergius , who ventur'd to assign Distances and Dimensions to the Planets and Fixt Stars ( which Copernicus forbore to do ) supposes as well as his Master , that the Great Orb it self ( as the Copernicans call that in which they esteem the Earth to move about the Sun ) though its Semi-Diameter be suppos'd to be 1500 times as great as that of the Earth , is but as a Point in comparison of the Firmament or Sphere of the Fixt Stars ; which he supposes to be distant from the Earth no less then 28000 Semi-Diameters of the Great Orb , that is , 42000000 of Semi-diameters of the Earth ; or according to the former Computation of common Miles 175434000000 , which is a Distance vastly exceeding that which the Ptolomaeans ven●ur'd to assign , and such as even imagination it self can hardly reach to . I confess indeed , that I am not so well satisfied with the exactness ( nor perhaps with the Grounds ) of these kinde of Computations , by reason of the Difficulty I have met with in making exact Celestial Observations with either Telescopes , or other Instruments , sufficiently witness'd , by the great disparity remarkable betwixt the Computations of the best-Artists themselves . But on the other side I am not sure , but that even the Copernicans ascribe not too great a distance to some of the Fixt Stars ; since ( for ought we yet know ) those of the sixth Magnitude , and those which our Telescopes discover ( though our bare Eyes cannot ) are not really less then those of the first Magnitude , but onely appear so by reason of their greater Distance from our Eyes ; as some Fixt Stars seem no bigger then Venus and Mercury , which are much lesser then the Earth . And therefore upon such Considerations , and because the modestest Computation allows the Firmament to be great enough to make the Earth but a Point in comparison of it ; it will be safe enough , as well as just , to conclude with the Psalmist , Great is the Lord , and greatly to be praised ; and his greatness is unsearchable . The next Attribute of God that shines forth in his Creatures , is his Wisdom ; which to an intelligent Considerer appears very manifestly express'd in the World , whether you contemplate it as an Aggregate or System of all Natural Bodies , or consider the Creatures it is made up of , both in their particular and distinct Natures , and in Relation to each other , and the Universe which they constitute . In some of these the Wisdom of God is so conspicuous , and written in such large Characters , that it is legible even to a vulgar Reader : But in many others the Lineaments and Traces of it are so delicate and slender , or so wrapt up and cover'd with Corporeity , that it requires an attentive and intelligent Peruser . So numberless a multitude , and so great a variety of Birds , Beasts , Fishes , Reptiles , Herbs , Shrubs , Trees , Stones , Metals , Minerals , Stars , &c. and every one of them plentifully furnish'd and endow'd with all the Qualifications requisite to the Attainment of the respective Ends of its Creation , are productions of a Wisdom too limitless not to be peculiar to God : To insist on any one of them in particular ( besides that it would too much swell this Discourse ) might appear injurious to the rest ; which do all of them deserve that extensive Exclamation of the Psalmist , How manifold are thy works , O Lord ; in Wisdom hast thou made them all . And therefore I shall content my self to observe in general , That as highly as some Naturalists are pleased to value their own knowledge , it can at best attain but to understand and applaud , not emulate the Productions of God. For as a Novice , when the curiosest Watch the rarest Artist can make , is taken in pieces and set before him , may easily enough discern the Workmanship and Contrivance of it to be excellent ; but had he not been shown it , could never have of himself devised so skilful and rare a piece of Work : So , for instance , an Anatomist , though when by many and dexterous Dissections of humane Bodies , and by the help of Mechanical Principles and Rules ( without a competent skill wherein , a Man can scarce be an Accomplish'd and Philosophical Anatomist ) he has learn'd the Structure , Use and Harmony of the parts of the Body , he is able to discern that matchless Engine to be admirably contriv'd , in order to the exercise of all the Motions and Functions whereto it was design'd : And yet this Artist , had he never contemplated a humane Body , could never have imagin'd or devis'd an Engine of no greater Bulk , any thing near so fitted to perform all that variety of Actions we daily see perform'd either in or by a humane Body . Thus the Circular motion of the Blood , and structure of the Valves of the Heart and Veins ( The consideration whereof , as himself told me , first hinted the Circulation to our Famous Harvey ) though now Modern Experiments have for the main ( the Modus seeming not yet so fully explicated ) convinc'd us of them , we acknowledge them to be very expedient , and can admire Gods Wisdom in contriving them : Yet those many Learned Anatomists , that have for many succeeding Ages preceded both Dr Harvey , and Columbus , Caesalpinus , Padre Paulo , and Mr Warner ( for each of these four last are suppos'd by some to have had some notion of the Circulation ) by all their diligent contemplation of humane Bodies , never dream'd ( for ought appears ) of so advantagious an use of the Valves of the Heart , nor that nimble Circular motion of the Blood , of which our modern Circulators think they discern such excellent Use , not to say , Necessity . And though it be true , that the greater Works of God do as well declare his great Wisdom as his Power , according to that of the Inspired Philosopher ; The Lord by Wisdom hath founded the Earth , by Understanding hath he establish'd the Heavens . By his Knowledge the depths are broken up , and the Clouds drop down the Dew : Yet does not his Wisdom appear less in lesser Creatures ; for there is none of them so little , but it would deserve a great deal of our Wonder , did we attentively enough consider it . And as Apelles ( in the Story ) was discover'd by the skilful Protagoras , by so neat and slender a Line , that Protagoras , by being scarce able to discern it , discern'd it to have been drawn by Apelles : So God , in these little Creatures , oftentimes draws traces of Omniscience , too delicate to be liable to be ascrib'd to any other Cause . I have seen Elephants , and admir'd them less then the structure of a dissected Mole , which hath better Eyes then those , that will not see a designation in the dimness of its Eyes ( made onely to see the Light , not other Objects by the help of it ) and the unwonted posture of its Feet , given it not to run on the Ground , but to dig it self a way under Ground . And , as despicable as their Littleness makes the Vulgar apt to think some Creatures , I must confess my wonder dwell not so much on Natures Clocks ( if I may so speak ) as on her Watches , and is more exercis'd in the coyness of the sensitive Plant , and the Magnetical Properties of a small and abject Load-stone , then the bulk of the tallest Oakes , or those vast Rocks , made famous by Shipwracks . I have pass'd the Alpes , and have seen as much to admire at in an Ant-hill , and have so much wondred at the Industry of those little Creatures themselves that inhabited it , that I have ceas'd to wonder at their having given a Theme to Solomon's Contemplation . Those vast Exotick Animals which the Multitude flocks to see , and which Men give Money to be allow'd to gaze on , have had many of them lesse of my Admiration , then the little Catterpillar ( as Learned Naturalists esteem it ) to which we are beholden for Silk . For ( not to mention all the Observables crouded by Nature in that little Worm ) I thought it very well deserv'd my wonder ( when not long since I kept some of them purposely to try Experiments ) how this curious Spinster , after he had buryed himself alive in the precious Tomb he had wrought for himself out of his own Bowels , did cast off his former Skin and Legs , and , in shew , his former Nature , appearing for divers days but an almost movelesse Magot ; till at length , divesting this second Tegument also ( in which Nest , Phenix-like , he had been regenerated out of his own Remains ) he came forth ( if I may so speak ) out of this attiring Room under another form , with Wings , Eyes , and Leggs , &c. to act a new part upon the Stage of the World ; which ( having spent some days without feeding ( that I could observe ) in providing for the propagation of his Species ) he forsakes and dies . And I the rather mention the Silk-Worm , because that there have been of late divers subtle Speculators , who would fain perswade us , That Animals do nothing out of Instinct , or , if you please , innate or seminal Impressions ; but Spin , build Nests , and perform all the other Actions for which they are admir'd , barely by Imitation of what they have seen done by others of the same Kinde . But in the Silk-Worm ( at least here in England ) this plausible Opinion will not hold : For the Silk-worms I kept , were not hatch'd but in the Spring , out of Eggs laid some Days in the Sun ; and the Worms that laid those Eggs , being every one of them dead the Winter before , it was impossible these new Silk-Worms , when they first began to spin their scarce imaginable fine Web , and inclose themselves in Oval Balls of a very Artificial Figure and Texture , should have wrought thus by Imitation ; there not having been for many Moneths before , in the place where they were hatch'd ( nor perhaps in the whole Country ) any Silk-Worms alive which they might imitate . But I must leave these curious Spinsters to their Work , and proceed to tell you , That Seas and Mountains , with the other Hyperboles of Nature ( if I may so term them ) proclaim indeed Gods Power , but do not perhaps more manifest his Wisdom , then the contrivance of some living Engines , and ( if I may so call them ) Breathing Atoms , that are so small that they are almost all Workmanship ; so that , as before , in the Psalmists Expression we truly said of Gods Greatnesse , That it was unsearchable ; we may now as truly say of his Wisdom in the Prophets Words , and in the same Text where he represents him as the Creator of the ends of the Earth , That there is no searching of his Understanding . And if I durst , Pyrophilus , make this part of this Essay of a length too disproportionate to the rest , I could easily , as well as willingly , represent to you divers things which might serve to Illustrate the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , manifold Wisdom of God ( as St. Paul speaks on another occasion ) But though I dare not expatiate on this Subject , yet neither dare I altogether conceal from you , that I have sometimes admired to see what scarce imaginable variety of living Engines his Plastick skill ( if I may so speak ) has been able to produce , ( especially in the Waters ) without scarce any other resemblance betwixt them , then that they are each of them excellent in its own Kinde , and compleatly furnish'd according to the exigency of its Nature . And that which much encreases this Wonder , is the disproportion of those living Engines , wherein the great [ Yotzêr hakkôl ] Former of all things ( as the Scripture justly calls God ) has been pleas'd to display an almost equally skilful Contrivance . Amongst Terrestrial Animals we have the Elephant , of whose stupendious vastness such strange things are related , even by eminent Writers , that I know not well how either to dis-believe them , or give credit to them : And therefore we shall content our selves to mention that which is left on Record by the accurate Gassendus in the Life of Peireskius ; For this matchless Gentleman having caus'd an Elephant , in the Year 1631 , to be weigh'd in a Scale , purposely provided , he was found to weigh , of the Roman Pounds ( consisting of twelve Ounces apiece ) very near Five thousand : And yet surely that this Elephant was very far from being one of the largest of that sort of Beasts , he that shall consider the bigness and length of some of their Teeth , as they are commonly call'd , which are to be seen at divers places , both in England and elsewhere , and is not resolv'd not to believe the consonant Relations of Eastern Travellers ( among whom Linschoten tells us there have been some Teeth found to weigh Two hundred pounds apiece , each pound consisting of twenty four Ounces ) may be easily perswaded . On the other side let us reflect upon the smalness of some Terrestrial Animals ; and not to mention that little white Creature bred in Wax , which Aristotle call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and speaks of as suppos'd to be the least of all living Creatures whatsoever : Let us consider those little Mites that are bred in mouldy Cheese ; for divers of these scarce amount to the weight of a Grain , and every Pound containing Five thousand seven hundred and sixty Grains ; supposing each Mite did weigh a whole Grain , yet that formerly mention'd small Elephant would exceed him near 28800000 times . And yet though a Mite seem but a moving Atome , and unless there be divers together , is not easily discern'd by the unassisted Eye ; yet in an excellent Microscope I have , you know , several times both seen and shewn to others , even in a gloomy Day , and a disadvantageous Place , not onely the Limbs of this little Animal , but the very Hair growing upon his Legs . Now let us but consider how strangely skilful and delicate a Workmanship must be employ'd to contrive into so narrow a compass , the several Parts Internal and External , requisite to make up this little Animal ; how many must goe to the texture of the Eyes , and other Organs of Sense ; how many to the Snout ( which he has , not unlike a Hog ) and the several parts of it ; how many to the Stomach and Guts , and the other Inward Parts addicted to the digestion of Aliment , and exclusion of Excrements ; and to be short , how inimaginably subtle must be the Animal Spirits running too and from Nerves suitable in such little Legs : And if , as we have observ'd them to multiply by Eggs , the little Creatures be hatch'd in those little Eggs , after the manner of divers other Oviparous Animals , how much smaller then a hatched Mite must be a Mite upon the Animation of its delineated Parts ? since in Hens Eggs we have sometimes seen the Chick manifestly alive , and its Limbs clearly delineated , whilst yet it took up so small a portion of the Egge , that both the White and the Yolk ( betwixt which it is generated , and not of the Chalaza or Tredle , as Aquapendente and other Moderns teach ) seem'd to be sometimes yet intire , as well as involv'd in their peculiar Membranes . But it is not so conspicuous in gradient Animals ( if I may so speak ) as in swimming ones ; How vastly disproportionate Masses of Matter the wise Former of all things can fashion into living Engines . For Whales are much more stupendious Creatures then Elephants : And not to mention what Hartenius ( apud Johnstonum ) tells us of twenty sorts of Whales , whereof the eighteenth Species , which he calls Nordhwal , is by him related to be Ninety Ells long ; but what Ells he means , I know not : Nor to mention those less incredible Accounts which are given of the vastness of Whales by our English Navigators , who are wont to Fish for them ; I shall onely set down what is related by one of the eminentest Modern Lyncean Philosophers , because he speaks as an Eye-witness , when he tells us , That in the Year 1624 , there was cast upon a place near Santa Severa , about 30 Miles from Rome , a dead Whale of 91 Psalms in length , and 50 in thickness : He adds , That its Mouth was 16 Palms long , and 10 high ; in which , being opened and kept gaping ; a Man on Horse-back might finde competent room ; this Mouth being used to harbor a Tongue of twenty Palms ( which may make out fifteen Foot ) in length . The same inquisitive Writer adds , That four Years before , near the Island of Corsica , not far from the Coast of Italy , another Whale was cast , One hundred Foot long ; which being a Female , was found to be big with a Cub of thirty Foot long , 1500 pound weight . But that which will let you see , Pyrophilus , the disproportion betwixt there kinde of Fishes and common Elephants , is , that which the same Author adds , That the Lord onely , or Fat ( as he speaks Carnea pinguedo ) of this corpulent Creature , weigh'd One hundred and thirty five thousand pound , that is , above Twenty seven times the weight of the whole Elephant , which was caus'd to be weigh'd by Peireskius . And though the Omnipotent Creator be able to make swimming Creatures of such prodigious bigness , that the Ocean it self may seem to be but a proportionate Pond for such Fishes ; yet is the same Omniscient Continuer , as able to make a swimming Engine more slender then a Cheese mite , and so little , that a small part of a Grain may out-weigh divers of them . For , Pyrophilus , I must here acquaint you with a strange Observation , which I have been inform'd to have been some while since made in Italy by Panarola a Famous Physitian in Rome , who is said , by the help of an excellent Microscope , to have discern'd in Vinegar small Living Creatures , which he takes to be Worms . The mention of so unlikely an Experiment , made me engage some excellent Philosophers and Mathematicians to assist me in examining it : But though our Microscopes exceeded the best that were brought us over from Rome , yet all our diligence and attention did but make them conclude that Panarola's Eyes had been deluded . Notwithstanding which , causing a somewhat hollow bottom of pure Crystalline Glasse to be fitted to my Microscope , I prosecuted the Enquiry my self ; and at length was so lucky , as not onely to discover these little Creatures with a Microscope , but by holding the Liquor in a Crystal Viol , almost upon the strong Flame of a Candle , to discover multitudes of them with my naked Eyes , as weak as they are . But though I have already convinc'd those that formerly derided such Observations , as not to be made with the best Microscope , yet the great weakness of my Sight has not permitted me to perfect my Observations concerning these Creatures . And therefore reserving the more particular mention of this odde Observation till another time , I shall now onely tell you as much as is pertinent to our present purpose ; namely , That having with a certain parcel of strong White-wine Vinegar ( for 't is not in every Vinegar that they are constantly to be found ) fill'd up to the top thin Viols with long and slender Necks ; and having likewise with the same Liquor fill'd other small Crystalline Viols , though short-neck'd , and held them betwixt my Eye and the Sun , or a Window open towards it , or very near a great Candle , I have often in these Glasses , especially in their slender Necks , after having a while fix'd my Eye on them ( attention being in this case very necessary ) admiringly observ'd great numbers ( and sometimes as it were Shoals ) of living Creatures , which seem'd to be rather Fishes then Worms ; for they swim freely up and down the Liquor , and often hover about the top of it , with a wrigling motion , like that of Eels , to which likewise their long and slender shape resembles them . And though these swimming Creatures be not all exactly of a size , yet some of them seem'd slenderer then any sort of living ones , that hath hitherto been taken notice of by the unassisted Eye : And I remember , that having look'd in a good Microscope upon one of them , and a Cheese-mite much about the same time , the Fish appear'd so slender , that we judg'd it not much thicker then one of the Legs of the Mite : So that considering what a vast deal of matter the great Creator can manage and fashion into a Whale , and in how little room he can contrive all the parts requisite to constitute a Fish , we may justly say to him in the Psalmists Language , There is none like unto thee ( O Lord ) neither are there any works like unto thy works . The last of the three Properties of God , which we mentioned him to have manifested in the Creation , is his Goodnesse ; Of which all his Creatures do in their due measure partake , partly by their having a Being vouchsafed them , and partly by their being preserved in it as long as their subordination to higher purposes , and to more powerful creatures do permit , by that supporting Influence of God which keeps them from relapsing into their first Nothing ; according to that memorable Passage , where Nehemiah having mentioned God as the Creatour of the Heavens , the Earth , the Seas , and all the Creatures belonging to them , He calls Him the Preserver , or ( as the Original has it ) The enlivener of them all . And as for Animals , who are more capable of enjoying , though not most of them of discerning His bounty , His Goodnesse to them is more conspicuous . For besides that in Scripture he is called The Preserver both of Man and Beast , and accordingly is said to give food even to the young Ravens that cry , and to have after the Flood remembred not only Noah , but every living thing that was with him in the Ark , His Goodnesse to them is apparent by the plentiful and easily attainable provision he makes according to the exigence of their several Natures . For that innumerable swarm of various Birds , Beasts , Fishes , Reptiles , and other Animals that People the Terrestrial Globe , and the contiguous parts of the World , and by his endowing each of them , with all the Qualifications requisite to the perpetuation of their Species , and the preservation of their Lives , as far forth as is consistent with his Ends in their Creation . But most resplendent does the Goodnesse of God appear towards his Favourite Creature , Man , whom having vouchsaf'd to ennoble with his own Image , he makes most of the Creatures of the world visible to us , pay homage to him , and in some manner or degree do him service : God's liberality at once bestowing on him all those Creatures by endowing him with a Reason enabling him to make use of them ; so that even those Creatures which he is not able to subdue by his Power , he is able to make serviceable to him by his Knowledg ; as those vast Globes of Light , which are so farre above him , that their Immensity and Brightnesse can scarce render them visible to him , are by man's Mathematicks forced to give him an account of all their Motions , and waiting upon his Dials keep time for him ; and even the defects of such works of Nature , are by man's skill made serviceable to him , as the Eclipses of the Moon serve Geographers notably in that difficult and useful worke of finding Longitudes . The Stars serve for Candles to give man light , and the Celestial Orbs are his Candlesticks . He breaths the Aire , the Fire wa●mes him , and serves him not only in his Kitchin , but to master most other Bodies in his furnaces . The Clouds water his Land , the Earth supports him and his Buildings , the Sea and winds convey him and his Floating-houses to the remotest parts of the World , and enable him to possesse every where almost all that Nature or Art has provided for him any where . The Earth produces him an innumerable multitude of Beasts to feed , cloath , and carrie him ; of Flowers and Jewels to delight and adorne him ; of Fruits , to sustaine and refresh him ; of Stones and Timber , to lodg him ; of Simples , to cure him ; and in summe , the whole sublunary World is but his Magazine . And it seems the grand businesse of restlesse Nature so to constitute and manage his Productions , as to furnish him with Necessaries , Accommodations , and Pleasures . Of such a Number of Plants , Animals , Metals , Minerals , &c. that people and enrich the Terrestriall Globe , perhaps there is not any one , of which Man might not make an excellent use , had he but an insight into its Nature : nor are the most abject and despicable therefore the least useful . There is not any Stone , no not the sparkling Diamond it self , to whom Man is so much beholden , as he is to the dark & unpromising Load-stone , without which the New-World probably had never been detected , and many Regions of the Old World would have little or no commerce with each other . Nor have the Lion , the Eagle , and the Whale , joyned all together ( though reputed the Chief of Birds , Beasts , and Fishes ) been so serviceable to M●n , as that despicable Insect , The Silk-worm . And if we impartially consider the Lucriferousness ( if I may speak in my Lord of St Albans Stile ) of the properties of Things , and their Medical Virtues , we shall finde , That we trample upon many things , for which we should have cause to kneel , and offer God Praises , if we knew all their Qualities and Uses : But of this subject we may elsewhere purposely treat . To which I must onely adde , Pyrophilus , That you will injure Nature , if you suppose , either that all the Concretes , endowed with excellent Properties , have long since been notorious , or that all the Medicinal Virtues of Simples , commonly us'd , are already known ; or that all those Concretes are destitute of considerable Properties , to whom none have been yet ascrib'd by eminent Authors . For almost every day either discloses new Creatures , or makes new Discoveries of the usefulnesse of things ; almost each of which hath yet a kinde of Terra incognita , or undetected part in it : How many new Concretes , rich in Medicinal vertues , does the New World present the Inquisitive Physitians of the Old ? Notatu dignum ( says the Ingenious Piso , in his newly publish'd Medicina Brasileensis , lib. 1. ) quod eximiae tot arbores , frutices , & innumerae herbae , figura , foliis & fructibus a veteris orbis Vegetabilibus , paucis exceptis , dissimillimae appareant . Idem de avibus , animantibus & piscibus deprehenditur , ut & insectis alatis , atque alis destitutis ; quae ineffabili colorum pulchritudine & portentosa multitudine generantur , partim nota nobis , partim incognita . And of the known American Simples , How many latent Virtues does experience from time to time discover ? And ( to mention now no others ) the Febrifugal property of that Peruvian Tree , called by the Natives Gannanaperide , whose Bark , call'd commonly China Febris , has been at Rome , and freshly also at London , found so wonderfully eff●ctual against those stubborn Diseases , Quartain Agues ; and though a Lea●ned Author endeavors to depreciate it , by alledging , That it is wont rather to suspend the Fits , then truly cure the Disease , which after awhile will return again ; yet , besides that , it may be often very beneficial to a weakned Patient , to have his Fits put off , the Physitiā thereby also gaining Opportunities to imploy strengthning and preventing Remedies : Besides this , I say , if you will credit that great Person , Sir Kenelm Digby , it is rather the Patients or Doctors fault , then the Medicines , if the Disease return . For having purposely consulted him about this Objection against the Use of the Cortex Febrifugus , he solemnly assur'd me , That of betwixt Twenty and Thirty Persons , that he had himself cur'd of Quartanes by this Remedy , not so many as Two fell into a Relapse . And now I am upon the more freshly discover'd Virtues of American Drugs , I might acquaint you with the admirable Properties , not onely in Diseases , but even in Wounds of a certain Mineral , which ( though careful examination of it has not yet taught me to what Species of Stones to reduce it ) you cannot but have heard mention'd with wonder , under the name of Sir Raleigh's Stone , which my Father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enjoy'd , and did strange things with for many years , and by his Will bequeathed ( as the highest Legacy he could leave him ) to his dearest Friend , the most Learned and Famous B● Usher , Primate of Ireland : But of this Stone , the merit of the subject makes me reserve what I have to say , to a Discourse , wherein I may be allowed to say more to it then now I dare : and therefore I shall proceed to tell you , that 't is not in the Simples of the New World onely , that new Medicinal properties may be discover'd ; for even those which daily obtrude themselves upon our careless Eyes , or are trampled under our regardlesse Feet , may possesse Virtues , to which the major part of Botanists are mere Strangers . To which purpose , I remember that I have often gather'd a little short-liv'd and despicable Plant , with which alone ( slightly infus'd in Beer ) I lately knew a yong Kinsman of Sir D●gby's , in few Days , and without pain , as both Himself , his Mother , and his Physitian assur'd me , cur'd of that stubborn and seldom vanquish'd Disease of the Kings Evil , against which it doth Wonders ; and yet having consulted not onely some of the famousest and recentest Herbals , both English and Latine , about this , but also enquired of two or three eminent Herbarists , I could finde neither any such Virtue , nor almost any at all , ascrib'd by Authors to that excellent Plant. And whereas Gods bounty to Man in the Creatures , seems a little clouded and streightned by his permitting some Poisonous Plants and Venomous Animals to have a Being in Nature ; to that it may be reply'd , First , That many Poisonous Bodies contain their own Antidotes ; insomuch that the diligent Piso , who hath had great opportunities to examine the Effects of both , ventures to say , treating of the Poisons and Antidotes to be met with in Brasil , Equidem vix dixeris , Venena an Alexiteria plura sint pronata : and a little lower , Sic folia , flores , & fructus herbarum Tangaraca & Juquerii , venena Brasiliae facile prima , propriam suam unaquaeque radicem oppositum habet Antidotum : and a little after , Barbari viperarum pinguedinem & capita , tum & integra Insecta quae vulnera intulerint , ex arte parata , audacter & felici cum successu venenatis ictibus applicant ; adeoque per ipsos effectus comprobare nituntur in omni veneno contineri suum Antidotum : And next , that the noxiousnesse of many ( and therefore not improbably of all of them ) is not so incorrigible , but that by Mans Art and Chymical Preparations , they may be made , not onely innocent and harmless , but useful too . This Truth , Pyrophilus , Antimony and Quick-silver , and some other noxious Bodies ( which Men have learn'd to make Medicinal ) have already taught our Modern Physitians ; who prescribe , even in their Dispensatories , divers Medicines made out of those churlish Minerals , to which , in the ensuing Discourses , you will find divers others ( perhaps not inferior ) added . That Opium is reckon'd by Physitians among Poisons , I need not tell you ; and yet such powerful Remedies may be made with it for many desperate Cases , especially in hot Countries , that the good it may doe , so much exceeds the harm , that Physitians would be so●ry there were none of it in the World. The Oyl of Scorpions is not onely Antidotal against their Stings , but is witnessed , by experience , to be very useful to bring away the descending Stone of the Kidneys , and to remedy divers ot●er Mischiefs , besides those that Scorpions can doe . And to these I shall need but to adde one instance more , because of the noblenesse of that single one , and that is the Root Mandihoca , so common all over the West Indies : for N●ture is so far from having been a Step-mother to Man in making th●t Plant abound so much in those Countries , though in its c●ude simplicity ( as the Helmontians speak it be confessedly a rank Poison , that she hath scarce in any one Plant been so bountiful to the Americans . For by a slight and easie preparation , which we shall hereafter mention , it affords many popu●ous Nations almost all the Bread they eat , and some of them a good part of their Drink ; th● Root freed by a strong Press from the noxious Juice , and d●y'd , affording them that Cassavie Meal , whereof they m●ke their Bread ; which by the taste and colour I could not discern to be other then good . Nor is this the onely use this Poisonous Plant affords them : For the above-commended Piso gives us this short , but comprehensive Cha●acter of it ; concinnatur· ( lib. 3º ) But ●oncerning the use that may be made of Poisonous Cre●tu●es , we elsewhere professedly discourse : And shall therefore now proceed to observe to you here , that I have not yet ment●on'd to you the instance which most manifests the greatness of the Good which God intended Man in the Creatures : For , not content to have provided him all that was requisite either to Support or Accommodate him here , he hath been pleas'd to contrive the World so , that ( if Man be not wanting to himself ) it may afford him not onely Necessaries and Delights , but Instructions too ; For each Page in the great Volume of Nature is full of real Hieroglyphicks , where ( by an inverted way of Expression ) Things stand for Words , and their Qualities for Letters . The Psalmist observes , That the Heavens declare the glory of God : And indeed , they celebrate his Praises , though with a soundless Voice , yet with so loud a one ( and which gives us the Moral of Plato's exploded notion of the Musick of the Spheres ) to our intellectual Ears , that he scruples not to affirm , that There is no Speech nor Language where their voice is not heard ( or as Junius and Tremellius render it , without violence to the Hebrew Text , There is no Speech nor Words ; yet without these their Voice is understood ) and that their Line is gone throughout all the earth ; that is ( as the Learned Diodati expounds it ) their Writing in gross and plain Draughts , and their Words to the end of the World : Their Language having so escap'd the confusion of Tongues , that these Natural and Immortal Preachers give all Nations occasion to say of them , as the Assembly at Pentecost did of the Inspir'd Apostles , We do hear them speak in our Tongues the wonderful Works of God. Nor can we without listning to these Sermons , derive the entire ( perhaps not the chiefest ) Benefit design'd us in the Creatures : For sure , that God , who hath compos'd us both of Body and Soul , hath not confin'd the uses of so many admirable Creatures , and so much inimitable Workmanship to that ignoble part of Man which coupleth him to the Beasts , with the neglect of that Diviner Portion , which allies him to the Angels ; vouchsafing to the Lord of the Creature● in the fruition of this his Palace , no higher Prerogative then he is pleas'd to allow to the Brutes , that serve but to compleat the variety requisite for its embellishment . Of this Opinion I lately found that excellent Writer , St Austine , to have been before me : For , Non debes uti oculis ( says he ) ut pecus , tantum ut videas , quae addas ventri , non menti : utere , ut homo , intende Coelum , & intende Facta , & quaere Factorem ; aspice quae vides , & quaere quem non vides , crede in eum quem non vides , propter ista quae vides . Nolite fieri sicut equus & mulus , &c. Nor can the Creatures onely inform Man of Gods Being and Attributes ( as we have already seen ) but also instruct him in his own Duties : For we may say of the World , as St Austin did of the Sacraments , that it is Verbum visibile . And certainly , God hath never so confin'd himself to instruct Men by Words or Types , as not to reserve himself the liberty of doing it by things : Witness his appointing the Rainbow to Preach his Goodness to all Nations , and fortifie the Faith of Mankinde against the fear of a second Deluge . 'T is something to high a saying for an Heathen , that of Plato , where he teaches , That the World is Gods Epistle , written to Mankinde . For by Solomon God sends the Sluggard to school to the Ant , to learn a provident Industry : Christ commands his Disciples to learn of Serpents and Pigeons prudence and inoffensiveness : The same Divine Teacher enjoyns his Apostles to consider the Lilies , or ( as some would have it ) the Tulips of the Field , and to learn thence that difficult Virtue of a distrustless relyance upon God : And St Paul seems almost angry with the Corinthians , That their Faith , in so abstruse Mysteries as that of the Resurrection , was not inform'd and strengthned , by considering the meliorating death of Corn committed to the Earth : And the Royal Poet learns Humility , by the Contemplation of the most elevated parts of Nature ; When I consider ( says he ) the Heavens , the work of thy Fingers , the Moon and Stars which thou hast ordained , What is Man , that thou visitest him ? Thus you may see that God intended the World should serve Man , not onely for a Palace to live in , and to gaze on , but for a School of Virtue ; to which his Philanthropy reserves such inestimable Rewards , that the Creatures can , on no account , be so beneficial to Man , as by promoting his Piety , by a competent degree of which , Gods goodness hath made no less then Eternal Felicity attainable . ESSAY III. Containing a Continuation of the Former . HAving thus , Pyrophilus , endeavored to evince , that the Opinion that would deter Men from the scrutiny of Nature , is not a little prejudicial to Mans Interests , and does very much lessen the Advantages he may derive from the Creatures , both in relation to his accommodation in this Life , and his Felicity in the next : Let us proceed to consider , whether the Doctrine we oppose do not likewise tend , in its own nature ( though not in the Intentions of its Patrons ) to defeat God of much of that Glory which Man both ought and might ascribe to him , both for himself and the rest of the Creatures . How unlikely is it that we should be able to offer to God that Glory , Praise , and Admiration , he both expects and merits from such a contemplation of the Creatures , as though it be requisite to the true knowledge of their Nature and Properties , is yet suppos'd either pernicious , or at least dangerous , You , Pyrophilus , or any other impartial Person may easily determine . For the Works of God are not like the Tricks of Juglers , or the Pageants that entertain Princes , where concealment is requisite to wonder ; but the knowledge of the Works of God proportions our admiration of them , they participating and disclosing so much of the inexhausted Perfections of their Author , that the further we contemplate them , the more Foot-steps and Impressions we discover of the Perfections of their Creator ; and our utmost Science can but give us a juster veneration of his Omniscience . And as when some Country Fellow looks upon a curious Watch , though he may be hugely taken with the rich Enamel of the Case , and perhaps with some pretty Landskip that adorns the Dial-plate ; yet will not his Ignorance permit him so advantageous a Notion of the exquisite Makers skill , as that little Engine will form in some curious Artist , who besides that obvious Workmanship that first entertains the Eye , considers the exactness , and knows the use of every Wheel , takes notice of their proportion , contrivance , and adaptation altogether , and of the hidden Springs that move them all : So in the World , though every Peruser may read the existence of a Deity , and be in his degree affected with what he sees , yet is he utterly unable to descry there those subtler Characters and Flourishes of Omniscience , which true Philosophers are sharp-sighted enough to discern . The existence of God is indeed so legibly written on the Creatures , that ( as the Scripture speaks in another sense ) He may run that reads it ; that is , even a perfunctory Beholder , that makes it not his business , may perceive it . But that this God has manifested in these Creatures a Power , a Wisdom , and a Goodness worthy of himself , needs an attentive and diligent Surveyor to discover . How different notions of Gods Wisdom do the Eggs of Hens produce in the ordinary Eaters of them , and in curious Naturalists , who carefully watch and diligently observe from time to time the admirable progress of Nature in the Formation of a Chick , from the first change appearing in the Cicatricula ( or little whitish speck discernable in the Coat of the Eggs Yolk ) to the breaking of the Egg-shell by the perfectly hatched Bird , and on Natures exquisite method in the order and fashioning of the parts , make such Philosophical reflections as you may meet with ( not to mention what Aristotle and Fabricius ab Aquapendente , have observed on that subject ) in the Ingenious Treatise of Generation , which our accurate and justly Famous Anatomist , Dr Highmore , has been pleased to Dedicate to me ; and in the excellent Exercitations , De Ovo , of that great Promoter of Anatomical Knowledge , Dr Harvey . And whereas it may be alledg'd , That the Attributes of God , which are not taught us , but after much speculation of the World , are things of which no Man but an Atheist doubts ; to this it may be reply'd , That besides that , it ill becomes the sense we ought to have of our weakness to despise any helps vouchsaf'd us of God to assist us to know or serve him ; besides this , I say , God loving , as he deserves , to be honor'd in all our Faculties , and consequently to be glorifi'd and acknowledg'd by the acts of Reason , as well as by those of Faith , there must be sure found a great disparity betwixt that general , confus'd , and lazy Idea we commonly have of his Power and Wisdom , and the distinct , rational , and affecting notions of those Attributes which are form'd by an attentive inspection of those Creatures in which they are most legible , and which were made chiefly for that very end . The Queen of Sheba had heard in her own Country a very advantageous Fame of the Wisdom of Solomon ; but when the curiosity of a personal Visit made her an Eye-witness of those particular both exquisite Structures , and almost Divinely prudent Conducts and Contrivances wherein that Wisdom did inimitably display it self , she then brake forth into Pathetick and Venerating Exclamations , that acknowledg'd how much juster and improved a Character ( of his Wisdom ) her Eyes had now given her , then formerly her Ears had done . Very like a Philosopher , methinks , does the Great Mercurius Trismegistus ( if we grant him to be the Author of the Books ascribed to him ) speak , when he tells his Son , There can be no Religion more true or just , then to know the things that are , and to acknowledge thanks for all things to him that made them ; which thing I shall not cease to do : ( he continues ) Be Pious and Religious , O my Son ! for he that does so is the best and highest Philosopher ; and without Philosophy it is impossible ever to attain to the height and exactness of Piety and Religion . And 't was perhaps , Pyrophilus , to ingage us to an industrious industrious indagation of the Creatures , that God made Man so indigent , and furnish'd him with such a multiplicity of Desires ; so that whereas other Creatures are content with those few obvious and easily attainable necessaries , that Nature has almost every where provided for them ; In Man alone , every sense has store of greedy Appetites , for the most part of Superfluities and Dainties , that to relieve his numerous Wants , or satisfie his more numerous Desires , He might be oblig'd with an inquisitive Industry to Range , Anatomize , and Ransack Nature , and by that concern'd survey come to a more exquisite Admiration of the Omniscient Author . To illustrate this subject yet a little further , Pyrophilus , give me leave to observe to you , That Philosophers of almost all Religions have been , by the contemplation of the World , mov'd to consider it under the notion of a Temple : Ne adoremus ( says Plutarch ) Elementa , Coelum , Solem , Lunam , &c. specula sunt haec , in quibus artem illius singularem intueamur , qui mundum condidit , & adornavit ; nec est aliud Mundus quam Templum ejus : Let us not venerate the Elements , the Heaven , the Sun , the Moon , &c. these are but Miroirs , wherein we may behold his excellent Art , who fram'd and adorn'd the World ; nor is the World any thing else but his Temple : Homines ( says Cicero ) tuentur illum Globum , quem in Templo hoc medium vides , qui terra dicitur : Men abide upon that Globe which you see in the m●ddle of this Temple , and is called the Earth ; which Macrobius handsomely thus expounds : Quicquid humano aspectui subjicitur , Templum ejus vocavit qui solâ mente concipitur , ut qui haec veneratur ut templa , cultum tamen maximum debeat Conditori , sciatque quisquis in usum Templi hujus inducitur , ritu sibi vivendum sacerdotis : All that humane view reaches , he terms his Temple , who is apprehended by the minde alone ; to the end that who so reverences these things as Temples , might render the greatest worship to the Maker ; and every one that is brought to converse in this Temple , might know himself oblig'd to live like a Priest. And the Lofty Seneca ( to mention now no other Heathens ) in divers passages of his excellent Writings , stiles the World a Temple ; and I remember in his Treatise , De Beneficiis , he avers in terms not unworthy his Mind or his Subject , Totum mundum Deorum esse immortalium Templum , solum quidem amplitudine illorum ac magnificentiâ dignum . That the whole World is the Temple of the immortal Gods , being alone worthy of their Grandeur and Magnificence . The assent of the Jewish Philosophers , to this Notion , you may be pleased to receive from their Eloquent Philo , who not only gives the World the Name of Temple , but gives us this account of that appellation ; Templum Dei supremum & verè tale existimare totum hunc mundum , qui sacrartum quidem habet , purissimam rerum naturae partem , Coelum ; ornamenta , stellas ; sacerdotes , administros potentiae ejus , Angelos , & incorporeas animas . The whole VVorld is to be accounted the chiefest Template of God ; the Sanctū Sanctorū of it is the purest part of the Universe , Heaven ; the ornam●nts , the Stars ; the Priests , the Ministers of His Power , Angels , and immaterial Souls . And as for Christian Philosophers , I suppose it would be needlesse to enumerate the passages wherein they adapt the Notion of the World already mention'd ; and therefore I shall content my selfe to adde , that the Scripture it selfe seems to Authorise it by representing to us in the 8th and 9th Chapters of the Epistle to the Hebrews , the Mosaical Tabernacle , as an adumbration of that Great Temple of the World ; and particularly there is a signal Text in the latter of those Chapters , where it is said that Christ is not enter'd into Holy places made with Hands [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which are copies of the true [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but into Heaven it selfe , now to appeare in the presence of God for us . Upon what account , Pyrophilus , I esteem the World a Temple , I may elsewhere have occasion to Declare ; but this for the present : It will not be rash to infer that if the World be a Temple , Man sure must be the Priest , ordain'd ( by being qualifi'd ) to celebrate Divine Service not only in it , but for it . For as in Schools , when the Prince or some munificent Benefactor confers some large possession or rich annuity upon the Foundation , though all the Boyes be concern'd in the benefit , yet because most of them are too young to be sensible of it , or too unlearned to be able to make the retribution of a handsome acknowledgment , either the Master or that other person of the Society , who is most capable and the best spoakesman , is by a kind of natural right engag'd to the duty of returning praise and thanks , not for himself alone , but in the name of all the rest : So in the World , where there are so many inanimate and irrational Creatures , that neither understand how much they owe to their Creator , by owing him even themselves , nor are born to a condition inabling them to acknowledg it ; Man , as born the Priest of Nature , and as the most oblig'd and most capable member of it , is bound to returne Thanks and Praises to his Maker , not only for himselfe but for the whole Creation . In which sense we may reconcile those two current Assertions , That God made all things for His own Glory , and that God made all things for Man , and Man for himselfe . Since whether or no Man be a Microcosme or Little World in Paracelsus's sense , if not as a resembler , yet as a representer of the Macrocosme or Great World , he presents with his own adorations the Homages of all the Creatures to their Creator , though they be ignorant of what is done , as Infants under the Law were of the sacrifices offered on their account . And in this Relation may the Creatures answer the Solemn invitation made them in the whole 148 Psalm , and numerous other Scriptures : which they may do ( to borrow a barbarous but significant School-terme ) objectively , though not formally ; I mean , by proving occasions , though not singers of his praises , and being such objects as prompt and invite Man to pay God that praise upon their score , which they cannot actually pay him themselves ; even God's mutest works being capable of being said to praise him in the same sense ( though in an incomparably transcendenter degree ) that Solomon saies of his virtuous Woman ( in the last Verse of the Proverbs ) Let her own VVorks praise her in the Gates ; that is , give the considerers of them occasion to extol her : and thus by man's referring the knowledg of the Creature to the Creator's Glory , it becomes in some sense , and congruously to its own Nature , the praiser of its Maker , as may seem intimated in this OEconomy of the Last part of one of the Psalmes , Blesse the Lord , all ye His Hosts , the Ministers of His that do His pleasure . Blesse the Lord , all His VVorks , in all places of His Dominion : Blesse the Lord , O my Soule . Where by shutting up the rest of God's Creatures betwixt Angels and Man's Soule , he seems to insinuate that the irrational Creatures blesse the Lord by the mouth of those that are Intelligent . And truly , Pyrophilus , I fear it may relish a little of selfishnesse , to make such a disparity betwixt Perfections , all of them equal , because all of them infinite , as to let God's mercy , because it most advantages us , so to ingrosse our thoughts , and wonder , as to make us neglect the contemplation of those other Glorious Attributes , his Power and his VVisdome , which were those that exacted both Man and Angels adoration , before sin gave occasion to the exercise of the first . And I shall not scruple to confesse unto you , that I dare not confine the Acts of Devotion to those which most men suppose to comprise the whole exercise of it ; not that I at all undervalue , or would depreciate any , even the meanest practises of Devotion , which either Scripture or reason consonant to it recommends ; but that I esteem that God may be also acceptably ( and perhaps more nobly ) serv'd and glorifi'd by our entertaining of high , rational , and as much as our nature is capable of worthy notions , attended with a profound and proportionable admiration of those divine Attributes and Prerogatives for whose manifesting he was pleas'd to construct this vast Fabrick . To which purpose I consider , that in the Life to come , when we shall questionless glorifie God exactliest , we shall have little either need or use of Faith , Prayer , Liberality , Patience , and resembling Graces ; but our Worship will chiefly consist in elevated Notions , and a prostrate Veneration of Gods Omnipotence , Wisdom , Goodness , and other Perfections ; and such a one as this is represented in the Apocalyps , to be the present employment of the Blest Spirits in Heaven , where the Elders that assist about the Throne of God , are describ'd , casting their Crowns before it , and saying to him that sits on it , Thou art worthy , O Lord , to receive Glory , and Honor , and Power : for thou hast created all things , and for thy pleasure they are and were created . By this time , Pyrophilus , I hope you begin to think , that the Doctrine that tends to deter Men from enquiring into Nature , is as well derogatory from Gods Glory , as prejudicial to Mans Interests . And indeed , I purpos'd to content my self with the having disperst throughout the past Discourse , the grounds of answering their Objection against the study of Physiology , who pretend it is apt to make Men Atheists : But because I am much concern'd to have you satisfied of so important a Truth , as that which we have hitherto been laboring to evince , I must beg your leave , Pyrophilus , to adde , ex abundanti ( as they speak ) to what has been already alledg'd , some things that may more directly answer the Objection of our Adversaries , and manifest how little their severity is befriended , either by Scripture , Reason , or Experience . And first , it seems not at all probable , That if the Omniscient Author of Nature knew that the study of his Works did really tend to make Men dis-believe his Being or Attributes , he would have given Men so many Invitations , and almost Necessities , to study and contemplate the Nature of his Creatures : Of these Invitations divers have been mention'd already , and more might be added to them , if we thought it requisite . But what has been above alledg'd , will make us forbear the annexing of any , save that of the ancient Institution of the Sabbath , which many eminent Divines do not groundlesly hold to have been ordain'd to commemorate the Creation , and give Men the opportunity every Seventh Day to contemplate God in his Works , as he himself was pleas'd to rest on the first Seventh Day , and contemplate Himself in the works of the first six . And though our Western Churches , for certain Reasons ( not here to be inquir'd into ) have long since disus'd the Solemnizing of the Saturday , and appointed the Sunday for the Celebration of both the Works of the Redemption , and Creation of the World together ; yet 't is evident enough that the Primitive Christians did for the most part keep the Saturday as Holy-day , as well as the Sunday : For that ancient Book ( whoever be resolv'd to have written it ) which goes under the Name of Clement's Constitutions , affords us , among others , these two memorable Passages to our purpose : And first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Keep the Sabbath and the Lords Day as Holy-days ; that being dedicated to the remembrance of the Creation , and this to that of the Redemption : To which we shall adde this second Passage of the same Author , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Let Servants work for five days ; but on the Sabbath , and the Lords-day , let them attend in the Church the Doctrine of Godliness . To which purpose , I remember the most Learned Grotius observes , That the converted Emperor Constantine , forbad the compelling Christians to appear before Tribunals on either of those Days , as being their Festivals : Nay , and if Modern Travellers do not mis-inform me , I finde that divers of the Eastern Churches , particularly the Abyssine Christians , to this day do as well sanctifie the Sabbath-day in commemoration of Gods having created the World , as the Lords-day to commemorate the Resurrection of Christ. And as for the Jews sense of the Fourth Commandment , some of the Learnedst of their Criticks are pleas'd to distinguish betwixt the Words Zachôr and Smôr , Remember and Keep , imploy'd in the Command of solemnizing the Sabbath : For , the remembring of it they hold to be an act of Religion , performable by all Man-kinde that are capable of it , and acquainted with its having been commanded ; though the keeping of it Holy they suppose onely enjoyn'd to the Israelites : On , which occasion , I remember I was one Sabbath-day entertain'd at his own Lodgings , by a Learned Jew ( who taught me the Holy Language ) with Meat then newly dress'd : to remove my wonder at which , he told me , That it was dress'd by Christians , who , being Gentiles , were not oblig'd to the strict and legal observation of the Sabbath . But whatever be to be thought of this Jewish Notion , yet questionless if the Fourth Commandment do not , at least , divers other Passages of Scripture do much discountenance their severity , who would fright Men from the indagation of Nature . And he that shall duly consider divers Texts obvious enough in the Book of Job , and the Psalms ( besides other parts of the Bible ) will not readily conclude , that Natural Philosophy and Divinity are at such variance , as the Divines we deal with would perswade us . St Paul seems to inform us , that the invisible things of God from the Creation of the World , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , even his eternal Power and God-head : So that they that were mention'd before are without excuse . And though I ignore not , that not onely several of the Socinians following their Master Socinus , but some few Orthodox Writers , are pleas'd to give a very differing Interpretation of that Text , and make the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to signifie those things of God that have been Invisible ever since the Creation of the World , and referring the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to things not made , as we Translate it , but done ( as the Miracles of Christ and his Apostles ) yet I see no necessity why the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be taken in a sense exclusive of the Creation , and not at least admitted to take in all the Ways and Methods imployed by God to manifest the invisible things there intimated unto Man : And certainly , however St Paul may be suppos'd to appear but darkly , yet Job was clearly of a differing Opinion from theirs , who teach , That the study of Nature leads to Atheism : For ask now the Beasts ( says he ) and they will teach thee , and the Fowls of the Air , and they shall tell thee : or speak to the Earth , and it shall teach thee , and the Fishes of the Sea shall declare unto thee . Who knoweth not in all these that the hand of the Lord hath wrought this ? And consonantly hereunto ( which 'twere not amiss for our Adversaries to take notice of ) we may observe , That almost all the Writers of Natural Theology , and the most also of those that have labored to demonstrate the Truth of Christian Religion ( divers of whom have been as well Profound Divines , as otherwise Eminent Scholars ) have undertaken to evince , by the consideration of the Universe , both that there is a God , and that he is the Author of it : Which I the rather mention , Pyrophilus , because I would not be mistaken , as if I disputed against Divines in general , or were guilty of the least Irreverence towards a Faculty , in whose Study I have thought my self oblig'd , as a Christian , to spend much of my time ; and especially , I would not appear dis-respectful to Divines in England , where they have already been but too much vilified , though questionless for their Sins against God , yet , I fear , not without the Sin of their Oppressors . In the next place I consider , That since Physiology is said to tempt to Atheism , but by enabling Men to give an account of all the Phaenomena of Nature , by the knowledge of Second Causes , without taking in the First , it will not be so easie a matter as many presume , for the contemplation of Nature , to turn a considering Man Atheist . For we are yet , for ought I can finde , far enough from being able to explicate all the Phaenomena of Nature by any Principles whatsoever . And even of the Atomical Philosophers , whose Sect seems to have the most ingeniously attempted it , some of the eminentest have themselves freely acknowledged to me , their being unable to do it convincingly to others , or so much as satisfactorily to themselves : And indeed , not onely the Generation of Animals is a Mystery , which all that Naturalists have said to explain it , hath been far enough from depriving of that Name ; but we see that to explicate all the various Phaenomena that belong to that single in●nimate , and seemingly homogeneous Body , Mercury , so as not to make any Hypothesis assum'd to make out one of its Properties or Effects incongruous to any other Hypothesis requisite to the explanation of any of the rest , hath been hitherto found so difficult , that if our Posterity be not much happier Unriddlers , then our Fore-Fathers , or we have been , it is like to prove a Task capable of defeating the Industry and Attempts , I say not of more then one Philosopher , but of more then one Age ; even our Chymical Tortures hitherto , having , from that deluding Proteus , forc'd no Confessions that bring us not more Wonder then Satisfaction , and do not Beget almost as many Scruples as they Resolve . ESSAY IV. Containing a requisite Digression concerning those that would exclude the Deity from intermedling with Matter . I Ignore not that not onely Leucippus , Epicurus , and other Atomists of old , but of late some Persons , for the most part Adorers of Aristotle's Writings , have pretended to be able to explicate the first Beginning of Things , and the World 's Phaenomena , without taking in , or acknowledging any Divine Author of it : And therefore , though we may elsewhere , by the assistance of that Author , have an opportunity to give You an Account of our unsatisfiedness with the Attempts made by some bold Wits in favor of such Pretensions ; Yet since the main Truth We plead for , in this Discourse , is so nearly concern'd in what hath been taught by those that would keep God from being thought to have any share in the Production of the Universe ; I can scarce forbear ( as unwilling as I am to digress ) to represent to You , on the present occasion , a few Considerations which may assist You , if not to lessen the Arrogance of such Persons , at least , to keep Your self from thinking their Evidence as great as their Confidence is wont to be . Now of the Philosophers we speak of , some being Atomists , and others not , it will be requisite to say something to each of the two sorts : And because we not long since , in an Illustrious Company , where You , Pyrophilus , are not unknown , met with one of them , who avowedly , grounded his Opinions on the Aristotelean or vulgar Physiology , We shall first recommend to You two or three Considerations concerning such arrogant Peripateticks ( For I speak not of that Sect in general , of which I know there are divers excellent Men. ) First then , You will in many Passages of the following Essays , finde , that dive●s things that have been very Magisterially taught , and confidently believ'd among the Followers of Aristotle , are Errors or Mistakes ; and that as several , even of the obvious Phaenomena of Nature , do contradict the common Peripatetick Doctrine , so divers , at least of those that are more abstruse , are not explicable by it ; and as confidently as these his Followers talk of the expounding the very Riddles of Nature ; yet I remember that he himself somewhere ( for I cannot call to minde the place ) did not scruple to confess , that As the Eyes of Owls are to the splendor of the Day , so are those of our Minds even to things obvious and manifest . I shall next take notice , That Philosophers , who scorn to ascribe any thing to God , do often deceive themselves , in thinking they have sufficiently satisfied our Enquiries , when they have given us the nearest and most immediate caus●s of some things ; whereas oftentimes the assignment of those Causes is but the manifesting that such and such Effects may be deduc'd from the more Catholick affections of things , though these be not unfrequently as abstruse as the Phaenomena explicated by them , as having onely their Effects more obvious , not their Nature better understood : As when , for instance , an account is demanded of that strange supposed Sympathy betwixt Quick-silver and Gold ; in that we finde , that whereas all other Bodies swim upon Quick-silver , it will readily swallow up Gold , and hide it in its Bosom . This pretended Sympathy the Naturalist may explicate , by saying , That Gold being the onely Body heavier then Quick-silver of the same bulk , the known Laws of the Hydrostaticks make it necessary , that Gold should sink in it , and all lighter Bodies swim on it : But though the cause of this Effect be thus plausibly assign'd , by deducing it from so known and obvious an affection of Bodies , as Gravity , which every man is apt to think he sufficiently understands ; yet will not this put a satisfactorie period to a severe Inquirers Curiositie , who will , perchance , be apt to alledge , That though the Effects of Gravity indeed be very obvious , yet the Cause and Nature of it are as obscure as those of almost any Phaenomena it can be brought to explicate . And that therefore he that desires no further account , desists too soon from his Enquiries , and acquiesces long before he comes to his Journies end . And indeed , the investigation of the true nature and adequate cause of gravity , is a task of that difficulty , that in spight of ought I have hitherto seen or read , I must yet retain great doubts whether they have been clearly and solidly made out by any Man. And sure , Pyrophilus , there are divers Effects in Nature , of which , though the immediate Cause may be plausibly assign'd , yet if we further enquire into the Causes of those Causes , and desist not from ascending in the Scale of Causes till we are arriv'd at the top of it , we shall perhaps finde the more Catholick and Primary causes of Things , to be either certain , primitive , general and fix'd Laws of Nature ( or rules of Action and Passion among the parcels of the Universal Matter ) or else the Shape , Size , Motion , and other primary Affections of the smallest parts of Matter , and of their first Coalitions or Clusters : especially those endowed with seminal Faculties or Properties , or ( to dispatch ) the admirable conspiring of the several parts of the Universe to the production of particular Effects ; of all which it will be difficult to give a satisfactory Account , without acknowledging an intelligent Author or Disposer of Things . And the better to clear so weighty a Truth , let us further consider on this occasion , That not onely Aristotle , and those that , mis-led by his Authority , maintain the Eternity of the World , but very many other Philosophers and Physitian● , who ascribe so much to Nature , that they will not be reduc'd to acknowledge an Author of it , are wont very much to delude both themselves and others in the account they presume to give us , as satisfactory of the Causes or Reasons of very many Effects : I will not instance in the Magnetick Properties of Things , nor any of those numerous abstrusities of Nature , which 't is well known that the Aristoteleans are wont to refer to Sympathy , Antipathy , or Occult Qualities , and strive to put Men off with empty Names , whereby they do not so much lessen our Ignorance , as betray their own . But I shall instance in those more obvious Phaenomena , of which they suppose they have given us very satisfactory Accounts : If you ask one of those I speak of , whence it comes to pass that if a Man put one end of a long Reed into a Vessel full of Water , and suck at the other end , his Mouth will be immediatly fill'd with that Liquor ; he will readily tell you , That the Suction drawing the Air out of the cavity of the Reed , the Water must necessarily succeed in the place deserted by the Air , to prevent a Vacuity abhorr'd by Nature . If you likewise ask such a Man , Why to Women about a certain Age , their Purgationes Menstruae do commonly supervene , he will think he has sufficiently answered you , when he has told you , that about that Age , beginning to beripe for Procreation , Nature has wisely provided that their superfluous Blood should be sent to the Uterine Vessels , partly to dis-burthen the Mass of Blood of an useless load , and partly to contribute Matter , or at least afford Nourishment in case of Conception . But though these Solutions are wont to be acquiesc'd in by such as those that give them , yet I see not how they can satisfie a rigid Reasoner . For not now to mention what may be objected against them out of some Modern Mechanical and Anatomical Observations , let us a little consider , that to say that the ascent of the Water in the first Problem , proceeds from Natures Detestation of a Vacuity , supposes that there is a kinde of Anima Mundi , furnished with various Passions , which watchfully provides for the safety of the Universe ; or that a Brute and Inanimate Creature , as Water , not onely has a power to move its heavy Body upwards , contrary ( to speak in their Language ) to the tendency of its particular Nature , but knows both that Air has been suck'd out of the Reed , and that unless it succeed the attracted Air , there will follow a Vacuum ; and that this Water is withal so generous , as by ascending , to act contrary to its particular inclination for the general good of the Universe , like a Noble Patriot , that sacrifices his particular Interests to the publick ones of his Countrey . But to shew Men by an easie Experiment how little Attraction is perform'd to avoid a Vacuum , I have sometimes done thus ; I have taken a slender Pipe of Glass , of about four Foot long , and putting one of the open ends of it into a Vessel full of Quick-silver , I have suck'd as stronly as I could at the other , and caus'd one to watch the ascent of the Quick-silver , and mark where it was at the highest , and I found not that at one suck , I could raise it up much above a Foot ; and having caus'd a couple of strong Men , one after another , to suck at the same end of the same Pipe , I found not that either of them could draw it up much higher . Nor did it appear that by repeated Suctions , though the upper end of the Pipe were each time stopp'd , to hinder the relapse of the Quick-silver , it could at all be rais'd above the seven and twenty Digits at which it us'd to subsist in the Torrecellian Experiment De Vacuo : Whereas the same end of that Tube being put into a small Vessel of Water , I could at one suck make the Water swiftly ascend thorow the perpendicularly held Tube into my Mouth , which argues , that the ascension of Liquors upon Suction , rather depends upon the pressure of the Air , and their respective measures of Gravity and Lightness compar'd to that Pressure , then it proceeds from such an abhorrency of a Vacuum as is presum'd . And so likewise in the other Question propos'd , it is imply'd , that there is in a Female Body something , that knows the rule of Physitians , that of a Plethora , the Cure is the convenient Evacuation of Blood , and that this intelligent Faculty is wise enough also to propose to it self the double end above-mentioned , in this Evacuation , and therefore will not provide a Quantity of Blood great enough to require an Excretion , nor begin it till the Female be come to an Age wherein 't is possible for both the Ends to be obtain'd ; & that also this presiding Nature is so charitable , as that Man-kinde might not fail , it will make the Female subject to such Monethly Superfluities of Blood , from which Experience informs us , that a whole Set of Diseases peculiar to that Sex , does frequently proceed . And in a word , there is a multitude of Problems , especially such as belong to the use of the Parts of a humane Body , and to the Causes and Cures of the Diseases incident thereunto , in whose Explication those we write of , content themselves to tell us , That Nature does such and such a thing , because it was fit for her so to do ; but they endeavor not to make intelligible to us , what they mean by this Nature , and how meer , and consequently bruit , Bodies can act according to Laws , and for determinate Ends , without any knowledge either of the one or of the other . Let them therefore , till they have made out their Hypothesis more intelligibly , either cease to ascribe to irrational Creatures such Actions as in Men are apparently the Productions of Reason and Choice , and sometimes even of Industry and Virtue ; or else let them with us acknowledge , that such Actions of Creatures in themselves Irrational , are perform'd under the superintendence and guidance of a Wise and Intelligent Author of Things . But that you may not mistake me , Pyrophilus , it will be requisite for me , to acquaint you in two or three words with some of my present thoughts concerning this subject : That there are some Actions so peculiar to Man , upon the account of his Intellect and Will , that they cannot be satisfactorily explicated after the maner of the Actings of meer corporeal Agents , I am very much inclin'd to believe : And whether or no there may be some Actions of some other Animals , which cannot well be Mechanically explicated , I have not here leisure or opportunity to examine . But for ( most of ) the other Phaenomena of Nature , methinks we may , without absurdity , conceive , That God , of whom in the Scripture 't is affirm'd , That all his Works are known to him from the Beginning ; having resolved , before the Creation , to make such a World as this of Ours , did divide ( at least if he did not create it incoherent ) that Matter which he had provided into an innumerable multitude of very variously figur'd Corpuscles , and both connected those Particles into such Textures or particular Bodies , and plac'd them in such Scituations , and put them into such Motions , that by the assistance of his ordinary preserving Concourse , the Phaenomena , which he intended should appear in the Universe , must as orderly follow , and be exhibited by the Bodies necessarily acting according to those Impressions or Laws , though they understand them not at all , as if each of those Creatures had a Design of Self-preservation , and were furnish'd with Knowledge and Industry to prosecute it ; and as if there were diffus'd through the Universe an intelligent Being , watchful over the publick Good of it , and careful to Administer all things wisely for the good of the particular Parts of it , but so far forth as is consistent with the Good of the whole , and the preservation of the Primitive and Catholick Laws established by the Supreme Cause . As in the formerly mention'd Clock of Strasburg , the several Pieces making up that curious Engine , are so fram'd and adapted , and are put into such a motion , that though the numerous Wheels , and other parts of it , move several ways , and that without any thing either of Knowledge or Design ; yet each performs its part in order to the various Ends for which it was contriv'd , as regularly and uniformly as if it knew and were concern'd to do its Duty ; and the various Motions of the Wheels , and other parts concur to exhibit the Phaenomena design'd by the Artificer in the Engine , as exactly as if they were animated by a common Principle , which makes them knowingly conspire to do so , and might , to a rude Indian , seem to be more intelligent then Cunradus Dasypodius himself , that published a Description of it , wherein he tells the World , That he contrived it , who could not tell the hours and measure time so accuratly as his Clock . And according to this Notion , if you be pleas'd to bear it in your memory , Pyrophilus , you may easily apprehend in what sense I use many common Phrases , which custom hath so authorized , that we can scarce write of Physiological subjects without employing either them , or frequent and tedious Circumlocutions in their stead : Thus when I say , that a stone endeavors to descend towards the Centre of the Earth , or that being put into a Vessel of Water , it affects the lowest place : I mean that not such a Mathematical Point as the Centre of the Earth , hath power to attract all heavy Bodies , the least of which , it being a point , it cannot harbor ; or that a Stone does really aim at that unknown and unattainable Centre ; but that , as we say , that a Man strives or endeavors to go to any place , at which he would quickly arrive , if he were not forcibly hindered by some Body that holds him fast where he is , and will not let him go : So a Stone may be said to strive to descend , when either by the Magnetical Steams of the Earth , or the pressure of some subtle Matter incumbent on it , or by what ever else may be the cause of Gravity , the Stone is so determined to tend downwards , that if all Impediments , interpos'd by the Neighboring Bodies , were removed , it would certainly and directly fall to the ground ; or being put into a Vessel with Water , or any other Liquor much less heavy then it self ( for on Quick-silver , which is heavier , Stones will swim ) the same Gravity will make it subside to the bottom of the Vessel , and consequently thrust away its bulk of Water , which though heavy in it self , yet because it is less ponderous then the Stone , seems to be light . And so in our late instance in the Clock , if it be said that the Hand that points at the Hours affects a circular motion , because it constantly moves round the Centre of the Dial-plate , 't is evident that the inanimate piece of Metal affects not that motion more then any other , but onely that the impression it receives from the Wheels , and the adaptation of the rest of the Engine , determine it to move after that manner . And although if a Man should with his Finger stop that Index from proceeding in its course , it may be said , in some sense , that it strives or endeavors to prosecute its former Circular Motion ; yet that will signifie no more , then that by virtue of the Contrivance of the Engine , the Index is so impell'd , that , if the Obstacle , put by the Finger of him that stops it , were taken away , the Index would move onwards , from that part of the Circle where it was stopt , towards the mark of the next Hour . Nor do I by this , Pyrophilus , deny that it may in a right sense be said , as it is wont to be in the Schools , that Opus Naturae est opus Intelligentiae : Neither do I reject such common Expressions as Nature always affects and intends that which is best , and Nature doth nothing in vain . For since I must , according to the above-mention'd Notion , refer many of the actions of irrational Creatures to a most wise Disposer of Things , it can scarce seem strange to me , that in those particulars in which the Author intended , and it was requisite that irrational Creatures should operate so and so for their own Preservation , or the Propagation of their Species , or the publick good of the Universe , their Actions being ordered by a Reason transcending Ours , should not onely oftentimes resemble the Actings of Reason in Us , but sometimes even surpass them . As in effect we see that Silk-worms and Spiders can , without being taught , spin much more curiously their Balls and Webs , then our best Spinsters could ; and that several Birds can build and fasten their Nests more Artificially then many a Man , or perhaps any Man could frame and fasten such little and elaborate Buildings . And the Industries of Foxes , Bees , and divers other Beasts , are such , that 't is not much to be wondered at that those Creatures should have Reasons ascrib'd to them by divers Learned Men , who yet perhaps would be less confident , if they considered how much may be said for the Immortality of all rational Souls . And that the subtle Actings of these Beasts are determined to some few Particulars requisite for their own Preservation , or that of their Species ; whereas on all other occasions , they seem to betray their want of Reason , and by their Voice and Gestures seem to express nothing , but the Natural Passions , and not any Rational or Logical Conceptions . And therefore , as when ( to resume our former comparison ) I see in a curious Clock , how orderly every Wheel and other part performs its own Motions , and with what seeming Unanimity they conspire to shew the Hour , and accomplish the other Designs of the Artificer , I do not imagine that any of the Wheels , &c. or the Engine it self is endowed with Reason , but commend that of the Workman who fram'd it so Artificially . So when I contemplate the Actions of those several Creatures that make up the World , I do not conclude , the inanimate Pieces , at least , that 't is made up of , or the vast Engine it self , to act with Reason or Design , but admire and praise the most wise Author , who by his admirable Contrivance can so regularly produce Effects , to which so great a number of successive and conspiring Causes are requir'd . And thus much , Pyrophilus , having been represented concerning those , that rejecting from the Production and Preservation of Things , all but Nature , yet imbrace the Principles of the vulgar Philosphy , you will perhaps think it more then enough : but Object , That what is not to be expected from the barren Principles of the Schools , may yet be perform'd by those Atomical ones which we our selves have within not very many Pages seem'd to acknowledge Ingenious . And I know indeed , that the modern Admirers of Epicurus confidently enough pretend , that he and his Expositors have already , without being beholding to a Deity , clearly made out , at least the Origine of the World , and of the principal Bodies 't is made up of : But I confess , I am so far from being convinc'd of this , that I have been confirm'd rather , then unsetled in my Opinion , of the difficulty of making out the Original of the World , and of the Creatures , especially the living Ones that compose it , by considering the accounts which are given us of the Nativity ( if I may so speak ) of the Universe , and of the Animals , by those great Denyers of Creation and Providence , Epicurus , and his Parapharst Lucretius : Whose having shown themselves ( as I freely confess they have ) very subtile Philosophers in explicating divers Mysteries of Nature , ought not so much to recommend to us their impious Errors , about the Original of Things , as to let us see the necessity of ascribing it to an Intelligent Cause . This then is the account of this matter , which is given us by Epicurus himself , in that Epistle of his to Herodotus , which we finde in Diogenes Laertius : Quod ad Meteora attinet existimari non oportet , aut motum , aut conversionem , aut Ecclipsin , aut or●um occasumvè , aut al●a hujuscemodi ideo fieri quod sit Praefectus aliquis , qui sic disponat , disposuerituè ac simul beatitudinem immortalitatemque possideat : And having interposed some Lines , to prove that the Providence of God is not consistent with his Felicity , he addes , Quare opinandum est , tum cum Mundus procreatus est , factos fuisse eos circumplexus convolventium se Atomorum , ut nata fuerit haec necessitas , quâ circuitus tales obierint : And elsewhere in the same Epistle , Infiniti ( says he ) sunt mundi , alii similes isti , alii vero dissimiles . Quippe Atomi cum sint infinitae , ut non multo ante demonstratum est per infinitatem spatiorum , & alibi aliae , ac procul ab hoc ad fabrefactionem Mundorum infinitorum variè concurrunt . And least this Epicurean Explication of the Worlds Original should seem to owe all its unsatisfactoriness to its obscure brevity , we shall not scruple to give you that elegant Paraphrase and Exposition of it , which Lucretius has delivered in his 5th Book , De Rerum Natura : Sed quibus ille modis , conjectus , materiai Fundarit Coelum , ac Terram Pontique profunda Solis , Lunai cursus ex ordine ponam , Nam certe , neque conciliis primordia rerum Ordine se quaeque atque sagaci mente locarunt , Nec quos quaeque darent motus pepigere profectò : Sed quia multa modis multis primordia rerum Ex infinito jam tempore percita plagis , Ponderibusque suis , consuerunt concita ferri , Omnimodisque coire , atque omnia pertentare , Quaecunque inter se possent congressa creare ; Propterea fit , ut magnum volgata per aeuum , Omnigenos coetus & motus experiundo , Tandem conveniant : ea quae conjuncta repentè Magnarum rerum fiant exordia soepè Terrai maris , & coeli generisque animantum . The Hypothesis express'd in these Verses ( which please our Author so well , that he has almost the same Lines in several other places of his Poem ) he prosecutes and applies to some particular parts of the Universe in the same 5th Book : But whilst he thus refuseth to allow God an Interest in the Worlds production , his Hypothesis requires that we should allow him several things , which he doth assume , not prove : As First , That Matter is Eternal . 2. That from Eternity it was actually divided , and that into such insensibly small parts , as may deserve the name of Atoms ; whereas it may be suppos'd , that Matter , though Eternal , was at first one coherent Mass , it belonging to Matter to be divisible , but not so of necessity , to be actually divided . 3. That the number of these Atoms is really infinite . 4. That these Atoms have an inane Infinitum ( as the Epicureans speak ) to move in . 5. That these Atoms are endowed with an almost infinite variety of determinate Figures , some being round , others cubical , others hooked , others conical , &c. whereas not to mention before-hand what we may elsewhere object , besides against this Assumption , he shews not why , nor how this Atome c●me to be Spherical rather then Conical , and another Hooked rather then Pyramidal : But these Assumptions I insist not on , because of two others much more considerable , which our Author is fain to take for granted in his Hypothesis : For 6ly , He supposes his Eternal Atoms to have from Eternity been their own Movers , whereas it is plain that Motion is no way necessary to the Essence of Matter , which seems to consist in extension : For Matter is no less Matter , when it rests , then when it is in motion ; and we daily see many parcels of Matter pass from the state of motion to that of rest , and from this to that , communicating their motion to Matter that lay still before , and thereby loosing it themselves . Nor has any Man , that I know , satisfactorily made out how Matter can move it self : And indeed , in the Bodies which we here below converse withal , we scarce finde that any thing is mov'd but by something else ; and even in these motions of Animals that seem spontaneous , the Will or Appetite doth not produce the motion of the Animal , but guide and determine that of the Spirits , which by the Nerves move the Muscles , and so the whole Body , as may appear by the weariness and unweildiness of Animals , when by much motion the Spirits are spent . And accordingly I finde that Anaxagoras , though he believed , as Aristotle did after him , that Matter was Eternal , yet he discern'd that the notion of Matter not necessarily including motion , there was a necessity of taking in a Mens , as he stiles God , to set this sluggish Matter a moving . And I remember Aristotle himself , in one place of his Metaphysicks , disputing against some of the antienter Philosophers , askes , Quonamque modo movebuntur si nulla erit actu causa ? non enim ipsa materia seipsam movebit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rerum opifex Virtus : But though elsewhere I have met with Passages of his near of kin to this , yet he seems not to express his Opinion uniformly and clearly enough to engage me to define it or make a Weapon of it : And therefore I shall rather proceed to take notice , That according to the Epicurean Hypothesis , not onely the motion , but the determination of that motion is supposed . For Epicurus will have his Atoms move downwards , and that not in paralel Lines , lest they should never meet to constitute the World , but according to Lines somewhat inclining towards one another ; so that there must be not onely motion , but gravity in Atoms , before there be any Centre of gravity for them to move towards ; and they must move rather downwards then upwards , or side-ways , and in such Lines as nothing is produc'd capable of confining them to . Which are Assumptions so bold and precarious , that I finde some , even of his Admirers , to be asham'd of them : Which will save me the labor of arguing against them , and allow me to take notice in the 7th place , That this Epicurean Doctrine supposes that a sufficient number of Atoms , and their motion downwards being granted , there will need nothing but their fortuitous concourse in their fall , to give a Being to all those Bodys that make up the World. Indeed , that the various coalitions of Atoms , or at least small Particles of Matter , might have constituted the World , had not been perhaps a very absurd Opinion for a Philosopher , if he had , as Reason requires , suppos'd that the great Mass of lazy Matter was Created by God at the Beginning , and by Him put into a swift and various motion , whereby it was actually divided into small Parts of several Sizes and Figures , whose motion and crossings of each other were so guided by God , as to constitute , by their occursions and coalitions , the great inanimate parts of the Universe , and the seminal Principles of animated Concretions . And therefore I wonder not much that the Milesian Thales ( the first of the Grecian Philosophers ( as Cicero informs us ) that inquir'd into these matters ) should hold that Opinion which Tully expresses in these Words : Aquam dixit esse initium rerum , Deum autem eam Mentem quae ex aqua cuncta finxerat : And that of Anaxagoras , the same Author should give us this account , Omnium rerum descriptionem & modum mentis infinitae vi ac ratione ratione designari & confici voluit : For though these great Men exceedingly err'd , in thinking it necessary that God should be provided of a pre-existent , and by him not created Matter to make the World of , yet at least they discern'd and acknowledg'd the necessity of a Wise and Powerful Agent to dispose and fashion this rude Matter , and contrive it into so goodly a Structure , as we behold , without imagining with Epicurus , that chance should turn a Chaos into a World. And really it is much more unlikely , that so many admirable Creatures that constitute this one exquisite and stupendous Fabrick of the World should be made by the casual confluence of falling Atoms , justling or knocking one another in the immense vacuity , then that in a Printers Working-house a multitude of small Letters , being thrown upon the Ground , should fall dispos'd into such an order , as clearly to exhibit the History of the Creation of the World , describ'd in the 3 or 4 first Chapters of Genesis , of which History , it may be doubted whether chance may ever be able to dispose the fallen Letters into the Words of one Line . I ignore not that sometimes odde Figures , and almost Pictures may be met with , and may seem casually produc'd in Stones , and divers other inanimate Bodies : And I am so far from denying this , that I may elsewhere have opportunity to shew You , that I have been no carelesse Observer of such Varieties . But first , even in divers Minerals , as we may see in Nitre , Chrystal , and several others , the Figures that are admired are not produc'd by chance , but by something analogous to seminal Principles , as may appear by their uniform regularity in the same sort of Concretions , and by the practice of some of the skilfullest of the Salt-peter Men , who when they have drawn as much Nitre as they can out of the Nitrous Earth , cast not the Earth away , but preserve it in heaps for six or seven Years ; at the end of which time , they finde it impregnated with new Salt-peter , produced chiefly by the seminal Principle of Nitre implanted in that Earth . To prove that Metalline Bodies were not all made at the beginning of the World , but have some of them a Power , though slowly to propagate their Nature when they meet with a disposed Matter ; you may finde many notable Testimonies and Relations in a little Book of Physico-Chymical Questions , Written by Jo : Conradus Gerhardus , a Germane Doctor , and most of them recited ( together with some of his own ) by the Learned Sennertus : But lest you should suspect the Narratives of these Authors , as somewhat partial to their Fellow Chymists Opinions , I shall here annex that memorable Relation which I finde Recorded by Linschoten , and Garcias ab Horto , a pair of unsuspected Writers in this case concerning Diamonds , whereby it may appear that the seminal Principles of those precious Stones , as of Plants , are lodg'd in the Bowels of the Mine they grow in : Diamonds ( says the first , in that Chapter of his Travels where he treats of those Jewels ) are digg'd like Gold out of Mines , where they digg'd one year the length of a Man into the Ground , within three or four years after there are found Diamonds again in the same place , which grow there ; sometimes they finde Diamonds of 400 or 800 Grains . Adamantes ( says the latter ) qui altissimè in terrae visceribus , multisque annis perfici debebant in summo fere solo generantur & duorum aut trium annorum spatio perficiuntur : Nam si in ipsa fodina hoc anno ad cubiti altitudinem fodias Adamantes reperies . Post biennium rursus illic excavato ibidem , invenies Adamantes . And next , how inconsiderable , alass , are these supposed Productions of Chance , in comparison of the elaborate Contrivances of Nature in Animals ? since in the Body of Man , for instance , of so many hundred Parts it is made up of , there is scarce any that can be either left out , or made otherwise then as it is , or plac'd elsewhere then where it is , without an apparent detriment to that curious Engine ; some of whose parts , as the Eye , and the valves of the Veins , would be so unfit for any thing else , and are so fitted for the uses that are made of them , that 't is so far from being likely that such skilful Contrivances should be made by any Being not intelligent , that they require a more then ordinary Intelligence to comprehend how skilfully they are made . As for the account that Lucretius , out of Epicurus , gives us of the first Production of Men , in I know not what Wombs adhering to the Ground , and which much more becomes him as a Poet , then as a Philosopher , I shall not here waste time to manifest its unlikelyness , that witty Father * Lactantius having already done that copiously for me . And indeed it seems so pure a Fiction , that were it not that the Hypothesis he took upon him to maintain , could scarce afford him any less extravagant account of the Original of Animals , The unsuitableness of this Romance , to those excellent Notions with which he has enriched divers other parts of his Works , would make me apt to suspect , that when he writ this part of his Poem , he was in one of the Fits of that Phrensie , which some , even of his Admirers , suppose him to have been put into by a Philtre given him by his either Wife , or Mrs Lucillia ; in the Intervals of which , they say , that he writ his Books . And here let us further consider , That as confidently as many Atomists , and other Naturalists , presume to know the true and genuine Causes of the Things they attempt to explicate , yet very often the utmost they can attain to in their Explications , is , That the explicated Phaenomena May be produc'd after such a Manner as they deliver , but not that they really Are so : For as an Artificer can set all the Wheels of a Clock a going , as well with Springs as with Weights , and may with violence discharge a Bullet out of the Barrel of a Gun , not onely by means of Gunpowder , but of compress'd Air , and even of a Spring . So the same Effects may be produc'd by divers Causes different from one another ; and it will oftentimes be very difficult , if not impossible for our dim Reasons to discern surely which of those several ways , whereby it is possible for Nature to produce the same Phaenomena she has really made use of to exhibit them . And sure , he that in a skilful Watch-makers Shop shall observe how many several ways Watches and Clocks may be contriv'd , and yet all of them shew the same things , and shall consider how apt an ordinary Man , that had never seen the inside but of one sort of Watches , would be , to think that all these are contriv'd after the same manner , as that whose Fabrick he has already taken notice of ; such a Person , I say , will scarce be backward to think that so admirable an Engineer as Nature , by many pieces of her Workmanship , appears to be , can , by very various and differing Contrivances , perform the same things ; and that it is a very easie mistake for Men to conclude , that because an Effect may be produc'd by such determinate Causes , it must be so , or actually is so . And as confident as those we speak of use to be , of knowing the true and adequate Causes of Things , yet Epicurus himself , as appears by ancient Testimony , and by his own Writings , was more modest , not onely contenting himself , on many occasions , to propose several possible ways whereby a Phaenomenon may be accounted for , but sometimes seeming to dislike the so pitching upon any one Explication , as to exclude and reject all others : And some Modern Philosophers that much favor his Doctrine , do likewise imitate his Example , in pretending to assign not precisely the true , but possible Causes of the Phaenomenon they endeavor to explain . And I remember , that Aristotle himself ( what ever confidence he sometimes seems to express ) does in his first Book of Meteors ingeniously confess , that concerning many of Natures Phaenomena , he thinks it sufficient that they May be so perform'd as he explicates them . But granting that we did never so certainly know in the general that these Phaenomena of Nature must proceed from the Magnitudes , Figures , Motions , and thence resulting Qualities of Atoms , yet we may be very much to seek as to the particular Causes of this or that particular Effect or Event : For it is one thing to be able to shew it possible for such and such Effects to proceed from the Various Magnitudes , Shapes , Motions , and Concretions of Atoms , and another thing to be able to declare what precise , and determinate Figures , Sizes , and Motions of Atoms , will suffice to make out the propos'd Phaenomena , without incongruity to any others to be met with in Nature : As it is one thing for a Man ignorant of the Mechanicks to make it plausible , that the motions of the fam'd Clock at Strasburge are perform'd by the means of certain Wheels , Springs , and Weights , &c. and another to be able to describe distinctly , the Magnitude , Figures , Proportions , Motions , and ( in short ) the whole Contrivance either of that admirable Engine , or some other capable to perform the same things . Nay , a Lover of disputing would proceed farther , and question that way of reasoning , which even the eminentest Atomists are wont to employ to demonstrate that they explicate things aright . For the grand Argument by which they use to confirm the truth of their Explications , is , That either the Phaenomenon must be explicated after the manner by them specified , or else it cannot at all be explicated intelligibly : In what sense we disallow not , but rather approve this kinde of Ratiocination , we may elsewhere tell you . But that which is in this place more fit to be represented , is , That this way of arguing seems not in our present case so Cogent , as they that are wont to imploy it think it to be : For besides that , it is bold to affirm and hard to prove that , what they cannot yet explicate by their Principles , cannot possibly be explicated by any other Men , or any other Philosophy ; besides this , I say , that which they would reduce their Adversaries to , as an Absurdity , seems not to deserve that name : For supposing the Argument to be conclusive , That either the propos'd Explication must be allow'd , or Men can give none at all that is intelligible , I see not what absurdity it were to admit of the consequence : For who has demonstrated to us , That Men must be able to explicate all Natures Phaenomena , especially since divers of them are so abstruse , that even the Learned'st Atomists scruple not to acknowledge their being unable to give an account of them . And how will it be prov'd that the Omniscient God , or that admirable Contriver , Nature , can exhibit Phaenomena by no wayes , but such as are explicable by the dim Reason of Man ? I say , Explicable rather then Intelligible ; because there may be things , which though we might understand well enough , if God , or some more intelligent Being then our own , did make it h●s Work to inform us of them , yet we should never of our selves finde out those Truths . As an ordinary Watch-maker may be able to understand the curiousest Contrivance of the skilfullest Artificer , if this Man take care to explain his Engine to him , but would never have understood it if he had not been taught . Whereas to explicate the Nature and Causes of the Phaenomena we are speaking of , we must not onely be able to understand , but to investigate them . And whereas it is peremptorily insisted on by some Epicureans , who thereby pretend to demonstrate the excellency and certainty of their Explications , that according to them , Nature is declar'd to produce things in the way that is most facile and agreeable to our Reason : It may be replyed , That what we are to enquire after , is , how Things have been , or are really produced , not whether or no the manner of their Production be such , as may the most easily be understood by us : For if all things were , as those we reason withal maintain , casually produced , there is no reason to imagine that Chance considered what manner of their Production would be the most easily intelligible to us . And if God be allowed to be , as indeed he is , the Author of the Universe , how will it appear that He , whose Knowledge infinitely transcends ours , and who may be suppos'd to operate according to the Dictates of his own immense Wisdom , should , in his Creating of things , have respect to the measure and ease of Humane Understandings , and not rather , if of any , of Angelical Intellects , so that whether it be to God , or to Chance , that we ascribe the Production of things , that way may often be fittest or likelyest for Nature to work by , which is not easiest for us to understand . And as for the way of arguing , so often imploy'd ( especially against the Truth we now contend for ) and so much rely'd on by many Modern Philosophers , namely , That they cannot clearly conceive such or such a thing propos'd , and therefore think it fit to be rejected ; I shall readily agree with them in the not being forward to assent to any thing , especially in Philosophy , that cannot well be conceiv'd by knowing and considering Men : But there is so much difference among Men , as to their faculty of framing distinct Notions of th●ngs , and through Mens partiality or lazyness , many a particular Person is so much more apt , then these Men seem to be aware of , to think , or at least , to pretend , that he cannot conceive , what he has no minde to assent to , that a Man had need be wary how he rejects Opinions , that are impugn'd onely by this way of Ratiocination , by which , I hope , it will not be expected that we should be more prevail'd with , then that Sect of Philosophers that imploys it most . And among those that resolve the Phaenomena of Nature into the Mechanical Powers of Things , or the various Figures , Sizes and Motions of the parts of Matter ; I meet with some , as the Epicureans , who tell us , They cannot frame a Notion of an Incorporeal Substance or Spirit , nor conceive how , if the Soul were such , it could act upon the Body : And yet others that seem no less speculative , seriously and solemnly professe , That they can conceive a clear and distinct Notion of a Spirit , which they believe the humane Soul , that regulates at least , if not produces divers Motions of the Body , to be ; denying on the other side , That it can be clearly conceiv'd , either that any thing that is onely material can think , or that there can possibly be any Vacuum ( that is , Place without any Body ) in the Universe ; both which the Epicureans profess themselves not onely to conceive as Possible , but to believe as True. And thus much , Pyrophilus , it may suffice to have said in relation to those who would reject God from having any thing to do , either in the Production or Government of the World , upon this ground , that they , if you will believe them , can explicate the Original and Phaenomena of it without him ; but 't is not all , nor the greatest part of the Favorers of the Atomical Philosophy , that presume so much of themselves , and derogate so much from God : To say therefore something to the more moderate and judicious of that Perswasion , we will candidly propose on their behalf the most plausible Objection we can foresee against the Truth we have been all this while pleading for . They may then thus argue against us , That though the Atomists cannot sufficiently demonstrate from what Natural Causes every particular Effect proceeds , and satisfactorily explicate after what determinate manner each particular Phaenomenon is produc'd ; yet it may suffice to take away the necessity of having recourse to a Deity , that they can make out in general , That all the things that appear in the World , may , and must be perform'd by meerly corporeal Agents ; or if you please , That all Natures Phaenomena may be produc'd by the parcels of the great Mass of Universal Matter , variously shap'd , connected , and mov'd . As a Man that sees a screw'd Gun shot off , though he may not be able to describe the number , bigness , shape and coaptation of all the Pieces of the Lock , Stock , and Barrel , yet he may readily conceive that the Effects of the Gun , how wonderful soever they may seem , may be perform'd by certain pieces of Steel or I●on , and some parcels of Wood , of Gun powder , and of Lead , all fashion'd and put together according to the exigency of the Engine , and will not doubt , but that they are produc'd by the power of some such Mechanical Contrivance of things purely Corporeal , without the assistance of spiritual or supernatural Agents . In answer to this Objection , I must first profess to you , That I make a great doubt whether there be not some Phaenomena in Nature , which the Atomists cannot satisfactorily explain by any Figuration , Motion , or Connection of material Particles whatsoever : For some Faculties and Operations of the reasonable Soul in Man , are of so peculiar and transcendent a kinde , that as I have not yet found them solidly explicated by corporeal Principles , so I expect not to see them in haste made out by such . And if a spiritual Substance be admitted to enter the Composition of a Man , and to act by and upon his Body ; besides that , one of the chief and fundamental Doctrines of the Epicureans ( namely , That there is nothing in the Universe but Corpus and Inane ) will thereby be subverted ; it will appear that an Incorporeal and Intelligent Being may work upon Matter , which would argue , at least a possibility that there may be a spiritual Deity , and that he may intermeddle with , and have an influence upon the Operations of things Corporeal : But to insist no longer on this , let us give a further and direct Answer to the propos'd Objection , by representing , That although as things are now established in the World , an Atomist were able to explain the Phaenomena we meet with , by supposing the parts of Matter to be of such Sizes , and such Shapes , and to be mov'd after such a manner as is agreeable to the Nature of the particular Phaenomenon to be thereby exhibited , yet it would not thence necessarily follow , That at the fi●st production of the World , there was no need of a most powerful and intelligent Being to dispose that Chaos , or confus'd heap of numberless Atoms into the World , to establish the universal and conspiring Harmonie of things ; and especially to connect those Atoms into those various seminal Contextures , upon which most of the more abstruse Operations , and elaborate Productions of Nature appear to depend : For many things may be perform'd by Matter variously figur'd and mov'd , which yet would never be perform'd by it , if it had been still left to it self without being , at first at least , fashion'd after such a manner , and put into such a Motion by an Intelligent Agent . As the Quill that a Philosopher writes with , being dipt in Ink , and then mov'd after such and such a manner upon White Paper , all which are Corporeal things , may very well trace an excellent and rational Discourse ; but the Quill would never have been mov'd after the requisite manner upon the Paper , had not its motion been guided and regulated by the Understanding of the Writer : Or rather , yet once more to resume our former Example of the Strasbourgh Clock , though a skilful Artist , admitted to examine and consider it , both without and within , may very well discern that such Wheels , Springs , Weights , and other Pieces of which the Engine consists , being set together in such a coapt●tion , are sufficient to produce such and such Motions , and such other Effects as that Clock is celebrated for , yet the more he discerns the aptness and sufficiency of the parts to produce the Effects emergent from them , the less he will be apt to suspect that so curious an Engine was produc'd by any casual concurrence of the Parts it consists of , and not rather by the skill of an intelligent and ingenious Contriver ; or that the Wheels , and other parts , were of this or that Size , or this or that determinate Shape , for any other reason , then because it pleas'd the Artificer to make them so ; though the reason that mov'd the Artificer to employ such Figures and Quantities , sooner then others , may well be suppos'd to have been , that the Nature of his Design made him think them very proper and commodious for its accomplishment , if not better then any other suited to the several Exigencies of it . If an Epicurean should be told , that a Man , after having been for some days really dead , became alive again , I think it will not be doubted , but that he would reject such a Relation as impossible , and therefore too manifestly false to be believed by any Man in his Wits : And yet , according to his Principles , the Man , as well Soul as Body , consisted onely of divers Particles of the Universal Matter , by various Motions brought together , and dispos'd after a certain manner : And consequently , he must ground his perswasion that 't is impossible to redintegrate the Engine once spoil'd by death , upon this , That as Chance cannot with the least probablity be presum'd to have produc'd such a strange Effect ; so according to him , there can be no Cause assign'd , knowing and powerful enough , to rally and bring together again the disbanded and scattered parcels of Matter ( or substitute other equivalent ones ) that together with the remaining Carcase , compos'd the dead Man , so to reunite them to the rest ; and lastly , so to place and put into Motion both the one and the other , as were requisite to make a living Man once more result from them . I know that this Example reaches not all the Circumstances of the Controversie we have been debating ; but yet , if I mistake not , it will serve the turn for which I propose it : For , not now to insist upon this inference from it , That a considering Man may confidently reject a thing that is not absolutely impossible , provided it be highly incredible ; not to insist on this , I say , the thing I aim at in the mention of it , is onely to shew , That such things may possibly be effected by Matter and Motion , as no wise Man will believe to have been produc'd by a bare Agitation of the Particles of Matter , not guided by the superintendency of a Powerful and Knowing Director . Now that the Atoms , or Particles of Matter of which the World consists , made no agreement with each other to convene and settle in the manner requisite to constitute the Universe , Lucretius does not so properly confess , as affirm , in that fore-cited Passage where he judiciously tells us , That — Certè neque consiliis Primordia rerum Ordine se quaeque , atque sagaci mente locarunt : Nec quos quaeque darent Motus pepigêre profecto . And the thing it self is manifest enough , from the Nature of Atoms confessedly inanimate and devoid of understanding . So that although we should grant , Pyrophilus , the possible Emergency of the innumerable Effects we admire in the World , from the various Properties and Coalitions of Atoms , yet still you see the formerly mention'd difficulty ( touching the Resulting of All things from Matter left to it self ) would recur ; and it would as well be incredible that an innumerable multitude of insensible Particles , as that a lesser number of bigger Parcels of Matter , should either conspire to constitute , or fortuitously justle themselves into so admirable and harmonious a Fabrick as the Universe , or as the Body of Man ; and consequently it is not credible that they should constitute either , unless as their motions were ( at least , in order to their seminal Contextures and primary Coalitions ) regulated and guided by an intelligent Contriver and Orderer of things . And I should so littte think it a Disparagement to have but so much said of any Hypothesis of mine , that I suppose I may affirm it , without offending either the most sober , or the generality of the Atomical Philosophers , to whom , and to their Doctrine , my Writings will manifest me to be no otherwise affected then I ought . ESSAY V. Wherein the Discourse interrupted by the late Digression , is resumed and concluded . IT remains now , Pyroph : that we at length return into the way from whence the foregoing Digression has , I fear , too long diverted us , and that to prosecute and finish our Discourse , we take it up where we left it and were tempted to digress , namely , at the end of the III Essay ; betwixt which , and the beginning of this V , all that has been interpos'd may be look'd upon but as a long Parenthesis . In the third place then I consider , That whether or no it be true which our Antagonists suggest , that there are some things in Nature which tempt Philosophers more then they doe the Vulgar , to doubt or deny a God ; yet certainly there are divers things in Nature that do much conduce to the evincing of a Deity , which Naturalists either alone discern , or at least discern them better then other Men : For besides the abstruse Properties of particular Bodies , not discover'd by any but those that make particular Enquiries into those Bodies , there are many things in Nature , which to a superficial Observer seem to have no relation to one another ; whereas to a knowing Naturalist , that is able to discern their secret Correspondencies and Alliances , these things which seem to be altogether Irrelative each to other , appear so Proportionate and so Harmonious both betwixt themselves , and in reference to the Universe they are parts of , that they represent to him a very differing and incomparably better Prospect then to another Man : As he that looks upon a Picture made up of scatter'd and deform'd pieces , beholding them united into one Face , by a Cylindrical Looking-glass aptly plac'd , discerns the skill of the Artist that drew it , better then he that looks onely on the single parts of that Picture , or upon the whole Picture , without the uniting Cylinder . Which brings into my minde , That whereas in the Sacred Story of the Creation , when mention is made of Gods having consider'd the Works of each of the first six Days , at the end of it , it is said of the Work of every Day , That God saw that it was good ( except of the second Day , because the separation of the Waters was but imperfectly made on that day , and compleated in the next , on which it is therefore twice said , That God saw that it was good ) whereas , I say , when God look'd upon his Works in particular , it is onely said , That he saw that they were good ; when He is introduc'd at the close of the Creation , as looking upon , and surveying his Creatures in their Harmony , and entire System , it is emphatically said , That he saw every thing that he had made , and behold it was very good . And if Aristotle be indeed the Author of the Book De Mundo ad Alexandrum , which passes for his , and is said to have been Written by him towards the end of his Life , it would not be unworthy our Observation to take notice , how he that in his other Writings is wont to talk of Gods Interest in the Creatures darkly , and hesitantly enough , is wrought upon by the Contemplation of the Universe , as it is an orderly Aggregate or System of the Works of Nature , to make Expressions of the Divine Architect , which are not unworthy of Aristotle , though being meerly humane they cannot be worthy of God. Amongst many I shall single out some ; and I hope , Pyrophilus , you will excuse me , if in this Essay , and some of the precedent ones , I do contrary to my custom , employ pretty store of Passages taken out of other Authors . For first , the nature of my Design makes it requisite for me to shew what Opinion the Heathen Philosophers had of the Study of Physiology , and what Power their Contemplation of Nature had to engage them to Acts of Religion . And next , since divers of the same Passages wherein they had set down their Opinions , contain'd also the Grounds and Reasons of them , whereby they have anticipated much of what we should say upon the same subjects , I was unwilling to deprive you of their pertinent Ratiocinations , or rob them of the Glory of what they had well Written . And this necessary Apology premis'd , let us proceed to consider his Passages ; and first , Restat ( says he ) ut summatim de Causae disseramus , quae cunctarum ipsa rerum vim habet tutricem & continentem , quemadmodum caetera perstrinximus : Flagitii enim instar esset , cum de mundo dicere instituerim , tractatu si minus exquisito fortasse , at certe qui sat esse possit ad formulam doctrinae crassiorem , intactam praecipuam mundi partem principemque praeterire . And a little after , Etenim ( says he ) cunctarum quae rerum natura complectitur , cum servator est Deus , tum vero quaecunque in hoc mundo quoquomodo perficiuntur eorum omnium idem est Genitor : Non sic tamen ipse ut opificis in morem , animalisque lassitudinem sentientis labore affici possit , ut qui ea facultate utatur , quae nulli cedat difficultati , cujus ipse vi facultatis omnia in potestate continet , nec minus etiam quae longius ab ipso videntur esse summo●a : To which purpose he elsewhere says , Augustius decentiusque existimandum est , Deum summo in loco it a esse collocatum : Numinis ut tamen ejus vis per universum mundum pertingens , tum Solem , Lunamque moveat , tum Coelum omne circumagat , simulque causam praebeat eorum quae in Terra sunt salutis atque incolumitatis : And in the same Book he adds , Ut vero sūmatim loquamur quod in navi Gubernator est , quod in Curru agitator , quod in Choro praecentor , quod denique lex in Civitate , & dux in exerctiu , hoc Deus est in mūdo . Nisi si hactenus interest , quod labor , & motus multiplex illos exercet , & curae angunt variae , cum huic illaborata succedunt ōnia , omnis molestiae expertia . And certainly he that is a stranger to Anatomy , shall never be able to discern in the circulation of the blood , the motion of the Chyle , and the contrivance of all the parts of a humane Body , those Proofs , as well as Effects , of an Omniscient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Artist , which a curious Anatomist will discover in that elaborate and matchless Engine : as I remember , I had occasion not long since to take notice of in the shape of that strange Muscle ( the obturator internus ) which some call from its Figure Marsupialis , serving to the motion of the Thigh . For this Muscle seems so made , as if Nature had design'd in it , to manifest , That she is skill'd in the Mechanicks , not onely as a Mathematician that understands the powers of Distance , Weight , Proportion , Motion and Figure ; but as an Artificer , or Handy-crafts man , who knows by dextrous Contrivances to furnish the more endanger'd parts of his Work , with what is more useful to make it lasting : There being ( to omit other Observables , belonging to that Muscle ) a deep notch made in the Coxendix , to shorten the way betwixt the two extremities of the Muscle , and make it bear upon the Bone with a blunter Angle . And because the Tendon is long , lest , notwithstanding the former provision , it should be apt to fret out upon the edge of the Bone , Nature has provided for it a Musculous piece of Flesh , wherein it is as it were sheath'd , that so it might not immediately bear , and grate upon the Bone ; just as our Artificers use to sow Cases of Leather upon those parts of silken Strings , which being to grate upon harder Bodies , were otherwise endangered to be fretted out by Attrition . And a like skilfulness of Nature in the Mechanical Contrivance of the Parts , is more obviously discernable in the Structure of that admirable Engine , by which such variety of other Engines are made , the Hand : where ( not to mention the Ligamentum latum , or Wrist-band , that keeps the Tendons that move under it from inconveniently starting up upon the Contraction of the respective Muscles ) the wonderful perforations that are made through the Tendons of the Musculi per forat , by those of the Musculi perforantes , for the more commodious motion of the Joynts of the Fingers , may conspicuously manifest the Mechanical Dexterity of Nature ; as it may her Husbanding ( if I may so speak ) of her Work , That in a F●●tus , whil'st it lies in the Womb , because the Lungs are not to be display'd as afterwards , and so the Blood needs not circulate thorow Them from the right Ventricle of the Heart , into the left , for the use of Respiration , as it must in grown Animals , she contrives a nearer way ; and by certain short Pipes , peculiar to such young Creatures , she more commodiously performs in them the Circulation of the Blood , proportion'd to their present condition ; and afterwards , when the Animal is brought out of the Womb into the open Air , and put upon the constant exercise of his Lungs , these temporary Conduit-pipes little by little vanish . So careful is Nature not to do things in vain . And therefore I do not much wonder , that Galen , though I remember he somewhere ( unprovokedly and causelesly enough ) derides Moses , and seems not over much inclin'd to make Religious acknowledgements ; yet when he comes to consider particularly the exquisite Structure of a humane Body , should break forth into very elevated , and even pathetical Celebrations of God , and tell us , That in his Books , De usu Partium , he compos'd Hymns to the Creators praise . And certainly , he that shall see a skilful Anatomist dextrously dissect that admirable part of Man , the Eye , and shall consider the curious Contrivance of the several Coats , Humors , and other Parts it consists of , with all their adaptations and uses , would be easily perswaded , That a good Anatomist has much stronger Invitations to believe , and admire an Omniscient Author of Nature , then he that never saw a Dissection , especially if he should see how all of these concur to make up one Optical Instrument to convey the Species of the visible object to the Optick Nerve , and so to the Brain ; as I have , with pleasure consider'd it , in the recent Eye of a Cat ( for with keeping , it will grow flaccid ) cut cleanly off , where the Optick Nerve enters the Sclerotis , and is going to expand it self into the Retina , for holding this Eye at a convenient distance betwixt yours and a Candle , you may see the Image of a Flame lively exprest upon that part of the back side of the Eye at which the Optick Nerve enters the above-mention'd Sclerotis : Some thing of this kinde we have also shown our Friends with the eyes of dead Men , carefully sever'd from their heads ; and with the ( dexterously taken out ) Christalline humor of a Humane Eye , we have often read , as with a Lens or Magnifying glass . And to assist you in so pleasing a speculation , as that of the Eye , we shall adde , That by reason Ox Eyes are much larger , and much easier to be had then humane ones , we are wont to make much use of them , and to discern some things better in their Coats , we immerse them for a little while in boyling Water , and to be able to consider the form and bigness of the Vitreous and Crystalline humors , better then the fluidity of the one , and the softness of the other are wont to allow Anatomists to do ; we have sometimes , by a way hereafter to be set down , speedily frozen Eyes , and thereby have turn'd the Vitreous humor into very numerous and Diaphanous Films ( as it were of Ice , and the Crystalline into a firm Substance , but ( which perhaps you will wonder at ) not Transparent . An eye thus frozen , may be cut along that which Optical Writers call the Optical Axis , and then it affords an instructive Prospect , which we have not been able to obtain any other way . But because , notwithstanding this Expedient in the Eyes of Men , and the generality of Terrestrial Animals , the Opacousness of the Sclerotis hinders the Pictures that outward Objects ( unless they be lucid ones ) make with in the Eye to be clearly discern'd . We think our selves oblig'd to that excellent Mathematician of your Acquaintance , Pyrophilus , who , upon some Discourse we had with him concerning this Subject , lately advis'd us to make use of the Eyes of white Rabbets ( for if those Animals be of another colour , he says , their Eyes will not prove so fit for our purpose ) For having held some of these Eyes at a convenient distance betwixt my Eyes and the Window , I found them to be so transparent , That the rayes proceeding from the Panes of Glass , Iron Bars , &c. of the Window , passing through the Crystalline humor , and in their passage refracted , did on the Retina exhibit in an inverted Posture , according to the Optical Laws , the contracted , but lively Pictures of those external Objects ; and those Pictures , by reason of the transparency of the Sclerotis , became visible through it to my attentive Eyes : As in a darken'd Room the shadows of Objects without it , projected on a fine sheet of Paper , may , by reason of the thinness of the Paper , be seen thorow it by those that stand behinde it . By Candle-light we could see little in the bottom of these eyes , but lucid Objects , such as the flame of the Candle , which appear'd tremulous , though inverted ; but by Day-light we could manifestly discern in them both the motions of very neighboring Objects , and the more vivid of their colours . And really , Pyrophilus , it seems to me not onely highly dishonorable for a Reasonable Soul to live in so Divinely built a Mansion , as the Body she resides in , altogether unacquainted with the exquisite Structure of it ; but I am confident , it is a great obstacle to our rendring God the Praises due to him , for his having so excellently lodg'd us , that we are so ignorant of the curious Workmanship of the Mansions our Souls live in ; for not onely the Psalmist , from the consideration of the Divine Art display'd by God , in the moulding and fashioning his Body in the Womb , takes a just occasion to celebrate his Maker , I will praise thee ( says he ) because I am fearfully and wonderfully made , marvellous are thy works , and that my Soul knoweth right well : My substance was not hid from thee , when I was made in secret , and curiously wrought ( with as much curiosity as Tapstry or Embrodery , as the Hebrew Rukkamti seems to import ) In the lowest parts of the Earth , thine eyes did see my substance , yet being unperfect ; and in thy Book all my members were written , which in continuance were fashioned , when as yet there were none of them . But even from Galen himself Anatomical Reflections have been able to extort Expressions of Devotion : Cum igitur ( says he ) quod in omnibus recte fit , omnes ad artem referunt , quod ●utem in uno , aut duobus non ad artem , sed fortunam ; merito ex nostri structura corporis licet admirari summam artem , aequitatem , & vim naturae , quae nos construxit . Constat siquidem corpus nostrum ex ossibus pluribus quam ducentis , ad singula ossa vero pervenit nutriens vena ; sicut ad musculos : cum hâc etiam arteria , & Nervi ; pariaque adamussimsunt , & animo similia in dextra animantis parte sita , iis quae in altera sunt ; Os ossi , Musculus musculo , Vena vena , Arteria arteriae , ac Nervus nervo ; idque exceptis visceribus , atque nonnullis particulis quae habere propriam descriptionem videntur . Duplices itaque corporis nostri partes , omnino inter se sunt similes , & magnitudine & conformatione , sicuti & consistentia quam voco juxta mollitiem , duritiemque differentia . Quemadm●dum igitur de Humanis effectibus judicium facimus , ex navi summa arte constructa cognoscentes peritiam artificis , ita etiam de Divinis facere convenit , corporisque nostri Opificem admirari , quicunque tandem is Deorum existat , etiamsi eum non videmus . Perhaps it may be truly said yet further , That although in humane Bodies , many Wonders , as we have lately mention'd , have been discover'd to us by Anatomy , yet Anatomy it self has not discover'd to us all the Wonders to be met with in a humane Body , nor will detect them , till Anatomists be skill'd in some other things over and above that of dexterously Dissecting : For it seems very probable , that the excellent contrivance of some parts will never be fully apprehended , without a competent knowledge of the Nature of those Juices tha● are to pass thorow them , and some of them receive their beginning or some alteration in them ; And the Nature of these Juices will scarce be exactly known , without some skill in divers parts of Physiology , and especially in Chymistry . Besides , the reason of the Origination , Shape , Bulk , Length , Progress , and Infection of each particular Muscle , can hardly be well accounted for , without some skill in the Principles of Mechanicks , and in the nature and properties of Leavers , Pulleys , &c. Moreover , there is a certain Harmonious Proportion betwixt the parts of a humane Body , in reference both to the whole , and to one another , which is not wont to be heeded by Anatomists , but much taken notice of by Statuaries and Painters : For they reckon , that when a Mans Arms are display'd , the distance betwixt his middle Fingers is equal to the height of his Body ; so they reckon sometimes seven , sometimes eight lengths of the Head , to the length of the Body , and four times the length of the Nose to that of the Head , as three times the same length to that of the Face : And divers such Observations we have met with among them , which we shall not now insist on , but rather tell you , That without some skill in Opticks , it will be hard for an Anatomist to shew the Wisdom of God in making the Crystalline humor of the Eyes of Men , onely of a somewhat convex or lenticular form , rather then as those of Fishes of an almost perfectly Spherical one . Nor do I remember that in Anatomy Schools I have heard any account given of this difference , which yet tends much to manifest the Wisdom of the Author of Nature , who has so excellently suited the Eyes of Animals to the several parts of the Universe he design'd them to inhabit . For Men , and other Terrestrial Animals living in the Air , the Beams of Light , reflected from visible Objects , and falling over the Cornea and the Aqueous humor , do necessarily suffer a Refraction there , as coming from the Air , which is a thinner Medium into a thicker , and so there needs the less of further Refraction to be made by the Crystalline humor , and consequently its Figure needs to be but moderately convex ; whereas Fishes living constantly in the Water , the Medium , through which they see things , is almost of a like thickness with the Cornea and Aqueous humor ; so that there being little or no Refraction made in their Eyes but by the Crystalline it self , it was necessary that that should be exceedingly convex , that it might make a very great Refraction , and thereby unite the Beams nearer at hand ; which if the Crystalline were less convex , would tend to a point of Concourse beyond the Retina , and consequently paint on it but a languid and confus'd Picture of the Object they should represent . As for Paracelsus , certainly he is injurious to Man , if ( as some eminent Chymists expound him ) he calls Man a Microcosm , because his Body is really made up of all the several kindes of Creatures the Macrocosm or greater World consists of , and so is but a Model or Epitomy of the Universe : For ( to omit that the Antients ( as Galen informs us ) gave the Title of Microcosms to Animals in general ) 't is the Glory and Prerogative of Man , that God was pleas'd to make him not after the Worlds Image , but His own . On which occasion , give me leave to tell you , That however , the consideration of the dignity conferr'd on us in the Image of God , ( in whatever that Image be resolv'd to consist ) should , methinks , be some engagement to us to look upon our selves as belonging unto God ; As our Saviour , from the Image of Caesar stampt upon a Coyn , pronounc'd it fit to render unto Caesar the things of Caesar , and to God , those of God. In the fourth place , I consider that the universal experience of all Ages manifests , That the contemplation of the World has been much more prevalent to make those that have addicted themselves to it , Believers , then Denyers of a Deity : For 't is very apparent that the old Philosophers , for the most part , acknowledg'd a God , and as evident it is by their want of revelation , by many Passages in their Writings , and by divers other things not now to be insisted on , That the consideration of the works of Nature , was the chief thing that Induc'd them to acknowledge a Divine Author of them . This Truth I could easily make out , were I at leisure to transcribe Testimonies , which , because I am not , I shall content my self to mention to you one , which may well serve for many , it being a Confession made by Aristotle , or whatever other Learned Philosopher it was , who writ the Book De Mundo , That Gods being the Architect and Upholder of the World , was the general belief of the Ages that preceded his : Vetus ( says he ) sermo est à majoribus proditus , inter omnes homines , universa tum ex Deo tum per Deū constituta fuisse , atque coagmentata , nullamque naturam satis instructam ad salutem esse posse , quae citra Dei praesidium , suae ipsa demum tutela permissa sit : And as for both the Opinion of that eminent Author himself , and the Grounds of it , he speaks of God and the Creation almost in the terms of St Paul : Proinde ( says he ) haec etiam de Deo sentienda nobis sunt , illo quidem , si vim spectes , Valentissimo , si decorem , Formosissimo , si vitam Immortali , denique si virtutem Praestantissimo . Quapropter cum sit inconspicabilis naturae omni interiturae , ipsis nihilominus ipse cernitur ab operibus , atque ea quidem quae aëre quoquomodo affecto , quae in terra , quae in aqua , ea certe Dei opera esse merito dixerimus ; Dei inquam opera , eum imperio summo Mundum , ac pro potestate obtinentis , Ex quo deo ut inquit Empedocles Physicus . Omnia quotquot erunt , quot sunt praesentia , quotque Orta fuere antehac stirpes , hominesque feraeque Inde etiam volucres , piscesque humoris Alumni . And those few Philosophers ( if ever there have been any at all ) that have been really Atheists , are no ways considerable for their number , in respect of those that have asserted a Deity ; and their Paradoxes have been lookt upon as so Irrational , that as soon as they have been propos'd , they have been disdainfully rejected and condemn'd by all the rest of Man-kinde , who have look'd upon the Patrons of them as Monsters rather then Philosophers . And if there be , at this day , any Nations ( as Navigators inform us there are in Brasil , and some other parts of the Indies ) that worship no God , they consist not of Naturalists , but Bruit , and Irrational Barbarians , who may be suppos'd rather to ignore the Being of God , then deny it ; and who at least are little less strangers to the Mysteries of Nature , then to the Author of it . And if it be a Truth that there are really such Atheistical People , it may serve to recommend to us the Study of Physiology , by shewing us , That without the help of any such innate belief , or perswasion of a God , as is suppos'd connatural to Man , Reason exercis'd upon the Objects the Creation presents us with , is sufficient to convince Philosophers of a Deity ; and indeed such a care has God taken , to make his Being conspicuous in his Creatures , that they all seem loudly and unanimously to speak to their attentive Considerers , in the Psalmists Language , Know ye that the Lord , he is God : 't is he that hath made us , and not we our selves : And as it is said , That the Stars in their courses fought against Sisera , so it may be truly said , That not onely the Stars , but all the rest of the Creatures do in their courses fight against the Atheists , by supplying an unprejudic'd Considerer of them with Weapons fit to over-throw his impious Error . To which purpose , I remember Aristotle , in his Book De Mundo , makes use of a pretty Simile to declare the conspicuousness of the Creator in his Creatures : Fama est ( says he ) Phidiam illum statuarium , quum Minervam illam quae est in Arce , coagmentaret , in medio ejus scuto faciem suam expressisse , oculosque fallenti artificio ita devinxisse simulachro , eximere ut inde ipsam siquis cuperet , minime posset , aliter quidem certe , quam ut ipsum solveret simulachrum , opusque ejusmodi compactile confunderet ; Hanc eandem rationem Deus habet in Mundo ut pote qui universorum coagmentationem cohaerentem cohibeat & coarctet , incolumitaetemque Universitatis conservet ; Nisi quatenus non medio ille loco in Terra scilicet , ubi Turbida Regio est , sed in excelso situs est , purus ipse in puro loco . But to declare how Atheists may be reduc'd either to confess a first Cause , or to offer violence to their own Faculties , by denying things as certain as those , which 't is apparent that ( in other cases ) themselves firmly assent to , would require a Discourse too large to be proper to be prosecuted here ; and therefore if I have not , in another Treatise , an opportunity of insisting on that subject , I must content my self to refer you for further satisfaction on it , to the Writers of Natural Theology . Nor does Physiology barely conduce to make Men believe the existence of a Deity , but admire and celebrate the Perfections of it : And the noblest Worship from that greater part of the World , to which God did not vouchsafe any explicite and particular Revelation of his Will , hath been paid Him , by those whom the beauty of this goodly Temple of the Universe , transported with a rational Wonder at the Wisdom , Power , and Goodness of the Divine Architect . And this kinde of Devotion being commonly proportionate to the discoveries of Nature that begot it , it needs not seem strange , that divers of the best Philosophers amongst the Heathens , should be the greatest Celebrators of God : And 't was therefore perhaps not without cause that the Indian Gymnosophists , the Persian Magi , the Egyptian Sacrificers , and the old ●auls De●ides , were to their Peoples both Philosophers and Priests ; and that in divers Civiliz'd Nations , Philosophy and Priesthood were so ally'd , that those whose Profession should give them most interest in the definition of Man , made a more strict profession of celebrating and praising God. I might easily , with divers Instances , manifest how great a Veneration the Study of the Creatures has given Philosophers , for those Attributes of God that are stamp'd upon them , and conspicuous in them : But my willingness to hasten to the more Experimental part of what I have to say concerning the usefulness of Physiology , makes me content my self to present you with a couple , or a leash of Authorities , for proof of what has bee● alledg'd ; the first shall be of Galen , in his third Book De usu Partium , where treating of the Skin that invests the sole of the Foot : Cutem ipsam ( says he ) non laxam , aut subtilem , a●t mollem , sed constrictam , & mediocritèr duram , sensilemque ut non facile pateretur subdidit pedi sapientissimus Conditor noster : Cui commentarios hos , ceu hymnos quosdam compono , & in e● pietatem esse existimans , non si Taurorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ei plurimus quispiam sacrificarit , & casias aliaque sexcenta unguenta suffumigarit : Sed si noverim ipse primus deinde exposuerim aliis quaenam sit ipsius Sapientia , quae Virtus , quae Providentia , quae Bonitus ; ignorantia quorum summa Impietas est , non si à sacrificio abstineas . Quod enim cultu convenienti exornavit omnia , nullique bona inviderit id perfectissimae Bonitatis specimen esse statu● , Invenisse autem quo pacto omnia adornarentur summae Sapientiae est , at effecisse omnia quae voluit Virtutis est invictae . To which Illustrious Passage he annexes much more , worthy of Galens Pen , and your perusal . To this let me adde , in the second place , that of Hermes Trismegistus , almost at the very beginning of his first Book , Englished by Dr. Everard : He that shall learn and study the things that are , and how they are ordered and governed , and by whom , and for what cause , or to what end , will acknowledge thanks to the Work-man , as to a good Father , an excellent Nurse , and a faithful Steward ; and he that gives Thanks shall be Pious or Religious , and he that is Religious shall know both where the Truth is , and what it is ; and learning that , he will be yet more and more Religious : To which I cannot but adde a resembling Passage of that great Hermetical Philosopher ( as his Followers love to call him ) Paracelsus : Oppido ( says he ) admir abilis , in suis Operibus , Deus est ; à quorum contemplatione nec interdiu , nec noctu desistendum , sed jugiter illorum indagationi vacandum est , Hoc enim est ambulare in Viis Dei. All which bears witness to , and may , in exchange , receive Authority from that remarkable passage of that Great and Solid Philosopher , Sir Francis Bacon , who scruples not somewhere to affirm , " That it is an assured Truth , and a conclusion of Experience , That a little or superficial taste of Philosophy , may , perchance , incline the minde of a Man to Atheism , but a full Draught thereof , brings the Minde back again to Religion . For in the entrance of Philosophy , when the Second Causes , which are next unto the Senses , do offer themselves to the Minde of Man , and the Minde it self cleaves unto them , and dwells there , a forgetfulness of the Highest Cause may creep in : But when a Man passeth further , and beholds the Dependency , Continuation , and Confederacy of Causes , and the Works of Providence , then according to the Allegory of the Poets , he will easily believe that the highest Link of Natures Chain must needs be tyed to the foot of Jupiters Chair ; or ( to speak our Chancellors thoughts more Scripturally ) That Physiology , like Jacobs Vision , discovers to us a Ladder , whose top reaches up to the foot-stool of the Throne of God : To which he deservedly addes , Let no Man , upon a weak conceit of sobriety , or ill-applyed moderation , think or maintain that a Man can search too far , or be too well studied in the Book of Gods Word , or in the Book of Gods Works , Divinity , or Philosophy : But rather le● Men awake themselves , and chearfully endeavor and pursue an endless progress or proficiency in both ; onely let them beware lest they apply Knowledge to Swelling , not to Charity ; to Ostentation , not to Use : And again , That they do not unwisely mingle and confound these distinct Learnings of Theology and Philosophy , and their several Waters together . In the fifth place , Pyrophilus , I consider , that when the Divines we are answering suppose Physiology likely to render a Man an Atheist , they do it ( as hath above been noted already ) upon this Ground , That Natural Philosophy may enable him to explicate both the regular Phaenomena , and the aberrations of Nature , without having recourse to a first Cause or God. But though this supposal were as great a Truth , as we have endeavored to make it a Mistake , yet I see not why a Studier of Physiology , though never so great a Proficient in it , may not rationally be an utter Enemy to Atheism : For the Contemplation of the Creatures , is but one of the ways of coming to be convinc'd that there is a God ; and therefore , though Religion were unable to make use of the Argument drawn from the Works of Nature , to prove the existence of a Deity , yet has she other Arguments enough besides , to keep any Considerate and Impartial Man from growing an Atheist . And here give me leave , for the sake of these Divines , to observe , That though the Devils be Spirits , not onely extreamly knowing in the Properties of Things ( by their hidden skill in Physiology , by which they teach Magicians , and their other Clients , to do divers of the strange things for which they are admired ) But also unmeasureably proud , and willing to pervert their knowledge to the cherishing of Atheism ; yet St. James informs us , That they themselves believe there is a God , and tremble at him ; which argues , either that skill in Natural Philosophy does not necessarily lead to Atheism , or that there are other Arguments , besides those drawn from Science , sufficient to convince the most refractary of the existence of a Deity . But not to insist on any thing of this nature , nor so much as to mention what proofs the consideration of our own Minds , and their in-bred Notions , may affo●d us of a Deity , I shall content my self to minde you , That the several Patefactions which God has been pleas'd to make of himself , to Man especially , those made by seasonably accomplish'd Prophesies , and by Miracles , do not onely demonstrate the Being , but the Providence , and divers of the Attributes of God. And indeed , methinks , the Divines we reason with may well allow these Patefactions to be capable of evincing the existence of a God , since they are sufficient , and , for ought I know , the best Arguments we have to convince a rational Man of the truth of the Christian Religion . For the Miracles of Christ ( especially his Resurrection ) and those of his Disciples , by being Works altogether supernatural , overthrow Atheism ; and being owned to be done in Gods Name , and to authorize a Doctrine ascrib'd to his Inspiration ; his Goodness , and his Wisdom , permit us not to believe that he would suffer such numerous , great , and uncontrouled Miracles , to be set as his Seals to a Lie , and delude Men little less then inevitably into the belief of a Doctrine not true . And as for the Miracles themselves ( especially that of Christs Resurrection , so much , and so deservedly insisted on by Peter to the Jews , and Paul to the Gentiles ) the truth of them is so ascertain'd to us by many of the solemnist , and most authentick ways of Attestation , whereby the certainty of Matters of Fact is capable of being satisfactorily made out , that 't is hard to shew how these Testimonies can be deny'd , without denying some acknowledg'd Principle of Reason , or some other received Notion , which these Contradictors Opinions or Practice manifest them to look upon as a truth . And upon this account , so much might be said to evince the reasonableness of assenting to the Christian Religion , and to shew , that as much may be said for it , as need be said for any Religion , and much more then can be said for any other ; that it need be no wonder , that , as Learned Men as ever the World admir'd , have not been many of them Embracers , but some of them Champions of it . But having more fully , in another Treatise , discours'd of this subject , I shall content my self to make this Inference from what has been alledg'd , that since the most Judicious Propugners of Christianity have held and found , that , upon the score of Gods miraculous Revelations of himself , rational Men might be brought to believe the abstruser Articles of the Christian Religion , those Revelations cannot but be sufficient to convince them of so fundamental and refulgent a Truth ( which all the others suppose ) as that of the existence of God. In the sixth and last place , I will here adde ( on this occasion ) that an insight into Physiological Principles , may very much assist a Man to answer the Objections of Atheists , against the Being of a Deity , and the Exceptions they make to the Arguments brought to prove that there is one : For though it has long been the custom of such Men , to talk as if themselves , and those of their minde , were not alone the best , but almost the onely Naturalists ; and to perplex others with pretending , th●t , whereas it is not conceiveable how there can be a God , all things are by the Principles of the Atomical Philosophy , made clear and facil . Though this , I say , have long been us'd among the Opposers of a Deity , yet he that not regarding their confidence , shall attentively consider the very first Principles of things , may plainly enough discern , that of the Arguments wherewith Natural Philosophy has furnish'd Atheists , those that are indeed considerable , are far fewer then one would readily think ; and that the difficulty of conceiving the Eternity , Self-existence , and some other Attributes of God ( though that afford them their grand Objection ) proceeds not so much from any absurdity belonging to the Notion of a Deity , as such ; as from the difficulty which our dim humane Intellects finde to conceive the Nature of those first Things ( whatever we suppose them ) which , to be the Causes of all others , must be themselves without cause : For he that shall attentively consider , what the Atomists themselves may be compell'd to allow concerning the Eternity of Matter , the Origine of local Motion ( which plainly belongs not to the Nature of Body ) the Infinity or Boundlesness of space , the Divisibleness or non-Divisibility of each Corporeal Substance into infinite Material Parts , may clearly perceive that the Atomist , by denying that there is a God , cannot free his Understanding from such puzling Difficulties as he pretends to be the Reasons of his Denyal . For instead of one God , he must confess an infinite number of Atoms to be Eternal , Self-existent , Immortal , Self-moving , and must make Suppositions , incumbred with Difficulties enough to him that has competently accustomed his Thoughts to leave Second Causes beneath them , and contemplate those Causes that have none . But I am unwilling to swell this Essay , by insisting on such Considerations as these , especially since you may finde them more aptly deduc'd in other Papers , some of which treat of the Truth of Christian Religion , and others are design'd for the Illustration of some things in this & the fore-going Essays . For I must confess to you , Pyrophilus , that by reason of the sundry Avocations , I have been so diverted from proposing some of the Reasons I have employ'd , to their best advantage , that I my self , at another time , could have both mention'd them with lesser disadvantage , and have added divers others : And therefore I have not onely had thoughts of enlarging upon some Passages of our past Discourse , but I long since made a Collection ( though it be not now in my power ) of Observations , and Experiments to elucidate a Point in one of those Discourses , whereby may be enervated one of the three chief Physiological Reasonings , that I have met with among the Atheists . Upon consideration of all the Premises , I confess , Pyrophilus , that I am enclined to think there may , perhaps , be more cause to apprehend , that the delightfulness of the Study of Phisiology should too much confine your Thoughts and Joys to the Creatures , then that your Proficiency in it should bring you to dis-believe the Creator : For I have observ'd it to be a fault , incident enough to Ingenious Persons , to let their mindes be so taken up , and , as it were , charm'd with that almost infinite variety of pleasing Objects , which Nature presents to their Contemplation , that they too much dis-relish other Pleasures and Employments , and are too apt to undervalue even those wherewith the improv'd Opportunities of serving God , or holding Communion with Him , are capable of Blessing the Pious Soul. But , Pyroph : though comparatively to Fame , and Mistresses , and Baggs , and Bottles , and those other transient , unsatisfactory , ( in a word ) deluding Objects , on which the greatest part of mistaken Mortals , so fondly dote , the entertaining of our Noblest Faculties , with Objects suited to them , and proper both to gratifie our Curiosity , and to enrich our understandings , with variety of acceptable and useful Notions , affords a satisfaction that very well deserves the choice and preferrence of a rational Creature : Yet certainly , Pyrophilus , as God is infinitely better then all the things that he has made , so the Knowledge of Him is much better then the knowledge of them ; and he that has plac'd so much delightfulness in a Knowledge , wherein he allows his very Enemies to become very great Proficients , has sure reserv'd much Higher , and more contenting Pleasures to sweeten and endear those Disclosures of Himself , which He vouchsafes to none but those that love Him , and are lov'd by Him. And therefore , Pyrophilus , though I will allow you to expect from the Contemplation of Nature a greater satisfaction , then from any thing you need decline for it ▪ yet I would not have you expect from it any such satisfaction as you may entirely acquiess in , for nothing but the enjoyment of Him that made the Soul for Himself can satisfie it , the Creatures being as well uncapable to afford us a compleat Felicity by our Intellectual Speculations of them , as by our sensual Fruitions of them ; for though the knowledge of Nature be preferrable by odds to those other Idols which we have mention'd , as inferior to it , yet we here attain that knowledge , but very imperfectly , and our acquisitions of it cost us so dear , and the Pleasures of them is so allay'd with the disquieting Curiosity they are wont to excite , that the wisest of Men , and greatest of Philosophers among the Antients , scruples not , upon his own experience , to call the addicting of ones heart to seek and search out by Wisdom , concerning all things that are done under the Heaven , a sore travel given by God to the sons of Men , to be exercis'd ( or , as the Original hath it , to afflict themselves ) therewith : And the same experienc'd Writer elsewhere tells us , That he that encreases knowledge , encreases sorrow . And 't was perhaps for this reason that Adam was form'd out of Paradice , and afterwards by God brought into it , to intimate , That Felicity is not a thing that Man can acquire for himself , but must receive as a free gift from the liberal Hand of God : And as the Children of the Prophets sought translated Elias with very great diligence , but with no success , so do we as Fruitlesly as Industriously , seek after perfect Happiness here , both they and we , missing of what we seek for the same reason ; because we seek for that on Earth , which is not to be found but in Heaven : And this I forewarn you of , Pyrophilus , not at all to discourage you from the study of Physiology , but to keep you from meeting with that great Discouragement of finding in it much less of satisfaction then you expected , and over-great expectation from it , being one of the disadvantagiousest Circumstances with which it is possible for any thing to be enjoyed . But at length , Pyrophilus , though late , I begin to discern into how tedious a digression my zeal for Natural Philosophy , and for you , has mis-led me , and how it has drawn from my Pen some Passages , which may seem to relish more of the Preacher , then the Naturalist ; yet I might alledge divers things to justifie , or , at least , extenuate what I have done : As first , That if in making this Excursion I have err'd , I have not done so without the Authority of great Examples ; for not onely Seneca doth frequently both season his Natural Speculations with Moral Documents and Reflections , and owns , that he purposely does so , where he says , Omnibus rebus , omnibusque sermonibus aliquid salutare miscendum est , cum imus per Occulta Naturae , &c. but even Pliny ( as far as he was from being guilty of over-much Devotion ) does from divers Passages in his Natural History , allow himself to take occasion to inveigh against the Luxury , Excesses , and other Epidemical Vices of his time . And I might next represent , that perhaps the endeavoring to manifest , that the knowledge of the Creatures should , and how it may be referr'd to the Creators Glory , is not altogether impertinent to the design I have of promoting Physiology , for it seems consonant both to Gods Goodness , and that repeated Axiome in the Gospel , which tells us , That he that improves his Talents to good uses , shall be intrusted with more , That the imploying the little Knowledge I have in the service of Him I owe it to , may invite Him to encrease that little , and make it less despicable . And perhaps it is not the least cause of our ignorance , in Natural Philosophy it self , that when we study the Great Book of Nature , call'd The Universe , we consult , peradventure , almost all other Expositors to understand its Mysteries , without making any address for instruction to the Author , who yet is justly stil'd in the Scripture , That Father of Lights ( in the plural Number ) from whom descends every good and every perfect Gift , not onely those supernatural Graces , that relate to another World , but those intellectual Endowments , that qualifie Men for the prosperous Contemplation of this : And therefore in the Evangelical Prophet , he is said , to instruct even the Plough man , and teach him the skill and understanding he displays in his own Profession . And though I dare not affirm , with some of the Helmontians and Paracelsians , that God di●closes to Men the Great Mystery of Chymistry by Good Angels , or by Nocturnal Visions , as he once taught Jacob , to make Lambs and Kids come into the World speckled , and ring-streaked ; yet perswaded I am , that the favor of God does ( much more then most Men are aware of ) vouchsafe to promote some Mens Proficiency in the study of Nature , partly by protecting their attempts from those unlucky Accidents which often make Ingenuous and Industrious endeavors miscarry ; and partly by making them dear and acceptable to the Possessors of Secrets , by whose Friendly Communication they may often learn that in a few Moments , which cost the Imparters many a Years toyl and study ; and partly too , or rather principally , by directing them to those happy and pregnant Hints , which an ordinary skill and industry may so improve as to do such things , and make such discoveries by virtue of them , as both others , and the person himself , whose knowledge is thus encreased , would scarce have imagin'd to be possible : And in effect , the chiefest of the Secrets that have been communicated to me , the Owners have acknowledg'd to me to have been attain'd , rather , as they were pleas'd to speak , by accidental Hints , then accurate Enquiries : confessions of this nature I have divers times met with in the Writings of the more Ingenious of the Chymists , and of other Naturalists , and by one of these accidental Hints , of late , the acute and lucky Pecquet was directed to finde the newly discovered Lactea Thoracica , as before him Asellius found without seeking , as himself confesseth , the Lactea Mesenterica ; and by an accident too ( as himself hath told me ) did our industrious Anatomist , Dr. Jolive , first light upon those yet more freshly detected Vessels , which afterwards the Ingenuous Bartholinus , without being inform'd of them , or seeking for them , hath met with , and acquainted the World with , under the name of Vasa Lymphatica ; and the two great Inventions of the later Ages , Gunpowder , and the Loadstones respect unto the Poles , are suppos'd to be due rather to Chance , then any extraordinary skill in Philosophical Principles ( which indeed would scarce have made any Man dream of such extravagant Properties , as those of Magnetick Bodies ) As if God design'd to keep Philosophers humble , and ( though he allow regular Industry , sufficient encouragement , yet ) to remain Himself dispenser of the chief Mysteries of Nature . To what hath been represented , Pyrophilus , I might adde much more to excuse my Excursions , if I were not content to be beholden to you for a Pardon , and to invite you to grant it me , I shall promise you to be very careful not to repeat the like offence ; and whereas most Chymical Writers take occasion from almost every Discovery or Process they acquaint us with , to digress and wander into tedious , and too often dull and impertinent Theological Reflections or Sermons . I have troubled you with almost all that I have to say ( to you ) of Theological at once , and I have endeavored to sprinkle it as far as the subject would allow me , with some Passages Experimental . And indeed I should not at all have engag'd my self into so long a Discourse of the not onely Innocency , but Usefulness of the knowledge of Nature , in reference to Religion , but that I could not acquiess in what I had met with on that subject in any of the Writers I have perus'd , Divines being commonly too unacquainted with Nature , to be able to manage it Physiologically enough , and Naturalists commonly esteeming it on part of their work to treat of it at all . And therefore I scruple not to confess freely to you , Pyrophilus , that , as I shall think my self richly rewarded for all the ensuing Essays , if the past Discourse but prove so happy as to bring you to value , and to make the Religious use of the Creatures recommended to you in it : So I had rather any of my Papers should be pass'd by unperused , then those parts of these Essays that treat of that use . And indeed 't is none of the least of Satisfactions , I hope , to derive from my Physical Composures , that by premising before them the now almost finish'd Discourse , I have done my hearty endeavor to manifest and recommend the true use of all the Discoveries of Nature , which either my Enquiries , or your own , may afford you . And indeed for my part , Pyrophilus , I esteem the Doctrine I have been pleading for of that importance , that I am perswaded , That he that could bring Philosophical Devotion into the request it Merits , should contribute as much to the solemnizing of Gods Praises , as the Benefactor of Choristers and Founders of Chauntries , and not much less then Davids so celebrated designation and settlement of that Religious Levitical Musick , instituted for the solemn Celebration of God. For the sensible Representations of Gods Attributes to be met with in the Creatures , occurring almost every where to our observation , would very assiduously solicit us to admire Him , did we but arightly discern Him in them : And the Impressions made on the Minde by these Representations , proceeding not from a bare ( and perhaps languid ) whether Belief or Notion of the Perfections express'd in them , but from an actual and operative intuition of them , would excite an admiration ( with the Devotion springing thence ) by so much the more intense , by how much ( it would be ) more rational . And sure , Pyrophilus , so much admirable Workmanship as God hath display'd in the Universe , was never meant for Eyes that wilfully close themselves , and affront it with the not judging it worthy the speculating . Beasts inhabit and enjoy the World : Man , if he will do more , must study , and ( if I may so speak ) Spiritualize it : 'T is the first act of Religion , and equally obliging in all Religions : 'T is the duty of Man , as Man ; and the Homage we pay for the Priviledge of Reason : Which was given us , not onely to refer our selves , but the other Creatures , that want it , to the Creators Glory . Which makes me sometimes angry with them who so busie themselves in the Duties and Imployments of their second and superinduc'd Relations , that they will never finde the leisure to discharge that Primitive and Natural Obligation , who are more concern'd as Citizens of any place , then of the World ; and both worship God so ba●ely as Catholick or Protestants , Anabaptists or Socinians , and live so wholy as Lords or Councellors , Londoners or Parisians , that they will never finde the leisure , or consider not that it concerns them to worship and live as Men. And the neglect of this Philosophical Worship of God , for which we are pleading , seems to be culpable in Men proportionably to their being qualified , and comply with that invitation of the Psalmist , to sing Praises to God with understanding , or ( the Expression in the Original being somewhat ambiguous ) to sing to him a learn'd Canticle , as he elsewhere speaks , to praise him according to his excellent Greatness . For Knowledge being a gift of God , intrusted to us to glorifie the Giver with it , the Greatness of it must aggravate the neglect of imploying it gratefully ; and the sublimest Knowledge here attainable will not destroy , but onely heighten and enoble our admiration , and will prove the Incense ( or more spiritual and acceptable part , of that Sacrifice of Praise ( for those reflections which their Nature makes onely acts of Reason , their End may make acts of Piety ) wherein the Intelligent Admirer offers up the whole World in Eucharists to its Maker . For admiration ( I do not say astonishment or surprize ) being an acknowledgement of the Objects transcending our Knowledge , the learneder the transcendent Faculty is , the greater is the admired Objects transcendency acknowledg'd : And certainly , Gods Wisdom is much less glorifi'd by the vulgar astonishment of an unlettered Starer ( whose ignorance may be as well suspected for his Wonder , as the excellency of the Object ) then from their learned Hymns , whose industrious Curiosity hath brought their understandings to a prostrate Veneration of of what their Reason , not Ignorance , hath taught them not to be perfectly comprehensible by them . And as such Persons have such piercing Eyes , that where a transient or unlearned glance scarce observes any thing , they can discern an adorable Wisdom , being able ( as I may so speak ) to read the Stenography of Gods omniscient hand ; so their skilful Fingers know how to choose , and how to touch those Strings that may sound sweetest to the Praise of their Maker . And on the open'd Body of the same Animal , a skilful Anatomist will make reflections , as much more to the honor of its Creator , then an ordinary Butcher can ; as the Musick made on a Lute , by a rare Lutanist , will be preferable to the noise made on the same Instrument by a Stranger unto Melody . And give me leave to tell you , Pyrophilus , that such a reasonable Worship ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of God ( to use St. Paul's Expression , though in an other sense ) is perhaps a much nobler way of adoring him , then those that are not qualified to practise it , are aware of , and is not improper even for Christians to exercise : For , Pyrophilus , it would be considered , That as God hath not by becoming ( as the Scripture more then once stiles him ) our Saviour laid by his first Relation to us as our Creator ( whence St. Peter exhorts , even the suffering Christians of his time , to commit their Souls to God under the notion of a Faithful Creator ) so neither hath he given up his right to those Intelligent Adorations from us , which become us upon the account of being his rational Creatures ; neither are such performances made less acceptable to him by the filial relation into which Christ hath brought us to him , that Glorious relation as well endearing to him our services as our persons . And let me adde , Pyrophilus , that not onely Galen ( as we have seen already ) tells us , That the discerning ones self , and discovering to others the Perfections of God display'd in the Creatures , is a more acceptable act of Religion , then the burning of Sacrifices or Perfumes upon his Altars ; and not onely Trismegistus forbidding Asclepius to burn Incense , tells him , That the Thanks and Praises of Men , are the noblest Incense that can be offered up to God : But God himself ( in his written Word ) is pleas'd to say , That he that sacrificeth Praise ( for so 't is in the Original ) honoreth him : And the Scripture consonantly mentions as a very acceptable part of Religious Worship , the Sacrifice of Praise , and the Calves of our Lips : By offering up of which , we make that true use of the Creatures , of so referring them to their Creators Glory , that ( to conclude this Discourse by Crowning it ( as it were ) with that excellent Circle mention'd by the Apostle ) As all things are of him , and Through him , so they may be To him : to whom be Glory for ever Amen . The Citations English'd . P. 24. Seneca de Otio Sap. Cap. 32. NAture , conscious to her Self of her own Beauty and Artifice , hath given us a curious searching Wit , and to so excellent and great shews , begat us to be Spectators ; otherwise , she would have lost the Fruit of her Self , if to a desert and solitude she should have set forth so magnificent , so famous , so finely drawn , so fair and many ways beautiful Pieces . That you may know she would not only have them seen , but look'd upon , take notice of the place she hath given us : For she hath not onely made Man of an upright Stature , but being so made , for better Contemplation , that he might follow with his Eye the course of the Stars , from the Rising to the Setting , and carry about his Looks , together with his whole Body , she hath both given him a tall Head , and placed that upon a flexible Neck : Then she shews six Constellations by Day , and six by Night ; She hath laid open every part of her Self , that by those things which she hath offered to the Eyes of Man , she might breed a desire of knowing the rest . Yet neither do we see all her Works , nor those that we see , do we see in those Proportions which they truly have : But our Sight , by searching , does open a way unto it self , and lay the grounds of Truth , that so Inquiry may pass from things that are plain to things that are obscure , and finde somewhat more Ancient even then the World it self , See Sen. de Vita Beata , Cap. 32. Pag. 28. What does he that contemplates the Nature of the Universe , of honor unto God ? This , that his great Works are not without a Witness . P. 28. Sen. 2. de Ira. cap. 27. We are not the cause of the seasons and returns of Summer and Winter to the World : These have their own Laws , accommodated to the Exercise of Divine Beings : We arrogate too much honor to our selves , if we esteem our selves worthy that such vast Bodies should fulfil such Motions for our sakes . Ib. Lactantius de Ira Dei , cap. 13. True is the Opinion of the Stoicks , that say , How that for our sakes the Wo●ld was made for all things that are , and the World doth by it self generate , are accommodated to the Advantage of Man. Ib. Seneca de Benef. cap. 23. The Gods were not careless or unconcern'd in the making of Man , for whom they made so many other Creatures : For Nature design'd us , and drew us out in Idea before she made us . Ib. Cicero 2. De Nat : Deorum . And for whose sake then was the World made ? For those Beings that have Reason and Intelligence viz. Gods and Men , then whom no Being is more excellent . P. 43. Piso in Medicina Brasil : Lib. 1. It is observable , That so many excellent Trees , Shrubs , and an innumerable company of Herbs , some few excepted , should all appear so unlike the Vegetables of the Antiently known World , both in Figure , Leaf and Fruits : And the same Observation is made of Birds , Beasts and Fishes ; and of Insects both Flying and Creeping , which are monstrously numerous , and of unspeakable Beauty in Colour , some known to us , and some unknown . P. 47. Piso , ib. You can scarce determine , whether in these Countries there are found mote Poisons or Antidotes : The Leaves , Flowers , and Fruits of the Herbs Tangarack and Juquer , the two most potent Venoms of Brasil , each of these hath its proper Root for an opposite Antidote — The Barbarians apply the Fat and Heads of Vipers , and the whole Bodies of those Insects , prepared according to Art , that stung or struck any Person , and that with boldness , and happy success , to the Wounds made by them , and so by the effects do attempt to prove , That in every Venom it s own Antidote is contained . P. 49. Piso , ib. From the Root Mandihoca , that abounds with a very potent Poison , there is made not onely excellent Aliment , but even Antidote too . P. 50. Ex Augustino . You ought not to use your Eyes as a Bruit , onely to take notice of Provisions for your Belly , and not for your Minde : Use them as a Man : Pry up into Heaven : See the things made , and enquire the Maker : Look upon those things you can see , and seek after Him whom you cannot see , and believe on Him you cannot see , because of those things you see : And be not like the Horse and Mule , &c. P. 75. Epicurus in Epist : ad Herod : in Laertio . As to the Meteors , you ought not to believe that there is either Motion , or Change , or Ecclipse , or the rise or setting of them , because of any superior President , which doth , or hath so disposed of it , and himself possesses all the while Happiness and Immortal Life : Wherefore you must think , that when the World was made , those implications and foldings of Atoms happen'd , which caused this necessity , that these Bodies should pass through these Motions . There are infinite Worlds , some like this , some unlike it : For since Atoms are infinite ( as I newly shewed from the infiniteness of the Spaces ) some in one , others in others , distant parts of these Spaces far from us , variously concur to the making of infinite Worlds . P. 75. Lucretius , Lib. 5. But how at first , when Matter thus was whirl'd , Heav'n , Earth , and Sea , the high and lower World , The Sun and Moon , and all were made , I 'le shew : For sure the first rude Atoms never knew By sage Intelligence , and Councel grave , T' appoint the places that all Beings have : Nor will I think , that all the Motions here Order'd at first by fixt Agreements were , But th' Elements that long had beat about , Been buffeted , now in , now carryed out : Screw'd into every hole , and try'd to take , With any thing , in any place to make Somewhat at last ; after much time and coyl , Motions and Meetings , and a world of toyl Made up this Junto . And thus being joyn'd : And thus in kinde Embraces firmly twin'd , And link'd together , they alone did frame , Heav'n , Earth and Sea , and th' Creatures in the same . P. 77. Aristot : Metaph : 12. c. 6. How shall things be mov'd if there be no actual cause : For Matter cannot move it self , but requires to be mov'd by a Tectonic ' thing-creating Power . P. 78. Ciceronis de Thalete . He said , Water was the Principle of all things , but God was that Intelligence , that made all things out of Water : Ejusdem de Anaxagorâ : The delineation and manner of all things he thought to be design'd and made by the power and reason of an infinite Intelligence . P. 80. Garcias ab Horto , L. 1. simp : c. 47. Diamonds , which ought to be brought to perfection in the deepest Bowels of the Earth , and in a long tract of Time , are almost at the top of the Ground , and in three or four Years space made perfect : For if you dig this Year but the depth of a Cubit , you will finde Diamonds ; and after two Year dig there , you will finde Diamonds again . P. 93. Arist : de Mundo . cap. 6. It remains that we speak briefly concerning that 〈◊〉 , whose Power preserves and supports all things , in like manner , as we have compendiously handled other matters : For it would seem criminal to pass over the chief part of the World untouch'd , having design'd to discourse of the Universe in a Treatise , which , if less accurate , yet certainly may be sufficient for a rough platform of Doctrine . Ibid. For God is both the Preserver of all things contain'd in the Universe , and likewise the Producer of every thing whatsoever which is any wise made in this World : Yet not so as to be sensible of labor , after the manner of a Workman , or a Creature , which is subject to weariness ; for he is indued with a power which is inferior to no difficulty , and whereby he contains all things under his authority , even such as seem most distant from him . 'T is more magnificent and agreeable to conceive God , so resident in the Highest Place , that nevertheless his Divine Energy being diffus'd throughout the whole World , moves both the Sun and Moon , turns round the whole Globe of Heaven , and affords the causes of Safety and Preservation of such things as are upon the Earth . But to sum up all in brief ; what the Pilot is in a Ship ; what the Driver in a Chariot ; what the chief Singer is in a Dance : finally , what Magistracy is in a Commonwealth , and the General in an Army , That is God in the World : Unless there be this difference , That much toil and manifold cares perplex them ; but all things are perform'd by God without labor or trouble . P. 98. Galen . de Plac : Hipp : & Plat : Lib. 7. Whereas therefore ( saith he ) all Men ascribe that to Art , which is made aright in all respects ; but that which is so only in one or two , not to Art , but Fortune : The structure of our Body gives us cause to admire the excellent Art , exactness and power of Nature which fram'd us . For our Body consists of above Two hundred Bones ; to each of which tends a Vein for conveying of nourishment ( in like manner as to the Muscles ) which is accompanied with an Artery and a Nerve , and the parts are exactly pairs , and those plac'd in the right side of an Animal , are wholly alike to those in the other , Bone to Bone , Muscle to Muscle , Vein to Vein , Artery to Artery , and Nerve to Nerve ; excepting onely the Bowels , and some other parts , which seem to have a peculiar construction . So that the parts of our Body are double , and altogether alike among themselves , both in greatness and shape , as also in consistence , which I place in the diversity of softness and hardness . As therefore we use to judge of things made by Men , acknowledging the skill of a Work-man , by the building of a Ship with extraordinary Art ; so also it behoveth to do in those of God , and to admire the Framer of our Body , whosoever of the Gods he were , although we do not see Him. P. 101. Arist : de Mundo , Cap. 6. 'T is an ancient Tradition ( saith he ) diffus'd amongst all Mankinde from our Ancestors , That all things were made and produc'd of God , and by God ; and that no Nature can be sufficiently furnish'd for its own safety , which is left without the support of God , to its own protection . P. Ead : Thus therefore we ought to conceive of God ; If we consider His Power , He is Omnipotent ; if His Shape , most Beautiful ; if His Life , Immortal ; and finally , if His Virtue , most Excellent . Wherefore though undiscernable by any corruptible Nature , yet He is perceiv'd by such , in His Works ; and indeed those things which are produc'd in the Air , by any mutation whatsoever ; in the Earth , or in the Water , we ought deservedly to term the Works of God ; which God is the absolute and soveraign Lord of the World , and out of whom ( as saith Empedocles the Naturalist ) All things beginning have , which e'r shall be , Are present or to come , Plants , Men and Beasts , And Fowl , and Fish the off-spring of the Sea. Pag. 102. Arist : de Mundo , Cap. 6. 'T is reported , That when Phidias , the excellent Statuary , made the Image of Minerva , which is in the Castle at ●thens , he contriv'd his own Picture in the middle of her Shield , and fastned the Eyes of it to the Statue by so cunning Workmanship , that if any one were minded to take it away , he could not do it without breaking the Statue , and disordering the connection of the Work. After the same manner is God in the World , retaining and upholding the coherence of all things , and preserving the safety of the Universe : Onely , He is not in the midst of it ( namely the Earth ) which is a turbulent Region , but in the highest place , which is sutable to His Purity . P. 103 , 104. Galen de Usu partium . Our most wise Creator hath plac'd under the Foot a skin , not loose , or thin , or soft , but close , and of indifferent hardness and sense , to the end it might not easily suffer injury : To Him I compose these Commentaries as certain Hymns , esteeming Piety not to consist in Sacrificing many Hecatombs of Oxen to Him , or burning Cassia , and a thousand other Perfumes ; but in this , first to know my self , and then to declare to others , what His Wisdom , Power , Providence and Goodness is : the ignorance of which , not the abstaining from Sacrifice , is the greatest Impiety . For I account it an evidence of most perfect goodness , that He hath furnish'd all things with convenient ornament , and deny'd . His benefits to none . Now , to have devis'd how all things might be handsomly fram'd , is the part of highest Wisdom ; but to have made all things which he would , of insuperable Power . P. 104. Paracelsus de Mineral : Tract . 1 : God is very admirable in His Works ; from the Contemplation of which we ought not to desist Night or Day , but continually be imploy'd in the inquisition of them . For this is to walk in the ways of God. The INDEX to the First part . THe reason why the Author endeavours to possesse Pyrophilus with the true value of Experimental Philosophy . 1 That Experimental Philosophy is conducive to the improving of man's Understanding , and to the increasing of man's power . 2 Arguments to prove that Man's Curiosity for Knowledge is much thereby gratified . ibid. A relation of the transport & surprisal of a Maid born blind ; when being about 18. years old she obtei●ed the first sight of the various Objects this world presented her with . 3 That the knowledg of the inward Architecture and contrivanecs of Nature is more delightfull then the sight of the outward shapes . 4 Examples and Instances of the prevalence ●f the pleasure that arises from the attainment of Knowledg . 4 That the knowledg of the most curious Artificial works is not more delightfull then the knowledg of Natural . 5. That the delight herein is altogether inoffensive . 6 Instances of the Esteem diverse ancient Philosophers had for it . 6 , 7 How this study consists with Religion . 8 The absurdity of not imploying humane faculties on the contemplation of those Obiects to which they are fitted . 9. Illustrated by the similitude of a Spider in a Palace , taking notice of nothing besides her own Cobweb . 10 The Opinions that Seth , Abraham , Solomon , Ovid had of man's fitnesse for the study of Astronomy , and other Physiology . 11 VVhy Providence might deprive us of Solomons Physiology . 11 Of the delight that may arise from the variety of Obiects which Nature produc●th . 12 That there be above 6000 Subiects of the Vegetable Kingdom . ib. Of an excellent Jamaica Pepper newly brought over . ib. How many Treatises are already made of Antimony , which yet hath not been perfectly discovered . 13 Of a real Mercury of Antimony . 14. and a reall combustible Sulphur of Antimony that burns like ordinary Brimstone . 14 A new Tincture of Antimonial Glass , with the entire process to draw it . 14 Of Gilbertus , Cabeus , and Kircher , who successively writ the Experiments of the Loadstone . 15 Of some new Experiments hitherto undiscoverd of that Stone . ib. That admirable speculations may arise from the most despicable productions of Nature . 16 , 17 VVhat ever God has thought worthy of making , man should not think unworthy of knowing . 18 , 19 Of the Dominion and Power that Physiology gives the prosperous studiers of it . 20 , 21 That the Knowledg of Nature excites and cherishes Devotion . 22 The Ends of God's Creation , his own Glory . 23 , 24 That Man 's Good is a second Eud , proved by Scripture . 25. The same proved by Reason and Authority . 26 , 27 , 28 How the Sun [ Shemesh ] is the great minister of the Universe . 27 , That accommodation and delight which the Creatures might afford Man is much impaired by the want of Natural Philosophie . 29 That the instructions to our Intellectual part are more considerable then the accommodations we have from Nature to our Animal part . ib. Of the Hints of Natural Philosophy in the History of the Creation , and other references to it in other places . 30 , 31 How God's Power is conspicuous in the Creatures . 32 , 33 , 34. How God's wisdome is conspicuous in them . 34 Particular Observations of the structure of Humane Body . 35 Of the eyes and feet of Moles . 36 Of the Silk-worme . 37. That it worketh by Instinct and not by Imitation . 37 , 38 Of the vastnesse of the Elephant , and its disproportion to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and such like Mites . 39 , 40 Of the vastnesse of the Whale , and its disproportion to the small Worms or Fishes lately discovere'd in Vineger . 41 , 42 How God's Goodness is conspicuous in his Creatures , by his provision of accommodations for them all ; but especially for his Favorite , Man. 43 , 44 , 45 Of the unknown and new detected Properties and Vertues of diverse Concretes . 45 Of the Peruvian Bark , commonly called the Jesuits Powder , and other Concretes observable for their unknown Properties . 46 Of the use of diverse noxious Concretes , and that they contein their own Antidotes . 47 , 48 Of that excellent West Indian root Mandihoca . 48 How we are by the Creatures instructed to Devotion . 40 , 50 , 51 That their Opinion who would deterre men from the scrutiny of Nature tends to defeat God of much of that Glory Man should ascribe unto him . 53 , 54 , 55 That Philosophers of all Religions have considered the World under the notion of God's Temple . 56 That in this Temple Man must be the Priest. 57 , 58 The contemplation of Gods mercy ought not so to ingross our thoughts , as to make us neglect the Glory of his Power and Wisdome . 59 That the study of Physiology is not apt to make men Atheists . 60. Prov'd further from the ancient Institution of the Sabbath . 61 That Physiology cannot explicate by second causes all the Phaenomena of Nature , so as to exclude the first . 63. Prov'd by the Instance of the unknown nature Mercury , &c. 64 That same of the Peripatetick Sect are guilty of this endeavour . 65 That their Hypothesis is very full of mistakes . 66 That these excluders of the Deity make but imperfect explications of the Phaenomena of Nature . ib. And do not explaine the Scale of Causes to the last Cause . 67 Instances of things wherein their account is not satisfactory : 68. as 1. In the particulars , the causes of which they assign Occult Qualities . ib. 2. when they assign Natures abborrency of Vacuity to be the cause that Water doth ascend in Suction . ib. whereas the contrary is proved in the Suction of Quick silver , 69 3. When they assign the causes of the Purgationes Menstrnae . 69 , 70 And when in other cases they ascribe to irrational Creatures such actions as in men are the production of Reason and Choice . 70 The Author's conceit concerning God's Creation of the parts of the World , and so placing them , that they ( by the assistance of his ordinary concourse ) must needs exhibit these Phaenomena . 71. Illustrated by the Clock at Strasburg . ib. How far such borrowed & Metaphorical Phrases , which Custom h●s authorized , may be used . 72 Quick-silver being heavier then Stones , they swim thereon , yet sinck in lighter liquors . 72 That the Instances of the Actions of divers Creatures resembling Reason commend the Wisedom of God. 73 , 74 Defects in the Explication of Nature by the Epicureans , who deny the concurrence of God. 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 That the figures in Nitre , Chrystal , and divers Minerals are produced not by chance , but by somewhat Analogous to seminal principles . 79 That the Generation of Animals is much lesse to be accounted the production of Chance . 80 That the Hypotheses of Philosophy only shew that an effect may be produced by such a cause , not that it must . 81 That to a perfect Knowledg there must not only appear the possible , but the definite and real , not only the general , but the particular causes . 82 Some defects in the waies of Reaoning used by the most eminent Atomists . 83 , 84 , 85 The most plausible argument of the Opposers of a Deity considered . 86 , 87 , 88 , 89 That there are some things in Nature which conduce much to the evincing of a Deity , which are only known to Naturalists . 91. Explain'd by the comparison of the Uniting scatter'd pieces of Paint into one face by a Cylindrical Looking Glass . 92 The Testimony of the Author of the Book De Mundo ascribed to Aristotle introduced . ib. Of the admirable contrivance of the Make of the Musculus Marsupialis . 94. and of the parts of the Hand . ib. The contrivance for the Circulation of the Bloud in a Foetus before the use of Respiration . 95 Galen's Speech , That his Books De Usu Partium were as Hymns to the Creator . ib. The Fabrick of the Eye considered : ib. Some Experimental Observations of the Eye , and the use of its parts in order to Vision . 96 The way to prepare the Eyes of Animals for the better making observations on them . ib. Some particulars wherein the Eyes of white Rabbets are better then others for Observation . 97 That it is dishonourable for the Soule to be unacquainted with the exquisite structure of the Body , being its own Mansion . 97. Proved out of Instances in the Psalmist and Galen . ib. Why the anterior part of Fishes Eyes ought to be more Spherical then those of men . 99 That God made Man not after the World's Image , but his Own. 100 That the Image of God on us should engage us to esteem our selves us belonging to God. ib. Arguments from Authority , and the Experience of all Ages , That the Contemplation of the World has addicted Man to the Reverence of God. 100 That those People who worship not God , are not Naturalists but Barbarians , and that their Atheisme doth continue for want of the Contemplation of the World. 101 A comparison of the Image of God on the Creature , to that of Phidias on Minerva's Shield . 102 The noblest worship that has been paid to God from such who have not had particular Revelation of his will , has arose from the speculation of God's Wisdom , Power , and Goodnesse in the fabrick of the Creature . 103. The Testimonies of Galen , Hermes , Paracelsus , L. Bacon . 104. That Religion has other Arguments besides those drawn from the works of Nature , enough to keep any considering man from Atheism . 106 That the Difficulty of conceiving the Eternity , Self-Existence , and other Attributes of one God , is less then to conceive infinite , eternal , self-existent , and self-moving Atomes . 108 As God is infinitely bettter then all his Creatures , so the Knowledg of him is better then the Knowledg of his Creatures . 110 The Imperfection and Disquiet that there is in humane Science . 110 , 111 How the Favour of God conduces to promote mens . Proficiency in the study of Nature . 112 The Reason of the Authors so long Discourse on this Subject . 114 Beasts inhabit and enjoy the World , 't is Man's duty to Spiritualize it . 115 That it being the prime Duty of Man to give God the Honour of his Creatures , it is to be preferr'd before secondary Duties . ib. That the different greatnesse in the Knowledg make a like difference in the Honour given to the Creator . 117 God , by becoming our Saviour , has not laid aside the Relation of a Creator . 117 That he , who sacrificeth Praise , honoureth God. ib. The Conclusion . 118 ERRATA in the First Part. Pag. 24. lin . 22. lege contemplationem factum . p. 62. l. 28. l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 69. l. 7. l. his private Interests . l. 28. of the Air against the Suckers chest . p. 73. l. 32. have Reason . l. 34. Souls . And. p. 75. l. 3. of Animals . p. 77. l. 5. principally in Extension . p. 75. l. 4. any Centrum gravium . p. 79. l. 24. are not unquestionably produced by chance but perhaps . p. 81. l. 6. dele * . l. 11. Animals ; the. p. 85 l. 15. Ratiocination . By. l. 17. most . p. 87. l. ult . l. Things or their Motions . p. 88. l. 15. Parts it . p. 94. l. 32. Musculi perforati . p. 98. l. 8. sunt & omnino . l. 33. Insertion of . p. 99. l. 17. perfectly Spherical one as to the Anterior part which is obverted to the outward Objects . p. 107. l. 15. Not onely . OF THE VSEFVLNESSE OF Naturall Philosophy . The Second Part. Of its Vsefulness to promote the Empire of Man over things CORPOREAL . OXFORD , Printed by HEN : HALL Printer to the University , for RIC : DAVIS . In the year of our Lord , 1663. OF THE VSEFVLNESSE OF Naturall Philosophy . The Second Part. The first SECTION . Of it's Vsefulness to PHYSICK . ESSAY I. Containing some Particulars tending to shew the Vsefulness of Natural Philosophy to the Physiolological part of Physick . AFter having , in the former part of this Treatise , Pyrophilus , thus largely endeavored to manifest to you the advantagiousness of Natural Philosophy to the minde of Man , we shall now proceed to speak of its Usefulness , both to his Body and Fortune . For I must ingeniously confess to you , Pyrophilus , That I should not have neer so high a value as I now cherish for Physiology , if I thought it could onely teach a Man to discourse of Nature , but not at all to master Her ; and served onely , with pleasing Speculations , to entertain his Understanding without at all increasing his Power . And though I presume not to judge of other Mens knowledge , yet , for my own particular , I shall not dare to think my self a true Naturalist , till my skill can make my Garden yield better Herbs and Flowers , or my Orchard better Fruit , or my Fields better Corn , or my Dairy better Cheese then theirs that are strangers to Physiology . And certainly , Pyrophilus , if we seriously intend to convince the distrustful World of the real usefulness of Natural Philosophy , we must take some such course , as that Milestan Thales did , who was by the Antients reckoned among the very first of their Naturalists , and their seven celebrated Wise-men : Of this Thales it is reported , That being upbraidingly demanded what advantage the Professors of Astrology could derive from the knowledge of it ; he Astrologically foreseeing what Year it would prove for Olives , before any wonted signs of it did appear to Husbandmen , Ingrossed , by giving earnest , the greater part of the Olives , which the next Season should afford to Chios and Miletus ; And being thereby inabled , when most Men wanted Oyl , to sell his at his own rates , he made advantage enough of his skill , to let his Friends see , That Philosophers may have the acquisition of Wealth more in their power then in their aim . Me thinks , it should be a disparagement to a Philosopher , when he descends to consider Husbandry , not to be able , with all his Science , to improve the precepts of an Art , resulting from the lame and unlearned Observations and Practice of such illiterate Persons as Gardeners , Plow-men , and Milk-maids . And indeed , Pyrophilus , though it be but too evident , that the barren Philosophy , wont to be taught in the Schools , have hitherto been found of very little use in humane Life ; yet if the true Principles of that fertil Science were thorowly known , consider'd and apply'd , 't is scarce imaginable , how universal and advantagious a change they would make in the World : For in Man's knowledge of the nature of the Creatures , does principally consist his Empire over them . ( his Knowledge and his Power having generally the same limits ) And as the Nerves , that move the whole Body , and by it , that great variety of Engines imployed by Man on his manifold occasions , proceed from the Brain ; so all the operations , by which we alter Nature and produce such changes in the Creatures , flow from our knowledge of them . Theological inquiries excepted , there is no ●mployment wherein Mankinde is so much and so generally concern'd , as 't is in the study of Natural Philosophy . And those great Transactions which make such a noise in the World , and establish Monarchies or ruine Empires , reach not to so many Persons with their influence , as do the Theories of Physiology . To manifest this Truth , we need but consider , what changes in the Face of things have been made by two Discoveries , trivial enough ; the one being but of the inclination of the Needle , touched by the Load-stone , to point toward the Pole ; the other being but a casual Discovery of the supposed antipathy between Salt-Peter and Brimstone : For without the knowledge of the former , those vast Regions of America , and all the Treasures of Gold , Silver , and Precious Stones , and much more Precious Simples they send us , would have probably continued undetected ; And the latter , giving an occasional rise to the invention of Gunpowder , has quite alter'd the condition of Martial Affairs over the World , both by Sea and Land. And certainly , true Natural Philosophy is so far from being a barren speculative Knowledge , that Physick , Husbandry , and very many Trades ( as those of Tanners , Dyers , Brewers , Founders , &c. ) are but Corollaries or Applications of some few Theorems of it . If I had not a great respect for the Great Hippocrates , I should venter to say , That some of those rigid Laws of Draco ( whose severity made Men say , That they were written in Blood ) have , perhaps , cost fewer Persons their Lives , then that one Aphorism of Hippocrates , which teaching , That if a teeming Woman be let Blood , she will miscarry , has for divers Ages prevail'd with great numbers of Physitians , to suffer multitudes of their Female Patients to die under their hands , who might propably have been rescued by a discreet Phlebotomy , which experience has assured us ( whatever the close of * the Aphorism says to the contrary ) to have been sometimes not onely safely , but usefully employed , even when the Infant is grown pretty big . But my respect for so great a Person as Hippocrates , makes me content it should be thought , That till of late , Physitians have for the most part mistaken their Dictators meaning in this Aphorism , provided it be granted me , That through this mistake numbers of teeming Women have been suffered to perish , who might probably , by the seasonable loss of some of their Blood , have prevented that of their Lives . And if an Error , which occasion'd onely a fault of omission , hath been so prejudicial to Man-kinde , I suppose you will readily grant that those Errors of Physitians , that are apt to produce faults of commission , and rash attempts , may prove much mo●e hurtful . And so much I finde to be acknowledg'd by Galen , in that honest and excellent Passage of his , in his Comment upon the Aphorisms , where having mention'd the danger of trying conclusions upon Men , by reason of the nobleness of the Subject ; and having added , That the Physitians Art is not like that of a Potter , a Carpenter , or the like , where a Man may freely try what he pleases to gratifie his curiosity , or satisfie himself about his Notions , because that if he spoils ( for instance ) the Wood he works on , no Body is indanger'd by his miscarriage : He thus concludes , In corpore autem Human● ea tentare , quae non sunt experientum comprobata periculo non vacat ; cùm temeraria experientiae finis sit totius Animantis internecio . And indeed , since the Physitian borrows his Principles of the Naturalist , I cannot but somewhat admire to see divers Persons , who are by themselves and others thought such wise Men , think the study of Natural Philosophy of small concernment : for when by their Policy or good Fortune they have acquired never so much Wealth or Power , and all other transitory Goods , and are blest with Children to inherit them , if the Principles of Natural Philosophy be mis-laid , we oftentimes see the ignorance or the mistake of a Doctor , deprive them of all at once , and shew how dangerous it is to be sollicitous of the means of attaining the accommodations of Life , with the contempt of that Knowledge which in very many cases is humanely necessary to the preservation of Life it self . But , Pyrophilus , though our unintended prolixity in the former part of our Discourse concerning the Usefulness of Physiology , oblige us to the greater brevity in this latter part of it ; yet to shew you , That of the two things , which you may remember we told you Pythagoras pronounc'd most God like in Man ( The Knowledge of Truth , and the Doing of Good ) Physiology as well qualifies us for the latter , as it inriches us with the former . It will not be amiss a little more particularly ( though as succinctly as so copious a Subject will permit ) to consider the probability there is that no small Improvement may be made by Mens proficiency in Experimental Knowledge of those Arts which are the chiefest Instruments of Man's dominion over the Creatures . These Arts ( to divide them not accurately , but popularly ) do serve either to relieve Man's necessities , as Physick and Husbandry ; or for his accomodation , as the Trades of Shoo-makers , Diers , Tanners , &c. or for his delight , as the Trades of Painters , Confectioners , Perfumers , &c. to all which Arts , and many others ally'd to them , Philosophical Experiments and Observations , may , by a knowing Naturalist , be made to extend a meliorating Influence . If I should , Pyrophilus , say this , without offering any thing at all by way of Proof that I say it not inconsideratly , You would , I fear , believe , that I deliver it too slightly for a Matter of that moment : And if , on the other side , I should in this Discourse present to you all the Particulars that I think I could , without Impertinency , employ to countenance what I have said , it would swell this Treatise to a Volumn , and defraud divers of my other Essays . And therefore I hold it not unfit to choose a middle way , and set down , on this occasion , either onely or chiefly those things which do the most readily occur to me , and do not so properly belong to the rest of my physiological papers . And to avoid Confusion , I shall , according to the Division newly propos'd , employ one Section of this Second part of the present Treatise , in setting down such things as relate to the Improvement of Physick : And in the other Section , deliver such particulars as concern those other useful Arts that depend upon Natural philosophy . But in regard that ( as I have already intimated ) the following Discourse is to consist chiefly of those things that belong not to any of my other Essays , You will not , I presume , expect that I should handle any subject fully or Methodically on this occasion : Which warning I especially intend for that part of the ensuing Discourse that relates to physick . For you will easily believe , that I am far from pretending to be a Doctor in that Faculty : And accordingly , in this and the four following Essays , I shall onely throw together divers such particulars as not belonging to my Writings , would , perhaps be lost , if I did not lay hold on this Opportunity for their preservation , of which they are not altogether judged unworthy by some knowing Men , whose Encouragements , to mention them to you , have disswaded me from wholly passing by , in this Discourse Matters properly Medical , what scruples soever I had to venture at speaking of them , Especially since I have not now the Conveniency to furnish these Essays with divers Particulars ( by some thought not inconsiderable ) which I may , pe●haps be invited to adde to them hereafter , if I finde by your Reception of these that the others are like to be welcome . To say something then of Physick , and to suppose the fitness of the now receiv'd division of it into five Parts : The Physiological ( the Physitian taking that in a stricter sense then Philosophers , and then we do every where , save in this Essay ) Pathological , Semeiotical , Hygieinal and Therapeutical , let us briefly take notice how each of these is indebted to , or capable of being improved by experienc'd Naturalists . And indeed , such is the affinity between Natural Philosophy and Physick , or the dependance of this on that , that we need not wonder at the judicious Observation of Aristotle , where he thus writes , Naturalium ferè plurimis & Medicorum , qui magis Philosophicè artem prosequuntur , illi quidem finiunt ad ea , quae de Medicina ; hi verò ex iis qua de Natura , incipiunt quae de Medicina . But we must instance these things more particularly : And first for Physiology , 't is apparent , That the Physitian takes much of his Doctrine in that part of his Art from the Naturalist : 〈◊〉 to ment●on now no other parts of Physiology , in its stricter acception , the experience of our own age may suffice to manifest , what light the Anatomical doctrine of Mans Body may receive from Experiments made on other subjects . For since it were too barbarous , and too great a violation of the Laws , not onely of Divinity but Humanity , to dissect humane Bodies alive , as did Herophilus and Erasistratus , who ( as I finde in some of the Ancients ) obtain'd of Kings the Bodies of Malefactors for that purpose , and scrupled not to destroy Man to know him ; And since , nevertheless divers things in Anatomy , as particularly the motion of the Blood and Chyle cannot be discover'd in a dead dissected Body ( where the cold has shut up and obliterated many Passages ) that may be seen in one open'd alive ; it must be very advantagious to a Physitians Anatomical knowledge , to see the Dissections of Dogs , Swine , and other live Creatures , made by an inquisitive Naturalist : Consonantly whereunto we may remember , that the discoveries of the milky Vessels in the Mesentery by Asellius , of those in the Thorax by Pecquet , and of the Vasa Limphatica by Bartholinus , were first made in Brute Bodies , though afterwards found to hold in humane ones . Nor is it a small convenience to the Anatomist , that he may in the Bodies of Bruits make divers instructive Experiments , that he dares not venture on in those of Men ; as for instance , that late noble , and by many not yet credited Experiment of taking out the Spleen of a Dog without killing him : For that this Experiment may be very useful , we may elsewhere have occasion to shew . And that it is possible to be safely made ( though many , I confess , have but unprosperously attempted it , and it hath been lately pronounced impossible in Print ) our selves can witness . And because I have not yet met with any Author that professes himself not to relate this Experiment ( of the exemption of a Dogs Spleen ) upon the credit of others , but as an eye-witness ; I am content to assure you , That that dextrous Dissector , Dr Jolive ( of whom we formerly made mention ) did the last Year , at my request , take out the Spleen of a yong Setting-dog I brought him : And that it might not be pretended , the Experiment was unfaithfully or favorably made , I did part of it my self , and held the Spleen ( which was the largest in proportion to his Body that ever I saw ) in my Hand , whil'st he cut assunder the Vessels , reaching to i● , that I might be sure there was not the least part of the Spleen left unextirpated , and yet this Puppy , in less then a Fortnight , grew not onely well , but as sportive and as wanton as before : which I need not take pains to make you believe , since you often saw him at your Mothers House , whence at length he was stol'n . And though I remember the famous Emperick Fiorouanti , in one of his Italian Books , mentions his having been prevail'd with by the importunity of a Lady ( whom he calls Marulla Greca ) much afflicted with Splenetick distempers , to rid her of her Spleen ; and addes , That she out-liv'd the loss of it divers Years . Yet he that considers the situation of that part , and the considerableness of the Vessels belonging to it in humane Bodies , will probably be apt to think , that though his relation may be credited , his venturousness ought not to be imitated . The Experiment also of detaining Frogs under Water for very many hours ( sometimes amounting to some days ) without suffocation , may , to him that knows that Frogs have Lungs and Breath as well as other Terrestrial Animals , appear a considerable discovery , in order to the determining the Nature of Respiration . Besides , the scrupulousness of the Parents or Friends of the deceased Persons , deprives us oftentimes of the Opportunities of Anatomizing the Bodies of Men , and much more those of Women , whereas those of Beasts are almost always and every where to be met with . And 't was , perhaps , upon some such account , that Aristotle said that the external parts of the Body were best known in Men , the internal in Beasts , Sun● enim ( says he , speaking of the inward parts ) hominum imprimis incertae atque incognitae : quamobrem ad caeterorum animalium partes quarum similes sunt humanae referentes eas contemplari debemus . And questionless in many of them , the frame of the parts is so like , that of those answerable in Men , that he that is but moderately skill'd in Andratomy ( as some of the Moderns call the Dissection of Mans Body , to distinguish it from Zootomy , as they name the Dissections of the Bodies of other Animals ) may , with due diligence and industry , not despicably , improve his Anatomical knowledge . In confirmation of which truth , give me leave to observe to you , That though Galen hath left to us so many , and by Physitians so much magnified Anatomical Treatises , yet not onely divers of those Modern Physitians , that would eclipse his Glory , deny him to have learn'd the skill he pretends to , out of the inspection of the Dissected Bodies of Men or Women , or so much as to ever have seen a humane Anatomy . But I finde even among his Admirers , Physitians that acknowledge that his Knives were much more conversant with the Bodies of Apes , and other Bruits , then with those of Men , which in his time those Authors say 't was thought little less then Irreligious , if not Barbarous , to mangle ; which is the less to be wondred at , because even in this our Age , that great People of the Muscovites , though a Christian and European Nation , hath deny'd Physitians the use of Anatomy and Skeletons ; the former , as an inhumane thing ; the latter , as fit for little but Witchcraft , as we are inform'd by the applauded Writer Olearius , Secretary to the Embassy lately send by that Learned Prince , the present Duke of Holsteine , into Moscovia and Persia. And of this , the same Author gives us the instance of one Quirin , an excellent German Chyrurgion , who , for having been found with a Skeleton , had much adoe to scape with his Life , and was commanded to go out of the Kingdom , leaving behinde him his Skeleton , which was also dragg'd about , and afterwards burnt . To these things we may adde , Pyrophilus , that the diligence of Zootomists may much contribute to illustrate the Doctrine of Andratomy , and both inform Physitians of the true use of the parts of a humane Body , and help to decide divers Anatomical Controversies . For as in general 't is scarce possible to learn the true Nature of any Creature , from the consideration of the single Creature it self : so particularly of divers parts of humane Body 't is very difficult to learn the true use , without consulting the Bodies of other Animals , wherein the part inquired after is by Nature either wholly left out as needless , or wherein its differing bigness , or situation , or figure , or connection with , and relation to other parts , may render its use more conspicuous , or at least more discernable . Th●s Truth may be somewhat illustrated by the following Observations , which at present offer themselves to my thoughts upon this occasion . The Lungs of Vipers , and other Creatures ( whole Hearts and whose Blood , even whil'st it circulates , we have always found , as to sense , actually cold ) may give us just occasion to inquire a little more warily whether the great use of Respiration be to cool the Heart . The suddain falling and continuing together , which we may observe in that part at least of a Dogs Lungs , that is on the same side with the Wound , upon making a large Wound in his Chest , though the Lungs remain untouched , is a considerable Experiment , in order to the discovery of the principal Organ of Respiration . If you dexterously take out the Hearts of Vipers , and of some smaller Fishes , whose coldness makes them beat much more unfrequently and leisurely , then those of warm Animals , the contraction and relaxation of the Fibres of the Heart may be distinctly observed , in order to the deciding or reconciling the Controversie about the cause and manner of the Hearts motion , betwixt those Learned modern Anatomists , that contend , some of them , for Dr. Harvey's Opinion ; and others , for that of the Cartesians . Towards satisfying my self in which difficulty , I remember , I have sometimes taken the Heart of a Flownder , and having cut it transversly into two parts , and press'd out , and with a Linnen cloth wip'd off the Blood contain'd in each of them , I observ'd , that for a considerable space of time , the sever'd and bloodless parts held on their former contraction and relaxation . And once I remember that I observed , not without Wonder , That the sever'd portions of a Flownders Heart , did not onely , after their Blood was drain'd , move as before , but the whole Heart , observ'd for a pretty while , such a succession of motion in its divided and exsanguious pieces , as I had taken notice of in them whil'st they were coherent , and as you may with pleasure both see and feel in the intire Heart of the same Fish. Some of the other Controversies agitated among Anatomists and Philosophers , concerning the use of the Heart , and concerning the principal seat of Life and Sense , may also receive light from some such Experiments , that we made in the Bodies of Bruits , as we could not of Men. And the first of these that we shall mention , shall be an Experiment that we remember our selves formerly to have made upon Frogs : For having open'd one of them alive , and carefully cut out his Heart , without closing up the Orifice of the Wound ( which we had made wider then was necessary ) the Frog notwithstanding leaped up and down the Room as before , dragging his Entrals ( that hung out ) after him ; and when he rested , would upon a puncture leap again , and being put into the Water , would swim , whil'st I felt his Heart beating betwixt my Fingers . The Hearts of others of them were taken out at an Incision , no greater then was requisite for that purpose ; when we had stitched or pin'd up the Wound , we observ'd them to leap more frequently and vigorously then the former : They would , as before they were hurt , close and open their Eye lids upon occasion : Being put into a Vessel not full of Water , they would as orderly display their fore and hinder Legs in the manner requisite to swimming , as if they wanted none of their parts , especially not their Hearts ; they would rest themselves sometimes upon the surface of the Water , sometimes at the bottom of it , and sometimes also they would nimbly leap , first out of the Vessel , and then about the Room , surviving the exsection of their Hearts ; some about an hour , and some longer . And that which was further remarkable in this Expe●iment , was , that we could , by gently pressing their Brest and Belly with our Fingers , make them almost at pleasure make such a noise , as to the By-standers made them seem to croak ; but how this Experiment will be reconcil'd to the Doctrine ascrib'd to Mr. Hobs , or to to that of the Aristotelians , who tell us , That their Master taught , the Heart to be the seat of Sense ( whence also though erroneously , he made it the original of the Nerves ) let those that are pleas'd to concern themselves to maintain all his Opinions , consider . And whereas Frogs , though they can move thus long without the Heart , yet they cannot at all bear the exemption or spoiling of the Brain ; we will adde what we have observ'd , even in hot Animals , whose Life is conceived to be much more suddenly dissipable , and the motion of each part much more dependent upon the influence of the Brain : We open'd then an Egge , wherein the Chick was not onely perfectly formed , but well furnished with Feathers , and having taken him out of the Membrane that involved him , and the Liquors he swam in , and laid him on his Back on a flat piece of Glass , we clip'd away , with a pair of Sciffers , the Head and the Brest-bone ; whereby the Heart became exposed to view , but remain'd fastned to the Headless Trunk : and the Chick lying in this posture , the Heart continued to beat above a full hour , and the Ears seem'd to retain their motion a pretty while after the Heart it self had lost his ; the motion of none of the other Parts appearing many moments to survive the loss of the Head : and which is most considerable , the seemingly dead Heart was divers times excited to new , though quickly ceasing motion , upon the puncture of a Pin , or the point of a Pen-knife . And to evince that this was no casual thing , the next Day we dealt with the Chick of another Egge , taken from the same Hen , after the above recited manner ; and when the motion of the Heart and Ears began to cease , we excited it again , by placing the Glass over the warm steam of a Vessel full of hot Water , bringing still new Water from off the Fire to continue the heat , when we perceiv'd the former Water to begin to cool ; and by this means we kept the Heart beating for an hour and an half by measure . And at another time , for further satisfaction , we did , by these and some other little industries , keep the Heart of a somewhat elder Chick , though exposed to the open Air , in motion , after we had carefully clipt off the Head and Neck , for the space of ( if our memory do not much mis inform us ) two hours an● an half by measure . Upon what conjectures we expected so lasting a motion in the Heart of a Chick , after it had lost the Head , and consequently the Brain , would be more tedious and less fit to be mention'd in this place , then the strange vivacity we have sometimes , not without wonder , observed in Vipers : Since not onely their Hearts clearly sever'd from their Bodies may be observ'd to beat for some hours ( for that is common with them to divers other cold Animals ) but the Body it self may be sometimes two or three days after the Skin , Heart , Head , and all the Entrals are separated from it , seen to move in a twining or wrigling manner : Nay ( what is much more ) may appear to be manifestly sensible of punctures , being put into a fresh and vivid motion , when it lay still before , upon the being pricked , especially on the Spine or Marrow with a Pin or Needle . And though Tortoises be in the Indies many of them very large Animals , yet that great Traveller , Vincent le Blanc , in his French Voyages , giving a very particular account of those Tortoyses , which the East Indian King of Peg● ( who was much delighted with them ) did , with great curiosity , cherish in his Ponds , adds this memorable Passage as an Eye-witness of what he relates : When the King hath a minde to eat of them , they cut off their heads , and five days after they are prepar'd ; and yet after those five days they are alive , as we have often experienc'd . Now although I will not say , that these Experiments prove , that either 't is in the Membranes that sensation resides ( though I have sometimes doubted whether the Nerves themselves be not so sensible , chiefly as they are invested with Membranes ) or that the Brain may not be confined to the Head , but may reach into the rest of the Body , after another manner then is wont to be taught : Yet it may be safely affirm'd , that such Experiments as these may be of great concernment , in reference to the common Doctrine of the necessity of unceasing influence from the Brain , being so requisite to Sense and Motion , especially if to the lately mention'd Particulars we adde on this occasion what we have observ'd of the Butter-flies , into which Silk-worms have been Metamorphosed ; namely , That they may not onely , like common Flys , and divers other winged Insects , survive a pretty while the loss of their Heads , but may sometimes be capable of Procreation after having lost them : as I not long since tryed ( though not perhaps without such a Reluctancy as Aristotle would have blam'd in a Naturalist ) by cutting off the Heads of such Butter-flies of either Sex. Quamvis enim Mas cui prius amputatum est caput nequaquam adduci posset ( quaecunque Insecti illius est salacitas ) ut Faeminam comprimeret : Decollata tamen Faemina marem alacriter admisit . Et licet post horas aliquot coitu insumptas it a requierit immota ut mortuam per multas horas cogitarem ; non solum quia omnem penitus motum perdiderat , & in Thorace satis magnum apparebat foramen , quod à parte aliqua Corporis simul cum capite à trunco disruptâ factum videbatur ; verum etiam quoniam eodem permansit statu idque per plures horas , ultra tempus quo , post coitionem cum Mare hujus generis Animalcula solent ordiri prolificationem . Tandem vero postquam jam diu de Vita ejus desperatum esset , Ova faetare tam confertim coepit ut vel exiguo temporis intervallo eorum plura in manu mea deponeret . An vero Prolifica sint futura nondum comperi . Their Opinion that ascribe the redness of the Blood to the colour of the Liver , through which it passes , is not discountenanced by the Livers of Men : But in Hen-eggs , about the third or fourth day after incubation ( for we have found the circumstances of time much to vary ) you may observe the Punctum saliens , or Heart , to be ever and anon full of conspicuously red Blood , before the naked Eyes can so much as discern a Liver , at least before they can discover in it any redness ; a yellowness being all I could observe in the Parenchyma of the Livers of divers Chickens perfectly form'd , and furnish●d with Feathers , though not great enough to make their way out of the Shell . And in divers great Fishes I have found the Vessels of the Liver full of very red Blood , though the Parenchyma or substance of it were white , or at least did not at all participate much less impart a sanguine colour . The Doctrine so unanimously delivered by Physitians and Chirurgions , concerning the irreparable loss of the Limb of an Animal , once violently severed from the Body , will appear unfit to be admitted , without some restriction by what may be experienc'd in Lizards , in Lobsters and Craw-fishes , and perhaps in some other living Creatures . For of Lizards it hath been often observ'd in hot Countreys , and even in France , that their Tails being struck off will grow again . And the like hath been of old observ'd by Pliny , and the experienc'd Bontius delivers it upon his own knowledge in these words : Hoc in domesticis meis non semel animadverti dum filioli mei lusitabundi bacillo caudas iis decutiebant , quas tamen post diem unum aut alterum ad solitum pabulum revertentes vidi , caudasque iis paulatim reaccrescere . That the Claws likewise of Lobsters being torn off , another will sometimes grow in the room of it , is not onely said by Fisher-men , but hath been affirmed to me by very credible persons , one of which assured me , that he himself had observed it very often . And I am the more apt to believe it , because the like is to be met with among Craw-fishes , which are so like Lobsters , that by many they are taken ( though not considerately enough ) to be but a smaller kinde of them . For I remember , that going to look upon a Repository where a multitude of them was kept , and causing divers of the fairest to be drawn up , that I might take the stony concretions , commonly called Oculi Cancrorum , out of their Heads I observ'd one large Fish that had one of his Claws proportionable to the bulk of his Body , but the other so short and little , that the greater seem'd to be four or five times as big as it ; whereupon its good shape and fresh colour , seeming to argue it to be but yong and growing , invited me to ask one of them that had the oversight of the Fish , whether he had formerly seen any Claws torn off to grow again ; he affirmed to me , That in that sort of Fish it was very usual . I could also tell you how fruitlesly I have indeavored to discover that stomachical Acidity , to which many of our Modern Physitians are pleas'd to ascribe the first digestion of the Nutriment of Animals , in the purposely dissected Stomachs of ravenous Sea-fishes , in whose Stomachs , though our taste could not perceive any sensible acidity , yet we found in one of them a couple of Fishes , each of them about a Foot long , whereof the one , which seem'd to have been but newly devoured , hath suffered little or no alteration in the great Fishes Stomach ; but the other had all its outside , save the Head , uniformly wasted to a pretty depth , beneath the former surface of the Body , and look'd as if it had been not boil'd , or wrought upon by any considerable heat , but uniformly corroded , like a piece of Silver Coyn kept a while in Aqua-fortis , according to the criminal tricks of Adulterators of Money . Yet I am loth , till I have perfected what I design in order to that enquiry , either to imbrace or reject the Opinion I finde so general among the Moderns , concerning the Solution of Meat in the Stomach by something of Acid. And I remember , that when I was considering what might be alleadg'd for , as well as against that Opinion , I devis'd this Experiment , among others , in favor of it : I provided a Liquor , with which I drench'd a piece of the Wing of a rosted Pullet , hav●ng first well crushed it between my Fingers , to make some amends for the omission of chewing it ; and having a little incorporated the Liquor and the musculous Flesh , they immediately chang'd colour , and in about an hour , grew to be a kinde of Gelly , in colour and consistence not unlike Quince Marmalade : This mixture , by the next Morn●ng , did , as I expected , turn to a deep Blood red , or sometimes rather a lovely purple Liquor , though all this while there had been no external heat imployed to promote the action of the Menstruum . And the like Experiment I tryed also with a piece of Mutton , with Bread , and a piece of Veal , and other edible things , which at that time occur'd to me , and found the operation of the Liquor almost uniform , though it seem'd to act most effectually upon Flesh. And to gratifie in some measure your curiosity , Pyrophilus , I am content to tell you , that the Menstruum was drawn from Vitriol , and that with the bare Oyl of it I have ( though I could not with Aqua fortis ) perform'd no less then what I have yet mention'd ; but least this should be thought a digression , let it suffice to have , on this occasion , mention'd thus much upon the by . To what we lately took notice of concerning the Heart , may be added , That on the Sea-coast of Ireland , I observ'd a sort of Fishes , about the bigness of Mackrels , whose Hearts were of an inverted Figure , compar'd to those of other Animals , the basis or broad end of the Heart being nearest the Tail , and the accuminated part or apex being coherent to the great Artery , and respecting the Head. To all these trifling Observations , divers more considerable ones might be added , but they may be more seasonably insisted on elsewhere ; and those already mention'd , may suffice to let you see , That the Naturalist by his Zootomy , may be very serviceable to the Physitian in his Anatomical Inquiries . Nor is it onely by the dissection of various Animals , that the Naturalist may promote the Anatomists knowledge , but perhaps also he may do it by devising ways to make the dead Bodies of Men , and other Animals , keep longer then naturally they would do : For since experience teaches us , That Men finde it very easie to forget the originations , windings , branchings , insertions , and other circumstances of particular Vessels , and other parts of the Body , as well as those that study Botanicks , are wont to complain of their easie forgetting , the shapes , differences , and alterations of smaller Plants , it cannot but be a great help to the Student of An●tomy , to be able to preserve the parts of humane Bodies , and those of other Animals , especially such Monsters as are of a very singular or instructive Fabrick , so long that he may have recourse to them at pleasure , and contemplate each of them so often and so considerately , till he have taken sufficient notice of the shape , situation , connection , &c. of the Vessel , Bone , or other part , and firmly impress'd an Idea of it upon his memory , We finde our selves much help'd to retain in our memory , the figures and differences of Vegetables , by those Books which some curious Botanists make , wherein the Plants themselves , artificially dry'd , are display'd upon , and fastned to Leaves of white Paper ; if it were not for one of those Books , wherein I have in one vast Volumn almost all the Plants of one of the chief Physick-gardens in Europe , I should every Year forget , by the end of Winter , to know again most of the smaller Plants I had learn'd to take notice of in the Spring . And by the way 't is observable , how long Plants , by being carefully indeed , but barely dryed in the shade betwixt Sheets of Paper , which help to soak up the superfluous moisture , may be preserv'd . For I have divers Years had an Herbal , wherein several of the Flowers , and other Plants , retain their native yellow and blue , &c. ( but somewhat faint ) though by the date it appear'd to be 22 or 23 Years old . And I am apt to think , that it would be very possible for Anatomists also to preserve the Bodies they contemplate for a considerable time : For experience hath inform'd us in good number of such Animals , that Butter-flies , and divers other flying Insects , may have their shape and colours preserv'd , I know not how long , by running them through in some convenient part with Pins , and therewith sticking them to the inside of large Boxes . And on this occasion , I remember , that having sometimes reflected upon the Lasting of Spiders , Flys , and other small living Creatures , that having been casually enclos'd in Amber whil'st it was soft , are ever preserv'd entire and uncorrupted , I thought it not amiss to try whether some Substance , like Amber ( at least as to the newly mention'd use of it ) might not easily be prepar'd by Art : And hereupon I quickly found , that by taking good clear Venice Turpentine , and gently evaporating away about a third part of it ( sometimes more , sometimes less , according to the exigency of my particular purpose ) I could make a reddish Gum , diaphanous and without Bubbles , which would melt with a very gentle heat , and easily ( being suffer'd to cool ) become again so hard as to be brittle . This resinous Substance should be melted with as little heat as is possible ( and therefore should be first pouder'd ) that the texture of the Vegetable or Animal Bodies to be cased over with it , might receive the less alteration : And when it is brought to the requisite degree of fluidity , then the Body to be preserv'd ( being , if that be needful , stuck through with a Pin ) must be gently plung'd into it , and presently taken out and suffer'd leisurely to cool , being turn'd , from time to time , this way or that way , if there be occasion , that the investing Matter may be every where of an equal thickness upon it . And if at the first time the Case be not thick enough , it may again , when it is cold , be immers'd into the liquid Matter ( as Chandlers are wont to thicken their Candles , by dipping them frequently into melted Tallow ) of which some will every way adhere to it . And though these Cases be inferior to Amber , in regard of their being more apt to be sulli'd by dust , or otherwise ; yet that inconvenience may be easily remedy'd , by keeping them shut up in Glasses or Boxes , at those times when one hath not occasion to consider them : And their clearness ( especially if they be thin ) and their smooth surfaces , together with their exactly keeping out the Air from the Body they enclose , may , perhaps , make so cheap and easie an Experiment a not unwelcome trifle , especially considering how easily 't is capable of Improvement . But to return to the Preservation of more bulky Bodies , 't is a known thing , to the Collectors of Rarities , that the external Idea of F●shes , Crocodiles , Birds , and even Horses , may be preserv'd for many Years , by taking out the more corruptible parts , and stuffing their prepar'd Skins with any convenient Matter . And that the internal membranous parts of Bodies may be long and easily kept from putref●ction , is not unknown to many Anatomists . And not to mention what we have try'd of this sort , we have seen the Veins , Arteries , and Nerves of a humane Body , laid out in their natural situation upon three Boards , by the pains and skill of an accurate Anatomist of Padua . And elsewhere , Uterum vidimus atque omnia mulieris genitalia , together with the Bladder , all displaid upon a Board , preserv'd for many Years so entire , and in a situation so near the Natural , that this Scheme was far more instructive , then the most accurate Printed one could possibly be . We have likewise known the flesh of Vipers , kept not onely sweet , but efficacious , for divers Years , by the smoak of a peculiar Powder , chiefly consisting of Aromatick Ingredients , and of which , you , Pyrophilus , may command the Composition . We have also seen the Skeleton of a Monky , made , by an excellent French Chyrurgion of our acquaintance , whereon the Tendons and Fibres of the Muscles were so preserv'd , that it was look'd upon as a rarity , very useful to shew their Originations and Insertions , and to explain the motions of the Limbs : And perhaps there may be some way to keep the Arteries & the Veins too , when they are empty'd of Blood , plump , and unapt to shrink over-much , by filling them betimes with some such substance , as , though fluid enough when it is injected to run into the Branches of the Vessels , will afterwards quickly grow hard . Such may be the liquid Plaister of burnt Alabaster , formerly mention'd , or Ising-glass steeped two days in Water , and then boild up , till a drop of it in the cold will readily turn into a still Gelly . Or else Saccarum Saturni , which , if it be dissolv'd often enough in Spirit of Vinager , and the Liquor be each time drawn off again , we have observ'd to be apt to melt with the least heat , and afterwards to grow quickly into a somewhat brittle consistence again . But I must not insist on these Fancies , but rather adde , That I have known an Embrio , wherein the parts have been very perfectly delineated and distinguishable , preserv'd unputrifi'd for several Years ; and I think it still continues so , by being seasonably and artificially embalm'd with Oyl ( if I much mis-remember not ) of Spikes . And I have elsewhere seen a large Embrio , which after having been preserv'd many Years , by means of another Liquor ( whose composition I do as yet but guess at ) did , when I saw it , appear with such an admirable Entireness , Plumpness , and Freshness , as if it were but newly dead : And that which concurs to make me hope that some nobler w●y may be yet found out , for , the preservation of dead Bodies , is , that I am not convinc'd that nothing can powerfully resist Putrefaction in such Bodies , but things that are either saline and corrosive , or else hot ; nor that the Embalming Substances cannot be effectually apply'd , without ripping open the Body to be preserv'd by them . For Josephus Acosta , a sober Writer , relates , That in certain American Mountains , Men , and the Beasts they ride on , sometimes are kill'd with the Winds , which yet preserve them from putrefaction , without any other help . So insensible a quantity of Matter , such as it may be , may , without Incision made into the Body , both pervade it , and as it were Embalm it . I know also a very experienc'd and sober Gentleman , who is much talk'd off for curing of Cancers in Womens Breasts , by the outward Application of an Indolent Powder ; some of which he also gave me , but I have not yet had the opportunity to make tryal of it : And I shall anon tell you , that I have seen a Liquor , which without being at all either acid or caustick , is in some Bodies far mo●e effectual against Putrefaction , then any of the corrosive Spirits of Nitre , Vitriol , Salt , &c. and then any of the other saline Liquors that are yet in use . We have also try'd a way of preserving Flesh with Musk , whose effects seem'd not despicable to us , but must not here be insisted on . Nor were it amiss that diligent Tryal were made what use might be made of Spirit of Wine , for the Preservation of a humane Body : For this Liquor being very limpid , and not greasy , leaves a clear prospect of the Bodies immers'd in it ; and though it do not fret them , as Brine , and other sharp things commonly employ'd to preserve Flesh are wont to do , yet it hath a notable Balsamick Faculty , and powerfully resists Putrefaction , not onely in living Bodies ( in which , though but outwardly apply'd , it hath been found of late one of the potentest Remedies against Gangrens ) but also in dead ones . And I remember that I have sometimes preserv'd in it some very soft parts of a Body for many Moneths ( and perhaps I might had done it for divers Years , had I had opportunity ) without finding that the consistence or shape was lost , much less , that they were either putrifi'd or dry'd up : We have also , by mixing with it Spirit of Wine , very long preserv'd a good quantity of Blood , so sweet and fluid , that 't was wondered at by those that saw the Experiment . Nay , we have for curiosity sake , with this Spirit , preserv'd from further stinking , a portion of Fish , so stale , that it shin'd very vividly in the dark ; in which Experiment , we also aim'd at discovering whether this resplendent quality of the decaying Fish would be either cherish'd , or impair'd by the Spirit of Wine ( whose operations in this tryal we elsewhere inform you of ) and it would be no very difficult matter for us to improve , by some easie way , this Balsamical Virtue of Spirit of Wine , in case you sh●ll think it worth while : But not to anticipate what I may more properly mention to you elsewhere , I shall at present say no more touching the Conservation of Bodies , since probably by all these , and some other Particulars , we may be induc'd to hope so well of humane Industry , as not to dispair , that in time some such way of preserving the Bodies of Men , and other Animals , will be found out , as may very much Facilitate , and Advance too , Anatomicall Knowledg . Neither is it only by advancing This , that the Naturalist may promote the Physiologicall Part of Physick : for since the Body consists not only of firme and consistent Parts , as the Bones , Muscles , Heart , Liver , &c. but of fluid ones , as the Blood , Serum , Gall , and other Juices . And since consequently to the compleat Knowledge of the use of all the Parts we should investigate , not only the Structure of the Solid ones , but the Nature of the Fluid ones , the Naturalist may do much more then hath yet been done , towards the perfecting of this Kowledge , not only by better explicating what it is in generall makes Bodies either Consistent or Fluid , but by examining particularly , and especially in a Pyrotechnicall way , the Nature of the severall Juices of the Body , and by illustrating the Alterations that those Juices , and the Aliments they are made of , receive in the Stomach , Heart , Liver , Kidneys , and other Viscera . For although a humane Body being the most admirable Corporeall Piece of Wo●kmanship of the Omniscient Architect , it is scarce to be hop'd , but that even among the things that happen ordinarily and regularly in it , there will be many which we shall scarce be able to reach with our Understanding , much lesse to imitate with our Hands . Yet paradventure , if Chymicall Experiments , and Mechanicall Contrivances , were industriously , and judiciously , associated by a Naturalist profoundly skill'd in both , and who would make it his Businesse to explain the Phaenomena of a Humane Body , not only many more of them then at first one would think , might be made more intelligible then as yet they have been ; but diverse of them ( especially those relating to the motions of the Limbs and Blood ) might be by artificiall Engines ( consisting as the Patterne not only of Solid but Liquid and Spirituous Parts ) not ill represented to our very Senses : since a humane Body it selfe seems to be but an Engine , wherein almost , if not more then almost , all the Actions common to Men , with other Animals , are perform'd Mechanically . But of the difference of these living Engines from others , I may elsewhere have a fitter opportunity to discourse to You. For at present , Pyro : I have employ'd so much of the little time my Occasions will allow me to spend upon the Treatise I am now writing , in making out to you the Usefulnesse of Naturall Philosophy , to the Physiologicall Part of Physick , that I must not only not prosecute this Subject , but must both hasten to mention , and to mention the more cursorily its serviceablenesse to the four remaining Parts of the Physitians Art. ESSAY II. Offering some Particulars relating to the Pathologicall Part of Physick . AND to say something in the next place of Pathology , that the Naturalists knowledge may assist the Physitian to discover the nature and causes of severall Diseases , may appear by the light of this Consideration , that , though divers Paracelsians ( taught , as they tell us , by their Master ) do but erroniously suppose , that Man is so properly a Microcosme , that of all the sorts of Creatures whereof the Macrocosme or Universe is made up , he really consists ; yet certaine it is that there are many Productions , Operations , and Changes of things , which being as well to be met with in the great , as in the little world , and diverse of them disclosing their natures more discernably in the former , then in the latter ; the knowledge of the nature of those things as they are discoverable out of mans body , may well be suppos'd capable of illustrating many things in man's body , which receiving some Modifications there from the nature of the Subject they belong to , passe under the notion of the Causes or Symptomes of Diseases . If I were now , Pyrophilus , to discourse to you at large of this Subject , I think I could convince you of the truth of what I have proposed . And certainly , unlesse a Physitian be , ( which yet I fear every one is not ) so much a Naturalist , as to know how Heat , and Cold , and Fluidity , and Compactnesse , and Fermentation , and Putrefaction , and Viscosity , and Coagulation , and Dissolution , and such like Qualities , are generated and destroyed in the generality of Bodies , he will be often very much to seek , when he is to investigate the causes of preternaturall Accidents in men's bodies , whereof a great many depend upon the Presence , or Change , or Vanishing of some or other of the enumerated Qualities , in some of the Fluid or Solid Substances that constitute the body . And that the Explications of a skilfull Naturalist may adde much to what has hitherto commonly been taught concerning the Nature and Origine of those Qualities , in Phisitians Schools , a little comparing of the vulgar Doctrine , with those various Phaenomena , to be met with among Naturall things , that ought to be , and yet seem not to be , explicable by it , will easily manifest to you . And questionlesse 't is a great advantage to have been taught by variety of Experiments in other bodies , the Differing waies whereby Nature sometimes produces the same effects . For since we know very little à priori , the observation of many such effects , manifesting , that nature doth actually produce them so and so , suggests to us severall wayes of explicating the same Phaenomenon , some of which we should perhaps never else have dream'd of . Which ought to be esteem'd no small Advantage to the Physitian ; since he that knows but one or few of Natures wayes of working , and consequently , is likely to ignore divers of those whereby the propos'd Disease ( or Symptome of it ) may be produc'd , must sometimes conclude , that precisely such or such a thing is the determinate Cause of it , and apply his Method of relieving his Patient accordingly ; which often proves very prejudiciall to the poor Patient , who dearly paies for his Physitians not knowing , That the Quality that occasions the Distemper , may be as probably , if not more rationally , deduc'd from an other Origine , then from that which is presum'd . This will scarce be doubted by him that knowes how much more likely Explications then those applauded some ages since , of divers things that happen as well within as without the body , have been given by later Naturalists , both Philosophers and Physitians : and how much the Theory of the Stone , and many other diseases , that has been given us by those many Physitians , that would needs deduce all the Phaenomena of diseases from Heat , Cold , and other Elementary Qualities , is Inferiour to the Account given us of them by those ingenious Moderns , that have apply'd to the advancement of Pathologie , that Circulation of the Blood , the Motion of the Chile by the Milky vessels to the Heart , the consideration of the effects deducible from the Pores of greater bodies , and the motion and figuration of their minute parts , together with some of the more known Chymicall Experiments : though both of those , and of the other helps mention'd just before them , I fear men have hitherto been far enough from making the best use , which I hope it will dayly more and more appear they are capable of being put to . He that has not had the curiosity to enquire out and consider the severall waies , whereby Stones may be generated out of the body , not only must be unable satisfactorily to explicate how they come to be produc'd in the Kidnies and in the Bladder , but will , perhaps , scarce keep himselfe from imbracing such errors , because authoriz'd by the suffrage of eminent Physitians , as the knowledge I am recommending would easily protect them from . For we find diverse famous , and , otherwise , learned Doctors , who ( probably because they had not taken notice of any other way of hardning a matter once soft into a stonelike consistence ) have believ'd and taught that the Stone of the Kidneyes is produc'd there by slime baked by the heat and drinesse of the Part ; as a portion of soft Clay may , by externall heat , be turn'd into a Brick or Tile . And accordingly they have for cure , thought it sufficient to make use of store of Remedies to moisten and cool the Kidneys ; which , though in some bodies this be very convenient , are yet far inferiour in efficacy to those Nobler medicines , that by specifick qualities and properties are averse to such coagulations as produce the Stone . But ( not to mention what a Physitian skill'd in Anatomy would object against this Theory from the nature of the part affected ) 't is not unlike , the imbraces of this Hypothesis would not have acquiesc'd in it , if they had seen those putrefactions out of the bodies of men , which we elsewhere mention'd . For these would have inform'd them , that a Liquor abounding with petrescent parts , may not only turn Wood ( as I have observ'd in a petrifying Spring ) into a kind of Stone , and may give to Cheese and Mosse without spoiling their pristine appearance a strong hardnesse and weight ; but may also produce large and finely shap'd Christalline bodies ( though those I try'd were much lesse hard then Chrystall ) in the bosome of the cold water , which brings into my mind , that I have diverse times produc'd a body of an almost stony hardnesse in lesse then halfe an hour , even in the midst of the water , by tying up in a rag , about the quantity of a nutmeg , of well and recently calcin'd Alabastre , which being thus ty'd up and thrown into the botome of a bason full of water , did there speedily harden into a Lapideous Concretion . And that even in the bodies of Animals themselves such concretions may be generated much otherwise then the Hypothesis we have been speaking of supposes , may appear by what happens to Craw-fishes , which though cold animals , and living in the waters , have generated at certain seasons in their heads Concretions , which for their hard and pulverizable consistence , divers Authors call lapides Cancrorum , though in the Shops they are often but abusively styled Oculi cancrorum . And such strong concretions are affirm'd to be generated in these Fishes every Year , which I the less scrupled at , because I have not found them at all times in the Head of the Fish. And besides , these and many more Concretions , that had they been observ'd by the Physitians we have been speaking of , might easily have kept them from acquiescing in , and maintaining their improbable explication of the manner of the Stones nativity : There is yet another kind of Coagulation , which may both be added to the former , and perhaps also serve to recommend the use of Chymical Experiments , in investigating the Causes of Diseases : This is made by the mixture of exquisitely dephlegm'd Spirit of fermented humane Urine , with as exactly rect●fied Spirit of Wine ; for upon the confusion of those two volatile Liquors in a just proportion , they will both of them , as after Lullius Experience hath inform'd us , suddenly coagulate into a white Mass , which Helmont calls Offa alba , and by which , he endeavors to declare the procreation of the Duelech : for supposing himself to have found in humane Urine a potential Aqua vitae , or Vinous Spirit , capable of being excited by a putrid Ferment , and coagulable by the volatile Salt of the same Urine , if there were any volatil Earth lurking in the Liquors , That being apprehended by the uniting Spirits , and coagulated with them both ; he supposeth there may emerge from the union of those three Bodies such an anomalous Concretion , as he , after Paracelsus , calls Duelech . And th●t a subtile Terrestrious Substance may lurk undiscerned , even in limpid Liquors , may appear , not onely in Wine , which rejects and fastens to the sides of the conteining Vessel , a Tartar , abounding in Terrestrious Feculency ; and in common Urine of healthy Men , which , though clear at its first emission into the Urinal , does , after a little rest there , let fall an Hypostasis , or Sediment , which , if distill'd before fermentation , leaves in the bottom of the Cucurbite an Earthy Substance , and commonly some Gravel : but even in rectified Spirit of Urine it self , I have had opportunity to observe , That after very long keeping , there hath spontaneously precipitated a Feculency , copious enough in proportion to the Liquor that afforded it . Nay , in an other parcel of Spirit of Urine , that hath been kept much longer then that already mention'd , we observ'd the other day , that not onely there was a Terrestrial residence fallen to the bottom of the Glass , but to the sides of it as far as the Liquor reach'd , there adhered a great multitude of small Concretions ; which , as far as appeared by looking on them through the Crystal Viol , to whose insides they were fastened , were no other then little grains of Gravel , such as are often found sticking to the sides of Urinals , employed by calculous persons . To which we might adde an Experiment of ours , whereby we are wont almost in a moment , by barely mixing together a couple of Liquors , both of them distill'd and transparent , and yet not both of them salin'd to thick them very notably and permanently , insomuch that they seem not to precipitate each other ; yet having once , for curiosity sake , distill'd them with a prety strong Fire , I obtain'd a great quantity ( as I remember , a fourth of the whole mixture ) of a blackish Mass , that was not onely coagulated and dry , but even brittle : But of the coagulation of distill'd Liquors , such as even Chymists themselves are not wont to look upon as at all dispos'd to coagulation , I may elsewhere have a better opportunity to entertain you , and therefore I shall forbear to do it now . And by this way , Pyrophilus , doth Helmont , if I understand him aright , attempt to make out the generation of the Stone in humane Bodys : In which Theory , though some difficulties do yet keep me from acquiescing , yet , besides that perhaps what you will meet with by and by ( about the distillation of the Duelech ) may make you the less wonder at this explication . Besides this , I say , granting that none of the enumerated ways of Petrescency ( if I may so speak ) deserves to be look'd upon as satisfactory ; yet to give so much as an account , not very absurd , of a Disease so anomalous and abstruse , and hitherto so unluckily explicated by Physitians , is perhaps more difficult , then it were to give ( at least ) a plausible account of divers other Distempers . And possibly it may be safely enough affirmed , That not onely Physiology , in its full extent , but that Hand-maid to it , which is call'd Chymistry , may not a little contribute to clear up the nature of both of the digestions , and of those deficiencies or aberrations in them , which produce a great part of Diseases ; especially if we allow what , as well Physitians , as Spagyrists agree in ( whether warily enough or not , I shall not now dispute ) viz. That whatever is separable from Bodies by the Fire , was , as a Constituent Element ( or Principle ) pre-existent in them . Perhaps I need not minde you , Pyrophilus , that 't is usual with the meerly Galenical Doctors themselves , to explicate the nature of Catarrhs , by comparing the Stomach to a seething Pot , and the Head to an Alembick , where the ascending Vapors , being , by the coldness of the Brain , condens'd into a Liquor , sometimes distil upon the Lungs , and sometimes fall upon other weakned parts ; in which explication , though for divers reasons I cannot acquiesce , yet it may suffice to shew you how little scruple many Learned Men , not like to be partial in the Case , would make of employing Chymical Operations to illustrate the Doctrine of Diseases . And indeed , since the Liquors contain'd in the Body abound , divers of them , with saline or sulphureous parts , he that hath been by Chymistry taught the nature of the several sorts of Salts and Sulphurs , and both beheld and considered their various actions one upon another , and upon other Bodies , seems to have a considerable help to discourse groundedly of the Changes and Operations of the humors , and other Juices contein'd in the Body , which he hath not that hath never had Vulcan for his Instructer . He that findes that there may be acid Juices in the Stomach , and elsewhere ( as is frequently evident in the sharp Liquors which many Stomachs cast up ) and that there are also Sulphureous Salts in the Body ( as is apparent in Blood and Urine , which abound with such . ) He that knows that the Serum that swims upon the Blood out of the Body , is by a gentle heat immediatly coagulable into a thick whitish Substance , not unlike a Custard ; and that Chymically analiz'd Blood yields store of volatile and sulphureous , but ( as far as our tryals have hitherto inform'd us ) no acid saltness . He that knows that these animal Salts and Spirits may be so powerful , that we have been able with Spirit of Urine , or of Harts-horn , to make a red Solution of Flowers of Sulphur , and that with Spirit of Urine ( though drawn without violence of Fire ) we have ( as we elsewhere more particularly declare ) dissolved both in a very gentle heat , and in a very short time , the un-open'd Body of crude Copper , so as to make thereof a Solution of a rich , deep , and ev'n opacous Blew : And that we have done almost the like with unrectified Spirit of Mans Blood. He that hath , as we have done , examin'd by Fire ( especially produc'd by the help of a Burning-glass ) that limpid Liquor that is to be found in the Limphatick Vessels , and hath taken notice of that odde consistence , smell , crackling , and other qualities discernable in it by heat . He that observes how acid Liquors loose their acidity , by working upon some Bodies ; as when Spirit of Viniger grows almost insipid upon the coral it hath corroded , and how those saline Liquors , by working upon certain Bodies , degenerate into Salts of another nature , as we have sometimes observ'd in Oyl of Vitriol , working upon the fourth part of its weight of Quick-silver , and how the contrariety of acid and sulphureous Salts makes them sometimes disarm , sometimes , after some ebullition , precipitate each other ; and sometimes unite into a third substance , of a differing nature from either of those from whose coalition it results , as we see in Tartarū Vitriolatū ; and , as I have observ'd , in a Salt , I sometimes make to emerge from a due proportion of Oyl of Vitriol and Spirit of Urine , freed , after conjunction , from their aqueous moisture : And He , in a word , that hath carefully analiz'd and made tryals on many parts , both of the Macrocosm and Microcosm , and heedfully applyed his Experiments made on the former , to the illustration of the changes observable in the latter , shall be likely to explicate divers particulars in Pathology , more intelligibly then he that is a stranger to Chymistry . And though I am very unwilling to meddle with Medical Controversies , and am apt to think , that Chymists are wont to speak somewhat too slightingly of the humors of the humane Body , and allow them too little a share in the production of Diseases ; yet ( to skip other reasons ) the strange stories related by Skenkius , and other eminent Physitians , of the corrosiveness of some Juices , which , rejected by Urine or Vomits , have been able to boyl on Brass , fret Linnen , and stain Silver ; together with some odde Observations of this nature , our selves have had opportunity to make , do very much incline us to believe , That the generality of former Physitians have ascrib'd too much to the Humors , under the notion of their being hot and dry , cold and moist , or endowed with such other Elementary Qualities , and have taken a great deal too little notice of the saline ( if I may so speak ) and Sulphureous Properties of things . And in this Opinion I am not a little confirmed by the authority of Hippocrates himself , both in other passages , and especially where he says , Non calidum , frigidum , humidum , aut siccum , esse quod magnam agendi , vim habet , verum amarum & salsum & dulce & acidum & insipidum & acerbum , &c. are the things which , though inoffensive to the ▪ Body , whilst they duly allay each other , prove hurtful to it , and distemper it , when any of them comes to sever it self from the rest , and grow predominant . And indeed , if the Juices of the Body were more Chymically examin'd , especially by a Naturalist that knows the ways of making fix'd Bodies volatile , and volatile fix'd , and knows the power of the open Air in promoting the former of those Operations ; it is not improbable , that both many things relating to the nature of the Humors , and to the ways of sweetning , acuating , and otherwise altering them may be detected , and the importance of such Discoveries may be discern'd . And perhaps it would adde to the usefulnesse of such an examination , if it were extended to the noxious Juices in distemper'd bodies : such as the rotten Phlegme spit up by those , whose Lungs are disaffected ; the slimy excretions voided in the Lyantery , and the liquor that distends the abdomen in the Dropsy and Ascites : concerning which ( to tell you that upon the by ) I found that it was of a differing nature from either Water or Urine . For a paracentecis being made in the abdomen of one dangerously sick of this sort of Dropsie , I found that the Liquor would keep a pretty while without putrefaction , ( nor did the Patient's body , when I afterwards saw it open'd , smell almost at all , though the inside of the abdomen lookt well neer as black , as if it had been sphacelated : ) and having steam'd away some of it , whilst it was pretty fresh , over a somewhat slow fire ; it first coagulated into a substance like Whites of Eggs , and , by a little farther evaporation , turn'd to such a glutinous substance , as tradesmen are wont to call Size ; and being kept longer on the fire grew to be hard like fish glew , but more brittle , and transparent enough , but with a little tincture of a greenish yellow ; and some of the forementioned liquor being distill'd in a Retort , did towards the end of the operation so darken the vessell with a thick blackish oyle , as hindred me from discerning what else perhaps I might have seen . And I suppose it may prove a usefull instance to the former purpose , if I somewhat circumstantially annex here what occurr'd to me , when I was accidentally considering of the Calculus humanus . Having therefore obtein'd of a skilfull Lithotomist of my acquaintance divers Stones , which he had cut out of mens bladders , I chose a couple of them ( which were whitish almost , of equall bignesse , and figure , which was neer ovall , and which together weighed about two ounces and an halfe , these with the help of a strong knife I carefully open'd , to find whether or no either of them consisted of an entire and uniforme matter , ( as most other stones , and even some calculi humani do ) and I found that each of them was made up of severall shells , as it were , successively involving one another , like the rinds of an Onion , and such shels , but more soft , and more of a colour ; we likewise observed in a great stone taken a while since out of an Oxe's Gall , and sent us for a present ; and though all of these were of an almost stony hardnesse , yet that hardnesse was not equall in them all ; and in one of the stones we observed one of the rinds ( to make use of that expression ) to be of a differing colour both frm that which immediatly imbraced it , and from that which it immediately imbrac'd : some of these rinds equalled in thicknesse the length of a barley corne , and others were somewhat thinner . Though they did closely imbrace one another , yet they were actually separable , as well as visibly distinguishable . And proceeding very warily in the breaking one of these stones , we found that in the center of it , there lay a small and soft ovall stone , as it were the kernell of those conglomerated shells ; and this kernell lay so loose , that with a little industry and patience we picked it out of the shell , and kept it by us as a rarity . This done , being desirous to know whither Chymicall tortures would force these Concreats to a further confession of their nature , we caused them to be finely powdred , and put into a small but strongly coated glasse Retort , whereunto luting a much larger Retort for a Receiver ; we found that these two ounces and halfe of powder , being distilled for some hours in a naked fire , afforded us great store of volatile Salt ( partly grey and partly white ) which almost coverd the inside of the Receiver , and a pretty quantity of reddish spirit , which in the Receiver it selfe soon coagulated into Salt , and having severed our vessels , we found in the neck of the Receiver a very little darkish oyle , but in the neck of the Retort a greater quantity of the same adust Oyl , incorporated with a pretty quantity of volatile Salt , whose smell did readily recall to my minde that peculiar kinde of stink which I had sometimes taken notice of in the volatile Salt of unfermented Urine ; nor were the taste of these two Salts unlike . The caput mortuum consisted of a fine , light , cole-black Powder , not unlike the finest sort of Soot ; and by weighing but of six Drachmes , it inform'd us , that above two thirds of the distill'd calculi humani had been , as being volatile , forced from the Terrestrial Parts , even in a close Vessel , wherein the caput mortuum , though it were left insipid enough , yet retained stink enough to make us think , it still conteined pretty store of heavy Oyl : as indeed , having put it into a Crucible , and kept it a competent while in a stronger fire , we found it reduced to about two Drachmes of a br●ttle Mass of insipid white Calx , which did not slack , or fall asunder like Lime when it is cast into Water . To this Example of the usefulnesse of Chymistry , to discover the unobserv'd , and otherwise scarce discoverable difference of the calculus humanus from other stones ; we may venture to adde , That though some Paracelsians do take too much liberty , when they crudely tell us , that there are arsenicall , vitriolate , aluminous , and other minerall substances , generated in humane bodies , yet if they had more warily propos'd their Doctrine , it would not perhaps appear so absurd , as they are wont to think it , who considering only the nature of the Aliments men usually feed upon , cannot conceive that such being but either Animals or Vegetables , can by so gentle a heat as that of man's body , ( by which they suppose all the changes of the Aliments must be effected , ) be Exalted to an energie like that of such bodies as are compos'd of active Minerall substances , and have some of them perchance acquir'd a violence of operation from the fire . But we see that Concretions , so like Stones , ( which belong to the Minerall Kingdome , ) as to passe generally for such , may be produc'd in the bodies not only of men but of sucking children , whose Aliment is fluid Milk : and it seems a mistake to imagine ( how many soever do so ) that Heat must needs be the Efficient of all the changes the matter of our Aliments may happen to undergoe in a humane body : where there are Streiners , and Solvents , and new Mixtions , and perhaps Ferments , and diverse other powerfull Agents , which by successively working upon the assum'd matter , may so fashion and qualifie it , as , in some cases , to bring the more dispos'd part of it to be not unlike even fossile Salts , or other minerall substances . A very eminent person was lately complaining to me , that in the fits of a distemper , which almost as much puzzls her Physitians as her selfe , she sometimes vomits up something so sharp and fretting , that , after it hath burnt her throat in its passage , almost like scalding water , it doth not only Staine the Silver vessels that receiv'd it , but also work upon them , as if it were a Corrosive Menstruum . And there dyed a while since a very intelligent person , much imploy'd in publick affaires , who complain'd to me , that in the fits of the strange distemper he labor'd under , he divers times observ'd , that , that part of his pillow which his breath passed along , would by the strange fuliginous Steams , which that carried off with it , be blackt over , as if it had been held in some sooty smoak or other . We may also consider , that the Rain-water , which in its passage through a Vine , or an Apricok-tree , or the like plants , is turn'd into a sweet fruit ; in its passage through those plants that bear Lemmons and Barberries , is transmuted into a liquor sharp enough to corrode , not only Pearles but Corall , lapides cancrorum , and other hard Concrets , as spirit of Vitrioll would do . And writers of unsuspected credit , affirme , that an Indian fruit , ( whose name I cannnot readily call to mind ) will speedily corrode and wast the very steel knives 't is cut with , if its Juice be left long upon them : and we see that some sorts even of our Apples and Peares , will quickly black the blades of Knives on which the Juice is suffer'd to continue . And least what I freshly mention'd about Limmon trees , should be question'd , I will here adde , that I remember also that I have made not only some other hot and strongly tasted Herbs , but even a Ranunculus it selfe , to grow and inc●ease notably in weight as well as bulk , though I fed it but with fair water : and allowd it nothing else to shoot its roots into . Wherefore since this plant is reckon'd amongst those , that either are poisonous , or want but little of being so ; and since its operation is so violent , that this sort of Vegetables , is taken notice of from the experience of Country people , to be able by outward application to draw blisters , and since neverthelesse that which this plant , without any heat discernable by the touch , transmutes into so virulent a substance , is but so unactive a body as water ; why may not such aliments , as may have in them divers parts of a far more operative nature , be in a humane body , by an unusuall concourse of Causes and Circumstances , so alter'd and exalted , as to approach in operations ( especially upon the more tender parts ) to those of fossile Salts or other Minerals ? So that a Chymist might upon such an account , without any great absurdity , teach some parcels of morbifick matter to be of an Arsenicall , or a Vitriolate , or an Antimoniall nature , especially since we see that sometimes Cancers , Ulcers , and sharp Juices generated in the body , doe by their vitiating and wasting the invaded parts , but too much emulate the pernitious operations of Arsnick , and of fretting Salts : and the infusion of Antimonie doth scarce more stimulate nature to disburthen her selfe both upwards and downwards , then doth sometimes an humor , such as that which causes the Cholera morbus , and perhaps more violent diseases . And that such degenerations of Innocent aliments should sometimes happen in discompos'd bodies , you will perhaps think the lesse strange , if you duly perpend what I lately mention'd , of the transmutation of Water into hot and vesicatory substances ; and if thereto I annex , that from a single pound of so common and temperate an Aliment as Bread , I can by an easie way , ( and that without addition , ) obteine many ounces of a menstruum , which ( as tryall has inform'd ) will worke more powerfully upon bodies , more compact then some hard mineralls , or perhaps Glasse it selfe : then a wary Chymist would expect to see Aqua fortis doe . These things I have mention'd , Pyrophilus , to intimate some of the Reasons , why I think Chymicall Experiments may be usefully apply'd , to illustrate some things in Pathologie , either by imitating out of the body , the production of some sorts of morbifick matter , or by such resolutions of that which is generated in the body , as may conduce to the discovery of its nature . And not that I think , as Spagyrists do , the experiments or notions of vulgar Chymists sufficient to explicate the whole doctrine either of Digestion or of Diseases : for it would be very difficult for them to make out the manner of Nutrition , or so much as how they that feed only on Vegetables , should ( to propose the difficulty in their own Terms ) have their Blood and Urine copiously enrich'd with a volatile sulphureous Salt , of which sort , plants are not wont to yeild any in distillation . And much more difficult would it be for them by principles peculiar to Chymists to make out the propagation of Hereditary diseases : or how madnesse , & some other distempers , that do not visibly vitiate the organes of those functions that they pervert , should not only prove hereditary , but lurk very many yeares in the inheriting person's body , before they begin to disclose themselves : and sometimes too , be transmitted from the Grandfather to the Grand-child , and skip immediately the intervening Son. And therefore I say again , that I pretend not that Vulgar Chymistry will enable a Physitian to explicate all or most of the Pathologicall Phaenomena ; but that True Chymistry may assist him to explicate diverse of them , which can scarce be solidly explicated without it . And let me adde , that he that throughly understands the nature of Ferments and Fermentations , shall probably be much better able then he that ignores them , to give a fair account of divers phaenomena of severall diseases ( as well Feavers as others ) which will perhaps be never throughly understood , without an insight into the doctrine of Fermentation , in order to which , for that and other reasons , I design'd my Historicall notes touching that subject . Yet I am not sure , but there may be effervescences , ( and perhaps periodicall ones ) in the Blood and other Juices of the body without Fermentation properly so call'd . For there may be divers other waies of begetting a praeternaturall heat in the Blood. We often see that in Coughs , when the flegme is rottten ( as they speak ) that is , when its former viscous texture is alter'd , it does no longer stick fast to the vessels of the Lungs , to which it obstinately adher'd before . And so at certain times other humors in the body , either by growing more fluid themselves , or by some change in the Blood , whereby it becomes fitter to dissolve such humors , may swimme in , and be circulated with , the masse of blood , and thereby occasion praeternaturall heats : either by their indisposition to be well , and incorporated therewith : or by altering its texture : or disturbing the wonted motion of its minute parts : or by opposing its due Rarefaction as it passeth through the Heart : or by obstructing the more slender Vessels , and so hindering the free Circulation of the Blood through them ; perhaps also causing some Extravasation , as we see that wounds & bru●ses are attended with some inflammation , more or lesse , of the part affected ; ) or by some other of the waies not now to be declared . And tryall hath taught me , that there are Liquors , in which the bare admixture of Milk , Oyle , or other Liquors , nay or of cold water , will presently occasion a notable heat : and I sometimes imploy a menstruum , in which nothing but a little flesh being put , though no visible Ebullition ensue , there will in a few minuts , be excited a Heat , intense enough to be troublesome to him that holds the Glasse . And yet it seems not necessary that this should be ascrib'd to a true fermentation , which may rather proceed from the perturb'd motion of the Corpuscles of the menstruum , which being by the adventitious liquor or other body put out of their wonted motion , and into an inordinate one , there is produc'd in the menstruum a brisk confus'd Agitation of 〈◊〉 small parts that compose it ; and in such an agitation , ( from what cause soever it proceeds , ) the nature of Heat seems mainly to consist . But to dispatch , I scarce doubt , but that if in the history of diseases , there were better notice taken of those Phaenomena , that agree not with the opinions already in request , as well as of those that are thought consonant to them ; and if also Chymicall tryals were skilfully varied and judiciously applyed to the illustrating of Pathologicall Phaenomena , the former might be made conducing to the better explication of the latter : especially if the businesse were mannag'd by a Naturalist well vers'd both in Chymicall Experiments , and in Anatomy , and the history of Diseases , without being too much addicted either to the Chymist's notions , or the receiv'd opinions of Physitians . And as the Naturalist may thus illustrate Pathologie as a Chymist , so may he do the like as a Zoologer ; for either the true knowledge of Anatomy must be much lesse usefull to Physitians then they have hitherto beleived , or else the discoveries made by recent Anatomists of the Asellian , Pecquetian , and Bartholinian vessels , by either overthrowing the receiv'd doctrine of Digestions , ( from whose aberrations many diseases spring ) or at least by making diverse discoveries in relation to the aeconomy of Digestions unknown to the Ancients , most probably contribute much to the clearing up of diverse Pathologicall difficulties in the explication of some diseases ; besides , that the very liberty of making those Experiments in live Beasts , which are not to be made but in living creatures , nor are allowable to be made in living men , may enable a Zoologist , by giving us a clearer account of divers parts of the body , to determine divers Pathologicall difficulties springing from either our ignorance or mistakes of the use of those parts , as by the formerly mention'd Experiment of the exsection of a live dogge's Spleen , and a watchfull observation of all the diseases upon that Account , befalli●●●im and other Dogs so serv'd ; much light perhaps may be given to the doct●in of the use of the Spleen , together with the diseases supposed to depend on that part , which I fear is hitherto ( to the no small prejudice of the Sick ) by few Physitians throughly understood , and by many unhappily enough mistaken . And here we may represent unto you , Pyr : that not only the dissections of sound Beasts may assist the Physitian to discover the like parts of a humane body , but the dissections of morbid beasts may sometimes illustrate the doctrine of the causes and seats of diseases . For that this part of Pathology has been very much improved by the diligence of modern Physitians , by dissecting the bodies of men kill'd by Diseases , we might be justly accused of want of curiosity , or gratitude , if we did not thankfully acknowledge ; For indeed much of that improvement of Physick , ( for which the Ancients , if they were now alive , might envy our new Physitians ) may , in my poor opinion , be ascribed to their industrious scrutiny of the Seat and Effects of the peccant matter of Diseases in the bodies of those that have been destroyed by them . And that the instructions deducible from such observations may be either increased or illustrated by the like observations made in the bodies of Beasts , we have been inclin'd to think , partly by the having Chymically analyz'd ( as they phrase it ) the blood of divers Bruits , as Sheep , Deer , &c. and found its Phlegme , Spirit , Salt , and Oyle , very like that of humane bloud ; and partly by our having observ'd in the bodies of severall Bruits , ( not excepting Fishes ) Wormes , Imposthumes , and the like , some of which seem'd manifestly to spring from such causes , as are wont to produce resembling distempers in men : and if the acute Helmont had been a more diligent dissector of Beasts , he would perchance have escaped the Error he after others run into ( and into which his Authority hath tempted others to run ) when he affirm'd , that the Stone was a disease peculiar to men , for , that in the bodies of Beasts , especially very Old ones , Stones are sometimes to be found , not only severall Butchers have assur'd me , but you may gather partly from that taken out of an Oxe's Gall , which I have formerly mention'd , which was about the bignesse of a Wallnut ) but principally from what I elsewhere deliver'd on purpose to disprove that fond assertion : and greater leasure may , upon another occasion , invite us to mention some pathologicall Observations made in diseased Beasts , by which , ( were we not willing to hasten , ) we might now perhaps much confirme what we have propos'd touching the possibility of illustrating , by such Observations , the nature of some of the Diseases inciden● to humane bodies . And here we may also consider that there are diverse Explications of particular Diseases , or troublesome Accidents propos'd by Physitians , especially since the Disco●ery of the Bloods Circulation , wherein the Compression , Obstruction , or Irritation of some Nerve , or the Distension of some Veine by too much Bloud , or some Hinderance of the free Passage of the Bloud through this or that particular Vessell , is assign'd for the cause of this or that Disease or Symptome . Now in diverse of these cases the Liberty lately mention'd , that a skilfull Dissector may take in Beasts , to open the Body or Limbs , to make Ligatures strong or weak on the vessells , or other inward parts , as occasion shall require , to leave them there as long as he pleaseth , to prick , or apply sharp liquors to any nervous or membranous part , and whenever he thinkes convenient , to dissect the Animall again , to observe what change his Experiment hath produc'd there : such a Liberty , I say , which is not to be taken in humane bodies , may in some cases either confirme or confute the Theories proposd , and so put an end to dive●se Pathologicall Controversies , and perhaps too occasion the Discovery of the true and genuine causes of the Phaenomena disputed of , or of others really as abstruse . To this let me adde , that there is a whole classis of diseases to be met with in Physitians Books , which proceed not originally from any internal distemper of the Patient , but are produced by some exterior Poyson , and are therefore wont to be call'd by Doctors , Morbi à veneno orti , to the more acurate knowledge of divers of which Diseases , Experiments made on Bruits may not a little conduce : For though I deny not that some things may be Poysons to Man , th●t are not so to some Beasts ; and on the contrary ( as we have more then once given to a Dog , without much harming him , such a quantity of Opium , as would probably have suffic'd to have kill'd several Men ) yet the greater number of Poysons being such both to Man and Bruits , the liberty of exhibiting them , when , and in what manner we please , to these ( which we dare not do to him ) allows us great opportunities of observing their manner of operation and investigating their Nature , as our selves have tryed , and that sometimes with unexpected events ( as when lately a Cat ran mad , so that her Keeper was fain to kill her ) upon a large dose of Opium which we caus'd to be given her . And on this occasion I shall not scruple to transcribe an Observation out of a Discourse , I some years since writ to a Friend , about the tu●ning Poysons into Medicines , because that Treatise , I am like , for certain reasons , to suppress : The words , as I there finde them , are these , Before I take leave of Vipers ( or Adders , as some will have , those that here in England commonly pass for Vipers ) it will not be impertinent to tell you , That it may be justly doubted , whether they be to be reckon'd amongst poysonous Creatures , in such a sense as those other venomous Creatures , who have in them a constant , and , if I may so speak , gross and tangible Poyson ; for it may be suppos'd , that the venom of Vipers consists chiefly in the rage and fury wherewith they bite , and not in any part of the Body , which hath at all times a mortal property : Thus the madness of a Dog makes his teeth Poysonous , which before were not so : And Authors of good repute supply us with instances of hurts in themselves , free from danger , that have been made fatal by a Venom created by the fierceness of the inraged ( though not otherwise poysonous ) Creatures that inflicted them . And Baccius , if I mistake not , in his Treatise De Venenis , tells us a memorable Story ( whereof he affirms himself to have been an eye-witness ) of a Man who was kill'd within three days , by a slight hurt received in his left hand , from an inraged Dung-hill Cock : And that no parts of the Viper have any constant inherent Poyson in them , I have been induced to suspect upon this Experiment ; That dissecting some live Vipers , there came in accidentally a strange Dog , to whom I gave the Head , Tail , and Gall ( which are the parts supposed to contain the Poyson ) of one of them , and the Head and Gall of another , wrapt up in meat ; after which , I locked the little Dog up in my own Chamber , and watched him , but foūd not that he was sick , or offered to vomit at all , but onely lap'd up gre●dily some drink which he espyd in the Room ; nor was he alone very jocund , for divers hours that I kept him in , but liked his entertainment so well , that he would afterwards , when he met me in the Street , leave those that kept him to fawn on and follow me . And having since related this Experiment to an inquisitive Friend of mine , he assured me , That to satisfie himself further in this particular , he gave to a Dog a dozen Heads and Galls of Vipers , without finding them to produce in him any mischievous symptome : To which I shall adde , That the old Man , you know , that makes Viper Wine , does it ( as himself tells me ) by leaving the whole Vipers , if they be not very great , perhaps for some moneths , without taking out the Galls , or separating any other part from them in the Wine , till it hath dissolved as much of them as it can . And though it may seem somewhat improper , whil'st we are discoursing of Poysons , to insist on a remedy against them ; yet the mention of Vipers recalling into my minde a memorable Experiment which I tryed against the biting of Vipers , I shall choose rather to decline the dictates of Method , then those of Charity , which forbids me to suppress a remedy that may possibly rescue from sudden death , a Person or other fit to live , or unprepar'd to dye , because it does not strictly belong to the Theme whereto it is referred . The remedy then is this , That as soon as ever a Man is b●iten ( for if the Poyson have had time enough to diffuse it self , and gain the Mass of Blood , I doubt the Experiment will scarce succced ) a hot Iron be held as near the place as the Patient can possibly indure , till it have , as they speak , drawn out all the Venom : which Eye-witnesses assure me ( for I have not yet seen that my se●f ) will sometimes adhere like a yellowish spot to the surface of the Iron . But being upon competent grounds satisfied of the Experiment , to convin●e a Physitian that mistrusted it , I last Summer hired a Man ( who doubted it as little as I ) to suffer himself to be bitten by a Viper ; and having in the Physitians house and presence , pick●d out of a good number of them one of the blackest I could finde ( those of that colour being supposed the most mischi●vous ) and commanded the fellow to provoke and anger it ( which to my wonder he did , a pretty while before the Beast would fasten on him ) At length , being by his very rude handling thorowly exasperated , it bit him with great fury , as it seem'd , for immediately his hand began to swell , and the injured part was grown tumid before we could take from the Fire , which was hard by , a knife that lay heating there ; and having apply'd it as near as he could suffer it , for about ten or twelve minutes , we found that the swelling , though it decreased not , did not spread ; and the Man glad of his money , without further Ceremony , went about his affairs , and told me since , That though the tumor continued a while , he had no other inconvenience attending it , and hath divers times got money by repeating the Experiment ; though otherwise , by the casual bitings of Vipers , he hath been much distrest , and his Wife almost kill●d . But , Pyrophilus , to return to the Experiments of Poysons made on Beasts , we could wish Physitians were more diligent to make tryals of them , not onely by giving Beasts poysons at the mouth , but also by making external applications of them , especially in those parts where the Vessels that convey Blood more approach the surface of the Body , and also by dexterously wounding determinate Veins with Instruments dipt in Poysons ( especially moist or liquid ones ) that being carried by the circulated Blood to the Heart and Head , it may be found whether their strength be that way more uninfringed , and their operation more speedy ( or otherwise differing ) then if they were taken in at the mouth . For I remember sober Travellers have shew'd me some Indian Poysons , whose noxious efficacy they affirm'd to be by great intervals of time , differingly mortal , according as the slight hurt made by the points of Arrows , infected with them , did open a capillary , or larger Vein , and were inflicted on a part more or less distant from the Heart ; but having not yet made any tryal of this my self , I dare not build upon it . Yet I finde that the formerly commended Olearius , in his Travels into Muscovie and Persia , takes notice of a venomous Insect in Persia , which the Natives call Encureck , and which he ( how justly I know not ) makes to be a kinde of Tarantula , because it is , as that Creature , in shape almost like a Spider , and speckled , though of twice the bigness of a Thumb : This Insect ( says he ) instead of stinging or biting , lets his Venom fall in form of a drop of Water , which immediately produces insufferable pains in the part to which it fastens , and suddenly penetrating , as far as to the Stomach , sends up vapors to the Head , which sends again ( to use his expression ) so profound a sleep to all the Patients limbs , that it is impossible to awaken him , but by one onely Remedy , which is to crush one of these Creatures upon the hurt , whence he abstracts all the Poison . Some horrid and unusual symptomes of this Venom , which yet agree not so well with those that are wont to be produc'd in persons bitten by Tarantula's , our Author proceeds to mention ; and furnishes us with a proof of what we were lately saying , when we told you that some things were poysonous to Men , which were not to some Beasts : by adding , as an admirable singularity , that the Sheep of those parts do not onely eat these fatal Insects , but seek for them . I know also , by sad experience in my self , what an outward application even of Cantharides can do ; for having occasion to have a large blister drawn on my Neck , the Chirurgion I employed , unknown to me , made use of Cantharides , among other Ingredients of his vesicating Plaister , which a few hours after I had taken it , waken'd me with excessive torment , to which it put me about the neck of my Bladder , so that I apprehended it might proceed from some Stone unable to get out ; of which sudden and sensible pain , after I had a while in vain conjectur'd what might be the cause , I at length suspected that which was indeed the true one ; and having sent for the Chirurgion , he confess'd to me , upon my demand , that he had put some Cantharides in his Plaister , not thinking it would have had such an operation : whereupon I soon reliev'd my self , by drinking new Milk very well sweetned with Suger candy . Postscript . TO enable you , Pyrophilus , to gratifie those inquisitive Persons that have heard some , and yet but an imperfect Report , of a much nois'd Experiment , that was some Years agoe devis'd at Oxford , and since try'd in other places before very Illustrious Spectators ; I am content to take the occasion afforded me , by what was in the foregoing Essay lately mention'd concerning the Application of Poysons , to inform you , That a pretty while after the writing of that Essay , I happen'd to have some Discourse about matters of the like Nature , with those excellent Mathematicians , Dr. I. Wilkins , and Mr. Christopher Wren ; at which the latter of those Virtuosi told us , That he thought he could easily contrive a way to convey any liquid Poison immediately into the Mass of Blood. Whereupon , our knowledge of his extraordinary Sagacity , making us very desirous to try what he propos'd , I provided a large Dog , on which he made his Experiment in the presence , and with the assistance of some eminent Physitians , and other learned Men : His way ( which is much better le●rn'd by sight , then relation ) was briefly this : First , to make a small and opportune Incision over that part of the hind-leg , where the larger Vessels that carry the Blood , are most easie to be taken hold of : Then to make a Ligature upon those Vessels , and to apply a certain small Plate of Brass ( of above half an Inch long , and about a quarter of an Inch broad , whose sides were bending inward● ) almost of the shape and bigness of the Nail of a Mans Thumb , but somewhat longer . This Plate had four little holes in the sides , near the corners , that by threads pass'd thorow them , it might be well fasten'd to the Vessel : And in the same little Plate there was also left an Aperture , or somewhat large Slit , parallel to the sides of it , and almost as long as the Plate , that the Vein might be there expos'd to the Lancet , and kept from starting aside . This Plate being well fasten'd on , he made a Slit along the Vein , from the Ligature towards the Heart , great enough to put in at it the slender Pipe of a Syringe : By which I had propos'd to have injected a warm solution of Opium in Sack , that the effect of our Experiment might be the more quick and manifest . And accordingly our dexterous Experimenter having surmounted the difficulties which the tortur'd Dogs violent struglings interpos'd , convey'd a small Dose of the Solution or Tincture into the open'd Vessel , whereby , getting into the mass of Blood ( some quantity of which , 't is hard to avoid shedding in the operation ) it was quickly , by the circular motion of That , carry'd to the Brain , and other pa●ts of the Body . So that we had scarce unty'd the Dog ( whose four feet it had been requisite to fasten very strongly to the four Co●ners of the Table ) before the Opium began to disclose its Narcotick Quality , and almost assoon as he was upon his feet , he began to nod with his head , and faulter and reel in his pace , and presently after appear'd so stupifi'd , that there were Wagers offer'd his Life could not be sav'd . But I , that was willing to reserve him for further observation , caus'd him to be whipp'd up and down the Neighboring Garden , whereby being kept awake , and in motion , after some time he began to come to himself again ; and being led home , and carefully tended , he not onely recove●'d , but began to grow fat so manifestly that 't was admir'd : But I could not long observe how it far'd with him . For this Experiment , and some other tryals I made upon him , having made him famous , he was soon after stoln away from me . Succeeding attempts inform'd us , that the Plate was not necessary , if the Finger were skilfully employ'd to support the Vessel to be opened ; and that a slender Quill , fasten'd to a Bladder , containing the matter to be injected , was somewhat more convenient then a Syringe ; as also that this notwithstanding , unless the Dog were pretty big , and lean , that the Vessels might be large enough and easily accessible , the Experiment would not well succeed : The Inventor of it afterwards practic'd it in the presence of that most Learned Noble-man , the Marquess of Dorchester , and found that a moderate Dose of the infusion of Crocus Metallorum did not much move the Dog , to whom it was given : but once that he injected a large Dose ( about two Ounces or more ) it wrought so soon , and so violently upon a fresh one , that within a few hours after he vomited up Life and all , upon the Straw whereon they had laid him . I afterwards wish'd , that not onely some vehemently working Drugs , but their appropriated Antidotes ( or else powerful liquid Cordials ) and also some altering Medicines , might be in a plentiful Dose injected . And in Diureticks , a very ingenious Anatomist and Physitian told me , he try'd it with very good success . I likewise propos'd , That if it could be done , without either too much danger or cruelty , tryal might be made upon some humane Bodies , especially those of Malefactors . And some Moneths after a foreign Ambassador , a curious Person , at that time residing in London , did me the Honor to visit me , and inform'd me , That he had caus'd tryal to be made , with infusion of Crocus Metallorum , upon an inferior Domestick of his that deserv'd to have been hangd ; but that the fellow , as soon as ever the Injection began to be made , did ( either really or craftily ) fall into a Swoon ; whereby , being unwilling to prosecute so hazardous an Experiment , they desisted , without seeing any other Effect of it , save that it was told the Ambassador , that it wrought once downward with him , which yet might , perhaps , be occasion'd for fear or anguish : But the tryals of a very dexterous Physitian of my acquaintance in humane Bodies , will , perhaps , when I shall have received a more circumstantial account of them , be not unwelcome to you . And in Dogs , you may possibly from our own Observations , receive a further Account of an Experiment , of which , I now chiefly design'd but to relate to you the Rise and first Attempts . ESSAY III. Containing some Particulars relating to the Semiotical Part of Physick . THe Semiotical part of the Physitians Art , seems capable of the least improvement by Natural Philosophy . In which yet , first the Naturalist may , by illustrating the Anatomical and Pathological parts , assist the Physitian to make more certain conjectures from the signs he discovers of the constitution and distempers of his Patient . For you will easily believe that caeteris paribus , he that better knows the nature of the parts and juices of the Body , will be better able to conjecture at the events of Diseases , then he that is less skill'd in them . And secondly , The Naturalist by improving the Therapeutical , may , at least , much change and alter the Prognosticks of the duration , ferocity and event of Diseases . For , Pyrophilus , it would be considered , that the Predictions hitherto current in Authors , and commonly made by Physitians , suppose the use of the received Remedies , and the dogmatical method of Physick ; but if there were discovered such generous and commanding Medicines , as , by powerfully assisting Nature , or nimbly proscribing the Morbifick Matter that doth either produce or ( though produc'd by them ) cherish Sicknesses , might enable Nature to hinder the Disease from continuing its course , and acting almost all the Scenes of its Tragedy in the Body ; Physitians need not , in acute Diseases , wait so often for a crisis to instruct their Prognosticks , and the threatning Symptomes of Chronical Distempers would often prove false Prophets . To illustrate this but with a not ignoble instance , give me leave to tell you , That when that Peruvian Bark , that now begins to be somewhat taken notice of , under the name of The Jesuits Powder , had scarce been so much as heard of in this part of Europe , I went to visit a Virtuoso , who had been for some Moneths afflicted with a Quartan Ague , so violent and stubborn , that it had frustrated the skill , and almost tyred the indeavors of the most eminent Doctors of this Nation ; of one of which , who was then accidentally with his Learned Patient , I enquired how my Friend did , and was answered , That he hoped he would recover when the Season would give him leave ; but in the Winter he knew no Quartanes cured . Yet the Gentleman acquainting me with his having procured some of the American Bark against Agues , which we mentioned in a former Essay , and I ( after having tasted and considered it ) having incouraged him , as I have others , to make Tryal of it ; as the strange Effects I have observ'd of it , hath divers times invited me to do : The candid and learned Doctor , not onely oppos'd not my Perswasions , but added his own to them . And my Friend taking two Doses of this Powder'd Bark , though it were at the unhopefullest Season of the Year ( the Winter Solstice ) and though he scarce found any sensible operation ( unless a little by sweat ) of the Peruvian Medicine , had by the first Dose his Fit very much lessen'd , and by the second quite remov'd . And though through some irregularities of Dyet ( to which that keen Appetite , like that of recovering Persons , which I have observ'd this Powder to be wont to produce , tempted him ) he did , as I then foretold him he would , after missing eight or ten Fits , relapse , yet by the repeated use of the same Remedy , he again recover'd , and hath continu'd so ever since . Having also lately perswaded the use of the same Medicine , in the same Disease , to one of the greatest Ladies in this Nation , she told me the other day , That it immediately , and in unlikely weather , freed her from those Fits , from whence she despair'd to be deliver'd till the Spring . Having likewise sent some of it to a couple of Gentlemen , sick of the like Malady , I had word brought me ; That the one had miss'd his Fits for a Moneth , though in the midst of Winter ; and the other was by the first Dose cur'd , and continues so . And divers eminent Physitians , to whom I have commended this Specifick , have us'd it with such success , that one of the severest of them , though he had formerly despis'd it , confess'd to me , that in a short time he try'd it upon eight or nine several Persons , without finding it to fail in any , though one of them especially , were , before he was call'd , judg'd irrecoverable ; the obstinate Quartan being complicated with other almost as dangerous Distempers . And I confess , I somewhat wonder that Men have not the Curiosity to try the efficacy of this powerful Bark , in other Diseases then Agues : It being highly probable , That a Medicine , capable to prevail so strongly against so obstinate a Disease , as a Quartan ( wherein most commonly divers of the considerabler parts of the Body are much affected ) cannot be useless to several other Distempers . I deny not that those that have taken this Powder , have divers of them , after having miss'd six or seven Fits , relapsed into them ( as it likewise happen'd to one of the Gentlemen I sent it to ) yet ( as I have elsewhere told you ) it is much , and more then any common Remedy does to stop the Fits so long . Nor is it a small matter to be able to give the Patient so much breathing time , and allow the Physitian the opportunity of imploying other Remedies . And the Relapses we speak of are commonly cur'd by the same Powder : And we have known them prevented , when the Medicine hath been administred , not by unskilful Persons , but by a prudent Physitian who knows how to assist it , by opening and gently purging Physick . Wherefore that which I should the most gladly be satisfied of , about this Remedy , is , whether or no it do indeed either proscribe the Morbifick Matter , or so alter its Texture as to make it harmless ; or else , whether it doth secretly leave such noxious Impressions upon the Spleen , Guts , or some other important Part , as may shorten Life , by producing in process of time , either the Scurvy , or the Dropsie , or some other formidable Disease . But because the Resolution of this Doubt must be a work of time , we must at present refer it to future Observations , And therefore shall now subjoyn , that if the famous Riverius have not , in his learned Observations , flatter'd his own Febrifugum , whatever be resolv'd touching this Indian Bark , there will not want a safe Remedy which may allow Physitians to make more cheerful Predictions about the lastingness and event of Quartains , then have hitherto been usual . How painful and stubborn a Disease , the Kings Evil is wont to prove , is scarce more known , then that 't is seldom cur'd without a tedious course of Physick : And yet , by the Herb mention'd in one of the former Essays , the yong Gentleman there spoken of , was cur'd in a short time , and with little or no pain or trouble . And that these are not the onely Diseases in which Observations , tending to our present purpose , may be made , the following part of this Treatise will afford you opportunity to observe . I might adde , Pyrophilus , that I was lately visited by an ancient Chymist , ennobled by divers eminent cures , who promises to me an Experiment of making very unusual , and yet rational Predictions in some abstruse Diseases , by a peculiar way of examining the Patients Urine . But because some Chymists have written extravagantly enough upon a like subject ; and because I have not yet made or seen the Experiment of it my self , I dare not yet give this new method of foretelling , for an instance of the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy to the Semiotical part of Physick . Though I dare not deny but by precipitations , and some other ways not yet vulgarly practiced of examining the Urine , made by the same Patient at several times , before , in , and after some notable alteration in his Body , divers things ( especially in Feavors , and other acute Diseases ) relating to the state of it , may be discover'd , especially if thereto be added a skilful and seasonable Chymical Examen of the other Excrements , and vitiated Substances of the Patients Body . You will perchance expect , Pyrophilus , that on this occasion I should handle that controversie which is so hotly agitated , betwixt the Paracelsians and their Adversaries , concerning the curableness of all Diseases : But , for ought I can perceive , the difference betwixt the more sober Men of both parties , is more about Words then Things , and might be reduced to a much less distance , if Men could but calmly consider , That 't is one thing to dispute , Whether all Diseases by curable ; and another , Whether all Persons be recoverable : For a Disease may be call'd incurable , either in its own Nature , or by accident ; that is , either because such a Disease is not to be cur'd in any Patient , or that it is so circumstantiated in this or that Patient , as not to be naturally curable in him . Now this distinction , duly consider'd , may conduce much to reconcile the two Opinions , if not the Parties that maintain them : For neither would a sober Paracelsian affirm ( though Paracelsus himself doth somewhere seem to do so ) . That every Disease is curable in every Patient ; there being some Palsies , Gouts , or Blindnesses , or the like , so obstinate , that ( especi●lly if they are born with a Man , or inherited from his Parents ) the tone of some necessary or considerable part of the Body , being thereby rather abolished , then barely vitiated , it were a folly to promise recovery to such a Patient . And on the other side , a moderate Galenist , that is not unacquainted with the Discoveries which these latter Ages have made , of the power of Nature and Art , will not be forward to pronounce ( as others do , and as the Paracelsians tax the Galenists too indiscriminately for doing ) That the Gout ( for instance ) the Dropsie , the dead Palsie , the Stone , are Diseases universally incurable : Since , in the Writings of Erastus , and in the Observations of Schenkius , and others , there are Instances recorded of some Cures performed of the Dropsie , and one or two more of those stubborn Diseases , even by Galenical Remedies . But , Pyrophilus , though we cannot but disapprove the vain-glorious Boasts of Paracelsus himself , and some of his Followers , who , for-all-that , lived no longer then other Men ; Yet I think Man-kinde owes something to the Chymists , for having put some Men in hope of doing greater Cures , then have been formerly aspir'd to , or even thought possible , and thereby ingage them to make Tryals and Attempts in order thereunto . For not onely before Men were awaken'd and excited by the many Promises , and some great Cures of Arnoldus de villa nova , Paracelsus , Rulandus , Severinus and Helmont , Many Physitians were wont to be too forward , to pronounce Men , troubled with such and such Diseases , incurable , and rather detract from Nature and Art , then confess that those two could do what ordinary Physick could not . But even now , I fear there are but too many , who though they will not openly affirm , that such and such Diseases are absolutely incurable ; yet if a particular Patient , troubled with any of them , be presented , they will be very apt to undervalue ( at least , if not ) deride those that shall attempt and hope to Cure him . And I am apt to think , that many a Patient hath been suffered to die , whose Life might have been saved , if Physitians would have but thought it possible to save it . And therefore I think it were no ill piece of service to Mankinde , if a severe Collection were made of the Cures of such Persons as have recovered after having been judg'd irrecoverable by the Doctors : That Men might no longer excuse their own Ignorance by the impotency of Nature , and bear the World in hand , as if the Art of Physick , and their skill , were of the same extent . And the Cures that seem performed by Nature herself , need not be left out of such a Collection : For still they shew what is possible to be done by Natural means , to evacuate the Morbifick matter , or alter its Nature ( how dangerous soever it is grown ) Or how far the tone of a part or strength of the Body may be vitiated or impaired , and yet be capable of some restitution . And such an observation I receiv'd from our most experienced Harvy , when , having consulted him about my weak Eyes , he told me , among other things ( as a very remarkable one ) that he had once a Patient ( whose Name and Profession he told me , but I remember not ) that had a confirm'd Cataract in his Eye , and yet upon the use of Physick , to which he could not ascribe so wonderful an effect , that Cataract was perfectly dissipated , and the Eye restored to its wonted Function . Which brings into my minde another Observation , imparted to me , a while since , by that excellent and experienc'd Lithotomist , Mr. Hollyer . who told me , that among the many Patients sent to be cured in a great Hospital ( of which he is one of the Chirurgions ) there was a Maid of about eighteen Years of age , who , without the loss of motion , had so lost the sense of feeling in the external parts of her Body , that when he had , for tryal sake , pinn'd her Handkerchief to her bare Neck , she went up and down with it so pinn'd , without having any sense of what he had done to her . He added , That this Maid having remained a great while in the Hospital without being cured , Dr. Harvey , out of Curiosity , visited her sometimes ; and suspecting her strange Distemper to be chiefly Uterine , and curable onely by Hymeneal Exercises , he advised her Parents ( who sent her not thither out of poverty ) to take her home , and provide her a Husband , by whom , in effect , she was according to his Prognostick , and to many Mens wonder , cur'd of that strange Disease . That in acute Sicknesses , Persons given over by the Physitians , may recover , the more judicious , even of those Galenists , that are of a dispondent temper , will not deny . For not onely Celsus gives us this sober admonition , Neque ignorare aportet in acutis morbis fallaces magis notas esse & s●lutis & mortis ; But even Hypocrates himself , who was so skilful in Prognosticks , confesses , that Morborum acutorum non in totum certae sunt praenunciationes neque salutis neque mortis : Whence the French have a Proverbial saying , that Il vaut mieux estre condamné par les Medecins , que par le Prevost des Mareschaux , as if in English we should say , It is better to be condemn'd to die by the Doctor , then by the Judge . And even in Chronical Diseases , where Events are wont much better to answer Physitians Predictions , there are sometimes such Cures performed , as may encourage humane Industry , and keep a sick Mans friends from forsaking the Cure of him , till Life it self have unquestionably forsaken him . For not onely it hath been not unfrequently seen , that divers Persons , who have been given over by some Physitians , have been cur'd by others , perchance rather more lucky then more skilful : But those that have been given over , and that too ( sometimes rather upon the believ'd incurableness of the Disease , then the personal Condition of the Patient ) even by judicious and experienced Physitians , if such as are acquainted but with the ordinary Remedies , have been recover'd by the use of extraordinarily powerful , and especially , Chymical Physick . Of such Cures I have sometimes met with a few , which , because I may elsewhere relate , I shall now onely mention , on this occasion , what I have heard concerning the cures of Cancers , performed by Dr. Haberfeld , one of the principal Physitians of Bohemia . And among other relations , of this kinde , made me by credible Persons . I cannot omit one , that was , Of a certain English Woman , of sixty and odde Years of age , who had long lain in an Hospital in Zeeland , sick of a Cancer in the Brest , and by this Doctor was , with one single inward Remedy , perfectly cured in the space of three Weeks . For this relation was made me by persons of very strict veracity ; the one a Doctor of Physick , who was an Eye-witness of the Cure ; the other a Childe of Drebell's , who not onely saw the Cure , but knew the Woman before , and out of Charity brought her to him that heal'd her . The same Persons likewise inform'd me , That the Chymical Liquor the Doctor constantly made use of , does , in the Dose , of about a spoonful or two , work suddenly and nimbly enough by Vomit , but hath very quickly ended its operation , so that within an hour , or less , after the Patient hath taken it , he is commonly well again , and very hungry . And they having presented me some spoonfuls of this Liquor , I finde the taste to be offensive enough , and not unlike that of Vitriol , which , by the taste and emetick operation , I guess to be , at least , its principal Ingredient , however it be prepared . The same Persons assured me , that having obtain'd of Dr. Haberfeld a good quantity of his Specifick , they had been ( in England , as well as elsewhere ) partly Eye-witnesses , and partly Performers of wonderful Cures by the help of it alone , under God , in the Kings Evil. Insomuch that an eminent Gentleman of this Nation , now alive and healthy , hath been cured by it , when the Kings Evil had brought his Arm to that pass , that the Chirurgions had appointed a time to cut it off . And with the same Liquor , onely taken inwardly , they profess themselves to have seen and done divers Cures of inveterate external Ulcers , whose proud Flesh , upon the taking of it , is wont to fall off , and then the Ulcer begins to heal at the bottom ; but of the recent effects of this Liquor , we may elsewhere , perhaps , further entertain you . That Suffusions or Cataracts , may , by a manual operation , be cured even in a Patient that was born with them , I formerly told you , when I related the Cure done by my Ingenious Acquaintance , Mr. Stepkins , on a Gentlewoman of about eighteen Years of age , that brought a couple of Cataracts with her into the World. And I remember I was somewhile since in the company of another Woman , who told me , She was brought to Bed of five Children ( if I much mistake not the number ) successively ; of which , she saw not any in a long while after , by reason of a couple of Suffusions , that had many Years blinded her ; and yet now , by the help of a Dutch Oculist of my Acquaintance , she sees , and reads well , and hath freely enjoyed the restored use of her Eyes for some Years already . But these are rather Chirurgical , then Medicinal Cures , and therefore we shall subjoyn the Mention of a very memorable Observation of the Learned Petronius , which being collated with that a little above recited , from Dr. Harvey , they may serve to keep each other from passing for incredible : Quidam ( says our Author ) qui antequam Morbo Gallico afficeretur , altero oculo caecus erat , suffusione densissimâ ( vulgus Cataractam vocat ) oculum occupante , Hydrargyri inunctione à Morb● Gallico , & à suffusione , quod maximè mirum est , evasit . Neque à ratione alienum est inunctione illa Cataractas posse dissolvi , cum frequens Experientia doceat praeduros tumores ex pituita crassa & concreta , genitos , illitu Hydrargyri potenter dissolvi . I need not tell you what sad Prognosticks Physitians are wont to make of Dropsies , especially of that sort which they call Ascites : And indeed the Event does but too frequently justifie their Predictions , when none but ordinary Remedies are employ'd . But I remember , that being acquainted with an Ingenious Person that was very happily cured of a Dropsie , and inquiring who it was that had perform'd the Cure ; I was inform'd , that that , and a multitude of the like had been wrought by a Germane Physitian , of whom , and of his Remedy , I had heard much Commendation in Holland , where he liv'd : And though on divers occasions I found him a modest Man ; and accordingly , when I ask'd him concerning his Cures of the Dropsie , he answered me , That he neither did , nor would undertake to cure so formidable a Disease ; yet he scrupled not to tell me , That as far as he had hitherto try'd , he had one Remedy which had not fail'd him , though he had try'd it upon persons of differing Ages , Sexes , and Complections . But of this Specifick more hereafter . For , at present , I must proceed to take notice , that as incurable a Disease as the radicated Gout is thought to be ( especially in Patients not very temperate ) and as tedious a course of Physick as one would expect to be requisite to the Cure of it , in case it can be cur'd ; Yet I have been several times visited by an honest Merchant of Amsterdam , who was there noted for his Wealth , and his skill in Arte tinctoriâ : This Man , ten or twelve Years ago , had been for a long time so tormented with the Gout , both in Hands and Feet , that his Fits would sometimes vex and confine him for a great part of the Year , and not leave him without hard Knots , as unwelcome Pledges of their Return : But once , that he was tortur'd to a degree that made h●m much pity'd , one came and inform'd him of an Emperick , who had receiv'd from a great Chymist who had lodg'd in his House , a Secret , with which he had already throughly cur'd many , in a short time : Whereupon sending for this Person , and offering him any thing for some relief ; the other refus'd to take above ten Crowns , which , as it seems , was the usual rate for the Cure ; and would not receive that neither , till the reality of it had been evinc'd by the Patients continuing above six Moneths well : And accordingly , with a very few Doses of a certain Powder and Tincture , the Merchant was quickly free'd , not onely from his Pains , but from his Gouty Tophy : And though he indulge himself the drinking of Rhenish Wine very freely , yet he never had a Fit since , as himself assur'd me one Morning , wherein , for Exercise sake , he walk'd five or six Miles to give me a Visit ; adding , That the Man that cur'd him , dying suddenly , never could discover what the Secret was , wherewith so many had been freed from a Disease that does so often mock the skill of the greatest Doctors . I might , perhaps , if I had leisure , relate to you some other strange Stories , which may invite you to think , That as the Naturalists skill in Chymistry , and other Arts retaining to Physiology , may much assist him to discover more generous Remedies then are yet usual ; so the Knowledge of such Remedies , may , in divers cases , make a happy Change in the Rules of Prognosticating what will prove the Course and Event of a Sickness . But I shall not , at present , particularly consider any more then one Disease , namely , The Stone in the Bladder . For whereas it is by most , even of the judicious Physitians , unanimously pronounc'd incurable by Physick , in what Person soever , if it deserve the name of a Stone , and be too big to be voided whole , the Remedilesness of this Disease may be justly question'd . I remember the famous Monardes , treating of the Seed of a Peruvian Plant , which they call Chalchoos , tells us , That it is highly esteemed by the Inhabitants of the Country it grows in , and affirmed not onely to be diuretick , and to bring away Gravel , but to break the Stone in the Bladder it self , if it be not too much hardned : Ejusque rei ( adds he ) tam multa proferunt exempla ut admirationem mihi pariat : He tells us indeed , that he is of opinion that nothing but Section can cure the Stone of the Bladder . Aiunt tamen ( saith he ) illius semen ( of the Calchoos ) tritum , ex aquâ aliquâ ad eam rem idoneâ sumptum , calculum in lutum dissolvere , quod excretum denuo concressit & in lapideam duritiem convertitur . Adolescentem vidi cui hoc obtigisse scio , is cum vesicae calculo torqueretur , idque à Lithotomis qui calculum deprehenderant intellexissem , & ex Symptomatis quae patiebatur agnoscerem ; hominem , veris initio , ad fontem , qui à Petro nomen habet , ablegavi , ubi cum duos menses haesisset à calculo liberatus redit & lutum omne quod paulatim ejecerat denuo in lapidum fragmenta concretum in charta secum retulit . Which passage I wonder such a Writer should immediately annex , to the Declaration of an Opinion that must appear confuted by it , to a Reader that considers not so much what is thought , as what is proved . The very learned and experienced Dr. Gerard Boot , of whose skill , you , Pyrophilus , have found very good effects in your Self , and who was one of the two Professors that writ the Philosophia naturalis reformata , had a very famous Remedy ( which ( now he is dead ) I intend , God willing , to communicate ) against the Stone ; and with it he told me that he had very often cured that Disease in the Kidneys : but for the Stone in the Bladder , he thought it impossible to be dissolved , which circumstances I recite , that you may the more readily believe what he told me a little before his death , namely , That he had cured lately one Mr. Moulin of a real Stone in the Bladder ; adding , That he could not brag of being the Inventor of that Remedy he had imployed , having but lately learned it of a Country Gentleman , whom going to visit last Summer , he saw a Load of Persicaria , or Arsmart , brought to him by some of the Country People ; and desiring to know what he intended to do with so vast a quantity of it , the Gentleman replyed , That he yearly used as much , having by the Water of it , made by bare distillation in a common Rose-water Still , cured so many of the Stone , even in the Bladder , that he was usually sollicited by Patients , numerous enough , to exhaust all the Liquor which he yearly prepared . What we , Pyrophilus , have observed concerning this excellent Liquor , of which we use to prescribe a draught every morning for some Moneths together , we may elsewhere have occasion to relate . But now we shall go on to tell you , that being some Years since in Ireland , I met with an ancient Emperick , who was very famous in those parts , for cutting of the Stone of the Bladder , and for curing sore Eyes : This Man having given ( in the Parts where I then was , and whilest I was there ) some good proof of his skill , I sent for him to me , upon the account of a suspition I long had of the Stone in the Bladder , which , upon search , he assured me I was free from , and so ( God be praised ) I have afterwards found it . He was more a Traveller then a Scholar , and yet finding him , to my wonder , very modest and sober , I inquired of him , Whether he had never any where met with a Remedy that could dissolve the Stone in the Bladder , offering him much more for a Cure of that kinde , then he would require as a Lithotomist : He answered me , That he could cure no Man of a confirmed Stone , but by the help of his Knife ; but if the Stone confisted of a lump of Gravel not very firmly cemented together , he had , by a certain inward Remedy he used , and a dexterous way of crushing the Stone from without with his Fingers , so broaken the Stone , partly by crumbling it , and partly by dissolving the Cement , as to make it voidable by Urine . And he added , That he had formerly cured a Citizen of Cork , of a good large Stone of the Bladder ( for where I then was , he gave proof of his skill , in telling before-hand those he was to cut , the bigness and shape of the Stones that troubled them . ) Passing afterwards by Cork , I sent an intelligent Servant to inquire after this Citizen , but he being casually absent , his Wife sent me , by my Man , a Relation very agreeable to that which he had made me : The Receipt I purchased of him , and , though it seem not very artificial , yet I suppose you will not quarrel with me for annexing so experienc'd a one , to the end of this Essay . But because this Remedy needed the assistance of a manual operation , We shall further proceed to tell you , That Cardan , as he is quoted by Helmont ( for I have not now his Works by me ) relates , That in his time there rambled a Man over Lombardy , who did commonly , and in a few days , by a certain Liquor which he administred to his Patients , safely , speedily , and certainly , cure those that were troubled with the Stone in the Bladder : Adding ( saith Helmont ) his Judgement , That he doubted not of this Mans being in Hell , for having , when he dyed , envyed Mortals so excellent an Art. I insist not on the Testimony that the same Helmont gives to Paracelsus of his curing the Stone , though he often handle him very severely in other places of his Writings , because that the Epitaph of Paracelsus ( out of which he labors to prove his having cured the Stone ) makes no express mention of it . Nor shall I enumerate those Passages from whence the same Helmont's Followers collect , That he himself was able to cure that Disease , by the resolution of Paracelsus his Ludus ; but this experience hath evinc'd to me , that a much slighter preparation of that Stone , then was mention'd by Paracelsus and Helmont , hath been able to do more in that Disease then a wary Man would readily believe . But to detain you no longer on this subject , I shall onely adde , That Wilhelmus Laurembergius , a learned Physitian , and Professor at Rostoch , hath told the World how he cured himself of a confirm'd Stone of the Bladder , by the use of prepared Millepedes ( by some in English call'd Woodlice ) and other Remedies , which he hath particularly recorded in the History which he hath publish'd , and I have seen of this admirable Cure : which having been epitomized by Sennertus , and other eminent Physitians , I shall not need to insist on it . And the Arguments alledged ( even by the most Judicious ) against the curableness of the Stone , though very plausible , seem not to me unanswerable ; for whereas first , they appeal to the innumerable fruitless attempts that have been made to cure great Princes , and rich Men , without cutting , that Argument drawn from experience , may , by the former Experiments , be answered ; especially since Horatius Augenius ( upon whose account Laurembergius tryed Millepedes ) tells us , not onely that he cured a young Man at Rome , that was going to be cut for the Stone , but that the Jesuite that chanced to confess this Youth , and perswaded him to the use of Millepedes , had experimented their efficacy both upon himself and others : And indeed , we our selves have found them to be highly Diuretick and Aperitive . And whereas it is next objected , That Medicines must necessarily loose their efficacy before they can reach the Bladder , I confess , that for the most part , it is very true : But yet that it is possible for some Medicines to retain their Nature , after many alterations and digestions we have elsewhere declared . And in our present Case , we not onely finde that Turpentine and Asparagus , do manifestly affect the Urine ( as I have often observed in my own , and almost any Man may observe it in his ) But that which is most to our purpose , Rubarb tinges the Urine of those that have taken any quantity of it . And lastly , whereas it may be yet further alledged , That not only there hath not been yet a Liquor found capable of dissolving so solid a Body as a Stone ; but if there were , it must necessarily be so corrosive as to destroy the Patient , by fretting his Stomach , or Guts , or Bladder , which are parts so much more tender . To the first part of this plausible Objection it may be replyed , That even good Viniger will dissolve , not onely those stony Concretions , call'd Lapides Cancrorum , which , like the Calculi we treat of , are formed in the Bodies of Animals ; but even the more hard and solid Body of Coral , which will loose but little of its weight , in a Fire that would waste a great part of the Duelech : And that the bare Juices of Vegetables ( such as Lemmons and Barberies ) will readily dissolve both Pearl and Coral , is known even to the Apothecaries Boys . Indeed what Paracelsus and Helmont relate of their Alkahest , with which they prepare their Specifick against the Stone , and with which the later of them , if not both , pretend to be able to reduce , not onely the Stone they call Ludus , but all other Stones , Vegetables , Minerals , Animals , &c. into insipid Water , is so strange ( not to say incredible ) that their Followers must pardon me , if I be not forward to believe such unlikely things , till sufficient experience hath convinced me of their truth . But yet I must not conceal from you , That a Chymist , whom you have often seen , advised with me several times about the way of preparing this immortal Liquor ( as Helmont calls it ) and that , when we had agreed that such a way was the most promising , he prosecuted it so long , and so industriously , that at length he obtain'd , and shew'd me a Liquor , which ( though it seemed to me far short of the Alkahest ) I confess I admired ; and not I alone , but our Ingenious Friend Dr. C. ( who had been imployed into several parts of Europe , by a rich and curious Prince , to purchase Rarities ) agreed with this Chymist , to give Two hundred Crowns for a Pint of this Menstruum ; and confessed to me withal , That he saw him , with this Liquor , not onely dissolve common Sulphur , and bring it over the Helm , but reduce Antimony into sweet Chrystals ; with a few of which it was , that he ( I mean Dr. C. ) to the wonder of many , did , without Purge or Vomit , cure our good Friend Sir C. C. of a very radicated and desperate Disease , as the restored Patient soon after told me . And to the second part of this Objection it may be answered , That if we knew and considered well , how many of the operations of Natural Bodies depend upon the suitableness and difference of the Figures of their Parts , and the Pores intercepted between them , the number of impossibilities would not , perhaps , be thought so great , as by many Learned Men it is . That it is very possible for a Body to have an effect upon another determinate Body , without being able to operate , in like manner , upon a multitude of other Bodies , which may seem more easie to be wrought on by it ; may appear by the Load-stone , which will draw and work onely upon Iron , and ( which is but refined Iron ) Steel , but not upon wood or straws , or any of those innumerable Concrets that are lighter , and of a more open texture then the heavy and solid Body which it attracts . And to give you an instance that comes nearer to our case , Quick-silver , that will not corrode our skin , nor so much as taste sharp upon our tongue , will yet readily dissolve that most compact Body of Gold , which even Aqua fortis , that can insinuate it self into all other Mettals , and corrode them , will not meddle with ; though the same Quick-silver will not dissolve Iron , which yet Aqua fortis will very nimbly fret asunder . So that although I dare not confidently believe all that I have found averr'd even by eminent and learned Chymists , of their having made or seen Liquors , which , without appearing any way sharp to the Tongue , would dissolve Gold and Silver , and other hard compact Bodies ; because I have not yet , my self , seen any severe and satisfactory tryal made to evince the efficacy of insipid Dissolvents : yet , by reason of divers things I have read and heard , and of some things too I have seen , I dare not peremptorily deny the possibility of such Menstruums . And who knows , but that in Nature there may be found , or by Art there may be prepared , some Liquor , whose parts may have such a sutableness to the Pores of a humane Calculus , as those of Quick-silver have to the Pores of Gold , and yet may as little work upon the rest of the Body , as we have observed the same Quick-silver to do upon Iron ( which yet is a much more porous and open Metal ) even when it hath been distill'd in Iron Vessels ? And as to that part of the Objection wherein the strength of it chiefly lies , let me tell you , Pyrophilus , that I have sometimes , for curiosity sake , taken an Egge , and steep'd it in strong Vineger for some days , and by taking it out , and shewing that the shell was so eaten away , that the Egge could be squeez'd into unusual Forms , but the thin skin that involves the white continu'd altogether unfretted , I convinc'd an Ingenious Man , that the operations of Dissolvents are so determin'd by the various textures of the Bodies on which they are imploy'd , that a Liquor , which is capable to corrode a more hard and solid Body , may be unable to fret in the least , an other more soft and thin , if of a texture indispos'd to admit the small parts of the Menstruum . And I must confess to you , Pyrophilus , That one thing , among others , which hath made me backward to affirm with many Learned Men , that there can be no potent Dissolvent that is not corrosive enough to fret in pieces the parts of a humane Body , hath been a Story , which I divers years since chanch'd to meet with in the Learned Sennertus's Paralipomena , where , though he relates it to another purpose , yet it is so pertinent to our present design , and in it self so singular , not to say matchless , that I cannot forbear to mention it here on this occasion . He tells us then , That in the end of the Year , 1632. Johannes Nesterus , an eminent Physitian , and his great Friend , inform'd him , That there liv'd at that time in the Neighborhood , and belonging to a Noble Man of those Parts , a certain Lorainer , whom he also call'd Claudius , somewhat low and slender , and about 58 Years of age : Hic ( saith he ) nihil foetidum , nihil injucundum abhorret ; Vitra ; Lapides , Ligna , Carbones , Ossa , Leporinos , & aliorum animalium pedes cum pilis , lineos , laneosque pannos , viva animalia & pisces adhuc salientes , imò etiam Metalla , patinas & orbes stanneos dentibus confringere & vorare saepissime visus est ; Vorat praeterea lutum sevum & candelas sebaceas , integras testas cochlearum , animalium stercora , cum primis bubulum calidum adhuc , prout è matrè venit : potat aliorum Urinas cum Vino & cerevisia mixtas , Vorat foenum , stramen , stipulas & nuper duos mures viventes adhuc deglutivit , qui ipsius ventriculum ad semihoram usque creberrimis morsibus lancinarunt , & ut brevibus complectar , quicquid illi à Nobilibus devorandum offertur , vilissimâ mercede propositâ , dictum ac factum , ingurgitat , ita ut intra paucos dies integrum vitulum crudum & incoctum cum corio , & pilis se estaturum promiserit . Testis inter alios quamplurimos ipse ego sum , quippe qui , &c. To this , and the following part of the Letter , Sennertus addes , That not having , during some Years , heard any thing concerning this Claudius , he sent about four Years after to the same Physitian , Dr. Nesterus , to enquire what was become of him ; and that the Doctor sent him back a Letter of the Minister of the Church of that place , by way of confi●mation of all the formerly mention'd particulars , and answered himself , That the Lorainer whom he had long hop'd to dissect , was yet alive , and did yet devour all the things mention'd in his former Letter ; but not so frequently as before , his Teeth being grown somewhat blunter by age , that he was no longer able to break Bones and Mettals . Some other examples of this nature , though none so strange , we have also met with in Writers of good credit , and especially that of the Glass-eater , recorded by Columbus in his excellent Anatomical Observations ; of which also Sennertus makes mention , as we shall see by and by , and with which we may elsewhere entertain you to another purpose . And not long agoe there was here in England a private Souldier ( who , for ought I know , is yet alive ) very famous for digesting of Stones : And a very inquisitive Man , that gave me the accuratest account I have met with concerning him , assures me , That he knew him familiarly , and had the curiosity to keep in his company for 24 hours together to watch him , and not onely observ'd that he eat nothing in that time , save Stones ( or Fragments of them ) of a pretty bigness , but that his grosser Excrement consisted chiefly of a sandy Substance , as if the devour'd Stones had been in his Body dissolved and crumbled into Sand. But let us not omit , that to the second Epistle above-mention'd , Sennertus addes this Reflection , not impertinent to our purpose : Causam ( says he ) hujus voracitatis , etiam in cadavere , invenire proculdubio erit difficillimum . Posset quidem ad illud , quod in cadavere Lazari Vitrivoracis observavit Columbus , quidam confugere ; & statuere quartam illam nervorum conjugationem , quae gustus gratia in hominibus à natura producta est , neque ad Palatum , neque ad Linguam pertendere . Verum hoc modo saltem gustûs aboliti causa redderetur , nondum vero causae daretur , cur res tam miras assumere sine ventriculi laefione , imo coneoquere potuerit . Quae proculdubi● in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & peculiari constitutione ventriculi & intestinorum quaerenda esset : quae tamen oculis investigari non potest sed saltem ex effectu patet . And indeed this memorable Story seems to argue , not onely what we have already alledg'd it to prove , but also that a Menstruum , not so corrosive as to fret the Body , may dissolve Stones , Metals , and other compact Substances . And since one Liquor , prepar'd by Nature onely , could in this Mans Stomack dissolve that great variety of Bodies above enumerated , why should it be thought that the Alkahest , or some other Menstruum wherein Nature is skilfully assisted , and to the utmost highten'd by Art , should not be able to dissolve Concretes of very differing Textures . For though Chymists must acknowledge that such common Menstruums as will dissolve one Body , will not oftentimes meddle with another ; as Aqua fortis will dissolve Silver , and not Gold , and if by Salarmoniack you turn it into Aqua Regis , it will indeed dissolve Gold , but then it will not Silver : Yet since that may be suppos'd to proceed rather from our want of skill to prepare the most potent Menstruum , then from the impossibility of one Menstruums dissolving great variety of Bodies ; Why may not Nature and Art afford a Menstruum , whose variety of Parts , and Figures , and ( perhaps also ) Motion , may give it ingress into Bodies of very differing Textures ? as in our former Instance , though Aqua Regalis will dissolve Gold , not Silver ; and Aqua fortis Silver , but not Gold ; yet Quick-silver will dissolve both , and Copper , Tin , and Lead to boot . If I were not at present under some restraint , I might tell you , some things , that you would , perhaps , think no weak Confirmations of the past Discourse : And however , since I have observ'd it to be the main thing , that keeps judicious Men from seeking , or so much as hoping for nobler Dissolvents , that they are scarce to be perswaded there can be considerably piercing Menstruums , that are not proportionably corrosive : I will here acquaint you with a Liquor , that may , I presume , assist you to undeceive some of them . We take then ordinary houshold brown Bread ( I like that of Rye , but I have divers times us'd that of Wheat ) and when it is cut into slices , and somewhat dry'd , we almost fill a glass Retort with it , and placing that in a sand Furnace , by degrees of Fire , we draw off what will be made to come over , without much difficulty : The Oyl , as useless to our purpose , being by a Tunnel , or a Filter , sever'd from the rest of the Liquor , we also , by a gentle heat , free the Spirit from some of its Phlegm , which yet sometimes we finde no great necessity to do . And yet this Spirit , which you will easily believe is no such Corrosive as Aqua fortis , or other distill'd Liquors of Mineral Salts , will work upon the hardest sorts of Bodies , and perform things that Chymists counted of the judiciousest , would not have us expect from the most sharp and corrosive Menstruums now in use . For with this we have , in a short time , and that in the cold , drawn Tinctures ( which is done by the solution of the finer parts of the Concrete ) not only from crude Corals , and some of the more open Minerals , but likewise from very hard Stones , such as Blood stone , and Granates ( even unpowder'd ) Nay , and though Ruby's seem to be the hardest Bodies yet known , save Diamonds ( for I have learned from those that cut precious Stones , that they can grinde other Gems with the Powder of Rubies , but not these with any Powder , save their own , and that of Diamonds ) yet have , even these , afforded me in the cold , a not ignoble Tincture . And not to anticipate what I may elsewhere have occasion to tell you concerning the efficacy of this Menstruum , which is the same that I have intimated , without naming it , in the last , and another of the former Essays . I shall now onely adde , That an expert Chymist assures me , he hath , but tells me not how , done greater matters with it , or the like ; and that to satisfie my self that these high Tinctures , proceeded not from the standing or digestion of the Menstruum ( as we elsewhere observe concerning some other Liquors ) I not onely tryed , that from some Minerals it will draw a much higher Tincture then from others , and from some scarce any at all , but that it would , if kept by it self , for many Moneths continue clear and limpid . What further use I have made , or think others may make of this odde Menstruum , I must not , as I said at present , express ; but returning to what I was discoursing concerning the cure of the Stone , annex , That besides what hath been objected against the possibility of making a Liquor , which , without being highly corrosive , can be able to work upon Stone ; It may indeed be also alledg'd against the hopes we seem to countenance , that what hath cured the Stone in one Mans Bladder , may be unable to do the like in anothers : But first , the truth of that hath not been proved ; and next , we highly value those Specificks that can remove Agues , Fluxes , and the like Diseases , though scarce any of them do alike succeed in all Patients , especially so as to secure them , during their whole lives , from ever relapsing into the like Disease ; and besides all this , it will be no small matter to finde that the Disease , in its own nature , is not incurable ; and it would recompence Mens Industry to be able to free , even a few Patients , from so painful and stubborn a Disease . Which I have rather then any other , chosen to insist upon , because it is so generally believed not to be curable by inward Remedies in any Person whatever . But I have entertained you so long on this subject , that I must reserve , for some other opportunity , what I have to say to you concerning the Dropsie , and some other Diseases , commonly put into the Catalogue of the incurable ones , and therefore shall now onely tell you in general , That as on the one side I think the Arguments which Helmont and others draw from the Providence of God , for the curableness of all Diseases are not very cogent , and somewhat irreverent ( For God being not oblig'd any more to continue Life or Health to sinful Man then to Beasts that never offended Him , we ought humbly to thank Him , if He hath , among His Creatures , dispers'd Remedies for every Disease , but hath no right to accuse Him if He have not ) so on the other side , I am not much convinc'd by the grand Argument alleadg'd against Paracelsus , and the Chymists , that hold all Diseases to be in their own Nature curable ; namely , That they themselves , many of them ( no nor even their very Master ) lived not to the Age attain'd by many Strangers to Chymistry . For this , That many of them ( not destroy'd by War , or outward accidents ) died young enough , and consequently by Sickness ; and that Paracelsus himself out-liv'd not the 47th Year of his age , is a much stronger Objection against the Men , then against their Opinion ; for it infers indeed plausibly , that they had not such Remedies as they boasted of ( since probably , had they had any such , they would have cured themselves with them ) but concludes not that no such Remedies can be prepar'd by any other . And this you will be the less apt to think irrational , if you consider , how much more learned , sober and experienc'd , it is possible for many a Man to be , then Paracelsus appears to have been : For he seems not by his Writings to have been any great Logician or Reasoner ; he manifestly despis'd many parts of Learning , useful to a Physitian ; he lived not many Years , and spent divers of those few which he lived , in an unsetled and disadvantagious course of life ; and yet this Paracelsus attain'd to some such Remedies , as both in his own , and after times , have made him a very considerable Person , in spight of all his indiscretions and deficiencies . And among his other Remedies , his famous Laudanum did such wonders , that Oporinus himself , in that short account , which seems to be rather a Satyr then a Narrative of his Life , hath this Passage of it : De Laudano ( saith he ) suo ( ita vocabat pilulas instar murium stercoris , quas impari semper numero , in extrema tantum morborum difficultate , tanquam sacram medicinam exhibebat ) ita gloriebatur , ut non dubitarit affirmare ejus solius usu se è mortuis vivos reddere posse ; idque aliquoties dum apud ipsum fui , re ipsa declaravit . So signal a Testimony coming from one whom the Paracelsians call his fugitive Servant , hired by his Enemies to slander him , under pretence of writing his Life , deserves not to be slighted : and though it manifestly contains an Hyperbole , yet I do the less wonder at the Hyperbole , by reason of those strange things which your Mother , and divers other of your Friends , can tell you , they have seen performed in England by Helmont's Laudanum opiatum ( though much inferior to that of Paracelsus . ) And I remember , that a Friend of yours and mine , that is a great enemy to all kindes of Chymical Remedies , and was before also to Chymistry , having begg'd of me a little Bottle of it , which I had obtain'd from a Friend of the younger Helmont's , to whom he communicated the Preparation , gave me awhile after , an account of such Cures that had been perform'd , with that small quantity , upon almost dying Persons , as I think it not discreet for me , that was not an Eye-witness of them , to relate . And I remember too , that the same Friend of young Helmont's , being , at the perswasion of one Woman whom he had cured of a dangerous Consumption , call'd to another that was thought to be dying of an Asthma , came to advise with me whither he should meddle with so desperate a Patient ; telling me , That she had been many Years sick of that stubborn Disease , which , in process of time , passing into an Orthopnea , had at last put her , by want of sleep ( from which the violence of her sickness had very long kept her ) into a Feaver , and so desperate a condition , that it was scarce expected she should live till the next morning . But I , representing to him that her condition being avowedly desperate , he might exercise his Charity without danger to his Reputation ; and perswading him to try Helmont's Laudanum , together with the Spirit of Man's Blood ( which we elsewhere teach you to prepare ) he gave her that Night a Dose of those Remedies , which made her both sleep and breath pretty freely ; and a Week after , he coming to visit me , told me , he had casually met his Patient well and abroad in the Streets . But these are trifles to the Cures which Helmont relates to have been performed by our Irish Butler , for he tells us , That this Man , by slightly plunging a little Stone , he had , into Almond Milk or Oyl , imbued those Liquors with such a sanative efficacy , that a Spoon-full of the former cured ( and that without acquainting him with what was given him ) a Franciscan Frier ( a very famous Preacher ) of a very dangerous Erysipelas in the Arm , in one hour ; and one drop of the latter , being apply'd in his presence , to the Head of an old Laundress , that had been sixteen Years troubled with an intolerable Hemicrania , the Woman was presently cured , and remained so , to his knowledge , for divers Years . He adds almost as strange a Cure done in one Night , upon a Maid of his Wife 's , by anointing the part affected with four drops of that Oyl : He further tells us , That the Master of the Glass-house at Antwerp , being troubled and made unweildy with too much fat , begg'd some relief of Butler ; who , having given him a little fragment of his little Stone , with order to lick it nimbly with the tip of his Tongue once every Morning , I saw ( saith Helmont ) within 3 weeeks , the compass of his waste lestned by a span , without any prejudice to his health . And to these , Pyr : he adds some other Narratives , which , though I confess I know not well how to believe , yet there are Circumstances which keep me from daring to reject them : For first , as he well observes , that which was most stupendous in this Remedy , was but the smalness of the quantity . Next , a Gentleman in France , being not long since reported to have a fragment of this Stone , and to have cured several Persons ( and especially one very dignified ) of inveterate Diseases , by leting them lick it ; my Noble Friend Sir Kenelm Digby , then in France , was solemnly requested from hence to inquire into the truth of that Report , and answered , That he could not , upon examination , finde it other then true . Besides , Helmont not onely relates these Cures as an Eye-witness of them , but tells us , how upon an occasion that he mentions , he once suspected the efficacy of the Oyl , and that , without expecting that it should do any thing , he anointed it on the right arm and the ancles of his own Wife , who had for some Moneths been tormented with great pains in the former , and very great tumors in the latter of those parts ; and that almost in a trice , motion was restored to her arm , and all the oedema of her legs and feet vanished ; adding , That at the time of his writing she liv'd healthfully , and had done so since that recovery , during nineteen Years : And this Story , she , long after her Husband● death , confirm'd to our ingenious Friend Dr. C. who is acquainted with her , and much extolls her : These Circumstances , may be assisted by two more very considerable ones ; the one is , That Helmont is the more to be credited in these Relations , because mentioning Cures not perform'd by himself , but by another , and that by Remedies unknown to him , he seems by these Narrations , out of loyalty to truth , to eclipse his own Reputation : And the other is , that in a memorable Story which we may elsewhere relate to you ( it being not here proper to insert so long a one ) you 'l finde an eminent and strange testimony given to Butler's Secrets , by our famous Country man , Dr. Higgins , whose confession you will not doubt , if you consider how rare a Physitian and Chymist he was , how familiarly he lived in the same House with Butler ; and how studiously , at last , they endeavored to take away each others Life . But whatever be to be thought , Pyr : of Helmont's Relation , we may well enough make this reflection on the other things that have been delivered concerning formidable Diseases , that since the power of Nature and Skill may reach much farther then many distrustful ( not to say lazy ) men have imagin'd , it will not be charitable to rely too much upon the Prognosticks , even of famous Writers , when they tell us , That such and such Diseases , or Patients in such and such conditions cannot possibly be cured . But rather to follow the sober councel of Celsus : Oportet ( saith he ) ubi aliquid non respondet , non tanti putare Authorem quanti aegrum , & experiri aliud atque aliud . And this great Physitians authority I therefore make the most use of in the ensuing Essays , because he is accounted very judicious by the Lord Verulam , and other Writers that are unquestionably so themselves . ESSAY IV. Presenting some things relating to the Hygieinal Part of Physick . THat the Dietetical part of Physick , Pyrophilus , may , as well as the others , be improved by Natural Philosophy , were not uneasy to manifest , if my haste would permit it : For 't is known , that Drinks make a very considerable part ( sometimes , perchance , amounting almost to the one half of our Aliments ) and most Drinks , as Wine , Beer , Ale , Mead , &c. consist of fermented Liquors : Now as on the one side the ignorance of the Doctrine of Fermentation , and of the wholesome way of both preserving Liquors and making them pleasant , doth questionless occasion more then a few Diseases , which in divers places may be observed evidently to proceed from the unwholsome quality of either ill made , or sophisticated Drinks ; so on the other side , the distinct knowledge of the true nature and particular Phaenomena of Fermentation , would enable Men to prepare a great variety of Drinks , not onely as harmless , but as beneficial , as pleasant . How much preparation may do to correct and meliorate both hard and liquid Aliments , is notably instanced by the account that we receive from both the French and English that inhabit the Barbados , St. Christophers , and other Caraibes Islands , who solemnly inform us ( what is attested also by Piso , and other Learned Travellers that write of it ) that the Plant Mandioca ( whose prepar'd Root makes Cassavy , and which we have also seen flourishing here in Europe ) to which the Indians are so much beholden , is a rank Poyson . And though I shall not too resolutely affirm it , to be a Poyson properly so called ; yet in confirmation of its being very noxious , I shall tell you , That having purposely enquired of a very intelligent Gentleman , who commanded an Army of Europeans in America , what experience he had seen of the qualities of this Plant , he told me , That between thirty and forty of his Soldiers , having on a time ( whil'st they were unacquainted with the Countrey ) either through ignorance or curiosity , eaten of it unprepared , it cost most of them their Lives . And yet this pernicious Root , which some Herbarists call Yucca , by the rude Indians ordering , comes to afford them both almost all their Bread , and no small part of their Drink : For this Root being grated , and carefully freed from its moisture , by being included in Bags , and very strongly pressed till all the Juice be squeezed out ; it is afterwards dryed in the Sun , and so made into the Meal of which they make their Bread : And this very Root , though ( as we said ) it be poisonous , they cause their old , and almost toothless Women , for the better breaking and macerating it , to chew and spit out into Water . This Juice will , in a few hours , work and purge it self of the poysonous quality , affording them a Drink which they esteem very wholsome , and at the Barbado's call Perino , and account it to be the likest in taste to our English Beer , of any of those many Drinks that are used in that Island . This nasty way of preparing Drink , Pyrophilus , may seem strange to you , as it did to me when I first heard of it ; but besides the consenting relations both of French and English concerning it , it may be confirmed by the strange assertion of Gulielmus Piso , in his new and curious Medicina Brasiliensis , where , having spoken of several of the Brasilian Wines , he tells us , That they make Liquors of several Plants , besides the Root of Mandioca , after the same nasty manner . Idem fit ( saith he ) ex Mandioca , Patata , Milio , Turcico , Oryza & aliis , quae à vetulis masticantur , masticataque multa cum salira exspuuntur , hic liquor mox vasis reconditur donec ferveat , faecesque ejiciat . In Muscovia it self , notwithstanding the unskilfulness of that rude People , Olearius informs us , That the Embassadors , to whom he was Secretary , we●e presented at one time with two and twenty several sorts of Drink . And at a Country House here in England ( where I was , by a very Ingenious Gentleman that is Master of it , presented with divers rare Drinks of his own making ) I was assur'd that he had lately , at one time in his House , at least the former mentioned number of various Drinks , and might easily have had a greater , if he had pleased . And on this occasion , I am not willing to pretermit what is practised in some of our American Plantations , as I am informed by the Practisers themselves , where , finding it very difficult to make good Mault of Maiz , or Indian Corn ( by reason of hinderances not to be discoursed of in few words ) they brew very good Drink of it , by fi●st bringing the Grain to Bread ; in which operation , the Grain being both reduced into small parts , and already somewhat fermented , is disposed to communicate easily its dissoluble and Spirituous parts to the Water it is boyled in : To which I shall adde , That I have to think , that the Art of Malting may be much improved by new & skilfully contriv'd Furnaces , and a rational man●gement of the Grain . Nor are we alone defective in the knowledge of fermenting Drinks , but even in that of the Materials of which Drinks may be prepar'd . In that vast Region of China , which is inriched with so fertil a Soil , and comprizeth such variety of Geographical parallels , they make not ( as Semedo informs us ) their Wine of Grapes , but of Barley ; and in the Northern parts , of Rice , where they make it also of Apples ; but in the Southern parts , of Rice onely : yet not of ordinary Rice , but of a certain kinde peculiar to them , which serves onely to make this Liquor , being used in divers manners . And of the Wine there drank , even by the vulgar , our Author gives us this character : The Wine used by the common People , although it will make them drunk , is not very strong or lasting ; 't is made at all times of the Year , but the best onely in the Winter : It hath a colour very pleasing to the sight , nor is the smell less pleasing to the sent , or the savor thereof to the taste ; take altogether , it is a vehement occasion that there never wants Drunkards , &c. And of the Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Japan , I remember also , Pyrophilus , that Linschoten , in his description of those Islands , tells us , That they drink Wine of Rice , wherewith they drink themselves drunk . We have here in England , at the House of our experienced Mint-master , Dr Gordon , tasted a Wine , which he made of that sort of Cherrys which are commonly call'd Morellos , that was , when we drank of it , about a Year and a half old , but it was somewhat sower , and needed Suger ; And therefore I shall rather take notice to you of my having since drunk Wine made of the Juice of good , but not of extraordinary Kentish Cherrys , which , with the help of a Tantillum of Suger added in the Fermentation , kept so well ; that though it were above a Year old when I tasted it , I found it a strong and pleasant Wine , not inferior to many Wines that are brought us from foreign parts . But this is nothing to what is averr'd upon his own experience , by a Learned Divine ( to whom you , Pyrophilus , and I , am related ) who affirms himself to have made out of some sort of wilde Apples and Pears , by bare Fermentation , such Liquors , as though at first somewhat harsh , will not onely keep divers years ; but at the end of two or three , attain such strength , and so pleasingly pungent a taste , that they may compare even with choice out-landish Wines , and excel those that are not of the very best sorts of them . But till we have in another Essay an opportunity of presenting you something out of the Observations of Olearius , the newly mention'd Divine , and our own , concerning Fermented Liquors , we shall content our selves to manifest our want of curiosity about the materials of which Drinks may be prepar'd , by this , That the Drinks of one whole Country , are oftentimes unknown to the Inhabitants of another : That the Wine made of Rice , which we lately mention'd to be of frequent use in the Kingdoms of China and Japan , is of little or none in Europe , I need not prove to you . I have been in divers places where Beer and Ale , which are here the common Drinks , a●e greater rarities , then the medicated Liquors sold onely in Apothecaries Shops . In divers parts of Muscovie , and some other Northern Regions , the common Drink is Hydromel , made of Water fermented with Honey : And indeed , if a due proportion betwixt those two be observed , and the Fermentation be skilfully ordered , there may be that way , as experience hath assur'd us , prepar'd such a Liquor , both for clearness , strength , and wholsomeness , as few that have not tasted such a one , would readily believe . The French and English Inhabitants of the Canibal Islands , make , by Fermentation , a Wine of the dregs collected in the boiling of Suger . A like to which Piso tells us , That they make in Brasil , and commonly call Garapa , which , though made by the mixture of Water , the Inhabitants are very greedy of ; and when it is old , finde it strong enough to make them drunk . And how also in these colder Countrys , a good Wine may be made of onely Suger and Water , we may elsewhere have occasion to teach you . And in Brasil they likewise , as the same Author informs us , make a Wine ( unknown to most other Regions of the World ) of the Fruit of Acaju , which yet , upon his experience , he much commends ; telling us , That it is strong enough to inebriate , and may , he doubts not , be kept good many Years ; and that though it be astringent , yet both in himself and others he found it diuretical . In the Barbada's they have many Drinks unknown to us ; such as are Perino , the Plantane-drink , Grippo , Punch , and the rare Wine of Pines , by some commended more then the Poets do their Nectar ; some of which we therefore make not , because the Vegetables whereof they are produc'd , grow not in these colder Climats : But others also they have , which we have not , though they are made of Plants to be met with in our Soil ; as for instance , the drink they call Mobbie , made of Potato's fermented with Water , which , being fit to drink in a very few days , and easie to make as strong almost as the maker pleaseth , would be of excellent use , if it were but as wholsome as it is accounted pleasant . In the Turkish Dominions , where Wine , properly so call'd , is forbidden by Mahomet's Law , the Jews and Christians keep , in their Taverns , a Vinous Liquor made of fermented Raisons , after a manner , which ( when we shall elsewhere acquaint you with it ) you will easily discern to be capable of much improvement from the knowledge of Fermentation . And indeed , by the bare fermenting of Raisons and Water in a due proportion , without the help of Barm , Leaven , Tartar , or other additament to set them a working , we have divers times , in a few days , prepar'd a good Vinous Liquor , which having for tryals sake distilled , it afforded us greater store , then we expected , of inflammable Spirit , like that of other Wine . But I have sometimes wondered , that Men had no more curiosity to try what Drinks may be made of the Juices obtainable , by wounding or cutting off the parts of several Trees , and some other Vegetables : For that in the East Indies , their Sura is made of the Liquor dropping from their wounded Coco Trees , we have not long since out of Linscoten informed you . And sober Eye-witnesses have assured us , That in those Countrys they have but too often seen the Seamen drunk , by the use or Liquors weeping out of the Incisions of wounded Vegetables , and afterwards fermented . And that even in Europe , the Alimental Liquor , drawn by Trees from the Earth , may receive great alterations from them before it be quite assimulated by them , may be gathered from the practice of the Calabrians and Apulians ; who , betwixt March and November , do by Incisions obtain from the common Ash Tree , and the Ornus ( which many Botanists would have to be but a wilde Ash ) a sweet Juice , so like to the Manna , adhearing in that Season to the Leaves of those kinde of Trees , that the Natives call it in their Language , Manna del corpo , or Trunk-manna ; and least we should think they draw all this sweetness from the Soil of that particular part of Italy where they grow , you may be satisfied by the Learned Chrysostomus Magnenus , in his Treatise De Manna , that it is to be met with in several other places . And he adds , That in the Dukedom of Milane , where he professeth Physick , there is no other Manna used then that which is ( as he speaks ) Vel è trunco expressum ( which he somewhere calls Manna Truncinum ) aut in ramis stiriatim concretum ; and that yet it is safely and prosperously used . I had communicated to me , as a rarity , a secret of the King of Polands , which is said to do wonders in many Diseases , and consists onely in the use of the Liquor which drops about the beginning of the Spring , from the bar'd and wounded Roots of the Walnut-tree : but because I have not yet made tryal of it my self , I shall pass on to observe to you , that in some Northern Countries , and even in some parts of England , bordering upon Scotland , the almost insipid Liquor that weeps in March , or the beginning of April , out of the transversly wounded Branches ( not Trunks ) of the Birch-tree , is wont to be used by Persons of Quality as a preservative from the Stone ; against which cruel Disease , Helmont highly extols a Drink made of this Liquor and semen dauci , and Beccabunga , and I think not without cause . For not to mention all the commendations that have been given me of it by some that use it , I have seen such strange relief , frequently given among others , to a Kins-man of mine , to whom hardly any other Remedy ( though he tryed a scarce imaginable variety ) was able to give ease ( and in whose dissected Bladder , after another Disease had kill'd him , a Stone of many Ounces was found ) that I usually every Spring take care to provide a quantity of this Water , with which alone , without the other Ingredients mentioned by Helmont , my Kins-man used to be relieved as long as he could keep it , which you may do the longer , by pouring upon the top of it a quantity of Sallet Oyl , to defend it from the Air ; and perhaps also by Distillation : By which ( last named ) way , I know an Ingenious Man that is wont to preserve it for his own use , and says , he findes it not thereby impair'd in virtue . But the most effectual way that ever I yet practiced , Pyrophilus , to preserve both this and other Liquors and Juices , is dexterously and sufficiently to impregnate them with Fume of Sulphur , which must be at divers , and often times as it were , incorporated with the Liquor by due agitation ; the manual Operation belonging to this Experiment , I may hereafter have occasion to describe more fully , together with the particular Effects of it in several Bodies . And therefore it may here suffice to tell you , that if you practice it carefully , you will , perhaps , think your self oblig'd to thank me for the discovery of it , though a heedful Reader may finde it , not obscurely , hinted in Helmont's Writings . I might here annex the great commendation which I have found given to this Birch-water , by eminent Writers , against the hot d●stempe●s of the Liver , and divers other affections ; and especially how Freitagius commends it very much to dilute Wine with : and adds , Haec est dulcacida & grati saporis , sitim sedat viscerum & sanguinis fervorem temperat , obstructiones reserat , calculum pellit . But I suppose you will think it high time for me to proceed to another subject ; and indeed I should not have spent so much time in discoursing of Drinks , but that I am apt to think , that if there were greater variety of them made , and if they were more skilfully ordered , they might , by refreshing the Spirits , and insensibly altering the mass of Blood , prevent and cure ( without weakning or much troubling the Patient ) almost as many Diseases as the use of our common , unwholesome , and sophisticated Wines is wont to produce . For in Fermentation , the Sulphurous ( as Chymists call them ) the Active , and the Spirituous parts of Vegetables , are much better loosened , and more intirely separated from the grosser and clogging parts , in most Mixts , then they are by the vulgar ways of Distillation , wherein the Concrete is not open'd by previous Fermentation . And these nobler parts being incorporated with our Aliments , are with them received freely , and without resistance carryed into the mass of the Blood , and therewith , by circulation , conveyed to the whole Body where their Operation is requisite . And I remember , that discoursing one day with an eminently learned and experienced Physitian , of the Antinephritical virtue of our common wilde Carret-seed , fermented in small Ale ; he smilingly told me , that he found its efficacy but too great : For having prescrib'd it to some of his rich Patients , who were wont frequently to have recourse to him in their Nephritical distempers , after the use of this drink for a pretty while , he seldom heard of them any more . And for your encouragement , Pyrophilus , to make tryals of this nature , we will adde , That though the Seed it self be not over-well tasted , yet being fermented in a due proportion with the Liquor ( we used an Ounce and half of the Seed , to a Gallon of the Ale ) the Drink compos'd of both tasted pleasantly , almost like Lemmon beer . And that you may the less wonder at the efficacy of fermented Liquors , it is worth considering , what virtue is ascribed to the bare decoction of that Herb , which the French and we call Thé , or Té , which is much magnified here ; and as far as my little experience in my self , and others ( of which more hereafter ) reaches , not altogether without cause : But among the Chineses and the Japonians , it is the common Drink of Persons of Quality , by whom it is so highly prais'd , that the experienced Tulpius , in the new Edition of his Observations , tells us , That one pound of the Japonical T'chia ( as the Natives call it ) is not unfrequently sold for one hundred pounds of Silver ; which is not to be wondred at , if they justly ascribe to it , that in those Countrys Men are not subject to the Stone , or the Gout , and if but one half of the Virtues he there attributes to it , be for the most part to be found in it . I might , when I told you of the variety of Materials not used among us , have added one strange Drink , which a Chyrurgion , that a while since lived at in the East Indies , told me , he saw much used thereabouts : They make it of the raw Flesh of Goats , Capons , and the like , which , together with Rice and Molossos ( or black course Suger ) they put into a quantity of Water , and distil it in an Alimbick till the Liquor be stronger then Brandy ( as they call common weak Spirit of Wine or of Lees of Vinous Liquors ) And this Rack ( as the extravagant Liquor is call'd ) is often drunk in hot weather , and found very comfortable : those that use it , prizing it much , as supposing it draws a nutritive and cherishing virtue from the Flesh ; as indeed , if any quantity of the nobler parts of that , do concur to the constituting of the Liquor , it may probably be , at least to divers Bodies , very wholsome in that Country , where they finde strong Drinks necessary to recruit their Spirits , exhausted by the excessive heat of the Climate . As I remember , the experienced Bontius , in his Medicina Indorum , tells us , That the Merchants travelling through the scorching Deserts of Arabia , Persia , or Turkey , finde it best to quench their thirst by a draught of the Spirit of Wine , or else of the strongest Persian or Spanish Wine . And of the great use , if not necessity of either Brandy , or such other strong and Spirituous Drinks in the hot Climats of the Indies , divers intelligent Persons of our own Country , have , upon their own experience , sufficiently satisfied us . Nor , Pyrophilus , is Natural Philosophy able onely to improve our Drinks , but the rest of our Aliments also : For not to mention , that Experience hath assur'd us , that by skilfully contriv'd Ovens ( wherein the heat plays every way about the Bread , without yet suffering any of the smoke or steams of the Fire to come at it , and wherein what degree of heat you please may be continu'd from first to last ) better Bread may be bak'd , then in our common Ovens , where the Bread rests upon the Harth , and the heat is continually decaying . Not to mention this , I say , Physiologie can inable us to confer a very grateful taste on very many of the things we eat , barely by a skilful and moderate untying and exciting the formerly clogg'd Spirits , and other sapid parts contain'd in them . It can teach us to make better Bread then is commonly eaten : And by discovering to us a better Art of Cookry , then Apitius and his Successors have left us , and by substituting innocently sapid things , instead of those unwholsome ones , their deliciousness endears to Men ; It can teach us to gratifie Mens Palates , without offending their healths : & in preserving of fresh Meats , Fruits , &c. beyond their wonted seasons of duration , the Naturalists skill may perform much more then you will readily believe . And yet to incline you not to be too diffident in this particular , let me inform you , That much hath been already perform'd , as to the preservation of Aliments , even by those that have not troubled themselves to make Philosophical enquiries after the Causes and Remedies of Putrefaction in Bodies , but onely have been taught by obvious and daily Observations , that the Air doth much contribute to the corruption of some Bodies , and the exclusion of Air to the hindring it . I remember , the inquisitive and learned Mr. Borreel , assur'd me some while since , That he had in his Country , Holland , eaten Bisket that was yet good , after it had been carryed from Amsterdam to the East Indies , and brought back thence again ( in which Voyage , between two and three Years are wont to be spent ) And to confirm my conjecture of the way of preserving this Bread so long : He told me , that the curious Merchant whose it was , used no other Art , then the stowing his Bisket , well baked , in Casks exactly calk'd ; and besides , carefully lin'd with Tin , for the more perfect exclusion of the Air. Adding , That to the same end the Biskets were so placed , as to leave as little room as possibly might be in the Cask , which also was not opened , but in case of absolute necessity , and then presently and carefully closed again . I may elsewhere tell you of an eminent Naturalist , a Friend of yours and mine , that hath a strange way of preserving Fruits , whereby even Goof-berries have been kept for many Moneths , without the addition of Sugar , Salt , or other tangible Bodies ; but all that I dare yet tell you , is , That he assures me his Secret consists in a new and artificial way of keeping them from the Air. But it seems more difficult , as well as more useful , to be able to preserve Meat long without Salt ; for 't is sufficiently known to Navigators , how frequently , in long Voyages , the Scurvy , and other Diseases , are contracted by the want of fresh Meat , and the necessity of feeding constantly upon none but strongly poudred Flesh , or salted Fish ; and therefore , he is much to be commended that hath first devised the way to keep Flesh sweet , without the help of those freeting Salts Men are wont to use to make it keep . This way is not unknown known to some ingenious Persons in London : One of the most noted of whom , upon my conjecturing how it may be perform'd , confess'd to me , that I had hit upon the way in general : But the most satisfactory account I could get of it , was from an English Man , that lately practised Physick in the East Indies , who , finding I was no stranger to what I asked him about , told me freely , that he had seen both Goats-flesh , and Hens , so well preserved by this way , that though it were put up in the East Indies awhile before he came thence , yet he eat of it , and found it good and wholsome , between the Islands of Cape Verd ( as the Sea-men call them ) and England ; so that this Meat-continued sweet above six Moneths , notwithstanding the heat and closeness of the Ship , the excessive heat they met with in their Passage under the Line , and consequently through the Torrid Zone : and that the way was onely this , That the Meat being well roasted , and cut in pieces , was carefully and conveniently ranged in a very close Cask , into which , afterwards , there was poured as much Butter melted , skimmed , and decanted from the grosser and ranker Parts , as would fill up all the intervals left between the several pieces of Flesh , and swim about them all , and thereby keep out the Air from approaching them ; and then the Cask , being exactly closed , was stow'd up in a convenient place in the Ship , and kept unopen'd till the Meat was to be eaten . And it must not be omitted , that the Relator , and others that had the care of making Provision for the Voyage , were fain , instead of Butter made of Cows Milk ( which could not be had where they took in their Lading ) to make use of that made of Goats , or Ews Milk , which is not ( as the Indians make it ) so good , and to whose rankness he ascribed that which he had observed in some of the Meat buried in it , which he thought might have been preserved longer , and better tasted ( for wholsome and incorrupt he said it was ) in our European Butter , whose power to preserve Meat bury'd in it , after due Coction , hath been confirmed to me upon their own observation , by an experienc'd Officer of the English Fleet , that had the over-sight of the Provisions , and by others that had opportunity to observe it . But how much the Naturalists skill may advance the Dietetical part of Physick , by enabling Men to make Aliments much lastinger then naturally they are , I must not here labor to convince you by other instances , that I may not anticipate what we have elsewhere to acquaint you with , from other Mens Experiments , and our own , about the conservation of Bodies . Onely I shall at present tell you in general , That I hope there will be ways found out to preserve even raw Flesh it self ( for of the keeping of roasted , we have just now given you an instance ) with things that do not so much fret it , nor give it so corrosive a quality , when eaten , as our common Salt doth . For not to mention what several curious Persons have practised , of salting Neats Tongues with Salt-peter , which though done onely to make them look red , shews that a Body , not corrosive like common Salt , may preserve Flesh : I have , for tryal sake , kept an entire Puppy of pretty bigness , untainted for many Weeks ( and that in the midst of Summer ) and that without slaying , drying ( by Fire or otherwise ) or so much as exenterating him , or cleansing him , or doing any thing towards the preserving of him , save the keeping him immersed in a well stopt Vessel , under Spirit of Wine ( from whose taste , I presume , Meat may be easily freed by Water ) and there seemed small cause to doubt , that the onely thing that hindred me from keeping him much longer , was the want of time to pursue the Experiment , and take notice of its success : For I remember , I have the same way kept a soft Substance , taken raw from an Ox or Cow , for many Moneths ( if I mistake not , eighteen or twenty ) and found no putrefaction or ill sent in the immersed substance , which , for ought I know , might have been preserved divers Years together the same way , or at least , by an easie improvement of this method , of which , as I lately intimated , I intend you hereafter an account . And I shall further adde on this occasion , That if we reflect upon Suger , which is ( at least in these Western Regions ) but an almost recent discovery , and consider how many Bodies are with it , by Confectioners and others , not onely preserv'd , but rendred exceeding grateful to the taste ; that single instance may suffice to make us think it probable , that expedients yet unthought of , may , by an insight into Nature , be found out , for the preservation of Bodies ; especially , if our ingenious Friend , Mr. W. would shew us , how out of divers other Concreats , besides the Suger Cane , a Substance not unlike Suger ( though of different taste , according to the nature of the Vegetable that affords it ) may , by a peculiar industry , be prepar'd : which , that you may not think unfeazable , let me mention to you ( for perhaps he hath not yet taken notice of it ) what even Indians have done of this nature . And first , let me inform you of what we are told by Linschoten * concerning that Drink , which in the East Indies they call Sura , and made of the Liquor dropping from the Blossoms , that they cut away from the Indian Palm Tree which bears the Coco Nut. For of this Sura , he tells us , That amongst other things , they make Suger ( which is called Jagra ) which is made by boiling that Liquor , and setting it in the Sun , where it congeals to Suger . And though I must not conceal from you , that our Author adds , that it is not much esteemed by reason of its brown colour , and for that ( to use his words ) they have so great quantity and abundance of white Suger th●●ughout all India , yet the latter reason , of the cheapness of Jagra , seems to be the principal . For probably , if other Suger were scarce , the melioration of this would be attempted ; and 't is very likely , That if a skilful Naturalist had the ordering of that sweet Juice , of which the Indians make their Jagra , he might very well make of it a Suger of no small use ; and such a Suger would be very convenient in many cases , and to many Persons , for its being different from the common Suger , though it should not be better . Garcillassus also ( a much applauded Writer concerning the West Indies ) treating of the Fruits of a Peruvian Tree , call'd by some Molle , and by others Mull● conficiunt ( saith he ) ex eo potum confricando blande inter manu● in aquâ calidâ donec dulcor omnis defricetur : Percolam hanc aquam seruantque dies tres quatuorve donec subsideat . potus est limpidissimus , &c. Aqua eadem cocta convertitur in optimum mel : And of the same Plant , Petrus de Cieca hath this confirming Passage , Ex hujus fructu cum aquâ decocto , pr●coctura modo , fit aut vinum sive potio admodum bona aut acetum aut mel . And that there is a great affinity betwixt such Vegetable Hony's and Suger , especially if the Juices be ordered with a design of turning them rather into Suger then Honey , you may easily gather from the next and more memorable instance which we are to mention , and which is afforded us by the diligent Describer of the Brasilian Plants , who treating of the Caraguata , or Erva Babosa ( or as some would have it , Herba innominata caule portulaca ) hath these words to our present purpose : Porro ( saith he ) radendo novacula petrosa stolones , emanat ex concavitate liquor quidam tantâ copiâ ut ex unâ solummodo plantâ ( Mirabile dictu ) interdum 50. aut plures arobae effluant è quo liquore fit vinum , acetum , mel & saccharum : liquor quippe per se dulcis coquendo redditur multo su●●●ior & spissior , ita ut tandem in saccharum congelascat . Since the writing of these last Lines , being visited by an ancient Virtuoso , Governor to a considerable Colony in the Northern America , and inquiring of him , among other particularities touching his Country , something in relation to the thoughts I had about the making of several kindes of Suger , he assur'd me , upon his own experience , that there is in some parts of New England , a kinde of Tree , so like our Wallnut-trees , that it is there so called , whose Juice that weeps out of its Incisions , &c. if it be permitted slowly to exhale away the superfluous moisture , doth congeal into a sweet and saccharine substance ; and the like was confirmed to me , upon his own knowledge , by the Agent of the great and populous Colony of the Masathusets . And very lately demanding of a very eminent and skilful Planter , why , living in a part of America , too cold to bare Sugar-Canes , he did not try to make Sugar of that very sweet Liquor , which the Stalks of Maiz , by many called Indian Wheat , affords , when their Juice is expressed ; he promised me he would make tryal of it : Adding , That he should do it very hopefully , because that though he had never been solicitous to bring this Juice into a saccharine form , yet having several times , for tryal sake , boild it up to Syrup , and employed it to sweeten Tarts , and other things , the Guests could not perceive that they were otherwise sweetned then with Sugar . And he farther added , That both he and others , had , in New England , made such a Syrrup with the Juice of Water Melons . Nor , Pyrophilus , is it onely by teaching Men to improve the wholesomness and tasts of the Aliments , or to keep them long uncorrupted , that the Naturalist may contribute to the preservation of Man's health : For from the ingenious attempts of Sanctorius , in his Medicina Statica , we may be invited to hope , that there may be ways , as yet unthought of , to investigate the wholesomness or insalubrity of Aliments ; as he , by the weight of Bodies , after having fed on such and such Meats , findes that Swines Flesh , Melons , and some other things that he names ( in the third Section ) do much hinder insensible Perspiration , and consequently are unwholsome ; though , as I take it , it were not amiss , that before such Observations be fram'd into general and establish'd Aphorisms , they were carefully made in Bodies of differing Ages , Sexes and Complexions , and with variety of Circumstances : But then again , presuming these Maximes to be judiciously fram'd , the same Statica Medicina makes it hopeful , that there may be unthought-of Methods found , whereby , by ways different from those formerly used by Physitians , a Man may be much assisted in the whole manner of ordering himself , so as to preserve health , and to foresee and prevent the approach of many Distempers . And perhaps by such unthought-of ways , divers Paradoxes of concernment to Mans health may be made out , as the diligent Sanctorius to that Observation proposed in these words Semel aut bis in mense facto excessu in cibo & potu , die sequenti , licet sensibiliter non evacuet , minus solito perpendit annexus ( in the following Aphorism ) addeth this important Corollary : Victus uniformis caret beneficio illorum qui semel vel bis in mense excedunt : expultrix enim à copia irritata excitat tantum perspiratus , quantum sine statica nemo crederet . And indeed , experience hath informed us , that the promoting or suppressing of insensible transpiration , by which , in a day , the Body may discharge it self of four or five pound of excrementitious Matter , hath a much greater power to advantage or prejudice health , then is wont to be taken notice of ; so that we see that the Staticks , which , though long known , were thought useless to Physick , may afford several important directions in reference to the preservation of Mans health ; to which there are likewise other ways whereby the Naturalist may contribute . For he may also devise means , whereby to judge of the qualities of Aliments , especially Drinks in their respective kindes ; and likewise of the temperature of the Air in this or that place assign'd , we shall , in one of the following Essays , describe to you a small slight Instrument , by the help of which , one that is acquainted with this or that particular sort of Wine , may give a near guess whether it be embased with Water or not . And whereas in most hot Countrys , where Water being the common Drink , 't is of great concernments to Mans health to be able to make a good estimate of the salubrity of it ; And whereas Physitians are wont to think Water caeteris paribus , the better and purer the lighter it is , this Instrument presently manifests , without any trouble of weighing in Scales , what among any Waters propos'd is the heaviest , and which the lightest , and what difference there is of gravity betwixt them : And this disparity may sometimes be so great , that I remember some of our English Navigators tell us , That upon bringing home a so●t of Water out of Africa into England , they found , by the common way of ponderation , the African Water in the same bulk , to be about four Ounces in the pound lighter then the English. And as the thickness or lightness of Waters may be thus presently discerned by this Hydrostatical way , so 't is possible , by some Chymical Experiments , easily enough to discover some other qualities , wherein Waters , that are thought to be of the same nature , differ from each other ; as we finde that very many Pump-waters will not bear Soap , as Rain-waters , and the generality of Spring-waters will do : some Water will not well dye Scarlet , or some other particular colour , because they are secretly imbued with some kinde of saline Substance , that hath an operation it should not have upon the Ingredients imployed by the Dyer . And I have sometimes discovered a latent Sea-salt in Water , where others suspected no such matter , by pouring into it a solution of good Silver , made in Aqua fortis : For as common Salt , as well as the Spirit of it , will precipitate the Metal out of such a solution , in the form of a white Calx ; so it seem'd rational to conceive , that in case the Water I suspected had been imbued in its passage through the Earth with a saline quality , though not conspicuous enough to be taken notice of by the taste ; these saline Corpuscles diffused through the Water , would , though faintly , act their parts upon the dissolved Silver , and accordingly I found , that upon the mixtures of such Waters , and the Metalline solution , there would immediately be produced a kinde of whiteness ( from some parts of the Metal precipitated by the Salt : ) to avoid which , I have often been fain to use , in places where I met with such Waters , either Rain-water , or that which is freed from its common Salt , by a slow Distillation . And as for the temperature of the Air , which is acknowledged to be of exceeding great consequence , both as to health , and as to the prolongation of life ; and which is possibly yet of greater moment to both then most Men imagine , the skilful Naturalists sagacity , if it were employed to that purpose , might probably finde divers ways of discovering the qualities , and consequently the salubrity and unhealthfulness of the Air in particular places . For the diligent Sanctorius ( in the second Section of his Medicina Statica ) teacheth us how to estimate the healthfulness and insalubrity of the Air , by the weight of those Mens Bodies that live in it . And besides this ( nice ) way , we see , that by the late Invention of Weather-Glasses , 't is easie to discern which of two Neighboring Houses , and which of two rooms in the same House is the colder . And I remember , I have sometimes bethought my self of a slight way ( to be mention'd in one of the following Essays ) by the help of which , it is not hard to determine in which of two places proposed , the Air is caeteris paribus , the dryer or the moister ; And to give also some guess , both how much at the same time the Air of one place exceeds that of the other , and how the temperature of the Air changeth in the same place at several times , either of those qualities . And that the differing operations of several Airs , upon certain sorts of Flesh hung in them , upon some fading colours , upon Bodies subject to gather rust , or to be tarnish'd ; and in a word , upon divers other subjects , may be more considerable then Men seem yet to have taken notice of , I shall think it sufficient to have intimated in this place , being desirous to hasten to the following Essay ( wherewith I am to conclude , what I have to offer to you concerning Physick ) that I may have the more time to employ on it . ESSAY V. Proposing some Particulars wherein Natutural Philosophy may be useful to the Therapeutical part of Physick . ANd now , Pyrophilus , the method that we formerly prescrib'd to our selves ( a little after the beginning of the first Essay ) requires , that we consider awhile the Therapeutical part of Physick , which is indeed that , whose improvement would be the most beneficial to Mankinde ; and therefore I cannot here forbear to wish , That divers Learned Physitians were more concern'd , then they seem to be , to advance the Curative part of their Profession ; without which , three at least of the four others may prove indeed delightful and beneficial to the Physitian , but will be of very little use to the Patient , whose relief is yet the principal end of Physick : whereunto the Physiological , Pathological , and Semiotical parts of that Art ought to be referred . There was , awhile since , a witty Doctor , who being asked by an Acquaintance of mine ( himself an eminent Physitian , and who related this unto me ) why he would not give such a Patient more Generous Remedies , seeing he grew so much worse under the use of those common Languid ones , to which he had been confin'd , that he could not at the last but dye with them in his Mouth ? briskly answered , Let him die if he will , so he die secundum artem . I hope there are very few of this Man's temper , but it were to be wished , that there were fewer Learned Men that think a Physitian hath done enough , when he hath learnedly discoursed of the seat and nature of the Disease , foretold the event of it , and methodically imployed a company of safe , but languid Remedies , which he had often before found almost as unable to cure the Patient , as unlikely to kill him . For by such an unprofitable way of proceeding , to which some lazy or opinionated Practizers of Physick ( I say some , for I mean not all ) have , under pretence of its being safe , confined themselves ; they have rendred their whole Profession too obnoxious to the Cavils of such Empericks , as he that ( as the Lord Verulam reports ) was wont to say , Your European Physitians are indeed Learned Men , but they know not the particular Cures of Diseases ; and ( unreverendly enough ) to compare our Physitians to Bishops , who had the Keys of binding and loosing , and nothing else : Which brings into my minde , what Monsieur De Balsac relates ( in his witty French Discourse of the Court ) of a Physitian of Millain , that he knew at Padua , who being content with a Possession of his Science , and ( as he said ) The enjoyment of the Truth , did not onely not particularly enquire into the Cure of Diseases , but boasted , That he had kill'd a Man with the fairest Method in the World : E mort● ( said he ) canonicamente , è con tutti gli ordini . And such Scoffs and Stories are readily enough entertain'd by the major part of Men , who send for Physitians , not so much to know what ails them , as to be eas'd of it ; and had not rather been methodically kill'd , then Empirically cured . And it doth indeed a little lessen even my esteem of the great Hippocrates's skill , to finde mentioned in his Writings so many of his Patients , of whom he concludes , that they dyed : And I had much rather , that the Physitian of any Friend of mine , should keep his Patient by powerful Medicines from dying , then tell me punctually when he shall die , or shew me in the opened Carcase why it may be supposed he lived no longer . But , Pyrophilus , my concern for Mankinde , and for the reputation of many excellent Physitians , whose Profession suffers much by the want of either Industry or Charity , in such as we have been speaking of , hath diverted me longer then I thought , from telling you , That I suppose it will not be very difficult to perswade you , that this so useful Therapeutical part of Physick is also capable of being much improved by a knowing Naturalist , especially if he be an intelligent and expert Chymist , as in this Essay we will suppose him . CHAP. I. SOme Paracelsian would , perhaps , set forth , how much more easie to be taken Chymically prepared Medicines are wont to be , then those loathsome and clogging Galenical Potions Bolus's , &c. which are not onely odious to the Takers , but ( which is much worse ) are to many so offensive , that either the Patients cannot get them down , or the incensed Stomack returns them , by Vomit , before they have stayed long enough in the Body to do any more then distemper it . But I shall not much insist on this , because I think wholesomness to be much more considerable in a Remedy then pleasantness : though , I confess , I could wish that Physitians were more careful to keep Patients from being almost as much troubled by Physick , as by the Disease , and to cure according to the old Prescription , not onely citò and tutò , but jucundè too : Especially considering that , as we were saying , the loathsomness of some Medicines maketh the Stomack reject them , before they can have performed their Operations . And it is , I presume , on this account as much as on any other , that at Oxford Learned & Practical Physitians , of your Acquaintance , make very frequent use ( on Patients not Feverish ) of the resin of Jalap , barely drawn with Spirit of Wine ; since as we have tryed six , eight or ten , or more Grains , of this almost insipid Resin , being cleanly prepared , according to Art , and with a little Gum-tragacanth , and half its weight of powdred Cinamon , or some such thing , made up , may be taken in the Morning , in form of Pills , instead of a Potion ; and is wont to evacuate plentifully enough , and yet gripe the Patient much less then common Purges . But , as I said , I shall not insist on this . I might better commend the usefulness of Chymistry to the Therapeutical part of Physick , from hence , That it is probable , that even emptying Medicines may , by the Spagyrists Art , be so prepared , as not onely to be less offensive then common Purges or Vomits in the taking , but to be less painful in the working : As I have often observed , both in my self and others , that upon the taking of the clear , and not loathsome Mineral Waters of Barnet , though the Medicine wrought with me ten or twelve times in a Morning , yet it did not either pain me , or make me sick , or disorder me for the remaining part of the day , any thing near so much as a common Pill or Potion that had wrought but once or twice would have done . And I shall elsewhere ( God permitting ) teach you a preparation of Silver , whereof about three or four Grains being made up ( with any proper Conserve ) into a little Pill , is wont to make a copious evacuation of Serum especially ( in Bodies that abound with it ) without making the Patient almost at all sick , or griping him : Insomuch that I know some Persons , both Physitians and others , with whom though this Medicine work frequently in a day , and though ( which is stranger ) once taking of it will with some Persons work so for two or three , or more days successively , yet they scruple not to go abroad and follow their business ; and some that take it , tell me , That when it works not with them ( as for the most part , when it hath freed the Body from superfluous Serum , it will cease , and in some Bodies will scarce purge at all , it neither puts them to pain , nor makes them sick . ) And now I am speaking of the painless ways of relieving the sick , I shall adde , That there is another way , whereby 't is to be hop'd , many Patients may be rescued from a great deal of pain , and that is by finding out Medicaments , that may in several Distempers , that are thought to belong peculiarly to the Chirurgions hand , excuse the need of Burning , Cutting , Trepaning , and other as well painful as terrible manual Operations of Chirurgery . Helmont tells us , That he knew a Country Fellow , who cur'd all fresh Wounds by a Drink made ( as I remember ) of burnt Tilia . I have inform'd you in another Essay , of the Cure I observed to be made of the exulcerated Tumors of one sick of the Kings Evil , by the use of Beer , altered by a little Plant , that did not at all disturb the Taker . If we may believe , Helmont's and Paracelsus's Praecipitatus Diaphoreticus , taken at the Mouth , doth cure , to use his own Words , Carcinoma , Lupum & quodlibet Aesthiomenum cacoethes ulcus , sive externum sive internum . And if there be any truth in what hath been affirm'd to me by several Eye-witnesses , as well Physitians as others , concerning the Weapon Salve , and Powder of Sympathy , we may well conclude , That Nature may perform divers Cures , for which the help of Chirurgery is wont to be implor'd , with much less pain to the Patient , then the Chirurgion is wont to put him to . I know a very ingenious Man , that is Famous as well for his Writings as for a Remedy , wherewith he undertaketh to cure constantly the exulcerated Cancers of Womens Breasts , without any considerable pain : But having not yet had opportunity to make tryal of that which I have lying by me , I shall onely tell you , he assures me , That his Medicine is indolent , and mortifies the ulcerous parts as far as they are corrupted , without disordering the Party troubled with them ; which I the less doubt , because , that ( to adde thus much on this occasion ) partly by the colour , &c. of his Powder , and partly by his own confession to me , it seems to be a dulcification of Arsenick , first fixt with Nitre , and then carefully freed from its corrosiveness , by very frequent Distillations of fresh Spirit of Wine . I shall ere long have occasion to teach you a Drink , whereby exulcerated ( but not Cancerous ) Breasts have been very happily cured . The learned Bartholinus , in his late Observations ) mentions the cure of some hurts in the Head , done without Trepaning , in cases where that formidable and tedious Operation is wont to be thought necessary . As for the terrible way of stopping the violent Bleeding in great Wounds , by seering the Orifices of the Vessels with hot Irons , it would be little needed , if we knew such Remedies as that which the Inquisitive Petrus de Osma , in his curious Letter to Monardes from Peru , mentions in this Passage , which I finde among his other Observations : Anno ( saith he ) 1558. in urbe D. Jacobi quae est in Provincia Chyle , quidam Indi captivi sur as sibi amputarunt , & eas assas prae faeme ederunt & ( quod mirabile dictu ) cujusdam Plantae folia vulneribus imponentes , ilicò sanguinem sistebant . I knew a rich Man , extreamly corpulent , who having long had a strange kinde of Fistula in his Breast , and having travelled from one Country to another , to consult with the ablest Chirurgions , was at length brought to that pass , that at a Consult they resolved , by opening his Breast , to try if they could track the winding Fistula , and save his Life : And as the Instruments , for this sad operation , lay upon the Table , another famous Chirurgion casually coming into the House , told the Patient that he had an art of curing Fistula's without cutting them open , and without any considerable pain or trouble : Whereupon the rich Man offering him what he pleased for the Cure , the Chirurgion quickly perform'd his Promise , as the Patient himself , who shew'd me his Breast , confess'd to me , and that by the use of an almost indolent Remedy , which he purchas'd of the Chirurgion , and which by his favor came to my hands : And that even very ill-condition'd Fistula's may be cured without Chirurgical Operations , by Medicines taken at the Mouth , I shall ere long have occasion to shew you by a notable Example . In the mean time I shall adde , That a Man , whom I suppose you have often seen , having a while since received such a kick of a Horse , as made the Doctor and Chirurgion that tended him , to conclude the part gangrenated , and the Patients condition , by the accession of a violent Feaver , so desperate , that they desired to meddle with him no longer ; a large Dosis of Sir Rawleigh's Cordial , sent him by an excellent Lady you are nearly related to , not onely freed him from his Feaver , and the Delirium that attended it , but , to the wonder of all that observed it , restored the Limb that was concluded gangrenated to its former soundness . And to bring credit to all these Relations , I shall crown them with that memorable Passage of Gulielmus Piso , of as great things that he saw done by the illiterate Indians themselves : Memini ( saith he ) in castris membra militum globulis sclopetorum icta , & jamjam ab Europae is Chirurgis , tam Lusitanis quam Batavis , amputanda , barbaros recentibus gummi succis & balsamis à ferro & igne liberasse & feliciter restituisse . Oculatus it idem testis sum in Nosocomiis relicta ulcera & gangrenas ab illis vel solo succo Tabaci curata . But , Pyrophilus , That the making of divers Helps to Recovery less distateful , or less painful to the Patients , is not the onely , nor perhaps the greatest service that Chymistry may do him that attempts the Cure of Diseases , I shall now indeavor to manifest in some Particulars . CHAP. II. ANd first , The skilful Naturalist , especially if a good Chymist , may much assist the Physitian to discover the Qualities of Medicines , whether simple or compound ; That the Experiments of the Spagyrists may much contribute to the examining those many things themselves prepare , you will , I presume , easily grant : That also divers Mineral Waters are of the nobler sort of Medicines , is sufficiently confessed on all hands ; and 't is known too , that the Industry of Chymists hath produced some good directions towards the discovery of the Minerals predominant in divers Medicinal Springs : But I am much mistaken , if they have not left much for others to do , which may be easily done . And I scarce doubt , but that by the various ways that might be propos'd , of trying what such Waters hold , and what saline or other Qualities are predominant in them , not onely the nature of those Medicinal Waters that are already used , might be more throughly understood ; but undetected Properties , might in many others that are now not taken notice of , be discovered ; of some of which ways of examining Mineral Waters , I may elsewhere give you an intimation . And I have made several tryals that have , I confess , much inclin'd me to think , that the fault is rather in us , then either in Nature or Chymistry , that Men do not , by the help of Chymical Experiments , discover more of the nature of divers Medicaments , then hitherto they seem to have so much as aim'd at : For though the abstruse Endowments of Specificks will not , I fear , be learn'd in haste , otherwise then by particular Tryals and Observations ; yet many Simples have other Qualities , which seem chiefly to reside , though not in an Elementary Salt or Sulphur , yet in a part of the Matter that seems of kin to a Salt or Sulphur : such as sowerness , saltness , a caustick or a healing faculty , abstersiveness , and the like , upon whose account such Remedies seem chiefly to work in a multitude of cases . And towards the Investigation of such Qualities , a Chymist may oftentimes do much , without making all his Tryals in humane Bodies . But though , to illustrate this matter , I have sometimes made several Experiments , yet not having now my Notes and Observations at hand , I shall onely mention a few things as they offer themselves to my memory , reserving the more distinct handling of this subject to another opportunity : And the rather , because that till such Phaenomena have been more diligently observ'd , and reduc'd to their distinct sorts , I would have them look'd upon but as hints to further Enquiries , not as sufficient Authority to ground general Rules on . There are some Plants , whose Juices , especially when the superfluous moisture is exhal'd or abstracted , will , some by the assistance of a gentle Heat and Filtration , and some , even of themselves , in time ( which I remember hath in some succulent Plants amounted but to a very few hours ) coagulate in part into a kinde of Salt , which , if you please , you may call Essential : And by this Nitro-Tartareous Salt ( as it seems to be ) those Vegetables , whose Juice affords it ( such as are , if I mistake not their names , Parietaria , Borrage , Bugloss , &c. ) may be discriminated from those many others , from whence it is not ( at least by the same way ) to be obtain'd . And possibly also these Salts may , to a heedful Surveyor of them , appear to differ enough from each other in shape , taste , or other obvious Qualities , to deserve to be sorted into differing kinds . If likewise we compare the Essential Salts and Spirits of these Plants , with those of Scurvy-grass , Brook-lime , and other Vegetables that are counted Antiscorbutical , and abound in Volatile and Saline parts : And if we also examine other Plants , by divers Chymical Operations , and observe not onely their disposedness or indisposition to yield Spirits or Oyls by Fermentation , or without it ; but those other Particulars wherein they will appear to agree with , or differ from each other : there is little doubt but such Tryals will make them discover , to a considering Naturalist , much of their Nature and Properties , and especially of such as depend chiefly upon the plenty or paucity of the saline , unctuous , sowre , spirituous , lazy , tenacious or volatile Parts . It may be also observ'd , that the Infusion or Decoction of some Plants , as of Brazil , Senna , &c. will be heighten'd into a redish colour , by putting Alkalizate Salts , as of Tartar , or of Pot-ashes , in the Water that extracts their Tinctures : Whereas acid Spirits , at least some of them , will much impair , if not destroy their colour ; as a little Aqua fortis will immediately tu●n a red Tincture of Brazil , made in fair Water , into a pale yellow : Whereas on the other side , I have observ'd , that a small quantity of a strong Solution of Pot-ashes , drop'd into an Infusion of red Rose-leaves , hath presently turn'd it into a muddy colour , that seem'd to partake of green and blew , but was dark and dirty ; whereas a little Aqua fortis , or good Spirit of Salt pour'd into the same simple Solution , did immediately turn it into a fine red , and so it would do to the muddy Mixture lately mention'd , if it were put to it in a far greater quantity . I observ'd also , that with a very strong ( though clear and well filtrated ) Lixivium of Pot-ashes , I could precipitate some pa●ts of the Infusion or Decoction of red Roses , which grosser parts , when the Mixture was filtrated through Cap-paper , remain'd like a dirty colour'd ( though somewhat greenish ) Mud in the Filtre ; the fluid and finer part of the Mixture passing through , in the form of a Liquor high coloured , almost like Muscadine . And on this occasion , I remember , that as Galls , a very stiptick Vegetable excrescence , will yield a Decoction , with which , and Copper is , the common Ink is made ; so divers other Plants , of notably astringent parts , may be employed to the like use : For , by casting Vitriol into a Decoction either of Oaken Bark , or red Roses , or even a bare Infusion of either Log-wood , or Sumach , to name now no other Plants of the like nature , I have presently made a Mixture that might make a shift to serve for Writing Ink ; but whether all stiptick Plants , or they onely , will with Vitriol make an Ink , I refer to further Enquiry : And as a Solution of Vitriol , and the Decoction of the above-mention'd Plants , do precipitate each other to make Ink ; so I remember I have try'd , that by dissolving the Crystals of pure Silver ( made the common way with Aqua fortis , or Spirit of Nitre ) in a good quantity of fair Water , that the Liquor having no colour of its own , the colours it produceth in other Bodies may be the better observ'd , I found that I could with this Liquor precipitate out of the Infusions alone of several Vegetables , Substances differingly colour'd , according to their respective dispositions : And so I have found , with less cost , that Saccharum Saturni , which seems to be a kinde of Vitriol of Lead , whilst it lyes dissolved in the same Spirit of Vinager which extracted it from the Metal , being put to the bare Infusion of Log-wood , Lignum Nephriticum , red Roses ( to name those I now remembe● I made tryal of ) they will precipitate each other . I might farther adde , That I have try'd that sulphureous Salts , such as Oyl of Tartar , made per Deliquium , being drop'd into the expressed Juices of divers Vegetables , will , in a moment , turn them into a lovely Green , though the Vegetables were of colours differing from that , and from one another ( as I remember one of those Vegetables , in which I expected , and found that change , was of a fine Carnation ) And I could tell you , that though it be disputed whether Quick-lime have any Salt dissoluble in Water , and of what sort it is , the Examen of that Question may be much furthered , by trying , as I have done , that the Water of Quick-Lime , well made , will precipitate a Solution of sublimate made in fair Water , and will presently turn Syrup of Violets ( which is Blew ) if well mix'd with it , into a fair Green. Experiments I say of this nature I might easily annex , but having already set down divers of them in what I have written concerning colours , I shall refer you thither : And now onely adde this Observation , that the Investigation of divers Medical Qualities , even of Animal Substances , may be much assisted by the Naturalist , especially a Chymist ; as we elsewhere have by the Distillation of the Calculus humanus shewn , how much it differs from the Stones that are found in the Earth . And if you take those hard Concretions , found at certain times in the Heads of Craw-Fishes , that are wont to be call'd Lapides Cancrorum , and commit some of them to Distillation , and infuse some in Vinager , and others in old Rhenish-Wine , or strong White-Wine , you will probably discover some thing of peculiar in the nature of this Concrete , of which I may possibly elsewhere make further mention to you : And not onely so , but in some Animal Substances , you may , by fit Experiments , discover notable Changes to be made , and their Qualities to be much heighten'd , when the Eye scarce perceiveth any Change at all , as I have purposely observ'd , in keeping Urine in close Glasses ▪ and a moderate heat for many Weeks : For at the end of that time , the Virtues that depend upon its volatile Salt will be so heighten'd , that whereas upon putting Spirit of Salt to fresh Urine , the two Liquors readily and quietly mix'd , droping the same Spirit upon digested Urine , there would presently ensue a Hissing and Ebullition , and the volatile and acid Salts would , after a while , concoagulate into a third Substance , somewhat of the nature of Sal Armoniack . And whereas the Syrup of Violets , formerly mention'd , being dissolv'd in a little fresh Urine , seem'd to be but diluted thereby ; a few drops of the fermented Urine , temper'd with it , did presently turn it into a deep Green : And the same digested Urine being drop'd upon a Solution of Sublimate made in fair Water , presently turn'd it white , by precipitating the dissolved Mercury . With what ( various ) success we have likewise made upon some other parts of a humane Body , as well consistent as fluid , some Tryals , analogous to what we have recited of Urine , I may elsewhere perchance take notice to you : But of such kinde of Observations I must give you but this Hint at present . CHAP. III. SEcondly : By these and other ways of investigating the Medicinal Qualities of Bodies , the Naturalist may be enabled to adde much to the Materia Medica : And that two several ways . For , he may by his several ways of tryal , and by his Chymical preparations discover , that divers Bodies , especially of a Mineral nature , that are as yet not at all employed by Physitians , at least internally , may be brought into use by them ; and that others that are naturally so dangerous , as to be us'd but in very few , and for the most part extream cases , may with safety be more freely employ'd . Some Modern Chymists ( as particularly Glauberus ) have of late p●epar'd Remedies not unuseful out of Zinck or Spelter . And I have already mention'd unto you an excellent Medical use of Silver , of which , prepared ( as is there intimated ) I have now this to adde , That since I began to write of it to you , I met with a considerable Person , who assures me , That she her self was by the use of it , in a short time , cured of the Dropsie , though , by reason of her having a Body very corpulent , and full of humors , she have been thought more then ordinarily in danger of that stubborn Disease . I have sometimes wondered , that there hath been so little care taken by Physitians , and even by Chymists , to investigate the Qualities of Mineral Earths , and those other resembling Bodies , that are , or may be , plentifully enough digg'd up in most Countries , though not the self-same in all ; for however Men are pleas'd to pass them slightly over , as if they were but Elementary Earth , a little stain'd , or otherwise lightly altered : I have seen great variety of them , that have been digg'd sometimes within the compass of a little spot of Ground : and the differences of divers of them , both as to colour , taste , consistence , and other Qualities , have been too great , not to make me suspect they were of very differing natures . And the true Bolus Armenus , and the Terra Lemnia , which is now brought us from the Island that gives it that name ( mark'd with a Seal , which makes many call it Terra sigillata , though that name be for the same reason apply'd to the Terra Silesiaca , and other Medical Earths ) have been so esteemed , both by Ancient and Modern Physitians , as well against Malignant Diseases , and the Plague it self , as against divers other Distempers ; that 't is the more strange , that ( since the greatest part of those two Earths , that are now brought into our Countrys , have not , as the more skilful complain , the true marks of the genuine Earths , whose names they bear ) Physitians have not been more careful to try whether their own Countrys could not furnish them with the like , or as good , especially in regard some of the few attempts of that nature , that have of late times been made , may give them much incouragement . For , not to believe the boasts of the Silesian Johannes Montanus ( who passeth for the Inventor of the Terra Sigillata Silesiaca Strigoniensis ) in the Writing he published of the vertues of it , That 't is Gold prepared and transmuted , by provident Nature , into an admirable Medicine ; I finde that Learned Physitians prefer it before the Lemnian Earth , that is now brought from Turky : And the experienced Sennertus gives it this commendation , Experimentis ( saith he ) multis jam probatum est , ejus infignes ●sse vires contra pestem , febres malignas , venenatorum animalium morsus , diarrhocan , dysenteriam : What he adds , that the Chymists name it Axungia solis , brings into my minde ( what I shall hereafter have occasion to mention more particularly to you ) that I had once brought me a certain Earth , by a Gentleman that digg'd it up in this , or some neighboring Country , which , though it seem'd but a Mineral Earth , did really afford , to a very expert tryer of Metals of my acquaintance , a not despicable proportion of Gold. They have also found in Hungary , an Earth , which they call Bolus Tockaviensis , which is affirmed by Crato ( in Sennertus ) to melt in the Mouth like Butter , and to have all the other proofs of the true Bolus Armenus , and therefore is , by that Judicious Physitian , preferred before the Modern Bolearmony , even that which was brought out of Turky to the Emperor himself ; and he relates , not onely its having succeeded very well against Catarrhs , but his having experimentally found it of great efficacy in the Plague , that reign'd in his time at Vienna . To which I shall adde , That a very Learned and Successful English Doctor , now dead , did , some Years since during a great Plague that then rag'd in the City where he liv'd , finde a vein of red Earth , not very far from that Town , and prescrib'd it with very good success in Pestilential Feavers , as I was inform'd by an Ingenious Friend of his , that us'd to administ●r it , and shew'd me the place where he digg'd it . I remember also , the experienc'd Chymist Johannes Agricola , in his Notes upon what Poppius delivers of Terra Sigillata , after having much commended the Terra Silesiaca in divers Diseases , and equall'd it to the best of Turky , where he had travelled , relates one strange thing of it , with many Circumstances , and in a way as if he spoke upon his own tryal , namely , That the Spirit of Terra Sigillata , by which I think he means the Strigoniensis , doth , though slowly , dissolve Gold as well as an Aq. Regis , and that into a red Solution ; whence in two or three days , the Gold will fall of it self into a very fine and subtil Powder . And the same Author tells us , That he hath seen another Earth digg'd at the Rheinstran , not far from Westerwaldt , which was more inclinable to white then to yellow , which is preferable to the Silesian , and gives more Salt then it , and dissolves Silver better then other Menstruums ; since , as he saith , the Silver may thereby be easily made potable , and be prepar'd into a very useful Medicine for the Diseases of the Head. And for my part , I do not much wonder at the efficacy of these Earths , when I consider , that divers of them are probably imbu'd , as well as dy'd , with Mineral Fumes ; or tincted with Mineral Juices , wherein Metals or Minerals may lie , as the Chymists speak , in solutis principiis ; in which form , having never endured the Fire , many of their usefullest parts are more loose and volatile , and divers of their Vertues less lock'd up , and more dispos'd to be communicative of themselves , then they are wont to be , in a more fixed or coagulated state , or when they have lost many of their finer parts by the violence of the Fire . Besides , there are several Mineral Bodies , which though perhaps they may not be of themselves fit for the Physitians use , may , by addition of some other convenient Body , or by sequestration of the more noxious parts , or by some such other Chymical Preparation , as may alter the Texture of such Minerals , be rendred fit to encrease the Materia Medica . As I have known , that by a preparation of Arsenick , with Salt Peter , whereby some of the more volatile and noxious parts are driven away , and the remaining Body somewhat fixed and corrected by the Alcali of the Nitre it hath , by a farther dulcification with Spirit of Wine , or Vinegar , been prepared into a kinde of Balsamum fuliginis , which wonderfully cured a Physitian of my acquaintance , as he himself confess'd to me , of dangerous Venereal Ulcers ( divers of which penetrated even to the Meatus Urinarius ) which had reduc'd him to great extremity . And though Bismutum have not , that I know , till very lately been used , unless outwardly , and especially for a Cosmetick ( hereafter to be taught you ) yet the Industrious Chymist , Samuel Closseus , by calcination and addition of Spir●t of Vinegar , and Cremor Tartari , makes two Medicines of it , which he highly extols in the Dropsie ; and ( to reserve for another place , what I have tryed upon Tin-glass ) a very expert Chymist of my acquaintance , doth , by preparing it with common Sublimate ( carry'd up , by which I remember it hath afforded a very prettily figur'd Body ) make it into a white Powder ( like Mercurius vitae ) which he assures me he findes , in the Dose of a few Grains , to purge very gently , without being at all ( as Mercurius vitae is wont to prove , violently enough ) emetick . 2. But the Naturalist may adde to the Materia Medica , not onely by investigating the Qualities of unheeded Bodies , but also by gaining admittance for divers , that , though well enough known , are foreborn to be us'd upon the account of their being of a Poisonous nature ; for by digestion with powerful Menstruums , and some other skilful ways of Preparation , the Philosophical Spagyrist may so correct divers noxious , nay poisonous Concrets , unfit in their crude simplicity for the Physitians use , at least in any considerable quantity , as to make them useful and effectual Remedies . Helmont , who though frequently extravagant in his Theory of Physick , doth often make no bad estimate of the power of Remedies , after having told us , That he ador'd and admir'd the Clemency and Wisdom of God , for creating Poysons , gives this account of his so doing : Nam venena ( saith he ) noluit nobis esse venena aut nocua . Nec enim mortem fecit , nec Medicamentum exterminii in terra : sed potius ut parvo nostri studio , mutarentur in grandia amoris sui pignora , in usuram mortalium , contra futurorum morborum saevitiem . In illis nempe latitat subsidium , quod benigniora & familiaria simplicia recusant alias . Ad majores & heroicos medentum usus venena tam horrida servantur . And though I would not forbid you , Pyrophilus , to think there is some Hyperbole in the Encomiums he here and elsewhere gives Poysonous Simples ; yet when I consider , what great things are oftentimes performed by Antimony , Mercury and Opium , even in those not over-skilful ways of preparing them , that are divers of them vulgarly us'd by Chymists , especially when the preparations are ( which doth seldom happen ) rightly and faithfully made : I can scarce think it very unlikely , that those active Simples may , by a more skilful way of ordering and correcting them , be brought to afford us very noble Remedies , And the same Examples may in part prevent the main Objection that I can foresee in this case , which is , That whatever corrects Poysons , must , with their virulency , destroy their activity ; for the above-named Simples , though so prepared as to be Medicines safe enough , have yet activity enough left them to let them be very operative , their energy being , by preparation , not onely in part moderated , but in part so over ruled , as to work after a more innocent manner ; as in Bezoardicum Minerale , skilfully prepared ( for it very seldom is so ) the laxative and emetick virulency of the Antimony , is changed into a diaphoretick , resolving and deoppilative power ; which probably made the experienced Riverius ( though counted a Galenist ) so particularly recommend this Medicine to Physitians , which , if I be not mistaken , may well be prais'd without being flattered : And Helmont supplies me with an easie Experiment to our present purpose , by telling us , That Asarum , which when crude , doth , as is well known , provoke Vomits , by a slight preparation ( presently to be mention'd ) is so altered , that its virulency is changed , to use his expression , in deoppilans , diureticum tardarum febrium remedium ; which I the rather take notice of , because I finde , upon enquiry purposely made of some Ingenious Physitians of my acquaintance , that upon tryal , they commend this preparation of Helmont's , and confess , that by it the Asarum looseth its emetick , and acquires a diuretical Quality . Now that all other Animal and Vegetable Poysons may be corrected , without loosing their force with their virulency , is the affirmation of Helmont concerning Paracelsus's and his Sal circulatum ( majus . ) And as for Vegetables , he elsewhere tells us , That the Lapis Cancrorum resolv'd in formam , as he speaks , Pristinae lactis , habet remedium contra inclementias multorum vegetabilium vi laxante infamium . And I remember that I knew two Physitians , the one of which affirmed to me , his having seen tryal made ( by the help of a noble Menstruum ) of what Helmont here teacheth , and found it true ; the other a person severe , and apt enough to dissent from Helmont , assur'd me , That with the volatile Salt of Tartar , he had seen Vegetable Poysons , and particularly Napellus , so corrected by a light digestion with it , that it lost all its Poysonous Qualities ; for proof of which , he freely offered me , to take himself as much of that fatal Herb as would kill three or four Men ( but at that time , and in that place , I could not get any of the Plant to make the Experiment with . ) And though I shall say nothing now concerning Helmont's Sal Circulatum , yet as to the volatilization of the Salt of Tartar , what I have seen , scarce permits me to doubt that it is possible . And if I could now clearly acquaint you with my ●easons , you would , perchance , not wonder to finde me inclinable to think , that some such Methods ( perhaps a Menstruum ) may be found to correct poisonous Simples , without rendring them ineffectual : And though it must be some very powerful corrective , whether Salt or Liquor , that shall be able to correct any store of differing Poysons ; yet 't is not irrational to think , that divers particular Concretes may be prepar'd without any such abstruse or general corrective , some by one way of handling it , and some by another : And in such cases , skill , in the natures of particular Bodies to be mannag'd , or lucky hits , may supply the place of a meliorating Dissolvent , of which Helmont affords me a considerable instance , where he teacheth ( in the place lately quoted ) That the emetick property of Asarum may be taken away , and the Plant turn'd into a noble diuretick , onely by boiling it awhile in common Water . And whereas a wary Man would be apt to suspect , that this change is made but by the avolation of some subtile parts , driven away by the heat of the boiling Water , I finde that our Author affirms , that though it be boil'd with the like degree of Fire in Wine , instead of Water , it will not so loose its violence . I have known white Hellebor , Opium , and some other noxious Bodies , so prepared , as to be given not onely harmlesly , but successfully in such quantities , as were they not skilfully corrected , would make them pernicious . We daily see , th●t the violent emetick and cathartick properties of Antimony , may singly , by calcination with Salt-peter , be destroyed . And ( which is though a known , yet a notable Experiment among Chym●sts ) Mercury sublimate may be deprived of its deadly corrosiveness , and prepar'd into a Medicine inoffensive even to Children , by bare resublimat●ons with fresh Mercury . And to give you one instance more of what the knowledge of the effects of Chymical Operations , and of the disposition of a particular Body , may enable a Man to do , in changing the pernicious nature of it ; I shall adde , that the violently vomitive Flowers of Antimony , which our wonted , though sumptuous and specious Cordials are so unable to tame , I can shew you ( which perhaps you will think strange ) so corrected , without the addition of any thing besides heat and skill , that in a treble Dose , to that wherein they are wont to be furiously emetick , we have not found them to work otherwise then gently by sweat : But some more Particulars applicable to our present pupose , you will meet with by and by . CHAP. IV. THirdly , And now , Pyrophilus , that I am speaking of the service that the Naturalist may do Physick , I must not pretermit that he may assist the Physitian to make his Cures less chargeable : For though to cure cheaply , be not properly , and in strictness , any part of the end of the Art of Physick , which considers Mens Health , and not their Purse ; yet it ought in Charity , if not also in Equity , to be the endeavor of the Physitian , especially when he dealeth with Patients that are not rich . For not now to say any thing of the Fees of Physitians , which in some places are not very moderate , 't is certain that the Bills of Apothecaries , especially in Chronical Diseases , do often prove so chargeable , that even when the Remedies succeed , by that time a poor Patient is recovered , he is undone , and pays for the prolongation of his Life , that which should have been his lively-hood : Whence it comes to pass , that the more necessitous sort of People are either fain to languish unrelieved , for want of being able to purchase health at the Apothecary's rates ; or are deterred from applying themselves to the Physitian , till their Diseases have taken too deep ●oot to be easily , if at all , eradicated : And this oftentimes , not more through the fault of the Apothecary , then of the Doctor , who in his Presciptions might , for the most part , easily direct things that would be much more cheap , without being much less efficacious . Now there are several Particulars , wherein it may be hop'd , that the Naturalist may assist the charitable Physitian to lessen the charge of his Patients . And first , He may perswade the Physitian to decline that more frequent , then commendable custom , of stuffing each Recipe with a multitude of Ingredients : 'T is not that I approve the practice of some Chymists , who too freely censure the compounding of Simples ; for I know , at some times , a complicated Distemper requires in its Remedy more Qualities , then are , perhaps , to be met with in any of the known Simples that the Physitian hath at command ( though one and the same Simples may sometimes answer divers Indications ; as a Plant that is hot and dry , may serve for a Distemper that is cold and moist : ) And I know too , that in some cases to that Ingredient , that is as it were the Basis of the Medicine , other things must be added either to correct its noxious Qualities , or to allay its vehemence , or to serve for a Vehicle to convey it to the Part affected , or to make it easier to be taken by the Patient , or to preserve it from corruption , or for some such like reason . But yet I think Physitians may well be more sparing , as to the number of the things prescribed , then most of them use to be , both to save charges to their Patients ( upon which account it is that I here mention it ) and for other considerations . For the addition of needless Ingredients adding to the bulk of the Medicine , makes it but the more troublesom to be taken , and the more apt to clog the Stomack : And oftentimes the Efficacy of the more useful Ingredients , as well as their Quantity in each Dose , is much abated , by their being yok'd with those that are less appropriated , or less operative . Besides , it seems a great impediment to the further discovery of the Vertues of Simples , to confound so many of them in Compositions : For , in a mixture of a great number of Ingredients , 't is so hard to know what is the operation of each , or any of them , that I fear there will scarce in a long time be any great progress made in the discovery of the vertues of simple Drugs , till they either be oftner imployed singly , or be but few of them employed in one Remedy . And besides all this , whereas when one of these Mixtures is administred , the Physitian expects but such operations as are suitable to the Quality which he conceives will be predominant in the whole Compound ; several of the Ingredients may have particular Qualities that he dreams not of , which working upon a Body , that the Physitian considers as subject onely to the Sickness he endeavors to cure , may therein excite divers latent Seeds of other Distempers , and make new and unexpected commotions in the Body . On which occasion I remember , that whereas Parsley is a very usual Ingredient of aperitive and diuretick Decoctions and Apozems , a famous and learned Oculist tells me , he hath very often observ'd , That when he hath unawares , or for tryal-sake employ'd Parsley , either inwardly , or even outwardly to those that were troubled with great Distempers in their Eyes , he found the Medicines wherein that Herb was but one Ingredient among many , to cause either great pain or inflammation in the Eyes . In confirmation of which , I shall adde , that awhile after having a slight Distemper in my Eyes , I one day found it upon a suddain strangely encreased , without being able to imagine whence these new Symptoms proceeded ; till at length , recalling to minde all I had done that day , I remembred , that at Dinner I had eaten Sawce wherein there was a pretty deal of Parsley , mixt with other things . And whereas in divers of these Compositions some noxious Ingredients are allow'd , upon a supposition that their ill Qualities will be lost , by their being , as it were , tempered with the rest ; though this may sometimes happen , yet it would be considered , that in Treacle ( especially at one age of it ) the Opium doth not , considering the small proportion of it to the rest of the Ingredients , loose much , if any of its power , by being mingled with sixty odde other Drugs , which Composition possibly ow's much of its vertue to that little Opium . And perhaps one reason why those that accustom themselves to be ever and anon taking Physick , though they often escape dangerous Diseases ( by preventing the accumulation of humors , and taking their Sicknesses at the beginning ) are yet almost ever troubled with one Distemper or other , may be , That by the multiplicity of Medicines they take into their Bodies , divers things are excited to disorder them , which otherwise would have lain quiet . I am not ignorant that it may be alledg'd , That in compounded Medicines , as Treacle & Mithridate , how many soever the Ingredients be , they do so clog & temper one anothers activity in the composition , that there results from them all , one or more Qualities fit for the Physitians turn , and which is the thing he considers and makes use of . And I confess , that in some cases this Allegation doth not want its weight : For I consider , that a decoction of Galls , and a solution of Copperas , though neither of them apart be blackish , will , upon their mixture , turn to Ink : And that when Brimstone , Salt-Peter , and Coals are well mingled together in a due proportion , they make Gun-Powder , a mixture , that hath Qualities much more active then any of the sever'd Ingredients . But I fear , that when a multitude of Simples are heap'd together into one compound Medicine , though there may result a new crasis , yet 't is very hard for the Physitians to know before-hand what that will be ; and it may sometimes prove rather hurtful then good , or at least by the coalition the vertues of the chief Ingredients , may be rather impaired then improved : As we see that crude Mercury , crude Nitre , and crude Salt , may be either of them safely enough taken into the Body in a good quantity ; whereas of sublimate , consisting of those three Ingredients , a few Grains may be rank Poyson . As for those fam'd Compositions of Mithridate , Treacle , and the like , though I cannot well , for the mention'd Reasons , commend the skill of those that first devised them , and though I think that when one or two Simples may answer the same Indications , they may for the same Reasons be more safely employed ; Yet I would by no means discommend the use of those Mixtures , because long experience hath manifested them to be good Medicines in several cases . But 't is one thing to employ one of these Compositions , when tryal hath evinced it to be a lucky one , and another thing to think it fit to rely on a huddle of Ingredients , before any tryal hath manifested what kinde of Compound they will constitute . And , in a word , though I had not the respect I have for Matthiolus , and other famous Doctors that devised the Compositions , whereinto Ingredients are thrown by scores , if not by hundreds , yet however I should not reject an effectual Remedy , because I thought that it proved so rather by chance , then any skill in the Contriver : And I think a wise Man may use a Remedy , that scarce any but a Fool would have devis'd . Another thing , upon whose account the Naturalist ( whom we here suppose an expert Chymist ) may assist a Physitian to lessen the expensiveness of his Prescriptions , is by shewing , That in very many Compositions , several of the Ingredients , and oftentimes the most chargeable , whether they be proper or no fo● the Disease , are unfit for the way of management prescrib'd , and consequently ought to be left out . I need not tell you , that since Chymistry began to flourish amongst us , very many of the Medicines prepared in Apothecaries Shops , and commonly the most chargeable , are distill'd Waters , Spirits , and other Liquors : And he that shall survey the Books and Bills of Physitians , shall finde , that ( very few perhaps excepted ) the most usual Prescription is to take such and such Ingredients ( for the most part numerous enough ) and pouring on them either Water or Wine , if any Liquor at all , to distil them in Balneo , rarely in Ashes or Sand. But I confess I have not without wonder , and something of indignation , seen in the Prescriptions of Physitians , otherwise eminently Learned Men , and even in the publick Dispensatories , I know not how many things ordered to be distill'd , with others , in Balneo , which in that degree of heat will yield either nothing at all , as the fragments of Precious Stones , Leaves of Gold , prepar'd Pearl , &c. Or if they do yield any thing ( for that hath not been yet , that I know of , evinced ) do probably yield but a little nauseous Phlegm , or at least some few loose parts , far less efficacious then those that require a stronger heat to drive them up : such are Sugar , Raysins , and other sweet Fruit , Bread , Harts-horn , Flesh prepar'd by Coction , &c. which though wont to be thrown away with the Caput Mortuum , oftentimes there retain their pristine Texture a●d Nature , or at least are almost as much more considerable , then that which they yielded in Distillation : as a boyl'd Capon is , then the Liquor that sticks to the Cover of the Pot. And though as to some of these Ingredients it may be thought that they may yield even in Balneo some of their useful parts , yet this can , with any probability , be suppos'd but of some of such Ingredients : And even as to them it is but suppos'd that they may yield Something in so milde a heat , and how that Something will be qualified , is but presum'd : at least , by the Analogy of the Experiments vulgarly made , there seems so small cause to exspect , that these more fix'd Ingredients will adde half so much to the vertue of the Medicines , as they will to the cost ; especially since though it could be prov'd , or were probable , that fix'd Substances may communicate their vertues to Wine or Water , yet it would not follow that those impregnated Liquors , distilled in Balneo , will carry those vertues with them over the Helm . All which I have more largely prov'd in another Discourse , where I shew both that the nobler parts of many Ingredients wont to be distill'd in Balneo , do commonly remain in the Caput Mortuum , and that 't is very unsafe to conclude always the Vertues of distill'd Liquors from those of the Concrets that afforded them . But there is another way of putting unfit Ingredients into Medicines , by confounding those in one Composition , which , though perhaps they might apart be properly enough employed , do , when mixed , destroy or lock up the Vertues of one another ; and of this fault , even famous Chymists themselves are but too often guilty . I know not how many Processes I have met with , wherein saline Substances , of contrary natures , are prescrib'd to be mingled , as if because they were all of them saline , they must be fit to be associated ; whereas 't is evident to any Man , ●hat considers as well as employs the Operations of Chymistry , that there are scarce any Bodies in the World betwixt which there is a greater contrariety , then betwixt acid Salts : and as well those that the Chymists call volatile , as the Spirits and Salts of Harts-horn , Blood , Flesh and the like , as those others which are made of Incineration , as Salt of Tartar , and of all burnt Vegetables . So that oftentimes it happens , that by an unskilful Mixture , two good Ingredients are spoil'd ; as when Vinegar , Juice of Lemmons , Juice of Barberies , and the like , are prescrib'd to be distill'd with other Ingredients , whereof the Salt of Wormwood or some other Plant makes one , for then the acid and alcalizate Salts , working upon one another , grow more fix'd , and yield in Balneo but a Flegm : and so Spirit or Urine , which is highly volatile , and Spirit of Salt , which is also a distill'd Liquor , being mingled together , will , by their mutual Operation , constitute a new thing , which in such a heat as that of a Bath , will yield a Flegm , leaving behinde the nobler and active Parts concoagulated into a far more fix'd Substance , much of the nature of Sal Armoniack . And indeed where Salts , especially active ones , are made Ingredients of Mixtures , unless they be skilfully and judiciously compounded , it often happens that they spoil one another , and degenerate into a new thing , if they do not also spoil the whole Composition , and of divers useful Ingredients compose one bad Medicine . CHAP. V. ANother way by which the Naturalist ( skill'd in Chymistry ) may help to lessen the chargeableness of Cures , is by shewing , that as to divers costly Ingredients , wont to be employ'd in Physick , there hath not yet been sufficient proof given of their having any Medical Vertues at all , or that at least as they are wont to be exhibited , either crude , or but slightly prepared in Juleps , Electuaries , &c. there is not any sufficient evidence to perswade us , that their efficacy is as much greater , then that of many cheap Ingredients , as their price is . I am not altogether of their minde , that absolutely reject the internal use of Leaf-Gold , Rubies , Sapphyrs , Emerauds , and other Gems , as things that are unconquerable by the heat of the Stomack : For as there are rich Patients that may , without much inconvenience , go to the price of the dearest Medicines ; so I think the Stomack acts not on Medicines barely upon the account of its heat , but is endow'd with a subtle dissolvent ( whence so ever it hath it ) by which it may perform divers things not to be done by so languid a heat . And I have , with Liquors of differing sorts , easily drawn from Vegetable Substances , and perhaps unrectified , sometimes dissolv'd , and sometimes drawn Tinctures from , Gems , and that in the cold . But though for these and other Considerations , I do not yet acquiess in their Reasons , that laugh at the administration of crude Gems , &c. as ridiculous ; yet neither am I altogether of their Adversary's minde . For though I deny not that the Glass of Antimony , which looketh like a kinde of Gem or Ruby , will easily enough impart to Liquors an emetick Quality ; yet I know too , there is great odds betwixt Ruby's and other Gems ( which will endure violent Fires , and remain undissolved in divers strongly corrosive Liquors ) and the Glass of Antimony , which is a Body so far less compact and fix'd , that Spirit of Vinegar it self will work upon it , and a strong Fire will , in no long time , dissipate it into smoke . But that which I chiefly consider on this occasion , is , That 't is one thing to make it probable , that 't is possible Gold , Ruby's , Sapphyrs , &c. may be wrought upon by a humane Stomack ; and another thing , to shew both that they are wont to be so , and that they are actually endow'd with those particular and specifick Vertues that are ascrib'd to them : Nay , and ( over and above ) that these Vertues are such , and so eminent , that they considerably surpass those of cheaper Simples . And I think , that in Prescriptions made for the poorer sort of Patients , a Physitian may well substitue cheaper Ingredients in the place of these precious ones , whose Vertues are not half so unquestionable as their Dearness . What strange Excellency there may be in the Aurum Potabile , made by a true Adeptus , or by a Possessor of the Liquor Alcahest , I shall not now dispute , not knowing what powerful and radical Dissolvents the profound skill of such Men ( if any such there be ) may furnish them with , to open the Body of Gold. But as for the attempts and practices of the generality of Chymical Physitians to make Gold potable , besides that , their attempts to make their Solutions volatile , succeed so seldom , that even Learned Physitians , and Chymists , have pronounced the thing it self unfeasible ; I confess , I should much doubt whether such a potable Gold would have the prodigious Vertues its Encomiasts ascribe to it , and expect from it : For I finde not that those I have yet met with , deliver these strange things upon particular Experiments duly made , but partly upon the Authority of Chymical Books , many of which were never written by those whose Names they bear . And others , I fear , commend Aurum Potabile , prepared after another-guess manner then that we are now speaking of , partly upon a presumption that if it be made volatile , it must be strangely unlock'd , and exalted to a meer Spiritual Nature ; and partly upon rational Conjectures ( as they think them ) drawn from the nobleness and preciousness of Gold. But for my part , though I have long since bethought my self of a way , whereby I can , in a short time , and a moderate Fire , make my Menstruum bring over cru●e Gold , in quantity sufficient to make the Liquor look at the first or second Distillation , of a high golden colour ; yet finding that I could , by an easie Art , quickly recover out of this volatile Liquor , a corporal and malleable Gold , I dare not brag that my Tincture ( as an Alchymist would call it ) must needs do strange feats , because there is so noble a Mettal brought over in it . And if this or other preparations of Aurum Potabile prove good Medicines , it would be further enquired , whether the Vertues may not in great part be rather attributed to the Menstruum , then the Gold ( that requiring a very subtile Liquor to volatilize it ) or to the association of the Corpuscles of the Gold , with the saline Particles of the Menstruum , into a new Concrete , differing enough from Gold , though never so well open'd . And as for the nobleness and pretiousness of this Metal , That depends upon the Estimation of Men , whence in America the Indians that abounded with it , had not such a great value for it ; And in divers Countries , at this day , it is postponed to Iron or to Copper , and hath rather a Political ( if I may so speak ) then a Natural Vertue . Nor will it follow , that because it is the fixedst and pretiousest of Metals , that therefore it must be an admirable Medicine : For we see that Diamonds , though they be the hardest of Bodies , and very fix'd ones , and in much greater esteem , caeteris paribus , then Gold , are yet so far from being accounted highly Medicinal , that they are commonly ( though , perhaps , not so deservedly ) reckon'd among Poysons . But I see I have digress'd , That which I chiefly aim'd at , being to inculcate , that whether Gold and Gems , and the like pretious Ingredients , may be good Medicines or no , 't were a good work to substitute cheap ones for the poorer sort of Patients ; and that Physitians are much to blame , who prize Simples , as Drugsters do , according as they are brought from remote Countries , and are hard to be come by , and cannot imagine that what doth not cost much Money in the Shops , can do much good in the Body ; as if God had made Provision onely for the Rich , or those People that have Commerce with China or the India's : whereas indeed it may oftentimes happen , that what the Chymists call their Caput Mortuum , and perhaps throw away as an useless Terra Damnata , may have as great Vertues as those nobler Parts , as they call them , which they have extracted from it ; and a desp●sed Simple , nay , even an Excrement or an Infect , may in some cases prove nobler Remedies , then those that Men call and think very noble Bodies , not to say then , I know not how many Extracts and Quintescences . I shall not trouble you with many Instances to prove this Doctrine , having more fully discoursed of it in one part of another * Treatise : But yet some Instances I suppose you will here expect , and therefore I shall present you with a few of those that at present come into my minde . When the Distillation of Aqua fortis is finished , the Caput Mortuum , as deserving that name , is wont , by common Distillers , to be thrown away ; and I have seen whole heaps of it thrown by , as useless , by those that make Aqua fortis in quantity to sell it : And yet this despised Substance doth , in common Water it self , yield a Salt , which being onely depurated by frequent Solutions and Filtrations , is that famous Panacca Duplicata , or Arcanum Duplicatum , which that great Virtuoso and knowing Chymist , The Duke of Holstein , whose name it also beareth , thought worth purchasing at the rate of Five hundred Dollars ; and of which the Princes experienced Physitian thus writes to the Industrious Schroder , Mille experimentis salis hujus Efficaciam Aula nostra comprobavit in melancholicis affectibus , febribus quibuscunque continuis & intermittentibus , calculo , scorbut● , &c. Quin & somnū conciliasse praesertim in Melancholicis non semel notavimus . Dosis à scrup : 1. ad scrup : 2. Libras aliquod quotannis absumimus . And another very skilful Physitian that frequented that Excellent Princes Court , confirm'd to me the same Medicin's diuretick and deoppilative Vertues : ( But upon my own Experience I can say little of it , having casually lost a great quantity I caus'd to be prepar'd to make tryal with , before I had opportunity to employ it . ) But whereas in the Caput Mortuum of Aqua fortis there remains pretty store of easily soluble Salt ; In the Caput Mortuum of Vitriol , when not onely all the Oyl is forc'd away by the Fire , but all the fix'd Salt is exactly separated by Water , There seems to remain nothing but a worthless Terra Damnata : And yet 't is of this , th●t , as I shall teach you ere long , I make those Colcotharine Flowers , which are possibly a nobler Medicine then either the Oyl , the Spirit , or the Salt of Vitriol . As for the Bezoar-stone , which is so often prescrib'd by Physitians , and so dearly paid for by Patients , the experienc'd Bontius , a very competent Witness in this case ( and whose account of the manner of its generation , agrees the best of any I have seen with that I receiv'd from an Intelligent Person , that was employ'd into Persia by the late King ) hath in one place a Passage concerning it ; and elsewhere writes such things of the Stone cut out of a Mans Bladder ( though that , whil'st crude , be despis●d as a thing vile and useless in Physick ) as may be justly applicable to our present purpose : Caeterum ( saith he , speaking of the Bezoar-stone ) quantum ad hyperbolicas hujus lapidis virtutes & facultates portentosas non tantos in eo mille experientiis edoctus inveni : And elsewhere speaking of those contemptible and excrementitious Stones that are found in humane Bladders : Nil pooro ( saith he ) de his lapidibus addo ne videar eos elevare & lithotomos monere ut vel cum periculo plures mortales secent : Hoc certe compertum habeo lapidem in vesica hominis repertum urinam & sudores probe ciere quod tempore ingentis illius pestis quae Anno 1624 & 1625 Leydam patriam meam & reliquas Hollandiae Civitates miserandum in modum vastabat , in penuri● lapidis Besoartici nos exhibuisse memini & sudorificum ( ausi●● dicere ) melius & excellentius invenisse , &c. Soot is generally look'd upon as so vile a thing , that we are fain to hire Men to carry it away ; and yet , as I elsewhere shew that 't is a Body of no ignoble Nature , so I must here tell you , that 't is no unuseful one in Physick . And not to mention that Riverius commends it crude , to the quantity of a Drachme , in Plurisies : I have try'd , with the Spirit of it well drawn , some things , that make me look upon it as a considerable Liquor . And I know by their own confessions , that some Medicines , even of eminent Physitians , that pass under other Names , have the Spirit of Soot for their principal Ingredient . I knew , a not unlearned Emperick , who was exceedingly cry'd up for the Cures he did , especially in difficult Distempers of the Brain , by a certain Remedy , which he call'd sometimes his Aurum Potabile , and sometimes his Panacaea ; and having obtain'd from this Man , in exchange of a Chymical Secret of mine he was greedy of , the way of making this so celebrated Medicine , I found that the main thing in it was the Spirit of Soot , drawn after a somewhat unusual , but not excellent manner ; in which Spirit , Flowers of Sulphur were , by a certain way , brought to be dissolv'd , and swim in little drops that look'd of a golden colour . You will easily grant , Pyrophilus , that there are not any Medicines to be taken into the Body , more cheap and contemptible then the Excrements of Men and Horses , and then Insects : And yet that even these want not considerable Medical Vertues , we elsewhere shew . And ( not to meddle with such nasty things as the grosser sort of humane Excrements , though they outwardly apply'd , either in Powder or otherwise , do sometimes perform strange things ) the Juice of Horse-dung , especially of Stone-horses , being strongly express'd ( after the Dung hath been awhile steeped in Ale , or some other convenient Liquor , to facilitate the obtaining the Juice and to afford it a Vehicle ) doth oftentimes so powerfully relieve those that are troubled with the stoppage of Urine , with Winde , Stitches , and even with Obstructions of the Spleen and Liver , that You , Pyrophilus , and I , know a great Lady , who though very neat , and very curious of her Health , and wont to have the attendance of the skilfullest Physitians , scruples not , upon occasion , to use as I have known her do , in Silver Vessels , this homely Remedy , and prefer it to divers rich Cordials , and even to what some Chymists are pleas'd to call Essences or Elixirs : And with the same Remedy very many poor People were cur'd of the Plague it self , when it lately swept away so many thousands in Ireland ( and the Doctors with the Patients ) as I was assur'd by a Person who cur'd so many , as to invite men to secure themselves that assistance , by refusing the Party the liberty to leave the Town . But ( to adde that upon the by ) this Person , in exchange of a Secret of mine , confess'd to me , That the Arcanum , which had cur'd such numbers , and to which the Juice of Horse-dung was a Succedaneum , was onely a good Dose of the Powder of fully ripe Ivy-berries , which did usually , as also the Horse-dung , work plentifully by Sweat , and which I presently remembred to be one of those few things that Helmont commends against the Plague . The Medical Vertues of Man's Urine , both inwardly given , and outwardly apply'd , would require rather a whole Book , then a part of an Essay to enumerate and insist on : But referring you to what an industrious Chymist hath already collected touching that subject , I shall now onely adde , That I knew ancient Gentlewoman , who being almost hopeless to recover of divers Chronical Distempers ( and some too of these abstruse enough ) was at length advised , instead of more costly Physick , to make her Morning-draughts of her own Water ; by the use of which she strangely recovered , and is , for ought I know , still well . And the same Remedy is not disdain'd by a Person of great Quality and Beauty , that You know ; and that too , after she hath travelled as far as the Spaw for Her healths sake . And I remember on this occasion , that passing once through one of the remoter Parts of England , I was visited by an Emperick , a well-wisher to Chymistry , but a Novice in it , who pressing me , to communicate to him some easie and cheap Preparation , that he might make use of among the C●untrey People ; I directed him to Dist●l , with a gentle heat , a Spirit out of Urine , putrified for six or seven Weeks on a Dung-hill , or some analogous heat , but in well clos'd Glasses , or other glaz'd Vessels ; and having rectified this Spirit once or twice , that it might be rich in volatile Salt , to give ten , twenty , or thirty drops of it in any convenient Liquor for the Plurisie , for most kinde of Coughs , and divers other Distempers , as a Succedaneum to the Essence of Harts horn : And awhile after this Emperick return'd me great thanks for what I had taught him ; and I found by him and others , that he had cured so many with it , especially of Plurisies ( a Disease frequent and dangerous enough in that Country ) that this slight and seemingly despicable Remedy had already made him be cry'd up for a Doctor , and was like to help him to a comfortable Subsistence . Great store of healthy Mens Blood is wont to be thrown away , as altogether useless , by Chirurgions and Barbers , that let Men Blood ( as is usual in the Spring and Fall ) for prevention of Diseases ; and yet from a Man's Blood skilfully prepared , though without addition of any thing , save Spirit of Wine to keep it at first from putrifying , may be easily obtain'd a Spirit , and volatile Salt , that have much the same Vertues , with those of the newly mention'd Spirit of Urine , but more noble ( as far as I can guess ) then either that , or even Spirit of Harts horn , as having perform'd in Consumptions , Asthma's , and other obstinate cases , such things as I , as well as others , could not but admire . But in this place , mentioning humane Blood onely in transi●u , I shall pretermit what I have observed about the preparation of it ; yet leaving you a liberty to call for my Observations upon a Medicine , which is perhaps nobler , then the most costly and elaborate Chymical Remedies that are wont to be sold in Shops , and which hath been almost alone excepted out of the Censure made by a Learned Modern Writer , of the Medicines found out by Chymistry . I shall adde but one Instance more , of the efficacy that may be found in the most obvious and abject Creatures ; and this Instance is afforded me , by those vile Insects commonly called in English , Wood-lice , or Sows , and in Latine Millepedes , which I have often both recommended to others , and taken my self : What their Vertue is against the Stone , the World hath been informed by Laurembergius , who hath published a Narrative , how by the use of them he was cured , even of the Stone in the Bladder ; and he was invited to use them by credible information , that others had been cured of that Disease , by the same Remedy . And of late Years , in England , an Emperick being much resorted to , for the relief he gave in that tormenting Sickness , a Physitian , famous for his Learned Writings , wondering at what was done , was very curious ( as himself afterwards told me ) to finde out the Emperick's secret , and at length was so industrious as to discover , That 't was a slight preparation of Millepedes . But my having found them in my self very diuretical and apertive , is not that which chiefly recommends them to me ; For I knew , and liv'd in the same House with a pious Gentlewoman , much better skill'd in Physick , then her Sex promised , who having lost the use of one Eye by a Cataract , and being threatned by the Oculists with the speedy loss of the other , especially in regard of her being very aged and corpulent , she nevertheless did , for some Years , to my wonder , employ her Eye to read and work with , without finding , as she told me , any decay in it , or any encreasing danger of a suffusion : And she assured me , that her Medicine was to bruise first five Millepedes , then ten , then fifteen , then twenty , &c. ( daily encreasing the number by five , till it had reach'd , if I mistake not , fifty or sixty ) in White-wine ( or Small-ale ) and to drink upon an empty Stomack , the strongly express'd Liquor ; And when I desired to know how she came by this Specifick , she answered me , That having made enquiries among all those , both Oculists and others , that she thought might assist her against so sad a Distemper , she was advised to the use of Millepedes , by a Woman , that not onely much magnified their vertue in such cases as hers , but assured her ( if I much mis-remember not ) that she her self had been cured by them , of no less then an incipient suffusion in one or both of her Eyes . [ Since the writing of the former part of this Page , relating what I newly told you to a very Ingenious Physitian , he assures me , Th●t being some Yea●s since in Holland , he there met with a Woman who was cured , as her self confessed to him , of a real Cataract , by the juice of Millepedes , beginning with that of three at a time , and so encreasing to nine at once , and then gradually lessening the Dose by one Insect each day , t●ll she were come back to three at a time ; after which , she gradually increas'd the Dose as before : And he adds , That this Woman w●s advised to this Medicine by an Emperick , that was said to have performed divers Cures with the same Medicine . ] [ What strange things these same Millepedes have done in the sore , and even exulcerated Breasts of Women ( provided they be not cancrous ) though they be given without preparation onely , to the number of three first , and so on to nine at once ( which number may perhaps be usefully encreased ) stamp'd with a little White-wine or Beer , that the Liquor strain'd out may be drunk in a draught of Beer , Morning and Evening ; during which time , Linnen clothes dipp'd in White wine , and apply'd warm , are to be kept upon the Breast , I may elsewhere have a fitter opportunity to relate . I shall now onely subjoyn , as a further proof of the great Vertue that may be even in vile and costless Insects , and that without any elaborate or Chymical Preparation , this memorable Story ; That after all the tryals I had made about these Millepedes , I met with a yong Lady , who by divers strangely winding and obstinate Fistula's , that had made themselves Orifices in many places of her Body , was not onely lam'd , but so consum'd and weakned , that she was scarce able to turn her self in her bed ; and this , notwithstanding the utmost endeavors of the eminentest Chirurgions , both English and Foreigners , that could be procur'd : But when both the hopes of her Friends , and those that endeavored to cure her , were lost , she was in a short time not alone freed from her Fistula's , but recovered to a thriving condition of Body , by the frequent use of an internal Medicine , which , as both her Parents and the Person that taught in them informed me , was onely a Drink ( to be taken twice or thrice a day ) made of a small proportion of a couple of Herbs ( very common , and not much more likely to do Wonders in this case , then Worm-wood and Mint ) and of Three hundred of these Millepedes well beaten ( when their Heads are pull'd of ) in a Mortar , and tunn'd up with the Herbs , and suspended in four Gallons of small Ale , during its fermentation . The wonderful efficacy of this Medicine in this and many other cases , which by occasion of this Cure were related to me , being almost wholly ascrib'd to the Millepedes , by the Illustrious Imparter of it , whose leave I have not yet , by naming him , to disclose , that this is the Secret He makes use of . ] CHAP. VI. ANother way there is whereby the Naturalist may assist the Physitian to make the Therapeutical part of Physick less chargeable , and that is , by shewing those that are wont to employ most Chymical Remedies , that much of the cost and labor in many cases might be spared . I am not altogether of their minde , that indiscriminatly cry down Chymical Preparations as excessively dear : For of many of those that seem very dear , when bought by the Pound or the Ounce , a Dose may be cheap enough ; as if for instance , an Ounce of precipitate of Gold and Mercury cost ten times its weight of Silver , under which rate I have bought it of honest Men , that make it themselves , yet that Ounce containing 480 Grains , ( of which three or four may be a Dose ) a taking of this dear Powder , may cost far less then a Dose of many Galenical Medicines , where the quantity that is taken at once , makes up what is wanting in the costliness of the Ingredients . But though this be the case of some Chymical Remedies , yet we must not deny , that many others are chargeable , and though perhaps not more so then many Galenical ones employ'd for the same purposes : Yet if those be dearer then they need be , that grievance ought to be redress'd in Chymical Medicines , how justly soever the same thing may be imputed to Galenical ones . Now there are two Particulars , wherein the Chymists , and those Physitians that imitate them , are wont to be blameable in reference to this matter ; The one , their employing Chymical Preparations on all occasions , even where Simples or slight Compositions might serve the turn : and the other is , Their making many of their P●eparations more laborious , and consequently more chargeable then needs . As for the first of these : 'T is known there are divers Chymists , and others that practise Physick , who so dote upon the Productions of their Furnaces , that they will scarce go about to cure a cut Finger , with less then some Spagyrical Oyl or Balsam : And in slight Distempers have recourse to Chymical , and perhaps to Mineral Remedies , which being , for the most part , such as vehemently alter the Body , especially by heating and drying it , they do often more harm then good , when employed in cases that need not such active Medicines . And methinks those that practise , as if Nature presented us nothing worth the accepting , unless it be cook'd and perfected by Vulcan , might consider , That Paracelsus himself oftentimes employeth Simples for the cure even of formidable Diseases . And though for particular Reasons I be incl●nable enough to think , that such searching and commanding Remedies , as may be so much of kin to the Universal Medicine , as to cure great numbers of differing Diseases , will be hardly obtain'd without the help of Chymical Preparations , and those perhaps of Minerals : Yet as to most particular Diseases , especially when not yet atriv'd to a deplorable height , I am apt to think , that either Simples , or cheap , or unelaborate Galenical Mixtures , may furnish us with Specificks , that may perform much more then Chymists are wont to think , and possibly be preferable to many of their costly Magisteries , Quint-essences and Elixirs . Helmont himself , a Person more knowing and experienced in his Art , then almost any of the Chymists , scruples not to make this ingenious Confession : Credo ( saith he ) simplicia in sua simplicitate esse sufficientia , pro sanatione omnium morborum : And elsewhere he truly affirms , That there may be sometimes greater Vertue in a Simple , such as Nature affords it us , then in any thing that the Fire can separate from it . And certainly the specifick Properties of divers , if not most Simples , are confounded and lost by those Preparations , wherein that Texture , which is the foundation of those Properties , is either destroyed by the Fire , or chang'd by the taking away of some of the Parts ; or the adding of some other Substance to it , with which compounded , it may constitute a new thing . The more Judicious of the Chymists themselves do several of them now acknowledge , that the bare reducing of Pearls to fine Powder , affords a Medicine much richer in the Vertues of the Pearls , then the Magistery , prepar'd by dissolving them in acid Spirits , and precipitating them with Oyl of Tartar , and afterwards scrupulously edulcorating them . And one may easily observe , that by making the Magistery of Harts-horn the same way , the Vertues seem to be more lock'd up then they were in the crude Horn , which may easily enough impart its Vertue in the Body , since fair Water will reduce a good part of it into a Jelly ; whereas the Magistery remains a fix'd Powder , not easily dissoluble , even in acid Menstruums ; and , which thrown upon hot Iron , will scarce send forth that stinking Smoak , which argues the avolation of the saline and sulphureous Parts . I never knew any of the vulgar Chymists Essences or Elixirs half so powerful a Remedy to stanch Blood , as a slight Mixture of two Drachmes of Hyosciamum , or Henbane-seed , and the like weight of white Poppey-seeds , beaten up with an Ounce of Conserve of red Roses , into a stiff Electuary ; with which , given in the quantity of a Nutmeg , or Wall-nut , I have snatch'd some , as it were , out of the Jaws of Death ; and with which an eminent Physiti●n , now dead , affirm'd , That he , and the Inventor of the Remedy , had very frequently cured profuse bleedings at the Nose , and in Women , at other Parts besides . Nor did I ever see , to give an instance in a resembling Disease , such wonderful Effects against spitting and vomiting of Blood , of the most elaborate Chymical Preparations , as I have of a slight Syrrup , made onely of a convenient quantity of fine Sugar , and the strongly express'd Juice of twelve handfulls of Plantain-leaves , and six Ounces of fresh Cumfrey-roots , well beaten together ; with which Syrrup , besides what I have try'd my self , two eminent Physitians perform'd in that Disease unusual Cures , though ( for reasons elsewhere mentioned ) I forbear to name them , otherwise then by telling you , That one of them is that Ingenious and Friendly Dr T.C. to whose skill both You and I owe so much . But I consider further , that as oftentimes those I am reasoning with make use of Chymical Remedies , when much more easily parable ones may suffice ; so in divers cases , where Spagyrical Medicines are proper enough , their Preparations of them are more tedious and expensive then is necessary . There are more then a few who seldom prescribe , and seldomer esteem a Chymical Process , that is to be perfected in less then many Weeks ; as if a Chymical Medicine , like an Embryo , must needs be an Abortive , if it be produc'd in less then so many Moneths . And as if in Preparations , the Vertue depended less on the skilfulness , then the elaboratness , they seem to estimate the efficacy of Remedies by the time and pains requisite to prepare them , and dare not think , that a Medicine can quickly cure , that was not long a making ; as indeed their 's ( especially those where Cohobations and Digestions , till they have such and such effects upon the Matter to be wrought on by them , are prescrib'd ) are many of them far more toilsom and tedious , then those that have but read such Processes , without working them , are apt to suspect . And this is the humor of divers , not onely as to those stable Medicines , that ought always to be found ready in Apothecary's Shops , but even as to those that are design'd for particular cases , and perhaps acute Diseases ; in which Emergencies , if a Physitian had no other Remedies then those he must make according to such Processes , it would , ● fear , too often happen , that before the Medicine could be ready , the Patient would either be past the need of it , or past the help of it . And that which oftentimes encreaseth the tediousness of Chymical Processes , is the unskilful Prescriptions of those that devise them . 'T is not unusual in Chymists Writings to meet with Processes , wherein the Matter to be prepar'd , is expos'd to I know not how many several successive Operations : But if you should ask why such a thing should be , for instance , rather precipitated , then exhal'd ad siccitatem , or why such and such an Operation is to be us'd after such another , rather then before it ; nay , perhaps , if one should demand why some of those Operations should be used at all , the Devisers of those unskilful Processes would possibly assoon be able to finish their Operations , as to give a satisfactory answer . Nay , sometimes they lengthen their Processes by Operations , so injudiciously prescrib'd , that they cross one another ; And the Chymist vexeth himself , and the Matter he works upon , to leave it at last no better , if not a worse , Medicine then he found it ; of this we have already given an instance in the common Magisteries . But I lately met with another Example of it , in the Writings of a Famous , Modern Chymist , where to purifie the fix'd Salts of Vegetables , to the height , after I know not how many Solutions , Filtrations and Coagulations ( which alone would abundantly serve the turn ) he prescribes the dissolving them in Aqua fortis ; after which , he saith , they will become very pure and chrystalline , and not so easily resoluble in the Air : Of which I make no doubt , for divers Years before I met with this Process , I have , with the fix'd Salts of more then one kinde of Vegetable , by joyning them with Aqua fortis , and after awhile exhaling the superfluous moisture , made good inflammable Salt peter ; by which you may easily guess , how judiciously the solution in Aqua fortis is prescrib'd onely as a further depuration , and how fit such Authors are to be credited , when they ascribe to these Chrystalline Salts the several Vertues , ( & those improved too ) of the respective Vegetables , from which the Alcalies were obtain'd . And indeed , as to those exact Depurations , which some Chymists so strictly require in all their Preparations , though their Processes be oftentimes hereby made incredibly tedious , I will willingly allow , nay I assert , that in some cases , and especially in the making of powerful Menstruums , which by their activeness and penetrancy , are to unlock other Bodies , Chymists do rather erre in making their Depurations less exquisite then they should , then on the other hand : Yet in many other cases , such exact refining and subtiliation of a Remedy , is not so necessary as they imagine ; and sometimes too , may do more harm then good , by sequestring those parts of a Simple , as faeces , which concurr'd with the finer parts to that determinate Texture , whereon the specifick Vertues of it did principally depend ; but of this more elsewhere . And therefore I shall here present you with two or there Instances , to shew you , That Remedies , at least as noble as such vulgar Chymical ones as are more tedious and costly , may be prepar'd in a shorter time , and cheap enough to be fit for the use of the Poor . And to comply , Pyrophilus , with your curiosity , to know the Preparations of those Chymical Medicines , that I do the most familiarly employ , the three following Instances shall be of such , namely , The Flores Colchotaris , The Balsamum sulphur is crassum , and , The Essentia Cornu cervini , that you may see what slight and easie Preparations afford the Remedies , whose Effects you have so often heard of , if not also seen . The first of these , is the same Powder , which passeth under the name of Ens Veneris , which appellation we gave it not out of a belief , that it equals the Vertues ascrib'd by Helmont , to what he calls the true Ignis Veneris , but partly to disguise it a little , and partly upon the account of the occasion whereon it was first found out , which was , That an Industrious Chymist ( whom you know ) and I , chancing to look together upon that Tract of Helmont's , which he calls Butler , and to compare it somewhat attentively with other Passages of the same Author , we both resolv'd to try , whether a Medicine , somewhat approaching to that he made in imitation of Butlers Stone , might not be easily made out of calcin'd Vitriol ; And , though upon tryals we found this Medicine far short of what Helmont ascribes to his , yet finding it no ordinary one , we did , for the Minerals sake 't is made of , call it Ens primum Veneris . The Preparation , in short , is this : Take good Dantzick Vitriol ( if you cannot get Hungarian or Goslarian ) and calcine it till the calx have attain'd a dark red , or purplish colour , then , by the frequent affusion of boyling , or at least warm Water , dulcifie it exactly ; and having freed it as well as you can from the saline parts , dry it throughly , and after mix it exquisitly , by grinding , or otherwise , with an equal weight of pure Sal Armoniack , very finely powdered . Put this Mixture into a glass Retort , that may be but a third part fill'd with it , and subliming it in a sand Furnace , by degrees of Fire , for ten or twelve hours , towards the latter end encreasing the Fire , till the bottom of the Retort ( if you can ) be brought to be red hot : That which is sublim'd must be taken out , and if it be not of a good yellow , but pale ( which usually happens for want of an exact commistion of the Ingredients ) it may be return'd to the residue , mingled better with it again , and subli●'d once more : The yellow , or reddish Sublimate may be sublim'd a second time , not from the Caput Mortuum , but by it self ; but if you re-sublime it oftner , you may , though you will think that strange , impair the Colour and the Sublimate , instead of improving them . The Dose is from two or three Grains , to ten or twelve ( in some Bodies it may be encreas'd to twenty or thirty , without danger ) in distill'd Water , or small Beer , or other convenient Vehicles : It may be given at any time upon an empty Stomack , but I most commonly give it at Bed-time . It works , when it works sensibly , by Sweat , and somewhat by Urine . That it is a potent Specifick for the Rickets , I think I scarce need tell ●ou , Pyroph : whose excellent Mother and Aunt , together with some Physitians , to whom I also gave it ready prepar'd , have cur'd perhaps a hundred , or more Children , of that Disease , divers of whom were look'd upon as in a desperate condition . I give it also in Feavors , and other Distempers , to procure sleep , which it usually doth where 't is wanting : In the Head ache likewise , in which , if the Disease be inveterate , the Remedy must be long continued ; with the like admonition it hath done Wonders , in suppressione Mensium obstinata : In the Worms it hath sometimes done strange things ; and for provoking of Appetite , I remember not that I have either taken or given it without success : And though I seldom take ( for I often give more ) above two or three Grains of it at a time , yet in that small Dose it usually proves Diaphoretical to me the next Morning . But the Experiments we have had of the several Vertues and Efficacy of this Medicine , would be here too tedious to recite ; and therefore I shall now pass them by , though , if you require it , I shall not be backward to set you down , by way of observations , most of the cases wherein I or my Friends have given it , and of the principal Cures that have been performed by it : In the mean time , because this exalted Colcothar , being given in so small a Dose , may prove , if it be rightly and dexterously prepar'd , what Helmont saith of his imitation of Butlers Drif , A Medicine for the Poor , and yet requires more care , not to say skill , to Prepare it well , then upon the bare reading of the Process you will imagin , I shall to gratify your Charity annex to the end of this Essay , ( for to insert them here would make too prolix a Digression ) as many of the Particulars relating to the Preparation of it as I can readily meet with among my loose Notes , And least you should think me a Mountebanck for want of knowing in what sense it is , that I commend this and the other particular Medicins , I shall likewise to those Observations subjoyn a Declaration of my meaning in such particulars , and of the sense , wherein I desire you should understand what you meet with in the Praise of Remedies either in this Essay or any other of my Writings , which I hope it will be sufficient to give you this Advertisment of once for all . The next Medicine I am to mention to you is the Balsamum Sulphuris which being made but with gross Oyls drawn by Expression may be called Crassum to distinguish it from the common and thinner Balsom of Sulphur , that is made with the Distil'd Oyl or Spirit of Turpentine . This Balsom is made in an Houre or less , without a Furnace , onely by taking to one part of good Flower of Brimstone , foure or five times as much ( in weight ) of good expressed Oyl , either of Olives or Nuts , or Poppey-seeds , and boyling the former in the latter in a Pipkin half fill'd with both , till it be perfectly Dissolv'd into a Blood-red Balsom . But as easy as this Preparation seems ( and indeed is ) to them that have often made it , it will not at first be so easie to make it right ; For the Fire which ought to be of well kindled Coals , must be kept pretty quick , and yet not over-quick , least the Oyl boyle over , or doe not well Dissolve the Flowers of Sulphur , but turn them with its self into a Clotted and almost Liver-colour'd Masse : And to avoid these Inconveniencies , and the adustion of the Matter , speciall care must be had to keep it constantly stirring , not only whil'st the Pot is over the Fire , but after it is taken off , till it be quite Cold. You may if you think fit Dissolve this simple Balsom in Chymicall Oyl of Anny-seeds , or any other Essential Oyl like to advance its Efficacy in this or that particular Distemper : But those Oyls being generally very hot , I most commonly Prescribe the Balsom without those Additions , especially if long Digestion have somwhat lessened the Offensiveness of the smell , which though no peculiar fault of this Preparation being common to Sulphureous Medicins is yet the chief Inconvenience of it . I will not too resolutly affirme that this is the very Balsamum Sulphuris Rulandi of which that Author relates such wonderful things in his Centuries ; but if it be not the same , t is so like it , and so good , that I doubt not but by perusing those Centuries , you may find divers uses of it , that I have not made tryall off : And in Coughs , old Strains , Bruises , Aches , ( and sometimes the Incipcent fits of the Gout it self ) and especially Tumors , some of your friends can inform you , that it doth much greater things then most Men would expect from so slight and easy a Preparation ; And indeed greater then I have seen done by very costly and commended Balsoms and Oyntments , sold in Apothecaries Shops : And in those Observations , I lately told you you might command , you will find that this Balsom outwardly applyed , hath cured such obstinate Tumours , as Men either knew not what to make off , or what to doe with them , of which skilful Physitians , to whom I gave it to make tryal off in difficult cases , can bear me witness ; Though it ought sufficiently to endear this Balsam to us both , that it was the Meanes of rescuing your Fair and Vertuous Sister E : from a dangerous Consumption . In outward Applications it is to be well warm'd , and to be chaf●'d into the part affected , which should be afterwards kept very warme , or else Lint dipped in it may be kept upon the place . Inwardly some drops of it may be given at any time , when the Stomach is not full ; either rol'd up with Sugar , or mingl'd with any convenient Vehicle . But as for the Particulars that concern the Preparation of this Balsam , you will find , those I can readily meet with among my loose Papers , annex'd with the Notes concerning Ens Veneris to the end of this Essay . And therefore I shall now proceed to mention the third Medicine , which you have often heard off , under the name of Essence of Harts-horn ; but which is indeed onely the Simple , but well Purify'd and Dephlegm'd Spirit of it . And though Men are pleased to imagin by the Effects this Remedy often produces that I have some Mysterious or elaborate way of Preparing it , yet to deal ingenuously with you , the chief thing I have done to bring it into credit , is the teaching some Physicians and Apothecaries a safe and easy way of making it : For whereas before those that went about to Distil it , commonly used , as the Apothecaries are wont to doe in what they make of the same Matter , Shavings or Raspings of Harts-horn , and Distil'd it with a strong and naked Fire , the fugitive and subtle Spirits were wont to come over in that plenty , and with th●t impetuosity , as to break the Glasses to pieces , whereby Apothecaries and even Chymists were discouraged from drawing the Spirit , and they not having it in their Shops , its Vertues remained unknown : Whereupon considering that if it were onely broken on an Anvil into pieces of about the bigness of ones litle finger , besides that this way of comminution would be far less chargeable then Rasping , the fumes would not be driven out so fast , and considering too , that a violent Fire was requisite , not to Distil the subtle Spirit , but to drive over the Grosse and heavy Oyl ; I thought it was needless to take paines to force that over , which not being ( that I observ'd ) used in Physick , would but cost me further pains to seperate it again : And therefore , trying to Distil Harts-horn , in naked Retorts , placed but in Sand , I found I could Distil two or three pound at a time , and obtain from each of them , almost , if not quite , all the Spirits and Volatile Salt , which I afterwards separated from the redish and lighter Oyl , and freed them from Phlegm and Feculencies by a couple of Rectifications , made in tall Glasses , and with very gentle heats : ( commonly of a Lamp Furnace ) The Dose may be from eight , or ten Drops of the Spirit , or Graines of the Salt , to six times the quant●ty of either , in warm Beer , or any Vehicle that is not acid , except Milk. Finding it to be a Medicine of an attenuating , resolving , and Diaphoretical Nature , and one that much resists Malignity , Putrefaction , and acid Humours ( whence being mingl'd with Spirit of Vinager , and the like soure Juyces , it destroyes their acidity . ) I direct it ( Praemissis Universalibus ) in Feavers , Coughs , Pleurisies , Obstructions of the Spleen , Liver , or Womb , and principally in Affections of the Brain , as Stoppages of the Head , Feaverish Deliriums , and even in Phrenitide . And since I wrote a good part of this Essay , I had an Experiment of it in a Child , who being , by many violent Convulsion fits , reduc'd to a desperate condition , was recovered by one Dose of five or six Drops of th●s Spirit , that I sent it . 'T is true that I have another Medicine , that is more elaborate and costly , and more properly bears the name of Essentia Cornu Cervi , which I more value then this ; But I cannot communicate that , without prejudicing a third Person , and an excellent Chymist who makes a great advantage of it . But this I can tell you , that most of the Cures , for which my Preparation of Harts-horn hath had the good fortune to be esteem'd , have been performed with the above describ'd Simple Spirit and Salt , with which some skilful Physitians , and other Ingenious Persons , who had it from me , have within these few Years sav'd so many Lives , that I am enclined to think , I have done no useless piece of Service , in bringing so happy a Medicine into Request , especially with those that have skill and opportunity to make better use of it then I. But , Pyrophilus , I find I have detained you so long with so prolix a Mention , of the three above describ'd Remedies , that I should think it requisite , to make you a solemn Apologie ; but that I hope your Charity will as well invite you to Pardon the fault , as mine induc'd me to commit it . CHAP. VII . A Fourth way of lessening the Charges of Cures , may be this ; That whereas the dearness of very many Medicins proceeds from the Chargeableness of those Chymical Operations , whereby they are wont to be Prepar'd , 't is to be hoped that a greater measure of skill in Physiology , and other Experimental Learning , will suggest cheaper and better ways of doing many things in Chymistry , then are , as yet , usually practis'd . And those thrifty Expedients , I conceive , may be of several kinds , of which I shall at present mention , and that but transiently , three or four . And first , I doubt not but Chymists may be taught to make better Furnaces , for several purposes , then those that have been hitherto most us'd among them : For profess'd Chymists , having been for the most part unacquainted enough with many other parts of Learning , and particularly with the Mechanicks , their contrivances of Furnaces and Vessels have been far enough from being as good as knowledge in Mechanicks and dexterity in contrivances might , and , I doubt not , hereafter will , supply them with ; whether as to the saving of Fuel , or to the making the utmost use of the Heat afforded by the Fuel they do employ , or as to the intending heat to the height , or as to the regulating of heat at pleasure . 'T is somewhat wonderful , as well as pleasant , to see how many Vessels may be duely heated by one Fire ( perhaps no greater then common distillers employ to heat one Vessel ) if the Furnace be so contriv'd , as that the Flame may be forc'd to pass in very crooked and winding Channels , towards the Vent or Vents , and the heat may be skilfully conveyed to the several parts of the Furnace , according to the Exigency of the work it is to do : And as for the intention of heat , I remember I have had odde effects of it , by the contrivance of a certain Furnace , that held but very few Coles , and to which I us'd no Bellows . But though by this way I could vitrifie sometimes the very Crucibles , and though possibly I could , with a slight alteration , melt down the sides of the Furnace themselves ; yet a Disciple of Cornelius Drebell , and a very credible Person , assur'd me , That he knew a way of Furnaces that was yet fitter to bring heat to the superlative Degree : and that he himself , the Relator , could , by the meer force of Fire in his Furnace , bring Venetian Talk to flow ; which is more , I confess , then ever I have been able to do either in mine , or those of the Glass-house . But Experience hath assured me , 't is easie to make a Furnace give that heat as expeditiously enough , and in other respects very conveniently to Cupel both Gold and Silver , without the least help of Bellows : That also Furnaces may be so ordered , as that the heat may be better regulated , then That in our ordinary ones , I may elswhere shew you cause to believe : And in the meane time I sh●ll only tell you , that I look upon the skill of intending and remitting heat at pleasure , and especially the being able to keep a gentle heat long and equal as a thing of much greater moment , both as to Physick and Philosophy , then Chymists are wont to think ( the powerful effects of constant and temporate heats , being as yet known to few save those that have made tryal of them ) And with Lamp Furnaces , well ordered , divers things may be done in imitation of nature ; some friends of mine having , as several of them assure me , in such Furnaces , brought Hens egges to manifest Animation . That also Furnaces may be so built , as to save much of the Laborants wonted attendance on them , may appeare by the obvious invention of Athanors or Furnaces with Towers , wherein the Fire is for many Hours , ( perhaps for twenty-foure or forty-eight ) supply'd with a competent proportion of Coales , without being able to burne much faster then it should : And that in many cases the labour of Blowing may be well spar'd , and the annoyance of Mineral fumes in great p●rt avoyded , by an easie contrivance , is evident by those Furnaces which are blown by the help of a Pipe , drawing the Air , as they commonly speak , either at the top , as in Glaubers fourth Furnace , or at the bottom , as for want of room upwards , I have sometimes tryed : To which may be added , that the casting of the Matters ●o be prepar'd upon quick Coals , as Glauber prescribes in that which he calls his first Furnace , is in some cases a cheap and expeditious way of preparing some Minerals , though his method of making Spirit of Salt in that Furnace would not succeed , according to his promise with me , and some of my acquaintance . And there are other more commodious Contrivances , by casting some things upon the naked Fire , which invites me to expect , That there will be several good Expedients of employing the Fire to Chymical operations , that are not yet made use of , nor , perhaps , so much as dream'd of . And as Furnaces , so the Vessels that more immed●ately contain the Thing to be prepar'd , are questionless capable of being made more durable , and of being better contriv'd , then commonly they are . Good use may be made of those Earthen Reto●ts , that are commonly call'd Glauber's second Furnaces , in case they be made of Earth that will well endure strong Fires ; and in case there be a better way to keep in the Fumes , then that he proposes of melted Lead , which I h●ve therefore often declin'd for another , as having found it lyable to such inconveniences as I elsewhere declare . But for Materials that are cheap , and to be distill'd in quantity , as Woods , Harts-horn , &c. the way is not to be despis'd , and is , as we may elsewhere have occasion to shew , capable of improvement ; though in many cases this kinde of Vessel is inferior to those tubulated Retorts , that were of old in use , and mentioned by Basilius Valentinus , and from which Glauber probably desum'd that which we have been speaking of . The utility of the way of sealing Glasses hermetically , and of the Invention that now begins to be in request of stopping the Bottles , that contain corrosive and subtle Liquors with Glass-stopples , ground fit to their Necks , instead of Corks , together with some other things , not now to be mention'd , keep me that I scarce doubt but that if we could prevail with the Glass-men and the Potters , to make Vessels of Glass and Earth exactly , according to directions , many things in Chymistry might be done better and cheaper then they now are ; and some things might be then done , that with the forms of Vessels now in use cannot be done at all . And if that be true which we finde related in Pliny , and with some other Circumstances in Dion Cassius , of a more ingenious then fortunate Man , who , about his time , was put to death for having made malleable Glass , as the truth of that Story , if granted , would shew the retriving that Invention , a thing not to be despair'd of : So he that could , now Chymistry is so cultivated , finde again the way of making Glass malleable , would be , in my Opinion , a very great Benefactor to Man-kinde , and would enable the Virtuosi , as well as the Chymists , to make several Experiments , which at present are scarce practicable ; And some Chymists would perhaps think this attempt more hopeful , if I tell them first , that I remember Raymund Lully expresly reckons it among three or four of the principal Vertues he ascribes to the Philosophers Stone , that it makes Glass malleable ; and then , that an expert Chymist seriously affirm'd to me , that he met with an Adeptus , who , among other strange things , shew'd him a piece of Glass , which the Relator found , would endure and yield to the Hammer : But what my own Opinion is concerning this matter , and what are the ( uncommon ) Inducements I have to be of it , I must not here declare . And on this occasion , I remember I have seen an Instrument of Tin , or Pewter , for the drawing of Spirit of Wine ( which you know is one of the chargeablest things that belong to Chymistry ) so contriv'd , that whereas in the ordinary way much time , and many rectifications , are requisite to dephlegm Spirit of Wine ; one distillation in this Vessel will bring it over from Wine it self , so pure and flegmless , as to burn all away . And I remember , that the ancient French Chymist , in whose Laboratory I first saw one of these Instruments , told me , That 't was invented , not by any great Alchymist or Mathematician , but by a needy Parisian Chyrurgion . And now I speak of Spirit of Wine , I shall adde , That as the charges of Chymistry would be very much lessned , if such ardent Spirits could be had in plenty , and cheap ; so I think it not improbable , that in divers places there may be found , by Persons well skil'd in the Nature of Fermentation , other Vegetable Substances far cheaper then Wine , from which an inflammable , and saline Sulphureous Spirit , of the like vertue for dissolving resinous Bodies , drawing Tinctures , &c. may be copiously obtain'd : For not only , 't is known , that Sydar , Perry , and other Juyces of Fruits will afford such a Spirit ; and that most Graine● , not very unctuous , as Barley , Wheat , &c. will do the like ; but other Berries that grow wild , as those of Elder , will yield a Vinous Liquor . And in the Barbada's they make a kind of Wine , even of Roots , ( I mean their Mobby , which they make of Potatos ; as I have also , for curiosity sake , made Bread of the same Roots ) nay , even from some sorts of Leaves , such a Liquor may be obtain'd : For I have observed Roses well fermented , to yield a good Spirit very strongly tasted , as well as inflammable . And as to the Preparing of pure Spirit of Wine it self , I know wayes ( and one of them cheap ) that may exceedingly shorten the time , and pains of dephlegming it ; but that being to be done otherwise , then by any peculiar contrivance of Furnaces or Glasses , I reserve it for a fitter place , in one of the following Essays . And as more expedient and thrifty wayes , then the vulgar ones , of making Chymicall Furnaces and Vessels , may be devis'd ; so 't is to be hoped that a skilful Naturalist may find cheaper waies of heating the Chymists Furnaces , or Distilling in his Vessels ( either by finding combustible Materials , not formerly in use in the places where we work , or by making those already imployed fitter for use ) by bringing them , by some cheap alterations , either to give a greater , or a more durable heat , or to be less offensive by their smoak or smells ; or else by discovering some cheap way of doing , in some cases , without Fire , what was wont to be done by it . We see that in some places , especially here in England , where Char-coale was only burnt in Furnaces , Pit coale is substituted in its room ; and at this Day there are several of those that make Aqua-Fortis , in great quantities , that Distil it with such Coales , which cost nothing neer so much as those made of Wood. And experience hath inform'd me , that even in other sorts of Furnaces , the same Fuel may be imploy'd , provided the Barres of the Grates be set wider asunder , and a little Char-coale be mingled with it for the better kindling ; and since of late Years Pit coale have been found in several places among us , where they were not formerly known to be , it seems not improbable , that many other Countries may afford Chymists , and the rest of their Inhabitants the like advantage , if search were duely made , by boring of the ground , by the observations of the Waters , and the Steames of places suspected , and by other waies of inquiry that a skilful man might direct ; But because the abundant Smoak of Pit-coale , uses to be very offensive , and the smaller Coales easily run through the Grates , and because of other inconveniences , there hath been a way found out of charring these Coales , and thereby reducing them into coherent Masses , of a convenient bigness and shape , and more dry and apt to kindle ; and these though , quantity for quantity , their price be little inferiour to that of Char-coale . Yet those that consume great proportions of Coales , tell me they finde them almost as cheap again , in regard they will not only last much longer , but give ( especially near at hand ) a far more intense heat : And therefore it must be a very useful thing to Chymists , to shew a way of charring Sea-coales , without the help of those Pots , which make them of the price they now beare . And that it is not only possible , but very easy , I could quickly shew you , if it would not prejudice an industrious Laborant , whose profession being to make Chymicall Medicines in quantity , obliges him to keep great and constant Fires , and did put him upon finding a way of charring Sea-coale , wherein it is in about three houres or less , without Pots or Vessels , brought to Char-coale ; of which having , for curiosity sake , made him take out some pieces , and coole them in my presence , I found them upon breaking to appeare well charr'd , and much thereof in shew not unlike a Marchasite . And that which was very convenient in this Contrivance was , that whil'st the Pit coale was charring , it afforded him a very intense heat to melt or calcine the Minerals , he had occasion to expose to it : And he confest to me , that by this Method , he saved three parts in foure of the Charges the keeping such great and constant Fires , with common Char-coale , would cost him . In Holland , likewise , they have a way of charring Peat , ( which is a combustible Turfe , that they dig under Ground ) and a skilful Distiller , that much employ'd it , commends it to me , as a very good Fuel , even for Chymical Fires ; which I therefore mention , because the way of charring Peat , is not yet brought into several Countries , where Peat is dig'd up : And probably , it would be found in divers Regions , where 't is yet unknown , if due search were made for it . To which I may adde , that 't is not unlike , that some Countries may afford such combustible Materials , fit for Chymical Furnaces , as have not , as yet , been so much as nam'd by Mineralist's ; as I remember I have seen , and had , a sort of Coales , some of which look'd like Marchasites , that burn'd clear with a good Flame , and had this convenient quality , for the Chymist's use , that they were not apt , like the common Pit-coales , to stop the Grates with their Sinders , but burnt to whitish Ashes almost like Char-coale made of Wood ; and yet gave so great a heat , that an Industrious Chymist of my acquaintance , who kept many things constantly at work , found it worth while to have them brought him , above a daies journey , on Horses backs . But 't is not impossible , that when Men grow better Naturalist's , they may find waies , of exciting heat , enough for many Chymicall operations , without the help of Fire ; and consequently , without the consumption of Fuel . We find that by the attrition of hard Bodies , considerable degrees of heat may be produc'd , not only , in combustible Materials , as Wood , and the like , ( which would therefore be improper , to be here insisted on ) But in others also , and particularly in Iron and Steel , one may by attrition soon produce a smart heat , as you may quickly try , by nimbly Filing a piece of Iron , with a rough File ; or swiftly rubbing , though but for a few minutes , a thin piece of Steel against a Board . And whether some contrivance may not be found , by the help of cheap Engines mov'd by Water , or otherwise , to produce a durable heat in Iron Vessels , fit to digest in , we may elsewhere have further occasion to consider ; But this is known , that from some succulent Plants , a Liquor may be drawn , only by exposing them in Glasses , purposely contrived to the Beames of the Sun. And there is nothing more common , then for Chymists to make their Digestions by the warmth of Hors-dung , whereby they might also ( as some Analogous tryals incline me to think ) conveniently enough , Distil some fermented Liquors ; especially , if the way were improv'd by the skilful addition of Quick-lime , and seasonable aspersions of Water . And I doubt not but many cheap Materials might , by a few tryals , be found , whereby portable digesting Furnaces , without Fire , ( if I may so call them ) might be made , without the ill smell and nastiness , which discommends the use of Hors-dung . For not only we see , by what happens in the Spontaneous heating of Malt , and some other familiar substances , that probably most sort of Graines , and Berries , fit for Fermentation may be brought to yeeld , for a good while , a heat great enough to putrifie , or digest with : But I have , several Years agoe , by many trials found ; that I could , by invironing Glasses with refuse Hay well press'd down and equally wetted throughout , produce for divers daies such a heate , as made me decline the employing of Hors-dung ; and yet ( which is the chiefe thing for which I mention this ) the quantity of Hay was so small , that in all my trials I found not , that the Hay did of it self , though kept close enough , take Fire ; as else is usuall in Ricks of Hay not sufficiently dried , where the quantity , and consequently the weight , that presses the lowermost parts close together , is considerable . But further , in divers operations , where an actual Fire is requisite , it may be hop'd that Knowing Men , may discover waies of saving much of the Fire , and making Skill perform a great part of the wonted office of heat . To obtain the Spirit of fresh Urine , you must Distil away near nine parts of ten , which will be but Flegm , before the Spirit or Volatile Salt will ( and that scarce , without a pretty strong heat ) regularly rise . And there are several Chymist's that , to this day , make use of no better way of Distiling Urine ; But he that knows , how Putrefaction opens many Bodies , may easily save himself the expence of so much Fire : For if you let Urine stand well stop'd , for eight or ten Weeks , the Saline and Spirituous parts will so extricate themselves , that the Spirits that before staied behind the Flegm , will now , even with the gentlest heat , rise up first , and leave the Flegm behind . And on this occasion I shall teach you , what I do not know to have been mention'd by any Writer ; namely , That even of fresh Urine , without Digestion or Putrefaction , I can , by a very cheap and easie way , make a subtle and penetrant Spirit , ascend , first , even in a gentle heat ; And I am wont to do it only by pouring Urine , how fresh soever , upon Quick-lime , till it swim some Fingers breadth above it , and then distilling it assoon as I please . But I did not find , upon many trials , that this Spirit , though even without Rectification very strong and subtle , would Coagulate Spirit of Wine , like that of putrified and fermented Urine ; though , perhaps , for divers other purposes it may be more powerful . And here I shall advertise You , that whereas I just now took notice , that there was a pretty strong Fire requisite to force up the Salt of unfermented Urine , out of that part , which after the abstraction of the Phlegm , remains of the consistance of Honey ; trial hath inform'd me , That the volatile Salt may out of the thick Liquor be obtain'd , better and more pure , with ease , and with a , scarce credibly , smal heat ; barely , by tempering the Urinous extract with a convenient quantity of good Wood Ashes , whereby ( for a reason elswhere to be consider'd ) the volatile part , of the Salt of Urine , is so free'd from the grosser Substance , that with strange facility it will ascend , fine and white , to the top of very tall Glasses . But of the differing Preparation of Urine , more perhaps elswhere . I now proceed to tell you , that I think it not unlikely , that even Bodies , which are more gross and sluggish , may by the affusion of such Menstruums , as humane Industrie may find out , be far more easily , either , volatiliz'd or unlockt , then common Chymists are wont to think . For I know a Liquor , not very rare among Chymist's , by whose help I have , often enough , distill'd Spirit of Nitre , ( whose distillation requires much about the same violence of Fire , with that of Aqua-Fortis ) even in a moderate he●t of Sand , and without a naked Fire . This Spirit may easily enough be brought over , even in a Head and Body ; and , for a Wager , I could obtain a little of it without any Fire or outward heat at all . And I remember , also , That having once digested a certain Menstruum , for a very short time , upon crude Antimony , and abstracted it , in a very gentle heat , of Sand ; the Liquor , not only , brought over some of the Antimony in the form of red Flowers , swiming in it , and united other parts of the Mineral , with it self , in the transparent Liquor , but the gentle heat raised to the top of the Retort , divers little Masses of a substance , that were very transparent , like Amber , which were inflammable , and smelt , and burnt blew , just like common Sulphur ; And yet the Menstruum , which was easily again recoverable from the Antimony , was no strong Corrosive , tasting , before it was pour'd on , not much unlike good Vinager . But besides all the wayes , above mentioned , of saving the Chymist , either , Time , or Fire , or Labour ; I dispair no● that divers others , yet unthought on , will be in time found out by the Industry of skilful Men , taking notice of the nature of things , and applying them to Chymical uses ; as we see , that by Amalgamations with Mercury , the calcination of Gold , and Silver , may be much easyer perform'd , then by a long violence of Fire . And , ( if it be true , what Helmont , and Paracelsus , tell us of their immortal Liquor Alkahest ) Medicines far nobler , and otherwise more difficult to make , then those hitherto in use among the Chymist's , may be Prepar'd with greater ease , and expedition , and with far less expense of Fire , then the nature of the Mettals , and other Concretes , to be open'd by it , would let a vulgar Chymist suspect . However , I see no great cause to doubt that there may be Menstruum's found that will much facilitate difficult Operations , since not to mention again the Liquor , I lately told you , would work such a change on Nitre ( and , I might have added , on some other compact Bodies ) 't is very like , there may be Menstruum's found , that will not be so spoyl'd by a single Operation , made with them , as our vulgar saline Spirits are wont to be . For I have try'd that a Menstruum , made by the bare distillation of good Verdigrease , will not only draw , as I have formerly told you , a Tincture of Glass of Antimony , or perform some other like Operation for once , but being drawn off from the dissolved body , or the extraction , will again serve , more then once , for the like Operation upon fresh Materials . The fifth , and last way , Pyrophilus , that I intend to mention , of lessening Chymical expenses ; is , That the Naturalists may probably find out wayes of preserving some Chymical Medicins , either longer or better , then those wayes that are usual . But of this preservation of Bodies , being like , as I formerly intimated , to have elsewhere further occasion to Treat ; I shall now only say , That the purified Juyces , liquid Extracts , Robs , and other soft Medicaments , made of Plants , may be Conserv'd far cheaper , aswel as better , then with Sugar ( which clogs most Mens Stomacks , and otherwise disagrees with many Constitutions ) in case Helmont say true , where he tells us , That for a small piece of Money , he can , for I know not how long , preserve whole Barrels of Liquor . And a way he intimates , of fuming liquors with Sulphur , I have allready told you , is a very good way of keeping them uncorrupted ; provided , that ( though he prescribes it not ) they be six or seven several times ( seldomer or oftner , according to the quantity or nature of the Liquor ) well impregnated with that embalming Smoak ; to which purpose it is convenient to have two Vessels , to poure from one to the other , that whil'st the Liquor is shaking in the one , the other may be well fill'd with Smoak ; whereto I shall only subjoyn this secret , which a friend of mine , practises in preserving the fumigated Juyces of Herbs ( as , I elswhere inform you , I do to preserve other things ) with ● success that I have somewhat wondred at ; which consist's , in adding to the thick Liquor , to be preserved , a due , but small , proportion of the white Coagulum , ( which I often elswhere mention ) made of the pure Spirits of Wine and Urine . But I have made this excursion too prolix , and therefore I shall only adde as a general admonition , that we are not , by the common practice of Vulgar Chymist's , to estimate what Knowing Naturalist's , skill'd in Mechanical contrivances , may be able in time to do , towards the making of Chymical Remedies , as well more cheap as more effectual ; and , indeed , to make them more effectual , is the best way to make them more cheap . For , Pyrophilus , after all the wayes , that I have mention'd , whereby the charges , of the Therapeutical part of Physick , may be lessned ; I must advertise you , both , That I make no doubt but there may be divers others found , which either through want of skill or leasure I have pretermitted , and that I have not yet named the principal of all ; which is , That the deep insight into Natural Philosophy may qualifie him that hath it by several wayes , and especially by discovering the true Causes and Seats of Diseases , to find out such generous and effectual Remedies , ( whether Specificks , or more Unive●sal Arcana ) as by quickly freeing the Patient from his Disease , may exempt him from needing , either , much Physick from the Apothecary , or many chargeable visites from the Doctor of Chirurgeon . Thus the rich Merchant I mention'd in one of the former Essayes to have been freed , by a Specifick , from the Gout ; and the young Lady , cur'd of her Fistulas , by the infusion of Millepedes ; might well , in the ordinary way , have spent , even supposing them thrifty , a hundred times more , upon Physitians and Physick , then the potent and nimble Rem●dies , whereby they were so happily recovered , cost them . [ To which I shall adde , by way of Confirmation , both of this and of what I lately told you ; concerning the Efficacy that may be , even , in slightly Prepared Simples ; what I came to learn , since the writing of the former part of this Essay , namely , that a young Lady , who ( though of great Birth , is yet of far greater Beauty and vertue , whom I presume I need not name to you ) having been long troubled with an almost hereditary Epileptical Distemper , and after having been wearied by courses of Physick prescrib'd her , by the famousest Doctors that could be procur'd , without at all mending , but rather growing worse , so that sometimes She would have , in one day , eight or ten of such dismal Fits , as You and I have seen her in ; was cur'd onely by the Powder of true Misseltoe of the Oake ; given as much as would lie upon a Sixpence , early in the morning , in black Cherry Water , or even in Beere , for some days near the full Moon . And I am assur'd , partly , by the Patient her self , and , partly , by those that gave her the Medicine , That though it had scarce any other sensible Operation upon her , and did not make her sickish , especially , when she slept upon it ; Yet , after the first day she took it , she never had but one Fit. And this Remedy , an ancient Gentleman , who , being casually present when she suddenly fell down as dead , gave it her , profess'd himself to have constantly cur'd that Disease with it , when he could procure the right Simple , which is here exceeding scarce . And what further Experiment some Friends of Yours have succesfully made , of its Vertue , I may elswhere have occasion to relate . ] To which I shall only adde , That one of the Skilfullest Methodist's I ever knew , having had much adoe to preserve a young Cousin of Yours from a very dangerous Cough , by a long course of Physick ; the party , at the beginning of the next Winter , falling into a Relapse more threatning then the first Disease , was rescued from it in two or three days , by not many more takings of a Specifick sent her , made of nothing else but Harts-horn prepar'd as I lately taught You. And if such slight Medicines , consisting , each of them , but of a single Simple , not elaborately prepar'd , may sometimes ( for I say not alwaies ) perform such speedy cures even in Chronical Di●tempers , what may not be hoped from the Arcana m●jora ( such as Paracelss's Laudanum , so praised by Operinus himself ; and Butlers Driff , so extold by Helmont ) when the skilfullest Preparations , of the noblest Simples , shall come to be known by Learned and Judicious Men , intelligent in the Theory of Physick , and especially vers'd in the History of Diseases ? And though Riverius were none of the greatest Naturalists , or , at least , Chymists , Yet if in his Observation , and elswhere , he flatter not his own Febrifugum ; how many Patients did that one Specifick , rescue from Quartanes , that would else probably have prov'd as Chargeable as Tedious ? But , Pyrophilus , having sayed so much , that I fear you have thought it tedions , to shew that a Naturalist , skill'd in Chymistry and the Mechanicks , may assist the Physitian to make his cures less Chargeable ; 't is high time , that after so long an excursion , I proceed to consider in what other particulars he may be a benefactor to the Physitians Art. CHAP. VIII . FIftly , then , that the Naturalists skill may improve the Pharmaceutical Preparations of Simples , by several wayes partly touch'd already , and partly to be , either , added or further treated of ; the great variety of new Remedies , wherewith the Laboratories of Chymists have furnished the shops of Apothecaries , may convinceingly inform you . To which I must take the liberty to adde ( and that upon serious Consideration ) That the Chymical Preparations , hitherto common in Dispensatories , are , as to the Generali●y of them , far enough from being the most Dextrous , or Noble , that can be devis'd : For our Vulgar Chymistry ( to which our Shops owe their venal Spagyrical Remedies ) is as yet very incompleat , affording us rather a Collection , of loose and scatter'd ( and many of them but casual ) Experiments , then an Art duely superstructed upon Principles and Notions , emergent from severe and competent Inductions , as we have elswhere endeavoured , more particularly , to manifest . And therefore till the Principles of Chymistry be better known , and more solidly establish'd , we must expect no other , then that very few vulgar Chymical Remedies should be of the Noblest sort ; and that in the Preparation of many others , considerable errours should be wont to pass unheeded ; and faults , gross enough , be apt to be mistakenly committed . But , of this Subject , we may elswhere have divers occasions to entertaine You ; and our single Essay , of the ●●●mical Distinctions of Salts , will perhaps discover to You no small mistakes , in the Preparation of divers applauded Vulgar Medicines . For it is not the Elaborateness , but the Skilfulness of Preparations , that produceth the Noble Remedies , and a few Teeming Principles well known and apply'd , will enable a man with ease to make better Remedies , then a great many Furnaces and Glasses , though never so well contriv'd , and though very useful in their kind . To make out this in some measure , I shall name some such Instances , as may withall confirm what I formerly deliver'd in this Essay , touching the possibility and usefulness of Correcting either poisonous , or otherwise very noxious Simples . I never knew Opium so much Corrected by Saffron , Cinnamom , and other Aromatical and Cordial Drugs ( wherewith 't is wont to be made up into Laudanum ) nor by the most tedious tortures of Vulcan , as I have known it by being a while Digested in Wine , impregnated with nothing but the weight of the Opium of pure Salt of Tartar ; as we elswhere more fully de●lare . ( a much nobler Laudanum may be made by adding to the Opium , insteed of the Salt , two or three appropriated Simples , and by due Fermentations and Digestions of them with it ) And for that violent Vomiting Medicine , by Chymists flatteringly enough , call'd Mercurius Vitae ; a whole Pound of Cordial Con●erves , or Liquors , will not so well moderate its evacuating force , as the keeping it continually stirring in a fl●ttish and well glaz'd earthen Vessel , placed over a Ch●fingdish of Coales till it emit no more fumes , but grow of a grayish Colour : which I am very credibly informed to be the Preparation of Merc-Vitae purgans , often mention'd and commended by the famous Practitioner Riverius , in his Observations . A not unlike , but far more sudden , Correction of tha●●●tive Powder , I elswhere teach . And as for those Operative Minerals , Quicksilver and Antimony , though long Experience of their churlish and untractable N●ture have made many , of the waryer Physitians and Chymists shy to meddle with either of them single : Yet these Concretes , which seem so Incorrigible , may , by being barely ( in the gradual Distillation , of Butter of Antimony ) sublim'd up together into a Cinnaber , and then that Cinnaber six or seven times resublim'd per se , be united into a Medicine , that not only is not wont to work , either upwards or downwards , but of which I have known safely taken , even in substance , to the Dose of many Grains ; and a few Drachmes , of which , infus'd in a Pound or two of Wine , hath made it of that inoffensive Efficacy ( taken , in the quantity of a Spoonful or two , daily upon an empty stomach ) That , if it still succeed aswell as we have observ'd it two or three times to do , we may think that our having thus acquainted You with the Vertue of this one unlikely Remedie , ( though we have also met with it , even , in P●inted Books ) may make you amends for all the rest of this ted●ous Discourse . I once knew a slight ( but altogether new and tedious , aswell as Philosophical ) Preparation , of Salt of Tartar Correct and Tame such Poisons , as ten times the quantity of the highest Vulgar Antidotes , or Cordials , would ( I was confident ) scarce have so much as weakned : And I have known by the same Prepar'd Salt , dextrously Specificated by Simples , the Vertues of some Vegetables so exalted , That , without any Cathartique or Emetique Operation , they have ( if many Patients , of whom I had casual opportunities to enquire of the Effects of those Remedies upon them , do not mis-inform me ) prov'd more effectual in Tameing divers stubborn Diseases , then Crocus Metallorū , Mercurius Vitae , ( as 't is abusively call'd ) and those other dangerous Remedies ; which make the Vulgar wont to say of Chymists , that they quickly either cure their Patients or kill them . And to let You see , Pyrophilus , by one plain , and yet noble , instance ; That the knowledge of the Specifick Qualities of Things , skilfully applied to Preparations , may perform , with ease , what neither costly Materials , nor elaborate Processes are able to effect ; Give me leave to inform You ; That , whereas , Chymists and Physitians have not been able by infusing the true Glass of Antimony ( made per se ) in Spirit of Wine , or the richest Cordial Liquo●s ; nor yet by torturing it after several tedious and artificial manners , to deprive it of its Emetique quality , That Vomitive faculty , of Antimonial Glass , may be Corrected by so slight a way , as that of Digesting it with pure Spirit of Vinegar , till the Menstruum be highly ting'd . For if you gently abstract all the Liquor , and on the remaining yellow or red Powder , you Digest well dephlegmated Spirit of Wine ; You may after a while obtain a Noble and not Emetique Tincture : Of which though Basilius Valentinus prescribes but five or six Drops for a Dose , yet a Domestick of mine having , out of curiosity , taken to the quantity of thirty Drops at a Time , he found it not at all Vomitive . And this Tincture we the rather mention , Because , not only , Basilius Valentinus , but other skilful Persons , highly extol it for several Diseases . And let me adde , Pyrophilus , ( and be pleas'd to mark well what I tell you ) That by bare reiterated Digestions , and Fermentations , there may be Prepar'd , out of many Vegetables , Saline and Sulphureous Essences ( whose Bulk is exceeding small , in proportion to the Concrets whence they are Extracted ) which will keep many Years , as I can shew you some above three Years old , and contain more of the Crasis ( if I may so call it ) of the Simple , then the vulgar Vegetable Waters , Spirits , Extracts or Salts , hitherto extant in Laboratories and Shops . But there is so great a length of Time required , to the Prepar●tion of these Efficacious Juyces , That my ambulatory condition of Life , hath not allowed me to furnish my self with many of them . And , Pyrophilus , if You will not dis-believe a Person for whom You have so just an esteem , as You have for that Ingenious , and Experienc'd , Monsieur L. F. who was the French Kings Chymist , when You knew him at Paris ; I can , present You with a yet Nobler instance , to perswade You ; That , if skill be not wanting , a single Herb , without any violence of Fire , may , by other wayes then are in use among Chymists , be easily enough brought to afford Medicines , endow'd with some Nobler Vertues , then any of the most compounded , costly , and elaborate Medicines , whether Minerals or others , that are to be met with among Vulgar Chymists . This Efficacious part of the Plant , whence 't is obtain'd , Paracelsus call's the Primum Ens of the Plant that yeilds it ; But though , indeed , I have found the way of Preparing it much plainer , and better deliver'd , then is usual in his Writings , at the end of his Book De Renovatione & Restauratione ; Yet I freely acknowledge , That , I should scarce have thought it worth the Trial , if it had not been for what the Experienc'd Chymist , above mention'd , affirmed to me , upon his own Observations , concerning it , partly , because I am not wont to be forward so much as to try long Processes upon Paracelsus's credit , and partly , because what he call's Sal Solutum seem'd to me somewhat ambiguous ; since , in the same Page teaching to draw the Ens Primum of Gold and Antimony , he makes not use of Sea-salt , but of ( a Salt of an incomparably higher Nature ) his Sal Circulatum ; and in the Processe immediatly preceeding ours , to make the Ens Primum of Emeralds , he Prescribes the Calcining them in Sale Soluto , which agrees far better with his Sal Circulatum then with any Solution of Sea salt , which seems very unlikely to be able to Calcine and , as he sayes it must , dissolve Emeralds . But the way , that our French Chymist told me he us'd , was in substance this : Gather , in a convenient season and time of Day , Baulm for instance , or some other fit Herb , ( for experience hath taught , both him and me , that all Herbs are not fit , by this way , to be reduc'd into Liquors ) and having beaten it well , in a marble Morter , to a soft mash , plac'd in a Bolt-head hermetically seal'd , to Digest forty dayes in a Dunghill or some analogous heat ; then , opening the Vessel , take out the Matter , which will be far more Liquid then before , from which , having separated the grosser parts , You must Digest it in a gentle Bath , that the yet remaining grosser parts may subside ; to which , being filtrated . You must , according to him , ( for I find not that Paracelsus requires it ) joyn the fixed Salt , of the grosser parts above mention'd , dry'd and calcin'd . To this , Prepar'd Liquor , You must adde equal parts of the Liquor of good Sea-salt well purifi'd , and then melted , and suffered to run Per Deliquium : This Liquor , being also seal'd up in a convenient Glass , must be expos'd to the Sun for about six Weeks ; at the end of which time there will swim at the top of it , the Primum Ens of the Plant in a Liquid form , transparent , and either green or red , or , perhaps , of some other Colour according to the Nature of the Plant. And though Paracelsus prescribes but Celandine , and Baulm , to be us'd , Yet having enqu●r'd of our Chymist , he told me , he had made such Prima Entia of Scrophularia , and , as I remember , of one or two other Herbs . But that which makes me thus , particularly , take notice of these kind of Medicines , is , That not only Paracelsus ascribes to the Primum Ens of Baulm , ( or Celandine ) the power of renovating them that use so much of it in good Wine as will give it a Tincture , early every Morning ; till , first of all , the Nailes of their Fingers , then those of their Toes , afterwards their Hair , and Teeth , fall off , and , lastly , the Skin be dri'd and exchang'd for a new one : But Your ingenious acquaintance assured me several times , and once , in the presence of a famous Physitian , and another Virtuoso , to whom he appeal'd , as knowing the truth of what he sayed ; That an intimate Friend of his , whom he n●med to me , having , after the above mentioned manner , Prepared the Primum Ens of Baulm , to satisfie himself the better of its effects , made the Trial upon himself , and took of it , according to the Prescription , for about a Fortnight ; Long before which his Nailes , both of Hands and Feet , began to loosen themselves from the Skin , ( but without any pain ) which at length falling off , of their own accord , this Gentleman keeps yet by him in a Box for a rarity , but would not pursue the Trial any further , being satisfied with what he had found , and being in no need of such Physick ; But having given of the same Medicated Wine , for ten or twelve Dayes , to a Woman that serv'd in his house , and was neer seventy years of Age , without letting her know , what he expected it should do , Her Purgationes Menstruae came upon her again in a sufficiently great quantity , to fright her so much , that he durst prosecute the Experiment no further . And when I ask'd , why he made no triall upon Beasts ? It was answer'd , that though he had but little of the Medicine , yet he put apart an old Hen , and moistning her food with some drops of it for a Week , about the sixth day she began to moult her Feathers by degrees , till she became stark naked ; but before a fortnight was past , she began to regain others , which when they were come to their full growth , appear'd fairer , and better colour'd then the first ; And he added , That besides that , her crest was rais'd , she also laid more Egges , then she was wont . And as to the Primum Ens of the greater Scrophularia , by the relater himself , though he ascrib'd not to it any renovating power , as to that of Balm or Celandine , yet he assured me , he had found it enobled , by other great and extraordinary Vertues . But of this kind of Preparation , I might ere now , possibly , have been able to give You a better account , if in my trials about them , I had not met with some unhappy accidents , which I hope my next attempts will escape : which if they do , I may possibly , with an account of them , send You one of some attempts to prepare the like Medicines another and shorter way , together with a consideration , whether Paracelsus and others deservedly call such accidents as the abovemention'd change of Nailes Hair , and even of Teeth a reall renovation or rejuvenessence . ] 'T is likewise a way of preparation , differing enough from those that are common among Chymists , which Helmont ( as he saies out of commiseration to the sick ) delivers , where he teaches that which he calls the Via Media of making the Elixir Proprietatis , of which he gives us this commendation : Hoc medicamine tam Quartanam , quam continuam statim absolvi . Adeò ut qui noctu susceperat sacresanctum viaticum , & olei extremam unctionem , me in prandio convivam circa lectum habuerit . And though many think , that he has rather fraudulently , then rightly set the process down ; yet experience has invited me to absolve him in this particular . ( Though I must tell You , that because a Languid heat is not sufficient to make a Spirituous liquor ascend and circulate as he requires ; 't is not every Chymist , that will , especially in his first trials , avoid the breaking of the Glasses , or at least the burning of the materialls , to which accidents this preparation is very obnoxious , if it be not as well watchfully as skilfully made . ) And though for my part , I have scarce us'd this Elixer but as a Cordial ; yet I know some very expert Physitians , that have given it with great successe in divers difficult cases , and particularly a Friend of the younger Helmonts gives it so succesfully , that partly his Patients , and partly others that have try'd it , have sometimes taken of him , at a great rate , whole Pounds in a Year or too ; and yet I know by his own confession , that , besides the skill he emploies in making it dexterously , he adds nothing but one Ingredient , to which I confess , I am not apt to ascribe any considerable part of the efficacy of the Medicin● ; which , when made , he sometimes perfumes by cohobations with Musk , and Amber . And Pyrophilus , that you may not wonder , that I , who think much of Helmonts Theory scarce intelligible , and take great exceptions at many things in his writings , should yet now and then commend Medicines upon his Authority , I must here confesse to you once for all , that ( alwaies excepting his extravagant piece , De magnetica vulnerum curatione , ) I have not seen cause to disregard many things he delivers , as matters of fact , provided they be rightly understood ; having not found him forward to praise Remedies without cause , though he seem to do it sometimes without measure , and having more then once , either known , or even had , considerable effects of Medicines he commends , which one of the happiest Practitioners I have met with , and one not lavish in extolling Chymicall Remedies has solemly assur'd me , he has generally , though not alwaies , found more then ordinarily effectual . And upon occasion of this odde preparation of the Elixir Proprietatis , I shall adde that , Since Experience shewes us , by what is daily done in Chymicall Laboratories , that upon the operation of the fire upon several Concretes , substances of Nature oftentimes very differing both from the body that afforded them , and from one another , may be obtain'd ; as the Oyles , and fixt Salts , even of cold Plants or Hot : Since also , by the mixture of active Bodies new Concretes , endow'd with new qualities , may be produced ; as we see that Saccharum Saturni emergeth from the conjunction of Lead , with the Acid Salt , distill'd Vinegar ; and Since too the same Concrete , according to the differing manners , after which 't is handled , may acquire differing Qualities , as is clear in the various Medicines , afforded us by Quicksilver , and by Antimony , according as each of them is order'd ; I cannot but think , that if Chymistry did no more then assist us , by the resolution of bodies , to extricate their more active parts , and , partly by such resolutions , and partly by associating bodies together , to alter the former texture of Natures Productions , or present us with new Concretes of new Textures ; by this very means , if men want not Curiosity , and Industry to vary and prosecute experiments , there must necessarily arise such a store of new and active Medicines , that in all probability , many of them will be found endow'd with such Vertues , as have not been , at least in that degree , met with in the usuall Medicines , whether simple or compound , to be bought in Apothecary shops ; and consequently , even without any notable discovery , or improvement of Principles , Chymists , ( even as matters now stand with them ) may considerably adde to the Pharmaceutical part of Physick . But if the Operations of Chymistry were seriously enquir'd into , and throughly understood , I make little doubt , but by a skilfull application of them , and especially by a series of them , in a rationall and orderly way , succeeding one another , there may be found out a great many preparations of Remedies , both very differing from the common ones , and far more noble then they . And to make this seem probable , I need but repeat some of the examples formerly mention'd ; To which I shall adde now , that Experience has inform'd me there is a way , whereby firmer consistent substances , belonging to the bodies of Animals , may without the addition of any extraneous matter , and without any violence of heat , be reduced almost totally into Liquor , and if I much misremember not , these Liquors without any violence of heat , afford their Spirituous and Saline parts , in a very gentle heat , and that before their Flegme . And I must peculiarly inculcate this , That if we had but a few potent Menstruums , to dissolve and unlock bodies with , I scarce know what might not be done in Chymistry . But when I speak of noble Menstruums , I mean not such as work like the generality of Corrosives , and the like Acid or Saline Liquors , which work but upon few kinds of bodies , and soon coagulate , or exantlate themselves by working , and thereby become unfit for future operations ; but I mean such as either are separable with all their efficacy from the dissolv'd Body ; as is said of the Alkahest , or such Saline or other piercing Liquors , as not being precisely either Acid , Urinous , or Alcalizate can resolve a great variety of Concretes , without haveing their Vertue , I say not impair'd , but destroy'd thereby ; and unlock Minerall bodies , far more then vulgar Menstruums , ( as for instance by volatilizing them , or else making them irreducible , or working the like grand changes in them : ) and if it be not quite separated from the dissolved Body , is yet so friendly to Humane Nature , as to be free from either fretting , or other such dangerous and offensive Qualities , and rather to be of it self a powerfull Medicine . I should therefore exhort both You , and such other ingenious persons , as wish the advancement of Chymistry , and Physick , ( I might possibly adde Natural Philosophy too ) to apply their Chymical attempts , chiefly to the finding out of Noble Menstruums , for by being possessor but of one of these , a Man may be able to doe a great number of things , that otherwise are not to be performed ; As one of our ordinary Goldsmiths , by the bare knowledg he hath of Aqua-fortis , can make many useful Experiments , about Silver , and Gold , that before that Menstruum was found out , all the Men of his profession in the World , were never able in many ages to compass . Nor do I much wonder at that advise , which Helmont gives those that aime at the improvement of Physick , in these Words : Quod si ad istud ignis arcanum non pertingatis ( he was speaking of a prodigious , not to say incredible Liquor ) discite saltem , salem Tartari reddere volatilem , ut hujus medio vestras solutiones perficiatis . Qui etsi sua soluta , anaticè homogenea deserat , digestus in nobis : illorum tamen aliquot vires mutuatus est , quos intra defert , plurimorum morborum do●itrices . For concerning this Salt , he not only elsewhere saies : Dicam saltem pro ingenuis , quod Spiritus Salis Tartari , si unicornu , argentum , hydrargyrum , lapides cancrorum , vel aliquod è simplicibus dissolverit , nedum febrim , sed & plures affatim morbos sanet , &c. But in another place he gives us , together with some account of its way of working , this great and comprehensive commendation of it . Mirum sanè , saies he , quantum sal Tartari , vel unicum , volatile factum , non praestiterit : Nam omnem è venis amurcam detergit & obstruentium contumaciam , dispergitque apostematum suscepta conciliabula . De hoc salis ( & non olei ) spiritu , verum est illud Paracelsi , quod quocunque non attigerit vixalius potentior perveniet . These passages I should not think worth transcribing and laying together , but that I find that besides the concurrent Testimonies of Helmont , Paracelsus , and Basilius in prase of this Salt , the generality of the more inquisitive Chymists , without excepting the more sober and judicious , do , by the various and painfull , though fruitlesse , attempts they have made to Volatilize Salt of Tartar , conspire in acknowledging it a thing highly worth labouring for ; nor do I for my part see ( whatever some say to the contrary , and however I have indeed found it more difficult , then perhaps a Novice in Chymistry would think ) it should be impossible , for I have more then once with ease enough , made Gold it self volatile , though it be confessed to be the fixest body in the World , and consequently more fixt then Salt of Tartar , which in an open Vessel , may be in time made to flie away by a vehement fire ; And I have likewise by an unusual Method , that I have elswhere deliver'd , more then once obtain'd from a mixture of crude Tartar , and two or three Mineral bodies good store of true Volatile Salt , which I could see no just cause not to think afforded by the Tartar. But I consesse this may be rather a volatile Salt of Tartar , then Salt ( that is Alcali ) of Tartar made volatile , and therefore the principal thing I mention it for , is to shew you , that Tartar it self , by an unusual way of management , may be b●ought to afford an unusuall kind of Salt. But this I can tell You , that an ingenious acquaintance of mine , whom notwithstanding my wonted distrusts of Chymists , I durst credit , affirm'd to me , that he had himself seen a true and real Sal Tartari volatile made of Alcali of Tartar , and had seen strange things done with it , insomuch that he believ'd most of the things , that Helmont delivers of it . For my part I am inclin'd to think , that Salt of Tartar may be made volatile , ( whether in the form of a Sublimate or a Liquor ) by more wayes then one , though not all of them neer equally good : and whereas one of the best ( if not the very best ) of the wayes of volatilizing it , seems to do it principally with Spirit of Wine , and the great difficulty of that way consists in bringing this Spirit to associate with the salt : I have seen Salt of Tartar of my own , brought to that passe , which great Virtousi have long in vain attempted to bring it unto , namely , to flow readily upon a red hot Iron , and also to take fire , and burn with a conspicuous flame , besides that when it had been dry'd by a smart fire to drive away any parts that did not firmly adhere to it , it would yet readily dissolve in high rectify'd Spirit of Wine , which you know Salt of Tartar will not otherwise do ; not to mention the change of its Alcalizate taste , and other lesser alterations ; but what I can further say of this matter , I must not declare in this place . And Pyro . That You may not be as many other Virtousi , discourag'd from labouring for noble Menstruums , by the confident perswasion of many , who believe Angelus Sala & Guntherus Billychius ( whom I deny not to have been Learned Men , but do not take to have been great M●sters of Chymicall Arcana ) fit to determine with Autho●ity , what can , and what cannot be done by Chymistry , least I say You should be , by such mens inconsiderate severitie , brought to despair of ever seeing any noble Menstruum , that is not sharpe to the taste , nor of any of the three peculiar kinds of Saline Liquor . ( Acid as Aquafortis Urinous , as the Spirits of Blood , Urine , and other Animal substances , nor Alcalizate , as Oyle of Tartar Per deliquium ) I shall assure you , that to my own knowledg there is in the World a kind of Menstruum , that consists of a pure Chryst●lline substance , that is made by the fire , and as truely Saline as Salt of Tartar it self , which strange Salt , though well purified , and readily dissoluble , as well in dephlegmed Spirit of Wine , as common Water , and though it be totably volatile ( whence you may guesse of how Saline a nature it is ) and also be either way reducible to a noble Menstruum , does really tast sweet ; I mean not in the Chymical sense , by want of sowerness ( as when they say that the Calces of corroded and precipitated things are dulcify'd by frequent ablutions ) but by a positive sweetnesse . And whereas the vulgar Saline Menstruums , ( which alone seem to have been known to Sala and Billychius ) are so specificated , if I may so express it , that what an Acid Menstruum dissolves , an Alcalizate , or an Urinous will precipitate , & è converso ; And whichsoever you choose of these three sorts of Menstruums , one of the other two will disarm , and destroy it . I found by tr●al , not only that a Red Tincture of Glass of Antimony , being drawn with a Menstruum that was but a degree to this Liquor , I could not precipitate it like our common Tinctures , either with Spirit of Urine , or an Alcalizate Solution . But that ( which is for more considerable ) though it would readily mix with Acid Spirits , as Oyle of Vitriol , with Volatile and Urinous Spirits , as Spirits of Urine it self , and with Alkalizate Solutions ; yet would neither of these three make any Ebullition at all with it , or seem to work at all upon it . But of such Matters no more at present . ] CHAP. IX . YOu will perhaps expect , Pyrophilus , that , Treating of the advantages that may accrew to the Therapeutical part of Physick , from a more accurate knowledg of Natural Philosophy ; I should tell you with the Chymists , that Chymistry it self , and much more Physiology in its full extent , is not only capable of improving the Pharmaceutical part or Preparation of Remedies ; ( for , that we have confessed already ) but also of affording us a new and much better Methodus medendi , or skill of using the Helps , that Nature or Art hath provided against Diseases . And indeed the Physitians Art is so difficult , and a man must know so many things to be , though not tolerably , yet perfectly skilld in it , that it may without disparagement to Physitians , be thought yet capable of being improved , if not of being reformed . Hippocrates begins his Aphorismes with a complaint , that Life is short , but the Art long . And Paracelsus himself , though he say after his boasting manner , Ars est longa , vita brevis , ubi autem donum finis ( as he speaks ) est , ibi ars est brevis , vita verum longa si arti conferatur : Yet expounding the same words a little above , he saith , Itaque Hippocrates meritò de eo conqueritur : nam & asseclis ipsius idem accidit : Ars medica consistit in Philosophia , Astronomia , Alchymia & Physica , meritò igitur dici potest Artem esse longam . Multum enim requiritur temporis , ad quatuor has Columnas Medicinae disscendas & perscrutandas . Celsus , who hath been stiled Hippocrates Latinorum doth more then once call Physick a Conjectural Art , as particularly in that place where he saith , Est enim haec ars conjecturalis , neque respondet ei plerumque non solum conjectura sed etiam Experientia . And well might these great men acknowledg their Art to be difficult , since the two Instruments ( as Galen calls them ) of finding Arts , being Judgment and Experience , Hippocrates gives this Character of them ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And that Experience may be uncertaine without the Theory of Physick , he that so much builds upon Experiments , Paracelsus himself seems to confess where expounding those words of Hippocrates , he saith , Hoc modo se habuit : Medicina in Principio , ut nullam Theoriam habuerit , sed solum Experientiam hoc laxare , hoc constipare , quomodo autem & cur , id ignoratum fuit : ideo unus salvatus est , alter perditus , nunc autem , &c. And concerning the Critical part of Physick ( to allude to Hippocrates his expression ) Galen who exercised his reason so much about it tells us , that Per rationem judicium haud quaquam facile existit , sed , si quid aliud , maximam habet difficultatem . And to confirm the difficulty of finding the best way of employing reason to the cure of Diseases , not only by the Authority of Galen , but his Arguments ; Let me inform you , that after having told us how difficult a thing , and how rarely to be found is that reason , which considers , and determines what on every occasion is to be done , Neque enim ( addes he ) si veritas esset inventu facilis , tot ac tanti viri in ea quaerenda occupati , in tam contrarias sectas fuissent unquam dispertiti . And Paracelsus , whatever he often elsewhere boastingly affirmeth of himself , yet handsomely enough both expresseth and confesseth the difficulty of being a good Physician , in one of his Prefaces to the Students of Physick , where he saies , Non Titulus , non Eloquentia , non Linguarum peritia , nec multorum Librorum lectio ( & si hac non parum exornant ) in Medico consideranda , sed summa rerum ac Mysteriorum cognitio , quae una facile aliorum omnium vices agit . Rhetoris quidem est diserte posse loqui ac persuadere atque judicem in suam sententiam trahere . Medici autem affectuum genera , causas ac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 novisse , & iis insuper sagacitate ac industriâ Pharmaca applicare , atque pro cujuslibet ingenio ac ratione vel cunctis mederi : But though , Pyrophilus , after the acknowledgments made by such great men of the almost insuperable difficulty of their Art , you would perhaps think it no great presumption , if a man should attempt to innovate in any part of it , and consequently even in the Methodus medendi : Yet Pyrophilus , I am much too young , too unlearned , and to unexperienced , to dare to be dogmaticall in a matter of so great moment . And the Physitians are a sort of men , to whose Learned Writings on almost all subjects , the Commonwealth of Learning is so much beholden , that I would not willingly dissent from them , about those notions in their own profession , wherein they seem generally to agree ; And do very much disapprove the indiscreet practise of our common Chymists and Helmontians , that bitterly and indiscriminately raile at the Methodists instead of candidly acquiescing in those manifest Truths , their Observations have enricht us with , and civilly , and modestly shewing them their Errors where they have been mistaken . And yet , Pyrophilus , Since divers of the eminentest Methodists themselves have more then once ingeniously acknowledged to me , and seriously deplored with me , the incompleatnesse of their Art , ( which perhaps made ( that Learned Prince ) the Late King tell them , that they were at best but good guessers ) and since about divers particular dise●s●● we have observed , the Method of some of the most reputed Doctors in England ( which yet , I think , is at this day as well stored with Learned Men of that profession , as any part of Europe ) not only very differing , but repugnant to each other ; I suppose we may without disrespect to their profession , dissent from the most of them about those cases , about which they are reduced to disagree so much among themselves . And it would be worth an impartial disquisition , whether , since the Methodus medendi ought to be grounded on and accommodated to the Doctrine of Diseases , the new Anatomical discoveries formerly mention'd , and others not yet publish'd do not by innovating divers things in Pathology , require some alterations & amendments in the Methodus Medendi ? But in this particular , I dare yet affirme nothing , and therefore shall proceed to observe to you , that the unusual efficacies of new remedies , may probably make the Method of curing more compendious , because ( as I lately also intimated ) one Medicine may be so richly Qualified , as to answer several intentions , which in the common way , require diversity of Helps and Remedies . Thus , for instance in the Cure of the Kings-Evil , by the received Method , the Physitian must propose to himself several scopes ( suited to several indications ) and prosecute them successively with distinct and appropriated Remedies . But I have ( as I formerly also told you to another purpose ) known a single Specifique Simple , given only in small Beer , in not very many daies , without any sensible Evacuation , wast the peccant humor , appease the pains ( which before were very great ) and discusse the unbroken Tumours , and heal the broken ones . Thus , according to the known Method , the great Remedy in Plurisies is copious Blood-letting , which is strictly prescribed even to Aged persons and teeming Women , by the famousest of our Practitioners , and , I confess , not irrationally , where the Physician is furnisht but with vulgar Remedies : and yet by some Helmontian Medicines , we have known Plurisies cured even in young men , without Phlebotomy , and our selves some while since made a succesful trial of that Nature in a young Gentleman not unknown to you , which I mention not , with Helmont , to reject or so much as to disparage Phlebotomy in this disease ( for so it be moderate and seasonable Experience shewes it frequently proves useful ) nor as if we had observed all Helmonts boasted Remedies ( though for the most part good ones ) to be constantly succesful ; but to give you an instance of the truth , of what I was saying before , That new and more generous Remedies may so far alter the received Methodus Medendi , as to make divers of its prescriptions unnecessary . Of this truth , Pyrophilus , another instance might be afforded us by the Rickets , a new and abstruse Disease , at least as is supposed , and sometimes so stubborn , that one of the famousest Physicians in Europe , ( whom I think I need not name ) hath not been able of late to cure it in several of his own Children . And yet I suppose you may have heard that Excellent Person your Mother , several times mention her having performed divers cures ( some of them improbable enough ) of this Disease , barely by that slight preparation of Colcothar , lately taught you , and presented Her by us ; And by which ( we having made and distributed , at Her desire , a considerable quantity of it ) several other Persons have freed Children from that disfiguring Sickness : Of which , but few Moneths since , your little Cousin D. being sick almost past hope , vvas a while since brought out of danger , by Gods blessing upon some of the same Remedy , wherewith we presented her Mother , together with our perswasions to try it on her own Child , as she had successfully done on the Children of divers others . And yet this Remedie ( to adde that upon the By , in favour of something to be said anon ) works almost insensibly , save that in many bodies it is , especially at first , diaphoretique . And this property of ●●at Remedie minds me to adde , that it would not be amiss for Physitians , to consider whether or no ( However , Bleeding , Purging , Vomiting , Issues , Glisters , Scarifications , and those other painful wayes of Evacuation be not ( however Chymists are too bitterly and unreservedly wont to reject them ) to be altogether condemned and laid aside , yet ) there may not in some particular diseases and bodies be found more gentle , and yet effectual waies of discharging Nature of that which offends her , then those painful and debilitating ones , which we have mentioned ( without the use of one of the chief of which namely Phlebotomy we see that almost all kind of Diseases are cured in Children . ) The contributing to render the waies of Cure less painful and weakning , would gratifie so great a part of those who may need Physick , th●t I hope you will easily pardon my spending some Pages to that purpose . I consider then , that oftentimes the peccant matter , though very offensive by its qualities , is much lesser then is supposed , in quantity , and might , if we were but Masters of Specifique Remedies , either be breathed out by insensible transpiration , or carried off by Sweat or Urine , without tormenting , or weakning the Patient , by those other copious Evacuations of grosser Matter , which are alwaies troublesome and painful enough , though not alwaies effectual : Nay that even in Chirurgery it self , if those that practise it were as knowing as Nature has been bountifull , there would not be so often a necessity as 't is commonly supposed there is of mutilating or tormenting the Patient to recover him . You cannot doubt , unless You will denie what Gulielmus Piso affirmes , upon his own Observation , of the Cures done by the illiterate Indian Empericks . The passage You have seen already ; But to it he adds so notable and ingenious an acknowledgment , that I cannot but honour him for it , and be willing to make way for the Credibility of a good part of what we are hereafter to deliver , in this discourse , by premising it . Immo ( continues he ) ex venenatorum fungorum aliorumque toxicorum esu , solo potu infusi recentis radicis Jaborandi in instanti à letho vindicatos , me aliisque Galeni Nepotibus haud parum pudore suffusis , post tot alexipharmacorum & theriacalium Antidotalium irritos conatus . Ita ut postea ejusmodi collegas barbaros subinde mihi adjungi passus sim , non adeo quidem nostratium valetudinem ad tactum arteriarum moderari quam dictis modis consilii copiam praebere solitos . Thus farre he : Which premis'd , let us proceed to consider , more particularly , some of the less painful wayes of freeing men from Diseases . CHAP. X. THat great Cures may be done by bare outward Applications , You will scarce deny , if you dis-believe not the Relations which are made us , by Learned Men , concerning the Efficacy of the Lapis Nephriticus , only , bound upon the Pulses of the Wrist's ( chiefly that of the left Hand ) against that stuborn and anomulous Disease the Stone : And that which gives the more credit to these Relations is , That not only the Judicious (a) Anselmus Boetius de Boot seems to prize it , but the Famous Monardes professeth Himself not to write by Hear-say , of the great Vertues of this Indian Stone , but to have made tryal of it Himself upon persons of very high Quality : And that which is related by (b) Monardes is much less strange , then those almost incredible things which are with many ci●cumstances delivered of that Stone , by the Learned Chymist (c) Untzerus . And although it must be acknowledged , That some Stones , that go under that name , have been ineffectually applied in Nephritick Distempers , Yet the accurate Johannes de Laet Himself , furnisheth us with an Answer to that Objection , informing us that many of those Nephritick Stones ( which differ much in Colour , though the best are wont to be greenish ) although not at all Counterfeited , or Sophisticated , are of little or no Vertue . But that yet there are some others of them which can scarce be d●stinguished from the former , but by tryal upon Nephritick persons , which are of wonderful Efficacy , as he Himself hath more then once tryed in his own Wife . Garcias ab Orta ( lib : 1. cap : 53. ) mentions a Stone , found in Balagat , call'd Alaqueca ; of which he tells us , That though it be cheap , Hujus tamen virtus ( to use his own words ) reliquarum Gemmarum facultates exuperat , quippe qui sanguinem undiquaque fluentem illico sistat . Monardes ( cap : 35. ) relates the great Vertues of a Stone against Hystericall Suffocations , and concludes , Cum uteri Suffocationem imminentem praesentiunt , adhibito lapide subito levantur , & si eum perpetuo gestant ( Hysterici ) nunquam simili morbo corripiuntur , exempla hujusmodi faciunt ut his rebus fidem adhibeam . The same Author in the next Chapter , treating of the Lapis Sanguinaris , or Blood Stone , found in new Spain , ( having told us , that the Indians do most confidently believe , that if the Flesh of any Bleeding part be touched with this Stone , the Bleeding will thereby be stanched ) adds this memorable Observation of his own , Vidimus nonnullos haemorrhoidum fluxu afflictos remedium sensisse , annulos ex hoc lapide confectos in digito continue gestando ; nec non & Menstruum fluxum sisti . And of the formerly mentioned Lapis Porcinus , the Experienced Bontius ( having mentioned how the Indians give the Wine wherein it hath been steeped , against the Disease called Cholera ; which is as much and as justly feared , by the Islanders of Java , as the Plague is in Holland ) adds this memorable passage , Pragnantibus tamen hic lapis non bene datur ; nam abortum provocare adeo certum est , ut foeminae Malaicae mihi retulerint ut si quando Menstrua eorum purgatio non bene procedat , si saltem hunc lapidem manu gestent juvamentum se inde sentire . And the relations , Pyrophilus , that I may in another place present You with , concerning the wonderful Stone , formerly mentioned , with which your Grandfather performed such eminent Cures , ( particularly of the Stone in the Lord of Falkland , then Deputy of Ireland , and others , to whose Backs it was applyed ) will , I suppose , make You the more readily give credit to the Relations of the Authors we have newly mention'd . What Monardes mentions of the Vertue of the Lapis Sanguinaris , to Cure Haemorrhoidal Fluxes , puts me in mind of a yet much stranger thing , which Helmont affirmes , namely , That he could make a Mettal , of which , if a Ring were worn , the pain of the Haemorrhoids would be taken away , in the little time requisite to recite the Lords prayer ; and within twenty four Hours the Haemorrhoids themselves , as well internal as external , how protuberant so ever , would vanish , and the restagnant Blood would ( as he speaks ) be received again into favour , and be restored to a good condition . The same Ring he also commends in the suffocation and irregular motion of the Womb , and divers other Diseases : But if Paracelsus be in any case to be credited in an unlikely matter , We may think , by his very solemn Protestations , that he speaks upon his own experience ; That he had a Ring made of a Metalline substance , by him called Electrum , ( which , by his description , seems to be a mixture of all the Mettals joyn'd together under certain Constellations ) which was of far greater Vertue then this of Helmont ; For , hoc loco ( sayes he ) non possum non indicare admirandas quasdam vires virtutesque electri nostri , quas fieri his nostris oculis vidimus , adeoque cum bona veritatis conscientia proferre attestarique possumus . Vidimus enim hujus generis annulos , quos qui induit , hunc nec spasmus convulsit , nec Paralysis corripuit , nec dolor ullus torsit , similiter nec apoplexia , nec epilepsia invasit . Et si annulus hujusmodi Epileptici digito annulari , etiam in paroxysmo saevissimo , insertus fuit , remittente ilico paeroxismo , aeger à lapsu ilico resurrexit . &c. But to take notice of some other outward Remedies . To our present Theme belongs that noble Cure , performed by the Famous and experienced Fabritius ab Aquape●dente ; who tells us , That he Cured a man of a Scirrhus Lienis , and a Dropsy , by the long use of Sponges , moistned with strong common Lime Water , and then expressed and worne upon the Spleen ; notwithstanding the Muscles of the Abdomen , and all the other parts that ly betwixt the applyed Spong and the part affected . And to this we may adde , the strange Cures mention'd by Kircherus ; and confirmed to me , by a Learned Eye witness , to be frequently performed of very dangerous Diseases , in that Cave , neer Rome , where the Patients being exposed stark naked , and tyed Hand and Foot , upon Beds of Straw ; and being by the Sulphureous vapour of the place and sometimes their own fear , cast into a sweat , are lick'd well by a great number of peculiar kind of Serpents that inhabit that Grotta . Moreover , We oftentimes see Agues Cured by Amulets and Applications to the Wrists . And I my self was , about two Years since , strangely Cured of a violent Quotidian , which all the wonted Method of Physick had not so much as abated , by applying to my Wrists a mixture of two handfuls of Bay-Salt , two handfuls of the freshest English Hops , and a quarter of a Pound of blew Currants very diligently beaten into a brittle Mass , without the addition of any thing moist , and so spread upon Linen Cloth and tyed about the Wrists . And with the same Remedies ( which yet we have observed sometimes to fail ) have divers others been cured , both of Quotidian and Tertian Agues : Nay an Eminent Physitian gave me , lately , thanks for the great Effects he had found of it , even in continual Feavers . And here , Pyrophilus , I shall not scruple to acquaint You , with my having sometimes wished , That Physitians had been a little mo●e curious to make Observations and Tryals of the distinct Operations of various Bodies outwardly applyed . For I consider that , in some of them , the subtle Corpuscles , ( which seem to insinuate themselves into the Pores of the Body , and into the Mass of Blood , with little or no alteration ) have much the like Operations with the Body whence they exhale , taken in at the Mouth . As we see in some Preparations of Sulphur , which have like Vertues , inwardly given and outwardly applyed ; and more manifestly in Cantharides , which I have found , by external application , to work strangly upon the Bladder , as that they excoriated it when taken into the Body ; & yet more manifestly in Quick-silver , which by inunction may be made as well to Salivate , as if it were swallow'd down . And an eminent Physitian lately complain'd to me , That washing a Childs scabby Head with a Decoction of Tobacco , to kill and dry up the Scabs , the Boy was made thereby both sick and drunk : And Learned Men assure us , That , by some Catharticks outwardly applyed , those may be purg'd that will not swallow Physick . But other Medicines there are , which , before they get into the Mass of Blood , are much alter'd ; either in straining through the Flesh and Membranes of the Body , or in the Digestions they pass through in the Stomack , and elsewhere : And these may have very differing Effects , inwardly given and outwardly applyed ; as , in the formerly mention'd instance of Hops , Currans and Salt , neither any of the Ingredients inwardly given , nor the mixture hath been ( that I know of ) noted for any Febrifugal Vertues . So likewise Turpentine and Soot that inwardly taken are good for quite other Diseases , ( as Plurisies , and Obstructions of the Kidneys ) outwardly applyed are the main Ingredients of Pericarpiums , extoll'd against Agues . And Mille-folium or Yarrow , besides the Vertues it hath inwardly against Diseases of quite other Natures , being worn in a little Bag upon the tip of the Stomack , was ( as Himself confess'd to me ) the Secret , against Agues , of a great Lord , who was very curious of Receipts and would sometimes purchase them at very great Rates ; And a very famous Physitian , of my acquaintance , did since inform me , That he had used it with strange success . I know also a very happy Physitian , who assures me , That he hath very often cured , both in himself and others , the Chilblains when they come to be broken , by barely strowing on the sore parts the fine powder of Quinces thinly slic'd and dryed . And who knows what unexpected Operations divers other Bodies may have , when outwardly applyed , if various Trials of that Nature were skilfully made ; especially , since we see that ( for reasons elsewhere to be considered ) some Bodies seem to have quite contrary Operations , when outwardly applyed and inwardly taken . For we see that Spirit of Wine does , in several cases , allay the inflammation of the external parts , which given inwardly , would quickly inflame the body . And our often commended Piso , speaking of a choise Remedy for those Distempers of the Eyes , that used to trouble Men in Brasil , addes , Idem quoque praestat manipahera , ex radice Mandihoca , quae licet pota venenosa habeatur ( as we formerly noted out of his and other Testimonies ) oculis tamen prodest , visumque emendat . And if the Simples , to be outwardly applied , be skilfully prepar'd , That may much vary and improve their operations . As we see that Vitriol , which is made of Copper , or Iron corroded by , and Coagulated with Acid Salts , hath outwardly divers Vertues which crude Copper has not , either outwardly or inwardly . And Gold D●ssolved in Aqua R●gis , and precipitated vvith Oyle of Tartar , is invvardly , as far as I can discover , gently Purgative ; yet the same Aurum fulminans being calcin'd vvith tvvice or thrice it 's weight of Flovvers of Brimstone , till the Flores be burnt away , is known to be much commended by Chymists , and others , for a Diaphoretick . But though , as to any outward Vertues of the same Powder , Physitians and Chymists are wont to be silent , yet probably it may have very great ones , as well as quite differing from those it has , being taken at the Mouth . For I know a Person , that being grievously tormented with exulcerated Haemorrhoides , a very expert Chymist of my acquaintance , not knowing what else to do , applied to the part affected , an Oyntment consisting onely of Aurum fulminans prepared and fixed by a slight and familiar way ( which you may command ) and made up with a little Oyle of sweet Almonds , into a requisite consistence ; and though presently upon the application of the Remedy , the pain for a quarter of an Houre hugely increased , yet soon after it abated , and the Hemorrhoids the next day were closed , and the day after went away ; Nor has the Patient ever since ( that is , for some Years ) been troubled with any thing of Relapse . And the same Physician assures me , that with the like Remedy he has found a strange effect in Venereal Ulcers . And perhaps to this may be referred what has been found by some friends of mine , that Phlegm of Vitriol , and Saccharum Saturni , which not only inwardly given are said much to cool the Blood , but outwardly applied are good for Burns and hot Humours , do yet potently discusse cold Tumours . But least you should say , that this diversity may proceed ( at least in part ) from the Corpuscles of differing Natures , that may be imagined in the forementioned Medicines ; I shall return to what I was discoursing of before , and take notice of the Efficacy of some other external Remedies . [ Since the beginning of this ESSAY , I saw a lusty and very sprightful Boy , Child to a Famous Chymical Writer , who , as his Father assu●'d me and others , being by some Enemies of this Physitians , when he was yet an Infant , so bewitcht that he constantly lay in miserable torment , and still refusing the Breast , was reduc'd by pain and want of food to a desperate condition , the experienc'd Relater of the Story , remembring that Helmont attributes to the Electum Minerale immaturum Paracelsi the Vertue of relieving those whose distempers come from Witchcraft , did according to Helmonts prescription hang a piece of this Noble Mineral about the Infants Neck , so that it might touch the Pit of the Stomack , whereupon presently the Child , that could not rest in I know not how many Daies and Nights before , fell for a while a sleep , and waking well , cry'd for the Teat , which he greedily suck'd , from thenceforth hastily recovering , to the great wonder , both of his Parents , and several others that were astonish'd at so great and quick a change . And though I am not forward to impute all those Diseases to Witchcraft , which even Learned Men Father upon it ; yet it s considerable in our present case , that whatsoever were the cause of the Disease , the Distemper was very great and almost hopeless , and the cure suddenly perform'd by an outward application , and that of a Mineral ; in which compacted sort of Bodies , the finer parts are thought to be more lock'd up . ] Among the proofs of the efficacy of appended Remedies , we must not pretermit the memorable Examples , that are deliver'd by the Judicious Boëtius de Boot , concerning the Vertues of that sort of Jasper , which is blood red throughout the whole Body of the Stone , not being mingled with any Colour : Testari possum ( saies he ) me , qui alias lapidibus & geminis tantas vires , quantas vulgus solet , non tribuo , credibile vix , de Jaspidis viribus , observasse . Nam cum ancilla fluxu menstruorum ita laborasset per aliquot dies , ut nullo modo sisti posset , Jaspidem rubram impolitam & rudem femori alligari jussi . Alius ( in eadem Domo ) cum in pede vulneratus esset , nec sanguinis fluxus cohiberi posset , admoto lapide , extemplo impeditus fuit , licet vulnus non tegeretur . To these he adjoynes a much more memorable Example , of a Maid he cur'd at Prague , who had been for six Years sick of an Hemorrhagy so vehement , that there scarce ever pass'd a Week , in which she did not several times Bleed , neither could she be reliev'd by any Remedies , though she had long us'd them , till she was quite tired with them ; wherefore our Author setting them all aside , lent her a Jasper , of whose Vertues in such cases he had made good trial , to hang about her Neck , which when she did , the flux of Blood presently ceas'd , and she afterwards for curiosity sake , oftentimes laying aside the Stone , and as often as she needed it , applying it again , observ'd , That whereas the flux of Blood did not presently return upon the absence of the Jasper , but after divers Weeks , yet upon the hanging it on again it would presently be stopt , so that she could not ascribe the relief to any thing but the Stone , by which our Author tells us , that at length she was quite cur'd : And speaking of the praises given by others to Green Iasper speckled with Red , he concludes , Sed ego , quod multoties expertus sum , refero . But amongst the Operations of outwardly appended Medicines , I have scarce met with a stranger then that which the Experienc'd Henricus ab Heer , mentions in the fourteenth of those Observations which he truely stiles Rare , namely , That a Woman , who had by an unskilful Mid-wife the Bladder Lacerated , and thereby been subject to a perpetual Incontinentia Vrinae , and had been reduc'd constantly to wear a Silver Pipe , was perfectly help'd , by wearing , as a Gypsie had taught her , a little Bag hung about her Neck , containing the Powder made of a live Toad , burnt in a New Pot : Which relation I the rather mention , not only because the Author having try'd the Remedy upon a Merchant , to whom an unskilful Lythotomist had left the like Disease , found it presently to succeed ; But because having been very desirous to have further trial made of so odd a Remedy , by a curious Physitian , he lately gave me this Account of it , that though in one or two it had fail'd , yet having given some of the powder to an inquisitive Person , known to us both , he assur'd him it had succeeded in two or three . ( and the Disease is too unfrequent , to give occasion to have the Remedy often tried ) And the Physitian adds , that one of those Patiens tels him , ( the Physitian ) That though her infirmity were occasion'd by a Laceratio Vesicae , yet the yet the Remedy helps her as long as she wears it about her , in case she renew the Powder , when the Vertue of it begins to decay : but that ( which is remarkable to our present purpose ) if she leaves it off awhile , she findes the Disease return . The same Henricus ab Heer , among his freshly commended Observations , hath another of a little Lady , whom he concludes to have been cast into the strange and terrible D●stemper , which he there p●rticularly Records , by Witchcraft . Upon so severe an examination of the Symptoms made by himself , in his own House , that if , notwithstanding his solemn Professions of veracity , he mis-relate them not , I cannot wonder he should confidently impute so prodigious a Disease to some supernatural cause . But though the Observation , with its various Circumstances , be very well worth your perusing ; yet that , for which I here take notice of it , is , what he adds about the end of it , concerning his having cured her , after he had in despair of her Recovery sent her back to her Parents , by an outward Medicine , namely , an Ointment which he found extoll'd against Pains produc'd by Witchcraft , in a Dutch Book of Carrichter's : ( where also I remember I met with it set down a little differently from what he delivers ) Of which wonderful Ointment , the Ingredient that he found so extreamly difficult to procure , namely , The Misseltoe of Hazel , being in England not so rare , but that I have more then once got it , and found it , as he intimates , very green , and ( what he mentions not ) extreamly bitter , I could wish that those that have the opportunity would make tryal . For besides what Carrichter deliv●rs , and our Author relates of it , a Learned Physitian did highly commend it to the Judicious Gregorius Horsius . And though , if we allow it to cure bewitch'd Patients , the vertue that may be in external Remedies , will be made so much the more conspicuous ; yet supposing the Diseases to be , though strange , yet but natural , we cannot but allow that there may be a wonderful efficacy in an outward Remedy , since it was able , onely by anointing the Joints , and those pained parts with it , to cure a radicated Disease , attended with such wonderful and horrid Symptoms . And after this it may seem but little , what else would appear a strange thing , which Helmont affirms of a Plaister he had , wherewith he tells us , That he safely cur'd hundreds of Quartans , even Autumnal , without relapse : elsewhere he saith , That he made this Plaister , for by the Circumstances I presume he means no other , of a few resolving and abstersive things ; and adds , That it never fail'd him , but onely that in fat Persons it succeeded more slowly . And yet in these , and the like ways of curing Diseases , though approv'd , if not also commended , by eminent Physitians both Ancient and Modern , there is no sensible evacuation made of peccant Humors , which perhaps materially remain in the Body , and may , by the Effluvia of these Remedies , be deprived of their former Qualities , and made so far obsequious to nature , that she is able , if need be , to ease her self of them by Sweat , Urine , or undiscerned transpiration . And that the peccant Humors remaining for awhile materially in the Body , the Disease may sometimes be removed , may appear by the Cures which we see now and then performed of Agues by suddain frights ; by which no discernable evacuation is made of Humors , though probably some considerable change be thereby produced in the temper of the mass of Blood , or in the Texture of the Morbifick Matter : ( as Physitians call it ) As seems probable both from divers other things mention'd here and there in this Essay , and particularly from the lately recited Passage of Helmont , where he takes notice of the rectifying of the peccant , and , by Nature , rejected Blood , without any sensible evacuation upon the wearing of His Ring . I knew a Gentleman , a strong and a resolute Man , who had been long a Souldier , and attained the highest sort of Military Employments ; notwithstanding which , he was strangely fearful of Rats , and could not endure the sight of them : This Gentleman , having been long troubled with an obstinate Quartan , and travelled with it into several Countries , without being able to finde any Cure for it , coming at length accidentally and suddenly into a place where a great Rat was in a corner , whence he could not flie from the Gentleman , he furiously leap'd upon him ( yet without biting him ) and thereby put him into a fright , which freed him from the Ague that had so long importuned him . And the experienced Salmuth tells us a pleasant Observation , of one who was cured even of the Gout by a fright . For this Man having his Feet and Hands covered with a Poultis , made of Turneps , Flower and Milk , and being left in his Chair in a low Room , was , whil'st his Servants were all gone into the Garden , assaulted by a Sow , who finding the Door open , and invited by the smell of the Cataplasm , came to devour it ; and striving to do so , flung the sick Man and the Chair to the Ground , and put him into such a fright , that our Author tells us , That that very Day his Pains decreased , and continued lessening by degrees , till at length they wholly left him , without ever returning to trouble him again . There are divers Instances that discover what great changes may be produced in the Body , without taking in any thing visibly at the Mouth . And on the other side a good Air alone doth often , in Consumptions and other Diseases , perform what hath in vain been expected from the use of emptying Physick . It were to be wished that we had , among our European Physitians , the Physick Books of those of China ; For though our Doctors are much more Learned Men then theirs , yet probably their Writings and their Practise may teach us something that is new , and something making for our present purpose . For the famous Jesuite Semedo informs us , That the Books of our Physitians having not yet been brought to China , they are instructed in their Art by abundance of their own Writers ; and that though in their practise they do not let Blood ( as th● Learned Varenius tells us , That neither do the Japonian Doctors ) or set Cupping-glasses , though they use no Syrrups , nor Potions , nor any Issues , but are onely Herbarists , using nothing but Herbs , Roots , Fruits , Seeds , &c. yet Physick ( to use our Authors Words ) is in a very good condition in China . ( as Almeida also tells us , That the Physitians are much esteemed in Japan ) And of the skill of some of the Chineses in that Art , he gives us in the same Chapter some considerable Instances . And though , as we said it is very likely that their Doctors are much inferior , in point of Le●rning to ours , yet it is considerable , that in so vast , so civiliz'd , and so poulous a Countrey , Physick can be practised with reputation , without the use of those Evacuations which are here so frequently made by Phlebotomy , Potions and Issues . Nor should we onely expect some improvement to the Therapeutical part of Physick , from the Writings of s● ingenious People as the Chineses ; but probably the knowledge of Physitians might be not inconsiderably increased , if Men were a little more curious to take notice of the Observations and Experiments , suggested partly by the practise of Midwives , Barbers , old Women , Empericks , and the rest of that illiterate crue , that presume to meddle with Physick among our selves ; and partly by the Indians and other barbarous Nations , without excepting the People of such part of Europe it self , where the generality of Men is so illiterate and poor , as to live without Physitians . For where Physick is practised by Persons that never studyed the Art of it in Schools or Books , many things are wont to be rashly done , which though perhaps prejudicial , or even fatal to those on whom they were tryed , may afford very good Hints to a Learned and Judicious Observer : Besides , where the Practitioners of Physick are altogether illite●ate , there oftentimes Specificks ; may be best met with . For such Persons , being wont , for want of skill in Physick , and part●cularly the Art of m●xing Simples , and in that of varying their Remedies according to Circumstances , do almost wholly rely upon Specificks ; whose Ve●tues , from their practise , may be sometimes better gathered , then from that of skilful Physitians , in regard that those Empericks ( besides , that they assist not with any skill in the Methodus medendi the vertues of their Remedies ) are wont , for the Reasons newly mention'd , to try obstinately , and to the uttermost , the eff●cts of their few specificks . And the nature o● their Medicines may be the better known , in regard they are not wont to blend them , as Learned Men but too often do , with many other Ingredients , whose Mixture , as we formerly noted , either alters their nature , or makes it difficult to determine ( as Galen himself in a like case confesseth , Nam ut verum fateamur haec difficilis quoque res est & rara inventu cùm post multa remedia adhibita agrotanti quod ex iis in causa fuisse dicitur ut melius pejusve habeat ) whether the effect be to be ascribed to what is given for the specifick , or to some other of the Ingredients , or to the whole Compound as such . The experienced Bontius , in his excellent little Tract De Medicina Indorum , doth more then once confess , That it is very undeservedly that the Europeans look upon the East Indians as Barbarians . And even of those among them , that are ignorant of other things , he hath this Passage , Hinc etiam fit quod homines caeteris rebu● idiotae tam exactam herbarum & stirpium nanciscantur scientiam ut si vel Doctissimus Pawius , nostri avi Botanicorum princeps è mortuis resurgens huc veniret , miraretur se ab hisce hominibus barbaris doceri posse . And Linschoten in his Voyages , speaking of th●t F●mous Mart of the East Indies , the City of Goa , where the Viceroy and the Arch-Bishop resided , and he himself lived : These Heathenish Physitians ( saith he , mentioning those of Goa ) do not onely cu●e their own Nation and Country-men , but even the Portugals also ; for even the Viceroy himself , the A●ch-Bishop , and all the Monks and Fryers , do put more trust in them then in their own Country-men , whereby they get great store of Money , and are much honored and esteemed . I have not now the leisure to acquaint you with what I might alledge , to confirm this truth out of the practises of the illiterate Natives of some not yet sufficiently civiliz'd parts of Ireland , and the Inhabitants of some other places where Physitians have not yet setled : But I shall minde you of the Confession of Celsus , where speaking of Physick , Haec nunquam ( saith he ) non est : siquidem etiam imperitissimae gentes herbas aliaque prompta in auxilium vulnerum morborumque noverunt . And I wish that other Learned Men would imitate the commendable example not onely of Prosper Alpinus , who Writ a Treatise De Medicinâ Aegyptiorum ; and of Jacobus Bontius , in his Medicina Indorum , but of Gulielmus Piso , who hath lately presented the World with the rude ways of curing , used by the Brasilians themselves , in his new and curious Books De Medicina Brasiliensi , in the beginning of the second of which , he much confirms what we have been delivering , in the ensuing Passage : Quemadmodum multa in tam crassa Barbarie cruda vel corrupta arteque Hippocraticâ indigna reperiuntur ; sic etia● non pauca utilissima antiquitatem redolentia : quae vel eruditissimos medicos ad urnas medicinae subjiciunt , observanda occurunt . Quippe cum multarum Artium rudimenta vel ab ipsis Animantibus brutis ( quibus benigna mater Natura arte insita imprimis curandis morbis destitui noluit ) ad nos redundare fatendum sit ; Quis dubitet ab his mortalibus , licet remotissimis à dogmaticâ & rationali medendi arte , non plurima nobilissima at secreta remedia atque antidota , medendi morbos veteribus incognitos quotidiè ad posteros derivari ? quibus paulatim ad manum traditis & tandem quasi in succum & sanguinem à rationalibus conversis doctorum scholae & libri superbiunt ? And to this agrees very well that grave saying of our experienc'd Harvey , to the very Learned Doctor Ent : Nulla gens tam Barbara est quae non aut fortuitò , aut inevitabili quadam necessitate coacta , aliquid in usum communem adinvenerit quod Nationes alias humaniores latuit . Nor should we disdain the Remedies of such illiterate People , onely because of their being unacquainted with our Theory of Physick . For though I will not say , as the old Empericks wittily enough did in that Passage of Celsus , Requirere etiam , ratio idem doceat quod experientia , an aliud ? Si idem supervacuum esse , si aliud etiam contrarium . But lest we should , by too great reliance on the Galenical , or other ancient Opinions , neglect useful Remedies , because presented by Persons that ignore them , and perhaps too , hold Opinions contrary to them , I shall leave you to consider what is in the Person of the same Emperical Sect , represented by Celsus , where having spoken of the darkness of the causes of Things , and the uncertainty of the Theorems of Physick : Ac nihil istas cogitationes ( saith he ) ad Medicinam pertinere , eo quoque disci , quod qui diversa de his senserint ad eandem tamen sanitatem homines perduxerint . Id enim fecisse , quia non ab obscuris causis neque à naturalibus actionibus , quae apud eos diversae erant : sed ab Experimentis , prout cuique respondeant , medendi vias traxerint , ne inter initia quidem ab istis quaestionibus deductam esse medicinam sed ab Experimentis , &c. For though this Sentence ascribes too little to reason , yet there is something in it that deserves to be considered : Especially since we observe not that the late Anatomical Discoveries of the motion of the Chyle and Limphatick Liquor , by formerly unknown ways , in newly detected Vessels , hath yet made Men cure Diseases much better then before . Not that I think that Anatomical and Pathological Discoveries will not , in process of time ( when the Historia facti shall be fully and indisputably made out , and the Theories thereby suggested , clearly establish'd ) highly conduce to the improvement of the Therapeutical part of Physick ; but yet this Observation may make it the more reasonable to beware of relying so much upon the yet disputable Opinions of Physitians , as to despise all Practises , though usually successful , th●t agree not with them : For of such our Author speaks well , In omnibus ejusmodi cogitationibus in utramque partem disseri posse , itaque ingenium & facundiam vincere : morbos autem non eloquentiâ sed remediis curari ; quae si quis elinguis usu discreta benè nôrit , hunc aliquanto majorem medicum futurum quam si , sine usu , linguam suam excoluerit . And Paracelsus spoke well too , if he spoke truly , when in one of his Prefaces , speaking to those whom he invited to hear him expound his Books of Phyfick and Chyrurgery at Basil , Illos tamen ( saith he of the formerly mentioned Books ) non aliorum mo●e ex Hippocrate aut Galeno , aut quibuslibet emendicatus , sed quos summa rerum doctrina , experientia atque labore assequut us sum , proinde si quid probaturus experimenta , ac ratio , auctorum loco , mihi suffragantur . It would , Pyrophilus , I fear , be tedious to trouble you here with all that I have met with in good Authors applicable to my present subject , and the Design I have been prosecuting in favor of external Remedies : But yet one Passage there is , which doth so notably confirm what we have deliver'd , as well touching the Efficacy of simple Medicines , as the great cures that may , in divers cases , be perform'd by outward Applications , that I must not here omit the mentioning of it , as I find it in the Epistle Written out of Peru to the inquisitive Monardes , in these words : In urbe Posto , ubi aliquot annis vixi , omnis generis morbos Indus quidam curabat solo cujusdam Plantae succo artubus & parti affectae illito . Aegros deinde stragulis egregiè tegebat ad sudorem provocandum : Sudor è partibus illitis emanans , merus sanguis erat , quem lineis pannis abstergebat , atque ita in curatione pergebat , donec satis sudasse putaret , optimis interea cibis eos alens . Eo Remedio multi morbi deplorati curabantur , imò agri juniores & robustiores ab ejus usu fieri videbantur ; sed neque pretio , neque precibus , neque minis unquam ●fficere potuimus , ut eam plantam nobis demonstraret . CHAP. XI . BUt , Pyrophilus , besides such external Medicines as work after the manner of those I have heretofore mention'd , we may possibly without absurdity , provided we do it without cre●ulity , enquire , Whether there may not be a sort of others that operate , in a more wonderful and extraordinary way ? And it would not perhaps be altogether unworthy the Experiment , to try whether or no , there may not sometimes be performed , such cures as are wont to pass , either for Fabulous or Magical ; some of them being to be done without exhibiting , or applying any thing immediatly to the Patient , and others by some such unknown wayes as those which Chymists call , either Magnetism , or Transplantation : such as are the cures reported to be perform'd by the Weapon-salve , and Sympathetick Powder , and such as is that cure of the Yellow Jaundice ( mention'd with some variation by Paracelsus ) wh●rein seven or nine cakes ( for it must , forsooth , be an odde number ) are made up with the newly emitted and warm Urine of the Patient , and the Ashes of Ashwood , and buried for some daies in a Dunghil . For it is not only by the easie and superstitious vulgar , that the possibility of performing such cures , by transplantation , or some other Magnetical way ( as they are pleas'd to call it ) hath been believed ; For within the compasse of my own slender reading , I find that divers Eminent Physicians , have both made use of , and commended Magnetical Remedies . What is to be thought of the Sympathetick Powder ; I confesse I am as yet in doubt , but however I shall take this occasion to inform you , That a very honest Gentleman , whom his Pen has made known to a great part of the Learned Men , and Virtuosi in Europe , complaining often to me , that though he were much troubled with , that sad disease , the Stone in the Bladder , yet he was more incessantly tormented with an Ulcer he had in the same part ( all the searching Medicines that he took to dissolve , as he hop'd , the Stone , exasperating the Ulcer : ) I one day advis'd him to make trial of the Powder of Sympathy , upon some of the Ulcerous Matter he voided with his Urine ; the Remedy being such , as if it had a Magnetick Virtue , might do him good , and if it had none , could not prejudice him ; a while after , I receiv'd both from him in a Letter , and from his Physician very great thanks for the advice ; the Patient having since the use of the Powder , been eas'd of the distinct pain he was put to by the Ulcer , and this relief lasted , if I misremember not , above a Year , and how much longer I know not . But I shall not insist either upon this , or upon the Testimonies and Relations of Paracelsus , Helmont , Goclenius , Burgravius , nor even the modern Roman Doctor Servius , nor any of the other Authors that do professedly take upon them the defence of the Weapon-Salve , by reason of what we have elsewhere to Write to you , by way of Examination of that Salve , and the Sympathetick Powder , though I deny not in some Trials , I have found them unavailable ; Yet besides what I have newly related , I have seen sometimes something follow upon the use of the Symathetick Powder , that did incline me to think , that sometimes it might work Cures . But I shall alleadg something of more unsuspected credit , and first Dominicus Panarola now Professor of Physick at Rome in his newly divulged Fasciculus Arcanorum presents us two instances to our present purpose , in these wor●s . Mira ( say's he ) quotidie reperiuntur in Medicina ad confirmationem operis quod Doctissimus Physicus , Petrus Servius ( the same we lat●ly mentioned ) complevit de unguento armario , sciendum ●st , quòd petia sanguine imbuta sub cineribus calidis posita menses sistit experimento pluries comprobata : quin etiam Magister meus Petrus Castellus whose name his late Anatomy of the Civet Cat , and other Writings have made Famous ) ajebat se expertum fuisse Hemorrihoides , si tangantur tuberosa radice Chondrilla , siccari , si Chondrilla siccetur ; corrumpi vero si corrumpatur : quapropter sub Camino exsiccanda ponitur , post hujusmodi tactum Chondrilla tuberosa . The Learned Salmuth in his Observations furnishes us with an Example of a most violent pain of the Arme , removed by Transplantation : They did beat up Red Corals with Oaken leaves , and having kept them on the part affected , till suppuration ; they did in the Morning put this mixture into an Hole bored with an Auger in the Root of an Oak , respecting the East , and stopt up this Hole with a Peg , made of the same Tree , from thenceforth the pain did altogether cease , and when they took out the Amulet , immediately the torments returned sharper then before . A great and excellent Lady ( a near Kinsvvoman , Pyrophilus , of yours and mine ) and very far from credulous , confess'd to me , as did her servants also , that with the above mentioned Remedie of Ashes and Urine , she was not only once cured of the Yellow Jaundice , by a Friend of hers that had observed , that she had been fruitlesly vexed by a Tedious course of Physick , prescribed by the famousest Doctor then in England ; but that afterwards relapsing into that same Disease she had cured her self by the same Remedy . I remember , that being some years since brought almost to the brink of the Grave by a suddain effusion of Blood within my Body , from which without a signal mercy of God , I should not have recovered , among other men skilled in Physick that came to assist me , in that danger , I was visited by a Galenist of much repute , whose pale looks inviting me to enquire what it was that ailed him , he answered me , That he had not long before been desperately sick of an obstinate Marasmus , which notwithstanding all the Remedies he could use , did daily so consume him , that he appeared but a Skeleton , whereupon having found the uneffectualness of ordinary Remedies , and being hopeless of being relieved by them , he resolved to try a Sympathetick Medicine , which I remember my self to have met with in Hartman . He took then an Egge , and having boiled it hard in his own warme Urine , he with a Bodkin perforated the shell in many places , and then buried it in an Anthil , where it was left to be devour'd by the Emmets , and as they wasted the Egge , he found his distemper to lessen , and his strength to encrease , insomuch that he now conceived his Disease to have quite left him . The Experienc'd Riverius in his last Observations ( newly publish'd since his Death ) has two notable Examples to our present purpose . For (a) first , he tells us , that the eldest Daughter of a great Officer in France , was so tormented with a Paronychia for four daies together , that the pain made her passe the night sleepless ; whereupon having by Riverius his order , put her Finger into a Cats Eare , within two houres she was deliver'd from her Pain , and her whole hand , which before was Tumid , unswell'd again ; except the Finger , which it self was out of Pain . (b) The other case was of a Counsellors Wife , who by the same Remedy was cured of a Panaritium ( which had for four daies vex'd her ) in a much shorter time then the other , namely within a quarter of an Houre . But that which chiefly makes these stories pertinent to our present occasion , is this notable Circumstance , that in both these cases , the Cat was so manifestly put to pain , that Riverius thought it had attracted to it selfe the morbifick matter from which it freed the Patient ; For in the former of these two cases , the Cat loudly complain'd of the pain he felt , and in the other , was , in that short time the cure was in performing , put to so much pain in his Eare , that two men were hardly able to hold him fast , he struggl'd so forcibly . And these two relati●ns of Riverius , may , though there be some disparity in the cases , give some countenance to what might otherwise be distrusted in the Observations of the Industrious (c) Petrus Borellus , where he saies , Podagra mirè levatur , si catelli cumpodagrico recumbant , morbum enim contrahunt adeo ut vix incedere queant ; Aeger verò levamen suscipit . Which perhaps he may have been induced to write by the story that goes of , that odde Chymist , Robert Fludd's having transplanted the Gout of one of his Patients , by making him often sleep , with a Dog that was fond of him , who thereby became afterwards subject to such periodical fits of the Gout , as the Master had been troubled with . [ And since I begun this Chapter , and met with these Observations , discoursing of this matter with a judicious person , well skill'd in Physick , and whom his learned Writings have made Eminent , He told me , that he had not very many Months since , seen a Cure by Transplantation , perform'd on the Son of one that was wont to make Chymical Vessels for me : and because the Observation is considerable , that there might be no mistake in it , he was pleas'd to set it me down in writing ( attested with his annexed name ) which enables me to present it you in his own words , namely : N. N. of N. Potter , had a Sonne , who was long sick of the Kings Evil , which swell'd much , and broek into sores at last , which he could by no ordinary means heale . The old Man had then a Dog , which took an use of licking the soares , which the Dog continued so long , till he w●sted the ve●y kernels of the Ulcers th●t were knit in with the Veins , and perfectly cur'd the sore , but had the swelling transplanted to himself , so that he had hereupon a great swelling , that a●ose and continued on his Throat . The Lad was hereby freed , and so continu'd to be till 1660 , and for ought I know , is so this day . This I saw being there at that time to view the Clayes , and bespeak Retorts of the old man. * ] And to confirm the credibility , as well as increase the number of our magnetical waies of cure ; I shall adde , That St Francis Bacon himself Records , with great solemnity , his own having been freed , not only from very many new warts , but from one almost as old as he , by a piece of Lard , vvith the skin on it , which after having rub'd upon them , was exposed out of a Southern Window to putrifie . And therefore , though the vanity and superstition of most of the Authors that speak of Magnetick Remedies , and the impertinent circumstances , that are usually prescribed , as necessary to their effectualness , do generally , and justly enough , make sober men despise , or at least suspect such unlikely waies of cure ; yet in consideration of the instances lately produced ( to which we may perhaps elsewhere adde some others ) and because divers men , as well Physitians as others , have seriously assured me of their having been some of them eye-witnesses , and others p●rformers of such cures ; I am apt to think it fit , that , a severe indeed , but yet further trial be made of Physical Experiments of this kind . And I cannot but commend the curiosity of Dr Harvey , who , as rigid a Naturalist as he is , scrupled not often to try the Experiment mentioned by H●lmont , of curing some Tumors or Excrescencies , by holding on them for a pretty while ( that the cold may throughly penetrate ) the Hand of a man dead of a lingring disease ; which Experiment , the Doctor was not long since , pleased to tell me , he had sometimes try'd fruitlesly , but often with good successe . N●r doth the grand Objection against such Experiments , namely , that such or such a person , having once made trial of them , found them not succeed , seem at all to me , alone , of weight enough to make such Experiments , or those other improbable ones formerly mentioned , totally rejected : Because , that if they really do sometimes succeed , though sometimes they chance to fail , yet that possibility of their succeeding may sufficiently evince , that there are really in Nature Medicines that worke after that extraordinary manner . And I see no reason , why it should be more required of those Medicines , that work at a distance from the Patient ( or at least are not t●ken at the Mouth , or injected otherwhere ) only by subtle Effluvia , that they should alwaies cure , then it is exacted of vulgar Remedies , from which we might reasonably expect more const●nt effects , because of their being either inwardly given , or more immediately or at least more durably applied to the Patient . And if Rubarb be , justly affirmed to be an excellent medicine in Loosenesses , though we daily in Ireland see many swept away those diseases , in spight of the use of Rubarb and Mirabolans , with other ast●ingent Remedies to boot : And if quiksilver be , not un●easonably , by most of our Physitians esteemed , and employed as an effectual Remedy against Venereal Diseases , because it sometimes removes them ; though Fernelius , Montanus , and many other Learned Authors tell us , as they say upon their own experience , that ( though it often palliate those distempers ) it very sesdome cures them . Nay , and if Diaphoreticks are still esteemed such by the generality of Physitians , though few Sudor●ficks will cause sweat in all bodie , and scarce any in some bodies , I see not , why these Remedies , that wo●k , as it were , by Emanation , may not deserve the name of Medicines , if they sometimes unquestionably succeed , though they should not alwaies prove successful ones ; Nor why they should , notwithstanding their sometimes not succeeding be laid asi●e , especially since these sympathetical wayes of cure are most of them so safe and innocent , that , though , if they be real , they may do much good , if they prove fictions they can do no harme , ( unlesse by accident , as in case the Patient should so singly rely on them , as to neglect ( which he need not ) all other helps to recover . ) CHAP. XII . BUt you will now perhaps demand , Pyrophilus , how the Naturalist , as such , can contribute to the Credit or Advancement of the mentioned ways of curing Diseases , without the wonted weakning and painful Evacuations ? In answer to this Question , I must put you in minde , That it would be no new thing for Naturalists , not professedly Physitians , to treat of this subject ; and that the Naturalist may afford good Hints to the Practitioner of Physick , both upon divers other accounts already touch'd upon , and by trying on Bruits variety of hitherto untryed Medicaments or Remedies , and by suggesting to him both the Events of such Tryals , and also what hath been already observed about the cures of the Diseases incident to Beasts . For though ( as we formerly told you ) there are some things that are not equally Poysonous , as others not equally Safe , to Man and to some Bruits ; yet there are other Beasts , especially Dogs and Monkeys , whose Bodies are , by many Poysons , affected almost like those of Men : And since according to the old Rule , Periculum faciendum est in vili animâ , many things may be very well tryed on such Creatures , that we dare not at first venture to try on Men. We may give Dogs Poysons , onely to try the Vertue of our Antidotes ; and we may give them Wounds , to make tryal of the efficacy of the Weapon-salve and Sympathetick Pow●er : Since divers of my Friends ( as I have intimated above ) assure me , That they have some of them seen , and others performed cures of Horses , lam'd by pricking , by sticking the Nails that hurt them into the Weapon-salve ; which for that very use , among others , some of them are wont to carry about them in Silver Boxes . When Oxen , and such-like Cattle , are troubled with that Disease which makes them continually turn about in one place ( and is therefore called The turning Evil , or Sturdy ) a common Remedy here in England , ●s Grasiers that make use of it inform me , is to cast down and tye fast the sick Beast , and then to open his Skull a good way ( or , if need be , take off a round piece of it over the place supposed to be affected ) and at the open place to take out a little Bag or Bladder , which is usually found to lye near the Membranes of the Brain , and to be full of Water and Blood , and then leisurely to heal up the hurt : And this cure is much commended , as both common and easie , by our experienced Markham . In Goates likewise , that are much subject to the Dropsie , the Husband-man ventures to slit , and let out the Water under the Shoulder . And divers hazardous Operations in Chirurgery , such as are Arteriotomy , the Exsection of the Spleen and other parts , were , or should have been first attempted upon Bruits , and then practised on humane Bodies . And in imitation of these , 't is likely that divers other Experiments , of good use in Chirurgery , may be discovered for the relief of Man , without Endangering him in prosecuting such Discoveries . And to say nothing of the known practice of splaying Swine and Bitches ; In the Neighborhood of a Country House of mine , in the West of England , and probably in divers other parts , some experienc'd Shepheards have an odde way of castrating male Sheep , especially Lambs , when they are grown so old that 't is thought dangerous to geld them the common way . A Servant of mine that deals much in Cattle , and had lately divers Sheep swigg'd ( as they call it ) after this manner , tells me that is thus done : The Beast , on whom the Operation is to be performed , being held by a strong Man with his Belly upwards , another strong Man draws a string , as firmly as he can ( tying it with a knot or two , to prevent its yielding or slipping off ) about the Testicles , as if he meant by drawing that string , to cut them off ; and then anointing the part with a little fresh Butter , or some such like thing , he lets the Ram goe to feed ; which for the most part ( notwithstanding the anguish of this Ligature ) he will begin to do in a short time : And within two or three days , the Testicles being , by the strict Ligature , denyed the Nutriment and Spirits that were wont to be conveyed to them will grow so rotten as either , together with the string , to fall off , or be very easily pull'd off , sometime stinking very rankly like Carrion . And even among those things that are already practised by Farriers , Shepherds and Graziers there are many such things as we have newly mentioned , which may serve either to enrich or illustrate the way of curing humane Bodies : Their ignorance and credulousness , together with the liberty and meaness of those Creatures they physick , gives them leave to venture on any thing , having made them try upon Horses and Cattle , many such things as Physitians dare not try upon Men and Women . And among those many extravagant things , some , as it oftens happens , have succeeded so prosperously , as to deserve to be considered by the skilfullest Physitians ; Some of whom might , without disparagement to their Profession , do it an useful piece of service , if they would be pleased to collect and digest all the approved Experiments and Practices of the Farriers , Graziers , Butchers , and the like , which the Ancients did not despise , but honored with the Titles of Hippiatrica and Veterinaria : And among which , if I had leisure , divers things may be taken notice of , which might serve to illustrate the Methodus medendi . As to give you but one Instance which lately occurred to me , The Usefulness of letting Blood in some cases , Which is so severely condemned by many Chymists , and the efficacy of a small , if seasonable , Evacuation , which can scarce be conceiv'd to do more then alter the course of the Blood , may be illustrated by the Staggers in Horses , and the Cure of it . For I have seen a Coach-horse , ready to drop down dead of his Disease upon the High-way , by having his Gums rubb'd with the Coach-whip till the Blood appear'd , relieved almost in a moment so much , that though he were not well able to stand before , yet he was immediatly able to go on , and draw the Coach with his fellows . CHAP. XIII . THe next thing we are to observe to you , Pyrophilus ; and on which its nature and importance will engage us somewhat long to insist , is this , That the Handling of Physical matters was Antiently thought to belong to the Naturalist ; as we are clearly informed by the judicious Celsus , in that memorable Passage , where speaking of the Origin of Physick , Primo ( saies he ) medendi scientia Sapientiae pars habebatur ; ut & morborum curatio & rerum naturae contemplatio sub iisdem Authoribus nata sit : Scilicet his hanc maxime requirentibus , qui corporum suorum robora , inquieta cogitatione nocturnaque vigiliâ , minuerant . He adds , that many of the Professors of Philosophy were skilful in Physick , especially Pythagoras , Empedocles , and Democritus , and that Hippocrates ( whom some think to be the disciple of this last nam'd ) was the first who severd Physick from Philosophy , and made it a distinct Discipline , And this Apologie for the ensuing discourse being thus premised to it , I shall further Answer , that I should perhaps be obliged to exceed the limits of an ESSAY , if I should in this Discourse insist on every thing , upon whose account the Naturalist may assist the Physitian , if he be barely a Medicus to cure Diseases , which that you may the more readily believe , I shall Select and prosecute some of these things in the remaining part of this ESSAY . And first I shall represent to you on this subject , That the account upon which Physitians are wont to reject , if not , deride the use of such Specificks , as seem to work after a secret and unknown manner , and not by visibly Evacuating peccant humours ( or by other supposedly manifest qualities ) being generally this , That they see not how the promis'd Effects can well be produced by Bodies , that must work after so peculiar and undiscerned a manner ; This being , I say , the great thing that hinders Physitians from endeavouring to find , or , so much as , being willing to make use of Remedies of this sort , the Naturalists may do much towards the removal of this Impediment , by shewing out of such things as may be met with or performed within the Macrocosme , That such , or at least as strange operations as are ascrib'd to these Specificks , are not without Example in Nature ; and consequently ought not to be rejected , barely as being impossible . And indeed the Physiologie , wherewith Physitians as well as others are wont to be imbu'd in the Schools , has done many of them no small Disservice by , accustoming them to grosse apprenhensions of Natures wayes of working . Whence it comes to passe , that not a few ev'n Learned Doctors will never expect , that any great matter should be performed in Diseases , by such Remedies as are neither obvious to the sence , nor Evacuate any grosse , or at least sensible matter . Whereas , very great alterations may be wrought in a Body , especially if Liquid , as is the Blood and peccant Humour , without the Ingresse or Egresse of any visible matter , by the intestine commotion of the parts of the same body acting upon one another , and thereby acquiring a differing Motion , Location ( if I may so speak ) or Figure , which , with the other Qualities and Effects resulting thence , may alter the motion and Texture of the Liquor , and thereby produce great changes in the Body that Harbours it . How much an unperceiv'd recesse of a few subtile Parts of a Liquor may alter the Nature of it , may be guess'd at , by the obvious change of Wine into Vineger ; wherein upon the Avolation ( or perhaps but the misplacing ) of so little of the Spirituous and Sulphureous part , that it's Presence , Absence , or new Combination with the other Parts is not discernable to the Eye , the scarce decreased Liquor , becomes of a quite differing Nature from what it was . And though in England this Degeneration be not wont to be so suddenly perform'd by reason of the coldness of the Climate , yet in hotter Count●ies the change is much more speedily made . As in Brasil , the above mentioned Piso informes us , that the expressed Juice of the Suger Canes , which by Coction , ●nd farther ordering , would be certainly brought to Suger , will of it self keep sweet but about four and twenty Houres , and then begin to sowre , and be altogether unfit to make Suger of , though very fit to turne into good Vinegar . And this I find confirm'd by a Modern and applauded French Writer in his Description , of some parts of the West Indies , inhabited by his Nation : And relations of the same sort , concerning the hasty sowring of some other Liquors in America I have had from our English Travellers and Planters . And in the East - Indies , Linschoten tells us of a change much more suddain : For speaking of the formerly mention'd Sura or Liquor , afforded by the wounded Coc●-tree . The same Water ( sayes he ) standing but one Houre in the Sunne is very good Vineger , and in India they have none other . And that even very hurtful Liquors ( and why not then some peccant matter in the body ? ) may after the like manner change their Nature may appear by what we have formerly mentioned , and is unanimously affirm'd by credible Writers of several Nations , concerning the juice of Mandioca , which being Poyson , when it is first express'd do's in a few houres by Fermentation , purge its selfe and loose its pernicious Nature . That also by the bare Ingresse of some Subtile and not visible Matter , such intestine Commotions may be excited in Liquors , may appear by the sowring which has been often observed upon great Thunders to happen , not onely to wines , but to other Vinous Liquors also , as I lately received from a great Master of variety of Liquors , a complaint that by some Thunder , which happen'd here a few weeks since , almost all the Beer and Ale in the neighbourhood was spoil'd . And I remember , that when I return'd out of Italy thorow Geneva , there happen'd in that place an Earthquake , upon which , the Citizens complaind , that much of their wine was sowr'd , though I that lodg'd in the highest part of the Town , saw nothing to make me believe , that the bare Succussion of the Earth was capable to produce so great and suddain an alteration in the Wine . That such invisible Corpuscles may passe from Amulets , or other external Remedies into the Blood and Humours , and there produce great changes , will scarce seem improbable to him that considers how perspirable according to Hippocrates a living body is , and that Vegetable and Animal Body's , whose Texture is more loose and open , may well be supposed to send forth Expirations , since even divers Minerals are found to do the like ; as may appear by the odorable steames of rub'd Brimstone , and Amber , by the Corpuscles , which performe the Magnetick Operations , by the Emetick Quality imparted to Liquors by the Glasse of Antimony , and by Crocus Metallorum barely infus'd in them , without sensibly loosing any thing , either of their bulk or weight ; and by the vertue of killing Wormes , wherewith Wine , and even Water has been , not only by Helmont , but by divers other Physitians observed to be enrich'd , after a Quantity of Quicksilver has been for some Houres sh●ken in it , though without any sensible deperdition of the substance of the Mercury . And indeed I have somewhat wondred that many Learned moderne Physitians , either out of an affected Severity , or perhaps Animosity against Chymists , ov●rlook or even deride all operations of this Nature ; Since I remember Galen himself , not only confirmes the like Doctrine , by his Reasons and Authority , but delivers a very strang Example of it ; for , under the Title of Glychysida , Treating of Peony , He thus Discourses , Est praeterea omnino resiccatoria : Ea propter haud desperaverim eam ex collo pueris suspensam merito Comitialem morbum sanare . Equidem vidi puellum quandoque octo totis mensibus morbo Comitiali liberum , ac postea fortuna cum quod à collo suspensum erat decidisset , protinus denuo convulsione correptum ; rursusque suspenso in locum illius alio , inculpate postea egisse , Porro visum est mihi satius esse rursum id collo detrahere , certioris experientiae gratia : id cum fecissem , ac puer iterum esset convulsus , magnam recentis radicis partem ex collo ejus suspendimus , ac deinceps prorsum sanus effectus est puer , nec postea convulsus est . Rationabile itaque erat , aut partes quaspiam à radice d●fluentes , ac deinde per inspirationem attractas , affectos ita locos curare , aut Aerem à radice assidue mutari & alterari . Nam hoc pacto Succus Cyrenaicus collumellam plegmone affectam juvat & Melanthion frictum palam Catarrhos & Coryzas desiccat , Si quis id in calidum linteum , rarum , liget assidueque calorem ex eo per inspirationem in nares attrahat . Quin etiam si pluribus linis , & maximè marinae purpurae , collo viperae injectis , illis viperam praefoces , eaque postea cujuspiam collo obvincias , mirifice profueris tum Paristhmiis tum omnibus iis quae in collo expullulant . Nay , that such invisible Bodies , by passing thorough grosser ones , and thereby changing the Motion and nexus or Juncture of their parts , may produce lasting alterations in their Textures ( though it be a Paradox ) seems not to me at all impossible . For we find the most fluid Body of Quicksilver has been sometimes , ( I say sometimes ) and therefore may , without sensible increase of Bulke , be coagulated by a Metalline Exhalation so , as to be cut like Lead , and to retain that solidity , 'till by some Art or other it be reduc'd to its pristine Fluidnesse . You may be inclin'd to think , that the hard and solid Body of Iron has a permanent alteration made in it's Texture , if you hold a Needle during a competent time neer the Pole of a Vigorous Loadstone without touching it . For the Magnetical Effluvia ( as may very probably be conceiv'd ) will so dispose the parts of the nearest extream of the Needle , as that they shall admit the steames that come from one of the Poles of the Load-stone , and not those that come from the other : whereas by skilfully holding it to the contrary Pole of the same Stone , the internal Pores , and consequently the Texture of the Needle , will presently be quite otherwise disposed in reference to the Magnetical Effluvia ; as we more fully declare in another ESSAY , where we shall , I suppose , also perswade you , that the Effects of the Load-stone are performed by subtil Bodies issuing from , or passing through it . What we have in a former discourse told you concerning our having at pleasure changed the Poles of a Load-stone , by help of the Magnetica Effluvia of the Earth , may let you see that in Stones , also such alterations are possible to be made . And in the next ESSAY save one , we shall give you another Instance , pertinent to our present purpose . For if you heat a slender piece of Steel ( as a graver , or the like ) red hot , and suffer it to cool leisurely in the Air , it will continue flexible enough , and of so soft a Texture , that you may easily make impressions on it , with any hardned Steel : But if , instead of cooling it thus slowly , you knock it into such a dry Body , as we shall there name to you , it will immediately grow so hard , as to be brittle . Which alteration , whether it be resolved to proceed from the particular Effluvia of the Body , into which it is knocked , or barely from the ingresse of the Corpuscles of Cold ; ( if any such there be ) it will be however an Instance not unfit for our purpose . And those Pyrophilus , that are conversant in Glass houses , may easily observe , that Glass acquires a more or lesse brittle Texture , according as ( to speak in the Glass-mens language ) it is baked . For if after Glasses are blown , they be quickly carried into the open Air , they are wont to be much more subject to break , then those , that after they are fashioned are placed in a kind of very long Oven ( which is wont to be built over ●he Furnace , wherein the materials , whereof the Glass is made are kept in Fusion ) and are by slow degrees refrigerated , and not 'till after some houres exposed to the open Air : For whether this difference of Brittleness , and consequently of Texture , be ascribed to the interrupted Transcursion of some Etherial matter , through the Pores of the Glasse , or to the insinuations of the Atoms of the Cold , or to this , that the Particles of the Glasse agitated by the heat , were surpriz'd by the Cold , before they could make an end of those Motions which were requisite to their disposing themselves into the most durable Texture ; it is evident enough , that 't is by no gross or visible Body , that this permanent difference of Texture is produced . Of the like to which we may elsewhere give you Examples , in some other Concretes . That also in an human Body , great alterations may be made by very subtil Effluvia , appeares evidently , not only by the instances we have formerly given of the efficacy of some outwardly applied Remedies , but by divers other things , as that many are purged by the bare Odor of Potions , of which I have been assured upon his own Observation by the experienced Town Physician of Plimmouth Dr D. And of which Salmuth in his Observations , gives us an instance in a young Gentlewoman , whom he saw more happily purged , by the Odor of a Potion , drunk by her Sister , then she was that took the Medicine . And the same Author tells us , of one Dr Pfeil an eminent Physitian , who was wont , when he had a mind to be Purged , to goe into some Apothecaries shop , where Electuaries electively purging were preparing , to which having a while smelt , they would by their Odour , after his return home , work with him six or seven times , as if he had swallowed the Medicine it self . And Henricus ab Heer , in the twenty ninth of his formly commended Observations , tells us , Of a Woman that not only was wont to be copiously purg'd by drinking Bief-broth , but having by a fall broken her Leg , us'd no other Cathartick , then the bare Odor of that sort of Broth. And very Observable to our purpose , is the operation of the Air , all along the ridg of the high mountaine in Peru , called Pariacaca , of which the Learned Jesuite Joseph Acosta relates , That though he went as well prepared as he could , to withstand the Operations usually produc'd in Travails , by that piercing Air , yet when he approached to the top of the Mountain , he was ( notwithstanding all his Provision ) surpriz'd with such fits , and pangs , of striving and casting , as he thought he should cast up his Heart too ; having after meat , Phlegme , and Choler , both yellow and green , in the end with over striving cast up Blood ; and continued thus sick for three or four houres , 'till he had passed into a more temperate Air then that of the top of the Mountain ; which runn's about 500 Leagues , and has every where , though not equ●lly this discomposing property , having operated upon some of his companions , as well downwards as upwards . A greater proof of the power of Steams upon the Body may be taken from the propagation of Infectious Diseases , which being conveyed by insensible Effluvia , from a sick into a healthy Body , are able to disorder the whole Oeconomy of it , and act those sad Tragedies , which Physitians do so often unsuccesfully indeavour to hinder . But you will cease to doubt , that Corpuscles , though so small as to be below the sense , should be able to performe great matters upon humane Bodies ; if you consider what alterations may be therein produced by the bare actions of the parts upon one another . This may appear by the effects of several Passions of the mind , which are often excited by the bare , if attentive , thoughts of absent things . In obstinate grief and Melancholy , there is that alteration made in the disposition of the Heart , and perhaps some other parts by wh●ch the Blood is to Circulate , that the lively motion of that liquor is thereby disturbed , and obstructions and other not easily remov'd distempers are occasion'd . The bare remembrance of a loathsome Potion , does oftentimes produce in me ( and I doubt not , but the like thought may have the like Operation in many others ) a Horror , attended with a very sensible Commotion of divers parts of my Body , especially with a kind of convulsive motion , in or about the Stomack . And what power the Passions have to alter and determine the course of the Blood , may appear yet more manifestly in modest and bashful persons , especially Women , when meerly upon the remembrance or thought of an unchast , or undecent thing , mentioned before them , the motion of the Blood will be so determin'd , as to passe suddenly and plentifully enough into the Cheeks ( and sometimes other parts ) to make them immediatly wear that livery of Vertue ( as an Old Philosopher styl'd it ) which we call a Blush . And even by joy , if great and sudden , I not long since saw in persons of both Sexes , not only the Cheeks and Forehead , but it left ( as to the Lady ) even the Neck and Shoulders Died of that Colour . And that Passions , may not only alter the Motion of the Juyces of the Body , but likewise make some separation and evacuation of them , may appear in grief , which is wont especially in Women to make all the Commotions requisite to weeping : whereby oftentimes a considerable quantity of Briny Liquor , is excluded at the Eyes , under the forme of Tears , by which divers ( especially Hysterical ) Persons are wont to find themselves much refreshed , though with some it fares otherwise in teeming Women . Also that vehement desire we call Longing , may well be supposed to produce great alterations in the Body of the Mother , which leaves such strange and lasting impressions upon that of the Infant ; since 't is the Mother only , and not at all the Infant that conceives those importunate desires . CHAP. XIV . THere are many Instances to be met with in Physitians Books , to shew that Imagination is able so to alter the Imagining person's Body , as to work such a disposition in the Spirits , Blood and Humors of it , as to produce the determinate Disease that is excessively feared . And I remember , that soon after the last Fair Lady R. Died of the Small Pox , I chanced to meet one of her Sisters with her Mask on amongst some other Persons of High Quality , and wondring to see her sit Maskt in such Company , her Husband ( who was present ) told me , That his Wife having been happily brought to Bed some while before her Sister fell sick ; he had carefully kept the knowledg of her sicknesse from his Wife ; least the kindnesse that was betwixt them two might prejudice her in the condition she was in , but that after , a while a Lady unawares making mention in her hearing of her Sisters sickness , she immediatly fancied , That she should have it too , and accordingly fell sick of that disfiguring Disease , whose Marks obliged her for a while to weare a Mask . Nor is it in Women only , but even in Men , that conceit may produce such real and lasting effects . For many authentick Histories record examples of those in whom excessive Grief or Fear has made such a change in the Colour of their Hair in a Night , as Nature would otherwise have scarce made in divers Years . And I remember , that being about four or six Years since , in the County of Cork , there was an Irish Captain a man of middle Age and Stature , who coming with some of his followers to render himself to your Uncle Broghill , who then commanded the English Forces in those parts upon a publick profer of pardon to the Irish that would then lay down Arms , he was casually in a suspicious Place , met with by a party of the English and intercepted . And my Brother being then absent , upon a designe , he was so apprehensive of being put to Death , by the inferiour officers , before your Uncles returne , that that Anxiety of mind quickly changed the Colour of his Hair after a peculiar manner : of which I being then at that Castle of your Unkles whereunto he was brought ) had quickly notice given me , and had the Curiosity to examine this Captain , and found that the Hair of his H●ad , had not ( as in the instances I had met with in Histories ) uniformely changed its Colour , but that here and there certain peculiar Tufts and locks of it , whose Bases might be about an inch in Diameter were thus suddenly turned White all over : the rest of his Hair ( of which you know the Irish use to weare good store ) retaining it's former Reddish Colour . [ You will mistake my design Pyrophilus , if you conclude from what I have said , concerning the Power of Effluvia , to work upon the Body that I am either so much an Helmontian as to condemne the Use of all those Remedies that make such more grosse Evacuations ( if I may so call them ) as are made by Vomit , Seige , and the like ; or that I would have you , or am my self so credulous , as to believe all the Vertues that are , ev'n by Eminent Writers ascribed to the Remedies called Specificks : For ( to mention here but this ) we have observed , that the hopes built upon ev'n excellent Specificks , unlesse they be of such a resolving and abstersive Nature , as to be able to make way for themselves into the Recesses of the Body are oftentimes disappointed , where some Emetick or Cathartick Remedy has not been first us'd to free the Stomack and Guts from those viscous Humours , which obstructing the first passages much enervate the Vertue of the Remedy , if they do not altogether deny it accesse to the innermost parts of the Body . That then which I aim at , is first to keep you from being prejudiced by the Confidence of some Learned Doctors , who laugh at the very name of Specificks , and will not allow any Disease to be curable , but by visible Evacuations of store of what they call peccant Matter ; And next to give you cause to think that such Specificks , as men of judgment and credit do recommend upon their own Experience ought not to be rejected without Trial , upon the bare account of their not being either Laxative or Vomitive , Sudorifick , or Diuretical ; Nay , nor so much as for this , that they are not endow'd with any Eminent Degree of any manifest Quality , such as Heat , Cold , Drinesse , Odor , Tast , Astriction and the like ; nor able perchance to work any considerable alteration in a healthy Human Body . For I consider the Body of a living man , not as a rude heap of Limbs and Liquors , but as an Engine consisting of several parts so set together , that there is a strange and conspiring communication betwixt them , by vertue whereof , a very weak and inconsiderable Impression of adventitious matter upon some one part may be able to work on some other distant part , or perhaps on the whole Engine , a change far exceeding what the same adventitious Body could do upon a Body not so contriv'd . The faint motion of a mans little Finger upon a small piece of Iron that were no part of a Engine , would produce no considerable Effect ; but when a Musket is ready to be Shot off , then such a Motion being applied to the Trigger by vertue of the cont●ivance of the Engine , the Spring is immediatly let loose the Cock falls down , and knocks the flint against the Steel , opens the Pan , strikes Fire upon the Powder in it , which by the Touch-hole Fires the Powder in the Barrel and that with great noise throw's out the ponderous Leaden Bullet with violence enough to kill a Man at Seven or Eight hundred Foot distance . And that also the Engine of a Humane Body is so fram'd , as to be capable of receiving great alterations from seemingly slight Impressions of outward Objects , upon the bare account of its particular contrivance , may appear by several instances beside those which may belong to this Argument in the foregoing part of this ESSAY . When a man goes suddenly out into the Sun , it often happens , that those beames which light upon his Head , and would not in so short a time have any discernable effect on the least Hair of it , do allmost in a moment produce that strange and violent motion in the head and almost all the Body , which we call Sneezing . Men that from the top of some Pinacle or other high and steep place do look down to the bottome of it are at first very apt by the bare prospect , ( which yet convey's nothing into the Body but those images , if yet there intervene corporeal ones in sensation of visible Objects that enter at the Eye ) to become so giddy , that they are reduced to turne away their Eyes from the Praecipice for fear of not being able to stand upon their Leggs . And many that look'd fixedly upon a Whirle poole , or upon a very swift stream have had such a Vertiginous Motion thereby impressed on their Spirits , that they have been unable to keep their Bodies upright , but have fallen into the Water they gazed on . And it is no lesse rem●rkable , that when a man is somewhat discompos'd at Sea , and yet not enough to Vomit freely ; the Seamen are wont to advise him to look from the si●e of the Ship upon the Water , which seeming swiftly to passe by the Vessel , has upon the gazer the operation of a rapid stream , and by making him giddy hastens and facilitates his Vomiting , as I h●ve somet●m●s t●ied upon my self when I had a mind for healths sake to be put into a fit of Sea sicknesse . If a person be very Ticklish and you but gently stroke the Sole of his Foot with the top of a Feather , that languid Impression on the bottome of the foot shall , whether he will or no , put all those Muscles and other parts into motion , which are requisite to make that noise , and to exhibite that shape of the Face ( so farre distant from the feet ) which we call Laughing ; and so the gentle Motion of a straw tickling the Nostrils is able to excite Sneezing . Most men may observe in themselves , that there are some such noises as those ma●e by the grating of an ungreas'd Cart-wheele upon the Axle tree , or the tearing of course Paper which are capable of ●etting the Teeth on edge , which yet cannot be done without exciting a peculiar Motion in several parts of the Head. I had a servant , who sometimes complained to me of a much more rem●●kable and unfrequent disorder , namely , that when he was put to whet a Knife , that stridulous Motion of the Air was wont to make his Gummes bleed . Henricus ab Heer ( in his Twenty n●nth Observation ) Records a Story of a Lady , to whom he was sent for , who upon the hearing of the sound of a B●ll , or any loud noise , though Singing , would fall into fits of Soun●ing , which was scarce distinguish●ble from Death ; an● we may confirm that this disposition depended upon the Texture of her Body in r●ference to M●terial sounds by wh●t he subjoyns , that having well purg'd her , and given her for two Months the Spaa-waters , and other app●op●iate Remedies he throughly cur'd her . And it often enough happens , that when a Woman is in a Fit of the Mother , another H●sterical person standing by , is by reason of a peculiar Disposition of her Body , soon infected with the like strange discomposure . And to shew you , that a distemper'd Body is both an Engine , and also an Engine disposed to receive alterations from such Impressions as will make none on a sound body , let me put you in mind that those subtile Ste●mes that wander through the Air before considerable changes of Weather disclose themselves , are wont to be painfully felt by many sickly Persons and more constantly by men that have had great Bruises or Wounds in the parts that have been so hurt ; though neither are healthy men at all incommodated thereby , nor do those themselves that have been hurt , feel any thing in those sound parts , whose Tone or Texture has not been alter'd or enfeebl'd by outward violence . I have known several also ( and the thing is obvious ) whose body's and Humours are so fram'd and constituted , that if ( as men commonly speak ) they ride backward in a Coach , that Motion will m●ke them giddy , and force them to Vomit . And it is very ordinary for Hysterical Women to fall into such Fits as counterfeit Epilepsies , Convulsions , and I know not what violent distempers by the bare smell of Musk and Amber , and other strong perfumes , whose steames are yet so farre from having great , much lesse such Effects in other Humane body's , that almost all men , and the generality ev'n of healthy Women are not affected by them , unless with some innocent delight . And that even on men Odours ( how minute and invisible bodies soever ) may sometimes have very great power , may be gathered from the story told us by Zacutus Lucitanus , of a Fisherman , who having spent all his life at Sea , and being grown Old there , and coming to gaze upon a solemne reception , made in a Maritine Town , to Sebastian King of Portugal , was by the perfumes plentifully Burnt , to welcome the King immediatly cast upon the ground thereby into a F●t which two Physicians judg'd Apoplectical , and Physi●k'd him accordingly 'till three daies after the Kings chiefe Physician Thomas à Vega guessing at the cause of his disease commanded him to be remov'd to the Sea side and cover'd with Sea Weeds , where within four Houres the Maritime Air and steames began to open his Eyes , and made him know those that were about him , and within not many Dayes restor'd him to health . We may also conjecture how much the alteration produced in the Body by sickness m●y dispose it to receive strong Impressions from things that would not otherwise much affect it , by this , That even a man in perfect health , and who is wont to Drink cold without the least harme , may , when he has much heated himself by exercise be cast by a draught of cold Drink into such sudden , formidable , and dangerous di●tempers as , did not daily Experience convince us , we should scarce think possible to be produc'd in a Body , free from Morbid Humours by so familiar a thing as a cup of small bear or water ; insomuch th●t Benivenius relates a Story of one , who after too vehement exercise Drinking a Glasse of very cold Water fell into a swoun , that was quickly succeeded by Death . And yet , to adde that on this occasion , in Bodies otherwise dispos'd a large draught of cold Water , Drunk even without thirst , may v●ry much relieve the D●incker , and prevent great Fit● of the Mother , and partly of the Spleen , especially upon sudd●in f●ights , to which purposes I know some Hyste●ical Ladies that find in this Remedy , as themselves assure me more advantage then one wo●ld easily imagine . And ( further ) to shew you that the Engine we are speaking of is alt●rable , as well for the better as for the worse , by such Motions of outward Bodies as in themselves consider'd , are languid , or at least may seem despicable in reference to sickness or recovery ; Let me call upon you to consider a few , not unobvious things , which may also serve to confirme some part of what has hitherto been deliver'd . [ The true Mosse growing upon a Humane Skull , though I do not find Experience warrant all the strange things some Chymical Writers attribute to it for the stanching of Blood , yet I deny not , but in some Bodies it does it wonderfull enough . And I very well know an Eminent Virtuoso who has assur'd me , as his Physitian likewise has done , that he finds the Effects of this Moss so considerable upon himself , that after having been let Blood , his Arm falling to Bleed again , and he apprehending the consequences of it , his Physitian , who chanc'd to be present , put a little of the abovemention'd Mosse into his hand , which barely held there , did , to the Patients wonder , stanch his Blood , and gave him the cu●iosity to lay it out of his hand , to try whether that Mosse were the cause of the Bloods so oddly stopping its course , whereupon his Arm after a little while , beginning to Bleed afresh , he took the Mosse again into his hand , and thereby presently stanch'd his Bleeding the second time : and if I misremember not , he added , that he repeated the Experiment once more with the like successe . The smoak of burnt feathers , or Tobacco blown upon the face of an Hysterical Woman , does oftentimes almost as suddenly recover them out of Fits of the Mother , as the odour of per●umes did cast them thereinto . ] And now I speak of Cu●es performable by fumes , it brings into my mind , that a friend of yours and mine , and a Person of great Veracity professes to have strangly cur'd Dysenteries by a way unusual enough , which is to make the Patient sit over a Chair or Stool close on the sides , and perforated below , so that the Anus and the neighbouring parts may be expos'd to the fumes of Ginger , which must be thrown upon a Pan of Embers , plac'd just under the Patient , who is to continue in that posture , and to receive the Fume as long as he can endure it without too much fainting . And when I mention'd one of the Cures that was thus perform'd , to one that is look'd upon as a Master of Chymical Arcana against Diseases ; he preferr'd before it ( as he saies upon experience ) the shavings of Harts-horn us'd after the same manner , and the Remedy seems not irrational . But if in this distemper , the Actual heat applied to the abovemention'd parts of the Body concurre not to the Effect , we may too , warrantably enough , adde that Cures may be perform'd by far more minute corpuscles then those of smoke , insinuating themselves from without into the Body . For I know a very dextrous Goldsmith , who , when he over heats himself , as he often unawares does at hammering of Plate , is subject to fall into Gripings of the Belly , which lead to Fluxes ; but his usual and ready Cure is , assoon as conveniently he can , to heat his Anvil , and sit upon it for a great while together , heating it hot again if there be need . But to return to our Medicinal Smoaks , 't is known that some find more good against the Fits of the Colick , by Glysters of the Smoak of Tobacco , then by any other Physick they take ; so that I know wealthy persons , that relying upon the benefit they find by this Remedy , have left off sending for their Physitians to ease them of the Colick . And indeed , when I consider what an odde Concrete , even common Soot is , and that many Concretes by being resolv'd into Smoak , may be e●ther more or otherwise unlock'd , then they would be by the Stomack of a Man ( so th●t I may elsewhere entertain you of the great heightning of some Emetick and Cathartick Simples in their operation , by their being reduc'd into Smoak , ) and that also probably the Operation of some Fumes and Odours may be much chang'd and improv'd by their not getting into the Body by the Mouth , but other parts ; I am inclinable to think that there might be made further use of them , if Physi●ians pleas'd , then hitherto has been . For I have made such trial of the Vertue of Sulphureous Smoak , to preserve some Liquors , as I was much pleas'd with . And not only Paracelsus , but Helmont highly extol , as a grand Specifick in fits of the Mother , the Smoak of the Warts that grow upon the Legs of Horses , conveigh'd to the parts suppos'd to be primarily affected . And I remember , that lately I met with a Gentleman curious and intelligent , who , as himself assur'd me , was by the Scurvy and ill condition'd Ulcers , and other obstinate distempers brought so low , that he was scarce able to turn himself freely in his Bed , and thereupon resolv'd against taking any more Physick , partly out of despair of recovery , and partly out of wearinesse of the tedious courses of Physick the Doctors had in vain made him passe thorow : But that some o● his Friends b●inging him a certain Surgeon , whom they affirm'd to have strangly cur'd many desperate dist●mpers , by wa●es very unusu●l and not troublesome to the Patient , this Gentleman was content to put himself into his Hands , the Surgeon promising that he would not give him any other Physick , but now and then a Cup of Sack by way of Cord●al ; his way of Cure being to fumigate the Patient very well ●very Morning with a certain Smoak , which th●t Gentleman th●nks , by what he took n●tice of , in the Pow●er that yeel●●d it , to have been some Vegetable substance . And with this Remedy in a short time he grew perfectly well , and came home a while since in very good health from a Voyage , which the confusions of his own Country invited him to make as far as the East-Indies . This Surgeon , whose name I cannot hit upon , dying suddenly , his secret ( which was try'd upon divers others besides this Gentleman ) is for ought we yet know , dead with him . [ But as for the efficacy that may be found in appropriated Fumes and Steams . We have more then once by barely unstopping and holding under her Nose a smal Phial of highly rectified Spirit of Sal Armoniack , or even of Hartshorn almost presently recover'd a Young Beauty I need not name to You ; out of strange Fits that were wont to take her more suddenly then those of the Falling Sicknesse , and were look'd upon as Epileptical , though perchance they were not meerly so . To which I shall adde , that a Lady that both You Pyrophilus and I know and love very well , though she have been long subject to violent and tedious Fits of the Head-ach , and though that distemper have since been much increas'd by a great concussion of her Head , occasion'd by the overturning of a Coach , yet she is wont presently to be relieved , barely by holding her Head a pretty while over a strong decoction of Thee , and breathing in the Steams of it . ] And now I am discoursing of Cures made by Steams , or other seemingly slight means , I must not pretermit a thing so remarkable , that if it were more generally known in Europe , I should think it somewh●t strange to find it so little reflected on by Physitians ; and that is the constant and almost suddain ceasing of the Plague , how raging soever , in the almost incredibly populous City of Grand Cayro in Aegypt towards the latter end of June , about which time in most Countries in our Hemisphere it is wont to spread fastest and be most rife . The t●uth of this is attested by so many Travellers of several Nations , that 't were injurious to doubt of it , and not only the Dexterous Mr R. whom y●u well know , and who lived at Cayro has confir'md to me the truth of it . But the Learned Prosper Alpinus , who both was an excellent Physitian , and spent many Years in Aegypt , gives us this particular account of it , Pestis Cayri atque in omnibus locis Aegypti invadere eos populos solet ineunte Sept●mbri mense , usque ad Junium : his enim omnibus mensibus , à S●ptembri ad Junium usque , Pestis aliunde per contagium illuc asportata eam gentem invadere solet : And after a few Lines , Junio vero mense , qualiscunque & quantacunque sit ibi Pestilentia , Sole primam Caneri partem ingrediente omnino tollitur , quod multis plane divinum esse non immerito videtur : Sed quod etiam valde mirabile creditur , omnia suppellectilia , Pestifero contagio infecta , tunc nullum Contagii effectum in eam gentem edunt ; ita ut tunc ea vobis in tutissimo & tranquillissimo statu reducatur , ex summe morboso : atque morbi particulares , sporadici , à Graecis vovati tunc apparere incipiunt , qui nusquam gentium tempore Pestis apparcbant . And in the next Chapter , inquiring at large into the causes of this Wonder , he denys it to proceed from the increase of the Nile , which happens to be coincident in point of time with the extinction of the Plague , because that the Infection ceaseth before the swelling of the River is considerable ; and ascribeth it rather to the alteration of the Air , produc'd by the Northernly Winds which then begin to blow , and some other Circumstances : speaking of which , Haec ( saith he ) per id temporis incipiunt observari à quibus fortasse non immerito causam extinctionis Pestis morbosique in salubrem statum mutationis pendere arbitror : quando nulla alia ex conservatricibus causis , quas vulgus medicorum res non naturales appellat , aëre excepto , ibi eo tempore appareat , in quam morbosi status in salubrem mutationem referre possumus : ideo necessartum erit hujusce mutationis causam Aëris mutationi acceptam referre , &c. Upon this Instance , Pyrophilus , I h●ve presum'd the longer to insist , because ( if you duly reflect on it ) you will , I suppose , discern , that it much credits and elucidates a great part of what hath been delivered in divers of the foregoing Leaves , concerning the possibility of Natures doing great matters against Diseases , without the help of gross and sensible Evacuations . CHAP. XV. ANd since we have represented a humane Body as an Engine , we shall adde , That it may be altered both for the better and for the worse , by such bare motions or impulses of external Bodies , as act but in a gross and confessedly Mechanical manner : For 't is known , that out of such speedily killing , unless seasonably remedy'd Distempers , as Fits of Swounding , Patients of either Sex are often recovered without any inward Medicine , by being barely pinch'd in several places . I , that have endured great and dangerous Sicknesses , have scarce ever found any so violent for the time , as that which the bare motion and smell of a Ship and Sea Air hath put me into , especially in rough weather , till I was somewhat accustomed to Navigation ; and yet this violent and weakning Sickness , as it was not produced by any peccant Humor in the Body , so it was quickly removed by the Air , and Quiet of the Shore , without the help of Physick . And the like may be observed more suddenly in the newly mentioned Instances of those in whom , as the bare agitation of a Coach will produce such violent Fits of Vomiting and such Faintness , that I have known some of them apprehend they should presently die ; so the bare cessation of that discomposing motion soon relieved them . We see in our Stables , what operation , the currying of them carefully , hath upon our Horses . And Helmont somewhere tells us , That himself , as I remember , could by the Milk of an Ass , tell whether she had been that day diligently curryed or no ; and so considerable an alteration in Milk should , me thinks , strongly argue , that a great one in the Blood or other Juice , of which the Blood is elaborated , and consequently in divers of the principal parts of the Body must have preceded it . But to prefer our consideration from the Bodies of Beasts to those of Men , 't is remarkable what Piso confesseth , the illiterate Brasilian Empericks are able to perform with Frictions , even as unskilfully as they order them : Mira equidem , saith he , tum tuendae sanitatis ergo , cum in plerisque morbis sanandis , f●ictione & unctione frequenti incolae praestant , illam in frigidioribus , & chronicis , hanc in acutioribus adhibentes . Quae remedia lubenter advenae imitantur , & ut par est , ex legibus artis haec & plura medendi Empiricorum genera moderantur . And as Galen himself highly extols a skilful Application of Cupping-glasses in the Colick ; so in Brasil they finde that the like Remedy is strangely successful : For Cholera sicca , saith our candid Piso in another place , eisdem fere Remediis ( of which he had been speaking ) curatur , maxime si regioni hepatis corneae cucurbitulae applicentur . De quibus merito hoc testor , quod Galenus de suis cucurbitulis , quas in Colico affectu incantamenti instar operari tradidit . We shall adde , for further confirmation , that notwithstanding all the horrid Symptomes that are wont to ensue upon the biting of that Poysonous Spider , the Tarantula , that lasting and formidable Disease , which often mocks all other Remedies , is by nothing so successfully oppos'd , as by Musick . Some determinate tune or other which proves suitable to the particular Nature of the Patients Body , or that of the Poyson producing there such a motion , or determination of some former motion of the Spirits , or the Humors , or both ; as by conducting the Spirits into the Ne●ves and Muscles inservient to the motion of the Limbs , doth make the Patient leap and dance till he have put himself into a Sweat , that breaths out much of the virulent Matter which hath been probably fitted for expulsion , by some change wrought in its Texture or Motion , or those of the Blood , by the Musick . For if Sweat and Exercise , as such , were all that relieved him , why might not Sudorificks , or le●ping without Musick , excuse the Need of Fidlers ? which yet is so great , that Kircher informs us , That the Apulian Magistrates are wont to give Stipends , at the publick charge , to such to relieve the Poor by their playing . And not onely He hath a memorable Story of Robertus Pantarus , a Tarantine Nobleman , whose Disease being not known to proceed from the biting of a Spider , could by no Remedies be cured ; he was at length , even upon the point of death , suddenly rel●ev'd , and by degrees restored to perfect health by the use of Musick : But Epiphanius Ferdinandus , in h●s accurate Observations concerning those bitten with the Tarantula , together with Mathiolus , and other Authors be●r witness thereunto , by resembling Narratives . Now that a Sound ( not barely as a sound , but as so modified ) may powerfully operate upon the Blood and Spirits , I , who am very Musically given , have divers times observ'd in my self , upon the hea●ing of certain Notes . And it might be made probable , both by that which we have formerly said of the effect of skreaking upon the Teeth and Gums , and by the Dancing Fit , into which not every Musical Sound , though never so loud , but some determinate Tune is wont to put the bitten Patien● . But it m●y be more manifestly prov'd , by the following testimony of our inquisitive Jesuite , wherein he affirms , That the Spiders themselves may , as well as those they have bitten , be made to Dance by Tunes , suited to their peculiar Constitutions . † And this I the less wonder at , because Epiphanius Ferdinandus himself , not onely tells us of a Man of 94 Years of age , and so weak that he could not go , unless supported by his Staff , who did , upon the hearing of Musick after he was bitten , immediately tall a dancing and capering like a Kid ; and affirms , That the Tarantula's themselves may be brought to leap and dance at the sound of Lutes , small Drums , Bagpipes , Fiddles , &c. but challenges those that believe him not to come and try , promising them an Ocular Conviction : and adds what is very memorable and pleasant , That not onely Men , in whom much may be ascribed to fancy , but other Animals being bitten may likewise , by Musick , be reduc'd to leap or dance : for he saith , He saw a Wasp , which being bitten by a Tarantula whil'st a Lutanist chanc'd to be by ; the Musician playing on his Instrument , gave them the sport of seeing both the Wasp and Spider begin to dance : annexing , That a bitten Cock did do the like . CHAP. XVI . I Might also , Pyrophilus , confirm what I told you , when I said , That Sickness may produce such an alteration in the Fabrick of the Body , as to make it capable to be very much affected , as well for the better as for the worse , by such things that would not scarce at all affect it if it were sound , from the consideration of those many and strange 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Peculiarities , to be met with in some Persons in Sickness and in Health . For though many of these differences between healthy Men , are not likely to be greater then may be observ'd between the same Man when well , and himself as the Oeconomy of his Body may be dis-compos'd by some Distemper ; yet we often see , that some Persons have the Engine of their Body so fram'd , that it is wonderfully disordered by such things as either work not at all on others , or work otherwise on them : as it is common enough for Men to be hugely disturb'd , and some of them to fall into Fits of trembling or swooning , upon the sight or hearing of a Cat. And to such an affection I know a very eminent Commander obnoxious , Your late Unkle , the last Earl of Barrymore , a very gallant Noble Man , and who did his Country great Service in the Irish Wars , had the like apprehension for Tansey . I cannot see a Spider near me , without feeling a notable commotion in my Blood , though I never received harm from that sort of Creature , and have no such abhorring against Vipers , Toads , or other venomous Animals . You know an excellent Lady ( marryed to a Great Person that hath more then once govern'd Ireland ) whose Antipathy to Hony , which is much talked of in that Country , hath display'd it self upon several occasions : notwithstanding which , her experienc'd Physitian imagining that there might be something of conceipt in her Aversion , took an opportunity to satisfie himself , by mixing a little Hony , with other Ingredients , of a Remedy which he applyed to a very slight and inconsiderable cut or scratch , which she chanced to get on h●r Foot ; but he soon repented of his Curiosity , upon the strange and unexpected disorder which his ( in other cases innocent ) Medicine produc'd , and which ceasing upon the removal of that , and application of other ordinary Remedies , satisfied him , That those Symptomes were to be imputed to the Hony , and not the bare hurt . The same excellent Lady , I remember , complained to me , That when she was troubled with Coughs , all the Vulgar , Pectoral and Pulmoniack Remedies did her no good , so that she could find relief in nothing but either the Fume of powdred Amber , taken with convenient Hearbs in a Pipe , or that Balsamum Sulphuris which we have already taught you in this Essay . [ I know a Person of Quality , tall and strongly made , who lately asked my Opinion , Whether , when he had need of Vomit , he should continue to make use of Cauphy , in regard it wrought so violently with him : This gave me the occasion , as well as curiosity , of enquiring particularly both of Himself and his Lady , concerning this odde Operation of Cauphy upon him ; and I was told , That an ordinary Wine-glass full of the usual warm decoction of Cauphy , boyl'd in common Water , was wont , within about two hours , to prove emetick with him , and before Noon did give him eight , ten , or sometimes twelve Vomits , with so much violence , that he was less affected by the infusion of Crocus metallorum , or other usual emeticks , and therefore was deliberating whether he should not change Cauphy for some of them , though finding its Operation very certain , he had for some Years accustomed himself to take that Vomit : And that which is also remarkable in this m●tter , is , that he tells me , That scarce any Vomit is more troublesome to him to take , then that above-mentioned ●s grown of late , so that even the odour of Cauphy , as he passeth by Cauphy-houses in the Street , doth make him sick ; and yet that Simple is to most Men so far from being Vomitive , that it is by eminent Physiti●ns , and in some cases not without cause , much extoll'd as a strengthner of the Stomack . And this very Gentleman , himself , used it a pretty while against the Fumes that offended his Head , without finding any Vomitive Quality at all in it . ] The Books of sober and learned Physitians , afford us Examples of divers such , and of much more strange Peculiarities , and likewise of such Persons who having desires of certain things very extravagant , and even absur'd ( ordinarily not onely improper , but hurtful to their Distempe●s ) have been cured by the use of them , of very dangerous and sometimes hopeless Diseases : Of which kinde of Cures I may also elsewhere tell you what I have observed , and some credit may be brought to such Relations , by what we ordinarily see more greedily devoured ( without much harm ) by longing Women , and Maids troubled with the Green-sickness . But now , Pyrophilus , since the Engine of an humane Body thus appears to be so fram'd , th●t it is capable of receiving great alterations from such unlikely things as those we have been mentioning , Why should we h●stily conclude against the efficacy of Specificks , taken into the Body , upon the bare account of their not operating by any obvious quality , if they be recommended unto u● , upon th●ir own experience by s●ber and faithful Persons ? And that scarce sensible quantities of M●tter , having once obtained access to the mas● of Blood ( which is very easily d●ne by the Circulation ) may , by the contrary and swift motion , and by the Figure of the Corpusc●es it consists of , give such a new and unnatural impe●iment or determination to the motion of the Blood , or so dis-compose either its Texture , or that of the Heart , Brain , Liver , Spleen , or some such principal part of the Body ( as a spark of Fire reduceth a whole Barrel of Gun-powder , to obey the Laws of its motion , and become Fire too ; or as a little Leaven is able , by degrees , to turn the greatest lump of Dow into Leaven ) need be manifested by nothing , but the Operations of such Poysons as work not by any of those ( which Physitians are pleased to call ) Manifest Qualities . For though I much fear , that most of those th●t have written concerning Poysons , supposing that M●n would rather believe then try what they relate , have allowed themselv●s to deliver many things more strange then true ; yet the known effects of a very small quantity of Opium , or of Arsenick , of the scarce discernable hurt made by ● Vipers Tooth , and especially of the biting of a mad Dog ( which sometimes , by less of his Spittle then would weigh half a Grain , subdues a whole great Ox into the like m●dness , and produceth truly-wonderful Symptomes both in Mens Bodies and Beasts ) are sufficient to evince what we p●oposed . And that Man's Body may be as well sometimes cured , as we see it too often discompos'd , by such little proportions of M●tt●r , m●y ( not now to mention the questionable Vertu●s ●scrib'd to many Antidotes ) be gathered from that Expe●iment , so common in Italy and elsewhere , of curing the invenom'd biting of Scorpions , by anointing the bitten and tumid place with common Oyl , wherein store of Scorpions have been drown'd and steep'd . And a resembling Example of the Antidotal Vertue , wherewith Nature hath enrich'd some Bodies , is given us by the above-commended Piso , in his Medicina Brasiliensis , where ( treating of the Antidotal Efficacy of the famous Brasilian Herb Nhanby , eaten upon an empty Stomack ) he adds this memorable Story ; That he himself saw a Brasilian , who having caught an over-grown Toad , and swell'd with Poyson ( such a one as Brasilians call Cururu ) which useth to be as big again as the European Toad , and desperately venomous ( which perhaps our Toads are not ) he presently killed him , by dropping on his back the Juice of the Flowers and Leaves of that admirable Plant. And you may remember , that the same Author formerly told us , in effect , that as great and salutary changes may be produced even in humane Bodies , where he relates , That he had known those that had eaten several sorts of Poyson , Snatch'd , in a trice , from imminent death , by onely drinking some of the Infusion of the Root he calls Jaborandi ; and this , after I know not how many Alexipharmaca and Theriacal Antidotes had been fruitlesly administred . You will perchance tell me , Pyrophilus , that these three or four last Instances are of Poysonous Distempers and their Antidotes ; not of ordinary Diseases , and their Specifick Remedies . But to th●s I have a double Answer : and First , Many of those Distempers that proceed from Poyson , are really Diseases , and both call'd by that Name , and treated of , as such , by Physitians . And indeed they may well look upon them but as Diseases , exasperated by a virulent Malignity , which yet appears to be not always easily distinguishable from that of Diseases that proceed not from Poyson , by this , That otherwise the Physitians of Princes and great Men , if after having considered all the inward Parts of their dis-bowell'd Patients , could not so often doubt and dispute , as they do , whether or no Poyson were accessary to their death . And Piso ( who learn'd divers of their detestable Secrets from the Brasilians ) relates , That some of them are so skilful in the cursed Art of tempering and allaying their Poysons , that they will often hinder them from disclosing their deleterial Nature for so long a time , that the subtle Murtherers do as unsuspectedly as fatally , execute their Malice or Revenge . These Diseases indeed are wont to differ in this from Surfeits , and other resembling ordinary Diseases ; that in the one , the venomous matter that produceth the Disease , is at first much more small , then in the other the morbifick Matter is wont to be . But the activity of this little quantity of hostile Matter doth make it so pernicious , that the Disorders it produceth in the Body , being much greater then that of ordinary Sicknesses is ; the cure of such Distempers is the fitter to manifest how powerfully Nature may be succour'd , by Remedies that work not by first or second Qualities , since such are able to deliver Her from Diseases heightned by a peculiar and venomous malignity . To this first I shall subjoyn my next , which is , That divers Passages of the former Discourse ( especially what we have related concerning the cure of Agues , of the Rickets , and of the Kings-Evil ) may satisfie you , That even of ordinary Diseases ( some at least ) may be as well cured by Specificks , as those produced by Poyson are by Antidotes . You may also say , Pyrophilus , But what if a recommended Sp●cifick do not onely seem unable to produce the promised Eff●ct , but have Qualities , which according to our Notions of the nature of the Disease , seem likely to conspire with it and increase it ? I Answer , First , That though it is better for a Patient to be cured by a rashly an● unskilfully given Medicine , then to die under the use of the most skilfully administred Physick ; yet that the Physitian who looseth h●s Patient , a●ter having done all that his Art prescribed to save him , deserves more commendation then he th●t luckily ch●nceth to cure his Patient by an irrational course . And therefore in such a case as you put , Pyrophilus , I think the Physitian ought to be very well satisfied of the matter of Fact , before he venture to try such a Remedy , especially if more ordinary and unsuspected means have not been imploye● and found ineffectual ; for it is not one lucky Cure that ought to recommend to a wary Physitian the use of a Remedy , whose dangerous Qual●ty seems obvious , whereas its vertue must be credited upon Report . But then secon●ly , If the Physiti●n be duly s●tisfied of the efficacy of the Remedy , upon a co●petent number and variety of Patients , I suppose he m●y , without ●ashness , make use of such Remedies at least , where ordinary Medicines have been already fruitlesly try'd . CHAP. XVIII . THat you may cease to wonder at my daring to say this , Pyrophilus , I must offer to you three or four Particulars . And first , it is manifest to those that are inqu●sitive , Th●t the true Nature an● Causes of several Dise●ses , are much less certain , and much more disputed of among the Doctors themselves , then those that are not inquisitive imagine : Nor is the method of curing divers particular Diseases more setled & agreed on , that depending chiefly upon the knowledg of those C●uses , which as I was saying , are controverted . 'T is not that I am either an Enemy to Method in Physick , or an Undervaluer of it ; but I fear the generality of Physiti●ns for I intend not , nor need not all along this Essay speak of them all have as yet but an imperfect Method , and have , by the narrow P●inciples they were taught in the Schools , been perswaded to frame their Method rather to the barren Principles of the Pe●ipatetick School , then to the full amplitude of Nature . Nor do I finde that Physitians have yet done so fit a thing , as seriously ( and with the attention which the impo●tance of the thing deserves ) on the one side , to enumerate and distinguish the several Causes , that may any whit probably be assign'd , how the Phaenomena of that disordered state of the humane Body , which we call a Disease , or its Symptomes , may be produced . And on the other side , by how many and how differing ways the Phaenomena may be removed , or the D●seases they belong to destroy'd : And if this were analytically and carefully done , I little doubt but that Mens knowledge of the Nature and Causes of Diseases , and the ways of curing them , would be less circumscrib'd and more ●ff●ctu●l then now it is wont to be . And I am apt to think , that even Methodists would then finde that there divers probable , if not promising Methods ( proper to divers ca●es ) whi●h Ways they yet over-look : And though in a right sense it be true , that the Physitian is but Natures Minister , and is to comply with Her , who aims always at the best ; yet if we take them in the sense those Expressions are vulgarly used in , I may elsewhere acquaint You with my Exceptions at them , and in the mean time confess to you , That I know not whether they have not done harm , and hindred the advancement of Physick , fascinating the mindes of Men , and keeping them from those effectual Courses , whereby they may potently alter the Engine of the Body ; and by rectifying the Motion and Texture of its Parts , both consistent and fluid , may bring Nature to their bent , and accustom Her to such convenient Courses of the Blood and other Juices , and such fit times and ways of evacuating ( what is noxious or superfluous &c. ) as may prevent or cure divers stubborn Diseases , more happily then the vulgar Methodists are wont to do . And indeed , it is scarce to be expected , that till men have a better Knowledg of the Principles of Natural Philosophy , without which 't is hard to arrive at a more comprehensive Theory of the various possible causes of Diseases , and of the contrivance and uses of the parts of the Body , the Method which supposes this Knowledg should be other then in many things defective , and in some erroneous , as I am apt to think , the vulgar Method may be shewn to be as to some particular Diseases . Of this I may perhaps elsewhere acquaint you more particularly with my suspicions , and therefore I shall now only mention the last Observation of this kind I met with , which was in a Gentleman , You and I very well know , who being for some Months much troubled with a difficulty of breathing , and having been unsuccesfully treated for it by very Eminent Physitians , we at last suspected , that 't was not the Lungs , but the Nerves that serv'd to move the Diaphragme and other Organs of respiration , upon whose distemper this suppos'd Asthma depended , and accordingly by a taking or two of a Volatile Salt of ours , which is very friendly to the genus Nervosum , he vvas quickly freed from his trouble some distemper , which afterwards he was fully perswaded did not proceed from any stuffing up of the Lungs . To be short , how much esteem soever we have for Method , yet since that it self and the Theories whereon men ground it , are , as to divers particular Diseases , so hotly disputed of ; even among Eminent Physitians , that in many cases a man may discerne more probability of the successe of the Remedy , then of the truth of the received Notion of the Disease ; In such abstruse cases me-thinks it were not amiss to reflect upon that reasoning of the auncient Empericks ( though on a somewhat differing occasion ) which is thus somewhere express'd by Celsus : Neque se dicere consilio medicum non egere , & irrationabile Animal hanc artem posse praestare , sed has latentium rerum conjecturas ad rem non pert nere ; Quia non intersit , quid morbum faciat , sed quid tollat . And as the controverted Method in the abovemention'd Diseases is not yet establish'd or agreed on in the Schools themselves , so divers of those that are wholly strangers to those Schools , do yet by the help of Experience and good Specificks , and the Method their Mother-wit does , according to emergencies , prompt them to take , perform such considerable cures , that Piso sticks not to give this Testimony to the utterly Unlearned Brasilian Empericks . Interim , saies he , seniores & exercitatiores eximii sunt Botanici , facilique negotio omnis generis medicamina ex undiquaque in sylvis conquisitis conficiunt . Quae tanta sagacitate internè & externè illos adhibere videas , praecipuè in morbis à veneno natis , ut quis illorum manibus tutius & securius se tradat , quam medicastris nostris sciolis , qui secreta quaedam in umbra nata atque educata crepant perpetuo , & ob has Rationales dici volunt . Secondly , There are divers Medicines , which though they want not some one quality or other proper to encrease the Disease against which they are administr'd , are yet confidently us'd by the most judicious Doctors , because that they are also inrich'd with other qualities , whereby they may do much more good then their noxious quality can do harm ; as in a Malignant Fe●ver , t●ough the distemper be Hot , and though Treacle an● s●●e other Antidotal Su●or ficks be hot also , y●t they are usefu●●y admin●stred in such Dise●s●s , because the reliefe they bring th● p●tient by oppugning the Malignity of the pecc●nt matter , an● perhaps by easing him of some of it by sweat , is more consi●erable then the h●rm they can do him , by encreasing for a while his He●t . The very experienced Bontius , Chief Physiti●n to the Dutch Plantation in the East - Indies ; in his Methodus medendi Indica , Treating of the Spasmus , which ( though here unfrequent ) he reckons among the Endemial Diseases of the Indies , commends the Use of Quercetanus's Laudanum , of Philonium , and principally of an Extract of Opium●nd ●nd Safron , which he describes and much Extols ; and le●st h●s Readers should scruple at so strange a prescription , he a●●s this memorable passage to our present pu●pose . Fortaf●●s ( sues he ) Sciolus quispiam negabit his remediis , propter vim stupefactivam ac narcoticum nervisque inimicam , esse utendum . Speciosa quidem haec prima fronte videntur sed tamen vana s●nt . Nam praeterquam quod calidissima hujus Climatis t●mp●r●es non requirat , certissimum est in tali necessitate : sine his aeg●um evadere non posse . Adde quod nos tam rite Opium hic praeparamus ut vel infanti innoxie detur : & sane ut verbo ab●●lvam● si Opiata hic nobis de●ssent in morbis calidis hic grass●ntibus frustra remedia adhiberemus quod etsi imperitis durum , ex progr●ssu tamen me nihil tem●re dix●sse pat●bit . The drincking freely , especially if the Dr●nk be cold Water , is usually ( and in most c●ses , nor w●thout much reason : ) strictly forbidden , as very hurtful for the Dropsie , and yet those that frequent the Spaa , tell us of great cures perform'd by pouring in plenty of Waters ●nto the Patients already distended Belly ; and I know a Person of great Quality , and Vertue , who being by an obstinate Dropsy , besides a complic●tion of other formidable diseases , brought to a desperate condition , was advis'd to Drink Tunbridg Waters , when I happn'd to be there , by her very skilful Physitian : Who told me , that the Doctors having done all their Art could direct them unto in vain , she would be cur'd by Death , if she were not by these Waters ; from whence ( the weather proving very seasonable for that sort of Physick ) she return'd in so prosperous a condition of recovery , as exacted both his and my wonder . That the Decoction of so heating a Simple as Guajacum ; would be lookt upon by the generality of Physitians , both Galenists and Chymists , as a dangerous Medicine in P●hisical and other consumptions , you will easily grant : and yet some eminent Physitians , and ( particularly Spaniards ) tell us of wonderful cures they have perform'd in desperate Ulcers of the Lungs by the long use of this Decoction , notwithstanding it s manifestly and troublesomely heating Quality . And I know a Physitian eminently learn'd , and much more a Methodist , then a Chymist , who assures me , that he has made trial of this unlikely way of curing Consumptions with a successe that has much recommended these Paradoxical Spaniards to him . 'T is also believ'd , and not without cause , by Physitians , that Mercury is wont to prove a great enemy to the Genus nervosum , and often produces Palseys , and other distempers of the Brain and Nerves : and yet one of the exactest and happiest Methodists I know , has confess'd to me , that Mercurial preparations are those which he uses the most succesfully in Paralytical and the like distempers of what Physitians call the Genus nervosum . And on this occasion , I remember , that a Gentlewoman being confin'd to her Bed by a Dead Palsey , that had seis'd on on● side of her Body , a Physitian eminent for his Books and Cures , giving her a dose of a certain Preparation of Mercury , corrected with a little Gold , which I put into his hands for that purpose , was pleas'd to bring me word , that by the first taking of the Powder , which wrought but gently by Siege , without either Vomits or Salivation , she was enabled the same or the next day to quit her Bed , and walk about the Room . Thirdly there are many things which seem to be against reason whilst they are barely propos'd and not prov'd for which we afterwards discerne very good reason : when experience , having satisfied us they are really true , has both invited us , and assisted us to enquire into their causes . Of this we have elsewhere given divers not Medical Instances in our ESSAY Concerning improbable Truths : And I coul● easily enough , if I du●st be tedious , give you some Medical Illustrations of the s●me truth . But I dare now only invite you to consider th●s one thing , which may be of g●eat use to explicate many others , both in Natural Philosophy , and in Physick too , which is , Th●t ●here are divers Concretes , some of them as to Sense , Similar , or Homogeneous , whose differing parts are endow'd with very differing and sometimes contrary Qualities . And this not only appeares in the Chymical Analysis of Bodies made by the fi●e , where the difference of what Chym●sts call the separate● Principles of Concretes is often ve●y manifest and g●eat , but ev'n in divers Bodies that h●ve not been resolv'd by the violence of the Fire ; as is evident in Rhubarb taken in substance , whose subtiler parts are purging , and its terrestrial astringent : Nay , if those parts which do in much the lesse quantity concurre to the constitution of the concrete do but meet with a Body dispos'd to receive their Impressions , it is very possible , that they may work more powerfully on it then the other Parts of the same Concrete , of which the Eye judgeth it altogether to consist . This I have made out to some ingenious Men , by shewing , that though Sallet Oyl be generally reputed to consist of Fat and Unctuous Particles , and therefore to be a great resister of Corrosion ; yet it containes in it sharp and piercing parts , which meeting with a disposed subject , do more powerfully operate then the more purely Oleaginous ones . As we endeavoured to evince by keeping for a short while in a gentle warmth , some pure Oyl-Olive , upon a quantity of Filings of ev'n crude Copper : For from them the Liquor extracted an high Tincture betwixt Green and Blew , like that which such Filings would have given to Distill'd Vineger , which according to Chymists Notions obtains that Colour , by making with its Acid and Corrosive Salt a real solution of some part of the Copper , as may appear by the recoverablenesse of the metal out of it . Another proof or two of the Acrimony of some of the parts of Oyl we may elswhere give you . But now we shall rather confirme our Answer to your Question , by two or three Examples of Cures perform'd by unlikely Remedies . I went once to visit an Ingenious Helmontian , whom I found Sick on his Bed , and having by the Symptomes of his Disease , discern'd it to be a Pleurisy , I talk'd with him of seasonably opening a Veine , but he was resolv'd against it , and told me he would cure himself by a remedy , which at first seems as likely to encrease such a disease as Phlebotomy is to cure it , namely by the use of Helmonts Laudanum Opiatum which in effect did in three or four daies cure him , and since he without Blood letting cur'd some others with it ; which I the lesse wonder at , because of my having observ'd that Opium ( with which unskilful men seldome tamper without danger ) if duely corrected and prepared proves sometimes a great resolver , and commonly a great Sudorifick insomuch , that I have known it make a person copiously sweat , who often complain'd to me , that other Diaphoreticks had no such operation on him . I have oftentimes seen Coughs strangly abated by the use of a Remedy , which I have not long since told you , how I prepare : and with which ( I remember ) in a pretty Child you ( Pyrophilus ) know , and who is now very well , I was so happy as to represse in a few Houres a violent Cough , that threatned her with Speedy Death , and yet this Medicine has so eminent a saltnesse , that the Tongue can scarce suffer it ; and how much the use of Salt things is by many Physitians condem'd in Coughs ( and indeed in many cases not without Reason ) I need not tell You. And with exceedingly piercing Essence or Spirit of Mans Blood , I have known , notwithstanding its being very Saline , and it s manifestly heating the Patient , especially for the first Four or Five daies , strange things perform'd even in a deplorable and hereditary Consumption . This Pyrophilus brings into my mind , something , that , it may be , you will think odde , which is , that hav●ng had occasion to advise for a person of high quality , with a very ancient Galenist , that in his own Country was look'd upon as almost an Oracle , and particularly in reference to Phthisical Consumptions , which was there a vulgar Disease , He confessed to me , that though his having fallen into it himself , made him very solicitous to find a cure for it ; and though he had in his long and various practise , made trial of great variety of Methods and Remedies for the cure of that Disease , yet that with which he cur'd himself , and afterwards the generality of his chief Patiens was principally Sulphur melted , and mingled , in a certain proportion to make it fit to be taken , in a Pipe , with beaten Amber or a Cephalick Herb. The particular circumstances of his Method , I cannot now set you down , not having by me the Paper wherein they were Noted , but if I mistake not the Herb , with which he mingl'd the Brimstone or Flower of Sulphur was Coltsfoot or Betony ; and I well remember , that what he look'd upon as the chief and specifick Remedy in his way of curing , was the smoak of the Sulphur ; the other ingredients being added , not so much for their being proper enough for the Disease , as their helping to fill the Pipe , and thereby to allay the pungency , wherewith the Smoak , if afforded by a Pipe fill'd with Brimstone alone , would be qualify'd . But yet this Sulphureous Smoak is so predominant in the Remedy , that he us'd to have a Syrrup in readiness to ●elieve those , whom the Acrimony of the Fumes should make very sore , and perhaps blister on the one side of their Mouthes , or Throats , which accident he provided for , by that cooling and healing Syrrup , without being thereby discourag'd from prosecuting the cure with the same Remedy ; wherewith a person very Curious and Rich , has solemnly assur'd me , that himself has cur'd divers Consumptions , and particularly in a Lady , even in health very Lean , that he nam'd to me , as being one I then knew . Now we know that Physitians generally , and in most cases justly , forbid Acid things to those that have exulcerated or tender Lungs , and how highly Acid and piercing the Smoak of Sulphur is , the Chymists can best tell you , who by catching it and condensing it in Glasses shap'd almost like Bells obtain from it that very corrosive Liquor , which readily dissolves Iron , being the very same that is commonly call'd Oleum Sulphuris per campanam , and yet it seems that either the Theory of Consumptions is misunderstood , or that the drying quality of the Sulphureous steam , and its great power to resist putrefaction , and as it were embalm the Lungs and season the Blood are considerable enough to account for the Harm which its Acidity may do . Eeles are so commonly eaten by Persons of both Sexes without being taken notice of for any Quality , except their Crudity , that one would scarce believe such a stinking and odious Medicine as that of their Livers and Galls dried slowly in an Oven should be more proper for any thing , then to make the taker Vomit ; and yet Helmont in divers places speaks of this Medicine as if it had ke●t multitudes of Women from dying of hard Labour . And since him , Panarola in his New Observations highly extols it . And I knew a very famous Emperick , who had very few other Secrets , and scarce any one so great to get Reputation and Mony by . And I remember also , That some years since I had occasion to give it to the Wife of a very ingenious Physitian , of whom the Midwives and her Husband almost despair'd , and ( as she afterwards told me her self ) each Dose made her throwes ( which before had left her ) returne , and at length she was safely delivered she scarce knew how . But I found double the Dose prescrib'd by Helmont , requisite to be used at last ; and that the quantity of a Walnut of the Powder of these Livers given in Rhenish or White-wine , and when the Stomack was most empty , was no more then such a case required . Scorpions being Venomous Creatures , to suffocate and infuse them in Oyl might seem the way to make it Poysonous , if experience did not assure us , that th●s Oyl is so far from being such , that it Cures the invenom'd bitings of Scorpions , which effect now that Physitians find it upon trial to be true , they confesse to be rational , and ascribe it , how justly I now examine not to the attraction of the Poyson received into the Body , by that which is outwardly applied to the hurt . And Piso informes us that amongst the Brasilians , whose country is so much infested with Venomous Creatures 't is the most general Cure to draw out the Poyson by applying to the hurt the beaten Body of the Beast that gave it . As likewise in Italy , they account the crushing of the very Scorpion that has bit a Man upon the bitten place for a most speedy and effectual Remedy . And I remember that here in England the Old man , whom you have seen going about with Vipers , Toads , &c. to sell , tol'd me that when he was dangerously bitten by a Viper and all swel'd by the Poyson of it a g●eat part of his cure was the outward application of Venomous Creatures stamp'd 'till they were brought to a Consistence fit for that purpose . That Fluxes are the general and Endemical Diseases in Ireland , I need not tell you ; and yet I remember , that having occasion to consult the ancientest and most experienc'd Physitian of that Nation Dr F. about the cure of it , he assur'd me , that though during his very long Practice he had found divers Remedies very prosperous , some on one sort of Patients , and some on another ; yet the Medicine he most relied on , was this . To take unsalted Butter , and boil it gently 'till a pretty part were consum'd , Skimming it diligently from time to time , whil'st it stands over the fire , and of this Butter melted , to give now and then a considerable quantity , according as the Patient is able to bare it . A Remedy which at the first proposal may seem more likely to put a man into a Flux then to cure him of one . And yet the same Remedy which he suppos'd to benefit by mitigating the sharp humours and preserving the Entrals from their Corrosion was afterwards much commended to me by another antient Irish Physitian , who was esteemed among the Doctors the next in Eminency to him that I have named . CAP. XIX . I Should not here , Pyrophilus , adde any thing to what I have allready said above in favour of the use of even odde Specificks , but that finding at every turn , that the main thing , which does ( really or in pretence ) prevail with many Learned Physitians ( especially in a famous University You have visited abroad ) to reject Specificks , is , That they cannot clearly conceive the distinct manner of the Specificks working , and think it utterly improbable , that such a Medicine which must passe through Digestions in the Body , and be whirl'd about with the Mass of Blood to all the parts , should , neglecting the rest , shew it self Friendly to the Brain , for instance , or the Kidnies , and fall upon this or that Juyce or Humor , rather then any other . But to this Objection which I have propos'd as plausible as I can readily make it , I shall at present but briefly offer , according to what has been hitherto discours'd , these two things . And First , I would demand of these Objectors a clear and satisfactory , or at least an intelligible explication of the manner of working of divers other Medicaments that do not passe for Specificks , as how Rhubarb Purges Choler , and Hellebor Melancholly rather then other Humou●s , how some Medicines that have endur'd a strong fire , as Antimonium Diaphoreticum , and Bezoardicum minerale well made , are yet oftentimes strongly Sudoririck ; why the infusion of Crocus Metallorum or of Glasse of Antimony , though it acquire no pungent , or so much as manifest t●st , whereby to velicate the Palat or the Tongue , are yet violently both Vomitive and Cath●rtick ; And how Mercury , which is innoxiously given in many cases Crude to Women in labour and others , does e●sily acquire , besides many other more abstruse Medicinal Qualities , not only an Emetick and Purgative , but a Salivating faculty . For I confesse , that to me , even many of the vulgar Operations of common Drugs seem not to have been h●therto intelligibly explain'd by Physitians , who are yet , for ought I have observ'd , to seek for an account of the manner , how Diureticks , how Sudorificks , how Sarcoticks , and how many other familiar sorts of Medicines , which those that consider them but slightly are wont to think they understand throughly , perform their operations . Nay , I much question , whether the generality of Physitians can yet give us a satisfactory account , why any sort of Medicine purges in general : And he that in particular will shew me , where either the Peripatetick or Galenical Schools , have intelligibly made out , why Rhubarb does particularly purge Choler , and Senna more peculiarly Phlegm , Erit mihi magnus Apollo . For I see not how from those narrow and barren Principles of the four Elements , the four Humours , the four first Qualities ( and the like ; ) Effects , far lesse abstruse then the Operations of Purging Medicines , can satisfactorily be deduc'd . Nor can I find , that any thing makes those Physitians , that are unacquainted with the Philosophy that explains things by the Motions , Siz●s , and Figures of little Bodies , imagine they understand the account upon which some Medicines are Purgative , others Emetick , &c. And some Purgative in some Bodies , Vomitive in other , and both Purgative and Vomitive in most ; but because they never attentively enquire into it . But ( which is the next thing I have to represent ) if we duely make use of those fertile and comprehensive Principles of Philosophy , the Motions , Shapes , Magnitudes and Textures of the Minute parts of Matter , it will not perhaps be more difficult to shew , at least in general , that Specificks may have such Operations , as are by the judicious and experienc'd ascrib'd to them , then it will be for those that acquiesce in the vulgar Principles of Philosophy and Physick , to render the true Reasons of the most obvious and familiar operations of Medicines . And though the same Objection that is urg'd to prove , That a Specifick cannot befriend the Kidnies , for Example , or the Throat , rather then any other parts of the Body , lies against the noxiousness of Poysons to this or that determinate part ; Yet experience manifests that some Poysons do respect some particular part of the Body , without equally ( if at all sensibly ) offending the rest : as we see that Cantharides in a certain Dose are noxious to the Kidnies and Bladder , Quicksilver to the Throat , and the glanduls thereabouts , Strammoneum , to the Brain , and Opium to the Animal Spirits and Genus Nervosum . And if You call to mind , what we have formerly deduc'd to make it out , That a Humane Body is an Engine , and that Medicines operate in it as finding it so ; we need not think it so strange , that there being many Strainers , if I may so call them , of differing Textures , such as the Liver , Spleen , and Kidnies , and perhaps divers local Ferments residing in particular parts , and a Mass of Blood continually streaming through all the parts of the Body , a Medicine may be quickly by the Blood carried from any one part to any other , and the Blood , or any Humour mingl'd with it , may be as easily carried to the Medicine , in what parts soever it be , and the Remedy thus admitted into the Masse of Blood , may in its passage through the Strainers , be so alter'd , either by leaving some of its parts there , or by having them alter'd by the abovemention'd Ferments , or by being associated with some other Corpuscles , it may meet within its passage ; whereby the Size , or Figure , or Motion of its small parts may be chang'd , or in a word it may by some of those many other waies , which might , if this ESSAY were not too Prolix already , be propos'd , and deduc'd , receive so great an Alteration , in reference either to some or other of the Strainers , or other firmer parts of the Body , or to the distemper'd Blood , or some other fluid and peccant matter , that it needs not seem impossible , That by that time the Medicine ( crumbl'd as it were into Minute Corpuscles ) arrives at the part or humour to be wrought upon , it may have a notable Operation there . I mean Part as well as Humour , because the Motion , Size , or Shape of the Medicinal Corpuscles in the Blood , though not by sense distinguishable from the rest of the Liquor they help to compose , may be so conveniently qualify'd as to shape , bulk , and motion , as to restore the Strainers to their right Tone or Texture , as well as the Blood to its free and Natural course , by resolving and carrying away with them such tenacious matter , as stuff'd , or choak'd up the slender passages of the Strainer , or at least Straitned its pores , or vitiated their Figure ; And the same Sanative Corpuscles may perchance be also fitted to stick to , and thereby to strengthen such Fibres of the Strainers , or such other firmer parts of the Body , as may need congruous Corpuscles to fill up their little unsupply'd C●vities . Meats that are Salt , and Ta●tareous , whilst they are whirled about in the Mass of Blood , may by the other part of th●t Vital Liquor be so diluted and kept asunder so , as no● to be offensive to any part : When they come to be separated by the Parenchyma of the Kidnies , from the sweet●r parts of the Blood , that did before temper and allay them , they easily , by their Saline pungency , offend the tender Ureters and Membranous Bladders of those that are troubl'd with the Stone or Strangurie . And perchance 't is upon some such account , that Cantharides are more noxious to the Bladder then to other parts of the Body . And as S●lt meat thus growes peculiarly offensive to the Reins and Bladder ; so a Specifick , dispos'd to be dissolv'd , after a peculiar manner , may , in the Body , either preserve or acquire , as to its Minute parts , a friendly congruity to the Pores of the Kidnies , Liver , or other Strainers equally , when distemper'd ; as I formerly observ'd to You , that New-milk sweetned with Sugar-candy , though it be not wont sensibly to affect ●ny other p●rt of the Body ; nor would have sensibly affected the Kidnies themselve● , had they not been d●sorder'd , yet after the t●oublesome operation of Cantharides , it ha● a very friendly effect upon the distemper'd Parts ; Thus a Specifick , for one Disease , may be resolved in the Body into Minute particles of ●uch Figure and Motion , that being fit to stick to other Corpuscles of peccant matter , which , by their vehement agitation , or other offensive qualities di●compose the Body and make it Feavouri●h , may allay their vehement Motion , and by altering them , as to bigness and shape , give them new and innocent qualities , instead of those noxious ones they had before . Another Specifick may dissolve the Gross and Slimy Humours that obstruct the narrow passages of the Veins ; as I have observ'd that Spirit of Harts-horn , wh●ch powerfully opens other obstructions , and resolves stuffing Phlegm in the Lungs , will also , though more slowly , resolve prepar'd Flowers of Sulphur , crude Copper , and divers other Bodies ; and also it may , by mortifying the Acid Spirit that oftentimes causes coagulations in the Blood , restore that Vital Liquor to its Fluidity and free Circulation , and thereby remove divers formidable Diseases , which seem to proceed from the Coagulation , or Ropinesse of the Blood ; and on the other side , the Minute parts of some Specificks , against a contrary Disease , may somewhat thicken and fix the two thin and agitated parts of the Blood , or of some peccant matter in it , by associating themselves therewith : as the nimble parts of pu●e Spirits of Wine , and those of high rectify'd Spirit of Urine , will concoagulate into Corpuscles , bigger and far less Agile . And the same Spirit of Wine it self , with another Liquor I make , will presently concoagulate into a kind of soft , but not fluid Substance . Nor is it so hard to conce●ve , that a Specifick may work upon a determinate Part or Humour , and let the others alone : as if you put , for instance , an Egge into strong Vinegar , the Liquor will operate upon and dissolve all the hard shell , and yet leave the tender skin untouch'd ; And if you cast Coral into the common rectify'd Spirit of Tartar , the far greater part of the Liquor , though strong and spirituous , will remain unalter'd thereby , and may be , integris viribus , abstracted from it ; but the Coral will presently find out , or rather be found out by Acid or Acetuous Particles , and by incorporating it self with them , take aw●y their sharpness : as in some cases Coral has been observ'd to do to Sower Humours abounding in Humane Bo●ies , those Humours being easily , by the Circulating Blood , brought ( in their passage ) to the Coral , whilst it perhaps remains in the Stomack or Guts . And though the Circulation of the Blood be sufficient to bring , little by little , the Acid Particles of that Liquor in its passage through the Vessels to work upon Coral ; yet in other Medicines the Operation may be more nimble : The Remedy quickly diffusing it self through the Mass of Blood , to seek , as it were , and destroy the Acid parts , which it meets with blended with the rest of the Liquor ; as Spirit of Urine being instead of Coral put into the above mention'd Spirit of Tartar will not ( that I have observ'd ) fasten it self to the Spirituous nor the Phlegmatick parts of the Liquor , but only to the Acid ones , which it will Mortifie or deprive of their Sowerness by concoagulating with them . And I see not why it should be more inconceivable that a Specifick should have a peculiar Vertue to free the Body from this or that peccant Humour , and a benign congruity to the distemper'd Spleen or Liver , then that some Cathartick should purge Electively , and some Antidotes have peculiar Vertues against such Poysons , whose Malignity particularly invades the Brain or Kidnies , or some other determinate part : the former of which the Physitians , we reason with , scruple not to teach ; and the latter of which is taught us not by them only , but by Experience too . [ Of the credibility of Specificks , and of the Efficacy even of some unlikely ones , we might easily enough present You with more Proofs and Examples : But these may possibly be sufficient for our present purpose ; especially if you duely consider , that as Pysick has ow'd its beginning to Experience , so those that practise it must enlarge and rectifie their Principles , according to the new discoveries , which are made from time to time of the Operations and Power of the productions , whether of Nature or of Art. This consideration I thought to insist upon in my own Expressions ; but finding lately the same Notion which I had , to have been long since that of the ancient Empericks , I will summe up what I meant to say in their words , as I find them wittily deliver'd by Celsus , in that excellent Preface , where having spoken in their Sense of the Origin of Physick , He continues Sic Medicinam ortam , subinde aliorum salute aliorum interitu perniciosa discernentem a salutaribus : Repertis deinde Medicinae remediis , hom●nes de rationibus eorum disserere caepisse ; nec post Rationem , Medicinam esse inventam , sed post inventam Medicinam , Rationem esse quaesitam . And least the mistaken name of Emperick should make you undervalue so useful a Consideration , which not the nature of their Sect , but that of the thing , suggested to them ; I shall adde in favour of what we have deliver'd concerning experienced , though otherwise unlikely Remedies , that 't is a sentence ascrib'd to Aristotle ( and in my opinion , one of the best that is ascrib'd to him , ) libires constat , si opinio adversetur rei , quaerendam rationem non rem ignorandam . ] And certainly Pyrophilus , though there be scarce any sort of men , whose credulity may do the World more mischief then that of Physitians ; yet perhaps , neither nature nor mankind is much beholden to those , that too rigidly , or narrowly , circumscribe , or confine th● operations of Nature , and will not so much as allow themselves or others to try whether it be possible for Nature excited and manag'd by Art to performe divers things which they never yet saw done , or work by divers waies , differing from any , which by the common Principles that are yet taught in the Schools , they are able to give a satisfactory account of . To the many things which you may be pleased to apply to this purpose , out of the precedent Discourse , divers others may be added , if without tiring you , they may be now insisted on . It would scarce have been believed some ages since , by those that knew no other then Vegetable Purges and and Vomits , that a Cup made of a Concret , insu●erable by the Heat of Humane Stom●cks should , by having for a while , Wine or any such other Liquor , b●rely powr'd on it to make an infusion , without any sensible diminution of its own bulk or weight , and without any sensible alteration made in the Colour , Tast , or Smell of the Wine , communicate to it a strongly Emetick and Cathartick Ve●tue , and prov● oftentimes Vomitive , ev'n when put up in Clysters ; and yet that this is performable by Antimony , slightly prepared with Salt-peter , or without addition , melted into a Transparent Glasse , is commonly known to those that are not Strangers to the Operations of the Antimonial Cup , and of the Glass made of the same Mineral . And much more strange is that which is affirmed by inquisitive Physitians upon their own Trial of the common Crocus Metallorum , or somewhat corrected Antimony wont to be sold in Shops , namely , That a few Drachmes of it , infus'd into some ounces of Wine , will make the Liquor work so strongly , as if six or eight times the quantity had been steep'd in it . Those that believe that all Diaphoreticks must consist of subtle , sapid and fugitive part●● as if only such were easily separated form each other , and agitated by the gentle heat of a Humane body , will scarce expect that any body could , in a moderate Dose , be a good Sudorifick , that is so fixt as to be able to persist divers hours in a good Fire . And yet that Antimoniu● Diaphoreticum is such a Concrete , is now very well known to many besides Chymists . That a Stone , and a Stone too so fixed , that it will sustaine the violence of reverberated Fire , and is consequently very unlike to be much wrought upon , or digested by the heat of Humane Stomach , should be capable of agglutinating together the parts of broken bones , would seem impossible to many , but 't is very well known to those that have made tryal of the efficacy of the Lapis Ossifragus : for though I have sometimes wondred at the Fixtness of this Stone , above others , in the Fire , yet being for some days successively drunk in Wine , or Aqua Symphyti , to the quantity of about half a Drachme , or more , it doth so wonderfully cement together the parts of broke and well-set Bones , that it deserves the name it commonly hath in the Shops of Osteocollae , and hath wonders related of it by several eminent , not onely Chymical , but Galenical Writers . 'T is almost incredible what Quercetane relates of what himself saw done with it as to the cure of broken Bones , without much pain or any of the usual grievous Symptoms , within four or five days ; so that to the stupendous Vertue he ascribes to this Stone , both inwardly given and outwardly applyed , in the form of a Poultis , with onely beaten Geranium and Oyl of Roses or Olives , he thinks fit to annex these words : Quod incredibile videri posset , nisi praeter me innumerabiles alii oculati & idonei testes extarent . And indeed these need good proof to make a wary Man believe so strange a thing , since Chirurgions observe , That Nature is wont to be forty days in producing a Callus to fasten together the pieces of a broken Bone. But to make this the more credible by the testimony of Authors more Galenically inclin'd , Matthiolus relates , That in many the Bones having been very well set ( Which Circumstance he requires as necessary ) have had their broken Parts conglutinated within three or four days : And not only that most experienced Chirurgion Fabricius Hildanus us'd it much in Fractures , with onely a little Cinnamon and Suger to make it pleasant ; but the Learned Sennertus , who somewhere calls its Vertue admirable , thinks it requisite , in his Chirurgery , to give us this caution of it : Verum in juvenibus & iis qui boni sunt habitus callum nimis auget : Quapropter caute & non nisi in adultioribus exhibendus : The warrantableness of which caution , and consequently the strange efficacy of Osteocolla , was , I remember , confi●m'd to me not long since by a skilful Physitian who hath particularly studyed its nature ; and related to me , That some Years since his Mother , having by a fall broken her Leg near the Knee , had too suddenly , by the over-much use of this Stone , a Callus produced in the part much bigger then he expected or desired . He that , before the salivating Property of Mercury was discovered , should have told Physitians of the ●espondent temper of these , we are now discoursing with , that besides the known ways of disburthening Nature ( namely by Vomit , Siege , Urine , Sweat , and insensible Transpiration ) there were a sort of Remedies , that would make very large Evacuations by Spittle , and thereby cure divers stubborn Diseases that had been found refractory to all ordinary Remedies , would certainly have been more likely to be derided , then believe by them ; since no known Remedy , besides , Mercury , hath been , that I remember , observed to work regularly by Salivation : ( for though Ceruss of Antimony have been observed to make Men , of some Constitutions , apt to spit much , yet it works that way too languidly , to deserve the name of a Salivating Remedy ; and probably oweth the quality it hath of enclining to spit , to the Mercurial part of the Antimony , wherewith the Regulus it is made of abounds ) and therefore the greater their experience of the Effects of Medicinal Operations should be supposed to be , the greater indisposition it would give them to credit so unallyed a Truth . And yet the reality of this Fluxing Property of Quick-silver is long since grown past question , and hath been found so useful in the cure of the most radicated and obst●●●te Venereal Distempers , that I somewhat wonder those Physitians , that scruple not to employ as boisterous ways of Cure , have not yet applyed it to the extirpation of some other Diseases ; as Ulcers of the Kidnies , Consumptions , and even Palsies , &c. wherein I am apt to think , it may be as effectual as in those produced by Lust , and much more effectual then vulgar Remedies , provided that the exceeding troublesome way of working of salivating Medicines be better corrected then it is wont to be , in the ordinary Medicines employed to produce Salivation , which they do with such tormenting Symptomes , that they are scarcely supportable . But if purified Quick-silver be dexterously precipitated by a long and competent digestion , with a due proportion of refined Gold , Experience hath informed us , that the salivating Operation of it may be performed with much less uneasiness to the Patient . And that such Mercurial Medicines , wherein the Quick-silver is well corrected by Gold , may produce more then ordinary effects , we have been enclined to believe , by the tryals which we procured by Learned Physitians to be made in other then Venereal Diseases , of a gently working precipitate of Gold and Mercury , of which we may elsewhere set you down the Process . [ And now I am upon the Discourse of the peculiar Operations of Mercury , and of unusual ways of Evacuation , I am tempted to subjoyn an odde Story , which may afford notable h●nts to a speculative Man , as it was related to me both in private , and before Illustrious Witnesses , by the formerly commended Chymist of the French King : He told me then awhile since , that there is yet living a Person of Quality , by name Monsieur de Vatteville , well known by the Command he hath or had of Regiment of Swissers in France , who , many Years ago following the Wars in the Low Countries , fell into a violent Distemper of his Eyes , which , in spight of what Physitians and Chirurgions could do , did in a few Moneths so increase , that he lost the use of both his Eyes , and languish'd long in a confirm'd Blindness ; which continued till he heard of a certain Emperick at Amsterdam , commonly known by the name of Adrian Glasmaker ( for indeed he was a Glasier ) who being cry'd up for prodigious Cures he had done with a certain Powder , this Colonel resorted to him , and the Emperick having discours'd with him , undertook his Recovery , if he would undergo the torment of the Cure ; which the Colonel having undertaken to do , the Chirurgion made him snuff up into each Nostril , about a Grain of a certain Mercurial Powder , which , in a strangely violent manner , quickly wrought with him almost all imaginable ways , as by Vomit , Siege , Sweat , Urine , Spitting and Tears , within ten or twelve hours that this Operation lasted , making his Head also to swell very much : But within three or four days after this single taking of the Drastick Medicine had done working , he began to recover some degree of Sight , and within a Fortnight attained to such a one , that himself assur'd the Relater , He never was so Sharp-sighted before his Blindness . And the Relater assured me , that he had taken pleasure to observe , That this Gentleman , who is his familiar Acquaintance , would discern Objects farther and clearer then most other Men. He added , That Monsieur de Vatteville told the Relater , he had purchas'd the way of making this Powder of the Emperick , and had given it to an eminent Chirurgion , one Benoest ( an Acquaintance of the Relaters ) by whom he had been cured of a Musket-shot that had broken his Thigh-bone , when the other Chirurgions would have proceeded to amputation ; and that this Benoest had with this Powder , administred as before is related , cur'd a Gentlewoman of a Cancer in the Breast . All which , and more , was confirm'd to the Relater by the Chirurgion himself . But in what other stubborn and deplorable Cases they use this Powder , I do not particularly remember . The Preparation of it , which a Chymist did me the favor to tell me by word of mouth , as a thing himself had also made , was in short this : That the Remedy was made by precipitating Quick-silver , with good Oyl of Vitriol , and so making a Turbith , which is afterwards to be dulcified by abstracting twenty , or twenty five , times from it pure Spirit of Wine , of which fresh must be taken at every abstraction . But I would not advise you to recommend so furious a Powder to any , that is not a very skilful Chymist and Physitian too , till you know the exact Preparation , and particular uses of it ; the reason of my mentioning it here , being but that which I expressed at the entrance upon this Narrative . ] CHAP. XX. YOu will perchance wonder , Pyrophilus , that having had so fair an opportunity as the subject of this Essay afforded me , of discoursing to you about the Universal Medicine , which many Paracelsians , Helmontians , and other Chymists talk of so confidently : I have said nothing concerning the existence , or so much as the possibility of it . But till I be better satisfied about those Particulars then yet I have been , I am unwilling either to seem to believe what I am not yet convinced of , or to assert any thing , that may tend to discourage Humane Industry ; and therefore I shall onely venture to adde on this occasion , That I fear we do somewhat too much confine our hopes , when we think , that one generous Remedy can scarce be effectual in several Diseases , if their causes be supposed to be a little differing . For , the Theory of Diseases is not , I fear , so accurate and certain as to make it fit for us to neglect the manifest or hopeful Vertues of noble Remedies , where ever we cannot reconcile them to that Theory . He that considers what not unfrequently happens in distempered Bodies by the Metastasis of the Morbifique matter ( as for instance , how that which in the Lungs caused a violent cough removed up to the head may produce ( as we have observed ) a quick decay of Memory and Ratiocination , and a Palsie in the Hands and other Limbs ) may enough discerne that Diseases that appear very differing , may easily be produced by a peccant matter of the same nature only variously determined in its operations by the constitution of the parts of the body where it setleth : and consequently it may seem probable to him , that the same searching Medicine being endowed with qualities destructive to the texture of that Morbifique matter , where ever it finds it , may be able to cure either all , or the greatest part , of the Diseases which the various translation of such a Matter ha●h been observed to beget . Moreover , it oftentimes happens that Diseases , that seem of a contrary nature , may proceed from the same cause variously circumstantiated ; or ( if you please ) that of divers Diseases , that may both seem primary , the one is but Symptomatical or at most Secundary in relation to the other ; as a Dropsy and a slow Feaver may , to unskilfull men , seem Diseases of a quite contrary nature , ( the one being reputed a hot and dry , the other a cold and moist Distemper ) though expert Physitians know they may both proceed from the same Cause , and be cured by the same Remedy : And in women experience manifests , that a great variety of differing Distempers , which by unskilful Physitians have been adjudged distinct and primary Diseases , and have been , as such , unsuccessfully dealt with by them , may really be but disguised Symptomes of the distempers of the Mother or Genus Nervosum ; and may , by Remedies reputed Antihysterical , be happily removed . To which purpose I might tell you , Pyro . That I , not long since , knew a Practitioner , that with great success used the same Remedies ( which were chiefly Volatile and Resolving Salts ) in Dropsies , and in ( not , Symptomatical , but ) Essential Feavers . And our selves have lately made some Experiments of not much unlike nature , with a preparation of Harts-horn , of equal use in Feavers and Coughs , both of them primary . I might on this occasion recur to divers of the Remedies formerly mentioned in several places of this Essay ; since divers of them have been found effectual against Diseases , which , according to our common Theory , seem to be little of kin one to another : And by telling you what I have observed concerning the various operations of Helmont's Laudanum , of our Ens Veneris , and even of a Medicine devised by a Woman , the Lady Kents Powder , I might illustrate what I have lately delivered : But it is high time for me to pass on to another Subject ; and therefore I shall rather desire you , in general , to consider , whether or no several Differing Diseases , and ev'n some commonly supposed to be of contrary natures , be not yearly cured by the Spaa waters in Germany . And to assist you in this Enquiry , I shall address you to the rare Observations of the famous and experienc'd Henricus ab Heer , and to his Spadacrene ; in the 8 ●h Chapter of which he reckons among the Diseases which those Waters cure , Catarrhs , and the Distempers , which ( according to him ) spring from thence ; as the Palsie , Trembling of the Joints , and other Diseases of kin to these , Convulsions , Cephalalgiae , ( I name them in the order , wherein I finde them set down ) Hemicraniae , Vertigo , Redness of the Eyes , of the Face , the Erysipelata , Ructus continui , Vomitus , Singultus , Obstructions , and even Scyrhus's , if not inveterate , of the Liver and Spleen , and the Diseases springing thence ; the Yellow Jaundise , Melancholia flatulenta seu Hypochondriaca , Dropsies , Gravel , Ulcers of the Kidnies , and Carunculae in meatu urinario , Gonorrhoeas , and resembling affections , Elephantiasis or the Leprosie , fluor albus mulierum , Cancers and Scyrrhus's of the Womb , Fluxes and even Dysenteries , the Worms ( though very obstinate , and sometimes so copious as to be voided in his presence , even with the Urine ) Sterility , and not onely the Scabies in the Body and Neck of the Bladder , and clammy pituitous Matter collected therein , besides Ulcers in the Sphyncter of it : but he relates , upon the repeated Testimony of an eminent Person that he names , and one whom he stiles Vir omni fide dignissimus , That this Party being troubled with a very great Stone in his Bladder , and having had it search'd by divers Lythotomists , before he came to the Spaa , did , by very copiously drinking these Waters , finde , by a second search made by those Artists , that his Stone was much dimin●shed the first Year , and ( by the same way of tryal ) that it was so the second Year . And of the Cures of these Diseases , the Physitian mentions in the same Chapter , as to many of them , particular and remarkable Instances ; and in the beginning of the next Chapter , having told his Readers that he expects they should scarce believe these Waters can have such variety of Vertues , Caeterum , saith he , si in Spaa maturè & constantibus naturalibus , vitalibusque facultatibus venerint ; aquasque quo dicemus modo biberint , indubiè quae dixi , vera esse fatebuntur : And though we be not bound to believe ( nor doth he ●ffirm it ) that the Spaa-waters do universally cure all the afore-mention'd Distempers ; y●t it is very much , and makes much for our present purp●se , that they should in so many Patients cure most of these Distempers , and lessen , if not cure , the rest . And we may somewhat the better credit him , because even where he reckons up the Vertues of the Spaa , he denys it some , which other Physitians ascribe to it . And it is very considerable , what he subjoyns in these words : Paucissimos enim vel nullos Spadae Incolas Capitis doloribus , Cardialgiâ , Cal●ulo , Obstructionibus renum , Hepatis , Lienis , Mesaraicarum , laborantes invenies , Ictericos , Hydropicos , Podagricos , Scabiosos , Epilepticos , quod sciam , nullos . But that which I most desire you to take notice of , is , That besides all the above-mention'd Diseases , I finde that he ascribes to these Waters the Vertues of curing such as are counted of a contrary nature , and are thought to require contrary Remedies : For besides that , he expresly affirms , in the beginning of the eighth Chapter , That these Waters being endow'd with the Ve●tues both of hot and cold Minerals , they cure both hot and cold affections , in the same Patients , and in d●ffering Bodies , and that contrary Effects are performed by them : He hath , after some Pages , this passage , which may go for an Illustrious Proof of what he had asserted : Inter caetera ( saith he , speaking of the Spaa-Waters ) Mensibus movendis imprimis idonea , quod millies experientia comprobavit . Et tamen nimium eorum fluxum quovis alio medicamento felicius sistit . These Testimonies , Pyrophilus , of our experienc'd Author , would perhaps obtain the more credit with You , if You had seen what I la●ely had the opportunity to observe in a hot and dry Season , at ou● own Tunbridge-Waters in Kent , when I was there to drink them . And therefore I shall again invite You not onely to consider , Whether one potent Remedy , such as it may be , may not be able to cure variety of Diseases , and some suppos'd to be of contrary natures ? But whether or no divers Persons , on whom the received Methodus medendi hath been long and fruitlesly employ'd , be not by their tyred and despondent Physitians themselves sent thither , and there cur'd of their abstruse and obstinate Diseases , by Remedies prepar'd by Nature without the assistance of Art ? For if you duly reflect on this conspicuous Observation , and consider how much it is possible for Art to meliorate and improve most ( especially Mineral ) Remedies , afforded us by Nature , you would probably dare to hope , That Medicines might be prepared of greater Efficacy , and applicable to more Diseases , then they who think the more received Theory of Diseases ( from which yet very eminent Physitians , in divers Particulars , scruple not to recede ) incapable of being rectified ; and that judge of all Remedies by them , that are publickly Venal in Apothecaries Shops , will allow thems●lves so much as to hope . If now You demand , Pyrophilus , if I think that every Particular which hath contributed to swell this Discourse into a bulk so disproportionate to that which the Title of an Essay promised , do directly belong to the Art of Physick ? I shall leave it to the Judicious Celsus ( whom Le●rned Men have stiled The Roman Hippocrates ) to answer for me , and he will tell you , That Quanquam multa sint ad ipsas artes non pertinentia , tamen eas adjuvant excitando artificis ingenium . I suppose I need not remind You , Pyrophilus , that it was not my design , in what h●th been represented , to subvert those Principles of the Methodus medendi , from which no sober Physitians themselves recede , and in which they unanimously acquiess : And that I much less intend to countenance those venturous Empericks , who , without any competent knowledge of Anatomy , Botanicks , and the History of Diseases , think Receipts or Processes alone can enable them to cure the Sicknesses they know not , and who would perswade Men to lay by , as needless , a Profession , of whose Usefulness to Mankinde we may elsewhere have occasion to discourse . No , Pyrophilus , without peremptorily asserting any thing , I have but barely represented the Notions I have mention'd concerning the Methodus medendi , as things probable enough to deserve to be impartially considered ; That in ●ase they prove fit to be declin'd , they may appear to have been rejected not by our superciliousness or laziness , but ( after a fair tryal ) by our experience : And in case they seem fit to be approved , they may prove additional Instances of the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy to Physick . Which Usefulness , Pyrophilus , if I have in any considerable measure been so happy as to make out , I shall not think the time ( and much less the pains ) I have bestow'd upon that Theme , mis-spent . For , I must confess to you , Pyrophilus , that to me it seems , that few things ought more to endear to us the Study of Natural Philosophy , then that ( according to the Judicious Sentence of our Celsus , Rerum Naturae contemplatio , saith he , quam vis non faciat Medicum , aptiorem tamen Medicinae reddit ) a deeper insight into Nature may enable Men to apply the Physiological Discoveries made by it ( though some more immediately , and some less directly ) to the Advancement and Improvement of Physick . And I well enough know , Pyrophilus , that if instead of Writing this Essay to such an one as You , I should Write it to the more critical and severer sort of Readers , they would be apt to think both that it is impertinent for me , who do not profess to be a Physitian , to treat prolixly of Matters Medicinal ; and that it may appear somewhat below me , in a Book , whose Title seems to promise you Philosophical Matters , to insert I know not how many Receipts : But I shall not scruple to tell such a Person as Pyrophilus , That since my Method requir'd that I should say something to you of the Therapeutical part of Physi●k , I thought that Christianity and Humanity it self , oblig'd me not to conceal those things , which how despicable soever they may seem to aspeculative Philosopher , are yet such , as , besides that some of them may perhaps afford improveable Hints touching the Nature of Remedies , if not also of Diseases , Experience hath encouraged me to hope , that others may prove useful to the sick . And as for the inserting of Receipts , even in Books of Philosophical Subjects , I have not done it altogether without example . For not onely Pliny , a Person of great Dignity as well as Parts , and Friend to one of the greatest Roman Emperors , hath left us in a Book , where he handles many Philosophical Matters , store of particular Receipts ; but our great Chancellor , The Lord Verulam , hath not disdain'd to Record some . And as for that Industrious Benefactor to Experimental Knowledge , the Learned and Pious Mersennus , his Charity made him much more fearful to neglect the doing what good he could to others , then to venture to lessen his Reputation by an Indecorum , that in a Mathematical Book , and in a Chapter of Arithmetical Combinations , he brings in not onely a Remedy against the Erysipelas , but even a Medicine for Corns , where he tells us , That they may be taken away , by applying and daily renewing for ten days , or a fortnight , the middle Stalk that grows between the Blade and the Root ( for that I suppose he means by the unusual Word Thallum ) of Garlick , bruis'd . Nor is it without Examples , though somewhat contrary to my Custom in my other Writings , that in this , and the four precedent Essays , I have frequently enough alledged the Testimonies of others , and divers times set down Processes or Receipts , not of my own devising . For even among professed and learned Physitians , scarce any thing is more common , then on Subjects far less of kin to Paradoxes , then most of those I have been discoursing of , to make use of the Testimonies and Observations of other approved Writers , to confirm what they teach . And not now to mention the voluminous Books of Schenkius and Scolzius , that famous and experienc'd Practitioner Riverius himself , hath not been ashamed to publish together a good number of Receipts , given him by others , under the very Title of Observationes communicatae : And Henricus ab Heer , hath , among his Observationes oppido rarae , divers Receipts that came from Mountebancks , and even Gypsies . And therefore I hope that you , who know that it is not after every Body that I would so much as relate an Observation , or mention a Medicine , as thinking them probable , will easily excuse one that hath much fewer Opportunities then a profess'd Physitian to try Remedies himself ; if treating of Subjects not so familiar , I choose to countenance what I deliver by the Testimonies of skilful Men , and if I scruple not to preserve in these Papers some not despicable Remedies , as well of abler Men as of my own , that otherwise would probably be lost . But of this Practise I may elsewhere have occasion to give you a more full Apology , by shewing how much it may conduce to the enriching and advancement of Physick ; an Art , with whose praises I could long entertain You , if I were at leisure ( and durst allow my self ) to exhaust common places . And yet give me leave to tell you , That Man is so noble a Creature , and his Health to requisite to his being able to relish other goods ; and oftentimes also to the comfortable performance of what his Conscience , his Country , his Family , his Necessities , and perhaps his allowable Curiosi●● challenge from him , that I wonder not so much at those Antient Heathens , that being Polytheists and Idolaters , thought themselves oblig'd , either to refer so useful an Art as that of Physick , to the Gods or God-like Persons ; or to adde those , that excell'd in so noble a Faculty , to the number of those they worshipp'd . For my part , Pyrophilus , a very tender and sickly Constitution of my own , much ( impair'd by such unhappy Accidents as Falls , Bruises , &c. ) hath , besides ( as I hope ) better motives of Compassion , given me so great a sense of the uneasinesses that are wont to attend Sickness , that I confess , if I study Chymistry , 't is very much out of hope , that it may be usefully imploy'd against stubborn Diseases , and relieve some languishing Patients with less pain and trouble , then otherwise they are like to undergoe for Recovery . And really , Pyrophilus , unless we will too grosly flatter our selves , we can scarce avoid both discerning and deploring the ineffectualness of our vulgar Medicines , not onely Galenical , but Chymical ; ( for an active Body may yet be but a languid Remedy . ) For besides that many that recover upon the use of them , endure more for Health , then many that are justly reckon'd among Martyrs , did for Religion ; Besides this , I say , we daily meet with but too many in the case of that bleeding Woman , mention'd in the Gospel , of whom 't is said , That she had suffer'd many things of many Physitians , and had spent all that she had , and was nothing better'd , but rather grew worse . And therefore I reckon the investigation and divulging of useful Truths in Physick , and the discovering and recommending of good Remedies among the greatest and most extensive Acts of Charity , and such , as by which a Man may really more oblige Man-kinde , and relieve more distressed Persons , then if he built an Hospital . Which perhaps you will not think rashly said , if you please but to consider , how many the knowledge of the Salivating , and other active Properties of Mercury , and of its enmity to putrefaction and Distempers springing thence , have cur'd of several Diseases , and consequently how many more Patients , then have recover'd in the greatest Hospital in the world , are oblig'd to Carpus and those others , who ever they were , that were the first discoverers of the medical efficacy of Quick-silver . And for my own particular , Pyroph . though my Youth and Condition forbid me the practice of Physick , and though my unhappy Constitution of Body , kept divers Remedies from doing me the same good they are wont to do others ; yet having more then once , prepar'd , and sometimes occasionally had opportunity to administer , Medicines , which God hath been so far pleas'd to bless on others , as to make them Relieve several Patients , and seem ( at least ) to have snatch'd some of them almost out of the jaws of death ; I esteem my self by those successes alone sufficiently recompenc'd for any toil and charge my Enquiries into Nature may have cost me . And though I ignore not , that 't is a much more fashionable and celebrated Practice in young Gentlemen , to kill men , then to cure them ; And that , mistaken Mortal● think it the noblest Exercise of vertue to destroy the noblest Workmanship of Nature , ( and indeed in some few cases the requisiteness and danger of ●estructive valour may make its Actions become a vertuous Patriot ) yet when I consider the Character , given of our great Master and Exemplar , in that Scripture , which says , That he went about doing good , and Healing all manner ●f Sickness ; and all maner of Disease among the people , I cannot but think such an Imployment worthy of the very nobl●st of his Disciples . And I confess , that , if it w●re allow'd me to envy creatures so much above us , as are the Celestial Spirits , I should much more envy that welcome Angels Charitable imployment , who at set times diffus'd a healing vertue through the troubled waters of Bet esda , then that dreadful Angels fatal imployment , who in one night destroy'd above a hundred and fourscore thousand fighting men . But , of the Desireableness of the skill and willingness to cure the sick , and relieve not only those that languish in Hospitals , but those that are rich enough to build them , having elsewhere purposely discoursed , I must now trouble you no longer on this Theme , but Implore Your much needed pardon for my having been ( beyond my fi●st intentions ) so troublesome to You already . AN APPENDIX TO THE FIRST SECTION OF THE Second Part. Advertisements touching the following APPENDIX . I Scarce doubt , but it will be exspected that I should annex to the foregoing Treatise , those Receipts and Processes , which seem to be here and there promis'd in it ; But I desire it may be considered , that some Passages , which an unattentive Reader may have mistaken for absolute Promises , are indeed but Profers conditionally made to a particular Person , and so not engaging me , till the condition ( which was his desiring the things mention'd to him ) be on his part perform'd . And as for the other things , which every Reader may suppose to be promis'd Him , I have at hand this general excuse , that at least I promis'd nothing to the Publick ; whatever promises I may have made in the foregoing ESSAYES , having together with them been address'd to a private Friend . And I have two or three special Reasons to insist on this Excuse , for divers of my choicer Books and Papers , having not long since unhappily miscarried through the negligence of some Men , or the Fraud of others , it is not now possible for me to retrieve some of the things I was Master of , when I promis'd them . And then to revise carefully all the Papers that remain in my hands of Affinity with the past Treatises , would take up more time then is allow'd me by other Studies and Employments , which I think of greater moment , or at least wherein I am much more concern'd , then to give this Book at present a full or accurate APPENDIX . But though I might upon these and other Reasons wholy excuse my self from the trouble of adding any Appendix ; yet because the communicating of good Medicines , is a work of Charity , and those unpolish'd and immethodical Notes that may perchance disparage an Author , may yet relieve many a Patient , I am willing to do what my occasions will permit , and finding among my Papers many loose Sheets , concerning Spirit of Harts-horn , Blood , &c. written divers years since to a Friend , I choose rather to publish them just as I find them with Pyrophilus's name , employ'd in convenient places , and to adde some unpromis'd Receipts , instead of those that are lost , then be altogether wanting , to what may be expected from me . I know that what I deliver concerning some of the following Preparations may by severer Criticks be thought somewhat unaccurate , and I confess I am of that mind my self . But meeting with these Collections in loose Sheets among my old Papers , I must either publish them as I find them , or take the pains to Polish and Contract them , which would require more time , then I can at present afford them . And much less can I stay to subjoyn the Histories of the particular cures perform'd by the Medicines , whose preparations I set down , though divers of them would not perhaps appear inconsiderable . But if I find by the entertainment of these Papers , that it will be worth while to revise or enlarge them , I may , God permitting , be invited to do it , and either supply the things , that are here deficient out of After-observations ) or Papers now out of the way , or make amends for their omission in substituting better things . It will not at all surprize me if some Readers think me too prolix in delivering the preparations of Harts-horn , Ens Veneris &c. with such particular and circumstantial Observations . But my design being to gratifie and assist those that would make and use the Remedies I recommend : The Experience I have had , of the difficulties most men find in the preparing things by the Direction of Chymical Processes not very expresly set down , makes me apt to hope , that ( I say not the great Physitians or Chymists , who may if they please , leave them unperus'd ; but ) those for whom I principally intend my Directions will think my having made them so particular a very excusable fault . And I make the lesse difficulty to suffer such things as perhaps I judg to be in comparison of others , but trifles to passe abroad , because finding of late Years , that many Persons of Quality of either Sex , who scarce read any other then English Books , have ( as I hope ) out of Charity or Curiosity or both , begun to addict themselves to Chymistry , and venture to be tampering with Spagirical Remedies , it may not be unseasonable to supply them with some Preparations , that may both save them time and charges , and put them upon the use of Remedies , which without being languid , are , if any thing discreetly given , safe and innocent , and wherein a little Error , either in the making or the administring will be far lesse prejudicial to the sick , then if it were committed in the more vulgar ( oftentimes , either falsly or obscurely prescrib'd ) preparations they 〈◊〉 wont to make of Acid Salts , Mercury , Antimony , and other Minerals , whose Activity for the most part makes them need to be skilfully prepar'd , and judiciously g●ven . To the Eightieth Page . The Irish Lithotomists Receipt , for the Stone in the Bladder . REc. Aquar . Melon . Citrullar , Filipendulae , Petroselin , syr . è 5 radicibus , syr . de Bïsantiis , ana , unc . ij Oxymelit comp . unc . j. misce , quartam mixti partem sumas manè jejunus , & postea per octo horas à cibo & potu abstineas , aliam sumas partem eodem die post coenam cum lectum intrare volueris ; denique sequenti die reliquae sumantur partes ut primae ; terti● verò die . Rec. Elect. lenit . dragm . iii. syr . Rosat . solut . dragm . ij . pulp . Tamarind . dragm . j. misceantur ac in sevi lactis unc . iij. dissolvantur : totum bibas mane quatuor horis ante jus , quarto die suma● mane sequentis pulv . dragm . j. mixti in sequentis Apozematis unc . iiij . & olei Amygd dulc . unc . sem . Rec. Cinerum vitri * , & Scorpionum pulveris , Lapià . Spongiae , & lap . Judaici , Acori , sem Altheae , Millii solis , Saxifrag●i ●na dragm . i. sem lactucae , 4 sem . frigid majorum ana dragm . sem . Trokiscor . Alkekengi , rad . pimpinellae ana dragm . ii , fiat pulvi● subtilis . Apozema . Rec. Parietariae , rad Alth. ana Mj sem petrofelini , Glychyrrhizae ana unc sem . halicacabi , unc . j. Coqu in aq . pluviae , sext . 2. & vini albissimi sext . i. ad medietatis consumptionem , & colatura melle hybernico dulcoretur . Tum quarto illo die passerculum Trogloditem sale antea conditum edas una cum caena , Et post coenam lumbi , pubes , & tota renum regio oleis è granis Citri & scorpion . liniantur , etsi possibile esset praedicta olea per meatum urinar . in vesicam injiciantur , sicque deinde pulvere , Apozemate , Troglodite & oleis omni die utere , donec arenula aut lap . fragmentae ana cum expulsis apparuerint . Loco cinerum vitri sumi possunt cineres Camini & vires cinerum scorpionum supplere potest pulvis lumbricor . terrestr . probè in vino lotorum & postea exsiccatorum . * NB. [ As far as I could conjecture by the Discourse I had with the owner of the Receipt , by Ashes of Glass he meanes the superfluous Saline substance , which the Glassemen are wont to call Sandiver ; but because he did not explain himself so clearly , and we know not yet a way of Burning Glass to Ashes , I think it will be most advisable to substitute the Wood Ashes , which in the Receipt it self towards the close of it are appointed for a Succedaneum . To the One Hundred and Twentieth Page ; [ Where the Vertues of the Pilulae Lunares are toucht at . ] THe great benefit that has redounded to many patients , from the use of the Silver Pils , here briefly mention'd , and commended , invites me to communicate as a considerable thing , the preparation of them , of which I do not pretend to be the Inventer ; having divers years since , learnt it by discoursing with a very Ancient and experienc'd Chymist , whose name that I do not mention , will perhaps seem somewhat strange to those Readers that have observ'd me not to be backward in acknowledging my Benefactors in point of Experiments , and therefore I hold it not amiss to take this opportunity of declaring once for all , that t were oftentimes more prejudicial then grateful to one that makes an advantage by the Practise of Physick , to annex in his life time his name to some of his Receipts or Processes ; because that when a Man has once got a repute , for having a Specifick in any particular Disease or Case , his Patients , and their Friends will hardly forbear to apply themselves to him for that Medicine , though the same Medicine , but not known to be the same , should be made use of by a stranger , or divulged in a Printed Book . Most Patients being not apt to rely upon Medicines , that come onely that way recommended ; whereas if it were known that the Printed Receipt is the self same , which the Physitian employs , not only other Physitians would quickly make as much advantage of it as he , but many Patients would think themselves by that discovery dispens'd with , in point of good husbandry , from going to any Physitian at all , as knowing before hand the best prescription they are like to receive from him . The Process of the Pilulae Lunares is this ; Take of the best refined Silver as much as You please , dissolve it in a sufficient quantity of cleans'd spirit of Nitre or Aquafortis , then evaporating away the superfluous moysture , let the rest shoot into thin Chrystals ; these you may in some open mouth'd Glass place in sand , and keep in such a degree of Heat , that by the help of very frequently stirring them , the greatest part of the more loose and stinking Spirits of the Menstruum may be driven away , and yet the remaining Chrystals not be brought to Flow : These Chrystals of Silver you must counterpoise with an equal weight of Chrystals of Nitre ; and first dissolving each of them apart in distill'd Rain-water , You must afterwards mingle the Solutions , and abstract or steam away the superfluous moysture , till the remaining Mass be dry , which you must keep in an open Glass , expos'd to such a temperate heat of Sand , that the Matter may not melt ( which you must be very careful of ) and that yet the adhering corrosive Spirits of the Menstruum might be driven away . And to both these ends You must from time to time stir the Mass , that new parts of it may be expos'd to the Heat , and new ones to the Air , till you cannot descry in the remaining white Powder any offensive scent of the Spirit of Nitre , or of the Aqua-Fortis . And lastly You must take the Crum of good White-bread , made with a little moysture into a stiff Past , and exactly mingle with the newly mention'd Magistery or Powder as much of this Past , as is necessary to give it the consistence of a Mass of Pills , which you may thence form at pleasure , and preserve in a well stopp'd Glass for use . NB. First the Silver employ'd in this Operation , ought to be very pure and more exquisitely refin'd , then much of that is wont to be , which here in England is bought for fine Silver ; for if the Copper wherewith Silver-Coyns are wont to be alloy'd , be not carefully separated upon the Cupel , it may , being turn'd by the Acid Menstruum into a kind of Vitriol , when it is taken into the Body , either provoke Vomits , or otherwise discompose it . 2ly , The Spirit of Nitre , or ( which in our case comes almost to one ) the Aqua-fortis that is us'd about this Medicine , ought to be clear'd , as our Refiners phrase it , before the Silver be put in , for ( as I elsewhere Note ) in Salt Peter , there is oftentimes an undiscerned Mixture of Sea-salt , whose Spirit coming over in Distillation with that of the Nitre , is apt to precipitate the Silver , which the Spirit of Nitre has dissolv'd . This I take to be the Reason of that practise of the best Refiners to purifie their Aqua-fortis , by casting in some small piece of Silver , that they may afterwards securely put into it greater Quantities of the same Mettal to be dissolv'd . For the Saline Spirits fall to the bottome , together with the corroded Silver , which they precipitate as long as there is any of these Saline Spirits left in the Menstruum , which after this may be decanted clear ; and though you had put a little more Silver then needed to it , it neither does harm , nor is lost , the Aqua fortis preserving none unprecipitated , but what there were no more S●line Spirits to work upon , so that the superfluous Silver put in is already dissolv'd to Your hand . 3dly , The dry Mixture obtain'd from the Solutions of Chrystals of Nitre and Chrystals of Silver , must be often stirr'd , and kept longer in the Sand , before all the offensive Spirits will be driven away , then till Experience had inform'd me , I did imagine . Fourthly , If the Chrystals of Silver be considerably Blew or Green , 't is a sign the Silver was not sufficiently purg'd from Copper , else the Mixture we have been speaking of , will look of a White , good enough . And possibly 't was by reason of the not being careful to take sufficiently Refin'd Silver , and of the not knowing how to improve the Chrystals of Silver , by the addition of those of Nitre , and especially how to free them from the stinking and Corrosive Spirits of Aqua-fortis , that it is come to pass , that though there be in some Chymical Writers , Processes not very unlike this , yet the Chrystals of Silver have been censur'd and laid aside as not alwaies safe even by those , who otherwise much magnifie the Efficacy of those they us'd . Fifthly , When You are about to make up this Mixture with the Crum of Bread into a Mass , and so into Pills , 't will not be amiss to dispatch that work at once , for usually it leaves an ugly Blackness on the Fingers , that cannot under divers daies be gotten off . Sixthly , In taking of the Pills care must be had , that they be sufficiently lapp'd up either in a Wafer wetted with Milk , or the Pulp of a Roasted Apple , or some such thing , that they may not touch the Palat , or the Throat , because of the extreme and disgusting bitterness , which is to be met with in the Chrystals of Silver , and which is not the least thing , that with nicer Persons does Blemish these Pills . Seventhly , The Dose is somewhat uncertain ; because they work much according to the Constitution of the Body , and especially according as it abounds with Serous Humours ; Wherefore 't is adviseable to make the Pills of the size of very small Pease , of which one given at Bedtime , is a sufficient Dose for some Bodies , others will require two ; and in some we must ascend to three ; and if the Patient be Hydropical , o● be otherwise much molested with serous Humours , it is observable that sometimes one Dose will work two Daies , or four Daies , ( may be five or six ) successively , but yet moderately and usually , without weakening the Patient , in proportion to such copious Evacuations . Eighthly , Besides the Dropsie , wherein we have mention'd this Remedy as a Specifick , it often proves very available in other Cases , wherein Men are troubled with Serous Humours . But the first distempers , which I heard it Magnified for , were those of the Head , and Genus Nervosum ; and a great Virtuoso of my acquaintance that inherits a Disposition to the Palsie , has several times told me , that if when he begins to find himself disordered , he take a Dose of these Pills , he is thereby constantly reliev'd . But of the particular Cases , wherein we have had opportunity to take notice of their Effects , we have not now , but may perchance another time have leisure to entertain You. Lastly , That skilful and succesful Chymist Dr N. N. who doth much both use and esteem this Remedy , being desir'd by me to let me know , if he had any Objections against it , informes me , that when he hath given these Pills oftentimes , and without intervalls , though they did not either Salivate or Vomit , or much weaken the Patient , yet they would at last be attended with a kind of Incipient Leucophlegmatia , which he easily prevents by intermitting for a while the use of the Pills , after every second or third time that he administers them , and giving , when he exspects it to be requisite , some Crocus Martis , Extract of Juniper , or other Astringent or Hepatick Medicines to corroborate the Viscera and preserve their Tone . To the One Hundred Twenty third Page . ( Where mention is made of the Cure of one concluded to have a Gangrene , by an inward Medicine . ) THe Cure mention'd in this place , having been perform'd by that Medicine , which from the Name of that Great Commander , as well as Virtuoso , who was the Author of it , passes under the Name of Sr Walter Rawleighs Cordial , and this being but one of many remarkable ( and some of ●hem stupendous ) Cures which have been wrought by it from time to time , especially of late that it hath been more us'd , I am induc'd to annex here the yet unpublish'd Receipt , partly , because there are divers Receipts that are each pretended to be the true , magnify'd by their several Possessors ; And I had the liberty of looking it out in a Receipt Book , preserved by the Authors Son ; and partly because , though I will not affirm , that a skilfuller or more promising Composition of the same Ingredients could not have been devised ; Yet the following Receipt has been abundantly recommended by Experience . And I remember , that but a while since , a Person of Note having sent to me , to desire a taking of this Cordial for a certain Knight , who after all that Skilful Physitians could do , had long lain a dying ; I the other day chanc'd to meet this Knight at White-hall , well , lively , and with a Face whose Ruddiness argued a perfect Recovery , and yet he is not very farre from seventy Years of Age , and had before he grew so ill , long conflicted with a tedious Ague , and feaver , which had reduc'd him to that Extremity , when the Cordial was brought , that , as himself told me , he neither was sensible when they gave it him , nor had known what he did , or what was done unto him , during the space of several dayes before . Sr Walter Rawleighs Cordial , after Sr R. K. his way : ( set down Verbatim as I received it . ) TAke Burrage-Flowers , Rosemary-Flowers , Marigold-Flowers , Red July-Flowers , Rosa-Solis , Elder-flowers of each , one Pottle after they are dried in the Shade . Take also of Scordium , Carduus , Angelica , Baulm , Mint , Marjoram , Setwall , Betony ana four handfulls , after they are dry'd in the Shade . Take also of the Rinds of Sassafras of Virginia , Lignum Aloës , ana , four ounces beaten to Powder , of Kermes , Cubebs , Cardamoms , Zedoary , ana , one ounce , of Saffron half an ounce-Juniper Berries , Tormentil Roots , Round Birthwort Roots , of each one ounce , of Gentian Roots half an ounce . Draw the Tincture or Extract of these with Spirit of Wine in Balneo , and save all the Ingredients after you have t●ken out the Tinctures , and Burn them and put their Salt into their Tinctures . Take six ounces of the Extracts of a●l these with their S●lt , and put thereto of the Tincture of Coral three ounces , Terra Sigillata four ounces , Pearl prepar'd two ounces , Bezar-stone three dragmes , H●rts-horn calcin'd four ounces . Amber-greese four dragmes , Musk gr . xxx , Sugarcandy one pound and an half-ground very fine , and searsed through a fine Searse . Then the Musk and Amber must be ground , and by little and little mingl'd with it , the more you grind the Amber , the better . Then put to the Sugarcandy all the dry Materials before directed , and make all as small as possibly You can . Then upon a great hallow grinding Stone mingle the Tinctures , and dry things together : ( which must be done by a strong man used to that work : ) and whil'st 't is in grinding ▪ put of Syrrup of Limmons , & Syrrup of Red Roses equal parts into it , else it will be so dry , that t will neither grind nor mingle . How to make the Tincture of Coral for this Cordial . Let it boyl without intermission twenty four Houres , by which time the Vinegar will become red ; so , when 't is cold , pour off the Vinegar into a Glass-Bason , or a Bell-Glass , and vapor away all the Vinegar in Balneo , and gather the Coral , being perfectly dry , for your Use. You may strike down Your Pearl with Oyl of Vitriol , and Oyl of Sulphur requal parts , which is accounted the best way to prepare the Pearl . But Sr R. K. did use to prepare his Pearl by juyce of Limmons . [ The Dosis for a Man is about the bignesse of a small Hasil-nut , but where prevention onely is aim'd at , or some such use as the dissipating the Fumes of the Spleen , as they call it , the bigness of an ordinary Pease , may suffice ; so in urgent Cases the Dose may be increas'd to the quantity of a Nutmeg . It is usually given by it self upon an empty Stomack ( the Patient being kept Warm after it to promote Sweat ) in Feavers , Want of Spirits , violent Fluxes , and several other distempers , where Diaphoreticks and Antidotes are proper , and ( especially ) where potent Cordials are requir'd . ] [ To the One Hundred Twenty third Page ; Where a Receipt that cur'd Fistula's is mention'd . ] A Water for a Fistula , and all manner of VVounds , and swellings , or old Ulcers , Cankers , Tetters , Boils , or Scabbs in any place , or Green VVounds . TAke of Bole-Armoniack four ounces , of Camphire one ounce , of White Vitriol four ounces ; Boyl the Camphire and the Vitriol together in a little Black Earthen Pot till they become thin , stirring them together till they become hard in setling ; then Bruise them in a Mortar to Powder , and Beat the Bole-Armoniack it self to Powder , and then mingle them together , and keep the Powder in a Bladder , till such time You use it ; then take a pottle of Running Water , and set it on the Fire till it begin to Seeth , then take it from the Fire , and put in three good Spoonfuls of the Powder into that Water whilst it is hot , and after put the Water and Powder into a Glasse , and shake it twice a day to make the Water strong : But before You use it , let it be well setled and very Clear , and apply it as hot as the Patient can well suffer it ; and lay a clean Linnen Cloath , four double , to the Sore , it being wet in that Water , and bind it fast with a Rowler to keep it warm , do it Morning and Evening till it be whole . This Water must be put into an Oyster-shel , not in a Sawcer when you dress the Sore , for the Pewter will suck it up . Remember You put three as good Spoonfuls of the Powder as you can presse into the Spoon . Take heed no one Drink of this Water , for it is Poyson . To make it stronger , beat an ounce of Alom to Powder , and mingle it with the other Powders . Take of Bole-armoniack half an ounce , White Vitriol one ounce , of Camphire 2 ounces , make them all into Powder ; then take a Pottle of Smiths-water , and as much Spring-water , and mingling them , set thew upon the Fire assoon as it begins to Seeth , put in the Powder very softly , stirring it all the while , assoon as the Powder is in , take it off the Fire , and dresse the wound with it twice a day , laying a Cloath folded four times and wetted in the Water , it being very Hot , and so apply'd to the Wound . N B. [ This is the Receipt Verbatim as I find it among my old Papers , but I am not sure that among those I cannot now come by , there may not be something concerning a way of making a small pliable Tent that may accommodate it self to the crooked Figure of the Cavity of many Fistula's . For methinks I remember , that the Chirurgion prescrib'd the conveying his Medicine by the means of such a flexible tent a great way into the cavity , if not to the bottom of the Fistula , which was thereby to be cleansed . ] To the One Hundred fifty first Page . VVhere Soot is mentioned . SOot , Pyrophilus , is a Production of the Fire , whose Nature is almost as Singular , as is the manner of its being produc'd , for it is ( if I may so call it ) a kind of volatile Extract of the Wood it proceeds from , made instead of a Menstruum by the Fire , which hastily dissipating the parts of the Body it acts on , hath time enough to sever it into smaller Particles , but not leisure and aptitude to reduce it into such differing subst●nces as pass for Chymical or Peripatetick Elements , but hastily carries up the more volatile p●rts , which being not yet sufficiently free'd from the more fixt ones , take them up along with them in their sudden flight , and so the Aqueous , Spirituous , Saline , Oleaginous and Terrestrial parts ascending confusedly together , do fasten themselves to the sides of the Chimney in that loose and irregular Form of Concretion , which we call Soo● : An enquiry into whose Nature , as it may be consider'd in the Survey of the distinctions of Salts , must be elsewhere look'd for ; Our mentioning it at present , being only to take occasion to tell You , that as ill scented and despis'd a Body as it is , Hartman , ( one of the most experienc'd and h●ppy of Chymical Writers ) scruples not to reckon the Spirit and Oyle of it among the Noblest Confortantia , such as prepar'd Pearl , Coral , Ambergreese , and other eminent Cherishers of Nature , His preparation is for substance this ; Take of the best Soot ( such as adheres to the lower part of the Chimney , and shines almost like Jet ) what quantity you please , and with it fill up to the Neck a very well coated Glass Retort , or an Earthen one , and luting on a capacious Receiver distil the matter in an open fire intended by degrees , whereby you will drive over the Phlegm , the whitish Spirits , and the Oyl first of a Yellow Colour , and then of a Red , separate the Phlegme , and for a while digest the Spirit and Oyle together , on which afterwards put half the quantity of Spirit of Wine , and Distil them several times , whereby you will obtain together with the Spirit of Wine , the Spirit of Soot , and also a very depurated Oyl , smelling like Camphire . Out of the Calcin'd Caput mortuum after the common way extract a Salt , which Hartman commends as a most excellent curer of exulcerated Cancers ; This Salt , saith He , is drawn with Vinegar , in which Liquor in a Cold moist place , it is again Dissolv'd , and therewith the Cancerous Ulcers being once or twice anointed , the venenosity will be visibly drawn out like a Vapour , and then the foremention'd Oyl being lightly sprinkl'd upon the place will breed on it a kind of Crust like a skin , which Spontaneously coming off in five or six Days , will by its falling off , argue the Consolidation of the Ulcer . What this so extoll'd Remedy will perform I know not , having never made trial of it , nor thinking it very likely , that a bare Alcalizate Salt should have such Specifick Vertues , nor is it requisite I should insist on it , being here to discourse to You of the distill'd Liquors of Soot , in prosecution of which design , let me tell You , that Hartman prescribes the administring of the Spirit from six to ten Grains , of the Oyl from two to three drops in Wine , or any other convenient Vehicle , and concerning the Oyl he adds , That if three Drops of it be given in Vinegar to an almost gasping Man , he will be thereby wonderfully refesh'd , and as it were reviv'd , to which he annexeth this Prognostick , that if the Remedy produceth Copious Sweats , it will recover the Taker ; but if not , he will Die. That this spirit of Soot describ'd by Hartman may be a very good Medicine I am very apt to think ; but because 't is not a meer spirit of Soot , but a mixt one of Spirit of Wine , and spirit of Soot , we have rather chosen to proceed with the Soot ( of Wood ) without addition , both as to the distillation of it , and the ordering of the Distill'd Liquors , after the manners to be mention'd ere long , when we shall acquaint You with our preparations of Blood and Harts-horn , which if You please to apply to Soot , You may save Your self , and me , the labour of Repetitions . Yet it may be not amiss to advertise You here of two things : the one , that if You employ very good and fat Soot , and fill up the Retort with it to the Neck ; You must be very careful to encrease the Fire orderly , and but by moderate Degrees , or else you may chance to make the matter Boil over out of the Retort into the Receiver , as it lately happen'd to us , when having warily order'd the Fire for several Houres we thought our selves past any such danger ; And the other , that as to the Medicinal Vertues of the spirit , and salt of Soot , I shall not now particularize them , partly that I may save time , and partly because they may be well enough gather'd from their affinity to the Volatile salts and spirits of animal substances hereafter to be treat'd of , and from what I shall have occasion to say , of the perfuming of the salt of Soot towards the close of this APPENDIX . To the One Hundred Fifty third Page . VRIN is a Body , which , as homely and despis'd as 't is wont to be , may by skilful wayes of ordering it , be made either alone , or in Conjunction with other Ingredients , to afford such a variety of useful Substances , that I find Reusnerus publish'd an Entire Treatise , which yet I never could get sight of , under the Title of Synopsis Remediorum ex Urina praeparatorum , besides what other Chymists have since divulg'd on the same Subject , which I forbear to mention ; because several of them I have not try'd , and many others I think scarce worth trying . But because even all our own Observations concerning the Preparations and uses of things afforded by Urine , would take up more time and Room , then I can now allow them , I shall here only take this occasion to intimate thus much in general , that the Sp●rit and Salt of Urin may be made far greater use of , then Men yet are prone to think not onely in Physick , but in Chymistry , and perhaps I durst add in Natural Philosophy too . And though Helmont be not wont to lavish his praises upon worthless Remedies , yet he calls it Nobile ad Icterum , aliosque morbos , Remedium . And in another place , speaking of the Saline Christals of Urine , he hath this Expression : Quae quanquam ad Veteres Excrementerum Oppilationes conferunt , nihil tamen adversus Lithiasin , which seems , by denying to the Salt of Urine some Vertues ascrib'd to it by many other Chymists , to bring some credit to his praises of it ( And indeed a friend of mine , that has try'd it in the Jaundise , affirms it to deserve the Commendation he gives it in that Disease . ) And though I fear our Author Hyperbolizeth , where He ( elsewhere ) thus writes : Spernit eos sapientia ( he means sure , that which is proper to the Spagyrists ) qui Materiam ex qua dispositiones , Contenta , Proprietates , Progressum & significationes Lotii addiscere recusarunt per ignem ; Yet perh●ps the Hyperbole is not altogether so extravagant as most Readers will think it . And I remember , that a while ago , conferring with the Publick Minister of a Foreign Prince , who is a very inquisitive and experienc'd Person , He f●eely told me , that though he had Travelled very much , and divers times not in a private Capacity , yet the greatest Chymist that ever he could make acquaintance with , us'd to tell him , th●t Salt of Urine was so precious a thing , that 't was pitty it should be us'd in ordinary Diseases ; But what his Reasons were for valuing it so much , he would not declare , and therefore I shall lay no great weight upon his Testimony . And yet I must not at this time particularly declare , upon what account it is that I so value the volatile Salt of Urine , of whose Vertues ( whilst 't is single ) I shall onely in a word observe to you now ( what is pertinent to the occasion of my mentioning it at present , ) namely , that when 't is well prepar'd [ according to the w●y plainly enough , though but very briefly couch'd already * ] it differs so little in smell , tast , volatility , penetrancy and some other manifest Qualities , from the Salt of Harts-horn , and that of Mans Blood ; that such effects , though perhaps somewhat less powerful may be not improbably exspected from it as are produc'd by the other . To the One Hundred Fifty fourth Page . Though I have not in this place made any absolute Promise , of annexing any thing , more particular touching the Spirit of Blood , and though I cannot now find , and I fear may have lost those of my Papers concerning that subject , which were the least unaccurate ; Yet , setting aside former tryals , a recent Account brought me by a Physician , whom I had entrusted with some of it , represents it as so very good a Medicine , that I am content to subjoyn , what particulars I have lately found among my loose Papers concerning it , as I many years agoe sent them to a friend , and this I the rather do , because there being annexed to the Process divers Observations of general Import to such kind of Preparations , they will be better understood with it , then without it , and I have not now the leisure to new mould them . Thus then ; — TAke of the Blood of an healthy Young man as much as you please , and whilst it is yet warm , adde to it * twice its weight of good Spirit of Wine , and incorporating them well together , shut them carefully up in a convenient Glass Vessel , wherein the matter must be set to digest in Balneo , or Horse-dung , for six weeks , or more ; then in a Glass head and body , placed in Ashes or Sand , draw off with a gentle Heat as much Liquor as will come over without necessitating you to impress any Empyreuma upon it , the remaining matter must be taken out and put into a strong and capacious Retort , which being placed in Sand , and accommodated with a large Receiver carefully luted to it , the matter therein lodged must be gradually pressed with a vehement Fire , which must at length be encreased till it be strong enough to give the bottom of the Retort a red heat . There will first come over ( after perhaps a little Phlegm ) Spirit , either accompanied or closely followed by a copious volatile Salt , fastning it selfe to the sides and top of the Receiver ; and much about the same time there will also come over an Oyl , or two , or more ( for I have not observed the oleaginous part to come constantly and regularly after the same manner ) the Receiver being taken off , all that it contains may be poured together into a convenient Vial , to be therein digested for a Moneth , if you please : or otherwise without that previous digestion , you may wash down the volatile Salt , adhering to the sides of the Receiver , with the Spirit and Oyl well shaken about it , and pour altogether into a large Glass Funnel well lined with Cap-paper , first moistned with the Spirit or fair Water , through which the Spirit and as much of the volatile Salt , as it and the Phlegm can dissolve , will pass first , leaving the Oyl behind them in the Paper , which must be seasonably set aside , or else the Oyl also , though more slowly , will pass through the Filtre : The Phlegm , Salt and Spirit , must be rectified with a very gentle heat , so often , till the Phlegm be perfectly separated , and they leave no faces : The Oyl also may be rectified two or three times from its own Caput Mortuum calcin'd , or else from Salt of Tartar to deprive it of its muddiness . The Distempers wherein this Arcanum or Spirit of Man's blood is proper , are divers , but chiefely Astmah's , Epilepsies , acute Feavers , Plurisies and Consumptions . But to comply with my present haste , I shall advertise You in the general , as to the use of this and the other Remedies to be s●bsequently mention'd , that for Them I must refer you to the particular Narratives , which I shall scarce , if You seasonably desire them , refuse You : And in the mean time , because these volatile Remedies are near enough of kin to each other , I shall adde to this first Process ( which is at least one of the noblest of them ) some Observations of a more general nature , that they being applicable to divers other Preparations , we may both of us avoid the trouble of needless Repetitions . Observations . 1. I ignore not that there are extant in Burgravius , Beguinus , and divers other Chymical Authors , very pompous and promising Processes of the Essence of M●ns Blood , to which they ascribe such stupendous Faculties as I should not onely wonder to finde true , but admire that they can hope the Reader should believe them so . But of these Preparations , some being , as that of Burgravius in his Biolychnium , very mystical and unlikely ; and others , like Beguinus his Q. E. Sanguinis humani , exceedingly laborious and not so clear , I have never put my self to the trouble of making them , but shall be very forward to acknowledge their excellency , if any Man shall vouchsafe me an Experimental Conviction of it . For though I think the present Preparation of Blood no bad one , yet I am far from daring to affirm there cannot be a better . 2. He that intends to have any considerable quantity of this Spirit and Salt , must provide himself of a large proportion of Blood , or else he is like to fall far short of his expectation ; because as full of Spirits as Blood is supposed to be , it yields commonly ( at least the best I have hitherto met with ) no less then two thirds , or more , of Ph●egm , b●si●es a not despicable quantity of terrestrial and unservicea●le Matt●r . 3. It is requisite , both that the Retort wherein the dryed Blood is distilled be pretty large and strong , and that the Fi●e be very carefully and gradually administred , least either the copious Fumes break the too narrow Vessels , or the Matter too hastily urged boil over into the neck of the Retort or the Receiver ; both which dangers this Advertisement may help you to avoid at a cheaper rate , then I , who h●ve not been forewarn'd of them but by unwelcome Experience . 4. There is a Friend of mine , an excellent Chymist , whose rare Cures first gave me a value for Remedies made of Blood , who us●th ( as himself assureth me ) to mingle with the Spirit that other Liquor , drawn over at first in a Head and Bo●y , and twice or thrice rectified by it self . But that Liquor consisting almost totally of the Spirit of Wine , and the not over-grateful Phlegm of the Blood , though there may pe●haps be passed into it some of the more fugitive Particles of the volatile Salt : Yet they being so few as are scarce discernable , this Liquor seems fitter to be made a Vehicle , then an associate of our Spirit , and perhaps too is not in all cases the most proper Vehicle in which it may be administred : ( though if it were not for the Spirit of Wine , I should somewhat suspect that the Phlegm , though so destitute of the more active Ingredients , as to be fit to be kept separated f●om them , m●y not it self be quite devoid of specifick Vertues . ) But my esteem of the Artist I have mentioned , doth make me think it fit to acquaint You with his Practise , notwithstanding that hitherto his authority be the chief thing that recommends it to me . 5. Divers ways may be propos'd of purifying this Spi●it and Salt we are discoursing of , but having try'd several , th●t which I now use is this that follows : I put the Salt , Phlegm , and Spirit together , in one of the highest and slenderest Bodies I can get , that the Phlegm might not be able to ascend easily into the Head , and that the volatile Salt may be the better separated : Then in a very gentle heat ( I most use that of a Lamp Furnace ) there will ascend a pure white and volatile Salt , adhering to the cheeks and nose of the Glass-head , which if I desire by it self , I sweep it away before the Spirit begins to rise ; but most commonly I suffer the Distillation to proceed , and the ascending Spirit to carry down part of the volatile Salt into the Receiver , and so I continue the same degree of heat , till there arise so weak a Spirit that it plainly begins to dissolve the volatile Salt : Then shifting the Receiver , I reserve the strong Spirit and volatile Salt by themselves , and take the succeeding weaker spirit by it self also ; to which , if I please to fortifie it , I adde as much of the volatile salt , formerly reserved , as it is able to dissolve . In the bottom of the Cucurbit or Vial , there will remain a phlegmatick kinde of Liquor , which usually contains some of the salt or spirit , and sometimes too ( which is somewhat odde ) some of the oleaginous part of the Blood , which did not before appear to have been associated with the spirit , and to have passed through the Filtre with it . This nauseous Liquor may be kept by it self till you have a sufficient quantity of it , to be worth the trouble of severing from it the nobler parts : The spirit and salt above-mentioned may be again rectifyed , per se , with the like gentle heat as before , so often , till they leave behinde them no faeces nor Phlegm at all . But this is requisite to be done onely when to master some stubborn Disease , the Medicine is to be exalted either to its supreme , or at least to some approaching degree of Purity and Efficacy , for otherwise so exquisite a Depuration is not always necessary . 6. As for the Oleaginous part which the Fire forceth out of Blood , my Observations of it hitherto have so little agreed , that , I dare as yet speak but haesitantly concerning it . For sometimes but one Oyl hath been drawn over , sometimes two : And I remember , last Year , a parcel of Blood , that was kept in a Dung-hill for many Moneths , yielded us a blackish and muddy Oyl , a purely red one , and another of pale Amber colour , which would not mingle with the darker ; of each of which sorts I yet reserve some by me . This difference may possibly proceed partly from the previous preparation , or unpreparedness of the Blood , and partly from the various administration of the Fire employed to distil it . But for the most part we find these Animal Substances ( if the degrees of Fire be orderly administred , and the heat sufficiently intended towards the close of the Distillation ) to yield a double Oyl : the one more light and pure , which swims upon the Spirit ; the other more muddy , adust and ponderous , which sinks to the bottom of it . The use of these Oyls hath , by reason of their Fetidness , been by most Authors absolutely rejected ; and even those few that do not altogether reject them , forbid their inward use , and allow them to be but externally employed : But considering , Pyrophilus , how much of the efficacy both of Plants and Animals is observed to reside in their oleaginous part , it seem'd not improbable to me , that these Oyls might deserve a better usage , then either to be wholly thrown away , or confin'd to outward services ; and therefore having not long since given a Friend of mine some pure yellow Oyl of Man's Blood , dissolved in Spirit of Wine , to try upon a Patient of his , sick of a Hectick Feaver ( in which Disease I had seen the Spirit of Blood very successful ) within a few days he brought me wo●d of the unexpected recovery of his Patient , to whom he administred our Medicine ( that I may not conceal from you that Circumstance ) in Balsamus Samech , made with spirit of Vinegar instead of spirit of Wine ; the remaining part of this yellow mingled Oyl I keep yet by me , to make further tryals with it . And that such Oyls may not be lost , I have been attempting ( for I am yet upon my tryals ) several ways to make them serviceable . Some of them that are of a more pure and defecated nature , I have ( which is not unworthy your noting ) found capable of readily uniting with Spirit of Wine , with which they may be allayed at pleasure : In others I have separated the finer and more volatile part , by drawing them over with a very gentle heat in a Retort half full of Water , which will carry over the lighter part of the Oyl with it into the Receiver , wherein the Oyl will swim upon it , and may be afterwards sever'd from it by a Separating Glass , or any other convenient way ( but I fear that this method , though it finely clarifie Oyls , may rob them of the best part of the Efficacy they may perchance derive from the latent admixtion of somewhat of the volatile Salt : ) at the bottom of the Retort there will remain a dark and thick substance , whose nature I have not yet had opportunity to enquire into . Out of some Oyls ( drawn from unprepared Materials ) which would not dissolve in spirit of Wine , I have , by digestion with spirit of Wine , drawn much of the scent and taste ; the spirit probably imbibing some of the finer parts of the Oyl , or else associating to it self some volatile salt that yet lay lurking in it : For sometimes I have observed Oyls , after long keeping , to let fall a volatile salt undiscerned in them before . Having also sometimes mingled the heavier and lighter Oyls of the same Body with dephlegmated spirit of Wine , and in a low Retort drawn over what will rise in a very gentle heat ( inferiour to that of a Balneum ) I have found the Spirit of Wine to carry over with it so many of the more subtle and active parts of the Oyl , that it was more richly impregnated therewith , then you will be apt to expect . But of what use this oleaginous Spirit may be in Physick , I have not yet had time to consult Experience , which I hope will , ere long , teach me better ways of improving the rejected Oyls we have been speaking of , then are those almost obvious ones hitherto mentioned , wherein I am very far from acquiescing ; especially , since I cannot but suspect that such active Parts of such Concretes , would be found very capable of a great Improvement , if we were as skilful to give it them . 7. The Terrestrial Substance that remains after the Liquors are drawn of , if the Blood have been duely prepared , affords but so inconsiderable a quantity of fix'd Salt , that unless the Caput mortuum be exceeding copious , the Alkali will hardly be worth extracting : Besides that , if it could be obtain'd in a not despicable quantity , I should , what ever is pretended , very much doubt whether it would be endowed with very extraordinary Vertues , the violence of the Fire usually depriving fix'd Salts of the specifick Qualities of their Concretes : and even in the first Salt of Serpents themselves , I have not discerned other , Then the wonted Properties of Alkalizate Salts . 8. Because you may sometimes not have the leisure to wait six Weeks for the Preparation of Blood ; and because oftentimes the occasion of using the Medicines we have been describing , may be so hasty and urgent , that unless some speedy course to relieve them be taken before the Physick can be prepared , the Patients will be dead . I think it not amiss , Pyrophilus , to advertise You , That though without any previous Preparation of Blood you should immediately distil it , provided an orderly gradation of heat be carefully observed , it will yield you a reddish Spirit , and ( besides an Oyl or two ) a volatile Salt ; which being rectified , are so little inferiour , in any Properties discernable by the smell or taste , to the Salt and Spirit of predigested Blood , that 't is very probable their Efficacy will emulate , though not altogether equal that of the more laboriously prepared . 9. And because it is difficult to get the Blood of healthy Men , and perhaps not so safe to use that of unsound Persons ; and because many have a strong Aversion , and some an Insuperable , though groundless abhorrency , from Medicines made of Mans Blood , I have thought it not amiss to try whether that of some other Animals prepared the same way , might not afford us as hopeful Medicines : And because the Blood of Deer is chiefly ( and perhaps not causlely ) commended by Authors , we have handled it according to the foregoing Process , and thereby obtained of it a Spirit , and Salt , and Oyl , whose penetrancy , and other resemblances , makes us hope that they may prove good Succedanea , in the defect of those Analogous Remedies ( drawn from humane Materials ) which we have been treating of . And to this let me , Pyrophilus , on this occasion , annex this Advertisement , That though in these Papers , and what I have further written of Preparations of this nature ; I name not any great number of Concretes , as having drawn their volatile Salts and Spirits , yet I have endeavored in these Discourses to give You in the Instances I insist on , so much variety of Examples , that either by the Processes therein set down , or by Analogy to them , You may , I suppose , be directed with the help of a few tryals , to obtain the volatile Salts and Spirits of most Concretes that belong to the Animal Kingdom , and that are capable of affording any . For by the method we prescribe , a little vary according to the exigencies of particular Bodies to be distill'd , we have drawn the Spirits , Salts and Oyls of Sheeps-blood , Eels , Vipers , &c. the latter of which yield a Salt and Liquor , which in Italy , by divers Learned Men , is superlatively extoll'd against Obstructions , foulness of the Blood , and I know not how many Diseases proceeding from these two general Causes . And though I dare not deny that divers of those Praises may be well enough deserv'd , by the Remedies to which they are ascribed , yet I am not apt to think them much superior to the generality of volatile Salts : And even the Spirit and Salt of Sheeps-blood it self , did , by their penetrancy of taste and fugitiveness in gentle heats , promise little else Efficacy then those others so much celebrated Medicines . 10. Nor is it onely by being administred it self , that one of this sulphureous and subtle kinde of Spirits may become a good Remedy , but also by its being made a Menstruum to prepare other Bodies : For it will extract Tinctures out of several sulphureous and resinous Concretes , whose finer parts , by being associated with so piercing a Vehicle , may probably gain a more intimate admission into the Body , and have their Vertues conveyed further then otherwise they would reach . And a Learned Doctor , to whom I recommended such kinde of Remedies , confessed to me , That by the bare extractions of appropriated Vegetables themselves , with Spirit of Urine , he perform'd no small matter . But one difficulty You may meet with in drawing the Tincture of Minerals , and other very compact Bodies , even with good Spirit of Urine . ( for that I account to be the cheapest of these volatile Menstruum , and the most easie to be obtain'd in good quantities ) For we have found , but with a little heat , the more fugitive Particles to ascend to the upper parts of the Glass , and there fasten themselves in the form of a Salt ; by whose recess , the debilitated Liquor was disabled from drawing the Tincture so powerfully as was expected , wherefore we were reduc'd to make our Extractions in short neck'd Glass-Eggs or Vials exquisitely stop'd ( which may also be plac'd stooping in the Sand ) and when we perceiv'd much to be lodg'd in the necks of the Vessels , by barely inverting them , the hot Liquor soon reimbib'd the Salt , and was fit to be plac'd again in Sand ; so that notwithstanding this difficulty , we were able by this means , in no long time , to impregnate the Spirit of Urine , or of Ha●ts horn ( for I do not perfectly remember which it was ) with the Tincture of Flowers of Sulphur , which may probably prove a noble Med●cine in divers affections of the Lungs , since in them these volatile Liquors alone have been found very effectual . And I remember , I have sometimes made a much shorter and more odde Preparation ( which at any time You may command ) of Crude Sulphur , whereby in not many hours I have , by the means of Salts , brought over such a sulphureous Liquor or Tincture , as even in the Receiver was of a red Colour , as well as of a strongly sulphureous Scent . [ To the Page 164 , 165 , &c. where Ens Veneris is treated of . ] BUt before I enter upon Particulars , I think it will not be amiss to tell You how this Preparation first occur'd to Us , because by that Information , Your happyer Genius may peradventure hereafter be prompted to improve this Remedy , or to devise one more approaching to the Nature and Excellency of that which we endeavor'd , but with very imperfect success to light on , or equal , by our Ens Veneris . I must then tell You , that an Industrious Chymist ( of our Acquaintance ) and I , chancing to Read one day together that odde Treatise of Helmont , which he calls Butler , when we had attentively perus'd what he delivers of the Nature as well as scarce credible Vertues of the Lapis Butleri he there mentions , we fell into very serious Thoughts , what might be the matter of so admirable a Medicine , and the hopefullest manner of preparing that matter . And having freely propos'd to one another our Conjectures , and examin'd them by what is deliver'd by Helmont , concerning the Preparation of Butlers Stone , or some emulous Remedy we at length concurr'd in concluding that either the Lapis Butleri ( as our Author calls it ) or at least some Medicine of an approaching Efficacy might , ( if Helmont did not mis-inform us ) be prepar'd by destroying ( as far as we could by calcination ) the body of Copper , and then subliming it with Sal Armoniack . And because the Body of Venus seems lesse lock'd up in good Vitriol , then in its metalline form , we concluded that it was best to calcine rather the Vitriol , then the Copper it self , and , having freed the Colcothar from its separable Salts , so to force it up with Sal Armoniack . But the Person I discours'd with , seeming somewhat diffident of this Process by his unwillingness to attempt it , I desir'd and easily perswaded him at least to put himself to the trouble of trying it with the requisites to the work which I undertook to provide , being at that time unable to prosecute it my self for want of a fit furnace in the Place where I then chanc'd to lodge . And though at first we did not hit upon the best and most compendious way , yet during the Sublimation , he being suddenly surpris'd , as both himself and his Domesticks two daies after told me , with a fit of sickness , attended with very horrid and seemingly Pestilential Symptomes , was reduc'd to take some of this Medicine out of the Vessels before the due time , and upon the use of it found as he told me an almost immediate Cessation of those dreadfull symptoms , b●t not of the Palenesse they had produc'd . This first prosperous Experiment , emboldned us to give our Remedy the Title of Primum ens Veneris , which , for brevities sake , is wont to be call'd Ens Veneris , though I am far from thinking , that it is the admirable Medicine to which Helmont gives that name , at least if his Ens Veneris did really deserve half the praises by him ascrib'd to it . But such as Ours is , I shall now ( as time and my yet incompleat Trials will permit ) acquaint you with that Process of it , which ( among some others ) we are most wont to employ , as the most easie , simple , and genuine . Take then of the best Hungarian , or if you cannot procure that of the best Dantzick , or other good Venereal Vitriol , what quantity you please , Calcine it in a strong fire , till it be of a dark Red , Dulcifie it by such frequent affusions of hot Water , that at length the Water that hath pass'd through it , appear full as tastless , as when it was pour'd on it . Let this thus exquisitely dulcified Colcothar , when it is thorowly dry , be very diligently ground with about an equal weight of good Sal Armoniack , and let this mixture be put into a Glass Retort , and either in as strong a heat as can conveniently be given in Sand , or els in a naked fire , force up as much of it as you can to the Top or Neck of the Retort , and this Sublimation being ended , out of the broken Retort ( laying the Caput Mortuum aside ) take all the Sublimate , and grind it well again , that if in any part the Sal Armoniack appear sublim'd by it self , it may be reincorporated with the Colcothar , Resublime this Mixture per se in a Glass Retort as before , and if you please you may once more elevate this second Sublimate , but we have not found That allwayes needful . And for the better understanding of this Process , be pleas'd to take notice of the following Particulars . First , We have alwaies preferr'd such Vitriol as abounds with Copper , before our common English Vitriol , about the making of which , those that keep the Copper as work at Detford are wont , as themselves have upon the place inform'd me , to use good store of Iron to increase the quantity of their Vitriol . Secondly , If You be unwilling to loose the Phlegm , Spirit and Oyl of that Vitriol with which You design to make Ens Veneris , You may distill them away in an earthen Retort , or one of Glass well coated . But though it be well known that the distillation of Oyl of Vitriol requires a very intense and lasting Fire ( so that unlesse you have need of the Liquors , the best way will be without any Ceremony to calcine the Vitriol in a naked Fire and open ; yet afterwards it will be for the most part requisite further to calcine the Caput Mortuum in an open Vessel . For you must take notice , that unless the Vitriol be very throughly calcin'd , it will be very troublesome for you to dulcifie it , and sometimes we have observ'd that the Caput Mortuum which look'd Red , and seem'd indifferently well calcin'd , hath been , almost like Crude Vitriol dissolv'd in the fair Water which was pour'd on it to dulcifie it . The weight of the Calx in reference to the Vitriol , of which it was made , we cannot easily determine , but we have sometimes found it necessary to reduce the Vitriol to lesse , perhaps much lesse then half its weight to make it fit for Dulcification . Thirdly , The Water that hath been pour'd on the first and second time to edulcorate , the calcin'd Vitriol , may be filtrated and steamed away , till it come almost to the consistence of a Syrrup or Honey , and then may be put into a cold place to shoot ; for after this manner we have sometimes had many very regularly figur'd Chrystals or Graines of Salt , I say sometimes , because sometimes also you may find it necessary to abstract all the Water , to obtain the Whitish Salt of Vitriol , which we have known us'd as a good Vomit , and which Angelus Sala none of the least sober of the Chymical Writers doth highly extoll as an excellent Emetick in his Ternary of Vomitive Remedies , where he discourseth at large of the Vertues of it , and the way of administring it . And of this Salt , as Chymists are pleas'd to call it , we have had out of calcin'd Copper as a very great quantity , and have sometimes observ'd it to have been almost as deeply colour'd as the Vitriol it self was before Calcination . Fourthly , We several times tryed to sublime dulcified Colcothar with Sal Armoniack , in Retorts and Urinals plac'd in Sand , but whether by reason of the fixedness of the Colcothar , or because the Furnace we were fain to use , though no very bad one , was none of the best , we never could that way obtain any considerable Quantity of the desir'd Sublimate , and that which did ascend was but of a faint colour : wherefore , unlesse you have an extraordinary good Sand Furnace , if you will make use of Glasse Vessels , which is the cleanliest way , You will find it expedient to sublime Your Colcothar in coated Retorts with an open Fire , except you have the Dexteritie to sublime in a naked Fire with Glass , Retorts uncoated , which we have divers times seen perform'd by heating the bottome of the Retort by degrees , and then placing it upon Embers , with Coales round about it , but to be kindled at a distance from it ; for if this course be watchfully follow'd , the Retort will be so well neal'd , before it be reduc'd to endure any intense degree of heat , that after a while You may safely lay thorowly kindled Coales , not onely round about it , but upon the top of it , ( which needs not to be done , till towards the end of the Operation ) and thereby drive most of the Sublimate into one lump , and into the Neck of the Retort . And by this way you may sublime without any Furnace upon a bare Hearth , but if you desire to give a more intense heat , you may lay first some warm ashes in an ordinary Iron pot , and having with them , and a few small Coals well kindl'd , neal'd your Retort , you may afterwards prosecute the Sublimation in the same Pot , which being once throughly heated it self by the Fire , will afterwards considerably increase the heat of it . Fifthly , Though it be most commonly requisite to resublime the Sublimate , that comes the first time up , that the Salt and Colcothar may be more exquisitly mix'd , yet as far as we can guesse by some trials , it will not be expedient to resublime it above once ( or at most ) twice . For in those Trials we have found the Ens Veneris oftener resublim'd of a paler colour , then that which was resublimed but once . And ( N B. ) perhaps , by further sublimations , the Salt instead of being more intimately united with the Colcothar , may be almost totally sever'd from it , according to what we elswhere in other cases declare . Sixthly , Of these Sublimates , that which hath the highest Colour , seems to be the best , as being most enrich'd with the Colcothar , from whence the rednesse proceeds . But at the first Sublimation I have often observ'd a pretty part of the Sal Armoniack to come up first white by it self , especially if it had not been very diligently mix'd with the Colcothar . But at the second sublimation the Ingredients ( which we have sometimes almost totally forc'd up without leaving a Caput Mortuum in the bottom of the Retort ) will be more accuratly mix'd , and the Sublimate will appear Yellow , and perhaps Reddish , of which sort we have sometimes had , when the Operation hath been very carefully manag'd . Seventhly , How great a proportion of the Ingredients committed to Sublimation , will arise in the form of Ens Veneris , we dare not precisely define , but a Sublimate amounting to the fourth part of the whole Mixture , you will scarce , if you work skilfully , faile off . Eighthly , We sometimes made a Sublimate of equal parts of pure Sal Armoniack and Salt of Tartar , both of them very throughly dry'd ( for else they will be apt to yeeld rather a Spirit then a Sublimate , ) well ground together , and so sublim'd ; And with this Sublimate instead of Simple Sal Armoniak we intended to make Ens Veneris , but by some intervening Accidents and Avocations we were not able to perfect the Experiment , of which we nevertheless think it fit to give You this hint , because of the great Efficacy , which an excellent Physitian of my acquaintance , to whom I gave some of it , assures me he has found in it against Obstructions and some Distempers that are wont to spring from them . Ninthly , When you are about to make Your first Sublimate , You may if You please , lute to the Retort , whereinto You put the Ingredients , a small Receiver to catch the Liquor that oftentimes comes over . For that Liquor , though you will very seldome get much of it , yet may be worth your preserving , by reason of the Volatile and Urinous Salt wherewith it will sometimes so abound , that it may passe for a weak Spirit of Sal Armoniack . Tenthly , The Caput Mortuum that remains after the first Sublimation , may be put into a clean Glass , and set in a Cellar , where it will run Per deliquium , into a thick and high colour'd Liquor , very richly impregnated ( as we elsewhere manifest on another Occasion ) with the somewhat opened body of Copper , from whence if half those praises be true , which even the best Chymists are pleas'd to give to Copper , it may be very well concluded to have deriv'd no small Vertues against Ulcers , and divers other Affections , which we are not here to insist on . Eleventhly , We have sometimes doubted whether or no our Ens Veneris did really contain any thing of Cypreous or Colcotharine in it , partly , because of the fixedness or sluggishnesse of Colcothar , and of the Copper therein contain'd ; and partly because , that if Sal Armoniack be two or three times sublim'd by its self , its Flowers frequently enough will ascend Yellow , like the paler sort of Ens Veneris . But first , that Sal Armoniack is capable of carrying up even fix'd and sluggish Bodies seem'd probable to us , partly upon our incorporating and subliming it with finely powder'd Coralls ( from which , though but very little of it ascended , yet some of that little was no lesse red , then the Coralls themselves before their being beaten ) and partly upon our subliming it from Copper , both Crude and Calcin'd , since of either of those Bodies it carry'd up a little with it , as appear'd by the Blew Colour of some parts of the Sublimates . And secondly , that the reddishnesse of our Ens Veneris proceeded partly , if not altogether from the Colcothar , seem'd probable to us , not onely by the tast , and some other Properties of it , but also by this , that having knowingly committed the first sublimate to a Fire too weak to resublime it ; and having after some Hours , taken the Vessel out of the Sand , we found that the Fire , which we suppos'd was not strong enough to carry up the whole Matter , had rais'd the Sal Armoniack to the upper part of the Urinal in Flowers , that were either White , or but of a pale Yellow ; whereas the remaining part of the Mixture , that lay in good quantity in the bottome of the Vessel , was of a deep Red , and a fragment of it of about the bigness of a large Pease , being cast upon glowing Coales , and nimbly blown with a pair of Bellowes , colour'd the Flame with a somewhat greenish blew like that , but more faint , which we elswhere have observ'd to proceed from the well opened body of Copper . But those Trials I confess would rather increase my Doubts then lessen them , because in our Ens Veneris the Colour is not Blew , but Reddish , if I did not consider , that Colcothar is a body that consists of some other matter besides common Copper ( as it is also far more difficult to reduce , though but in part , into a mettal then is vulgar calcin'd Copper ) and consequently when Corpuscles of differing Natures are by the Sal Armoniack elevated together , that which is not Metalline , may with the assistance of the Fires Operation alter the Nature of what is , and thereby produce a Colour differing from Blew . But to dispatch what ever further Trials shall inform us , touching this Question , whether or no any true and reducible Copper do make an Ingredient in our Ens Veneris , yet there being in Colcothar other parts as well as those , that by Fusion you may reduce into a pure Mettal , and our Remedy seeming by its Somniferous property to partake of them , it will not be necessary to the giving our Medicine a Right to the Appellation I commonly choose of Flores Colcotharis , that in it there is something of the Colcothar carry'd up , though possibly the quantity be but small , and not all reducible into a Metalline form , but perhaps the Question is not worth a longer Debate , it being sufficient to excuse the name , and recommend the thing to such a Person as You , that C●lcothar is employ'd in the making of it , and that the thing prepar'd is a noble Medicine , and hath some of the great Vertues ascrib'd to Vitriol ; whether that Mineral be an ingredient of it or no. The Dosis of Ens Veneris may be very much vary'd ; To little Children , we give sometimes one , sometimes two , and sometimes three Grains for many nights together , as we find them able , without inconvenience , to bear the Operation . To persons of ripe Years we commonly administer four , five , or six Grains at a time . But one , to whom we have given quantities of it to ly by him , tells us , That he hath taken to above thirty Grains at once without any inconvenience . We are wont to give it in two or three Spoonfuls of Sack , or other Wine , if the Constitution of the Patient , or the Nature of the Disease do not forbid it , and in such cases we give it in any Cordial Liquor , that is temperate , or any other convenient Vehicle . To Children it may be given in Beer , or Ale , or clear Posset-drink , but not in Milk. If the Patient hath supp'd at a seasonable Hour , we commonly administer it , when he is going to sleep . It works for the most part by sweat and a little by Urine , but more by sweat at the beginning , then after the body is us'd to it , yet to some bodies it proves so Sudorifick , that two Grains or lesse of it , have often made me sweat . That it hath once prov'd Emetick I have heard , but never observ'd it my self to provoke Vomits . As for the Medicall use of Ens Veneris , divers great Physitians will perhaps think it were not despicable , though it were no other then oftentimes to prove a safe and moderatly somniferous Medicine in Feavers , without having any thing in it of Opium , whose Narcotick power they find as difficult to correct , as it oftentimes proves dangerous , when being not well corrected , it is administred without very great Circumspection . But - ************** To the 166 h , 167th , 168 ●h , 169th , and 170th Page . [ Finding among my loose Notes , together with those that doe immediatly concerne the Preparations of Sulphur and Harts-horn ( deliver'd in these Pages ) some other Particulars that may also serve , either to afford some light to Readers lesse skill'd in Chymistry , or contribute somewhat or other towards the relief of some Patients , I am content to let those Papers goe together , as I long since address'd them to a Friend . ] HArts-horn , Pyrophilus , is a Heteroclite Body in Nature , which hath but few resemblers in the universe , for it grow's to a considerable bulk like a Vegetable , and is ( unlike most other Hornes of Animals ) at certain set Periods of time , deciduous , and though it be of a Bony substance , yet that middle part of it which differs from the rest in Colour , does ( at least in grown Hornes ) much more resemble the pith of some Plants then the Marrow of Bones : and yet this Plant-Animal ( if I may so call it ) does , when skilfully expos'd to the Fire , afford the same differing substances , with the Blood , Flesh , and other parts of Animals . 'T is no wonder therefore , if Physitians and Chymists have hoped to find extraordinary Vertues in so extraordinary a Subject , of which we shall passe by the Usual Preparations as not so pertinent to our present design , insinuating only in the generall , That though even the more Vulgar Preparations , as well as that which Physitians have been pleased to call Philosophical , afford us Medcines not despicable ; yet these are much inferiour to those Remedies wherewith dexterous Distillations are capable of presenting us ; and certainly if we allow of the Chymical Theory , ( whose Truth in these Papers I question not ) Harts-horn being generally acknowledged to be endued with properties very friendly to our Nature , and even those wayes of preparing it wherein the nobler and more active parts are not truly freed from those cumbersome ones that fetter them , and hinder them to display their powerful energies , proving yet oftentimes not unavailable ; The Spirit and Salt of Harts-horn would be in more request , were not Men deterred from making tryals of it , partly by the over-apprehended unpleasantness of the smell , and partly by the difficulties commonly met with in its distillation ; the latter of which Deterrements hath so frighted even Chymists from distilling this Cordial Substance , that we have very rarely seen any , either Spirit or Salt of Harts-horn , save what our selves have been reduced to prepare . There are three ways proposed by the Authors I have met with , to distil Harts-horn : The one in coated Glass Retorts ; the other in Earthen ones ; and the third in Glaubers second Philosophical Furnace . In the first of these ways , some very skilful Distillers that have often practised it , have so complained of their frequent breaking their Vessels by the copiousness and impetuosity of of the Fumes that rush out of the Matter , when it once begins to be prest with a considerable heat , that I confess to You ingeniously , Pyrophilus , they have hitherto frighted me from making tryal of that way , though I see no very great reason why , by a slow and regular gradation of the Fire , the mischances incident to this way of distillation may not ( at least most commonly ) be avoided . To distil the Matter we discourse of in Earthen Retorts , is a 〈◊〉 way then the former , if the Earth be close and good , and have been sufficiently bak'd ; as we finde in the right Hassian Retorts , wherein we have known the Operation proceed very prosperously , though a considerable quantity of the Matter hath been distill'd at once ; but the Retorts made of Earth that is spongy or any other ways unfit , or in whose baking Fuel hath been spared , are commonly ( as Experience hath informed us ) improper for this service , wherein they are easily broken : Besides that , it is much to be feared that all Retorts made of Earth , except it be extraordinarily compact and baked , are apt to imbibe the more subtle and more penetrant parts of Harts-horn , and other volatile Substances distill'd in them ; which we have observed in some , wherein the Matter hath transudated quite through the substance of the Retort , and been manifestly discernable on the out-side of it . The third way of distilling Harts-horn , is performed by the Instrument described by Glauber , in his second Philosophical Furnace : But neither is this way without its Inconveniencies ; for besides that , if the Earth whereof the Vessel to be employed is made , be not of very good and well baked Earth , it will be apt to crack , in so violent a Fire as is requisite in this way of Distillation , or else it will imbibe part of the finest Spirit it should transmit into the Receiver : And besides that , it is difficult to work long this way , without letting some of the active part of the Spirit escape between the wide Orifice of the Retort and the Cover : Besides these Inconveniencies , I say , it is to be feared that the Matter being to be cast immediately into the Vessel , made red hot before-hand , it will receive a stronger Empyreuma or Impression of the Fire , then it would do in the ordinary way of Distillation , wherein the Fire being orderly and successively increas'd , much of the Spirit and Salt comes over into the Receiver , before that last degree of Fire is administred ; which is requisite chiefly to force over the more fluggish and heavy Oyl , which therefore ( to speak congruously to the most receiv'd Theory of Distillation ) savors much more of the Fire , and is grown almost infamous for its adustion . But notwithstanding these Inconveniencies , Pyrophilus , we have found these Retorts of Glauber's not unserviceable , when we have had occasion to Distil considerable Quantities of such Materials , as were not so pretious , as to make the loss of a part of what they were to afford us considerable . And this Advertisement may take place , especially if you take along with you , what we have declar'd , touching the Ways we substitute to avoid as much as may be , the newly objected Inconveniencies . But having in other Papers taken notice particularly enough of the Ways we mean , I shall forbear to mention them in this place , though one of them may easily be made applicable , as Experience hath assur'd us , even to ordinary Retorts ; for 't is not difficult to apply to These , the perforated Receivers , which being almost of the shape of Pears , open at both ends , by holes of about two or three Inches Diameter ( according to the capacity of the Vessel ) may be with greater facility taken asunder and made clean ; and may , by the convenient Insertion of their Extremities into one another , be easily luted together ( in a level ) two , three , or as many of them , as necessity shall require ; and then provided there be applyed to the remoter extremity of the last of them , some convenient Vessel open but at one end , the Receivers will very seldom break : The Fumes that come over too copiously to be contain'd in one of them , passing freely thence into the second or the third ( for we very rarely exceed three in all ) which will be manifestly cool , and so , speedily turn into Liquor , the Fumes it receives , whil'st the first Recipient is perhaps hotter then the Hand can endure : But of these Mechanical Contrivances , elsewhere . Now whereas Glauber prescribes to mingle with the Distill'd Liquors of Harts horn rectified Spirit of Wine , to wash out the volatile Salt , and directs the Distilling again of both those Spirits ( of Wine and Harts-horn ) together ; his method of proceeding may be justly question'd : For first , dephlegm'd Spirit of Wine will not so readily , in the way he supposeth , dissolve the volatile Salt of Harts-horn ; And next , the Spirit this way drawn is not a simple Spirit of Harts-horn , but a compounded Liquor of the Spirit of Harts-horn , and that of Wine ; the latter of which may possibly , in divers cases , rather impair then improve the vertue of the former . For Spirit of Harts-horn , by reason of its opening and resolving , as well as Cordial Vertues , is safely and successfully given in Feavers , wherein it is not observed to inflame the Blood , whereas Spirit of Wine in such cases is counted dangerous . And this brings into my thoughts a very questionable Preparation of the Experienc'd and Ingenious Hartman , who much extolls , for the Worms in the Stomach , Spirit of Harts-horn in general , but especially that which he is pleased to call Essensificated ( that is , as himself expounds it ) with which its own fix'd Salt , extracted with some convenient Water , and its volatile duely depurated , have been dissolved and united . For first , The fix'd Salt of Harts-horn hath been perhaps never yet prepared by any Man ; and if Harts-horn doth yield a fix'd Salt ( as I dare not absolutely deny , but that out of many Pounds a few Grains may be extracted ) it may well be doubted whether that Salt be endowed with specifical Vertues : And next , The Spirit of Harts-horn , if it be well dephlegm'd , will not ( for ought I could ever finde ) dissolve its own Salt , unless assisted by the External warmth of the Ambient Air ; Insomuch that I usually keep the Spirit and Salt in the same Vial , where they remain unmix'd ; and the Spirit that will dissolve any of its owne Salt I account not sufficiently dephlegm'd , but to have yet an Aqueous alloy whereby the Salt is imbibed . And I remember that having once exquisitely rectified some Spirit of Harts-horne , and closed it up in a Viall , after divers months it let fall a considerable quantity of Volatile Salt , so far was it from being able , without the help of some peculiar way , to have dissolved more , had I cast more into it . I deny not that the Spirit of Harts-horn may , by the mediation of heat , be brought to take in some of the Salt of the same Body , but of what use this violent Impregnation of the liquor can be , unlesse it be quickly administred , I do not yet understand , having often seen the Spirit let fall againe in the cold , the volatile Salt it had dissolved by the assistance of heat . And having thus , Pyrophilus , laid before you the difficulties we have met with in the above-mentioned waies of making of Spirit of Harts-horne proposed by Authors ( neither of which we would yet have you altogether reject ) I must acquaint you with our having attempted a fourth way , which when the matter to be distilled is not very much , I choose rather to practise then any of the other , as hitherto seeming more safe and free from inconveniences . Take then ( for Instance ) two pounds of Harts horne broken on an Anvill into pieces , each of about the bignesse of ones finger ( for if it be rasped there is danger that it should emit its fumes too plentifully at once ) and put it into a strong glasse Retort uncoated , big enough to containe at least twice as much matter ; Set this in Sand , and fit to it a pretty large and strong ( either single or double ) Receiver ; then give a slow fire for three , foure , or six houres , to send away first the Phlegme , and more fugitive parts of the Spirit ; then encreasing the fire , but warily , and gradually for divers houres , drive over the Spirit ( which is wont to drop downe somewhat tincted ) and the more volatile parts of the Salt ; and at length intend your fire till the bottom of the Retort be glowing hot , and heap also at last quick coals upon the sand round about the Retort to give , as it were , a fire of Suppression , and so force over the more sluggish remaining parts of the Salt , and with it the Oyl : all which are to be afterwards proceeded with , according to the Directions given concerning the Spirit , Salt , and Oyl of Mans Blood : which having bin sufficiently insisted on before , will not ( I suppose ) need to be repeated now . Only it may not be impertinent to advertise you . 1. That we have more then once had the bottom of the Retort melted , yet not broken , the melted glasse being supported by the substrated sand . 2. That sometimes in Filtration , some of the thinner parts of the Oyl have unperceivedly passed through the paper with the Spirit , and Salt , and have not been discovered , but by Rectification , wherein I have almost admired to see the Oyl with a gentle heat of a Lamp ascend to the top of a very tall head and body ; touching which circumstance it may yet be further enquired , whether it proceed barely from the volatilnesse of the Oyl it selfe , or also from its being carryed up by the Salt and Spirit wherewith it was associated . 3. That by this way of distillation we usually have out of a pound of Harts-horne between foure and five ounces , ( seldome or never so little as foure , and often nearer five ) of volatile Salt , Spirit● , Oyl , and Flegme ; ( of the last of which , if the Harts-horne be not recent , there will be no great quantity ) and when we distill'd two pound of the matter at a time , we found the operation to succeed altogether as well , and to yeeld us a fully proportionable quantity of Liquor . The vertues of the Spirit and Salt of Harts-horne , which differ not much in Dose , or Efficacie , are probably very great in divers distempers , wherein we have yet made no tryall of them . For they are considerable in resisting Putrefaction , comforting nature , opening Obstructions , mortifying the the Acidities it meets with in the blood , and , by rendring that volatile , promoting its Circulation , we have knowne considerable effects of it in Feavers , Plurisies , Obstructions of the Mesentery , and Spleen ; and chiefly ( which perhaps you will think strange ) in Coughs and Distempers of the braine , and nervous parts ; in so much that I have by Gods blessing sometimes stopt very violent ( but not inveterate Coughs ) with this medicine in a few houres . And prescribing it to one who was almost daily assaulted with Epilepticall fits , a few Doses of it did in a pretty while at first make his fits come but seldome , and after not at all : But whether he be perfectly cured not having heard of him of late , nor having had oportunity to make further tryall of the medicine in that disease , I am not certain . Wee prescribed it likewise , not long since , to a Person who had long lain both distracted , and almost bed-rid , and was in a short time strangely reliev'd by the use of it , though not perfectly cur'd ( perhaps because the Patient tooke but little of the medicine , we being then not well stored with it ; ) and on some that have been by Feavers rendred stupid , it hath had very eminent Operations : but for a further account of its vertues , I must referre you to the particular Narratives , I may when wee meet , give you , by word of mouth : and till then it may suffice to tell you that it workes chiefly by Sweat ( and somewhat by Urine ) without being observed to leave behind it such heat as divers Sudorificks are wont to do : only there must be care not to administer it when the Primae viae , and passages are too much stuff'd and choaked up by grosse Humours , lest by agitating the blood , and putting it into a nimble Motion , it occasion greater Obstructions . The Dose is from five drops , or graines to a drachme ( ten or fifteene drops are wont to make mee sweat ) in Wine , Carduus Benedictus water , or any vehicle appropriated to the disease ; onely taking care that nothing acid be administred with it , because Acid and Sulphureous Salts mortifie , and disarme one another . Hartman commends it against the wormes of the stomacke , against which it may very probably be available , by reason of its penetrant , and saline nature , and its emnity to Putrefaction : Glauber writes that the Oyl rectified from Salt of Tartar , cares Quartanes , and inward wounds , and cures the paines produced by Falls , Contusions , &c. being administred from six to twenty drops to a patient placed in his bed to sweat after it : but of this my Experience will not enable mee to say any thing . And I feare Pyrophilus , that I have already too long entertained you about Harts-Horne : and yet I feare too , that you expect that before I forsake this Subject I should say something to you concerning a much controverted particular relating thereunto . The Inquiry is , Whether or no , when it is distill'd , the Salt dispose it selfe in the Receiver into the figures of Harts-horne , the Affirmative is maintained by many Chymists , and a friend of mine who is very severe , and not at all credulous , having assured mee that he himselfe had observed the inside of his Receiver over-laid with such figures or hornes , I dare not deny , but that accidentally the particles of the volatile Salt may sometimes represent as well the shape of Harts-hornes , as of divers other things . But for our parts having severall wayes , and not unfrequently distilled that matter , we could never see the pretended Saline Harts-hornes so clearely as we thought wee saw cause to esteeme that those who affirm'd they constantly saw them so distinctly lookt through the spectacles of prepossest Imagination : not to mention that it is the usuall method of nature in Salts to make the bigger Concretions of the same figures with the smaller graines , as we observe in Nitre , Rock-allum , &c. And the graines of the Salt of Harts-horne , though I have attentively enough consider'd their shapes , I remember not ever to have observed of a figure like that of the hornes they came from : but it is the nature of volatile Salts to fasten themselves to the Receiver in various figures , according as the degree of fire that urges them up , and other concurrent circumstances do chance to exact ; and consonantly hereunto we have often observed the volatile Salt of the same Harts-horne to be very variously figured in the same Receiver : and I remember that not long since subliming some volatile Salt of Urine , it adher'd to the upper part of the vessell in figures , much liker Harts-hornes , then ever I had seene their volatile Salt make up ; so that unlesse wee will merrily say , that the man whose urine was distill'd , had hornes given him by his wife , wee must acknowledge that nature seemes to give her selfe liberty to play in the Configuration of volatile Salts , and that casualities have no unusuall influence on them ; or to speake more properly , that the various degree of Fire , the differing copiousness of the Fumes , and many other intervening accidents do keep those Configurations from being constantly regular ; and I remember that a while since filtring through Cap-paper a Tincture of glasse of Antimony , made with Spirit of Vinegar and Spirit of Wine , almost according to Basilius ; the matter which remained in the paper ( which was placed in a glasse funnell , and was of the same shape ) did of it selfe , when it began to grow dry , cleave into the figures of trees , whose trunkes , greater boughs , and smaller branches , were both for their shape , and proportion , as lively represented as if they had been drawne by the curious pensill of some skilfull Painter ; which paper I shewed to some persons that beheld it not without wonder , and for ought I know I am yet able to shew it you ; nor is this the only instance I could give you if need were , if I had not trifled too long allready to manifest at present , that , now and then , Chance may make Nature seem to emulate Art. But as long as I have dwelt , Pyrophilus , on this Subject before I passe to another ; I must not forget to advertise you , that in case Stags Horns cannot be procured for the preparation of the above mention'd Remedies , you may without much disadvantage substitute Bucks-horns in their stead ; for almost all the trialls we have had opportunity to make of the Medicines we have been lately discoursing of , have been made with Remedies whereto Buck-hornes afforded Materialls . I had almost forgot , Pyrophilus , to tell you , That to keep the rectify'd Spirit of Harts-horn , Blood , or the like , is more uneasie , then any thing but trial would make one think ; and yet to keep the Volatile Salt is more difficult , then to preserve the Spirit ; for more then once , when I have kept these fugitive animal Salts by themselves , they have penetrated the Corks , and scarce left me in the well stopp'd Glasses any footsteps of their having been there , and therefore those Chymists that are not strangers to these Salts , have taken much pains to no great purpose to keep them from Avolation , some of the recentest and ingeniousest are wont , that they may moderate their uncurb'd wildness , to pour on them as much of some such Acid Spirit , as that of Salt of Vitriol &c. as will produce any manifest conflict with the Volatile Salt , never considering , that as this course doth indeed devest them of their fugacity , so it doth in effect devest them of a great part of their Nature , and consequently of their peculiar Vertues . For I have elswhere shewn , that the Saline Corpuscles , obteinable by the Fire from Urine , being united with a sufficient proportion of Spirit of Salt , will cease to be what they were , and with the Saline parts of the Acid Liquor , will make up a kind of Sal-Armoniack . But 't is easier for me in this our case to shew that another mans Expedient is not good , then to substitute a good one , especially in this place , where for some Reasons I must not set down , the way that I the best approve of , onely I shall tell You , that my way long was , nor do I yet despise it , to preserve volatile Salts in their own rectify'd Spirit , which swimming over them , kept them from the immediate contact of the Air , and preserv'd them so well , that by this means I have secur'd even small parcels of the fugitive Salt of humane Blood for many Years . [ But since the Spirit and Salt even of this sort of Horns , will not , I fear , ●e found so easie for every Man , especially , if he be a Novice in Chymistry to procure in any considerable Quantity ; and since the declared intent of my c●mmunicating to the Reader my Observations about these Spirits of Harts-horn , Blood , &c. was to furnish him with such Chymical Remedies , that men may by their easiness and cheapness be invited to provide them for the use of the Poor ; I presume it will not be improper to present him with a succedaneum or two , that may be easily enough obtain'd from Sal-Armoniack , though these Preparations have such Conn●xion with divers other Passages , wherewith they were VVritten to the Person , I here call Pyrophilus , that to avoid the too much d●smembring those Papers , and to make these Processes the better understood , I must content my self to leave out those Particulars that can best be spar'd , hoping that the rest will be easily excus'd , at least by those who know how much some Chymists themselves have been deluded in their Trials of the divulg'd Processes , divers of which are either false or very uncertain , and others , though they should succeed , would give but a sophisticall spirit , much of the obtained Liquor comming from the Distillable Concretes that must according to such Processes be mingl●d with the Sal-Armoniack , of which I could easily give instances , ev'n out of modern and applauded VVriters . ] The Spirit of Salt-Armoniack , Pyrophilus , hath such wonders ascribed to it by Chymists , that , if I should conclude these Papers touching Spirits of an Urinous nature , without saying something to you of that , you might think I had left the considerablest of them unmentioned ; but as I the rather acquaint you with the little I know of it , because , though I have met with divers Authors that extoll it , I have scarce met with any that teaches intelligibly , and candidly how to prepare it , which perhaps most of them did not know themselves , so I hope you will exact an accurate account of it the lesse rigidly , because I can present to you but little on that Subject , besides the few Observations wherewith my own Curiosity has supplyed me ; having scarce ever ( to my knowledge ) seen any Spirit of Sal-Armoniack save what my own Furnaces have afforded me , and therefore without presuming to set down solemne processes about a subject , wherein I have found a small variation of Circumstances hinder the operations made on it from producing uniform effects , I shall content my self to give you as true an information as my memory will afford me of a few of my proceedings with this nice Salt , and the successes of them : only premising in a Word , that by Sal Armoniack I here mean the Factitious and Venal , consisting of Urine , Soot , and Sea-salt . And first , according to the way proposed by Glauber ( in the second part of his Philosophicall Furnaces ) we distilled it out of an open retort ( with a Cover to c●ap on and take off as occasion requires ) with a mixture of Lapis Calaminaris , and once we , that way , obtained a quantity of Liquor , which seem'd exceeding strong , but before we could make any trials with it , the Viall that contained it having bin accidentally broken , we lost the opportunity of satisfying our selves of the efficacy of it : and having not long since attempted to make such a Spirit the same way , there came over indeed a Liquor which seem'd to be the Spirit of Sal-Armoniack , but when we came to Rectify it in a gentle heat , the greater part of it to our wonder , coagulated in the Retort , whereinto it was put to be distill'd , into a perfect Sal-Armoniack , ( a pretty quantity of which I yet keep by me ) and thereby betray'd the above mentioned Liquor to have been little else then the Sal-Armoniack it self , forced over by the violence of the Fire , without having suffer'd any separation of its Ingredients . Nor is it by us alone , that the Process set down by Glauber , hath been unprosperously attempted , and yet perhaps it might have constantly enough succeeded with him , and the difference of the Lapis Calaminaris ( in which we have observ'd much disparity according to the places it comes from ) may have produced the complained of variety of Successes . We also attempted to distill a Spirit from Sal-Armoniack ( to pretermit divers other trials ) by mixing it with equall parts of Salt of Tartar , but in this experiment we met with variety of success , for having exquisitely incorporated the two Salts by the help of a little fair Water , we have divers times had the upper part of the receiver ( carefully luted on to a somewhat large retort ) all candy'd over on the inside ; with Volatile Salts of severall shapes , and the Liquor afterwards forc'd over hath sometimes remained long enough in the forme of a very subtle and penetrant spirit , and sometimes again , it hath in the very receiver almost totally coagulated it self into a lump of Chrystalline Salt ; and when we had mixt the Salt of Tartar , and Sal-Armoniack , without any Water or other moisture at all , our successes have been very like those above mentioned . Upon this occasion I dare not omit acquainting you with an Experiment , which yet I learn't not upon this occasion , Take of pure Salt of Tartar and of good Sal-Armoniack equal parts ( let them be both very dry , or else you may loose your labour ) and grind them very accurately together , though you be deterred from continuing that toyl , by a very subtle and fetid Urinous steam , wont to exhale from the mixture ; these Salts being thus exquisitely incorporated , you must put them into a large Glass Retort , to which you may fit a Receiver to catch a fetid Liquor that sometimes we have observed to come over ; then administring by degrees a very strong Fire , the top and Neck of the Retort , will be lined with a pure white Sublimate , which seems to partake as well ( though nothing neer so much ) of the Salt of Tartar as of the Sal-Armoniack and of it's Qualities , and yet to differ from either ; and though this Sublimate be far enough from being the true Volatile Salt of Tartar so highly extolled by Paracelsus and Helmont , yet it is no ignoble Medicine in obstructions , and some other distempers : And I remember one of the most expert Chymists I know , having made trial of some I presented him , told me he found such effects of it , as made him divers times very pressing and sollicitous for more . The Fetid Liquor that will come over we have found sometimes to be very little , and at other times much more copious , without being able to discern clearly whence the disparity proceeded ; and the Caput Mortuum remaining in the Retort , by Solution , Filtration , and Coagulation , affords a pure Salt of greater Diureticall efficacy , then almost any I have hitherto met withall : Another way by which we attempted to obtain a Spirit of Sal-Armoniack , was by accurately mixing two parts of it , with three or foure of Quick-lime , whose vertue had not bin impair'd by being exposed to the Air , this mixture being distilled in a Retort , placed in sand , with a strong fire afforded us ( together with some dry Sublimate in the neck of the Retort , and as I remember a little volatile Salt in the Receiver ) a very strong and yellowish Spirit , so exceedingly penetrant , and stinking , that 't was not easie to hold ones nose to the open mouth of the Vial wherin 't was kept , without danger of being struck downe , or for a while disabled to take breath , by the plenty and violence of the exhaling Spirits : But the Liquor forced over by this method , though exceeding vigorous as to its Qualities , was inconsiderable , as to its Quantity ; and therefore wee now chuse to vary a little this way of proceeding , and and let the Quick-lime ly abroad in the open Air ; ( but protected from all other moisture , except that of the Aire ) for divers dayes , in which time the imbib'd humidity of the ambient Air would in some degrees slake it , and make it somewhat brittler then it was before , and the Lime thus prepared , being mingled with Salt-Armoniack , and distilled in all circumstances after the former manner , afforded us a Liquor so copious , and yet so strong , that we hitherto acquiesce in this way of distilling this wild Salt , as the best we have yet met with . But note , that , we used towards the latter end to encrease the fire to that degree , by heaping up Coales on the upper part of the Retort , that , the mixture in the Retort hath been brought to flow . Note also , that though even the Spirit thus drawne persevered long in the forme of a Liquor , yet yesterday coming to looke upon a Viall of it , which we reserved , to try what effect time would have on it , we found that about a fourth or fifth part of it had spontaneously coagulated it selfe into exactly figured graines of a Chrystalline Salt , the Liquor swimming above it , retaining , neverthelesse , a very strange subtlety : Which Observation concording with divers others makes mee apt to doubt , whether or no this so celebrated Spirit of Salt-Armoniack be really much , if at all , other then the resolved Salt of Urine , and S●ot , of which that body consists , of somewhat subtiliated by the fire , and freed from the clogging Society of the Sea-salt , to which they were formerly associated and united ; though I confesse it seemeth not improbable , by the great Energy which may be observed in this Spirit , when it is dextrously drawne , that the entire Concrete , and the Quick-lime , may afford it something that it could not receive from either of the Ingredients , whence the Mixture did result , as we see in Aqua Regi● , which dissolves crude gold , though neither the Salt-Armoniack , nor the Peter , nor the Vitrioll alone affords , by the usuall wayes , Spirit capable of producing that effect . The great vertues , and uses of Salt-Armoniack , especially in Physick , I cannot now stay to treat of , but you will find them largely enough set downe by Glauber ; whose Encomiums neverthelesse , must not be all adopted by mee , who in this place mention the Spirit of Sal-Armoniack , but as a Medicine that is neer of kin , and may serve for a Succedaneum to the Spirits of Harts-horne , Urine , Blood , &c. But although the last mentioned way , Pyrophilus , be the least imperfect one we have hitherto met with , of distilling Salt-Armoniack , yet because you may sometimes need a Spirituous liquor impregnated with the activest parts of that noble concrete when you want either Retorts to distill in , or Furnaces capable of giving strong fires , I dare not omit to inform you , that , we have sometimes drawne over such a liquor of Salt-Armoniack after the following manner . Dissolve pure Salt-Armoniack in a small quantity of faire water , then in a Cucurbit put such a quantity of strong Quick-lime powder'd , as may fill up a fifth or sixth part of the vessell , and water it very well by degrees with the former Solution of the Salt-Armoniack , and immediately clap an Alembick on the Cucurbit , and fasten a Receiver to the Alembick , closing the joynts very acurately , and from this mixture , by the gentle heat of a Bath or a Lamp , you may obtaine a Liquor that smels much like Spirit of Urine , and seemes to be much of the same nature ; and this volatile liquor being once or twice rectified per se , with a very mild heat , growes exceeding fugitive and penetrant , and workes by Sweat , and a little , perhaps , by Urine ; and I remember that when I first made it , having been induced by some Analogicall Experiments , I had formerly made , to give it to one that had a patient troubled with an extreamly violent Cough , I had an account quickly brought me , that he not slowly , but wonderfully mended upon the very first or second Dose ; and indeed the tryalls that have hitherto been made of it , make mee hope that it will prove little inferiour in efficacy to the other above mentioned more costly Spirits , scarce any of which being preparable by so safe , and compendious a way , if this Medicine emulate them in vertue , the Easinesse of the preparation ( wherein little time needs be spent , and lesse danger of breaking vessels incurr'd ) will much endear it to me . But , Pyrophilus , because I would assist You to make variety of Experiments about Volatile Salts , and because diverse tryals may be more conveniently made , when the Saline Corpuscles are in a dry form , then when they are in that of a Liquor ; I will take this occasion to mention to You a way by whose Intervention a change on the fixt body employ'd about the newly mentioned Experiment , hath sometimes afforded mee store of volatile Salt. This way was only to mingle exquisitly a quantity of Sal-Armoniack , with about thrice its weight of strong Wood-ashes . For the Spirit that we this way drave out of a Retort plac'd in Sand , did quickly in the Receiver Coagulate into a Salt ; and this Method was again experimented with like successe . And the Salt thus made we found so extreamly subtile and volatile , that it seem'd to be much of the same Nature with that of Urine , and if it be indeed , ( as probably 't is ) onely the Volatile Salts of the Urine , and perhaps also of the Soot , whereof the Sal-Armoniack consists , this may passe for a more compendious way of obtaining such Salts , then others that are hitherto wont to be practis'd amongst Chymists . But I will not undertake that this way of obtaining rather Salt then Spirit shall constantly succeed , Yet if you find it do not , I shall not perchance refuse You a better way . But if you could devise a Method ( which possibly is not unattainable ) of bringing over into a Spirit , not the bare Urinous and fuliginous Ingredients of Sal-Armoniack but the whole Body , it may be , you would have a Menstruum that would make good , if not surpass even Renanus's , and Glaubers Elogies of the Spirit of Sal-Armoniack . The affinity betwixt Volatile Salts and Sulphurs , doth , Pyrophilus , as well as your Curiosity invite me to acquaint you , with some of the Trials we have made about the Preparations of Sulphureous Fetid Liquors , which I am the more inclined to do , because , though I find mention made of some of them in Chymical Books , yet they are there delivered with so little Incouragement , amongst many other processes of which it appears not that the prescribers made trial , that when I had distilled some of those Sulphurs , divers expert Chymists were very desirous to have a sight of them to satisfy themselves that such Liquors could be so prepared . The way of making the common Balsam , or Ruby of Sulphur , is too well known to need to be long insisted on . Onely , because there is some little variety used by several in the preparation , it will not perhaps be amiss to inform you that we are wont to make it by mixing about three parts of Oyl of Turpentine , with two of good Flower of Brimstone , and setting them in a strong Urinal slightly stopt in an heat of Sand , only great enough to make the Liquor with a little crackling noise ( whencesoever that proceeds ) work upon the Sulphur , till it be all perfectly resolved into a Bloud-red Balsam which will be performed in six , eight , or ten Hou●es , according to the quantity of the Ingredients to be unite 〈◊〉 this Balsam which is indeed in some cases no despicable Remedie , is by vulgar Chymists , according to their custome very highly extolled , and sometimes employed in Distempers and Constitutions , wherein instead of performing the wonders by them expected , its Heat doth more harm , then its drying and Balsamick properties do good : but yet apparent it will be , by what we shall say anon , that by this preparation , the Body of the Sulphur is somewhat opened , and therefore ( as we said ) in some cases the Ruby of Sulphur may prove no ineffectual Remedie , which may probably be improved if it be prepared by bare Digestion in a very gentle heat , by which course we have prosperously prepar'd it , though not in so short a time , when we made it not in order to some other Medicine . To Volatilize the Sulphur thus Resolved we took the Balsam made the former way in a few Houres , and putting it in a Retort , either with , or without fair Water , which is supposed to help to carry up the superfluous Oyl , we placed the Vessel in a Sand Furnace , and with a gentle heat drawing off as much of the Oyl of Turpentine as would in that heat come over , we shifted the Receiver , and carefully luted on the new one ; and lastly , giving Fire by degrees , we forced over a Liquor of a deep and darkish Red , extreamly penetrant , but of a smell so sulphureous and diffusive of it self , that it was scarce to be restrained by Corks , and was by great odds stronger then that of the Rubie before distillation . The like Experiment we tryed in a Glasse head and body placed in Sand , and through that way , likewise we obtained a Volatile Balsam of Sulphur , yet we found it too inconvenient to be equallable w●th the former ; what long Digestions of this Liquor will do to take away , or lessen its Empyreumatical and o●●ensive Odour , we have not yet been by experience satisfie● no more then of its medical Vertues , though probably the ●reat penetrancy of the Liquor considered , they will not be languid . Authors also prescribe the making a volatile Balsam of Sulphur , by driving over , after the above mentioned manner , a Solution of Flower of Brimstone in Linseed Oyl , and this Remedy they highly extoll ; but though it may probably prove a good Medicine , yet since they commend it but by conjecture , and not upon Experience , I see no great reason why it should be preferable to the other ; for we find that express'd Oyles are much more apt to receive an offensive Empyreuma then Oyl of Turpentine , which being much more volatile then they , requires nothing neer so violent a heat to make it ascend ; and unless it be found , that the Sulphureous particles are able to mitigate the corrosive ones , the distilled Liquor of an express'd Oyl may prove noxious in the Body ▪ For by purposely ( for trials sake ) distilling Oyl Olive , by it self , though not in a naked Fire , we obtained a Liq●or of that exceeding sharpness , that it would ( takes inwardly ▪ probably corrode , or fret either the Stomach or some other of the internal Parts . There is another way of preparing a Sulphureous Balsam , to which Penotus no ignoble Chymist , ascribes such stupendous Vertues , that though I have not yet made trial of it in Diseases , yet I dare not leave it altogether unmentioned ; the process being briefly but this . Take good Balsam of Sulphur made with Spirit or Oyl of Turpentine , and having freed it from its superfluous Oyliness pour on it well deplegm'd Spirit of Wine , and therewith draw by affusion of new Spirit as often as need requires a sufficient quantity of a Red Tincture , which by filtration and abstraction in Balneo must be reduced to a Balsamick consistence ; this Liquor you may if you please by degrees of Fire drive through a Retort placed in Sand , and thereby obtain a volatile Balsam of very great penetrancy , and probably of no small efficacy ; but the Trial I have made of this process , gives me occasion to advertise You ; 1. That unlesse your Balsam be reduced to a stiffe thicknese , and almost to drinesse it self , the Operation will hardly succeed , we having fruitlesly digested for some months Spirit of Wine upon Balsam , whose consistence was somewhat too Liquid . 2. That as soon as the Spirit of Wine is sufficiently Tincted , it ought to be Decanted , and succeeded by new , left by too long digestion , instead of heightning its Tincture , it let fall that which it hath already acquired . 3. That upon a very slow abstraction of most of the Tincted Spirit in a digesting furnace , we once found the remaining Liquor not to be in the forme of a Balsam , but to consist partly of Spirit of Wine ; and partly of a seeming distinct Oyl , whereinto the Sulphureous Tincture was reduced . The Balsam of Sulphur thus made without Distillation seems likely to be an innocenter and nobler Medicine then the common Ruby of Sulphur , made with a hot and ill scented Oyl of Turpentine : and by this preparation may also appeare the truth of what we formerly said , when we told you , that the body of the Sulphur was opened by Solution in Oleaginous Liquors , for out of the common thickned Balsam , as you may be informed by this processe , well Rectified Spirit of Wine will , in a short time , extract a blood red Tincture , whereas by long digestion of Spirit of Wine alone upon pure , but undissolved , flowres of Brimstone , we could not discerne any change of colour in the Menstruum ; though I dare not deny the possibility of what some Authors affirme , who write , that Spirit of Wine very excellently Dephlegm'd , will in time , of it selfe draw a Tincture from flowers of Sulphur , which Tincture they yet pretend not to make of a higher then a Lemmon colour . And by the way let mee tell you , that our red tincture formerly mentioned is ( if it be well made ) so strong of the Sulphur , that probably it would make a very penetrant , and effectuall outward remedy in Aches , and divers other cold distempers of the nervous parts ; for it hath been already found , that good Spirit of Wine alone is one of the powerfullest Fomentations in divers cases of that nature ; ( insomuch that it hath been sometimes found to arrest the spreading Mortification of Gangrenes ; ) and therefore being so richly impregnated with Sulphur : which is even without the assistance of so subtle a vehicle very available in many dissaffections of the Genus Nervosum ; 't is probable that the skilfull association of two such active remedies may produce considerable Effects . Take of pure flowers of Sulphur one part , of the best Oyl-Olive foure or five parts , mixe them well together in a strong earthen pot , able to contain a much greater quantity of the ingredients then is to be put in it : set this vessel over a moderate fire of Charcoales , throughly kindled , till the Oyl though slowly , have perfectly dissolved all the Flowers of Sulphur , which will ( if you worke it well ) be perform'd in about halfe an houre , or an houre , ( according to the quantity of your Materials ; ) But you must have a great care , during the whole Operation , first , that the Oyl catch not fire , whereby it would not only be lost it selfe , but perhaps endanger the firing of the house ; and next that the Mixture be kept nimbly , and constantly stirring from the first beginning of the Oyl 's action on the Sulphur , till the Solution be fully made ; and the Pot ( having been taken off the fire ) be grown cold again . The chiefe Signes whereby you may perceive , that , you have not erred in the Operations are , First , if the Sulphur be perfectly dissolved in the Oyl , which you must often try before you take it from the fire , by taking up with the tip of a stick a drop or two of the Liquor yet in Preparation , and letting it coole on white paper , or on your naile , whereby you may discerne , when the Solution is perfectly made by the deep Redness , and Transparency of the Liquor , and by its containing no more in it any undissolved Fowers of the Brimstone ; Next by the Consistency of the Balsam which ought to be neither too Liquid ( as you will find it if it hath not staid its due time on the fire ) nor too thick ( as it is apt to become if you remove it not seasonably from the fire ; ) but of the consistence of somewhat thin Hony ; and lastly , by the smell which ought to be strong of the Sulphur , but not of the fire ; for though the Sulphureous Stink is , in this Remedy , to be expected , that Empyreumaticall one , which proceeds from burning ( and by skilfull nostrils may be easily discerned , ) is very possible to be avoided . The Dosis of this Balsam , when it is to be inwardly used , may be from two to fifteen , or twenty drops , according as the greatnesse of the distemper , and chiefly the strength , and Constitution of the Patient shall require and bear . It may be given upon a fasting Stomack , either alone , or brought to the Consistence of Pills , or of a Bolus with powdered Sugar , Liquorice , &c. or else dissolved in any convenient Vehicle , wherewith its Oleaginous nature will permit it to mingle . Outwardly it may be administred either by bare Inunction of the part affected , or else by incorporating it with any other convenient Oyntment , or Playster : after which we are wont to prescribe to have an application made to the part of two or three little Bags fill'd with Sand , as warme as the Patient can easily endure it , and shifted as soon as either of them begins to cool , that by this meanes , the Pores being open'd , the Vertue of the Balsam , by being made more penetrant , may reach the farther . I have been thus particular , Pyrophilus , in the mention of this Remedy , because though it seem but a slight and triviall Preparation , yet Experience hath given us better opinion of it , then I feare the slightnesse of the Preparation will as yet allow You. And indeed its Vertues , I am apt to thinke more then I have yet had occasion to observe , and therefore must referre you to Rulandus his Centuries , where they are often mentioned : but outwardly in Straines , old Aches , Bruises , and the like , it is wont to be very effectuall ; in the beginning of F●ts of the Gout it hath severall times ( though not constantly ) been prosperously applyed both to Mr B. B : and divers other persons , and sometimes it hath been found not ineffectuall even in the Sciatica it selfe . And as for Paralyticall distempers , I have had by a skilfull Physitian an account sent me of scarce credible things which it hath therein performed : to which I shall onely adde , that a while since I had great thankes returned mee on the behalfe of a faire young Lady , to whom I prosperously prescribed it against a great Tumor in her neck , which was supposed to be the beginning of the Kings-evill ; But this Tumor was recent enough , which circumstance I thinke fit to specifie , because I feare that if the Scrophulous Tumor had been inveterate , the successe would not have been so good . Inwardly the chiefe Use we made of it hath been in Coughs and Distempers allyed thereunto ; but its Balsamicall nature , making it both healing , and resistive ( if I may so speake ) of Putrefaction , makes it probable that its Vertues may be more extensive ; to which purpose I remember that a while since a friend of mine tryed it with wonderfull success in mictu sanguinis ferè deplorato , having first by a gentle heat reduced it to such a Consistence , as allow'd him to make it up into Pills . But of the particular Cases , wherein our Remedy hath been succesfull , no more at present ; We shall rather subjoyn , That though this have been the way which we have the oftenest employ'd in the making of the Balsam , yet we must not conceal from You , that we have divers times met with Accidents , which frustrated our endeavours and expectations . For if the fire administred be too languid , the Solution of the Sulphur by the Oyl proceeds not well , and on the otherside have found , that not only a strong heat is apt to burne the matter , or to make the Oyl boyl over , and perhaps take fire , but even that upon a very little excesse in the degree of heat , the Oyl and Sulphur would , before it could be expected , degenerate together into a heavy and viscous Lump ( almost of the colour of the liver of an Animall ) which coagulated Matter prov'd afterwards exceeding difficult to be by the affusion of fresh Oyl dissolved and reduced to a due consistence . Wherefore we tryed to prepare this Balsam by putting the proportion of Ingredients formerly mention'd into a strong Urinall , which we placed in Sand , and making under it no more fire then was sufficient to make it slowly worke upon the Flowers , ( which did often during their Solution make a crackling noise , ) we continued the Operation for divers ( perhaps many ) houres , at the end of which we found the Sulphur dissolv'd , and the mixture reduced to a Balsamick colour and consistence . So that if you distrust your dexterity to prepare this Balsam by the former way with a naked fire , we must advise You to make use of this latter way , as that which is the safer , though it be the longer way of proceeding . Nay when we had leisure enough , we did for tryalls sake , prosperously attempt the Solution of Flow●es of Brimstone , with common Oyl by the far gentler heat of bare Digestion , and by that meanes obtained a Balsam perfectly free from adustion , but of somewhat too liquid a consistence , which may be easily remedied by the mixture of powder'd Liquorice , Sugar , or any other such convenient Concrete . We must also advertise you that this Balsam may also be prepared with Oyl of Nuts , of Poppy seeds , of Hypericon , instead of Oyl-olive , or any other exprest Oyl , appropriated to the particular distemper against which the Physitian intends to employ the remedy , only care must be had , that the Specifick qualities of the Oyl be not so fugitive , as to be destroyed by the Ebullition requisite to the making of the Balsam , which if it be to be enrich'd with specifick vertues in relation to any particular disease , may perhaps be best prepared by the last mentioned way ( of digestion ) wherein the subtle Spirits that impregnate the Oyl are not in such danger to be dissipated by the fire . The knowingest Chymists themselves ( Pyrophilus ) are wont so much ( and perhaps not altogether undeservedly ) to to extoll the efficacy of Antimony , that we were thereby invited , besides divers Preparations of it for internall use , to attempt the making of some remedies of it , that might also be externally applicable ; and in prosecution of this designe , we found that by boyling foure or five fingers height of good Oyl of Turpentine upon very finely powdered Antimony , put with the Liquor into a strong Glasse Urinall , placed in Sand , the Oyl after some houres would grow exceeding high Tincted ; and being gently in in great part abstracted , would leave behind it a body of a Balsamick consistence , and a deep rednesse ; which may , I presume , be applyed to resolve , and discusse hard Tumours , and remedy divers other outward Evils , with more effect then the simple Balsam of common Sulphur formerly described . And from this Antimoniall Balsam abstracted to a st●ffer consistence , we found that Spirit of Wine would draw a Tincture , which I likewise suppose might prove a very powerfull Fomentation ; though the Spirit we used ( perhaps because it was not sufficiently Dephlegmated ) did not in a few dayes attaine to more then a very pale rednesse : ) but this Tincture being slowly freed from the most part of the Spirit of Wine , became of the consistence of somewhat liquid Hony , and of a deeper colour , thereby affording us a purer Balsam ; which we have not yet , ( being hindred by some accidents ) attempted to bring over the Helm● . Nor did we here desist , but by divers tryals found that the Antimoniall Balsam , above mentioned , being put into a Retort , placed in Sand , and pressed by degrees of fire , would at length emitt Steams , which would condense in the neck of the Retort , and fall thence into the Receiver in sanguine drops : this volatile red Balsam ( especially if by this volatilization the Antimony have lost its Emetick property ) we cannot but think endowed with more then ordinary Vertues , outward and perhaps inward too ; considering the great penetrancy of the Liquor , and the Energy of the Minerall , with whose subtle parts it is richly impregnated , if it consist not mainly of them . But we are yet in prosecution of this Preparation , and therefore till we have seen how far we are like to improve this Remedy , We shall forbear any further mention of it especially since we have already in this very Paper , given you as we suppose , sufficient proofe , that We are more sollicitous for your Satisfaction and proficiency , then for our owne Reputation , ( of being a severe Critick in estimating of Medicines ) For otherwise we should not have been so indiscreet , as to acquaint you with any Preparation , of whose medicall Vertues we have not yet made much tryall , whilst we are not destitute of other remedies , whose efficacy hath been manifested to us by Experience . But we have often observed , that divers usefull Chymicall Preparations are mentioned so obscurely , and unintelligibly by the Authors that write of them , or else are without any particular , or encouraging note of Distinction mentioned amongst a crowd of other Processes , some of which have perhaps already been found to be false , or triviall , and others of which may be rationally enough distrusted ; that most Physitians , and Chymists themselves , are deterred from attempting to prepare those remedies , not so much because they seem unlikely to prove confiderable , as because they are afraid that the Processes are false , or fraudulently set downe , and consequently , that concretes of such a Consistence , Colour , Scent , and other obvious qualities , as are ascrib'd to the Remedies proposed , are not preparable by the publish't Directions . And that you might see , Pyrophilus , what discouragements I have met with even from Artists themselves to keep mee from trusting to Printed Chymicall proeesses , I thinke it not amisse to mention here a memorable passage of the famous , and experienced Alexander Van Suchten , who is reported to to have gotten more by the practice of Chymicall Physick then any of the Contemporary professours of it ; for he towards the end of his Booke of the secrets of Antimony ( of which he clearly discloseth not any in that Treatise , ) gives this account of his Crypticall way of writing ; Quod in hoc Tractatu nullum Recipe proposuerim ob id factum est , quod vos seducere nolo , Recipe enim illa seducunt juniores Medicos : sed neque à Theophrasto ullum Recipe Scriptum est , quod ad Medicinam , quin occultum seusum habeat , & in quo nihil vel deerit , vel abundet ; & hoc non fit sine magnis causis . Wherefore make account , that besides that such changes of the qualities , of Bodies , may afford much light to Naturalists , he doth Chymists no useless piece of service , that acquaints them with the success of the nobler sort of processes mentioned in Authors , though he should give them little or no account of the Vertues of the Remedies prepared by those Processes ; but this I hope is not altogether our case , for besides that our Observations are likely to save You much trouble , and perhaps some mistakes , and mis-adventures , besides that ( I say ) we have had oportunity to observe such eminent effects of severall of the volatile Liquors described in these Papers , as may justly give us promising ! Expectations of the Properties of the rest , which are in their obvious qualities so neer of kin to them . And this sort of Medicines having been found sometimes to do wonders , and generally to be safe ( which of a few of the known operative , and not Specifick Medicines can be truly affirmed ) I not apt to thinke , that he that shall bring these Remedies in spight of their ill Scent , into the good opinion of Physitians , may make no inconsiderable number of Patients beholden to him . I should not , Pyrophilus , proceed to make You repent Your Curiosity to know my thoughts of the Urinous , and Sulphureous Remedies it hath hitherto made me treat of , were it not , that there yet remaines something to be said , without which , all that hath been said , will scarce signify very much towards the effectuall recommending of those medicines to Your esteem and practise . For I do not ignore , Pyrophilus , that not only the Generality of the Galenicall Physitians , but divers of the more eminent , and judicious of the Chymists themselves , have been pleas'd to condemne the internall use of Liquors driven through a Retort , by the violence of fire , upon the scores of their being offensively Empyreumaticall , and Stinking ; among which sort of Liquors I cannot expect , that our Spirits of Blood , Harts-horne , &c. will escape the being reckon'd . But forasmuch as the prosperous Effects I have had oportunity to see , of divers Remedies of that Nature , have given mee for them rather an esteem , then either a detestation or contempt ; I suppose it may prove no unseasonable piece of Justice to the Spirit of Blood , and the other Noble , though fetid Remedies I have been setting you down ; nor no unserviceable piece of Charity to Men , if in this place , and once for all , I spend some lines in endeavouring to rescue these criminated Medicines from the great Prejudice they suffer under , and from a reputation , which whilst it renders them more odious then even their smell can do , is likely to make men deny themselves the benefit of them . I might here on this Occasion call in Question , whether not only Galenists , but even many Chymists themselves , be not somewhat more afraid , then they need be , of what they call Empyreuma . But I will suspend a while that Question , and at present confess to You , that I have sometimes doubted whether or no that stink which is generally call'd by the newly mention'd name , do alwayes , and necessarily proceed from the Impressions of a violent fire . For to make a pure Spirit , and Salt of Urine , there needs nothing , but to let it in a well stopt vessel putrifie for a competent time ( as we elsewhere teach ) in a Dunghill , or any resembling warmth , ( and that it selfe , perhaps , is not necessary to its Putrefaction ; ) and then to draw off an eight or tenth part of the Liquor that first ascends by the gentle heat of a Bath . By which , or by the yet milder warmth of a Lamp-furnace , it may be sufficiently rectified , and brought to yield , besides the Spirit , good store of Salt. And since the Spirit thus made differs so little in Smell or Tast from those of Blood and Harts-horne , that most mens Noses are not criticall enough to distinguish them , ( and We have sometimes taken pleasure to make Chymists themselves to mistake the one of those Liquors for the other . ) It seems worth considering , whether or no the fetid and urinous Tast and Smell , which in these Spirits is said to be Empyreumaticall , and to proceed from the Adustion of the fire , be not the Genuine Tast and Odour of the Spirituous and Saline particles of the mixed Bodies themselves , which they would manifest if they were copiously extricated , ( to speakin the Kings language ) separated from the other Principles or Ingredients & associated into one Body , though without the violence of the Fire . For to distill the Spirit of putrified Urine , wherein the like Smell and Tast are eminent , there needs ( as we said ) no greater heat , then that of a Lamp-furnace , or of Hors-dung , ( since in the latter of these only , Urine too long kept , and but negligently stopt , hath been observ'd to have lost its volatile Salt and Spirit , before it was taken out of the Hors-dung . And such a H●at seems not great enough to impress an Empyrema upon such a Liquor . For we see th●t most things dist●ll'd in the g●eater heat of a Bath , are commended by Physitians and Chymists , for their beeing free from Empyreume . And what Activity may be acquired by the subtle parts of a mixed Body , by the convening ( if I may so speak ) of such Spirituous Particles disengag'd from those other parts which clogg'd or imprison'd them , without any Empyreumaticall Impression , from any violent externall Heat , may appear by the Chymicall Oyles of Spices . For though though they be usually drawn by Chymists and Apothecaries , by the help of Water in Limbecks ; and though they have by us been drawn after another manner ( which we may elswhere teach You ) with a much gentler heat ( sometimes not not exceeding that of an ordinary Balneum ) yet these well Dephlegm'd Liquors retaining so well the Genuine Taste and Smell of the Concretes they were drawn from , that they pass unaccus'd of Empyreume , are some of them much stronger and hotter then the Spirit or Salt of Mans Blood , or of Harts-horn : As may appear especially by the Oyl of Cinnamon , which if pure , is more penetrant and fretting , then any thing but tryall could easily have perswaded mee . And lest you should object , that the Fire doth considerably contribute to the strength of these Liquors , otherwise then by disengaging the Particles they consist of from the unactive parts of the Concrete , and assembling them together , I must advertise You , that I have observ'd little less Heat & Penetrancy then in diverse of these , in some Liquors separated without the assistance of Distillation : As for Instance , in the purer sort of the true Peruvian Balsam , and in another kind of natural Balsam , almost of an Amber colour , which belonged to an Eastern Prince ) who carried it up and down with him as a Jewel ) whose Domesticks at his death sold it , whereby I came to procure some of it , and found cause to wonder at its strength both upon the tongue , and in its Operation . But granting , Pyrophilus , that the Volatile Remedies treated of in these Papers , may have their offensive Smell and Taste imputed to the Fire , yet perhaps Physitians would more slowly , and more tenderly censure the Rememedies in question for their Empyreumaticall stink , if they did but consider , that they themselves scruple not to use ( to name those among many others ) Senna and Scammony , though the former be wont to gripe the Guts , and the latter have an Acrimony , Heat , and Mordacity so unkind to to the Bowels , that a few grains exceeded in the Dose turnes it into poyson ; because the ill Qualities of these Medicines , may by proper Correctives be somewhat mitigated , and the Good they doe , doth more then countervaile the Inconveniencies that attend the use of them . For the very same Considerations , Pyrophilus , will be applicable to the excuse of those fetid Medicines , for which we Apologize : For though the Empyreuma or Impression of the fire , for which they are rejected , be the Quality , whose absence from them were very desirable , yet may that Empyreuma by dextrous Preparations be in some measure corrected ( insomuch that I have known highly rectified Spirits of Urine , by being digested for divers months in an exquisitely stopt Glasse , brought to be of a Scent , which to mee seem'd scarce at all stinking , and to others even pleasant ) and the prejudice that may be justly fear'd from what remains , is advantageously recompenc'd by the benefits accruing from the efficacy of their more friendly Endowments . And in effect we find , that the Dogmatists themselves are grown not to scruple the administring the Spirit of Salt , though extorted ( if it be of the best ) by a much greater stress of Fire , then is requisite to the Distillation of any of the Medicines we defend . And not only the famous Riverius ( as we have elswhere noted ) extolls the Spirit of Tartar , and Soot , which are yet sufficiently fetid and Empyreumaticall , but severall other ( and among those some of our eminent English ) Physitians frequently use , and commend the Oyl of Guajacum forced through a Retort . And no less do divers learned Doctors esteem , and employ the Empyreumaticall Oyl of Amber : Though ( to note so much by the way ) That be in divers cases far inferiour to the Volatile Salt , which ( if the fire be skilfully administred ) may at the same time , and by the same Operation be obtained . This Salt , besides the Efficacy ascribed to it in the Convulsions of Children , having been lately found by Experience to be an excellent Medicine against the Epilepsies , even of well grown Persons , being administred in the Dose of not above a Scruple , or halfe a Drachm , in a due Quantity of Peiony water , or some other proper Vehicle . And on this occasion You may also be pleased to take notice , that foliated Gold , is ordinarily and without Scruple employed by Physitians , not only to cover Pils , but as a main Ingredient ( though how properly I define not ) of severall of their richest Cordiall Compositions extant in Dispensatories ; and yet to how great a fire Gold is wont to be exposed before it be melted out of the Oare ( wherein 't is usually ( at least as far as we have observ'd ) blended with other Metals , and Minerals ) and to Purifie it upon the Cupell either with Lead or Antimony : he that is unacquainted with the Operations of Mineralists , and the Art of Refiners , will not easily imagine . And , Pyrophilus , to satisfie You yet farther , that the strong Impression of Fire in the Medicines , doth not alwaies make them so noxious as they are commonly reputed ; let mee desire you to take notice , that there is scarce any Medicament more generally given , and applauded , even by Methodicall Physitians then Steel , which is often administred in Substance , made up with other Ingredients , into the Form , either of Pills , or Electuaries . And yet we have wondred to see what great Fires , and violent Blasts of huge Bellows moved by Water-engines , are used to melt Iron first out of the Stone ; and if it be to be farther refined into Steel ( much of that us'd in Physick being factitious ) a new violence of the Fire is requisite : And though after all this to make astringent Crocus Martis per se ( which is accounted one of the best preparations of it ) they are wont to keep Mars ( as the Chymists speak ) amidst reverberated flames , or in some glassmans Furnace for many houres , yea sometimes for divers dayes ; Yet this Medicine is with more successe then Scruple daily administred by learned Physitians , in Dysenteries , Fluxes , and other distempers where astriction is required . And 't is somewhat Strange to mee , that the having been expos'd to no greater a Fire then is requisite to distill Spirit of Blood , or of Harts-ho●n , should be much urg'd against those Medicines , by those that scruple not to commend , and do almost daily and oftentimes succesfully , prescribe the lixiviat Salts of Plants , and particularly of Wormwood , though these are not rightly made , but by the exposing the Concretes even to the violence of an incinerating fire . And as for the unpleasantness of the Smells of our Spirits of Blood , Harts-horn , &c : besides that , to very many Persons there is no Odour so loathsome , as that of a Potion . We find that the Galenists themselves scruple not in the Fits of the Mother ( which y●t very rarely prove mortall ) to repress ( as Men are wont to suppose ) the unruly Fumes by the Smell of Castoreum , Assa foetida , and even the Empyreumaticall Odour of the burnt feathers of Partriges : nor do they decline to use these homely , and ungratefull Remedies to Patients of tenderest Sex , and highest Quality . and indeed in dangerous cases I have known fair Ladies content to th●nke it fitter to take down an ill Scented Medicine , then venture the having their own bodies in few daies reduc'd to worse Perfumes . And certainly we may justly say of Health , as no less then an Emperour said of the gain brought him in by Urin , That it Smells well from what thing soever it comes . But , Pyrophilus , if Your Nostrils were so nice , that they must needs be comply'd with , though with the hazzard of impairing the Vertues of the Salts they are offended with , I Could propose an Effectuall Expedient to gratifie them ; and being now invited by so pressing an Occasion , I shall not scruple to annex something of it , and tell You , that if we may judge of the Vertues of the Spirit and Salt of Soot ( which I am wont to make without addition ) by their sensible Qualities : they must be much of kin to those of the Spirit of Harts-horn , and of Urine ; ( though these be animall Substances . ) And therefore having elswhere more particularly , and by divers Experiments declared the affinity between these Salts in divers regards ; it will not , I presume , be look'd upon as an unusefull or unseasonable Hint , if I give You a summary , though but imperfect , Account of what I remember my selfe to have done , in order to the freeing of the Volatile Salt of Soot , from that very offensive Smell , which may possibly make many , even of those that need them , abominate those Medicines , how Piercing and Noble soever , which it Blemisheth . The Process is as followeth . Take a Quantity of well Deflegm'd Spirit of Wine proportionate to the Quantity of Salt , whose Odour You desire to correct ; into this Spirit drop as much Oyl of Rhodium , or of any other Odoriferous Chymicall Oyl , as will suffice to make the Liquor as strongly Scented as You desire it : shake the Oyl , and Spirit well together , and if they were both well made , the latter will imbibe the former , and sometimes be thereby turn'd into a whitish Substance ; with which if it smell not strong enough of the Oyl , You may by Agitation incorporate more Oyl , and if You judge the mixture too strong already , You may dilute it at pleasure , by the affusion of more Spirit of Wine . This done put the Salt of Soot into a Bolthead , or Glass Egge ( according to the Quantity that You intend to sublime , ) furnish'd with somewhat a long Neck or Stem , and afterwards powring on leisurely Your Odoriferous Liquor , You may with it wash down the Salt that is wont to stick in the Neck of the Glass . After this you must very carefully stop the Vessell with a Cork , and store of hard-wax , if you cannot conveniently , make use of an exacter way of closing it . This Glass You must place in a Lamp furnace , or some other , wherein You may give a very moderate heat , for that will suffice to elevate to the neck and upper part of the Vessell the pure white Salt of Soot , imbued ( at the second time , if not at the first ) with the Scent of the Odoriferous Oyl , which You imploy'd about the Preparation . This Experiment , Pyrophilus , may prove of that Use in Physick , that it may deserve as well for its Nobleness , as the watchfulnesse , which is requisite in him that makes it , to be illustrated by the ensuing Observations . 1. Then it is requisite that the Spirit of Wine be very good , For that which is not sufficiently Dephlegm'd , will not ●eadily and perfectly receive into it self the odoriferous Oyl , wherewith it is to be perfum'd . Nor would every Chymical Oyl , although it were well scented , be fit for this Preparation for divers of them as Oyl of Turpentine , and Oyl of Amber will not sufficiently mingle with Spirit of Wine , unlesse they be previously subtiliz'd after a peculiar manner . 2. The Proportion betwixt the Spirit of Wine , and the Oyl that it is to be dissolv'd in , 't is not easie to determine ; for a lesser Quantity will suffice of some Oyl 's , then of other . And the Proportion of them must be vary'd , according as You would have the sublim'd Salt to participate more or lesse of their Odour , and other Qualities . 3. Great diligence must be us'd in closing the top of the Glass , because of the great fugacity , and subtilty of the Salt , whose Avolation is to be prevented : But then much greater care is to be had , that the Heat be not too stoong , but as equal as may be , and much inferiour to the Moderate heat of an ordinary Chymicall Balneum . For 't is scarce Credible how easily this unruly Salt will be excited either to make an escape at the mouth of the Glass , or to break it in pieces . And I remember among such other Accidents which have befallen us in the Preparation of this Odoriferous Salt , that having once set some of it to sublime from a perfum'd Chymicall Oyl , though though we administred so gentle a heat , that we thought the Vessel out of all danger of being broken , or found open : Yet in a short time the fugitive Salt did with a great noise blow out the Cork that was waxed to the top of the Vessel , leaving in the bottom not a limpid Oyl , but a Liquor of a red colour , and a Balsamick Consistence . But if the Glass be wide enough to allow these fumes competent Roome , and if the heat be warily administred , the Sublimation may be well enough perform'd . Of the Medicinall Qualitiy of this Aromaticall Salt , Pyrophilus , we have not yet had opportunity to make tryall , but some esteem may be made of them by calling to mind the Vertues of the simple Salt of Soot , and considering the Nature of the Liquors , from which in this Our Preparation it hath been Sublim'd . The Principall , if not the only thing , that seems to be fear'd , is , that the Salt of Soot being it selfe hot , and Chymicall Oyles being for the most part eminently so too , our Salt may prove unfit for Men of Hot and Cholerick Complexions , and in such distempers , as proceed from Excesse of Heat . But then it may be considered in the first place , that the Salt of Soot , being of an extreamly apertive , resolving , and Volatile Nature , and carrying up with it in Sublimation only the more fugitive parts of the Liquor from which it is sublim'd ; It is very likely that the heat produc'd by a Medicine , which by reason of its fugacity would stay but a very short time in the Body , will not be so lasting as that of ordinary Sudorificks , which are neverthelesse often administred with good Success , even in hot Diseases . Secondly , That there are divers Bodies and Distempers , wherein Remedies may be the more proper , for their being somewhat hot , and Experience shewes , that in Dropsies ( to mention now no other Diseases ) these Volatile Saline Remedies , that set the Blood a whirling and powerfully promote its Circulation , may prove very availeable . Thirdly , The Heat that may be fear'd upon the use of our Salt , may be either prevented , or at least moderated by the seasonable use of such cooling Remedies , as may be no Enemies to the Operation of this Salt , and yet no friends to the Distemper , against which it is administred ; And Lastly , Supposing that the inconveniencies proceeding from this Heat were not to be altogether avoided , yet the advantageous efficacy of so powerful and searching a Remedy , may very much outweigh that Inconvenience ; And ther●fore Riverius , as we formerly told You , commends the Spirit of Soot ( though that seem at least as hot as the Salt ) in Pleurisies ; and in the same hot sicknesse , we have , as we elswhere relate , successfully administred the Spirit of Harts-horn , whose Qualities are very near of kin to those of Salt of Soot . Other instances of this Nature You may meet w●th dispers'd in other passages of my Chymical Papers , to which I must adde , that upon the Consideration above mention'd , the Methodists themselves make no d●fficulty , in Pills and other Medicines , to use the Chymical Oyl , either of Cloves , or of Nutmegs , or even of Cinnamon . And some of our eminentest English Doctors , as I lately noted , have not scrupled of late Years , to use the strong and fetid Chymical Oyles of Amber and of Guajacum ( and the latter of these in large Doses ) whereas in our Preparation , onely the finest and most Aromatick parts of the Oyls , seem to be associated with the fuliginous Salt , since the Oyl remaining after the Sublimation , has been observ'd to be thick and ropy almost like a Syrrup . But whether or no this Aromatick Salt be a safe Medicine in all Hot Bodies and Diseases , it seems very probable , that it will prove a very powerful Remedy in those Distempers for which it it proper . For first , whereas Spagyrists have with much study , but without much success , endeavour'd to emak Oyls capable of being mixt with other Liquors , by depriving them of their oleaginous form , in which Helmont himself complains that they are offensive ; we have by our Preparation their finest parts associated with the penetrant and volatile Salt : by whose assistance they are not only fit to communicate their Vertues to Liquors , but assisted to penetrate exceedingly ; and perchance also , thereby to obtain such an accesse to the innermost parts of the Body , as is seldome allow'd to Vegetable Medicines . Secondly , We may have by this Preparation one of the most noble and volatile Salts of the World , not onely free'd from its stink , but imbu'd with the Odour , and perhaps divers of the Vertues of what Chymical Oyls we please . And since these Chymical Oyls are by Chymists and Naturalists thought to contain the most noble and active parts of the Vegetables whence they have been destill'd ; And since also the Salt of Soot sublim'd from them , carries up with it the finest parts of these Oyls , why may it not be hop'd , that no small number of distinct Remedies may be afforded us by this single Experiment ? These Remedies too may be the more acceptable both to Physitians and Patients , because they have not in them any thing that is Mineral , and notwithstanding their great Penetrancy and Efficacy have in them nothing of Corrosive , as many of the Saline Remedies prescrib'd by Physitians in their Dispensatories . And thirdly , That the Salt of Soot thus sublim'd may be also enrich'd with the Sulphur or Balsamick part of the Spirit of Wine , which was employ'd about its Preparation , may appear probable enough to him , that shall examine , by his tast and otherwise , such rectify'd Spirit of Wine as has had a sufficient quantity of Volatile Salts sublim'd from it . And how Balsamical a substance is diffus'd through pure Spirit of Wine , may be guess'd at by the great change which is made in the Caustick Salt of Tartar , when it is so dulcify'd as to make that Excellent Medicine , which Helmont extolls against inward Ulcers , and calls Balsamus Samech ; which if one had the abstruse Art of so preparing the Salt and Liquor , as to fit them for Conjunction , might be made onely by destilling very frequently pure Spirit of Wine from very fine Salt of Tartar. For by this means the fix'd Salt , retaining the Sulphureous Salt or Balsamick parts of the Spirit of Wine , ( as may appear by the Aquosity of the Liquor that comes over the Helm in this Preparation ) is thereby so depriv'd of its caustick tast , that when it will rob no more Spirit of Wine , but suffer it to be drawn off a strong as it was pour'd on , it will easily in a moist place run per deliquium , into a liquor not of a Caustick , but Balsamick ( and as it seem'd to us a pleasant ) Tast. And whereas , Pyrophilus , we have complain'd of the Difficulty we have met with , to mannage the unruly Salt of Soot , and keep it from breaking Prison , we must , to make this Experiment be more practicable and useful , advertise You , that You may , if You please , instead of Salt of Soot Aromatize that of Harts-horn , or mans Blood. And I might adde , that a very ingenious Friend of Ours Dr N. N. has lately Practis'd yet a more easie and preferable way of preparing Medicines of this Nature : But though I have partly try'd his Method , and found it to succeed well enough ; yet since I had it but by communication from him , and that he makes a considerable Advantage of it , I must forbear imparting it to You , 'till I shall have obtain'd his Consent to disclose it . I know not , Pyrophilus , whether I shall need to adde , That of these fetid Remedies , which are Volatile , and somewhat Sulphureous , as I chose to mention to You but a few , to comply with my present hast , which would not allow me to insist on many ; so in what I have deliver'd concerning these few , I have set down Particulars the more fully and explicitly , because I find the Doctrine of Volatile Salts ( though in my poor judgment worthy of a serious Enquiry ) perfunctorily , and indistinctly enough handled by the Chymical Writers I have yet met with , which made me the willinger to contribute the few Observations I could readily find of those I have had opportunity to make about them , towards the Illustration of so important a Subject , of which having elsewhere spoken in relation to Physiologie ( as these fugitive Bodies belong to the Commonwealth of Salts ) I thought it might not be unacceptable to You , if I also consider'd them a while in relation to Physick , and presented You with some hints concerning their Medical Uses . [ To the 166 th Page , where the Author promises a Declaration , how he would have his Praises of Medicines understood . ] ANd now , Pyrophilus , having finished what I thought fit to adde ( at present ) in the past APPENDIX ; I should likewise put at end to the present Exercise of your Patience , but that this being my first Treatise written to You concerning Medical Matters , and not being likely to be the last which you will meet with among the Papers design'd You , I think it requisite , and not unseasonable to declare to you here once for all , with what Eyes I desire you should look upon what I have written , and shall write to you concerning matters of that Nature : And first , I must advertise You that I am not so much a Mounteback as to recommend to you the Remedies I mention as certain Cures in the Cases wherein they are proper . For he must have been extraordinarily happy , or very m●ch unacquainted with the Practise of Physick , that has not found , that even those Medicines which are most celebrated by the best Authors , both Galenical and Chymical , do sometimes prove ineffectual as well as often prosperous , and the Remedy prescribed by the same Physitian to twenty Patients sick of the same Disease , has more then once been Observed , though it have succeeded in nineteen , to fail in the twentieth . And indeed the Causes of Diseases , the Constitution of Patients , and the Complications of Distempers are so very various , intricate , and obscure , that it is extreamly difficult even for the most knowing and experienc'd Physitian to make an accurate , and constant Experiment in the Therapeutical part of Physick ; and consequently such Experiments are much lesse to be expected from Me , whose Condition as well Disabilities forbid me to make the Practise of Physick my businesse , and allow me onely to administer it occasionally , either to my own particular Acquaintance , or to such poor people as are not able to gratify Physitians , or such as I meet with where there are not any : And thereby I am reduced to learn the Vertues of divers of the Remedies I have prepared by very few or none of my own immediate Trials , but the Relation of Physitians , who do me the Favour to administer them for me . And therefore , though I ende●vour to put them into the hands of faithfull , as well as ingenious men . Yet not being allowed to be my self a constant eye-witnesse of the Effects they produce , I must here for all these reasons solemnly professe to you , that as I do not set down Medicinal Experiments , with the same positivenesse that I do Physiological ones , so I do not intend to venture the repute of being a faithful Relator of Experiments , upon the successe of any Medicinal Receipt or Processe . Yet in the next place I must tell You , that You would perhaps do Me but right , to think not only that the Chymical preparations of Remedies are , if you understand them aright , candidly set down , though the Vertues ascribed to them do not constantly upon all Trials display themselves ; but that I have not rashly and inconsiderately , or upon uncertain Rumors recorded the vertues of particular Remedies , which may be good , though they be not infallible . It being sufficient to make a Medicine deserve the Title of Good , that it be often ( in some degree at least ) succesful , though now and then it prove not availeable , especially if it be otherwaies so safe and innocent , that even when it proves not prosperous , it weakens not nature , nor is otherwise noxious ; And we must nor , Pyrophilus be so timid as to suffer our seves to be perswaded , that if a patient miscarry after the use of the Remedies , the fault must necessarily belong to the exhibited Medicine . For oftentimes Nature will in spight of Remedies make a Metastasis of the peccant matter , and so empair the Condition of the patient ; and much oftner before death , the Conflict of struggling Nature , and the conquering Disease doth manifest it self in horrid and dreadful Symptomes , which some envious or ignorant Doctors ( for the more learned are wont to be more equitable , and lesse partial ) injuriously impute to the Chymical Remedy , given before the appearing of those Symptomes , never considering that the like Accidents are wont to attend dangerous Diseases , and dying persons , where Galenicals Remedies onely , and no Chymical ones at all have been administred . And that divers of the most eminent , and M●thodical of our Modern Physitians scruple not to use frequently both Crocus Metallorum , Merc. Dulcis , and some other Chymical Remedies , and to impute the miscarriages of the Patients that use them to their Diseases , though not many years , since all the frightful Symptomes accompanying the dying persons to whom they had been exhibited , were confidently imputed to those Medicines . To which let me adde , Pyrophilus , that oftentimes it may be very just to prize an Empirical Remedy more then a Galenical , though the Methodist and the Empirick have each of them by his respective Remedies , performed cures of divers patients in the same Disease ; partly because Empirical Chymists are seldome resorted to but in desperate cases , or till Nature be almost spent , either by the violence of the Disease , or the unprosperous operation of the Medicines employed to remove it ; and partly , because the Methodist helps his Remedies by premising the wonted Evacuations ( by Vomit , Seige , or by Phlebotomy ) by varying them according to Emergent Circumstances , by skilfully and seasonably administring them , and by strict rules of Diet ; whereas the Empirick oftentimes useth but a single Remedy , and usually without premising general Evacuations , exhibits it not to the greatest Advantage in relation to time , and other circumstances , and is much more indulgent to his patient in point of Diet : So that when an Empirick , and a rational Physitian do both in several patients Cure for instance the same Plurisie , the Disease may be very often judged to have been removed in one of the Patients chiefly by the Physitian , and in the other by the Remedy . In the third place , Pyrophilus , I must advertise You , that though I mention more Chymical remedies then Galenical , yet it is not out of any partial fondnesse of the former , and much lesse from any undervaluation of the latter , but partly , because Chymical processes being wont to be more unfaithfully , or obscurely set down by Authors then Galenical Receipts , I thought it might save You some labour to receive from me a frequenter account of those , then these ; and partly , because in many Chymical preparations , divers considerable Changes being to be wrought upon the Concretes to be prepared by them , there is oftentime so much of Philosophy to be learn'd by such Processes , that the successe of them may prove instructive to you , though it should acquaint you with their Truth only , as they are Chymical preparations , and not as they are Medicinal Receipts . But otherwise I love to look upon both Chymical and Galenical Remedies , with an impartial eye , and think that neither the former ought to be despised for the latter , nor the latter for the former ; for as Chymical Remedies have commonly the advantages of being more durable , lesse clogging by their quantity , and lesse nauseated by Patients ; so Galenical Remedies have when they are of equal Efficacy , the Advantages of being more cheap , ( at least quantity for quantity ) more procurable , and sooner prepared . And such is the variety of Cases arising from the variety of Constitutions and Distempers , that in some of them the former sort of Remedies may be more proper ; and in others , the latter may seem requisite ; and in some also both sorts may alternately be so useful , that neither of them can well be spared . In the fourth place , Pyrophilus , let me advertise You , that divers Chymical Remedies , and some Specificks also which are not Chymical , have seem'd upon triall lesse effectual then indeed they are , because they have been tryed by such Physitians as weaken their Efficacy by not administring them as they should . For some Physitians will never exhibite a Chymical Remedie , till the Patients strength hath been almost tired , if not quite spent with the unprosperous use of divers other clogging and debilitating Medicines . Others are so diffident of Chymical Remedies that they never dare to exhibite them in a full Dose , nor by themselves , but will blend a small quantity of a Chymical Medicine or a Specifick with other Ingredients , which either constitute with it a Medicine of new qualities resulting from that mixture , or at least much clog or enervate the activity and vertue of the Chymical or Specifick Ingredients : by which , even in so inconsiderable a Dose , these distrustful Doctors d●re yet require that great matters should be performed . Of which injurious way of administring the Remedies I recommend to you Pyrophilus , I do not causelesly desire you to beware ; as I may hereafter have occasion to shew you by particular instances of the Reasonablenesse as well of this Advertisement as of the others which I either have given You , or shall give you in this and other Papers . And another sort of Physitians there is who are of so despondent and rather partial an Humour , that if a Chymical Remedie or a Specifick do not presently perform the hop'd-for Cure , though they find that even upon their disadvantageous manner of administring it , it doth good ; yet they will quickly desist from the Use of it : And because it doth not do Wonders , they will not scruple to affirm that they have tried it and found it do nothing ; whereas they are wont to continue their own Courses of Physick without discouragement , though it be usually some weeks before the Patient find any good by them , and oftentimes ( as numbers of the printed Observations of Physitians as well as daily Experience testify ) the patient is by the tedious Course of Physick he has gone through very little better'd , if not much impair'd . Which I speak , Pyrophilus , not with an Intention to disparage Physitians in general , the most learned and ingenious of them being free enough from the Partiality I here take notice of , but to keep good Remedies from being disparaged by the envious or unskilful trials of bad Administers : And though indeed some Chymists are so vain-glorious or unwary , as to promise that the Operation of their Remedies should be as well suddain , as effectual ; yet if the Medicines themselves be found availeable , although not swiftly so , that flownesse ought to make us but condemne the Boastings of the man , not reject the use of the Remedies . And in the last place , Pyrophilus , I must Advertise you , not to expect that every one of the Remedies I commend should be Physick and Physitian too ; I mean , that it should of it self suffice to performe the Cures of those Diseases against which it is commended . For Medicines are but Instruments in the hand of the Physitian , and though they be never so well edg'd and temper'd require a skilful hand to mannage them ; and therefore I cannot but admire and disapprove their boldnesse that venture upon the Practise of Physick , wherein it is so dangerous to commit Errours , barely upon the confidence of having good Receipts . For though by Conversation with eminent Physitians I have found the learnedest of them to disagree so much about the Nature and causes of Diseases , that I dare not deny but that he may prosperously practise Physick that either ignores or dissents from the received Doctrines of the Schooles concerning the causes of Diseases , and some other Pathological particulars ; yet I cannot but dislike their boldnesse who venture to give active Physick , either in intricate or acute Diseases without at least a Mediocrity of knowledg in Anatomy , and so much knowledg of the History of Diseases , as may suffice to inform them in a competent measure what are the usual Symptomes of such a Disease , what course nature is wont to take in dealing with the peccant matter , and what discernable alterations in the Patients Body do commonly forerun , and thereby foretel , a Crisis , or otherwise the good or bad event of the Disease . To all which is to be added some tolerable measure of Knowledg , not only of the Materia Medica , and the chief waies of compounding several ingredients into Medicines of several Formes and Consistencies , as circumstances may require ; but also of the orderly and seasonable administration of the helps affordable by them . These particulars , Pyrophilus , might easily be enlarged on , but having neither the leisure nor designe to handle them commonplace-like , I shall only give you this account of my requiring in the Profess'd Practiser of Physick some knowledg both of the Materia medica and the Method of compounding and administring Remedies , that ( excepting perhaps the Arcana majora as Chymists call them ) even the best Medicines by being unseasonably or preposterously administred , especially in acute Diseases where Nature's motions are to be diligently watcht , and seconded , may do a patient as much harm as the orderly and skilful administration of them can do him good . And that he that has nothing but one good receipt for a Distemper , and knowes not how to vary it by adding , omitting , or substituting other parts of the Materia Medica , as urgent occasion shall require , may oftentimes find himself reduced either to suffer his Patient to languish helpless , or to venture by curing him of one Disease to cast him into another . For sometimes the Patients constitution makes the Medicine prescribed by the Receipt unfit to be administred ; and sometimes too , the Disease for which the Receipt is proper , is in the Patient complicated with some other Distemper which may be as much encreased by the Specifick , as the other Disease may be lessned . I know for instance some eminent men that are wont to Cure very stubborn Venereal distempers , by a Chymical preparation ( which some of themselves have been pleased to disclose to me ) of the Indian Plants , Sarsaparilla , Guaiacum , &c. But if these men met with Patients , such as those which Eustachius Rudius mentions himself to have often met with , who upon the use of the least quantity of Guaiacum , though corrected with cold ingredients , were wont to be presently affected with such sharpnesse of Urine , and Inflammation of the parts , to which Urine ●elates , as hazarded their lives ; they would be reduced , as well as our Author confesseth himself to have been , to have recourse to Mercurial or other Remedies . To which we may adde , that the use of Sarsaparilla , and Guajacum is generally forbidden by the warier sort of Physitians , in those Patients , whose Venerial Distempers are complicated with heat or Inflammation of the Kidnies or Livers . And sometimes also it happens , that the very outward forme of the Medicine prescribed by the Receipt is not fit , or perhaps possible to be administred . For not to mention that divers Patients can retain no purgative Physick exhibited in the form of a Potion ; and some others are as apt to Vomit up whatever is given them in the form of Pills , not to insist on this I say , I shall content my self to relate to You a memorable Case that hapned a while since to a Physitian of my acquaintance . He was called to a lusty young Woman , who upon an accidental but violent Cold was suddenly taken with such a Constriction of the Parts inservient to Speech and Deglutition , as made her altogether unable either to speak or swallow any thing at all ; and having thus continued some daies in spight of Glysters or other Remedies prescribed by a very Learned Physitian , and in spight of Endeavours to excite Vomiting , by making Her hold emetick things in her Mouth ; the poor Woman was in great danger ( when my acquaintance came to her ) of perishing for hunger : what in this case could be expected from the best Remedies that must necessarily be taken in at the Mouth ? Wherefore the Physitian finding her yet strong enough , and without Feaver , and yet her case almost desperate , did as judiciously as luckily prescribe a Glyster , wherein to ordinary Ingredients were added ( as himself a very few daies after told me ) about four ounces of the Infusion of Crocus Metallorum , with an advise that it should be kept in as long as possibly She could , and by this Medicine . Nature being sufficiently irritated , there quickly followed upon it some violent Vomitings , and upon them a liberty both of Swallowing and Speaking . [ And since this a young Gentleman and Fellow-traveller of mine , had the Organs of deglutition so strangely weakned without any manifest cause , that though he were able to make me a Visit , and acquaint me with his Case , yet he was very apprehensive , he should in a very few Dayes be starv'd , and being unable to swallow Remedies , had quickly perish'd in despight of the Arcana Majora themselves , had he been master but of such of them as ( like those wont to be magnify'd by Chymists ) must be taken into the Body ; if a very happy Physitian to whom I directed him , had not by a very Efficacious and Specifick Medicine externally to be apply'd , seasonably rescued him from so unusual and desperate a Case . ] But , Pyrophilus , as I would not upon the score of good Receipts have the Physitians skill despis'd , or thought uselesse ; so I wish that the Physitians skill may not make him despise good Receipts ; For we have often seen ( especially in outward affections ) not onely Empericks and Chirurgeons , but even Ladies and old Wives , with a lucky composition prescribed by a Receipt , performe more constant and easie Cures of the particular Distemper , for which that Receipt is proper , then even Learned Physitians by their extemporary , though pompous and Artificial Prescriptions . And the illustrious Lord Verulam ( one of the most judicious Naturalists that our Age can boast , ) thinks fit to take notice of it as a Deficiency that Receipts by long Experience approved , are not more closely , and as he speaks religiously adher'd to , but alter'd upon every light occasion ; And in the same Chapter to answer the Principal , as well as the most obvious Objection in this Matter , That , sayes He , any man induc'd by some Specious Reason should be of opinion , that it is the part of a Learned Physitian ( respecting the Complexions of Patients , their Age , the season of the Year , Custome , and the like ) rather to accommodate his Medicines as Occasions suggests , then to insist upon some certain Prescripts is a deceivable Assertion , & which attributes too little to Experience , too much to Judgment . And a little above He goes much farther then we pretend to do , for speaking of the Neglect of the use of particular Receipts , which , as He speaks , by a kind of propriety , respect the Cure of particular Diseases , He addes , ( severely enough , ) That the Physit●ans have frustrated and taken away the fruit of Traditions , and approved Experience by their Magistralities , in adding and taking out , and changing Ingredients of Receipts at their pleasure , and almost after the manner of Apothecaries , putting in Quid pro quo , commanding so presumptuously over the Medicine , as the Medicine can no longer command the Disease . Thus farre our Judicious Author : But I will rather choose to expresse to You my sense on This whole Subject of Receipts , in the Words of that Experienc'd Physitian to three Emperors , Johannes Crato : De morbi Natura ( sayes He ) causa , locóque affecto Medicus diligenter cogitet , atque in eo plus quam in certis medicamentorum mirificis formis situm putet : Medicinam tamen expertam cum ratione adhibitam plus valere quam ea quae interdum subitò à Doctissimo etiam Medico magnâ ratione exhibita excogitatur , non dubito : Atque hac in parte Rationales etiam Medicos Empeiricis cedere debere de sententia Hippocratis statuo . Onely I must adde by way of Explanation , That this Sentence is to be understood to expresse my sense , when the Medicines used are not very extraordinary , but such as Crato employ'd , and has left us in his Writings : for there may possibly be such effectual Specificks , and such powerful and commanding Remedies , that the Efficacy of the Medicine may ( at least in some particular Diseases ) excuse and repair much want of skill in the Prescriber . If the Testimony of Helmont concerning the Arcana of Paracelsus be considerable , even in a Tract ( where either out of Emulation or Judgment , he endeavours somewhat do depreciate both them and their Author ) much greater things might be boldly affirmed of some Arcana ; for Fateor Lubens , ( saies he , speaking of Paracelsus ) Me ex ejus scriptis profecisse multum , illúmque potuisse , per Remedia ad unitatis Symbolum adsendentia , sanare Lepram , Asthma , Tabem , Paralysin , Epilepsiam , Calculum , Hydropem , Podagram , Cancrum , atque ejusmodi vulgo incurabiles morbos : attamen Paracelsum fuisse ignarum radicis vitae longae , tam ex ejus scriptis & medicaminibus quam ex Obitu collegi , &c. And in the same Tract just before He comes to enumerate Paracelsus's Arcana , Concedo , saith he , Universales aliquot Medicinas , quae sub unisono Naturae longe gratissimo , insensibiliter post se vinctum educunt hostem , cum egregia Organorum depuratione , Concedo pariter appropriatas aliquot quo universalis amplitudinem in specificis morborum directionibus amulantur . And among those Arcana themselves that is ranck'd but in the second place , of which he gives this Characters : Sequitur dein Mercurius Vitae , Stibii proles integri , quae omnem morbi nervum penitus absorbet . And because another Arcanum does not so powerfully renovate , as that last mention'd , and two more ; He allowes to those three others the precedencies of that whereof He yet saith : Quarto loco est Mercurius Diaphoreticus , melle dulcior & ad ignem fixus , solis Horizontis omnes proprietates habet : perficit enim quicquid Medicus & Chirurgus possint optare sanendo . But because , that any Medicines should be qualify'd to deserve such superlative Encomiums , may seem a thing fitter to be wish'd then credited , I would not disswade You till the Chymists Cures have made good their Masters brags , to be altogether of our Authors Mind , who somewhere professes : Se morbum non dinguere , si Remediis ( sure he speaks of such Remedies as he thought he had ) sit summa bonitas . But yet you may perchance ascribe much more even to Remedies far inferiour to the Arcana Majora , in the cases wherein they are most proper , then many are willing to believe . Insomuch that I have sometimes observ'd with wonder , that an Excellent Person ( whom I need not name to You ) cures the Rickets generally in Children of several Ages and Complexions without having hitherto fail'd ( as she professes ) in any one , by prescribing no other Remedy then the single use of the above describ'd Colcotharine Flowres , which I presented Her ; and which a couple of Physitians also , to whom I recommended them , tell Me , They have try'd in the same Disease with the like success , as this Lady hath hitherto met with . And I remember that eminently Learned and experienc'd Physitian Dr G. Boat , ( of whose skill both your Excellent Mother and You have had good Proof ) solemnly assur'd me , as I elswhere also note , That he knew a Physitian who constantly cur'd within two or three Fits all Agues , whether recent or radicated , in Persons of all Ages , Sexes , and Complexions , indiscriminately with one single outward Application to the Patients Wrists ; but that this Envious Doctor would never part with it to our Friend , or any else , no not upon his Death-bed : onely Dr Boat discovered , That Spiders or something comming from them were main Ingredients of his Pericarpia . And indeed there are certain Preparations and Compositions of Remedies so lucky , and whose Successe doth so much exceed Expectation , and the Efficacy of common Compositions ; that the same Physitian , whose they are , may upon several Occasions prescribe an Hundred others , each of which he may think as rational as any of those , which nevertheless shall be all of them much inferiour thereunto . And therefore I wonder not that the most Learned of the Methodists themselves have much valued and celebrated some peculiar Processes and Receipts , as here amongst us ( to mention no others ) the Famous Sr Theodore Mayerne , was wont almost in all Obstructions , Cachexies , and Hydropicall Distempers to magnifie and use that peculiar Salt of Steel of his , which he was pleas'd to call Anima hepatis . And to these Domestick Instances ( which I might easily accumulate ) of the esteem eminent Physitians have made of Receipts , I might adde very many Forreign ones . Nay Galen himself , who has so copiously treated of the Materia medica , and the Composition of Medicaments , though he were sufficiently expert at drawing up Receipts , doth yet in his Book De Compositione Medicamentorum , and elsewhere transcribe , and sometimes commend ( and mention his having us'd ) divers of the Compositions of Auncienter Physitians , and especially magnifies Andromachus His Treacle . I might , Pyroph : here mind You , That we see that Chymistry , as Incompleat as it yet is , has been able so much to improve the preparations of Remedies , as to afford us some , which are so Innocent as well as Efficacious , that in the Diseases they principally respect , they require not , as of Necessity , neer so much of Theorical skill , as others do in the Administer ; I might likewise take notice , That Experience also teacheth , especially by what we see perform'd by the Spaa , and some other Mineral Waters , that one Medicine may be so richly endow'd , as to be more Effectual against several differing Diseases , then even the better sort of oth●r Remedies against any one particular Disease . I might further represent as some thing that makes yet more to my present purpose , that though every Body can advise his sick Friends to an Air that is famously healthful , if there be any within a convenient Distance from them ; Yet there are some Aires so eminently good , and that not upon the Account of any one Predominant Quality that makes them opposite to a Disease springing from its contrary , but f●om a hidden Temperature , or certain friendly Effluvia , that they alone often cure Variety of Diseases in Persons of differing Ages and Complexions : as Navigators observe in the Isle of St Helen where the Spaniards and some other Europaeans in their passage to the Indies , often leave without Physitians great numbers of Sick , whom they find for the most part recover'd at their return . And that sometimes ev'n the acutest Diseases may by the Sanative Steams that inrich the Air be cur'd almost in a trice is assur'd by those that have liv'd in grand Cairo , who have affirm'd to me , what the Learned Prosper Alpinus , who so long practis'd Physick there , assures Us , That upon Nilus's beginning to over flow , though in the Heat of Summer , there ensueth a suddain Recovery of those multitudes of Persons of differing Ages , Temperatures , Sexes , &c. which there happen at that time to ly Sick of the Plague . These things I say , Pyrophilus , and more I might adde , to what You may find dispers'd here and there in the ESSAYES which this Paper accompanies towards the inferring that we should not hastily conclude it Impossible that there May be found such Medicines as may be more then particular and Specifick Remedies without requiring the Giver be a great physitian . But to draw at length to a Conclusion , I shall rather Summe up my present thoughts of this Matter Thus. Ordinary Receipts without an Ordinary Measure of skill in Physick are not rashly to be rely'd on , especially in Acute Diseases ; where by giving Medicines otherwise innocent enough , to loose the opportunities of administring proper ones may be v●ry prejudicial , and where sometimes the several seasons of the Disease do require such differing Remedies if they be but Ordinary ones , that a Medicine proper enough for the Disease at one season of it may do Mischief at another : But if indeed there be Noble and Extraordinary Arcana , that work rather by strengthning and restoring Nature , and Resolving , or otherwise destroying the peccant Matter they find any where in the Body , then by irritating and weakening Nature or putting Her as it were to a troublesome Plunge ; the use of such Remedies may deserve to be a little otherwise consider'd , as that which may not Ordinarily ( for I say not Ever ) require more Instruction then may be afforded to Persons not Indiscreet by such Directions and Cautions as may be Divulg'd , or otherwise Communicated , together with the Remedies themselves : As we sometimes see that by the help of such Instructions unlearned Persons and ev'n old Wives do with some one Soveraign Plaister , Balsam , or other outward Remedy , Cure many and various Tumors , Ulcers , and other Sores in Persons of differing Sexes , Ages , and Complexions . And because You will easily grant that this Example does farre lesse accomodate our present purpose then does the Case it self , as I just now put it , I hope You will allow me to represent further , That at least it seems not so Rational to judge of all the Remedies that Art improving Nature can afford us by those that are hitherto in Use either among Methodists or Vulgar Chymists , but rather to think that the Nobleness of Remedies will be advanc'd according as the Art of preparing them shall be promoted ; and that it t is not so safe and easy , positively to determine the Efficacy of the former , otherwise then in Proportion to the Discoveries we have attain'd to in the Latter . The End of the APPENDIX . The CITATIONS English't . AD Pag. 6. In Corpore &c. But I dare not try those things upon Humane Body , which have not been before try'd upon former Experiences , For the End of such rash Experiments may be the ruin of all Lives . Ad Pag. 9. Naturalium &c. This is the Course of Naturalists and Physitians who prosecute their Art Philosophically , The Naturalist ends where Medicine begins , and Medicine begins where the Naturalist endeth . Ad Pag. 11. Sunt enim &c. The parts of Humane Body are unknown , and therefore we ought to consider them by the parts of other Animals to which they are like . Ad pag. 19. Hoc in &c. This I have more then once Observ'd in Lizards which I kept in my own House . For my Children being at play , when with a Rod they had strook off the Lizards Tails I saw them within a day or two come out to Feed , and their Tayles then by little and little still encreasing and growing bigger . Ad pag. 73. Neque &c. Nor may we be ignorant that in acute Diseases the Notes of Life or Death are more fallacious . Ad pag. 75. Quidam &c. One who before he fell into the French Pox was blind of a Cataract in one of his Eyes , by being anointed with Quicksilver , was recover'd , not only from the cheif Disease , but ( which was most strange ) from his Cataract . Nor is it irrational that Cataracts should be dissolv'd such anointing ; when Experience teacheth , That hard Tumors clogg'd together of pituitous Matter are powerfully dissolved by Mercurial Inunctions . Ad pag. 78. Ejusque &c. And they urge many Instances of it even to my admiration . Ibid. Ajunt &c. Yet they say that the Seed of the Calchoos , ground and taken in any proper Water doth dissolve the stone into a very Durt , which being voided doth harden again into a stony substance . I saw a Young Man to whom ( upon my knowledg ) this accident befell . When he was tormented with the Stone in the Bladder , which I understood both by the Lithotomist who felt it , and by the Symptomes which he suffered . I sent him to a Fountain , which takes its name from St Peter when he had staid there two Moneths he return'd Free from the Stone , and brought home with him all the Durt which he had voided by degrees , in a Paper , coagulated as it were into fragments of Stone . Ad pag. 85. Hic &c. He loaths nothing that stinks , or is otherwise unpleasant , He hath been often seen to chew and swallow Glasse , Stones , Wood , Bones , the Feet of Hares , and other Animals , together with the Hair , Linnen and Woollen cloath , Fishes and other Animals alive , Nay , even Mettals , and Dishes , and Globes of Tin. Besides , which he devours Sewet , and Tallow Candels , the Shels of Cockles , and the Dungs of Animals , especially of Oxen , even Hot , assoon as it is voided . He drinks the Urin of others mixt with wine or Beer : He eats Hay , Straw , Stubble , and lately he swallow'd down two living Mice , which for half an Hour continued biteing at the bottome of his Stomack ; and to be short , Whatsoever is offer'd him by any Noble Persons , it goes down with him without more adoe upon the smallest reward , insomuch that within a few Daies he hath promised to eat a whole Calfe Raw , together with the Skin and Hair ; Among divers others I my self am a Witnesse of the Truth of these &c. Ad pag. 86. Causam &c. To find in the Carcas the cause of this Vocacity will be questionlesse very difficult : Some one perchance would referre it to that which Columbus observ'd in the Carkasse of Lazarus the Glasse-eater , and resolve that the fourth conjugation of Nerves which nature ordain'd for tasting , come neither to the Palate nor the Tongue : But so there would onely be rendred the cause of his want of Tast , and not why he should be able to take such uncouth things without offence to his Stomach and digest them , which without doubt ought to be the particular and singular constitution of his Stomach and Guts , which yet may not appear to the Eye by the Effects . Ad pag. 91. De Laudano &c. Of his Laudanum ( that Name he gave to little Pills , which in the extremity of Diseases he administred as a most Divine Medicine allwaies giving them in an odde Number ) he scrupled not to affirm that by that Medicine he could put life into those who were as good as Dead ; and that while I was with him he made good in some Experiments . Ad pag. 94. Oportet ubi &c. Where a Medicine answers not we ought not so much to esteem the Author as the Patient , and to try somewhat farther and farther . Ad Pag. 97. Idem fit &c. The same is made of Mandioca , Potato's , Turkish Mullet , Rice , and other things which being chew'd by old Women , and Spit together with much Spittle , This Liquor is strait put up into Vessels , and there kept until it ferments and cast down a Sediment . Ad pag. 103. Hoc est &c. This Birchwater hath a sweet Sharpnesse and very pleasant Tast , it allaies Thirst , and the drinesse of the Entrails ; It tempers the Heat of the Blood ; It opens Obstructions and drives out the Stone . Ad pag. 111. Conficiunt &c. They make Drink of that Mulli rubbing it gently in their hands in Hot-Water , until they have rubb'd out all the Sweetnesse ; they strain that Water , and keep it three or four Daies , until it settle , and then it becomes a very clear Drink : The same Water boil'd turns into good Hony. — Of this Fruit boil'd with Water according to different Manners is made Wine , or good Drink , or Vinegar , or Hony. Ad pag. 112. Porro . Then by cutting the Shoot with a Razorblade made of a Flint , there runs out of the Cut a certain Liquor in such a quantity that ( which is wonderful ) out of one single Plant , sometimes Fiftie or more Arobae run out : From which Liquor there is made Wine , Vineger , Hony , and Sugar . For the Liquor Sweet of it self , is by being boil'd made much sweeter and thicker , so that it is at length kernes into Hony. Ad 113. Semel &c. If once in a Moneth one eat or Drink to excesse , the Day following , if he be weigh'd ( though he hath suffred no sensible Evacuation ) Yet then he will weigh lighter then is Usual . A constant Diet wants the help of those that once or twice in a Moneth do exceed : For the Expulsive Faculty being oppress'd by too great Repletion stirr's up so much of perspiration , as vvithout the Staticks no one would believe . Ad pag. 123. In urbe &c. In the City St James's that is in the Province of Chyle , certain Captive Indians cut off the Calves of their Legs , and for hunger eat them , ●nd ( which is strange ) applying the leaves of a certain Plant to their Wounds immediatly they stanch the Blood. Adde pag. 124. Memini &c. I remember that the Limbs of Souldiers wounded with G●nshot , to have been cut off by the advice of our European Surgeons , both Dutch and Portugall ; those Barbarous people by recent juices Gums and Balsams to have freed them from Knife and Cauteryes and happily cured them . I also am an Eye witnesse , that which the juyce of Tobacco alone they have cured Wounds given over by our Surgeons . Adde pag. 131. Experimentis &c. It is approv'd by many Experiments , that its Vertues are excellent against the Plague , Malignant Feavers , the bitings of Venemous Creatures , the Diarrhaea and other Fluxes . Adde pag. 135. Nam Venena noluit &c. He made not Venome to be our Poison , for neither made he Death nor any Deletery Medicament upon the Earth , but so , that by a slight industry and endeavour of our own they might be turn'd into great pledges of his love , for the Use of Men against the cruelty of Diseases which were in processe of time to arise . For in those Vemomes is the help that more benigne and familiar simples cannot yield , and those most frightful Poisons are yet preserv'd in Nature for the more great and Heroick uses of Physitians . Adde pag. 136 : That the Lapis Cancrorum resolv'd into the forme of its first Milk affords an Antidote against the violence of many Vegetables that are infamous for their being over laxative . Adde pag. 150. Mille &c. Our Court hath try'd the Efficacy of this Salt in a thousand Experiments in the Diseases of Melancholly , in all Feavers , continuous and intermittent , in the Stone , Scurvy &c. Nay more we have observ'd more then once that it hath procured sleep , especially in persons Melancholly , The Dose is from one , to two Scruples , we use divers pounds of it in a Year . Adde pag. 150 , 151. Caeterum quantum &c. But for the exceeding and portentous Vertues of the Bezar-stone , I have found by a thousand trials that they are not so very great . Ib. Nil porro &c. I speak no more of these Stones , least I should seem by my Commendation of their Vertues to provoke Lithotomists to make dissections at any rate . This I have most certainly Experienc'd , That the Stone found in Mans bladder doth well provoke Urine and Sweat. And particularly in the time of that Plague , which in the Years 1624 and 1625 miserably vexed Ours , and all other the Cities of Holland , for want of the Bezar-stone , I remember , I prescribed this and found it , ( let me tell You ) a more great and excellent Sudorifick . Adde pag. 159. Credo &c. I believe Simples in their own simplicity are sufficient for the Curing of all Diseases . Adde pag. 19. Quod &c. But if You come not to that Arcanum of Pyrotechny , learn at least to make the Salt of Tartar Volatile , that by means of it You may perfect Your Solutions . Which though it leave those things which it dissolveth equally Homogeneous , being digested in Us ; Yet it borroweth some of their Vertues which it carrieth along with it self to overcome Diseases . Adde pag. 199. Dicam &c. I will speak it for their sakes , who are ingenious that the Spirit of Salt of Tartar , if it dissolveth Unicorns Horn , Silver , Quicksilver , Crabbes Eyes , or other like Simples , it will Cure not onely Feavers but other Diseases in great abundance . Ib. Mirum &c. It is a wonder what the very Salt of Tartar alone being made Volatile will performe , for it cleanses the Veins of all the feculencies and the causers of Contumacious Obstructions , and doth disperse the congregated Matter of Apostems . Of this Spirit of the Salt ( and not of the Oyl ) is that saying of Paracelsus true . That whether this Medicine cannot reach , there is scarce any other more powerful that shall reach it . Ad pag. 201. Ars &c. Art is Long , Life is short . But where the End is by gift , there Art is short , and Mans Life long , if it be compared to Art. Therefore Hippocrates had reason to make the complaint , for it even happen'd to his followers according to his Words . The Art of Medicine consists in Philosophy , Astronomy , Chymistry , and Physicks , and therefore it may truely be said that the Art is long . For there is much time required , throughly to learn and search these fower Pillars of Medicine . Ad pag. 202. Est enim &c. For this Art is conjectural , and not onely Conjecture , but Experience it self doth not allwaies answer . Ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Experience is Uncertain , and Fallacious Judgment is difficult to be made . Ib. Hoc modo &c. And this was the fashion of Medicine in the beginning , that it had no Theory , onely Experience , that such a thing was Laxative , such a thing Astringent : But how , or why they were so that was not found out , and therefore one was heal'd another perish't : but now &c. Ib. Per rationem &c. By Reason it is not easy in a Disease to give Judgment , but is as difficult as any thing imaginable . Ib. Neque , &c. For if the truth were easie to be found , so many and so excellent men as have made it their business to find it , had never been divided into so many Sects and Opinions . Ad pag 203. Non titulus &c. It is not a Title , nor Eloquence Nor Skill in the tongues , nor the Reading of many books ( though these are Ornaments ) which are to be considered in a Physitian , but a prime knowledg of Matters and Mysteryes which alone may stand in the steed of all the rest ; It is the part of a Rhetorician to speak eloquently , to be able to perswade and to draw the Judg to his own party . It is the part of a Physitian to know the several sorts of Diseases , their Causes and Symptomes , and then which skill and industry to apply Medicines and to make Cures of them all , according to their several Natures and Fashions . Adde pag. 207. Imo &c. Nay , I saw divers , as it was in an instant , redeem'd from death who had been poison'd by the eating of Venomous Mushrooms and other unwholsome things , onely by drinking a Recent Infusion of the Root Jaborand , whilest my self and other of Galens Disciples blush't to see the ineffectual endeavours of all our Alexipharmaca , Treacles and other Antidotes : So that afterwards I suffred my self to be joyn'd in Consultation with those barbarous Collegues , not so much to be arbiters of the condition of our men by their Pulse , as to give their assistance and Councel in the foremention'd way ( viz. ) the prescribing of proper Medicines . Ad pag. 208. Hujus &c. The Vertue of this Stone is much above that of any other gems , for it stops the Flux of Blood in any part . — When the Women perceive a fit of the Mother coming upon them , by applying this Stone they are immediately eased , and if they allwaies weare it , they are never troubled with those Fits more . Of this they make faith , by many Instances . Ib. Vidimus &c. We have seen some that were troubled with the Flux of the Haemorrhoides who found Remedy by wearing Rings made of that Stone continually on their Fingers , and the Monthly Flux is stai'd by the same way . Ad pag. 209. Praegnantibus &c. This Stone is not proper for those who are with Child , for it is so sure to cause Abortion that the Women of Malaica told me , that if at any time their Monethly Evacuations were obstructed , that if they only carried this Stone in their hands they found Remedy thereby . Ad pag. 210. Hoc loco &c. In this place I cannot but relate the admirable Vertues of our Electrum which I have observ'd with my own Eyes , and therefore can attest with a good conscience . For we saw Rings of it which he that wore neither felt Cramp , no Palsy , nor other pain . He was subject to no Fits of Apoplexy , nor Epilepsy , insomuch that if one of these Rings were put upon the Ring Finger of a person actually in any vehement Fit of the Falling sickness , the Fit would immediately assuage , and the person as soon come to himself . Ad 225. In the Citty Posto where I liv'd certain Years , a certain Indian cured all sorts of Diseases by the juice of one Plant alone , wherewith he anointed the Limbs and any other part particularly affected , and then covering them warm with Blankets provoked Sweat. The Sweat that came from the parts so dawbed was meer Blood which he wiped off with Linnen Clothes , and so he proceeded until he thought they had Sweat enough . In the mean time he gave them Diet that was most Nourishing . With this Remedy many desperate Diseases were cured , and the sick person upon the Use of this Physick improv'd , so as to appear younger and lustier after it . But we could never prevail , neither by Mony , nor intreaty , nor foul means upon him to shew us the Plant. Ad pag 227. Mira &c. Wonderful things are daily found out in Physick to the Confirmation of the Operation of the Learned Naturalist Servius's Weapon-Salve . For the assured us that a piece of Cloth dipt in the Blood , and put under hot Ashes stops the Monthly Flux , the Experiment having been often prov'd . And my Master Petrus Castellus affirmes that He found by Experience , that the Haemorrhoids if they were touch'd with the tuberous Root of Chondrilla , did dry away if the Chondrilla dry'd , and did Run to Corruption if the Chondrilla was corrupted . And therefore after such , touching of the Hemorrhoids the Chondrilla was usually put to dry in the Chymny . Ad pag. 229. Podagra &c. The Gout is strangly eas'd if Puppies lie with the Person that hath the Gout , for they contract the Disease so as not to be able to go , but the Patient thereby finds Ease . Ad pag. 236. Primo , &c. At the first , Physick was accounted part of Philosophy , so that the Cure of Diseases , and the Contemplation of Nature , did both arise under the same Authors . Those being most set upon Medical Enquiries , which had made their Bodies infirm by disquieting thoughtfulness and nocturnal Watchings . Ad pag. 204. Est , &c. Besides it is altogether drying , and therefore I should not despair that it , being hung about Childrens Necks , might cure the Falling-sickness in them . I truly saw a Lad , that sometimes would be eight whole Moneths free from the Falling-sickness , and then , when by chance this fell from off his Neck , he became immediately surprized with a Fit ; and again , hanging another Root in its place , he would continue well : Therefore , for Experiment sake , I thought good to take it again from his Neck , which when I had done , and found that the Lad fell into his former Convulsions , we took a great piece of a green Root , and hung it about his Neck , and from that time He continued well and felt no more Convulsions . It was therefore most probable , either that certain parts did exhale from the Root , and were drawn into the Body by Inspiration , which did so work upon the affected parts ; or that the ambient Air was continually changed and altered by the Root : For after this manner the Succus Cyrenaicus cures the Phlegmone upon the Uvula ; so Catarrhs and other Rheums are dry'd up by Melanthium , if it be tyed up warm in fine Linnen , and the hot fume of it be drawn up into the Nostrils by Inspiration . Nay , if you strangle a Viper with divers sorts of Threeds , and especially with the Sea Purple , and then you tye those Threeds about the Neck of your Patient , you shall cure the swelling of the Almonds of the Ears , and all other swellings in the Neck . Ad pag. 257. Pestis Cayri , &c. The Plague at Grand Cair , and in all parts of Aegypt , is wont to invade the Inhabitants from the beginning of the Moneth September until June : For in all these Moneths , from September unto June , the Plague from other Nations is brought thither , and is wont to infect that Nation : But in the Moneth of June , of what nature and how great soever the Pestilence be , when the Sun first enters Cancer , it is immediately removed ; which thing many ( and that not without reason ) take to be a particular Mercy of God. But ( what is more admirable ) all Houshold-stuff , however infected with the Contagion of the Disease , at that time shews no effect of any Contagion , so that then the whole Nation passes into a most secure & healthy condition , from amorbid and dangerous : And then those Diseases , which are called by the Greeks Sporadici , begin to appear , which in no part of the World are seen to be rise together with the Plague . Ibid. Hac , &c. These things are first observed about that time . From which , I think , and perchance not without reason , the cause of the extinction of the Plague , and the change of the state from Morbid to Wholesome doth depend ; For no other of the conservative Causes , which are wont to be called by Physitians , Res non Naturales , appeareth then , besides the Air ; to which we may refer this change from Disease to Healthiness , and therefore we must refer this change to the change of the Air. Ad pag. 259. The Inhabitants do strange things , both in preserving Health and curing Diseases , by Friction and Unction , using the first in cold and Chronical , the latter in acute Diseases . And Strangers who arrive there , are , as they ought , willing to imitate their ways of Physick , and by Rules of Art to preside and moderate these ways of Empirical Healing . Ib. Cholera Sicca is Cured by the same Remedies , especially if their Horny Cupping-glasse be apply'd to the Region of the Liver , of which I must attest the same thing that Galen doth of Cupping-glasses ; which he affirm'd to Work as Miraculously as if their Operation had depended on Enchantment . Ad pag. 271. Neque &c. Nor doth he say that a Physitian needs nothing of Counsel or Deliberation , or that an irrationall Man may professe this Art. But that those Conjectures of hidden things are nothing to the purpose . Bec●use it matters not what causeth the Disease but what removes it . Ib. Interim &c. In the mean time the Brasilian Botanists make all sorts of Medicines of Simples they find every where in the Woods : which they make with so great Sagacity , and apply them both internally , and externally , especially to Diseases that Spring from Venome that a man may more securely give himself over to their hands then to our unskilful Physitians , who brag much of Secrets they have learn't in private , and for the knowledg of these will be called Rationals in Physick . Ad pag. 272. Fortassis , &c. Perchance some Sciolist in Physick may affirm that these things may not be used by reason of the Narcotick and Stupefactive property . But these pretenses are as vain in effect as specious at first sight : for besides that the hot temper of this Country requires it ; It is sure , that without these Remedies there can be no Cure. Adde that here we prepare Opium so well that you may give it to an Infant . And truly , if in Hot Diseases we had no Opiats we should in effect find that the use of all other Medicaments would prove altogether vain and fruitlesse . Ad pag. 287. Si. medicinam &c. Such was the Origin of Physick , by the Recovery of some and the Death of others it first made distinction between things Soverain to heal , and things which were Improper , and Deadly . And thus the Remedies being found out , Men began to dispute of the Reasons of them . Nor was the Art of Medicine found out by the light of Reason , but Medicines being found , the Reason began to be enquired into . Ib. Ubi res &c. Where the Matter is certain , if it be against the common Opinion , the Reason must be sought , and not the Matter of fact scrupled . Ad pag. 297. Paucissimos &c. You will find very few of those who dwell at the Spaa who are troubled with the Head-ach , Stone , Obstructions of the Kidnies , Liver , Spleen , or Mesariaick Veines , none at all who were troubled with the Jaundice , Dropsie , Gout , Itch , or Falling sicknesse . Ib. Inter caetera &c. Among other Qualities it moveth the Monethly Evacuation as hath been prov'd by a thousand trials . And yet it stops the immoderate Flux of them more happily then any other Medicine . Ad pag. 299 , Rerum &c. The Contemplation of Nature , though it maketh not a ●hysitian , yet it fits him to learn Physick . FINIS . The INDEX to the Second Part. The Second Part Of the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy . SECT . I. Of its Usefulness to PHYSICK . ESSAY I. Containing some Particulars tending to shew the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy to the Physiological part of Physick . The advantage of the Knowledg of Nature towards the increasing the Power of Man , and its Use as to Health of the Body and Goods of Fortune . pag. 3 That in Man's Knowledg of the Nature of Creatures consists his Empire over them . 4 That the Discovery of America is owed to the Knowledg of the Lo●d stones Polarity . 5 That the Martial affairs all over the World were altered by the Knowledg of the Nature of Brimstone and Saltpeter . ib How prejudicial the mistake of that Aphorism ( that if teeming Women be let bloud they will miscarry ) hath been to Femal Patients . 6 The interest of this Knowledg to the Happiness and Life ●f Man. 7 The enumeration of those Arts to which this Knowledg is profitable . ib. The Method or way intended for the ensuing Discourse . 8 The Division of Physick into five parts . 9 How the Physiological part of Physick is advantaged by the Knowledg of Natural Philosophy . ib. That the Anatomical Doctrine of Man's body rec●ives light from Experiments made on other Creatures . ib. Proved by divers Instances , as of the finding the L●cteals and Lymphae-ducts first in Bruit Bodies . 10 The Experiment of taking out the Spleen in Dogs . ib. The same thing done by Fioravanti in a Woman . 11 The Respiration of Frogs divers Hours , sometimes Daies , under water , without suffocation . ib. What use Aristotle and Galen made of the Dissections of Bruits . 11 , 12 The Anatomy of Man counted now in Muscovy for inhumane , and the use of Skeletons for Witchcraft . 12 The Use of the comparison of the parts of Humane Body with those of Beasts . ib. Illustrated by divers particular Observations . 13 Divers Motions and Actions of Frogs after their Hearts were cut out . 14 Observations of the motion of a Chicken 's Heart after the Head and other parts were cut off . 14 Of the Vivacity of dissected Vipers , 16. and Tortoises . 17 Whether there be a necessity of the unceasing influence of the Brain to Sense and Motion . 17 That the Silkworm-butterfly is capable of Procreation after the loss of its Head. 17 That the Redness of the Bloud is not to be ascribed to the Liver proved by the inspection of the Liver of Chickens unhatcht . 18 That the loss of a Limb in all Animals is not irreparable . ib. That notwithstanding the great Solution and Digestion of Meat in the Stomachs of Fishes no sensible Acidity is found there . 19 Experiments concerning the Solution of Meats , and their change of Colours by acid Menstruums . 20 VVaies of Artificial Drying and preservation of Plants , and Insects , 22. and more bulky Bodies . 23 Particularly the Schemes of divers parts of Humane Body . 24 Of the preservation of an Embryo divers Years by Embalming it with Oyl of Spike . 25 Instances of men in the American Mountains kill'd , and afterwards preserv'd from putrefaction only by the VVind . ib. Of the use of Spirit of VVine for the preservation of Bodies from putrefaction . 26 That the Examination of the Juices of Humane Bodies by the Art of Chymistry may illustrate their Use and Nature . 27 That the Actions which are common to Men with other Animals being perform'd Mechanically , the Skill of Mechanicks must be of Use to Physiology· 28 ESSAY II. Offering some Particulars relating to the Pathological Part of Physick . That the Naturalists Knowledg may assist the Physitian to discover the Nature and Causes of Diseases . 29. Prov'd by generall Reason . 30 By particular Instance of the Cause of the Stone in the Kidnies . 31 The cause of that Disease illustrated by the Petrifaction of VVood , Cheese , Moss , VVater , &c. 32 The Origin of Helmont's Offa alba , and Paracelsus his Duelech by the mixture of Spirit of VVine , and Spirit of Urine , and example of the Generation of the Stone . 33 That a terrestrious Substance may lurk undiscern'd in limpid Liquors . 34 The Vse of Chymistry in explaining the Nature of , and aberrations in , our Digestions . 35 prov'd by a Catalogue of considerable Observations . 36 The Salt and Sulphur have more influence in the causation of Diseases then the first Qualities of Heat , Cold , &c. 37 Observations mad upon the Liquor that distends the Abdomen in the Dropsy . 38 Observations on the Calculus Humanus . 39 Of the changes that may reasonably be thought to happen to our aliments within the Body . 43. Illustrated by the Example of Juices out of the Body . 42 , 43 Difference between vulgar and true Chymistry . 44 The Use of the Knowledg of Fermentation . 44 Of Periodical Effervences in the Blood without Fermentation . 44 , 45 Of the use of Zoology to the Knowledg of Diseases . 46 Helmont's Error refuted , that the Stone is a Disease peculiar to Man. 47 That the Venom of Vipers or Adders consists chiefly in the Rage and Fury wherewith they bite , and not in any part of the Body that hath at all times a mortal property . 57 A certain Cure for the Biting of Vipers . 59 Of external Application of Poisons and letting them into the Veins of Beasts . 60 , 61 Postcript . Experiments of conveying Liquid Poisons immediately into the Mass of Blood. 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 ESSAY III. Containing some Particulars relating to the Semiotical Part of Physick . That the Improvement of the Therapeutical would alter the Prognosticks in the Semeiotical part of Physick . 66. An Instance to that purpose in the Peruvian Bark . 67 , 68 and in Riverius's Febrisugum , and a New Cure of the Kings Evill . 69 That though no Disease should be incurable , yet every Disease is not curable in every Patient . 70 That the Hope of doing greater Cures then ordinary , hath engaged Artists to make profitable Trials . 71 Examples of some unexpected and strange Cures . 72 , 73 Examples of the Cures of Cancers . 74 An Example of a Cure of one that was born with a Cataract in the Eye . 75. and other Examples of Cataracts strangely cured . ib. Examples of the Cure of the Dropsie and Gout . 76 , 77 Examples of the Cure of the Stone . 78. The use of Persicaria for that Cure. 79. Instances in other Medicines for the same Disease . 80. The Use and Success of Millepedes . 81. The Argument concerning the Incurableness of ●he Stone answered . 82. That there may be a Liquor able to dissolve the Stone that may not be corrosive to any other part . 83 , 84 Examples of those who could digest Metals and Glass . 85 , 86 , 87 The Descriptions of a Menstruum prepar'd from common Bread , able to draw Tinctures from pretious Stones , Minerals , &c. 88 Helmont's Arguments from the Providence of God censured . 90 The Argument that Paracelsus outliv'd not the 47th . Year of his Age answered . 90 The efficacy of Paracelsus his Laudanum . 91 Butler's great Remedies . 92 , 93 , 94 ESSAY IV. Presenting some things relating to the Hygieinal Part of Physick . That the Knowledg of Fermentation is useful to make our Drincks wholesome for Aliment . 95 How much Simples may be alter'd by Preparation , exemplified by the Indians , making Cassavy out of the poisonous Plant Mandioca . 96. Odd unhandsome wayes of their making Drinck from the same Root . ib. Of making Drink from sorts of course Bread. 97 The Drinks in use in China . 98 Of Cherry-wine . ib. Of Excellent Ciders . 99 Of Hydromel . ib. Of Sugar Wines . 100 Of other Brafilian and Barbada VVines . 100 The way to make VVine of Raisons . 101 Of Wines from the dropping or Weeping of wounded Vegetables . ib. Of the Tears of the Walnut-tree . 102 The Vse of the Teares of Birch , ( with some other Ingredients ) for the Stone . 102 The wayes to preserve these Liquors . 103 The use of the Teares of Birch in hot distempers of the Liver , and hot Catarrhs . 103 The use of Daucus Ale , and proportion of the Seed to the Liquor . 104 Of The or Te. ib. Of Animal Drinks . 105 The use of Brandy-Wine in hot Climates . 105 The use of Natural Philosophy to meliorate Meats . 106 Of preserving Bisket from putrefaction . 107 Of preserving Fruits . ib. Of preserving Meats roasted for long Voyages . 108 Of preserving Raw meats . 109 Of salting Neats tongues with Salt-peter . ib. Of preserving Flesh in spirit of Wine . ib. Of conserving by Sugar , and making Sugar of other Concretes besides the Cane . 110 , 111 , 112 That the Naturalist may find out new wayes to investigate the wholsomness or insalubrity of Aliments , proved by Instances out of Sanctorius his Medicina Statica . 113 The difference in transpiration betwixt the times after ordinary Diet , and after Excess , tryed by the weighing of Man's body . 114 Difference in the weight of Waters . ib. That Chymical Experiments may discover other qualities in Waters . 115 That the Naturalist may discover the qualities of particular Airs . 116 ESSAY V. Proposing some Particulars , wherein Natural Philosophy may be useful to the Therapeutical part of Physick . The Introduction . 117 , 118 That the Naturalist may invent Medicines Chymically prepared more pleasant then the ordinary Galenical Ones . 119 An Instance in Resin of Jalap , Mineral waters , and the Author's Pil : Lunares . 120 That the Naturalist may find out inward Medicines able to do Chirurgical Cures , proved by divers Instances . 121 , 122 Sr. Rawleigh's Cordial . 123 What great use the Indians make of the Juice of Tobacco . 124 Chap. II. That the Search of Nature by Chymistry in particular discovers the Qualities of Medicines . 124 , &c. Of the Nitro-tartareous Salt in some Vegetables . 126 Difference in Operation between Acid and Alcalizate Salts . ib. Of Ink made by the Decoction of divers astringent Plants with a little Vitrol . 127 Of some Metalline Precipitations . ib. That Sulphureous Salts turn the expressed Juices of Vegetables into a Green colour . 1●8 Of the Destillation of the Calculus H●manus and of the Concretions that are called Lapides Cancrorum . 128 The changes in Animal Substances made by Fermentation only in Vrine . 129 Of the mixture of Sp. of Salt with digested Urine . 129 Chap. III. That this search of Nature adds much to the Materia Medica . 130. by employing Bodies hitherto not employed . ib. Of Remedies newly prepar'd out of Zinck . ib. The Cure of the Dropsy by the Pil : Lunares . ib. Of the use of divers Medical Earths . 131. Instances of Gold , and divers Menstruums drawn out of them . 132 Of Medicines out of Arsenick . 133. and out of Bismutum . 134 Of the correction of Poisonous Medicines . 134 , 135 The Preparation of Asarum turns it from being Emetick to be notably Diureticall . 136 Instances in some of the secret Menstruums . ib. That the Preparation of Asarum is only the Boyling it in common water . 137. That the boyling it in Wine alters not its violence . ib. That the Emetick and Cathartick properties of Antimony are destroy'd by Calcination with Salt-Peter , and Mercury sublimate may be depriv'd of its Corrosivenesse by bare resublimations with fresh Mercury . 137 Chap. IV. A strang correction of the Flowers of Antimony . 138 That the Naturalist may assist the Physitian to make his Cures lesse chargeable . ib. Inconveniencies of stuffing Receipts with a multitude of Ingredients . 139 , 140 , 141 , 142 , 143 , 144. That Acid , and Alcalizate Salts being mixed grow thereby more fixed , and yield in Balneo but but a Phlegme . ●45 . The same is observ'd of the Mixture of Spirit Urin ( by it self highly Volatile ) and Spirit of Salt. ib. Chap. V. That the Naturalist discovers the Mis-application and Use of Gems , and divers other costly Ingredients . 145 , 146. A difference between the fixednesse of a Gem , and of Glass of Antimony . ib. Concerning Autum Potabile 147 , 148. Examples of great Medicines drawn from unpromising Bodies . 149 The D. of Holstein's Panacea duplicata is made of the vulgarly despised Caput Mortuum of Aqua-fortis . ib. Flores Colcotharini are made of the Caput Mortuum of Vitriol . 150 A Comparison between the Bezar's Stone and the Stone cut out of Mans Bladder . ib. Medicines out of Soot . 151 The use of Horse dung . 152 An Arcanum of Ivy Berries . ib. Medicines out of Mans Vrin. 153 Medicines out of Blood. 154 The great Effects of Millepedes in the Stone . ib. In Suffusions of the Eyes . 155. And real Cataracts . 156. In sore Breasts and Fistulas ib. Chap. VI. That the Naturalist discovers how much of the cost and labour in making many Chymical Remedies may be spared . 157 A Comparison of Chymical Remedies with Galenical ones in point of Cheapnesse . 158 Of the use and commendation of Simples even by the most able Chymists . ib. Powder of Pearlmore Operative then Magistery . 159. So crude Harts-horn then Magistery . 160 An excellent Simple Medicine to stanch Blood. ib. Another like Medicine for spitting and vomiting of Blood. 161 That many times Chymists by their tedious and injudicious preparations alter the Medicine and make it worse . 162 So the dissolving the Salts of Vegetables in Aqua-fortis to make them pure and Chrystalline alters their vertues , and makes them inflammable as Salt-Peter . 162 , 163 The Preparation and vertues of Ens Veneris . 164 , 165 The Preparation and vertues of the Balsamum Sulphuris Crassum . 166 , 167 The Preparation and vertues of Essence of Harts-horn . 168 , 169 Chap. VII . That Mechanicks and other Experimental Learning may teach how to lessen the charge of Cures by making more convenient furnaces demonstrated in divers particulars . 170 , 171 , 172 , 173 , 174 Glasse-stopples fittest for corrosive Liquors . 173 , 174 That inflammable saline Sulphureous spirits may be drawn from other substances cheaper then Wine . 175 Instances in divers particulars how the Naturalist may find cheaper wayes of Heating the Chymists Furnaces . 176 Of charring Coles , so that while it charres it gives an intense heat fit to melt or calcine Minerals . 177 Of Charring Peat . ib. Of Digestion and Distillations without Fire . 178 , 179 Wayes of Distilling spirit of Urine . 180. Of Distilling it with Lime without Fermentation . ib That so distill'd it doth not coagulate spirit of Wine as in the Usual Distillation . ib. Of the power of good Menstruums in facilitating Distillation . 181 That the calcination of Gold is facilitated by Amalgamation with Mercury . 182 The power of Verdigreas distilled in drawing Tinctures of Glass of Antimony &c. ib. That the Naturalist may find out wayes to preserve Medicines longer , and better then is usual . 183 Of fuming Liquors with Sulphur : ib. And adding a little of the white Coagulum made of the pure spirits of Wine and Urin. ib. That the most principal way of lessening the charge of Cures would be the finding out New and more effectual Remedies . 184 An History of a radicated Epilepsie that was cured by the Powder of Misselto of the Oak . 185 Chap. VIII . Other proofs that the Naturalists skill may improve the Pharmaceutical preparation of simples . 186 Of the best waies to correct Opium . 187 Of the best way of correcting Mercurius vitae . 188 An Excellent Medicine made of those churlish Minerals Quicksilver and Antimony . ib. Waies to take away the Vomitive faculty of Antimonial Glass . 189 , 190 A New and excellent way to get the Primum Ens , or Essence of some Vegetables . 191 The influence of these Prima Entia to cause renovation or rejuvenescence . 192 , 193 Of Helmonts Via Media of Elixir Prop●ietatis . ●94 . And the perfuming it by cohobations with Musk and Amber . ib. A Commendation of Helmont's Medicines . 195 Of the power of Chymistry . 196 Of the power of Noble Menstruums particularly . 196 , ●97 The power of Sal-Taltari Volatized . 198 Of the possibility of Volatizing it 199 That there may be other Menstruums besides such as are Acid , Urinous , or Alcalizate . 200 How these severally disarm and destroy one another , and that what an Acid Menstruum dissolves an Vrinous or Alcalizate doth precipitate . ib. Of a Menstruum unlike to all these . ib. Chap. IX . That Chymistry it self ( much more Physiology ) is capable of affording a New and better Methodus Medendi . 201 , 202 , 203 Instances , to prove that the unusual efficacies of New Remedies may alter and make the method of Curing more compendious . 204. In the Kings-Evil . ib. In Plurisies . 205. In the Rickets . ib. Chap. X. That great Cures may be done by outward Applications . 207 Of the efficacy of Lapis Nephriticus and divers other Appensa . 208 , 209 The Cures of the Dropsy and Schyrrhus Lienis by the external application of Spunges dipt in Lime water . 210 Of strange Cures perform'd neer Rome in the Serpentine Grotta . ib. Of the Operations of Suphur Cantharides and Quicksilver , and Tobacco externally applied . 211 Instances in divers Medicines which have differing effects inwardly given , and outwardly applied . 212 , 213 That preparation may much improve Simples which are outwardly applied . ib. Instances in divers preparations of Gold. ib. An Oyntment made of Aurum fulminans for the Haemorrhoides and Veneral Ulcers . ib. The Cure of a Person esteem'd bewitcht by an appended Mineral . 214 Of the power of Jasper to stanch Blood. 215 The Incontinentia Urinae Cured by the powder of a Toad burnt alive and hung about the neck . 216 Effects ascribed to Witchcraft cured Per appensa . 217 Paracelsus cured Quartan's by a Plaister . 218 Diseases Cured by Frights . 219 Physick now in China in a good condition , without Phlebotomy , Potions , or Issues . 2●0 Where practitioners of Physick are illiterate , there Specificks may be best met with . 221 The usefulnesse of the knowledg of the Medicines of Barbarous Nations . 221 , 222 , 223 A Comparison of this Empirick part of Physick with the Rational . 224 Chap. XI . Of other Extraordinary Medicines which work by Magnetisme , Transplantation &c. 225 The Cure of an Vlcer in the Bladder by the Sympathetick Powder . 226 The effects of the Weapon-salve and other Magnetical Remedies . 227 228 Observations of the Transplantation of Diseases . 229 , 230 , 231 The sometimes not succeeding of Magnetical Medicines no sufficient cause to abandon their Vse . 232 Chap. XII . Instances of divers Cures upon Bruits , and how these are appliable to men . 233 , 234 , 235 Chap. XIII . That the handling of Physical Matters was anciently thought to belong to the Naturalist . 236 That the rejecting Specificks , because they make no visible Evacuation is irrational . 237 That great changes may be made only by displacing without any Evacuation of the parts . 238 The making of Vinegers is an Instance of this truth , especially in the Indies . ib. Instances in Sura and the Iuice of Mandioca . 239 In the Effects of Thunder and Earthquakes . ib. Divers Instances to prove that invisible Corpuscles may passe from Amulets , and cause great alterations in the Iuices of a Mans Body . 240 Galens Example of Peiony-Root &c. 240 , 241 , 242 Of Purging by the Odor of Potions . 243 Of the Purging and Vomiting Quality of the Air of the Mountain Pariacaca . 243.244 The power of Steams seen in the Infectious Effluvia . 244 Of alterations made by the Passions of the mind . 245 Chap. XIV . Divers Instances of the power of Imagination . 246 An Instance of the Hair of the Head chang'd in Colour upon a sudden Fear . 247 How the Authors discourse concerning the power of Effluvia ought to be understood . 248 That the particular State of disposition of the Engine of humane Body is considerable as to the effects of these Impressions . 249 , 250 , 251 , 252 The effects of the Moss growing on Humane skill in stanching Blood 253 Burnt Feathers , or the Smoak of Tobacco remove , Hysterical fits . ib. Cures of Dysenteries by Fumesi 254. And by sitting on a hot Anvil . ib. Cures of the Colick by Clysters of the Smoke of Tobacco . ib. Of other Cures done by Smoak . 255 Of the sudden ceasing of the Plague at Grand Cayro in June . 256 , 257 Chap. XV. That Humane Body may be alter'd by such Motions as Act in a Grosse , and meerly Mechanical manner prov'd by divers Instances . 258 259 The Instance of the Cure of the biting of the Tarantula by Musick particularly modified . 260 , 261 Chap. XVI . Divers instances of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Peculiar aversion of particular persons from particular things , and of the commotions made in the Body thereby . 262 , 263 That since the Body receives such alterations from such unlikely things there is no just arguing against Specificks , because they operate not by any Obvious Quality . 264 Of the Operations of Poysons , and Antidotes . 265 , 266 , 267 What is to be done when the Specifick seems likely to increase the Disease . 268 Chap. XVIII . A Disquisition concerning the Ordinary Method of Physick . 268 , 269 , 270 , 271 Instances of some Medicines condemn'd for Noxious which yet have prov'd Useful . 272 Of the Use of Guajacum for Consumptions and Mercury for Palsies . 273 That there are divers Concretes as to sense similar , whose different parts have contrary Qualities , as Rhubarb , and Oyl Olive . 274 Of improbable Cures , viz. of a Plurisy by a Laudanum Opiatum . 275 Of curing Coughs and Consumptions by Saline Medicines . 276 Of the Curing Phtisical Consumptions by the Acid Smoak of Sulphur : 277 The Use of the Livers and Galls of Eeles in expediting the hard labour of Women . 278 The unlikely Cure of Venome by Oyl of Scorpions . ib. And of Fluxes by fresh butter melted . 279 Chap. XIX . That it is very hard to give an intelligible Explication of the Operation of Elective and other common Medicaments which are not Specifick . 280 , 281 That Poysons do respect particular parts , and therefore Medicines may do it . 282 General Explications of the manmer , how these Operations of Specificks may proceed . ●83 , 284 That Vinegar will Operate on the shell and not upon the other parts of the Egge with like instances of specifick operations . 285 That Physick as it began by Experience so it must be enlarg'd and rectify'd by the new discoveries of Experience . 286 , 287 That the Operations of the Antimonial Cup , Glass of Antimony and Crocus Metallorum would not have been credited in Ancient times . 288 Divers other instances alike incredible . 289 , 290 , 291 A strange Cure of blindnesse by a Mercurial powder . 292 Chap. XX. Of Universal Medicines . 293 That the same matter may cause diverse Diseases . 294 And the same Medicine cure them 295 An Instance in the Waters of the Spaa . 296 , 297 Of the reason and designe of the Authors discourse concerning the Methodus medendi , and his descending to other particulars which may be thought improper for Him. 298 , 299 , 300 , 301 , 302 That this Employment is better then the more fashionable of destructive valour . 303 That the Angels charitable employment at Bethesda is more desireable then his who destroy'd in one night 18000 fighting - men . 304 An APPENDIX to the First Section of the Second Part. Advertisements touching the following Appendix . 307 , 308 , 309 To the 80 Page . The Irish Lithotomists Receipt , for the Stone in the Bladder . 310 To the 120 Page . [ Where the Vertues of the Pilulae Lunares are toucht at . ] 311 The Preparation of the Pilulae Lunares . 312 , 313 , 314 The Dose and use of these Pills 315 To the 123 Page . ( Where mention is made of the Cure of one concluded to have a Gangrene , by an inward Medicine . ) 316 Sr Walter Rawleighs Cordial , after Sr R. K. his way : ( set dowm Verbatim as the Author received it . ) 317 How to make the Tincture of Coral for this Cordial . 318 [ To the 123 Page ; Where a Receipt that cur'd Fistula's is mention'd . ] A Water for a Fistula , and all manner of VVounds , and swellings , or old Ulcers , Cankers , Tetters , Boils , or Scabbs in any place , or Green Wounds . 319 , 320 To the 158 Page . Where Soot is mentioned . 321 Hartmans preparation of Spirit and Oyl of Soot . 322 The Author Directions concerning preparations from Soot . 323 To the 153 Page . Of the use of the Preparations of Vrine . 324 , 325 To the 154 Page . Of the Preparations of Mans Blood. 326 , 327 Obstrvations touching the manner of drawing the Volatile Salts and Spirits of Blood and other substances belonging to the Animal Kingdome . 328 , 329 , 330 , 331 , 332 , 333 , 334 How to draw Tinctures , as of Sulphur &c. with the Saline Spirits . 335 [ To the 164 , 165 , &c. where Ens Veneris is treated of . ] 336. How the Author first happened upon the Preparation of Ens Veneris . 337 The Process used by the Author for the making Ens Veneris . 338 Divers Particular Animadversions concerning these Preparations . 339 , 340 , 341 , 342 , 343 , 344 The Dose and use of Ens Veneris . 345 [ To the 166 , 167 , 168 , 169 , and 170 Page . 346 Of Harts-horn . ib. Three waies of distilling Harts-horn . 347 , 348 , 349 Animadversions on some preparations of Harts-horn of Glauber and Hartman . 350 A fourth way of preparation of Harts-horn used by the Author . 351 , 352 Of the Vse and effects of Spirit and Salt of Harts-horn and the Dose of it . 353 Q Whether in the Distillation of Harts-horn the Salt dispose it selfe into the Figure of the Horn. 354 , 355 That Bucks-horns may be substituted for Stags-horns . 356 How to keep the Spirit and Salt of Harts-horn . ib. 357 Of the Spirit of Sal-Armoniack and divers attempts and waies of preparing it . 358 , 359 , 360 , 361 , 362 , 363 Of Preparations of Saline and Sulphureous Fetid Liquors . 364 The way of making the common Balsam or Ruby of Sulphur . 365 To Volatize the Balsam of Sulphur . ib. 366 Penotus his preparation of a Sulphureous Balsam with the Authors Advertisements upon it . 367 Of an Excellent Balsam of Sulphur made onely with Oyl-Olive . 368 The common way of preparing it . 369 , 370 Other waies of preparing this Balsam . 371 , 372 A Balsam of Antimony . 373 Of the obscure and Cryptical way of Writing of Chymists . 374 , 375 Concerning the Empyreuma of Chymical Extracts and their offensiveness compared with the Galenical and those which are commonly ●sed by Methodists . 377 , 378 , 379 , 380 , 381 , &c. And whether the offensiveness of divers Chymical Medicines proceed from the violence of the Fire , or the Nature of the Matter ? ib. A Way of taking off the Fetidnesse from Spirit of Vrine , Harts-horn , &c. 382 Observations concerning this Method of taking off the Empyrema . 383 Of the Medicinal Quality of these aromatized Salts . 384 , 385 , 386 , 387 , 388 [ To the 166 , page , VVhere the Author promises a Declaration , how he would have his Praises of Medicines understood . ] 389 , 390 Divers Disadvantages of Chymical and Empirical Physick in the way of usuall Ministration . 391 That Chymical processes stand more in need of clear Relations then Galenical . 392 Errors in the Time and Dose of Chymical Remedies . 393 , 394 That a competent Measure of Knowledg is absolutely necessary to a Practizer of Physick . 395 , 396 , 397 The L. Verulams Judgment , That approv'd Receipts ought not to be alter'd but religiously adher'd to . 39● Crato's judgment herein , and how the Author concurreth with that Eminent Physitian . 399 Of the greater Arcana and more Vniversal Medicines , the Efficacy of which may compensate the want of skill in the Prescriber . ib. The Summe and Conclusion of the point in controversy . 400 FINIS . ERRATA Of the Second Part. Pag. 4. lin . 28. Read hath hitherto . p. 7. l. 19. God-li●e . p. 27. l. 23. peradventure . p. 31. l. 11. Chyle . p. 32. l. 8. Embracers . p. 34. l. 18. Saline . p. 35. l. 2. deserve . p. 36. l. 11. analysed . l. 30. Vineger . p. 38. l. 20. Lientery . l. 23. paracentesis p. 39. l. 20. Onion . And l. 26. from that . p. 40. l. 5. Concretes . p. 43. l. 26. self , then p. 45. l. 10. well incorporated . p. 46. l. 19. Ancients must . p. 7● . l. 1● . oporte● . l. 17. Hippocrates . p 97. l. 9. cum saliva . p. 150. l. 5. aliquot . p. 151. l. 1. tantas l. 7. ciere . Quod. p. 153. l. 9. an antient . p. 172. l. 12. temperate . p. 194. l. 17. Elixi● . p. 200. l. penult is farre . p. 202. l. 13 h●buit Medicina . p. 206. l. ult . him , You. p. 207. l. 25. anoma●ous . p. 214. l. 24. electrum . p. 216. l. penult . Patients . p. 227. l. 24. comprobato . p. 269. l. 23. there are divers . p. 270. l. antep . troublesome . p. 272. l. 21. dele non . p. 386. l. 17. make . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A29031-e800 A●ist : de Part : Aa●m : l●b . 1. c. 5. Seneca in P●aes . lib. I. Nat : Quaest. Sen : de Otio Sa● . c. 32. De Part. Anim. lib. 4. c. 1● . Isaiah 41. ● . Iames 11.23 . a Pli● . lib. 25 ▪ cap. 8. b Id. lib. 18. cap. 26. c Id : lib. 25. cap. 7. Notes for div A29031-e2880 Job 8.9 . Prov. 16.4 . Rom. 11.36 . Psal. 19.1 . Job 3● . 5 , 7. Sen. de Otio Sap. Cap. 32. Gen. 1 . 2● , 29. Gen. 1.14 , 1● , 16. Is. 45 . 2● . Psa● . 5. ● , 6. G●n . 2.28 , 26 , 29. Ps●● 8 7. Heb 2 7. Iob 5 3. Ho. 2.28 , 21 , 22. Rom. 8 28. 2 Cor 3.22 . 2 Tim. 4 3. 2 King , 6.5 , 6. 2 Pet. 3.3 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 10. Lev. 13.54 , 55. I● P●obl . de Creat . Prov. 10.25 . Gen. 6.9 . 2 P●t . 2.15 . Gen. 8.21 , 22. 2 do De Ira cap. 27. De Ira Dei cap. 13. De B●n●s . cap. 23. 2 do De Nat. Deo● . Gassend . Inst. Astr. lib. 2. c. 13. Gass●●d . lib. 3. ca● . 11. Psal. 104.24 . Prov. 13.19 , ●0 Isa. 40.28 . Eph. 3.10 . Jer. 10.16 . Gassend ▪ in Vit. Pe●resk● , lib. 4. Jo : Fabe● Lynceu● in hi● Exposit●on of some Passages of p. 568. Psal. ●6 . ● . N●hem . 9.6 . Gen. 8.1 . Psal. 19.1 . Acts 2.11 . D. Aug. Hom. 3. 1 Cor. 15.36 , 37. Psal. 8.3 , 4. Notes for div A29031-e5920 Habb . 2.2 . Merc. Trism . lib. 1. Englished by Dr. Everard . Sen. li. 7. cap. ● . Philo Jud. de Monarchia . Heb. ● . 2 , 5. Heb. 9.24 . Prov. 3● . ●3 . Ps. 103 : Rev. 4.11 . Lib. 7. cap. 24. See of the Abyssine or Aethiopian Christians ; and likewise of the Maron●tes in the East , in reference to their Celebration of the Saturday , Alex : Rasse in his view of all Religions , and the Authors by him ci●ed . Rom. 1.20 . Job 12.7 , 8 , 9. Notes for div A29031-e7250 Physiologo qui veritatem contemplatur ultimarum causarum cognitio non finis est , sed initiū ad primas supremasque causas proficiscendi . Pluta●ch : lib. de primo Frigido . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aristot . Ethic. Nicom . lib. 3. cap. 8. Acts 15.18 . Aristot : Metaphys : lib. 12. cap. 6. De Nat : Deorum , lib. 10. Idem ibidem . Simpl : in India nascenti . lib. 1. cap. 47. * Tanta ergo qui videat , & talia potest existimare nullo aff●cta esse consilio , nulla p●ov●●●nt●a , nulla rat●one divinâ , s●d 〈◊〉 subtil●bus ex 〈…〉 ●ss● tanta m●racula ▪ Nonne p●od●g●o simile est , aut natum esse hom●nem qui haec d●ceret , ut Lucippum , aut ext●t●●s● qui creder●t , ut Democ●itum , qui aud●tor ejus fu●t , vel Ep●cu●●m in quem v●nita● omni●●e Lucippi fonte profluxit . lib. 2. cap. 11 Notes for div A29031-e9230 Arist : de Mundo , Cap. 6 : Ibidem . Eodem Cap. Eodem Cap. Galenus , lib. 30. De usu Partium . Psal. 139 v. 14 , 15 , 16. Galen de plac : Hip : & Plat : Libr : 7. Lib. 3. De usu Part. Libro de Mundo , Cap. 6. Alibi eodem Cap. Psalm C. 3. Judg. V. 20. Cap. 6. Parac●l : de Mineral ; Tract . 1. Sir Francis Bacon Advan : of Learning , Lib. 1. Gen. 28. Jam. 11.19 . Eccles. 1.13 . Eccles. 1.18 . 2 Kings cap. 2. Seneca Nat : Quaest : lib. 2. cap. 59. Jam. 1.17 . Isa. 28.25 , 26. Gen. 31. Psal. 47.7 . Psa. 150.2 . Rom. 12.1 . Tim. 1.1 . Tit. 2.10 . 1 Pet. 4.19 . Hermes Tresmeg . In Asclep . cap. 15. Hebr. 13.15 . Rom. 11.36 . Notes for div A29031-e15880 * Hippo. Apho 31. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Commen● : in Aph : 1. lib. 1. Arist. lib. de sensu & sensili , cap. 1. Arist. Hist. Ani. l●b . 1. cap. 16. Voyage de Muscovie & de Perse , pag. 128 Notes for div A29031-e17230 Helmont de Lith : cap. 3. & 4. Voyage de Moscovie & de Perse , pag. 334 Notes for div A29031-e18570 Riverius in Observat : Al●xand : Trajan Pet●onius . l●b . 5. De M●r : Gall●co , c. 1. apud Ske kium in Observ : lib. 1. De Li●h : c. 7. num : 14. Medicus Rochlizensis . Helmont in the Treat●se which he entitles Butler . De Medicina , lib. 3. cap. 10. Notes for div A29031-e21020 History of the Barbado's , pag. 29 , 30 , 31 , 32. Voyage de Muscovie & de Perse , p. m. 23. History of China , par . 1. cap. 1. Linschoten's Voyages , Book 1. Chap 26 Lib. 4. Cap. 1. Lib. 4. Cap. 6. De Manna cap. 18. In consilio Medicinali in catarrh● calido pro Principi quodam . Obs : Lib. 4. Cap. ultimo . Dialogo 3. * Linscotens Voyages , chap. 56. — When they desire to have no Cocus , or Fruit thereof ( namely of the Palm-trees ) they cut the Blossoms of the Cocus away , and binde a round Pot , with a narrow mouth ( by them called Calao ) fast to the Tree , and then stop the same close , round about with Pot-ea●th , so that neither Wind nor Air can enter in , or come forth ; and in that sort , the Pot , in short space , is full of Water , which they call Sura ; and is very pleasant D●ink , like sweet Whay , and somewhat better . Apud Joh : de Lact. descrip . Indiae , l. 10. c. 3. Apud cu●dem ●odem loco . Sect. 3. Aphorism 96. Notes for div A29031-e23620 Helmont , De Febribus , c. 14. See also the same Author in Tractat : quem vocat Arcana . Paracels : & Lib. de Febr. Cap. 14. Apud Mo●ard : de simplic : Medic. pag. 84. Epitome scientia naturalis . lib. 2. c. 1. Apud Sh●od●rum in Pharmacop : lib. 3. cap. 18. Dr. J. C. Helmont in Pharmac : & dispens : Modern . numero 46. H●●mont Tractat : su●ra al●egato . Numero 46.47 . H●lmont pag. 466. Helmont de Lithiasi . lib. 7. cap. 32. Helmont i● Pharmacop . & dispens . Modern . N. 46 , 47. * Of the efficacy of unpromising Medicines . Schroder Pharnacop . lib. 3. c. 23. Bo●tius in cap. 45. Garcia ab Orta . Idem cap. 46. Gartia ab Orta . Helmont , Pharma : & Dispensat : Nov. p. 458 See his Currus Triumphalis Antimonii . In tractatulo cui titul . sequuntur ●uaedam Imperf●ctio●a . Helm . de febr . cap. 5. num . 26. Helm . de feb● . ca● . 17. vers . f●acm . Helm . de scholar . Humo●ista . pass , decept . cap. 2. numero 89. Lib. 2. c. 6. In Praefa●●● , Lib. 1. In Commentar . Apho●is . 2. Pa●acelsus in his P●eface to his Be●theona , or Chirurgia Mi●o● . Franciscus Bernius , Donzellinus , Ernestus Burgravius , who commend it upon their own experience , besides very many that commend in general termes . (a) De Lapid : & Gemm : lib : 2. cap : 11. (b) Nicolaus Monardes de simpli : Ind : Histor : Cap : seu Tit : 20. (c) De Nephrit : lib : 1. cap. 24. where he hath nine or ten Observations which he calls Observationes rarae & inauditae de Lap : Nephritico . De Gem : & Lapidibus lib. 1. cap. 23. Helm . de Febr. cap. 2. Paracels . in Archidox Magic . lib. 5. De Operat . Chirurg p. 1. cap. 51. De Lapid . & Gem. l. 2. cap. 102. In observa . Medic. oppido raris . pag. 194. Helmont , de febr . cap. 14. vers . finem . Cap. 17. in sine . Observ : Cent. 1 , Observ ; 4● . H●story of China , part . 1. chap. 12. [ N B ] Medicinae faciendae mediocr●m habent peritiam . — Aegris salsa , acria , & plura propo●unt , dicente Ma●f●o , pisces & coachylia Pha●maca suavia & odorata . [ NB ] Sanguinem nunquam eliciunt , Magnam Medicorum dignitatem vide●e est ex Epistola Almeidae ubi narrat , &c. Bern : Varenius , in Descript : Regn : Japon . Cap. 25. Gal : in Aphor : Hipp. Comment . 1. Lib. 2. Dialog : 7. Voyages chap. ●4 . Preface , Lib. 1. Piso de Medic ; Br●si : Lib : 2. Cap : 1. Georg : Ent in Epistol : praefix : Exercit Harvei de Gen : Animal . Celsi p●●es●tione ad Lib. 1. P●trus de Osma in E●ist . ad Monard . quae erstat . in libello de simplicibus medicamentis ex Occidentali India delatis . Panarola Fase : Arcan . 1. Centur. 3. Observat . 34. (a) River . C●nt . 4. O●ser . 63 (b) River . Cent. 4. Observ. 19. (c) In Historiar . & Observ. 3. Medico-●hysicar . Cent. 3. Observ. 28. * Some yea●s si●●e the pres●nt ESSAY was written , I light●d on the 66th O●se●vation of the industrious Bartholinus 3 Century , and the 53 Obs●rvation of his 6 Century , in both which places giving instances of the Transplantation of Diseases he mentions , b●sides some of those Examples deliver'd by us , divers o●hers ; for which I am willing to refer you to the alledged places , only in the last of those Observations deliver●ng some●hing as upon his own knowledg ( which he does not in th● r●st of the instances . ) th●t much confirm●s wh●t we have mention'd concerning Fludd . We shall annex it in his own words , In Catello Milesio Avi nostri materni , quem jam alit in aedibus suis Av●n●ulus meu● suspiciendus M. J●c●lus F●●ckius Phys P.P. & Academi●e nostrae senior , evidentius haec pat●it trah●ndi facultas . Co●ico dolore to●q ●ebatur Avunculus , Canis ventri impositus quum incalui●let , u●gebat ex●tum , vomuit veheme●ter et To●mina colica Avunc●li re●●serunt . Ancilla ejusdem in dolore dentium ●un●●m canem g●n●s apposuit , sens●tque levamen , sed canis do●orum impat●entia h●nc inde curs●ta●e et lat●a●e . Idem ex●ertus est scriba in Colli Tumore . Centur. X. Exp. 997. Way to get Wea●th . Book . 1. Celsus in Praefatione Lib. 1. Lib. 4. Cap. 10. Chap. 56. See Piso lib. 1. De simp. Medi. facultatibus . Libro . 6. Cent. 3. Obs●r . 4. Cent. 3. Obser. 8. Lib. 3 cap. ● . In P● . 〈◊〉 . a●m . lib. 3. Ob. O●se●●at . 99. De Medicina ●●gyptio●um , l●b . 1. cap. 17. Ibidem , cap. 18. Histor. Nae . Med. lib. 2. cap. 5. pag. 33. Idem cap. 11. M●surg . lib. 9. cap. 4. † Vbi sonatores q●i Musicá suā hoc ma●ū etiam publicis magistratus stipendiis ad pauperum reme●ium solati●●●●ue co●●●cti cu●a●e con●ueveru●t , ad curas patientium certius faciliúsque accelera●das , pri●o ●x in●●ctis quaerer● so●●●t ub● , quo loco , aut c●m●o , aut cujus coloris Ta●an●ula era● , à q●o morsus 〈…〉 . Quo f●cto indica●●m lo●um 〈◊〉 , ubi f●equentes numero a●q●e omnis g●neris Ta●antulae 〈◊〉 te●endorum la●or●bus incumbu●t , acced●re sol●nt Medici Citharaedi , va● aque tentare h●rmonia●um 〈◊〉 : ad quae mi●um dictu , n●nc h●s ●unc ill●s salta●e non secus ac duorum polychordo●um aequaliter 〈…〉 , p●rso●atione ill● chor●ae , quae simil●s si●i fu●rint to●o , & aequalit●r tensae mo●●ntu● , reliquis 〈◊〉 , ita ut p●o simil●tu●ine & co●●itione Taran●ular●m nunc ●as nunc illas sal●are compe●iunt . Cum 〈◊〉 co●o●is Tar●●●ul●m quae à 〈◊〉 indicata f●●rat in saltum prorumpere viderint , pro certissimo 〈◊〉 h●ben● , mo●u●um se h●b●re ●erum & certum humori v●ne●ioso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proportionatum , & ad 〈…〉 aptissim● , quo si uta●tu● in●allib●l●m 〈◊〉 effectū se co●sequi asseveruunt . ] Kircher : Musurg : lib. 9 pa●t . 2. cap. 4. Histor : 81. Vide Senner●i Practic . lib. 1. p. 2. cap. 16. Lib. 4. Cap. 48. See the same Author , Lib. 3. under the Title Cur●ru . Hist. Nat. & Med. Lib. 2. pag. 23. Cap. 2. Fab. Cent. 3. obser . 90. Lib. 5. Part. 5. Cap. 1. Mark 5.26 . Acts 10.38 . Mat. 4.24 ▪ John 5.14 . 2 Kings 19.35 . Notes for div A29031-e39800 Hartm . prax . Chym. p. 12. De Lit●iasi . c. 3. n. 3. * p. 153. * This , if I misremember not , was the Propo●tion I employ'd in the exactest of my Experiments of this kind , but it seems to be Essential to the goodnesse of the Remedy : the Spirit of Wine serving chiefly but to keep the Blood from corrupting . Pract. Chym. p. 190. De Augment . Scient . Lib. 4. cap. 2. Consil. 322. Helmont . in . Arcan . Paracels . pag. 787. Helmont . in Arcan . Paracels . pag. in 790. 
A55484	----	Natural magick by John Baptista Porta, a Neapolitane ; in twenty books ... wherein are set forth all the riches and delights of the natural sciences. Magiæ natvralis libri viginti. English. 1658 Porta, Giambattista della, 1535?-1615. 1658 Approx. 1538 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 218 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A55484 Wing P2982 ESTC R33476 13388276 ocm 13388276 99357 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A55484) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99357) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1554:14) Natural magick by John Baptista Porta, a Neapolitane ; in twenty books ... wherein are set forth all the riches and delights of the natural sciences. Magiæ natvralis libri viginti. English. 1658 Porta, Giambattista della, 1535?-1615. [7], 409 [i.e. 405], [7] p. : ill. Printed for Thomas Young and Samuel Speed ..., London : 1658. Engraved added t.p. Numerous errors in paging. Imperfect: p. 337-344 stained with loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. (from t.p.) 1. Of the causes of wonderful things -- 2. Of the generation of animals -- 3. Of the production of new plants -- 4. Of increasing houshold stuff -- 5. Of changing metals -- 6. Of counterfeiting gold -- 7. Of the wonders of the load-stone -- 8. Of strange cures -- 9. Of beautifying women -- 10. Of distillation -- 11. Of perfuming -- 12. Of artificial fires -- 13. Of tempering steel -- 14. Of cookery -- 15. Of fishing, fowling, hunting, &c. -- 16. Of invisible writing -- 17. Of strange glasses -- 18. Of statick experiments -- 19. Of pneumatick experiments -- 20. Of the chaos. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. Industrial arts -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion NATVRAL MAGICK : in xx Bookes by IOHN BAPTIST PORTA a Neopolitane : R. Gaywood fecit Lond : 1658 I. BAPT : PORTA Fire : Ayre : Art : Nature : Earth : Water : NATURAL MAGICK BY John Baptista Porta , A NEAPOLITANE : IN TWENTY BOOKS : 1 Of the Causes of Wonderful things . 2 Of the Generation of Animals . 3 Of the Production of new Plants . 4 Of increasing Houshold-Stuff . 5 Of changing Metals . 6 Of counterfeiting Gold. 7 Of the Wonders of the Load-stone . 8 Of strange Cures . 9 Of Beautifying Women . 10 Of Distillation . 11 Of Perfuming . 12 Of Artificial Fires . 13 Of Tempering Steel . 14 Of Cookery . 15 Of Fishing , Fowling , Hunting , &c. 16 Of Invisible Writing . 17 Of Strange Glasses . 18 Of Statick Experiments . 19 Of Pneumatick Experiments . 20 Of the Chaos . Wherein are set forth All the RICHES and DELIGHTS Of the NATURAL SCIENCES . LONDON , Printed for Thomas Young , and Samuel Speed ; and are to be sold at the three Pigeons , and at the Angel in St. Paul's Church-yard . 1658. The Preface to the READER . COURTEOUS READER , IF this Work made by me in my Youth , when I was hardly fifteen years old , was so generally received and with so great applause , that it was forthwith translated into many Languages , as Italian , French , Spanish , Arabick ; and passed through the hands of incomparable men : I hope that now coming forth from me that an fifty years old , it shall be more dearly entertained . For when I saw the first fruits of my Labours received with so great Alacrity of mind , I was moved by these good Omens ; And therefore have adventured to send it once more forth , but with an Equipage more Rich and Noble . From the first time it appeared , it is now thirty five years , And ( without any derogation from my Modesty be it spoken ) if ever any man laboured earnestly to disclose the secrets of Nature , it was I : For with all my Minde and Power , I have turned over the Monuments of our Ancestors , and if they writ anything that was secret and concealed , that I enrolled in my Catalogue of Rarities . Moreover , as I travelled through France , Italy , and Spain , I consulted with all Libraries , Learned men , and Artificers , that if they knew any thing that was curious , I might understand such Truths as they had proved by there long experience . Those places and men , I had not the happiness to see , I writ Letters too , frequently , earnestly desiring them to furnish me with those Secrets , which they esteemed Rare ; not failing with my Entreaties , Gifts , Commutations , Art , and Industry . So that whatsoever was Notable , and to be desired through the whole World , for Curiosities and Excellent Things , I have abundantly found out , and therewith Beautified and Augmented these , my Endeavours , in NATURAL MAGICK , wherefore by most earnest Study , and constant Experience , I did both night and day endeavour to know whether what I heard or read , was true or false , that I might leave nothing unassayed : for I oft thought of that Sentence of Cicero , It is fit that they who desire for the good of mankinde , to commit to memory things most profitable , well weighed and approved , should make tryal of all things . To do this I have spared no Pain nor Cost , but have expended my narrow Fortunes in a large magnificence . Nor were the Labours , Diligence , and Wealth , of most famous Nobles , Potentates , Great and Learned Men , wanting to assist me ; Especially ( whom I name for his Honour ) the Illustrious and most Reverend Cardinal of Estings : All which did afford there Voluntary and Bountiful Help to this Work. I never wanted also at my House an Academy of curious Men , who for the trying of these Experiments , chearfully disbursed their Moneys , and employed their utmost Endeavours , in assisting me to Compile and Enlarge this Volume , which with so great Charge , Labour , and Study , I had long before provided . Having made an end thereof , I was somewhat unwilling to suffer it to appear to the publike View of all Men ( I being now old , and trussing up my Fardel ) for there are many most excellent Things fit for the Worthiest Nobles , which should ignorant men ( that were never bred up in the sacred Principles of Philosophy ) come to know , they would grow contemptible , and be undervalued ; As Plato saith , to Dionysius , They seem to make Philosophy ridiculous , who endeavour to prostitute Her Excellence to prophane and illiterate Men. Also here are conceived many hurtful and mischievous things , wherewith wicked and untoward men may mischief others ; What then must I do ? let Envy be driven away , and a desire to benefit Posterity , vanquish all other thoughts : The most Majestick Wonders of Nature are not to be concealed , that in them we may admire the Mighty Power of God , his wisdom , his Bounty , and therein Reverence and Adore him . Whatsoever these are , I set them before you , that you may discern my Diligence and Benevolence towards you ; Had I withheld these Things from the World , I fear I should have undergone the reproach of a wicked man ; for ( Cicero derives this from Plato ) we are not born for our selves alone , but our Countrey will challenge a part , our Parents and our Friends require their parts also from us . Wherefore such Things as hitherto lay hid in the Bosome of wondrous Nature , shall come to light , from the Store-houses of the most ingenious Men , without fraud , or deceit . I Discover those Things that have been long hid , either by the Envy or Ignorance of others , Nor shall you here finde empty Trifles , or Riddles , or bare Authorities of other men . I did not think fit to omit any thing by erring Honestly , or following the best Leaders , But such as are Magnificent and most Excellent , I have veil'd by the Artifice of Words , by Transposition and Depression of them ; And such Things as are hurtful and mischievous , I have written obscurely ; yet not so , but that an ingenious Reader may unfold it , and the wit of one that will throughly search may comprehend it . I have added some things that are Profitable , and rarely Known , because they are most true . Sometimes from Things most Known , and meanly esteemed , we ascend to Things most Profitable and High , which the Minde can scarce reach unto : One's Understanding cannot comprehend High and Sublime Things , unless it stand firm on most true Principles . The Mathematical Sciences , rise from some trivial and common Axioms , to most Sublime Demonstrations . Wherefore I thought it better to Write true Things and Profitable , than false Things that are great . True Things be they never so small , will give occasions to Discover greater things by them . The infinite multitude of Things is incomprehensible , and more than a man may be able to contemplate . In our Method I shall observe what our Ancestors have said ; Then I shall shew by my own Experience , whether they be true or false , and last of all my own Inventions , That Learned Men may see how exceedingly this later Age hath surpassed Antiquity . Many men have written what they never saw , nor did they know the Simples that were the Ingredients , but they set them down from other mens traditions , by an inbred and importunate desire to adde something , so Errors are propagated by succession , and at last grow infinite , that not so much as the Prints of the former remain . That not onely the Experiment will be difficult , but a man can hardly reade them without laughter . Moreover , I pass by many men , who have written Wonders to be delivered to Posterity , promising Golden Mountains , yet Write otherwise then they thought . Hence most ingenious men , and desirous to learn , are detained for a very long time ( and when they despair of obtaining what they seek for , they finde that they spent their time , pains , and charge in vain ) and so driven to desparation , they are forced to repent by leisure : Others grown wise by other mens harms , learn to hate those Things before they know them . I have divided these Secrets into several Classes , that every man may finde what he likes best . Lastly , I should willingly pass by the offending of your Ears , if I had no care to refell the Calumnies of detractors and envious men , that most immo●●esily wound me , calling me a Sorcerer , a Conjurer , which names from my tender Youth I have abhorr'd . Indeed I always held myself to be a man subject to Errors and Infirmities ; therefore desired the assistances of many Learned men , and that if I had not faithfully interpreted , they would reprove me ; But what I always feared came to pass , that I should fall into the hands of some vile and hateful men , who by doing injury to others , justly or unjustly , labour to win the popular and base Approbation , and Applause of the Vulgar , by whose venom'd Teeth , those that are wounded do not consume , but by retorting the venome back upon them , they overthrow their own Honor. A certain Frenchman in his Book called Daemonomania , Tearms me a Magician , a Conjurer , and thinks this Book of mine , long since Printed , worthy to be burnt , because I have written the Fairies Oyntment , which I set forth onely in detestation of the frauds of Divels and Witches ; That which comes by Nature is abused by their superstition , which I borrowed from the Books of the most commendable Divines . What have I offended herein , that they should call me a Conjurer ? But when I enquired of many Noble and Learned Frenchmen , that were pleased to Honour me with their Visits ; what that man was , they answered that he was an Heretick , and that he had escaped from being cast headlong from a Tower , upon Saint Bartholomew his day , which is the time appointed for the destruction of such wicked men . In the mean time I shall desire the great and good God ( as it becomes a Noble and Christian man to do ) that he may be converted to the Catholike Faith , and may not be condemned whilst he lives . Another Frenchman who unworthily reviled all the Learned men of his Age , joyns me amongst them , and holds , that onely three Physitians , that are his Friends , are Praise-worthy , as the most Learned of all men of our Times ; and amongst them he reckons up himself ; for the Book is published in his Name , it is a wonder what Inventions that man hath found out to win praise , who having no man to commend him , nor is he worthy commendations , yet he hath undertaken to commend himself . I pass over other men of the same temper , who affirm that I am a Witch and a Conjurer , whereas I never Writ here nor elswhere , what is not contain'd within the bounds of Nature . Wherefore , Studious Readers , accept my long Labours , that cost me much Study , Travel , Expence , and much Inconvenience , with the same Minde that I publish them ; and remove all Blindness and Malice , which are wont to dazle the sight of the Minde , and hinder the Truth ; weigh these Things with a right Judgement , when you try what I have Written , for finding both Truth and Profit , you will ( it may be ) think better of my Pains . Yet I am assured there will be many ignorant people , void of all serious Matters , that will Hate and Envy these Things , and will Rashly pronounce , That some of these Experiments are not only false , but impossible to be done ; And whilst they strive by Arguments and vain Disputes , to overthrow the Truth , they betray there own ignnorance : Such men , as vile , are to be driven from the Limits of our NATURAL MAGICK : For they that believe not Natures Miracles , do , after a manner , endeavour to abolish Philosophy . If I have over-passed some Things , or not spoken so Properly of them , as I might ; I know there is nothing so Beautiful , but it may be Adorned ; Nor so Full , but it may be Augmented . J. B. P. The FIRST BOOK OF Natural Magick : Wherein are searched out the Causes of things which produce wonderful Effects . CHAP. I. What is meant by the name of Magick . POrphyry and Apuleius , great Platonicks , in an Oration made in the defence of Magick , do witness , that Magick took her name and original from Persia. Tully , in his book of Divination , saith , that in the Persian language , a Magician is nothing else but one that expounds and studies divine things ; and it is the general name of Wise-men in that country . S. Jerome writing to Paulinus , saith that Apollonius Tyanaeus was a Magician , as the people thought ; or a Philosopher , as the Pythagoreans esteemed him . Pliny saith , that it is received for a certainty among most Authors , that Magick was begun in Persia by Zoroastres the son of Orimasius ; or , as more curious Writers hold , by another Zoroastres , surnamed Proconnesius , who lived a little before . The first Author that ever wrote of Magick , was Osthanes , who going with Xerxes king of Persia in the war which he made against Greece , did scatter by the way as it were the seeds and first beginnings of this wonderful Art , infecting the world with it wheresoever he came ; insomuch that the Grecians did not onely greedily desire this knowledge , but they were even mad after it . So then Magick is taken amongst all men for Wisdom , and the perfect knowledge of natural things : and those are called Magicians , whom the Latines call Wise-men , the Greeks call Philosophers , of Pythagoras onely , the first of that name , as Diogenes writes : the Indians call them Brackmans , in their own tongue ; but in Greek they call them Gymnosophists , as much to say as naked Philosophers : the Babylonians and Assyrians call them Chaldeans , of Chaldaea a county in Asia : the Celtes in France call them Druids , Bards , and Semnothites : the Egyptians call them Priests ; and the Cabalists call them Prophets . And so in divers countries Magick hath divers names . But we finde that the greatest part of those who were best seen into the nature of things , were excellent Magicians : as , amongst the Persians , Zoroastres the son of Orimasius , whom we spake of before ; amongst the Romanes , Numa Pompilius ; Thespion , amongst the Gymnosophists ; Zamolxis , amongst the Thracians ; Abbaris , amongst the Hyperboreans ; Hermes , amongst the Aegyptians : and Budda , amongst the Babylonians . Beside these , Apuleius reckons up Carinondas , Damigeron , Hismoses , Apollonius , and 〈◊〉 danus , who all followed Zoroastres and Osthanes . CHAP. II. What is the Nature of Magick . THere are two sorts of Magick : the one is infamous , and unhappie , because it hath to do with foul spirits , and consists of Inchantments and wicked Curiosity ; and this is called Sorcery ; an art which all learned and good men derest ; neither is it able to yeeld any truth of Reason or Nature , but stands meerly upon fancies and imaginations , such as vanish presently away , and leave nothing behinde them ; as Jamblichus writes in his book concerning the mysteries of the Aegyptians . The other Magick is natural ; which all excellent wise men do admit and embrace , and worship with great applause ; neither is there any thing more highly esteemed , or better thought of , by men of learning . The most noble Philosophers that ever were , Pythagoras , Empedocles , Democrites , and Plato , forsook their own countries , and lived abroad as exiles and banished men , rather then as strangers ; and all to search out and to attain this knowledge ; and when they came home again , this was the Science which they professed , and this they esteemed a profound mysterie . They that have been most skilfu● in dark and hidden points of learning , do call this knowledge the very highest point , and the perfection of natural Science ; insomuch that if they could find out or devise amongst all natural Sciences , any one thing more excellent or more wonderful then another , that they would still call by the name of Magick . Others have named it the practical part of natural Philosophy , which produceth her effects by the mutual and fit application of one natural thing unto another . The Platonicks , as Plotinus imitating Mercurius , writes in his book of Sacrifice and Magick , makes it to be a Science whereby inferiour things are made subject to superiours , earthly are subdued to heavenly ; and by certain pretty allurements , it fetcheth forth the properties of the whole frame of the world . Hence the Aegyptians termed Nature her self a Magician , because she hath an alluring power to draw like things by their likes ; and this power , say they , consists in love : and the things that were so drawn and brought together by the affinity of Nature , those ( they said ) were drawn by Magick . But I think that Magick is nothing else but the survey of the whole course of Nature . For , whilst we consider the Heavens , the Stars , the Elements , how they are moved , and how they are changed , by this means we find out the hidden secrecies of living creatures , of plants , of metals , and of their generation and corruption ; so that this whole Science seems meerly to depend upon the view of Nature , as afterward we shall see more at large . This doth Plato seem to signifie in his Alcibiades , where he saith , That the Magick of Zoroastres , was nothing else , in his opinion , but the knowledge and study of Divine things , wherewith the Kings Sons of Persia , amongst other princely qualities , were endued ; that by the example of the Common-wealth of the whole world , they also might learn to govern their own Common-wealth . And Tully , in his book of Divinations , saith , That amongst the Persians no man might be a King , unless he had first learned the Art of Magick : for as Nature governs the world by the mutual agreement and disagreement of the creatures ; after the same sort they also might learn to govern the Common-wealth committed unto them . This Art , I say , is full of much vertue , of many secret mysteries ; it openeth unto us the properties and qualities of hidden things , and the knowledge of the whole course of Nature ; and it reacheth us by the agreement and the disagreement of things , either so to s●nder them , or else to lay them so together by the mutual and fit applying of one thing to another , as thereby we do strange works , such as the vulgar sort call miracles , and such as men can neither well conceive , nor sufficiently admire . For this cause , Magick was wont to flourish in Aethiopia and India , where was great store of herbs and stones , and such other things as were fit for these purposes . Wherefore , as many of you as come to behold Magick , must be perswaded that the works of Magick are nothing else but the works of Nature , whose dutiful hand-maid Magick is . For if she find any want in the affinity of Nature , that it is not strong enough , she doth supply such defects at convenient seasons , by the help of vapours , and by observing due measures and proportions ; as in Husbandry , it is Nature that brings forth corn and herbs , but it is Art that prepares and makes way for them . Hence was it that Antipho the Poet said , That we overcome those things by Art , wherein Nature doth overcome us ; and Plotinus calls a Magician such a one as works by the help of Nature onely , and not by the help of Art. Superstitious , profane , and wicked men have nothing to do with this Science ; her gate is shut against them : neither do we judge them worthy to be driven away from this profession onely , but even out of Cities , and out of the world , to be grievously punished , and utterly destroyed . But now , what is the 〈◊〉 , and what must be the learning of this professor , we purpose to 〈◊〉 in that which floweth . CHAP. III. The Instruction of a Magician , and what manner of man a Magician ought to be . NOw it is meet to instruct a Magician , both what he must know , and what he must observe ; that being sufficiently instructed every way , he may bring very strange and wonderful things to pass . Seeing Magick , as we shewed before , is a practical part of Natural Philosophy , therefore it behoveth a Magician , and one that aspires to the dignity of that profession , to be an exact and a very perfect Philosopher . For Philosophy teaches , what are the effects of fire , earth , air , and water , the principal matter of the heavens ; and what is the cause of the flowing of the Sea , and of the divers-coloured Rain-bowe ; and of the loud Thunder , and of Comets , and firy lights that appear by night , and of Earth-quakes ; and what are the beginnings of Gold and of Iron ; and what is the whole witty force of hidden Nature . Then also he must be a skilful Physician : for both these Sciences are very like and neer together ; and Physick , by creeping in under colour of Magick , hath purchased favour amongst men . And surely it is a great help unto us in this kinde : for it teaches mixtures and temperatures , and so shews us how to compound and lay things together for such purposes . Moreover , it is required of him , that he be an Herbalist , not onely able to discern common Simples , but very skilful and sharp-sighted in the nature of all plants : for the uncertain names of plants , and their neer likeness of one to another , so that they can hardly be discerned , hath put us to much trouble in some of our works and experiments . And as there is no greater inconvenience to any Artificer , then not to know his tools that he must work with : so the knowledge of plants is so necessary to this profession , that indeed it is all in all . He must be as well seen also in the nature of Metals , Minerals Gems and Stones . Furthermore , what cunning he must have in the art of Distillation , which follows and resembles the showers and dew of heaven , as the daughter the mother ; I think no man will doubt of it : for it yeelds daily very strange inventions , and most witty devices , and shews how to finde out many things profitable for the use of man : As for example , to draw out of things dewy vapours , unsavoury and gross sents or spirits , clots , and gummy or slimy humours ; and that intimate essence which lurks in the inmost bowels of things , to fetch it forth , and sublimate it , that it may be of the greater strength . And this he must learn to do , not after a rude and homely manner , but with knowledge of the causes and reasons thereof . He must also know the Mathematical Sciences , and especially Astrologie ; for that shews how the Stars are moved in the heavens , and what is the cause of the darkning of the Moon ; and how the Sun , that golden planet , measures out the parts of the world , and governs it by twelve Signes : for by the sundry motions and aspects of the heavens , the celestial bodies are very beneficial to the earth ; and from thence many things receive both active and passive powers , and their manifold properties : the difficulty of which point long troubled the Platonicks mindes , how these inferiour things should receive influence from heaven . Moreover , he must be skilful in the Opticks , that he may know how the sight may be deceived , and how the likeness of a vision that is seen in the water , may be seen hanging without in the air , by the help of certain Glasses of divers fashions ; and how to make one see that plainly which is a great way off , and how to throw fire very far from us : upon which sleights , the greatest part of the secrecies of Magick doth depend . These are the Sciences which Magick takes to her self for servants and helpers ; and he that knows not these , is unworthy to be named a Magician . He must be a skilful workman , both by natural gifts , and also by the practise of his own hands : for knowledge without practice and workmanship , and practice without knowledge , are nothing worth ; these are so linked together , that the one without the other is but vain , and to no purpose . Some there are so apt for these enterprises , even by the gifts of Nature , that God may seem to have made them hereunto . Neither yet do I speak this , as if Art could not perfect any thing : for I know that good things may be made better , and there are means to remedy and help foward that which lacks perfection . First , let a man consider and prepare things providently and skilfully , and then let him fall to work , and do nothing unadvisedly . This I thought good to speak of , that if at any time the ignorant be deceived herein , he may not lay the fault upon us , but upon his own unskilfulness : for this is the infirmity of the scholar , and not of the teacher : for if rude and ignorant men shall deal in these matters , this Science will be much discredited , and those strange effects will be accounted hap-hazard , which are most certain , and follow their necessary cause . If you would have your works appear more wonderful , you must not let the cause be known : for that is a wonder to us , which we see to be done , and yet know not the cause of it : for he that knows the causes of a thing done , doth not so admire the doing of it ; and nothing is counted unusual and rare , but onely so far forth as the causes thereof are not known . Aristotle in his books of Handy-trades , saith , that master-builders frame and make their tools to work with ; but the principles thereof , which move admiration , those they conceal . A certain man put out a candle ; and putting it to a stone or a wall , lighted it again ; and this seemed to be a great wonder : but when once they perceived that he touched it with brimstone , then , saith Galen , it ceased to seem a wonder . A miracle , saith Ephesius , is dissolved by that wherein it seemed to be a miracle . Lastly , the professor of this Science must also be rich : for if we lack money , we shall hardly work in these cases : for it is not Philosophy that can make us rich ; we must first be rich , that we may play the Philosophers . He must spare for no charges , but be prodigal in seeking things out ; and while he is busie and careful in seeking , he must be patient also , and think it not much to recal many things ; neither must he spare for any pains : for the secrets of Nature are not revealed to lazie and idle persons . Wherefore Epicharmus said very well , that men purchase all things at Gods hands by the price of their labour . And if the effect of thy work be not answerable to my description , thou must know that thy self hast failed in some one point or another ; for I have set down these things briefly , as being made for wrtty and skilful workmen , and not for rude and young beginners . CHAP. IV. The opinions of the antient Philosophers touching the causes of strange operations ; and first , of the Elements . THose effects of Nature which oft-times we behold , have so imployed the antient Philosophers minds in the searching forth of their causes , that they have taken great pains , and yet were much deceived therein ; insomuch that divers of them have held divers opinions : which it shall not be amiss to relate , before we proceed any farther . The first sort held that all things proceed from the Elements , and that these are the first beginnings of things ; the fire , according to Hippasus Metapontinus , and Heraclides Ponticus ; the air , according to Diogenes Apolloniates , and Anaximenes ; and the water , according to Thales Milesius . These therefore they held to be the very original and first seeds of Nature ; even the Elements , simple and pure bodies ( whereas the Elements that now are , be but counterfeits and bastards to them ; for they are all changed , every one of them being more or less medled with one another ) those , say they , are the material principles of a natural body , and they are moved and altered by continual succession of change ; and they are so wrapt up together within the huge cope of heaven , that they fill up this whole space of the world which is situate beneath the Moon ; for the fire being the lightest and purest Element , hath gotten up aloft , and chose it self the highest room , which they call the element of fire . The next Element to this is the Air , which is somwhat more weighty then the fire , and it is spread abroad in a large and huge compass ; and passing through all places , doth make mens bodies framable to her temperature , and is gathered together sometimes thick into dark clouds , sometimes thinner into mists , and so is resolved . The next to these is the water ; and then the last and lowest of all , which is scraped and compacted together out of the purer Elements , and is called the Earth ; a thick and grosse substance , very solid , and by no means to be pierced through : so that there is no solid and firm body but hath earth in it , as also there is no vacant space but hath air in it . This Element of earth is situate in the middle and centre of all , and is round beset with all the rest ; and this only stands still and unmoveable , whereas all the rest are carried with a circular motion round about it . But Hippon and Critias held that the vapours of the Elements were the first beginnings : Parmenides held that their qualities were the principles ; for all things ( saith he ) consist of cold and heat . The Physitians hold that all things consist of four qualities , hear , cold , moisture , drouth , and of their predominancy when they meet together ; for every Element doth embrace as it were with certain armes his neighbour-Element which is next situate to him ; and yet they have also contrary and sundry qualities whereby they differ : for the wisdom of nature hath framed this workmanship of the world by due and set measure , and by a wonderful fitnesse and conveniency of one thing with another ; for whereas every Element had two qualities , wherein it agreed with some , and disagreed with other Elements , nature hath bestowed such a double quality upon every one , as finds in other two her like , which she cleaves unto : as for example , the air and the fire ; this is hot and dry , that is hot and moist : now dry and moist are contraries , and thereby fire and air disagree ; but because either of them is hot , thereby they are reconciled . So the Earth is cold and dry , and the water cold and moist ; so that they disagree , in that the one is moist , the other dry ; but yet are reconciled , in as much as they are both cold ; otherwise they could hardly agree . Thus the fire by little and little is changed into air , because either of them is hot ; the air into the water , because either of them is moist ; the water into the earth , because either of them is cold ; and the earth into fire , because either of them is dry : and so they succeed each other after a most provident order . From thence also they are turned back again into themselves , the order being inverted , and so they are made mutually of one another : for the change is easie in those that agree in any one common quality ; as fire and air be easily changed into each other , by reason of heat : but where either of the qualities are opposite in both , as in fire and water , there this change is not so easie . So then , heat , cold , moisture and drouth , are the first and principal qualities , in as much as they proceed immediately from the Elements , and produce certain secondary effects . Now two of them , namely heat and cold , are active qualities , fitter to be doing themselves , then to suffer of others : the other two , namely moisture and drouth , are passive ; not because they are altogether idle , but because they follow and are preserved by the other . There are certain secondary qualities , which attend as it were upon the first ; and these are said to work in a second sort ; as to soften , to ripen , to resolve , to make lesse or thinner : as when heat works into any mixt body , it brings out that which is unpure , and so whilst it strives to make it fit for his purpose , that it may be more simple , the body becometh thereby smaller and thinner : so cold doth preserve , binde , and congeal ; drouth doth thicken or harden , and makes uneven ; for when there is great store of moisture in the utter parts , that which the drouth is not able to consume , it hardens , and so the utter parts become rugged ; for that part where the moisture is gone , sinking down , and the other where it is hardened , rising up , there must needs be great roughnesse and ruggednesse : so moisture doth augment , corrupt , and for the most part works one thing by it self , and another by some accident ; as by ripening , binding , expelling , and such like , it brings forth milk , urine , monethly flowers , and sweat ; which the Physitians call the third qualities , that do so wait upon the second , as the second upon the first : and sometime they have their operations in some certain parts , as to strengthen the head , to succour the reins ; and these , some call fourth qualities . So then , these are the foundations , as they call them , of all mixt bodies , and of all wonderful operations : and whatsoever experiments they proved , the causes hereof rested ( as they supposed ) and were to be found in the Elements and their qualities . But Empedocles Agrigentinus not thinking that the Elements were sufficient for this purpose , added unto them moreover concord and discord , as the causes of generation and corruption : There be four principal seeds or beginnings of all things ; Jupiter , that is to say , fire ; Pluto , that is to say , earth ; Juno , that is to say , air ; and Nestis , that is to say , water : all these sometimes love and concord knits together in one , and sometimes discord doth sunder them and make them flie apart . This concord and discord , said he , are found in the Elements by reason of their sundry qualities wherein they agree and disagree : yea , even in heaven it self , as Jupiter and Venus love all Planets save Mars and Saturn , Venus agrees with Mars , whereas no Planet else agrees with him . There is also another disagreement amongst them , which ariseth from the oppositions and elevations of their houses : for even the twelve signs are both at concord and at discord among themselves , as Manilius the Poet hath shewed . CHAP. V. That divers operations of Nature proceed from the essential forms of things . ALl the Peripatericks , and most of the latter Philosophers could not see how all operations should proceed from those causes which the Antients have set down ; for they find that many things work quite contrary to their qualities , and therefore they have imagined that there is some other matter in it , and that it is the power and properties of essential formes . But now that all things may be made more plain , we must consider that it will be a great help unto us , for the making and finding out of strange things , to know what that is from whence the vertues of any thing do proceed : that so we may be able to discern and distinguish one thing from another , without confounding all order of truth . Whereas one and the same compound yeelds many effects of different kinds , as we shall find in the processe of this Book , yet every man confesseth that there is but one only original cause therein that produceth all these effects . And seeing we are about to open plainly this original cause , we must begin a little higher . Every natural substance ( I mean a compound body ) is composed of matter and form , as of her principles : neither yet do I exclude the principal qualities of the Elements from doing their part herein ; for they also concur , and make up the number of three principles : for when the Elements meet together in the framing of any compound , the same compound retains certain excellent and chief qualities of theirs ; whereof though all help together to bring forth any effects , yet the superiour and predominant qualities are held to do all , because they make the power of their inferiour ; to become theirs : for unlesse some were stronger then other , their vertues could not be perceived . Neither yet is the matter quite destitute of all force : I speak here , not of the first and simple matter , but of that which consists of the substances and properties of the Elements , especially the two passible elements , the Earth and the Water : and those which Aristotle calleth sometimes secondary qualities , sometimes bodily effects , we may term them the functions and powers of the matter ; as thinnesse , thicknesse , roughnesse , smoothnesse , easinesse to be cleft , and such like , are altogether in the power of the matter , howbeit they proceed all from the Elements . Therefore to avoid confusion , it is better to hold that the effects of the qualities come of the temperature or mixture of the Elements , but the effects of the matter from the consistence or substances of them . But the Form hath such singular vertue , that whatsoever effects we see , all of them first proceed from thence ; and it hath a divine beginning : and being the chiefest and most excellent part , absolute of her self , she useth the rest as her instruments , for the more speedy and convenient dispatch of her actions : and he which is not addicted nor accustomed to such contemplations , supposeth that the temperature and the matter works all things , whereas indeed they are but as it were instruments whereby the form worketh : for a workman that useth a graving Iron in the carving of an Image , doth not use it as though that could work , but for his own furtherance in the quicker and better performance thereof . Therefore whereas there are three efficient and working causes in every compound , we must not suppose any of them to be idle , but all at work , some more and some lesse ; but above all other , the form is most active and busie strengthening the rest ; which surely would be to no purpose if the form should fail them , in as much as they are not capable of heavenly influences . And though the form of it self be not able to produce such effects , but the rest also must do their parts , yet are they neither confounded together , not yet become divers things ; but they are so knit among themselves , that one stands in need of anothers help . He that scans these things well by the search of reason , shall find no obscurity herein , nor confound the knowledge of the truth . Wherefore that force which is called the property of a thing , proceeds not from the temperature , but from the very form it self . CHAP. VI. Whence the Form cometh ; and of the chain that Homer faigned , and the rings that Plato mentioneth . So then , the form , as it is the most excellent part , so it cometh from a most excellent place ; even immediately from the highest heavens , they receiving it from the intelligences , and these from God himself : and the same original which the Form hath , consequently the properties also have . Zeno Citticus holds two beginnings , God and Matter ; the one of them active or efficient , the other the passive principle . For God , as Plato thinks , when by the Almighty power of his Deity he had framed in due measure and order the heavens , the stars , and the very first principles of things the Elements , which wast away by reason of so many generations and corruptions , did afterwards by the power of the Heavens and Elements , ordain the kinds of living creatures , plants , and things without life , every one in their degree , that they might not be of the same estate and condition as the heavens are ; and he enjoyned inferiour things to be ruled of their superiours , by a set Law , and poured down by heavenly influence upon every thing his own proper Form , ful of much strength and activity : and that there might be a continual encrease amongst them , he commanded all things to bring forth seed , and to propagate and derive their Form wheresoever should be fit matter to receive it . So then , seeing that formes come from heaven , they must needs be counted Divine and heavenly things : for such is the pattern and the most excellent cause of them , which Plato , that chief Philosopher , calls the soul of the World , and Aristotle universal Nature , and Avicenna calls it the Form-giver . This Form-giver doth not make it of any thing , as though it were but some frail and transitory substance , but fercheth it meerly out of himself , and bestows it first upon intelligences and stars , then by certain aspects informeth the Elements , as being fit instruments to dispose the matter . Seeing therefore this Form cometh from the Elements , from heaven , from the intelligences , yea from God himself ; who is so foolish and untoward , as to say that it doth not savour of that heavenly nature , and in some sort of the Majesty of God himself ? and that it doth not produce such effects , as nothing can be found more wonderfull , seeing it hath such affinity with God ? Thus hath the providence of God linked things together in their rankes and order , that all inferiour things might by their due courses be derived originally from God himself , and from him receive their Operations . For God the first cause and beginner of things , as Macrobius saith , of his own fruitfulnesse hath created and brought forth a Spirit , the Spirit brought forth a Soul , ( but the ●●●th of Christianity saith otherwise ) the Soul is furnished partly with reason , which it bestows up Divine things , as heaven and the stars ( for therefore are they said to have Divine Spirits ) and partly with sensitive and vegerative powers , which it bestows upon frail and transitor● things . Thus much Virgil well perceiving , calleth this Spirit , The soul of the World ; The Spirit , saith he , cherisheth it within , and conveying it self through the inmost parts , quickens and moves the whole lump , and closeth with this huge body . Wherefore seeing Ma●stands as it were in the middle , betwixt eternal and those trans●ory things , and is not altogether so excellent as heaven , and yet , because of his reason , more excellent then other living creatures ; and he hath also the sensitive power : therefore the other living creatures , as it were degenerating from man , are indued onely with the two powers that remain , the sensitive and vegetative powers . But the Trees or Plants , because they have neither sense nor reason , but do onely grow are said to live only in this respect , that they have this vegetative soul. This the same Poet doth expresse a little after . Seeing then the Spirit cometh from God , and from the Spirit cometh the soul , and the soul doth animate and quicken all other things in their order , that Plants and bruit beasts do agree in vegetation or growing , bruit beasts with Man in sense , and Man with the Divine creatures in understanding , so that the superior power cometh down even from the very first cause to these inferiours , deriving her force into them , like as it were a cord platted together , and stretched along from heaven to earth , in such sort as if either end of this cord be touched , it will wag the whole ; therefore we may rightly call this knitting together of things , a chain , or link and rings , for it agrees fitly with the rings of Plato , and with Homers golden chain , which he being the first author of all divine inventions , hath signified to the wise under the shadow of a fable , wherein he feigneth , that all the gods and goddesses have made a golden chain , which they hanged above in heaven , and it reacheth down to the very earth . But the truth of Christianity holdeth that the Souls do not proceed from the Spirit , but even immediately from God himself . These things a Magician being well acquainted withal , doth match heaven and earth together , as the Husband-man plants Elmes by his Vines ; or to speak more plainly , he marries and couples together these inferiour things by their wonderful gifts and powers , which they have received from their superiours ; and by this means he , being as it were the servant of Nature , doth bewray her hidden secrets , and bring them to light , so far as he hath found them true by his own daily experience , that so all men may love , and praise , and honour the Almighty power of God , who hath thus wonderfully framed and disposed all things . CHAP. VII . Of Sympathy and Antipathy ; and that by them we may know and find out the vertues of things . BY reason of the hidden and secret properties of things , there is in all kinds of creatures a certain compassion , as I may call it , which the Greeks call Sympathy and Antipathy ; but we term it more familiarly , their consent , and their disagreement . For some things are joyned together as it were in a mutual league , and some other things are at variance and discord among themselves ; or they have something in them which is a terror and destruction to each other , whereof there can be rendred no probable reason : neither will any wise man seek after any other cause hereof but only this , That it is the pleasure of Nature to see it should be so , that she would have nothing to be without his like , and that amongst all the secrets of Nature , there is nothing but hath some hidden and special property ; and moreover , that by this their Consent and Disagreement , we might gather many helps for the uses and necessities of men ; for when once we find one thing at variance with another , presently we may conjecture , and in trial so it will prove , that one of them may be used as a fit remedy against the harms of the other : and surely many things which former ages have by this means found out , they have commended to their posterity , as by their writings may appear . There is deadly hatred , and open enmity betwixt Coleworts and the Vine ; for whereas the Vine windes it self with her tendrels about every thing else , she shuns Coleworts only : if once she come neer them , she turns her self another way , as if she were told that her enemy were at hand : and when Coleworts is seething , if you put never so little wine unto it , it will neither boil nor keep the colour . By the example of which experiment , A●drocides found out a remedy against wine , namely , that Coleworts are good against drunkennesse , as Theophrastus saith , in as much as the Vine cannot away with the savour of Coleworts . And this herbe is at enmity with Cyclamine or Sow-bread ; for when they are put together , if either of them be green , it will dry up the other : now this Sow-bread being put into wine , doth encrease drunkennesse , whereas Coleworts is a remedy against drunkennesse , as we said before . Ivy , as it is the bane of all Trees , so it is most hurtful , and the greatest enemy to the Vine ; and therefore Ivy also is good against drunkennesse . There is likewise a wonderful enmity betwixt Cane and Fern , so that one of them destroyes the other . Hence it is that a Fern root powned , doth loose and shake out the darts from a wounded body , that were shot or cast out of Canes : and if you would not have Cane grow in a place , do but plow up the ground with a little Fern upon the Plough-shear , and Cane will never grow there , Strangle-tare or Choke-weed desires to grow amongst Pulse , and especially among Beans and Fetches , but it choaks them all : and thence Dioscorides gathers , That if it be put amongst Pulse , set to seethe , it will make them seethe quickly . Hemlock and Rue are at enmity ; they strive each against other ; Rue must not be handled or gathered with a bare hand , for then it will cause Ulcers to arise ; but if you do chance to touch it with your bare hand , and so cause it to swell or itch , anoint it with the juice of Hemlock . Much Rue being eaten , becometh poison ; but the juice of Hemlock expels it ; so that one poison poisoneth another : and likewise Rue is good against Hemlock being drunken , as Dioscorides saith . A wilde Bull being tyed to a Fig-tree , waxeth tame and gentle , as Zoroaster saith , who compiled a book called Geoponica , out of the choice writings of the Antients . Hence it was found out , that the stalks of a wilde Fig-tree , if they be put to Beef as it is boiling , make it boil very quickly , as Pliny writeth ; and Dioscorides ministreth young figs that are full of milky juice , together with a portion of water and vinegar , as a remedy against a draught of Bulls blood . The Elephant is afraid of a Ram , or an engine of war so called : for as soon as ever he seeth it , he waxeth meek , and his fury ceaseth : hence the Romans by these engines put to flight the Elephants of Pyrrhus King of the Epyrotes , and so got a great victory . Such a contrariety is there betwixt the Elephants members , and that kind of Lepry which makes the skin of a man like the skin of an Elephant ; and they are a present remedy against that disease . The Ape of all other things cannot abide a Snail : now the Ape is a drunken beast , for they are wont to take an Ape by making him drunk ; and a Snail well washed is a remedy against drunkennesse . A man is at deadly hatred with a Serpent : for if he do but see a Serpent , presently he is sore dismaid ; and if a woman with child meet a Serpent , her fruit becometh abortive : hence it is , that when a woman is in very sore travel , if she do but smell the fume of an Adders hackle , it will presently either drive out , or destroy her child : but it is better to anoint the mouth of the womb in such a case , with the fat of an Adder . The sight of a Wolfe is so hurtful to a man , that if he spie a man first , he takes his voice from him ; and though he would fain cry out , yet he cannot speak : but if he perceive that the man hath first espied him , he makes no ado , but his savage fury ceaseth , and his strength failes him . Hence came that proverb , Lupus in fabula , the Wolf cometh in the nick ; which Plato speaks of in his Politicks . The Wolf is afraid of the Urchin ; thence , if we wash our mouth and throats with Urchines blood , it will make our voice shrill , though before it were hoarse and dull like a Wolves voice . A Dog and a Wolfe are at great enmity ; and therefore a Wolves skin put upon any one that is bitten of a mad Dog , asswageth the swelling of the humour . An Hawk is a deadly enemy to Pigeons , but they are defended by the Kastrel , which the Hawk cannot abide either to hear or see : and this the Pigeons know well enough ; for wheresoever the Kastrel remains , there also will the Pigeon remain , thinking themselves safe because of their protector . Hence Columella saith , That there is a kind of Hawks which the common-people call a Kastrel , that builds her nest about houses , that is very good to keep away hawks from a Pigeon-house : If you take the Kastrels young ones and put them in divers earthen pots , and cover the pots close , & plaister them round about , and hang them up in sundry corners of a Pigeon-house , the Pigeons will be so far in love with the place , that they will never forsake it . Hither belongeth that notable Disagreement that is betwixt Garlick and the Load-stone : for being smeared about with Garlike , it will not draw iron to it ; as Plutark hath noted , and after him Ptolomaeus : the Load-stone hath in it a poisonous vertue , and Garlick is good against poison : but if no man had written of the power of Garlick against the Load-stone , yet we might conjecture it to be so , because it is good against vipers , and mad dogs , and poisonous waters . So likewise those living creatures that are enemies to poisonous things , and swallow them up without danger , may shew us that such poisons will cure the bitings and blows of those creatures . The Hart and the Serpent are at continual enmity : the Serpent as soon as he seeth the Hart , gets him into his hole , but the Hart draws him out again with the breath of his nostrils , and devours him : hence it is that the fat and the blood of Harts , and the stones that grow in their eyes , are ministred as fit remedies against the stinging and biting of serpents . Likewise the breath of Elephants draws Serpents out of their dens , and they fight with Dragons ; and therefore the members of Elephants burned , drives away Serpents . The Storks drive out of the Countreyes where they are , Lyzards , and sundry kinds of Serpents , and other noisome things in the fields : and the intrails of them all are good against the Storks . The same is done also in Egypt by the bird Ibis . That Indian Rat , called Ichneumon , doth harnsse himself with some of the Lote-tree , and so fights against the Asp. The Lamprey fights with Serpents , and with her biting , kills the Basilisk , which is the most poisonous serpent that is . So also the crowing of a Cock affrights the Basilisk , and he fights with Serpents to defend his hens ; and the broth of a Cock is a good remedy against the poison of serpents . So the Snail and the Eagle . The Stellion , which is a beast like a Lyzard , is an enemy to the Scorpions ; and therefore the oyle of him being putrified is good to anoint the place which is stricken by the Scorpion . The Barbel eats up the Sea-hare , and is good against the poison thereof . A Swine eats up a Salamander , without danger , and is good against the poison thereof . The Hawk is an enemy to the Chamaeleon , and his dung drunken in wine , is good against the poison of the Chamaeleon . Likewise out of the Sympathies of plants , we may gather some secret , which is helpful against some kind of hurt . The herb Corruda , whereof Sperage comes , is most fitly planted where Reed grows , because they are of much likenesse and neernesse ; and both of them are inciters to lust . The Vine and the Olive-tree do joy in each others company , as Africanus writes : both of them are very commodious for mens uses . In like manner the Morehenne loves the Hart , which is given to lust ; both of their members are inciters to venery . The Goat and the Partridge love each other ; and both these are goo● for one and the same remedy . So the fish Sargus and the Goat . A Dog is most 〈◊〉 to a man ; and if you lay him to any diseased part of your body , he takes away the disease to himself ; as Pliny reporteth . CHAP. VIII . That things receive their force and power from Heaven , and from the Stars ; and that thereby many things are wrought . I Suppose that no man doubts but that these inferiour things serve their superiours , and that the generation and corruption of mutable things , every one in his due course and order , is over-ruled by the power of those heavenly Natures . The Aegyptians , who first proved and found out the effects of the heavens , because they dwelt in the open Champion-fields , where they had continually fair weather , and there were no vapours sent up from the earth which might hinder their contemplation of heaven , so that they might continually behold the Stars in their brightnesse , did therefore wholly bestow themselves in the knowledge of heavenly influences : and whereas others that were not so diligent as they , stood amazed at the causes of things , these men referred all to the heavens and the Stars , that all things took their destiny from them , and that the influence of heaven bare great sway in all generations and corruptions ; and thus observing the motions of the stars to and fro , they wrought many wonderful things ; for this was their resolution , that to certain hours and set times , there were answerable certain aspects of superiour powers , whereby all things were effected , Ptolomy was of the same minde , who reduced the heavenly influences to a certain order , and thereby did progno●●icate many things : and he thought the matter so clear , that it need not much proof : and moreover , that the increase and decrease of all plants , and all living creatures , more or lesse , did proceed from the power and stroke of the stars . Aristotle , finding that the highest motion was the cause and beginning of all things , ( for if that should cease , these must needs presently decay ) saith , that it was necessity for this world to be placed very neer and close to the sup●●●our motions , that all power might be thence derived ; and he saw that all this force of inferiour things was caused from the Sun , as he himself fitly shews : The winding course of the Sun , saith he , in the oblique circle of the Zodiak , causeth the generation and corruption of all transitory things ; and by his going to and fro , distinguisheth times and seasons . Plato saith , that the circular motions of the heavens are the causes of fruitfulnesse and barrennesse . The Sun is the Governour of time , and the rule of life . Hence J●m●lichus following the doctrine of the Aegyptians , saith , that every good thing cometh certainly from the power of the Sun ; and if we receive any good from any thing else , yet the Sun must perfect and finish it . Heraclitus calls the Sun , the Fountain of heavenly light ; Orpheus calls it the light of life ; Plato calls it a heavenly Fire , an everliving Creature , a star that hath a Soul ; the greatest and the daily star : and the natural Philosophers call it the very heart of heaven . And Plotinus shews , that in antient times the Sun was honoured in stead of God. Neither yet is the Moon lesse powerful , but what with her own force , and what with the force of the Sun which she borrows , she works much , by reason of her neernesse to these inferiours . Albumasar said , That all things had their vertue from the Sun and the Moon : and Hermes the learned said , that the Sun and the Moon are the life of all things living . The Moon is nighest to the Earth of all Planets ; she rules moist bodies , and she hath such affinity with these inferiours , that as well things that have souls , as they that have none , do feel in themselves her waxing , and her waining . The Seas and Flouds , Rivers and Springs , do rise and fall , do run sometimes swifter , sometimes flower , as she rules them The surges of the Sea are tost to and fro , by continual succession ; no other cause whereof the Antients could find but the Moon only : neither is there any other apparent reason of the ebbing and flowing thereof . Living creatures are much at her beck , and receive from her great encrease : for when she is at the full , as Lucilius saith , she feeds Oysters , Crabs , Shelfish , and such like , which her warm light doth temper kindly in the night season ; but when she is but the half or the quarter light , then she withdraws her nourishment , and they wast● ▪ In like manner , Cucumbers , Gourds , Pompons , and such like , as have store of 〈◊〉 juice , feel the state of the Moon : for they wax as she doth ; and when she 〈◊〉 , they waste , as Athenaeus writes . Likewise the very stems of plants do follow the state of the heavens ; witnesse the Husband-man , who finds it by experience in his graffing : and skilful Husbandmen have found the course and season of the year , and the monethly race of the Moon so necessary for plants , that they have supposed this knowledge to be one chief part of Husbandry . So also , when the Moon passeth through those signs of the Zodiak which are most peculiar to the earth , if you then plant trees , they will be strongly rooted in the earth : if you plant them when she passeth through the signs of the Air , then the tree so planted , will be plentiful in branches and leaves , and encreaseth more upward then downward . But of all other , the most pregnant sign hereof is found in the Pome-granate ; which will bring forth fruit just so many years , as many daies as the Moon is old when you plant it . And it is a report also , that Garlick , if it be set when the Moon is beneath the earth , and be also plucked up at such a time , it will lose its strong savour . All cut and lopped Woods , as Timber and Fewel , are full of much moisture at the new of the Moon ; and by reason of that moisture , they wax soft , and so the worm eats them , and they wither away . And therefore Democritus counselleth , and Vitruvius is also of the same minde , to cut or lop trees in the waining of the Moon , that being cut in season , they may last long without rottennesse . And that which is more , as her age varies , so her effects vary according to her age ; for in her first quarter , she maketh hot and moist , but especially moist ; from thence all moist things grow and receive their humidity in that time : from that time to the full of the Moon , she gives heat and moisture equally , as may be seen in Trees and Minerals : from that time to the half Moon decaying , she is hot and moist , but especially hot , because she is fuller of light ; thence the fishes at that time commonly are wont to swim in the top of the water ; and that the Moon is in this age warm , appears by this , that it doth extend and enlarge moist bodies ; and thereby the moisture encreasing , it causeth rottennesse , and maketh them wither and w●●te away . But in her last quarter , when she loseth all her light , then she is meerly hot ; and the wises of Chaldea hold that this state of heaven is best of all other . So they report that there is a Moon-herb , having round twirled leaves of a blewish colour , which is well acquainted with the age of the Moon ; for when the Moon waxeth , this herb every day of her age brings forth a leaf ; and when she waineth , the same herb loseth for every day a leaf . These variable effects of the Moon , we may see more at large , and more usually in tame creatures and in plants , where we have daily sight and experience thereof . The Pismire , that little creature , hath a sense of the change of the Plantes : for she worketh by night about the full of the Moon , but she resteth all the space betwixt the old and the new Moon . The inwards of mice answer the Moons proportion ; for they encrease with her , and with her they also shrink away . If we cut our hair , or pair our nailes before the new Moon , they will grow again but slowly ; if at or about the new Moon , they will grow again quickly . The eyes of Cats are also acquainted with the alterations of the Moon , so that they are sometimes broader as the light is lesse , and narrower when the light of the Moon is greater . The Beetle marketh the ages and seasons of the Planets : for he gathering dung out of the mixen , rounds it up together , and covereth it with earth for eight and twenty daies , hiding it so long as the Moon goeth about the Zodiak ; and when the new Moon cometh , he openeth that round ball of dirt , and thence yields a young Beetle . Onions alone , of all other herbs , ( which is most wonderful ) feels the changeable state of the Planets , but quite contrary to their change frameth it self ; for when the Moon waineth , the Onions encrease ; and when she waxeth , they decay ; for which cause the Priests of Egypt would not eat Onions , as Plutark writes in his fourth Commentary upon Hesiode . That kinde of spurge which is called Helioscopium , because it follows the Sun , disposeth of her leaves as the Sun rules them ; for when the Sun riseth , she openeth them , as being desirous that the morning should see them rise ; and shutteth them when the Sun setteth , as desiring to have her flower covered and concealed from the night . So many other herbs follow the Sun , as the herb Turn-sole 〈◊〉 when the Sun riseth , she holds down her head all day long , that the Sun may never so much as writhe any of her ( there is such love as it were betwixt them ) and she stoops still the same way which the Sun goeth : so do the flowers of Succory and of Mallows . Likewise the pulse called Lupines , still looks after the Sun , that it may not writhe his stalk ; and this watcheth the Suns motion so duly , that like a Dial it shews the Husband-man the time of the day , though it be never so cloudy ; and they know thereby the just time when the Sun setteth : and Theophrastus saith , that the flower of the herb Lotum , is not onely open and shut , but also sometimes hides , and sometimes shews her stalk from Sun-set to midnight ; and this , saith he , is done about the River Euphrates . So the Olive-tree , the Sallow , the Linden-tree , the Elm , the white Pople-tree , they declare the times of the Suns standing , when it turns back again from the Poles ; for then they hide their leaves , and shew only their hoar-white backs . In like manner winter-Cresses or Irium , and Penyrial , though they begin to wither being gathered , yet if you hang them upon a stick about the time of the Solstice , they will for that time flourish . The stone Selenites , ( as much as to say , the Moon-beam ) called by others Aphroselinon , contains in it the Image of the Moon , and shews the waxing and waining of it every day in the same Image . Another stone there is , that hath in it a little cloud that turns about like the Sun , sometimes hiding , & sometimes shewing it self . The Beast Cynocephalus rejoiceth at the rising of the Moon , for then he stands up , lifting his fore-feet toward heaven , and wears a Royal Ensign upon his head : and he hath such a Sympathy with the Moon , that when she meets with the Sun ( as betwixt the old and new Moon ) so that she gives no light , the male , or He-Cynocephalus , never looks up , nor eats any thing , as bewailing the losse of the Moon ; and the female , as male-content as He , all that while pisseth blood : for which causes , these beasts are nourished and kept in hallowed places , that by them the time of the Moones meeting with the Sun may be certainly known , as Oru● writes in his Hieroglyphicks . The star Arcturus , at his rising causeth rain . Dogs are well acquainted with the rising of the Canicular star ; for at that time they are commonly mad ; and so are vipers and serpents ; nay , then the very standing pools are moved , and wines work as they lye in the Cellar , and other great and strange effects are wrought upon earth : when this star riseth , Basil-gentle waxeth whiterish , and Coriander waxeth dry , as Theophrastus writeth . The rising of this star was wont to be diligently observed every year ; for thereby they would prognosticate , whether the year following would be wholesome or contagious , as Heraclides Ponticus saith : for if it did rise dark and gloomy , it was a sign that the Air would be thick and foggy , which would cause a pestilence : but if it were clear and lightsome , it was a sign that the Air would be thin and well purged , and consequently healthful . In ancient times they much feared this Star , so that they ordained a dog to be offered in sacrifice to it , as Columella saith , that this star is pacified with the blood and entrails of a sucking whelp ; and Ovid likewise saith , that a dog bred on the earth , is sacrificed to the Dog-star in Heaven . The Beast or wilde Goat , which in Egypt is called Oryx , hath a sense or feeling of this Star before it riseth ; for then he looks upon the Sun-beams , and in them doth honour the Canicular star . Hippocrates saith , it is good either to purge or let blood , before or after this star riseth ; and Galen shews that many very necessary operations of this Star must be observed in Critical dayes ; and likewise in sowing and planting . Moreover , the greater stars and constellations must be known , and at what time they go out of the signs , whereby are caused many waterish and fiery impressions in the Air. And whosoever is rightly seen in all these things , he will ascribe all these inferiours to the stars as their causes ; whereas if a man be ignorant hereof , he loseth the greatest part of the knowledge of secret operations and works of nature . But of this argument , we have spoken in our writings of the knowledge of Plants . CHAP. IX . How to attract and draw forth the vertues of superiour Bodies . WE have shewed before , the operations of celestial bodies into these inferiours , as also the Antipathy and Sympathy of things : now will we shew , by the affinity of Nature , whereby all things are linked together as it were in one common bond , how to draw forth and to fetch out the vertues and forces of superior bodies . The Platonicks termed Magick to be the attractions or fetching out of one thing from another , by a certain affinity of Nature . For the parts of this huge world , like the limbs and members of one living creature , do all depend upon one Author , and are knit together by the bond of one Nature : therefore as in us , the brain , the lights , the heart , the liver , and other parts of us do receive and draw mutual benefit from each other , so that when one part suffers , the rest also suffer with it ; even so the parts and members of this huge creature the World , I mean all the bodies that are in it , do in good neighbour-hood as it were , lend and borrow each others Nature ; for by reason that they are linked in one common bond , therefore they have love in common ; and by force of this common love , there is amongst them a common attraction , or tilling of one of them to the other . And this indeed is Magick . The concavity or hollownesse of the Sphere of the Moon , draws up fire to it , because of the affinity of their Natures ; and the Sphere of the fire likewise draws up Air ; and the centre of the world draws the earth downward , and the natural place of the waters draws the waters to it . Hence it is that the Load-stone draws iron to it , Amber draws chaff or light straws , Brimstone draws fire , the Sun draws after it many flowers and leaves , and the Moon draws after it the waters . Plotinus and Synesius say , Great is nature everywhere ; she layeth certain baits whereby to catch certain things in all places : as she draws down heavy things by the centre of the earth , as by a bait ; so she draws light things upward by the concavity of the Moon ; by heat , leaves ; by moisture , roots ; by one bait or another , all things . By which kind of attraction , the Indian Wisards hold that the whole world is knit and bound within it self : for ( say they ) the World is a living creature , everywhere both male and female , and the parts of it do couple together , within and between themselves , by reason of their mutual love ; and so they hold and stand together , every member of it being linked to each other by a common bond ; which the Spirit of the World , whereof we spake before , hath inclined them unto . For this cause Orpheus calleth Jupiter , and the Nature of the World , man and wife ; because the World is so desirous to marry and couple her parts together . The very order of the Signs declareth , that the World is every-where male and female ; for the former is the male , the latter is the female : so also Trees and Herbs have both sexes , as well as living creatures : so the fire is to the Air , and the water to the Earth , as a male to the female : so that it is no marvel , that the parts of the World desire so much to be matcht together . The Planets are partly male , and partly female ; and Mercury is of both sexes it self . These things the Husband-man perceiving , prepares his field and his seed , for heavenly influences to work upon : the Physician likewise observes the same , and works accordingly , for the preservation both of our bodies , and of universal Nature . So the Philosopher who is skilful in the Stars ( for such is properly a Magician ) works by certain baits , as it were , fitly matching earthly and heavenly things together , and platting them as skilfully one within another , as a cunning Husband-man planteth an old gr●ffe into a young stock : nay , he layeth earthly things under heavenly things , and inferious so fitly for their superiours everywhere to work upon , as if a man should lay iron before the Load-stone to be drawn to it , or Christal before the Sun to be enlightened by it , or an Egge under a Hen to hatch it . Furthermore , as some can so cherish egges , that even without the help of living creatures , they will make them live ; yea and oftentimes they will prepare such matter , so cunningly , that even without egges , or any apparent seeds , they will bring forth living creatures , ( as they will bring forth Bees , of an Ox ; and a Scorpion , of Basil ) working together by the help of universal Nature upon the vantage of fit matter , and a seasonable or convenient time : even so the Magician , when once he knows which and what kinds of matters Nature hath partly framed , and partly Art hath perfected , and gathered together , such as are fit to receive influence from above ; these matters especially doth he prepare and compound together , at such a time as such an influence raigneth ; and by this means doth gain to himself the vertues and forces of heavenly bodies : for wheresoever there is any matter so directly laid before superiour bodies , as a looking-glasse before ones face , or as a wall right before ones voice ; so doth it presently suffer the work of the Superiours , the most mighty Agent , and the admirable life and power of all things shewing it self therein . Plotinus in his Book of Sacrifice and Magick , saith , That the Philosophers considering this affinity and bond of Nature , wherewith all natural things are linked each to other , did thence frame the Art of Magick , and acknowledged both that the superiours might be seen in these inferiours , and these inferiours in their superiours ; earthly things in heavenly , though not properly , but in their causes , and after a heavenly sort ; likewise heavenly things in earthly , but yet after an earthly sort . For whence should we suppose it to be , that the plants called Sun-followers , should still follow the Suns motion ? and likewise the Moon-followers , the Moons motion ? Wherefore surely even in earth we may behold both the Sun and the Moon ; but yet by reason of their quality upon earth ; and so in heaven we may behold all plants , and stones , and living creatures , but yet as following the heavenly natures : which things the Antients perceiving , did apply and lay some earthly things to some heavenly , and thence brought down the celestial forces into these inferiours , by reason of their likeness one with the other ; for the very likenesse of one thing to another , is a sufficient bond to link them together . If a man do heat a piece of paper , and then lay it a little under the flame of a candle , though they do not touch each other , yet he shall see the paper presently burn , and the flame will still descend till it have burned all the paper . Let us now suppose the paper thus heated , to be that affinity which is betwixt superiours and inferious ; and suppose we also , that this laying of the paper to the candle , to be the fit applying of things together , both for matter , and time , and place : let us suppose yet farther , the flame taking hold of the paper , to be the operation of some heavenly body into a capable matter ; and last of all , we may suppose the burning of the paper , to be the altering of that matter into the nature of the celestial body that works upon it , and so purifies it , that in the end it flieth upward like burning flax , by reason of some heavenly seeds and sparks which it hath within it self . CHAP. X. How the knowledge of secrecies dependeth upon the survey and viewing of the whole World. WE are perswaded that the knowledge of secret things depends upon the contemplation and view of the face of the whole world , namely , of the motion , state and fashion thereof , as also of the springing up , the growing and the decaying of things : for a diligent searcher of Natures workes , as he seeth how Nature doth generate and corrupt all things , so doth he also learn to do . Likewise he learns of living creatures ; which though they have no understanding , yet their senses are far quicker then ours ; and by their actions they teach us Physick , Husbandry , the art of Building , the disposing of Houshold affairs , and almost all Arts and Sciences : the like may be observed in Metals , Gems , and Stones . The beasts that have no reason , do by their nature strangely shun the eyes of witches , and hurtful things : the Doves , for a preservative against inchantments , first gather some little Bay-tree boughs , and then lay them upon their nests , no preserve their young ; so do the Kites use white brambles , the Turtles sword-grasse , the Crows Withy , the Lapwings Venus-hair , the Ravens Ivy , the Herns Carrot , the Patridges Reed-leaves , the Black-birds Myrtle , the Larkes grasse , the Swans Park-leaves , the Eagle useth Maiden-hair , or the stone Ae●ites for the same purpose . In like manner they have shewed us preservatives against poysons : the Elephant having by chance eaten a Chamaeleon , against the poyson thereof , eats of the wilde Olive ; whence Solinus observes , That the same is a good remedy for men also in the same case . The Panthers , having swallowed up the poisonous herb Aconitum , wherewith the Hunters besmear pieces of flesh so to destroy them , against the poyson thereof seek out mans dung . The Tortoise , having eaten a serpent , dispels the poyson by eating the herb Origan . When Bears have tasted the fruit of the Mandrakes , they eat Pismires against the poyson thereof . There is a kind of Spider which destroyeth the Harts , except presently they eat wilde Ivy ; and whensoever they light upon any poysonous food , they cure themselves with the Artichoke ; and against Serpents they prepare and arm themselves with wilde Parsneps ; so do the Ring-doves , Choughs , and Black-birds use Bay-leaves . The little worm Cimex is good against the biting of Aspes ; as Pliny shews by Hens , who , if they eat that worm , are all day after , free from the hurt of Aspes . Goats care not for Basil-gentle , because it brings a Lethargy , as Chrysippus writes . The same Beasts have also shewed us what herbs are good to cure wounds . When the Harts are wounded by the Cretians , they seek out the herb Dittany , and presently the darts fall out of their bodies . And so do the Goats . The Elephant being wounded , seeks out the juice of Aloes , and thereby is cured . The same Beasts have also found our purgations for themselves , and thereby taught us the same . An Asse eats the herb Asplenum to purge his melancholy ; of whom the Physitians have learned to Minister the same herb for the same purpose . The Hinde purges her self with large Cummin , before she bringeth forth , that her birth may come the more easily from her . Aristotle saith , That Boars feed upon the herb Aram , or Wake-robin , to keep them soluble . Pigeons and Cocks feed upon Pellitory , for the sharpening of their stomack . Dogs eat grasse to purge all their noisome humours , which otherwise would make them mad . Of all these , men have learned to use such Medicines against the like diseases . A Lion being sick of a quartane Ague , eats and devours Apes , and so is healed : hence we know that Apes blood is good against an Ague . The griping of the belly and guts , is healed by looking upon Geese and Ducks , and Vegetius writes ; and Columella saith , that if a Duck do but look upon a sick horse , she heals him : and Pliny saith , that if you lay a Duck to the griping of ones belly , she takes away the disease , and dies of it her self ; and Marcellus writes , That it is good for one that is so troubled , to eat the flesh of a Duck. Goats and Does are never purblind , because they eat certain herbs . Hawks , as soon as they feel their sight dim , they eat Sow-thistle . Elephants , against the diseases of their eyes , drink milk . Serpents have caused Fennel to be very famous ; for as soon as they taste of it , they become young again , and with the juice thereof repair their sight ; whence it is observed , that the same is good to repair a mans sight that is dim . Hares feed upon herbs that have juice like milk , and therfore in their bellies they have a cream ; whence Shepherds have learned to make cream of many such herbs pressed together . Partridges eat leeks , to make their voices clear , as Aristotle writes ; and according to their example , Nero , to keep his voice clear , eat nothing but oyle of leeks , certain dayes in every moneth . These Beasts have likewise found out many instruments in Physick . The Goats , when their eyes are blood-shotten , let out the blood ; the She-goat by the point of a bull-rush , the He-goat by the pricking of a thorn , which lets out the evil humour , and yet never hurts the eye , but restores him his perfect sight : hence , men learned by such means to cure the eyes . The Aegyptians say , they never learned of men to minister clysters , but of the bird Ibis , which useth it to her self for the loosnesse of her body . And of the same bird also they learned their diet , to eat largely at the waxing , and sparingly at the waining of the Moon . Bears eyes are oft-times dimmed ; and for that cause they desire hony-combs above all things , that the Bees stinging their mouths , may thereby draw forth , together with the blood , that dull and grosse humour : whence Physitians learned to use letting blood , to cure the dimnesse of the eyes . The Gullie-gut , when he is full of meat , he pitcheth himself betwixt two trees , so to force out excrements . CHAP. XI . That the likeness of things sheweth their secret vertues . WHo so looks into the writings of the Ancients , namely , Hermes , Orpheus , Zoroastres , Harpocration , and other such like skilful men as have invented and registred the secrecies of this Art , shall find that they gathered all from that likenesse of seeds , fruits , flowers , leaves and roots , as also of the stats , metals , gems , and stones ; that likenesse , I say , which these things have to the diseases and parts of a mans body , as also of other living creatures : and out of those Writers , afterward Hippocrates , Dioscorides , Pliny , and the rest , c●lled out as many such secrecies as they found to be true , and recorded them in their own books , except some certain things , which they thought were no secries , but either of folloy or of envy , accounted them to be ordinary and plain matters . I will relate two or three examples of those former secrecies . Theophrastus speaking of those herbs that resemble the Scorpion and the Polypus , saith , That some herbs have a peculiar kind of form , as the root of the herb Scorpius , called by some Walwort , and the root of Polypody : for that it is like a Scropion , and is good against the sting of him ; and this is rough , and full of hollow partitions like the Polypus , and is of force to kill him . And in another place he saith , That many things are written of the force of plants , not without just cause ; as for example , to make fruitful and barren ; both which , the herb Ragge-wort is forcible unto ; for they grow double , a greater and a smaller ; the greater helps generation , the smaller hinders it . And this herb is called Testiculus . Some herbs are good for procreation of a male , and some of a female ; as the herb which is called Marifica , and Foeminipara ; both are like each other : the fruit of the Foeminipara is like the moss of an Olive-tree ; the fruit of the Maripara is double like a mans stones . The fruit of white Ivy will make seed barren , but the fruit of Arsemery will make it fertile ; which fruit is a small grain , like to Millet . The leaves of the herb Harts-tougue will make a man quite barren , if the herb it self be barren ; for there is Harts-tongue that bears fruit , and this will make a man fruitful . It is a thing to be noted in a Bur , that a flower grows within the roughnesse and prickles of it , which doth not shew it self , but conceives and brings forth seed within it self ; much like as Weasils and Vipers do : for they bring forth egges within themselves , and soon after bring forth young ones ; so the Bur contains , and cherishes , and ripens the flower within it self , and afterward yeelds fruit . But these things have both the active and passive parts of generation . Dioscorides writeth , That the herb Scorpius resembleth the tail of the Scorpion , and is good against his bitings . So he saith , that the herb Dragon , both the greater and the less , is full of speckles like a Serpents hackle , and is a remedy against their hurts : so the herb Arisaron in Egypt , and Wake-robin , and Garlick , bear seeds like a Snakes head ; and so Bugloss and Orchanet bear seeds like a Vipers head ; and these are good to heal their venemous bitings . Likewise Stone-crop and Saxifrage are good to break the stone in a mans bladder : and many other such things he there sets down . Galen saith , That the Lark hath a crested crown , of the fashion of the herb Fumi●ory , and that either of them is good against the Cholick , Pliny hath gathered into his books , many things out of the Antients works that were extant in his time . We will relate some of them . He saith , That an herb which grows in the head of an Image , being wrapt in a cloth , is good for the Head-ach . Many men have written of Holy-wort : it hath a flie-beetle in the stalk , that runs up and down in it , making a noise like a Kid , ( whence it receives the name ) ; and this herb is passing good for the voice . Orpheus found out by his wit , the properties of Stones . The stone Galactites , in colour like milk , if you cast the dust of it upon the back of a Goat , she will give milk more plentifully to her young ; if you give it a nurse in her drink , it encreases her milk . Christal is like unto water ; if one sick of an Ague keep it , and roul it in his mouth , it quenches his thirst . The Amethist is in colour like wine , and it keeps from drunkenness . In the stone Achates you may see fruits , trees , fields and medows ; the powder of it cast about the horns or shoulders of Oxen as they are at plough , will cause great encrease of fruits . The stone Ophites resembleth the speckles and spots of Serpents , and it cures their bitings . If you dash the stone Galcophonos , it sounds like brass : stage-players are wont to wear it , because it makes one have an excellent voice . The stone Hematites being rubbed , is like blood , and is good for those that bleed , and for blood-shot eyes : and the stone Sinoper is of the same both colour and vertue . The residue I will not here set down , because I have handled them more at large , in that which I have written of the knowledge of Plants . CHAP. XII . How to compound and lay things together , by this likeness . WE have shewed how that Nature layes open the likenesse of vertues and properties ; now let us shew how to compound and lay those things together : for this is a principle of most use in this faculty , and the very root of the greatest part of secret and strange operations . Wherefore here thou must imitate the exact diligence of the Antients , studying to know how to apply and lay things together with their likes , which indeed is the chief matter wherein the most secrecies do consist . It is manifest that every kind of things , and every quality can incline and draw , and allure some things to it , and make them become like it self : and as they are more active , so they more easily can perform it : as for example , fire being very active , doth more easily convert things into it self , and so water into water . Avicenna saith , That if any thing stand long in salt , it will become wholly salt ; if in an unsavory vessel , it will become unsavory : he that converses with a bold man , shall be bold ; if with a fearful man , he shall be fearful : and look what living creature converses among men , the same will be tame and gentle . Such positions are usual in Physick ; as , All parts of the body , are nourished by their like , the brain by brains , teeth by teeth , lights by lights , and the liver by the liver . A mans memory and wit is holpen by a Hens brain ; and her skull , if it be put into our meat whilst it is new , helps the falling-sicknesse ; and her maw , if you eat it before supper , though you hardly digest it , yet is it good to strengthen the stomack . The heart of an Ape , takes away the palpitation of a mans heart , and encreaseth boldnesse , which is seated in the heart . A wolfs yard broiled and minced , is good to eat for the procuring of lust , when strength begins to fail . The skin of a Ravens heel is good against the Gout ; the right-heel-skin must be laid upon the right-foot , if that be gouty ; and the left upon the lest : and finally , every member helps his like . But these things , Physitians write of , whose sayings it is not our purpose here to rehearse . Furthermore , we must consider and be well advised , what things such or such a quality is in ; and whether it be there onely after a common sort , or else in some great measure ; and whether it be an affection , or perturbation ; and whether it come by chance , by art , or by nature ; as for example , heating , cooling , love , boldnesse , barrennesse , fruitfulnesse , sadnesse , babling , or such like ; and whether it can cause any such matter as we would work thereby : for examples sake : If you would make a woman fruitful , you must consider with your self the most fertile living-creatures ; and amongst the rest , an Hare , a Cony , or a Mouse ; for an Hare is bigge even after she hath brought forth ; she genders every month , and brings not forth all her young at once , but now and then one upon sundry daies , and presently goeth to buck again ; and so conceives while she gives suck , and carries in her womb at once , one young that is ripe , another that hath no hairs , and a third that is but lately conceived . Again , you must consider the parts and members where that property lyeth , and minister them to your Patient : as , to make a woman fruitful , you must give her the womb and curd of an Hare ; and to the man , the stones of an Hare . In like manner , any particular creature that was never sick , is a help against all diseases . If you would have a man become bold or impudent , let him carry about him the skin or eyes of a Lion or a Cock , and he will be fearlesse of his enemies ; nay , he will be very terrible unto them . If you would have a man talkative , give him tongues , and seek out for him water-frogs , wilde-geese and ducks , and other such creatures , notorious for their continual noise-making ; the tongues whereof , if you lay under the head or side of a woman as she is sleeping , because they are most clamorous in the evening , they will make her utter her night-secrecies . Other things we omit , as being superfluous and unprofitable here , seeing we have largely handled them in our books of plants . CHAP. XIII . That particular creatures have particular gifts ; some in their whole body , others have them in their parts . PArticular creatures are not destitute of excellent and strange properties , but are very powerful in operation , more then ordinarily their kind yields : and this is by reason either of some hidden property , or rather of the heavenly aspects and influences working diversly in divers particulars , as Albertus supposeth , and in one particular more then in most other of the same kind . These sundry effects and inclinations of such particulars , a Magician must also be well acquainted with ; that knowing sundry ways whereby to work , he may make choice of the fittest , and such as may best serve his present use and need ; for this is our task , to reach the way and method of searching out , and applying of secrecies ; which done , no further thing can be required of us . Therefore to our purpose . Albertus saith , That there were once two twins , one of them would open doors and gates if he did but touch them with his side ; and the other would shut them as fast when they were open . Some cannot away to look upon a Cat , a Mouse , and such like , but presently they swoon . So , many have the gift from heaven to heal the Kings-evil , and divers other sores : and that which hath troubled much , many Surgeons , and they could not heal it , hath at length been healed only with spittle . Again , we must well consider , what kinds of qualities are incident to what kinds of parties ; as , commonly queans are impudent , ruffians are luxurious , theeves are fearful ; and such like passions , as Writers everywhere mention . Moreover , some natural things have not only such properties in themselves , but they are apt also to communicate them unto others . A Harlot is not only impudent in her self , but she also naturally infects therewith , all that she touches and carries about her ; so that if a man do often behold himself in her glasse , or put on her garments , it will make him impudent and lecherous as she is . The Load-stone doth not only draw to it self that iron which it touches , but also all iron things neer it ; the same ring which the Load-stone draws to it self , will draw many rings if they be neer , so that it will be like a chain ; the vertue of the Load-stone passing out of one ring into another . And the like may be observed in other things . We must note also , that the vertues of some things are seated in their whole substance ; of other things , in some of their parts . The Sea-Lamprey stayeth a Ship , not principally with any one part , but with her whole body . And there be many like examples . On the other side , many things work by some of their parts ; as the Cockatrice and the Basilisk , by their eyes ; likewise Pismires shun the wings of a Rere-mouse , but her head and heart they do not shun ; so they shun the heart of an Houpe , but neither the head , nor yet the wings . The like may be observed in other things . CHAP. XIV . Of those properties and vertues which things have while they live ; and of such as remain in things after death . WE must consider that almost all those vertues which are found to be excellent in things while they are alive , do quite perish in death , and seldom are of any force afterward . If the wolf espy us , his eyes make us dumb ; the eyes of the Cockatrice and Basilisk will kill us forth-right ; the Sea-lamprey staies the course of a Ship ; the Struthio-camelus can digest iron : but none of all the these being dead , worketh ought ; for when they perish , their vertues also perish with them . Therfore it is a wise rule in natural Magick , that if a man will work any thing by living creatures , or by any of their parts or properties , he must take the benefit of them while they be alive ; for if they die , their vertue dies also . For the soul , saith Albertus , is a chief help , and strikes a great stroke in those qualities which are in living creatures ; so that they being alive , are endued with many operative vertues , which their death , ( especially if it be natural , that their humours are quite wasted ) takes from them , as Physitians do much observe . Draw out a frogs tongue , take away from the Ray or Fork-fish his dart , the eyes or stones out of any creatures head , or any such operative things , not after they are dead , but while they are yet alive , and throw them into the water again , that if it be possible they may live still , lest their vertue should decay , but rather that by their living they might quicken those their natural properties , and so you may work better thereby . And thus we must do in all things else , which I spare to speak of any further . Sometimes yet the properties of things are operative , yea , and that more forcibly , after death . The Wolf is hurtful and odious to sheep after he is dead : for if you cover a drum with a wolfs skin , the sound of it will make sheep afraid , when most other creatures will not be afraid ; nay , sheep will make a heavy noise , whereas it contrariwise causeth such clamorous creatures as hear it , to hold their peace : so if you cover it with a bears skin , the sound thereof will make horses run away : and if you make harp-strings of all their guts severally , and put them together upon the instrument , they will alwayes jar , and never make any consort . The beast Hyaena , and the Panther , are naturally at variance ; hence the skin of a dead Hyaena makes the Panther run away ; nay , if you hang their severall skins one against the other , the Panthers skin will lose the hairs . So a Lions skin wasteth and eateth out the skins of other beasts ; and so doth the wolfes skin eat up the Lambs skin . Likewise , the feathers of other fowles , being put among Eagles feathers , do rot and consume of themselves . The beast Florus , ( it may be the Ass ) and the bird Aegithus are at such mortal enmity , that when they are dead , their blood cannot be mingled together . The Pigeon loves the Kastrel so well , that she loves the Dove-house much the better , where a dead Kastrel is . In like manner , herbs , and other simples , retain many operative qualities , even after they are dried up . These things must be well considered by a Magi●ian , lest peradventure he be deceived in their working . CHAP. XV. That all Simples are to be gotten and used in their certain seasons . SEeing all inferiours , especially plants , receive their vertue from the heavens , therefore we must have a special care to take them in their due seasons : for as heaven varies the constitutions of the year , so doth it vary plants , they being much nourished by the temperature of the Air ; and the time of the year , as Theophrastus saith , is all in all from them . Whence that proverb was justly fetcht , That it is the year , and not the field , which brings forth fruit . Which may be understood two wayes ; either as the vulgar sort mean , or after a more peculiar manner . Concerning the vulgar understanding thereof , Dioscorides shews , that we must have a special care both to plant , and to gather all things in their right seasons ; for they are operative onely , as their reason is observed , but otherwise of no force . The time of gathering , must be a calm and fair time . If we gather them either too soon or too late , they loose their best vertue . Roots must be plucked up in the fall of the leaf , for then they are fullest , both of moisture and vertue ; their force hiding it self within them when their leaves fall , which lasts long in them , being at that season gathered . Flowers must be gathered in the Spring , because then they have most vertue : and Leaves must be gathered in the Summer . The like we must observe in other things . Know also , that some things lose their vertue quickly , others keep it along time , as experience and the rules of Physick teach us ; that some things may be kept many years , others being long kept , are good for nothing . Whence it cometh , that many experiments prove false , because that which we work by , happily hath lost his vertue , being kept too long . But there are certain peculiar times to gather them in ( which the vulgar sort observeth not ) wherein the heavenly constellations bestow upon them some singular vertue , proceeding from the most excellent nature and quality of the stars : in which times if they be gathered , they are exceedingly operative . But there can be no set and just time assigned , by reason of the divers situations of divers places in respect of the Sun ; for as the Sun-beams come neerer or further off , so the earth fructifies sooner or later : yet we will give some general observations . Roots are to be gathered betwixt the old Moon and the new ; for then the moisture is fallen into the lower parts , and that in the Evening ; for then the Sun hath driven in the moisture , and by the stalk it is conveyed down into the root . The time serves well to gather them , when their wrinkles be filled out with moisture , and they chap because they have so much juice , as if they were about to break in pieces . Leaves are then to be gathered , as soon as they have opened themselves out of the sprigs ; and that in the morning about Sun-rising ; for then they are moister then in the evening , the Suns heat having drunk up their moisture all day long . Flowers are then to be gathered , when they begin to seed , while their juice is in them , and before they wax limber . Stalks are then to be gathered , when the flower is withered ; for then especially are they profitable . And seeds must be then gather●d , when they are so ripe that they are ready to fall . There are some more peculiar observations . Hot and slender herbs should be gathered when Mars and the Sun are Lords of the celestial houses ; moist herbs , when the Moon is Lord ; but you must take heed that you gather them not in the falling houses thereof . These things well observed in gathering plants , will make them very profitable for Physical uses . CHAP. XVI . That the Countries and places where Simples grow , are chiefly to be considered . MAny are deceived in plants , and metals , and such like , because they use them that come next hand , never heeding the situation of the place where they grow . But he that will work soundly , must well consider , both the aspect of the heavens , and the proper nature and situation of the place ; for the place works diversly in the plants , according to his own divers temperatures ; and sometimes causeth such an alteration in the vertues of them , that many , not onely young Magicians , but good Physitians and Philosophers too , have been deceived in searching them out . Plato makes mention hereof : God ( saith he ) hath furnished the places of the earth with divers vertues , that they might have divers operations into plants and other things according to their kind . And so Porphyry saith , that the place is a principle of a generation , as a father is . Theophrastus would have Hemlock gathered and fetch'd from Susa , because Thrasias was of opinion , that there it might safely be taken , and in other very cold places : for whereas in Athens the juice of it is poison , odious amongst the Athenians , because it is given to kill men in common executions ; and Socrates there taking it , died presently ; yet here it is taken without danger , and beasts feed upon it . The herb called Bears-foot , that which grows on the Hill Oeta and Parnassus , is very excellent ; but elsewhere , of small force : therefore Hippocrates , when he would cure Democritus , he caused it to be fetch'd from the Hills . And in Achaia , especially about Cabynia , there is a kind of Vine , as Theophrastus saith , the wine whereof causeth untimely births ; and if the dogs eat the grapes , they will bring forth abortives : and yet in the taste , neither the wine , nor the grape , differ from other wines and grapes . He saith also , that those Physicall drugs which grow in Euboea , neer unto Aege , are good ; but neer to Telethrium , which is a shadowed and waterish place , they are much worse and drier . In Persia there grows a deadly tree , whose apples are poison , and present death : therefore there it is used for a punishment : but being brought over to the Kings into Egypt , they become wholesome apples to eat , and lose their harmfulnesse , as Columella writes . Dioscorides saith , That the drugs which grow in steep places , cold and dry , and open to the winde , are most forcible ; but they that grow in dark , and waterish , and calm places , are lesse operative . Wherefore if we find any difference in such things , by reason of the places where they grow , that they have not their right force , we must seek them out there where the place gives them their due vertue . CHAP. XVII . Certain properties of Places and Fountains , which are commodious for this work . DIfference of places , works much in the different effects of things . For the place of the waters , and also of the earth , hath many miraculous vertues , which a Magician must needs be well acquainted with : for oft-times we see , that some things are strangely operative , onely by reason of the situation of the place , the disposition of the Air , and the force of the Sun , as it cometh nearer or further off . If one ground did not differ from another , then we should have odoriferous reeds , rushes , grasse , frankincense , peper , and myrth , not only in Syria and Arabia , but in all other Countries also . Likewise many properties are derived out of Waters and Fountains ; which otherwise could not be made , but that the waterish humor in the earth , conveys his scent and such like properties , into the root of that which there groweth , and so nourisheth up that matter which springs out , and causeth such fruit as savours of the place , according to his own kind . Zama is a City in Africa , and Ismuc is a Town twenty miles from it : and whereas all Africk besides , is a great breeder of beasts , especially of serpents , about that Town there breed none at all ; nay , if any be brought thither , it dies : and the earth of that place also killeth beasts , whithersoever it is carried . In the great Tarquine Lake of Italy , are seen Trees , some round , some triangle , as the wind moves them ; but none four-square . In the Country beyond the River Po , that part which is called Monsterax , there is a kind of Corn called Siligo , which being thrice sown , makes good bread-corn Neer to Harpasum a Town of Asia , there is a huge Rock , which if you touch with one finger , will move ; if with your whole body , it will not move . There are some places of the earth that are full of great fires , as Aetna in Sicily , the Hill Chimaera in Phaselis ; the fire whereof Ctesias writes , will be kindled with water , and quencht with earth . And in the Country of Megalopolis , and the fields about Arcia , a coal falling on the earth , sets it on fire . So in Lycia , the Hills Ephesti being touched with a Torch , flame out , insomuch that the stones and sands there do burn in the waters ; wherein if a man make a gutter with a staff , he shall see Rivers of fire run therein . The like things are reported of waters . For seeing they passe under the earth , through veins of allum , pitch , brimstone , and such like ; hence it is that they are sometimes hurtful , and sometimes wholsome for the body . There are also many kinds of water , and they have divers properties . The River Himera in Sicily , is divided into two parts : that which runs against Aetna , is very sweet , that which runneth through the salt vein , is very salt . In Cappadocia , betwixt the Cities Mazaca , and Tuava , there is a Lake , whereinto if you put reeds or timber , they become stones by little and little , and are not changed from stones again , neither can any thing in that water be ever changed . In Hierapolis , beyond the River Maeander , there is a water that becomes gravel , so that they which make water-courses , raise up whole banks thereof . The Rivers Cephises and Melas in Boeotia , if cattel drink of them , as they do continually to make them conceive , though the dams be white , yet their young shall be russet , or dun , or coal-black . So the sheep that drink of the River Peneus in Thessaly , and Astax in Pontus , are thereby made black . Some kinds of waters also are deadly , which from the poisonous juice of the earth become poisonous ; as the Well of Terracina called Neptunius , which kills as many as drink of it ; and therefore in old times it was stopt up . And the Lake Cychros in Thracia , kills all that drink of it , and all that wash themselves with it . In Nonacris , a Country of Arcady , there flow very cold waters out of a stone , which are called the water of Styx , which break to pieces all vessels of silver and brasse ; and nothing can hold them but a Mules hoof , wherein it was brought from Antipater , into the Country where Alexander was , and there his Son Jolla killed the King with it . In the Country about Flascon , the way to Campania , in the field Cornetum , there is a Lake with a Well in it , wherein seem to lie the bones of Snakes , Lysards , and other Serpents ; but when you would take them out , there is no such thing . So there are some sharp and sowre veins of water , as Lyncesto , and Theano in Italy ; which I sought out very diligently , and found it by the way to Rome , a mile from Theano ; and it is exceeding good against the Stone . There is a Well in Paphlagonia , whosoever drinks of it , is presently drunken . In Chios is a Well , that makes all that drink of it , sottish and senslesse . In Susa is a Well , whoso drinks of it , loseth his teeth . The water of Nilus is so fertile , that it makes the clods of earth to become living creatures . In Aethiopia is a Well , which is so cold at noon , that you cannot drink it ; and so not at midnight , that you cannot touch it . There are many other like Wells , which Ovid speaks of : Ammons Well is cold all day , and warm both morning and evening : the waters of Athamas , set wood on fire , at the small of the Moon : there is a Well where the Cicones inhabit , that turneth into stones all that toucheth it , or drinks of it ; Crathis and Sybaris make hair shew like Amber and Gold ; the water of Salmax , and the Aethiopian Lakes , make them mad or in a trance that drink of it ; he that drinks of the Well Clitorius , never cares for wine after ; the River Lyncestius makes men drunken ; the Lake Pheneus in Arcady , is hurtful if you drink it by night ; if by day , it is wholesome . Other properties there are also of places and fountains , which he that would know , may learn out of Theophrastus , Timaeus , Possidonius , Hegesias , Herodotus , Aristides , Meirodorus , and the like , who have very diligently sought out , and registred the properties of places ; and out of them , Pliny , Solinus , and such Writers have gathered their books . CHAP. XVIII . That Compounds work more forcibly ; and how to compound and mix those Simples which we would use in our mixtures . NOw we will shew how to mix and compound many Simples together , that the mixture may cause them to be more operative . Proclus in his book of Sacrifice and Magick , saith , That the antient Priests were wont to mix many things together , because they saw that divers Simples had some property of a God in them , but none of them by it self sufficient to resemble him . Wherfore they did attract the heavenly influences by compounding many things into one , whereby it might resemble that One which is above many . They made images of sundry matters , and many odors compounded artificially into one , so to expresse the essence of a God , who hath in himself very many powers . This I thought good to alleadge , that we may know the Ancients were wont to use mixtures , that a compound might be the more operative . And I my self have often compounded a preservative against poison , of Dragon-herbs , the Dragon-fish , Vipers , and the stone Ophites ; being led therein by the likenesse of things . The herb Dragon-wort , both the greater and smaller , have a stalk full of sundry-coloured specks : if any man eat their root , or rub his hands with their leaves , the Viper cannot hurt him . The Dragon-fish being cut and opened , and laid to the place which he hath stung , is a present remedy against his sting , as Aetius writes . The Viper it self , if you flay her , and strip off her skin , cut off her head and tail , cast away all her intrails , boil her like an Eele , and give her to one that she hath bitten , to eat , it will cure him : or if you cut off her head being alive , and lay the part next the neck , while it is hot , upon the place which she hath bitten , it will strangely draw out the poyson . Many such compound medicines made of creatures living on the earth , in the water , in the air , together with herbs and stones , you may find most wittily devised , in the books of Kirannides and Harprocration . But now we will shew the way and manner how to compound Simples , which the Physitians also do much observe . Because we would not bring forth one effect only , but sometimes have use of two or three , therefore we must use mixtures , that they may cause sundry effects . Sometime things will not work forcibly enough , therefore to make the action effectual , we must take unto us many helps . Again , sometime they work too strongly , and here we must have help to abate their force . Oft-times we would practice upon some certain member , as the head , the heart , or the bladder ; here we must mingle some things which are directly operative upon that part , and upon none else ; whereby it falleth out , that sometimes we must meddle contraries together . But to proceed . When you would do any work , first consider what is the chief thing which your simple or compound should effect ; then take the ground or foundation of your mixture , that which gives the name to your compound , and let there be so much of it , as may proportionably work your intent ; for there is a just and due quantity required for their working : then put in the other ingredients , as sauce and seasoning , to help the principal to work more easily and in due time . So we mingle sweet things with unsavory , and with bitter , that it may smell and taste well : for if we should mingle onely unsavoury and bitter receits , they that we give it unto would loath it , and their animal spirits would so abhor it , that though they took it , yet it could not work in them . So we meddle soft and hard things together , that they may go down more pleasantly . Sometimes there is so little in a receit , that the heat of the body wastes it before it can work ; here then is required a greater quantity : for , this doth not hinder the working , but gives the natural heat somewhat to feed upon , that in the mean space the receit may have fit time to work . As for example : If we would catch birds by bringing them to sleep , here we must take the Nut Methella , which is of that force , as to cause sleep and heaviness of brain ; and let this be the ground of our mixtion : then to make it more lively in working , put thereto the juice of black Poppie , and the dregs of wine : If it be too hard , and we would have it more liquid , that so it may fill out the pulse or other baites which we lay for them ; put thereto the juice of Mandrakes , and Hemlock , and an Ox gall : and that it may not be bitter or unsavoury , put hony , cheese or floure amongst it , that so it may be fitter to be eaten : and when once the birds have tasted of it , they lie down to sleep on the ground , and cannot flie , but may be taken with hands . The like must be observed in other things . CHAP. XIX . How to find out the just weight of a mixture . WE must also have a special care to know the right ministring of a compound , and how to find out the just proportion of weight therein ; for the goodness of the operation of things , consists chiefly in the due proportion and measure of them : And unless the mixtion be every way perfect , it availeth little in working . Wherefore the Antients were wont to observe not only in compounds , but also in Simples due weight and measure ; and their experience hath left it unto us . If then then bestowest thy pains in this faculty , first thou must find out the weight of a simple Medicine , how much of it would serve such a purpose as thou intendest ; and to that , thou must proportionably frame thy compound , observing a due proportion , both in the whole and every part thereof . Let thy chief Simple , the ground of thy mixture , be half the weight , and the other ingredients altogether must be the other half ; but how much of each of these other ingredients , that thou must gather by thy own conjecture : So then , thy whole compound must be but as much as if it were onely a simple receit ; for we do not compound things , to make the receit greater , either in quantity or in vertue , but only because it should be more speedy in operation : It must also be considered , that the weights of mixtures and medicines must vary proportionably , as the Countries and Climates vary : for this alters their operation , as we shewed before . Thou must therefore work advisedly ; and as the operation of the Simples altereth , so thou must alter their weight , by putting to , and taking from , and wittily fitting all things , that they may effect that which thou wouldest . This is the reason , why in our experiments which we have set down hereafter , we have described the parts thereof by their several weights : and lest the divers names of weights should hinder thy working , we have used those weights and names which Cornèlius Celsus used before us : for so it is fittest for all mens satisfaction . CHAP. XX. How to prepare Simples . HAving shewed the way how to compound and find out the just weight of our composition , it now remains we teach how to prepare Simples ; which is a matter chiefly necessary for this work ; and greatest skill is seen in it . For the operations of Simples , do not so much corsist in themselves , as in the preparing of them ; without which preparation , they work little or nothing at all . There be many wayes to prepare Simples , to make them fitter for certain uses . The most usual wayes are , Steeping , Boiling , Burning , Powning , Resolving into ashes , Distilling , Drying , and such like . To macerate or steep any thing , is to drench and to soak it in liquor , that it may be throughly we both within and without , so that the more subtil and intimate part of it may be drained and squeezed out , and the grosser and earthly part be left behind , to receive that humour in the very middle , which we would have in it . Boiling we then use , when we cannot otherwise well get out the juice of any thing : for by boiling we draw out of the centre into the circumference , when we cannot do it by steeping ; though thereby the slighter vapours may be resolved . So we use to burn , to roste , to pown things , that we may take away all their moisture from them ; for by this means , they may the more easily be resolved , and the sooner converted into liquor , and the better mingled with other things to be put to them . So we roste or broil things when otherwise we cannot break them , that they might become dust ; yet alwayes we must take heed that we do not so burn them , as they may lose their strength ; nor so boil things but only as they may be fitter to receive that subtil humor and quality , which we would convey into them . Distillation of things is used , as well to get out water that may be of greater strength , therby to work more easily & handsomly ; as also because the slighter and more subtile parts of Medicines are fittest for us , the grosser parts must be cast away , as being an hindrance to our purpose : and the like we must conceive of other operations . These things I thought fittest for this work . He that would be instructed more at large herein , let him look into the books of Physitians . But let us now proceed to further matters . THE SECOND BOOK OF Natural Magick : Shewing how living Creatures of divers kinds , may be mingled and coupled together , that from them , new , and yet profitable kinds of living Creatures may be generated . The PROEME . HAving wandred beyond my bounds , in the consideration of Causes and their Actions ; which I thought fit to make the Subject of my first book : it will be time to speak of those Operations , which we have often promised , that we may not too long keep off from them those ingenious men that are very desirous to know them . Since that we have said , That Natural Magick is the top , and the compleat faculty or Natural Science , in handling it , we will conclude within the compass of this Volume , whatsoever is High , Noble , Choice , and Notable , that is discovered in the large field of Natural History . But that we may perform this , I shall reduce all those Secrets into their proper places ; and that nothing may be thrust out of its own rank , I shall follow the order of Sciences . And I shall first divide them into Natural and Mathematical Sciences ; and I shall begin with the Natural ; for I hold that most convenient , that all may arise from those things that are simple , and not so laborious , to Mathematical Sciences . I shall from Animals first proceed to Plants , and so by steps to Minerals , and other works of Nature . I shall briefly describe Fountains , also whence flow Springs ; and I shall annex thereto the Reasons , and the Causes ; that Industrious men made acquainted with this , may find out more of themselves . And because there are two generations of Animals and Plants , one of themselves , the other by copulation : I shall first speak of such as are bred without copulation ; and next , of such as proceed from copulation one with another , that we may produce new living Creatures , such as the former ages never saw . I shall begin therefore with Putrefaction , because that is the principle to produce new Creatures ; not onely from the variety of Simples , but of mixed Bodies . I thought fit to leave none out , though they be of small account , since there is nothing in Nature , appear it never so small , wherein there is not something to be admired . CHAP. I. The first Chapter treateth of Putrefaction , and of a strange manner of producing living Creatures . BEfore we come to shew that new living Creatures are generated of Putrefaction , it is meet to rehearse the opinions of antient Philosophers concerning that matter . Whereof though we have spoken elsewhere , in the description of Plants , yet for the Readers ease , we will here rehearse some of them , to shew that not onely imperfect , but perfect living Creatures too , are generated of Putrefaction . P●rphyry thought that Living creatures were begotten of the bowels of the Earth soaked in water , and quickned by the heat of the Sun. Of the same mind were Archelaus the Athenian , Anaxagoras Clazomenius , and Euripides his Scolar . Cleodemus , and after him Theophrastus , thought that they came of putrified water mixt with earth ; and the colder and fouler the water was , the unfitter it was for their generation . Diodorus , and many other good Philosophers hold , that all living Creatures did arise of putrefaction . For whereas in the beginning of the world , the Heavens , and Earth , and Elements were setled in their natural places , the earth being left slimy and soft in many places , and then dried and stricken with the heat of the Sun , brought forth certain tumors and swellings in the surface and uppermost parts : in these tumors were contained and cherished many putrefactions and rotten clods , covered over with certain small skins ; this putrified stuff , being moi●●ened with dew by night , and the Sun heating it by day , after a certain season became ripe ; and the skins being broken , thence issued all kinds of living Creatures ; whereof , they that had quickest heat , became birds ; the earthy ones became creeping beasts ; the waterish ones became fishes in the Sea ; and they which were a mean , as it were , betwixt all these , became walking-creatures . But the heat of the Sun still working upon the earth , hindered it from begetting and bringing forth any more such creatures ; but then , the creatures before generated coupled together , and brought forth others like themselves . Avicenna , in that work of his which he made of deluges and flouds ; holds , that after the great flouds that drowned the Earth , there was no mans seed ; but then , man , and all living Creatures else , were generated of rotten carcases , only by the vertue of the Sun : and therefore he supposeth , that the womb , and such needful places framed by nature , for the better fashioning of the infant , are not needfull to the procreation of man. He proves his assertion by this , that mice , which arise of putrefaction , do couple together , and beget store of young ; yea , and serpents are generated chiefly of womans hair . And in his book of living Creatures , he tels of a friend of his , that brought forth Scorpions after a strange manner , and those did beget other Scorpions , not imperfect , or unlike to themselves , but such as did also procreate others . Averroes held , that the stars were sufficient to generate imperfect creatures ; as mice , bats , moules , and such like , but not to generate Men , or Lions . And daily experience teacheth us , that many living creatures come of the putrified matter of the earth . And the Ancients supposing all things to be produced out of the earth , called it the mother of all ; and the Greeks called it Dimitera . Ovid hath very elegantly set down this generation of putrefaction , under the fable of Pytho ; that the earth brought forth of its own accord , many living creatures of divers forms , the heat of the Sun enliving those moistures that lay in the tumors of the earth , like fertile seeds in the belly of their mother ; for heat and moisture being tempered together , causeth generation . So then , after the deluge , the earth being now moist , the Sun working upon it , divers kinds of creatures were brought forth , some like the former , and some of a new shape . CHAP. II. Of certain earthly Creatures , which are generated of putrefaction . PLants and living Creatures agree both in this , that some of them are generated of seed , and some of them Nature brings forth of her own accord , without any seed of the same kind ; some out of putrified earth and plants , as those Creatures that are divided between the head and the belly ; some out of the dew that lies upon leaves , as Canker-worms ; some out of the mud , as shel-creatures ; and some out of living Creatures themselves , and the excrements of their parts , as lice . We will onely rehearse some which the Ancients have set down , that so we may also learn how to procreate new creatures . And first , let us see , how Mice are generated of putrefaction . Diodorus saith , that neer to the City Thebais in Egypt , when Nilus overflowing is past , the Sun heating the wet ground , the chaps of the earth send forth great store of mice in many places ; which astonisheth men to see , that the fore-part of the mice should live and be moved , whereas their hinder parts are not yet shapen . Pliny saith , that after the swaging of Nilus , there are found little mice begun to be made of earth and water , their fore-parts living , and their hinder parts being nothing but earth . Aelianus saith , that a little rain in Egypt , engenders many mice , which being scattered everywhere in their fields , eat down their corn , and devour it : And so it is in Pontus ; but by their prayers to God , they are consumed . Macrobius and Avicenna say , that the mice so generated , do encrease exceedingly by coupling together . Aristotle found out , that a kind of field-mice encreased wonderfully ; so that in some places they did suddenly eat up whole fields of corn : insomuch that many Husband-men appointing to reap their corn on the morrow , when they came with their reapers , found all their corn wasted . And as these mice are generated suddenly , so they are suddenly consumed , in a few dayes ; the reason whereof cannot be so well assigned . Pliny could not find how it should be ; for neither could they be found dead in the fields , neither alive within the earth in the winter time . Diodorus and Aelianus write , That these field-mice have driven many people of Italy out of their own Countrey : they destroyed Cosas , a City of Hetruria : many came to Troas , and thence drove the inhabitants . Theophrastus and Varro write , That mice also made the inhabitants of the Island Gyarus to forsake their Country ; and the like is reported of Heraclea in Pontus , and of other places . Likewise also Frogs are wonderfully generated of rotten dust and rain ; for a Summer showre lighting upon the putrified sands of the shore , and dust of high-wayes , engenders frogs . Aelianus , going from Naples in Italy , to Puteoli , saw certain frogs , that their fore-parts moved and went upon two feet , while yet their hinder parts were unfashioned , and drawn after like a clot of dirt : and Ovid saith , one part lives , the other is earth still : and again , mud engenders frogs that sometimes lack feet . The generation of them is so easie , and sudden , that some write it hath rained frogs ; as if they were gendred in the Air. Phylarchus in Athenaeus writes so ; and Heraclides Lembus writes , that it rained frogs about Dardany and Poeonia , so plentifully , that the very wayes and houses were full of them : and therefore the inhabitants , though for a few daies at the first they endured it , killing the frogs , and shutting up their houses , yet afterward when they saw it was to no purpose , but they could neither use water , nor boil meat , but frogs would be in it , nor so much as tread upon the ground for them , they quite forsook their countries , as Diodorus and Eustathius write . The people Autharidae in Thesprtaia , were driven out of their Country , by certain imperfect frogs that fell from heaven . But it is a strange thing that Red Toads are generated of dirt , and of womens flowers . In Dariene , a Province of the new world , the air is most unwholesome , the place being muddy and full of stinking marishes ; nay , the village is it self a marish , where Toads are presently gendred of the drops wherewith they water their houses , as Peter Martyr writes . A Toad is likewise generated of a duck that hath lyen rotting under the mud , as the verse shews which is ascribed to the duck ; When I am rotten in the earth , I bring forth Toads : happily because they and I both , are moist and foul creatures . Neither is it hard to generate Toades of womens putrified flowers ; for women do breed this kind of cattel , together with their children , as Celius Aurelianus and Platearius call them , frogs , toads , lyzards , and such like : and the women of Salerium , in times past , were wont to use the juice of Parsley and Leeks , at the beginning of their conception , and especially about the time of their quickening , thereby to destroy this kind of vermin with them . A certain woman lately married , being in all mens judgement great with child , brought forth in stead of a child , four Creatures like to frogs , and after had her perfect health . But this was a kind of a Moon-calf . Paracelsus said , that if you cut a serpent in pieces , and hide him in a vessel of glasse , under the mud , there will be gendred many worms , which being nourished by the mud , will grow every one as big as a Serpent ; so that of one serpent may be an hundred generated : and the like he holds of other creatures . I will not gainsay it , but only thus , that they do not gender the same serpents . And so , he saith , you may make them of a womans flowers ; and so , he saith , you may generate a Basilisk , that all shall die which look upon him : but this is a stark lie . It is evident also , that Serpents may be generated of mans marrow , of the hairs of a menstruous woman , and of a horse-tail , or mane . We read , that in Hungary , by the River Theisa , Serpents and Lyzards did breed in mens bodies , so that three thousand men died of it . Pliny writes , that about the beginning of the wars against the Marsi , a maid-servant brought forth a serpent . Avicenna in his book of deluges , writes , that serpents are gendred of womens hairs especially , because they are naturally moister and longer then mens . We have experienced also , that the hairs of a horses mane laid in the waters , will become serpents : and our friends have tried the same . No man denies but that serpents are easily gendred of mans flesh , especially of his marrow . Aelianus saith , that a dead mans back-marrow being putrified , becomes a serpent : and so of the meekest living Creature arises the most savage : and that evil mens back-bones do breed such monsters after death ; Ovid shews , that many hold it for a truth . Pliny received it of many reports , that Snakes gendred of the marrow of mens backs . Writers also shew , How a Scorpion may be generated of Basil. Florentinus the Grecian saith , That Basil chewed and laid in the Sun , will engender serpents . Pliny addeth ; that if you rub it , and cover it with a stone , it will become a Scorpion ; and if you chew it , and lay it in the Sun , it will bring forth worms . And some say , that if you stamp a handful of Basil , together with ten Crabs or Crevises , all the Scorpions thereabouts will come unto it . Avicenna tells of a strange kind of producing a Scorpion ; but Galen denies it to be true . But the body of a Crab-fish is strangely turned into a Scorpion : Pliny saith , that while the Sun is in the sign Cancer , if the bodies of those fishes lie dead upon the Land , they wil be turned into Scorpions . Ovid saith , if you take of the Crabs arms , and hide the rest in the ground , it will be Scorpion . There is also a Creature that lives but one day , bred in vineger ; as Aelianus writes ; and it is called Ephemerus , because it lives but one day : it is gendred of the dregs of sowre wine ; and as soon as the vessel is open , that it comes into the light , presently it dies . The River Hippanis , about the solstitial daies , yields certain little husks , whence issue forth certain four-footed birds , which live and flie about till noon , but pine away as the Sun draws downward , and die at the Sun-setting ; and because they live but one day , they are called Hemerobion , a daies-bird . So the Pyrig●nes be generated in the fire ; Certain little flying beasts , so called , because they live and are nourished in the fire ; and yet they flie up and down in the Air. This is strange ; but that is more strange , that as soon as ever they come out of the fire , into any cold air , presently they die . Likewise the Salamander is gendred of the water ; for the Salamander it self genders nothing , neither is there any male or female amongst them , nor yet amongst Eeels , nor any kind else ; which doth not generate of themselves either egge or young , as Pliny noteth . But now we will speak of a most excellent generation , namely , how Bees are generated of an Ox. Aelianus writes , That Oxen are commodious many wayes ; amongst the rest , this is one excellent commodity , that being dead , there may be generated of them a very profitable kind of Creatuers , namely Bees . Ovid saith it , that as all putrified bodies are turned into some small living Creatuers , so Oxen putrified do generate Bees . Florentinus the Grecian saith , that Jubas King of Africa , taught how to make Bees in a wodden Ark. Democritus and Varro shew a cruel manner of making Bees in a house : but it is a very ready way . Chuse a house ten cubits high , and ten cubits broad , square every way : but let there be but one entrance into it , and four windows , on each side one . Put in this room an Ox , about two or three years old ; let him be fat and fleshy : then set to him a company of lusty fellows , to beat him so cruelly , that they kill him with their cudgels , and break his bones withal : but they must take great heed that they draw no blood of him , neither must they strike him too fiercely at the first : After this , stop up all the passages of the Ox , his nostrils , eyes , mouth , and necessary places of evacuation , with fine linen clouts besmeared with pitch : Then cast a great deal of honey under him , being laid with his face upwards , and let them all go forth , and daube up the door and the windows with thick lome , so that no wind , nor Air can get in . Three weeks after , open the room , and let the light and the Air come in , except there where the wind would blow in too violently . And when you see that the matter is through cold , and hath taken air enough , then shut up the door and windows as before . About eleven daies after , open it again , and you shall find the room full of Bees clotted together , and nothing of the Ox remaining , beside the horns , the bones and the hair . They say that the Kings of the companies are generated of the brain , the other of the flesh , but the chief Kings of all , of the marrow ; yet those that come of the brain , are most of them greater , handsomer , and better-coloured then the rest . When you open the room first , you shall find the flesh turned into small , white , and unperfect creatures , all of the same shape , but as yet only growing , and not moving . Afterward ; at the second opening , you may see their wings grown , the right colour of Bees in them , and how they sit about their Kings , and flutter about , especially toward the windows , where they would enjoy their desired light . But it is best to let them light by the windows every other day . This same experiment , Virgil hath very elegantly set down in the same manner . Now as the best kind of Bees are generated of a young Ox , so a more base kind of them is brought forth of the dead flesh of baser creatures ; Aelianus saith , That Waspes are generated of an Horse ; when his carcase is putrified , the marrow of him brings forth Waspes ; a swift kind of fowl , from a swift kind of beast . Ovid saith , that Hornets are thence generated ; and Isiodore derives crabronem à cabo , id est caballo , a hornet of a horse , because they are brought forth of horses . Pliny and Virgil say , that waspes and hornets both , are generated of the flesh of dead horses . In like manner Drones come of Mules , as Isiodore affirmeth : and the Drone is called Fucus quasi Fagos , because he eats that which he never laboured for . But others hold that Locusts , and not Drones , are generated of Mules flesh . So also , of the basest beast cometh the basest fowl : The Beetle is generated of the Ass , as Pliny writes . Isiodore saith , they come of swift dogs : Aelianus saith , they have no female , but lay their seed in a clot of earth for 28 dayes , and then bring forth young out of it . CHAP. III. Of certain Birds , which are generated of the Putrefaction of Plants . Olaus Magnus , in the description of the North-countries of Europe , reports , that about Scotland , there be certain birds generated of the fruit of a Tree . Munster saith , there be certain Trees which bring forth a fruit covered over with leaves ; which , if it fall into the water under it , at the right season , it lives , and becomes a quick bird , which is called Avis arborea . Neither is this any new tale ; for the antient Cosmographers , especially Saxo Grammaticus mentions the same Tree . Late Writers report , That not onely in Scotland , but in the River of Thames also by London , there is a kind of Shel-fish in a two-leaved shell , that hath a foot full of plaits and wrinkles : these fish are little , round , and outwardly white , smooth and brittle shelled , like an Almond shell ; inwardly they are great bellied , bred as it were of moss and mud : they commonly stick on the keel of some old Ship , where they hang together like Mushrome-stalks , as if they were thereby nourished . Some say , they come of worms , some of the boughs and branches of Trees which fall into the Sea ; if any of these be cast upon shore , they die ; but they which are swallowed still into the Sea , live , and get out of their shell , and grow to be ducks or such like birds . Gesner saith , that in the Islands Hebrides , the same Birds are generated of putrified wood . If you cast wood into the Sea , first after a while there will certain worms breed in it , which by little and little become like ducks , in the head , feet , wings and feathers ; and at length grow to be as big as Geese : and when they are come to their full growth , they flie about in the Air , as other birds do . As soon as the wood begins first to be putrified , there appears a great many wormes , some unshapen , others being in some parts perfect , some having feathers , and some none . Paracelsus saith ; As the yelk and white of an egge , becomes a chick by the heat of an Hen ; so a bird burnt to ashes , and shut up in a vessel of glass , and so laid under the mixen , will become a slimy humour ; and then , if it be laid under a Hen , is enlived by her heat , and restored to her self like a Phoenix . Ficinus reporteth , and he had it out of Albertus , That there is a certain bird , much like a Black-bird , which is generated of the putrefaction of Sage ; which receives her life and quickning from the general life of the whole world . CHAP. IV. Of Certain fishes which are generated of putrefaction . HAving first spoken of earthly Creatures , and then of Fowles ; now we will speak of Fishes so generated . And first how Eeles are generated . Amongst them there is neither male or female , nor egges , nor any copulation ; neither was there ever seen in any of them , any passage fit to be a womb . They have bred oft-times in certain muddy pools , even after all the water and mud hath been gone ; only by rain-water : neither indeed do they ever breed without rain , though they have never so much water otherwise ; for it is the rain , both that begets and nourishes them , as Aristotle writes . They are also generated of putrified things . Experience hath proved , that a dead horse thrown into a standing pool , hath brought forth great store of Eeles ; and the like hath been done by the carcases of other creatures . Aristotle saith , they are generated of the garbage of the earth , which he saith , ariseth in the Sea , in Rivers , and in pools , by reason chiefly of putrefaction ; but it arises in the Sea by reason of reeds ; in Pools and Rivers , it arises by the banks-side , for there the heat is more forcible to cause putrefaction . And a friend of mine filled certain wooden vessels with water , and Reeds , and some other water-herbs , and set them in the open Air , having first covered them with a weighty stone , and so in short time generated Eeles . Such is the generation of Groundlings out of some and froth , which fish the Greeks call Aphya , because rain breeds it . Many of them breed of the fome that rises out of the sandy chanel , that still goes and comes at all times , till at last it is dissolved ; so that this kind of fish breeds all times of the year , in shadowy and warm places , when the soyl is heated ; as in Attica , neer to Salamnia , and in Marathon , where Themistocles got his famous victory . In some places , this fish breeds of fome by the help of the rain ; and swims on the top of the water in the fome , as you see little wormes creep on the top of mud . Athenaeus saith , This fish is consecrated to Venus , because she also comes of the froth of the Sea , whence she is called Aphrodites . Aelianus saith , These fishes neither do beget , nor are begotten , but only come of mud : for when dirt is clotted together in the Sea , it waxes very black and slimy , and then receives heat and life after a wonderful manner , and so is changed into very many living Creatures , and namely into Groundlings . When the waves are too boistrous for him , he hides himself in the clift of some rock ; neither doth he need any food . And Oppianus makes the very same description of them , and of their generation . There is a kind of these fishes , called a Mullet-Groundling , which is generated of mud and of sand , as hath been tried in many marish places , amongst the rest in Gindus ; where in the Dog-daies , the Lakes being dried up , so that the mud was hard ; as soon as ever they began to be full of rain-water again , were generated little fishes , a kind of Mullets , about the bigness of little Cackrels , which had neither seed nor egge in them . And in some parts of Asia , at the mouth of the Rivers into the Sea , some of a bigger size are generated . And as the Mullet-groundling comes of mud , or of a sandy lome , as Aristotle writes ; so it is to be thought , that the Cackrel-groundling comes thereof also . It seems too , that A Carpe is generated of putrefaction , Especially of the putrified mud of sweet water : for it is experienced , that in certain Lakes , compassed about with Hills , where there is no Well , nor River , to moisten it , but only the rain , after some few showers , there hath been great store of fish , especially Carps : but there are some of this kind generated by copulation . There are also in certain particular Lakes , particular kinds of fishes , as in the Lemane , and the Benacian Lakes , there be divers kind of Carpes , and other such fishes . Likewise there are certain Earthly fishes generated of putrefaction . Pliny reports , that in Paphlagonia , they dig out of deep ditches , certain earthly fishes very good to be eaten ; and it is so in places where there is no standing water ; and he wonders that they should be generated without copulation : but surely it is by vertue of some moisture , which he ascribes to the Wells , because in some of them fishes are found . Likewise Shel-fish are generated of the forthy mud , or else meerly of the salt-water ; for they have neither seed , nor male , nor female ; the hardnesse and closenesse of their shels , hindering all things from touching or rubbing their inward parts , which might be fit for generation . Aristotle saith , they breed all of themselves ; which appears by this , that oft-times they breed in Ships , of a forthy mud putrified : and in many places , where no such thing was before , many shel-fishes have bred , when once the place waxed muddy , for lack of moisture . And that these fishes emit no seed or generative matter , it appears , because that when the men of Chios had brought out of Lesbos many Oysters , and cast them into Lakes neer the Sea , there were found no more then were cast in ; onely they were somewhat greater . So then Oysters are generated in the Sea , in Rivers and in Lakes , and therefore are called Limnostrea , because they breed in muddy places . Oppianus writes also , that they have neither male nor female , but are generated of themselves and their own accord , without the help of any copulation . So the fish called Ortica , and the Purple , and Muscles , and Scallops , and Perwinkles , and Limpins , and all Shel-fish are generated of mud : for they cannot couple together , but live only as plants live . And look how the mud differs , so doth it bring forth different kinds of fishes : durty mud genders Oysters , sandy mud Perwinkles , the mud in the Rocks breedeth Holoturia , Lepades , and such-like . Limpins , as experience hath shewed , have bred of rotten hedges made to fish by ; and as soon as the hedges were gone , there have been found no more Limpins . CHAP. V. That new kinds of living Creatures may be generated of divers beasts , by carnal copulation . WE have shewed that living Creatures are generated of putrefaction : now we will shew , that sundry kinds of beasts coupling together , may bring forth new kinds of Creatures , and these also may bring forth others ; so that infinite monsters may be daily gendred : for whereas Aristotle saith , that Africk alwayes brings forth some new thing ; the reason thereof is this , because the Country being in most places dry , divers kinds of beasts come out of sundry quarters thither , where the Rivers were , and there partly for lust , and partly by constraint , coupled together , and so gendred divers monstrous Creatures . The Antients have set down many such generations , and some are lately devised , or found out by chance ; and what may be hereafter , let men of learning judge . Neither let the opinions of some Philosophers stay us , which hold that of two kinds divers in nature , a third cannot be made , unlike to either of the parents ; and that some Creatures do not gender at all , as Mules do not : for we see , that , contrary to the first of these their positions , many Creatures are generated of kinds divers in nature , and of these are generated others , to the perpetual conservation of this new kind ; as hath been tried in many Villages , that divers kinds coupling together , have brought forth other new kinds , differing from their progenitors every day more and more , as they multiply their copulations , till at length they are scarce in any thing like the former . And against their second Position , we must not think that the one example of Mules not gendring , should prejudice the common course of other creatures . The commistions or copulations , have divers uses in Physick , and in Domestical affairs , and in hunting : for hereby many properties are conveyed into many Creatures . First , we will rehearse those experiments , which the Antients have described , and then those which new Writers have recorded , and our selves have seen in divers Countries . And by this , the ingenious Reader may find out others . But first I will relate certain observations , which Aristotle and others have prescribed , that this kind of generation may be more easily wrought . First , the creatures thus coupled , must be of an equal pitch ; for if there be great oddes in their bignesse , they cannot couple : a dog and a wolf , a Lion and a Panther , an Asse and a Horse , a Partridge and a Hen , are of one bignesse , and therefore may couple together ; but a Horse and a Dog , or a Mare and an Elephant , or a Hen and a Sparrow cannot . Secondly , they must have one and the same space to bring forth in : for if one of them bring forth in twelve moneths , and the other in six , then the young will be ripe by one side , when it is but half ripe by the other . A dog must have two moneths , and a horse must have twelve : and the Philosopher saith , no creature can be born , except he have his full time . So then a dog cannot be born of a man , nor a Horse of an Elephant , because they differ in the time of their bearing . Again , the creatures which we would thus couple , must be one as lustful as the other : for a chaste creature , that useth coition but once a year , if he have not his female at that time , he loseth his appetite before he can fancy any other mate : but those which are full of lust , will eagerly couple with another kind as well as their own . Among four-footed beasts , a dog , a goat , a swine , an ass , be most lascivious ; among birds , partridges , quailes , doves , sparrows . Moreover , they must be coupled at such a time as is fit for generation : for Nature hath prescribed certain times and ages fit for that work . The common time , is the Spring ; for then almost all Creatures are prone to lust . The ages of them must likewise be fit : for the generative power comes to creatures , at a set age . Neither of them must be barren , nor weak , nor too young ; for then their seed is unfit for generation : but both of them , if it may be , in the prime of their best age and strength . If any creatures want appeti●e thereunto , there be many slights , whereby we may Make them eager in lust . And if the female do cast out the seed , there be means to make her hold in it . Provokements to lust there are many set down by Writers , and some usual with us . Aelianus writes , that keepers of sheep , and goats , and Mares , do besmear their hands with salt and nitre , and then rub the generative parts of them in the time of their coition , for their more lustful and eager performance of that action . Others besmear them with pepper , others with nettles seed , others with myrrh and nitre ; all of them kindle the appetite of the female , being well rubbed therewith , and make her stand to her male . The He-goats , if you besmear their chin , and their nostrels with sweet ointment , are thereby much enclined to lust ; and contrariwise , if you tie a thred about the middle of their tail , they are nothing so eager of copulation . Absyrtus sheweth , that if you wipe off some nature of seed of a mare , and therewith besmear the nostrils of a Stallion horse , it will make him very lustful . Dydimus saith , that if Rams , or any other beasts , feed upon the herb Milk-wort , they will become both eager to lust , and stronger for the act of copulation . Pliny sheweth , that Onions encrease desire of copulation in beasts , as the herb Rotchet doth in men . The She-ass , holds the seed within her the better , if presently after copulation she be well beaten , and her genitories besprinkled with cold water , to make her run after it . Many such helps are recorded by those who have written the histories of living creatures . CHAP. VI. How there may be Dogs of great courage , and divers rare properties , generated of divers kinds of Beasts . WE will first speak of Dogs , as being a most familiar creature with us , and suiting with many beasts , in bignesse , in like time of breeding ; and besides , being alwayes ready for copulation , and very lecherous , oft-times coupling with beasts of a far divers kind , and so changeth his shape and fashion , leaveth the bad qualities of his own kind , and is made fitter to hunt , to keep any thing from spoil , to play or make sport , and for divers other uses . And first , how A strong Indian-dog may be generated of a Tygre . This is called by some , a Mastive ; by others a Warrior , or a Hircan-Dog . Aristotle calls them Indian-dogs , and saith , they are generated of a Dog and a Tygre ; and elsewhere , of a dog and another wilde beast , but he names it not . Pliny writes , that the Indians intending to generate dogs of Tygres , tie the She-tygres in the woods about rutting time ; and dogs coupling with them engender young : but the first and second births they care not for , as being too fierce ; but the third they bring up , as being milder and fitter fot their uses . Aelianus relates the story of this kind of Dogs , out of Indian Writers : that the stoutest Bitches , and such as are swiftest to run , and best to hunt , are by the shepherds tied to certain Trees within the Tygres walk : as soon as the Tygres light upon them , if they have not before met with their prey , they devour them ; but if they be full of meat , and hot in lust , then they couple with the Bitches ; and so generate , not a Tygre , but a dog , their seed degenerating into the mothers kind . And these dogs thus gendred , scorn to hunt a Boar , or an Hart ; but a Lion they will set gallantly upon . A Noble man of India made trial of the valor of these dogs , before Alexander the Great , on this manner : first , he set an Hart before him ; but the Dog scorning the Hart , stirred not at him ; next , a Boar , but neither stirred he at the Boar ; after that a Bear , but he scorned the Bear too : last of all , a Lion ; then the Dog seeing that he had an even match in hand , rose up very furiously , and run upon the Lion , and took him by the throat , and stifled him . Then the Indian that shewed this sport , and knew well this Dogs valour , first cut off his tail ; but the Dog cared not for his tail , in comparison of the Lion which he had in his mouth : next , he cut off one of his legs ; but the Dog held fast his hold still , as if it had been none of his legs : after that , he caused another of his legs to be broken ; but the Dog still kept his hold : after that , his third leg , and yet still he kept his hold : after that , his fourth leg , and yet the Dog was still as fierce upon the Lion , as at the first : Nay , when last of all his head was cut off from his body , yet still it stuck fast by the teeth in the same place , where he took his first hold . Alexander seeing this , was much grieved for the Dogs death , and greatly amazed at his valour , that he would rather suffer his life , then his courage to be taken from him . The Indian perceiving that , gave to Alexander four such Dogs ; and he received them as a great Present , and accepted them gladly and thankfully : and moreover , rewarded the Indian that gave them , with a Princely recompence . This same story Philes also writes . But Diodorus Siculus and Strabo , say that Sopithes a King , gave Alexander an hundred and fifty of these Dogs , all very huge and strong , and usually coupling with Tygres . And Pollux writes the same . And Plutark describes the Indian-dog , and his fight before Alexander , as it is before related : Pliny writes , that the King of Albania gave Alexander a great Dog , wherewith he was much delighted : but when he brought the Dog , first Bears , then Boars , and then Deer , and saw he would not touch them , being much offended that so great a body should have so little courage , he caused him to be killed . The King that gave him , hearing this , sent him another , and withal charged the Messenger , that he should not be tryed in small matches , but either with a Lion or an Elephant . So then , Alexander caused a Lion to be set before him , and presently the Dog killed him : afterward he tried him with an Elephant ; and the Dog bristled and barked at him , and assaulted him so artificially every way , till the Elephant was giddy with turning about , and so fell down and was killed . Gratius writes of this kind of dogs , thus generated of a Bitch and a Tygre . There is also another kind of Dogs Generated of a Lion. And these are strong Dogs , and good Hunters . Pollux saith , that Arcadian Dogs first came of a Dog and a Lion , and are called Lion-dogs . And Coelius writes the same : and Oppianus commends the Arcadian Dogs , and those of Tegea , which is a Town of Acadia . This is also A strong and swift Dog , gendred of a kind of Wolf called Thos , which , as Aristotle writes , is in all his entrails like a Wolfs ; and is a strong beast , swift , and is wont to encounter the Lion. Pliny saith , it is a kind of Wolf ; Hesychius saith , it is like a Wolf ; Herodotus , that it is gendred in Africa : Solinus calls them Ethiopian Wolves : Nearchus calls these beasts Tygres , and saith there be divers kinds of them . Wherefore Gratius saith , that dogs generated of these Thoes , are strong , and fit to hunt ; and calls them half-savage , as coming of a tame Dog , and a savage kind of Wolf. There is also a Dog called Crocuta , gendred of a Dog and a Wolf. Pliny saith , that these Dogs break all things with their teeth , and presently devout them . As the Indians join Tygres , so do the Gaules join Wolves and Dogs together ; every herd of Wolves there , hath a Dog for their Ring-leader . In the Country of Cyrene in Libya , Wolves do couple with Dogs , as Aristotle and Pollux write . Galen in his book concerning the use of Parts , writes , that a Bitch may conceive by a He-wolf , and so the She-wolf by a Dog , and retain each others seed , and ripen it to the bringing forth of both kinds . Diodorus saith , that the dog which the Aethiopian calls Crocuta , is a compound of the Nature of a Dog and a Wolf. When Niphus was hunting , one of his dogs eagerly pursued a she-wolf , and overtaking her , began to line her , changing his fiercenesse into lust . Albertus saith , that the great Dog called a Mastive , is gendred of a Dog and a Wolf. I my self saw at Rome , a dog generated of a wolf ; and at Naples , a she-wolf of a dog . Ovid saith , that the dog Nape was conceived of a Wolf ; and Ovid and Virgil both , mention the dog Lycisca , which , as Isiodore writes , are generated of wolves and dogs coupling together . Coelius calls these dogs Chaonides ; being gendred of a kind of wolf called Chaos , as some suppose , whence they have that name . But if we would generate swift dogs , as Grey-hounds , we must join dogs with some swift beasts . As , couple dogs and foxes together , and they will Gender swift Dogs , called Lacedamonian Dogs . Aristotle , and out of him Galen , report , that beasts may couple together , though they be of a divers kind ; so that their nature do not much differ , and they be of a like bignesse , and thereby sutable for their times of breeding and bringing forth , as it is betwixt dogs and wolves ; of both which , are gendred swift dogs , called Lacedaemonian dogs : the first births are of both kinds ; but in time , after sundry interchangeable generations , they take after the dam , and follow the kind of the female . Pollux saith , These are called Alopecidae , fox-dogs ; as Xenoph●● also writes of them , and makes them to be hunting dogs : and surely the best and swiftest hunting dogs , as Grey-hounds , are long-headed , and sharp-snou●ed , as foxes are . Hesychius and Varinus call them Dog-foxes . But now , if we would generate a kind of Swift Dogs , and strong withal , we must make a medley of sundry kinds of dogs together ; as a Mastive and a Grey-hound gender a swift , and withal a strong dog , as Aristole writes : or else couple a dog with a wolf , or with a Lion ; for both these mixtions have Hunts-men devised ; the former , to amend certain natural defects in one kind ; and the latter , to make their dogs stronger for the game , and craftier to espie and take advantages ; as commonly , together with the properties of the body , the qualities of the mind are derived into the young ones . Ovid mentions such mungrels amongst Actaeons dogs : and Oppianus in his book of Hunting , counsels to join in the Spring-time , divers dogs together , if we desire to have any excellent parts in any ; as the dogs of Elis , with them of Arcadia ; the dogs of Crete , with them of Pannonia ; Thracians , with them of Caria ; Lacedaemonians , with them of Tuscia ; and Sarmatian dogs , with Spanish dogs . Thus we see , how to generate a dog as stomackful as a Lion , as fierce as a Tygre , as crafty as a fox , as spotted as a Leopard , and as ravenous as a Wolf. CHAP. VII . How to generate pretty little dogs to play with . BEcause a dog is such a familiar creature with man , therefore we will shew how to generate and bring up a little dog , and one that will be play-full . First of the generation Of little Dogs . In times past , women were wont to esteem little dogs in great price , especially such as came from Malta the Island situate in the Adriatical Sea , neer to Ragusius . Callimachus terms them Melitean dogs . And Aristotle in his Problems , shews the manner of their generation ; where he questioneth , Why amongst living creatures of the same kind , some have greater , and some have smaller bodies ; and gives thereof a double reason : one , is the straightnesse of the place wherein they are kept ; the other , is the scarcenesse of their nourishment : and some have attempted to lessen the bodies of them , even after their birth ; as they which nourish up little whelps in small cages : for thereby they shorten and lessen their bodies ; but their parts are prettily well knit together , as appears in Melitaean dogs : for nature performes her work , notwithstanding the place . Athenaeus writes , that the Sybarites were much delighted with Melitaean dogs , which are such in the kind of dogs , as Dwarfes are among men . They are much made of , and daintily kept , rather for pleasure then for any use . Those that are chosen for such a purpose , are of the smallest pitch , no bigger at their best growth then a mouse , in body well set , having a little head , a small s●out , the nose turning upward , bended so for the purpose when they were young ; long ears , short legs , narrow feet , tail somewhat long , a shagged neck , with long hair to the shoulders , the other parts being as it were shorn , in colour white ; and some of them are shagged all over . These being shut up in a cage , you must feed very sparingly , that they never have their fill ; and let them couple with the least you can find , that so lesse may be generated ; for so Hippocrates writes , that Northern people , by handling the heads of dogs while they be young , make them lesse then , and so they remain even after they are come to their full growth : and in this shape they gender others , so that they make , as it were , another kind . But if you would know the generation of a Dog that will do tricks and feats , one that will make sport of himself , and leap up and down , and bark softly , and 〈◊〉 without biting , and stand upon his hindermost legs , holding forth his other legs like hands , and will fetch and carry ; you must first let them converse and company with an Ape , of whom they will learn many sportful tricks ; then let them line the Ape ; and the young one which is born of them two , will be exceeding practised to do feats , such as Juglets and Players are wont to shew by their dogs . Albertus saith , that these kind of dogs may very well be generated of a dog and a fox . CHAP. VIII . How to amend the defects and lacks that are in dogs , by other means . WE may also supply the lacks that are in dogs , by other means , and teach them new qualities , even by their food and nourishment : for we have shewed oft-times , that qualities are drawn in together with the milk and nourishment whereby we live . Columella shews how to make Dogs strong and swift : If you would have them full of stout spirits , you must suffer them to suck the breasts of some other beasts ; for alwayes the milk , and the spirits of the nurse , are much available , both for the quality of the body , and the qualities of the soul. Oppianus bids us to keep hunting dogs from sucking any ordinary Bitches , or Goats , or Sheep ; for this , saith he , will make them too lazy and weak ; but they must suck a tame Lionesse , or Hart , or Doe , or Wolf ; for so they will become swift and strong , like to their nurses that give them suck . And Aelianus gives the very same precept , in the very same words : for , saith he , when they shall remember that they had such strong and swift nurses , nature will make them ashamed not to resemble their qualities . Pollux saith , that for a while , the Dams milk is fittest meat for whelps ; but after , let them lap the blood of those beasts which dogs have caught , that by little and little they may be acquainted with the sweetnesse of hunting . Ctesias in his book of Indian matters , writes , that the people called Cynamolgi , do nourish and feed many dogs with Bulls blood , which afterward being let loose at the Bulls of India , overcome them and kill them , though they be never so fierce : and the people themselves milk their Bitches , and drink it , as we drink Goats or Sheeps milk , as Aelianus reports : and Solinus writes , that this is supposed to make that people flap-mouthed , and to grin like dogs . We may also make an Ass become couragious , if we take him as soon as he is brought forth into the world , and put him to a Mare in the dark , that she may not discern him ; for her own Colt being privily taken from her , she will give suck to the Asse as to her own foale : and when she hath done thus for the space of ten daies , she will give him suck alwayes after willingly , though she know him to be none of hers . Thus shall he be larger , and better every way . CHAP. IX . How to bring forth divers kinds of Mules . WE will speak of the commixtion of Asses , Horses , and such like : though it be a known matter , yet it may be we shall adde something which may delight the Reader . Aelianus writes out of Democritus , that Mules are not Natures work , but a kind of theft and adultery devised by man : first committed by an Asse of Media , that by force covered a Mare , and by chance got her with foal ; which violence men learned of him , and after that made a custom of it . Homers Scholiast saith , that Mules were first devised by the Venetians , a City of Paphlagonia . It is writ●●● Genesis , chap. 36. v. 24. that Anah , Esau's kinsman , feeding his fathers Asses in the wildernesse , found out Mules . Now A Mule cometh of a Mare and an Ass. They have no root in their own kind , but are graffed as it were , and double kinded , as Varro saith . If you would have a strong and a big Mule , you must chuse a Mare of the largest affize , and well-knit joints , not regarding her swiftnesse , but her strength . But there is another kind of mule called Hinnus , that cometh of a Horse and a She-ass . But here special choice must be made of the Asse , that she be of the largest affize , strongly jointed , and able to endure any labour , and of good qualities also ; for howsoever it is the Sire that gives the name to the young one , and it is called Hinnus , of the Horse ; yet it grows altogether like the Dam , having the main and the tail of an Asse , but Horses ears ; and it is not so great of body as the Mule is , but much slower , and much wilder . But the best She-mules of all , are generated of a wilde Ass , and of a She-ass , and these are the swiftest too ; for though the Mule that is begotten by the He-asse , be both in shape and qualities very excellent in his kind , yet that which is begotten of the wilde Asse , cometh nothing behind the other , but only that it is unruly and stubborn , and somewhat scammel , like the Sire . These Mules thus gendred of a wilde Asse , and a She-asse , if they be males , and put to cover a Mare , beget excellent young ones , which by little and little wax tame , resembling the shape and mildnesse of their Sire , but the stomack and swiftnesse of their Grand-sire ; and they have exceeding hard feet , as Columella writes . These happily are the Mules which Aristotle writes , are only in Syria , swift , and fertile , called by the common name of Mules , because of their shape , though their kind be of a wild Asse . But there is a more common kind of Strong Mules gendred of a Bull and an Ass , which is a fourth sort of Mules , found in Gratianopolis , and called by a French name , Jumar . Gesner reports , that at the foot of the Hill Spelungus in Rhetia , was seen a Horse gendred of a Mare and a Bull. And I my self saw at Ferraria , certain beasts in the shape of a Mule , but they had a Bulls head , and two great knobs in stead of horns ; they had also a Bulls eyes , and were exceeding stomackful , and their colour was black : a spectacle , wherewith we were much delighted . I have heard , that in France , they be common ; but I could see none there , though I passed through the whole Country . CHAP. X. How to mingle the Sheep and Goats together , by generation . IF we would better any qualities in a Ram , we must effect it by coupling them with wild beasts , such as are not much unlike , either in quantity or in kind . There is a beast called Musinus , gendred of a Goat and a Ram. Pliny saith , that in Spain , but especially in Corsica , there are beasts called Musimones not much unlike to Sheep , which have Goats hair , but in other parts , Sheep : the young ones which are gendred of them , coupling with Sheep , are called by the Antients , Umbri : Strabo calls them Musimones . But Albertus calls them Musini or Musimones , which are gendred of a Goat and a Ram. I have heard that in Rhetia , in the Helvetian confines , there are generated certain beasts , which are Goats in the hinder parts , but in the former parts , Sheep or Rams ; but they cannot live long , but commonly they die , as soon as they are born : and that there the Rams being grown in years , are very strong and lustful , and so oft-times meeting with goats , do run over them : and that the young ones which wilde Rams beget of tame Sheep , are in colour like the Sire , and so is their breed after them ; and the wool of the first breed is shaggy , but in their after-breed soft and tender . On the other side , there is a beast called Cinirus , generated of a He-goat , and an Ewe , as the same Albertus writeth . But the best devised adultery is , to couple in generation , and thereby to procreate young ones , of A wilde and a tame Goat . Writers affirm , that whatsoever kind hath some wilde , and some tame , the wildenesse of them , if they couple with the tame of the same kind , is altered in the succeeding generations ; for they become tame . Columella writes , that many wilde Rams were brought out of Africa into Cales , by some that set out games before the people ; and Columella , the Uncle of this Writer , bought some of them , and put them into his grounds ; and when they were somewhat tame , he let them cover his Ewes : and these brought lambs that were rough , and had the colour of their Sire : but these then afterward coupling with the Ewes of Tarentum , begot lambs that had a thinner and a softer fleece . And afterward , all their succeeding generations resembled the colour of their Sires , and Grand-sires , but the gentlenesse and softnesse of their Dams . The like is experienced in Swine : for we may bring forth Of a wild and a tame Swine , the beast called Hybrides : for a Boar is exceeding hot in lust , and wonderfully desires coition ; insomuch , that if the female refuse to couple with him , either he will force her , or kill her . And surely howsoever , some wilde beasts being made tame , are thereby unfit for generation , as a Goose , a Hart brought up by hand from his birth ; and a Boar is hardly fruitfull in such a case : yet there is no kind so apt for generation , the one being wilde , and the other tame , as the kind of Swine is . And those which are thus gendred , these half-wilds , are called Hybrides , happily because they are generated in reproachful adultery : for Hybris signifies reproach . CHAP. XI . Of some other commixtions , whereby other beasts of divers kinds are generated . WE will speak yet farther of the commixtion of divers beasts differing in kinde ; as also of other mixtions derived from these , so to find out all such kinds : and moreover we will shew , that of their young , some take after the Sire most , and some after the Dam. And first , that A Leopard is gendred of a Libard and a Lioness . The Lionesse is reported to burn in lust ; and because the Lion is not so fit for copulation , by reason of his superfluity of heat , therefore she entertains the Libard into the Lions bed : but when her time of bringing forth draws neer , she gets away into the Mountains , and such places where the Libards haunt : for they bring forth spotted whelps , and therefore nurse them in thick woods very covertly , making shew to the Lions , that they go abroad only to seek some prey ; for if the Lions at any time light upon the whelps , they tear them in pieces , as being a bastard brood , as Philostratus writes . In the wilde of Hircania , there are Leopards , as it were , another kind of Panthers , which are known well enough , which couple with the Lionesse , and beget Lions ; but they are but base Lions , as Solinus writes . Isiodore saith , that the Libard and the Lionesse coupling together , procreate a Leopard , and so make a third kind . Pliny saith , That those Lions which are generated of Libards , do want the mones of Lions . And Solinus saith , that the Lion can find out by his smell , when the Lionesse hath played the Harlot ; and seeks to revenge it upon her with all his might : and therefore the Lionesse washes her self in some River , or else keeps aloof from him , till the scent be wasted . Now as there are two sorts of Mules , one of a Horse and an Asse , the other of an Asse and a Mare ; so there are two sorts of Leopards , one of a Libard and a Lionesse , the other of a Lion and a Panther , or She-libard : that is in body like a Lion , but not in courage ; this is in body and colour like a Libard , but not in stomack : for all double-kinded creatures , take most after their mother , especially for shape and quantity of their bodies . Claudianus saith , that there is a kinde of Libard , which he calls a Water-libard , that is generated of a mingled seed , when a strong and vigorous Libard meeteth with a Lionesse , and happily coupleth with her : and this kinde of Libard is like the Sire for his spots , but his back and the portraiture of his body is like his Dam. Now there is another copulation of the Lionesse , when the Hyaena and the Lionesse gender the beast Crocuta ; for the Lionesse is very furious in lust , ( as we shewed before ) and couples with divers kinds of beasts : For Pliny writes , and Solinus writes the same , That the Hyaena and the Lionesse of Aethiopia , gender the beast Crocuta . Likewise the Panther is a most lustful beast , and she also couples with beasts of divers kinds ; with a Wolf especially : of both which , the Hycopanther , or beast called Thoes , is gendred ; for the Panther , when her sacoting is come , goeth up and down , and makes a great noise , and thereby assembles many , both of her own kind , and of other kinds also . And amongst the rest , the Wolf oft-times meets and couples with her , and from them is generated the beast Thoes , which resembles the Dam in the spots of his skin , but in his looks he resembles the Sire . Oppianus saith , That the Panther and the Wolfe do gender this Thoes , and yet he is of neither kinde : for , saith he , oft-times the Wolfe cometh to the Panthers Den , and couples with her ; and thence is generated the Thoes : whose skin is very hard , and is meddled with both their shapes ; skinned like a Panther , and headed like a Wolfe . There is also a Thoes gendred of a Wolf and a female Hyaena . This medley , Hesychius and Varinus have described ; That of them comes this Thoes , as the Greeks call it . The Scholiast upon Homer saith , That it is like to the Hyaena : and some call it Chaos . Pliny saith , That this Chaos , which by the French is called Raphium , was first set forth for a shew , in the games of Pompey the Great : and that it hath spots like a Leopard , but is fashioned like a Wolf. But the Greeks make mention of a very strange adultery , that The Bactrian Camel is gendred of a Camel and a Swine ; for Didymus , in his workes called Geoponica , reporteth , that in certain Mountaines of India , Boares and Camels feed together , and so fall to copulation , and gender a Camel : and this Camel so gendred , hath a double rising , or two bunches upon his back . But as the Mule which is generated of a Horse and an Ass , is in many qualities like the Sire , so the Camel which is begotten of a Boar , is strong and full of stiffe bristles like a Boar ; and is not so soon down in the mud as other Camels are , but helps himself out lustily by his own force ; and will carry twice so great a burthen as others . But the reason of their name , why they are called Bactrian Camels , is this ; Because the first that ever was so generated , was bred in the Country of Bactria . CHAP. XII . Of sundry copulations , whereby a man genders with sundry kinds of Beasts . I Am much ashamed to speak of it , that Man being the chief of all living Creatures , should so foully disparage himself , as to couple with bruit beasts , and procreate so many half-savage Monsters as are often seen : wherein Man shews himself to be worse then a beast . I will relate some few examples hereof , thereby to make such wicked wretches an obloquie to the World , and their names odious to others . Plutark saith , That bruit beasts fall not in love with any , but of their own kinde ; but man is so incensed with lust , that he is not ashamed most villanously to couple himself with Mares and Goats , and other Beasts ; for Man is of all other Creatures most lecherous , at all seasons fit and ready for copulation ; and besides , agrees with many living Creatures in his time of breeding : all which circumstances make much for the producing of monstrous , and half-savage broods . And howsoever the matter we speak of is abominable , yet it is not fruitlesse , but helps much to the knowledge of some other things in the searching out of the secrecies of nature . Plutark in his Tract , which he calls the Banquet of the wise men , sheweth , that a shepherd brought into the house of Periander , A Babe gendred of a Man and a Mare , which had the hands , and neck , and head of a Man , but otherwise it was like a Horse ; and it cried like a young child . Thales , as soon as he saw it , told Periander , that he did not esteem it as a strange and monstrous thing , which the gods had sent to portend and betoken the seditions and commotions likely to ensure , as Diocles thought of it ; but rather as a naturall thing : and therefore his advice was , that either they should have no Horse-keepers ; or if they had , they should have wives of their own . The same Author in his Parallels , reporteth out of Agesilaus his third book of Italian matters , that Fulvius Stella loathing the company of a woman , coupled himself with a Mare , of whom he begat a very beautiful maiden-child ; and she was called by a fit name , Ep●na . And the same Plutark reporeth also of A maiden that was generated of a Man and an Ass ; for Aristonymus Ephesius , the Son of Demonstratus , could not away with a womans company , but made choice of an Asse to lie with ; and she brought him forth after a certain time , a very comely maiden , and in shew exceeding beautiful : she was called Onoscelis , that is to say , one having Asses thighes : and this story he gathered out of Aristotle , in the second of his Paradoxes . But Galen cannot think this possible ; nay , it is scarce possible in nature , seeing a Man and an Asse differ so much as they do : for if a man should have to do with an Asse , her wombe cannot receive his seed , because his genitories are not long enough to convey it into her place of conception : or if it were , yet she would presently , or at least not long after , marte his seed . Or , if she could so conceive , and bring her birth to perfection , how , or by what food should it be nourished after the birth ? But , though this can hardly be , yet I do not think it altogether impossible , seeing all men are not of a like complexion , but some may be found , whose complexion doth not much differ from a horses ; and some men also have longer and larger genitories then others ; as also some Mares and Asses have lesse and shorter genitories then others have : and it may be too , that some celestial influence hath a stroke in it , by enliving the seed , and causing the Dam to conceive it , and bring it forth in due time . And because all these things do very seldom concur together , therefore such births are very seldom seen . Aelianus writeth another story , That there was once generated A half-beast of a Man and a Goat . There was a certain young man in Sybaris , who was called Crachis , a luster after Goats ; and being over-ruled by his lust , coupled himself with a fair Goat , the fairest he could light upon , and lived with her as his Love and Concubine , bestowing many gifts upon her , as Ivy and Rushes to eat ; and kept her mouth very sweet , that he might kisse her ; and laid under her soft grasse , that she might lie easie , and sleep the better . The He-goat , the Ring-leader of the Herd , espying this , watcht his time when the young man was on sleep , and fell upon him and spoiled him . But the She-goat , when her time was come , brought forth an infant that had the face of a man , but the thighs of a Goat . The same Author writes , That Women lie with He-goats , and with the Cynocephali ; for the He-goats are so lecherous , that in the madnesse of their lust , they will set upon Virgins , and by force ravish them . Herodotus in his second book , writeth of a He-goat , that had to do with a woman openly , and in the sight of many men standing by . Strabo saith , that in the Mediterranean Sea , a little without the mouth of a River neer to Sebenis and Pharnix , there is an Island called Xoas , and a City within the Province of Sebenis , and the Cities Hermopolis and Mendes , where Pan is honoured for a God , and with him is likewise honoured a He-goat ; and there , as Pindarus reports , He-goats have to do with women : In the utmost corner of the winding of the River Nilus , saith he , are fed certain Herds of Goats ; and there the lecherous He-goats are mingled with women . Aelianus also writes of the Indians , that they will not admit into their Cities any red Apes , because they are oft-times mad in lust towards women ; and if at any time they find such Apes , they hunt and destroy them , as being adulterous beasts . Pliny writes also , That Man couples with divers kinds of beasts : for some of the Indians have usual company with bruit beasts ; and that which is so generated , is half a beast , and half a man. CHAP. XIII . That divers kinds of birds may be generated of divers birds coupling together . BEfore we come to speak of the commixtion of birds , it is meet to prescribe certain observations for the more easie effecting thereof ; that if we have need to supply any defects in any birds , we may be the better instructed how to perform it readily , to make them fitter for our uses . Se shewed before out of Aristotle , that if we would mingle Creatures of divers kinds , we must see that they be of like bignesse , of a like proportion of time for their breeding , of a like colour ; but especially , that they be very lecherous ; for otherwise they will hardly insert themselves into a strange stock . If a Falconer be desirous to produce fighting Hawks , or Cocks , or other birds , he must first seek our good lusty males , such as be strong and stomackful , that they may derive the : same qualities into their young ones . Next , they must procure strong and couragious females : for if but one of them be stomackful , the young ones will rather take after the dulnesse and faint-heart of the one , then after the quicknesse and courage of the other . When you have thus made choice of the best breeders , before their copulation , you must keep them together within doors , and bring them by little and little acquainted with each other ; which you may best do , by causing them to feed and to live together . Therefore you must prepare a pretty little cottage , about ten foot long , and ten foot broad ; and let all the windows be made out toward the South , so that there may good store of light come in at the top of the house . In the middle you must make a partition with lattises or grates , made of Osiers : and let the rods stand so far asunder , as that the birds head and neck may go in between them : and in one side of the room , let that bird be alone by her self , which you would make tame ; in the other side , put the other birds which you purpose to join in copulation with the strange bird . So then , in the prime of the Spring , ( for that is the time wherein all Creatures are most eager in lust ) you must get you fruitful birds , and let them be of the same colour , as is the bird which you desire to become tame . These you must keep certain daies at the same boord as it were , and give them their meat together , so that the strange bird may come at it through the grate : for by this means she will learn to be acquainted with them , as with her fellows , and will live quietly by them , being as it were kept in prison from doing them any wrong : whereas otherwise she would be so fierce upon them , that she would spare none , but it she could , destroy them all . But when once by tract of time , and continual acquaintance with his fellows , this male-bird is become somewhat gentle , look which of the females he is most familiar with , let her be put in the same room where he is ; and give them both meat enough . And because commonly he either kills , or doth not care for the first female that is put unto him , therefore , lest the keeper should lose all his hope , he must keep divers females for supply . When you perceive that he hath gotten the female with young , presently you must divorce one of them from the other , and let him in a new mate , that he may fill her also : and you must feed her well till she begin to sit upon her egges , or put the egges under some other that sits . And thus shall you have a young one , in all respects like the Cock : but as soon as the young ones are out of the shell , let them be brought up by themselves , not of their mother , but of some other Hen-bird . Last of all , the females of this brood , when they be come to ripenesse , that they stand to their Cock , their first or their second brood will be a very exact and absolute kinde . CHAP. XIV . Divers commixtions of Hens with other Birds . WE will begin with Hens , because they are in great request with us , and are houshold-birds , alwayes before our eyes ; and besides , they may be very profitable and gainful , if we can tell how to procreate and bring up divers kinds of them . Cocks are of all other most lecherous ; and they spend their seed , not only at the sight of their Hens , but even when they hear them crake or cackle ; and to represse their lust , they are oftentimes carved . They tread and fall to their sport , almost all the year long . Some Hens are very lusty , and withal very fruitful ; insomuch that they lay three-score egges before they sit to hatch them : yea , some that are kept in a pen , do lay twice in one day ; and some bring forth such store of egges , that they consume themselves thereby , and die upon it . We will first shew How to couple a Partridge with a Hen. Partridges are much given to lust , and very eager of coition , and are mingled with other birds of divers kinds , and they couple betwixt themselves , and so have young ones ; as first with Hens , of whom they procreate certain birds , which partake of both kinds in common , for the first brood ; but in processe of time , when divers generations have successively passed , they take meerly after the mother in all respects , as Aristotle writeth . The field-cocks are usually more lustful then houshold-cocks are , and they tread their Hens as soon as ever they are off the roust ; but the Hens are more inclinable to coition , about the middle of the day , as Athenaeus writes , out of Aelianus and Theophrastus : of which circumstances we may take our best advantage in coupling them with Partridges . After the same manner A Hen and a Pheasant may gender together ; for , as Florentius writes , the Pheasant and the Hen agree both in their time of laying , either of them bringing forth egges one and twenty daies after conception . And though she be not so wanton as other birds are , yet in their treading time they are glad of coition , and not very wilde , especially those that are of the smaller sort : for these may easily be made tame , and suffered to go amongst Hens ; but at their first taking they are very fierce , insomuch that they will not only kill Hens , but even Peacocks too . Some men bring up Pheasants to make a game of them : but some breed them for delight and pleasure , as I saw at Ferraria in the Princes Court , where was brought up very great store , both of Hens and Pheasants too . And this hath been an old practice : for in Athenaeus we find a saying of Ptolomy , that not only Pheasants were sent for out of Media , but the Country Hens , they also afforded good store of them , the egges being conceived in them by the treading of a Cock-pheasant . First then , you must take a Cock-pheasant , and be very careful in keeping of him tame amongst your Hens : after that , you must seek our Country-hens of divers colours , as like the colour of the Hen-Pheasant as you can , and let them live with the Cock-Pheasant , that in the Spring-time he may tread the Hens ; and they will bring forth speckled egges , everywhere full of black spots , far greater and goodlier then other egges are . When these are hatched , you must bring up the chicken with barly-flour , and some leaves of smallage shred in amongst it ; for this is the most delightful and nourishing food that they that they can have . There is also A Chick gendred of a Pigeon and a Hen : the Pigeon must be young , for then he hath more heat and desire of copulation , and much abundance of seed ; for if he be old , he cannot tread : but young Pigeons do couple at all times , and they bring forth both Summer and Winter . I had my self at home a single Pigeon , & a Hen that had lost her Cock : the Pigeon was of a large size , and wanton withal ; the Hen was but a very small one : these lived together , and in the Spring-time the Pigeon trode the Hen , whereby she conceived , and in her due season laid egges , and afterward hatched them , and brought forth chicken that were mixt of either kind , and resembled the shape of them both . In greatnesse of body , in fashion of head and bill , they were like a Pigeon ; their feathers very white and curled , their feet like a Hens feet , but they were overgrown with feathers ; and they made a noise like a Pigeon : and I took great pleasure in them ; the rather , because they were so familiar , that they would still sit upon the bed , or nuzzle into some womans bosom . But there is , yet another mixture , when A Cock , and a Pea , gender the Gallo-Pavus ; which is otherwise called the Indian-hen , being mixt of a Cock and Pea , though the shape be liker to a Pea then to Cock. In body and greatnesse it resembles the Pea , but it hath a combe and chackels under the chin like a Cock : it hath the voice of a Pea , and spreads forth her tail , and hath such varietie of colours as she hath . The taste of her flesh relishes like a compound of them both ; whereby it appears , that both kinds are not unfitly matcht together . But afterward , when the she Gallo-pavus and the Pea-cock were brought up tame together , we had of them very fruitful egges , which being hatcht , yeelded very goodly chickens , whose feathers were of a most orient and glistering colour : and these young ones afterward growing bigger , were mingled in copulation with Pea-cocks and Pea-hens , and the brood which was so generated of them , were in a manner all of the kind and fashion of the Pea. The like a man may conjecture of other kinds of birds . CHAP. XV. How to generate Hawkes of divers properties . WE will shew some commixtions of Hawks , by the example whereof , you may imagine of your self the like in other birds : and hereby it shall appear how we may amend divers faults and defects in Hawks , and engraffe in them some new qualities to be derived from their sundry progenitets . And first , how The bird Theocronus is gendred of a Hawk and an Eagle . Hawks are exceeding hot in lust ; and though there be divers kinds of them , yet they all couple together among themselves without any difference , as Aristotle writeth : they couple with Eagles , and thereby engender bastard Eagles . Eagles are most lecherous : and whereas among other creatures , the famale is not alwayes ready and willing to yeeld to the male for coition ; yet the Eagles never refuse it : for though they have been trod never so oft , yet still , if the male desire copulation , the female presently yeelds unto him . Aelianus accounts ordinary and common Hawks in the kind of Eagles . Oppianus in his Ixeutica saith , that there is a bird known well enough , called Theocronus , which is generated of a male Hawk , and a female Eagle . There is a kind of Hawks so wholly given over to lust , that in the Spring-time they lose all their strength , and every little bird snaps at them ; but in the Summer , having recovered her strength , she is so lusty , that she flies up and down to revenge her self upon those little birds ; and as many of them as she catches , she devours . If the male of this kind do but hear the voice of the female Eagle , presently he flies to her , and they couple together : but the egges which she conceives by this base copulation , she scorns to hatch and sit upon ▪ and that she may not be known of it to the male Eagle , she flies far away from him : for the male Eagle , if once he perceive that she hath played the harlot , divorces her from him , and is throughly revenged upon her . These birds are now commonly called Sea-eagles . There is also a commixtion , whereby the Hawk mingles himself with a Faulcon , and with a Buzzard , and the Eagle Nisus ; for Hawks do not only couple with their own kind , but with Faulcons , Buzzards , and Eagles of divers kinds , as also with most of those fowles that live upon the prey and spoil of other birds ; and according to the diversity of those kinds , divers kinds of Hawks are generated . Besides , they couple with strange Faulcons of other Countries , and other kinds : for as soon as they be hatcht and Pen-feathered , if their parents see that they are not right Faulcons , presently they beat them away ; and so partly because they cannot endure their parents rage , and partly to get their living , they flie away into strange places ; and there finding no mates of their own kind , they seek out a mate of another kind , the likest to her own kind that the can meet with , and couples with them . So then , if you have Hawks that descend from the right and best kind , art may more easily work upon them , then upon such as come of the baser sort . In like manner there may be generated of divers kinds of Eagles divers fowles , as The Osprey , the fowl called Ossifragus , and Ravens also . Pliny discoursing of the Osprey , saith , That they have no proper kinde of their own , but are descended from divers sorts of Eagles mingled together : and that which cometh of the Osprey , is of the kind of Ossifragi : and that which cometh of the Ossifragi , is a kind of little Ravens , and of these afterward is generated a kind of great Ravens , which have no issue at all : the Author of which assertions before Pliny , was Aristotle in his book of Wonders . Oppianus saith , that Land-eagles are a bastard brood , which their parents beat out of their nests , and so they are for a while nourished by some other fowles , till at length they forsake the Land , and seek their living in the Sea. CHAP. XVI . Of the commixtion of divers kinds of fishes . IT is a very hard thing for a man to know , whether divers kinds of fishes be mingled together or no ; because they live altogether under the waters , so that we cannot observe their doings ; especially such as they practise against the ordinary course of nature . But if we rightly consider that which hath been spoken , before , we may easily effect their commixtion , namely , if we take such fishes as are much given to venery , and match those together which are alike in bigness ; in time of breeding , and in other such conditions as were before required . Aristotle in his book of living Creatures , saith , that divers fishes in kind never mingle their seeds together : neither did ever any man see two fishes of divers kinds couple in generation , excepting only these two , The Skate and the Ray , which engender the Rhinobatos ; which is so called of both his parents names compounded together . And out of Aristotle , Pliny reporteth , that no fishes of divers kinds mingle their seeds , save only the Skate and the Ray ; of both which is gendred the fish Rhinobatos , which is like the Ray in all his former parts , and hath his name in Greek answerable to his nature ; for it is compounded of the names of both his parents . And of this kind of fish I never read nor heard any thing besides this . Theodorus Gaza translates the word Rhinobatos into Squatin●-raia in Latine , that is , a Skate-ray : and though some deny that there is any such fish , yet surely it is found in the Sea about Naples ; and Simon Portus , a very learned Philosopher of Naples , did help me to the sight of one of them ; and the picture thereof is yet reserved , and it is to be seen . CHAP. XVII . How we may produce new and strange Monsters . STrange and wonderful monsters , and aborsements , or untimely births , may be gendred of living Creatures , as by those wayes of which we spake before , namely , the commixtion of divers kinds ; so also by other means , as by the mixture of divers seeds in one wombe , by imagination , or such like causes . Concerning Imagination , we will speak hereafter . Now at this time let us see the wayes of engendring such monsters , which the Ancients have set down , that the ingenious Reader may learn by the consideration of these wayes , to invent of himself other wayes how to generate wonderful monsters . Democritus , as Aristotle saith , held that the mixture of many seeds , when one is received into the wombe before , and another not long after , so that they are meddled and confounded together , is the cause of the generation of many Monsters , that sometimes they have two heads , and more parts then the nature of their kinde requires . Hence it is that those birds which use often coitions , do oftentimes bring forth such births . But Empedocles , having forecast all scruples and doubts within himself , seems to have attained the truth in this case : for he saith , that the causes of the generation of monstrous Creatures , are these ; either if the seed be too much , or if it be too little , or if it light not in the right place , or if it be scattered into many parts , or if the congredients be not rightly affected to procreate according to the ordinary course of nature . And Straton assignes many reasons , why such monsters are generated ; as , because some new seed is cast upon the former , or some of the former seed is diminished , or some parts transposed , or the wombe puffed up with winde . And some Physitians ascribe it principally to the place of conception , which is oft-times misplaced , by reason of inflations . Aristotle saith , that such Creatures as are wont to bring forth many young ones at one burthen , especially such as have many cells or receipts for seed in their wombe , do most commonly produce monsters : for in that they bring forth some that are not so fully perfect , thereby they degenerate more easily into monsters : especially of all other , the Pigs that are not farrowed at their due time , but some certain dayes after the rest of the litter ; for these cannot chuse but be monsters in one part or other ; because whatsoever is either more or less then that which the kind requires , is monstrous , and besides Nature . And in his book of Problems he saith , that small four-footed Creatures bring forth monsters : but Man , and the greater sorts of four-footed beasts , as Horses and Asses , do not produce them so often . His reason is , because the smaller kinds , as Bitches , Sows , Goats , and Ewes , are far more fruitful then the greater kinds are ; for , of those , every one brings forth at least one , and some bring forth for the most part , many at once . Now Monsters are wont to be produced then , when there is a commixtion or confusion of many seeds together , either by reason of sundry copulations , or because of some indisposition in the place of conception . Hence it is , that birds also may bring forth monsters ; for they lay egges sometimes that have a double yelk : and if there be no small skin that keeps both the yelks asunder , then the confusion of them causeth the breed to become monstrous . Nature is earnest in the fashioning of a living Creature ; and first shapes out the principal parts of the body : afterwards she worketh sometimes more , sometimes lesse , as the matter can afford which she works upon , still framing her self thereunto : whereby it cometh to passe , that if the matter be defective , then she cannot have her forth ; if it be overmuch , then is nature overcome , and so both wayes hindered of her purpose , and thereby brings forth monstrous broods , as in artificial births hath been often seen ; some being defective , as having but one leg , or but one eye ; some exceeding the ordinary course , as having four eyes , or four arms , or four feet , and sometimes having both sexes in them , which are called Hermaphrodites : and so , look how your art disposes and layes things together , and after the same manner , Nature must needs accomplish her work , and finish your beginnings . But whosoever wouldst bring forth any monsters by art , thou must learn by examples , and by such principles be directed , as here thou mayest find . First , thou must consider with thy self , what thing are likely and possible to be brought to passe : for if you attempt likely matters , Nature will assist you , and make good your endeavours , and the work will much delight you : for you shall see such things effected , as you would not think of ; whereby also you may find the means to procure more admirable effects . There be many reasons and wayes , whereby may be generated Monsters in Man. First , this may come by reason of inordinate or unkindly copulations , when the seed is not conveyed into the due and right places : again , it may come by the narrownesse of the wombe , when there are two young ones in it , and for want of room , are pressed and grow together : again , it may come by the marring of those thin skinnes of partition , which nature hath framed in a womans wombe , to distinguish and keep asunder the young ones . Pliny writes , that in the year of Caius Laelius and Lucius Domitius Consulship , there was born a maid-child that had two heads , four hands , and was of double nature in all respects : and a little before that , a woman-servant brought forth a child , that had sour feet , and four hands , and four eyes , and as many ears , and double natured every way . Philostratus in the life of Apollonius writes , that there was born in Sicily , a boy having two heads . I my self saw at Naples , a boy alive , out of whose breast came forth another boy , having all his parts , but that his head only stuck behind in the other boyes breast ; and thus they had sticken together in their mothers wombe , and their navils also did cling each to other . I have also seen divers children having four hands and four feet , with six fingers upon one hand , and six toes upon one foot , and monstrous divers other wayes , which here were too long to rehearse . By the like causes may Monsters be generated in Beasts . We shewed before , that such beasts as bring forth many young ones at one burthen , especially such as have many cells or receits in their wombe for seed , do oftenest produce Monsters . Nicocreon the Tyrant of Cyprus , had a Hart with four horns . Aelianus saw an Oxe that had five feet ; one of them in his shoulder , so absolutely made , and so conveniently placed , as it was a great help to him in his going . Livy saith , that at Sessa-Arunca a City in Italy , there was eaned a Lambe that had two heads ; and at Apolis , another Lambe having five feet ; and there was a kitling with but three feet . Rhases reports , that he saw a Dog having three heads . And there be many other like matters which I have no pleasure to speak of . But it may seem that Monsters in Birds may be more easily produced ; both in respect that they are more given to lust , and because also they bear in their bodies many egges at once , whereby they may stick together , and easily cleave each to other : and besides this , those birds that are by nature very fruitfull , are wont to lay egges that have two yelkes . For these causes , Columella and Leontinus the Greek , give counsel to air and purge the houses where Hennes are , and their nests , yea and the very Hennes themselves , with Brimstone , and pitch , and torches ; and many do lay a plate of iron , or some nailes heads , and some Bay-Tree boughs upon their nests ; for all these are supposed to be very good preservatives against monstrous and prodigious births . And Columella reports farther , that many do strew grasse , and Bay-Tree boughs , and heads of Garlick , and iron nails , in the Hens nests ; all which are supposed to be good remedies against thunder , that it may not marre their egges ; and these also do spoil all the imperfect chickens , if there be any , before ever they grow to any ripenesse . Aelianus reporteth out of Apion , that in the time of Oeneus King of the South , there was seen a Crane that had two heads ; and in another Kings daies , another bird was seen that had four heads . We will shew also how to hatch A chicken with four wings and four feet , which we learn out Aristotle . Amongst egges , some there are oft-times that have two yelkes , if the Hennes be fruitful : for two conceptions cling and grow together , as being very near each to other ; the like whereof we may see in the fruits of Trees , many of them being twins , and growing into each other . Now , if the two yelks be distinguished by a small skinne , then they yield two perfect chickens without any blemish : but if the yelks be meddled one with another , without any skinne to part them , then that which is produced thereof , is a Monster . Seek out therefore some fruitful Hennes , and procure some of the perfectest egges that they lay : you may know which are for your purpose , by the bignesse of them ; if not , then hold them against the Sun , and you shall discern , both whether there be in them two yelks , and also whether they be distinguished or no : and if you finde in them such plenty of matter , that you see they are for your turn , let them be sitten upon , their due time , and the chickens will have four wings and four legges : but you must have a special care in bringing them up . And as some egges have two yelkes , so there are some that have three : but these are not so common ; and if they could be gotten , they would yield chickens with six wings and sixs legges , which be more wonderful . There hath been seen a small Duck with four feet , having a broad thin bill , her fore-parts black , her hinder-parts yellow , a black head , whitish eyes , black wings , and a black circle about her neck , and her back and tail black , yellow feet , and not standing far asunder ; and she is at this day kept to be seen at Torga . No question but she was generated after the same manner as we spake even now of chickens . So they report of a Pigeon that was seen which had four feet . And many such monsters we have oft-times hatcht at home for pleasure sake . So also are Serpents generated , having many heads and many tailes . Aristotle writes of certain Serpents , that they may be generated after the same manner , to have many heads . The Poets , and the ancient devisers of Fables , do speak much of that Hydra L●rnaea , which was one of Hercules labours to overcome : which Fiction was without all question occasioned by these kinds of Monsters . And whilst I was imployed about the writing of this present work , there was in Naples a Viper seen alive , which had two heads , and three cloven tongues , and moved every one of them up and down . I my self have seen many Lizards that had two or three tails , which the common people most foolishly esteem to be a jest ; and it cannot be but these were generated of such egges as had two yelks . CHAP. XVIII . Of certain other waies how to produce monstrous births . WE may also produce Monsters by another way then that which we spake of before ; for even after they are brought forth , we may fashion them into a monstrous shape , even as we list : for as we may shape young fruits as they grow , into the fashion of any vessel or case that we make for them to grow into ; as we may make a Quince like a mans head , a Cucumber like a Snake , by making a case of that fashion for them to grow in ; so also we may do by the births of living Creatures . Hippocrates in his book of Air , and Water , and Places , doth precisely set down the manner hereof ; and sheweth how they do it , that dwell by the River Phasis , all of them being very long-headed , whereas no other Nation is so besides . And surely Custom was the first cause that they had such heads ; but afterward Nature framed her self to that Custome ; insomuch that they esteemed it an honourable thing to have a very long head . The beginning of that Custome was thus . As soon as the child was new born , whiles his head was yet soft and tender , they would presently crush it in their hands , and so cause it to grow out in length ; yea they would bind it up with swathing bands , that it might not grow round , but all in length : and by this custom it came to passe , that their heads afterward grew such by nature . And in process of time , they were born with such heads , so that they needed not to be so framed by handling ; for whereas the generative seed is derived from all the parts of the body , sound bodies yielding good seed , but crazie bodies unsound seed ; and oftentimes bald fathers beget bald children ; and blear-eyed fathers , blear-eyed children ; and a deformed father , for the most part a deformed childe ; and the like also cometh to passe concerning other shapes : why should not also long-headed fathers generate long-headed children ? But now they are not born with such heads , because that practise is quite out of use ; and so nature , which was upheld by that custom , ceaseth together with the custom . So if we would produce a two-legged Dog , such as some are carried about to be seen ; we must take very young whelps , and cut off their feet , but heal them up very carefully : and when they be grow to strength , join them in copulation with other dogs that have but two legs left ; and if their whelps be not two-legged , cut off their legs still by succession , and at the last , nature will be overcome to yield their two-legged dogs by generation . By some such practise as you heard before , namely by handling , and often framing the members of young children , Mid-wives are wont to amend imperfections in them ; as the crookednesse or sharpnesse of their noses , or such like . CHAP. XIX . Of the wonderful force of imagination ; and how to produce party-coloured births . PLutark in his rehearsal of the opinions of Philosophers , writes , that Empedocles held that an infant is formed according to that which the mother looks upon at the time of conception : for , saith he , women were wont to have commonly pictures and images in great request , and to bring forth children resembling the same . Hippocrates , to clear a certain womans honesty that had brought forth children very unlike their parents , ascribed the cause of it to a certain picture which she had in her chamber . And the same defence Quintilian useth on the behalf of a woman , who being her self fair , had brought forth a Black-moor , which was supposed by all men to be her slaves son . Damascen reports , that a certain young woman brought forth a child that was all hairy ; and searching out the reason thereof , he found the hiary image of Iohn Baptist in her chamber , which she was wont to look upon . Heliodorus begins that excellent history which he wrote , with the Queen of Aethiopia , who brought forth Chariclea a fair daughter ; the cause whereof was , the fable of Andromeda pictured in that chamber , wherein she lay with the King. We read of some others , that they brought forth horned children , because in the time of their coition they looked upon the fable of Actaeon painted before them . Many children have hare-lips ; and all because their mothers being with child , did look upon a Hare . The conceit of the mind , and the force of Imagination is great ; but it is then most operative , when it is excessively bent upon any such thing as it cannot attain unto . Women with child , when they long most vehemently , and have their minds earnestly set upon any thing , do thereby alter their inward spirits ; the spirits move the blood , and so imprint the likenesse of the thing mused upon , in the tender substance of the child . And surely all children would have some such marks or other , by reason of their mothers longing , if this longing were not in some sort satisfied . Wherefore the searchers out of secrets have justly ascribed the marks and signes in the young ones , to the imagination of the mother ; especially that imagination which prevails with her in the chiefest actions , as in coition , in letting go her seed , and such like : and as man of all other living creatures , is most swift and fleeting in his thoughts , and fullest of conceits ; so the variety of his wit affords much variety of such effects ; and therefore they are more in mankind , then in other living creatures : for other creatures are not so divers minded , so that they may the better bring forth every one his like in his own kind . Iacob was well acquainted with this force of imagination , as the Scriptures witnesse : for endeavouring To bring forth party-coloured Sheep , he took that course which I would wish every man to take , that attempts any such enterprize . He took certain Rods and Poles of Popler , and Almond-tree , and such as might be easily barked ; and cut off half the rine , pilling them by white strakes , so that the Rods were white and black in several circles , like a Snakes colour . Then he put the Rods which he had pilled , into the gutters and watering-troughs , when the Sheep came to drink , and were in heat of conception , that they might look upon the Rods. And the Sheep conceived before the Rods , and brought forth young of party-colours , and with small and great spots . A delightful sight it was . Now afterward , Iacob parted these Lambes by themselves , and turned the faces of the other Sheep towards these party-coloured ones , about the time of conception : whereby it came to passe , that the other Sheep in their heat , beholding those that were party-coloured , brought forth Lambs of the like colour . And such experiments might be practised upon all living Creatures that bear wool ; and would take place in all kinds of beasts ; for this course will prevail even in Generating party-coloured Horses ; A matter which Horse-keepers , and Horse-breeders do practise much ; for they are wont to hang and adorn with tapestry and painted clothes of sundry colours , the houses and rooms where they put their Mares to take Horse ; whereby they procure Colts of a bright Bay colour , or of a dapple Gray , or of any one colour , or of sundry colours together . And Absyrtus teacheth the same in effect ; counselling us to cover the Mares body with some stuff of that colour , which we would have the Colt to be of : for look what colour she is set forth in , the same will be derived into the Colt ; for the horse that covers her , will be much affected with the sight of such colours , as in the heat of his lust he looketh on ; and will beget a Colt of the same hue as the example then before his eyes doth present unto him . Oppianus in his first book of Hunting , writes the same argument . Such is , saith he , the industry and practisednesse of mans wit , that they can alter the colour of the young ones from the mother , and even in the wombe of their Dam procure them to be of divers colours : for the Horse-breeder doth paint the Mares back with sundry colours , ( even such as they would procure to be in the Colt , ) against the time that both she desires horse , & the Stallion is admitted to cover her . So the Stallion , when he cometh and sees such goodly preparation as it were for his wedding , presently begins to some at the mouth , and to neigh after her , and is possessed with the fire of raging lust throughout his whole body , raving and taking on , that he cannot forthwith satisfie himself upon his bride . At length the Horse-breeder takes off their fetters , and lets them loose together ; and the Mare admits him , and afterward brings forth a Colt of as many colours as she beheld in the time of her copulation ; for as she conceives the Colt , so withal she conceives those colours which she then looks upon . How to procure white Pea-cocks . Informer times , white Pea-cocks were such a rare sight in Colen , that every one admired them as a most strange thing : but afterward they became more common , by reason that merchants brought many of them out of Norway : for whereas black or else party-coloured Peacocks were carried into that Country to be seen , presently as they came thither , they waxed white ; for there the old ones sit upon their eggs in the air , upon the tops of very high mountaines , full of snow ; and by continual sitting there , it causeth some alteration in their own colour ; but the young which they hatch , are white all over . And no doubt but some such courses will take good effect in all kinds of birds ; for if we take their Cages or Coops wherein they are kept , and their nests wherein they sit , and white them on the inside with some plastering work , or else cover them all over with white clothes or curtains , and so keep them in with grates , that they may not get out , but there couple and sit , and hatch their egges , they will yeeld unto us white broods . So if you would ▪ Procure Pigeons of party colours , you must take that course which Oppianus hath set down . At such time , as they fall to kissing their mate , and are desirous of copulation , let him that keeps them lay before their eyes sundry clothes of the bravest colours they can get , but especially purple : for the pigeons will in their heat of lust be much affected and delighted with the sight thereof , and the young ones which they bring forth , shall resemble the same colours . The subtil Fowler , saith he , that gives himself to take and to bring up birds , is well acquainted with , and is wont to practise such experiments , and very artificially procures fine colours in young Pigeons : he casteth before their sparkling eyes fine wrought tapestry , and red coverlets , and purple garments ; and so whiles he feeds their eyes with pleasing sights , he steals away their imagination to the colours which they look upon , and thereby derives the very same colours into the young ones . How to procure a shag-hair'd Dog. In ●a●ting time you must strew their kennels , and the places where they lie and couple , and usually haunt , with the fleeces and hides of beasts ; and so , while they continually look upon those sights , they will beget shag whelps like Lions . This we heard came to passe by chance , and without any such intended purpose , that a little Bitch lying continually in a Rams fleece , when she came to be with whelp , she brought forth puppies of the like hair as the fleece was . How to procure Swine , and other beasts to be white . Swine-herds , and Keepers of beasts , when they would have white litters , are wont to beautifie , and to build the stables and places whither the beasts resort to lye , with white roofs and white eaves ; and the Swine which were brought forth in such white sties , and the other beasts likewise that were brought forth in such whited places , became thereby white all over . CHAP. XX. How it may be wrought , that Women should bring forth fair and beautiful children . BY this which hath been spoken , it is easie for any man to work the like effects in mankind , and to know how to procure fair and beautiful children . Nay , Writers make mention , that these things which we speak of , have oftentimes fallen out by chance . Wherefore it was not here to be omitted . The best means to produce this effect , is to place in the bed-chambers of great men , the images of Cupid , Adonis , and Ganymedes ; or else to set them there in carved and graven works , in some solid matter , that they may alwayes have them in their eyes : whereby it may to passe , that whensoever their wives lie with them , still they may think upon those pictures , and have their imagination strongly and earnestly bent thereupon : and not only while they are in the act , but after they have conceived and quickned also : so shall the child when it is born , imitate and expresse the same form which his mother conceived in her mind , when she conceived him , and bare in her mind , while she bare him in her wombe . And I know by experience , that this course will take good effect ; for after I had counselled many to use it , there was a woman , who had a great desire to be the mother of a fair Son , that heard of it , and put it in practise ; for she procured a white boy carved of marble , well proportioned every way ; and him she had always before her eyes : for such a Son it was that she much desired . And when she lay with her Husband , and likewise afterward , when she was with child , still she would look upon that image , and her eyes and heart were continually fixed upon it : whereby it came to passe , that when her breeding time was expired , she brought forth a Son very like in all points , to that marble image , but especially in colour , being as pale and as white , as if he had been very marble indeed . And thus the truth of this experiment was manifestly proved . Many other women have put the like course in practise , and their skill hath not failed them . Oppianus mentions this kind of practise , that it is usual amongst the Lacedaemonians : for they , saith he , when they perceive that their wives are breeding young bones , hang up fine pictures , and place goodly images in their sight ; some , of the most beautiful and handsome young men that ever mankind afforded , as of Nireus , Narcissus , and valiant Hyacinthus , and of other young lusty gallants that were most comely and beautiful in face , and very sightly for all the parts of their body ; and some , of such excellent gods as was Apollo crowned with a garland of fresh coloured Bay , and Evan that had a Diadem of Vine-leaves about his head , and goodly hair hanging down under it : and this they did , that while their Wives stood gazing continually upon such brave pictures , and comely portraitures , they might breed and bring forth children of the same comlinesse and beauty . CHAP. XXI . How we may procure either males or females to be generated . EMpedocles was of opinion , That males or females were generated according to the heat or cold that was in them ; and thence it is , saith he , that the first males are reported to have been generated in the Eastern and Southern parts of the earth , but the first females in the Northern parts . But Parmenides quite contrary affirmed , That males were especially generated towards the North , as having in them more solidity and thicknesse ; and females especially towards the South , as being more loose and open , according to the disposition of the place . Hipponax held , That males and females are generated , according as the seed is either strong and solid , or fluid , weak and feeble . Anaxagoras writes , that the seed which issueth out of the right parts of the body , is derived into the right parts of the wombe ; and likewise that which issueth out of the left parts of the body , falleth into the left parts of the wombe : but if they change courses , and the right seed fall into the left cell or receit in the wombe , or the left seed into the right cell , then it generates a female . Leucippus held , That there was no cause either in the seed or heat , or solidity , or place , that they should be different sexes , but only as it pleases nature to mark the young ones with different genitories , that the male hath a yard , and the female a wombe . Democritus affirms , that either sex in every part proceeds indifferently from either parent ; but the young one takes in sex after that parent which was most prevalent in that generation . Hipponax saith , if the seed whereof the young is begotten , prevail most , then it is a male ; but if the nourishment which it receives in the breeding , prevail more then the seed , then it is a female . But all Physitians with one consent affirm , that the right side hath most heat in it ; wherefore if the woman receive and retain the generative seed in the right side of her wombe , then that which she conceives , is a male ; but if in the left side , it is a female . The experience whereof may be evidently seen in such living Creatures as bring forth many at one burthen : for if you cut open a Sow that is great with Pig , you shall find the Boar-pigs lying in the right side , and the Sow-pigs in the left side of her wombe . And hence it is , that Physitians counsel women , as soon as they have taken in mans seed , to turn them presently on their right side . And hence it is , that if you knit up a Rams right stone , he begets Ewe-lambs only , as Pliny writeth . A Bull , as soon as he hath rid a Cow , gives evident signs to any man to conjecture whether he hath begotten a Cow-calf or a Bulchin ; for if he leap off by the right side , it is certain that he hath begotten a Bulchin ; if by the left side , then a Cow-calf . Wherefore the Aegyptians in their Hieroglyphicks , when they would signifie a woman that hath brought forth a daughter , they make the character & likeness of a Bull looking toward the left side ; but to signifie the birth of a son , they make his character as looking toward the right side . But if you desire to have a male generated , Africanus , Columella , and Didymus counsel you to knit up the left stone of the Sire ; if a female , then to knit up his right stone ; at such times as he is to be coupled for generation . But because this would be too muchto do , where there is great store of cattel , we may assay it by another means . Northern blasts help much to the conception of a male , and Southern blasts to the conception of a female , as Pliny reporteth : the force of the Northern air is such , that those beasts which are wont to procreate females only , this will cause to bring forth males also . The Dams at the time of their copulation , must be set with their noses into the North : and if they have been used to coition still in the morning , you must not put them to it in the afternoon , for then they will not stand to their mate . Aristotle , a man most subtile , and exquisitely seen in the works of nature , willeth us , that about the time of gendering , we should wait for some Northern blasts in a dry day , and then let the flock feed against the winde , and so let them fall to copulation : if we would procure females to be generated , then we must so wait for Southern blasts , and let them stand with their heads towards the South as they are in copulation ; for so not only Aristotle counselleth , but Columella and Aelianus also : for it is a rule that Aelianus , Pliny , Africanus and Didymus do all give , that if the cattel , as soon as they have been covered , do turn themselves toward the Southern winde , then certainly they have conceived females . There is also some cause of the procreation of a male , or of a female , in the begetters themselves ; nay further , some cause thereof may be the force and operation of some waters : for sometimes the waters cause that a male or female be generated . There is , not far from the City Pana , a certain River called Milichus ; and not far from that , another River called Charadius ; whereof if the beasts drink in the Spring-time , they commonly bring forth all males : for which cause the Shepherds there drive away their flocks at that time , and feed them in that part of the Country which lieth farthest off from that River ; as Pausanias writeth in his Achaica . CHAP. XXII . Of divers experiences that may be , and have been practised upon divers living Creatures . THere remain now certain experiments of living Creatures , both pleasant , and of some use , which we have thought good here to set down , to save a labour of seeking them any further . And first , How to make Horses have white spots on them . It is a thing required in the art of trimming of Horses , to be able to cause white spots to grow in some parts of them ; for crafty Horse-coursers are wont to counterfeit white spots in the forehead , or left thigh , or right shoulder of an Horse , thereby to deceive such men , as are wont to gesse at the goodnesse and qualities of a horse , by the conjecture of such marks . And this their counterfeit practise hath been derected by this chance ; that the hair of a horses skin being galled off in any place , after a while hoary hairs have grown up there of themselves ; and it is not unlikely but that this chance taught them that practise . The manner of the doing it , is , first to shave off the hair in that place where you would have a white spot ; and then rub off , or cut the upper skin , and so you shall there have a white patch . But Oppianus speaking of the same experiment , shews that it is to be done by fire . There be some Horses , saith he , that are full of white round spots intermingled with their black colour : it cometh by the industry of the Horse-breeder , who when they are yet tender and young , cunningly burns off their hair with an hot iron . But on the contrary , if you would have The hairs of a wounded or galled place , to grow up of the same colour , as the other hair is of , Tiberius hath taught the way how to do it . You must knead three pints of bruised or ground barley , and put to it the froth of nitre and a little salt , and make it into loaves ; then you must put them into an Oven till they are burned to coals ; afterward crush them , and beat them to powder , and then mix them with oyle , and anoint the sore or the scar therewith ; and this you must do for twenty daies . But what should be the reason that this barley ashes should cause , not white hairs , but the like in colour to the rest , to grow upon the scars or sores of horses whereupon it is cast , that , Alexander Aphrodisaeus ascribes to this , because barley hath in it a purgative and cleansing force , and so wasteth and expelleth the humors , and all the naughty stuff , that was gathered by the sore into that part , because it was maimed , and consequently not so well able to relieve it self . Neither yet will I here omit that toyish experiment whereby we may Procure in Oxen a counterfeit shew of fatnesse . If you take an Oxe well grown in years , and make a hole into his thigh , and blow wind thereby into him , and afterward give him meat , he will shew fat , though indeed he be very lean . We may also , by giving them some kind of water to drink Cause the fleeces and hides of cattel to be of divers colours , as Aelianus sheweth . The River Crathis affords one channel that makes beasts white : for Oxen and Sheep , and all four-footed beasts , as Theophrastus saith , as soon as they drink of it , become white , though before they were red or black . In Euboea , all for the most part , are white Oxen by nature . Sheep , by reason of the diversity of mater which they drink , do diversly change their colour ; the force and nature of the Rivers working this change in them , especially at every ramming time . Some are turned from black to white , and contrariwise , some are turned from white to black : these alterations are commonly seen neer to the River Antandrus , and neer also to a certain River in Thracia . The River Scamander , which is neer unto Troy , makes as many Sheep as drink of the water thereof , to become yellow . We may also conjecture and foresee by certain outward bodily signs in the Dam or Sire , What colour their young ones will be of . To foreknow the colour of young Mules , we must take special example of the hairs of their Dams ears and eye-lids : for howsoever the rest of their body is of one and the same colour , yet in those two parts we may discern so many and such colours as the foal shall have , as Columella writeth . So if you look under the Rams tongue , you shall there find certain veins ; which if they be black , then will the Lambs be black also ; but if they be white , then he hath begotten white Lambs : for look what colour these veins are of , with the same colour will the fleece of the Lambe be overspread ; insomuch that if there be sundry colours in them , there will be also sundry like colours upon the Lambes , as Aristotle , Democritus and Didymus do witnesse . Now , how we may Know by the egge , whether the chick when it is hatcht , will be a Cock or a Hen , Aristotle teacheth us : for , saith he , if the egge be exactly round , then it will yield a Cock-chicken ; but if it be somewhat long , then it yields an Hen-bird : the reason is , because in things that are round , the natural heat is more kindly and strongly compacted together . How to make a bird sociable and familiar with thee . Now we will speak of the sociablenesse and familiarity which a certain Pie had with a friend of mine : who by this pretty device did make the Pie so well acquainted with him , and so serviceable to him , that she would flie unto him , not only for the supplying of her daily wants , but as it were for love , never forsaking him night or day . The device was this . While she was yet unfeathered in the nest , he broke off her lower beak , even to her very jaws , that the poor wretch could not eat any meat but that which was put into her mouth with hands ; and he himself gave her with his own hands all the meat she did eat . After that , she would flie to his trencher at dinner and supper , and would prate and chat unto him very flippant ; insomuch that nothing could be spoken in the house , but she would imitate it , and speak it again ; and not only frame her tongue to their words , but her body also to the imitating and resembling of their actions . And he was wont still to leave her loose at home , and she would flie about everywhere ; but still at dinner and supper times she would return home . It fell out that the man had occasion to go from home fifteen or sixteen days journey : she would alwayes bear him company , now and then flying a great way before him , and would sit still upon a bough till he came at her ; and then she would leap upon his cap and his shoulders , frisking about him for very joy ; and sometimes staying behind him ; and then when he was gone a great way before , she would in all haste flie away after to overtake him : and she was also his continual bed-fellow ; and yet to this day he hath her , and enjoyeth her familiar company . But , concerning the general transmutation and change of living creatures , let these things be sufficient which we have already spoken . THE THIRD BOOK OF Natural Magick : Which delivereth certain precepts of Husbandry ; and sheweth how to intermingle sundry kinds of Plants , and how to produce new kinds . The PROEME . WE have rehearsed concerning divers kinds of new living Creatures ; now shall I speak of Plants , which ravish with admiration the eyes and minds of those that contemplate on them , with their abundant pleasantnesse , and wonderful Elegancy . These bring more profit , and by these a natural Philosopher may seem more admirable . For use made with the earth , is more honest and honourable then with other things ▪ and the ground never grows old or barren , but is everywhere naturally rank to receive new seed , and to produce new ; and is ever unsatisfied in fruitfulnesse , and brings perpetual increase : and if nature be alwayes admirable , she will seem more wonderful in Plants . Copulation was but of one kind , here it is almost infinite ; and not onely every Tree can be ingrafted into every Tree , but one Tree may be adulterated with them all . Living Creatures of divers kinds were not easily produced , and those that come from other Countries were hard to get : here is no difficulty at all ; grafts are fetcht and sent , if need be , to any part of the world . And if diversity of Creatures are made in Africa , by their copulating when they meet at the Rivers , that so new creatures are alwayes produced ; here in Italy , where the Air is alwayes calme , and the Climate very indulgent , strange and wilde plants find a good harbour , and ground to grow in , which is the mother and nourisher of all , and so fruitful to produce new and diversity of plants , that it can hardly be exhausted . And we can better write of them , and know the truth more then others , because we have them still before our eyes , and an opportunity to consider of their effects . And if our Ancestors found many new things , we by adding to theirs , have found many more , and shall produce more excellent things overpassing them , because daily by our art , or by chance ; by nature , or new experience , new plants are made . Diodorus writes , that the Vine at first was but one , and that was wilde ; but now by the help of Bacchus alone , from the quality of the ground , the nature of the climate , and the art of planting , it is varied into many kinds , that it were madnesse to number them up , and not worth our time . Nature brought forth but one kind of Pear-tree : now so many mens names are honoured by it , that one is called Decumana , another Dolabelliana , and another is named from Decumius and Dolabella . The same thing is observed in Figges , of Livy and Pompey . Quinces are of many kinds ; some called Mariana from Marius , Manliana from Manlius , Appiana Claudiana from Appius Claudius , Cestiana from Cestius : their varieties have made the Authers names immortal . What shall I say of Laurel cherries , found in Pliny his time ? what of Citrons ? which as Athenaeus saith , were too sharp to eat in the days of Theophrastus , and the ancestors of Plutark and Pliny ; but Palladius made them to become sweet . What of the Peach , and Almond-peach Nuts , fruits our fore-fathers knew not , yet now are they eaten , being pleasant and admirable ? what of Clove-gilliflowers , that the Gardrers Art hath made so dainty and sweet scented ? and so of other plants I have everywhere set down in this work ? Our Naples abounds so with them , that we would not go forth to see the Orchards of the Hesperides , Alcinus , Semiramis , and at Memphis , that were made to hang above ground . But I shall briefly and plainly relate the History . CHAP. I. How new kinds of Plants may be generated of putrefaction . AS we have shewed before , that new kinds of Living Creatures may be generated of putrefaction ; so , to proceed in the same order as we have begun , we will now shew that new kinds of Plants may grow up of their own accord , without any help of seed or such like . The Antients questionless were of opinion , that divers plants were generated of the earth and water mixt together ; and that particular places did yield certain particular plants . We rehearsed the opinion of Diogenes before , who held that plants are generated of water putrified in it self , and a little earth tempered therewith . Theophrastus held , that the rain causeth much putrefaction and alteration in the earth , and thereby plants may be nourished , the Sun working upon it with his heating , and with his drying operation . They write also , that the ground when it is stirred , brings forth such kinds of Plants alwaies , as are usuall in the same place . In the Isle Creta , the ground is of that nature , that if it be stirred anywhere , and no other thing sown or planted in it , it will of it self bring forth a Cypresse-tree : and their tilled lands , those that are somewhat moist , when they lie fallow , bring forth thistles . So the herb Laser in Africa , is generated of a kind of pitchy or clammy rain and thick dirt ; and the herb will shew it self out of the earth presently after the rain is fallen . Pliny said , that the waters which fall from above , are the cause of every thing that grows upon the earth , nature shewing therein her admirable work and power : and many such things they report , which we have spoken of in the books of the knowledge of Plants . And I my self have oft-times by experience proved , that ground digged out from under the lowest foundations of certain houses , and the bottom of some pits , and laid open in some small vessel to the force of the Sun , hath brought forth divers kinds of Plants . And whereas I had oftentimes , partly for my own pleasure , and partly to search into the works of Nature , sought out and gathered together earths of divers kinds , I laid them abroad in the Sun , and watered them often with a little sprinkling , and found thereby , that a fine light earth would bring forth herbs that had slight stalkes like a rush , and leaves full of fine little ragges ; and likewise that a rough and stiff earth full of holes , would bring forth a slight herbe , hard as wood , and full of crevises . In like manner , if I took of the earth that had been digged out of the thick woods , or out of moist places , or out of the holes that are in hollow stones , it would bring forth herbs that had smooth blewish stalkes , and leaves full of juice and substance , such as Peny-wort , Purslane , Senegreek , and Stone-croppe . We made trial also of some kinds of earth that had been farre fetcht , such as they had used for the ballast of their Shippes ; and we found such herbs generated thereof , as we knew not what they were . Nay further also , even out of very roots and barks of Trees , and rotten seeds , powned and buried , and there macecrated with water , we have brought forth in a manner the very same herbs ; as out of an Oken root , the herb Polypody , and Oak-fern , and Splenewort , or at least such herbs as did resemble those , both in making and in properties . What should I here rehearse , how many kinds of toad-stools and puffs we have produced ? yea , of every several mixture of putrified things , so many several kinds have been generated . All which I would here have set down , if I could have reduced them into any method ; or else if such plants had been produced , as I intended : but those came that were never sought for . But happily I shall hereafter , if God will , write of these things , for the delight , and speculation , and profit of the more curious for t : which I have neither time nor leisure now to mention , seeing this work is ruffled up in haste . But let us see How Toad-stools may be generated . Dioscorides , and others have written , That the bark of a white Poplar-Tree , and of a black , being cut into small pieces , and sowed in dunged lands or furrows , will at all times of the year bring forth mushromes or toad-stools that are good to be eaten . And in another place he saith , that they are more particularly generated in those places , where there lies some old rusty iron , or some rotten cloth : but such as grow neer to a Serpents hole , or any noisome Plants , are very hurtful . But Tarentinus speaks of this matter more precisely . If , saith he , you cut the stock of a black Poplar peece-meal into the earth , and pour upon it some leaven that hath been steeped in water , there will soon grow up some Poplar toad-stools . He addeth further ; If an up-land or hilly field that hath in it much stubble and many stalks of corn , be set on fire at such time as there is rain brewing in the clouds , then the rain falling , will cause many toad-stools there to spring up of their own accord : but if , after the field is thus set on fire , happily the rain which the clouds before threatned doth not fall ; then , if you take a thin linnen cloth , and let the water drop through by little and little like rain , upon some part of the field where the fire hath been , there will grow up toad-stools , but not so good as otherwise they would be , if they had been nourished with a showre of rain . Next we will shew How Sperage may be generated . Dydimus writes , That if any man would have good store of Sperage to grow , he must take the horns of wilde Rams , and beat them into very small powder , and sow them in eared ground , and water it , and he shall have his intent . There is one that reports a more strange matter ; that if you take whole Rams horns not powned into small pieces , but only cut a little , and make a hole in them , and so set them , they will bring forth Sperage . Pliny is of Didymus opinion , that if the horns be powned and ●igged into the earth , they will yield Sperage ; though Dioscorides thinks it to be impossible . And though I have made often trial hereof , but could not find it so to be , yet my friends have told me of their own experience , that the same tender seed that is contained within the Rams horn , hath produced Sperage . The same my friends also have reported That Ivy doth grow out of the Harts horn ; and Aristotle writes of an Husband-man that found such an experiment ; though for my own part I never tried it . But Theophrastus writes , that there was Ivy found growing in the Harts horn ; whereas it is impossible to think how any Ivy seed could get in there : and whereas some alledge , that the Hart might have rubbed his horn against some Ivy roots , and so some part of the horn being soft and ready to putrifie , did receive into it some part of the root , and by this means it might there grow ; this supposal carries no shew of probability or credit with it . But if these things be true , as I can say or see nothing to the contrary , then surely no man will deny but that divers kinds of plants may be generated of divers kinds of living Creatures horns . In like manner , may plants be generated of the putrified barks and boughs of old Trees : for so is Polypody , and the herb Hyphear generated ; for both these , and divers other plants also , do grow up in Firre-trees , and Pine-trees , and such other : for in many Trees , neer to the bark , there is a certain flegmatick or moist humour , that is wont to putrifie ; which , when it abounds too much within , breaks forth into the outward shew of the boughs and the stock of the Tree ; and there it meets with the putrified humour of the bark ; and the heat of the Sun working upon it there , quickly turns it into such kinds of herbs . CHAP. II. How Plants are changed , one of them degenerating into the form of the other . TO work Miracles , is nothing else ( as I suppose ) but to turn one thing into another , or to effect those things which are contrary to the ordinary course of Nature . It may be done by negligence , or by cunning handling and dressing them , that plants may forsake their own natural kind , and be quite turned into another kind ; wholly degenerating , both in taste , and colour , and bignesse , and fashion : and this I say may easily be done , either if you neglect to dresse or handle them according to their kind , or else dresse them more carefully and artificially then their own kind requires . Furthermore , every plant hath his proper manner , and peculiar kind of sowing or planting ▪ for some must be sowed by seed , others planted by the whole stem , others set by some root , others graffed by some sprig or branch : so that if that which should be sowed by seed , be planted by the root , or set by the whole stock , or graffed by some branch ; or if any that should be thus planted be sowed by seed ; that which cometh up will be of a divers kinde from that which grows usually , if it be planted according to its own nature , as Theophrastus writes . Likewise if you shall change their place , their air , their ground , & such like , you pervert their kind ; and you shall find that the young growing plant will resemble another kind , both in colour and fashion ; all which are clear cases by the books of Husbandry . Some examples we will here rehearse . If you would change A white Vine into a black , or a black into a white ; sow the seed of a white Garden-Vine , and that which cometh of it , will be a black Wilde-vine ; and so the seed of a black Garden-vine will bring forth a white Wilde-vine , as Theophrastus teacheth . The reason is , because a Vine is not sowed by seed , but the natural planting of it is by sprigs and roots . Wherefore if you deal with it otherwise then the kind requires , that which cometh of it must needs be unkindly . By the like means A white Fig-tree may degenerate into a black . for the stone of a Fig , if it be set , never brings forth any other but a wilde or a wood Fig-tree , and such as most commonly is of a quite contrary colour ; so that of a white figtree it degenerates into a black , and contrariwise a black fig-tree degenerates into a white . Sometimes also , of a right and noble Vine is generated a bastard Vine , and that so different in kind oftentimes , that it hath nothing of the right garden-vine , but all meerly wilde . In like manner also are changed The red Myrtle and the red Bay-tree into black , and cannot chuse but lose their colour : for these likewise degenerate , as the same Theophrastus reports to have been seen in Antandrus ; for the Myrtle is not sowed by seed , but planted by graffing ; and the Bay-tree is planted by setting a little sprig thereof that hath in it some part of the root , as we have shewed in our discourse of Husbandry . So also are Sweet Almonds and sweet Pomegranates changed into sowre ones . for the stones or kernels of the Pomegranates are changed from their right blue , into a baser colour ; and the Pomegranate it self , though it be never so good , degenerates into a hard , and commonly a sharp fruit . The Almond degenerates likewise both in taste , and also in feeling ; for of a soft one cometh a harder : therefore we are counselled to graffe him when he is prettily well grown , or else to change him , and shift him oft . An Oak likewise will become worse : and therefore whereas the best grows in Epyrus , and many have planted the same elsewhere , yet they could never produce the like of that . In like manner , of the kernel of the natural Olive cometh a wilde Olive ; ( and they that say that the male Cypresse-tree for the most part degenerates into a female ; ) and in processe of time there is such a change , that it agreeth in nothing with the natural Olive , but is so stark wilde , that sometimes it cannot bring forth fruit to any perfection . Varro saith that Coleworts are changed into Rape , and Rape into Coleworts . Old seed is of so great force in some things , that it quite changeth the nature ; for the old seed of Coleworts being sowed , brings forth Rape ; and contrariwise , old Rape-seed degenerates into Coleworts . By labour also and dressing The Corn Typha , and Spelt , are changed into Wheat , and Wheat into them ; for this may be done , if you take them being of a thorough ripenesse , and knead them , and then plant them ; but this will not so prove the first nor the second year ; but you must expect the proof of it in the third year , as Theophrastus sheweth . Pliny writeth , that the Corn Siligo is changed into Wheat the second year . So all seeds , either by reason that they are neglected , or because there is some indisposition either in the earth , or the air where they are , do oft-times degenerate from the excellency and goodnesse of their kind , and become worse . Virgil hath observed it : I have seen , saith he , the best and choicest things that were most made of , at length yet to degenerate , unlesse mans industry did yearly supply them with his help : so fatal it is for all things to wax worse and worse , and still to have need to be renewed . Galens father , a man very studious of Husbandry , especially in his old age , bestowed great pains and diligence to find out , whether the annoyances of fruits , that which mars their pure goodnesse , did spring up of it self , or arise out of any seeds of the fruits themselves , which did degenerate into other kinds . Wherefore he took the purest , and the cleanest Wheat and Barley that he could get , and having picked out all other seed whatsoever , sowed them in the ground : and when he found much Tares growing in the Wheat , but very little in the Barley , he put the same experiment in other grain in practice ; and at last found in Pulse a hard and round Fetch ; and moreover , that the herb Axesceed did grow among Pulse , by a kind of degeneration of the Pulse into Axesceed . So , unlesse it be prevented by skill and pains , The herb Ballamint will turn into a Mint . Wherefore it must be often shifted and translated from place to place , lest it so degenerate , as Theophrastus counselleth ; for when a man doth not look to it and dresse it , the roots thereof will grow very large , and thereby the upper part being weakned , loseth the ranknesse of his savour ; and that being lost , there remains in it but a weak smell , the very same in a manner that is in a common Mint . I my self have sowed Mint seed , and it hath been changed into wilde Peny-roial ; I mean , in savour onely : for the fashion of the Mint remained still in it . Martial writes , That Basil-royal degenerates into-wilde Betony , if it be laid open to the Suns hotest and greatest force : for then it will bring forth sometimes purple flowers , sometimes white , and sometimes of a Rosie colour . And it will not only degenerate into Betony , but into Ballamint also . Likewise the boughs of the shrub Casia , as Galen reporteth , will degenerate into Cinamon . Likewise Cloves , Roses , Violets , and Gilli-flowers , of purple , will become white , either by reason that they are old , or else if they be not well looked unto . For Theophrastus records , that Violets , Roses , and Gilli-flowers , if they be not well heeded , in three years will wax white ; and the experience thereof I my self have plainly seen . Neither yet will Plants degenerate one into another , only in such case as where there is a kind of vicinity and likenesse of nature , but also where there is no such vicinity , one plant may be changed into another of a quite different kind : for An Oak may be changed into a Vine . Albertus reporteth , ( if the thing be as true as it is strange ; but let the truth thereof lie upon his credit ) he reports , I say , that Oaken or Beechen boughs being ingraffed into the Tree Myrica , is quite changed into it ; and so into the Tree called Tremisca , which is a baser kind of wood : and likewise if Oaken boughs be set in the ground of Alummum , a place so called , they will be quite altered into right Vines , such as their grapes yeeld good wine ; and sometimes the old Oaks , if they be pared , degenerate into Vines . But we must not think that this change is made while those Trees or boughs last ; but when once they are putrified , then the nature of the ground works into them , and changeth them into Vines . CHAP. III. How to make one fruit compounded of many . AS we heard before of divers living Creatures , that they might be mingled into one , by copulation ; so now we will shew also how to contrive divers kinds of fruits , by graffing into one fruit : for graffing is in plants the same that copulation is in living creatures : yet I deny not , but there are other means whereby this may be effected , as well as by graffing . But above all other , graffing is most praise-worthy , as being the best and fittest means to incorporate one fruit into another , and so of many to make one , after a wonderful manner . And whereas it may be thought a very toilsome , and indeed impossible matter , here the excellent effect of the work must sweeten all thy labour , and thy painful diligence will take away the supposed impossibility of the thing , and perform that which a man would think were not possible to be done . Neither must thou suffer thy self to be discouraged herein by the sayings of rude Husband-men which have attempted this thing , but for want of skill could not perform it , seeing experience teacheth thee that it hath been done . Wherefore against such discouragements , thou must arm thy self with a due consideration of such experiments as the Antients have recorded : as for example , that the Figge-tree may be incorporated into the Plane-tree , and the Mulberry-tree ; and likewise the Mulberry-tree into the Chestnut-tree , the Turpentine-tree , and the white Poplar , whereby you mayest procure white Mulberries ; and likewise the Chestnut-tree into a Hasel , and an Oak ; and likewise the Pomegranate-tree into all Trees , for that it is like to a common whore , ready and willing for all Comers ; and likewise the Cherry-tree into a Turpentine-tree : and to conclude , that every Tree may be mutually incorporated into each other , as Columella supposeth . And this is the cause of every composition of many fruits into one , of every adopted fruit which is not the natural child , as it were , of the Tree that bare it ; and this is the cause of all strange and new kinds of fruits that grow . Virgil makes mention of such a matter , when he saith , that Dido admired certain Trees which she saw , that bare new kinds of leaves , and apples that naturally were not their own . And Palladius saith , that Trees are joined together as it were , by carnal copulation , to the end that the fruit thereof might contain in it , all the excellencies of both the parents : and the same Trees were garnished with two sorts of leaves , and nourished with two sorts of juices , and the fruit had a double relish , according to both the kinds whence it was compounded . But now , as we did in our tract of the commixtion of divers kinds of living Creatures ; so here also it is meet to prescribe certain rules , whereby we may cause those divers plants which we would intermingle , to join more easily , and to agree better together , for the producing of new and compounded fruits . First therefore , we must see that either of the Trees have their bark of one and the same nature : and both of them must have the same time of growing and shooting out of their sprigs ; as was required in living creatures , that both of them should have the same time of breeding their young ones : for if the graffe have a dry or a hard bark , and the stock have a moist or soft bark , or that they be any way contrary each to other , we shall labour in vain . Then we must see that the ingraffing be made in the purest and soundest place of the stock , so that it neither have any tumors or knobs , or any scars , neither yet hath been blasted . Again , it is very material , that the young graffes or shoots be fetcht from the most convenient place or part of the Trees ; namely , from those boughs that grow toward the East , where the Sun is wont to rise in the Summer-time . Again , they must be of a fruitful kind , and be taken off from young plants , such as never bare fruit before . They must also be taken in their prime , when they are beginning first to bud , and such as are of two years growth , and likely to bear fruit in their second year . And the stocks into which they are to be engraffed , must likewise be as young as may be graffed into ; for if they be old , their hardnesse will scarce give any entertainment to strange shoots to be planted upon them . And many such observations must be diligently looked into , as we have shewed in our book of Husbandry . But we must not here omit to speak of the lome , or that clammy morter , which makes The Graffe and the stock to close more easily together ; for it is very helpful to glew or fasten the skins of both the barks one into the other : and if the barks be of a divers nature , yet by this lome they may be so bound into one , that they will easily grow together . And surely it is commodious in many respects . First , because , as in mans body , the flesh being wounded or pierced into , is soon closed up again with stiffe and clammy plaisters applyed thereunto ; so the bark or the boughs of Trees being cut or rent , will close together again very speedily , by the applying of this morter . For if you pill the bark off from a Tree , or slip off a little sprig from a bough , unlesse you close it up so cunningly , that it may stick as fitly every way in the graffing as whilst it grew , it will soon wither , and fade , and lose the natural juice and moisture ; which inconvenience this lome will prevent , and fit them one into another . Moreover , if there be any open chink betwixt the bark and the Tree , presently the air getteth in , and will not suffer them to close ; therefore to make it sure that they may close without fail , this lome is needful . And whereas there are some Trees which cannot away to be harboured in any of another kind , this lome knit them so strongly into the stock , that they cannot but bud and blossom . But here we must observe , that this glue or morter must be as neer of the nature of the thing engraffed as may be ; for then it will perform this duty more kindly . If you be diligent herein , you may do many matters . We will give you a taste of some , that by these you may learn to do the like . Pill off the bark of Holly , and make a pit in some moist ground , and there bury your Holly rines , and let them there putrifie , which will be done in twelve daies : then take them forth , and stamp them till you see they are become a clammy slime . This is also made of the fruit Sebesten in Syria ; and likewise it may be made of ordinary birdlime : but the best of all is made of the rines of Elm-roots stamped together ; for this hath a special quality , both to fasten , and also to cherish . But let us return to graffing , which is of such great force , that it hath caused a new kind of a bastard fruit that was never heard of before , namely An Apple compounded of a Peach-apple , and a Nut-peach ; which kind of compound generation , was never seen , nor heard of , nor yet thought upon by the Ancient . This is to be done by a kind of graffing which they call emplastering . Take off two young fruitful sprigges , one from a Peach-apple Tree , and the other from the Nut-peach Tree ; but they must be well growen , and such as are ready to budde forth . Then pare off the bark of them about two fingers breadth in compasse , so that the budde to be graffed may stand fitly in the midst betwixt them both ; but you must do it charily , lest you perish the wood . Then cleave them thorough the middle a little way , that they may be let one into another , and yet the cleft not seen , but covered with the bud . Then take off a bud from one of those Trees , with the bark round about the bud , and set it into the midst of the boughs which we spake of before ; and so engraffe them together into the other Tree , having first cut out a round fit place for them therein . They must be engraffed in that part of the Tree , which is most neat and fresh-coloured ; the sprigs that grow about that place must be cut off , lest they withdraw the nourishment from the graffe , which requires it all for it self . And when you have so done , binde it about gently , that you hurt it not ; and cover it with somewhat , lest the rain fall down upon it ; but especially take heed to the cleft , and the place where you pilled off the bark , that you plaister it up well with morter . Thus if you do , the graffe will very kindly prosper , and the bud grow forth into a fruit that is compounded of both kinds , and it shall carry the hue both of the Peach-apple and the Nut-peach by equal proportion , such as was never seen before . By this means also we may procure the bringing forth Of a Figge halfe white and half black ; for if we take the buds of each of them , paring them off together with the bark round about them , and then cut them in the middle , and put the half of one , and the half of the other together , and so emplaister them into the Tree , as we spake before , the fruit thereof will be a Figge half white and half black . So also Pomegranates may be brought forth , which will be sweet on the one side , and sowre on the other ; If you take either the shoots or the buds of each of them , and after you have divided them in the midst , put the half of each together , as before was spoken . But this may be done best upon the shoots or sprigs ; for the bud can hardly be pared off , nor well divided , because the bark is so weak , and so thin , and slender , that it will not endure to be much or long handled . Likewise Orenges compounded of divers kinds , and such as are half Limons ; as also Limons half sweet , and half sowre , may be produced , if we mix them after the same manner as we spake before ; for these are very fit to be graffed by emplastering ; and these kinds of compound Orenges and Limons are very commonly to be seen in many Orchards in Naples ▪ In like manner we may mingle and compound A Peach of the white and the red Peach , if we put those two kinds together , by such emplastering : for there are of this compound fruit to be sold in Naples at this day . Likewise we may procure A grape that hath a kernel or stone half black , and diversly coloured . We must deal by the shoots of Vines , as we shewed before was to be done by the buds of other Trees ; cleave them in the middle , and binde two shoots or more of divers sorts of Vines handsomely together , that they may grow up in one , and graff them into a fruitful Vine of some other kind . And the same which we have shewed concerning fruits , may be as well practised also upon flowers . As for example ; If we would produce Roses that are half white and half red ; we must take the sprigs of white Rose , and of a red , and pare off the buds of each of them ; and having cut them asunder in the middle , put the halfs of each together , as we spake before , and engraffe them artificially into the bark , and then have a diligent care still to cherish them , the compound bud wil in due season bring forth Roses which will be white of the one side , and red of the other . But if you would make trial hereof in Clove-gilli-flowers , and desire To produce some that are half red , seeing they have no buds at all , you must practise this experiment upon their root ; you must take two roots of them , and cleave them in the middle , and match them fitly together , that they may grow each to other ; and binde them up well , and then will they yeeld compound Clove-gilli-flowers : of which kind we have great store , and they are common amongst us everywhere ; and they do not onely bring forth party-coloured flowers , but the very same bough , and one and the same sprig , will bear white ones and red ones , and such as are wrought and as it were embroidred with divers goodly colours , most pleasant to be seen . CHAP. IV. Of a second means whereby fruits may be mingled and compounded together . THere is also a second way of compounding divers kinds of fruits together ; namely , by another manner of graffing . As for example ; If we would produce Pomegranates compounded of divers kinds , Theophrastus sheweth us how to do it . We must take the young slips or branches of divers kinds , and bruise them with a Beetle , so that they may stick and hang together ; and then binde them up very hard each to other , and set them in the ground : and if they be well laid together , all those slips will grow up jointly into one Tree ; but so , that every one of them retains his own kind , and receives his several nourishment by it self , and severally digests it : and the chief community which they have all together , is their mutual embracing each of other . The same Theophrastus teaches us in the same place , How one and the same Vine-branch may bring forth a black and a white grape both together ; and how in the same grape may be found a white and black stone hanging together . Take the branch of a white Vine , and another of the black , and the uppermost half of either of them must be bruised together ; then you must match them equally , and binde them up together , and plant them : for by this means they will grow up both into one joint ; for every living thing may be matcht with another , especially where one is of the same or the like kind with the other : for then if they be dissolved , as these are in some sort when they are bruised , their natures will easily close together , and be compact into one nature : but yet either of these branches hath his several nourishment by it self , without confusion of both together ; whereby it cometh to passe , that the fruit arising from them is of a divers nature , according as either of the sprigs requireth . Neither ought this to seem strange , that both of them concurring into one , should yet retain each of them their severall kind , seeing the like hereof may be found in certain Rivers which meet together by confluence into one and the same channel , and yet either of them keeps his own several course and passage ; as do the Rivers Cephisus and Melas in Boeotia . Columella teacheth us to do this thing on this manner . There is , saith he , a kind of engraffing , whereby such kind of grapes are produced , as have stones of divers kinds , and sundry colours ; which is to be done by this means . Take four or five , or more ( if you will ) Vine-branches of divers kinds , and mingle them together by equal proportion , and so binde them up . Afterward put them into an earthen pipe or a horn fast together ; but so , that there may be some parts of them seen standing out at both ends ; and those parts so standing forth , must be dissolved or bruised : and when you have so done , put them into a trench in the ground , covering them with muck , and watering them till they begin to bud . And when the buds are grown fast together , after two or three years , when they are all knit and closed into one , then break the pipe , and neer about the middle of the stalk beneath the sprouts , there where they seem to have most grown together , cut off the Vine , and heal that part where it is so cut , and then lay it under the ground again about three fingers deep : and when that stalk shall shoot up into sprigs , take two of the best of them , and cherish them , and plant them in the ground , casting away all the other branches ; and by this means you shall have such kinds of grapes as you desire . This very same experiment doth Pliny set down , borrowing it of Columella . But Didymus prescribes it on this manner . Take two Vine-branches of divers kinds , and cleave them in the middle ; but with such heedful regard , that the cleft go as far as the bud is , and none of the pith or juice be lost ; then put them each to other , and close them together , so that the bud of either of them meet right one with the other : and as much as possibly may be , let them touch together , whereby both those buds may become as one : then binde up the branches with paper as hard together as you can , and cover them over with the Sea-onion , or else with some very stiff clammy earth ; and so plant them , and water them after four or five daies , so long till they shoot forth into a perfect bud . If you would produce A Fig , that is half white , and half red ; Leontinus teacheth you to do it after this manner . Take two shoots of divers kinds of Fig-trees ; but you must see that both the shoots be of the same age , and the same growth as neer as you can : then lay them in a trench , and dung them , and water them . And after they begin to bud , you must take the buds of each , and binde them up together , so that they may grow up into one stalk : and about two years after , take them up , and plant them into another stock , and thereby you shall have Figs of two colours . So then by this means All fruits may be made to be party-coloured ; and that not onely of two , but of many colours , accordingly as many kinds of fruits may be compounded together . And surely these experiments are very true , though they be somewhat hard to be done , and require a long times practice , as I my self have had experience . The like experiment to these is recorded by Palladius , and by other Greek Writers , who shew the way How a Vine may bring forth clusters of grapes that are white , but the stones of the grapes black . If white and black Vines grow neer together , you must shred the branches of each , and presently clap them together so , that the bud of either may meet right together , and so become one : then binde them up hard in paper , and cover them with soft and moist earth ; and so let them lie three dayes or thereabouts : after that , see that they be well and fitly matcht together , and then let them lie till a new bud come forth of a fresh head : and by this means you shall procure in time , divers kinds of grapes , according to the divers branches you put together . I my self have made choice of two shoots of two divers Vines growing one by another ; I have cleft or cut them off in that place where the buds were shooting forth , leaving the third part of the bud upon the branch ; I fastened them together , and bound them up into one very fast , lest when the buds should wax greater , one of them might flie off from the other : I fitted them so well , branch with branch , and bud with bud , that they made but one stalk ; and the very same year they brought forth grapes that had cloven kernels or stones . This shoot so springing up , I put to another ; and when that was so sprung up , I put that also to another ; and by this continual fitting of divers sprigs one to another , I produced clusters of divers-coloured and divers-natured grapes : for one and the same grape was sweet and unsavoury ; and the stones were some long , some round , some crooked ; but all of them were of divers colours . Pontanus hath elegantly shewed How Citron-trees may bear divers kinds ; namely , by joining two sundry boughs together , after the bark hath been pared a-away , and fastning each to other with a kind of glue , that they may grow up one as fast as the other ; and when they are engraffed into one stock , they must be very carefully covered and looked unto , and so one and the same branch will bring forth fruit of divers kinds . So you may procure An Orenge-tree to bring forth an Apple half sweet and half sowre . And this kind of commixtion was invented by chance ; for there were graffed two boughs of Orenge-trees , one brought forth a sweet , and the other a sharp fruit . When occasion served to transplant and remove the Tree , it was cut off in the middle , according as Husband-men are wont to do when they plant such Trees after they are grown old ; and by great chance , it was cut off there where the two boughs had been before engraffed : and so when the stock budded afresh , there arose one bud out of the sharp and sweet branches both together as they were left in the stock ; and this one bud brought forth Apples or fruit of both relishes . Wherefore no question but such a thing may be effected by art , as well as it was by chance , if any man have a minde to produce such kind of fruits . CHAP. V. Of a third way , whereby divers kinds of fruits may be compounded together . WE will also set down a third way , whereby we may mingle and compound divers kinds of fruits together . A way which hath been delivered unto us by the Ancients , though for my own part I think it to be not onely a very hard , but even an impossible matter . Notwithstanding , because grave Ancient Writers have set it down , I cannot scorn here to rehearse it : and though I have put it in practice , but to no purpose , for it hath not so fallen out as they write , yet I will not discourage any man that hath a mind to make trial hereof ; for it may be that fortune will second their endeavours better then she did mine . The way is this ; to gather many seeds of sundry Trees and fruits , and wrapping them up together , so to sow them : and when they are grown up into stalks , to bind all the stalks together , that they may not flie asunder , but rather grow up all into one Tree ; and this Tree will bring forth divers kinds of fruits , yea and one and the same fruit will be mingled and compounded of many . It should seem that the Authors of this experiment , learned it first out of Theophrastus , who writes , that , If you sow two divers seeds neer together within a hands breadth , and then sow two other divers seeds a little above them , the roots which will come of all these seeds will lovingly embrace and winde about each other , and so grow up into one stalk or stock , and be incorporated one into another . But special care must be had how the seeds be placed ; for they must be set with the little end upward , because the bud cometh not out of the low and hollow parts , but out of the highest . And there are four seeds required , because so many will easily and fitly close together . A matter , which if it were true , it might be a very ready means which would produce exceeding many and wonderful experiments . By such a means Berries that are party-coloured may be produced . If you take a great many berries , white , and black , and red , one amongst another , and sow them in the earth together ; and when they are shot up , bind all their stalks into one , they will grow together , and yeeld party coloured berries . Pliny writes , that this way was devised from the birds ; Nature , saith he , hath taught how to graffe with a seed : for hungry birds have devoured seeds , and having moistened and warmed them in their bellies , a little after have dunged in the forky twistes of Trees , and together with their dung excluded the seed whole which erst they had swallowed : and sometimes it brings forth there where they dung it , and sometimes the wind carries it away into some chinks of the barks of Trees , and there it brings forth . This is the reason why many times we see a Cherry-tree growing in a Wilow , a Plane-tree in a Bay-tree , and a Bay in a Cherry-tree ; and withal , that the berries of them have been party-coloured . They write also , that the Jack-daw hiding certain seeds in some secret chinks or holes , did give occasion of this Invention . By this self-same means we may produce A Fig that is partly white and partly red . Leontius attempts the doing of this , by taking the kernels or stones that are in a Fig somewhat inclinable to this variety , and wrapping them up together in a linnen cloth , and then sowing them , and when need requires , removing them into another place . If we would have An Orenge or Citron-tree bear divers Apples of divers relishes ; Pontanus our Country-man , in his work of Gardening , hath elegantly taught us how to do it . We must take sundry seeds of them , and put them into a pitcher , and there let them grow up : and when they come forth , bind the sprigs together , and by this means they will grow up into one stock , and shrowd themselves all under one bark : but you must take heed that the wind come not at them to blow them asunder , but cover them over with some wax , that they may stick fast together ; and let them be well plaistered with morter about the bark : and so shall you gather from them in time very strange Apples of sundry relishes . Likewise we may procure A Damosin , and an Orenge or Limon to be mixt together . In our books of Husbandry , we shewed at large , by many reasons alledged to and fro , that sundry seeds could not possibly grow into one ; but all that is written in favour of this practice , is utterly false , and altogether unpossible . But this experiment we our selves have proved , whereby divers kinds of Damosins are mixt together . While the Damosin-trees were very tender and dainty , we fastened two of them together , which were planted neer to each other , as Sailers plat and tie their Cables : but first we pared off the bark to the inmost skin , in that place where they should touch together , that so one living thing might the more easily grow to the other : then we bound them up gently with thin lists , made of the inner bark of Elm , or such like stuff that is soft and pliable for such a purpose , lest they should be parted and grow asunder ; and if any part of them were so limber that it would not stick fast , we wedged it in with splents ; yet not too hard , for fear of spoiling it . Then we rid away the earth from the upper roots , and covered them with muck , and watered them often , that by this cherishing and tilling on , they might grow up the better : and thus after a few years that they were grown together into one tree , we cut off the tops of them about that place where they most seemed to be knit together ; and about those tops there sprung up many buds ; whereof , those which we perceived had grown out of both Trees , we suffered to grow still , and the rest we cut away ; and by this means we produced such kind of fruit as we speak of , very goodly , and much commended . And concerning Limons , I have seen some in the Noble-mens Gardens of Naples , which , partly by continual watering at seasonable times , and partly by reason of the tendernesse and the ranknesse of the boughs , did so cling and grow together , that they became one tree ; and this one Tree brought forth fruit compounded of either kind . We may also effect this featly by earthen vessels ; for the plants that are set therein , we may very conveniently cherish up with continual watering , and perform other services towards them which are necessary for their growth . And as it may be done by Limons , so we have seen the same experiment practised upon Mulberry-trees , which growing in moist and shadowed places , as soon as their boughs closed one with another , presently they grew into one , and brought forth berries of sundry colours . If we would procure that A Lettice should grow , having in it Parsley , and Rotchet , and Basil-gentle , or any such like commixtion , we must take the dung of a Sheep or a Goat ; and though it be but a small substance , yet you must make a shift to bore the Truttle through the middle , and as well as you can , get out the inmost pith , and in stead thereof put into it those seeds which you desire to have mingled together , packing them in as hard as the Truttle will bear it : and when you have so done , lay it in the ground about two handful deep , with dung and hollow geer , both under it , and round about it ; then cover it with a little thin earth , and water it a little and a little ; and when the seeds also are sprung forth , you must still apply them with water and dung ; and after they are grown up into a stalk , you must be more diligent about them ; and by this means at length there will arise a Lettice , mixed and compounded with all those seeds . Palladius prescribes the same more precisely . If you take , saith he , a Truttle of Goats dung , and bore it through , and make it hollow cunningly with a bodkin , and then fill it up with the seed of Lettice , Cresses , Basil , Rotchet , and Radish , and when you have so done , lap them up in more of the same dung , and bury them in a little trench of such ground as is fruitful and well manured for such a purpose , the Radish will grow downward into a Root , the other seeds will grow upward into a stalk , and the Lettice will contain them all , yeelding the several relish of every one of them . Others effect this experiment on this manner . They pluck off the Lettice leaves that grow next to the root , and make holes in the thickest substance and veins thereof , one hole being a reasonable distance from the other ; wherein they put the forenamed seeds , all but the Radish seed , and cover them about with dung , and then lay them under the ground , whereby the Lettice grows up , garded with the stalks of so many herbs as there were seeds put into the leaves . If you would procure Party-coloured flowers to grow ; you may effect it by the same ground and principle . You must take the seeds of divers kinds of flowers ; and when you have bound them up in a Linen cloth , set them in the ground , and by the commixtion of those seeds together , you shall have flowers that are party-coloured . By this means , it is thought that Daisies of divers kinds were first brought forth , such as are to be seen with golden leaves , reddish about the edge ; nay some of them are so meddled with divers colours , that they resemble little shreds of silk patcht together . CHAP. VI. How a double fruit may be made , whereof the one is contained within the other . THere is also another way of Composition , whereby fruits may be so meddled together , not as we shewed before , that one part of it should be of one fruit , and the other part of another kinde ; nor yet that one and the same bough shall at once bear two or three several kinds of fruits ; but that one and the same fruit shall be double , containing in it self two several kinds , as if they were but one ; whereof I my self have first made trial . But let us see how the Ancients have effected this : and first How to make an Olive-grape . Diophanes sheweth that the Olive being engraffed into the Vine , brings forth a fruit called Elaeo-staphylon , that is to say , an Olive-grape . But Florentinus in the eleventh book of his Georgicks , hath shewed the manner how to engraffe the Olive into a Vine , that so it shall bring forth not only bunches or clusters of grapes , but an Olive fruit also . We must bore a hole through the Vine neer to the ground , and put into it the branch of an Olive-tree , that so it may draw and receive both from the Vine , sweetnesse ; and also from the ground , natural juice and moisture , whereby it may be nourished : for so will the fruit taste pleasantly . And moreover , if , while the Vine hath not yet born fruit , you take the fruitful sprigs thereof , and plant them elsewhere , these sprigs will retain the mixture and composition of the Vine and the Olive-tree together , and bring forth one fruit that shall have in it both kinds , which therefore is called by a name compounded of both their names , Eleo-staphylus , an Olive-grape . He reports that he saw such a tree in the Orchard of Marius Maximus ; and tasting the fruit thereof , he thought with himself that he felt the relish of an Olive-berrie and a grape kernel both together . He writes also that such plants grow in Africa , and are there called by a proper name in their Country language Ubolima . But we must set props under them , to bear up the weight and burden of the boughs : though if we engraffe them any other way but this , we shall need no polls at all . I suppose also that by this self-same means it may be effected , That a Grape should have Myrtle in it . Tarentinus writes , that the Vine may be engraffed into the Myrtle-tree , and the Vine-branches thereon engraffed , will bring forth grapes that have Myrtle-berries growing underneath them . But the manner of this engraffing he hath not set down . If you engraffe the Vine-branches in the higher boughs or arms of the Mrytle , then they will bring forth grapes after their ordinary manner , not having any Myrtle in them : but if you engraffe them as she shewed before , neer to the ground , as the Olive-tree must be into the Vine , then you may produce Myrtle-grapes , though not without some difficulty . We may likewise produce Damosins that shall be of the colour of Nuts ; for such kind of fruit were produced by the Ancients , and called Nucipruna , that is , Nut-Damosins , as Pliny reporteth . It is a peculiar property of these fruits that are engraffed into Nut-trees , that they are in colour like to their own kinde , but in taste like unto Nuts ; being therefore called by a mixt name , Nuci-pruna . So there may be produced , as the same Pliny writes , Damosins that have sweet Almonds within them . There is , saith he , in this kind of fruit an Almond-kernel , neither can there be any prettier double fruit devised . The same Pliny reports also , that there is a kind of Damosin that hath in it the substance of an Apple , which of late was called by the Spaniards Malina , which cometh of a Damosin engraffed into an Apple-tree . There is also a kind of fruit called by the Apothecaries Sebesten , or Mixa , which hath in it a sweet Almond . This same Mixa is a kind of Damosin , which differs from all others ; for whereas others have a bitter Almond or kernel within their stone , this only hath a sweet kernel . It is a plant peculiar to Syria and Egypt , though in Plinies time it was common in Italy , and was engraffed in the Service-tree , whereby the kernel was the pleasanter . They engraffed it into the Service-tree , likely for this cause , that whereas the fruit of it self would make a man laxative , the sharp taste of the Service being mixed with it , might cause it to be more binding . But now we will shew How to produce an Almond peach , which outwardly is a Peach , but within hath an Almond-kernel . The former means producing double fruits , which the Ancients have recorded , are but vain fables ; not only false matters , but indeed impossible to be so done : for , we shewed in the book of Husbandry , if you engraffe the Vine into the Myrtle , there will be no such fruit brought forth after that manner . Besides , it is impossible to engraffe the Olive-tree into the Vine ; or if it were engraffed , yet would it not bring forth any such grapes . Pliny speaks of Apple-damosins , and Nut-damosins ; but he sheweth not the manner how they may be produced ; happily , because it was never seen nor known . But we will demonstrate the manner of it to the whole world , by this example : this fruit is called an Almond-Peach by the late Writers , because it bears in it self the nature , both of the Almond and the Peach compounded together . And it is a new kind of Adultery or commixtion , wrought by skill and diligence used in graffing ; such a fruit as was never heard of in former ages , partaking both of the shape , and also of the qualities of either parent : outwardly it resembles the Peach both in shape and colour ; but inwardly it hath a sweet Almond within the kernel , that both looks and tastes like an Almond ; and so is the Tree also a middle betwixt the Almond-tree and the Peach-tree , outwardly like the Peach-tree , and inwardly like the Almond-tree . The manner of engraffing is , by clapping the bud of one upon the bud of another ; either upon one of the trees that bare one of the buds , or else setting them both into a third tree , as we have done when the Trees have been old . We may also go farther , and upon that branch wherein those two buds grow up together , we may set a third bud , and so the fruit will be threefold . These trees we had growing in our own Orchards many years together . By this self-same means we may produce a very strange Apple ; the wonderfulnesse whereof will ravish our senses and our thoughts ; namely A Citron that hath a Limon in the inner parts : and this , I say , we may produce by laying the bud of a Citron upon the bud of a Limon . And the most of those kinds are to be found among the Brutii , a people dwelling neer Naples , and the Surrentines in Campania ; and these fruits proceed from the tart juice that is within the branch . In like manner A double Orenge may be produced ; which kind of fruit is common with us , wherein are double ranks of kernels in such rare proportion , that you would wonder and be amazed to see . CHAP. VII . Of another device , whereby strange fruits may be generated , and made either better or worse . COncerning the praises and excellency of engraffing , we have spoken elsewhere more at large : Here it shall suffice onely to shew , that by engraffing , new fruits may be produced , some better , and some worse then their ordinary kinds . We will relate some experiments of our own , and some which the Antients have found out . And first How to produce a Chest-nut of the best . There is one rare example hereof not to be omitted . Corellius , a Noble-man of Rome , born at the City Ateste , engraffed a Chest-nut upon a Chest-nut branch , in the Country of Naples , and so produced a Chest-nut called Corelliana , after his name . After that , his Heir , whom he made a Free-man , graffed the same Corelliana upon another Tree : the difference betwixt them both is this , that the former is a larger Chest-nut , but this latter is a better fruit . These things have been done by the Ancients : and the good that cometh by engraffing is such , as that if any thing be engraffed into a stock or branch of its own kind , the fruit will thereby be made better . The Cherry-tree is very kindly to be engraffed : and you shall scarce ever have a good and a sweet Cherry , unlesse it be by engraffing upon some other Tree , as Pamphilus reporteth . By the president of this example , we have endeavoured to change The Barbery-Tree into the Tree called Tuber : fo● I take it , that the Oxyacantha , or the Barbery-tree , is nothing else but a bastard , or a wild Tuber : and therefore if a man follow that example of Corellius , and engraffe the Oxyacantha oftentimes into the own branch or stock , it will be much bettered , and become the Tuber-tree : as also on the other side , the Tuber-tree , if it be not dressed and looked unto , doth degenerate into the Barbery-tree . I my self have engraffed it three or four times into the branches of its own kind , in my own Orchard ; and if I live so long , I will still engraffe it so , till it do bring forth Tubers ; for I find that it brings forth already , both greater and sweeter berries . Now we will speak of such fruits , as are engraffed not into their own branches , but into branches of another kind , which contain in them both the fashion and the properties of either kind : and we will teach the manner how to compound a new kind of fruit lately devised , namely A Peach-nut , mixed of a Nut and a Peach . There is a kind of Peach called a Peach-nut , which the Ancients never knew of , but hath lately been produced by pains taken in graffing , as I my self have seen . It bears the name and the form also of both the parents whereof it is generated , having a green colour like a Nut , and hath no mossie down on the out-side , but very smooth all over ; the taste of it is sharp and somewhat bitter ; it is long ere it be ripe , and is of a hard substance like a Peach . That part of it which lies against the Sun is reddish ; it smells very well ; it hath within , a rough stone , and hard like a Peach-stone ; it hath a pleasant relish ; but the apple will not last so long as the Nut , or kernel within . Which kind of fruit cannot be supposed to have been otherwise brought forth then by divers engraffings of the Peach into the Nut-tree , one year after another . We may also better the fruits by engraffing them into better Trees . Diophanes produced Citron-apples compounded of an Apple and a Citron . for he engraffed an Apple into the Citron-tree , and that oftentimes ; but it withered as soon as ever it did shoot forth : howbeit , at length it took fast hold , and became a Citron-apple-tree . Anatolius and Diophanes made a compound fruit called Melimela , of an Apple and a Quince mixt together ; for if we engraffe an Apple into a Quince-tree , the Tree will yield a very goodly apple , which the Athenians call Melimelum , but we call it a St. Johns Apple . Pliny writes , that an ordinary Quince , and a Quince-pear being compounded , Produce a fruit called Milviana . The Quince , saith he , being engraffed into a Quince-pear , yieldeth a kind of fruit called Milvianum , which alone of all other Quinces is to be eaten raw . Now as we have shewed how to make fruits better by engraffing , both for shew and for properties , we will declare also , how by engraffing Fruits may be made worse . We will shew it first by a Pear . Marcus Varro saith , that if you engraffe a very good Pear into a wilde Pear-tree , it will not taste so well as that which is engraffed into an Orchard Pear-tree . If you engraffe a Peach into a Damosin-tree , the fruit of it will be much less : if into a bitter Almond-tree , the fruit will have a bitter relish . Likewise if you graffe a Chest-nut into a Willow , and be somewhat a latter fruit , the taste of it will be more bitter . And so if you graffe an apple into a Damosin-tree , the fruit which it yields , will neither be so great , nor yet so good , as it is in the own kind . CHAP. VIII . How to procure ripe fruits and flowers before their ordinary season . ARt being as it were Natures Ape , even in her imitation of Nature , effecteth greater matters then Nature doth . Hence it is that a Magician being furnished with Art , as it were another Nature , searching throughly into those works which Nature doth accomplish by many secret means and close operations , doth work upon Nature , and partly by that which he sees , and partly by that which he conjects and gathers from thence , takes his sundry advantages of Natures instruments , and thereby either hastens or hinders her work , making things ripe before or after their natural season , and so indeed makes Nature to be his instrument . He knows that fruits , and flowers , and all other growing things that the world affords , are produced by the circuit and motion of celestial bodies ; and therefore when he is disposed to hinder the ripening of any thing , or else to help it forward , that it may be more rare and of better worth , he effects it by counterfeiting the times and seasons of the year , making the Winter to be as the Summer , and the Spring-time as the Winter . Amongst other means , engraffing is not a little helpful hereunto . Wherefore let us see , how we may by engraffing Produce Grapes in the Spring-time . If we see a Cherry-tree bring forth her fruit in the Spring-time , and we desire to have Grapes about that time , there is fit oportunity of attaining our desire , as Tarentinus writeth . If you engraffe a black Vine into the Cherry-tree , you shall have Grapes growing in the Spring-time : for the Tree will bring forth Grapes the very same season , wherein it would bring forth her own fruit . But this engraffing cannot be without boring a hole into the stock , as Didymus sheweth . You must bore the Cherry-tree stock through with a wimble , and , your Vine growing by it , you must take one of the next and goodliest branches thereof , and put it into the a●ger-hole ; but you must not cut it off from the Vine , but place it in as it grows : for so the branch will live the better , both as being nourished by his own mother the Vine , and also as being made partaker of the juice of that Tree into which it is engraffed . This sprig within the compasse of two years , will grow and be incorporated into the Cherry-tree : about which time , after the skar is grown over again , you must cut off the branch from the Vine , and saw off the stock of the Cherry-tree wherein it is engraffed , all above the boring place , and let the Vine-branch grow up in the rest : for so shall neither the Vine be idle , but still bring forth her own fruit , and that branch also which was engraffed doth grow up together with it , being nothing hurt by that engraffing . We may also by the help of engraffing procure A Rose to shew forth her buds before her time . If we pluck off a Rose-bud from the mother , and engraff by such an emplastering as we spake of before , the same into the open bark of an Almond-tree , at such time , as the Almond-tree doth bud , the Rose so engraffed , will bring forth her own flowers out of the Almond bark . But because it is a very hard matter to engraffe into an Herbe , and therefore we can hardly produce flowers sooner then their time by that means , we will shew another means hereof ; And namely , How Cucumbers may hasten their fruits . Columella found in Dolus Mendesius an Aegyptian , an easie way whereby this may be done . You must set in your Garden in some shadowy place well dunged , a rank of Fenel , and a rank of Brambles one within another ; and after the aequinoctial day , cut them off a little within the ground ; and having first loosed the pith of either of them with a wooden puncheon , to convey dung into them , and withal to engraffe in them Cucumber-seeds , which may grow up together with the Fenel and the Brambles : for by this means the seeds will receive nourishment from the root of the stalk into which they are engraffed , and so you shall have Cucumbers very soon . But now let us shew how we may accomplish this thing by counterfeiting as it were the seasons of the year : and first , how we may procure that Cucumbers shall be ripe very timely . The Quintiles say you must take panniers or earthen pots , and put into them some fine ●●●ed earth mixed with dung , that it may be somewhat liquid , and preventing the ordinary season , you must plant therein Cucumber-seeds about the beginning of the Spring , and when the Sun shines , or that there is any heat or rain , they bring the panniers forth into the Air , and about Sun-setting they bring them into a close house ; and this they do daily , still watering them as occasion serveth . But after that the cold and the frost is ceased , and the Air is more temperate , they take their panniers and digge a place for them in some well-tilled ground , and there set them , so that the brims thereof may be even with the earth ; and then look well to them , and you shall have your desire . The like may be done by Gourds . Theophrastus sheweth , that if a man sow Cucumber seeds in the Winter-time , and water them with warm water , and lay them in the Sunne , or else by the fire , and when seed-time cometh , put whole panniers of them into the ground , they will yield very timely Cucumbers , long before their ordinary season is to grow . Columella saith , that Tiberius the Emperour took great delight in the Cucumbers that were thus ripened , which he had at all times of the year ; for his Gardners every day drew forth their hanging Gardens into the Sun upon wheels , and when any great cold or rain came , they straightwayes carried them in again into their close hovels made for the same purpose . Didymus sheweth Roses may bud forth , even before Winter be past , if they be used after the like manner ; namely , if you set them in hampers or earthen vessels , and carefully look unto them , and use them as you would use Gourds and Cucumbers , to make them ripe before their ordinary season . Pliny sheweth How to make Figs that were of last years growth , to be ripe very soon the next year after ; and this is by keeping them from the cold too , but yet the device and practice is not all one with the former . There are , saith he , in certain Countries , as in Maesia , Winter Fig-trees , ( a small tree it is , and such as is more beholding to Art then to Nature ) which they use on this manner . After the Autumn or Fall , they lay them in the earth , and cover them all over with muck , and the green Figs that grew upon them in the beginning of Winter are also buried upon the Tree with them . Now when the Winter is past , and the Air is somewhat calmer the year following , they dig up the Trees again with the fruit upon them ; which presently do embrace the heat of a new Sun as it were , and grow up by the temperature of another year , as kindly as if they had then new sprung up : whereby it cometh to passe , that though the Country be very cold , yet there they have ripe Figs of two years growth as it were , even before other Fig-trees can so much as blossom . But because we cannot so well practise these experiments in the broad and open fields , either by hindering , or by helping the temperature of the Air , therefore we will assay to ripen fruit and flowers before their time , by laying warm cherishers , as lime , or chalk , and nitre , and warm water , to the roots of Trees and herbs . If you would have A Cherry ripe before his time , Pliny saith , that you must lay chalk or lime to the root of the Tree before it begin to blossom ; or else you must oftentimes pour hot water upon the root ; and by either of these means you may procure the ripening of Cherries before their time : howbeit afterward the Trees will be drie and wither away . If you would procure the ripening Of a Rose before his time ; Dydimus saith you may effect it by covering the Rose-bush with earth , a foot above the root of it , and there pour in wam water upon it , whilst the slippe beginneth to shoot up , and before any blossom appeareth . Likewise if you would have A Vine to bring forth before her time , you must take nitre , and pown it , and mix it with water , so that it be made of the thicknesse of hony ; and as soon as you have pruned the Vine , lay good store of your nitre upon the Vine-buds , and so shall your buds shoot forth within nine days after . But to procure the Grapes to be timely ripe , you must take the mother of the wine before it is become sowre , and lay the same upon the root of the plants when you set them ; for at that time it is best so to use them , as Tarentinus and Florentinus both affirm . Moreover , if you would have any thing to bud forth very timely , Theophrastus saith you may procure it by setting the same Into the Sea-onion : for if a Fig-tree be set but neer it , it will cause the speedy ripening of Figs. And to be brief , there is nothing set in the Sea-onion , but will more easily and speedily shoot forth , by reason of the strong inward heat which that herb is endued withal . Democritus sheweth another means , whereby you may cause The Fig-tree to bring forth hasty Figs , namely , by applying the same with pepper , and oyle , and Pigeons dung . Florentinus would have the du●g and the oyle to be laid upon the Figs when they be raw and green . Palladius counselleth , that when the Figs begin to wax somewhat red , you should then besmear them with the juice of a long Onion mixed with pepper and oyle ; and so the Figs will be the sooner ripened . Our practice is this ; when the Figs begin to wax ripe , we take a wooden needle , and anoint it over with oyle , and so thrust it through both ends of the Figs ; whereby in few dayes the fruit is ripened . Others effect this , by heaping up a great many Rams horns about the root of the Tree . Pliny shews How to make Coleworts branch before their time ; and this is by laying good store of Sea-grasse about it , held up with little props ; or else by laying upon it black nitre , as much as you can take up with three fingers , or thereabouts ; for this will hasten the ripening thereof . We may also cause Parsley to come up before his time . Pliny saith , that if you sprinkle hot water upon it , as it begins to grow , it will shoot up very swiftly . And Palladius saith , that if you pour vineger upon it by little and little , it will grow up ; or else if you cherish it with warm water as soon as ever it is sown . But the mind of man is so bold to enter into the very secret bowels of Nature , by the diligent search of experience , that it hath devised to bring forth Parsley exceeding timely . It grows up easily of it self ; for within fifty or fourty daies it is wont to appear out of the earth , as Theophrastus and others affirm , as by their writings may be seen . Our Country-men call it Petroselinum . In the practising of this experiment , you must shew your self a painful workman ; for if you fail , or commit never so small an error herein , you will misse of your purpose . You must take Parsley seeds that are not fully one year old , & in the beginning of Summer you must dip them in the vineger , suffering them to lie a while in some warm place : then wrap up the seeds in some small loose earth , which for this purpose you have before meddled with the ashes of burned bean-straw : there you must bedew them oftentimes with a little warm water , and cover them with some cloth , that the heat get not from them ▪ so will they in short time appear out of the earth : then remove the cloth away , and water them still , and thereby the stalk will grow up in length , to the great admiration of the beholders . But in any case , you must be painful and very diligent ; for I have assayed it ; and by reason of some error and negligence , I obtained not my desire : howbeit , many of my friends having made diligent trial hereof , found it to be a very true experiment . Likewise may Lentiles be hastened in their growth , if they be smeared over with dry Ox-dung , a little before they are sown ; but they had need lie in that dung four or five daies before they be cast into the ground . So Melons may be hastened in their fruit ; for if in the Winter-time you lay a parcel of earth in mixens that are made of hot dung , and in the same earth sow Melon-seeds , the heat of the dung will cause them soon to sprout forth : you must keep them warm with some covering , from the snow , and the cold of the night ; and afterward when the Air is more calm , you must plant them in some other place : for by this means we have hastened the fruit hereof . And by this same device of preventing their seed-time , we may cause Cucumbers to hasten their fruit . But Theophrastus setteth down another practice . Cucumber-roots , if they be carefully lookt into , will live long . Therefore if a man cut off a Cucumber close by the ground , after it hath brought forth fruit , and then cover the roots over with earth , the very same roots the year following will bring forth very timely fruit , even before others that were most seasonably sown . Theophrastus also sets down another way Of hastening Cucumbers , and that is by macerating the seed before it be sown ; or else by supplying it with continual moisture after it is sown . So also we may procure Pease or Vitches to be timely ripe ; If we sow them before their ordinary season in Barley time , as Florentinus sheweth . But Theophrastus saith this may be done by macerating them in the water before seed-time , but especially if you macerate them shales and all : for there is but a little of it will turn to putrefaction ; and the shale feeds the kernel well at the first , howsoever afterward it turn to nothing . The same Theophrastus sheweth also How the Rape-root may be hastened in growth . If the Gardner , saith he , do hide the same in an heap of earth , it will cause it to bring forth very timely fruit the year following . There may other fruits also be timely ripened ; as A Quince may be hastened in ripening , if you daily bedew them with continual moisture , as Palladius sheweth . And Democritus saith , you may have Roses growing in the moneth of January , if you water the slip twice a day in the Summer-time . We may likewise procure that Gourds shall bring forth very timely , by underpropping and holding up their young tender sprigs . In like manner we may cause The forward Fig-tree to hasten her fruit , by renting or scarifying the body of the Tree , that the milky juice may there swell and find issue out of it , that when the superfluous humor is gone forth , that which is left behind , may be the more easily concocted , and so the fruit will be sooner ripened . To be short , we may procure The timely ripening of all kind of fruit . If we sow or plant them in some place where they may lie still opposite against the Sun , or if we put them into certain vessels made for the same purpose , and still water them with warm water , and let them lie continually in the Sun. And if we would have them to hasten their fruit very speedily , we should have an Oven made under those vessels , that so by reason of a double warmth , one from above , and the other from beneath the fruit may more speedily be produced . And surely this is the only cause , why fruits and flowers are more forward and sooner ripe in the Country Puteoli , and the Island Inatime , then in all other places of Campania , because there they hasten the concoction and ripening of them , by cherishing the roots thereof with fire and heat within the earth . CHAP. IX . How we may have fruits and flowers at all times of the year . BY these wayes of procuring fruit to be timely ripe , it may be effected , that we shall have fruits and flowers at all times of the year , some very forward that come before their ordinary season , and some late-ward that come after : as for their own time , then , Nature of her self affords them unto us . Aristotle in his Problems sheweth How we may have Cucumbers all the year long , both in season and out of season . When they are ripe , saith he , you must put them into a waterish ditch , neer the place where they grew , and cover it over : for by this means the heat of the Sun cannot come at them to dry them , and the waterishnesse of the place will keep them supple and moist , so that they will still be fresh and green . And Theophrastus after him saith the like ; that Gourds and Cucumbers must be taken when they are small , and in their tender growth , and must be hidden in some ditch , where the Sun cannot come to waste and consume their moisture , nor the wind to dry them , which two things would ma● and hinder their growth , as we see it falleth out in Trees , that are so situate , as both the winde and the Sun have their full scope upon them . If you would have Citron trees bear fruit all the year ; to have Citrons still growing fresh upon the Tree , you must observe that manner and custom which was first peculiar in Assyria , but is now usual in many places . When their season is to be gathered , you must cut off some of the fruit from the Tree , and prune those parts well where you have left no fruit ; but you must leave some behinde , upon some other parts of the Tree : so shall you find a new supply of fresh fruit there where you cut off the former ; and when these be ripe , then cut off those which you left upon the Tree before , and so fresh fruit also will come up in their stead . Pontanus hath set down the same experiment in verse ; that part of the fruit is to be gathered , and the rest left hanging upon the Tree ; for so it will come to passe , that the Tree will bud forth a fresh in those parts where it finds it self destitute of fruit , grieving as it were that one bough should be beautified with fruit , and the other should have none at all . We may also effect this by the help of engraffing : for if we desire To have Apples all the year , Dydimus in his Georgicks saith , that if we engraffe an Apple into a Citron-tree , it will bring forth for the most part continual fruit . And if we would have Artichockes grow continually , we may learn to do it out of Cassianus , who following the Authority of Varro , saith , that Artichocks always bring forth fruit about the same season that they are set in , and therefore it is easie to have them all the year long . The ordinary season of planting Artichocks is in November & September , and commonly they bear fruit in July and August : but they will bring forth also in March and April , if they be planted accordingly ; for by that time they will have as perfect a soul , as at any time else . If you practise it three years together , to plant them in the moneths of November , December , January , February , and March , you shall have Artichockes of that kind , as will bring forth fresh fruit almost all the year long . Likewise , if you desire to have Sperage alwayes growing fresh , and fit to be eaten , you must take this course : as soon as you have gathered the fruit , you must dig round about the roots as they lie in their own place under the earth , and by this means they will shoot up into new stalks . In like manner , if you desire to have Roses growing all the year long , you must plant them in every moneth some , and by dunging them , and taking good heed unto them , you shall have fresh Roses continually . By the like practice , you may also have Lillies all the year long ; for if you take the roots or cloves of Lillies , and set them in the ground , some fourteen , some twelve , some eight fingers deep , you shall by this means have Lillies all the year long , and so many several flowers of them as you have planted several roots . And as this may be done by Lillies , so Anatolius thinks the same practice will take like effect in all other flowers . Theophrastus saith , that we may have Violets alwayes growing , if we set them in well-fenced places , and such as lie open to the force of the Sun : for commonly fruits and flowers will grow there , when they will grow no where else : but they must be very carefully lookt unto , and then they will come on the better . The best way is , to set them in earthen vessels , and keep them from vehement cold and heat , bringing them forth still when the Air is calm and temperate , and applying them with moisture , and muck , and carefull dressing . So we may procure also that The Herbe Oenanthe shall flourish all the year ; for Theophrastus writes , that if we deal thereby , as in the procuring of Violets , we shall have flowers upon it continually . CHAP. X. How to produce fruits that shall be later and backward . WE have already shewed how to produce forward fruits that will be very timely ripe ; now it remaineth that we set down such cunning sleights and devices , as whereby we may procure fruit to grow very later , not to be ripe before the lowest of Winter . And this we may learn to effect by contrary causes to the former ; and whereas we were to heat that which we would have to be timely ripe , we must here use coolers to make things ripen slowly ; and whereas before we were to engraffe later fruits into forward Trees , here we must engraffe forward fruits into later Trees . Likewise we must sow or plant late , that we may receive later fruit : for as beasts that are long ere they be perfectly bred , are long before they have their hair , and do not change their hair before the same time of the year come again , in which they were brought forth ; so also in plants it cometh to passe , that if they be set late , they will grow late , and bring forth backward fruits . To begin with engraffing , we will shew how thereby To produce later Cherries . There is a kind of Tree that brings forth a very bitter fruit , so bitter that it is called Amarendula , that is to say , a bitterling ; a branch of this Tree being engraffed into a Cherry-tree , after three or four several engraffings will bring forth at length Cherries that will be very later : and howsoever the fruit of its own kind be very bitter , yet in time it will forget the former relish , and yeeld a more pleasant taste . We may effect this also by that kinde of engraffing which we spoke of in the eighth Chapter ; but that will be longer in working . Likewise we may procure that A Pear shall grow exceeding later , if we engraffe the same into a Willow ; for we have declared before , that such an engraffing there may be ; and certain it is , that thereby a very latter fruit may be produced . But we must see that the Willow grow in such a place , as where it may be nourished with continual moisture ; and this engraffing must be done about the last dayes of the Moons last quarter ; and it must be graffed betwixt the Tree and the bark . If any man would have Roses grow later ; Florentinus shews how it may effected . When you have engraffed the Vine-branch into a Cherry-tree , as soon as ever the fruit cometh forth , you must set the bud of a Rose into the bark or pill thereof : for growing in another body , look what time the Tree wherein it is set , will fructifie , and at the same time will the Rose open it self , yielding a very excellent savour , and besides will be very pleasant to behold . To be short , all kinds of fruits may be made to grow later , by this kind of engraffing . Now there is another way whereby we may procure the backward growth of fruits : and this is by shaking or plucking off the buds or blossoms that grow first upon the Tree ; for while new buds are growing up in the room of the first , time wears away , and yet if the Air be seasonable , these latter buds will be good fruit , and well ripened , though they be slow . Thus we may produce Figs that are very backward , as Columella sheweth . When the green Figs are very small , shake them off , and the Tree will bring forth others that will not be ripe before the latter end of Winter . And Pliny following his authority , saith , that Figs will grow latter , if the first Green ones be shaken off when they are about the bigness of a bean ; for then others will come up in their stead , which will be long a ripening . And by this means it is , that Tarentinus shews how to produce Latter Grapes , We must take away the bunches that grow first , and then others will grow up in their stead : but we must have an especiall care still to look to the Vine , that other clusters may grow , and at length be ripened . By this means likewise we may cause Roses to open or blow very latter , If we tuck off the buds that grow first , at such time as the flower begins to appear and shew forth it self . This practise will take best effect , if it be used upon musk-roses , especially such as are wont to be fullest of leaves ; for thus we have in the Country store of Roses growing all the Winter long , as they stand in earthen vessels , and are set up in Windows . So if you would have Clove-gilliflowers blow later ; you must tuck off the first stalks and slips about that time as they are ready to bud , and set them in the heat of the Sun all the Summer long ; but you must water them continually , that they lose not all their moisture : for by this practice we have procured other stalks , and other slips which have yeelded flowers all the Winter long even to the Spring , so that we have continual Winter-gilliflowers , both at home and in the Country abroad . There is also another device whereby we may cause fruit to ripen very late ; not by shaking or cutting off the buds , but by planting them late , and keeping away the cold from them . As for example , If we would Produce later Cucumbers , because we know that this kind of fruit cannot endure any frost , or showers , or cold storms , therefore we must sow the seeds in the Summer-time ; and when the Winter draws on , we must lay heaps of muck round about them , whereby no cold may come at them to destroy them , and they may be ripened through the heat and fatness thereof . But the best way to have later Cucumbers , is , as we shewed before , either to set thereof into great Fennel stalks , or else to cast the Cucumbers into a pit for a certain season . If we would have A Rose blow in the Winter ; we must watch the time when the tops of the sets begin to shoot up , as they grow on their beds ; and then take away the sets , and plant them in another place , where the root afterward wil take , & so yeeld us a winter-rose . Likewise if we desire to have Straw berries in the Winter or Spring , as we have in the Summer , we must take them whiles they are white , before they are grown to their reddish hiew , and put them leaves and all into reeds or canes , stopping up the mouth thereof with some fat soil , and burying them in the earth till Winter come ; and then if we would have them to be red of their own natural colour , let them lie a while in the Sun , and we shall obtain our purpose . By the like device as this is , we may reserve Lettice for a Winter sallet . When she hath brought forth her leaves , that they grow up round together , you must bind the tops of them about with a little string , and keep them growing in an earthen vessel , in such a place as they may alwayes receive fit nourishment ; and by this means you shall have them still white and tender . In like manner Endive may be kept till Winter , to have it still fresh for any use . Others take other courses that are less chargeable ; as to cover them only with earth , or with straw and leaves . Gardeners with us cover them in their Gardens with sand or such like earth , whereby they keep them very white and tender , and yet enjoy them all the Winter long . CHAP. XI . How we may cause fruit to grow bigger then their ordinary kinde . IT remaineth now that we set down certain rules and wayes whereby fruit may be made greater , and far exceed the ordinary bigness of their own kind : and this may be effected divers wayes ; for it may be done either by engraffing only ( for indeed this is the chief priviledge that engraffing hath , to procure bigger fruit ) ; or else by planting upon those Trees which bring forth greater fruit of their own kind ; or else by gathering of the fruit here and there some , if the Tree be overladen , that so the juice may more plentifully bestow it self upon the fruit that is left behind ; or else by dressing and trimming them ; or by other devices , as hereafter shall be shewed . We will first begin with engraffing , and shew how we may procure thereby That Apples or other like fruit shall grow bigger then they are wont . A tree that is planted with a graffe of her own kinde , will alwayes bring forth greater fruit , then if it were not so planted . We brought an example hereof out of Pliny , that Corellius took a Scion of a Chestnut-tree , and engraffed the same into the tree again , and thereby produced a greater and a better Chestnut . And for my own part ; I have oft-times made the like proof in many other fruits , and by experience have found that all fruits may be made greater by engraffing , and caref●● looking unto , but especially Citrons . Secondly , we may procure fruits to be greater then ordinary , by graffing upon another Tree , whose kind is to bear bigger fruit . As for example , if we would produce Pears that should be greater then ordinary , especially the least sort of Pears called Myrapia , or Musk-pears , we may effect it by engraffing them into a Quince-tree ; because the Quince tree , of all other , bears the greatest fruit : and thereby the least Pears that are may be so augmented , that they will become a very goodly fruit ; experience whereof , we have in many places in our Country . So we may cause The Medlar-tree to bear huge Medlars , greater then any man would imagine , if we engraff it into the Quince-tree : the proof whereof both I have made my self , and seen it tried by many others ; and the oftener we so engraff it , the greater Medlars we shall procure . Likewise The small Apricock may be made greater , whereas they are the smallest kinde of Peaches that are . I have oftentimes engraffed it upon that kind of Damosin-tree which bears a Plum like a Goats stone both in shape and greatness , ( it may be it is our Scag-tree ) and by this means I procured great Apricocks : but if you ingraff it into any other Damosin-tree , it will yeeld but a bastard fruit : for the Apricock doth not endure kindly , to be engraffed into any other trees besides . In our Naples and Surrentine orchards , there is excellent fruit of this kinde ; and I never saw any elsewhere . We may also augment the fruit of the Myrtle-tree . The Pomegranate-tree and the Myrtle-tree are each delighted with others company , as Didy●●us writeth in his Georgicks ; where he saith plainly , that the Pomegranate-tree being engraffed into the Myrtle-tree , and likewise the Myrtle-tree into the Pomegranate-tree , do each of them bring forth a greater fruit . But I am perswaded that the Myrtle-tree brings forth greater fruit in proportion to her body when it is engraffed upon the Pomegranate-tree , because the kinde of this is greater then the kinde of that , then the Pomegranate-tree doth when it is engraffed upon the Myrtle-tree . By such a kinde of means we may also procure Mulberries greater then ordinary , if we engraff a Mulberry into a Fig-tree : for so Palladius hath written , That if the Mulberry be engraffed into a Fig-tree , the Fig-tree will cause it to change his colour , and will fill up the fruit thereof with a fat juyce , so that they shall be greater Mulberries then ordinarily their kinde is wont to yeeld . A third means whereby Apples or such-like fruit may be augmented , is , by plucking off some of the fruit here and there , and leaving some few upon the trees : for so shall the juyce of the tree bestow it self more liberally upon the fruit that is left , and make it greater : as a mother doth more bountifully feed one childe with her milk , then she can feed twain . Wherefore if we would procure Citrons greater then their kinde , Florentinus counselleth us , that when the fruit beginneth to weigh down the boughs , we should pluck off here and there some , and leave but a few behinde ; so shall they that are left be thicker and bigger every way . P●ntanus also saith the same . If , saith he , you would have great Citrons , big enough to fill your hand , you must shake off a great many from all the boughs , onely leaving some few , ( but you must leave both the greatest , and those also that grow in the chiefest and likeliest parts of the tree● ) for , saith he , the heir which is left , will make himself merry and fat with his brothers milk , and thrive much the better . Palladius shews How to make Apples greater then ordinary , and it is by this same means . For when they hang thick upon the bough● , you must gather away the worst , that so the nourishing juyce may be converted to the best , and the fairest may thereby be the better augmented . There is yet another means whereby we may cause fruit to be the greater ; and this by dressing and trimming , when we dig about them , and water them , and lay muck about them . And first , by this means Citrons may be made greater : for , as Palladius saith , they are much holpen and delighted with continual digging about them . And Quince-pears may be augmented , as the same Author sheweth , by watering them continually . And Peaches may be augmented much , if we plant them in moist places , and supply them with continual watering . But if you would have the Peach-trees Bring forth very great ones , you must watch the time when they blossom , and suckle them three days together with three pintes of Goats milk , as Palladius sheweth . We have practised to cause The Pomegranate-tree to bear a mighty fruit ; and that by this means . We took a good portion of fat muck , whereunto we put an equal portion of Swines dung , and the lees of Wine and Barley-bran ; and we kept all this in a dry place for a year together , every month manging them again one with another ; and at last we put Vineger to it , and made it like an Ointment . Afterward in October and November , we digged away the earth from about some parts of the Pomegranate-tree-roots , and there wrapt in this Ointment round about them , and at length covered them again with earth ; and by this Device I had greater Pomegranates then ever the tree bare before . But now if you would go forward , and practise the same upon it the two next years following , questionless you might produce very huge Pomegranates , wonderful to be seen , as big as Gourds . Likewise we have caused Beans to bring forth great cods , by anointing them with this same ointment , and afterward sowing them in the earth : whereby we had great increase , both for the bigness of the Bean , and also of the cod . Also Leeks and roots of Radish may be made greater ; if we translate them out of one place , and set them in another , as Theophrastus sheweth . If you would have A Rape grow bigger and rounder , you must sow it assoon as ever it is ready to be taken out of the husk : for by the advantage and benefit of the season wherein it is sowed , it will be the more augmented ; because the root will thereby be the better filled , and the larger grown . Likewise Florentinus sheweth , how to make Pease of a bigger growth . If , saith he , you take Pease , and steep them in warm water the day before you sow them , they will grow the greater . Some men take more pains then needeth ; who , because they would have a greater Pease growing , they steep them shells and all , and put Nitre into the water wherein they are steeped , and sow them in their shells . Vitches may be made bigger , if they be set with a little pole , to grow up thereby : for this will cause them to thicken , as Theophrastus saith . So also Onions may be thickned , as Sotion sheweth . About some twenty days before you translate them from the place where they first grew , you must dig away the earth about them , and let them lie a drying , that all moisture may be kept from them ; and then plant them again , and they will grow much bigger . But if withal you pill of the top-skin , and so plant them , they will be far greater . Likewise we may cause Artichocks to bear a fuller fruit , as Varro sheweth . If you plant them in a well-soiled place , and cover them with old dung , and water them often in the summer-time , you shall by this means have a fuller and a more tender Artichock . We may also practise another Device whereby to make greater fruit , which Theophrastus hath set down ; and he brings an Example , how to make Pomegranates to grow greater then ordinary : for Art may cause the greatness of Fruit. When the first buds be formed upon the boughs , they must be put into an earthen vessel that is made with a hole quite thorow ; and the bough whereon they grow , must be swayed downward without hurting it : then cover the pot with earth , and so you shall have exceeding great Pomegranates . The reason whereof is this : The pot preserves the fruit from the vapours that would otherwise annoy it : and besides , the earth ministreth some moisture unto it ; so that the bigness thereof is increased by the store of nourishment . It receives no more help from the tree , then if it were out of the earth ; and therefore the kernels are no greater then ordinary ; but the pill is much thicker : the proper juice of it is somewhat wasted and consumed ; for which cause the taste of this fruit so handled , is waterish and worse then others : but the rine receives outward nourishment , and spends none ; for which cause that is much thicker . The like practise Palladius and Martial use , thereby to procure A great Citron . They take a Citron when it is young , and shut it up fast in an earthen vessel : for the Citron will increase continually , till it come to be of the bigness and fashion of the vessel wherein it is put : but there must be a hole made thorow the vessel , whereby the air may get in unto it . By the like device , Theophrastus assays to produce Cucumbers and Gourds greater then ordinary , by hiding them while they are young , both from Sun and from Winde , that nothing may come at them to hinder their growth . Like to this Device , is the setting of them in Fennel-stalks , or in earthen Pipes ; whereby the natural Juyce and Nourishment is kept in , to the increasing of their growth . We will also shew , out of Theophrastus , a like Device , whereby the Herb Alisander or Parsley may be made greater . You must dig the Alisander round about the root , and cover it with Cachryl , and then heap earth upon it . For the roots spend all the moisture themselves , and suffer no nourishment to ascend into the buds . This Cachryl is hot and thick : and as by the thickness it draws nourishment to it , so by vertue of the heat it doth concoct and digest that which it hath attracted : and therefore seeing this doth both draw more nourishment to the Alisander , and also concoct it , there must needs be a greater augmentation of that herb . This practice he borrowed of Aristotle . This herb may also be made bigger by another means , namely , if when you plant it , you make a hole for it in the ground with a great stake : for the root will at length fill up the hole . So there is a means to make A Radish-root grow bigger , if it be planted in a cold ground , as Pliny sheweth . For Radishes are much cherished and delighted with cold ; as in some cold places of Germany there be Radishes growing as big as a little childe . Some have reported , that if you drive a stake into the ground six inches deep , and put chaff into the pit which the stake hath made , and then put in the Radish-seed , covering it over with earth and muck , the Radish will grow up to the bigness of the pit . By a Device not much unlike to this , Florentinus sheweth how to Make great Lettise . You must remove them , and water them well ; and when they are grown half a handful high , you must dig round about them , that the roots may be seen : then wrap them in Ox-dung , and cover them over again , and water them still ; and when they are waxen bigger , cut the leaves cross with a sharp knife , and lay upon them a little barrel or tub that never was pitc●ed , ( for Pitch will hurt the herb ) that so it may grow not in height , but onely spread forth in breadth . So the herb Beet may be made greater , as Sotion sheweth . To make Beet grow in bigness , saith he , thou must cover the roots over with some fresh Ox-dung , and divide the leaves or buds , and lay a broad stone or a tyle upon it , to cause it to spread forth in bredth . You may also make Leeks greater , by removing them , and laying a great stone or a broad tyle upon them : but in no case must they be watered . By the very same Device , Anatolius sheweth how to make Garlick greater , by laying tyles upon the roots thereof , as upon Leeks . Theophrastus sheweth another kinde of Device , whereby to make Radishes greater ; and he saith that the Gardeners of his time were wont to practise it . They took away the leaves in the Winter-time , when they flourish most , and cast the Radishes into the ground , covering them over with earth ; and so they lasted and grew till Summer came again , never shooting forth either into buds or leaves , except it were where the earth was gone , that they lay uncovered . The like Experiment doth Palladius teach , concerning the Rape-root , whereby to make Rape-roots greater . Assoon as you have plucked them up , you must strip off all the leaves , and cut off the stalk about half an inch above the root : then make certain furrows for them in the ground , for every one of them a several furrow ; and there bury them asunder , about eight inches deep : and when you have cast earth upon them , tread it in ; and by that means you shall have great Rape-roots . By the like means , Theophrastus thinks , we may procure The herb Wake-robbin to grow greater . When it is most full of leaves , and when the leaves be at the broadest , we must bow them downward , winding them round about the root within the earth , that so the herb may not bud forth , but all the nourishment may be converted to the head of the herb . So may we make Onions to grow bigger , as Theophrastus supposeth , if we take away all the stalk , that the whole force of the nourishment may descend downwards ; lest if it should be diffused , the chief vertue thereof should spend it self upon the seeding . Sotion saith , that if a man plant Onions , he must cut off both the tops and the tails thereof , that so they may grow to a greater bigness then ordinary . Palladius saith , that if we desire to have great-headed Onions , we must cut off all the blade , that so the juyce may be forced down to the lower parts . In like manner , if we would have Garlick-heads greater then common , we must take all the greenish substance thereof , before it be bladed , and turn it downward , that so it may grow into the earth . There is yet another Device , whereby to make herbs and roots grow bigger then ordinary ; but yet I like not so well of it , howsoever many ancient Writers have set it down : and first , How to make Leeks grow greater . Columella hath prescribed this course : you must take a great many Leek-seeds , and binde them together in thin linen clouts , and so cast them into the ground , and they will yeeld large and great leeks . Which thing Palladius also confirms by his authority , in the very same words . But both of them had it out of Theophrastus , who putteth it for a general Rule , That if a man sowe many seeds bound up together in a linen cloth , it will cause both the root to be larger , and the buds to be larger also ; and therefore in his time they were wont to sow Leeks , Parsly , and other herbs after the same manner : for they are of more force when there be many seeds together , all of them concurring into one nature . Moreover , it makes not a little to the enlarging of fruits , to take the seeds which we would sow , out of some certain part of the former fruit . As for example : we shall procure A Gourd of a greater or larger growth , if we take the seed out of the middle of a Gourd , and set it with the top downward . This course Columella prescribes , in his Hortulus : Look , saith he , where the Gourd swells most , and is of the largest compass , thence , even out of the middle thereof , you must take your seed , and that will yeeld you the largest fruit . And this is experienced not in Gourds onely , but also in all other fruits : for the seeds which grow in the bowels or belly , as it were , of any fruit , are commonly most perfect , and yeeld most perfect fruit ; wheras the seeds that grow in the outward parts , produce for the most part weak & unperfect fruit . Likewise the grains that are in the middle of the ear , yeeld the best corn ; whereas both the highest and the lowest are not so perfect : but because Gourds yeeld great increase , therefore the experience hereof is more evidently in them then in any other . Cucumbers will be of a great growth , as the Quintiles say , if the seeds be set with their heads downward ; or else if you set a vessel full of water under them in the ground , that so the roots may be drenched therein : for we have known them grow both sweeter and greater by this Device . CHAP. XII . How to produce fruit that shall not have any stone or kernel in it . IT is a received thing in Philosophy , especially amongst those that have set forth unto us the choicest and nicest points of Husbandry , that if you take Quicksets , or any branches that you would plant , and get out the pith of them with some ear-picker , or any like instrument made of bone , they will yeeld fruit without any stone , and without any kernel : for it is the pith that both breedeth and nourisheth the substance of the kernel . But the Arcadians are of a quite contrary opinion : for , say they , every tree that hath any pith in it at all , will live ; but if all the pith be taken out of it , it will be so far from yeelding any stoneless fruit , that it cannot chuse but die , and be quite dried up . The reason is , because the pith is the moistest and most lively part of any tree or plant : for the nourishment which the ground sends up into any plant , is conveyed especially by the pith into all the other parts : for Nature hath so ordained it , that all the parts draw their nourishment , as it were their soul and their breath , thorow the marrow or pith of the stock , as it were thorow a Squirt or Conduit-pipe . Which may appear by experience , seeing any bough or stalk , so soon as the marrow is gone , returns and crooks backward , till it be quite dried up , as the Ancients have shewed . But I for my part must needs hold both against Theophrastus , and against others also that have written of Husbandry , both that trees may live after their marrow is taken from them , and also that they will bring forth fruit having stones or kernels in them , though there be no pith in the trees themselves , as I have shewed more at large in my books of Husbandry . Notwithstanding , lest I should omit any thing belonging to this argument , I have thought good here to set down the examples which those Ancients have delivered in writing , that every man that lists may make trial hereof ; and haply some amongst the rest using greater diligence in the proof hereof then I did , may finde better success herein then I have found . There be many means , whereby Plants may be deprived of kernels ; as namely , by engraffing , by taking out their pith , by soiling with dung , or by watering , and by other Devices . We will first begin , as our wonted manner is , with engraffing ; and will shew how to produce A Peach-apple without a stone . Palladius saith he learned this new kinde of engraffing of a certain Spaniard , which he saith also he had experienced in a Peach-tree . Take a Willow-bough about the thickness of a mans arm ; but it must be very sound , and two yards long at the least : bore it thorow the middle , and carry it where a young Peach-tree grows : then strip off all the Peach-tree-sprigs all but the very top , and draw it thorow the hole of the Willow-bough : then stick both ends of the Willow into the ground , that it may stand bending like a bowe ; and fill up the hole that you bored , with dirt and moss , & bind them in with thongs . About a year after , when the Peach-tree and the Willow are incorporated into each other , cut the plant beneath the joyning place , and remove it , and cover both the Willow-bough and the top of the plant also with earth ; and by this means you shall procure Peaches without stones . But this must be done in moist and waterish places ; and besides , the Willow must be relieved with continual watering , that so the nature of the wood may be cherished , ( as it delights in moisture ) and it may also minister abundant juyce to the plant that is engraffed in it . By the like experiment we may procure , as Avicenna shews , that A Citron shall grow without any seed in it : for , saith he , if we engraff it into a Quince-tree , it will yeeld such a fruit . Albertus promiseth to produce A Medlar without any stones , by engraffing it into an Apple-tree , or a Service-tree . But experience proves this to be false ; yet surely , if it be so engraffed , it will have a softer kernel a great deal . The reason which brought the Ancients to think and write thus , was this : They saw that such fruits as have in them the hardest stones , do grow upon such trees as have in them the hardest pith ; as the Dog-tree , the Olive-tree , the Damosin-tree , the Myrtle-tree , and the like : they saw also , that such trees as have a soft and a spungie kind of pith in them , as the Fig-tree , the Alder-tree , and such-like , bring forth fruit without any stones in them at all : and from hence they gathered and concluded , that it is the pith which nourishes the kernel . Which thing howsoever it hath some little shadow of truth in it , yet they should not have extended it generally to all plants , seeing experience proves it to fail very often . Now let us come to the second means whereby fruit may be prevented of their kernels ; and this is by taking forth the pith or marrow . As for example : if you would procure the growing of A Grape without any stone in it , Democritus counselleth you to take a branch or twig of a Vine , and cleave it just in the middle , and either with a stone , or some instrument made of bone , fetch out all the pith , in that part which you will plant within the earth , or at least as far as you can hollow it without spoil : then presently bind up the parts together again with paper stiffly and tightly wrapped about them , and make a trench for them in some moist and very fertile soil , where you must plant them in one , and fasten it to some sure prop , that it may not be wreathed nor bowed ; so will they soon grow up together into one , as they were before : but it would be much better , if you would put the clove or head of a Sea-onion into that part which you have robbed of the pith : for this is as good as glue to fasten them together ; and the moisture hereof will keep them supple , as also the heat hereof will cherish them much . Theophrastus saith , that you may procure Grapes without any stones in them , if you rob the Vine-branch of the pith that is in it , whereof the stones are wont to be gendred . And Columella saith , that if you would have Grapes without stones , you must cleave the Vine-branch , and take out all the pith ; but so , that the buds be not hurt thereby : then joyn it together , and binde it up again , so that you crush not the buds ; and so plant it in a well-soiled ground , and there water it often : and when it beginneth to shoot up into slips , you must dig deep about it oftentimes ; and when it cometh to bear , it will yeeld you Grapes with our any stones . Palladius saith , there is a goodly kinde of Grape which hath no kernels in it , so that it may be swallowed down easily , and that with no small pleasantness , as if it were many Grapes stoned and supped up together . The manner of the procuring it is , as the Greeks record , by Art assisted with Nature , on this wise : The set which we would plant , must be cleft in the midst , so far as we mean to set it within the ground ; and when we have picked and clean scraped out all the pith of those parts , we must close them togethe● again ; and when we have bound them hard up , set them in the earth : but the bond wherewith they are tied up , must be made of Paper or Parchment ; and the ground where they are set , must be a moist place . Some go to work more precisely , and put the plant so 〈◊〉 and made up again , into a Sea-onion , so far as the plant was cloven : for by the help thereof , all plants do sooner and easier take root . Pliny likewise saith , there is 〈◊〉 new●invented kinde of Grapes , when the Vine-branch that is to he planted , is cloven in the middle , and all the pith scraped out , and the pieces knit up together again , with a special care that the buds receive no harm any way : then they set the Vine-branch in a well-soiled ground ; and when it beginneth to shoot forth , they pru●e it , and dig often about it : the Grapes which it afterwards bears , will have no hard kernels in them , as Columella writes ; howbeit , it is great marvel that there can be in them any kernels at all , though never so soft , seeing all the pith , which is the mother of the kernel , is quite taken away . But surely I for my part marvel at those who think it strange that a tree should live when this pith is gone , & are perswaded that a Vine-branch can bear fruit without kernels when the pith is taken out of it ; seeing many men in the Country are eye-witnesses that there do many plants live without any pith in them ; and seeing also it is impossible almost that any tree should bear fruit without kernels , because the kernel carries it self the very seed whereby one fruit may be generated of another . Likewise you may procure , as Democritus also sheweth , Pomegranates and Cherries without any stones ; if in like manner you pick out the pith of the young plants that you set . And Africanus saith , If you deal with these as with Vine-branches , plucking out the pith after you have cleft them , and then plant them ; and after a while cut off the upper parts of the plants when they have budded forth , then the Pomegranate set , will yield fruit without any kernels . Palladius borrows this same experiment of Africanus , and sets it down word by word as he doth . Likewise that A Cherry-tree may bring forth fruit without any stone within ; Martial sheweth more distinctly . Cut off a young plant about two foot long , and cleave it as it stands in the ground , down to the root , and then fetch out the pith on both sides , and presently tie them up again fast , and cover the whole cleft both on the top , and on both sides , with muck ; so shall they grow fast together again in one year : then engraffe some young sprigs of a Cherry-tree , such as never bare any fruit before into this stock , and by this means you shall procure Cherries without any stones at all . Others , that they might accomplish their purpose more speedily , did not cleave such tender young Cherry-trees , but bored a great hole thorough Trees of good growth , so that it might pierce the whole pith , and cross it in the middle of the Tree ; then they put a stake or a wedge into it , which might stop the passage of the pith , that none might be ministred into the upper parts . In like manner Africanus teacheth how to procure A Peach without any stone . You must , saith he , bore a hole beneath through the body of the Tree , and having so cut off the pith from passing upward , you must fill up the hole with a stake of Willow or Prick-wood ; so shall you intercept the pith from ascending out of the root into the branches . Some Writers there are , which shew how to procure stoneless fruit by diligence in dressing and trimming of plants . It is held for a rule in Husbandry , that soft , fat , and moist nourishment doth alter all wilde and unkindly fruit into that which is milder and more natural : It is a kind of mildeness in fruits , to have a little , soft and sweet kernel ; as on the contrary , it is wildenesse to have a great and a hard kernel , for it cometh by reason of a kind of harsh and dry nourishment that the earth sends up into them . Wherefore no doubt but we may procure the kernel of a fruit to be smaller and more tender , by diligence and skill in dressing them . To begin with a Vine : How a Vine may bring forth grapes without a harsh and stony kernel . At such time as Vines are pruned , you must take a fruitful sprig , somewhat neer the top as you can , and there , as it grows , you must pick out the pith at the highest end , never cleaving it , but hollowing it with some fit instrument as well as you can , and there uphold it with a prop that it bow not down : then take some Cyrenian juice , as the Greeks call it , and pour it into the place that is hollow ; but first you must steep this juice in water , to the thickness of sodden wine : and this you must do for eight dayes together every day once , till the vine-branch sprout forth again . Columella saith the very same ; that the vine-branch as it grows upon the Vine must be cut , and the pith of it fetched out with some fit instrument , as well as you may , out of the top without the cleaving of the branch , but the branch being whole , and still growing on the Vine , you must put into it some Benjamin or Cyrenian juice steeped in water , as was shewed before , and set it upright with a prop , that the juice may not run forth ; and this is to be done for eight dayes together . So if we would procure A Myrtle without a kernel , Theophrastus teacheth us how to do it . If you water the Myrtle-tree with hot water , then , saith he , the fruit will be the better , and without any kernel . Some affirm , that this experiment was found out by chance : for whereas there stood neer to a Bath , a Myrtle-tree which no man regarded , the Commers by took off some of the fruit by chance , and found them without any kernels ; then they carried some home , and set them , and so this kind of fruit began first in Athens . Didymus also saith , that if the Myrtle-tree be often watered with warm liquor , it will yeeld berries without any stones or kernels within . Theophrastus sheweth yet another way whereby this may be effected ; take , saith he , the filth or shavings of skins , and put them in Urine , and so lay them about the root of the Myrtle-tree at such time as the buds begin to shew themselves , and so shall you have berries that have either none at all , or else very small kernels in them . Likewise the Pomegranate may be produced without any kernels within it , if you lay good store of Swines-dung about the root of the Pomegranate-tree . CHAP. XIII . How fruit may be produced without any outward rines or shels . THe very same helps and devices which we prescribed for the producing of fruits without their inner kernel , we may likewise use in the practice of producing Nuts , & such like fruits as are wont to grow in shells and rines , that they may grow naked as it were without any shel at all . And first this may be effected by taking away the pith out of the plants that bear them so . A Nut without a shell , may be produced , as Damageron teacheth . If you bore a hole quite thorough the Nut-tree , and put into it a stake of Elm to fill it up , you shall thereby stop the pith from ascending into the upper parts ▪ and so no shells can grow because it is the pith only that causeth them . Palladius counselleth you to bore the hole through the root , and stop it up with a stake of box , or some wedge made of iron , or of copper . But Theophrastus sheweth , how to procure Almonds and Chest-nuts with a soft shell , and this is by skill in dressing the Trees . If you would soften and alter the fruit , we must apply the root with Swins-dung : for this is a very forcible worker ; likewise often digging will cause both the plants to prosper better , and the fruit to become better also : for the kernels will be smaller , in such fruit as have any stones in them ; and such fruit as grow in shells or rines , as Almonds , and Chest-nuts , will have the softer shell without , and the larger kernel within : for the greater store of nourishment there is applyed to the Tree , the moister it is , and the substance of the fruit is so much the more encreased . But Palladius would perswade us , that if we rid away the earth from the rootes of the Almond-tree some certain daies before it begin to blossom , and all that while apply them with warm water , we shall hereby procure the Almond-shels to be very tender . If we would procure That kinde of Nut which is called Nux Tarentina , the same author Damageron hath shewed us how to do it . Every Nut and Almond will yeeld a mild fruit with a tender shell , if we continually apply the body and root of the tree with pouring ashes upon them ; and likewise all other kind of fruits that grow in any shell or rine , may be so wrought upon , and will suffer the like alteration by the like means practised upon them . If you would procure a Tarentine Nut , Palladius saith , you must water the Tree with Lye thrice a moneth throughout a whole year , and so you may obtain your purpose . Others effect such alterations by correcting the plants ; as , by cutting off the tops of the roots . If the Nut be too hard shelled , you may also remedy it by cutting and paring off the bark of the Tree , as Damageron sheweth ; for by this means you draw down that harsh and wilde humour : The reason whereof is , because the bark of the Tree answereth to the shell of the fruit , as the pith of the Tree answereth to the kernel of the fruit : and therefore , as to amend the inner kernel we abated the pith , so to soften or amend the utter shell or rine of the fruit , we must abate the utter bark of the Tree . A thing which we have observed by another like example : for a Peach being engraffed upon a bitter Almond-tree , the pill of the fruit thence growing was so bitter , that it could not be eaten till the pill were pared off . This secret may stead you in many other experiments of the like kind . But this kind of Nut which we now speak of , I have growing in my own Orchard , and it hath such a tender shell , and so thin , that as soon as ever it is but touched , the shell falls off , and the fruit is bare and naked . Florentinus assayed to produce An Almond without a shell , on this manner : He break the shell very charily , so that the kernel was kept whole ; then he took wool , and sometimes green leaves of the Vine or of the Plane-tree , and wrapt about the kernel , lest if he should have set it without my covering about it , the Emots or such like vermine should have gnawn it . Columella sheweth another device whereby we may procure A Filberd to become a Tarentine Nut. When you have made your pit wherein you purpose to set your Nut , put into it a little earth , about half a foot deep , and there plant the feed of Fennel-gyant ; and when the Fennel is come up , cleave it , and within the pith of it put your Filberd without any shell upon it , and so cover it all over with earth : this if you practise before the Calends of March , or betwixt the Nones and the Ides of March , you shall have your purpose . They prescribe likewise another device , whereby Gourds may bring forth fruit without any seeds within them : The Gourd , say they , will grow seedless , if you take the first branch or sprig of a Gourd when it is a little grown up , and bury it in the earth as they use to deal by Vines , so that onely the head thereof may appear ; and so soon as it is grown up again , to bury it so again : but we must have a special care that the slips which grow up out of the stalk be cut away , and none but the stalk left behind ; so shall the fruit that grows upon it , whether it be Gourds or Cucumbers , be destitute of all seed within . Likewise they will grow without seeds in them , if the seeds which are planted , be macerated or steeped in Sea-famine oyle , for the space of three dayes before they be sowed . CHAP. XIIII . How to procure fruits , to be of divers colours , such as are not naturally incident to their kinde . NOw we will shew how to colour fruits : to the effecting whereof there have been divers means devised ; as waterings , and engraffings which can never be sufficiently commended or spoken of , and other like practises . To begin with engraffing ; If we would colour any fruit , we must engraffe it upon a plant that flourishes with the same colour which we would borrow . As for example , If we would produce Red Apples , we must engraffe them upon a Plane-tree , and the fruit will be red , as Diophanes , Didymus , and Palladius affirm . So we may procure that the fruit Rhodacen shall grow red , if we engraffe it upon a Plane-tree , as Africanus witnesseth . Of whom Palladius learned that the way to make Rhodacens look red , is to engraff them into a Plane-tree . If you would have Citrons of a red scarlet-colour , Avicenna shews you may effect it by engraffing them into a Pomegranate-tree ; for we shewed before that such an engraffing may well be made . But if you would have Citrons to be blood-red , Florentinus sheweth that you may effect this by engraffing them into a Mulberry-tree ; which experiment Deophanes approveth . Likewise he that desires to have Red Pears , must engraffe them into a Mulberry-tree ; for by this means the Pears will grow red , as Tarentinus and Diophanes do witnesse . So also you may procure A white Fig to become red , by engraffing it upon a Mulberry-tree , as the same Diophanes witnesseth . By the same means Apples may be of a blood-red colour , if they be engraffed into a Mulberry-tree , as Avicenna sheweth . But Beritius and Diophanes write , that the Mulberry-tree it self , which makes all other Apple-fruit to become red , may be caused to bring forth White Mulberries , if it be engraffed into a white Poplar tree ; for this will alter the colour of the fruit . But Palladius procures this effect by another means ; not by engraffing the Mulberry into a white Poplar , but into the Fig-tree ; for this also will alter their colour , and cause White Mulberries , as he shews in his verses ; wherein he saith , that the Fig-tree doth perswade Mulberries to change their own colour and to take hers ; whereof I my self have seen the experience . Likewise , of A white Vine may be made red Wine , if we engraffe a white Vine into a black : for the stock into which it is engraffed , will alter the colour much , as I have seen by experience in hony-grapes , those which we call Greek-grapes ; for the Vines which have been engraffed upon those Greek-Vines , have yeelded a blackish juice or wine ; and the oftner such engraffing hath been made , the blacker juice was yeelded . In the places about the Hill Vesuvius the white-wine grape , which grows upon her own stalk that is engraffed into the Greek-vine yeelds a more high-coloured wine then others do . Another way to make Apples grow red , is by diligent and cunning dressing , even by applying them with hot and fat receipts ; for there are two chief Elements or principles of colours ; white , and black , or dark coloured ; now by dressing them , and applying fat things unto them ▪ we may procure every flower or fruit that is blackish , to become brighter and fresher coloured ; whereas on the other side , if they be neglected , that we do not bestow pains and care in trimming them , their colour will not be so lively , but degenerate into a whiterish hew ; for all colours that begin to fade , wax somewhat whitish . Beritius therefore , endeavouring to make Apples grow red , watered them with Urine , and so obtained his purpose . But Didymus To procure red Pomegranates , watered the Tree with Bath-waters sodden into Lye , and some other water mixed therewith . But there is yet another device , whereby we may procure Apples to grow red , by opposing them directly to the greatest force of the Sun-beams ; for this will make them red . Beritius , that ●e might cause the reflex of the Sun-beams to be more forcible upon the fruit , used this sleight . He fastened certain stakes into the ground , and weighing down the boughs that had fruit upon them , he bound them charily without hurting the fruit to those stakes ; and neer thereunto he digged certain ditches filling them with water , or else would place some other vessels full of water neer the boughs ; casting this in his conjecture , that surely the heat of the Sun lighting upon the water , would cause hot vapours , which being reflected together with the heat of the Sun into the places neer adjoyning where the fruit hangs , and so reflected upon the fruit , would procure them to be of a reddish and a goodly colour . Beritius assayed to procure Red Apples , by another devise , by a secret kind of operation . Under the Tree he was wont to set Roses , which did lend their goodly hew to the Apples that grow upon the Tree above them . Democritus practised the like device not upon Apples , but upon Rhodacens , and made Red Rhodacens , by planting Roses underneath the Tree , round about the roots . Likewise we may colour fruit by colouring the seeds of them ; for look what colour we procure in the seed , either by steeping it in some coloured liquor , or by any other means , the fruit will grow to be of the same colour which the seed is , when it is set or sown . As for example , we may colour Peaches , with Sanguinary or Vermillion ; If we bury a Peach-stone in the ground , and take it up again seven dayes after ( for in that time the stone will open of it self ) and then put into it some Vermillion , and bury it in the earth again , and afterward look carefully unto it , we shall thereby procure Vermillion-peaches . And Dsmocritus is perswaded , that if we should put into it any other colour after the same manner , the Peach would be of that other colour . It is a thing commonly reported among us , and it is not unlike to be true , that Peaches may be of a sanguine-colour , by another means . You must take a Peach-stone , and put it into a Carrot that is then growing , and the stalk which grows of that stone in the Carrot , if it be carefully nourished and preserved , will bring forth Peaches of a sanguine colour . In like manner , If you would have White kernels growing in a Pomegranate , Palladius sheweth how to do it , by the authority of Martial . If you take chalk and white clay , and with them mingle a quarter so much plastering , and apply the Pomegranate-tree roots with this kind of soilage or dunging , for the space of three whole years together , you shall obtain your purpose . Likewise , if you desire Mellons of a Sanguine colour , you must take Mellon-seeds , and steep them in sanguine liquor for three or four daies together before you set them , you may easily have your desire . Or else , if you open a little the skin of the seed , and put within it the juice of red Roses , Clove-gilliflowers , and Black-berries that grow upon Brambles , or of any other like thing , so that it be not hurtful to the seed , you may effect your purpose . And I suppose that the sanguine-coloured Mellons which are seen in these Countries , are thus used , that they may be of this colour . Consequent upon these devices is that sleight whereby A Peach may grow with any writing upon it . The Greeks affirm , that a Peach may be made to grow with a writing upon it , if you take out the stone and bury it in the earth for seven dayes ; and then when it begins to open , pluck out the kernel , and write in it what you will , with Vermillion-juice : then binde up the kernel into the stone again , and set it so into the ground , and you shall have growing a written fruit . Now as the Sun doth colour the herbs that it may well come at , as we have shewed ; so by keeping the force of the Sun away from them , we may whiten them ; for so A Lettice may be made white , as Florentinus sheweth . If you would , saith he , procure goodly white Lettice , then must you bind together the tops of the leaves , two dayes before they be gathered ; for so they will be fair and white . Likewise you may whiten them by casting sand upon them . And with us Artichocks are made white , by the very same means which we speak of . And if you would cause Beets to become whiter then ordinary , you must cover the roots over with Cow-dung , and as we spoke before concerning Leeks , so here you must cleave the bud , and lay a broad stone or a tile upon it , as Sotion sheweth . So Columella teacheth how to make Endive to grow white , when the leaves are shot forth , you must tie them about the tops with a small string , and cover them over with an earthen vessel set fast into the ground , and the herb will be white . Others are at less charges , and cover them over with some earth our Gardeners lay them in sand , and so make them very white . If you would procure White Sperage , you must put the slips as soon as ever they appear out of the earth , into a broken reed ; and there let them grow for a while , and afterward when you take away the cane or reed , the Sperage will be whiter then ordinary . CHAP. XV. How the colour of Flowers may also be changed . IN transforming and meddling the colours of flowers together , we may procure such strange medleys , as nothing can be more delightful to be seen . Those which are of a ●eep purple colour may be meddled with azure blue ; those which are as white as milk , may be meddled either with a duskish hew , or with a green , or crimson , or some other compound colours ; in the beholding whereof , the minde cannot chuse but be affected with great delight , and be ravished with admiration , and as it were quite overcome with the excellent beauty of them . Wherefore we will set down certain Rules , whereby we may be able to alter the colour of flowers , as we prescribed certain rules before , whereby we shewed how to alter the colour of fruits . And first we will shew , how by engraffing Gilliflowers that are of themselves purple , or else white , may become azure blue , You must cut off ( somewhat neer the root ) a stalk of Endive or Blue-bottle , or Bugloss , but the old wilde Endive is best for this purpose , and let it be grown to an inch in thickness ; then cleave that in the middle which is left growing in the ground , and plant into it a Gilliflower new pluckt up out of the earth , root and all ; then bind up the stalks or slips with some sl●ght bond , and lay good store of earth and dung round about it : so shall it yield you a flower , that is somewhat bluish , of a most delightful colour to behold . This , many of my friends will needs perswade me , though for my own part , I have often made trial of it , and yet never could see it effected . But this I have seen , that a white Gilliflower slip being engraffed into a red Carrot made hollow for the same purpose , and so buried in the earth , hath yeelded a Sea-coloured flower . Likewise you may procure the white Gilliflower to be of a skarlet-colour , if after the same manner you engraffe it into the root of Orchanet : by which means also you may turn a purple Gilliflower into a skarlet . If you would have A Rose , as also the flower Jasmine to be of a yellow-colour , you may procure it by engraffing either of them into a broom-stalk : for of all other , the broom-flower is most yellow : and though we cannot do it so well , by clapping the leaf or the bud of the one upon the leaf or bud of the other , yet it may be effected by boring into the stalk after this manner . You must set a Rose or a Jasmine neer to the broom , and when they are somewhat grown , take them up together with the earth that is about them ; ( for they will prove better when they are set again , with their own earth which is about them , being as it were their mother , then with any other earth that shall be as it were their step mother , ) then bore a passage into the broom-stalk , and when you have cleansed the passage , prune the rose-stalk and plant it into the broom : and there cover them with ●oam where the engraffing was made , and so bind it up . Afterward when the set is grown into the stock , you must cut off all the head somewhat above the engraffing place ; so shall you have a Rose or a Jasmine there growing , of a lovely yellowish colour . Which kind of flowers are very usual with us , and this their borrowed colour is so orient and bright , that the eye is scarce able to endure the brightness thereof . There is another means also whereby we may colour flowers , and that is by pouring some colouring into the roots . If you would have Lillies to be red , we will shew how to do it , as Florentinus hath shewed us . Take a Lillie-clove or head , and when you have opened it well , pour into it some Sinoper , or any other colouring , and the Lillie-flower that grows out of the clove so dressed , will be of the same colour . But you must be very careful that you hurt not the clove or head , when you so open it ; and besides , you must be sure to cover it with fat and well-soiled earth . By the like means you may procure Lilly-flowers of a purple colour . The manner whereof , Anatolius sheweth to be this . You must take ten or twelve Lilly-stalks , about such time as they be ready to yeeld flowers , bind them all together and hang them up in the smoak : then will there spring out of them some small roots , like unto a Scallion . Therefore when the time of the year serves to set them , you must steep the stalks in the Lees of red Wine , till you see they be throughly stained with that colour : then you must take them asunder , and set every one of them by it self , watering them still with the same Lees ; and so you shall have Lillies that bear a purple flower . Cassianus attempted by the very like means To produce white Ivy : He steeped it in white Marle , and covered the roots of it with the same morter for eight dayes together , and it brought forth white berries . We may effect the like matters by careful manuring and dressing of fruits ; for if we apply them with fat and fertile muck , the flowers will be a great deal the better coloured , and may be made blackish ; as we have often proved in Clove-gilliflowers , which we have procured to be so deep coloured , that they have been even black . And on the contrary Roses , Clove-gilliflowers , and Violets will wax of a whiterish colour , if they be not carefully lookt unto , that either you do not water them well , nor transplant them , nor dig about them , nor feed them with muck ; for by this means Theophrastus writeth , not only these kinds of flowers , but almost all other , that grow in Woods and Forrests unregarded , do become whiterish . But Didymus hath devised another kind of sleight divers from these , whereby to make Roses and Clove-gilliflowers to become white very suddenly ; and this is , by smoaking and perfuming them with brimstone about the time that they begin to open . CHAP. XVI . How fruits and Flowers may be made to yeeld a better savour then ordinary . AS it is pretty and delightsome to see fruits and flowers wear a counterfeit colour ; so it is worth our labour to procure in them a more fragrant smell , then their ordinary kind is wont to afford : which thing we may effect by divers wayes , by planting , by watering , and by other devices . And for example sake , we will first shew , how to make Limons to become very odoriferous . If we take that least kind of Limons which is called Limoncellum picciolu● , and engraff into a Citron-tree , the stock will inspire the fruit with a very goodly smell ; and the oftner that you so engraffe it , the sweeter smell it will afford , as by daily experience we have tried in our Naples Gardens . So also we may procure Very odoriferous Pears , by engraffing them upon a Quince-tree , for the ●tock thereof will lend the fruit a grateful savour . Diophanes avoucheth , that Apples may be made more odoriferous , if they be engraffed into a Quince-tree ; and that hereby are procured those goodly Apples which the Athenians call Melimela . And I suppose that the Apple called Appium malum , was produced by the often engraffing of an Apple into a Quince-tree : for the smell of it is somewhat like a Quince ; and it is not unlike that Appius Claudius found it out , and first procured it by the same means . Likewise we have with us great red Apples , and some of them of a m●rry colour , which yield the same smell ; and questionless could never be produced but by the same means . So we have procured The Centifole Rose to be more odoriferous . If you would do so too , you must engraffe it into that kind of Rose , which , by reason of the sweet smell of Musk that it carries with it , is called Moschatula ; but you must oftentimes reiterate the engraffing of it again and again : so shall it be more beautiful , and fuller of leaves , and smell sweeter . But it is best to engraffe it by Inoculation , by clapping the bud of the one upon the bud of the other ; for so it will take soonest , and prove best . By a sleight not much unlike to this we may procure Vines to smell of sweet ointments , as Paxamus sheweth . If you would have the Vine to smell sweetly , and the place where it groweth , you must take the branches and cleave them , and pour in sweet ointments into them when you are about to plant them . But your labour will take the better effect , if you first steep the branches in sweet oyle , and then plant or engraffe them . I have practised an easier and slighter way , besmearing the branches that are to be engraffed , with Musk , or else steeping them in Rose-water , if the Musk did not stay upon them . So also we could make Limons to be as odoriferous as Cinnamon , by taking the sprigs that are to be planted , and besmearing them with oyle or the water of Cinnamon , and dressing them with much industry and diligence : And this kind of Limons is usual amongst us ; and is termed by the common-people Limoncellum incancellatum . There is also another device whereby fruits may be made odoriferous , and to smell of Spices ; and this is , by taking the seeds of them , and steeping them in sweet water before they be sowed . As for example : If we would procure Odoriferous Artichocks , Cassianus hath declared out of Varro , the manner how to effect it . You must take Artichock-seeds , and steep them for the space of three dayes in the juice of Roses , or Lillies , or Bayes , or some other like , and so to set them in the ground . Also you may make Artichocks smell like Bayes , if you take a Bay-berry , and make a hole in it , and put therein your Artichock-seed , and so plant it . Palladius records out of the same Author , that if you steep Artichock-seeds for three dayes together in the oyle of Bayes , or Spikenard , or Balme-gum , or the juice of Roses , or of Mastick , and afterward set them when they are dry , that then the Artichocks that grow out of those seeds , will yeeld the smell and savour of that which the seeds were before steeped in . Florentinus makes Mellons of the fragrant smell of Roses , after this manner ▪ by taking Mellon-seeds , and laying them up amongst dry Roses , and so planting them one amongst another . I have procured Mellons to smell like Musk , by opening that part whereby the seed sprouts out , and steeping them in Rose-water wherein some Musk was distilled also , and so planting them after two dayes steeping . So we have procured Odoriferous Lettice , by taking the seed of Lettice , and putting it into the seed of a Citron , and so planting it . After the same manner , you may learn to make Flowers grow that shall smell of Cloves ; if you take the seeds of those flowers , and lay them in Clove-powder , or the oyle of Cloves , or Clove-water distilled , and so set them : for by this means , the flowers will entertain the smell and savour of the Cloves . And this I take it , was the cun-ning the cunning sleight whereby our ordinary Clove-gilliflowers were first produced ; for questionlesse Gilliflowers do grow everywhere of themselves without any such pleasant smell ; and besides , they are of a smaller assize , and of their own kinde somewhat wilde . But it should seem , that Gardeners did by their industry and trimming , bestow the smell of Cloves upon them , by steeping their seeds in Clove-water , or by suppling them with the oyle of Cloves , or else by sticking Cloves in the roots of them , and so planting them . We may adde to these sleights another device , How to make Garlick grow that shall not smell rankly and unsavourily . Sotion hath taught us the way . If , saith he , you do set Garlick , and pluck it up again , both , when the Moon is underneath the earth , it will not have any bad savour . And Theophrastus hath taught us a means How we may procure Roses to yield a more odoriferous smell , namely , if you take Garlick , and plant it neer your Roses . CHAP. XVII . How to procure fruits to be sweeter and pleasanter for taste . THere are some trees , which cannot away with any scar , but if you cut their stock never so little , or make any other scar in them , presently the Air and the extrinsecal heat get in , and so the Trees perish ; for the corruption will fall downward to the root , and so make the Trees presently to wither and fade away . Now there are other Trees , which will abide not only a scar , but also to have their stock cleft , and to be bored into ; yea , and by this means too , they will bear fruit more plentifully ; as doth the Pomegranate-tree , the Almond-tree , and the Apple-tree ; of all which there is very great use . The reason hereof is this : Their nature and kinde is , to receive so much nourishment as is sufficient for them , and to void away hurtful and superfluous humours : for as those living creatures which sweat most , or have some other issue in their bodies , are most healthful and wont to live longest ; so when these Trees have a cut or a scar in them whereby they sweat out , as it were , their hurtful and superfluous moisture , they do more easily digest that moisture which is left behind within them ; and the better that the moisture is digested , the sweeter and pleasanter is their juice . And besides , they will live , if the parts have any continuation at all , though it be never so little , only if they may but hang together : and therefore they will easily defend themselves from any harm that may happen unto them by the cutting or mangling of any of their parts . We will shew how to procure fruits that shall be sweter in taste then ordinarily their kind is wont to afford , first by engraffing , secondly by boring or cutting , and last of all by other means . And first , by engraffing we may procure Cherries that shall have in them the relish of Bayes , For as we have shewed before , engraffing may amend those defects that are in plants and endue them with better qualities : so that if you have any fruit that is loathsome , because it is too sweet , do but engraffe it into a bitter Tree , and there will be such a medley , that your fruit shall have a very savoury relish . Pliny saith , that if you engraffe a Cherry upon a Bay-tree , you shall have Cherries thence growing , that will have the smatch of the Bay. Palladius saith the same , engraffe a Cherry upon a Bay-tree , and the fruit that grows thence , will have the relish of the Bay. In my time , there have been seen certain Cherries in Naples , which they called Bay-cherries , somewhat bitter , but yet pleasant withal ; a most excellent kinde of fruit , far better then any other cherries , of a very large assize , full of juice , of a very sanguine colour , that have a bitter-sweet taste , so that they are neither loathsome for their overmuch sweetnesse , nor yet to be refused for their overmuch bitterness . So likewise may be procured Sweeter Apples by engraffing them into a Quince For if you do engraffe an Apple into a Quince , the Apple will have a relish like honey : which kinde of fruit the Athenians do therefore call Melimela , because they taste like honey , as Diophanes sheweth . Now we will shew also , how by husbandry and skilful dressing , fruits may be made sweeter in taste ; namely , by piercing or boring the stock , or scarrifying it round about , or by some other chastisements , as the Husband-men are wont to call them ; for by these means , the trees may purge themselves of their superfluous moisture , and so they will bear the sweeter fruit . As for example : If you would learn , How to procure the Almond-tree to yield fruit without any bitterness . Aristotle hath taught you the way . You must knock a great nail into the body of the Almond-tree , that the gum of the Tree , which causeth the bitternesse of the fruit , may drop out by that passage . And this is such a sleight that hereby you may tame , as it were , wilde Trees , and alter their nature into a milder kind . Theophrastus saith , that if you dig round about the stock of the Almond-tree , and bore thorough it about nine inches above the ground , the gum will thereby drop out , and so the fruit will become the sweeter by that chastisement . If you cut off a bough , or an arm of it , so that the gum may have egresse that way , and if you wipe away the gum still as it cometh forth , and observe this for two or three years together , you may by this means alter a bitter Almond-tree into a sweet one . For the bitternesse proceeds from no other cause , but onely from the superfluity of nourishment and moisture , which is abated by boring into the stock : and when once that which is superfluous is evacuated , then that which is left , is more easily concocted , and so the tree becomes fertile in bringing forth a sweeter and a better fruit . Africanus likewise affirmeth , that if you dig about the stock of a bitter Almond-tree , and make a hole into it some four inches above the root , whereby it may sweat out the hurtful moisture , it will become sweet . Pliny saith the same ; If you dig round about the stock , saith he , and bore thorough the lower part of it , and wipe away the humour which there issueth forth , a bitter Almond-tree will become sweet . Some there are , who after they have made that hole , do presently put honey into it , that it may not be quite empty ; for they are of opinion , that the relish of the honey is conveyed up into the fruit , through the pith , as thorough a Conduit-pipe . As for example sake ; If we would procure Sweet Citrons ; ( for that kind of fruit was not wont to be eaten in Theophrastus time , nor in Athenaeus time , as himself reports , nor yet in Plinies time : ) Palladius hath shewed , how to alter the bitter pith of a Citron-tree into sweet . His words are these . It is reported that the bitter pithes of Citrons may be made sweet , if you take the Citron-seeds , and steep them in honey-water , or else in Ewes milk , ( for this is better ) for the space of three dayes before you set them . Some do bore a hole sloaping into the body of a Tree , but not quite thorough it ; by which passage the bitter humour drops away : This hole they make in it the about February , and leave it so , till the fruit is fashioned ; but after the fruit is fashioned , then they fill up the hole with morter ; and by this device the pith is made sweet . This hath Pontanu● set down in his book called , The Gardens of Hesperides . What is it , saith he , that Art will not search into ? Cut a thick Vine , and make it hollow on the the top , about thy hand breadth ; but so , that the brims of the hole be brought round and something close together , so that the sides be about an inch thick and no more . Pour into it and fill it up with liquefied honey , and cover it with a broad stone that the Sun may not come at it . And when the Vine hath drunk in all that , then fill it up again with the like : and when that is soaked in too , then open the concavity wider , and let the Vine grow : but you must continually water the tender roots thereof with mans water : and you must be sure that you leave no buds or leaves upon the stock , that so there may be no other moisture let into it , but the whole Vine may grow up as it were in a spring of honey . Palladius shews also How to make sweet Almonds of bitter ones , even by boring a hole in the middle of the stock , and putting into it a woodden wedge besmeared over with honey . Sweet Cucumbers may be procured , by steeping Cucumber seeds in sweet waters , till they have drunk them up : for they being planted , will produce sweet Cucumbers . Theophrastus shews how to make sweet Cucumbers , even by the same sleight ; by steeping their seed in milk , or else in water and honey sodden together , and so planting them . Columella saith , that a Cucumber will eat very tender and sweet , if you steep the seed thereof in milk before you set it . Others , because they would have the Cucumber to be the sweeter , do steep the seed thereof in honey-water . Pliny and Palladius do write the same things of the same fruit , out of the same Authors . Cassianus hath declared out of Varro , how to procure Sweet Artichocks growing . You must take the Artichock-seeds , and steep them in milk and honey , and after you have dryed them again , then set them , and the fruit will relish of honey . So you may procure Sweet Fennel growing , For if you steep Fennel-seeds in sweet wine and milk , then will the fruit that grows of those seeds , be much sweeter . Or else if you put the seeds thereof in dry figs , and so plant them , the like effect will follow . So you may procure Sweet Melons , as Palladius shews ; even by steeping the seeds thereof in milk and sweet wine for three dayes together : for then if you dry them , and set them being so dryed , there will grow up a very sweet fruit . Likewise you may procure Sweet Lettice ; for if you water them in the evening with new sweet wine , and let them drink for three evenings together as much of that liquor as they will soak up , it will cause sweet Lettice , as Aristoxenus the Cyrenian hath taught out of Athenaeus . So A sweet Radish may be procured , by steeping the Radish-seeds for a day and a night in honey , or in sodden wine , as both Palladius and Florentinus have recorded . So you may procure the same , by steeping the seeds in new sweet wine , or else in the juice of Raisons . There is also another device , whereby to make sharp or bitter fruits to become sweet ; and this is by art and cunning in dressing them ; as , by pouring hot water , or the Lees of oile , or casting soil and such like about their roots . As for example : when we would make A bitter Almond to become sweet , we cast some sharp piercing matter upon the root , that by vertue of their heat , the Tree may the more easily concoct her moisture , and so yield a sweeter fruit . Theophrastus saith , that if we apply hot and strong soil , as Swines-dung , or such like , to the root of the bitter Almond-tree , it will become sweet : but it will be three years before the Tree be so changed , and for all that time you must use the same husbanding of it . Africanus saith ; If you uncover the roots , and apply them still with Urine , or with Swines dung , then will the fruit be the sweeter . The Quintils report of Aristotle , that , by covering the Almond-tree root with Swines-dung , in March , of a bitter one it becometh sweet . And Palladius useth the very same practise . By the same device Sharp and sowre Pomgranate-trees may be made to bring forth a sweet Pomegranate : for these also may be changed from sharp and sowre into sweet . Aristotle shews in his book of plants , that Pomegranate-trees , if their roots be applyed with Swins-dung , and watered with soom cool sweet liquor , the fruit will be the better and the sweeter . Theophrastus saith , that the roots of a Pomegranate-tree must be applyed with Urine , or with the offals and refuse of hides , yet not in too great a quantity : for the roots of this kind of Tree have need of some sharp matter to knaw upon them , and most of all , every third year , as we said before of the Almond-tree ; but indeed the Pomegranate-roots are more durable . The reason is , because of a kind of softnesse in the roots , which is peculiar unto them alone . Now Swines-dung , saith he , or somewhat that is of the like operation , being cast upon the roots , doth sweeten the juice of the Tree : as also if you pour on good store of cold water , it will work some kind of change thereof . Paxamus prescribes this course , to dig round about the root of the Tree , and to lay Swins-dung upon it , and then when you have cast earth upon that , water it with mans Urine . Columella saith ; If you have a Pomegranate-tree that bears a sharp and a sowre fruit , this is your way to amend it : You must cover the roots with Swins-dung and mans ordure , and water them with mans Urine that hath stood long in some vessel ; and so it will yield you for the first years a fruit that tastes somewhat like wine , and afterward a sweet and pleasant Pomegranate . Pliny reporteth the very same thing out of the very same Authors . Anatolius shews How to make an Apple-tree become sweeter ; and that is , by watering it continually with Urine , which is a thing very comfortable to an Apple-tree . Some do use Goats-dung and the Lees or dregs of old wine , applying them to the roots of the Apple-tree , and thereby cause it to bear a sweeter fruit . Theophrastus saith ; If you water an Apple-tree with warm water in the Spring time , i● will become better . The like applications being used to Herbs , will make them sweeter also . As for example sake ; we may procure Sweet Endive . There be many things , which being watered with salt liquors , do forsake their bitternesse , and become sweet . Of which sort Endive is one : and therefore if we would have sweet Endive , Theophrastus willeth us , to water it with some salt liquor , or else to set it in some salt places . The like practise will procure Sweet Coleworts . And therefore the Aegyptians do mix water and Nitre together , and sprinkle it upon Coleworts , that they may be sweet : And hence it is that the best Coleworts are they which are planted in salt grounds : for the saltnesse , either of the ground where it is set , or of the liquor wherewith it is watered , doth abate and take away the tartnesse and natural saltnesse of the Coleworts . In like manner , if you would procure Sweet Betony , Theoph●astus counselleth you to water them with salt liquor , and so they will be better . Which very same things Pliny reporteth out of the same Author . Likewise you may procure Sweet Rochet , such as will yeeld leaves that shall be more toothsome , if you water it with salt liquor . There is another sleight in husbanding of Pot-herbs , whereby they may be produced fitter to be eaten ; and this is by cropping the stalks of them , Basil will grow the sweeter , if you crop the stalk of it : for at the second springing , the stalk will be sweeter and pleasanter ; a most evident reason whereof is assigned by Theophrastus . So Lettice will be the sweeter at the second springing . Theophrastus saith , that the sweetest Lettice springs up after the cropping of the first tops ; for the first tops of their first springing , are full of a milky kind of juice , which is not so pleasant , because that it is not throughly concocted ; but they which grow at the second springing , if you take them when they are young and tender , will be far sweeter . He shews also , how Leeks may be made sweeter ; by cropping them once or twice , and afterward let them grow : the cause whereof he hath assigned in his book of causes , namely , that their first shooting up is the weakest and the most unperfect . The like is to be thought and practised in other Pot-herbs : for the cropping or cutting off , doth make the second sprouts to be the sweeter , almost in all herbs . There are also divers other sleights in husbanding and dressing of such Pot-herbs , whereby they may be made sweeter to be eaten . As for example , Garlick may be made sweeter , for Sotion is perswaded , that , if you break the Cloves of Garlick before you set them , or else supple them with the Lees of oyle , when you do set them , they will gather and yield a far sweeter relish . By another sleight far differing from this , Onions may be made sweeter ; for we must consider , that divers things do exercise a mutual discord or agreement & concord of natures toward each other ; whereby they either help one another , if their natures agree ; or , if their natures dissent , they hurt and destroy one another . Nuts and Onions have a sympathy or agreement of nature ; and therefore if you lay up Nuts amongst Onions , the Onions will cause the Nuts to last the longer : in liew of which kindness , Nuts do gratifie Onions with another good turn , for they ease the Onions of their sharpnesse , as Palladius hath observed . CHAP. XVIII . How fruits that are in their growing , may be made to receive and resemble all figures and impressions whatsoever . MAny things do fall out by chance , and hap-hazard , as they say , which an ingenious man lighting upon , doth by his great industry , and often experiments that he makes of them , turn and apply to very good use . Whence it is that the Poet saith , manifold experience , and much labour and practice , sets a broach to the world many new arts and rare devices . And because the most part are not acquainted with the cause of such things , thence it is , that they are esteemed to be miraculous , and to come to passe besides Natures rule . We have oftentimes seen in Citrons , divers kinds of stamps and impressions , which were made there by chance ; as by the hitting of some carved matter , or any stick , or such like , which hath caused the same impressions : whence , the wit of man hath devised to cause divers kinds of fruits , to grow up with divers kinds of figures on them . If you take an earthen vessel , and put-into it an apple that is very young , as it hangs upon the Tree growing , the Apple will grow to fill up his earthen case , and will be of any form whatsoever you would desire , if you make the case accordingly . Also if you pown any colours and bray them together , and dispose of them in places convenient on the fruit , on the inside of the case , the fruits will wear and expresse the same colours , as if they were natural unto them . Whence it cometh to passe , that oftentimes the yellow Quince is made to grow like a mans head , having in it the lively resemblance of white teeth , purple cheeks , black eyes , and in all points expressing the form and colour of a mans head , without any greenesse at all , which is the natural colour of that fruit whiles it is in growing . And this is the sleight that Africanus prescribes , whereby A Citron may be made to grow in the likenesse of a mans head , or the head of an horse , or any other living Creature . You must take some Potters clay , or soft morter , and fashion it to the bignesse of a Citron that is at his full growth : but you must cleave it round about with a sharp instrument , so that the fruit may be taken out of it handsomly ; and yet in the mean space the sides of the case must be so closely and firmly joyned together , that the fruit growing on , may not break it open . If the counterfeit or case which you make , be of wood , then you must first make it hollow within ; if it be of clay , you may clap it on , as it is , so that it be somewhat dry . But then when the fruit comes to be of a greater and stronger growth , you must prepare earthen vessels made for the purpose , with a hole in them at the lower end , that the stalk of the fruit may there be let in : Into these earthen vessels you must enclose the fruit , and binde them about with a strong band , for otherwise the growth of the fruit will break them open : And when you have procured the fruit to grow up into his counterfeit , or sheath as it were , that it is come to the just bignesse of a fruit of that kinde , it will bear the same shape and figure which you would have in it . The like we have shewed before out of Florentinus . Pontanus also speaks of the same device . If , saith he , you would have a Citron to grow in divers shapes , you must cover it being young , with some counterfeit of clay , or wood , or earth , wherein it may be swadled ; as a tender infant in his Nurses bosom : and that counterfeit will fashion the fruit into any form ; and when it is taken out , it will resemble any image that you have carved within the counterfeit . So also you may deal by Pomegranates , Pears , or any kind of Apples , making them to receive any kinde of form , for the same Author writes , that if you bestow the same pains and diligent care upon any other sort of Apples , you may frame them to every fashion ; for so it is in brief , saith he , that all Apple-fruits may be made to grow up to the shape of any living creature , if you first carve the same shape into a counterfeit of wood or earth , and let the fruit be shut up into that counterfeit , that it may grow up within it . So may you make A Quince grow in the shape of living Creatures , as Democritus affirmeth , by putting them into some counterfeit that is carved within to the same proportion , and so let the Quince grow in it . But it is easiest to make Cucumbers grow to any form ; for if you take earthen vessels of any fashion , and therewith cloath the Cucumbers when they are very young , and binde them very fast about , they will receive any shape or impression very easily , If you take a Cane , and make it hollow all along , and bind it fast about , and then put into it a young Cucumber or a young Gourd , it will grow so pliable within it , that it will fill up the whole length of the Cane . Pliny saith , Cucumbers grow to any fashion that you would frame them unto ; insomuch that you may , if you will , make a Cucumber grow in the shape of a Dragon , winding himself many wayes . Likewise , a Gourd will be made to grow picked and sharp by many means , especially if it be put into a case that is made of such pliant twigs as Vines are bound withal ; so that this be done as soon as it hath cast the blossom . But if you lay a Gourd betwixt two platters , or dishes , it will grow to the same plainnesse and roundnesse ; and of all other fruit , this is the easiest and fittest to be formed to any fashion . You may make them to grow like a Flagon , or like a Pear , great at the one end , and small at the other , if you tye it hard in that part which you would have to be the lesse : afterward when it is come to full growth , dry it , and take out all that is in it , and when you go abroad , carry it about you , it will serve for a cup to drink in . Hence we learn how it may be effected , that An Almond should grow with an inscription in it . Take an Almond , and steep it for two or three dayes ; and then break the shell of it very charily , that the kernel receive no harm : then you must write in the kernel what you will , but write it as deep in as you safely may : then winde it up in some paper , or some linen cloth , and overlay it with morter , and soil it with dung ; and by that device , when the fruit cometh to be of full growth , it will shew you your handy work , as Africanus recordeth . So may you make A Peach to grow with an inscription in it , as Democritus sheweth . After you have eaten the fruit , you must steep the stone of it for two or three dayes , and then open it charily , and when you have opened it , take the kernel that is within the stone , and write upon it what you will , with a brazen pen , but you must not print it too deep , then wrap it up in paper , and so plant it ; and the fruit which that will afterward bear , will shew you what was written in the kernel . But A Fig will grow with an inscription in it , if you carve any shape upon the bud , the fig will expresse it when it is grown : or else if you carve it into the fig when it is first fashioned : but you must do it either with a wooden pen , or a bone pen , and so your labour shall be sure to take effect . I have printed certain characters upon the rine of a Pomegranate , and of a Quince-pear , having first dipped my pensil in morter ; and when the fruit came up to the just magnitude , I found in it the same impressions . Now it remains that we shew how we may Fashion Mandrakes , those counterfeit kind of Mandrakes , which couzeners and cony-chatchers carry about , and sell to many instead of true Mandrakes . You must get a great root of Brionie , or wilde Nep , and with a sharp instrument engrave in it a man or a woman , giving either of them their genitories : and then make holes with a puncheon into those places where the hairs are wont to grow , and put into those holes Millet , or some other such thing which may shoot out his roots like the hairs of ones head . And when you have digged a little pit for it in the ground , you must let it lie there , until such time as it shall be covered with a bark , and the roots also be shot forth . CHAP. XIX . How fruits may be made to be more tender , and beautiful , and goodly to the eye . NOw at length , that nothing may passe us , we will set down divers kinds of of sleights in husbanding and trimming of herbs and fruits , whereby they may be made not onely tenderer , sweeter , larger , and better relished , but also fresher coloured , and more sightly to the eye . And first How an Apple-tree and a Myrtle-tree may be bettered , we may learn out of Theophrastus , who counselleth to water their roots with warm water , and promiseth the bettering of the fruit by that means ; nay it will cause the Myrtle fruit to be without any kernel at all . And this , saith he , was found out by chance , in certain of these Trees growing neer unto a hot Bath . If you would procure Goodlier Figs then ordinary , Columella shews , how you make them to grow more plentifully , and to be a sounder fruit . When the tops of the Fig-tree begin to be green with leaves , you mu●● cut off the tops of the boughs with an iron tool ; and still as the leaves begin to bu● forth , you must take red chalk , and blend it with Lees of oyle and mans dung● and therewithal cover the roots of the Tree : and by this means , the Tree wil● bear more store of fruit , and besides the fruit will be a fuller and better fruit . Pliny and Palladius record the same experiment out of the same Author . When the Fig-tree begins to shew her leaves ; if you would have it yeeld you more and better fruit , you must cut off the very tops of them when the bud begins to shew it self ; or , if not so , yet you must besure at the least to cutoff that top which groweth out of the midst of the Tree . Palladius writes , that some have reported , that the Mulberry-tree will bear more and better fruit , if you bore thorough the stock of the Tree in divers places , and into every hole beat in a wedge ; into some of the holes , wedges made of the Turpentine-tree , and into some of them , wedges made of the Mastick-tree . Didymus saith that The Palm , or Date-tree , and the Damosin tree will grow to be of a larger and good-lier assize , if you take the Lees of old Wine , and after you have strained them , water the roots therewith . And he saith , that it will take the better effect , if you cast upon it a little salt ever now and then . So The Myrtle-tree will have a goodlier leaf , and also yield a better fruit , if you plant it among Roses : for the Myrtle-tree delighteth to be consorted with the Rose , and thereby becomes more fruitful , as Didymus reporteth . So Rue will grow tenderer , and more flourishing , if it be engraffed into a Fig-tree : you must only set it into the bark somewhat neer the root , that you may cover it with the earth , and so you shall have excellent good Rue . Plutark in his Sympo●iakes , commends no Rue but that only which grows very neer the Fig-tree . Aristotle in his Problems , demanding the cause of this , at length concludes , that there is such a sympathy and agreement betwixt the Fig-tree and the herb Rue , that Rue never grows so fast , nor flourishes so well , as when it grows under the Fig-tree . If you would have Artichocks grow without sharp prickles , Varro saith , that you must take the Artichock-seed , and rub it upon a stone , till you have worn it blunt at the top . You may cause also Lettice to grow tenderer and more spreading , as Palladius shews , and Columella . Palladius saith , that if your Lettice be somewhat hard , by reason of some fault either in the seed , or place , or season , you must pluck it out of the earth and set it again , and thereby it will wax more tender . Columella shews , how you may make it spread broader . Take a little tile-sheard , and lay it upon the middle of the Lettice when it is a little grown up ; and the burden or weight of the tile-sheard will make it spread very broad . Pliny saith , that it is meet also to besmear the roots with dung when they set them , and as they grow up , to rid away their earth from them , and to fill up the place with muck . Florentinus saith , when you have a Lettice growing that hath been transplanted , you must rid away the earth from the root after it is grown to be a handful long , and then besmear it with some fresh Oxe-dung , and then having cast in earth upon it again , water it ; and still as the bud or leafe appears out of the earth , cut it off till it grow up stronger , and then lay upon it a tile-sheard that hath never been seasoned with any pitch , and so you shall have your purpose . By the like device you may procure Endive to be tenderer and broader . When it is grown up to a pretty bignesse , then lay a small tile-sheard on the middle of it , and the weight of that will cause the Endive to spread broader . So also you procure Coleworts to be more tender , if you bedew them with salt water , as Theophrastus writes . The Aegyptians , to make their Coleworts tender , do water them with Nitre and Water mixt together . So Cucumbers will be tenderer , if you steep the seeds in milk before you set them , as Columella reporteth . If you would have Leeks to grow Cloven , the Antients have taught you , that first you must sow them very thick , and so let them alone for a while ; but afterward when they are grown , then cut them , and they will grow cloven . Or else , you must cut it about some two moneths after it was set , and never remove it from the own bed , but help it still with water and muck , and you shall have your purpose , as Palladius saith . Now we will speak of some monstrous generations ; as of the generation of the herb Dragon , and of a cloven Onion . And first How to produce the herb Dragon . It is a received opinion amongst Gardeners , that if you take Hemp-seed or Line-seed , and engraffe it into an ordinary Onion , or else into a Sea-onion as it grows neer the Sea , or else into the Radish root , thence will grow the herb Dragon , which is a notable and famous Sallet-herb . But surely , howsoever they boast of it that this hath been of entimes done , yet I have made sundry trials hereof , and still failed of my purpose . By the like setting of seeds , they shew How to produce cloven Onions , by making a hole into an Onion , and putting into it a clove of Garlick , and so planting it ; for that will grow to be an Ascalonian , or a cloven Onion . Now let us see , how to make Parsley to grow frizled or curled . Theophrastus writes that Parsley will grow frizled , if you pave the ground where you have sowed it , and ram it in with a roller ; for then the ground will keep it in so hard , that it it must needs grow double . Columella saith ; If you would have Parsley to bear curled leaves , you must put your Parsley-seed into a morter , and pown it with a Willow pestle , and when you have so bruised it , wrap it up in linen clouts , and so plant it . You may effect the same also without any such labour ; even by rolling a cylinder or roller over it after it is a little grown up , wheresoever or howsoever it is sowed . Palladius and Pliny record the same experiment out of the same Author . I have often-times seen Basil growing with a kind of brush like hairs upon it . The seed of withy-winde being planted neer to Basil , as soon as it shoots up , will presently winde it self round about the stalks of the Basil , and by often winding about them , will wrap them all into one . The like will be effected also , if the withy-winde grow elsewhere , and a twig of it be brought and planted neer to Basil : for by either of these means , the Basil will grow so bushy and so thick of hair , and that in a very short time , that it will be most pleasant to be lookt upon . So you may make the Ivy to bear very sightly berries , if you burn three shell-fish , especially of that kind which is called Murex , and when you have powned them together , cast the ashes thereof upon the Ivy-berries ; or else , if you cast upon them beaten Alome , as Cassianus teacheth . Theophrastus mentions an experiment that is very strange , whereby to make Cumin grow flourishingly , and that is by cursing and banning of the seeds when you sow them ; and Pliny reporteth the same out of Theophrastus : and he reporteth it likewise of Basile , that it will grow more plentifully and better , if it be ●owed with cursing and banning . If you desire to produce long Cucumbers , and such as are not waterish , you may effect it by this means . If you take a morter or any other like vessel filled with water , and place it neer the Cucumbers , about five or six inches distant from them , the Cucumbers will reach the vessel within a day or two , and extend themselves to that length ; The reason is , because Cucumbers have such a great delight in moisture : so that , if there be no water in the vessel , the Cucumbers will grow backward and crooked . To make them that they shall not be waterish ; when you have digged a ditch to plant them in , you must fill it up half full with chaffe , or the twigs of a Vine , and then cover them , and fill up the pit with earth ; but you must take heed you do not water them when they are planted . By all these things which have been spoken , we may learn to procure A Tree , which of it self may yield you the fruit of all Trees . A thing which I have seen , and in merriment have oft-times called it , the Tree of Garden-dainties . It was a goodly height and thickness , being planted within a vessel fit for such a purpose , the mould which was about it , being very fa● , and moist , and fruitful , that so every way , as well by the liveliness and strength of the plant it self , as also by the moistness and thriftiness of the ground , all things that were engraffed into it , received convenient nourishment . It was three-forked ; upon one bough or arm , it bare a goodly grape , without any kernels in it , party coloured , very medicinable ; for some of the grapes were good to procure sleep , and other some would make the belly loose . The second bough or arm , carries a Peach , a middle kind of fruit differing both from the ordinary Peach , and the Peach-nut , without any stone in it ; and the smaller branches thereof bearing here a Peach , and there a Peach-nut . If at any time there were any stone in the fruit , it was commonly as sweet as an Almond ; and it did resemble sometimes the face of a man , sometimes of other living creatures , and sundry other shapes . The third arm carries Cherries , without any stone , sharp , and yet sweet withal , and Orenges also of the same relish . The bark of this Tree was every where beset with flowers and Roses : and the other fruits , all of them greater then ordinary , and sweeter both in taste and in smell , flourishing chiefly in the Spring-time ; and they hung upon the Tree , growing even after their own natural season was past : but there was a continual succession of one fruit after another , even all the year long , by certain degrees , so that when one was ripe , there was another budding forth , the branches being never empty , but still clogged with some fruits or other ; and the temperateness of the air served every turn so well , that I never beheld a more pleasant and delightful fight . CHAP. XX. How divers kinds of fruits , and likewise Wines may be made medicinable . THe Ancients have been very careful and painful in seeking out , how to mix Wine with divers kinds of Antidotes or preservatives against poison , and how to use it best in such receipts , if need should be . A thing that might very well be practised ; for indeed there is nothing more convenient for that purpose . And therefore they have tried and set down more curiously then need required , many things concerning this argument , strang to be reported , & yet easie to be effected ; which Theophrastus hath copiously set down . About Heraclia in Arcady , there is a kind of wine , which makes the men that drink of it to become mad , and the women to become barren . And the like Athenaeus recordeth of that wine which they have in Troas , a place in Greece . And in Thrasus there is a kind of wine which if it be drunk , will procure sleep ; and there is another kind of wine made in that sort , that it will cause a man to be watchful : and there are divers confections of wines which you may read of in the most exact Writers of Physick , and of matters of Husbandry , which are easie both to be learned , and also practised by those that are well acquainted with the operations of Simples ; and they are such as a mans own conjecture may well lead him unto ; and indeed they are nothing else almost , but such qualities operative as the property of the place where their Simples grow , doth endue them withal . And surely I would counsel that these kinds of confections should be ministred to those that are timorous and queazie in the taking of any medicinal receipts , that so they may be swallowed down pleasantly , before they should seem loathsom . And first , How a Vine may be made to bring forth grapes that shall be medicinal against the biting of venemous beasts . Florentinus bids you in the first and second book of his Georgicks , to set a Vine-branch , and to cleave it in the lower part about the root , that the cleft may be some four inches long ; there you must pluck out the pith , and istead of the pith put Hellebore into it , and binde it fast about with some pliant twig , and so cover it with earth ; and by this means it will yeeld you grapes that being eaten , will make your body soluble . Or , if you would have the grapes to be more operative in this kind , you must supple the Vine-branches in some Antidote or counter-poyson , and then set them in the head of a Sea-onion , and so cover them with earth ; but you must still poure upon it the juice of that counter-poyson , that the sets may drink their fill of it , and so the strength and vertue of the grape will last a great deal longer . If you would have a Vine to yield the grapes whereof the confections called Propomata are made , Palladius shews you . You must take the Vine-branches and put them in a vessel that is half full of Hippocras , or else of Conserves of Roses , or Violets , or worm-wood ; and the earth that grows about the root , you must resolve into a kind of Lye as it were made of Ashes ; then when the branch that grows up out of the bud beginneth to bear a leaf , you must take it away , & set it as you set other Vines , in any other place , and the fruit will be such a grape as you desire . Pliny saith , that if you plant Hellebore about the roots of the Vine , it will yield a grape fit for such a purpose . Cato saith , that the herb Scammony hath a wonderful quality in drawing into it self the juice of the Vine . Pliny shews How to make that kind of wine which is called Phthorium , and kills children in their mothers wombes . That Hellebore which grows in Thassus , as also the wilde Cucumber , as also Scammony , are good to make Phthorian wine , which causeth abortives . But the Scammony or black Hellebore must be engraffed into the Vine . You must pierce the Vine with a wimble , and put in certain withie-boughes , whereby you may binde up unto the Vine the other plants that are engraffed into it : so shall you have a grape full of sundry vertues . So you may procure Figs that shall be purgative , if you pown Hellebore and Sea-Lettice together , and cast them upon the Fig-tree roots : or else if you engraffe them into the same roots , for so you shall have Figs that will make the belly loose . Florentinus saith , that you may make a Fig to grow which shall be good against the biting of venemous beasts , if you set it after it hath been laid in triacle . So we may procure Purgative Cucumbers . You must take the roots of the wilde Cucumber , and pown them , and steep them in fair water two or three dayes ; and then water your Cucumbers with that liquor for five dayes together ; and do all this five several times . Again , you may make them purgative , if , after they are blossomed , you dig round about their roots , and cast some Hellebore upon them and their branches , and cover them over with earth again . So you may procure Purgative Gourds , if you steep the seeds of them in Scammony-water nine dayes before you set them , as the Quinti●es report . Now if you would procure a man to be loose bellied and sleepy withal , you may cause Purgative Damosins that be good also to cause sleep . You must bore thorough a bough , or through the whole stock of a Damosin-tree , and fill it up with Scammony or the juice of black Poppy wrapt up handsomely in paper , or some such covering : and when the fruit is ripe , it will be operative both for sleep and purgation . Cato shews also , how you may cause A Vine to be purgative . After the Vintage , at such time as the earth is used to be rid away from the roots of Vines , you must uncover the roots of so many Vines as in your opinion will make wine enough to serve your turn : mark them , and lop them round about , and prune them well . Then pown some Hellebore roots in a morter , and cast them about your Vines , and put unto them some old rotten dung and old ashes , and twice of much earth amongst them , and then cover the Vine-roots with mould , and gather the grapes by themselves . If you would keep the juice of the grape long that it may last you a great while for that purpose , you must take heed , that the juice of no other grapes do come neer it . When you would use it , take a cup full of it , and blend it with water , and drink it before supper , and it will work with you very mildely without any danger at all . Late Writers have taken another course : they rid and cleanse the Vine-roots , and then poure upon the juice of some purgative medicine to water them withal ; and this they do for many dayes together , but especially at such time as the bud beginneth to fill out : when they have so done , they cast earth upon the roots again , and they take special regard , that the roots never lie naked and open when the Northern winde bloweth ; for that would draw forth and consume the juice of the medicine that is poured upon the roots . This if you diligently perform , you shall have grapes growing upon your Vines , that are very operative for loosing of the belly . I have effected The same by another means ; I pierced the Vine with a wimble , even unto the very marrow , and put into it certain ointments fit for such an effect ; ( it will suffice , if you put them within the rine ; ) and this I did in divers parts of the Vine , here and there about the whole body of the Vine , and that about graffing time by Inoculation ; for then the Vine is full of moisture ; whereby it cometh to pass , that the moisture it self ascending at that time into the superior parts , doth carry up with it the vertue of the ointments , and conveys it into the fruit , so that the fruit will be operative either for purgation or for childe-bearing , either to hurt or help , either to kill or preserve , according as the nature and quality of the ointment is , which was poured upon the roots of the Vine . CHAP. XXI . How to plant Fruits and Vines , that they may yield greatest encrease . THat we may conclude this whole book , with a notable and much desired experiment , we will now shew in the last place , how we may receive a large encrease from the fruits , and pulse , and Vines which we have planted . A matter surely that must needs be exceeding profitable , for a man to receive an hundred bushels in usury as it were , for one bushel that he hath sowed . Which yet I would not have to be so understood , as if a man should still expect to receive an hundreth for one , precisely or exactly so much ; for sometimes the year , or the air and weather , or else the ground , or else the plants may not perform their parts kindly ; and in this case , the encrease cannot be so great ; ( but yet it shall never be so little , but that it shall be five times more then ordinary ; ) but if those things do perform their parts kindly together , you shall receive sometimes for one bushel , an hundred and fifty by encrease . This may seem a paradox to some , and they will think that we promise impossibilities ; but surely if they would consider all things rightly , they should rather think it a paradox , why half a bushel well sown or planted , should not yield two hundred bushels encrease , seeing that one grain or kernel that is planted and takes kindly , doth oft-times spread his root , as we see , and fructifie into sundry and many stems , sometimes into fifteen , and in the ear of every one of those stalks , are contained sometimes threescore grains ? I spare to mention here the ground that lies in Byzatium in Africa , whereof Pliny speaks , which , for one grain that was planted in it , did yield very neer four hundred stalks , and the Governour of that Country sent unto Nero three hundred and fourty stems growing out of one grain . But let us search out the cause whereby this comes to pass . Some think that the encrease commonly falls out to be so little , because the greater part of the fruit which is cast into the ground , is eaten up of worms , or birds , or moles , and of other creatures that live in the earth . But this appears to be false , because one bushel of Pulse being planted , never yields above fifteen . Now the Pulse or Lupines , is of it self so bitter , that none of those devouring creatures will taste of it , but let it lie safe and untouched : and when they are grown up , you shall commonly finde about an hundred grains in the cods of every stalk . Others referre the cause hereof unto the weather , as if the fruit were annoyed with over much cold , or heat , or rain , so that the fields are sometimes frozen with cold , and sometimes parched with heat , whereby they are sometimes more fruitful , and sometimes more barren . But this cannot be the true reason , because that though the weather be never so kindly , ye that cannot make one encrease into thirty . But not to wander or range any further about , we must know that all grains that grow within the ear or the husk , are not prolifical , that is , they are not all fit to yield encrease ; for God hath appointed some of them for the food and sustenance of living creatures , and others for seed . There are some grains in an ear , which are as it were abortives , such as degenerate from their natural kind , and will not fructifie at all , but rot and waste away into putrefaction . There are other grains in an ear , such as are easier to be stript out of their husk , which are fitter for propagation , and are better enabled by nature thereunto . Besides that , sometimes it falls out , that seeds or grains are not planted in due season ; or if they be , yet sometimes the Husbandman doth not bestow that due labour and industry in looking unto them , which the kind of the fruit requires . Wherefore if we can meet with all these impediments , we may procure encrease according to our hearts desire . For the seeds will be larger in the roots , and when they have spread their roots under the earth of a good length , then will they send up a greater number of stems , and bring forth good store of ears . Therefore you must make choice of your seeds or grains , not of the forwardest , nor yet of the backwardest , because they commonly are weakest , but of the middle sort : then wash them and cleanse them from all other seeds ; and besmear them with fat ointments , and with the grease of old Goats ; and let them be continually supplied with sufficient heat , and sufficient moisture ; then lay them in soft and warm mould carefully manured ; for the livelier that the heat of the mould is , the better will the seeds close with it , and become more eager to propagation , and emorace it more sweetly , as the male would do by this female . So shall your your seeds be more enlived , and bring forth a more legitimate and a larger encrease . Let them be planted in the full of the Moon or thereabout ; for the larger the Moon is , the more bountiful encrease she will procure . Concerning the Vine , you must see that her leaves be not wanting , if you would have good store of Wine ; for , if the leaves be away , the Vine hath little heart to bear ; and besides , she should be without an issue for her superfluities , which commonly the leaves do receive into themselves : onely you must pare off those twisted curles that are wont to grow upon it ; for so , her pride being taken away from her , the juice will be more delightful , and more pleasant . THE FOURTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Which teacheth things belonging to House-keeping ; how to prepare domestical necessaries with a small cost ; and how to keep them when they are procured . The PROEME . FRom Animals and Plants , we are come to Houshold-affairs ; there we provided diverstty of new fruits fit for our use : now we shall seem to have sowed nothing , and produced nothing , unless we shew how , & what we sowed and produced at great charge and pains , may be preserved against the cold , and injuries of the outward air , that they may come forth in their seasons . It were the part of a wicked and slothful man carelessly to let that dye and come to nothing , which he had provided with so much care and pains : wherefore as you were witty to produce them , you must be as diligent to preserve them . And the Husband-man that stores up fruit , shall have good provision for the Winter . For saith Marcus Varro , they serve for several meats , and no man stores them up but to produce them when he hath need of them , to defend , or use , or sell them . I shall first set down the inventions of our Ancestors , who were very diligent herein , for they found sundry things by divers means , and faithfully delivered the knowledge of them to posterity . Then I shall relate what I know to be true , intermixing some of my own inventions , and such as I think to be of greatest concernment , and that I have often tried . I shall besides add some considerations of bread , wine , and oyle , and such as are of great profit for the Husband-man to provide for his family with the lesser cost , alwayes setting down the natural causes ; that they being perfectly known , a man may easily invent and make them . But to proceed to the work . CHAP. I. How Fruits may be long preserved upon their Trees . WE will begin with Fruits : And whereas fruits and flowers both may be preserved either upon their own mother Tree which bear them , or else being pluckt off from it , we will first shew , how fruits may be preserved upon their own Tree , and first rehearse those things which the Ancients have set down concerning this matter , and next , what we our selves have found out by our own experience . Our Ancestors , when they would have fruit to last long upon the Tree , were wont first of all to bind them to the stock or to the boughs , lest any tempest should strike them off , or toss them up and down . Besides , they did intercept that juice from them , which should ripen them : for there are some kinds of fruits , which , as soon as ever they be ripe , will stay no longer upon the Tree , but fall down of themselves , though they are not so much as shaken : other fruits there are that will stick longer and faster to their hold . Besides , they were wont to cover them with certain cases or shells as it were ; thereby guarding them from the injuries of the weather , both hot and cold , and also from the mouths of devouring birds . Wherefore to make Pomegranates hang long upon their Trees ; Some have wreathed and platted about the fruit the smaller boughs that grow hard by , that the rain may not come forcibly upon it to break it or chop it , for if it be once bruised , or that it do but gape and have any chops in it , it will soon perish : and when they have so done , they tye them fast to the stronger boughs , that they may not be shaken ; and then they bind the Tree about with a kind of broom withes , that the Daws , or Crows , or other birds may not come at the fruit to gnaw it . Some do frame earthen cases fit for the fruit , and cover the same with strawie morter , and let the fruit hang still upon the Tree in them . Others do wrap up every one of the Pomegranates in hay or holm , and then daube it thick over with morter which hath chopt straw in it , and so fasten them to the stronger boughes , that the winde may not shake them . But all these practises must be used when the weather is fair , and there is neither rain nor dew stirring , as Columella teacheth . But Beritius useth this means to make them stay long on their Tree . He takes the blossoms of the Tree when they begin to wither , and wraps in them every Pomegranate by it self , and then binds them about with bonds ; thereby preventing their putrefaction , and their chawns and chops which otherwise would be in them . Others put them in earthen pots every one by it self , and cover them well , and settle them fast , that they may not be broken by knocking against the stock or arms of the Tree , not by hitting one against the other : for by this means you shall have them alwayes better grown then by any other . Varro saith , that if you take Pomegranates before they be ripe , as they stick upon their stalks , and put them into a bottomless pot , and cover them , boughs and all , in the ground , so that no winde may come at them , you shall not only finde them whole when you take them out , but they will be greater also then if they had hung still upon the Tree . Palladius shews , Citrons may be preserved upon the Tree ; even by shutting them up in certain earthen vessels fit for such a purpose ▪ for so you may keep them upon their Tree almost all the year long . If you would have Grapes hang upon the Vine , fresh and good , even till the Spring of the year , Beritius prescribes you this course . You must dig a pit in a very shadowy place neer to the Vines , about a yard deep , and fill it up with sand , and set up some props in it : then you must loosen the joints of the Vine-branches , and winde them in together with the clusters of grapes to be tied to the props , and then cover them , that no water may come at them . You must take heed also that the grapes do not touch the ground . A thing which I have oft-times put in practise , but it fell not out to my expectation : for still the grapes were half rotten , and their colour quite faded . Columella saith , There is no surer way then to prepare certain earthen vessels which may hold each of them a cluster of grapes , so that they may have scope enough ; and they must have every one four handles , whereby they may be tied to the Vine , and their lids or coverings must be so framed that the middle may be the place of closing , where both sides of the cover may fall close together when the clusters are in , and so meeting may hide the grapes . But you must see that both the vessels themselves , and also their coverings be well pitched both within and without ; for the pitch will do good service herein . When you have thus covered and shut up your grapes , then you must lay good store ●f morter with straw chopt in it upon the vessels . But in any case , look that the grapes be so placed in the vessels , that they touch no part thereof . Tarentinus gives this counsel . The clusters that first grow , you must pluck off , and then others will come up in their steads , if you look carefully to the Vine : now these later clusters will be very backward and long ere they be ripe : take some earthen vessels , and let them be somewhat open below ▪ put into them your later clusters , and let the upper part of them be very close covered , and then bind your vessels fast unto the Vine , that so the wind may not shake them . Palladius saith ; If you be desirous to keep grapes upon the Vine till the Spring-time , you must take this course . Neer unto a Vine that is laden with grapes , you must make a ditch about three foot deep and two foot broad in a very shadowy place ; and when you have cast sand into it , stick up certain props , and winde the bunches daily towards them , and when you have wrought them to stand that way , bind them to your props without hurting the grapes , and then cover them to keep them from the rain . The Graecians likewise counsel you to shut up your grapes into certain earthen vessels which are somewhat open beneath , but very close and fast shut above , and so you may preserve them long upon the Tree . If you would preserve Grapes upon the Vine till new come again , so that upon one and the same Vine-branch , may be seen old and new grapes both together , you may effect it by this device , which I my self have used : for , all the former experiments are the inventions of Antiquity , and , because there is great difficulty in working them , and small profit when they are wrought , therefore I esteem them as toyes and matters of little worth . But this I have experienced my self , and preserved good grapes upon a Vine until May and June , and so have seen both new grapes , and grapes also of the former year together upon one and the same branch . When Vintage time is past , you must take the tops and pliant twigs of such Vines as grow by the house side , and winde them in at the window into the house , and binde them fast to the summers or beams with the sprigs of Broom , as with strings or thongs , that they may be surely stayed from wagging up and down : but you must let them in handsomely that the windows may be opened and shut conveniently . By this means you shall keep them safe from the injury both of the cold weather , and also of the devouting birds . When there is any frosts or winds abroad , keep the windows close shut , and open them again when the air is waxed any thing calm and warm ; and so deal by them till the Spring come . And when the Vine begins to bear new buds and new leaves , then let your twigs out of prison , and bring them back again into the open air , and there let them take the comfort of the warm Sun. So shall there grow new grapes upon the same twigs where the old grapes are . I have also effected the same By another means . Because it was a great trouble , and a very irksome piece of work , to take that course every year , I have thought of another device whereby the same effect may be attained both more prettily and miraculously . About the time wherein they are wont to prune Vines , make choice of two special branches upon the Vine , such as are most likely to bear fruit . Cut off the tops of either of them , but leave the branches still growing upon the Vine , and leave two or three buds upon either branch . Then take a vessel made of chalk or white clay , and let there be a hole bored quite thorough the bottom of it , and so place it , that it may stand fit for the branches to be drawn thorough it , so that they may stand a little out above the brims thereof . When your branches are so seated , then fill up the vessel with earth ; and , that you may work more surely and speedily too , you must set over your earthen vessel another vessel full of water , all the Summer long , which must be stopt toward the bottom with a clout somewhat loosely , that the clouts end hanging down into the earthen vessel , may bedew the earth that is in it continually by little and little ; so shall your sprigs or branches bring forth both fruit and leaves , and moreover shall take root within the vessel that will shoot out into new twigs . After Vintage-time , cut off the branches from the Vine a little beneath the earthen vessel , and so carry them into a close house that is situate in a dry place where no tempests can come at it , as in Wine-cellars , or such like : Let the windows be netted over , that the birds may not come at them : In the Winter-time , if there come any fair dayes , bring them forth into the Sun : and , when the weather is extream cold , keep them in so much the closer and warmer rooms . If you preserve them thus until August , you shall have old and new grapes both together upon o●e branch , and each of them will be quick and well-coloured . CHAP. II. How Flowers may be preserved upon their own stalk . By the like devices as those were , we may also preserve flowers upon their own stalk ; yet not so easily as fruits may be preserved upon their own Trees : Neither yet can they be made to last so long as fruits , because fruits are of an harder substance , but flowers are soft and tender . First therefore we will shew How Roses may be preserved upon their own stalks . If you take a Reed or Cane , and cleave it when it is green as it grows by the Roses , and put in the Rose-bud as it is upon the stalk , within the Reed , and then binde some paper about the Reed somewhat loosely , that it may have as it were a breathing place ; your Roses will thereby be well preserved upon their stalk , as Dydimus reporteth . Palladius saith ; If you shut up your Rose-buds as they grow upon their stalk , into a growing Reed which you have cleft for that purpose , and close up the Reed again , that the cleft do not gape , you shall have fresh Roses when you will , if you open your Reed again . I have tried this device , and found it in some sort to be true , and answerable to my intendment : I took the Rose-buds before they were blown , and shut them up into a Reed ( for the Roses and the Reeds must be planted neer together ) and the cleft which I had made in the Reed , being but slender , I bound it up again that it might not stand gaping , ( onely I left a fit passage for the Rose stalk to stand in ) and so I preserved them a great while . The like device I used To preserve Lillies upon their stalks for a long time . I cleft the Cane betwixt the joints , and put the Lillies into it as they grow upon their stalk before they were blown , and so the joint of the Cane closing upon them beneath , and the cleft above being stopt with wax , the Lillies were thereby long preserved upon their stalk . The very same experiment I practised upon Clove-gilliflowers , and so I had them growing upon their stalk a great while : And whensoever I would use them , I brake up their cases wherein they were preserved , and so by the comfort and force of the Sun , they were blown and opened themselves . CHAP. III. How to make Fruit safes , or places wherein fruits may conveniently be preserved . NOw we will shew how you may preserve fruits when they are taken off from the Trees whereon they grow . Wherein because our chiefest care and labour is , to keep them from putrefaction , therefore , that we may so do , we must first know the causes of their putrefaction . The Philosophers hold , that the temperature of the air being of it self exceeding variable by reason of the variety of celestial influences which work upon it , is also of that force , that it causeth every thing which it cometh at , even whatsoever is contained under the cope of the Moon , to hasten towards an end , and by little and little to decay continually . For the air which is apt to search every thing when it lights upon any fruit , finds in it a certain natural heat somewhat like to its own heat ; and presently closes with it , and entices as it were the heat of the fruit to come into the air : and the fruit it self , having a natural coldness as well as heat , is very well content to entertain the heat of the circumstant air , which exhausteth the own heat of the fruit , and devoureth the moisture of it , and so the fruit shrinks , and withereth , and consumes away . But man is not of such a dull sense , and of such a blockish wit , but that he can tell how to prevent these inconveniences , and to devise sundry kinds of means , whereby the soundnesse of Fruits may be maintained against the harms and dangers both of cold , and of heat . And first we will speak of Fruit-safes , or artificial places , whereby the danger of heat may be avoided . Then we will shew that there is especial choice to be made of times , wherein heat shall be of small force . And then we will prescribe the manner of gathering fruits , lest happily they might be bruised with handling or falling , which if they should , it would be their bane , and the beginning of their putrefaction . And last of all , we will teach you how to lay them up in divers and sundry places , whereby you may prevent the heat and moisture of the air , from doing them any harm . First therefore , that we may prepare cold and dry places , wherein we may lay up such fruits as we would have to last long , and so to keep away the extrinsecal heat and moisture , we must understand that there are places , some general , and some particular . We will speak of some peculiar places of the world , which are excellent good to preserve fruits in . Theophrastus saith , that some fruits will last the longer , because they are laid up in some certain places . Wherefore , in a certain place of Cappadocia , which is called Petra , fruits may be preserved fourty years , and yet they are all that time fertile , and very fit to be sown : nay , saith he , if they be kept threescore years , or threescore and ten , they will still be very good for meat to be eaten , though not so good for seed to be sown . The place he reports to be a high place , and open for the winds , and to stand lower towards the North then to the other three quarters of the world . It is reported likewise , that fruits are preserved in Media , and other high Countries , longer and better then in other places . But these are the properties of some peculiar places onely . But generally for all Fruit-safes , it is the judgement and counsel of all the best and learnest Husband-men , that they must be so situate , that they may have windows towards the North , which must lye open in the Spring-time , and every fair day , that the Northern wind may blow into them . But in any case there must no windows be made towards the South , because the Southern winde will make your fruit full of wrinkles . Let us see therefore What places are fittest to lay up Quinces in . Marcus Varro saith , that they will be preserved well if they be laid up in some place that is cold and dry . Columella also layes them up in a cold floor or loft where there cometh no moisture . Palladius likewise would have them laid up in some cold and dry place , where there cometh no winde . So if you would preserve Apples well , Columella teaches you to lay them up in a very cold and a very dry loft , where neither smoak , nor any noisome savour can come at them . Palladius would have them laid up in some close and dark places , where the winde cannot come at them . And Pliny would have them laid very thin one by another , that so the air may come equally at every side of them . So Pomegranates may be preserved , as Columella reporteth out of Mag● the Carthaginian , if first you warm them in Sea-water , and then besmear them with some chalk , and when they be dry , hang them up in some cold place . And Palladius out of Columella , prescribes the very same course . In like manner you may Preserve the fruit called Ziziphum , if you hang them up in a dry place , as the same Author is of opinion . If you would have Figs to last a great whole , Columella teacheth you , that as soon as they be thoroughly dry , you must lay them up in a very dry room , and thereby you shall preserve them for a long time . So Damosins may be long preserved , If you lay them upon hurdles or grates in some dry place , where the Sun may come at them . Palladius shews , that Chest-nuts may be long preserved , if they be raked up in the earth , where they may lie dry . And I my self have seen in Barry ; Almonds preserved sound a great while , three years or four years together , shells and all , being laid up in a dry place . If you would have Wheat long preserved ; Varro saith , that you must lay it up in high Garners which have a thorough air on the East-side and on the North-side : But in any case there must no moist air come at them from any waterish places thereabouts . Some have their Garners under the ground , as Caves , as it is in Cappadocia and Thracia ; others have their Garners in pits and ditches , as it is in the neerer part of Spain : only they lay the chaffe under it , and take special care that no moisture nor air may come at it , except it be when they take it out to use some of it : for if the air be kept from it , the worm cannot breed in it to devour it . By this means they keep their wheat good and sweet , fifty years ; and they preserve their Millet above an hundred years , as Theophrastus recordeth . If you lay up your wheat with any dust in it , it will putrifie : for the extrinsecal heat of the dust , doth as it were lay siege to the natural heat of the grain , and so choaks it up , because it hath not as it were a breathing place ; and by this means it is over-heated , and so putrifies . Florentinus reporteth out of Varro , that Corn may be very well preserved above ground , if it be laid up in such places , as have the Eastern light shining into them : they must also be so situate that the Northern and the Western winds may come at them moderately ; but they must be safe from all Southerly winds : and you must make in them a great many of channels , whereby both the warm vapours may have issue forth , and also the cooling air may have access in . The best way whereby you may Preserve Beans . is , to parch them reasonably well ; for so there will be less store of moisture in them , which will cause them to last the longer . Theophrastus writes , that in Apollonia and 〈◊〉 , they preserve Beans long without any parching at all . Pliny makes mention of certain Beans that were laid up in a certain Cave in Ambracia , which lasted from the time of King Pyrrhus , until the war which P●●pey the great wage● against the Pirates . The same Theophrastus writes also , that Pease may be long preserved , if you lay them up in high places where the wind hath his full force , as in Media and the like Countries : but the Bean will be kept there much longer , So also the Pulse called Lupines , may be long preserved , if you lay them up in a loft where the smoak may come at them , as Columella writeth : for if any moisture do settle upon them , presently the worm breeds in them ; and if once the worm have eaten ●ut the navel as it were of the Pulse , that which is in them like a little mouth , then cannot the other part which is left , be over fit for seed . Palladius likewise saith , that this kind of Pulse will last very long , if it be laid up in dry Garners , where no moisture can come at it ; especially if it may be continually perfumed as it were with smoak . But now let us shew how to do that which is the most difficult thing of all in this kind , namely , How to preserve flesh and fish , I have seen flesh and fish preserved from putrefaction , for a whole moneth together in very cold place , without any other art at all besides the coldness of the place . In rooms that are made under the ground , and very cold , where there cometh neither heat nor any Southerly winde , but that they are continually cold and dry , almost every thing may be preserved without putrefaction . In a certain monastery that is upon the Hill Parthenius , neer unto Naples , I saw the carcases of men kept whole and sound for many years together . The Hill is covered over with snow almost continually : and in the tops of the Mountains , where the snow lies in ditches and pits , conveyed thither of purpose to keep it , look what Pears , and Cervices , and Apples , and wilde Chest-nuts have been gathered up by chance together with the snow , and put into the same pits ; after the space of a year that the snow was consumed away , we have there found the same fruits , so moist , and fresh , and goodly to the eye , as if they had been but then pluckt off from their Trees . To conclude , there is nothing better and more available for the preservation of any thing , then is the dryness and the coldness of such places as they are laid up in , to be kept . CHAP. IV. What special time there must be chosen for the gathering of such fruits , as you mean to lay up in store for a great while after . THe principal matter which I would have to be observed in this case , is the choosing of your time wherein to gather all such fruits as you would lay up in store , that they might last long . For if we desire to defeat that heat and moisture which will mar our fruit , and cause it to putrifie , we cannot take any better course against them , then by making choice of such a time to gather our fruits in , as when those planets and stars , which are the principal Authors of that heat & moisture , are themselves become cold and dry , or at the least not hot and moist in any high degree . The Moon when she is in the waining , is cold and dry : If there be any fruits gathered when the Moon aboundeth with heat and moisture , the very same qualities will also the fruit abound withal , and so they will very soon be putrified , as every man of any wit will easily judge : and therefore all those that have written of Husbandry , with one consent do give it for a precept , that fruits are to be gathered in the decaying of the Moon . Moreover , the night and the day , the morning and the evening , do bestow their moisture and their dryness upon fruits , accordingly as they themselves are either moist or dry . The day , by reason of the presence of the Sun , is hot and dry . The night , by reason of the absence of the Sun , is cold and moist : The evening , by reason that it hath a little of the Sun , is partly warm ; and yet withal by reason of the approaching night , is partly moist : The morning , is partly cold , by reason of the tail of the night ; and partly warm , by reason of the Sun approaching : So then , let two or three hours of the day be spent , and then the time will be somewhat dry , because it hath begun to be a little acquainted with the Sun ; and withal somewhat cold , because it hath not yet quite forgotten and shaked off the night ; and this is in all mens judgement the best and the fittest time wherein to gather fruits . But least we should make the matter too hard and difficult , by giving such Astrological precepts , we will frame our selves to the plainest , and yet a very exact rule ; namely , that the situation and aspect of the Planets is to be regarded , whereby the air becometh colder and dryer then at other times , and so consequently the fruit may last the longer . And , because we will not be too tedious , we will spare to alledge authorities and experiments which might be brought for the proof hereof , seeing all living creatures that are gendred in the full of the Moon , or somewhat before , do grow much more then they that are gendred when she is in the waining . But let us come to examples . If you would know The time , wherein Citrons are to be gathered , Palladius teaches you in his book of the preserving of Citrons . If you would gather Citrons to keep , saith he , you must pluck them with their boughs and leaves from the Tree in the night time , when there is no Moon-light stirring . Pontanus a Country-man of ours hath elegantly set down this matter . If you desire , saith he , to keep Citrons long without any harm or loss of their vigor , you must take this course : Pluck off the fruit together with the branches & leaves as they were upon the Tree , in the night time when the Moon shines not at all : Then hang them up upon some hook or tack in some dark and close place ; see that you touch them but very softly , and let not any winde come at them ; or else lay them up amongst chaffe and cry straw ; So shall you keep the fruit sound and good , and the leaves also green for a great while together . There is also An appointed time wherein Quince-pears are to be gathered . I have found no better or surer way to preserve Quince-pears , saith Columella , then by gathering them that were very ripe and sound , and without any blemish , at such time as the air was temperate , and the Moon in the waining . Likewise the same Author prescrbing unto us A time wherein Apples are to be gathered that they may last the longer , biddeth us to do thus . About August , choose , saith he , the sweetest Apples , such as be not over ripe , and they will be kept long . Pliny counselleth us to gather them after the Aequinoctial in Autumne , but never before the Moon be fifteen dayes old , nor yet before one of the clock . And Palladius shews , What time Pears are to be gathered in , that they may last long . In a calm day , when the Moon is in the waining , and that also toward the latter end , betwixt the two and twenty and eight and twenty day of the Moon , you must take them off the Tree with your hand , at such time of the day as the Sun is in some strength of heat , that is , either betwixt seven and ten in the morning , or else betwixt two and five of the clock in the after-noon : and the Pears which you so gather , must be somewhat hard and green . Pamphilus an Husband-man prescribes A certain time wherein to gather Cherries , that they may last long , Cherries are a kinde of fruit that will soon wither ; and yet if you gather them before the rising of the Sun , and so lay them up , they will be fresh and good a great while . Palladius prescribes A certain time wherein to gather Medlars , that they may last long . They are to be gathered , saith he , in a fair day about Noon-tide ; and they must not be thorough ripe . Columella saith , that The time wherein you gather Pomegranates to be laid up and preserved , must be a fair day when the air is temperate . Pliny would have you to let them be well dryed in the Sun , that there be none of the nights dew left upon them . Didymus chooseth A certain time wherein Grapes are to be gathered , that they may last long . If you would lay up Grapes that they may last all the Winter long , you must , saith he , gather them after the full of the Moon , when the air is clear and calm , about four of the clock after-noon , when all the dew is quite dryed off from them : you must gather them when they be at the best , even in their full strength , so that they be neither raw , nor yet past their ripest strength . Authors likewise do prescribe A certain time wherein Corn is to be gathered and laid up . When you have reaped your Wheat or Barley , you must let it lye abroad in the field one or two dayes , or at the least one wh●le night , and carry it away before the rising of the Sun , that so it may be throughly cold when it is laid into the bar●● for it is that which will cause the Corn to last much the longer . Columella shews , and he teaches it of his own experience What time Beans are to be gathered , and layed up to be long preserved , You must fell your Beans , saith he , when the Moon is in the very last of her last quarter , and you must fell them before Day-light ; then , when they are waxed dry upon the floor , presently you must thresh them out before the Moon is renewed ; and when you have laid them on cooling , then carry them into your Garner to be laid up : for if you deal thus with them , you shall be sure to preserve them from the worms , which otherwise will breed in them . The very same experiment doth Palladius record out of the very same Author . Likewise Garden Pease may be preserved for a whole year ; if you lay them on drying in the Sun , and when you have fetched out all their moisture , take them out of their shells , and lay them up : for by this means shall you preserve them from putrefaction . CHAP. V. Of the manner how to gather fruits ; as also how to help and dresse the stalk that grows into them , whereby we may prevent the first original , and the occasion of their putrefaction . WHereas our Ancestors did perceive that the first beginning of putrefaction in fruits did arise from the little stalk that grows into them , or from that part of the fruit where the stalk is entertained into it ; ( for it is requisite , that the beginning of the spoil , and destruction of them should arise in the very same part , wherein they began first to live and receive their nourishment ) they have therefore devised sundry means whereby to prevent all such mischief and harm , as the stalk might bring upon the fruit , Moreover , fruits are very carefully to be gathered , especially those which we would lay up for store , that they be not knockt and hit one against the other ; for the hitting of them together will cause their putrefaction . Besides , we must see that they be in their best estate when we gather them , that they be not perfectly ripe ; for as they must not be altogether sharp and green when they are gathered , so neither must they be come to their full ripenesse . Furthermore , the fruits that you would lay up , you must take a diligent view of them , and see that they be sound , without any bruise , or speckednesse , or worm in them . But let come to examples . And first How we must gather Apples , and how we must dress their stalks . Columella would have such Apples to be preserved , which have a good relish , and are gathered when they are reasonable ripe : and he would have them to be so disposed and placed when they are laid up , that the blossome-end should stand upward , and the stalk-end downward , even so as they grow upon the Tree : but they must not be laid to touch one another : neither must they be thoroughly ripe when they are gathered , but somewhat sharp and sowre . Besides , you must see that every several kind of Apples must be laid up in a several room or cell by themselves : for when sundry kinds are laid together in one cell , there will be a disagreement amongst them , and so they will the sooner putrifie . Experience whereof we have in wine ; which if it be made of sundry kinds of grapes , it will not be so durable , as when it is made onely of one kinde . Palladius saith , If you keep Apples in store , you must gather them very charily , that they be taken off from the Tree without any blemish ; and you must drench their stalks in scalding pitch , and so place them upon a boarded loft , with the stalk-end downward ; and you must take heed that you do not touch them , nor meddle with them till we take them out as being fit for our use . Pliny likewise sheweth , that Apples must be placed upon their stalk-ends . Apuleius the Greek counselleth us to gather our Apples when they are in their full strength ; and we must take special regard , that they be gathered by hand without any bruise ; and then laid up in such sort that they may not touch one another : but in any case they must be sound , and not thoroughly ripe . He saith moreover , that if you besmear the tops of the Apples with the juice of green Rag-wort , it will preserve them from putrefaction . If you would have Citrons to last long , Palladius counselleth you to gather them with their boughs which they grow upon , and lay them up in several , as we shewed before out of Pontanus . Columella shews How Pears must be gathered that they may endure long ; namely , if you gather them before they be thoroughly ripe : and Palladius saith , that they must be gathered charily by hand , that they may not be bruised ; and you must diligently cull out from them , all such as have fallen from the Tree , and lay up none but those that are very sound , and somewhat hard and green , and such as are gathered with their stalks upon them . Democritus saith that those Pears will keep best , which are besmeared with pitch about the stalk , and so hung up . We will also shew the manner how to gather ▪ Cervices , that they may last . Marcus Varro saith that Cervises are to be gathered even while they are very sowre , and so to be hung up , that they may ripen but slowly , and that also within doors : for if you lay them up when they are grown to some ripenesse , they will not last so long . Theophrastus by this means procured Cervices to defer their ripening even until Winter . Columella saith , they must be charily gathered with your hand . Pliny saith , they must be hanged up as they are upon their boughs . Palladius saith , they must be gathered when they are hard , and so hanged up together with their stalks in some close and dark place . So Figs are to be laid up as they are upon their boughs , as Africanus teaches ; but , saith he , they must be gathered before they be ripe : for when once they are come to be ripe , they will hang no longer upon their Tree , as other fruits do , but fall off presently . They are also to be gathered and laid up with their stalk or their navel upon them , that is , the part which they hold by , and depend upon their mother : for if they be so gathered , they will last the longer sound and good . Palladius also would have them to be gathered while they be green and unripe , and that with their stalks upon them , and so to be laid up . Cato saith , that the boughs of the Fig-tree whereon the figs grow , are to be preserved together with their fruit ; and those figs that you would keep , must be gathered somewhat green and sowre . Columella saith , that Figs , if we would keep them long , must be gathered , neither when they are very ripe , nor yet when they are too green . Palladius saith , that if you would have Peaches well kept , you must fill up the navel of the Peach , that is , that part of the Peach whereby it closeth with the stalk , with one drop of scalding pitch . I for my part have preserved Damosins a great while together , by hanging them up with their stalks , upon the rafters of an house ; but there is none so good to be kept , as those that are of a purple colour . Palladius would have them to be gathered while they are unripe , yet he would not have them too raw ; but in any case they must be very sound , and without any worm , or bruise , or any other blemish . So also the fruit called Ziziphum may be preserved , if it be gathered with the boughs that it grows upon , and folded or wrapt up in his own leaves , and so hung upon the beams of an house , as Palladius sheweth . So Medlars may be kept long , if you gather them when they are but half-ripe , and hang them up with their boughs in some house . Beritius shews , How Pomegranates are to be gathered and laid up to last . You must gather them , saith he , with a very chary hand , lest if you touch them somewhat roughly , they should be hurt or bruised ; and that would be an occasion of their putrefaction . Columella saith , that Pomegranates are to be gathered with their stalks , and the stalks to be put into an Elder-tree ; because the Elder-tree is so full of pith , that it may easily entertain the Pomegranate stalks . The same Author reports out of Mago the Carthaginian , that all fruits , which you would lay up in store , must be gathered with their stalks upon them ; yea , and if it may be without the spoil or hurt of the Tree , they must be gathered with their boughs too ; for this will be very helpful to cause the fruit to last the longer . Palladius saith , that Pomegranates may be preserved best , if you gather them sound , and lay pitch upon their stalks , and hang them up in due order : nay , they will keep so much the better , the longer the boughs are , which are pluckt off from the Tree with them . Pliny saith , that they are to be gathered with their boughs , and the boughs to be stuck into the Elder pith , and so to be preserved . Cato shews , how we may preserve Myrtle twigs with their berries upon them . They must be taken from the Tree when the berries are somewhat sowre , and so bound up with their leaves about them . Didymus hath taught us , how we must gather Grapes that they may last long . We must take special heed that every grape be perfect and sound ; and for this cause we must have a very sharp knife or hook , to cut of those grapes that are unsound easily and without any stroke , even with one touch as it were . When you gather your grapes , they must be in their full strength , neither too raw , nor yet past their best liveliness . Some cut off the branches together with the clusters ; and when they have so done , they espy out all the grapes that are either putrified , or dryed away , or unripe , and pluck them off with a pair of nippers , lest they should infect their fellows ; and after this , they take the branches whereon the cluters grow , and that end which was cut , they dip into scalding pitch , every one by it self . Others hold , that grapes must be hanged up in some high roof , where the air may have full scope at them ; but the grapes must be none of those which grow toward the tops of the branches , but they must be the lower clusters . Palladius saith ; If we would have grapes to last , we must see that we gather such as are without blemish ; they must not be too harsh and sowre , neither must they be over-ripe , but it must be a very clear grape to the eye , and somewhat soft to be felt , and yet it must have a reasonable tough skin . If there be any amongst them that is bruised , or hath any other blemish , we must cut it way ; neither must we suffer amongst them any one that is over hard , which the Sun hath not in some sort overcome with his heat : After all this , we must drench the cut ends of the stalks in scalding pitch , and so hang them up . CHAP. VI. In what grounds those fruits should grow and be gathered , which we would lay up . WE must not omit to speak of another necessary observation in this matter ; namely , in what ground , in what air , under what Climate , it is best that those fruits , which we should lay up , should grow and be gathered . Whatsoever fruits do grow i● moist and waterish , in hollow and low grounds ; as also those which grow in such grounds as are much soiled and manured with fat muck ; they are much subject to putrefaction ; for , in as much as they grow with great store of moisture and heat in them , they have the occasion and original of their own bane within their own bosome . But in wilde fruits , and such as grow upon the tops of mountains , in dry grounds , and such as are not manured at all , and such as the Southern heat doth continually beat upon , it falleth out clean otherwise : for the fruits that grow in such places , are for the most part , dry , and very solide , not abounding either with heat or moisture . Hesiodus in his book of Husbandry , never makes any mention of muck or soiling , and questionless , he would never have omitted such a necessary part of Husbandry as this is , but that he saw the inconvenience of it in this respect , that it makes the fruit more subject to putrefaction , and many infirmities . Fruits that grow in wilde and stony grounds , where the winde hath his full force , will preserve themselves without any skill and device practised upon them : wherefore , if other sleights be added , which are helpful to their preservation , they will surely last much the longer . But let us see whether Antiquity hath made any mention of this matter ; and first let us hearken to Theophrastus , who shews In what ground there grow the best Dates or Palms to be preserved for store . If you preserve and lay up any Dates or Palms , saith he , you must make choice of those which grow in sandy grounds , as in that Country which is called Syria cava : and there are in all that Country but three sandy places where they do grow , and these are excellent good to be preserved ; those which grow in other places , are not durable , but presently wax rotten . Of all those Palms which Syria yeelds , it is held by some , that none are good to last , but those only which grow in the Palme-valley , a place so called there . But those which grow in Aegypt , and Cyprus , and elsewhere , they are all very soon putrified . And Pliny reports out of the same Author , that those Palms which grow in salt and sandy grounds , as in Judaea , and Cyreni●n Africa , may be preserved : but not those which grow in Cyprus , Aegypt , Syria , and Seleucia of Assyria . The same Theophrastus speaking of Beans , shews In what ground there grow the best Beans to be preserved for store . One Country , saith he , differs from another , and one Climate differs also from another , in respect of the fruits that grow in them , either to be good to lay up , or to be subject to putrefaction . And therefore the Beans that grow in Apollonia which is neer to the Ionian Sea , are not subject at all to any worms or rottennesse , so that they are best of all other to be preserved . Likewise the Beans that grow about Cizicum are very durable . CHAP. VII . How fruits must be shut up and kept close that the air come not at them . WE have shewed before , that , if we would preserve fruit long , we must keep away both heat and moisture from them ; both which qualities are found in the air . Wherefore we will first set down the devices of Antiquity in this behalf ; and then our own devices and experiments . And first How to keep Apples close without putrifying . We will begin with Aristotle , who saith , that fruits are to be kept in bottles full of air , that so the extrinsecal air may be excluded ; for thus he speaks in his Problems . Whence cometh it , that the fruits of Trees , and flesh , and such like , do last without putrefaction , when they are shut up in bottles full of air , or in other vessels that are well covered , and closed up on every side ? It is because all things are wont to be corrupted when they are stirred or removed , but when things are filled , they stand unmoveable ? for it cannot be , that any thing should be moved , unless there be some vacant space to be moved in : now those things which are so shut up , are every way full , and therefore are preserved without corruption . As if he should say ; the air which is so enclosed , cannot so soon procure putrefaction , by reason that it is not so subject to the daily alterations of the circumstant air . Or , if the fruit could send forth their heat and moisture which is in them , yet it should be kept in upon them by the fulness of the bottles . But let us see what the Masters of Husbandry do teach concerning this matter . As for example How to preserve Citrons close without putrifying . Palladius doth thus preserve them from the air . He shuts up every Citron in a several vessel by it self , and plaisters them up , and sets them orderly in a fit place prepared for that purpose . Sotion saith , that the Pome-Citron must be very well plaistered over with stampt morter , that so it may keep one whole year together , without any harm or blemish . So have others taught us the way How to keep Apples shut up close . Columella saith , that every several kind of Apples is to be placed in a several cell by themselves ; for when divers kinds are shut up in one and the same cell , they will not agree so well together , but will soon putrifie : But when you have disposed of your Apples that they are set in good order , then shut up the lids of the coffer or cell upon them ; and plaister the lids over with lome , that hath straw chopt in it , lest the air get in . Palladius would have every apple placed by it self in a several earthen vessel , which must be pitched within , and plaistered over with morter , or else they may be lapt up in clay , and so preserved . Pliny saith , that the custom in his time was , to make choice of the goodliest apples , and to plaister them over with morter or wax , that it may be like a crust upon them : but , saith he , they must be fully ripe first ; for otherwise they will grow and wax bigger , and so break out of their houses . Others put every several Apple or Pear into a several earthen vessel , and besmear the vessels all over with pitch , and then put the vessels with the fruit in them , into a barrel or tub , and so preserve them . Apuleius was wont to preserve them in an earthen pot laid all about on the inside with wax . Some preserve them by lapping them up in Reits or Sea-weed , and so shutting them up into earthen pitchers : but they must be every one wrapt up severally by it self , and so laid , that they may not touch each other ; and besides , the pitchers must be very well and close covered . Columella prescribes this course whereby Quinces are to be shut up , that they may last . They must be wrapt up in Fig-leaves ; and you must take some Potters white earth and put in Wine-lees to it , to make morter of them , and with that morter besmear the Quinces : then you must put them into some new vessels , and cover them all over with some dry plaistering that they may not touch one another . Palladius puts them between two tile-sheards , and closes them up with Lome round about ; and then covers them over with dry plaistering , and so layes them up in a New pot or basen , that they may be kept asunder . Democritus doth first cover them over with leaves , and then he makes morter of clay or of some Potters chalk with hair chopt into it , wherewith he besmears the Quinces ; and when he hath dryed them in the Sun , he layes them up : and whensoever he would use any of them , he breaks up their case , and there finds his Quinces in the same taking as they were , when he put them in . But Pliny teacheth us very briefly , that if we would keep Quinces long , we must shut them up so close , that no air may come at them . By the like means , you may preserve All things close exceeding well , Mago , when he would preserve any fruit close , he covers them all over very carefully with Potters chalk , and then dries it in the Sun ; and if there happen to be any chap in the mould , he stoppeth it up with lome , and so when it is drie , layes it up . Others take a new earthen pitcher , and strew it with the dust or shavings of Poplar , or else of the Holm-tree ; and then they place the fruit in it , in such sort that there lies some of the dust betwixt every fruit : then they boord that space , and make a floor over that stoary ; and having so done , they strew the second stoary with the like dust , and there also dispose of their fruit as in the other stoary : then they boord that space too , and make a third stoary , and so a fourth , and so forward till the pitcher be filled up : and when it is full , they lay a covering upon it , and plaister it over very carefully with thick lome . Others put their fruit into a barrel , but they place them in such order , that the one may not touch the other ; and then they close up the barrel again , as Palladius reporteth . Africanus teacheth a way whereby Figs may be shut up to be preserved long , You must take a green Gourd , and make in it certain cells or hollow places of receipt , for every several fig a several cell ; Into these cells you must put your figs , and wrap the gourd about with a swathe of cloath or leather , and then hang up the gourd in a dark place where neither fire nor smoak may come at them : But you must see that the figs which you would thus preserve , have their tails ar stalks upon them . Others take a cup of glasse , or some other cup that you may see thorough , and set it upon the figs with the mouth downward , and stop up with wax every place round about , that no air may come within the cups mouth ; and so the figs are preserved without any corruption . Palladius rehearseth the very same experiment out of the same Author , Likewise Cervises may be shut up in barrels , and thereby be preserved a great while . You must take Cervices presently as they are gathered , and make choice of those that are not bruised nor blemished any way : These you must put into a barrel , and shut up the mouth of the barrel very close , and plaister it over with morter . Or else you may take clay morter , that is well made , and beaten together , that it may be about the thickness of honey , and drench your Cervises in it , and then hang them up : so you may preserve them sound a while ; and afterward you must wash them , that the morter which sticks upon them , may fall off . So , the fruit Ziziphum may be shut up in earthen vessels to be long preserved , as Palladius sheweth . But they must be gathered by hand , and that not before they be ripe ; and you must shut them up in long earthen vessels , and plaister them over , and so lay them up . He sheweth also that Medlars , and the fruit Tuber may be shut up in pitchers , so to be preserved . You must put your Medlars into pitchers , that are besmeared with pitch on the inside ; but the pitchers wherein you put your Tubers , must not only be pitched on the in-side , but also daubed over on the out-side . So Didymus sheweth , that Myrtle-berries may be very well kept to last long , if you gather them when they are green , and put them into a vessel , that is not pitched , and so cover it close , and lay them up . Others lay them up with tails or stalks upon them . Palladius sheweth , that Nuts may be long preserved , if you shut them up close in coffers ; but the coffers must be made of Nut-tree . The same Palladius shews , that Chest-nuts may be long preserved , if you put them in wicker baskets , and plaister up the baskets round about : but the rods which the baskets be made of must be Beechen-rods ; and they must be made up so close , that no air may come at that fruit which is in them . Likewise Roses may be shut up to be preserved , if you take green Barley being pluckt up by the roots , and put them into a barrel that is not pitched , and lay Roses in amongst it before they be blown : for by this means you may keep them long . So also you may shut up Lillies , to make them last a whole year . You must gather them with their boughs , as they grow , before they be blown , and put them into new earthen vessels that were never pitched , and when you have covered the vessels , lay them up ; and so shall you have Lillies of a year old . But if you have use for any of them in the mean time , bring them forth into the Sun , and by the heat thereof they will be opened and blown . We will shew also out of Didymus , how Grapes may be shut up to last long , Some take certain cases that are pitched all within , and when they have strewed them with the dust or dry powder of the Pitch-tree , or the Firre-tree , or the black Poplar-tree , or else with the dry flower of Millet , then they put in their grapes , and so they last long : but they take their grapes presently after the time of Vintage , and make special choice of those grapes that are without any bruise or blemish , and they shut up the mouth of the vessels very close , and overlay them with morter . Or else they may be drenched in clay-morter , that is well beaten , and somewhat liquid , and then be hanged up , and so kept for a while , and afterward when you would use them , wash them over , that the morter may fall off . Columella saith ; you must take the great Teat-grape , or else the hard-skinned grape , or else the fair purple-grape , from the Vine , and presently pitch their stalks with hard pitch : then take a new earthen Vatt , and fill it with dry chaffe well sifted , that it be without dust , and so hang up your grapes upon it : then take another Vat , and cover therewith the former , grapes and all : and when you have laid the brims of both vatts together , then daube them up with more that is made with chopped straw ; and when you have so done , place them in a very dry loft , and cover them all over with dry chaffe● Wheat may be laid up close to be preserved , by putting it into caves or pits of the earth , as we have shewed out of Varro ; for the Cappadocians and Thracians put their Corn into Caves and Dens ; the Spaniards put it into certain pits , and make special provision that the moisture and air may not come at them ; except it be when they take cut any for their use ; for if the air do not breath upon it , it will be free from the mice and such like vermine : and it is known , that Corn being thus laid up , hath been kept clean and sweet fifty years together . Marcus Varro saith , that Beans and Pulse have been laid up in vessels , and so preserved for a long time : but they must be oyle-vessels , and they must be covered over with ashes . Pliny writes the very same experiment out of Varro ; that Beans and Pulse being laid up in oylebuts , and covered over with ashes , have lasted a great while ; and being laid up in some hole of the earth , they have lasted an hundred and twenty years . So the Pulse called Lintels , have been preserved long , as Columella sheweth : for if you put them into oyle-vessels , or else into salting-tubs , that they may be full , and so plaister them over with morter , whensoever you take them forth again for your use , you shall find your Lintels sweet and good . CHAP. VIII . How the Ancients , when they had put their fruit into certain vessels , and so shut them up close , did put them also into some other vessels full of liquor . HOwsoever the Ancients , by making up their vessels close , did shut out and keep away the air as being the Author of all putrefaction , so that it could not come in to the fruit : yet they did not by this means keep away the air out of those places where the vessels were laid , but that as the circumstant air was changed , either being disposed to heat , or cold , or drouth , or moisture , to the air also that is within , mustneeds be changed , and consequently , the fruit also must be affected with the same change . Wherefore , for the avoiding of all inconveniences which this way might ensue , after they had plaistered their fruit-vessels , and so made them up fast , they did drown these vessels in divers and sundry kinds of liquors . And surely not without great reason , as experience shews . For I have oft-times observed it , being seriously imployed in these affairs , that if the air be uniform , and without alteration , the fruits and flowers that have been shut up in vessels of glass , have lasted long without any putrefaction : but when once they felt any alteration in the air , presently they began to putrifie . For this cause are those vessels to be drowned in Cisterns , or ditches , o● some places underneath the ground , that so the variable alterations of the air may not be felt by the fruit . And , to descend to experiments , we will first shew , How Quince-pears being shut up close , may be drowned for their better preservation . An experiment which Democritus hath set down . You must put your Quince-pears into a new earthen-vessel , and then cover it , and pitch it all over , and so put it into a but of wine ; but so , that they may have scope to swim upon the top of the Wine : for by this means shall you keep your fruit fresh and good for a long time ; and besides , the wine wherein they float , will have a very fragrant savour . Likewise Apples being shut up close , and then put into Cisterns , will last long , As Palladius sheweth . You must put your apples , saith he , into earthen vessels , well pitched and made up close : and when you have so done , drown those vessels in a Cistern , or else in a pit . Pliny putteth apples in earthen Basons , and so lets them swim in wine ; for , saith he , the wine by this means will yield a more odoriferous smell . Apuleius saith , that Apples are to be put into a new pot , and the pot to be put into a Hogs-head of wine that there it may swim , and play on the top of the wine ; for so , the Apples will be preserved by the wine , and the wine will be the better for the Apples . So Figs being shut up close , may be drowned for their better preservation , As Africanus affirmeth . They take figs , saith he , that are not very ripe , and put them into a new earthen vessel ; but they gather them with their tails or stalks upon them , and lay them up every one in a several cell by it self : and when they have so done , they put the vessel into an Hogs-head of wine , and so preserve their figs. I have also proved it by experience , that Peaches being shut up in wooden Cisterns , have been well preserved by drowning . And I have proved 〈◊〉 also in other kinds of Apples , that if they be shut up in a small vessel that is very well pitched on the utter side , and so drowned in the bottom of a Cistern of water , and kept down by some weights within the water , that it may not float , they may be preserved many moneths without any putrefaction . By a sleight not much unlike to this , Pomegranates may be preserved in a Pipe or But that is half full of water , as Palladius sheweth . You must hang up your Pomegranates within the But ; yet so , that they must not touch the water ; and the But must be shut up close , that the wind may not come in . And as fruit may be thus preserved , if the vessels be drowned in water or other liquor ; so there are some of opinion , that , if you hide those vessels underneath the ground , you may by this means also eschew the danger of the alterations that are in the air . Columella sheweth , that Cervises being shut up close , and so laid under ground , will thereby last the longer . When you have gathered your Cervises charily by hand , you must put them into vessels that are well pitched , and lay also pitched coverings upon them , and plaister them over with morter : then make certain ditches or trenches about two foot deep in some dry place within doors ; and in them so place your pitchers , that the mouth may be downward : then throw in the earth upon them , and tread it in somewhat hard . It is best to make many trenches , that the vessels may stand asunder , not above one or two in a trench ; for when you have use of them , if you would take up any one of the vessels , none of the rest must be stirred ; for if they be , the Cervises will soon putrifie . Pliny reports the like out of Cato : that Cervises are put into earthen vessels well pitched , the covering being plaistered over with morter , and then put in certain ditches or pits about two foot deep ; the place being somewhat open , and the vessels set with the mouth downward . And Palladius writes out of those two Authors , that Cervises must be gathered while they be somewhat hard , and laid up even when they begin to be ripe ; they must be put in earthen pitchers , so that the vessels be filled up to the top , and covered over with morter , and laid in a ditch two foot deep , in a dry place where the Sun cometh ; and the mouths of the vessels must stand downward , and the earth must be trodden in upon them . The same Author writeth that Pears being shut up in vessels , and so laid under the ground , will last the longer . You must take those pears which are hard both in skin , and in skin and substance : These you must lay upon an heap ; and when they begin to wax soft , put them into an earthen vessel which is well pitched , and lay a covering on it , and plaister it over with morter . Then the vessel must be buried in a small ditch , in such a place as the sun doth daily shine upon . Others as soon as the pears are gathered , lay them up with their stalks upon them in pitcht vessels , and close up the vessels with morter or else with pitch ; and then lay them abroad upon the ground , covering them all over with sand . Others make special choice of such pears as are very sound , somewhat hard and green ; and these they shut up into a pitcht vessel , and then cover it and set the mouth of it downward , and bury it in a little ditch in such a place as the water runs round about it continually . In like manner also Apples being shut up close , may be hidden within the ground for their better preservation , As Pliny sheweth . You must dig a trench in the ground about two foot deep , and lay sand in the bottom of it , and there put in your apples ; then cover the pit first with an earthen lid , and then with earth thrown upon it . Some put their apples in earthen basons , and then bury them . Others put them into a ditch that hath sand cast into the bottom of it , and cover it onely with dry earth . The like device it is whereby Pomegranates are preserved in small Buts which have sand in them . You must fill a small But up to the middle with sand , and then take your pomegranates , and put the stalk of them every one into a several cane , or into the bough of an Elder-tree ; and let them be so placed asunder in the sand , that the fruit may stand some four fingers above the sand : but the vessel must be set within the ground in some open place . This also may be done within doors , in a ditch two foot deep . Others fill up the But half full of water , and hang the pomegranates within the But , that they may not touch the water ; and shut up the But close that no air may come in . Cato sheweth how Filberds may be preserved within the ground , You must take them while they be new , and put them into a pitcher , and so lay them in the ground ; and they will be as fresh when you take them forth , as when you put them in . In like manner Palladius sheweth that Chestnuts may be preserved , if you put them in new earthen vessels , and bury them in some dry place within the ground . He saith also that Roses being shut up , may be buried in the ground for their better preservation , if they be laid up in a pot , and well closed , and so buried in some open place . But now we will shew How all things that are shut up , may be preserved for many years . Fruits are to be laid up in vials of glass , as we shewed before : and when the pipe or neck of the glass is stopt close up , then they are to be drowned in cisterns , and they will last good for certain whole years . Likewise , flowers are to be closed up in a vessel that is somewhat long , and the neck of it must be stopt up , as we shewed before , and then they must be cast into the water : for by this means they may be kept fresh for a long time . I have also put new wine into an earthen vessel that hath been glazed within , and have laid it in the water with a waight upon it to keep it down ; and a year after , I found it in the same taste and goodness , as when I put it into the vessel . By the like device as this is , we may preserve Things that are shut up , even for ever , if we wrap them up in some commixtion with other things , so that the air may not pierce them through ; but especially , if the commixtion it self be such , as is not subject to putrefaction . I have made trial hereof in Amber ; first reducing it to a convenient softness , and then wrapping up in it that which I desired to preserve : For whereas the Amber may be seen thorow , it doth therefore represent unto the eye the perfect semblance of that which is within it , as if it were living , and so sheweth it to be sound , and without corruption . After this manner I have lapped up Bees and Lyzards in Amber , which I have shewed to many , and they have been perswaded that they were the Bees and the Lyzards that Martial speaks of . We see every where that the hairs of beasts , and leaves , and fruits , being lapped up in this juice , are kept for ever ; the Amber doth eternize them . Martial speaks thus of the Bee , A Bee doth lie hidden within the Amber , and yet she shines in it too ; as though she were even closed up within her own honey : A worthy reward she hath there for all her labours ; and , if she might make choice of her own death , it is likely she would have desired to die in Amber . And the same Author speaks thus of the Viper , being caught as it were in the same juice : The Viper comes gliding to the dropping Pine-tree , and presently the Amber juice doth overflow her : and while she marvails at it , how she should be so entangled with that liqour , upon the sudden it closeth upon her , and waxeth stiff with cold . Then let not Cleopatra boast her self in her Princely Tomb , seeing the Viper is interred in a Nobler Tomb then she . But if you desire to know how to make Amber soft , though there be divers ways whereby this may be effected , yet let this way alone content you , to cast it into hot boiling wax that is scummed and clarified : for , by this means it will become so soft and pliant , that you may easily fashion it with your fingers , and make it framable to any use . Onely you must bee sure that it be very new . CHAP. IX . How Fruits may be drenched in Honey , to make them last for a long time . THe Antients finding by experience , that the shutting up of fruits in vessels , and the drenching of those vessels in water , was a notable preservative against corruption , did thence proceed farther , and began to drench the fruits themselves in divers kinds of liqours ; supposing that they might be the longer preserved , if they were sowsed in honey , wine , vineger , brine , and such like , in as much as these liquors have an especial vertue against putrefaction : For honey hath an excellent force to preserve , not fruits onely , but also even the bodies of living creatures from being putrefied , as we have elsewhere shewed that Alexanders body , and the carkass of the Hippocentaur were preserved in honey . Meer water they did not use in this case ; because , that being moist in it self , might seem rather to cause putrefaction . But of all other liquors , honey was most in request for this purpose , they supposing it to be a principal preserver against corruption . Columella saith That Quinces may be preserved in honey without putrefaction ; We have nothing more certain by experience , saith he , then that Quinces are well preserved in honey . You must take a new flagon that is very broad brimmed , and put your Quuinces into it , so that they may have scope within , that one may not bruise another ; then when your pot is full to the neck , take some withy twigs , and plat them over the pots mouth , that they may keep down the Quinces somewhat close , least when they should swell with liquor , they should float too high : then fill up your vessel to the very brimme with excellent good liquefi'd honey , so that the Quinces may be quite drowned in it . By this means , you shall not onely preserve the fruit very well , but also you shall procure such a well relished liquor , that it will be good to drink of . But in any case take heed , that your Quinces be through ripe which you would thus preserve : for if they were gathered before they were ripe , they will be so hard , that they cannot be eaten . And this is such an excellent way , that though the worm have seized upon the Quinces before they were gathered , yet this will preserve them from being corrupted any farther : for such is the nature of honey , that it will suppress any corruption , and not suffer it to spread abroad : for which cause it will preserve the dead carkass of a man , for many years together , without putrefaction . Palladius saith , that Quinces must be gathered when they are ripe , and so put into honey , whole as they are , and thereby they will be long preserved . Pliny would have them first to be smeared over with wax , and then to be sowsed in honey . Apitius saith , Quinces must be gathered with their boughes and leaves , and they must be without any blemish , and so put into a vessel full of honey and new wine . The Quinces that were thus dressed , were called Melimela , that is to say , Apples preserved in honey : as Martial witnesseth , saying , Quinces sowsed in pure honey , that they have drunk themselves full , are called Melimela . Likewise Columella sheweth that Other kind of Apples may be so preserved , Not onely the Melimela , but also the Pome-paradise , and the Sestian Apples , and other such dai●ties may be preserved in honey : but because they are made sweeter by the honey , and so lose their own proper relish which their nature and kind doth afford , therefore he was wont to preserve them by another kind of practise . Palladius saith , That Pears may be preserved in Honey , if a hey be so laid up therein , that one of them may not touch another . So Africanus reporteth , That Figgs may be long preserved in Honey , if they be so disposed and placed in it , that they neither touch each other , nor yet the vessel wherein they be put ; and when you have so placed them , you must make fast the lid of the vessel upon them , and there let them lie without troubling them . And Palladius reports the same : Green Figs , saith he , may be preserved in Honey , if you place them so that they may not touch each other . Florentinus also sheweth , That Cherries may be preserved in Honey , if you put them into a vessel that is strawed in the bottom with Savory , and so cast some honey upon them ; but your honey must be somewhat sharpe . So likewise Medlars may be preserved in Honey , to last a great while without rotting , as Palladius sheweth : but then they must be gathered before they be throughly ripe . Martial sheweth also , That Nuts may be preserved in Honey , to be green all the year long ; and he speaks it of his own trial and experience . You must take green Nuts , and pluck them out of their shells , and so let them be sowsed in honey : and the honey wherein they are sowsed , will become very medicinable , insomuch that if you make a potion of it , it will be very helpful to cure the Arteries , and the Jaws . Palladius saith , That Peaches may be preserved in Honey , if you take out the stone before you sowse them ; and besides that they will last long , this will also make them to be very well relished . He saith also that they may be well preserved in the liquor Oxymel . To be brief , Columella saith plainly that there is no kind of fruit but may be well preserved in honey . But he prescribes it for a general rule in this case , that every kind of fruit should be preserved in several by it self : for if you lay up divers kinds of fruits together , one of them will corrupt and marre the other . So also Grapes may be preserued in Honey , and they will last long without any blemish in them , if they be so preserved , as Didymus writeth . But we will shew now , What kinds of fruits are best preserved in Honey . For , I have endeavoured my self in this Practise , how to keep fruits without putrefaction , and for this cause , I laid up all kinds of fruits in vessels of glass filled with honey , that so I might prove , which might be preserved longest : and I found great difference among them , some kinds lasting long and some but a little while . For , the fruits that were by their own kind , full of moisture , did attaint the honey ; so that the honey being it self attainted , was not possibly able to preserve the fruit from putrefaction . Grapes , Figgs , and Peaches are soon putrified by reason of their moistness ; Quinces , Apples , and Pears do last longer uncorrupted ; but Nuts will will last green and sound a whole year together . CHAP. X. How fruits may be long preserved in ordinary wine , or sodden wine , or new wine , or else in wine-lees . THe Ancients likewise perceiving , that wine would keep all things , and that grapes-stones lighting into the wine as it was barrelled up , did continue whole in the barrels for the space of a whole year ; thence they gathered , that those fruits which were laid up in wine , would be well preserved from putrefaction . Neither did they stay there , but also proceeded to use sodden wine , new wine , vinegar , and wine-lees , for that purpose , because all these have a smatch of the substance of wine it self . But we considering that there may be a very pure and durable liquour extracted out of the substance of wine ( for wine , as it is of it self , will sooner be corrupted ) have therefore used the help of that extraction , whereby to preserve things sound and good time out of mind . But to return to them , and set down their examples . Palladius sheweth , That Quinces may be preserved in wine . For , if we lay them up in vessels filled with very good wine , half with ordinary wine , and half with new wine , we shall by this means preserve Quinces a great while . Others sowse them in barrels of new wine onely , and so close them up ; whereby they cause the wine to yield a very fragrant smell . So Democritus makes choice of the fairest and soundest quinces , and putteth them into barrels of new wine , and thereby doth preserve his quinces and better his wine . So Apples may be preserved floating in wine , as the same Author sheweth . You must put some few apples into a barrel of wine that they may float up and down , and so shall you also better the wine . Democritus would have them to be put into earthen pots ; but Apuleius would have them put into barrels , and so closed up ; and thus , saith he , shall you procure an admirable sweetness and pleasantness in the wine . Others would have them put into a new pot , and the pot to be drenched into a barrel of wine , so that they may there swim , and then the barrel to be made up close ; for this will be best both for the wine and also for the apples . Likewise Figgs may be long preserved in wine , as Africanus sheweth . You must make a new earthen pot , not altogether round , but rather somewhat square , having a good sound bottom ; then you must gather your figs with their sprigs and stalkes , and that before they be through ripe ; then put them fresh into your vessel , and place them so that they may lie from each other a pretty distance ; and so put them in a barrel full of wine , and there let them swim ; but the barrel must be very well closed up , that the air get not in : and until the wine change and become sowrish , the figs will never change , but continue in the same estate as when they were put in . Palladius doth report the very same experiment out of the very same Author . Beritius sheweth , That Mulberries may be preserved in wine : But it must be such wine as is made of Mulberries ; and the vessells wherein they are put , must be made up very close . Likewise Pamphilius sheweth , That Damosins may be preserved in wine , if they be put into Hogsheads either of sweet wine , or else new wine , there to swim up and down , and the Hogsheads well covered . Palladius also teacheth , That the fruit ▪ Ziziphum may be preserved in wine . so that it shall not have any screwls or wrinkles : for , if it be fresh gathered , and suppled with drops of new wine , it will continue plumpe and full without any wrinkles . Didymus sheweth How Grapes may be preserved in wine , You must take a barrel that is half full of new wine , and therein hang up your grapes in such sort , as the clusters may not touch each other , nor any of them touch the wine : for by this means they will continue as sound as they were upon the Vine . Some do preserve them in wine that is alayed with water . Grapes thus preserved in wine , have been in great request among the Ancients . Athenaeus makes mention of them out of Eubulus in Agglutinat● : you must , saith he , minister unto him good store of grapes preserved in wine : And Pherecrates , among other things that are to be eaten , makes mention of grapes that were taken out of wine . Cato sheweth , That Pears may be long preserved in sodden wine , especially the Tarentine-pears , and the Must-pears , and the Gourd-pears . Varro saith , That the pears called Anciana , and Sementina are to be preserved in sodden wine . Pliny saith , That the Tarentine-pears , and the Anciana are so preserved . Palladius saith , That they may be preserved either in sodden wine or else in new wine ; but , saith he , The vessels which they are put into , must be filled up with that liquor wherein they are to be preserved ; which very same precept he learned out of Democritus . Columella sheweth how to make this kind of sodden wine of that sweet wine which is called Mustum . Palladius sheweth also , how that kind of Peaches , which hath the hardest stone , may be preserved long in sodden wine , You must fill up the Navel of the Peach ( or that place wherein the stalk was fastned ) with a drop or two of scalding pitch , so that the wine may not get into the peach by that passage ; and then shut up the vessel very close , that the air may not get in . Columella saith , That Cervises may be long preserved in new wine , if you plat some dry fennel above them , to keep them under , that still the liquor may overflow them : but the coverings or lids of the vessels must be well pitched , and plaistered over with morter , that the air may have no access unto them . Pliny saith , That Cervises are to be preserved in sodden wine , by the judgement of Cato . Palladius also saith , That Cervises may be preserved long in sodden wine . Columella sheweth That Grapes may be preserved in new wine , You must take a barrel that is well pitched , and put into it a certain quantity of new wine ; then make a hurdle as it were , of good stiff rods platted together , a little above the liquor : then place upon those hurdles , certain new earthen vessels , and therein so dispose your grapes that they may not touch each other ; then cover your vessels and stop them up , after that , make another such a loft of hurdles , and then another , and so forward , as far as the greatness of the barrel will give you leave ; and in every one of those rooms place your grapes , as in the first : then take the pitched cover of your barrel , and smear it all over with good store of new wine , and when you have laid it upon the barrel , make it up close , and lay ashes upon it . Others make no more ado , but onely put their new wine into the barrel , and make certain hurdles over the wine , and there hang their grapes out of the reach of the wine , and so cover the barrel and stop it up . The same Author likewise reporteth , That Damosins may be long kept in new Wine . About harvest time , you must gather Damosins not being throughly ripe , nor yet too green , ( but they must be wilde Damosins , such as are in colour like to the Onix●●one ) and you must dry them in some shadowy place , the third day after they were gathered : then you must mingle vineger with new Wine , or else with sodden wine , in equal portions , and so put your Damosins into it . But they will be preserved the better , if you make your medley of a certain quantity of vineger , blended with twice so much water . Or else you may take the purple-coloured Damosins , and lay them up in an earthen vessel well pitched , and then fill it either with new , or else with sodden wine , so that the whole fruit may lie under the liquor ; and then lay the covering upon the vessel , and plaister it up . We may also preserve Cucumbers in the Lees of Wine , as the Quintiles are of opinion . You must , say they , put your Cucumbers into the Lees of White-wine , before it be sowre , and see that your vessel be top-full ; for by this means your Cucumbers will last fresh and good a great while . Didymus writes , that Olives and Grapes may be kept together . You must take Grapes while they be fresh , and new , and whole , and lay them up in a vessel amongst Olives , so placed , that every Olive may stand betwixt two Grapes , and so every Grape betwixt two Olives ; and thus , the vessel being well closed up , they will preserve each other . Columella saith , that Corneile , or Hamberry may be kept in Lees ; and if it be well preserved so , it will serve to be used in the stead of Olives . Ovid declares this in the eighth book of his Metamorphosis . Columella shews that Grapes may be preserved fresh and green in the Lees of wine . You must gather your grapes when they are of a reasonable ripeness , and then lay them upon certain hurdles , so that one cluster may not touch the other : then bring them within doors , and tuck away the dry , and withered , and rotten grapes with a pair of tuckers : and when they have lyen a while cooling out of the Sun , take three or four clusters according as the bigness of your pot is , and put them into it amongst the Lees ; and let the lid be made up fast with pitch , that the liquor may not break forth . Then you must take a great many of Vine-stalks , and squeeze or press them well , with their grapes upon them : then lay the stalks and husks in the bottom of a barrel , and therein place your pots that you have filled with Lees and Grapes , and let their mouths stand downward , and let them stand in distance each from other , so that you may ram in good store of Grape-kernels betwixt them : and when you have filled the room with Grape-stones stuff● in hard about the pots ; you must make a second room like the first , and fill it up in the same manner : likewise you must make a third room and so forward , till the barrel be thoroughly filled even to the very brim , with pots , and Grape-stones crammed in fast and thick about them ; then straightway cover the barrel and make it up close , and lay ashes upon it . But you must look to it , when you take forth any of the pots , that you take out a whole row together : for the Grape-stones being stamped in thick together must not be stirred ; if they be , they will become sowrish very soon , and so they will marre the grapes . The Quintiles say , that Cucumbers may be preserved in vineger ; and that very fresh and in their natural strength , if you hang them up in a vessel that hath some vineger in it , that they may not touch the vineger , and then close up the vessel fast , that the air may not pass into it ; for by this means you may have green and new Cucumbers in the Winter-time . So all other fruits may be preserved in vineger : but because vineger doth mar the taste of them , therefore we will not speak of such preservings . But hereby we have learned to preserve , time out of mind , All things with distilled wine : for wine is of it self subject to putrefaction many wayes : but when it is often distilled , that the quintessence be extracted from it , this extraction is free from all putrefaction whatsoever : wherefore all things that are drenched in this kind of liquor , if the vessel be carefully closed up , must needs last unputrified even for a whole age , nay for all eternity . At Rome , I saw a fish that was drenched in the water that had been distilled out of the Vine , and she was preserved five and twenty years , as fresh as while she was alive : and at Florence , I saw the like of fourty years continuance : the vessel was made of glass , and made up with the seal of Hermes . And I make no question , but that all things that are sowced in this kind of liquor , will last sound and good for many ages . How many sorts of things I have preserved by this one means , it were too long here to rehearse . CHAP. XI . That fruits may be very well preserved in salt-waters . NExt after wine , salt-water is of special use for preserving from putrefaction : for such things as have been drenched therein , have lasted long very sound and good . The Ancients saw that whatsoever was preserved in salt , was kept thereby from putrifying : wherefore , that they might preserve fruits from corruption , they have used to drench them in salt-waters . Homer calls salt a divine thing , because it hath a special vertue against putrefaction , and by it , bodies are preserved to all eternity . Plato calls it the friend of God , because no sacrifices were welcome to him , without salt . Plutark saith that the Antients were wont to call it a divine influence , because the bodies of creatures that were seasoned with salt from above , were thereby acquitted from corruption . Salt binds , and dries , and knits together , and doth priviledge bodies from putrefaction , that in their own nature must needs putrifie : as the Aegyptians custome manifestly sheweth , who were wont to season their dead bodies with salt , as Herodotus writeth . But let us come to examples . Beritius saith , that Pomegranates are preserved in salt-waters . You must take sea-water , or else brine , and make it boil , and so put your Pomegranates into it ; and afterward when they are thorough cold , dry them , and hang them up in the Sun ; and whensoever you would use them , you must steep them in fresh-water two dayes before . Columella rehearses the opinion of a certain Carthaginian touching this matter . Mago would have , saith he , that Sea-water should be made very hot , and Pomegranates being tied together with thread or broom-twigs , to be drenched in it till they change their colour , and then to be taken forth and dried in the Sun for three dayes , and afterward to be hanged up : and when you would use them , you must steep them in fresh and sweet water for the space of four and twenty hours before , and so they will be fit for your use . Pliny also reports out of the same Author , that Pomegranates are first to be hardened in hot Sea-water , and then to be dried in the Sun three dayes , and so to be hung up , that the evening dew come not at them ; and when you would use them , to steep them first in fresh-water . Palladius writes the same out of Pliny ; and he sheweth also , that Damosins may be preserved in salt-waters . They must be fresh gathered , and then drenched either in brine , or else in sea-water scalding hot , and then taken forth , and dried either in the Sun , or else in a warm Oven . Columella would have them drenched in new wine , sodden wine , and vineger ; but he gives a special charge also to cast some salt amongst them , lest the worm or any other hurtful vermine do grow in them . Palladius likewise sheweth , that Pears will last long in salt-water : first the water is to be boiled , and when it begins to rise in surges , you must skim it ; and after it is cold , put into it your Pears which you would preserve : then after a while take them forth and put them up in a pitcher , and so make up the mouth of it close , and by this means they will be well preserved . Others let them lie one whole day and night in cold salt-water , and afterward steep them two dayes in fresh-water , and then drench them in new wine or in sodden wine , or in sweet wine to be preserved . Others put them in a new earthen pitcher , filled with new wine , having a little salt in it , and so cover the vessel close to preserve them . Likewise Modlars may be preserved in salt-water : They must be gathered when they are but half ripe , with their stalks upon them , and steeped in salt-water for five dayes , and afterward more salt-water poured in upon them , that they may swim in it . Didymus sheweth also , that Grapes may be preserved long in salt-water . You must take some sea-water , and make it hot ; or , if you cannot come at that , take some brine , and put wine amongst it , and therein drench your clusters of grapes , and then lay them amongst Barley straw . Some do boil the ashes of a Fig-tree , or of a Vine , in water , and drench their clusters therein ; and then take them out to be cooled , and so lay them in Barley straw . The grape will last a whole year together , if you gather them before they be thorough ripe , and drench them in hot water that hath Allome boiled in it , and then draw them forth again . The Antients were wont To put salt to Wine , to make it last the longer , as Columella sheweth . They took new wine , and boiled it till the third part was wasted away ; then they put it into vessels , there to preserve it for their use the year following : they put a pinte and a half of this liquor thus boiled , into nine gallons of new wine unboiled ; and after two dayes , when these liquors are incorporated together , they wax hot , and begin to spurge ; then they cast into them half an ounce of salt beaten small , and that made the wine last till the next year . Theophrastus and Pliny write , that The fruits of those Palm-trees which grow in salt places , are fittest to be preserved ; as those which grow in Judaea , and Cyrenian Africk , because those Countries especially do afford salt and sandy grounds : for salt is a great nourisher of these kinds of fruits , and they are preserved long , even by their own saltnesse ; so that the salter the places are where they grow , the better will the fruit be preserved . So likewise that kind of Pulse which is called Cicer , is preserved by its own saltness , without any other dressing ; for the nature thereof is , to have a saltish juice within it ; whereby it cometh to pass that whereas all other Pulse are subject to corruption , and have some vermine or other breeding in them , onely this kind doth not engender any at all , because of the bitter and sharp saltish juice that is in it , as Theophrastus writeth . Didymus likewise writeth , that Beans will last long in salt-water : for , if they be sowced in sea-water , they will continue long without any blemish . Pliny also sheweth , that Garlick may be preserved in salt-water ; for if you would have Garlick or Onions to last long , you must dip the heads thereof in warm salt-water ; so will they be of longer continuance , and of a better taste . So Cucumbers are preserved in brine , as the Quintiles affirm ; for if you preserve either Gourds or Cucumbers in brine , they will last long . So Apples and Myrtles may be preserved , by lapping them up in Sea-weed one by one , so that they may be covered all over with it , and not touch one another , as Apuleius sheweth . If you have no Sea-weed , then you must lay them up close in Coffers . Aristotle is of opinion , that the fruits of the Myrtle-tree need not to be lapped up in Sea-weed , thereby to keep them from falling off from the Tree , because they will stick on of themselves till they be thoroughly ripe ; but the blades of them are preserved by wrapping Sea-weed about them : and the vapour of the Sea-weed thus wrapped about the blades , will keep the juice of the fruit from being changed to any further maturity , and cause it to continue long at one stay ; and this is by reason of the saltness of the Sea-weed , whereby it doth intercept and dry up that moisture which should be derived into the fruit , to ripen it . We may learn also to preserve Olives in brine , to have them good a year after ▪ Marcus Cato saith , that those kinds of Olives which are called Orchites , may be well preserved , if they be laid up in brine while they are green ; or else , if they be powned with M●stick . Columella saith , that the Olives which are called Orchites , and those which are called Pansiae , and the little round Olive called Radiolus , are to be knocked and beaten , and so cast into brine , and then to be taken out of the brine and squeezed , and so cast into a vessel together with the blanched seeds of Mastick and Fennel ; then take a good quantity of new wine , and half so much strong brine or pickle , and put it into the vessel , and so the fruit will be preserved . Or else , you may cast your Olives whole into a vessel , and put in strong brine amongst them till the vessel be brim-full , and so take them out for your uses when occasion serveth . There are a certain kind of black Olives , called also Orchites , which Cato saith , are thus to be preserved . When they be dry , cast them into salt , and there let them lie for the space of two dayes ; afterward take them forth and shake off the salt , and set them in the Sun two dayes together , and so they will be preserved . Marcus Varro reports the very same experiment out of Cato . Columella saith ; while Olives be yet black and unripe , you must tuck them off the Tree with your hand in a fair Sun-shining day ; and cull out the sound ones from those that have any blemish ; and into every peck and and an half of Olives , put a quart and somewhat more of whole salt ; then put them into wicker baskets , and there let them lie in salt thirty dayes together , that the Lees or dregs may be still dropping forth : afterward put them into some trey or such like vessel that you may wipe away the salt with a spunge ; and when you have done so , barrel them up into a Hogs-head full of new wine or else of sodden wine , and by this means they will be long preserved . Didymus teacheth to make condite or preserved Olives on this manner . When Olives are almost ripe , you must gather them with their stalks and all : then wash or steep them a whole day in cold water , and afterward lay them a drying upon wicker Lattises , handling them very gently ; then put them in the bottom of a vessel , and cast good store of salt amongst them : and into five pecks of Olives , you must put in four gallons and two quarts of brine , and two pints and a half of vineger : And when you have filled up the vessel , shake them together , that the liquor may swim on the pot . Columella , Palladius and divers others do cast the Olives into Sea-water , and there steep them seven dayes together , and when they have taken them forth , they condite them with brine , and so put them up into some other vessel . CHAP. XII . That things may be specially well preserved in Oyl and Lees of Oyl . OYl , and especially Lees of Oyl , do excellently conserve things , defending them both from the injuries of the Air and of Animals . Cato doth in short enumerate the faculties of Lees of Oyl , he subacts the Barn-flores with Lees of Oyl , that Mice may not eat his Corn. That also He may preserve his Grain in his Garner , he dawbes the Pavement and Walls thereof with clay , confected with Lees of Oyl . That also Moths may not eat his clothes , he be sprinkles them with Lees of Oyl : as also that Seed , Corn , lying in the fields may be kept from erosion by Animals , if it be steeped in Oyl lees , as also Whetstones , Shoes , Brazen-vessels from rust , all Woodden-houshold-stuff , Potters-vessels and the like . The same Cato also saith , That Myrtle branches may be preserued with their Berries on , in Lees of Oyl . Bind these or any of the like Nature into bundles , put them into a vessel of Oyl-lees , so that the Oyl cover them , then cover the vessel . Didymus saith , That roses may be kept in Oyl-lees fresh and vigorous , if they be covered over with this liquor . If you would preserve Figtree-branches with their fruits in Oyl-lees , bundle them up with their leaves and all , and put them in a vessel of Oyl-lees , as we said of Myrtle ; but if you would keep dry Figs from corruption , lay them up in a Potters vessel wet with Lees of Oyl decocted . Olives may be preserved in Oyl , for when they have lost their colour they may be gathered with their stalks preserved in Oyl , and a year after they will represent their green colour ; and if you besprinkle them with common salt they will pass for new ones . CHAP. XIII . How Apples may belong conserved in Sawdust with leafs and Chaff or straw . THe Ancients have invented many Trees , whose fruits may be long preserved in their own saw dust because of its dryness . Now every fruit is best kept in its own leaves dust , and the like , as we have said of Olives which are best kept in Oyl , Grapes in wine , &c. Orenges may be kept in Cedar-dust . As Palladius asserts , who avers that many have experienced it , in the like manner ▪ Quinces may be long kept in dust , because as Democritus avers the dryness of the dust preserves them from putrefaction , they may be also kept long in Wooll , fine Tow , or the like in Chests . The fruits of the Fir-tree may be long kept in dust . Many diffuse the saw-dust of the Poplar , or Fir-tree , amongst their fruits for their preservation . Apuleius saith , You may lay them involved in fine Tow into a vimineous basket , and they will keep . Pomegranates may be kept from putrefaction in Oak-dust . Columella would have the dust first steeped in vinegar , and then they laid in it . Mago would have us first strew a new potters vessel with the dust , then lay in the apples , then strew another layer of dust , and another of apples , till the vessel be full , which we must shut and dawb close up . Beritius would have the dust first infused in vinegar . Grapes may be kept in dust . Some keep green Grapes in dry poplar , or firre-dust . Didymus would have them reposed in boxes overlaid with pitch , in the dry dust of the pitch or black poplar-tree . some preserve fruits in chaff , which by its innate frigidity , either keeps the frosty rigor unmelted , or by its genuine dryness keeps all things from putritude ; or by being void of all qualities keeps fruits in their proper quality . And first Orenges may be kept in Chaff , As Palladius avers , or in small straw . And the same saith , That Quinces may be preserved in Chaff . As also in small straw , as Pliny attests , who asserts also , That Apples may be kept in Chaff , or straw , they being laid upon and in it . Palladius saith , That Pears will keep long in Chaff , and Medlars also , if they be gathered on a clear day , half covered with chaff , and not again touched Palladius saith , That Pomegranates may be kept in Chaff , if they be not moved , or touched after their reposure . Grapes may be kept in Chaff . The clusters should be severally laid along the pavement , so that they touch not each other , with lupin-straw under them if possible , for it is dryer and hardest , and an enemy to Mice ; but if not then Bean-straw , or such pulse : but if none of these , then dry hay cut small . Palladius saith , That Nuts will keep in straw , if Almonds cannot be easily excoriated , cover them with chaff and straw , and you may effect it . Sotion avers , That Onyons may be kept from putrefaction in Barley-straw . First put them into hot-water , dry them in the Sun , that done , lay them so in straw that they touch not each other . Palladius saith , That Chesnuts may be preserved in small Barley-straw , or in their own leafs : As also Quinces in Fig-leaves . Democritus would have them involved in leaves , and dawbed up with clay . Palladius saith , Apples may be kept from putretude in fig-leaves , who also avers , That Orenges may be preserved , in their own leaves , if they be laid severally . He also saith , That Apples may be kept long in nut-leaves , And Apuleius saith , Their colour , odour , and grace ; will be hereby preserved , and that best if they be layed in fresh , not falling leaves : As also That pears may be kept well in wallnut-leaves . Democritus saith , The leaves must be dry , and the pears will be green at a years end . Pliny saith , Figs may be kept in the leaves of Vervine without putretude . Palladius would have them put in an Oven , and whil'st hot imposed in their own leaves and reconded in a pot . Columella would have dry Figs cast into a pitched vessel with dry hay in it and upon them . We may also Preserve Cherries in the leaves of Winter-savory , if we first cast the leaves , then the Cherries into a vessel , and so by course , or if we after the same manner lay Cherries in Reeds-leaves : thus also May Jujubees be kept in their own leaves , or else they may be cut of with their boughs and suspended . Thus also May the Myrtle and its Berries be preserved , either in a close vessel , or in Lees of Oyl . Thus also may Quince-pears be long kept in their own leaves , and Nuts in their leaves , but the leaves must be dry , Wheat may be kept in herbs . Tarentinus would have it imposed upon dry Wormwood and Semper-vive ; but dry Quince leaves and small sand are better , which must be layed in layers among the Grain . It is best to cover the flore with Coniza , add after ten measures of Grain , to lay another layer of Coniza till all be deposed ; for thus the whole will not be onely free from putretude for many years , but keep its due weight . Barley may be kept safe in dry Bay-leaves , Dry Grass with Mint mixed with Bran , preserve Barley special well . Some bray cummin and salt together , and make them into dry Masses for the preservation of Barley . CHAP. XIV . How fruits may be mixed with many things for their better preservation . ANd now that we may not further protract our speech , we shall from ancient Examples shew how fruits by immersion into several things , may be long kept from putretude : and first Orenges in Barley putrefie not , But if you lay them on hot Barley-bread , they putrefie quickly . Palladius saith , That Quinces laid in Millet-seed , endure long , for he thinks that Millet-seed corrupts not in many years , and so what is reposed in it cannot speedily putrefie . Democritus saith , Barley is better , being dry ; but always provided that they be not laid near tender and fugacious fruits , for they will vitiate them by their acid sapour , and putrefie grapes if they be near them . Apples may be also kept in the same seed , As Pliny is of mind . But Apuleius saith a heap of Barley is better . But you must always mind to repose each kind in its proper continent and place , because if divers kinds be occluded together , they vitiate sooner : wherefore the wine that is expressed out of several kinds of grapes , is not so firm as the simple and sincere . Pears will keep amongst corn , For as Palladius saith , The Siccity thereof is notably preservative . Mushrooms may be kept in Millet-seed . The Vesuvians also keep them in dry sand , till new ones come . Pomegranates may be kept lay in Wheat , if they be first dipped into hot waters , then reconded in Wheat , till they become rugous . Varro and Cat● would have them put in a heap of sand for preservation . Dydimus saith , That Grapes may be kept well and long , if they be suspended in a Garner , for the dust that rises up of the corn when moved , causes long duration in grapes . How Corn may be long preserved , Tarentinus saith , The ashes of Oaks ; others dry Beasts dung , strewed on corn preserve it ; but small sand sub●cted with Lees of Oyl is better , for this corrupts all vermine and keeps the corn more dense and solid . Perfrigerated Argil is best of all , for it will keep corn thirty or forty years from corruption , you may let it through a strait seive when you use it . Pulse will keep long , if they be sprinkled with vinegar mixed with the juice of Laser . CHAP. XV. How other things may be preserved from putrefaction . WE shall here recite what other things , though vile , may be preserved , and so make way for further inquisitions . Quick-silver will preserve all things from putretude . As fruits and the like , for we have often put fruits into a fit vessel , and cast quick-silver upon them , and so preserved them long and well . Flesh hanged on a Brasen-nail will keep long , For Brass is so styptical and exiccative , that the flesh it passes throw putrefies not . How a dead Carcase may be preserved . First let ●he side of the Body be opened , and the Carcase exenterated ; let the Skull be opened and the brains taken out , let the papills be substracted , as also the privities with the pith of the Back-bone , then hang up the Body by the feet for three or four hours , then wash it with a spung dipped in vinegar and aqua vitae , then let it dry , which done ; strew it with unquenched Lime , Alome and Salt ; let it hang so two days in the smoak of Myrrhe , Bay , Rosemary , and Cypress in a dry and open place . Then make a mixture of unquenched Lime five pound , of burnt Alome one pound , good Salt two pound , of Aloes and Myrrhe half a pound , of Aloes-wood half a pound , of the Oyl of Spicknard three onces , of the powder of Rosemary-flowers five , of burnt Green-brass and Calcanthum two , of the best Theriack four , of the dust of Cypress half a pound , of dryed Saffron one once , of the seeds of Coloquintida three and a half , of Antimony beaten to powder one and an half , of the ashes of Wine-lees five and a half , of Musk half a dragm , of Amber two . Let all be diligently brayed and mixed together , and strewed upon the Body which must be for three days together strongly rubbed , in an open and dry place . This also we admonish , that in fat Bodies the fat of the Abdomen , Buttocks , Hips , Muscles of the Leggs , thighs ; and all other places must be first abstracted . Things may be also preserved by Balsom . But seeing we can compass no true Balsom ; or if there be any , it is exceeding dear we are glad to make artificial Balsoms , as we shall shew in due place . CHAP. XVI . How divers sorts of Bread may be made . WE have spoken of preserving fruits and other things : It remains to shew how we may use those we have kept . Amongst the rest , we shall teach you concerning those things that are most necessary for dayly use , as for many kinds of Bread , Wine , Vinegar , and Oyls ; that not onely the Housholder may provide for his family with small cost : but when provision is dear , he may provide for himself with small pains in Mountains and Desarts , of all those things almost we have spoken of . But we will begin with Bread , and see what our fore-fathers used in case of necessity . I shall let pass those common things , as Spilt , and Bean-corn , Amel-corn , Typh-wheat , Panick , Sesamum ; being all well known . But first To make Bread of Wall-nuts , Dioscorides saith there is a kind of Thistle commonly found in the waters , that onely in Rivers brings forth a certain seed as big as a Ches-nut , with three points , membranous , full of white pith , that tastes like Ches-nuts ; they call them water ches-nuts vulgarly , and the Inhabitants use them in meats , as they do Ches-nuts . Pilgrims make Chapelets of them . The Thracians that dwell by the River Strimon , fat their horses with this Thistle when it is green , and of the same seed they make Bread to eat . Moreover , in places where they grow amongst us , the Inhabitants when provision is dear make Bread of them ; as at Ferrara they do of Ches-●uts , and the Brutii rost them in the embers and eat them for juncates . Almost in the same manner . To make Bread of the Lote tree . Theophrastus teacheth it . The Lote-tree grows in plain ground , where the Countries are overflowed with water . The fruit is like a Bean naturally , but less and more slender . That which grows on the head comes forth promiscuously , as Beans do many and very thick together : When the Sun sets , it closeth , and opens when he riseth , and springs up above the water . The head is as great as a Poppy-head , where it grows in Euphrates . The Egyptians lay those heads on heaps to putrefie ; and when the shells are putrefied , they wash them in a River , and part the fruit from them , and dry it , and break it and make bread of it , and eat it . Pliny , There is also bread made of the seed of it , like to Millet seed , in Egypt by the Shepherds , and they knead it with water especially , or with milk . They say that nothing is more wholesom then that bread , or lighter whil'st it is hot , but cold it is harder to digest and becomes heavy . It is certain , that those who live upon that are never troubled with Dysenteries , Tenasmus , or any diseases of the belly . And therefore it is one of their remedies . For it was of old a custom ; To make bread of Dates , which Pliny writes of , Dates that are very dry of Thebes and Arabia , that are slender and very lean , with a continual vapour they are terrified , and are covered rather with a Shel then a Skin . In Ethiopia it is crumbled ( so great is the draught ) and like meal it is made into bread . Bread of the Mulberry-figtree . In Caria and Rhodes there is a great Fig of Egypt , or increase of the Sycamore-tree , and in the neighbouring places where there is little wheat , the people for want of corn use it for bread , and for all bread corn . So great and continual plenty is there of that Apple , and abundance of bread is made of it pleasing to the stomach ; but it affords but little nutriment , and we might make the same if we would . We find it in Writers of husbandry , How we may make bread without leaven , Out of Didymus some adde Nitre , for Nitre makes bread more crumbly , as it doth flesh also . Some the day before they make their bread , cast Grapes into the water , and the next day when they will make their bread they take them away , for they swim above the water , and they press them out , and use the moisture pressed forth for leaven , and so they make their bread more pleasing . If you would have leaven last you all the year , when the new wine hath boiled in the vessels , Skim off the froth that boils on the top , and mingle with it Millet-meal , and work it well together , and make morsels of it , which dry in the Sun , and lay up in a moist place ; and you may take a sufficient quantity and use it for leaven . CHAP. XVII . Divers sorts of Bread made of Roots and fruits . NOw we shall proceed to other kinds of bread , found out in our days , that are no small profit to us when corn is dear . How to make bread of the Roots of Cuckow-pint , the root of Wake-Robin , when it is not too acrimonious is eaten and desired in meats . Dioscorides saith , The decoction was drank , as not being over sharp . Galen , That it was eaten as Rape-roots , and in some Countries it grows more corroding . To prepare it rightly , pour out the water of the first boyling , and presently cast it into other hot water . In Cyrene those Roots are otherwise then amongst us , for there it is no Physical root , and is not acrimonious at all , so that it is more profitable then a Rape-root . Also our forefathers , when Corn was dear used this Root in meats with great profit . Caesar de bello civili , Also there is a kind of Root , found by them that were with Valerius , which is called Chara , which mingled with milk releived a Souldier that was hungry , and it was made up like to bread . There was great plenty of this Root , and of it bread was made , when those of Pompey his side objected to our Souldiers that they wanted food , they would commonly throw these at them , that they might deceive their expectation . And a little after the Army used this and were very healthful . And in Dioscorides in the false names of simples , Cuckow-pint was of old called Chara , with us it is so acrimonious that we scarce can endure to touch it with our tongues . But I shall open the reason how excellent bread may be made of it , and if I may say so , better then Wheat-bread . The great Roots are made clean , and they are cut into small thin plates , for the thinner they are cut , the sooner will they become pleasant , and they must boil in vessels of hot water , until you perceive the water grow sharp and the Roots somewhat sweet ; pour out the former water , and pour in fresh , then boil them again , till the water become sweet , and the root when it is cheweded hath no acrimony left . Then take them out of the water , and put them upon linnen cloths , extended and hanging up until they be dry , then grind them in hand-mils and the meal will be exceeding white , which by it self a with a third part of wheat-meal added to it , will make most pure bread and well rasted : There are other ways to make it sooner ; when you have obtained this art , you will be exceeding glad I am very certain of it . For with great pleasure Bread of Asphodils is eaten . This is so fruitful of round-heads with us , that no Plant hath more , for oftimes 80 heads will be heaped together . Moreover , Mountains and Sea-shores are full of them , that it may be truly thought to be made for mans meat . Pliny , The Daffodil is eaten with the seed and head terrified . But this rosted in the embers as Hesiod affirms , is eaten with oyle also braied with figs , it is eaten with great pleasure . These Round-heads are like to Navews of moderate bigness . So saith Galen also . But with us they are so unpleasant , and acrimonious in tast , that a man cannot eat them ; and Sowes digging them up with their snowts , will hardly feed on them , no not when we want corn can we eat this in our greatest hunger , it was the poor fair of frugal antiquity . But by boiling , the sharpness of it becomes more mild , and the heat of it more tolerable , as we said of Cuckow-pint . It will be sufficient to satisfie a mans hunger , as of old it was used : As Pliny saith , We have made most wholesom bread of these mingled with meal , especially for men wasted and in consumptions , also Bread is made of Rape-roots , Turneps , and Skirworts . For of those boil'd and cooked , first cleansed from all excrements , a most commendable bread may be made , as I have tried : But meal must be mingled with them to a third part , or else half as much of one , and the other as we shall shew a little after . And not to be tedious , the same way-bread to eat , may be made of all Navews , Roots , or Bulbous-heads . Also there is made Excellent bread of Gourds , For Gourds may be had very cheap , and they make savoury bread with meal , and so the bread is greater , for this is the greatest of all fruits ; for with a very little meal in time of Famine we may feed many men , and not onely use it for need , but for dainties also : for seasoned with Sugar , and prepared for mens pallats , and to quench feaverish heats , they are carried about every where to be sold. The way to make them up is this , Take great round Gourds , and fully ripe , and cut into many pieces the dry skin , and the pith must be taken from them with a knife ; put them into a kettle of boiling water , and boil them , for by long boiling the grassy greenness , and the rank smell and loathsom taste are taken away , and they will smell better and taste , and nourish better , and will last as long as bread . Being now brought to the form of an ointment , press it through a linnen strainer with your hands , that if any parts of it be not well boiled or any woddy pieces be there , they may be kept back by the narrowness of the strainer . To this Mass , adde a third part of meal , and make them into bread together , which will be pleasant to eat daily , I will not have you to eat your fill of it , but if you eat it moderately it will profit much . When it is new it is excellent , but stale , it is not so sightly nor dainty . I have shew'd you the way how you must use such things of superfluous moisture , now do you learn wisely to do it . CHAP. XVIII . Divers ways to make bread of all sorts of Corn and Pulse . ANtiently they made Bread of divers kinds of Corn and Pulse , it would be needless to repeat them , for you may find them in the Books of the Antients , and there can be no error in making them . In Campania very sweet bread is made of Millet : Also the people of Sarmatia are chiefly fed with this bread , and with the raw meal tempered with Mares-milk , or blood drawn out of the veins of their legs . The Ethiopians know no other Corn then Millet and Barley . Some parts of France use Panick , but chiefly Aquitane : But Italy about Po , adde Beans to it , without which they make nothing . The people of Pontus prefer no meat before Panick . Panick meal now adays is neglected by us and out of use , for it is dry and of small nourishment ; of Millet bread and cakes are made , but they are heavy and hard of digestion and clammy to eat . Unless they be eaten presently when they are newly baked , or not , else they become heavy and compact together . Of the Indian Mais , heavy bread is made and not pleasant at all , very dry and earthly next to Millet : like to this is bread called Exsergo , that is also void of nutrimental juice . There was also of old bread called Ornidos , made of a certain seed of Ethiopia , so like Sesamum that it is hard to know them asunder . Also Bread is made of Lupins , The best kind was known also to the Antients ; For Didymus teacheth how Lupins will grow sweet , being three days infused in River or Sea-water , and when they grow mild they must be dried and laid aside , and then the meal of them mingled with Barley-meal or Wheat-meal is fit to make bread . But we make it thus , First the Lupins are ground in mills , and are made into flower : fifty pound of these are put into a wooden vessel , and fair water is cast upon them , that it may swim four fingers breadth above them ; and it must be often stirred with a woodden stick , then let it settle till the water grow clear , and the meal sink down , then strain the water well , that no meal be lost ; and pour on water the second time , and stir it as before ; do so the third time till the meal and water be come sweet , which will be done in one day if the water be often changed . As that is done , put the meal into a linnen cloth laid abroad , that the meal may be seperated with a wooden slice , and the water may run away through the cloth , and the meal may dry the better upon the cloth . In the mean time boil two pound of Rice , and being boil'd mingle them with the Lupins , divide the whole into two parts , and mingle one with the leaven and a hundred pound of wheat-meal , and make bread of it ; let the other be set by with the leven till the next day , which being mingled again with wheat-meal , will make excellent bread , and will not taste of Lupins . But you must use all diligence in the making of it , for if you make it not of the best meal , the bread will be naught , wherefore the work lies in the right preparation of it : For the worse Corn or Pulse you make it of , the more Corn must be taken to prepare it . After this manner it may be made of Tares and Vetches , and the favour of them is dulcified with water and mingling meal with them . Bread is made also of Peason , Chiches , Tarses , Lentils , Beans , and chiefly of Acorns . But it is not unprofitable to make Bread of Herbs , If a man cut the Herb Clot-bur small and grind it in a mill to very fine powder , and adde as much or a third part of wheat-meal to it , it will make good bread , that may be eaten when there is a famine ; and I have heard that the poor eat it in some places , and it hurts them not , and that some in a siege have lived a moneth with such bread . CHAP. XIX . How bread may be increased in weight . NOw I shall shew how bread may be augmented ; a thing very strange and profitable , not onely to help in time of need , but it is good for the Housholder , for with little meal he may nourish many , and fill their bellies ; and that three wayes : For there be things that added to Corn , will increase the substance of the bread ; other things are dry , and of a clammy nature , that will thicken the Element by refraction into the substance of bread . The last way is the life of the heat of it , whereby it waxes and grows as if it were alive . As much as is lost by the bran taken from it , is added to it , by casting water on it when it is ground , and in the other workmanship . Moreover , the baking of bread takes away a tenth part and a half of the weight . Let us see how our Ancestors did by some Earth or Chalk make their bread more weighty and white . Pliny teacheth that Spelt will grow white by a kind of chalk , thus . Let this Spelt be of Beer-corn , which he called a seed ; the corns of it are bruised in a wooden morter , for it will be spoiled and consumed by the hardness of a stone : the best as it is well known , is made by those that are condemned to bray in morters for their punishment . For the best there is an iron box , the hulls being then beaten off ; again , with the same instruments the marrow of it being made bare , is broken ; so are there made three kinds of this Spelt-meal , the finest , the second sort , and the third that is the coursest . But yet they are not white , which makes them excellent , yet now are these preserved at Alexandria ; after this , ( it is very strange ) chalk is mingled with them , that passes both into the body and the colour of them , and makes them tender . You shall find this between Puteoli and Naples , on the Hill called Leucogaeum . And there is extant a decree of Divus Augustus , wherein he commanded to pay them at Naples yearly 20000 Sestertia out of his Treasury , drawing his Colony to Capua , and he assigns the cause , by reason that they of Campania affirmed that Spelt-meal could not be made without that stone . Rice makes bread weigh . It neither corrupts the taste or goodness of the bread , but increaseth both , and it brings it closer by one eighth part , for by a continual turning it , it will retaineth volatil meal ; and from hence you shall see it coagulate , and when it is coagulated put leaven to it ; but it must first grow cold , lest the force of the coagulation should be hindred . To binde this fugitive servant fast , adde so much Wheat-meal as may fasten it well together , till you see there is enough , and you shall find it increased to the weight desired . By this example You may increase the weight of bread with Millet . This is easily done , for it is dry , ctumbles , and will not hang together , and is weak ; let it be bruised with a wooden pestle , and sifted through a sieve till the hulls be parted , as we see it done at Rome and at Florence ; by this we hold it , that it flie not , away by its hungry driness ; then we mingle it with Wheat , and the air reflects back , and it will be converted into the substance of Alica , that you will think nothing taken from the taste , colour or goodness , nor yet added to it . Nor will it be unpleasant to see Bread weigh more by adding milk to it . This is an experiment of great profit and praise-worthy ; for it adds weight and whitenesse to bread , and makes it short , being put in instead of water whilst it is hot . I never tasted any thing more pleasant or tender . I thought fit to adde this for the singular vertue of it , adding also such things as we knew to be necessary for this art . But truly that is admirable ; by the same Wheat to increase the weight of Wheat . This is done without any addition , for if we would , we could do this with many and almost infinite things , with any small addition ; but in this a leaven is drawn forth of the very substance of the Wheat , which being strained , cleansed and added to the same again , either by increasing the substance of it , or by retracting the air into its substance , it will be much augmented : giving you this warning before-hand , that the augmenting heat must not be diminished , but preserved and increased , that all may depend on this . But an admirable work of Nature , and full of wonder it is , how it may be that Wheat may increase out of it self . I cannot discover this , how it came into my mind , lest it should be made publike to every common fellow , and ignorant Animal . Yet not to conceal it from ingenious men , I shall hide it from these , and open it to those . That our fore-fathers knew it not is clear , because there is no such thing mentioned in all their works of making bread . The whole businesse consists in this , that the Wheat-meal may be managed with the life of its heat , which is the off-spring of celestial fire . By nature it is of such renuity , that being raised with its heat , it will make the lump swell so much , that it will come up to the top of the vessel ; the next day cast it into a Hutch , and adde more meal to it , which again being raised by its heat , and coming back again by the same , and meeting with the lump , as flowing back again , it joins into the refracted Elements , and so into clotters of meal . Do this thrice or four times , and so you may increase it continually , and this must be done in a stove , that the dewy spirit may be fostered . I thought good to tell you also before , that you must not prick the lump , lest the generative blast should breath forth , and flie into the air , for so you will lose your labour ; and there must not want presently a dewy vapour , which being carried into the air , and made to drop , may moisten the lump , so you will rejoice at the wonderful increase : but you must be cunning in the manual application . Pray do not destroy by your negligence , what was invented by the careful ingenuity of those that tried it . CHAP. XX. How we may long endure hunger and thirst . THe Antients had some compositions to drive away hunger and thirst , and they were very necessary both in times of Famine , and in wars . Pliny saith , some things being but tasted , will abate hunger and thirst , and preserve our forces , as Butter , Licoris , Hippace ; and elsewhere , Scythia first produced that root which is called Scythia , and about Baeotia it grows very sweet . And another , that is excellent against Convulsions , also it is a high commendation of it , that such as have it in their mouths fell nor hunger nor thirst ; Hippace amongst them doth the same , which effects the same in horses also . And they report that with these two herbs the Scythians will fast twelve dayes , and live without drink also ; all which he translated out of Theophrastus first book . The Scythian Hippace is sweet also , and some call it Dulcis ; it grows by Maeotis . Amongst other properties , it quencheth thirst also , if it be held in the mouth . For which cause both with both with that , and with the other called equestris , men say , the Scythians will endure hunger and thirst twelve dayes . Hence it appears that Pliny translated all this out of Theophrastus . But I think he erred , for Hippace signifies Cheese made of Mares milk , and is no herb . Theodorus translated it Equestrem , as it were a root like Licoris , fit to drive away hunger and thirst . For Hippocrates saith , the Scythian shepherds eat Hippace , but that is Mares Cheese : and elsewhere , The Scythians pour Mares milk into hollow vessels of wood and shake it , and that froths with churming , and the fat of it they call butter , which swims on the top , that which is heavy sinks to the bottom , they separate this and dry it , when it is dry , they call it Hippace : the reason is , because Mares milk nourisheth exceedingly , and is as good as Cows milk . Dioscorides , The west Indians use another composition also To endure hunger and thirst . Of the herb called Tobacco , namely of the juice thereof , and the ashes of Cockle shells they make little balls and dry them in the shade , and as they travel for three or four dayes they will hold one of them between their under lip and their teeth , and this they suck continually , and swallow down what they suck , and so all the day they feel neither hunger , thirst , nor weariness ; but we will teach another composition , which Heron mentions , and it was called The Epimenidian composition , to endure hunger and thirst . For it was a medicament that nourished much , and abated thirst , and this was the food the besiegers of Cities and the besieged also lived on . It was called the Epimenidian composition , from the Sea-onion called Epimendium , that is one of the ingredients of that composition ; it was made thus , The squil was boiled and washt with water , and dryed , and then cut into very small pieces , then mingle sesamum a fift part , poppy a fifteenth part , make all these up with honey , as the best to make up the mass , to mitigate it : divide the whole , as into great Olives , and take one of these about two of the clock , another about ten ; and they felt no hurt by hunger , that used it . There is another composition of the same , that hath of Athenian sesamum half a Sextarius , of honey a half part , of oyle a Cotyle , and a Chaenice of sweet Almonds mundified : the sesamum and Almonds must be dried , and ground , and winowed , then the squil must have the outsides taken off , and the roots and leaves must be cut into small pieces , and put into a morter and bruised , till they be well mollified , then you must make up the squils with the like quantity of honey and of oyle , and put all into a pot , and set them in cold , and stir them well with a wooden ladle , till they be well mingled , when the lump is firm , it is good to cut it into little morsels , and he that eats one in the morning , another at night , hath meat enough . This medicament is good for an Army , for it is sweet , and so fills a man and quencheth thirst : we had this in an old Scholiast , a Manuscript upon the book of Heron , in the Vatican Library . I saw the same composition in Philo , in his fifth book of wars , where he describes such like other things . CHAP. XXI . Of what fruits wines may be made . NOw we shall speak of fruits , of which wines may be made . And first our Ancestors did do thus , but they had two wayes ; for some were for Physicks , which are found plentifully in Physick books : others again were for ordinary use , and they were divers , and almost infinite , according as the differences of places and Nations are : for what is granted to one is denyed to another . First Wine of Dates . Pliny saith that in the East they make wine of Dates , and he reckons up fifty kinds of Dates , and as many different wines from them ; Cariotae are the chief , full of juice , of which are made the principal wines in the East , they are naught for the head , and thence they have their name . The best are found in Judaea , chiefly about Jericho , yet those of Archelaiis are well esteemed , and of Phaselis , and of Libias , valleyes of the same Country . The chiefest property they have is this , they are full of a white fat juice , and very sweet , tasting like wine with honey . The wine will make one drunk , and the fruit also eaten largely . Dioscorides teacheth thus ; Put ripe Dates called Chydeae , into a pitcher with a hole at bottom , and stopt with a pitched reed ; shut the hole with linnen , and to fourty Sextarii pour on three gallons of water . If you would not have it so sweet , five gallons will be sufficient to pour on ; after ten dayes take away the reed with the linnen , take the thick sweet wine and set it up . Also wine is made Of Figs. Sotion relates it thus . Some make wine of green figs , filling half the vessel with them , and the other half to the brim they fill with fair water , and they try still by tasting ; for when it tasts like wine , they strain it and use it . It is made , faith Dioscorides , of ripe figs , and it is called Catorchites or Sycites , Chelidonian or Phaenician figs called Caricae , are steeped in a pot with a hole in the bottom with a pitched reed , and the hole stopt with flax : to fourty Sextarii you must pour on three gallons of water , and if you will not have the wine so sweet , pour on five gallons and it will do . After ten dayes the liquor is taken , and again the third time also the same measure of water wherein the figs were infused , is poured on ; and in the like manner , after four or five dayes it is drawn off . Some to six Amphorae thereof adde ten Sextarii of salt , that it may not early corrupt : others put Fennel and Thyme in the bottom , and the Caricae on the top , and so in order , till the vessel be full : also men make Wine of Pears , which from the Greek word for Pears is called Apyres , and from the Latin Piery Palladius saith it was thus . They are bruised and put in a very course bag of Canvas , and pressed with weights , or in a Press . It lasts in the Winter , but in Summer comes it sowrer . Dioscorides will not have the Pears too ripe ; the same way is made Wine of Pomegranates . Sotion makes wine of the grains of the Pomegranate , taking away what is in the middle of the grains . Palladius put the ripe grains well purged into a Date pail , and press them out with a scrue press , then boil them gently to half ; when it is cold , put it into vessels that are pitched or plaistered with Gipsum . Some do not boil the juice , but to every Sextarius they mingle one pound of honey , and put all in the said vessels and keep it . There is made Wine of the Lote-tree fruit . There is a kind of Lote without any inward kernel , which is as hard as a bone in the other kind : wine is pressed also out of it like Mead , that will not last above ten dayes ; Nepos saith the same from Pliny , Athenaus from Polybius . Wine is made of the Lote steeped in water and bruised , very pleasant to the taste as the best Mead is ; it is drunk pure without water also , but it will not last above ten dayes , wherefore they make but little for use to last onely so long . Vineger is made also of it . And yet not much or good enough , yet there is made Wine of Myrtles berries and Cornels , Out of Sotion , who of the berries of Myrtles and Cornels when they are fresh , pounded and pressed our , made wine . Now I shall shew how we may make Wine of Corn. Drink is made of Corn. Dioscorides teacheth to make Beer of Barley , also a drink is made of Barley called Curmi , they use that drink oft-times for wine ; the like drinks are wont to be made of Wheat . In Hiberia toward the west and in Britany ; whence Pliny , of Corn drink is made : Beer in Egypt , called Zythum , in Spain Caelia and Ceria , Beer in France and other Provinces . In Aristotles book of drunkenness , those that drink wine made of Barley till they be drunk fall upon their backs , they call that wine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but those that are drunk with any other kind of drinks fall any way , on the right , or left hand , forward or backward , but those that drink Pinum , fall onely upon their backs . Wine made of Barley they call Brytum . Sophocles in Triptolemo , and Aeschylus in Lycurgo . But Hellanicus saith , that Brytum is made in Farms out of roots . Hecateus saith , that the Egyptians grinde Barley to make drink , and that the Macedonians drink Brytum made of Barley , and Parabia made of Millet , and Rice , saith Athenaeus . Also wine is made of Rice ; for saith Aelianus , when an Elephant fights in war , they give him not onely wine of grapes , but of Rice also . Now the same drink is made in the Northern Climates of Corn , and they call it Biera , but they put hops to it , for it cannot be made without ; Barley and Wheat are infused in the decoction of it . We see that of Barley and Wheat steeped in water a drink is made that tastes like wine , and of them I have made the best aqua vitae . But these drinks of old were Physical , rather then to use as wine . But I shall shew how some drinks that are so like wine in taste , that you would think they were wine indeed . And first Wine of Honey . To nine vessels of water put eighteen pounds of Honey , into brass Caldrons covered with Tin , and let them boil a long time , stirring all with wooden ladles , and wiping away the froth that riseth with little brushes , pour it out , & put it into a wine vessel , then take two pounds of red wine Tartar , and boil them in water till they be dissolved , to which add an eighth part of a vessel of vineger , that the loathsome and unpleasing taste of the sweetnesse of Honey may be lost , let these be mingled ; then pour on two vessels of the best wine , then let it settle ; after some days strain it through a hair-cloth strainer , or one of cloth to cleanse it from the filth and excrements . A liquor will run from this that will serve for sparing , and to abate charge in a family , and it is good to drink in health and sickness : cover it close , and drink it . I shall shew you another way to make Wine of Raisins . Pour into a brass Caldron seven vessels of water , put in two pounds of Raisins , let them boil till they be wasted in the water , and the water be sweet as Mead ; if your kettle be too small , do it at several times : then take your kettle from the fire , and when the liquor grows cold , strain it gently forth ; put up the strained liquor in a wine vessel , and pour into it a measure of the sharpest red wine vineger to abate the sweetnesse of the Raisins , then add nine pound of Tartar finely powdered unto it , and pouring on a fourth part of the best wine , stop the vessel close when it is full , after one week use it . Another Wine of Quinces . Put into brass Caldrons glazed with Tin a vessel of new wine , and put thereto about fifty wild Quinces , namely such as are full of streeks and wrinkled , take out their kernels , cut the Quinces in peices like as you do Rape Roots , boil all at a gentle fire ; when they have boild a while , take them off , and let them cool , pound the Quinces in a morter with a wooden pestle , press them out with a press , put the juice pressed forth of them the new wine , and set it up in a glazed earthen vessel for a whole year . When wine is scarce and you have occasion to use this , put ●nto a vessel four parts of water , two of new wine , and one fourth part of the aforesaid mixture , cover the vessel and let it boil , and when it is clear ; use it . Of all these an amphora of vineger , a pound of honey , as much Tartar in powder , let them boil a while in a pot glazed with Nitre , and mingle them , and for every vessel of water pour on an Amphora of wine , and cover all , and after twenty dayes use it : or take honey one pound , as much red wine Tartar , half a pound of Raisins , two Amphoras of Vineger , let them boil in a pot , adde wine also to them , and it will be for drink . I shall adde the Northern drink Wine called Metheglin . The drink in Pannonia , Poland and England is more pleasant and wholesome then many wines are ; it is made of twenty pound of good honey , and of water one hundred and twenty pound , skimming it till all comes to eighty pound , which being cold and tunned up into a wine vessel , put in leaven of bread six ounces , or as much as will serve to make it work , and purifie it self , and withal put into a bag , that hangs and may be put into the liquor , and not touch the bottom , of Cinnamon , granes of Paradise , Pepper , Ginger , Cloves two drams , one hand full of Elder flowers : let them stand in a wine Cellar all the Winter , in Summer set them fourty dayes in the Sun , till they taste like wine , and the unpleasant taste of the honey be gone . But it will be more pleasant if you add a third part of wine . CHAP. XXII . How vineger may be made divers wayes , and of what . AFter wine it follows to speak of vineger : First , how our forefathers made it ; then how of late years , that it may be made extream sowre , which is not only good for a family , but is necessary for many Arts. Also there are some Countries where wine , and so vineger is scarce . Therefore in those places divers men have used their wits to make it : wherefore to begin , we say that Vineger may be made of the Fig-tree . Out of Columella ; A green fig must be taken very betimes , and also if it have rained , and the figs fall to the earth beaten down with showres , gather those figs and put them up in Hogs-heads or Amphora , and let them ferment there ; then when it grows sharp , and hath sent out some liquor , what vineger there is strain it out diligently , and pour it into a sweet pitched vessel . This yields the best sharp vineger , and it will never grow musty or hoary , if it be not set in too moist a place . Some to make more quantity , mingle water with the figs , and then they adde to them the ripest new figs , and they ●et them consume in that liquor , until it tast sharp enough like vineger , then they strain all through rushy baskets , or withie bags ; and they boil this vineger till they have taken off all the froth , and filth from it . Then they adde some terrefied salt , and that hinders worms and other vermine to breed in it . Cassianus makes it thus : Put into a vessel old figs , terresied Barley , and the internal parts of Citrons . Stir it often and diligently , and when they are putrified and soaked , strain them out , and use them . Apuleius , They make vineger of figs , wet upon the Trees , and cast into water to putrifie , Dioscorides , The liquor of figs steeped grows sharp as vineger , and is used for it . There is made also Vineger of Dates . To Date wine we speak of , some adde water , and receive it again ; and they do this three , four , five or six times , and at last it grows sowre . From the same , Pliny teacheth to make Vineger of honey . You must wash your honey vessels , or hives in water , with this decoction is made the most wholesome vineger . Palladius teacheth the way to make Vineger of Pears . wild Pears are such as are sharp and ripe , are kept three dayes in a heap , then they are put into a vessel , and fountain or river water is put to them , the vessel is left covered thirty dayes , then as much vineger as is taken out for use , so much water is put in to repair it . Cassianus makes Vineger of Peaches . Put soft delicate Peaches into a vessel , and adde parched Barley to them , let them putrifie for one day , then strain them out , and use it . We may from Cassianus make Vineger without wine . If you boil Gypsum and sea-water , and then mingle it with River water , and use it being strained . But if you will Turn wine into vineger , and contrarily vineger into wine , Cassianus hath it . He puts Beet roots bruised into wine , it will be vineger when three hours are over . But if he would restore it again as it was , he puts in Cabbage roots . So also To make the same . We may do it another way and quickly : Cast into wine , Salt , Pepper and sowre leaven , mingle them and they will soon make it vineger . But to do it more quickly , quench in it often a red hot brick or piece of steel ; also provide for that unripe Medlars , Cornels , Mulberries and Plums . But Sotion shews to make Sharp vineger of new wine . Dry the mother of wine of grapes at the Sun , and put them into new wine , adding a few sowre grapes thereto and it will make sharp vineger that will be for use after seven dayes ; or put in pellitory of Spain and it will be sharp . Moreover , if you boil a fourth or fifth part of vineger at the fire , & put that to the rest , and set all eight days in the Sun , you shall have most sharp and pleasant wine . The roots of old grass , and Raisins , and the leaves of a wild Pear-tree bruised , and the root of the bramble , and whey of milk , burnt Acorns , Prunes rosted , and the decoctions of Chiches , and pot-sheards red hot , all of these put severally into vineger , will make it tart . Apuleius teacheth To double the quantity of vineger . Take a good measure of Vineger , about a Metreta , and to that adde one Metreta of Sea-water boiled to half , mingle them and set them aside in a vessel . Some steep Barley , and strain it , and of that juice they mingle one Metreta , and they stir them together , and they cast in torrefied salt when it is yet hot , a good quantity , then they cover the vessel , and let it stand eight dayes . But I use to make it thus , Vineger of clusters of grapes pressed forth . After the Vintage , we cast in the clusters when the wine is pressed forth into a wooden vessel , and we pour upon them a quantity of water , and it will be vineger when a week is over . Moreover , we cut the tendrels from Vines , and bruise them , and put water to them , and it will be vineger . Also thus , Ill wine is turned to vineger . When the bunches of grapes are pressed forth , lay them between two wooden bowls , not very thick together , let them grow hot for four days ; then pour on them so much naughty wine as may cover them , let them alone 24 hours , then strain them into another wooden bowl , and after so many hours , put them into another bowl , and do so til it be turned into most sharp white vineger ; and if you would make more of the same clusters , pour on upon them some sharp vineger , and let them alone till they be extream sharp and sowre , then take that out and pour on ill wine , and do as you did . Lastly press those clusters out in a press , and you shall recover as great quantity as of the wine that was spent . CHAP. XXIII . How the defects of wine may be managed and restored . OUr forefathers found out many remedies to preserve wine , and in our dayes we have taken no less pains . For wine is easily corrupted , and takes to it self many strange qualities . Paxamus saith , wine either grows sowre or dead about the Solstices , and when the seven stars set , or when the dog star causeth heat , and when it is extream cold , or hot , or rainy , or windy , or when it thunders . We shall shew remedies for all these ; First , we shall lay down out of Africanus , the signs to know wines that will last , or will corrupt . When you have put your wine into a vessel , after some time change the vessel , and look well on the Lees , for thence shall you know what the wine is , proving it by smelling to it , whether it corrupt , or weevils breed in it , these are signs it putrifies . Others take wine out of the middle of the vessel , they heat it , and when it is cold they taste of it , and they judge of the wine by the favour , some by the smell of the cover ; a strong taste is the best sign , a watry the worst , sharpness of duration , weakness of corrupting . The signs must be taken at the times to be feared , we mentioned . But to come to the remedies , we shall shew how To mend weak wine . The wine will be weak , when it begins to breath forth that force of heat ; fot when the soul of it is breathed forth , the wine grows immediately sowre : vineger is the carcasse of wine . Then we may presently prevent it by adding aqua vitae to it , for by that it may put on a new soul : the measure will be the fourth part of a pound for a vessel . Another remedy will be That wine may not grow hot . In the Summer Solstice wine grows hot by the hot weather , and is spoiled : then put quick-silver into a glass-viol well stopt , and hang it in the middle of the vessel , and the coldness of it will keep the wine from heating . The quantity is two pound for great vessels ; for when the air is hot , the external heat draws forth the inward heat , and when that is gone , it is spoiled . We That wine may not exhale use this remedy . The vessel being full , we pour oyle upon it , and cover it , for oyle keeps the spirits from evaporating , which I see is now used for all liquors that they may not be perverted . Wines sometimes are troubled : But To clear wines , Fronto bids us do thus . Cast three whites of egges into a large earthen dish and beat them , that they may froth ; put some white salt to them , that they may be exceeding white , and pour them into a vessel full of wine , for salt and the white of an egge will make all thick liquors clear , but as many Dolia or such measures as there are in the vessel , so many whites of egges must you have , to be mingled again with so many ounces of salt , but you must stir the mixture with a stick , and in four dayes it will grow clear . Also it is done That wines may not corrupt . I said that salt keeps all things from corrupting : wherefore for every Dolium , powder one ounce of Allome , and put it into the wine vessel with the wine , for it will keep it from corrupting . The same is done if you put in one ounce of common salt , or half one , half the other : Also brimstone hinders putrefaction . Wherefore if you shall adde to eight ounces of Allome or of Salt , four ounces of brimstone , you shall do well . The Antients were wont to peserve wine , by adding Salt or sea-water to it , and it would continue along time . Columella teacheth thus , when the winds are quiet you must take water out of the deep sea : when it is very calm , and boyl it to thirds , adding to it , if you please , some spices . There are many ordinary things , but we let them pass . CHAP. XXIV . How Oyl may be made of divers things . IT is an excellent thing to shew the diversity of ways to make Oyl . That if Olives should ever be scarce , yet we might know how to draw Oyl from many kinds of fruits and seeds . And some of these ways that came from the Antients , yet onely the best and such as are our inventions . Wherefore to begin , We say that Oyl may be made of Ricinus , call'd Cicinum . Dioscorides makes it thus . Let ripe Ricini as many as you please , wither in the hot Sun , and be laid upon hurdles : let them be so long in the Sun , till the outward shell break and fall off . Take the flesh of them and bruise it in a morter diligently , then put it into a Caldron glazed with Tin that is full of water : put fire under and boil them , and when they have yielded their inbred juyce , take the vessel from the fire , and with a shell skim off the Oyl on the top , and keep it . But in Egypt where the custom of it is more common : for they cleanse the Ricini and put them into a Mill , and being well grownd , they press them in a press through a basket . Pliny saith , They must be boiled in water , and the Oyl that swims on the top must be taken off . But in Egypt where there is plenty of it , without fire , and water sprinkled with Salt , it is ill for to eat , but good for Candles . But we collected them in September , for then is the time to gather them , with it parts from a prickly cover and a coat that holds the seed in it ; it is easily cleansed in a hot Caldron : The weight of Oyl is half as much as the seed , but it must be twice knocked , and twice pressed . Palladius shews how Oyl of Mastick is made , gather many Grains of the Mastick-tree , and let them lye in a heap for a day and a night : Then put a basket full of those Berries into any vessel , and pouring hot water thereto , tread them and press them forth . Then from that humour that runs forth of them , the Oyl of Mastick that swims on the top is poured off . But remember lest the cold might hold it there , to pour hot water often on . For thus we see it made with us , and all the Country of Surrentum : also , so is made Oyl of Turpentine , as Damageron teacheth . The fruit of Turpentine is grownd in a Mill , as the Olives are , and is pressed out , and so it sends forth Oyl . The kernels serve to feed hogs and to burn . Likewise Oyl of Bays , Boil Bay-berries in water , the shels yield a certain fat , it is forced out by crushing them in the hands , then gather the Oyl into horns . Palladius almost as Dioscorides , in January boil many Bay-berries , that are ripe and full , in hot water , and when they have boy'ld long , the watry oyl that swims on the top that comes from them , you shall gently pour off into vessels , driving it easily with feathers . The Indians make as it is said Oyl of Sesamon . It is made as we said before , it sends forth excellent Oyl abundantly . There is made Oyl of the Plane-Tree . Pliny , For want sometimes they are forced to make Oyl for candles , of the Plane-tree berries soaked in water and salt , but it is very little as I proved . Pliny saith the Indians make Oyl of Ches-nuts , which I think very difficult , for but a little will come from them , as you shall find if you try . He said also , That Gallia Cisalpina made Oyl of Acorns of the Oak to serve for lights ; but we can make very little . Also the Ancients used to make Oyl of Wallnuts , that they pressed from the Wallnuts , unsavoury and of a heavy taste : for if there be any rottenness in the kernel , the whole manner is spoil'd . Now Gallia Cisalpina makes it for to eat , and for lights also . For lights , by parting the naughty Nuts from the sound ; but the best serves for to eat at second courses . These therefore are to eat , and those for lights , they burn cleer , and there is nothing that yields more Oyl . For it turns almost all to Oyl , for one pound of cleansed Nuts will yield almost ten ounces of Oyl . Now follows Oyl of sweet Almonds . Oyl of sweet Almonds is best for food , and of bitter , for Physick , and of old it was made with great diligence . Dioscorides shews the way how half a bushel of bitter Nuts cleansed and dried , are pounded in a morter with a wooden pestle into lump● , then a sextarius of seething water is poured on , and when for half an hour the moisture is drunk in , they are beaten more violently then before ; then is it pressed between boards , and what sticks to the fingers is collected with shells . The Nuts being pressed again , a Hemina of water is sprinkled on them , and when they have drank that up , they do as before ; every bushel yields an Hemina . With us it is commonly drawn out the same way . These are the Oyls of the Antients . Now we shall proceed with our Oyls : Next follows Oyl of small Nuts . They yield abundance of sweet sented excellent Oyl , which all may use also for meats : one pound of the cleansed Nuts will yield eight ounces of Oyl , which former times were ignorant of . Oyl of Pistaches serve for Meat and Physicks . Out of Pine kirnels Oyl is made They are cull'd , and the naughty ones serve for lights ; but the Oyl that comes from the best , is for to eat , and for Physick ; very much is extracted . I saw it at Ravenna . But Oyl of Beech , The best of all is pressed out in abundance , for meats and for lights . It burns very cleer , and tastes as sweet Almonds , and the whole Nut almost goes into Oyl , as the Wallnut doth . The elder the Mast is , the more Oyl it yields and the Lees of the Oyl is excellent to far Oxen and Hogs . They are soon gathered , cleansed , bruised and pressed : We pressed also Oyl from the bastard Sycomore , as they call it ; for it is abundant in seed , and in winter the boughs of it are seen loaded with seed onely . In February we collected it and crumbled it , the shell is broken into six or seven parts , the kernels are like a Pear , they are bruised and heated in a pan , then put into a press , and they yield their Oyl : They make clear light in lamps , and the seed yields a fourth part of Oyl . There is drawn Oyl out of the Sanguine-Tree for lights . About the middle of September the ripe berries are taken forth of the clusters , let them dry a few days , bruise them , and let them boyl in water in a brass kettle for one hour , then put them into the press , you shall have green coloured Oyl , about a seventh part of the seed . The Mountainous people use it . There is pressed Oyl out of the Grapes or Raisins , The Greeks call'd these Gigarta : Cisalpina Gallia makes oyl of them , bruised , heat , and pressed in a press , but it is very little fit for lights , because it burns exceeding cleer . There is much in Egypt Oyl of Radish-seed made : they use it to season their meats , and boil it with them . But Cisalpina Gallia presseth Oyl out of Radish-seed , and Rape-seed : Rapes are pulled up onely in Novemb●r , but they are covered with sand together with their leaves . They are planten in March , that they may seed in May. For unless they be pulled up , they freeze with winter cold . But there is another kind of Rape that is sowed in July ; it is weeded , it comes forth in the spring , in May it yields seed : out of a quarter of a bushel of it , eighteen pounds of Oyl are drawn ; it is good for lights , and for common people to eat . If you sow a whole Acre with this seed , you shall have five load of seed , and of every load you may make two hundred pounds of Oyl : it is onely plow'd and weeded . Also Oyl is made of the seed of Cameline . It is made for lights , but those of Lombardy make great plenty of a golden-coloured Oyl of a seed like to this , called Dradella . It hath plaited leaves as wild Rochet , which they sowe amongst Pulse . The same may be said of the seeds of Nettles , Mustard , Flax , Rice . CHAP. XXV . How a Housholder may provide himself with many sorts of Thread . NOw shall I speak of many sorts of Yarn , because this may much help the Household , for the Houswife hath always need thereof . Our Ancestors used Hemp and Flax ; for thus they made Yarn of Flax : yet there needs no example , the Thread is so common . I will speak of those that follow , and of other inventions . Pliny . Flax is known to be ripe two ways , when the seed smells , or looks yellow ; then it is pulled up and bound in handfuls , and dried in the Sun , letting it hang with the roots upwards for one day : Then five of these bundles standing with their tops one against another , that the seed may fall in the middle . Then after Wheat-harvest , the branches are laid in the water that is warm with the Sun , they are kept down by some weight and soaked there , and again , as before , turn'd up-side down they are dried in the Sun. Then being dried , they are bruised on with a flax-hammer ; that which was next the rind is call'd hard , or the worst flax , and it is fit for to make weiks for Candles , yet that is kemmed with hackes , till all the membrans be pilled clean . The art of kembing and making of it , is , out of fifty pound of Flax-bundles , to make fifteen pound of Flax. Then again it is polished in Thread , it is often beat upon a hard stone with water , and when it is woven it is bruised again with Beetles , and the more you beat it , the better it is . Also there is made Thread of Hemp , Hemp is excellent for ropes . Hemp is plucked up after the Vintage , but it is cleansed and pill'd with great labour . There are three sorts of it , that next the rind is the worst , and that next the pith , the middlemost is the best , which is called Mesa : Another To make Thread of Broom , It is broken and pull'd from the Ides of May , until the Ides in June , this is the time when it is ripe . When it is pull'd , the bundles are set in heaps for two days to take the wind ; on the third day it is opened and spread in the Sun , and is dried , and then again it is brought into the house in bundles . Afterwards it is well steep'd in sea-water , or other water where that is wanting . Then being dried in the Sun again , it is watered ▪ if we have presently need of it , if it be wet with hot water in a vessel , it will be the shorter way . But it must be heat to make it good , for the fresh nor sea-water cannot soften it enough . Ropes of Hemp are preferred when they are dry , but Broom is preserved wet , to make good the dryness of the ground it grows on . The upper part of Egypt toward Arabia , makes linnen of Cotten . Asia makes Flax of Spanish Broom , especially for Fishers nets to last long ; the Shrub must be soaked for ten days . And so every Countrey hath its Thread made of divers Plants and Shrubs . We know that there is made Thread of Nettles , amongst the Northern people , and it is very fine and white : also there is made Thread of Aloes in America , it is hard , white , and most perfect . I shall describe it by their relation , because the extream parts are full of prickles , we strike them off that they may not hinder us , and we cut the branches into long pieces long ways , that the substance under the rind may be the better taken away ; then two Poles of wood are fastned in the earth , crossing one the other in the middle like a cross ; these are held fast with the left hand , to make them hold fast together , and with the right the foresaid pieces or fillets are taken by one end and drawn over the cross , that the inward part may part from the wooddy part , and the Flax from the substance , and then they are kembed so often , till they become white , pure , nervous , as Fiddle or Harp-strings , then are they washed , dried , and laid up . In thirteen years after that it is planted , the leaves grow very long even twenty foot , the stalk riseth in the middle forty foot long . Then the top is adorned with flowers and bears fruit : I saw this at Rome , and I never remember that I saw any thing more beautiful . I shall now speak of Flax call'd Asbestinum . Pliny saith there is Flax also found , That fire will not consume ; they call it live-Flax , and I have seen Napkins and Table-clothes burning in the fire , at Feasts , and they were better cleansed of filth with the fire , then they could be by water : Wherefore of this they made Coats for Kings funerals , to keep the ashes of the Body from other ashes . It grows in India in the desarts and scorched places with the Sun , where no rain falls ; but there are terrible creatures and serpents , and this is preserved by burning ; it is hard to be found , and difficult to wear , because it is so short : when it is found it is as dear as the most precious Pearls . The Greeks call it Asbestinum from the nature of it , So saith Pliny , out of which words it is plain that he knew not the Stone Asbestinum , when he said that it was hard to find ; and difficult to wear for the shortness of it , for it is kembed and spun by every w●man almost , if she be not ignorant of it , as I saw at Venice , a woman of Cypr● and another of Valentia , that shewed me it in great abundance in the Arsenel or Hospital . It is an excellent secret , very rare and profitable , thou●h few knew it of our times : but I have freely communicated it , though it cannot be had , but at great ●ates . CHAP. XXVI . To hatch Eggs with out a Hen. NOw shall I shew how without a Hen , Eggs of Hens and other Birds may be hatcht in summer or winter , so that if any sick people desire to eat Chickens then , they may have them . Birds Eggs are hatched with heat , either of the same Birds or of others , as the heat of man , of the Sun , or fire ; for I have seen Hens sit on Geese , Ducks , and Peacocks Eggs , and Pigeons sit on Hen Eggs , and a Cuckow to sit upon any of them . And I have seen women to foster and hatch Eggs between their brests in their bosoms , and under their arm-pits . Livia Augusta when she was young and great with childe of Nero , by Caesar Tiberius , because she earnestly desired to bring first a boy , she made use of this Omen to try it by , for she fostered an Egge in her bosom , and when she must lay it aside , she put it into her nurses bosom , that the heat might not abate , Pliny . But Aristotle saith that Birds Eggs , and Eggs of forefooted Beasts are ripened by the incubation of the dam ; for all these lay in the earth , and their Eggs are hatched by the warmth of the earth . For if forefooted Beasts that lay Eggs came often where they are , that is more to preserve and keep them then otherwise . And again , Eggs are hatcht by sitting . It is Natures way , but Eggs are not onely so hatched , but of their own accord in the earth , as in Egypt covered with dung they will bring Chickens . Diodorus Siculus de Egyptiis . Some are found out by mans industry , by those that keep Birds and Geese ; besides , the ways that others have to produce them , that they may have Birds that are strange , and great numbers of them : for Birds do not sit upon their Eggs , but they by their skill hatch the Eggs themselves . At Syracuse a certain drunken companion put Eggs under the earth in mats , and he would not leave off drinking till the Eggs were hatcht . In Egypt about grand Cayro , Eggs are artificially hatcht ; they make an Oven with many holes , into which they put Eggs of divers kinds , as Goose eggs , Hen Eggs , and of other Birds ; they cover the Oven with hot dung , and if need be they make a fire round about it , so are the Eggs hatcht at their due times . Paulus Jovius in his Book of his Histories . In Egypt there is abundance of Hen Chickens : For Hens do not there sit on their Eggs , but they are hatcht in Ovens by a gentle heat , that by a an admirable and compendious art , Chickens are hatcht in very few days and bred up , which they sell not by tale , but by measure . They make the measure without a bottom , and when it is full they take it away . And in the Island of Malta in Sicily , they make an Oven , where into they put Eggs of divers Fowls ▪ as of Hens , Geese , then they make a fire round about , and the Eggs grew ripe at times . But let us see how our Ancestors hatched their Eggs , Democritus teacheth If a Hen do not sit , how she may have many Chickens , The day you set your Hen upon Eggs , take Hens dung , pound it and sist it , and put it into a hollow vessel with a great belly , lay Hens feathers round about . Then lay your Eggs upright in it , so that the sharp end may be uppermost ; and then of the same dung , sprinkle so much on them till the Eggs be covered . But when your Eggs have lain so covered for two or three days , turn them afterwards every day , let not one touch the other , that they may heat alike . But after the twenty day when the Chickens begin to be hatcht , you shall find those that are in the bottom to be crackt round , for this reason you must write down the day they were set , lest you mistake the time : Wherefore on the twentieth day , taking of the shell , put the Chickens into a pen and be tender of them . Bring a Hen to them which is best to order it : yet I tried this most diligently , and it took no effect , nor can I tell how it should be done . They that commend the Oven , do not teach the manner how it should be done . But what I have done my self , and I have seen others do , I shall briefly relate , that with little labour and without Hens , any one may Hatch Eggs in a hot Oven . Make a vessel of Wood like a Hogshead , let it be round , and the Diameter so long as your arm is , that you thrust in , that you may lay and turn the Eggs , let it be four foot in Altitude . This we divide by three boards within into four parts : Let the first be a foot and half , the second little above a foot , the third a foot , and the fourth least of all . Let every concavity divided with boards have a little door thereto , so large as you may thrust in your arm , and it s shut to open and shut at pleasure . Let the first and second loft be made of thin boards , or wrought with twigs , let the third be of brass arched , and the fourth of solid wood . Let the first and second stage have a hole in the centre three fingers broad , through which must pass a brazen or iron pipe tinned over , that must come half a foot above the second story , and so in the lower most , but in the bottom the orifice must be wider , like a Pyramis or funnel , that it can fitly receive the heat of the flame of a candle put under it ; in the second story let the pipe be perforated about the top , that the heat breathing forth thence , the place may be kept warm , and the Eggs may be hot in the upper part , as they are under the Hen. Above these three rooms strew saw-dust , which I thinks is best to cover them : Let the saw-dust be highest about the sides of the Hogshead , but less in the middle ; in the bottom where the pipe is lower , that the Eggs that lye upon it may receive the heat that comes from the pipe every way : In the third story where the pipe ends , let it be pressed down about the sides , and higher in the middle about the pipe , let a linnen cloth cover the saw-dust , a fine cloth , that if it be foul'd it may be washt again , and the Chicken hatcht may go upon it . Lay upon every story a hundred Eggs , more or less , let the great end of the Eggs lye downwards , the sharp end upwards . The walls of the Hogshead that are above the saw-dust within the concavities , and the upper part of the story must be covered with sheep skins , that their warmth may keep in the heat : In the lower concavity under the Tunnel , must a light lamp be placed , at first with two weiks , in the end with three , in summer ; but at beginning of winter , first with three , and last with four or five : Let the light fall upon the middle of the Tunnel , that the heat ascending by the pipe , the rooms may heat all alike . The place where this vessel stands must be warm and stand in a by place ; in the lower part where the lamp is lighted , you must lay no Eggs , for that heat there will not hatch them . But where the Chickens are wet when they are first hatched , shut them in here to dry them by the warm heat of the lamp , marking twice or thrice every day whether the heat abate , be warm or very hot . We shall know it thus , take an Egg out of the place , and lay it on your Eye , for that will try it well : if it be too hot for you , the heat is great , if you feel it not , it is weak ; a strong heat will hatch them , but a weak will make them addle . So you must adde or take away from your lamp , to make the light adequate & proportionable : after the fourth day that the Eggs begin to be warmed , take them out of the cells , and not shaking them hard , hold them gently against the Sun beams or light of a candle , and see whether they be not addle , for if you discern any fibres or bloody matter run about the Egg , it is good ; but if it be clear and transparent , it is naught , put another Egg in the place of it : All that are good must be daily turned at the lamp heat , and turn them round as the Hen is wont to do . We need not fear spoiling the Eggs , or if any man do handle them gently ; in summer after nineteen or twenty days , or in winter after twenty five or twenty eight days , you shall take the Eggs in your hand , and hold them against the Sun , and see how the Chickens beak stands , there break the shell , and by the hole of the Egg take the Chicken by the beak and pull out its head ; then lay it in its place again , for the Chicken will come forth it self , and when it is come out , put it in the lower cell as I said : But let the lamp stand something from the parement , lest the Chickens allured by the light , should pick at it and be burnt by it : And if you do work diligently as I have shewed you , in three hundred Eggs you shall hardly lose ten or twenty at most . But because they are hatcht without the dam , I must shew how to make A Cock foster Chickens as the Hen doth , For they would die , if none did keep them . But a Cock or Capon will perform what the Hen should ; do but shew him the Chicken , and stroke him gently on the back , and give him meat out of your hands often , that he may become tame . Then pull the feathers off of his brest , and rub him with Nettles , for in a few hours , not to say days , he will take care of the Chickens so well and give them their meat , that no Hen did ever do it , as he will. THE FIFTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Which treateth of Alchymy ; shewing how Metals may be altered and transformed , one into another . THE PROEME . WE are now come ( according to that order which we proposed unto our selves in the beginning ) to those experiments which are commonly called by the name of Alchymy matters , wherein not onely a great part of the world is much conversant , but also every one is very desirous to be a practitioner in them , and doth thirst after them with an unquenchable lust . Wherefore we are constrained to speak something concerning this Subject the rather , because many rude and unskilful men , being drawn on , partly by the hope of gain , which they looked for by it , and partly by the pleasure and delight which they did take in it , have bestowed themselves in these experiments to the great slander both of the Art it self , and also of the professors thereof ; so that now adays , a man cannot handle it without the scorn and obloquy of the world , because of the disgrace and contempt , which those idiots have brought upon it . For whilst they , being altogether ignorant of the Principles of these things , have labored to make sophistical and counterseit gold , they have utterly miscarried in their endeavours , and wasted all their substance , and quite undone themselves , and so were deluded by that vain hope of Gold , which set them on work . Demetrius Phalereus said very well of these men , That which they should have gotten , saith he , they did not get , & that which they had in their own possession , they lost ; and so , whereas they hoped to work a metamorphosis or alteration in the Metals , the alteration and change hath lighted heavily upon themselves , in respect of their own estate : and when they have thus overthrown themselves , they have no other comfort left them but onely this , to broach many lies and counterfeit devices , whereby they may likewise deceive others , and draw them into the very same lurches which themselves have before fallen into . And surely the desire partly of the Art it self , and partly of the great gain which many men hoped after by the same , hath filled the world with so many Books , and such an infinite number of lies , that there is scarce any other matter in the like request ; so that it was very well done of Dioclesian the Emperour , and it was high time for him so to do , to establish a Decree , that all such lying Books that were written concerning that matter , should be cast into the fire and burnt to ashes . Thus was an excellent good Art discredited and disgraced by reason that they abused it ; which falls out also in many other better things then this is . The Art of it self is not to be fet at nought , but rather to be embraced and much to be sought after ; especially by such as apply their minds to Philosophy , and to the searching out of the secrecies of Nature : for they shall find in it many things which they will wonder at , and such as are exceeding necessary for the use of men : and when they shall behold the experience of many kinds of transmutations and sundry effects , it will be no small delight unto them ; and besides , it will shew them the way to profounder and worthier matters , such as the best and soundest Philosophers have not been ashamed to search into , and to handle in their writings . I do not here promise any golden mountains , as they say , nor yet that Philosophers stone , which the world hath so great an opinion of , and hath been bragged of in many ages , and happily attained unto by some ; neither yet do I promise here that golden liquor , whereof if any man do drink , it is supposed that it will make him to be immortal ; but it is a meer dream , for seeing that the world it self is variable and subject to alteration , therefore it cannot be but that whatsoever the world yields , should likewise be subject to destruction ; so that to promise or to undertake any such matters as these are , it were but rashness and meer foolis●ness . Put the things which we purpose to discourse of and to deliver , are these which here●fter follow ; and I would request the Readers to take them in good part , and to conte●t themselves ●ith these ; lest if they attempt to proceed to further experiments herein , they prove themselves as foolish and as mad as those which we have spoken of before . These things which here you shall find , I my self have seen , and proved by experience , and therefore I am the bolder to set them abroach to the view of the whole world . CHAP. I. Of Tin , and how it may be converted into a more excellent Mettal . TInne doth counterfeit and resemble Silver ; and there is great amity and agreement betwixt these two Mettals in respect of their colour . The Nature and the colour of Tinne is such , that it will whiten all other Mettals ; but it makes them brickle and easie to be knapt in sunder : onely Lead is free from this power of Tinne : but he that can skilfully make a medley of this Mettal with others , may thereby attain to many pretty secrecies . Wherefore , we will endeavor to counterfeit Silver as ne●r as we can : A matter which may be easily effected , if we can tell how to abolish and utterly destroy those imperfections which are found in Tinne , whereby it is to be discerned from Siver . The imperfections are these : First , it is wont to make a creaking noise , and crasheth more then Silver doth : Secondly , it doth not ring so pleasantly as Silver , but hath a duller sound : Thirdly , it is of a more pale and wanne colour : And lastly , it is more soft and tender ; for if it be put into the fire , it is not first red hot before it be melted , as Silver will be ; but it clings fast to the fire , and is soon overcome and molten by the heat thereof . These are the qualities that are observed to be in Tinne ; not the essential properties of the Nature thereof , but onely accidental qualities , and therefore they may be more easily expelled out of their subject . Let us see therefore how we may rid away these extrinsecal accidents : and first , How to remedy the softness of Tin , and the creaking noise that it makes . You must first beat it into small powder , as you shall hereafter be instructed in the manner how to do it ; and when you have so done , you must reduce it into one whole body again . And if it do not lose its softness at the first time as you deal so by it , use the same course the second time , and so likewise the third time rather then fail , and by this means you shall at length obtain your purpose : for , by so doing , the Tin will wax so hard , that it will endure the fire till it be red hot , before ever it will melt . By the like practice we may also harden all other soft bodies , to make them red hot before they shall be melted : but the experience hereof is more clear in Tinne then in any other Mettals whatsoever . We may also take away the creaking noise of Tinne , if we melt it seven several times , and quench it every time in the urine of children ; or else in the Oyl of Wall-nuts : for this is the onely means to expel that quality and imperfection out of it . Thus then we have declared the manner how to extract these accidents from it : but all this while we have not shewed how it may be transformed into Silver : which now we are to speak of , as soon as ever we have shewed the manner How to bring Tin into Powder , which we promised to teach . Let your Tinne boil in the fire ; and when it is very liquid , pour it forth into a great morter ; and when it beginneth to wax cold , and to be congealed together again , you must stir it and turn it round about with a wooden pestle , and let it not stand still in any case ; thus shall you cause it be congealed into very small crums as little as dust : and when you have so done , put it into a very fine ranging sieve , and sift out the smallest of it ; and that which is left behinde in your sieve , because it is too great and not broken well enough , you must put it into the fire again , and use the very same course with it to break it into smaller dust , as you used before ; for unless it be throughly broken into powder , it is not serviceable , nor fit for your purpose . Having therefore shewed you how to break your Tin into small crums , as also how to expel out of it those imperfections whereby it is most manifestly discerned from Silver ; both which things are very necessary preparatives as it were to the main matter which we have in hand , let us now come to the principal experiment it self , namely How to alter and transform Tin , that it may become Silver , You must take an earthen vessel somewhat wide-mouthed ; but it must be very strongly and firmly made , that it be throughly able to endure the vehemency of the fire , even to be red hot : Into this vessel put your Tin broken into such small crums as have been spoken of , and therein you must with an iron ladle stirre it up and down continually without ceasing , till it be all on a light fire , and yet none of the Metal to be melted : when you have so done , that you have given it over , and it gathereth together into one body or lump again , you must bestow the very same labour upon it the second time , so long as it may stand in small crums all on a fire for the space of six hours together , without melting . But if some part of the Metal be melted by the vehement heat of the fire , and some other part of it remain not melted , then you must take away that which is melted , and when it is congealed , you must break it into small powder once again , and you must run over your whole labour again with it , even in the same vessel and with the same instrument as before . After this , when you have brought all your Metal to that perfection that it will endure the fire without melting , then you must put it into a glass-fornace where glass is wont to be made , or else into some Oven that is made of purpose to reflex the heat of the fire to the best advantage , and there let it be tormented and applied with a very great fire for the space of three or four days together , until such time as it is made perfectly white as snow : for the smaller that it is broken and beaten into powder , the more perfectly it will take white , and be the fitter for your purpose , and more exactly satisfie your expectation . After all this , you must put it into a vessel that shall be almost full of vinegar , and the vinegar must cover all the Tinne , and swim about three inches above it . There you must distil it , and let the vinegar boil with it so long , till the Tinne hath coloured it , and made it of his own hue , and thickened it into a more gross substance . Then let it stand a while ; and when it is throughly settled , pour out that vinegar and put in new , and temper it well with those ashes or crums of Tinne : and this you must do again and again , till all your Tinne be dissolved into the vinegar . If by this often repetition of this labour , you cannot effect such a dissolution , then you must put it once again to the fire in such a fornace , or else into such an Oven as we spake of before , that so it may be reduced into white ashes more exactly and perfectly , whereby it may be the more easily dissolved into vinegar . After this , you must let the vapour of the vinegar be exhaled , and strained out , and the Tinne that is left behinde must be put into a certain vessel where ashes have been wont to be put , and then melt some fine Lead and put amongst it : and because the Lead that is put in will bear up the Tinne aloft , therefore you must make certain little balls or pills compounded of Soap and Lime , or else of Salt-peter and Brimstone , or some other like fat earthy stuff , and cast them in amongst the Lead and Tinne , and they will cause the Tinne to drench it self within the Lead : and by this means , all your Tinne that doth take the Lead , and is incorporated into it by a just proportion and equal temperature , doth become very excellent good Silver . But this is a marvellous hard labour , and not to be atchieved without very great difficulty . You may like wise alter and transform Tinne into Lead , An easie matter for any man to effect , by reducing Tinne into ashes or powder often times : for the often burning of it will cause the creaking noise which it is wont to make , to be voided from it , and so to become Lead without any more ado ; especially , if you use a convenient fire , w●en you go about to reduce it into powder . CHAP. II. Of Lead , and how it may be converted into another Metal . THe Antient Writers that have been conversant in the Natures of Metals , are wont to call Tinne by the name of white Lead ; and Lead , by the name of black Tinne : insinuating thereby the affinity of the Natures of these two Metals , that they are very like each to another , and therefore may very easily be one of them transformed into the other . It is no hard matter therefore , as to change Tinne into Lead , which we have spoken of in the former Chapter , So also To change Lead into Tinne . It may be effected onely by bare washing of it : for if you bath or wash Lead often times , that is , if you often melt it , so that the dull and earthy substance of it be abolished , it will become Tinne very easily : for the same quick-silver , whereby the Lead was first made a subtil and pure substance , before it contracted that soil and earthiness which makes it so heavy , doth still remain in the Lead , as Gebrus hath observed ; and this is it which causeth that creaking and gnashing sound , which Tinne is wont to yield , and whereby it is especially dicerned from Lead : so that when the Lead hath lost its own earthy lumpishness , which is expelled by often melting ; and when it is endued with the sound of Tinne , which the quick-silver doth easily work into it , there can be no difference put betwixt them , but that the Lead is become Tin. It is also possible to transform Antimony into Lead : For , that kind of Antimony which the Alchymists are wont to call by the name of Regulus , if it be oftentimes burned in the fire , and be first throughly boiled , it turneth into Lead . This experiment is observed by Dioscorides , who saith , That if you take Antimony and burn it exceedingly in the fire , it is converted into Lead . Galen sheweth another experiment concerning Lead , namely , How to procure Lead to become heavier , then of it self it is : For , whereas he had found by his experience , that Lead hath in it self an aethereal or airy substance , he brings this experiment . Of all the Mettals , saith he , that I have been acquainted with , only Lead is encreased both in bigness and also in weight for , if you lay it up in sellars or such other places of receipt that are under the ground , wherein there is a turbulent and gross foggy air , so that whatsoever is laid up in such rooms shall straightways gather filth and soil , it will be greater and weightier then before it was . Yea , even the very clamps of Lead which have been fastened into carved Images to knit their parts more strongly together , especially those that have been fastened about their feet , have been divers times found to have waxed bigger ; and some of those clamps have been seen to swell so much , that whereas in the making of such Images the leaden plates and pins were made level with the Images themselves , yet afterwards they have been so swoln , as that they have stood forth like hillocks and knobs very unevenly , out of the Christal stones whereof the Images were made . This Lead , is a Mettal that hath in it great store of quick-silver , as may appear by this , because it is a very easie mastery , To extract Quick-silver out of Lead . Let your Lead be filed into very small dust , and to every two pounds of L●ad thus beaten into powder , you must put one ounce of Salt-Peter , and one ounce of ordinary common Salt , and one ounce of Antimony . Let all these be well beaten and powned together , and put into a sieve ; and when they are well sifted , put them into a vessel made of glass , and you must fence and plaister the glass round about on the outward side with thick loam tempered with chopt straw , and it must be laid on very fast ; and that it may stick upon the vessel the better , your glass must not be smooth , but full of rigoles , as if it were wrested or writhen . When your vessel is thus prepared , you must settle and apply it to a reflexed fire , that is , to a fire made in such a place , as will reflect and beat back the heat of it with great vehemency to the best advantage : and underneath your vessels neck , you must place a large pan , or some other such vessel of great capacity and receipt , which must be half full of cold water : then close up all very fast and sure , and let your fire burn but a little , and give but a small heat for the space of two hours ; afterward make it greater , so that the vessel may be throughly heated by it , even to be red hot ; then set a blower on work , and let him not leave off to blow for the space of four whole hours together , and you shall see the quick-silver drop down into the vessel that is half full of water , being flighted , as it were , out of the Mettal by the vehement force of the fire . Commonly the quick-silver will stick to the sides of the vessels neck , and therefore you must give the neck of the vessel a little jolt or blow with your hand , that so the quick-silver may fall downward into the water-vessel . By this practice I have extracted oftentimes out of every pound of Mettal almost an whole ounce of quick-silver ; yea , sometimes more then an ounce , when I have been very diligent and laborious in performing the work . Another experiment I have seen , which drew me into great admiration , Lead converted into quick-silver : A counterfeiting practice , which is the chief cause that all the quick-silver almost which is usually to be had , is but bastard stuff , and meerly counterfeit ; yet it is bought and sold for currant , by reason of the neer likeness that it hath with the best . Let there be one pound of Lead melted in an earthen vessel , and then put unto it also one pound of that Tinny mettal which is usually called by the name of Marchasite : and when they are both melted together , you must stirre them up and down , and temper them to a perfect medley with a wooden ladle : In the mean space you must have four pounds of quick-silver warmed in another vessel standing by , to cast in upon that compounded Mettal ; for unless your quick-silver be warm , it will not close nor agree well with your Mettals : then temper your quick-silver and your Mettal together for a while , and presently after cast it into cold water ; so shall it not congeal into any hard lump , but flote on the top of the water , and be very quick and lively . The onely blemish it hath , and that which onely may be excepted against it , is this , that it is somewhat pale and wan , and not all things so nimble and lively as the true quick-silver is , but is more slow and slimy , drawing as it were a tail after it , as other viscous and slimy things are wont to do . But put it into a vessel of glass , and lay it up for a while ; for the longer you keep it , the quicker and nimbler it will be . CHAP. III. Of Brass ; and how to transform it into a worthier Mettal . WE will now alledge certain experiments concerning Brass ; which though they are but slight and trivial , yet we will not omit to speak of them , because we would fain satisfie the humour of those , who have a great desire to read of and be acquainted with such matters . And here we are to speak of such things as are good to stain the bodies of Mettals with some other colour then naturally they are endued withal . Yet I must needs confess that these are but fained and counterfeit colourings , such as will not last and stick by their bodies for ever ; neither yet are they able to abide any trial , but as soon as ever they come to the touchstone , they may easily be discerned to be but counterfeits . Howbeit , as they are not greatly to be desired , because they are but deceivable , yet notwithstanding they are not utterly to be rejected as things of no value . And because there are very few Books extant which Treat of any Argument of like kind as this is , but they are full of such experiments and sleights as here offer themselves to be handled by us ( for they are very common things , and in every mans mouth ) therefore we will in this place speak onely of those things which are easily to be gotten , and yet carry with them a very goodly shew , insomuch that the best and sharpest censure may be deluded and mistaken by the beautiful gloss that is cast upon them ; and it may gravel the quickest and skilfullest judgement , to define upon the suddain whether they are true or counterfeit . Yet let them be esteemed no better then they deserve . But this you must know , that as slight and trivial as they are , yet they require the handling of a very skilful Artificer : and whosoever thou art that goest about to practice these experiments , if thou be not a skilful and well experienced workman thy self , be sure to take the advice and counsel of those that are very good Artists in this kind ; for otherwise thou wi●t certainly miscarry in them , and be defeated of thy purpose . The chief and especial things which are of force to endue Brass with a whiter colour , are these : Arsenick or Oker ; that kind of quick-silver which is sublimated , as the Alchymists call it ; the scum or froth of silver , which is called by the Greeks Lithargvron ; the Marchasi●e or fire-stone ; the Lees of wine ; that kind of Salt which is found in Africk under the sand , when the Moon is at the full ; which is commonly called Salt Ammoniack ; the common and ordinary Salt which the Arabians call by the name of Al-hali ; Salt-peter , and lastly Alome . If you extract the liquor out of any of these , or out of all these , and when it is dissolved , put your Brass , being red hot , into it to be quenched , your Brass will become white : Or else , if you melt your Brass , and assoon as it is molten , put it into such liquor , your Brass will become white : Or else , if you draw forth into very small and thin plates , and pown those bodies we now speak of , into small powder , and then cast both the brass that is to be coloured , and the bodies that must colour it , into a melting or casting vessel , and there temper them together to a good med●ev , and keep them a great while in the fire , that it may be thoroughly me●ted , the brass will become white . Or else , if you melt your brass , and then cast upon it some of that colouring in small lumps , ( for if you cast it in powder and dust , it is a doubt that the force and rage of the fire will utterly consume it , so that it shall not be able to infect or Pain the mettal ) but if you cast good store of such colouring upon the molten brass , it will endue your brass with a strange and wonderful whiteness , insomuch that it will seem to be very silver indeed . But that you may learn the better , how to work such experiments , and beside , that you may by occasion of those things which are here set down , learn how to compound and work other matters , we will now set forth unto you certain examples , how we may make Brass to counterfeit Silver ; for when once you are trained up a little in the practice of these matters , then they will sink more easily into your understanding , then by all your reading they can do : therefore as we have spoken of such things as will do this seat , so also we will reach you how to work artificially . Take an earthen pot , and set it upon the fire with very hot coals heaped round about it ; put lead into it , and when you see that your lead is molten by the force of the fire , take the third part of so much silver as there was lead , and pown it into small powder , and pu● it to the lead into the pot ; but you must sprinkle it in onely by little and little , that it may be scorched , and even burned as it were by the heat of the fire , and may float like as it were oyle on the top and surface of the lead ; and some of it may be so wasted by the vehemency of the heat , that it vanish away into the smoak . Then let them rest a while , so long as there be any remainders of the coa●s left . After you have so done , break the vessel into pieces , and take away the scum and dross of the mettal ; and whereas there will stand on the top of the mettal a certain oyle as it were , or a kind of gelly , you must take that , and bray it in a morter , and cast it into a vessel by little and little where there is brass melted ; and though the brass be three times so mu●h in weight as that gelly is , yet the gelly will endue all that brass with a white silver colour ; Nay , if there be more then three times so much melted brass put into that metal , it will make it all like unto silver . But if you would have your brass endued with a perfect white colour , and not discernable from silver , you must melt some silver and some brass together , and then throw them into the fire , and so take them out again after some short time ; for the longer you suffer them in the fire , the worse will your experiment succeed . Which is a matter most worthy to be observed in these cases : for if your work continue any longer in the fire then need requires , it will fade in colour , and the violence of the fire will countermand the operation and effect of your skil and labour in tempering the mettals together , and so the brass will recover his former colour in his first estate . Wherefore let your mettals be kept in the fire as little while as you can , that you may make your brass the whiter , and in colour most like unto silver : howbeit , though you have made it never so white , yet in time it will wax blackish and dim again ; for the Arsnick that is naturally incorporated into the brasse , will alwayes strive to restore it to the former du●kish and dim colour which it is by nature endued withal . We will now also teach you another way how to make Brass to counterfeit Silver ; and this is a more excellent and notable experiment then the former . Take six ounces of the Lees of wine , eight ounces of Cristal Arsnick , half an ounce of quick-silver that hath been sublimated , two ounces of Salt-peeter , one ounce and an half of glass ; beat all these together in a morter , and see that they be broken into the smallest powder and dust that may be . After this , take three pounds of Copper , that which is commonly called Banda Mediolanensis ; this you must have to be drawn out into small thin and slender plates ; and when you have thu● prepared your mettals and ingredients , you must take of that powder , and sprinkle it into an earthen pot by little and little , and withal put into the same pot your slender plates of Copper ; and these things you must do by course , first putting in some of your powder , and then some of your Copper , and afterward some powder again , and afterward some of your little plates again , and so by turns one after another , till the pot be brim-full : then set a cover upon your pot , and plaister it all over singularly well with good stiffe morter that is tempered with chopped straw ; then binde it round about with bands and clamps of iron ; and truss it up very hard and stiffe together , and then cover it over again with such morter as before . Afterward let the pot be made hot with a great fire round about it . The manner of the heating of your pot must be this ; set the pot in a Centre as it were , that the fire may lye as it were in the circumference round about it , to the distance of one foot from the Centre ; a little after this , move you fire neerer to the pot , that there may not be above the distance of half a foot betwixt them ; then within a while lay the fire a little neerer , and so by little and little let the fire be brought close to the pot , yea and let the pot be covered all over with hot burning coals , within the space of one hour , and so let it stand hidden in the fire for the space of six whole hours together . And after the six hours , you must not take away the coals , but let them go out and die of themselves , and let the pot so stand under them until it be stark cold : and when it is thoroughly cold , break it into pieces , and there you shall find your little thin plates so brittle , that if you do but touch them somewhat hard with your fingers , they will soon be crumbled into dust . When you have taken them out of the pot , you must afterward put them into some casting vessel that is very hard , and durable ; and there within half an hour it will be melted : then put into it some of your powder by little and little , till all of it be molten together ; then cast it all forth into some hollow place , into some form or mould , that it may run along into rods ; and the metal will be as brittle and as easie to be broken into small crumbs , as any Ice can be . After all this , you must melt two pounds of brass ; but you must first purifie it and cleanse it a little , by casting upon it some broken glass , and Lees of wine , and Salt-ammoniack , and Salt-peeter , every one of them by turns , and by little and little . When you have thus cleansed it , you must put unto it one pound of that metal which you made of the Copper and powder before spoken of ; and you must still sprinkle upon the● some of that powder ; and after all this , you must take half so much of the best silver that may be gotten , and melt it amongst the metals before spoken of and cast them all toge●her into some hollow place like a mould , and so you shall obtain your purpose . But that the surface and the utmost out-sides of the metal may appear whi●e , you must throw it into the fire , that it may be burning hot , and then take it forth , and cast it into that water wherein the Lees of wine and ordinary salt have been liquefied and dissolved ; and there let it boil for a certain time , and so shall you make it very white , and moreover so pliant and so easie to be framed and wrought to any fashion , that you may draw it thorough any little hole , yea even thorough the eye of a needle . Furthermore , this is not to be omitted nor buried in silence , for it is a matter of great use , and special force in the colouring of metals , that they be inwardly cleansed and purged of their dross , that they may be thoroughly washed and rid of all such scum and ●ffals , as are incident unto them ; for being thus handled , they will be more serviceable and operative for all experiments . As for example ; let brass be molten , and then quenched in vineger , and then reduced into powder with salt , so that the more gross and infectious parts thereof be extracted from it ; and let it be so handled oftentimes , till there be nothing of its natural uncleanness remaining within it , and so shall it receive a deeper dye , and be changed into a more lively colour . Let the vessel wherein you melt your metals to prepare and make them fit for your turn , be bored thorough in the bottom with sundry holes , that the metal being melted may strain thorough , but the dross , and scum , and offals of it may be left behind , that there may be nothing but pure metal to be used in your experiments : for the less drosse and offals that your metal have , they are so much the more serviceable for your use in working . Let this therefore be a general rule alwayes to be remembred and observed , that your metals be throughly purged and rid from their dross as much as may possibly be , before ever you entertain any of them into your service for these intendments . There is yet also another way whereby we may bring to pass that Brass should resemble silver , and this by Arsnick Orpine , which is an effectual means to accomplish this matter : and whereas in tract of time the metal will somewhat recover it self to its own former paleness and dim colour , we will seek to remedy it and prevent it . Take the best Arsnick Orpine that may be gotten , such as yawns and gapes as though it had scales upon it ; it must be of a very orient golden colour ; you must meddle this Orpine with the dust of brass that hath been filed from it , and put into them some Lees of wine ; but they must be each of them of an equal weight and quantity when you drench them together within the liquor , and so shall it bear a continual orient colour , and glister very brightly without ever any fading at all . After this , take you some silver , and dissolve with that kind of water which is called Aqua-fortis ▪ but it must be such as hath in it very little store of moisture ; for the most waterish humour that is in it , must be evaporated in some scalding pot or other such vessel , which you must fill up to the brim six or seven several times , with the same water , after the vapours of it have been extracted by the heat of the fire that is under the vessel : when you have thus done , you must mingle your silver that is so dissolved , with the brass filings , and the Arsnick Orpine which we spake of before ; and then you must plain it and smooth it all over with the red marble-stone , that the clefts or scales before spoken of , may be closed up ; and withal , you must water it by little and little , as it were drop after drop , with the oyle that hath been exprest or extracted out of the Lees of wine , or else out of the firmest Salt-ammoniack that may be had . And when the Sun is gotten up to any strength , that it shews forth it self in very hot gleams , you must bring forth this confection , and let the force of the heat work upon it , even till it be thorough dry : afterward you must supple it with more of the same oyle again , and then let it be dryed up again so long , till that which is remaining do weigh just so much as the silver weighed before it was dissolved Then clos● it up in a vessel of glass , and lay it under some dunghil till it be dissolved again , and after the dissolution be gathered together into a Gelly ; then cast into it ten or eight pieces of brass , and it will colour them all , that they shall most lively counterfeit silver . But if you desire To make brass shew it self of a silver colour , by rubbing it betwixt your hands , as boyes and cozening companions are oftentimes wont to do , that if they do but handle any vessels of brass , they will make them straightways to glitter like Silver , you may use this devise . Take Ammoniack-salt , and Alome , and Salt-peeter , of each of them an equal weight , and mingle them together , and put unto them a small quantity of Silver-dust , that hath been filed off ; then set them all to the fire , that they may be thoroughly hot ; and when the fume or vapour is exhaled from them , that they have left reaking , make a powder of them ; and whatsoever brass you cast that powder upon , if you do withal , either wet it with your own spittle , or else by little and little rub it over with your fingers , you shall find that they will seem to be of a silver colour . But if you would whiten such brass more handsomely and neatly , you must take another course : You must dissolve a little silver with Aqua fortis , and put unto it so much Lees of wine , and as much Ammoniack-salt ; let them so lie together till they be about the thickness of the filth that is rubbed off from a mans body after his sweating : then roul it up in some small round balls , and so let them wax dry : when they are dry , if you rub them with your fingers upon any brass or other like metal , and still as you rub them moisten them with a little spittle , you shall make that which you rub upon to be very like unto silver . The very like experiment may be wrought by Quick-silver ; for this hath a wonderful force in making any metal to become white . Now , whereas we promised before , to teach you , not onely how to endue brase or such other metal with a silver colour , but also how to preserve and keep the bodies so coloured from returning to their former hiew again , you must beware that these bodies which are endued with such a silver colour , do not take hurt by any sharp or sowre liquor ; for either the urine , or vineger , or the juice of limons , or any such tart and sowre liquor , w●ll cause this colour soon to fade away , and so discredit your work , and declare the colour of those metals to be false and counterfeit . CHAP. IV. Of Iron , and how to transform it into a more worthy metal . NOw the order of my proceedings requires , that I should speak somewhat also concerning Iron ; for this is a metal which the Wizards of India did highly esteem , as having in it self much goodness , and being of such a temperature , that it may easily be transformed into a more worthy and excellent metal then it self is . Notwithstanding , some there are , which reject this metal as altogether unprofitable , because it is so full of gross earthly substance , and can hardly be melted in the fire , by reason of that firm and setled brimstone which is found in it . But if any man would Change Iron into Brass , so that no part of the grosse and earthly substance shall remain in it , he may easily obtain his purpose by Coppresse or Vitriol . It is reported that in the mountain Carpatus an Hill of Pannonia , at a certain Town called Smolinitium , there is a Lake , in which there are three channels full of water : and whatsoever Iron is put into those channels , it is converted into brass : and if the Iron which you cast into them be in small pieces or little clamps , presently they are converted into mud or dirt ; but if that mud be baked and hardened in the fire , it will be turned into perfect good brass . But there is an artificial means whereby this also may be affected ▪ and it is to be done on this wise . Take Iron , and put into a casting vessel ; and when it is red hot with the vehement heat of the fire , and that it beginneth to melt , you must cast upon it by little and little some sprinkling of quick brimstone : then you must pour it forth , and cast into small rods , and beat it with hammers : it is very brittle , and will easily be broken : then dissolve it with Aqua-fortis , such as is compounded of vitriol and Alome tempered together : set it upon hot cinders till it boil , and be dissolved into vapours , and so quite vanish away ; and the subsidence thereof , or the rubbish that remains behind , if it be reduced into one solid body again , will become good brass . If you would Make Iron to become white , you may effect it by divers and sundry sleights ; yet let this onely device content you in this matter . First , you must cleanse and purge your Iron of that dross and refuse that is in it , and of that poysoned corruption of rust that it is generally infected withal : for it hath more earthly substance and parts in it then any other metal hath , insomuch that if you boil it and purge it never so often , it will still of it self yield some new excrements . To cleanse and purge it this is the best way : Take some small thin plates of Iron , and make them red hot , and then quench them in strong lye and vineger which have been boiled with ordinary Salt and Alome ; and this you must use to do with them oftentimes , till they be somewhat whitened : the fragments or scrapings also of Iron , you must pown in a mor●er , after they have been steeped in salt ; and you must bray them together till the salt be quite changed , so that there be no blackness left in the liquor of it , and till the Iron be cleansed and purged from the dross that is in it . When you have thus prepared your Iron , you must whiten it on this manner : Make a plaister as it were , of quick-silver and lead tempered together ; then pown them into powder , and put that powder into an earthen vessel amongst your plates of Iron that you have prepared to be whitened : close up the vessel fast , and plaister it all over with morter , so that there may be no breathing place for any air either to get in or out : then put it into the fire , and there let it stay for one whole day together , and at length encrease your fire , that it may be so vehement hot as to melt the Iron ; for the plaister or confection which was made of lead and Quick-silver , will work in the Iron two effects ; for first , it will dispose it to melting , that it shall soon be dissolved ; and secondly , it will dispose it to whitening , that it shall the sooner receive a glittering colour . After all this , draw forth your Iron into small thin plates again , and proceed the second time in the same course as before , till you find that it hath taken so much whitenesse as your purpose was to endue it withal . In like manner , if you melt it in a vessel that hath holes in the bottom of it , and melt with it lead , and the Marchasi●e or fire-stone , and Arsnick , and such other things as we spake of before in our experiments of brass , you may make Iron to become white . If you put amongst it some silver , though it be not much , it will soon resemble the colour of silver : for Iron doth easily suffer it self to be medled with gold or silver ; and they may be so thoroughly incorporated into each other , that by all the rules of separation that can be used , you cannot without great labour , and very much ado separate the one of them from the other . CHAP. V. Of Quick-silver , and of the effects and operations thereof . IN the next place it is meet that we speak something concerning Quick-silver , and the manifold operations thereof : wherein we will first set down certain vulgar and common congelations that it makes with other things , because many men do desire to know them ; and secondly , we will shew , how it may be dissolved into water , that they which are desirous of such experiments , may be satisfied herein . First therefore we will shew How Quick-silver may be congealed and curdled as it were with Iron . Put the quick-silver into a casting vessel , and put together with it that water , which the Blacksmith hath used to quench his hot Iron in ; and put in also among them Ammoniack Salt , and Vitriol , and Verdegrease , twice so much of every one of these , as there was quick-silver : let all these boil together in an exceeding great fire , and still turn them up and down with an Iron slice or ladle ; and if at any time the water boil away , you must be sure that you have in a readiness some of the same water through hot to cast into it , that it may supply the waste which the fire hath made , and yet not hinder the boiling ; thus will they be congealed all together within the space of six hours . After this , you must take the congealed stuff when it is cold , and binde it up hard with your hands in leather thongs , or linnen cloth , or osiers , that all the juice and moisture that is in it , may be squeesed out of it ; then let that which is squeesed and drained out , settle it self , and be congealed once again , till the whole confection be made : then put it into an earthen vessel well washed , and amongst it some spring-water , and take off as neer as you can , all the filth and scum that is upon it and is gone to waste ; and in that vessel you must temper and diligently mix together your congealed matter with spring-water , till the whole matter be pure and clear : then lay it abroad in the open air three days and three nights , and the subject which you have wrought upon will wax thick and hard like a shell or a tile-sheard . There is also another congelation to be made with quick-silver , Congeailng of Quick-silver with balls of Brass , thus : make two Brass half circles , that that may fasten one within the other , that nothing may exhale : put into them quick-silver , with an equal part of white Arsenick and Tartar well powdred and searced ; lute the joynts well without , that nothing may breathe forth , so let them dry , and cover them with coles all over for six hours : then make all red hot , then take it out and open it , and you shall see it all coagulated and to stick in the hollow of the Brass ball ; strike it with a hammer , and it will fall off ; melt it , and project it , and it will give an excellent colour like to Silver ▪ and it is hard to discern it from Silver . If you will , you may mingle it with three parts of melted Brass , and without Silver ; it will be exceeding white , soft and malleable . It is also made another way : Make a great Cup of Silver , red Arsenick and Latin , with a cover that sits close , that nothing may exhale : fill this with quick-silver , and lute the joynts with the white of an Egg , or some Pine-tree-rosin , as it is commonly done : hang this into a pot full of Linseed Oyl , and let it boil twelve hours ; take it out , and strain it through a skin or straw ; and if any part be not coagulated , do the work again , and make it coagulate . If the vessel do coagulate it slowly , so much as you find it hath lost of its weight of the silver , Arsenick and Alchymy make that good again , for we cannot know by the weight : use it , it is wonderful that the quick-silver will draw to it self out of the vessel , and quick-silver will enter in . Now I shall shew what may be sometimes useful , To draw water out of Quick-silver . Make a vessel of potters earth , that will endure the fire , of which crucibles are made six foot long , and of a foot Diameter , glassed within with glass , about a foot broad at the bottom , a finger thick , narrower at the top , bigger at bottom . About the neck let there be a hole as big as ones finger , and a little pipe coming forth , by which you may fitly put in the quick-silver ; on the top of the mouth let there be a glass cap , fitted with the pipe , and let it be smeered with clammy clay , and bind it above that it breathe not forth . For this work make a furnace , let it be so large at the top , that it may be fit to receive the bottom of the vessel , a foot broad and deep . You must make the grate the fire is made upon , with that art , that when need is you may draw it back on one side , and the fire may fall beneath . Set therefore the empty vessel into the furnace , and by degrees kindle the fire : Lastly , make the bottom red hot ; when you see it to be so , which you may know by the top , you must look through the glass cap ; presently by the hole prepared pour in ten or fifteen pounds of quick-silver , and presently with clay cast upon it stop that hole , and take away the grate that the fire may fall to the lower parts , and forthwith quench it with water . Then you shall see that the water of quick-silver will run forth at the nose of the cap , into the receiver under it , about an ounce in quantity : take the vessel from the fire , and pour forth the quick-silver , and do as before , and always one ounce of water will distil forth : keep this for Chymical operation . I found this the best for to smug up women with . This artifice was found to purifie quick-silver . I shall not pass over another art , no less wonderful than profitable for use , To make quick-silver grow to be a Tree . Dissolve silver in aqua fortis , what is dissolved evaporate into thin air at the fire , that there may remain at the bottom a thick unctious substance ; Then distil fountain-water twice or thrice , and pour it on that thick matter , shaking it well ▪ then let it stand a little , and pour into another glass vessel the most pure water , in which the silver is : adde to the water a pound of quick-silver , in a most transparent crystalline glass that will attract to it that silver , and in the space of a day will there spring up a most beautiful tree from the bottom , and hairy , as made of most fine beards of corn , and it will fill the whole vessel , that the eye can behold nothing more pleasant . The same is made of gold with aqua regia . CHAP. VI. Of Silver . I Shall teach how to give silver a tincture that it may shew like to pure gold ; and after that , how it may be turned to true gold . To give Silver a Gold-colour , Burn burnt brass with stibium , and melted with half silver , it will have the perfect colour of gold ; and mingle it with gold , it will be the better colour . We boil brass thus : I know not any one that hath taught it : you shall do it after this manner : melt brass in a crucible , with as much stibium : when they are both melted , put in as mu●h stibium as before , and pour it out on a plain Marble-stone , that it may cool there , and be fit to beat into plates . Then shall you make two bricks hollow , that the plates may be fitly laid in there : when you have fitted them , let them be closed fast together , and bound with iron bands , and well luted : when they are dried put them in a glass fornace , and let them stand therein a week , to burn exactly , take them out and use them . And To tincture Silver into gold , you must do thus : Make first such a tart lye , put quick lime into a pot , whose bottom is full of many small holes , put a piece of wood or tilesheard upon it , then by degrees pour in the powder and hot water , and by the narrow holes at the bottom , let it drain into a clean earthen vessel under it : do this again , to make it exceeding tart . Powder stibium and put into this , that it may evaporate into the thin air ; let it boil at an easie fire : for when it boils , the water will be of a purple colour : then strain it into a clean vessel through a linnen cloth ; again , pour on the lye on the powders that remain , and let it boil so long at the fire , till the water seems of a bloody colour no more : Then boil the lye that is colour'd , putting fire under , till the water be all exhaled ; but the powder that remains being dry , with the oyl of Tartar dried and dissolved , must be cast again upon plates made of equal parts of gold and silver , within an earthen crucible ; cover it so long with coles , and renew your work , till it be perfectly like to gold . Also I can make the same Otherwise . If I mingle the congealed quick-silver that I speak of with a cap , with a third part of silver , you shall find the silver to be of a golden colour : you shall melt this with the same quantity of gold , and put it into a pot : pour on it very sharp vinegar , and let it boil a quarter of a day , and the colour will be augmented . Put this to the utmost trial of gold , that is , with common salt , and powder of bricks , yet adding Vitriol , and so shall you have refined gold . We can also extract Gold out of Silver , And not so little but it will pay your cost , and afford you much gain . The way is thi● : Put the fine filings of Iron into a Crucible that will endure fire , till it grow red hot , and melt : then take artificial Chrysocolla , such as Goldsmiths use to soder with , and red Arsenick , and by degrees strew them in : when you have done this , cast in an equal part of Silver , and let it be exquisitely purged by a strong vessel made of Ashes : all the dregs of the Gold being now removed , cast it into water of separation , and the Gold will fall to the bottom of the vessel , take it : there is nothing of many things that I have found more true , more gainful or , more hard : spare no labour , and do it as you should , lest you lose your labour : or otherwise , let the thin filings of Iron oak for a day in sea-water , let it dry , and let it be red hot in the fire so long in a ●rucible , till it run , then cast in an equal quantity of silver , with half brass , let it be projected into a hollow place : then purge it exactly in an ash vessel : for the Iron being excluded and its dregs , put it into water of separation , and gather what falls to the bottom , and it will be excellent Gold. May be it will be profitable to Fix Cinnaber . He that desires it , I think he must do thus , break the Cinnaber into pieces as big as Wall-nuts , and put them into a glass vessel that is of the same bigness , and the pieces must be mingled with thrice the weight of silver , and laid by courses , and the vessel must be luted , and suffer it to dry , or set it in the Sun ; then cover it with ashes , and let it boil so long on a gentle fire , till it become of a lead colour and break not , which will not be unless you tend it constantly till you come so far . Then purge it with a double quantity of lead ; and when it is purged , if it be put to all tryals , it will stand the stronger , and be more heavy and of more vertue : the more easie fire you use , the better will the business be effected : but so shall we try to repair silver , and revive it when it is spoil'd . Let sublimate quick-silver boil in distil'd vinegar , then mingle quick-silver , and in a glass retort , let the quick-silver evaporate in a hot fire , and fall into the receiver : keep it : If you be skilful , you shall find but little of the weight lost . Others do it with the Regulus of Antimony . But otherwise you shall do it sooner and more gainfully thus : Put the broken pieces of Cinnaber as big as dice , into a long linnen bag , hanging equally from the pot sides ; then pour on the sharpest venegar , with alom and tartar , double as much , quick lime four parts , and as much of oaken ashes , as it is usual to be made ; or you must make some . Let it boil a whole day , take it out and boil it in oyl , be diligent about it , and let it stay there twenty four hours : take the pieces of Cinnaber out of the oyl , and meer them with the white of an egge beaten , and role it with a third part of the filings of silver : put it into the bottom of a convenient vessel , and lute it well with the best earth , as I said : set it to the fire three days , and at last increase the fire , that it may almost melt and run : take it off , and wash it from its faeces that are left , at the last proof of silver , and bring it to be true and natural . Also it will be pleasant From fixt Cinnaber to draw out a silver beard . If you put it into the same vessel , and make a gentle fire under , silver that is pure , not mixed with lead , will become hairy like a wood , that there is nothing more pleasant to behold . CHAP. VII . Of Operations necessary for use . I Thought fit to set down some Operations which are generally thought fit for our works : and if you know them not , you will not easily obtain your de●●re . I have set them down here , that you might not be put to seek them elswhere : First , To draw forth the life of Tinne . The filings of Tinne must be put into a pot of earth , with equal part of salt-peter , you shall set on the top of this seven , as many other earthen pots with holes bored in them , and stop these holes well with clay : set above this a glass vessel with the mouth downwards , or with an open pipe , with a vessel under it : put fire to it , and you shall hear it make a noise when it is hot : the life flies away in the f●me , and you shall find it in the hollow pots , and in the bottom of the glased vessel compacted together . If you bore an earthen vessel on the side , you may do it something more easily by degrees , and you shall stop it . So also From Stibium we may extract it . Stibium that Druggists call Antimony , is grownd small in hand-mills , then let a new crucible of earth be made red hot in a cole fire ; cast into it presently by degrees , Stibium , twice as mu●h Tartar , four parts of salt-peter , finely powdred : when the fume riseth , cover it with a cover , lest the fume rising evaporate : then take it off , and cast in more , till all the powder be burnt : then let it stand a little at the fire , take it off and let it cool , and skim off the dregs on the top , and you shall find at the bottom what the Chymists call the Regulus ; it is like Lead , and easily changed into it . For saith Dioscorides , should it burn a little more , it turns to Lead . Now I will shew how one may draw a more noble Metal To the out-side , As foolish Chymists say , for they think that by their impostures they do draw forth the parts lying in the middle , and that the internal parts are the basest of all ; but they erre exceedingly : For they eat onely the outward parts in the superficies , that are the weakest , and a little quick-silver is drawn forth , which I approve not . For they corrode all things that their Medicament enters , the harder parts are left , and are polished and whitened : may be they are perswaded of this by the medals of the Antients , that were within all brass , but outwardly seemed like pure silver ; but those were sodered together , and beaten with hammers , and then stamp'd . Yet it is very must to do it as they did , and I think it cannot be done . But the things that polish are these , common Salt , Alom , Vitriol , quick Brimstone , Tartar ; and for Gold , onely Verdigrease , and Salt Ammoniack . When you would go about it , you must powder part of them , and put them into a vessel with the metal . The crucible must be luted with clay , and covered : there must be left but a very small hole for perspiration : then set it in a gentle fire , and let it burn ▪ and blow not , lest the metal melt : when the powders are burnt they will sink down , which you shall know by the smoke , then take off the cover and look into them . But men make the Metal red hot , and then when it is hot they drench it in : or otherwise ; they put it in vinegar till it become well cleansed , and when you have wrapt the work in linnenrags , that was well luted , cast it into an earthen vessel of vinegar , and boil it long , take it out and cast it into urine , let it boil in salt and vinegar , till no filth almost rise , and the foul spots of the ingredients be gone ; and if you find it not exceeding white , do the same again till you come to perfection : Or else proceed otherwise by order : Let your work boil in an earthen pot of water , with salt , alom , and tartar : when the whole superficies is grown white , let it alone a while ; then let them boil three hours with equal parts of brimstone , salt-peter , and salt , that it may hang in the middle of them , and not touch the sides of the vessel ; take it out , and rub it with sand , till the fume of the sulphur be removed again : let it boil again as at first , and so it will wax white , that it will endure the fire , and not be rejected for counterfeit ; you shall find it profitable if you do it well ; and you will rejoyce , if you do not abuse it to your own ruine . CHAP. VIII . How to make a Metal more weighty . IT is a question amongst Chymists , and such as are addicted to those studies , how it might be that silver might equal gold in weight , and every metal might exceed its own weight . That may be also made gold , without any detriment to the stamp or engraving , and silver may increase and decreas● in its weight , if so be it be made into some vessel . I have undertaken here to teach how to do that easily , that others do with great difficulty . Take this rule to do it by , that The weight of a Golden vessel may increase , without hurting the mark , if the magnitude do not equal the weight . You shall rub gold with thin silver , with your hands or fingers , until it may d●ink it in , and make up the weight you would have it , sticking on the superficies . Then prepare a strong lixivium of brimstone and quick lime , and cast it with the gold into an earthen pot with a wide mouth : put a small fire u●der , and let them boil so long , till you see that they have gain'd their colour ; then take it out , and you shall have it : Or else draw forth of the velks of eggs and the litharge of gold , water with a strong fire , and quench red hot gold in it , and you have it . Another that is excellent . You shall bring silver to powder , either with aqua fortis , or calx ; the calx is afterwards washt with water , to wash away the salt , wet a golden vessel or plate with water or spittle , that the quantity of the powder you need may stick on the outward superficies : yet put it not on the edges , for the fraud will be easily discovered by rubbing it on the touch stone . Then powder finely salt one third part , brick as much , vitriol made red two parts : take a brick and make a hole in it as big as the vessel is , in the bottom whereof strew al●m de plume : then again pour on the powder with your work till you have filled the hole , then cover the hole with another brick , and fasten it with an Iron pin , and lute the joynts well with clay : let this dry , and let it stand in a reverberating fire about a quarter of a day ; and when it is cold , open it , and you shall find the gold all of a silver colour , and more weighty , without any hurt to the stamp . Now to bring it to its former colour , do thus : Take Verdi rease four parts , Salammoniack two parts , salt-peter a half part , as much brick , alom a fourth part ; mingle these with the waters , and wash the vessel with it : then with iron tongs put it upon burning coles , that it may be red hot : take it off , and plunge it in urine , and it will regain the colour . If it shine too much , and you would have it of a lower colour , the remedy is to wet it in urine , and let it stand on a plate red hot to cool . But thus you shall make vitriol very red ; put it into a vessel covered with coles , and boil it till it change to a most bright red : take it out and lay it aside , and do not use it for an ill purpose . We may with the fragments of brass Do this business otherwise : That shall supply the place of silver , and it shall become too weighty : Or otherwise , melt two parts of brass with silver , then make it into small thin plates ; in the mean while make a powder of the dregs of aqua fortis , namely of salt-peter and vitriol , and in a strong melting vessel , put the plate and the powder to augment gold , fill the vessel in a preposterous order . Then lure the mouth of it , and set it in a gentle fire half a day : take it off , always renewing the same till it come to the desired weight . We have taught how to increase the weight , and not hurt the fashion or stamp . Now I shall shew how without loss in weight , nor yet the stamp being hur● , Gold and Silver may be diminished : Some use to do it with aqua fortis , but it makes the work rough with knots and holes ; you shall do it therefore thus : Strew powder of brimstone upon the work , and put a candle to it round about , or burn it under your work , by degrees it will consume by burning ; strike it with a hammer on the contrary side , and the superficies will fall off , as much in quantity as you please , as you use the brimstone . Now shall I shew how To separate gold from silver Cups that are gilded : For it is oft-times a custome for Goldsmiths , to melt the vessels and cast them away , and to make new ones again ; not knowing how without great trouble , to part the gold from the silver , and therefore melt both together . To part them , do thus : Take salt Ammoniack , brimstone half a part : powder them ●ne , and anoint the gilded part of the vessel with oyl : then strew on the powder , and take the vessel in a pair of tongs , and put it into the fire : when it is very hot , strike it with an iron , and the powder shaken will fall into the water , in a platter under it , and the vessel will remain unaltered . Also it is done Another way with quick-silver : Put quick-silver into an earthen vessel with a very wide mouth , and let it heat so long at the fire , that you can endure the heat of it with your finger , put into it : put the gilt plate of silver into it , and when the quick-silver sticks to the gold , take it out and put it into a Charger , into which the gold , when it is cold , will fall with the quick-silver . Going over this work again , until no more gold appears in the vessel . Then put the gold with the quick-silver that was shaken into the Charger , into a linnen clout , and press it out with your hands , and let the quick-silver fall into some other receiver , the gold will stay behind in the rag ; take it and put it into a cole made with a hole in it , blow till it melt , make it into a lump , and boil it in an earthen vessel with a little Stibium , and pour it forth into another vessel , that the gold may fall to the bottom , and the Stibium stay atop . But if you will Part Gold from a vessel of Brass , wet the vessel in cold water , and set it in the fire : when it is red hot , quench it in cold water ; then scrape off the gold with latin wire bound together . CHAP. IX . To part Metals without aqua fortis . BEcause waters are drawn from salts with difficulty , with loss of time and great charges ; I shall shew you how to part gold from silver and brass , and silver from brass , without aqua fortis ; but by some easie operations , with little cost or loss of time : And first I shall shew how To part Gold from Silver . Cast a lump of gold mixt with silver into an earthen vessel , that will hold fire , with the same weight of Antimony , thus : when the vessel is red hot , and the lump is melted , and turned about with the force of the fire ; cast a little Stibium in , and in a little time it will melt also ; and when you see it , cast in the rest of the Stibium , and cover the vessel with a cover : let the mixture boil , as long as one may repeat the Lords-prayer : take away the vessel with a pair of tongs , and cast it into another iron Pyramidal vessel red hot , called a Crucible , that hath in the bottom of it rams fat ; shaking it gently , that the heavier part of gold separated from the silver , may fall to the bottom : when the vessel is cold it is shaken off , and the part next the bottom will be gold , the upper part silver ; and if it be not well parted , refuse not to go over the same work again , but take a less quantity of Stibium . Let therefore the gold be purged again , and let the Stibium be boiled , and there will be always at the bottom a little piece of gold . And as the dregs remain , after the same manner purge them again in the copple , and you shall have your silver , without any loss of the weight , because they are both perfect bodies ; but the silver onely will lose a little . But would you have your silver to lose less , do thus : adde to two pound and half of Stibium , wine-lees two pounds , and boil them together in an earthen vessel , and the mass will remain in the bottom , which must be also boil'd in a copple ; then adding pieces of lead to it , purge it in a copple , wherein the other things being consumed by the fire , the silver onely will remain : but if you do not boil your Stibium in wine-lees , as I said , part of the silver will be lost , and the copple will draw the silver to it . The same may be done Another way . Take three ounces of brimstone , powder them , and mingle them with one ounce of common oyl , and set them to the fire in a glazed dish of earth : let the fire be first gentle , then augment it , till it run , and seem to run over : take it from the fire , and let it cool , then cast it into sharp vinegar , so the oyl will swim above the vinegar , the brimstone will fall down to the bottom ; cast away the vinegar , and let the brimstone boil in strong vinegar , and you shall see the vinegar coloured : you shall strain the vinegar through a wisp into a glased vessel , to which adde more brimstone , boil it again , and again strain out the lye into the vessel : doing this so oft , till the Lixivium comes forth muddy , or of a black colour . Let the Lixivium settle one night : again strain it through a wisp , and you shall find the brimstone almost white at the bottom of the vessel : adde that to what you had before , and set it again to boil with three parts as much distilled vinegar , till the vinegar all evaporate and dry the brimstone : take heed it burn not : when it is dry , put it again into distilled vinegar , working the same way so often , until putting a little of it upon a red hot plate of iron , it will melt without flame or smoke . Then cast it on a lump of gold and silver , and the gold will sink to the bottom presently , but the silver will remain on the top . For if brimstone be boil'd in a Lixivium so strong , that it will bear an egg , until it will not smoke , and will melt on a fire-cole : if it be projected on a mass of gold and silver mingled , when they are melted , it will part the gold from the silver . Also there is an ingenious and admirable way To part silver from brass with certain powders . The best are those are made of powdred lead , half so much quick brimstone , and arsenick , and common salt double as much , salt-peter one half ; powder those fine each by themselves , then mingle them . Take the mixt metal , with half so much more of the powder , and in a vessel that will endure fire , strew it in by turns , and set the vessel fil'd at a strong fire , till all melt ; take it out and cast it into another vessel , that is broad atop , narrow at bottom , and hot , as we said , and smeered with ram or sowes grease clarified : let it cool , for you shall find the silver at the bottom , and the brass on the top : part one from the other with an iron rasp , or file : if you will , you may purge your silver again in a copple . But the silver must be made into thin plates , that when it is strewed interchangeably with the powders , they may come at it on all sides : then cover the vessel with its cover , and lute it well . But the salt must be decrepitated that it leap not out , and the brimstone prepared and fixed . But we may thus Part gold from brass : Make salt of these things that follow , namely , Vitriol , Alom , Salt-peter , quick Brimstone , of each a pound , Salt-ammoniack half a pound . Powder them all , and boil them in a lye made of ashes , one part , as much quick lime , four parts of beech-ashes : melt them at the fire , and decant them , and boil them till the Lixivium be gone ; then dry it , and keep it in a place not moist , lest it melt ; and mingle with it one pound of powder of lead , and strew on of this powder six ounces for every pound of brass made not in a melting vessel , and let them be shaken , and stirred vehemently with an iron thing to stir it with : when the vessel is cold , break it , you shall find a lump of gold in the bottom . Do the rest as I said . CHAP. X. A compendious way to part gold or silver from other Metals with aqua fortis . WE shall teach thus compendiously to part gold from silver , and silver from other metals ; and it is no small gain to be got by it , if a man well understood what I write : for I have known some by this art that have got great wealth . For example , take a mixture of brass and silver , dissolve it in common aqua fortis : when it is consumed , cast fountain-water into it , to remove the sharpness of the water , and that it can no more corrode the metal . Put the water into a great mouthed earthen vessel , and plunge plates of brass therein ; for the silver will stick to them like a cloud , the brass is best in the water : put the water into a glass retort with a large belly , and make a soft fire under , and the fountain-water will distil forth by degrees . When you know that the whole quantity of fountain-water is distilled out , or the belly of the retort looks of a yellow colour , and the sent of the salts pierceth your nostrils : take away the receiver , and put another that is empty to it , and lure it well that nothing break forth . Augment the fire , and you shall draw off your aqua fortis as strong as before , and the brass will be at the bottom of the retort : The aqua fortis will be as good as it was , and you may use it oft-times . THE SIXTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Of counterfeiting Precious Sones . THE PROEME . FRom the adulterating of Metals , we shall pass to the counterfeiting of Jewels . They are by the same reason , both Arts are of kin , and done by the fire . And it is no fraud , saith Pliny , to get gain to live by : and the desire of money hath so kindled the firebrand of luxury , that the most cunning artists are sometimes cheated . They are counterfeited by divers ways , either by cutting Jewels in the middle , and putting in the colours , and joyning them together ; or else by giving a tincture to Crystal that is all one piece , or counterfeiting Crystal by many ingredients ; or we shall attempt to make true Jewels to depart from their proper colour , and all of them to be so handsomly coloured , that they may shew like natural Jewels . Lastly , I shall shew how to make Smalt of divers colours . CHAP. I. Of certain Salts used in the composition of Gems . WE wil first set down certain operations , which are very necessary in the making of Gems , lest we be forced to repeat the same thing over again : And first , How to make Sal Soda . The herb Kali or Saltwort is commonly called Soda : grinde this Soda very small , and sift it into powder : put it into a brass Cauldron and boil it , pouring in for every pound of Soda , a firkin of water . Let it boil for four hours , till the water be consumed to a third part . Then take it from the fire , and let it stand twelve hours , while the dregs settle to the bottom , and the water becomes clear : then drain out the water with a linnen cloth , into another vessel , and pour fresh water into the Cauldron : Boil it again , and when it is cold , as before , and all the dross setled , filtrate the clear water out again : Do as much the third time , still having a care to try with your tongue , whether it be still salt . At last , strain the water , and set it in an earthen vessel over the fire , keeping a constant fire under it , until the moisture being almost consumed , the water grow more thick , and be condensed into salt ; which must presently be taken out with an iron ladle ; and of five pound of Soda , you will have one pound of salt . How to make Salt of Tartar. Take the lees of old wine , and dry it carefully ; it is commonly called Tartar : put it into an Alimbeck , made in such sort , that the flame may be retorted from the top , and so augment the heat . There let it burn , you will see it grow white ; then turn it with your iron tongs , so that the upper part which is white may be at bottom , and turn the back up to the flame : when it hath ceas'd smoaking , take it out , and break part of it , to see whether it be white quite through , for that is an argument of the sufficient burning ; because it oftentimes happens , that the outside onely is burned , and the rest of it remaineth crude . Therefore , when it hath gained the colour of chalk , it must be taken out ; and when it is cold , grinde it , and lay it in water in some wide-mouth'd vessel a quarter of a day . When the water is grown clear , filtrate it , and strain it into another vessel , and then pour water again unto the settlement , observing the same things we spoke before , until the water have taken out all the salt , which will come to pass in the third or forth time . Pour your waters which you saved , into a vessel of glass ; and all things being ready , put live coles under it , and attend the work until the water be consumed by the force of the fire , which being done , the salt will stick to the bottom : it being thus made , preserve it in a dry place , lest it turn to oyl . CHAP. II. How Flint , or Crystal is to be prepared , and how Pastils are boiled . THe matter of which Gems are made , is either Crystal or Flint , from whence we strike fire , or round pebbles found by river sides : those are the best which are taken up by the river Thames , white , clear , and of the bigness of an egge ; for of those are made best counterfeit Gemms , though all will serve in some sort . Some think that Crystal is the best for this purpose , because of the brightness and transparency of it ; but they are deceived . The way of making Gems , is this : Take riverpebbles and put them into a fornace , in that place where the retorted flame is most intense ; when they are red hot , take them out and fling them into water : then dry them , and powder them in a mortar , or a hand-mill , until they are very fine ; put them into a wide-mouthed vessel , full of rain water , and shake it well in your hands , for so the finest part will rise to the top , and the grossest will settle to the bottom : to that which swims at top pour fresh water , and stir the dust again : and do this oftentimes , until the gross part be quite separated and sunk down . Then take out the water , and let it settle , and in the bottom there will lie a certain slimy matter ; gather together , and reserve the refined powder . But whil'st the stone is ground , both the morter and the mill will lose somewhat of themselves , which being mixt with the powder will foul the Gem : wherefore it will be worth the lab●r to wash that away : to which end , let water be often poured into the lavel , and stirred about ; the dust of the morter will rise to the top , by reason of its levity , and the powder of the pebbles will retire to the bottom by reason of its weight ; skim the lavel , and separate them with a spoon , till all that sandy and black dust be taken off ; then strain out the water , and reserve the powder dry . These being done , we must teach How Pastils are boiled . Artificers call those pellets which are made of the salts , and the forenamed powder and water , Pastils . Take five parts of salt of Tartar , as many of salt of Soda ▪ double the quantity of these of the forespoken powder of pebbles , and mix them very well in a stone morter : sprinkle them with water & wet them , so that they may grow into a past , and make Pastils of them in bigness of your fist ; set them in the sun , and dry them well . Then put them into a fornace of reverbaration , the space of six hours , encreasing the fire by degrees , that at last they may become red hot , but not melt ; wherefore use no bellows : when they are baked enough , let them cool , and they will become so hard , that they will endure almost the hammer . CHAP. III. Of the Fornace , and the Parts thereof . NOw the Fornace is to be built , which is like to that of glass-makers , but less according to the proportion of the work . Let your fornace be eight foot high , and consist of two vaults ; the roof of the lower must be a handful and a half thick : the vault it self must have a little door , by which you may cast in wood to feed the fire there . Let it also have on the top , and in the middle of its roof , a hole about a foot in breadth , by which the flame may penetrate into the second vault , and reach to the upper roof ; whence the flame being reverberated , doth cause a vehement heat . In this upper vault there must be cut out in the wall small holes of a handful in breadth , which must open and shut , to set the pots and pans in on the floor , and to take them out again . Artificers call these pots Crucibles ; they are made of clay , which is brought from Valencia , and doth very strongly endure fire : They must be a finger thick , and a foot and a half deep , their bottom somewhat thicker , lest they should break with the force of the fire . All things being thus provided , cast in your wood and fire , and let the fornace heat by degrees , so that it may be perfectly hot in a quarter of a day . Your workmen must be diligent to perform their duty ; then let the Pastils , being broken into pieces about the bigness of a wall-nut , be put into crucibles , and set in the holes of the fornace built for that purpose , with a pair of iron tongs to every pot . When they melt , they will rise up in bubbles , and growing greater and greater , must be pricked with sharp wires ; that the vapor passing out , the bubbles may sink down again , and not run over the mouth of the crucibles . Then let other pieces be put in , and do as before , until the pots be filled to the top : and continue the fire for a whole day , until the matter be concocted . Then put an iron hook into the pots , and try whether the matter have obtained a perfect transparency : which if it have , take it out of the pots with iron instruments for that purpose , and cast it into clear water , to wash off the filth and stains , and to purge out the salt : for when the Gems are made ; on a suddain the salt breaks forth , as it were spued out , and overcast them like a cloud . Yet there must be a great deal of diligence used , whil●st you draw out this vitrified matter , lest it touch the sides of the fornace ; for it will cleave thereto like bird●ime , hardly to be pulled off without part of the wall : as also lest it fall into the vessels : for it is very difficult to separate it , and it prejudices the clearness of the glas● . When it is cold , put it again into the crucibles , and let it glow for two days , until it be concocted into perfect glass . When this vitrified matter hath stood so for two days , some , to make it more fine and bright , lest it should be specked with certain little bubbles ( to which glass is very subject ) put into the crucible some white lead , which presently groweth red , then melts with the glass and becomes clear and perspicuous . Make your tryal then with an iron hook ; for if it be clear of those bubbles , it is perfected , and so will be a perfect mass of Gems . Now we will teach the several Colours , Yellow , Green , or Blue , wherein we will cast our Gems . CHAP. IV. To make Colours . WHile the Crystal is preparing in the fornace , by the same fire the Colours may be also made : And first , How to make Crocus of Iron : Take three or four pounds of the limature of Iron , wash it well in a broad vessel ; for by putting it into water , the weight of the iron will carry that to the bottom ; but the straws and chips , and such kind of filth , will swim on the top ; so you will have your filings clean and wash'd . Then dry it well , and put it into an earthen glazed pot with a large mouth , and pour into it three or four gallons of the best and sharpest vinegar : there let it macerate three or four weeks , stirring it every day seven or eight times with an iron rod : then giving it time to settle , pour out the vinegar into another pot , and put fresh vinegar into the iron ; and do this , till the vinegar have consumed all the filings . Then put all the vinegar into an earthen vessel , and set it on the fire , and let it boil quite away : In the bottom there will remain a slimy durty mattter , mixt with a kind of fatness of the iron , which the fire by continuance will catch hold of : let it burn , and the remaining dust will be Crocus . Others file your rusty nails , and heating them red hot , quench them in vinegar ; then strain them , and dry the rust , and set it again to the fire , till it be red hot , then quench it again with vinegar ; this they do three or four times : at length they boil the vinegar away , and take the remaining Crocus from the bottom . Next remains to shew How to reduce Zaphara into Powder . A lit●le window is to be made out of the side of the fornace , nigh to which must be built a little cell or oven , so joyned to the mouth of the oven , that the flame may be brought in through a little hole . Let this cell have a little door without , to admit the workmans hand upon occasion . Let this cell be a foot in length and breadth . Set the Saffron upon a Potters tile , into the cell and shut the door : let it be red hot , and after six hours take it out and put it into water , so will it cleave into pieces ; let it be dryed , stamped , and so finely seirced , that it may scarce be felt . But if it cannot be effected with a pestle and morter ; pour water upon the powder , and stir it with your hands , and let it settle for a while ; then strain it into another vessel , and pour fresh water into the powder ; and reiterate this so often , till that which setleth , being beat and brayed , do pass through with water : then dry it , and it will become very fine powder . How to burn Copper . Set the filings of Copper , with an equal quantity of salt mixt in an earthen pot , over the fire , and turn it about three or four hours with an iron book , that it may be burned on all sides : There let it burn a whole natural day : then take it out , and divide it into two parts ; lay the one part aside , and set the other with salt on the fire again , for an artificial day : do the same three or four times , that it may be more perfectly calci●ed , always having a care that it be as hot as may be , but that it melt not . Waen it is burnt , it is black . CHAP. V. How Gems are coloured . ALl things being thus prepared ; there is nothing more , I think , remaineth to make an end of this work , but to know how to colour them . And we will begin with the way How to dye a Saphire . Artificers begin with a Saphire : for when it is coloured , unless it be presently removed from the fire , it loseth the tincture ; and the longer it remains in the fire , the brighter it groweth . Put a little Zaphara , as they call it , into a pot of glass , two drachms to a pound of glass ; then stir it continually from top to bottom with an iron hook : when it is very well mixed , make tryal whether the colour please you or no , by taking a little out of the pot . If it be too faint , adde some more Zaphara ; if too deep , put in more glass , and let it boil six hours . Thus you may Colour Cyanus , or sea-water , another kind of Saphire . Beat your calcined brass into very fine powder , that you may scarce feel it ; for otherwise it will mix with the Crystal , and make it courser : the quantity cannot be defined ▪ for there are lighter and deeper of that kind : for the most part , for one pound one drachm will be sufficient . How to counterfeit the colour of the Amethist : To a pound of Crystal , put a dram of that they call Manganess , and so the colour is made . If the Gem be great , make it the paler ; if small , make it deeper : for they use such for rings , and other uses . To counterfeit the Topaze . To every pound of glass , adde a quarter of an ounce of crocus of Iron , and three ounces of red-lead , to make it of a brighter red . First put in the lead , then the crocus . The Chrysolite . When you have made a Topaze , and would have a Chrysolite , adde a little more Copper , that it may have a little verdure : for the Chrysolite differeth from the Topaze in nothing , but that it hath a greater lustre . So we are wont To counterfeit an Emerald . This shall be the last : for we must let our work be as quick as possible , because the copper being heavy , when it is mixed with the Crystal , doth presently sink down to the bottom of the pots , and so the Gems well be of too pale a colour . Therefore thus you must do : when you give the tincture to a Cianus , you may easily turn it into Smaragde , by adding crocus of iron , in half the quantity of the copper or brass , viz. if at first you put in a fourth part of copper : Now you must adde an eighth part of crocus , and as much copper . After the colours are cast in , let it boil six hours , that the material may grow clear again : for the casting in the colours will make them contract a cloudiness . Afterwards let the fire decrease by degrees , until the fornace be cold : then take out the pots and break them , wherein you shall find your counterfeit precious Stones . CHAP. VI. How Gems may otherwise be made . THe manner which I have set down , is peculiar and usual to our Artificers , and by them is also accounted a secret . But I will set down another way , which I had determined always to keep secret to my self ; for by it are made with less charge , less time , and less labour , much more refulgent , bright , and livelier Gems , whose superficies and lustre , the salt shall not deface in a much longer time . Although those old counterfeits which are found at Puteoli , in the mortar of ruined houses , and on the shores , are yet very bright , and of a perfect clearness , so that they seem beyond the imitation of our age : Yet I will endeavour by this way , not onely to equal them , but to make much better . Wherefore give ear , and believe : the materials are thus made : Take the comb of a Cock , and cutting his gullet in two , keep the head and the neck . Put it into a pot , and set it in a hard fire ; stop i● close that no coles or ashes arising with the smoke , or soote , fall in , and spoil the lustre of it . When the fire is kindled , you will hear it hiss : when it is red hot , take it up with an iron tongs , and quench it in clear water , and dry it : Do this three times , changing the water ▪ lest there should be any filth ; then grinde it on a marble till it be so fine that you may blow it about , and reserve it for use . Thence have you the Philosophers Stone , most fragrant in fire , and chief in the triplicity . If thou art ignorant of the Philosophers Stone , learn it from these verses , which I found in an old Manuscript . Arctus est hominis , qui constat sex elementis . Cui p si addideris , s. in . m. mutare si bene scis . Hoc erit os nostrum constans lapis Philosophorum . Now we have advertis'd you of the materials : let us advise also about the colour . And first of all , I will shew you How to counterfeit a Topaze . Put your material into a pot , and cover it with a lid , full of holes ; over which there must be laid another , that it may exhale , and yet receive no hurt from the smoke : let it stand in its fornace to the middle the space of a whole day , and it will be a Topaze . Now To counterfeit a Chrysolite , cram the Cock , and for every ounce give him to eat two grains of the beloved flower of Venus : stroak him , and in due time thou shalt see . To make an Emarald . Feed the Cock again , and for every ounce , give him four grains of wheat , and he will shine with a most bright lustre . But To make a Jacinth , give the Cock graines of the bloody Stone , instead of wheat , and he will easily lay hold of them . CHAP. VII . Of Several Tinctures of Crystal . I Have declared divers tinctures of glass , and those no vulgar and common ones , but such as are rarely known , and gained , and tried with a great deal of labour . Now I will relate some ways of staining Crystal , and especially those that are choice , and known to very few ; if not onely to my self . To stain Crystal with the colour of a Jacinth , or a Ruby , without breaking , or wearing it . Take six parts of Stibium , four of Orpin , three of Arsenick , as much of Sulphur , two of Tutty ; beat them all asunder , and sift them through a fine seirce : put them into a pot : hang your Crystal by wires , or cover it over with the powders , and so set it on the fire , that it may be hot , four or five hours ; but use no bellows , lest it break in pieces , or melt . It is a certain sign of being perfectly coloured , if you take out a piece , and that be of a bright and shining colour ▪ otherwise deliver it to the fire again , and after some time try it again . But you must have a great care , lest it cool too suddenly when you take it off the fire , for it will crumble and fall to pieces . If a violet-colour pleaseth you , take it soon from the fire : if you would have a deep purple , let it stand longer : we can make a violet with Orpin onely . To turn a Saphire into a Diamond . This stone , as all others , being put in the fire , loseth his colour : For the force of the fire maketh the colour fade . Many do it several ways : for some melt gold , and put the Saphire in the middle of it ; others put it on a plate of iron , and set it in the middle of the fornace of reverberation ; others burn it in the middle of a heap of iron dust . I am w●nt to do it a safer way , thus : I fill an earthen pot with unkill'd lime , in the middle of which I place my Saphire , and cover it over with coals ; which being kindled , I stop the bellows from blowing , for they will make it flie in pieces . When I think it changed , I take a care that the fire may go out it self : and then taking out the stone , I see whether it hath contracted a sufficient whiteness ; if it have , I put it again in its former place , and let it cool with the fire ; if not , I cover it again , often looking on it , until the force of the fire have consumed all the colour , which it will do in five or six hours ; if you find that the colour be not quite vanished , do again as before , until it be perfect white . You must be very diligent , that the fire do heat by degrees , and also cool ; for it often happeneth , that sudden cold doth either make it congeal , or flie in pieces . All other stones lose their colour , like the Saphire ; some sooner , some later , according to their hardness . For the Amethist you must use but a soft and gentle fire ; for a vehement one will over-harden it , and turn it to dust . This is the art we use , to turn other precious stones into Diamonds , which being cut in the middle , and coloured , maketh another kind of adulterating Gems ; which by this experiment we will make known : And it is How to make a stone white on one side , and red or blew on the other . I have seen precious stones thus made , and in great esteem with great persons , being of two colours : on one side a Saphire , and on the other a Diamond , and so of divers colours . Which may be done after this manner : For example , we would have a Saphire should be white on one side , and below on the other ; or should be white on one side , and red on the other : thus it may be done . Plaister up that side which you would have red or blew , with chalk , and let it be dryed ; then commit it to the fire , those ways we spoke of before , and the naked side will lose the colour and turn w●ite , that it will seem a miracle of Nature , to those that know not by how slight an art it may be done . How to stain glass of divers colours . I will not pass by a thing worth the relation , which happened by chance , while we were making these experiments . The flower of Tinne taketh away the perspicuity of Crystal glass , and maketh it of divers colours : for being sprinkled upon Crystal glasses that are polished with a wheele , and set to the fire , it doth variously colour them , and maketh them cloudy ; so that one part will look like a stone , and another like an Opale of divers colours . But you must often take it out from the fire , and order it rightly , till it be according to your desire . I have before told you how to make flour of Tinne for the purpose . I will adde somewhat more , indeed no secret , nor very necessary , but that nothing may be omitted by us in this work , viz. How to make a Jacinth beautiful enough , and not much unlike a true one . Put lead into a hard earthen pot , and set it on the fire in a glass-makers fornace , there let it remain for some days , till the lead be vitrified , and it will be of the colour of a Jacinth . To counterfeit an Emerald . You may do this almost in the same manner ; and it will resemble the colour of a pleasant green corn . Dissolve silver with strong water , then casting into the water some plates of Copper , as I told you , it will cleave to them . Gather it together , and dry it , and set it into a glass-makers fornace in an earthen pot , within a few days it will become an Emerald . To do the same with other metals , I will leave to the trial of others ; it is enough for me to have found out and discovered the way . To counterfeit Carbuncles . This we do with Orpin , and use it in some ornaments , for they are brittle , and of a most flagrant colour , have much of the scarlet blush , and cast forth red sparkles . Take four ounces of Orpin , and grinde it small : then put it into a glass vessel , whose bottom you must fortifie against the force of the fire with mortar made with straw , and stop the mouth of it gently . The fire being kindled , the smoke flieth up , and the thinnest part of the material will rise to the top : and you will see it stick to the sides of the glass , and the neck : it will grow bigger by degrees , and new parts still flying up , will make it grow thicker ; and like boyling water gather into bubbles , which at last will encrease so big , that they will fall down : Some will stick in the neck of the glass , all of a most flagrant colour , but brittle and small . Break the glass , and take off with a sharp point of a knife , those red congealed bubbles which stick to the glass , and use them . If you would make one great one of those little bubbles ; lay a great many little ones upon a piece of glass , and melt them , and they will run into one : a most pleasant sight to see . CHAP. VIII . Of making smalt or Ennamel . AFter Gems we will endevour to make Smalt or Ennamel . It is a work almost of the same nature , and of the same mixture and colours ; this onely difference is between them , that in Gems the glass is transparent , in this it is more dense and solid . In antient times they made their Checker or Mosaique work of it : and Gold-smiths do use it in colouring and enammeling gold . It is Tinne that gives it a body and solidity . To make white Enammel , Take two ounces of Lead ashes , four of Tinne ; and make it into a body , with double the quantity of glass : role it into round balls , and set it on a gentle fire all night : take heed it stick not to the sides of the pot , but stir it about with an iron spattle , and when it is melted , increase the fire , and the business is done . To make black Smalt . To a pound of glass , you must adde a drachm of Manganess , for so it will be of the colour of a Lyon : then adde a drachm of Zaphara , and the mixture will turn black : make often tryal , if it be of a dark purple or violet-colour : for the Tin that giveth it the body , will make it blacker . To make Smalt of a deep yellow . You may put to every pound of Crystal a little Crocus Martis , and three ounces of Jalloline , as they call it , which engravers use : at last , Lead and Tin. But if you desire To make Smalt of a paler yellow , Instead of Jalloline , adde Jaletto , and you will have your desire . To make green Smalt , Adde burned Copper , and so it will be of a deeper colour : but if you desire it a paler , adde the flakes of Copper , which flie off , while the smith hammereth it , being red hot . To make red Smalt , Adde the rust of iron , very finely beaten : but when you would make Smalt dark on one side , and transparent on the other , Make your Pastils of earth , and double as much glass ; set it a whole night in the fire of reverberation , and let it melt in a convenient vessel , stirring it with an iron rod : so you shall perceive both transparent and opacous parts in the same little Orb. So To make Smalt of the colour of an Amethist . It is done with nothing but Manganess : and if you would have it of a deeper colour , adde more of the body , that is , of the flower of Lead and Tin. To make Smalt of skie-colour . It may be effected with Zaphara , by adding somewhat more of the body . To make speckled Smalt , which being full of small specks , shall seem to be compounded of a great many lice , very pleasant to behold . The opacous Smalt being made , pour it upon marble , and then presently sprinkle some Crocus upon it , or drop some pale colour in specks , all over it , and you shall have your desire . To make Smalt of two colours , cast Smalt first of one colour upon a marble , as before ; and presently after , some of another colour upon that : then with an iron rod press them close , and joyn them together . To make the best kind of Smalt , such as Goldsmiths use ; to every pot allow two roles of Sal Soda , and some sand , of which glass is made , and it will be much more perfect . CHAP. IX . To make Smalt of a clear rose-colour . THe most skilful glass-makers do labour very much , in colouring Smalt of a rose-colour ; which is commonly called Rossiclere : seeing that in former times they did it most beautifully and artificially . I will set down what both I my self have dore in it , and what I have received from other friends : I have performed the best I could , to shew others an opportune way of making better . The manner is this : cast ten pounds of Crystal in a pot , and when you know it to be well melted , adde a pound of the best red lead , by half at a time , stirring it with an iron rod as fast as you can , for the weight of it will make it sink to the bottom : when it is well mixed , take it out of the pot with iron instruments fit for the purpose , and cast it into water : do this thrice : then mix with it five ounces of Tin calcined , and Cinnabaris of a most bright colour ; and so stirring them about for three hours , let them stand a while . When this is done , adde moreover three ounces of vitrified Tin , and beat them together without any intermission , and you will see a most lively rose-colour in the glass , which you may use in enamelling Gold. To make Glass of Tin. Set a pound of Tinne in a strong earthen pot , into the fire : let it heat and melt ; then remove it with iron tongs into the hottest flames of the glass-makers fornace , for three or four days . Afterwards , the pot being taken out , and cold ; break it , and in the top you will find glass of a saffron colour , not clear : but the longer it standeth in the fire , the perfecter it will grow ; neither have I known better in this kind , of those many that I have tryed . It must be reduced into fine powder : for the which not onely a morter and mills will be requite , but also a Porphyrian stone . If it be too florid , you may make it of a more faint colour , by adding glass to it . Another way to make it . This is onely for friends : Take nine parts of burnt Tinne , seven of Lead , two of Cinnabaris ; of Spanish-soder and Tartar , one part and a half ; of the Blood-stone one part , of Painters red a fourth part . And do with it , as in the former . CHAP. X. Of leaves of Metal to be put under Gems . THere are certain leaves of Metal laid under Gems , which being perspicuous , are thereby made paler or deeper , as you will : for if you would have them of a fainter colour , you must put under them leaves of a more clear brightness : if of a deeper , leaves of a darker hue . Moreover , Gems being transparent , are seen quite through , and discover the bottom of the ring ; which taketh much of their beauty off . This is an invention of later times , who by terminating the transparency of stones , with leaves of a most bright and pleasant colour , do fit and make up , and mend the colour of the stones . I have been very much delighted in this kind of work , and therefore will deliver it particularly . The leaves are to be made either of Copper alone , or of Copper , Gold , and Silver , mixt together . I will speak of those which are made of Copper alone : You must buy at the Brasiers-shops some thin plates of Copper , of the thickness of strong paper , that they may be the easier made thinner , which you must cut into pieces of three fingers in length , and two in breadth ; so that a sheet of two pound , will be divided into a hundred and thirty parts : these we must divide again into two parts , that they may be hammered more easily : Take fourty and heat them , as Artificers do gold , when they beat it out into thinne rays . Let the anvile and hammer be smooth and polished , lest the heavy stroaks should make dents in the Copper , and break it . Discontinue your work by turns , so that you may hammer the Copper while it is hot , and prepared by the fire ; and put it into the fire , when it is cold : for if you do otherwise , it will break in pieces ; which you must presently remove from the rest ; for those that are broken , will break others . But that they may be the more easier prepared , when they begin to be ex●eruated , I make use of this invention . There must be prepared two plates of iron , of a hand square , and the thickness of paper . Double one of them , that it may receive the other within the folds of it : so that they may receive the plates of Copper in the middle , and enclose them on all sides , that they can neither slip out ▪ nor any dust or ashes fall in , so stick to them . When you have thus enclosed the Copper plates , put them into the fire , and heat them ; then take them out with iron tongs , and shaking off the ashes , beat them with your hammer till they are cold , and so they will become thin and fine rays . But while you are beating one , set others to heat : and do this eight times over , until you have hammer'd them very thin , and made them fit for your purpose . It will be worth your labor to look often upon them , to see if any be broken in the working , for they will break their fellows . But because they are wont to grow black in the working , and foul , so that they oftentimes deceive the eye ; therefore it is fit , that you have a pot of water ready , with an equal quantity of Tartar , and salt in it , and let it boil over the fire : Put into it your rays , and stirre them about continually , till they be boiled white . Then take them out , and wash them in a pot of clear water , till they be very clean : then dry them with a linnen cloth , and then heat them , and beat them on the anvile again , as before , until they spread into rays , as thin as leaf-gold ▪ When this work is to be done , the hammer and anvile must be as smooth , and polished , and bright , as a looking-glass ; which you may effect in this manner . First of all , hold them to the grinde-stone , wherewith they grinde knives , until they be smoothed and planed ▪ then rub them with fine sand , and Pumice-stone ; afterwards glaze them with a wheele , and polish them with a plate of lead , and powder of emerald : if you use any other art , you will but lose your labour . Thus in two days your work will be finished , that is , by heating your plates , eight or ten times , and preparing them , and by whiting them four times at least : Finally , examine them all , whether they be whole , and of a sufficient thinness : so that if any remain too thick , they may again be brought to the hammer and perfected . But I must advertise you , that the thinner they grow , the less time they must lye in the fire , because they will presently melt : and so also in the water , because the salt will eat into them . At last , cut them with sheares into square pieces , that they may be more convenient for use . CHAP. XI . How leaves of Metals are to be polished . THe plates being thus thinned and finished , we will fall to polishing of them . But first we must provide tools , wherewith to perform it . Take a plate of Copper of a foot in length , and a hand in breadth , most exquisitely burnished , that it may be as smooth as a looking-glass : bow it either with your hand , or a hammer , by little and little , into the form of a semicylinder . Then turn a piece of wood , so that it may be equal , and fit for it in every part , and be received into the convexity of it , where being fastned with four nails at the corners of the plate , it may remain stedfast . Fix this wood upon a little frame , with two bars of a foot height , fastned to the ends of it . Now we will begin to burnish the plates ; which must be thus done : provide chalk made into fine powder , after this sort ; take some beaten clay , wrap it in a clean and indifferently fine cloth , and put it into a washing-bowl full of water ; stirre it about here and there , in the water , that the finest part may be washed through , and the courser remain in the cloth : then put the new chalk into the cloth again ; stirre it and strain it till it all pass through the cloth , and then suffer the water to settle , and seirce it through a strainer ; onely changing the water , until no gross settlement remain : Then lay the cloth over the mouth of the vessel , which must receive it , and tie it slack on : so strain it , that you may be the more sure , that nothing but what is very fine can pass through : then press cut the water , and reserve the chalk . Lay this clay , thus prepared , upon the Copper , and rub it with a poplar stick , till it shine like gold : then wash it with water , over a wide-mouthed pan , that may receive the water . After this , have a blood-stone ready , very well polished , upon a plate of lead , with the dust of Emerald , it will become most exquisitely smooth : therefore , lay your rays of copper upon the copper , and spread it abroad with the thumb of your left hand ; then cast on the clay , and pour water on to wash it , and then wipe it off , and let onely the water remain to fasten them upon the copper . Then take into your hands the stone , being fastened to a stick ; and polish the plates with it , having a great care that they do not run into wrinkles ; for then they are quite spoiled : but when they begin to move , pour on some of the water , and that will fix them again : Continue this , till you have made it all over as bright and smooth as a looking-glass . A token of their perfect polishing is , when no marks of the running of the stone , is seen upon them . Then taking them off from the wood , cast them into a pot of water , until the rest are all finished ; and then wrap them in a clean linnen cloth : dry them , and lay them up in boxes , free from all dust , and filth : but bend them like a half-pillar , so that the polished side may be inward ; and tie them so with a string . CHAP. XII . Of building a fornace for the colouring Plates . NOw we will shew how to colour them : but first , let us describe the fornace , wherewith it must be done . Therefore let a Fornace be made of iron plates of a convenient thickness : let it be a foot in height , and as much in the diameter of the length ; let it be covered on the top , with a circular plate : In the centre of the roof of it , cut a round hole , a handful in breadth ; and set another fornace upon it , of the same length and breadth , and make a hole in that also , which must be set against the other , and joyn them close together . Make a little door in the lower fornace , close to the ground ; let it be made with an arch , four fingers wide , and jet out half a foot , like the mouth of an oven , and be joyned in the same manner to the great fornace . Then kindle your coals in another place , until they cease moking , and with iron tongs cast them into the foresaid fornace : Heat it very well , and let the outward fornace or mouth of the oven be fill half way with live coals . These being thus disposed , fall to colouring the plates . And first , I will teach you How to colour plates with a purple colour . Take the plates tyed about with thread , as I told you , and fit them upon a pair of iron tongs , which you must fasten at the fore-end with an iron ring , that they may not open : hold them upon the hole of the upper fornace , that they may receive the ascending smoak ; and turn them about , until by degrees you shall perceive them gather a purple colour , without any other smoak then what ariseth from the heat of the coals : when you think them coloured enough , remove them from the smoke , and lay them aside . How to make them of a Saphire colour . It is done much after the same way : for taking the rays in an iron tongs , and holding them over the hole of the fornace , cast upon the coals through the low arched door , the feathers of a goose , which grow upon her brest , and then lay upon them a red hot iron rod. For the smoke of the feathers , arising through the tunnell of the fornace , will beat upon the rays , and make them of a sky-colour : when the iron rod groweth cold , take another and put in . It is very admirable , how on a suddain these copper rays will change into several colours : wherefore , when they have obtained the colour which you desire , take them off the fornace presently , for otherwise they will alter into another . How to make them of a silver colour . Take a little silver , and dissolve it with aqua fortis : then pour some fountain-water into it , and your copper rays : presently the water will be troubled , and will stick upon the copper like silver fleeces : cast away the water , and wash the silver , and dry it in the Sun ; and when it is dry , lay it upon a marble , and mix with it an ounce of Tartar , and as much ordinary salt ; grinde them together , till they be well mixed . This being made into powder , lay it on copper , and rub it with your fingers , and it will make it shine like silver : then spread the rays upon the round wood , and the copper ; wet them with the water , lay the powder on them , and rub them with your thumbs , that they may become of a silver colour ; steep them in water , and levigate them with the blood-stone upon the foresaid copper ; then set them in the smoke , and they will shine with a sky-colour . How to make them of the colour of an Emerald . It is very difficult , and there scarce is one of very many that will prove right . First , make your rays of a sky-colour , as before ; then take those which have not took that colour rightly , and lay two of them upon the hole of the fornace ; and through the vault of the little door , fling some leaves of Box upon red hot plates of iron , where they will crackle like day-leaves , and send up a smoke through the hole , which will colour the rays . But before they come to be of a green colour , they must pass through many other colours , as yellow , red , and sky-colour ; but they must continue some time before they obtain a perfect green . How to make them red , like a Ruby . Fling some flocks of Scarlet upon the live coles , and lay the thin plates over the hole , and the arising smoke will colour them red . How to make them of the colour of the Amethist . When it is made of a sky-colour , it passeth through the colour of the Amethist ; take it therefore off in time , and you have your wish . CHAP. XIII . How rays are to be coloured by a mixture of Metals . I will now shew how rays may be coloured by mixture with other metals ; which is of more difficulty , but of longer continuance . The former cost but little labour , but they easily lose their colour : these are harder to be made ; but keep their colour longer . Take half a pound of copper , and melt it in a melting pot , put thereunto half a crown of gold ; and when it is well melted , and mixed , adde some tartar , that when it cooleth , the top of it may be plain and smooth ; after it is cold , set it aside . Then take another half pound of copper , and melt it in the same manner ; mix a drachm of silver with it , and let it cool : take it out of the pot , and file the out-side of it smooth ; for the least crack , or chap , would spoil the work . You may know whether there be any crack within side or without , by this sign ; place it in an even poise upon a piece of iron , and strike it with another piece ; if it sound equally , and ring clearly , it is whole ; if it do jar , it is cracked somewhere . Let your pieces of metal be about a finger in bigness ; beat them gently upon the anvile , lest they break somewhere : set them in the fire and season them , and when they are cold , beat them with the hammer into thin rays , as I have said before : if they chance to crack , file off the flaws ; and when they have been seasoned twice or thrice , in the fire , have your pot of water ready , prepared with salt and tartar , to whiten them , that you may more exactly find out the craks . To make them of the colour of a Ruby . The plates being finished , if you would make them of a ruby colour , do it with flocks of scarlet , as before ; but then the rags must be of the mixture of copper and gold . To make them of the colour of a Saphire or Emerald . Let the plates be of copper and silver : the Saphire colour is made with goose feathers , but the Emerald with box-leaves , holding them somewhat longer over the fire . And these are the experiments which I have made concerning Gems . THE SEVENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Of the wonders of the Load-stone . THE PROEME . WE pass from Jewels to Stones : the chief whereof , and the most admirable is the Load-stone , and in it the Majesty of Nature doth most appear : and I undertake this work the more willingly , because the Ancients left little or nothing of this in writing to posterity . In a few days , not to say hours , when I sought one experiment , others offered themselves , that I collected almost two hundred of principal note ; so wonderful is God in all his works . But what wiser and learneder men might find out , let all men judge . I knew at Venice R. M. Paulus the Venetian , that was busied in the same study : he was Provincial of the Order of servants , but now a most worthy Advocate , from whom I not onely confess , that ● gained something , but I glory●● it , because of all the men I ever saw , I never knew any man more learned , or more ingenious , having obtained the whole body of learning ; and is not onely the Splendor and Ornament of Venice or Italy , but of the whole world . I shall begin from the most known experiments , and pass to higher matters , that it may not repent any man of his great study and accurate diligence therein . By these , the longitude of the world may be found out , that is of no small moment for Saylors , and wherein the greatest wits have been employed . And to a friend that is at a far distance from us , and fast shut up in prison , we may relate our minds ; which I doubt not may be done by two Mariners Compasses , having the Alphabet writ about them . Upon this depends the principles of perpetual motion , and more admirable things , which I shall here let pass . If the Antients left any thing of it , I shall put that in by the way : I shall mark some false reports of some men , not to detest their pains and industry , but lest any man should follow them in an error , and so errors should be perpetual thereby . I shall begin with the Name . CHAP. I. What is the Name of this Stone , the kind of it , and the Countrey where it grows . PLato in Ione writes , that Empedecles called this stone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but Lucretius from the countrey Magnesia . The Greeks do call it Magnes from the place , For that the Magnets Land it doth embrace . And the same Plato saith , some call it Heraclius . Theophrastus in his book of Stones calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is Herculeum , because he found it about the city Heraclea . Others think it denominated from Hercules : for as he conquered and subdued all beasts , and men ; so this stone conquers iron , which conquers all things . Nicander thinks the stone so called , and so doth Pliny from him , from one Magnes a shepherd ; for it is reported that he found it by his hobnail'd shooes , and his shepherds-crook that it stuck to , when he fed his flocks in Ida , where he was a shepherd . But I think it is called Magnes , as you should say Magnus , onely one letter changed . Others call it Siderites from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that in Greek signifies iron , and the Latine call it Magnes , Heraclius , and Siderites . Hes●hius makes the stone Siderites to be different from Herculeus ; for he saith , one hath an iron colour , and the other a silver colour . Also Pliny from Sotacus makes five kinds of it . The Ethiopian , the Magnesian from Magnesia neer Macedonia , as the way lies to the Lake Boebis , on the right hand ; the third in Echium of Boeo●ia , the fourth about Alexandria at Troaderum ; the fifth in Magnesia of Asia . The first difference is , whether it be male or female , the next in the colour : for those that are found in Macedonia and Magnesia , are red and black ; but the Boeotian is more red then black : That which is found in Troas is black , and of the female kind , and hath no force therefore . But the worst sort is found in Magnesia , of Asia ; it is white , and attracts not iron , and is like a Pumice stone . It is certain , that the bluer they are , the better they are . The Ethiopian is highly commended , and it costs the weight in silver . It is found in Ethiopia at Zimirum ; for so is the sandy country called . It is a token of an Ethiopick stone , if it will draw another Loadstone to it . There is also a mountain in Ethiopia , not far off , that produceth a stone called Theamedes , that drives away all iron from it . Dioscorides describes it thus . The best Loadstone is that which easily draws iron , of a bluish colour , thick , and not very weighty . P●saurensis makes three sorts of them ; one that draws iron , another flesh , another that draws and repels iron ; very ignorantly : for the fleshy Loadstone is different from this , and one and the same stone draws & drives iron from it . Marbodeus saith , it grows amongst the Proglodites and Indians . Olaus Magnus reports , that there are mountains of it in the North , and they draw so forcibly , that they have ships made fast to them by great spikers of wood , lest they should draw out the iron nails out of the ships that pass between these rocks of Loadstone . There is an Island between Corsica and Italy , call'd Ilva , commonly Elba , where a Loadstone may be cut forth : but it hath no vertue . It is found in Cantabria in Spain , Bohemia , and manyother places . CHAP. II. The natural reason of the Loadstones attraction . BEcause some have written whole Books , of the reason of the Loadstones attracting of iron : lest I should be tedious , which I purpose not to be , I think fit to pass over other mens opinions , especially , because they depend onely upon words and vain cavils , that Philosophers cannot receive them ; and I shall set down my own , founded upon some experiments : yet I shall not pass by the opinion of Anaxagoras , set down by Aristotle in his Book De Anima , who by a similitude calls it a living stone , and that therefore it draws iron ; and for some other peculiar forces , which might be properly said to proceed from the soul , as you shall see . Epicurus would fain give a reason for it , as Galen and Lucretius report . For , say they , the Atoms that flew out of the iron , and meet in the Loadstone in one figure , so that they easily embrace one the other ; these therefore , when they light upon both the concretes of the stone and iron , and then flie back into the middle , by the way they are turned between themselves , and do withall draw the iron with them . Galen inveighs against this ; for he cannot believe , as he saith , that the small atoms that flie from the stone , can be complicated with the like atoms that come from the iron , and that their embracing can draw such a heavy weight . Moreover , if you put another iron to that which hangs , that will fasten also , and another to that , and so a third and fourth : & the atoms that result from the stone , when they meet with the iron , they flie back , and are the cause that the iron hangs : and it is not possible that those atoms should penetrate the iron , & through the empty pores should rebound unto the former atoms , and embrace others , whereas he saw five iron instruments hang one by the other . And if the atoms be diffused straight forward through the iron , why then do other iron nails stick , fastned but on the sides ? for the vertue of it is spread every way : Wherefore if a very little Loadstone should touch many small bodies of iron , and these others , and those others again , and the Loadstone must fill them all ; that small stone would even be consumed into atoms . But I think the Loadstone , is a mixture of stone and iron , as an iron stone , or a stone of iron . Yet do not think the stone is so changed into iron , as to lose its own Nature , nor that the iron is so drowned in the stone , but it preserves it self ; and whilst one labours to get the victory of the other , the attraction is made by the combat between them . In that body , there is more of the stone , then of iron ; and therefore the iron , that it may not be subdued by the stone , desires the force and company of iron ; that being not able to resist alone , it may be able by more help to defend it self . For all creatures defend their being : Wherefore , that it may enjoy friendly help , and not lose its own perfection , it willingly draws iron to it , or iron comes willingly to that . The Loadstone draws not stones , because it wants them not , for there is stone enough in the body of it ; and if one Loadstone draw another , it is not for the stone , but for the iron that is in it . What I said , depends on these Arguments . The pits of Loadstone are where the veins of iron are : these are described by Galen , and such as deal in Minerals , and in the confines of them both ; of the stone and the iron they grow , and the Loadstones are seen , wherein there is more stone , and others in which there is more iron . In Germany a Loadstone is digged forth , out of which they draw the best iron ; and the Loadstone , whilst it lies in the filings of iron , will get more strength ; and if it be smeered or neglected , it will lose its forces . I oft saw with great delight a Loadstone wrapt up in burning coles , that sent forth a blue flame , that smelt of brimstone and iron ; and that being dissipated , it lost its quality of its soul that was gone , namely , its attractive vertue . It is the stink of iron and brimstone , as such who destroy iron by reducing it to a Calx , or use other Chymical operations , can easily try . And I thought that the same soul , put into another body , must necessarily obtain the same faculty . CHAP. III. That the Loadstone hath two opposite Poles , the North and South , and how they may be known . BEcause the effects of the Loadstone are many and divers , I shall begin to distinguish from the effects of it , that the Readers may receive more benefit and direction . The effects of the Loadstone , are of the stone onely , or of the iron touched with the stone , or of them both , the iron and the stone . The simple effects of the stone , are to draw the stone , to respect the Poles of the world , and such like : also they are mixt and compounded . We say therefore first , that the stone hath two points , that stand opposite one to the other , be it in a great or small stone , which we call the Poles : one of them is directed to the North , the other to the South : For if the stone be at liberty , and hangs that it may play , without any impediments from its weight , one part turns freely to the North , and the contrary part to the South . The way to try it is thus : Take a little piece of Cork , or Fennel gigant , or some other light wood , and make it like a Boat , that it may serve to bear up the weight of the stone . Put the stone into this vessel , that it may be equi-distant from the bottom . Put the Boat into a vessel full of water , that it may move here and there , and find no impediment ; let it so alone , and the Boat will never rest , until the point of the stone stand full North , and the opposite point full South . When the Boat stands still , turn it about twice or thrice with your finger , and so it will come again to rest , and return to the same posture ; and this shall make you more certain of the North and South Poles of it . There are many more ways to prove it , for letting it hang equally , as in the Mariners Compass ; for where it can move of it self freely , it still directs to the same points : and you may do the same if you hang it by a small thread . Hence we may easily learn , To know which Loadstone is the more perfect . Which a man may easily do by the former trial , and find out what Loadstone is void of vertue , or most forcible . For that Loadstone that doth soonest bring about the Boat to the points , and having found the north Pole , stands still , is certainly the most forcible stone . But that which slowly works , and comes softly about to its place , and stops oft , is more weak and feeble . Also we may be certified another way : for that which can turn about the greater piece of wood , or boat , not slowly , but quickly , is the best stone . And though there be more ways to try it , yet let these suffice at present : we shall speak of the rest in other places . CHAP. IV. The force of the stone is sent by a right line from North to South , through the length of it . BUt the two points we speak of , are the end of the right line , running through the middle of the stone from North to South ; if any man break the stone , and break this line , those ends of the division will presently be of another property and vertue , and will be enemies one to the other : which is a great wonder : for these two points , when they were joined together , had the same force of turning to the pole ; but now being parted asunder , one will turn to the North , the other to the South , keeping the same posture and position they had in the Mine where they were bred : and the same happens in the least bits that are seen in the greatest load-stone . For example : let the rock of Load-stone be ABCD , and let the line from North to South be AB : if we shall cut the stone AB out of the rock , the very line AB in the stone will represent the polar line from North to South . But if we break the stone broad-wayes , every little piece will keep its line . Cut the stone AB broad-ways , as CF , there will be two stones ; ACD , and EFB : I say , the stones cut through the line CD , each of them will have its poles of the world . In the stone AGD , the North-pole will be A , the South G. In the stone EFB , the North will be H , the South B ; and that is beyond all admiration , that the points GH whilst the stone was but one , were but one : as being agreed together , they had the same forces ; but when the stone is divided , each part will hold its vertue , and be quite contrary and at enmity : for G alwayes turns to the South , and H to the North , and every bit will have its poles : and if you fit the divided stones with boats , A and H will turn to the North , G and B to the South : and the same will fall out , if you divide AG and HB into many small pieces ; and if you afterwards join all these pieces together as they were , their mutual discord of nature will be presently reconciled . Wherefore Cardanus said false , that the Load-stone draws where it hath but a thin cover , and more in one part then another : for it attracts onely from one certain point , as it had its position before in the mines . CHAP. V. That the polar line in the Loadstone is not stable , but moveable . BUt the like wonder of nature cannot but be admired amongst many that God hath made , and therefore I would have no man ignorant thereof . This polar line spoken of , is not alwayes certain in the same place , nor doth it stand alwayes firm ; but changes , and takes the contrary positions : but this is constant in it , that it alwayes runs through the middle of the stone , like a King that hath alwayes his Court or fort in the midst of his Country : for consisting in the centre from whence the extream parts are as it were the circumference , it can easily send its forces to all parts , and defend it self . But an example shall clear this . Let the stone be AECF , and let the line AC running through the length of it , be the polar line we speak of , wherein the force of it resides , which runs from the North to the South-pole ; I say , if you divide the stone in two pieces by the line AC , that one piece may be AED , the other BCF , if they be taken asunder , that the force of it doth not reside in the extream part of the line AD or BC ; but being divided in the middle , the force is received in the middle of each stone , and in the stone AED , it will be GH , and in BCF , it will be IL : which cannot be spoken without admiration , that in a dead stone there should be a living vertue to move it self : who is there , unless he try it , that will believe these things ? For as the line that stretcheth from North to South was in the prime , so if you divide the stone into a thousand parts , that force is sent into all those parts , each of them holding its own line in the middle of it ; so if we shall divide the part AED into other parts , and shall part the smallest of them , what part soever is parted from its confines , it will have that same lively force running long-ways through the middle of it : and so it will be , if you divide the stone into the smallest sand : but the greater wonder is , that if you joit all the parts together again as they were at first , they will all have the same force united , and that will retire into the middle of the stone . CHAP. VI. That the force of North and South is vigorous in the points . BUt what is more wonderful ? Though the force retreats to the middle of the stone , yet it doth not send it self forth by the middle , but by the extream parts of the stone , and lies still in the middle , as if it were asleep ; but it is awake in the end , and there it comes forth : But if a man break the stone , he shall see it more perfectly . I shall give an example for such that are curious , to search out the vertue of the Load-stone . Let the Load-stone be AB , and A the North pole , B the South ; I say that in AB the end of the stone , the force is greater , and in the middle of the line ILN , it is more weak and drowsie , unless there be any vertue unknown in the right and left side CD : but the neerer it is to the North or South , the more it augments ; but the farther off it is , the more it faints . Break the stone in C and G , wherein there lay hid a vertue unperceived , but it will appear when the stone is broken , and shew its properties , and one point will shew forth the North , the other the South . And if these things seem superfluous , yet are they necessary , as the grounds of what I must say . CHAP. VII . That by the touching of other stones , those points will not change their forces . ANd because I said that the Load-stone doth not always hold its forces equal , but that one stone is more powerful in operation then another , for some are faint and weak ; I shall put the first question , whether by rubbing and touching the weaker stones with the stronger , those forces will be changed , or stay as they were ; as , if a Load-stone is sluggish in pointing out the pole , whether in a stronger stone rubbed with the North point upon the North point of the weaker , can help it at all ; or if we shall rub the South point of the other on the North point of this , whether the North point rubbed on will be gone and become the South point , or continue in its former vertue ? Where we have not reason to direct us , experience shall prove it . For let a Loadstone be of what forces and properties it may be , by rubbing it against a Loadstone of less vertue , it will never lose any thing , but continues immutable ; and being left at liberty in its boat , it will turn voluntarily to its own pole , and decline the contrary part . And though we cannot find the cause of it , yet it seems not against reason ; I say , that in stones of the same kind , the greater stones have the greatest forces ; and when one Loadstone i● rubbed against another , it will leave certain hairs , which are but the bruised small parts of the stone , that stick like hairs , and these are they that lend force to iron and other things to attract , and to turn to the pole ; but if the stone that is rubbed and receives it be greater then those hairs , it can never be that the gre●ter vertue should be conquered by the less , alwayes the stones being of the same kind , since the hairs have as it were no proportion to the magnitude of it . And as the hairs to the stones magnitude are insensible , so it is impossible that they can wrest the force of it to the contrary pole . CHAP. VIII . That a Loadstone will draw a Loadstone , and drive it from it . I Shall speak of the other operation of it , which is of its attracting and repelling . This is both admirable , and delightsome to behold with our eyes , and to consider in our mind , that the part of one Loadstone should so carefully search out another , allure and attract it , to enjoy its company , and to foster it in its bosom and again , another should be such an enemy to it , that they are at mutual discord , so that putting their contrary ends together , the one will be so contrary to the other , and hate as it were the force of it , that it will turn the contrary way : namely , the North part of the one doth not indifferently draw any part of every other stone , but a distinct and certain part , nor doth it drive every part from it , but that part it naturally abhors , and cannot endure , as being contrary unto it . The North part of the one will draw the South part o● the other , and drive away from it the North part of the same ; and the South part of this is not an enemy to the North part of the other , but to the South part of it . The same will appear better by an example . Let there be two stones ACD , and EBF : in the first stone let A be the North pole , and the point G the South ; in the stone EFB let the North part be H , the South B : I say , if you put the South part G. of the stone CAD , to the South part B , of the stone EFB , it will presently drive it from it ; and the same will happen if you put the North pole A to the North pole G Again , if you shew the North point A to the South point H , or the South point B to the North point A , as being mutually agreed , it will draw the part to it that is not against it . The reason of it I know ; for since that the South part G , had formerly been fast to the North part H , when the parts are divided they alwayes seek to unite again , to preserve the same body , as Philosophers say . But if the South point G had been fast with the South point B of another stone , B●flies off presently , and departs from it ; or if you shew the North point A , to the North point H , the same will come to pass : for they refuse one the other , because they did not so stand in their Mine . Here I shall confute the error of Pliny , and of his followers , who think that no other Loadstone hath this vertue but the stone of Ethiopia ; but it is common to all Loadstones . Also , it is a sign , saith he , of the Ethiopian stone , because that will draw another whole Loadstone to it . Also Cardanus falsly affirms that one Loadstone will not draw another ; but it will draw it , because the iron is concealed in it that it had first drank in . In brief , the poles that are unlike , will join together , by reason of the similitude of their substance , and likeness of inclination ; but the poles that are the same , by a contrary inclination are at enmity : that is , the North point seeks the South point , and the South the North point ; so shall the South and North points reject South and North points . Yet we must tell you by the way , that when we try the stones , let them not be both great and vast stones , that being hindered by their weights cannot perform their office : but let one be great , and the other small ; or both small , that they may be mutually repulsed or drawn on . The trial is easie , if they be hanged by a thread , or put into their boats , or if they play equally balanced upon the needle . CHAP. IX . A sport of the Loadstone . I Will not pass by a merry conceit of the Loadstone , that I have oft-times made my friends sport with , for the good of those that are curious in the search of the reasons of things . How in a short time two kinds of sands mingled , and said on a heap , may be parted one from the other very suddenly : for the standers by , that cannot sound the reason of it will , think it impossible . The trick is this : Pown a Loadstone into very fine sand , and put some white sand , or some other sand together with it , and mingle them , and make a heap of them : for if you put a Loadstone to it , either uncovered , or covered with linen ( that the standers by may not know it ) presently the sand of the Loadstone , as in league with it , will run like small hairs joined together , and will stick fast to the stone ; which you may brush off and lay aside , then come again , and what is behind will run to the stone , till you have drawn it all out ; and it will cause no little wonder , that when the Loadstone comes to the heap , the sands that were mingled should be parted asunder . But the more easily to powder the Loadstone , do thus . Put the Loadstone into an iron morter , lay a blanket or some other soft thing upon it , for it will thus yield to hand-strokes , and presently crumble ; if not , you must beat hard on the bottom of the morter , and batter the pestle . Also the same thing befals us in a certain sand that is brought to us out of an iron Mine from Porchys , for it hath the colour and shining that iron hath ; and by the proximation of the Loadstone , it is soon parted from the other , to the admiration of those that are present . It may be this experiment was made , because the antients report that the Loadstone will draw iron , sand , oyle , and all things . CHAP. X. The greater the Loadstone is , the greater is the force of it . ANd you must know , that the bigger Loadstone will cast forth its force at a farther distance , and brandish it , and attract the opposite Loadstone with more violence , and draw it to it , and that in the same sort of stone ; as if a Loadstone be a pound weight , and another Loadstone be a good distance from it , it will presently leap , and meet the other that draws it . If we cut off half that stone , the force of it will decay , and be dull as if it were dead , and the vigor of it is taken away by the proportion of the part taken from it . If any man will not believe it , let a stone be fetcht for trial ; for a part being taken away , part of the vertue is lost also : join the part taken away as it was , and the force will be restored , and become more lively , and will be as powerful as formerly , that it will leap at a Loadstone that meets it at a great distance , and presently embrace it . This argument confirms it , that the greater the stone is , the greater force it hath , even in the same sort of stones : for I have seen divers Loadstones , brought from divers parts of the world , to have divers properties . I saw at Rome , a Loadstone weighed an Ounce , that drew two Ounces of Iron , and held it so fast as it drew , that it could scarce be pulled from it . I have seen others of forty Pound weight , that were so feeble , that they would scarce stir an Ounce . But that I may the more oblige the curiosity of Students in this matter , I shall teach in the following Chapters , how the Vertue of the Stone may be tried and equally balanced . CHAP. XI . That the force of this Stone will pass into other Stones , that sometimes you may see as it were a rope of Stones . THe Stone with us is commended for another property ; for when it hath taken hold of another Stone , it not only holds that fast , but it sends into the Body of it an effluxion of its forces ; and that having got more forces , draws another , and gives it the like faculty : the third made to partake of the same vertue , draws others that are neer or far off , and cast forth and brandisheth the same vertue ; and this draws another : and so , by a reciprocal ejaculation , by the same force it is held , by the same it holds others ; and from each of them to the other , are their darts flying , as it were endowed with the vertue of them : and if you lift them up on high , they seem to hang in links like a Chain , that they will not easily be drawn one from the other ; that we must needs wonder exceedingly , how that internal and invisible force can run from one to the other , and pass through them : and the more vertue it hath , to the more it doth communicate it . Yet I thought fit to forewarn you that you fail not in your trial , that the Stones must stick the one to the other by the parts that agree , and not by contrary parts ; for so would not one impart his vertues to another , but by the meeting with an opposite part , would be held back , and cease from doing its Office ; namely , that the North point of the one , must stick to the South point of the other , as I said ; and not contrarily : for the South point applied to the South , and the North point to the North point , is contrary and the faculty will faint and decay at the presence of its Adversary . Nor yet will we omit to remember those that are curious to try this , that the Stones must successively be proportionable , that the great one must draw a less , and a little one must draw one less then it self : for so they will hang the faster , and not be so easily pulled asunder . CHAP. XII . That in the Loadstone that hairyness is contused . HEnce comes that hairiness of little Hairs , that we mentioned before , that sticks so fast to the Stone , that it can hardly be pulled off : for when one is rubbed against the other , or is beaten off with a light blow of the Hammer , those small pieces being rubbed one against another , do not fall to the Earth by their own weight , but are held up by the force of the Stone : and that one may stick fast to the other , turning its friendly countenauce to it , it can by no other means commodiously fasten to its sympathizing part , nor be joyned with it , but like a Hair or small Threed ; and if you rub one Stone long against another , that heap of Sand will so augment , that it will appear all hairy , or like the down on a mans chin , or as it were beset round with a heap of pricks . Nor is this to be passed without admiration , That if any man puts another Loadstone to it , or neer it , that is greater then i● , and more powerful ; they will appear presently to turn about , and to direct their friendly parts to the like parts in the Stone that is put neer them , and to strive to come to it ; and if they cannot do it , for want of strength , they will fall to the ground . CHAP. XIII . The attractive part is more violent then the part that drives off . WE must tell the Reader of another thing before-hand , that having laid the foundation of what we shall say , we may proceed to greater matters . The part that attracts , draws more vehemently ; and that which drives away , doth it more faintly ; namely , the part opposite to it : for if the South part of the Stone , stick to the North part of the other , it will draw at greater distance and more force : but contrarily , if you turn the disagreeing parts together , namely , the South parts to the South , and the North parts to the North parts , the natural force is made dull , and as though it were feeble and weak , it loseth its force , that it cannot so well perform its Office ; and if they be not very neer , the force is stopped , and can do very little . If any man desires to try , let him hang them up with threads , or balance them on a pin , or put them in Boats , and he shall finde their readiness to draw , and their feebleness and sluggishness to drive off from them . CHAP. XIV . The contrary parts of the Stones are contrary one to another . THe parts we speak of , if they be joyned friendly together , they will as it were , enter a league , and help one the other , and will gain more force and vertue . But if they be contrary , they are at such opposition by their Nature , and such secret hatred there is between them , that being put together by their disagreeing points , as if their Adversary were present , they will cease from all their attraction , and lose all their force . As , if you have Loadstones in your hands , that have the opposite parts united , the North and South together ; if another stone be put to them , neither of these stones will move or get the Victory ; for they neither draw to , nor drive from ; especially , if both their forces be equal . But if one be stronger then another , the stone that is put to it , will move and stir , and will either come forward or go backward . But if you take up his contrary Companion , he will either be drawn after , or will flie from it willingly ; for it will either go along with the part it agrees with , or will go from that part it is contrary to : by which Reason you may know , that one hinders the other . We may also by another Experiment , be made more certain of the same thing : If you draw one Loadstone with another , and let it hang in the Air ; if to the place where they joyn , you apply the contrary force of another Loadstone ; by this meeting with their Enemy , both their forces will fail and faint : and if the same be of a great force , the stone that drew will let the other go , and falls from it . And also , not without mirth and admiration , you shall see a Chain of many pieces of Loadstones hanging together ; and if you apply the contrary side to the third or fourth stone , the Chain is presently broken , and the part falls off , and will not hang fast : but the other parts , whither the force of it comes not , will yet stick fast together in a Link , unless you put the end of the contrary part to them . CHAP. XV. How to know the Polar points in the Loadstone . VVE may know by another and more certain way then that I set down before , which are the vertical points in the Loadstone , which turn to the North , which to the South ; and especially , that point that sends forth the attractive vertue , will be discovered . Thus : That point that most vehemently draws unto it the South point of another stone , and sticks fast to it , that is the North point ; and that point the North part of another stone willingly joyns with , is the South point . The same also may be known by the driving off : That point that drives off from it , and refuseth the North part of the stone put against it , is the North point ; and the 〈◊〉 point , that drives from it the South point . And he that would have the true pole more exactly demonstrated , let him do thus : Put a little bit of a Loadstone , not much greater or lesser then a Millet-Seed , to the Loadstone ; and if it presently draw it at a distance , and when it is drawn , it sticks fast and is hardly taken from it , it is an Argument of the true end whence that force proceeds . You may also draw about a little bit about that point , to see if it will draw weakly or strongly , and whether it will part from that place of it self , or unwillingly . Briefly , That point that draws with most force , and will hardly let loose what it hath attracted , is the true point of attraction ; giving you to understand , That the Pole sends its force to the Circumference . I have known it so , as from the Centre to the Circumference . And as the light of a Candle is spread every way , and enlightens the Chamber ; and the farther it is off from it , the weaker it shines , and at too great a distance is lost ; and the neerer it is , the more cleerly it illuminates : so the force flies forth at that point ; and the neerer it is , the more forcibly it attracts ; and the further off , the more faintly : and if it be set too far off , it vanisheth quite , and doth nothing . Wherefore for that we shall say of it , and mark it for , we shall call the length of its forces the compass of its vertues . CHAP. XVI . That the force of drawing and driving off , can be hindred by no hindrance . BUt this is above all wonder , that you can never wonder so much as you should , That the force of the stone for attraction and repelling , can be included in no bounds , can be hindered by nothing , or held back ; but it will penetrate invisibly , and will move and stir those stones that are sympathizing with it , if they be put to it , and will exercise its forces , as if there were nothing between : but this must be within the compass of its vertue : for if you hang some Loadstone fitly upon a Table of wood , stone , or metal , or lying equally balanced , and you shall put your Loadstone under the Table , and stir it there , the vertue of it will pass from this body like a Spirit penetrating the solid Table , and move the stone above it , and stir it as it self is moved ; as this moves , so moves that ; and when this rests , that doth the same . But if the Table be made of Loadstone or Iron , the vertue is hindred , and can do nothing : we shall shew the reasons of it in their proper places . Of so many strange miracles in Nature , there is none more wonderful then this . CHAP. XVII . How to make an Army of Sand to fight before you . ANd it is as pleasant as wonderful , that I shewed to my Friends , who beheld on a plain Table an Army of Sand divided into the Right and Left Wings , fighting , to the wonder of the Spectators : and many that were ignorant of the business , thought it was done by the help of the Devil . I pouned a Loadstone into powder , some very small , some somthing gross : and I made some of little bits , that they might better represent Troops of Horse , or Companies of Foot : and so I set my Army here and there . The Wings were on the Right and Left , and the main Body was in the middle , accompanied with Troops of Horse : under a smooth Table I put a very principal Loadstone with my Hand . When this was put there , the Left Wing marched ; and on the Right Hand , with another stone , the Right Wing marched : when they drew neer together , and were more neer the Loadstone , the Sands trembled ; and by degrees , they seemed like those that take up their Spears ; and when the Loadstone was laid down , they laid down their Spears , as if they were ready to fight , and did threaten to kill and slay : and the better the Loadstone was , the higher would these hairs stretch forth themselves : and as I moved my Hands by little and little , so the Army marched on : and when the stones came neer to one the other , they seemed to fight , and run one within the other ; so the other Wings and Troops came on , and shewed the form of a Battle ; and you might see them sometimes retreat , sometimes march forward ; sometimes to conquer , and sometimes to be conquered ; sometimes to lift up their Spears , and lay them down again , as the Loadstone was put neer to them , or farther off ; and the more force there was to send forth every way . But this is the greater wonder , because what is done on a plain Board , may be done hanging in the Air , that you may see them like the Antipodes in Battel : for stretching out a Paper , or setting a Table aloft , the Loadstones moved above the Table , will do the same thing we speak of , and shew it to the Spectator . But if one that is ingenious do the business , he will do more and greater Feats then we can write of . CHAP. XVIII . The Situation makes the Vertues of the Stone contrary . IT cannot want wonder , as it doth reason , That the position should shew the Vertues contrary to all that we have said : for the stone put above the Table will do one thing , and another thing if it be put under the Table : for if you fit the stone by equally poising it to make it move freely , or put it into a Boat , and put a stone above it , it will attract it , or reject it , as we said before : but if you put it under the stone , it will work contrarily ; for that part that drew above , will drive off beneath ; and that will draw beneath , that drove off above : that is , if you place the stone above and beneath in a perpendicular . By which Experiments , one may see cleerly , That the situation will work contrary operations , and change the forces of it by turns . Wherefore in the operations of it , you must chiefly mark the position , if you put the Loastone above or beneath . CHAP. XIX . How the attractive force of the Loadstone may be weighed . WE can also measure that attracting or expelling vertue of the Loadstone , or poise it in a balance : which will be of no small consequence in the following considerations ; and especially , for a perpetual motion , and to make Iron hang pendulous in the Air , when the true and certain attractive Vertue is found our from the Circumference to the Centre . The Art is this : Put a piece of a Loadstone into a balance , and in the other scale as much weight of some other matter , that the scale may hang equal : then we apply a piece of Iron lying on a Table , that it may stick to the Loadstone that is in the scale : and that they may stick fast by their friendly points , you shall by degrees cast some sand into the other scale , and that so long , till the scale and iron part ; so by weighing the weight of the sand , we have the Vertue of the Loadstone we sought to finde . We may also put the iron into the scale , and lay the Loadstone on the Table . CHAP. XX. Of the mutual attraction , and driving off of the Loadstone , and of Iron . NOw are we come to the other part of our Treaty , wherein we discourse of the mutual union of Loadstones , and of their differences one with the other : the effects whereof are so known , that they are in the mouths of all men , nor will any man almost say that he knows them not . The operation is this : Because there is such a Natural concord and sympathy between the iron and the Loadstone , as if they had made a League ; that when the Loadstone comes neer the iron , the iron presently stirs , and runs to meet it , to be embraced by the Loadstone . And that embraceth it so fast , that with tossing of it up and down , you can scarce part them . And the Loadstone runs as fast to the iron , and is as much in love with that , and unity with it ; for neither of them will refuse to be drawn . But the weaker still runs willingly to meet the other . That you may believe this , you shall try it thus : Either hang them both by a thread , or put them in boats , or balance them on the needle . Pliny speaking of this , saith , For what is more wonderful ? or wherein is Nature more wanton ? what is more sluggish than a cold stone ? yet Nature hath given this both sense and hands . What is more powerful than hard iron ? yet it yields and submits : for the Loadstone draws it ; and that matter that conquers all things , runs after I know not what ; and as it comes neer , it stops , and lays fast hold , and stays constantly to be embraced . Lucretius , seeking the cause of this effect , How it should be that Loadstone Iron draws : And Orpheus in his Verses relates , that iron is drawn by the Loadstone , as a Bride after the Bridegroom , to be embraced ; and the iron is so desirous to joyn with it as her husband , and is so sollicitous to meet the Loadstone : when it is hindred by its weight , yet it will stand an end , as if it held up its hands to beg of the stone , and flattering of it , as if it were impatient that it cannot come at it by reason of its ponderosity ; and shews that it is not content with its condition : but if it once kist the Loadstone , as if the desire were satisfied , it then is at rest ; and they are so mutually in love , that if one cannot come at the other , it will hang pendulous in the air . Wherefore Albertus very ignorantly told Frederick the Emperour , that a friend of his shew'd a Loadstone that did not attract iron , but was attracted by it : since the lighter of these two will stir , when the heavier approaches neer it . CHAP. XXI . The Iron and Loadstone are in greater amity , then the Loadstone is with the Loadstone THe exceeding love of the Iron with the Loadstone , is greater and more effectual and far stronger , then that of the Loadstone with the Loadstone ; and this is easily proved : For lay on a Table , pieces of iron , and Loadstone of the same weight ; and let another Loadstone be brought neer ; when it comes to a fit distance , the iron will presently stir , and runs toward the Loadstone and embraceth it . And it is proved better thus : Let a Loadstone embrace a Loadstone , and be set softly neer the iron ; when the force of its circumference comes to the iron , the Loadstone will presently let fall the Loadstone , and lay hold on the iron : but let iron and that be joyned , no Loadstone can ever take them asunder to stick there . CHAP. XXII . The Loadstone doth not draw on all parts , but at certain points . YEt we must not think that the Loadstone draws the iron with every part , but at a set and certain point ; which is to be searched out , with great reason , care , and diligence . You shall find it thus : either hang up the iron , or balance it on a Table , that it may presently leap to be embraced from them : then carry your Loadstone round about it ; and when you see the iron tremble , and run toward the Loadstone , touching it , that is the very point of attraction , and the beams of its vertue are sent round about from that point : wherefore , the farther from that point the iron is , the more faintly and weakly will it move ; for the more forcible vertue nests in the Centre , as in its Throne . CHAP. XXIII . That the same Loadstone that draws , doth on the contrary point drive off the iron . THat no man might be deceived , thinking the Loadstone that draws iron , to be different from that stone that drives it off ; I tell him of it beforehand , and I shall by experiments dissipate this cloud . Pliny saith , the Loadstone that draws iron to it , is not the same with that which drives iron from it . And again , In the same Ethiopia , there is a mountain that produceth the stone Theamedes , that drives off iron , and rejecteth it . Pliny not knowing this , erred exceedingly , thinking that they were two stones that had these contrary operations ; whereas it is but one and the same stone , that by sympathy and similitude , draws the willing iron to it ; but with the opposite part , by antipathy of Natures , it drives it off . And you may be easily assured of this : for let iron be balanced equally , and let one end of the Loadstone draw it , if you turn the other end to it , it will fly back , and turn to the contrary part : these points run in a right line through the middle of the stone . Yet observe this , that the iron which is drawn by one point of the Loadstone , or is within the compass of its vertue for a while , obtains presently this vertue : that what is drawn by the one end of it , will be driven off by the other . You shall know these differences of attraction more clearly by the following experiment . CHAP. XXIV . How iron will be made leap upon a Table , no Loadstone being seen . BY reason of this consent and discord of the Loadstone , I use to make pretty sport to make my friends merry . For casting the iron on the Table , and not putting any Loadstone neer it , that the spectators can see , the iron will seem to move it self : which is very pleasant to behold . I do it thus : divide a needle in the middle , cast one half of it upon the Table , but first rub the head of it with one end of the Loadstone . Put your hand with the Loadstone privately under the Table , and there where the head of the needle lyeth , the Loadstone will stick , and the needle will presently stand upright : and standing so , to the wonder of the beholders , will walk over the Table , and follow the motion of the hand that guides it : when it hath gone thus a while , presently turn the stone upside down , and put the contrary part of the Loadstone to the needle ; and ( which is strange ) the needle will turn about : and if it went on the head before , it will now go on the point ; and draw your hand which way you will , the needle will follow it : and if you turn the stone three or four times , putting sometimes the south point , sometimes the north point of the stone to it , the needle will turn as often , and sometimes stand on the head , sometimes on the point upright , or walk so as you please ; and sometime it will go with that part it stood upon , sometimes it will stand on the part it went. I can present my friends with the same sight , in a more strange manner : for if you put the two pieces of a needle upon a paper or Table , whereof one hath touched the north point , the other the south point of the stone , I can so place two stones , that one of the needles shall go upon the head , the other upon the point ; and sometimes one shall turn , then both at once , or they shall dance orderly , and move when any musick is playd on . And this is a pretty sight to shew your friends , that cannot but admire it . CHAP. XXV . That the vertue of the Loadstone , is sent through the pieces of Iron . THat vertue that is imparted to the iron , by the Loadstone , doth not stay in the iron , but is sent from one to another . For if you draw a ●eel needle by the touch of the Loadstone , and put another needle to the end of that needle , that part will draw the needle , and hold it hanging in the air ; and if you apply another needle to that , it will do the same . You may do this with as many needles , as the force of the Loadstone can reach unto ; but when it grows faint , the needle will let the other needle fall , as not having strength enough to bear its weight . And thus you may hang a great many needles in a chain in the air . Plato knew this vertue , for he speaks of it in Ione : which stone , not onely draws iron rings , but infuseth vertue into the rings themselves , that they can do the same , and attract rings as the one doth : whence sometimes you shall see a long concatenation of iron rings , and all the vertue of them is attracted from that stone . Lucretius knew it also . A Stone there is that men admire much , That makes rings hang in chains by touch . Sometimes five or six links will be Fast joyn'd together , and agree . All this vertue from the Stone ariseth , Such force it hath — Pliny speaking of the same vertue , saith , Onely this matter receives strength from another stone , and holds it a long time ; laying hold of another iron , that sometimes you shall see a chain of rings , which the ignorant vulgar call Live iron . Galen . You may see in the Loadstone , that when it toucheth iron , it will ●●ick to it , without any bands : and if that was first touched , touch another , that will ●●ick as the first doth ; and likewise a third to the second . Augustine de civitate Dei , speaking of this wonder , said , We know that the Loadstone will wonderfully draw iron ; which when I first saw , I trembled at it exceedingly . For I saw an iron-ring drawn by the stone , that hung in the air by it , that communicated the same force to others : for another ring put to the first , made that hang also ; and as the first ring hung by the stone , so the second ring hung by the first ring . In the same manner was there a third and fourth ring applied , and fastned ; and so their rings hung together by the outsides , not fastned inwardly , like to a chain of rings . Who would not admire at the vertue of this stone ? that was not onely within it , but ran through so many rings , that hung by it , and held them fast with invisible bands . But the greater the vertue of the Loadstone is , the more rings it will hang up : I have hang'd ten needles with a stone of a pound weight . But he that would draw many needles , let him rub the heads onely against the Loadstone , and they will all hold the heads by their points . CHAP. XXVI . The Loadstone within the sphere of its vertue , sends it forth without touching . ANd the Loadstone doth not onely impart its vertue to the iron , by touching it , but , which is wonderful , within the compass of its vertue , it will impart vertue to the iron , if it be but present , to draw another iron . For if you put your Loadstone so neer to the iron , that it may have it onely within the circumference of its vertue , and you put another iron neer to that iron , it will draw it to it ; and if another touch that which is drawn , it will draw that also : that you shall see a long chain of rings or needles , hanging in the air . But when they hang thus together , if you ●emove the Loadstone a little farther off , the last ring will fall ; and if yet you remove ● farther , the next will fall , until they all fall off : whence it is clear , that without touching , it can impart its vertue to the iron . CHAP. XXVII . How the Loadstone can hang up iron in the air . I Have a long time endeavoured much to make iron hang in the air , and not touch the Loadstone , nor yet tied beneath : and now I think it almost impossible to be done . Pliny saith it : Dinocrates the Architect began to vault the Temple of Arsinoe with Loadstone , that therein her Image of iron might seem to hang in the air : both he and Ptolomy died , who commanded this to be made for his sister ; so that what he began , he did not finish . The Greeks say , that in the Temple of Serapis , that is vaulted at Alexandria , there was a Load-stone set , that held a statue of brass in the air ; for it had a piece of iron in the head of it . But that is false , that Mahomets chest hangs by the roof of the Temple . Petrus Pellegrinus saith , he shewed in another work how that might be done : but that work is not to be found . Why I think it extream hard , I shall say afterwards . But I say it may be done , because I have now done it , to hold it fast by an invisible band , to hang in the air ; onely so , that it be bound with a small thread beneath , that it may not rise higher : and then striving to catch hold of the stone above , it will hang in the air , and tremble and wag it self . CHAP. XXVIII . The forces of the Loadstone cannot be hindred , by a wall or table coming between . AS I said before of the Loadstone , the vertue of that and iron , can be hindred by no body coming between ; but it will do its office . For whilst the Loadstone is moved under a Table of wood , stone , or any metal , except iron ; the needle in the Mariners Compass will move above , as if there were no body between them . St. Augustine Lib. de civitate Dei , knew this experiment . But that is much more wonderful that I have heard : that if one hold a Loadstone under a piece of silver , and put a piece of iron above the silver , as he moves his hand underneath that holds the stone , so will the iron move above ; and the silver being in the middle , and suffering nothing , running so swiftly up and down , that the stone was pull'd from the hand of the man , and took hold of the iron . CHAP. XXIX . How a man of wood may row a little Boat ; and some other merry conceits . THe fraud here is notable ; for women shall see a man of wood rowing a little boat well waxed , in a large vessel full of water , and they can counterfeit hereby , as impostors do divination by water . The fraud is thus began : the vessel is filled with water , a little ship of Wax is put into it , or else of wood ; in the middle sits a little man of wood , fastned through the middle with a hogs-bristle , so equall balanced , that with every light motion he may easily stir himself : let him have oars in his hands , and under his feet a piece of iron . Let the Alphabet be made on the brim of the vessel , round about : wherefore a woman coming to enquire of some doubtful matter , the little man of wood , as if he would give a true answer , will row to those letters that may signifie the answer : for he that holds the Loadstone in his hand , under the Table , can draw the boat which way he will , and so will answer by joyning these letters together . Or put a boy of cork into a glass viol , with a broad mouth , that turns himself about the needle equally balanced ; and about the glass vessel , make the Alphabet , that the man turning round about may give answers . But I made my friends wonder exceedingly to see A paper go up a wall , and come down of it self . For I glew'd a piece of iron on the backside of the paper , and I gave it my friends to hold to the wall ; but behinde stood a boy with a Loadstone , and the paper that was left there , stood still : my friend commanded it to go up two foot : the boy that heard what was commanded , moved the Loadstone against it , to that place : and the paper moved thither also , and so downwards , or side-ways : they that knew not the reason were astonished at it . But , which exceeds all , when he moved the Loadstone over his head by an arch of wood , it drew the paper after it whereupon the paper hung over our heads and moved : but all that saw it , believed the Divel was the cause of it . CHAP. XXX . A Loadstone on a plate of iron , will not stir iron . WE said that there is nothing coming between , can hinder the force of iron , but iron onely : so that if you lay a needle on a plate of iron , and shall bring your Loadstone to it , above or beneath , it hath no vertue to attract it , or do its office : and the reason is easie . For it stands by reason , that if iron lye upon iron , they are the same body , as a part is of the whole : and when the plate of iron , or piece , is bigger , and too heavy for the Loadstone to draw , it moves not . So that if you put the filings of iron upon a plate of iron , and with your hand underneath , you carry the Loadstone , the filings will not stir , but stand still upon the plate . Nor if iron or a Loadstone be upon a Table of iron , will they come to the stone that is put to them , but will lye as if they were asleep , and void of all vertue , or changed in their Natures . Also , if you put flat iron to a Load stone , if on the other side iron be equally balanced , it will not stir , nor move to meet it ; as if all the force of the Loadstone were hindred by it . Lucretius saith , that it will happen so , not when iron , but brass is between them : but I rather think he writ so by hear-say , then by his sight , if we understand his meaning . Pieces of iron I have seen , When onely brass was put between Them and the Loadstone , to recoil : Brass in the middle made this broil . CHAP. XXXI . The position of the Iron , will change the forces . VVHat the Loadstone can do , the iron touched by the Loadstone , will do the same . I said , that the Loadstone equally balanced , by putting the south part of the Loadstone above , it will draw the north part , and the north part will drive off the north part ; but on the lower part , the Nature being changed , that which drew before , drives off now ; and that which drove off , draws to it . The same I judge of iron touched with the Loadstone . For iron in the Mariners Compass touched with the Loadstone , that part of the Loadstone that draws and drives off in the upper part , being put under , expels what it drew before , and draws what it expelled . I would not omit , that amongst its admirable properties , the position should cause such alteration . Whence we may conjecture , that as the stone hath a pole-arctick and antarctick ; so it hath an east and west part , and its upper and nether part , as the heavens have : and therefore it is reasonable , that whereas the north and inferiour part from above , drew the south and inferiour part of the iron ; now the position being changed , the upper part of the stone will draw the nether part of the iron . CHAP. XXXII . That the iron rubbed with the northern point of the Loadstone , will turn to the south , and with the south point to the north . I Come to the third part , that is , to the iron touched with the Loadstone , and they are all wonderful , I say then , that when we know the north point of the stone , and we have rubbed one end of the iron with it , if it be equally balanced , or hung by a thread , or lie freely in a boat , it will turn of it self to the south . And that stands with reason : for the Loadstone imparts its force to the iron . For it is the natural force of the Loadstone , that being balanced equally , it should turn its north point to the north , and his south point to the south . But when it is rubbed on the iron , the upper part of the Loadstone is fastned to the iron ; but the lower part that is neer to it , is free'd : wherefore , if you rub the iron with the north part , which fastneth to the iron , and toucheth its external superficies , it will be northern that seems to to be southern , and this south part will turn freely to the north . But contrarily , if you rub the south point against the iron , the south point is fastned to the iron , and the north point is let loose that turns to the north . Wherefore Cardanus speaks false , that the iron touched by the north point , will turn to the north , and that which was touched by the south point , will turn south ; for we see the contrary . Yet the iron must be touched with one point , either the north or south point : for if one part bend northward , the other will tend southward ; by the use whereof , so large seas are sail'd over , that being the conductor . Our Ancestors sailed , by seeing the sun by day , and the stars by night . For in the middle of the sea , as they wandred , they could no otherwise see the coasts of the world . But we cannot onely discover what coast we are in , but we can avoid the rocks under the waters ; and in cloudy days and dark nights , we can at all times know the poles of the world . Flav●us saith , an Italian found it out first , whose name was Amalphus , born in our Campania . But he knew not the Mariners Card , but stuck the needle in a reed , or a piece of wood , cross over ; and he put the needles into a vessel full of water , that they might flote freely : then carrying about the Loadstone , the needles would follow it ; which being taken away , as by a certain natural motion , the points of the needles would turn to the north pole ; and having found that , stand still . Wherefore , knowing the place before they steer'd their course thither . Now the Mariners Compass is made , and a needle touched with the Loadstone , is so fitted to it , that by discovering the pole by it , all other parts of the heavens are known . There is made a rundle , with a Latin-navel upon a point of the same metal , that it may run roundly freely . Whereupon , by the touching onely of one end , the needle not alone partakes of the vertues of it , but of the other end also , whether it will or not : For if you rub the needle with the north point of the stone presently that part will turn to the south , and the opposite part to the north ; and one vertue cannot be imparted without the other . So the needle touched by the south point of the stone , will turn to the north , and the other part to the south ; so that the part of the needle that is touch'd , receives a contrary force , from that the stone hath . CHAP. XXXIII . That iron touched by the Loadstone , will impart that force to other iron . IRon touched by the Loadstone , by that touch receiveth the vertue of the Loadstone , that it will do almost as much by attracting , and effecting , and turning it self to the pole . So the iron hanging freely , touched with the south point of the Loadstone , will turn freely to the north : if you apply the south part of the stone to the same , it will turn to the south presently . But if you touch another iron with the iron that was touched , that will turn to the south ; and do but point at it with the said point of the iron , it will turn to the north . And this force is not onely sent into the second iron , but to a third and fourth , as the force of the Loadstone is . For if it be a strong stone , it will send its vertue through eight or ten needles . CHAP. XXXIV . The vertue received in the iron , is weakned by one that is stronger . YEt this I must tell you , that the vertue received by the iron , is not fixt and certain , but is taken off by a stronger that takes it from it . As an iron touched by a weak northern point of the Loadstone ; if you rub the same part of the iron with a south point of a stronger Loadstone , it will vanish , and that former force of turning it self to the south , is taken away , and it takes a southern vertue , and will turn to the north without resistance . But if the Loadstones be of equal force , they are so astonished and blunted , that they will neither receive both , nor either . CHAP. XXXV . How in a stone the south or north point is discerned . AMongst those ways I shewed before , I shall set down this also ; and perchance this is the best , how to know the true northern and southern points . Let the Loadstone be turned round , by the wheel of the Jewellers , and polished . Then make a slender iron , as long as the axeltre of that round ball , and lay that upon the stone : for it will turn it self upon that line , that points just north and south . Mark the line upon the stone , with some delible paint : do the same on the otherside of the stone ; and where it rests upon the ball , draw the same line : do the same the third and fourth time , upon the middle of it : and where those lines cross one the other and meet , those are the polar points . We may also find it out thus : Break a small needle , and put the smallest piece upon the same ball , and stir it ; for when it comes to the just northern point , the needle will stand upright , that will make standers by admire , and will stand perpendicularly upon it : and till it do rise thus , be not weary of moving it up and down ; for when you have found it , you will be glad of it . CHAP. XXXVI . How to rub the iron needle of the Mariners Compass . I Know that some are troubled how to rub the needle in the Compass with the Loadstone , that it may get force to turn it self to the north Pole. It must be done thus : When you have found the points in the stone , as I said before ; strike the points lightly with a hammer , and the plates will be full of stiff hairs : upon which if you rub an iron needle , it will presently get vertue to turn it self to the Poles . Yet observe this , that if you would have your needle turn to the north , you must rub it on the south point ; but if to the south , rub it with the north part : For when it is equally balanced , it will turn to these points in the heavens . But that it may do it more forcibly , and do its office more exactly , I shall lay down some rules fit to instruct you . If you strike both ends of the stone with the hammer , that hairs may appear on both parts , that you touch the needle at both ends , for so the needle will sooner do its office . Moreover , you must observe very carefully , that when the iron rub'd against the Loadstone , hath received these hairs , that you touch it with no other iron or Loadstone , but keep it far distant from them , and lock it up in a box ; for by touching of others the iron will grow dull , and lose its vertue , that it will never point out the parts of heaven perfectly . For the iron coming within the Compass of the vertue of another Loadstone , will receive that , as we said . So the needle must be proportionable to the stone . For from a little Loadstone , a great iron will not receive much vertue , nor shew the pole : also , a little piece of iron cannot receive much vertue ; for it consumes by the great force of the Loadstone . Moreover , the point that shews the pole , must not be sharp , but f●at a little , that it may receive those vertues of the Loadstone exactly , and hold them ; for in a very sharp point , scarce any vertue will abide . Iron , the purer it is , the better will it hold the vertue . For it will hardly take upon foul and rusty iron : wherefore Mariners make it of pure steel ; for steel is made of the best iron . If you observe this , iron once rubbed , will hold the vertue a hundred years ; and will certainly , without failing , point exactly at the poles in the heavens , for so long time . CHAP. XXXVII . Of the divers uses of Mariners Compasses . ANd the needle touched , doth not onely shew the poles for the Mariners use , but almost it serves for infinite uses ; as all men know that it is dayly spoken of every where . I shall speak of some of the chief . The use of the Loadstone upon the needle , is well known in Sun-dials : for when the needle stands still over the line that is made from north to south , we are so directed by it , to know the hours by the shadow falling from the Gnomon . Also , those that work in Mines use the needle , to find the veins of the metals , which way they run : for in caves under ground , in that posture the needle stands that is touched with the Loadstone , they know the veins of the metals run on that side of the heavens . Also , it doth serve very much for those that describe platforms of buildings , cities , countries , whilst the situation of the corners are taken and described upon the paper . We use it also in making passages , for to bring water under ground , in digging pits , in making Mines and Trenches , wherewith they use , with great skill , to blow up Forts , Castles , Rocks and Walls , by putting Gunpowder into them , and stopping all places of vent : the Compass guides them how to go on . Lastly , how to level the discharging of Canon , both by night and day , it is of singular vertue , and for many other uses , too tedicus to relate here . CHAP. XXXVIII . How the Longitude of the world , may be found out by help of the Loadstone . I Will not omit , that amongst the principal uses of the Loadstone , by the help of it the Longitude of the world may be found out . Which notable work hath employed the wits of the most knowing men . It hath been observed a long time by our men , that the needle touched with the Loadstone , will not always rest upon the Meridian line , but sometimes will decline nine degrees from it to the east ; nor will it hold the same posture in all places ; but in divers places , it hath divers declinations . But this errour seems to follow this order , that the neerer it is to the east , the more it will decline from the Meridian line , toward the east ; and the neerer it comes to the west , the point of the needle will decline the more to the west . For finding the Meridian line , as Ptolomy and other Geometricians teach how , and setting up a point thereon , that the steel needle may turn freely upon the top of it , in Italy it declines toward the east nine degrees , of which there is ninety in a quadrant of a circle , as it is observed in Sun-dials that are brought out of Germany , and it is so described . Moreover , many famous travellers report , that amongst the Fortunate Islands , one is called the Azores , where the needle set in the Compass , will rest directly upon the Meridian line , without any variation at all . Also , they that sail to the west-Indies observe , that the point of the needle will decline to the west . Therefore , laying down these for true Maxims , we may easily know the longitude of the world : for if we make a very great Compass , about five foot diameter , and divide the degrees and minutes , into seconds and thirds , &c. and sailing under the Equator , we do observe the chief motions of the Needle , and the declinations of it , and shall accommodate the same to the proportion of our Voyages ; we shall easily know the Longitude of the World , beginning from the Fortunate Islands . Whence both Longitude and Latitude in dark nights , and the greatest Tempests may be certainly discovered Wherefore it is false that Cardanus saith , That the Needle in the Compass declines from the Meridian Line , because it inclines to the Pole Star in the little Bears Tail : whereas , the Needle declines nine Degrees , and the Polar Inclination is not so much . CHAP. XXXIX . If the Mariners Needle stand still , and the Loadstone move , or contralily , they will move contrary ways . IF the Loadstone lie on the Table , and you put the North point of the Mariners Needle to the South point of the stone , and shall carry it round about by the right hand , the Needle will draw to the left : but moving the Box to the left hand , the Needle will run to the right ; and it will go so far , until it stand in the middle between those two opposite points . The same will be seen in a Sun-Dial , if that stand , and the Loadstone be carried about : for if you decline to the right hand , the Needle will follow the same part ; and likewise , if you turn to the left . Hence it is apparent , That the Needle in the Compass is drawn by the North-Pole : for those that sail toward the East , have it turned toward the East ; and so contrarily to the West , it will move to the same point of the Heaven : and if the Loadstone be turned about , the Iron will turn about also , as a pair of Compasses about the Centre . CHAP. XL. The Loadstone imparts a contrary force to the Needle . NOw I will speak of the Needle touched with the Loadstone , and of the wonderful operations of it . The first is ; That when the Iron is touched by the Northern point of the Loadstone , and equally balanced ; if you put that part to it from which it received its force , it will not endure it , but drives it from it , and draws to it the contrary and opposite part ; namely , the Southern part : the reason whereof , I set down before . The same falls out if you touch the Needle with the South part of the Loadstone : for if you presently put the same to it , it will resist it , and draw to it the North point . Hence the parts that are alike , are at enmity , and rejected as Adversaries ; and the parts that are unlike do agree as Friends . Whence it is apparent , That the Loadstone imparts to the Iron a contrary force from what the end it self is , and the Steel receives the force of that point of the Loadstone which it toucheth not . And I prove it thus : Take two Needles , and put them in Boats , or hang them by Threeds ; that being touched with the Loadstone , they may move freely : they are contrary one to the other , and they will joyn in the parts that were touched with contrary ends of the Loadstone , and will not endure the ends that are alike . CHAP. XLI . Two Needles touched by the Loadstone , obtain contrary Forces . I Will relate a strange thing , yet not far from Reason . If you touch two Needles with a Loadstone together , and set them on the same point of it ; the other parts that hang on the Loadstone , will abhor and flie one from the other : and if you force them together with your hands , so soon as you let them alone , they will presently return to their postures , and depart as far as they can from one another . The reason is this : That if two Needles stick fast to one Northern point of the Loadstone , with their points : you must imagine , that they did receive a Southern vertue ; and because they are of the same similitude , they will not endure one the other ; and because they are fastened to the Loadstone , they cannot get off being compelled by a greater force : but the opposite points of the Needle , because they are both alike Northerly , they must needs abhor one the other : and when they are free , one will part from the other . And when they are so hanging on , if you put to them the Southern part of another Loadstone , they will presently let go their hold , and go as far off as they can , that sometimes they are pulled off from the Loadstone , being forced by an invisible vapor . CHAP. XLII . That the force of the Iron that draws , will drive off Iron by diversity of Situation , THat , as I said of the Loadstone alone , is true of the Iron that is touched with it : for if you put a Needle touched with a Loadstone by a Boat , swimming in the Water , or hanged by a Threed , or turning on a point equally balanced : if you put upon this a Needle touched with a Loadstone , it will draw it : and that part that attracted the Iron above , will put underneath , drive it away ; and the part that drives off above , will draw to it , put underneath : where you may observe , that the position will work contrary operations . CHAP. XLIII . The Needle touched by the Loadstone on one part , doth not alwayes receive Vertue on both parts . IF the Needle be touched at one end by the Loadstone , it receives Vertue at that end ; and at the other end , the contrary vertue : But that must not be understood absolutely , but of that Needle that is of a proportionable length : for if it be too long , the vertue will not come to the other end . But would we know how far the vertue is come , we must know how far reached the Circumference of the Vertue , as I said . Therefore if the Circumference of it be a foot , the force will go a foot-long into the Needle . If we would try this : Touch a long Needle three foot long with a Loadstone at one end , if it touch the Iron at the other end , the Iron touched will not move from its place ; but if you touch it a foot or two long , namely , as far as the Circumference of the Loadstones Vertue will reach , and then touch the Needle , it will presently move and be drawn by it . CHAP. XLIV . The Needle touched in the middle by the Loadstone , sends forth its Force at both ends . IF the Needle be somewhat too long , and we rub it with the stone in the middle of it , the forces of the stones part are diffused to both ends of it ; but very obscurely ; for you shall not know which is the end : but if you touch it something farther from the middle , the neerer part will receive the forces of the part that touched it , be it the Northerly or Southerly part . CHAP. XLV . An Iron Ring touched by a Loadstone , will receive both Vertues . BUt if we rub an Iron Ring on the one side with a Loadstone , then the part that is touched , will receive the vertue of the part of the Loadstone that touched it ▪ and the opposite part will receive the contrary : and therefore the middle of the Iron Ring will be capable but of half the force of it , as if it were straight . But if we make a Pin round as a Ring ; and the part joynted together with a joynt , be rubbed with a Loadstone ; and being rubbed , be stretched straight again , the ends shall receive the same vertue , be it Northern or Southern . But by degrees that force will grow feeble ; and in a short time become Northerly , and the other Southerly , or will receive more vertue then it first had , may be when it was touched farther from the end . But if you would , that of these a Chain of Iron should hang in the Air , so soon as one ring touched on one side with the Loadstone , hath received force on the other side by it , we may hang a Chain of Rings in the Air , as we may of Loadstones : so then , if the Rings be laid in order upon a Table , that they may one touch the other , though they do not fasten , put the Loadstone to them , and not onely the first will be drawn , but the next , and the third , that they will hang like links of Rings : and not only will it be so , if the Loadstone touch the first , that the rest will follow ; but if the stone be but neer , it will do the same without touching them . CHAP. XLVI . An Iron Plate touched in the middle , will diffuse its forces to both ends . WHat I said of a long Needle , I say also of an Iron Bar : for if you touch it in the middle , the Beams of it are spread like the Beams of the Sun , or light of a Candle , from the Centre to the Circumference , and extream parts . But if we touch an Iron Morter , being the force is feeble , where it is touched about the superficies , some vertue may be be perceived ; but it is very weak in the extream parts . CHAP. XLVII . How filings of Iron may receive force . IF you wrap up filings of Iron in a paper , as Druggists do , like a Pyramis ; and put a Loadstone neer it , all the filings together will receive the same force , as a long piece of Iron doth : but if you stir the filings , and put them into an open paper , that force is lost , and confounded , and can do nothing , as if it had never been touched , by reason of so many different pieces . CHAP. XLVIII . Whether Garlick can hinder the vertues of the Loadstone . NOw I shall pass on to other properties of the Loadstone : and first , whether the Loadstones attraction can be any ways hindred . Plutarch saith , That Garlick is at great enmity with the Loadstone ; and such antipathy and hatred there is between these insensible Creatures , that if the Loadstone be smeered with Garlick , it will drive away Iron from it . Ptolomy confirms the same , That the Loadstone will not draw Iron , if it be anoynted with Garlick ; as Amber will no more draw straws , and other light things to it , if they be first steeped in Oyl . It is a common Opinion amongst Sea-men , That Onyons and Garlick are at odds with the Loadstone : and Steers-men , and such as tend the Mariners Card are forbid to eat Onyons or Garlick , lest they make the Index of the Poles drunk . But when I tried all these things , I found them to be false : for not onely breathing and belching upon the Loadstone after eating of Garlick , did not stop its vertues : but when it was all anoynted over with the juice of Garlick , it did perform its office as well as if it had never been touched with it : and I could observe almost not the least difference , left I should seem to make void the endeavors of the Ancients . And again , When I enquired of Mariners , whether it were so , that they were forbid to eat Onyons and Garlick for that reason ; they said , They were old Wives fables , and things ridiculous ; and that Sea-men would sooner lose their lives , then abstain from eating Onyons and Garlick . CHAP. XLIX . How a Loadstone astonished may be brought to it self again . IF a Loadstone be drunk , and do not its office , not as we said , by being breathed on by Garlick , but rather by reason of some other parts of the Loadstone that had touched it , so that the vertue of it is decayed and gone ; we shall restore it to its former vertue , by covering it over with the filings of Iron many dayes , until , by the vapors or company of the Iron , it can perform its office as it should . CHAP. L. How to augment the Loadstones vertue . THere are many learned men that have attempted to augment the Loadstones vertue , and that divers wayes , that having got more forces , it might serve for very great uses . Alexander Aphrodiseus in the beginning of his Problems , enquires wherefore the Loadstone onely draws Iron , and is fed or helped by the filings of Iron ; and the more it is fed , the better it will be : and therefore it is confirmed by Iron . But when I would try that , I took a Loadstone of a certain weight , and I buried it in a heap of Iron-filings , that I knew what they weighed ; and when I had left it there many months , I found my stone to be heavier , and the Iron-filings lighter : but the difference was so small , that in one pound I could finde no sensible declination ; the stone being great , and the filings many : so that I am doubtful of the truth . Paracelsus , being skilled in distillation , tried to do it another way : For ( saith he ) if any man shall quench often in Oyl of Iron , a Loadstone red hot , it will by degrees recover force , and augment so much , that it will easily pull a Nail forth that is fast in a Wall : which conceit pleased me well ; and thereupon I made the stone red hot , and quenched it often in Oyl of Iron : but it was so far from getting more strength , that it lost what it had : and fearing I had not done it right , I tried if often ; so I found the falsity of it , and I warn others of it also . For a Loadstone made red hot in the fire , will lose all its vertue , as I shall shew afterwards . CHAP. LI. That the Loadstone may lose its vertue . I Found out , That this is the onely true way , amongst many that are set down by Writers , by heaping Fire-coals upon the Loadstone : for once made red-hot , it presently loseth all its vertue , and a vapor flies from it that is blewish black , or Brimstone-like , smelling strong , as Coals do ; and when that flame and vapor ceaseth to exhale , if you take it out of the fire , all the force of it is breathed forth : and I always thought , that that was the Soul of it , and the cause of its attraction of iron ; whenas iron is made of Brimstone not perfect : as I read in ●ebar and other Writers that treat of Metals : which is the cause that it runs so swiftly to the Loadstone , and desires so much to be imbraced by it : and when that vapour is gone from the stone , it loseth all its vertue ; and then it is but a dead carcass , and it is in vain to endeavour to revive it . CHAP. LII . How the Iron touched with the Loadstone loseth its force . THe same way the Loadstone doth , the iron loseth its force also : for though it have been excellently well touched by the Loadstone , if you heart it red-hot in the fire , it will lose its forces : and the reason is ; because that part of the Loadstone that cleaves to the iron , loseth its forces in the fire ; and therefore the iron deprived of that , loseth the force also . Wherefore in the Mariners Compass , or in other uses , when the iron is stupified by the touch of other things , and hath not its due forces to free it from this imperfection , we put it into the fire . Hence we finde the error of many men , who when they put the Needle into the Compass , they first make it red-hot , and then they rub it with the Loadstone , supposing it will by that means , take in the Loadstones vertue the more : but they do not onely by contraries , but they so make void the Loadstones vertues , that it cannot do its office , but that force is driven out of the iron by the fire ; and it is just as it was before it was touched with the Loadstone . Wherefore , as often as that force is driven away with the fire , we may touch it again , and give it the same force . CHAP. LIII . It is false , That the Diamond doth hinder the Loadstones vertue . VVE shewed that it was a false report , that the Loadstone anoynted with Garlick , loseth its vertues . But it is more false , that it loseth its vertue by the presence of the Diamond . For , say some , there is so much discord between the qualities of the Loadstone and the Diamond , and they are so hateful one against the other , and secret enemies , that if the Diamond be put to the Loadstone , it presently faints and loseth all its forces . Pliny . The Loadstone so disagreeth with the Diamond , that if Iron be laid by it , it will not let the Loadstone draw it ; and if the Loadstone do attract it , it will snatch it away again from it . St. Augustine . I will say what I have read of the Loadstone : How that if the Diamond be by it , it will not draw iron ; and if it do , when it comes neer the Diamond , it will let it fall . Marbodeus of the Loadstone : All Loadstones by their vertue Iron draw ; But of the Diamond it stands in awe : Taking the Iron from 't by Natures Law. I tried this often , and found it false ; and that there is no Truth in it . But there are many Smatteres and ignorant Fellows , that would fain reconcile the ancient Writers , and excuse these lyes ; not seeing what damage they bring to the Common-wealth of Learning . For the new Writers , building on their ground , thinking them true , add to them , and invent , and draw other Experiments from them , that are falser then the Principles they insisted on . The blinde leads the blinde , and both fall into the pit . Truth must be searched , loved and professed by all men ; nor must any mens authority , old or new , hold us from it . But to return from whence those Reconcilers idleness drew me : I took a piece of a Loadstone to try by ; it was hardly four Grains in weight : I fastned the filings of iron very fast to it ; then I put the Diamond that was three or four times bigger then them both ; but that would not make the Loadstone forsake the iron : then I took off the filings of iron from the Loadstone , and set them at a just distance , and it drew the filings to it , though the Diamond were by . I say this , lest they should think I failed in the trial , and to have taken a Loadstone of twenty or thirty pound weight , and fastened an ounce of iron to it , and then to have taken a very small Diamond , and put it to them to make trial with . CHAP. LIV. Goats blood doth not free the Loadstone from the inchantment of the Diamond . I Said , That from false Principles , are drawn most false Conclusions . Also I said , That it is related that the juice of Garlick smeered on the Loadstone , will take away its attraction of iron ; and , That when the Diamond is by , it will not draw iron , or will let it fall . But because ( say some ) Goats blood will break the Diamond , if the Loadstone be anoynted with Goats blood , it will recover . Castianus in Geoponic . Graec. The Loadstone draws iron to it , and again drives it away from it , if it be annointed with Garlick : but that the force almost lost may be restored , it must be washed in Goats blood . Rhennius the Interpreter of Dionysius . 'Gainst which , nor fire , nor steel ever won ; Goats blood if warm , can break the Diamond : Nor strokes o' th' Hammer can consume this Stone , Which from the Loadstone doth the Iron take , That it would still embrace it , let alone : Diamonds , Loadstones vertues empty make . Marbodeus of the same . A Diamond is mighty hard : a Stone That on the Anvil never can be broke ; Nor steel , nor fire hurt it , yet 't is known , It crumbles in Goats blood , if laid to soak . Since therefore there is an Antipathy between the Diamond and the Loadstone ; and there is as great Antipathy between the Diamond and Goats blood , as there is sympathy between Goats blood and the Loadstone ; We are from this Argument proceeded thus far , that when the vertue of the Loadstone is grown dull , either by the presence of the Diamond , or stink of Garlick , if it be washed in Goats blood it will then recover its former force , and be made more strong : but I have tried that all the reports are false . For the Diamond is not so hard as men say it is : for it will yield to steel , and to a moderate fire : nor doth it grow soft in Goats blood , or Camels blood , or Asses blood : and our Jewellers count all these Relations false and ridiculous . Nor is the vertue of the Loadstone , being lost , recovered by Goats blood . I have said so much , to let men see what false Conclusions are drawn from false Principles . CHAP. LV. The Iron touched with a Diamond will turn to the North. BUt this is most true , that I found out by chance when I made trial , whether the Diamond had any forces to weaken the Loadstones vertue , as I said : for if you rub a steel-Needle on a Diamond , and then put it into a Boat , or thrust it through a reed , or hang it up by a Threed , it will presently turn to the North , almost as well as if it had been touched with the Loadstone ; but something more faintly . And , what is worth noting , the contrary part will turn the iron to the South : and when I had tried this in many steel-Needles , and put them all into the Water , I found , that they all stood equi-distant , pointing to the North. And if they that write , That the Loadstone is weakned by the presence of the Diamond , had written thus ▪ ●●ey had said more Truth : for a Needle rubbed on a Diamond , and stuck in a 〈◊〉 ●nd put into the water , that it may turn freely ; being turned with your finger , when it stands still , it will turn North , and point at it exactly . CHAP. LVI . The forces and remedies of the Loadstone . OUr Ancestors invented many things , by reason of this admirable attractive operation of the Loadstone , and found out many remedies that are worth observing . From this drawing quality that it allures iron to it , and that they mutually attract the one the other ; they did attribute unto it an understanding of venerious actions , and that they are one in love with the other ; nor will their mad love abate , till they imbrace each one the other : and when they turn their backs , they hate one the other , and drive one the other off ; and that they contain in them also the Principles of hatred . Marbodeus . This Stone doth reconcile the man and wife , And her recal that from her husband goes : If one would know her leads a whorish life , Under her head , when that she sleeps , it shows : For she that 's chast , will presently imbrace Her husband whilst she sleepeth ; but a whore Falls out o' th' bed , as thrown out with disgrace , With stink o' th' Stone , which shows this , and much more . And for this cause , our Ancestors to signifie as much , did oft-times engrave the picture of Venus upon the Loadstone . Hence Claudian writes , The Loadstone Venus oft-times represents . I remember also , that many of the Ancients reported , That if a Loadstone were beat into powder , and were strewed into burning Coles , about the corners of the house , that the smoke might flie up ; those that are in the house , will presently run out for fear the house will fall ; and frighted with these phantasmes , would run , forsaking all their houses : and thus Thieves may steal all their Goods . Marbodeus . If that a Thief can creep into a House That 's full of wealth , and Treasure hath good store ; Let him on burning Coles , before he rowse The people , strew the Loadstone dust all ore , That so the Smoke may at each corner rise , And that will make the people wake , and think The house will fall , and run out with great cries , Then may he take away their Gold and chink . The reason is , Because the Loadstone is melancholick , as you may conjecture by the colour of it ; the fumes whereof , rising into the brain , will cause those that are a sleep to have melancholick phantasms presented unto them : and Coles will do the like . The weight Davic , with Serpents fat , and juice of Metals , given to one to drink , will make him mad , and make him run out of his House , Country and Nation : and this is doth by exaggeration of black Melancholy : or it will make people lunatick and melancholick if they do but hold it in their mouths : and by its drawing out of iron , Physitians think it will help well to draw an Arrow-head out of ones body . But we use the Loadstone in making Glass . Pliny . After Glass was found out , as it is a very cunning invention , men were not content to mingle Nitre ; but they began to add the Loadstone thereunto , because it is supposed , that it will attract the liquor of the Glass into it self , and into iron also . Hence it is , that in making Glass , we add a little piece of Loadstone to it , for that singular vertue is confirmed by our times , as well as former times : it is thought so to attract into it self the liquor of the Glass , as it draws iron to it ; and being attracted , it purgeth it ; and from green or yellowish Glass , it makes it white : but the fire afterwards consumes the Loadstone . Out of Agricola . We read also , That a Loadstone laid to ones head , will take away all the pains . Galen saith , It hath purging faculties ; and therefore it is given to drink for the Dropsie : and it will draw forth all the water in the Belly . Lastly , I shall not pass by the error of Hadrian , concerning the Loadstone : for he saith , That the iron by its weight makes the Loadstone never the heavier . For the Naturalists report , That if a great Loadstone were weighed in a Scale ▪ and after that , should draw iron to it , it would be no heavier then it was when it was alone , though they be both together ; so the weight of the iron is as it were consumed by the Loadstone , and hindred by it from any effect or motion : which I finde to be false . It is like that jear in Aristophanes , of a Clown that rid upon an Ass , and carried his Coulter at his back , that he might not load the Ass too much . THE EIGHTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Of Physical Experiments . THE PROEME . I Intended to pass by these following Experiments in Physick , because I have everywhere mentioned them in my History of Plants ; and we have not omitted any thing , that was certain and secret in them that we knew , unless i● be such things as could not be brought into that rank . And though other things shall be described in my Book of Distillations , yet that this place of Physick be not left empty , I changed my opinion , and have set down some of them here . CHAP. I. Of Medicines which cause sleep . THat we may in order set down those Experiments , of which we intend to speak , we will begin with those Diseases which happen in the Head ; and first , with Sleep : for Soporiferous Receits are very requisite to be placed amongst these Arcana , and are of very great esteem amongst Physitians , who by Sleep are wont to cheat their Patients of pain : and not of less , amongst Captains and Generals , when they practice Stratagemes upon their Enemies . Soporiferous Medicines do consist for the most part of cold and moist things . Plutarch in Simpos . saith , That Sleep is caused by cold ; and therefore Dormitives have a cooling quality . We will teach , first , how To cause Sleep with Mandrake . Dioscorides saith , That men will presently fall asleep in the very same posture wherein they drink Mandrake , losing all their senses for three or four hours after ; and that Physitians do use it , when they would burn or cut off a member . And skilful men affirm , That Mandrake growing by a Vine , will transmit its Soporiferous quality into it ▪ so that those who drink the Wine that is made thereof , shall more easily and readily fall asleep . Here we will relate the pleasant stories of the Mandrake out of Authors of Stratagems . Junius Frontinus reports , That Hannibal being sent by the Charthagenians , against some Rebels in Africa ; and knowing they were a Nation greedy of Wine , mixed a great quantity of Mandrake with his Wines ; the quality of which , is between poysonous and sleepy : then beginning a light Skirmish , he retired on purpose ; and in the middle of the Night , counterfeited a flight , leaving some Baggage in his Camp , and all the infected Wine . Now when those Barbarians had took his Camp , and for joy , had liberally tasted of that treacherous Wine ; he returned , took and slew them all , as they lay dead as it were before . Polinaeus the same . And Caesar sailing towards Nicomedia , was taken about Malea by some Cilician Pirates : and when they demanded a great Ransome for his Liberty , he promised them double what they asked . They arrived at Miletum : the people came out of the Town to see them . Caesar sent his Servant , being a Milesian , named Epicrates , to those of the Town ; desiring them to lend him some money ; which they presently sent to him : Epicrates , according to Caesar's command , brought the money ; and with it , a sump●uous , Banquet , a Water-pot full of Swords , and Wine mixed with Mandrake . Caesar paid to the Pirates the promised sum , and set the Banquet before them ; who , being exalted with their great Riches , fell freely to it ; and drinking the infected Wine , fell into a sleep : Caesar commanded them to be killed sleeping , and presently repaid the Milesians their own money . Demosthenes , intending to express those who are bitten as it were by a sleepy Dragon , and are slothful , and so deprived of sense that they cannot be awakened ; saith : They seem like men who have drunk Mandrake . Pliny affirmeth , That smelling to the Leaves of it , provoketh sleep . For the same , with Nightshade . We may make the same of Nightshade , which is also called , Hypnoticon , from the effect of it : a Drachm of the Rinde , drank in Wine , causeth sleep , but gently and kindely . This later Age , seemeth to have lost the knowledge of Solanum Manicon : for in the very description of it , Dioscorides seems to be mad . But in my judgement , ( as I have elsewhere said ) he describes two several Plants in that place : Fuschius his Stramonium , and the Herb commonly called Bell a Donna whose qualities are wonderfully dormitive : for they infect Water , without giving it either taste or sent ; so that the deceit cannot be discovered , especially , considering it must be given but in a very small quantity . I prepared a Water of it , and gave it to a Friend for certain uses ; who , instead of a Drachm , drank an Ounce ; and thereupon lay four days without meat or motion ; so that he was thought dead by all ; neither could he be awakened by any means , till at last , when the vapours were digested , he arose : although Dioscorides threatneth nothing but death from the immoderate use of it . The same may be made also Of Poppy In a Lohoch . Take the Heads of Poppy , and cut them cross-ways , with a tender hand , lest the knife enter too deep : let your nail direct the issuing juice into a Glass ; where let it stand a while , and it will congeal . The Thebane Poppy is best . You may do the same with Nightshade , Henbane . Of all these together , you may make A Sleeping Apple . For it is made of Opium , Mandrake , juice of Hemlock , the Seeds of Henbane ; and adding a little Musk , to gain an easier reception of the Smeller : these being made up into a ball , as big as a mans hand can hold , and often smelt to , gently close the eyes , and binde them with a deep sleep . Now shall be shown A wonderful way to make one take a sleeping Medicine in his sleep . Those things which we have already spoken of , are easily discovered after sleep , and bring a suspicion along with them . But ou● of many of the aforenamed dormitive menstrues , there may be extracted a Quintessence , which must be kept in Leaden Vessels , very closely stop'd , that it may not have the least vent , lest it should flie out . When you would use it , uncover it , and hold it to a sleeping man's Nostrils , whose breath will suck up this subtile essence , which will so besiege the Castle of his senses , that he will be overwhelmed with a most profound sleep , not to be shook of without much labour . After sleep , no heaviness will remain in his Head , nor any suspicion of Art. These things are manifest to a wise Physitian ; to a wicked One , obscure . CHAP. II. To make a Man out of his senses for a day . AFter these Medicines to cause sleep , we will speak of those which make me● mad : the business is almost the same : for the same Plants that induce sleep , if they be taken in a larger proportion , do cause madness . But we will not tell those things which breed it for ever , onely which may make us sport for a day , and afterwards leave no harm . We will begin with , How to make men mad with Mandrake . We have told you , That a small dose brings sleep ; a little more , madness ; a larger , death . Dioscorides saith , That a Drachm of Morion will make one foolish : we will easilier do it with Wine , which is thus made : Take the Roots of Mandrake , and but put them into new Wine , boyling and bubling up : cover it close ; and let them infuse in a warm place for two months . When you would use it , give it to somebody to drink ; and whosoever shall taste it after a deep sleep , will be distracted , and for a day shall rave : but after some sleep , will return to his senses again , without any harm : and it is very pleasant to behold . Pray make trial . We may do the same With Stramonium , or Solanum Manicum : The Seeds of which , being dried and macerated in Wine , the space of a night , and a Drachm of it drank in a Glass of Wine , ( but rightly given , lest it hurt the m●n ) after a few hours will make one made , and present strange visions , both pleasant and horrible ; and of all other sorts : as the power of the potion , so doth the madness also cease , after some sleep , without any harm , as we said , if it were rightly administred . We may also infect any kinde of meat with it , by strowing thereon : three fingers full of the Root reduced into powder , it causeth a pleasant kinde of madness for a day ; but the poysonous quality is allayed by sleep , or by washing the Temples and Pulses with Vinegar , or juice of Lemmon . We may also do the same with another kinde of Solanum , called Bella Donna . A Drachm of the Root of which , amongst other properties , hath this ; that it will make men mad without any hurt : so that it is a most pleasant spectacle to behold such mad whimsies and visions ; which also is cured by sleep : but sometimes they refuse to eat . Nevertheless , we give this praecaution , That all those Roots or Seeds which cause the Takers of them to see delightful visions , if their Dose be increased , will continue this alienation of minde for three days : but if it be quadrupled , it brings death . Wherefore we must proceed cautiously with them . I had a Friend , who , as oft as he pleased , knew how To make a man believe he was changed into a Bird or Beast ; and cause madness at his pleasure . For by drinking a certain Potion , the man would seem sometimes to be changed into a Fish ; and flinging out his arms , would swim on the Ground : sometimes he would seem to skip up , and then to dive down again . Another would believe himself turned into a Goose , and would eat Grass , and beat the Ground with his Teeth , like a Goose : now and then sing , and endeavour to clap his Wings . And this he did with the aforenamed Plants : neither did he exclude Henbane from among his Ingredients ; extracting the essences by their Menstruum , and mix'd some of their Brain , Heart , Limbs , and other parts with them . I remember when I was a young man , I tried these things on my Chamber-Fellows : and their madness still fixed upon something they had eaten , and their fancy worked according to the quality of their meat . One , who had fed lustily upon Beef , saw nothing but the formes of Bulls in his imagination , and them running at him with their horns ; and such-like things . Another man also by drinking a Po●ion , flung himself upon the earth , and like one ready to be drowned , struck forth his legs and arms , endeavouring as it were to swim for life : but when the strength of the Medicament began to decay , like a Shipwrack'd person , who had escaped out of the Sea , he wrung his Hair and his Clothes to strain the Water out of them ; and drew his breath , as though he took such pains to escape the danger . These , and many other most pleasant things , the curious Enquirer may finde out : it is enough for me only to have hinted at the manner of doing them . CHAP. III. To cause several kindes of dreams . NOw we will endeavour to shew how to cause pleasant , sad , or true dreams . But that we may more certainly effect it , it will be good first to know the causes . The meat in concoction must be corrupted , ( this must be taken for granted ) and turned into vapors ; which , being hot and light , will naturally ascend , and creep through the Veins into the Brain ; which being always cold , condenseth them into moisture , as we see Clouds generated in the greater World : so by an inward reciprocation , they fall down again upon the Heart , the principal seat of the senses . In the mean while , the Head grows full and heavy , and is overwhelmed in a deep sleep . Whence it comes to pass , that the species descending , meet and mix with other vapors , which make them appear preposterous and monstrous ; especially , in the quiet of the night . But in the morning , when the excrementitious and foul Blood is separated from the pure and good , and become cool and allayed ; then pure , and unmixed , and pleasant visions appear . Wherefore I thought it not irrational , when a man is overwhelmed with drink , that vapors should arise participating , as well of the Nature of what he hath drank or eat , as of the humours which abound in his body , that in his sleep he should rejoyce or be much troubled : that fires and darkness , hail and putrefactions , should proceed from Choler , Melancholy , co●d and pu●rid humors . So to dream of killing any one , or being besmeared with Blood , shews an abundance of Blood : and Hippocrates and Galen say , We may judge a man to be of a sanguine Complexion by it . Hence those who eat windy meats , by reason thereof , have rough and monstrous dreams : meats of thin and small vapours , exhilarate the minde with pleasant phantasms . So also the outward application of simples , doth infect the species while they are a going to the Heart . For the Arteries of the body , saith Galen , while they are dilated , do attract into themselves any thing that is next them . It will much help too , to anoynt the Liver : for the Blood passeth upward out of the Stomack by evaporation , and runneth to the Liver ; from the Liver to the Heart . Thus the circulating vapors are infected , and represent species of the same colour . That we may not please the Sleepers onely , but also the Waking , behold A way to cause merry dreams . When you go to bed , to eat Balm , and you cannot desire more pleasant sights then will appear to you ; Fields , Gardens , Trees , Flowers , Meadows , and all the Ground of a pleasant Green , and covered with shady Bowers : wheresoever you cast your eyes , the whole World will appear pleasant and Green. Bugloss will do the same , and Bows of Poplar ; so also Oyl of Poplar . But To make dark and troublesome dreams , we eat Beans ; and therefore they are abhorred by the Pythagoreans , because they cause such dream . Phaseoli , or French Beans , cause the same : Lentiles , Onyons , Garlick , Leeks , VVeedbine , Dorycnium , Picnocomum , new red VVine ; these infuse dreames , wherein the phantasms are broken , crooked , angry , troubled : the person dreaming will seem to be carried in the Air , and to see the Rivers and Sea flow under him : he shall dream of misfortunes , falling , death , cruel tempests , showers of Rain , and cloudy dayes ; the Sun darkned , and the Heavens frowning , and nothing but fearful apparitions . So by anointing the aforesaid places with Soo● , or any adust matter , and Oyl , ( which I add onely to make the other enter the easier into the parts ) fires , lightnings , flashings , and all things will appear in darkness . These are sufficient : for I have already shewed in my Book Phytognom , how to procure true dreams . CHAP. IV. Excellent Remedies for the Eyes . HEretofore , being much troubled with sore Eyes , and become almost blinde ; when I was given over by Physitians of best account , a certain Empyrick undertook me ; who , putting this VVater into my Eye , cured me the very same day : I might almost say , The same hour . By Gifts , Entreaties , Cunning and Money , I gained the Secret , which I will not think much to set down , that every one may use it at their pleasure . It is good for Inflammations , Blearness , Mists , Fistula's , and such-like ; and cureth them certainly the second day ; if not the first . If I should set down all those whom I have cured by it , I should be too tedious . Take two Bottles of Greek-VVine , half a Pint of White-Rose-Water ; of Celendine , two Ounces ; of Fennel , Rue , Eye-bright , as much ; of Tutty , half an Ounce ; of Cloves as much ; Sugar-Candy of Roses , one Drachm ; Camphire , half a Drachm ; and as much Aloes . Tutty is prepared after this manner : Let it be heat and extinguished six times in Rose-water , mixed with Greek-Wine ; but let the water at last be left out : powder what are to be powdered finely ; and mix them with the waters . Aloes is incorporated with waters thus : because it will not be powered , let it be put into a Mor●ar with a little of the forementioned waters , and beat together until it turn to water , and swim about in ropings , and mix with the waters : then put it to the rest . Set them all in a Glass-Bottle , close covered , and waxed up that it do not exhale abroad in the Sun and Dew for forty dayes , still shaking them four times in a day : at last , when it is well sunned , set it up and reserve it for your use . It must be applied thus In Inflammations , Blood-shots and Fistula's , let the Patient lie flat on his back ; and when a drop of this water is put upon his Eye , let him open and shut his Eye-lids , that the water may run through all the cavities of his Eve. Do this twice or thrice in a day , and he shall be cured . But thus it must be used for A Pearl in the Eye . If the Pearl be above or beneath the Cornea , make a Powder of Sugar-Candy of Roses , burnt Allome , and the Bone of a Cuttle-Fish , very finely beat and searched exactly ; and when the Patient goeth to Bed , sprinkle a little of this Powder upon his eye , and by and by drop some of this water into it , and let him shut his Eyes and sleep : for he will quickly be cured . CHAP. V. To fasten the Teeth . I Could finde not any thing in all this Physical Tract of greater value then this Remedy for the Teeth : for the water gets in through the Gumms , even to the very Nerves of the Teeth , and strengthens and fasteneth them : yea , if they are eaten away , it filleth them with Flesh , and new cloaths them . Moreover , it maketh them clean , and white , and shining like Pearls . I know a man , who by this onely Receit , gained great Riches . Take therefore three handfuls of Sage , Ne●tles , Rosemary , Mallows , and the rinde of the Roots of Wall-nut ; wash them well , and beat them : also , as much of the Flowers of Sage , Rosemary , Olive and Plantaine Leaves ; two handfuls of Hypocistis , Horehound , and the tops of Bramble ; one pound of the Flower of Mirtle ; half a pound of the Seed ; two handfuls of Rose-Buds , with their Stalks ; two drachms of Saunders , Coriander prepared , and Citron-Pill : three drachms of Cinnamon in powder ; ten of Cypress Nuts ; five green Pine-Apples ; two drachms of Bole-Armenick and Mastick . Powder them all , and infuse them in sharp black Wine , and let them macerate three dayes : then , slightly pressing the Wine out , put them into an Alembick , and still them with a gentle fire : then boyl the distilled water , with two ounces of Allome till it be dissolved , in a V●ssel close stopt . When you would use it , suck up some of the water , and stir it up and down your mouth until it turn to Forth : then spit it out , and rub your Teeth with a Linen-cloth . It will perform what I have promised : for it fasteneth the Teeth , and restoreth the Gums that are eroded . Now we will deliver other Experiments To fasten the Teeth . Macerate the Leaves of Mastick , Rosemary , Sage , and Bramble ; in Greek-Wine : then distil it with a gentle fire through a Retort : take a mouthful of this , and stir about , till it turn to Spittle ; it fasteneth the Teeth , maketh them white , and restoreth the Gums . The Root of Pellitory bruised , and put into the Teeth , takes away the pain : so doth the Root of Henbane . For the bleeding of the Teeth , I have often made trial of Purslaine , so much commended . For the swelling of the Gums , beat the Roots and Leaves of Plantaine , and lay them to the swelling when you go to bed ; and in the morning you shall finde your Gums well . CHAP. VI. For other infirmities of Mans Body . I Will heap together in this Chapter , some Remedies not to be passed over , which I know to be certain , by continual Experience made ; and although some of them are common , yet are they true . And first , For the Head-ach , There is a certain Essence , of the colour of Blood , extracted out of Roses , of a wonderful sweetness and great strength . Wet a cloth in this Liquor , and lay it to your Fore-head and Temples ; and if sometimes it doth not quite take away a pain of long continuance , yet it will mollifie it . If the cloth be dried before your pain cease , wet it again . I have often known the Ophites , or Serpentine Marble applied to the Head , both to take away , and mollifie the pain . The Vertigo , I have seen it cured also , by applying the Hoof of an Elk , and by a Ring of it worn on the Finger . Against the chopping of the Lips the Seeds of Henbane are good : for being cast upon live Coles , if you receive the rising vapor through a Paper-Tunnel , upon the chopping of your Lips , as hot as you can endure , it appeaseth the swelling presently , and healeth the Clefts , that they will never more trouble you . Against the clefts of the Fingers . It is a most admirable Experiment , which I learned of Paracelsus ; but have often practiced it my self : for it taketh away the swelling and pain , and cureth the Nail . Take a Worm , which creepeth out of the Earth ; especially , in moyst Grounds : for if you search and dig there , you may easily 〈◊〉 them ▪ winde him , being alive , about your Finger , and there hold him 〈…〉 be dead , which will be within an hour . The pain will presently cease , the matter dry away , and in a short time be cured : Indeed I do not know a more admirable Remedy . For a Pleurisie . I found ou● a most powerful Remedy made of the Flowers of wilde Poppy . Gather them in the Month of May , before the rising of the Sun , and their opening : for , being thin Leaves , they are easily dried with a little heat , and shed : dry them in the shade , and lay them up for your use . Or else , still the Flowers , and keep the water . If any one taketh a drachm of the powder in Wine , and some of the water ; or in the water alone : or shall apply a Plaister of the Powder to the place , the pain will presently cease , to the admiration of the Beholders . Missleto of the Oak infused in Wine , and drunk , doth the same . There is a Stone also brought out of the West-Indies , called in Spanish , Della Hijada ; much like an Emerald : which being worn in Silver , upon the Arm , is accounted a preservative against this Disease . Against the Colick Civet is most excellent in this Disease : for the quantity of a Pease , applied to the Navil , and a hot Loaf out of the Oven clapt over it , presently easeth the pain : the Patient must ly on his Belly upon the Bread before it be cold . Against Crab lice . The Dust which falls from the Curry-Combs , while the Ostler dresseth Horses , or such kinde of Beasts , cureth them without any pain . Or the Powder of Lithargy , Aloes , Frankincense , Verdegreese , and Alome , beaten and mixed together with Oyl of Mastick , and anoynt the place . The Powder of Mercury praecipitate , is best by far , being applied . To bring away the Stone , Take Saxifrage , Maiden-hair , Pellitory of the wall , Parsely , Pimpernel and Ceterach ; distil them in Balneo Mariae , and let the Patient drink of it every other day : for it corrodes and eats away the Stone , though never so great ; and by daily experience , you will see in his Urine , Gravel and Fragments of the Stone voided out . Moreover , the Fruit and Leaves of the Mulberry gathered before Sun-rising , and distilled or dried in the shade , if it be drank in Wine , or a proper water , early in the morning , doth wonderfully remove the Stone . Mushromes growing on a Rock , reduced into Powder , or dried in the shade , or a warm Oven , and drank with Wine in a morning , is very Soveraign against the Stone . If the Kernels of a Peach-Stone be bruised , and macerated two dayes in the distilled water of Bean-Cods , and then distilled again , and drunk , bring down the Stone . The Hedge-Sparrow , which Aetius mentioneth , I know to be good against the Stone in the Kidney or Bladder . It is the least of all Birds , liveth in Hedges , carrieth his Tail upright ; on the top of his Wings , there are some streaks of Ash-colour ; of a short flight ; and lastly , much like a Wren . He hath a vertue against the Stone beyond all the rest , eaten either raw or boyled , or dried or salted , or taken any way ; also reduced into Powder , being made up close in a Pot covered and clayed up , that the vertue may not expire ; and so set over the fire . I have also tried a water against this Disease , running out of a certain Vein , described by Vitruvius : which when I had diligently sought after , and found out , made me exceedingly rejoyce . The words of Vitruvius are these : There are also some Veins of acide Springs , as at Lyncestum ; and in Italy , at Theano in fertile Campania ; and many other places : which being drunk , have a vertue to dissolve Stones which breed in the Bladders of men . And this seems to be naturally done , because there lieth a sharp and acide juice under the Earth , through which , these Veins passing , receive a tincture of sharpness ; and so , when they come into the Bodies of Men , they dissolve whatever they finde there congealed or setled . But wherefore acide things should dissolve them , we may thus guess the Reason : An Egg laid in any Vinegar some time , will wax soft , and his shell will dissolve . Also Lead , which is the toughest and heaviest , if it be laid in a Vessel of Vinegar , and closed up , will dissolve , and become Ceruss . By the same means , Copper , which is of a more solid Nature , if it be ordered as the former , will melt , and become Verdegreese . Likewise Pearl , as hard as Flint , which neither iron or fire can dissolve of themselves , when they are heat by the fire , and then sprinkled with Vinegar , break and dissolve . Therefore , when we see these things done before our eyes , we may infer by the same Reasons , that the Stone may naturally be dissolved by acide things , through the sharpness of their juice . Thus far Vitruvius . The place where the Vein is now to be found , is called commonly Francolise , about a mile from Theano , and runneth along the way toward● Rome . To strengthen the Stomach . We will not omit a wonderful Oyl , which helpeth concoction , and taketh away the inclinations to vomit : it is thus made : Pour half a Pint of the best Oyl into a brass Pot , tinned within , and of a wide mouth : then take fifteen pound of Romane-Mint , and beat it in a Marble-Morter , with a VVooden-Pestle , until it come to the form of an Oyntment ; add as much more Mint and VVormwood , and put them into the O●l : mingle them , and stir them well : but cover the Pot lest any durt should fall in ; and let them stand three dayes , and infuse : then set them on a gentle fire , and boyl them five hours for fifteen dayes together , until the Oyl have extracted all the vertue of the infused Herbs : then strain them through a Linen-cloth in a press , or with your hands , till the Oyl be run cleer out : then take new Herbs , beat them , and put them into the strained Oyl ; boyl it again , and strain it again : do the same the third time ; and as often as you renew it , observe the same course until the Oyl have contracted a green colour : but you must separate the juice from the Oyl very carefully ; for if the least drop do remain in it , the Oyl will have but small operation , and the whole intent is lost . A certain sign of perfect decoction , and of the juice being consumed , will be , if a drop of it , being cast upon a plate of iron red-hot , do not hiss . At last , Take a pound of Cinnamon , half a pound of Nutmegs , as much Mastick and Spikenard , and a third part of Cloves : poun them severally ▪ and being well seirced , put them into the Oyl , and mix them with a VVooden-stick . Then pour it all into an Earthen Vessel glazed within , with a long Neck , that it may easily be shut , and stoot close ; but let it be of so great a capacity , that the third part of it may remain empty . Let it stand fifteen days in the Sun , alwayes moving , and shaking it three or four times in a day . So set it up for your use . CHAP. VII . That a Woman may conceive . THere are many Medicines to cause Conception spread abroad , because they are much desired by Great Persons . The Ancients did applaud Sage very much for this purpose : And in Coptus after great Plagues , the Egyptians that survived , forced the Women to drink the juice of it , to make them conceive , and bring forth often . Salt also helpeth Generation : for it doth not only heighten the Pleasures of Venus , but also causeth Fruitfulness . The Egyptians , when their Dogs are backward in Copulation , make them more eager by giving them Salt-meats . It is an Argument also of it , That Ships in the Sea , as Plutarch witnesseth , are alwayes full of an innumerable company of Mice . And some affirm , That Female-Mice will conceive without a Male , onely by licking Salt. And Fish-wives are insatiably leacherous , and alwayes full of Children . Hence the Poets feigned venus to be born of Salt or the Sea. The Egyptian Priests ( saith the same Author ) did most Religiously abstain from Salt and Salt-meats , because they did excite to lust , and cause erection . A remedy to procure conception . This I have tryed and found the best ; when a womans courses are just past , let her take a new-laid egge , boil it , and mix a grain of musk with it , and sup it up when she goes to bed . Next morning take some old beans , at least five years old , and boil them for a good space in a new pipkin , and let the woman when she ariseth out of her bed , receive the fume into her privities , as it were through a tunnel , for the space of an hour : then let her sup up two eggs , and go to bed again , and wipe off the moisture with warm clothes : then let her enjoy her husband , and rest a while ; afterwards , take the whites of two eggs , and mix them with Bole-armenick and Sanguis●draconis , and dip some flax into it , and apply it to the reins ; but because it will hardly stick on , swathe it on from falling : a while after , let her arise , and at night renew the plaister . But when she goeth to sleep , let her hold ginger in her mouth . This she must do nine days . CHAP. VIII . Remedies against the Pox. SInce this disease hath raged so cruelly amongst men , there have been invented a multitude of most excellent remedies to oppose it . And although many have set out several of them , yet I will be contented with this one only , which we may use , not onely in this disease , but almost in all other : and I have seen many experiences of it . It is easily made , and as easily taken . Take a pound of lingnum Guaiacum , half a pound of Sarsaperilla beaten small , five ounces of the stalks and leaves of Sena , one handful of Agrimony and Horse-tail , a drachm of Cinnamon , and as much cloves , and one nutmeg : Poun them all , and put them into a vessel which containeth twenty gallons of Greek wine ; let it stand a day , and then let the patient drink it at meals , and at his pleasure : for it purgeth away by degrees all maladies , beside the French-pox . If the patient groweth weak with purging , let him intermit some days . In the summer time leave out the cinnamon , and the nutmeg . I have used it against continual head-aches , deafness , hoarsness , and many other diseases . A preservation against the Pox , which a man may use after unclean women . Take a drachm of hartwort and gentian , two scruples of sanders and lignum-aloes , half a drachm of powder of coral , spodium , and harts horn burnt , a handful of sowthistle , scordium , betony , scabious , and tormentil ; as much of roses , two pieces of Guaiacum , two scales of copper , a drachm and a half of Mercury precipitate ; a pint of malmesey , a quart of the waters of sowthistle , and scabious : mix the wine and waters , and lay the Guaiacum in it a day , and then the rest ; then boil them , till half be consumed ; strain them , and lay a linnen-cloth soaking in the expression a whole night ; then dry it in the shade : do this thrice , and after copulation , wash your yard in it , and lay some of the linnen on , and keep it close . CHAP. IX . Antidotes against Poyson . IT is the common opinion of all Physitians , that those herbs , stones , or any other thing , which being put into a Serpents mouth , doth kill him , is an Antidote against his poyson . We read in Dioscorides of the herb Alkanet , which is very efficacious against the poyson of Serpents ; and being chewed and spit out upon a Serpent , killeth him . Upon this , I thrust half a drachm of treacle or mithridate , mixt with Aqua vitae , into a vipers mouth , and she died within half an hour . I made a water-serpent swallow the same , but she received no hurt by it , onely lay a small time ●●upified : wherefore I pressed some oyl out of the seeds of citron , and orange or lemons , and dropt it into the serpents mouth , and she died presently . Moreover , a drachm of the juice of Angelica-roots will kill a serpent . The Balsame , as they call it , which is brought from the west-Indies , is excellent against them ; for when I anointed their mouth and jaws with it , they died in half an hour . Balsame of the east , is a present remedy against poyson by oyntments , or the biting of a serpent , saith Aetius . In Arabia , where it groweth , there is no fear of poyson , neither doth any one dye of their bitings ; for the fury of this deadly poyson , is allayed by the feeding of the serpents upon this pretious Balsame . But I have found nothing more excellent than the earth which is brought from the Isle of Malta : for the least dust of it put into their mouths , kills them presently . I have tried the same vertue in Lithoxylon , which Physitians use for the worms in children . There is a stone called Chelonites , the French name it Crapodina , which they report to be found in the head of a great old Toad ; and if it can be gotten from him , while he is alive , it is soveraign against poyson : they say it is taken from living Toads , in a red cloth , in which colour they are much delighted ; for whilst they sport and open themselves upon the scarlet , the stone droppeth out of their head , and falleth through a hole made in the middle , into a box set under for the purpose , else they will suck it up again . But I never met with a faithful person , who said that he found it : nor could I ever find one , though I have cut up many . Nevertheless , I will affirm this for truth , that those stones which are pretended to be taken out of Toads are minerals ; for I remember at Rome I saw a broken piece of stone , which was compacted of many of those stones , some bigger , some less , which stuck on the back of it like limps on a rock . But the vertue is certain : if any swallow it down with poyson , it will preserve him from the malignity of it ; for it runneth about with the poyson , and assawageth the power of it , that it becometh vain and of no force . A most perfect oyl against poyson , often tryed in repressing the violence of it . Take three pound of old oyl , put into it two handfulls of the flower of St Johns wort , and let them macerate in it for two months in the sun . Then strain out the flowers , and put into the oyl two ounces of the flowers of the same herb , and set it to boil in Balneo Mariae a quarter of a day . Stop the bottle close , that it may have no vent , and set it a sunning for fifteen days . In the moneth of July , take three ounces of the seed , stamp it gently , and steep it in two glasses of the best white-wine , with gentian , tormentil , white dittany , zedoary , and carline gathered in August ; red sanders , long aristolochie , of each two drams : Let all these mecerate in the wine for three days ; then take them out , and put them in the oyl , and boil them gently in Balneo for six hours ; then strain them in a press . Adde to the expression an ounce of saffron , myrrhe , aloes , spikenard , and rubarb , all bruised , and let them boil in it for a day in B. M. at last treacle and mithridate , of each two ounces , and let them also boil in it six hours as before : then set it forty days in the sun . It must be used thus : In the plague-time , or upon suspition of poyson , anoint the stomach and wrists , and the place about the heart , and drink three drops of it in wine . It will work wonders . CHAP. X. Antidotes and preservatives against the Plague . I Have spoken of poysons , now I will of the plague , being of the same nature , and cured almost by the same Medicines . I will set down onely them , which in our time have been experimented by the Neapolitanes , Sicilians , and Venetians ( whilst the plague was spread amongst them ) to resist the contagion of that epidemical plague , and preserve their bodies from infection . A confection of Gillyflowers against the plague , of wonderful operation . Gather some clove-gilliflowers in the moneth of May , of a red and lively colour , because they are of the greater vertue ; pull them out of their husks , and clip off the green ●nd , then beat them in a marble mortar with a wooden pestle , until they become so fine as they may hardly be felt . In the mean while , take three pound of sugar for one of the flowers ; melt it in a brass skillet , and boil it with a little orange-flower water , that may quickly be consumed . When it is boiled sufficiently , put in some whites of egges beaten , enough to froth and clarifie it , still stirring it , and skimming off the froth with a spoon , until all the dregs be taken out . Then put in the due weight of flowers , and stir it with a wooden slice , till i● turn red : when it is almost boiled , adde thereunto two drachms of cloves beaten with a little musk , the mixture of which will both add & excite a sweet sent and pl●asantness in the flowers . Then put it into earthen pots , and set it up : if you add a little juyce of lemon , it will make it of a more lively blood-colour . We may also make Lozenges and round Cakes of it , by pouring it on a cold marble . If any would do i● after the best manner , they must extract the colour of the flowers , and boil their sugar in that infusion , for so it will smell sweeter . Some never bruise the flowers , but cut them very small with sizers , and candy them with sugar ; but they are not very pleasant to eat . This confection is most grateful to the taste , and by reason of the sent of the cloves , very pleasant . The vertues of it are these , as I have found by experience : it i● good for all diseases of the heart , as fainting , and trembling thereof ; for the megrum and poyson , and the bitings of venimous creatures , and especially against the infection of the plague . There may be made a vinegar , or infusion of it , which being rub'd about the nostrils , is good against contagious air , and night-dews , and all effects of melancholy . Against the Plague . Gather Ivy-berries in May , and wilde Poppies before the sun rise , lest they open ; In April gather goats rue : dry them in the shade , and make them into powder . One drachm of it being drank in wine , is excellent against infectious diseases . The Bezoar stone , brought from the west-Indies , being hung about the neck nigh to the heart ; or four grains of it in powder ▪ being taken in wine , is good against the plague , and the infection of all pestilential feavors , as I can testifie : And taketh away soundings , and exhilarateth the heart . The water or oyl , extracted from the seeds of Citron , is a very strong Antidote against the plague . Apparitius Hispanus , his oyl is also approved against the same . CHAP. XI . Remedies for wounds and blows . THere are some remedies for wounds and blows , which shall not be omitted , for I have found some of them to be of wonderful vertue . The oyl of Hispanus for wounds and other things . Take two pound of new wax , four ounces of wax , as many of linseed , two ounces of rosemary-flowers , and bay-berries , as many of betony ; of chamomil-flowers , or the oyl of it , three ounces ; of cinnamon an ounce and a half , as much of St Johns wort , or the oyl of it , two ounces of old oyl . Dry the flowers and herbs in the shade ; and when they are withered , beat them , and seirce them through a sieve . Melt the wax on the fire , then pour in the oyls , next the powders , still stirring them with a stick . At length , pour it on a marble , and cut it into small slices , and put it into a glass retort ; stop it close with straw-mortar , and set it on the fire with his receiver ; stop the joynts , and give the inclosed no vent , lest the virtue flye out and vanish away . First , by a gentle fire draw out a water ; then encreasing it , and changing the glass , draw a red oyl ; stop them close , and keep them for use : the qualities of it are heating ; by anointing the neck , it cureth all creeks that are bred by cold ; it healeth wounds , helpeth the contraction of the nerves caused by cold ; it mo●lifieth cold gouts , and taketh away the trembling of the hands ; It may be drank for the Sciatica , taken in wine ; it helpeth the quinsie : by anointing the reins of the back , and the belly , or by drinking the water or oyl in wine , it will break the stone and bring it down , and asswageth poyson . For deafness , you must steep some wool in it , and stop the ears with it : anoint the belly and back in any pain there . Being drunk in vinegar , it cureth the falling sickness , and restoreth lost memory ; it provoketh the menstrues in women , by anointing their privities with it , or by drinking some drops of it in wine ; taken in the same manner , it provoketh appetite , being taken early in the morning ; and is good against the bitings of Scorpions : Drink it going to bed , or when you arise in the morning , and it will cure a ●●inking breath . For cold aches . Oyl of Herns is excellent to allay and remove all cold aches , the gout , sciatica , griefs of the sinews , convulsions , pain in the joynts , cold defluctions , and other diseases of moisture and cold . In the Diomedian Isles , now called Tremi●y , in the Adriatique Sea , there are birds , commonly called Hearns , who breed there , and continue there , and are to be found nowhere else : they are a kind of Duck , feeding on fish , which they catch in the night : they are not to be eaten , though they be very fat , because they savour of the rankness of fish . Kill these birds , and pluck off their feathers ; draw them , and hang them up by the feet , there will drop from them a certain black yellowish oyl , very offensive to the nose , being of a noisome fishy smell . This oyl being applied to any place , as much as you can endure , will do the effects before mentioned , and more : but it is very hurtful for any hot maladies . There is a water also For old Sores . Take lime unkilled , and dissolve it in water ; stir it three or four times in a day ; then when it is settled and cleared , strain it and keep it ; wet a linnen cloth in it , and apply it to a wound or sore , and it cureth them . I will not omit The vertues of Tobacco . Out of the seeds of it is expressed an oyl , three ounces out of a pound , which allays the cruel tortures of the gout : the juyce clarified and boiled into a syrup , and taken in the morning , maketh the voyce tunable , clear and loud ; very convenient for singing Masters . If you bruise the leaves , and extract the juyce , it killeth lice in childrens heads , being rubbed thereon . The leaves cure rotten Sores and Ulcers , running on the legs , being applied unto them . The juyce of this herb doth also presently take away and asswage the pain in the codds , which happeneth to them who swimming do chance to touch their codds . CHAP. XII . Of a secret Medicine for wounds . THere are certain Potions called Vulnerary Potions , because , being drunk , they cure wounds : and it seemeth an admirable thing , how those Potions should penetrate to the wounds . These are Vulnerary Potions . Take Pirole , Comfrey , Aristolochy , Featherfew of each a handful ; of Agrimony two : boil them in the best new Wine : digest them in horse-dung . Or take two handfuls of Pirole , of Sanicle , and Sowe-bread one , of Ladies Mantel half one . Boil them in two measures of Wine , and drink it morning and evening . Binde the herbs , which you have boiled , upon the wound , having mixt a little salt with them : and in the mean while use no other Medicine . The Weapon-Salve Given heretofore to Maximilian the Emperor , by Paracelsus , experimented by him , and always very much accounted of by him while he lived : It was given to me by a noble man of his Court. If the Weapon that wounded him , or any stick dipt in his blood be brought , it will cure the wound , though the Patient be never so far off . Take of the moss growing upon a dead man his scull , which hath laid unburied , two ounces , as much of the fat of a man , half an ounce of Mummy , and man his blood : of linseed oyl , turpentine , and bole-armenick , an ounce ; bray them all together in a mortar , and keep them in a long streight glass . Dip the Weapon into the oyntment , and so leave it : Let the Patient in the morning , wash the wound with his own water ; and without adding any thing else , tye it up close , and he shall be cured without any pain . CHAP. XIII . How to counterfeit infirmities . IT hath been no small advantage to some , to have counterfeited sicknesses , that they might escape the hands of their enemies , or redeem themselves for a small ransom , or avoid tortures ; invented by former ages , and used by these latter . I will first teach you How to counterfeit a bloody Flux . Amphiretus Acantius , being taken by Pirates , and carried to Lemnos , was kept in chains , in hope that his ransom would bring them a great sum of money . He abstained from meat , and drank Minium mixt with salt water . Therefore , when he went to stool , the Pirates thought he was fallen into a bloody Flux , and took off his irons , lest he should dye , and with him their hopes of his ransom . He being loose , escaped in the night , got into a Fisher-boat , and arrived safe at Acantum : so saith Poliaenus . Indian Figs , which stain the hands like ripe Mulberries , if they be eaten , cause the urine to be like blood : which hath put many into a fright , fearing they should dye presently . The fruit of the Mulberry , or Hoggs blood boiled and eaten , maketh the excrements seem bloody . Red Madder maketh the urine red , saith Dioscorides . We may read also , that if you hold it long in your hand , it will colour your urine . I will teach you also To make any one look pale . Cumine taken in drink causeth paleness : so it is reported , That the Followers of Portius Latro , that famous Master of Rhetorick , endeavored to imitate that colour which he had contracted by study . And Julius Vindex , that assertor of liberty from Nero , made this the onely bawd to procure him an executorship . They smoke themselves with Cumine , who disfigure their faces , to counterfeit holiness and mortification of their body . There is an experiment also , whereby any one may know how To cause Sores to arise . Take Perwinckle , an herb of an intolerable sharpness , that is worthily named Flammula ; bruise it , and make it into a plaister , and it will in a short space ulcerate , and make blisters arise . Cantharides beaten with strong water , do also raise watry blisters , and cause ruptures . CHAP. XIV . Of Fascination , and Preservatives against inchantments . NOw I will discourse of inchantment ; neither will I pass over in silence , who they are whom we call Inchanters : For if we please to look over the Monuments of Antiquity , we shall finde a great many things of that kind delivered down to posterity . And the tryal of later ages doth not altogether explode the fame of them : neither do I think that it derogateth from the truth of the stories , that we cannot draw the true causes of the things , into the streight bonds of our reasons , because there are many things that altogether impede the enquiry : but what I my self judge of others opinions , I thought fit here to explicate . You may find many things in Theocritus and Virgil , of this kind : whence that verse arose : There 's same , I know not whose unlucky eye Bewitcheth my yong Lambs , and makes them die . Isigonus and Memphodorus say , There are some families in Africa , that bewitch with their tongue the very Woods : which if they do but admire somewhat earnestly , or if they praise fair trees , growing corn , lusty children , good horses , or fat sheep , they presently wither , and die of a suddain , from no other cause or harm : which thing also Solinus affirmeth . The same Isigonus saith , there are amongst the ●riballians and Illyrians , certain men , who have two pupils in each eye , and do bewitch most deadly with them , and kill whatever they look earnestly on , especially with angry eyes ; so pernicious are they : and yong children are most subject to their mischief . There are such women in Scythia , called Bichiae , saith Apollonides . Philarchus reporteth of another kind , called Thibians in Pontus , who had two pupils in one eye , and in the other the picture of a horse ; of which Didymus also maketh mention . Damon relateth of a poyson in Ethiopia , whose sweat would bring a consumption in all bodies it touched : and it is manifest , that all women which have two pupils in one eye , can bewitch with it . Cicero writeth of them ; so Plutarch and Philarchus mention the Paletheobri , a Nation inhabiting in part of the Pontick Sea , where are Inchanters who are hurtful , not onely to children that are tender and weak , but to men of full growth , who are of a strong and firm body ; and that they kill with their looks , making the persons languish and consume away as in a consumption . Neither do they infect those onely who live among them , but strangers , and those who have the least commerce with them ; so great is the power and witchcraft of their eyes : for though the mischief be often caught in copulation with them , yet it is the eyes that work ; for they send forth spirits , which are presently conveyed to the heart of the bewitched , and so infect him . Thus it cometh to pass , That a yong man , being full of thin , clear , hot , and sweet blood , sendeth forth spirits of the same nature ; for they are made of the purest blood , by the heat of the heart : and being light , get into the uppermost parts of the body , and flye out by the eyes , and wound those who are most porous , which are fair persons , and the most soft bodies . With the spirits there is sent out also a certain fiery quality , as red and blear-eyes do , who make those that look on them , fall into the same disease : I suffered by such an accident my self : for the eye infecteth the air ; which being infected , infecteth another : carrying along with it self the vapors of the corrupted blood , by the contagion of which , the eyes of the beholders are overcast with the like redness . So the Wolf maketh a man dumb ; so the Cockatrice killeth , who poysoneth with looking on , and giveth venimous wounds with the beams of his eyes : which being reflexed upon himself , by a looking-glass , kill the Author of them . So a bright Mirror dreadeth the eyes of an unclean women , saith Aristotle , and groweth cloudy and dull , when she looketh on it : by reason that the sanguine vapour is contracted by the smoothness of the glass into one place ; so that it is spotted with a kind of little mist , which is plainly seen ; and if it be newly gathered there , will be hardly wip'd off . Which thing never happeneth on a cloth or stone , because it penetrateth and sinketh into the one , and is dispersed by the inequality of parts in the other . But a Mirror being hard and smooth , collecteth them entire ; and being cold , condenseth them into a dew . In like manner almost , if you breath upon a clear glass , it will wax moist as it were with a sprinkling of spettle , which condensing will drop down : so this efflux of beams out of the eyes , being the conveyers of spirits , strike through the eyes of those they meet , and flye to the heart , their proper region , from whence they rise ; and there being condensed into blood , infect all his inward parts . This stranger blood , being quite repugnant to the nature of the man , infects the rest of him , and maketh him sick : and there this contagion will continue , as long as he hath any warm blood in his body . For being a distemper in the blood , it will cast him into a continual feaver ; whereas , if it had been a distemper of choler or flegme , it would have afflicted him by intervalls . But that all things may be more distinctly explained , you must know first , that there are two kind of Fascinations mentioned by Authors : One of Love , the other of Envy or Malice . If a person be ensnared with the desire of a fair and beautiful woman , although he be caught at a distance , yet he taketh the poyson in at his eyes , and the Image of her beauty settleth in the heart of this Lover , kindleth a flame there , which will never cease to torment him : For the soft blood of the beloved being strayed thither , maketh continual representations of her : she is present there in her own blood ; but it cannot settle or rest there , for it continually endeavoureth to flye homeward , as the blood of a wounded person spirts out on him that giveth the blow . Lucretius describeth this excellenty : He seeks that body , whence his grief he found ; For humors always flow unto a wound . As bruised blood still runs unto the part That 's struck , and gathers where it feels the smart : So when the murtheress of his heart 's in place , Blushes arise , and red orespreads his facee . But if it be a Fascination of Envy or Malice , that hath infected any person , it is very dangerous , and is found most often in old women . Neither can any one deny , but that the diseases of the minde do distemper the body ; and that the good disposition of it , doth strengthen and corroborate the same : and it doth not work this alteration onely in its own body , but on others also , by how much it stirreth up in the heart inward desires of love and revenge . Doth not covetousness , grief , or love , change the colour and disposition ? Doth not envy cause paleness and meagerness in the body ? Doth not the longing of the mother , imprint the mark of what she desired upon the tender Embryo ? So when Envy bends her fierce and flaming eyes , and the desire of mischief bursts thereout , a vehement heat proceedeth from them , which infecteth those that stand nigh , especially the beautiful ; they strike them through as with a sword , set their entrails on fire , and make them wast into a leannness , especially if they be of a cholerick or sanguine complexion ; for the disease is easily fed , where the pores are open , and the humors thin . Nor is it the passions of the mind onely , that affecteth the body thus : but the body it self , as Avicenna proveth , may be endued with venimous qualities : many are so by Nature ; so that it cannot seem a wonder , if sometimes some are made so by Art. The Queen of India sent to Alexander a very beautiful maid , anointed and fed with the poyson of Serpents , as Aristotle saith , and Avicenna from the Testimony of Rufus , Galen Writeth of another , who eat Henbane without any harm ; and another , Woolf-bane ; so that a Hen would not come near her . And Mithridates ( as old Histories deliver it to us ) King of Pontus , had so strengthened himself against poyson , that when he would have poysoned himself , lest he should fall into the hands of the Romans , nothing would do him any hurt . If you give a Hawk a Hen fed with snakes or lizards flesh , or with barly boiled in the broth of them , it will make him mew his feathers betimes : and many other such things are done , which are too long to be recounted . So many men are of such a nature , that they will cure some diseases onely with their stroaking . Many eat Spiders and wilde Olives , and care not for the biting of Serpents , nor suffer any wasting or consumption , if they be of such a nature , that their looks or breath will not onely blast men , but plants and herbs , and any other thing , and make them wither away : and oftentimes , where such kind of creatures are , you may find blasted corn , poysoned and withered , meerly by the contagion of their eyes , the breath that cometh from them . Do not women in the time of their courses , infect cucumbers and melons , by touching or looking on them , so that they wither ? Are not children handled with less prejudice by men then women ? And you will find more women then men witches , by reason of their complexion ; for they are farther distant from a right temper , and eat more unwholesome food ; so that every moneth they are filled with superfluities , and purge forth melancholy blood : from whence vapors arise , and flie out through their eyes , poysoning those that stand nigh them , and filling them with the same kind of blood . Hence sanguine complexioned men , and somewhat cholerick , who have large , shining , gray eyes , and live chastly ( for too often copulation exhausteth the moisture ) who by frequent glances , and continual imagination , encounter point to point , beams to beams , eyes to eyes , do generally stir up love . But why a man is taken by this Fascination with one , and not another , appeareth by the former , and this reason : for it happeneth from the intention of the Inchantor , who by those spirits or vapors , is transmitted into the bewitched person , and he receiving them , is made like unto him : For the infection seizing on his mind , and fixing in his imagination , becomes a permanent habit , and maketh the spirits and blood obedient to it ; and so bindeth the imagination , and inflameth them with the thing beloved . Although the mind ( which opinion is fathered upon Avicen , neither doth it want his authority ) can of its own will and power , produce such passions . Musaeus will have the eyes to lay the foundation of Love , and to be the chief allurements of it . And Diogenianus saith , That Love is begotten by looks , affirming that it is impossible for a man to fall in love unawares . So Juvenal placeth that Lover among prodigies , Who burnt with Love of her he never saw : For the bright glances of the eyes , driveth the Object into a kind of madness , and teach the rudiments of Love. The other parts are scarce any cause of Love , but provoke and entice the beholder to stay , and gaze a while upon their beauty , whilst the eyes wound him ; for there they say , Cupid lieth in ambush with his bowe , ready to shoot his arrows into the beholders eyes , and set his heart on fire . For thy eyes slide in through my eyes ( saith Apuleius ) and raise a cruel fire within my heart . Now I have discovered the original of it unto you ; unless you are quite mad , you may many ways fortifie your self against it . But many one may well wonder , considering those diseases which come by infection , as the itch , scabbiness , blear-eyes , the plague , do infect by sight , touching or speaking , and presently cause putrefaction , why Love's contagion , which is the greatest plague of all , doth not presently seize upon men , and quite consume them : Neither doth it infect others onely , but sometimes it returneth upon it self , and the persons will be ensnared in their own charms : It is reported by the Antients of Eutelides , that he bewitched himself by reflection in water , looking-glasses , or fountains , which returned his own shadow upon him . So that he seemed so beautiful unto himself , that falling in love with that wherewith he used to entrap others , he lost his former complexion , and died a Sacrifice unto his own Beauty . So children oftentimes effascinate themselves , when their parents attribute it to haggards and witches . Now take Some Preservatives against Love. There are many prescribed by wise antiquity . If you would endeavor to remove the ●charms of love , thus you may expel them . Turn your face away , that she may not asten her eyes on yours , nor couple rays with you ; for you must remove the cause from the place , where it useth to make its impression : forsake her company , avoid idleness , employ your mind in business of concernment ; evacuate blood , sweat , and other excrements in a large quantity , that the infection may also be voided with them . A Preservative against Envy . If it be the witchcraft of Envy , you may know it thus . The infected loseth his colour , hardly openeth his eyes , always hangeth his head down , sighs often , his heart is ready to break , and sheddeth salt and bitter tears , without any occasion or sign of evil . To disencharm him , because the air is corrupted and infected , burn sweet persume to purifie the air again , and sprinkle him with waters sweetned with cinnamon , cloves , cypress , lignum aloes , musk , and amber . Therefore the old custome is continued until this day , and observed by our women , to smoke their children , and rowl them about in frankincense . Keep him in an open air , and hang Carbuncles , Jacinthes , or Saphires about his neck . Dioscorides accounteth Christs Thorn , wilde Hemp , and Valerian , hung up in the house , an amulet against witchcraft . Smell to Hyssope , and the sweet Lilly ; wear a ring made of the hoof of a tame or wilde Ass ; also Sa●v●ion , the male and female , are thought the like . Aristotle commendeth Rue , being smelt to . All these do abate the power of witchcraft . THE NINTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : How to adorn Women , and make them Beautiful . THE PROEME . SInce next to the Art of Physick , follows the Art of Adorning our selves , we shall set down the Art of Painting ; and how to beautifie Women from Head to Foot ▪ in many Experiments : yet lest any man should think it superfluous , to interpose those things that belong to the Ornaments of Women , I would have them consider , that I did not write these things for to give occasion to augment Luxury , and for to make people voluptuous . But when God , the Author of all things , would have the Natures of all things to continue , he created Male and Female , that by fruitful Procreation , they might never want Children : and to make Man in love with his Wife , he made her soft , delicate and fair , to entice man to embrace her . We therefore , that Women might be pleasing to their Husbands , and that their Husbands might not be offended at their deformities , and turn into other womens-chambers , have taught Women , how , by the Art of Decking themselves and Painting , if they be ashamed of their foul and swart Complexions , they may make themselves Fair and Beautiful . Something 's that seemed best to me in the Writings of the antients , I have tried , and set down here : but those that are the best , which I and others have of late invented , and were never before in Print , I shall set down last . And first I shall begin with the Hairs . CHAP. I. How the Hair may be dyed Yellow , or Gold-colour . SInce it is the singular care of Women to adorn their Hair , and next their Faces ; First , I will shew you to adorn the Hair , and next the Countenance . For Women hold the Hair to be the greatest Ornament of the Body ; that if that be taken away , all the Beauty is gone : and they think it the more beautiful , the more yellow , shining and radiant it is . We shall consider what things are fit for that purpose ; what are the most yellow things , and will not hurt the Head , as there are many that will : but we shall chuse such things as will do it good . But before you dye them , Preparing of the Hair must be used , to make them fit to receive a tincture . Add to the Lees of White-wine as much Honey that they may be soft , and like some thin matter : smeer your Hair with this , let it be wet all night : then bruise the Roots of Celandine , and of the greater Clivers Madder , of each a like quality : mingle them , being bruised , very well with Oyl , wherein Cummin-Seed , Shavings of Box , and a little Saffron , are mingled ; anoynt your Head , and let it abide so twenty four hours : then wash it with Lye made of Cabbage-Stalks , Ashes , and Barley-Straw : but Rye-Straw is the best : for this , as Women have often proved , will make the Hair a bright yellow . But you shall make A Lye to dye the Hair thus : Put Barley-Straw into an Earthen-pot with a great mouth , Feny-Graec , and wilde Cummin ; mingle between them , Quick-lime and Tobacco , made into Powder : then put them upon the Straw beforementioned , and pour on the Powders again ; I mean by course , one under , the other over , till the whole Vessel be full : and when they are thrust close , pour on cold water , and let them so stand a whole day : then open a hole at the bottom , and let the Lye run forth , and with Sope use it for your Hair. I shall teach you Another . To five Glasses of Fountain-water , add Alume-Foeces , one Ounce ; Sope , three Ounces ; Barley-Straw , one Handful : let them boyl in Earthen-pots , till two thirds be boyled away : then let it settle : strain the Water with the Ashes ; adding to every Glass of Water , pure Honey one Ounce . Set it up for your use . You shall prepare for your Hair An Oyntment thus : Burn the Foeces of Wine , heaped up in a Pit , as the manner is ; so that the fire may go round the Pit : when it is burnt , pown it , and seirce it : mingle it well with Oyl : let the Woman anoynt her Head with it when she goes to Bed ; and in the morning , let her wash it off with a Lye , wherein the most bitter Lupines were boyled . Other Women endeavour To make their Hair yellow thus : They put into a common Lye , the Pills of Citrons , Oranges , Quinces , Barley-Straw , dried Lupines , Foeny-Graec ▪ Broom-Flowers , and Tartat coloured , a good quantity : and they let them there lie and steep , to wash their Hair with . Others mingle two parts Sope , to one part Honey ; adding Ox-Gall one half part : to which they mingle a twelfth part of Garden-Cummin , and wilde Saffron : and setting them in the Sun for six weeks , they stir it daily with a wooden-staff : and this they use . Also of Vinegar and Gold Litharge , there is made a decoction very good to dye the Hair yellow as Gold. Some there are , that draw out a strong VVater with fire , out of Salt-Peter , Vitriol , Salt-Ammoniac , and Cinaber ; wherewith the Hairs dyed , will be presently yellow : but this as wont to burn the Hair : those that know how to mingle it , will have good effects of it . But these are but ordinary ; the most famous way is To make the Hairs yellow : draw Oyl from Honey by the Art of Distillation , as we shall shew : First , there will come forth a clear VVater , then a Saffron-colour , then a Gold-colour : use this to anoynt the Hair with a Spunge ; but let it touch the Skin : for it will dye it Saffron-colour , and it is not easily washed off . This is the principal above others , because the Tincture will last many dayes : and it will dye Gray-Hairs , which few others will. Or make a Lye of Oak-Ashes , put in the quantity of a Bean of Rheubarb , as much Tobacco , a handful of Barley-Straw and Foeny-Graec . Shells of Oranges , the Raspings of Guaiacum , a good deal of wilde Saffron and Liquorish : put all these in an Earthen-pot , and boyl them , till the water sink three fingers : the Hairs will be washt excellently with this . Hold them in the Sun , then cast Brimstone on the Coals , and fume the Hairs ; and whilst it burns , receive the smoke with a little Tunnel at the bottom , and cover your Head all over with a cloth , that the smoke flie not away . CHAP. II. How to dye the Hair bed . BEcause there are many men and women that are ruddy Complexions , and have the Hair of their Heads and Bearbs Red ; which , should they make yellow-coloured , they would not agree with their Complexions : To help those also , I set down these Remedies : The Ancients used the decoction of the Lote-Tree raspt , which we call Melo Fiocco : and so they made their Hair Red. Or else , by burning me Foeces of the old Wine , as I said , they added Oyl of mastick thereto , which they provided thus to the purpose . They heaped up the ripe Berries of the Mastick-Tree for some dayes , till they might wither : the they poured on water , and boyled them so long in Brazen Kettles until they brake : they put them in Bags , and pressed out the Oyl with a press . With this Oyntment , they kept their Head anoynted all the night , and so made them Red. But how we may Dye the Hair Red I shall teach you . There is a Powder brought to us from Africa , they commonly call Alchena : if we boyl it in a Lye till it be coloured , and anoynt our Hair with it , it will dye them red for many days , that is indelible : but whilst you handle it , take heed you wet no your Nails therewith : for they will be so died , you cannot easily make them clean . So also we dye the Tails and Mains of white Horses red . But I can easily do it with Oyl of Honey ; for when the clear and Saffron-coloured waters are drawn off , increase the fire , and the Oyl will come forth , the red . This is exellent to make the Hairs red , and it will dye white Hairs red for many dayes ; and when that tincture is worn off , the Hairs will shine of a golden colour . But when we anoynt our Heads with a Lye , we take a wet sponge with nippers , that we may not stain our Hands or skin of our Heads . With Herbs a woman dy'd her hoary Head : Arts Colours better'd Natures , as 't is said . CHAP. III. How the Hairs are dyed Black. IT is worth the while , to shew such as are ashamed to seem old , how to dye their hoary Hairs black , as if they might grow young again by it . And if we provide for young women , we must do as much for aged Matrons ; especially , if it fall out that they grow hoary too soon . Of old , they made a decoction of Sage-Leaves , the green Husks of Walnuts , Sumacts , Myrtle-berries , Black-berries , Cypress-nuts , Rindes of the Roots of Halm-Tree , and such-like : for the Rinde of the Root of Halm-Tree , boyled till it be sort , and consumed , and then smeered on all night , blacks the Hair , first made clean with Fullers Earth . Learn therefore How Gray Hairs and dyed Black. Anoynt your Hair in the Sun with Leeches that have lain to corrupt in the blackest Wine sixty daies , and they will become very black . Or else , Let a sextary of Leeches stand in two sextaries of Vinegar in a Leaden Vessel to corrupt , for sixty daies : and as I said , anoynt your Hair. Pliny saith , It will dye so strongly that unless they hold Ovl in their mouths , when they dye the Hair , it will make their Teeth black also . But if you would have Long and Black Hair , Take a green Lizard , and cutting off the Head and Tail , boyl it in common Oyl , and anoynt your Head with it . You shall have also Another . Yet you may thus dye your Hair and Beard handsomely , if they be grown Gray : Froth of Silver , burnt Brass , must be mingled with four times the quantity of strong Lye : and when it bubbles on an easie fire , wash your Hair with it ; and when they are dry , wash them with hot water . I used this as the Ancients taught it : and I made a Lye of Quick-Lime and Oak-Ashes , that they commonly call the Capitel ; in that I boyled Litharge of Silver : then I tried it on white Wool ; for if it be dyed black , as I would have it , then I took it from the fire ; or else , I boyled it longer . If it burnt the Wool , I put water to it ; or else , dyed with it . Add Lytharge . Wash your Hair or Beard with this , and it will dye them with a shining black colour , and it will not be discerned : for the more you wash it , the better it will shine . CHAP. IV. To make Hairs part smooth . BEcause sometimes a part is deformed with abundance of Hair , or for lack of Hair , I shall shew how to make a smooth part thick with Hair , and a hairy part smooth , by depilatories . A common Depilatory , which men use commonly in Baths . It consists of Quick-Lime , four parts made into Powder , Orpiment one part : boyl them . Try with a Hens Feather ; when that is made bare with it , it is boyl'd : take heed you boyl it not too much , or that it stay not too long upon your skin , for it will burn : but if it chance to burn your skin , take Populeum and Oyl of Roses or Violets , and anoynt the place , and the pain will be gone . This must be done in a Bath ; but if you cannot have one , let the Woman be covered with cloths very well , and let it be cast on burning Stones or Tiles , that she may receive the fume of it , and swear . After she hath sweat , let her wash her self with her water , and wipe it off : then let her anoynt her self all over ; for the parts anoynted thus , will presently grow smooth . And thus may all parts be kept free from Hair. The Ancients used these , as Saserna , as Varro reports , teacheth in his Book of Husbandry . If ( saith he ) you would make any one smooth from Hair , cast a pale Frog into water , and boyl it to a third part ; and with that anoynt the Body . But by pale Frog we must understand a Toad : for a Frog hath no such faculty . A Salamander soaked in Oyl , will pull out the Hair. Dioscorides . But it will be stronger , if you steep it long in Oyl , and dissolve it . The filthy matter that is white as Milk , and is vomited up at the mouth by the Salamander , if it touch any part of the Body , all the Hair will fall off . Dioscorides saith , That the Sea-Scolopendra boyled in Oyl , and smeered on the part , will pluck off the Hair by the Roots . But To make Hair grow slowly , If you press Oyl out of Henbane-Seed with a Press , or do often anoynt the places with the juice of it , they will grow again very slowly . The same is done with the juice of Hemlock . Or to take off the Hairs , men added to Ants Eggs , red Orpiment , and Ivy-Gum , with Vinegar ; and they rubbed the place where the Hair was taken away . In former times , they rubbed the down-parts of children with the Roots of Hyacinthus , and the Hair would never grow there . And therefore it is well known in trimming Medicaments sold here and there , that being smeered on with sweet Wine , keeps back the Bread , and will not let it break forth . But if you would That Hair should never grow again , In which business I have taken great pains ; and tried many things that I found to be false ; First , foment the part with hot water , and pull out the Hairs one by one with womens nippers : then dissolve Salt-Peter in water , and anonynt the holes where the Hairs grew . It will be better done with Oyl of Brimstone , or of Vitriol : and so they will never grow again ; or if they do , after one yeer , they will be very soft : do then the same again , and the parts will be bare alwayes . So I have made womens Fore-heads longer , and have taken off Hair from parts hotter then the rest . CHAP. V. How Hair may grow again . BUt for those that would have Hair grow where it should , these Remedies will do it : sometimes womens temples use to be deformed for want of Hair , I shall teach you how Hair falling off before old age , may be held fast . And if any Hair hath fallen off , to make it grow again , torrifie Gith upon the Coals ; when it is torrified , powder it , sift it , and mingle it with water ; and anoynt your Head. The Ancients made their Hair grow again with these Remedies : with the Ashes of a Land Hedge-hog , or of burnt Bees or Flies , or the Powder of them deied ; also with Man's Dung burnt , and anoynted on with Honey , to which they added well the Ashes of Small-nuts , Wall-nuts , Ches-nuts , and other Bean-like substances : for by all these mingled together , or by them single , Hair will be made to grow . But if you will That Hair shall grow quickly , I know that by often washing the place with that water that first distils from Honey by the fire , much Hair will soon grow ; or if you do but moysten the place with wet cloths , and not wipe it , but let it alwayes continue wet . Also Noble Matrons may use this To make the Hairs grow softer . Augustus was wont to burn his Legs with a burning Nut , that the Hair might grow softer . But That Hair may grow longer and quickly , Bruise Marsh-Mallow Roots with Hogs-grease , and let them boyl long in Wine : then add Cummin-Seed well bruised , Mastick , and yelks of Eggs well boyled : first , mingle them a little , and then boyl them : strain all through a Linen-clout , and let it stand and settle ; then take the fat that swims on the top and anoynt the Head , first wash . But to make them grow quickly , take Barley-Bread with Salt and Bears Grease : burn the Bread ; and with such a mixture anoynt the place . Some besmeer a glazed Pot with the fat of a Horse Neck , and they boyl a River-Eel that is fat , and cut into pieces in it , till it dissolve into Oyl , and they anoynt the part with it . CHAP. VI. To take away Sores and Worms that spoil the Hair. THere is a certain plague of the Hair that befals them , and breaks , cuts , and takes the Hair quite off from the Head. I will add the Remedies presently , whereby to take them away . It is healthful , in these Diseases , to apply bitter things to kill these Worms called Tiners or Syrens : take the Flowers of Myrtle-Trees , Broom-clary ; boyl them in Vinegar , till the Vinegar be consumed , and then rub the ends of the Hair continually with it . Also grinde bitter Lupines into fine Meal ; boyl them in Vinegar , and then rub the Hairs between your hands : for this will kill these Sirens , and drive them away . But I used very hot Bread , newly taken forth of the Oven , cut in the middle , and putting the Hair between them till they grow ●old . CHAP. VII . How to make Hair Curl . CUrl'd Hair seems to be no small Grace and Ornament to the Head : and women that use painting do all they can to curl the Hair. If you will know how To Curl the Hair , Boyl Maidenhair with Smallage-Seed in Wine , adding a good quantity of Oyl : for this wil make the Hair curl'd and thick . Pliny . Moreover , if you put the Roots of Daffidils into Wine , and pour this often on the Head , being shaved , it will make the Hair curl the more , as the same Author saith : or else , bruise the Root of Dwraf-elder , with Oyl , and anoynt the Head therewith , and binde the Leaves of the same upon the Head. Some say that Camels Dung will curl the Hair : or else , poun the Ashes of a Rams Horn , with Oyl ; and with that anoynt the Head often , being first shaved . So also , will the Ashes of Chef-nuts or Hedge-hogs do , if you with Honey smeer the Head with it . CHAP. VIII . Remedies to make the Eye brows black . BEfore we leave off to speak of Hair , I shall shew how to make the Eye-brows black , because women are as desirous of this as of the rest . The Greeks call them Calliblephara , that is , Fair Eye-brows : wherefore the Antients used To dye the Eye-brows with black Earth like Bitume or Sea-Cole : being burnt , it is a very fine black : and it is added to those Remedies that serve to dye the Eye-brows and the Hair black : or else the Marrow of an Ox bone taken out of the Right-Leg before , and beaten with Soot , is good to dye the Hair , and faulty Eye-brows , and the corners of the Eyes . Also , Soot is tempered for this purpose , with the smoak of Paper , and Oyl of Sesama , the smoot being wiped off of a new Vessel with a Feather . The Kernels of Dates burnt in a new earthen Pot , and the Ashes washed , serve instead of Spodium ; and they are mingled with Eye-salves , and they make Calliblephara ; adding Spikenard thereunto . And if they be not well burnt , burn them again . Also Rose-Leaves are fit burn for the same use . Also , you may amend your Eye-brows thus ; Take Labdanum , and beat it with Wine , and mingle Oyl of Myrtles with it , and make a very thick Oyntment : or infuse in Oyl the black Leaves of the Myrtle-Tree , with a double quantity of Galls bruised , and use that . I use this . Galls are fried in Oyl , and they are ground with a little Salt-Ammoniac ; and then mingled with Vinegar , wherein the Pills of the Mulberry and Bramble have been boyled : with these anoynt the Eyebrows , and let it abide on all night ; then wash it off with water . But if you would Change the colour of childrens Eyes , you shall do it thus : anoynt the fore part of their Heads with the Ashes of the shells of Hazel-nuts and Oyl , it will make the white eyes of children black , if you do it twice . There are many Experiments to make white and gray Eyes black , and to alter the colours . But I shall let them pass , because those that want them will not so lightly endanger their Eyes ; nor do they answer the expectation , as some have tried them . CHAP. IX . How to make the Face white . I Taught formerly in my Book of Plants , That with white cleer Silver-coloured Herbs , Shel-Fish , and Stones , the Face might be made white , polished and Silver-coloured . I shall now set down some examples , by which you may invent many more . I shall first speak of Simples , then of Compounds : Simples that are white , make the face white . The Lilly is a complete white colour : the bulbous tops of it , like Onyons boyled in water , or the distilled water of them , will make the Faces of Maides white , if they wash them therewith , morning and evening . Withwind bears a Flower like to the Lilly , without any smell ; but within like Saffron : it is onely white , and is as it were the Rudiments of Nature , when she goes about to frame a Lilly. The distilled water from the flowers will wonderfully make the Face whole . Also with the decoction of Ivory , one may make the Face like Ivory . Melanthinm makes the Face beautiful . Dioscorides . But it shews its excellency when it is thus prepared : Pown it , and sift out the finest of it , take the juice of Lemmons , and let the Meal of Gith lie wet in it twenty four hours ; take it out , and let it dry : then break an Egg with the Shell , and mingle it with it : then dry it in the shade , and sift it once more . In the morning , when the woman riseth out of her bed , let her put this into a white Linen-clour , that is not too fine , and wet it with water or spittle ; and let her rub her Face with the clour , that the moysture alone , and not the Meal , may come on the Face . If you will have Your Face white , it may be made as white as Milk many ways , and chiefly with these that follow : Let Litharge of Silver , half an ounce , boyl in a Glazed Earthen Pot , with strong Vinegar , until the thinner part be evaporated : set it up for use . Then , in another Pot , let half a pound of clear water boyl : then mingle both these waters together , and shake them ; and it will become like Milk , and sink to the bottom : when it is settled , pour it off ; water being plentifully poured in : and leaving it a while to settle , pour it off again , and pour on fresh ; shake it , and leave it to settle a short time , and so forbear . That which is settled , set in the Sun and when it is grown stiff , as thick pap , make small balls of it , and lay them up . You may use these with water to make the Face white . Or else powder Lytharge of Silver , eight ounces , very fine : pour on the Powder , of the strongest Vinegar five pints : distil them , and keep them for your use . Then take Allome de Plume , Salt Gemma , one drachm ; Frankincense , one ounce and a half ; Camphire , two drachms ; Oyl of Tartar , six ounces ; Rose-water , one pound : powder what must be powdered , and pour it in : distil the water in Chymical Vessel , and set it up . When you would use them , mingle a little of both waters in the palm of your hand , and it will be like Milk : rub your Face with it , and it will be white . Or else take off the Pills of about twenty Cirton Lemmons ; infuse the Pills in one pound of the best Wine , and one pint and an half of Rose-water , for six days : then add one ounce of white Lilly and Mallow-Roots , and let them stay as many days : then add Rosin of Turpentine , four ounces ; white Mercury sublimate , two ounces ; Boxan , half an ounce ; ten whites of Eggs made hard at the fire : and mingle all these together : let them stay one night . The next day , put a cap upon the Vessel , and luting the joynts well , that nothing may breath forth , let the water drop into a Vessel to receive it : set it aside for use . I me this , that is easie to make , and doth the business completely : Take the white of an Egg , and stir it so long with an Iron , that it froth well : let it stand to turn to water : then take half an ounce of the best Honey , and beat with that water , and ●ingle them until they unite : add to them the quantity of two Corns of Wheat , Mercury sublimate , finely powdered ; when you go to bed , take some of the water in the palm of your hand , and wash your Face ; and so let it dry in , that it may not slick to the Linen : in the morning , wash it off with Fountain-water , and you shall have your Face cleer and white . CHAP. X. How women shall make their Faces very clean to receive the Colour . BEfore any thing be used to make the Face beautiful , it must be made very clean and fit to receive it : for oft-times women have excellent Waters and Remedies brought them , but they have no operation : wherefore the matter is , that they must first prepare their Face . This is the best Preparation of the Face . Bind Barley-Meal-Bran in a Linen-cloth , and let it down into a Pot full of water , and let it boyl till a third part be remaining , and press out the juice : with this decoction wash your face , and let it dry : then bruise Myrrh , and mingle it with the white of an Egg , and burn it on hot Fire-sticks , or red hot Tiles , and receive the fume by a tunnel : let the narrow part of it be toward the Face , and the broad to the fire : cover the head with a Napkin that the smoak flie not away ; and when you have received sufficient of the smoak , rub your Face with a Linen-cloth : then use your Remedy to anoynt your Face . I shall shew you One that is stronger . When the skin must be cleansed or made white , you must cleanse some parts of your Face from skins that will not let your painting Oyntment stick . Powder an ounce of Sublimate very finely : put it into a Pot that is glazed , and cast into it fix whites of Eggs , so beaten , that they are turned into water : then boyl them on hot Embers , till they grow thick : put them into a Linnen-cloth that is loosly weaved , and press the water out of them with your hands , and wash your Face with it : then mingle Honey , whites of Eggs , and the aforesaid water together , equal parts : put some in your palm , and rub the place you would make white , with the palms of your hands : then boyl spelt ; and when it is boyl'd , take the fume of it by a tunnel : then rub your Face with a course Linnen-cloth . Others wash their Face with water , wherein fine flour is boyled . CHAP. XI . How the Face may be made very soft . THe next Beauty of the Face and Hands , is Tenderness , which is procured by fat things ; and chiefly by Milk , and principally of Asses : for it takes off wrinkle ▪ and makes the skin white and soft . And therefore , it was not for nothing , that Nero's wife , had always five hundred Asses with her : and in a Bath with a ●ear , she soaked all her body with that Milk. Wherefore if you would have Tour Face made soft and white , Steep crums of Bread in Whey or in Milk ; then press it out , and with that water wash your Face ; for it will wonderfully white your Face , and make the skin fair . Or , take six Glasses of Milk , steep crumbs of Bread in it five hours : take ten Lemmons , make clean the Pills , and cut the Body of them into thin slices : then shake ten whites of Eggs ; bruise an ounce of Camphire , Allom Sauharinum , two ounces ; mingle them all , and distil them , and set it in a glazed Vessel close covered , in the Sun ; and then set it up for your use . Here is one stronger For the same purpose . Boyl two Calfs Feet in water ; first make them clean : then boyl the water till half be consumed ; put it in Rice one pound , and boyl it well : let crums of Bread steep in Asses Milk or Goats Milk , with ten whites of Eggs bruised with their Shells : distil all at a gentle fire ; add to the water a little Camphire and Borax : put into a glazed vessel , two yong naked Pigeons , with their guts taken forth , and put in as much Milk as will cover them ; and add one ounce of Borax ; Turpentine , three ounces ; Ca●phire , one ounce ; five whites of Eggs : put on the cover , and distil them ; for it is fat things that make the Face soft . I shall say more , when I come to speak of making the hands white and soft : the reason is the same for both . CHAP. XII . How to make the face clear and shining like silver . THe face is not onely made clear , but white as silver , by those things that I said were white as silver ; yet not exactly as silver , but they shine as clear as silver . There is an herb commonly called Argentaria , or Argentina , or wilde Tansey , whose leaves are green above , but on the backside they shine of a silver colour : the distilled water of it is drank by women against spots in their faces , and to make them white as silver . The snails that are found in moist places , and leave behind them , as they creep , a silver cord ( Dioscorides saith , will cure the spots in the face ) women much desire them : for they put them in a still and draw out water from them , that polisheth the skin exceedingly , and makes it contract a silver gloss . And the seashell-fish , like an ear , whose shell is of a silver colour within , or pearl colour , and many kinds of shells ; that being steeped in vinegar , will grow pure , casting off the outward crust ; as the Oystershel doth that brings forth pearl . There are also shells , we call the Mothers of pearl , that inwardly are shining , and of a silver colour , like pearls : all which women use for their art of beautifying themselves ; for they make the face smooth , and to shine as white as silver . But pearls do it best of all things , when they are dissolved in sharp juyces , and soaked in rotten dung , till they send forth a clear oyl , that is the best thing to beautifie the face , as I shall shew elsewhere . For the same use , is a glass-stone used , that shines like silver . But no better water is prepared , then from Talk , or Quick-silver , as I shall shew in that which follows . CHAP. XIII . How to dissolve Talk for to beautifie women . THough I shall speak in a work , on purpose , more at large , how Talk may be dissolved into water or oyl ; We shall here onely set down , how it may be fitted for womens use . Of all such ways as are used , I shall set forth such as I have tried to be good . Beat Talk in a mortar of metal ; then put it into a pot of the strongest clay , and cover it , and bind it in with strong iron wyer ; lute it well all cover , and stop the joynts that nothing breathe out ; and set it in the Sun to dry . Then put this stone in an oven , that flames strongly , or in some other place , where the fire is most vehement . When the fire of the oven is out , take it forth and break the vessel ; and if it be well calcined , it is enough : Otherwise do the same again , until the calx of it be as white as it ought to be . When the calcined body of it , is white , as it must be ▪ grind it on a porphyry-stone , and put it into a little bag , or upon a marble in a very moist place , or deep well , or cistern ; and let it lie there long , and with much moisture it will drop forth at last : It will more easily and perfectly dissolve into water , if it were burnt long enough , and turned into a calx . For the parts being turn'd to lime , and made exceeding dry by force of fire , they attract moisture . It is also done Another way that is good . Calcine the Talk , and put it in an earthen pot , and set it in the hottest part of a potters oven , to stay there six days . When the Talk is thus turn'd to a calx , put it into a gourd-glass , which you shall first make clean , and make a hole at the bottom of it : and setting a vessel under it , you shall have the moisture of it drop forth , and the calx will resolve into water : put this into a glass vial , and let the water evaporate in Bal●eo : take the sediment out for your use . I use also Another way : Put snails in an earthen vessel , in the open air , that they may be kept hungry three days , and pine for want of meat , and be purged ; then take a silver Loadstone , or Talk , most finely powdred , mingle it with the white of an egge , and make an ointment ; anoint the earthen vessel with it , and put the snails into it , for they will eat up all the Talk : When they have eaten all , and voided their excrements , bruise the snails with their shells ; and putting them into a retott , draw out their moisture with a gentle fire ; the humour that drops forth , will exceedingly adorn the face . CHAP. XIV . The preparation of Sublimate . I Said , that there was nothing better than quick-silver for womens paints , and to cleanse their faces , and make them shine . Wherefore ▪ I shall set down many ways to Prepare it , that you may have the use of it to your desire . Take one ounce and half of pure quick-silver , not falsified with lead : for if there be lead mingled with it , all your labour is lost . How it must be purged and known , I taught elsewhere . Mingle this with half a pound of Mercury sublimate , and put it into a marble mortar , and with a new wooden pestle , stir it well , turning it round about . First , it will be black , in six hours it will grow white , if you cease not to beat it . Then adde one ounce and half of white salt , always turning it about with the p●stle ; for the more you grind it , the perfecter it will be . When it is very well ground , it must be washt . Sprinkle boiling clear water into the mortar , and stir it ; and then stay a while , until the muddy part may sink down , and the filth that was lighter , and swims on the top : laying the vessel on one side , pour out the water gently , and pour in fresh ; do this five or six times in the same manner , until the pure and onely powder remain without dregs : make little cakes of it , and dry it in the sun . Some whilst they bruise it , sprinkle water on , lest the powder by grinding should be made so small , that it should fly away into the air . The chief business is to purge it , and grind it well , that it be not troubled when it is strain'd forth : that which is gone to the bottom , and so part of it be lost ; some open a hole in the belly of a pot , that when it is settled , the hole being opened , the water with the dregs may run forth . Others to sublimate , adde a third part of quick-silver , and grind it in a wooden mortar ; and in the ●●an while they chew four grains of mastick in their mouths , and they spit the clammy spittle out of their mouths into the mortar , until it be white , as I said : then they boil it in one pound of the distilled water , of Bryony-root , till it be consumed : then they put a linnen cloth , to receive it at the mouth of the vessel , and so they strain it forth , and set it in the sun : they make ●roches of it with gum Traganth ; others to sublimate , add a sixth part of quick-silver , bruising it round about : then they adde camphir , borax , and ceruss , half as much , and mingle all together . The principal matter is , it is the best way to sprinkle it with water whilst you grind it , lest by grinding it , the powder become so light , that it fly away : also , when the water is poured on , all the filth will come on the top , and more easily be poured off : then when the sublimate is washed , it is left to settle down : then again pouring off the former water , they pour on fresh , and they wash it oft , till they see it is enough , and no black swims on the top . But there is no better , as we said , than Water of quick-silver . But some will not away with quick-silver , by reason of the hurt it commonly doth to the teeth : but they use other water . Yet there is no better water , then that which is extracted from quick-silver ; it is so clear and transparent , and the face anointed with it , shines like silver : it draws the skin handsome , and makes it soft by and by ; and I never saw a better : the manner was shewed before . CHAP. XV. How white-lead is prepared for the face . BEcause sublimate is so dangerous , there is a private way to do it with ceruss , but not the usual way , that women may have their desire , without hurting their skin or their teeth . I am now come to the business of ceruss . Take of swines grease well washed and cleansed in common water , at least ten times : put it in to a lye of sweet water , and after fifteen days , into a pot , or earthen vessel , with a broad mouth ; pouring in the sharpest vinegar , put in your swines grease , that the vinegar may swim three fingers above it : then fasten a plate of lead on the mouth of the pot , well luting the joynts with linnen cloths , that the vinegar may not evaporate . Every fifteen days take off the cover , and see how it is , if the lead be dissolved , and scrape the cover of all that hangs upon it , and put in the cover ; anoint it all about , and let it stand so long , till all the rest be performed , as I said before , and the whole lead be turned to ceruss . Ceruss must be washt thus : Pour water into a vessel , put the ceruss into it ; stir it up and down , that what dregs there is may swim on the top : the ceruss is heavy , and will sink to the bottom : Pour forth what swims above in the vessel , and pour on fresh water ; and do this so often , until the pure ceruss be found without dregs : dry it , and lay it up . If you will do it Another way , Take two handfuls of cleansed barley , let it steep all night in fair water ; then dry it on a linnen cloth , spread abroad in the sun . When it is dried , poun it in a marble mortar ; when it is bruised , put it into a glazed vessel , which is full of vinegar , and cast upon this four whole eggs , with their shells : then stop the vessel with a plate of lead , that is arched , or not very even , and let there be no place that gives vent . Set it half in the sand , and let it stand in the open sun ; after ten days , take off the covering of the vessel , that you stopt it with ; strike down the ceruss that is in it with a feather , and scrape it off : then take the eggs out , and put in new , and do as you did ; and after so many days scrape it off , until the whole plate be consumed . Let down the ceruss you have stricken off , into a vessel full of water , bound up in a linnen cloth that is clean , and moderately fine ; and stir it in the water , carrying it about here and there , until the muddy part of it run forth , and the sediment remain in the cloth : let the water settle , and strain it , and pour it forth , changing the water so long , until no dregs remain . Lastly , strain forth the water , and lay up the powder when it is dry . This alone with fountain water , will make the face white , mingled with the white of an egge , and will make it shine . Some Another way wash ceruss , and make it pure . Mingle hards of hemp , with whites of eggs well stirr'd : role up the ceruss in the middle of it : and wrapping a cloth about it , boil it one hour in a new earthen pot , putting water to it : as it boils , take off the skum : then take it from the fire ; and if any Lead be sunk down , cast it forth : afterwards make Troches of it with Gum-Traganth , that it may keep the better . Some bid boyl in water of white Lillies , Ceruss very finely powdered , tied up in a skin , and fastned in a Linen-cloth over it to the handle of the Vessel . The manner of boyling is the same as I first shewed . Then pour it forth into an earthen dish , and strain it gently from all its moysture : dry it fifteen days in the Sun , and keep it . CHAP. XVI . The best Sopes for women . I Shewed in particulars how you might procure whiteness , lustre , and softness to the Face : now shall I speak of waters made of these , that will at the same time make , if it be first rub'd clean , The Face white , clear , ruddy and soft . These I speak of can do it , being composed together , and distilled . Take Ceruss ready washed , one ounce ; half as much Mercury sublimate ; Gum-Traganth as much ; Tartar , one ounce : powder all these , and put them into a young Pigeon washed and unbowelled , and sow them in : put it into a new Earthen Pot full of water , distilled by a Retort : boyl it till the flesh part from the bones ; then distil it : when you go to bed , wash you Face ; and in the morning wash it with Fountain-water : so you shall have it white , clear , soft , and well-coloured . Also you may do it Another way . Bruise three pound of Bean-Cods , the shells ; add two pounds of Honey , and one of Rosin of Turpentine : put them into a Vessel , and close it that nothing vent forth ; and let it ferment eight days in dung : then add four pound of Asses milk : and in the Vessel draw forth Oyl at the fire ; use this water morning and evening . If you will have Another way , do it thus . Distil all these severally ; Elder-flowers , and Flowers of wilde Roses , Broom , Honey-sn●kles , Solomons-seal , and Briony-Roots , sowre Grapes , and Sarcocolla : mingle equal parts of each , or distil them again , and set them in the Sun. This will be the best . I shall shew Another for the same . Pull of a Hens Feathers without water , take out her Entrals , cut her in pieces , let infuse one night in white-Wine : in the morning wash her in it , and press her between your hands that no Wine remain ; and then adding two Cups of white-Wine , distil her in a Chymical Vessel : then distil the Flowers of Bindeweed , Citrons , Oranges together ; and keep this water by it self . Then open Lemmons , and press out the juice . And , also take water of Bean-flowers ; then distil six cups of Asse● milk , and as many of Cows-milk . You shall do the same with water of Gourds , and of Milk well boyled , and of water of Bean-flowers , and of Rosin of Turpentine . Then provide a glazed Vessel , put into it , Camphire two drachms , four ounces of Ceruss finely powdered : mingle them with the aforesaid waters , and set it in a soft Vessel in the open Air fifteen days and nights . When you would use it , wet a Linen-rag in it , and wash your Face . CHAP. XVII . How to make the Face Rose-coloured . I Have made the Face white , now I will make it red , that the wise may be made wholly Beautiful for her husband . And first , To make a pale Face purple-coloured . And to adorn one that wants colour , use this Remedy . Take Vinegar twice distilled , and cast into it the raspings of red Sanders , as much as you please : boyl it at a gentle fire , adding a little Allom , and you shall have a red colour most perfect to dye the Face . If you would have it sweet-smelling , add a little Musk , Civet , Cloves , or any Spices . Now Another , Take Flowers of Clove-Gilliflowers , bruise the ends of the sprigs , and draw forth the juice ; if they be so ripe that they are black , add juice of Lemmons , that they may shine with a more clear red . With this paint your Face , and you shall have a pleasant red colour without any stinking smell ; or wet the sprigs of Clove-gilliflowers in juice of Lemmons , and set them in the Sun. Take away the old , and put in fresh , until it be as red as you would have it : let the juice dry , and the color will be most glorious . But I draw a quintessence from Clovegill flowers , Roses , Flower-gentle , with Spirit of Wine ; then I add Allom , and the juice of a Citron , and I made an excellent colour to beautifie the Face . Take Another . If you add to the best Wine one tenth part of Honey , and one ounce of Frankinsence● and then distil it , and steep in it the raspings of red Saunders until it is coloured to your minde ; and then wash your Face with it : it will make your Face white and well-coloured . Also , A Fucus that cannot be detected : And it is so cunningly made , that it will delude all men ; for a cleer water makes the Cheeks purple-coloured , and it will last long ; and the cleerer the part will be , the more your wash it with it , and rub it with a cloth of Woolen . You shall draw out a water from the Seeds of Cardamom , ( which the Apothecaries call Grains of Paradise ) Cubebs , Indian Cloves , raspings of Brasil and Spirit of Wine distilled : when they have been infused some time , draw forth the water with a gentle fire , or corrupt Dung , and wet your Face often with this . There are also Experiments To colour the Body . If you boyl Nettles in water , and wash your Body with it , it will make it red-colored , if you continue it long . If you distil Straw-berries , and wash your self with the water , you shall make your Face red as a Rose . But the Ancients dyed their bodies of divers colours ; partly , for ornament ; partly , for terrour : as Caesar writes of the Britans going to war ; for they painted themselves with wood . Theophrastus calls it Isatis , and we call it Guado . The Grecian-women painted themselves with wood , as Zenophon writes . And in our days the West-Indians crush out in Harvest-time a blood-red juice from the Roots of wilde Bugloss : which the women know well enough , whereby they cover their pale colour with a pleasant red : and so change their over-white colour with this Experiment . CHAP. XVIII . To wash away the over-much redness of the Face . I Have shewed you how to colour the Face , now I shall shew how to uncolour it : when the Face is too red , and women that are very red desire this . The way is : To wash away the too-much redness of the Face , Take four ounces of Peach-Kernels , and Gourd-Seed two ounces ; pown them , and crush them out strongly , that you may draw forth an oyly Liquor : with this , morning and evening , anoynt the red Carbuncles of your face , and by degrees they will vanish and be gone . Another . Take Purple-Violets , Egg-shells , Saunders Camphire mingled with water : set the water in the open Air , and wash the redness therewith . Also , I know that the distilled water of white Lillies will take away the redness . CHAP. XIX . How to make a Sun-burnt Face white . WHen women travel in the open Air , and take journeys in Summer , the Sun in one day will burn them so black , that it is hard to take it off . I found out this Experiment . Beat about ten whites of Eggs till they come to water : put them in a glazed Vessel , adding one ounce of Sugar-Candy to them : and when you go to bed , anoynt your Face , and in the morning wash it off with Foutain-water . Pliny also saith thus . Another . If the Face be smeered with the white of an Egg , it will not be Sun-burnt . With us , women that have to do in the Sun , to defend their Faces from the heat of it , that they may not be black , they defend it with the white of an Egg beaten with a little Starch , and mingled ; and when the Voyage is done , they wash off this covering with Barley-water . Some do it Another way : rubbing their foul Skin with Melon-Rindes ; and so they easily rub off Sun-burnings , and all other spots outwardly on the Skin . The Seed also bruised and rubbed on , will do it better . Also , a Liquor found in little bladders of the Elm-Tree , when the Buds first come forth , makes the Face clear and shining , and takes away Sun-burnings . CHAP. XX. How Spots may be taken from the Face . OFt-times fair women are disgraced by spots in their Faces ; but the Remedy for it , is this : to use Abstergents and Detergents in whiting of their Faces . Therefore , To take off spots from the Face , anoynt the Face with Oyl of Tartar , and let it dry on , and wash it not at all : do this for ten days : then wash it with a Lixivium , and you shall see the spots no more . If the part be not yet clean enough , do it once more . If this please you not , take Another . Put Quick-Lime into hot water ; mingle them , and stir them for ten days . After two days , pour forth the clear water into a Brazen Vessel : then take Salt-Ammoniac between your Finger-tops , and rub it so long at the bottom of the Vessel , until you see the water become of a blew-colour ; and the more you rub it , the better colour it will have , and it will turn into a Skie-colour or Purple-colour , very pleasant to behold . Wet Linen-cloths in this water , and lay them on the spots , till they be dry ; and wet them again , till the spots be gone . See Another . Take two ounces of Turpentine-Rosin , Ceruss as much ; mingle them with the white of an Egg ; and stirring them well , besmeer Linen-cloths with them . And when you go to bed , let them stick to the spots : in the morning wash the place ; and do the same again , till all the spots be gone . If you please , here is Another . The distilled water of Pimpernel , mingled with Camphire and laid to the Face , will make women that desire to be beautiful have a cleer Skin , very sightly to behold ; and will take off the spots . Distil the Mulberry-Leaves ; let the water stand ten dayes in the Sun : add to this , Mercury sublimate , Verdigrease , artificial Chrysocolla , called Borax , and a good quantity of the Powder of Sea-Cockle-shells finely beaten . Set it so many dayes in the Sun , and then use it . If you will rub off the wan colour of your cheeks , do thus ; especially , for women when they are in their courses : Anoynt the place with Ceruss , and Bean-flower mingled with Vinegar ; or yelks of Eggs , mingled with Honey . The same may be done with Bean-meal and Feny-Greek , smeered on with Honey . But we wipe away Black and blew marks thus : If you wash the black and blew places with the juice of the Leaves and Roots of Thapsia made into Cakes in the Sun , but one night , they will be taken away . Nero Caesar made his Face white from the strokes he had received in his Night-walks , with Wax and Frankincense ; and the next day his Face was clear against all reports . Or Oyl pressed from the Seeds of Flowers , when it is thick , will do it rarely . Or the Root mingled with equal quantities of Frankincense and Wax , ( but let it ●ay on but two hours at most ) then foment the place with Sea-water hot . Also , Wal-nuts bruised or smeered on , will take away black and blew spots . Vinegar or Honey anoynted will take away the same . So doth Garlick rubbed on : and brings black and blew to the right colour . Or the Ashes of it burnt , smeered on with Honey . The juice of Mustard-Seed , anoynted on but one night , is good for the same : or it is anoynted on with Honey , or Suet , or a Cerate . If a Briony-root be made hollow , and Oyl put into it , and it be boyled in hot Embers ; if that be anoynted on , it will blot out black and blew spots . Marks that are noted upon Children by Women great with-child , when they long exceedingly , are taken away thus : Let her first eat of that Flesh or Fruit her belly full : then let her binde on that Flesh alive , or the green Fruit to the part , till it die or corrupt ; and they will be gone . Or else , let her wash the place with Aqua Fortis , or Regia , and the Skin grows very black : so it will take the marks away . Do it again For spots and beauty . I will not omit Aelian's Experiment of a Lion , which is a kinde of Locust . For in some Membranes , where the Testes are bound together , under which there are some soft Carbuncles , and tender , that are called the Lions fat ; This will help people to make ill Faces look comely , mingled with Oyl of Roses ; and made into an Oyntment , it will make the Face look fair and shining . CHAP. XXI . How we may take off red Pimples . BEcause red Pimples use to deform the Face ; and specially , the whitest : therefore , to take them off , use these Remedies . I often , to take off Pimples , used Oyl of Paper ; namely , extracting it from burnt Paper . I shall shew the way elsewhere , because I will not disturb the Order : where I shall speak of the Extraction of Oyls and Waters . Wherefore anoynting that on the red spots , will soon blot them out . For the same . Rear Eggs are good , twenty of them boyled hard cut in the middle , and the yelks taken forth : fill up the hollow places in the whites , with Oyl of sweet Almonds and Turpentine-Rosin : extract the Liquor in a Glass Vessel : use it . Another . Beat two Eggs well together , add as much juice of Lemmons , and as much Mercury sublimate : set it in the Sun , and use it . Another to polish the Face . Take Sow-bread-Roots , three parts ; cleansed Barley , six parts ; Tartar calcined , one part ; Roots of wilde Cucumers powdered , two parts ; Wheat-Bran , two handfuls : let them all boyl in Water , till a third part be consumed : then wash your Face with it . CHAP. XXII . How Tetters may be taken from the Face , or any other part of the Body . RIng-worms will so deform the Face , that nothing can do it more : sometimes , they run upon other parts of the Body , as the Arm-pits and Thighs : there drops forth of them , a stinking water that will foul the cloths . I found these Remedies Against Tetters . Distil water from the Roots of Sowredock , and add to every pound of these , of Pompions and Salt-Peter , half an ounce ; Tartar of white-Wine , two ounces : let them soak for some days : then distil them , and wash your Face in the morning therewith ; and at night , smeer it with Oyl of Tartar and of Almonds , mingled . Oyl of Eggs is good also to anoynt them with . Yet sometimes these Tetters are so fierce , that no Remedies can cure them . I shall set down Another , that I have used with admirable success , when they were inveterate . In a Glass of sharp red-Wine , boyl a drachm of Mercury sublimate ; then wash the place with it morning and evening : let it dry of it self . Do this three or four times , and the Tetters will away , and never come again . Another . Take Salt-Peter , three ounces ; Oyl of bitter Almonds , two pound ; of Squils , half a pound ; one Lemmon without the Pills : mingle them , and let them ferment three days : then , with Chymical Instruments , extract the Oyl , and anoynt your Tetters therewith , and they will be gone , though they seem to turn to a Leprosie . CHAP. XXIII . How Warts may be taken away . WArts use to possess the Fore-head , Nose , Hands , and other open places : so doth hard Flesh , and other foulness of the skin : women cannot endure them . I found out Remedies against these deformities of the skin . Against Warts . The Ancients used the greater Spurge , whose juice , anoynted on with Salt , takes them away : and therefore they called it Warts-Herb . There is also a kinde of Succory , called Verrucaria from the effect : for if one eat it but once in Sallets , all the Warts will be gone from any part of the Body : or , if you swallow one drachm of the Seeds . Another . This one , and so no more . There is a kinde of Beetle that is Oyly , in Summer you shall finde it in Dust and Sand in the way ; if you rub that on the Warts , they will be presently gone , and not be seen . You may finde these , and keep them for your use . CHAP. XXIV . To take away wrinkles from the Body . MAny parts of the Body use to be wrinckled , as the Hands , Face , Belly after Child-bearing ; and the like . To contract the Skin therefore do thus : For a wrinckled Forehead , the Dregs of Linseed-Oyl is good : or Lees of Oyl of Olives ; putting unto it a little Gum-Arabick , Traganth , Mastick and Champhire : it is good also for flagging Brests . For a wrinkled Face . When Eggs are boyled hard in water , cut them in the middle , fill the holes where the yelks were , with Powder of Myrrh : then cover one with the other half , and binde them with a Thread , that they come not asunder : then take a glazed earthen Vessel , with a broad mouth , and lay sticks across it , that the Eggs may lie upon them hanging neer the bottom : let the cleft of the Eggs hang toward the bottom : put the earthen Vessel into a chest of Osiers , and set it in a Well ; let it hang one foot from the water ; by the moysture whereof , the Myrrh will dissolve into Oyl of water : anoynt your Face with it . The juice of the green Canes of the Pine-Tree , but it is weaker then the distilled water , being applied to the Face , with a Linnen-cloth wet therein , will take away all wrinkles from the Face excellently well . You have Another . Steep Kidney-Beans in Malmsey , one day ; then take away the black whence they sprout , and distil them with Lemmons and Honey . Take a quantity of old Cow-Beef , and distil that also ; mingle the waters , and set them in the open Air , in a Glass-Vessel in the Sun for fifteen days , and wash your Face morning and evening therewith . Another . Crop in the morning the Flowers of Mullens , and steep them in Greek-Wine , with the Roots of Solomons-Seal : then receive the water distilled in Glass-stills : and if a woman , when she riseth out of her bed , wash her face with this , she will be very fair ; and if you would take off the wrinkles with the same water , add distilled water of Lemmons thereunto , and it will make you glad to see the effect . But this is the best Water to whiten , plain , and beautifie the Face . Take equal parts of the Root of Solomons Seal , greater Dragons and lesser , Sparagrass , Bryony , and white Lillies , as much as you please : bruise them a little , and cast them into an earthen pot with a large mouth ; let it be glazed : pour on Greek Wine that may cover all : add to these juice of Lemmons a fourth part , ten new Eggs bruised with their shells , and Land-Snails without shells ; let them infuse a while : then distil them at a gentle fire , and keep the first water a part : then augment the fire , and keep the second : that will be stronger : for this wipes all spots and red pimples from the Face . Some mingle with this , water of Bean-Flowers , Elder , Poppy , Honey-Suckles , and the like ; so do they take away all wrinkles and spots coming from the Sun , and all the rest . But you may thus take off The wrinkles of the Belly after child-birth . Untipe Services are long boyled in water : with these mingle whites of Eggs , and water wherein Gum-Arabick is dissolved : wet a Linen-cloth in such water , and lay on the Belly ; or mingle the Powders of Harts Horn burnt , the Stone Amiantus , Salt-Ammoniac , Myrrh , Frankincense , Mastick , with Honey ; and it takes away all wrinkles . CHAP. XXV . Of Dentifrices . DEntifrices are used amongst things to beautifie women : for there is nothing held more ugly then for a woman to laugh or speak , and thereby to shew their rugged , rusty , and spotted Teeth : for they all almost , by using Mercury sublimate , have their Teeth black or yellow : and because they stand in the Sun when they would make their Hair yellow , their Teeth are hurt thereby , and grow loose , ready to fall out ; and do oft-times . I shall shew first how to make black Teeth white as Pearls ; then how to make flesh grow about such as are weak and bare of Gums , and to make them strong . But of old were made Dentifrices of the shells of Purples , and others like trumpets burnt . The Arabian-stone it is like the spotted Ivory ; burned , it is good for Dentifrices . Also , of Pumex-Stone very profitable Dentifrices were made . Pliny . So with the Powder of Ivory rubbed on , the Teeth were made as white as Ivory . Ovid. That Teeth may not grow black forborn , With Fountain-water wash them every morn . I shall add Another that I use . The Crums of Barley-Bread burnt with Salt sprinkled on , and Honey , will not onely make the Teeth white , but makes the Breath sweet . Also , with red Coral , Cuttle bone , Harts Horn , and such-like , whereof every one will well polish and wipe the Teeth clean : so doth also the Grains of Cochinele . Also , there is made a water of Allom and Salt distilled , that whiteneth the Teeth exceedingly , and confirms them ; but the Oyl of Sulphur doth it best : for it smooths them and wipes away all spots : and if any one think it is too strong , it may be qualified with the water of Myrtle flowers . Make a Tooth-scraper after the fashion of a Tooth , and pour on Oyl , and rub the spots therewith : but he careful it touch not the Gums , for it will whiten and burn them : rub so long till the spots be gone , and they be very white . I have now described the most perfect Remedy . CHAP. XXVI . To hinder the brests from augmenting . AMongst the Ornaments of women , this is the chief , to have after Child-bearing , round , small , solid , and not flagging or wrinkled Brests . So we may Hinder the augmenting of the Brests , if we will. Bruise Hemlock , and lay a Cataplasm thereof with Vinegar to womens Brests , and it will stay them that they shall not increase ; especially , in Virgins : yet this will hinder milk , when it should be seasonable . But if you will Curb soft and loose Brests , Powder white Earth , the white of an Egg , sowre Galls , Mastick , Frankincense ; and mingle them in hot Vinegar , and smeer the Brests therewith : let it stay on all night . If it do not effect it , do the same again . The Stones of Medlars are good for this also ; unripe Services , Sloes , Acacia , Pomegranate Pills , Balanstia , unripe Pine-nuts , Wilde Pears , and Plantain ; if they all boil in Vinegar , and be laid to the Brests , or some of them . The Antients commended for this purpose a Whetstone of Cypress , that we sharpen Iron upon , to restrain Virgins Brests , and not let them grow big . Dioscorides . But Galen saith , That it not onely stops the encrease of the Brests , but will hinder childrens Testicles from growing : but I use the juice of Ladies Mantle from the Leaves of it , and I wet Linen in it , and lay it on the Brests , and renew it ; for it will not onely hinder Virgins Brests from increasing , but will fallen the loose Brests of Matrons , and make them firm . It is more effectual to use the decoction of the Herb ; and if you joyn any of the forementioned thing● therewith , as Hypocistis , Pills of Pomegranates , and the like . So water distilled from green Pine-Apples , will draw in loose Brests , and make them like the round , hard , solid Brests of Virgins . CHAP. XXVII . How the Hand may be made white . THe Hands must not be forgotten , but we must make them white also , smooth , and soft , that are Ornaments of the Hands to be desired . But how whiteness and smoothness may be obtained , I have shewed already ; softness remains , which is onely given to fat Hands . To make the Hands as white as Milk. Take things that are Milk-White , as Almonds , Pine-Kernels , Melon and Gourd-Seeds , and the like . Therefore bruise bitter Almonds , Pine-Kernels , and Crums of Bread : then make Cakes of them with Barley-water , wherein Gum Traganth hath been soaked . You may use this for Sope , when you wash your Hands ; for they scowre them , and make them white . I For the same , use oft-times bitter Almonds , half a pound : put them in hot water to blanch them : then beat them in a Marble-Morter . Afterwards , take the lesser Dragons , two ounces ; Deers Suet and Honey , of each as much : mingle them all in an earthen Pot with a large mouth : set them at the fire , and let them be stirred gently with a wooden-stick that they mingle well : put it up in Boxes for your use . If you will have Your hands white , wash fresh Butter nine times in sweet water , and last of all , in sweet-sented Rose-water , to take off the ill smell ; and that it may look as white as Snow , then mingle white wax with it , and a good quantity of Oyl of sweet Almonds . Then wash your gloves in Greek-Wine as the manner is , and smeer on the foresaid mixture : put on these when you go to bed , that all night they may grow soft by the help of fat things . Then take Peach-Kernels , with the skins picked off , Seeds of Gourds , Melons , white Poppy , Barley-meal , of each one ounce and half ; the juice of two Lemmons , rosted in the Embers : mingle these with as much Honey as will make them thick as an Oyntment : and to make them smell well , you may add a little Musk or Civet , when you go to bed ; but in the morning wash them with Fountain-water ; and for Sope , use the Lees of Oyl of Nuts well pressed forth , or Lees of Oyl-Olive . Others use this Liniment onely . Press the Cream out of Lemmon-Seeds ; with two ounces of it , mingle one ounce of Oyl of Tartar , and as much Oyl of Almonds . When at night you go to bed , wash your Hands in Fountain-water ; dry them , and anoynt them with this Liniment , and put on your Gloves . Take Another . For one weeks-time , infuse the Marrow of Ox-bones in cold water ; but change the water four or five times a day ; and for every pound of Marrow , take six excellent Apples , and cut them in the middle , and cast forth the Seeds and Core : then beat them small in a Marble-Morter , and put them into a new Morter , that they may smell the sweeter : adding a few Cloves , Cinnamon , Spikenard ; let them boyl in Rose-water . When they are all very soft , take them forth and strain them , and again add a sharp Lixivium , and let them boyl at a gentle fire , until all the water be washed . Then set them up in a Glass-Vessel for your use , or make them into morsels . That which follows is good For the same . Make a hole in a Lemmon , and put into it Sugar-Candy and Butter , and cover it with the Cover : wet Hards of Hemp , and wrap it up in , and boyl it in hot Embers , and that it grow soft by rosting : when you go to Bed , anoynt your hands with it , and put on your Gloves . CHAP. XXVIII . How to correct the ill sent of the Arm-pits . THe stink of the Arm-holes makes some women very hateful ; especially , those that are sat and fleshy . To cure this , we may use such kinde of Experiments . The Ancients against the stink of the Arm-pits , used liquid Allome with Myrrh to anoynt them : or the Secrets and Arm-holes were strewed with the dry Leaves of Myttles in powder . The Roots of Artichoaks smeered on , doth not onely cure the ill sent of the Arm-pits , but of the whole Body also . But Zenocrates promiseth by Experiment , That the faultiness of the Arm-pits will pass forth by urine ; if you take one ounce of the pith of the Root boyled in three Lemina's of Muskadel to thirds ; and after bathing , fasting , or after meat , drink a cup thereof . But I am content with this . I dissolve Allome in waters , and I wash the Feet and Arm-pits with it , and let them dry : so in some days we shall correct the strong smell of those parts . But it will be done more effectually thus . Pown Lytharge of Gold or Silver , and boyl it in Vinegar ; and if you wash those parts well with it , you shall keep them a long time sweet : and it is a Remedy , that there is none better . CHAP. XXIX . How the Matrix ovar-widened in Child-birth , may be made narrower . TRotula saith , we may honestly speak of this , because Conception is sometimes hindred by it , if the Matrix be too open ; and therefore it is fit to lend help for such an impedient . For some women have it stand wide-open by reason of their hard labour in Child-birth ; and if their Husbands be not content with it , that the men may not abhor the women , it is thus remedied ▪ Take Dragons-Blood , Bole-Armeniac , Pomegranate-shells , white of an Egg , Mastick , Galls , of each one ounce : powder them , and make them all up with hot water . Put some of this Confection into the hole that goes into the Matrix . Or , Galls , Sumach , Plantain , great Comfrey , Allome , Chamaelaea : take equal parts of them all , and boyl them in Rain-water , and foment the Privities . Or , beat sowre Galls very finely : mingle a little of the Powder of Cloves with them . Let them boyl in sharp red Wine : wet a woollen cloth in it , and apply to the part . Or thus may you restrain that part of common whores , with Galls , Gums , whites of Eggs , Dragons Blood , Acacia , Plantain , Hypocistis , Balanstia , Mastick , Cypress-nuts , Grape-skins , Akorn-cups . Or , in that hollow part where the Glans breaks forth ; and gaping , shews the Nucleus , with Mastick and Terra Lemnia . If all these be boyled in red Wine or Vinegar , and the Matrix be often wet therewith , it will come very close , and be much straighter . Or else powder all these , and cast them in through a Reed , or make a fume under them Great Comfrey will be excellent for this purpose : for flesh boyl'd with it , will grow together . And the other also , if it be boyl'd , will very well glew together fresh Wounds . The Decoction of Ladies Mantle , or the juice , or distilled water of it , cast into the Matrix , will so contract it , that Whores can scarce be known from Maids : or , if they sit in the Decoction of it ; especially , if we mingle other astringent things with it , and wet the Secrets therewith . The distilled water of Starwort , being often injected into the Matrix , will make one scarce know which is corrupted , and which is not . But if you will have . A woman deflowred made a virgin again , Make little Pills thus : Of burnt Allome , Mastick , with a little Vitriol and Orpiment : make them into very fine Powder , that you can scarce feel them : when you have made them Pills with Rain-water , press them close with your fingers ; and let them dry , being pressed thin , and lay them on the Mouth of the Matrix , where it was first broken open : change it every six hours , always fomenting the place with Rain or Cistern-water , and that for twenty four hours , and it will here and there make little Bladders ; which being touched , will bleed much blood , that she can hardly be known from a Maid . Midwives that take care of this , do it another way . They contract the place with the Decoction of the forementioned things , then they set a Leech fast on upon the place , and so they make a crusty matter or scab ; which being rub'd will bleed . Others when they have straightned the part , inject the dried Blood of a Hare or Pigeon ; which being moistned by the moysture of the Matrix , shews like live fresh Blood. I found out this noble way : I powder Litharge very finely , and boyl it in Vinegar , till the Vinegar be thick ; I strain out that , and put in more , till that be coloured also : then I exhale the Vinegar at an easie fire , and resolve it into smoak . CHAP. XXX . Some sports against women . THus far I have shewed how to beautifie women , now I shall attempt some things against their decking of themselves , and make some merriment after those things that I seriously discovered to adorn them . To make a painted Face look pale . If you would know a painted Face , do thus : Chew Saffron between you Teeth , and stand neer to a woman with your mouth : when you talk with her , your breath will foul her Face , and make it yellowish ; but if she be not painted , the natural colour will continue . Or burn Brimstone in the room where she is : for if there be Ceruss or Mercury sublimate on her Face , the smoak will make her brown , or black . The painted Women that walk at Puteoli , in the Mountains of Phlegra , are made so black , as Silver-money is , shut up in bags . We may also know thus , Whether she be painted with red . Chew Grains of Cummin , or a Clove of Garlick , and speak close by her ; if it be natural , it will remain ; but counterfeit with Ceruss or Quick-silver , it presently decays . To make a woman full of red pimples . Of a Stellio is made an ill Medicament : for when he is dead in Wine , all the Faces of those that drink of it , will be red-spotted Wherefore , they that would disfigure Whores , kill him in an Oyntment . The Remedy is , the yelk of an Egg , Honey and Glass . Pliny . To make the Face green . Avicenna saith , That the Decoction of Chamaeleon , put into a bath , will make him green-coloured that stays long in that bath ; and then by degrees he will recover his former colour . To make the Hair fall off the Head and Beard . Touch any part of mans body with a matter white as milk , that the Salamander vomits up out of its mouth , and the Hairs will fall off ; and what is touched is changed into the Leprosie . Pliny . THE TENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Of Distillation . THE PROEME . NOw I am come to the Arts , and I shall begin from Distillation , an Invention of later times , a wonderful thing , to be praised beyond the power of man ; not that which the vulgar and unskilful men use : for they do but corrupt and destroy what is good : but that which is done by skilful Artists . This admirable Art , teacheth how to make Spirits , and sublime gross Bodies ; and how to condense , and make Spirits become gross Bodies : and to draw forth of Plants , Minerals , Stones and Jewels , the Strength of them , that are involved and overwhelmed with great bulk , lying hid , as it were , in their Chests : and to make them more pure , and thin , and more noble , as not being content with their common condition , and to lift them up as high as Heaven . We can by Chymical Instruments , search out the Vertues of Plants , and better then the Ancients could do by tasting them . What therefore could be thought on that is greater ? It is Natures part to produce things , and give them faculties ; but Art may ennoble them when they are produced , and give them many several qualities . Let one that loves Learning , and to search Natures Secrets , enter upon this : for a dull Fellow will never attain to this Art of Distilling . First , we shall extract Waters and Oyls : then , the Essences , Tinctures , Elixirs , Salts , and such-like : then we shall shew how to resolve mix'd Bodies into the Elements , and make them all more pure , to separate their divers and contrary qualities , and draw them forth , that we may use them at pleasure : and other things , that will never repent us to know and do . CHAP. I. What Distillation is , and of how many sorts . WHether the Art of Distillation were known to the Learned Ancients , or no , I will not undertake to dispute ; yet there is another kinde of Art to be read in Dioscorides , then what we use . He saith thus : There is an Oyl extracted out of Pitch , by separating the watry part , which swimmeth on the top , like Whey in Milk ? and hanging clean flocks of Wool , in the vapor arising from it while the Pitch boyls ; and when they are moyst , squeezing them into some Vessel . This must be done as long as it boyleth . Geber defineth it thus : Distillation is the Elevation of moist vapors in a proper Vessel : but we will declare the true definition of it elsewhere . He maketh three sorts of it ; by Ascent , by Descent , and by Filtration . But I cannot but confess , that Filtration is not properly a species of Distillation . But I say , by Ascent , by Descent , and by Inclination , which is a middle between both , and is very necessary : for when a thing is unwilling to ascend , we teach it by this to rise by degrees , by inclining the Vessel ; and raise it by little and little , until it become thinner , and know how to ascend . The Instructions for Distillation shall be these : First , Provide a Glass or Brazen Vessel , with a Belly swelling out like a Cupping-Glass , and sharpened upward like a Top or a Pear : fit it to the under-Vessel like a Cap ; so that the neck of that lower Vessel may come into the belly of the upper . A Pipe must run about the Bottom of the Cap , which must send forth a Beak ; under which , there must stand another Vessel , called the Receiver , from receiving the distilling water . Stop all the vents close with Stawmortar , or rags of Linen , that the spirituous Aery matter may not pass out . The fire being put under this Stillatory , the inclosed matter will be dissolved by the heat of the fire into a dewy vapor , and ascendeth to the top ; where , meeting with the cold sides of the Head , it sticketh there ; being condensed by the cold , swelleth into little bubbles , bedeweth the roof and sides , then gathereth into moyst pearls , runneth down in drops , turneth into water , and by the Pipe and Nose is conveyed into the Receiver . But both the Vessels and the Receiver must be considered , according to the Nature of the things to be distilled . For if they be of a flatulent vaporous Nature , they will require large and low Vessels , and a more capacious Receiver : for when the Heat shall have raised up the flatulent matter , and that finde it self straitned in the narrow cavities , it will seek some other vent , and so tear the Vessels in pieces , ( which will flie about with a great bounce and crack , not without endamaging the standers by ) and being at liberty , will save it self from further harm . But if the things be hot and thin , you must have Vessels with a long and small neck . Things of a middle temper , require Vessels of a middle size : All which the industrious Artificer may easily learn by the imitation of Nature , who hath given angry and furious Creatures , as the Lion and Bear , thick bodies , but short necks ; to shew , that flatulent humours would pass out of Vessels of a larger bulk , and the thicker part settle to the bottom : but then , the Stag , the Estrich , the Camil-Panther , gentle Creatures , and of thin Spirits , have slender bodies and long necks ; to shew that thin , subtile Spirits , must be drawn through a much longer and narrower passage , and be elevated higher to purifie them . There is one thing which I must especially inform you of , which is , that there may be a threefold moysture extracted out of Plants : The Nutritive , whereby they live , and all dried Herbs want ; it differeth little from Fountain or Ditch-water : The Substantial , whereby the parts are joyned together ; and this is of a more solid Nature : And the third is the Radical humor , fat and oyly , wherein the strength and vertue lieth . There is another thing , which I cannot pass over in silence , it being one of the Principles of the Art , which I have observed in divers Experiments ; which is , that some mixt bodies do exhale thin and hot vapors first , and afterwards moyst and thick : on the contrary , others exhale earthy and phlegmatick parts first , and then the hot and fiery ; which being fixed in the inmost parts , are expelled at last by the force of the fire . But because there can be no constant and certain Rule given for them , some I will mark unto you ; others , your own more quick ingenuity must take the pains to observe . CHAP. II. Of the Extraction of Waters . THe Extraction of Waters , because it is common , I will dispatch in a few words . If you would extract sweet Waters out of hot Plants , and such as are earthy , and retain a sweet savour in their very substance ; these being cast into a Stillatory , without any Art , and a fire made under them , yield their odors : as you may draw sweet Waters out of Roses , Orange-flowers , Myrtle and Lavender , and such-like , either with Cinders , or in Balneo Mariae ; but onely , observe to kindle the fire by degrees , lest they burn . There are also in some Plants , sweet Leaves , as in Myrtle , Lavender , Citron , and such-like ; which , if you mix with the Flowers , will no way hinder the savour of them , but add a pleasantness to the Waters : and in places where Flowers cannot be gotten , I have seen very sweet Waters extracted out of the Tendrils of them : especially , when they have been set abroad a sunning in a close Vessel for some dayes before . There is a Water , of no contemptible sent , drawn out of the Leaves of Basil gentle , ( especially , being aromatized with Citron or Cloves ) by the heat of a gentle Bath , heightened by degrees , and then exposing it to the Sun for some time . There is an odoriserous Water extracted out of the Flowers of Azadaret , or bastard Sicamore , very thin and full of savor . The way to finde out whether the odor be settled in the substance of a Plant , or else in the superficies or outward parts , is this : Rub the Leaves of Flowers with your fingers ; if they retain the same sent , or cast a more fragrant breath , then the odour lieth in the whole substance . But on the contrary , if after your rubbing , they do not onely lose their natural sent , but begin to stink , it sheweth that their odour resideth onely in their superficies , which being mixed with other ill savoured parts , are not onely abated , but become imperceptible . In distilling of these , we must use another Art. As for example , To extract sweet Water out of Gill●flowers , Musk , Roses , Violets , and Jasmine , and Lillies . First draw the juice out of some wilde Musk Roses , with a gentle heat in Balneo ; then remove them , and add others : for if you let them stand too long , the sent which resid●th in the superficies is not onely consumed , but the dull stinking vapour which lieth in the inward parts is drawn forth . In this water , let other Roses be infused for some hours , and then taken out and fresh put in , which the oftner you do , the sweeter it will smell : but stop the Vessel close , lest the thin sent flie out and be dispersed in the Air ; and so you will have a most odoriferous Water of Musk-Roses . The same I advise to be done with Jasmine , Gilliflowers , Lillies , and Violets , and Crows-toes , and the like . But if you are not willing to macerate them in their own waters , the same may be done in Rose-water . By this Art , I have made Waters out of Flowers of a most fragrant smell , to the admiration of Artists of no small account . But because it happeneth sometimes by the negligence of the Operator , that it is infected with a stink of burning , I will teach you How to correct the stink of burning . Because that part which lieth at the bottom f●eleth more heat then the top , whence it cometh to pass , that before the one be warm , the other is burnt , and oftentimes stinketh of the fire , and offendeth the nose ; Therefore distil your Waters in Balneo with a gentle fire , that the pure clear Water may ascend , and the dregs settle in the bottom with the Oyl , a great cause of the ill savour . How to draw a great quantity of Water by Distillation . Fasten some Plates of Iron or Tin round the top of the Stillatory ; set them upright , and let them be of the same height with it , and in the bottom fasten a Spigget . When the Stillatory waxeth hot , and the elevated vapors are gathered into the Cap , if that be hot , they fall down again into the bottom , and are hardly condensed into drops : but if it be cold , it presently turneth them into Water . Therefore pour cold Water between those plates , which by condensing the vapours , may drive down larger currents into the Receiver . When the Cap , and the Water upon it begin to be hot , pull out the Spigget , that the hot Water may run out , and fresh cold Water be put in . Thus the Water being often changed , that it may always be cold , and the warm drawn out by the Spigget , you will much augment the quantity of your Water . CHAP. III. Of extracting Aqua Vitae . IT is thus done : Take strong rich Wine growing in dry places , as on Viseuvius , commonly called Greek-wine , or the tears or first running of the Grape . Distil this in a Glass-Retort with Cinders , or in Balneo , or else in a long necked Still . Draw out the third part of it , and reserve the rest ; for it is turned into a perfect sharp Vinegar ; there remaining onely the carcase of the Wine : for the life and tenuous part is taken out . Then distil the same again , an the third time ; alwayes drawing off but a third part . Then prepare a Vessel with a longer and straighter neck , of three cubits , and distil it again in this : at last , put it into the mouth of the Vessel , cover it with Parchment , and set on the Cap of the Stillatory , and kindle the fire : the thin spirits of the Wine , will pass through all , and fall down into the Receiver ; and the phlegm , which cannot get passage , will settle to the bottom . The note of perfect deputation from phlegm , will be , if a rag being dipt in it , and set on fire , do burn quite away : or , if some of it , being dropt on a plain boa●● , be kindled into flame , doth leave no moysture or mark of it . But all the work dependeth on this , that the mouth of the Vessel be exactly stopped and closed ▪ so that the least Spirit may not finde vent and flie into Air. The fittest thing to stop them with , is an Ox's Bladder , or some other Beasts ; for being cut into broad fi●●ets , and while they be wet , rolled and tied about where the mouths of the Vessels meet ; it will alone keep in the expiring vapors . You may observe this in the Distillation of it . The Coals being hot , the Vessel boyleth , and a most burning Spirit of the Wine , ascendeth through the neck of the Vessel : it is hot below , and cold on the top , till it getteth up into the Cap , then , encountring with cold , it turneth into water , and runneth down by the nose into the Receiver : and what was a long time ascending , then , in a small interval of time , flows down again to the under-placed Glass . Then , the Cap being cold , sendeth down that quality through the neck into the very belly of the Stillatory , until the Spirit , being separated from the phlegm , worketh the same eff●ct again . I use to suffer the Wine to ascend , so long as the Spirit runneth invisible into the Receiver : for when the phlegm ascendeth , there will appear bubbles in the Cap , and streams , which will run into the water through the nose . Then I take away that dead carcase of the Wine , and pour in fresh VVine , and extract the Spirit out of the same way . To do the same a more compendious way . Those who desire to do this in a shorter time , must make a Brass Vessel , of the bigness of an ordinary Barrel , in the form of a Gourd ; but the nose of the Cap must be made of Glass , or Brass of fifteen or twenty foot , winding about with circling Revolutions , or mutual crossings , or as it were with the circling of Snakes , which they must set in wooden Vessels , full of cold water , that passing through , it may be received into the Receiver . For when it hath distilled the third part of the VVine in three hours , they must cast out the residue , and put that which is distilled into the Stillatory again ; and the second time di●●ill out a third part : so also the third time in the same day . At length , they put it into a Stillatory with a longer neck , and separate the phlegm from it , Some make the Cap with three or four heads , setting one upon another , all being pervious but the uppermost : and every one having his nose , and his particular Receiver . They fit them to the Vessel with a long neck , set them on , binde them and lute them , that they have no vent : the water which distilleth out of the uppermost head , is cleerest and most perfect : that out of the lowest , more imperfect , and must be reserved asunder ; for they will be of different estimation : the highest will be cleere from all phlegm , the lower full of it , the middle in a mean between both . How to make Aqua Vitae of new Wine . It may be done without the charge of Coals and VVood : for it may worthily be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neither doth it require the attendance of a learned Artist , but of an ignorant Clown , or a woman : for this Spirit is drawn out meerly by the vehement working of Nature , to free her self without any other help whatever . When the VVine is run out of the press into the Ho , shead , and other Vessels , and beginneth to purge , place an earthen neck , or one of wood , being two cubits in length , upon the bung-hole of the Vessel : set the Cap upon the neck , and lute the joynts very close , that there may be no vent : set the Receiver under the nose to take the Water which floweth down . Thus thine exhaltations being elevated by the working Spirits of the Wine , are converted into Water , meerly for the work of Nature , without the help of fire , which therefore hath his particular vertues , which we will pass over now , and mention them in another place . CHAP IV. How to distil with the heat of the Sun. WE may distil not onely with fire , but with the Sun and Dung. But the last tainteth the distilled Waters with a scurvy sent . The Sun extracteth the best Water , and very useful for many Medicines . The heat of the fire changeth the Nature of things , and causeth hot and fiery qualities in them . Wherefore in all Medicines for the eyes , we must use Waters extracted from the Sun : for others do fret and corrode the eye , these are more gentle and soft . The Sun extracteth more Water then the fire , because the vapours do presently condense and drop down ; which they do not over the fire , because they are driven up with a force , and stick to the sides of the Stillatory , and fall down again into the bottom . There are other advantages which shall be explicated in their proper places . Besides , it is good Husbandry : for the work is done without wood , or coals , or labour . It is but filling the Vessels with the Ingredients , and setting them in the Sun , and all the pains is past . Therefore to explain the manner in a few words : Prepare a Form of three foot in height , two in breadth , and of a length proportionable to the number of the Vessels you intend to set to Work : if many , make it longer ; if a few , let it be shorter . Board up that side of the Form next the Sun , lest the heat do warm the Receivers , and make the Water ascend again . In the middle of the upper plank of the Form , make several holes for the necks of the Glasses to pass down through . When the Sun hath passed Gemini , ( for this must be performed in the heat of Summer only ) set your form abroad in the Sun. Gather your Herbs before Sun-rise , pick them and cleanse them from dust and durt of mens feet , from the urine and ordure of Worms and other Creatures , and such kind of fi●th and pollutions . Then , lest they should foul and soil the Water , shake them , and wipe them with clothes ; and lastly , wash your hands , and then , them , and dry them in the shade : when they are dried , put them into the Glasses , take some wire-Cittern strings , and winde them into round clues ; so that being let go , they may untwine themselves again : put one of these , into the mouth of each Glass , to binder the Herbs from falling out , when the Glasses are turned downwards . Then thurst the necks through the holes of the Form into the Receivers , which are placed underneath , and admit them into their bellies : fasten them together with linen bands , that there may be no●vent : and place the Receivers in dishes of water , that the vapor may the sooner be condensed . All things being thus provided , expose them to most violent heat of Sun-beams ; they will presently dissolve them into vapors , and slide down into the Receivers . In the evening , after Sun-set , remove them , and fill them with fresh Herbs . The Herb Polygonum , or Sparrows-tongue , bruised , and thus distilled , is excellent for the inflammation of the eyes , and other diseases . Out of S. Johns-wort , is drawn a water good against cramps , if you wash the part affected with it : and others also there are , too long to rehearse . The manner of Distilling , this Figure expresseth . CHAP. V. How to draw Oyl by Expression . VVE have treated of Waters , now we will speak of Oyls , and next of Essences . These require the industry of a most ingenious Artificer : for many the most excellent Essences of things , do remain in the Oyl , as in the radical moysture , so close , that without the greatest Art , wit , cunning , and pains , they cannot be brought to light : so that the whole Art of Distillation dependeth on this . The cheifest means is by Expression ; which , though it be different from the Art of Distillation , yet because it is very necessary to it , it will not be unnecessary to mention here . The general way of it , is this : Take the Seeds out of which you would draw Oyl , blanch them , and strip them of their upper Coats , either by rubbing them with your hands , or picking them off with your nails . When they are cleansed , cast them into a Marble-Morter , and beat them with a wodden Pestle : then sprinkle them with Wine , and change them into a Leaden-Morter : set them on the fire , and stir them with a wooden-Spoon . When they begin to yield forth a little Oyliness , take them from the fire , and prepare in readiness two plates of Iron of a fingers thickness , and a foot-square : let them be smooth and plain on one side , and heated so , that you can scarce lay your finger on them ; or , if you had rather , that they may hiss a little when water is cast upon them , wrap the Almonds in a linen-cloth being wetted , squeeze them between these plates in a press : save the Expression , and then sprinkle more Wine on the pressed Almonds or Seeds : allow them some time to inbibe it : then set them on the fire , stir them , and squeeze them again , as before , until all their Oyl be drawn out . Others put the Seeds when they are bruised and warmed , into a bag that will not let the Oyl strain thorow ; and by twining two sticks about , press them very hard and close : then they draw the Oyl out of them , when they are a little settled . To draw Oyl out of Nutmegs . Beat the Nutmegs very carefully in a Morter , put them into a Skillet , and warm them , and then press out the Oyl which will presently congeal . Wherefore , to make it fluide and apter to penetrate , distil it five or six times in a Retort , and it will be as you desire : or else , cast some burning Sand into it , and mix it , and make it into Rolls ; which , being put into the neck of a Retort , and a fire kindled , will the first time remain liquid . To extract Oyl out of Citron-seed we must use the same means . Blanch and cleanse them : an Oyl of a Gold-colour will flow out : they yield a fourth part ; and it is powerful Antidote against Poyson and Witchcraft ; and it is the best Menstruum to extract the sent out of Musk , Civet and Amber , and to make sweet Oyntments of , because it not quickly grow rank . Oyl of Poppy-Seed is extracted the same way , and yields a third part of a Golden-colour , and useful in dormitive Medicines . Also , thus is made Oyl of Coloquintida-Seeds . The fairest yield a sixth part of a Golden-colour : it killeth Worms , and expelleth them from Children , being rubbed on the mouth of their Stomach . Also , Oyl of Nattle-Seed . An ounce and a half may be extracted out of a pound and a half of Seeds , being picked and blanched : it is very good to dye womens Hair of a Gold-colour . Oyl of Eggs is made by another Art. Take fifty or sixty Eggs ; boyl them till they be hard : then peal them , and take out the yelk , and set them over warm Coals in a tinned Posnet , till all their moysture be consumod ; still stirring them with a wooden-spattle : then encrease the fire , but stir them uncessantly lest they burn . You will see the Oyl swet out , when it is all come forth , take away the fire , and skim off the Oyl . Or , when the Oyl beginneth to swet out , as I said , put the Eggs into a press , and squeeze then very hard : they will yield more Oyl , but not so good . CHAP. VI. How to extract Oyl with Water . NOw I will declare how to extract Oyl without Expression : and first , out of Spices , Seeds , Leaves , Sticks , or any thing else . Oyl being to be drawn out onely by the violence of fire , and very unapt to ascend , because it is dense : considering also , That Aromatick Seeds are very subtile and delicate : so that if they be used too roughly in the fire , they will stink of smoak , and burning : therefore , that they may endure a stronger fire , and be secure from burning , we must take the assistance of water . Those kinde of Seeds , as I said , are endued with an Airy , thin , volatile Essence ; and by the propriety of their Nature , elevated on high ; so , that in Distillation , they are easily carried upward , accompanied with water ; and being condensed in the Cap of the Stillatory , the oyly and the waterish vapours , run down together into the Receiver . Chuse your Seeds of a full ripeness ; neither too new , not too old ; but of a mature age : beat them and macerate them in four times their weight of water ; or so , that the water may arise the breadth of four fingers above them : then put them into a Brass-pot , that they may endure the greater fire ; and kindle your Coals unto a vehement heat , that the Water and Oyl may promiscuously ascend and flow down : separate the Oyl from the Water , as you may easily do . As for example , How to draw Oyl out of Cinnamon . If you first distil Fountain-water twice or thrice , you may extract a greater quantity of Oyl with it : for being made more subtile , and apt to penetrate , it pierceth the Cinnamon , and draweth the Oyl more forcibly out of its Retirements . Therefore take CXXXV pound of Fountain-water , distil it in a Glass-Alembick : when forty pound is drawn , distil that until fifteen flow out : then cast away the rest , and draw five out of those fiftteen . This being done , macerate one pound of Cinnamon in five of Water , and distil them in a Retort or Alembick . First , a Milky water will flow out with Oyl , next cleer Water : cast the Water in over the Oyl , and separate them as we shall teach you . Of a pound of Cinnamon , you will scarce receive a drachm of Oyl . How to draw a greater quantity of Oyl out of Cinnamon . I do use to do it in this manner , to the wonder of the best and subtillest Artists : Provide a Descendatory out of the Bath , ( the making of which , I will shew hereafter ) and put your Cinnamon , being grossly beaten into a Glass-Retort : set it in its proper place , and put water into the Bath ; the heat of the fire by degrees , will draw a little water in many days : receive it careful , and pour it again into the Cinnamon that it may re-imbibe its own water ; so let it remain a while : afterwards , kindle the fire , and you shall receive a little Water and Oyl . Do this third and fourth time , and you will gain an incredible quanity . You may try the same in other things . Oyl of Cloves may be extracted in the same manner : To every pound of Cloves , you must add ten of Water ; distil them as before : so shall you have both Water and Oyl . It will yield a twelfth part , The Oyl is good for Medicines , and the VVater for Sawces . So also is made Liquid Oyl of Nutmegs . If you bruise them , and put them with the VVater into a Vessel , and distil them as before , they will yield a sixth part . Oyl of Mace and Pepper is drawn in the same manner , much stronger , but in less quantity . Oyl of Aniseed may be thus extracted ; an ounce out of a pound . It congealeth in VVinter like Camphire or Snow : in the Summer it dissolveth . Let the Seeds be macerated in the VVater for ten days at least : for the longer they lie there , the more Oyl they will yield . Oyl of Fennel is extracted in the same quantity : when the Seeds are ripe and fresh , they have most Oyl ; for they yield as much more . Oyl of Coriander yieldeth but a small quantity , and is of very hard extraction : there is scarce one drachm drawn out of a pound : new Seeds yield most . And to be short ; in the same manner are extracted the Oyls out of the Seeds of Carrot , Angelica , Marjoram , Rue , Rosemary , Parsely , Smallage and Dill , and such-like . Oyl of Rosemary and Lavender-flowers , and such-others , which being dried , afford no Oyl , may be thus extracted : Put the Flowers into a Receiver , and set it close stopt in the hot Sun for a month : there will they dissolve into Liquor , and flie up to the sides of the Glass : then being condensed again , fall down and macerate in themselves : at a fit time , add VVater to them and distil them , as the former : so shall you draw forth with the VVater a most excellent sweet Oyl . Oyl of Juniper and Cypress-Wood may de drawn out by the same Art , if you macerate the dust of them in their own or in Fountain-water for a month , and distil them in the same manner : the Oyl will come out by drops with the water , of a strong sent , and excellent vertue . These I have tried , the rest I leave to thee . CHAP. VII . How to separate Oyl from Water . VVHen we extract Oyls , they run down into the Receiver together with the VVater : wherefore they must be separated , left the flegm , being mixed with the Oyl do weaken the vertue of it : that it may obtain its full vigour , it must be purified by Distillation and Separation : for being put into a Retort or broad Still , over a gentle fire , the VVater will run out , & the remaining Liquor will be clear Oyl . This work of Separation is very laborious : yet there are very artificial Vessels invented , by the help of which , all the VVater may be drawn off , and the flegm ; onely pure Oyl will remain . Prepare a Glass-Vessel : let it be broad and grow narrower by degrees downwards , until it come to a point , like unto a Tunnel . Put the distilled VVater , which consisteth of the flegmatick VVater and Oyl into this Vessel ; let it stand a while : the Oyl will swim on the top , and the VVater will sink down to the bottom . But stop the mouth of it with your finger ; so that removing it away , the VVater may first run out , and the Oyl sink down by degrees . VVhen it is descended into the narrow part , so that the Oyl becometh next to your finger ; stop the hole , and let the Orifice be but half open for the VVater to pass out : when it is all run out , empty the Oyl into another small Vessel . There is another very ingenious Instrument found out for to separate Oyl , with a great belly and a narrow neck , which a little nose in the middle . Pour the Oyl mixed with Water into the Vessel , the Water will possess the bottom , the Oyl the neck . Drop Water gently into it , until the Oyl ascend up unto the nose : then encline the Vessel downward , and the Oyl will run out pure and unmix'd . When you have emptied out some , drop in more Water , until the Oyl be raised again unto the nose : then stop it down , and pour out the rest of the Oyl . But if the Oyl settle to the bottom , and the Water swim on the top , as it often hapneth , filtrate it into a broad dish , or any other Vessel with a cotten-cloth : the Water will run out , and the Oyl will remain in the bottom very pure . CHAP. VIII . How to make an Instrument to extract Oyl in a greater quantity and without danger of burning . VVE may with several sorts of Instruments , use several kindes of Extractions : among the rest , I found out one , whereby you may draw Oyl with any the most vehement fire , without any danger of burning ; and a greater quantity , then by any other : and it is fit for many other uses also . Prepare a Vessel in the form of an Egg , of the capacity of half an ordinary Barrel : let the mouth of it , be of a convenient bigness to receive in your arm , when there shall occasion to wash it , or to fill it with several sorts and degrees of things to be distilled . Let it be tinned within ; then set a brass head upon it of a foot high , with a hole in the bottom fit to receive the neck of the lower Vessel , and stop the mouth of it exactly . Out of the top of the head , there must arise a pipe of Brass , fifteen or twenty foot long , bended into several angles , that it may take up less room , and be more convenient to be carried . The other end of this Pipe , must be fastened into the belly of another Vessel , which must be of less capacity then the former , but of the same figure . Fix a head upon this also , with a Pipe of the same length , and bended like the former ; whose lower end shall be received into another straight Pipe , which passing through the middle of a Barrel , at last falls into the Receiver . The manner of using it is this : Put your Leaves , Stalks , or Seeds , being beaten small , into the Brass-pot , and pour as much Fountain-water on as will cover them a handful or five large fingers over ; then set on the head , and stop the joynts very close . Put the other end of the Pipe into the other Pot , and joynt them exactly : then set on the other head , and fasten the lower end of its crooked Pipe into that straight one ; which passing through the Barrel , runneth into the Receiver . If the joynts be anywhere faulty , stop them with Flax , and paste them with Wheat-flour , and the white of an Egg ; then rowl them about and tie them close with Fillets , cut out of a Bladder : for when the vapors are forced by the heat of the fire , they are so attenuated , that they will break forth through the least rime or chink , in spite of all your endeavors . Fill the Barrel with cold water , and when it beginneth to grow hot , draw it out through a Cock at bottom , and supply fresh water , that the Pipe may always be kept cool . At length , make the Pot boyl , at first with a gentle fire ; then encrease it by degrees , until the vehemency of the heat , doth make the vapors hiss , as it were ready to break the Pipes , as they run thorow them ; so they will be elevated thorow the retorted Pipes , and leave the phlegmatick water in the lower Vessel ; till passing through the cold Pipe , they be condensed into Liquor , and fall down into the Receiver . If the water do consume away in the boyling , pour in more being first warmed , thorow a little Pipe which the Pot must have on one side with a Spigget to it , for this purpose : but be sure to stop the Spigger in very close , that there may be no vent . Afterwards , separate the Oyl from the Water , sublime and purifie it in another Vessel . Of all the Instruments that ever I saw , not any one extracteth a greater quantity of Oyl , and with less labour and industry then this . Thus you may without any fear of burning , draw Oyl out of Flowers , Leaves , Spices , Gums , and VVood with the vehementest fires ; as also out of Juniper and Laurel-Berries . CHAP. IX . The Description of a Descendatory , whereby Oyl is extracted by Descent . I Cannot refrain from discovering here an Instrument found out by my own private experience , which I hope will be of no small profit to the Ingenious , by which they may draw Oyl out of any the least things without any fear of burning . For there are many tenuous , oyly Flowers , as of Rosemary and Juniper , and other things , as Musk , Amber , Civet , Gum , and such-like : out of which may be drawn Oyls very sweet and medicinable : but they are of so thin a substance , that there is a great hazard of burning them , when they are forced by the heat of the fire , without which , neither fat things will be elevated , nor Oyl extracted . Therefore to remedy these inconveniences , I have invented an Instrument , by which Oyl shall descend without any labour or danger of burning . Let a Vessel be made of Brass , in the form of an Egg , two foot high , and of the same breadth : let it be divided towards the top , of which the upper part must serve for a cover , and be so fitted to be received into the lower part , that the joynts may closely fall in one another , and be exactly stopt . In the lower part , towards the middle , about half a foot from the mouth ; let there be a Copper-plate fitted , as it were the midriff ; so that it may easily be put and taken out : in which must be made three hollow places to receive the bottom of three retorted Vessels , the rest of the plate must be pervious , that the boyling VVater and hot Spirits may have passage to rise upwards . Out of the sides of the Vessel there must be three holes , through the which the necks of the Retorts may pass , being glued and fastned to their Pipes with Flax , and tied with Fillets of Bladders : so that not the least Air , much less any VVater may flie out . VVhen you prepare to work , fill the Glass-Retorts with the things you intend to still , thrust the necks thorow the holes outward , and lay their bodies in the prepared hollowness of the cross-plate , somewhat elevated . If there remain any void space between the necks , and the sides of the holes they pass through , stop it with Flax , and tie it about with Fillets of Bladder , and fill the Vessel with with water , within three fingers up to the cross-plate . The Vessel , being covered , and the joynts well stopt and glued , and bound about ; so that the force of the vapours arising , may not burst it open , and scald the Faces of the by-standers , kindle the fire by degrees , until it become very vehement : then wil the vapors make a great nose , almost sufficient to terrifie one , and first VVater , then VVater and Oyl will distil out . I cannot contain my self from relating also another Instrument invented for the same purpose . Make an oval Brass-Vessel , as I advised before , with a hole bored thorow the bottom ; to which fasten a pipe that may arise up to the mouth of the Vessel , let the mouth of it be wide , like a trumpet or tunnel ; so that the long neck of a Gourd-Glass may pass through the Pipe of it , and the wide mouth of the Vessel under , may by degrees receive the swelling parts of the neck . Adapt a cover to this Vessel that it may be close stopt and luted as we said before . You must make a Furnace on purpose for this use : for the fire must not be made in the bottom , but about the Vessel . The use is this : Fill the Glass with Flowers or other things ; put in some wire Lute-strings after them , that they may not fall out again when the Glass is inversed . Thrust the neck thorow the Brass-Pipe : set the Vessel on the Furnace , and fill it with Water round about the arising Pipe : put on the Cover , and plaister it about : set the Receiver under the Furnace that it may catch the dropping Water and Oyl : then kindle the fire about the sides of the Pot , the violence of which , will elevate vapors of burning water ; which , beating against the concave part of the Cover , will be reverberate upon the bottom of the Gourd-Glass , whose fervent heat , will turn the Water and Oyl into vapor , and drive it down into the Receiver . I will set down some examples of those things which I made trial of my self . As , How to extract Oyl out of Rosemary Flowers . Fill the Retorts with the Leaves and Flowers of Rosmary , and set them in the Brass-Furnace : the fire being kindled will force out first a Water , and afterward a yellow Oyl , of a very strong and fervent odor ; a few drops of which , I have made use of in great sicknesses , and driving away cruel pains . You may extract it easier , if you macerate the Flowers or Leaves in their own , or Fountain-water , for a week . In the same manner Oyl of Citron-Pill is extracted . When Citrons are come to perfect ripeness , shave off the peal with a gross Steal-File : put the Filings into a Pot , and set them to macerate ten days in dung , being close stopt up : then accomodate them to the Furnace , and kindle fire ; an Oyl mixt with water distils out , of a most pleasant sent . The same may be done with Orange and Lemmon-peal . In places where Flowers and Fruits are not to be had , they cut off the tops of the Branches and Tindrils , and slice them into four-inch-pieces , and so distil them . Oyl of Roses , and Citron-Flowers is drawn after the same sort ; a most excellent Oyl , and of an admirable savour . But because the Oyl is very hardly distinguished from the Water , pour the Water into a long Glass with a narrow neck , and expose it to the Sun being close stopt : the Oyl will by little and little , ascend to the top , which you must gather off with a Feather or pour out by inclining the Glass . Sweet Oyl of Berjamin is to be made , by putting Benjamin into a Glass-Retort , and fitting it to the Furnace : then encrease the fire without any fear of combustion , and you will obtain a fragrant Oyl , to be used in precious Oyntments . So Oyl of Storax , Calamite , and Labdanum , and other Gums . So also , Oyl of Musk , Amber , and Civet cannot be extracted more comodiously by any Instrument , Art , or Labour , then by the aforesaid ; for they are of so thin a substance , that they can hardly endure any the least heat , without contracting a scurvy base stink of burning ; yet by this Artifice , it may be drawn out very safely . I see nothing to the contrary , but that we may extract Oyl out of Spices also , very securely by the same Artifice . CHAP. X. How to extract Oyl out of Gums . THere is a peculiar Extraction of Oyl out of Gums ; which , although they require the same means almost as the former , that is , the mixing them with Water● , and macerating them for many days , then putting them into a Brass pot , and by a vehement fire , forcing out the Oyl with the Water ; yet doth it come out but in a small quantity of an excellent odor , and free from the stink of the fire ; as thus they usually deal with Opoponax , Ga●●anum , Storax , and others . But they are distilled also another way , by Ashes ; which doth require the diligent attendance of the Work-man , and a singular judgement and provident dexterity in him : for it is rather an ingenious then painful Operation . I will set down an example , How to extract Oyl out of Benjamin . Macerate the Benjamin in Rose-water : or omitting that , put it into a Retort : set the Retort into a Pot full of Sand , so that it may fill up the space between the side of the Pot , and bottom of the Retort : put the neck of it into a Recei●er with a wide belly : kindle the fire by little and little ; and without any haste or violence of heat , let the Water distil : by and by increase the fire , that the Oyl may flow out ; yet not too intensely for fear of burning ; but moderately between both : the oyly vapors will straight fill all the Receiver ; then will they be condensed and turn into flakes , like Wool ; and sticking to the sides and middle of the Glass , present you with a pleasant spectacle : by and by they are turned into little bubbles , so into Oyl , and fall down to the bottom : keep the fire in the same temper , until all the Feces are dried ; then remove it , or fear of ustion . Oyl of Storax is drawn in the same manner ; but if the Storax be liquified , it will run with a gentle fire : it is of a strong and quick od●r . Calamites requires a more lively fire , such as was used in Benjamin , and a diligent attendance : for too much fire will cause adustion in it . Oyl of Ladanum . Beat the Ladanum , and macerate it fifteen days in Aqua Vitae , or Greek-Wine ; at least ten : for the lon●er it infuseth , the sooner it will run into Oyl : draw it with a gentle fire , it will distil out by drops after the Water . Oyl of Turpentine is extracted easily ; for it floweth with a gentle fire : but beware in the operation , that no smoak do evaporate out of it ; for it presently will take fire , and with a magnetick vertue attract the flame , and carry it into the Retort , where it will hardly be extinguished again : which will happen in the extraction of Oyl of Olives , and Linseed Oyl . If you distil common Oyl , it will hardly run ; yet en reasing the fire , it will come out in six hours : you must be very careful , that the Ashes and Pot do not wax too hot : for if the Oyl within take fire , it will break the Vessels , and flie up , that it can hardly be quenched , and reach the very cieling ; so that it is best to operate upon Oyls in arched Rooms . From herce Artificers of Fire-works , learned to put Oyl in their Compositions , because it quickly taketh fire , and is hardly extinguished . CHAP. XI . Several Arts how to draw Oyl out of other things . THe Nature of things being diverse , do require divers ways of distilling Oyl out of them : for some being urged by fire , are sublimed , and will not dissolve into Liquor ; others cannot endure the fire , but are presently burned . From which variety of tempers , there must arise also a variety in the manner of Extraction . I will set down some examples of these , that ingenious Artists may not despair to draw Oyls out of any thing whatever . Oyl out of Honey is hard enough to be extracted : for it swells up with the least heat , and riseth in bubbles ; so that it will climbe up thorow the neck of the Retort , though it be never so long , into the Head , and fall down into the Receiver before it can be dissolved into Liquor or Oyl . There are divers remedies found out to help this : Take a Glass with a short wide neck , put your Honey into it , and stop it in with Flax quite over-laid two fingers thick . This will repress the Honey when it swelleth and froaths , and make it sink down again . Clear Water will drop out at first : but when it beginneth to be coloured , take away the Receiver , and set another in the place ; so keep the Waters severally . Or put Honey into any Vessel , so that it may fill it up four large fingers above the bottom , and cover it close , as the manner is : then dig a hole in the ground , and set the Vessel in , as far as the Honey ariseth : then lute it , and plaister it about four fingers above the Ground , and drie it well ; kindle your Coals round about it ; then will the Honey grow hot , and by degrees stick to the Pot : but because the heat is above it , it cannot swell up , but very easily distilleth Water and Oyl ; first , yellow , next reddish , until the Honey be turned into a very Coal . There is another way , which may be performed by any Woman : Pour the Honey into a new Pipkin , and cover it ; dig a hole , and bury it abroad about a cubit under Ground ; there let it putrifie for ten days : then take it up , and there will swim on the top of the Honey a Chrystal Liquor , which you must strain out , and stop the Pipkin again , and bury it as before . About a week after , view it again , and strain out the over-flowing water ; so the third and fourth time , until all the Honey be converted into water , which you may see by uncovering the Pipkin : distil the Water according to Art , and it will yield Water and Oyl easily enough . Oyl of Camphire . Beat Champhire very small , and put it into common Aqua Fortis , made of Salt-Peter , and Coppress distilled and clarified : set the Pot in a Bath or Stove for half a day , and you will see a cleer bright Oyl swim on the top of the Water : incline the Pot gently , and pour it off , and clarifie it in a Retort ; so shall you have a beautiful , thin and sweet Oyl . Oyl of Paper and Rags . Rowl up your Paper like a Pyramide , as Grocers do , when they lap up any thing to lay by , or send abroad : clip the edges even ; and taking hold of the top of it with a pair of Pincers ; set it on fire with a Candle ; and while it flameth , hold it downward over a broad dish half a finger distant from the bottom , so that the smoak may hardly flie out : and still as the fire consumes the Paper , let your hand sink , that may always keep the same distance from the Dish . When it is quite burnt , you will find● a yellow Oyl , stinking of burning , upon the bottom of the dish . Gather it up , and reserve it : it is excellent to drive away freckles and pimples in womens faces , being applied . Almost in the same manner Oyl of Wheat . Lay your Wheat plain upon a Marble-Morter , being turned with the bottom upwards , and cover it with a plate of Iron , almost red hot , and press it hard : out of the sides there will be expressed an Oyl of a yellow colour , and stinking of burning , which is good for the same purposes ; that which is good to refresh decayed Spirits , is prepared another way . CHAP. XII . How to extract Oyl by Descent . THe way is common and vulgar to all ; for it is done by Ustulation : but the Oyls are of a most offensive savor , and can be used only in outward Medicines ; for they are not to be taken inwardly . Prepare a Pipkin made of tough Clay , and able to endure fire , well vernished within , that there may be no suspicion of running out : let the bottom be full of holes , set upon another earthen Pipkin , whose mouth is large enough to receive the bottom of the upper Pipkin ; lute them close together . Fill the Pipkin with slices of your VVood : cover it , and lute it . Then dig a hole , and set the Pipkins into it , and fling in the Earth about it , and tread it down close , and throw Sand over it two inches thick : make a gentle fire just over the Pipkin ; which you must encrease by degrees , until the Pipkin have stood there a whole day . After this , remove the fire : and when the heat is spent , dig up the Pipkins , and you will finde the Oyl strained down into the lower ; which you must distil again in a Retort , to purifie it from filth . To add something to the former invention , I always do thus : I make a Tressel with Legs of two foot in length . There must a hole be bored in the Plank of it , to receive the neck of the Limbeck . Upon the Tressel fasten an Iron-plate to keep the VVod from burning . Underneath , about the middle of the Feet , fasten a Board , upon which the Receiver may stand , and meet with the neck of the inversed Vessel ; which being filled with the materials to be stilled , kindle a fire about it . Therefore if you would extract Oyl out of Lignum Guaiacum , fill it with the Dust of Lignum Guaiacum , and lute it close with Straw-Mortar , twice or thrice double : when it is dried in the Sun , put into the neck , wire Strings , and thrust it through the hole of the Tresse into the mouth of the Receiver , and mortar them together . Then kindle the fire on the Plate about the body of the Limbeck , at some distance at first , and by degrees nigher and hotter : but let it not be red hot , until you think it be all burned : then remove the fire , and let it rest a while , until it be cold , and you shall finde in the lower Vessel a black stinking burnt Oyl . In this manner is Oyl drawn out of Juniper , Cypress , and Lignum Aloes : but in this last , you must use more Art and diligence , and a gentle fire , because it is mixed in Oyntments . CHAP. XIII . Of the Extraction of Essences . VVE have delivered the several kindes of Extraction of Oyls , now we are come to Quintessences , the Extraction of which , we will here declare . The Paracelsians define a Quintessence to be the Form , or Spirit , or Vertue , or Life , separated from the dross and elementary impurities of the Body . I call it the Life , because it cannot be extracted out of the Bones , Flesh , Marrow , Blood , and other Members : for wanting Life , they want also the Quintessence . I say , Separated from elementary impurities , because when the Quintessence is extracted , there remaineth only a mass of Elements void of all power : for the Power , Vertue , and Medicinable qualities , are not the Elements , but in their Essences , which yet are Elements , and contain the vertue of the Elements in them , in the highest degree : for being separated from the grosness of their bodies , they become spiritual , and put forth their power more effectually and strongly when they are freed from them , then they could while they were clogged with the Elements . They are small in bulk , but great in operation . The strength of Quintessences , is not to be judged by the degrees of their qualities , but of their operation : for those which soonest and clearliest root out a disease , are reckoned in the first degree . So the essence of Juniper , is reckoned the first degree of operation , because it cureth the Leprosie by purging the Blood onely . The essence of Ambar in the second , because it expelleth poyson , by purging the Heart , Lungs and Members . Antimony in the third , because ( beside the former vertues ) it also purgeth the Body . But Gold of it self alone , hath all those vertues , and reneweth the Body . Wherefore the fourth degree and greatest power , is attributed to it . Bet how to extract these Essences is a very difficult work ; for they may be either Oyl , or Salt , or Water , or of Extraction : some , by Sublimation ; others , by Calcination ; others , by Vinegar , Wine , Corrosive Waters , and such like . So that several kinde of menstruums are to be provided according to the nature and temper of things . I will set down some Rules for the chusing of proper menstruums . Let the menstrum be made of those things which are most agreeable to the things to be extracted , and as simple as may but : for Essences ought not to be compounded , mixed , or polluted with any thing ; be pure , simple and immaculate . But if there be a necessity of adding some thing let them be separated after extraction . If the Essence of any Metal be to be extracted by Corrosives , separate the Salt from the Waters , after the work is done , and use those Salts only , which will easily be taken out again : Vitriol and Allom are very difficult to be separated , by reason of their earthy substance . Moreover , use not a watry menstruum , for a watry Essence ; nor an oyly menstruum , for an oyly Essence because being of like natures , they are not easily separated : but watry Menstruums for oyly Essences : and so on the contrary . I will set before you some examples in Herb , fat of Flesh , and other things ; by which you may learn of your self how to perform it in the rest . There are an infinite number of Essences , and almost many ways of Extraction : of them , some I shall shew unto you , whereof the first shall be How to extract the Essence out of Civet , Musk , Ambar , and other Spices . Take Oyl of Ben , or of Almonds , mix Musk , Ambar , Cinnamon , and Zedoary , well beaten in it : put it in a Glass-bottle , and set it in the Sun , or in Balneo , ten dayes : then strain from it the Dregs , and the Essence will be imbibed into the Oyl ; from which you may separate it in this manner : Take Aqua Vitae , and if it be an odoriferous Body , Fountain-water , three or four times distilled , mix with the aforesaid Oyl , and stir it about , and so let it digest for six dayes : then distil it over Cinders : the hot Water and the Essence will ascend , and the Oyl remain in the bottom without any sent . Afterwards , distil the Aqua Vitae , and the Essence in Balneo , until the VVater be evaporated , and the Essence settle to the bottom in the form of an Oyl . If you will do it with Aqua Vitae alone , slice the Roots of Zedoary , beat them and infuse them in so much Aqua Vitae as will cover them three fingers over in a Glass Bottle : let them ferment for ten dayes according to Art ; then distil them over Cinders , or in Sand , until nothing but VVater run out ; yet have a care of burning it . Take the distilled Liquor , set it in Balneo ; and with a gentle fire , let the Aqua Vitae evaporate , and the Quintessence of Zedoaay will settle in the bottom , in a liquid form Next To extract Essence out of Flesh. Out of three Capons , I have oftentimes extracted an Essence in a small quantity , but of great strength and nutriment , wherewith I have recovered life and strength to sick persons , whose Stomacks were quite decayed , and they almost dead for want of nourishment , having not been able to eat any things in three dayes . Take Chickens , or Hens , or Capons ; pluck them , and draw their Guts out ; beat them very well , and let them boyl a whole day in a Glass-Vessel , close stopt , over warm Embers , until the bones , and flesh , and all the substance be dissolved into Liquor : then strain it into another Vessel , through a Linen-cloth , and fling away the Dregs : for the remaining Bones are so herest of Flesh , sent , or any other quality , that a Dog will not so much as smell to them ; which is an assured Argument that their goodness is boyled out . Pour the strained Liquor into a Glass-bottle , and dissolve it into vapor in a gentle Bath ; the Essence will remain in the bottom , either hard , or soft , like an Oyntment , as you please , of a most admirable vertue , and never sufficiently to be commended . To extract Essences out of Salts . Take Salt and calcine it according to Art : if it be volatile , burn it , and grinde it very small : lay the Powder upon a Marble in a moyst Cellar , and set a Pan under it to receive it as it dissolveth : let it ferment in that pan for a month ; then set it in Balneo , and with a gentle fire let it distil : cast away the sweet Water , that comes from it , and set that which remains in the bottom , to ferment another month , then distil out the sweet Water , as before : and do this , while any sweet VVater will run from it : keep it over the fire until the moysture be all consumed ; and then what remains settled in the bottom , is the Quintessence of Salt ; which will scarcely arise to two ounces out of a pound . To extract Essences out of Herbs . Beat the Herbs , and set them to ferment in dung for a month , in a convenient Glass-Bottle : then distil them in Balneo . Again , set them in dung for a week , and distil them in Balneo again ; and thus macerate them so long as they will yield any Liquor : then pour the distilled Water upon the Herbs again , and distil them in this Circulation for six dayes , which will make it of a more lively colour : draw of the VVater by Balneum and the Essence must then be expressed out in a press : ferment it in dung for five days , and it will yield you the sent , colour and vertues of the Herbs in perfection . A way to extract The Essence of Aqua Vitae . It is a thing bragged of by thousands ; but not effected by any . I will not omit the description of it , which I have found out , together with a Friend of mine very knowing in Experiments , by the assistance of Lulius . Provide some rich , generous , old VVine , bury it in dung for two months , in large Bottles close stopt and luted , that they may not have the least vent . The whole business dependeth on this : for if this be not carefully look to , you will lose both your cost , and your labour : the month being past , distil it in an ordinary Stillatory , reserve the Spirits by themselves . The Dregs and Faeces of the Wine must be buried again , and the Spirits be distilled out as before , and reserved by themselves . Distil the Faeces until they settle like Honey or Pitch : then pour on the phlegm upon them , wash them , and lay them to dry : then put them into a Porters , or Glass-makers , Furnace , and with a vehement fire burn them into white Ashes : wet them with a little VVater , and set them in the mouth of the Furnace , that they may be converted into Salt. There is no better mark to know the perfection of your work , then by casting some of it on a red hot Plate of Iron : if it melt and evaporate , it is well done ; otherwise , you must rectifie it . Mix the Salt with water , and put it into a Glass bottle with a long neck ; stop it with Cork and Parchment : then set on the Head , and kindle the fire ; the force of which , will carry it up thorow all the stoppage into the Head , and there it sticks to the sides like durt ; the VVater will remain quiet in the bottom , in which you must again mingle the Salt ; and so by a continual Circulation , draw it out of it self , until it be divested of all its Grosness , and obtain a more thin and subtile Essence . CHAP. XIV . What Magisteries are , and the Extraction of them . I Said , That Quintessences do participate of the Nature of mixt Bodies ; on the contrary , a Magistery taketh the temper of the Elements : so , that it neither extracteth the Spirits nor the Tincture , but a certain mean between both . A Magistery therefore , is what can be extracted out of things without separation of the Elements . Essences do oftentimes keep the colour of the Bodies out of which they are extracted : Tinctures always do it , Magisteries never . The means of extracting Magisteries , is various , according to the diversity of Natures in things . I will set down for an example and pattern How to extract a Magistery of Gems , Coral and Pearl . Beat the Gems , and set them in igne reverberationis , till they be calcined ; mix them with an equal quantity of Salt-Peter , and dissolve them in Aqua Vitae : pour out that which is liquified , and let the remainder of the Powder be calcined better ; then lay it in Aqua Vitae again , and do this till it be all dissolved . Set this water in a hot Furnace , until the moysture be all evaporated ; and what shall remain in the bottom , is the Magistery of Gems . Pearls must be dissolved in Vinegar ; and if possible , in juice of Lemmons . You may augment the strength of the Vinegar by those things , which , as I shewed you in Aqua Vitae , do quicken the Vertue of it , that is , it s own Salt , being dissolved and macerated in Balneo , or in Fimo , for a month : then distil the Menstruum , and in the bottom will remain the Magistery of Pearls . Of Charabes . I will deliver to you the way that I use ; for the Paracelsians do either conceal it , or not know it . Beat your Gum very small , and dissolve it in Aqua Vitae : when it is liquified , pour that out , and put in fresh : let them macerate for a month ; and when all is dissolved , mix the waters all together , and let it evaporate over a fire ; so in the bottom will remain the Magistery of Charabe . It will take away scars in the Face , and cure the Vertigo . The Magistery of Guaiacum is an excellent Remedy against the Pox , and is thus extracted . Take the shavings of Lignum Guaiacum , or the dust of it , which Turners work off : for the File , by continual Frication , heats it , and exhausteth the best Spirits . Lay it in clarified Aqua Vitae a whole day : when the water hath contracted a red colour , which will be when it hath sucked out the oyliness and substance of it , strain it out , and pour in fresh . Then stir it about , until the water become coloured again ; strain that out also , and put in as much more , until the water do not alter its colour any more . Then strain it in a press , and distil the juice through Linen-cloth ; and then boyl it till the moysture be consumed : the Oyl , or Gum , or Magistery will remain of a bright colour , and most sweet sent , which you would think impossible to reside in such Wood. You may extract the same in a shorter time ; but it will not be of the same value : for if you lay the dust of Guaiacum in distilled Fountain-water , boyl it for half a day , strain it , distil it thorow a cloth , and let the moisture evaporate over a fire ; the same Gum will settle in the bottom . You must chuse the most Gummy Wood , which being held neer a Candle , will sweat out a kinde of Oyl . The Magistery of Lignum Aloes . Take the shavings of the Wood worked off , as the former , with a Turners wheel ; lay it in Aqua Vitae till it colour it ; then strain it out , and let the moysture evaporate over a fire : and in the bottom of the Glass , you will finde a most odori●erous Oyl , excellent to be used in sweet Oyntments . The Magistery of Wine , commonly called the Spirit of Wine . I will first set down the Paracelsian way of extracting it , and afterwards my own ; because we cannot use that in our Countries . Pour some strong generous good Wine into a Glass-Bottle : so that it may fill two parts of it ; stop the mouth of it very exactly , either with Hermitis Sigillum , or a strong Glue , which I shall hereafter describe unto you ; and so set it in Fimo three or four months , with an uninterm●tted fire . In the Winter set it out in the Frost for a month , and let it freeze : the Spirit or Magistery will retire into the Centre , because its fiery Essence maketh it uncapable of conglaciation . Break the Vessel , cast away the congealed part , and reserve the liquid ; which being circulated in a Pelican for a month , will yield you what you seek for . My way is , to put the aforesaid Wine into a round Glass-Vessel : let it ferment in Fimo , conglaciate it , as I shall shew you ; and then breaking the Vessel to reserve the unfrozen liquor , in which you will finde a great deal of vertue : but if you desire to have it better , you may perfect it by Circulation . CHAP. XV. How to extract Tinctures . A Tincture is the purest and most active part of a coloured body extracted ; the noblest Essence in a Compound . It is extracted out of Gems , Flowers , Roots , Seed , and such-like . It differeth from a Quint essence in this , that it especially draweth the colour of the Body from whence it is extracted ; and requireth Ar● , and Cunning , and diligent Attendance , more then labour . It is separated by Distillation , clear from any oyliness or matter ; free from the commi●●ion of other Elements , or any impure substance ; it imitateth the clearness and perspicuity of the Air : and in that brightness represents the colour of the Gem or Flower , from whence it was drawn ; of so pure a substance , that in many yeers it will not have any dregs in it , but will continue in a perpetual cleerness , subtilty , and strength . After the ex●racti●n , the matter remaineth discoloured , and useless for any thing . I will present some examples to you how to extract the Tincture out of Metals and Flowers , &c. How to draw out the Tincture of Gold. If the Vertues of this never-sufficiently-praised Metal , were known , as well for the health of the Body , as the conveniency of mens living , it would be adored with a greater devotion then it is already . The Apes of wise Nature , cunning Inquirers in Experiments , perceiving a certain Glory and Brightness in Gold , and an attractive or magnetick Vertue , ( if I may so say ) which at first sight draws every mans eye to look upon its Majesty and Beauty , and tempts our hands to touch and handle it , and even our mindes to desire it , so that even Infants do rejoyce , and laugh at the sight of it , and reach their arms out after it , and catch it , and will by no means part from it ; presently conjectured , that there was some extraordinary Vertue in it for the health of man. Astrologers , seeing it contend with the Sun in Beams , Brightness and Glory , and to have a Praerogative of Majesty among Metals , like the Sun among the Stars , do therefore set it down for a Cordial , and a Destroyer of Melancholy , and all the ill Companions of it . Refiners say , That the Elements are so proportionably mixt in the Composition of it , so pure and compacted , that they account it a most exactly tempered body , and free from corruption : in which there is nothing deficient nor superfluous ; so compact and close , that it will not onely endure the fire without consumption , but will become more bright and refined by it . It will also lie under Ground thousands of yeers without contracting any rust : neither will it foul the hands like other Metals , or hath any ill sent or raste in it . Wherefore , say they , being taken into our Bodies , it must needs reduce the Elements and humors into a right temper , allay the excessive , and supply the defective , take away all putrefaction , refresh the natural heat , purge the blood , and encrease it : and not onely cure all sicknesses , but make us healthy , long-lived , and almost immortal . Rainoldus , Raimundus , and other Physitians of the best esteem , do attri●ute to Gold , a power to corroborate and strengthen the Heart , to dry up superfluities and ill humors , to exhilarate and enliven the Spirits with its Splendor and Beauty , to strengthen them with its Solidiry , temper them with its Equality , and preserve them from all diseases , and expel Excrements by its Weight : by which it confirmeth Youth , res●oreth Strength , retardeth old Age , corroborateth the principal Parts , openeth the Urinary Vessels , and all other passages , being stopt : cureth the Falling-sickness , Madness , and Leprosie , ( for which cause , Osiander the Divine , wore a Chain of Gold about his neck ) and also Melancholy , and is most excellent against Poyson and Infections of the Plague . We will now examine whether the old or new Physitians knew the way to prepare it aright , to perform these admirable Effects . Nicander doth mightily cry up for an Antidote against Poyson , Fountain-water in which Gold hath been quenched ; supposing , that it imparteth some of its Vertue to the Water in the extinction . Dioscorides , Paulus Aegineta , and Aëtius , affirm the same . Avicenna saith , That the filings of it helpeth Melancholy , and is used also in Medicines for the shedding of the Hair , in liquid Medicines , or reduced into very fine Powder ; it is used in Collyriums , or Medicines for the Eyes , for the pain and trembling of the Heart , and other passions of the Minde . Pliny useth it burnt in an earthen Pipkin , with a treble quantity of Salt ; whereby it will communicate its Vertue , but remain entire and untouched it self . He also makes a Decoction of it with Honey . Marsilius Ficinus saith , It is of a solid substance , and therefore must be attenuated , that it may penetrate the Body . But he is ignorant of the way of it , onely he adviseth to give it in Cordial-waters , being beaten out into thin Leaves ; for so the Water will suck out the Vertue of it : or else by extinguishing it in Wine . There are some of Pliny's Scholars , who would have the parts of a Hen laid in melted Gold , until it consume it self ; for the parts of a Hen are Poyson to Gold. Wherefore Ficinus mixeth Leaf-Gold in Capon-broath . Thus far the Grecians , Latines , and Arabians , have discoursed concerning the Extraction of the Tincture of Gold ; but they have erred far from the Truth : for what a vanity is it to imagine , that quenching it in Water , can extract the Vertue of it ? or , that the heat of Man's Body , though it be liquified and be made potable , can draw any thing from it , when the force of the most vehement fire is ineffectual , and cannot work upon it ? I have made trial of it in a most violent fire for the space of three months , and at last I found it nothing abared in weight , but much meliorated in colour and goodness ; so that the fire , which consumeth other things , doth make this more perfect . How then can it be concocted by the heat of Man's Body , which is scarce able to concoct Bread ? And how can it impart its Vertue by Extinction , when neither Aqua Vitae , nor any strong Waters can alter the colour or taste of it ? I will set down what I have seen . The later learned Men , and curious Inquirers into Nature , affirm , That the Magistery , Secret and Quintessence of Gold , consisteth in the Tincture : so that the Vertue , Power , Life and Efficacy of it , resideth in the Colour . Wherefore it will be no small Secret to know how to extract the Tincture ; no small labor and pains : for those who pretend to speak of it , do it so intricately and obscurely , that they rather seem to obscure it , or not to understand it , then to discover or teach it . Know therefore , that the Tincture cannot be extracted , but by perfectly dissolving it in Strong Waters ; and that it cannot be dissolved , as the work requireth , in common Aqua Fortis , or Royal Waters , because the corrosive Salts in them , are not perfectly and absolutely dissolved into Water . Wherefore you must learn by continual solution and immistion , so to distil them , that the whole substance of the Salt may be melted ; which must be done by reiterating the Operation . I have informed you , what Salts are easie to be separated , the which must onely be used in this Work. After perfect solution , cast in that Menstruum or Water , which I have often mentioned for the Extraction of Essences or Colors . I have with great joy beheld it attract to it self the Golden , Yellow , or Red-colour , and a white dust settle down to the bottom . We must then separate the Salt from the Menstruum : dissolve it , and let the liquor evaporate away , and there will remain true potable Gold , the right Tincture , and that great Arcanum of Philosophers , disguised with so many Riddles ; so thin , that it will easily penetrate the Body , and perform those wonders , which Antiquity could only promise . Tincture of Roses . Cut Red Rose-Leaves with a pair of Shears into small pieces ; lay them in Aqua Vitae , and they will presently dye it with a sanguine color . After three hours , change those Leaves , and put in fresh ones , until the water become very much coloured : then strain it out , and let the Liquor evaporate quite away , and in the bottom will remain the Tincture of Roses . The same may be done with Clove-Gilliflowers . We may also do it another more perfect way , without Aqua Vitae . Fill a wide-mouthed Glass , with Red-Rose Leaves : set i● into a Leaden-Limbeck , and fill it with other Roses : then set on the Head , and kindle the fire ; whereupon the vapours will arise , and fall into the Glass , of a sanguine-colour . This is a new way of extracting Tinctures , which may be used in any coloured Flowers . So the Tinctures of Marigolds , Violets , Bugloss , and Succory-Flowers . If you extract them the former way , the Tincture of Marygolds will be yellow ; of Bugloss , Violets , and Succory-Flowers , Red ; because the colours of those Flowers , is but thin and superficiary : so that it expireth with a little heat , and is red underneath . Tincture of Orange-Flowers of an excellent sent . Cut the Orange-Flowers into small pieces , macerate them in Aqua Vitae ; and when the Water is turned yellow , and Flowers have lost their sent , change them , and put in fresh , until the Water become very sweet , and well-coloured , and somewhat thick : then strain it , and let it evaporate : it will leave behinde it a Tincture , enriched with the sent and vertues of the Flowers . Tincture of Coral . Beat the Coral to Powder , and with a vehement fire turn it into Salt ; add an equal quantity of Salt-Peter to it : then extract the Salt with Aqua Vitae , and it will bring out with it , the Tincture of a wonderful vertue . CHAP. XVI . How to extract Salts . SAlts do retain the greatest part of the Vertue of those things , from whence they are extracted ; and therefore are used to season the sick persons meat : and otherways , because they have a penetrative quality . It was a great Question among the Ancients , Whether Salts retained the vertue of the things ; or , whether they lost some in the fire , and acquired others : but it is row manifested by a thousand Experiments , that the vertues do not onely remain in them , but are made quicker and more efficacious . Salt of Lemmons . Distill the Lemmons with their Peels and Juice : reserve the Water , and dry the rest in the Sun , if the season permit it ; or in an Oven . Put them in a Pot close luted , and calcine it in igne reverberationis . Then dissolve the Powder in the Water , and boyl them in a perfect Lye : cleanse it with a Feather , that the Dregs may settle to the bottom : purifie it , and let the Liquor evaporate : so the Salt will remain in the bottom ; which is most excellent to break the Stone in the Bladder . Salt of Pellitory of Spain . Dry the Roots , and burn it in a close luted pot , for three dayes , until it be reduced into white Ashes : pour on its own Menstruum : distil it , and calcine i● again ; so the third time : then cleanse it with a Feather , boyl it in an earthen vernished Pipkin , with the white of an Egg to clarifie the Salt : at length , a white grained Salt will appear . Salt of Cumine . Put the Roots , Leave , and Flowers in a close luted Vessel , and dry them , and put them into a Potters Furnace , till they be burned to Ashes . In the mean while , distil the Roots , Leaves and Flowers ; or , if you please , make a decoction of them ; and of that decoction , a sharp Lye : which , being strained very clean through a Linen-cloth three or four times , must be boyled to a Salt in a Glass-Vessel . If you desire it very fine and white , strow the Salt upon a Marble , and set it in a moist place with a pan underneath to receive it as it dissolveth : cleanse the filth still away ; and do this three times , until it become of a Chrystal colour ; so reserve . In this manner Sal Alchali is made . Of Saxifrage . It is made like the former : if you season your meat with it , it protecteth from all danger of poysoned bread or meat ; conserveth from the contagion of pestilential and infections Air. The same may be extracted out of other Alexiphatmacal Bodies , which Princes may use at meals , instead of ordinary Salt ; for they scarce differ in taste . A Salt may be made of Thapsia , very good to remove the Stone in the Bladder or Kidneys , and to dissolve the Tartar , or viscous Concrescency ; to kill the Worms , and purge the Blood ; to provoke sweat by being often taken , and is admirable in Venereal Diseases . The Salt of Pimpernel , being taken three days , and the third month , for a mans whole life-time , secureth him from the Dropsie , P●hisick , and Apoplexy . It also preserveth from infection and pestiferous Air , and helpeth digestion in a weak Stomack . But it is to be observed , That these Salts must not be eaten every day , left they become too familiar to the Stomack , and be taken for food . There may be a Salt also extracted out of the filings of Lignum Guaiacum , which is excellent in the French Pox , being taken as the former . By these you may learn to make other Salts . CHAP. XVII . Of Elixirs . ELixirs are the Conservators of Bodies in the same condition wherein they finde them : for their Vertue is to preserve from corruption , not by meliorating their state , but by continuing it ; and if by accident , they cure any Diseases , it is by reason of their tenuity . They have a double Vertue to preserve from sickness , and continue health , not onely in Men , but to preserve Plants also . They imitate the qualities of Balsam , and resort chiefly to the Heart , Brain , and principal Parts , where the Spirits reside . There are three kinds of Elixirs ; of Metals , of Gems , and of Plants ; as of Roots , Herbs , Flowers , Seeds , Woods , Gums , and such-like . An Elixir differeth from Essences , Tinctures , and the rest ; because it is compounded of many things void of fatness : therefore it cannot be an Oyl , because it wanteth perspicuity and clearness ; not an Essence , because it is a Compound ; not a Tincture , but a mean between all , and of a consistence most like to Water ; whence it had its name ab eliquesco , to be dissolved or liquified . To make Elixir of Pimpernel . Dig up the Roots in a convenient time , and macerate them in their Water , putting some weight on them to depress them under Water : when the Flowers are blown , gather them , and macerate them in the same manner , in a peculiar Vessel : the same must be done with the Seeds : Then put them in an Alimbeck , and draw out the Water and Oyl , until the Foeces remain dry : then separate the Oyl from the Water , and circulate it in a Pelican for two months : then take it out , and reserve it for your use . An Elixir of many things . Many Compositions of Elixir , are carried about , which are erroneous and false to my knowledge , and of so hard a work to extract the Oyl and Water , that you will more probably lose your time and cost , then gain any good by them : for they are made for pomp and magnificence , rather then for the benefit of man. Besides , I have found them often fail in the performance of what was promised from them , and cannot be made according to those descriptions : But here I will deliver one to you which will perform far more then is promised . Take the Flowers of Sage , Origanum , Mugwort , Savory , Elder , Sage-Leaves , white Mint , Rosemary , Basil , Marjoram , Peniroyal , Rose-buds , the Roots of Betony , Pellitory , Snake-weed , white Thistle , Aristolochy , Elder , Cretan-Ditany , Currants , Pine-Apples , Dates , Citron-Pill , of each an ounce and a half ; Ginger , Cloves , Nutmegs , Zedoary , Galangal , white and long Pepper , Juniper-berries , Spikenard , Mace , Cubebs , Parsley-seed , Cardomoms , Cinnamon , Staechados , Germander , Granes , Rose of Jerusalem , Doronicum , Ammoniac , Opoponax , Spodium , Schaeinanthus , Bdellium , Mummy , Sagapenum , Champhire , Mastick , Frankincense , Aloes , Powder of Ebony , Bole-Armenick , Treacle , Musk , Galls , Mithridate , Lignum Aloes and Saffron , of each three drachms ; of clarified Sugar , thirteen pounds ; of Honey two . I exclude Pearl , Rubies , Jacinths , Saphires , Emeraulds and Leaf-Gold , from the Composition ; because , as I have proved before , they have no operation ; especially , thus exhibited : and therefore are used in Medicines by none but ignorant Physitians . Reduce all these into Powder , and put them into a Pelican or blinde Alimbeck , with twelve pound of Aqua Vitae , very well clarified , as though the whole work depended on it : let it circulate in Balneo a whole month : take off the yellow Oyl or Quintessence of all , with a Silver-Spoon , and add to it a drachm of Musk and Amber , and set it by for your use in a Glass-bottle close stopt . Distil the remainder , and it will afford a yellow cleer water : but you cannot extract the Oyl without a stink of burning . I have very exactly extracted Oyl of Gums , Roots and Seeds of the forementioned : and mixing them together have effected strange things with them . Most of their operations are against Poysons , and Pestilential Contagions ; especially , those that are apt to seize on the Spirits ; for a drop of it , being anoynted on the Lips or Nostrils , reviveth the Soul , and keepeth it in perfect Senses at least six hours . CHAP. XVIII . Of a Clyssus , and how it is made . THat there may nothing be omitted , I will now shew what a Clyssus is , and how it may be made . A Clyssus is the Extraction of the Spirits of every part of a Plant , united in one common entity . There are in a Plant , the Root , Leaf , Flower , Fruit and Seed , and in every one of these parts , there is a peculiar Nature . The Operation is thus : Dig the Roots when they are full of juice , the Leaves when they are fresh and green , the Flowers when they are blown , the Fruit and Seeds in their due time . Extract the Spirits or Essences out of all these by Distillation , Maceration or Calcination , or any other of the former wayes . But when they are all extracted severally , one in the form of Oyl , another of Salt or Liquor ; then mix them all together , so that the may be conjoyned and united in one body , which is called a Clyssus . Some mix them in Distillation in Vessels made for the purpose in this manner : They put the Water , Salt and Oyl in three several Curbicles of equal height and bigness ; and tying their three necks together , and put them into one common Head , which may be fit to receive them all , close them , lute them , and kindle the fire under . The heat will elevate the thinnest substance in all of them , which will meet and mix in the Head , and run down by the Nose , or Spout , into the Receiver : so set them by for use . This Congregation of Essences , doth penetrate and search all the remote passages of the Body , and is very useful in Physick . CHAP. XIX . How to get Oyl out of Salts . I Have declared many ways of extracting Oyl , now I will shew how to draw it out of Salts , that they may be more penetrative , and work more powerfully , which can be done no other way . They seem to have some kinde of fat in them , yet will not burn ; so that it cannot be called a perfect Oyl . How to extract Oyl of Tartar. Burn the Tartar , and reduce it into a Salt , as I shewed before : then lay it on a Marble in a moyst place , and in a few days it will turn to Oyl , and run down into a dish , which you must set underneath to receive it . Thus you may easily make it into Salt : Beat the Tartar into Powder , and mix an equal quantity of Salt-Peter with it : when they are mixt in Iron Mortar , set them in the fire , until they be quite burned : grind the remaining Foeces , and dissolve them in a Lye , strain it , and let the Lye evaporate away , and the Salt will settle to the bottom : then boyl some Eggs hard , take ou● the yelks , and fill up their place with Salt , and in a little time it will dissolve into Oyl . Oyl of Sal Sodae . Dissolve the Salt in Water , and strain it through a cloth , then dry it , lay it on a Marble , and set it in a moyst place , and it will run down in an Oyl . So The famous Oyl of Talk is extracted onely by the vehement heat of fire : yet I knew not at first what it was useful for . But I perceive it is much accounted of by women in their F●cus . Beat it into fine Powder in an Iron-Morter , and put it into a very strong thick Pot , fasten the cover on with wire , plai●●er it with Potters Clay , and set it in the Sun for three days : then thrust it into a Potters Furnace where the flames are most violent . After three or four days , take it out , break open the Pot ; and if you finde it not sufficiently calcined , make it up , and set it in again . When it is burned perfectly white , lay it on a Marble , and place it in a moyst room , or in a hole dug in the earth : and there let it stand for a good while , until it dissolve into Oyl ; then reserve it in a Glass-bottle . So also is made Red Oyl of Sulphur . Grinde live Sulphur into a small Powder , and mix it with an equal quantity of the former Oyl of Tartar : boyl it three hours in a Glass-bottle ; and when it is dissolved , strain it through a Linnen-cloth into another Glass , and set it over a Gentle fire , till it thicken like clotted blood , and so dry . Then powder it , and lay it on a Marble in a moist Cellar ; there it will dissolve , and run down into the under-placed dish . Set this Liquor , being first strained thorow a cloth in a Glass-bottle over warm Ashes , until the moysture be consumed , and there will remain a red Oyl of Sulphur . Oyl of Myrrh . Boyl some Eggs hard , cut them in the middle , take out the yelks , and fill their places with Myrrh , powdered and seirced : lay them in an earthen Pan upon long cross-sticks , that the Eggs may not imbibe the Oyl again , and shut them in a moist Cellar ; so the Oyl will drop down into the Pan. CHAP. XX. Of Aqua Fortis . NOw I will recite those Distillations , which draw out neither Water nor Oyl , but a middle between both : for the terrene parts are forced up , turned into Water by the vehemency of the fire : from whence they do acquire so great a heat , that corrode and burn most violently . They are extracted onely in igne reverberationis , and with great care and labour . How to draw Aqua Fortis , or Oyl , out of Salt. It is a piece of Art discovered to very few . Take Pit-Salt , put into a Glass-Retort , treble luted over , and dried : set it in igne reverberationis , where the flames do struggle most violently : the first time you will get but little moysture . Break the Retort , and remove the Foeces into another , and pour the extracted Water into them , and distill them again : the second time thou wilt get more . Do the same a third time , and so to the tenth , until the Salt be all turned into Liquor , which is a most precious Jewel and worth thy labor . Some quench hot Bricks in the liquified Salt , and then distil them with a most intense fire , as in Oyl of Bricks . A Water for the Separation of Silver . Take Salt-Peter and Alom in equal quantity , beat them in a Morter , and put them into a Glass-Retort luted over three double : when it is well dried , set it in the circulating-fire , that is , which is reverberated on the top and below too . Stop it close , and set a large Receiver under it : for if it be too narrow , the strong Spirits will break out with a great bounce , crack the Vessel , and frustrate your labour . Distil it six hours : if you calcine the Alome-fire , the VVater will be stronger . A Water for Separation of Gold. Mix with the equal parts of Salt-Peter and Alom , as much Vitriol , and distil it , as before : there will proceed a VVater so strong , that it will even corrode the ●i●cture of Gold. Wherefore , if this seem too violent , take nine pounds of the former Salts , being dissolved in VVater , and two ounces of Sal Ammoniacum : when they are melted , set them two days in Fimo , and with hot Ashes you may distil a VVater that will corrode Gold. If you refund the VVater upon the Foeces , let them macerate and distil it again , the VVater will be much stronger . How to purge the phlegm from these Waters , without which they are of no force : cast a little Silver into a litle of this VVater ; which , being overcharged with phlegm , will not corrode it . But set it to heat over the fire , and it will presently do it : pour all this VVater into another Pot , and leave the Foeces behinde in the former : so the VVater will be clarified . Oyl of Vitriol . Dissolve Vitriol in an earthen Pan with a wide mouth ; let the phlegm evaporate , then encrease the fire and burn it , till it be all red , and the fourth part be consumed . Put it into a Glass-Retort , luted all over thrice double , and well dried , and set in igne reverberationis , continually augmenting the fire , and continning it for three days , until the Vessel melt , and an Oyl drop out without any VVater . Every three pounds will ●ield one ounce of Oyl . Put it into a Glass-bottle , and set it in hot Embe●s that the VVater , if any be in the Oyl , may evaporate ; for so it will be of greater strengh . The sign of a perfect extraction , is , if it make a piece of VVood , being cast into it , smoak , as if it burned it . Oyl of Sulphur . This is the proper way to extract Oyl of Sulphur : Take a Glass with a large mouth in the form of a Bell , and hang it up by a wire : place a large Receiver under it , that it may catch the Oyl , as it droppeth out of the Bell. In the middle between these , hang an earthen Vessel full of Sulphur : kindle the fire , and make the Sulphur burn ; the smoak of which , ascendeth up into the Bell , condenseth it self , and falls down in an oyly substance . When the Sulphur is consumed , put in more , until you have the quantity of Oyl which you desire . There is also another way to extract it in a greater quantity : Prepare a great Glass-Receiver , such as I described in the Extraction of Oyl of Tartar , and Aqua Fortis : cut a hole thorow it with an Emerauld , and indent the edges of it , that the smoak may pass out : set this upon an earthen Pan , in which you burn the Sulphur . Above this , set another Vessel of a larger size , so that it may be about a handful distant from the first : cut the edges of the hole in deeper notches , that the vapor ascending thorow the first , and circulating about the second , may distil out of both ; so you may add a third and fourth . Pour this Oyl into another Glass , and let the phlegm evaporate over hot Embers ; it will become of that strength , that it will dissolve Silver : and I may say , Gold also , if it be rightly made . The fume of Sulphur is congealed in Sal Ammoniacum : for I have gathered it in the Mountains of Campania , and condensed it into Salt , nothing at all differing from that which is brought out of the Eastern Countries . Thus Sal Ammoniacus , which hath so long lain unknown , is discovered in our own Country , and is nothing but Salt of Sulphur ; and this Oyl is the Water of Sal Ammoniac , or Salt of Sulphur . I would fain know how Learned Men do approve this my Invention . I take the Earth , thorow which the smoak of Sulphur hath arisen , and dissole it in warm Waters , and purge it thorow a hanging Receptacle described before : then I make the Water evaporate ; and so finde a Salt nothing different , as I hope , from Ammoniacum . CHAP. XXI . Of the Separation of the Elements . IN every Compound , there are four Elements ; but for the most part , one is predominant , the rest are dull and unprofitable . Hence , when we speak of separating the Elements of a Compound , we mean the separating that predominant one . In the Water-Lilly , the Element of Water is chief ; Air , Earth and Fire are in it , but in a small proportion . Hence there is but a small quantity of heat and driness in it , because VVater overwhelms them all . The same must be understood in other things also . But do not think , that we intend by the separation of the Elements , to divide them absolutely , the Air from the VVater , and the VVater from the Fire and Earth ; but onely by a certain similitude , as what is hotter then the rest , we call Fire ; the moister , VVater . Stones participate more of Earth : VVoods , of Fire ; Herbs , of VVater . VVe account those Airy , which fill the Vessels and Receivers , and easily burst them , and so flie out . VVhen the Elements are thus separated , they may afterwards be purified and attenuated . The manner of extracting them , is various according to the diversity of natural things ; for some must be calcined : some sublimated , others distilled . I will set down some examples . How to separate the Elements of Metals . Lay your Metal in Aqua Fortis , as I shewed before , till it be dissolved : then draw out the Aqua Fortis by a Bath , and pour it on again , and so again , until it be turned into an Oyl of a light Red , or Ruby-colour . Pour two parts of Aqua Fortis unto the Oyl , and macerate them in a Glass in Fimo for a month : then distil them on Embers till the VVater be all drawn out , which you must take and still again in Balneo , until it ascend ; so will you have two Elements . By the Bath the Air is elevated , the VVater and Earth remain in the bottom : the Fire continueth in the bottom of the former Vessel : for it is of a fiery substance : this , Nature , and the Affusion of Water , and the Distillation in Balneo will reduce into an Oyl again : in which you must correct the Fire , and it will be perfect . You may lay Metal in Embers , then by degrees encrease the fire : the VVater will first gently ascend , next the Earth . In Silver , the first Oyl is blewish , and in perfect separation , settleth to the bottom , and the VVater ascendeth ; but in Balneo , the Elements of Fire and Earth : for the substance of it is cold and moist : in Balneo the Elements of Fire and Earth remain ; first the Earth will come out , afterwards the Fire . So of Tin , the first Oyl is yellow ; in Balneo , the Air will remain in the bottom , the Fire , Earth and VVater will ascend : which is proper onely to Tin ; for in no other Metal , the Air remaineth last ; but in Tin , the VVater is first elevated ; next the Fire ; last of all , the Earth . Of Iron is made a dark ruddish Oyl ; Of Quick-silver , a white Oyl : the Fire settleth to the bottom : the Earth and Water are elevated : and so of the rest . How to separate the Elements in Herbs . In Herbs there is alwayes one Element which reigneth in chief . Take the Leaves of Sage , bruise them , macerate them in Fimo , and then distil them : the Fire will first ascend , until the colours be changed ; next the VVater ; then a part of the Earth : the other part will remain in the bottom , not being volatile , but fixed . Set the VVater in the Sun six dayes , then put it in Balneo : the VVater will ascend first , then the colour will alter ; and the Fire ascendeth next , till the taste be changed : at length , a part of the Earth , the rest being mix'd with the Air , tarrieth behinde in the Bottom . In VVater-Plants , the Air ariseth first ; next the VVater and Fire . How to finde out the Vertues of Plants . There are no surer Searchers out of the Vertues of the Plants , then our Hands and Eyes : the Taste is more fallible : for , if in Distillation , the hottest parts evaporate first , we may conclude , that it consisteth of hot and thin parts : and so of the rest . You may easily know by the separation of the Elements , whether a Plant have more of ●ire , or VVater , or Earth , by weighing the Plant first : then afterward , when the VVater and Oyl are extracted , weighing the Foeces , and by their proportion you may judge of the degrees of each Element in the Composition of it , and from thence of their Qualities . But the narrow limits of this Book will not give me leave to expatiate farther on this Subject . Wherefore I will leave the Discourse of it to a particular Treatise , which I intend to set out at large on this matter . How to extract Gum out of Plants . There are some Plants out of which we may extract Gum : some Plants , I say , because many have none in them , and nothing can give more then it hath . Fennel , and all other kindes of it , Opoponax , and such-like Herbs are full of it . Nature is the best Director in extracting them : for when the Sun shines very hot , and the Stalks of these Plants are swelled with sap , by reason of the continual encrease of their juice ; they open themselves in little clefts , like a Woman when her labour approacheth ; and thence doth the Plant bring forth , as it were in travel , that Noble Liquor , which partly by the heat of the Sun , partly by a natural Inclination grows clammy , and is condensed into a hard Body . Hence we may learn. How to extract Gum out of Opoponax . In the Summer Solstice gather the Roots in the night-time , that the heat of the Sun may not exhaust the moysture ; slice it long wayes , and put it into a well vernished earthen Pipkin : then set it upside down in a descending Furnace with a Receiver underneath , to catch the falling-Liquor : make a Fire about the upper part of the Vessel , which will drive down a Noble Gum , which must be purged in other Vessels , and may be meliorated by Di●●illation . The same may be effected on Sagapene , w●ose Roots must be gathered at the same time , and sliced ; and being put into a Vessel with a gentle fire , will drop out a glutinous Liquor into the Receiver ; which , being clarified , will harden like Gum , and is kept for Medicinal uses . How to extract Gum out of Fennel . Gather the stalks of Fennel , when it is in its vigor , and the Flowers begin to blow , about the full of the Moon ; for then they are more succulent : slice them into pieces of a hand-long , and put them into a Glass-Tub of a hand in wideress , and a handful and a half in length : fill it full , and set the bottom of it , being full of little holes , into a Tunnel fit to receive it , and the lower part of the Tunnel into a Receiver . Then make a gentle fire about the Tub at a handful distance , which may beat upon the stalkes on every side with its heat , like the Sun-beams . The Tub thus growing hot , will exclude some drops ; which , flying from the violence of the heat , slide down thorow the ho●es of the bottom into the Tunnel , and from thence into the Receiver , where they will condense into Gum , participating of the Nature of Fennel , of no contemptible vertues . THE ELEVENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Of Perfuming . THE PROEME . AFter Distillation , we proceed to Unguents and sweet smells : it is an Art next of kin to the other ; for it provides odors of the same things , compounds and mingles Unguents , that they may send forth pleasant sents every way , very far . This Art is Noble , and much set by , by Kings and great Men. For it teacheth to make Waters , Oyls , Powders , March-panes , Fumes ; and to make sweet Skins that shall hold their sent a long time ; and may be bought for little money : not the common and ordinary way , but such as are rare , and known to very few . CHAP. I. Of perfuming Waters . I Have in the former Book shewed how sweet Waters may be distilled out of Flowers and other things , as the place dedicated to Distillation did require : here now I will teach how to compound sweet Waters and Flowers , that may cast forth odoriferous sents : as first , To make a most sweet perfumed Water . Take three pound of Damask-Roses , as much of Musk and Red-Roses , two of the Flowers of Orange , as many of Myrtle , half a pound of Garden-Claver , an ounce and a half of Cloves , three Nutmegs , ten Lillies : put all these in an Alimbeck , in the nose of which you must fasten of Musk three parts , of Amber one , of Civet half a one , tied up together in a clout : and put the Nose into the Receiver , and tie them close with a cloth dip'd in Bran and the white of an Egg mixed : set a gentle fire under it , until it be all distilled . Another . Take two pound of Rose-water , of Lavender half one , of Certan-Wine thirteen drachms ; of the Flowers of Gilliflowers , Roses , Rosemary , Jasmine , the Leaves of Marjoram , wilde Betony , Savory , Fennel , and Basil gentle , half a pound ; an ounce of Lemmon-peel , a drachm of Cinnamon , Benjamin , Storax and Nutmegs : mix them , and put them in a Glass , and set them out in the Sun for four dayes ; then distil them with a gentle fire : and unless you put Musk in the Nose of the Alimbeck , tie it up in a rag , hang it by a thread in the Water , whilst it standeth sunning for a month . Set it in the Sun , to take away the scurvy savor of the distilling , if by chance it conceive any . Aqua Nanfa . Take four pound of Rose-water , two of Orange-Flowers , one of Myrtle , three ounces of sweet Trifoil , one of Lavender : add to these , two ounces of Benjamin , one of Storax , the quantity of a Bean of Labdanum , as much Mace and Cloves , a drachm of Cinnamon , Sanders , and Lignum Aloes , an ounce of Spikenard : let these all be grossly beaten , and boyled in a vernished earthen Pipkin over a gentle fire , for the space of an hour ; then let them cool . Strain them through a Linen-cloth , and set it up in a Glass close stopt . But tye up the Cinnamon , Cloves , Lignum Aloes and Sanders in a thin Linen-cloth ; and so put them into the pot , and boyl them , as I said before , and afterwards take out the bundle : for after the boyling of the water , the remaining dust may be formed into Pills , and made into Cakes , which may be used in perfuming , as I shall teach hereafter . This Water is made divers ways , but I have set down the best : yet in the boyling , it will turn coloured , and become red , so that Hankerchiefs or white Linen , if they be wetted in it , are stained , although they are made wonderfully sweet : which maketh many forbear the use of it . Wherefore , if we would have Aqua Nansa clarified , Take the former Water , and put it into a Glass-Retort , and set it in Balneo , over a gentle fire : the VVater will become clear , and almost of the same sent : onely a little weaker : keep the Water , and lay aside the rest of the Foeces for sweet Cakes . CHAP. II. To make sweet Water by Infusion . NOw I will teach how to make perfumed Liquors , and what Liquors they are , which will receive odors best ; for VVater is unapt to keep sent , Oyl is better , and VVine , ( we may assign the reason out of Theophrastus : for VVater is thin , ●oid of taste or sent , and so fine , that it can gather no sent ) and those Liquors which are thick , savory , and have a strong sent . VVine , although it be not sweet of it self , yet being placed nigh any odour , it will draw it , because it is full of heat , which doth attract . VVater , being cold by Nature , can neither attract , nor receive , nor keep any sent : for it is so fine , slender and thin , that the odour flieth out again , and vanisheth away , as if there were no foundation whereon it could fix and settle , as there is in VVine and Oyl , who are more tenacious of sent , because they are of a denser and callous Body . Oyl is the best preserver and keeper of sent , because it is not changeable : wherefore Perfumers steep their perfumes in Oyl , that it may suck out their sweetness . We use Wine to extract the sent of Flowers , and especially , Aqua Vitae ; for Wine , unless distilled , infecteth the Water too much with his own sen● . Musk Water . This VVater setteth off all others , and maketh them richer ; wherefore it is first to be made . Take the best Aqua Vitae , and put into it some Grains of Musk , Amber and Civet , and set them in the hot Sun for some dayes : but stop the Vessel very close , and lute it ; for that will very much add to the frangrancy of it . A drop of this put into any other water , will presently make it smell most pleasantly of Musk. You may do the same with Rose-water and Fountain-water often distilled , that it may obtain a thinness and heat , which is very necessary for the extraction of Essences . Water of Jasmine , Musk-Roses , Gilliflowers , Violets and Lillies , is extracted the same way : for these Flowers send forth but a thin odour , which dwelleth not in the substance of them , but onely lieth scattered on the superficies ; so that if they remain too long on the fire , or in their Menstruum , their sweetness degenerateth from its former pleasantness , and is washed off by the mixture of the stinking ill-savoured part of their substance . VVherefore we must lay their Leaves onely in the best Aqua Vitae , that is , the Leaves of Lillies , Jasmine , Musk-Roses ; and the rest ; hanging them on a threed , that when the VVater hath sucked out their odour , we may pluck them out , because their odour lieth onely on their superficies ; so that if they should remain long in the Aqua Vitae , it would penetrate too deep into them , and draw out a sent , which would not onely destroy their former sweetness , but taint them with an ill savour , which accompanieth those inward parts . After these Leaves are taken out , supply them with fresh , until you perceive their sent is also extracted . But take out the Violets and the Gilliflowers sooner then the rest , lest they colour the VVater . This VVater , being mixt with others , taketh away the scurvy sent of the VVine . A sweet compounded Water . Take a great Glass-Receiver , and fill the third part almost of it with Aqua Vitae : put into it Lavender-Flowers , Jasmine , Roses , Orange and Lemmon-Flowers . Then add Roots of Iris , Cypress Sanders , Cinnamon , Storax , Labdanum , Cloves , Nutmegs , Calamus Aromaticus , with a little Musk , Amber , and Civet . Fill the Glass , and stop it well . But after you have filled the Glass with the Flowers , they will wither and sink down : wherefore fill it up with more . Set it in a very hot Sun or in Balneo , until their sweetness be all extracted . Then strain out the Water ; and one drop of it in Rose-water , or of Myrtle-Flowers , will perfume it all with a most fragrant smell . CHAP. III. How to make sweet Oyls . HOw to extract Oyl out of Spices and sweet things , is declared before : now I will shew how to draw sents out of other things with Oyl : or , as I said before , to make Oyl the ground in which odours may be kept and preserved a long time ; which is done either by imbibing the Oyl with odors , or the Almonds out of which we afterwards express the Oyl . How to make Oyl of Ben , which is the sweetest Oyl of all , used by the Genois : take an ounce of Ben , a drachm of Amber , as much Musk , half a drachm of Civet : put them in a Glass-bottle well stopt , and set it in the Sun for twenty days ; then you may use it . But be sure that it be close stopt : for the Nature of odors being volatile and fugitive , it quickly decayeth , loseth his fragrancy , and smelleth dully . A way to make odoriferous Oyl of Flowers : it is a common thing , but very commodious for Perfumers , and may be used for other things : he that knoweth how to use it rightly and properly , will finde it an Oyl very profitable to him . Blanch your Almonds , and bruise them , and lay them between two rows of Flowers . When the Flowers have lost their sent , and fade , remove them , and add fresh ones . Do this so long as the Flowers are in season : when they are past , squeeze out the Oyl with a press , and it will be most odoriferous . You may draw a sent with this way , out of those Flowers , from whom you cannot draw sweet Water . Oyl of Jasmine , Violets , Musk-Roses , Lillies , Crows-foot , Gilliflowers , Roses , and Orange-Flowers , and of others , being made this way , smelleth most fragrantly . Oyl of Amber , Musk , and Civet , may be thus made also : Cut the Almonds , being blanched from the top to the bottom , into seven or eight slices , and enclose them in a Leaden Box with these perfumes for six days , until they have imbibed the sent : then press them , and they will yield a most sweet Oyl ; and yet perhaps not make the Musk much worse . CHAP. IV. How to extract Water and Oyl out of sweet Gums by Infusion . VVE may extract sweet VVaters by another Art that we spoke of before , out of Gums , by Infusion and Expression : as for example . A sweet Water of Storax , Benjamin , and Labdanum , which affordeth a most sweet savour , and is thus extracted . Infuse Storax or Benjamin being bruised , in as much Rose-water as will cover them two fingers over : set them in Balneo , or a warm place for a week : then distil them in Balneo , and you will have a very pleasant Water from them , which you must expose to the hot Sun , that if there should remain any stink of the smoak in it , it may be taken away . We may also put Gums into Glass-Vessels , and make a slow fire under it : there will sweet out a very little water , but of sweet savour , and the Gum will settle to the bottom , which will be useful for other things . To extract Oyl of Benjamin , Storax , and other things . We may do this , by beating and mixing these Gums with Oyl of Almonds or of Ben , and macerating them in Balneo for a month : then draw out the Oyl either by a Retort or by Expression , which is better ; it will yield a most fragrant odour , that you can hardly perceive whether it were drawn out of the Gums themselves by a Retort . Ben , called in Latine Glans Unguentaria , is used in precious Oyntments in stead of Oyl . Pliny calleth it Morobolane . So also Martial , What not in Virgil nor in Homer's found , Is of sweet Oyl and Acorn the compound . It is without any sent , and therefore fitter to receive them ; and when it doth receive them , to reserve them , for it never groweth rank . CHAP. V. How to perfume Skins . NOw we will discourse of the perfuming of Skins , which is performed several ways , either by sweet Waters , or rubbing them with Oyls , or laying them in Flowers , so that they may attract their odor . And first , How to wash Skins , that they may lose the sent of the Beasts and of Flesh. The manner is this : First wash them in Greek-Wine , and let them lie wet for some hours : then dry them , and if the sent continueth in them still , wash them again : that being taken away , wash them in sweet Waters . Take four parts of Rose-water , three of Myrtle , or Orange-Flowers two , of sweet Trifoli one , of Lavender half one : mix them , and put them into a wide mouthed earthen Vessel , and steep the Skins in them for a day . Then take them out , and hang them up in the shade to dry : but when they are almost dry , stretch and smooth them with your hands , that they may not be wrinkled . Do this thrice over , till they savour of the sweet Waters , and lose their own stink . Next How to perfume Skins with Flowers . They must first be rub'd over with Oyl ; for , as I have told you , that is the foundation of all sents , both to attract them , and retain them in a greasie body . It may be done with common Oyl , but better with Oyl of Ben , because it is without any sent of his own : best of all with the Oyl of Eggs , which I have taught before how to make . The manner is thus : Anoynt your Gloves or Skins with a Spunge on the inward side , and especially , in the Seams : when that is done , you may thus make them attract the sent of any Flowers . Violets and Gilliflowers blow first in the Spring ; gather them in the morning , and lay them on both sides of your Skins for a day . When they grow dry sooner or later , fling them away , and lay on new ; stirring or moving them thrice or four times in a day , lest they make the Skins damp , and grow musty . When these Flowers are past , lay on Orange-flowers and Roses in the same manner : and last of all , Jasmine , which will continue until Winter : I mean , Garden-Jasmine , for it flourisheth two or three months . Thus your Skins or Gloves will become very sweet in a yeers space . The odour will quickly fade and die : but if you do the same the second time , it will continue much longer , and preserve their pleasantness . It very much preserveth their fragrancy , to keep them in a close place , in either a Wooden or Leaden Box : but if you lay them among Linen , it will suck out their odour , and dull their sent . How to perfume Skins . If you add Musk , Amber , and Civet to the aforesaid Skins , they will smell much more sweet and gratefully . Or take four parts of Western Balsam , one of Musk , as much Amber , and rub it on your Gloves with a Spunge , and they will smell very sweet . I will add one more excellent Composition : Take eight parts of Iris , one of Sander , two of Benjamin , four of Rose-Powder , one and a half of Lignum Aloes , half a one of Cinnamon , or rather less ; soften them all with Rose-water and Gum-Tragacanth , and grinde them on a Porphyretick Marble : then anoynt your Gloves with it in a Spunge , and take three Grains of Musk , two of Amber , one of Civet : mingle them , and rub them also on . How to take the sent out of Gloves . If you repent your self of perfuming them , or would make sport with any one , boyl a little Rose-water or ●qua Vitae ; and while they be hot , put the Gloves in , and let them remain there awhile . This will take away their sent : and if you steep other Gloves in it , and dry them , they will imbibe it . CHAP. VI. How to make sweet Powders . NOw we come to making sweet Powders , which are either Simple or Compound : they are used in stuffing sweet Bags , in perfuming Skins and Compositions . Learn therefore How to make Cyprian Powder . Take Moss of the Oak , which smelleth like Musk ; gather it clean , in December , January , or February : wash it five or six times in sweet Water , that it may be very clean : then lay it in the Sun , and dry it . Afterwards , Steep it in Rose-water for two dayes , and dry it in the Sun again . This you must iterate oftentimes ; for the more you wash it , the sweeter it will smell . When it is dried , grinde it into Powder in a Brass-Morter , and seirce it : then put it into the ceive , and cover it : make a fire , and set some sweet waters to boyl over it ; or cast on some perfumed Cakes , and let the fume arise up into the ceive . The more often you do this , the stronger and more lasting sent will be imbibed by the Powder . When you perceive it to have attained a sufficient odour , take one pound of the Powder , a little Musk and Civet powdered , and a sufficient quantity of Sanders and Roses : beat them in a Brass-Morter ; first putting in the Musk , and then by degrees casting in the Powder ; so mingle them well . At last , put the Powders into a Glass close stopt , that the sent may not transpire and grow dull . There are several Compositions of this Powder , which would be too tedio● to recount . It may be made , either white , or black ▪ or brown . The white is made of Crude Par●er washed in Rose-water , or other sweet Water ; and adding Musk , Amber , Civet , and such-like , it will smell at a good distance . CHAP. VII . How to make sweet Compounds . THere may be made divers kindes of sweet Compounds ; of which are made Beads , which some use to reckon their Prayers by , and others to trim their clothes with : also wash-Balls to cleanse and sweeten the hands . And first , How to make sweet Balls with small charge , which yet shall seem to be very costly and sweet . Take one ounce of Cyprian Powder , and Benjamin of the best mixture , which is brought out of Turky ; half an ounce of Cloves , a sufficient quantity of Illyrian Iris. First , melt some Gum Tragacantha in Rose-water : then with the former powder make it into a Mass , and rowl it up in little Balls : bore them thorow , and fix every one on a several tent upon the Table : then take four Grains of Musk , dissolve it in Rose-water , and wash the outside of the Balls with it : then let them dry : afterwards wet them again , for three or four times ▪ so will they cast forth a most pleasant sent round about , which they will not quickly lose . But if you would bestow more cost , and have a greater sent , I will shew How to make them another way . Take one ounce of Storax , of Amber half one , a fourth part of Labdanum cleansed , one drachm of Lignum aloes and Cinnamon , an eighth part of Musk. Beat the Gum , Storax and Amber in a Brass Morter with an Iron Pestle , being both hot : when these are well mixed , cast in the other powders , and mix them all together : at last add the Musk ; and before they grow cold , from what you please of them . I will add also Another Compound , very necessary in a time of Plague , which will not onely refresh the Brains with its sweet odour , but will preserve it against infection : Take three ounces of Labdanum , as much Storax , one of Bejamin , an ounce and a half of Cloves , an ounce of Sanders , three of Champhire , one of Lignum Aloes , Calamus Aromaticus , and juice of Valerian , a drachm of Amber : mix all these in the juice of Balm , Rose-water , and Storax dissolved . But to wash the Face and Hands , I will set down a most Noble Composition Of washing Balls or Musk-Balls . Take the fat of a Goat , and purifie it in this manner : Boyl a Lye with the Pills of Citron in a Brass Kettle ; let the fat remain in it for an hour : then strain it thorow a Linen-cloth into cold water , and it will be purified . Make the Lye of two parts of the Ashes of the Ceruss-Tree , one of Lime , and half a Porringer of Alom ; mingle them , and put them in a wooden Bowl , with two holes in the bottom , stopt with Straw : then pour in water , that it may cover them three fingers over , and strain it out thorow the holes : when the first is run out , add another quantity of water , and so the third time , whilst the water doth receive any saltness . Keep these several runnings asunder , and add some of the second & third unto the first , while a new Egg will swim in it : for if it sink and go to the bottom , it will be too weak ; therefore add some of the first running . If it swim on the top , and lie upon the surface of the Water , put in some of the second and third running , until it descend , so that scarce any part of it be seen above the Water . Heat twenty pound of this Water in a Brass Kettle , and put into it two of the fat : then strain it out into broad Platters , and expose it to the hot Sun , mixing it often every day . When it is grown hard , make Pomanders of it , and reserve them . You may thus perfume them : Put two pound of the Pomanders into a Bowl , and with a VVooden Spoon , mix it with Rose-water , till it be very soft : when it hath stood still a while , and is grown hard , add more water , and set it in the Sun : do this for ten days . Then take half a drachm of Musk , somewhat less Civet , and as much of Cinnamon well beaten : mix them , and if you add a little Rose-powder , it will smell much sweeter : then judge of it by your nose . If the sent be too weak , add more of the Perfumes ; if too strong , more of the Soap . How to make Soap , and multiply it . Since we are fallen upon the discourse of Soap , we will not pass it over this : Take Soap Geta , and reduce it into a small Powder : set it on the fire in a Brass Kettle full of Lye of a moderate strength ; so that in three hundred pound of Lye , you may put fourscore of Soap . When the Water beginneth to boyl up in bubbles , stir it with a wooden Ladle ; and if the Lye do fail in the boyling , add new . When the Water is evaporated , take the Kettle from the fire , and cast in six pound of ordinary Salt well beaten ; and with an Iron Ladle empty it out , and let it cool all night . In the mean time , prepare a brine , so sharp that it will bear an Egg. In the morning , cut the Soap into slices , and put it into a broad Vessel , and pour the brine on it : there let it stand one quarter of a day , and it will become very hard . If you put some Sal Alchali into the brine , it will make it much harder . CHAP. VIII . How to make sweet Perfumes . IT remaineth , that we speak of Perfumes ; for they are very necessary for the senting of Skins , Clothes , and Powders , and to enrich Noble mens Chambers , with sweet odors in Winter : they are made either of Waters or Powders . How to make Perfumes of Waters . Take four parts of Storax , three of Benjamin ; of Labdanum , Lignum Aloes , and Cinnamon , one ; an eighth part of Cloves , a little Musk and Amber . Beat them all grossly , and put them in a Brass Pot with an ounce and a half of Rose-water . Set the Pot over the fire , or hot Ashes , that it may be hot , but not boyl ; it will cast forth a pleasant odor : when the Water is consumed , put in more . You may also add what you have reserved in the making Aqua Nanfa : for it will send out a very sweet fume . Another way . Take three parts of Cloves , two of Benjamin , one of Lignum Aloes , as much Cinnamon , Orange-Pill and Sanders , an eight part of Nutmeg . Beat them , and put them into a pot , and pour into them some Orange-flower-water , Lavender , and Myrtle-water , and so heat it . Another way . Express and strain the juice of Lemmon , into which put Storax , Camphire Lignum Aloes , and empty Musk-Cods : macerate them all in Balneo for a week in a Glass-Bottle close stopt . When you would perfume your Chamber , cast a drop of this Liquor into a Brass Pot full of Rose-water ; and let it heat over warm Ashes , it will smell most pleasantly . Excellent Pomanders for perfuming . Take out of the Decoction for Aqua Nanfa , Lignum Aloes , Sanders , Cinnamon and Cloves ; and of the remaining Powders make a mass , which you may form into cakes , which being burnt on hot Ashes , smell very sweetly . I take out the Cinnamon and the Woods , because in burning they cast forth a stink of smoak . Another way . Take one pound and a half of the Coals of Willow , ground into dust , and seirced ; four ounces of Labdanum , three drachms of Storax , two of Benjamin , one of Lignum Aloes : mix the Storax , Benjamin , and Labdanum in a Brass Morter with an Iron Pestle heated , and put to them the Coal and Lignum Aloes powdered . Add to these half an ounce of liquid Storax : then dissolve Gum Tragacantha in Rose-water , and drop it by degrees into the Morter . When the powders are mixed into the form of an Unguent , you may make it up into the shape of Birds , or any other things , and dry them in the shade . You may wash them over with a little Musk and Amber upon a Pencil ; and when you burn them , you will receive a most sweet fume from them . Another Perfume . Anoynt the Pill of Citron or Lemmon with a little Civet ; stick it with Cloves and Races of Cinnamon : boyl it in Rose-water , and it will fill your chamber with an odorifeous fume . CHAP. IX . How to adulterate Musk. THese Perfumes are often counterfeited by Impostors ; wherefore I will declare how you may discern and beware of these Cheats : for you must not trust whole Musk-Cods of it , there being cunning Impostors , who fill them with other things , and onely mix Musk enough to give its sent to them . Black Musk inclining to a dark red , is counterfeited with Goats blood a little rosted , or toasted bread ; so that three or four parts of them beaten with one of Musk , will hardly be discovered . The Imposture may be discerned onely thus : The Bread is easie to be crumb'd , and the Goats blood looketh clear and bright within when it is broken . It is counterfeited by others in this manner : Beat Nutmegs , Mace , Cinnamon , Cloves , Spikenard , of each one handful , and seirce them carefully : then mix them with the warm blood of Pigeons , and dry them in the Sun. Afterward beat them again , and wet them with Musk-water and Rose-water : dry them , beat them , and moysten them very many times ; at length , add a fourth part of pure Musk , and mix them well , and wet them again with Rose-water and Musk-water : divide the Mass into several parts , and rowl them in the hair of a Goat which groweth under his Tail. Others do it Another way , and mingle Storax , Labdanum , and Powder of Lignum Aloes : add to the Composition , Musk and Civet , and mingle all together with Rose-water . The Imposture is discovered by the easie dissolving of it in water ; and it differeth in colour and sent . Others augment Musk by adding Roots of Angelica , which doth in some sort imitate the sent of Musk. So also they endeavour To adulterate Civet with the Gall of an Ox and Storax liquified and washed , or Cretan Honey . But if your Musk or Amber have lost their sent , thus you must do , To make Musk recover its sent , hang it in a Jakes and among stinks : for by striving against those ill savours , it exciteth its own vertue , reviveth , and recovereth its lost sent . THE TWELFTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Of Artificial Fires . THE PROEME . BEfore I leave off to write of Fire , I shall treat of that dangerous Fire that works wonderful things , which the vulgar call Artificial Fire , which the Commanders of Armies and Generals , use lamentably in divers Artifices and monstrous Designs , to break open Walls and Cities , and totally to subvert them ; and in Sea-fights , to the infinite ruine of m●rtal men ; and whereby they oft-times frustrate the malicious enterprizes of their Enemies . The matter is very useful and wonderful , and there is nothing in the world that more frights and terrifies the mindes of men . God is coming to judge the world by Fire . I shall describe the mighty hot Fires of our Ancestors , which they used to besiege places with ; and I shall add those that are of later Invention , that far exceed them : and lastly , I shall speak of those of our days . You have here the Compositions of terrible Gun-powder that makes a noise , and then of that which makes no noise : of Pipes that vomit forth deadly Fires , and of Fires that cannot be quenched , and that will rage under Water at the very bottom of it , Whereby the Seas rend asunder ; as if they were undermined by the great violence of the flames striving against them , and are lifted up into the Air , that Ships are drawn by the monstrous Gulphs . Of Fire●Balls that flie with glittering Fire , and terrifie Troops of Horse-men , and overthrow them . So that we are come almost to eternal Fires . CHAP. I. How divers ways to procure Fire may be prepared . VItruvius saith , That it fell out by accident , that sundry Trees , frequently moved with Windes and Tempests , the Bows of them rubbing one against another , and the parts smiting each other , and so being ratified , caused heat , and took fire , and flamed exceedingly . Wilde people that saw this , ran away . When the Fire was out , and they durst come neerer , and found it to be a great commodity for the Body of man , they preserved the Fire ; and so they perceived that it afforded causes of civility , of conversing and talking together . Pliny saith , It was found out by Souldiers and Shepherds . In the Camp , those that keep watch , found this out for necessity ; and so did Shepherds , because there is not always a Flint ready . Theophrastus teacheth what kindes of Wood are good for this purpose : and though the Anger and the handle are sometimes both made of one sort of Wood , yet it is so that one part acts and the other suffers ; so that he thinks the one part should be of hard Wood , and the other of soft . Example : Wood that by rubbing together will take Fire . They are such as are very hot , as the Bay-Tree , the Buck-thorn , the Holm , the Piel-Tree : But M●estor adds the Mulberry-Tree ; and men conjecture so , because they will presently blunt the Ax. O● all these they make the Auger , that by rubbing they may resist the more , and do the business more firmly ; but the handle to receive them , is to be made of soft Wood , as the Ivy , the wilde Vine , and the like , being dried , and all moisture taken from them . The Olive is not fit , because it is full of fat matter , and too much moysture . But those are worst of all to make Fires , that grow in shady places . Pliny from him . One Wood is rub'd against another , and by rubbing takes Fire ; some dry fuel , as Mushroomes or Leaves , easily receiving the Fire from them . But there is nothing better then the Ivy , that may be rubbed with the Bay-Tree , or this with that . Also the wilde Vine is good , which is another kinde of wilde Vine , and runs upon Trees as the Ivy doth . But I do it more conveniently thus : Rub one Bay-Tree against another , and rub lustily , for it will presently smoak , adding a little Brimstone : put your fuel neerer , or dry matter made of dry Toad-stools , or Leaves that are very fine , found about the Roots of Colts-foot ; for they will soon take fire , and retain it . I have done the same with Ivy-wood cleansed from the Bark , and dried ; and by rubbing one Reed against another ; or , which is better , drawing a cord swiftly upon it . The West-Indians binde two dry sticks together , and they put a stick between them , which they turn about with their hands moved from them , and so they kindle fire . But since the minde of Man seldom rests in the thing once invented , but seeks for new Inventions , by mans industry there is found out A stone that will raise Fire with any moysture . The way to make it is thus : Take quick Brimstone , Salt-Peter refined , of each a like weight ; Camphire the double weight to quick Lime ; and beat them all in a Morter , till they be so fine that they will flie into the Air : binde them all fast together , wrapt in a Linen-clout , and put them into an earthen pot ; let it be well stopt : lute it well with clay and straw , and let it dry in the Sun : then put them into a Potters Oven ; and when the earthen Vessel is perfectly baked , they will grow together , and be hard as a Stone : take them out , and lay them up in a dry place for use . I went to try this in haste , and my experience failed me . I know certainly , that some of my Friends have done it : but the pot must not have any vent , for it will all burn away . Yet I have seen water cast upon quick Lime , and by putting Brimstone to it , it took Fire , and fired Gun-powder . This I can maintain . CHAP. II. Of the Compositions for Fire , that our Ancestors used . BEfore I come to our Compositions for Fire-works , I shall set down those that our fore-Fathers used in Sea-fights , and in taking or defending of Cities . Thucidides saith , That those that besieged Plataenenses , when Engines would do no good , they fell to Fire-works : for casting about the Walls bundles of stuff , and throwing in Fire , Brimstone and Pitch , they burnt the wall : whence arose such a flame , that until that time no man ever saw the like . Heron teacheth , That in burning of Walls , after you have made a hole thorow , you must put wood of the Pine-Tree under , and anoynt them with dry pitch , and powdered Brimstone together , with Tar or Oyl , and set this on fire . And elsewhere he teacheth to burn with a pot : Take an earthen Pitcher , and binde it about with plates of Iron on the outside , and let it be full of small coal : let there be a hole about the bottom to put in the Bellows : for when the coals take fire , by sprinkling on of vinegar , piss , or any other sharp matter , the Walls are broken . Vegetius teacheth what combustible matter must be used : and he useth burning Oyl , Hards , Brimstone , Bitumen . Burning Arrows are shot in Cross-bows into the Enemies Ships ; and these , being smeered over with Wax , Pitch and Rosin , they quickly fire the Decks , with so many things that afford fuell to the Fire . I shall add The Fire-Darts the Ancients used . A●●ianus Marcellinus described Fire-Darts , a kinde of Weapon made after such a fashion : It is an Arrow of Cane , joyned with many Irons between the Shaft and the Head , and they are made hollow after the fashion of a womans Distaff , wherewith Linen-threed is spun ; in the midst of it , it hath many small holes , and in the very hollow of it , is put fire with some combustible matter , and so is it easily shot forth of a weak Bow : for a Bow that is strong , puts out the Fire ; and there is no means to put it out , but by casting on Dust or Lees of Oyl . Livy . Some came with burning Torches , others carrying Tow , Pitch , and Fire-Darts ; and the whole Army shined as if it were all in flames : but in the concave part of this Dart there was Glue and Fuel , for Fire not to be extinguished , of Colophonia , Brimstone , Salt-Peter , all mingled with Oyl of Bays . Others say , with Oyl of Peter , Ducks-grease , the Pith of the Reed of Ferula , Brimstone ; and , as others think , with Oyl , Tallow , Colophonia , Camphire , Rosin , Tow. The old Warriors called this an incendiary composition . Lucan speaks of burning of Ships : This plague to water is not consonant , For burning Torches , Oyl and Brimstone joyn'd , Are cast abroad , and fuel was not scant : The Ships do burn with Pitch or Wax combin'd . And elsewhere , He bids them shoot their Shafts into the Sails , Besmeer'd with Pitch , and so he soon prevails : The Fire straight doth burn what 's made of Flax , And so their Decks were fir'd by melting Wax ; And tops of Masts were bur●● , and Sea-mens packs . But in compositions for Arrows and Darts , that they might burn the more vehemently , they put melted Vernish , Printers Oyl , Petroleum , Turpentine , made up with the sharpest Vinegar , pressed close , and dried at the Sun , and wrap'd over with Tow , and with sharp Irons to defend it , wrought together like to a bottom of yarn : all which at last , only passing over one hole , are smeered over with Colophonia and Brimstone , after the manner that follows . But by the subtilty of the Greeks , there was invented A Fire , called the Greek Fire . To overcome the Ship presently , they boyl'd Willow-coals , Salt , Spirit of VVine , Brimstone , Pitch , with the yarn of the soft VVooll of Ethiopia , and Camphire ; which , it is wonderful to speak , will burn alone in the water , consuming all matter . Callimachus the Architect , flying from Heliopolis , taught the Romans that thing first , and many of their Emperors did use that against their Enemies afterwards . Leo the Emperor , burnt with this kinde of Fire those of the East , that sail'd against Constantinople with 1800 Carvels . The same Emperor , shortly after , burnt with the same Fire 4000 Ships of the Enemy , and 350 in like manner . Prometheus found out , that Fire would keep a yeer in the Cane Ferula : wherefore Martial speaks of them thus : Canes that the Masters love , but Boys do hate , Are by Pr●metheus gift held at great rate . CHAP. III. Of the divers Compositions of Gun-powder . WE should be ill spoken of , if , that treating of fiery Compositions , we should not first say something of that wonderful Gun-powder , that is the Author of so many wonderful things ; for it is an ingredient in all mixtures , and all depends upon it : not that I have any minde to speak of it , because it is so common ; but of such things that have some new or hidden secret in them . It is made of four parts of Salt-Peter , Brimstone and VVillow-coals , of each one part . But the Salt-Peter must be refined from common Salt , the fat and earthly parts : for that is the Foundation and Basis of the rest . All of these must be well powdered and finely seirced , and perfectly mingled together . Therefore if you would have Gun-powder that shall make a great noise , and do much service , Put in more parts of Salt-Peter ; namely , to one part of Brimstone , and one of Willow-coal , put in six or eight parts of Salt-Peter , but excellent well refined and mingled . For four parts of Salt-Peter well refined and mingled , will do more then ten parts of that which is faeculent , and ill mingled . From the Salt-Peter comes the force , the noise of the flame ; for Brimstone it takes fire , and the sooner for the coal . But if one would have Gun-powder that will shoot a Bullet without noise , he must make weak the Salt-Peter , but with some fat substance ; which is done by the Glew and Butter of Gold , by mingling them according to a certain and due proportion ; and so it will shoot a Ball with very little or no noise ; for you shall scarce hear it : and though the force be not so strong , yet it is but little less . I will not teach the way , lest wicked men should take occasion to do mischief by it . CHAP. IV. How Pipes may be made to cast out Fire . THe same Heron bids the Souldiers when they scale the VValls , that they should set against the faces of their enemies that defend the Cities , such hand-Guns that they can turn , and that will throw fire a great way : for so they shall so terrifie those that defend the VValls , by these monstrous Engines that cast Fire-Balls at such great distance , and with such furious flames , that they will never endure to behold them , nor yet the Souldiers that mount up the VValls ; but will quickly run away . Moreover , in fights at Sea , and amongst Horse-men , men of this later age make great use of them : for Horses are terrified with Fire , as Elephants were ; and will easily run away , and break the ranks . VVhen Antipater besieged the Megarenses , and the Macedonians did fiercely lie upon them , the Megarenses first anoynted their Hogs with pitch , and set them on Fire , and so sent them out amongst their Enemies . The Hogs were mad at it , and ran furiously among the Troops of Elephants , and cried as they burned with the Fire ; and , as so many Furies , they extreamly disordered the Elephants . But I shall describe Rockets that cast Fire a great way . Make a stick of three foot long , round on the outside , and with a Turners Instrument make it hollow within : let the hole in the middle be four fingers diameter , and the VVood a finger thick ; but within let it be fenced with a thin Iron plate , and without with Iron hoops , at the mouth , in the middle , and on the end ; and let the Spaces between be fastned and joyned together with Iron-wires , lest by the violence of the flames , striving within , the Engine should break in pieces , and hurt our Friends . Fill the hollow hole with this composition : Gun-powder three parts , Colophonia , Tutia , Brimstone , half a part : but you must bruise your Brimstone and Colophonia very well , and sprinkle them with Linseed Oyl , and work them in your hands . Then try if your mixture will burn gently or fiercely : fill the space between the joynts in a Reed with powder ; put Fire to it : if it burn vehemently , that it break the Cane , add to it Colophonia and Brimstone ; but if mildly , then put more Powder into your Rocket , pressing it again with a sharp stick : then stop the mouth of it , being full , with a Linen-clout , wax and pitch , and cover it , that the Powder fall not out : and making a hole in the clout , fasten a Cotton-match to the mixture , that when necessity is , it may take fire . You shall learn shortly after to make the Match . This is called a simple Rocket . How to make a Rocket armed . This by a continual sending forth of Fire-balls and Leaden Bullets , and by the shooting off of Iron-guns , will strike thorow the faces of those that stand by . It is made of Turpentine-Rosin , liquid Pitch , Vernish , Frankincense and Camphire , equal parts ; quick Brimstone a third part and half ; two parts of Salt-Peter refined , three parts of Aqua Fortis , as much of Oyl of Peter and Gun-powder : pown them together , and make Fire-balls : put them into the hollow of the Pipe , that is broad enough to receive them . Put into the hollow part the first mixture , three fingers deep , and press it down : then put in the little Ball of Gun-powder onely , weighing one ounce , ready made : then put in again the first Powder : and do this by course one after another , till it be full ; and stop the mouth , as I said . Some do not thrust down a Ball , but Hards wrap'd up in square pieces of Iron ; and that is so pliable , that the first mixture can kindle the Gun-powder . Some put in with the Tow , Glass grosly powdered . Others , Salt and powder of Lead : for if the Lumps stick to Armour or Garments , you cannot put them out with water or any thing else till they be consumed . Some there are also that compass in the Rocket with Brass or Iron-Guns , and at the open passage of the Rocket , they put in Gun-powder ; when fire comes at it , with terrible and frequent noises , they cast Leaden Bullets forth upon the standers by . I saw a Rocket of extraordinary largeness ; it was ten foot long , and as wide as a mans head might go in : it was full of Fire-balls , Stones , and other matters , and put into a Gun , and bound to the lower part of the Cross-yard of a Ship , which was transported every way with cords , as the Souldiers would have it ; and in Sea-fights was levelled against the Enemies Gallies , and destroyed them all almost . Yet I will not omit to relate how A Brass-Gun once fired , may discharge ten times . It is a new Invention , that a great Brass-Gun , or a hand-Gun , may discharge ten or more Bullets one after another without intermission . Make a dark Powder , such as I used in the precedent part , and fill it thus : First , put in a certain measure of Gun-powder , that being put in , may discharge the Ball : then put in the Ball , but a small one , that it may go in loosely , and that the powder put in upon it , may come to touch the Gun-powder : then pour in this dark powder two or three fingers depth : then put in your Gun-powder , and your Bullet : and thus in order , one after the other , until the Gun seems to be full to the very mouth . Lastly , pour in some of your dark clammy powder : and when you have levelled your Gun to the place appointed , put Fire to the mouth of it ; for it will cast out the Bullets , and then Fire for so long time as a man may discharge a hand-Gun at divers shoots . And thus with one Brass-Gun you may discharge many times . CHAP. V. How Fire-Balls are made that are shot off in Brass-Guns . NOw I will shew how to make some Pot-compositions of Fire-balls that are shot out of Brass-Guns ; for divers uses : either to burn ships , or to give light to some men in the night , or at Solemnities to cast up into the Air , that they may seem to stream along like falling Stars . Fire-balls flying in the Air , that are made at Festival times . Grind one pound of Gun-powder , one third part of Salt-Peter , two ounces of Brimstone , and as much Colophonia : mingle all these ▪ sow them up in Coffins made of thick Cloth in fashion of Balls , and put them into hollow half circles made in Wood , and strike them with a wooden Hammer that they may be hard as stones ; then binde them about with cords , and dip them in Tar three or four times , they that may be well fenced about , lest being discharged by the violence of a Brass-Gun ; they should break in pieces . Lastly , pierce them thrice thorow with a sharp stick in the centre , and fill them with Gun-powder , and dry them to be sent aloft . When you would use them , raise your Brass-Guns , or more conveniently the but end of your Guns , and take the Ball in a pair of Iron Pinchers , and give Fire to the holes , that it may take : when your are certain that it is lighted , with your right hand cast it into the hollow of the Gun ; and with your left , give fire to the lowest touch-hole of the Gun : when it is fired , it rebounds ; and being carried up by force of the Fire , it seems to run up and down in the Air , as I often saw it at Rome , and prepared it . They are made also Another way . Take Sea-pitch three parts , Turpentine-Rosin two parts , as much Brimstone , one part Goats suet : powder what must be powdered ; and melt in a Brass Vessel what will melt : put them together , and stir them with a wooden stick . Then cast in Hards of Hemp or Flax , so much as will drink up all the mixture : then take the Brass Kettle from the fire , and with your hands make Balls as big as you will , that they may be shot forth of Brass-guns ; and before they grow hard , thrust them through with wooden sticks , making small holes : then put in Gun-powder broken with Brimstone , and rowl them about upon a Table strewed with Gun-powder , and through the holes fasten cotton Matches rolled in the Powder , as I shall shew : let these dry and grow hard in the Sun. The way to discharge them from a Brass Gun is this : Chuse such as are commonly called Petrils , that are fittest for this use . The weight of the Gun-powder to be put into the Vessel , must be one fifth part of the Ball , or a little more or less : for if you put in much , they are either cast down by the too great violence of the Fire , or else they are put out as they flie , and do not answer our expectation . The Powder being put into the Vessel , lay neither Hards nor Hemp upon it ; but fit the Ball upon the Powder , that as that fires , it may fire the Ball , and send it forth . Here is a more noble Composition Another way . Take five parts of Gun-powder , three of Salt-Peter refined , Brimstone two , Colophonia one half part , beaten Glass , common Salt , of Oyl of Peter , and of Linseed Oyl , and refined Aqua Vitae as much : powder what must be powdered , and pass it through a fine Cieve : then melt it in a new earthen pot with burning coals , without flame : let them not sparkle ; for so the Composition may take fire . Then cast in the Powders , that they may incorporate well together : then make round Coffins of Linen cloth as I said , and fill them with the Gun-powder alone , and binde them with cords about : then wrap your Tow in the Composition , and make a Ball of the bigness you would have it ; and if you will shoot it out of a Brass Gun , binde it the thicker with little cords : then pierce your Ball through in many places with wooden pricks , that they may come at the powder that lieth in the middle : then put cotton Match through , that when it flies in the Air so violently , they may preserve the fire . In another earthen Pot , melt Pine-Tree-Gum , Gun-powder and Brimstone , and dip in your Ball into that liquor , that it may be all over-cast with it . When you take it out , lift up your cotton Matches with a stick , and strew them with Gun-powder . This Ball will sorely punish the Enemies with a great noise , cracking and breaking asunder : the Fire cannot be put out : it will burn all kinde of Furniture , Garments and what else , till it be all consumed ; for it will burn Armour so mightily , that unless they be taken off , they will burn the man. CHAP. VI. Of Compositions with burning Waters . PHilosophers seeking the Reason of Waters that lie hid above and under the earth , and are always hot , they say , Bitumen is the cause thereof , which being once on fire , hath this property , that it will not only not be put out , but if you cast on water it will burn the more . The Mountain Chimaera burns always in Phaselis , both night and day . Gnidius Ctesias saith , The fire of it is kindled by water , and is put out with Earth or Hay . In the same Lycia , Vulcan's Mountains , touched with a burning Torch , will so burn , that the very stones and sand in Rivers are consumed by them , and will burn in the midst of the waters ; and that fire is maintained by water . The hollow Cave in Nymphaeum foreshews terrible things to the men Apollonia : as Theopompus writes ; it encreaseth by showres , and it casts forth Bitumen , that must be tempered with that Fountain that cannot be tasted , otherwise it is more weak then any Bitumen is . Now I shall search out the kindes of Bitumen . The first kinde is liquid , called Naphtha , we call it Oyl of Peter , which remains in stones and Ki●ram . This hath great affinity with Fire , and the fire will take hold of it every way at a great distance . So some say , That Medea burnt a whore , who , when she came to sacrifice at the Altar , the fire laid hold on her Garland . Another kinde is , that men call Maltha ; for in the City of Comagenes Samosata , there is a Lake sends forth burning mud : when any solid thing toucheth it , it will stick to it ; and being touch'd , it will follow him that runs from it . So they defended the Walls , when Lucullus besieged them , and the Soldier burned in his Armor . Waters do kindle it , and only Earth can quench it , as experience shews . Camphire is a kinde of it : as Bitumen , it draws fire to it and burns . Pissaphaltum is harder then Bitumen : both Amber and Jet are of this sort ; but these burn more gently , and not so much in the waters . Moreover , in regard it burns in the Water , it is Brimstone ; for no fatter thing is dug forth of the Earth . To maintain this fire , it self is sufficient : it neither burns in the waters , nor is it put out with water , nor doth it last long ; but , joyn'd with Bitumen , the fire will last always , as we see in the Phlegrean Mountains at Puteoli : and as fire , if Oyl be cast in , burns the more ; so when Bitumen is kindled , water cast on , makes the flame the greater . Wherefore I shall make use of those fires that burn in and above the waters . But I shall bring some examples how is made A Ball that will burn under Water . First prepare your Gun-Powder ; for this must be one Ingredient in all Compositions , and gives force to the rest to burn vehemently . If it be in great corns , pown it well , and seirce it fine : to seven parts of this , add two parts of Colophonia , three of Salt-Peter , one of Brimstone : pown them all together , and mingle them ; sprinkling on of Naphtha , or of liquid pitch Kitram ; moystning them so long , until the powder pressed in your hand will stay together . When these are well mingled , make trial by them : if it burn too vehemently , add more Colophonia , Salt-Peter and Brimstone ; but if but weakly , more Gun-powder . This mixture must be wrapt in straw or linen-rags , or put into coffins made of the same things ; and binde it as close as you can with straw , or little cords round about : then dip it into scalding pitch , and so let it dry : then wrap it again with straw , and smeer it over with pitch , to keep it safe from water , and that it may not break asunder by the violence of the fire . When it is well dried , and a little hole made in it , put in Gun-powder , and put fire to it : and when it begins to burn , stay but very little , and cast it into the water . It will by its weight fall to the bottom , and the flames will strive with the water , and drive them far from it : so it will appear to burn above , and is obscured with a black smoak , that you will think you see the sulphureous waters at Puteoli burning there . Being then made lighter by many turnings and windings , it will seem to ascend to the superficies of the water ; which is a most pleasant sight : for you will think that the water burns ; and you shall see two contrary Element fighting together , yet to unite friendly until the matter be spent . Others wrap in cloth nothing but Gun-powder a whole handful ; and this they binde in with cords : then they dip it in melted scalding pitch , and bound very fast , and wrapt in many linen rags ; they make a small hole through it , and they place this in the Centre of the Ball we even now spake of , that when it comes to the superficies of the water , the fire taking hold on the Powder within , breaks the Ball in pieces ; and with a mighty noise , wounds all those that stand neer it . Some make it Otherwise . They make a Composition of Brimstone , Colophonia , Salt-Peter , Vernish ; and to this they add a fourth part of Gun-powder ; and they add Venice-Turpentine-Rofin , Oyl of liquid Vernish , Petroleum , Linseed Oyl , and the best refined Aqua Vitae : with these they wet and sprinkle the dry Powders . I have seen this take fire more vehemently , and to cast the flames farther . To do The same , Take Mastick one part , Frankincense two , Grains of Vernish , Brimstone , Camphire , Gun-powder , of each three parts ; of Colophonia six , Salt-Peter refined nine : pown them all together , and fift them ; onely pown the Camphire mingled with the Salt ; for that onely will not be powdered : strew them all about upon an earthen dish with a large mouth , and sprinkle them with Naphtha , or Vernish , or Linseed Oyl , and mingle them with your hands . Take out part of the Powder , and put it into a hollow Cane , and try it , whether it will burn to your minde ; and if it burn too weak , put in more Gun-powder ; if too vehemently , more Colophonia : always trying if it be as it should be . For to these Compositions , we add the same things to blunt the vehement burning of the Salt-Peter and the Gun-powder . Then make Coffins of Canvas , like Balls , and fill them with your Composition , and stuff it in well , and binde them well with cords round about . Then melt Brimstone , and let there be in it one fourth part of Gun-powder : stir them together with a wooden stick , and lute the Ball over with that liquor , that it may be well fenced and crusted . Then with a wooden prick make a hole in it in the middle to the Centre , and fill that with powder ; and so put in fire , and it will burn under water : it may also be shot forth of brass Engines . I will shew you how to make Balls and Pots to be cast forth of Ships . The Ancients write , That Alexander the Great found out this Composition of Fires , to burn Bridges , Gates , Ships , and the like : but it will work now more vehemently , by reason of the Gun-powder added . Take Gun-powder , Salt-Peter , Brimstone , Pitch , Pine-Tree-Gum , Vernish in Grains , Frankincense , of each alike ; Camphire one half : beat all these , and mingle them . Then take Oyl of Peter , liquid Vernish , Rosinous Turpentine , equal parts ; and with these , being liquid , mingle all together , and fill Pots with them , to be cast among Ships and enemies : or , if you make a Ball of these , binde it hard about the head of a hammer , whose sharp-tooth'd end must be a foot long , and the handle three foot . If at a Sea-fight , any one with a light Boat strike this into a Ship of the enemies with one blow , he shall raise a mighty fire , that neither water nor any other thing will put out . CHAP. VII . How Balls are made of Metals that will cast forth fire and Iron wedges . I Shall shew you how to make brittle Balls of Metal , that being filled with Gun-powder , and all the places of vent stopt , with the violence of the flame will flie into many pieces , and strike through those they meet with , and on all sides they will pierce through those who are not onely unarmed but armed men ; and these are to be used in besieging of Cities : for cast amongst multitudes , they will wound abundance . The danger is seen among Herds of Cattle . Make then Balls that will cast pieces of Iron a great way off . Let a Ball of Metal be made a hand-breadth diameter , half a finger thick : the Metal is made of Brass three parts , Tin one part , to make it so brittle , that by force of fire it may flie in small pieces . To make the Ball more easily , make it of two half circles , for the charge is the less , and let them joyn together like a box , or let them screw one within another : let it be equally thick , that it may break in all parts alike . Then with a Nail drove through the middle , let it be fastened the better together , a finger thick , that it may break in all parts before it do in the joynts . Then make a little Pipe as big as a finger , and as long as ones hand , that it may come to the Centre of the Ball , and so stick forth beyond the Superficies , like a Pyramis , the Basis outward , the Point inward : sodder it fast to the Ball. The nail , as I said , must come forth on both sides ; and to this fasten wires , that runs through iron piles , that have a large hole through them , that every wire may have thirty of them ; that when the ball is broken by force of the fire , the wires of iron may break also , and the piles of iron may be thrown about , a great way , with such force , that they may seem to be shot forth Guns and Ordnance . Lastly , let the Ball be filled with the best Gunpowder onely , but the pipe with that mixture that burns more gently , that when fire is put to it , you may hold it so long in your hand , until that slow composition may come to the centre ; and then throw it amongst the enemies , for it will break in a thousand pieces ; and the iron wires and pieces of iron , and parts of the Ball will fly far , and strike so violently , that they will go into planks or a wall a hand depth : These are cast in by Souldiers , when Cities are besiged , for one may wound two hundred men : and then it is worse to wound then to kill them , as experience in wars shews . But when you will fill the pipes , hold one in your hand without a Ball , full of the composition , and try it how long it will burn , that you may learn to know the time to cast them , lest you kill your self and your friends . I shall teach you how with the same Balls Troops of Horsemen may be put into confusion . There are made some of these sorts of Balls , that are greater , about a foot in bigness , bound with the same wire , but fuller of iron piles , namely with a thousand of them . These are cast amongst Troops of Horsemen , or into Cities besieged , or into ships with slings , or iron guns , which they call Petrels ; and divers ways : for if they be armed with iron pieces , when they break they are cast forth so with the violence of the fire , that they will strike through armed men and horses , and so fright the horses with a huge noise , that they cannot be ruled by bridle nor spurs , but will break their ranks . They have four holes made through them , and they are filled with this said mixture , that being fired they may be cast amongst Troops of Horsemen ; and they will cast their flames so far with a noise and cracking , that the flames will seem like to thunder and lightning . CHAP. VIII . How in plain ground , and under waters , mines may be presently digged . TO dig Mines to overthrow Cities and Forts , there is required great cost , time , and pains , and they can hardly be made but the enemy will discover it : I shall shew how to make them in that champion ground , where both armies are to meet , with little labour , and in short time . To make Mines in plain grounds where the Armies are to meet . If you would do this in sight of the enemy ( for they know not what you do ) I shall first teach how . A little before night , or in the twilight , where the meeting shall be , or passage , or standing , there may pits be made of three foot depth , and the one pit may be distant from the other about ten foot : There fit your Balls about a foot in bigness , that you may fill the whole plain with them ; then dig trenches from one to the other , that through them cotton matches may pass well through earthen pipes , or hollow ca●es ; but fire the Balls at three or four places : then bury them , and make the ground even , leaving a space to give fire to them all at once . Then at the time of war , when the enemy stands upon the ground , then remove at your pleasure , or counterfeit that you fly from them ; and cast in fire at the open place , and the whole ground will presently burn with fire , and make a cruel and terrible slaughter amongst them ; for you shall see their limbs fly into the air , and others fall dead pierced through , burnt with the horrible flames thereof , that scarce one man shall scape . You shall make your Match thus : In a new Test let the best Aqua vitae boyl with gunpowder , till it grow thick , and be like pap ; put your matches into it , and role them in the mixture : take the Test from the fire , and strew on as much gunpowder as they will receive , and set them to dry in the Sun : put this into a hollow cane , and fill it full of gunpowder : or take one part refined salt-peter , brimstone half as much , and let it boyl in a new earthen pot , with oyl of linseed : put in your Match , and wet them well all over with that liquor , take them away and dry them in the Sun. But if you will make Mines under the Water , use this rare invention : You shall make your Mines where the enemies Galleys or Ships come to ride ; you shall upon a plain place fit many beams , or pieces of timber , fastned cross-wise , and thrust through , or like nets ; according to the quantity in the divisions , you shall make fit circles of wood , and fasten them , and fill them with gunpowder ; the beams must be made hollow , and be filled with match and powder , that you may set fire to the round circles : with great diligence and cunning , smeer over the circles and the beams with pitch , and cover them well with it , that the water may not enter , and the powder take wet ( for so your labour will be lost ) and you must leave a place to put fire in ; then sink your engine with weights to the bottom of the water , and cover it with stones , mud and weeds , a little before the enemy come . Let a Scout keep watch , that when their Ships or Galleys ride over the place , that the snare is laid ; for fire being put to it , the sea will part , and be cast up into the air , and drown'd the Ships , or will tear them in a thousand pieces , that there is nothing more wonderful to be seen or done . I have tried this in waters and ponds , and it performed more then I imagined it would . CHAP. IX . What things are good to extinguish the fire . I Have spoken of kindling fires , but now I shall shew how to quench them ; and by the way , what things obnoxious to the fire , will endure it and remain . But first I will relate what our Ancestours have left concerning this business . Vitruvious saith , That the Larch-tree-wood will not burn , or kindle by it self , but like a stone in the furnace , will make no coles , but burn very slowly . He saith the reason is , That there is in it very little air or fire , but much water and earth , and that it is very solid , and hath no pores that the fire can enter at . He relates how this is known , When Caesar commanded the Citizens about the Alps , to bring him in provision , those that were secure in a Castle of wood , refused to obey his commands : Caesar bade make bundles of wood , and to light torches , and lay these to the Castle : when the matter took fire , the flame flew exceeding high , and he supposed the Castle would have fallen down ; but when all was burnt , the Castle was not touched . Whence Pliny writes , The Larch-tree will neither burn to coles , nor is otherwise consumed by fire , then stones are . But this is most false : For seeing it is rosiny and oyly , it presently takes fire and burns ; and being one fired , is hard to put out . Wherefore I admire , that this error should spread so far , and that the Town Larignum , so called from the abundance of Larch-wood , compassed about with fire , should suffer no hurt . Moreover , I read that liquid Alom , as the Ancients report , will stand out against fire : For wood smeered with Alom , and Verdignease , whether they be posts or beams , so they have a crust made about them , will not burn with fire . A●●●●laus the General , for Mithridates made trial of it in a wooden Tower against 〈◊〉 , which he attempted in vain to set on fire : which I find observed by 〈◊〉 , in his Annals . But this liquid Alom is yet unknown to many learned men : our Alum wants this property . But many say , that vinegar prevails against fire . Plutarch saith , That nothing will sooner quench fire them vinegar : for of all things , it most puts out the flame , by its extreamity of cold . Poli●●●● reports , 〈◊〉 , when he was besieged by his enemies , poured out of brazen vessels , melted lead upon the engines , that were set to scale the place , and by this were the engines dissolved ; but the enemies poured vinegar upon it , and by that they quenched the lead , and all things else that fell from the walls : and so they found vinegar to be the fittest to quench fire , and an excellent experiment , if things be wet with it . Pliny prayseth the white of an egge to quench it , saying , that the white of an egge is so strong , that if wood be wet with it , it will not burn , nor yet any garment . Hieron , to cover scaling engines , used the raw hides of beasts new killed , as having force to resist fire ; and the joynts of wood they fenced with chalk , or with ashes tempered with blood , or clay molded with hair or straw , and with sea-weeds wet in vinegar ; for so they were safe from fire . Carchedonius was the first that taught men to cover engins and rams , with green hides . I have heard by men of credit , that when houses were on fire , by a peculiar property , the menstruons clothes of a woman that had her courses the first time , cast over the planks , would presently put out the fire . Thick and muscilaginous juyces are good against fire , as of Marsh-mallows . Therefore Albertus writ not very absurdly , that if a man anoint his hands with juyce of Marsh-mallows , the white of an egge and vinegar , with alom , He may handle fire without hurt . And it is a thing that hath much truth in it . But I think that quick-silver killed in vinegar , and the white of an egge , and smeered on , can preserve any thing from fire . CHAP. X. Of divers compositions for fire . I Shall speak of divers compositions for fire to be used for divers uses . But men say M. Gracchus was Author of this invention . To make a fiery composition , that the Sun may kindle . It consists of these things : Oyl of Rosinous Turpentine , of Quick-silver ( otherwise then I shewed in distilling ) of Juniper , of Naphtha , Linseed , Colophonia , Camphire ; let there be Pitch Salt-peter , and Ducks-grease , double to them all ; Aqua vitae refined from all flegm . Pound them all , and mingle them ; put them up in a glazed vessel , and let them ferment two moneths in horse-dung , always renewing the dung , and mingling them together . After the set time , put it into a retort , and distil it : thicken the liquor either with Pigeons-dung , finely sifted , or with gunpowder , that it may be like pap : Wood that is smeered over with this mixture , and set in the summer Sun , will fire of it self . Pigeons-dung easily takes fire by the Sun beams . Galen reports , That in Mysia , a part of Asia , a house was so set on fire . Pigeons-dung was cast forth , and touched a window that was neer ; as it came to touch the wood that was newly smeered with rosin , when it was corrupted , and grew hot , and vapoured at Midsummer , by heat of the Sun , it fired the rosin , and the window ; then other places smeered with Rosin , took fire , and by degrees part of the house began to take hold ; and when once the covering of the house began to flame , it soon laid hold of the whole house , because it hath a mighty force to inflame all . Ducks-grease is very prevalent in fire-works , and Physitians praise it extremely , that it is most subtile , penetrating and hot , it makes other things penetrate ; and as it is most subtile and hot , so it takes fire vehemently , and burns . I shall shew how to distil A most scalding Oyl . When I would prepare the most excellent compositions of burning oyl , I distilled common oyl in a retort , but with great labour ; yet what was distilled was thin , combustible , and ready to fire ; that once kindled , it was not to be put out ; and it would draw the flame at a great distance , and hardly let it go . But oyl of Linseed is stronger than it ; for if you distil it often , it will have such a wonderful force to take fire , that it can hardly be shut up in a vessel , but it will draw the fire to it ; and the glass being opened , it is so thin , that it will fly into the Air ; and if the light of a candle , or of fire touch it , the Air takes fire , and the oyl fired by it , will cast the flame afar off , so vehemently , that it is almost impossible to quench it . It must be distilled with great cunning , lest the vessel over-heat , it should take fire within . Moreover , Fire that is quenched with oyl , is kindled with water . It is thus made : I said that Naphtha will burn in water , and that Camphire is a kind of it . Wherefore , if you mingle brimstone with it , or other things , that will retain fire ; if you cast in oyl or mud , it will quench it ; but it revives and flames more , if you cast in water . Livy relates , That some old women in their plays , lighting Torches made of these things , passed over Tyber , that it seemed a miracle to the beholders . I said it was the property of Bitumen to take fire from water , and to be quenched with oyl . Dioscorides saith , That the Thracian stone is bred in a certain River of Scythia ; the name of it is Pontus : it hath the Force of Jet , they say it is enflamed by water , and quenched with oyl , like as Bitumen . Nicander speaks of this stone thus : If that the Thracian stone be burnt in fire , And wet with water , the flame will aspire ; But oyl will quench it . Thracian shepherds bring This stone from th' River Pontus , Poets sing . Torches that will not be put out by the winds . They are made with brimstone , for that is hardly put out , if once kindled . Wherefore Torches made with wax and brimstone , may be carried safely through winds and tempests . These are good for Armies to march by , or for other necessary things . Others use such : They boil the wick of the Torches in Salt-peter and water ; when it is dried , they wet them with brimstone and Aqua vitae : of this mixture then they make their Candles , with brimstone , and then with half Camphire , and Turpentine , two parts Colophonia , three of Wax ; of this they make four Candles , and put them together : in the middle that is empty , they cast in quick-brimstone , and they will forcibly resist all things . Or thus : Boil wicks of Hemp or Cotton in water , with Salt-peter ; take them out and dry them : then melt in a brass pot equal parts of brimstone , gunpowder , and wax ; when they are melted , put in your wicks to drink up part of the mixture ; take them out , and to what is left in the kettle , add Gunpowder , Brimstone , and Turpentine , of each a like quantity , of which mixture make your Torches , and joyn them together . Also there is made A cord that set on fire , shall neither smoke nor smell . When Souldiers or Hunters go secretly by day or night , they use sometimes to make a Match , that being lighted , will neither smell near hand , nor far off , nor make any smoke ; for wild Beasts , if the Match smell , will sent it , and run to the tops of the Mountains . Take a new earthen pot , and put into it a new cord so handsomely , that the whole pot may be filled ; so laid in rounds , that no more can go in ; cover it , and lute it well three or four times , that it may have no vent ; for the whole business depends on this . Then make a fire round about it , by degrees , that first it may grow hot , then very hot , and lastly red hot ; and if sometimes the smoke come forth , stop the chinks with clay still ; then heaped up under the coles , let it grew cold of it self ; and opening the Pot , you shall finde the Cord black , like a cole . Light this Cord , and it will neither smoke nor smell . CHAP. XI . Fire-compositions for Festival days . I Have shewed you Terrible and Monstrous fire-works , it is fit to shew you some to use at Solemn Times : not so much for use , as to give you occasion to find out higher matters . I shall shew then how to make one , That when a man comes into his Chamber , the whole Air way take fire . Take a great quantity of the best refined Aqua vitae , and put Camphire into it , cut small , for it will soon dissolve in it : when it is dissolved , shut the Windows and Chamber-doors , that the vapour that exhales , may not get forth : when the vessel is full with water , let it boil with coles , put under , without any flame , that all the water may resolve into smoke , and fill the Chamber , and it will be so thin , that you can scarce perceive it . Let some man enter into the Chamber with a lighted Candle in his hand , and the Air by the Candle light , will take fire all about , and the whole Chamber will be in a flame , like an Oven , and will much terrifie one that goes in . If you dissolve in the water a little Musk , or Amber-greese , after the flame you shall smell a curious sent . Also there is made Exceeding burning water : Thus : Take old strong black Wine , put into it quick Lime , Tartar , Salt , and quick-Brimstone ; draw out the water of them with a glass retort . This will burn exceedingly , and never cease till it be all consumed . If you put it into a vessel with a very large mouth , and put flame neer it , it will presently take fire : if when it is on fire you cast it against a wall , or by night out at the window , you shall see the Air full of sparks , and kindled with fires . It will burn , held in your hands , and yet will not scald you . Distil it once again , and it will burn the less . But if you take equal parts of quick Lime , and Salt , and shall mingle them with common Oyl , and make little Balls , and cast them into the belly of the retort at the neck , and then shall draw forth the Oyl by a vehement fire ; and mingling this Oyl again with Salt and quick Lime , shall distill them again , and shall do the same four times , an Oyl will come forth that will burn wonderfully , that some deservedly call it infernal Oyl . A Solemn Pleasant fire , is made for the Theater . If Camphire be dissolved in Aqua vitae , and with that Fillets , Papers , or Parchments , be smeered ; and being dried again , be lighted , and shall fall from a loft : as they fall lighted through the Air , you shall see Serpents with great delight . But if you dessire To cast flame a great way , Do thus : Beat Colophonia , Frankincense , or Amber finely , and hold them in the palm of your hand , and put a lighted Candle between your fingers ; and as you throw the Powder into the Air , let it pass through the flame of the Candle ; for the flame will fly up high . If you will have that Many Candles shall be lighted presently , on Festival Days , as I hear they are wont to do amongst the Turks : You shall boil Brimstone and Orpiment with Oyl , and in them let thred boil ; when it is dry , bind it to the wicks of Candles , and let them pass through ; for when one head is lighted , the flame will run to them all , and set them on fire . Some call it Hermes his Oyntment . Any man may Eating in the dark , cast sparkles out of his mouth . It is pleasant for the Spectators ; and it is thus : Let a man eat Sugar-candy , for as he breaks it with his teeth , sparkles will seem to fly out of his mouth ; as if one should rub a fire-brand . CHAP. XII . Of some Experiments of Fires . I Will set down some Experiments , that are without the ranks of the rest . I held it better to conceal them : but they may give you occasion to think on greater matters by them . If you will That Bullets from Brass Guns , may enter deeper , you may easily try this against a wall , or plank set up . Let the Ball rather go into the hollow of it , streight then wide : but wet it in Oyl , before you put it in , and so cast it in : this Bullet shot off by force of fire , will go in twice as far as otherwise . The reason is easie : for the Oyl takes away the occasion of the Airs breathing forth ; for all vents being stopt , the flames striving within , cast forth the Bullet with more violence , as we shall shew more at large . So also will the Bullets of Brass Guns penetrate with more force : and if you lard the Bullets , they will penetrate through Arms of proof . I can also by a cunning Artifice Shoot a man through with a Bullet , and no place shall be seen where it went in , or came forth . The minde of man is so cunning , that it hath invented a way to shoot a man quite through with a Bullet , and yet no mark of the Bullet shall appear , though all the inward parts be bruised and beaten through . Consider , that what things are heavy , are solid , and so subtile , that they will penetrate and leave no marks , where they entred or came out ; and they will do the same , though they be united , as if they were disjoynted ; and every part will act by it self alone , as it would do being united . I have said thus , to take away all occasions from ignorant and wicked people , to do mischief . I saw A Gun discharge often , and yet no more powder was put in . Famous Souldiers use this , not onely for Brass Cannon , but for small hand-Guns . It is thus : wrap a paper three or four times about the rammer that is put into the hollow mouth of the Gun , and drawing out the Gun-stick , fill that hollow place with Powder and Bullet ; here and there let the Bullets be stopt in , and glewed fast , that no scissure or vent may appear in the paper . First , let it be put into the Gun , but loosly , that the Powder put in above , may come to the vent-hole beneath : then put your measure of Powder in atop , and stamp in your Bullet , putting Gunpowder to the touch-hole ; and putting fire to it , the upper Ball shall be shot off with its Powder : presently thrust in a sharp instrument at the vent-hole , and make a hole in the Carteridge , and feed it with Powder , and put fire to it again ; and in short time it will discharge twice . I can Blind your eyes with the smoke . This may much profit , when enemies come to storm a City . But first we must consider the wind , that it may be on the backs of our men , and may carry the smoke into the faces of our enemies . Let there be measures made like lanthorns , so wide that they may go in at the mouths of the Brass Guns : fill them with Powder of Euphorbium , Pepper , quick Lime , Vine-ashes , and Arsnick sublimate ; and put them into the hollow of it , after the Gunpowder : for by force of the fire , will these paper-frames break ; and the smoke of the Powder , if it come at the eyes of the enemies , will so trouble them , that casting away their weapons , they can hardly save their eyes . CHAP. XIII . How it may be , that a Candle shall burn continually . BEfore we end this Book , I shall discover , whether it may be that a Candle once lighted , should never be put our ; which seems very contrary to the reason of the corruptible things of this world , and to be past belief . But let us see first whether the Antients ever attempted it , or did it . We read in the Roman Histories , that there was at Rome , in the Temple of the goddess Vesta ; and of Minerva , at Athens ; and of Apollo , at Delphi , a perpetual fire kindled . But this seems to be false ; for I remember that I have read in many Authors , that this perpetual fire was always kept so by the Vestal Nuns , that it should never go out : as we find it in Plutarch , in the Life of Numa ; and then in the time of the Civil War , and of Mithridates , it went out . At Delphi it was watched by widows , who took care , by always pouring in of Oyl , that it should never go forth : but this failed , when the Medes burnt that Temple . Of the same sort was that fire , God appointed by Moses in the Scriptures . The fire shall always burn upon mine Altar , which the Priest shall always keep lighted , putting under wood day by day . Wherefore , the fire was not perpetual in the Temples of the gods of the Gentiles . Yet I read that about the Town Ateste neer Padus , there was found an earthen Pitcher , in which there was another little Pitcher , and in that there was found a little light still burning , which by the hands of some ignorant fellows , pouring it rudely forth , was broken , and so the falme was put out . And in our time , about the year 600. in the stand Nesis that stands in Naples , there was a Marble Sepulchre of some Roman found , and that being opened , a Vial was found within it , in which there was a Candle : when this was broken , and it came to the light , it went out : it was shut in before the coming of our Saviour . Some others I have heard of , by report of my friends , that were found and seen with their eyes . Whence I collect this may be done , and was done by our Ancestors . Let us see if we can do the same . Some say that Oyl of Metals may last long , and almost perpetually . But this is false : for Oyl of Metals will not burn . Others say , Oyl of Juniper from the wood will last long , because the coles of that wood may be kept a whole year alive under ashes . But this is most false , because I kept a cole under ashes , and it would not last two , nor yet one day ; and the Oyl of the wood burns most vehemently , and is sooner wasted then common Oyl . Some boast they have drawn Oyl from the incombustible stone , thinking that flame cannot consume that : for a wick made thereof , will never be burnt ; and yet burns always , if you put Oyl always to it : But if that be true , that the wick is not consumed by fire , yet that follows not 〈…〉 And no man yet was ever seen to draw Oyl from the stone 〈◊〉 that would burn . Others think that Oyl drawn from common Salt , will last always ; for if you cast Salt into Oyl , it makes the Oyl in the Lamp last twice as long , and not be consumed , which I affirm to be true ; therefore if Oyl be distilled from it , it will burn always and never waste . Yet this follows not that Oyl drawn from Salt will burn continually ; and Oyl distilled from it will burn no more than a stone of Aqua fortis , that parts Gold and Silver , of which kind it is . But it is an ignorant thing to imagine , that an Oyl may be made that shall burn always , and never consume . Wherefore some other thing must be thought on . Some say ( and they do not think foolishly ) that fire in a Vial doth not always burn ; but in the Vial there is some composition laid up , that so soon as it comes to the Air , presently takes fire , and seems to burn onely at that time , yet it never burned before . This may be true : for as I often have laboured in Chymical matters , a glass well stopt , and forgot by me after the things were burnt in it ; and being so left for many moneths , I may say , many years : at last , being opened , hath been seen to flame , and burn , and smoke . What I had burnt I had forgot , but they might be the same things , that I heard of by my friend , that had the same chance : for when he had boil'd Litharge , Tartar , quick Lime , and Cinnaber in Vinegar , until it was all evaporated ; and then covering and luting the Vessel well , he set it into a vehement fire , and when it was enough , he set it by till it was cold : after some moneths , when he went to open it to see his work , a flame suddenly flew out of the Vessel , and set fire on some things , when as he thought of no such matter : and the same hath happened to many more . Moreover , when I boiled Linseed Oyl for the Press , when the flames took within , I covered the pot with clothes to put it out : after some time I opened the Vessel , the Oyl at the Air coming to it flamed again , and took fire . But experience is against this opinion : For who saw a Candle shut up close in a glass Vial , and to keep its flaming quality , and to give light ? For the Ancients thought that the souls of the dead did always rest in the grave , as the ashes do ; and that they might not lye in the dark , they endeavovred all they could to send out this light , that their souls might enjoy light continually . Therefore we must think on another experiment , and make trial of it . But this must be held for a rare and firm principle in Natures shop , that the cause of wonders is because there can be no vacuum ; and the frame of the work will sooner break asunder , and all things run to nothing , then there can be any such thing : Wherefore if a flame were shut up in a glass , and all vent-holes stopt close , if it could last one moment , it would last continually , and it were not possible for it to be put out . There are many wonders declared in this Book , and many more shall be set down , that have no other cause . But how the flame should be lighted within side , this is worth the while to know ; It must be a liquor or some subtile substance , and that will evaporate but little ; and if then it can be shut up in the glass , when the glass is shut it will last always : which may easily be performed by burning-glasses , fire , industry , and cunning . It cannot be extinguished , because the Air can come in nowhere to fill up the emptiness of the Vial : The Oyl is always turned into smoke , and this , being it cannot be dissolved into Air , it turns to Oyl , and kindleth again , and so it will always by course afford fuel for the light . You have heard the beginnings ; now search , labour , and make trial . THE THIRTEENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Of tempering Steel . THE PROEME . I Have taught you concering monstrous Fires ; and before I part from them , I shall treat of Iron Mines ; for Iron is wrought by Fire : not that I intend to handle the Art of it ; but onely to set down some of the choicest Secrets that are no less necessary for the use of men , in those things I have spoken of already , besides the things I spake of in my Chymical works . Of Iron there are made the best and the worst Instruments for the life of man , saith Pliny . For we use it for works of Husbandry and building of Houses ; and we use it for Wars and Slaughters : not onely hard by ; but to shoot with Arrows , and Darts , and Bullets , far off . For , that man might die the sooner , he hath made it swift , and hath put wings to Iron . I shall teach you the divers tempers of Iron , and how to make it soft and hard , that it shall not onely cut Iron and other the hardest substances , but shall engrave the hardest Porphyr and Marble Stones . In brief , the force of Iron conquers all things . CHAP. I. That Iron by mixture may be made harder . IT is apparent by most famous and well-known Experience ; that Iron will grow more hard by being tempered , and be made soft also . And when I had sought a long time whether it would grow soft or hard by hot , cold , moist or dry things ; I found that hot things would make it hard and soft , and so would cold and all the other qualities : wherefore somthing else must be thought on to hunt out the causes . I found that it will grow hard by its contraries , and soft by things that are friendly to it ; and so I came to Sympathy and Antipathy . The Ancients thought it was done by some Superstitious Worship , and that there was a Chain of Iron by the River Euphrates , that was called Zeugma , wherewith Alexander the Great had there bound the Bridge ; and that the links of it that were new made , were grown rusty , the other links not being so . Pliny and others think , That this proceeded from some different qualities ; it may be some juices or Minerals might run underneath , that left some qualities , whereby Iron might be made hard or soft . He saith . But the chief difference is in the water that it is oft plunged into when it is red hot . The pre-eminence of Iron that is so profitable , hath made some places famous here and there ; as Bilbilis and Turassio in Spain , Comum in Italy : yet are there no Iron Mynes there . But of all the kindes , the Seric Iron bears the Garland ; in the next place , the Parthian : nor are there any other kindes of Iron tempered of pure Steel : for the rest are mingled . Justine the Historian reports , That in Gallicia of Spain , the chiefest matter for Iron is found ; but the water there is more fortible then the Iron : for the tempering with that , makes the Iron more sharp ; and there is no weapon approved amongst them , that is not made of the River Bilbilis , or tempered with the water of Chalybes . And hence are those people that live neer this River called Chalybes ; and they are held to have the best Iron . Yet Strabo saith , That the Chalybes were people in Pontus neer the River Thermodon . Virgil speaks , And the naked Calybes Iron . Then , as Pliny saith , It is commonly made soft with Oyl , and hardened by Water . It is a custome to quench thin Bars of Iron in Oyl , that they may not grow brittle by being quenched in Water . Nothing hath put me forward more to seek higher matters , then this certain Experiment , That Iron may be made so weak and soft by Oyl , that it may be wrested and broken with ones hands : and by Water it may be made so hard and stubborn , that it will cut Iron like Lead . CHAP. II. How Iron will wax soft . I Shall first say how Iron may grow soft , and become tractable ; so that one may make Steel like Iron , and Iron soft as Lead . That which is hard , grows soft by fat things , as I said ; and without fat matter , by the fire onely , as Pliny affirm . Iron made red hot in the fire , unless you beat it hard , it corrupts : as if he should say , Steel grows soft of it self , if it be oft made red hot , and left to cool of it self in the fire : and so will Iron grow softer . I can do the same divers wayes . That Iron may grow soft , Anoynt Iron with Oyl , Wax , Asafoetida ; and lure it over with straw and dung , and dry it : then let it for one night be made red hot in burning coals . When it grows cold of it self , you shall finde it soft and tractable . Or , take Brimstone three parts , four parts of Potters Earth powdered : mingle these with Oyl to make it soft . Then cover the Iron in this well , and dry it , and bury it in burning coals ; and , as I said , you may use Tallow and Butter the same way . Iron wire red hot , if it cool alone , it will be so soft and ductible , that you may use them like Flax. There are also soft juices of Herbs , and fat , as Mallons , Bean-Pods , and such-like , that can soften Iron ; but they must be hot when the Iron is quenched , and Juices , not distilled Waters : for Iron will grow hard in all cold waters , and in liquid Oyl . CHAP. III. The temper of Iron must be used upon soft Irons . I Have said how Iron may be made softer , now I will shew the tempering of it , how it may be made to cut sharper . For the temper of it is divers for divers uses . For Iron requires several tempers , if it be to cut Bread , or Wood , or Stone , or Iron , that is of divers liquors ; and divers ways of firing it , and the time of quenching it in these Liquors : for on these doth the business depend . When the Iron is sparkling red hot , that it can be no hotter , that it twinkles , they call it Silver ; and then it must not be quenched , for it would be consumed . But if it be of a yellow or red colour , they call it Gold or Rose-colour : and then quenched in Liquors , it grows the harder ; this colour requires them to quench it . But observe , That if all the Iron be tempered , the colour must be blew or Violet colour , as the edge of a Sword , Rasor or Lancet : for in these the temper will be lost if they are made hot again . Then you must observe the second colours ; namely , when the Iron is quenched , and so plunged in , grows hard . The last is Ash colour : and after this if it be quenched , it will be the least of all made hard . For example : The temper of a Knife to cut Bread. I have seen many ingenious men that laboured for this temper , who , having Knives fit to cut all hard substances , yet they could scarce fall upon a temper to cut Bread for the Table . I fulfilled their desire with such a temper . Wherefore to cut Bread , let the Steel be softly tempered thus : Heat gently Steel , that when it s broken seems to be made of very small grains ; and let it be excellent well purged from Iron : then strike it with a Hammer to make a Knife of it : then work it with the File , and frame it like a Knife , and polish it with the Wheel : then put it into the Fire , till it appear Violet-colour . Rub it over with Sope , that it may have a better colour from the Fire : then take it from the Fire , and anoynt the edge of it with a Linen-cloth dipt in Oyl of O●ives , until it grow cold ; so you shall soften the hardness of the Steel by the gentleness of the Oyl , and a moderate heat . Not much differs from this , The temper of Iron for Wood. Something harder temper is fit to cut wood ; but it must be gentle also : therefore let your Iron come to the same Violet-colour , and then plunge it into waters : take it out ; and when it appears Ash-colour , cast it into cold water . Nor is there much difference in The temper for Instruments to let blood . It is quenched in Oyl , and grows hard ; because it is tender and subtile : for should it be quenched in water , it would be wrested and broken . The temper of Iron for a Sythe . After that the Iron is made into a Sythe , let it grow hot to the colour of Gold , and then quench it in Oyl , or smeer it with Tallow , because it is subtile Iron ; and should it be quenched in waters , it would either crumble or be wrested . CHAP. IV. How for all mixtures , Iron may be tempered most hard . NOw I will shew some ways whereby Iron may be made extream hard : for that Iron that must be used for an Instrument to hammer , and polish , and fit other Iron , must be much harder then that . The temper of Iron for Files . It must be made of the best Steel , and excellently tempered , that it may polish , and fit other Iron as it should be : Take Ox hoofs , and put them into an Oven to dry , that they may be powdered fine : mingle well one part of this with as much common Salt , bearen Glass , and ●himney-foot , and beat them together , and lay them up for your use in a wooden Vessel hanging in the smoak ; for the Salt will melt with any moisture of the place or Air. The powder being prepared , make your Iron like to a file : then cut it chequerwise , and crosswayes , with a sharp edged tool : having made the Iron tender and soft , as I said , then make an Iron chest fit to lay up your files in , and put them into it strewing on the powders by course , that they may be covered all over : then put on the cover , and lute well the chinks with clay and raw , that the smoak of the powder may not breath out ; and then lay a heap of burning coals all over it , that it may be red-hot about an hour : when you think the powder to be burnt and consumed , take the chest out from the coals with Iron pinchers , and plunge the files into very cold water , and so they will become extream hard . This is the usual temper for files : for we fear not if the files should be wrested by cold waters . But I shall teach you to temper them excellently Another way . Take the pith out of Goats horns , and dry it , and powder it : then lay your files in a little Chest strewed over with this Powder , and do as you did before . Yet observe this , That two files supernumerary must be laid in , so that you may take them forth at pleasure : and when you think the Chest , covered with burning coals , hath taken in the force of the Powder , take out one of the supernumerary Files , and temper it , and break it ; and if you finde it to be very finely grain'd within , and to be pure Steel , according to your desire , take the Chest from the fire , and temper them all the same way : or else , if it be not to your minde , let them stay in longer ; and resting a little while , take out the out the other supernumerary File , and try it , till you have found it perfect . So we may Temper Knives to be most hard . Take a new Ox hoof , heat it , and strike it with a Hammer on the side ; for the pith will come forth : dry it in an Oven ; and , as I said , put it into a pot , alwayes putting in two supernumeraries , that may be taken forth , to try if they be come to be pure Steel ; and doing the same as before , they will be most hard . I will shew How an Habergeon or Coat of Arms is to be tempered . Take soft Iron Armour of small price , and put it into a pot , strewing upon it the Powders abovesaid ; cover it , and lute it over , that it have no vent , and make a good Fire about it : then at the time fit , take the Pot with iron pinchers ; and striking the Pot with a Hammer , quench the whole Herness , red hot , in the foresaid water : for so it becomes most hard , that it will easily resist the strokes of Poniards . The quantity of the Powder is , that if the Harness be ten or twelve pounds weight , lay on two pounds and a half of Powder , that the Powder may stick all over : wet the Armour in water , and rowl it in the Powder , and lay it in the pot by courses . But , because it is most hard , lest the rings of a Coat of Male should be broken , and flie in pieces , there must be strength added to the hardness . Workmen call it a Return . Taking it out of the Water , shake it up and down in Vinegar , that it may be polished , and the colour be made perspicuous : then make red hot a plate of Iron , and lay part of the Coat of Male , or all of it upon the same : when it shews an Ash-colour , workmen call it Berotinum : cast it again into the water , and that hardness abated ; and will it yield to the stroke more easily : so of a base Coat of Male , you shall have one that will resist all blows . By the mixture of Sharp things , iron is made hard and brittle ; but unless strengh be added , it will flie in pieces with every blow : therefore it is needful to learn perfectly how to add strength to it . CHAP. V. Liquors that will temper Iron to be exceeding hard . I Said that by Antipathy Iron is hardened , and softened by Sympathy : it delights in fat things , and the pores are opened by it , and it grows soft : but on the contrary , astringent things , and cold , that shut up the pores , by a contrary quality , make it extreme hard ; they seem therefore to do it : yet we must not omit such things as do it by their property . If you would have A Saw tempered to saw Iron , Make your Saw of the best Steel , and arm it well that it be not wrested by extinguishing it . Then make a wooden Pipe as long as the Iron of the Saw , that may contain a liquor made of Water , Alon , and Piss ; Plunge in the red hot Iron , and take it out , and observe the colours : when it comes to be violet , put all into the liquor , till it grow cold . Yet I will not conceal , that it may be done by a Brass wire bent like a bow , and with Powder of Emril and Oyl : for you shall cut Iron like Wood. Also , there are tempered Fish-hooks to become extream hard . The Hook serves for a part to catch Fish ; for it must be small and strong : if it be great , the Fish will see it , and will not swallow it ; if it be too small , it will break with great weight and motion ; if it be soft , it will be made straight , and the Fish will get off . Wherefore , that they may be str●ng , small and not to be bended in the mouth ; you shall thus temper them : Of Mowers Sythes make wire , or of the best Steel , and make Hooks thereof , small and fine : heat them not red-hot in the Fire ; for that will devour them : but lay them on a plate of red hot Iron . When they grow red , cast them into the water : when they are cold , take them out and dry them . Then make the plate of Iron hot again , and lay on the Hooks the second time ; and when an Ash colour , or that they commonly call Berotinus , appears , plunge them into the water again , that they may be strong : for else they would be brittle . So you may make Culters extream hard . Albertus , from whom others have it , saith , That Iron is made more strong , if it be tempered with juice of Radish , and Water of Earth-worms , three or four times . But I , when I had often tempered it with juice of Radish , and Horse-Radish , and Worms , I found it alwayes softer , till it became like Lead : and it was false , as the rest of his Receits are . But thus shall you make Steel extream hard , that with that onely , and no other mixture , you may make Culters very hard : Divide the Steel into very small pieces like Dice , and let them touch one the other , binding Iron wires over them , fastning all with an Iron wire : put them into the Fire till they grow red hot , and sparkle , at least fifteen times , and wrap them in these powders that are made of black Borax one part , Oyster-shells , Cuttle-bones , of each two parts : then strike them with a Hammer , that they may all unite together , and make Culters , or Knives , or what you will : for they will be extream hard . For this is the most excellent sort of Steel , that onely tempered with waters , is made most hard . There is another , but not so good ; and unless it be well tempered , it alwayes grows worse . It is this : To temper a Graver to cut Marble . Make your Graver of the best Steel , let it be red hot in the Fire , till it be red or Rose coloured ; dip it into water , then take it away , and observe the second colour . When it is yellow as Gold , cast it into the water . So almost is A Tool made to cut Iron . When the same red Rose colour appears , plunge it into the water , or some sharp liquor that we shall shew ; and you must observe the second yellow colour , or wheat colour , and then cast it into the water . These are the best Tempers for Swords . Swords must be tough , lest whilst we should make a thrust , they should break ; also , they must have a sharp edge , that when we cut , they may cut off what we cut . The way is thus : Temper the body of it with Oyl and Butter , to make it tough ; and temper the edge with sharp things , that they may be strong to cut : and this is done , either with wooden Pipes , or woollen Cloths , wet with Liquor : use it wittily and cunningly . CHAP. VI. Of the temper of a Tool shall cut a Porphyr Marble Stone . OUr Ancestors knew well to temper their Tools , wherewith they could easily cut a Porphyr Stone , as infinite Works testifie that were left to us : but the way was shewed by none , and is wholly concealed ; which is a mighty disgrace to our times , when we neglect such rare and useful Inventions , and make no account of them . That we might be freed from this dishonour , with great care , and pains , and cost , I made trial of all things came to my hand , or I could think of , by divers wayes and experiments , that I might attain unto it : at last , by Gods great blessing , I found a far greater passage for to come to these things , and what exceeds this . And I will not be grieved to relate what I found out by chance , whilst I made trial of these things . The business consi●ed in these difficulties . If the temper of the Graver was too strong and stubborn , with the vehement blow of the Hammer it flew in piece : but if it was soft , it bowed , and would not touch the stone : wherefore it was to be most strong and tough , that it might neither yield to the stroke , nor flie asunder . Moreover , the juice or water the Iron must be tempered in , mu● be cleer and pure : for if it be troubled , the colours coming from heat could not be discerned : and so the time to plunge the Tools in would not be known , on which the whole Art depends . So then , cleer and purified juices will shew the time of the temper . The colours must be chiefly regarded : for they shew the time to plunge it in and take it out ; and because that the Iron must be made most hard and tough , therefore the colour must be a middle colour between silver and gold : and when this colour is come , plunge the whole edge of the Tool into the liquor , and after a little time , take it out ; and when it appears a Violet-colour , dip it into the liquor again , lest the heat , yet remaining in the Tool , may again spoil the temper : yet this we must chiefly regard , that the liquors into which the Iron is plunged , be extream cold ; for if they be hot , they will work the less : and you must never dip an Iron into water , that other Iron hath been dipt in before ; for when it is grown hot , it will do nothing : but dip it into some other that is fresh and cold ; and let this in the mean time , swim in some glazed Vessel of cold water , that it may soon grow cold , and you shall have it most cold for your work . Yet these are The hardest tempers of Iron . If you quench red-hot Iron in distilled Vinegar , it will grow hard . The same will happen , if you do it into distilled Urine , by reason of the Salt it contains in it . If you temper it with dew , that in the month of May is found on Verches Leaves , it will grow most hard . For what is collected above them , is salt ; as I taught elsewhere out of Theophrastus . Vinegar , in which Salt Ammoniac is dissolved , will make a most strong temper : but if you temper Iron with Salt of Urine and Salt-Peter dissolved in water , it will be very hard ; or if you powder Salt-Peter and Salt Ammoniac , and shut them up in a Glass Vessel with a long neck , in dung , or moist places , till they resolve into water , and quench the red-hot Iron in the water , you shall do better . Also , Iron dipped into a liquor of quick Lime , and the Salt of Soda purified with a Spunge , will become extream hard . All these are excellent things , and will do the work : yet I shall shew you some that are far better . To temper Iron to cut Porphyr Marble . Take the fugitive servant , once received , and then exalted again , and shut it in a glazed Vessel , till it consume in Fire or water ; so the Iron Tool will grow hard , that you may easily have your desire : but if it be too hard , that it be too brittle , add more liquor , or else more Metal : yet take care of this alone , whilst you have found the measure of your work : for the Iron will grow strong and tough . The same also will be happily performed by the foul moysture of the Serpent Python , and by the wasting thereof : for the salt gives force , and the fat roughness . And these are the best and choicest that I have tried in this kinde . CHAP. VII . How to grave a Porphyr Marble without an Iron tool . SOme have attempted to do this without any Graver , but with strong and forcible water ; and this Argument moved them to it : When they saw Vinegar and sharp juices to swell into bubbles , being cast upon Marble , and to corrode it , they supposed that if they should draw very strong sharp liquor from sharp and corroding things , they might do the same work without labour . At last , thus they did it : Take a little Mercury sublimate , and a little Salt Ammoniac , distil these as I shewed in Glass Stills : then take a little Verdigrease , Tin calcined , and of the fire-stone , powder all these with Sal Gemmae , and common Salt , and Salt Ammoniac , and distil them , and pour the distilled liquor again upon the Foeces , and distil it again , and do it again the third time : then keep the liquor in a Vessel well stopt . When you go about your work , smeer the Porphyr Marble with Goats suet , onely touch not those parts you mean to have engraved : you must make a ledge about it , that when you pour on your water , it may not run off here and there ; and the liquor poured on will eat most strongly : when it ceaseth to eat , cast it away , and pour on fresh ; and do this so often , till you have graved it so much as you please , and you have done . CHAP. VIII . How Iron may be made hot in the fire to be made tractable for works . MAny seek most diligently , how by a secret Art Iron may be so tempered , that it may neither break , not be shot through with Guns . But these men do not take care of what they have before them , and seek for what they have not ; for would they consider whilst the Iron heats , the thing they seek for so eargerly , is before their eyes . I say therefore , That the reason why Swords break and flie in pieces , and brests of Iron are shot through with Guns , is , because there are flaws in the Iron , and it cleaves in divers places , and the parts are ill united ; and because these clefts are scarce visible : this is the cause that when they are bended or stricken they break : for if you mark well , whenever Knives or Swords break in pieces , you shall alwayes finde these craks and flames , and the solid parts are not broken ; and being bended , resist . But when I sought for the cause of these flaws , I found at last , that in Smiths Shops , where Iron is made hot , they heap up coals over the Iron , and the refuse of coals ; saying , The Iron will not heat so easily , if some rubbish of the coals and dust be not heaped over it : and with this trumpery-cust , there are always mingled small stones , chalk , and other things gathered together in pieces ; which , when they meet in the fire , they cause many knots outwardly , or cavities in wardly , and cracks , that the parts cannot well fasten together . Whence , though the business be trivial and of small regard , yet this is the cause of so great inconveniences that follow . Wherefore , to avoid this impediment , I thought on this course to be taken : I cast my coals into a wooden bowl full of water : for they will swim on the top , ( but the filth and bricks will fall to the bottom ) those that swim , I take out and dry them ; and those I use for my works . What a blessing of God this profitable Invention is ! for thus men make Swords , Knives , Bucklers , Coats of Male , and all sorts of Armour so perfect , that it were long and tedious to relate : for I have seen Iron brests , that scarce weighed above twelve pound , to be Musket-proof . And if we should add the temper to them , they would come to far greater effects . CHAP. IX . How Damask Knives may be made . NOw whilst I set down these Operations very pleasant , namely , how Damask Knives may be made to recover their marks that are worn out , and how the same marks may be made upon other Knives . If then we would Renew the waved marks of Damask Knives that are worn out , polish a Poniard , Sword or Knite , very well with Powder of Emril and Oyl , and then cleanse it with Chalk , that no part may be dark , but that it may glister all over : then wet it all with juice of Lemmons mingled with Tanners water , that is made with Vitriol : for when it is dry , the marks will all be seen in their places , and wave as they did before . And if you will Make marks with Damask Knives , And that so acurately , that you can scarce know them from Damask Knives : Polish a Knife very well , as I said , and scowre it with Chalk : then stir with your hands , Chalk mingled with water ; and touching it with your fingers , rub the edge of the Sword that was polished , and you shall make marks as you please : when you have done , dry them at the fire or Sun : then you must have a water ready wherein Vitriol is dissolved , and smeer that upon it : for when the Chalk is gone , it will dye it with a black colour . After a little stay , wet it in water , and wash it off : where the Chalk was , there will be no stain ; and you will be glad to see the success . You may with Chalk make the waving Lines running up and down . If any one desires To draw forth Damask Steel for work , You may do it thus : for without Art it is not to be done . Too much heat makes it crumble , and cold is stubborn : but by Art , of broken Swords Knives may be made very handsomely ; and Wheels and Tables , that Silver and Gold wire are drawn through , and made even by , to be used for weaving : Put it gently to the fire , that it may grow hot to a Golden colour ; but put under the fire for ashes , Gip calcined , and wet with water : for without Glp , when you hammer it , it will swell into bubbles , and will flie and come to be dross and refuse . CHAP. X. How polished Iron may be preserved from rust . IT is so profitable to preserve Iron from rust , that many have laboured how to do it with ease . Pliny saith , That Iron is preserved from rust , by Ceruss , Gip , and liquid Pitch . But he shews not how Ceruss may be made : Yet those that know how to make Oyl of Ceruss without Vinegar , Iron being smeered therewith , is easily preserved from rust . Some anoynt the Iron with Deers suet , and so keep it free from rust ; but I use the fat substance in the Hoofs of Oxen. THE FOURTEENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : I shall shew some choice things in the Art of Cookery . THE PROEME . THe Cooks Art hath some choice Secrets , that may make Banquets more dainty and full of admiration : These I purpose to reveal , not that so I might invite Gluttons and Parasites to Luxury , but that with small cost and expence , I might set forth the curiosities of Art , and may give occasion to others thereby to invent greater matters by these . The Art consists about eating and drinking . I shall first speak of Meats , then of Drinks ; and by the way I shall not omit some merry pass-times , that I may recreate the Guests , not onely with Banquets , but also with Mirth and Delights . CHAP. I. How Flesh may be made tender . I Shall begin with Flesh , and shew hot it may be made tender , that Gluttons much desire . I shall do it divers ways ; Some that proceed from the kind of their death ; others from the secret properties of things : and they will grow so tender , that they will almost resolve into broth . Then how whilest the creatures are yet alive , they may be made tender . For example : How to make Sheeps flesh tender . The Flesh of creatures killed by their enemies , especially such as they hate and fear , will be very tender . Zoroaster in his Geoponicks saith , that Sheep killed by Wolves , and bitten , their flesh will be more tender , and so the sweeter . Plutarch in Symposiacis gives the cause of it . Sheeps Flesh , he saith , bitten by a Wolf becomes the sweeter , because the Wolfe by biting , makes the Flesh more flaggy and tender . For the breath of the Wolfe is so hot , that the hardest bones will consume in his stomach , and melt ; and for this cause , those things will the sooner corrupt , that the Wolfe bites . And both Hunters and Cooks can testifie , that creatures killed divers ways , are diversly affected . Some of these are killed at one blow , that with one stroke they lye for dead : yet others are hardly killed at many blows . And which is more wonderful , some by a wound given with the Iron weapon , have imprinted such a quality upon the creature , that it presently corrupted , and would not keep sweet one day ; and others have killed them as suddenly , yet no such quality remain'd in the flesh that was killed , and it would last some time . Moreover , that a certain vertue , when creatures are slain or dye , comes forth to their skins , and hair , and nails , Homer was not ignorant of , who writing of skins and thongs ; A thong saith he of an ox slain by force , for the skins of those creatures are tougher and stronger , when they dy not by old age or of diseases , but are slain . On the contrary , such as dye by the bitings of Beasts , their hoofs will grow black , and their hairs fall off , and their skins will wither and flag . Thus far Plutarch . But I think these things are false ; for how should Sheeps flesh grow tender by the Wolfes breath , I understand it not : For other creatures that are killed by their enemies , and flesh of a contrary nature doth also grow tender , where there are no hot vapours . But I think that the absence of blood , makes the flesh tender , for these reasons . Quails and Pheasants killed by Hawks , are very tender , but their hearts are found full of blood , and hard within them . Deer and Bores , killed by Dogs , are more tender ; but harder if by Guns : and about , the heart the parts are so hard , that they can scarce be boiled . Fear of death drives the blood to the heart ; the other parts are bloodless , as shall appear by the following experiments . As How Geese , Ducks , Pheasants , Quails , and other Birds become most tender . This is easily done , if we hunt them and fly Hawks , and other birds of prey , at them ; for whilst they fight , they strive to be gone , and they are sometime held in the Falcons Tallents , and are wounded with divers strokes ; and this makes them so tender that it is wonderful : Wherefore , when we would eat crammed Birds , we should purposely fly a Hawk at them , and being killed by them , should grow more tender to be desired . So That Ox-flesh may grow tender , especially of old Oxen ; for they are dry and hard , and will not easily boil . The Butchers set hounds at them , and let them prey upon them , and they will for some hours defend themselves with their horns : at last , being overcome by multitudes of Dogs , they fall with their ears torn , and bit in their skin ; these brought into the shambles , and cut out , are more tender than ordinary . Some of them fighting openly with Bears , and sometimes kill'd by them , if any of the body be left , it will be so tender that it will melt in a mans mouth . We may do the same , if we keep creatures sometime in fear of death , and the longer you keep them so , the tender they will be . For To make Hens tender , we fright them off from high Towers ; so we do Turkies , Peacocks : and when they cannot fly away by the weight of their bodies , for fear of death , with great pains and shaking of their wings , they fall down , that they may take no hurt by falling . Those that are so killed with fear of death , grow very tender . So old Pigeons that by chance had fallen into deep pits , when they had long laboured , struggling with their fluttering wings above the waters to save themselves from drowning , with strugling and fear of death they grew very tender ; and by this accident we have learned , that when we would have them very tender , we purposely drive them in . Horace in Serm , saith almost the same . How a Cock may grow tender , if you must suddenly set him before your friends , and cannot help it . If that a guest do come by chance at night , and if the cock be tough , not fit to eat , drown'd him alive in Muscadel out right , and he will soon come to be tender meat . We use to hang up Turkies alives by the bills , at the sadle-bow , when we ride ; and these being thus rack't and tossed with great pains , at the journeys end you shall find them dead , and very tender . CHAP. II. How flesh may grow tender by secret propriety . SOme things there are , that by secret propriety make flesh tender . I shall record two prodigious miracles of Nature . One , that hung on a fig-tree , Cocks flesh grows tender , and so short , that it is wonderful : Another , that wild Cocks bound to a fig-tree , will grow tame , and stand immoveable . Plutarch in his Symposiacks , gives the reason , why the Sacrifices of Cooks hung to a Fig-tree did presently grow tender and short , when the Cook of Aristian , amongst other meats , offered to Hercules a tender dunghil-Cock , newly slain , that was extream short : Aristio gives the reason of this tenderness to be the Fig-tree ; and he maintaned , that these killed , though they be hard , will grow tender , if they be hanged up on a Fig-tree . It is certain , as we may judge by sight , that the Fig-tree sends forth a vehement and strong vapour . This also confirms that which is commonly spoken of Bulls , that the fiercest of them bound to a Fig-tree , will grow tame presently , and will endure to be touched with your hand , and to bear the yoke ; and they puff out all their anger , and lay aside their courage that thus fails them : for so forcible is the acrimony of the vapour of that Tree , that though the Bull rage never so much , yet this will tame him . For the Fig-tree is more full of Milky juice , then other Trees are ; so that the Wood , Boughs , Figs , are almost all full of it : wherefore , when it is burnt , the smoke it sends forth , doth bite and tear one very much ; and a lixivium made of them burnt , is very detergent , and cleansing : also Cheese is curdled with Fig-tree milk , that comes forth of the Tree , if you cut the green bark . Some would have the heat to be the cause , that the Milk curds , by the juice of the Fig-tree cast in , which melts the watry substance of the humour ; wherefore the Fig-tree sends forth a hot and sharp vapour , and that is digesting , and dries and concocts the flesh of Birds , so that they grow tender . So Ox flesh may be made tender , If you put the stalks of wilde Fig-trees into the pot , wherein Ox flesh is boil'd , they will be boil'd much the sooner , by reason of the wood . Pliny . I gave you the reason of it before from Antipathy . The Egyptians alluding to this , when they would describe a man that was punished to the height , they painted a Bull tied to a wilde Fig-tree : For when he rores , if he be bound to a wilde Fig-tree , he will presently grow tame . If we will have Pulse grow tender , because I see that there is great antipathy between Pulse and Choke fitch , that destroys and strangles them . Some call this Lions Herbe : for as a Lion doth with great rage and furiously kill Cattle and Sheep , so doth choke fitch all Pulse : wherefore this Herbe put to Pulse , when they boil , will make them boil the sooner . But To make meats boil the sooner , All kinds of Docks , though they be dry and juiceless , will do it , that all flesh will grow tender , and become fit to eat . Wherefore the Antients always fed on it , that it might digest the meat in their stomacks , and loose their bellies . Also the root of wilde Nettles boil'd with flesh , will make them tender . Pliny . CHAP. III. How Flesh may be made tender otherwise . THere be other ways to make flesh tender : First , if flesh killed be hung in the open Air , for they will grow tender , as beginning to corrupt , but they must not stay there so long till they corrupt indeed . Wherefore you must know their quality , which will keep longest , and which not . For example Peacocks , Partridge , Pheasants to be made tender . Isaac saith , That a Peacock killed will be kept two days , and three in winter , that the hard flesh of it may grow soft . Haliabas hangs them up three days , hanging stones to their feet . Savanrola hangs them up ten days without weights . Simeon Sethi saith , That Patridge newly killed are not to be eat , but after a day or two , that they may lose their hardness . Pheasants in Summer hung up two days , and three days in winter , after they are killed , will be fit meat . Arnoleus . And to avoid tediousness , the same must be done with other flesh . The like That Birds may grow tender . If you hang those in Moon-light , that were killed in the night , they will grow more tender by boiling : For the Moon hath great vertue to make flesh tender , for it is but a kind of corruption . Therefore wood , cut by Moon-light , will sooner grow rotten , and fruit sooner grow ripe . Daphnis the Physitian in Athenaus . CHAP. IV. How Shell-creatures may grow more tender . BEfore I end to speak of ways to make flesh more tender ; It will not be amiss to make Crabs tender , and by another way then I shew'd before . How we may make Crab-fish tender shel'd . At Rome they do so , and it becomes pleasant and excellent meat for Noble mens Tables . I speak of those Crabs bred in fresh waters : For at Venice I have eaten them that bred naturally tender in salt-waters ; they call them commonly Mollecas : but they are not so sweet , as they are made at Rome ; and they ask a Julius apiece . The way is , in the Moneths of June , July , August , and September , the Crabs use to cast their shels , and put off their old coat ; at that time fisher-men search about the banks of Rivers , where they find their holes and caves half stopt , and by that they know the time is come to cast their shells ; for the more their shells grow tender , the more they shut up their holes . They grow tender first about the feet , and by degrees it ascends over their whole bodies . When they have taken them , they bring them home , and put them every one in several earthen pots ; and they put in water , that it may cover half their bodies , and so they let them remain eight or ten days , changing the water every day , and their shells will grow more tender every day . When it is all soft , that it is transparent as Crystal , they fry them with butter and milk , and bring them to the Table . So Squils grow tender . We must do as we did to Crabs , for they cast their shells as Crabs do : and Nature did this for some end ; for when their shells are grown too thick and weighty , they can scarce crawl ; wherefore by the excrements that go into it , that are consumed to make a new shell within , the former that was made is broken , and falls off . CHAP. V. That living Creatures may be made more fat and well tasted . I Shall endeavour to shew how living Creatures may be made more fat and well tasted , that we may set more favory meats before our guests . The Antients were not negligent in this matter : Wherefore you shall find many ways , not onely amongst Cooks , but such as write concerning Husbandry . Liccorish Gluttons found out the ways to fat Cattle , that they might feed on them more plentifully and daintily . Hence they called them cram'd , because they were full fed , and had gross bellies . Those were called Bird pens , where they fatted all sorts of Birds . M. Lelius Strabo , was the first that appointed this ; and he appointed Crammers to take care of them , and ordered how much every crammed bird should eat . They will fat better in winter than in summer , because Birds at that time of the year are best , being not so much wasted with yong ; and Cocks will fat better then Hens , and such as never trod nor made eggs . In summer , when it is at an end , and the sowre Grapes hang yet upon the Vines , they are at the best . I shall therefore teach How Hens and other Birds must be crammed . Choose a place that is hot and obscure ; shut them all up apart , and so close in their pens , that they cannot come together , nor turn ; and make two holes ; one for their heads to put forth , and the other for their tails , that they may both at their meat and shite it out again when it is digested . Lay soft hay under them ; for if they lye hard , they will never fat . Pull off all the feathers from their heads , thighs , and 〈◊〉 under their wings , there , that it may breed no lice ; here , that the dung corrupt it not . For meat , give them gobbets of Barley-Meal , made up with water ; at the first for some time , more sparingly , then after give them as much as they can digest ; and you must give them no new meat , till you feel their c●ops that all the old is digested . When the Bird is full , let him go a while , not to wander abroad ; but if there be any thing that urgeth him , he may pick it off with his bill . Let him not be set to fatting before five , or after twenty Moneths old . Yong Pigeons or Chickens , will fat better with their dams , if you pull off a few of their feathers , and bruise their legs , that they may stay in their places ; and if you give meat plentifully to their dams , that they may feed themselves , and their yong ones sufficiently . Turtles are best fatted in summer : give them nothing but meat , especially Millet-seed , for they much delight to eat that ; but Geese in winter : They must be put up to fat four Moneths , you need give them nothing else but Barley-Meal , and Wheat-meal three times a day ; so that you give them water enough to drink , and no liberty to walk about ; thus they will fat in two Moneths . But tender Pullers will not be made fat in forty days . Ducks will grow fat with all nutriment , if it be abundance ; especially with Wheat , Millet-seed , Barley , and with Water-squils , Locusts , and Creatures found in Lakes . Columella . Pheasants , Partidges , Heath-cocks , and Turky-hens , will fat being shut up ; and the first day they eat meat , the next set them water or good strong wine to drink : Let their meat be raw Barley-Meal , made up with water , giving them it by degrees ; or else broken and ground Beans and Barley sod with water , and whole Millet-seed , Linseed boil'd and dry , mingled with Barley-meal : to these you may add Oyl , and make gobbets of them , and give them to eat to the full , and they will grow fat at longest in sixty days . Now I shall shew how Four-footed Beasts are fatted . The Sow will soonest fat , for in sixty days she will be far . First kept hungry three days , as all the rest must be . She grows fat with Barley , Millet , Acorns , Figs , Pears , Cucumbers ; rest , and not wandring . But Sows will grow fatter by wallowing in the mire . Figs and Chick-peason , will fat them soonest ; and they desire change of meats . Varro . The Sow is fed with Beans , Barley , and other Grain ; for these will not onely fat them , but give them a good rellish . The Olive , wilde Olive , Tares , Corn in straw , Grass : and they are all the better sprinkled with brine ; but the more effectual will they be , if she fast three days before . Aristotle . Bean-husks , and Coleworts are pleasant meat for them ; Salt put to them , will make them have a stomack , which in summer put into their troughs will season their meat , and make them eat it up ; and by that seasoning of it , they will drink and eat the more . Colunmella . Oxen will grow fa● with Corn and Grass , Tares , ground Beans , and Beanflalks : Also with Barley , whole or broken , and parted from the hulls : also by sweet things , as pressed Figs , Wine , Elm-boughs , and with a Lotion of hot water . Aristotle . We feed them at home with Wine of Surrentum , or else we put Calfs to two Cows , and thus being fed with abundance of Milk , they can scarce go for fat . Also in their cra●ches we strew Salt stones , that they may lick them , and so drink , and they will grow exceeding fat and tender . CHAP. VI. How the flesh of Animals is made sweeter . NOw shall I shew with some Meats , and Arts , How not onely the parts of Animals , but their whole bodies are made fat , tender , and more delicate ▪ And first , How to fat the Livers of Geese . Out wise Ancestours , saith Pliny , who knew the goodness of a Goose liver , taught how by cramming to make it grow great ; also taken forth , it is augmented by sweet Milk. And it is not without cause demanded , who was the first man that found out so profitable a thing : Whether it were Scipio Metellus , that was Consul , or Mar , Sejus , that in the same age was a Gentleman of Rome . Palladius taught the way how ; when Geese have been fatting thirty days , if you desire to have their livers tender , you shall bruise old Figs , and steep them in water , and make gobbets of them , and feed the Geese with them twenty days together . But Quintilius way is , when they grow fat , you shall break dry wilde Radish in small pieces , and tempering them with water , give them this to drink for twenty days . Some , that the liver may be made great , and the Geese fat , feed them thus . They shut up the Goose , and cast to him Wheat sleeped in water , or Barley the same way . Wheat makes him fat quickly , but Barley makes the flesh white . Let her be sed with the said grain , but severally with them both , for twenty days , giving to her twice a day a moyst Medicament made thereof ; so that seven of those meats , may be given her for the first five days , and by degrees the days following , increase the number of these meats , until twenty five days be past ; that the days in the whole may be thirty : and when they are over , heat Mallows , and in the decoction thereof , being yet hot , give her leaven moystned therewith ; do so for four days , and in the same days give her water and honey ; changing it thrice every day , not using the same again : and do this the days following , till sixty days : mingle dry Figs , bruised all this time with the said leaven , and after sixty days you may eat the Goose , and its liver , that will be white and tender . Which being taken forth , must be put into a large vessel , wherein there is hot water , that must be changed again and again . But the Bodies and Livers of the females are best , but let them be Geese not of one year , but from two years old to four . Horace in Serm. speaks of this , Fat Figs do make the Goose white , Liver great . And Juvenal , Satyr 5. A Goose's Liver fed before him stood , As big as a Goose , and to eat as good . And Martial , The Liver 's greater then the Goose , that 's true , But now you l wonder where this Liver grew . Athenaus writes , That this was of great account at Rome . When you kill the Goose , take out the Liver quickly and cast it into cold water , that it may be solid ; then fry it in Goose-grease , in a frying pan , and season it with spices . It is a dish for a Prince , and highly commended by many . So is A Sows Liver fatted . Pliny . There is art used for Sows Livers , as well as for Geese . It was the invention of Marcus Apicius , when they are fat with dry Figs , give them sweet wine to drink , and kill them presently . Apicius . Add to the Liver of a Sow fatted with Figs , Wine-pickle , Pepper , Time , Lovage , Suet , and a little Wine and Oyl . Aetius . If , saith he , any man feed that creature with dry Figs , the Sows Liver is preferred before all meat . I said out of Aristotle , that Figs and Chick peason will fat a Sow best . Galen . As whilst Sows are living , their Livers are fed for delight with dry Figs ; so for Geese , I see their meats are moystned with milk , that their Livers may be not onely most pleasant meat , but may be fed exceedingly , and be most delicate . If you will That Cattle may be more excellent to eat . Cattle that use to feed on Masterwort , and to be first cleansed , will grow very fat , and their flesh will be exceeding sweet . Pliny . Whence it is that this Benjamin is not for many years to be found in Cyrene , because the Farmers , that hire the grounds , finding more gain by it , devour them by their Cattel . Moreover in India , and chiefly in the Country of the Prasil , it rains liquid honey ; which falling down on the grass , and the tops of Reeds in the Lakes , is admirable food for Sheep and Oxen ; and the Shepherds drive them thither , where most of this sweet dew falls from the Air , and there they are feasted with it , as with pleasant bankets : and they recompence their Shepherds with a pleasant reward ; for they milk very sweet milk from them , and they have no need , as the Grecians do , to temper honey with it . Aelian . But How Pullets are made most white , tender , and delicate , Such as I use to set before my friends : The way is . I shut them up five days in chambers or cellars , and I give them a dish full of chippins of bread , wet with milk , and sometimes with honey : fed thus , they will grow as fat as great Sappers in Fig time , and so tender , that they will melt in your mouth , and they taste better by far then Pheasants , Heath-cocks , or Thrushes . And it seems the Antients knew this : For saith Pliny , when a crammed Hen was forbid to eat at supper , by the Laws of the Antients , they found out this evasion , to feed Hens with meats wet in milk ; and so they were far more delicate to set on the Table . And Columella . They that will make Birds not onely fat , but tender , they sprinkle the foresaid Meal with water and honey new made ; and so they fat them . Some to three parts of water , put one of good wine , and wet Wheat-bread , and fat the Bird ; which beginning to be fatted the first day of the Moneth , will be very fat on the twentieth day . CHAP. VII . How the Flesh of Animals may be made bitter , and not to be eaten . AGain , if we will that Flesh shall be rejected for the bitterness , and ill taste of it , we must do contrary to what hath been said : Or if we will not take the pains , we must wait the times that these creatures feed on such meats , as will do it , whereby sometimes they become venemous also . As if we would have Deers flesh become venemous , Simeon Sethi saith , That Deers flesh , that is catcht in summer , is poyson ; because then they feed on Adders and Serpents ; these are venemous creatures , and by eating of them they grow thirsty : and this they know naturally ; for if they drink before they have digested them , they are killed by them : wherefore they will abstain from water , though they burn with thirst . Wherefore Stags-flesh , eaten at that time , is venemous , and very dangerous . Sometimes also Partridge are nought , Namely , when they eat Garlick . The Chyrrhaei will eat no Partridge , by reason of their food ; for when they have eaten Garlick they stink , and their flesh is stinking meat , that the Fowler will not eat them . So also Quails , and Stares , are rejected , at that time of the year , that black Hellebour is the meat they like onely . Wherefore , when Quails feed on Hellebour , they put those that feed on them into so great danger of their lives , that they swell and suffer convulsions , and are subject to vertigo's : Wherefore Millet-feed must be boil'd with them . Also Birds are not to be eaten , when the Goose-berries are ripe ; for their Feathers will grow black thereby , and men that eat them , fall into scowrings . Dioscorides . The Eggs of the Barbel , or Spawn , not to be eaten in May , because they are dangerous ; but the Eggs are not dangerous of themselves , nor do they breed such mischiefs . For they do not do it always ; for often you may eat them without danger : but they are onely then hurtful , when they feed on Willow-flowers , that fall into the waters . So are Snails to be rejected , when they stick fast to briars and shrubs , for they trouble the belly and the stomack , and cause vomiting . Dioscorides . And not onely these Animals themselves cause this mischief , but their excrements , as milk , honey , and the like . For Milk must not be eaten , when Goats and Sheep feed on green food , because it will loosen the belly the more : but Goats-milk doth not try the belly so much , because these Cattle feed on binding meats , as on the Oak , Mastick , Olive-boughs , and Turpentine-tree . But in such places where Cattle eat Scammony , black Hellebore , Perwincle , or Mercury , all their milk subverts the belly and stomack ; such as is reported to be in the mountains of Justin●● : for Goats that eat black Hellebore , that is given them when the yong leaves come first out , their milk drank will make one vomit , and causeth loathing and nauseating of the stomack . Dioscorides . Also there is found Honey that is venemous , That which is made in Sardinia , for there the Bees feed on Wormwood . At Heraclia in Pontus , some times of the year , by a property of the flowers there , Honey is made , that they which eat it grow mad , and sweat exceedingly . Dioscorides . There are Eggs laid that stink . When there are no fruits nor herbs to be seen , then Hens feed on dung , and so do other Birds that lay Eggs. But then those raste best that feed on fat things , and eat Wheat , Millet , and Panick : but such as eat Wormwood , their Eggs are bitter . CHAP. VIII . How Animals may be boiled , rosted , and baked , all at once . I Have thus far spoken to please the palate . Now I shall represent some merry conceits to delight the guests , Namely , How a Hog may be rosted , and boiled , all at once . Athenaeus in his ninth Book of Dipnosophistae ( Dalachampius translates it more elegantly ) saying ; There was a Hog brought to us , that was half of it well rosted , and half of it was soft boil'd in water ; and the Cook had used great industry to provide it , that it should not be seen in what part he was stuck : for he was killed with a small wound under his shoulder , and the blood was so let out ; all his intestines were well washed with wine ; and hanging him by the heels , he again poured wine on him , and rosted him with much Pepper . He filled half the Hog with much Barley-flouer , kneaded together with Wine and Barley ; and he put him into an Oven , setting a brass platter under him : and he took care to rost him so leasurely , that he should neither burn , nor be taken up raw ; for when his skin seemed somewhat dry , he conjectured the rest was rosted . He took away the Barley-meal , and set him on the Table . So A Capon may be boil'd , and rosted . Put a Capon well pulled , and his guts taken out , into a silver dish , and fill the one half of him with broth , and put him into an Oven ; for the upper part will be rosted by the heat of the Oven , and the under part will be boiled . Nor will it be less pleasant to behold A Lamprey fried , boil●d , and rosted all at once . Before you boil your Lamprey , take out his bones , to make it more graceful , for his flesh is full of bones ; which you shall do with two little sticks held in both hands ; and fastning the Lamprey in the middle , you shall cut his back-bone in the middle : then his head and end of his tail , about which the bones are heaped , by reason of the bones pulled out ; being cut off , and his entrails taken forth , put him on a spit , and wrap about three or four times with fillets , all the parts that are to be rosted and fried , strewing upon the one Pepper ; and the fillets must be made wet in Parsley , Saffron , Mint , Fennel , and sweet wine ; or with water and salt , or broth , for the rosted parts ; for the fried parts with Oyl : and so let him be turned , always moystning the fillets with strewing on the decoction of Origanum : When part of it is rosted , take it from the fire , and it will be gallant meat ; set it before your guests . CHAP. IX . Of divers ways to dress Pullets . I Shall here set down divers ways to dress Chickens , that will be very pleasant for the guests . So that A boiled Peacock may seem to be alive . Kill a Peacock , either by thrusting a quill into his brain from above , or else cut his throat , as you do for yong kids , that the blood may come forth : then cut his skin gently from his throat unto his tail ; and being cut , pull it off with his feathers from his whole body to his head : cut off that with the skin , and legs , and keep it : Rost the Peacock on a spit : his body being strffed with spices and sweet herbs , sticking first on his brest cloves , and wrapping his neck in a white linnen cloth ; wet it always with water , that it may never dry : when the Peacock is rosted , and taken from the spit , put him into his own skin again ; and that he may seem to stand upon his feet , you shall thrust small iron wires , made on purpose , through his legs , and set fast on a board , that they may rot be discerned , and through his body to his head and tail . Some put Camphire in his mouth : and when he is set on the table , they cast in fire . Platira shews that the same may be done with Pheasants , Geese , Capons , and other Birds ; and we observe these things amongst our Guests . But it will be a more rare sight , to see A Goose rosted alive . A little before our times , a Goose was wont to be brought to the Table of the King of Arragon , that was rosted alive , as I have heard by old men of credit . And when I went to try it , my company were so hasty , that we eat him up before he was quite rosted . He was alive , and the upper part of him , on the outside , was excellent well rosted . The rule to do it is thus : Take a Duck , or a Goose , or some such lu●●y creature , but the Goose is best for this purpose ; pull all the feathers from his body , leaving his head and his neck : Then make a fire round about him , not too narrow , left the smoke choke him , or the fire should rost him too soon ; not too wide , lest he escape unrosted . Within-side set everywhere little pots full of water , and put Salt and Meum to them . Let the goose be smeered all over with Suet , and well larded , that he may be the better meat , and rost the better : put fire about , but make no too much hast : when he begins to rost , he will walk about , and cannot get forth , for the fire stops him : when he is weary , he quencheth his thirst by drinking the water , by cooling his heart , and the rest of his internal parts . The force of the Medicament loosneth and cleanseth his belly , so that he grows empty ; and when he is very hot , it rosts his inward parts . Continually moysten his head and heart with a spunge . But when you see him run mad up and down , and to stumble ( his heart then wants moysture ) wherefore take him away , and set him on the Table to your Guests , who will cry as you pull off his parts ; and you shall almost eat him up before he is dead . If you would set on the Table . A yong Pigeon , with his bones pulled out , you shall take out his bones thus : Put a yong Pigeon , his entrails taken forth and well wash'd , for to lye a night and a day in strong Vinegar : then wash him well , and fill him with Spices and Herbs , and rost him or boil him , as you please ; either way you shall find him without bones . Of old , they brought to the Table The Trojan Hog . The Antient Gluttons invented , how a whole Ox or Camel should be set on the Table , and divers other creatures . Hence the people had a Tale concerning the Trojan Hog ; so called , because he covered in his belly , many kinds of living creatures , as the Trojan Horse concealed many armed men . Macrobius reports , 3. Lib. Satur. That Cincius in his Oration , where he perswades to put in practise Fannius his Law concerning Moderation of Expence , did Object to the men of his age , that they brought the Trojan Hog to their Tables . Collers of Brawn , and the Trojan Hog , were forbidden by the Law of regulating expence . The Hog was killed , as Dalachampas translates it , with a small wound under his shoulder : When much blood was run forth , all his entrails were taken out , and cut off where they began ; and after that he was often and well washed with wine , and hang'd up by the heels , and again wash'd with wine , he is rosted with Musk , Pepper : then the foresaid dainties , namely , Thrushes , Udders , G●at-snappers , and many Eggs poured unto them , Oysters , Scallops , were thrust into his belly at his mouth : he is washed with plenty of excellent liquor , and half the Hog is filled with Polenta , that is , with Barley , and Barley-Meal , Wine , and Oyl , kneaded together ; and so is he put into the Oven , with a brass pan set under : and care must be had to rost him so leasurely , that he neither burn , nor continue raw : for when the skin seems crup , it is a sign all is rosted , and the Polenta is taken away . Then a silver platter is brought in , onely gilded , but not very thick , big enough to contain the rosted Hog , that must lye on his back in it , and his belly sticking forth , that is stuft with diversity of goods ; and so is he set on the Table . Athenaeus Lib. 9. Dipnosophist . But That an Egge may grow bigger than a mans head . If you would have an Egge so big , there is an Art , how it may cover other Eggs in it , and not be known from a natural Egge . You shall part fifty or more yelks of Eggs , and whites , one from the other : mingle the yelks gently , and put them into a bladder , and bind it as round as you can ; put it into a pot full of water : and when you see it bubble , or when they are grown hard ; take them out , and add the whites to them ; so fitting the velks , that they may stand in the middle , and boil them again ; so shall you have an Egge made without a shell , which you shall frame thus . Powder the white Egge-shells , clean washed , that they may fly into fine dust ; steep this in strong or distilled Vinegar , till they grow soft ; for if an Egge ly long in Vinegar , the shell will dislove , and grow tender , that it may easily be thrust through the small mouth of a glass : when it is thrust in , with fair water it will come to its former hardness , that you will wonder at it : when the shells dissolved are like to an unguent , with a Pencil make a shell about your Egge that is boiled , and let it harden in clear water : so shall you have a true natural Egge . CHAP. X. How Meats may be prepared in places where there is nothing to rost them with . SOmetimes it falls out that Men are in places where there want many things fit to provide supper ; but where convenience wants , wit may do it : if you want a frying pan , you shall know How to fry fish on a paper . Make a frying pan with plain paper , put in oyl and fishes : then set this on burning coles , without flame , and it will be done the sooner and better . But if you will Rost a Chickin without a fire ; That Chickins may rost whilst we are in our Voyage : Put a piece of steel into the fire , put this into a Chicken that is pulled and his guts taken forth , and cover him well with clothes , that the heat breathe not out ▪ and if he do smell ill , yet the meat is good . If you want Servants to turn the spit , and you would have A Bird to rost himself , do thus : For the Bird will turn himself . Albertus writes , That a Bird called a Ren , that is the smallest of all Birds , if you put him on a spit , made of Hazel-wood , and put fire under , he will turn as if he turned himself . Which comes from the property of the wood , not from the Bird : and that is false the Philosopher said ; for if you put fire under a Hazel-rod , it will twist , and seem to turn it self ; and what flesh you put on it , if it be not too weighty , will turn about with it . So Eggs are rosted without fire . Eggs laid in quick Lime , and sprinkled with water , are rosted ; for the Lime will grow as hot as fire . The Babylonians have their invention , when they are in the Wilderness , and cannot have an opportunity to boil Eggs ; they put raw Eggs into a sling , and turn them about till they be rosted . But if you Want Salt for your meats , the seed of Sumach strewed in with Benjamin , will season any thing . Pliny . If you want Salt , and would Keep flesh without Salt , Cover what flesh you will with honey , when they are fresh ; but hang up the vessel you put it into , longer in winter , a less time in summer . If you would have That Salt-flesh should be made fresh . First , boil your Salted flesh in milk , and then in water , and it will be fresh . Apicius ▪ You shall learn thus To wash spots from linnen clothes , If you want Sope , for red wine will so stain them , that you can hardly wash them out without it : But when it doth fall down and stain them , cast Salt upon them , and it will take out the spots . If there want Groundlings , how to make them . Suidas saith , That when Nicomedes , King of Bithynia , longed for some of these Fish , and living far from the Sea , could get none ; Apicius the glutton , made the Pictures of these Fish , and set them on the Table , so like , as if they had been the same . They were prepared thus : He cut the female Rape-root into long thin pieces , like to these Fish , which he boil'd in Oyl , and strewed with Salt and Pepper , and so he freed him from his longing . As Aethenaeus saith , in Cuphron . Comic . If there want fire , I have shewed already how to make divers sorts of Artificial fires . CHAP. XI . Of divers Confections of Wines . NOw I come to drink , for I have spoken of meat sufficiently . And I will teach you to make many sorts of wines , and that they may be pleasant and odorifetous ; for I have said already what ways it may be made without pains . If you will That you Wine shall smell of Musk , Take a glass Vial , and wash it , and fill it with Aqua vita , and put into it a little musk ; stop the mouth close , that it vent not , set it in the summer-Sun two weeks , always stirring the water . The use is , if you put a drop of this into a gallon of wine , all the wine will smell of Musk ; and so for Cinnamon or other Spices . So you may make Hippocras Wine , Take the sweetest wine , we call it commonly Mangiagu●rra , and into four Vials full of that , pour in two pounds of beaten Sugar , four ounces of Cinnamon , Pepper , and grains of Paradise , one ounce and half : let them infuse one day ; then strain them : adde in the end in a knot a little Musk , and it will be excellent Wine ; or to powdred Sugar we put a little Aqua vitae , wherein Cinnamon , Pepper , Grains of Paradise , and musk have been infused , as I said , and it is presently provided , for it draws forth the quintessence . I shall shew how Wine may freeze in Glasses . Because the chief thing desired at Feasts , is that Wine cold as ice may be drunk , especially in summer ; I will teach you how Wine shall presently , not onely grow cold , but freeze , that you cannot drink it but by sucking , and drawing in of your breath . Put Wine into a Vial , and put a little water to it , that it may turn to ice the sooner ; then cast snow into a wooden vessel , and strew into it Salt-peter , powdred , or the cleansing of Salt-peter , called vulgarly Salazzo . Turn the Vial in the snow , and it will congeal by degrees . Some keep snow all the summer . Let water boil in brass kettles , then pour it into great bowls , and set them in the frosty cold Air , it will freeze , and grow harder than snow , and last longer . CHAP. XII . To make men drunk , and to make them loath Wine . NOw we are come to speak of Wine ; before we pass from it , I will shew you how to make your guests drunk ; for drunkenness at Feasts , increaseth mirth : and then how to keep them safe from drunkenness , when they are often provoked to drink healths , and to strive who shall drink most . You may with these fruits Make men drunk . The fruits of the Arbute , and the Lote-tree , being eaten , will make men as though they were drunk : also Dates eat in too great a quantity , cause drunkenness , and the pain of the head ; Sow-bread with Wine , makes a man drunk . Amber-greese , or Musk , put in Wine , exasperate drunkenness : The filth of a Dogs ear mingled with Wine , makes one drunk , as Albertus saith . But Rhases , out of whom he took it , saith , That Wine , wherein the seeds of Ricinus are infused , if any one drink it , it will inebriate them . Camels froth , drunk with water by a drunken man , will make him mad , as possessed with a Devil . Let these suffice , for I said more in my description of Plants . But on the contrary , these things will Take away drunkenness . Because Hemlock , with Wine , is the cause of death by its venome , it hath been invented and found true , that Hemlock is the cause of life to others . Pliny seems to intimate as much . Also , venoms are prepared to drink , some taking Hemlock before , that they may drink , and die . If a man hath drunk too much Wine , that doth him hurt , he shall discuss it thus : Cato bids , that at the beginning and middle of Supper , a man should eat four or five tops of raw Coleworts , and it will take off his drunkenness , and remove the hurt comes by Wine , and will make a man as though he had neither eat nor drank . The Egyptians , before all meat , did eat boil'd Coleworts , and so provided themselves for drink . Many to keep themselves sober , take Colewort-seeds first . The Tibaritae , saith Simaeus , before they drank , fenced themselves by feeding on Coleworts . Alexis . Yesterday thou drank'st too much , And now thy head doth ake : but such Distemper fasting cures ; then Eat boil'd Coleworts , drink agen . And Amphis . There is no means can half so well As sudden trouble drink dispel . For that will wonderfully cure : Eat else Radish , that 's as sure . They were wont in a vessel of Amethyst , to make another remedy for drunkenness , that they might drink Wine without danger . Athenaeus . If you would otherwise hinder the vapours of the Wine , drink it well tempered with water ; for they are soonest drunk , that drink strongest Wines . Africa●●● saith , If thou have drunk too much , eat before meat three or four bitter Almonds : they are drying , and will drink up the moysture , and drive away drunkenness . Plutarch relates , That there was a Physitian with Dr●s●s , who when he had first eaten five or six bitter Almonds , he always conquered at the duel of drunkenness . The powder of Pumex-stone will do as much , if the drinker take that first . Theophrastus saith it is dangerous , unless he drink abundantly . So E●de●●● drank two and twenty Cups , at last he went into a Bath , and did not vomit ; and supped , so as if he had drank nothing : for by its drying quality , it consumes all the moysture ; and being cast into a vessel of new Wine that works , the heat of the Wine is strait allayed . There are other things prepated by the Antients , to extinguish drunkenness , as to eat Lettice at the end of Supper , for they are very cold : we eat it now first , to procure appetite : whence Martial writes , Why do we first our Lettice eat ? Our Fathers made it their last meat . Dioscorides seems to call it Acrepula , because it hinders drunkenness . Leeks discuss drunkenness : and he that takes Saffron before , shall feel no drunkenness . There are also Herbs and Flowers , that if you make Garlands of them , they will hinder drunkenness ; as Violets , Roses , and Ivy-berries . The ashes of the Bill of a Swallow , powdred with Myrrhe , and strewed into the Wine you drink , will keep you secure from being drunk . H●rus the King of Assyria found out this invention . Pliny . I have said how drunkenness may be disposed : now I shall shew how men shall abstain , That love Wine , to refrain it , There are many who when they have drank much Wine , that is the worst thing in the world for them , fall sick , and die of it . Now if you would refrain , and abhor Wine and strong drink , because the Fountain Clitorins is too far off ; let three or four live eels , put into the Wine , stay there till they die . Let one drink of this Wine , who is given to drunkenness , and he will loath Wine , and always hate it , and will never drink it again : or if he do , he will drink but little , and with much sobriety . Another way : wash a Tortois with Wine a good while , and give one of that wine to drink privately , half a cup full every morning for three days , and you shall see a wonderful vertue . Myrepsus . VVhen one complained before the King of the Indians , that he had Sons born to him , but when once they began to drink a little wine , they all died ; Jarchus answered him thus : It is better for them that they died ; for had they lived , they would have all run mad , because they were begot of seed that was too cold . Therefore your children must abstain from wine , so that they may not so much as desire it . VVherefore if you have any mote Sons born , observe this rule : see where an Owl lays her eggs ; and boil her eggs rere , and give them your childe to eat ; for if the childe eat them before he drinks wine , he will always hate it , and live sober , because his natural heat is made more temperate . Philostratus , in the life of Apollonius . Democritus saith , the desire of wine is abolished , with the watry juice that runs from Vines pruned , if you give it a drunkard to drink , who knows not of it . CHAP. XIII . How to drive Parasites and Flatterers from great mens Tables . IT is an easie matter to drive away from our Tables , and great mens Tables , all smell-feasts , and cogging foisting fellows , and this will make our guests very cheerfull and glad , to see such Cormorants and Parasites driven away , and derided by all men . When therefore he sits down at Table , That his hands may grow black when he wipes of the Napkin , Beat Vitriol and Galls in a Mortar , put them in a narrow close sieve , that the powder may come forth very fine ; with this wipe the Napkin , and shake it ; that what sticks not , may fall off : then rub it with your hands , till you find that it sticks very fast ; then wiping and shaking off what stays not within , when the Parasite hath new washed his hands and face , cast to him the Towel to wipe himself ; and when it is wet , it will make his hands and face as black as a cole , that will very hardly be wash'd out with many washings . Being now wash'd and wiped , That he may not swallow the meat the chews . And we shall make him feel the more pain , if he be any thing dainty . I find in writing , that if you stick under the Table a needle , that hath often sowed the winding-sheet of the dead ; and do this privately before supper , the guests cannot eat , that they will rather loath the meat , than eat it . But experience proves this to be false and superstitious . Florentinus saith , That Basel is an enemy to women , and that so much , that if it be put under the dish , and the woman knows not of it , she will never put her hand to the dish , before it be taken away : but this is a most fearful lye . For a woman and Basel agree so well , that they not onely sow and plant them with great diligence in their Gardens , hanging in the Air ; but they frequently feed on them in meats and sallets . I have done it oft-times : I infused in a glass of wine one drachm of the root of an herb we call Belladonna , Fair Lady , not bruising it too much ; and after twelve hours , or a little more , po●r out this wine into another cup , and give him that must eat with you , in the morning a cup of it to drink : then derain him with you three hours ; then call him to your Table , for the morsel he takes in his mouth , he can by no means swallow down , but he must hurt his chaps , and be in great pain , so that he can hardly drink . If you would have him eat or drink , let him gargle a good quantity of milk or vinegar in his mouth , and he will be as if he had suffered nothing at all . If we will Drive Parasites from great mens Tables , we can easily do it thus : If we strew some of the dry roots of Wake-robbin on the daintiest meats , like Cinnamon or Pepper , in powder ; when he takes a bit of it , it will so burn his chaps , and bite his mouth and tongue , and so fetch off the skin of his tongue , that he will so mump ; and draw his chaps in and out , and gape , and make such sport , that will make people laugh : and the pain will not abate , until he hath anointed his chaps with butter and milk . Moreover , if you cut the leaves of Cuckow pint small , and mingle them with ●allets ; those that eat of them , will have their mouths and tongues to drivel so much , with thick spittle , that they cannot eat till they have wash'd it off . And it will be as good sport , if you like not your guest . That all thing the smell-feast eats , may taste bitter , If you rub the edge of the Knife , and the Napkin he wipes his mouth with , with the juice of Coloquincida , or flesh of it , and lay it before him : For when he cuts bread with the Knife , or any things else , and shall touch his lips with the Napkin , it will give him such a filthy and abominable taste , that whatever he toucheth , tasteth , or licks , will have a most horrible smack with it ; and the oftner he wipes his mouth , that he may wipe away this bitter taste , the more will his mouth , palate , and jaws , be tormented , that he will be forced to forsake the Table . We can also delude him so , That when he drinks , the cup shall stick to his mouth , that he can hardly pull it off . Besmeer the cups mouth with the milk of Figs , and Gum-traganth dissolved in it ; for when they are dry , they will be clear : but when he drinks , the cup will stick so fast to his lips , that when he hath done drinking , he can hardly pull it off . We shall do thus , That flesh may look bloody and full of worms , and so be rejected by smell-feasts . Boil Hares blood , and dry it , and powder it ; and cast the powder upon the meats that are boil'd , which will melt by the heat and moysture of the meat , that they will seem all bloody , and he will loath and refuse them . Any man may eat them without any rising of his stomack . If you cut Harp-strings small , and strew them on hot flesh , the heat will twist them , and they will move like worms . THE FIFTEENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Shews to catch living Creatures with your hands , and to destroy them . THE PROEME . VVE shall speak of Fawkning , that most men , and especially great men , delight in . If you will catch living creatures , they are taken by force , or by craft . They are taken by craft , and killed . But how that may be done , shall be taught in Philosophy , that shews the Nature and manners of living Creatures : For it is easie , when you know their Natures and their Manners , cunning may find ways to allure and take them . First , I shall teach how to allure and take them , by meat , whistle , light , smell , love , and other frauds ; or else to make them drunk , and take them , or to kill them with venome . I shall set down examples . CHAP. I. With what meats divers sorts of Animals are allured . THere is nothing that more allures and draws on Animals , then meat and pleasure , and love . Wherefore from these shall I begin . They follow meat for necessity ; unless they would dye for hunger , they mu● search for that : But divers Creatures feed on divers meats , and some of them feed on particular diet ; and you may guess at the rest thereby by your own reason . The bait for a Sturgeon , or Whale-fish . Sturgeons or Whales are allured with the Lungs of a Bull rosted , hung upon a line with a hook , cast into the sea ; the Sturgeon presently smels it , and being greedy of it , presently swallows it down , and is caught with the hook : Oxen draw him to the shore . Aelian . A bait for a Sargus . The Sargus loves Goats exceedingly , as we shall shew , and hunts after the smell of them . Wherefore the Fisher-man wets his paste in Goats blood , and casts it into that part of the sea where they haunt ; and they are drawn thither by the sent of it , as by a charm , and are catched with the hook . Moreover , if men fasten to the hook the bait that is made of a Mo●se-fish salted , and move this gently in the sea , the Sargi will come to it exceedingly , and gather about the hook for the love of it , and are easily caught by their greediness after the meat . A bait for Thymalus . Tici●us a River in Italy produceth a fish called Thymalus , that is not taken with the dainty baits that other fish are , but onely with the Gnat , an enemy to man ; and she delights in no other bait . The bait for an Aulopius . Coracini , blackfish , whose heads shine like Gold , allure the Aulopii ; when they observe some such dainty food , and they come to it rejoycing . A Bait for Summer-whitings . The Bait is made of the Purple fish ; for this is bound fast to the line , and this makes them swim to the Bait , because they love it ; and when any one of them by greediness lays hold of the Bait , the rest will run after , and catch hold of the hooks , that for number you shall hardly draw them to you , so many will be hanged together by several hooks . Bait for an Eel . Eels lie in their holes ; and the mouthes of their holes being smeered in the ponds with some odoriferous thing , they are called forth as other Fish are . Aristotle . Yet Pliny saith false , that they are not allured , but driven away by the sent of dead Eels . Opianus wittily saith , they are allured with garbage . Would you know A Bait for Mullets . Because the Julides are a Bait almost for all Fish , or your groundlings or little Sea-squils ; therefore they are a part of all Baits . Or , take of the Liver of the T●nny Fish , four drachms ; Sea-squils , eight drachms ; Sesamum-seed , four drachms ; Beans ground , eight drachms ; of raw Dog-fish , two drachms : pown all these , and make them up with new Wine distilled into balls , for good Baits . This is A Bait for all Fish. Tarentinus teacheth us this for all Fish : Take of the strong Whale , eight drachms ; yellow Butterflies , Anniseed , Cheese of Goats Milk , of each four drachms ; of Opoponax , two drachms ; Hogs blood , four ; as much Galbanum : pown them all , and pour on sowre Wine : make cakes , and dry them in the Sun. CHAP. II. How living Creatures are drawn on with the baits of love . THere are two Tyrants that rule over brute Beasts , meat , and pleasure or love ; not smell , nor sound , nor fumes ; nor do other things allure their minds besides love : that we may say of wilde Beasts as well as of man , Want on love can do any thing with mortal Creatures . If we will Take Cuttles with the bait of love ; To take Cuttles there needs neither wheels nor nets ; but you may catch them thu● , with baits of love , to trail the Female Cuttle ; and the Male seeing it never so far off , swims presently after , and fasteneth close about her ; and whilst they thus embrace , the Fishers cunningly take them up . To catch a Pollard or Cupito . Aelian saith , that in the Grecian Gulph , the sharp-sighted Cupito is ; but I have seen them taken in the Adriatick Sea by the fury of love . The Fisher bindes the Female either to a long fish-pole , or to a long rope ; but she must be fair and fat : for the Male cares not for one that is lean : so is he drawn to the shore : or , he follows the net ; and you must observe how to lay hold of him : for when the Female is drawn , the Males swim after her , being furiously in love ; the Fisherman casts in his net , and takes them . To catch a Scarus or Gilthead . The Scarus of all Fish is the most lascivious ; his unsatiable desire of the Female , is the cause that he is taken ; cunning Fishermen that know this , lay snares for him thus : They catch the Female , and tie the top of her mouth to a rope , and they draw her alive through the Sea in such places as they haunt : the Males are mad with lust when they see her , and strive to come at her , and use all such means as lovers do : but when they come neer the net , the Fisher draws in the Female , and the Males swimming in after her , are catcht . Opianns . To catch Elephants . There is a Pit made to catch Elephants , and four Females are put in to allure the Males ; the Males come , and enter into the Pit : but those that lie in wait , pull away the Bridge , and so they have the Elephants fast . Aelian . To catch a Nightingale . The Female Nightingale is shut in a Cage , the Fowler counterfeits their note ; the Males come when they hear it ; and seeing the Female , the Male flies about till he fall into the net . CHAP. III. Also other Animals are called together by things they like . ALso , some Animals by Sympathy , are drawn by the love of some things , or of some other Creatures , which he that lays snares observing , useth such meats for them , that whilst they follow what they love , they may fall into the snares . If you would know how To catch a Sargus ; It is a mad way to catch them . The Sargi love Goats unmeasurably ; and they are so mad after them , that when so much as the shadow of a Goat , that feeds neer the shore , shall appear neer unto them , they presently leap for joy , and swim to it in haste ; and they imitate the Goats , though they are not fit to leap : and thus they delight to come unto them . They are therefore catch'd by those things they so much desire . Where upon , the Fisher putting on a Goats skin with the horns , lies in wait for them , having the Sun behinde his back , and paste made wet with the decoction of Goats flesh : this he casts into the Sea where the Sargi use to come ; and they , as if they were charmed , run to it , and are much delighted with the sight of the Goats skin , and feed on the paste . Thus the Fisherman catcheth abundance of them . Aelian . Opian doth elegantly describe it thus : The Sargi doth run mad for love of G●●ts . And a little after , The cunning Fisher hid in a Goats skin , Makes two Goats horns unto his temples fast ; His bait mix'd with Goats blood , ●e doth within The Sea let loose . The Sargus comes in haste : For of the bait he deerly loves the smell , And the Goats skin doth tole him on as well . How to catch Partridge . Partridge love Deer exceedingly , and are cosened by their skin . Thus : If a man put on a Deer's skin , and the horns upon his head , and come closely to them ; they supposing it is a Deer indeed , will entertain him , and draw neer to him ; and will not flie away ; and embrace him as much as one would do a Friend , come from a long journey : but by this great friendliness , they get nothing but nets and snares . Catching of Bustards . Bustards of all Birds are thought to be most in love with Horses ; and it appears , because they cannot endure other living creatures , but when they see a Horse , they will presently flie to him , with great joy , and come neer to him . If a man put on a horse skin , he may catch as many as he please ; for they will come neer for love of the horse . So almost are The Polypi or Pourcontrels taken . The Polypi take delight in the Olive tree , and they are oft-times found fastned with their claws about the body of it : sometimes also , they are found clapping about the Fig-tree that grows neer the Sea , and eating the Figs , saith Clearchus . Wherefore Fishers let down an Olive-bough into the Sea , where the Polypi use to be . In short space , without any labour , they draw up as many Polypi as they will. Opian handsomely describes it thus : The Polypus doth love the Olive tree , And by the speckled leaves ( t is wonder ) he Is catch'd . — Again , He is enraged for the Olive-bough , The wary Fisher doth by this know how To catch this Fish : for he doth binde about A piece of Lead , an Olive-branch throughout : The Fish lays hold , and will not let it go ; He loves it , and it proves his overthrow . CHAP. IV. What noises will allure Birds . NOt onely love , but noises and Musick will draw them : and each creature delights in some special noise . First , The Dolphin loves the Harp. And with this Musick is he most delighted , as also with the sound of the Organs . Hence Herodotus first , and others from him , report , that Arion was carried to Tenarus on a Dolphins back : for when the men of Corinth cast him into the Sea , he begged that he might have his Harp with him , and might sing one song as he was thrown in . But a Dolphin took him , and brought him to Tenarus . Opian . A Wolf is charmed by a Minstrel or Flute . A Minstrel at Pythiocara , when he sang and played very pleasantly , he made the Wolves tame . Aelian . Horses delight in the Musick of the Flute . The Horses of Lybia are so taken with the noise of the Flute , that they will grow tractable for mans use thereby , and not be obstinate . Shepherds make a Shepherds Pipe of Rhododaphne ; and by piping on this , they will so delight Horses , that they will run after them : and when the Shepherds play on , the Horses will ●●and still , and weep for joy . Euripides saith , that Shepherds provoke Mares to take Horse , by playing on a Pipe ; and the Horses are so provoked to back the Mares . Stags and Bores are taken with a Pipe. It is a common saying among the Tyrtheni , that Bores and Stags are taken most with them by Musick : which so comes to pass . Nets being pitch●d , and all things made ready for to ensnare them , a man that can play well on the Flute , goes through dales and hills , and woods , and plays as he goes , neer their haunts : they listen exceedingly after it , and are easily taken by it : for they are so ravished , that they forget where they are . And thus by delight they fall into the snare , and are taken . Aelian . The Pastinaca is taken by dancing and Musick . When the Fisherman sees the Pastinaca , or Ray , swimming , he leaps ridiculously in his Boat , and begins to play on the Pipe : the Pastinaca is much taken with it , and so comes to the top of the water , and another lays hold of him with his Engine . Grampels by Musick are enticed on land . Fishermen catch Grampels by Musick : some lie hid , others begin to play with the Pipe : when the Grampels hear the Musick , they presently come forth of their holes , as if they had been charmed ; and they are so ravished , that they will come out of the waters . These go back and play on the Pipe , the others run and catch them on dry Land. CHAP. V. Fishes are allured by light in the night . AMongst the many Arts to deceive Animals , Light is one : for at night , when some Fish rest , Fishermen carrying Light in their Boats , draw these Fish to them , and so strike them with a three-forked Spear , or catch them alive . Which Opian knew . Either at noon , or when the Sun doth set , Are Fishes caught , or else in the dark night , By burning torches taken in the Net ; For whilst they take such pleasure in the Light , The Fisherman doth strike them with his dart , Or else doth catch them then by some such Art. Many men have been much troubled how to make a Fire or Light under Water , that Fishes seeing it afar off , might swim to it . I have done it thus : I made a Pillar of Brass or Lead , three or four foot diameter : it was sharp or pyramidal below , that it might sink the better into the deep ; and it was bound about with iron hoops , that being sunk by its weight , it might be drawn under the water : I set on the top a Pipe that was fifteen or twenty foot long , and one foot broad . The middle of this Pillar had many open windows , five or six , and these were Glass-windows , well polished and fitted to them , and the joynts were well glued wiht Pitch , that no water could come in . I sunk the Pillar by its weight in a place fit for it ; but the mouth of the Pipe stood at least two foot above water : then I let down a lighted Candle into the belly of the Pillar by the Pipe , with a cord ; and it was so provided , that what motion soever it had , it should always stand upright . The Light passed through the windows into the waters , and by reflection made a Light that might be seen under water very far : to this Light , abundance of Fish came , and I catched them with Nets . CHAP. VI. That by Looking-Glasses many Creatures are brought together . IF Females be wanting , Looking-Glasses may serve to make reflexion of themselves ; so these Creatures , deluded by their own pictures , are drawn thither . Also Liquors may serve in stead of Glasses . The Cuttle is taken with a Glass . Glasses put into wood are let down by a cord by the Fishermen into the waters ; and as they flote , they are drawn by degrees : the Cuttle seeing himself in it , casts himself at his own image ; and laying fast hold of the wood with his claws , whilst he looks upon his own picture as enamored by it , he is circumvented by the Net , and taken . A Jackdaw is taken with a Looking-Glass . Jackdaws love themselves : the Fowler following to take them , invents such wayes ; for where he sees they flock , there he sets a Bason full of Oyl ; the curious Bird coming thither , sits on the brim of the Vessel , looking down to see her own Picture ; and because she thinks that she sees another Jackdaw , she hastens to flee down , and so falls into the Oyl , and the thick Oyl sticks to her , and so she is catched without snares or nets . How Quails are taken with a Locking-Glass . Clearchus saith , that Quails spend their seed not only when they see the Females , but when they hear their cry also . The cause is the impression in their mindes , which you shall know when they couple , if you set a Looking Glass against them , and before that a Gin : for running foolishly to their picture in the Glass , they see they are catcht . Athenaeus and Eustathius . CHAP. VII . How Animals are congregated by sweet smells . THere are many odours , or other hidden qualities , that gather Animals together , from the particular Nature of things , or of living Creatures . I shall speak of the smelling odours and other aliments that they much desire . As , The Unicorn is allured by sent . Tretres writes , that the Unicorn so hunts after young Virgins , that he will grow tame with them ; and sometimes he will fall asleep by them , and be taken and bound . The Hunters clothe some young lusty Fellow in Maids clothes ; and strewing sweet odours on him , they set him right against the place where the Unicorn is , that the winde may carry away the smell to the wilde Beast : the Hunters lie hid in the mean time . The Beast , enticed with the sweet smell , comes to the young man : he wraps the Beast's Head in long and large sleeves : the Hunters come running , and cut off his Horn. To make Wheezles come together . The Gall of a Stellio beaten with water , will make Wheezles come together , saith Pliny . Also , the wise Plinianists write , that with the Gall of a Chamaelion cast into water , Wheezles will be called together . To make Mice come together . If you pour thick lees of Oyl into a Dish , and set it right in the house , they will stick to it . Palladius . But Anatolins saith , if you pour Oyl-Lees into a Brazen Bason , and set it in the middle of the house , all the Mice at night will meet together . To make Fleas come together . The fat of a Hedge-hog boyl'd in water , and taken off as it swims on the top ; if you anoynt a staff with it , and set it in the house , or under your bed , all the Fleas will come to it . Rhasis . To bring Frogs together . The Gall of a Goat set into the earth in some Vessel , is said to bring all the Frogs together , if they can finde any delight therein . CHAP. VIII . How Creatures , made drunk , may be catch'd with the hand . I Have said what draws them , now I shall say what will make them drunk . There are many simples that will do it , that you may take them with your hands , whilst they sleep : and because there are divers Animals that are made drunk with divers things , I shall speak of them in order . And first , How Dogs are made drunk . Athenaeus saith , that Dogs and Crows are made drunk with an Herb called Aenutra : but Theophrastus , from whom he had it , saith , that the Root Aenothera , given with Wine , will make them more tame and gentle . Whence Aenutra comes , by corruption of the word . Theophrastus his Aenothera is Rhododaphni , as I said . So Asses are made drunk . And when they sleep , they are not onely taken ; but , if you pull off their skins , they will scarce feel you , nor awake ; which comes by Hemlock : for when they have eaten that , they fall so fast asleep , that they seem stupid and sensless . So Horses are made stupid by Henbane seed , if you give it them with Barley ; and they will be so fast asleep , that they will be half dead , half a day . A certain Cheat , who wanted money on his way , cast this seed to some of his company ; and when they lay almost dead asleep , and they were all much troubled for them , for a reward he promised to help them ; which received , he put Vinegar to their Nostrils , and so revived them . Whereupon they went on their journey . So Libards are made drunk . Opian teacheth the way , and how they are taken when they are drunk . In Africa , so soon as they come to a Fountain where the Libards use to drink every morning , there the Hunters in the night bring many vessels of Wine ; and not far from thence , they sit covered in blankets . The Libards , very thirsty , come to the Fountain , and so soon as they have drunk Wine , that they delight in , first they leap , then they fall fast asleep on the ground ; and so they are easily taken . If you desire to know how Apes are taken , being drunk ; Athenaeus writes , that Apes will drink Wine also ; and being drunk , are catch'd . And Pliny saith , that four-footed Beasts , with Toes , will not encrease , if they use to drink Wine . So Sows run mad , eating Henbane-seed . Aelian saith , that Boars eating this Herb , fall sick of a lingring disease , and are troubled : it is of the Nature of Wine that disquiets the minde and head . So Elephants are made drunk . Athenaeus reports out of Aristotle's Book de Ebrietate , that Elephants will be drunk with Wine . Aelian writes , that they give the Elephant that must go to war , Wine of the Grapes , and made Wine of Rice , to make them bold . Now I will shew bow Birds laid asleep , may be catch'd with your hands . If then you would know how Birds may be catch'd with hands ; Pliny writes , A certain Garlick grows in the Fields , they call it Alum , which being boyled , and cast to them , is a remedy against the villany of Birds that eat up the Corn that it cannot grow again : the Birds that eat it are presently stupid , and are catch'd with ones hand , if they have staid a little , as if they were asleep . But if you will Hunt Partridge that are drunk , Boetius teacheth you thus : You shall easily hunt such Partridge , if you cast unto them meal wet in wine : for every Bird is soon taken with it . If you make it with water and wine mingled , and put that which is stronger into the vessels , so soon as they have but sipt a little , they grow drowsie and stupid . He sheweth , How to take Ducks with your hand . If any one observe the place where Ducks use to drink ; and putting away the water , place black wine in the place : when they have drunk , they fall down , and may be easily taken . Also , wine-lees is best . Ducks and other Birds being drunk are soon taken With some meats , as are the Bur Dock seed , strewed here and there in places where Birds frequent : they are so light-headed when they have eaten them , that you may take them with your hands . Another bait . Tormentil boy'ld in good wine , and boyl Wheat or Barley in the same , cast to Birds , is good to catch them : for they will eat pieces of Tormentil with the seeds , and be drunk that they cannot flie ; and so are they catc'd with your hands . This is best when the weather is cold , and the Snow deep . Or else strew Barley-corns in places where many Birds come , then make a composition like a pultis of Barley-meal , Ox-gall , and Henbane-seed ; set this on a plank for them : when they have tasted it , the Birds will be so stupid , that they cannot flie , but are catch'd with ones hand . Or mingle Barley , and mushrooms , that are so called from flies , with the seeds of Henbane , and make the pap of it , and lay on a board , as before . To catch Rooks with your hands . Powder Nux vomica , and mingle it with flesh . So also you may make Fish drunk . Opian teacheth some ways . If you will Make Fish drunk , Sow-bread will do it : for I said , that Sow-bread will make men more drunk . His words are : Of Sow-bread-Root , they make a paste that 's white And fat , with which the rocks and holes they smeer ; The water 's poyson'd by it , and the might And force thereof doth spread both far and neer . The Fishes fall , the Fishes are made blinde , And tremble at it : for the stinking smell This Root thus ordered , alwayes leaves behinde , Doth make them drunk , as Fishers know full well . CHAP. IX . The peculiar poysons of Animals are declared . DO not think I mean , that one poyson can kill all living Creatures , but every one hath his several poyson : for what is venome to one , may serve to preserve another ; which comes not by reason of the quality , but of the distinct nature . Would we mention The venoms that kill Dogs . Diosc●rides saith , that white Chamaeleon made up with Barley-Flour , will kill Dogs , Sows , and Mice , being wet with water or Oyl . Theophrastus saith , Dogs and Sows kneaded with water and Oyl : but with Coleworts Sows . Nux vomica , which from the effect is called Dogs Nut , if it be filed , and the thin filings thereof be given with Butter or some fat thing to a Dog to swallow , it will kill him in three hours space ; he will be astonished , and fall suddenly , and dies without any noise : but it must be fresh , that Nature seems to have produced this Nut alone to kill Dogs . They will not eat the Fruit of the Ash , because it makes pain in their back-bone and hips : yet Sows are fatted by it . So there is one Plant , called Dogs bane . Chrysippus saith , that Dogs are killed with it , if the shoots of it are given to them with water . Dogs cole , or wilde cole , if it be given with Flesh ; so the fumes of Lead . Aristotle in his wonders , concerning the Country of the Scythians and Medes , saith , that there is Barley that men feed on ; but Dogs and Sows will not endure the Excrements of those that eat it , as being poyson to them . I say nothing of Aconitum , called by Dioscorides , Dogs bane . I shall say the same Of Wolfs bane . Wolfs bane kills Wolfs and many other wild Beasts ; and it 's so called from the effect . Mountebanks make venome thus : Take black Hellebore , two ounces ; Yew-leaves , one ounce ; Beech-rinde , Glass , quick Lime , yellow Arsenick , of each one ounce and half : of sweet Almonds three ounces ; Honey what may suffice . Make pellets , as big as a small Nut. Others take Wolfs bane , yellow Arsenick , and Yew-leaves , of each alike , and mingle them . There are other Herbs that kill Wolfs : but I pass them , to avoid tediousness . Aelian saith , By Nilus grows an Herb called Wolfs bane ; if a Wolf tread on it , he dies of convulsions . Wherefore the Egyptians forbid any such Herb to be imported into their Country , because they adore this Creature . There are also Herbs that kill Mice . That Aconitum , which is called Myoctonon , kills Mice a great way off . Dioscorides and Nicandor . Staves-acre hath almost the same forces , whose Root or Seed in powder , mingled with Meal , and fried with Butter , kills Mice if they eat it . They are driven away with the Root of Daffodils ; and if their holes be stopt with it , they die . The wilde Cucumber , and Coloquintida , kill Mice . If Mice eat Tithymal , cut into small slices , and mingled with Flour and Metheglin , they will be blinde . So Chamaeleon , Myacanthus , Realgar , namely , of live Brimstone , quick Lime and Orpiment will do the same . But amongst Wolfs banes , is reckoned Libards bane , by whose Root , powdered , and given with flesh , they are killed . Flesh is strewed with Aconite , and Panthers are killed if they taste thereof . Their jaws and throat are presently in pain : therefore it is called Pardalianches . They are killed also by Dogs bane , which also they call Pardalianches . Lious bane is called Leontophonon : it is a little Creature that breeds nowhere but where the Lion is . Being taken , it is burnt : and with the Ashes thereof , flesh is strewed ; and , being cast in the high-ways where they meet , Lions are killed : so Pardalianches kills Lions as well as Panthers . Ox bane . The juice of black Chamaeleon kills Heifers by a Quinsey : wherefore some call it Ulophonon . Oxen fear black Hellebore , yet they will eat the white . Goats bane . There is an Herb , that from killing Beasts , but especially , Goats , is called Aegolethros . The Flowers of it , in a watry Spring-time , are venome when they wither ; so that this mischief is not found every yeer . Harts bane . Some 〈◊〉 First are found in Armenia ; with the powder of them , they scatter Figs strewed with it , in the places where wilde Beasts come : Beasts no sooner taste of them , but they di●● ▪ And by this Art are Harts and Bores killed . Aelian . Horse banes , are Aconite , Hellebore , and red Arsenick . Wheezles bane , are Sal Ammoniac● ▪ and Corn moystened with some Liquor : scatter this about such places as Whee●les haunt : when they eat it , they die , or flie away . Sheeps bane . Nardum kills Sheep . Dioscorides . Cattel and Goats , if they drink the water where Rhododendron is steeped , will die . Pliny and Onony●●ius , an Author nameless . Flea-bane kills Goats and Sheep : so doth Savin . Pigeons bane . S●r apio writes ▪ that Pigeons are killed when they eat Corn or Beans steept in water , wherein white Hellebore hath been infused . Hens bane . Hens die by eating the Seeds of Broom , called Spartum . Bats bane . 〈◊〉 in Geopon ▪ saith they die by the fume of Ivy. Vultures . Some Animals are killed by ●ings that smell very sweet to us : Vultures by Unguents , and black Beet●●● by Roses ▪ The same happens if a man do but anoynt them , or give them meat that is smeered with sweet Oyntment . Aristotle lib. Mirabil . Scor●ions bane . Aconite called Theliphonum , from killing Scorpions . Scorpions are stupified by touching it , and they wax pale , shewing th●● they are conquered . The Eagle is killed with Comfrey : the 〈◊〉 with the Gall of the Hiaena● the Stare with Garlick-seed : the 〈◊〉 with Brimstone : the Urc●in with Pondweed : the Faulcon , the Sea-gill , the Turtl● , the black-Bird , the Vulture , the night-Bird , called Scopes , perish with Pomegranate K●rne● . The ●●●ling by the Flower of Willows : the Grow with Rocket-seed the B●●tle with swe●t Oyntment : the Rook with the reliques of flesh the Wolf hath fed on : the ●ark by Mustard-seed : the Crane by the Vine-juice . CHAP. X. Of the venomes for Fishes . THe Sea and Rivers use to be infected with some Herbs , and other simples whereby the Fishes 〈…〉 those waters , are 〈…〉 and die . But , because they are several fo● several Fish , 〈…〉 the Particulars and the Gen●●als , that the Fisherman taught by these , may inv●●● others himself . Fishes 〈…〉 saith Pliny , by the Root the 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 , called , round Birth-wort , called also the venome of the Earth . This Root they bruise , and mingle it with Lime , and cast itin to the Sea : the Fishes come to it with great delight , and are presently killed , and float on the waters . Dioscorides saith , that broad leaved Ti●hymal , bruised and strewed in the waters , kills Fish. We use now 〈…〉 Roots of it , and with a weight let them down to the bottom of the waters , that will be infected by them , and kill the Fish presently . But in the Sea 〈◊〉 shall sooner kill them thus : Mingle Oriental Galls , two dr●chms 〈◊〉 Cheese one ounce ; Bean-meal three ounces , with Aqua Vitae ; make pelle●s of these as big as Chick-peason . Cast them into the Sea , in the morning before Sun rise : after three hours , come to the place again , and you shall finde all those that tasted of it 〈◊〉 drunk or dead , and to appear either on the top or bottom of the Sea ; which you shall take up with a pole and a hook fastened to it , or Fish speer . The Aqua Vitae is added , because it soon flies to the head . The Oriental Galls are poyson that astonisheth them : the Bean-meal is not of great concernment . This bait invites them ; and the Cheese smells so , that they sent it at a distance . CHAP. XI . Of other Experiments for hunting . NOw I will add some Experiments that seem to be requisite , that you may use for necessity when you please . To change a Dogs colour . Since white Dogs are seldom fit for hunting , because they are seen afar off ; a way is found to change his colour that will be done if you boyl quick I●me with Litharge , and paint 〈◊〉 Dog with it , 〈…〉 him black . That a Dog may not go from you . Democrites saith , a Dog will never 〈◊〉 from you ; if you smeer him with Butter from head to tail , and give him Butter to ●ick . Also , 〈…〉 you if , you have the secondine of a Bitch close in a 〈…〉 ●mell to it . If you ●ould not have Your Dog to bark . If you have a Bitches second Membrane , or Hares hairs , or Dung , or Vervain , about you . In Nilus there is a black stone found that a Dog will not bark 〈◊〉 he see it : you must also carry a Dogs Tongue und●● your great 〈◊〉 within your shooe , or the dry heart of a dog about you Sextus . Or , the hair of 〈◊〉 , or the Dung. Pliny . Or cut off the tail of a yong 〈◊〉 and put it under 〈…〉 or 〈◊〉 the Dog a Frog to eat in a piece of meat . All these things are to ●●ep Dogs from barking . Nigidius saith , that Dogs will all day 〈◊〉 from him who pulls off a t●●k from a Sow , and carrieth it a while about him . Op●an . If of 〈…〉 you takes ▪ And w●●r it , 〈…〉 dogs will 〈◊〉 for sake ; As frighted they will flie , and 〈…〉 Bark at you , though they barked much before . That a Dog may not run . If you anoynt him with Oyl under the shoulders he cannot run . To make a Hawke 〈…〉 You shall animate your Hawk against 〈◊〉 prey , tha● he may assail and flee at great Birds . When you hawk , wet the Hawks meat with Wine . If it be a Buzzard , add a little Vinegar to it when you would have him 〈◊〉 a give him three bits of flesh wet in wine : or , pour Wine in at his mouth , with a yong Pidgeon : so let him flie . To make Partridge more bold to fight . Give then 〈…〉 with their meat . Pliny . That dung-hill 〈◊〉 fight the better . Give them Garlick to eat soon before the● fight : whence , in the old Comedy , a Cock ready and earnest to fight is wittily called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fed with Garlick . 〈◊〉 a Bird may not the high . Take out the Feathers of 〈…〉 , that make him flie upwards ▪ so he will whirl about , and flie downward . If you will have That a Bird shall not flie , cut the upper and lower nerves of his Wings , and it will not hurt him ; yet he cannot flie out of your Bird-cages , or places you keep them in . THE SIXTEENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Wherein are handled secret and undiscovered Notes . THE PROEME . I Make two sorts of secret marks , which they vulgarly call Syfers , one of visible marks , and is worthy of a treatise by it self : another of secret marks , whereof 〈…〉 tempted to say something in this present Volume , 〈◊〉 what are the consequ●●● thereof , for the use of great Men , and Princes , that 〈…〉 than 〈…〉 man that knows the invention . I shall set down plainly some examples : 〈…〉 consequences of them must 〈◊〉 faithfully concealed , lest by growing 〈◊〉 amongst ordinary people , they be disrespecte●● . This is that I shall publish . CHAP. I. How 〈…〉 in diver● 〈…〉 be re●● . THere are many , an● almost infinit 〈◊〉 write things of necessity , that the Charact●● shall not 〈…〉 ●ou dip them into waters , or put them neer the 〈…〉 them over . 〈…〉 are read by dipping them into waters . Therefore If you desire that letters not 〈…〉 are 〈◊〉 may be hi●● , Let Vitriol soak in boyling water ▪ when 〈…〉 strain it 〈◊〉 till the water grow clear ; with that liquor write 〈…〉 are dry , they 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 . Moreover , grind● burnt straw 〈…〉 ; ●●egar and 〈◊〉 will , write 〈◊〉 the spaces between the fo●●er li●●s , describ●● large . Then 〈…〉 Galls in white Wine , wet a spunge in the liquor ; 〈◊〉 when you have need 〈…〉 , and we● the letters so long until the native black 〈◊〉 disappear , but the former colour , that was not seen , may 〈…〉 I will 〈◊〉 in what liquors paper must be soaked to make letters 〈◊〉 be see 〈…〉 said , Dissolve Vitriol 〈…〉 then powder Galls finely , and soak them in●●ter ; let them stay there twenty four hours : filtre them through 〈◊〉 cloth 〈…〉 , that may make the water clear , and make letters upon 〈…〉 to have concealed ; send it to your Friend absent : when you would have 〈◊〉 appear , dip them in the first liquor , and the letters ●ill presen●●y be seen . That di●●●ng 〈◊〉 line●●● water 〈◊〉 may appear . Dissolve Alom in water , and 〈…〉 linen , 〈◊〉 , napkins , and the like ; for when they are dry they will 〈…〉 . When you will have them visible , 〈…〉 linen 〈…〉 to be darkned : but only where the Alom 〈…〉 that you may read them : 〈…〉 are dissolved , those parts will admit water 〈◊〉 White 〈…〉 Litharge is first powdered and cast into an earthen pot that hath water and vinegar mix'd ; boyl it , and strain it , and keep it : then write letters with Citron Lemons juce : these are added to them when they begin to dry . If you dip them in the liquor kept , they will appear clearly and very white . If womens brests or hands be wet in it , and you sprinkle the said water upon them , they will grow white as Milk. Use it . If at any time you want 〈◊〉 if you please , A stone dipped in vinegar will shew the letters . Make letters with Goats far upon a stone ; when they are dry ; they will not be seen . If the stone be dip● into 〈◊〉 they presently come forth , and seem above the stone . But if you would have 〈◊〉 writ with water only , appear black , that you may the better be provided 〈◊〉 more speedily for a voyage ; beat Galls and Vitriol finely , and strew this 〈◊〉 on your paper : rub it with a cloth , and polish it well , that so it may stick fast to the 〈◊〉 , and be like it . Powder J●niper-gum , which Scriveners call Vernish , and 〈◊〉 to the rest : when you would use it , write with water o●●pittle , and they will be black letters . There are many such Arts , too tedious to relate . CHAP. II. 〈…〉 in the fire . 〈…〉 letters are not made visible 〈◊〉 by fire , or not , unless 〈◊〉 light interpose or may be read when they are burnt . To make letters visible by fire . So we may bring 〈…〉 between the verses , and in the close setting together , or larger 〈…〉 ●●ables . Let 〈…〉 contain so●e void space , that the letters may not 〈…〉 ; and if this 〈…〉 ●ed , it 〈…〉 be read . If you write with the juice of Citrons , Oranges , Onyons , or almost 〈…〉 things , if you make it 〈…〉 presently discovered : 〈◊〉 they are undigested juic● 〈…〉 detected by the 〈◊〉 of the fire ▪ and 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 forth 〈…〉 would 〈◊〉 ●f they were 〈…〉 a 〈…〉 that 〈…〉 to the fire , they are concocted : and will give the 〈…〉 colour they would in due time g●ve upon the tree ; when they were 〈◊〉 . Juice of 〈◊〉 , added to Cala●us , will make a green ; to 〈…〉 will shew divers colours by the fire . By these means , 〈…〉 love-Letters escape from those that have 〈…〉 of Salt called Ammoniac ; this powder●● and mingled with 〈…〉 will 〈…〉 letters ; and can hardly be distinguished from the paper 〈◊〉 hold them to 〈…〉 will shew black . Also , Letters th●● cannot be read unless the paper be burnt . For the mixture will be white , 〈…〉 ; but when it is burnt , the paper will be black and 〈…〉 will be 〈…〉 ●●rpest vinegar and the white of an Eg●● in these 〈◊〉 Quick - 〈◊〉 stir it well ; and with that mixture make Letters 〈…〉 and the letters 〈…〉 unburnt ; or make letters 〈…〉 or any and or Salt or Lime ; these , bring they cannot be see● 〈…〉 when the 〈◊〉 is burnt and made black , they will appear white . If you will , you may Write letters 〈…〉 of fire . Do it th●●● , Mingle 〈…〉 with G●m Traganth , soaked , and of this mixture 〈…〉 , that 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 letters 〈…〉 : for that 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 matter opposed against outward 〈◊〉 it , that the ●ays cannot come to out ●ight ; and 〈…〉 a shadow . CHAP. III. How Letters rub d with dust may be seen . NOw I will use another artifice , that Letters rubbed with dust may be read , that were before invisible , which I read was used by the Ancients : wherefore do thus : That Letters rubbed with mill-dust may be read . That as in paper , so on some unseen parts of the Body , Letters written may lie hid , and be opened when need is ; write secretly on your Back or Arms o● other Limbs , with Vinegar or Urine , and dry it that nothing may appear : now , to have it read , rub it over with foot or burnt paper ; for so the Letters will shineforth . Or , Otherwise , If you make Letters with Fat , Tallow or any other fatty with Gum , or Milk of a Fig-tree , and strew them with the dust of 〈◊〉 or 〈…〉 , they will appear . It may be by this craft , as 〈◊〉 the Greek saith , 〈◊〉 used the inprinted inscription in a Beast for a sacrifice . He , 〈…〉 Soldiers , to make them fight valiantly with their Enemies , 〈…〉 number ; supposing it would be no little advantage to put them 〈◊〉 before hand of the assurance of the victory , invented a trivial business ; but otherwise profitable , with the Priest that was to 〈◊〉 the sacrifice , 〈◊〉 Before the day they were to fight , he prepares for the victory● for 〈…〉 to offer sacrifice , pray'd unto the gods , and 〈◊〉 the Sacrifice in 〈…〉 King used powdered Gum , 〈◊〉 from the right to the left side , he dre●● 〈◊〉 words : Reg● Victoria , The Victory is the King 's : and when the Entrails were drawn forth , he thrust his hand into the hottest and most spun●● 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 the inscription . But the 〈◊〉 , changing the outer parts , and doing his 〈…〉 the part where this inscription was contained , Reg● Victoria . 〈…〉 sooner published , but the Soldiers generally 〈…〉 , to sh●w how ready they were to fight ; so 〈…〉 with certain 〈◊〉 of the Victory , and depending on this promise from 〈…〉 , they fight to ●●agiously , and subdued the French. But to the matter 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 will do the same , if it be written on white paper , and afterwards 〈…〉 be 〈…〉 with cole dust strewed upon it , and made clea● 〈…〉 presently appear black . Pliny saith , the Milk of T●hynal● will do the like , to make the Letters , and dust strewed on them to 〈◊〉 them : 〈…〉 had rather speak with Adulterers , then by Letters . 〈◊〉 confirms this , 〈…〉 Amandi , how they may safely write to their Sweet-hearts . 〈…〉 Milk , it 's 〈…〉 but 〈◊〉 The writing with cole-dust 〈◊〉 full-right 〈…〉 as if 〈…〉 , 〈…〉 Also there is an Art that one would not imagine , to write upon Chrystal : for , being all transparent , no 〈◊〉 will dream of it , and the letters may lie hid within . Do it thus : That letter● 〈…〉 of fine dus● ▪ Dissolve Gum 〈…〉 may be cl●er ; and when it is well dissolved , it 〈…〉 or 〈◊〉 a Cup or Glass ; for when the 〈…〉 . No man will imagine the fraud , if a Cup besent to one in 〈…〉 Glass 〈…〉 : when he would see the letters , rub 〈◊〉 straw 〈◊〉 paper upon it , 〈…〉 will presently be seen . Here is another secret , That letters on the paper may be read , not by fire , nor water , or any other thing , but in the dust only . This is a secret worth knowing : dissolve Goats suet with a little Turpentine : rub the paper with this liquor , and keep it : when you would send some news to your friend , lay on the paper 〈◊〉 with the ●at upon a letter you would send to your friend ; write upon that with an iron point , and the suet will make the characters on the letter : send this away ; and if it be intercepted , no water will make the words visible , or any other Art , but only strewing dust upon it . Also you may make That upon black paper , white letters may appear . The reason is this : mingle the white and yelk of an Egg together , that it may be liquid as ink : with this liquer , writeth the paper what words you please , and dry them : when the paper is dry , shake a black colour over it , and dry it again , and send it , but that the letters may be visible , scrape the superficies of the paper with a broad iron for so it will be , that the ink being scraped off , where the letters were , they will appear white . CHAP. IV. How you may write in an Egg. 〈…〉 by the P●pal Inquisition , and no 〈…〉 , I will shew you how Letters may be writ on the upper shell 〈…〉 of an Egg also : for example , That letters may be written the Egg-she●●● ▪ Wrap the Egg in wax and with an iron point make letters on it , as far as to the shell ; but break it not : for 〈…〉 shell with you iron , or point , or knife , it may be detected . So a●●●our Egg one ●ight in strong 〈…〉 depart , which separates gold from 〈◊〉 in the morning take away the wax ; and take off the Egg-shell● cover , and hold the shell between your eye and the light ▪ and the letters will be seen very clear quite through the 〈…〉 . The same is done with the juice of Lemons : for it softeneth the 〈…〉 not , and you shall 〈◊〉 your desire . Will you 〈…〉 the white ▪ yellow , and better when the Egg is boyl'd . 〈…〉 Egg hard and rowl it in wax , and engrave the letters on the wax with an iron 〈◊〉 that the marks may lie open : put this Egg into liquor with A●om and Galls 〈…〉 then put it into sharp Vinegar , and they will 〈…〉 and taking off the 〈◊〉 you shall see them in the white of the Egg. 〈…〉 and alom with vinegar , till they be as thick 〈◊〉 : with this 〈◊〉 what you will 〈◊〉 in Egg ; and when the writing is dried in the Sun , put it 〈…〉 : dry it 〈◊〉 it ▪ and 〈◊〉 off the shell , and you shall read the writin●● 〈◊〉 put it into vinegar , and 〈…〉 nothing of it . Perhaps , he means by pickle , 〈…〉 . The cause is this : the Egg-shell is porous , and hath large holes , which is 〈◊〉 ; for being set up the fire it will sweat , and water will come forth ; and looking at it against 〈…〉 will 〈◊〉 clear ; so then , 〈◊〉 being subtile , pe●●rates by the p●res , and 〈◊〉 the shell 〈…〉 and when it is mingled with the Alom & Galls , it 〈…〉 them appear on the white ; and when it is put into 〈…〉 to be hard as it was . But observe , it must not 〈◊〉 long in vinegar ; for that will eat off all the shell , and will leave the Egg bare , having nothing 〈…〉 to cover it : and if you put that into cold water , the shell will not come again . If 〈◊〉 will know How letters writ with water , maybe seen in an Egg , Dissolve 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 and writ 〈…〉 dry it , and nothing will be seen . If you will read 〈◊〉 dissolve Galls 〈…〉 steep the Egg therein : or , 〈◊〉 with Lime-water 〈◊〉 Egg , and 〈…〉 Brasil is infused ; and so the letters will seem to be 〈…〉 upon the shell , and steep it in water 〈◊〉 vitriol : 〈…〉 is dry , 〈…〉 , and nothing will be seen : when you afterwards steep it in the 〈◊〉 wine , white letters will appear in a black shell . I will shew , How letters may become visible upon an Egg by the fire . Write on the Egg with juice of Lemmons , or Onyons , or Fig-milk● when you put this to the fire , the Letters will appear yellow : and that must be done on a raw Egg : for if you boyl it , the letters will be seen . That letters may be seen on the Egg shell by dust . Make letters on the shell with vinegar , suet , fig-tree milk , or of Tithymal , or with gums : when you would have them seen , rub them with cole-dust , or burnt straw , or paper , and they will seem black . There is a way How to put a letter into an Egg. Make your letter that you send , narrow and long , searce broader then your middle-finger : write your minde in short characters , and with the edge of a knife , make a cut in the Egg , and break the inward skin , and put in your letter at one end by degrees : for it will easily take it in , were it ten hands breadth : then stop the cut , with lime and gum mingled , that it may not be seen , and with Ceruss and 〈…〉 ; for then it is impossible to discern it . But if you will have this done more neatly , put the egge in sharp vinegar three or four hours : and when you finde it soft ▪ 〈…〉 the shell with the edge of your knife , put in your roll of paper ▪ then soak it in 〈…〉 and the shell will grow as hard as it was . CHAP. V. How you may write in divers places , and 〈…〉 I Have shewed you di●●●s ways of writing invisible ; now I come to those ways that will teach you to write letters on divers things , which though they be visible , and intercepted , yet the Reader will be deceived by their secret device . First , How to write 〈…〉 Let us see how they did this in elder times 〈…〉 , That when the Lacedemon●●● writ to their 〈◊〉 , that their 〈…〉 being intercepted by the enemies might not be read , invented this kinde of writing ; yet it is referred to Archimedes to be the 〈◊〉 of it . Tw● sticks must be 〈…〉 , and polished with the Turners in 〈◊〉 ; they must be equal for 〈…〉 and thickness . One of these was given to the 〈◊〉 when he 〈…〉 and the 〈◊〉 was kept at home 〈…〉 Senate : 〈…〉 a page 〈…〉 about the stick , as large as 〈◊〉 the matter 〈…〉 might make a round volume , and the sides of it were 〈…〉 , that they were like a collar that exactly fitted the wood , and no 〈…〉 that thus was rolled about the stick , they writ letters 〈…〉 collar thus written on , being long and narrow , 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 the General ; for they thought , if it was ●●●●●scepted by the 〈…〉 when they 〈◊〉 bits of letters , and 〈…〉 of words , 〈◊〉 at divided , they 〈…〉 discern the thing : and they were not deceived 〈…〉 fell among 〈…〉 the enemy , did not imagine any thing was 〈…〉 let them 〈…〉 as with a thing done as all adventures , and insignificant : but he to whom it was writ , applied this band , and rolled it about , as it was 〈…〉 upon and 〈…〉 words lay joyn'd as they should be , and so be knew the message . The Greeks call this khird of writing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plutarch saith , 〈…〉 was brought to Lysander by Hellespont . But I inven●●● 〈…〉 make two small sticks alike great and round : one we give to our friend that 〈◊〉 far from us , and hold the other by us : let us make them stick so 〈◊〉 together , that they may joyn , and seem to be as on● and the wood not 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 should be , and write long-ways on the stick what you please ; the 〈…〉 more lines will they receive . If you first steep 〈…〉 is dissolved , the Ink will not spread ; but the letter● will 〈…〉 ●ake your Threed that is about the ●●ick ▪ and 〈…〉 to keep 〈…〉 secret , 〈…〉 the edges of napkins or 〈…〉 your 〈…〉 for the curious watch shall discern nothing 〈…〉 our friend winding the Threed about the 〈…〉 to make the points 〈…〉 the tops and agree well , shall easily read them . I will shew . How to write on Parchment , that the Letters may not be seen . When you have writ on Parchment , put it to the light of a candle , or to the fire , and it will all crumple and run together , and be nothing like what it was ; if a man look on it , he will hardly suspect any fraud . If he desires to read what is in it , let him lay it on moyst places , or sprinkle it gently with water , and it will be dilated again , and all the wrinkles will be gone , and it will appear as it did at frst , that you may read the Letters upon it , without any hindrance . Now I will shew the way How in the Sections of Books the Characters shall be hid . When the Book is well bound , and cut , and coloured black ; if we open it , and turn back the leaves , that they may be turned in , we may write at the corners of the leaves what we will : but when the Book is set back again , and the leaves put into their own places , nothing is seen or can be imagined to be writ in them ; but he that would read those Letters , must set the Book that way as it was , and the Letters will be read . So may we write on fly-traps , that are made with wrinkles , and then draw them forth . If need be , we may do The same with Cards to play with . You may excellent well write on Cards , if you put them in some order , that one may follow the other ; and some shall be upright , others turned downwards . When you have set them right together , you may write all things where they divide : mingle the Cards together again , and turn them , and nothing will be seen but some disorderly marks , if any man look curiously upon them . But he that would read them , must set them in order , and they will joyn and be read exactly . Also , we may write in white Pigeons , and other white Birds , feathers of their wings , turning them upwards ; for when they return to their own places , they will shew nothing . But if they be brought to their former posture , you will read the Letters ; and this is no small benefit for those that shall use them for messengers . There is a way To hide Letters upon wood . Any one may make Letters upon wood , and not be suspected ; for they shall not be seen , but when we please . Let the wood be fleshy and soft , of Poplar , or Tile-tree , or such like : and with those iron Markers Printers use , when they make stamps upon Brass , commonly called Ponzones , make Letters in the wood , half a finger thick : then hew the wood with a Carpenters hatchet , as deep as the Letters go ; when all is made plain , and equal , send the stick to your friend , or board , to him that knows the matter ; he putting the wood into the water , the wood will swell out , that was beaten in with the marks , and the Letters will come forth . That we may do in wooden vessels , polished by the turner , if when they are turned , we mark the Letters on them ; and then turn them again : when this is done , send it to your friend , and let him soke it in water , &c. CHAP. VI. In what places Letters may be inclosed . I Shall speak in what places Letters may be inclosed , and not be suspected ; and I shall speak last of Carriers . I shall bring such examples as I have read in Antient Histories , and what good a man may learn by them . First , How to hide Letters in wood . Theophrastus's opinion was , that if we cut the green bark of a Tree , and make it hollow within , as much as will contain the Letters , and then bind it about , in a short time it will grow together again , with the Letters shut up within it . Thus he saith , That by including some religious precepts in wood , people may be allured ; for they will admire at it . But I mention this out of Theophrastus , rather for a similitude , then for to do the thing I would have , for that would require a long time . But this may be done well in dry wood , as in Fir : thus ; the chinks fastning together with common white glew . Also the Antients used To conceal Letters in Junkets . I will relate the cunning of the Wife of Polycretes ; for she , whilst in the Milesian camps they solemnized a Solemn Feast of their Country ; when they were all fast asleep , and drunk , took this opportunity to tell her brothers of it , and did thus . She desired Diognetus , General of the Erythrei , that she might send some Junkets to her brothers : and when she had leave , she put a leaden scrole into a cake , and she bad the bearer tell her brothers from her , that no man should eat of it but themselves . When they heard this , they opened the cake , and found the Letter , and performed the contents of it . They came upon the enemy by night , that was dead drunk at the Feast , and conquered him . Also the Antients were wont To shut up Letters in living creatures . Herodotus saith , That Harpagus sent Letters to Cyrus , put into the belly of a Hare whose entrails were taken out , by one that counterfeited a shepherd hunting . So Letters may be hid in Garments . The secret places of clothes are best , to avoid suspicion ; as in your bosom , or under the soles of your feet . Ovid in his Arte Amandi , writes to this purpose : Letters may be concealed in your brest , Wrapt in a clowt , which way is held the best ; Or else you may under your feet provide A place full closely Letters for to hide . To hide Letters in your belt . Those of Campania were wont , when they would discover any thing to the Carthaginians , and the Romans besieged them round ; they sent a man that seemed to run from them , with a Letter concealed in his girdle ; and he taking occasion to escape , brought it to the Carthaginians . Others carried Letters in their scabbards , and sent them away by messengers , and were not found out . But we use now adays To hide letters in the Bowels of living creatures . For we wrap them in some meat , and give them to a Dog , or some other creature to swallow ; that when he is killed , the letters may be found in his belly : and there is nothing neglected to make this way certain . The like was done by Harpagus . He , as Herodotus saith , being to discover to Cyrus some secrets , when the ways were stopt , that he could do it by no other means , he delivered the letters to a faithful servant , who went like a Hunter , that had catcht a Hare ; and in her belly were the letters put , when the guts were taken forth , and so they were brought to Persis . We use also To shut up letters in stones . Flints are beaten very fine in brazen Mortars , and sifted ; then are they melted in a brass Cauldron , by putting two ounces of Colophonia to one pound of the powder of the stone ; and mingling them , put your letters into leaden plates , and hide them in the middle of the composition , and put the lump into a linnen bag , and tye it fast , that it may be round ; then sink it into cold water , and it will grow hard , and appear like a flint . CHAP. VII . What secret Messengers may be used . THe Antients used the same craft for Messengers ; for they used men that should be disguised by their habits , and some living creatures besides . For To counterfeit the shape of a Dog , It was the crafty counsel of Josippus , that the Messengers should be clad with skins , and so they past the enemies guards , and were not regarded ; for if they were seen , they were in the likeness of Dogs ; and this was done until the enemy found out the trick , and compassed the Rampart round about . And mans curiosity was not satisfied here , till they found means for ways to pass , where the Sentinels and Scouts might not discover them ; wherefore they left the land , and sent by water : But that the writing might not be spoiled in the water , as Frontinus saith , The Souldiers that past over the River Saltella , had leaden plates writ upon , fastned to their arms . But Lucullus , as the same Frontinus reports , that he might declare to the Cyziceni , that were besieged by Mithridates , that he was coming to relieve them , all narrow passages being stopt by the enemies guards , that were joyned to the continent by a small bridge , he sought a way by sea . For a private Souldier appointed for it , sitting on two bladders blown , wherein the Letters were put in two covers ; and so like some sea-Monster , he swam seven miles at sea , and told of the coming of the General . So they often used Arrows for Messengers : But that seemed not sufficient , for they feared mens cunning , lest some chance or fraud might intercept the messenger , and the secret should be discovered , or they should be racked to make them confess . Sometimes therefore they sought a way in the Air , and used Arrows for messengers , that none might intercept them . Herodotus saith , That Artabazus and Timoxenus did this , when one would declare any thing to the other ; for the paper was folded about the foot of the Arrow , and the feathers were put upon it , and it was so shot into the place appointed . To this appertains the example of Cleonymus King of the Lacedemonians . He besieging the city Troezene , commanded many of his best Archers to shoot Arrows into several places ; and he writ upon them : I come to relieve your City ; and by this means he set ladders , and his Army scaled the walls and went in , and plundered the place , and destroyed it . But when Caesar heard that Cicero besieged by the French , could hold out no longer , he sent a Souldier by night , who should shoot a Letter , fastned to an Arrow , over the well : when he had done this , the watch found the Arrow and the Letter , and brought it to Cicero . In it were these words written : Caesar bids Cicero be confident , and to expect relief . So Caesar came suddenly , and slaying the enemies , relieved him . We can do it safer ▪ and better now adays with Guns : if the matter to be sent be contained in few words , we may shoot them forth with Muskets ; namely , by folding up the paper , and putting it into a case of lead , where they cast bullets , pouring upon it melted lead , but not burning hot ; the paper wrapt up in the lead , we shoot away with the Powder to the place . But because the Letters are but small , we may shoot many of them in a day . The way to melt the Ball is , by putting it to a gentle fire , or into quick-silver , and it will soon melt , and the paper not be touched . I shall shew now How to make Pigeons your Messengers . We may use Birds for Messengers : as Pigeons , Swallows , Quails , and others : For these Birds carried to other places , when need is , if you bind Letters to their necks or feet , they will return with them : and when any thing was suddenly to be related , the Antients sometimes used these Messengers . Hircius being Consul , as Frontinus testifies , sent forth Pigeons from the neerest place he could from the walls , which had been long shut up in the dark , and half fa●ished , to Decimus Brutus , who was besieged at Mutina by Anthony . They being glad of light , and defiring meat , flew and sat upon the highest parts of the houses ; Brutus catcht them , and so was confirmed how things were : wherefore , always laying meat in those places , he call'd them back again . Hence Pliny . Nor Ramparts , nor Scouts , nor Nets pitch'd before Rivers , did profit Anthony ; for the Messenger went through the Air. By the same way , in the very same day , from Olympia to Aegina , was the victory of Taurosthen●s declared to his Father ; though others say it was to reseen : others say , That Taurosthenes , when he went forth , took a Pigeon from her yong ones , yet weak and not able to fly , and as soon as he had conquered , he sent her back again , purple-coloured ; and she making great hast to her yong ones , flew that very day from Pisa to Aegina . Aelian writes this . Some have sought to do this by Swallows , taken out of their nests from their yong , and sent back again . Some also attest , that beyond set Eastward , there are Pigeons that when the way is stopt , will fly through the midst of the enemies , and carry Letters under their wings , a very long way . It may be Juvenal meant this , when he said , As if from divers parts a letter were Brought with a doufful wing quite through the Air. Also in old Monuments and Histories it is declared , that there was a King of Egypt , whose name was Marrhes , who bred up a tame Rook , and this he made use of for a winged messenger , so oft as he had need : for , as if she had reason , she would carry the Letter where she was directed ; for she was so crafty , as to be instructed whit ●ee to fly , and where to stay , or rest at any time . Mans wit hath invented these shifts to avoid danger ; but by the same craft is he wounded sometimes , as it were with his own weapons . When the Christians with an Army besieged Ptolemais , when Saladine had appointed a Pigeon to be sent thus with Letters to the besieged , to wish them to be constant , and expect his coming suddenly ; the Christians catch'd her , and tied a contrary letter to her , and sent her away : whence it fell out , that they despairing of relief , yielded themselves : so there can be no certain security in humane affairs , but there may be fraud in all things . Themistius saith , That amongst Animals , Pigeons have the best memory , as having a clear and refined mind . Wherefore , though all other Animals make hast to their yong ones , when they are taken from them , yet none of them carried far , can come back , because their memory fails . I have seen the tryal with Pigeons . When my servant came from my Farm , he brought home some yong Pigeons taken from their dams , and he wrapt them up in a cloak as we went ; and when we came home at night , they were shut up in the house ; but when the morning came , they flew out of the windows ; and discovering the country afar off , they took upon the wing , and flew all home again . Wherefore in Genesis , Noah sent forth a Pigeon , which returned ; but the Raven returned not . For the Raven wants memory . I remember in Plutarchs works , what is worth relating that I read there , That by the Pigeon sent forth of the Ark , in Deucalio●s flood , was shewed , that the waters were sunk down , and the storms past . Animals that have newly brought forth yong ones , will do the same . CHAP. VIII . How Messengers may be sent , who shall neither know that they carry letters , nor can they be found about them . OUr Ancestors had another Art ▪ that could not be discovered , invented by strange craft . Herodotus mentions it from Hestiaeus , who was the Author of it . He being born in Asia , when of noble place , when Darius ruled , when he was with the King in Persia , and would privately write to Aristagorus to fall from him , fearing lest if he should not do it cunningly , he should be discovered , and be in great danger , he invented this way . He shaved off his servants hair of his head , as though he meant to cure him , who for a long time had been troubled with 〈◊〉 eyes : and on his head , with good ink , he writ letters , that contained what he meant to have done ▪ he kept this fellow at home with him , until his hair was grown again ; when that was done , he sent him away to Aristagoras , bidding him say , when he came to him , that he should do unto him , in shaving off his hair , as he did before : When the servant came to Aristagoras , to Mile●um , he said what his Master bad him say to Aristagoras : he supposing the bu●●ne●s not to be idle , did what he was ordered , and so read the message . The Antients found out these inventions , to send messengers with . Yet that can be no safe way , to shave off the hair , and to write letters upon the head , for the head will easily sweat , and put them out . And if the skin be pricked with a needle , this will not avoid the suspition , if he that wears the writing , be laid bold on by the way : for then is there most diligent search : for fear and necessity will make men watchful , and they are never satisfied , till they have searched every place . Sometimes they try men by fair promises , sometimes they fright them with threats ; and if these will not do , they torment and torture them , to make them confess : and if this will not do , that letters may not be secretly conveyed , not onely their hose and shooes use to be searched , their clothes pluckt off , and the seams riot , but they will search their very guts ; so far is it from keeping any secret upon the head , that shall not be look'd for . But I can send Letters , and write so , that it can be understood by none , but those that the letters are design'd for . And he that carrieth them never so far off , if he should be taken by the way , and examined by torments , he can confess nothing , because he knows nothing of it , and the Letter shall always remain secret . Nor will length of time , or sweat in travel , blot out the Letters ; nor is it any matter if the messenger pass through Rivers , Seas , or Rain ; for wet will not hurt them . What good Princes may get by this , I leave to your cogitations ; for they have most need of this , when they would declare any thing to their friends , that are besieged : and oft-times upon one message , may the victory of a City or Army depend . The invention of the Antients , was partly good , and partly bad . They writ Letters on his head , which he could not read ; nor would water or sweat , wash them off , because they were printed into the head : and when the hair grew out , they could not be seen . And that the messenger might be ignorant what was writ upon his head , they took occasion for it , saying , he had a pain in his eyes , that they would cure : and thus he knew not the craft they used . But this fraud seems not very secure , for one that should suspect it might shave off the hair , and find out the secret . Moreover , if the messenger were to be sent suddenly , how could he stay a moneth , till his hair were grown again ? and when his skin was prickt for to make the Letters , he must needs suspect something . But let us see How Hestiaus could make the Letters on his head indelible . He wounded the skin with the point of a needle , or opened it with a rasor , and cast in the powder of Colophonia burnt ; for so we use to make the names of Masters , upon the faces of bond-slaves , that they shall never come forth , and in time they will look green . Also Letters may be made between the skin , that are indelible , upon any part . You may soon do it thus : Let Cantharides steep a whole day in strong water , but sooner is it done in water of separation ; then make the letters with a Pen-knife , or fit instrument , upon the upper skin of the Arm , or any other part ; the flesh hurt with the moysture , will rise in blisters , and be exulcerated ; so by the force of this corroding water , will there always remain the prints of white letters , and they will never be blotted out . And this is best done by Hestiaus secret , because the letters could not be read under the hair , whereas white letters , like milk , would be seen . But would we have them stay onely for sometime , and not always , we may do it many ways . If you make letters with Aqua fortis , that hath eaten silver or brass , they will appear many days . So it may be done with oyl of Honey . Now I will shew How a man may carry letters that are indelible and invisible , and unknown to him ; and how to make them visible when need is . You may do it thus : by writing letters on the messengers back , that he may not know of , having first given him an Opiat to make him sleep soundly , then write , and let them dry in ; when he awakes , send him away , the letters dried on will not be seen : The Antients knew this . Ovid saith it : Write on his back for paper , so you shall Better conceal your purpose from them all . But let us see whether we can write on the flesh with any liquour , that passing through Rivers and Rain , the letters may not be blotted out with any moysture , and then by strewing on of dust , may be made visible again . Write on a mans back , which shall be visible onely , by being wet with some humour , and no man can find out , unless he know the secret . If you write with water , wherein Vitriol is dissolved , with a decoction of Galls , it will be seen . If it be made very sharp , it will pierce the skin , and the letters will be delible : we may do the same with the oyl of it . Salt Ammoniac with quick Lime , or Sope , will make a blew colour . If they be rubbed with oyl of Litharge , they will appear white , with Aqua vitae , or its equal , distilled vinegar , and water and Salt. CHAP. IX . How Characters may be made , that at set days shall vanish from the paper . I Shall attempt to shew how letters may be written on paper , or in other matter , that shall disappear at set times : and other letters shall be made invisible , that at a time certain shall appear , not onely useful for secret marks , but for other purposes necessary for our lives . Letters that decay and vanish , may be made two ways , either with Aqua fortis , that eats the paper , or some decaying liquors , that will vanish with any light touch , and leave the place where they were , without any spot . I shall teach How letters are made , that eat the paper . If you mingle oyl of Vitriol with common ink or any other black colour , in few days by corroding the paper , or the ink it self , the letters will vanish , or in a moneth , as you put in more or less of the oyl ; and this you may try before you send away your letter : If you would have it work more slowly , add but a little oyl ; if faster , put in more : you may , when it is too strong , put some water to it . The same is performed , if you mix a strong lye , they call it the Capital , with your ink ; for first they will be yellow , and then they will vanish . The same is done by oyl of Tartar , or Salt Alkali , or Soda , and strong water of separation of Gold ; for these corrode the letters , and the paper , that nothing of the letters will appear . If you desire to know How letters may be made , that will soon vanish ; Make them with the strongest Aqua vitae , or use Camphir and burnt straws : for the letters in time , will decay and vanish ; the tincture will fall off , when the glutinous matter is gone . Make a powder of a very fine touch-stone ; for the Sandy-stone will sooner decay , that no letter shall be seen . Also it is done Another way : Infuse the small filings of steel in water of separation ; take a treble quantity of this , and add thereto liquid Pitch , or Soot of Turpentine , to make it the blacker , and cover the vessel : grind this on a Porphyre-stone , write , and they will vanish and fall away . This secret I thought not fit to overpass , because it is the principal thing to be considered , to make tryal oft-times ; for if it stay long on the paper , add more strong water to it ; and if you be careful , no mark of the writing will remain . You shall do it like to this , another way . If it be good so to counterfeit : Take Chrysocolla , Salt Ammoniac , and Alom , all alike ; powder them all , and put them into a Crucible , and make a strong lye of quick-lime , and laying a linnen cloth over the mouth of the vessel , that must receive it , strain it ; boil it a little , mingle this with your ink , they will remain a while , but in short time the letters will vanish away . Set it up for you use . But contrarily , if you will That invisible letters after some time , shall become visible and shew themselves ; I will give you some examples , that you may invent more thereby your self . If you write with juice of Citrons or Oranges , on Copper or Brass , and leave this so for twenty days , the letters will appear green upon the place : the same may be done many other ways , namely , by dissolving salt Ammoniac in water , and writing with it upon Brass , the place will sooner appear of verdigreese-colour . CHAP. X. How we may take off letters that are written upon the paper . IF we would take letters from off the paper , or that such as are blotted out might appear again , we must use this art . As , if we would Take letters off the paper , or from parchment : Take Aqua fortis , that is it that parts gold from silver : with a pensil wipe some of this upon the letters , it will presently wipe off letters , written with Gall and Copras . If you use Aqua fortis , wherein salt Ammoniac is dissolved , it will be sooner done . But printed letters are harder taken out , because that ink hath neither Galls nor Copras : Or rub it with salt Alkali and Sulphur , making little balls of them , and that will eat them out , that nothing shall be seen . But if you desire to write any thing in the place you have made clean ; first , wet the place with water , wherein Alom is dissolved , for the ink will not run about . If you desire To renew letters decayed , or to read such as are vanished : Boil Galls in wine , and with a spunge wipe over the letters , the letters will presently be seen , when they are once wet thus , and be well coloured as they were at first . CHAP. XI . How to counterfeit a seal and writing . IT may be of great use when places are besieged , and in Armies , and affairs of great men , to know how to open letters , that are sealed with the Generals Seal , and signed with his Name , to know what is contained within , and to seal them again , writing others that are contrary to them , and the like . I will shew how To counterfeit the Seal . Melt Sulphur , and cast it into powder of Ceruss , while it is melted ; put this mixture upon the Seal , but sence it about with paper or wax , or chalk , and press it down ; when it is cold , take it off , and in that shall you have the print of the Seal . I will do it another way . Fill an earthen pot with Vinegar , cast Vitriol into it , and a good deal of Verdigreese ; let it bubble on the fire , put plates of iron into it ; after a short time take them out , and from the out-side with your knife , scrape off a kind of rust it hath contracted , that is durty as it were , and put this into a dish under it : again , put them into the earthen pot , and scrape more off when you take them out ; do this so often , till you have some quantity of this durty substance : cast quick-silver into this , and make a mixture ; and while it is soft and tender , lay it on the Seal , and press it down , and let it remain in the open Air , for it will grow so hard , that you may almost seal with it ; for it will become even like to a Metal . It may be also done another way : Take the filings of steel , and put them in an earthen Crucible at a strong fire ; put such things to it , as will hasten the melting of it : when it is melted , cast it into some hollow place , pownd it in a brass Mortar , for it will be easily done : do it so three or four times ; then powder it , and mingle quick-silver with it , and let it boil in a glazed vessel six hours , till it be well mingled ; then press the seal upon it , and let it cool , and it will become exceeding hard . It is possible To make a great Seal less , if it should happen that we want a lesser seal , we must do thus : Take Isinglass , and dissolve it in water : anoynt the figure with oyl , that it may not stick to the glew ; compass the seal about with wax , that the matter run not about ; put the Isinglass to the fire , and melt it , pour it upon the seal ; after three hours , when it is cold , take it away , and let it dry , for the seal when it is dry , will be drawn less equally . If you will Imitate the form of a writing , do thus : Open the letter upon a looking-glass , that wants the foyl : upon the letter lay white paper , and a light under the glass ; temper your ink as the writing is , and draw your lines upon the lines of the letters you see through . We may Open letters , and shut them without suspition . We use to seal letters , putting paper upon them , which goes through the letter on one side , and wax is put on the other side , where it comes forth , and there it is sealed . You shall open the letter thus : Break away that part of the paper , that is put upon the place , where it passeth through the letter , and the hole is , the letter opens presently : read it , and shut it again , and put the paper torn off , in its proper place : first , anoynting the crack with gum-traganth , dissolved in water ; for the paper will be so glewed , that it will be stronger there then elsewhere ; press it with a small weight , till it grow dry ; the fraud cannot be discovered , because the glew is white , and is not known from the colour of the paper . CHAP. XII . How you may sp●ak at a great distance . THere are many way how we may speak at a very great distance , with our friends that are absent , or when they are in prison , or shut up in Cities ; and this is done with safety , and without any suspition , as I shall shew . Two things are declared here , either to do it by open voice re●uplicated , or else by a Trunk . We may With open voyce shew some things to those that are confederate with us . It is wonderful , that as the Light , so the Voyce is reverberated with equal Angles . I shall shew how this may be done by a glass . It is almost grown common , how to speak through right or circular walls . The voice passing from the mouth goes through the Air : if it goes about a wall that is uniform , it passeth uncorrupted ; but if it be at liberty , it is beaten back by the wall it meets with in the way , and is heard , as we see in an Eccho . I through a circular building , that was very long and smooth , spake words to my friend , that heard them round the wall , and the words came entire to his ears ; but one standing in the middle heard not any noise , and yet I heard again what my friend answered to me . In the morning whenas I walked by the sea shore , I heard above a mile , what my friends talked in a Boat : the sea was very calm , and scarce moved , and the words came clearly to me , carried on the plain superficies of the water . I hear that at Mantua , and other places , a great Gallery is built , wherein one speaking in the corner , is heard by another that knows the business , standing in another corner ; but those that stand in the middle , perceive nothing of it . But more exactly and clearly To signifie to friends all things by a Trunk , Let the pipe be of Earth ( but lead is better ) or of any matter well closed , that the voice may not get forth in the long passage ; for whatever you speak at one end , the voice without any difference , as it came forth of the speakers mouth , comes so to the ears of him that hearkneth ; and I doubt not but this may be done some miles off . The voyce not divided or scattered , goes whole a long way I have tried it for above two hundred paces , when I had no other convenience , and the words were heard so clear , and open , as the speaker uttered them : Upon this it came into my mind , to intercept words spoken by the way , with leaden pipes , and to hold them so long as I pleased close in ; that when I opened the hole , the words should break forth , I perceive that the sound goes by degrees , and that being carried through a pipe , it may be shut up in the middle ; and if a very long Trunk should take away the convenience of it , that many winding pipes might shut it up in a close place . I read that Albertus made an Artificial head , that spake at a set time : I might hope to do the same by this invention ; yet I never tried this farther then I have said : yet I have heard by my friends , that lovers have spoke a long time through a leaden pipe , from their Houses that stood far asunder . CHAP. XIII . By night we may make signs by fire , and with dust by day . IT remains to shew whether we can make signs in the night by fire , and in the day by dust , to declare our business . That may fall out two ways : For by fire of a sudden , we shew to our confederate friends , or when we please , by certain numbers of Torches , we represent letters fit to demonstrate what our purpose is , that those that are far off , seeing and observing the motions may perceive our intent . The first way , we read that Medea promised to the Argonauts , that if she killed Pelias , she would signifie so much unto them by night with fire from a watch-Tower , and by day with smoke . When therefore the business was effected , as she would have it , she counterfeited , that she must pay her vows to the Moon , by making a fire , by lighting Torches in the open Air , from the top of the place , as she had promised , and when the Argonauts understood it this way , they invaded the Kings palace , and killing the guard , they made her to enjoy her wishes . We read also that Maga , having possession of Paretonium , agreed with the watch , that at night in the evening , and again in the morning be●imes , they should set up the light that was for confederacy ; and by that means signs were made , that the messenger came as far as Clius . Also to friends that live out of the City , by fire we may signifie our revenew , and the quality of provision . It is apparent , that Annibal , as Polybius writes , when the people of Agrigentum were besieged by the Romans , by many and frequent fires by night , did shew forth the intolerable famine of his Army , and for that cause many of his Souldiers , for want of victuals , fell off to the enemy . Also the Grecians compacted with Sinon , that by night , when the Trojans were asleep , those that came to Troy should have a token , when he should open the Trojan Horse , to let forth the Souldiers that were within . Whence Virgil , When the Kings fleet lift up the flames , just then Did Sinon let forth all the Grecian men . Also by Torches letters may be signified , as we find it in the Manuscript of Polybius . Tops of buildings or Towers , are very fit to set up the Torches on . Let the letters be divided into two or three parts , if there may be eleven , or seven parts of each . If they be seven , the first letters are shew'd by single Torches , the second by double ones , the third by three Torches . The number may be also divided into four parts : but in representing them , we must observe the variety of motion . For one Torch once lifted up , shall signifie A , the same lifted up twice B , thrice C ; so seven times : the last of the first order G , after that two once H , so many twice I , thrice signifies L , and so of the rest of the same order . Then Q by the third order , once , R by the same , twice , and thrice as many of the same , signifies S , and so it holds for four . Thus a woman from a watch-Tower , with three lights shewed five times , then with double ones twice , then with treble lights twice , then again with one at once , and with the same four times , then five times with three lights , then thrice , and with as many four times , shall signifie , vir adest , the man is come . Also the lights may be of divers colours , if they would shew that friends are neer . Also by smoke , we may shew that our enemies are neer , or some other thing . Hence it was , that by the policy of Amilcar , the men of Agrigentum , being drawn off far from the City , amongst their enemies that they pursued , unto an ambuscado , where the enemies lay hid , and a by wood set on fire , suffered a great overthrow : for when they thought they were called back by their friends , by reason of a smoke they supposed to come from the walls ; when they turned their course to go to the City , Amilcar commanding , the Carthaginians followed them , who fled before , and so slew them . THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Wherein are propounded Burning-glass , and the wonderful sights to be seen by them . THE PROEME . NOw I am come to Mathematical Sciences , and this place requires that I shew some experiments concerning Catoptrick-glasses . For these shine amongst Geometrical instruments , for Ingen●ity , Wonder , and Profit : For what could be invented more ingeniously , then that certain experiments should follow the imaginary conceits of the mind , and the truth of Mathematical Demonstrations should be made good by Ocular experiments ? what could seem more wonderful , then that by reciprocal strokes of reflexion , Images should appear outwardly , hanging in the Air , and yet neither the visible Object nor the Glass seen ? that they may seem not to be the repercussion of the Glasses , but Spirits of vain Phantasms ? to see burning Glasses , not to burn alone where the beams unite , but at a great distance to cast forth terrible fires , and flames , that are most profitable in warlike expeditions , as in many other things . We read that Archimedes at Syracuse with burning Glasses defeated the forces of the Romans : and that King Ptolomey built a Tower in Pharos , where he set a Glass , that he could for six hundred miles , see by it the enemies Ships , that invaded his Country , and plundered it . I shall adde also those Spectacles , whereby poor blinde people can at great distance , perfectly see all things . And though venerable Antiquity seem to have invented many and great things , yet I shall set down greater , more Noble , and more Famous things , and that will not a little help to the Optick Science , that more sublime wits may increase it infinitely . Lastly , I shall shew how to make Crystal and Metal Glasses , and how to polish them . CHAP. I. Divers representations made by plain Glasses . I Shall begin with plain Glasses , for they are more simple , and the speculations thereof , are not so laborious , though the apparitions of them be almost common , yet they will be useful for what follows : and we shall add some secret apparitions unto them . The variety of the Images that appear , proceed either from the matter or form of the Glass . Crystal must be clear , transparent , and exactly made plain on both sides : and if one or both of these be wanting , they will represent divers and deformed apparitions to our sight . I shall therefore begin from the matter , and shew How apparitions may seem to him that looks upon them , to be pale , yellow , or of divers colours . When the Glass is melted with heat in the furnace , with any little colour it will be tainted ; if you cast in yellow , the face of him that looks into it , will seem to have they yellow Jaundies ; if black , he will appear wan and deformed ; if you add much of it , like to a blackmoore ; if red , like a drunkard or furious fellow ; and so will it represent Images of any colour . How to mingle the colours , I taught when I spake of Jewels . I have oft made sport with the most fair women , with these Glasses ; when they looked , and saw not themselves as they were : but there are many varieities arise from the form . That the face of him that looks on the Glass may seem to be divided in the middle , Let the superficies of the looking-glasse that you look on , be plain , and exactly polished by rule ; but the backside must have a blunt angle in the middle , that the highest part of it may be in the middle ; in the outward parts it must be sharp and pressed down ; then lay on the foil : wherefore the Image that falls on your sight , where the lines meet in the angle , will seem divided into two . If you will That he that looks in the Glass , shall seem like an Ass , Dog , or Sow ; By variation of the place , the Angles , and the representation of the Form beheld , will seem various . If that part of the Glass , that is set against your mouth , shall stick forth before like a wreathed band or a Boss-buckler , your mouth will appear to come forth like an Asses or Sows snout ; but if it swell forth against your eyes , your eyes will seem to be put forth like shrimps eyes ; if the Angle be stretched forth by the length of the Glass , your Forehead , Nose , and Chin , will seem to be sharp , as the mouth of a Dog. That the whole face may seem various and deformed . Let a plain Glass not be exactly plain and even : which that it may be done , when the Glass is once made plain , put it into the furnace again , and let it be turned by the skilful hand of an Artist , till it lose its right position , then foil it . Then the Image on the hollow part of the Glass , will represent the opposite part hollow ; so it will hold forth one lying along on his face , or crooked , and swelling outwardly and inwardly . Then if when the Glass is polished , one side be rubbed , the face will seem long and broad : wherefore it must be rubbed , and fashioned on all sides , that it may every way represent a perfect face . I shall shew you also How to make a Glass to represent many Images . That it may shew divers Images one after another , and of divers colours , make the solid body of the Looking-glass , or Glass that is half a finger thick , and let it be so plained , that upon one side , the thickness may not be touched , but on the other side , the lines of the two superficies may meet , as the sharp edge of a Knife . M●ke also another table of a Glass the same way : or else more ; lay a foil of Tin upon the last , and place one of them upon the other , so that the thinner part of the one , may lye upon the thick part of the other : so will the face of one that looks into it , appear to be two , one behind the other , and the nethermost will always appear darkest . So if by the same Artifice , you fit three tables of Glass , the Image will appear to be three , and the farther he that looks , stands with his face from the Glass , the farther will those Images or faces stand asunder ; but as you come very neer , they seem to joyn all in one : If you hold a Candle lighted against it , there will be many seen together , which comes by the mutual reciprocation of the sight and the Glasse ▪ and if the polishers of Glasses be not neer-hand , we may make the same with common Looking-glasses , putting one aptly above another , but let one be distant from the other by certain courses ; then shut them in a frame , that the Art may not be discovered . Nor will I omit How letters may be cast out and read , on a wall that is far distant ; which we shall do with the same plain Glass ; and lovers that are far asunder , may so hold commerce one with another . On the superficies of a plain Glass , make Letters with black ink , or with wax , that they may be solid to hinder the light of the Glass , and shadow it ; then hold the Glass against the Sun-beams , so that the beams reflecting on the Glass , may be cast upon the opposite wall of a Chamber , it is no doubt but the light and letters will be seen in the Chamber , the Suns light will be clearest , and the letters not so bright ; so that they will be clearly discovered , as they are sent in . CHAP. II. Other merry sports with plain Looking-glasses . NOw I shall annex some other operations of a plain Glass , described by our Ancestors , that I may seem to leave out nothing : and I will so augment them , and bring them to a rule , that they may be easily made . I shall begin with this , How by plain Looking-glasses , the head may appear to be downwards , and the heels upwards . If any man by plain Glasses , desires to see his head downward , and his feet upward ( though it is proper for Concave-Glasses to represent that ) yet I will endeavour to do it by plain Glasses . Place two Glasses long-ways , that they may stick together , and cannot easily come asunder , or move here and there , and that they make a right Angle ; when this is so done , according to coherence the long way , set this against your face , that in one , half the face , in the other the other half may be seen ; then incline the Looking-glasse to the right or left hand , looking right into it , and your head will seem to be turned , for according to their latitude , they will cut the face into two , and the Image will appear so , as if the head were under , and the heels upwards ; and if the Glass be large , the whole body will seem to be inverted . But this happens from the mutual and manifold reflection , for it flies from one to the other , that it seems to be turned . We may Make a plain Glass that shall represent the Image manifold . A Glass is made that will make many representations , that is , that many things may be seen at once ; for by opening and shutting it , you shall see twenty fingers for one , and more . You shall make it thus : Raise two brass Looking-glasses , or of Crystal , at right Angles upon the same basis , and let them be in a proportion called sesquialtera , that is , one and half , or some other proportion , and let them be joyned together longways , that they may be shut and opened , like to a Book ; and the Angles be divers , such as are made at Venice : For one face being objected , you shall see many in them both , and this by so much the straighter , as you put them together , and the Angles are less : but they will be diminished by opening them , and the Angles being more obtuse , you shall see the fewer : so shewing one figure , there will be more seen : and farther , the right parts will shew right , and the left to be the left , which is contrary to Looking-glasses ; and this is done by mutual reflection and pulsation , whence ariseth the variety of Images interchangably . We may Make a Glass of plain Glasses , wherein one Image coming , is seen going back in another . Take two plain Glasses , the length whereof shall be double , or one and half to the latitude , and that for greater convenience : for the proportion is not material ; but let them be of the same length , and equal , and laid on the top of a Pillar , inclining one to the other , and so joyn'd together ; and let them be set upright upon some plain place perpendicularly , so the Glasses fastned , may be moved on the moveable side . It is no doubt but you shall see the Image to come in one , and go back in the other Glass ; and the more this comes neer , the farther will the other go ; and in one will it be seen coming , and in the other going . Also you may see In plain Glasses those things that are done afar off , and in other places . So may a man secretly see , and without suspition , what is done afar off , & in other places , which otherwise cannot be done : but you must be careful in setting your Glasses . Let there be a place appointed in a house or elsewhere , where you may see any thing , and set a Glass right over against your window , or hole , that may be toward your face , and let it be set straight up if need were , or fastned to the wall , moving it here and there , and inclining it till it reflect right against the place ; which you shall attain by looking on it , and coming toward it : and if it be difficult , you cannot mistake , if you use a quadrant or some such instrument ; and let it be set perpendicular upon a line , that cuts the Angle of reflection , and incidence of the lines , and you shall clearly see what is done in that place . So it will happen also in divers places . Hence it is , that if one Glass will not do it well , you may do the same by more Glasses ; or if the visible Object be lost by too great a distance , or taken away by walls or mountains coming between ; moreover , you shall fit another Glass just against the former , upon a right line , which may divide the right Angle , or else it will not be done , and you shall see the place you desire . For one Glass sending the Image to the other tenfold , and the Image being broken by many things , flies from the eye , and you shall see what you first light upon , until such time as the Image is brought to you by right lines , and the visible Object is not stopt by the windings of places or walls : and the placing of it is easie . So oft-times I use to convey Images of things . But if otherwise you desire to see any high place , or that stands upright , and your eye cannot discern it ; fit two Looking-glasses together long-ways , as I said , and fasten one upon the top of a post or wall , that it may stand above it , and the Object may stand right against it ; the other to a cord , that you may move it handsomely when you please , and that it may make with the first sometimes a blunt , sometimes a sharp Angle , as need requires , until the line of the thing seen , may be refracted by the middle of the second Glass to your sight , and the Angles of reflection and incidence be equal ; and if you seek to see high things , raise it ; if low things , pull it down , till it beat back upon your sight , then shall you behold it . If you hold one of them in your hand , and look upon that , it will be more easily done . I shew you also How to make a Glass that shall shew nothing but what you will. Also a Glass is so framed , that when you look into it , you shall not see your own picture , but some otherface , that is not seen any where round about . Fasten a plain Glass on a wall upon a plain , set upright perpendicularly , and bow the top of it to the known proportion of the Angle : right against it cut the wall , according as the proportion of some Picture or Image may require , and set it by it , according to a fit distance , and cover it , that the beholder may not see it ( and the matter will be the more wonderful ) nor can come at it : The Glass at a set place will beat back the Image , that there will be a mutual glance of the visible Object and the sight , by the Looking-glasses : there place your eye ; you shall find that place , as I taught you before . Wherefore the spectator going thither , shall neither see his own face , nor any thing else besides : when he is opposed to it , and comes to the set place , he shall see the Image or the Picture , or some such thing , which he can behold nowhere else . You shall now know How a Glass may be made of plain Glasses , whereby you may see an Image flying in the Air. Nor is that Glass of less importance , or pleasure , that will represent men flying in the Air. If any man would do it , it is easily done thus : Fit two pieces of wood together like a square or gnomon of a Dial , and being well fastned , they may make an Angle as of a right angled triangle , or Isosceles . Fasten then at each foot one great Looking-glass , equally distant , right one against the other , and equidistant from the Angle : let one of them lye flat , and let the spectator place himself about the middle of it , being somewhat raised above the ground , that he may the more easily see the form of the heel going and coming : for presently you shall perceive , if you set your self in a right line , that cuts that Angle , and it be equidistant to the horizon . So the representing Glass will send that Image to the other , which the spectator looks into , and it will shake and move the hands and feet , as Birds do when they fly . So shall he see his own Image flying in the other , that it will always move , so he depart not from the place of reflection , for that would spoil it . CHAP. III. A Looking-glass called a Theatrical Glass . PRudent Antiquity found out a Looking-glass made of plain Glasses , wherein if one Object might be seen , it would represent more Images of the same thing ; as we may perceive by some writings , that go in Ptolomies name . Lastly , I shall add to this what our age hath invented , that is far more admirable and pleasant . Wherefore To make an Antient fashioned Looking-glass of plain Glasses , wherein more Pictures will be represented of the something . The way is this ; make a half circle on a plain Table , or place where you desire such a Glass to be set up ; and divide this equally with points according to the number of the Images you would see . Make subtendent lines to them , and cut away the arches ; then erect plain Looking-glasses , that may be of the same latitude , and of the same parallel lines , and the same longitude ; glew them fast together , and fit them so , that they may not be pulled asunder , as they are joyned long-ways , and erected upon a plain superficies . Lastly , let the spectator place his eye in the centre of the circle , that he may have his sight uniform , in respect of them all ; in each of them you shall see a several face , and so quite round , as we see it often when people dance round , or in a Theatre , and therefore it is called a Theatrical Glass : For from the centre all the perpendicular lines fall upon the superficies , and they are reflected into themselves ; so they reflect the Images upon the eye , each of them drawing forth its own . This is the Antients way of making a Theatrical Glass ; but it is childish : I will shew you one that is far more pleasant , and wonderful ; for in the former , the Images were seen no more than the Glasses were in number ; but in our Glass , by the manifold and reciprocal da●tings of the Object and the Glass , you may see far more , and almost infinite Images . The way is this . How to make an Amphitheatrical-Glass . Make a circle on a Table what largeness you desire , and divide it into unequal parts ; and in the place where the Object or Face to be seen must be opposed , leave two void spaces : over against the parts , let a right line be made upon the lines that determine the parts , let Looking-glasses be raised perpendicularly ; for the face that shall be against the Looking-glass , placed in the middle , will fly back to the beholder of it , and so rebounding to another , and from that to another , and by many reflections you shall see almost infinite faces , and the more the Glasses are , the more will be the faces : If you set a Candle against it , you shall see innumerable Candles . But if the Glasses you erect , shall be of those already described , from so many divers faces of Asses , Sows , Horses , Dogs ; and of colours , yellow , Brown , red , the spectators shall see a far more wonderful and pleasant sight , for by reason of the manifold reflection , and diversity of the forms of the Glasses , and colours , an excellent mixture will arise . But I will now make one that is far more wonderful and beautiful . For in that the beholder shall not see his own face , but a most wonderful , and pleasant , and orderly form of pillars , and the basis of them , and variety of Architecture . Make therefore a circle as you would have it for magnitude , but I hold the best to be where the diameter is two foot and a half : divide the circumference into equal parts ; as for example , into fourteen ; the points of the divisions shall be the places , where the pillars must be erected . Let the place where the spectator must look , contain two parts ; and take one pillar away , so there will be thirteen pillars : Let one pillar be right against the sight ; then raise Looking-glasses upon the lines of space between , not exactly , but inclined : place then two Looking-glasses at opposition in a right line , but the rest about the beginning , where they joyn , and that for no other reason , but that the beholders face , being not rightly placed , may not be reflected , as I said before : for thus the Glasses will not represent faces , but pillars , and spaces between , and all ornaments . Hence by the reciprocal reflection of the Glasses , you shall see so many pillars , basis , and varieties , keeping the right order of Architecture , that nothing can be more pleasant , or more wonderful to behold . Let the perspective be the Dorick and Corinthian , adorned with Gold , Silver , Pearls , Jewels , Images , Pictures , and such like , that it may seem the more Magnificent : the form of it shall be thus . Let H G. be the place for the beholder to look : the pillar against him shal be A , in the Glass AB , or AC , the face of the beholder shall not be seen , but AB is reflected into IH , and IH into BD , so by mutual reflections they are so multiplied , that they seem to go very far inwardly , so clearly and apparently , that no spectator that looks into it , unless he know it , but he will thrust his hands in to touch the orders . If you set a Candle in the middle , it will seem so to multiply by the Images rebounding , that you shall not see so many Stars in the skies , that you can never wonder enough at the Order , Symmetry , and the Prospect . I have raised and made this Amphitheatre divers ways , and to shew other orders , namely two ranks of pillars , so that the one stuck to the Glasses , the other stood alone in the middle , bound with the chief Arches , and with divers Ornaments , that it may seem to be a most beautiful Perspective or Architecture . Almost the same way is there made a little chest of many plain Glasses , covered round : this they call the Treasury : on the ground , arches and walls , were there Pearls , Jewels , Birds , and Monies hanging , and these were so multiplied by the reflections of the Glasses , that it reprsented a most rich Treasury indeed . Make therefore a Chest of wood , let the bottom be two foot long , and one and half broad ; let it be open in the middle , that you may well thrust in your head ; on the right and left hand , erect the side-boards a foot long , semicircular above , that it may be arched , but not exactly circular , namely , divided into five parts , each a hand-breadth . Cover this all about with Glasses ; where the Glasses joyn , there put Pearls , Precious-stones , specious Flowers , divers colour'd Birds : above the bottom set heaps of Gold , and Silver Meddals ; from the Arches , let there hang Pearls , fleeces of Gold ; for when the C●ffer is moved gently , they will move also , and the Images will move in the Glasses , that it will be a pleasant sight . CHAP. IV. Divers operations of Concave-Glasses . BUt the operations of Concave-glasses are far more curious and admirable , and will afford us more commodities . But you can do nothing perfectly with it , until you know first the point of inversion . Therefore that you may do it the better , and more easily Know the point of Inversion of Images in a Concave-glass , Do thus : Hold your Glass against the Sun , and where you see the beams unite , know that to be the point of Inversion . If you cannot well perceive that , breathe a thick vapour from your mouth upon it , and you shall apparently see where the coincidence is of the reflected beams ; or set under it a vessel of boyling water . When you have found the point of Inversion , if you will That all things shall seem greater . Set your head below that point , and you shall behold a huge Face like a monstrous Bacchus , and your finger as great as your arm : So women pull hairs off their eye-brows , for they will shew as great as fingers . Seneca reports that Hostius made such Concave-Glasses , that they might make things shew greater : He was a great provoker to lust ; so ordering his Glasses , that when he was abused by Sodomy , he might see all the motions of the Sodomite behind him , and delight himself with a false representation of his privy parts that shewed so great . To kindle fire with a Concave-Glass . This Glass is excellent above others , for this , that it unites the beams so strongly , that it will shew forth a light Pyramis of its beams , as you hold it to the Sun ; and if you put any combustible matter in the centre of it , it will presently kindle and flame , that with a little stay will melt Lead or Tin , and will make Gold or Iron red hot : and I have heard by some , that Gold and Silver have been melted by it ; more slowly in winter , but sooner in summer , because the medium is hotter ; at noon rather than in the morning , or evening for the same reason . To make an Image seem to hang in the Air , by a Concave-Glass . This will be more wonderful with the segment of a circle , for it will appear farther from the Glass . If you be without the point of Inversion , you shall see your head downwards . That with fixed eyes , and not winking at all , you may behold the point , until it comes to your very sight : For where the Cathe●us shall cut the line of reflection , there the species reflected will seem almost parted from the Glass : the neerer you are to the Centre , the greater will it be , that you will think to touch it with your hands : and if it be a great Glass , you cannot but wonder ; for if any man run at the Glass with a drawn sword , another man will seem to meet him , and to run through his hand . If you shew a Candle , you will think a Candle is pendulous lighted in the Air. But if you will That the Image of a Concave-Glass should go out far from the Centre ; when you have obtain'd the Image of the thing in its point , if you will have it farther distant from the Centre , and that the Picture of a thing shall be farther stretched forth , then you shall decline from the point a little toward the right or left hand , about the superficies of the Glass , and the Image will come forth the farther , and will come to your sight : There , namely where the Catherus doth the farthest off that is possible touch the line of reflection , which few have observed : from which principle many strange wonders may be done . When you have this , you may easily Reflect heat , cold , and the voice too , by a Concave-Glass . If a man put a Candle in a place , where the visible Object is to be set , the Candle will come to your very eyes , and will offend them with its heat and light . But this is more wonderful , that as heat , so cold , should be reflected : if you put snow in that place , if it come to the eye , because it is sensible , it will presently feel the cold . But there is a greater wonder yet in it ; for it will not onely reverberate heat and cold , but the voice too , and make an Eccho ; for the voice is more rightly reflected by a polite and smooth superficies of the Glass , and more compleatly than by any wall . I prove this , because , if a man turn his face to the Glass , and his friend stand far behind his back , when he beholds his face , he shall decline his face from the point of Inversion ; but on the right hand , about the superficies of the Glass , and his face will come forth far from the Glass , and will seem very great about the face of his friend : Whatsoever he shall speak with a low voyce against the Glass , he shall hear the same words and motions of his mouth , and all motion from the mouth of the reflected Image ; and they that stand in the middle between them , shall perceive nothing at all . But he that would send his own Image to his friend , must observe till his head shall come to the Glass . It is profitable also By a Concave-Glass to see in the night what is done afar off . By this very Glass , we may in a tempestuous night , in the middle of the streets , cast the light a great way , even into other mens Chambers . Take the Glass in your hand , and set a Candle to the point of Inversion , for the parallel beams will be reflected to the place desired , and the place will be enlightned above sixty paces , and whatsoever falls between the parallels , will be clearly seen : the reason is , because the beams from the Centre to the circumference , are reflected parallel , when the parallels come to a point ; and in the place thus illuminared , letters may be read , and all things done conveniently , that require great light . By the same Art we may With a few small lights give light to a great Hall. In Temples , Watches , and nightly Feasts , any man may thus with a few lights make a great light . At two or more places of the Chamber set Concave-glasses above , and let them be so ordered , that the place of concurrent parallels may be coincident in the place required ; and in the point of Inversion of them , the light will be so multiplied , that it will be as light as noon-day . Lamps are best for this purpose , because the light varies not from the place . Candles are naught , because they alter the places of reflection . More commodiously then by a plain Glass , to signifie by a Concave-glass , secretly some notes to your friend : Thus , do as I said , make the marks upon your Glass superficies with wax or some dark substance , and setting it against the light , it will cast the light upon the walls of the Chamber , and there it will be dark where the letters are made : one that knows the craft , may easily read them . But this is more admirable for one that knows not the cause , To read letters in a dark night . A Concave-Glass is of great use for this , and it may be this may be good in time of necessity . Set your Concave-Glass against the Stars of the first magnitude , or against Venus or Mercury , or against a fire or light that is afar off ; for the light reflected will meet in the point of burning , and reflects a most bright light , whereby you may easily read the smallest letters ; for putting the point of reflection to every word , you shall see all clearly . But this is more necessary and profitable , At any hour of the day with a Concave-Glass , to set a House or Fort on fire . You may so burn the enemies Ships , Gates , Bridges , and the like , without danger or suspicion , at a set hour of the day , appointed the day before . Set your Glass against the Sun , and order it so , that the coincidence of the beams may fall upon the point : lay fuel there , and things that will take fire , as I shewed you : and if you would blow up Towers , make heaps of Gun-powder : at night set your Glass , and hide it , that it be not seen , for the next day the Sun will fall upon the same point , where you set fuel for the fire . CHAP. V. Of the mixt operations of the plain Concave-Glasses . I Shall set down the mixt operations and benefits of both these Glasses , that what one cannot do alone , it may do by the help of another . If we would Kindle fire afar off with a plain and a Concave-Glass . It falls out sometimes that one shut up in prison needs fire , and the Sun beams shine not in : or else I will shew how we may kindle Gun-powder without fire , or make mines and fill them with Gun-powder , to blow up Castles or Rocks afar off without danger , setting them on fire by a plain Glass . A plain Glass as it receives the parallel beams of the Sun , it so reflects them , and therefore will cast the beams that are equidistant , a great way : but if a Concave-Glass receive them , it so unites them , that it sets things on fire . Wherefore , first proving where the Concave-Glass must be placed , that it may fire the fuel cast in : the next day , at the hour appointed , let the plain Glass cast in the beams upon the Concave-glass , that will unite them : so without danger , or any suspicion of the enemy , we may kindle fire for our use . Nor is it useless , That by a plain and Concave-Glass the smallest letter shall appear very great , when letters are so small that they can onely be seen : For I have seen St. Johns Gospel , In the beginning , &c. writ so small , in so little place , that it was no bigger than a small pimple , or the sight in a Cocks eye . By this Artifice we may make them seem greater , and read them with ease . Put a Concave-glass , with the back of it to your brest ; over against it in the point of burning , set the writing : behind set a plain Glass , that you may see it : Then in the plain Glass will the Images of the Characters be reflected , that are in the Concave-glass , which the Concave-Glass hath made greater , that you may read them without difficulty . You may With a plain and Concave-Glass , make an Image be seen hanging altogether in the Air. Do thus . I said that by help of a Concave-Glass , an Image may be sent forth : and this is seen by none but those that stand over against it ; Set the Concave-Glass to your brest , without the Centre place a Poniard against it , and going farther off , set a plain Glass against it ; and looking in that , you shall see the Image reflected from the Concave-glass , hanging in the Air , and that exactly . But if an ingenious man observe it , he may wonderfully see an Image hanging in the Air , that is received in a plain Glass , and sent far out as I shewed , without the help of a Concave-glass , and a visible spectacle , by the means of a plain Glass onely . You may also By a plain Glass see your face turned the wrong way . When you have set the Glass to your brest , as I said ; set a plain Glass against it , and look upon it , will cast it upon the Concave-glass , and that will beat it backwards on the plain Glass : so have you your purpose . CHAP. VI. Other operations of a Concave-Glass . BEfore I part from the operations of this Glass , I will tell you some use of it , that is very pleasant and admirable , whence great secrets of Nature may appear unto us . As , To see all things in the dark , that are outwardly done in the Sun , with the colours of them . You must shut all the Chamber windows , and it will do well to shut up all holes besides , lest any light breaking in should spoil all . Onely make one hole , that shall be a hands breadth and length ; above this fit a little leaden or brass Table , and glew it , so thick as a paper ; open a round hole in the middle of it , as great as your little finger : over against this , let there be white walls of paper , or white clothes , so shall you see all that is done without in the Sun , and those that walk in the streets , like to Antipodes , and what is right will be the left , and all things changed ; and the farther they are off from the hole , the greater they will appear . If you bring your paper , or white Table neerer , they will shew less and clearer ; but you must stay a while , for the Images will not be seen presently : because a strong similitude doth sometimes make a great sensation with the sence , and brings in such an affection , that not onely when the senses do act , are they in the organs , and do trouble them , but when they have done acting , they will stay long in them : which may easily be perceived . For when men walk in the Sun , if they come into the dark , that affection continues , that we can see nothing , or very scantly ; because the affection made by the light , is still in our eyes ; and when that is gone by degrees , we see clearly in dark places . Now will I declare what I ever concealed till now , and thought to conceal continually . If you put a small centicular Crystal glass to the hole , you shall presently see all things clearer , the countenances of men walking , the colours , Garments , and all things as if you stood hard by ; you shall see them with so much pleasure , that those that see it can never enough admire it . But if you will See all things greater and clearer , Over against it set the Glass , not that which dissipates by dispersing , but which congregates by uniting , both by coming to it , and going from it , till you know the true quantity of the Image , by a due appropinquation of the Centre ; and so shall the beholder see more fitly Birds flying , the cloudy skies , or clear and blew , Mountains that are afar off ; and in a small circle of paper ( that is put over the hole ) you shall see as it were an Epitomy of the whole world , and you will much rejoyce to see it : all things backwards , because they are neer to the Centre of the Glass , if you set them farther from the Centre , they will shew greater and upright , as they are , but not so clear . Hence you may , If you cannot draw a Picture of a man or any things else , draw it by this means ; If you can but onely make the colours . This is an Art worth learning . Let the Sun beat upon the window , and there about the hole , let there be Pictures of men , that it may light upon them , but not upon the hole . Put a white paper against the hole , and you shall so long fit the men by the light , bringing them neer , or setting them further , until the Sun cast a perfect representation upon the Table against it : one that is skill'd in painting , must lay on colours where they are in the Table , and shall describe the manner of the countenance ; so the Image being removed , the Picture will remain on the Table , and in the superficies it will be seen as an Image in Glass . If you will That all shall appear right , This is a great secret : many have tryed it , but none could obtain it : For some setting Plain Glasses obliquely against the hole , by reverberation against the Table , they could see some things somewhat direct , but dark and not discernable . I oft-times by putting a white paper obliquely against the hole , and looking just against the hole , could see some things direct : but a Pyramis cut obliquely , did shew men without proportion , and very darkly . But thus you may obtain your desire : Put against the hole a convex Glass ; from thence let the Image reflect on a Concave-glass : let the Concave-glass be distant from the Centre , for it will make those Images right , that it receives turned , by reason of the distance of the Centre . So upon the hole and the white paper , it will cast the Images of the Objects so clearly and plainly , that you will not wonder a little . But this I thought fit to let you understand , lest you fail in the work , that the Convex and Concave-glasses be proportionable circles : how you shall do this , will be here declared often . I shall shew also , How in a Chamber you may see Hunting , Battles of Enemies , and other delusions . Now for a conclusion I will add that , then which nothing can be more pleasant for great men , and Scholars , and ingenious persons to behold ; That in a dark Chamber by white sheets objected , one may see as clearly and perspicuously , as if they were before his eyes , Huntings , Banquets , Armies of Enemies , Plays , and all things else that one desireth . Let there be over against that Chamber , where you desire to represent these things , some spacious Plain , where the Sun can freely shine : Upon that you shall set Trees in Order , also Woods , Mountains , Rivers , and Animals , that are really so , or made by Art , of Wood , or some other matter . You must frame little children in them , as we use to bring them in when Comedies are Acted : and you must counterfeit Stags , Bores , Rhinocerets , Elephants , Lions , and what other creatures you please : Then by degrees they must appear , as coming out of their dens , upon the Plain : The Hunter he must come with his hunting Pole , Nets , Arrows , and other necessaries , that may represent hunting : Let there be Horns , Cornets , Trumpets sounded : those that are in the Chamber shall see Trees , Animals , Hunters Faces , and all the rest so plainly , that they cannot tell whether they be true or delusions : Swords drawn will glister in at the hole , that they will make people almost afraid . I have often shewed this kind of Spectacle to my friends , who much admired it , and took pleasure to see such a deceit ; and I could hardly by natural reasons , and reasons from the Opticks remove them from their opinion , when I had discovered the secret . Hence it may appear to Philosophers , and those that study Opticks , how vision is made ; and the question of intromission is taken away , that was antiently so discussed ; nor can there be any better way to demonstrate both , than this . The Image is let in by the pupil , as by the hole of a window ; and that part of the Sphere , that is set in the middle of the eye , stands in stead of a Crystal Table . I know ingenious people will be much delighted in this . It is declared more at large in our Opticks . From hence may one take his principles of declaring any thing to one that is confederate with him , that is secret , though the party be far off , shut up in prison . And no small Arts may be found out . You shall amend the distance by the magnitude of the Glass . You have sufficient . Others that under took to teach this , have utter'd nothing but toyes , and I think none before knew it . If you desire to know How you may see the Sun Eclipsed , Now I have determined to shew how the Suns Eclipse may be seen . When the Sun is Eclipsed , shut your Chamber-windows , and put a paper before a hole , and you shall see the Sun : let it fall upon the paper opposite from a Concave-glass , and make a circle of the same magnitude : do so at the beginning , middle , and end of it . Thus may you without any hurt to your eyes , observe the points of the diameter of the Suns Eclipse . CHAP. VII . How you may see in the dark ▪ what is light without by reason of Torches . VVE may demonstrate the same without the light of the Sun , not without wonder . Torches , or lights lighted on purpose in Chambers , we may see in another dark Chamber what is done , by fitting things as I said : but the light must not strike upon the hole , for it will hinder the operation ; for it is a second light that carries the Images . I will not conceal at last a thing that is full of wonder and mirth , because I am faln upon this discourse , That by night an Image may seem to hang in a Chamber . In a tempestuous night the Image of any thing may be represented hanging in the middle of the Chamber , that will terrifie the beholders . Fit the Image before the hole , that you desire to make to seem hanging in the Air in another Chamber that is dark ; let there be many Torches lighted round about . In the middle of the dark Chamber , place a white sheet , or some solid thing , that may receive the Image sent in : for the spectators that see not the sheet , will see the Image hanging in the middle of the Air , very clear , not without fear and terror , especially if the Artificer be ingenious . CHAP. VIII . How without a Glass or representation of any other thing , an Image may seem to hang in the Air. BEfore I part from this Image hanging in the Air , I will shew how you may make the Images of all things seem to hang in the Air , which will be a wonder of wonders ; chiefly being done without the apparition of a Glass , or a visible Object . But first we will examine what the Antients writ of this matter . One Vitellio describes the business after his fashion , thus : Fasten the segment of a Cylinder in the middle of the house , set upon a Table , or Stool , that it may glance perpendicularly upon the ground ; then place your eye at some hole or chink that is somewhat distant from the Glass , and let it be fixed , that it may not move here and there : over against the Glass break the wall , and make it like to a window : let it be Pyramidal in shape , and let the sharp point be within , and the basis without , as men use to do , when a Picture or any Image is placed for the eye to look upon ; but let it be reflected on by the superficies of the Pyramidal Glass , that the Picture placed without , which your eye cannot see through the hole , may seem to hang pendulous in the Air ; which will cause admiration to behold . A Pyramidal Convex-glass will do the same , if you fit it so that it may represent the same Image . It may be done also by a Sphaerical Convex and Concave . But the matter promiseth more in the Frontispiece written upon it , then it will performe in the conclusion . Wherefore the Image will be seen without the Glass , but by the means of the Glass ; so that the thing beheld in the Glass , will seem to be without it . But he is foully mistaken here , as in other places . He had said better , by a Cylinder of Crystal : For as a pillar it would make an irradiation outwardly , yet it would be worse seen than in the pillar , as I shall shew . But I shall discover what I purposed always to conceal ; That neither the Object nor Glass may be seen , yet the Image shall seem to hang alone , pendulous in the middle of the Chamber ; And walking about , you shall behold the Image every where . But is such a thing fit to be discovered to the people ? shall I do such an unworthy Act ? Ah! my pen falls out of my hand . Yet my desire to help posterity , overcomes ; for perhaps from this gleaning as it were , greater and more admirable inventions may be produced . Let it be so : get not a Sphaerical Cylinder , or Convex diflection of a Pyramidal Concave , the portion of which segment is not known ; but let it be that which may descend upon his right Angle by a half Cylinder and a square , and is parted by an oblique Angle . Of two parts it must be received pendulous , and beneath in the half of its diameter it is conveyed from the middle . Let all the windows of the house be shut : stop all the chinks , that the light may not come in beneath . In that place where the spectacle is prepared , if the Sun or Moon beams fall in , the whole shew is spoiled . So place the beams of the Image that are beaten back , that the head of it may by repercussion fall right upon the earth . So will the visible Object that comes by reper●ussion , be reflected above and beneath ; It will follow the fashion of the first Glass : let a Brass or Marble Table be so placed upon it , as we said ; and lest the light falling from the window should light upon the plain Cylinder , and the crooked Glass , it mu● be stopped by a shutter of a hands-breath , that is three times as broad as the hole ; for it will break forth every way : You shall cover the apparition , that the Image may be fitted very deep , that there may seem to be a pit : as the beams meet , let the spectator come , who cannot be in any great mistake . But cover your sight round , that the Glass offend not your eye . Then is the Image seen , and it shall not appear above the Table , where the falling of the Cathetus will cut the line of sight through the Centre of the Glass . I could open the matter no plainer , I have done what I could : I know he that can understand it , will rejoyce very much . CHAP. IX . Mixtures of Glasses , and divers apparitions of Images . NOw will I try to make a Glass , wherein many diversities of Images shall appear : and though such a one be hard to make , yet it will recompence all by the diversity of Images , and the benefit of it . If then you would Make a Glass that shall represent much diversity of Images . Take a great or small circle , as you would have your Glass , and here and there cut off two parts of the circumference , one to the quantity of a Pentagon , the other of a Hexagon , as is clear in the Mathematicks : let the arch of the Pentagon be made hollow with some table , or Iron , that it may exactly receive it into it , and may seem to be cut out of it ; but the side of the Hexagon shall be contrary to this , for the quantity of that must be received by a Convex Table , that the arch of it may so stick forth : Then take a foil of Wax or Lead , of a convenient thickness , that exceeds the breadth of the arch of the Hexagon , and in length exceeds them both : Then crook this plate so , that it may exactly stand in the hollow of the wood , that there be no space or chink left between them ; then let the Convex superficies that is preserved prominent , be applied inwardly , according to the breadth of it ; that the form of the Concavity may not be against the Convexity , but that the same plate may receive both portions without impediment : Having thus made your model , make your Glass of steel , or of some other mixture , as I shall shew you ; and when it is polished , it will shew you many diversites of Images . First , the right parts will shew right , and the left the left , whereas the nature of plain Glasses , is to shew the right side as left , and the left side as right : and if you go backwards , the Image will seem proportionable , and will come forward : if you come more towards the Convex superficies , the Image will shew ugly ; and the neerer you come , the uglier will it shew , and be more like a hories head . If you incline the Glass , that will incline too ; and by varying the Glass , and the situation of it , you shall perceive divers variations ; sometimes the head down , and the heels up ; and you shall see many other things that I think not needful to relate now : for being placed on a voluble set , that it may shew both parts before and behind , the spectator of himself may see all things . We may Make a Glass out of all , that in that alone all Images may be seen , that are seen in all : many mouths ; sometimes greater , sometimes less , sometimes right , sometimes left , some neerer , some farther off , some equidistant . If a crooked be set in one place , in another a Concave , and a plain one in the middle , you shall see great diversity of Images . These are The operations of a Convex Cylindrical Glass . When your face is against it , the more deformed it appears in length , the more ugly it is for slenderness : if the length of it cut the face overthwart , it shews a low pressed down face like a Frogs , that you shall see nothing but the teeth : almost the same way , as you shall see it in a Sword , or any other long and polished steel : if you incline it forward , the forehead will appear very great , the chin small and slender like a horse . But contrary to these are The operations of Cylindrical Concave-glasses . If you look into the Concave , you shall see more Images of the same thing , imitating the said Glass . If you set your eye to the Centre , you shall see it all the breadth of the Glass ; so your forehead , mouth , and the rest . If you turn such a Glass , that it may cut your face broad-ways , you shall presently see your head inverted , and the rest that I related in the Concave-glass . The operations of a Pyramidal Glass turned , are these : You shall see a sharp forehead , and a large chin . But the contrary way , a long forehead , with a very long nose . In a Concave you shall behold many faces , if according to the concavity you fit many portions of plain Glasses : for one looking into it , shall find them as many as there are Glasses , and all moving a like ; and again , what Glass soever it be , if it be not plain , it shall shew always different from the Image . CHAP. X. Of the effects of a Lenticular Crystal . MAny are the operations of a Lenticular Crystal , and I think not fit to pass them over in silence . For they are Concaves and Convexes . The same effects are in spectacles , which are most necessary for the use of mans life ; whereof no man yet hath assi●n'd the effects , nor yet the reasons of them . But of these more at large in our Opticks . That no space may be empty , I shall touch some things here ; I call Lenticulars , portions of circles compacted together , of Concaves and Convexes . I will first shew How with a Convex Crystal Lenticular to kindle fire . A Convex Lenticular kindleth fire most violently , and sooner , and more forcibly then a Concave-glass : I gave the reasons in my Opticks . For being held against the Sun , when the beams meet in the opposite part , it will kindle fire it is opposite to , melt Lead , and fire Metals . Moreover , if you will By night give light afar off with a Lenticular Crystal , Set a Candle a little behind the point of burning , so it will cast parallels a very great way to the opposite part , that you may see men pass the streets , and all things done in Chambers that are far from you . The same way as I said of a Concave-glass , we may In a dark night read a letter by a Lenticular Crystal : Put the letter behind the Glass , against the Stars or Candles a great way from you ; where the beams meet , the words that are opposite will be clearly seen in a dark night , and the Chamber shut . But that which follows , will afford you a principle far better for your consideration : Namely , By a Lenticular Crystal to see things that are far off , as if they were close by . For setting your eye in the Centre of it behind the Lenticular , you are to look upon a thing afar off , and it will shew so neer , that you will think you touch it with your hand : You shall see the clothes colours , mens faces , and know your friends a great way from you . It is the same To read an Epistle a great way off with a Lenticular Crystal . For if you set your eye in the same place , and the Epistle be at a just distance , the letters will seem so great , that you may read them perfectly . But if you incline the Lenticular to behold the Epistle obliquely , the letters will seem so great , that you may read them above twenty paces off . And if you know how to multiply Lenticulers , I fear not but for a hundred paces you may see the smallest letters , that from one to another the Characters will be made greater : a weak sight must use spectacles fit for it . He that can fit this well , hath gain'd no small secret . We may Do the same more perfectly with a Lenticular Crystal . Concave Lenticulars will make one see most clearly things that are afar off ; but Convexes , things neer hand ; so you may use them as your sight requires . With a Concave you shall see small things afar off , very clearly ; with a Convex , things neerer to be greater , but more obscurely : if you know how to fit them both together , you shall see both things afar off , and things neer hand , both greater and clearly . I have much helpe● some of my friends , who saw things afar off , weakly ; and what was neer , confusedly , that they might see all things clearly . If you will , you may By a Convex Lenticular Crystal see an Image hanging in the Air. If you put the thing to be seen behind the Lenticular , that it may pass thorow the Centre , and set your eyes in the opposite part , you shall see the Image between the Glass and your eyes ; and if you set a paper against it , you shall see it clearly : so that a lighted Candle will seem to burn upon the Paper . But By a Concave Lenticular to describe compendiously how long and broad things are . A Painter may do it with great commodity , and proportion : for by opposition to a Concave Lenticular , those things that are in a great Plain are contracted into a small compass by it ; so that a Painter that beholds it , may with little labour and skill , draw them all proportionably and exactly : but to leave nothing concerning spectacles , I will shew How a thing may appear multiplied . Amongst sports that are carried about , a spectacle is of no small account : that Glass Instrument we put to our eyes , to see the better with . For of those things that delude the sight , there can be no better way invented , then by the medium ; for that being changed , all things are changed . Wherefore prepare that of very solid thick Glass , that it may be the better worked by a wheel into proportions : wherefore fit it into many Forms and Angles , whereby we desire to multiply any thing : but in the middle of them , let the Angles be Pyramidal , and let it agree with the sight ; that from divers Forms , Images may be retracted to the eyes , that they cannot discern the truth . Being now made of divers superficies , set them to your eyes ; and if you look upon any mans face hard-by , you will think you see Argus , one that is all Eyes . If his nose , you shall see nothing but nose ; so his hands , fingers , arms , that you shall see no man , but Briareus the Poet , faigned to have have an hundred hands . If you look upon Money , you shall see many for one , that you cannot touch it with your hands , but it will often deceive you ; and it is better to pay with it then to receive . If you see a Galley afar off , you will think it is a fleet of war : If a Souldier walks , that it is an Army marching . And thus are things doubled , and men seem to have two faces , and two bodies , Thus are there divers ways to see , that one thing may seem to be another : and all these things will be evident to those that seek and enquire after them by tryal . CHAP. XI . Of Spectacles whereby one may see very far , beyond imagination . I Will not omit a thing admirable and exceeding useful ; how bleare-ey'd people may see very far , and beyond that one would believe . I spake of Plotomies Glass , or rather spectacle , whereby for six hundred miles he saw the enemies ships coming ; and I shall attempt to shew how that might be done , that we may know our friends some miles off , and read the smallest letters at a great distance , which can hardly be seen . A thing needful for mans use , and grounded upon the Opticks . And this may be done very easily ; but the matter is not so to be published too easily ; yet perspective will make it clear . Let the strongest sight be in the Centre of the Glass , where it shall be made , and all the Sun beams are most powerfully disperst , and unite not , but in the Centre of the foresaid Glass : in the middle of it , where diameters cross one the other , there is the concourse of them all . Thus is a Concave pillar-Glass made with sides equidistant : but let it be fitted by those Sections to the side with one oblique Angle : but obtuse Angled Triangles , or right Angled Triangles must be cut here and there with cross lines , drawn from the Centre , and so will the spectacle be made that is profitable for that use I speak of . CHAP. XII . How we may see in a Chamber things that are not . I Thought this an Artifice not to be despised : for we may in any Chamber , if a man look in , see those things which were never there ; and there is no man so witty that will think he is mistaken : Wherefore to describe the matter , Let there be a Chamber whereinto no other light comes , unless by the door or window where the spectator looks in : let the whole window or part of it be of Glass , as we use to do to keep out the cold ; but let one part be polished , that there may be a Looking-glass on both sides , whence the spectator must look in ; for the rest do nothing . Let Pictures be set over against this window , Marble statues , and such-like ; for what is without will seem to be within , and what is behind the spectators back , he will think to be in the middle of the House , as far from the Glass inward , as they stand from it outwardly , and so clearly and certainly , that he will think he sees nothing but truth . But lest the skill should be known , let the part be made so where the Ornament is , that the spectator may not see it , as above his head , that a pavement may come between above his head : and if an ingenious man do this , it is impossible that he should suppose that he is deceived . CHAP. XIII . Of the operations of a Crystal Pillar . NOr shall the operations of a Crystal Pillar go unspoken of , for in it there are some speculations not to be despised . First , To kindle fire with a Crystal Pillar , by opposing it to the Sun , it will kindle fire behind it about the circumference : oft-times left above the Chamber , when the Sun shined , it burnt the Blankets . They that will at set hours and places burn the enemies camps , if it be laid upon fuel for fire , it will certainly kindle it . We may also With a Crystal Pillar , make an Image hang in the Aire . It will shew the Image hanging in the Air , both before and behind . Let the Object be behind the Pillar , let the Pillar be between that and the eye , the Image will appear outwardly hanging in the Air , above the Pillar , parted every where from the Pillar , clearly and perspicuously ; and if the visible Object be between the eye and the Pillar , the Image will appear behind the Pillar , as I said . If it be a very visible Object , as fire or a candle , the matter is seen more clearly without any difficulty : I gave the reasons in my Opticks . We may also In a Crystal Pillar see many Rain-bows . Make a solid-Pillar in a Glass furnace , so great as a Walnut , and let it be made round onely by the fire , as the manner is , as Glass-makers use to do , that without any help of the wheel , the outward superficies may be most polite : where the Iron touched it , there leave a Pedestall . It is no matter for pure Glass , for impure is best : place this upon your eye , and a burning candle over against it ; the light refracted by bladders will shew infinite Rain-bows , and all the light will seem Golden-colour'd , that nothing can be more pleasant to behold . CHAP. XIV . Of Burning-Glasses . I Proceed to Burning-Glasses , which being opposed against the Sun beams , will kindle fire upon matter laid under them ; In these also are the greatest secrets of Nature known . I shall describe what is found out by E●clide , Ptolomy , and Archimedes ; and I shall add our own inventions , that the Readers may judge how far new inventions exceed the old . Fire is kindled by reflection , retraction , and by a simple and a compound Glass . I shall begin from a simple reflection , and from A Concave-Glass that shall kindle fire behind it : which few have observed . Know , that a Concave-glass will burn from its middle point , unto the hexagonal-side above the Glass , as far as a fourth part of its diameter ; from the hexagonal-side , as far as the tetragonal without the Glass , on the lower part of it : Wherefore cut off that part of the semicircle , which is situate from a pentagon as far as a tetragon , as it were the band of the circle ; and this being polished , and opposed against the Sun , will cast fire far from it , behinde it . I will say no more , because I said more at large in my Opticks concerning this . So also we may With a Concave Pillar or Pyramidal , kindle fire : but very slowly , with delay onely , and in the Summer-Sun ; it kindles in the whole line , and not in a point , but being extended by the point of accension of its circle . The same will fall out by a Pyramidal Concave . CHAP. XV. Of a Parabolical Section , that is of all Glasses the most burning . THat is called a Parabolical Section , that more forcibly farther off , and in shorter time , will set matter on fire , that is opposite to it : it will melt Lead and Tin : My friends related to me , that Gold and Silver also ; but I have made them red hot . By which invention of Archimedes , as appears by the testimony of Galen , and many more , We read that he set the Roman Navy on fire , when Marcellus besieged Syracuse , his Country . Plutarch in the life of Pompilius saith , The fire that burnt in Diana's Temple , was lighted by this Glass , that is , by instruments that are made of the side of right triangle , whose feet are equal : These made hollow , do from the circumference respect one Centre . When therefore they are held against the Sun , so that the beams kindled may be gathered from all parts , and be united in the Centre , and that they do fever the Air rarified , it soon sets on fire all fuel that is combustible opposed against it , by kindling first the lightest and driest parts ; the beams being as so many fiery darts falling upon the Object . In a Concave spherical Glass the beams meeting together , kindle fire in a fourth part of the diameter under the Centre , which are directed within the side of a Hexagon from the superficies of the circle . But a Parabolical Section , is , wherein all the beams meet in one point from all the parts of its superficies . Cardanus teacheth how such a Glass should be made . If we would kindle fire at a mile distance , we must describe a circle , whose diameter must be two miles long ; and of this we must take such a part , that the roundness of it may not lye hid , namely , a sixtieth part , to which we must add a dimetient , according to the altitude in one point , and upon the fixt diameter must we bring about part of the circle , which shall describe the portion of a Sphere ; which when we have polished , if we hold it against the Sun , it will kindle a most violent fire a mile off . 'T is strange how many follies he betrays himself guilty of , in these words . First , he promiseth a Glass should burn a mile off ; which I think is impossible to burn thirty foot off , for it would be of a wonderful vastness ; for the superficies of the Cane is so plain , & to receive any crookedness , it can hardly be made so great . Moreover , to describe a circle , whose diameter should be two miles long , what compasses must we use , and what plate shall we make it on , or who shall draw it about ? And if it be true , that Archimedes by a Parabolical Glass did burn ships from the wall , the distance could not be above ten paces , as appears by the words of the Authors themselves ; for in the same place he raised ships , and threw them against the Rocks : and his engines were Iron bars , the greatest part whereof lay backward ; and by reason of those iron crows , it is manifest it could be done no other ways . There are other fooleries , but I pass them for brevity sake , that I might not seem tedious : the cause of his error was , that he never had made any such Glasses ; for had he tried it , he would have spoke otherwise . But I will now shew how To make a Glass out of a Parabolical Section . The way to describe it is this : Let the distance be known how far we would have the Glass to burn , namely , AB ten foot ; for were it more , it could hardly be done : double the line AB , and make ABC , the whole line will be AC : from the point A , draw a right line DA , and let DA and AE be equal one to the other , and cut at right Angles by AC , but both of them must be joined to the quantity AC , as DCE , which in C make a right Angle , DCE . Therefore the Triangle DCE is a right angled Triangle , and equal sides : and were this turned about the Axis CD , until it come to its own place whence it parted , there would be made a right angled Cane , EDNC , whose Parabolical Section will be ABC : the right line DC will be the Axis of the Cane , and CE shall be the semidiameter of the basis of the Cane : Through the point C you must draw a line parallel to DE , and that is HI of the length of CE and CD ; and by the point B draw another parallel to the said line ED , which is FBG ; and let BG and BF be both of them equal to AC : so FG shall be the upright side , and HI the basis of the Parabolical Section : If therefore a line be drawn through the points HEAGI , that shall be a Parabolical Section , the Diagram whereof is this that follows . But if you will burn any thing , you must not make your Parabolical Glass to the bigness of the whole line HFAGI , but onely take a part thereof , as if we would take the top part of it LAM , that the line LM may cut AC in K , or greater or lesser : if you will make one greater , cut off AK beneath it ; for the bigger it is , the more quickly and vehemently wil it burn ; if you will have it less , take it above AK . But thus you must do , that the crooked line LAM may be more exactly described , that you may not commit the least error . Wherefore on a plain Table I protract the line ABC , and let AB be double the distance , that we intend to burn any thing , that is , the length of the line ABC : from the point B , I raise a perpendicular line BD , the altitude whereof must be of the same semidiameter of the Section to be made , that is the line LM , the half whereof is LK ; from thence describe a semicircle , whose beginning A must pass through the point D. But you shall find the Centre thus : Let the points AD be joyned by a line , and let the Angle BAD be made equal to ADE , and the line DE drawn forth , shall cut AC in F , that shall be the Centre : so draw the semicircle ADC . If therefore we shall cut the line BC into smaller parts , so much the lesser Parabolical line must be described . Divide it into four parts , and let the points of the divisions be HGF : then describe three circles , that shall be termined by A from the three points HGF : the first is AF , the second AG , the third AH : and they shall cut line BD ; the first in F , the second in G , the thir● in H ; thence I take my Section to be perfected LKM , and I cut the line KA into four parts , and thorow those points I draw parallel lines to LM . Let BH be the neerest to the top of the Parabolical Section , the second BG that follows next , and the third BF next to that , and after shall be LM . Thence by the lines LFGHA , draw a crooked line , and do the same on the other part so far as M , and that shall be the line sought for , to make the Parabolical Section , and from that must be made the Glass , as I shall shew . CHAP. XVI . How a Parabolical Section may be described , that may burn obliquely , and at a very great distance . I Have described a Parabolical Section , which might be made by rule and compass , because we may use it at a short distance ; but in greater distance we must proceed by numbers : as for forty or for sixty foot , and not much more , lest the Glass should be made of an unusual magnitude . The foresaid Glass burns between it and the Sun ; and if the Sun be not as you desire it , the operation is lost : so also by an oblique Glass , that is between the Sun and the combustible matter , or over against it . Whence according to the situation you may use them all , namely , wherein they answer your expectation ; and especially when the Sun is in the Meridian , they burn with more vehemency . This I must tell you , that you may not be deceived ; for when you erre , you commonly draw others into error with you . A Parabolical Glass made from the top , if the Section shall be from the top , if we would burn far , the Glass will be plain ; and that it may have some crookedness , it will be wonderful great . And if the Section be about the basis , that will be worst of all ; for from the least distance , it will be almost flat : wherefore that we may have it with some crookedness , we must take a line about the neck of the Section , not the head , nor the feet . Wherefore being to make a Glass of a Parabolical Section , about the neck of the Section , where the greatest crookedness of the Parabolical Section is made , and that may burn far from its superficies , to twenty foot distance ; Let the line AB be the sinus versus eighteen foot long : from the point A , I raise a line to right Angles with AB , which shall be the line by which , the fourth part whereof is AB : cut AB in C , and let it be two foot , and CB sixteen foot : I multiply twice seventy two , and that makes one hundred forty and four ; the square root of this is twelve ; wherefore the line erected perpendicularly from the point C , unto the circumference of the Parabolical Section , will be DI of twelve foot , wherefore CI will be the line appointed : joyn IB , and the Radius that must burn , will be in the point B that was sought for : Wherefore the ray of the Sun , that is equidistant to the sinus versus HI , is reflected by IB in B ; the Latitude whereof will be about twenty foot : for the line IC of twelve foot , multiplied into it self , will make one hundred forty and four ; and CB is sixteen foot , which multiplied into it self , makes two hundred fifty and six ; adde these together , and they make four hundred : the square root of it is twenty foot , thus . Wherefore I am resolved to take the part of the Glass , intercepted between the points I and F , and I seek two thirds of one foot , from C toward B , and I divide one foot into thirty parts , that the crookedness may be taken more precisely ; and let CG be twenty parts of a foot , from A to C sixty parts , because they are two foot : wherefore from A to G , where we shall make our Glass , will be eighty parts . Wherefore let us begin from AC sixty parts , to which I always add four cyfers 0000. for this purpose , that when numbers come forth , whose roots cannot be extracted , those that are taken may be to the least loss : wherefore we shall make the Table under written . In the first line are the points of the sinus versus : in the second , the sqares , the lines to which ; from the multiplication of the sinus versus , namely , the length AE , is seventy two foot : if we shall reduce these to parts , by multiplying by thirty , there comes forth 2160 : multiply by the parts of the sinus versus AC , there will arise 129600 : in the third line are roots of the foresaid number , namely , the lines appointed : adding therefore to 129600 , four cyfers , they make 1296000000 : the square root of this is 36000 , of which last cyfers , one signifies the tenth part of a foot , another the tenth of a tenth part : thus , 360. 0. 0. 0. so will be the foresaid Table made . The points of sinus versus . Multiplication of sinus versus with the line to which . The square root . Tenth parts . Tenths of tenth parts . 60 129600 360 0 0 61 131760 362 9 8 62 133920 365 9 3 63 136080 368 8 9 64 138240 371 8 1 65 140400 374 7 6 66 142560 377 5   67 144720 380 4 2 68 146880 383 2 4 69 149040 386 0 5 The points of sinus versus . Multiplication of sinus versus with the line to which . The square root . Decimal parts . Decimals of decimals . 70 151200 388 8 4 71 153360 391 6 1 72 155520 394 3 6 73 157680 397 0 8 74 159840 399 7 9 75 162600 402 4 8 76 164160 405 1 6 77 166320 407 8 2 78 168480 410 4 6 79 170640 413 0 8 80 172800 415 6 9 These things being done , I take the differences of the roots , of the greatest to the smallest , for they are from 160. 0. 0. to 415. 6. 9. Make choice of the measure of a foot , according to which distances we would make our Glass : let it be AB , which we divide into thirty parts ; and take twenty parts , namely , two thirds : I adde a line to it at right Angles , namely B , and let it be BC , which I divide into fifty five parts . I divide one part into ten , and that one into ten parts more , and those are tens of tens . Let A be nul , that is a cyfer , and there place sixty ; the second part sixty one : the line joyned to right Angles , will be two ; the third part sixty two ; the line joyned to it will be five : so the twentieth part will be eighty , and the line joyned to the Angle fifty six : to the extremities of these lines I fasten a pin , and I put a brass Cithern-wire upon them , and upon it I draw a line , and the Parabolical line is exactly described by it ; for should we draw it without the help of this cord , it will be wavering , and not perfect . Then take a brass Table of convenient thickness , and draw the line now found upon it , filing away all that that shall be above the line CA. These things being done , take an iron rod of an exact length , namely , twelve foot , as the line DC , and at the end fasten a plate , which shall be for the circumvolution of the axis ; at the other end fasten a spike , that it may be fastned somewhere , and be handsomely turned about . So being well fixed , we turn it about , by adding clay mingled with straw , that it may excellent well make a hollow place , like to the form of a Parabolical Section ; which being dried , we must make another solid one , that it may contain the liquid Metal , as the maner is . CHAP. XVII . A Parabolical Section that may burn to infinite distance . ZOnaras the Greek , writes in the third Tome of his Histories , That Anastasius moved sedition against Vitalianus a Thracian , and he got those of Mysia , and the Scythians to stand with him ; and in the Country by Constantinople , he plundered the people , and besieged the City with a Fleet. Marianus the Deputy opposed him ; and there being a fight at sea , by an engine made by Proclus a most excellent man , for he then was famous for Philosophy and Mathematicks ; for he not onely knew all the secrets of the most eminent Artificer , Archimedes , but he found out some new inventions himself ; the enemies Navy was vanquished . For Proclus is reported to have made Burning-Glasses of brass , and to have hanged them on the wall against the enemies Ships ; and when the Sun beams fell upon them , that fire brake forth of them like to lightning , and so burnt their Ships and men at sea , as Dion reports that Archimedes did formerly to the Romans besieging Syracuse . But I will shew you a far more excellent way than the rest , and that no man as ever I knew writ of , and it exceeds the invention of all the Antients , and of our Age also ; and I think the wit of man cannot go beyond it . This Glass doth not burn for ten , twenty , a hundred , or a thousand paces , or to a set distance , but at infinite distance : nor doth it kindle in the Cane where the rays meet , but the burning line proceeds from the Centre of the Glass of any Longitude , and it burns all it meets with in the way . Moreover , it burns behind , before , and of all sides . Yet I think it an unworthy act to divulge it to the ignorant common people : yet let it go into the light , that the immense goodness of our great God may be praised , and adored . Because a proportional Radius doth proceed from the greater Section , from the less is made the greater : to avoid this , make it of a Cylindrical Section , for it is the mean , and let it be set for the axis of the small and of the greater dissection , which may pass through the middle parallels : this held against the Sun , doth make refraction of the beams sent into it , very far , and perpendicularly from the Centre of a Cylindrical Section ; and in this Art the reason cannot be found , that the beams uniting should part again : Wherefore it receives them directly , which it sends back again obliquely into beams far from the superficies of it . For the beams passing through the narrow hole of a window , are forthwith dilated ; nor is their proportion kept , by being far removed , therefore it may reverberate and burn where the Cane seems clearest , which will be neer the Centre , nor is it far distant from the point where the rays meet ; but neer the ray coming forth from that point , from the superficies of the Glass , called Parabolicall , which must remain firm in that place which I said before . Let experiment be made of its vertue , by threds passing from its Centre , or iron wire , or hair ; and it is no matter whether it be Parabolical or Sphaerical , or any Section of the same order : then let it be excellent well fitted upon the Centre of the said Section : If the rays go forth above , or a little beneath , it is no matter , if not much money , or much money be laid out to make it . The making of it depends meerly on the Artificers hand ; the quantity is nothing , be it small or great . The Latitude of the hollow is not necessary , onely let it be sent forth from the middle , that the rays may meet excellent well in the Centre . Let the window be made open aslaunt , that it may receive a Parabolical Glass ; and thus shall you have a Glass , if that be well done I spake of . He that hath ears to hear , let him hear ; I have not spoken barbarously , nor could I speak more briefly , or more plainly . But if a small one do not answer a great one in proportion , know that you will operate nothing : let it be large about the basis , small at the top , equidistant to the first . Let it not be a steel Glass , because it cannot sustain the heat of the burning , and by burning it loseth its brightness . Let it be therefore of Glass a finger thick : Let the Tin foil be of purged Antimony , and Lead , such as they make in Germany : let the form be of clay : put the Glass upon it , and melt it in a Glass furnace , that it may take its form . This is a wonder , that that which causeth so much burning in the work , is cold , or at most but luke-warm . If you would have it burn before , of the Section which is about the basis , make a circle , in the middle point whereof fit the Artifice , that the ray returning , may come forth to the fore part . This I have said ; and I have observed , that we may use this Artifice in great and wonderful things , and chiefly by inscribing letters in a full Moon . For whatsoever we have written by this Glass , as I said of a plain Glass , we may send letters of it to a very great distance : and because I said it sends forth to infinite distance , it is sent as far as the Moon , especially being helped by its light . CHAP. XVIII . To make a Burning-Glass of many Sphaerical Sections . VItellio describes a certain composition of a Burning-glass , made of divers Sphaeral Sections : but what he writes he proves not , nor doth he understand what he says : whilst I was searching for that , I found this . Propound the distance of combustion , let it be CB , let it be doubled , CA shall be the semidiamiter of the Sphaere , whose Centre B must be extended to D , and the Diameter will be AD. Divide CA into four points , but the more the parts are , the more precise will be the description of the line , and set the numbers to the divisions : so setting the foot of the compass fast in I , and the moveable foot in B , make the semicircle EF , and mark it BI : and setting it in the 2. Centre at the same wideness , and the other moveable foot in the line BD , describe another semicircle and mark it 3. and so to the fourth and mark it 4. Then setting the foot firm in B , at the distance of BC , or B4 , make a circle , and the immoveable foot standing on the Centre B , upon the distance B3 , describe another : so there is the third B , and the fourth BA , as BI . Then from the point , A , draw a line , and another from the point B ; and let them meet in a point where the circled meets , with the semicircle 1. for let them be cut in G ; then draw the second line from circle 2. and another from the same A the Centre , and let them meet , where the second circle cuts with the second semicircle in H ; then from the third circle , and from B the Centre , and where they meet in , I , by the meeting of the semicircle : so from the fourth , where the fourth begins in K , and from KIHG draw a line , which shall be the Section to be described . The same may be done on the other part of the circle , the reason is this : The beam of the Sun LI falling upon the point I , of the Glass , is reflected to B , because B3 . and BI are equal from the same circle : therefore the Angle B3I , is equal to BI3 . But B3● is equal to 3IL , because it is subalternate , for the ray of the Sun LI is equidistant to the diameter of the circle , wherefore the Angles LI3 and 3IB , are equal , therefore it is reflected upon B. The same is to be said of the beam MH and NG , and this Glass is contrary to a Sphaeral Glass : From divers points of the circumference , the rays are reflected upon different parts of the diameter , and all the diameters are from the Centre : but in this the reflected beams unite , not in one point , and the diameter are various from the fourth of the diameter . But of this more largely in my Opticks . Lastly , I will not omit that the Cane doth kindle fire circularly , when that as far as this circle it kindles in a point . Divide the Parabolical line by sinus versus , and let them meet upon contrary parts . For example , let the Parabolical Section be CEF , the sinus versus DE : cut this circumference in E , and let CF meet together in the manner they stood before , that it may be EGFE , and about the axis GH turn it round , there will be made a round Cane , make it of Steel , or other Metal ; and polish it , and it will kindle fire round about , CHAP. XIX . Fire is kindled more forcible by refraction . I Have spoken of Burning-glasses by reflection : Now I shall speak of those which burn by refraction ; for these kindle fire more violently , I shall shew my reason in the Opticks . Wherefore By a Cylindre of Crystal to kindle fire . We may do it by setting it against the Sun , but very slowly and by leasure ; for all the beams do not meet in one point , but in a line . The same way almost are we wont To burn with a Pyramidal Crystal Glass . But this burns about a line , yet both burn more strongly than a pillar Glass of a Pyramidal , in the place of this we may use a Vial full of water . But the most violent of them all , is with A Crystal Sphaere , or portion of it . And if a Sphaere be wanting , we may supply it with a Vial full of water , that is round and of Glass , set against the Sun : if you set behind it any combustible matter , that is friendly to the fire , so soon as the rays unite about the superficies , it forthwith kindleth fire , to the wonder of the Spectators : when they see fire raised from water , that is extreme cold , so will the portions of Sphaeres , as spectacles , lenticulars , and such like , which we speak of already . A Crystal parabolick-Glass will kindle fire most vehemently of all , we shall see it , because the beams all meeting , it kindles more than a Glass . We may also , as I said of a Glass By refraction , kindle fire afar off , And almost to infinite distance , as is demonstrated by Obtick reasons ; and the more by how much as refractions work more forcibly than reflections : and I shall perform this many ways , as I said before , not onely by reason , but by experience . Almeon said , That he made the same way parallel lines cut a cross . I have said also , that if they be opposed in place , Crystal Sphaeres are so perfectly opposite by coition , as are Sphaeral and Cylindrical portions . Nor do they cast forth fire so far , that it is hard to believe it , and more than imagination can comprehend . Behold , I shall shew you a more forcible way to kindle fire . It sends forth also unequal , and combust parallels . Let a uniform Section fall in , and it will carry forth oblique beams , you shall see the fire by a hidden and open beam , falling upon a right superficies , and it will come forcibly and uniformly into that place , where the beams unite most in a fit combustible matter : for if that combustible matter that is opposite , be not dry , it is in vain to set a Glass against it , either a Convex Cylindrical , or Concave Sphaerical ; for the matter will be found almost pierced through with strong fire , and if it be not truly opposite it will burn , whether it be small or great . But it is considerable , the portion of which it is . It will do also the same thing , if the thing be opposite , and be small or great , if need be . CHAP. XX. In a hollowed Glass how the Image may hang without . BEfore I depart from a plain Glass , it is performed by the later Artists industry , that in the same Glass many faces may be seen , or likenesses of the same Image , without any hindrance to the first : for behind it they make the Glass hollow , and make a little Concave , whence a foil being laid on , as I shall shew , and fitted well , it will hold another forth without . Hence comes it to pass by this excellent invention , that a man looking in a Glass , may see the upright Image of some other thing , and wonders at it , for catching at it , he can catch nothing but Air. I remember that I have often seen it , and the matter is thus . A Glass being made of Crystal , they make a hollow place on the backside like an Image , as curiously as they can ; then they foil it over , and set it in its place , now as deep as the hollow is with in , so much will it shew it self without the superficies ; and you cannot satisfie your self , unless you touch it with your hands , whether it truly stick without the Glass or not . So Letters are truly read , that they will seem to be made in Silver upon the Crystal ; nor is the eye so quick , but it may be deceived when it looks on . Nor will I omit the Artifice , To see in a plain Glass that which appears no where . I have often much delighted my friends , and made them admire with this Glass . Provide thirty or forty little Tables ready , of a foot and half long , and two fingers broad , and a third part of a finger thick ; so artificially hewed , that the thickness may be upon the one side , and the thinness on the other side , like the edge of a knife . Place all these boards together , that the solid parts may stand altogether , as to make a perfect plain : Then paint your own Picture , or of some other thing upon it : yet by this artifice and great observation , that if the Image be neer the Glass , it must be drawn as it were afar off . If you would have it far distant , let the forehead be unmeasurably long , the nose somewhat longer , and the mouth , and the chin , likewise . The manner how to draw this Form exactly in Tables , I said in my Opticks . When the Image is now described , fasten the little boards upon a plain Table , that the head may be set downwards , and the chin upwards ; and place the first Table after the second , and the second after the third , till they be all fastned . Hang the Table above a mans height , that no man may see into it , above the degrees of the Tables : and place a Glass over this , distant two foot from the Table , so long lifting it up , and putting it down till you see the perfect Image . Now when any man comes neer the Glass to see his own Image , he shall see the Image of some other thing that appears no where . In the breadth of the Tables you may draw some Picture , lest they should give some occasion to suspect . CHAP. XXI . How Spectacles are made . VVE see that Spectacles were very necessary for the operations already spoken of , or else lenticular Crystals , and without these no wonders can be done . It remains now to teach you how Spectacles and Looking-glasses are made , that every man may provide them for his use . In Germany there are made Glass-balls , whose diameter is a foot long , or there abouts . The Ball is marked with the Emrilstone round , and is so cut into many small circles , and they are brought to Venice . Here with a handle of Wood are they glewed on , by Colophonia melted : And if you will make Convex Spectacles , you must have a hollow irondish , that is a portion of a great Sphaere , as you will have your Spectacles more or less Convex ; and the dish must be perfectly polished . But if we seek for Concave Spectacles ; let there be an Iron-ball , like to those we shoot with Gun-powder from the great Brass Canon : the superficies whereof is two , or three foot about : Upon the Dish , or Ball there is strewed white-sand , that comes from Vincentia , commonly called Saldame , and with water it is forcibly rubbed between our hands , and that so long until the superficies of that circle shall receive the Form of the Dish , namely , a Convex supreficies , or else a Concave superficies upon the superficies of the Ball , that it may fit the superficies of it exactly . When that is done , heat the handle at a soft fire , and take off the Spectacle from it , and joyn the other side of it to the same handle with Colophonia , and work as you did before , that on both sides it may receive a Concave or Convex superficies : then rubbing it over again with the powder of Tripolis , that it may be exactly polished ; when it is perfectly polished , you shall make it perspicuous thus . They fasten a woollen-cloth upon wood ; and upon this they sprinkle water of Depart , and powder of Tripolis ; and by rubbing it diligently , you shall see it take a perfect Glass . Thus are your great Lenticulars , and Spectacles made at Venice . CHAP. XXII . How upon plain Concave and Convex Glasses , the foils are laid on and they are b●●●ed . NOw it remains that I speak of some few things , not to be overpassed of the banding of Convex Glasses , and of foiling plain Glasses , and Convex Glasses , that so I may set down the perfect Science of Looking-glasses . First , for the terminating of Looking glasses , that are made of Crystal and Glass , then of other mixtures , and polishings , that a knowing Artificer may know , and know how to make them : For though amongst many things , that shew the Images of things , as water , some Jewels , and polished Metal do it ; yet nothing doth so plainly represent Images , as Lead foil'd upon Glass . Plain Looking-glasses are prepared of Crystal , and of Glass : those of Crystal are polished by wheels , and require another Artifice . But at Venice How Glass Looking-glasses are made , I have seen it . They take the melted Glass out with an Iron ; with their blast they frame an empty Pillar ; they open it on one side with their tongs , and whilst it is red hot they lay it upon a plain plate of Iron , that is equally made ; and they put it into the furnace again , to make it softer ; and that it may get the perfect plainness of the iron plate , they leave it over the furnace to cool by degrees : When it is cool , they do thus Polish plain Glasses . They fasten it upon a plain Table with Gyp ; underneath lyeth a most polite plain plate of iron ; they cast upon it the foresaid sand ; they rub it with water by a stick , leaning thereon , until it be perfectly plain ; they take it from the Table , and glew it on the other side , to polish them both : then they make them perspicuous , as I said they did . Now will I shew To terminate plain Glass Looking-glasses . Glass or Crystal Looking-glasses , when they are made plain and equal , the Artist makes a foil of the same bigness of Tin , that is level and thin , as perfectly as he can . For if Crystal or Glass had no foil of Lead behind it , by its strength and thickness it could never terminate our sight , nor stay the Image Printed upon it , but it would let it slip away ; for Glass is pure and transparent , and so would not contain it , by reason of its brightness ; and so the Image would vanish in it , as light in the Sun. Wherefore upon this foil you shall wipe over with Quick-silver , by the means of a Hares foot , that it may appear all as Silver : and when you see it fast on the superficies , you shall put it upon a fair white paper , and so upon the Glass ; but first made clean with a linen clout , and polished : for if you handle it with your hands , the foil will not stick to it : with your left hand press down the Glass , and with the right take away the Paper , that the foil may cleave every where , and they bind fast together ; laying a weight upon it for some hours , and so let it stand and stir it not . Now I will shew How a foil is put upon a Concave Glass . But it is more laborious to lay a foil on a Concave-Glass : Prepare then a foil of the bigness of your Glass , that you shall lay upon the Convex superficies ; and holding it fast with a finger of your left hand upon the Centre , with your right hand you shall fit the foil round about , and shall extend it on the said superficies , until it become of the same form with that convex superficies , and stick every where even unto it . Then of moist Gyp shall you prepare a form of the Glass , namely , by pouring Gyp upon the Convex superficies ; and when the Gyp is dry , you have the form . Upon the form extend a foil of Tin , and let it agree perfectly with the form every where , because the form and the foil are made after the same superficies : strew quick-silver upon the foil , and as I said , make it stick by means of a Hares foot . The Artists call this Av●vare : put paper upon it , and pressing this upon the Glass , take away the paper ; when you know it sticks fast , take away your hand , and lay on a weight , and after ●●ke it away , but with a careful balancing of your hand , lest it take wind , and that the quick silver may all stick fast every where . Now remains how To terminate Convex-Glasses . Make Glass Balls , but of pure Glass , and without bladders as much as you can , as the receivers for distillations ; and from the hollow iron that it is blown in by , let this liquid moisture be projected , namely , of Antimony and Lead ; but the Antimony must be melted twice or thrice , and purged , and cast Colophonia in . So stir the mixture in the hollow vessel , and what remains cast forth : and so in Germany they make Convex-Glasses . CHAP. XXIII . How Metal Looking-Glasses are made . BUt Metal-Glasses are made another way . Wherefore if a Parabolical-Glass be to be made , draw a Parabolical line upon a brass or wooden Table ; what is without it , must be filed away , that it may be equal , smooth , and polished : fasten it upon an Axis in the middle , and fit it with Instruments , that may be fitly turned about , let there be clay with straw under it , made up with dung , that the Table being turned about , it may receive a Concave form exactly ; then let it dry , strew ashes upon it , and plaister clay above that , of a convenient thickness ; let it dry by the fire , or if you will , by heat of the Sun , take it off , for it will easily part from the ashes : unite them together , that as much space may be between both forms , as you think fit , for the thickness of the Glass : when it is dry , cover it with this , leaving an open orifice on the top , and some breathing places , that the Air may breathe forth at it . Then make such a mixture ; let them be put into a new pot that will endure the fire , and lute it well within , that it may hold the faster ; let it dry well , and do this twice or thrice over : set it to the fire , and melt in it two pounds of Tartar , and as many of white Arsenick ; when you see them fume , pour in fifty pounds of old brass , often used , and let it melt six or seven times , that it may be pure and cleansed ; then adde twenty five pounds of English Pewter , and let them melt together : draw forth some little of the mixture with some Iron , and try it , whether it be brittle or hard ; if it be brittle ▪ put in more Brass ; if too hard , put in Pewter : or else let it boil , that some part of the Pewter may evaporate : when it is come to the temper it should be , cast upon it two ounces of Borax , and let it alone till it dissolve into smoke ; then cast it into your Mold , and let it cool : When it is cool , rub it with a Pumice-stone , then with powder of Emril . When you see that the superficies is perfectly polished and equal , rub it over with Tripolis . Lastly , make it bright and shining with burnt Tin ; most adde a third part of Pewter to the Brass , that the mass may be the harder , and become more perspicuous . THE EIGHTEENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Treating of things heavy and light . THE PROEME . MAny miracles worth relating and to be contemplated do offer themselves when I begin to describe heavy and light ; and these things may be applied to very necessary and profitable uses , and if any man shall more deeply consider these things he may invent many new things : that may be employed for very profitable ends . Next after these follow wind Instruments , that are almost from the same reason . CHAP. I. That heavy things do not descend in the same degree of gravity , nor light things ascend . BEfore I shall come to what I intend to demonstrate , I must premise somethings necessary , and set down some actions , without the knowledge whereof we can make no proof , nor demonstration . I call that heavy that descends to the Centre , and I say it is so much the heavior the sooner it descends , contrarily ; that is light that ascends from the Centre , and the lighter that ascends soonest . I say that bodies yield one to the other , and do not penetrate one the other , as wine and water , and other liquors : Moreover , this action must be premised , that there is no body that is heavy in its own kind , as water in the element of water , or Air in Air. Also vacuum is so abhorred by Nature , that the world would sooner be pulled asunder than any vacuity can be admitted : and from this repugnancy of vacuum proceeds almost the cause of all wonderful things , which it may be I shall shew in a Book on this Subject . It is the force of vacuum that makes heavy things ascend , and light things descend contrary to the rule of Nature , so necessary it is that there can be nothing in the world without a Body . Therefore these things being premised , I shall descend to somethings . And first , a most heavy body shut up in a vessel , whose mouth is turned downwards into some liquor that is heavior , or of the same kind . I say it will not descend . Let the vessel turned with the mouth downwards , be A B filled with water , the mouth of it beneath must be put into a broad mouth'd vessel C D full of water , be it with the same liquor , or with another that is heavior . I say the water will not descend out of the vessel A B. For should the water contained in the vessel A B descend , it must needs be heavior than the water contain'd in the broad mouth'd vessel C D , which I said was of the same kind or heavior , if then it should fall down it would be against the first action . The same would fall out if both vessels were filled with wine or water . For if the water contained in the vessel A B , should descend into the place of C D , there would remain vacuity in A being there is no place for the air to come in ; and that were against the second axiom : wherefore by reason of vacuum , and because the body is no heavior , it falls not into the bowl beneath . But should one make a hole in the bottom of the vessel A , that the air might come in , no doubt the water would not fall down into the bazon : Also , if the vessel A B were filled with any ●ight liquor , and the broad bazon with one that is heavior , they would not stir from their places . Let therefore the vessel A B be filled with wine , and the mouth of it turned downwards into a bazon full of water ; I say both liquors will keep their places , and will not mingle ; for should the wine descend , either vacuum must needs be in the body A , or a heavy body must ascend out of the vessel C D , which would be against the Nature of Gravity : and the second axiom , namely , that heavy should ascend , and light descend : wherefore they will not remove from their places . Hence comes that which is often done by great drinkers and gluttons , who pour by drops into a cuphalf full of water , so much wine as will fill the cup , they come so close together , that onely a line parts those liquors . And those that would sooner cool their wine , they dip a Vial full of wine into a vessel full of water , with the mouth turned downward , and hold it down under the water : for when the water toucheth the superficies of the wine , they cannot mingle , and the wine grows sooner cool , though it is necessary that the Vial should be lifted up to the superficies of the water , and suddenly turned about , poured forth and drank ; then fill them again , and set in the bottle as before . From this advantage I complain of those , who first drink water , then pour in wine , for wine being the lighter , and water the heavior , they can hardly mingle : wherefore some drink at first the strongest wine , then mingled , and last of all , water . At great mens Tables they first bring wine in a Glass , then they pour in water , that the water by its weight may mingle with the wine , and get to the bottom , and tast equally . Theophrastus bids men first pour in wine , then water . CHAP. II. How we may by drinking , make sport with those that fit at Table with us . VVHen friends drink together , if we would by such a merry deceit delude the guests that are ignorant of the cause hereof , we may provoke them to drink with such a Cup ; Let there be a great Cup made like a tunnel , let the mouth be broad above , and beneath narrow Pyramidally , and let it be joyn'd to a Glass-Ball , by a narrow mouth ; First pour in water , till the whole Ball be filled ; then put in wine by degrees , which by reason of the narrowness of the mouth will not mingle , and the water is heavy , and the wine lighter ; He that drinks first , shall drink the wine ; then give it your frind to drink , for he shall drink nothing but water . But if your friend shall challenge you to drink thus with him , and will have you drink first ; fill the Ball of the Cup with wine , and pour water upon it , and stay awhile , and hold him in discourse ; for the water will sink down by the narrow mouth , and the wine by degrees will ascend as much , and you shall see the wine come up through the middle of the water , and the water descend through the middle of the wine , and sink to the bottom ; so they change their places : when you know that the water is gone down , and the wine come up , then drink , for you shall drink the wine , and your friend shall drink the water . Hence it is , that to great inconvenience of those that drink it , when we plunge our wine into a well in vessels of earth , or brass , ill stopt , to cool it , the water being the heavior comes in at the least chink , and forceth out the wine , so in a little time the vessel is full of water , and the wine is gone , that there is not the least taste of wine in it : wherefore stop the mouth very close . CHAP. III. How to part wine from water it is mingled with . FRom these I shall easily shew two things , that a heavy body shut up in a Glass vessel , having the mouth of it put within a lighter liquid body , they will mutually give place , the lighter will ascend the heavior will descend , and that without any hindrance one of the other , which I shall demonstrate from the former principals . Let the Glass be turned downwards , and full of water , be , A B , the water is heavior than the wine : Let the mouth of it B , be put into the vessel C D , that is full of wine . These are bodies that will mutually yield one to the other as I shewed . I say the water will descend into the vessel C D , and the wine will ascend into the vessel A B , where the water was before . For the water , because it was contain'd in the vessel A B , it being heavy , presseth the wine in the vessel C D , that is lighter ; and because there is no body between them , the water descends on one side into the vessel C D , and the wine ascends on the other side into the vessel AB . Now if the wine be red , that you may see the difference or their colours , you shall see the wine ascend through the middle of the water , as far as he bottom of the upper vessel that is put downward into the other , and the water to descend hastily to the bottom of the vessel C D , and one descend ▪ as low as the other riseth high ; and if the liquors cannot be seen distinguished , yet one goes without any hindrance of the other , and without mingling , into its own place ; and it will be a pleasant sight to behold the wine going up , and the water falling down ; and when they rest , they will be so well parted , that not the least wine can remain with the water , nor water with the wine . Wherefore , if you put into a Hogshead full of wine , a long neck'd Glass full of water , in a short time the vessel turned downwards will be full of wine , and the water will go down into the Hogshhad . By this any man may easily conjecture How to part water from wine , because oft-time Country people and Vintagers use deceit , and bring wine mingled with water , to be sold to the Merchant : we may easily prevent their craft by this Art. Let there be underneath a vessel filled with wine , that is mixed with water , and we would separate the water from the wine : But first there must be a vessel that can receive all the wine , that is mingled in the other vessel ; and if we know not the quantity , we must conjecture at it , how much it may be , of something less : then fill the said vessel with water ▪ and set it with the mouth downwards on the other vessel , that is full of wine and water , mingled together ; and let the upper part of the vessel turned downwards , touch the upper part of the lower liquor , that no Air may enter , for then the water will presently descend into the vessel underneath , and the lighter part of the mingled liquor will ascend , and the water will sink down ; and if it be all wine , it will all ascend , no wine will stay with the water ; if any thing stay behind , you must know that so much water was mingled with the wine , which may easily be known by the smell and taste , if you do it as it should be done . Then take a vessel that will hold more of the same liquor , and put it into a vessel underneath , till it takes it all in , whence by the proportion of the wine ascended , and of the water , any man may know easily how much water is mingled with the wine . But for convenience , let the Vial that shall hold the water be of a round belly , and the hole not very great , and let the vessel under , that contains the wine , have a narrow mouth , that the upper round mouth may the better joyn with the undermost , and no Air come in . But because it happeneth oft , that the upper Ball , when it hath drank in all the wine , the wine will not fill it , and we would part the water from the wine ; take therefore the round Glass in your hand , and turn it about with the mouth upwards , then will the wine presently turn about and come uppermost , which may be a tongue laid in , be all call'd forth . Be careful to see when the wine is all drawn out , remove the tongue , and the water will remain pure . CHAP. IV. How otherwise you may part water from wine . I Can do this another way , not by levity and gravity , as I said , but by thinness and thickness ; for water is the thinnest of all liquors , because it is simple , but wine being coloured , and colour comes from the mixture of the Elements , it is more corpulent : Wherefore to part wine from water ▪ we must provide a matter that is full of holes , and make a vessel thereof , into which the wine poured with the water , may drean forth ; for the water will drean forth through the pores of the matter , that is opened by a mingl●● and corpulent body . And though many kinds of wood be fit , yet Ivy is the best , because it is full of pores and chinks : wherefore if you make a vessel of Ivy wood that is green , and pour into it wine mingled with water , the water will in a short time drean out ; Yet I see that all the Antients and modern Writers thought the contrary , yet both reason and experience are against them . For Gaeto saith , If you would know whether there be water put to your wine , make a vessel of Ivy , put your wine you think is mixed with water , into it : if there be any water , the wine will run forth , and the water stay behind , for an Ivy vessel will hold no wine . And Pliny from him : The Ivy is said to be wonderful for proof of wine . If a vessel be made of Ivy-wood , the wine will run forth , and the water will stay behind , if any were mingled with it : Whereupon both of them are to be noted for a two sold error , because they say it comes from the wonderful faculty of the Ivy , whereas every porous wood can do the same : Again , he saith that the wine will run forth , and the water stay behind , whereas it is the contrary . But Democritus thought what was truest and more probable , who used not an Ivy vessel , but one full of holes ; saith he , they pour it into a new earthen pot not yet seasoned , and hang it up for two days , the pot , saith he , will leak , if any water be mingled with it . Democritas used another Art for the same purpose . Some stop the mouth of the vessel with a new Spunge dipt in Oyl , and incline it , and let it run forth ; if there be water in it , onely the water will run forth , which experiment also he useth in Oyl : For the Spunge is full of holes , and open enough , and being dipt in Oyl , that hinders that the liquor cannot run forth so easily . Africanus adds another reason : Put liquid Alom into a vessel of wine , then stop the mouth with a Spunge dipt in Oyl , and incline it , and let it run forth ; for nothing but the water will run out : For the Alom binds the liquors , that they drean forth very slowly . CHAP. V. Another way to part a light body mingled with a heavy . I Have another Art to seperate a light body from a heavy , or wine from water , or by another way . Make a linnen tongue , or of bombast , and dip it into the vessel , where wine is mingled with water , and let the tongue swim above without the liquor , and ascend above it , and so hang pendulous out of the vessel , for the lighter liquor will ascend by the tongue , and drop on the outside ; but when the lighter ascends , it attracts the heavy also : wherefore , when you see the colour change , take the vessel away , for the water runs forth . It is evident that the wine being lighter , will always ascend to the top of the vessel , and run forth by the tongue ; though all Vintners say the contrary , that the water will run forth by the tongue , and that the wine will stay within . CHAP. VI. How light is mingled in heavy , or heavy in light . VVE can easily know whether any light matter is mingled with heavy , or any heavy matter with light : And I will expound the manner out of Archimedes his Book , concerning thing● that swim above water ; the cause whereof is , that if Wood , stone , or any heavy Metal , be equal in weight to the same quantity of water , the utmost superficies o● the body will be equal with the superficies of the water ; if it weigh heavior , it will sink to the bottom ; if it be lighter , the lighter it is then the water , so much of it will swim above the wat●● . Since therefore this is true , and wine is heavior then water , one and the same thing will sink more in wine , than in water , and in thicker water the less . Wherefore vessels are more drown'd in River , than in the Sea ; for Sea-water is thicker and more heavy , by reason of its salt mingled with it ; as also we have it in Alexander . If therefore you would know Whether water be mingled with wine . Put the wine you suspect to be mingled with water , into some vessel , and put an Apple or Pear into it ; if the Apple sink , the wine is pure ; but if it flo●e , the wine hath water mingled with it , because water is thicker than wine : Which Democritus saith is contrary and false . He saith it is necessary sometimes to commit the Care of the wine of new wine to Stewards and Servants , also the Merchant hath the like reason to try , whether his wine be pure . They use to cast an Apple into the vessel , but wilde Pears are the best ; others cast in a Locust ; others a Grashopper , and if they swim , it is pure wine , but if they sink , it is mingled with water . But if you seek to know If new wine have any water mingled with it , it will be the contrary for the contrary reason . For wine that is pure and sincere is thin , but new wine at first is thick , feculent , gross , clammy , because the feces are not yet sunk down , but in time it will grow clear and thin . Wherefore if you put Apples or Pears into new wine , and the new wine be most pure , the Apples will flote above it ; but if there be water mingled with it . ●he Apples will sink to the bottom : for freeze-water is thinner than new wi●e , and lighter , i●●●useth the Apple to sink , which is excellent well described by Sotion , and very curiously . He saith , That we may know whether new wine be mingled with water , cast wilde Pears , that is green ones , into new wine , and if there be any water , they will sink to the bottom . For when you fill the vessel with new wine , if you cast in Services or Pears they will swim , the more water you put to it , the more will the Apple sink . But we shall adde this for an addition . When new wine is mingled with water , to know which part is the best , the upper or lower part . The Country people use after the pressing forth of the wine , when the clusters are pressed forth , to ca●● in a certain quantity of water , and so they make drink for laborers in the Countrey . This new wine they divide , the Country man hath half , and the Landlord the other half : The question is which part is the best , the first or last , that runs forth of the press . But if you well remember what I said before , the wine being the lightest will come uppermost , and the water being heaviest , will always sink to the bottom . Wherefore the first that comes forth is the wine , that which remains , and is pressed from the clusters , is watry . When water is cast on the clusters , it goes into the inmost parts of the Grapes , and draws forth the wine that is in them , and so they mingle ; but being lighter , it chooseth the upper place , therefore the upper part is best , because it contains most wine : but if you turn the Cock beneath , the water will first run forth , and the wine last CHAP. VII . Other ways how to part wine from water . THere are other ways to do it , as by distilling . For in distilling the lightest will ascend first , then the heaviest , when the fire is not too strong ; and that is but reason : wherefore that the liquor may ascend , it must first be attenuated into thin vapours , and become lighter : therefore wine being thinner than water , if it be put in a still in Balneo , the lightest vapour of wine will ascend by degrees , and fall into the receiver : You shall observe the Aqua vitae that distills into the vessel , and by the quantity of that , you may judge of the proportion of water mingled with the wine . Also note , that when the lightest part of the wine is ascended , the heavy feces remain , as water , or as part of the wine . Oft-times in our distillations , when Aqua vitae was distilled in Balneo , by chance the vessel brake that contain'd the Aqua vitae , and mingled with the water in the kettle : I put the mingled liquor into a Glass vessel , and putting a soft fire to it , first came forth the pure Aqua vitae , simple without any water , the water stayed in the bottom , and kept not so much as the smell of the Aqua vitae . By the veins running in the cup , I knew the water ascended . I will not omit ( though it be for another reason ) for pleasure and ingenuity to shew The manner to part water from wine , that by this means we may know how much water is mingled in the vessel . Take the quantity of the wine , and put it into a Glass Vial , and put the Vial into very cold water , that all that is in the Vial may freeze , as I shew'd : If the wine be sincere and pure , it will be the harder to freeze , and longer ; if it have much water , it will freeze the sooner : When the wine is frozen , break the Vial upon a dish , the ice must melt by degrees ; first the wine , because that is hotter : than the water will remain frozen ; Part the wine from it , for it will be longer thawing : by proportion of this , you may know what part of water was put into the vessel . CHAP. VIII . How the levity in the water and the air , is different , and what cunning may be wrought thereby . NOw I will speak of heavy and light , otherwise than I spake before ; namely , how it is in the air , and how in the water , and what speculation or profit may rise from thence . And first how we may know whether a Metal be pure , or mingled with other Metals , as Gold and Silver , as in Gilded cups , or else in moneys : where Silver or Gold is mingled with Brass , and what is their several weights : which speculation is useful not onely for Bankers , but also for Chymists , when they desire to try Metals in fixing of Silver , or other operations , which I will attempt to declare plainly . But first I will see whether the Antients speak any thing hereof . Vitruvius saith Archimedes did write of this : For when Hiero purposed to offer a Golden Crown to the Gods in the Temple , he put it to the Goldsmith by weight ; he made the work curiously , and maintain'd it for good to the King , and by weight it seemed to be just : but afterwards it was said , that he had stoln part of the Gold , and made up the Crown with Silver to the full weight . Hiero enraged at this this , bad Archimedes to consider of it : He then by chance coming into a Bath , when he had descended into it , he observed that as much of his body as went into the Bath , so much water ran over the Bath : when he considered the reason of it , he leaped forth for joy , running home and crying Eureka , Eureka , that is , I have found it , I have found it . Then they say he made to lumps of equal weight with the Crown , one of Gold , the other of Silver ; then he filled a large vessel to the very brims with water , and he put in the lump of Silver ; the bigness of that thrust into the water , made the water run over : wherefore taking out the lump , what flowed over he put in again , having measured a sixt part , and he found what certain quantity of water answered to the quantity of the Silver : then he put in the lump of Gold into the full vessel , and taking that forth , by the same reason he found that not so much water ran forth , but so much less of the body of the Gold was less than the same weight in Silver . Then he filled the vessel with water , and put in the Crown , and he found that more water ran forth by reason of the Crown , than for the mass of Gold of the same weight , and from thence because more water run over by reason of the Crown , than for the Gold lump , he reasoned that there must be a mixture in the Crown . This was the Greeks invention , that is worthy of praise , but the operation is difficult ; for in things of small quantity the theft cannot be discerned , nor can this reason appear so clear to the eye , where the obsolute fashion of the vessel was wanting . Now a way is invented how for all money , be it never so small , we can tell presently , and we want not many instruments , that we may cry , We have overfounded Vpereureka , Vpereureka , we have gone beyond Archimedes his Eureka . The way is this To know any part of Silver mingled with Gold. Take a perfect ballance , and put in one scale any Metal , in the other as much of the same Metal , but the purest of its kind ; and when the scales hang even in the Air , put them into a vessel full of water , and let them down under water about half a foot : Then will it be a strange wonder , for the ballances that hang equal in the Air , will change their nature in the water , and will be unequal : for the impure Metal will be uppermost , and the pure will sink to the bottom . The reason is , because pure Gold compared with that kind , is heavior than all impure Gold , because pure Gold taketh less place ; wherefore it will way heavior by the former reason . If then we would know how much Silver is in that Gold , put as much pure Gold in the other scale , as will make the ballances equal under the waters ; when they are equal take them up , and the weight you added under water , will be the weight of the mixture . If you would know how much Gold is upon a vessel Gilded , put the Cup in one scale , and as much pure Silver in the other , that the scales may hang equal in the Air ; then put them into the water , and the vessel will sink down ; put into the other scale as much pure Gold , as will make them equal under water , draw them forth , and that is the weight of the Gilt of the plate : You shall do the same for Silver , Brass , Iron , white or black Lead . But would you know whether in Money , Brass be mingled with Silver , or Coin be adulterated with Copper ; put the Money into one scale , and as much of the finest Silver into the other , ballance them equal ; then put them under the water , the Money will go down ; adde as much Brass as will make the scales equal , then take them forth , and it will be the weight of the mixture . Now will I set the weigh●s of Metals , how much they weigh more in the waters , than in the Air , whereby without any other experiment we may know mixtures . An Iron-ball that weighed nighteen ounces in the Air , will weigh fifteen in the waters ; whence it is that a Ball of the same magnitude must owe three ounces to the water ; wherefore the proportion of Iron in the Air to the same in the waters , is as fifteen to nineteen . A Leaden Bullet of the same magnitude , weighs 31 ounces in the Air , in the water but 27 : A Marble Bullet little less for bulk , weighs 7 in the Air , and 5 in the water : Copper weighs 16 in the Air , and 12 in the waters : Silver weighs in the Air 125 , in the waters 113 : Brass in the Air weighs 65 Karats , and one grain , in the waters 50 Karats and two grains : Crown Gold in the Air weighs 66 grains , in the waters 6● : Gold called Zechini in the Air weighs 17 Karats , under water 16 Karats : T●rkish Ducat Gold weighs in the Air 34 , under waters 32 : Common French Crown Gold weighs in the Air 67 , under waters 60 : Common Crown Gold of Hungary that is old , in the Air weighs 17 , in the water 16 : Crown Gold of Tartary weighs 16 in the Air , and 14 under water . THE NINETEENTH BOOK OF Natural Magick : Concerning VVind-Instruments . THE PROEME . I Have spoken concerning light and heavy , now follow experiments by wind : for these seem to follow the reasons of Mathematicks , and of the Air , and water , and a Philosopher who seeks , to find things profitable , and admirable for mans use , must insist on these things , contemplate and search them out , in no thing doth the Majesty of Nature shine forth more . There are extant the famous Monuments of the most learned Heron of Alexandria , concerning wind Instruments , I will adde some that are new , to give an occasion to search out greater matters . CHAP. I. Whether material Statues may speak by any Artificial way . I Have read that in some Cities there was a Colassus of Brass , placed on a mighty high Pillar , which in violent tempests of wind from the nether parts , received a great blast , that was carried from the mouth to a Trumpet , that it blew strongly , or else sounded some other Instrument , which I believe to have been easie , because I have seen the like . Also , I read in many men of great Authority , that Albertus Magnus made a head that speak : Yet to speak the truth , I give little credit to that man , because all I made trial of from him , I found to be false , but what he took from other men . I will see whether an Image can be made that will speak . Some say that Albertus by Astrological elections of times , did perform this wonderful thing : but I wonder how learned men could be so guld ; for they know the Stars have no such forces : Some think he did it by Magick Arts. And this I credit least of all , since there is no man that professeth himself to know those Arts but Impostors and Mountebanks , whilst they cheit ignorant men and simple women ; nor do I think that the Godly man would profess ungodly Arts. But I suppose it may be done by wind . We see that the voice or a sound , will be conveighed entire through the Air , and that not in an instant , but by degrees in time . We see that Brass-guns , which by the force of Gun-powder , make a mighty noise , if they be a mile off , yet we see the flame much before we hear the sound : So hand-Guns make a report , that comes at a great distance to us , but some minutes of time are required for it , for that is the nature of sounds ; Wherefore sounds go with time , and are entire without interruption , unless they break upon some place . The Eccho proves this , for it strikes whole against a wall , and so rebounds back , and is reflected as a beam of the Sun. Moreover , as I said in this work , words and voices go united together , and are carried very far entire , as they are spoken at first . These therefore being laid down for true grounds ; if any man shall make leaden Pipes exceeding long , two or three hundred paces long ( as I have tried ) and shall speak in them some or many words , they will be carried true through those Pipes , and be heard at the other end , as they came from the speakers mouth : wherefore if that voice goes with time , & hold entire , if any man as the words are spoken shall stop the end of the Pipe , and he that is at the other end shall do the like , the voice may be intercepted in the middle , and be shut up as in a prison ; and when the mouth is opened , the voice will come forth , as out of his mouth that spake it : but because such long Pipes cannot be made without trouble , they may be bent up and down like a Trumpet , that a long Pipe may be kept in a small place ; and when the mouth is open , the words may be understood . I am now upon trial of it : if before my Book be Printed the business take effect , I will set it down ; if not , if God please , I shall write of it elsewhere . CHAP. II. Of Instruments Musical made with water . OLd Water-Instruments were of great esteem , but in our days the use is worn out : Yet we read that Nero took such delight in them , that when his Life and Empire were in danger , amongst the seditions of Souldiers and Commanders , and all was in imminent danger , he would not forsake the care of them , and pleasure he took in them . Vitruvius teacheth us how they were made , but so obscurely and mystically , that what he says is very little understood . I have tryed this by many and sundry ways , by mingling air with water , which placing in the end of a Pipe , or in my mouth , where the breath of the mouth strikes against the air ; and though this made a pleasant noise , yet it kept no tune : For whilst the water bubbles , and trembles or warbles like a Nitingale , the voice is changed in divers tunes , one note is sweet and pleasant , two , squele and jar . But this way it will make a warbling sound , and keep the tune . Let there be made a Brass bottom'd Chest for the Organ , wherein the wind must be carried ; let it behalf full of water , let the wind be made by bellows , or some such way that must run through a neck under the waters ; but the spirit that breaks forth of the middle of the water , is excluded into the empty place : when therefore by touching of the keys , the stops of the mouths of the Pipes are opened , the trembling wind coming into the Pipes , makes very pleasant trembling sounds , which I have tried and found to be true . CHAP. III. Of some Experiments by Wind-Instruments . NOw will I proceed to the like Wind-Instruments , but of divers sorts that arise by reason of the air , and I shall shew how it is dilated , contracted , rarified by fire , condensed by cold . If you will That a vessel turned downwards shall draw in the water , do thus : Make a vessel with a very long neck ; the longer it is , the greater wonder it will seem to be : Let it be of transparent Glass , that you may see the water running up ; fill this with boiling water , and when it is very hot , or setting the bottom of it to the fire , that it may not presently wax cold , the mouth being turned downwards that it may touch the water , it will suck it all in . So such as search out the nature of things say , That by the Sun beams the water is drawn up , from the Concave places of the Earth to the tops of Mountains , whence fountains come forth . And no small Arts arise from hence , for Wind-Instruments , as Heron affirms . Vitruvius speaks the like concerning the original of Winds : but now it is come to be used for houses . For so may be made A vessel to cast forth wind . You may make Brass Bowles , or of some other matter : let them be hollow , and round , with a very small hole in the middle , that the water is put in at : if this be use the former experiment : when this is set at the fire it grows hot , and being it hath no other vent , it will blow strongly from thence , but the blast will be moist and thick , and of an ill savour . You may also make A vessel that shall cast forth water , There is carried about with us a Glass vessel , made Pyramidal , with a very narrow long mouth , with which it casts water ver● fa● off . That it may draw water suck out the air with your mouth , as much as you can , and presently thrust the mouth into the water , for it will draw the water into it , do so until a third part of it be filled with water . When you will spou● the water afar off , fill the vessel with air , blowing into it as hard as you can ; presently take it from your mouth , and incline the mouth of the vessel , that the water may run to the mouth , and stop the air ; and the air striving to break forth , will cast the water out a great way ▪ But if you will without attraction of Air , make water fly far with it , heat the bottom of the vessel a little : for the air being rarefied seeks for more place , and striving to break forth , drives the water before it . Thus ●runkard making a little hole in a vessel of wine , because the wine will not run out , the mouth bein● stopt , whereby the air might enter , they will blow hard into that hole ; then as they leave off , the wine will come forth in as great quantity , as the air blowed in was . Now I will shew How to make water ascend conveniently . We can make water rise to the top of a Tower : Let there be a leaden Pipe that may come from the bottom to the top of the Tower , and go down again from the top to the bottom , as a Conduit ; let one end stand in the water that we desire should rise , the other end that must be longer and hang down lower , must be fastned into a vessel of wood or earth that it may take no air at all ▪ let it have a hole above the vessel , whereby the vessel may be filled with water , and then be stopt perfectly . Set a vessel on the top of the Tower , as capacious as that beneath , and the leaden pipe now spoke of , must be fastned at one end of the vessel , and go forth at the other end , and must be in the upper part of the vessel , and let the pipe be divided in the middle , within the vessel , and where the pipe enters , and where the pipe goes out , they must be joynted , that they take no air : when therefore we would have the water to ascend , fill the vessel beneath with water , and ●●op it close that it take no air , then opening the lower hole of the vessel , the water will run forth ; for that part of water that runs out of the vessel , will cause as much to rise up at the other end by the other leaden pipe , and ascend above the Tow●r ; the water drawn forth is filled up again , we may make out use of it , and the hole being stopt , the lower vessel may be filled again with water , and so doing we shall make the water to escend a ways . We may also By heat alone make the water rise , Let there be a vessel above the Tower , either of Brass , Clay , or Wood , Brass is best : let there be a pipe in the middle of it , that may descend down to the water beneath , and be set under it , but fastned that it take no air : let the vessel above be made hot by the Sun , or fire , for the air that is contained in the vessel rarefies and breathes forth ; whereupon we shall see the water rise into bubbles : when the Sun is gone , and the vessel grows cold , the air is condensed , and because the air included cannot fill up the vacuity , the water is called in , and ascends thither . CHAP. IV. A discription of water Hour-glasses , wherein Wind or Water-Instruments for to shew the Hours are described . THe Antients had Hour-Dials made by water , and Water-Dials were usual , and famous . Heron of Alexandria writ Books of Water-Dials , but they are lost . I have writ a Book of them , and that this part may not be deficient , I shall shew two that are made by contraries , one by blowing in the air , the other by sucking it out . This shall be the first . A Water-Dial . Take a vessel of Glass like a Urinal , it is described by the letters AB : On the top is A , where there is a very small hole , that the point of a needle can scarce enter it ; at the bottom neer the mouth , let there be set a staff EF , that in the middle hath a firm Pillar going up to the very top of the vessel , let the Pillar be divided with the Hour-lines . Let there be also a wooden or earthen vessel GH , full of water : Upon the superficies of that water , place the Glass vessel AB , that by its weight will press toward the bottom , but the air included within the vessel , keeps it from going down : then open the little hole A , whereby the air going forth by degrees , the vessel will gradually descend also . Then make by another Dial , the marks on the staff CD , which descending will afterwards shew the Hourmarks . When therefore the vessel goes to the bottom of the wooden vessel , the Dial is done , and it is the last Hour : But when you would have your Dial go again , you must have a crooked empty pipe , OK , the upper mouth K must be stopt with the finger K ; so K being stopt with the finger , that the air may not enter , sink it under the water , that it may come within the vessel AB : then put your mouth to K , and blow into it , for that will raise the vessel upward , and it will come to its former place and work again . I shall also describe for my minds sake Another Water-Dial , contrary to the former , namely , by sucking in the air . Let there be a Glass vessel , like to a Urinal as I said AB , and being empty set fast on it the vessel CD , that it cannot sink down : then fill it with water , as far as B : Let there be a hole neer the top , E , wherefore sucking the air by the hole E , the water comes into the vessel AB from the vessel CD , and will rise as high as FG : when therefore AB is full of water , stop the hole E , that no air enter , and the water will fall down again : In the top of the vessel AB , let there be another very small hole , that the air may come in by degrees , and so much as there comes in of air , so much water will go forth . On the superficies of the vessel , make Hour-lines that may snew the Hours marked , 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. or if you will let the Still fastned to a Cork swim on the top of the water , and that will shew the Hours marked on the outside of the vessel . CHAP. V. A description of Vessels casting forth water by reason of Air. NOw I will describe some Fountains , or Vessels , that by reason of air cast forth water : and though Heron ingeniously described some , yet will I set down some others that are artifically found out by me and other men . Here is described A Fountain that casts forth water by compression of the Air , Let there be a vessel of water-work close every where , AB , make a hole through the middle , and let a little pipe CD go up from the bottom of the water-work vessel D , so far from the bottom that the water may run forth . Upon the superficies of the Tympanum let there be C a very little hole with a cover to it , or let it have as the Greeks call it , Smerismation , to shut and open it handsomely , and in the upper surface of the Tympanum , bore the basis quite through with a little pipe , which enters into the hollow of the Tympanum , and having in the hole beneath a broad piece of leather or brass , that the air coming in may not go back : wherefore pour in water at E , that it may be three fingers above the bottom ; then blow in air as vehemently as you can : when it is well pressed in , shut the mouth ; then opening the mouth A , the water will fly up aloft , until the air be weak . I at Venice made a Tympanum with pipes of Glass , and when the water was cast forth very far , the Lord Estens much admired it , to see the water fly so high , and no visible thing to force it . I also made another place neer this Fountain , that let in light , and when the air was extenuated , so long as any light lasted the Fountain threw out water , which was a thing of much admiration , and yet but little labor . To confirm this , there is An Artifice whereby a hand-Gun may shoot a bullet without fire , For by the air onely pressed is the blast made . Let there be a hand Gun that is made hollow and very smooth , which may be done with a round instrument of lead , and with Emril-powder beaten , rubbing all the parts with it . Then you must have a round Instrument that is exactly plained on all parts , that may perfectly go in at the mouth of the wind Gun , and so fill it that no air may come forth : let it be all smeer'd with oyl , for the oyl by its grossness hinders any air to come forth . So this lead Bullet being put into the Guns mouth , and thrust down with great force and dexterity , then presently take away your hands ( but you must first shut the little hole that is in the bottom of the hole ) and the bullet and little stick will fall to the bottom , and by the violence of the air pressed together it will cast out the Bullet a great way , and the stick too , which is very strange . Also I will make A Vessel , wherewith as you drink , the liquor shall be sprinkled about your face . Make a vessel of Pewter , or Silver , like to a Urinal ; then make another vessel in the fashion of a Tunnel , or a round Pyramis : let their mouths be equal , and joyn'd perfectly together , for they must be of the same bredth : let the spire of it be distant from the bottom of the Urinal a fingers breadth , and let it be open : then pour water into the vessel , and fill the Urinal unto the hole of the spire end , and fill the Tunnel to the top , and the rest of the Urinal will be empty , because the air hath no place to get forth : when therefore any man drinks , when the water is drank up as far as the hole of the spire end , by the air pressed within , is the water thrust violently forth , and flies in the face of him that drinks . Also there is a vessel that no man can drink out of it , but he who knows the art . Make an earthen or metal vessel , in form of a Bottle or Flagon , and make it full of holes from the neck to the middle of the belly : From the bottom let a pipe ascend by the handle of the vessel , and the handle being round about it , let it come above the brims of the vessel , empty : under the handle in a place not seen , make a little hole , that any man holding the vessel by the handle , may with his finger stop and unstop this hole when he please : under the brim of the vessel , where you set it to your mouth , let there be another secret hole . Then pour water into the vessel : if now any man put the bottle to his mouth , and raiseth it to drink , the water will run forth at the neck that is open , and at the belly ; but he that knows the trick , taking the vessel by the handle , shuts the hole with his thumb , and not moving the vessel , he draws the air with his mouth , for the water follows the air , and so he drinks it all up ; but if any man suck , and shut not the hole , the water will not follow . CHAP. VI. That we may use the Air in many Arts. VVE may use Air in many Artifices , I shall set down some , that I may give a hint to others to invent more . And chiefly How wind may be made in a chamber , that guests may almost freeze , Make a deep pit , and put in a sufficient quantity of river or running water ; let the pit be close stopt , onely let a pipe convey it through the walls , that it may be brought into the chamber . Let the water be let down into the pit by a kind of Tunnel , lest the air should come forth at the place where it goes in : by the water is the air of the pit expelled , and comes by the pipe into the chamber , that not onely those that sleep there , but such as converse there are extream cold , and benummed . I will shew How Air may serve for Bellows , I saw this at Rome . Make a little cellar that 's close on all sides , pour in by a Tunnel from above , a quantity of water ; on the top of the wall let there be a little hole , at which the air may break forth with violence ; for it will come so forcibly , that it will kindle a fire , and serve for bellows for Brass and Iron-melting furnaces ; the Tunnel being so made , that when need is , it may be turned , and water may be put in . THE TWENTIETH BOOK OF Natural Magick : The Chaos , wherein the Experiments are set down without any Classical Order . THE PROEME . I Determined at the beginning of my Book to write Experiments , that are contain'd in all Natural Sciences , but by my business that called me off , my mind was hindred , so that I could not accomplish what I intended . Since therefore I could not do what I would , I must be willing to do what I can . Therefore I shut up in this Book , those Experiments that could be included in no Classes , which were so diverse and various , that they could not make up a Science , or a Book ; and thereupon I have here heaped them altogether confusedly as what I had overpassed ; and if God please , I will another time give you a more perfect Book . Now you must rest content with these . CHAP. I. How Sea-water may be made potable . IT is no small commodity to mankinde , if Sea-water may be made potable . In long voyages , as to the Indies it is of great concernment : For whilst Sea men , by reason of tempests are forced to stay longer at Sea than they would , for want of water they fall into great danger of their lives . Galleys are forced all most every ten days to put in for fresh water , and therefore they cannot long wander in enemies countries , nor go far , for enemies stop their passages . Moreover , in sea Towns and Islands , when they want water , as in our days , in the Island Malta , and in the Syrses , Souldiers and Inhabitants endured much hardness , and Histories relate many such things . Hence I thought it necessary to search curiously , whether Sea-water might be made potable . But it is impossible to finde out any thing for this , how it may be done , unless we first finde out the cause of its saltness , and what our Ancestors have said concerning that matter ; especially since Aristotle saith , That the salt may easily be taken from the Sea , because the sea is not salt of its own Nature , but by the Sun that heats the water , which draws out of it , cold and dry earthly exhalations to the top of it , and these being there burnt cause it to be salt , when the moist subtile parts are resolved into thin vapors . We therefore imitating Nature , by raising the thin parts by Chymical Instruments , may easily make it sweet . For so the Nature of the Sea , makes sweet waters for the Rivers . There are also veins of the Sea , in the deep parts of the earth , that are heated by the Sun , and the vapours are elevated to the tops of the heighest Mountains , where by the cold superficies they meet with , they congeal into drops ; and dropping down by the vaulted roots of Caves , they run forth in open streams . We first fill a hollow vessel like a great Ball , with Sea-water , it must have a long neck , and a cap upon it , that live coles being put under , the water may resolve into thin vapors , and fill all vacuities , being carryed aloft : this ill sented grossness , when it comes to touch the coldness of the head or cap , and meets with the Glass , gathers like dew about the skirts of it ; and so running down the arches of the cap , it turns to water , and a pipe being opened that pertains to it , it runs forth largely , and the receiver stands to receive it as it drops : so will sweet water come from salt , and the salt tarryeth at the bottom of the vessel , and three pound of salt water , will give two pounds of fresh water ; but if the cap of the limbeck be of Lead , it will afford more water , yet not so good . For Galen saith , That water that runs through pipes of Lead , if it be drank , will cause an excoriation of the intestines . But I found a way How to get a greater quantity of fresh water , when we distil salt water . Make a cap of earth , like to a Pyramis , all full of holes , that through the holes , Urinals of Earth or Glass may be brought in . Let their mouths stick forth , well lu●ed that the vapor may not exhale ; the cap after the fashion of the limbeck , must have its pipe at the bottom running round , and let it crop forth at the nose of it . Set this upon a brass Cauldron , that will hold much water ; fill it with salt water , after that the Urinals ; and putting on their caps , when fire is put under , both the Urinals will drop , and the cap that contains others , by its pipe will drop out water also : for the vapors rising from the Cauldron of hot water , will make the Urinals drop , and the cap will drop withal . But if at Sea the commodity of such a vessel cannot be had . We may Distil salt water otherwise , though but little . Dioscorides shews the old way of distillation ; we may that way distil sea water in ships , which Pliny shews also . Fleeces of wool extended about the ship , are made wet by the vapors rising from the Sea , and sweet water is pressed out of them . But let us see , whiter Salt water may be made fresh another way . Aristotle saith it , and Solomon before him , That all Rivers came from the Sea , and return to the Sea ; for by the secret passages under ground , the waters that are sent forth , leave their earthly and dry parts mixed with the earth , and they come forth pure and sweet . He saith , The cause why the salt water comes not forth , is , because it is ponderous , and settles , and therefore onely hot-waters of salt-waters , can run forth , for they have a lightness that oversways the weight of the salt ; for what is hot , is lightest : Adde , that waters running through the earth are much strained , and therefore the heavior and thicker they are , the more do they continually sink down , and are left behind ; and the lighter they are , the more pure do they come forth and are severed . For as Salt is heavy , so sweet water is light ; and so it comes , that they are sweet waters that run forth . This is the very cause why salt-water , when it moves and is changed , is made the sweeter , for motion makes it lighter and purer . Let us see now if we can imitate Nature : Fill then great vessels with earth , and set them so one above another , that one may drean into another ; and thus salt-water dreaning through many vessels , may leave the salt behinde . I tried it through ten vessels , and it remain'd still salt : My friend said , that he made it sweet through twenty vessels . Yet thus I thought to warn you of , that all earth is not fit for this use . Solinus saith , That sea-water strain'd through clay will grow sweet ; and it is proved that the salt is taken away , if you strain it often through thin sand of a River . Earth that lies in covered places , and under roots , is naught , for that is commonly salt ; as also where Cattle are s●alled , which Columella saith is naught for Trees , for that it makes salt-water , what is strain'd from it . Black earth is naught , for it makes the waters sharp , but clay grounds make sweet waters . Paxamus , Anaxagoras said , That the saltness of the sea came from the Rivers , running through salt places , and communicating that quality to the sea . Some approve River-gravel for this use , and their reason is , because always sweet waters are found by the shores , and they say this happens , because they are strain'd through the sand , and so grow fresh coming from the salt-sea : for the sweet water that is found neer the sea , is not of the sea , but such water as comes from the tops of hills , through the secret channels of the earth , thither . For waters that drean forth sweet , are sweet though they lye even with the sea , and in plain places ; as Apuila , where the waters drean not from the hills , they are salt . So on the shores of Africa . But Aristotle brings an experiment from a vessel of wax ; for if one make a Ball of wax that is hollow , and shall dip it into the sea , it being of a sufficient thickness to contain , he shall finde it full of fresh water , because the corpulent saltness cannot get in through the pores of the wax . And Pliny , by letting down little nets into the sea , and hollow balls of wax , or empty vessels stopt , saith , they will draw in fresh water ; for sea-water strain'd through clay will grow fresh . But I have found this to be false . For I have made pots of clay , as fine and well as I could , and let them down into salt-water , and after some days I found salt-water in them . Also , if it were true , it is of no use , when as to sweeten one pound of water , a thousand Balls of wax a day were not sufficient . But for this many vessels might be invented of porous wood and stones . A vessel of Ivy , that parts , as I said , wine from water , will not part salt from water if it drean through it . But stones are brought from Portingal , made into vessels , into which sea water put will drean forth sweet , if not the first , yet the second time , they use it to break the stone ; also , for that many pumex and porous stones may be tried . Leo Baptista Albertus saith , That an earthen pot well stopt , and put into the sea , will fill with potable water . But I have tried all earthen vessels , and I always found salt-water . Aristotle in his Problems , saith , It may be done Another way , If salt-water cannot be drank cold , yet hot , and cool again , it is better to drink . It is because a thing useth to change from contrary to contrary , and salt-water is contrary to fresh , and when it is boil'd , the salt part is boil'd off , and when it is cold stays at the bottom . This I tried and found it false , and more salt , for by heat the thin vapors of the water that are sweet exhale , and the salt stay behinde ; and in lesser water , the same quantity of salt makes it salter , as I said in my distillations . I wonder such a wise man would relate such falsities . Florentinus borrowing it from him , saith , If water be not good nor po●able , but ill , let it be boiled , till a tenth part of it be consumed , then purge it , and it will be good , For sea-water so boil'd , will grow sweet . Let me see whether it can be made so Another way , and that in great quantity . There is a thing that being cast into large vessels filled with sea-water , by fastning the salt will make it fall to the bottom , or by curdling it , and so it frees the water from it . Wherefore we must think on things that have a stiptick quality , the Antients tried this , the Moderns have effected it . Pliny . Nitrous of bitter waters ; if you put Barley-flower dried to them , they are tempered , that you may drink of them in two hours : therefore is Barley-flower put into wine sacks , and elswhere . Those that go to the Red-sea through the Desarts , make nitrous , and salt , and bitter waters fit to drink in two hours , by putting in of Barley-meal , and they eat Barley-meal . The like force hath the Chalk of the Rhodes , and our Clay . Also , Cooks with Catlings , and Meal of Wheat , will take salt out of very salt mea● . I tried this oft but found it false , yet some of the saltness was taken away . Pliny . If you must drink ill waters , strew in powder of Penniroyal . Leo Baptista Albertus , when they take up the water of Nilus muddy , if they do but rub the edge of the vessel with an Almond , it presently grows clear : I tried this to , and found it false : when common salt is cast into Aqua fortis , that parts Gold from Silver , the Silver will presently descend . We see also , that in the making of that they call read Alac , casting but Alom into Lye , the salt and colour will presently precipitate to the bottom , and nothing will remain but clear water . We see that milk will curdle with many Herbs , which we speak of elsewhere . We shall use therefore for this purpose , coagulaters and astringents . Cooks say , That a Spunge put into a pot of salt-water , will draw the salt to it ; but pressed forth again , and cast in once more will take it all out . So wood wrapt about with fillets of linnen , and put into the pot , will draw the salt to it . Others binde in a clout Wheat-meal , and put it into the pot , and draw forth the salt . Palladius where he speaks of seasoning of wines , saith , The Greeks bid men keep sea-water that is clean , and taken out of the calm sea the year before , whose Nature is that in this time , it will lose its saltness or bitterness , and smell sweet by age . It remains to shew How sweet waters may be mended . Leo Baptista saith , If you place a glazed vessel full of salt , and well stopt with lime , putting oyl under that no water may penetrate into it , that it may hang in the middle of the waters of a Cistern ; these waters will in no time corrupt . Others adde also Quick-silver . If water begin to corrupt , cast in salt to purge them ; and if salt be wanting , put in some sea-water , for so at Venice they draw water from St Nicolas Well , for Marriners that go long voyages , because it stands so neer the sea , and salt lyes hid in it , by communicating with those waters . We read in Scripture , that Elizeus did this , who at Jericho or Palestina , cast in salt into a Fountain , and made it potable water , which was before bitter and corrupt . If water breeds worms cast in quick Lime , and they will dye . When we would make wine clear , beat the white of an Egge , and the troubled wine will descend , if you put it in . Others cast in the dust that is on the catlings of small nuts , and the Spaniards cast in Gyp , to make in clear and all these we may use in waters . CHAP. II. How to make water of Air. IF all other means fail , we may make water of air onely by changing it into air , as Nature doth ; for she makes water of air or vapors : Therefore when we want , water we may make it of air , and do as Nature doth . We know when the Sun heats the earth , it draws forth the thinnest vapors , and carrieth them on high , to that region of the air where the cold is , those vapors are condensed into drops , and fall down in Rain . Also we see in summer , that in Glass vessels well rinced , and that are full of cold water , the air by coming to the outermost superficies , will presently clow'd the the Glass , and make it lose its cleanness ; a little after it will be all in a dew and swell into bubbles , and by degrees these will turn to drops , and fall down , which have no other reason for them ; but because the cold air sticking to the Glass , grows thick , and is changed into water . We see also in Chambers at Venice , where there windows are made of Glass , when a gross and thick vapor sticks to the Glass within , and a cold vapor prevails without , that within will turn to dew , and drop down . Again , in winter , in Brass Guns , which are always very cold , and are kept in Cellars , and vaulted places , where men also use to be , that the air will grow thick , and lighting upon the cold superficies of them , they will be all of a dew , and drop with water . But to say no more : Make a large round vessel of Brass , and put into it Salt-Peter , unrefined , what will fill it ; men call it Solazzo mingled with Ice : for these two mixed , as I said in this Book , make a mighty cold , and by shaking them , with the wondeful force of the cold , they gather air about the vessel , and it will presently drop into a vessel underneath . A deligent Artist will adde more , that he may get a greater quantity of water . It sufficeth that I have shewed the way . CHAP. III. How one may so alter his face that not so much as his friends shall know him . SUch as are taken prisoners , or shut up close and desire to escape , and such as do business for great men , as spies , and others that would not be known , it is of great moment for them to know how to change their Countenances : I will teach them to do it so exactly , that their friends and wives shall not know them . Great men do not a little enquire for such secrets , because those that can dissemble theirown persons , have done great matters , and lovers have served their Mistresses , and Parents have not suspected it . Ulisses attempting to know what the Trojans did , clothed in counterfeit garments , and his face changed , did all he would , and was not discovered . Homer . With many scars he did transform his face , In servants clothes , as from a beggars race . He went to Troy , — And when he desired to know what Penelope and her suters did , he transformed himself again . I shall shew how this may be done many ways , by changing the Garments , Hair , Countenance , Scars , Swellings ; we may so change our Faces , that in some places it may rise in bunches , in other places it may sink down . And first , How to dye the Flesh. But to begin with the colouring of the Flesh. The Flesh may be dyed to last so long , or to be soon washed out . If you will have it soon wash'd off , Steep the shells of Walnuts , and of Pomegranates in Vinegar , four or five days ; then press them forth by a Press , and dye the face ; for it will make your face as black as an Ethiopian , and this will last some days . Oyl of honey makes a yellow colour , and red , and it will last fourteen days or more . The fume of Brimstone will discolour the face , that it will shew sickly , as if one had long kept his bed , but it will be soon gone . But if you will have it last many days firm , and very hardly to come off : Use water of Depart , that seperates Gold from Silver , made of Salt-Peter and Vitriol , and especially if it have first corroded any Silver ; this will last twenty days , until the skin be changed . But if you will Change the Hair , I taught elsewhere how to do this : yet I will take the pains to do it again . Oyl of honey dyes the Hair of the head and beard , of a yellow or red colour ; and this will hold a moneth . But if they be hoary , white , or yellow , we may dye them black with a strong Lixivium , wherein Litharg is boiled . Also , it will notably alter the Countenance , To adde or take off Hair , An Unguent used in Stoves and Hot-houses , is good for that purpose , made of Orpiment and quick Lime ; for this will presently make the part bald , so the eyelids and eyebrows being made smooth , will strangely metamorphise a man. We can also make the Hair grow suddenly , with water of honey , and the fat of an eel and horse , as I said . One may thus Make his face swelled , pressed down , or full of scars , Nothing doth more deform the visage then the stinging of Bees . We can make scars with caustick Herbs , by applying them , and letting them lye on for a little time . Tumours and Cavities are made by using to the part milk of Tithymal , as to the Mouth , Nose , Eyes , especially where the skin is off , that by this remedy alone the face is deformed ; so you may do the Cods and Testicles : water of Cantharides smeered on , doth presently cause bladders and humours . Turbith beaten , and boiled , and anointed on , makes all swell where it toucheth , chiefly the Testicles . The powder of the Yew , doth so exulcerate the skin , that the people will think the man is most miserable , and in a sad condition . The remedy is the juyce of the Poplar , or the oyl of Poplar . The fume of Brimstone and burnt straw , will discolour the face , as Hypocrites do , who by such means alter their countenance . Mingle together the feces of Aqua fortis one ounce , Pickle and Curcuma , of each one drachm , with Oyl to the form of an unguent , and anoint your face , it will make it black . When you will wash it with cold water , it will come to its former complection . Comedians and Tragedians , when they Act on the Stage , they smeer their faces with lees of Oyl to change them , that such as are their acquantance may not know them . Because the stinging of Bees , Wasps , Hornets , do so change the face , making the Nose , Mouth , and other parts to stand awry , and to be full of swellings and depressions : If any man wash his skin with the decoction of Hornets or Wasps , the place will so swell , that it will make men suspect some disease , yet it is without pain . The remedy is Theriot drank , or smeered on the part : and this is the fraud that false women use to counterfeit themselves to be with child . Beat together Oyl-lees , coles of a Vine and Pomegranate Pills ; and mingle them , and if you touch your face with this liniment , you shall make it exceeding black : but the juyce of sowre Grapes or Milk will wash it off . CHAP. IV. That stones may move alone . THe Antients say , that the stones called Prochites and Astroites , laid upon some other plain stone , will move of themselves , if you put Vinegar to them . The way shall be this : let a plain well polished , on the outward superficies , Porphyr Marble stone , lye beneath ; lay upon this the stone Trochites or Astroites , whose outward superficies is made smooth also ; then put to them a little vinegar or juyce of Lemons , presently of themselves will the Trochites , as well as the Astroites , without any thing moving them , go to the declining superficies : and it is very pleasant to see this . Cardan saith , That such stones have a thin moisture in them , which by the force of the vinegar , is turned into a vapor ; and when it cannot get forth , it tumbles the stone up and down : There is the beginning of a thin vapor , but it comes not forth ▪ because it is credible that the passages are very narrow : I should think that air is shut up in the veins of it , for it is probable , where you shall see substances of divers colours . Wherefore vinegar , because it is subtile of parts , goes in , and drives out the air , which passing out by the vinegar , moves the stone . Yet I have found that all stones will move themselves , that are mingled of divers stones , & have divers open passages in their veins . For the vinegar entring in at the joynts , forceth the stone to move it self . The Alabaster stone , called vulgarly Lodognium , moves excellently , for it is distinguished by divers veins , and varieties of stones ; and I have seen a piece , not onely of one pound , but of ●our pounds to move it self , and it was like a Tortois ; and when the stone began to move , it seemed like a Tortois crawling . That kinde of Marble moves by it self with vinegar , which is called Brocadello , which is compounded of divers and mingled parts . Also with vinegar doth that spotted Marble walk , which is spotted with red , yellow , and brown spots ; they call it the Lowsie stone , and it makes the beholders to wonder at it . I must tell you this before I leave off , because I would omit nothing . If the Marble be spotted underneath , and be above all of one colour and hard , or beneath all of one colour and hard , and above of divers colours ; when vinegar is poured on , or any sharp liquor , it runs presently to the declining part ; sometimes in circles , sometimes by jumps , and sometimes hastily moving it self . CHAP. V. How an Instrument may be made , that we may hear by it a great way . IN my Opticks I shewed you Spectacles , wherewith one might see very fat . Now I will try to make an Instrument , wherewith we may hear many miles ; and I will search out a wood , wherewith that may be performed better and with more ease . Therefore to finde out the form of this Instrument , we must consider the ears of all living Creatures , that bear best . For this is confirmed in the Principles of Natural Philosophy , that when any now things are to be invented , Nature must be searched , and followed . Therefore to consider of Animals , that have the quickest hearing , we must think of those that are the most fearful ; For Nature takes care for their safety , that as they have no great strength , yet they might exceed others in hearing , and save themselves by flight ; as the Hare , Coney , Hart , the Ass , Ox , and the like . These Creatures have great ears , and always open toward their foreheads ; and the open passages are to carry the sound from the place whence it comes . Ha●es therefore have long ears standing up high . Pollux . But Festus calls the Hare , Auritum , because of its great ears , and quickness of hearing . The Greeks call the Hare Lagos from the great ears ; for La in composition augments , and Os signifies an ear , and it was fit that a fearful creature should hear well , that it might perceive dangers farther off , and take care for it self in time . The Egyptians thought the Hare so quick of hearing , that it was their Hieroglyphick for hearing . The Coney is of the same Nature , and hath the same kinde of ears . Cows have great hairy ears : she can hear a Bull rore when he seeks to Bull a Cow , thirty furlong off , as giving this token of his love . Aelian . A Hart hath greater and longer ears , as it is a fearful Creature : If he holds his ears right up , he perceives sharply , and no snares can take him ; but if he let his ears down , he is easily slain . Aristotle , and Pliny from him . When they raise their ears , they hear quickly ; when they let them fall , they are afraid : and not to go over all Creatures that have large right up open ears , I say those that have such ears , they raise them and direct them forward , when they would hear afar off , and they are of most perfect hearing . I shall shew now by the contrary , that such Creatures which have short small ears , and not so visible , are of dull hearing . Great part of Fishes want ears , and such as have onely holes and no ears , must needs hear more deafly ; for the outward ears are made by Nature , that the sounds might be conveyed to the ears by them . Adrianus Consul of Rome , is a most clear witness of this , who having this sense hurt , made hollow catches to hear better by ; and these he fastned to his ears , looking forward . And Aristotle saith , That Horses , Asses , Dogs , and other Creatures that have great ears , do always stir them about , and turn them to hear noise , Nature teaching them the use of those parts ; and we finde that they hear less that have their ears cut off : wherefore it is fit , that the Form of the Instrument for hearing , be large , hollow , and open , and with screws inwardly . For the first , if the sound should come in directly , it would hurt the sence ; for the second , the voice coming in by windings , is beaten by the turnings in the ears , and is thereby multiplied , as we see in an Eccho . The sea-Periwinkle is an argument to prove it , which being held to the eare makes a light noise . Now it remains to speak of what matter it must be made . I think of porous Wood , for the holes and pores are passable every way ; and being filled with air , they sound with every small stroke : and amongst the porous Wood , is the Ivy , and especially the tree called Smilax or Woodbind , for a Dish made with Ivy , will let out the water , as I said . Wherefore Pliny speaking of the Woodbind , saith , It is proper to this matter , that being set to the ears , it will make a small noise . And in another place , I said that the Woodbind-Ivy would sound , if set to the ear . Therefore fit your Instrument to put into your ear , as Spectacles are fitted to the eyes . CHAP. VI. How by some Impostures we may augment weight . I Have set down some Impostures here , that such as handle with wicked men , may take heed that they be not deceived . As To augment the weight of Oyl , water is mingled with the Oyl , that the fraud may not be known , let it be done with troubled waters , as with the decoction of Wood , Rapes , Asphodills , that it may the harder be discerned from it . Or else they put the choisest Gumtragant into water for two days : then they bray it in a Mortar , always putting water to it , to melt the Gum : adde these to the Oyl dropping forth , and they will be turn'd to Oyl . By the like fraud almost , Silk is made to weigh more , They put it upon the vapour that riseth from boiling water , and this makes it swell with moisture , and grow heavier . Others bray one ounce of Gum Arabick , and being well passed through a sieve , they mingle it with the decoction of Honey ; they dissolve this mixture into water , and wet the Silk with it , and then let it dry . Others keep it in the green leaves of Walnut-tree . If you will Increase the quantity of Honey , Adde to it the Meal of Chestnuts of Millet , and that augments it , and it cannot be known . So you may Increase the weight of Wax : Adde to the Wax Bean-meal , excellent well beaten ; and this will burn in Candles without any excrement ; for it increaseth the weight and bigness , and the fra●d is scarce discerned . So you may Augment Sope. If you mingle the Ashes of Oxens shank-bones , well burnt it Potters ovens , or white Brimstone . For you shall augment the weight and quantity , without and distinction of it . If you would Counterfeit Pepper , You may gather green Juniper-berries , and let them dry till they shrivel ; then mix them with grains of Pepper . Others gather great black Vetches , and first they boil them with wilde Pepper ; for swelling in the water , when they come to be dried , they become wrinkled . I did sophisticate them so , that I deceived in sport the best Apothecaries ; and afterwards , I did in mirth discover the fraud . Take the Berries of the ripe red Sanguinaria ; these when they are dried , will be so shriveled , and like to Pepper , that any man almost may be deceived by it , unless he tasts of it . So we may Increase the weight of Wheat , By setting a vessel of Wood within it , full of water or vinegar . For as Pliny saith , It will drink it in . CHAP. VII . Of the Harp and many wonderful properties thereof . THe Harp hath some properties in it , and things worthy to be observed , which I shall propound here . First , I shall mention some wonderful effects , that the Antients speak of : then how they may be done , or how the Antients did then . Since Musick is now more Adorned and Noble , than it was amongst the Antients ( for then it was more rude and imperfect ) and yet in our days it doth not perform those operations . It is certain that Musical Tunes can do much with men , and there is no heart so hard and cruel , but convenient and sweet harmony will make it yield , and on the otherside , harsh Musick will vex and harden a mans minde . Musaeus discovers , that Verse and Songs are a most delightful thing to Mortal man : and the Platonists say , That all things living are charmed by Musick ; and there are many effects observed of it . Drums sound in the wars to provoke those that are slow to fight ; and we read that the Antients did such like things . One Timotheus a Musician , as oft he he pleased would play a Phrygian Tune , and so enrage the mind of Alexander , that he r●n presently to the wars ; and when he would do otherwise , he changed his tune , and took off all his courage making him lasie , and would then draw him being grown effeminate , to Banquets and Feasts : And Plutarch saith , That when he heard Antigenida playing Melodies with a Pipe , that they called Harmatii , he was so inflamed , that he rose in his Arms , and laid hold of him that sat next to him . Cicero reports , That Pythagoras made a yong man more calm by a slower tune , who was a Tancomonite , and was whitled with wine , and mad for a whore , and spurred forward by a Phrygian tune ; for being a corrival , he sought to set the house on fire where the whore was . And the same Author saith , If yong men are provoked by the sound of Flutes to commit any wickedness , if the Piper play but a slower tune they are called off again ; for by the gravity of the Musick their petulant fury is alayed . Empedocles , when one set upon his Host , that provoked him with reproaches and ill language turned the burden of his Song , and so asswaged the fury of his anger . Theophrastus is reported to have used Musical Tunes to repress the passions of the minde . And Agamemnon departing from his Country to go to Troy , doubting of the chastity of Clitemnestra , left a Harper , who with Musick did so incite her to continency and chastity , that Egystus could not enjoy her till he had killed the Harper . The Thracian Orpheus by the playing on his Harp , made barborous Nations civil who were as hard as stones to be softned . Musick charms the tender ears of children , and Rattles will make them quiet , and hold their peace when they cry . Wherefore Chrysippus is reported to have written a peculiar Song for Nurses . Also wilde Beasts are tamed with Musical Tunes . Arion the Harper made friends of the Dolphins that want reason , and they carried him safe to the shore , when he was cast into the Sea. Strabo saith , That Elephants are allured with drums . Stags are held with sounds , and catched with sweet Musick . The Swans under the North-winde are conquered by the Harp and Musical Tunes : Little birds are enticed to the Net with Pipes ; and the Shepherds Pipe commands the Sheep , when they wander too far to field , to stand still . In Mysia , when Horses back Mares , a man sings to them as it were a marriage Song , and the Mares are so taken with the Musick , that they become great with Fole , and they bring forth most gallant Colts . Pythocaris a Musician , when he sang earnestly swift Notes to his Pipe , is said to have made Wolves become more tame ; and which is far more wonderful , Antiquity cured Wounds , Diseases , and Poysons by Melody , as Histories related . Terpander and Aaron of Methymna , cured the men of Lesbos and Jonia of great Diseases . Asclepiades a Physitian cured deaf people by a Trumpet , and by singing he stilled the sedicious people . In time past there was great store of Spiders in Aquilia , which they commonly call Tarantulae , when the Sun is extreme hot they bite most pestilently , and venemously ; for this danger this healthful remedy is onely found out , that he that is bit must be charmed with much singing of Musicians , and many musical Instruments . The sick though he want all sense , so soon as he hears the Flute play , as if he rose from a dead sleep , ariseth from the earth , and danceth after the Musick ; and if the Musician cease to play , he presently faints , & grows stupedt and as the Musick strikes up , so he doth dance the more . So to several Diseases the Antients appointed several Musick ; for the Dorick Melody caused Prudence , Chastity , and Learning ; the Phrygians made men fight , and grow furious , which the flute will do also . Therefore Aristoxenus in his Plays , when he could not prevail with Dorick Musick , he changed to Phrygian melody that agreed with them . The Lydian Harmony sharpens wit to those that are dull , and brings in a desire of heavenly things , upon those that are oppressed with a love of earthly things . Aristotle in his Politicks , Do we not reade that the Lacedemonians rejected that kinde of Musick called Chromaticum , because it made those that heard it too effeminate ? Whence I think it is not against reason , that the same may be done by the Lute or Harp alone , but what is done by art or cunning , is more to be wondred at , which none can deny . But if we would seek out the cause of this , we shall not ascribe it to the Musick , but to the Instrument , and the wood they are made of , and to the skins ; since the properties of dead beasts are preserved in their parts , and of Trees cut up in their wood , as I said elsewhere in this Book . And to take the most noted examples , if we will Fright Sheep , There is Antipathy between Sheep and Wolves , as I said often , and it remains in all their parts ; so that an Instrument strung with Sheep strings , mingled with strings made of a Wolfs guts , will make no Musick , but jar , and make all discords . Pythagoras . If you will Drive away Horses , Horses are frighted in battle by Elephants , and a Camel Naturally hates a Horse , as Aristotle and Pliny say , and some report that Horses will burst if they tread upon the Wolfs footing , when the Horsemen rides them . So that if drums be made of an Elephant , Camel , or Wolves skin , and one beat them , the Horses will run away and dare not stand . By the same reason , if you will Drive away Bears , A Horse , that is a Creature made obedient to man , hath a Capital hatred with a Bear , that is a Beast hurtful to man ; he will know his enemy that he never saw before , and presently provide himself to fight with him , and he useth art rather than strength for it ; and I have heard that Bears have been driven away in the Wilderness by the sound of a Drum , when it was made of a Horse skin . Again , if we would Make Horses gentle , Aelian writes that by the playing on a Flute , the Lybian Horses are so allured , that by this means they will become gentle for mans use , and will not be so furious ; they will follow the Groom that feeds them , whithersoever he please to lead them with his Musick ; when he plays and stands , they stand still , and if he play eagerly on the Flute , they are so ravished with it , that they cannot hold crying , and let tears fall . Those that keep Horses make a hollow pipe of the Tree called Rose-Laurel , and they go amongst the herd with this , and playing on it they charm them all . Theophrastus hath told us that the Herb Oenothera will ●ame wilde Beasts , and make them drunk ; and as I said elsewhere , Theophrastus his Oenothera is our Rose-Laurel , against Dioscorides . It is reported , that Women will miscarry , if Fiddle-strings be made of Serpents , especially of Vipers , for being put on a Harp and play'd on , if women with childe be present , they suffer abortion , and Vipers are wont to do as much by meeting them , as many write . Hermenias , a Theban , endeavoured To cure many of the Sciatica in Beotia , by Musick ; and it may be his Instrument was made of Poplar , for Dioscorides saith , That the juyce of the Poplar-tree-bark will cure them , or of Willow . Also Hellebore is good For mad men And Xenocrates cured mad men with Musical tunes , which Instruments might be easily made of Horses Shank-bones , or the hollow stalks of Hellebore . Thales Milerius used a Harp Against the Plague , which could be of no other Wood than the Vine-tree ; since Wine and Vinegar are wonderful good against the Pestilence , or else of the Bay-tree , whose leaves bruised and smelled to , will presently drive away Pestilent contagion . Theophrastus writes that some are excellent Against the bitings of Vipers , with Harps , Flutes , or other Instruments , which Instruments might be made of Juniper , Ash , Bays , the Stags-bones , Ferula , Elder , Vine , and such like many more . Pythagoras Against Dru●●enness used Musick also : for he withheld a yong man that was drunk from burning the house of his corrival , may be with an Instrument of Ivy , or Almond-tree-wood , especially that as it is of the wilde Tree , for these afford great remedy for drunkenness . Timotheus did so enflame the minde of Alexander the Great , that he was mad to fight , and when he would he changed his minde , and drew out all his courage ; and he endeavoured To draw his sluggish and yielding thoughts from Battle to Banquets , and so carried him which way he pleased , which could not be done , but by Vine-wood , or Wood-Laurel . The Instrument of the Harper , who when Agamemnon went from Greece to Troy , did keep Clilemnestra chaste by , his Musick was made of Willow , called Agnus Castus ; for the women in the Feasts of Ceres , amongst the Athenians , put Willow-Park-leaves under them , to keep them chaste when they lay in bed , for so they extinguished the desire of venery . The Pythagoreans used some Tunes For sleep and waking ; For when they would by sleep overcome divers cares , they play'd certain Tunes , that easie and quiet sleep might come upon them ; and when they arose , so soon as they went out of their Chambers , with some Musick they would dispel all confusion and dulness of sleep , that they might set to their work . It is said that the Aeolian Musick doth still the tempests of the minde , and rocks men a sleep : they provoked men to sleep with Almond-tree , or Vine-tree-wood , and they drove sleep off with Hellebore . Take this experiment that is common , A Harp that is play'd on , will move another Harpstrung to the same height . Let the strings be stretched alike , that both may come to the same melody perfectly ; if you shall strike one of the base strings , the other will answer it , and so it is in the trebles , yet they must be at a moderate distance ; and if this be not very clear , lay straw upon it , and you shall see it move . But Suetonius Tranquillas , in his Book , De Ludicra Historia saith , That in Winter some strings are struck , and others sound . Thus any ignorant man may tune a Htrp , if one Harp be rightly tuned for Musick , and lye still , he by stretching the strings of the other , and by slackning them , and striking as the string of the Harp that lyes still guides him ; so of the rest , But if you will That a deaf person may hear the sound of the Harp , or else stop your ears with your hands , that you may not hear the sound . Then take fast hold of the Instrument by the handle with your teeth , and let another strike on it , and it will make a Musical noise in the brain , and may be a sweeter noise . And not onely taking hold of the handle with your teeth , but the long neck , neer the Harp , and by that you shall hear the sound perfectly , that you may say that you did not hear the Musick , but taste it . Now remains what I think is very pleasant To make a Harp or other Instrument be play'd on by winde , Do thus : When the windes are very tempestuous set your Instruments just against it , as Harps , Flutes , Dulcimers , Pipes the wind will run violently into them , and play low upon them , and will run into the holes of the reeds ; whence if you stand neer and listen , you will hear most pleasant Musick by consent of them all , and will rejoyce . CHAP. VIII . To discover Frauds whereby Impostors working by Natural means , pretend that they do them by conjuration . NOw will I open Cheats and Impostors , whereby Jugglers and Impostors , who fain themselves to be Cujurers , and thereby delude fools , knaves , and simple women . I , to cast down their fraud , by a admonishing simple people not to be deceived by them , shall open the causes thereof . And first , By what means they fain , that they can discover Treasures , The greater part of Cozners , when they are themselves very poor and most miserable of all men , they profess themselves able to finde out Treasures , and they promise to other men what they want themselves ; and they use four Rods that are double forked , the tops whereof sticking close together crossways , they hold the lower parts of them with their hands open , neer their belly , they seem to mumble some Verses , and the Rods fall down , and where they fall , they bid those men to dig that would find Treasures . The cause is , for that the Rods seem to stand fast in their hands , and yet have no hold at all , and they seem always ready to fall ; and if they remove never so little from their place , they presently fall down . Also , there are in mens arms and hands pulsations of Arteries , which although they seem immovable , yet they do move the hands unseen , and make them to tremble : Yet some Metal-Masters who report that these forked Rods are a great help to them in finding out of Mines : For with a Knife they cut the Hazel-tree , which they say is the fittest of all to finde out Veins , especially if the Hazel come upon any Mineral Vein . Others use divers Trees , as the Metals are divers ; for they use wands of Hazel for Veins of Silver , Ash for Brass , Wilde Pilch-tree for Lead , chiefly white-Lead , or Brass , or Gold : then they take the Rod by both ends , and clinch their fists , but they must hold their fingers clinched upwards toward heaven ; and that the Rod may be lifted up there where the ends meet , thus they wander here and there through Mountainous places , and when they set their foot upon a Vein , the Rod will presently turn about , and discover a Vein in any place ; when they come off from it , the Rod will be quiet , and they say the Veins have so great force , that they will bend the Boughs of Trees that grew neer , towards them , as Agricola writes more largely . Another merry conceit remains , that three Schroles of Paper not touched , shall change their places . This cannot be done but an ignorant man will admire it . Make three long Schroles of Paper , or of linen , and let them be one longer then another , equally ; for all of them being made equal at the lower end , and turn'd about equally , they take one the others place , and change their situation ; put the longest in the middle or in the first place , they change their situation ; if the longest be put last , they hold as they were . No man but will think this to be done by the Divel , yet this proceeds from no other cause , but because in the end of the revolution , the longer remains , and the last from whence it riseth stays behinde . Aristotle in his Problems seems to mean this , why the Section of a Paper , if any man cut it off straight from the plain basis in measuring , it will be straight when it is turned about ; but if it be bended , it will be twisted ? whether this falls out , that when the rounds of another Section are placed on the same plain , that Section declining , is not equally opposite , but somewhat less : wherefore when you part them , those rounds that are contain'd in the same plain , will make a line , that belong to their own order , &c. Some were deceived , who thought this proceeded from the force of words , and they answered all questions by it as from an Oracle : for if they changed their places , all should go well and prosper , otherwise they should have ill success ; and they would not change their superstitious belief , with reason and experience , because they had so believed many years . If you will have Money to turn about upon a point , I oft have seen Impostors that to cheat women used this fraud , that two Schroles of Paper , or some other light matter upon a plain , should lift up themselves , and move alone . If you search in Barley , you shall finde a small ear of wilde Oates , that is black and wrested , like the foot of a Locust ; and if you binde this with wax to the top of a Knife , or point of a Stile , and shall sprinkle softly some drops of water upon them , when it feels the wet , it will twist like a Harp string , and the Paper will rise , and so will Money turn on the point of a Stile . If we will Discover theft , we may do it thus , and recover what is lost . There are many superstitions for theft , that stand by Natural reasons , and Cheaters ascribe them to the vertue of Words . There is the Eagle stone , so called , it is as one great with childe ; for shake the stone , and it rings in the belly : If then any one powder this , and put it into good bread baked upon the Embers , and give it to a Thief , the Thief cannot swallow it , when he hath chewed it , but he must either be choked , or discovered for a Thief ; for he cannot swallow it being baked with that , as Dioscorides saith . The Natural cause for this is , because the powder that is mingled with the bread is so dry , that it makes the bread extream dry , and like a pumish , that it cannot be swallowed , when it comes into the throat . Adde to this , that he who seeks to finde a Thief , must say to the franders by , whom he suspects that he will work wonders ; whereupon he that is the Thief , hath his throat very dry , by reason of the fear and terrour he is in ; so that he cannot swallow this bread with the powder in it , for it will stick to his throat ; for if he were void of fear he could scarce swallow it . There is another cunning invention : they write the names of those that are suspected upon Schroles of Paper , and make them fast in clay bullets , and put them under the water , the pellets being well wet , open , and the light schroles of Paper rise above the water . And this causeth the spectators to admire , and to suppose it is some diabolical art . The clay pellets are made as many as the standers by are , and the names writ in the schroles , are wrapt up in the pellets : for the schroles that are not very fast wrapt in the pellets , are not very fast bound in ; but if you will have them never to open , you shall work it well with the schrole , and so it will never come forth . If you will have Flowers to fall from a Tree : When I saw this first I was amazed , but I asked the reason , and he shewed me it . It is a property of Mullens , that when in the morning it opens the Flowers , if the Plant be shaken gently , the Flowers drying by degrees will fall all to the ground ; and one that sees it will think it comes from Magical Art , if he that shakes them off shall mumble some idle words . Also , Women are made to cast off their clothes and go naked : To let nothing pass that Jugglers and Impostors counterfeit , They set a Lamp with Characters graved upon it , and filled with Hares fat ; then they mumble forth some words , and light it ; when it burns in the middle of womens company , it constrains them all to cast off their clothes , and voluntarily to shew themselves naked unto men ; they behold all their privities , that otherwise would be covered , and the women will never leave dancing so long as the Lamp burns : and this was related to me by men of credit . I believe this effect can come from nothing but the Hares fat , the force whereof perhaps is venemous , and penetrating the brain , moves them to this madness . Homer saith , The Massagerae did the like , and that there are Trees whose fruit cast into the fire , will make all that are neer to be drunk and foolish ; for they will presently rise from their seats , and fall to leaping and dancing . There are Thieves also Who bore through the head of a Pullet with an Aule , and yet maintain that she is alive . And they say it is done by conjuration , and they promise to make a man hard by this , that he cannot be wounded ; for with some Characters fraudulently invented and bound under the wings , they thrust through the head of the Cock with a Bodkin , and staying awhile , they pull it forth again , and the Pullet flies away without any wound , or loss of blood . When I considered of this , and opened the Pullets head , I found it to be parted in the middle , and the Knife or Bodkin passing through that place , hurts not the brain , and I have often tried it , and found it true . There is also A remedy for the Sciatica , Great Cato , the chief man for all commodity , and the Master of all good Arts , as Pliny saith , In his Books of Husbandry he used some charms against the pains of the Sciatica ; saying , that if any thing be dislocated , you may charm it whole again by this means . Take a green Reed four or five foot long , cut it in the middle , and let two men hold them to the huclebones . Begin to play with another , S. F. motas vaeta daries dardaries astataries dissunapiter , until such time as they joyn together , and shake about your sword , when they come together , and one toucheth the other , take that in your right hand , and cut it asunder with your left ; bind it to the place dislocated or broken , and it will be whole . See how so worthy a learned man brake forth into such madness ; nor did he know by his great learning , that without the force of Words , green Reeds cut long-ways , will turn round of themselves and meet , if they be pendulous , as the wands of Willows , and brambles will do . Theophrastus gives the reason why they turn round , in his Books De Causis Plantarum . Moreover we reade in Dioscorides , that a Reed with Vinegar applied to the hucklebones will cure the Luxation of the loins , without words or superstition . CHAP. IX . Of some Experiments of a Lamp. I Much rejoyced when I found amongst the Ancients , that Anaxilaus the Philosopher , was wont to make sport with the Snuff of a Candle and the Wick , and by such delusions would make mens heads shew like Monsters , if we may believe Pliny : By taking the venomous matter comes from Mares newly having taken Horse , and burning in new Lamps , for it will make mens heads seem like Horsheads , and such like : but because I gave no credit to these things , I never cared to try them . But take these for truth . To make men seem like to Blackmores , Take Ink , but the best comes from Cutles : mingle this with your Lamps , and the flame will be black . Anaxilaus is reported to have done this , for oft-times by mingling Cutles Ink , he made the standers by as black as Ethiopians . Simeon Sethi saith , That if any man shall dip a Wick in Cutles Ink , and Verdigrease , those that stand by will seem partly Brass-colour , partly Black , by reason of the mixture . And we may imitate this in all colours ; for setting aside all other lights that might hinder it , for else the other lights will spoil the sport , and if you do it by day , shut the windows lest the light come in there and destroy the delusion . If the Lamp be green Glass and transparent , that the rays coming through may be dyed by the colour of the medium ( which is of great consequence in this ) and green Coppras be mingled with the Oyl , or what moysture it burns with , and they be well ground together , that the liquor may be green ; make your Cotten of some linnen of the same colour , or bombast ; this being smeered with it , must burn in that Lamp : the light that is opposite against you , will shew all faces of the beholders and other things to be green . To make the face seem extream pale and lean , This is easie ; pour into a large Glass very old Wine , or Greek Wine , and cast a handful of Salt into it : set the Glass upon burning coles without flame , lest the Glass should break , it will presently boil ; put a Candle to it , and light it ; then put out all other lights , and it will make the faces of the standers by to be such , that they will be one afraid of another . The same falls out in shops , where Bells and Metals are melted , for they seem so strangely coloured in the dark , that you would wonder at it , their lips look pale , wan , and black , and blew : Also let Brimstone , when it burns , be set in the middle of the company , and it will do the same more powerfully . Anaxilaus the Philosopher was wont to work by such delusions . For Brimstone put into a new cup , and set on fire , and carried about , by the repercussion of it when it burns , makes the company look pale and terrible . That oft-times happened to me when at Naples I walked in the night in the Leucogean Mountains ; for the Brimstone burning of it self , made me look so . CHAP. X. Of some mechanical Experiments . THere are some Experiments that are witty and not to be despised , and are done by Simples without mixture , which I thought not unfit to communicate to ingenuous Men , and Artificers . There is an Art , called The flying Dragon , or the Comet : It is made thus ; Make a quadrangle of the small pieces of Reeds , that the length may be to the breadth , one and half inproportion ; put in two Diameters on the opposite parts , or Angles , where they cut one the other , bind it with a small cord , and of the same bigness , let it be joyned with two others that proceed from the heads of the Engine . Then cover it with paper or thin linnen , that there be no burden to weigh upon it : then from the top of a Tower , or some high place , send it out where the wind is equal and uniform , not in to great winds , lest they break the workmanship , nor yet to small , for if the wind be still , it will not carry it up , and the weak wind makes it less labour . Let it not flye right forth , but obliquely , which is effected by a cord that comes from one end to the other , and by the long tale which you shall make of cords of equal distance , and papers tied unto them : so being gently let forth , it is to be guided by the Artificers hand , who must not move it idly or sluggishly , but forcibly ; so this flying Sayle flies into the air . When it is raised a little ( for here the wind is broken by the windings of the houses ) you can hardly guide it , or hold it with your hands . Some place a Lanthorn upon it , that it may shew like a Comet : others put a Cracker of paper , wherein Gun-power is roled , and when it is in the air , by the cord there is sent in a light match , by a ring or some thing that will abide ; this presently flies to the Sayle , and gives fire to the mouth of it , and the Engine with a thundring noise , flies into many parts , and falls to the ground . Others bind a Cat or Whelp , and so they hear cries in the air . Hence may an ingenuous Man take occasion , to consider how to make a man flye , by huge wings bound to his elbows and breast ; but he must from his childhood , by degrees , use to move them , always in a higher place . If any man think this a wonder , let him consider what is reported , that Archytas the Pythagorean did . For many of the Noble Greeks , and Favorinus the Philosopher , the greatest searcher out of Antiquities , have Written affirmatively , that the frame of a Pigeon made in wood , was formed by Archytas , by some art , and made to flie ; it was so balanced in the air by weights , and moved by an aireal Spirit shut within it . Soli Deo Gloria . FINIS . A TABLE containing the General Heads of NATURAL MAGICK . The first Book ; Treating of wonderful things . VVHat is meant by the name , Magick Chap 1 The Nature of Magick Chap 2 Instruction of a Magitian , what he ought to be Chap 3 Opinions of the Ancient Philosophers touching the causes of strange operations , and first of the Elements Chap 4 Divers operations of Nature , proceed from the essential forms of things Chap 5 Whence the form cometh : of the Chain that Homer faigned , and the Ring that Plato mentioneth Chap 6 Sympathy and Antipathy , by them to finde the vertues of things Chap 7 From Heaven and the Stars things receive their force , and thereby many things are wrought Chap 8 Attract the vertues of superior Bodies Chap 9 Knowledge of secrets dependeth upon the survey of the World Chap 10 Likeness of things sheweth their secret vertues Chap 11 Compound things by their likeness Chap 12 Particular creatures have particular gifts ; some in their whole body , others in their parts Chap 13 Properties of things while they live , and after death Chap 14 Simples to be gotten and used in their seasons Chap 15 Where they grow , chiefly to be considered Chap 16 Properties of Places and Fountains commodious for this work Chap 17 Compounds work more forceably ; and how to compound and mix those simples which we would use in our mixtures Chap 18 Just weight of a mixture Chap 19 Prepare Simples Chap 20 The second Book ; Of the generation of Animals . PUtrefaction , and of a strange manner of producing living creatures Chap 1 Earthy Creatures generated of putrefaction Chap 2 Birds which are generated of the putrefaction of Plants Chap 3 Fishes which are generated of putrefaction Chap 4 New kinds of living creatures may be generated by copulation of divers beasts Chap 5 Dogs may be generated of great courage , and with divers rare properties Chap 6 Pretty little dogs to play with Chap 7 Amend the defects in dogs Chap 8 Divers kinds of Mules Chap 9 Mingle Sheep and Goats by generation Chap 10 Commixions whereby Beasts of divers kinds are generated Chap 11 Copulations of a man with divers kindes of Beasts Chap 12 Divers kindes of Birds generated by divers Birds coupling together Chap 13 Commixions of Hens with other birds Chap 14 Hawkes of divers properties generated Chap 15 Commixion of divers kind of Fishes Chap 16 New and strange Monsters Chap 17 Wayes to produce strange and monstrous births Chap 18 Wonderful force of imagination , and how to produce party-coloured births Chap 19 Women to bring forth fair and beautiful children Chap 20 Either males or females to be generated Chap 21 Experiments practised upon divers living creatures Chap 22 The third Book ; Of the production of new Plants . NEw kindes of Plants may be generated of putrefaction Chap 1 Plants changed , one degenerating into the form of the other Chap 2 One fruit compounded of many Chap 3 A second means Chap 4 A third way Chap 5 Fruits made double , the one contained within the other Chap 6 Strange fruits may be generated and made either better or worse Chap 7 Ripe fruits and flowers before their ordinary seasons Chap 8 Fruits and Flowers may be had at all times of the year Chap 9 Made late and backward Chap 10 Fruit to grow bigger then their ordinary kinds Chap 11 Fruit that shall have neither stone nor kernel Chap 12 Fruit produced without any rines or shels Chap 13 Colours such as are not incident to their kinde Chap 14 Colours of Flowers may be changed Chap 15 Fruits and Flowers may be changed to a better favour then ordinary Chap 16 Fruits to be sweeter and pleasenter for tast Chap 17 Fruits in growing may be made to resemble all figures and impressions whatsoever Chap 18 Fruits to be made more tender , beautiful and goodly to the eye Chap 19 Divers kindes of Fruits , and wines made medicinable Chap 20 Fruits and Vines planted that may yield greatest encrease Chap 21 The fourth Book ; The increasing of Houshold Stuffe . FRuits long preserved on their trees Chap 1 Flowers preserved on their own stallks Chap 2 Fruit-safes or places to preserve fruits conveniently Chap 3 Time to be chosen for preserving such fruits as you lay instore for a great while Chap 4 Manner of gathering fruits , and how to dress the stalk to prevent the original cause of their putrefaction Chap 5 Grounds , fruits should grow in , and be gathered which we lay up Chap 6 Fruits to be shut up close from the air Chap 7 The Ancients shut fruit close in certain vessels , and put them in other vessels full of liquor Chap 8 Fruits drenched in honey , to make them last for a long time Chap 9 Fruits may belong preserved in ordinary wine , sodden wine , new wine , or else in wine Lees Chap 10 Fruits very well preserved in salt-water Chap 11 Things that may be preserved in Oyl , and Lees of Oyl Chap 12 Apples long preserved in Sawdust with leaves , chaff , and straw Chap 13 Fruits mixed with many things for their preservation Chap 14 Things may be preserved from putrefaction Chap 15 Divers sorts of bread may be made Chap 16 Bread made of roots and fruits Chap 17 Ways to make bread of corn and pulse Chap 18 Bread increased in weight Chap 19 To endure long hunger and thirst Chap 20 Of what fruits wine may be made Chap 21 Vinegar to be made divers ways and of what Chap 22 Defects of wine managed and restored Chap 23 Oyl made of divers things Chap 24 Many sorts of thread may be provided Chap 25 Eggs hatched without a Hen Chap 26 The fifth Book ; Of changing Metals . TO convert Tin into a more excellent Metal Chap 1 Lead into another Metal Chap 2 Brass into a more worthy Metal Chap 3 Iron into a worthier Metal Chap 4 Quick-silver , its effects and operations Chap 5 Of Silver Chap 6 Operations necessary for use Chap 7 To make a Metal more weighty Chap 8 To part Metals without Aqua fortis Chap 9 To part Gold , or Silver , from other Metals with Aqua fortis Chap 10 The sixth Book ; Of counterfeiting precious Stones SAlts used in the composition of Gems Chap 1 How Fliut , or Crystal is to be prepared , and how Pastils are boiled Chap 2 The furnace and the parts thereof Chap 3 To make colours Chap 4 How Gems are coloured Chap 5 Gems otherwise made Chap 6 Tinctures of Brystal Chap 7 Making Smalt or Ennamel Chap 8 Smalt of a Rose colour Chap 9 Leaves of Metal to be put under Gems Chap 10 How to be polished Chap 11 Building a furnace for the colouring plates Chap 12 Rays coloured by a mixture of Metals Chap 13 The seventh Book ; Of the Wonders of the Load-stone . IT s Name , Kinde , and Countrey Chap 1 Natural reason of its attraction Chap 2 The Load-stones opposite poles , North , South , and how they may be known Chap 3 The Stones force sent by a right line from North to South , through the length Chap 4 The polar line not stable , but moveable Chap 5 The force of North and South vigorous in the points Chap 6 By the touching of other stones , those points will not change there forces Chap 7 A Load-stone will draw a Load-stone , and drive it from it Chap 8 A sport of the Load-stone Chap 9 The greater the Load stone , the greater its force Chap 10 The force of this Stone , will pass into other Stones Chap 11 In the Load-stone hairiness is contused Chap 12 The attractive part more violent , then the part that drives off Chap 13 Contrary parts of the Stones , contrary one to another Chap 14 To know the polar points in the Load-stone Chap 15 The force of drawing and driving off , cannot be hindred Chap 16 Make an army of sand to fight Chap 17 Situation makes its vertnes contrary Chap 18 The attractive force of the load-stone , may be weighed Chap 19 The Mutual attraction , and driving off of the load-stone , and of Iron Chap 20 Iron and the load-stone in greater amity , then the load-stone is with the load stone Chap 21 The load-stone doth not draw on all parts , but at certain points Chap 22 The same load-stone that draws , doth on the contrary point drive off the Iron Chap 23 Iron to leap on a table , no load-stone being seen Chap 24 The vertue of the load-stone is sent through the pieces of Iron Chap 25 The load-stone within the sphear of its vertue , sends it forth without touching Chap 26 The load-stone can hang Iron in the air Chap 27 The forces of the load-stone cannot be hindred , by a wall or table coming between Chap 28 A man of wood may row a boat , with other conceits Chap 29 A load stone on a plate of Iron , will not stirre Iron Chap 30 The Position of the Iron , will change the forces Chap 31 The Iron rubbed with the Northern point of the load-stone , will turn to the south , and with the south point to the north Chap 32 Iron touched with the load-stone , will impart the force to other Iron Chap 33 The vertue received in the Iron , is weakened by one that is stronger Chap 34 To discern in a Stone the South or North point Chap 35 To rub the Iron-needle of the Marriners compass Chap 36 The uses of Marriners Compasses Chap 37 The Longitude of the world may be found out by the help of the Load-stone Chap 38 If the Marriners Needle stand still , and the Load-stone move , or contrarily , they will move contrary ways Chap 39 The Load-stone imparts a contrary form to the Needle Chap 40 Two Needles touching by the Load stone , obtain contrary forces Chap 41 The force of the Iron that draws , will drive off Iron , by diversity of Situation Chap 42 The Needle touched by the Load-stone on one part , doth not always receive vertue on both parts Chap 43 The Needle touched in the middle by the Load-stone , sends forth its force at both ends Chap 44 An Iron Ring touched by a Load stone will receive both vertues Chap 45 An Iron plate touched in the middle will difits forces at both ends Chap 46 Filings Iron may receive force Chap 47 Whether Garlick can hinder the vertues of the Load-stone Chap 48 A Load-stone astonished may be brought to its self again Chap 49 To augment the Load-stones vertue Chap 50 That the Load-stone may lose its vertue Chap 51 How the Iron touched with the load stone loseth its force Chap 52 That the Diamond hindereth the load-stones vertue is false Chap 43 Goats blood doth not free the load-stone from the inchantment of the Diamond Chap 54 The Iron touched with a Diamond , will turn to the North Chap 55 Forces and Remedies of the load-stone Chap 56 The eighth Book ; Of Physical Experiments . MEdicines which cause sleep Chap 1 To make a man out of his senses for a day Chap 2 To cause several kinds of Dreames Chap 3 Excellent Remedies for the eyes Chap 4 To fa●ten the teeth Chap 5 For other infirmities of mans body Chap 6 That a woman may conceive Chap 7 Remedies against the Pox Chap 8 Antidotes against Poyson Chap 9 the Plague Chap 10 Remedies for wounds and blows Chap 11 A secret medicine for wounds Chap 12 To counterfeit infirmities Chap 13 Of Fascination , and preservatives against Inchantments Chap 14 The ninth Book ; Of Beautifying Women . TO dye the hair Yellow , or Gold-colour Chap 1 Red Chap Chap 2 Black Chap Chap 3 To make hairs part smooth Chap 4 How hair may grow again Chap 5 To take away sores and worms that spoil the hair Chap 6 To make hair curl Chap 7 To make the Eye-brows black Chap 8 To make the face white Chap 9 To make the face very clean , to receive the colour Chap 10 To make the face very soft Chap 11 To make the face shine like silver Chap 12 To dissolve Talk , for to beautifie women Chap 13 The preparation of sublimate Chap 14 How White-lead is prepared for the face Chap 15 The best Sopes for Women Chap 16 To make the face Rose-coloured Chap 17 Against redness of the face Chap 18 To make a Sun-burnt face white Chap 19 To take sp●ts from the face Chap 20 To take off red Pimples Chap 21 To take letters from the face , or elswhere Chap 22 To take away Warts Chap 23 To take wrinkles from the body Chap 24 Of Dentifrices Chap 25 To hinder the Brests from augmenting Chap 26 To make the hand white Chap 27 To correct the ill sent of the Arm-pits Chap 28 How the matrix over-widened in childe-birth may be made narrower Chap 29 Sports against women Chap 30 The tenth Book ; Of Distillation . VVHat Distillation is , how many sorts Chap 1 Extraction of Waters Chap 2 Extracting Aqua Vitae Chap 3 To distil with the heat of the Sun Chap 4 To draw Oyl by expression Chap 5 To extract Oyl with Water Chap 6 To separate Oyl from water Chap 7 To make an instrument to extract Oyl in a greater quantity , and without danger of burning Chap 8 The description of a Descendatory Chap 9 To extract Oyl out of Gums Chap 10 To draw Oyl out of other things Chap 11 To extract Oyl by descent Chap 12 Extraction of Essences Chap 13 Magisteries what , their extraction Chap 14 To extract tinctures Chap 15 To extract Salts Chap 16 Of Elixirs Chap 17 Of a Clissus , how made Chap 18 To get Oyl out of Salts Chap 19 Of Aqua Fortis Chap 20 Of the separation of the Elements Chap 21 The eleventh Book ; Of Perfuming OF Perfuming waters Chap 1 To make sweet water by infusion Chap 2 To make sweet Oyls Chap 3 To extract Water and Oyl out of sweet Gums by infusion Chap 4 To perfume Skins Chap 5 To make sweet Powders Chap 6 To make sweet Compounds Chap 7 To make sweet perfumes Chap 8 To Adulterate Musk Chap 9 The twelfth Book ; Of Artificial Fires . DIvers ways to procure fire Chap 1 The compositions for fire our Ancestors used Chap 2 Divers compositions of Gun-powder Chap 3 Pipes made to cast out fire Chap 4 To make fire-balls that are shot in Brass-guns Chap 5 Compositions with burning waters Chap 6 Balls made of Metals , to cast forth fire and Iron wedges Chap 7 How in plain ground and under waters Mines may be presently digged Chap 8 Things good to extinguish fire Chap 9 Divers compositions for fire Chap 10 Fire-compositions for feastival days Chap 11 Experiments of fire Chap 12 How a Candle shall burn continually Chap 13 The thirteenth Book ; Of tempering Steel . IRon by mixture may be hardened Chap 1 How Iron will wax soft Chap 2 The temper of Iron must be used upon soft Irons Chap 3 How for all mixtures , Iron may be tempered most hard Chap 4 Liquors that will harden Iron Chap 5 The temper of a Tool shall cut a Porphyr Marble Stone Chap 6 To grave a Porphyr Marble , without an Iron Tool Chap 7 How Iron by heating in the fire , may be made tractable for works Chap 8 How Damask Knives may be made Chap 9 Polished Iron , how preserved from rust Chap 10 The fourteenth Book ; Of Cookery . HOw flesh may be made tender Chap 1 How flesh may grow tender by secret propriety Chap 2 How flesh may be made tender otherwise Chap 3 How Shell-creatures may grow more tender Chap 4 That living creatures may be made more fat , and well tasted Chap 5 How the flesh of Animals is made sweeter Chap 6 How they are made too bitter to be eaten Chap 7 How Animals may be boiled , rosted , baked , all at once Chap 8 Divers ways to dress Pullets Chap 9 How meats may be prepared in places where there is nothing to rost them with Chap 10 Divers confections of Wines Chap 11 To make men drunk , and loath wine Chap 12 To drive Parasites from great mens Tables Chap 13 The fifteenth Book ; Of Fishing , Fowling , Hunting , &c. VVHat meats allure divers animals Chap 1 How living creatures are drawn on with the baits of love Chap 2 Animals called together by things they like Chap 3 What noises allure Birds Chap 4 Fishes allured by light in the night Chap 5 By Looking glasses many creatures are brought together Chap 6 Animals are congregated by sweet smells Chap 7 Creatures made drunk , catcht with hand Chap 8 Peculiar poysons of Animals Chap 9 Venomes for Fishes Chap 10 Experiments for hunting Chap 11 Tee sixteenth Book ; Of invisible Writing . HOw a writing dipt in divers liquors may be read Chap 1 Letters made visible in the fire Chap 2 Letters rub●d with dust to be seen Chap 3 To write in an egge Chap 4 How you may write in divers places , and deceive one that can reade Chap 5 In what place Letters may be inclosed Chap 6 What secret messengers may be used Chap 7 Messengers not to know that they carry Letters , nor to be found about them Chap 8 Characters to be made that at set days shall vanish Chap 9 To take off Letters that are written on paper Chap 10 To counterfeit a Seal and Writing Chap 11 To speak at a great distance Chap 12 Signs to be made with fire by night and with dust by day Chap 13 The seventeenth Book ; Of Burning-glasses , and the wonderful sights by them . REpresentations made by plain Glasses Chap 1 Sports with plain Looking-glasses Chap 2 A Looking-glass called a Theatrecal-glass Chap 3 Operations of Concave glasses Chap 4 Mixt operations of plain Concave glasses Chap 5 Other operations of a Concave-glass Chap 6 How to see in the dark Chap 7 An Image may be seen to range in the air Chap 8 Mixtures of Glasses and divers operations of Images Chap 9 Effects of a Leuticular Crystal Chap 10 Spectacles to see beyond imagination Chap 11 To see in a Chamber things that are not Chap 12 The operations of a Cristal-pillar Chap 13 Burning-glasses Chap 14 A Parabolical Section , which is of Glasses the most burning Chap 15 That may burn obliquely and at very great distance Chap 16 That may burn at infinite distance Chap 17 A Burning-glass made of many spiritural Sections Chap 18 Fire kindled more forcible by refraction Chap 19 An Image to be seen by a hollow Glass Chap 20 How Spectacles are made Chap 21 Foils are laid on Concave glasses and how they are banded Chap 22 How Metal Looking-glasses are made Chap 23 The eighteenth Book ; Of Things heavy and light . THat heavy things descend , and light ascend in the same degree Chap 1 By drinking to make sport with those that sit at table Chap 2 To part wine from water it is mingled with Chap 3 Another way to part water from wine Chap 4 To part a light body from a heavy Chap 5 To mingle things heavy and light Chap 6 Other ways to part wine from water Chap 7 The ●evity of water and air different and what may be wraught thereby Chap 8 The ninteenth Book ; Of Wind-Instruments . VVHether material Statues may speak by an Artificial way Chap 1 Musical-Instruments made with water Chap 2 Experiments of Wind-Instruments Chap 3 A Description of Water-hour-glasses Chap 4 Of a Vessel casting forth water by reason of air Chap 5 How to use the air in many Arts Chap 6 The twentieth Book ; Of the Chaos . HOw water may be made Potable Chap 1 To make water of air Chap 2 To alter the face that ones friends shall not know him Chap 3 That stones may move alone Chap 4 An Instrument whereby to hear at great distance Chap 5 To augment weight Chap 6 The wonderful proporties of the Harp Chap 7 To discover frauds in Impostors that work by natural means and pretend conjuration Chap 8 Experiments of a Lamp Chap 9 Some mechanical Experiments Chap 10 FINIS . 
A32712	----	Physiologia Epicuro-Gassendo-Charltoniana, or, A fabrick of science natural, upon the hypothesis of atoms founded by Epicurus repaired [by] Petrus Gassendus ; augmented [by] Walter Charleton ... Charleton, Walter, 1619-1707. 1654 Approx. 1742 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 256 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32712 Wing C3691 ESTC R10324 12148930 ocm 12148930 55028 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32712) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55028) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 87:3) Physiologia Epicuro-Gassendo-Charltoniana, or, A fabrick of science natural, upon the hypothesis of atoms founded by Epicurus repaired [by] Petrus Gassendus ; augmented [by] Walter Charleton ... Charleton, Walter, 1619-1707. Epicurus. Gassendi, Pierre, 1592-1655. [30], 475, [3] p. Printed by Tho. Newcomb for Thomas Heath ..., London : 1654. A second volume on the human soul was planned. Cf. Conclusion. Apparently never published. Reproduction of original in University of Chicago Library. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- History -- Early works to 1800. Physics -- Early works to 1800. Atomism. 2003-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-11 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PHYSIOLOGIA Epicuro-Gassendo-Charltoniana : OR A FABRICK OF SCIENCE NATURAL , Upon the Hypothesis of ATOMS , Founded by EPICVRVS , Repaired by PETRVS GASSENDVS , Augmented by WALTER CHARLETON , Dr. in Medicine , and Physician to the late CHARLES , Monarch of Great - Britain . The FIRST PART . Fernelius , in praefat . ad lib. 2. de Abditis rerum Caussis . Atomos veteres jam ridemus , miramúrque ut sibi quisquam persuaserit , Corpora quaedam solida , atque individua , fortuita illa concursione , res magnitudine immensas , varietate multitudinéque infinitas , omnemque absolutissimum hunc Mundi ornatum effecisse . At certè , si Democritus mortem cum vita commutare posset , multò acri●● haec , quae putamus Elementa , suo more rideret . LONDON , Printed by Tho : Newcomb , for Thomas Heath , and are to be sold at his shop in Russel-street , neer the Piazza of Covent-Garden . 1654. TO THE HONOVRABLE M ris . ELIZABETH VILLIERS , WIFE TO THE HONORABLE ROBERT VILLIERS ESQUIRE . MADAM , THe excellent Monsieur Des Cartes , I remember , in his Dedicatory Epistle of his Principles of Philosophy , to that illustrious Lady , the Princess Elizabeth ; shewed Himself so much a Courtier , as to profess unto Her Highness , that of all Persons living , who had perused his former Writings , He knew none , that perfectly understood them , except Herself only . This , Madam , is somewhat more than what I shall adventure to say to you , in this my humble Address . Not that I might not , with the Authority of Truth , and the willing Testimonies of all judicious Persons , whom you have at any time dignified with your incomparable Conversation , affirme ; That Acuteness of Wit , and Soundness of Iudgement are as Eminent in you , as in any that I know , of either Sex. But , that I conceive it to be more consistent with my Duty of Conformity to the strict Laws of your Humility ( which is supreme among your many Virtues , if there can be Supremacy where All are Superlative ) only to ask you leave , so far to justifie My self , in this way of Devotion , as publikely to own my Assurance ; that of all my Readers , none will meet with fewer Difficulties , or discover more Lapses and Errors , than your self : nor could that Book be clearly understood by the Author , when He wrote it , which you cannot easily understand , when you are pleased to read it ; be the Argument thereof of what kind soever , and the Language either Italian , French , or English , which are all equally your own . But , I have little reason to speak of justifying this my Devotion , to the World ; when that , by the General Tribute of Admiration and Reverence , which your Excellencies duely receive from it , is fully convinced , that I am not capable of declaring a greater Prudence , in any action of my whole life , than in this of laying down both my self and this mean Oblation of my Observance and Gratitude , at the feet of a Personage , whose single Name is acknowledged to define All the possible Perfections of Humanity : and , upon consequence , cannot fail to give to both Me and my Writings not only an Estimation among Good Men ; but also a full Protection from the Malevolence of Evil. And , I have been very lately told by some ( and Those such Eminent Witts too ; as that very Noble Persons , to whom they have Dedicated their Labours , have thereby received no small Additions of Honour ) that they seriously Envied the good fortune of my resolution of invocating your Patronage of this Epicurean Philosophy ; forasmuch as they were confirmed , that I had taken the most certain course , to procure Immortality thereunto , by offering it up to the Favour of so great an Example of all Heroick Accomplishments , as that Her Memory must ever continue verdant and sacred to all Posterity since it could not be , while Generous Minds should conserve the Memorials of Her as the Mirrour in which Vertue used to dresse Herself , when she would appear Amiable and Graceful ; but that they must often cast some glances of valew upon the Remains of Him , who had so deep a sentiment of Her goodness , as to have known no other Ambition , but that commendable one of making Himself eternally known for Her most humble and obsequious Votary . That , which would more become me , were to make my Excuses for the exceeding Boldness of this my Application ; and to pravent such Objections as may lye against the Rashness of my Zeal : in selecting such a way to express my Reverence , as cannot secure me from a suspect of Prophanation ; and praesenting to you such a Sacrifice of my Thankfulness , as , if estimated according to its own Vnworthiness , must make it a quaestion , whether I had any designe of being Thankful at all . And here , to the First , I might justly plead ; that a great Part of this Volume was composed in your House ( the chief Mansion of well-order'd Hospitality ) and All of it in the strength of your Inspiration . That the Book comes not into your hands , to Informe , but only Remember you of many of those Discourses of Nature , which your Noble Husband and your self have often suffered me to entertain ( would to God , I might have said , satisfy ) your eager Curiosity withal , at those hours your industrious Minds required Relaxation from the bent of more grave and advantageous Thoughts . That , having the Honour of so great a Trust , as that of your most praecious Lives committed unto me ; it highly concern'd me , to study and pursue all ways of Demonstrating my self not altogether uncapable thereof , and more especially this of Natural Philosophy , which being the Grounds , is also the Measure of a Good Physician . And , that when your Husband being acquainted with my Purpose of Enquiring into the Nature of Souls , both Brutal and Human , in a distinct Work , though but the Remaining Moity of this Physiologie ; had injoyned me to deliver the same into his hands , as soon as I should have finished it : I instantly apprehended , I had an opportunity of a Double Happiness , the one of being equally Grateful to Two singular Friends ; the other , of Allying those Two Treatises by Consecration , which would be of so neer Affinity in their Subjects . As for the Other ; I might easily alleage , that Great spirits use not to estimate Praesents that are brought them , by the value they carry in themselves : but the Affections of those who offer them . That Thank fulness is the Poor mans wealth , and makes him , in the eyes of Generosity , stand in competition , for respect , with the Rich. That though this my Oblation hold no proportion to the immense height of your Merit , yet it is equal to that of my Power , and , indeed , the best that my Gratitude was able to advance upon the slender stock of my Capacity . And , that I never intended it as a Retribution f●r your incompensable Favours ; but only as an Homage , to testifie that I confess my self infinitely your Debtor . But , Madam , for me to attempt to Excuse , unto your self , the Vnfitnesse of this Act of my devotion ; is no lesse unnecessary , than for me to justifie to the World , that I have placed it upon a most worthy Object : forasmuch as I have no more reason to doubt , that so transcendent a Charity , as is diffused through and surrounds your perfect Soul , can be large enough to dispense with the Rudeness of the Ceremonies , and Poverty of the Offering , where you are satisfied of the sincere Respects , and unalterable Fidelity of his Heart , who tenders it ; than I have to fear , that the World should not most readily confirm my judgement , that your Deserts have rightfully entitled you to all the Demonstrations of Honour and Reve●ence , that can possibly be given to you . The Chief part , therefore , yea the whole of my present Duty , is only humbly to Beg your benigne Acceptance of this Dedication , as the Best Expression I was able to make of those profound sentiments which as well your Goodness in General to others , as your Particular Favours to my self , have impressed upon my Soul. And this I now do , upon the Knees of my Heart ; and solemnly vow , that as I esteem a perfect Friend , the greatest Treasure of my life , so I do and ever shall account you the most perfect of Friends : That I shall confess my self to have lost not only all Piety , but all Humanity also , when ever I shall willingly lose any the least opportunity of serving you : and that your own Good Angell ( I speak familiarly , but at the same time believe you to be under the Tuition of a Legion of Good ones ) cannot more fervently desire your complete Happiness , than , Incomparable Madam , Your Eternal Servant , W. CHARLETON . London the 20 of Iuly , An. Dom. 1654. THE CONTENTS , SERIES , AND ORDER OF THE WHOLE BOOK . BOOK THE FIRST . CHAP. I. All Modern Philosophers reduced to four general Orders ; and the principal causes of their Dissention ▪ pag. 1. SECT . I. ARTIC : 1 THe principal Sects of the ancient Grecian Philosophers , only enumerated . pag. 1 2 The same revived among the Moderns , with encrease . 2 3 Who are reduced either to the Pedantique or Female Sect. 2 4 Or , to the Assertors of Philosophical Liberty . 3 5 Or , to the Renovators . 3 6 Or to the Electors . 4 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe principal causes of the Diversity of Philosophical Sects ; and the chiefest among them , the Obscurity of Nature . 5 2 The Imperfection of our Understanding . 5 3 The Irregularity of our Curiosity . A paradox . 6 CHAP. II. That this World is the Vniverse . pag. 9. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Ambition of Alexander in affecting the Conquest , less vain then that of many ancient Philosophers in affecting the Knowledge of a Multitude of Worlds . 9 2 A reduction of those Philosophers to four distinct Sects ; respective to their distinct perswasions : and the Heads of each Sect nominated . 9 3 The two main pillars on which the opinion of a Plurality of Worlds was anciently erected . 10 SECT . II. The Redargution . ARTIC . 1 THe Question stated to be concerning the real Existence , not the possibility of an Infinity of Worlds . 11 2 Because the supposed Infinity of the Extramundan Spaces , is no impossibility . ibid. 3 Because an Infinity of Bodies is also possible as to the Omnipotence of God. ibid. 4 The Error of concluding the Esse , from the Posse of an Infinity of Worlds . 12 5 The first main Pillar of a Plurality of world● subverted ibid. 6 The second Pillar found sophisticate , and demolished . 13 7 A Plurality of Worlds manifestly repugnant to Authority Divine 14 8 And Human. ibid. 9 The result of all ; the Demonstration of the Authors Thesis , That this World is the Universe . ibid. 10 Extramundane Curiosity , a high degree of Madness . 15 CHAP. III. Corporiety and ●nanity , p. 16 SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 BOdy and Inanity , the two general Parts of the Vniverse . 2 Three the most memorable Definitions of Corporiety extant among Physiologists , recounted and examined . ibid. 3 Four Descriptions of the nature of Inanity , by Epicurus , Cleomedes , Empericus , Aristotle . 17 4 Their importance extracted : and what is the formal or proper notion of a Vacuum . 18 5 The Existence of Bodies in the World , manifest by Sense : whose Evidence is perfect Demonstration . ibid. CHAP. IV. A Vacuum in Nature . p 21. SECT . I. ART . 1 The Distinction of a 〈◊〉 into ( ● ) Natural , and ( 2 ) Praeternatural ▪ and the one called Disseminate , the other Co●cervate . 21 2 The nature of a Dissemi●●te Va●uity , explained by the Analogy of a heap of Corn. ibid. 3 The first Argument of a Disseminate Vacuity , desumed from the evidence of Motion , in General : and Aristotles error concerning the Essence or Place , concisely detected , and corrected . 22 4 Motion demonstrated by Sense : and Zeno's aenigmatical Argument ▪ for an Vniversal Quiet , dissolved . 23 5 The Consequution of the Argument ( if no Vacuum , no Motion ) illustrated . 24 6 An Objection , that the ●ococession of some Bodies , depends on their ●arity or Porosity ; not on a Disseminate Vacui●● : praevented . ibid. 7 No beginning of Motion , without Inanity inter●●ersed . 25 SECT . II. ART●C . 1 A Second Argument of a Vacuity Disseminate , collected from the reason of Rarefaction and Condensation . ibid. 2 The eminent Phaenomenon ●f an Aerosclopet , or Wind Gun , solved by a Vacuity Disseminate among the incontiguous ( quoad totas superficies ) parts of aer . 26 3 Experiment of an Aeolipile , or Hermetical Bellows , attesting a Vacuity Disseminate . ibid. 4 Experiment of a Sulphurate Tapor , included in a Glass Vial , partly 〈◊〉 with Water : of the same importance . 27 5 No Combustible in Aer : and so the opinion of the Aristoteleans , that the Extinction of F●ame imprisoned , is to be charged on the De●ect of Aer for its sustentation ; grosly err●neous . 28 6 A fourth singular and memorable Experiment of the Authors , of Y●e at the nose of a large Reverberatory Furnace , charged with Ignis rotae ; evidencing a Vacuity interspersed in the Aer . 29 7 An inference from that Experiment ; that Aer as to its General Destination , is the Common Receptary of Exhalations . ibid. 8 A second Illation , that the Aer doth receive Exhalations at a certain rate , or definite proportion ; which cannot be transcended without prodigious violence . 30 9 The Existence of Inane Incontiguities in the Aer , confirmed by two considerable Arguments . ibid SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 THat Water also contains Vacuola empty Spaces ; demonstrated . 31 2 From the Experiment of the Dissolution of Alum , Halinitre Sal Ammoniac , and Sugar , in Water formerly sated with the Tincture of Common Salt. ibid. 3 The verity of the Lord Bacons Assertion , that a repeated infusion of Rhubarb acquires as strong a virtue Cathar●●ical as a simple infusion of Scamony , in equal quantity : and why 32 4 Why two Drachms of Antimony impraegnate a pint of Wine with so strong a vomitory Faculty as two ounces . ibid. 5 Why one and the same Menstruum may be enriched with various Tinctures . ibid. SECT . IV. ARTIC . 1 TWo other Arguments of a Vacuity Disseminate inferrible from ( 1 ) the difference of Bodies in the degrees of Gravity : ( 2 ) the Calefaction of Bodies by the penetration of igneous Atoms into them . 33 2 The Experiments vulgarly adduced to prove no vacuity in nature , so far from denying , that they confess a Disseminate one . ibid. 3 The grand Difficulty of the Cause of the Aers restitution of it self to its natural contexture , after rarefaction and condensation , satisfyed in brief . ibid. CHAP. V. A Vacuum praeternatural . p. 35. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 WHat is conceived by a Coacervate Vacuity : and who was the Inventer of the famous Experiment of Quick-silver in a Glass Tube , upon which many modern Physiologists have erected their perswasion of the possibility of introducing it . 35 2 A faithful description of the Experiment , and all its rare Phaenomena . 36 3 The Authors reason , for his selection of onely six of the most considerable Phaenomena to explore the Causes of them . 37 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe First Cardinal Difficulty . 37 2 The Desert space in the Tube argued to be an absolute Vacuum coacervate , from the impossibility of its repl●tion with Aer . ibid. 3 The Experiment praesented in Iconism 38 4 The Vacuity in the Desert Space , not praevented by the insinuation of Aether . 40 5 A Paradox , that Nature doth not abhor all vacuity , per se ; but onely ex Accidenti , or in respect to Fluxility . ibid. 6 A second Argument against the repletion of the Desert space by Aether . 41 7 The Vacuity of the Desert space , not praevented by an Halitus , or Spiritual E●●lux from the Mercury : for three convincing reasons . 42 8 The Authors Apostacy from the opinion of an absolute Coacervate Vacuity in the desert space : in regard of ibid. 9 The possibility of the subingression of light . ibid. 10 Of the Atoms or insensible bodies of Heat and Cold : which are much more exile and penetrative then common Aer . 43 11 Of the Magnetical E●●lux of the Earth : to which opinion the Author resigns his Assent . 44 12 No absolute plenitude , nor absolute Vacuity , in the Desert Space : but onely a Disseminate Vacuity . ibid. SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 THe second Difficulty stated . 45 2 Two things necessary to the creation of an excessive , or praeternatural Vacuity . ibid. 3 The occasion of Galilaeos invention of a Brass Cylindre charged with a wooden Embol , or Sucker : and of Torricellius invention of the praesent Experiment . ibid. 4 The marrow of the Difficulty , viz. How the Aer can be impelled upward , by the Restagnant Quick silver , when there externally wants a fit space for it to ci●culate into . 46 5 The solution of the same , by the Laxity of the Contexture of the Aer . ibid. 6 The same illustrated , by the adaequate simile of Corn infused into a Bushel . ibid. 7 A subordinate scruple , why most bodies are moved through the Aer ▪ with so little resistence , as is imperceptible by sense ? 47 8 The same Expeded . ibid. 9 A second dependent scruple concerning the Cause of the sensible resistence of the Aer , in this case of the Experiment : together with the satisfaction thereof , by the Gravity of Aer . ibid. SECT . IV. ARTIC . 1 THe State of the Third Difficulty . 48 2 The Solution thereof in a Word . ibid. 3 Three praecedent positions briefly recognized , in order to the worthy profounding of the mystery , of the Aers resisting Compression beyond a certain rate , or determinate proportion ibid. 4 The Aequiponderancy of the External Aer , pendent upon the surface of the Restagnant Mercury , in the vessel to the Cylindre of Mercury residuous in the Tube , at the altitude of 27 digits : the cause of the Mercuries constant subsistence at that point . 49 5 A convenient simile , illustrating and enforcing the same . 50 6 The Remainder of the Difficulty ; viz. Why the Aequilibrium of these two opposite weights , the Mercury and the Aer , is constant to the praecise altitude of 27 digits : removed . ibid. 7 Humane Perspicacity terminated in the exterior parts of Nature , or simple Apparitions : which eluding our Cognition , frequently fall under no other comprehension , but that of rational Conjecture . ibid. 8 The constant subsistence of the Mercury at 27 digits , adscriptive rather to the Resistence of the Aer , then to any occult Quality in the Mercury . 51 9 The Analogy betwixt the Absolute and Respective Aequality of weights , of Quick-silver and Water , in the different altitudes of 27 digits and 32 feet . 52 10 The definite weights of the Mercury at 27 digits , and Water at 32 feet , in a Tube of the third part of a digit in diametre ; found to be neer upon two pound , Paris weight . ibid. 11 Quaere , Why the Aequilibrium is constant to the same point of altitude in a Tube of a large concave , as well as in one of a small ; when the force of the Depriment must be greater in the one , then the other . 53 12 The solution thereof by the appropriation of the same Cause , which makes the descent of two bodies , of different weights , aequivelox . ibid. SECT . V. ARTIC . 1 THe Fourth Capital Difficulty proposed . 54 2 The full solution thereof , by demonstration . ibid. 3 The same confirmed by the theory of the Cause of the Mercuries frequent Reciprocations , before it acquiesce at the point of Aequipondium . ibid. SECT . VI. ARTIC . 1 THe Fifth Principal Difficulty . 55 2 Solved , by the Motion of Restauration natural to each ins●nsible particle of Aer . ibid. 3 The incumbent Aer , in this case , equally distressed , by two contrary Forces . 56 4 The motion of Restauration in the Aer●extended to the satisfaction of another consimilar Doubt , concerning the subintrusion of Water into the Tube ; if superaffused upon the restagnant Mercury . ibid. 5 A Third most important Doubt , concerning the nonapparence of any Tensity , or Rigidity in the region of Aer incumbent upon the Restagnant Liquors . ibid. 6 The solution thereof , by the necessary reliction of a space in the vic●●● region of Lax aer , equal to that , which the Hand commoved possesseth in the region of the Comprest . 57 7 A confirmation of the same Reason , by the adaequate Example of the Flame of a Tapour . ibid. 8 2 By the Experiment of Urination . ibid. 9 3 By the Beams of th● Sun , entring a room , through some slender crany , in the appearance of a White shining Wand , and constantly maintaining that Figure , notwithstanding the agitation of the aer by wind , &c. 58 10 4 By the constancy of the Rainbow , to its Figure , notwithstanding the change of position and place of the cloud and contiguous aer . ibid. 11 Helmonts D●lirium , that the Rainbow is a supernatural Meteor : observed . ibid. SECT . VII . ARTIC . 1 THe sixth and last considerable Difficulty . ibid. 2 The cleer solution there●● , by the great disproportion of weight betwi●t Quick-silver and Water . 59 3 A Corollary ; the Altitude of the Atmosphere conjectured . ibid. 4 A second Corollary ; the desperate Difficulty of conciliating Physiology to the Mathematicks : instanced in the much discrepant opinions of Galilaeo and Mersennus , concerning the proportion of Gravity that Aer and Water hold each to other . ibid. 5 The Conclusion of the Digression : and the reasons , why the Author●●●cribes ●●●cribes a Cylindrical Figure to the portion of Aer impendent on the Restagnant Liquors , in the Experiment . 60 CHAP. VI. Of PLACE . p. 62. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Identity Essential of a Vacuum and Place , the cause of the praesent Enquiry into the Nature of Place . ibid. 2 Among all the Quaeries about the Hoti of Place ; the most important is , Whethor Epicurus or Aristotles Definition of it , be most adaequate . ibid. 3 The Hypothesis of Aristotles Definition 63 4 A convenient supposition inferring the necessity of Dimentions Incorporeal . ibid. 5 The Legality of that supposition . ibid. 6 The Dimensions of Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity , imaginable in a Vacuum . 64 7 The Grand Peripatetick objection , that Nothing is in a Vacuum ; ergo no Dimensions . ibid. 8 Des Chartes , and Mr. White seduced by the plausibility of the same . 65 9 The Peripateticks reduction of Time and Place to the General Categories of Substances and Accidents , the cause of this Epidemick mistake . ibid. 10 Place neither Accident nor Substance . 66 11 The praecedent Giant - Objection , that Nothing is in a Vacuum ; stab'd , at a blow . ibid 12 Dimensions Corporeal and Incorporeal , or Spatial . 67 13 The former supposition reassumed and enlarged . ibid. 14 The scope and advantage thereof ; viz. the comprehension of three eminent Abstrusities concerning the Nature of Place . ibid. 15 The Incorporiety of Dimentions Spatial , Discriminated from that of the Divine Essence , and other Substances Incorporeal . 68 16 This persuasion , of the Improduction and Independency of Place ; praeserved from the suspition of Impiety . ibid. SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 PLace , not the immediate superfice of the Body invironing the Locatum ; contrary to Aristotle . 69 2 Salvo's for all the Difficult Scruples , touching the nature of Place ; genuinely extracted from Epicurus his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid 3 Aristotles ultimate Refuge . 70 4 The Invalidity thereof : and the Coexistibility , or Compatibility of Dimensions Corporeal and Spatial . 71 CHAP. VII . Of Time and Eterntiy . p. 72. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Hoti of Time more easily conceivable by the Simple Notion of the Vulgar , then by the complex Definitions of Philosophers . ibid. 2 The General praesumption that Time is Corporeal , or an Accident dependent on Corporeal Subjects ; the chief Cause of that Difficulty . 73 3 The variety of opinions , concerning it ; another Cause of the Difficulty : and Epicurus Description of its Essence , recited and explained . ibid. 4 Time defined to be Coelestial Motion , by Zeno , Chrysippus , &c. and thereupon affirmed , by Philo , to be onely Coaevous to the World. 74 5 Aristotles so much magnifyed Definition of Time to be the Measure of Motion Coelestial , &c. perpended and found too light . ibid. SECT . II. ARTIC ▪ 1 TIme , nor substance , nor Accident : but an Ens more General , and the Twin-brother of Space . ibid. 2 A Paralellism betwixt Space and Time. ibid. 3 Time , Senior unto , and independent upon Motion : and onely accidentally indicated by Motion , as the Mensuratum by the Mensura . 76 4 A demonstration of the independence of Time upon Motion , from the miraculous Detention of the Sun , above the Horison , in the days of Joshua . 77 5 An Objection , that , during the arrest of the Sun , there was no Time , because no Hours ; satisfyed . ibid. 6 The Immutability of Time also asserted against Aristotle . ibid. SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 THe Grand Question , concerning the Disparity of Time and Aeternity : stated . 78 2 Two praeparatory Considerations , touchant the aequivocal use of the word Aeternity : requisite to the cleer solution thereof . ibid 3 Two decisive Positions , thereupon inferred and established . 79 4 The Platonicks Definition of Eternity , to be one Everlasting Now ; not intelligible , and therefore collusive . 80 5 Their Assertors subterfuge , that Eternity is Coexistent to Time ; also unintelligible . ibid. 6 Our Ecclesiastick Doctors , taking Sanctuary in the 3. Exod. for the authorizing of their Doctrine , that the Present Tense is onely competent to God , and so that Eternity is one permanent Instant , without Fusion or Succession : not secure from the rigour of our Demonstration . 81 7 The Objective Praesence of all things at once , to the Divine Intellect ; no ways impugned by our contradiction of the Doctors theory . ibid 8 Nor the Immutability of the Divine Nature , against Aristotle . 82 9 Coronis . 83 The Second Book . CHAP. I. The Existence of Atoms , Evicted . p. 84. SECT . I. ARTIC : 1 THe right of the Authors Transition from the Incorporeal to the Corporeal part of Nature : and a series of his subsequent speculations : ibid. 2 Bodies generally distinshed into Principles and Productions , with their Scholastick Denomiminations and proprieties . 85 3 The right of Atoms to the Attributes of the First Matter . ibid. 4 Their sundry Appellations allusive to their three eminent proprieties . ibid. 5 Two vulgarly passant Derivations of the word , Atom , exploded . 86 6 Who their Inventor : and who their Nomenclator . 87 7 Their Existence demonstrated . 87 8 That Nature , in her dissolution of Concretions , doth descend to the insensible particles . 88 9 That she can run on to Infinity . ibid. 10 But must consist in Atoms , the Term of Exsolubility . ibid. 11 A second Argument of their Existence , drawn from that of their Antitheton Inanity . 89 12 A third , hinted from the impossibility of the Production of Hard Bodies , from any other Principle . ibid. 13 A Fourth , from the Constancy of Nature in the specification and Determinate Periods of her Generations . ibid. CHAP. II. No Physical Continuum , infinitely Divisible . p. 90. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Cognation of this Theorem , to the Argument of the immediately praecedent Chapter . ibid ▪ 2 Magnitude divisible by a continued progress through parts either Proportional , or Aliquotal . ibid. 3 The use of that Distinction in the praesent . 9● 4 The verity of the Thesis , demonstrated . ibid. 5 Two detestable Absurdities , inseparable from the position of Infinite parts in a Continuum . ibid. 6 Aristotles subterfuge of Infinitude Potential ; 92 7 Found openly Collusive . 93 8 A second subterfuge of the Stoick ; ibid. 9 Manifestly dissentaneous to Reason . ibid SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe Absurdities , by Empericus , charged upon the supposition of only Finite parts in a Continuum . 94 2 The sundry Incongruities and Inconsistences , by the Modern Anti-Democritans , imputed to the supposition of Insectility . ibid. 3 The full Derogation of them all together , by one single Responce ; that the minimum of Atomists is not Mathematical , but Physical , contrary to their praesumption . 95 4 A seeming Dilemma of the Adversary , expeditely evaded . 96 5 A Digression , stating and determining that notable Quaestion , Whether Geometrical Demonstrations may be conveniently transferred to the Physical or sensible Quantity ? ibid. CHAP. III. Atoms , the First and Vniversal Matter . p 99. SECT . I. ART . 1 THe introduction , hinting the two general assumptions of the Chapter . ibid. 2 Democritus and Epicurus vindicated from the absurd admission of Inanity to be one Principle of Generables . ibid. 3 Atoms not inconsistent with , because the Principles of the four vulgar Elements . 100 4 The dissent of the Ancients , about the number of Elements . 101 5 No one of the four Elements sufficient to the production of either any of the other three , or of any Compound nature ibid. 6 The four Elements , not the Protoprinciple of Concretions . 102 7 Atoms discriminated from the Homoiomerical Principles of Anaxagoras . ibid. 8 The principal Difficulties urged against the Hypothesis of Atoms , singularly solved . 103 9 A recapitulation of the praemises , introductory to the verification of the praesent thesis : 106 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe 4 notable opinions , concerning the Composition of a Continuum . 107 2 A Physical Continuum cannot consist of Points Mathematical . ibid. 3 Nor of Parts and Points Mathematical , united . 108 4 Nor of a simple Entity , before division indistinct : but of Indivis●bles . ibid. 5 A second Apodictical reason , desumed from the nature of Vnion , evi●cing that Atoms are the First and Catholick Principle of Concretions . 109 6 An objection praevented . ibid. 7 The reason of the Authors supercession of all other Arguments of the like importance . ibid. CHAP. IV. The Essential Proprieties of Atoms : p. 111. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe two links connecting this to the praecedent Chapter . ibid. 2 The General Proprieties of Atoms : and the Inseparability of each , demonstrated . ibid. 3 The Resistence of Atoms , no distinct propriety ; but pertinent to their Solidity or Gravity ▪ 112 4 The specifical Proprieties of Atoms . ibid. SECT . II. Concerning the Magnitude of Atoms . p. 113. ARTIC . 1 BY the Magnitude , is meant the Parvity of Atoms . ibid. 2 A consideration of the Grossness of our senses , and the extreme subtilty of Nature in her operations ; praeparatory to our Conjectural apprehension of the Exiguity of Her Materials , Atoms . ibid. 3 The incomprehensible subtility of Nature , argued from the Artifice of an exquisite Watch , contrived in a very narrow room . 114 4 The vast multitude of sensible particles , and the vaster of Elemental Atoms , contained in one grain of Frankinsense ; exactly calculated . ibid. 5 The Dioptrical speculation of a Handworm , discovering the great variety of Organical Parts therein , and the innumerability of their Component Particles . 115 6 A short Digressive Descant upon the Text of Pliny , touching the multiplicity of parts in a Flea ; hinting the possible perspicacity of Reason . ibid. 7 The Exility of Atoms , conjectural from the great diffusion of one Grain of Vermillion dissolved in Water . 116 8 The same , inferrible from the small quantity of oil depraedated by the Flame of a Lamp , in a quarter of an hour . ibid. 9 The Microscope of great use , in the discernment of the minute particles of Bodies : and so advantageous to our Conjecture , of the exility of Atoms . ibid SECT . III. Concerning the Figures of Atoms . p. 117. ARTIC . 1 AN Epitome of all that directly concerns the Fig●res of Atom● in three General Canons . ibid. 2 The First Canon explained and certifyed . ibid. 3 The Exility of Atoms , do●h not necessitate their General Roundness 〈◊〉 contrary to the common conceit . ibid. 4 The Diversity of Figures in Atoms , evicted from the sensible Dissimilitude of Individuals , as well Animate as Inanimate . 118 5 A singular Experiment , antoptically demonstrating the various Configurations of the minute Particles of Concretions . 119 6 A variety of Figures in Atoms , necessary to the variety of all Sensibles . ibid. 7 The second Canon , explained and Certified . 120 8 The Third Canon , explained , and refuted . 121 SECT . IV. Concerning the Motions of Atoms . p. 121. ARTIC . 1 TWo introductory Observables . ibid. 2 The Motion of Atoms , according to the General Distinction of the Ancients , Two-fold ; viz Natural , and Accidental : and each of these redivided into two different Species . ibid. 3 The summary of Epicurus Figment , of the Perpendicular Motion of Atoms , without a common Centre . 122 4 His Declinatory natural Motion of Atoms , excused ; not justified . ibid. 5 The genuine sense of Epicurus , in his distinction of the Reflex Motion of Atoms into ex Plaga , and ex Concussione . 123 6 The several Conceptions of Epicurus , about the perpetual Motions of Atoms . 124 7 The perpetual Inquietude of Atoms , even in compact Concretions , adumbrated in melted Lead . ibid. 8 The same more sensibly exemplified , in the spirit extracted from Mercury , Tin , and Subsimate . 125 9 The Mutability of all Concretions , a good Argument of the perpetual intestine Commotion of Atoms , in the most adamantine Compositions . ibid. 10 What we are to explode , and what retain , in the opinion of Epicurus , touching the Motion of Atoms . ibid. The Third Book . CHAP. I. The Origine of Qualities . p. 127 : SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 AN introductory Advertisement● ; of the obscurity of many thing to Reason which are manifest to sense : and of the Possibility , not necessity of the Elementation of Concretions , and their sensible Qualities , from the Principles praesumed . 127 2 The Authors Definition of a Quality , in geral : and genuine exposition of Democritus mysterious Text , concerning the Creation of Qualities . 128 3 The necessary deduction of Qualities from Naked or Unqualified Principles . 130 4 The two primary Events of Atoms , viz. Order and Position , associated to their three essential Proprieties , viz. Magnitude , Figure , and Motion ; sufficient to the Origination of all Qualities . ibid. 5 The necessity of assuming the Magnitude and Motion of Atoms , together with their Order and Situation , as to their production of Qualities , evicted by a double instance . 131 6 The Figure , Order and Position of Parts in Concretions , alone sufficient to the Caussation of an indefinite variety of Qualities , from the analogy of Letters . ibid. 7 The same Exemplifyed in the arise of White Froth , on the Waves of the Sea. 132 8 The Nativity of Colours in General , explained by several obvious Examples . ibid. 9 The Accention of Heat , from Concretions actually Cold , upon a meer ttransposition of their Component Particles ; exemplifyed in sundry Chymical Experiments . 133 10 The Generation of all kinds of sensible qualities in one and the same Con●retion , from the variegated positions of its particles : evidenced in the Example of a putrid Apple . 134 11 The assenting suffrage of Epicurus . ibid. CHAP. II. That Species Visible are Substantial Emanations . p. 136. SECT . I. ARTIC : 1 THe Visible Images of objects , substantial : and either corporeal Emanations from the superficial parts of Concretions ; or Light it self , disposed into contextures , consimilar to the figure of the object . ibid , 2 The position of their being Effluviaes , derived from Epicurus ; and praeferred to the common doctrine of the Schools of the Immateriality of Species Visible . ibid. 3 Epicurus Text concerning the same . 137 4 The faithful Exposition thereof . ibid. 5 The contents thereof reduced to four heads . 134 6 The Existence of Images visible , certifyed by autoptical Demonstration . ibid ▪ 7 Epicurus opinion , of the substantiality of Images Visible , consonant to the judgement of Plato and Empedocles . 139 8 The Aristoteleans Thesis , that Images optical are meer Accidents , recited : and ibid. 9 Convicted of sundry Impossibilities , Inconsistences , and Absurdities . ibid. 10 The grand Objection of Alexander , that a con tinual Efflux of substance must minorate the Quantity ●f the most solid Visible . 140 11 Solved by two Reasons ; the possible Accretion of other particles ; and the extreme Tenuity of the Emanent . 141 12 The Tenuity of Images visible , reduced to some degree of Comprehensibility , by conceiving them to be most thin Decortications . ibid. 13 By Instance , in the Visible species of the Foot of a Handworm . ibid. 14 By exemplifying in the numerous round Films of Wax , successively derepted from a Wax tapor by the flame thereof , in the space of an hour ▪ and 142 15 In the innumerable Films of Oyl , likewise successively delibrated , by the flame of an Ellychnium , or Match , perpendicularly floating in a vessel of equal capacity with Solomons Brazen Sea , in the space of 48 hours . ibid. 16 By the Analogy betwixt an Odorable and Visible Species . ibid. 17 The Manner and Reason of the Production of visible Images ; according to the hypothesis of Epicurus . 143 18 The Celerity of the Motion of visible Images , reasoned ; and compared to that of the Light of the Sun. 144 19 The Translation of a moveable from place to place , in an indivisible point of time , impossible : and why ? ibid. 20 The Facility of the Abduction , or Avolation of Images Visible , from solid Concretions ; solved by the Spontaneous Exsilition of their superficial Atoms : and the Sollicitation of Light incident upon them . ibid. 21 That Objects do not emit their Visible Images ; but when Illustrated : a Conceit though paradoxical , yet not improbable . 145 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 VIsible Images Systatical , described ; and distinguisht from Apostatical ones . 146 2 Their Existence assured , by the testimony of Diodorus Siculus : and ibid. 3 Damascius , together with the Autopsy of Kircher . ibid. 4 Kirchers Description of that famous Apparition at Rhegium , called Morgana Rheginorum : and 147 5 Most ingenious Investigation of the Causes thereof . ibid. 6 His admirable Artifice , for the exhibition of the like aereal Representation , in Imitation of Nature . 148 CHAP. III. Concerning the Manner and Reason of VISION . p. 149. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Reason of Vision , according to the opinion of the Stoicks . 149 2 Of Aristotle . 150 3 Of the Pythagoreans . ibid. 4 Of Empedocles . ibid. 5 Of Plato . ibid. 6 Of Epicurus . ibid. 7 Of Mons. Des Chartes . 151 8 The ingenuity of Des Chartes Conceit , acknowledged : but the solidity indubitated . 152 9 The Opinion of Epicurus more satisfactory , then any other : because more Rational , and less obnoxious to inexplicable Difficulties . ibid. 10 The Two most considerable Difficulties opposed to Epicurus position , of the Incursion of Substantial Images into the Eye . 153 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THat the superfice of no body is perfectly smooth : evicted by solid Reason , and Autopsie . ibid. 2 That the visible Image doth consist of so many Rays as there are points designable in the whole superfice of the object : and that each Ray hath its line of Tendency direct , respective to the face of that particle in the superfice , from which it is emitted . 154 3 That the Density and Union of the Rays , composing the visible Image , is greater or less ; according to their less , or greater Elongation from the Object . ibid. 4 That the Visible Image is neither total in the total medium ; nor total in every part thereof : but so manifold as are the parts of the medium from which the object is discernable . Contrary to the Aristoteleans . 155 5 PARADOX . That no man can see the same particle of an object , with both Eys at once ; nay , not with the same Eye , if the level of its Visive Axe be changed . ibid. 6 CONSECTARY . That the Medium is not possessed with one simple Image ; but by an Aggregate of innumerable Images , deradiate from the same object : all which notwithstanding constitute but one entire Image . 156 7 CONSECTARY . 2. That Myriads of different Images , emanant from different objects , may be Coexistent in the Aer ; without reciprocal penetration of Dimensions , or Confusion of particles : contrary to the Peripateticks . ibid 8 That the place of the visible Images ultimate Reception , and complete Perception ; is the Concave of the Retina Tunica . 157 9 That the Faculty forms a judgement of the Conditions of the Object , according to the representation thereof by the Image , at its impression on the principal part of Vision , the Amphiblestroides . ibid. 10 CONSECTARY . That the Image is the Cause of the Objects apparence of this or that determinate Magnitude . 158 11 CONSECTARY . 2 That no Image can replenish the Concave of the Retina Tunica , unless it be deradiated from an object of an almost Hemispherical ambite . 159 12 Why , when the Eye is open there is alwayes pourtrayed in the bottom thereof , some one Total Image ; whose various Parts , are the Special Images of the several things included in the visual Hemisphere . ibid. 13 PARADOX . That the prospect of a shilling , or object of a small diametre is as great , as the Prospect of the Firmament . 160 14 Why an object appears both greater in Dimensions and more Distinct in parts , neer at hand , than far off . ibid. 15 Why an object , speculated through a Convex Lens , appears both greater and more distinct ; but through a Concave , less and more Confused : than when speculated only with the Eye . 161 16 DIGRESSION . What Figur'd Perspicils are convenient for Old : and what for Purblind persons . 162 17 That to the Dijudication of one of two objects , apparently Equal , to be really the Greater ; is not required a greater Image : but only an Opinion of its greater Distance . 163 18 Des Cartes Opinion concerning the Reason of the Sights apprehending the Distance of an object : 164 19 Vnsatisfactory ; and that for two considerations . ibid. 20 And that more solidone of Gassendus ( viz. that the Cause of our apprehending the Distance of an object , consisteth in the Comparation of the several things interjacent betwixt the object and the Eye , by the Rational Faculty ) embraced and corroborated . ibid. 21 PARADOX . That the same Object , speculated by the same man , at the same distance , and in the same degree of light ; doth alwayes appear greater to one Eye , than the other . 165 22 A second PARADOX . That all men see ( distinctly ) but with one Eye at once : contrary to that eminent Optical Axiom , that the Visive Axes of both ey● concur , and unite in the object . 166 23 The three degrees of Vision , viz. most perfect , perfect , and imperfect : and the verity of the Paradox restrained onely to the two former Degrees . 167 SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 A Research into the Reason of the different Effects of Convex and Concave Glasses ; as well Dioptrical , as Catoptrical . ibid. 2 A COROLLARIE . Hinting the Causes , why an Elliptical Concave reflects the incident rays , in a more Acute angle , than a Parabolical : and a Parabolical than a Spherical . 170 3 A CONSECTARY . Why a Plane Perspicil exhibits an object in genuine Dimensions ; but a Convex , in Amplified , and a Concave in minorated . 171 SECT . IV. ARTIC . 1 A Recapitulation of the principal Arguments precedent : and summary of the subsequent . 173 2 The Eye Anatomized : and the proper use of each Part thereof , either absolutely Necessary , or onely Advantagious to Vision concisely demonstrated . viz. 1 The Diaphanity of the Horny Membrane , and the three Humors , Aqueous , Chrystalline , and Vitreous . 2 The Convexity of all its parts except the Amphiblestroides . 3 The Uvea Tunica , and Iris. 4 ▪ The Pupilla . 5 The Blackness of the inside of the Uvea Tunica . 6 The Tunica Arachnoides . 7 The Ciliary Filaments thereof . 8 The Chrystalline . 9 The Retina Tunica . 10 The six Muscles , viz. 1 The Direct , as the Atollent , Depriment , Adducent , Abducent . 2 And Oblique , as the 2 Circumactors , or Lovers Muscles . 173 , to 177 3 Why the Situation of an object is perceived by the sight . 177 4 The Reason of the eversion of the Image , in the Amphiblestroides . 178 5 The same illustrate by an Experiment . ibid. 6 Why the Motion and Quiet of objects are discerned by the sight . ibid. 7 Why Catoptrical Images imitate the motions of their Antitipes or Originals . ibid. 8 Why the right side of a Catoptrical Image respects the Left of its Exemplar . And why two Catoptrick Glasses , confrontingly posited , cause a Restitution of the parts of the Image to the natural Form. 180 CHAP. IV. The Nature of Colours . p. 182. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Argument duly acknowledged to be superlatively Difficult , if not absolutely Acataleptical . ibid. 2 The sentence of Aristotle concerning the Nature of Colours : and the Commentary of Scaliger thereupon . 183 3 The opinion of Plato . ibid. 4 Of the Pythagorean and Stoick . 184 5 Of the Spagyrical Philosophers . ibid. 6 The reason of the Authors desertion of all these ; and election of Democritus and Epicurus judgement , touching the Generation of Colours . ibid. 7 The Text of Epicurus , fully and faithfully expounded . 185 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 A PARADOX . That there are no Colours in the Dark . 186 2 A familiar Experiment , attesting the Verity thereof . ibid. 3 The Constancy of all Artificial Tinctures , dependent on the constancy of Disposition in the superficial Particles of the Bodies that wear them . 187 4 That so generally magnified Distinction of Colours into Inhaerent , and meerly Apparent ; redargued of manifest Contradiction . ibid. 5 The Emphatical , or Evanid Colours , created by Prisms ; no less Real and Inhaerent , than the most Durable Tinctures . 188 6 COROLLARY . The Reasons of Emphatical Colours , appinged on Bodies objected , by a Prism . 189 7 The true Difference of Emphatical and Durable Colours , briefly stated . ibid. 8 No Colour Formally inhaerent in objects ; but only Materially , or Effectively : contrary to the constant Tenent of the Schools . ibid 9 The same farther vindicated from Difficulty , by the tempestive Recognition of some praecedent Assumptions of the Atomists . 190 SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 THe Nativity of White ; or the reason of its perception by the sight . 191 2 Black , a meer Privation of Light. ibid. 3 The Genealogy of all Intermediate Colors . ibid. 4 The Causes of the Sympathy and Antipathy of some Colours 192 5 The intermis●ion of small shadows , among the lines of Light ; absolutely necessary to the Generation of any Intermediate Colour . ibid. 6 Two eminent PROBLEMS concerning the Generation and Transposition of the Vermillion and Caerule , appinged on Bodies by Prismes . 193 7 The Solution of the Former : with a rational Conjecture of the Cause of the Blew , apparent in the Concave of the Heavens . 194 8 The Solution of the Latter . 195 9 The Reasons , why the Author proceeds not to investigate the Causes of Compound Colours in Particular . 196 10 He confesseth the Erection of this whole Discourse , on simple Conjecture : and enumerates the Difficulties to be subdued by him , who hopes to attain an Apodictical Knowledge of the Essence and Causes of Colours . ibid. 11 Des Cartes attempt to dissolve the chief of those Difficulties ; unsuccessful : because grounded on an unstable Hypothesis . 197 CHAP. V. The Nature of Light. p. 198. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Clasp , or Ligament of this , to the praecedent Chapter . ibid. 2 The Authors Notion of the Rays of Light. ibid. 3 A Parallelism betwixt a stream of Water exsilient from the Cock of a Cistern , and a Ray of Light emanent from its Lucid Fountain . ibid ▪ PRAECONSIDERABLES . 199 4 Light distinguisht into Primary , Secondary , &c. 199 5 All Light Debilitated by Reflection : and why . ibid. 6 An Example , sensibly demomonstrating the same . 200 7 That light is in perpetual Motion ; according to Aristotle . ibid. 8 Light , why Corroborated , in some cases , and Debilitated in others , by Refraction . 201 COROLLARY . Why the Figure of the Sun , both rising and setting , appears rather Elliptical , than Sphaerical . ibid. 9 PARADOX . That the proportion of Solary Rays reflected by the superior Aer , or Aether , toward the Earth , is so small , as not to be sensible . 202 10 That every Lucid Body , as Lucid , doth emit its Rays Sphaerically : but , as Visible ; Pyramidally . ibid. 11 That Light is invisible in the pure medium . 203 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe necessity of the Authors confirmation of the First Praeconsiderable . 204 2 The Corporiety of Light , demonstrated by its just Attributes : viz. 1 Locomotion . 2 Resilition . 3 Refraction . 4 Coition . 5 Disgregation . 6 Igniety . 224 , 225 3 Aristotles Definition of Light , a meer Ambage , and incomprehensible . 205 4 TheCorporiety of Light imports not the Coexistence of two Bodies in one Place ; contrary to the Peripatetick . 206 5 Nor the motion of a Body to be Instantaneous . ibid. 6 The Invisibility of Light in the limpid medium , no Argument of its Immateriality : as the Peripatetick praesumes ibid. 7 The Corporiety of Light fully consistent with the Duration of the Sun : contrary to the Peripatetick . 207 8 The insensibility of Heat in many Lucent Bodies , no valid Argument against the praesent Thesis , that Light is Flame Attenuated . ibid. CHAP. VI. The Nature of a Sound . p 208. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 AN Elogy of the sense of Hearing : and the Relation of this and the praecedent Chapter . ibid. 2 The great Affinity betwixt Visible and Audible species ; in their representation of the superficial Conditions of Objects . 209 3 In the Causes and manner of their Destruction . ibid. 4 In their Actinobolism , or Diffusion , both Sphaerical and Pyramidal . 210 5 In their certifying the sense of the Magnitude , Figure , and other Qualities of their Originals . ibid. 6 In the obscuration of Less by Greater . 211 7 In their offence of the organs , when excessive . ibid. 8 In their production of Heat by Multiplication . ibid. 9 In their Variability , according to the various disposition of the Medium . ibid. 10 In their chief Attributes , of Locomotion , Exsilition , Impaction , Resilition , Disgregation , Congregation . ibid. SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe Product of the Praemises , concerning the points of Cons●nt , and Dissent of Audible and Visible Species : viz That Sounds are Corporeal . 213 2 An obstruction of praejudice , from the generally supposed repugnant Authorities of some of the Ancients ; expeded . ibid. 3 An Argument of the Corporiety of Sounds . 214 4 A Second Argument . ibid. COROLLARY . ibid. 5 The Causes of Concurrent Echoes , where the Audient is equally ( almost ) distant from the Sonant and Repercutient . ibid. COROLLARY . 2. 215 6 Why Concaves yield the strongest and longest Sounds . ibid. COROLLARY . 3. ibid 7 The reason of Concurrent Echoes , where the Audient is neer the 〈◊〉 , and remote from the sonant . ibid. COROLLARY . 4. ibid. 8 W●y 〈◊〉 Monophon rehearse so much the f●●er syllables , by how much neerer the audient is to the R●f●●ctent . ibid. COROLLARY . ibid. 9 The reason of Polyphon Echoes . ibid. 10 A Third Argument of the Materiality of Sounds : 216 11 The necessity of a certain Configuration in a Sound ; inferred from the Distinction of one sound from another , by the Sense . ibid. 12 The same confirmed by the Authority of Pythagoras , Plato , and Aristotle . ibid. 13 And by the Capacity of the most subtle parts of the Aer 217 14 The Reason and manner of the Diffusion of Sounds , explicated by a congruous Simile . ibid. 15 The most subtle Particles of the Aer onely , the material of Sounds . 218 PARADOX . ibid. 16 One and the same numerical voice , not heard by two men , nor both ears of one man. ibid. 17 A PROBLEM not yet solved by any Philosopher : viz. How such infinite Variety of Words is formed only by the various motions of the Tongue and Lips. 219 18 A Second ( also yet unconquered ) Difficulty , viz. the determinate Pernicity of the Aers motion , when exploded from the Lungs , in Speech . ibid. 19 All Sounds Created by Motion , and that either when that intermediate Aer is confracted by two solids mutually resistent ; or when the aer is percust by one Solid ; or when a solid is percust by the Aer . ibid. 20 Rapidity of motion necessary to the Creation of a Sound , not in the First Case . 220 21 But , in the Second and Last . ibid. 22 That all Sounds are of equal Velocity in the Delation . ibid. 23 The Reason thereof . ibid. 24 To measure the Velocity of great Sounds . 221 25 Sounds , not subject to Retardation from adverse ; nor Acceleration , from Secund Winds . ibid. SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 THat all Sounds , where the Aer is percussed by one solid , are created immediately by the Frequency , not the Velocity of motion ; demonstrated . 222 2 And likewise , where the Aer is the Percutient . ibid. 3 That all Acute sounds arise from the more , and Grave from the less Frequent percussions of the aer , demonstrated . 223 4 The suavity of musical Consonances , deduced from the more frequent ; and Insuavity of Dissonances from the less frequent Vnion of the vibrations of strings , in their Terms . 224 5 The same Analytically pr●sented in Scheme . 226 6 A just and unanswerable Exception against the former Harmonical Hypothesis . ibid. 7 PROBLEM 1. In what instant , an Harmonical Sound , resulting from a Chord percussed , is begun . 227 8 That a Sound may be created in a Vacuum ; contrary to Athanas. Kircher in Art. Magn. Consoni & Dissoni lib. 1. cap. 6 , Digres . 229 9 Why all Sounds appear more Acute , at large , than at small distance . 231 10 Why Cold water falling , makes a fuller noise , than warm . ibid. 11 Why the voice of a Calf is more Base than than that of an Ox , &c. 232 12 Why a Dissonance in a Base is more deprehensible by the ●ar , than in a Treble voice . ibid. CHAP. VII . Of Odours . p. 233. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THat the Cognition of the Nature of Odours is very difficult ; in respect of the Imperfection of the sense of Smelling , in man : and ibid. 2 The contrary opinions of Philosophers , concerning it . 234 3 Some determining an Odour to be a substance . ibid. 4 Others a meer Accident or Quality . 235 5 The Basis of the Latter opinion , infirm and ruinous . 235 6 That all odor●us Bodies ●mit corporeal Exhalations . ibid. 7 That Odours cause sundry Affections in our Bodies , such as are consignable onely to substances . ibid. 8 That the Reason of an Odour's affecting the sensory , consists only in a certain Symbolism be-the Figures and Contexture of its Particles , and the Figures and Contexture of the Particles of the Odoratory Nerves . 236 9 That the Diversity of Odours depends on the Diversity of Impressions made on the sensory , respondent to the various Figures and Contexture of their Particles . 237 10 Why some persons abhor those smells , which are grateful to most others . ibid. 11 Why , among Beasts , some species are offended at those scents in which others highly delight . 238 12 The Generation and Diffusion of Odours , due onely to Heat . ibid. 13 The Differences of Odours . 239 14 The Medium of Od●urs . 240 CHAP. VIII . Of Sapours . p. 241. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 FRom the superlative Acuteness of the sense of Tasting , Aristotle concludes the cognition of the Nature of Sapours to be more easily acquirable , than the nature of any other sensible object ▪ but refutes himself by the many Errors of his own Theory , concerning the same . ibid. 2 An Abridgment of his doctrine , concerning the Essence and Causes of a Sapour , in General . 242 3 And the Differences of Sapour , with the particular Causes of each . ibid. 4 An Examination and brief redargution of the same Doctrine . 244 5 The post position thereof to the more verisimilous Determination of the sons of Hermes , who adscribe all Sapours to Salt. ibid. 6 But far more to that most profound and satisfactory Tenent of Democritus and Plato ; which deduceth the Nativity of Sapours from the various Figures and contextures of the minute particles of Concretions . ibid. 7 The advantages of this sentence , above all others touching the same subject . 245 8 The Objections of Aristotle concisely , though solidly solved . 24● 9 That the salivous Humidity of the Tongue s●rveth to the Dissolution and Imbibition of Salt in all Gustables . 247 CHAP. IX . Of Rarity , Density , Perspicuity , Opacity . p. 248. SECT . I. ART . 1 THis Chapters right of succession to the former . ibid. 2 The Divers acceptation of the term , Touching ▪ ibid. 3 A pertinent ( though shortt ) Panegyrick on the sense of Touching . 249 4 Some Tactile Qualities , in common to the perception of other senses also . ibid. 5 A Scheme of all Qualities , or Commonly , or Property appertaining to the Sense of Touching , as they stand in their several Relation to , or Dependencies on , the Vniversal Matter , Atoms : and so , of all the subsequent Capital Arguments to be treated of , in this Book . 250 6 The right of Rarity and Density to the Priority of consideration . ibid SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe Opinion of those Philosophers , who place the Reason of Rarity , in the actual Division of a Body into small parts ; and the brief Refutation thereof . 51 ● A second Opinion , de●iving ●arity and Density from the several proportions , which Quantity hath to its substance : convicted of incomprehensibility , and so of insatisfaction . ibid. 3 A third , desuming the more and less of Rarity in Bodies , from the more and less of VACVITY intercepted among their particles : and the advantages thereof above all others , concerning the same . ibid. 4 The Definitions of a Rare , and of a Dense Body ; according to the assumption of a Vacuity D●sseminate . 252 5 The Congruity of those Definitions , demonmonstrated . ibid. 6 That Labyrinth of Difficulties , wherein the thoughts of Physiologists have so long wandered ; reduced to a point , the genuine state of the Quaestion . ibid. 7 That Rarity and Density can have no other Causes immediate , but the more and less of Inanity interspersed among the particles of Concretions ; DEMONSTRATED . 253 8 Aristotles Exceptions against Disseminate Inanity ; neither important nor c●mpetent . ibid. 9 The Hyp●the●is of a c●rt●in Aethereal substance to replenish th● por●s ●f Bo●ies , in Ra●ifaction ; demonstrated insufficient , to solve the Difficulty , or demolish the Ep●cu●ean Th●sis of small Vacuities . 254 10 The Facility of understanding the Reasons and Manner of 〈◊〉 and Condensation , from the Conc●ssion of s●all Vacuities , illustrated by a 〈…〉 . 255 11 PARADOX . Tha● the Matter of a Body , when 〈…〉 no more of true Place , 〈…〉 , and the Co●c●lia●ion thereof to the 〈◊〉 Definitions of a Rare and of a Den●e Bo●y . 2●6 12 PROBLEM . 〈…〉 be capable of Condensation to so hi●g 〈◊〉 as it is of Rari●faction : and the 〈◊〉 ●olution therof . ibid. SECT . III. ART C. 1 THe opportunity of the present speculation , concerning the C●uses of Per●picuity and Opacity . ●●8 2 The true Notions of a Per●picuum and Opacum . ibid. 3 That every Concretion is so much the more 〈◊〉 by how much th● more , and more ample Inane Spaces 〈◊〉 in●●rcepted among its particles ; caeteus pa●●bus . ibid. 4 Why Glass though much more Dense , is yet much more Diaphanous , than Paper . 259 5 Why ●he Diaphanity of Glass is gradually diminished , according to the various degrees of its Crassitude . ibid. 6 An Apodictical Confutation of that popular Error , that Glass is totally , or in every particle , Diaphanous . 260 CHAP. X. Of Magnitude , Figure ; And their Consequents , Subtility , Hebetude , Smoothness , Asperity . 261 SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Contexture of this Chapter , with the praecedent . ibid. 2 That the Magnitude of Concretions , ariseth from the Magnitude of their Material Principles . ibid. 3 The praesent intenti●n of the term , Magnitude . ibid. 4 That the ●uantity of a thing , is meerly the Matter of it . 2●2 5 The Quantity of a thing , neither Augmented by its Rarefaction , nor diminished by its Condensation : contrary to the Aristotelians , who distinguish the Q●antity of a Body from its Substa●ce . ibid. 6 The reason of Quantity , explicable also meerly from the notion of Place . 263 7 The Existence of a Body , without real Extension ; and of Extension without a Body : though impossible to Nature yet easie to God. ibid. 8 COROLLARY . That the primary Cause , why Nature admits no Penetration of Dimensi●ns , is rather the Solidity , than the Extension of a Body . 264 9 The reasons of Quantity Continued and D●screte , or Magnitude and Multitude . ibid. 10 That no Body is perfectly Continued , beside an Atom . ibid. 11 Aristotles D●finition of a Continuum ▪ in what respect true and what false . 265 12 Figure ( Physical●y considered ) nothing but the superficies , or terminant Extremes of a Body . ibid. SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe Continuity of this , to the first Section . 266 2 Subtility and Hebetude , how the Consequents of Magnitude . ibid. 3 A considerable Exception of the Chymests ( viz. that some Bodies are dissolved in liquors of grosser particles , which yet conserve their Continuity in liquors of most subtile and corrosive particles ) prevented . ibid. 4 Why Oyle dissociates the parts of some Bodies , which remain inviolate in Spirit of Wine : and why Lightning is more penetrative , than Fire . 267 5 Smoothness and Asperity in Concretions , the Consequents of Figure in their Material Principles . ibid. CHAP. XI . Of the Motive Vertue , Habit , Gravity , and Levity of Concretions . ●69 SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Motive Virtue of all Concretions , derived from the essential Mobility of Atoms ibid. 2 Why the Motive Virtue of Concretions doth reside principally in their spiritual Parts . 270 3 That the Deviation of Concretions from motion Direct ; and their Tardity in motion : arise from the Deflections and ●epercussions of Atoms composing them . ibid. 4 Why the motion of all Concretions necessarily praess●p●ss●th something , that remains unmoved ; or that , in respect of its slower motion , is equival●nt ●o a thing Vnmoved ibid. 5 What 〈◊〉 A●tive Faculty of a thing , is . 271 6 That in Nature every Faculty is Active : none Passive . ibid. 7 A Peripatetick Contradiction , assuming the Matter of al● Bodies to be devoid of all Activity ; and yet d●suming some Faculties à tota substantia . 272 8 That the ●aculties of Animals ( the Ratiocination of man onely excepted ) are Identical with their spirits . ibid. 9 The Reasons of the Coexistence of Various Faculties in one and the same Concretion . ibid. 10 Habit defi●ed 273 11 That the Reason of all Habits in Animals , consisteth principally in the conformity and flexibility of the Organs , which the respective Faculty makes use of , for the performance of its proper Actions , ibid. 12 Habits , acquirable by Bruits : and common not onely to Vegetables , but also to some Minerals 2●4 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 GRavity , as to its Essence or Formal Reason , very obscure . 275 2 The opinion of Epicurus good as to the Cause of Comparative : insufficient as to the ●ause of Absolute Gravity . ibid. 3 Aristotles opinion of Gravity , recited . ibid. 4 Copernicus theory of Gravity , insatisfactory ; and wherein . 276 5 The Determination of Kepler , Gassendus , &c. that Gravity is Caused me●rly by the Attraction of the Earth : espoused by the Author . 277 6 The External Principle of the perpendicular Descent of a stone , projected up in the Aer ; must be either Depellent , or Attrahent . ibid. 7 That the Resistence of the Superior Aer is the onely Cause which gradually refracteth , and in fine wholly overcometh the Im●rest Force , whereby a stone projected , is elevated upward . ibid. 8 That the Aer , distracted by a stone violently ascending , hath as well a Depulsive , as a Resistent Faculty ; arising immediately from its Elaterical , or Restorative motion . 279 9 That nevertheless , when a stone , projected on high in the Aer , is at the highest point of its mountee ; no Cau●e can Beg●● its Downward Motion , but the Attractive Virtue of the Earth . 280 10 Argument , that the T●r●aqueous Globe is endowed with a certain Attractive Faculty in order to the D●tention and Retraction of a●l its Parts . 2●1 11 What are the Parts of the TerrestrialGlobe 282 12 A Second Argument that the Earth is Magnetical ibid. 13 A Parallelism betwixt the Attraction of Iron by a Loadstone , and the Attraction of Terrene bodies by the Ea●th . 283 14 That as the sphere of the Loadstones Allective Virtue is limited : so is that of the Eart●s magnetism . ibid. 15 An Objection of the Disproportion between the great Bulk of a large stone and the Exility of the supposed magnetique Rays of the Earth : Solved by three weighty Reasons . 284 16 The Reason of the Aequivelocity of Bodies , o● different weights , in their perpendicular Descent : with sundry unquestionable Authorities to confirm the Hoti thereof . ●85 17 That the whole Terrestrial Globe is devoid of Gravity : and that in the universe is no Highest , nor Lowest place . 2●6 18 That the Centre of the Vniverse is not the Lowest part thereof : nor the Centre of the Earth , the Centre of the World 287 19 A Fourth Argument , that Gravity is onely Attraction . 289 20 Why a greater Gravity , or stronger Attractive force is imprest upon a piece of Iron by a Loadstone , than by the Earth ibid. 21 A Fifth Argument , almost Apodictical ; that Gravity is the Effect of the Earths Attraction . ibid. SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 LEvity nothing but less Gravity . 290 2 Aristotles Sphere of Fire , extinguisht . 291 3 That Fire doth not As●ned spontaneously , but Violently ; i. e. is impell'd upward by the Aer . ibid. CHAP. XII . Of Heat and Cold. p. 293. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Connection of this to the immediately precedent Chapter . ibid. 2 Why the Author deduceth the 4 First Qualities , not from the 4 vulgar Elements ; but from the 3 Proprieties of Atoms . ibid 3 The Nature of Heat is to be conceived from its General Effect ; viz. the Penetration , Discussion , and Dissolution of the Bodies concrete . ibid. 4 Heat defined as no Immaterial , but a Substantial Quality . 294 5 Why such Atoms , as are comparated to produce Heat , are to be Named the Atoms of Heat : and such Concretions , as harbor them , are to be called Hot , either Actually , or Potentially . ibid. 6 The 3 necessary Proprieties of the Atoms of Heat . ibid. 7 That the Atoms of Heat are capable of Expedition or deliverance from Concretions , Two ways ; viz. by Evocation and Motion . 296 8 An Unctuous matter , the chief Seminary of the Atoms of Heat : and why . 297 9 Among Vnctuous Concretions , Why some are more easily inflammable than others . 298 10 A CONSECTAR● . That Rarefacti●n is the proper Effect of Heat ibid 11 PROBLEM 1. Why the bottom of a Caldron , wherein Water i● boyling , may be touched by the hand of a man , without burning it : Sol. 299 12 PROBLEM 2. Why Lime becomes ardent upon the affusion of 〈◊〉 . Sol. 300 13 PROBLEM 3 Why the Heat of Lime burning is more vehement , than the Heat of any Flame whatever . Sol. ibid. 14 PROBLEM 4. Why boyling Oyl scalds more vehemently , then boyling Water . Sol. 301 15 PROBLEM 5. Why Metals , melted or made red hod , burn more violent than the Fire , that melteth or heateth them . Sol. ibid. 16 CONSECTARY . That , as the degrees of Heat , so those of 〈◊〉 are innumerably various . ibid. 17 That to the Calefaction , Combustion , or ▪ Inflammation of a body by fire , is required a certain space of time ; and that the space is greater or less , according to the paucity , or abundance of the igneous Atoms invading the body objected ; and more or less of aptitude in the contexture thereof to admit them . 30● 18 Flame more or less Durable , for various respects . 303 19 CONSECTARY . 3. That the immediate and genuine Effect of Heat , is the Disgregation of all bodies , as well Homogeneous , as Heterogeneous : and that the Congregation of Homogeneous Natures , is onely an Accidental Effect of Heat ; contrary to Aristotle . 305 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe Link connecting this Section to the former . 306 2 That Cold is no Privation of Heat ; but a Real and Positive Quality : demonstrated . ibid. 3 That the adaequate Notion of Cold , ought to be desume● from its General Effect , viz. the Congreg●tion and Compaction of bodies . 307 4 Cold , no Immaterial ; but a Substantial Quality . ibid. 5 Gassendus conjectural Assignation , of a Tetrahedical Figure to the Atoms of cold ; asserted by sundry weighty considerations . ibid 6 Cold , not Essential to Earth , Water , nor Aer . 309 7 But to some Special Concretions , for the most part , consisting of Frigorifick Atoms . 312 8 Water ▪ the chief Antagonist to Fire ; not in respect of its Accidental Frigidity , but Essential Humidity : and that the Aer hath a juster title to the Principality of Cold , than either Water , or Earth . 313 9 PROBLEM : Why the breath of a man doth Warm , when expired with the mouth wide open ; and Cool , when efflated with the mouth contracted . ibid. 10 Three CONSECTARIES from the premises . 314 CHAP. XIII . Fluidity , Stability , Humidity , Siccity . p. 316. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 WHy Fluidity and Firmness are here considered before Humidity and Siccity . ibid. 2 The Latin Terms , Humidum and Siccum , too narrow to comprehend the full sense of Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. 2 The Latin Terms , Humidum and Siccum , too narrow to comprehend the full sense of Aristotle . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. 3 Aristotles Definition of a Humid substance , not praecise enough ; but , in common also to a Fluid ; and his Definition of a Dry , accommodable to a Firme . 317 4 Fluidity defined . 318 5 Wherein the Formal Reason thereof doth consist . ibid. 6 The same farther illustrated , by the twofold Fluidity of Metals ; and the peculiar reason of each . 319 7 Firmness defined : 320 8 And derived from either of 3 Causes . ibid. SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 HUmidity defined . 321 2 Siccity defined . 322 3 Siccity rather Comparative than Absolute . ibid 4 All moisture either Aqueous or Oleaginous . ibid. 5 PROBLEM ● . Why pure water cannot wash out oyl from a Cloth ; which yet water , wherein Ashes have been decocted , or soap dissolved , easily doth ? Solut. 323 6 PROBLEM 2. Why stains of Ink are not to be taken out of cloaths , but with some Acid Liquor ? Solut. ibid. CHAP. XIV . Softness , Hardness , Flexility ▪ Tractility , Ductility , &c. p. 325. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Illation of the Chapter . ibid. 2 Hard and Soft , defined . ibid. 3 The Difference betwixt a Soft and Fluid . 326 4 Solidity of Atoms , the Fundament of Hardness and Inanity intercepted among them , the fundament of Softness , in all Concretions . ibid. 5 Hardness and Softness , no Absolute , but meerly Comparative Qualities ; as adscriptive to Concretions , contrary to Aristotle . 327 6 Softness in Firme things , deduced from the same cause , as Fluidity in Fluid ones . ibid. 7 The General Reason of the Mollification of Hard , and Induration of Soft bodies . ibid. 8 The special manners of the M●llification of Hard : and Induration of Soft bodies . 328 9 PROBLEM Why Iron is Hardned , by being immersed red-hot into Cold Water ; and its SOLVTION . ibid. 10 The Formal Reasons of Softness and Hardness . 329 11 The ground of Aristotles Distinction betwixt Formatilia and Pressilia . ibid. 12 Two Axioms , concerning , and illustrating the nature of Softness . 330 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 FLexility , Tractility , Ductility , &c. derived from Softness , and Rigidity from Hardness 3●1 2 PROBLEM . What is the Cause of the motion of Restoration in Flexiles ? and the Solut. ibid. 3 Two Obstructions expeded . 332 4 Why Flexile bodies grow weak , by overmuch , and over frequent Bending 333 5 The Reason of the frequent Vibrations , or Diadroms of Lutestrings , and oth●r Tractile Bodies ; declared to be the same with that of the Restorative Motion of Flexiles : and demonstrated . ibid. 6 PROBLEM . Why the Vibrations , or Diodroms of a Chord distended and percussed , are Aequitemperaneous , though not Aequispatial : and the SOLVT . 335 7 PROBLEM . VVy doth a Chord of a duple length , perform its diadroms in a proportion of time duple , to a Chord of a single length ; both being distended by equal force ; and yet if the Chord of the duple length be distended by a duple force or weight , it doth not perform its Diadroms , in a proportion of time duple to that of the other ; but onely if the Force or weight distending it , be quadruple to the First supposed : and its SOLVT . 336 8 The Reasons of the vast Ductility , or Extensibility of Gold. 337 9 Sectility and Fissility , the Consequents of Softness . ibid. 10 Tractility and Friability , the Consequents of Hardness . 338 11 Ruptility the Consequent partly of Softness , partly of Hardness . 339 12 PROBLEM . VVhy Chords distended , are more apt to break neer the Ends , than in the middle ? and its SOLVT . ibid. CHAP. XV. Occult Qualities made Manifest . p. 341 SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THat the Insensibility of Qualities doth not import their Unintelligibility ; contrary to the presumption of the Aristotelean . ibid. 2 Vpon what grounds ; and by whom , the Sanctuary of Occult Qualities was erected . 342 3 Occult Qualities and profest ignorance , all one . ibid. 4 The Refuge of Sympathies and Antipathies , equally obstructive to the advance of Natural Scienee , with that of Ignote Proprieties . 343 5 That all Attraction , referred to Secret Sympathy ; and all Repulsion , adscribed to secret Antipathy , betwixt the Agent and Patient , is effected by Corporeal Instruments , and such as resemble those whereby one body Attracteth , or repelleth another , in sensible and mechanique operations . ibid. 6 The Means of Attractions sympathetical , explicated by a convenient Simile . 345 7 The Means of Abaction and Repulsions Antipathetical , explicated likewise by sundry similitudes . 346 8 The First and General Causes of all Love and Hatred betwixt Animals . 347 9 Why things Alike in their natures , love and delight in the Society each of other : and why Unlike natures abhor and avoid each other . ibid SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe Scheme of Qualities ( reputed ) occult . 348 2 Natures Avoidance of Vacuity , imputed to the tyzugia or Conspiration of all parts of the Vniverse ; no Occult Quality . ibid. 3 The power and influence of Caelestial Bodies , upon men , supposed by Judicial Astrologers , inconsistent with Providence Divine , and the Liberty of mans will. 349 4 The Afflux and Reflux of the Sea , inderivative from any immaterial Influx of the Moon . ibid. 5 The Causes of the diurnal Expansion & conversion of the Heliotrope and other Flowers . ibid. 6 Why Garden Claver hideth its stalk , in the heat of the day . 350 7 Why the House Cock usually Crows soon after midnight ; and at break of day . ibid. 8 Why Shell-fish grow fat in the Full of the moon , and lean again at the New. 352 9 Why the Selenites resembles the Moon in all her several Adspects . ibid. 10 Why the Consideration of the Attraction of Iron by a Loadstone , is here omitted . 353 11 The secret Amities of Gold and Quicksilver of Brass and Silver , unridled . ibid. 12 A COROLLARY . Why the Granules of Gold and Silver , though much more ponderous then those of the Aqua Regis and Aqua ●ortis , wherein they are dissolved , are yet held up , and kept floating by them . 354 13 The Cause of the Attraction of a Less Flame by a Greater . ibid. 14 The Cause of the Involation of flame to Naphtha at distance . ibid. 15 Of the Ascention of Water into the pores of a Spunge . 355 16 The same illustrated by the example of a Syphon . ibid. 17 The reason of the Percolation of Liquors , by a cloth whose one end lieth in the liquor , and other hangs over the brim of the vessel , that contains it . 356 18 The reason of the Consent of two Lute-strings , that are Aequison . ibid. 19 The reason of the Dissent betwixt Lutestrings of sheeps Guts , and those of Woolfs . ●57 20 The tradition of the Consuming of all Feathers of Foul , by those of the Eagle ; exploded . 358 21 Why some certain Plants befriend , and advance the growth and fruitfulness of others , that are their neighbours . ibid. 22 Why some Plants thrive not in the society of some others . 359 23 The Reason of the great friendship betwixt the Male and Female Palm-trees . 360 24 Why all wines grow sick and turbid , during the season wherein the Vines Flower and Bud. 361 25 That the distilled waters of Orange flowers , and Roses , do not take any thing of their fragrancy , during the season of the Blooming and pride of those Flowers ; as it vulgarly believed . ibid. SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 WHy this Section considers onely some few select Occult Proprieties , among those many imputed to Animals . 362 2 The supposed Antipathy of a Sheep to a Woolf solved . ibid. 3 Why Bees usually invade Froward and Cholerick Persons : and why bold and confident men haue sometimes daunted and put to flight , Lyons and other ravenous Wild-Beasts . 363 4 Why divers Animals Hate such men , as are used to destroy those of their own species : and why Vermin avoid such Gins and Traps , wherein others of their kinde have been caught and destroyed . ibid. 5 The Cause of the fresh Cruentation of the Carcass of a murthered man , at the presence and touch of the Homicide . 364 6 How the Basilisk doth empoyson and destroy , at distance . 365 7 That the sight of a Woolf doth not cause Hoarsness and obmutescence in the spectator ; as is vulgarly reported and believed . 366 8 The Antipathies of a Lyon and Cock : of an Elephant and Swine meerly Fabulous . ●67 9 Why a man intoxicated by the venome of a Tarantula , falleth into violent fits of Dancing : and cannot be cured by any other means , but Musick . ibid. 10 Why Divers Tarantiacal Persons are affected and cured with Divers Tunes , and the musick of divers Instruments . 369 11 That the venome of the Tarantula doth produce the same effect in the body of a man ; as it doth in that of the Tarantula it self : and why . ibid. 12 That the Venom of the Tarantula is lodged in a viscous Humor , and such as is capable of Sounds . 371 13 That it causeth an uncessant Itching and Titillation in the Nervous and Musculous parts of mans body , when infused into it , and fermenting in it . ibid. 14 The cause of the Annual Recidivation of the Tarantism , till it be perfectly cured . 372 15 A Conjecture , what kind of Tunes , Strains , and Notes seem most accommodate to the cure of Tarantiacal Persons in the General . ibid 16 The Reason of the Incantation of Serpents , by a rod of the Cornus . 373 17 DIGRESSION . That the Words . Spells , Characters , &c. used by Magicians , are of no vertue or Efficacy at all , as to the Effect intended ; unless in a remote interest , or as they exalt the Imagination of Him , upon whom they praetend to work the miracle . ibid. 18 The Reason of the Fascination of Infants , by old women ▪ 374 19 The Reason of the stupefaction of a mans hand by a Torpedo . 375 20 That ships are not Arrested in their course , by the Fish called a Remora : but by the Contrary impulse of some Special Current in the Sea. ibid. 21 That the Echineis , or Remora is not Ominous . 3●7 22 Why this place admits not of more than a General Inquest into the Faculties of Poysons and Counterpoisons . ibid. 23 Poysons defined . ibid. 24 Wherein the Deleterious Faculty of poyson doth consist . ibid. 25 Counterpoisons defined . 378 26 Wherein their Salutiferous Virtue doth consist . ibid. 27 How Triacle cureth the venome of Vipers . ibid 28 How the body of a Scorpion , bruised and laid warm upon the part , which it hath lately wounded and envenomed ; doth cure the same . 379 29 That some Poisons are Antidotes against others by way of direct Contrariety . ibid. 30 Why sundry particular men , and some whole Nations have fed upon Poisonous Animals and Plants , without harm· 380 31 The Armary Unguent , and Sympathetick Powder , impugned . ibid. 32 The Authors Retraction of his quondam Defence of the Magnetick Cure of Wounds , made in his Prolegomena to Helmonts Book of that subject and title . 381 CHAP. XVI . The Phaenomena o● the Loadstone Explicated ▪ p. 383. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Nature and Obscurity of the Subject , hinted by certain Metaphorical Cognomina , agreeable thereunto , though in divers relations . ibid. 2 Why the Author insisteth not upon the ( 1 ) several Appellations , ( 2 ) Inventor of the Loadstone , ( 3 ) invention of the Pixis Nautica . 384 3 The Virtues of the Loadstone , in General , Two , the Attractive , and Directive . ibid. 4 Epicurus his first Theory of the Cause and Manner of the Attraction of Iron by a Loadstone ; according to the Exposition of Lucre●ius . ibid ▪ 5 His other solution of the same , according to the Commentary of Galen . 386 6 Galens three Grand Objections against the same , briefly Answered . 387 7 The insatisfaction of the Ancients Theory necessitates the Author to recur to the Speculations and Observations of the Moderns , concerning the Attraction of Iron by a Magnet ; and the Reduction of them all to a few Capital observables . viz. 388 8 A Parallelism betwixt the Magnetique Faculty of the Loadstone and Iron ; and that of Sense in Animals . 389 9 That the Loadstone and Iron interchangeably operate each upon other , by the mediation of certain Corporeal Species , transmitted in ●ays : and the Analogy of the Magnetick , and Luminous Rayes . 390 10 That every Loadstone , in respect of the Circumradiation of its Magnetical Aporrhae's ought to be allowed the supposition of a Centre Axis , and Diametre of an Aequator : and the Advantages thence accrewing . 391 11 The Reason of that admirable Bi-form , or Janus-like Faculty of Magneticks : and why the Poles of a Loadstone are incapable , but those of a Needle easily capable of transplantation from one Extreme to the contrary . 392 12 An Objection , of the Aversion or Repulsion of the North Pole of one Loadstone , or Needle , by the North Pole of Another : praevented . 393 13 Three principal Magnetick Axioms , deduced from the same Fountain . ibid. 14 A DIGRESSION to the Iron Tomb of Mahomet . 394 15 That the Magnetique Vigour , or Perfection both of Loadstones and Iron , doth consist in either their Native Purity and Vniformity of Substance , or their Artificial Politeness . 396 16 That the Arming of a Magnet with polished Steel , doth highly Corroborate ; but as much diminish the sphere of its Attractive Virtue . ibid. 17 Why a smaller or weaker Loadstone , doth snatch away a Needle from a Greater , or more Potent one ; while the small or weak one is held within the sphere of the great or stronger ones Activity : and not otherwise . 397 18 COROLLARY . Of the Abduction of Iron from the Earth by a Loadstone . 398 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THe Method , and Contents of the Sect. ibid. 2 Affinity of the Loadstone and Iron . ibid. 3 The Loadstone conforms it self , in all respects , to the Terrestrial Globe ; as a Needle conforms it self to the Loadstone . 399 4 Iron obtains a Verticity , not onely from the Loadstone , by affriction ▪ or Aspiration ; but also from the Earth it self : and that according to the laws of Position . 400 5 One and the same Nature , in common to the Earth , Loadstone and Iron . 401 6 The Earth , impragnating Iron with a Polary Affection , doth cause therein a Local Immutation of its insensible particles . 402 7 The Loadstone doth the same . 403 8 The Magnetique Virtue , a Corporeal Efflux . ib. 9 Contrary Objections , and their Solution● ▪ 404 10 A Parallelism of the Magnetique Virtue , and the Vegetative Faculty of Plants 405 11 Why Poles of the same respect and name , are Enemies : and those of a Contrary respect and name , Friends . 406 12 When a Magnet is dissected into two pieces , why the Boreal part of the one half , declin●s Conjunction with the B●rea● part of the other ; and the Austral of one with the Austral of the other . ibid. 13 The Fibres of the Earth extend from Pole to Pole ; and that may be the Cause of the firm Cohaesion of all its Parts , conspiring to conserve its Spherical Figure . 407 14 Reason of Magnetical Variation , in divers climates and places . ibid. 15 The Decrement of Magnetical Variation , in one and the same place , in divers years . 410 16 The Cause thereof not yet known . ibid. 17 No Magnet hath more than Two Legitimate Poles : and the reasons of Illegitimate ones 411 18 The Conclusion , Apologetical ; and an Advertisement , that the Attractive and Directive Actions of Magnetiques , arise from one and the same Faculty ; and that they were distinguished onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for convenience of Doctrine . 412 The Fourth Book . CHAP. I. Of Generation and Corruption . p. 415 SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 THe Introduction . ibid 2 The proper Notions of Generation and Corruption . 4●6 3 Various opinions of the Ancient Philosophers , touching the reason of Generation : and the principal Authors of pacti . 417 4 The two great opinions of the same Philosophers concerning the manner of the Commistion of the Common Principles in Generation ; faithfully and briefly stated . 418 5 That of Aristotle and the Stoicks , refuted : and Chrysippus sub●ersuge , convicted of 3 Absurdities . 419 6 Aristotles twofold Evasion of the Incongruities attending the position of the Remane●ce of things commixed , notwithstanding their supposed reciprocal Transubstantiation : found lik●wise meerly S●phistical . 420 7 That the F●rms of things , arising in Generation ▪ are no New substances , nor distinct from th●ir matter : contrary to the Aristoteleans . 422 8 That the Form of a thing , is onely a certain Quality , or determinate Modification of its Matter . 424 9 An abstract of the theory of the Atomists , touching the same . 4●5 10 An illus●ration thereof , by a praegnant and ●pportu●● I●stance . viz. the Gen●ration of Fire , Flame , Fume , Soot , Ashes , and Salt , from Wood dissolved by Fire . 4●6 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 THat in Corruption , no substance perisheth ; but only that determinate Modification of substance , or Matter , which specified ●he thing . 428 2 Enforcement of the same Thesis by an illustrious Example . 429 3 An Experiment demonstrating that the Salt of Ashes was praeexistent in Wood ; and not produced , but onely educed by Fire . ibid. 4 The true sense of three General Axioms , deduced from the precedent doctrine of the Atomists . 4●0 5 The General Intestine Causes of Corruption , chiefly Two : ( 1 ) the interception of Inanity among the solid particles of Bodies . ( 2 ) The essential Gravity and inseperable Mobility of Atoms . 431 6 The General Manners , or ways of Generation and Corruption . 432 7 Inadvertency of Aristotle in making Five General Modes of Generation . 433 8 The special Manners of Generation , innumerable ▪ and why . ibid. 9 All sorts of Atoms , not indifferently competent to the Constitution of all sorts of things . 434 CHAP. II. Of Motion . p. 435. SECT . I. ARTIC . 1 WHy the Nature of Motion , which deserved to have been the subject of the first speculation , was reserved to be the Argument of the Last , in this Physiology . ibid. 2 An Epicurean Principle , of fundamental concern to motion . 436 3 Aristotles Position , that the first Principle of motion , is the very Forme of the thing moved ; absolutely incomprehensible : unless the Form of a thing be conceived to be a certain tenuious Contexture of most subtile and most active Atoms . ibid. 4 A second Epicurean Fundamental , concerning motion : and the state of the Difference betwixt Epicurus , Aristotle , and Plato , touching the same . 4●7 5 Epicurus's Definition of motion , to be the Remove of a body from place to place ; much more intelligible and proper , than Aristotles , that it is the Act of an Entity in power , as it is such . 438 6 Empericus his Objections against that Definition of Epicurus : and the full Solution of each . 439 7 That there is motion ; contrary to the Sophisms of Parmenides , Melissus , Zeno , Diodorus and the Scepticks . 441 SECT . II. ARTIC . 1 ARistotles Definitions of Natural and Violent motion ; incompetent ▪ and more adaequate ones substituted in the room of them . 444 2 The same deduced from the First Epicurean Principle of motion , praemised : and three considerable Conclusions extracted from thence . 445 3 A short survey of Aristotles whole theory concerning the Natural motion of Inanimates : and the Errors thereof . 446 4 Uniformity , or Aequability , the proper Character of a Natural motion : and the want of uniformity , of a Violent . 447 5 The Downward motion of Inanimates , derived from an External Principle ; contrary to Aristotle . 449 6 That that External Principle , is the Magnetique Attraction of the Earth 450 7 That the Vpward motion of Light things , is not Accelerated in every degree of their Ascent as Aristotle praecariously affirmed : but , the Downward motion of Heavy things is Accelerated in every degree of their Descent ▪ ibid 8 The Cause of that Encrease of Velocity in Bodies descending ; not the Augmentation of their Specifical Perfection as they approach neerer and neerer to their proper place : as Simplicius makes Aristotle to have thought . 452 9 Nor the Diminution of the quantity of Aer underneath them : as some Others conjectured . ibid. 10 Nor , the Gradual Diminution of the Force imprest upon them , in their projection upward : as Hipparchus alleadged . 453 11 But , the Magnetique Attraction of the Earth . ibid. 12 That the Proportion , or Ration of Celerity to Celerity , encreasing in the descent of Heavy things ; is not the same as the Proportion , or Ration of Space to Space , which they pervade : contrary to Michael Varro the Mathematician . 455 13 But , that the moments or Equal degrees of Celerity , carry the same proportion , as the moments or equal degrees of Time , during the motion : according to the Illustrious Galilaeo . 456 14 Galilaeo's Grounds , Experience , and Reason . 457 15 The same Demonstrated . 458 16 The Physical Reason of that Proportion . 460 17 The Reason of the Equal Velocity of Bodies of very different weights , falling from the same altitude ; inferred from the same Theory . ibid. 18 Gravity Distinguish't into Simple , and Adjectitious . 461 19 The Rate of that superlative velocity with which a Bullet would be carried , in case it should fall from the Moon , Sun or region of the Fixed stars , to the Earth : and from each of those vast heights , to the Centre of the Earth . 462 SECT . III. ARTIC . 1 WHat , and whence is that Force , or Virtue Motive , whereby Bodies Projected are carried on after their Dismission from the Projicient . 463 2 The M●nner of the Impression of that Force . 465 3 That all M●tion , in a free or Empty space , must be Vniform , and Perpetual : and that the chief Cause of the Inequality and Brevity of the motion of things projected through the Atmosphere , is the ma●netique Attraction of the Earth . 466 4 That , in the Atmosphere , no body can be projected in a Direct line ; unless perpendicularly Vpward , or Downward : and why . 468 5 That the Motion of a stone proj●cted upwards obliquely , is Composed of an Horizontal and Perpendicular together . ibid. 6 Demonstration of that Composition . 469 7 That of the two different Forces , impressed upon a ball , thrown upward from the hand of a man standing in a ship , that is under sayl : the one doth not destroy the other , but each attains its proper scope . ibid. 8 That the space of time , in which the Ball is Ascending from the Foot to the Top of the Mast : is equal to that , in which it is again Descending from the top to the foot . 470 9 That , though the Perpendicular motion of a stone thrown obliquely upward , be unequal , both in its ascent and descent : yet is the Horizontal of Equal Velocity in all parts of space . ibid. 10 The Reason and Manner of the Reflexion or Rebounding motion of Bodies , diverted from the line of their direction by others encountring them . 471 11 That the Emersion of a weight appensed to a string , from the perpendicular , to which it had reduced it self , in Vibration ; is a Reflexion Median betwixt No Reflexion at all , and the Least Reflexion assignable ; and the Rule of all other Reflexion whatever . 472 12 The Reason of the Equality of the Angles of Incidence and Reflexion . ibid. 13 Two Inferences from the praemises : viz· ( 1 ) That the oblique Projection of a Globe against a plane , is composed of a double Parallel : and ( 2 ) That Nature suffers no diminution of her right to the shortest way , by Reflexion . 474 14 Wherein the Aptitude or Ineptitude of bodies to Reflexion doth consist . ibid. BOOK the FIRST . CHAP. I. All Modern Philosophers reduced to four general Orders ; and the principal causes of their Dissention . SECT . I. IF we look back into the Monuments or Remains of Antiquitie , we shall observe as many several SECTS of Philosophers , as were the Olympiads in which Greece wore the Imperial Diadem of Letters ; nay , perhaps , as many as she contained Academies , and publike Professors of Arts and Sciences : Each Master affecting to be reputed the principal Secretary of Nature ; and his Disciples ( their minds being deeply imbued with his principles ) admiring him as the Grand Oracle of Divinitie , and the infallible Dictator of Scientifical Maxims . The chiefest , most diffused , and most memorable of these Sects , were the Pythagorean , the Stoick , the Platonist , the Academick , the Peripatetick , the Epicurean , and what , derided all the rest , the Pyrrhonian , or Sceptick ; which feircely contended for the Laurel , by subtle disputations on the side of absolute Ignorance , and aspired to the Monarchy of Wisdom , by detecting the vanitie and incertitude of all Natural Science . As for the Megarick , Eretrick , Cyreniack , Annicerian Theodorian , Cynick , Eliack , Dialectick , and others less famous ; Diogenes Laertius , ( de vita Philosophor . ) hath preserved not only a faithful Catalogue of them , but hath also recorded their originals , declinations , periods , opinions . If we enquire into the Modern state of Learning , down even to our present age , we cannot but find not only the same Sects revived , but also many more New ones sprung up : as if Opinion were what mysterious Poets intended by their imaginary Hydra ; no sooner hath the sword of Time cut off one head , but there grows up two in the place of it ; or , as if the vicissitudes of Corruption and Generation were in common as well to Philosophy , as the subject of it , Nature . Insomuch as that Adage , which was principally accommodated and restrained to express the infinite dissention of Vulgar and Unexamining Heads , Tot sententiae quot homines ; may now justly be extended also to the Scholiarchs and professed enquirers into the Unitie of Truth . To enumerate all these Modern dissenting Doctors ( the most modest of all which hath not blushed to hear his pedantique Disciples salute him with the magnificent Attributes of a Despot in Physiologie , and the only Cynosure by which the benighted reason of man may hope to be conducted over the vertiginous Ocean of Error , to the Cape of Veritie ) is neither useful to our Reader , nor advantageous or pertinent to our present Design . But , to reduce them to four General Orders , or range them into four principal Classes ; as it may in some latitude of interest , concern the satisfaction of those who are less conversant among Books : so can it in no wise affront the patience of those , whose studies have already acquainted them with the several kinds of Philosophy now in esteem . 1 Some there are ( and those not a few ) who in the minority of their Understandings , and while their judgments are yet flexible by the weak fingers of meer Plausibilitie , and their memories like Virgin wax , apt to retain the impression of any opinion that is presented under the specious disguise of Verisimilitie only ; become constant admirers of the first Author , that pleaseth them , and will never after suffer themselves to be divorced from his principles , or to be made Proselytes to Truth ; but make it the most serious business of their lives to propugne their Tutors authoritie , defend even his very errors , and excogitate specious subterfuges against those , who have with solid Arguments and Apodic●ical reasons , clearly refuted him . These stifle their own native habilities for disquisition , believe all , examine nothing ; and , as if the Lamp of their own Reason were lent them by their Creator for no use at all , resign up their judgments to the implicite manuduction of some other ; and all the perfection they aim at , is to be able to compose unnecessary , and perhaps erroneous Commentaries upon their Masters text . This easie Sect may , without much either of incongruitie or scandal , be named Secta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the FEMAL Sect ; because as women constantly retain their best affections for those who untied their Virgin Zone ; so these will never be alienated from immoderately affecting those Authors who had the Maiden ▪ head of their minds . The chiefest Chair in this Classis ought to be consigned to our Iunior Aristoteleans , who villifie and despise all doctrine , but that of the Stagirite , and confidently measure all mens deviations from truth , by their recessions from his dictates . This we say not to derogate from the honour due to so great a Clerk ; for we hold it our duty to pay him as large a tribute of Veneration , as any man that ever read his excellent Writings , without prejudice , and esteem him as 〈◊〉 of the greatest and brightest stars in the sphere of Learning ; nay we dare assert , that He was the Centre in which all the choicest speculations and observations of his Praedecessors were united , to make up as complete abody of Natural Science , as the brain of any one single person , wanting the illumination of Sacred Writ , seems capable of , in this life of obscuritie : and that He hath won the Garland from all , who have laboured to invent and praescribe a general Method for the regulation and conduct of mens Cogitations and Conceptions . But , that I am not yet convicted , that his judgment was superior to mistake ; that his Writings , in many places more then obscure , can well be interpreted by those who have never perused the Moniments of other Ancients ; nor , that it can consist with Ingenuity to institute a Sacrament in Philosophy , ( i. e. ) to vow implicite vassalage to the Authoritie of any man , whose maxims were desumed from no other Oracle , but that of Natural Reason only ; and to arrest all Curiositie , Disquisition , or Dubitation , with a meer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hither may we refer also the patient Interpreters of Scotus ; the vain Idolaters of Raimund Lully ; but , above all , the stupid admirers of that Fanatick Drunkard , Paracelsus . In whose whole life , the only Rarities any sober man can discover were his Fortune , and his Impudence . His Fortune , in that he being an absolute bankrupt in merit , could be trusted with so large a stock of Fame : his Impudence , in that , being wholly illiterate ( for in stead of refining , He much corrupted his mother-tongue ) He should praetend to subvert the Fundamentals of Aristotle and Galen , to reform the Common-weal of Learning , consummate the Arts and Sciences , write Commentaries on the Evangelists , and enrich the world with Pansophy in Aphorisms . ( 2 ) Others there are ( and those too few ) whose brests being filled with true Promethean fire , and their minds of a more generous temper , scorn to submit to the dishonourable tyranny of that Usurper , Autority , and will admit of no Monarchy in Philosophy , besides that of Truth . These ponder the Reasons of all , but the Reputation of none ; and then conform their assent , when the Arguments are nervous and convincing ; not when they are urged by one , whose Name is inscribed in Golden Characters in the Legend of Fame . This Order well deserves the Epithite , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therefore we shall Christen it , The Order of the ASSERTORS OF PHILOSOPHICAL LIBERTY ; in regard , they vindicate the native privilege of our Intellectuals , from the base villenage of Praescription . Of this Order , Gratitude it self doth oblige us to account the Heroical Tycho Brahe , the subtle Kepler , the most acute Galilaeus , the profound Scheinerus , the miraculous because universally learned Kircherus , the most perspicacious Harvey , and the Epitome of all , Des Cartes . In honour of each of these Hero's , we could wish ( if the constitution of our Times would bear it ) a Colossus of Gold were erected at the publick charge of Students ; and under each this inscription : Amicus Plato , amicus Aristoteles , magis amica veritas . ( 3 ) The third Classis is possessed by such , who , without either totally neglecting or undervaluing the Inventions and Augmentations of the Modern ; addict themselves principally to research the Moniments of the Ancients , and dig for truth in the rubbish of the Grecian Patriarchs . These are the noblest sort of Chymists , who labour to reform those once-excellent Flowers out of their Ashes : worthy Geometricians , that give us the true dimensions of those Giant Wits , by the measure of their Feet : and genuine ●ons of Aesculapius , who can revive those , whom the fleet chariot of Time hath dragg'd to pieces , and recompose their scattered fragments into large and complete bodies of Physiologie . The Course of these Worthies in their studies doth denominate them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , RENOVATORS . For , being of opinion , that Philosophy as well as Nature doth continually decline , that this is the Dotage of the World , and that the minds of men do suffer a sensible decay of clarity and simplicity ; they reflect their thoughts upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Epoche of Physical Writings , ransack the urns of Athens to find out the medal of some grave Philosopher , and then with invincible industry polish off the rust , which the vitriolate dampness of Time had superinduced ; that so they may render him to the greedy eyes of Posterity in his primitive splendor and integrity . The uppermost seats in this infinitely-deserving Classis justly belong to Marcilius Ficinus , who from many mouldy and worm-eaten Transcripts hath collected , and interpreted the semidivine Labors of Plato : to Copernicus , who hath rescued from the jawes of oblivion , the almost extinct Astrology of Samius Aristarchus : to Lucretius , who hath retrived the lost Physiologie of Empedocles : to Magnenus , who hath lately raised up the reverend Ghost of Democritus : to Mersennus , who hath not only explained many Problems of Archimed ; but renovated the obsolete Magick of Numbers , and charmed the most judicious ears of Musitians , with chiming Pythagoras Hammers , in an Arithmetick Harmony : and to the greatest Antiquary among them , the immortal Gassendus ; who , out of a few obscure and immethodical pieces of him , scattered upon the rhapsodies of Plutarch and Diogenes Laertius , hath built up the despised Epicurus again , into one of the most profound , temperate , and voluminous among Philosophers . Our Fourth Classis is to be made up of those , who indeed adore no Authority , pay a reverend esteem , but no implicite Adherence to Antiquity , nor erect any Fabrick of Natural Science upon Foundations of their own laying : but , reading all with the same constant Indifference , and aequanimity , select out of each of the other Sects , whatever of Method , Principles , Positions , Maxims , Examples , &c. seems in their impartial judgments , most consentaneous to Verity ; and on the contrary , refuse , and , as occasion requires , elenchically refute what will not endure the Test of either right Reason , or faithful Experiment . This Sect we may call ( as Potamon Alexandrinus , quoted by Diogenes Laertius , long before us ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ELECTING , because they cull and select out of all others , what they most approve . Herein are Chairs provided for those Worthies , Fernelius , Sennertus , and most of the junior Patriots and Advancers of our Art. And the lowest room , we ask leave to reserve for our selves . For ▪ we profess our selves to be of his perswasion , who saith ; Ego quidem arbitror , re diu perpensâ , nullius unquam scientiam fore absolutam , quin Empedoclem , Platonem , Aristotelem , Anaxagoram , Democritum adjungat Recentioribus , & ab un●quoque quod verum est , rejectis falsis , eligat . His enim Principibus peculi●ri ratione Coeleste Lumen affulsit : & quamvis Corporis imbecilitate multa corruperint ; plurima tamen , quae Fidei lumine discernimus , scripsêre verissima He can never make a good Chymist , who is not already an excellent Galenist , is proverbial among us Physicians : and as worthy the reputation of a Proverb is it among Professors in Universities ▪ He can never clearly understand the Moderns , who remains ignorant of the doctrines of the Antients . Here to declare our selves of this Order , though it be no dishonour , may yet be censured as superfluous : since not only those Exercises of our Pen , which have formerly dispersed themselves into the hands of the Learned , have already proclaimed as much ; but even this praesent Tractate must soon discover it . SECT . II. TO explore the Cheif Grounds , or Reasons of this great Varietie of Sects in Philosophy ; we need search no further , then the exceeding Obscurity of Nature , the Dimness and imperfection of our Understanding , the Irregularity of our Curiosity . Of the First , they only can doubt , who are too stupid to enquire . For , Nature is an immense Ocean , wherein are no Shallows , but all Depths : and those ingenious Persons , who have but once attempted her with the sounding line of Reason , will soon confess their despair of profounding her , and with the judicious Sanchez sadly exclaim ; Una Scientia sufficit toti orbi : nec tamen totus hic ei sufficit . Mihi vel minima mundi res totius vitae contemplationi sat est superque : nec tamen tandem eam spero me nosse posse : nor can they dislike the opinion of the Academicks and Pyrrhonicks , that all things are Incomprehensible . And ( as for the second ) if Nature were not invelloped in so dense a Cloud of Abstrusity , but should unveil her self , and expose all her beuteous parts naked to our speculation : yet are not the Opticks of our Mind either clear or strong enough to discern them . Men indeed fancy themselves to be Eagles ; but really are grovelling Moles , uncessantly labouring for light : which at ●irst glimpse perstringeth their eyes , and all they discover thereby , is their own native Blindness . Naturae mysteria etiamsi ●ille facibus revelentur , arbitrantium oculis numquam tota excipientur : restabit semper quod quaeras ; & quo plus scies , eo plura à te ignorari miraberis . This meditation , we confess , hath frequently stooped our ambitious thoughts , dejected us even to a contempt of our own nature , and put us to a stand in the midst of our most eager pursuit of Science : insomuch that had not the inhaerent Curiosity of our Genius sharply spurred us on again , we had totally desisted , and sate down in this resolution ; for the future to admire , and perhaps envy the happy serenity of their Condition , who never disquiet and perplex their minds with fruitless scrutiny , but think themselves wise enough , while they acquiesce in the single satisfaction of their Senses . Nor do we look ever to have our Studies wholly free from this Damp : but expect to be surprised with many a cold fit , even then when our Cogitations shall be most ardent and pleasing . And to acknowledge our pensive sense of this Discouragement , is it that we have chosen this for our Motto : Quo magis quaerimus ▪ magis dubitamus . But lest this our despair prove contagious , and infect our Reader , and He either shut up our Book , or smilingly demand of us , to what purpose we wrote it ; if ( as we confess ) Insatisfaction be the End of study , and ( as we intimate ) our Phisiology at most but ingenious Conjecture : we must divert him with the novelty of a Paradox , viz. that the Irregularity of our Curiosity is one Cause of the Dissent of Philosophers . That our desire of Truth should be a grand Occasion of our Error ; and that our First Parents were deluded more by the instigation of their own essential CURIOSITY , than by either the allurement of their Sensual Appetite or the subtle Fallacies of the Serpent : is a conceit not altogether destitute of thesupport and warrantry of Reason . For , the Human Soul ( the only Creature , that understands the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or transcendent Dignity of its Original , by reflecting upon the superlative Idea , which it holds of its Creator ) from the moment of its immersion into the cloud or opacity , of flesh labours with an insatiable Appetence of Knowledge ; as the only means , that seems to conduce to the satisfaction of its congenial Ambition of still aspiring to Greater and Better things : and therefore hath no Affection either so Essential , or Violent , as the Desire of Science ; and consequently , lyeth not so open to the deception of any Objects , as of those which seem to promise a satisfaction to that desire . And obvious it is from the words of the Text ; that the Argument which turned the s●ales , i. e. determined the Intellect , and successively the Will of our Grandmother Eve , from its indifferencie , or aequilibration , to an Appetition , and so to the actual Degustation of the Forbidden Fruit , was this : Desiderabilis est arboris fructu● ad habendam scientiam . Besides , though we shall not exclude the Beauty of the fruit , transmitted by the sight to the judicatory Faculty , and so allecting the Sensual Appetite , from having a finger in the Delusion : yet can we allow it to have had no more then a finger ; and are perswaded , that in the syndrome or conspiracy of Causes , the most ponderous and praevalent was the Hope of an accession or augmentation of Knowledge . Since ●t cannot but highly disparage the primitive or innocent state of man , to admit , that his Intellect was so imperfect , as not to discern a very great Evil , through the thin Apparence of Good , when the utmost that Apparence could promise , was no more , than the momentany pleasure of his Palate or Gust : Or , that the express and poenal Interdiction of God , yet sounding in his ears , could be over-balanced by the light species of an object , which must be lost in the Fruition . Nor is this Curiositie to be accused only of the First Defection from Truth , but being an inseparable Annex to our Nature , and so derived by traduction to all Adams posteritie , hath proved the procatarctick Cause of many ( some contemplative Clerks would have adventured to say of All ) the Errors of our judgments . And , though we have long cast about , yet can we not particular any one Vicious inclination , or action , whose Scope or End may not , either directly or obliquely , proximly or remotely , seem to promise an encrease of Knowledge in some kind or other . To instance in one , which appears to be determined in the Body , to have no interest beyond the Sense , and so to exclude all probabilitie of extending to the Mind , as to the augmentation of its Science . Whoever loves a beutiful Woman , whom the right of Marriage hath appropriated to another , ardently desires to enjoy her bed ; why , not only for the satisfaction of his sensual App●tite , because that might be acquired by the act of carnali●y with some other less beutiful , and Beuty is properly the object of the Mind : but because that Image of Beuty , which his eye hath transmitted to his mind , being praesented in the species or apparition of Good and Amiab●e , seems to contain some Excellence , or comparitively more Good , then what He hath , formerly understood . If it be objected , that if so , one enjoyment must satisfie that Desire ; and consequently , no man could love what He hath once enjoyed , since Fruition determineth Desire : We Answer , that there is no such necessitie justly inferrible , when Experience assures , that many times Love is so far from languishing , that it grows more strong and violent by the possession of its Object . The Reason is , because the passionate Lover , apprehending no fruition total ▪ or possession entire , supposeth some more Good still in the object , then what his former enjoyment made him acquainted withall . And if it be replyed , that the Lover doth , in the perseverance of his Affection , propose to himself meerly the Continuation of that Good , which He hath formerly enjoyed : we are provided of a sufficient Rejoynder , viz. that whoso wisheth the Continuation of a Good , considers it not as a thing praesent , but to come ; and consequently as a thing which yet He doth not know : for , no man can know what is not . Other Instances the Reader may be pleased to select from among the Passions ; tracing them up to their first Exciting Cause , in order to his more ample satisfaction : it being digressive and only collateral to our Scope . Good thus being the only proper Object of our Affections ( for Evil exhibited naked , i. e. as Evil , never Attracts , but ever Averts our Will , or Rational Appetite : as we have clearly proved in our Discourse of the Liberty Elective of mans Will. ) if we mistake a real evil praesented under the disguise of a Good : this mistake is to be charged upon the account of our Rational or judicatory Faculty , which not sufficiently examining the Reality of the species , judgeth it to be good , according to the external Apparence only ; and so misguideth the Will in its Election . Now , a●ong the Causes of the Intellects erroneous judicature ( we have formerly touched upon its own Native Imperfection , or Coecity , and Praejudice , ) the chiefest and most general is the Impatience , Praecipitancy , or Inconsiderateness of the Mind ; when , not enduring the serious , profound , and strict examen of the species , nor pondering all the moments of Reason , whi●h are on the Averting part of the Object , with that impartiali●y requisite to a right judgment ; but suffering it self , at the first occursion or praesentation thereof , to be determined , by the moments of Reason apparent on the Attracting part , to an Approbation thereof : it misinformeth the Will , and ingageth it in an Election and prosecution of a Falsity , or Evil , couched under the specious semblance of a positive Truth , or Good. Now , to accommodate all this to the interest of our Paradox ; if Good , real or apparent , be the proper and adaequate object of the Intellect ; and the chief reason of Good doth consist in that of Science , as the principal end of all our Affections : then , most certainly , must our praecedent assertion stand firm , viz. that our understanding lyeth most open to the delusion of such objects , which by their Apparence promise the most of satisfaction to our Desire of Science ; and , upon consequence , by how much the more we are spurred on by our Curiosity , or Appe●ence of Knowledge , by so much the more is our mind impatient of their strict examen , and aequitable perpension . All which we dayly observe experimented in our selves . For , when our thoughts are violent and eager in the pursuit of some reason for such or such an operation in Nature ; if either the discourse , or writings of some Person , in great esteem for Learning or Sagacity , or our own meditations furnish us with one , plausible and verisimilous , such as seems to solve our Doubt : how greedily do we embrace it , and without further perpension of its solidity and verity , immediately judge it to be true , and so set up our rest therein ? Now , it being incontrovertible , that Truth consists in a Point , or Unity ; it remains as incontrovertible , that all those judgements , which concur not in that Point , must be erroneous : and consequently that we ought ever to suspect a multiplicity of dissenting j●dgments , and to suppose that Phaenomenon in Nature to be yet in the dark , i. e. uncomprehended , or not understood , concerning whose solution the most various opinions have been erected . And thus have we made it out ; that our Curiosity is the most frequent Cause of our Minds Impatience or Praecipitancy : that Praecipitancy the most frequent Cause of our Erroneous jdugments , concerning the Verity or Falsity of Objects : those Erroneous judgments alwayes the Cause of the Diversity of Opinions : and the Diversity of Opinions alwayes the Cause of the Variety of Sects among Philosophers . CHAP. II. That this World is the Vniverse . SECT . I. AMong those Fragments of Antiquity , which History hath gathered up from the table of sated Oblivion , we find two worthy the entertainment of our Readers memory , though , perhaps , not easie to be digested by his Belief . The one that Alexander the Great grew melancholy at the lecture of Anaxarchus his discourse of an Infinity of Worlds , and with tears lamented the confinement of his Ambition to the Conquest of One : when yet , in truth , the wings of his Victory had not flown over so much as a third part of the Terrestrial Globe ; and there remained Nations more then enough to have devoured his numerous Armies at a breakfast , to have learned him the unconstancy of Fortune , the instability of Empire , and the vanitie of Pride , by the experiment of his own overthrow , and captivity in a narrow prison . The Other , that there were whole Schools of Philosophers , who fiercely contended for a Plurality of Worlds , and affected the honour of invincible Wits , by extending their disquisitions beyond the Extrems or Confines of this adspectable World to a multitude of others without it , as vast , as glorious , as rich in variety of Forms : when , indeed , their Understandings came so much short of conquering all the obvious Difficulties of this one , that even the grass they trod on , and the smallest of Insects , a Handworm , must put their Curiosity to a stand , reduce them to an humble acknowledgment of their Ignorance , and make them sigh out the Scepticks Motto , Nihil Scitur , for a Palinodia . Whether His or Their Ambition were the greater , is not easie to determine ; nor can we find more wildness of Phansy , or more insolent Rhodamontadoes in Camps , than Academies , nay if we go to Absurdities , Cedunt Arma Togae , the Sword must give place to the Gown . But , that his Error was more venial then theirs , is manifest from hence ; that He had conquered all of the World that he knew : but they could not but find themselves foiled and conquered by eve●y the most minute and sensible part of the world , which they had attempted to know . This Genus of Philosophers doth naturally divide it self into two distinct species . The First of which doth consist of those , who assert only a Plurality of Worlds : the Second of those , who have been so bold as to ascend even to an Infinity . Those who assert only a Plurality may be again subdistinguished into two subordinate divisions : ( 1 Such as held a Plurality of Worlds Co●xis●ent ; among whom the most eminent was Plutarch , who ( in lib. de Oracul . defect . ) affirms , that to have many Worlds at once , was consistent with the maje●●y of the Divine Nature , and consonant to Human Reason ; and ( in 1. placit . 5. ) earnestly labours to dissolve the contrary Arguments of Plato and Aristotle for the Unity of the World. No● were th●se all of one Sect ; for some opinioned that there were many other Worlds synchronical in the Imaginary space , or on the outside of this : and others would admit of nothing , beyond Trismegistus Circle , or without the convex part of the Empyraeum ; but conceived that every Planet , nay , every Star , contained in this , was an intire and distinct World. Among these the Principal were Heraclides , the Pythagoreans , and all the Sectators of Orphe●s : as they are enumerated by Plutarch ( 2 Placit . 13. ) ( 2 ) Such as held a Plurality of worlds , not coexistent or synchronical , but successive ▪ i. e. that this praesent world , Phoenix-like , sprung up from the ruines of another praecedent ; and that the Ashes of this s●all produce a Third , the Cinders of that a Fourth , &c. of this perswasion were Plato , Heraclitus , and all the Stoicks . The Second species is made up of those , who dreamt of an Infinity of Worlds coexistent in an infinite space : and the chief seats in this Classis belong to Epicurus and Metrodorus , upon the last of which this peremptory saying is commonly fathered ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tam absurdum esse in Universo infinito unum fieri mundum , quàm in magno agro unam nasci spicam . And below them shall sit Anaximander , Anaximenes , Archelaus , Xenophon , Diogenes , Leucippus , Democritus , and Zeno Eleates , as may be collected from the records of Stobaeus ( Ecl. Physic. l. 9. ) That Epicurus was a grand Patron of this Error , is con●est by himself ( in Epist. ad Herodotum , apud Laertium ) in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Caeterum in universitate , seu natura rerum , infiniti sunt mundi , alij quidem similes isti quem nos incolimus , alij verò dissimiles . The Reasons , or rather the Apparences of Reason , which seduced the Understandings of so many and great Philosophers into a judgment , that there was an Infinity of Worlds ; are comprehended under these Two. ( 1 ) Quod Caussae sunt infinitae . Nam si hic quidem mundus sit , fi●itus Caussae verò , ex quibus est , fuêre omnino infinitae : necesse est mundi etiam sint infiniti . Prorsus enim , ubi sunt Caussae , Effectus quoque ibi sunt . That Worlds there are infinite in multitude , is manifest from hence , that there are infinite Causes for Worlds : for , since this World is finite , and the Causes of which it was made , were infinite ; necessary it is that there be in●●nite Worlds . Insomuch as where are Causes , there also must be Effects . This Epicurus more then intimated , when He argued thus : Quippe Atomi , cum sint infinitae , per insinitatem spatiorum feruntur ▪ & alibi aliae , ac pr●cu● ab hoc ad fabricationem mundorum infinitorum variè concurrunt . Consule Plutarc hum , ( 1. Placit . 5. ) & Lucretium . ( lib. 2. ) ( 2 ) Quod nulla sit specialis res , cui non suo sub genere sint singularia multa similia : That there is no one thing special , to which under that kind , many ●ingulars are not alike . Upon this sand was it that Plutarch erected his feeble structure of a Plurality of Worlds ; for ( in defect . Oracul . ) he expresseth it at large , in these words , Videmus naturam ipsis generibus , speciebusque , quasi quibusdam vasculis aut involucris seminum , res singulares continere . Neque enim res ulla est numero una , cujus non sit communis ratio , neque ulla certam denominationem nanciscitur , quae singularis cum sit , non etiam com●unem qualitatem habeat . Quare & hic mundus , ita singularitèr dicitur , ut communem tamen rationem , qualitatemque mundi obtineat : singularis autem conditionis sit , ex differentia ab alijs quae ejusdem Generis sunt . Et certè non unicus Homo , non unicus Equus , non unicum Astrum , non unicus Deus , non unicus Daemon in rerum natura est : quid prohibit , quo ●inus plures , non unicum mundum Natura contineat , &c. SECT . II. The Redargution . THat our Redargution of this vain Error may obtain the more both of Perspicuity and Credit , we are to advertise that the Quaestion is not concerning the Possibility , but the real or actual Existence of an Infinity of Worlds . For , of the Possibility , no man , imbued with the principles of Physiology , or Theology , can doubt . ( 1 ) Because , to the most profound and nice Enquirers into that abstruse point , no Argument , whether simple or complex , hath appeared weighty enough to disswade them from admitting an immense Tohu , or infinite Vacuum , without the extremities of this World. For , not a few , nor the least judicious part of even our Christian Doctors have asserted those Extramundane spaces calling them IMAGINARY ; because we can imagine the same Dimensions of Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity , to be in them , as are in those real Spaces , wherein Bodies are included in this world : and since all men , acknowledging the Omnipotence of God , conclude , that He might , had He so pleased , have created this World larger and larger even to infinity ; necessary it is , that they also admit a larger and larger space or Continent , for the Reception of that enlarged World. Which may with equal Truth be accommodated also to an Infinity of Worlds ; insomuch as all , who acknowledge Gods Omnipotence , readily condescend , that He could , had it seemed good in the eye of his Wisdom , have created more and more Worlds , even to Infinity : necessary it is , that they understand those Worlds must be received in proportionate spaces , which ought to be over and above that space , which this World possesseth . For , whereas some have conceived ▪ that if God would create more Worlds besides this , He must also create more spaces to contain them : undoubtedly they entangle themselves in that inextricable Difficulty which is objected upon them , concerning the space interjected between any two Worlds ; since that space may be brought under the laws of Mathematical Commensuration , and clearly explained by a greater or less Distance . ( 2 ) Because , it is found no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or desperate Difficulty to defend a Possible Infinity of Bodies . For the Fathers of our Church have delivered it as Canonical , that God might have created any thing Actually Infinite not only in Magnitude , but also in Multitude . Only they reserve the infinity of Essence ; which since it can be competent to none but the Divine Essence , and comprehends all perfections whatever in a most transcendent or Eminent manner : it is as absolutely impossible that any thing should be Created Actually Infinite in Essence , as that God should be created . Which we conceive to be the ground of that Truth ; that to imagine God to be able to create any thing equal to Himself : is to suppose an Imperfection in his Nature . Nor have They , without good Cause , deserted the conduct of Plato and Aristotle , when they would seduce them into an opinion , that Infinity is only Potential , not Actual , i. e. that nothing in Rerum Natura can be infinite in Actu , but only in Potentia ; insomuch as though a Continuum may be either divided ▪ or Augmented even to Infinity : yet cannot that Continuum either by Division , or Augmentation , ever become Actually infinite . For , since even Aristotle himself describes an Infinite to be , non cujus extra nihil est , sed ex quo accipientibus semper aliquid accipiendum restat , that f●om which though nere so much be abstracted , yet still there shall more remain undeducted ; which is , in the sum or importance , to say that the Essence of Infinity is Inexhauribility : it seems possible to admit not only many , but even infinite infinities in an Infinite . Thus we say , and truly , that in an infinite Number are comprehended not only infinite Unities , but also infinite Binaries , infinite Ternaries , infinite Denaries , Centenaries , &c. which is the reason of that Axiom , That all the parts of an Infinite are infinite . Now though to be able , by perfect Demonstration , to evince that there are no more Worlds but this one , which we inhabit , is that of which to despair can be no dishonour to the most acute and Mathematical Wit in the world ; since none ought to doubt , but God might have created , and may yet at his pleasure create others innumerable , because neither can His Infinite Power ever be exhausted , nor that Abyss of Nothing , out of which the Energie of his Word instantly educed this World , not afford or space or matter for them : yet notwithstanding to affirm , that because 't is possible therefore there are many other Worlds actually coexistent ; is a manifest inartificial Argument , and a Conclusion repugnant to all the inducements of Persuasion . For , albeit we readily concede , that there is an Infinite Inanity or Ultramundan Space , yet can it not follow of necessity , that there are Infinite Atoms contained in that Ultramundane Space ; as Democritus and Epicurus praeposterously infer : insomuch as it sounds much more concordant to reason , that there are no more Atoms , then those of which this single World was compacted . And when they Argue thus ; Since the vacuity or ultramundane Space is infinite in Magnitude or Capacity , necessary it is that the Abyss of Atoms included therein be also Infinite in Extent ; because otherwise they could never have convened , and coalesced in that Form , which the World now holds : we admit their Induction for natural and legitimate , but detest their supposition as absurd and impossible . For , They take it for granted , that the Chaos of Atoms was not only eternal and Increate , but also that it disposed , and compacted it self into that Form , which constitutes the World , by the spontaneous motion inhaerent in Atoms , and their fortuitous coalescenc● in such and such respective Figures : when to a sober judgment it appears the highest Impossibility imaginable , that either the Chaos of Atoms could be eternal , self-principate , or increate , or dispose and fix it self into so vast , so splendid , so symmetrical , so universally harmonical , or Analogical a structure , as this of the World. For , as the Disposition or Dispensation of the Chaos of Atoms into so excellent a form , can be ascribed to no other Cause , but an Infinite Wisdom : so neither can the Production or Creation of the same Chaos be ascribed to any other Cause , but an Infinite Power , as we have formerly demonstrated in our Darkness of Atheism , cap. 2. And therefore , since it is most probable that Atoms were the Materia Prima , or material Principle of the World ; as we shall clearly enunciate in a singular Chapter subsequent : we may adventure to affirm , that God created exactly such a proportion of Atoms , as might be sufficient to the making up of so vast a Bulk , as this of the World , and that there remained no one superfluous . 'T is unworthy a Philosopher to acknowledge any superfluity in Nature : and consequently a dangerous soloecism to say the God of Nature knowing not how to proportion the quantity of his materials to the model or platform of his structure , created more Atoms , then were necessary , and left an infinite Residue to be perpetually hurried too and fro in the ultramundane space . If they shall urge upon us , that no man was privy to the Councel of God at the Creation , and consequently no can know , whether He created either more Atoms then were requisite to the amassment of this World , or more Worlds then this one : we may justly retort the Argument upon them , and conclude , that since no man was privy to the Councel of God , they have no reason to pretend to know , that God created either more matter , or more Worlds ; and so the whole substance of the Dispute must be reduced only to this : That they have no more Reason for the support of their opinion of a Plurality of Worlds then we have fo● ours of the Unity of the World ▪ Nay the greatest weight of Reason hangs on our end of the scale ; for , we ground our Opinion upon that stable Criterion , our sense , and asserting the singularity of the world , discourse of what our sight apprehends : but They found theirs upon the fragil reed of wild Imagination , and affirming a Plurality discourse of what neither the information of their sense , nor solid reason , nor judicious Authority , hath learned them enough to warrant even Conjecture . And , as to their second Argument , viz. That there is in Nature no one Thing special , to which under the same kind , there are not many singulars alike : we Answer , that All those singulars , which we observe to be multiplied under one and the same kind , are such which perish in the Individual , and therefore cannot but be lost , if not conserved by the multitude of Successors ; and not such as are not obnoxious to destruction by Corruptibility , for they , constantly existing in the ●ndividual , need not Multiplicity to their conservation . For which cause , one Sun , and one Moon are sufficient , and in al probability of this sort is the World ; for though it be conceived obnoxious to corruption , and shall once confess a Period : yet is this no valid reason to justifie the necessity of a multitude of worlds , since the Dissolution of the World shal be synchronical to the Dissolution of Nature , when Sun , Moon , and all other kinds of Creatures , as well single as numerous shall be blended together in one common ruine ; and then the same Infinite Cause which hath destroyed them , can , with as much facility as he first Created them , repair their ruines , educe them out of their second Chaos , and redintegrate them into what Form His Wisdom shall design . Nor is this opinion of a Plurality of Worlds only destitute of , but even è diametro repugnant to the principal Inducements of Belief . For , if we consider Authority Divine ; in Moses inaestimable Diary or Narrative of the Creation can be found no mention at all of a Multitude of Worlds , but on the contrary a positive assertion of one world ; and the express declarement of the manner how the Fiat of Omnipotence educed the several Parts thereof successively out of the Chaos , disposed them into subordinate Piles , and endowed them with exquisite configurations respective to their distinct destinations , motions and uses : and in all the other Books of Sacred Writ , whatever concerns the Providence of God , the Condition of man , the mysteries of his Redemption , means of salvation , &c. doth more then intimate the singularity of the World ; nor is there any one word , if rightly interpreted , which can be produced as an excuse for the opposite Error . If Humane Authority ; we may soon perceive , that those Ancient Philosophers , who have declared on our side , for the Unity of the World , do very much exceed those Pluralists nominated in our praecedent Catalogue , both in Number and Dignity . For , Thales , Milesius , Pythagoras , Empedocles , Ecphantus , Parmenides , Melissus , Heraclitus , Anaxagoras , Plato , Aristotle , Zeno the Sto●ck , attended on by all their sober Disciples , have unanimously rejected and derided the Conceit of many Worlds , not only as vain and weak , but as extremly Hypochondriack , and worthy a whole acre of Hellebor . Nor , indeed , are we persuaded , that so great Wits as those of Democritus and Epicurus , did apprehend it as real ; but only Imaginary , proposing it as a necessary Hypothesis , whereon to erect their main Physical Pillar , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vniversum esse ortus interitusque expers , That the Universe is nonprincipiate and indissoluble . For , having mediated thus ; Whatever is Finite , is circumscribed by an External Space , from which a cause may come and invading destroy it , and into which the matter thereof , a●ter the dissolution of its Form , may be received : now this World , being Finite , must be environed by a circumambient space , from which a Cause may invade and destroy it ; and into which the matter thereof , after the dissolution of its Form , may be received ; must of necessity therefore be dissoluble : They inferred , that , unless they would concede the Universe to be dissoluble , which could never consist with their Principles ▪ they must affirm it to be Infinite , i. e. without which no space can be , from whence any Cause might invade it , and into which the matter thereof after the destruction of its Form , might be received : and thereupon concluded to suppose an Infinity of Worlds Coexistent . Which seems to be the Reason also that induced Epicurus and Metrodorus to opinion , that the Vniverse was not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Immutable , but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Immoveable : as may be collected from these words of Plutarch quoted by Eusebius ( 1. praepa . Evang. 5. ) concerning Metrodorus , Is inter caetera non moveri universum dixit quoniam non est quò migrare possit ; nam si posset quidem , vel in plenum , vel in vacuum ; atqui universum continet quicquid hujusmodi est , quia si non contineret , minime foret Vniversum . Having thus amply refuted the Dream of a Plurality of Worlds , both by detecting the exceeding invalidity of those two Cardinal Reasons , on which the Authors and Abettors of it had rashly fixed their Assent ; and by convicting it of manifest Repugnancy to Authority Divine and Human : we may safely praesume , the understanding of our Reader is sufficiently praepared to determine his judgment to an Approbation of our Thesis , the Argument and Title of this Chapter , viz. That this Adspectable world is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Omne , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vniversum , the All in Rerum Natura , the large Magazine wherein all the wealth and treasure of Nature is included ; and that there is Nothing Quantitative , but meerly Local , beyond the Convex extremity , or ( as Arist. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , substantiam quae est in ultima Coeli conversione ; the outside of the Empyraeum . Thus much Aristotle , though upon the conviction of other Arguments , seems fully to have both understood and embraced , when in positive terms He affirmed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Extra coelum neque est quicquam Corpus , neque esse omninò potest ( de coelo l. 1. c. 9. ) As also whensoever He used those two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vniversum & Mundus , as perfect synonymaes , indifferently signifying one and the same thing : which was most frequent not only to him , but to Plato also , and most of the most judicious sort of Philosophers . If any Curiosity be so immoderate , as to transgress the Limits of this All , break out of Trismegistus Circle , and adventure into the Imaginary Abyss of Nothing , vulgarly called the Extramundan Inanity ; in the Infinity ( or , rather , Indefinity ) of which many long-winged VVits have , like seel'd Doves , flown to an absolute and total loss : the most promising Remedy we can praescribe for the reclaiming of such wildness ; is to advertise ; that a serious Diversion of thought to the speculation of any the most obvious and sensible of sublunary Natures , will prove more advantagious to the acquisition of Science , then the most acute metaphysical Discourse , that can be hoped from the groveling and limited Reason of man , concerning that impervestigable Abstrusity ; of which the more is said , the less is understood ; and that the most inquisitive may find Difficulties more then enough within the Little VVorld of their own Nature , not only to exercise , but empuzle them . To which may be annexed that judicious Corrective of Pliny , ( l. 2. Nat. Hist. c. 1. ) Furor est , profectò furor est egredi ex hoc mundo , & tanquam interna ejus cuncta planè jam sint nota , ita scrutari Extera . Quasi verò mensuram ullius possit agere , qui sui nesciat : aut mens Hominis videre , quae mundus ipse non capiat . And that facete scoff of the most ingenious Mr. White ( in Dialog . 1. de mundo . ) That the Extramundan Space is inhabited by Chymaera's which there feed , and thrive to Giants upon the dew of Second Intentions . CHAP. III. Corporiety and Inanity . SECT . I. THE Universe , or this adspectable World ( henceforth Synonymaes ) doth , in the general , consist of only two Parts , viz. Something and Nothing , or Body and Inanity . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Naturam rerum esse Corpora & Inane , was the Fundamental position of Epicurus ( apud Plutarch . advers . Colot . ) which his faithful Disciple Lucretius hath ingenuosly rendred in this Distich : Omnis , ut est igitur per se , Natura duabus Consistit rebus ; quae Corpora sunt , & Inane . The All of Nature in two Parts doth lye , That is , in Bodies and Inanity . Concerning the nature or essence of a BODIE , we find more then one Notion among Philosophers . ( 1 ) Some understanding the root of Corporiety to be fixt in Tangibility : as Epicurus ( apud Empericum advers . Physic. ) saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : intell●gi Corpus ex congerie figurae magnitudinis , resistentiae ( seu soliditatis ac impenetrabilitatis mutuae & gravitatis ; that by Bodie is to be understood a congeries of figure , magnitude , resistence ( or solidity and impenetrability mutual ) and gravity . To which Aristotle seems to allude ( in 4. Physic. 7. ) where He saith of those who assert a Vacuum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they conceive all Bodies to be Tangible : and Lucretius , Tangere enim & tangi sine Corpore nulla potest res . Here we are , per transennam , to hint ; that the Authors of this Notion , do not restrain the Tangibility of Bodies only to the Sense of Touching proper to Animals ; but extend it to a more general importance , viz. the Contact of two Bodies reciprocally occurring each to other secundum superficies ; or what Epicurus blended under the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Resistence mutual arising from Impenetrability . ( 2 ) Others placing the Essential Propriety of a Body in its Extension into the three Dimensions of Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity . Thus Aristotle ( Nat. Auscult . 4. cap. 3. ) strictly enquiring into the Quiddity of Place , saith most profoundly ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Sanè Dimensiones tres habet , longitudinem , latitudinem , & altitudinem , quibus omne Corpus definitur . And thus Des Cartes ( princip . Philos. Part. 2. Sect. 4. ) Naturam materiae , sive Corporis 〈◊〉 universum spectati , non consistere in eo quod sit res dura , vel ponderosa , vel colorata , vel aliquo alio modo sensus afficiens ; sed tantum in eo , quòd sit res extensa in longum latum & profundum : that the Essence of matter , or a Body considered in the General doth not consist in its hardness , weight , colour , or any other relation to the senses ; but only in its Extension into the three Dimensions . And ( 3 ) Others , by an excessive acuteness of Wit , dividing the Substance of a Body from the Quantity thereof , and distinguishing Quantity from Extension . Of this immoderately subtle Sect are all those , who conceived that most Bodies might be so rarified and condensed , as that by Rarefaction they may acquire more , and by Condensation less of Extension , then what they have before in their native dimensions . We say immoderately subtle , because whoever shall with due attention of mind profound the nature of Rarefaction and Condensation , must soon perceive ; that by those motions a Body doth suffer no more then a meer Mutation of Figure , but its Quantity admits of neither Augmentation , nor Diminution . So as those Bodies may be said to be Rare , betwixt whose parts many Intervals or Interstices , repleted with no Bodies , are interspersed ; and those Bodies affirmed to be Dense , whose parts mutually approaching each to other , either diminish , or totally exclude all the Intervals or intercedent Distances . And when it eveneth , that the Intervals betwixt the distant parts of a Body , are totally excluded by the mutual access , convention and contact of its parts : that Body must become so absolutely , or ( rather ) superlatively Dense , as to imagine a possibility of greater Density , is manifestly absurd . But yet notwithstanding , is not that Body thus extremly Dense , of less Extension , then when having its parts more remote each from other , it possessed a larger space : in respect , that whatever of Extension is found in the Pores , or Intervals made by the mutually receing parts , ought not to be ascribed to the Body rarified , but to those small Inanities that are intercepted among the dissociated particles . For instance ; when we observe a Sponge dipt in Liquor to become turgent and swell into a greater bulke ; we cannot justly conceive , that the Sponge is made more Extense in all its parts , then when it was dry or compressed : but only , that it hath its pores more dilated or open , and is therefore diffused through a greater space . But we may not digress into a full examen of the nature of Rarefaction and Condensation ; especially since the Syntax of our Physical Speculations will lead us hereafter into a full and proper consideration thereof . Of the nature of the other ingredient of the Universe , INANITY , there are several Descriptions : ( 1 ) Epicurus names it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Region , or Space , and a Nature that cannot be touched : thereby intimating the direct Contrariety betwixt the essential notion of Corporiety and Inanity ; which Antithesis Lucretius plainly expresseth in that Verse , Tactus coporibus cunctis intactus Inani . ( 2 ) Cleomedes describes a Vacuum to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ex sua natura incorporeum : adding for furrher explanation , siquidem est incorporeum , tactumque fugit , & neque figuram habet ullam , neque recipit , & neque patitur quicquam , neque agit , sed praebet solummodo liberum per seipsum corporibus motum ; it is incorporeal , because it cannot be touched , hath no figure of its own , nor is capable of any from others , neither suffers nor acts any thing , but only affords free space for the motion of other bodies through it . ( 3 ) Empiricus ( 2. advers Physic. ) descanting upon Epicurus description of Inanity , saith ; Natura eadem corpore destituta , appellatur Inane ; occupata verò à corpore , Locus dicitur , pervadentibus ipsam corporibus evadit Regio : the same Nature devoid of all body , is called a Vacuum , if possessed by a body , 't is called a Place , and when bodies pervade it , it becomes a Region . And ( 4 ) Aristotle ( 3. Physic. 7. ) defines a Vacuum to be Locus in quo nihil est , a Place wherein no body is contained . Now if we faithfully extract the importance of all these several Descriptions of Inanity , we shall find them to concurr in this common Notion . As according to vulgar sense , a Vessel is said to be empty , when it being capable of any , doth yet actually contain no body : so , ●ccording to the sense of Physiology , that Place , that Region , or that Space , which being capable of bodies , doth yet actually receive or contain none , is said to be a Vacuum or Emptiness . Such would any Vessel be if upon remove of that body , whereby its capacity was filled , no other body , the Aer , nor ought else , should succeed to possess it : or such would that Space be , which this Book , that Man , or any other Body whatever doth now actually replenish , if after the remove of that Tenent , neither the circumstant Aer , nor ought else should succeed in possession , but it should be left on every side as it were limited by the same concave superficies of the circumambient , wherein the body , while a Tenent , was circumscribed and included . Of the Existence of Bodies in the World , no man can doubt , but He who dares indubitate the testimony of that first and grand Criterion , SENSE , is regard that all Natural Concretions fall under the perception of some one of the Senses : and to stagger the Certitude of Sense , is to cause an Earthquake in the Mind , and upon consequence to subvert the Fundamentals of all Physical Science . Nor is Physiology , indeed , more then the larger Descant of Reason upon the short Text of Sense : or all our Metaphysical speculations ( those only excluded , which concern the Existence and Attributes of the Supreme Being , the Rational Soul of man , and Spirits : the Cognition of the two former being desumed from proleptical or congenial impressions implantate in , or coessential to our mind ; and the belief of the last being founded upon Revelation supernatural ) other then Commentaries upon the Hints given by some one of our External senses . Which Consideration caused Epicurus to erect these two Canons , as the Base of Logical Judicature . ( 1 ) Opinio illa vera est , cui vel suffragatur , vel non refragatur sensus evidentia . ( 2 ) Opinio illa falsa est , cui vel refragatur vel non suffragatur sensus evidentia . That Opinion is true , to which the Evidence of Sense doth either assent , or not dissent : and that false , to which the evidence of Sense doth either not assent , or dissent . By the suffragation or Assent of the Evidence of Sense , is meant an Assurance that our Apprehension or Judgment of any Object occuring to our sense , is exactly concordant to the reality thereof ; or , that the Object is truly such , as we , upon the perception of it by our sense , did judge or opinion it to be . Thus Plato walking far off towards us , and we seeing him conjecture or opinion , as confidently as the great distance will admit , that it is Plato , whom we see coming toward us : but when , by his nearer approach , the great impediment of Certitude , Distance is removed ; then doth the evidence of sense make an Attestation or suffragation of the verity of our opinion , and confirm it to be Plato , whom we saw . The Non-refragation of Sense , intends the Consequution of some Inevident thing , which we suppose or praesume to be , with reflection upon something sensibly evident , or apparent . As when we affirm that the●e is a Vacuum ; which taken singly , or speculated ▪ in its own obscure nature , is wholly inevident , but may be demonstrated by another thing sufficiently evident , viz. Motion : for if no Vacuum , no Motion ; since the Body to be moved must want a Place , wherein to be received , if all Places be already full and crouded . Hence comes it that the thing Evident doth not Refragari to the Inevident . And thus the Suffragation and Nonrefragation of the Evidence of sense , ought to be understood as one Criterion , whereby any Position may be evicted to be true . Hither also may be referred that Tetrastick of Lucretius , ( lib. 1. ) Corpus enim per se communis deliquat ess● Sensus : quo nisi prima fides fundata valebit , Haud erit , occultis de rebus , quò referentes Confirmare Animi quicquam ratione queamus . That Bodies in the World existent are , Our Senses undeniably declare : Whose Certitude once quaestion'd ; we can find No judge to solve nice scruples of the Mind . It remains therefore only that we prove ( 1 ) That there is a Vacuum in Nature . ( 2 ) That there is in the Universe no Third Nature besides that of Body and Inanity . CHAP. IV. A Vacuum in Nature . SECT . I. IN order to our more prosperous Evacuation of that Epidemick Opinion , Vacuum non dari in rerum natura , that there is no Vacuity or Emptiness in the World ; it is very requisite , that we praemise , as a convenient Praeparative , this short advertisement . Among the speculations of many Ancient Physiologists , and especially of Aristotle ( 4. Physic. 6 ) we find a Vacuum distinguished into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Secundum naturam , & Eternaturam , a Vacuum consistent with , and a Vacuum totally repugnant to the fundamental constitutions of Nature . According to which proper distinction , we may consider a Vacuum ( 1 ) as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Disseminatum , Interspersed , or of so large diffusion as variously to interrupt the Continuity of the parts of the World. 2 As 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Coacervatum , Coacervate or separate from all parts of the World , such as the Ultramundan Space is conceived to be . Now , if we respect the First consideration or acception of a Vacuum , the Quaestion must be , An detur vacuum Disseminatum ? Whether there be any small Vacuity in nature , or more plainly , Whether among the incontinued particles of Bodies there be any minute insensible Spaces intermixed , which are absolutely empty , or unpossessed by any thing whatever ? If the second ; then the doubt is to be stated thus : An detur vacuum intra mundanum Coacervatum ? Whether within the World ( for of the extramundane Inanity , the difficulty is not great , as may be collected from the contents of our Second Chapter praecedent ) there can be any great or sensible Vacuity , such as we may imagine possible , if many of the small or interspersed V●cuities should convene and remain in one entire coacervate Inanity . Concerning the First Problem , we cannot state the Doubt more intelligibly , then by proposing it under the analogy of this Example . Let a man intrude his hand into a heap of Corn , and his hand shall possess a certain sensible space among the separated Grains : his hand again withdrawn , that space doth not remain empty , but is immediately repossessed by the mutuall confluent grains , whose Confluxibility , not impeded , causeth their instant convention . And yet betwixt the Grains mutually convened there remaine many intercepted or interposed Spaces or Intervalls , unpossessed by them ; because the Grains cannot touch each other so secundum totas superficies , according to all parts of their superficies , as to be contiguous in all points . Exactly thus , when any Body is intruded into Aer , Water , or any such rare and porous nature , betwixt whose incontinued parts there are many Interstices variously disseminated , it doth possess a certain sensible space proportionate to its dimensions : and when that Body is withdrawne , the space cannot remain empty , because the insensible or atomical particles of the Aer , Water , &c. agitated by their own native Con●luxibility , instantly convene and repossess it . And yet , betwixt the convened particles , of which the Aer , and Water , and also all porous Bodies are composed , there remain many empty spaces ( analogous to those Intervalls betwixt the incontingent Grains of Corn ) so minute or exiguous , as to be below the perception and commensuration of sense . Which is the very Difficulty , concerning which there are so many Controversies extant , as their very Lecture would be a Curse to the greatest Patience . However , we conceive our selves sufficiently armed with Arguments to become the Assertors of a Vacuum Disseminatum ; or empty Intervals betwixt the particles of Rare , Porous , or Incontinued Bodies . Our First Argument is that Reason given for a Vacuum by Epicurus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nisi esset Inane , non haberent Corpora neque uti essent , neque quo motus suos obirent , cùm moveri ea quidem manifestum sit : Unless there were a Vacuum , Bodies could have neither where to consist , nor whither to be moved ; and manifest it is , that they are moved . Which solid Reason , though seemingly perspicuous , hath in it so many recesses of obscurity , as may not only excuse , but efflagitate a cursory paraphrase . First , we are to observe that , in the theory of Epicurus , the Notions of Inanity and Locality are one and the same essentially , but not respectively : i. e. that the same space when replenished with a Body , is a Place , but when devoid or destitute of any Tenent whatever , then it is a Vacuum . Secondly , that Aristotle did not sufficiently profound the Quiddity of Place , when He taught , that the Concave superficies of the Circumambient did constitute the Essence thereof . For , when it is generally conceded that the Locus must be adaequate to the Locatum ; it is truly praesumed , that the internal superficies of the Circumambient or Place , ought to be adaequate to the external superficies of the Locatum or Placed ; but not to its Profundity , or Internal Dimensions . And , since it is of the formal reason of Place , that it be Immoveable , or uncapable of Translation ; for , otherwise any thing might , at one and the same time , be immote and yet change place : it is evident , that the superficies of the Circumambient is not Immoveable , since it may both be moved , the Locatum remaining unmoved , and è contrà , persist unmoved , when the Locatum is removed . And , therefore , the Concave superficies of the Circumambient may , indeed , obtain the reason of a Vessel , but not of a Place . And , upon consequence , we conclude , that the Space comprehended within the superficies of the Circumambient , is really and essentially what is to be understood by Place Since that Space is adaequated perfectly to its Locatum in all its internal Dimensions , and is also truly Immoveable ; in regard that upon the remove of the Locatum , it remains fixt , unchanged , unmoved ; in the same state as before its occupation , it persevers after its desertion . And when the Body removed possesseth a new Space : the old Space is instantly possessed by a new Body . Thirdly , that this argument desumed from the Evidence of Motion , was proposed by Empiricus , ( advers . Geometr . ) more Syllogistically , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Si Motus est , Inane est ; atqui Motus est , est ergo Inane . If there be Motion , there must be ●●anity ; but Motion there is , therefore there is a Vacuum . That there is Motion , is manifest from sense . And as for that memorable Argument of Zeno against Motion , though we judge that he affected it more for the singularity , then solidity thereof , and only proposed it as a new Paradox to gain some credit to Scepticism , of which he was a fierce Assertor ; and that no man did ever admit it to a competition with the Authority of his Sense : yet , since many have reputed it indissoluble , we conceive the solution thereof must become this place . Motus non potest fieri per spatium quodvis , nisi pri●s mobile pertranseat minus , quam majus ; sed quamcunque assignes partem , alia est minor , & alia minor in infinitum : Ergo non potest fieri motus , numquam enim incipiet . No Motion can be made through any space whatever , unless the Moveable first pass through a less , before a greater space ; but , what part of space soever you shall please to assign , still there will be another less part , and another less then that , and so up to infinity : therefore can there be no motion at all , since it can never begin at a space so little as that no less can remain . Solution . The Fallacie lyeth in the Minor , which we concede to be true ratione Mathematica , in the Mathematical acceptation thereof ; and so no solution can be satisfactory to the Argument , unless we admit an infinite Divisibility in the parts of a Continuum : But deny it ratione Physica , in the proper Physical acceptation , and so we may solve the riddle by proving the parts of a Continuum not to be divisible ad infinitum , and Motion is to be considered penes realem rerum existentiam . Now , that Space is divisible ad infinitum only Extrinsecè and Mathematicè , not Physicè , may be thus evinc●● . If Motion be divisible in infinitum , the parts of a slow Motion will be as many as the parts of a swift Motion : but 't is indubitate , that two parts of a swift motion are coexistent to one of a slow : therefore either that one part must be permanent , since it existeth in two times , or all Motions are equall in velocity and tardity , which is repugnant to experience . And Motion , Space , and Time , are perfectly Analogous , i. e. Proportional : for there is no part of Motion , to which there may not be assigned a Part of Space and Time fully respondent . Besides , should we allow the Argument to be too close for the teeth of Reason ; yet no man can affirm it to be too hard for the sword of Sense , and therefore it ought not to be reputed inextricable : since those objects which fall under the sincere judicature of the sense , need no other Criterion to testifie their Verity . Upon which the judicious Magnenus happily reflected ( p. 162. Democriti reviviscent . ) when He layed down this for a firm Principle : Sensibilia per sensus sunt judicanda , nam illius potentiae est judicare de re , per quam res cognoscitur ; neque fides omnis sensibus deneganda . This short Excursion ended , we revert to our Fourth observable , viz. the Consequution or Inference of Epicurus , in his argument for a Vacuum : If no Vacuum , no Motion . Which seems both natural and evident ; for what is full , cannot admit a second tenent : otherwise nothing could prohibit the synthesis or Coexistence of many Bodies in one and the same place ; which to imagine , is the extremest Absurdity imaginable . For Illustration , let us Imagine , that the Uuniverse ( having nothing of Inanity interspersed among its parts ) is one Continued Mass of Bodies so closely crouded , ramm'd , and wedged together , that it cannot receive any the least thing imaginable more : and keeping to this Hypothesis , we shall soon deprehend , whether any one Body among those many disposed within this compact or closely crouded Mass may be removed out of its own to invade the place of another . Certainly , if all places be full , it must extrude another body out of its place , or become joint-tenant with it and possess one and the same place . Extrude a body out of its possession it cannot , because the Extruded must want a room to be received into ; nor can the Extruded dispossess a third , that third expel a fourth , that fourth eject a fifth , &c. Since the difficulty sits equally heavy on all : and therefore , if the invaded doth not resign to the invading , there can be no beginning of Motion , and consequently no one Atome in the Universe can be moved . And , as for its becoming synthetical or joint-tenant , that is manifestly impossible : because a Collocat●on of two Bodies in one and the same place , imports a reciprocal Penetration of Dimensions , then which nothing can be more repugnant to the tenor of Nature : and therefore it remains , that every part of the Universe would be so firmly bound up and compacted by other parts , that to move those Cochles , Snails , or Insects , which are found in the ferruminated womb of Rocks , and incorporated to the heart of Flints , would be a far more modest attempt , then to move the least atome therein . Nor can the Dissenting evade the compulsion of this Dilemma , by praetending , that in the Universe are Bodies of rare , porous , and fluxible Constitutions , such as are more adapted to Lococession , or giving place upon their invasion by other Bodies , then are Rocks or Flints . Because , unless their Rarity , Porosity , Fluxibility , or yeeldingness be supposed to proceed from Inanity disseminate ; or , that all the particles of those Bodies are contiguous , or munually contingent secundum totas superficies ▪ doubtless , they must be so Continued , as that it can make no difference , whether you call them Bodies of Flint or Aer . For , neither shall the Aer possess a place less absolutely then a Flint : because how many particles soever of place you shall suppose , no one of them can remain unpossessed ; it being of the Essence of Place , that it be adaequate to its Tenent in all its internal Dimensions , i. e. in the number and proportion of Particles : nor a Flint more perfectly then Aer , whose insensible Particles are praesumed to be reciprocally contingent in all points , and so to exclude all Interspersed Inanity . We said , without Inanity interspersed , there can be no Beginning of Motion . Which to explain , let us suppose that a Body , being to be moved through the Aer , doth in the first degree of motion propel the contiguous aer , the space of a hairs bredth , Now , the Universe being absolutely full , that small space of a hairs bredth must be praepossessed , and so the Body cannot be placed therein , untill it hath thence depelled the incumbent Aer . Nor can the contiguous Aer possessing that space of a hairs bredth be depelled per latera to a place behind : because that place also is replete with Aer . Insomuch , therefore , as the body to be moved , cannot progress through so small a space , as that of an hairs bredth , because of the defect of place for the reception of the Aer replenishing that space : it must of necessity remain bound up immoveably in that place , wherein it was first situate . But if we conceive the Aer to have small Inane Vacuolas , or Spaces ( holding an analogy to those spaces interceding betwixt the Grains of a Heap of Corn or Sand ) variously interposed among its minute insensible particles : then may we also conceive , how the Motion of a Body through the Aer is both begun and continued : viz. that the Body moved , doth by its superfice protrude the particles of the contiguous Aer , those protruded particles being received into the adjacent empty interstices , press upon the next vicine particles of aer , and likewise protrude them , which received also into other adjacent empty spaces become contiguous to , and urgent upon other next particles of Aer , and so forward untill , upon the successive continuation of the Compression by protrusion , and the consequent dereliction of a place behind , the lateral particles of the Aer , compressed by the anterior parts dissilient , are effused into it : and so , how much of Aer is compressed and impelled forward , so much recurrs backward per latera , and is dilated . The same also may be accommodated to the Lococession of the Parts of Water ; allowing it this praerogative , that being propelled by a Body movent , it doth by its particles more easily propel the contiguous particles of the Aer , then it s own ; because the empty minute spaces of the aer incumbent upon the Water , are larger , which may be the reason , why water propelled forwards , becomes tumid and swelleth somewhat upwards in its superfice , and is depressed proportionately backward . Now according to this theory , ought we to understand the Reason of Epicurus for a Vacuum , desumed from the necessity of motion . SECT . II. AS the nature of Motion considered in the General , hath afforded us our First Argument , for the comprobation of a Vacuity Disseminate : so likewise doth the nature of Rarefaction and Condensation , which is a species of Local Motion , speculated in particular , readily furnish us with a Second . Examine we therefore , with requisite scrutiny , some of the most eminent Apparences belonging to the Expansion and Compression of Aer and Water : that so we may explore , whether they can be salved more fully by our hypothesis of a Disseminate Vacuity , then by any other , relating to an Universal Plenitude . Take we a Pneumatique or Wind-Gun , and let that part of the Tube , wherein the Aer to be compressed is included , be four inches long ( the diameter of the bore or Cavity being supposed proportionate : ) now if among the particles of that aer contained in the four inched space of the Tube , there be no empty Intervals , or minute Inanities ; then of necessity must the mass of Aer included be exactly adaequate to the capacity or space of four inches , so as there cannot be the least particle of place , wherein is not a particle of aer aequal in dimensions to it , i. e. the number of the particles of aer is equal to the number of the particles of the Cavity . Suppose we then the number of particles common to both , to be 10000. This done , let the aer , by the Rammer artificially intruded , be compressed to the half of the space ( not that the compression may not exceed that rate , for Mersennus ( in praef . ad Hydraulicam Pneumaticam Artem . ) hath by a most ingenious demonstration taught , that Aer is capable of Compression even to the tenth part of that space , which it possessed in the natural disposition , or open order of its insensible particles : ) and then we demand , how that half space , viz. two inches , can receive the double proportion of Aer , since the particles of that half space are but 5000. Either we must grant that , before compression , each single particle of Aer possessed two particles of space , which is manifestly absurd : or , that after Compression , each single particle of space doth contain two of aer , which is also absurd , since two bodies cannot at once possess the same place : or else , that there were various Intervals Inane disseminate among the particles of Aer , and then solve the Phaenomenon thus . As the Grains of Corn , or Granules of Sand , being powred into a vessel up to the brim , seem wholly to fill it ▪ and yet by succussion of the vessel , or depression of the grains upon the imposition of a great weight , may be reduced into a far less space ; because from a more la● and rare , they are brought to a more close and constipate congeries , or because they are reduced from an open , to a close order , their points and sides being more adapted for reciprocal contact quoad totas superficies , nor leaving such large Intervals betwixt them as before succussion or depression . So likewise are the particles of aer included in the four-inched space of the Tube , by Compression or Coangustation reduced downe to the impletion of onely the hal● of that space ; because from a more lax or rare Contexture they are contracted into a more dense or close , their angles and sid●● being by that force more disposed for reciprocal Contingence , and leaving less Intervals , or empty spaces betwixt them then before . Our Second Experiment is that familiar one of an Aeolipile which having one half of its Concavity replete with Water , and the other with Aer , and placed in a right position near the fire : if you will not allow any of ●he spaces within it to be empty , pray , when the Water by incalescen●● rarefied into vapours , issues out with thundering impetuosity through the slender perforation or exile outlet of its rostrum , successively for many hours together , how can the same Capacity still remain full ? For , if before incalefaction the particles of Water and Aer were equal to the number of the particles of space contained therein ▪ Pray , when so many parts both of Water and Aer , consociated in the form of a vapour , are evacuated through the Orifice , must not each of their remaining parts possess more parts of the capacity , and so be in many places at once ? If not so , were there not , before the incalescence , many parts of Water and Aer crouded into one and the same part of space , and so a manifest penetration of real dimensions ? Remains it not therefore more verisimilous , that , as an heap of dust dispersed by the W●nd , is rarefied into a kind of cloud and possesseth a far larger space then before its dispersion ; because the disgregated Granules of Dust intercept wider spaces of the ambient aer : so the remaining parts of Water and Aer in the cavity of the Aeolipile possess all those Spaces left by the exhaled parts ; because they intercept more ample empty Spaces , being disposed into a more lax and open contexture . And that this is caused by the particles of Fire , which intruding into , and with rapid impetuosity agitated every way betwixt the sides of the Aeolipile , suffer not the parts of Aer and Water to quiesce , but disperse and impel them variously : so that the whole space seems constantly full by reason of the rapidity of the Motion . The Third Mechanick Experiment , which may justifie the submission of our assent to this Paradox , is this . Having praepared a short Tapor of Wax and Sulphur grosly powdered , light and suspend it by a small Wier in a Glass Vial of proportionate reception , wherein is clean Fountain Water sufficient to possess a fifth part , or thereabout , of its capacity : and then with a Cork fitted exactly to the Orifice , stop the mouth of the Vial so closely , that the eruption of the most subtle Atom may be prevented . On this you shall perceive the flame and fume of the Sulphur and Wax instantly to diffuse and in a manner totally possess the room of the Aer , and so the fire to be extinguished : yet not that there doth succeed either any diminution of the Aer , since that is imprisoned , and all possibility of evasion praecluded ; or any ascent of the Water , by an obscure motion in vulgar Physiology called Suction , since here is required no suction to supply a vacuity upon the destitution of aer . But if you open the orifice , and enlarge the imprisoned Aer , you shall then indeed manifestly observe a kind of obscure suction , and thereupon a gradual ascention of the Water : not that the flame doth immediately elevate the water , as well because it is extinct , and the water doth continue elevated for many hours after its extinction , as that , if the flame were continued , can it be imagined that it would with so much tenacity adhaere to the tapor , as is requisite to the elevation of so great a weight of water ; but rather , that upon the Coangustation or compression of the aer reduced to a very close order in the mutual contact of its insensible particles , the empty spaces formerly intercepted betwixt them being replenished with the exhalations of the tapor ; when the orifice is deobturated , there sensibly succeeds a gradual expiration of the atoms of Fire , as the most agile , volatile and prepared for motion , and then the aer , impelled by its own native Fluxibility , re-expands or dilates it self by degrees . But since the narrowness of the Evaporatory , or ori●ice prohibits the so speedy reflexion or return of the compressed particles of the aer to their naturall contexture or open order , as the renitency of their fluxibility requireth , so long as there remain any of the atoms of Fire in possession of their Vacuities , as long continues the reexpansion of the Aer ; and that reexpansion pressing upon the sides of the water , causeth it to ascend , and continue elevated . And no longer , for so soon as the aer is returned to its native contexture , the water by degrees subsideth to the bottom , as before the accension of the Tapor : and so that motion commonly called a Suction in avoidance of Vacuity , is more properly a Protrusion , caused by the expanding particles of aer compressed . If any praecipitous Curiosity shall recur to this Sanctuary , that in the Substance of the Aer is contained Aliquid Combustibile , some combustible matter , which the hungry activity of the flame of the Tapor doth prey upon , consume and adnihilate : He runs upon a double absurdity ; ( 1 ) That in Nature is a substance , which upon the accidental admotion of Fire , is subject to absolute Adnihilation , which to suppose , smels of so great a wildness of Imagination as must justifie their sentence , who shall consign the Author of it to seven years diet on the roots of White Hellebor , nor durst any man but that Elias Artium Helmont , adventure on the publique Patronage of it . ( 2 ) That the Aer is the Pabulum , or Fewel of Fire : which though no private opinion , but passant even among the otherwise venerable Sectators of Aristotle ( who unjustly refer the Extinction of flame imprisoned , to the Defection of Aer : as intimating that the destruction of Fire , like that of Animals doth proceed from the destitution of Aliment ) is yet openly inconsistent to Reason and Experiment . To Reason , because the Aer , considered sincerely as Aer , without the admixture of vapours and exhalations , is a pure , simple and Homogeneous substance , whose parts are consimilar : not a composition of heterogeneous and dissimilar , whereof some should submit to the consumptive energie of Fire , and other some ( of the invincible temper of Salamandes Wool , or Muscovy Glass , ) con●erve their originary integrity inviolable in the highest fury of the flames . Again , Themselves unanimously approve that Definition of Galen lib. 1. de Element . cap. 1. ) Elementa sunt natura prima & simplicissima corpora , quaeque in alia non amplius dissolvi queant : that it is one of the essential Proprieties of an Element as to be ingenerable , so also Indissoluble : and as unanimously constitute the Aer to be an Element . To Experiment , because had the Fire found ( and yet it is exceedingly inquisitive , especially when directed by Appetite , according to their supposition ) any part of the Aer i●flamable ; the whole Element of aer had been long since kindled into an unive●sal and inextinguable conflagration , upon the accension of the first focal ●●re : nor could a flash of Lightning or Gunpowder ▪ be so soon extinct if the flame found any maintenance or sustentaculum in the Aer , but would enlarge it self into a Combustion more prodigious and destructive then that caused by the wild ambition of Phaeton . Most true it is , that Fire deprived of aer , doth suffer immediate extinction : yet not in respect of Aliment denyed ( for Nutrition and Vitality are ever convertible ) but of the want of room sufficient to contain its igneous and fuliginous Exhalations , which therefore recoiling back upon the flame , coarctate , suffocate , and so extinguish it . For upon the excessive and impetuous suddain afflation of aer , Flame doth instantly perish , though not imprisoned in a glass : the cause is , that the flame , not with tenacity sufficient adhaering to the body of the tapor , or lamp , is easily blown off , and being thus dislodged hath no longer subsistence in the aer . And Heat , beating upon the outside or convex part of a Glass , seems sensibly to dilate the Aer imprisoned within ; as is manifest upon the testimonie of all Thermometres , or Weather-Glasses , those only which contain Chrysulca , or Aqua Fortis in stead of Water , at least if the experiment be true , excepted : but Fire in the Concave or inside of the Glass violently compresseth the aer , by reason of its fuliginous Emissions , which wanting vacuities enough in the aer for their reception , recoil and suffocate the fire . The Fourth , this . Being in an intense frost at Droitwich in Worcestershire , and feeding my Curiosity with enquiring into the Mechanick operations of the Wallers ( so the Salt-boylers are there called ) I occasionally took notice of Yce , of considerable thickness , in a hole of the earth , at the mouth of a Furnace very great and charged with a Reverberatory fire , or Ignis rotae . Consulting with my Phylosophy , how so firm a congelation of Water could be made by Cold at the very nose of so great a fire ; I could light on no determination , wherein my reason thought it safe to acquiesce , but this . That the ambient Aer , surcharged with too great a cloud of exhalations from the fire , was forced to a violent recession or retreat , and a fresh supply of aer as violently came on to give place to the receding , and maintain the reception of fresh exhalations ; and so a third , fourth and continued relief succeeded : and that by this continued and impetuous afflux , or stream of new aer , loaden with cold Atoms , the activity of the cold could not but be by so much the more intense at the mouth of the furnace , then abroad in the open aer , by how much the more violent the stream of cold aer was there then elsewhere . To complete and assure the Experiment , I caused two dishes , of equal capacity , to be filled with river Water ; placed one at the mouth of the furnace , the other sub Dio : and found that near the furnace so nimbly creamed over with Yce , as if that visibly-freezing Tramontane Wind , which the Italian calls Chirocco , had blown there , and much sooner perfectly frozen then the other . And this I conceive to be also the reason of that impetuous suction of a stream of aer , and with it other light and spongy bodies , through the holes or pipes made in many Chimneys , to praevent the repercursion of smoke . From these observations equitably perpended and collated , our meditations adventured to infer ( 1 ) That the Aer ; as to its principal and most universal Destination was created to be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or common RECEPTARY of Exhalations : and that for the satisfaction of this End , it doth of necessity contain a Vacuum Desseminatum in those minute and insensible Incontiguities or Intervals betwixt its atomical Particles ; since Nature never knew such gross improvidence , as to ordain an End , without the codestination of the Means requisite to that End. To praevent the danger of misconstruction in this particular , we find our selves obliged to in●imate ; that in our assignation of this Function or Action to the Aer , we do not restrain the aer to this use alone : since Ignorance it self cannot but observe it necessarily inservient to the Conservation of Animals endowed with the organs of Respiration , to the transvection of Light , the convoy of odours , sounds , and all Species and Aporrhaeas , &c. but that , in allusion to that Distinction of Anatomists betwixt the Action and Use of a Part , we intend ; that the grand and most General Action of the Aer , is the Reception or entertainment of Vapours and Exhalations emitted from bodies situate in or near the Terraqueous Globe . And in this acception , allowing the Aer to be constituted the General Host to admit ; we insinuate that it hath rooms wherein to lodge the arriving Exhalations : insomuch as the necessity of the one , doth import as absolute a necessity of the other ; the existence of the Final ever attesting the existence of the Conductive , or Mediatory Cause . ( 2 ) That , though the Aer be variously interspersed with empty Interstices , or minute Incontiguities , for the reception of Exhalations : yet doth it receive them at a just Rate , Tax , or determinate Proportion , conform to its own Capacity , or Extensibility ; which cannot without Reluctancy and Violence be exceeded . For when the Vacuities , or Holds have taken in their just portage , and equal fraught , the compressed aer hoyseth sail , bears off , and surrenders the Scene to the next advenient or vicine aer , which acteth the like part successively to the continuation of the motion . This may be exemplified in the experiment of the Furnace and Chimneys newly mentioned , but more manifestly in that of the Sulphurate Tapor in the Vial : where the Aer , being overburthened with too great a conflux of fuliginous Exhalations , and its recession impeded by the stopping of the Vial , it immediately recontracteth it self , and in that renitency extinguisheth by suffocation the rude Flame , which oppressed it with too copious an afflux . As also in those of Canons and Mines ; which could not produce such portentous effects , as are dayly observed in Wars , if it were not in this respect , that the Receptaries in the Aer suffer a ra●k or extension beyond their due Capacities . For , when the Powder fired in them is , in the smallest subdivision of time , so much subtiliated , as to yeeld a Flame ( according to the compute of M●rsennus ) of 10000 parts larger in extension , then it self , while its Atoms remained in the close order and compact form of Powder ; and the Aer ▪ by reason of its imprisonment , is not able to recede , and bear off so speedily , as the velocity of the motion requires : for avoidance of a mutual Penetration of Dimensions among the minute particles of the Fire , smoke , and its own , it makes an eruption with so prodigious an impetuosity , as to shatter and evert all solid bodies situate within the orb of impediment . For the further Confirmation of our First Thesis , viz. That the Aer is interspersed with various Porosities , or Vacuities , by reason of the Incontiguity of its insensible Particles ; and that these serve to the reception of all Exhalations : we shall superadd these two considerable Arguments . ( 1 ) If this Vacuum Disseminatum of the Aer be submoved , and an absolute Plenitude in the Universe from a Continuity of all its parts supposed ; then must every the smallest motion , with dangerous violence run through the whole Engine of the World , by reason of that Continuity . ( 2 ) If the Aer were not endowed with such Porosities , other Bodies could never suffer the dilatation or rarefaction of themselves ; since , upon the subtiliation or dilatation of their minute particles , i e. the remove of their Atoms from a close to an open contexture , they possess 1000 times larger Capacities : and so there would be no room to entertain the continual Effluviums , expiring from all bodies passing their natural vicissitudes and degenerations . SECT . III. TO these Four eminent Experiments , we might have annexed others numerous enough to have swelled this Chapter into a Volume ; but conceiving them satisfactory to any moderate Curiosity , and that it can be no difficulty to a Physiological Meditation , to salve any Apparence of the same nature , by this Hypothesis of a Vacuum Disseminatum in the Aer , as the Caussa sine qua non of its Rarefaction and Condensation : we judged it more necessary to address to the discharge of the residue of our duty , vi● . to praesent it as verisimilous ; that in the Water also are variously dispersed the like Vacuola , or empty spaces , such as we have not unfitly compared to those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Intervals betwixt the Granules of Sand in a heap , in those parts where their superficies are not contiguous , in respect of the ineptitude of their Figures for mutual contact in all points . And this seems to us so illustrious a Verity , as to require neither more attestation , nor explanation , then what this one singular Experiment imports . 'T is generally known , that Water doth not dissolve Salt in an indefinite quantity , but ad certam taxam , to a certain determinate proportion ; so as being once sated with the Tincture thereof , it leaves the overplus entire and undissolved . After a long and anxious scrutiny for a full solution of this Phaenomenon , our thoughts happily fixed upon this : That , the Salt being in dissolution reduced ( Analysi ret . ograda ) into its most minute or Atomical Particles , there ought to be in the Water Consimilar or adaequate Spaces for their Reception ; and that those Spaces being once replenished , the Dissolution ( because the Reception ) ceaseth . Not unlike to a full stomach , which eructates and disgorges all meats and drinks superingested : or full vessels , which admit no liquor affused above their brim . Hereupon , having first reflected upon this , that the Atomical Particles of common Salt are Cubical ; and thereupon inferred , that , since the Locus must be perfectly adaequate to the Locatum , they could only fill those empty spaces in the water , which were also Cubical : we concluded it probable , that in the water there ought to be other empty spaces Octohedrical , Sexangular , Sphaerical , and of other Figures , which might receive the minute particles of other Salts , such as Alum , Sal Ammoniac , Halinitre , Sugar , &c. after their dissolution in the same Water . Nor did Experiment falsifie our Conjecture . For , injecting Alum parcel after parcel , for many dayes together , into a vessel of Water formerly sated with the tincture of common Salt ; we then , not without a pleasant admiration , observed that the Water dissolved the Alum as speedily , and in as great quantity , as if it altogether wanted the tincture of Salt ; nor that alone , for it likewise dissolved no small quantities of other Salts also . Which is no obscure nor contemptible Evidence , that water doth contain various insensible Loculaments , Chambers , or Receptaries of different Figures : and that this variety of those Figures doth accommodate it to extract the Tinctures of several Bodies in●ected and infused therein ▪ So as it is exceedingly difficult , to evince by Experiment that any Liquor is so sated with precedent Tinctures , as no● to be capable of others also : especially while we cannot arrive at the exact knowledge of the Figure of the Atomical Particles of the body to be infused , nor of the Figures of those minute spaces in the liquor , which remain unpossessed by the former dissolutions . Upon which reason , we are bold to suspect the truth of the Lord S. Albans assertion ; Centur. 1 Nat. Hist. ) that by repeating the infusion of Rhubarb several times , letting each dose thereof remain in maceration but a small time ( in regard to the Fineness and volatility of its Spirits , or Emanations ) a medicament may be made as strongly Catharctical or Purgative , as a simple infusion of S●amony in the like weight . For ( 1 ) when the empty spaces in the Menstruum , or Liquor , which respond in Figure to the Figure of the Atomical particles of the Rhubarb , are replenished with its Tincture ; they can admit no greater fraught , but the Imbibition of Virtue ceaseth : and that two or three infusions , at most , suffice to the repletion of those respective spaces , may be collected from hence , that the Rhubarb of the fourth infusion loseth nothing of its Purgative Faculty thereby , but being taken out and singly infused in a proportionate quantity of the like liquor , it worketh as effectually as if it had never been infused before . ( 2 ) Experience testi●ieth the Contrary , viz. that a Drachm of Scamony singly infused in an ounce and half of White wine , doth operate ( caeteris paribus ) by 15 parts of 20 , more smartly then 5 drachms of Rhubarb successively infused in the like quantity of the same or any other convenient Liquor . Here also is the most probable Cause , why two Drachms of Antimony crude , or Crocus Metallorum , give as powerful a Vomitory impraegnation to a Pint of Sa●● , or White wine , as two ounces : viz. because the menstruum hath no more Vacuities of the same Figure with the Atomical Ef●luviums of the Antimony , then what suffice to the imbibition or admission of the two Drachms . For the Certitude of this , we appeal to the experience of a Lady in Cheshire , who seduced by an irregular Charity , and an opinion of her own skill , doth praetend to the cure of the sick , and to that purpose praepares her Catholique Vomitory , consisting of four Drachms and an half of crude stibium infused all night in 3 or 4 ounces of White wine , and usually gives it ( without respect to the individual temperament of the Assument for one dose to the sick ▪ and yet , as our selves have more then once observed , the infusion doth work with no greater violence , in some persons , then as much of our common Emetique Infusion praescribed in the reformed Dispensatory of our Venerable College . Nay more then this , our selves have often reduced the Dose of the same Emetique Infusion down only to 4 Scruples , and yet found its operation come not much short of the usual Dose of an ounce . Hence also may be desumed a satisfactory reason for the impraegnation of one and the same Menstruum with various Tinctures : for Example , Why an Infusion of Rhubarb , sated with its tincture , doth afterward extract the tinctures of Agarick , Senna , the Cordial Flowers , Cremor Tartari , &c. injected according to the praescript of the judicious Physician , in order to his confection of a Compound Medicament requisite to the satisfaction of a Complex Scope or Intention . SECT . IV. A Third Argument , for the comprobation of a Vacuum Disseminatum , may be adferred from the Cause of the Difference of Bodies in the degrees of Gravity , respective to their Density or Rarity , ( i. e. ) according to the greater or less Inane Spaces interspersed among their insensible Particles . And a Fourth likewise from the reason of the Calefaction of Bodies by the subingress or penetration of the Atoms of Fire into the empty Intervals variously disseminate among their minute particles . But , in respect that we conceive our Thesis sufficiently evinced by the Praecedent Reasons ; and that the consideration of the Causes of Gravity and Calefaction , doth , according to the propriety of Method , belong to our succeeding Theory of Qualities : we may not in this place insist upon them . And as for those many Experiments of Water-hour-glasses , Syringes , Glass Fountains , Cuppinglasses , &c. by the inconvincible Assertors of the Peripatetick Physiology commonly objected to a Vacuity : we may expede them altogether in a word . We confess , those experiments do , indeed , demonstrate that Nature doth abhort a Vacuum Coacervatum ; as an heap of Sand abhors to admit an Empty Cavity great as a mans hand extracted from it : but not that it doth abhor that Vacuum Disseminatum , of which we have discoursed ; nay , they rather demonstrate that Nature cannot well consist without these small empty Spaces interspersed among the insensible Particles of Bodies , as an heap of Sand cannot consist without those small Interstices betwixt its Granules , whose Figures prohibit their mutual contact in all points . So that our Assertion ought not to be condemned as a Kaenodox inconsistent to the laws of Nature , while it imports no more then this ; that , as the Granules of a heap of Sand mutually flow together to replenish that great Cavity , which the hand of a man by intrusion had made ▪ and by extraction left , by reason of the Confluxibility of their Nature : so also do the Granules , or Atomical Particles of Aer , Water , and other Bodies of that Rare condition , flow together , by reason of the Fluidity or Confluxibility of their Nature , to praevent the creation and remanence of any considerable , or Coacervate Vacuum betwixt them . To instance in one of the Experiments objected . Water doth not distil from the upper into the lower part of a Clepsydra , or Water-hour-glass , so long as the Orifice above remains stopped ; because all places both above and below are ful , nor can it descend until , upon unstopping the hole , the aer below can give place , as being then admitted to succeed into the room of the lateral aer , which also succeeds into the room of that which en●ered above at the orifice as that succeeds into the room of the Water descending by drops , and so the motion is made by succession , and continued by a kind of Circulation . The same also may be accommodated to those Vessels , which Gardners use for the irrigation of their Plants , by opening the hole in the upper part thereof , making the water issue forth below in artificial rain . It only remains , therefore , that we endeavour to solve that Giant Difficulty , proposed in defiance of our Vacuum Disseminatum , by the mighty Mersennus ( in Phaenomen . Pneumatic . propos . 31. ) thus . Quomodo Vacuola , solitò majora in rarefactione , desinant , aut minora facta in condensatione crescant iterum : quaenam enim Elateria cogunt aerem ad sui restitutionem ? How do those Vacuities minute in the aer , when enlarged by rarefaction , recover their primitive exility ; and when diminished by condensation , re-expand themselves to their former dimensions : What Elaters or Springs are in the aer , which may cause its suddain restitution to its natural constitution of insensible particles ? We Answer ; that , as it is the most catholique Law of Nature , for every thing , so much as in it lies , to endeavour the conservation of its originary state ; so , in particular , it is the essential quality of the Aer , that its minute particles conserve their natural Contexture , and when forced in Rarefaction to a more open order , or in Condensation to a more close order , immediately upon the cessation of that expanding , or contracting violence , to reflect or restore themselves to their due and natural contexture . Nor need the Aer have any Principle or Efficient of this Reflection , other then the Fluidity or Confluxibility of its Atomical Parts : the essence or Quiddity of which Quality , we must reserve for its proper place , in our ensuing theory of Qualities . CHAP. V. A Vacuum Praeternatural . SECT . I. BEsides a Natural , or Disseminate Vacuity frequently intercepted betwixt the incontiguous Particles of Bodies ( the Argument of our immediately precedent Chapter ) not a few of the highest form in the school of Democritus have adventured to affirm not only the possibility , but frequent introduction of a Praeternatural or Coacervate Inanity : such as may familiarly be conceived , if we imagine many of those minute inane spaces congregated into one sensible void space . To assist this Paradox , the autoptical testimony of many Experiments hath been pleaded ; especially of that Glass Fountain invented by Hero ( praef . in Spirit . ) and fully described by the learned and industrious Turnebus ( in lib. de calore ) and of that Brass Cylindre , whose concave carries an Embolus , or sucker of wood , concerning which the subtle Galilaeo hath no sparing discourse in the first of his Dialogues : but , above all , of that most eminent and generally ventilated one of a Glass Cylindre , or Tube filled with Quicksilver , and inverted ; concerning which not long after the invention thereof by that worthy Geometrician , Torricellius , at Florence , have many excellent Physicomathematical Discourses been written by Monsieur Petit , Dr. Paschal Mersenn●s , Gassendus , Stephanus Natalis . Who , being all French , seemed unanimously to catch at the experiment , as a welcom opportunity to challenge all the Wits of Europe to an aemulous combat for the honour of perspicacity . Now albeit we are not yet fully convinced ▪ that the chief Phaenomenon in this illustrious Experiment doth clearly demonstrate the existence of a Coacervate Vacuity , such as is thereupon by many conce●ed , and with all possible subtlety defended by that miracle of natural Science , the incomparable Mersennus ( in reflexionib . Physicomathemat . ) yet , insomuch as it affords occasion of many rare and sublime speculations , whereof some cannot be solved either so fully , or perspicuously by any Hypothesis , as that of a Vacuum Disseminatum among the insensible particles of Aer and Water ; and most promise the pleasure of Novelty , if not the profit of satisfaction to the worthy considerer ; we judge it no unpardonable Digression , here to present to our judicious Reader , a faithful Transcript of the Experiment , together with the most rational solutions of all the admirable Apparences observed therein , first by Torricellius and the rest beyond Sea , and since more then once by our selves . The Experiment . Having praepared a Glass Tube ( whose longitude is 4 feet , and the diameter of its concavity equal to that of a mans middle finger ) and stopped up one of its extremities , or ends , with a seal Hermetical : fill it with Quicksilver , and stop the other extreme with your middle finger . Then , ha●ing with a most slow and gentle motion ( lest otherwise the great weight of the Quicksilver break it ) inverted the Tube , immerge the extreme stopt by your finger into a Vessel filled with equal parts of Quicksilver and Water , not withdrawing your finger untill the end of the Tube be at least 3 or 4 inches deep in the subjacent Quicksilver : for , so you praevent all insinuation or intrusion of Aer . This done , and the Tube fixed in an erect or perpendicular position ; upon the subduction of your finger from the lower orifice , you may observe part of the Quicksilver contained in the Tube to descend speedily into the restagnant or subjacent Quicksilver , leaving a certain space in the superior part of the Tube , according to apparence at least , absolutely Void or Empty : and part thereof ( after some Reciprocations or Vibrations ) to remain still in the Tube , and possess its cavity to a certain proportion , or altitude of 27 digits , or 2 feet , 3 digits and an half ( proximè ) constantly . Further , if you recline , with a gentle motion also , the upper extreme of the Tube , untill the lower , formerly immersed in the Quicksilver , arise up into the region of the Water incumbent on the surface of the Quicksilver : you may perceive the Quicksilver remaining in the Tube to ascend by sensible degrees up to the superior extreme thereof , together with part of the Water ; both those liquors to be confounded together ; and , at length , the Quicksilver wholly to distill down in parcels , surrendring the cavity of the Tube to the possession of the Water . Likewise , if you recline the superior extreme of the Tube , untill its altitude respond to that of 27 digits , still retaining the opposite extreme in the region of the subjacent Quicksilver in the vessel : then will the Quicksilver be sensibly impelled up again into the Tube , untill that space formerly vacated be replenished . Finally , if , when t●e Quicksilver hath fallen down to the altitude of 27 digits , the Tube be suddainly educed out of the subjacent Quicksilver and Water , so as to arrive at the confines of the Aer ; then doth the Aer rush into the Tube below , with such impetuosity , as to elevate the Quicksilver and Water contained in the Tube , to the top ; nay , to blow up the sealed end thereof , and drive out the liquors 4 or 5 feet perpendicular up in the aer ; not without some terror , though not much danger to the Experimentator , especially if he do not expect it . Now though it be here praescribed , that the Tube ought to be 4 feet in length , and the amplitude of its Cavity equal to that of an ordinary mans finger : yet is neither of these necessary ; For , whatever be the longitude , and whatever the amplitude of the Tube , still doth the Quicksilver , after various reciprocations , acquiesce and subsist at the same standard of 27 digits ; as Dr Paschal junior found by experience in his Tube 15 feet long , which he bound to a spear of the same length , so to prevent the fraction thereof , when it was erected perpendicularly , replete with Quicksilver , in libro cui titulus , Experiences Novelles touchant le Vuide . ) Among those many ( Natalis reckons up no less then 20 ) stupendious Magnalities , or rare Effects , which this eminent Experiment exhibits to observation ; the least whereof seems to require a second Oedipus more perspicacious then the first , for the accommodation thereof though but to plausible and verisimilous Causes , and might had Aristotle known it , have been reputed the ground of his despair , with more credit then that petty Problem of the frequent and irregular Reciprocation of Euripus : we have selected only six , as the most considerable , and such whose solution may serve as a bright tapor to illuminate the reason of the Curious , who desire to look into the dark and abstruce Dihoties of the rest . SECT . II. The First Capital Difficulty . WHether that Space in the Tube , betwixt the upper extreme thereof and the Quicksilver delapsed to the altitude only of 27 digits , be really an entire and absolute Vacuity ? Concerning this , some there are who confidently affirm the space between the superfice of the Quicksilver defluxed and the superior extreme of the Tube , to be an absolute COACERVATE VACUITIE : such as may be conceived , if we imagine some certain space in the world to be , by Divine or miraculous means , so exhausted of all matter or body , as to prohibit any corporeal transflux through the same . And the Reasons , upon which they erect their opinion , are these subsequent . This space , if possessed by any Tenent , must be replenished either with common Aer , or with a more pure and subtle substance called Aether , which some have imagined to be the Universal Caement or common Elater , by which a general Continuity is maintained through all parts of the Universe , and by which any Vacuity is praevented : or by some exhalation from the mass of Quicksilver included in the Tube . First , that it is not possessed by Aer , is manifest from several strong and convincing reasons . ( 1 ) Because the inferior end of the Tube , D , is so immersed into the subjacent mass of Quicksilver below the line EF , that no particle of aer can enter thereat . ( 2 ) Because , if there were aer in the Tube filling the deserted space CK , then would not the circumambient or extrinsecal aer , when the Tube is educed out of the restagnant Quicksilver , and Water , rush in with that violence , as to elevate the remainder of the Quicksilver in the Tube , from K to D , up to the top C , and break it open , as is observed : in regard , that could not happen without a penetration of bodies . So that , if we suppose any portion of aer to have slipped into the Tube below , at the subduction of the finger that closed the orifice : then would not the Mercury reascending ( upon the inclination of the Tube down to the horizontal line KM , ) rise up quite to the top C , but subsist at OP . But the contrary is found upon the experiment . ( 4 ) If any portion of Aer chance to intrude into the cavity of the Tube , which may come to pass either if , when the superior orifice of the Tube is inverted , it be not exactly obturated by the finger of the Experimentator ; or , if at the extraction of his finger the lower e●treme be not immersed deep enough in the subjacent Mercury , to prevent the subingress of some aer ; or , if the orifice of the Tube educed out of the region of the subjacent Mercury and Water ▪ be not wholly deobturated at once , but so as there is only some slender inlet of Aer : We say , if in any of these Cases it happen , that some small portion of aer be admitted into the cavity of the Tube ; we have the evidence of our sense , and the most infallible one too , that the aer so admitted doth not ascend to the top C , but remaine visible in certain small Bubbles ( such as usually mount up to the surface of seething water ) immediately upon the superfice of the Mercury at the altitude of 27 digits K. As if , indeed , the aer were attracted , and in a manner chained down by the Magnetical Effluviums of the earth , together with the pendent Quicksilver : which having more Ansulae or Fastnings , whereon the small Hooks of the Magnetical Chains exhaling from the Globe of the Earth , may be accommodately fixed , is therefore attracted downward more forcibly , and , in that respect , is reputed to have the greater proportion of Gravity . Again , If upon the inclination of the Tube , and the succeeding repletion of the same by the regurgitating Mercury , that portion of aer formerly entered be propelled up to the top of the Tube , C ; and then the Tube again reduced to its perpendicular , so as the Quicksilver again deflux to K : in this case the aer doth not remain at C , but sinks down as formerly to K also , and there remains incumbent upon the face of the Quicksilver . Which Descent of the aer cannot be more probably referred to any Cause , then the Attraction of the Magnetick streams of the Earth . ( 5 ) Having admitted some few Bubbles of aer to slide up by the margine of the Mercury into the desert Space KC ; and then reclined the Tube to the altitude of the horizontal line KM : you may perceive the delapsed Quicksilver not to be repelled up again quite to the top , as before the irreption of aer , but to make a stand when it arrives at the confines of the included aer at OP , leaving so much space , as is requisite for the reception of it . Nor can it do otherwise , without a penetration of Dimensions , by the location of two Bodies in one and the same place . ( 6 ) Moreover , after the acquiescence of the Quicksilver at K , if you stop the inferior extreme D , with your finger , while it remains immersed in the restagnant Quicksilver EF , so as to praeclude the irreption of any more aer ; and then invert the Tube again : the Scene of the Desert Capacity CK , will be changed to the contrary extreme stopt by your finger , and yet without the least sign of aer pervading the mass of Quicksilver in a kind of small stream of Bubbles , contrary to what evene's , when aer is admitted into the Tube in a small quantity , for in that case , upon the inversion of the Tube , you may plainly behold an intersection between the descending Quicksilver and the ascending aer , which mounts up through it in a small stream or thread of Bubbles . ( 7 ) To those , who conceive that a certain portion of the Circumstant Aer , being forced by the compression of the restagnant Mercury in the Vessel , rising higher , upon the deflux of the Mercury contained in the Tube , doth penetrate the sides of the Tube , and so replenish the desert Capacity therein : we answer ; that though we deny not but aer may penetrate the pores or Incontiguities of Glass , since that is demonstrable in Weather Glasses , and in the experiment of Sr. Kenelm Digby , of making a sensible transudation of Mercury mixt with Aqua Fortis in a Bolt-head , through the sides thereof , if gently confricated with a Hares-foot on the outside ; yet cannot it be made out , that therefore the Desert Capacity in the Tube is possessed with Aer , for two inoppugnable reasons . ( 1 ) Because though the Tube be made of Brass , Steel , or any other Metal , whose conte●ture is so close , as to exclude the subtlest aer , yet shall the Experiment hold the same in all Apparences , and particularly in this of the deflux of the Quicksilver to the altitude of 27 digits . ( 2 ) Because , if the desert Cavity were replete with aer ; the incumbent aer could not rush in to the Tube , at the eduction of its lower end D , out of the restagnant Mercury and Water , with such violence ; since no other cause can be assigned for its impetuous rushing into the Tube , but the regression of the compressed parts of the ambient aer to their natural laxity , and to the repletion of the violent or forced Vacuity . Since , if the whole Space in the Tube were possessed , i. e. if there were as many particles of Body , as Space therein : doubtless , no part of place could remain for the reception of the irruent aer . Secondly , As for that most subtile and generally penetatrive substance , AETHER , or pure Elementary Fire which some have imagined universally diffused through the vast Body of Nature principally for the maintenance of a Continuity betwixt the parts thereof ▪ and so the avoidance of any Vacuity , though ne're so exile and minute ; we do not find our selves any way obliged to admit , that the Desert Space in the Tube is repleted with the same , untill the Propugnators of that opinion shall have abandoned their Fallacy , Petitio principii , a praecarious assumption of what remains dubious and worthy a serious dispute , viz. That Nature d●th irreconcileably abhor all vacuity , per se. For , until they have evinced beyond controversie , that Nature doth not endure any Emptiness or solution of Continuity , quatenus an Emptiness , and not meerly ex Accidenti , upon some other sinister and remote respect : their Position , that she provided that subtile substance , Aether , chiefly to prevent any Emptiness , is rashly and boldly anticipated , and depends on the favour of Credulity for a toleration . Nor is it so soon demonstrated , as affirmed , that all Vacuity is repugnant to the fundamental constitution of Nature . Naturam abhorrere Vacuum , is indeed , a maxim , and a true one : but not to be understood in any other then a metaphorical sense . For , as every Animal , by the instinct of self-conservation , abhors the solution of Continuity in his skin , caused by any puncture , wound , or laceration ; though it be no offence to him to have his skin pinkt or perforated all over with insensible pores : so also by the indulgence of a Metaphor , may Nature be said to abhor any great or sensible vacuity , or solution of Continuity , such as is imagined in the Desert Space of the Tube ; though it be familiar , nay useful and grateful to her , to admit those insensible inanities , or minute porosities , which constitute a Vacuum Disseminatum . We say , by the indulgence of a Metaphor ; because we import a kind of sense in Nature , analogous to that of Animals . And , tollerating this Metaphorical Speech , that Nature hath a kind of sense like that of Animals ; yet , if we allow for the vastity of her Body can it be conceived no greater trouble or offence to her , to admit such a solution of Continuity , or Emptiness , as this supposed in the Desert space of the Tube , then to an Animal , to have any one pore in his skin more then ordinarily relaxed and expanded for the transudation of a drop of sweat . This perpended , it can seem no Antiaxiomatisme , to affirm , that nature doth not abhor Vacuity , per se , but onely ex Accidenti : i. e. upon this respect , that in Nature is somewhat , for whose sake she doth not , without some reluctany , admit a Coacervate or sensible Vacuity . Now that somewhat existent in Nature per se , in relation to which , she seems to oppose and decline any sensible Vacuity , can be no other then the Fluxility of her Atomical Particles , especially those of Fire , Air , and Water . And , for ought we poor Haggard Mortals do , or can , by the Light of Nature , know to the contrary , all those vast spaces from the margent of the Atmosphere , whose altitude exceeds not 40 miles ( according to Mersennus and Cassendus ) perpendicular , up to the Region of the fixed Stars ; are not only Fluid , but Inane ; abating only those points , which are pervaded by the rayes of the Sun and other Celestial Bodies . But , why should we lead the thoughts of our Reader up to remote objects , whose sublimity proclaims their incertitude ; when from hence only , that the Aer is a Fluid substance : it is a manifest , direct and unstrained consequence , that the immediate cause of its avoidance of any sensible or coacervate Vacuity , is the Confluxibility of its Atomical particles ; which being in their natural contexture contiguous in some , though not all points of their superficies , must of necessity press or bear each upon other , and so mutually compel each other , that no one particle can be removed out of its place , but instantly another succeeds and possesses it ; and so there can be no place left empty , as hath been frequently explained by the simile of a heap of Sand ? Now , if the Confluxibility of the insensible particles of the aer , be the immediate and per se Cause of its avoidance of any aggregate sensible solution of Continuity : we need no farther justification of our position , that Nature doth oppose vacuity sensible not per se , but only in order to the affection of Confluxibility , i. e. ex Accidenti Again , should we swallow this praecarious supposition of the Aether , with no less pertinacity , then ingenuity asserted by many Moderns , but professedly by Natalis , in both his Treatises ( Physica Vetus & Nova , & Plenum experimentis novis confirmatum ) and admit , that Nature provided that most tenuious and fluid substance chiefly to praevent Vacuity : yet cannot the Appetite of our Curiosity be satisfied , that the Desert space in the tube is replenished with the same , prenetrating through the glass ; untill they have solved that Apparence of the violent irruption of the ambient Aer into the orifice of the tube , so soon as it is educed out of the subjacent liquors , the Quicksilver and Water , by the same Hypothesis . Which whether they have done , so as to demonstrate , that the sole cause of the Aers impetuous rushing into the canale of the Tube , and prodigiously elevating the ponderous bodies of Quicksilver and Water residuous therein , is not the Reflux of the incumbent aer , by the ascention of the restagnant Quicksilver in the vessel , compressed to too deep and diffused a subingression of its insensible Particles , to recover its natural laxity , by regaining those spaces , from which it was expelled and secluded ; and to supply the defect of this reason , by substituting some other syntaxical to their hypothesis of the Aether , which shall be more verisimilous and plausible : this we ought to refer to the judgment of those , who have attentively and aequitably perused their Writings . Lastly , as for the third thing supposed to replenish the Desert space in the Tube , viz. A certain spiritual Efflux , or Halitus , in this exigent , educed out of the Mass of Quicksilver , by a secret force of Nature , which makes any shift to avoyd that horrid enemy of hers , Inanity ; we deny not the possibility of extracting or exhaling a spiritual substance from Quicksilver , fine enough to possess such a space , without obnubilating it : but cannot conceive in this case , what should be the efficient of that Extraction ; for who can acquiess in that General , a secret Force of Nature ? ( 2 ) What becomes of that Exhalation , when the Tube , meerly upon its reclination to the altitude of the Horizontal line , K. M. is repossessed with Mercury ; for , to admit its reduction to what it was before separation , is to suppose a second secret force in Nature syncritical , or Conjunctive , Antagonist to the former Diacritical or Separative , which operateth without Heat , as the other without Cold : and to admit , its expiration through the pores or incontiguities of the Glass , is either to suppose the same portion of Quicksilver rich enough in spirit to replenish that Desert space a thousand times successively , in case the Tube be so often elevated and reclined ; for if all the spiritual substance be once exhausted , then must that Fox , Nature , recur to another expedient , or else tollerate a vacuity Coacervate ; or to suppose that the same exhalation doth again return into the Glass , by the same slender ways it expired , which is a Fancy worthy the smile of Heraclitus . ( 3 ) How this Halitus , in respect it is praesumed more rare and subtile , then the aer admittible by the orifice of the Tube , upon its reseration , can consist without Inanity Disseminate : which implicateth an Universal Plenitude . And these are the Reasons , which at first inclined our judgement to determine on their part , who opinion the Desert space in the Tube to be an absolute Coacervate Vacuity . But , it was not long , before our second and more circumspect cogitations , assisted by time , which insensibly delivered our mind from that pleasant enchantment of novel conceptions , and reduced it to that just temper of indifferency , requisite to sincere discernment and aequitable arbitration ; perpending also the Arguments impugning the former perswasion of a Coacervate Vacuity , and diminishing it down onely to a Disseminate one in the Desert space of the Tube : found them , by incomparable excesses , to preponderate the former , and with many more grains or moments of Verisimilty to counterpoyse our judgement to their end of the balance . And the Arguments Negative , are these . 1 ) Manifest it is even to the most critical of our senses , that LIGH Tpenetrating the sides of the Glass Tube , doth totally pervade the Desert Space : therefore it cannot be an absolute sensible Vacuum . Now , that Light is a Body , or that the rayes of Light are certain ▪ Corporeal , though most minute Effluviums transmitted from the luminous Body , or Focus ; is a Truth so universally embraced by all Knowing men , and upon such apodictical commendations , that here to demonstrate it , would not only be an unseasonable Digression , but a criminal Parergy . ( 2 ) Though the Tube might be made of some metal , or other material , whose contexture of Atomical Particles is so dense and compact , as not to permit the trajection of the beams of Light ; and though the Experiment would be the same , in all Apparences , if made in the dark : yet may the Desert Space be possessed by the subtle Atoms of Heat , or Cold , proceeding from the ambient aer , and insinuating themselves through the incontiguities of the Tube . That the Atoms of Heat and Cold ordinarily transfix Glass , is evident from the Experience of Weather-glasses : in which the cause of the descent of the Water included , is the Rarefaction of the aer therein by the Heat , and the cause of the ascent of the water in cold Weather , is the Condensation of the same aer by Cold ; neither of which were possible , if the subingression of Cold and Hot Atoms through the Glass were excluded . And , that the aer incarcerated in a Thermometre , or Temperamental organ of Silver , Coper , or Brass , is subject to the same mutations of qualities , upon the same vicissitude of Causes : hath been so frequently experimented , as to cut off all praetext of diffidence . Which is also a sufficient manifest , that the Atoms of Heat and Cold are more exile and penetrative , then those of the common Aer of use to Animals in Respiration : insomuch as they insinuate themselves through such bodies , whose almost continued parts interdict the intrusion of the grosser particles of Aer , which cannot permeate through ordinary Glass . ( 1 ) Because , if you shut your self in a closet , or chamber , that hath but one small window consisting of one entire pane of Glass , and that so caemented into Lead , as that no chinke is left between ; and whose cranies as well in the door , as elsewhere are all damm'd up : you cannot hear the voice of another person , though speaking very loud and near the Glass on the outside , notwithstanding you lay your ear close thereunto . Now , since a Sound ( at least the Vehicle of a sound ) can be nought else , but a subtle portion of the aer modified ; as shall be professedly commonstrated , when time hath brought us so far on our praesent journey , as the proper place for our Enquiry into the Nature of Sounds : and yet this so subtle and fine a portion of the aer cannot penetrate Glass of an ordinary thickness : we have the auctority of no weak nor obscure Reason , to countenance this our Conjecture , that the Atoms of Cold and Heat , are more exile and searching , then the common Aer . ( 2 ) If you include small Fishes in a large vial of the thinnest Glass , filled with River water ; they may live therein for many months , provided the orifice of the Glass remain open and free to the aer : but , if you once stop it , so as to exclude the aer , they shall expire in few moments . Whence we may conclude , that however Fishes seem to have an obscure kind of Respiration , such as may be satisfied with that small portion of Aer , which is commixt with Water : yet is not that thin and subtile aer , supposed to penetrate Glass , the same they ( or any other Animal ) use in Respiration . Which had those grand Masters of mysterious Disquisitions , Mersennus and Robervallius animadverted ; they might have soon divined , what would be the event of their intended Experiment , of including some small Animal , as a Mouse or Grashopper , in a Glass of sufficient capacity , and luting on the same on the top of the Tube , where the Desert Space useth to be , in the Experiment of Mercury , so to try whether the vital organs thereof could keep on their motions in a place devoid of aer : insomuch as that purer substance dimanant from the region of the circumjacent Aer , is not corporeal enough to serve the necessity of Respiration in any Animal , though ne're so minute . The manner of making this Experiment , is , by Mersennus ( p. 50. reflect . physicomathemat . ) praescript , thus : Porro , operae praetium foret aliquam muscam admodum vegetam & robustam , v. c. Crabronem , aut Vespam , in tubo includere , priusquam Mercurio impleretur , ut post depletionem ad altitudinem 27 digit . proximè , videretur n●m in eo Vacuo , aut , si mavis , aethere viveret , ambularet , volaret , & num Bombus à volante produceretur . ( 3 ) Deducting the possibility of both these , there yet remains a Third substance , which may well be conceived to praevent a Coacervate Vacuity in the forsaken space of the Tube : and that 's the MAGNETICAL EFFLUX of the Earth . For ( 1 ) that the Terraqueous Globe is one great Magnet , from all points of whose superfice are uncessantly deradiated continued Threads or beams of subtle insensible Aporrhaea's , by the intercession whereof all Bodies , whose Descent is commonly adscribed to Gravity , are attracted towards its Centre ; in like manner as there are continually expired from the body of the Loadstone invisible Chains , by the intercession whereof Iron is nimbly allected unto it : is so generally conceded a position among the Moderns , and with so solid reasons evicted by Gilbert , Kircher , Cartesius , Gassendus and others , who have professedly made disquisitions and discourses on that subject ; that we need not here retard our course , by insisting on the probation thereof . ( 2 ) That , as the Magnetical expirations of the Loadstone , are so subtle and penetrative , as in an instant to transfix and shoot through the most solid and compact bodies , as Marble , Iron , &c. without impediment ; as is demonstrable to sense , the interposition of what solid body soever , situate within the orb of energy , in no wise impeding the vertical or polory impregnation of a steel Needle by a Magnet loricated , or armed : so also the Magnetical Effluvias of the Globe of Earth do pervade and pass through the mass of Quicksilver contained both in the Tube , and the Vessel beneath it , and fixing their Uncinulae or hamous points , on the Ansulae , or Fastnings of the Quicksilver therein , attract it downward perpendicularly toward the Centre : is deduceable from hence , that if any Bubbles of aer chance to be admitted into the Tube together with the Quicksilver , that aer doth not ascend to the top of the Tube , but remains incumbent immediately upon the summity of the Quicksilver , as being , in respect of its cognation to the Earth , attracted and as it were chained down by the Magnetical , Emanations of the Earth transmitted through al interjacent bodies , and hooked upon it . For we shall not incur the attribute of arrogance , if we dare any man to assign the incumbence of the aer upon the Mercury , to any more probable Cause . It being , therefore most Verisimilous , that the Earth doth perpetually exhale insensible bodies from all points of its surface , which tending upward in direct lines , penetrate all bodies situate within the region of vapors , or Atmosphere without resistence ; and particularly the masses of Quicksilver in the Tube and subjacent vessel : we can discover no shelf , that can disswade us from casting anchor in this serene Haven ; That the magnetical Exhalations of the Earth , do possess the Desert space in the Tube , so as to exclude a sensible Vacuity . We said , so as to exclude a sensible Vacuity , thereby intimating that it is no part of our conception , that either the Rayes of Light , or the Atoms of Heat and Cold , or the Magnetical Effluvia●s of the Earth , or all combined together , do so enter and possess the Desert ●pace , as to cause an absolute Plenitude therein . For , doubtless , were all those subtle Effluxions coadunated into one dense and solid mass ; it would not arise to a magnitude equal so much as to the 10th , nay the 40th part of the capacity abandoned by the delapsed Mercury . But fill it to that proportion , as to leave only a Vacuity Disseminate : such as is introduced into an Aeolipile , when by the Atoms of fire entered into , and variously discurrent through its Concavity , the insensible Particles of Aer and Water therein contained , are reduced to a more lax and open order , and so the inane Incontiguities betwixt them ampliated . And this we judge sufficient concerning the solution of the First Difficulty . SECT . III. The Second Capital Difficulty . WHat is the immediate Remora , or Impediment , whereby the Aer , which in respect of the natural Confluxibility of its insensible particles , so strongly and expeditely praeventeth any excessive vacuity , in all other cases , is forced to suffer it in this of the Experiment ? The Solution . Insomuch as the Fluidity , or Confluxibility of the Atomical or insensible particles of the Aer , is the proxime and sole Cause of Natures abhorrence of all sensible Vacuity ; as hath been proved in the praecedent Section : Manifest it is , that whosoever will admit a Vacuity excessive , or against the rite of Nature , must , in order to the introduction or Creation thereof , admit also two distinct Bodies ; ( 1 ) One , which being moved out of its place , must propel the contiguous aer forward . ( 2 ) Another , which interposed , must hinder the parts of the circumstant aer , propulsed by the parts of the aer impelled by the first movent , from obeying the Confluxibility of their Figure , and succeeding into the place deserted by the body first moved . Which is the very scope , that the profound Galilaeo proposed to himself , when He invented a wooden Cylindre , as an Embolus or Sucker to be intruded into another concave Cylindre of Brass , imperviously stopped below ; that by the force of weights appended to the outward extreme , or handle thereof , the sucker might be gradually retracted from the bottom of the Concave , and so leave all that space , which it forsaketh , an entire and coacervate Vacuum . Upon which design Torricellius long after meditating , and casting about for other means more conveniently satisfactory to the same intention ; He most happily lighted upon the praesent Experiment : wherein the Quicksilver became an accommodate substitute to Galilaeo's wooden sucker , and the Glass Tube to the Brass concave Cylindre . The remaining part of the Difficulty , therefore , is only this relative Scruple ; How the Aer can be propelled by the wooden sucker , downward , or by the restagnant Quicksilver in the Vessel , upward , when externally there is provided no void space for its reception ▪ For , indeed in the ordinary Translation of bodies through the aer , it is no wonder that the adjacent aer is propelled by them ; since they leave as much room behind them , as the aer propelled before them formerly possessed , whereinto it may and doth recur : but in this case of the Experiment , the condition is far otherwise , there being , we confess , a place left behind , but such as the aer propelled before cannot retreat into it , in regard of the interposition of another dense solid & impervious body . Upon which consideration , we formerly and pertinently reflected when reciting some of those Experiments vulgarly objected to a Vacuum Disseminatum , we insisted particularly upon that of a Garden Irrigatory : shewing , that the Reason of the Waters subsistence , or pendency therein , so long as the orifice in the Neb remains stopped , is the defect of room for the aer pressed upon by the basis of the Water to recur into upon its resignation of place ; because all places being full , there can be none whereinto the inferior aer may recede , until upon deobstruction of the hole above , the circumjacent aer enters into the cavity of the Vessel , and resignes to the aer pressed upon below , and so the motion begins and continues by a successive surrender of places . For , though the aer contiguous to the bottom of the Irrigatory , be not sufficient to resist the compressure of so great a weight of water , by the single renitency of the Confluxibility of its atomical particles ; yet the next contiguous aer , possessing the vicine spaces , and likewise wanting room to recede into , when compelled by the first aer , aggravates the resistence : which becomes so much the greater , by how much the farther the pressure is extended among the parts of the circumjacent aer ; and by so much the farther , is the pressure of the circumjacent aer extended , by how much the greater is the pressure of the next contiguous aer ; and that pressure is proportionate to the degrees of Gravity and velocity in the body descendent . Which is manifestly the reason , why the water doth not descend through the perforated bottom of the Vessel , viz. because the Gravity thereof is not sufficient to counterpoyse so diffused , prolix , and continued resistence , as is made and maintained by the confluxibility of the parts of the circumambient aer successively uniting their forces . Notwithstanding this seeming plenitude , we may absolve our reason from the intricacy of the scruple , by returning : that , though all places about the Tube are filled with aer , yet not without some Laxity . So , though there be , indeed , no sensible or coacervate space , wherein there are not some parts of the aer : yet are there many insensible or disseminate spaces , or ●oculaments variously interspersed among the incontiguous ( in all points ) particles of the aer , which are unpossessed by any Tenent at all . For the familiarizing of this Nicety , let us have recourse once again to our so frequently mentioned example of a heap of Corne. When we have poured Corne into a Bushel up to the brim thereof ; the capacity seems wholly possessed by the Graines of Corne , nor is there therein any space , which sensibly contains not some Graines : yet if we shake the bushel , or depress the Corne , the Graines sink down in a closer posture , and leave a sensible space in the upper part of the bushel , capable of a considerable access or addition . The reason is , that the Grains , at their first infusion , in respect of the ineptitude of their Figures for mutual contact , in all points of their super●icies , intercept many empty spaces betwixt them ; which dispersed minute inane spaces are reduced to one great and coacervate or sensible space , in the superior part of the Continent , when , by the succussion of the vessel , the Grains are disposed into a closer posture , i. e. are more accommodated for mutual contingency in their ends and sides . Thus also may aer be so compressed , as the Granules , or insensible particles of it , being reduced to a more close or dense order , by the s●bingression of some particles of the aer nearest to the body Compressing , into the incontiguities of the next neighbouring aer ; may possess much less of space , then before compression ; and consequently surrender to the body propelling or compressing , leaving behind a certain space absolutely devoid of aer , at least , such as doth appear to contain no aer . But this Difficulty , Hydra-like , sends out two new Heads in the room of one cut off . For , Curiosity may justly thus expostul●te . ( 1 ) Have you not formerly affirmed , that no body can be moved , but it must compel the aer forward , to suffer a certain subingression of its insensible particles into the pores , or Loculaments of the next contiguous aer , such as is requisite to the leaving of a space behind it for the admission of the body moved ? And , if so ; how comes it , that when most bodies are moved through the aer , with so much facility , and therefore cause the parts thereof before them to intrude themselves into the incontiguities of the next vicine aer , with a force so small , as that it is altogether insensible : yet in this case of the Experiment , is required so great a force to effect the subingression and mutual Coaptation of the parts of the aer ? The Cause seems to be this . In all common motions of bodies through the liberal aer , there is left a Space behind , into which the parts of the aer may instantly circulate , and deliver themselves from compression ; and so there is a subingression and Coaptation of only a few parts necessary , and consequently the motion is tolerated without any sensible Resistence : but in this Case of the Experiment , in regard there is no place left behind by the Propellent , into which the compressed parts of the aer may be effused ; necessary it is that the parts of aer immediately contiguous to the body Propellent , in their retrocession and subingression compress the parts of the next contiguous aer ; which though they make some resistence ( proportionate to their measure of Confluxibility ) do yet yeild , retrocede , and intrude themselves into the incontiguities of the next contiguous aer ; and those making also some resistence , likewise yeild , retrocede , and insinuate themselves into the Loculaments of the next , which acts the like part upon the next , and so successively . So that a greater force then ordinary is required to subdue this gradually multiplied resistence successively made and maintained by the many circumfused parts of the aer ; and to effect , that the retrocession , subingression and coaptation of the parts of the aer be propagated farther and farther , untill convenient room be made , for the reception of the body Propellent . ( 2 ) Whence do you derive this Resistence of the Aer ? From its Gravity . For , the Aer of its own nature is Heavy , and can be said to be Light only comparatively , or as it is less ponderous then Water and Earth : nor can there be given any more creditable reason of the Aers tendency upward here below near the convexity of the Earth , then this ; that being in some degree ponderous in all its particles , they descend downwards from the upper region of the Atmosphere , and in their descent bear upon and mutually compel each other , untill they touch upon the surface of the Earth , and are by reason of the solidity and hardness thereof repercussed or rebounded up again to some distance : so that the motion of the Aer upwards near the face of the Earth , is properly Resilition , and no natural , but a violent one . Now , insomuch as the Aer seems to be no other , but a common Miscelany of minute bodies , exhaled from Earth and Water and other concretious sublunary , and proportionately to their Crassitude or Exility , emergent to a greater or less altitude : it can be no illegal process for us to infer , that all parts thereof are naturally endowed with more or less Gravity proportionate to their particular bulk ; whether that Gravity be understood to be ( as common Physiology will have it ) a Quality congenial and inhaerent , or ( as Verisimility ) their conformity to the magnetick Attraction of the Earth . And , insomuch as this Gravity is the cause of the mutual Depression among the particles of aer in their tendency from the upper region of the Atmosphere down to the surface of the Earth : we may well conceive , that the Depression of the inferior parts of the aer by the superior incumbent upon them , is the origine immediate from whence that Reluctancy or Resistence , observed in the Experiment , upon the induction of a praeternatural Inanity between the Parts thereof . But a farther prosecution and illustration of this particular , depends on the solution of the next Problem . SECT . IV. The Third Capital Difficulty . WHat is the Cause of the Quicksilvers not descending below that determinate Altitude , or Standard of 27 digits ? Solution . The Resistence of the parts of the aer , which endures no compression , or subingress of its insensible particles , beyond that certain proportion , or determinate rate . To profound this mystery of Nature to the bottom , we are to request our Reader to endure the short recognition of some passages in our praecedent discourses . ( 1 ) That upon the ordinary translation of bodies through the Aer , the resistence of its insensible parts is so small , as not to be discoverable by the sense ; because the subingression of its contiguous parts into the loculaments of the next vicine aer , is only perexile , or superficial : and that we may safely imagine this superficial subingression not to be extended beyond the thickness of a single hair ; nay , in some cases , perhaps , not to the hundreth part thereof . So stupendiously subtle are the fingers of Nature in many of her operations . But , that the resistence observed in the present Experiment , for the enforcing of a praeternatural Vacuum , is therefore deprehensible by the sense , because in respect of a defect of place behind the body propellent , into which the parts of the aer compelled forward may circulate , the subingression must be more profound ; and so the resistence being propagated farther and farther by degrees , must grow multiplied , and consequently sensible . ( 2 ) That the Force of the body propellent is greater , then the force of the next contiguous aer protruding the next , and the force of the third protruded wave of the aer ( for a kind of Undulation may be ascribed to aer ) greater on the Fourth , then that of the Fourth upon the Fifth , and so progressionally to the extrem of its diffusion or extension : so that the Force becomes so much the weaker and more oppugnable , by how much the farther it is extended ; and dwindles or languishes by degrees into a total cessation . ( 3 ) That , as upon the succussion , or shock of a Bushel apparently full of Corn , is left a certain sensible space above , unpossessed by any part or Grain thereof ; which coacervate empty space responds in proportion to those many Disseminate Vacuola , or Loculaments intercepted among the incontingent sides of the Grains , before their reduction to a more close order by the succussion of the Bushel : so likewise , upon the impulse of the aer by a convenient body , is left behind a sensible space absolutely empty , as to any part of aer ; which Coacervate empty space must respond in proportion to those many Disseminate spaces intercepted among the incontiguous parts , or Granules of the aer , before their reduction to a more close order , or mutual subingression and coaptation of sides and points , by the body compressing . These Notions recogitated , our speculations may progress with more advantage to explore the proxime and proper Cause of the Mercuries constant subsistence at the altitude of 27 digits , in the Tube perpendicularly erected . For , upon the credit of their importance , we may justly assume ; that upon the compression of the circumambient Aer by a small quantity of Quicksilver ( suppose only of two or three inches ) impendent in the concave of the tube , can be caused , indeed , some small subingression of the particles thereof ; but such , as is only superficial and insensible : in respect the weight of so small a proportion of Quicksilver is not of force sufficient to propel the parts of the aer to so great a crassitude that the space detracted from the Aggregate of Disseminate Vacuities should amount to that largness , as to become visible above the Quicksilver in the Tube ; since the quantity of the Quicksilver being supposed little , the force of Reluctancy , or Resistence in the parts of the aer , arising from their inhaerent Fluidity , must be greater then the force of compression arising from Gravity ; and therefore there succeeds no sensible Deflux of the Quicksilver . But , being that a greater and greater mass of Quicksilver may be successively infused into the Tube , and so the compressive force of its Gravity be respectively augmented ; and thereupon the aer become less and less able successively to make resistence : 't is difficult not to observe , that the proportion of Compression from Gravity in the Quicksilver , may be so equalized to the Resistence from Gravity in the Aer , as that both may remain in statu quo , without any sensible yeilding on either side . Hence comes it , that at the aequipondium of these two Antagonists , the space in the Tube detracted from the Aggregate of minute Inanities disseminate in the aer , is so small as not to be commensurated by sense : and at the cessation of the Aequilibrium , or succeding superiority of the encreased weight of the Quicksilver , the parts of the Aer being compelled thereby to a farther retrocession and subingression ; the space detracted from the Aggregate of disseminate Vacuities in the aer , becomes larger , and consequently sensible , above the Quicksilver in the upper region of the Tube . This may be most adaequately illustrated , by the simile of a strong man , standing on a plane pedestal , in a very high wind . For , as He by a small afflation or gust of wind , is in some degree urged or prest upon , though not so much as to cause him to give back ; because the force of his resistence is yet superior to that of the Wind assaulting and impelling him ; nor , when the force of the Wind grows upon him even to an Aequilibrium , is He driven from his station , because his resistence is yet equal to the impulse of the wind ; but when the force of the Wind advances to that height , as to transcend the Aequilibrium , then must the man be compelled above the rate of his resistence , and so be abduced from the place of his station : so likewise , while there is only a small quantity of Quicksilver contained in the Tube , though , by the intervention or mediation of the Quicksilver restagnant in the subjacent vessel , it press upon the parts of the incumbent aer , in some degree ; yet is not the aer thereby urged so , as to be compelled to retrocede , and permit the restagnant Quicksilver to ascend higher in the vessel ; and therefore the Quicksilver impendent in the Tube cannot descend , because the restagnant wants room to ascend . But , when the quantity , and so the Gravity of the Quicksilver contained in the Tube is so augmented , as to exceed the Resistence of the aer ; then is the aer compelled or driven back , by the restagnant Quicksilver rising upwards , to a sensible subingression of its atomical particles , and the Quicksilver in the Tube instantly defluxeth into the place resigned by the restagnant , until it arriveth at that point of altitude , or standard , where the resistence of the aer becomes again equal to the force compressing it , and there subsisteth , after various reciprocations up and down in the Tube . Now concerning the remaining , and , indeed , the most knotty part of the Difficulty , viz. Why the Aequilibrium of these two opposite Forces , is constant to the certain praecise altitude of 27 digits ? of this admirable Magnale no other cause seems worthily assignable , but this ; that such is the nature of aer , in respect both of the atomical particles of which it is composed , and of the disseminate vacuities variously interspersed among them , as that it doth resist compression at such a determinate rate , or definite proportion , as exactly responds to the altitude of 27 digits . Should it be demanded of us , Why He , who stands on a plane , doth resist the impulse of a mighty wind to such a determinate rate or height , but not farther : we conceive our Answer would be satisfactory to the ingenious , if we returned only , that such is the exact proportion of his strength , resulting from the individual temperament of his body . We are Men , i. e. Moles ; whose weak and narrow Opticks are accommodated only to the inspection of the exterior and low parts of Nature , not perspicacious enough to penetrate and transfix her interior and abstruse Excellencies : nor can we speculate her glorious beauties in the direct and incident line of Essences and Formal Causes , but in the refracted and reflected one of Effects ; nor that , without so much of obscurity , as leaves a manifest incertitude in our Apprehensions , and restrains our ambition of intimate and apodictical Science , to the humble and darksome region of mere superficial Conjecture . Such being the condition of our imperfect Intellectuals ; when we cannot explore the profound recesses , and call forth the Formal Proprieties of some Natures , but find our disquisitive Faculties terminated in the some Apparences , or Effects of them : it can be no derogation to the dignity of Humanity , for us to rest contented , nay thankful to the Bounty of our Creator , that we are able to erect verisimilous Conjectures concerning their causation , and to establish such rational Apprehensions or Notions thereupon , as may , without any incongruity , be laudably accommodated to the probable solution of other consimilar Effects , when we are required to yeild an account of the manner of their arise from their proper originals . Thus , from our observation of other things of the like condition , having extracted a rational Conjecture , that this so great Gravity of the Quicksilver doth depend upon the very Contexture of its insensible particles , or minute bodies , whereof it doth consist , by which they are so closely and contiguously accommodated each to other in the superficies of their points and sides , as no body whatever ( Gold only excepted ) doth contain more parts in so small a bulk , nor consequently more Ansulae , or Fastnings , whereon the Magnetique Hooks of the Earth are fixable , in order to its attraction downward : and on the contrary , that the so little Gravity of the Aer , depends on a quite dissimilar Contexture of its insensible particles , of which it is composed , by which they are far less closely and contiguously adapted each to other , and so incomparably fewer of them are contained in the like space , and consequently have incomparably fewer Ansulae or Fastnings , whereon the Hooks of the Magnetick Chains of the Earth may be fixed : having , we said , made this probable conjecture , what can be required more at our hands , then to arrest Curiosity with this solution ; that the Aer is of such a Nature , i. e. consisteth of such insensible particles , and such Inane Spaces interspersed among them , as that it is an essential propriety of it , to resist compression , to such a determinate rate , and not beyond ? Had we bin born such Lyncei , as to have had a clear and perspect Knowledge of the Atoms of Aer , of their Figure , magnitude , the dimensions of the Inane spaces intercepted among them , of the facility or difficulty of their reciprocal adaptation , of the measure of their Attraction , the manner and velocity of their Tendency , &c. then , indeed , might we , without any complex circumambage of Discourse , have rendered the express and proper Reason , why the Aer doth yeild praecisely so much , and no more to the Gravity of the Quicksilver compressing it . Since we were not , it may be reputed both honour and satisfaction , to say ; that it is essential to the Natures of Mercury and Aer , thus and thus opposed , to produce such and only such an Effect . However , that we may not dismiss our Reader absolutely jejune , who came hither with so great an Appetite ; we observe to him , that the constant subsistence of the Mercury at the altitude of 27 digits , doth seem rather to proceed from the manifest Resistence of the Aer , then from any secret Quality in the Mercury , unless its proportion of Gravity be so conceived . This may be collected from hence ; that Water infused into the Tube doth also descend to the point of Aequipondium , and stops at the altitude of 32 Feet , nor more , nor less ; and in that altitude becomes aequiponderant to the Mercury of 27 digits . So that it is manifest , that with what Liquor soever the Tube be filled , still will the Aer resist its deflux at a certain measure : provided only , that the Tube be long enough to receive so much of it , as the weight thereof may equal that of the Mercury at 27 digits , or the Water at 32 feet . Here we meet an opportunity also of observing to Him , by how admirable an Analogy this respective Aequality of the weights of Quicksilver and Water , in these so different altitudes , doth consent with the absolute weight of each . When , as the weight of Quicksilver carries the same proportion to the weight of Water , of the same measure or quantity , as 14 to 1 : so reciprocally doth the Altitude of 32 feet , carry the same proportion to 27 digits , as 14 to 1. And hence comes it , that , if Water be s●peraffused upon the restagnant Quicksilver in the vessel under the Tube ; the Quicksilver doth instantly ascend above the standard of 27 digits , higher by a 14 ●● . part of the water superaffused . Which truly , is no immanifest argument , that the Aer , according to the measure of its weight , or the praecise rate of its resistence , becomes aequilibrated to the Mercury at the altitude of 27 dig . since the superaffused Water doth no more then advance the Aequilibrium according to the rate of its weight , or proportion of resistence . Besides , it is farther observable , that because the Tube is replenished by a 14th part in 27 dig . of the altitude , above the first Aequilibrium ( a proportionate access to the Mercury in the Tube , being made by a like part of that in the subject vessel , impelled into it ) therefore is the Vacuum above the Mercury in the Tube , diminished also by one 14th . part ; and the compression of the Aer , impendent on the surface of the restagnant Mercury , relaxed and diminished also by a 14th part . So that if the vessel underneath the Tube be large enough to admit an addition of Water successively affused , until so much of the restagnant Mercury , as formerly descended , shall be again propelled up into the Tube : then must the whole Tube be replenished , and so the whole Vacuity disappear , for then all Compression of the incumbent aer ceaseth , and so much space as was possessed before the Experiment , both without and within the Tube , by the Mercury , Water , Aer , is again repleted . If you shall still insist , and urge us to a praecise and definite account of the weight of the Quicksilver contained in the Tube to the altitude of 27 digits , and of the Water of 32 feet ; which makes the Aequilibrium with the opposite weight of the circumstant Aer : our Answer is , that the exact weight of neither can be determined , unless the just Diameter or Amplitude of the Tube be first agreed upon . For albeit neither the Longitude nor the Amplitude of the Tube makes any sensible difference in this Phaenomenon of the Experiment , the Aequilibrium being still constant to the same altitude of 27 digits , for the Mercury , and 32 feet for Water : yet , according as the Cavity of the Tube is either smaller , or greater , must the weight of the Liquors contained therein be either less , or more . Since therefore , we are to explore the definite weight of the Liquor contained , by the determinate Amplitude of the Tube containing ; suppose we the Diametre of the cavity of the Tube to be one third part of a * Digit , and we shall find the weight of the Quicksilver , from the base to the altitude of 27 digits , to be near upon two pound , Paris weight : and upon consequence the weight of Water in the same Tube , of 32 feet in altitude , to be the same ; and the weight of the Cylindre of Aer , from its base incumbent on the surface of the restagnant Quicksilver , up to its top at the summity of the Atmosphere , to be also the same ; otherwise there could be no Aequilibrium . Here , as a Corollary , we may add , that insomuch as the force of a body Attrahent may be aequiparated to the weight of another body spontaneously descending or attracted magnetically by the Earth : thereupon we may conclude , that the like proportion of weight appended to the handle of the wooden Sucker , may suffice to the introduction of an equal vacuum , in Galilaeo's Brass Cylindre . But , perhaps , you 'l object ; that this seems rather to entangle then dissolve the Riddle . Since by how much the larger the cavity of the Tube , by so much the greater the quantity , and so the weight of the Quicksilver contained : and by how much the greater the weight , or force of the Depriment , by so much the more must the Depressed yeild , and consequently , so much the lower must the Aequilibrium be stated . To extricate you from this Labyrinth , we retort ; that the cause of the Aequilibriums constancy to the point of 27 digits , whatever be the quantity of the Mercury contained in the Tube , is the same with that , which makes the descent of two bodies of the same matter , but different weights , to be Aequally Swift : for a bullet of Lead of an ounce , falls down as swiftly as one of 100 pound . For , in respect , that a Cylindre of Quicksilver contained in a Tube of a large diametre , doth not descend more swiftly , then a Cylindre of Quicksilver contained in a Tube of a narrow diametre : therefore is it , that the one doth not press the bottom , upon which as its Base , it doth impend , more violently then the other doth press upon its Base ; and consequently , the restagnant Quicksilver about the larger Cylindre doth not , in its elevation or rising upward , more compress the Basis of the impendent Cylindre of Aer , then what is restagnant about the lesser Cylindre . Whereupon we may conclude , that a great Cylindre of Aer resisting a great Cylindre of Quicksilver , no less then a small doth resist a small : therefore ought the Aequilibrium betwixt the depressure of the Quicksilver , and the resistence of the circumstant Aer , to be constant to the altitude of 27 digits , aswell in a large , as a narrow Tube . Which reason may also be accommodated to Water and all other Liquors . SECT . V. The Fourth Capital Difficulty . WHy is the deflux of the Quicksilver alwayes stinted at the altitude of 27 digits , though in Tubes of different longitudes ? when it seems more reasonable , that according to the encrease or enlargement of the Inanity in the upper part of the Tube , which holds proportion to the Longitude thereof ; the Compression , and so the Resistence of the Aer circumpendent , ought also to be encreased proportionately : and consequently , that the Aequilibrium ought to be so much the higher in the Tube , by how much the greater Resistence the Aer makes without ; because , by how much a larger Space is detracted from the Aer , by so much more diffused and profound must the subingression of its Atomical Particles be , and so the greater its resistence . Solution . Certain it is , aswel upon the evidence of sense , as the conviction of several demonstrations excogitated chiefly by Mersennus ( in Phaenom ▪ Hydraulic . ) that a Cylindre of any Liquor doth with so much the more force or Gravity impend upon its Base , or bottom , by how much the higher its perpendicular reacheth , or , by how much the longer it is : and consequently , having obtained a vent , or liberty of Exsilition below at its Base , issues forth with so much the more rapidity of motion . And this secret reveals what we explore . For , according to the same scale of Proportions , we may warrantably conceive ; that , by how much the higher the Cylindre of Quicksilver is in the Tube , by so much the more forcibly it impendeth upon its Base , in the Restagnant Quicksilver ; and so having obtained a vent below , falleth with so much the more rapidity of motion or exsilition thereupon : and upon consequence , by so much the more violently is the incumbent Aer compressed by the restagnant Quicksilver ascending , its resistence overcome , and the subingression of its insensible particles into the inane Loculaments of the vicine aer , propagated or extended the farther ; and the space detracted from the Aggregate of Disseminate Inanities , so much the larger , and consequently the Coacervate Vacuum apparent in the superior region of the Tube , becomes so much the greater . And , because the Resistence made against the subingression , dilating or distending it self , is in the instant overcome , by reason of a greater impulse caused by the Cylindre of Mercury descending from a greater altitude ; and that resistence remains , which could not be overcome , by the remnant of the Mercury in the Tube , at the height of 27 digits : therefore , is this Remaining Degree of resistence , the manifest Cause , why the Mercury is Aequilibrated here at the point of 27 digits , aswell when it falls from a high as a low perpendicular . This may receive a degree of perspicuity more , from the transitory observation of those frequent Reciprocations of the Quicksilver , at the first deflux of it into the restagnant , before it acquiesce and fix at the point of Aequiponderancy : no otherwise then a Ball bounds and rebounds many times upon a pavement , and is by successive subsultations uncessantly agitated up and down , untill they gradually diminish and determine in a cessation or quiet . The Cause of which can be no other then this ; that the extreme or remotest subingression of the insensible particles of the Aer , is ( we confess ) propagated somewhat farther , then the necessity of the Aequipondi●m requireth , by reason of a new access of Gravity in the Quicksilver ; but , instantly the insensible particles of the Aer , being so violently and beyond the rate of subingressibility prest upon , and made as it were more powerful by their necessary Reflexion , then the re●idue of Quicksilver remaining in the Tube ; result back to their former station of liberty , with that vehemency , as they not only praevent any further subingression , and reduce the even-now-superior and conquering force of the Quicksilver to an equality ; but also repell the Quicksilver delapsed up again into the Tube above the point of the Aequipondium : and again , when the Quicksilver defluxeth , but not from so great an altitude , as at first ; then is the Aer again compelled to double her files in a countermarch , and recede from the restagnant Quicksilver , though not so far , as at first charge . And thus the force of each being by reciprocal conquests gradually decreased , they come to that Equality , as that the Quicksilver subsists in that point of altitude , wherein the A●quilibrium is . SECT . VI. The Fifth Capital Difficulty . WHat Force that is , whereby the Aer , admitted into the lower orifice of the Tube , at the total eduction thereof out of the restagnant Quicksilver and Water ; is impelled so violently , as sufficeth not only to the elevation of the remaining Liquors in the Tube , but even to the discharge of them through the sealed extreme , to a considerable height in the Aer ? Solution . The immediate Cause of this impetuous motion , appears to be only the Reflux , or Resilition of the so much compressed Basis of the Cylindre of Aer , impendent on the surface of the Restagnant Liquors , Quicksilver and Water , to the natural Laxity of its insensible particles upon the cessation of the force Compressive : the Principle , and manner of which Restorative or Re●lexive Motion , may be perspicuously deprehended , upon a serious recognition of the Contents of the last Article in the praecedent Chapter of a Disseminate Vacuum ; and most accommodately Exemplified in the discharge or explosion of a bullet from a Wind-Gun . For , as the insensible particles of the Aer included in the Tube of a Wind-Gun , being , by the Embolus or Rammer , from a more lax and rare contexture , or order , reduced to a more dense and close ( which is effected , when they are made more contiguous in the points of their superfice , and so compelled to diminish the inane spaces interjacent betwixt them , by subingression ) are , in a manner so many Springs or Elaters , each whereof , so soon as the external Force , that compressed them , ceaseth ( which is at the remove of the Diaphragme or Partition plate in the chamber of the Tube ) reflecteth , or is at least reflected by the impulse of another contiguous particle : therefore is it , that while they are all at one and the same instant executing that Restorative Motion , they impel the Bullet , gaged in the canale of the Tube , before them with so much violence , as enables it to transfix a plank of two or three digits thickness . So also do the insensible Particles of the Base of the Cylindre of Aer incumbent on the surface of the Restagnant Liquors , remain exceedingly compressed by them , as so many Springs bent by external Force : and so soon as that Force ceaseth ( the Quicksilver in the Tube , after its eduction , no longer pressing the Restagnant Mass of Quicksilver underneath , and so that by his tumefaction no longer pressing the impendent Aer ) they with united forces reflect themselves into their natural rare and liberal contexture , and in that Restorative motion drive up the remainder of Quicksilver in the canale of the Tube to the upper extreme thereof with such violence , as sufficeth to explode all impediments , and shiver the glass . For , in this case , we are to conceive the Aer to be aequally distressed betwixt two opposite Forces ; on one side by the Gravity of the long Cylindre of Aer from the summity of the Atmosphere down to the Base impendent on the superfice of the Restagnant Liquors ; on the other , by the ascendent Liquors in the subjacent vessel , which are impelled by the Cylindre of Quicksilver in the tube , descending by reason of its Gravity : and consequently , that so soon as the obex , Barricade , or impediment of the Restagnant Quicksilver , is removed , the distressed Aer instantly converteth that resistent force , which is inferior to the Gravity of the incumbent aereal Cylindre , upon the remainder of the Quicksilver in the Tube , as the now more superable Opponent of the two ; and so countervailing its Gravity by the motion of Reflexion or Restoration , hoyseth it up with so rapid a violence , as the easily frangible body of the Glass cannot sustain . Which Reason doth also satisfie another Collateral Scruple , viz. Why Water , superaffused upon the Restagnant Quicksilver , doth intrude it self as it were creeping up the side of the Tube , and replenish the Desert Space therein ; so soon as the inferior orifice of the Tube is educed out of the Restagnant Quicksilver , into the region of Water . For , it is impelled by the Base of the Aereal Cylindre exceedingly compressed , and relaxing it self : the resistence of it , which was not potent enough to praevail upon the greater Gravity of the Quicksilver in the Tube , so as to impel it above the point of Aequiponderancy ; being yet potent enough to elevate the Water , as that whose Gravity is by 13 parts of 14 less then that of the Quicksilver . Here the Inquisitive may bid us stand , and observe a second subordinate Doubt , so considerable , as the omission of it together with a rational solution , must have rendred this whole Discourse not only imperfect , but a more absolute Vacuum , i. e. containing less of matter , then the Desert Space in the Tube ; and that is : How it comes , that during the Aequilibrium betwixt the ●eight of the Quicksilver in the Tube on the one hand , and the long Cy●lindre of Aer on the other , even then when the Base of the Cylindre of Aer is compressed to the term of subingression ; we find the aer as Fluxile , soft , and yeilding , ( for , if you move your hand transversly over the Restagnant Quicksilver , you can deprehend none the least Tensity , Rigidity , or Urgency thereabout ) as any other part of the Region of Aer not altered from the Laxity of its natural contexture ? We reply , that though nothing occurr in the whole Experiment more worthy our absolution ; yet nothing occurrs less worthy our admiration then this . For , if my hand , when moved toward the region of the compressed Aer , did leave the space , which it possessed before motion , absolutely Empty , so as the aer impelled and dislodged by it could not circulate into the same ; in that case , indeed , might I perceive , by a resistence obvening a manifest Tensity or Rigidity in the compressed aer : but , insomuch as when my hand leaves the region of the lax aer , and enters that of the compressed , there is as much of space lest in the lax aer for the compressed to recurr into , as that which my hand possesseth in the region of the compressed ; and when it hath passed through the region of the compress'd , and again enters the confines of the lax , there is just so much of the lax aer propelled into the space left in the compressed , as responds in proportion to the space possessed by it in the lax : therefore doth my hand deprehend no sensible difference of Fluxility in either , and yet is the Urgency or Contention of the Base of the Cylindre of aer impendent upon the restagnant Quicksilver , constantly equal , though it may be conceived to suffer an Undulation or Wavering motion by the traversing of my hand to and again , by reason of the propulse and repulse . This may be enforced by the Example of the Flame of a Candle ; which though ascending constantly with extreme pernicity , or rapidity of motion , and made more crass and tense by the admixture of its own ●uliginous Exhalations : doth yet admit the traversing of your finger to and fro through it so easily , as you can deprehend no difference of Fluxility between the parts of the Flame and those of the circumvironing Aer ; the cause whereof must be identical with the former . Secondly , by the Experience of Urinators or Divers ; who find the Extension and contraction of their arms and legs as free and easie at the depth of 20 fathoms ▪ as within a foot of the surface of the Water ; notwithstanding that water comes many degrees short of Aer , in the point of * Fluidity . Thirdly , by the Beams of the Sun ; For , when these insinuate themselves through some slender hole or crany into a chamber , their stream or Thread of Solary Atoms appears like a white shining wand ( by reason of those small Dusty bodies , whose many faces , or superficies making innumerable refractions and reflections of the rayes of Light towards the Eye ) and constantly maintains that figure , though the wind blow strongly transverse , and carry off those small dusty bodies , or though with a fan you totally dispel them : why ? Because fresh Particles of Dust succeeding into the rooms of those dispelled , and aequally refracting and reflecting the incident radii of light toward the Eye , conserve the Apparence still the same . So though the wind blow off the first Cylindre of comprest aer , yet doth a second , a third , &c. instantly succeed into the same Space , so as that region , wherein the Base thereof is situated , doth constantly remain comprest : because the compression of the insensible Particles of the Aer and Wind , during their Continuation in that region , continues as great as was that of the particles formerly propulsed and abduced . And Fourthly , by the Rainbow ; which persisteth the same both in the extent of its Arch , and the orderly-confused variety of Colours : though the Sun , rapt on in his diurnal tract , shifts the angle of incidence from one part of the confronting Cloud to another , every moment ; and the Wind change the Scene of the Aer , and adduce consimilar small bodies , whose various superficies making the like manifold Refractions and Reflexions of the incident lines of Light , dispose them into the same colours , and praesent the eye with the same delightful Apparition . Which had the Hairbrain'd and Contentious Helmont in the least measure understood ; he must have blush't at his own most ridiculous whimsy , that the Rainbow , is a supernatural Meteor , or Ens extempore created by Divinity , as a sensible symbol of his Promise no more to destroy the inhabitants of the Earth by Water , having no dependence at all on Natural Causes : especially when the strongest Argument He could excogitate , whereby to impugn the common Theory of the Schools , concerning the production thereof , by the refraction and reflection of the rayes of the Sun incident upon the variously figured parts of a thin and rorid Cloud in opposition diametrical ; was only this . Oculis , manibus , & pedidus cognovi istius figmenti falsitatem . Cùm ne quidem simplex Nubes esset in loco Iridis . Neque enim , etsi manu Iridem finderem , eamque per colores Iridis ducerem , sensi quidpiam , quod non ubique circumquaque in aere vicino : imo non proin Colores ●ridis turbabantur , aut confufionem tollerabant . ( in Meteor on Anomalon . ) SECT . VII . The Sixth and last Capital Difficulty . UPon the eduction of the lower extreme of the Tube out of the region of the Restagnant Quicksilver , into that of Water superaffused ; wherefore doth the Water instantly intrude into the Tube , and the Quicksilver residuous therein by sensible degrees deflux , until it hath totally surrendred unto it ? Solution . This Phaenomenon can have for its Cause no other but the great Disparity of weight betwixt those two Liquors . For , insomuch as the subsistence of the Quicksilver in the erected Tube , at the altitude of 27 digits , justly belongs to the Aequipondium betwixt it and the circumpendent Cylindre of Aer ; and the proportion of Weight which Quicksilver holds to Water , is the same that 14 holds to 1 : it must as manifestly , as inevitably follow , that the Water , being by so much less able , in regard of its so much minority of Weight , to sustain the impulse of the Aer uncessantly contending to deliver it self from that immoderate Compression , must yeild to the descending Base of the aereal Cylindre , and so ascend by degrees , and possess the whole Space ; every part of Quicksilver that delapseth , admitting 13 parts of Water into the Tube . Here occurrs to us a fair opportunity of erecting , upon the praemised foundation , a rational Conjecture concerning the perpendicular Extent of the Region of Aer from the face of the Terraqueous Globe . For , if Aer be 10●0 times ( according to the compute of the great Mersennus ( reflect . physicomath . pag. 104 ) who exceedingly differs from the opinion of Galilaeo ( Dialog . al. moviment . pag. 81. ) and Marinus Ghetaldus ( in Archimed . promot . ) both which demonstrate Aer to be only 400 times ) lighter then Water , and Water 14 times lighter then Quicksilver : hence we may conclude ( 1 ) That Aer is 14000 times lighter then Quicksilver ; ( 2 ) That the Cylindre of Aer aequiponderant to the Cylindre of Quicksilver of the altitude of 27 digits , is 14000 times higher ; and ( 3 ) That the altitude of the Cylindre of Aer amounts to 21 Leucae , or Leagues . Since 14000 times 27 digits ( i. e. 378000 digits ) divided by 180000 digits ( so many amounting to a French League , that consisteth of 15000 feet ) the Quotient will be 21. From the so much discrepant opinions of these so excellent Mathematitians , and most strict Votaries of Truth , Galilaeo and Mersennus ; each of which conceived his way for the exploration of the exact proportions of Gravity betwixt Aer and Water , absolutely Apodictical : we cannot omit the opportunity of observing ; how insuperable a difficulty it is , to conciliate Aristotle to Euclid , to accommodate those Axioms , which concern Quantity abstract from Matter , to Matter united in one notion to Quantity , to erect a solid fabrick of Physiology on Foundations Mathematical . Which Difficulty the ingenious Magnenus well resenting , made this a chief praeparatory Axiom to his second Disputation concerning the Verisimility of Democritus Hypothesis of Atoms : Non sunt expendendae Actiones Physicae regulis Geometricis ; subnecting this ponderous Reason , Cum Demonstrationes Geometricae procedant ab Hypothesi , quam probare non est Mathematici , sed alterius Facultatis , quae eam refellit ; id eo lineis Mathematicis , regulisque strictè Geometricis , Actiones Physicae non sunt expendendae . ( Democrit . Reviviscent . p. 318. ) And now at length having run over these six stages , in as direct a course , and with as much celerity , as the intricacy and roughness of the way would tolerate ; hath our Pen attained to the end of our Digression : wherein , whether we have gratified our Reader with so much either of satisfaction , or Delight , as may compensate his time and patience ; we may not praesume to determine . However , this praesumption we dare be guilty of , and own ; that no Hypothesis hitherto communicated , can be a better Clue to extricate our reason from the mysterious Labyrinth of this Experiment , by solving all its stupendious Apparences , with more verisimility , then this of a Disseminate Vacuity , to which we have adhaered . But , before we revert into the straight tract of our Physiological journey , the praecaution of a small scruple deduceable from that we have consigned a Cylindrical Figure to the portion of Aer impendent on the surface of the Restagnant Liquors ; adviseth us to make a short stand , while we advertise ; That though we confess the Diametre of the Sphere of Aer to be very much larger then that of the Terraqueous Globe , and so , that the Aer , from the Convex to the Concave thereof incumbent on the surface of the Restagnant Liquors in the vessel placed on the Convex of the Earth , doth make out the Section or Frustum of a Cone , whose Basis is in the summity of the Atmosphere ; and point at the Centre of the Earth ( as this Diagram exhibiteth . ) Note that neither Earth , Aer , Vessel , nor Tube , are delineated according to their due proportions : since so , the Earth would have appeared too great , and the rest too small , for requisite inspection . Yet , insomuch as the Aer is Aequiponderant to the Cylindre of Quicksilver contained in the Tube ( the only requisite to our praesent purpose ) no less in the Figure of a Cone , then in that of a Cylindre ; and since both Mersennus and Gassendus ( to either of which we are not worthy to have been a meer Amanuensis ) have waved that nicety , and declared themselves our Praecedents , in this particular : we have thought our selves excusable for being constant to the most usual Apprehension , when the main interest of Truth was therein unconcerned . CHAP. VI. OF PLACE . SECT . I. THat Inanity and Locality bear one and the same Notion , Essentially , and cannot be rightly apprehended under different conceptions , but Respectively ; or , more expresly , that the same Space , when possessed by a Body , is a Place , but when left destitute of any corporeal Tenent whatever , then it is a Vacuum : we have formerly insinuated , in the third Article , Sect. 1. of our Chap. concerning a Vacuum in Nature . Which essential Identy , or only relative Alterity of a Vacuum and Place , is manifestly the Reason , why we thus subnect our praesent Enquiry into the Nature or Formality of Place , immediately to our praecedent Discourse of a Vacuum : we conceiving it the duty of a Physiologist , to derive his Method from Nature , and not to separate those Things in his Speculation , which she hath constituted of so near Affinity in Essence . Among those numerous and importune Altercations , concerning the Quiddity or formal reason of Place , in which the too contentious Schools usually lose their Time , their breath , their wits , and their Auditors attention ; we shall select only one Quaestion , of so much , and so general importance , that , if rightly stated , calmly and aequitably debated , and judiciously determined , it must singly suffice to imbue the mind of any the most Curious Explorator , with the perspicuous and adaequate Notion thereof . Epicurus ( in Epist. ad Herodot● ) understands Place to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Intervallum illud , quod privatum Corpore , dicitur INANE , & oppletum corpore , LOCUS : That Interval , or Space , which being destitute of any body , is called , a Vacuum , and possessed by a body , is called Place . And Aristotle ( in 3. Auscult . Natur. cap. 6. ) thinks He hath hit the white , when He defines Place to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Circumdantis Corporis extremum immobile primum ; Concava nempe , seu proxima immediataque , & ipsum locatum contingens corporis ambientis superficies : the concave , proxime , immediate superfice of the body circumambient , touching the Locatum . Now the Difficulty in Quaestion , is only this : Whether this Definition of Aristotle , or that modest Description of Epicurus , doth with the greater measure of verisimility and perspicuity respond to the nature of what we ought to understand , in propriety of conception , signified by the word , Place . In order to our impartial perpension of the moments of reason on each side , requisite it is , that we first strictly ponder the Hypothesis , or Ground , on which Aristotle erected his assertion , which is this ; Praeter dimensiones Corporis locati , & ipsam ambientis superficiem , nullas alias dari ( in 4. Physic . 1. ) that in nature are none but Corporeal Dimensions : for , if we can discover any other Dimensions , abstruct from Corporiety , such wherein the formal reason of Space may best and most intelligibly be radicated ; it can no longer remain in the suspence of controversie , how unsafe it is for the Schools to recurr to that superstructure , as a Sanctuary impraegnable , whose Foundation is only sand , and depends for support upon no other but a praecarious supposition . Imagine we , therefore , that God should please to adnihilate the whole stock or mass of Elements , and all Concretions resulting there-from , i. e. all Corporeal Substances now contained within the ambite , or concave of the lowest Heaven , or Lunar Sphere : and having thus imagined , can we conceive that all the vast Space , or Region circumscribed by the concave superfice of the Lunar Sphere , would not remain the same , in all its Dimensions , after as before the reduction of all bodies included therein to nothing ? Undoubtedly , that conceipt cannot endure the test of Reason , which admits , that this sublunary Space can suffer any other alteration , but only a privation of all Bodies that possessed it . Now , that it can be no Difficulty to God , at pleasure , to adnihilate all things comprehended within it ; and yet at the same time to conserve the Sphere of the Moon entire and unaltered : cannot be doubted by any , but those inhumane Ideots , who dare controvert his Omnipotence . Nor can it advantage our Dissenting Brother , the Peripatetick to plead ; that we suppose , what ought not to be supposed , an absolute Impossibility , as to the Firm and fundamental Constitutions of Nature , which knows no such thing , as Adnihilation of Elements : since , though we allow it impossible to Nature , yet can no man be so steeled with impudence , as to deny it facile to the Author and Governour of Nature ; and should we conced it impossible to Him also , yet doth not the impossibility of any Effect interdict the supposition thereof as possible , in order to the appropinquation of a remote , and explanation of an obscure verity , nor invalidate that Illation or assumption , which by genuine cohaerence depends thereupon . Besides , 't is no Novelty , nor singularity in us , upon the same consideration , to suppose Natural Impossibilities : insomuch as nothing is more usual , nor laudable amongst the noblest order of Philosophers , then to take the like course , where the abstruse condition of the subject puts them upon it ; and even Aristotle Himself hath been more then once our Praecedent and Exemplar therein . For , when He had demonstrated the Necessity of the motion or circumgyration of the Coelestial Orbs ; He yet requires of us , that we suppose them to quiesce constantly : that so we may the more satisfactorily apprehend the truth of that position , at which his whole discourse was collineated ; viz. that the Cause of the Earths Quiet is not , as some dreamed , the rapid motion of the Heavens ; for , having cleared the eye of his Readers mind from all the dust of praesumption , with this supposition He th●n with advantage demands of him , Ubinam terra moraretur ? ( 2 de Caelo . ) Nay , even concerning this our Argument , need we not want the Authority of Aristotle to justifie the lawfulness of this our supposition : for , attempting to enforce , that in a large imagined Vacuum , in part whereof a Cube of Wood is conceived to be situate , there can be no Dimensions but those of the Cube ; He admits them conceiveable as clearly abstracted from the mass or bulk of wood , and devested of all corporeal Accidents ; wh●●ein ( under favour ) He more then seems to incurr an open Contradict●●● of his own dear Tenet , that it is absurd to imagine any Dimensions Incorporeal . Nor is the Facility of our supposition less manifest then the Lawfulness thereof : since we dare our Opponents to produce any contemplat●ve Person , who shall conscientiously attest , that He could not , when He fixed his thoughts thereupon , clearly and easily imagine the same ; What therefore can remain to impede our progress to the Use , or scope of this our supposition ? Having , therefore , imagined the whole sublunary Region to be one continued and entire Vacuum : we cannot but also imagine , that from any one point designed in the concave superfice of the Lunar Sphere , to another point ● diametro opposite in the same , there must be a certain Distance , or Intercedent Space . If so ; must not that Distance import a Longitude , or more expresly an incorporeal and invisible Line ? ( 2 ) If so ; must not the medium of that Line be the Central point of the empty Space , the same which stood for Centre to the Terraqueous Globe , before its adnihilation ? ( 3 ) If so ; may we not conceive How much of that voyd Region was formerly possessed by the mass of Elements : and with mental Geometry commensurate how much of that Space did once respond to the superfice , how much to the profundity of each of those Bodies ? ( 4 ) If so ; must we not allow the Dimensions of Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity imaginable therein ? undoubtedly , 〈◊〉 : since we can no where conceive a Distance , or intercedent Space , but we must there also conceive a Quantum ; and Quantity imports Dimensions , nor is there any Distance , but of determinate extent , and so commensurable . From the pressure of this Socraticism , hath our Peripatetick retreated to that ruinous sanctuary of the Term , Nothing : retarding our pursuit , with this Sophism . When you suppose the sublunary Region to be an absolute Vacuum , you expresly concede , that Nothing is contained therein ; and upon consequence , that those Dimensions by you imagined therein , are Nothing , and so that therein are no Dimensions at all . Why ; because Dimensions consist essentially and so inseparably in Quantity : and all Quantity is inseparable from Corporiety . Wherefore , supposing no Body existent in that Empty Space : you implicitely exclude all Quantity , and consequently all Dimensions from thence . This Evasion , we confess , is plausible ; nor hath it imposed only upon young and paedantique Praetenders to Science , such as having once read over some Epitome of the Commentaries upon Aristotles Physicks , and learned to cant in Scholastick Terms ▪ though they understand nought of the Nature of the Things signified , believe themselves wise enough to rival Solomon : but even many grey and sage Enquirers , such who most sedulously digged for the jewel of Knowledge in the Mine of Nature , and emancipated their intellectuals betimes from the slavery of Books . For , among the most celebrated of our Modern Physiologists , we can hardly find two , who have judged it safer to abide the seeming rigour of this Difficulty , then to run upon the point of this Paradox ; that , if all Bodies included in the ambite of the Lunar Heaven , were adnihilated , then would there be no Distance at all betwixt the opposite sides of the same : and the Reason they depend upon , is this ; Necessary it is that those points should not be distant each from other , but be contiguous , betwixt which Nothing doth intercede . Nay , even Des Cartes himself cannot be exempted : since , 't is confest by him in Princip . Philosoph . articul . 18. ) that He subscribed the same common Mistake , in these Words : si quaeratur , quid fiet , si Deus auferat omne corpus , quod in aliquo vase continetur , & nullum aliud in abluti locum subire permittat ? Respondendum est vasis latera hoc ipso fore contigua . Cum enim inter duo corpora nihil interjacet , necesse est , ut se mutuò tangant ; ac manifestè repugnat , ut distent , & tamen ut distantia illa sit Nihil : quia omnis Distantia est modus Extensionis , & ideo sine substantia extensa esse non potest . To him also may we associate Mr. White ( in Dialog . 1. de Mundo . ) The most direct and shortest way to the Redargution of this Epidemick Errour , lyes in the detection of its grand and procatarctick Cause ; which is the Praeoccupation of most Scholers minds by the Peripatetick Institutions , that limit our Notions to their imperfect Categories , and explode those Conceptions as Poetical and extravagant , that transcend their classical Distinction of all Entities into Substance and Accident . For , first , insomuch as in the Dialect of the Schools , those three Capital Terms , Ens , Res , Aliquid , are mere Synonyma's , and so used indiscriminately ; it is generally concluded , that whatever is comprehensible under their signification , must be referred either to the Classis of Substances , or that of Accidents : and upon illation , that what is neither Substance , nor Accident , can praetend to no Reality , but must be damned to the praedicament of Chimaera's , or be excluded from Being . Again , having constituted one Categorie of all Substances , they mince and cantle out poor thin Accident into Nine , accounting the first of them Quantity ▪ and subdividing that also into ( 1 ) Permanent , i. e. the Dimensions of Longitude , Latitude , Profundity ; and so make Place to consist if not in all three , yet at least in one of them , viz. Latitude or the superficies of a Body : ( 2 ) Successive , i. e. Time and Motion , but especially Time , which may be otherwise expressed by the Term , Duration . Hereupon , when they deliver it as oraculous , that Quantity is a Corporeal Accident : they confidently inferr , that if any Quantity , or Permanent , or Successive , be objected , that is not or separately , or conjunctly Corporeal , it ought to be exploded , as not Real , or an absolute Nothing . Now this their Scheme is defective . ( 1 ) Because it fails in the General Distribution of Ens , or Res , into Substance and Accident : in regard , that to those two Members of the Division there ought to be superadded other two , more general then those ; viz. Place and Time , Things most unreducible to the Categories of Substance and Accident . We say , more General then those Two ; because as well all Substances as Accidents whatever , have both their Existence in some Place , and their Duration in some Time ; and both Place and Time are , even by those who dispute whether they are Accidents , or not , willingly granted to persever constantly and invariately the same . ( 2 ) Because it offends Truth in the confinement of all Quantity , or Dimension , and so of that of Place and Time , to the Category of Accidents , nay even of Corporeal ones : when there wants not a species of Quantity , or Extension having Dimensions , that is not Corporeal ; for , nor Place , nor Time , are Corporeal . Entities , being no less congruous to Incorporeal , then Corporeal Beings . Upon which consideration , 't is a genuine and warrantable Inference ; that albeit Place and Time are not pertinent to the Classis either of substances , or Accidents : yet are they notwithstanding Realities , Things , or not-Nothings ; insomuch as no substance can be conceived existent without Place and Time. Wherefore , when any Cholerick Bravo of the Stagirites Faction , shall draw upon us with this Argument ; Whatever is neither Substance , nor Accident , is a downright Nothing , &c. we need no other buckler then to except Place and Time. To authenticate this our Schism , and assert our Affirmation ; we must now evince , that Place is neither Accident , nor substance : which to effect , we need not borrow many moments of its Twin-brother , Time , to hunt for Arguments in . For ( 1 ) though it be objected , that Place is capable of Accession to , and sejunction from the Locatum , without the impairment , or destruction thereof ; and in that relation seems to be a mere Accident : yet cannot that justifie the consignation of Place to the Category of Accidents ; because Place is uncapable of Access and Recess , and 't is the Locatum to which in right we ought to adscribe Mobility . So that when various Bodies may be successively situate in one and the same Place , without causing any the least mutation therein : we must allow the force of this Argument , to bring it nearest to the propriety of a substance . ( 2 ) A substance it cannot be ; because the Term , Substance imports something , that doth not only exist per se , but also , and principally , what is Corporeal , and either Active or Passive : and neither Corporiety , nor Activeness , nor Passiveness , are Attributes competent to Place : Ergo. Now , to leave our roving , and shoot level at the mark ; the Extract of these praemised Considerations , will easily and totally cure the desperate Difficulty objected . For , when it is urged , that betwixt the opposite sides of a vessel supposed to be absolutely devoyd of any Body whatever , nothing doth intercede , and consequently that they are Contiguous ; we need no other solution but this : that ( indeed ) nothing Corporeal doth interced , betwixt the diametrally opposite sides of a voyd concave , that is either Substance , or Accident ; but yet there doth intercede something Incorporeal , such as we understand by Spatium , Intercapedo , Distantia , Intervallum , Dimensio , which is neither Substance nor Accident . But , alas ! that Thing you call Space is , according to your own supposition , an absolute Vacuum : What though ? it must not therefore be Nothing , unless in the sense of the Peripatetick : because it hath a Being ( suo modo ) and so is something . The same also concerns those Dimensions , which we conceive , and the Schools deny to be in our imaginary Vacuum : For of them it may be likewise truly said , that they are Nihil Corporeum , but not that they are Nihil Incorporeum , or more emphatically , Nihil SPATIALE , Nothing Spatial . Hence , according to the distinction of Things into Corporeal , and Incorporeal ; we may , on the design of Perspicuity , discriminate Dimensions also into ( 1 ) Corporeal , such as are competent to a ' Body , wherein we understand Longitude , Latitude , Profundity : ( 2 ) Spatial , such as are congruous to Space , wherein we may likewise conceive Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity . And so we may conclude , that those Dimensions , which must remain in that supposed Inane Region circumscribed by the concave of the Lunar Orb , in case God should adnihilate the whole mass of Elements , and all their off springs , included therein ; are , in truth , not Corporeal , but Spatial . Let us skrew our supposition one pin higher , and farther imagine , that God , after the Adnihilation of this vast machine , the Universe , should create another , in all respects consimilar to this , and in the same part of Space , wherein this now consisteth : and then shall our thoughts be tuned to a fit key for the speculation , nay the comprehension of Three notorious Abstrusities , viz. ( 1 ) That as the Spaces were Immense , before God created the World ; so also must they eternally persist of infinite Extent , if He shall please at any time to destroy it : that He , according to the counsel of his own Beneplacit , elected this determinate Region in the infinite Spaces , wherein to erect or suspend this huge Fabrick of the World ; leaving the residue which we call Extramundan Spaces , absolutely voyd : and that as the whole of this determinate Region of Space is adaequately competent to the whole of the World ; so also is each part thereof adaequately competent to each part of the World ; i. e. there is no part of the World , Great or Small , to which there is not a part of Space exactly respondent in all dimensions . ( 2 ) That these immense Spaces are absolutely Immoveable . And therefore should God remove the World into another determinate region of them , yet would not this Space wherein it now persisteth ; accompany it , but remain immote , as now . In like manner , when any part of the World is translated from one place to another ; it leaves the part of Space , which it formerly possessed , constant and immote , and the Spaces through which it passeth , and wherein it acquiesceth , continue also immote . ( ● ) That , in respect the Dimensions of these Spaces are Immoveable , and Incorporeal : therefore are they every where Coexistent , and Compatient ( we speak in the dialect of the Schools ) with Corporeal Dimensions , without reciprocal repugnancy ; so as in what part soever of Space any Body is lodged , the Dimensions of that part of Space , are in all points respondent to the Corporeal Dimensions thereof . In this case , therefore , 't is far from an Absurdity , to affirm , that Nature doth not abhor a Penetration of Dimensions . To bring up the rear of these advantages resulting from our supposition , we may from thence deprehend , Why Aristotle hath not cleft a hair in his position , that there is in the Universe no Interval , nor Dimensions , but what are Corporeal . To discriminate the Incorporiety of these Dimensions Spatial , from that adscribed to the Divine Nature , Intelligences Angelical , the Mind of Man , and other ( if there be any ) Incorporeal substances ; we advertise , that the term Incorporeal bears a double importance . ( 1 ) It intends not only a simple Negation of Corporiety , and so of corporeal Dimensions ; but also a true and germane substance , to which certain Faculties and Operations essentially belong ; and in that sense it is adscriptive properly to God , Angels , the Souls of men , &c. spiritual Essences . ( 2 ) It signifies a mere Negation of Corporiety , and so of corporeal Dimensions , and not any positive Nature capable of Faculties and Operations ; and in this sense only is it congruous to the Dimensions of Space , which we have formerly intimated to be neither Active , nor Passive , but to have only a general Non-repugnancy , or Admissive Capacity , whereby it receives Bodies either permanentèr , or transeunt●r . Here we discover our selves in danger of a nice scruple , deductive from this our Description of Space , viz. that , according to the tenor of our Conceptions , Space must be unproduced by , and independent upon the original of all Things , God. Which to praevent , we observe , that from the very word Spatial Dimensions , it is sufficiently evident , that we understand no other Spaces in the World , then what most of our Ecclesiastical Doctors allow to be on the outside thereof , and denominate Imaginary : not that they are meerly Phantastical , as Chimaera's ; but that our Imagination can and doth apprehend them to have Dimensions , which hold an analogy to the Dimensions of Corporeal substances , that fall under the perception and commensuration of the sense . And , in that respect , though we concede them to be improduct by , and independent upon God ; yet cannot our Adversaries therefore impeach us of impiety , or distort it to the disparagement of our theory : since we consider these Spaces , and their Dimensions to be Nihil Positivum , i. e. nor Substance , nor Accident , under which two Categories all works of the Creation are comprehended . Besides , this sounds much less harsh in the ears of the Church , then that which not a few of her Chair-men have adventured to patronize ; viz. that the Essences of Things are Non-principiate , Improduct , and Independent : insomuch as the Essence being the noblest , constitutive , and denominative part of any Thing , Substance or Accident ; to hold it uncreat and independent , is obliquely to infer God to be no more then an Adopted Father to Nature , a Titular Creator , and Author of only the material , grosser and unactive part of the World. SECT . II. BY the discovery of Dimensions independent upon Corporiety , such wherein the Formal reason of Space appears most intelligibly to consist , have we fully detected the weakness of Aristotles Basis , praeter dimensiones Corporis locati , & ipsam ambientis superficiem , nullas alias dari : it remains only , that we demolish his thereupon-erected Definition of Place , in which his legions of Sectators have ingarrisoned their judgments , as most impraegnable . That Place is not the immediate and contiguous superfice of the body invironing the Locatum , may by the single force of this Demonstration be fully evicted . Immobility is essential to Place , as Aristotle well acknowledged ; for if Place were moveable , then would it follow of inevitable necessity , that a body might be translated without mutation of place , and è converso , the place of any thing might be changed , while the thing it self continues immote ; both which are Absurdities so manifest , as no mist of Sophistry can conceal them even from the purblind multitude : Now the superfice of the Circumambient can in no wise praetend to this propriety of place , Immobility ; as may be most conveniently argued from the example of a Tower ; for that space , which a Tower possesseth , was there before the structure , and must remain there the same in all dimensions after the ruine thereof ; but the superfice of the contiguous Aer , the immediate Circumambient , is removed , and changed every moment , the whole mass of Aer being uncessantly agitated more or less , by winds and other violences : Ergo. So numerous are the shifts and subterfuges of the distressed Disciples of Aristotle , whereby they have endeavoured to Fix this Volatile superfice of the Circumambient : that should we insist upon only the commemoration of them all ; we might justly despair of finding any Charity great enough , to pardon so criminal an abuse of leasure . Besides , from Epicurus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Space , we may extract Salvo's for all those Scruples , which are commonly met with by all , who worthily enquire into the nature of Place . For , when it is questioned ( 1 ) How a body can persist invariately in the same place , though the circumambient be frequently , nay infinitely varied ? ( 2 ) How a body can change place , though the Circumambient accompany it in its remove ? ( 3 ) Why one body can be said to be thus or thus far , more or less distant from another ? we may easily satisfie all with this one obvious Answer , that all mobility is on the part of the Locatum , all Space continuing constant and immote . Further , hence come we to understand , in what respect Place is commonly conceived to be exactly adaequate to the Locatum : for , the Dimensions of all Space possessed , are in all points respondent to those of the body possessing there being no part of the body , profound or superficial , to which there is not a part of Space respondent in aequal extent ; which can never be made out from the mere superfice of the Circumambient , in which no one of the Profound or Internal parts of the Locatum , but only the superficial are resident . Moreover , hence also may we understand , How Incorporeal substances , as God , Angels , and the Souls of men , may be affirmed to be in loco . For , when God , who is infinite , and therefore uncapable of Circumscription , is said to be in Place ; we instantly cogitate an infinite Space : which is more then we can do of Place , if accepted in Aristotles Notion , which imports either that God cannot be in any place , or else He must be circumscribed by the contiguous superfice thereof : which how ridiculous , we need not observe . For Angels likewise , who dares affirm an Angel to be in a place , that considers his Incorporiety , and the necessity of his circumsciption by the superfice of the Circumambient , if Aristotles Definition of Place be tolerable ? To excuse it with a distinction , and say , that an Angel may be conceived to be in a determinate place , not Circumscriptivè , but definitivè , i. e. So Here , as no where else : is implicitely and upon inference , to confess the truth of our assertion ; Since that Here , designs a certain part of Space , not the superfice of any circumambient . For , though you reply , that an Angel , being an incorporeal substance , wants as well internal and profound Dimensions , by which his substance may respond to Space , as those superficial ones , that respond to Place : yet cannot that suffice to an evasion , since if his substance hath any Diffusion in place , as is generally allowed ; and though it be constituted in puncto , as is also generally conceived : nevertheless , doth that Diffusion as necessarily respond to a certain aequal part of Space , as a point is a determinate part of space . This perhaps , is somewhat abstruse , and therefore let us conceive an Angel to be resident in some one point of that Inane Region circumscribed by the concave of the Lunar orb , formerly imagined : and then we may without any shadow of obscurity understand , How his substance may respond to a certain part , or point of the Inane Space , so as He may be said to be Here , not There , in this but no other place : but impossible it is , to make it out , How the substance of an Angel constituted in puncto of an empty space , can respond to the superfice of a Body Circumambient , because all Bodies formerly included in that sublunary Region are praesupposed to be adnihilated . Lastly , by the Incorporiety of Space we are praeserved from that Contradiction , which Aristotle endeavouring to praevent , praecipitated himself upon no small Absurdity , viz. that the supreme Heaven , or Primum mobile is in no Place . For , if we adhere to his opinion , that place is the superfice of a body circumambient ; the Primum mobile being the extreme or bounds of the World , we deny any thing of Corporiety beyond it , and so exempt it from Locality : but if we accept space to be the same without and within the world , we admit the Primum mobile , the noblest , largest , and most useful of all Bodies in the World , to enjoy a Place proportionate to its dimensions , and motion , as adaequately as any other . The necessity of which concession , Thales Milesius well intimated , when interrogated , What Thing was greatest ? He answered , Place : because , as the World contains all other Bodies , so Place contains the World. Reduced to these straights , Aristotle , among sundry other Sophisms , entrusteth the last part of his Defence , to this slight Objection ; If Place were a certain Space , constant in three dimensions ; then would it inevitably follow , that the Locatuus and the Locus must reciprocally penetrate each others dimensions , and so the parts of each be infinitely divided : which is manifestly absurd , since Nature knows nor penetration of Dimensions , nor infinity of corporeal division . To this Induction we could not refuse the attribute of Probability , no more then we do now of Plausibility , had we not frequently praevented it , and openly by our Distinction of Dimensions into Corporeal and Incorporeal , and appropriating the last to Space . For , indeed , the Fundamental Constitutions of Nature most irrevocably prohibite the substance of one Body to penetrate the substance of another , through all its Dimensions : but , alas ! Place is ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) properly and altogether Incorporeal ; and therefore may its dimensions Incorporeal be Coexistent , or Compatient with the Corporeal Dimensions of any Body , without mutual repugnancy , the Spatial Dimensions not excluding the Corporeal , nor those extruding the spatial . This cannot be a diaphanous , or aenigmatical to those , who concede Angels to be Incorporeal , and therefore to penetrate the Dimensions of any the most solid Bodies , so that the whole substance of an Angel may be simul & semel , altogether and at once in the same place with that of a stone , a wall , the hand of a man , or any other body whatever , without any necessity of mutual Repugnancy . Nor to those , who observe the Synthesis , or Collocation of Whiteness , Sweetness , and Qualities in the substance of Milk : for as those are conceived to pervade the whole substance of Milk , without any reciprocal repugnancy of Dimensions , so are we to conceive that the Dimensions of Space are totally pervaded by the whole Body of the Locatum , without Renitency . CHAP. VII . OF TIME AND ETERNITY . SECT . I. SOme Texts there are in the Book of Nature , that are best interpreted by the sense of the Vulgar , and become so much the more aenigmatical , by how much the more they are commented upon by the subtile discourses of the Schools : their over-curious Descants frequently rendring that Notion ambiguous , complex and difficult , which accepted in its own genuine simplicity , stands fair and open to the discernment of the unpraejudicate , at the first conversion of the a●●es of the Mind thereupon . Among these we have just cause to account TIME ; since if we keep to the popular and familiar use of the word , nothing can be more easily understood : but if we range abroad to those vast Wildernesses , the Dialectical Paraphrases of Philosophers thereupon , and hunt after an adaequate Definition , bea●●ng its peculiar Genus , and essential Difference ; nothing can be more obscure and controversial . This the sacred Doctor ( Au●ust . 11. Confess . 14. ) both ingenuously confessed , and most emphatically expressed , in his , Si nemo 〈◊〉 me quaerat , quid sit Tempus , scio ; si quaerenti explicare velim , nescio : intimating that the Mind may , indeed , at first glance speculate the nature of Time by a proper Idea ; but so pale and fine a one , as 〈…〉 a lively representation thereof . 〈…〉 bold to list it among the most despe●●●● 〈…〉 Generalitèr . To which we may annex 〈…〉 quoted by Stobaeus ( Eccl. Phys. 11. ) Tempus esse 〈…〉 non re , sed cogitatione constans . As also 〈…〉 who not only injoyns , that we discourse of Time in a certain key of thought far different from that wherein we use to consider things , which have a real inhaerence in subjecto ; as if Time had no other subject of inhaerence but the Mind , were only a mere Ens Rationis , extrinsecal Denomination , and could expect no exacter a description , then His Numerus , qui absque ratione numerante est nullus : but adviseth , if any shall demand , what Time is , to afford him no other but Democritus Answer ; Tempus esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quale spatium diei noctisque apparet . If we research profoundly into the Original of this Difficulty , of acquiring a clear and perspect theory of the Quiddity of Time , from the Lecture of those prolix Treatises , whose plausible Titles promise satisfaction concerning it : we shall soon find the chief Cause to be this ; that most Philosophers have praesupposed Time to be some Corporeal Ens , or at least some certain Accident inexistent in and dependent on Corporeal Subjects ; when ( in verity ) if it be any thing at all it seems to be the Twin-brother of Space , devoyd of all relation to Corporiety , and absolutely independent on the Existence of any Nature whatever . For , to Him , who shall , in abstract and attentive meditation , sequestre Time from all Bodies , from their motions , successive alternations , and contingent vicissitudes insequent upon those motions ; i. e. all Years , Months , Weeks , Dayes , Hours , Minutes , Seconds , and all Accidents or Events contingent therein : it will soon appear most evident , that Time ( in suo esse ) owes no respect at all to Motion , its constancy , variety , or measure ; since the understanding must deprehend Time to continue to be what it ever was and is , whether there be any Motion or Mutation in the World , or not , nay , whether there be any World or not . For , examining what is meant by the term Duration , and what by the term Motion , in their single importances apart : we discover , that Motion holds no relation to Duration , nor è converso , Duration to Motion , but what is purely Accidental , and Mental , i. e. imagined by man , in order to his commensuration of the one by the other . Another Cause of this Difficulty , may be the irreconcileable Discrepancy of judgments concerning it , even among the most Venerable of the Ancients . For ( 1 ) Epicurus hath a complex and periphrastical Description of the Essence of Time , when He concludes it to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Accident of Accidents , or Event of Events , consequent to dayes and nights , and hours to passions and indolency , motion and quiet . The reason of which Empiricus ( 2. advers . Physic. ) by way of explanation , thus renders : Days and Nights are Accidents supervenient upon the ambient Aer , the one being caused by the praesence , the other by the absence of the Sun ; Hours are also accidents , as being parts of day or night ; but Time is coextended to each day , night & hour , & therefore we say , that this day is long , this night short , while our thoughts are constantly pointing at Time in that respect supervenient ; Passions likewise and Indolences , or Dolours and Pleasures , are Accidents not without Time evenient ; lastly , Motion and Quiet are Accidents contingent in Time , and therefore by it we commensurate the Celerity and Tardity of Motion , the long or short duration of Quiet : therefore is Time the Accident of Accidents . And Lucretius alluding to the same opinion of Epicurus , translates his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Tempus esse incorporeum , into Tempus item per se non est , &c. lib. 1. ( 2 ) Zeno , Chrysippus , Apollodorus , Posidonius , and their Sectator Philo , define Time to be , Motus coelestis , sive mundani intervallum , understanding as well all particular Conversions , as the Generality of Motion from the beginning to the end of the World. Whereupon Philo would inferr , that Time was coaevous to the World , i. e. before the World there was no Time , nor should be any after : though the Stoicks unanimously defend the Infinity of Time , in regard they affirmed an infinitie of Worlds successive , the second springing up , Phaenix-like , from the ashes of the first , the the third from the second , &c. ( 3 ) Pythagoras , according to the Records of Plutarch ( in quaestion . Platonic . ) to one interrogating him concerning the Essence of Time , calls it Animam Coeli , the soul of Heaven . To which Plotinus ( En. 3. lib. 7. cap. 10. ) seems to have alluded , when interpreting Plato's saying , that Time was the Image of Eternity ( in Timaeo ) He make ●ternity to be the very soul of the World , as considered in se , in its own simple essence ; and Time to be the same soul of the world , considered , prout varias mutationes suscipit , as it admits various mutations . ( 4 ) And Aristotle , as every Paedagogue hath heard , after a long and anxious scrutiny , positively and magisterially determines Time to be , Numerum Motus ( coelestis ac primi ) secundum prius & posterius , the Number of the first Coelestial Motion , according to former and later , i. e. insomuch as in Motion we may observe parts Antecedent and Consequent by a perpetual succession . At the first word of this eminent Definition , some superficial Criticks have sawcely nibbled , urging ( forsooth ) that it sounds soloecistical , because Number is Quantity Discrete , but Time Continued ; and therefore that the Word Measure ought to be its substitute : but alas ! had they read His whole discourse of the nature of Time , they could not have been ignorant , that Aristotle intended nothing less , then that Time should be reputed a Quantity Discrete ; when both in his praecedent and subsequent lines He expresly teacheth , that Motion is continued , in respect of Magnitude , and Time in respect of Motion . Had They Excepted against the whole , indeed , their Quarrel had bin justifiable , and our selves might safely have espoused it ; because , if Time be the Measure of Coelestial Motion , then must it follow , that if there were a Plurality of Worlds , or Prima Mobilia's ; there would also be a Plurality of Times , because a Plurality of Motions . To those of His Disciples , who reply , that in case there were many First Moveables , and consequently many distinct Motions ; yet would there be but one Measure of them all : we rejoyn , if it be supposed that some of the many Motions are swifter then others , then of necessity must they have many Prior and Posterior Parts ; and if so , how can all those , more or less discrepant in velocity and tardity , fall under one and the same measure ? or , what sober man can admit , that there would be but one Time , where must be many distinct subjects of Motion , and so of Time ? Nor can it more avail them to distinguish Time INTERNAL from EXTERNAL , assigning to each particular Primum Mobile a proper or Internal Time within its ambite , and one General or External Time to them all in common : because it is a manifest Adynaton , that there should be a General Time , without a General Motion , whose parts being prior and posterior , in respect of perpetual succession , must be the common Norma , or Rule of observation to all the rest ; nor , indeed , can we admit , that a Flux of ten hours at once , or together , is possible , where ten Spheres are in one hour moved . And , therefore , though Aristotle seems to have had some Hint of the true nature of Time , in his Objection against those , who opinioned it to be Coelestial Motion : yet he lost it again , when He defined it to be the Measure of Coelestial Motion . For , Reason attesteth the contrary , it being evident that the Coelestial Motion is rather the Measure of Time : insomuch as the measure ought to be more known then the thing measured ; and Time is a certain Flux no less independent upon Motion then Quiet . Which those Worthies well understood , who confest Time to be IMAGINARY , such as flowed infinitely in duration before the Creation , and shall continue its flux infinitely after the Dissolution of the World. SECT . II. FAiling of satisfaction concerning the Nature of Time , from the Definitions of others : it remains only , that we sedulously imploy our own Cogitations in quest of some competent Description of it . Seneca ( in Epist. 58. ) descanting upon Plato's General Distinction of all Entities into six Classes , saith thus ; Sextum Genus est eorum , quae quasi sunt , tanquam Inane & Tempus , the sixth Genus contains only those things , which have as it were a being , as INANITY and TIME : which we thus expound , Space and Time are things more General then to be comprehended under the Categories of Substance and Accident . With this Text we had not long exercised our thoughts , before we conceived , that the most hopeful way for exploring the mysterious Quiddity of Time , lay in the strict examen of the Affinity or Analogy betwixt it and the subject of our immediately praecedent Chapter , Space . Nor did our Conjecture prove abortive ; for , having confronted their proprieties in all points , we soon found their Natures fully correspondent : so as the Notion of one seems involved in that of the other ; as is manifest in this Paralellism . ( 1 ) As Place , or Space , in the total , is illimitate and immense : so is Time , in its totality , non-principiate and interminable . ( 2 ) As every Moment of Time is the same in all places : so is every canton or part of Place the same in all times . ( 3 ) As Place , whether any , or no Body be collocated therein , doth still persist the same immoveable and invariately : so doth unconcerned Time flow on eternally in the same calm and equal tenor , whether any or nothing hath duration therein , whether any thing be moved or remain quiet . ( 4 ) As Place is uncapable of expansion , interruption or discontinuity , by any Cause whatever : so is Time uncapable of acceleration , retardation , or suspension ; it moving on no less , when the Sun was arrested in the midst of its race in the dayes of Ioshua , when the Hebrews vanquished & pursued the Amorrhites , then at any time before , or since . ( 5 ) As God was pleased , out of the Infinite Space to elect a certain determinate Region for the situation : so hath He , out of Infinite Time , elected a determinate part for the Duration of the World. ( 6 ) And therefore , as every Body , or Thing , in respect to its HERE or THERE , enjoyes a proportionate part of the Mundane Space : So likewise doth it , according to its NOW , or THEN of Existence , enjoy a proportionate part of the Mundane Duration . ( 7 ) As , in relation to Place , we say , Everywhere , and Somewhere● so , in relation to Time , we say , Alwayes , and Sometimes . Hence , as it is competent to the Creature to be only somewhere , in respect of Place , and sometimes , in respect of Time : so is it the praerogative of the Creator , to be Everywhere as to place , and Forever , as to time . And therefore those two illustrious Attributes , Immensity , whereby He is praesent in all places , and Aeternity , whereby He is existent at all Times , are proper only to God. ( 8 ) As Place hath Dimensions Permanent , whereby it responds to the Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity of Bodies : so hath Time Dimensions successive , to which the Motions of Bodies may be adaequated . Hence comes it , that as by the Longitude , of any standing measure ( V.G. ) of an Ell , we commensurate the longitude of Place : so by the flux of an Horologe do we commensurate the flux of Time. And , insomuch as no motion is more General , Constant and Observed , then that of the Sun : therefore do we assume its motion for a General Horodix , by it regulate all our computations , and confide in it as an universal Directory , in our Mensuration of the flux of Time. Not that the Feet of Time are chained to the Chariot of the Sun , so as the Acceleration or Retardation of the motion of that should cause an equal Velocity , or Tardity in the progress of this : but that Custom hath so praevailed , as we compute the flux of Time by the diurnal and annual revolution of the Sun. For , in case the motion of the Sun were doubly swifter , then now it is , that of Time would not therefore be doubly swifter also ; but only the space of two dayes would then be equal to the space of one , as now during the praesence of the Sun to our Hemisphere : nor , on the contrary , if the motion of the Sun were doubly slower , would the pace of Time be likewise doubly slower ; but only the Space of one day , would be equal to that of two . And , therefore , He that will defend Empedocles conceit , that in the beginning of the World , the length of the dayes did by six parts in seven exceed that of our dayes : must demonstrate that the urnal Arch of the Sun was then by six of seven larger then now , or its motion so much slower . From this Paralellism 't is difficult not to conclude , that Time is infinitely elder then Motion , and consequently independent upon it : as also , that Time is only indicated by Motion , as the Mensuratum by the Mensura . For , insomuch as it had been otherwise impossible for Man to have known how much of Time He had spent either in action , or rest ; therefore did He fix his observation upon the Coelestial motion , and compute the quantity of Time pr●●terlapsed by the Degrees of the Suns motion in the Heavens . And because the observation of the Suns motion was easie and familiar ; therefore did the Ancients invent several instruments , as Water and Sand Hour-glasses , and Sun-dials , and the Neotoricks Trochiliack Horodixes , circumgyrated by internal springs , or external weights appensed ; and so artificially adaequated them to the motion of the Sun , that defines the day by its praesence , and might by its absence , as having subdivided their horary motions into equal smaller parts , at last they descended to the designation of each step in the progress of Time , i. e. to the computation even of Minutes and Seconds . If any yet doubt ( which we cannot suppose , without implicite scandal ) of the Independence of Time on Coelestial Motion ; or , that old Chronos must stand still , in case the Orbs should make a Halt : we advise him seriously to perpend that supernatural Detension of the Sun in the day of battle betwixt the Israelite and the Amorrhite ; assuring our selves that his thoughts will soon light upon this Apodictical Argument . Either there was no Time during the Cessation of the Suns motion on that day ; or else Time kept on its constant flux : for one of these positions must be true . That the First is false , is manifest from the extraordinary Duration of the day , the Text positively expressing , that no day was ere , nor should be so long as that ; and the word Long undeniably importing a Continued flux of time : Ergo , the second must be most true ; and upon Consequence , though the Detention of the Sun was miraculous , yet was the Duration of the day Natural , because Time hath no dependence on Coelestial Motion . Nor do they at all infirm the news of this Dilemma , who object ; that there was then no Time , because there were no Hours : since Hours are no more Essential to Time then Spring , Summer , Autumn , and Winter , which are only successive mutations of the temperament of Aer , convenient to the conservation and promotion of seminalities ; and as for Dayes , they likewise are absolute Aliens to Time , since while our Hemisphere enjoyes the illumination of the Sun , the subterraneous one wants it , and so our day is night to the Antipodes inhabiting the opposite part of the Globe Terrestrial ; but Time is constantly the same through the Universe . Besides , there were Hours during the arrest of Don Phaebus ; in this respect , that the space of Time , in which he stood still , was designable by the flux of Hour-glasses , or any other Temporary Machine : nor ought we to say , there are no hours but those which we commensurate . And therefore , we incur no Soloecism when we say , that God , had it seemed good in the eye of his Wisdom , might have created the World many thousands of millions of years sooner then He did : because such was the praecedent Flux of Time as might be computed by Spaces of Duration in longitude respondent to that determinate space of Time , which the Sun in its progress through the Zodiack annually doth fulfill ; not that before the Creation , there were real years , distinct and defined by the repeated Conversions of the Sun. Further , As Time hath no Dependence on , so can it receive no Mutation from Motion . Aristotle , indeed , accuseth it of Mutability , merely because we use to connect that Time in which we fall asleep , to that in which we awake , losing that of which the cessation of our senses operation makes us insensible : but alas ! this looks like too weak a conceit to be the mature issue of so strong a brain as His ; insomuch as albeit we concede some Mutations to be necessary , as to our perception of the flux of Time , yet doth it not follow , that therefore those Mutations are necessary ; as to the Flux of Time it self . True it is also , that we use to measure various Mutations by Time : but if we examine the matter profoundly , we shall animadvert , that the Time , during which those Mutations last , is rather measured by Motion then the contrary ; for though that motion be not observed in the Heavens , yet may it be aequivalent indicated by Hour-Glasses , or any other Chronodix . Which Aristotle himself seems to acknowledge ( in 12. de Coelo ) when He affirms , that as Motion may be measured by Time , so may time by Motion . SECT . III. IF Time be , as our Description imports , Non-principiate and Infinite : how can we Discriminate it from Aeternity ? Should we resolve , that Aeternity , in the ears of an unpraejudicate understanding , sounds no more then PERPETUAL DURATION , or Time that never knew beginning , nor can ever know an end : we are instantly assaulted with this Difficulty ; that Time hath Dimensions successive , comprehends Priority and Posteriority of parts , and essentially consisteth in a certain perpetual Flux ; but Eternity is radicated in one permanent point , falls under none but the Praesent Tense , and is only a certain constant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or intransible NOW ; or , as Booetius defines it , Interminabilis vitae tota simul & perfecta possessio , an interminable and perfect possession of life altogether , i. e. without praeterite and future , or , Forever at once . To extricate our selves from this seeming Confusion of two things , whose Natures appear so irreconcileably disparate ; we are to begin at two praevious Considerables . ( 1 ) That Plato ( out of whose Timaeus that eminent Definition of Booetius was extracted , which hath received the approbation and praises of most of our Ecclesiastick Patriarchs ) asserting his opinion , that Immutable and Eternal Natures are not subject to Time , to which Aristotle also assented ; doth not intend the word , Aeternity , abstractly and praecisely , to signifie a species of Duration : but Concretely , for something whose Duration is Eternal , viz. the Divine Substance , which He otherwise calls , the Soul of the World. This may be , without violence or sinister perversion , collected from hence , that He dislikes the incongruous conference of both and either of those Tenses , Fuit and Erit , as well upon Eternity or interminable Duration , abstractly considered ; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon the Eternal Substance . And Plotinus ( En. 3. lib. 7. cap. 1. ) more then once expresly declares as much : and most ingeniously insinuates the same both when He derives the word Aeternity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ab eo quod semper est ; and when he excludes all real Alterity , or difference from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod est , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod semper est , importing that Is and Eternity are Identical . ( 2 ) That when Plato denieth the Congruity of Praeterite and Future , but allowes that of the Praesent Tense , or Est , to the Eternal Substance ; He only aims at this , that , saying of the Eternal Substance , Fuit , it hath been , we do not understand it the same with Non amplius est , it is no more ; and also when we say of it , Erit , it shall be , we do not understand it as Nondum est , it is not yet : but not that Fuit is incompetent to the Eternal Substance , provided we intend that it doth now continue to be the same it ever hath been ; nor Erit , while we conceive it shall be to all Eternity the same , that it ever hath been , and now is . It being manifest from the Syntax and purport of all his Dialogue , that his cardinal scope was only to praevent the dangerous adscription of those temporary Mutations to the Eternal Being , which are properly incident to Generable and Corruptible Natures : and to demonstrate , that we ought to conceive God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neque seniorem , neque juniorem . In a word , Plato doth judge , that the Tense Est is proper only to the Divine Nature , because it is ever the same , or invariably possesseth the same perfections , nor is there any moment in the vast amplitude of Eternity , wherein it can be justly said , Now it hath some Attribute , which it had not formerly , or which it shall not have in the future : since the progress of Time can neither add any thing unto , nor detract any thing from it , as it doth to other Natures , that are obnoxious to mutation ; so that God may well be called , in Plato's Phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Habens se immobilitèr . These remora's of ambiguity removed , we may uninterruptedly advance to inference , and without further haesitancy determine , ( 1 ) That when Aeternity is said to be , Quidpiam totum simul , something wanting succession or flux of parts , as in the memorable Definition of Booetius ; then is it to be accepted , not abstractly for Duration , but Concretely for the Divine Substance , whose Duration is sempiternal . ( 2 ) That Time and Eternity differ each from other , in no other respect , then that Eternity is an infinite Duration , and Time ( according to the Vulgar intent of the word ) a certain part of that infinite Duration , commensing at the Creation , and determining at the Dissolution of the World. This Cicero rightly apprehended , and emphatically expressed , in his sentence , Tempus est pars quaedam Aeternitatis , cum alicujus annui , menstrui , diurni , nocturnive spatii certa significatione . In this respect , Eternity is said to be Duration Non-principiate and Interminable ; which is proper only to God : and Time is said to be Duration Principiate and Terminable ; which is competent to all Caduce , Mutable , and Corruptible Natures : as also that part of Eternity , which the Neotericks by a special idiome name ●●vum , is Duration Principiate , but Interminable , which is adscriptive to Angelical or Intellectual Natures , and to the Rational Soul of man ; for thus we understand that frequent Bipartition of Eternity into à parte ante , & à parte post , invented by the Schoolmen . These Positions being indisputable , the remaining subject of our praesent Disquisition , is only Whether the Platonicks spake rationally and intelligibly , when they defined Eternity to be one everlasting NOW , or a Duration void of succession , or flux of parts ? Concerning this grand Doubt , we profess , would Truth have connived , we could most willingly have past it by untoucht ; because most of our Christian Doctors have fully assented unto them in this particular : but , since the convulsion of this their opinion doth stagger no Principle of Faith , or Canonical Document made sacred and established by the Authority of the Church ; we shall not deserve Excommunication , nor suffer the expurgatory Spunge of Rome , if we quaestion the Congruity of that Definition , and affirm that No man can understand it . For , what Wit is so acute and sublime , as to conceive , that a thing can have Duration , and that Duration can be as a point without Fusion and Continuation from one moment to another , by intervenient or mediate moments ? Easie enough , we confess , it is to conceive , that the Res durans is altogether at once , or doth retain the sameness of its Nature , without mutation , diminution , or amission of any Perfection : but that , in this Perseveration , there is not many Nows , or many Instants , of which , compared among themselves , some are Antecedent , and others Consequent ; is to us absolutely incomprehensible . Nor can we understand , why it may not be good Christian Phrase , to say ; God WAS in the time of the First Man , and SHALL be in the time of the Last : or why it is not more Grammatical and proper for us to say , God Created the World HERETOFORE , and will both destroy and renovate the World HEREAFTER ; then , that God doth NOW Create , destroy and renovate . To this the Common Answer is , that the Reason why these Anthropopathical Phrases are tolerable , is because Eternity is Coexistent to our Time ▪ but this is Ignotum explanare per ignotius ; for the manner of that supposed Coexistence hath been never explained , and seemeth ●aid by till the advent of Elias . That an Instant , i. e. what wants succession , can be Coexistent to a successive thing ; is as manifest an impossibility , as that a Point , i. e. what wants Longitude , can be Coexistent or Coextensive to a Line . Indeed , They have endeavoured to wave the Difficulty , by subnecting , that the Instant of Eternity is of such peculiar Eminency , as that it is Aequivolent to Time though Successive : But as to the Formal Reason , and manner of this peculiar Eminency , they have left it wholly to our Enquiry also . Nor did they bestow one serious thought upon the consideration of it ; for had they , doubtless they must have found their Wit at a loss in the Labyrinth of Fancy , and perceived themselves reduced to this Exigent : either that they had fooled themselves in trifling with words not well understood ; or that they had praecariously usurped the Quaestion ; or that the same Instants are in Eternity , that are in our Time , but with such Eminency , that infinitely more are contained in Eternity , then in our Time. How much better were it said , that we are Coexistent with God ; or , that we are existent in a small part of that Duration , in which God infinitely existeth ? For , while we are , certainly , we cannot imagine Two distinct Durations ; but one , which in respct to our Nature , that is principiate , mutable , and terminable , doth contain designable Terms ; and in respect of the Divine Nature , which is nonprincipiate , immutable , interminable , hath its Diffusion or Extension infinitely long before , and as long after us . This may receive ample justification from that speech of the Hebrew Poet , whose Inspirer was the Holy Ghost , ( Psal. 101. ) Thou shalt Change them and they shall be changed ; but thou , O God! art the same forever , and thy years shall not fail . For here YEARS are attributed to God , but not any mutation of Substance : so that when our years are exhausted , in a short , or span-like flux of Time , the Glass of His Duration is alwayes full . And , therefore , the Expression is only Tropological , when it is said , that the years of our life make but a Day in the Almanack of Divinity : for the life of the Hemerobii compared to ours of threescore years and ten , holds some proportion ; but the life of Methusalem , compared to the Duration of the Life of our lives , the Divine Essence , holds none at all . Upon this consideration , it was more then a Heathen observation of Plutarch ( in Consolat . ad Apollon . ) that there is no difference betwixt a long and a brief time , in respect of Eternity : since , as Simonides , a thousand , nay a million of years make but a point , nor so much as the least part of a point in the line of infinite Duration . Convicted thus by Reason , our Doctors convert to Scripture , urging that God ( Exod. 3. ) indicates his Beeing only in the Praesent Tense , as peculiar to his Eternity , saying , I am , that I am , and I am hath sent thee to Moses . But this Objection admits of a threefold evasion . ( 1 ) The Hebrew Text doth not , in that place , use the Praesent , but the Future Tense , I shall be , what I shall be , and I shall be hath sent thee . ( 2 ) We can oppose many other Texts , which adscribe to God as well Praeterite and Future , as Praesent time ; and most eminently in the Revelation , He is described , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He that is , and was , and is to come . ( 3 ) God Himself doth frequently enunciate many actions , not that He now doth , but that He hath formerly done , and will do in the future , in that moment of opportunity , which His Wisdom hath praedetermined . Hence also expulsed , They fly to their last fortress , viz. If Eternity be not one permanet Now , then cannot all things be praesent to God , objectively . But vain is their hope of security in this also . For , many things , if we respect the when of their existence , have already been , and as many are not yet ; but , because the Omniscience of God pervades as well the darkness of past , as of praesent Time , and alwayes speculates all things most clearly and distinctly therefore do we say , that all things are objects to His Opticks , or , that all things are praesent to His Cognition ; not that He knows , all things to be praesent at once altogether , but that He hath before Him at once all the diversities of Times , and as perfectly contemplates them Future and Praeterite , as Praesent . For , the Divine Intellect doth not apprehend Objects , as the Humane , one after another , or in a successive and syntactical series ; but grasps all things together in one entire act of Cognition , and comprehends in one simple intuition whatever hath been , or may be known . And , therefore , our opinion is not at all impugned by that sacred sentence ; All things are open and naked to His eyes , and He calls upon those things , that are not , as if they were Hereupon some have , with unpardonable temerity and incogitancy , inferred ; that ONCE there was no Time ; for in this their very denial , they openly confess , that Time hath ever been : it being all one as if they had said , There was a Time when there was no Time. Lastly , as the Omniscience of God cannot be indubitated by our persuasion of the Identity of Eternity and Time , so neither can His Immutability , as Aristotle would have it , only for this Reason ( forsooth ) that Time , or that Duration , which hath successive , and so prior and posterior parts , is the General Cause of Corruption . For , our praecedent Discourse hath left no room for the intrusion of that futile Objection ; insomuch as it rather commonstrateth the Divine Nature to be so Constant and Perfect , that in the eternal flux of Time it can know nothing of Innovation or Corruption . Besides , Time , or the succession of Duration , is not the Cause , that induceth Corruption : but the Native Imbecillity of compound Natures , invaded and subdued by some Contrary Agent ; and God is a Pure , Simple , Homogeneous substance , and so not subject to the invasion of any Contrary . Evident it is , therefore , that Aristotle , when He urged this Sophism , spoke more like a Poet , then a Philosopher ; since Poets only use to give Time the Epithite of Edax rerum : nor could He be so absurd , as to dream , that Time was a vast Animal , with sharp teeth , an insatiate appetite , and a belly inexplebile , or an old man armed with a Sithe , as the Poets describe Saturn , making 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Saturn and Time one and the same thing . For , Time really doth neither Eat nor Mow down any thing ; and the Dissolution of all Create compound Natures can be imputed to no other Cause , but the Domestick Hostility of their Heterogenieties , or the uncessant intestine warr of their Elements , from whose commixture their Compositions , or Concretions did first result . With this qualification , therefore , we are not angry at that of Periander , in Stobaeus , Tempus est Causa omnium rerum : because in the process of Time all things have their origin , state , and declination . In this restrained sense we also tolerate the saying of Thales Milesius , quoted by Laertius , Tempus est sapientissimum : since Time produceth Experience , and Experience Prudence . And that Antitheton of Pharon the Pythagorean , recited by Aristotle ; Tempus est Ineruditissimum : because in process of Time the Memory of all things is obliterated , and so oblivion may well be called the Hand-maid of Time , that perpetually follows at the heels of her Mistriss . Our Clue of thoughts concerning Time is now wholly unravelled ; and though we may not praesume , that we have therewith led the mind of our Reader through all the mysteries of its Nature : yet may we hope , that it may serve as a conduct to those , who have a more ample stock of Learning and Perspicacity for the support and encouragement of their Curiosity ; at least that the Attentive and Judicious may easily collect from thence , that we have , upon no Interest but that main one of Verity , withdrawn our assent from the common Doctrine of the Schools , that Eternity is one permanent Now , without Succession , or Priority and Posteriority of Moments . The Second Book . CHAP. I. The Existence of Atoms , Evicted . SECT . I. AMong infinite other hypochondriack Conceits of the Teutonick ( rather , Fanatique ) Philosophers , they frequently adscribe a Dark and a Light side to God ; determining the Essence of Hell in the one , and that of Heaven in the other . Whether the expression be proper and decent enough to be tolerated ; requires the arbitration of only a mean and vulgar judgment . We shall only affirm , that had they accommodated the same to the shadow , or Vicegerent General of God , to Nature ; their Dialect had been , as more familiar to our capacity , so more worthy our imitation . For , that the INCORPOREAL , and therefore Invisible part of the Universe , the Inane Space , may bear the name of the DARK ; and the CORPOREAL and visible part of the LUMINOUS side of Nature : seems consentaneous to reason . On the First , hath the eye of our Mind been thus long levelled ; taking in by collateral and digressive glances the Essential Proprieties of Place and Time ; the one of which is absolutely Identical , the other perfectly Analogous to Inanity : on the other we are now to convert it , and with more then common attention , therein to speculate the Catholique Principles , Motions and Mutations , or Generation and Corruption of BODIES . All Bodies , by an universal Distinction , are either ( 1 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such , from the convention and coalition of which all Concretions result ; familiarly called by Physiologists , Principia , Primordia , Componentia , but most commonly , Elementa , and Materia Prima . Or ( 2 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as consist of the former coacervated , and coalesced : or such as are composed of many single particles Component . The Former were made by Creation , and are superiour to Corruption : the Later are produced by Generation , and reducible by Corruption . The First are Simple and Originary ; such as Plato intends ( in Phaedro ) when he saith , Principii nullam esse originem , quoniam ex ipso principio oriuntur omnia : the other , Compound and Secondary ; such as Lucretius ( lib. 1. ) understands by his Concilio quae constant principiorum . What these First , Simple , Ingenerable , Incorruptible , Universally Component Bodies are , or to speak in the Dialect of the Vulgar , What is the General Matter of all Concretions ( it is no soloecism in Physiology , to transfer a word abstractly importing a Natural Action upon the thing produced by that action ) hath been by more Disputed , then Determined , in all Academies . That there must be some one Catholique Material Principle , of which all Concrete Substances are composed ; and into which they are again , at length by Corruption resolved : is unanimously confessed by all . And , consequently , that this Matter is Incorruptible , or the Term wherein all Dissolution ceaseth ; hath been indubitated by none , but those , who , upon a confusion of Geometrical with Physical Maxims , run upon the point of that dangerous Absurdity , that the infinite division of a real Continuum is possible . Insomuch therefore , as the Essential reason or Formality of Corporiety doth solely consist in Extensibility , or the Dimensions of Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity real ; as our Third Chapter praecedent hath demonstrated , and as the Patriarch of the Schools doth expresly confess ( Natur. Auscult . 4. cap. 3. ) and insomuch as nothing can be the Root or beginning of Material or Physical Extension , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Aliquid indissolubile , something so minute and solid , that nothing can be conceived more exiguous and impatible in Nature ( for , as the Radix of Mathematick , or Imaginary Continuity , is a Point : so must that of Physical or sensible Continuity be a Body of the smallest Quantity ) such as are the ATOMS of Democritus , Epicurus , and other their Sectators ; and the Insensible Particles of Cartesius : therefore , from manifest necessity , may we determine , that no Principle can justly challenge all the Proprieties , or Attributes of the First Universal Matter , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Indivisible Bodies , or Atoms . Which fundamental Position clearly to establish by demonstration ; is a chief part of our difficult Province : having , for method and prevention of obscurity , first briefly insisted upon their various Appellations , with the Etymological relation of each , traced them up to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Invention , and evicted their Existence . ( 1 ) As for their various DENOMINATIONS ; they naturally reduce themselves to three General Imports , bearing a congruous and emphatick respect to their three most eminent Proprieties . For , ( 1 ) In relation to their Corporiety , they are called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bodies , by way of transcendency : because they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , devoyd of all Incorporiety , i. e. they contain nothing of Inanity , as do all Concretions emergent from them , there being in all Compound Bodies more or less of Inanity disseminate among their particles . For which reason , they are also named , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Plena . ( 2 ) In regard of their affording Matter to all Concretions , they are denominated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Principles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elements , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , First Bodies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , First Magnitudes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Matter of all things , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Genitalia semina rerum , the seminaries of all productions : because all material things are composed of them . In which concern also , by a Pythagorical Epithite , they are s●●led , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Unities ; because , as all Numbers arise from Unities , so all Compositions from them . ( 3 ) To denote their Indissolubility , they are most frequently known by the term , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Atoms ; either because they are incapable of Section , as Isodor , Plutarch , Servius , Budaeus , Scapula , &c. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ob indissolubilem soliditatem , for their indissoluble solidity . For , all Concrete Bodies , insomuch as they came short of absolute solidity , having somewhat of Inanity intermixt , may be divided , and subdivided until their ultimate resolution into these , their component parts : but Atoms admit of no division below themselves . Wherefore they are usually christned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Individual , Insectile , Impartible ; as likewise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Invisible , and by the mind only perceptible , Bodies , i. e. so exile as no man can conceive a real Exility beyond theirs . Hence are we assured , that Two vulgarly passant Derivations of the word , Atome , are ingenuine and extorted . ( 1 ) That of Hesychius , with too much semblance of approbation mentioned by the Reviver of the great Democritus , Magnenus , ( de Atom . disput . 2. cap. 2. ) which would have it a sprigg of that root , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fumus ; because ( forsooth ) from all bodies , in their reversion from mix●ion to dissolution , their Elements disperse by Exhalation : as if this Etymologie were so adaequate and important , as to compensate the de●ect o● an omicron , in the second syllable . ( 2 ) That embraced not only by many paedantique Grammarians , but even acute Philologers , who interpret the word Atomus to signifie a Defect of Parts ; as if an Atom were destitute of all Magnitude , or no other then a mere Mathematical Point : when , indeed , the Nomenclator had his eye fixt only on their Solidity , Ha●dness , or Impatibility , which is such , as excludes all possibility of Fraction , Section , Division . Thus much Epicurus himself expresseth , in most persp●cuous and unpervertible terms ( apud Plutarch . 1. pla●●t . 3. ) thus ; Dicitur Atomus , non quòd minima sit , vel i●star puncti , sed quod non possit dividi ; cùm sit patiendi incapax , & inanis expers . And Galen ( 1 de Elem. ) recounting their doctrine , who affirmed the Principles of all Bodies to be Atoms , s●ith of Epicurus , Fecit Atomos , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He made them Infrangible in respect to their solidity . ( 2 ) Concerning their INVENTION ; if we reflect upon them as in Re , before their reception of any constant Denomination ; we have the tradition not only of Possidonius the Stoick , related by Empiricus ( advers . Physic. lib. ib. ) but also of Strabo , to assure the honour thereof upon one Moschus , a Phoenician , who flourished not long before the ruine of Troy by the Graecians . Allowing this for Authentique , we have some cause to judge Magnenus to have been too favourable to his Grand Master , Democritus , when ( in testimon . de Democrito . pag. 3● . ) He enricheth his Panegyrick of him with , Effluvia Corporum Atomosque comperit , & invexit omnium primus : ex Laertio quod unum tanti apud me est , ut congestas omnium Philosophorum laudes vel exaequet vel superet . Besides , to do Laertius right , He finds Leucippus , not Democritus , to have been the Founder of this incomparable Hypothesis : as his records lye open to testifie ( in vita Leucippi . ) But , if we reflect upon them only as in Nomine , enquiring who was their Godfather , that imposed the most convenient name , Atoms , upon them ; we need not any more ancient , or faithful monuments to silence all competition about that honour , then those of Theodoret : who rightly sets the Laurel on the deserving front of Epicurus , in this text ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Epicurus , Neoclis filius , dicta illis ( meaning Democritus and Metrodorus Chius ) Nasta & Adiaereta , appellavit Atomos . We are not ignorant , that Sidonius Apollinaris ( carmin . 15. ) adscribes the imposition of this name , to Archelaus in these Verses : Post hos , Archelaus divina , mente paratam Concipit hanc molem , confectam partibus illis , Quos Atomos vocat , ipse leveis &c. But how unjustly , even S. Augustine ( 8. de Civit. Dei , cap 3. ) sufficiently declares ; saying , that Archelaus deduced all things , non ex Atomis , sed ex Particulis dissimilibus . And therefore , though we may not file up the first Discovery of this noble Principle , Atoms ( of all others , hitherto excogitated , the most verisimilous , because most sufficient to the solution of all Natures Phaenomena ) among those many benefits , which the Commonweal of Philosophy owes to the bounteous Wit of Epicurus : yet hath his sagacity in accommodating them with so perfectly congruous an Appellation , and successful industry in advancing and refining their Theory , in the General , worthily entituled him to the homage of a grateful Estimation equal to that , which the merit of their Inventor claims . ( 3 ) Concerning their EXISTENCE ; that there are such Things , as Atoms , or Insectile Bodies , in Rerum Natura ; cannot be long doubted by any judicious man , who shall thus reason with himself . ( 1 ) Nature can produce Nothing out of Nothing ; nor reduce any thing to Nothing : is an Axiome , whose tranquility was never yet disturbed , no not by those who hav● invaded the ●ertitude of even First Notions , and accused Geometry of delusion . If so ; there must be some Common Stock , or an Universal Something , Ingenerable , and Incorruptible , of which being praeexistent , all things are Generated , and into which being indissoluble , all things are , at the period of their duration , again resolved . That Nature doth dissolve Bodies into exceeding minute , or insensible particles ; Her self doth undeniably manifest , as well in the Nutrition of Animate ( their Aliment being volatilized into so many insensible particles , as those whereof the Body nourished doth consist ; otherwise there could be no General Apposition , Accretion , Assimilation ) as the Incineration of ●ead Bodies . Which ground Des Cartes rightly apprehended to be so firm and evident , that he thought the existence of his Insensible Particles sufficiently demonstrable from thence . Quis dubitare potest ( saith He ) quin multa Corpora sint tam minuta , ut ea nullo sensu deprehendamus , si tantum consideret , quidnam singulis horis adjiciatur iis quae lente augentur , vel quid detra●atur ex iis quae sensim minuuntur ? Cresci● enim arbor quotidiè , nec potest intelligi majorem illam reddi quam prius fuit , nisi simul intelligatur aliquod corpus eidem adjungi . Quis autem unquam sensu deprehenderit , quaenam sint illa corpuscula , quae in una die arbori crescenti accesserunt , &c. ( princip Philos. part . 4. articul . 201. ) That she cannot in her Dissolution of Bodies , proceed to Infinity , but must consist in some definite Term , or extreme , the lowest of Physical Quantity ; is demonstrable from hence , that every real Magnitude is uncapable of interminable Division . For , since to an infinite process is required an infinite Time ; she could never Generate any thing New , because the old would require an infinite time and process to their Dissolution . Convicted by this apodictical Argument , Aristotle ( 1 Phys. 9. ) detesting the odious Absurdity of ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) running on to Infinity ; solemnly concludes ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that there must be an Extreme Matter , wherein all Exolution is terminated : only herein He recedes from the supposition of Democritus , Epicurus , and other Patrons of the same Doctrine that they terminated all Exolution in the Insectility of Atoms ; but He describes no such Extreme , or point of Consistence , his Materia Prima being stated rather Potential , then Actual , and absolutely devoid of all Quantity ; then which we know no more open and inexcusable a Contradiction . Again , if the Exolution of Bodies were not Definite , and that Nature knowing no n● ultra , did progress to Adnihilation : then must it inevitably follow , that the Matter of all things , that have been formerly , is totally Adnihilated ; and the matter of all things now Existent , was educed out of Nothing . Two most intolerable Absurdities ; since Adnihilation and Creation are terms n●t to be found in the Dictionary of Nature , but proper only to Omnipotence : nor is there any sober man , who doth not understand the Common Material of Thi●gs to be constantly the same , through the whole flux of Time , or the duration of the World ; so as that from the Creation thereof by the Fiat of God , no one particle of it can perish , or vanish into Nothing , until the total Dissolution of Nature , by the same Metaphysical power ; nor any one particle of new matter be superadded thereto , without miracle . The Energy of Nature is definite and praescribed : nor is she Commissioned with any other Efficacy , then what extends to the moulding of Old Matter into New Figures ; and so , the noblest Attribute we can allow her , is that of a Translator . Now , to extract the spirit of all this , since there must be an Extreme , or ultimate Term of Exolubility , beyond which can be progress ; since this Term can be conceived no other but the lowest degree of Physical Quantity ; and since , beyond the In●ectility of Atoms , no Quantity Physical can be granted : what can the genuine Consequent be , but that in Nature there are extremly minute Bodies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Indivisible and Immutable ? ( 2 ) For Confirmation ; as in the Universe there is , Aliquid Inane , something so purely Inane , as that it is absolutely devoyd of all Corporiety : so also must there be Aliquid Corporeum , somewhat so purely Corporeal , or solid , as to be perfectly devoyd of all Inanity ; to which peculiar solidity nothing but Atoms , in regard of their Indivisibility , can praetend : therefore is their Existence to be confessed . This Reason Lucretius most elegantly thus urgeth ; Tum porrò ▪ si nil esset , quod INANE vacaret , Omne foret solidum ; nisi contrà CORPORA caeca Essent , quae loca complerent quaecunque tenerent , Omne quod est spatium , Vacuum constaret Inane , &c. Lib. 1. ( 3 ) Evident it is to sense , that in the World are two sorts of Bodies , Soft and Hard ; now , if we assume the Principles of all things to be exquisitely Hard , or Solid ; then do we admit the production of not only Hard , but also of soft Bodies to be possible , because softness may arise to a Concretion of Hard Principles , from the Intermistion of Inanity : but , if we assume soft Principles , then do we exclude all possibility of the production of Hard Bodies , that Solidity , which is the Fundament of Hardness , being substracted : Therefore is the Concession of Atoms necessary . ( 4 ) Nature is perpetually Constant in all her specifical Operations , as in her Production and Promotion of Animals to the determinate periods of their Increment , Stature , Vigour , and Duration ; and , more evidently , in the impression of those marks , whereby each species is discriminated from other . Now , to what Cause can this Her Constancy be , with greater probability , referred then to this , that her Materials are Certain , Constant , and inobnoxious to Dissolution , and consequently to mutation : and such are Atoms praesumed to be ? Ergo , they are Existent . CHAP. II. No Physical Continuum , infinitely Divisible . SECT . I. THe Grand Base on which the whole Fabrick of the Atomists , i. e. our Physiology is supported , confesseth it self to be this ; that Nature cannot extend her Dissolution of Bodies beyond 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , somewhat that is Firm and Inexsoluble . And the rock on which that adamantine Base is fixt , is soon understood to be this ; that the Parts of no Physical Continuum , or Magnitude , are subdivisible to Infinity . The Former , we conceive so clearly comprobated by Reasons of evidence and certitude equal to that of the most perfect Demonstration in Geometry , that to suspect its admission for an impraegnable Verity , by all , who have not , by a sacramental subscription of Aristotles Infallibility , abjured the ingenious Liberty of estimating Philosophical Fundaments more by the moments of Verisimility , then the specious Commendums of Authority ; were no less then implicitely to disparage the Capacity of our Reader , by supposing Him an incompetent judge of their importance and validity . And that the Other is equally noble in its alliance to Truth , and so secure from subversion by the minds of the acutest Sophistry , that may oppose it ; is the necessary Theorem of this praesent Exercitation . To usher in this Verity with the greater splendor , we are required to advertise ( 1 ) That Philosophers have instituted two distinct Methods , for the regular Division of Magnitude . For , their Divisions are continued by a progression through Parts either ( 1 ) PROPORTIONAL ; which is when a Physical Continuum is divided into two parts , and each of those parts is subdivided again into two more , and each of those into two more ; or when the whole of any magnitude is divided into 10 equal parts , and each of those into 10 more , and each of those into 10 more , and so forward , observing the same decimal proportions through the whole division : or ( 2 ) ALIQUOTAL ; i. e. when a Continuum is divided into such parts , as being divers times repeated , are aequated to the whole , or into so many parts as seem convenient to the Divisor , provided they hold equal proportions among themselves , whether they be Miles , Furlongs , Fathoms , Feet , Digits , &c. Which Distinction Aristotle seems to allude unto , when he declares ( 3. physic . 7. ) that the Difference betwixt Magnitude and Number doth consist in this , that by the Division of Numbers we arrive at last , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad Minimum , at the Least ; but of Magnitude , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad Minus , only to a Less . ( 2 ) That when Democritus , Epicurus , and other Ancients of the same Antistoical Faction , treating of the Division of Magnitude , determine it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; they did chiefly intend that Methodical Division , which is made in partes Proportionales ; insomuch as every part made by a second division must be less then that made by a first . The Demonstration . If in a Finite Body , the number of Parts , into which it may be divided , be not Finite also ; then must the Parts comprehended therein be really Infinite : and , upon Consequence , the whole Composition resulting from their Commixture , be really Infinite ; which is repugnant to the supposition . So perfectly Apodictical , and so inoppugnably victorious , is this single Argument , that there needs no other to the justification of our instant Cause : nor can the most obstinate and refractory Champion of the Peripateticks , refuse to surrender his assent thereto , without being reduced to a most dishonourable exigent . For , He must allow either that the whole of any Body is something besides , or distinct from the Aggeries , or Mass of Parts , of which it is composed : or , that all the Parts , together taken , are somewhat greater then the whole amassed by their convention and coalescence . If so ; there must be as many parts in a grain of Mustard seed , as in the whole Terrestrial Globe : since in either is supposed an equal Inexhauribility ; which is contrary to the First Notion of ●uclid , Totum est majus sua parte . And if any mans skull be so soft , as to admit a durable impression of an opinion so openly self-contradictory , as this , that the Whole is less then its Parts ; we judge him a fit Scholer for Chrysippus , who blusht not publiquely to affirm , that one drop of Wine was capable of commistion with every particle of the Ocean , nay , diffusive enough to extend to an union with every particle of the Universe , were it 1000●0 times greater , then now it is . Nor , need we despair to make him swear , that Arcesilas did not jeer the Disciples of Zeno , when he exemplified the inexhaurible division of Magnitude , in a mans Thigh , amputated , putrified , and cast into the Sea ; ironically affirming the parts thereof so infinitely subdivisible , that it might be incorporated per minimas , to every particle of Water therein ; and consequently , that not only Antigonus Navy might sail at large through the thigh , but also that Xerxes thousand two hundred ships might freely maintain a Naval fight with 300 Gallies of the Greeks , in the compass of its dispersed parts . We deny not , but Zeno's Argument against Motion , grounded on the supposition of interminable Partibility in Magnitude , is too hard and full of Knots , to be undone by the teeth of common reason : yet who hath been so superlatively stupid , as to prefer the mere plausibility thereof to the contrary Demonstration of his sense , and thereupon infer a belief , that there is no Motion in the World ? What Credulity is there so easie , as to entertain a conceit , that one granule of sand ( a thing of very small circumscription ) doth contain so great a number of parts , as that it may be divided into a thousand millions of Myriads ; and each of those parts be subdivided into a thousand millions of Myriads ; and each of those be redivided into as many ; and each of those into as many : so as that it is impossible , by multiplications of Divisions , ever to arrive at parts so extremely small , as that none can be smaller ; though the subdivisions be repeated every moment , not only in an hour , a day , a month , or a year , but a thousand millions of Myriads of years ? Or , What Hypochondriack hath been so wild in Phansie , as to conceive that the vast mass of the World may not be divided into more parts then the Foot of a Handworm , a thing so minute as if made only to experiment the perfection of an Engyscope ? And yet this must not be granted , if we hearken to the spels of Zeno and the Stoicks ; who contend for the Divisibility of every the smallest quantity into infinite parts : since , into how many parts soever the World be divided , as many are assumable in the Foot of a Hand-worm , the parts of this being no less inexhaustible , nor more terminable by any continued division , then the parts of that , according to the supposition of Infinitude . And , hereon may we safely conclude , that albeit the Arguments alledged in defence of Infinite Divisibility of every Physical Continuum , were ( as not a few , nor obscure Clerks have reputed them ) absolutely indissoluble : yet notwithstanding , since we have the plain Certificate of not only our Reason , but undeluded sense also to evidence the Contrary , ought we to more then suspect them of secret Fallacy and Collusion ; it being a rule , worthy the reputation of a First Notion , that in the examination of those Physical Theorems , whose Verity , or Falsity is determinable by the sincere judicature of the sense , we ought to appeal to no other Criterion , but to acquiesce in the Certification thereof ; especially where is no Refragation , or Dissent of Reason . Notwithstanding the manifest necessity of this apodictical Truth , yet have there been many Sophisms framed , upon design to evade it : among which we find only Two , whose plausibility and popular approbation seem to praescribe them to our praesent notice . The First is that famous one of Aristotle ( de insecabil . lineis ) Non creari propterea infinitum actu ex hujusmodi partibus infinitis , quoniam tales partes non actu , sed potestate duntaxat infinitae sunt ; adeo proinde ut creent solùm infinitum potestate , quod idem sit actu finitum : that the division of a finite body into infinite parts doth not make it actually infinite , because the parts are not actually , but only potentially infinite ; so as they render it infinitely divisible only potentially , while it still remains actually Finite . The Collusion of this Distinction is not deeply concealed . For , every Continuum hath either no parts in actu , or infinite parts in actu . Since , if by parts in actu , we understand those that are actually divided : then hath not any Continuum so much as two or three parts ; the supposed Continuity excluding all Division . And if we intend , that a Continuum hath therefore two parts actually , because it is capable of division into two parts actually : then is it necessary , that we allow a Continuum to have parts actually infinite , because we presume it capable of division into infinite parts actually ; which is contradictory to Aristotle . Nor can any of his Defendants excuse the consequence by saying ; that the Division is never finishable , or terminable , and that his sense is only this , that no Continuum can ever be divided into so many parts , as that it may not be again divided into more , and those by redivision into more , and so forward without end . Since , as in a Continuum two parts are not denyed to exist , though it be never divided into those two parts : so likewise are not infinite parts denied to exist therein , though it be never really divisible into infinite parts . Otherwise , we demand , since by those requisite divisions and subdivisions usque ad infinitum , still more and more actuall parts are discovered ; can you conceive those parts , which may be discovered to be of any Determinate Number , or not ? If you take the Affirm . then will not there be parts enough to maintain the division to infinity : if the Negat . then must the parts be actually infinite . For , how can a Continuum be superior to final exhaustion , unless in this respect , that it contains infinite parts , i. e. such whose Infinity makes it Inexhaustible . Because , as those parts , which are deduced from a Continuum , must be praeexistent therein before deduction ( else whence are they deduceable ? ) so also must those , which yet remain deduceable , be actually existent therein , otherwise they are not deducible from it . For , Parts are then Infinite , when more and more inexhaustibly , or without end , are conceded Deducible . The other , with unpardonable confidence insisted on by the Stoicks , is this ; Continuum non evadere infinitum ; quoniam illud propriè resultat non ex Proportionalibus , sed ex Aliquotis partibus , quas constat esse Definitas , cùm inter extrema Corporis versentur : that [ by admitting an infinity of parts in a Finite Continuum ] a Continuum doth not become infinite ; because that results properly not from Proportional , but Aliquotal parts , which are therefore confess'd to be Definite , because they relate only to the Extremes of a Body . First , this subterfuge is a mere Lusus Verborum , sounding nought at all in the ears of Reason . For since every thing doth consist of those parts , into which it may be at last resolved ; because every Continuum is at last resolved into , therefore must it con●ist of Proportional Parts . Again , since every one of Aliquotal parts is Continuate , each of them may be divided into as many Aliquotal parts , as the whole Continuum was first divided into , and so upwards infinitely : so as at length the Division must revert into Proportional Parts , and the Difficulty remain the same . SECT . II. THe impossibility of Dividing a Physical Continuum into parts interminably subdivisible , being thus amply Demonstrated ; and the Sophistry of the most specious Recesses , invented to assist the Contrary opinion , clearly detected : the residue of this Chapter belongs to our Vindication of the same Thesis from the guilt of those Absurdities and In●ongruities , which the Dissenting Faction hath charged upon it . Empiricus , with great Virulency of language inveighing against the Patrons of Atoms , accuseth them of subverting all Local Motion , by supposing that not only Place and Time , but also Natural Quantity indivisible beyond Insectile Parts . To make this the more credible , He Objects ( 1 ) That if we assume a Line , consisting of nine Insectils , and imagine two insectile Bodies to be moved , with equal velocity , from the opposite extremes thereof toward the middle ; it must be , to their mutual occurse , and convention in the middle , necessary that both possess the median part of the median , or Fifth Insectile place ( there being no cause , why one should possess it more then the other ) when yet both the Places and Bodies therein moved , are praesumed Insectile , i. e. without parts . ( 2 ) That all Bodies must be moved with equal celerity ; for , the pace of the Sun and that of a Snail must be aequivelox , if both move through an insectile space , in an insectile Time. ( 3 ) That , if many Concentrical Circles be described by the circumduction of one Rule , defixed upon one of its extremes , as upon a Centre ; since they are all delineated at one and the same time , and some are greater then others : it must follow , that unequal portions of Circles are described in the same individual point of Time , and consequently that an Insectile of an Interior Circle must be aequated to a sectile of an Exterior . To these our Modern Anti-Epicureans have superadded many other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Inconcistencies , as dependent on the position of Insectility viz. ( 1 ) That a Line of unaequal Insectiles , suppose of 3.5.9 . or 11. cannot be divided into two equal halfs : when yet , that any Line whatever may be exactly bipartited , is demonstrable to sense . ( 2 ) That a less line cannot be divided into so many parts , as a Greater : though the Contrary be concordant to the maximes of Geometry . ( 3 ) That though lines drawn betwixt all the points of the Leggs of an Isoscelis Triangle , parallel to its Base , are less then its Base ; yet will they be found greater : because , supposing the Base to be of five points , and the Leggs of 10 ; it must follow , that the least Line , or the nearest to the Vertex , doth consist of only two points , the second of 3 , the third of 4 , the fourth of 5 , the fifth of 6 , the sixth of 7 , the seventh of 8 , and the greatest , or nearest to the Base , of 9 ; then which nothing can be more absurd . ( 4 ) That the Diagone of a Quadrate would be commensurable in longitude with the side thereof : one and the same point being the measure common to both ; though the Contrary is demonstrated by Euclid . ( 5 ) That the same Diagone of a Quadrate could not be greater then , but exactly adaequate to the side thereof : because each of all its points must be possessed by just so many , nor more nor fewer lines , then may be drawn betwixt the points of the opposite sides ; which is highly absurd . ( 6 ) That , with the danger of no less absurdity , would not a semicircle be greater then its Diametre ; since to every point in the semicircle there would respond another in the Diametre , and there would be in both as many points , on which as many perpendicular Lines , deduced from them , might be incident . ( 7 ) That , according to the supposition of Insectility , of many Concentrick Circles the Exterior would not be greater then the Interior ; insomuch as all the Lines drawn from all the points of it toward the Centre , must pass through as many points of the other . Many other Exceptions lye against our Insectility ; but being they are of the same Nature with these , rather Mathematical , then Physical , and that one common solution will serve them all : we may not abuse our leasure in their recitation . That there have been hot and scarce ingenious Altercations among the gravest and leading Philosophers , in all ages ; and even about those Arguments , which wear the proper Characters of Truth fairly engraven on their Fronts : can be esteemed no wonder ; because the general custom of men to speculate the Fabrick of Nature through the deceivable Glass of Authority , doth amply solve it . But , that so many Examples of Sagacity and Disquisition , as have condemned the Hypothesis of Atoms , should think their Choler against the Patrons of it excusable only by the allegation of these light and impertinent Exceptions : cannot be denyed the reputation of a Wonder , and such a one as no plea , but an ambitious Affectation of extraordinary subtilty in the invention of Sophisms ( wherein Fallacy is so neatly disguised in the amiable habit of right Reason , as to be charming enough to impose upon the incircumspection of common Credulity , and cast disparagement upon the most noble and evident Fundamentals . ) can palliate . For , certainly , They could not be ignorant , that they corrupted the state of the Quaestion ; the Minimum , or Insectile of Atomists , being not Mathematicum , but Physicum , and of a far different nature from that Least of Quantity , which Geometricians imagining only , denominate a Point . And therefore , what Cicero ( 1. de finib . ) said against Epicurus ; Non esse ne illud quidem Physici , credere aliquid esse minimum : may be justly converted into , Esse praesertim Physici , naturale quoddam minimum asserere ; since Nature in her Exolutions cannot progress to infinity . We say , Physici ; because it is the Naturalist , whose enquiries are confined to sensible objects , and such as are really Existent in Nature : nor is He at all concerned , to use those Abstractions ( as they are termed ) from Matter ; the Mathematician being the only He , who cannot , with safety to his Principles , admit the Tenet of Insectility , or Term of Divisibility . For to Him only is it requisite , to suppose and speculate Quantity abstract from Corporiety ; it being evident , that if He did allow any Magnitude divisible only into Individuals , or that the number of possible parts , or points in a Continuum , were definite : then could he not erect Geometrical , or exquisite Demonstrations . And hence only is it , that He supposeth an Infinitude of points in every the least Continuum , or ( in his own phrase ) that every Continuum is div●sible into parts infinitely subdivisible : not that He doth , or can really understand it so ; but that many Convenient Conclusions , and no considerable Incongruities , follow upon the Concession thereof . This considered , we need no other evidence , that all the former Objections , accumulated upon Epicurus by the malitious Sophistry of Empiricus and others , concern only the Mathematicians , not the Physiologist , who is a stranger to their supposition of interminable Divisibility . If this Response praevail not , and that we must yet sustain this seeming Dilemma ; Either the suppositions of the Mathematicians are True or False : if true , then doth their verity hold , when accommodated to Physical Theorems , by the assumption of any sensible Continuum , or real Magnitude ; if false , then are not the Conclusions Necessary , that are deduced from them , but the contray is apparent in their demonstrations ; Therefore , &c. Our Expedient is , that , though we should concede those suppositions to be False , yet may they afford true and necessary Conclusions : every Novice in Logick well knowing how to extract undeniable Conclusions out of most false propositions , only supposed true , as may be Instanced in this Syllogism . Omnes arbores sunt in coelo ( that 's false ) sed omnia sydera sunt Arbores ( that 's false ) Ergo , omnia sydera sunt in coelo ( that 's indisputable ) . Besides , 't is evident , that of those many Hypotheses celebrated by Astronomers , either no one is absolutely true , or all except one , are false : yet Experience assures , that from all , at least from most of them the Motions of Coelestial Bodies may be described , and respective Calculations instituted with equal Certude . Digression . Here , because our Reader cannot but perceive us occasionally fallen into the mouth of that eminent Quaestion ; An liceat in materiam physicam , sive sensibilem , transferre Geometricas Demonstrationes ? Whether it be convenient to transfer Geometrical Demonstrations to Physical or sensible Quantity ? Since they , who accept the Negative , seem to adnihilate the use of Geometry : we need not deprecate his impatience , though we digress so long , as to praesent him the summary of our thoughts concerning it . First , we conceive it not justifiable , alwayes to expect the eviction of Physical Theorems ; by Geometrical Demonstrations . This may be authorized from hence , that Geometricians themselves , when they fall upon the theory of those parts of the Mathematicks , which are Physicomathematical , or of a mi●t and complex Consideration , are frequently necessitated to convert to suppositions , not only different from , but directly and openly repugnant to their own proper and establisht maxims . Thus ▪ in Opticks , Euclid concedes a Least Angle ; and Vitellio admits a Least Light , such as being once understood to be divided , hath no longer the act of Light , i. e. wholly disappears : which is no less , then in Opticks to allow a Term , or point of Consistence to the Division of Quantity , which yet in Geometry they hold capable of an infinite process . We are provided of a most pertinent Example , for the illustration of the whole matter . The Geometrician Demonstrateth the Division of a Line into two equal segments , to be a thing not only possible , but most easie : and yet cannot the Physiologist be induced to swallow it , as really performable . For He considers ( 1 ) That the superfice of no body can be so exactly smooth and polite , as to be devoyd of all uneveness or asperity , every common Microscope discovering numerous inaequalities in the surface of even the best cut Diamonds , and the finest Chrystal , Bodies , whose Tralucency sufficiently confesseth them to be exceeding polite : and consequently , that there is assumable thereon no Line so perfectly uniform , as not to be made unequal by many Valleculae and Monticulae , small pits and protuberances frequently interjacent . ( 2 ) That the Edge of no Dissecting Instrument can be so acute , as not to draw a line of some Latitude . ( 3 ) That should the edge of the acutest Rasor be laid on the foot of a Handworm , which may be effected by the advantage of a good Magnifying Glass , and a steady hand : yet is that composed of many Myriads of Atoms , or insensible particles of the First universal Matter . And thence Concludes that no real Line drawn upon the superfice of any the smoothest Body , can be practically divided into two Halfs , so exactly , as that the section shall be in that part , which is truly the median to both extremes . Since , that part , which appears , to the sense , to be the median , and is most exiguous ; doth yet consist of so many Myriads of particles , as that though the edge of the Rasor be imposed by many Myriads of particles aside of that , which is truly in the middle , yet will it seem to the eye still to be one and the same . This duely perpended , we have no cause to fear the section of an Atome , though the edge of a knife were imposed directly upon it : Since the edge must be gross and blunt , if compared to the exility of an Atome : so that we may allow it to divide an Assembly , or Heap of Atoms , but never to cut a single one . Secondly , We judge it expedient in some cases to accommodate suppositions Geometrical to Subjects merely Physical ; but to this end only , that we may thereby acquire majorem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a greater degree of Acuteness , or advance our speculations to more Exactness . Thus the soul of the Mathematicks , Archimed , ( de Arenarum num . ) supposed the Diametre of a grain of Poppy seed to consist of 10000 particles ; not that He conceived that any Art could really discern so vast a multitude of parts in a body of so minute circumscription : but that , by transferring the same reason to another body of larger dimensions , He might attain the certitude of his Proposition by so much the nearer , by how much the less he might have erred by neglecting one of those many particles . Thus also is it the custom of Geometricians , in order to their exactness in Calculations , to imagine the Semi-diametre , or Radius of any Circle , divided into many Myriads of Parts ; not that so many parts can be really distinguished in any Radius , but that , when comparation is made betwixt the Radius , and other right lines , which in parts Aliquotal , or such as are expressed by whole numbers , do not exactly respond thereunto , particles may be found out so exile , as though one , or the fraction of one of them be neglected yet can no sensible Error ensue thereupon . And this ( in a word ) seems to be the true and only Cause , why Mathematicians constantly suppose every Continuum to consist of Infinite parts : not that they can , or ought to understand it to be Really so ; but that they may conserve to themselves a liberty of insensible Latitude , by subdividing each division of Parts into so many as they please ; For , they well know , that the Physiologist is in the right , when He admits no Infinity , but only an Innumerability of parts in natuaral Continuum . Lastly , if these Reasons appear not weighty enough to counterpoise the Contrary Persuasion ; we can aggravate them with a Grain of noble Authority . For , no meaner a man then Plato , who seems to have understood Geometry as well as the Aegyptian Theuth , the supposed Inventor thereof ( vide Platon . in Phaedro ) and to have honoured it much more in a solemn Panegyrick ( 9. dialog . de Rep. ) sharply reprehends Eudoxus , Archytas , Menaechonus , &c. for their errour in endeavouring to adjust Geometrical speculations to sensible objects : subnecting in positive termes , that ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) thereby the good of Geometry was corrupted . ( Lege Marsil . Ficin . in Compend ▪ Timaei . cap. 19. ) CHAP. III. Atoms , the First and Vniversal Matter . SECT . I. NO man so fit to receive and retain the impressions of Truth , as He , who hath his Virgin mind totally dispossessed of Praejudice : and no Thesis hath ever , since the Envy of Aristotle was so hot , as to burn the Volumes of Democritus and most of the Elder Philosophers , which might have conserved its lustre , been more Eclipsed with a praesumption of sundry Incongruities , then this noble one , that Atoms are the First and Catholique Principle of Bodies . Requisite it is therefore that this Chapter have , Ianus like , two faces : one to look backward on those Impediments to its general admission , the Inconsistences charged upon , and sundry Difficulties supposed inseparable from it ; the other to look forward at the plenary Remonstrance of its Verity . In obedience to this necessity , therefore , we advertise , first ; that it hath proved of no small disadvantage to the promotion of the Doctrine of Atoms , that the Founders thereof have been accused of laying it down for a main Fundamental , that there are two Principles of all things in the Universe , BODIE and INANITY ; importing the necessary Concurrence of the Inane Space to the constitution of Bodies complex , as well as of Atoms . This Absurdity hath been unworthily charged upon Epicurus by Plutarch , in these words ; Principia esse Epicuro Infinitatem & Inane : and upon Leucippus and Democritus by Aristotle ( 1. Metaphys . 4. ) in these ; Plenum & Inane Elementa dicunt . To vindicate these Mirrors of Science from so dishonourable an Imputation , we plead ; that though they held the Universe to consist of two General Parts , Atoms and Vacuity : yet did not they , therefore , affirm , that all things were composed of those two , as Elementary Principles . That which imposed upon their Accusers judgment , was this , that supposing Atoms and the Inane Space to be Ingenite and Incorruptible , they conceived the whole of Nature to arise from them , as from its two universal Parts ; but never dreamt so wild an Alogy , as that all Concretions , that are produced by Generation , and subject to destruction by Corruption , must derive their Consistence from those two , in the capacity of Elements , or Componentia . For , albeit in some latitude and liberty of sense , they may be conceded Elements , or Principles of the Universe : yet doth it not naturally follow , that therefore they must be equal Principles , or Elements of Generables ; since Atoms only fulfill that title , the Inane Space affording only Place and Discrimination . Nor is it probable , that those , who had defined Vacuity by Incorporiety , should lapse into so manifest a Contradiction , as to allow it to be any Cause of Corporiety , or to constitute one moiety of Bodies . Besides , neither can Epicurus in any of those Fragments of his , redeemed from the jaws of oblivion by Laertius , Cicero , Empiricus , Plutarch , &c. nor his faithful Disciple and Paraphrast , Lucretius , in all his Physiology , be found , to have affirmed the Contexture of any Concretion from Inanity , but of all things simply and solely from Atoms . And for Democritus , him doth even Aristotle himself wholly acquit of this Error ; for ( in 1. Phys. ) enumerating the several opinions of the Ancients concerning the Principles , or Elements of all things , He saith of him ; Fecit principiorum Genus unicum , Figuras verò differentes . All therefore that lyeth against them in this case , is only that they asserted the interspersion or dissemination of Inanity among the incontingent particles of Bodies concrete , as of absolute necessity to their peculiar Contemperation : which we conceive our selves obliged to embrace and defend , untill it shall be proved unto us , by more then paralogistical arguments , that there is any one Concretion in the world so perfectly solid , as to contain nothing of the Inane Space intermixt ▪ which till it can be demonstrated that a Concretion may be so solid , as to be Indissoluble , we have no cause to expect . Secondly , That the Patrons of Atoms do not ( as the malice of some , and incogitancy of others hath praetended , to cast disparagement upon their Theory ) deny the Existence of those four Elements admitted by most Philosophers : but allow them to be Elementa Secundaria , Elements Elementated , i. e. consisting of Atoms , as their First and Highest Principles . Thus much we may certifie from that of Lucretius ( 2. lib. ) treating of Atoms ; Unde mare , & Terrae possent augescere , & unde Adpareret spatium Coeli * domus , altaque tecta , Tolleret a terris procul , & consurgeret Aer , &c. Nor can the most subtle of their Adversaries make this their Tenet bear an action of trespass against right Reason ; especially when their Advocate shall urge , the great Dissent of the Ancients concerning both the Number and Original of Elements , the insufficiency of any one Element to the Production of Compound Natures , and that the four vulgar Elements cannot justly be honoured with the Attributes of the First Matter . ( 1 ) The Dissent of the Ancients about the number of Elements cannot be unknown to any , who hath revolved their monuments and taken a list of their several opinions ; their own , or their Scholiasts volumes lying open to record , that of those who fixt upon the four Vulgar Elements , Fire , Aer , Earth , Water , for the universal Principles , some constituted only one single first Principle , from which by Consideration and Rarefaction , the other three did proceed , and from them all Elementated Concretions : among which are Heraclitus , who selected Fire ; Anaximenes , who pitched upon Aer ; Thales Milesius , who praeferred Water ; and Pherecydes , who was for Earth . Others supposed only Two primary , from which likewise , by Condensation and Rarefaction the other two secondary were produced : as Xenophanes would have Earth and Water ; Parmenides contended for Fire and Earth ; Oenopides Chius for Fire and Aer ; and Hippo Rheginus for Fire and Water . Others advanced one step higher , and there acquiesced in Three ; as Onomacritus and his Proselytes affirmed Fire , Water , and Earth . And some made out the Quaternian , and superadded also Aer ; the Principal of which was Empedocles . Now , to him who remembers , that there can be but one Truth ; and thereupon justly inferrs , that of many disagreeing opinions concerning one and the same subject , either all , or all except one must be false ; and that it is not easie which to prefer , when they are all made equally plausible by a parity of specious Arguments : it cannot appear either a defect of judgment , or an affectation of singularity in Democritus and Epicurus to have suspected them all of incertitude , and founded their Physiology on an Hypothesis of one single Principle , Atoms , from the various transposition , configuration , motion , and quiescence of whose insensible Particles , all the four generally admitted Elements may be derived , and into which they may , at the term of Exsolubility , revert without the least hazard of Absurdity or Impossibility ; as will fall to our ample enunciation in our subsequent Enquiries into the Originals of Qualities , and the Causes of Generation and Corruption . ( 2 ) That one of the four Elements cannot singly suffice to the production of any Compound Nature ; needs no other eviction but that Argument of Hippocrates ( de Natur. Hominis ) Quo pacto , cùm unum existat , generabit aliquid , nisi cùm aliquo misceatur ? Instance we in Heraclitus Proto-Element , Fire ; from which nothing but Fire can be educed : though it run through all the degrees of those fertile Modifications of Densescence and Rarescence ▪ ( 2 ) To suppose Rarefaction and Condensation , without the more or less of Inanity intercepted ; as they do : is to usurp the concession of an Impossibility . ( 3 ) T is absurd , to conceive Fire transformable , by Extinction , into any other Element : because a simple substance cannot be subject to essential transmutation . So that , if after its extinction any thing of Fire remain , as must till Adnihilation be admitted ; its surviving part must be the Common Matter , such as Atoms , which according to the various and respective addition , detraction , transposition , agitation , or quiet of them , now put on the form of Fire , then of Aer , anon of Water , and lastly of Earth ; since , in their original simplicity , they have no actual , but a potential Determination to the forms of all , indiscriminately . And , what is here urged , to evince the impossibility of Fires being the sole Catholique Element , carrieth the same proportion of reason and evidence , ( the two pathognomick characters of Verity ) to subvert the supposition of any of the other three for the substantial Principle of the rest . ( 3 ) That though the four vulgar Elements may be the Father , yet can they not be the Grandfather Principle to all Concretions ; is evidencible from hence . ( 1 ) They are Contrary each to other , and so not only Asymbolical or Disharmonious , but perfectly Destructive among themselves , at least uncapable of that mutual correspondence requisite to peaceful and durable Coalescence . ( 2 ) They are praesumed to coalesce , and their Concretions to consist without Inanity interspersed among their incontiguous particles : which is impossible . ( 3 ) Their Defendants themselves concede a degree of Dissolution beyond them : and consequently that they know a Principle Senior . ( 4 ) Their Patrons must grant either that they , by a praevious deperdition of their own nature , are changed into Concretions , which by mutation of Forms escheat again into Elements ; in which case Elements can be no more the Principle of Concretions , then Concretions the Principle of Elements , since their Generations must be vicissitudinary and Circular , as that of Water and Ice : or , that , conserving their own natures immutable , they make only confused Heaps , and confer only their visible Bulks to all productions ; in which case , nothing can revera be said to be generated , since all Generations owe their proprieties and peculiar denominations to their Forms . ( 5 ) Whoso admits a reciprocal or symbolical Transmutation of Elements : must also admit one Common , and so a Former Matter , which may successively invest it self in their several Forms ; For Contraries , while Contraries , cannot unite in the assumption of the same nature . ( 6 ) That Achilles , or Champian Objection , that Vegetables and Animals owe their Nutrition and Increment to the four Elements , is soon conquered by replying ; that Elements are not therefore the First Principles , but rather those from whose respective Contexture they borrowed the nature of Elements , and so derived an aptitude , or qualification requisite to the condition of Aliment . Thirdly , that the Principles of Democritus , Epicurus , &c. are toto coelo , by irreconcileable disparities , different from those of Anaxagoras , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , CONSIMILAR Parts , or abstractly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , SIMILARITY ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) because they are supposed to be parts in all points consimilar to the Things generated of them , according to the paraphrase of Plutarch ( 1. placit . 3. ) who there explains it by the Example of Aliment . Wherein , whether it be Wine , Water , Bread , Flesh , Fruits , &c. notwithstanding the seeming difference in the outward form , there are actually contained some Sanguineous , some Carnous , other Osseous , other Spermatick Parts , which , upon their sequestration , and selection by the Nutritive Faculty are discretely apposed to the sanguineous , carnous , osseous , and spermatick parts praeexistent in the body nourisht . And the Disparity doth chiefly consist herein ; that They endow their Atoms with only three congenial Qualities , viz. Magnitude , Figure , and Gravity : but He investeth his Similarities with as great variety of essential Proprieties , as there is of Qualities , nay Idiosyncrasies in Bodies . Which to suppose , is to dote : ( 1 ) Because if the nature of the whole be one and the same with that of its Parts : then must the Principles , no less then the Concretions consisting of them , be obnoxious to Corruption . ( 2 ) Because , if it be assumed , that Like are made of Like , or that Concretions are absolutely Identical to their Elements ; it cannot be denyed ; that there are La●ghing and Weeping Principles concurrent to the generations of Laughing and Weeping Compositions . ( 3 ) Because from hence , that ( concordant to Anaxagoras ) all things are actually existent in all things , and that the difference resteth only in the external Apparence , arising from the praedominion of such or such over such or such parts of the Consimilar Principles : it necessarily ensues ( as Aristotle argueth against Him , 1 Physic. 4. ) that in the contusion , section , or detrition of Fruits , Herbs , &c. there must frequently appear Blood , Milk , Sperm , &c. as being thereby enfranchised from the tyranny of those parts , which ruled the rost in the induction of the outward apparence , and emergent out of those Clouds which concealed and disguised them . All which are Absurdities so palpable that a blind man may thereby Distinguish the rough and spurious Hypothesis of Anaxagoras , from the smooth and genuine Principle of Democritus and his Sectators . Fourthly and lastly , that the Difficulties , which many Dissenters , and more eminently their most potent and declared Opponent , Lactantius ( in lib. de Ira D●● , cap. 10. ) have posted up against the supposition of Atoms for the Catholick Principle of Bodies Concrete , thereby to praevent their further approbation , and admission into the Schools ; carry not moments enough of reason to in●●ect and determine the judgment of an aequitable Arbiter to a suspition , much less a positive negation of its verisimility . Of this we desire our Reader to be judge , when he hath made himself competent , by a patient hearing , and upright perpension of the pleas of both parties , here praesented . ( 1 ) Anti-Atomist ; Whence had these minute and indivisible Bodies , called Atoms , their original ? or , out of what were they educed ? Atomist ; This inapposite Demand lyeth open to a double response . As a mere Philosopher I return ; that the assumption of Atoms for the First Matter doth expresly praevent the pertinency of this Quaere . Nor would Aristotle , Plato , or any other of the Ethnick Philosophers , who would not hear of a Creation , or production of the First Matter out of Nothing , but contumaciously maintained its Ingeneration and Eternity , have had Gravity enough to suppress the insurrection of their spleen against the absurdity thereof : since to enquire the Matter of the First Matter , is a Contradiction in terminis . As a proficient in the sacred School of Moses , I may answer ; that the fruitful Fiat of God , out of the Tohu , or infinite space of Nothing , called up a sufficient stock of the First Matter , for the fabrication of the World in that most excellent Form , which He had Idea'd in his own omniscient intellect from Eternity . ( 2 ) Anti-Atomist ; If Atoms be smooth and sphaerical , as their Inventors suppose ; it is impossible they should take mutual hold each of other , so as by reciprocal adhaesion and coalition to constitute any Concretion . For , what power can mould an heap of Millet-seed into a durable figure , when the Laevitude or politeness , and roundness of the Grains inexcusably interdict their Coition into a Mass ? Atomist ; This Objection discovers the rancour , no less then the praecedent Interrogation did the weakness of the proposers . For , they could not be ignorant , that the Defendants of Atoms do not suppose them to be all smooth and globular , but of all sorts of figures requisite to mutual Application , Coalition , Cohaerence . And therefore they could not but expect this solution . That , though polite and orbicular Atoms , cannot by mutual apprehension and revinction each of other , compact themselves into a Mass ; yet may they be apprehended and retained by the Hooks , and accommodated to the Creeks and Angles of other Atoms , of Hamous and Angular figures , and so conspire to the Coagmentation of a Mass , that needs no other Caement besides the mutual dependence of its component particles , to maintain its Tenacity and Compingence . This may receive light , from observation of the successive separation of the dissimilar Parts of Bodies , by Evaporation . For , first those Atoms , which are more smooth , or less angular and hamous , easily extricate themselves , and disperse from the Concreted Mass ; and then , after many and various Evolutions , circumgyrations , and change of positions , the more rough , hamous , and angular , they expede themselves from reciprocal concatenation , and at last , being wholly disbanded , pursue the inclination of their inhaerent Motive Faculty , and disappear . Experience demonstrating , that by how much more Unctuous and Tenacious any Consistence is , by so much a longer time do the particles thereof require to their Exhalation . Thus is Water much sooner evaporated , then Oyl : and Lead then Silver . ( 3 ) Anti-Atomist ; If Atoms be unequal in their superfice , and have angular and hamous processes ; then are they capable of having their rugosities planed by detrition , and their hooks and points taken off by amputation : contrary to their principle propriety , Indivisibility . Atomist ; the hooks , angles , asperities , and processes of Atoms are as insecable and infrangible as the residue of their bodies , in respect an equal solidity belongs to them , by reason of their defect of Inanity interspersed , the intermixture of Inanity being the Cause of all Divisibility . Haec , quae sunt rerum primordia , nulla potest vis Stringere , nam solido vincunt ea corpore demum . ( 4 ) Anti-Atomist ; That Bodies of small circumscription , such as grains of sand , may be amassed from a syndrome , and coagmentation of Atoms ; seems , indeed , to stand in some proportion to probability : but to conceive a possibility , that so vast a Bulk , as the adspectable World bears may arise out of things but one degree above nothing , such insensible materials convened and conglobated ; is a symptome of such madness , as Melancholy adust cannot excuse , and for which Physitians are yet to study a cure . Atomist ; To doubt the possibility , nay dispute the probability of it : is certainly the greater madness . For , since a small stone may be made up of a Coagmentation of grains of Sand ; a multitude of small stones , by coacervation , make up a Rock ; many Rocks by aggregation , make a Mountain ; many Mountains , by coaptation , make up the Globe of Earth ; since the Sun , the Heavens , nay the World may arise from the conjunction of parts of dimensions equal to the Terrestrial Globe : what impossibility doth he incurr , who conceives the Universe to be amassed out of Atoms ? Doubtless , no Bulk can be imagined of such immense Dimensions , as that the greatest parts thereof may not be divided into less , and those again be subdivided into less ; so that , by a successive degradation down the scale of Magnitude , we may not at last arrive at the foot thereof , which cannot be conceived other then Atoms . Should it appear unconceivable to any that a Pismire may perform a perambulation round the terrestrial Globe ; we advise him to institute this Climax of Dimensions , and consider , first that the ambite of the Earth is defined by miles , that miles are commensurated by paces , paces consist of feet , feet of digits , digits of grains , &c. and then He may soon be convinced , that the step of a Pismire holds no great disproportion to a grain , and that a grain holds a manifest proportion to a digit , a digit to a foot , a foot to a pace , a pace to a perch , a perch to a furlong , a furlong to a mile , and so to the circumference of the whole Earth , yea by multiplication to the convexity of the whole World. If any expect a further illustration of this point , it can cost him no more but the pains of reading the 45. page of our Treatise against Atheism ; and of Archimeds book de Arenarum Numero . ( 5 ) Anti-Atomist ; If all peices of Nature derived their origine from Individual Particles ; then would there be no need of Seminalities to specifie each production , but every thing would arise indiscriminately from Atoms , accidentally concurring and cohaering : so that Vegetables might spring up , without the praeactivity of seeds , without the assistance of moysture , without the fructifying influence of the Sun , without the nutrication of the Earth ; and all Animals be generated spontaneously , or without the prolification of distinct sexes . Atomist ; This inference is ingenuine , because unnecessary , since all Atoms are not Consimilar , or of one sort , nor have they an equal aptitude to the Conformation of all Bodies . Hence comes it , that of them are first composed certain Moleculae , small masses , of various figures , which are the seminaries of various productions ; and then , from those determinate seminaries do all specifical Generations receive their contexture and Constitution , so praecisely , that they cannot owe their Configuration to any others . And , therefore , since the Earth , impraegnated with Fertility , by the sacred Magick of the Creators Benediction , contains the seeds of all Vegetables ; they cannot arise but from the Earth , nor subsist or augment without roots , by the mediation of which , other small consimilar Masses of Atoms are continually allected for their nutrition ▪ nor without moysture , by the benefit of which , those minute masses are diluted , and so adapted for transportation and final assimilation ; nor without the influence of the Sun , by vertue whereof their vegetative Faculty is conserved , cherished and promoted in its operations . Which Reason is aequivalent also to the Generation , Nutrition and Increment of Animals . ( 6 ) Anti-Atomist ; If your Proto-Element , Atoms , be the Principle of our 4 common Elements , according to the various Configurations of it into Moleculae , or small masses ; and that those are the Seminaries of all things : then may it be thence inferred , that the Seeds of Fire are invisibly contained in Flints , nay more , in a Sphaerical Glass of Water , exposed to the directly incident rayes of the Sun ; our sense convincing , that Fire is usually kindled either way . Atomist ; Allowing the legality of your Illation , we affirm , that in a Flint are concealed not only the Atoms , but Moleculae , or Seeds of Fire , which wanting only retection , or liberty of Exsilition , to their apparence in the forme of fire , acquire it by excussion , and pursuing their own rapid motion undiquaque , discover themselves both by affecting the sight and accension of any easily combustible matter ▪ on which they shall pitch , and into whose pores they shall with exceeding Celerity penetrate . Nor can any man solve this eminent Phaenomenon so well , as by conceiving ; that the body of a Flint , being composed of many igneous ( i. e. most exile , sphaerical , and agile ) Atoms , wedged in among others of different dimensions and figures ; ( which contexture is the Cause of its Hardness , Rigidity and Friability ) upon percussion by some other body conveniently hard , the insensible Particles thereof suffering extraordinary stress and violence , in regard it hath but little and few Vacuola , or empty spaces intermixt , and so wanting room to recede and disperse , are conglomorated and agitated among themselves with such impetuositie , as determinately causeth the constitution of Fire . It being manifest , that violent motion generateth Heat : and confessed even by Aristotle ( 1. Meteor . 3. ) that Fire is nothing but the Hyperbole or last degree of Heat . Secondly , That the seeds of Fire are not contained either in the sphaerical Glass or the the Water included therein ; but in the Beams of the Sun ( whose Composition is altogether of Igneous Atoms ) which being deradiated in dispersed lines , want only Concurse and Coition to their investment in the visible form of Fire ; and that the Figure of the Glass naturally induceth , it being the nature of either a Convex , or Concave Glass to transmit many Beams variously incident towards one and the same point , which the virtue of Union advanceth to the force of Ignition . Having thus vindicated our Atoms from the supposed Competition of the Inane Space , in the dignity of being one Principle of Bodies ; reconciled them ●o the 4 Peripatetick Elements ; discriminated them from the Consimilar Particles of Anaxagoras ; solved the most considerable of the Difficulties charged upon them ; and thereby fully performed our assumption of removing the principal praetexts of Prajudice : we may now , with more both of perspicuity , and hopes of perswasion , advance to the Demonstration of our Thesis , the Title and Argument of this Chapter . SECT . II. BEsides the manifest Allusion of Reason , we have the assent of all Philosophers , who have declared their opinions concerning the Composition of a Continuum , to assure a necessity , that it must consist either ( 1 ) of Mathematical Points ; or ( 2 ) of Parts and Mathematical points , united ; or ( 3 ) of a simple Entity , before actual division , indistinct ; or ( 4 ) of Individuals , i. e. Atoms . ( 1 ) Not of Mathematical Points ; because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Punctum , in the sense of Euclid , is Cujus nulla sit pars , in respect it wants all Dimensions , and consequently all Figure : which is the ground of Aristotles Axiom , Punctum puncto additum non potest facere majus . To render the absurdity of this opinion yet more conspicuous , let us remember , that the Authors and Defendants of it have divided themselves into three distinct Factions . ( 1 ) Some have admitted in a Continuum , points Finite simpliciter & determinatè ; ( 2 ) Others allow points also Finite , but not simpliciter , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secundum quid ; ( 3 ) And others contend for points Infinite , simpliciter ▪ & absolutè . The First and Second endeavour to stagger the former Axiom of Aristotle , by an illegal transition from Quantity Continued , to Discrete , alledging this instance , that one Unity added to another makes a greater quantity . The Last recur to Plato's Authority , who concedeth two Infinites , ● Greater and Less , commemorated by Aristotle ( 3. phys . 27. ) Now , for a joint redargution of all , we demand , how they can divide a Line consisting of 5 insectiles into two equal segments ? For , either they must cast off the intermediate insectile , or annex it to one division : if the first , they split themselves upon that rock , our supposition ; if the last , they clash with the 9. proposit . 1. lib. Euclid . To evade the force of this Dilemma , they have invented many subter●uges : but how unsuccessfully , may be enquired of Aristotle ( in 6. physicor . ) who there convicts them all of either Falsity , or Impossibility ; where , having praemised an excellent enunciation of the Analogy between Motion , Time , and Place , He apodictically concludes , that , if a Continuum did consist of points Mathematical , all Motions would be equally swift . Notwithstanding this , such was the contumacy of Arriaga , that in hopes to elude this insoluble Difficulty , He praetends to discover a new kind of Motion , distinguished by certain Respites , or Pauses intercedent● thereupon inferring that all things are moved , during their motion , with equal Celerity , but because the motion of one thing is intercepted with many pauses , and the motion of another with few , therefore doth the motion of this seem swift , and the motion of that slow ; as if the degrees of Celerity and Tardity did respond to the Frequency and Rarity of Respites interceding . If this be true , then must a Pismire move flower then an Eagle only because this dist●nguisheth its motion by shorter pauses , and that by longer : nor can a Faulcon overtake a Partridge , since our eyes assure , that a P●rtridge strike● six strooks at least with his wings ▪ while its 〈◊〉 strikes one . Mar●gravius ( in histor . Animal . Brasilicus ) tells of an Animal , which from the wonderful ta●●igradous incession of it , is named by the Portugals PRIGUIZA , or Lubart : because though goaded on , it cannot snail over a stage of 10 paces in 48 hours . Had Arriaga beheld this sloth , either He must have disavowed his nicety , or held it an equal lay which should have sooner run over a four mile course , that , or the fleetest Courser in the Hippodrome at Alexandria : because the Pauses , which intercept the constant progression of the one , in the space of 10 paces , cannot be more then those that interrupt the continuity of the others motion , in the space of four miles . These considerations therefore enable us to conclude , that those who constitute a Continuum of points Mathematical , absurdly maintain , ( 1 ) That a point added to a point makes an augmentation of quantity ; ( 2 ) That no Motion is successive , but only Discrete ; ( 3 ) That all motions are of equal velocity , sunt enim puncta minimum quod pertransiri possint : and Arriaga's Quiet , imagined to be in motions , is no part of Motion . ( 4 ) That a Wheel is dissolved , when circumrotated upon its Axis ; for , since the Exterior Circle must praecede the Interior , at least , by one point , it follows that the same points do not correspond to the same points ; which is absurd and incredible . Therefore is not a Continuum composed of Mathematical points . ( 2 ) Not of Parts and Mathematical points , united . Because ( 1 ) Parts cannot be conceived to be united or terminated , unless by an adaequation of Points to them ; ( 2 ) Since those points , which are imagined to concur to the conjunction of parts , are even by Suarez the chief Patron of them , ( in Metaphys . Disput. de quantitat . ) named Entia Modalia ; it must thence follow , that Parts , which are Entia Absoluta , cannot consist without them ; which is ridicul●●s . ( 3 ) Since they allow no Last Part , how can there be a Last , i. e. a Terminative Point ? ( 4 ) Either something , or nothing is intermediate between one Indivisible and other Indivisibles : if something , then will there be a part without points ; if nothing , then must the whole consist of Indivisibles , which is the point at which we aim . ( 3 ) Not of a simple Entity before Division , Indistinct ; as not a few of our Modern Metaphysicians have dreamt , among whom Albertinus was a Grand Master . Who , that He might palliate the Difficulty of the Distinction of Par● , that threatned an easie subversion of his phantastick position ; would needs have that all Distinction doth depend ab Extrinseco , i. e. ariseth only from mental Designation , or actual Division . But , O the Vanity of affected subtilty ! all that He , or his whole faction hath erected upon this foundation of Sand , may be blown down with one blast of this single Argument . Those things which can exist being actually separate ; are really distin●t : but Parts can exist being actually separate ; therefore are they really distinct , even before division . For Division doth not give them their peculiar Entity and Individuation , which is essential to them and the root of Distinction . The Major is the general and only Rule of Distinctions , which who●● denyes cannot distinguish Plato from Aristotle , nor Albertinus from Thersites . The Minor holds its verity of sense , for the part A , is existent without the part B , though being before conjoyned , they both conspired to the constitution of one Continuum . And that the Propriety of Entity , is the Base of Distinguibility , is verified by that serene Axiome , Per idem res dis●inguitur ab omni alta , per quod constituitur in suo esse . Therefore cannot a Continuum consist of a simple Entity before division indistinct : but of Individuals , or Atoms , which is our scope and Conclusion . Our second Argument flowes from the nature of Union . For the decent introduction of which , we are to recognize , that a Modal Ens cannot subsist without conjunction to an Absolute ; as , to exemplifie , Intellection cannot be without the Intellect , though on the reverse , the Intellect may be without the act of Intellection : so likewise cannot Union be conceived without Parts , though on the contrary , Parts may be without Union . And hence we thus argue : That only which is made independent●r à subjecto , or holds its essence ex proprio , is the Term of Creation ; but Union is not independent à subjecto : therefore is not Union the Term of Creation . Since therefore the Term of Creation in the First Matter is devoid of Union ; it must consist of Individuals , for Division proceeds from the solution of Union . This derives Confirmation from hence ; that the subject from whence another is deduced , must be praecedent in nature to that which is derived : now the Parts of the First Matter are the Subject from whence Union is derived ; Ergo , are the Parts of the First Matter in nature praecedent to all Union ; and consequently they are Individuals , i. e. Atoms . If it be objected , that the understanding cannot apprehend the First Matter to consist without some implicite Union we appeal to that Canon , Quod non est de essentia rei , non ingreditur ejus conceptum : For , Union not being of the essence of the parts of the First Matter , ought not to fall under the comprisal of that Idea , by which we speculate them . And , upon consequence , if they are conceived without implicite Union : certainly they are conceived as Individuals , or Atoms . The Major is justified by that common Principle ; Ex ●o quod res est , vel non est , dici potest vel esse , vel non esse ; conceptus enim mensura est rei Entitas , mensura autem vocis est conceptus . And the Certitude of the Minor results from that Metaphysical Canon , Nullus modus actualis est de Essentia rei . Upon these Two Arguments might we have accumulated sundry others of the like importance , such as are chiefly insisted upon by the Modern Redeemers of Democritus and his noble Principles from that obscurity and contempt , which the Envy of Time and the Peripatetick had introduced , Sennertus ( in Hyponemat . de Atomis . ) and Magnenus ( in cap. 2. disput . 2. de Atomis . ) and , in imitation of their ample model , have explicated the mystery of our Thesis , from the Syncritical and Diacritical Experiments of Chymistry , ( whereby all Bodies are sensibly dissolved into those Moleculae , or First Conventions of Atoms , which carry their specifical seminaries ; and the Heterogeneous parts of diverse Concretions , after dissolution , coagmentated into one mass , and united per minimas ) but most eminently from that natural miracle , the Tree of Hermes , made by an artificial Resuscitation of an entire Herb from the Atoms of it in a Glass , honestly effected by a Polonian Physitian in the praesence of Gaffarel , as himself records ( in Curiositat . inaudit . ) asserted by Quercetan ( in defens contra Anonym . cap. 23 ) and to the life described by Hierem. Cornarius , famous for his long profession of Philosophy and Medicine at Brandenburgh , in an Epistle to the great Libavius , which he therefore made an Appendix to his acute dissertation de Resuscitatione Formarum ex cineribus plantarum ( syntagm . Arcan . Chymic . lib. 1. cap. 22. ) But having upon an upright and mature perpension of their weight , found it such , as warrants our adscription of them to the golden number of those Reasons , that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Aristotle speaks of other Arguments concerning the same subject , in de Generat . & Corrupt . cap. 2. ) such as urge and compel the mind to an assent , and bid defiance to all solution : we judged our praesent Fundamental sufficiently firm , though erected upon no other but those two pillars ; especially when we remembred that supererogation is a kind of Deficiency . CHAP. IV. The Essential Proprieties of Atoms . SECT . I. THat our Theory of those Qualities , which being congenial to , and inseparable from Atoms , fulfil the necessary Attributes of the First Universal Matter , may , according to the Method requisite to perspicuity , immediately succeed to our Demonstration of their Existence , and the impossible Elementation of Concrete substances from any other general Principles ; and that the expectance raised in our Reader by our frequent transitory mention of the Proprieties of Atoms ; may be opportunely sated by a profess Enumeration and Enunciation thereof : are the two reasons that justifie our subnection of this to our praecedent Discourse . The PROPRIETIES of our Atoms difference themselves into General and Specifical . The General are ( 1 ) Consimilarity of Substance ; for all Atoms being equally Corporeal and solid , must be substantially identical , or of one and the same nature , knowing no disparity of Essence . Thus much Aristotle intimates ( 1. Physic. 2. ) when He infers Democritus holding , esse principiorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Genus unicum , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Naturam ●nam , that the Principles of all things are of one Kind , or of one Nature . In respect of this , there is no difference among Atoms . ( 2 ) Magnitude , or Quantity , which they cannot want , since they are not Mathematical Insectiles , but Material Realities , and Quantity or Extension is the proper and inseparable affection of Matter ; and therefore every thing hath so much of Extension , as it hath of Matter . ( 3 ) Figure , which is the essential Adjunct of their Quantity . For , insomuch as Atoms are most minute Bodies , and stand diametrally opposed to Points Imaginary ; therefore must they have dimensions real , and consequently a termination of those dimensions in their extreme or superfice , i. e. determinate Figure . Which is the ground of Magnenus 3. Postulate ( de Atomis , disput . 2. ) Quicquid magnitudinem habet , finitamque extensionem , si pluribus dimensionibus substet , concedatur illi suam inesse Figuram ; and perhaps also of Euclids definition of Figure , Figura est , quae sub aliquo , vel sub aliquibus terminis comprehenditur . Nor have they only a Plain figure , but a solid one , according to that of Euclid ( lib. 2. def . 1. ) solidum est , quod longitudinem , latitudinem , & crassitudinem habet . ( 4 ) Gravity , or Weight ; which is also coessential to them in respect to their solidity , and the principle of their Motion . And therefore Epicurus had very good cause to add his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to Democritus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which Plutarch ( 1. placit . 3. ) expresly renders thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quia necesse est Corpora moveri ipso impetu Gravitatis . For , having supposed that Motion was essentially competent to Atoms , it must have been no venial defect , not to have assigned them a certain special Faculty , or Virtue for a Cause to that motion praesumed ; and such must be their inhaerent Gravity , or the tendency of weight . Now , in respect to either of these three last Proprieties , Atoms may be conceived to admit of difference among themselves ; for , in regard of Magnitude , some may be greater then others , of Figure , some may be sphaerical , others cubical , some smooth , others rough , &c. and of Gravity , some may be more , and others less ponderous , though this can cause no degrees of Velocity or Tardity in their Motion , it being formerly demonstrated , that two bodies of different weights are aequally swift in their descent . To these 4 Essential Attributes of Atoms , Empiricus hath superadded a Fifth , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Renitency , or Resistence . But , by his good leave , we cannot understand this to be any distinct Propriety ; but as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , something resilient from and dependent on their solidity , which is the formal reason of Resistence : besides , we may confound their Renitency with their Gravity , insomuch as we commonly measure the Gravity of any thing , by the renitency of it to our arms in the act of Elevation . Which may be the reason , why Aphrodisaeus ( lib. 1. Quest. cap. 2. ) enumerating the proprieties of Atoms , takes no notice at all of their Gravity ; but blends it under the most sensible effect thereof , Resistence . The specifical are such as belong to Atoms of particular sorts of Figure , as Smoothness , Acuteness , Angularity , and their Contraries , Asperity , Obtuseness , Orbicularity , &c. These , in the dialect of Epicurus , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Cognatae Proprietates . Now all these Proprieties , both Generical , and Specifical , or Originary and Dependent , are truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Plutarch ( 1. adv . Colot . ) calls them , Congenial , and inseparable . Other Proprieties there are adscriptive to Atoms , such as their Concurse , Connexion , Position , Order , Number , &c. from which the Qualities of Compound Bodies do emerge ; but since they are only Communia Accidentia , Common Accidents , or ( as Lucretius ) Atomorum Eventa , the fortuitous Events of Atoms considered as complex and coadunated in the Generation of Concretions , and not in the intire simplicity of their Essence ; and consequently seperable from them : therefore may we hope , that our Reader will content himself with our bare mention of them in this place , which is designed for the more advantagious Consideration of only the Essential and Inseparable . SECT . II. Concerning the Magnitude of Atoms . MAgnitude and Atoms , though two terms that make a graceful Consonance to ears acquainted with the most charming harmony of Reason , may yet sound harsh and discordant in those of the Vulgar , which is accustomed to accept Magnitude only Comparatively , or as it stands Antithetical to Parvity : and therefore it concerns us to provide against misapprehension by an early advertisement ; that in our assumption of Magnitude as the first essential Propriety of Atoms , we intend not that they hold any sensible bulk , but that , contrary to Insectiles , or Points Mathematical , they are Entities Quantitive simply , i. e. Realities endowed with certain corporeal Dimensions , though most minute , and consisting in the lowest degree of physical quantity ; so that even those of the largest size , or rate , are much below the perception and discernment of the acutest Opticks , and remain commensurable only by the finer digits of rational Conjecture . And somewhat the more requisite may this Praemonition seem , in respect that no meaner an Author then Theodoret hath , through gross inadvertency , stumbled at the same block of ambiguity . For ( in Serm. 4. therap●ut . ) He positively affirms , that Democritus , Metrodorus , and Epicurus , by their exile Principles , Atoms , meant no other but those small pulverized fragments of bodies , which the beams of the Sun , transmitted through lattice Windows , or chincks , make visible in the aer : when according to their genuine sense , one of those dusty granules , nay , the smallest of all things discernable by the eyes of Linceus , though advantaged by the most exquisite Engyscope , doth consist of Myriads of Myriads of thousands of true Atoms , which are yet corporeal and possess a determinate extension . To avert the Wonder impendent on this nice assertion , and tune our thoughts to a key high enough to attain the Verisimility thereof ; We are first to let them down to a worthy acknowledgment of the exceeding Grossnesse and Dulnesse of our Senses , when compared to the superlative Subtility , and Acuteness of Nature in most of her Operations : for that once done , we shall no longer boast the perspicacity of our Opticks , nor circumscribe our Intellectuals with the narrow line of our sensible discoveries , but learn there to set on our Reason to hunt , where our sense is at a loss . Doubtless , the slender Crany of a Pismire contains more distinct Cellules , then that magnificent Fabrick , the Eschurial , doth rooms ; which though imperceptible to the eye of the body , are yet obvious to that of the mind : since no man can imagine how , otherwise , the Faculties of sense and voluntary Motion can be maintained , a perpetuall supply of Animal ( or , a● D● . H●rv●● will have them , Vital ) spirits being indispensably necessary to the continuation of those actions ; and therefore there must be Elaboratories for the praeparation and confection , Treasuries for the conservation , and various Conduits for the emission , and occasional transvection of them into the Nerves and Muscles of that industrious and provident Animal . The due resentment of which praegnant Instance , is alone sufficient to demonstrate the incomputable degrees of distance betwixt the sensible Capacity of man , and the curious Mechanicks of Nature : and make the acutest of us all call for a Table-book to enroll this Aphorism ; Ubi humana industria subtilitasque desinit , inde incipit industria subtilitasque Naturae . The wings of our Arrogance being thus clipt , let us display those of our Discoursive Faculty , and try how near we can come to deprehend the Magnitude , i. e. the Parvity of Atoms , by an ingenious Conjecture . Consider we , first , that an exquisite Artist will make the movement of a Watch , indicating the minute of the hour , the hour of the day , the day of the week , moneth , year , together with the age of the Moon , and time of the Seas reciprocation ; and all this in so small a compass , as to be decently worn in the pall of a ring : while a bungling Smith can hardly bring down the model of his grosser wheels and balance so low , as freely to perform their motions in the hollow of a Tower. If so ; well may we allow the finer fingers of that grand Exemplar to all Artificers , Nature , to distinguish a greater multiplicity of parts in one Grain of Millet seed , then ruder man can in that great Mountain , Caucasus ; nay , in the whole Terrestrial Globe . Consider we , with Magnenus , that one grain of Frankinsense being fired , doth so largely diffuse it self in fume , as to fill a space in the aer , more then seven hundred millions of times greater then it possessed before combustion . For , to the utmost dispersion of its fume , the space might easily have received of grains of Frankinsense , equal in dimensions to the seed of a Lupine , according to its Altitude 720 according to its Latitude 900 in the Longitude 1200 in the Superfice of the whole figure 5184000 in the Superfice of the end only 648000 in the Area , or whole enclosure 777600000 Since , therefore , our nostrils ascertation , that in all that space of Aer , there is no one particle which is not impraegnated with the fragrant exhalations of that combust grain of Frankinsense , which , while it was entire might be by a steddy hand , a sharp incision knife , and a good magnifying Glass , or by that shorter way of trituration , divided at least into a thousand sensible particles : it must follow , in spite of Contradiction , that the sensible odorous particles of it do fulfil the number of 777600000000. And , insomuch as each of these sensible Particles , is mixt , it being lawful and commendable according to the subtile speculations of Archimed ( in Arenar . ) to assume that the smallest of them is composed of a Million of Elemental Atoms : therefore by the same rule , must there have been in the whole Grain of Elemental Atoms 777600000000000000 , at least . If so ; we have but one step lower to Insectility , and so may guess at the Exiguity of a single Atome . Consider we the delicate Contexture of Atoms , in the body of that smallest of Animals , a Handworm . First , if we speculate the outside of that organical tenement of life , a good Engyscope will praesent our eye with not only an oval-head , and therein a mouth , or prominent snout , armed with an appendent proboscis , or trunk consisting of many villous filaments contorted into a cone , wherewith it perforates the skin , and sucks up the bloud of our hands ; but also many thighs , leggs , feet , toes , laterally ranged on each side ; many hairy tufts on the tail , and many asperities , protuberances , and rugosities in the skin . Then our Reason if we contemplate the inside thereof , will discover a great variety of Organs necessary to the several functions of an Animal . For Nutrition , there must be Gullet , Stomach , Intestines , Liver , Heart , Veins ; or at least parts in their offices and uses perfectly analogous thereto : For Vitality , there must be Lungs , and Heart for the praeparation and confection , and Arteries for the general diffusion of Spirits ; for Locomotion voluntary and sensation , there must be Brain , Spinal Marrow , Nerves , Tendons , Muscles , Ligaments , Articulations ; and for the support and firmitude of all these , there must be some more solid stamina , or a kind of Bones and Cartilagineous contextures ; in a word , there must be all members requisite to entitle it to Animation , with a double skin for the investiment of the whole Machine . Now , if we attentively compute , how many particles go to the composure of each of those organical parts , and how many Myriads of Atoms go to the contexture of each of those particles ( for even the Spirits inservient to the motion of one of its toes , are compositions consisting of many thousands of Atoms ) , as we shall think it no wonder , that the exile and industrious fingers of Nature have distinguished , sequestred , selected , convened , accommodated , coadunated , and with as much aptitude as decorum disposed such an incomprehensible multitude of Parts , in the structure of so minute an Animal ; so may we , in some latitude of analogy , conjecture the extreme Parvity of Her common Material , Atoms . On this ingenious pin hung the thoughts of Pliny , when ( in lib. 11. cap. 1 & 2. ) He exclaimed , Nusquam alibi Naturae artificium spectabilius est , qu●m in Insectis : in magnis siquidem corporibus , aut cer●è majoribus , facilis officina sequaci materia fuit . In his verò tam parvis , atque tam nullis ; que ratio , aut quanta vis , tanquam inextricabilis perfectio ? ubi tot sensus collocavit in Culice ? & sunt alia dictu minora . Sed ubi visum in ea praetendit ? ubi Gustatum applicavit ? ubi odoratum inseruit ? ubi truculentam illam , & proportione maximam vocem ingeneravit ? Qua subtilitate pennas adnexuit , praelongavit pedum crura , disposuit jejunam caveam , uti alvum , avidam sanguinis , & potissimum humani sitim accendit ? Telum verò perfodiendo tergori , quo spiculavit ingenio ? atque cùm prae exilitate pene non videatur ita reciproca generavit arte , ut fodiendo acuminatum , pariter sorbendoque fistulosum esset , &c. Here had we haulted a while , and wondered , how Pliny could , without the assistance of a Magnifying Glass ( an Invention , whose Antiquity will hardly rise above the last revolution of Saturn ) deprehend so vast a multiplicity of Parts in the machine of an Insect , of so small circumscription , that to commensurate the Base of the visive Cone , by which its slender image is transmitted to the pupil of the eye , would trouble a good Master in Opticks , and drive him to the Minimus Angulus of Euclid : but that it soon came into our thoughts , that He speculated the same by the subtiler Dioptrick of Reason ; which indeed is the best Engyscope of the Mind , and renders many things perspicuous to the Understanding , whose exceeding Exility is their sufficient Darkness . To put more weights into the Scale of Conjecture , let us moreover observe ; how great a quantity of Water may be tinged with one grain of Vermillion ; how many sheets of Paper may be crimsoned with that tincture ; how innumerable are the points , by the apex of a needle , designable on each of those sheets : and when 't is manifest that many particles of Vermillion are found in each of those points ; who can longer doubt , that the particles comprehended in the compass of that grain are indefinable by the exactest Arithmetique . Again , ( for we could be content , to let the Almund tree bud , before we take off our cogitations from this pleasant Argument ) consider we , how small a portion of oyl is consumed by the flame of a Lamp , in a quarter of an hour ; and yet there is no moment passeth , wherein the stock of flame is not wasted and as fast repaired , which if it could be conserved alive all at once , would fill not only whole rooms , but even ample Cities : and if so , what need we any further eviction of the extreme Exiguity of those Parts , of which all Concretions are material'd ? Had the Ancients , indeed , been scrupulous in this point ; their want of that useful Organ , the Engyscope , might in some part have excused their incredulity : but for us , who enjoy the advantages thereof , and may , as often as the Sun shines out , behold the most laevigated Granule of dissolved Pearl , therein praesented in the dimensions of a Cherry stone , together with its various faces , planes , asperities , and angles , ( such as before inspection we did not imagine ) most clear and distinct , longer to dispute the possible Parvity of Component Principles , is a gross disparagement to the Certitude of Sense , when it is exalted above deception , and all possible impediments to its sincere judicature are praevented . Conclude we therefore , since the Diametre of a granule of Dust , when speculated through a good Engyscope , is almost Centuple to the diametre of the same , when lookt on meerly by the eye , on a sheet of Venice Paper : we may safely affirm , with Archimed ( in arenario . ) that it is conflated of ten hundred thousand millions of insensible Particles ; which is enough to verifie our praesent Assumption . SECT . III. Concerning the Figures of Atoms . IN all the sufficiently prolix Discourses of the Ancient Assertors of Atoms , concerning their FIGURE , and the no sparing Commentaries of the Moderns thereupon ; whatever seems either worthy our serious animadversions , or in anywise pertinent to our Designation : may be , without perversion , or amission of importance , well comprized under one of these 3 Canons . ( 1 ) That Atoms are , in their simple essence , variously figurate ; ( 2 ) That the distinct species of their Figures are Indefinite , or Incomprehensible , though not simply , or absolutely Infinite ; ( 3 ) That the Number of Atoms retaining unto , or comprehended under each peculiar species of Figure , is not only indefinite , but simply Infinite . Concerning the FIRST ; we advertise , that no man is to conceive them to have supposed the Figure of Atoms deprehensible by the Sight , or Touch , no more then their Magnitude , the termination whereof doth essence their figure , according to that definition of Euclid , lately alledged ; but such , as being inferrible from manifold reasons , is obvious to the perception of the Mind . Which Plutarch ( 1. placit . 2. ) personating Epicurus , expresly declares in his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Atomos proprias habere , sed ratione , seu mente contemplabiles Figuras . To avouch the verity hereof , we need no other argument but this ; insomuch as every Atome hath some determinate Quantity , or Extension , and that all Quantity must be terminated in some certain Figure : therefore is it necessary , that however exile the dimensions of an Atome are , yet must the superfice thereof be or plane , or sphaerical , or angular , or Cubical , &c. i. e. of some figure either regular , or irregular . To guard this Assertion of the variety of Figures in Atoms , with other Arguments of its Verisimility ; let us Consider , that all Individuals , as well Animate , as Inanimate , are distinguishable each from other of the same species , by some peculiar signature of disparity visible in the superficial parts of their Bodies : and Reason will thereupon whisper us in the ear , that they are also different in their Configurations ; and that the Cause of that sensible Dissimilitude , must be a peculiar , or idiosyncritical Contexture of their insensible Component particles . For Animals , we may instance in the noblest species . Among the Myriads of swarms of men , who can find any two Persons , so absolute Twinns in the aer of their faces , the lines of their hands , the stature of their bodies , proportion of their members , &c. as that Nature hath left no impression , whereby not only their familiar friends , but even strangers comparing them together , may distinguish one from the other ? For Inanimates ; doth it not deserve our admiration , that in a whole Bushel of Corn , no two Grains can be found so exquisitely respondent in similitude , as that a curious eye shall not discover some disparity betwixt them : and yet we appeal to strict observation , for the verity thereof . If our leasure and patience will bear it , let us conferr many Leaves , collected at one time from the same Tree ; and try whether among them all we can meet with any two perfectly consimilar in magnitude , colour , superfice , divarications of filaments , equality of stemms , and other external proportions . If not ; we must assent to a variety of Configurations in their parts , and consequently admit no less , but indeed a farr greater variety of Figures in the particles of those parts , their Atoms . To these it concerns us to annex one singular Experiment , easie , delightful , and satisfactory . Exposing a vessel of Salt water , to the Sun , or other convenient heat , so as the aqueous parts thereof may be gently evaporated ; we may observe all the Salt therein contained , to reside in the bottome , conformed into Cubical Masses . And , if we do the like with Alum Water , the Alum will concrete in Octohedrical figures . Nay , the Cubes generated of Salt , will be so much the larger , by how much the more and deeper the Water , wherein it was dissolved ; and è contra , so much the smaller , by how much shallower the Water : so that from a large vessel will arise saline Cubes in dimensions equal to those of a Gamesters Die ; but from a small we shall receive Cubes , by five parts of six , lesser , and if we drop a small quantity of brine upon a plane piece of Glass , the Cubical Concretions thereon fixing , will be so minute , as to require the help of an Engyscope to their discernment . Now , as to that part of this Experiment , which more directly points at our praesent scope ; we may perceive the greater Cubes to be a meer Congeries or assembly of small ones , and those small ones to be coagmentated of others yet smaller , or certainly composed of exiguous Masses bearing the figure of Isoscele Triangles , from four of which convened and mutually accommodated , every Cube doth result . Hence is it obvious to Conjecture , that those small Cubes , discernable only by an Engyscope , are contexed of other smaller , and those again of smaller , until by a successive degradation they arrive at the exility of Atoms , at least of those Moleculae , which are the Seminaries of Salt , and , according to evident probability , of either exactly Quadrate , or Isoscele Triangular figures . Now , insomuch as the same , allowing the difference of Figure , is conjectural also concerning Alum , Sugar , Nitre , Vitriol , &c. Saline Concretions : why may we not extend it also to all other Compositions , especially such as have their Configurations certain and determinate , according to their specifical Nature . Again , whoso substracts a diversity of Figures from Atoms : doth implicitely destroy the variety of sensibles . For , what doth cause the Odoratory Nerves of man to discriminate a Rose from Wormwood ? but the different Configurations of those Moleculae , Flores Elementorum , or Seminaries of Qualities , which being conflated of exceeding fine and small congregations of Atoms , do constitute the odorable species ; and so make different impressions upon them . What makes a Dog , by the meer sagacity of his nose , find out his Master , in the dark , in a whole host of men ? but this ; that those subtle Effluvia , or Expirations , emitted insensibly from the body of his Master , are of a different Contexture from those of all others , and so make a different impression upon the mamillary processes , or smelling Nerves of the Dog. The like may also , with equal reason , be demanded concerning those wayes of Discrimination , whereby all Animals agnize their own from others young ; and Beasts of prey , in their difficult venations , single out the embossed and chased , though blended together with numerous Herds of the same species . Nor doth the Verisimility hereof hold only in objects of the sight and smelling ; but diffuseth to those of the Hearing , Tasting , and Touching : as may be soon inferred by him , who shall do us the right , and himself the pleasure to descend to particulars . These things jointly considered , we are yet to seek , what may interdict our Conception of great Diversity of Figures in the Principles of Concretions , Atoms . Concerning the SECOND , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , esse Figuras Atomorum incomprehensibiles , non infinitas , that the figures of Atoms are so various , as to be incomprehensible , though not simply infinite : this can be nor Problem , nor Paradox . For , though the species of Regular Figures be many , of Irregular more , and of those that are producible from both regular and irregular , according to all the possible wayes of their Commixture and Transposition , so amusingly various ; as that the mind of man , though acquainted with all the mysteries of Arithmetique and Algebra , cannot attain to a definite compute , nor praecise d●●●ription of them all : yet do they not run up to absolute Infinity , so as that there can be no extreme and terminating species . That the variety of Figures competent to Atoms , ought to be held only Incomprehensible ; these Reasons evince ( 1 ) Since Atoms are circumscribed and limitate in Magnitude , that Configurations in diversity infinite should arise from that finite magnitude , is clearly impossible . For , every distinct figuration praesupposeth a distinct position of parts ; and the parts of finite Magnitude may be transposed so many several wayes , as no further way of transposition can remain possible : otherwise there would be new and new parts inexhaustibly , and so magnitude would become infinite . ( 2 ) If the Diversity of figures were infinite , then could not the Qualities arising to concretions from the various Contexture of their parts , be certain and determinate : since , allowing an inexhaustible novelty of Configurations , their insensible particles might be so variegated , as that a better then the best , and a worse then the worst 〈◊〉 Configurations might be produced ; which is no obscure absurdity . ( 3 ) All things are determined by Contrary Qualities , which are so extreme , that they admit many mediate or Inclusive degrees , but none Exclusive , or without their boundaries . ( 4 ) That only a Finite variety is sufficient to that incomprehensible diversity of figures , observed in nature . That the variety of Figures allowable to Atoms , is Incomprehensible ; may be thus familiarized . Thinke we , what great multiplicity of words may be composed of only a few Letters variously transposed . For , if we assume only Two Letters , of them we can create only two words ; if three , 6 ; if four , 24 ; if five , 120 ▪ if six , 720 ; if seven , 5040 ; if eight , 40320 ; if nine , 362880 ▪ if ten , 3628800 : so that before we fulfil the 24 Letters , the number of words componible of them , according to all the possible ways of positions , will swell above our computation . This done , let us no more but exchange Letters for Figures , and assuming only Round , Oblong , Oval , Eliptick , Lenticular , Plane , Gibbous , Turbinate , Hamous , Polite , Hispid , Conical , Obtuse , Tetrahedical , Pentahedrical , Hexahedrical , Heptahedrical , Dodecahedrical , Icosahedrical , Striate or skrewed , Triangular , Cylindrical Atoms : cast up to what an inassignable number the Figures producible from them , according to the several wayes of their Composition and transposition , may amount . Doubtless , we shall discover so great variety , as to elude our comprehension . If so , how much more incomprehensible must that Diversity be , which is possible from the assumption , and complication of all the Regular and Irregular figures , that a good Geometrician can conceive , and which it is justifiable for us to allow existent in Nature ? But as for the LAST ; viz. that the number of Atoms , retaining to each distinct species of Figures , ariseth to Infinity , i. e. that there are infinite Oval , infinite Pyramidal , infinite Sphaerical , &c. Atoms : from this we must declare our Dissent . Because , how great a number soever be assigned to Atoms , yet must the same be Defined by the Capacity of the World , i. e. of the Universe , as hath been formerly intimated . And , therefore , the common Objection , that if so , the summe of things existent in the World , would be Finite ; is what we most willingly admit , there being no necessity of their Infinity , and a copious syndrome of reasons , that press the Contrary . And as it is unnecessary to Nature : so likewise to her Commentator , the Physiologist ; to whom it sufficeth , having exploded this delirium of Infinity , to suppose ( 1 ) that the material Principles of the Universe are essentially Figurate , ( 2 ) that the species of their figures are incomprehensible , as to their Variety , ( 3 ) that the Number of indivisible Particles comprehended under each difference of Figures , is also incomprehensible , but not inexhaustible , as Epicurus inconsiderately imagined . SECT . IV. Concerning the Motions of Atoms . TO give the more light to this dark Theorem , we are to praepossess our Reader with Two introductory Observables ; ( 1 ) that our praesent insistence upon only the MOTION of Ato●s , doth not suppose our omission of their GRAVITY ; but duely include the full consideration thereof : since their Motion is the proper Effect of their Gravity , and that which doth chiefly bring it within the sphaere of our Apprehension . ( 2 ) That the genuine Atomist doth worthily disavow all Motion , but what Plutarch in the name of Epicurus , hath defined to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Migratio de loco in locum , the translation of a thing from one place to another . The suspicion of a Chasme in our Discourse , and the Ambiguity imminent from the Aequivocality of the term , Motion , thus maturely praevented : we may more smoothly progress to our short Animadversions on the Conceptions of the Ancients , touching the Last General Propriety of Atoms , their Congenial and intestine Motion . Herein we are to recognize their opinions , that concern ( 1 ) the Multiplicity , ( 2 ) the Perpetuity of motions essentially competent to Atoms . As to the FIRST ; they have , according to a General Distinction , assigned to Atoms a Two-fold Motion ; ( 1 ) Natural , whereby an Atom , according to the tendency of its essential weight , is carried directly downward : ( 2 ) Accidental , whereby one Atom justling or arienating against another , is diverted from its perpendicular descendence , and repercussed another way . The Former , they called Perpendicular , the other , Reflex . The Natural or Perpendicular Epicurus hath doubled again into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad perpendiculum , or as Cicero ( de fato ) interprets it , ad Lineam : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad Declinationem . The Accidental , or Reflex hath also , according to the tradition of Plutarch , ( 1. placit . 12. ) been by him subdivided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ex plaga , seu ictu ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ex concussione , or rather , ex Palpitatione . So that , according to this special Distinction , there must be four different sorts of motions assignable to Atoms . For the Perpendicular Motion , we advertise ; that Epicurus therein had no respect to any Centre either of the World , or the Earth ; for He conceded none such possible in the Universe , which He affirmed of infinite extent : but to two contrary Regions allowable therein , the one Upward , from whence , without any terminus à quo , Atoms flowed ; the other Dow●ward , toward which , without any terminus ad quem , in a direct line they tended . So that , according to this wild dream , any coast from whence Atoms stream , may be called Above , and any to which they direct their course , Below ; insomuch as He conceited the superfice of the Earth , on which our feet find the Centre of Gravity in standing or progression , to be one continued plane , and the whole Horizon above it likewise a continued plane running on in extent not only to the Firmament , but the intire immensity of the Infinite Space . According to which D●lirament , if several weights should fall down from the firmament , one upon Europe , another upon Asia , a third upon Africa , a fourth upon America ; and their motion be supposed to continue beyond the exteriors of the terrestrial Globe : they could not meet in the Centre thereof , but would transfix the four quarters in lines exquisitely parallel , and still descend at equal distance each from other , untill the determination of their motion in the infinite Space , by the occurse and resistence of other greater Weigh●● . For the Declinatory Motion ; we observe , that Epicurus was by a kind of seeming necessity constrained to the Fiction thereof ; since otherwise He had left his fundamental Hypothesis manifestly imperfect , his Principles destitute of a Cause for their Convention , Conflictation , Cohaerence , and consequently no possibility of the emergency of Concretions from them . And , therefore , to what Cicero ( in ● . de fin . ) objects against him , viz. that he acquiesced in a supposition meerly praecarious , since he could assign no Cause for this motion of Declination , but usurped the indecent liberty of endowing his Atoms with what Faculties he thought advantagious to the explanation of Natures Phaenomena in Generation and Corruption : we may modestly respond , by way of excuse not justification , that such is the ●●becillity of Human understanding , as that every Author of a physiological ●abrick , or mundane Systeme , is no less obnoxious to the same objection , of praesuming to consign Provinces ( for the phrase of Cicero , is dare provincias principiis ) to his Principles , then Epicurus . For , in Concretion● or Complex Natures , to determine on a reason for this or that sensible Affection , is no desperate difficulty ; since the condition of praeassumed Principles may afford it : but , concerning the originary Causes of those Affections inhaerent in and congenial to the Principles of those Concretions , all we can say , to decline a downright confession of our ignorance , is no more then this , that such is the necessity of their peculiar Nature ; the proper and germane 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remaining in the dark to us , and so our Curiosity put to the shift of simple Conjecture , unless we level our thoughts above Principles , and acknowledge no term of acquiescence . And even the acute and perspicacious Cicero , notwithstanding his reprehension of it in Epicurus , is forced to avow the inevitability of this Exigent , in express words , thus ; Ne omnes à Physicis irrideamur , si dicamus quicquam fieri si●e Causa distinguendum est , & ita dicenaum ; ipsius Individui hanc esse naturam , i● pondere & gravitate moveatur , eamque ipsam esse Caussam , cur ita feratur , &c. Nor is this Crime of consigning provinces to his Principles , proper only to Epicurus ; but common also to the Stoick , Peripatetick , &c. since none of them hath adventured upon a reason of the Heat of Fire , the Cold of Water , the Gravity of Earth , &c. Doubtless , had Cicero been interrogated , Why all the Starrs are not carried on in a motion parallel to the Aequator , but some steer their course obliquely ; why all the Planets travel not through the Ecliptick , or at least in a motion parallel thereto , but some approach it obliquely : the best answer He could have thought upon , must have been only this , ita Natu●ae leges ●erehant ; which how much beseeming the perspicacity of a Physiologist more then to have excogitated Fundamentals of his own , endowed with inhaerent Faculties to cause those diverse tendencies , we referr to the easie arbitration of our Reader . Concerning the Accidental , or Reflex Mot●on , all that is worthy our serious notice , is only this ; that when Epicurus subdivideth this Genus into two species , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ex plaga , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ex concussione , and affirmeth that all those Atoms which are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) moved upward , pursue both sorts of this Reflex tendency ; we are not to understand him in this sense , that both these kinds of Reflex motion are opposite to the Perpendicular , since it is obvious to every man , that Atoms respective to their Direct , or Oblique incidence in the different points of their superfice , may make , or rather suffer or direct , or oblique resilitions , and Epicurus expresly distinguisheth the Motion from Collision or Arietation into that which pointeth upward , and that which pointeth sidewayes ; but in this , that he might constitute a certain Generical Difference , whereby both the species of Reflex motion might be known from both the species of the Perpendicular . For the further illustration of this obscure Distinction , and to praevent that considerable Demand , which is consequent thereto , viz. Whether all the possible sorts of Re●●ex Motion are only two , the one directly Upward , the other directly Lateral : we advertise , that Epicurus seems to have alluded to the most sensible of simple Differences in the Pulse of Animals . For , as Physitians , when the Pulsifick Faculty distends the Artery so amply , and allows so great a space to the performance of both those successive contrary motions , the Diastole and Systole , as that the touch doth apprehend each stroke fully and distinctly , denominate that kind of Pulse , 〈◊〉 ; and on the contrary , when the vibrations of the Artery are contracted into a very little space as well of the ambient , as of time , so as they are narrow and confusedly praesented to the touch , they call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so likewise Epicurus terms that kind of Rebound , or Resilition , which by a strong and direct incurse and arietation of one Atom against another , is made to a considerable distance , or continued through a notable interval of space , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and , on the contrary , that which is terminated in a short or narrow interval ( which comes to pass , when the resilient Atom soon falls foul upon a second , and is thereby reviberated upon a third , which repercusseth it upon a fourth , whereby it is again bandied against a fifth , and so successively agitated , until it endure a perfect Palpitation ) he styles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Upon this our Master Galen may be thought to have cast an eye , when he said ( lib. de facult . nat . ) it was the opinion of Epicurus , Omnes attractiones per resilitiones atque implexiones Atomorum fieri that all Attractions were caused by the Resilitions and Implexions of Atoms . Which eminent passage in Galen , not only assisted , but interpreted by another of Plato ( Magnetem non per Attractionem , sed Impulsionem agere , in Timaeo ) of the same import ; hath given the hint to Des Cartes , Regius , Sir K. Digby , and some other of our late Enquirers , of supposing the Attractive , rather Impulsive Virtue of the Loadstone , and all other bodies Electrical , to consist in the Recess , or Return of those continued Effluvia , or invisible filaments of streated Atoms , which are uncessantly exhaled from their pores . Nor doth He much strain these words of Gilbert [ Effluvia illa tenuiora concipiunt & amplectuntur corpora , quibus Uniuntur , & Electris , tanquam extensis brachiis , & ad fontem prope invalescentibus effluviis , deducuntur ] who hath charged them with the like signification . As to the SECOND , viz. the Perpetuity of these Motions adscribed to Atoms ; we think it not a little material to give you to understand , at least to recognize that the conceptions of Epicurus concerning this particular , are cozen Germans to Chimaera s , and but one degree removed from the monstrous absurdities of Lunacy . For , He dreamt , and then believed , that all Atoms were from all Eternity endowed , by the charter , of their uncreate and independent Essence , with that ingenite Vigour , or internal Energy , called Gravity , whereby they are variously agitated in the infinite space , without respect to any Centre , or General term of Consistence : so as they could never discontinue that natural motion , unless they met and encountred other Atoms , and were by their shock or impulse deflected into another course . That the Dissilient or deflected Atoms , whether rebounding upwards directly , or ad latus obliquely , or in any line intercedent betwixt those two different regions , would also inde●inently pursue that begun motion , unless they were impeded and diverted again by the occurse and arietation of some others floating in the same part of space . And , that because the Revibrations , or Resilitions of Atoms regarding several points of the immense space , like Bees variously interweaving in a swarm , must be perpetual : therefore also must they never quiesce , but be as variously and constantly exagitated eve● in the most solid or adamantine of Concretions , though the sense cannot deprehend the least inquietude or intestine tumultuation therein ; and the rather in respect of those Grotesques or minute Inanities densely intermixed among their insensible particles . To explicate this Riddle , we must praesent some certain adumbration of this intestine aestuation or commotion of Atoms in Concretions ; and this may most conveniently be done in melted Mettals , as particularly in Lead yet floating in the Fusory vessel . To apparence nothing more quiet and calm : yet really no quicksand more internally tumultuated . For , the insensible particles of Fire having penetrated the body of the crucible , or melting pan , and so permeating the pores of the Lead therein contained ; because they cannot return back upon the subjacent fire , in regard they are uncessantly impelled by other ingeneous particles continually succeeding on their heels , therefore are they still protruded on , untill they disunite all the particles of the Lead , and by the pernicity and continuation of this their ebullition , hinder them from mutual revinction and coalescence : and thereby make the Lead a fluid , of a compact substance , and so keep it , as long as the succussion of igneous particles is maintained from the fire underneath . During this act of Fusion , think we , with what violence or pernicity the Atoms of Fire are agitated up and down , from one side to another , in the small inanities interspersed among the particles of the Lead ; otherwise they could not dissolve the compact tenour thereof , and change their positions so as to introduce manifest Fluidity : and , since every particle of the Lead , suffers as many various concussions , repercussions , and repeated vibrations , as every particle of Fire ; how great must be the Commotion on both sides , notwithstanding the seeming quiet in the surface of the Lead ? But , because our sense , as well as our Reason ; may have some satisfaction , touching the perpetual Commotion of Atoms , even in Compositions ; we offer to Exemplifie the same either in the Spirit of Halinitre , or that which Chymists usually extract from Crude Mercury , Tin , and Sublimate codissolved in a convenient menstruum : For , either of these Liquors being close kept in a luted glass , you may plainly perceive the minute moleculae , or seminarie conventions of Atoms , of which it doth consist , to be uncessantly moved every way , upward , downward , transverse , oblique , &c. in a kind of fierce aestuation , as if goaded on by their inhaerent Motor , or internal impulsive Faculty , they attempted speedy emergency at all points , most like a multitude of Flyes imprisoned in a glass Vial. Now , the Argument that seems to have induced Epicurus to concede this perpetual Inquietude of Atoms , was the inevitable mutation of all Concrete Substances , caused by the continual Access and Recess of their insensible particles . For , indeed , no Concretion is so compact and solid , as not to contain within it self the possible Causes of its utter Dissolution ; yea , though it were so immured in Adamant , as to be thought secure from the hostile invasion of any Extrinsecal Agent whatever . And the ruine of solid bodies ( i. e. such whose parts are of the most compact Contexture allowable to Concretions , ) cannot be so reasonably adscribed to any Cause , as this ; that they are compacted of such Principles , as are inde●inently motive , and in perpetual endeavour of Emergency or Exsilition : so that never desisting from internal evolutions , circumgyrations , and other changes of position ; they at length infringe that manner of reciprocal Coaptation , Cohaesion , and Revinction , which determined their solidity , and thereby dissolving the Compositum , they wholly emancipate themselves , obey their restless tendency at randome , and disappear . This faeculent Doctrine of Epicurus , we had occasion to examine and refine all the dross either of Absurdity , or Atheism , in our Chapter concerning the Creation of the World ex nihilo , in our Book against Atheism . However , we may not dismiss our Reader without this short Animadversion . The Positions to be exploded are ( 1 ) That Atoms were Eternally existent in the infinite space , ( 2 ) that their Motive Faculty was eternally inhaerent in them , and not derived by impression from any External Principle , ( 3 ) that their congenial Gravity affects no Centre , ( 4 ) that their Declinatory motion from a perpendicular , is connatural to them with that of perpendicular descent , from Gravity . Those which we may with good advantage substitute in their stead , are ( 1 ) That Atoms were produced ex nihilo , or created by God , as the sufficient Materials of the World , in that part of Eternity , which seemed opportune to his infinite Wisdom ; ( 2 ) that , at their Creation , God invigorated or impraegnated them with an Internal Energy , or Faculty Motive , which may be conceived the First Cause of all Natural Actions , or Motions , ( for they are indistinguishable ) performed in the World ; ( 3 ) that their gravity cannot subsist without a Centre ; ( 4 ) that their internal Motive Virtue necessitates their perpetual Commotion among themselves , from the moment of its infusion , to the expiration of Natures lease . For , by virtue of these Correctives , the poisonous part of Epicurus opinion , may be converted into one of the most potent Antidotes against our Ignorance : the Quantity of Atoms sufficing to the Materiation of all Concretions ; and their various Figures and Motions to the Origination of all their Qualities and Affections , as our immediately subsequent Discourse doth professedly assert . The Third Book . CHAP. I. The Origine of Qualities . SECT . I. THat the sounding Line of Mans Reason is much too short to profound the Depths , or Channels of that immense Ocean , Nature ; needs no other evictment but this , that it cannot attain to the bottom of Her Shallows . It being a discouraging truth , that even those things , which are familiar and within the sphere of our Sense , and such to the clear discernment whereof we are furnished with Organs most exquisitely accommodate ; remain yet ignote and above the Moon to our Understanding . Thus , what can be more evident to sense , then the Continuity of a Body : yet what more abstruse to our reason , then the Composition of a Continuum ? What more obviously sensible then Qualities : and yet what problem hath more distracted the brains of Philosophers , then that concerning their Unde , or Original ? Who doth not know , that all Sensation is performed by the Mediation of certain Images , or Species : yet where is that He , who hath hit the white , in the undoubted determination of the Nature of a species , or apodictically declared the manner of its Emanation from the Object to the Sensorium , what kind of insensible-sensative impression that is , which it maketh thereupon , and how being from thence , in the same instant transmitted to that noble something within us , which we understand not , it proves a lively Transumpt , or type , and informs that ready judge of the Magnitude , Figure , Colour , Motion , and all other apparences of its Antitype or Original ? or , what hath ever been more manifest or beyond dubitation , then the reality of Motion ? and yet we dare demand of Galilaeo himself , what doth yet remain more impervestigable , or beyond apodictical decision , then the Nature and Conditions thereof . Concerning the First of these 4 aenigmatical Quaestions , we have formerly praesented you no sparing account of our Conjectural opinion : which we desire may be candidly accepted in the latitude of Probability only , or how it may be , rather then how it is , or must be ; i. e. that it is , though most possible and verisimilous that every Physical Continuum should consist of Atoms ; yet not absolutely necessary . For , insomuch as the true Idea of Nature is proper only to that Eternal Intellect , which first conceived it : it cannot but be one of the highest degrees of madness for dull and unequal man to praetend to an exact , or adaequate comprehension thereof . We need not advertise , that the Zenith to a sober Physiologists ambition , is only to take the copy of Nature from her shadow , and from the reflex of her sensible Operations to describe her in such a symmetrical Form , as may appear most plausibly satisfactory to the solution of all her Phaenomena . Because 't is well known , that the eye of our grand Master Aristotles Curiosity was levelled at no other point , as himself solemnly professeth ( in Meteorolog . lib. 1. cap. 7. initio ) in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i. e. Cum autem de hisce , quae sensui pervia non sunt , satis esse juxta rationem demonstratum putemus , si ad id ●uod fieri possit ea reduxerimus , ex hisce quae in praesentia dicuntur , existimaverit quispiam de hisce maximè ad hunc modum usu venire . And evident it is that Mons. Des Cartes never was more himself , that is , profoundly ingenious , then when he crowned his excellent Principles of Philosophy with this advertisement : a● quamvis forte hoc pacto intelligatur , quomodo res omnes naturales fieri potuerint ; non tamen ideo concludi debet , ipsas reverà sic factas esse : & sati● à me praestitum esse putabo , si tantum ea quae scripsi , talia sint , ut omnibus Naturae Phaenomenis accurate respondeant ; hoc enim ad usum vitae sufficiet . And , concerning the other three , which according to the natural order of their dependence , are successively the Arguments of our next ensuing Exercitations ; we likewise deprecate the same favourable interpretation , in the General : that so , though our attempts perhaps afford not satisfaction to others , yet they may not occasion the scandal of Arrogance and Obstinacy in opinion to our selves . By the Quality of any Concretion , we understand in the General , no more but that kind of Apparence , or Representation , whereby the sense doth distinctly deprehend , or actually discern the same , in the capacity of its proper Object . An Apparence we term it , because the Quale or Suchness of every sensible thing , receives its peculiar determination from the relation it holds to that sense , that peculiarly discerns it : at least from the judgment made in the mind according to the evidence of sensation . Which doubtless was the genuine intent of Democritus in that remarkable and mysterious text , recorded by Galen ( in lib. 1. de Element . cap. 2. ) thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Lege enim Color , lege amaror , lege dulcor ; revera autem Atomus , & Inane , inquit Democritus , existimans omneis Qualitates sensibileis ex Atomorum concursu gigni , quatenus se habent ad nos , qui ipsarum sensum habemus : Natura autem nihil candidum esse , aut flavum , aut rubrum , &c. The importance of which may be fully and plainly rendred thus ; that since nothing in the Universe stands possessed of a Real or True Nature , i. e. doth constantly and invariately hold the praecise ●uale , or Suchness of their particular Entity , to Eternity ; Atoms ( understand them together with their essential and inseparable Proprieties , lately specified . ) and the Inane Space only excepted : therefore ought all other things , and more eminently Qualities , in regard they arise not from , nor subsist upon any indeclinable necessity of their Principles , but depend upon various transient Accidents for their existence , to be reputed not as absolute and entire Realities , but simple and occasional Apparences , whose specification consisteth in a certain modification of the First Matter , respective to that distinct Affection they introduce into this or that particular sense , when thereby actually deprehended . Not that Democritus meant , in a litteral sense , that their production was determinable ex instituto hominum , by the opinionative laws of mans Will ; as most of his Commentators have inconsiderately descanted : but in a Metaphorical , that as the justice , injustice , decency , turpitude , culpability , laudability of Human actions , are determined by the Conformity or Difformity they bea● to the Constitutions Civil , or Laws generally admitted , so likewise do the whiteness , blackness , sweetness , bitterness , heat or cold , of all Natural Concretions receive their distinct essence , or determination from certain positions and regular ordinations of Atoms . And this easily hands us to the natural scope of that passage in Laertius ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Esse Atomos & Inane Universorum principia , caetera omnia Lege sanciri : as also of another in Empiricus ( 1. hypot. 30. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , VERE esse Insectilia ac Inane . However , if any please to prefer the exposition of Magnenus , that Democritus by that unfrequent and gentilitious phrase , Nomo esse Qualitates would have the determinate nature of any Quality to consist in certa quadam lege , & proportione inter agens & patiens , in a certain proportion betwixt the Agent and Patient , or object and sensorium ; we have no reason to protest against his election . For we shall not deny , but what is Ho●y to the palate of one man , is Gall to another ; that the most delicious and poynant dishes of Europe , are not only insipid but loathsome to the stomachs of the Iapones ▪ who in health eat their Fish boyled , and in sickness raw , as Maffeus ( in libro de Iaponum moribus ) reports ; that some have feasted upon Rhubarb , Scammony , and Esula , which most others are ready to vomit and purge at the sight of ; that Serpents are dainties to Deer , Hemlock a perfect Cordial to Goats , Hellebor a choyce morsel to Quails , Spiders restorative to Monkeys ▪ Toads an Antidote to Ducks , the Excrements of man pure Ambre Grise to Swine , &c. All which most evidently declare the necessity of a certain proportion or Correspondence betwixt the object and particular organ of sense , that is to apprehend and judge it . But since the Notion of a Quality is no rarity to common apprehension , every Clown well understanding what is signified by Colour , Odour , Sapour , Heat , Cold , &c. so far as the concernment of his sense we are no longer to suspend our indagation of their possible ORIGINE , in the general . Which , were our Atoms identical with the Homoiomerical Principles of Anaxagoras formerly described , and exploded ; might be thought a task of no difficulty at all : in regard those Consimilarities are supposed actually to contain all Qualities , in the simplicity of their nature , or before their Convention and Disposition into any determinate Concretion ; i. e. that Colour , Odour , Sapor , Heat , Cold , &c. arise from Colorate , Odorate , Sapid , Hot , Cold particles of the First Catholique Matter . But , insomuch , as Atoms , if we except their three congenial Proprieties , viz. Magnitude ( which by a general interest , retains to the Category of Qualities ) Figure , and Motion ; are unanimously assumed to be Exquales , seu Qualitatis Expertes , absolutely devoid of all Quality : it may seem , at first encounter , to threaten our endeavors with infelicity , and damp Curiosity with despair of satisfaction . And yet this Giant at distance , proves a mere Pygmie at hand . For , the Nakedness , or Unqualifiedness of Atoms , the point wherein the whole Difficulty appears radicated ; to a closer consideration must declare it self to be the basis of our exploration , and indispensably necessary to the Deduction of all sensible Qualities from them , when disposed into Concrete Natures . Because , were any Colour , Odour , &c. essentially inhaerent in Atoms ; that Colour , or Odour must be no less intransmutable then the subject of its inhaesion : and that Principles are Intransmutable , is implied in the notion of their being Principles ; for it is of the formal reason of Principles , constantly to persever the same in all the transmutations of Concretions . Otherwise , all things would inevitably , by a long succession of Mutations , be reduced to clear Adnihilation . Besides , all things become so much the more Decoloured , by how much the smaller the parts are into which they are divided ; as may be most promptly experimented in the pulverization of painted Glass , and pretious stones : which is demonstration enough , that their Component Particles , in their Elementary and discrete capacity , are perfectly destitute of Colour . Nor is the force of this Argument restrained only to Colour , as the most eminent of Qualities sensible : but extensible also to all others , if examined by an obvious insistence upon particulars . Now , having taken footing on the necessary Incompetence of any sensible Quality to the Material Principles of Concretions : we may safely advance to our Investigation of the Reason , or Manner how Colour , and all other Qualities may be educed from such naked and unqualified Principles . And first we must have recourse to some few of the most considerable EVENTS consignable to Atoms , as well as to their 3 inseparable Proprieties . The primary , and to this scope , most directly pertinent Events of Atoms , are only two , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ORDER and SITUATION . That Leucippus and Democritus , besides those two eminent events , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Concretion , and Secretion , from which the Generation and Corruption of all things are derived ; have also attributed unto Atoms , two other as requisite to all Alteration , i. e. the procreation of various Qualities , namely Order and Position : is justifiable upon the testimony of Aristotle ( in lib. de ortu & interitu ) however He was pleased ( in 8. Metaphys . cap. 2. ) interpreting the Abderitane terms of Democritus , to adnumerate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Figure , unto them , and thereupon inferr that Atoms are different , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. aut Rhysmo , quod est Figura ; aut Trope , quod est situs ; aut Diathege , quod est ordo : & ( in Metaphys . 1. cap. 4. ) to exemplifie this difference in Letters of the Alphabet ; saying that A and N differ in Figure ; A N , and N A , in order ; and Z N , in situation . Which is the same with what Empiricus ( 2. advers . phys . ) reports to have been delivered by Epicurus . True it is , his Disciple Lucretius , exceeded him in the number of Events assignable to Atoms , in order to the emergency of all sensible Qualities from them ; for he composing this Distich Intervalla , Viae , Connexus , Pondera , Plagae , Concursus , Motus , Ordo , Positura , Figurae , confounds both Events and Conjuncts together : wherein He seems to have had more regard to the smoothness of his Verses , then the Methodical traction of his Subject . For , Motion , Concurse , and Percussion are the natural Consequents of Gravity : and Distance and Connexion are included in Position ; and Wayes or Regions belong to Order , as may be exemplified in the former Letters , which respective to their remote or Vicine Position , and their Change from the right to the left hand , exhibite to the sense various faces or apparences . That those two Conjuncts , Magnitude and Motion , are necessarily to be associated to Order and Position ; is evident from hence , that if it be enquired , why there is in Light so great a subtility of parts , as that in an instant it penetrates the thickest Glass ; but so little in Water , as that it is terminated in the superfice thereof : what more verisimilous reason can be alledged to explain the Cause of that difference in two fluid bodies , then this , that the Component Particles of Light are more minute , or have less of Magnitude , then those of Water ? And if it be enquired , why the Aer , when agitated by the wind , or a fan , appears Colder , then when quiet : what solution can be more satisfactory , then this , that by reason of its motion it doth more deeply penetrate the pores of the skin , and so more vigorously affect the sense ? However , if we confine our assumption only to these three Heads , Figure , Order , and Position ; we shall yet be able , without much difficulty , to make it out , how from them , either single , or diversly commixt , an infinite Multiplicity of Qualities may be created ; as may be most appositely explained by the Analogy which Letters hold to Atoms . For as Letters are the Elements of Writing , and from them arise by gradation , Syllables , Words , Sentences , Orations , Books : so proportionately are Atoms the Elements of Things , and from them arise by gradation , most exile Moleculae , or the Seminaries of Concretions , then greater and greater Masses successively , until we arrive at the highest round in the scale of Magnitude . But we are restrained to an insistence only upon our 3 Heads assumed . As Letters of divers Figures , U , G , A , E , O , when praesented to the eye , carry 3 different species , or aspects ; and when pronounced , affect the Ear with as many distinct sounds : exactly so do Atoms , respectively to the variety of their Figures , and determinate Contexture into this or that species , occurring to the Organs of Sight , Hearing , Smelling , Tasting , Touching , make divers impressions thereupon , or praesent themselves in divers Apparences , or what is tantamount ) make divers Qualities . ( 2 ) As one and the same Letter diversly posited , is divers to the Sight , and Hearing , as may be instanced in Z , N , y , ● , b , d , p , q : so likewise doth one and the same Atom , according to its various positions , or faces , produce various affections in the Organs of Sense . For instance , if the Atome assumed be Pyramidal : when the Cone is obverted to the sensory Organ , it must make a different impression upon it , from that which the Base , when obverted and applyed , will cause . ( 3 ) As the same two three or more Letters , according to their mutation of Site , or Antecession and Consequution , impart divers words to the eye , divers sounds to the ear , and divers things to the mind ; as ET , TE , IS , SI , SUM , MUS , ROMA , AMOR , MARO , RAMO , ORAM , MORA , ARMO , &c. so also may two three , or more Atoms , according to their various positions and transpositions , affect the sense with various Apparences , or Qualities . ( 4 ) And as Letters , whose variety of Figures exceeds not those of the Alphabet , are sufficient only by the variety of order , to compose so great diversity of words , as are contained in this , or all the Books in the World : so likewise , if there were but 24 diverse Figures competent to Atoms , they alone by variety of Order , or transposition , would suffice to the constitution of as incomprehensible a diversity of Qualities . But , when the diversity of their Figures is incomparably greater : how infinitely more incomprehensible must that variety of Qualities be , which the possible changes of their Order may produce ? Thus in the Water of the Sea , when agitated into a white froth , no other mutation is made , save only the situation and differing contexture of the parts thereof disposed by the included aer into many small bubbles ; from which the incident rayes of Light ( which otherwise would not have been reflected in united ) are reflected in united and direct streams to the eye , and so creat a whiteness continued , which is but paler , or weaker light , which must disappeari mmediately upon the dissolution of the bubbles , and return of the p●rts of the water to their natural constitution of fluidity . And since we are fallen upon that eminent Quality , Colour ▪ we shall illustrate the obscure nativity thereof , in the general , by a most praegnant example . Immerge into a Glass Vial of clean fountain Water , set upon warm embers , half●n ounce more or less , according the quantity of Water ) of the leaves of 〈◊〉 and after a small interval of time , instill into the infusion a few drops of the oil of Tartar made per Deliqu●um , which done , you shall perceive the whole mixture to become Red. Now , seeing that no one of the three ingredients , in their simple and divided state , do retain to that species of Colour in the remotest degree of affinity ; from what original can we derive this emergent Redness ? Doubtless , only from hence ; that the Water doth so penetrate , by a kind of Discussion separate , and educe the smaller particle● of that substance , whereof the leaves of Senna are composed , as that the particles of the oyl of Tartar subtily perme●ting the infusion , totally after the Contexture thereof , and so commove and convert its minute dissolved particles , as that the rayes of Light from without falling upon them , suffer various refractions and reflections from their several obverted faces , and praesent themselves to the eye in the apparence of that particular Colour . And to confirm you herein ; you need only instead of oyl of Tartar , infuse the like proportion of oyl of Vitriol into the same Tincture of Senna : for , thereupon no such redness at all will arise to the composition . Which can be solved by no better a reason than this ; that the oyl of Vitriol wants that virtue of commoving and converting the educed particles of the Senna into such positions and order , as are determinately requisite to the incidence , refraction , and reflection of the rayes of Light to the eye , necessary to the creation of that Colour . On the Contrary , instead of Senna , infuse Rose leaves in the Water , and superaffuse thereto a few drops of the Spirit of Vitriol : and then the infusion shall instantly acquire a purple tincture , or deep scarlet ; when from the like or greater quantity of oyl of Tartar instilled , no such event shall ensue . Both which Experiments collated are Demonstration sufficient , that a Red may be produced from simples absolutely destitute of that gloss , only by a determinate Commixture , and position of their insensible particles : no otherwise then as the same Feathers in the neck of a Dove , or train of a Peacock , upon a various position of their parts both among themselves , and toward the incident Light , praesent various Colours to the eye ; or as a peice of Changeable Taffaty , according as it is extended , or plicated , appears of two different dyes . The same may also be conceived of the Caerule Tincture caused in White Wine by Lignum Nephriticum infused when the Decoction thereof shall remain turbid and subnigricant . Moreover , lest we leave you destitute of Examples in the other 4 orders of Qualities , respondent to the 4 remaining senses , to illustrate the sufficiency of Figure , Order and Situation , to their production ; be pleased to observe . First , that Lead calcined with the spirit of the most eager Vinegre , so soon as it hath imbibed the moysture of the ambient aer , or be irrigated with a few drops of Water , will instantly conceive so intense a heat , as to burn his finger that shall touch it . Now , since both the Calcined Lead and Water are actually Cold , and no third Nature is admixt , and nothing more can be said to be in them when commixt , that was in them during their state of separation ; whence can we deduce that intense Heat , that so powerfully affecteth , indeed , misaffecteth the sense of Touching ? Quaestionless , only from this our triple fountain , i. e. from hence , that upon the accession of humidity , the acute or pointed particle of the spirit of Vinegre , ( whereby the fixed salt of the Lead was , by potential Calcination , dissolved , and the Sulphur liquated ) change their order and situation , and after various convolutions , or the motions of Fermentations , obvert their points unto , and penetrate the skin , and so cause a dolorous Compunction , or discover themselves to the Organ of Touching in that species of Quality , which men call Heat . The reason of this Phaenomenon is clearly the same with that of a heap of Needles ; which when confused in oblique , transverse , &c. irregular positions , on every side prick the hand that graspeth them : but if disposed into uniform order , like sticks in a Fagot , they may be laterally handled without any asperity or puncture : or that of the Bristles of an Urchine , which when depressed , or ported , may be stroked from head to tayle , without offence to the hand ; but when erected or advanced , become intractable . By the same reason also may we comprehend , why Aqua Fortis , whose Ingredients in their simple natures are all gentle and innoxious , is so fiery and almost invincible a poyson to all that take it : why the Spirit of Vitriol , freshly extracted , kindles into a fire , if confused with the Salt of Tartar : why the Filings of Steel when irrigated with Spirit of Salt , suffer an aestuation , ebullition , and dissolution into a kind of Gelly , or Paste : with all other mutations sensible , observed by Apothecaries and Chymists , in their Compositions of Dissimilar natures , from which some third or neutral Quality doth result . Secondly , that in the parts of an Apple , whose one half is rotten , the other sound , what strange disparity there is in the points of Colour , Odour , Sapour , Softness , &c. Qualities . The sound half is sweet in taste , fresh and fragrant in smell , white in Colour , and hard to the touch : the Corrupt , bitter , earthy or cadaverous , duskish , or inclinining to black , and soft . Now to what Cause can we adscribe this manifest dissimilitude , but only this : that the Particles of the Putrid half , by occasion either of Contusion , or Corrosion , as the Procatarctick Cause , have suffered a change of position among themselves , and admitted almost a Contrary Contexture , so as to exhibite themselves to the several Organs of Sense in the species of Qualities almost contrary to those resulting from the sound half ; which upon a farther incroachment of putrefaction , must also be deturbed from their natural Order , and Situations in like manner , and consequently put on the same Apparences , or Qualities . For , can it be admitted , that the sound mo●ty , when it shall have undergone Corruption , doth consist of other Particles then before ? if it be answered , that some particles thereof are exhaled , and others of the aer succeeded into their rooms ; our assertion will be rather ratified , then impugned : because it praesumes , that from the egression of some particles , the subingression of others of aer , and the total transposition of the remaining , Corruption is introduced thereupon ; and thereby that general change of Qualities , mentioned . These Instances , and the insufficiency of any other Dihoties , to the rational explanation of them , with due attention and impartiality perpended ; we cannot but highly applaud the perspicacity of Epicurus , who constantly held , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Motion of Mutation was a species of Local Transition : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Concretum , quod secundum Qu●litatem mutatur , omnino mutatur Locali & transitivo motu eorum corporum , ratione intelligibilium , quae in ipsum concreverint . Which Empiricus ( 2. advers . Phys. ) descanting upon , saith thus ; Exempli caussâ , ut ex dulci fiat aliquid amarum , aut ex albo nigrum ; oportet moleculas , seu Corpuscula quae ipsum constituunt , transponi , & alium , vice alterius , ordinem suscipere : Hoc autem non contigerit , nisi ipsae moleculae , motione transitus , moveantur . Et rursus , ut ex molli fiat quid Durum , & ex duro molle ; oportet eas , quae illud constituunt , particulas secundum locum moveri : quippe earum extensione mollitur , coitione verò & condensatione durescit , &c. All which is most adaequately exemplified in a rotten Apple . And this , we conceive , may suffice in the General for our Enquiry into the possible Origine of sensible Qualities . CHAP. II. That Species Visible are SUBSTANTIAL EMANATIONS . SECT . I. SEnsus non suscipere SUBSTANTIAS , though the constant assertion of Aristotle , and admitted into his Definition of Sense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sensus est id , quod est capax sensibilium specierum sine materia ; ( lib. 2. de Anima , cap. ultim . ) and swallowed as an Axiome by most of his Commentators : is yet so far from being indisputable , that an intent examination of it by reason may not only suspect , but convict it of manifest absurdity . Witness only one , and the noblest of Senses , the SIGHT : which discerns the exterior Forms of Objects , by the reception either of certain Substantial , or Corporeal Emanations , by the sollicitation of Light incident upon , and reflected from them , as it were Direpted from their superficial parts , and trajected through a diaphanous Medium , in a direct line to the eye : or , of Light it self , proceeding in streight lines from Lucid bodies , or in reflex from opace , in such contextures , as exactly respond in order and position of parts , to the superficial Figure of the object , obverted to the eye . For the FIRST of these Positions , Epicurus hath left us so rational ● Ground , that deserves , besides our admiration of His Perspicacity , if not our plenary Adhaerence , yet at least our calm Allowance of its Verisimility , and due praelation to that jejune and frothy Doctrine of the Schools ▪ that Species Visible are Forms without Matter , and immaterial not only in their admission into the Retina Tunica , or proper and immediate Organ of sight ; but even in their Trajection through the Medium interjacent betwixt the object and the eye . Which Argument , since too weighty , to be entrusted to the support of a Gratis , or simple Affirmation ; we shall endeavour to prop up with more then one solid Reason . And this that we may , with method requisite to perspicuity , effect : we are to begin at the faithful recital of Epicurus Text , and then proceed to the Explanation , and Examination of it . Reputandum est , esse in mundo quasdam Effigies , ad Visionem inservienteis , quae corporibus solidis delineatione consimiles , superant longè sua tenuitate quicquid est rerum conspicabilium . Neque enim formari repugnat etiam in medio aere circumfusove spatio , hujusmodi quasdam Contexturas : uti neque repugnat , esse quasdam in ipsis rebus , & maximè in Atomis , dispositiones , ad operandum ejusmodi spectra , quae sunt quasi quaedam merae inanesque Cavitates , & superficiales ▪ soliditatisvè expertes tenuitates . Neque praeterea repugnat , fieri ex Corporibus extimis Effluxiones quasdam Atomorum continenter a volantium in quibus i dem positus , idemque ordo , qui fuerit in solidis , superficiebusvè ipsorum , servetur : ut tales proind● Effluxiones sint quasi Formae , sive Effigies , & Imagines Corporum , à quibus dimanant . Tales autem Formae sive Effigies & Imagines sunt , quas moris est nobis , ut Idola , seu simulachra appellitemus . Ex lib. 10. Diogen . Laertij . & versione Gassendi . The importance of which , and the remainder of his judgment , concerning the same theorem , may be thus concisely rendred . Without repugnancy to reason , it may be conceived ( 1 ) That in the University of Nature are certain most tenuious Concretions , or subtle Contextures , holding an exquisite analogy to solid bodies . ( 2 ) That by these , occurring to the sense ; and thence to the Mind , all Vision , and Intellection is made : for they are the same that the Graecian Philosophers call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Latine Imagines , Spectra , Simulachra , Effigies , and most frequently Species Intentionales . ( 3 ) That among all the sundry possible wayes of the generation of these Species Visible , the two primary and most considerable are ( 1 ) by their Direption from the superficial parts of Compound bodies , ( 2 ) by their Spontaneous Emanation , and Concretion in the aer ; and therefore those of the First sort are to be named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and those of the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 4 ) That those Images , which are direpted from the extreams of solid bodies , do conserve in their separated state the same order and position of parts , that they had during their united . ( 5 ) That the ineffable or insuperable Pernicity , whereby these Images are transferred through a free space , depends upon both the Pernicity of the Motion of Atoms , and their Ten●ity or Exility . For , the motion of Atoms , while continued through the Inane Space , and impeded by no retundent , is supposed to be inexcogitably swift : nor are we to admit , that when an Atom is repercussed by another directly arietating against it , and afterward variously bandied up and down by the retusion of others encountring it ; these partial or retuse motions are less swift , i. e. are performed in a space of time more assignable or distinguishable by thought , then if they were extended into one direct , simple , or uninterrupted motion . And for the second Fundament , the extreme Tenuity of Atoms ; insomuch as these Images are praesumed to be no more but certain superficial Contextures of Atoms : it cannot seem inconsequent , that their Pernicity can know no remora . And thus much of Epicurus Text ; and the competent Exposition thereof . It succeeds that we examine the relation it bears to Probability ; refering the consideration of his spontaneous and systatical Images , to the Last Section : and reducing our thoughts concerning the Direpted and Apostatical ( which are , indeed , the proper subject of our praesent disquisition ) to four capital points , viz. ( 1 ) their An sint , or Existence ; ( 2 ) their Quid sint , or proper Nature ; ( 3 ) their Unde , or Production ; ( 4 ) their Celerity of Transmission . Of the FIRST , namely the EXISTENCE of Species Visible ; this is sufficiently certified by the obvious experience of Looking-glasses , Water , and all other Catoptrick or Speculary bodies : which autoptically demonstrate the Emission of Images from things objected . For , if the object be removed , or eclipsed by the interposition of any opace body , sufficiently dense and crass to terminate them , the Images thereof immediately disappear ; if the object be moved , inverted , expansed , contracted , the Image likewise is instantly moved , inverted , expansed , contracted ; in all postures conforming to , and so undeniably proclaiming its necessary dependence upon its Antitype . Thus also , when in Summer we shade our selves from the intense fervor of the Sun , in green Arbours , or under Trees ; we cannot but observe all our cloaths tincted with a thin Verdure , or shady Green : and this from no other Cause , but that the Images or Species of the Leaves , being as it were stript off by the incident light , and diffused into the vicine Aer , are terminated upon us , and so discolour our vestiments . Not , as Magirus would solve it ▪ qualitate , i. e. immateriali forma , qua aer , corpus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à folijs arborum viridibus imbuitur , tingitur , pingitur , ( Comment . in Phylologiam Peripat . lib. 6. cap. 6. num . 27. ) And thus are the bodies of men sitting , or walking in a large room , infected with the Colours of the Curtains or Hangings , when the Sun strikes upon them : Of which Lucretius thus , Nam jacier certè , atque emergere multa videmus , Non solum ex alto , penitusque , ut diximus ante ; Verum de summis ipsum quoque saepe Colorem . Et vulgo faciunt id lutea , russaque vela , Et serruginea , cum magnis intenta theatris Per malos volgata , trabeisque frementia flutunt . Namque ibi concessum caveai subter , & omnem Scendi speciem patrum , matrumque , Deorumque , Insiciunt , coguntque suo fluitare Colore . Ergo lintea de summo cum Corpore fucum Mittunt , Effigias quoque debent mittere tenueis Res quaeque , ex summo quoniam jaculantur utraeque &c. Lib. 4. Upon which Reason also the admirable Kircher hinted his parastatical Experiment , of Glossing the inside of a Chamber , and all things as well Furniture as Persons therein contained , with a pleasant disguise of grass Green , Azure , Crimson , or any other light Colour ( for Black cannot consist in any Liquor , without so much density , as must terminate the Light : ) only by disposing a capacious Vial of Glass , filled with the Tincture of Verdegrease , Lignum Nephriticum , or Vermilion , &c. in some aperture of the Window respecting the incident beams of the Sun. ( Art. Magn. Lucis , & Umbrae , lib. 10. part . 2. Mag●● , parastaticae Experimento 5. ) Concerning the SECOND , viz. the NATURE of Images Visible ; we observe First , that Epicurus seems only to have revived and improved the notion of Plato , and Empedocles , who positively declared the sensible Forms , or Visible species of things , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Effluxiones quaedam substantiales : in that He denominates them Aporrhea , and defines them to be most thin and only superficial Contextures of Atoms effluxed from the superficial parts of Bodies , and jugi s●uore , by a continued stream em●ning from them into all the circumfused space . Secondly , that the Common Opinion , most pertinaciously patronized by Alexander the Peripatetick , and Scaliger , with the numerous herd of Aristotelea●s ( whom it is as easie to convert , as nominate ) is , that visible species are mera Accidentiae , simple pure Accidents , that neither possess , nor carry with them any thing of Matter , or Substance ; and yet being transmitted through a diaphanous Medium from solid objects , they affect the organ of Sight , are reflected from polite and speculary bodies , &c. Here we are arrested with wonder , either how these great Masters of Learning could derive this wild conceit from their Oracle , Aristotle ; when introth all they could ground upon his Authority of this kind , is desumable only from these words of his , Colorem rei Visibilis movere perspicuum actu , quod deinceps oculum moveat : or how they could judge it consentaneous to reason , that those Affections should be attributed to meer Accidents , which are manifestly Competent only to meer Substances . For , to be moved or to be the subject of Local Motion , to be impinged against , and reflected from , or permeate a body ; to be dilated , contracted , inverted , &c. cannot consist , nor indeed by a sober man be conceived , without absolute substantiality . Some there are , we confess , who tell us , that they kindled this Conceit from sundry scattered sparks blended both in his general Discourses of Motion and Alteration , and particular Enquiries into the nature of Dreams , and Sounds , in his Problems : and these , thereupon , most confidently state the whole matter , thus . That the Visible Object doth first Generate a Consimilar Species in the parts of the aer next adjacent ; that this Embryon species doth instantly Generate a second in the parts of the aer next to it , that generates a third , that third a fourth , and so they generate or spawn each other successively in all points of the Medium , untill the last species produced in the aer contiguous to the Horny membrane of the eye , doth therein produce another ; which praesents to the Optick Nerve the exact delineations and pourtraiture of the Protoplast , or Object . To Cure the Schools of this Delirium , our advice is , that they first purge off that faeculent humor of Paedantism , and implicite adhaerence to Authority ; and then with clean stomachs take this effectual Alterative . If the Visible Species of Objects be , as they define ; meer Accidents , i. e. immaterial : we Demand ( 1 ) What doth Creat them ? Not the Object ; since that hath neither power , nor art , nor instruments , to pourtray its own Counterfeit on the table of the contiguous aer . ( 2 ) What doth Conserve and Support them when pourtray'd ? Not the Aer ; since that is variously agitated , and dispelled by the wind , and commoved every way by Light pervading it : and yet the Species of objects are alwayes transmitted in a direct line to the eye . ( 3 ) What can Transport them ? Neither Aer , nor Light : since it is of the formal reason of an Accident , not to be removed or transmitted but in the arms of it Subject . Nor can the same numericall species be extended through the whole space of the Medium ; because it is repugnant to their supposition : and themselves affirm the transmigration of an Accident from one subject to another , impossible . ( 4 ) Is the species changed and multiplied by Propagation ? That 's if not an impossibility absolute , yet a Difficulty inexplicable ; first because no man ever hath , nor can explain the Modus Propagationis , the manner of their Propagation : Secondly , since the parts of space intermediate betwixt the Object and the Eye , though but at a small distance removed , are innumerable ; and a fresh propagation must be successively in each of those parts ; and the space of Time required to each single propagation is a moment ; certainly it must be long before the propagation could attain to so small a part of space , as is aequal to one Digit . If so ; how many hours would run by , after the Suns Emergency out of an Eclipse , before the light of it would arrive at our eye ? since , as the moments , or points of space betwixt it and us are more then innumerable ; so likewise must the moments , or points of Time , while a fresh species is generated in each point of that vast space , be more then innumerable : and yet we have the Demonstration of the most Scientifick of our senses , that the light of the Sun is darted through that immense space , in one single moment . ( 5 ) What is the material of these species , or Whether is the 〈…〉 First species educed out of Nothing ? That 's manifestly absurd ; because above the power of Nature : and to recur to any other power superior to Hers , is downright madness . ( 6 ) Or , ex Materiae Potentia , out of some secret Energie of the matter of the Medium ? That 's Unconceivable ; for we dare the whole world to define , what kind of Power that is , supposed inhaerent in the Medium ( Aer , Water , Glass , or any other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that can be actuated so expeditely into the production of infinite several species , in a moment . From one and the same part of Aer , in one and the same moment , how can be educed the different species not only of the Sun and a S●●ne , of a Man and a Stock , of a Head and a Foot ; but even of two absolute Contraries , Snow and Pich ? ( 7 ) If Visible Species contain nothing of Matter ; how can they with such insuperable Velocity be projected on a speculary body , and recoyl back from it to so great a distance , as is commonly observed , even in the Repercussion , or rather Reflection of a Species from a Concave Glass : How consist of Various Parts , and conserve the order and position of them invariate , and the Colours of each clearly inconfused , through the interval of the Medium ? How be really ampliated , contracted , deflected , inverted , &c. All which are properly and solely Congruent to Bodies or Entities consisting of Matter ? ( 8 ) But all these and many more as manifest Incongruities and open Absurdities may be praevented by the assumption of the more durable and satisfactory Hypothesis of Epicurus : for conceding the Visible Species of Objects to be Substantial Effluxes , it can be no difficulty to solve their Trajection , Impaction , Refraction , Reflexion , Contraction , Diduction , Inversion , &c. Nor is it oppugnable by the objection of any Dif●●culty more considerable , then that so insultingly urged by Alexander the Peripatetick : quanam ratione fi●ri possit , ut ex tot , tantisque effluentibus particulis , unumquodque adspectabilium non celerit●r absumatur ? How can it consist with reason , since the Visible Species are praesumed to be substantial Effluviaes , that any the most solid and large adspectable body should not in a short time be minorated ▪ 〈◊〉 wholly exhausted by the continual deperdition of so many particles ? ( in Comment ▪ in lib. de Sensu & Sensili , cap. 3. & Epist. 56. ad Dioscor . ) Which yet is not so ponderous , as not to be counterpoysed by these two Reasons , ( 1 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Accrescere ipsis adspectabilibus advenientia ex opposito corpuscula alia ; that the decay is praevented by the apposition and accretion of other minute particles succeeding into the rooms of the effluxed ; so that how much of substance decedes from the superficial parts of one body towards others , as much accedes to it by the advent of the like Emanations from others , and thereupon ensues a plenary Compensation . Nor can it diminish one grain of the weight of this solution , to rejoyn ; that the Figures of adspectables must then be changed : because the substantial Effluxes which Accede , cannot be in point of Figure , Order , and Position of parts exactly consimilar to those which Recede . For , though there be a dissimilitude in Figure , betwixt the Deceding and Acceding particles ; yet , in so great a tenuity of particles , as we suppose in our substantial species , that can produce no mutation of Figure in the object deprehensible by the sense : for many things remain invariate to the eye , which are yet very much changed as to Figure , in the judgment of the understanding ; as may most eminently be exemplified in the Change that every Age insensibly stealeth upon the face of man. ( 2 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Tenuitatem simulachrorum esse omnem modum excedentem , the Tenuity of these Emanant Images is Extreme● and therefore the uninterrupted Emission of them , even for many hundreds of years , can introduce no sensible either mutation of Figure ; or minoration of Quantity in the superficies of the Emittent . Which Averrhoes ( at least the Author of that Book , Destructionis Destructionum , fathered upon him ) had respect unto , when He said ; Neminem agniturum decrementum in Sole factum , tametsi ab eo circum deperierit quantitas pa●mi , aut etiam major . To approach some degrees nearer in our Comprehension to the almost Incomprehensible TENUITY of these substantial Emanations , that essence the Visible Images of Objects ; Let us First , conceive them , with Lucretius , to be , Quasi Membranae summo de Corpore rerum Dereptae , Certain Excortications , or a kind of most thin Films , by the subtle fingers of Light , stript off from the superficial Extremes of Bodies ; for Alexander himself calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pelliculae & Membranulae , & Apuleius Exuviae , because as the slough or spoil of a Snake , is but a thin integument blancht off the new ●kin , and yet representing the various Spots , Scales , Magnitude , Figure &c. thereof : so likewise do the Visible Species , being meer Decortications , or Sloughs blancht off from Bodies , carry an exact resemblance of all 〈◊〉 and Colours in the Exteriours thereof . Secondly , assume the smallest of things Visible , the Foot of an Hand-worm , for the Object . For conceding the species Emanant from it , which is deprehensible by a Microscope , to consist only of those Atoms , which cohaering only Secundum La●●●a , and non 〈…〉 , Laterally and not Profound●● constitute the 〈◊〉 and then we cannot deny , that this species must be by many 〈…〉 thinner th●n the Foot , or Object it 〈◊〉 . Thirdly , Exemplifie the ineffable Tenuity of these Excortications , in those round Films of Wax that are successively lickt off by the Flame of a Tapour accended . For , having supposed , that one inch of a Wax Candle may suffice to maintain its flame , for the space of an hour : let us thus reason . Since the Diminution of that inch , perpendicularly erected , is uncessant , i. e. that there is no distinguishable moment of time , wherein there is not a distinct round of Wax taken off the upper part thereof , by the depredatory activity of the flame : how many must the Round Films of Wax be , that are successively direpted ? Certainly , as many as there are distinguishable points , or parts in the 24 part of the Aequator , or ambite of the Primum Mobile , successively interjacent toward the Meridian . And if , in stead of that vast Heaven , the Primum Mobile , you think it more convenient to assume the Terrestrial Globe ( whose Magnitude , in comparison of the other , amounts not above a point ) observe what may be thence inferred . Since , according to the supputation of Snellius and Gassendus , the ambite of the Earth is commensurable by 26255 Italian miles ; and the 24 part thereof makes 1094 miles , and so 1094000 paces , and so 5470000 feet , each whereof is again subdivisible into 1000 sensible parts : it follows , that as the product , or whole number of these parts in the 24 part of the Circumference of the Globe Terrestrial ariseth to 5470000000 ; so likewise must the distinct membranules of Wax successive derepted from the inch of Candle in the space of an hour fulfil the same high number of 5470000000. And if so , pray how incomprehensible thin must each of them be ? If this Example seem too gross to adumbrate the extreme Tenuity of our species ; be pleased to exchange the Wax Tapour of an inch diameter , for Solomons Brasen Sea , filled with oyl , and an inch of Cotten Weeck perpendicularly immersed , and at the upper extreme accensed , in the middle thereof . For , insomuch as the Decrement of the oyl in altitude must be uncessant , as is the exhausting activity of the flame , there being no instant of time , wherein its diminution is interrupted ; and that , should the flame constantly adhaere to the Weeck for 48 hours , without extinction , the space of the oyls descent from the margin of the vessel could not in crassitude equal that of a piece of Lawn , or a Spiders Web : certainly the number of Rounds of oyl successively delibrated by the flame , in that constitute time , must require a far greater number of Cyphers to its Calculation . Which would you definitely know ; 't is but computing the distinguishable points of time in 48 hours , during which the flame is supposed to live , and you have your desire ; and we ours , as to the conjectural apprehension of the Tenuity of each of them . Lastly , let us argue à simili , and guess at the Tenuity of a Visible , from that of an Odorable Species . How many Aromaticks are there , that for many years together , emit fragrant exhalations , that replenish a considerable space of the ambient aer ; and gratefully affect the nostrils of all persons , within the orb of projection : and yet cannot , upon the exactest statick experiment , or trutination of the Scate , be found to have amitted one grain of Quantity ? Now if we consider , how Crass the Emanation of an Aromatick , or an odorous Anathymiasis , is comparatively to the substance of a Visible Species ( for no meaner a Philosopher then Gassendus , whose name sounds all the Liberall Sciences , hath conceived ; that the Visible Images effluxing from an Apple in a whole year , if all cast into one bulk , would not exceed that of the odorous vapour exhaled from it in one moment ) we shall not gainsay , but a solid Body may constantly maintain an Emanation of its Images Visible , for many hundreds of years , from its superficial parts , without any sensible abatement of Quantity , or variation of Figure . To which we shall superadd only this ; that should we allow these substantial Effluxes , that are supposed to constitute the Visible Species , to amount in many hundred years , to a mass deprehensible by sense , in case the collection of them all into one were possible : yet would it be so small , as to elude the exactest observation of man ; for , who that hath perchance weighed a piece of Marble , or Gold , and set down the praecise gravity thereof in his life time , can obtain a parrol from the grave and return to complete his experiment ; after the deflux of so many Ages , as are required to fulfill the sensibility of its minoration ? Concerning the THIRD , viz. the PRODUCTION of Species Visible ; Epicurus Text may be fully illustrated by this Exposition . That a solid Body , so long as environed with a rare or permeable space , may be conceived without Alogie , freely to emit its Images : because it hath Atoms ready in the superfice , that being actuated by their coessential motive Faculty , uncessantly attempt their Emancipation , or Abduction ; and those so exile , that the Ambient cannot impede their Emanation . ( 2 ) That in regard they conserve the Delineations both of the Depressed and Eminent parts in the superfice of the Antitype , or Object , after their Efflux therefrom : therefore do the Images deceding from it become Configurate of Atoms cohaerently exhaling in the same Order and Position that they held among themselves , during their Contiguity , or Adhaesion . Which also satisfies for the praesumed meer superficiality , i. e. Improfundity of the species : because it is deraded only from the Extremities of the Object . ( 3 ) That , forasmuch as no Cause can be alledged , why the particles of the Image should , in their progress through a pervious medium to considerable distance , be deturbed or discomposed from that Contexture , or order and situation , which they obtained from the Cortex or outward Film of their solid original : therefore do they invariately hold the same Configuration , untill their arrival at the eye . Which to familiarize , we are to reflect upon a position or two formerly conceded , viz. that Atoms are , by the impulse of their ingenite Motion , variously agitated even in Concretions most compact ; and yet cannot without difficulty expede themselves from the Interior or Central parts , because of their mutual Revinction , or Complication : but for those in the Exterior or superficial parts , they may , upon the least evolution disingage themselves , having no Atoms without to depress , but many within to express or impel them . ( 4 ) That , since the Motion of all Atoms , when at liberty to pursue the Tendency of their Motive Faculty , is Aequivelox : hence is it , that those Atoms which exhale from the Cavities or Deprest parts of the superficies of any Concretion , and those which exhale from the Prominencies , or Eminent Parts , are transferred together in that order , that they touch not , nor crowd each other , but observe the same distance and decorum , that they had in their Contiguity to , and immediate separation from the superficies . So that the Antecedent Atoms cannot be overtaken , or praevented by the Consequent : nor those farther outstrip these , then at the first start . ( 5 ) That the Emanation of Visible Images is Continent , i. e. that one succeeds on the heels of another , jugi quodam Fluore , in a continued stream more swiftly then that thought can distinguish any intermediate distance . So that , as in the Exsilition of Water from the Cock of a Cistern perpetually supplied by a Fountain , the parts thereof so closely succede each other , as to make one Continued stream , without any interruption observable : are we to conceive the Efflux of Images to be so Continent , that the Consequent press upon the neck of the Antecedent so contiguously , as the Eye can deprehend no Discontinuity , nor the Mind discern any Interstice in their Flux . And this ushers us to the reason , why Apuleius , discoursing in the Dialect of Epicurus , saith , Profectas à nobis Imagines , velut quasdam exuvias jugifluore manare . ( 6 ) And lastly , that a Visible Image doth not so constantly retain its Figure , and Colours , as not to be subject to Mutilation and Confusion , if the interval betwixt its original and the eye be immoderately large : as may be exemplified in the species of a square Tower , which by a long trajection through the aer , hath its Angles retused , so that it enters the eye in a Cylindrical Figure . This Epicurus expresly admitted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , confusam interdum evadere imaginem . Which ought to be interpreted not only of the detriment sustained in its long progress through the Medium , but also of that which may arise from some perturbation caused in the superfice of the Exhalant . Concerning the FOURTH , viz. the CELERITY of their Motion ; this will Epicurus have to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Inexsuperabilem , swift in the highest degree : and his Reason is , because such is the Pernicity of Atoms , when enfranchised from Concretions , and upon the Wings of their Gravity . Lucretius most appositely compares the Celerity of Images in their Trajection , to that of the beams of the Sun , which from the body thereof are darted to the superfice of the Earth in an instant , or so small a part of time , as none can be supposed less . And this we may clearly comprehend , if we observe that moment when the Sun begins its Emergency from the Discuss of the Moon , in an Eclipse ; for in the same moment , we may discern the Image of its cleared limbus , appearing in a vessel of Water , respectively situate . And yet we say , the Celerity of their Trajection , not , with the Vulgar , the Instantaneous Motion : because we conceive it impossible , that any Moveable should be transferred to a distant place , in an indivisible moment , but in some space of time , though so short as to be imperceptible ; because the Medium hath parts so successively ranged , that the remote cannot be pervaded before the vicine . And thus have we concisely Commented upon the 4 Consider ables comprehended in the Text of Epicurus , touching Apostatical Images Visible ; and thereupon accumulated those Reasons , which justifie our praelation of this His Opinion , to that not only less probable , but manifestly impossible one of the Aristoteleans : so that there seems to us only one Consideration more requirable to complete its Verisimility , and that is touching the FACILITY of the ABDUCTION of Visible Images from solids . We confess , that Epicurus supposition , of the spontaneous Evolution and consequent Avolation of Atoms from the extremes of solid Concretions ; is not alone extensible to the solution of this Difficulty : and therefore we must lengthen it out with that consentaneous Position of Gassendus ( de apparente magnitudine solis humilis & sublimis , Epist. 2. pag. 24. ) Lucem sollicitare species , that Light doth sollicite and more then excite the Visible species of Objects , as well by agitating the superficial Atoms of Concretions , as by Carrying them off in the arms of its reflected rayes . For , that Light is intinged not only with Colours , which it pervades , but also with those , which it only superficially toucheth upon , provided the Colorate body be compact enough to repercuss it ; all opace and speculary bodies , on which its beams are either trajectly , or reflextly impinged , sensibly demonstrate . And though it may be objected , that the sollicitation of Light is not necessary to the Dereption , or Abduction of Images Visible ; because it is generally praesumed , that they continually Emane from Objects , and so as well in the thickest Darkness , as in the Meridian light : it must notwithstanding be confest , that they are unprofitable to Vision , unless when they proceed from an object Illustrate ; and consequently that they flow hand in hand with the particles of Light reflected from it superfice . Which truly is the reason why the Eye that is posited in the dark doth well discern Objects posited in the Light ; but that which is in the light hath no perception at all of objects in the dark . And therefore whoso shall affirme , that Visible Species are not Emitted from bodies , unless Light strike upon them , and being repercussed , carry their superficial Atoms , which constitute the Visible Species , off from them , in direct lines towards the eye : though He may perhaps want a Demonstration , yet not the evidence of Experience and probability , to credit his Paradox . Nor is there , why we should opinion , that only the Primary , or first incident Light is reflected ; because Light emaneth from the Lucid , in a continued Fluor , so that the praecedent particles are still contiguously pursued by the consequent : and hence is it that Light is capable of repercussions even to infinity , if solid and impervious bodies could be so disposed , as that the first opposed might repercuss it on the second , the second reflect it to the third , the third to the fourth , &c. successively , so long as the Fluor should be continued , and no Eclipse intervene . For , the reason , why Light , formerly diffused , doth immediately disappear , upon the intervention of any body , that intersects it stream ; is really the same with that , wherefore Water exsilient from the Tube of a Cistern , in an arched stream , doth immediately droop and fall perpendicularly , upon the shutting of the Cock : the successive flux of those parts of Water , which , by a close and forceable pressure on the back of the praecedent , maintained the Arcuation of the stream , being thereby praevented , and the effluxed committed to the tendency of their Gravity . And the reason , why by the mediation of a small remainder of light , after the intersection of its fluor from the Lucid fountain , we have an imperfect and obscure discernment of objects ; is no more then this : that only a few rayes , here and there one , are incident upon and so reflected from the superfice thereof , having touched upon only a few scattered particles , and left the greater number untoucht ; which therefore remain unperceived by the eye , because there wanted Light sufficient to the illustration of the whole , and so to the Excitement and Emission of a perfect species . SECT . II. THere is yet a second sort of Images Visible , which though consistent of the same Materials with the Former ; are yet different in the reason of their production , according to the theory of Epicurus . For , as the former are perfectly substantial , being Corporeal Effluviaes , by a kind of Dereption as it were blancht from the Extremes of Concretions : so likewise are these of the second Genus , perfectly substantial , being certain Concrements or Coagmentations of Atoms in the aer , representing the shapes of Men , Beasts , Trees , Castles , Armies , &c. not caused by an immediate Dereption from such solid Prototypes , but a SPONTANEOUS convention and cohaesion of convenient particles . So that if we only call them , Spontaneous Systatical Representations ; we shall not only import the Disparity of their Creation to that of the Derepted Apostatical ones , but also afford a glimpse of their abstruse Nature . Of these , all that can be brought to lye in lines parallel to our praesent Theorem , doth concern only their Existence : and that may be evicted by the conspiring testimonies of many Authors , whose pens were not dipt in the fading ink of meer Tradition , nor their minds deluded with the affectation of Fabulous Wonders . Among which our leasure will extend to the quotation of only Two , most pertinent and significant . Diodorus Siculus ( lib. 3. ) speaking of certain Spectraes ; spontaneously conceited , and at set seasons of the year exhibiting themselves to Travellers in the regions of Africa , beyond the Quick-sands and Cyrene ; saith thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Quandoque , ac praesertim vigente tranquillitate aeris , conspiciuntur per aerem Concrementa quaedam , forma● Animalium omnis generis referentia . Ipsorum nonnulla quietè se habent , nonnulla verò motionem subeunt . Quinetiam interdum insequentes fugiant , interdum fugientes insequuntur , &c. And Damascius ( in Vita Isidori Philosophi , apud Photium ) declaring the common report about that memorable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Prodious Aereal Representation , annually beheld in the lower region of the aer , imminent upon that arm of the Adriatick Sea , that runs up betwixt Messana in Sicily , and Rhegium Julium in Calabria ; delivers it thus : Nostra tempestate narrarunt homines bonae fidei , juxta Siciliam in campo nominato Tetrapyrgio , & in aliis non paucis locis , videri Equitum pugnantium sin ulacra ; idque maximè aestatis tempore , cum ardentissimus est meridies ; &c. Concerning the verity of this report , the most Curious Athanasius Kircherus having some doubt ; purposely takes a long journey from Rome to Messana and thence crosseth over to Rhegium , at the opportune time for its observation . Where what He beheld , and by what Physical reasons he solved the wonderment ; we have thought worthy your patient notice , to extract from his excellent discourse thereupon ( in cap. 1. Magiae Parastaticae , parastasi 1. Naturae . ) MORGANA RHEGINORUM . In the midst of Summer , when the Sun boyls the Tyrrhene Ocean with most fervent rayes , then is it , that wanton Nature entertains the wondring eyes of the inhabitants of Rhegium , a Town in Calabria most ancient and no less famous for having been the seat of many Philosophers , with a prodigious spectacle in the aer . There may you , whether with more delight , or wonder , is not soon determined , behold a spacious Theatre in the vaporous aer , adorned with great variety of Scenes , and Catoptrick representations ; the Images of Castles , Palaces , and other Buildings of excellent architecture , with sundry ranges of Pillars , praesented according to the rules of Perspective . This Scene withdrawn , upon the sayling by of the Cloud , there succeeds another , wherein , by way of exquisite Landskip , were exhibited spacious Woods , Groves of Cypress , Orchards with variety of trees , but those artificially planted in Uniform rows like a perfect Phalanx , large Meadows , with companies of men , and herds of beasts walking , feeding , and couching upon them : and all these with so great variety of respondent Colours , so admirable a commixture of Light and Darkness , and all their motions and gestures counterfeited so to the life , that to draw a Landskip of equal perfection seems impossible to human industry . It may well be conceived , though not easily exprest , how much this Parastatical Phantasm ( which the Inhabitants of Rhegium call Morgana ) hath excruciated the greatest Wits of Italy , while they laboured to explore a reason for the apparence of such things in the Cloud , as were not found either on the shore , or adjacent fields . This much encreased the ardor of Curiosity in me , so that crossing over from Messana to Rhegium , at the usual time of the Apparition , I examined all the Circumstances thereof , together with the situation of the place , the nature and propriety of the soyl , and the constitution of the vapours arising from the Sea : and examining my observations by Physical and Optical reasons , I soon detected the Causes of the whole Phaenomenon . First I observed the Mountain called Tinna , on the Sicilian side , directly confronting Rhegium , to run along in a duskish obscure tract upon Pelorus ; and the shores subjacent , as also the bottom of the Sea , to be covered with shining sand , being the fragments of Selenites , Antimony , and other pellucid Concretions , devolved from the eminent parts of the land , the contiguous Hills , that are richly fraught with veins of those Minerals . Then I observed that these translucid sands , being , together with vapors from the Sea and Shore , exhaled into the aer , by the intense fervor of the Sun ; did coalesce into a Cloud , in all points respondent to a perfect Polyedrical , or Multangular Looking-glass : the various superficies of the resplendent Granules , making a multiplication of the species ; and that these , being opacated behind by crass and impervious vapours , directly facing the Mountains , did make reflection of the various Images of objects respective to their various positions to the eye . The several Rows of Pillars in the aereal Scene are caused by one single Pillar , erected on the Shore ; for being by a manifold reflection from the various superficies of the tralucent particles , opacated on the hinder part by dense Vapours , in the speculary Meteor , it is multiplyed even to infinity . No otherwise then as one single Image , posited betwixt two polyedrical Looking-glasses , confrontingly disposed , is so often repercussed or reflected from superfice to superfice , that it exhibiteth to the eye almost an infinite multitude of Images exactly consimilar . Thus also doth one man standing on the shore , become a whole Army in the Cloud ; one Beast , a whole Herd , and one Tree a thick-set Grove . As for the vanishing of this first Scene , and the succession of a second , adorned with the representations of Castles , and other magnificent structures ; the Cause hereof is this : since the eye of the Spectator hath its sight variously terminated in the several speculary superficies of the Cloud , that is in perpetual motion according to the impulse of the Wind ; it comes to pass , that according to the rules of the Angles of Incidence and Reflection , divers Species are beheld under the same constitute Angle , and as the speculary Vapour doth reflect them toward the eye , which divers species are projected from objects conveniently situate ; and particularly from the Castle on the ascent towards Rhegium from the place of our prospect . Some , perhaps , may judge our affirmation , of the Elevation of those shining Grains of Vitreous Minerals into the aer , by the meer attraction of the Sun ; and the Coalition of them there with the Cloud of Vapours : to be too large a morsel , to be swallowed by any throat , but that Cormorant one of Credulity . If so , all we require of them , is only to consider ; that Hairs , Straws , grains of Sand , fragments of Wood , and such like Festucous Bodies , are frequently found immured in Hailstones : which doubtless , are sufficient arguments , that those things were first elevated by the beams of the Sun , recoyling from the earth , into the middle region of the aer , and there coagmentated with the vapours condensed into a Cloud , and frozen in its descent . Now this solution of the Morgana , acquires the more of Certitude and Auctority from hence ; that in imitation of this Natural Prodigious Ostent , or Aereal Representation , Kircher invented a way of exhibiting an Artificial one , by the Fragments of Glass , Selenites , Antimony , &c. stewed in an iron trough , and vapours ascending from Water superaffused , and terminated by a black Curtain superextended . The full description of which Artifice , He hath made the Subject of his 2. parastasis in Magia Parastat . cap. 1. CHAP. III. CONCERNING THE MANNER and REASON OF VISION . SECT . I. AMong the many different Conceptions of Philosophers , both Ancient and Modern , touching the Manner and Reason of the Discernment of the Magnitude , Figure , &c. of Visible Objects by the Visive Faculty in the Eye ; the most Considerable are these . ( 1 ) The STOICKS affirmed , that certain Visory Rayes deradiated from the brain , through the slender perforations of the Optick Nerves , into the eye , and from thence in a continued fluor to the object ; do , by a kind of Procusion , and Compression , dispose the whole Aer intermediate in a direct line , into a Cone , whose Point consisteth in the superfice of the Eye , and Base in the superfice of the Object . And that , as the Hand by the mediation of a staff , imposed on a body , doth , according to the degrees of resistence made thereby either directly , or laterally , deprehend the Tactile Qualities thereof , i. e. whether it be Hard , or Soft , Smooth or Rough , whether it be Clay , or Wood , Iron , or Stone , Cloth , or Leather , &c. So likewise doth the Eye , by the mediation of this Aereal staff , discern whether the Adspectable Object , on which the Basis of it resteth , be White or Black , Green or Red , Symetrical or Asymetrical in the Figure of its parts , and consequently Beautiful or Deformed . ( 2 ) ARISTOTLE , though his judgment never acquiesced in any one point , as to this particular , doth yet seem to have most constantly inclined to this ; that the Colour of the Visible doth move the Perspicuum actu , i. e. that Illustrate Nature in the Aer , Water , or any other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Transparent body ; and that , by reason of its Continuity from the extremes of the Object to the Eye , doth move the Eye , and by the mediation thereof the Internal Sensorium or Visive Faculty , and so inform it of the visible Qualities thereof . So that , according to the Descant of those , who pretend to be his most faithful Interpreters , we may understand Him , to have imagined the Colour of the object to be as it were the Hand ; the diaphanous Medium as it were the Staff ; and the Eye as it were the Body on which it is imposed and imprest : è diametro opposite to the conceit of the Stoicks , who suppose the Eye to supply the place of the Hand ; the Aer to analogize the Staff ; and the Object to respond to the Body on which it is imposed and imprest . ( 3 ) The PYTHAGOREANS determined the reason of Vision on the Reflexion of the Visive Rayes , in a continued stream emitted from the internal Eye , to the visible , back again into the eye ; or , more plainly , that the radious Emanations from the Eye , arriving at the superfice of the object , are thereby immediately Repercussed in an uninterrupted stream home again to the eye , in their return bringing along with them a perfect representation thereof , as to Colour , Figure and Magnitude . ( 4 ) EMPEDOCLES , though admitting ( as we hinted in the next praeceding Chapter ) substantial Effluxes , from the Visible to the Organ of Sight ; doth also assume the Emission of certain Igneous or Lucid Spirits from the Organ to the Object : supposing the Eye to be a kind of Glass Lantern , illustrate , and illustrating the Visible , by its own Light. ( 5 ) PLATO , though He likewise avouched the Emanation of Corporeal Effluviaes from the Object ; doth not yet allow them to arrive quite home at the Eye : but will have them to be met half way by rayes of Light extramitted from the Eye : and that these two streams of External and Internal Light encountring with some Renitency reciprocal , do recoyl each from other , and the stream of Internal Light resilient back into the eye , doth communicate unto it that particular kind of Impression , which it received from the stream of Extradvenient Light , in the encounter ; and so the Sentient Faculty comes to perceive the adspectable Form of the object , at which the Radius of Internal Light is levelled . This we judge to be sense of his words ( in Timaeo , circa finem tertiae partis ) Simulachrorum , quae vel in speculis oboriuntur , vel in perspicua , laevique cernuntur superficie ; facilis assecutio est . Nam ex utriusque ignis , tam intimi , quam extra positi Communione , ejusque rursus consensu , & congruentia , qui passim terso , laevique corpori accommodatus est ; necessari● haec omnia oriuntur , quam ignis oculorum cum eo igne , qui est è conspecto effusus , circa laeve nitidumque Corpus sese confundit . ( 6 ) EPICURUS , tacitely subverting all these , foundeth the Reason of Vision , not in any Action of the intermediate Aer , as the Stoicks and Aristotle ; nor in any Radious Emanation from the Eye to or toward the Object , as the Pythagoreans , Empedocles , and Plato : but , in the Derivation of a substantial Efflux from the Object to the Eye . ( 7 ) And as for the opinion of the excellent Monsieur Des Cartes , which with a kind of pleasant violence , hath so ravisht the assent of most of the Students of Physiology , in the praesent Age , especially such as affect the accommodation of Mechanick Maxims to the sensible operations of Nature ; that their minds abhor the embraces of any other : those , who have not heedfully perused his Dioptricks , may fully comprehend it in summary , thus . For Sensation in Common , He defines it to be a simple Perception , whereby a certain Motion , derived from a body conveniently objected , communicated , by Impression , to the small Fibres , or Capillary Filaments of a Nerve , and by those , in regard of their Continuity , transmitted to the Tribunal , or Judicatory Seat of the Soul , or Mind ( which He supposeth to be the Glandula Pinealis , in the centre of the Brain ) and there distinctly apprehended , or judged of . So that the Divers Motions imprest upon the slender threads of any Nerve , are sufficient to the Causation of divers perceptions ; or , that we may not eclipse his notion by the obscurity of our Expression , that the Impulse , or stroke given to the Nerve , doth , by reason of the Continuity of its parts , cause another Motion , in all points answerable to the first received by the External Organ , to be carried quite home to the Throne of the Mind , which instantly makes a respective judgment concerning the Nature of the Object , from whence that particular Motion was derived . In a word , that only by the Variety of Strokes given to the External Organ , thence to the filaments of the Nerve annexed thereto , thence to the Praesence Chamber of the Soul : we are informed of the particular Qualities , and Conditions of every Sensible ; the variety of these sensory Motions being dependent on the variety of Qualities in the Object , and the variety of judgments dependent on the variety of Motions communicate . And for the sense of Seeing , in special ; He conceives it to be made , not by the mediation of Images , but of certain Motions ( whereof the Images are composed ) transmitted through the Eye and Optick Nerve to the Centrals of the Brain : praesuming the Visible Image of an Object to be only an exact representation of the motions thereby impressed upon the External Sensorium ; and accordingly determining the Reason of the Minds actual Discernment of the Colour , Situation , Distance , Magnitude , and Figure of a Visible , by the Instruments of Sight , to be this . ( 1 ) The Light desilient from the adspectable Body , in a direct line , called by the Masters of the Opticks , the Axe of Vision , percusseth the diaphanous fluid Medium , the Aether , or most subtile substance ( by Him assumed to extend in a Continuate Fluor through the Universe , and so to maintain an absolute Plenitude , and Continuity of Parts therein . ) ( 2 ) The Aether thus percussed by the Illuminant , serving as a Medium betwixt the Object and the Eye ; conveyeth the impression through the outward Membranes and Humors , destined to Refraction , to the Optick Nerve most delicately expansed into the Retina Tunica , beyond the Chrystalline . ( 3 ) The Motion thus imprest on the outward Extreme of the Optick Nerve , runs along the body of it to the inward Extreme , determined in the substance of the Brain . ( 4 ) The Brain receiving the impression , immediately gives notice thereof to its Noble Tenent , the Soul ; which by the Quality of the stroke judgeth of the Quality of the Striker , or Object . In some proportion like an Exquisite Musitian , who by the tone of the sound thereby created , doth judge what Cord in a Virginal was strook , what jack strook that string , and what force the jack was moved withall , whether great , mean , or small , slow or quick , equal or unequal , tense or lax , &c. This you 'l say , is a Conceit of singular Plausibility , invented by a Wit transcendently acute , adorned with the elegant dress of most proper and significant Termes , illustrate with apposite similes and praegnant Examples , and disposed into a Method most advantageous for persuasion ; and we should betray our selves into the Censure of being exceedingly either stupid , or malicious , should we not say so too : but yet we dare not ( so sacred is the interest of Truth ) allow it to be more then singularly Plausible ; since those Arguments , wherewith the sage the●2 ●2 . chap. of His Treatise of Bodies ) hath long since impugned it , are so exceedingly praeponderant , as to over-ballance it by more then many moments of Reason ; nor could Des Cartes himself , were He now Unglorified , satisfie for his Non-Retractation of this Error ; after his examination of their Validity , by any more hopeful Excuse , then this ; that no other opinion could have been consistent to His Cardinal Scope of Solving all the Operations of Sense by Mechanick Principles . Now , of all these Opinions recited , we can find , after mature and aequitable examination , none that seems , either grounded on so much Reason , or attended with so few Difficulties , or so sufficient to the verisimilous Explanation of all the Problems , concerning the Manner of Vision , as that of Epicurus ; which stateth the Reason of Vision in the INCURSION of substantial Images into the Eye . We say FIRST , Grounded on so much Reason . For , insomuch as it is indisputable , that in the act of Vision there is a certain Sigillation of the figure and colour of the object , made upon that part of the Eye , wherein the Perception is ; and this sigillation cannot be conceived to be effected otherwise then by an Impression ; nor that Impression be conceived to be made , but by way of Incursion of the Image , or Type : it is a clear Consequence , that to admit a Sigillation without Impression , and an Impression without Incursion of the Image , is a manifest Alogy , an open Inconsistence . And upon this consideration is it , that we have judged Epicurus to have shot nearest the White , in his Position that Vision is performed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , per simula ▪ chrorum Incursionem , sive Incidentiam : which Agellius ( lib. 5. cap. 16. ) descanting upon , saith expresly , Epicurus affluere semper ex omnibus corporibus simulachra quaedam ipsorum , eaque sese in oculos inferre , atque ita fieri sensum videndi putat . SECONDLY , Encumbred with so few Difficulties . For , of all that have been hitherto , either by Alexander ( 2. de Anima 34. ) Macrobius ( 7. Saturnal . 14. ) Galen ( lib. 7. de Consensu in Platonicis , Hippocraticisque Decretis ) or any other Author , whose leaves we have revolved , objected against it ; we find only Two , that require a profound exercise of the Intellect to their Solution : and they are these . ( 1 ) Obvious it is even to sense , that every Species Visible is wholly in the whole space of the Medium , and wholly in every part thereof ; since in what part soever of the Medium , the Eye shall be admoved , in a position convenient , it shall behold the whole object , represented by the species : and manifest it is , that to be total in the total Space , and total in every part thereof , is an Affection proper only to Incorporeals ; therefore cannot Vision be made by Corporeal Images incurrent into the Eye . ( 2 ) In the intermediate Aer are coexistent the Images of many , nay innumerable Objects ; which seems impossible , unless those Images are praesumed to be Incorporeal : because many Bodies cannot coexist in one and the same place , without reciprocal penetration of Dimensions , Ergo , &c. SECT . II. TO dispel these Clouds , that have so long eclipsed the splendor of Epicurus Assertion , of the Incidence of Images Visible into the Eye ( for we shall not here dispute , whether he intended the sigillation to be made in that Convex Speculum , the Chrystalline Humour ; or that Concave one , the Retina Tunica ) and explicate the abstruse nature of Vision : we ask leave to possess you with certain necessary Propositions : We assume therefore , Assumption the First . That the superfice of no Visible is so exquisitely smooth , polite , or equal , as not to contain various Inaequalities , i. e. Protuberant and Deprest parts , or certain ( Monticuli and Valleculae ) small Risings and Fallings : which in some bodies being either larger , or more , are discoverable by the naked intuition of the Eye ; and in others , either smaller , or fewer , require the detection of the Microscope . This is neither Praecarious , nor Conjectural : but warranted by Reason , and autoptical Demonstration . For , if the object assumed be polisht Marble ; since that apparent Tersness in the surface thereof is introduced by the detrition of its grosser inaequalities by Sand , and that Sand is nothing but a multitude of Polyedrical solid Grains , by the acuteness and hardness of their Angles cutting and derasing the more friable particles of the Marble : it must follow , that each of the grains of Sand must leave an impression of its edge , and so that the whole superfice must become scarified by innumerable small incisions , variously decussating and intersecting each other . If Steel of a speculary smoothness , such as our common Chalybeat Mirrours ; since the Tersness thereof is artificial , caused by the affriction of Files , which cut only by the acuteness of their teeth , or lineal inaequalities : it is not easie to admit , that they leave no scratches , or exarations on the surface thereof ; and where are many Incisions , each whereof must in Latitude respond to the thickness of the Tooth in the File , that made it , there also must be as many Eminences or small Ridges intercepted among them . And if Glass ▪ whose smoothness seems superlative ; since it is composed of Sand and Salts , not so perfectly dissolved by liquation , as not to retain various Angles : it cannot be unreasonable to inferr , that those remaining points or angular parts must render the Composition in its exteriors full of Asperities . And , as for Autoptical Evidence ; that Marble , Steel , and Glass are unequal in their superfice , is undeniable not only from hence , that a good Engyscope , in a convenient light , doth discover innumerable rugosities and Cavities in the most polisht superfice of either : but also from hence , that Spiders and Flyes do ordinarily run up and down perpendicularly on Venice Glass , which they could not do , if there were not in the surface thereof many small Cavities , or Fastnings for the reception of the Uncinulae , or Hooks of their Feet . To which may also be added , the Humectation of Glass by any Liquor affused ; for , if there were no Fosses and Prominences in the superfice thereof , whereon the Hamous particles of the Liquid might be fastned , it would instantly run off without leaving the least of moisture behind . And hence Assumption the Second . That as the whole Visible Image doth emane from the whole superfice of the object ; so do all the parts thereof emane from all the parts of the Object : i. e. that look how many Atoms are designable in the superfice , from so many points thereof do Atoms exhale , which being contiguously pursued by others and others successively deceding , make continued Rayes , in direct lines tending thitherward , whither the faces of the particles point , from which they are deradiated . For , insomuch as in the superfice no particle can be so minute to the sense , as , in respect to the Asperity , or Inaequality of its surface , not to have various Faces , by which to respect various parts of the Medium : it must inevitably follow , that all the rayes effluxed from an object , do not tend one and the same way , but are variously trajected through the Medium , some upward , others downward , some to the right , others to the left , some obversly or toward , others aversly or fromward , &c. So that there is no region or point of the compass designable , to which some rayes are not direct . And from this branch shoots forth our Third Assumption . That every visible Image is then most Dense and United , when it is first abduced from the Object : or , that by how much the neerer the visible Species is to the Body , from which it is delibrated , by so much the more Dense and United are the rayes of which it doth consist ; and so much the more Rare or Disgregate , by how much the farther it is removed from it . This may be exemplified in lines drawn from the Centre of a Circle to the Circumference ; for by how much the farther they run from the Centre , by so much the greater space is intercepted betwixt them : and by how much the larger space is intercepted betwixt them , by so much the greater must their Rarity be , the degrees of Rarity being determinable by the degrees of intercepted space . Thus also must the rayes of the Visible Image , in their progress mutually recede each from other , and according to the more or less of their Elongation from the point of abduction , become more or less Rare and scattered , into the amplitude of the Medium . However , we deny not the necessity of their innumerable Decussations , and Intersections ; in respect to the various Faces , and Confrontings of the parts of the superfice , from which they are emitted . And hence we extracted our Fourth Assumption . That the Visible Image , though really diffused through the space of the medium within the sphear of Projection ; is notwithstanding neither total in the total space , nor total in every part thereof , as is supposed in the First Objection : but so Manifold , as there are parts of the Medium , from which the Object is adspectable . Here may we introduce a Paradox , which yet doth not want a considerable proportion of Verisimilitude to justifie the sobriety and acuteness of his Wit , that first started it ; which is , That of divers men , at the same time , speculating the same object , no one doth behold the same parts thereof , that are beheld by another : nay more , that no man can see the same parts of an Object , with both eyes at once ; nay more , not the same parts with the same eye , if he remove it never so little , because the level of the Visive Axe is varied . This may be verified by a single reflection on the Cause hereof , which is the Inequality , or Asperity of the superfice of Bodies , seemingly most polite : for , in respect of that , it is of necessity , that various Rayes , proceeding from the various parts thereof , variously convene in the parts of the Medium ; and insomuch as each of those rayes doth represent that particle only , from which it was effused , and no other , in their concurse they cannot but represent other and other parts , according to the respective places or regions of the Medium , in which the Eye is posited , that receives them . However , we shall familiarize it by Example . Let two men at once behold a Third , one before , the other behind : and both may be said to behold the same man , but , truly , not the same parts of him ; because the eyes of one are obverted to his Anterior , and those of the other to his Posterior parts . Take it yet one note higher . Let the Face of a man be the Object , on which though divers persons gaze at the same time , one on the right a second on the left side , a third confrontingly , a fourth and a fifth obliquely betwixt the other three ; and all may be said to have an equal prospect of the face : yet can it not be asserted , that they do all see the same parts thereof , but each a particular part . Whence it may be inferred , that albeit we may allow them all to behold his Fore-head , Eyes , Nose , Cheeks , Mouth , &c. yet can we not allow them all to see the same parts of Forehead , Eyes , Nose , Cheeks , &c. because of their unequal situation , which Causeth that the whole species prodient from the face , doth not tend into the whole medium , but into various parts of it , respective to the various faces of the deradiant parts . Moreover , because this praesumed Inaequality is not competent only to the greater parts of the face , such as the Eyes , Nose , Mouth , Chin , &c. but as justly considerable in the very Skin , which hath no designable place , wherein are not many smaller and smaller Eminencies and Depressions , deprehensible ( if not by the Opticks of the body , yet ) by the ac●es of the Mind : hence is , that having imagined the Eyes of the Five Spectators to move their visive Axes from part to part successively , and as slowly as the shadow of the Gnomon steals over the parts of a Dial , untill they have ranged over the whole face ; we may comprehend the necessity , of the discovery of a fresh part by every new aime or levell of each eye , and the baulking of others ; as if in Particles of devex Figure , no Particels can be detected a new , but as many of those formerly discerned must be lost , and as many , nay more remain concealed . And this Consideration smoothly ushers in two Consectaries ( 1 ) That to say , one simple species doth replenish the whole Medium , is not , in the strict Dialect of Reason , so proper , as to say , the Medium is possessed by an Aggeries , or Convention of innumerable species : which being divers in respect to the divers parts of the Object , from which they were deradiated , must also be divers in their Existence , and Diffusion through the several parts of the Perspicuum . And yet must they be allowed to constitute but one entire species ; and this in respect to their Emanation from one Object : because as the single parts of the species represent the single parts of the object , so doth the whole of the species represent the whole of the Object . ( 2 ) That many , nay Myriads of different Species may be Coexistent in the Common Medium , the Aer ; and yet no necessity of the Coexistence of many Bodies in one and the same place ; it being as justifiable to affirm , that they reciprocally penetrate each others dimensions , as that the Warp and Woof , or intersecting threads in a Cloth , do mutually penetrate each other : because the Aer is variously interspersed with Inanities , or small empty Roads , convenient to the inconfused transmission of all those swarms of Rayes , of which the species consist . Have you not frequently observed , when many Candles were burning together in the same room , how , according to the various interposition of opace bodies , various degrees of Shadows and Light have been diffused into the several quarters of the same ? and can you give any better reason of those various Intersections and Decussations of the several Lights , then this ; that the rayes of Light streaming from the diverse Flames , are directly and inconfusedly trajected through the several inane Receptaries of the Aer , respective to the position of each Candle , without reciprocal impediment ; the rayes of one , that are projected to the right hand , in no wise impeding the passage of those of another , that are projected to the left , in the same sensible part of the Aer . Exactly so do the rayes of divers Species Visible , in their progress through the aer , pass on in direct and uninterrupted lines , without Confusion : and though they may seem to possess the same sensible part of the medium , yet will not reason allow them to possess the same Insensible particles thereof ; in regard the distinct transmission of each clearly demonstrateth , that each possesseth a distinct place . Nor doth this their Iuxta-position , or extreme Nearness necessitate their Confusion ; since we daily observe that Water and Wine may be so Commixt in a Vial , as therein can be assigned no sensible part , wherein are not some parts of both Liquors : and yet most certain it is , that the particles of Wine possess not the same Invisible Loculaments , or Receptaries , that are replete with the particles of Water , but others absolutely distinct ; because otherwise there would be as much of Water , or Wine alone , in the Vial , as there is of both Water and Wine , which in that Continent is impossible . And hereupon we Conclude , that to admit every distinct species to replenish the whole medium ; is no less dangerous , then to admit , that each of two Liquors confused doth singly replenish the whole Capacity or the Continent : the parity of reasons justifying the Parallelism . Assumption the Fifth . That the visible Image , being trajected through the Pupil , and having suffered its ultimate refraction in that Convex Mirror , the Chrystalline Humor ; is received and determined in that principal seat of Vision , ( which holds no remote analogy to a Concave Mirror ) the Retina Tunica , or Expansion of the Optick Nerve in the bottom of the eye : and therein represents the Object from whence it was deradiated , in all particulars to the life , i. e. with the same Colour , Figure , and Situation of parts , which it really beareth ; provided the Distance be not excessive . The First part of this eminent Proposition , that excellent Mathematician , Christopher Scheinerus , hath so evicted by Physical Reasons , Optical Demonstrations , and singular Experiments ; as no truth can seem capable of greater illustration , and less opposition : and therefore the greatest right we can do our selves , or you , in this point , is to remit you to the observant lecture of his whole Third Book , de Fundament . Opticis ; which we dare commend with this just Elogie , that it is the most Elaborate and Satisfying investigation of the Principal Seat of Vision , that ever the World was enriched with , and He who shall desire a more accomplisht Discourse on that ( formerly ) abstruse Theorem , must encounter the censure of being either scarce Ingenious enough to comprehend , or scarce Ingenuous enough to acknowledge the convincing Energy of the Arguments and Demonstrations therein alledged , for the confirmation of his Thesis , Radij formalitèr visorij nativam sedem esse tunicam retinam . And the other is sufficiently evincible even from hence ; That the Sight , or ( if you please ) the Interior Faculty doth alwayes judge of t●e adspectable form of an Object , according to the Condition of the Image emanant from it , at least , according as it is represented by the Image , at the impression thereof on the principal visory part . Which is a position of Eminent Certitude . For , no other Cause can be assigned , why the Visive Faculty doth deprehend and pronounce an object to be of this , or that particular Colour : but only this , that the Image imprest on the Net-work Coat doth represent it in that particular Colour , and no other . Why , when half of the Object is eclipsed , by some opace body interposed , the eye can speculate , nor the faculty judge of no more then the unobscured half : but only this , that the Image is mutilated , and so consisteth of onely those radii , that are emitted from the unobscured half , and consequently can inferr the similitude of no more . Why an Object , of whatever Colour , appeareth Red , when speculated through Glass of that Tincture : but only because the Image , in its trajection through that Medium , being infected with redness , retains the same even to its sigillation on the Expansion of the Optick Nerve . Why the sight , in some cases , especially in that of immoderate distance , and when the object is beheld through a Reversing Glass , deprehends the object under a false figure : but because the Image represents it under that dissimilar figure , having either its angles ●etused , by reason of a too long trajection through the Medium , or the situation of its parts inverted , by decussation of its rayes in the Glass . CONSECTARY the First . Now , it being no less Evident , then Certain , that the Image is the sole cause of the Objects apparence under such or such a determinate Colour , and of this or that determinate Figure : it is of pure Consequence , that the Image must also be the Cause of the Objects appearance in this or that determinate Magnitude ; especially since Figure is essenced in the Termination of Magnitude , according to Euclid . ( lib. 1. def . 14. ) Figura est , quae sub aliquo , vel aliquibus terminis comprehenditur . For , why doth the object appear to be of great , small , or mean dimensions ; if not because the Image arriving at the sentient , is great , small , or mean ? Why doth the whole object appear greater then a part of it self ; unless because the whole Image is greater then a part of it self ? To speak more profoundly , and as men not altogether ignorant of the Mysteries in Opticks ; demonstrable it is , that the Magnitude of a thing speculated may be commensurated by the proportion of the Image deradiated from it , to the distance of the Common Intersection . For as the Diametre of the Image , projected through a perspective , or Astronomical Tube , on a sheet of white paper , is in proportion to the Axis of the Pyramid Eversed ; so is the diameter of the basis of the Object to the Axis of the Pyramid Direct . And hereby also come we to apprehend the Distance of the Object from the Eye ; for having obtained the Latitude of the object , we cannot want the knowledge of its Distance : and by conversion , the knowledge of its distance both assists and facilitates the comprehension of its Magnitude . Which comes not much short of absolute necessity ; since as Des Cartes ( Dioptrices cap. 6. ) hath excellently observed , in these words : Quoniam autem longitudo longius decurrentiam radiorum non exquisite salis ex modo impulsus cognosci potest , praecedens Distantiae scientia hic in auxilium est vocanda . Sic , ex Gr. s● distantia cognoscatur esse magna , & Angulus visionis sit parvus ; res objecta longius distans judicatur magna : sin verò distantia sciatur esse parva , & angulus Visionis sit magnus ; objectum judicatur esse parvum , si verò distantia objecti longius dissiti sit in cognita ; nihilcerti de ejus magnitudine decerni potest : if the Distance of an object far removed be unknown , the judgment concerning the magnitude thereof must be uncertain . CONSECTARY the Second . Again , insomuch as the Receptary of the Visible Image , is that Concave Mirrour , the Retina tunica ( we call it a Concave Mirrour , not only in respect of its Figure and Use , but also in imitation of that grand Master of the Opticks , Alhazen , who ( in lib. 1. cap. 2. ) saith thus ; Et sequitur ex hoc , at corpus sentiens , quod est in Concavo Nervi ( retina nimirum ) sit aliquantulùm Diaphanum , ut appareant in eo formae lucis & coloris , &c. ) Hence is it , that no Image can totally fill that Receptary , unless it be derived from an object of an almost Hemispherical ambite , or Compass ; so that the rayes , tending from it to the eye , may bear the form of a Cone , whose Base is the Hemisphere , and point ( somewhat retused ) the superfice of the Pupil . This perfectly accords to Keplers Canon ; Visionem fieri , cum totius Hemispherij mundani , quod est ante oculum , & amplius paulo , idolum statuitur ad album subrufum Retinae cavae superficiei parietem . ( in Paralipomen . ad Vitellion . cap. 5. de modo Vision . num . 1. ) Not that either He , or we , by the Optical Hemisphere , intend only the Arch of the Firmament ; but any Ambite whatever , including a variety of things obverted to the open eye , partly directly , partly obliquely , or laterally , and Circumquaque in all points about . And this being conceded , we need not long hunt for a reason , why , when the eye is open , there alwayes is pourtraied in the bottom of the eye some one Total Image ; whose various parts may be called the Special Images of the diverse things at once objected . For , as the whole Hemisphere Visive includes the reason of the whole Visible : so do the parts thereof include the reason of the special Visibles , though situate at unequal distance . And , since , the Hemisphere may be , in respect either of its whole , or parts , more Remote , and more Vicine ; hence comes it , that no more Rayes arrive at the Eye from the Remote , than the Vicine : because in the Vicine , indeed , are less or fewer bodies , than in the Remote , but yet the Particles , or Faces of the particles of bodies , that are directly obverted to the Pupil , are more . Which certainly is the Cause , why of two bodies , the one Great , the other Small , the Dimensions seem equal ; provided the Great be so remote , as to take up no greater a part of the Visive Hemisphere , than the small : because , in that case , the rayes emanant from it , and in direct lines incident into the pupill of the Eye , are no more then those deradiate from the small , and consequently cannot represent more parts thereof , or exhibit it in larger Dimensions . Whereupon we may conclude that the Visive Faculty doth judge of the Magnitude of Objects , by the proportion that the Image of each holds to the amplitude of the Concave of the Retina Tunica : or , that by how much every special Image shall make a greater part of the General Image , that fills the whole Hemisphere Visive , and so possess a greater part of the Concave of the Retina Tunica ; by so much the greater doth the Faculty judge the quantity thereof to be : and ● Contra. And , because a thing , when near , doth possess a greater part of the Visive Hemisphere , than when remote : therefore doth the special Image thereof also possess a greater part of the Concave in the Retina Tunica , and so exhibit in greater Dimensions ; and it decreaseth , or becometh so much the less , by how much the farther it is abduced from the eye ; For it then makes room for another Image of another thing , that is detected by the abduction of the former , and enters the space of the Hemisphere obverted . And hereupon may we ground a PARADOX . That the Eye sees no more at one prospect then at another : or , that the Eye beholds as much when it looks on a shilling , or any other object of as small diameter , as when it speculates a Mountain , nay the whole Heaven . Which though obscure and despicable at first planting , will yet require no more time to grow up to a firm and spreading truth , than while we investigate the Reasons of Two Cozen-German optical Phaenomena's . ( 1 ) Why an Object appears not only greater in dimensions , but more distinct in parts , when lookt upon near at hand ; than afarr off ? ( 2 ) Why an Object , speculated through a Convex Glass , appears both larger and more distinct ; than when beheld only with eye : but through a Concave , both Smaller , and more confused ? To the solution of the First , we are to reflect on some of the praecedent Assumptions . For , since every Visible diffuseth rayes from all points of it superfice , into all regions of the medium , according to the second Assumption ; and since the superfice of the most seemingly smooth and polite body , is variously interspersed with Asperities , from the various faces whereof , innumerable rayes are emitted , tending according their lines of Direction , into all points of medium circularly ; according to the first Assumption ; and since those swarms of Emanations must be ●o much the more Dense and Congregate , by how much the less they are elongated from their fountain , or body exhalant ; and è Contra , so much the more Rare and Disgregate , by how much farther they are deduced , according to the third Assumption : Therefore , by how much nearer the eye shall be to the object by so much a greater number of Rayes shall it receive from the various parts thereof , and the particles of those parts ; and è Contra : and Consequently by how much a greater number of rayes are received into the pupill of the eye , by so much greater do the dimensions of the object , and so much the more distinct do the parts of it superfice appear . For it is axiomatical among the Masters of the Opticl●s , and most perfectly demonstrated by Scheinerus ( in lib. 2. Fundament . Optic . part . 1. cap. 13. ) that the Visive Axe consisteth not of one single raye , but of many concurring in the point of the pyramid , terminated in the concave of the Retina Tunica : and as demonstrable , that those rayes only concurr in that conglomerated stream , which enters the Pupil , that are emitted from the parts of the object directly obverted unto it ; all others ●ending into other quarters of the medium . And hence is it , that the image of a remote object , consisting of rayes ( which though streaming from distant parts of the superfice thereof , do yet , by reason of their concurse in the retused point of the visive Pyramid , represent those parts as Conjoyned ) thin and less united , comparatively ; those parts must appear as Contiguou● in the visifical Representation , or Image , which are really Incontiguous or seperate in the object : and upon consequence , the object must be apprehended as Contracted , or Less , as consisting of fewer parts ; and also Confused , as consisting of parts not well distinguisht . This may be truly , though somewhat grosly , Exemplified in our prospect of two or three Hills situate at large distance from our eye , and all included in the same Visive Hemisphere ; for , their Elongation from the Eye makes them appear Contiguous , nay one and the same Hill , though perhaps they are , by more then single miles , distant each from other : or , when from a place of eminence we behold a spacious Campania beneath , and apprehend it to be an intire Plane ; the Non-apparence of those innumerable interjacent Fosses , Pits , Rivers , &c. deprest places , imposing upon the sense , and exhibiting it in a smooth continued plane . And to the solution of the second Problem , a concise enquiry into the Causes of the different Effects of Concave and Convex Perspicils , in the representation of Images Visible , is only necessary . A Concave Lens , whether Plano-concave , or Concave on both sides , whether it be the segment of a great , or small Circle , projects the Image of an Object , on a paper set at convenient distance from the tube that holds it , Confused and insincere ; because it refracts the rayes thereof even to Disgregation , so that never uniting again , they are transmitted in divided streams and cause a chaos , or perpetual confusion . On the Contrary , a Convex Lens refracts the rayes before divided , even to a Concurse and Union , and so makes that Image Distinct and Ordinate , which at its incidence thereon was confused and inordinate . And so much the more perfect must every Convex Lens be , by how much greater the Sphere is , of which it is a Section . For , as Kircher well observes ( in Magia parastatica . ) if the Lens be not only a portion of a great sphere , V. Gr. such a one , whose diametre contains twenty or thirty Roman Palms ; but hath its own diametre consisting of one , or two palmes : it will represent objects of very large dimensions , with so admirable similitude , as to inform the Visive Faculty of all its Colours , Parts , and other discoverables in it superfice . Of which sort are those excellent Glasses , made by that famous Artist , Eustachio Divini , at Rome ; by the help whereof the Painters of Italy use to draw the most exquisite Chorographical , Topographical , and Prosopographical Tables , in the World. This Difference betwixt Concave and Convex Perspicils is thus stated by Kircher ( Art. Magnae Lucis & Umbrae ▪ lib. 10. Magiae part . 2. Sect. 5. ) Hinc patet differentia lentis Conve●ae & Concavae ; quod illa confusam speciem acceptam transmissamque semper distinguit , & optimè ordinat : ●lla verò eandem perpetuo confundit ; unde officium lentis Convexae est , easdem confusè accept is , in debita distantia , secundum suam potentiam , distinguere & ordinare . And by Scheinerus ( in Fundam . Optic . lib. 3. part . 1. cap. 11. ) thus ; Licet in vitro quocunque refractio ad perpendicularem semper accidat , quia tamen ipsum superficie cava terminatur , radij in aerem egressi potius disperguntur , quàm colliguntur : cujus contrarium evenit vitro Convexo , ob contrariam extremitatem . Rationes sumuntur à Refractionibus in diversa tendentibus , vitri Convexi & Concavi , ob contrarias Extremitatum configurationes . Concavitas enim radios semper magis divergit : sicut Convexitas amplius colligit , &c. Now , to draw these lines home to the Centre of our problem ; since the Rayes of a Visible Image trajected through a Convex Perspicil , are so refracted , as to concurr in the Visive Axe : it is a clear consequence , that therefore an object appears both larger in dimensions , and more distinct in parts , when speculated through a Convex Glass , than when lookt upon only with the Eye ; because more of the rayes are , by reason of the Convexity of its extreme obverted to the object , conducted into the Pupil of the Eye , than otherwise would have been . For , whereas some rayes proceeding from those points of the object , which make the Centre of the Base of the Visive Pyramid , according to the line of Direction , incurr into the Pupil ; others emanant from other parts circumvicine to those central ones , fall into the Iris ; others from other parts circumvicine fall upon the eye-lids ; and others from others more remote , or nearer to the circumference of the Base of the Pyramid , strike upon the Eyebrows , Nose , Forehead , and other parts of the face : the Convexity of the Glass causeth , that all those rayes , which otherwise would have been terminated on the Iris , eye-lids , brows , nose , forehead , &c. are Refracted , and by refraction deflected from the lines of Direction , so that concurring in the Visive Axe , they enter the Pupil of the Eye in one united stream , and so render the Image imprest on the Retina Tunica , more lively and distinct , and encreased by so many parts , as are the rayes superadded to those , which proceed from the parts directly confronting the Pupil . On the Contrary ; because an Image trajected through a Concave Perspicill , hath its rayes so refracted , that they become more rare and Disgregate : the object must therefore seem less in dimensions , and more confused in parts ; because many of those rayes , which according to direct tendency would have insinuated into the Pupill , are diverted upon the Iris , Eyelids , and other circumvicine parts of the face . Here opportunity enjoyns us to remember the duty of our Profession , nor would Charity dispense , should we , in this place , omit to prescribe some General Directions for the Melioration of sight , or natively , or accidentally imperfect . The most common Diminutions of Sight , and those that may best expect relief from Dioptrical Aphorisms , and the use of Glasses ; are only Two : Presbytia , and Myopia . The First , as the word imports , being most familiar to old men , is ( Visus in perspiciendis object is propinquis obscuritas ; in remotis verò integrum acumen ) an imperfection of the sight , by reason whereof objects near hand appear obscure and confused , but at more distance , sufficiently clear and distinct . The Cause hereof generally , is the defect of due Convexity on the outside of the Chrystalline Humor ; arising either from an Error of the Conformative Faculty in the Contexture of the parts of the Eye , or ( and that mostly ) from a Consumption of part of the Chrystalline Humour by that Marasmus , Old Age : which makes the common Base of the Image Visible to be trajected so far inwards , as not to be determined precisely in the Centre of the concave of the Retina Tunica . And therefore , according to the law of Contrariety , the Cure of this frequent symptome is chiefly , if not only to be hoped from the use of Convex Spectacles , which determine the point of Concurse exactly in the Centre of the Retina Tunica ; the rayes , by reason of the double Convexity , viz. of the Lens and Chrystalline Humor , being sooner and more vigorously united , in the due place . The Other , being Contrary to the first , and alwayes Native , commonly named Purblindness , Physitians define to be Obscuritus visus in cernendis rebus distantibus ; in propinquis verò integrum acumen : a Dimness of the sight in the discernment of Objects , unless they be appropinquate to the Eye . The Causes hereof generally are either the too spherical Figure of the Chrystalline Humor ; or , in the Ductus Ciliares , or small Filaments of the Aranea Tunica ( the proper investment of the Chrystalline ) a certain ineptitude to that contraction , requisite to the adduction of the Chrystalline inwards towards the retina tunica , which is necessary to the discernment of objects at distance : either of these Causes making the common Base of the Image to be determined in the Vitrious Humor , and consequently the Image to arrive at the retina tunica , perturbed and confused . And therefore our advice is to all Purblind Persons , that they use Concave Spectacles : for such prolong the point of concurse , untill it be convenient , i. e. to the concave of the retina tunica . Assumption the Sixth and last . Since all objects speculated under the same Angle , seem of equal Magnitude ( according to that of Scheinerus , sicut oculus rem per se parvam , magnam arbitratur , quia sub magno angulo , refractionis beneficio , illam apprehendit : & magnam contrario parvam ; fundament . Optic . lib. 2. part . 2. cap. 5. ) and are accordingly judged , unless there intervene an Opinion of their unequal Distance , which makes the Spectator praesume , that that Object is in it self the Greater , which is the more Remote , and that the Less , which is the less Remote : therefore , to the appehension and Dijudication of one of two objects , apparently equal , to be really the greater , is not required a greater Image , than to the apprehension and dijudication of an object to be really the less ; but only an opinion of its greater Distance . This may receive both Illustration and Confirmation from this easie Experiment . Having placed horizontally , in a valley , a plane Looking Glass , of no more then one foot diametre ; you may behold therein , at one intuition the Images of the firmament , of the invironing Hills , and all other things circumsituate , and those holding the same magnitude , as when speculated directly , and with the naked eye : and this only because , though the Image in Dimensions exceed not the Area of the Glass , yet is it such , as that together with the things seen , it doth also exhibit the Distance of each from other . Exactly like a good Landskip , wherein the ingenious Painter doth artificially delude the eye by a proportionate diminution and decurtation of the things praesented , insinuating an opinion of their Distance . And therefore , the Reason , why the Images of many things , as of spacious Fields , embroydered with rowes of Trees , numerous Herds of Cattle , Flocks of Sheep , &c. may at once be received into that narrow window , the Pupill of the eye , of a man standing on an Hill , Tower , or other eminent place , advantageous for prospect : is only this , that to the Speculation of the Hemisphere comprehending all those things , in that determinate magnitude , is required no greater an Image , than to the Speculation of an Hemisphere , whose diametre is commensurable only by an inch . Since neither more rayes are derived from the one to the Pupil of the Eye , than from the other : nor to the judication of the one to be so much Greater than the other , is ought required , beside an Opinion that one is so much more Distant than the other . And this we conceive a sufficient Demonstration of the Verity of our last Paradox , viz. that the Eye sees as much , when it looks on a shilling , or other object of as small diametre ; as when it looks on the greatest Ocean . Here most opportunely occurs to our Consideration that notorious PROBLEM , Quomodo objecti distantia deprehendatur ab oculo ? How the Distance of the Object from the eye is perceived in the act of Vision ? This would Des Cartes have solved ( 1 ) By the various Figuration of the Eye . Because in the Conspection of Objects remote , the Pupil of the Eye is expanded circularly , for the admission of more Rayes ; and the Chrystalline Humor somewhat retracted toward the Retina Tunica , for the Determination of the point of Concurse in the same , which otherwise would be somewhat too remote : and on the contrary , in the conspection of objects vicine , the Pupil is contracted circularly , and the Chrystalline Lens protruded somewhat outwardly , for the contrary respects . ( 2 ) By the Distinct , or Confused representation of the object ; as also the Fortitude , or Imbecillity of Light illustrating the same . Because things represented confusedly , or illustrated with a weak light alwayes appear Remote : and on the contrary , things praesented distinctly or illustrate with a strong light , seem vicine . But all this we conceive unsatisfactory . ( 1 ) Because , unless the variation of the Figure of the Eye were Gradual , respective to the several degrees of distance intercedent betwixt it and the object ; it is impossible the sight should judge an object to be at this or that Determinate remotion : and that the variation of the Figure of the Eye is not Gradual respective to the degree of distance , is evident even from hence ; that the Pupil of the Eye is as much Expanded , and the Lens of the Chrystalline Humor as much Retracted toward the Retina Tunica , in the conspection of an object situate at one miles distance , as of one at 2 , 3 , 4 , or more miles ; there being a certain Term of the Expansion of the one part , and Retraction of the other . ( 2 ) Because though Vision be Distinct , or Confused , both according to the more or less illustration of the object by light , and to the greater or less Distance thereof from the Eye ; yet doth this Reason hold only in mean , not large distance : since the orbs of the Sun and Moon appear greater at their rising immediately above the Horizon , that is , when they are more Remote from the Eye , than when they are in the Zenith of their gyre , that is , when they are more Vicine to the Eye ; and since all objects illustrate with a weak light , do not appear Remote , nor ● contra , as common observation demonstrateth . And therefore allowing the Acuteness of Des Cartes Conceit , we think it more safe , because more reasonable to acquiesce in the judgment of the grave Gassendus ; who ( in Epist. 2. de Apparente Magnitud . solis humilis & sublimis ) most profoundly solves the Problem , by desuming the Cause of our apprehending the distance of an Object , in the act of Vision , from a Comparison of the thing interjacent between the object seen , and the Eye . For , though that Comparation be an act of the Superior Faculty ; yet is the connexion thereof to the sense , necessary to the making a right judgment , concerning the Distance of the Visible . And , most certainly , therefore do two things at distance seem to be Continued , because they strike the Eye with cohaerent , or contiguous Rayes . Thus doth the top of a Tower , though situate some miles beyond a Hill , yet seem Contiguous to the same , nay to the visible Horizon ; and this only because it is speculated by the Mediation of Contiguous Rayes : and the Sun and Moon , both orient and occident , seem to cohaere to the Horizon because though the spaces are immense , that intercede betwixt their Orbs and the Horizon , yet from those spaces doth not so much as one single Raye arrive at the Eye , and those which come to it from the Sun and Moon are contiguous to those which come from the Horizon . And hence is it , that the Tower , Hill , and Horizon seem to the sight to be equidistant from the Eye ; because no other things are interposed , at least , seen interposed , by the comparison of which , the one may be deprehended more than the other . Besides , the distance of the Horizon it self is not apprehended by any other reason , but the diversity of things interjacent betwixt it and the Eye : for , look how much of Space is possessed valleys and lower grounds interjacent , so much of Space is defalcated from the distance ; the sight apprehending all those things to be Contiguous , or Continued , whose Rayes are received into the Eye , as Contiguous , or Continued , none of the spaces interjacent affording one raye . Of which truth Des Cartes seems to have had a glimpse , when ( in Dioptrices cap. 6. Sect. 15. ) he conceds ; objectorum , quae intuemur , praecedaneam cognitionem , ipsorum distantiae melius dignoscendae inservire : that a certain praecognition of the object doth much conduce to the more certain dignotion of its Distance . And on this branch may we ingraft a PARADOX ; that one and the same object , speculated by the same man , in the same degree of light , doth alwayes appear greater to one Eye , than to the other . The truth of this is evincible by the joint testimony of those incorruptible Witnesses of Certitude , Experience and Reason . ( 1 ) Of Experience , because no man can make the vision of both his eyes equally perfect ; but beholding a thing first with one eye , the other being closed , or eclipsed , and then with the other , the former being closed or eclipsed ; shall constantly discover it to be greater in dimensions in the apprehension of one Eye , than of the other : and Gassendus , making a perfect and strict Experiment hereof , testifies of himself , ( in Epist. 2. de Apparent . Magnitud . Solis , &c. Sect. 17. ) that the Characters of his Book appeared to his right Eye , by a fifth part , greater in dimensions , though somewhat more obscure , than to his left . ( 2 ) Of Reason ; because of all Twin Parts in the body , as Ears , Hands , Leggs , Testicles , &c. one is alwayes more vigorous and perfect , in the performance of its action , than the other . Which Inaequality of Vigour , if it be not the Bastard of Custom , may rightfully be Fathered upon either this ; that one part is invigorated with a more liberal afflux of Spirits , than the other : or this , that the Orgaganical Constitution of one Part is more perfect and firm , than that of the other . And , therefore , one Eye having its Pupill wider ; or the figure of the Chrystalline more Convex , or the Retina Tunica more concave , than the other ; must apprehend an object to be either larger in Dimensions , or more Distinct in Parts , than the other , whose parts are of a different configuration : either of these Causes necessitating a respective Disparity in the Action . If this sound strange in the ears of any man , how will he startle at the mention of that much more Paradoxical Thesis of Ioh. Baptista Porta ( lib. 6. de Refra●tion . cap. 1. ) That no man can see ( distinctly ) but with one eye at once ? Which though seemingly repugnant not only to common persuasion , but also to that high and mighty Axiom of Alhazen , Vitellio , Franc. Bacon . Niceron , and other the most eminent Professors of the Optiques , That the Visive Axes of both eyes concurr and unite in the object speculated : is yet a verity , well worthy our admission , and assertion . For , the Axes of the Eyes are so ordained by Nature , that when one is intended , the other is relaxed , when one is imployed , the other is idle and unconcerned ; nor can they be both intended at once , or imployed , though both may be at once relaxed , or unimployed : as is Experimented , when with both eyes open we look on the leaf of a Book ; for we then perceive the lines and print thereof , but do not distinctly discern the Characters , so as to read one word , till we fix the Axe of one eye thereon ; and at that instant we feel a certain suddain subsultation , or gentle impulse in the Centre of that eye , arising doubtless from the rushing in of more spirits through the Optick Nerve , for the more efficacious performance of its action . The Cause of the impossibility of the intention of both Visive Axes at one object , may be desumed from the Parallelism of the Motion of the Eyes ; which being most evident to sense , gives us just ground to admire , how so many subtle Mathematicians , and exquisite Oculists have not discovered the Coition and Union of the Visive Axes in the object speculated , which they so confidently build upon , to be an absolute Impossibility . For , though man hath two Eyes ; yet doth he use but one at once , in the case of Distinct inspection , the right eye to discern objects on the right side , and the left to view objects on the left : nor is there more necessity , why he should use both Eyes at once , than both Arms , or Leggs , or Testicles , at once . And for an Experiment to assist this Reason ; we shall desire you only to look at the top of your own Nose , and you shall soon be convicted , that you cannot discern it with both eyes at once ; but the right side with the right eye , and afterward the left side with the left eye : and at the instant of changing the Axe of the first eye , you shall be sensible of that impulse of Spirits , newly mentioned . No● , indeed , is it possible , that while your right eye is levelled at the right side of your nose , your left should be levelled at the left side , but on the contrary averted quite ●rom it : because , the motion of the eyes being Conjugate , or Parallel , when the Axe of the right eye is converted to the right side of the nose , the Axe of the left must be converted toward the left Ear. And , therefore , since the Visive Axes of both Eyes cannot Concurr and Unite in the Tipp of the Nose ; what can remain to persuade , that they must Concurr and unite in the same Letter , or Word in a book , which is not many inches more remote than the Nose ? And , that you may satisfie your self , that the Visive Axes doe never meet , but run on in a perpetual Parallelism , i. e. in direct lines , as far distant each from other , as are the Eyes themselves ; having fixed a staff or launce upright in the ground , and retreated from it to the distance of 10 or 20 paces , more or less : look as earnestly as you can , on it , with your right eye , closing your left , and you shall perceive it to eclipse a certain part of the wall , tree , or other body situate beyond it . Then look on it again with your left eye , closing your right ; and you shall observe it to eclipse another part of the wall : that space being intercepted , which is called the Parallaxe . This done , look on it with both eyes open ; and if the Axes of both did meet and unite in the staff , as is generally supposed , then of necessity would you observe the staff to eclipse either both parts of the Wall together , or the middle of the Parallaxe : but you shall observe it to do neither , for the middle shall never be eclipsed ; but only one of the parts , and that on which you shall fix one of your eyes more intently than the other . This considered , we dare second Gassendus in his promise to Gunners , that they shall shoot as right with both eyes open , as only with one : for levelling the mouth of the Peece directly at the mark , with one eye , their other must be wholly unconcerned therein , nor is it ought but the tyrannie of Custome , that can make it difficult . Here , to prevent the most formidable Exception , that lyes against this Paradox , we are to advertise you of two Considerables . First , that as well Philosophers , as Oculists unanimously admit three Degrees , or gradual Differences of sight . ( 1 ) Visus Perfectissimus , when we see the smallest ( visible ) particles of an object , most distinctly : ( 2 ) Perfectus , when we see an object distinctly enough , in the whole or parts , but apprehend not the particles , or minima visibilia thereof : ( 3 ) Imperfectus , when besides the object directly obverted to the Pupil of the eye , we also have a glimmering and imperfect perception of other things placed ad latera , on the right and left side of it . Secondly , that the verity of this Paradox , that we see but with one eye at once , is restrained only to the First and Second degrees of Sight , and extends not to the Last . For , Experience assures , that , as many things circumvicine to the principal object , on which we look only with one eye open , praesent themselves together with it , in a confused and obscure manner : so likewise , when both eyes are open , many things , obliquely incident into each eye , are confusedly , and indistinctly apprehended . So that in confused and Imperfect Vision , it may be truly said , that a man doth see with both eyes at once : but not in Distinct and Perfect . SECT . III. TO entertain Curiosity with a second Course , we shall here attempt the Conjectural Solution of those so much admired Effects of Convex and Concave Glasses ; that is , Why the Rayes of Light , and together with them those substantial Effluxes , that essence the Visible Images of Objects , being trajected through a Convex Glass , or reflected from a Concave , are Congregated into a perpendicular stream : and likewise , why the Rayes of Light , being trajected through a Concave , or reflexed from a Convex , are Disgregated from a perpendicular radius . First , insomuch as Glass , of the most polite and equal superfice is full of insensible Pores , or Perforations , and solid impervious Granules , alternately interspersed ; we may upon consequence conceive , that each of those solid Granules is as it were a certain Monticle , or small Hillock , having a small top , and small sides circularly declining toward those little Valleys , the Pores . This conceded ▪ if a Glass , whose superfice is Plane , be obverted to the Sun , since the small Pores thereof tend from one superfice to the other in direct and parallel lines , for the most part ; it must be , that all the Rayes incident into the Pores , pass through in direct and parallel lines , into the Aer beyond it : and so can be neither Congregated , nor Disgregated , but must constantly pursue the same direct course , which they continued from the body of the Sun , to their incidence on the surface of the Glass . But if the Extream of the Glass , respecting the Sun , be of a Convex figure ; then , because one Pore ( conceive it to be the Central one ) is directly obverted to the Sun , and all the others have their apertures more oblique and , pointing another way ; therefore it comes to pass , that one ray , falling into the directly obverted pore , is directly trajected through the same , and passeth on into the aer beyond it in a direct line ; but another ray , falling on the side of the Hillock next adjacent to the right pore , is thereby Refracted and Deflected , so that it progresseth not forward in a line parallel to the directly trajected ray , but being conjoined to it , passeth on in an united stream with it . And necessary it is , that the Angle of its Refraction be by so much the more obtuse , by how much nearer the point of the Hillock , from which it was refracted , is to the direct or perpendicularly transmitted ray ; and , on the contrary , by so much the more Acute , by how much the more remote : because There the ray falls more deeply into the obvious pore , and strikes lower on the adjacent Hillock , whose Protuberancy therefore doth less Deflect it ; but Here the ray falls higher on the side of the Hillock , and so by the Protuberancie , or Devexity thereof is more deflected . But if the Extreme of the Glass confronting the Sun , be of a Concave figure ; in that case , because one pore being directly open , others have their apertures more obliquely respecting the Sun , it comes to pass , that the ray falling into the direct pore , is directly trajected , and passeth through the aer in a perpendicular ; but another ray falling on the side of the next adjacent Hillock , is thereby refracted and deflected , so that it doth not continue its progress in a line parallel to the directly-transient ray , but is abduced from it , and that so much the more , by how much the farther it passeth beyond the Glass . And necessary it is , that the Angle of its Refraction be also so much the more obtuse , by how much nearer the point of its incidence on the side of the Hillock , is to the Aperture of the Direct pore ; because it falls deeper into it , and strikes lower on the devex side of the Hillock : and on the contrary , so much the more Acute , by how much more remote its point of incidence is to the Aperture of the Direct pore ; for the contrary respect . And this is the summ of our Conjecture , touching the reasons of the different Trajection of Rayes through Convex and Concave Glasses . As for the other part of our Conception , concerning Reflexed Rayes ; if the Glass obverted to the Sun be Plane in it superfice , then , because all the Topps of the solid and impervious Hillocks , are directly obverted to the Sun , therefore must it be , that all the rayes incident upon them become Reflected back again toward the Sun , if not in the same , yet at least in Contiguous lines . But if the face of the Glass obverted to the Sun , be Convex ; then , because the topp of one Hillock is directly obverted , and those of others obliquely respecting the Sun ; it comes to pass , that one ray being directly Reflected , the others are reflected obliquely in lines quite different : and this in an Angle by so much more Acute , by how much nearer the Topps of the obliquely respecting Hillocks are to that of the directly respecting one ; and by so much the more obtuse , by how much the more Remote . And , if the side of the Glass turned toward the Sun , be Concave ; because the Top , of one Hillock is directly , and those of others obliquely obverted to the Sun ; hence comes it , that the Ray incident on the directly-obverted one , is directly Reflected , and those that fall on the topps of the obliquely-obverted ones , are accordingly reflected obliquely , toward the Directly reflected ; so that at a certain distance they all Concurr and Unite with it in that point , called the Term of Concurse : and this in an Angle so much more Acute , by how much nearer the Topps of the obliquely-reflecting Hillocks are to that of the Directly-reflecting one ; and è contra . These things clearly understood , we need not want a perfect Demonstration of the Causes , why a Concave Glass , whose Concavity consisteth of the segment of an Ellipsis , reflecteth the rayes of the Sun in a more Acute Angle , and consequently burneth both more vigorously , and at greater Distance , then one whose Concavity is the segment of a Parabola : and why a Parabolical Section reflecteth them in an Angle more Acute , and so burneth both at greater distance , and more vigorously , than the Section of Circle . Especally if we familiarize this theory by the accommodation of these Figures . Thus have we , in a short Discourse , not exceeding the narrow limits of a single Article , intelligibly explicated the Cause of that so much admired Disparity in the Effects of Plane , Convex , and Concave , Glasses ; as well Dioptrical , or Trajecting the rayes of Light into the Aer beyond them , as Catoptrical , or Reflecting them back again from their obverted superfice . And we ask leave to encrease our Digression only with this CONSECTARY . Because the Rayes of Light , and the rayes of visible Images are Analogical in their nature , and flow hand in hand together into the Eye , in the act of Vision ; therefore is it , that to a man using a Plane Perspicil , an object alwayes appears the same , i. e. equal in dimensions , and distinction of parts , as it doth to his naked Eye : by reason the Angle of its Extreams is the same in the Plane Glass , as in the Eye . But , to a man using a Convex Perspicil , an object appears Greater ; because the Angle of its Extreams is ampli●ied : and through a Concave , Less ; because the Angle is diminished . In like manner , the Image of an object reflected from a Plane Mirrour , appears the same to the Spectator , as if Deradiated immediately , or without reflexion , from the object it self ; because the Reflex Angle is equal to the Direct : but the Image of an Object Reflected from a Convex Mirrour appears Less ; because the Angle of its Reflection is less than that of its Direction : and from a Concave , Greater ; because the Reflex Angle is greater than the Direct : This may be autoptically Demonstrated thus . If you admit the Image of a man , or any thing else , through a small perforation of the wall , into an obscure chamber , and fix a Convex Lens in the perforation , with the Convex side toward the Light ; you shall , admoving your eye thereto , at Convenient distance , observe the transmitted Image to be Amplified : but , receiving the Image on a sheet of white Paper , posited where your Eye was , you shall perceive it to be Minorated : the Contrary Effect arising from a Concave Lens , posited in the hole , with its Concave side toward the Light. And this , because the Convex Congregating the rayes into the Pupill of the Eye ( and so making the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Apparition Greater , for the cause formerly exposited ) doth also Congregate them on the Paper ; and therefore the Image cannot appear Contracted , or Minorated : but on the contrary , the Concave Disgregating the rayes from the Pupil ( and so making the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Apparition less in the Retina of the Optick Nerve ) doth also Disgregate , or diffuse them largely on all parts of the Paper , and so the Image thereon received cannot but appear much Amplified . SECT . IV. HItherto we have in some degree of satisfaction , explicated the Manner , how , by the Incursion of substantial Images , dera●●ated from the object to the Eye , the Visive Faculty comes to apprehend the Colour , Figure , Magnitude , Number , and Distance of objects : and therefore it remains only , to the Complement of our present Designation , that we explore the Reasons of the Perception of the Situation , Quiet , and Motion of objects , by the sight . To our more perspicuous solution of which notable Difficulty ; and to the illustration of many passages precedent in the two last Sections : it must be confest not only ornamental , or advantageous , but simply necessary , that we here Anatomize the whole Eye , and consider the proper Uses of the several parts thereof ; those especially , that are either immediately and primarily instrumental , or only secundarily inservient to Vision . But , because the Axe of the Visive Pyramid is a perpendicular line , beginning in the Extrems of the object , 10 and ending in the Amphiblestroides ; had the Eye been nailed or fixt in its orbita , we must have been necessitated to traverse the whole Machine of the body , for a position thereof convenient to Vision , since it can distinctly apprehend no object , but what lyes è directo opposite ; or have had this semi-rational sense , whose glory builds on Variety , restrained to the speculation of so few things , that we should have received more Discomfort from their Paucity , than either Information , or Delight from their Discernment : therefore , that we might enjoy a more enlarged Prospect , and read the whole Hemisphere over in one momentany act of Vision , Nature hath furnished the Eyes with Muscles , or Organs of agility ; that so they may accommodate themselves to every visible , and hold a voluntary verlisity to the intended object ; Par●●ula sic magnum pervisit Pupula Coelum . And of these Ocular Muscles there are in Man , just so many , as there are kinds of Motion , 1 4 Direct , and 2 Oblique or Circular ; all situate within the Orbita , and associated to the Optick Nerve , and conjoining their Tendons , at the Horny Membrane , they constitute the Tunica Innomitata , so named by Columbus , who arrogates the invention thereof to himself , though Galen ( lib. 10. de usu part . cap. 2. ) makes express mention of it . The First of the four Direct Muscles , implanted in the superiour part of the Eye , draweth it Upward ; whence it is denominated Atollens , the Lifter up , and Superbus , the Proud : because this is that we use in Haughty and sublime looks . The Second , situate in the inferiour part of the Eye , and Antagonist to the former , stoops the Eye Downward ; and thence is called Deprimens the Depressor , and Humilis , the Humble : for this position of the eye speaks the Dejection , and Humility of the Mind . The Third , fastned in the Major Canthus , or great angle of the Eye , and converting it toward the Nose ; is therefore named Adducens the Adducent , and Bibitorius , for in large draughts we frequently contract it . The Fourth , opposite both in situation and office to the former , abduceth the Eye laterally toward the Ear ; and is therefore named Abducens , and Indignatorius , the scorning muscle : for , when we would cast a glance of scorn , contempt , or indignation , we contract the Eye towards the outward angle , by the help of this muscle . If all these Four work together , the Eye is retracted inward , fixt , and immote : which kind of Motion Physitians call Motus Tonicus , and in our language , the Sett , or Wist Look . Of the ●bl●que Muscles , the First , running betwixt the Eye , 2 and the tendons of the Second and Third Muscles , by the outward angle ascends to the superior part of the Eye , and inserted near to the Rainbow , circumgyrates the Eye downward . The Second , and smallest , twisted into a long tendon , circumrotates the Eye toward the interior angle , and is called the Trochlea , or Pully . These two Circumactors are sirnamed Amatorij , the Lovers Muscles ; for these are they that roul about the eye in wanton or amorous Glances . And thus much of the Conformation of the Eye . Now , as to the Solution of our Problem , viz. How the SITUATION of an object is perceived by the sight ? Since it is an indisputable Canon , Omnem sensum deprehendere rem ad eam regionem , è qua ultimò directa metione feritur , that every sense doth apprehend its proper object to be situate in that part of Space , from whence , by direct motion , it was thereby affected : we may safely inferr , that the Visible Object alwayes appears situate in that part of space , from whence the Image thereof in a direct line invadeth the Eye , and enters the Pupil thereof . Which is true and manifest not only in the intuition of an object by immediate or Direct rayes ; but also in the inspection of Looking-Glasses , that represent the object by Reflex : and a pure Consequence , that a Visible Object , by impression of its rayes proceeding from a certain place , or region , must of necessity be perceived by the sight , in its genuine position , or Erect Form ; though we have the testimony both of Reason and Autopsie , that the Image of every Visible is pourtraid in the Amphiblestroides , in an unnatural position , or Everse Form. And , as for that of Autopsie , or Ocular Experiment ; Take the Eye of an Oxe , or ( if the Anatomick Theatre be open ) of a man , for in that the species are represented more to the life , than in the Eye of any other Animal , as Des Cartes ( in dioptrices cap. 5. Sect. 11. ) and having gently stript off the three Coats in the bottome , in that part directly behind the Chrystalline , so that the Pellucidity thereof become visible , place it in a hole of proportionate magnitude , in the wall of your Closet , made obscure by excluding all other light , so that the Anterior part theaeof may respect the light . This done , admoving your Eye towards the denudated part of the Chrystalline ; you may behold the Species of any thing obverted to the outside of the Eye , to enter through the Chrystalline to the bottom thereof , and there represented in a most lively figure , as if pourtrayed by the exquisite Pencil of Apelles ; but who●ly Eversed : as in this following Iconisme . Finally , an object appears either in Motion , or Quiet , according as the Image thereof , represented on the Retina Tunica , is moved : or Quiet : only because , according to the Canon , in the praecedent Article , touching the reason of the perception of the situation of an object , the Visible is alwayes judged to be in that part of Space , from which , in a direct line , the last impression is made upon the Sensorium . And this Reason is of extent sufficient to include the full Solution also of that PROBLEM , by Alexander ( 2. de Anima 34. ) so insulting proposed to the Defendants of Epicurus Material Actinobolisme Visive , or the Emanation of substantial Images from the Object to the Eye : viz. Why doth t●e Image of a man move , when reflected from a Mirrour , according as the man moves ? For , this Phaenomenon we are to referr to the Variation of the parts of the Mirrour , from each of which it is necessary that a fresh Reflexion of the Species be made into the Eye : and consequently , that the Image appear moved , according to the various motions of the object . The necessity of this is evident from hence ; if you stand beholding your face in a Glass , and there be divers others standing by , one at your right hand , another at your left , a third looking over your head in the same Glass ; they shall all behold your image , but each in a distinct part of the Glass . Whence you may also understand , that in the Looking-glass is not only that Image , which you behold , but also innumerable others ; and those so mutually communicant , that in the same place , where you behold your nose , another shall see your chin , a third your forehead , a fourth your mouth , a fifth your Eyes , &c. and yet doth no one see other then a simple and distinct Image . Moreover you may hence inferr , that in the medium is no point o● Space , in which there is not formed a perfect Image of the ●aye● concurring therein , and advenient from the same object ; though not from the same parts , or particles thereof : and consequently that in the whole Medium there are no two Images perfectly alike ; as also , that what the Vulgar Philosophers teach , that the whole Image is in the whole Space or Medium , and whole in every part thereof , is a manifest Falsity . For , though it may be said justly enough , that the whole Image , i. e. the Aggregate of all the Images , is in the whole Space : yet is there no part of that Space , in which the whole Image can be . To this place belongs also that PROBLEM ; Why doth not the right hand of the Image respond to the right of the object : but contrariwise , the left to the right , and right to the left ? The Cause whereof consisteth onely in the Images Confronting the Object : or , as Plato ( in Timaeo ) most perspicuously expresseth it , quia contrarijs visus partibus ad contrarias partes ●it contactus . Understand it by supposing a second person posited in the place of the Mirrour , and confronting the first : for , his right hand must be opposed to the others left . Nor is the reason of the Inversion of the parts of the Image other than this ; that the rayes emitted from the right side of the object , are reflected on the left , and ● Contra. Just as in all Impressions , or Sigillations , the right side of the Antitype responds to the left of the type . Consule Aquilonium , lib. 1. opt . proposit . 46. And , as for the reason of the Restitution of the parts of the Image to the right position of the parts of the object ; by two Mirrours confrontingly posite● ▪ it may most easily and satisfactorily be explained by the Decussation of the reflected rayes . To Conclude . We need not advertise , that the Optical Problems referrible to this place , are , ( if not infinite ) so numerous , as to require a larger Volume to their orderly Proposition and Solution , than what we have designed to the whole of this our Physiology . Nor remember you , that our principal Scope in this Chapter , was only to evince the Prae●●inence of Epicurus Hypothesis above all others , concerning the Reason and Manner of Vision ; and this by accommodating it to the Verisimilous Explanation of the most Capital Dif●●culties ▪ occurring to a profound inquest into that abstruse subject . All therefore that remains unpaid of our praesent Debt , is modestly to referr it to your equitable Arbitration ; Whether we have deserted the Doctrine of the Aristoteleans , touching this theorem , and addicted ourselves to the Sect of the Epicureans , on any other Interest , but that sacred one of Verity : which once to decline , or neglect , upon the sinister praetext of vindicating any Human Auctority ; is an unpardonable Profanation of Reason , and high treason against the state of Learning . CHAP. IV. THE NATURE OF COLOVRS ▪ SECT . I. THe Rabbins , whenever they encounter any Problem ; that seems too strong for their Reason ; to excuse their despair of conquering it , they instantly recurr to that proverbial Sanctuary , Reservatur in adventum Eliae , it belongs to the Catalogue of secrets , that are re●erved for the revealment of Elia● . And , ingenously , if any Abstrus●●y in Nature be so impervestigable , as to justifie our open profession of Incapacity , and necessitate our opprest Understanding to retreat to the same common Refuge ; it must be this of the NATURE OF COLOURS , to the consideration whereof the Clue of our Method hath now brought us . For , though all Philosophers unanimously embrace , as an indubitable verity , that the object of Sight in General , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Visible , whatever is deprehensible by that Sens● ▪ and that , in Particular , the Proper and Adequate object thereof , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Colour , because nothing is visible but under the gloss or vernish of Colour , nor doth Light it self submit to the d●scernment of the eye , quate●us Lux , in the capacity ofits Form , or meerly as Light , but instar Albedinis , 〈◊〉 it retains to Whiteness ; all which Mersennus ( optic●e part 2. theorem . 1. ) hath judiciously contracted into this one Theorem , ●bjectu● visus praecipuum est Lux & Color , vel Lux colorata , aut Color incidus : we say , notwithstanding this their Ground-work be laid in the rock of manifest Certitude , yet when they attempt to erect thereon an establisht and permanent Theory of the Essence of Colours , either in their s●●ple and first Natures , or complex and secondary Removes ; they find the eye of their Curiosity so obnubilated with dense and impervious Difficulties , that all of certainty they can discover , is only this ; that their most subtle indagations were no more but anxious Gropings in the dark , after that , whose Existence is evidenced only by , and Essence consisteth chiefly in Light. But , this Infelicity of our Intellectuals will be more fully commonstrated by our abridged rehearsal of the most memorable Opinions of others , and the declarement of our own , concerning this Magnale . The Despot of the Schools ( in lib. de sensu & sensili , cap. 3. ) defines Colour to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Extremity of a Diaphanum , or transparent body terminated : subjoining that Colour appertains to all things , ratione Perspicuitatis , and consequently , that the extremity of a perspicuous body terminated is the Subject of Colour . Which that we may clearly understand , let us consult the great Scaliger , who ( in Exercit. 325. ) thus concisely Comments thereupon . If the Perspicuum ( saith He ) suffer condensation so far as to the amission of its Transparency , and so prohibit the trajection of the Visible Species ; it instantly becomes Colorate , and ought to be accounted Terminate , because it bounds or limits the Visive rayes . Wherefore , the law of Consequence injoineth , that we explore the Essence of Colours , in the Gradual Termination of the Diaphanum ; and derive that Termination ( 1 ) from meer Condensation , without the admixture of any other thing to the Diaphanum ; as may be instanced in the Starrs , for they become visible , though of a Lucid nature , only because they are of a Compact or Dense contexture . ( 2 ) From the Admission of an Opace with a Translucid body ; as is exemplified in our Culunary Fire , which though in the simplicity of its most perspicuous , doth yet appear Red , because commixt and in some degree obnubilated with fuliginous Exhalations , from the pabulum or Fewel thereof , or compound body in combustion . The same likewise is to be understood of Aer and Water ; for , those three Elements are all perspicuous , though in divers degrees : Fire being most perspicuous , Aer possessing the next degree , and Water coming behind them both , as seeming to be a Medium betwixt Perspicuity and Opacity . And , therefore , from the admission of the parts of that Opace Element , Earth , to any other of the three Diaphanous ▪ one or other Colour among the many must arise . But , the Perspicuum passeth first into Whiteness , and therefore is it that Perspicuity , Light and Whiteness , are of the same nature , cozen Germans once removed , and discriminate only by Degrees : as , on the contrary , an Opacum , Darkness , and Blackness are also cognate . ●his being the original of the Two Father , or Ground Colours : it can be no Difficulty to attain the specifical Causes of all others , since they are only Intermediate , i. e. they arise from the various Complexion or Contemperation of the two Extrems . And this is the sense of Aristotles Text , if we admit the interpretation of Scaliger . Plato , being either unable , or unwilling to erase out of the table of his mind some of the ingravements of Democritus ; understands Colour to be Flammula quaedam , sive Fulgor , è singulis corporibus emicans , partes habens visui accommodatas ( in Timaeo ) . For , having held , as Diogenes Laertius ( lib. 3. ) hath well observed , and we may easily collect from that discourse of his , in the name of Timaeus Locrus ; that the world consisteth of the four Elements , of Fire , as it is Visible , of Earth , as Tangible , of Aer and Water , ut proportione non vacet : lest he should apostate from his Fundamentals , He affirmed , Corpora videri propter Ignem , & propter Terram tangi , that the Visibility of all things was radicated in their participation of Fire , and their Tangibility in their share of Earth ; and consequently that the Colour of bodies was nothing but an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Emicancy of their internal Fulgor , and the variety of its Species dependent meerly on the various degrees , or more or less of that inhaerent luster . As for the Pythagorean and Stoick ; the Former , with inexcusable incogitancy , confounded the Tinctures of things with their Extrems , allowing no real difference betwixt the Superfice , and the Colour it bears . Pythagor●s Colorem e●le extimam corporis superficiem censuit , hanc ob Caussam ; quod Color Sectilem naturam habet , non tamen sit Corpus , aut Linea : as Plutarch ( de Placit . Philosoph . ) and out of him , Bernhard . Caesius ( de Mineral . lib. 2. cap. 3. Sect. 2. art . 12. ) . The Later , with unsatisfactory subtility , ( as if , indeed , He meant rather to blanch over the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or incomprehensibility of the Subject , with ambiguous and Sophistical Terms , than confess , or remove it . ) makes Colour to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a certain Efflorescence , arising from a determinate Figuration of the First Matter ; as we have collected from the memorials of Plutarch ( lib. 1. de Placit . Philosoph . cap. 15. ) Lastly , the illuminated Sons of Hermes , who boast to have , if not attained to the bottom of the mystery , yet out done the endeavours of all other Sects of Philosophers , in profounding it ; confidently lead our curiosity to their general Asylum , the three Universal Principles , Sal , Sulphur and Mercury , and tell us , that the Elemental Salts carry the mighty hand , or most potent Energy in the production of Colours . For , supposing three kinds of Salt in all natural Concretions ; the first a Fixt and Terrestrial , the second a Sal Nitre , allied to Sulphur , the Third a Volatile or Armoniac , referrible to Mercury ; and that all bodies receive degrees of Perspicuity , or Opacity , respondent to the degrees of Volatility , or Terrestriety in the Salts , that amass them : they thereupon deduce their various Colours , or visible Glosses , from the various Commistion of Volatile or Tralucent Salts , with Fixt or obscure . Now , notwithstanding all these Sects are as remote each from other , as the Zenith from the Nadir , in their opinions touching the Nature and Causes , of Colours , as to all other respects ; yet do they generally Concur in this one particular , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Colores esse Coh●rentes corporibus , that Colours are CONGENITE ▪ or COHAERENT to bodies . Which being manifestly repugnant to reason , as may be clearly evinced as well from the Arguments alledged by Plutarch ( 1. advers . Colot . ) to that purpose , as from the result of our whole subsequent discourse , concerning this theorem : we need no other justification of our Desertion of them , and Adhaerence to that more verisimilous Doctrine of Democritus and Epicurus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Colorem Lege esse , or more plainly in the words of Epicurus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Colores in corporibus gigni , juxta quosdam , respectu visus ▪ ordines positusque . The Probability of which opi●●●n , that we may with due strictness and aequ●n●mity examine ; and 〈◊〉 wh●t we formerly delivered , in our O●igine of Qualities , touching th● possible Causes of an inassignable Variety of Colours : We are briefly to advertise , First , That by the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bodies , we are not to understand Atoms , or simple bodies , for those are generally praesumed to be devoyd of all Colour ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Concretions , or Compounds . Secondly , that Epicurus , in this text , according to the litteral importance thereof , and the Exposition of Gassendus , his most judicious and copious Interpreter , had this and no other meaning . That in the Extrems , or superficies of all Concretions , there are such certain Coordinations and Dispositions of their component particles ( which , according to our First Assumption in the immediately praecedent Chapter , borrowed from the incomparable Bullialdus , are never contexed without more or less of Inaequality . ) as that , upon the incidence of Light , they do and must exhibit some certain Colour , or other , respective to their determinate Reflection and Refraction , or Modification of the rayes thereof , and the position of the Eye , that receives them . That from these superficial Extancies and and Cavities of bodies are emitted those substantial Effluviaes , constituting the visible Image ; which striking upon the primary Organ of Vision , in a certain Order and Position of particles , causeth therein a sensation , or Perception of that particular Colour . But , that these Colours are not really Cohaerent to those superficial particles , so as not to be actually separated from them , upon the abscedence of Light : and , consequently that Colours have no Existence in the Dark . Moreover , that the substance of Light , or the minute particles , of which its beams consist , are necessarily to be superadded to the superficial particles of bodies , as the Complement , nay the Principal part of Colour : as may be inferred from these words of Epicurus , registred by Plutarch ( 1. advers . Colot . ) Quinetiam hâc parte ( luce , viz. ) seclusa , no● video , qui dicere liceat , corpora quae in tenebris in conspicua sunt , colorem habere . Of which persuasion was also that admirable Mathematician , Samius Aristarchus ; who positively affirmed ( apud Stobaeum , in Ecl. Phys. 19. ) Incidentem in subjectas res Lucem , Colorem esse ; ideoque constituta in tenebris corpora colore prorsùs destitui . To which , doubtless Virgil ingeniously alluded in his — Ubi Coelum condidit Umbra Iupiter , & rebus nox abstulit atra Colorem . And Lucretius in his Qualis enim coecis poterit Color esse tenebris , Lumine qui mutatur in ipso ; propterea quod Recta aut obliqua percussus luce refulget ? &c. And , lastly , that Light doth create and vary Colours , according to the various condition of the minute Faces , or sides of the Particles in the superfice , which receive and reflect the incident rayes thereof , in various Angles ▪ toward the Eye . SECT . II. HAving thus recited , explicated , and espoused the Conceptions of Epicurus , of the Creation of Colours ; it behoves us to advance to the Examination of its Consistency with right reason , not only in its General capacity , but deduction and accommodation to Particulars . But , First , to praevent the excess of your wonder , at that so Paradoxical assertion of his , That there are no Colours in the dark , or that all colours vanish upon the Amotion or defection of Light ; we are to observe that it is one thing to be Actually Colorate , and another to be only Potentially , or to have a Disposition to exhibit this or that particular Colour , upon the access of the Producent , Light. For , as the several Pipes in an Organ , though in themselves all aequally Insonorous , or destitute of sound , have yet an equal Disposition , in respect of their Figuration , to yield a sound , upon the inflation of Wind from the Bellows ; and as the seeds of Tulips , in Winter , are all equally Exflorous , or destitute of Flowers , but yet contain , in their seminal Virtues , a Capacity or Disposition to emit various coloured flowers , upon the access of fructifying heat and moysture , in the Spring : so likewise may all Bodies , though we allow them to be actually Excolor , in the Dark , yet retain a Capacity , whereby each one , upon the access and sollicitation of Light , may appear clad in this or that particular Colour , respective to the determinate Ordination and Position of its superficial particles . To inculcate this yet farther , we desire you to take a yard of Scarlet Cloth , and having extended it in an uniform light , observe most exactly the Colour , which in all parts it bears . Then extend one half thereof in a primary light , i. e. the immediately incident , or direct rayes of the Sun ; and the other in a secondary , or once reflected light : and then , though perhaps , through the praeoccupation of your judgment , you may apprehend it to be all of one colour ; yet if you engage a skilful Painter to pourtray it to the life , as it is then posited , He must represent the Directly illuminate half , with one Colour , viz. a bright and lightsome Red , and the Reflexly illuminate half , with another , i. e. with a Duskish or more obscure Red ; or shamefully betray his ignorance of Albert Durers excellent Rules of shadowing , and fall much short of your Expectation . This done , gently move the extended Cloth through various degrees of Light and shadow : and you shall confess the Colour thereof to be varied upon each remove ; respondent to the degree of Light striking thereupon . Afterward , fold the Cloth , as Boyes do paper for Lanterns , or lay it in waves or pleights of different magnitude ; and you shall admire the variety of Colours apparent thereon : the l●minent and directly illustrate parts projecting a lively C●●nation , the Lateral and averted yeilding an obscure sanguine , clouded with Murrey , and the Profound or unillustrate putting on so perfect sables , as no colour drawn on a picture can counterfeit it to the life , but the deadest Black. Your Sense thus satisfied , be pleased to exercise your Reason a while with the same Example ; and demand of your self , Whether any one of all those different Colours can be really inhaerent in the Cloth ? If you pitch upon the Scarlet , as the most likely and proper ; then must you either confess that Colour not to be really inhaerent , since it may , in less than a moment , be varied into sables , only by an interception of Light : or admit that all the other Colours exhibited , are aequally inhaerent ; which is more , we praesume , then you will easily allow . And , therefore , you may attain more of satisfaction , by concluding , that indeed no one of all those Colours is really so inhaerent in the cloth , as to remain the same in the absence of Light ; but , that the superficial particles of the Cloth have inhaerent in them ( ratione Figurae , Coordinationis & Positus ) such a Disposition , as that in one degree of Light it must present to the eye such a particular colour ; in another degree , a second gradually different from that ; in another , a third discriminate from both , until it arrive at perfect obscurity , or Black. And , if your Assent hereto be obstructed by this DOUBT , Why that Cloth doth most constantly appear Red , rather then Green , Blew , Willow , &c. you may easily expede it , by admitting , that the Reason consisteth only herein , that the Cloth is tincted in a certain Liquor , whose minute Particles are , by reason of their Figure , Ordination and Disposition , comparate or adapted to Refract and Reflect the incident rayes of Light , in such a manner , temperation , or modification , as must present to the eye , the species of such a Colour , viz. Scarlet , rather then a Green , Blew , Willow , or any other . For , every man well knows , that in the Liquor , or Tincture , wherein the Cloth was dyed , there were several ingredients dissolved into minute p●rticles ; and that there is no one Hair , or rather no sensible part in the superfice thereof , whereunto Myriads of those dissolved particles do not constantly adhere , being agglutinated by those Fixative Salts , such as Sal Gemmae , Alum , calcined Talk , Alablaster , Sal Armoniack , &c. wherewith Dyers use to graduate and engrain their Tinctures . And , therefore of pure necessity it must be , that , according to the determinate Figures and Contexture of those adhaerent Granules , to the villous particles in the superfice of the Cloth , such a determinate Refraction and Reflection of the rayes of Light should be caused ; and consequently such a determinate species of Colour , and no other , result therefrom . Now , insomuch , as it is demonstrated by Sense that one and the same superfice doth shift it self into various Colours , according to its position in various degrees of Light and Shadow , and the various Angles , in which it reflecteth the incident rayes of Light , respective to the Eye of the Spectator ; and justly inferrible from thence by Reason , that no one of those Colours can be said to be more really inhaerent than other therein , all being equally produced by Light and Shadow gradually intermixt , and each one by a determinate Modification thereof : What can remain to interdict our total Explosion of that Distinction of Colours into Real or Inhaerent , and False , or only ●pparent , so much celebrated by the Schools ? For , since it is the Genuine and Inseparable Propriety of Colours , in General , to be Apparent ; ●o suppose that any Colour Apparent can be False , or less Real than other , is an open Contradiction , not to be dissembled by the most specious Sophistry ; as Des Cartes hath well observed ( in Meteor . cap. 8. art . 8. ) . Besides , as for those Evanid Colours , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meerly Apparent ones , such as those in the Rainbow , Parheliaes , Paraselens , the trains of Peacocks , necks of Doves , Mallards , &c. we are not to account them Evanid , because they are not True : but , because the Disposition of those superficial particles in the Clouds , and Feathers , that is necessary to the Causation of them , is not Constant , but most easily mutable ; in respect whereof those Colours are no more permanent in them , than those in the Scarlet cloth , upon the various position , extension , plication thereof . And Charity would not dispense , should we suppose any man so obnoxious to absurdity , as to admit , that the greater or less Duration of a thing doth alter the Nature of it . Grant we , for Example , that the particles of Water constituting the rorid Cloud , wherein the Rainbow shews it self , were so constant in that determinate position and mutuall coordination , as constantly to refract and reflect the incident beams of the Sun , in one and the same manner ; and then we must also grant , that they would as constantly exhibite the same Species of Colours , as a R●inbow painted on a table : but , because they are not , and so cannot constantly refract and reflect the irradiating light , in one and the same manner ; it is repugnant to reason , thereupon to conclude , that the Instability of the Colours doth detract from the Verity , or Reality of their Nature . For , it is only Accidental , or Unessential to them either to be varied , or totally disappear . So that , if you admit that Sea Green observed in the Rainbow , to be less True , than the Green of an Herb , because its Duration is scarce momentany in comparison of that in the Herb ▪ you must also admit that Green in the Herb , which in a short progress of time degenerates into an obscure yellow , to be less true , than that of an Emrauld , because its Duration is scarce momentany , in comparison of th●● of the Emrauld . But , perhaps ▪ Praejudice makes you yet inflexible , and therefore you 'l farther urge ; th●t the Difficulty doth cheifly concern those Evanid Colours , which ●●e appinged on Bodies , reflecting light , by Prisms or Triangular Glasse● , vulgarly called Fools Paradises : because these seem to have the least of Reality , among all other reputed meerly Apparent . And , in case y●● assault us with this your last Reserve ; we shall not desert our station , for want of strength to maintain it . For , that those Colours are as Real , as any other the most Durable , is evident even from hence ; that they have the very same Materials with all other , i. e. they are the substance of Light it self reflected from those objected Bodies , ●nd ( what happens not to those eyes , that speculate them without a Prism ) twice refracted . Experience d●monstrates , that if a man look intently upon a polite Globe , in ●hat part of it superfice , from which the incident Light is reflecte● ▪ in direct lines toward his eye ; He shall perceive it to appear clad in another Colour , than when He looks upon it from any other part of the Medium , toward which the Light is not reflected : and 〈…〉 He have no reason , why He should not account both those Dif●●●ent Colours to be True ▪ the Reflection of light , which varieth the Apparition according to the various Position of the eye in several parts of the Medium , nothing diminishing their Verity . If so , why should not those Colours created by the Prism , be also reputed Real ; the Refraction of Light , which exhibiteth other Colours in the objected Bodies , than appear in them without that Refraction , nothing diminishing their Reality ? By way of COROLLARY , let us here observe ; that the Colours created by Light , reflected from objects on the Prism , and therein twice refracted , are Geminated on both sides thereof . For , insomuch as those Colours are not appinged but on the Extremes of the Object , or where the sup●rfice is unequal ( for if that be Plane and Smooth , it admits only an Uniform Colour , and the same that appears thereon , when beheld without the Prism ) : therefore are two Colours alwayes observed in that Extreme of the Object , which respecteth the Base of the Triangle in the Glass , and those are a Vermillion and a Yellow ; and two other Colours in that extreme , which respecteth the Top of the Triangle , and those are a Violet blew , and a Grass green . And hence comes it , that if the Latitude of the Superfice be so small , as that the extremes approach each other sufficiently near ; then are the two innermost Colours , the Yellow and Green connected in the middle of the Superfice , and all the four Colours constantly observe this order , beginning from the Base of the Triangle ; a Vermillion , Yellow , Green , and Violet , beside the inassignable variety of other Intermediate Colours , about the Borders and Commissures . We say , Beginning from the Base of the Triangle ; because , which way soever you convert the Prism , whether upward or downward , to the right or to the left , yet still shall the four Colours distinguishably succeed each other in the same method , from the Base : however all the rayes of Light reflected from the object on the Prism , and trajected through it , are carried on in lines parallel to the Base , after their incidence on one side thereof , with the obliquity or inclination of near upon thirty degrees , and Refraction therein to an Angle of the same dimensions ; that issuing forth on the other side , they are again Refracted in an Angle of near upon 30 degrees , and with the like obliquity , or inclination . These Reasons equitably valued , it is purely Consequent , that no other Difference ought to be allowed between these Emphatick , or ( as the Peripatetick . ) False Colours , and the Durable or True ones , than only this ; that the Apparent deduce their Creation , for the most part , from Light Refracted in Diaphanous Bodies , respectively Figurated , and Disposed , and sometimes from light only reflected : but , the Inhaerent , or True ( as they call them ) deduce theirs from Light variously Reflexed in opace bodies , whose superficial particles , or Extancies and Cavities are of this or that Figure , Ordination , and Disposition . Not that we admit the Durable Colours , no more than the Evanid , to be Formally ( as the Schools affirm ) Inhaerent in Opace bodies , whose superficial Particles are determinately configurate and disposed to the production of this or that particular species of colou●● , and no other : but only Materially , or Effectively . For , the several species of Colours depend on the several Manners , in which the minute particles of Light strike upon and affect the Retina Tunica ; and therefore are we to conceive , that op●●e Bodies , reflecting Light , do create Colours only by a certain Modification or Temperation of the reflected light , and respondent Impression thereof on the Sensory : no otherwise than as a Needle which though it contain not in it self the Formal Reason of Pain , doth yet Materially , or Effectively produce it , when thrust into the skin of an Animal ; for , by reason o● its Motion , Hardness , and Acuteness , it causeth a dolorous sensation in the part perforated . To diminish t●● Difficulty yet more , we are to recognize ; th●t the First Matter , or Catholique Principles of all Material Natures , are absolutely devoyd of all Sensible Qualities ; and that the Qualities of Concretions , such as Colour , Sound , Odour , Sapor , Heat , Cold , Humidity , Siccity , Asperity , Smoothness , Ha●dness , Softness , &c. are really nothing else but various MODIFICATIONS of the insensible particles of the First Matter , relative to the va●ious Organs of the Senses . For , since the Org●ns of the Sight , Hearing , ●asting , Smelling , and Touching , have each a peculiar Contexture of the insensible particles that compose them ; requisite it is , that in Concretions there should be various sorts of Atoms , some of such a special Magni●●●● , Figure and Motion , as that falling into the Eye , they may conveniently move or affect the Principal Sensory , and therein produce a sensation of themselves ; and that either Grateful or Ingratefull , according as they are Commodious or Incommodious to the small Receptaries thereof ( for the Gratefulness or Ingratefulness of Colours ariseth from the Congruity or Incongruity of the particles of the Visible Species , to the Receptaries or sm●ll Pores in the Retina Tunica ) : Some , in like m●nner , that may be conv●nient to the Organ of Hearing ; Others to that of smelling , &c. So that , though Atoms of all sorts of Magnitude , Figure and Motion contexed into most minute Masses , arrive at all the Organs of Sense ; yet may the Eye only be sensible of Colour , the Ear of Sound , the Nostrils of Odour , &c. Again , that Colour , Sound , Odour , and all other sensible Qualities , are 〈◊〉 according to the various situation , order , addition , detraction , transposition of Atoms ; in the same manner as Words , whereof an almost infinite ●ariety may be composed of no more then 24 Letters , by their various sit●●tion , order , addition , detraction , transposition ; as we have more cop●●●sly discoursed , in our precedent Original of Qualities . SECT . III. TO descend to Particulars . It being more than probable , that the various species of Colours have their Origine from only the various Manners , in which the incident particles of Light , reflected from the exteriours of Objects , strike and affect the principal sensory ; it cannot be improbable , that the sense of a White Colour is caused in the Optick Nerve , when such Atoms of light , or rayes consisting of them , strike upon the Retina Tunica , as come Directly from the Lucid Fountain , the Sun , or pure Flame ; or Reflexedly from a body , whose superficial particles are Polite and Sphaerical , such as we have formerly conjectured in the smallest and hardly distinguishable Bubbles of Froth , and the minute particles of Snow . And , as for the perception of its Contrary , Black , generally , though scarce warrantably reputed a Colour ; we have very ground for our conjecture , that it ariseth rather from a meer Privation of Light , than any Material Impression on the sensory . For , Blackness seems identical , or coessential with Shadow : and all of it that is positively perceptible , consisteth in its participation of Light , which alone causeth it not to be absolutely Invisible . And hence is it , that we have several Degrees , or gradual Differences of Black , comparative to the several degrees of shadow , progressing till we arrive at perfect Darkness : and that we can behold nothing so black , which may not admit of deeper and deeper blackness , according to its greater and greater recess from light , and nearer and nearer access to absolute Opacity . To reason , therefore , is it consonant that all Bodies , whose natural Hew is Black , are composed of such insensible particles , whose surfaces are scabrous , rough , or craggy , and their Contexture so Rare , or loose , as that they rather imbibe , or swallow up the incident rayes of light , than reflect them outwardly toward the eye of the Spectator . Of this sort , the most memorable , yet discovered , is the Obsidian stone , so much admired and celebrated among the Romans ; whose substance being conflated of scabrous and loosely contexed Atoms , causeth it to appear a perfect Negro , though held in the Meridian Sun-shine : because the rayes invading it are for the most part , as it were absorpt and stifled in the small and numerous Caverns and Meanders variously interspersed among its component particles . Which common and illiterate eyes beholding , delude their curiosity with this refuge ; that it hath an Antipathy to Light , and doth therefore reflect it converted into shadows . The Generation of the Two Extreme and Ground Colours , White and Black , being attained by this kind of inquest into the Rolls of reason ; the Former deriving it self from Light ; either immediately and in direct lines profluent from its fountain ; or by reflection from bodies , whose superficial particles are sphaerical and polite ; the Later from the Negation of Light : there can be no great difficulty remaining concerning the Genealogy of all other INTERMEDIATE ones , since they are but the off-spring of the Extreme , arising from the intermission of Light and shadow , in various proportions ; or , more plainly , that the sense of them is caused in the Retina Tunica , according to the variety of Reflections and Refractions , that the incident Light suffers from the superficial particles of objects , in manner exactly analogous to that of the Evanid Colours , observed in sphaerical Glasses , replete with Water , in Prismes interposed betwixt the object and eye , in angular Diamonds , Opalls , &c. For , even our sense demonstrates , that they are nothing , but certain Perturbations , or Modifications of Light , interspersed with Umbrellaes , or small shadows . The Verisimility of this may be evinced from the Sympathy and Antipathy of these intermediate Colours , among themselves . For , the Reason , why Yellow holds a sympathy , or symbolical relation with Vermillion and Green , and Green with Sky-colour and Yellow , ( as the experience of Painters testifieth , who educe a yellow Pigment out of Vermillion and Green , in due proportions commixt , upon their Palatts : and reciprocally , Green out of Yellow and Sky-colour , in unaequal but determinate quantities contempered ) is no other but the Affinity of their respective Causes , or only gradually different manners of Light reflected and refracted , and intermixt with minute and singly imperceptible shadows . And , on the contrary , the Reason of the Antipathy , or Asymbolical relation betwixt a saffron Yellow and a Caerule , betwixt a Green and a Rose colour , into which a saffron yellow degenerates , and betwixt a Yellow and Purple , into which a Caerule degenerates : can be nothing else , but the Dissimilitude or Remoteness of their respective Causes ; since things so remotely Discrepant , are incapable of Conciliation into a Third , or Neutral , or ( rather ) Amphidectical Nature , but by the mediation of something , that is participant of both . This the Philosopher glanced at in his ; Colores misceri videntur , quemadm●dum soni ; ita enim qui eximium quoddam proportionis genus servant , hi Consonantiarum more , omnium suavissimi sunt , ceu purp●reus & puniceus , &c. ( de sens . & sensil . cap. 3. ) We say , that all these Intermediate Colours emerge from the various intermistion of Light , and small shadows ; because , to the production of each of them from reflected , or refracted Light , or both , the interposition of minute , and separately invisible shadows , is indispensably Necessary . Which may be evidenced even from hence , that Colors are not by Prismes appinged on bodies , but in their Margines or Extremes , there where is not only the general Commissure of Light and Shadows ; but also an Inaequality of superfice : which , by how much the more scabrous or rough , by so much the more are the Colours apparent thereon , ampliated in Latitude . For , since there is no superfice , however smooth and equal to the sense , devoid of many Extancies and Cavities ; as we have more then once profestly declared : it is of necessity , that betwixt the confronting sides of the Extancies , reflecting the rays of light hither and thither , there should be intercedent small shadows , in the interjacent Cavities , from which no light is reflected . And hence is it , that in an object speculated through a Prism , the Caerule colour appears so much the more Dense and lively , by how much the nearer to the limbus , or Extreme of the Object it is appinged ; because , in that place , is the greater proportion of small shadows : and è contra , so much more Dilute and Pale ▪ by how much farther it recedeth from the Margin , insomuch that it degenerates , or dwindles at last into weak Sea-Green , or Willow , in its inmost part ; because , in that place is the greater proportion of Light. Conformable to that rule of Athanas. Kircher . ( Art. Magn. Lucis & Umbrae . lib. 1. part . 2. cap. 1. ) Differunt autem & Umbra & Fulgores , majore & minore vel candore , & nigrore , prout vel Fonti lucis , aut tenebrarum propriores fuerint , vel à fonte longius recesserint , in quo luce & obscuritate summa sunt utraque . Unde patet , quantò Fulgores a luce magis recesserint , tanto plus Nigredinis ; & quantò a tenebris magis recesserint Umbrae , diminuto nigrore , tanto plus albedinis acquirere : quae omnia Visus judicare potest . The same , proportionately , we conceive to hold good also in all Bodies , whose Colours are Genuine , or apparent to the naked Eye : chiefly because we may lawfully conceive , that every particle of every hair in a Scarlet , or Violet coloured Cloth , is consimilar in disposition to the particles in the extremes of an Object speculated through a Prism : and hold it purely Consequential thereupon , that light may arrive at the Eye from them , with the like Reflections and Intermistion with shadows , as from the extremes of the Reflectent Body , through the Glass , which advanceth its commixture with small shadows . And what we affirm of Scarlet and Violet , may also , with no less Congruity , be accommodated to Yellow and Sea-Green ; allowing the same proportion and modification of Light and Shadows in them as in that part of the superfice of any other body , on which the Prism doth appinge them : and in like manner to all other Colorate objects , whose Tinctures bear any Affinity to either of these four specified , or arise from the Complexion of any two or more of them . But here we are arrested by Two notable , and to our praecedent theory seemingly inconsistent PROBLEMS : which though of Difficulty enough to deserve the wealthy speculations of Archimedes , do yet require from us at least a plausible Solution , on the paenalty of no less than the loss of reputation , and the posting up a Writ of Bankrupt against our reason , by that austere Creditor , Curiosity . ( 1 ) How comes it , that those two so discrepant and assymbolical Colours , created by a Prism , Vermillion and Caerule , arise from Causes so Cognate ; the former only from the Commistion of a greater proportion of Light with a less of Shadows ; the Later from a less proportion of Light with a greater of Shadows ? ( 2 ) Why , when those two Colours Emphatical , Vermillion and Carule are by a Prism intermediate , projected on a Wall or sheet of white paper beyond it , from the light of a Candle ; if you put your eye in that place , ●n which either of the two Colours is appinged , so that another person , conveniently posited in the same room , may behold the same distinctly shining on the pupil of your eye ; yet shall you plainly and distinctly perceive the other Colour in the Glass ? For Example ; if the Vermillion appear on your eye , you shall nevertheless clearly see a Caerule in the Glass : and transpositively , though your eye be manifestly and totally tincted with a Carule , yet shall you see a Vermillion . Touching the Former , we shall adventure to desume the Solution thereof meerly from the Figure of the Prisme , and determine the Reason on this only ; that the Rayes of Light arriving at the Base of the Triangle , are trajected through it by a longer tract or way , than those arriving at or nearer to the Top thereof : and therefore , the Glass being in that part most crass , there must be more impervious particles obsistent to the Rayes of Light ; each one whereof repercussing its raye back again into the medium from the Glass , causeth that the number of shadowes is multiplyed in that part of the object , which the Base of the Triangle directly respecteth ; and consequently produceth a Caerule Tincture thereon . Such as that , not only by vulgar , but many transcendently learned Heads adscribed to the Firmament ▪ which yet belongs rather to that vast ( many have said infinite ) Space betwixt it and our Terrestrial Globe , being caused by the rayes of the Coelestial Lamps , from swarms of minute bodies interposed , thinly reflected toward our eyes : For , each of those impervious particles swarming in that immense space , must repercuse a ray of Light deradiated from above , and so by multiplying the number of shadows , make the Firmament ( which otherwise , according to probability , would wear the mourning livery of Midnight ) appear totally invested in an Azure mantle . This , though meer Conjecture ( and , indeed , the subject is too sublime to admit of other than conjecture , since St. Paul hath left us no observation concerning it , in his rapture up into the third Heaven , and the design of the Ganzaes is desperate ) hath in it somewhat more of reason , then that confident conceipt of Athanas. Kircherus ( Art. Magn. lucis & umbrae , lib. 1. part . 3. cap. 3. de Chromatismis rerum naturalium . ) Medium inter utrumque Caeruleum , proximum , viz. à nigro , seu tenebroso , colorem ad jucundissima illa Caelorum spatia , inoffenso visu contemplanda , Natura providentissima mundo contulit , &c. that the Providence of the Creator chose this Azure Tincture to invest the Firmament withal , as the middle colour between the two Extreams , White and Black , that so our sight might not , when we speculate that universal Canopy , be either perstringed with the excessive lustre of the one , nor terminated by the absolute opacity of the other . Because , if the natural Colour of the Firmament were Azure , as He praesumes ; then would it , by reason of the vast Space betwixt it and our sight , and the repercussion of the greatest part of the rayes of Light , from our eye , by those Myriads of Myriads of Myriads of small bodies replenishing that intermediate Space , necessarily appear of some other colour : the experience of Sea-men assuring , that all Colours , ( White and that of pure Flame , retaining to Whiteness , only excepted ) lose themselves in long trajection through the medium , and that even Land , which is but few degrees removed from Opacity , appears to the first discovery like a blewish Cloud lying level to the Horizon . It being certain , therefore , that by how much the farther any Colour recedeth from Whiteness , by so much the less way it is visible ( which the Graecian intimates in the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Albus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod procul videatur . ) and that even the Earth , an Opace body , to Sea-men first Kenning it , at large distance , appears clad in a kind of obscure blewish Mantle : it cannot bee dissonant to reason to conceive , that the natural Colour of the Firmament cannot be Azure , since it so appears to us ; and that it is rather Opace , because it appears Azure , when illustrate by the reflected Light of the Coelestial Luminaries . Again , because the rayes of Light , incident on the Top of the Prism , are trajected through it by a shorter cut , or passage , than those incident on the Base ; and so meet with fewer impervious and retundent particles , the Glass being in that part thinnest : therefore is the number of shadows much less in that part of the object , which respecteth the Cone or Top of the Triangle , than in that , which confronts the Base ; and those few shadows which remain undiminisht , being commixt with a greater number of lines of light , are transformed into the species of a Vermillion Red. Such as that daily observed in the impure Flame of our Culinary Fires ; which having many particles of Fuligenous Exhalations commixt with its pure luminous particles , that continuedly ascending , avert as many rayes of light from the eye of the Spectator , and so in some degree obnubulate it throughout : doth therefore put on the semblance of Redness . Or such as the Sun and Moon , commonly wear at their rising ; when the minor part , though many of their rayes are re●used , and averted from our sight , by the particles of dense vapours diffused through the spatious Medium . However this may be disputed , yet is it warrantable to conceive , that the superficial Particles of all Bodies , clad in either of these Liveries , Vermillion and Caerule , may have in their Contexture obtained such a Disposition , as to reflect Light permixt with small shadows , in that definite Temperation , or Modification , in which it usually arrives at the eye , after its Trajection through a Prism ; when it thereupon impresseth the sense of a Vermillion , or Caerule . As for the Enodation of the Later Difficulty , it is comprehended in the Reasons of the Former . For , it being certain , that the Vermillion projected by a Prisme , doth consist of a greater proportion of Light mingled with a less of Shadows , and the Caerule , on the contrary , of a greater proportion of shadows interspersed among the lines of a less Light ; and as certain , that the Vermillion appeareth on that side of the Prisme , where the Light is more copious , as therein meeting with fewer retundent impervious particles , in the substance of the Glass ; and the Caerule in that part , where the Light is diminished , as meeting with more impervious particles , and being by them repercussed : it must inevitably follow thereupon , that , if an opacous body be posited within the bounds of this light , so that the light may fall on each side thereof , and as it were fringe it ; a symptome quite contrary to the former shall evene , i. e. the Vermillion will appear on that side of the species , which is over against the Caerule , and the Caerule will be transposed to that side of the species , which confronteth the Vermillion . This is easily Experimented with a piece of narrow black Ribbon affixt longwise to either side of the Prisme . For , in that case , the light is bipartited into two Borders , or Fringes , the opace part veyled by the Ribbon on each side environed with light , and each border of light environed with two shadows ; or , more plainly , between each border of shadows conterminate to each extreme of Light , trajected through the unopacate parts of the Glass : and , therefore , in the commissure of each of the two lights with each of the conterminous shadows , there must be Vermillion on one side , and Caerule on the other . Now to drive this home to the head , the solution of the present Problem ; the Reason why , when the light of a Candle is trajected through a Prism , on a White paper or Wall , posited at convenient distance beyond it , and there transformed into these two luminous Colours , Vermillion and Caerule , if you put your eye in that place of the Paper or Wall , whereon the Vermillion shines , you shall perceive only the Caerule in the Glass , and è contra : we say , the Reason of this alteration of site in the Colours seems to be only this , that the circumstant Aer about the flame of the Candle being opacous , and so serving in stead of two Blacks to environ the borders of light , causeth that side of the Candle , which is seen through the thicker part of the Glass , to appear Blew ; and that which is seen through the thinner , to appear Red ; according to the constant Phaenomenon in Prismes . But , if the species be beheld by Reflection from any illustrate and repercussing Body , such as the paper , or wall , then must the series or method of the borders of light and shadow be inverted , for the reason immediately praecedent , and consequently , the situation of the Colours , emergent from their various contemperations , be also inverted . And thus have we , by the twilight of Rational Conjecture , given you a glimpse of the abstruse Original of the Extreme and Simple Colours ; and should now continue our Attempt to the discovery of the Reasons of each of those many COMPOUND ones , wherewith both Nature and Art so delightfully imbellish most of their peices : but , since they are as Generally , as rightly praesumed to be only the multiplied removes of Light and Darkness , i. e. to be educed from the various Commixtures of the Extreme , or Simple , or both ; and so it cannot require but a short exercise of the Intellect to investigate the determinate proportions of any two , or more of the Simple ones , necessary to the creation of any Compound Colour assigned ( especially when those excellent Rules of that Modern Apelles , Albertus Durerus , praescribed in his Art of Limning ; and the common Experience of Painters , in the Confection of their several Pigments , afford so clear a light toward the remove of their remaining obscurity , and the singling out their particular Natures ) : we cannot but suppose , that any greater superstructure on this Foundation , would be lookt upon rather as Ornamental and Superfluous , than Necessary to the entertainment of moderate Curiosity . Especially when we design it only as a decent Refuge , for the shelter of ingenious Heads from the Whirlwind of Admiration : and not as a constant Mansion for Belief . For , as we cautiously praemonished , in the First Article , the Foundation of it is not layed in the rock of absolute Demonstration , or de●umed a Priori ; but in the softer mould of meer Conje●ture , and that no deeper than a Posteriori . And this we judge expedient to profess , because we would not leave it in the mercy of Censure to determine , whether or no we pretend to understand , What are the proper Figures and other essential Qualities of the insensible Particles of Light ; with what kind of Vibration , or Evolution they are deradiated from their Fountain ; What are the determinate Ordinations , Positions , and Figures of those Reflectent and Refringent particles in the extreams of Bodies , Diaphanous and Opace , which modifie the Light into this or that species of Colour ; What sort of Reflection or Refraction , whether simple or multiplyed , is required to the creation of this or that Colour ; What are the praecise proportions of shadows , interwoven with Light , which disguise it into this or that colour . Besides , had we a clear and apodictical theory of all these nice●ies ; yet would it be a superlative Difficulty for us to advance to the genuine Reasons , Why Light , in such a manner striking on the superfice of such a body , therein ; suffering such a Reflection or Refraction , or both , and commixt with such a proportion of shadows in the medium , should be transformed into a Vermillion , rather then a Blew , Green , or any other Colour . Again , were our Understanding arrived at this sublimity , yet would it come much short of the top of the mystery , and it might hazard a dangerous Vertigo in our brains to aspire to the Causes , Why by the appulse of Light so or so modified , there is caused in the Eye so fair and delightful a Sensation ; as that of Vision ; and why the sentient Faculty , or soul therein operating , becomes sensible not only of the particular stroak of the species , but also of the Colour of it . For , where is that Oedipus , that can discover any Analogy betwixt the Retina Tunica , Optick Nerve , Brain , or Soul therein resident , and any one Colour ? and yet no man can deny that there is some certain Analogy betwixt the Species and Sensory : since otherwise there could be no Patibility on the one part , nor Agency on the other . We are not ignorant , that the aspiring Wit of Des Cartes hath made a towring flight at all these sublime Abstrusities , and boldly fastned the hooks of his Mechanick Principles upon them , thinking to stoop them down to the familiar view of our reason . But supposing that all Colours arise from the various proportions of the process and circumvolutions of the particles of Light in bodies respective to various Dispositions of their superficial particles , which accordingly more or less Accelerate , or Retard them ; as He hath copiously declared ( in Dioptric . cap. 1. & Meteor . cap. 8. ) : and erecting this upon his corner stone , or grand Hypothesis , that Light is nothing but an Appulse or Motion of the Aether ; or most subtile , and so most agile matter in the Universe ; which is meerly praecarious , and never to be conceded by any , who fears to ensnare himself in many inextricable Difficulties , Incongruities , and Contradictions , in the deducement of it through all the Phaenomena of Light , Colours , and Vision : all that we can allow him , as to this particular , besides our thanks for his laborious Endeavours , is that close of Phaetons Epitaph , Magnis tamen excidit ausis . CHAP. V. THE NATURE OF LIGHT . SECT . I. IN our three immediately praecedent Chapters , we have often mentioned the RAYES OF LIGHT , as the Material Principle both of all Visible Species , and Colours ; and that we may not leave our Reader unsatisfied in any particular , the communication whereof seems necessary , or advantageous to His full comprehension of all our Conceptions relating to those Arguments , or any other of Affinity to them , that may hereafter occurr : we judge it our Duty , here to let him clearly know , What Notion we have of the Nature of that so admirably glorious and universally comfortable an Entitie , Light. By the Rayes of Light , we understand , certain most tenuious streams of Igneous Particles in a continued fluor , and with ineffable pernicity succeding each other in direct lines , either immediately from their Lucid Fountain , or mediately from solid bodies reflecting them , towards the eye , and sensibly affecting the same . This Description may receive somewhat more both of perspicuity and credit , if we consider the parallelism , or analogy , that each distinct Ray of Light holds to a stream of water , exsilient from the Cock of a Cistern , or tube of an Arti●icial Fountain . For , the reason why a stream of water issues from a tube in a kind of arch , and flows to some distance from its source through the aer ; is only this , that the particles of Water first exsilient , upon the remove of the stopple or obstacle , are so closely and contiguously pursued by other particles immediately following , and those again by others indesinently emanant , that they are impelled forward and driven on with such rapidity , as overcomes their natural propensity to direct descent , by reason of their Gravity , and carries them in a tense line from the vent so long as their impulse is superior to that of their Gravity ; which encreasing more and more in each degree of distance , doth at length become victor over the force of the Motion , and praecipitate them downright . And as this gradual Tensity , or Rigidity of a stream of Water ariseth to it only from the Pressure or impulse of the Antecedent particles by the Consequent , in an uninterrupted succession : so may we conceeve , that a Ray of Light , or Wand ( many of our Modern and most discovering Philosophers call a stream of Light , Virgula Lucis ; and that by an unstrained Metaphor . ) consisting of many rayes seemingly united , such as we observe shining in a room through some hole in the Window , or other inlet ; doth therefore become in a manner Tense , or Direct , only because the particles first emanant from the Lucid Fountain are so urged and prest on by the subsequent , and those again by others , with equal pernicity , that they cannot deflect from a direct line , or obey the inclination of their Gravity , until some solid Body , interposed , cut off the fluor , by interrupting the succession , and then the Tensity , or Pressure ceasing , the Particles become incontiguous and disappear : as is observable , upon closing the inlet , through which a stream of Light is admitted into an otherwise ●pace room . For , immediately the successive supply of luminous particles being intercepted , the Antecedent droop , fail , and surrender that part of space , which they possest with splendour sufficient to affect the sense , to the horrid encroachment of Darkness . This full Comparison praemised , we shall comply with opportunity , and here concisely observe ( 1 ) That Aquilonius , and most other Opticomathematicians do excellently distinguish Light into so many gradual Differences , as are the Reflections of which it is capable ; denominating that Light , Primary , whereby a Body is immediately , or in direct lines from the Lucid Fountain , illustrated ; that Secondary , which reflected from one solid body , illuminates a●other ; that a Third Light , which illuminateth a body , after two Reflections from others : and so forward up to the Centenary , and Millenary light , if , at least , it be capable of so many reflections , from bodies most solid and polite . ( 2 ) That Light at Second hand is more weak than at First ; at Third than at Second ; at Fourth than at Third , &c. or , that Light becomes so much Weaker , by how many more Reflections it hath suffered . Not ( as is vulgarly concluded ) that a Reflex ray is less Tense , or the successive pressure of its particles less violent or rapid , than those of a Direct ; for , the motion of Light , however frequently reflected , is incomprehensibly swift : but , that every reflection doth much diminish it , some rayes being always diverted and scattered into other parts of the medium , by reason of the Asperity , or Inaequality of the particles in every superfice ; and so there being no superfice that remits in a direct line the full number of rayes ( some have adventured to say , scarce half so many as ) it received , and consequently the eye receiving fewer and fewer rayes successively from every Reflectent , must be more weakly affected and moved by the thin remainder . For , if all the rayes of the Sun directly incident on a Wall , were thence reflected on another wall situate at a right angle ; the Second wall would be fully as luminous as the First ; and consequently , the Secondary light would be as strong and resplendent as the Primary : but , since the superfice of the First Wall is unequal and scabrous , it must of necessity come to pass , that though many of the rayes incident thereon are from thence projected on the Second , yet as many are repercussed into other regions of the Medium , some upward , others downward ; some to the right hand , others to the left , &c. according to the various faces , or sides of the small particles , with asperity contexed in the superfice of each stone therein . So that one half , if not the major part of the directly incident rayes being diverted from the Second Wall , the Light thereon appearing must be proportionately less strong and fulgent , than that , which illuminates the First . By the same reason , if the Second Wall by reverberation derive the Light to a Third ; it must likewise play the Publican , and remit but half so many rayes , as it received from the First : and so must the Third transmit a thinner stock of light to a Fourth , and a Fourth to a Fifth , &c. If this Example seem scarce praegnant enough , let us descend into a deep Pit , or with the Troglodites creep into the bowels of some subterraneous Cavern , and there our sense will demonstrate , that multiplied Reflections of Light gradually diminish it even to absolute insensibility . For , the rayes of the Sun falling into the aperture of either Mine , or long Cave , are by oblique repercussions from their sides conveyed inwards , and so often bandied from side to side , that few or none attain to the bottom to diminish the opacity thereof : every reflection remitting some rayes , more or less , toward the mouth of the pit , or cave . And this ushers in our Third observable . ( 3 ) That Aristotles assertion , Lumen esse in continuo motu , that Light is in perpetual motion , or reverberated to infinity ; is profound and orthodox . For , notwithstanding the illusion of our sense persuades us , that all things in the aer about us , and within our houses , are calm and unmoved : yet doth that better Criterion , our Reason , assure that the Light diffused through the aer is in perpetual inquietude , and consisteth of nothing else but a most tenuious Contexture of innumerable rayes , swarming from and to all regions uncessantly , so long as the Lucidum ceaseth not to maintain the succession of fresh rayes , that may be reflected from all obvious bodies . So that in what ever part of the medium the eye is posited ; it shall ever have some object or other praesented : and particularly that , from whence some rayes are more directly reflected into its Pupil . Not that we conceive the Light diffused through the whole aer to be Continued , or United in all points , as are the parts of Water in the Sea : but , that , as a Spiders Web appears to be one entire and united body , though it consist of distinct Filaments , variously intricate , and mutually decussating each other ; so also is Light , Non unum quid Simplicissimum , sed Compositissimum , some one thing not most Simple or consisting of parts continuedly united , but most Compound , or consisting of parts so interwoven as to exclude all sensible discontinuity ; though our sense deprehend it to be Incompositissimum ▪ because the acies of the sight is too blunt to discern the single rayes , which like most slender Filaments with exquisite subtilty interwoven into a visible invisible Web , replenish the whole Medium . ( 4 ) That , though Light be ever debilitated by Reflection , yet is it many time Corroborated by Refraction ; as that transmitted through Convex Glasses , and Glass Vials replete with limpid water : and then only debilitated , when it is Refracted by a Concave superficies of a pellucid body , or after refraction on a Plane superfice , is lookt upon obliquely . For as no reason can be given for the Debilitation of Light by Reflection ; but the Attenuation or Dimmution of the number of its Rayes : so can none be assigned for the Corroboration of it by Refraction in a Convex Glass , or Vial filled with clear water ; but the multiplication of its Rayes , in some part of the Medium . Nor is there , on the contrary , why we should conceive Light to be made weaker by some Refraction , unless in this respect only ; that if it had not fallen foul of a Refringent body , a greater number of rayes would have continued their direct progress in a closer order , or more united stream : and so their Debility depends meerly on their Disgregation ; not Diminution of Pernicity . Certainly , that Light which is corroborated by refraction in a Convex Glass , would be yet more strong and energytical , if all those Rayes , that strike upon the obverted side of the Glass , were so refracted , as to permeate and unite in the aer beyond the averted side thereof : and those rayes which are trajected through the bottome of a Glass Vial filled with water , arrive at the eye so much the more Disgregate , by how much the more obliquely the eye is posited ; because the water being in the bottom more copious , and so containing more retundent particles , doth divert the greatest number of them into the ambient . And hence we inferr , that if the beams of the Sun be conceded more weak in the Morn and Evening than at Noon , only because of a greater Refraction by more vapours then interposed ; that effect must chiefly arise from hence , that the Rayes come unto us obliquely , after their trajection through those swarms of denser vapours , and consequently more Dissipated , the major part of them being diverted into other regions of the Medium . Moreover , insomuch as all Masters in the Optiques clearly demonstrate that the Image of an illustrate object , speculated through water in the bottome of a vessel indiaphanous , doth appear less lively to those , that look on it obliquely , than to those that behold it in direct lines respective to the tendency of the Light refracted by the Water ; and that the superfice of every object hath so much the fewer parts discernable , by how much more obliquely it is speculated : therefore is it purely necessary , that the Image of an object appear more Contracted , when speculated by a Vertical line , than when exhibited to the eye in a direct , and Irrefracted one . And this also we judge to be in some part the Cause , why the Sun when nearest to our Horizon , either Orient or Occident , appears in a Figure more Elliptical or Oval , than Sphaerical : for then do we behold it per lineam Verticalem . We say , in part ; because the same Effect may also be induced by the Form of the Vaporous Sphaere . However this may be controverted , yet most certain it is , that the Lucid Image of the Sun is alwayes more Vitiated , when it arrives at our ●ight from an Humble position , than a sublime or Meridional : Non quod pauciores quidem radij Directi mane , quàm meridie ; sed ●eflexi tamen pauciores , qui cum illis misceantur , ipsorumque Vim augeant . Quia Directi supra liberam horizontis planitiem praetereant , nec redeant ; cum sub meridiem in terram impacti non resilire regredique non valeant ; as Gassendus , in Epist. ad Bullialdum , de Apparent . Magnitud . Solis Humilis & sublimis . And this hath a near relation to our fifth observable . ( 5 ) That the Body from which the rayes of a Lucid object more eminently the Sun , are repercussed so as to diminish the shadow round about it , seems not to be the Conterminous Aer , but rather some Opacum constitute beyond both it and the Aer . Not that we deny the necessary reflection of many of the Luminous rayes proceeding from the Sun , by those myriads of myriads of particles floating in the Atmosphere ; and so the remission of them back again toward their source , and the consequent diminution of the shadow invironing the same : but that we conceive the proportion of rayes so diverted , to be so small , as to be much below the observation of our sense . For , He that is in the bottom of a deep Mine , hath his sight so little advantaged by the Aer illuminated by the meridian beams of the Sun , that though he can clearly behold the Starrs in the Firmament , immensely beyond that vast tract of Aer then illustrate ; yet can he hardly perceive his own hand , or ought else about him , since all the rayes of Light , which affect his eyes , are only those few that have escaped repercussion upward , by those many oblique refractions in the sides of the Mine . Thus also in the night are we no whit relieved by the aer , or Aether surrunding our Horizon , or more properly , our Hemisphere beyond that region , to which the Cone of the Earths shadow extends : though the Sun doth as freely and copiously diffuse its light through all that vast Ocean of Aer , or Aether beyond the extent of the Earths shadow , at our Midnight , or when it is Vertical to the Antipodes , as at our noon when it is Vertical to us : which could not be , if any sensible proportion of light were reflected toward us by the particles of the Aer , or Aether , replenishing the subcaelestial space . Hence comes it , that what Light remains to our Hemisphere in the night , ought to be referred , not to any Reflection of the Suns rayes from the sublime aer , or Aether ; but to the Stars , or Moon , or both . And this is also no contemptible argument , that the Concave of the Firmament is Opace , and not azure , as most suppose . ( 6 ) That every Lucid Bodie is considerable in a double capacity ; ( 1 ) Qua Lucidum , as shining with either native , or borrowed light , it illuminateth other bodies : ( 2 ) Qua Visibile , as it emits the visible Image of it self . In the First Respect , we may conceive it to be the Center , from which all its luminous Rayes are emitted by Diffusion Sphaerical , according to that establisht maxime of Alhazen , Omne punctum luminosum radiare sphaeralitèr : in the Second , we may understand it to emit rayes in a diffusion Pyramidal , the base whereof is in it self , and cone in the eye of the Spectator . For , particularizing in the Sun , which being both a Lucid Body and a Visible object , falls under each acceptation ; we must admit the Rayes thereof illuminating that vast ocean of Space circumscribed by the concave of the Heavens , to be deradiated from it sphaerically , as so many lines drawn from one common Centre ; because they are diffused throughout a region far greater than the Sun it self : and those rayes , that Constitute the Visible Images of it , stream from it in Cones or pyramids ; because they are terminated in the pupil of the beholders eye , a body by almost infinite degrees less than it self . This is fully demonstrated by the Forms of Eclipses , which no man can describe but by assuming the Sun as the Base , from whose Extremes myriads of Rayes emanant , and in their progress circularly environing the Margin of the Earth , or Moon , pass on beyond them till they end in a perfect Cone ; the Orbs of the Earth and Moon being by many degrees less in circumference , than that of the Sun. This confirms us , that those Optico-mathematicians are in the centre of truth , who teach , that the rayes of the Sun , and all other luminous Objects as they constitute its visible species , are darted only Pyramidally ; insomuch as they are received in the eye of each Spectator , so much less than the Sun , or other Luminary : but that they progress in a sphaerical Diffusion , in respect of the circumambient Aer , in each point whereof the Luminary or Lucidum is Visible . Since , should we allow the Concave of the Firmament to be as thickly set with eyes , as Joves vigilant Pandars head was imagined by Poets ; we could not comprehend how the orb of the Sun could be discernable by them all , unless by conceding this sphaerical diffusion of Pyramids to all parts of the same . And this doth as well illustrate as confirm a former Antiperipatetical Paradox of ours , that the visible Species of an object is neither total in the totall Space , nor total in every part thereof ; but the General Image is in the whole Medium , and the Partial or Particular Images , whose Aggregate makes the General Image , in the singular parts of the Medium : because no singular eye from any singular part of the Medium , can perceive the whole of the object , but those parts only , which are directly obverted to that part of the Medium , in which the eye is posited . Which assertion we inferred from hence , that not only the whole , but also every sensible particle of an object doth emit certain most subtile rayes , constituting the species of it self , in a sphaerical diffusion , so that the various particles emit various rayes , that variously decussate and intersect each other , in all parts of the Medium : and as these rayes are emitted sphaerically , ex se ▪ according to that maxime , Omne Visibile sui speciem effundere sphaeraliter ; so do most of them , ex Accidente , convene in their progress , and so reciprocally intersect , as to fulfill the figure of a Pyramid . Whence it naturally follows , that because some Rayes must convene , in all parts of the Medium , in this manner ; therefore are Pyramids of rayes made in all points of the Medium , from whence the object diffusing them is visible . Notwithstanding this , we shall so farr comply with the Vulgar doctrine , as to allow ; that in respect even of one single eye , in whatever part of the Medium posited , the diffusion of rayes from an object may be affirmed to be Sphaerical : insomuch as no part in the object at considerable distance singly discernable , can be assigned , which is not less than the pupil of the Eye . ( 7 ) That the Light diffused through the Medium , is not seen by us : but that thing beyond the Medium from which some rayes are ultimately reflected into the eye . For , if it chance that we persuade our selves , that we perceive something in the Medium ; it is not pure Light it self , but some crass substance , the small particles of Dust , Vapours , Smoak , or the like , which having received light from some luminous source , reflect the same toward the eye . SECT . II. NOw , of all these Praeconsiderables only the First can be judged Praecarious , by those whose Festination or Inadvertency hath not given them leave to observe the Certitude thereof inseparably connected to the evidence of all the others , by the linkes of genuine Consequence . And therefore , that we may not be wanting to them , or our selves , in a matter of so much importance , as the full Confirmation of it by nervous and apodictical Reasons ; especially when the Determination of that eminent and and long-lived Controversie concerning the QUIDDITY or Entity of Light , Whether it be an Accident , or Substance , a meer Quality , or a perfect Body ? seems the most proper and desiderated subject of our praesent speculations , and the whole Theory of all other sensible Qualities ( as Vulgar Philosophy calls them ) is dependent on that one cardinal pin , since Light is the nearest allied to spiritual natures of all others , and so the most likely to be Incorporeal : we must devote this short Section to the perspicuous Eviction of the CORPORIETY of Light. Not to insist upon the grave Authority either of Empedocles , who , as Aristotle ( 1. de sensu & sensili : & de Gener. Animal . 1. cap. 8. ) testifieth , affirmed Light to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Effluxionem , a material Emanation , and required certain proportionate Pores , or most slender passages in all Diaphanous bodies , for their transition ; or Plato , who defined Colour , or Light disguised , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ef●luentem quandam Flammulam ; or of Democritus and Epicurus , both which are well known to have been grand Patrons , if not the Authors of that opinion , that Light is corporeal : we judge it alone sufficient to demonstrate the Corporiety of Light , that the Attributes thereof are such , as cannot justly be adscribed to any but a Corporeal Entity . 1 Such are ( 1 ) Locomotion ; for manifest it is , that some substance , though most tenuious , is deradiated from every Lucidum to the eye of the distant Spectator : nor is a Bullet sent from the mouth of a full charged Cannon with the millionth part of such velocity , as are the arrows shot from the bow of Apollo ; since the rayes of the Sun are transformed from one end of the heavens to the other , in a far less division of time , than a Cannon Bullet is flying to its m●●k . 2 ( 2 ) Resilition ; for the rayes of light are sensibly repercussed from all solid bodies , on which they are projected ; and that with such pernicity or rapid motion , as transcends , by inassignable excesses , the rebound of a Cannon Ball from a Rock of Adamant . 3 ( 3 ) Refraction , for our sense confirms , that Light is ever refracted by those Bodies , which allow its rayes a passage , or through-fare , but not an absolute free and direct one . ( 4 ) Coition , or Union , or Corroboration , from bodies either reflecting , 4 or transmitting many rayes to one common point of concurse , where they become so violent as to burn any thing applied . ( 5 ) Disgregation and Debilitation , 5 from the didaction of its rayes reflected or trajected : so that those which before during their Union were so vigorous as to cause a conflagration , being one distracted become so languid as not to warm . ( 6 ) Igniety ; since Light seems to be both the Subject , 6 and Vehicle to Heat , and those speak incorrigibly , who call Light , Flame attenuated . Which we shall less doubt , if we consider the natural Parallelism betwixt Flame and Water , Light and a Vapour . For , as Water by Rarefaction , or Attenuation becomes a Vapour ; so may we conceive Flame by Attenuation to become Light circumfused in the aer : and as a Vapour is nothing else but Water so rarefied into small discontinued particles , as that it doth scarce moisten the body on which it is impacted ; so is Light nothing else but Flame so dilated by Rarefaction , that it doth hardly warm the body it toucheth . Lastly , as a Vapour how finely soever rarefied , is still substantially Water ; because only by the Coition of its dif●used particles it returns again to Water , as in all distillations : so must we account Light however rarefied , to be still substantially Flame ; because only by the Coition , or Congregation of its dispersed rayes it is reducible into absolute Flame , as in all Burning-glasses . These Attributes of Light considered , it is not easie for the most praevaricate judgment not to confess , that Light is a Corporeal substance , and the Rayes of it most tenuious streams of subtle Bodies : since it is impossible they should be deradiated from the Lucid Fountain with such ineffable pernicity , transmitted through the Diaphanum in a moment , impacted against solid bodies , repercussed , corroborated by Unition , debilitated by Disgregation , &c. without essential Corpulency . Notwithstanding this apodictical evidence of the Corporiety of Ligh● , the refractary Peripatetick will have it to be a meer Quality , and objects ( 1 ) That his master Aristotle , impugning the doctrine of Democritus , Epicurus , and others , who ascribed Materiality to Light , defined it to be meerly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perspicui , an act of the Perspicuum . To this we answer , ( 1 ) That though Aristotle thought it sufficient barely to deny that light is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ullius corporis Ef●luxum , and to affirm it to be Energian perspicui , ut perspicuum ; yet will the judicious discover it to be rather an ambage to circumvent the incircumspect , than a demonstration to satisfie the curious . For , though Philopouus ( 2. de Anim. 7. ) willing to conceal or guild over his Masters error , interpreteth his Perspicuum actu , or illustrate Nature , and so Light to be a kind of Chord , which being continuedly interposed betwixt the object and the eye , causeth that the Colour thereof posited beyond the Medium , doth affect and move the eye to the act of intuition : yet hath He left the Reason and Manner of this supposed Act of the Perspicuum on the eye , the chief thing necessary to satisfaction , involved in so many and great Difficulties , as proclaim it to be absolutely inexplicable . ( 2 ) That albeit we deny not Illumination to be meerly ●cc●dental to opace Bodies ; yet therefore to allow the Light , wherewith they are illuminate , to be an Accident , and no Substance , is a manifest Alogie . And to affirm , that the Aer , Water , or any Diaphanous body is the subject of Inhaesion to Light , is evidently incongruous ; because every Medium is simply Passive , and remains unmoved while the Light pervades it : and how can Light pervade it , if it be not Corporeal ? or how can the rayes thereof conserve their Tensity and Directness in the Aer , while it is variously agitated by wind and other causes , if they were not absolutely independent thereupon ? ( 3 ) What Aristotle saith concerning the Propagation of the species of Light even to infinity in all points of the Medium , besides its incomprehensibility , is absolut●ly inconsistent to the Pernicity of its motion , which is too rapid and momentany to proceed from a fresh Creation of Light in every point of the medium : since the multitude of fresh productions successively made , would r●quire a far longer time for the transmission of the light of a candle to the eye of a man at the distance of but one yard , than our sense demonstrates to be necessary to the transmission of the light of the Sun from one end of Heaven to the other . ( 2 ) That by allowing Light to be Corporeal , we incurr the absurd●ty of admitting two Bodies into one and the same place . Which is soon solved by reflecting on what we have formerly and frequently said , concerning Inanity interspersed , and observing what we shall ( God willing ) say of those eminent Qualities , Rarity and Perspicuity : from either of which it may be collected , how great a Multitude of Pores are in every Rare and Perspicuous Body , which remain tenantable , or unpossessed . ( 3 ) That from the Corporiety of Light it must follow , that a Body ma● be moved in an Instant . But he hath not yet proved that the motion of Light is instantaneous : and we have , that it is not , but only Momentany , i. e. that Ligh● is moved in a certain space of time , though imperceptible , yet divisible , and not in one individual point , or Instant . ( 4 ) That the Rayes of Light are Invisible in pure Aer , and by consequence Immaterial . Solut. Their Invisibility doth not necessitate their Immateriality ; for the Wind , which no man denies to be Corporeal , is invisible : and as it sufficeth that we feel the Wind in its progress through the aer , so also is it sufficient that we perceive Light , in the illumination of Opace Bodies , on which it is impinged , and from which it is reflected . Besides , whoso maketh his sense the measure of Corporiety , doth strain it to a higher subtility , than the constitution of its Organs will bear , and make many more spiritual Entities , than can be found in the Universe ; nay , He implicitely supposeth an Immaterial Being naturally capable of Incorporation meerly by the Unition of its dispersed particles ; since many rayes of Light congregated into one stream become visible . ( 5 ) That the Materiality of Light is repugnant to the Duration of the Sun ; which could not have lasted so long , but must have , like a Tapour , exhausted its whole stock of Luminous Matter , and wincked out into perpetual night , long since , if all its Rayes were substantial Emanations , according to our Assumption . But this Refuge may be battered with either of these two shots . 1 The superlative Tenuity of the Luminous particles continu●lly emitted from the body of the Sun , is such as to prevent any sensible minoration of its orb , in many 1000 yeers . ( 2 ) If the Diametre of the Sun were minorated by 100000 miles less than it was observed in the days of Ptolomy ; yet would not that so vast Decrement be sensible to our sight : since being in its Apogaeum , in summer , it doth not appear one minute less in Diameter to the strictest astronomical observation , than in winter , in its Perigaeum , and yet Snellius , Bullialdus , and Gassendus , three Astronomers of the highest form , assure us that it is about 300000 miles more remote from us , in its Apogaeum , than Perigaeum . ( 6 and Lastly ) That if Light were Flame , then would all Light warm at least : but there are many Lights actually Cold , such as that in the Phospher M●neralis , or Lapis Phenggites , of whose admirable Faculty of imbibing , retaining and emitting a considerable light , the excellent Fortunius Licetus hath written a singular Tract , and Athanas. Kircherus a large chapter ( in Art. magn . Lucis & Umbrae lib. ● . part . 1. cap. 8. ) , in Gloworms , the scales and shells of some Fishes , among which the most eminent are those Dactyli mentioned by Kircher ( in libri jam citati part . 1. cap. 6. ) in these words , sunt & Dactyli , ostreacei generis , qui vel manibus triti lumen veluti scintillas quasdam ex se spargunt : quemadmodum Melitae , in Sicilia , Calabria , & Ligustici maris oris non sine admiratione à piscatoribus & nautis instructoribus observasse memini ; in Rotten Wood , &c. Ergo , &c. Answer , The Defect of actual Heat in these things , doth arise , in part from the abundant commistion of Gross and Viscid Humidity with those igneous Particles that are Collucent in them ; but mostly from the exceeding Rarety of those Luminous Sparks : which being so thin and languid , as to disappear even at the approach of a Secondary Light , cannot be expected vigorous enough to infuse an actual warmth into the hand that toucheth them ; especially when experience attesteth , that the Rayes of the Sun , after two Reflections , become so languid by Attenuation , as they can hardly affect the tenderest hand with any sensible Heat . And therefore , unless it can be evinced , that the disgregation of the parts of a Body , doth destroy the Corporiety of it ; and that the simple Attenuation of Lig●t doth make it to be no Light : we ask leave to retain our p●rsuasion , that the existence of many lights , which are devoyd of Heat , as to the perception of our sense , is no good Argument against the Igniety and Corporiety of Light. CHAP. VI. THE NATURE OF A SOUND . SECT . I. IT was a hypochondriack conceit of Plato , that all our Cognition is but Recognition , and our acquired Inte●lection a meer Reminiscence of those primitive lessons the Soul had forgotten since her transmission from the sphere of supreme Intelligences , and Immersion into the Opacity of Flesh. For , Proper Science is proper only to Omniscience ; and not to have knowledge by infusion or acquisition , is the attribute only of the Essence of Wisdom ; and a priviledge due to none but the Ancient of Dayes , to have his knowledge derived beyond Antiquity : but Man , poor ignorant Thing , sent to School in the World , on the design of Sapience , must sweat in the exploration and pursuit of each single Verity ; nor can he ever possess any science , in this dark region of life , but what he hath dearly purchased with his own anxious discovery , or holds by inhaeritance from the charitable industry of his Fore-fathers . And , that the naked Mind of m●n , endowed only with a simple Capacity of Science , might by degrees adorn it self with the notions of whatever concerns his well-being either in this state of Mortality , or that future one of Immortality ▪ hath the Bounty of his Creator furnished him with the Sense of HEARING : a sense particularly and eminently ordained for Discipline . For , though we sing Hymns to the Eye , for the Invention : yet must we acknowledge a sacrifice of gratitude due to the Ear , for the Communication and Diffusi●n of Arts and Sciences . Quemadmodum aspectus ad vi●ae dulcedinem , & ●ommoda ●st magis necessarius : ita Auditus ad excipiendam artem , scientiam ▪ & sapientiam est accommodatior : ille ad inventionem , hic ad communicationem aptior est ; saith that accurate and eloquent Anatomist , Iulius Casserius Placentinus , ( in premio ad libr. de sens . organ . ) . Thus much the antique Aegyptians intimated in their Hieroglyphick of Memory , the figure of a mans Ear ; and the Philosopher exprest in his Character of the Hearing , Auditus est sensus Disciplinae ; as also that Modern Ornament of Germany , Sennertus ( in hypomn . Phys. ) in this memorable sentence ; Aures in homine quasi porta mentis sunt , per quam illi communicantur , quae doctrina & institutione de Deo , & alijs rebus necessarijs traduntur , quaeque nullo alio sensu addisci possunt . Now , to bring you home to the scope of this ( not otherwise or unreasonable , or unnecessary ) Elogy of the Hearing ; since the Relation betwixt the Sight and Hearing is so great , as to the point of mans acquisition of Knowledge , as that the one can be no more justly called the Discoverer , than the other the Propagator of all Arts and Sciences : it is evident we have made no undecent Knot in the Clue of our Method , by immediately subnecting this Enquiry into the Nature of a Sound , the adaequate and proper object of the Hearing , to our praecedent speculations of the Nature of Vision , Colours , and Light. Besides , as these two Senses are Cousin-Germans , in their Uses and Ends : so likewise are they of near Alliance , in their Objects ; there being no small , nor obscure Analogy , betwixt the nature and proprieties of a Visible Species , and the nature and proprieties of an Audible Species , or Sound . For ( 1 ) As ●t is the property of Light , transfigured into Colours , to represent the different Conditions or Qualities of bodies in their superficial parts , according to the different Modification and Direction of its rayes , either simply or frequently reflexed from them , through the Aer , to the Eye : so is it the propriety of Sounds to represent the different Conditions or Qualities of Bodies , by the mediation of the Aer percussed and broken by their violent superficial impaction , or collision , and configurate into swarms of small consimilar masses , accommodable to the Ear. So that He speaks as Philosophically , who saith ; that various sounds are no more but the various Percussions and imprest Motions of the Aer : as He that saith , Colours are no more then the various Immersions of Light into the superficial particles of bodies and respective Emersions or Reflections from them , through the diaphanous medium to the Eye . Nor can we much dislike the conceipt of Athanas Kircher . ( Musurgiae Universalis l. 9. part . 4. praelus . 1. ) that if it were possible for a man to see those subtle motions of the aer , caused by the strings of an instrument , harmonically playd upon ( as we may the Circular Undulations , and Tremblings of water , raised by a stone thrown into it , in a river or standing lake ) the whole Tune would appear to him like a well drawn Picture , ingeniously and regularly adumbrate with admirable variety of Colours , each one distinctly representing the particular Condition of that string or sonant Body , that created it . ( 2 ) As Light immediately fails and disappears upon the remove or eclipse of its lucid fountain ; as is manifest by the succession of darkness in a room at night , when a candle is either removed out of it or extinguished , the succession of its rayes being intercepted : so doth a Sound instantly perish upon the Cessation of the undulous motion of the Aer , which conduceth not only to the Creation , but Delation of it , as the principal , if not the sole Vehicle . For , the subsistence of Sounds is not by way of dependence upon the solid bodies , by which they were produced ; according to the 7 Proposit. of Mersennus ( Harmon . lib. 1. pag. 3. ) Soni non pendent à corpore , à quo primum producti sunt : but upon the Continuation of the motion imprest upon the Aer , so that the Duration of a Sound is equal to the duration of the Agitation of the aer . And therefore Bapt. Porta , Cornelius Agrippa , Wecherus , Alexius , and others of the same tribe , that so highly pretend to Phonocamptical Magick , are worthy more than derision , for their insolent undertaking to Conserve a voice , or articulate sound of many syllables , by including it in a long Canale of Lead , or other impervious matter ; so that upon unstopping the extreme of the Tube , after many not only hours , but months , the voice shall issue out as quick and distinct as at the first pronunciation , or insusurration into the cavity thereof . Which ( whether more impudent , or ignorant ( for both Experience and the Nature of a Sound evidence the contrary ) is disputable ) Rhodomantade is demonstrated to be absolutely impossible , by Athanas. Kircher . ( Musurgiae Universal . lib. 9. & Magiae Echotectonicae cap. 1. ) whether we remit the unsatisfied . ( 3 ) As the Actinobolism , or Deradiation of Light from the Luminary , is Sphaerical , in respect of the circumambient space illuminate by it : so is the Diffusion of a Sound in excentral lines from the sonorous body , through the whole space , or medium within the sphere of its vertue ; for , otherwise a General , speaking in the midst of his Army , could not be heard in round . Here is the only difference betwixt the Actinobolism of Light and Sounds ; that the one is performe● in time imperceptible , though not instantaneous : the other in moments distinguishable , which are more or less according to the degrees of distance betwixt the sonant and audient . Again , as the Deradiation of Light , considered meerly as Visible , not as Lucidum , is Conical , or Pyramidal , in respect to the Eye of the Spectator ; as we have professedly demonstrated in the 10. Article of the 1. Sect. of our Chapt. concerning the Nature of Light : so likewise doth every sound make a Cone , or Pyramid in the medium , whose Base consisteth in the extreme of the body producing the sound , and cone in the ear of him that hears it ; or as some Mathematicians , as Blancanus and Mersennus , whose Base is in the Ear , and Cone in some one point of the sonorous subject . Allowing only this Difference ; that the Cones or Pyramids of Visible Species are more Geometrical , i. e. more exactly conform to proportion Geometrical , than those of Audible Species ; which in regard as well of the grossness of their Particles , as less velocity of their motion , are easily injured and perturbed by Winds . And this , in truth , is the best ground they have to stand upon , who opinion Sounds to be no more but simple Motions of the Aer . ( 4 ) As Visible Species , so do Sounds inform the Sense , of the Magnitude , Figure , and other Qualities of the Bodies , from which they are emitted . For experience assureth , that Greater Bodies emit a Graver Sound , than smaller ; that Concaves yeild a stronger and more lasting Sound , than Planes ; that Hard things sound more Acutely than Soft ; strings distended yeild a sharper sound , than lax ; Empty vessels than full , &c. Hence is it , that Goldsmiths , and Coyners distinguish good mony from bad , pure Gold from that largely allayed with Copper ; and Metallists judge of simple and compound Metals , only by their Ring or sound . And we have heard of Vintners , who could exactly distinguish the Kinds and Goodness of Wines , only by the sound of the Vessels that contained them : and therefore used to choose them more by their Ear , than Palate . But , what we here say , that Harder Bodies emit a sound more Acute than softer ; we desire may be understood only of the Plurality , not Generality of Bodies . For the examining Mersennus , having experimented the different sounds of Metalls , tells us ( in praefat . ad Harmonic . ) that He found a Cylindre of Iron to be Unisone to another of steel , equal in diametre and length ; and both in acuteness to transcend a Cylindre of Brass of equal dimensions , by a whole Diatessaron : nay more , that a Cylindre of Firr Wood yeilded , upon equal percussion , a sound more acute by a whole Ditone , than a Cylindre of Brass , which yet yeilds a sound more strong , lasting and grateful than any of the rest . Each of which observations is sufficient to cut off the general intaile of that Canon , Sonos eò acutiores , quo duriora fuerint corpora . Legendus est Athanas. Kircher . Art. Magn. Consoni & Dissoni lib. 1. appendice de Phonognomia . ( 5 ) As a Greater Light alwayes obumbrates a Less , so a Great Sound alwayes drowns a Less : for it is manifest , that the sound of a Trumpet conjoyned to the low or submissive voice of a man , makes it wholly unaudible , and the loud clamours of Mariners are scarce heard in a tempest . ( 6 ) As a too great Light offends alwayes , and often destroyes the sight , as is eminently exemplified in the tyranny of Dionysius , the Sicilian : so , too great sounds injure and lacerate the Hearing . For , many men have been strucken deaf for ever , by great Thunder-claps , and as many by the reports of grand Artillery . ( 7 ) As Light , meerly by the Condensation of it rayes , produceth Heat in the aer : so Sounds meerly by their Multiplication . For , it is observed , that in all Battails , and chiefly in Naval fights , where many Cannons are frequently discharged , the aer becomes soultry and hot ; not so much from the many sulphureous or igneous particles of the Gunpowder commixt with , as the violent concussions , and almost continued agitation of the Aer . So that even in this particular , that Axiom , that Motion is the Mother of Heat , holds exactly sound . ( 8 ) The Effects of Audible Species , as well as of Visible , are subject to variation , according to the divers Condition of the Medium . For , as Flame , beheld through smoak , seems to tremble : so do sounds , trajected through aer variously waved by Winds , rise and fall betwixt every Gust ; as is observable most easily in the ringing of Bells , whether the wind be favourable , or adverse . ( 9 ) And what most conduceth to our comprehension of the Nature of a Sound ; For , as Light , so is a Sound capable of Locomotion , Exsilition , Impaction , Resilition , Disgregation , Congregation ; all which are the proper and incommunicable Attributes of Corporiety . Only we must confess them discrepant in this , ( 1 ) That Sounds are delated from their Original not only in direct lines , but circular , elliptical , parabolical , and all others ; for a sound heard on the other side of a high Wall , comes not to the ear in a direct line through the Wall , as Kircherus contends ( in Musurgiae Universal . lib. 1. ) with taedious arguments , but in an Arch , as the incomparable St. Alban hath firmly evinced ( in Cent. 3. Natural . Hist. ) : whereas Light constantly progress through the Medium to the Eye , in Direct lines , whether primary , reflex , or refracted . ( 2 ) A Sound is diffused through it sphere of activity in a longer space of time , by much , than Light , as is sensibly demonstrated by this , that the flash of a Cannon arrives much sooner at the Eye , than the report at the Ear : and the immediate Reason hereof is the less velocity of motion in the sound , which consisting of grosser particles than those of Light , must be proportionately slower in its Delation . For , a Sound seems to be nought but the Aer , at least the subtler or more aethereal part of aer , extrite and formed into many small ( Moleculae ) masses , or innumerable minute Contextures , exactly consimilar in Figure , and capable of affecting the Organ of Hearing in one and the same manner : which configurated small masses of aer fly off from bodies compulsed or knockt each against other , with some violence ; and progress by Diffusion in round . For , because upon pressure they mutually recede , each particle going off in that point where it finds the freest egress : therefore must some tend upward , others downward , some to the right , others to the left , some obliquely , others transversly , &c. but all more slowly than the particles of Light , whose Tenuity being far greater , causeth them not to be subject to retardment by the like tumultuous Convolution . But , as the greater Corporiety of Sounds makes them slower in their Diffusion ; so doth it make them more impetuous and forcible in their Impaction , than the Species of Light : it being obvious to observation , that Violent Sounds , such as great Thunders , Volleys of Cannon shot , the breaking of Granades , &c. usually shake the largest Buildings , and shiver Glass windows at a mile distance and more . And yet are Sounds far easilier impeded , perturbed , and flatted , than the rayes of Light ; every man knowing that no sound can penetrate Glass , but in one case , or exigent of Nature , of which we shall particularly speak , in the last Section of this Chapter : and since Sounds are repercussed more slowly ; they 〈◊〉 Disgregated more hardly , and Congregated more faintly , than the rayes of Light. Lastly , the Proportion of Retardation in the diffusion of Sounds to the utmost of their sphere of activity , is such even from Winds ; that as Mersennus hath computed , the diameter of the sphere of a sound , heard against the wind , is by almost a third part less than the diameter of the sphere of the same sound , assisted by a favourable or secund Wind : but the Diameter of a Lucid Sphere is alwayes equ●● , which way soever and how violently soever the wind blows . ( 3 ) Bodies of narrow Dimensions make a sensible reflection of Light ; as is manifest from a Burning-glass of an inch diameter : but a Body of far greater dimensions is required to the sensible Reflection of a Sound , i. e. to the production of an Eccho ; though it is not to be doubted , but ●●ound may be reflected from every Hard bodie on which it is impinged . This considered , we cannot but smile at the Credulity of many grea● Aristoteleans , who are persuaded that an Echo is made by the meer Repercussion of the Sound from the particles of the Aer . For , notwithstanding we deny not , but the particles of the aer , within the sphere of the Sounds diffusion , encountring and arietating those particles of the sound , may in some small measure repercuss them : yet we think it unsafe , therefore to admit this aereal Repercussion to arise to Sensibility , or to be observable by the Creation of an Echo . And therefore we conceive , that whatever sensible Reflection or Multiplication of a Sound , seems to proceed from the Aer , is not caused really by the Aer , but some Dense and Hard Bodies , such as Rocks , Aedifices , Arches , &c. whose Concavities reflect the particles of a Sound for the same reason , that Concaves Multiply Light. SECT . II. THE Congruities of Visible and Audible Species being so many and Essential , and their Incongruities , or points of Discrepancy so few , and those altogether consisting in the meer Degrees of Velocity , and some other Circumstances relating to the Medium : we have a fair and direct way opened to our Enquiry into the Quiddity or Essence of a Sound . Wherefore since to conclude a parity of Essence , from a parity of Attributes and Effects , in any two Entities ; is warrantable even by the strictest laws of Reasoning : we shall adventure to assume a Sound to be a Corporeal Ens. Which before we farther confirm by Arguments , it behoveth us to lift that block of contrary Authority out of our Readers way , at which the credulity and incircumspection of many have made them stumble and hault ever after in their Opinions concerning this Subject . True it is , that Pythagoras , Plato , and Aristotle , according to the Memorials of Plutarch ( 4. Placit . 20. ) unanimously held a Sound to be Incorporeal , a meer Accident , or Quality , or Intentional Species ; contrary to the doctrine of Democritus , Epicurus and the Stoicks , who , as Laertius ( in lib ▪ 7. ) expresly records , affirmed it to be Corporeal , or a Material Efflux , the words of Epicurus being [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Vocem seu Sonum , fluxum esse em●ssum ex rebus aut loquentibus , aut sonantibus , aut quomodocunque strepitum edentibus . But yet we conceive this repugnancy of Authority insufficient to infirm our Thesis of the CORPORIETY of Sounds ; as well because simple Authority , though never so reverend , is no demonstration , and scarce a good argument , in points Physiological , where the appeal lies only to Reason : as for this weighty consideration , that These accepted a sound in Concreto , i. e. for the substance of the Aer , or its most tenuious particles , together with their proper Configuration ; but Those in Abstracto , or only for the Figure imprest upon the superfice of the Aer , which they therefore inferred to be Incorporeal , that is , devoyd of Profundity . For , otherwise Plato ( apud Agellium , lib. 5. cap. 15. ) defines a sound Acris validaque aeris percussio , a smart and strong percussion of the aer : and Aristotle ( 2. de Anim. cap. 8. ) calls it downright a Motion of the Aer , as the Stoicks , Ictus aeris ; a stroke of the aer . So that the Difference seems occasioned only by their diverse Acceptation of the word Sound . This obstruction removed , we progress to the discharge of our province , viz. the Eviction of the Corporiety of a Sound . The First Argument of the Corporiety of a Sound , is ( Quod vim habet agendi , sive efficiendi aliquid ) that it is Active or Effective . For , the voice of a man violently emitted , or highly elevated by a kind of grating offends the vocal organs , and changes their sweetness or evenness into a hoarsness ; and being long continued , leaves them misaffected with lassitude : as the experience of Hunters and Orators demonstrates . Hither are we to referr Lucretius his Praeter radit enim vox fauces saepe , facitque , Asperiora foras gradiens arteria clamor , &c. The Second is desumed from its Capacity of Repercussion , or Resilition from solid bodies ; which is the evident cause of our hearing one sound twice , or more often , according to the multiplicity of its Reflections : as in all Echoes , monophone or polyphone . Which Aristotle fitly compares not only to a Ball frequently rebounding , but also to Light , which Himself confesseth capable of reflections even to infinity : thereon concluding a sound subject to the same laws of Reflection with either . To which Virgil seems to allude in his Saxa sonant , vocisque offensa resultat Imago . Intimating , that an Echo holds a perfect analogy with an Image reflected from a Mirrour . For , as beside that Image , which tends in a direct line from the Glass to the eye , innumerable others are so transferred from it into all point● of the Medium , that divers other eyes variously posited therein shall behold the same general Image , each one receiving a particular Image : so likewise , beside that sound or voice , which arrives at your ear , innumerable others are so dispersed through all parts of the medium or sphere of diffusion , that if there were as many ears therein as the space could contain ▪ each one would hear the same general sound or voice ; and if it chance that any one particular voice be impinged against solid and laevigated or smooth bodies ( for solids that are very Spungy or porous , suffer sounds to pass through them , and too scabrous or rough destroy them by dissipation ) it may be repulsed in a direct line toward your ear , and you shall hear it again at second hand or Echoed . Touching the Reflection of Sounds , we shall here , by way of Corollary , brie●●● observe . That in case you stand somewhat near to the smooth solid 〈◊〉 reflecteth the sound , and the Creation of the sound be not very 〈◊〉 ; then though an Ec●o thereof be made , yet shall not you hear it ▪ because the Direct sound and the Reflex enter the ear so continently ▪ 〈◊〉 the space of time betwixt their ingress is so imperceptible , that 〈◊〉 seem but one intire sound . But , in this case , the sound becom●● both stronger and longer ; in respect of their Union . And this comes to pass chiefly , when the Reflection is made from divers bodies at once ; as in all Arches , and Concamerated or vaulted rooms : in which for the most part , the sound or voyce loseth its Distinctness , and degenerates into a kind of long confused Bombe . And hence , viz. the many Repercussions of a Sound from divers places together , or with so short intervals of time , as the sense cannot distinguish them ; is it , that the sound of Concaves percussed , lasteth much longer , than the sounds of bodies of any other figure whatever : especially when the Concave hangs at liberty , in the aer , so that its Tremulation be not hindred as are all Bells in Churches , and clocks . For , not only the External or ambient aer , but the Internal is agitated by those frequent Tremblings in the body of the Concave , and continuedly repercussed from side to side : and therefore , till the trembling ceaseth , the Bombination is continued . Again , if you stand far from the sonant bodie , and near to the Reflectent ; in this case also will the sound appear single , and coming only from the Reflectent : because both the Direct and Reflex sound invade the ear without any sensible difference in time ; and yet the Reflex sound as it is really the posterior , so doth it very much intend or increase the Direct , and consequently makes the impression observable only from it self . It is observable moreover , that by how much nearer the Ear is to the Anacamptick , or Reflectent ( yet at such distance , as is required to the discernment of the Direct voyce from the Reflex . ) by so much the fewer syllables of a word pronounced are Echoed : and è contra , by how much farther from the Reflectent ( provided the distance exceed not the sphere of diffusion ) so many more syllables are repeated . The Reason being this , that the interval of time betwixt the Cessation of the Speaker , and the audition of the Reflex voice , is much less in the first case , and much greater in the later : and consequently , the less interval of time sufficeth to the Distinction of a fewer syllables , and the greater for more . This considered , we can no longer admite the distinct rehearsal of a whole Hexameter by some strong Echoes ; provided the voice pronouncing the verse be sufficiently strong to drive it to the Reflectent , and thence back again to the Ear , at large distance , such as is necessary to the allowance of time enough for the successive repercussion of each syllable : for otherwise the voice faileth by the way . What hath been hitherto said , concerns only Echoes Monophone , that repeat the same syllable but once ; but there are Echoes Polyphone , such as repeat one and the same note , or syllable divers times over , and of them the Reason is far otherwise . For , the frequent rehearsal of the same syllable by an Echo , ariseth from the multitude of Reflectent Bodies , situate beyond each other in such order , that the nearer bodies referr it first , and the remoter successively : and sometimes from Bodies mutually Confronting each other , and alternately reflecting the same sound . Of this sort were those observed by Lucretius , in this Tristich . Sex etiam , aut septem loca vidi reddere voces , Unam cum jaceres ; ita colles collibus ipsis Verba repulsantes , iterabant dicta referre . Such also was that prodigious one that entertained the Curiosity of Gassendus at Pont Charenton standing upon the river Seine , four miles from Paris . For in a square old aedifice of free-stone , uncovered at the top , and having a row of 5 Pillars on each side , as commonly our Churches , He heard a Monosyllable , which himself pronounced , clearly and orderly repeated by several Echoes , 17 times over ; and when he uttered the Monosyllable in the Centre of the Aedifice , it was brought back to his ear 17 times from each extream ( the area being somewhat oblong ) so distinctly , as He could easily numerate the repetitions on his fingers . If so sileat Miracula Memphis , let the Aegyptian Pyramids no longer boast their Pentaphone Echoes ; nor the Porticus Olympiae challenge the garland from the world for her Heptaphone Resonance , which is highly celebrated by the pens of Plutarch ( lib. 4. de placit . Philosoph . cap. 20. ) and Pliny , ( lib. 36. cap. 15. ) . For , this at Pont Charenton , of which our Lord St. Alban was also an ear-witness , and not without some admiration , as Himself hath recorded ( in Centur. 3. Nat. Hist. ) hath no Rival , but that many tongued Echo in a Village called Simoneta , near Millan in Italy , which at some seasons , when the aer is serene , will iterate any Monosyllable , in which is no S. ( which being but a kind of sibilation , or interior sound , few or no Echoes can reherse ) 30 times over very distinctly ; if credit be due to the testimony of Blancanus ( in Echometria , & in suo additione ad theorem . 20. de Echo polyphona ) A Third Argument of the materiality of a Sound , results to us from the Pleasure and Offence , or Gratefulness and Ingratefulness of Sounds , as they are Concinnous , or Inconcinnous . For it is highly concordant to truth , that the suavity of a Sound proceeds from hence , that those minute Particles , which enter the ear and move the Auditory Nerve , are in their configuration so accommodate to the Receptaries , or Pores thereof , that they make a gentle , smooth or equal impression on the filaments , of which the Acoustick Nerve consisteth : and on the contrary , the Acerbity , or Harshness of a Sound , only from hence , that the minute particles invading the sensory , being asper or rough in their configuration , in a manner exulcerate , grate , or dilacerate the slender Filaments thereof . That a certain Configuration of its minute particles , is essentially necessary to every Sound , may be concluded safely even from hence ; that so great variety of Sounds , and chiefly of Words , or Letters , as well Vowels as Consonants , could not be so exactly distinguished by the Hearing , unless the sensory were variously , or in a peculiar manner percelled and affected by each : nor can that variety of Affection be made out , but by a variety of Sigillation , or Impression , dependent respectively on the various Configuration of those ( moleculae ) small masses , that compose the sound . To sweeten the harshness of this Assertion yet more ; we alledge the unison Auctority of no less than Pythagoras ( whom all knowing men allow to have lighted the tapour to posterity , in the investigation of the Nature , and causes of proportions among Musical Sounds ) Plato and Aristotle , all which affirmed the same , if Plutarch be faithful ( in 4. de placit . ) while He introduceth them saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Figuram , quae in aere , ejusque superficie fit certo ex ictu ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) evadere vocem , that the Figure made in the aer , and then it superfice , by some certain percussion , becomes a voice . And , that Plutarch hath done no more than justice to Aristotle , in this particular ; is evident from his own words , ( in Problem . 13. & 51. ) where He expresly enquires , Quare Vox , cum sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Aer quidam Figuratus , & qui dum transfertur , plerumque , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Figurum amittit , illam tamen dum a solido corpore repercutitur , incolumem servet ? Why a voice , which is aer configurate , and for the most part loseth its Figure , in its [ long ] transmission , doth yet conserve it intire and unimpaired , when repercussed from a solid body , as in all Echoes ? Nor can it be rightly denied , but that Flux of minute aereal Bodies , or most aethereal parts of the aer , which are excussed in round by two bodies arietating , are easily Capable of Configuration : when as much is subindicated even by those sensible Vortices , or Whirlings and Eddies of Winds , which are frequent in summer . Under this title fall those words of Epicurus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Hunc vero fluxum in frustula consimilis Figurae comminui : the full sense whereof seems to be this . That whem a Voyce is emitted from the mouth , or other sound from what body soever ; the Contexture of the minute bodies effluent is so comprest , and confracted into smaller contextures , that of the Original are made swarms of Copies , or lesser masses exactly consimular in their Formation : and that those are instantly dispersed sphaerically , or in round through the whole circumfused space , still conserving their similitude to the Original , or General voyce , or sound , till their arrival at the Eare ; and so retaining the determinate signature of their Formation , are distinguisht accordingly by the sensory . By this it appears , that Epicurus , in this point , dissented inconciliably from Democritus ; who conceived that all sounds were delated to the Ear by Propagation , i. e. that the sound being broken into myriads of small Fragments , each fragment did form the contiguous Aer into Contextures of the same Configuration with the Prototype , and those again formed the particles of aer next adjacent into the like , and so successively through all parts of the medium till they came home to the Organ of Hearing ; not much unlike the dream of the Aristoteleans , concerning the Propagation of the species of Light in each point of the medium . Whereas the Conception of Epicurus is this , that the Primitive Configuration of the most tenuious particles of the Aer , by the percussion or Collision , is broken into many small masses ; and each of those , at farther remove from the sonant into many smaller , and those again into smaller , all exactly respondent to the First in figure : after the same manner , as we observe a spark of Fire exsilient from a Firebrand , to be broken into a multitude of less sparks , and each of those shivered again into many less , until their exility makes them totally disappear . This Reason and manner of the Diffusion of a Sound throughout so great a space of the medium , They may easily comprehend , wh● have observed the Sewers of Princes in Italy spout Orang-flower water , or other Fragrant Liquors , out of their mouths , with such dextrous violence , as to disperse it in a kinde of mist , through the aer of a spacious room , so that the aer contained therein becomes impraegnate with the Odour , for the more noble entertainment of the sense . For the Consent betwixt this Exsufflation of Water , and the spherical Diffusion of a Sound , is very manifest , the greater Drops of water being in their trajection through the aer , broken , by reason of the impulse of the breath , that discharged them in distress , into swarms of less drops , and those again into less , successively in the several degrees of remove , until they attain such exig●ity , as we observe in the particles of a mist : and that small proportion of Aer , emitted from the mouth of him that speaks , being dispersed into a dense mist of voyces , replenishing the whole sphere of Diffusion . Here we are constrained to a cautionary advertisement ; that when we say , the Aer is the Material of all voyces , we do not mean all the Breath expired from the Lungs , together with those Fuliginous Exhalations , that the Densation of the aer , in Cold weather , subjects to the discernment of our sight ; but onely the most subtle part of the Aer inspired , and modulated in the Vocal Artery and other organs of speech : because such onely can be judged capable of Configuration . Nor can so small a quantity of purest Aer be thought insufficient upon Dispersion to possess so capacious a sphere , as that of every ordinary voice ; so that of a whole Theatre of Auditors , each one shall distinctly hear it : insomuch as onely a mouthful of Water blown from a Fullers mouth , is so diffused as to irrigate the aer replenishing a room of considerable amplitude . Especially , when the Analogy holds quite through . For , as the Drops of Water are so much both larger and denser , by how much neerer they are after exsufflation to the mouth of the Fuller : so also are the Vocal masses of aer so much more large and dense or agminous , by how much neerer they are to the mouth of the Speaker ; and ● contra . Which alone is the reason , why the Voyce of an Or●tor in a Theatre is more strong and distinct to those of his Auditory , that sit neer at hand , than to those far off ; provided the place afford no Concurrent Eccho , for in that case , the Reflex voyce entering the eare united with the Direct or Original , magnifies the impression on the sensory . Now , insomuch as it is consentaneous to right reason , to conceive , that the Voice at●t first Emission from the mouth , it s one General Configuration of the mos●●nuious particles of the Aer , with some vehemency efflated from the 〈◊〉 organs , after frequent collisions and tremulous repercussions , and that this General voice , in its diffusion through the medium , is c●ntracted 〈◊〉 dispersed into myriads of minute vocal configurations or Particular voyces , some of which invade the ears of one person , others of another , &c. Hence is it a clear , though perhaps new and very paradoxical , truth ▪ That the same numerical voyce of an Orator , is not heard by any two of his Auditors , nay not by the 2 ears of any one ; but every man , and every Eare is affe●●ed with a distinct voyce . And yet he incurrs no Contradiction , that affirms the whole Auditory to receive the same voyce . For , as all the water exsufflated into a mist from the mouth of an Italian Sewer , or common Fuller , may be said to be one and the same Water ; though all the minute Drops , diffused into several parts of the aer , and irrigating the several parts of the Floor or cloth , on which they 〈◊〉 rained down , be not the same drops : so likewise may we allow all the Aer efflated from the mouth of the speaker , to be one and the same Aer ; though the Particular Voyces , delated to particular Ears , are not the same Numerically . Besides , should we , with the major part of Scholers , admit a voice to be an Entity meerly Intentional , or simple Quality , or Accident , yet should we not detract one grain of weight from this our Paradox : since , to conceive any one Particular voice to be in divers places , or subjects , at once , is manifestly absurd . Here opportunity would prompt us to insist upon the admirable Conformation of an Articulate Sound , and to enquire how each Vowel and Consonant is created by such and such motions of the Vocal Instruments : but the exceeding Difficulty countermands that inclination . For , though Casserius , Placentinus , ( in Anatom Sirmorin . Organ . ) & Athanasius Kircherus ( in lib. Anatomico de natura Sonis & Vocis , à cap. 10. ad finem libri . ) have attempted laudably in that abstruse theme : yet the Audit of their discoveries riseth no higher than this single rule , That the Vocal Artery and Lungs onely conduce to the Acuteness and Gravity of the Voice , as they discharge the inspired aer more Pressly , or Laxly ; and Kircher ( in cap. 10. ) ingenuously confesseth , At quomodo voces in gutture formentur , qua proportione elisionis aeris nascantur , tam obscurum est , quam voces hujusmodiclarae sunt & manifestae auditui . The difficulty , indeed , seems to consist chiefly in this , How from the various motions of one single Organ , the Tongue ( the Author of Distinction in all Articulate sounds , though the Palate , Epiglottis , Uvula and Teeth are in their respective degrees of assistance inservient to the Elision of aer made by the Tongue ) and that two-leafd Door of the mouth , the Lips , such infinite variety of Letters and words doth most easily and almost insensibly result . To solve this , the General answer is , that the wonder ought to be no greater , how one Tongue can suffice to the Articulation or Distinction of innumerable words , by its various Motions ; than that , how one Hand sufficeth to the Distinction of innumerable Characters . But , the Motions of the Hand requisite to Distinction of every Character , are observable by the sense : and those of the Tongue and Lipps requisite to the Formation of every word , together with the proportion of the Aers Elision in every Articulation , is deeply obscure : and therefore the Disparity being manifest , the Problem remains untoucht , and our Admiration not so much as palliated . This Place might also admit another Considerable , as terrible to the most daring Curiosity as the Former ; and that is the ineffable Pernicity , whereby the Aer is exploded from the Lungs , that so it may attain the Form of a voice . For , to the Creation of a voice Consonous , or Unison to the sound of some one string on a Lute ; it is necessary , that the Aer be exploded by the Lungs , with the same Pernicity , as the other Aer is impelled by the string in each of its most rapid Vibrations , or alternate Recurses , after its smart percussion by the finger , or plectrum . But this Arcanum requires a Galilaeo or Mersennus , at least , to its due speculation . The Observable most proportionate to our Capacity , and Competent to our praesent Designation , is this ; That no Sound is created without Motion : and consequently , that the Thing Sonant , being endowed with solidity in some degree or Compactness sufficient to Resistence , ought either to be strook against another , that is solid and resistent ; as when a Hammer is strook upon an Anvil ; or against the Aer , in Flux and not much resisting , and that either by Pulsation of the Aer by a solid , as when the string of Lute percusseth ●he aer ; or the Pulse of the solid by the Aer , violently agitated , as in all P●●umatick , or Wind instruments , where the stroke of the aer against the sides of the Concave causeth the Sound . In the Former instance , it is not necessary to the Creation of a Sound , that the Collision be made by a motion rapid ; because the Resistence , on either part equal , causeth that when the Access or Appropinquation of one Solid to the other is Continent , the Aer interposed is Continently impelled and repelled reciprocally : and as the Aer becomes the more hardly distrest on each part , by how much neerer the two Solids approach each other ; so proportionately is the motion more rapid . So that , by that time the two solids touch each other superficially , the motion is encreased to the highest rapidity , and the distrest Aer , no longer able to endure Compression , or to go and come al●●rnately between the Solids , now contingent , breaks forth laterally in round , and is diffused in shivers through all parts of the medium , so that arriving at the Ear , it puts on the species of a Sound . But , in the Se●ond and Third instances , it is necessary the motion of Collision be far more rapid , in order to the Creation of a Sound : because the Resistence , which is wanting on the part of the Aer , must be compensated by the frequent pulses and repulses of it , as when the Chord of an Instrument percust , doth very frequently impel the aer , by its Vibrations ( the Greeks call th●m , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or Reciprocations ; or , as in Wind instruments , where the inflated Aer is , by quick reverberations from the sides of the Concave , very often impulst and repulst . As for the Motion of the Aer , after its Formation into a Sound , from the Sonant to the Ear , therein is one particular worthy the wonder even of Scholars : and that is , Whatever be the vehemence or remissness of the Collision , or force , by which the Aer is exagitated , yet is the Translation of the Sound , thence resulting , through the intermediate space to the term of it sphaere , always equally swift . For Experience demonstrates , that all Sounds small and great , excited in one and the same place , though they differ much . In the extent of their sphears of Audibility , are delated to that place in which they are heard , in equal time . This is easily observable in the reports of a Cannon and a Musquet , successively discharged at a mile distance . For , standing on a Tower , or other eminent place , and noting the moment , first when the Cannon is fired ( the report and F●ash being made both at the same instant ) and numbring how many Pulses of your artery , o● how many Seconds in a Watch denoting them , intercede betwixt your ●ight of the flame , and hearing the report , and then accounting how many Pulses , or Seconds intervene betwixt the flash and report of a Musquet ▪ you shall finde the number of these equal to the number of those . The Reason o● this Aequivelocity of unequal Sounds , the Stoicks ( apud Plutarch . 4. placit . 19. & Laertium lib. 7. ) well insinuate , while they affirm , 〈◊〉 the Aer percussed , in regard of its Continuity , is formed into man● Rounds , such as those successively rising and moving on the surfac● of Water , upon striking or throwing a stone into it ; which Circle● made on the surface of Water by a small stone , move in the same 〈◊〉 , and successively arrive at the margin of the River , or Pool , in as small time , as those caused by a great stone . And Aristotle ( 2. de Anim. cap. 8 ▪ ) expresly declares his judgement , that the reason of the Delation of a Sound from the Sonant to the Audient , is the Continuity of the Aer : though Simplicius and Alexander differently interpret that Text , the one conceiving that he meant that a Sound was translated through the medium by reason of sympathy among the parts thereof ; the other , by Propagation of the like Sound in all points of the medium successively , after the manner of species Visible , according to the dream of Aristotle . But all one it is to us , whether we conceive the motion of a Sound made by Propagation , or Undulous Promotion ; as to our praesent scope : since either sufficeth to explicate the Cause , Why a Sound is longer before it arrive at the Eare , than a Visible species before it arrive at the Eye ; because the Visible species is transmitted from the Object , neither by Propagation , nor Undulation , but Directly , and therefore is capable of no Retardment from the Medium . As for the definite Velocity of Sounds , or determinate space of time , in which all Sounds are delated to the Extremes of their spheres ; we conceive it to be Rhodus and Saltus , in the General , inassignable : in regard of the vast disparity in their several Extents , some sounds being scarce audible at the distance of 20 yards , and others cleer and distinct at as many , nay twice as many miles distance . But , if we assume this or that determinate Sound , and attain the praecise diametre of its sphere ; it is no difficulty to commensurate its Velocity . For , Mersennus ( in reflexion . plysicomath . cap. 14. & Proposit. 39. Ballistica . ) upon exact Experiment , found the Fragor of several Cannons discharge in the Court of the Bast●le at Paris , to arrive at his eare , after the flashes , at such a rate , that the sound pe●vaded 233● . Fathoms ( each containing six feet Paris measure ) in the space of every Second , or Sixtieth part of a minute : and thereupon rightly concluded , that the Report of a Cannon flyeth at the constant rate of neer upon 14000 Fathoms every minute , until it attain the extremes of it sphere . If this expedient for the measure of the Time wherein Sound is delated , seem either too costly or laborious ; you have another most cheap and easie praescribed by the Lord St. Alban ( in Cent. 3. Nat. Hist. ) which is this . Let one man stand in a steeple , having a lighted taper with him , and some vail put before the flame thereof ; and another , confaederate in the tryal , stand a mile off in the open field : then let him in the steeple strike the Bell with a weighty hammer , and in the same instant withdraw the v●●l ; and so let him in the field account by his pulse what distance of time intervenes betwixt his sight of the Light , and hearing of the Sound . If the strokes of the Artery , which are subject to variation , for many causes , seem less certain ; the Seconds in a minute watch ( which are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aequ●temporaneous ) will be an exact measure of the interval , and so of the velocity of a Sound . Plura vid. apud Mersennum lib. 2. Harmonic . proposit . 40. Another admirable secret there is in the Motion of Sound , which is , that no Winde can accelerate , or retard it , but it is delated from the Sonant to the Audient in equal time , whether the wind be high or gentle , secund or adverse . For , a Secund or favourable Wind is incomparably slower in motion than a sound , as appears by the Rack or drift of clouds , the undulation of Corn fields , the successive inclination of the topsof trees in woods , the rowling of waves at sea , &c. but an Adverse wind , though it may indeed disturb a sound ▪ or weaken it by suppressing some of its particles ( which is evident from h●nce , that all sounds attaining the eare against the wind , are not so clear and distinct , as when they are heard with the wind ; as in Bells , whose noyse al●●rnately riseth and falleth in contrary gusts ) yet do all the particles that r●main uninterrupted , permeate the medium with equal velocity . This may be soon Experimented either by Cannons , as Mersennus , or a cand●● and bell , as the Lord Bacon . SECT . III. THe Praemises duly considered , it can seem no Paradox , That a Sound is created ●n the Aer , not so much by the Velocity , as CREBRITY of motion : and no unnatural Consequence thereupon , that the Difference of an Acute and ●●ave Sound ariseth not from the greater and less swiftness or rapidity of 〈◊〉 motion , as Aristotle and most of his Sectators imagined ; but from the ●●●quency and Infrequency thereof , as Galilaeo , Mersennus , and Gassendus . To secure this by plain Demonstration , take a Lute string in your hand , and having fast●●ned one end thereof to some hook or pin in a wall , distend it gently ; and then percussing it with your finger , you may perceive the Vibrations , or ac●urses and recurses alternately succeeding , but you shall hear no sound result●ng from it : because , as every vibration of the string is performed in 〈◊〉 time , so doth the aer thereby percussed arrive at the eare with such ●●●sible intervals betwixt each appulse , as that it leaves no impression there●● remaining ▪ , which is not expunged and consolidated before the invasion o●● second appulse . Then stretch the string somewhat streighter , so that the ●ibrations thereof may become inobservable by the eye , in respect of th●●● Frequency ▪ and you shall hear a certain du●l stridor , or kind of 〈◊〉 ; because the Appulses of the aer , percussed by each Vibration ▪ at the 〈◊〉 , will be almost Continent , so that the time interjected betwixt each 〈◊〉 on the eare becomes imperceptible , and indistinguishable , nor can the fir●●●mpression on the sensory be consolidated before a second renew it , &c. This done and observed , encrease the distension of the string yet more , and p●●cussing it you shall perceive a clear sound to arise ; because as the Vibratio● , so are the percussions of the aer , and their Appulses to the Eare far more Continent , or more one , in regard the moments of Time intercedent betw●●● the successive strokes , are more short and imperceptible . And wha● 〈◊〉 here say of the reason of a Sound resulting from a Lute-string , the sam● 〈◊〉 proportion , is to be conceived of all other Sounds created in Wind 〈◊〉 , where the Aer is the Percutient . For , the breath easily and gen●●y inflated into a Flute , Cornet , Trumpet , &c. yields no sound at all ; 〈◊〉 because the pulses and repulses of the aer from the sides of the 〈◊〉 are so infrequent , as to have the intervals of time distinguishable ▪ 〈…〉 aer likewise slowly emitted from the Lungs ( the great Exempla● to 〈◊〉 ●neumaticks ) makes no voice , onely because it is not frequently enough reverberated from the sides and annulary cartilages of the Vocal Artery , and consequently the Appulses of it to the eare being proportionately infrequent , cannot , by their Coition or Union into one stronger Appulse , make any sensible impression on the sensory . But the Aer then becomes son●nt , when it is efflated with vehemency , in respect of its more frequent Appulses to the sensory , respondent to the more itterated pulses and repulses , or reverberati●ns of the sides of the Vocal Artery . Thus also , when you draw your finger gently along a Table , or put a Hammer on an Anvil easily , you shall hear no sound ; because the Repercussions of the Aer caused by that gentle motion , are so far asun●e● in time , as never to become Continent , or Conjoyned : and consequently , the Appulses of the percussions to the eare being alike infrequent , can never make a sensible impression on the A●ousti●k Nerve . And this we conceive more than sufficient evidence of the Verity of the First part of our Thesis ; That a Sound is not generated in the Aer by the Velocity , but Crebrity of motion : unless in a remote dependence , as Velocity is the Cause of Crebrity . As for the Remainder , viz. That an A●ute sound ariseth from more frequent , and a Grave Sound from l●s● frequent percussions of the Aer : the Certitude hereof may be easily conc●u●ed from this Experiment . Fasten a long Lute-string at one extreme on a hook n●yled to a wall , and suspend a small weight at the other ; then strike the string at convenient distance above the weight : and you shall observe the Swings , or Vibrations of it to be so slow , as th●t you may measure the time of each , by the systole and di●stole of your Pulse , or the Seconds in a Minute Watch. Then wind up the Chord exactly to the half , the same weight continuing appended , an● percuss it , as before : and you shall finde the Vibrations of it to be doubly swifter than the former , to that one Vibration shall be in time respondent to two Pulses . Again , abbreviate the Chord to half , and having percusse● or abduced that half , which is now but a fourth part of the whole ; you shall observe the Vibrations to be again doubled in Frequency , in respect of the Second , and qua●rupled in respect of the First ; so that now 4 Reciprocati●ns shall be isochr●nical to one pulse . This effected , continue this determinate abbreviation of the Chord , by subdividing it into halfs successively until the Reciprocations become so swift and frequent , as to be indistinguishable by the sense though still y●u deprehend their Velocity and Crebrity to be encreased at a certain rate , i. e. duplicated upon each Dimidiation of the chord , when the Aer is so frequently percussed by it ▪ as that it becomes Sonorous , or ●ctually sonant . Then aga●● D●mid●●te the sonant remainder of the Chord , and upon percussion you shall observe the sound thereof to be more Acute by a whole Octave , than the Former● and thence you cannot but concede , that the Acuteness of this half of the sonant chord , above that of the whole sonant chord , is caused only by the doubly more frequent Percussions of the Aer , and proportionate strokes of the Sensory . And , because a Quadruplicate weight produceth the same Effect , being ●ppended to the whole of the sonorous chord , as a simple weight doth in the half , as to the Duplication of the Celerity and Frequency of the Vibrations ▪ in the same moments : hence is it , that if you encrease the weight , retaining the same Longitude of the Chord , by degrees , until you advance the sound thereof to an Eighth ▪ it ●s mani●est , that the Reciprocations of it are still doubly more swift and frequent , than those caused by the former weight . Moreover , what we affirm concerning the Half of the sonorous Chord , in respect of an Octave ; holds true , in proportion also of the 2 thirdparts of ●he Chord , in respect of a Fifth , of the Dodrantal , or 3 quarters , in r●spect of a Fourth , and so of the rest of the musical Notes . For , in a very long Chord , if you stop upon the third part of the half thereof , and p●●cuss the Bessal , o● two thirds of the half remaining at liberty : the proportion of its Reciprocations will not be Duple , but sesqui●steral in respect to those of the whole length ; i. e. 2 Vibrations of the Chord will not respond in time to one pulse of the Artery , nor 4. to 2. but 3. to 2. And , if you stop on the fourth part ; then will the Reciprocations of the ●●mainder be in proportion sesquitertial , i. e. 4 Vibrations shall be isochro●●cal to 3 pulses . According to the same method , if you stop on the 5th ▪ part of the Chord ; the proportion of its Vibrations , to that of the former , will be sesquiquartal : if the 6th part , sesquiquintal ; and so consequent●● of all other Notes . So that it seems easily determinable , by this scale , What is the proportion of the strokes inflicted on the Eare in every Acute sound , comp●●●●ively to those inflicted by every Grave : and this not onely in the sounds o●● ▪ string , but all others of the like Original . To instance ; when a Boy sings with a Man , and emits a note more Acute by an Eighth● it is to be conceived , that the Aer efflated from the Vocal Artery of the Boy , is doubly swifter in its motion , or doubly more frequent in its r●●●●berations from the sides of the Wind-pipe , in respect of the double narrowness thereof , than that expired from the Vocal Artery of the man. And , hence we may occasionally advertise , that by how much the more 〈◊〉 any man would sing ; by so much more streightly or narrowly mus●●e Compress his Wind-pipe : that so the Aer may issue forth more distrest and streightned , having suffered the more Frequent reverberations from the sides and rings of the same . And this 〈…〉 noble Fountain from which many of our m●dern Theorical Music●●● have drawn the Reason of the Suavity of the●r CONSONAN●●S , and Acerbity or ingratefulness of their DISSONANC●● ▪ ●nd that not without mature consideration . For , when two Sounds , ●●●chronical in their creation , arrive at the eare in the same instant ▪ and 〈◊〉 it with pleasure , or a kinde of sweetness ; the Cause of that sweetn●●●an be no other but this , that the percussions of the Aer generating 〈◊〉 two Sounds , become so united , as to leave no sensible 〈…〉 might grate or exasperate the tender sensory : and on the other si●● ▪ the reason of the Discord or Insuavity of two sounds , at once emitted , is onely this ; that they are not united , so that the eare deprehen●● and dislikes their Discrepancy . Again , the several Degrees of thi● Suavity and Insuavity among musical sounds , cannot be deduced with equal probability from any other original , as from the variety of 〈◊〉 , and Discrepancy of the Percussions creating the Sounds . To ●●emplifie in the Sounds resulting from strings ; take two 〈…〉 in their materials , length , and thickness , and 〈…〉 ●qual weight● , or force ; and when you percuss them with one 〈◊〉 they will emit equal sounds , or that Consonance , which is called an U●●son : which will be therefore grateful , because as the Vibrations of 〈…〉 , so will the strokes inflicted on the sensory , have the same 〈◊〉 each to other , as one hath to one ( the proportion of Equality● 〈◊〉 consequently will be equal in number and time , so as to affect the sensory most equally and Unitedly . But if you abbreviate one of the strings exactly to half ; because ( according to the praemises ) the sounds resulting from them , at once percust , must make an Eighth , or that Consonance , which the Greeks name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we a Diapason : therefore must that Eighth be eminently grateful also ; insomuch as though after the Coalition of two strokes , one resulting from the shorter string be insociate , yet doth the immediately consequent stroke thereof perfectly unite with that of the longer string , and so the Unition is made Alternately , or at every other stroke ; and therefore doth this Consonance invade the sense of all others , an Unison only excepted , most unitedly and equally , and consequently is the most pleasant and charming of all Consonances , after an Unison . And when you make the proportion of the short string exactly Sequialteral to that of the long ; because the sounds resulting from them , both at once percussed , make a Fifth , or Diapente : therefore will that Consonance also have a considerable degree of sweetness , though short of that of an Eight ; insomuch as though two strokes pass insociated , yet doth the Union follow in every Third , and so the Unition is sufficiently frequent to please the sense , which is best delighted with that object , in which is the least difference of parts , according to that fourth Praecogn . of Des Cartes ( in compend . Musicae , pag. 6. ) Illud objectum facilius sensu percipitur , in quo est minor differentia partium . Again , if you make the proportion of the short string Sesquitertial to that of the long ; because a Fourth , or Diatessaron , doth result from the percussion of them together , therefore will that Consonance be likewise competently grateful : in respect that after three insociated strokes , the Coition falls in every fourth . To Contract ; the same holds in proportion exactly true also in Sesquiquartal and Sesquiquintal proportions , from which arise Thirds major and minor ; and of superbiparting Thirds , and supertriparting Fifths , from which arise Sixths major and minor ; and finally , in all Compound Consonances , such as Disdiapason , &c. For , alwayes the Consonance is by so much more grateful , by how much more frequently the strokes unite in the Sensory : and è contra . Whence is generated the Dissonancy , or ingratefulness of Sounds , when ever the strokes either too rarely , or never unite : because , in those cases , the sense is held in a kind of lasting distraction , and unless a restitution of the distracted parts of the Sensory be made by some Coalitions , and those sufficiently frequent ( which are a kind of Balsam , to cure the gratings and dissolutions ) the sensory must be mis-affected with a kind of Laceration , and undergo that dolour unwittingly . This the skilful Musician foreknowing , endeavours to praevent , by making a Diapason , or perfect Consonance tread upon the heels of a Dissonance , for varieties sake usually inserted into Tunes : thereby with advantage consolidating the ulceration of the sensory caused by the praecedent Discord , and making the Harmony the more grateful ▪ as Health is most grateful immediately after sickness , and a Calme after a Tempest . And this is the reason , why an Eighth is by many reputed a more pleasing Consonance , than an Alnison ; viz. in respect of the Distraction , which succeeds alternately from the Dissociated strokes of one of two strings together percust : and not in respect of its Comprehension of all other Consonances , as Des Cartes seems to conclude ( in cap. 8. Compend Music. ) If this Genealogy of all Musical Consonances seem either obscure , or taedious ; you may please to accept it in Epitome , thus . The Vibrations of Chords are , according to most exact observation reciprocally proportional to the Length of the string , having the same Weight . to the Weight at the string , having the same Length . Whence many have concluded , that all Consonances in Musick proceed from the speedier Union of these Vibrations in their Terms . The Terms of an Eighth are in proportion , as 2 to 1 therefore the space of 1 Vibrations , in the Graver Term , are just equal to 2 Vibrations in the Acuter Term of an Eighth . Fifth are in proportion , as 3 — 2 therefore the space of 2 Vibrations , in the Graver Term , are just equal to 3 Vibrations in the Acuter Term of an Fifth . Fourth are in proportion , as 4 — 3 therefore the space of 3 Vibrations , in the Graver Term , are just equal to 4 Vibrations in the Acuter Term of an Fourth . Sixth major are in proportion , as 5 — 3 therefore the space of 3 Vibrations , in the Graver Term , are just equal to 5 Vibrations in the Acuter Term of an Sixth major . Third major are in proportion , as 5 — 4 therefore the space of 4 Vibrations , in the Graver Term , are just equal to 5 Vibrations in the Acuter Term of an Third major . Third minor are in proportion , as 6 — 5 therefore the space of 5 Vibrations , in the Graver Term , are just equal to 6 Vibrations in the Acuter Term of an Third minor . Sixth minor are in proportion , as 8 — 5 therefore the space of 5 Vibrations , in the Graver Term , are just equal to 8 Vibrations in the Acuter Term of an Sixth minor . Hereupon our Harmonical Authors ( whose Pythagorean souls feast themselves with the ravishing , though silent Musick of Numbers ) for the most part account an Eighth the First of Consonances , because an Union is made before a second Vibration in the Graver Term ; a Fifth the second Consonance , because an Union is made before a third Vibration in the Graver Term , &c. according to the Scheme . But this so universally celebrated Melothetical Foundation hath been very lately shook by that no less Erudite , than Noble Author of the Animadversions on Des Cartes Musick Compendium , the Lord Viscount Brouncker ; ( whose constant Friendship , and learned Conversation , I must profess to have been one of the cheifest Consolations of my life . ) who having , upon profound , and equitable examination , found this great defect therein , that according to the former Derivation of all Musical Consonances , a Third Major must succeed a Fourth and Sixth Major , and the proportion of 7 to 5 makes a Consonance as well , and before a Sixth minor ; which is manifestly repugnant to Experience : hath enriched the world with a new Hypothesis of his own happy invention , sufficiently extensible to the full solution of all Musical Phaenomenaes . According to which the Consonances arise ( physically ) from the Vibrations of Chords , not in respect of their Union , but Ratio-Harmonical Proportion , as He is pleased to call it : and this upon very good reason , since , the Vibrations being proportional to the Chords , and the Chords so proportionally divided ; it is of meer necessity , that their Vibrations have the same proportions . But of this , the Competent Enquirer may understand more from his Animadversions , &c. And this speculation , touching the Nativity of Musical Consonances ; hath engaged us to touch upon that Quicksand , from which none the most adventurous Curiosity hath ever yet returned with full resolution ; and that is that eminent PROBLEM , Quando sonus Harmonicus à nervo fieri incipiat ? In what instant an Harmonical Sound , created by a Chord of an instrument percussed , or abduced from its directness , is begun ? ( 1 ) Some there are , who observing that , when a Chord is abduced from its direct line E to C , and returns it self from C to E , if a piece of wollen cloth , a mans finger , or ought else that may suppress its motion , be so set as to arrest it at E ; then is no Harmonical sound created , either in its first Excurse from E to C , nor Recurse from C to E : have upon this Experience concluded , that the Concinnous Sound is begun in the first Recurse of the Chord from D to E ; because they suppose , the Chord then to reverberate the Aer , which pursued it ( à tergo ) from C to D , and force it by contrary violence to fly back again from D to C by E : so that the Aer at E , being on both sides distrest by that moving violently from C to E ▪ on one hand , and that lastly impelled from D to E , on the other , must suffer the highest Condensation , or Compression , or Percussion of all the other aer within the space CD , and consequently be the original of the Sound . ( 2 ) Others have affirmed the original of the Sound to be from C to E , the space of the first Recurse : and their inducement thereto is this Experience . If a Chord of 30 perches length be with sufficient force extended , and then abduced from its line of direction to the distance of 15 feet , more or less ; it will yeild a kind of stridor , or grave sibilation , in its spontaneous Recurse from C to E : which sound would perhaps be Concinnous , if included in some Instrument of sufficient capacity . To which they add , that wands or rodds being switcht in the aer , and Gun-shot in their flight , emitt a singing noyse , though they are impelled only one way , and have no Recurses , or doublings in the aer . But , to this it may be Answered , ( 1 ) That all these Bodies may more justly be conceived to yeild a sound only in this respect ; that the inaequalities in their superficies so distress the aer in their rapid Motion , and by frequent reciprocations in their small cavities variously agitate the same , that it suffers such Circumvolutions as are tantamont to their Recurses . ( 2 ) That no Bullet shot from a Gun would yeild any sound at all , if it were exactly sphaerical , polite , and hard , and flew directly without that Volutation , or Circumvolution , which the resistence and circular returns of the aer constantly impress upon it . ( 3 ) That the Sibilation or Hissing noise made by the long Chord , in its Recurse from the 15 feet abduction , is not , nor ever can be Concinnous : and therefore the Experience is impertinent to this Problem . ( 3 ) A Third sort there is , who opinion the Harmonical Sound then to begin , when the Chord is first impelled from E to C ; so that the C●ord should produce a Sound in the extremity or period of every Flexion , i. e. in C and D , at alternate Recurses : and consequently , that no sensible Sound is produced in any part of the whole intermediate space betwixt CD . And the Ground These stand upon , is the Experience of Cloth , which being violently shook in the aer , for the excussion of dust , doth only then emit a smart sound , or Rapp , when attaining the extremity of its Flexion , it percusseth the superior aer , and is in the manner of Sails , swelled up by the inferior aer . But , in this instance , and that consimilar one of Coach-whips , it is almost evident even to the eye , that the Rapp is made only by the Doubling of the Cloth , or Chord , at the end of their Flexion : and therefore we are not convinced , that the Concinnous Sound is then begun , as these persuade , in either C or D the period of each Flexion ; especially , when the Chord in C and D seems rather to quiesce , than move ▪ and some quiet must intercede betwixt two contrary motions of the same thing . ( 4 ) But ●nsomuch as all sounds are caused by the Motion of the Aer ; and the Sound alwayes is loudest , where the Motion of the Aer is most rapid ; 〈…〉 the whole sonorous line , or space betwixt C and E , the motion of the Aer intercluded is most swift , when the Chord returns from C to E : therefore doth Mersennus ( to whose judgment we most incline , in this nicety ) conclude ; that the Harmonical sound is begun in the beginning of the first Recurse of the Chord from C to E : and that it is then of the same Acuteness , as are all the subsequent sounds made by the subsequent Recurses ; because the reason of the First Recurse seems to be the same with that of all the consequent . To this some have objected ; that the sound of the First Recurse is too Expedite and short , to be perceived by the Ear : since even the Eye , incomparably more prompt in the discernment of visibles , cannot behold an object , whose Apparence , or Praesence exceeds not the Duration of the foresaid Recurse of the Chord from the extreme of its flexion C to E ; which doth scarce endure the ●600 part of a minute . But this objection is soon dissolved by Experience , which testifieth , that if a quill , or other impediment be placed some small space beyond E towards D , so that the Chord may complete its first Recurse from C to E , without interruption : then will a sound be created , and such as hath sufficient Acuteness ; though it be scarce momentany in Duration , because the frequency of its Recurses is praevented . Many other Problems there are , concerning the Reasons of Sounds , wherewith the insatiate Curiosity of Naturalists hath entertained it self , in all ages : but , among them all we shall take cognizance of only those more eminent ones , which as they seem most irreconcilably repugnant to our Theory , when proposed ; so must they much confirm and illustrate the dignity thereof , when clearly Dissolved by us , without the least contradiction to , or apostacy from our Principles assumed . Since the unstrained Solution of the most difficult Phaenomenaes , by the vertue of any Hypothesis , is the best argument of its Verity and excellency above others , that fail in their Deduction to remote Particulars . PROBLEM 2. Whether may a Sound be created in a Vacuum , if any such be in Nature ? SOLUT. To solve this ( by many accounted inexplicable ) Aenigme , we need only to have recurse to our long since antecedent Distinction of a Vacuity Disseminate , and Coacervate : for , that once entered our judgment , we cannot indubitate that ingenious Experiment of Gaspar Berthius , laureat Mathematician at Rome ( frequently , and alwayes with honourable Attributes , mentioned by Father Kircher , in sundry of his Physicomathematical discourses ) which sensibly demonstrateth the actual production of a Sound , in a Disseminate Vacuity . The Experiment is thus made . Having praepared a large Concave and almost sphaerical Glass , aemulating the figure of a Cucurbite or Cupping-glass ; fix a small Bell , such as is usual in striking Watches of the largest size , on one side of the concave thereof , and a moveable Hammer , or striker , at fit distance , on the other , so as the Hammer being elevated may fall upon the skirts of the Bell : and then lute or coement on the Glass , firmly and closely ( that all sensible insinuation of the ambient aer be praevented ) to one extreme of a Glass Tube , of about an inch diametre in bore , and 8 or 10 feet in length . Then , reversing the Tube , pour into it a sufficient quantity of Quicksilver , or Water , to fill both it and the Head exactly . This done , stop the other extreme of the Tube with your finger , or other stopple accommodate to the orifice ; and after gentle inversion , immerge the same to a foot depth in a Vessel of Water , and withdraw your stopple , that so much of the Quicksilver contained in the Head and Tube , as is superior in Gravity to the Cylindre of Aer , from the summity of the Atmosphere incumbent on the surface of the Water in the subjacent Vessel may fall down , leaving a considerable void Space in the superior part of the Tube . Lastly , apply a vigorous Loadstone to the outside of the Glass Head , in the part respecting the moveable extreme of the Hammer ; that so , by its Magnetical Effluxions transmitted through the incontiguities or minute pores of the Glass , and fastned on to its Ansulae or smal Holds , it may elevate the same : which upon the subduction of its Attrahent , or Elevator , will instantly relapse upon the Bell , and by that percussion produce a clear and shrill sound , not much weaker than that emitted from the same Bell and Hammer , in open aer . Now , that there is a certain Vacuity in that space of the Head and Tube deserted by the delapsed Quicksilver , is sufficiently conspicuous even from hence ; that the ambient Aer seems so excluded on all hands , that it cannot by its Periosis ( to borrow Platoes word ) or Circumpulsion , succeed into the room abandoned by the Quicksilver , and so redintegrate the solution of Continuity , as in all other motions . And that this Vacuity is not Total , or Coacervate , but only Gradual or Desseminate , may be warrantably inferred from hence ; ( 1 ) That Nature is uncapable of so great a wound , as a Coacervate Vacuity of such large dimensions , as we have argued in our Chapter of a Vacuum Praeternatural , in the First Book : ( 2 ) That a Sound is produced therein , for since a Sound is an Affection of the Aer , or rather , the Aer is the Material Cause of a Sound , were there no aer in the Desert space , there could be no Sound . Wherefore , it is most probable , that in this so great distress ingenious Nature doth relieve herself by the insensible transmission of the most aethereal or subtile particles of the Circumpulsed Aer , through the small and even with a microscope invisible Pores of the Glass , into the Desert Space ; which replenish it to such a degree , as to praevent a Total though not a Dispersed Vacuity therein : and though the Grosser Parts of the extremly comprest Aer cannot likewise permeate the same slender or narrow Inlets ; yet is that no impediment to the Creation of a Sound therein , because the most tenuious and aethereal part of the aer , is not only a sufficient , but the sole material of a Sound , as we have more than intimated in the 15. Art. 2. Sect. of the present Chapter . The only Difficulty remaining , therefore , is only this ; Why the sound made in the disseminate Vacuity should through the Glass-head pass so easily and imperturbed , as to be heard by any in the circumstant space ; when common Experience certifieth , that the Report of a Cannon , at the distance of only a few yards , cannot be heard through a Glass window into a room void of all chinks or crannies ? Nor need any man despair of expeding it . For , whoso considers the extraordinary and inscrutable wayes to which Nature frequently recurrs , in cases of extreme Necessity ; and that the Distress she undergoes in the introduction of this violent Vacuity ( where her usual remedy the Peristaltick motion , or Circumpulsion of the Aer , is praevented by the interposition of a Solid ) is much more urgent than that she is put to in the Compression of the ambient aer by the explosion of Canons ( where the amplitude of uninterrupted space affords freedome of range to the motion imprest ) we say , whoso well considers these things , cannot doubt , but that it is much easier to Nature to admit the trajection of the Sound produced in the Disseminate Vacuity , through the pores of the Glass-head , than the transmission of an External Sound into a close Chamber , through a Glass window , where is no Concavity for the Corroboration or Multiplication of the Sound , and consequently where the impulse is far less ( respective to the quantity of the aer percussed ) and the resistence as much greater . PROBLEM , 3. Whence is it , that all Sounds seem somewhat more Acute , when heard far off ; and more Grave , near at hand : when the Contrary Effect is expected from their Causes , it being demonstrated , that the Gravity of a Sound ariseth ( mediately , at least ) from the Tardity , and Acuteness from the Velocity of the Motion , that createth it ; and many great Clerks have affirmed , that the motion of a Sound is less swift far off from , than near to its origine , according to that General Law of Motion , omnia corpora ab externo mota , tanto tardius moventur , quanto à suo principio remotiora fuerint ? SOLUT. No Sound is Really , but only Apparently more acute at great , then at small distance ; and the Cause of that semblance is meerly this : that every Sound , near its origine , in regard of the more vehement Commotion , and proportionate resistence of the Aer , dependent on its natural Elater , or Expansory Faculty , doth suffer some Obtusion , or Flatning ; which gradually diminishing in its progress or Delation through the remoter parts of the Medium , the Sound becomes more Clean , Even and Exile , and that Exility counterfeits a kind of Acuteness . PROBLEM 4. Why doth Cold Water , in its effusion from a Vessel , make a more full and acute noise , than Hot or Warm ? SOLUT. The substance of Cold Water , being more Dense and Compact , must be more weighty , and consequently more swift in its fall , and so the noise resulting from its impulsion of the aer , more sharp than that of Hot : which being rarefied by the fire , or made more lax in the contexture of its particles , looseth something of its former weight , and so hath a slower descent , and in respect of that slowness , produceth a weaker and flatter sound . And this is also the reason , why Iron hot yieldeth not so smart and full a sound , as when 't is cold . PROBLEM 5. Why is the Lowing of a Calf much more Deep , or Base , than that of an Oxe , Cow , or Bull , at their standard of growth : contrary to all other Animals , which have their voices more shrill and acute , when they are young , than when they are old ? SOLUT. The Cause of this singularity is found only in the peculiar Constitution of the Larynx of a Calf ; which is in amplitude equal to , and in laxity and moysture much exceeds that of an Oxe , Cow , or Bull full grown ; and so Age doth Contract and Harden , not ampliate the same , as in all other Animals : and it is well known that the wideness and laxity of the Asper Artery , is the cause of all Grave or Base Voyces . PROBLEM 6. Why is a Dissonance more easily discovered by the ear , in a Barytonous , or Base Voyce , or Tone , than in an Oxytonous or Treble ? SOLUT. Because the Barytonous voyce is of a slow Motion , and the Oxytonous of a swift : and the sence doth ever deprehend that object whose apparence is more durable , more clearly and distinctly than that , whose apparence is only instantaneous , or less lasting . CHAP. VII . OF ODOVRS . SECT . I. WHoever is natively deprived of any one sense , saith Aristotle ( in Analyticis ) is much less capable of any Science , than He who hath all five Fingers on the left hand of his soul ( to use the metaphor of Casserius Placentinus , in praefat . ad lib. de sens . Organ ) or all the Organs of the sensitive Faculty complete : and His reason is that General Canon , Nihil est in intellectu , quod non prius fuerit in sensu ; the senses being the Windows , through which the soul takes in her ideas of the nature of sensible Objects . If so , whoever hath any one sense less perfect than the others , can hardly attain the Knowledge of the nature of objects proper to that sense : and upon consequence , the Cognition of the Essence of an ODOURE must be so much more difficult to acquire , than that of Visibles and Audibles , by how much less perfect the sense of SMELLING is in man , than the sight and Hearing . And , that Man , generally , is not endowed ( for , we may not , with our noble Country man Sir Kenelme Digby charge this imperfection altogether upon the Errors of our Diet ; because we yet want a Parallel for his Iohn of Liege , who being bred savagely among wild beasts , in the Forrest of Ardenna , could wind his pursuers at as great distance , as Vultures do their prey , and after his Cicuration or reduction to conversation with men , retained so much of the former sagacity of his nose , that He could hunt out his absen● friends by the smell of their footsteps , like our Blood-Hounds ) we say , that man is not generally endowed with exquisiteness of smell ; needs no other eviction , but this : that He doth not deprehend or distinguish any but the stronger , or vehement sorts of Odours ; and those either very offensive , or very Grateful . But , albeit this difficulty of acquiring the knowledge of the Essence and immediate Causes of Odours , hath its origine in the native Imperfection of our sense accommodate to the perception thereof : yet hath it received no small advance from the obscurity of our Intectuals , the Errors of human judgement , and the common Effect thereof , the contrary Opinions of Philosophers . For , however they unanimously decree , that the proper object of smelling is an Odour ; and the adaequate sensory , ordained for the apprehension of it , the Mammillary Processes of the brain , or two nervous productions derived to the basis of the nose : yet could they never agree about the chief subject of their dispute , the Quiddity , or Form of an Odour ; or the Commensuration betwixt the same , and the odoratory Nerves , the theory whereof seems most necessary to the explanation of the Reason and Manner of its Perception and Distinction by them . Thus , on one side of the schools , Heraclitus , cited by Aristotle ( de sensu & sensili , cap. 5. ) is positive , that the smell is not affected with only an Incorporeal Quality , or spiritual species ; but that a certain subtle substance [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] or Corporeal Exhalation , emitted from the odorous object , doth really and materially invade and affect the sensory . ( 2 ) And Epicurus ( in Epist ad Herodot . apud Diogen . Laertium , lib. 10. ) seconds him with somewhat a louder voice ; Existimandum est , Odorem non facturum ullam sui impressionem , nisi ab odora re usque deferrentur moleculae se● Corpuscula quaedam , ea ratione Commensurata ipsi olfact●● sensorio , u● ipsum moveant afficiant ve ; alia quidem perturbate ac discrepanter ex quo odores Ingrati sunt ; alia placide & accommodate , ex quo Iucundi sunt odores : men are to conceive , that an Odour could make no sensible impression of it self , unless there were transferred from the odorous object certain substantial Effluxes , or minute Bodies , so Commensurate or Analogous to the peculiar Contexture of the Organ of smelling , as to be capable of affecting the same ; and those either perturbdly and discordantly , whence some Odours are Ingrateful ; or amicably and conveniently , and those Odours are Grateful . ( 3 ) And Gal●n , attended on by most of the Aesculapian Tribe , sings the same tune , and in as high a key as either of the Former ; saying , ( in lib. de instrum . olfact cap 2. ) Id quod a rerum corporibus exhalat , Odoris substantia est : though Casserius Placentinus ( de fabric . Nasi , Sect. 2. cap. 3. ) hath endeavoured to corrupt the genuine sense of those words , by converting substantia into subjectum , as if Galen intended only that the Exhalation from an odorous body was only the subjectum inhaesionis , and the odour it self meerly the Quality inhaerent therein . Contrary to the rules of Fidelity and Ingenuity ; because incongruous both the Letter of the Text , and the Syntaxis thereof with his whole Enquiry . ( 4 ) And the Lord St. Alban , though a modern , yet not unworthy to enter the Chorus with the noblest among the Ancients , though He had too frequently used his tongue to the Dialect of Immaterial Qualities , and spiritual Images , in his discourses of the other senses ; doth yet make a perfect unison with Galen , in this particular , delivering his judgement in most full and definite termes , thus : Certain it is , that no smell issueth from a body , but with emission of some Corporeal substance ; ( Sylva sylvar . Cent. 9. experim . 834. ) On the other side , we hear the great Genius of Nature , as his Idolaters miscall him , Aristotle , and that most numerous of Sects , the Peripatetick , vehemently contending , that an Odour belongs to the classis of simple , or Immaterial Qualities ; and that though it be wafted or transported on the wings of an Exhalation , from the Odorate body to the Sensory : yet is the sensory affected onely with the meer Image , or Intentional species thereof . Now the moments of Authority being thus equal on both sides , our province is to determine the scales by the praepondium of Reason , i. e , with an even hand to examine the weight of the Arguments on which each of these contrary Opinions is grounded To begin with the Later , as the most Epidemical and generally entertained ; we find the principal Base of it to be only that common Axiome , Sensus non percipiunt substantias , sed tantum earum Accidentia , that no sense is invaded and actuated into sensation by the Real or Material , but onely the intentional species of the Object : which being weak of it self , and by us frequently subverted in our praecedent Discourses ; the whole superstructure thereon relying is already ruined , and they who will reaedifie it , must lay a new foundation . But , as to the Former , that an Odour is a perfect substance , by material impression on the Sensory causing a sensation of it self therein ; this seems a Truth standing upon such firm feet of its own , that it contemns the crutches of sophistry . For ( 1 ) No Academick can be so obstinate , as not to acknowledge , that there is a certain Effluvium , or Corporeal Exhalation from all odorous bodies , diffused and transmitted through the aer ; as well because his own observation doth ascertain him , that all Aromatiques and other odorous bodies , in tract of a few years , confess a substantial Contabescence , or decay of Quantity ; which makes our Druggists and Apothecaries conserve their parcels of Ambre Grise , Musk , Civit , and other rich Perfumes , in bladders , and those immured in Glasses , to praevent the exhaustion of them by spontaneous emanation : as for this , that the odour doth most commonly continue vigorous in the medium , a good while after the remove of the source , or body from which it was effused . And Aristotle himself , after his peremptory Negative , Odorem non esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Effluxionem : could not but let slip this Affirmative , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod effluit ex corporibus , ipsa est odorum substantia . ( 2 ) Common Experience confirms , that odours are vigorous and potent , not only in the production of sundry Affections in the brain , good or evil , according to their vehemency and Gratefulness or Noysomness , by the refocillation or pollution of the spirits ; but also in the Vellication and frequently the Corrosion of tender investment of the Nostrills . Thus much the reverend Oracle of Cous well observed in 28 Aphorisme 5 Sect. ; Odoramentorum suffitus muliebria educit , & ad alia plaerumque utilis esset , nisi gravitatem capitis inferret : and Galen supports with his opinion and arguments , that pleasant Odours are a kinde of Nourishment of the spirits . Besides , Plutarch reports , that He observed Catts grow mad onely by the smell of certain odoriferous Unguents : and Levinus Lemnius ( de Natur. miracul ) hath a memorable story of certain Travellers , who passing through large fields of Beans in the Flower , in Holland , become Phrantick meerly with the strength of their smell . And all Physicians dayly finde , that good smels , by a recreation of the languid spirits , speedily restore men from swooning fits ; as evil scents often induce Vomitings , syncopes , Vertigoes , and other suddain symptomes . Nay , scarce an Author , who hath written of the Plague and its Causes , but abounds in relations of those accursed miscreants , who have kindled most mortal infections , by certain Veneficious practices , and Compositions of putrid and noysom Odours : witness Petrus Droetus ( de pestilentia , cap. 10. ) Wierus ( de Venificiis lib. 3. cap. 37 ) Horatius Augenius ( lib. de peste , cap. 3 ) Hercules Saxonia ( de plica , cap. 2. & 11. ) Thomas Iordanus ( de pestis phaenomen . tr . 1. cap 18. ) and Sennertus , out of Nich. Polius in Haemerologia Silesiae , ( in lib. de peste , cap. 2. ) Which prodigious Effects clearly proclaim the mighty energy of their Causes , and are manifestoes sufficient , that Odours justly challenge to themselves those Attributes , which are proper onely to Corporiety : nor can ought but downright ignorance expect them from the naked Immaterial Qualities , or imaginary Images of the Peripatetick . ( 3 ) The Manner of the Odours moving , or Affecting the Sensory can never be explained , but by assuming a certain Commensuration , or Correspondency betwixt the Particles amassing the Odour , and the Contexture of the Olfactory Nerves , or Mammillary Processes of the brain delated through the spongy bone . For ( 1 ) it is Canonical , that no Immaterial can Operate upon a Material , Physically ; the inexplicable activity of the Rational Soul upon the body by the mediation of the spirits , and that of Angelical essences excepted . ( 2 ) Though an Odour , diffused through the aer , chance to touch upon the hands , cheeks , lips , tongue , &c. yet doth it therein produce no sensation of it self ; because the Particles of it hold no proportion to either the pores , or particles of which those parts are composed : but arriving at the organ of smelling , it cannot but instantly excite the Faculty therein resident to an actual sensation , or apprehension of it ; in regard of that correspondency in Figure and Contexture , which the particles of it hold to the pores and particles of the Odoratory Nerves . Certainly , as the Contexture of the Odoratory Nerves is altogether different from that of the Tongue ; and so the minute bodies of them , as well as the small spaces intercepted among those minute bodies , in all points of their superficies not contingent , are likewise of a dissimilar configuration from the particles and intercepted vacuola of the Tongue : so also is it necessary , that the small bodies , which commove and affect the Contexture of the Odoratory Nerves , be altogether dissimilar to those , which commove and affect the contexture of the Tongue , since , otherwise all objects would be in common , and the Distinction of senses unnecessary . Now ( lest we should seem to beg the Quaestion ) that the sensation is effected in the Odoratory Nerves , only by the Figures of the particles of an Odour ; and that the variety of Odours depends on the variety of impressions made on the sensory , respective to their various figures and contextures : this is not obscurely intimated in those formerly recited words of Epicurus , Molecularum , sive Corpusculorum quaedam perturbate ac discrepanter , quaedam verò placide ac leniter , seu accommodatè se habere , ad olfactus sensorium . The substance whereof is this , that because the particles and Contexture of some Odours are such , that they strike the sensory roughly and discordantly to the contexture thereof ; therefore are they Ingrateful : and on the contrary , because other Odours have such particles and such contextures , as being smooth in Figure , strike the sensory gently , evenly and concordantly to the contexture thereof ; therefore are they Grateful and desiderable . We might have introduced Plato himself , as lighting the tapor to us , in this part●cular ; insomuch as He saith ( in Timaeo ) that the sweet sort of Odours [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] de mulcere , & quâ inseritur , amicabiliter se habere , doth softly stroke , and cause a certain blandishment in the sensory : but , that the kinde of noysom or stinking Odours [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] doth in a manner Exasperate and wound it . To this Incongruity or Disproportion betwixt offensive smells and the composure of the Odoratory Nerves , the profound Fracastorius plainly alludeth , in his ; proportionalitèr autem se habent & odores , quorum ingratissimus est , qui F●tidus appellatur , quique abominabili in saporibus respondet ; nam & hic ex iis pariter resultat , quae nullam habent digestionem , nec rationem mistionis , sed confusionem èmultis fere ac diversis , qualia fere sunt Putrescentia , in quibus dissoluta mistione evaporatio diversorum contingit . ( de sympath . & antipath . cap. 14 ) importing withal , that the reason why the stink of corrupting Carcasses is of all other most noysom , is because the odours effuming from them consist of heterogeneous or divers particles . If you had rather hear this in Verse , be pleased to listen to that Tetrastich of Lucretius ; Non simile penetrare , putes , primordia formâ In nares hominum , cum taetra Cadavera torrent ; Et cum Scena Croco Cilici perfusa recens est , Araque Panchaeos exhalat propter odores . Upon which we may justly thus descant . As the hand touching a lock of wool , is pleased with the softness of it ; but grasping a Nettle , is injured by that phalanx of villous stings , wherewith Nature hath guarded the leaves thereof : so are the Nostrills invaded with the odour of Saffron , delighted therewith , because the particles of it are smooth in figure , and of equal contexture ; but invaded with the odour of a putrid Carcase , they are highly offended , because the particles thereof are asper in figure and of unequal contexture , and so prick and dilacerate the tender sensory . Moreover , whereas there is so great variety of individual Tempe●aments among men , and some have the Contexture of their odoratory Nerves exceeding dissimilar to that of others ; hence may we well derive 〈◊〉 Cause of that so much admired secret , Why those Odours , which are not onely grateful , but even highly cordial to some persons , are most odious and almost poysonous to others . Infinite are the Examples recorded by Physicians , in this kinde ; but none more memorable than that remembred by Plutarch ( lib. 1. advers . Coloten . ) of Berenice and a certain Spartan woman , who meeting each other instantly disliked and fainted , because the one smelt of Butter , the other of a certain fragrant Ointment . However , the rarity of the Accident will not permit us to pass over the mention of a Lady of honor and eminent prudence , now living in London ; who doth usually swoon at the smell of a Rose ( the Queen of sweets : ) and sometimes feasts her nose with Assa faetida ( the Devils Turd , as some call it ) than which no favour is generally held more abominable ; and this out of no Affectation , for her wisdom and modesty exclude that praetence , nor to prevent Fitts of the Mother , for she never knew an Hysterical passion , but in others , in all her life , as she hath frequently protested to me , who have served her as Physician many years . Again , as this Assumption of the Corporiety of an Odour doth easily solve the Sympathies and Antipathies observed among men , to particular smells ; so likewise doth it yield a plain and satisfactory reason , why some Br●●t Animals are pleased with those Odours ; which are extremely hateful to others . Why Doggs abhorr the smell of Wine , and are so much delighted with the stink of Carrion , as they are loath to leave it behind them , and therefore tumble on it to perfume their skins therewith ? Why a Cat so much dislikes the smell of Rue , that she will avoid a Mouse that is rubbd with the juice thereof ; as Africanus ( in Geoponicis ) ? Why Mice are poysoned with the scent of Rododaphne , or Oleander , commonly named Rose-bay-tree ; as Apuleius , and from him Weckerus ( de secretis Animal . ) ? Why Serpents are driven from Gardens by the smell of Citro●s as Galen affirms ; when yet they solace themselves with that of Savin , which our nose condemns ? Why Cocks cannot endure the breath of Garlick ; which is soveraign incense to Turkeys , and pure Alchermes to their drooping yong ones ? Why Moths are destroyed by the fume of Hopps ; which is Ambre Grise to Bees , as Mouffet ( de insectis ) ? For the Caus● hereof wholly consists in the Similitude or Dissimilitude betwixt the particular Contexture of the Sensory , and the Figures of the particles of the odour . The Materiality of an Odour being thus firmly commonstrated ; the next Considerable is the Generation , and proxime Efficient Cause thereof . And herein Aristotle came neerer the truth , than in his conception of the Essence of it ; for that Assertion of his , Odorem gigni & moveri beneficio Caloris , that Heat conduceth both to the Generation and Motion or Diffusion of an Odour , doth well deserve our assent . For , whether those minute Masses , or small Concretions , that constitute the body of an Odour , be contained ch●●fly in some sulphurous substance , as the Dissolutions and Experiment● of Chymistry seem to conclude ; or ambuscadoed in any other consisten●● whatever : yet still is it manifest , that they are deduced into act and seques●●ed from those dissimilar or heterogeneous bodies of Earth and Water 〈◊〉 surrund and oppress them , and so becoming more at liberty and unite● ▪ they more vigorously affect the sense , and all this by the energy of Heat ▪ Hence comes it , that all Fruits are so much more Fragrant , by how much more Concocted and Maturated by the warmth of the Sun. That all Aromaticks grow in Hot Climats . That all smells are stronger in Summer , than Winter ; as Plutarch observes ( lib. de Caus. Natur. cap. 25. ) where he enquires , why in Frost wild beasts leave but a cold scent behind them , when they are hunted . That all odoriferous Druggs are Hot , and suffer a perpetual exhaustion or expence of their halituous substance : so that who so would conserve their Fragrancy , must embalm them in Oyl , or incorporate them with Gumms , or other substance not easily evaporable ; according to the common practice of all Perfumers and Confectioners ; or immure them in close conservatories , and that rather in great lumps , than small fragments , and in Cold rather than Hot rooms . Hence it is also , that all Botanicks hold it for an unquestionable Axiome , Omnia Odorata esse calida ; so that some have undertaken to distinguish of the degrees of Heat in Plants and other Simples , meerly by the vehemence or languor of their Odour : and that Aristotle ( problem . sect . 12. quaest . 12. ) affirms that all Odorous seeds are Calefactive , because Heat is the Efficient of an Odour ; to which Galen also subscribes ( 4 de simpl . medicament . facul . cap. 22. ) From the Nature & Efficient of Odours , we are conducted to their Difference , or Distinct species ; which is an Argument involved not in the least Difficulties . For , since the imperfection of our sense of smelling is such , that it is affectable only with the more vehement sort of them , which are but few in comparison to those many , which the sagacity of most Bruit Animals makes familiar to their deprehension , and so we remain ignorant of the greatest part of them ; and did we know them , yet should we be to seek for proper Appellatives to express their particular natures : to deliver an exact Table of all their Distinctions , is not only difficult , but impossible . Which Naturalists well understanding , have been forced to the cleanly shift of transferring the distinct names of sapours over to the specifical Differences of Odours ; there being some manifest symbolism betwixt the two senses , and no obscure Analogy betwixt the Conditions of their objects : as Aristotle insinuates in his Affirmation , Nullum corpus esse odoriferum , quod non pariter saporiferum existat ( de sens & sensil . cap. 5. ) that all Odoriferous bodies are also saporiferous ; and in his definition of an olfactile , or odorable object to be , Quod sapidae siccitatis diluendae ac diffundendae vim sortitur . Well may we , therefore , content our selves with the Discrimination of those kinds of Odours , that fall under the Cognizance of our sense ; and those are Sweet , Sower , Austere , Acerb , and Fatt or Luscious : as for Putrid or Faeti● Odours , they have resemblance to Bitter Sapours , because as Bitter things are o●ious and distastful to the pallate , and no man swallows them without some horror and reluctancy , so likewise doth the Nose never admit rotten and cadaverous smells without loathing and offence . There is also another Difference of smells , whereof one kind is either pleasant or unpleasant by Accident , or upon Circumstance ; as the smell of Meats and Drinks is pleasant to the Hungry , but offensive to the Full-gordged , and this sort is in common as well to Beasts , as Men : the other is pleasant , or unpleasant of their own Nature , as the smells of Herbs , Flowers , Perfumes , &c. which conduce neither to the Excitement , nor Abatement of Appetite , unless they be admixt to meats or drinks ; to which Stratis alluded , when taxing Uripides he said , Cum lens coquitur , unguenti nil infundito , and this Difference is proper only to man. Lastly , Authors have divided Odours into Natural , and Artificial , or Simple and Compound ; the Latter whereof our Luxury and Delicacy have enhanced to such immoderate rates , that the Confection of them is become an Arte , and reduced to certain Dispensatories and set Praescripts , and that Lady is not al-a-mode , who hath not her Manuscript of Recipes for Perfumes , nay every street hath its Myropolies or shops of sweets , of all sorts . Finally , the Medium inservient to Odoration , is either Aer , or Water : yet neither according to Essence , but Infection , or Impraegnation . That ●he Aer is a convenient Convoy , or Vehicle of an Odour , no man did ever doubt : and that water hath the like Capacity , or perodorable Faculty , though in an inferiour degree ; we may , with Aristotle ( de histor . Animal . 4. cap. 8. ) conclude from the vulgar Experiment of betraying Fishes with perfumed Baites . CHAP. VIII . OF SAPOURS . SECT . I. THE Nature of SAPOURS , the proper object of the Taste , Aristotle ( de sens . & sensil . cap. 4. ) concludes to be more easily Cognoscible , than that of Odours , Visibles , or the Objects of the other Senses ; because as He praesumes , the sense of Tasting in Man , is more Exquisite , than his Smelling , Sight , &c. Whether his Reason be not praecarious , we need not determine : but it too nearly concerns us to affirm , that the extreme slenderness of his doctrine , touching the Essence and Principles , of Sapours as well in General as Particular ; erected on that common imaginary base of Immaterial Qualities , hath given us just occasion to suspect the solidity of his Inference or Conclusion ; and left us cause to account that sentence , much more Canonical , That things most manifest to the Sense , often prove most obscure to the Understanding . For , notwithstanding we have the demonstration of our sense , that , as He and all other Philosophers unanimously assert , the Object of the Tasting , in General , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gustabile : yet doe his endeavours afford so dimme a light to our profounder inquisitions , as to leave us in the dark of insatisfaction , when We come to explore , What is the Formal Reason of a Sapour ; What are the Principles , or Material and Efficient Cause thereof ; and What Relation it bears unto , or Manner how it affects the Tongue , the prime and adaequate instrument of Tasting . Which that we may with due fulness and perspicuity declare , it behoveth us to invite your attention to a faithful Summary of His Speculations concerning that Subject . Aristotle , from whose Text all the Peripateticks have not receded insomuch as in a title , as to the particular under debate , fixeth the original of a Sapour , in a certain Contemperation of three prime Elemental Qualities ▪ viz. ( 1 ) Terrestrious Siccity . ( 2 ) Aqueous Humidity . ( 3 ) Heat . The two former as the Material Causes , the last as the Efficient , to which , according to his custome , He consigns the masculine and determinative Energy , as in this , so in all natural productions . The necessity or the Concurrence of these three First Qualities to the Generation of a Sapour in any Concretion , He inferrs chiefly from hence ; that Water , being in the purity or simplicity of its essence , absolutely insipid , if percolated through Siccum terrestre , adust Earth , doth alwayes acquire a Sapidity , or Savouriness , proportionate to the intense , or remiss adustion of the terrestrious material dissolved by , and incorporated to it self : as is commonly observable in Fountains , which become impraegnate or tincted with the sapours of those veins of Earth , through whose Meanders and streights they have steered in their long subterraneous voyages ; and in all Lixivial decoctions , or Lees , which obtain a manifest Saltness only by transcolation through Ashes , the Earthy and adust reliques of compound bodies , dissolved by Fire . To which , He moreover addes , that because the Contemperature may be various , according to greater or lesser proportion of either of the three ingredients ; and the Aqueous Humidum , united to the Earthy Siccum , hath its consistence sometimes participant of Crassitude , sometime of Tenuity : therefore are not all Sapours alike , but different according to the several Gradualities of their respective and specifical Causes . And thus much in the General . To progress to the brief survey of Particulars , it seems requisite that we observe ; that Galen , Avicenna , Averrhoes , and most Physitians after them , have conceived this Theory of Aristotles so firm and impraegnable , as they have thereon founded one of their pillars for the invention of Remedies , and advanced rules for the Conjectural investigation of the manifest Faculties of Medicaments , by the Taste : to that end constituting Eight Differences , or Generical Distinctions of Sapours , viz. ( 1 ) Acer , which affects the mouth and chiefly the Tongue , with a certain acrimony and pungent ardor ; such as is eminently conspicuous in Pepper , Pellitory , Euphorbium , Cassea lignea , Winterian Bark , &c. It ariseth from a Composition of tenuious , dry and hot parts , and cannot subsist in a subject of any other constitution . ( 2 ) Acid , or Sharp , which likewise penetrateth and biteth the tongue , but with some constringency , and without any sense of heat : such as is deprehended in Vinegre , juice of Limons , Citrons , Woodsorrel , Berberies , and in some Malacotones and Quinces . It results from a Concretion of subtle and dry parts , either where the innate heat is resolved by some degree of putrefaction , as in Vinegre : or where the innate heat is so small as to be inferior to Cold , and that associated with extreme siccity ; as in juice of Limons , &c. ( 3 ) Fat , or Luscious , which sollicites the Gusts neither with heat , nor acrimony ; but furrs and daubs the mouth with an unctuous lentor , or viscidity . Such is remarkable in Oyle Olive , Oyle of sweet Almonds , Wallnuts , in Marrow , Butter , and the Fat 's of Beasts , which have no rancidity , either acquired by antiquity , or natural , such as is perceivable in the Fat of Lions , Wolves , and Tigers : and in all Mucilaginous Plants , as in Althaea and White Lilly roots , &c. This hath its production from a thin aereal matter , temperate in heat and cold . ( 4 ) Salt , which doth not much calefie , but with a sharp and penetring siccity bite the tongue ; as is observed in the degustation of Common Salt , Nitre , and among Vegetables chiefly in Rock Sampier . This Sapour is also sensible in all Chymical Salts , extracted from Bodies by the sequestrating activity of Fire , cinefying their dry and terrestrious remains : nor is there any Compound in Nature , from which pyrotechny may not extract the Calx or proper Salt thereof , discernable by the taste . And therefore it is manifest , that all saltness subsisteth in a matter , whose principal ingredients , Heat and Siccity are equal . ( 5 ) Austere , which being moderately adstringent , doth with some asperity coarctate the particles of the tongue ; and therefore according to the judgment of the pallate , it seems dry and cooling . This is more properly called the Crude Sapour , as being peculiar to all Fruits during their immaturity ; as is generally noted in the juice of unripe Grapes , green Apricocks , Pears , Apples , Medlars , Porcellane , &c. The substance wherein it consisteth , must be equally participant of Earth and Water , but where Cold hath the upper hand of Heat . ( 6 ) Sweet , which being not offensive by the unevenness or exuperance of any Quality , affects the sense with suavity or delight . Such every man knows to be in Sugar , Honey , Liquorice , Iujubes , Dates , Figgs , and in most Fruits after their maturity : as also in Manna , and , in some degree , in Milk. ( 7 ) Bitter , the Contrary to Sweet , which offending by the asperity and tenuity of its parts , doth in a manner corrade and divell the sensory . This superlatively discovers it self in Aloes , Coloquyntida , Rhubarb , Wormwood , the lesser Centaury , Bitter Almonds , and the Galls of Animals . The matter of it is crass and terrene , but adust by immoderate Heat ; and hence that Galenical Axiome , Omne amarum est calidum & siccum . ( 8 ) Acerb , or Sower , which bordereth upon the Austere or Pontick Sapour , being distinguishable from it , only by a greater ingratefulness to the sense ; for it more constringeth and exasperateth all parts of the mouth , and so seems more exsiccative and refrigerative . It is prodigally perceived in the rind of Pomegranates , Galls , Sumach , Cypress Nuts , the Bark of Oak , the Cups of Achorns , &c. It s residence is alwayes in a Composition totally terrene and drye , whose languid heat is subdued to inactivity by the superior force of its antagonist , Cold. To these some Modern Physitians ( to whom that Mystagogus or Priest of the Arabian Oracles , Fernelius , seems to have been the Coryphaeus ) have superadded a ninth Sapour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Fatuous ; which affecting the sense with no impression , is indeed no Sapour , but rather the Privation of all Sapidity . To this Heteroclite are commonly referred the several species of Bread Corn , Gourds , Citrals , Cucumbers , &c. Whose materials though crass , are not yet terrene , dry and adstrictive ; but diluted with a plentiful portion of aqueous moisture , not exquisitely permixt , because of the small allowance of heat to their Composition . Now ( to pass from the faithful Abridgment to the aequitable Examen of this Doctrine , of such sacred estimation in the Schools . ) though the Enquiries of most have steered this course , directed by the Chart of Aristotle , and attempted the deduction of all Sapours from Primitive Qualities : yet have they missed the Cape of truth . For , as Scaliger ( in lib. de Plantis . ) excellently argues , we may as safely derive Life , Sense , Increment , voluntary Motion , nay Risibility and Intellection ( actions flowing from Forms more noble and semi-divine ) from Elements immediately , as Sapours from their First Qualities : unless it can be first evinced , that each Element hath some sapour actually inexistent ; which but barely to suppose , is an absurdity gross enough to degrade the owner from the dignity of a Physiologist forever , and openly repugnant to the Fundaments of the Aristotelean Philosophy . To which argument of Scaligers , we shall superadd this weighty exception of our own ; that according to the Hypothesis of First Elemental Qualities , it is absolutely impossible to Explicate the Causes of that so great Diversity of Tasts not only among Animals of different species , but Individuals of the same species ; of which we shall discourse more expresly in opportunity . Wheref●re we account it both more honourable and satisfactory , to incline rather to that laudable opinion of the Chymist , whose Flames have so farr enlightned our reason , as to shew , that the Primary Cause of S●pours doth consist in Salt ; because all pyrotechnical Dissolutions seem to establish that Axiome , Sal est primum Sapidum & Gustabile , & omnia quae saporem habent , eam propter salem habent ; ubicunque enim s●por deprehenditur , ibi sal est , & ubicunque sal , ibi sapor : as the judiciou● Sennertus hath observed ( de Consensu Chymicorum cum Galenic . cap. 11. ) and Lucius Grillus hath copiously and solidly declared in that elaborate treatise of his , de Sapore Amaro & Dulci , to which we remit the farther Curious . But , if we would Anatomize the Heart of this Subject , and establish a more exact theory of the First Principles of a Sapour ; we must consult the Oracles of Democritus and Plato , which tell us in short , that all Sapours arise from the minute particles of Bodies , of such determinate Figures and Contextures , as being applied to the tongue , they naturally produce that Affection therein , which we call Gustation , or Tasting . Of Democritus●uctority ●uctority , in this point , no man can justly doubt while Aristotle ( de sens . & sensil . cap. 4. ) avoucheth that He [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] did referr Sapours to Figures : and Theophrastus , in a more ample descant upon the text , affirms that He defined the particular sorts of Figures , which constitute the particular species of Sapours ; in these words , Rotundas esse , congruaque mole figuras , quae Dulcem faciant ; magnâ figurâ , quae Acerbum ; multangulâ miniméque orbiculari , quae Acrem ; angulatâ distortâ , quae Salsum ; rotundâ , laevi , distortâ , quae Amarum ; tenui , rotund● , parv● , quae Pinguem And , what was Platoes persuasion , concerning the same Argument , Himsef most perspicuously explains ( in Timaeo ) where He in short adscribes the production of all Sapours [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] to Asperity and Laevity : and distinguishing all Sapours into two general orders , the First a Pleasant or Sweet sort , the other an Unpleasant , which runs up into several branches ( for as it stands opposed to Sweet , it is either Bitter , or Salt , or Acid , or Acerb , or Acer , or Austere , &c. ) He derives the First kind from hence , that the sapid object consists of particles so configurate , that effused upon the organ of Tasting , and entering the small pores or receptaries thereof , they become symbolical or correspondent to its small particles in figure and contexture , and so affect it gently , evenly , and concordantly ; and the Latter from hence , that the sapid object is composed of such Particles , as have their Figures and Contexture so disproportionate and incommensurable to the pores and particles of the tongue , that invading it and entering its contexture , they exasperate , corrade and offend the same . And hence was it , that Lucretius seems to have borrowed his , Ut facilè agnosc●s , è laevibus atque rotundis Esse ea , quae sensus jucunde tangere possunt : At contra , quae amara , atque aspera cunque videntur , Haec magis hamalis inter se cumque teneri ; Proptereaque solere vias rescindere nostris Sensibus , introituque suo perrumpere corpus . And this is the opinion to which we have espoused our constant assent , as well upon the obligation of those Reasons formerly alledged , in our Original of Qualities ; as upon this important Consideration , that no other Hypothesis can afford a satisfactory Reason either of manner of the Sapours moving and affecting the sensory , or why there is such infinite Variety of Tasts not only among Animals of different Species , but even in individuals of the same Species , and particularly in men , among whom Millions are found , who delight in Wormwood , and abhorr Sugar ; some that feast their Pallates with Aloes ; others that think their mouths quite out of taste , unless they be ruminating the leaves of Tobacco ; nay , we have known a Noble person of our own Nation , who had so singular a Pallate , that whenever He took a Purging Potion , would swallow it down by spoonfuls , as judging the pleasure too great to be shortned by a hasty draught , and when t was wholly exhausted , would wish himself a Ruminating Animal , that so He might taste it over and over , as if Philoxenus wish for a Cranes neck were too short to reach the height of so desireable a delight ; and another , who would not be persuaded but the Forbidden Fruit was a Coloquyntida Apple , because he thought the taste of that the most Ambrosiack of all others . But , conceding with Democritus and Plato , that the Variety of Sapours is caused meerly by the Diversity of Impressions on the spongy substance of the Tongue , respective to the various Figures and Contextures of the minute Particles of Bodies applied thereto , and by the salivous moisture thereof so admitted into the pores , as sensibly to affect it : we say , conceding this , we soon may solve this Dissimilitude of Tastes , only by saying , that because the Contexture of the particles of the tongue of one man , is different from that of the particles of another ; therefore doth one delight in the savor of one thing , the other of another : every man being of necessity most pleased with the taste of that , whose particles in figure and contexture are most symbolical or Correspondent to the Figures and Contexture of the Particles of his tongue ; and è contra . To which we shall only add , that the Reason why to men in Feavers the sweetest things seem bitter , is only this ; that the Contexture of the Particles of the Tongue being altered , as well by the intense Heat of the Feaver , as the infusion of a Bilious Humour into the pores thereof : those things , whose Particles being formerly accommodate , appeared in the species of sweetness , are now become asymbolical and inconvenient to the particles of the tongue , and therefore appear Bitter . Nor is Aristotles reprehension of Democritus , of weight enough to Counter-encline our judgment ; his chief Objections being rather Sophistical , than Solid , and so no sooner urged than dissolved . His First is of this importance ; if the particles of Sapid Objects were Figurate , according to Democritus Assumption , then would the sight , as a Sense far more acute in perception , deprehend their various Figures rather than the Taste : but the Sight doth not discern them ; Ergo. Which is soon expeded , by Answering , that it is not in the jurisdiction of one sense to judge of objects proper to another ; nor is the quaestion about the Figures , as they are in themselves , i. e. without relation to the sense , but as they produce such a determinate Effect on the sensory , of which the Tasting is the sole and proper Criterion . For Qualities are to be reputed , not so much Absolute and constant Realities , as simple and Relative Apparencies , whose Specification consisteth in a certain Modification of the First General Matter , respective to that distinct Affection they introduce upon this or that particular Sense , when thereby actually deprehended . His Second of this . Insomuch as there is a Contrariety among sensible objects of all kinds ; but none among Figures , according to that universally embraced Canon , Figuris nihil esse Contrarium : if the Diversity of Sapours were derivative from the Diversity of Figures , then would there be no Cont●●riety betwixt Sapours ; but Sweet and Bitter are Contraries ; Ergo. Which is soon detected to subsist upon a Principle meerly precarious ; for we are y●t ignorant of any reason , why we should not account an Acute Figure the Contrary to an Obtuse ; a Gibbous the opposite to a Plane ; a Smooth the Antagonist to a Rough ; an Angular the Antitheton to a Sphere , &c. His Third , and most considerable , of this . Because the variety of Figures is infinite , at least , inassignable ; therefore would the variety of Sapours , if their distinct species were dependent on the distinct species of Figures , be aequally infinite : but all the observable Differences of Sa●ours exceed not the number of Eight , at most ; Ergo. Answer ; should we allow Aristotles distinction of Sapours to be genuine : yet would it not follow , that therefore there are no more Specifical Subdivisions of each Genus ; because from the various commistions of those Eight Generical Differences one among another , an incomprehensible variety of Distinct Sapours may be produced . Besides , is not that Sweetness , which the tongue perceives in Hony ; manifestly different from that of Milk ? that of Sugar easily discernable from both ? that of Canary Sack different from that of Malago ? that of an Apple distinguishable from that of a Plumm ? that of Flesh clearly distinct from all the rest ? yet doth that Genus of Sweet comprehend them all . On the other side , is the Amaritude of Aloes , Coloquyntida , Rhubarb , Wormwood , &c. one and the same ? or the Acerbity of Cherries , Prunes , Medlars , &c. identical ? no man , certainly , dares affirm it . Why therefore should we not write our names in the Catalogue of those , who conceive as great variety of Tastes , as there is of Sapid objects in Nature . Or , since the Experiments of Chymistry have made it probable , that all Sapours derive themselves from Salts , as from their Primary Cause ; why may we not concede so many several sorts of salts , and so many possible Commistions of them , as may suffice to the production of an incomprehensible variety of Sapours ? And this gives us occasion to observe , that Nature seems to have furnished the Tonge with a certain peculiar Moisture , chiefly to this end , that it might have a General Menstruum , or Dissolvent of its own , for the eduction of those Salts from hard and drye bodies , and the imbibition of them into its spongy substance , that so it might deprehend and discern them . CHAP. IX . Of Rarity , Density , Perspicuity , Opacity . SECT . I. HAving thus steered through the deepest Difficulties touching the proper objects of the other Senses , the Chart of Method directs us in our next course to profound the particular natures of all those Qualities , which belong to the apprehensive jurisdiction of the Sense of TOUCHING , either immediately , or relatively . But , before we weigh Anchor , that we may avoid the quicksands of too General Apprehensions , and draw a Map or Scheme of all the Heads of our intended Enquiries ; tha● so we may praepare the mind of our Reader to accompany us the more easily and smoothly : it is requisite that we advertise , ( 1 ) That the Attribute of Touching is sometimes in Common to all Bodies , 〈◊〉 well Inanimate , as Animate , when their superficies or extremes ar● Contingent ; according to that Antithesis of Lucretius , Tactus Corporibus cunctis , intactus Inani . Sometimes in Common to all Sens●● , insomuch as all Sensation is a kind of Touching , it being necessa●● , that either the object it self immediately , or some substantial Em●nation from it , be contingent to the Sensory ; as we have apodictically declared in our praecedent considerations of Visible , Audible , Odo●●ble , and Gustable Species . Sometimes ( and in praesent ) Proper to th● Sense of Touching in Animals ; which , however it extend to the Per●●ption of Objects , in number manifold , in nature various and frequ●●●ly even repugnant ( whereupon some Philosophers have contuma●iously contended for a Plurality of Animal Touchings ; others gone so high as to constitute as many distinct Powers of Touching , as th●re are [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Differences and 〈◊〉 of conditions in Tangibles ) doth yet apprehend them all 〈◊〉 one and the same common reason , and determinate qualification , after the same manner , as the sight discernes White , Black , Red , Green , &c. all sub communi Coloris ratione , in the common capacity of Colours . And this is that fertile sense , to whose proper incitement we owe our Generation ; for , had not the Eternal Providence endowed the Organs official to the recruit of mankind , with a most exquisite and delicate sense of Touching , the titillation whereof transports a man beyond the severity of his reason , and charmes him to the act of Carnality ; doubtless , the Deluge had been spared ; for the First age had been the Last , and Humanity been lost in the grave , as well as innocence in the fall of our first Parents . Quis enim ▪ per Deum immortalem , concubitum , rem adeo faedam , solicitaret , amplexaretur , ei indulgeret ? quo Vultu Divinum illud Animal plenum rationis & consilii , quem vocamus Hominem , obsaenas mulierum partes , tot sordibus conspurcatus attrectaret , nisi incredibili voluptatis aestro percita essent Genetalia ? And let us but abate the temptation of this sense , and libidinous invitement of it praeambulous to the act of Congression ; and we shall soon confess that so magnified delight of sensuality , to be no other than what the noblest of Stoicks , Marcus Antoninus defined it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the attrition of a base entrail , and the excretion of a little snivel , with a kind of convulsion , as Hippocrates describes it , This is that Fidus Achates , or constant friend , that conserves us in our first life , which we spend in the dark prison of the womb ; ushers us into this , which our improvidence trifles away for the most part on the blandishments of sensual Appetite ; and never forsakes us , till Death hath translated us into an Eternal one . For when all our other unconstant senses perish , this faithful one doth not abandon us , but at that moment , which determines our mortality . Whence Aristotle drew that prognostick ( de Anim. lib. 3. cap. 13. ) that if any Animal be once deprived of the sense of Touching , death must immediately ensue ; for neither is it possible ( saith He ) that any living Creature should want this sense , nor to the being of it is it necessary that it have any other sense beside this . In a word , this is that persuasive sense , and whose testimony the wary Apostle chose to part with his infidelity , and to conclude the presence of his revived Lord. That painful sense , on the victory of whose torments the patient souls of Martyrs have ascended above their faith . That Virtual and Medical sense , by which the Great Physician of diseased nature , was pleased to restore sight to the blind , agility to the lame , hearing to the deaf ; to extinguish the Feaver in Peters Mother-in-Law , stop the inveterate issue in his Haemorhoidal Client ; unlock the adamantine gates of death , and restore the widows son from the total privation , to the perfect habit of life . ( 2 ) That some Qualities are sensible to the Touch , which yet are common to the perception of other senses also ; for no scholler can be ignorant of that Division of sensibles into Common and Proper ; and that among the Common are reckoned Motion , Quiet , Number , Figure , and Magnitude , according to the list of Aristotle ( 2 de Anim. cap. 6. ) ( 3 and principally ) That the Qualities of Concretions , either Commonly or Properly appertaining to the sense of Touching , are to be considered in their several Relations to the Principles on which they depend . First , some result from the Universal matter , Atomes , in this respect , that they intercept Inanity , or space betwixt them ; and of this original are Rarity and Density , with their Consequents , Perspicuity and Opacity . Secondly , Some depend on the Common Materials , in this respect , that they are endowed with their three essential Proprieties , Magnitude , Figure , Motion : and that either Singly , or Conjunctly . ( 1 ) Singly , and either from their Magnitude alone ; of which order is the Magnitude o● Quantity of any Concretion ; and the Consequents thereof , Subtility and Hebetude : or from their Figure alone , of which sort is the Figure of every thing ; and the Consequents thereof , Smoothness and Asperity , &c. or only from their Motiv● Virtue , of which kind is the Motive Force inhaerent in all things in th● General , and that which assisteth and perfecteth the same in most things , the Habit of Motion , and particularly Gravity and Levity . ( 2 ) Conjunc●ly , from them all ; of which production are those commonly called the ●our First Qualities , Heat , Cold , Dryness , Moysture ; as also those which ●r● deduced from them , as Hardness , Softness , Flexility , Ductility : and all others of which Aristotle so copiously ( but scarce pertinently ) treateth in his fourth book of Meteors : and lastly , those by vulgar Physiologist named Occult Qualities , which are also derivative from Atoms , in res●●ct of their three essential Proprieties ; and among these the most eminent and generally celebrated , is the Attractive Virtue of the Loadstone . Now on each of these we intend to bestowe particular speculation , allowing it the ●●me order , which it holds in this scheme , which seems to be only a faithful Transsumpt of the method of Nature : and we shall begin at Rarity and Density . ( 1 ) Because nothing can be generated but of Atoms commixt , and that Commixture cannot be without more or less of the Inane space in●●rcepted among their small masses ; so that if much of the Inane space 〈◊〉 intercepted among them , the Concretion must be Rare , if little , Dense , of meer necessity : ( 2 ) Because , the Four First reputed Qualities , Heat , Cold , Dryness , Moysture , are posterior to Rarity and Density , as appears by that of Aristotle ( physic 8. cap. 16. ) where , according to the interpretation of Pacius , He intimates , that Heat and Cold , Hardness and Sof●ness are certain kindes of Rarity and Density ; and therefore we are ●o set forth from them , as the more Common in Nature , and consequently the more necessary to be known , a Generalioribus enim , tanquam notioribus ad minus Generalia procedendum , is the advice of Arist. ( physic . 1. cap. 2. ) SECT . II. COncerning the immediate Causes of Rarity and Density in Bodies , divers Conceptions are delivered by Philosophers . ( 1 ) Some , observing that Rare bodies generally are less , and Dense more Ponderous , and that the Division of a body into small parts , doth usually make it less swift in its descent through aer or water , than while it was intire ; have thereupon determined the Reason of Rarity to consist in the actual division of a body into many small parts : and , on the contrary , that of Density to consist in the Coadunation or Compaction of many small parts into one great continued mass . But , These considered not , that Chrystal is not more rare , though less weighty ( proportionately ) than a Diamond : nor that the Velocity of bodies descending , doth not encrease in proportion to the difference of their several Densities , as their inadvertency made them praesume ; there being sundry other Causes , besides the Density of a body , assignable to its greater Velocity of motion in descent , as the Heroical pen of Galileo hath clearly demonstrated ( in 1. Dialog . de motu . ) and our selves shall professedly evince in convenient place . ( 2 ) Others , indecently leaping from Physical to Metaphysical speculations , and imagining the substance of a body to be a thing really dist●nct from the Quantity thereof ; have derived Rarity and Density from the ●●veral proportions , which Quantity hath to its substance ; as if in Rarefaction a Body did receive no mutation of Figure , but an Augmentation , and in Condensation a Diminution of its Quantity . But the excessive subtility , or rather absolute incomprehensibility of this Distinction , doth evidently confess it to be meerly Chimerical , as we have formerly intimated , in our discourse concerning the proper and genuine notions of Corporiety and Inanity . ( 3 ) A Third sort there are , who having detected the incompetency of the first opinion , and absolute unintelligibility of the Second ; judiciously desume the more or less of Rarity in any body , from the more or less of Vacuity intercepted among the parts thereof ; and on the contrary , the more or less of Density from the greater or less exclusion of Inanity , by the reduction of the parts of a body to mutual Contingency . And this is that opinion , which only hath subjugated our judgement , and which seems worthy our best patronage : in regard not only of its sufficiency to explicate all the various Apparences among bodies , resulting from their several Differences in Rarity and Density ; but also of its exuperance of reason above the F●rst , and of intelligibility above the second ; it being the duety of a Philosopher , always to prefer Perspicuity to Obscurity , plain and genuine notions to such as are abstracted not farther from matter , than all possibility of Comprehension . According to this Hypothesis , therefore , of Vacuities interspersed ( of which ●pecurus seems to have been the Author ) we understand , and dare define a Rare Body to be such , as obtaining little of Matter , possesseth much of Place ; and on the contrary , a Dense one to be that , which obtaining much of Matter , possesseth little of Place : intending by Place , all that space circumscribed by the superfice of the Ambient , such as is the space included betwixt the sides , or in the concave of a vessel . For , supposing any determinate space to be one while possessed by Aer alone , another while by Water alone ; the Aer therein contained cannot be said to be Rare , but only because though it hath much less of matter , or substance , yet it takes up as much of space , or room as the Water : nor the Water to be Dense , but only because though it hath much more of matter , yet doth it take up no more of space , than the Aer . Whence it is purely Consequent , that if we conceive that Water to be rarified into Aer , and that Aer to be condensed into Water ; the Aer made of the Water re●ified , must replenish a vessel of capacity not only ten-fold , as Aristotle inconsiderately conjectured , but a hundred-fold greater , as Mersennus by stalick experiments hath demonstrated : and transpositively , the Water made by the Aer condensed , must be received in a Vessel of capacity an hundred-fold less ; when yet in that greater mass of Aer , there can be no more of Matter , or Quantity , than was in that smaller mass of Water , before its Rare●action ; nor in that smaller mass of Water less of Matter , or Quantity , than was in that greater mass of Aer , before its Condensation . Evident it is , therefore , that by those , contrary motions of Rarifaction and Condensation , a Body doth suffer no more than the meer Mutation of its Figure , or the Diffusion and Contraction of its parts : its Quantity admitting no Augment●tion in the one , nor Diminution of the other . This being Apodictical , the sole Difficulty that requires our Enodation , is only this ; Whether a Rare Body possessing a greater space , than a Dense , proportion●tely to its Quantity , doth so possess all that space circumscribed by its superfice , as to replenish all and every the least particle thereof , not leaving any space or spaces , however exile , unreplenisht with some adaequate particle of its matter ? Or whether there are not some small parts of space , in●●rmixt among its diffused or mutually incontingent particles , in which no particles of its matter are included , and so there remain small Vacuola , or Empty spaces , such as we have formerly more than twi●e described , in our Chapter of a Disseminate Vacuity in Nature ? And this descends into another Doubt , whose clear solution is of so much importance , as richly to compensate our most anxious Enquirie ; viz. Whether Rarity be caused from the interception of much Inanity , when the parts of a Body , formerly Adunate , are separated each from other ( at least , in some points of their superfices ) and so the Body become so much more Rare , by how much the more , or more ample empty spaces are intercepted among its incontingent particles : or Wheth●r Density and Rarity depend on any other possible Causes besides th●s , i. e. without the intermistion of inane spaces among ●he 〈◊〉 of Bodies ? And this we conceive to be the whole and true state of that Controversie , which hath so perplexed the minds of many the most eminent Philosophers in the world . That the Rarity and Density of Bodies can arise from no other Cause immediately , but the more or less of Inanity intercepted among their particles ; may be thus Demonstrated . If in a Rare body there be admitted no Vacuola , or small empty spaces , but it be assumed , that the particles of Matter are adaequate both in Number and Dimensions to the particles of space , wherein it is contained ; then must it necessarily follow , that in Condensation many particles of Matter must be reduced into one particle space , which before Condensation was adaequate onely to one particle of Matter : and , on the contrary ; in Rarefaction , one and the same particle of matter must possess many of space , each whereof , before Rarefaction , was in dimensions fully respondent thereto . For Example ; in Aer condensed into Water , an hundred particles of Aer must be reduced into one particle of space : and in Water rarified into Aer , one particle of the matter of Water must possess an hundred particles of space . Again , according to the Assumption of no Vacuity , since in a Vessel replete with Aer , the parts of Aer must be equal in number and dimensions to the parts of space , thereby circumscribed , none the least particle of space being admitted to be Inane ; if you fill the same Vessel with Water , or Lead , or Gold , it must follow , that the parts of the matter of Aer , and the parts of the matter of Water , Lead , or Gold , shall be equal in number , because Quae sunt uni tertio aequalia ; aequalia sunt etiam inter se : and if so , needs must Aer be aequally Dense with Water , Lead , or Gold , which all men allow to be the most dense and compact body in Nature in regard it transcends all others in weight and difficulty of Solution , or Division ; ( 2 ) All bodies in the Universe must be equally Dense , or equally Rare ; ( 3 ) And so nothing can be capable of Condensation or Rarefaction . The least of which unconcealable Absurdities , ( not to enumerate any others of those many that depend on the same Concession of an absolute Plenitude , or no Vacuity ) is great enough to render those Heads , which have laboured to destroy the Vacuola of Epicurus , strongly suspected of Incogitancy , if not of stupidity . T were good manners in us to praesume , that no man can be so Facile , as to conceive , that Aristotle hath prevented these Exceptions , by that Distinction of his , de Actu & Potentia : but , because Praejudice may do much , we judge it expedient a while to insist upon the Examination of the importance and congruity thereof . He ratiocinates ( 4 ▪ physic . cap. 9. ) that the matter of Contraries , E. G. of Heat and Cold , Rarity and Density is one and the same ; so that as the same matter is one while Actually Hot another while Actually Cold , because it is both Hot and Cold Potentially : so is one and the same matter now Actually Rare , now Actually Dense , because it is both Rare and Dense Potentially . But , in strictness of Logick , all that this Argument enforceth , is only that the same matter is Capable of Rarefaction and Condensation ; which no man ever disputed . The Quaestion is , Whether the same Matter , when Actually Rare , hath its parts dissociated and diffused into a greater space , than what they possessed while it was onely Potentially Rare , and that without the intermixture of Inanity among them ? And all that can be collected from his discourses touching that , is no more than this ; that as a matter or substance actually Hot , doth become more Hot , without the Emersion , or Accession of any new part , which was not actually Hot before : so likewise doth the same matter actually Extense , become more Extense , without the Emersion , or Accession of any new part , which was not actually Extense before . But this Arrow was shot at random , not directly to the mark , nor hath it attained the Difficulty ▪ For the Quaestion again is not , Whether in Rarefaction , any part of the matter were not formerly Extense : but , Whether that matter , which was formerly Extense , can be made more Extense without the Dissociation of its particles ▪ and whether the particles of it can be actually Dissociated , without the interception of Inanity among them ? Besides , His Comparison is as incongruous , as his Argument is weak ; for ( 1 ) His Assumption concerning Heat is not only Precarious , but false , as shall be demonst●●ted , in suo loco : ( 2 ) were it true , yet doth that part of matter , which is actually Hot , remain indivulse or indistracted ; otherwise than a part of matter , which being actually Extense , becomes more Extense , and therefore the Analogy faileth . In conclusion , to mend the matter , He recurrs to that similitude of a Circle , which though contracted into a less , hath yet none of its parts more incurvate than they were before : But , alas the Quaestion still remains untoucht , ●nd ( that we may not stay to impeach him of indecorum , in making an ●ndecent transition from a Physical to a Mathematical subject ; contrary to his own Dialectical institutes ) his similitude will bear no more of inference but only this , that a thing may be made more Dense , which is 〈◊〉 and Lax ; which is impertinently disputed , when all men concede it . The Ad●ocates of Aristotle generally alleage in his Defense , that He supposed a certain Aethereal , or as some have called it , Animal substance , which inexistent in all Bodies , doth replenish their pores , and more espe●●●lly if their Contexture be Rare ; and that when a Dense Bodie is rarified , there are no small Inane spaces intercepted among its Dissociated parti●les , but that the spaces betwixt them are immediately possessed by that subtile Aethereal substance : and that when a Rare Body is Condensed , th●t Aethereal substance , which did replenish its pores , is excluded . But th●● supposition , though it come neerer to the Quaestion , or center of the Difficulty , is yet far short of solving it . For , take we ( for Example ) ● C●b●cal foot of Aer , and insomuch as the substance of the Aer is more 〈◊〉 , or less exile , than the substance of the supposed Aether , therefore 〈◊〉 it consist of fewer particles , than the Aether : and upon consequence ▪ 〈◊〉 the whole Cubical foot of Aer there are not more particles of Matte● 〈◊〉 the Aereal and Aethereal ones being conjoyned , than if it consisted o●●y of Aereal particles . Now we enquire of Aristotles Champions , Whether or no in that Cubical foot consisting of the Aggregate of both sorts of particles , there are as many particles of Matter , as are in a Cubical foot of Water , Lead , or Gold ▪ The Affirmative is more than they dare own ; nor can they deny , but that the space possessed by one foot containeth as many small parts of space , respondent to the particles of matter , as the other : and if so , must not there be in the Foot of Aer , many particles of space , which are possessed neither by the Aereal nor Aethereal particles , and are not those unpossessed particles of space absolutely Empty ? If you undertake the Negative , you insnare your self in this Absurdity , that the particles of a Cubical Foot of Aer and Aether conjoyned , must be equal in number to the particles of a Cubical foot of Water , Lead , or Gold. The Difficulty of understanding the Formal and Immediate Reason of Rarity and Density in Bodies , by that so popularly applauded Hypothesis of an Aethereal substance ( imagined to maintain an absolute Plenitude , and so a Continuity through the whole vast Body of Nature ) being thus evinced ; let us a while consider , how easily even the meanest Capacity may comprehend the full Nature of those Primary and Eminent Affections , from the concession of small Vacuities . We have formerly explicated the matter , by the convenient similitude of an Heap of Corn , or Sand ; which being lightly and gently poured into a Vessel , takes up more room then when prest down : and we shall yet more facilitate the Conception thereof by another simile , somewhat more praegnant , because more Analogous . When a Fleece , or Lock of Wool is deduced , or distended , we say , it is made more Rare ; and when Compressed , more Dense : now the Rarity thereof consisteth only in this , that the Hairs , which were formerly more Consociate , United , or at closer Order among themselves , are Dissociated , Dis-united , or reduced to more open Order , and the spaces betwixt them , become either more , or larger , in which no particle of Wool is contained : and on the contrary , the Density thereof consisteth onely in this , that the Particles or Hairs , which were before more Dissociated , or at open order , are by Compression brought to more Vicinity , or to closer order , and the spaces betwixt them become fewer and lesser . And thus are we to conceive , how the same Matter , without Augmentation or Diminution of Quantity , may be now Rarified into Aer , and anon Condensed into Water ; for , instead of the Hairs in the Fleece of Wool , we need only put the Particles of the matter , which in Rarifaction are Dissociated , in Condensation Coadunated . And this Conception may be extended also to a Spunge , Flaxe , or any other Porous and Lax bodie ▪ because they are capable of Expansion and Contraction onely in this respect , that the small spaces intercepted in the incontiguities or distances of their particles , are now enlarged , now contracted . We confess , this similitude is not adaequate in all points , there being this Difference , that when a Fleece of Wool is expansed , the ambient Aer doth instantly insinuate into the small spaces intercepted betwixt the dissociated particles of it , and so possess them ▪ but ▪ nothing of Aer , or Aether , or other substance whatever doth insinuate it self into the small spaces intercepted betwixt the dissociated particles or Aer ▪ or Water , when either of them is Rarified : we say , notwithstanding this Disparity , yet doth it hold thus far good and quadrant , that as nothing of Wool possesseth those spaces , which would therefore remain absolutely Empty , in case the sociable Aer did not instantly succeed in possession of them ; so , since the parts of the matter of Water are Expansed or Dissociated after the same manner , as are the Hairs of Wool , and after the same manner Contracted or United ; and certain small Loculaments are likewise intercepted betwixt the particles of that matter , in which nothing of Water can be contained , during the state of Rarifaction , and which no other substance can be proved to possess ; it must thence follow , that those deserted small spaces , or Loculaments remain absolutely Empty . And more than that , our similitude is not concerned to impart . But , that we may make some farther advantage thereof , we observe ; that as when a Fleece of Wooll is expansed , it is of a greater circumference , and so includes a greater Capacity therein , than when it is compressed ; not that the single Hairs thereof take up a greater space in that capacity , for no Haire can possess more space , than its proper bulk requires , but because the inane spaces or Loculaments intercepted betwixt their divisions are enlarged : exactly so , when the same Matter is now Rarified into Aer , anon Condensed into Water , the Circumference thereof becomes greater and less , and the Capacity included in that circumference is augmented and diminished accordingly ; not that the single Particles of the Matter possess a greater part of that capacity in the state of Rarifaction , th●● in that of Condensation , because no particle can possess more of space than what is adaequate to its dimensions ; but only because the Inane spaces intercepted betwixt their divisions are more ample in one case , than in the other . And hence it is purely consequent , that the matter of a Body Rarified can not be justly affirmed to possess more of true or proper Place , than the matter of the same body Condensed ; though , when we speak according to the customary Dialect of the Vulgar , we say , that a Body Rarified doth possess more of space , than when Condensed : insomuch as under the terme Place is comprehended all that Capacity circumscribed by the extremes or superfice of a Body ; and to the Matter , or Body it self are attributed not onely the small spaces possessed by the particles thereof , but also all those inane spaces interjacent among them , just as by the word City , every man understands not only the dwelling Houses , Churches , Castles , and other aedifices , but also all the streets , Piazzaes , Church-yards , Gardens , and other void places contained within the Walls of it . And in this sense onely are our praecedent Definitions of a Rare , and Dense Body to be accepted . The Reasons of Rarity and Density thus evidently Commonstrated , the pleasantness of Contemplation would invite us to advance to the examination of the several Proportions of Gravity and Levity among Bodies , respective to their particular Differences in Density and Rarity ; the several ways of Rarifying and Condensing Aer and Water ; and the means of attaining the certain weights of each , in the several rates , or degrees of their Rarifaction and Condensation ; according to the evidence of Aerostatick and Hydrostatick Experiments : but in regard these things are not directly pertinent to our present scope and institution , and that Galilaeus and Mersennus have enriched the World with excellent Disquisitions upon each of those sublime Theorems ; we conceive ourselves more excusable for the Omission , than we should have been for the Consideration of them , in this place . However , we ask leave to make a short Excursion upon that PROBLEM , of so great importance to those , who exercise their Ingenuity in either Hydraulick , or Pneumatick ▪ Mechanicks : viz. Whether may Aer be Rarified as much as Condensed ; or whether it be capable of Rarifaction and Condensation to the same rate , or in the same proportion ? That common Oracle , for the Solution of Problems of this abstruse nature , Experience hath assured , that Aer , may be Rarified to so great a height , in red-hot Aeolipiles , or Hermetical Bellows , that the 70 part of Aer formerly contained therein , before rarifaction , will totally fill an Aeolipile upon extreme Rarifaction thereof . For , Mersennus , using an Aeolipile , which being Cold , would receive exactly 13 ounces , one Drachm and an half ; and when Hot , would suck in only 13 ounces : found , that the whole quantity of Aer ignified , and replenishing the same Aeolipile , when glowing Hot , being reduced to its natural state , did possess only the 70. part of the whole Capacity , which was due to the Drachm and half of Water . We say , upon Extreme Rarifaction ; because this seems to be the highest rate , to which any Rarifaction can attain , in regard the Metal of the Aeolipile can endure no more violence of the Fire , without Fusion . As for the Tax , or Rate of its utmost Condensation ; though many are persuaded , that Aer cannot be reduced , by Condensation , to more than a Third part of that Space , which it possesseth in its natural state ; because they have observed , that Water infused into a Vessel of three Heminae , doth not exceed two Heminae , in regard of the Aer remaining within : yet certain it is , that Aer may be Condensed to a far higher proportion . For , Experience also confirms , that into the Chamber of a Wind-Gun ( of usual Dimensions ) Aer may be intruded , to the weight of a Drachm , or sixty Grains : and that in that Capacity , which contains only an ounce of Water , it may be so included , as that yet a greater proportion of Aer may be injected into it . Now , therefore , insomuch as the Aer in ●ersennus his Aeolipile amounts to four Grains ( at least ) or sixe ( at most ) which number is ten times multiplied in sixty ; and that the Concave of the Aeolipile is to the Concave of the Pipe of the Wind-Gun , in proportion sesquialteral : by Computation it appears , that the Aer condensed in the Chamber of the Wind-Gun must be sufficient to fill the Aeolipile ten times over , or the same Chamber 15 times over , if restored to its natural tenour . And hereupon we may safely Conclude , that Aer may be Compressed in a Wind-Gun , to such a rate , as to be contained in a space 15 times less , than what it possessed during its natural Laxity ; and that by the force only of a Mans hand , ramming down the Embol●s , or Charging Iron : which Force being capable of Quadruplication , the Aer may be reduced into a space subquadruple to the former . If so , the rate of the possible Condensation of Aer , will not come much short of that of its extreme Rarefaction : at least , if a Quadruple Force be sufficient to a Quadruple Condensation ; and Aer be capable of a Quadruple Compression : both which are Difficulties not easily determinable . SECT . III. PERSPICUITY and OPACITY we well know to be Qualities not praecisely conformable to the Laws of Rarity and Density ; yet , insomuch as it is for the most part found true ( caeteris paribus ) that every Concretion is so much more Perspicuous , by how much the more Rare ; and è contra , so much the more Opace , by how much more Dense ; and that the Reason of Perspicuity can hardly be understood , but by assuming certain small Vacuities in the Body interposed betwixt the object and the eye , such as may give free passage to the visible Species ; nor that of Opacity , but by conceding a certain Corpulency to the space or thing therein interposed , such as may terminate the sight : therefore cannot this place be judged incompetent , to the Consideration of their severall originals . By a Perspicuum [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we suppose , that every man understands that Body , or Space , which though interposed betwixt the Eye and a Lucid , or Colorate Object , doth nevertheless not hinder the Transition of the Visible species from it to the Eye : and by an Opacum ; that which obstructing the passage of the Visible Species , terminates the sight in it self . We suppose also , that ( according to our praecedent Theory ) the Species Visible consist of certain Corporeal Rayes emitted from the Object , in direct lines toward the Eye ; and that where the Medium , or interjacent space is free , those Rayes are delated through it without impediment ; but , where the space is praepossessed by any solid or Impervious substance , they are repercussed from it toward their Original , the Object . And hence we inferr , that because the total Freedom of their Transmission depends only upon the total Inanity of the Space intermediate ; and so the more or less of freedome trajective depends upon the more or less of Inanity in the Space intermediate : therefore must every Concretion be so much more Perspicuous , by how much the more , and more ample Inane Spaces it hath intercepted among its Component particles ; which permit the Rayes freely to continue on their progress home to the Eye . This we affirm not Universally , but under the due limitation of a Caeteris Paribus , as we have formerly hinted . Because , notwithstanding a piece of Lawn is more or less Perspicuous , according as the Contexture of its Threads is more or less Rare ; and the Aer in like manner is more or less pellucid , according as it is perfused with more or fewer Vapours : yet do we not want Bodies , as Paper , Sponges , &c. Which though more then meanly Rare , are nevertheless Indiaphanous ; and on the contrary , we see many Bodies , sufficiently Dense , as Horn , Muscovy-glass , common glass , &c. which are yet considerably Diaphanous . Now , that you may clearly comprehend the Cause of this Difference , be pleased to hold your right hand before your eye , with your fingers somewhat distant each from other ; and then looking at some object , you may behold it through the chinks or intervals of your fingers : this done , put your left hand also over your right , so as the fingers of it may be in the same position with the former ; and then may you perceive the object , at least as many parts of it as before . But , if you dispose the fingers of your left hand so as to fill up the spaces or intervals betwixt those of your right ; the object shall be wholly eclipsed . Thus also , if you look at an object through a Lawn , or Hair Sieve , and then put another Sieve over that , so as the holes or pores of the second be parallel to those of the first ; you may as plainly discern it through both as one : but , if the twists of the second sieve be objected to the pores of the first , then shall you perceive no part of the object , at least so much the fewer parts , by how much greater a number of pores in the first are confronted by threads in the second . And hence you cannot but acknowledge that the Liberty of inspection doth depend immediately and necessarily upon the Inanity of the pores ; the Impediment of it upon the Bodies that hinder the trajection of the Rayes emitted from the Object : and yet that to Diaphanity is required a certain orderly and alternate Position of the Pores and Bodies , or Particles . This considered , it is manifest , that the Reason why Glass , though much more Dense , is yet much more perspicuous than Paper , is only this ; that the Contexture of the small filaments , composing the substance of Paper , is so confused , as that the Pores that are open on one side or superfice thereof , are not continued through to the other , but variously intercepted with cross-running filaments : as is more sensible in the Co●texture of a Spunge , whose holes are not continued quite thorow , but determined at half way , ( some more , some less ) so that frequently the bottome of one hole is the cover of another , as the Cells in a Hony-comb : but , Glass , in regard of the uniform and regular Contexture of its particles , which are ranged as it were in distinct ranks and files , with pores or intervals orderly and directly remaining betwixt them ; hath its pores not so soon determined by particles oppositely disposed , but continued to a greater depth in its substance . Though this make the whole matter sufficiently intelligible , yet may it receive a degree more of illustration , if we admit the same Conditions to be in the substance of Glass , that are in a Mist , or Cloud ; through which we may behold and object , so long as the small passages or intervals betwixt the particles of the Vapours , through which the rayes of the visible species may be trajected , remain unobstructed : but yet perceive the same so much the more obscurely , by how much the more remote it is ; because , in that case , more impervious particles are variously opposed to those small thorow-fares , that obstruct them , and so impede the progress of most of the rayes . For , thus also Glass , if thin , doth hinder the sight of an object very little , or nothing at all ; but if very thick , it wholly terminates the progress of the species : and , by how much the thicker it is , by so much the more it obscures the object . And this , only because Glass , consisting of small solid Particles , or Granules , and insensible Pores alternately situate , hath many of its pores running on in direct lines through its substance to some certain distance ; but sometimes these ; sometimes those are obturated by small solid particles succedent , when at such a determinate Crassitude , it becomes wholly opace . And this gives us an opportunity to refute that vulgar Error , That the substance of Glass is totally Diaphanous , or that all and every Ray of the the Visive Species is trajected through it , without impediment . To demonstrate the contrary , therefore , we advise you to hold a piece of the finest and thinnest Venice Glass against the Sun , with two sheets of white paper , one betwixt the Sun and the Glass , the other betwixt the Glass and your Eye : for , then shall all the Trajected Rayes be received on the paper on this side of the glass , and the Reflected ones be received on that beyond it . Now , insomuch as that paper , which is betwixt your eye and the glass , doth receive the Trajected rayes , with a certain apparence of many small shadows intercepted among them ; and that paper beyond the glass , doth receive the Reflected rayes with an apparence of many small lights : therefore we demand ( 1 ) from whence can that species of small shadows arise , if not from the Defect of those rayes , that are not transmitted through the Glass , but averted from it ? ( 2 ) Whence comes it , that in neither paper the Brightness or Splendour is so great , as when no Glass is interposed betwixt them ; if not from hence , that the reflected rayes are wanting to the nearest , the trajected ones to the farthest ? ( 3 ) Whence comes it that some rayes are reflected , others trajected ; if not from hence , that as a Lawn sieve transmits those rayes , which fall into its pores , and repercusseth others that fall upon its threads : so doth Glass permit those rayes to pass through , that fall into its pores ; and reverberate those , that strike upon its solid particles ? And what we here say of Glass , holds true also ( in proportion ) of Aer , Water , Horn , Vernish , Muscovy-glass , and all other Diaphanous Bodies . CHAP. X. OF MAGNITUDE , FIGURE : And their Consequents , SUBTILITY , HEBETUDE , SMOOTHNESSE , ASPERITY . SECT . I. THe MAGNITUDE and FIGURE of Concretions , in regard our Reason doth best derive them from the Two First Proprieties , or Essential Attributes of the Universal Matter , Atoms ; are the Qualities which justly challenge our next Meditation . Concerning their Origination , therefore , we advertise First , that although it be not necessary , that a Body made up of greater Atoms should therefore be greater , nor contrariwise , that a Body composed of lesser Atoms , should therefore be lesser ; nor that a Body consisting of Atoms of this , or that determinate Figure , should constantly retain that Figure , without capacity of determination to any other : yet doth it seem universally true , that every Concretion therefore hath Magnitude , because its Material Principles , or Component Particles have their certain Magnitudes , or are essentially endowed with real Dimensions ; and as true , that every Concretion is therefore determined to this or that particular Figure , because the Component Particles thereof are not immense , or devoyd of circumscription , but terminated by some Figure or other . Secondly , that the term Magnitude here used , is not to be accepted in a Comparative intention , or as it stands in opposition to Parvity ; in which sense vulgar ears alwayes admit it : but a Positive , or as it is identical and importing the same thing with Quantity , or Extension . For , as every Atom , or that ultimate and indivisible portion of Matter , so called , is no Mathematical point , but possesseth its own simple Magnitude , or Quantity , without respect or comparison to Greater or Less . So must every Concretion be considered , as it stands possessed of its own compound Magnitude , or Quantity , without respect to any other Body , in comparison whereof it may be said to be Greater or Less . Because without the relative conception of any other Body , the Mind doth most clearly and dictinctly apprehend the Magnitude of a Concretion by a Positive ●otion ; insomuch it conceives it to have various parts , whereof none are included within other , but all situate in order , and each in its proper place : so that from thence must follow the Diffusion of them , and consequently the Extension of the whole consisting of them . And well known it is , that the Magnitude , or Quantity of a Body , is nothing but that kind of Extension , which amounts from the aggregate of the singular Extensions of its component particles : of which if any be conceived to be Detracted , or Apposed ; so much is instantly understood to be Detracted from , or Apposed to the Extension of the whole Body . To this alludes that Distich of Lucretius , Propterea , quia quae decedunt Corpora quoique , ●nde abeunt , minuunt ; quo venere , augmine donant . This du●ly perpended , no man need hereafter fear the drilling of his ears by those clamorous and confused litigations in the Schools , about the Formal reason of Quantity ; for nothing can be more evident than this , that 〈◊〉 Extension or Quantity of a thing is meerly Modu● Materiae , or ●ather ) the Matter it self composing that thing ; insomuch as it cons●●●eth not in a Point , but hath parts posited without parts , in respect ●hereof it is Diffuse : and purely consequent from thence , that every Body hath so much of Extension , as it hath of Matter , extension ●eing the proper and inseparable Affection of Matter or Substance . Hence also may we detect and refute the extreme absurdity of those high-flying Wits , who imagine that a Body , when Rarified , though it hath no more of Matter , hath yet more of Quantity or Extension , than when Condensed : because from the praemises it is an apodictical verity , that the Extension attributed to a Body Rarified , 〈◊〉 not an Extension of the Matter of it alone , but of the Matter and small ●nane Spaces , intercepted among its dissociated particles , together ; so that if you suppose the Extension of those small Vacuities to be excluded from the Aggregate , you cannot but confess , that the Matter hath no more of Extension in its parts Dissociated , than it had in the same parts Coa●unated . Moreover , this sufficiently instructs us to give a decisive Response to that so long debated Quaestion , An per Rarifactionem acquiratur , per Condensationem deperdatur Quantitas ? Whether the Quantity of a Body is Augmented in Rarifaction , and Diminished in Condensation , or no ? For , as nothing of Matter is conceived to be added to a body , while it is Rarified ; nothing of Matter detracted from it while Condensed : so is it undeniable , at least unrefutable , that nothing of Quantity is acquired by Rarifaction , or amitted by Condensation ; but only that those empty spaces are admitted , or excluded , which being in a Rarified body conjoined to the small spaces , that the particles of its matter possess , make it appear to be Greater , or to replenish a greater place , than before ; and in a Condensed body , detracted from the small spaces , that the particles of its matter do possess , make it appear Less , or to fill a less place than before . If so , it may be cause of wonder even to the wisest and most charitable Consideration , that the Defendants of Aristotles doctrine of Quantity , have with so much labour and anxiety of mind betrayed themselves into sundry not only inextricable Difficulties , but open Repugnances ; while on the one side they affirm , that as well Quantity as Matter , is Ingenerable and Incorruptible : and on the other admit , that the same Matter may be one while Extended to the occupation of all and every part of a greater space ; and another while again so contracted , as to be wholly comprehended in the hundreth part of the former space ( as in the Condensation of Aer into Water ) than which no Contradiction can be or more open , or more irreconcileable . And yet we see those , who have easily swallowed it , and upon digestion become so transcendently exalted to sublimities , as to imagine the Quantity of a thing to be absolutely distinct from the matter , or substance of it : and thereupon to conclude , that Rarity and Density doe consist only in the several proportions , which substance hath to Quantity . Much more plausible were their Explication , had they derived the Extension of a thing , meerly from Space , or Place ; because , whenever any thing is said to be Extense , the mind instantly layes hold of some determinate part of space , referring the Extension of it simply and entirely to the Place , wherein it is , or may be contained , and which is exaequate to its Dimensions : nor is it , indeed , easie to wean the Understanding from this habitual manner of Conception . Whereof if we be urged to render a satisfactory Reason , we confess , we know no better than this ; that by the Law of Nature , every Body in the Universe is consigned to its peculiar Place , i. e. such a canton of space , as is exactly respondent to its Dimensions : so that whether a Body quiesce , or be moved , we alwayes understand the Place wherein it is Extense , to be one and the same , i. e. equal to its Dimensions . We say , By the Lay of Nature ; because , if we convert to the Omnipotence of its Author , and consider that the Creator did not circumscribe his own Energy by those fundamental Constitutions , which his Wisedom imposed upon the Creature : we must wind up the nerves of our Mind to a higher key of Conception , and let our Reason learn of our Faith to admit the possibility of a Body existent without Extension , and the Extension of a Body consistent without the Body it self ; as in the sacred mystery of our Saviours Apparition to his Apostles , after his Resurrection [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the dores being shut . Not that we can comprehend the manner of either , i. e. the Existence of a Body without Extension , and of Extension without a Body ; for our narrow intellectuals , which cannot take the altitude of the smallest effect in Nature , must be confest an incompetent measure of supernaturals : but that , whoever allowes the power of God to have formed a Body out of no praeexistent matter ▪ cannot deny the same power to extend to the reduction of the same Body to nothing of matter again . Which the most pious S. August . ( Epist. 3. ) and yet this hinders not , but a Body , which is not actually divided into parts , may be said to be Continued ; insomuch as it so appears to the sense , which cannot discern the several Commissures of its particles . Again , forasmuch as Aristotle defines a Continuum to be that , whose Parts are conjoyned by some Common mean , or Term ; it is requisite we observe how far forth his definition is consistent with right reason . We allow it to be true Physically so far forth , as there are no two parts assignable , which are conjoyned by some third intermediate part , either sensible ( as in a magnitude of three feet , the two extreme feet are copulated together by the third intermediate ) or Insensible ( as in the magnitude of two feet , which are joyned together by some interjacent particle , so small as to evade the detection of sense ) : But , if with Him we accept that Common Mean , or Terme , for a Mathematical Point , or individual ( for He expresly affirms , that the parts of a Line are copulated by a Point ; the parts of a Superfice , by a Line ; the parts of a Body , by a Line , or Superfice ) t is plain , that our Conceptions must be inconsistent with Physical verity ; because such Insectiles , or Individuals are not real , but only Imaginary , as we have copiously asserted in our Discourse concerning the Impossible Division of a Continuum into parts infinitely subdivisible . Besides , who can conceive that to be a Caement or Glew to unite two parts into one Continued substance , which hath it self no parts designable either by sense or reason ? Nor can any thing be rightly admitted to conjoyn two Bodies , unless it hath two sides , Extremes , or faces ; one whereof may adhaere to one of the two Bodies , the other to the other , so as to make a sensible Continuity . Concerning the Quality of a Body called FIGURE , that which is chiefly worthy our praesent adversion , is onely this ; that if Figure be considered Physically , it is nothing but the superficies , or terminant Extreames of a Body . We say , Physically ; because Geometricians distinguish Figures into Superficial , or Plane , and Profound , or Solid : but the Physiologist knows no other Figure properly , but the Superficial ; because , in strict truth , the Profound or Solid one seems to Him , to be rather the Magnitude , or Corpulency of a thing circumscribed or terminated by its Figure , than the Figure it self abstractedly intended . Nay , if we insist upon the rigour of verity , the Figure of a Body is really nothing but the Body it self ; at least , the meer Manner of its Extreme parts , according to which our sense deprehends it to be smooth or rough , elated or depressed . This may be most fully evinced by only one Example , viz. the figure made upon Wax by the impression of a Seal . For , that Figure really is nothing but the very substance of the Wax , in some parts made more Eminent , in others more deprest , or profound , according to the Reverse of its Type ingraven in some hard substance ; and that without Adjection , or Detraction o● any Entity whatever . And what we affirm of the Figure made in Wax by Sigillation , is of equal truth ( proportionately ) if accommodated to any other Figure whatever : no● doth it imply a Difference , whether the Figure be Natural , such as in Animals , Vegetables , Minerals ; or Artificial , such as in Aedifices , Statues , Characters , &c. SECT . II. THe 〈◊〉 of Magnitude and Figure in Concretions ▪ being thus 〈…〉 follows , that we explore their Effects , i. e. the Qualities which seem so immediately cohaerent to the Magnitude and Figure of Bodies as that reason cannot consigne them to more likely and probable Principles , than the two First Proprieties of the Universal Matter , Atoms ▪ The 〈◊〉 , therefore , of Magnitude , are SUBTILITY and its 〈…〉 . Not that the Emergency of a Great Body from Atoms the 〈◊〉 Exile ; or of a small body from great Atoms , is impossibl● ▪ 〈…〉 formerly intimated : but , that a Body consisting of more Exil● ▪ 〈…〉 A●om● , hath a greater subtility , or obtains a Faculty of pen●●●ating the contexture of another body , by subingression into the pores , 〈…〉 ●hereo● ▪ and a body consisting of grosser Atoms , must have more of 〈…〉 Hebe●ude , and so hath not the like Faculty of penetrating the Co●●●xtures of other bodies , by subingression into the mane spaces ▪ o● inte●●●●● betwixt their particles . This may be Exemplified in Fire and 〈…〉 and Oyle ; Aqua Fortis and Milk , &c. We are 〈◊〉 now to learn the truth of that Chymical Canon , Cuique 〈…〉 , vel extrahendae eligendum esse idoneum menstruum , quod 〈…〉 respondeat : experience having frequently ascertained us , that Aqu● 〈◊〉 , which soon dissolves the most compact of bodies , Gold , will no● 〈…〉 Re●ine . Pitch , Wax ▪ and many other Unctuous and Re●inous 〈◊〉 ; which yeild almost at first touch to the separatory ●acu●ty 〈…〉 that Mercurial Waters expeditely insinuate into the substance of Gold , dissolve the Continuity of its stiffly cohaerent particles and 〈◊〉 from a most solid into an oyly substance ; not so much by 〈…〉 ●ymbolisme or Affinity of nature : that Salt , Nitre , and Sulphur , whic●●eing added to Sand , Flints , and many Metals , promote the solution , 〈…〉 fire ; have yet no accelerating , but a retarding energy upo● Turpentine , Balsome , Myrrh , &c. in the extraction of their Oyls , or 〈◊〉 that all Waters , or Spirits extracted from Sa●ine and Metalline nature are most convenient Menstruaes for the solution of Metals & Minerals ; not 〈◊〉 much in respect of their Corrosion , as similitude of pores and particles and consequently that every Concretion requires to its dissolution some 〈◊〉 dissolvent , that holds some respondency or analogy to its contexture . 〈◊〉 yet have we no reason , therefore to abandon our Assumption ▪ that 〈◊〉 dissolution of one body , by the subingression or insinuation 〈…〉 another , must arise from the greater subtility of particles 〈…〉 , until it be commonstrated to us , that a Body , whose 〈…〉 can penetrate another Body , whose Pores are more 〈…〉 whereto is demonstrated to us by the frequent Experiment● of 〈◊〉 . And , therefore , the Reason , Why Oyle Olive doth pervade some Bodies , which yet are impenetrable even by spirit of Wine ( by ●aimundus Lullius , and after him by Libavius and Quercetan , accounted the true Sulphur and Mercury of Hermetical Philosophers , extracted from a Vegetable , for the solution of Gold into a Potable substance , and the Confection of the Great Elixir ; and as General a Dissolvent , as that admired ( but hardly understood ) Liquor Alkahest of Paracelsus , if not the same ) can be no other but this : that in the substance of Oyle are some Particles much more subtile and penetrative , than any contained in the substance of Wine ; though those subtile particles are thinly interspersed among a far greater number of Hamous , or Hooked particles , which retard their penetration . Thus also in that affrighting and Atheist-converting Meteor , Lightning , seem to be contained many particles much more exile and searching than those of our Culinary Fires : because it sometimes dissolves the hardest of Metals in a moment , which preserve● its integrity for some hours in our fiercest reverberatory furnaces . Which Lucretius well expresseth in this Tetrastich ; Dicere enim possis , caelestem Fulminis ignem Subtilem magis , e parvis constare Figuris ▪ Atque ideo transire foramina , quae nequit ignis Noster hic elignis ortus taedaque creatus . Secondly , the Qualities Consequent to Figure , are SMOOTHNESSE , and its contrary , ASPERITY . Not that , if we appeal to the judgement of the sense , the superfice of a Body may not be smooth , though it consist of angulou● Atoms ; or rough , though composed of plain and polite Atoms : for , all Atoms , as well as their Figures , are so Exile , as that many of them that are angular , may cohaere into a mass , without any inequality in the superfice deprehensible by the sense ; and on the contrary , many of those that are plane and polite , may be convened and concreted into such masses , as to make angles , edges , and other inequalities sufficiently sensible . But , that if we refer the matter partly to the judicature of Reason , partly to the evidence of our senses in General ; we cannot but determine it to arise from the Figuration of Atoms alone . First , to the judicature of Reason ▪ for , as the mind admits nothing to be perfectly continued , besides an Atom : so can it admit nothing to be exquisitely smooth , besides either the whole superfice of an Atom , ●f the same be orbicular , oval , or of the like Figure ; or som parts of it , if the same be tetrahedical , hexahedrical , or of some such poligone figure . Because , look by what reason the mind doth conclude the superfice of no Concretion in nature to be perfectly continued : by the same reason doth 〈◊〉 ●●nclude the superfice of every thing , seemingly most equal and polite , to be ●●r●●usly interrupted with asperities , or eminent , and deprest particles ; and 〈…〉 refers immediately and sole●y to many small masses of Atoms , in 〈◊〉 Contexture coadunated , like as it referrs the interruptions in the superfice of a piece of Lawne , or Cambrique , which to the eye and touch appears most smooth and united , to the small masses of Filaments interwoven in the webb . And here the Experiment of a Microscope is opportune ; for , when a man looks through it upon a ●heet of the finest and ●moo●hest Venice Paper , which seems to the naked eye , and most exquisite touch , to be equal and ●erse in all parts of it superfice ▪ He shall discern it to be so full of Eminences and Cavities , or small Hills and Valleys , as the most praegnant and praepared Imagination cannot suppose any thing more unequal and impolite . Se●ondly , to the Evidence of our senses in General ; because , the very Af●●ction of Pleasure or Pain , arising to the sensory from the contact of the s●●●ible object , doth sufficiently demonstrate , that smoothness is a Quality 〈◊〉 either from such Atoms , or such small masses of Atoms contexed , as 〈◊〉 smooth and pleasant to the sense , by reason of their correspondence 〈◊〉 ●he pores and particles of the Organ : and contrariwise , that ●sperity is a ●uality , resulting either from such single Atoms ▪ or such most minute masses of Atoms concreted , as dilacerate , or exasperate the sense , by reason of 〈◊〉 incongruity or Disproportion to the Contexture of the Organ : as w● 〈◊〉 , even to redundancy , Exemplified in the Grateful and Ungrateful 〈◊〉 of each sense . CHAP. XI . OF THE Motive Vertue , Habit , Gravity , and Levity OF CONCRETIONS . SECT . I. THe Third Propriety of the Universal Matter , Atoms , is Mobility , or Gravity : and from that fountain is it that all Concretions derive their Virtue Motive . For , though our deceptable sense inform us , that the minute Particles of Bodies are fixt in the act of their Coadunation , wedged up together , and as it were fast bound to the peace by reciprocal concatenation and revinction : yet , from the D●ssolution of all Compound natures , in process o● time , caused by the intestine Commotions of their Elementary Principles , without the hostility of any External Contraries , may our more judicious Reason well inferr , that Atoms are never totally deprived of that their essential Faculty , Mobility ; but are ance●santly agitated thereby even in the centrals of Concretions , the most so●id and compact ; some tending one way , others another , in a perpetual 〈◊〉 of Eruption , and when the Major part of them chance to ●ffect 〈…〉 the same way of emancipation , then is their united force determimined ●o one part of the Concretion , and motion likewise determined to one region , respecting that Part. That same MOTIVE VIRTUE , there●ore , wherewith every Compound Bodie is naturally endowed , must owe ●ts ●rigine to the innate and co-essential Mobility o● its component particles ▪ being really the same thing with their Gravity , or Impetus : which yet receives its determinate manner and degree from their mutual Combination . In respect whereof it necessarily comes to pa●s , that when Atoms , mutually adh●ering vnto 〈…〉 other , ca●●ot obey the ●mpu●●e of 〈◊〉 ●●ndency singly , they are not moved with that pernicity , as if each were a●●●solute liberty ; but impeding and retarding each other in their progress , ar●●●rried with a flower motion , But that more or less slow , according to 〈◊〉 rate or proportion of common Resistence : because always some of them are carryed to an opposite , others transversly , others obliquely to a dif●●rent region . An● 〈◊〉 is it , that because Atoms are at most freedom of range in 〈…〉 Concretions ▪ every degree of Density and Compactness causin● 〈◊〉 ●●oportionate degree of Tardity in their spontaneous motions : 〈…〉 the Motive Faculty not more generally , than rightly conceived , 〈…〉 chiefly in the spiritual , or ( as vulgar Philosophy ) Aethereal Parts 〈◊〉 Concretions . And , whether the spirits of a thing are principa● de●●●mined to move , thither do they not only themselves contend , 〈…〉 and speed , but also carry along with them the more 〈…〉 less mov●able parts o● the Concretion ; as is superlatively 〈…〉 Voluntary motions o● Animals . W● 〈◊〉 not here insist upon the Redargution of that Blasphemous and Absur● 〈◊〉 the forme● Epi●hit● always implies the later ) dream of 〈…〉 Atoms wer● not only the First Matter , but also the First and 〈…〉 of all things ▪ and consequently that all Motions , and so all 〈…〉 ●niverse and Caused meerly by the inhaerent Mobility of them : be 〈…〉 have expresly refuted the same in our Treatise against Atheism , 〈…〉 1. artic . ultim ) . Especially , since it is more opportune for us her● 〈…〉 ; that insomuch as the motion of all Atoms is supposed 〈…〉 D●rect , and most rapid ; therefore doth the Deviation , as 〈…〉 of Concretions seem to arise from the Deflection , Repercussion 〈…〉 Repression of the Atoms composing them . For , the 〈…〉 meeting of two Atoms ▪ may be in direct lines : so that among 〈…〉 singl● percussion ▪ or repercussion overcom●ng the first begun 〈…〉 assembly o● Conventi●n will bear , there may be caused some 〈…〉 ●hough more or less slow : and their Occursations may be 〈…〉 Oblique angles , and so , by the same reason may ensue a 〈…〉 more or less slow , but also more or less Oblique . More●ve● 〈…〉 repe●cussion made to oblique angles , there chance to 〈…〉 repercussion to angles equally oblique ; then must the 〈…〉 ●bl●quity multangular , according to the multiplicity 〈…〉 the Angles be very frequent and indistant ▪ the 〈…〉 at least to appearance , to be of an uniform Curvity , and 〈…〉 be termed a motion Circular , Elliptical , Helico●●al , 〈…〉 a●cording to the condition of its Deflection and Crooked●●●● . 〈…〉 observ● , tha● every Body , whether Simple or 〈…〉 Concretion , fr●m which a Repercussion is made , must 〈…〉 b● move● the same way , as is the repercust , or not 〈…〉 because , otherwise there can be no mutual 〈…〉 impingent body rebound from the repercuti●● 〈…〉 , why ●excepting only the motion 〈…〉 of all Concretions doth ever suppose something that remains Unmoved , or that , in respect of its less motion , is tantamount to a thing Unmoved : because , otherwise there could be no reciprocal Resistence , and so all motion might both begin and repair it self . Having thus premised these few fundamental Laws of Motion in General , opportunity commands us to descend to the consideration of the FACULTY of Motion : insomuch as it seems not to be any thing distinct from that Motive Force , inhaerent in all Concretions , which we have now both described , and deduced from its immediate origine , the Mobility of Atoms ; and that it is well known to all Book-men , to appertain to the second species of Qualities , according to the method of Aristotle . To which we may add these lessons also , that it comprehends the Third species of Qualities , and obtains the First , or Habit , as its proper appendix . Know we , therefore , that the Faculty or Power of Motion doth therefore seem to be one and the same thing with the coessential Mobility , now described ; because every thing in Nature is judged to have just so much of Efficacy , or Activity , as it hath of Capacity to move either it self , or any other thing . And hence is it , that in Nature there is no Faculty ( properly ) but what is Active ; because , though the motions of things be really the same with their Actions : yet must all motion have its beginning only from the Movent , or Agent . Nor can it avail to the contrary , that all Philosophers have allowed a Passive Faculty to be inhaerent in all Concretions ; since , in the strict dialect of truth , that Passiveness is no other than a certain Impotency of Resistence , or the Privation of an Active Power , in defect whereof the subject is compelled to obey the Energy of another . If you suppose an obscure Contradiction in this our Assertion , and accordingly Object ; that therefore there must be a Faculty of Resistence , in some proportion , and that that Resistence is Passive : we are provided of a satisfactory salvo , which is , that though the Active Virtue , which is in the Resistent , doth sometimes scarce discover it self , yet is it manifest , that there are very many things , which make resistence only by motion , which no man can deny to be an Active Faculty ; as when we rowe against wind and tide , or strive with a Bowe in the drawing of it , for all these evidently oppose our force by contrary moton . And , as for other things , which seem to quiesce , and yet make some resistence ; such we may conceive to make that resistence by a kinde of motion , which Physicians denominate a Tonick motion ; like that of the Eye of an Animal , when by the Contraction of all its muscles at once it is held in one fixt position . Thus not only the whole Globe of the Earth , but all its parts are held unmoved , and first by mutual cohaerence , and resist motions as they are parts of the whole : and thus also may all Concretions be conceived to be made Immote , not that the Principles of which they consist ▪ are not in perpetual inquietude and motion ; but , because their par●●cles reciprocally wedge and implicate each other , and while some impede ●nd ●ppose the motions of others , they all conspire to the Consistence of ●he whole . However the more Learned and Judicious shall further dispute ●his paradoxical Argument ; yet dare we determine the Common Noti●n of a Faculty to be this , that there is inherent in every thing a Prin●●ple of Moving itself , or Acting , if not Primary●which ●which the schools terme the Forme ) yet Secondary at least , or profluent from the Forme , being as it were the immediate Instrument thereof . And here we cannot conceal our wonder , that the Peripatetick hath not for so many ages together discovered himself to be intangled in a manifest Contradiction ; while on one part He affirms , that there are certain Faculties flowing â tota substantia , from the whole substance of a thing , as if they were derived from the matter of Concretions : and on the other , concludes , as indisputable , that the Matter is absolutely devoid of all Activity , as if it were not certain , that the Faculties frequently perish , when yet not the whole and intire substance of the thing perisheth , but only the spiritual , or more tenuious parts thereof . Now , what more praegnant Argument than this can the most circumspect desire , in order to their Conviction , that the Faculties of an Animal ( we exclude the Rational Faculty of man , from the sphere of our assertion ) ar● Identical with the Spirits of it , i. e. the most subtile , most free , and most moveable or active part of its materials ? For , though the spirits are by vulgar Philosophers conceived to be only the Primary Organ , or immediate Instrument , which the Faculty residing in one part , occasionally transmits into another : yet , to those Worthies , who have with impartial and profound scrutiny searched into the mystery , hath it appeared more consentaneous , that the spirits are of the same nature with the Faculty , and not only movent , but Instrument ; nor can it stand with right reason to admit more than this , that as water in the streams is all one specifically with that in the fountain , so is the Faculty , keeping its court or chief residence in one part of the body , as it were the Fountain , or Original , from whence to all other parts , inservient to the same function , the diffusion of spirits is made , in certain exile rivolets , or ( what more neerly attains the abstrusity ) Rayes , like those emitted from the Sun , or other fountain of light . And , what we here say , of the Faculties of Animals , holds equal truth , also concerning those of Inanimate Concretions ; allowing a difference of proportion . But here ariseth a considerble Difficulty , that at first view seems to threaten our Paradox with total ruine ; and this it is : if the Faculties of Concretions be not distinct in essence from their spirits , or most agile particles ; how then can there be so many various Faculties coexistent in one and the same concretion , as are dayly observed ; for in an Apple , for example , there is one Faculty of affecting the sight , another of affecting the taste , a third affecting the smell . Concerning this , therefore , we give you this solution , that the coexistence of various Faculties in one Concretion , doth depend upon ( 1 ) the variety of multiforme particles , of which the whole Concretion doth consist , ( 2 ) the variety of particles and special contexture of its divers parts , ( 3 ) the variety of External Faculties , to which it happens that they are applied . To keep to our former Example , in an Apple , t is manifest , there are some particles , in which consisteth its faculty of affecting the smell , others in which consisteth its faculty of affecting the Tast ; for , the Experiments of Chymistry demonstrate , that these different particles may be so sequestred each from other , as that the tast may be conserved , when the smell is lost , and the smell conserved , when the taste is abolished . And in an Animal it is no less evident , that the organ of one sense hath one peculiar kind of contexture , the organ of another sense another : and finally , that when we shall referr the Faculties of Odour and Sapour , which are in an Apple , to the Faculties of smelling and tasting in Animals ; they become subject to a further discrimination . Since the same particles , which move the smelling , shall create a sweet and grateful odour , in respect of one Animal , and an offensive or stinking , in respect of another : and in like manner , those particles , which affect the Taste , shall yeild a most grateful and desireable Sapour , to one Animal , and as odious and detestable a one to another . Ought we , therefore , to account that Faculty of an Odour , which is in an Apple , either Single , or Multiplex ? If we would speak strictly , it is Single Absolutely : Respectively , Multiplex . And thus , indeed , may we affirm , that in the General , or absolutely , an Apple is Odorous and Sapid : but Comparatively and in Special , that it is fragrant , or foetid ; sweet or bitter . As for that Appendix of a Faculty , which not only Philosophers , but the People also name a HABIT ; Experience daily teacheth , that there are some Faculties , ( in Animals especially ) which by only frequency of acting grow more prompt and fit to act : and upon consequence , that that Hability or promptness for action , is nothing but a Facility of doing , or repeating that action , which the same Faculty , by the same instruments , hath frequently done before . And , as to the Reason of this Facility ; though it arise in some measure from the Power or Faculty it self , or the Spirits , as being accustomed to one certain motion : yet doth it chiefly depend upon the Disposition of the Organs , or instruments which the Faculty makes use of in the performance of its proper action . For , because the Organ is alwayes a Dissimilar or Compound Body , consisting of some parts that are crass and rigid ; we are to conceive it to be at first somewhat stubborn , and not easily flexible to such various motions , as the Faculty requires to its several operations : and therefore , as when we would have a Wand to be every way easily flexible , we are gently and frequently to bend it , that so the tenour of its fibres running longwise through it , may be here and there and every where made more lax , without any sensible divulsion ; so if we desire to have our hands expedite for the performance of all those difficult motions that are necessary to the playing of a Lesson on the Lute , we must by degrees master that rigidity or clumsiness in the Nerves , Tendons , Muscles and joints of our fingers , yea in the very skin and all other parts of our hands . Thus also Infants , while they stammer , and strive again and again to pronounce a word clearly and distinctly , do no more than by degrees master the stiffness and sluggishness of their tongues and other vocal organs , and so make them more flexible and voluble : and when by assuefaction they have made them easily flexible to all the motions required to the formation of that idiome , then at length come they to speak it plainly and perfectly . The same is also true , concerning the Brain , and those Organical parts therein , that are inservient to the act of Imagination , and by the imagination to the act of Discourse . For , though the Mind , when divorced from the the body , can operate most readily , and knows no difficulty or impediment in the act of Intellection ; as being Immaterial , and so wanting no organs for the exercise of its reasoning Faculty : yet nevertheless , while it is adliged to the body and its material instruments , doth it remain subject to some impediment in the execution of its functions ; and because that impediment consisteth only in the less aptitude or inconformity of its proper organs , therefore the way to remove that impediment , is only by Assuefaction of it to study and ratiocination . And from this Assuefaction may the Mind be affirmed to acquire a certain Habit or Promptitude to perform its proper Actions ; insomuch as by reason of that Habit , it operates more freely and expeditely : but , yet , in stricter Logick , that Habit ariseth chiefly to its Organs ; as may be inferred only from hence , that the Organs are capable of increment and decrement , and to increase and decrease , is competent only to a thing that consisteth of parts ; such as is the Organ , not the Mind . Nor is the acquisition of a Habit by assuefaction proper only to Man , but in common also to all Living Creatures , such especially as are used to the hand and government of Man , as Horses , Doggs , Hawks , and all prating and singing Birds . And where we affirmed , that some Faculties are capable of advancement to perfection by Habit ; we intended , that there are other Faculties which are incapable thereof , as chiefly the Natural Faculties in Animals , and such as are not subject to the regiment of the Will : though still we acknowledge that some of these there are , which upon change of temperament in their respective Organs , may acquire such a certain Habit , as may oppose the original inclination ; and of this sort the principal is the Nutrient Faculty , which may be accustomed even to Poison . Lastly , when we , said Chiefly in Animals ; we were unwilling totally to exclude Plants ; because they also seem ( at least Analogically ) to acquire a kind of Habit : as is evident from their constant retaining of any posture or incurvation , which the hand of the Gardiner hath imposed upon them , while they were tender and flexible ; as also that they may by degrees be accustomed to forein soils , and ( what is more admirable ) if in their transplantation those parts of them , which at first respected the South or East , be converted to the North or West , they seldome thrive , never attain their due procerity . Nay , if the Experiments of some Physitians be true , Minerals also may be admitted to attain a Habit by assuefaction ; For Baptista van Helmont , ( in lib. de Magnetica Vulnerum curatione , & lib. de Pestis tumulo ) reports that He hath found a Saphire become so much the more efficacious an Attractive of the pestilential Venome from the Vitals , by how much the more frequently it hath been circumduced about Carbuncles or Plague Sores ; as if Custome multiplied its Amuletary Virtue and taught it a more speedy way of conquest . SECT . II. AMong all Qualities of Concretions , that deduce themselves from the Mobility of Atoms , the most eminent is GRAVITY , or the motion of perpendicular Descent from Weight . Which , though most obvious to the observation of Sense , hath much of obscurity in its Nature ; leading the Reason of Man into various and perplext Conceptions concerning its Causes : nor hath the judgment of any been yet so fortunate as to light upon a Demonstrative Theory concerning it , or fix upon such a determination as doth not lye open to the objection of some considerable Difficulty . So that it may well seem Ambition great enough for us , onely with due uprightness to examine the Verisimility of each opinion , touching the Formal Reason , or Essence of Gravity : that so we may direct younger Curiosities , in which they may , for the praesent , most safely acquiesce . Epicurus , indeed , well desumes the Gravity of all Concretions , immediately from the Gravity of Simple Bodies , or Atoms : insomuch as all things are found to have so much more of Weight , as they have of Atoms , or Matter , that composeth them ; and è contra . Which reason the exact Ioh. Bapt. Balianus , a Nobleman and Senatour of Genoa , seriously perpending ; sets it down as a firm ground , Gravitatem se habere ut Agens , Materiam vero , seu Materiale corpus , ut Passum ; & proinde gravia moveri juxta proportionem gravitatis ad materiam : & ubi sine impedimento naturalitèr perpendiculari motu ferantur , moveri aequalitèr ; quia ubi plus est Gravitatis , plus ibi paritèr sit Materiae , seu Materialis quantitatis ; ( de motu Gravium Solidorum & Liquidorum , lib. 1. cap. 1. ) . But , this being too General , and concerning rather the Cause of Comparative , than Absolute Gravity ; leaves our Curiosity to a stricter search . The Grand Dictator of the Schools , Aristotle , taking it for granted [ Unumquodque sensilium ita in suum locum ferri , ut ad speciem ] that every corporeal Nature is by native tendency carried to its proper place , as to its particular Species ; confidently inferrs this doctrine : that Gravity and Levity are Qualities essentially inexistent in Concretions ( 4. de Caelo , cap. 3. ) and passionately reprehending Democritus and Leucippus , for affirming that there is no such thing in Nature , as Absolute Gravity , or Absolute Levity ; concludes , that in Nature is something absolutely Heavy , which is Earth , and something Absolutely Light , which is Fire ; ( de Caelo , lib. 4. cap. 4. ) But , neither of these Positions are more than Petitionary ; and so not worthy our assent : as the Context of our subsequent Discourse doth sufficiently convince . The Third opinion worthy our memory , is that of Copernicus , who considering , that all Heavy Bodies , either projected Upwards by external violence , or dropt down from some eminent place , are observed to fall perpendicularly down upon the same part of the Earth , from which they were elevated , or at which they are aimed , and so that the Earth might be thence argued not to have any such Diurnal Vertigo , as His Systeme ascribes unto it , insomuch as then it could not but withdraw it self from Bodies falling down in direct lines , and receive them at their fall not in the same place , but some other more Westernly : we say , considering this , Copernicus determined Gravity to be , not any Internal Principle of tendency toward the middle , or Centre of the Universe ; but an innate propension in the parts of the Earth , separated from it , to reduce themselves in direct lines , or the nearest way , to their Whole , that so they may be conserved together with it , and dispose themselves into the most convenient , i. e. a sphaerical figure , about the centre thereof . His words are these ; Equidem existimo , Gravitatem non aliud esse , quàm Appetentiam quandam naturalem , partibus inditam à Divina Providentia Opificis Universorum ; ut in unitatem integritatemque suam sese conferant , in formam ●lobi coeuntes : quam Affectionem credibile est etiam Soli & Lunae , caeterisque Errantibus fulgoribus inesse ; ut ejus efficacia in ea , qu● se repraesentant , rotunditate permaneant . ( lib. 1. cap. 9. ) . So that according to this Copernican Assumption , if any part of the Sun , Moon , or other Coelestial Orb were divelled from them ; it would , by the impulse of this natural tendency , soon return again in direct lines to its proper Orb , not to the Centre of the Universe . Which as Kepler ( in Epitom . Astronom . pag. 9● . ) well advertiseth , is but a Point , i. e. Nothing , and destitute of all Appertibility ; and therefore ought not to be accounted the Term of tendency to all Heavy Bodies , but rather the Terrestrial Globe together with its proper Centre , yet not as a Centre , but as the Middle of its Whole , to which its Parts are carried by Cognation . But , this opinion hath as weak a claim to our Assent , as either , of the former ; as well because it cannot consist with the Encrease of Velocity in all Bodies descending perpendicularly , by how much nearer they approach the Earth , unless it can be demonstrated , that this encrease of Velocity in each degree of descent , ariseth only from the Encrease of Appetency of Union with the whole ( which neither Copernicus himself , nor any other for Him , hath yet dared to assent ) : as in consideration of many other Defects , and some Absurdities , which , that wonder of the Mathematicks , Ricciolus , hath demonstratively convicted it of ( in Almegisti novi parte posteriori , lib. 9. sect . 4. cap. 16. de Systemate terrae motae . ) . Who , had He but as solidly determined all the Difficulties concerning the immediate Cause of this Affection in Bodies , called Gravity ; as He hath refuted the Copernican Thesis of an Innate Appetency in the parts of the Earth to reunite themselves to the Whole : doubtless He had much encreased the obligations and gratitude of his Readers . But , making it his principal design to propugn the Physiology and Astronomy of the Ancients , especially such Tenents as are admitted by the Schools , and allowed of by the Doctors of Rome , as most concordant to the litteral sense of Sacred Writ : He waved that Province , seeming to adhaere to the common Doctrine of the Stagirite , formerly recited , and only occasionally to defend it . Lastly , there are Others ( among whom Kepler and Gassendus deserve the richest Minervals ) who , neither admitting with Aristotle , that Gravity is any Quality essentially inhaerent in Concretions ; nor , with Copernicus , that it is an Appetency of Union , implanted originally in the parts of the Earth , by vertue whereof they carry themselves towards the Middle of the Terrestrial Globe : define it to be an Imprest Motion , Caused immediately by a certain Magnetick Attraction of the Earth . And this opinion seems to carry the greatest weight of Reason ; as may soon be manifest to any competent and equitable judgment , that shall exactly perpend the solid Arguments alledged by its Assertors : which for greater decorum , we shall now twist together into one continued thread , that so our Reader may wind them into one bottome , and then put them together into the ballance . Insomuch as frequent and most accurate observation demonstrates , that the Motion of a Body downward doth encrease in the same proportion of Velocity , that the motion of the same Body , violently projected upward , doth decrease ; therefore is it reasonable , nay necessary for us to conceive , that there are Two distinct External Principles , which mutually contend about the same subject , and execute their contrary forces upon the same Moveable . Now , of these two Antagonistical Forces , the one is Evident ; the other obscure , and the argument of our instant Disquisition . Manifest it is , when a stone is thrown upward from the surface of the Earth into the Aer , that the External Principle of its motion Upward , is the Hand of Him , who projected it : But somewhat obscure , what is the External Principle of its motion Downward , when it again returns to the Earth . Nevertheless , this obscurity doth not imply a Nullity , i. e. it is high temerity to conclude that there is no External Cause of the stones Descent , because that External Cause is not equally manifest with that of its Ascent : unless any dare to affirm , that because He can perceive , when Iron is attracted to a Loadstone , no Externall Cause of that Attraction , therefore there can be none at all . Many , indeed , are the wayes , by which an External Cause may move a Body : and yet they all fall under the comprehension of only two Cardinal wayes , and those are Impulsion , and Attraction . This praeconsidered , it followes , that we cast about to finde some Cause , or Impellent , or Attrahent ( or rather two Causes , one Impellent , the other Attrahent , operating together ) to which we may impute the perpendicular motion of Bodies Descending . The Impellent Cause ( if any such there be ) of the perpendicular motion of a stone Descending , can be no other but the Aer , from above incumbent upon , and pressing it downward : because of any other External Cause of that effect , no argument can be given . For , should you suppose a sphere of Fire , or some other or some other Aethereal Substance , to be immediately above the convex Ext●eme of the sphere of Aer ; which closely and with some kind of pressure invironing the Aer , might compel all its parts to flow together toward the Terraqueous Globe : yet could that super-aereal sphere , bounded and urged by the circumvolutions of the Coelestial Orbs , do no more , than cause the Aer , being it self prest downward , to bear down upon the stone , and so depress it ; and so the Aer must still be at least the Proxime Cause impelling the stone downward . Moreover , that the Aer alone may be the Impellent Cause of the stones perpendicular Decidence from on high , even Aristotle Himself seems to concede ▪ insomuch as He is positive in his judgment , that when a Heavy body projected upward is abandoned by its Motor , it is afterward moved only by the Aer , whi●h being moved by the Projicient , moves the next conterm●●ous Aer , by which again the next neighbouring Aer is like●●se moved , an● so successively forward untill the force of the Imprest motion gradually decaying , the whole communicated motion ceaseth , and a quiet succeeds . But , betause Aristo le could not tell , what Cause that is ▪ which in every degree of the stones ascent opposing , at length who●●● overcomes the imprest force ; un●ess it should be the occurrent superiour Aer , which continually resisteth the inferior aer , whereby the projected stone is promoted in its ascent : may not we safely enough conclude , that the Aer from above incumbent upon the projected stone , may by the same force depress it Downward , wherewith it first resisted the motion of it Upward ? Doubtless , what force● soever the Hand of a man , who projects a stone upward into the Aer , doth impress upon it , and the contiguous Aer ; yet still is 〈◊〉 the superiour Aer , that both continually resisteth the tendency 〈◊〉 the stone upward , and at its several degrees of ascent re●racteth 〈◊〉 force thereupon imprest by the hand of the Projicient , unt●●● having totally overmastered the same , it so encreaseth its conqu●●●g Depellent force , as that in the last degree of the stones De●endent motion , the Depressive force of the Aer is become as great , as was the Elevating force of the Hand , in the beginning of 〈◊〉 Ascendent motion . Suppose we , that a Diver should from the bottome of the Sea throw a stone directly upward , with the same ●●●ce , as from the surface of the Earth up into the Aer ; and then ●●mand , Why the stone doth not ascend to the same height in the Water , as in the Aer . Is it not , think you , because the 〈◊〉 doth more resist , and refract the Imprest force , and so soo●●● overcome it , and then begins to impress its own con-contrary Depressing Force thereupon , never discontinuing that impression , 〈◊〉 it hath reduced the stone to the bottom of the Sea , from whe●●● it was projected ? The Difference , therefore , betwixt the Resistence of the Imprest force , by the Water , and that of the Aer ●●●sisteth only in Degrees , or more and less . And , though the 〈◊〉 of the Aer may be thought very inconsiderable in comparison o● 〈◊〉 great Violence imprest upon a Cannon Bullet , shot upw●rd 〈…〉 the Aer : yet be pleased to consider , that it holds some 〈◊〉 proportion , with the Renitency o● the Water . Which 〈…〉 that we may understand , compare we not only the very 〈◊〉 Ascent of a stone , thrown upward from the bottome of the Sea , to the large ascent of the same stone , with equal force , from the Earth , thrown up into the Aer ; but also the almost insensible progress of a Bullet shot from a Cannon transversly through Water , with that vast progress it is commonly observed to make through the Aer : and we shall soon be convinced , that as the Great Resistence of the Water is the Cause , why the Stone , or Bullet makes so small a progress therein ; so is the small Resistence of the Aer the Cause why they both pervade so great a space therein . And thus is it Demonstrable , that the Resistence of the superior Aer , is the External Agent , which constantly resisteth , by degrees refracteth , and at length wholly overcomes the imprest Force , whereby Heavy Bodies are violently elevated up into the Aer . The Difficulty remaining , therefore , doth only concern the Impellent Cause of their Fall Down again ; or , whether the Aer , besides the force of Resistence , hath also any Depulsive Faculty , which being imprest upon a stone , bullet , or other ponderous body , at the top , or highest point of its mountee , serveth to turn the same Downward , and afterward to continue its perpendicular descent , till it arrive at and quiesce on the Earth . Which , indeed , seems well worthy our Doubt , because it is observable , that Walls , Pavements , and the like solid and immote Bodies , though they strongly resist the motion of bodies impinged against them ; doe not yet impress any Contrary motion thereupon : the Rebound of a Ball or Bullet from a Wall , being the effect meerly of the same force imprest upon it by the Racket , or Gun-powder fired , which first moved it ; as is evident even from hence , that the Resilition of them to greater or less distance , is according to the more or less of the Force imprest upon them . Which those Gunners well understand , who experiment the strength of their Powder , by the greatness of the bullets rebound from a Wall. And to solve this Difficulty , we must distinguish betwixt Bodies , that are devoid of Motion , and which being distracted , have no faculty of Restitution , whereby to recollect their dissociated particles , and so repair themselves ; of which sort are Walls , Pavements , &c : and such bodies that are actually in motion , and which by reason of a natural Elater , or Spring of Restitution , easily and speedily redintegrate themselves , and restore their severed parts to the same contexture and tenour , which they held before their violent distraction ; to which classis the Aer doth principally belong . Now , concerning the First sort , what we object of the non-impression of any Contrary motion upon Bodies impinged against them , is most certainly true : but not concerning the Latter . For , the Arm of a Tree , being inflected , doth not only resist the inflecting force , but with such a spring return to its natural site , as serveth to impel any body of competent weight , that shall oppose its recurse , to great distance ; as in the discharge of an Arrow from a Bow. Thus also the Aer , though otherwise unmoved , may be so distracted by a Body violently pervading it ; as that the parts thereof , urged by their own native Confluxibility ( the Cause of all Elaterical or Restorative Motion ) must soon return to their natural tenour and site , and not without a certain violence , and so replenish the place form●rly possest , but now deserted by the body , that distracted them . Th●● there is so powerful a Restorasive faculty in the Aer , as we here ●ssume ; innumerable are the Experiments , those especially by Philosophers usually alledged against a Vacuum Coacervate , which attest . However , that you may the less doubt of its having some , and a consid●rable force of propelling bodies notwithstanding it be Fluid in so high a degree : be pleased only to reflect your thoughts upon the great ●orce of Winds ; which tear up the deepest and firmest rooted Cedars ●●om the ground , demolish mighty Castles , overset the proudest C●●racts , and rowle the whole Ocean up and down from shoar to sho●● . Consider the incredible violence , wherewith a Bullet is discharged from a Wind-Gun , through a firm plank of two or three inches thickness . Consider that no effect is more admirable , than that a very small quantity of Flame should , with such prodigious impetuosity ▪ drive a Bullet , so dense and ponderous , from a Cannon , through th● Gates of a City , and at very great distance : and yet the Flame 〈◊〉 the Gunpowder is not less , but more Fluid than Aer . Who , without the certificate of Experience , could believe , that meerly by the force of so little Flame ( a substance the most Fluid of 〈◊〉 , that we know ) not onely so weighty a Bullet should be driven with such pernicity forward through the aer to the distance of many furlongs ; but also that so vast a weight , as a Cannon and its Carriage bear , should at the same time be thereby driven backwards , or made to recoyle ? What therefore will you say , if this could not come to pass , without the concurrence of the Aer ? For ▪ it seems to be effected , when the Flame , at the instant of its Creation , seeking to possess a more ample room , or space , doth conv●● its impetus , or violence as well upon the breech , or hinder part 〈◊〉 the Canon , as upon the bullet lying before it in the bore or 〈◊〉 ; which discharged through the concave , is closely prest upon 〈◊〉 the pursuing flame : so that the flame immediately perishing ▪ 〈◊〉 leaving a void space , the Aer from the front or adverse part insta●● rusheth into the bore , and that with such impetuous pernicity , 〈◊〉 it forceth the Cannon to give back , and yeilds a Fragor , or Report ▪ as loud as Thunder ; nay , by the Commotion of the vicine Aer 〈◊〉 ●●akes even the largest structures , and shatters Glass-windows 〈◊〉 in the sphere of its violence . And all meerly from the 〈◊〉 Motion of the Aer , restoring its distracted parts to their n●●ural tenour , or Laxity : so that you may be satisfied of its Capacity not only to resist the Ascent of a stone thrown upward ; but also of Depelling it downward , by an imprest Motion . Notwithstanding our conquest of the main body of this Difficulty , abou● the Restorative Motion of the Aer , we are yet to encounter 〈◊〉 formidable Reserve , which consists of these Scruples . When a 〈◊〉 is thrown upward , doth not the Aer in each degree of 〈◊〉 ascent , suffer a Distraction of its parts ; and so is compelled 〈◊〉 a Periosis , or circular motion , to succeed into the place left below by the stone ? Doth it not therefore impress rather an 〈◊〉 , than a Depulsive Force thereupon , and so promote the force imprest upon it by the hand of Him , who projected it ? And must it not thence follow , that the first imprest motion is so far from being decreased by the supposed Renitency of the superior Aer , that it is rather increased and promoted by the Circulation thereof : and upon consequence , that the stone is carried upward twice as swiftly , as it falls downward , since it is impelled upward by two forces , but falls down again only by a single force ? True it is , that while a stone is falling down , the distracted aer beneath seems to circulate into the place above deserted thereby : but , in case a stone be held up on high in the Aer by a mans hand , or other support , and that support be withdrawn so gently , as to cause no considerable commotion in the Aer ; in this case there seems to be no reason , why the Aer should flow from above down upon it in the first moment of its delapse . Besides , when a stone projected upward , hath attained to the highest point of its ascent , at which there seems to be a short pause , or respite from motion , caused by the aequilibration of the two Contrary Forces , the Movent and Resistent : why doth not the stone absolutely quiesce in that place , there being in the Aer no Cause , which should rather Depel it ●ownward , then elevate it upward ? These considerations , we ingenuously confess , are potent , and put us to the exigent of exploring some other External Principle , beside the motion of Restitution in the Aer ; such as may Begin the Downward motion of the stone , when gently dropt off from some convenient supporter , or when it is at the zenith or highest point of its ascent , and and at the term of its Aequilibration overcome the Resistence of the subjacent Aer , that so it may not only yeeld to the stone in the first moment of its Descent ; but by successive Circulations afterward promote and gradually accelerate its motion once begun . Depellent Cause there can be none ; and so there must be some Attrahent , to begin the stones praecipitation : and that can be no other , but a Certain peculiar Virtue of the whole Terrestrial Globe , whereby it doth not onely retain all its Parts , while they are contiguous or united to it , but also retract them to it self , when by any violence they have been avulsed and separated . And this Virtue may therefore be properly enough called Magnetique . In Nature , nothing is whole and entire , in which there is not radically implanted a certain self-Conservatory Power , whereby it may both contain its several parts in cohaerence to it self , and in some measure resist the separation or distraction of them ; as all Philosophers , upon the conviction of infinite Experiences , decree : and if so , it were a very par●ial A●s●rdity to bereave the Terraqueous Globe , being a Body whole and entire , of the like conservatory Faculty . And hence comes it , that if any Parts of the Earth be violently avelled from it ; by this Conservatory , ( which must be Attractive ) Virtue , it in some measure resisteth their avulsion , and after the cessation of the Avelling violence , retracteth them again ; and this by insensible Emanations , or subtile threads , deradiated continually from its whole body , and hookt or fastned to them : as a man retracts a Bird flown from his hand , by a line or thread tyed to its feet . By the Parts of the Terrestrial Globe we intend not only the parts of Earth and Water ( the liquid part of the Earth , and as Blood in an Animal ) nor only all stones , Metalls , Minerals , Plants , Animals , and whatever Bodies derive their principles from them , such as Rain , Dew , Snow , Hail , and all Meteors , Vapours , and Exhalations ; nor only the Aer , wherewith the globe of Earth is circumvested , as a Quince or Malacotone is periwiggd about with a lanuginous or Hoary substance , ( because , if we abstract from the surface of the Earth all vapours , expirations , fumes , and emanations of subtle bodies from water and other substances , which ascend , descend , and everywhere float up and down in the Atmosphere , nothing can remain about the same , but an Empty space , ) but also Fire it self , which hath its original likewise from terrestrial matter , as wood , oyl , fat , sulphur , and other unctuous and combustible substance . Because all these are Bodies , which as Parts of it self the Earth containeth and holds together ; not permitting any of them to be avelled from its orbe , but by some force that exceeds its retentive power : and when that avellent force ceaseth , it suddainly retracts them again to it self . And , insomuch as two bodies cannot coexist in one and the same place at once ; therefore comes it to pass , that many bodie● being at once retracted toward the Earth , the more terrene are brought neerer to the surface thereof , extruding and so succeeding in to the rooms of the less terrene : whence the neerer adduced and Extruding Bodies are accounted Heavy , and the Extruded and farther removed , are accounted Light. Secondly , that the Earth is naturally endowed with a certain Magnetical Virtue , by which perpetually diffused in round , it containeth its parts in cohaerence , and reduceth those , which are separated from it self ; after the same manner , as a Loadstone holds its own parts together , and attracts Iron ( which is also a Magnetique Production , as Gilbert ( de magnet . lib. 1. cap. 16. ) from the observation of Miners , and other solid reasons , hath confirmed ) to it self , and retracts it after divulsion or separation : we say , all this may be argued from hence , that the whole Globe of the Earth seems to be nothing but one Grand Magnet . ( 1 ) Because a Loadstone , tornated into a sphere , is ( more than Analogically only ) a Little Earth : being therefore nicknamed by Gilbert ( de magnet . lib. 1. cap. 3 ▪ ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Terella ; insomuch as the one , so also hath the other its Poles , its Axis , Aequator , Meridian , Paralels . ( 2 ) Excepting only some parts , which have suffered an alteration and diminution , if not a total amission of Virtue , in the Exteriors of the Earth ; all parts thereof discover some magnetick impraegnation : some more vigorous and manifest , as the Loadstone , and Iron ; others more languid and obscure , as White Clay , Bricks , &c. Whereupon Gilbert erects his conjectural judgement , that the whole Globe Terrestrial is composed of two General parts , the shell , and Kernel : the Shell not extending it self many hundred fathoms deep ( which is very small comparatively to the vastness of its Diametre , amounting to 6872 miles , Italian measure ) and all the rest , or Kernel , being one continued Loadstone subst●ntially . ( 3. ) The Loadstone always converteth those parts of it self toward the Poles , which respected them in its mineral bed , or while it remaind united to the Earth . All which are no contemptible Arguments of our Thesis , that the whole Earth is endowed with a magnetique Faculty , in order to the Conservation of its Integrity . Whether the Entrals of our Common Mother , and Nurse , the Earth , be , as Gilbert would persuade us , one Great Loadstone substantially ; is not more impossible to prove , than impertinent to our praesent scope ▪ it being sufficient to the verisimility of our assigned Cause of the perpendicular motion of Terrene Bodies , to conceive the Globe of the Earth to be a Loadstone only Analogically , i. e. that as the Loadstone ●●th perpetually emit certain invisible streams of exile particles , or Rays of subtle bodies , whereby to allect magnetical bodies to an union with it self ; so likewise doth the Earth uncessantly emit certa●n invisible streams , or Rays of subtile bodies , wherewith to attract all its ●●stracted and divorced Parts back again to an Union with it self , and there closely to detain them . And justifiable it is for us to affirm , that f●●m the Terraqueous Orbe there is a continual Efflux , not only of Vapou●s , Exhalations , and such small bodies , of which all our Meteors are composed ▪ nor only of such , as the general mass of Aer doth consist of : but also of othe● particles far more exile and insensible , nor less subtile than tho●e , which deradiated from the Loadstone , in a moment permeate the most solid Marble , without the least diminution of their Virtue . Because , as the Attractive Virtue of the Loadstone is sufficiently demonstrated by the Effect of it , the actual Attraction of Iron unto it : so is it lawful for us to conclude the Earth to be endowed with an Attractive Virtue also , meerly from the sensible Effect of that Vertue , the actual Attraction of stones , and all other bodies to it self ; especially since no other Conception of the Nature of that Affection , which the world calls Gravity , can be brought to a cleer consistence with that notable Apparence , the gradual Encrease of Velocity in each degree of a bodies perpendicular fall . Besides , the Analogy may be farther deduced from hence ; that as the Virtue of the Loadstone is diffused in round , or spherically , and upon consequence , its Effluvia , or Rays are so much the more rare , by how much the farther they are transmitted from their source or original ; and so being less united , become less vigorous in their attraction , and at large distance , i. e. such as exceeds the sphere of their Energy , are languid and of no force at all : so doth the Terrestrial Globe diffuse its Attractive Virtue in round , and upon consequence , its Effluvia , or Rays become so much the more rare or dispersed , by how much farther they are transmitted from their fountain ; and so being less united , cannot attract a stone or other terrene body at excessive d●stance , such as the Supralunary and Ultramundane spaces . Which that we may assert with more perspicuity , let us suppose a stone to be placed in those Imaginary spaces which are the outside of the World , and in which God , had He so pleased , might have created more worlds ; and then examine , whether it be more reasonable , that that stone should rather move toward this our Earth , than remain absolutely immote in that part of the Ultramandan spaces wherein we suppose it posited . If you conceive , that it would tend toward the Earth ; imagine not only the Earth , but also the whole machine of the world to be Annihilated , and that all those vast spaces , which the Universe now possesseth , were as absolutely Inane , as they were before the Creation : and then at least , because there could be no Centre , and all spaces must be alike indifferent , you will admit , that the stone would remain fixt in the same place , as having no Affecctation , or Tendency to this part of those spaces , which the Earth now possesseth . Imagine the World to be then again restored , and the Earth to be resituate in the place as before its adnihilation ; and then can you conceive that the stone would spontaneously tend toward it ? If you suppose the Affirmative ; you will be reduced to inextricable difficulties , not to grant the Earth to affect the stone , and upon consequence , to transmit to it some certain Virtue , consisting in the substantial Emanations , not any simple and immaterial Quality , whereby to give it notice of its being restored to its pristine situation and condition . For , how otherwise can you suppose the stone should take cognizance of , and be moved toward the Earth . Now , this being so , what can follow , but that stones , and all other Bodies accounted Heavy , must tend toward the Earth , only because they are Attracted to it , by rays or streams of Corporeal Emanations from it to them transmitted ? Go to then , let us farther imagine , that some certain space in the Atmosphere , were , by Power supernatural , made so Empty , as that nothing could arrive thereat either from the Earth , or any other Orbe : can you then conceive , that a stone placed in that Inanity , would have any Tendency toward the Earth , or Affectation to be united to its Centre ? Doubtless , no more , than if it were posited in the Extramundan spaces ▪ because , having nothing of Communication therewith , or any other part of the Universe , the case would be all one with the stone , as if there were no Earth , no World , no Centre . Wherefore , since we observe a stone from the greatest heighth , to which any natural force can elevate the same , to tend in a direct or perpendicular line to the Earth ; what can be more rational than for us to conceive , that the Cause of that Tendency in the stone is onely this , that it hath some communication with the Earth ; and that not by any naked or Immaterial Quality , but some certain Corporeal , though most subtile Emanations from the Earth ? Especially , since the Aer incumbent upon the stone , is not sufficient to Begin its motion of Descent . If you shall yet withhold your Assent from this Opinion , which we have thus long endeavoured to defend ; we conjecture the Remora to be chiefly this : that it seems improbable , so great a Bulk , as that of a very large stone , and that 〈◊〉 such pernicity , should be attracted by such slender means , as our supposed magnetick Emanations : and therefore think it our duty to satisfie you concerning this Doubt . We Answer ( 1 ) That a very great quantity of Iron ( proportionately ) is easily and nimbly rusht into the arms of a Loadstone meerly by Rays of most subtle particles , such as can be discovered no way , but by their Effect . ( 2 ) That stones , and other massy Concretions have no such great ineptitude , or Resistence to motion , as is commonly praesumed . For , if a stone of an hundred pound weight be suspended in the Aer , by a small wier , or chord : how small a force is required to the moving of it hither ? Why therefore should a greater force be required to the Attraction of it downward . ( 3 ) When you lift up a stone or other body from the Earth , you cannot but observe that it makes some Resistence to your Hand , more or less according to the bulk thereof ; which Resistence ariseth from hence , that those many magnetique lines , deradiated to , and fastned upon it , by their several Deflexions and Decussations , hold it as it were fast chained down to the Earth , so that unless a greater force intervene , such as may master the Earth Retentive power , and break off the magnetique lines , it could never be avelled and amoved from the Earth . And hence is it , that by how much the greater force is imprest upon a stone , at its projection upward ; by so many more degrees of excess doth that imprest force transcend the force of the Retentive Magnetique lines , and consequently to so much a greater Altitude is the stone mounted up in the Aer : and è contra . Which is also the Reason , why the Imprest Force , being most vigorous in the first degree of the stones ascent , doth carry it the most vehemently in the beginning ; because it is not then Refracted : but afterward the stone moves slower and slower , because in every degree of ascention , it looseth a degree of the Imprest Force , until at length the same be so diminished , as to come to an Aequipondium with the Contrary force of the magnetique Rays of the Earth detracting it Downward . Lastly , from hence is it , that the perpendicular Delapse of most Bodies , though of far different weights , is observed to be Aequivelox : contrary to that Axiome of Aristotle ( 2. de Caelo , text 46 ) quo majus fuerit corpus , eo velocius fertur , and ( text 77. ) parvum terrae particulum , si elevatu dimittatur , ferri deorsum , quo major fuerit , velocius moveri ; upon which the Aristoteleans have grounded this erroneous Rule , Velocitates gravium descendentium habere inter se eandem proportionem , quàm gravitates ipsorum , that the Velocities of Heavy bodies falling downward have the same proportion one to another as their Gravities have . And the Reason of this Aequivelocity of Unequal weights , seems to be this ; that of two Bullets , the one of only an ounce , the other of an hundred pounds weight , dropt from the battlements of an high tower , at the same instant , though the Greater Bullet be attracted by more magnetique lines deradiate from the Earth , yet hath it more particles to be attracted , than the Lesser : so that there being a certain Commensuration betwixt the Force Attractive , and the quantity of Matter Attracted ; on either part the Force must be such , as sufficeth to the performance of the motion of either in the same space of time ; and consequently , both the Bullets must descend with equal Velocity , and arrive at the surface of the Earth in one and the same moment . All which that Lynceus , Galilaeo well understood , when ( in the Person of Salviatus ) desiring to calculate the time , in which a Bullet might be falling from the concave of the Moon to our Earth ; and Sagredus had said thus to Him , Sumamus igitur globum determinati with the great body or Globe thereof ; yet is it not Congregative of the whole Globe to any thing else , as if the Globe of the Earth were to be united to the Moon , or any other Orbe in the World. Nor can it be affirmed , that Gravity , or this Virtue to motion Direct , is conceded to the Terraqueous Orbe , to the end it should , at the Creation , carry it self to that place , which is Lowest in the Universe ; or being there posited , constantly retain it self therein : since in the Universe is neither Highest , nor Lowest place , but only Respectively to the site of an Animal , and chiefly of Man , whose Head is accounted the Highest , and Feet the Lowest part ; in the same manner as there is no Right , nor Left side in Nature , but comparatively to the site of the parts in mans body , and in reference to the Heavens . For , those Lateralities are not determined by any general and certain standard in Nature : but variously assigned according to our Imagination . The Hebrews , Chaldeans , and Persians , confronting the Sun at his arising in the East ; place the Right side of the world in the South : as likewise did all the Roman Southsayers , when they took their Auguries . The Philosopher takes that to be the East , from whence the Heavens begin their Circumgyration : and so assigns also the right hand to the South . The Astronomer , regarding chiefly the South and Meridian Sun , accounts that the Dextrous part of Heaven , which respecteth his right hand , and that 's the West . And Poets , differing from all the rest , turn their faces to the West , and so assign the term of Right to the North : for otherwise Ovid must be guilty of a gross mistake in that verse , Utque duae dextrá zonae , totidemque sinistrâ . Hence is it , that as the East cannot be the Right side of the World , unless to Him , who faceth the North : so is the Vertical point of the world not to be accounted the Highest part of the Universe , but onely as it respecteth the Head of a man standing on any part of the Earth ; because , if the same man travail to the Antipodes , that which was before the Highest , will then be the Lowest part of the World. This considered , we must praefer that solid opinion of Plato , that in the World there is an Extreme , and a Middle Place , but no Highest and Lowest ; to that meerly petitionary one of Aristotle , that all Bodies tend toward the Centre of the Earth , as to the Lowest place in the Universe . How , saith the offended Peripatetick , the meerly Petitionary opinion of Aristotle ? Why , do not all men admit that to be the Lowest part of the World , which is the Middle or Centre thereof ? And is not that the Centre of the Earth ? And our Reply is , that , indeed , we can admit Neither . ( 1 ) Because , should we allow the World to have a Middle , or Centre ; yet is there no necessity , that therefore we should concede the Centre to be the Lowest place in the World ▪ no more than that the Navil , or Central part of a man should therefore be the Lowest part . For , to speak like men , who have not enslaved their reason to praejudice ; what is opposed to the Mi●dle , is not suprem , but Extreme : and Highest and Lowest are opposite points in the same Extreme . So likewise in the Terrestrial Globe , whose middle part we account not the Lowest , but the contrary point in the sphear : since , otherwi●e we must grant the Earth to have a double Infinity , one in regard of its Centre , the other in respect of the extreme points of it● 〈◊〉 ▪ according to which the Antipodes are Lowest to us ▪ and we 〈◊〉 to them . ( 2 ) Wh● 〈◊〉 praetend to demonstrate ▪ that there is an ●xtreme in the Universe ▪ 〈…〉 ●here be , ●o determine wher●●nd wh●t it is : ●nd upon consequence ▪ 〈◊〉 the Universe hath an● Centre , and wher● that Centre is . T is mo●●●han Galilaeo durst ▪ as appears b●●hat his modest confession ▪ N●scimus 〈…〉 ubi sit Universi centrum , n●q●● an si●● quodque , si maxime d●tur ▪ aliud 〈…〉 nisi pun●tum imaginari●m , adeoque nihilum , omni facul●ate 〈…〉 . ( 〈◊〉 Cosmici dialog . 1 p●g . 22 ) Besides , we see i● to be ▪ an●●●on very good ground● , d●●put●●●mongst the most Curious an● Learn●● 〈◊〉 o●●he world ▪ whether the ●●xt star● are m●ved about the Earth , or th●●arth by a Diurnal motion upon it● own a●is ▪ Whether the ●ix● stars 〈…〉 one and the same con●ave superfi●● : or rath●● ( as the Planets ▪ which ●●●●i●hstanding the deluded sight , are demonst●●ted not to be in on● ▪ bu● 〈◊〉 sphere● som● farther ●rom ▪ some ne●r●● to the Earth ▪ disper●e● 〈…〉 immense space ▪ For ▪ from he●ce ▪ that th● Distance betwixt 〈…〉 u● i● so vast ▪ th●t our sight not discerning the large spaces intercepted 〈…〉 them in the●● several orbe● ▪ they all appe●●e at the same distanc● ▪ 〈…〉 same ●ircum●●rence ▪ wo●● C●ntre must be there ▪ wher● th● Eye 〈…〉 sel● about ▪ doth behold them : so that in whatsoever part of the 〈◊〉 ●pace o● th● World ▪ whether in the Moon ▪ Sun , or any othe● Orb ▪ 〈◊〉 ●hall imagin● your sel● to be placed ; still you must , according to 〈…〉 o● your sight , judge the World to be spherical , an● that you 〈◊〉 in the ver● centre of that Circumference , in which you conceive all th● 〈◊〉 stars t● be constitute . Trul● ▪ 〈◊〉 worthy th● admiration of a wise man , to obser●e , that the very Plane●● 〈◊〉 admitted by the Aristoteleans to have cert●●n motions 〈…〉 be moved in such Gyres , as have not their Centres in the 〈…〉 immensly distant from it : and yet that the same Persons 〈…〉 Contradict th●mselve● ▪ as to account that the Centre o● the 〈…〉 common Centre of the world , about which all the Coelest●al 〈…〉 Dif●●culties perpended ▪ w● cannot infall●bl● 〈…〉 Earthy B●●ie● , when descending in direct line● to 〈…〉 toward the Centre of the Wor●d : and thoug● the● 〈…〉 toward the Centre of the World , yet doth that seem 〈…〉 is also by Accident , that they are carried towa●● the 〈…〉 Earth ▪ in which as being a meer imagin●ry Point , the● 〈…〉 attain quiet . For , per se ▪ they are carried towar● the 〈…〉 who le ▪ or Princip●e ; and having once attained there●● , 〈…〉 as they no more seek to pass on from thenc● 〈…〉 ●entre ▪ tha● an Infant received into his Nurses armes or lap ▪ 〈…〉 into he● Entrals : and meerly per Accidens is it , that they 〈…〉 the Centre of the Earth ▪ because tending in the neeres● 〈…〉 line to the place o● their quiet , they must be directed 〈…〉 , since if we suppose that direct line to be continued , it must 〈…〉 the Centre of the Earth . And thus have we left no stone 〈…〉 all Aristotles Theory of Gravity , which is , that Weight is a Quality es●●ntially inhaerent in all terrene Concritions , whereby they spontan●ous●y 〈◊〉 ●oward the Centre of the Terrestrial Globe , a● to the Common Cen●●e 〈…〉 place in the Vniverse . The whole Remainder of our praes●●● 〈◊〉 ▪ the●e●o●e , concerns our farther Confirm●tion of that 〈…〉 of Gravity , which we have espoused ; which is ▪ 〈…〉 meer Effect of the Magnetique Attraction of the Earth . Let us therefore once more resume our Argument à Simili , considering the Analogy betwixt the Attraction of Iron by a Loadstone , and that of Terrene Concretions by the Earth ; not only as to the Manner of their respective Attractions , but cheifly as to the parity of Reasons in our judgements upon their sensible Effects . When a man holds a plate of Iron of 6 or 7 ounces weight , in his hand , with a vigorous Loadstone placed at convenient distance , underneath his hand ; and finds the weight of the Iron to be encreased from ounces to pounds : If Aristotle on one side should tell him , that that great weight is a Quality essentially inhaerent in the Iron , and Kepler or Gilbert , on the other , affirm to him , that that weight is a quality meerly Adventitious , or imprest upon it by the Attractive influence of the Loadstone subjacent ; 't is easie to determine , to which of those so contrary judgements he would incline his assent . If so , well may we conceive the Gravity of a stone , or other terrene body , to belong not so much to the Body it self , as to the Attraction of that Grand Magnet , the Terraqueous Globe lying underneath it . For , supposing that a Loadstone were , unknown to you , placed underneath your hand , when you lifted up a piece of Iron from the earth ; though it might be pardonable for you to conclude , that the great weight , which you would observe therein , was a Quality essentially inhaerent in the Iron , when yet in truth it was only External and Attractitious ; because you were ignorant of the Loadstone subjacent ; yet , if after you were informed that the Loadstone was placed underneath your hand , you should persever in the same opinion , the greatest Candor imaginable could not but condemn you of inexcusable pertinacity in an Error . Thus also your ignorance of the Earths being one Great Loadstone may excuse your adhaerence to the erroneous position of Aristotle , concerning the formal Reason of Gravity ; but , when you shall be convinced , that the Terrestial Globe is naturally endowed with a certain Attractive or Magnetique Virtue , in order to the retention of all its parts in cohaerence to it self , and retraction of them when by violence distructed from it , and that gravity is nothing but the effect of that virtue ; you can have no Plea left for the palliation of your obstinacy , in case you recant not your former persuasion . Nor ought it to impede your Conviction , that a far greater Gravity , or stronger Attractive Force is imprest upon a piece of Iron by a Loadstone , than by the earth ; insomuch as a Loadstone suspended , at convenient distance , in the aer , doth easily elevate a proportionate mass of Iron from the earth ▪ because this gradual Disparity proceeds only from hence , that the Attractive Vertue is much more Collected or United in the Loadstone , and so is so much more intense and vigorous according to its Dimensions , than in the Earth , in which it is more diffused ; nor doth it discover how great i● is in the ●ingle or divided parts , but in the Whole of the Earth . Thus , if you lay but one Grain of salt upon your tongue , it shall affect the same with more saltness , than a Gallon of Sea-water : not that there is less of salt in that great quantity of Sea Water , but that the salt is therein more diffused . But to lay aside the Loadstone and its Correlative , Iron , and come to our taste and Incomparative Argument ; since the Velocity of the motion of a stone falling downward , is gradually augmented , and by the accession of new degrees of Gravity , grows greater and greater in each degree of its Descen● 〈◊〉 that Augmentation , or Accession of Gravity , and so of Veloc●●● ▪ seems no● so reasonably adscriptive to any other cause , as to this , that it is the Attraction of the Earth encreasing in each degree of the stones Appropinquation to the Earth , by reason of the greater Density or Union of its Magnetique Rayes : What can be more 〈◊〉 than that the First degree of Gravity , belonging to a stone no● 〈◊〉 moved , should arise to it from the same Attraction of the 〈◊〉 When , doubtless , it is one and the same Gravity that causeth both those Effects ; the same in Specie , though not in Grad●● : 〈◊〉 no Quality can be better intended , or augmented , than by an Accession of more Degrees of force from the same Quality . SECT . III. LAstly ▪ as concerning LEVITY , which is vulgarly reputed the 〈…〉 Gravity , and by Aristotle defined to be a Quality inhaerent in 〈…〉 Bodies ▪ whereby they spontaneously tend upward ; we understand it to be nothing a less Gravity : and so that Gravity and 〈◊〉 are Qualities of Concretions , not Positive , or Absolute ▪ but 〈◊〉 Comparative , or Respective . For , the same Body ma● be 〈…〉 be Heavy , in respect to another that is Lighter ; and Light ▪ 〈…〉 to another that is Heavier . For Example , let us compare a Stone ▪ Water , Oyle , and Fire ( which we have formerly annumerated 〈◊〉 Terrene Concretions ) one to another ; to the end that our 〈◊〉 may be both illustrated and confirmed at once . Water ▪ we 〈◊〉 being poured into a ves●el , immediately descends to the bottom 〈…〉 and if permitted to settle , doth soon acquiesce : but ▪ upon 〈◊〉 ●ropping of Stone into the same vessel , as the Stone descends ▪ 〈◊〉 Water ascends proportionately to give it room at the bottom . And Oyle , infused into a vessel alone , doth likewise instantly 〈◊〉 and remains quiet at the bottom thereof : but , if Water be poure●●●ereupon ▪ the oyle soon ascends , and floats on the surface of the Water . If the Vessel be repleat only with Aer , the Aer 〈◊〉 therein : but when you pour oyle into it , the Aer instantly as●ends , and resignes to the oyle . Lastly , thus Fire would be ●mmediately incumbent upon the surface of the Earth , and there 〈◊〉 ; but that the Aer , being circumstant about the superfice 〈◊〉 the Terrestria● Globe , and the more weighty body of the two 〈◊〉 extrude it thence by depressure , and so impell ●t upwards 〈◊〉 make room for it self beneath . And thus are all these bodies 〈…〉 and Light , Comparatively or Respectively . The 〈…〉 all is the Stone , as being the most strongly attracted 〈…〉 Earth : or , is the least Light among them all , as being 〈…〉 abduced from the Earth . And , Water , which is Light , 〈…〉 of the Stone , is yet ▪ Heavy in compa●●son of Oyle : seu fumum rapi in sublime , & extrudi suum extra locum , ideoque statim langues●●re tanquam confessâ causâ violentiae , quae terrestri materiae illata fuit● quapropter Levitatem non dari , aut non esse Connaturalem hisce corporiubs . Conclude also , with Us ; that in the Earth indeed , there are Direct Motions Upward and Downward : but those Motions are proper only to the Parts ( as Gravity and Levity are likewise proper only to the Parts ) not to the Whole , or Globe of the Earth . CHAP. XII . HEAT and COLD . SECT . I. THe Genealogy of those sensible Qualities of Concretions which arise from either of the three Essential Proprieties of Atoms , in its Single capacity , thus far extending it self ; here begins that other of those , which result from any Two , or All of the same Proprieties , in their several Combinations , or Associations . Of this order , the First are Heat , Cold , Humidity , Siccity ; which though the Schools , building on the fundamentals of their Dictator , Aristotle , derive immediately and solely from the 4 First Qualities of the vulgar Elements , Fire , Aer , Water , Earth ; yet , because those reputed Elements are but several Compositions of the Universal matter , and so must desume their respective Qualities from the consociated Proprieties of the same ; and because the original of no one of those Qualities can be so intelligibly made out from any other Principles : therefore doth our reason oblige us , to deduce them only from the Magnitude , Figure , and Motion of Atoms . Concerning the First of this Quaternary , HEAT ; we well know , that it is commonly conceived and defined by that relation , it bears to the sense of touching in Animals ; or , as it is the Efficient of that passion , or Acute Pain , as Plato ( in Timaeo ) calls it , which Fire , or immoderate Heat impresseth upon the skin , or other organ of touching ; yet , forasmuch as this Effect , which it causeth in the sensient part of an Animal , is only special and Relative ; therefore ought we to understand its Nature , from some General and Absolute Effect , upon which that Special and Relative one depends , and that is the Penetration , Discussion and Dissolution of Concretions . To come therefore to the Determination of its Essence , by the explanation of its Original ; by Heat , as from our praecedent Disquisition of the Origine of Qualities in General may be praesumed , we do not understand any Aristolet●●● , i. e. naked or Immaterial Quality , altogether abstract from matter : but certain Particles of matter , or Atoms , which being essentially endowed with such a determinate Magnitude , such a certain Figure , and such a 〈◊〉 Motion , are comparated to insinuate themselves into Concrete Bodies , to penetrate them , dissociate their parts , and dissolve their Contextur 〈◊〉 to produce all thus mutations in them , which are commonly 〈…〉 Heat , or Fire . Not that we gainsay , but Heat may be considered 〈…〉 , or as it is a certain peculiar Manner , without which a substanc● 〈…〉 which sense Anaximene● ( apud Plutarch , de 〈…〉 allowed to have spoken tollerably , when he said , 〈…〉 substantial , but affirm only , that it is not 〈…〉 independent upon matter ●as most have 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ought else , in Reality , but Atoms themselves , 〈…〉 Concretions ; so of all their Faculties 〈…〉 Motion , so all Action ought to be imputed . 〈…〉 from which we derive this noble and most 〈…〉 be not Hot essentially ; yet do they deserve the 〈…〉 of Heat , or Calorifick Atoms , insomuch as they have 〈…〉 to Create Heat , i. e. cause that Effect , which consisteth 〈…〉 Discussion , Exsolution . Likewise , those Bodies which 〈…〉 such Atoms , and may emit them from themselves ; ought also to be 〈…〉 Hot , insomuch as that by the emission of their Calorifick 〈…〉 empowered to produce Heat in other bodies : and 〈…〉 Actually emit them , i. e. give their Calorifick Atoms liberty 〈…〉 Motions , after exsilition ; then may they be 〈…〉 or Formally Hot , as the Schools phrase it ; but which 〈…〉 them within themselves , and hinder their exsilition , they are 〈…〉 To the First of these Difference● , we are to refer 〈…〉 Second , not only all those things , which Physicians call 〈…〉 such as Wine , Euphorlium , Peper , &c. but 〈…〉 , combustion , incalescence and the 〈◊〉 〈…〉 objected , such as Wood , Resine , Wax , 〈…〉 be conceived to contain igneous or Calorifick 〈…〉 or imprisonment in Concretions , 〈…〉 so not produce Heat ; but immediately 〈…〉 , or emption , they manifest their nature 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 What kind of Atoms these Calorifick ones are , and 〈…〉 Heat depends ; Democritus , Epicurus , 〈…〉 Atomists unanimously tell us , that they are Exile in 〈…〉 in Figure , most Swift in Motion . And this upon 〈…〉 That they must be most Exile in bulk , is 〈…〉 that no Concretion can be so compact and solid , 〈…〉 find some pores or small inlets , whereat to insinuate 〈…〉 of it , and penetrate thorow its substance ; 〈…〉 a number , as is required , to the total dissolution of its Contexture , as in the Adamant , which as Naturalists affirm , no Fire can demolish or dissolve . ( 2. ) That they ought to be Spherical in Figure , is probable , yea necessary from hence ; that of all others they are most Agile , and evolve themselves quoquoversùm , on all parts of the Concretion , into which they are admitted . And Geometry teacheth , that no figure is so easily moved , as a Sphere , whether naturally , or violently . First , Naturally ; because , by how much neerer to a Sphere the figure of any solid body approacheth , by so much the more speedily doth it descend , as is observed of globular stones in Water : and a round stone rowles it self farther and swifter downe hill , than a plane or angular one . Secondly , Violently , because a globular stone may be projected much farther , than one of any other figure . This is also evident in the Motion of Volutation ; so that the line of direction to the Centre of the World ( if any such there be ) consisting in the axis of the Globe , the motion of it is most hardly refracted and arrested . For , there are 3 points , thorowe which the direct imaginary line , in which alone a Globe can quiesce , must pass , viz. the Centre of the World , the Centre of Gravity in the Globe , and the point of Contact : and if either of these 3 be without , or beside the line of quiet , a Globe once moved shall never rest , but be continually moved , until all the 3 points be in the line of direction . Furthermore , how easie it is to impel● a Globe , is demonstrable meerly from hence , that being posited upon a perfect plane , it can touch the same but only in one point ; and so relying upon that point , may most easily be deturbed from that slender support ; but in all other Figures the reason of innixion or Relying , is quite contrary . Lastly , as a sphere doth most easily admit an imprest motion ; so doth it longest retain the same , most violently press upon other occurring bodies , and most equally dispence its conceived force ; as hath been profoundly demonstrated by Magnenus ( in theoricae militaris lib. 1. theorem . 4. & 5 ) ( 3 ) And that they must be also superlatively swift in motion , may be argued not only à posteriori , from the impetuous discussion and separation of the particles of bodies by them , and their uncessant aestuation among themselves arietating each other : but also à Priori , because , being spherical , they are most mobile . Thus much , at least in importance , we have from Philoponus ( in 1 physic . ) where he saith , Sphaericus Atomos , tanquàm facillimè mobiles , esse Cal●ris , ignisque caussas ; quatenus enim sunt facilè mobiles , dividunt , sub●●mque velociùs : id quippe ignis proprium est , & dividere , & moveri facilè posse . And albeit Plato would not have the Atoms of Fire to be spherical , but Pyramidal ; because having most exile points , slender angles ; and acute sides , they might be more accommodate for Penetration or su●ingression : yet , to the Division or Cutting of bodies , He requires 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the Exiquity of particles , and celerity of Motion . So that the Patrons of Atoms praesuming the Calorifick Atoms to be extreamly Exile , i. e as small as Plato supposeth the points and angles of his Pyramids to be : we do not perceive any considerable difference betwixt their opinion and his . But before we take off our pen from this subject , we are to advertise ; that indeed all Atoms , of their own nature , are inexcogitably swift ; and so that our assertion of the superlative Velocity of Calorifick Atoms , doth appertain only to Atoms as they are in Concretions , where their native Velocity and Agility is retarded and diminished by reciprocal cohaerence and revinction . And , therefore , seeing that all Atoms , agitated by their essential mobility , are in perpetual attempt to extricate themselves from Concretions , that so they may attain their primitive freedom of motion ; that none can so soon extricate and disengage themselves ; as those that are spherical ; because such cannot be impeded by the small hooks , or angles of others . Cum enim sphaera ●mnibus angulis careat , nihil hamati , aut retinentis offendet , facilè permeabit , & quoquoversus ad naturae penetrabit instituta , dividet instar cunei , & ( quod nulli alteri figurae conting●t ) contactu puncti labefaciens planum , statim amplo sinu sibi viam facit , cum nihil habet angulosi , quo possit detineri ; quod ejus activitati necessarium suit : saith Magnenus ( de Atom . lib. 2 cap. 3. ) As also , that we speak the Dialect of Democritus , when we call these Calorifick Atoms , sometimes the Atoms of Heat , sometimes the Atoms of Fire , indiscriminately ; because Heat and Fire know none but a Gradual Difference ; at least , because Heat , in a General sense , implies all degrees , and Fire , in a Special , the highest degree of Heat ; Aristotle himself ( 1 Meteor . 3 ) excellently defining Heat to be nothing else , but Caloris Hyperbole , the Excess of Heat . The Proprieties , or requisite Conditions of these Calorifick Atoms , being thus explored ; our next Enquiry must be concerning the Manner of their Emancipation , or Expedition from the fetters of Concretions . We observe , therefore , that the Atoms of Fire , imprisoned in Concretions , have Two ways of attaining liberty . ( 1. ) By Evocation , or the Assistance of other Atoms of the same nature ; when such invading and insinuating themselves into the centrals of a body , do so dissociate its particles , as that dissolving the impediments or chains of the igneous Atoms therein contained , they not only give them an opportunity , but in a manner sollicite them to extricate themselves . And by this way do the Atoms of Fire , included in Wood , Wax , Turpentine , Oyle , and all other Inflammable Concretions , extricate themselves , when they are set on fire ; the sparks or flame , wherewith they are accensed , penetrating their contexture , and removing the remoraes , which detained and impeded their internal Atoms of Fire , and exciting them to Emption : Which thereupon issue forth in swarms , and with the violence of their exsilition drive before them , in the apparence 〈◊〉 fuliginous ▪ Exhalations or smoak , those dissimilar particles , which supprest and incarcerated them , during the integrity of the Concretion . ( 2. ) By Motion , or Concussion ; and that either Intestine , or External . First , Intestine ; when , after many evolutions , the igneous Atoms , included in a Body , do of themselves dissociate and discuss those heterogeneous masses , wherein they were imprisoned : Which they chiefly effect , when after some of them have by spontaneous motion attained their freedom , if any thing be circumstant , which hath the power of repelling them , as 〈◊〉 ; for , in that case , returning again into the centrals of the body , from whence they came ; and so associating with their fellows , promote the discussion of the remaining impediments , and concur to a general Emption . From this Motion ariseth that Heat , or Fire , which is vulgarly ascribed to the Antiperistasis , or Circumobsistence of Cold ; as , for Example , when a heap of new Corn , or Mowe of green Hay , being kept too close , during the time of its fermentation , or sweating ( as our Husbandmen 〈◊〉 , sets it self on fire : the cold of the ambient aer , repelling the Atoms of 〈◊〉 which otherwise would expire insensibly ) back again into it ; and so causing them to unite to their fellows : and upon that consociation they suddainly engage in a general cumbustion , and dissolving all impediments , 〈◊〉 their liberty . Hence also proceed all those Heats , which are observed in Fermentation , Putrifaction and all other intestine Commotions and Mutations of Bodies . Hither likewise would we refer that so generally believed Phaenomenon , the Warmness of Fountains , Cellars , Mines , and all subterraneous Fosses , in Winter : but that we conceive it not only superfluous , but also of evil consequence in Physiology , to consign a Cause , where we have good reason to doubt the verity of the Effect . For , if we strictly examine the ground of that common Assertion , we shall find it to consist only in a misinformation of our sense ; i. e. though Springs , Wells , Caves , and all subterraneous places are really as Cold in Winter , as Summer ; yet do we apprehend them to be warm : because we suppose that we bring the organs of the sense of Touching alike disposed in Winter and Summer , not considering that the same thing doth appear Cold to a hot , and warm to a Cold hand , nor observing , that oyle will be conglaciated , in Winter , in subterraneous Cells , which yet appear warm to those , who enter them , but not in Summer , when yet they appear Cold. Secondly , by Motion External , when a Sawe grows Hot , by continuall affriction against wood , or stone ; or when fire is kindled by the long and hard affriction of 2 dry sticks , &c. This is manifest even from hence , that unless the bodies agitated , or rubbed against each other , are such as contain igneous Atoms in them ; no motion , however lasting and violent , can excite the least degree of Heat in them . For , Water agitated most continently and violently , never conceives the lest warmth : because it is wholly destitute of Calorifick Atoms . Lastly , as for the Heat , excited in a body , upon the Motion of its Whole , whether it be moved by it self , or some External movent ; of this sort is that Heat , of which motion is commonly affirmed to be the sole Cause : as when an Animal grows hot with running , &c. and a Bullet acquires heat in flying , &c. And thus much concerning the manner of Emancipation of our Calorifick Atoms . The next thing considerable , is their peculiar Seminarie or Conservatory ; concerning which it may be observed , that the Atoms of Fire cannot , in regard of their extreme Exility , sphaerical Figure , and velocity of motion , be in any but an Unctuous and viscous matter , such whose other Atoms are more hamous , and reciprocally cohaerent , than to be dissociated easily by the intestine motions of the Calorifick Atoms ; so that some greater force is required to the dissolution of that unctuousness and tenacity , whereby they mutually cohaere . And hereupon we may safely conclude , that an Unctuous substance is as it were the chief , nay the sole Matrix or Seminary of Fire or Heat ; and that such Bodies only , as are capable of incalescence and inflammation , must contain somewhat of Fatness and unctuo●ity in them . Sometimes , we confess , it is observed , that Concretions , which have no such Unctuosity at all in them , as Water , are Hot , but yet we cannot allow them to be properly said to wax Hot , but to be made Hot ; because the principle of that their Heat is not Internal to them , but External or Ascititious . For instance ; when Fire is put under a vessel of Water , the small bodies , or particles of Fire by degrees insinuate themselves thorowe the pores of the vessel into the substance of the Water , and diffuse themselves throughout the same ; though not so totally , at first , as not to leave , the major part of the particles of the Water untoucht : to which other igneous Atoms successively admix themselves , as the water grows hotter and 〈◊〉 . And evident it is , how small a time the Water doth kee●●ts acquired heat , when once removed from the fire : because , th●●toms of Heat being meerly Adventitious to it , they spontaneousl● 〈◊〉 it one after another , and leave it , as they found it , Cold only 〈◊〉 Alteration ▪ they cause therein , that they diminish the Quantity the 〈◊〉 ▪ insomuch as successively as●ending into the aer , they carry along 〈◊〉 them the more tenuious and moveable particles of the Water , in 〈◊〉 ●pparence of vapours , which are nothing but Water Diffused , 〈…〉 . Bu● , 〈…〉 we affirm ▪ that only Unctuous Bodies are Inflammable ▪ be g●●●rally true ▪ whence comes it , that amongst Unctuous and 〈…〉 , some more easily take fire ▪ than others ? The 〈…〉 is this ▪ that the Atoms of Fire , incarcerated , in ●ome 〈◊〉 ▪ are not so deeply immerst in , nor so opprest and 〈…〉 other Heterogenous particles of matter , as in others ▪ 〈…〉 the l●berty of Eruption much more easily . Thus 〈…〉 kindled , than Green ▪ because , in the green ▪ the A●ueous 〈…〉 , surrounding and oppressing the Atoms of Fire therein containe● 〈◊〉 first t● be discussed and attenuated into vapours : but , in the 〈◊〉 time ▪ b● the mediation of the warmth in the ambient ae● ▪ hath 〈…〉 that luxuriant moysture , so that none but the 〈…〉 ▪ o● un●tuous part , wherein the Atoms of Fire have their 〈…〉 , remains to be discussed ; which done , the Atoms of 〈…〉 issue forth in swarms , and discover themselves in 〈…〉 spirit of Wine is so much the sooner inflammable , by how much 〈◊〉 more pure and defaecated it is ; because the igneous Atoms 〈…〉 concluded , are delivered from the greater part of that 〈…〉 humidity , wherewith they were formerly ●urrounded 〈…〉 ▪ On the contrary , a stone is not made Combustib●e 〈◊〉 great ●●fficulty ▪ because the substance of it is so compact , as 〈…〉 Unctuous humidity is long in discussion . We ●ay , a Stone 〈…〉 , or Arenaceous one , because such is destitute of all 〈◊〉 , and so of all igneous particles : but , a Lime-stone , 〈…〉 capable of reduction to a Calx : or a Flint out of which by 〈◊〉 against steel , are excussed many small fragments , plentifully 〈◊〉 Atoms of Fire . The 〈◊〉 and Origine of Heat being thus fully explicated , according 〈…〉 most ver●imilous Principles of Democritus , Epicurus , and their 〈…〉 , that we progress to those Porifmata or 〈◊〉 , which from thence result to our observation ; and the 〈…〉 some most considerable Problems , retaining to the same 〈◊〉 , suc● especially as have hitherto eluded the folutive 〈…〉 any other Hypothesis , but what we have here 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 , as the Atoms of Heat , which are always 〈…〉 ●nctuous Matter , doe , upon the acquisition of 〈…〉 ●orth with violence , and insinuating themselves into Bodies , which they meet withal , and totally pervading them , dissociate their particles , and dissolve their Compage or Contexture . Hence is it manifest , that Rarefa●tion , or Dilatation is upon good reason accounted the proper Effect of Heat ; since those parts of a body , which are Conjoyned , cannot be Disjoyned , but they must instantly possess a greater part of space ( understand us in that strict sense , which we kept our selves to , in our Discourse of Rarefaction and Condensation ) than before . Hence come● it , that Water in boyling , seems so to be encreased , that what , when cold , filled scarce half the Caldron , in ebullition cannot be contained in the whole , but swells over the brim thereof . Hence is it also , that all bodi●● attenuated into Fume , are diffused into space an hundred , nay sometimes a thousand degrees larger than what they possessed before . From this Consectary we arrive at some Problems , which stand directly in our way to another ; and the First is that Vulgar one , Why the bottom of a Caldron , wherein Water , or any other Liquor is boyling , is but moderately warm , at most not so hot , as to burn a mans hand applyed thereto ? The Cause of this culinary Wonder 〈◊〉 our Housewifes account it ) seems to be this ; when the Atoms of He●t , passing through the pores in the bottom of the Caldron into the water , do ascend through it , they elevate and carry along with them some particles thereof : and at the same time , other particles of Water , next adjacent to them , sink down , and instantly flowe into the places deserted by the former , which ascended , and insinuate themselves into the now laxarated pores in the bottom of the caldron . And though these are soon repelled upwards by other Atoms of Fire ascending thorowe the pores of the Vessel● , and carried upwards , as the former , yet are there other particles of Water , which sinking down , insinuate also into the open pores of the vessel , and by their confl●x or downward motion , much refract the violence of the subingredient Atoms of Fire : and so , by this ●●ciffitude of Heat and Moysture , it comes to pass , that the Heat cannot be diffused throughout the bottom of the Caldron , the Humidity ( which falls into the pores of it in the same proportion , as the Heat passeth thorow them ) hindering the possession of all ●ts empty spaces by the invading Atoms of Fire . Nor doth it availe to the contrary , that the Water which insinuates into the pores of the vessel , is made Hot , and so must calefie the same , in some proportion , as well as the Fire underneath it ; because boyling Water poured ●nto 〈◊〉 Caldron , doth more than warm it : For , those particles of Water , which successively enter into the void spaces of the vessel● , are such as have not yet been penetrated per ●i●imas , by the A●●ms of Fire . For , all the cold , formerly entered into the water , ●s not at once ●iscussed , though the Water be in boyling ; the 〈◊〉 arising ●nly ●rom the cohaerence of the calefied with the 〈◊〉 particles of the Water . And from the same Cause ●s ●t , that a sheet of the thinne●t Venice Paper ▪ if so 〈…〉 hold Oyle infused into 〈…〉 doth endure the 〈…〉 Which some Cooks observing , use to fry Bacon upon a sheet of Paper only . Secondly , Why doth Lime acquire an Heat and great Ebullition upon the affusion of Water ? since , if our praecedent Assertion be true , the Heat included in the Lime ought to be supprest so much the more , by how much the more Aqueous Humidity is admixt unto it . This Difficulty is discussed by Answering ; that the Aqueous Humidity of the Lime-stone is indeed wholly evaporated by fire in its calcination ; but yet the Pingous , or Unctuous for the most part remains , so that its Atoms of Fire lye still blended and incarcerated therein : and when those expede themselves , and by degrees expire into the ambient aer , if they be impeded and repelled by water affused , they recoyle upon the grumous masses of the Lime , and by the Circumobsistence of the Humidity , become more congregated ; and so upon the uniting of their forces make way for the Exsilition of the other Atoms of Fire , which otherwise could not have attained their liberty but slowly and by succession one after another . So that all the Atoms of Fire contained in the Lime , issuing forth together , they break through the water , calefie it , and make it bubble or boyle up ; the calefied parts thereof being yet cohaerent to the uncalefied . The Third Problem is , Why the Heat of Lime , kindled by Water is more intense than that of any Flame whatever ? Answer , that forasmuch as Flame is nothing but Fire Rarefied , or as it were an Explication , or Diffusion of those Atoms of Fire , which were lately ambuscadoed in some Unctuous matter ; and that all Fire is so much more intense or vehement , by how much more Dense it is , i. e. by how much the more congregated the Atoms which constitute it are : therefore is the Heat of Lime unslaking more vehement than that of any Flame , in regard the smallest grains of Lime contain in them many Atoms of Fire , which are not so diffused or disgregated in a moment , as those in Flame . So that a mans hand being waved to and fro in Flame , is invaded by incomrably fewer particles of Fire , than when it is dipt into , or waved through water at the unslaking of Lime thereby ; the small granes of Lime adhaering unto , and insinuating into the pores of the hand , the many Atoms of fire invelloped in them , incontinently explicate themselves , violently penetrate and dilacerate the skin , and other sentient parts , and so produce that Pungent and Acute pain , which is felt in all Ambustions . From the same Reason also is it , that a glowing Coale burns more vehemently than Flame : and the Coals of more solid wood , as Juniper , Cedar , Guaiacum , Ebony , Oke , &c. more vehemently than those of Looser wood , such as Willow , Elder , Pine tree , &c. The like Disproportion is observable also in the Flames of divers Fewels ; for in the flame of Juniper are contained far more Igneous Atoms , than in that of Willow : and consequently they burn so much more vehemently . True it is , that spirit of Wine enflamed , is so much more Ardent , by how much more refined and cohobated : yet this proceedeth from another Cause ; viz. that the Atoms of Fire issuing from spirit of Wine of the first Extraction , have much of the Phletegme , or Aqueous moysture of the Wine intermixt among them ; and so cannot be alleaged as an Example that impugne's our Reason of the Different Heats of several Flames . The Fourth , is that Vulgar Quaere , Why boyling Oyle doth scald more dangerously , than boyling Water ? To which it is easily Answered ; that Oyle , being of an Unctuous and Tenacious consistence , and so having its particles more firmly cohaerent , than Water , doth not permit the Atoms of Fire entered into it , so easily to transpire : so that being more agminous , or swarming in oyl , they must invade , and dilacerate the hand of a man , immersed into it , both more thickly and deeply , than those more Dispersed ones contained in boyling Water . Which is also the Reason , why Oyle made fervent is much longer in cooling , than Water : and may be extended to the Solution of the Fifth Problem , viz. Wherefore do Metals , especially Gold , when melted , or made glowing hot , burn more violently , than the Fire that melteth , or heateth them ; especially , since no Atoms of Fire can justly be affirmed to be lodged in them , as in their proper seminary , and so not to be educed from them , upon their Liquation , or Ignition . For , the Heat , wherewith they procure Ambustion , being not domestick , but only Adventitious to them from the Fire , wherein they are melted , or made red hot ; the reason why they burn so extreamly , must be this , that they are exceedingly Compact in substance , and so their particles being more tenacious or reciprocally cohaerent , then those of wood , oyle , or any other body whatever , they more firmly keep together the Atoms of fire immitted into them : insomuch that a man cannot touch them with his finger , but instantly it is in all points invaded with whole swarms of igneous Atoms , and most fiercely compunged and dilacerated . And , as for the Derasion of the skin from any part of an Animal , immersed into melted metal ; this ariseth partly from the total dissolution of the tenour of the skin by the dense , and on every side compungent Atoms of Fire ; partly from the Compression and Resistence of the parts of the Metal , now made Fluid , which are both so great , that upon the withdrawing of the member immersed into the metal , the part which is immediately prest upon by the particles thereof , is detained behind , and that 's the skin . Hence also is it no longer a Problem , Why red h●t Iron sets any Combustible matter on Fire ; for it is evident , that it cannot inflame by its own substance , but by the Atoms of Fire immitted into , and for a while reteined in its Pores . And this brings us to a Second CONSECTARY , viz. That as the Degrees of Heat are various ( Physicians , indeed , allow only 4 , and Physiologists but double that number ; the Former , in order to the more convenient reduction of their Art to certain and established principles ; the Latter , meerly in conformity to the Dictates of Aristotle : but Neither upon absolute necessity , since it is reasonable for any man to augment their number even above number , at pleasure ) So also must the Degrees of fire be various . For , since Fire , even according to Aristotle is only the Excess of Heat , or Heat encreased to that height , as to Burn , or Enflame a thing ; if we begin at the gentle Meteor called Ignis Fatuus ( which lighting upon a mans hand , and a good while adhereing thereto , doth hardly warm it ) or at the fire of the purest spirit of Wine enflamed ( which also is very languid , for it is frequent among the Irish , for a Cure of their Endemious Fluxes of the belly , to swallow down small balls of Cotton , steept in spirit of wine , and set on fire , and that many times with good success . ) We say , if we begin from either of these weak Fires , and run through all the intermediate ones , to that of melted Gold , which all men acknowledge to be the Highest : we shall soon be convinced , that the Degrees of Fire are so various , as to arise even to innumerability . Most true it is , in the General , that every Fire is so much the more intense , by how much more numerous , or agminous the Atoms of Fire are , that make it : yet , if we regard only the Effect , there must be allowed a convenient space of time , for the requisite motion of those Atoms , and a supply of fresh ones successively to invade and penetrate the thing to be burned or enflamed . For , since the Igneous Atoms , exsilient from their involucrum , or seminary , and invading the extrems of a body objected to them , are subject to easy Repercussion , or ( rather ) Resilition from it ; therefore , to the Calefaction , Adustion , or Inflammation of a body , it is not sufficient , that the body be only moved along by , or over the Fire : but it must be held neer ▪ or in it , so long as till the first invading Igneous Atoms , which otherwise would recoyle from it , be impelled on , and driven into the pores of the same , by streams of other Igneous Atoms contiguously , succeeding and pressing upon them . And , however the space of time , be almost in assignably short , in which the finger of a man , touching a glowing Coale , or melted metal , is burned ; because , the Atoms of Fire are therein exceeding Dense and Agminous , and so penetrate the skin , in all points : yet nevertheless common observation assures , that in the General a certain space of time is necessary to the Effect of Calefaction or Ambustion ; and that so much the Longer , by how much the Fewer , or more Disgregated the Igneous Atoms are , either in the Body Calefying , or the Aer conterminous thereto . And this ( as formerly ) to the end , that the Motion of the Igneous Atoms first assaulting the object may be continued , and a supply of fresh ones , promoting and impelling the former , be afforded from the Focus , or Seminary . Hence is it , that a mans hand may be frequently Waved to and fro in Flame , without burning ; because the Atoms of Fire , which invade it , are repercussed , and not by a continued aflux of others driven foreward into its pores , the motion of his hand preventing the Continuity of their Fluor : but , if his hand be held still in the flame , though but a very short time , it must be burned ; because the first invading Atoms of Fire are impelled on by others , and those again by others , in a continent fluor , so that their Motion is continued , and a constant supply maintained . Hence comes it also , that no Metal can be molten only by a Flash , or transient touch of the Fire ( for , we are not yet fully satisfied of the verity of that vulgar tradition , of the instantaneous melting of money in a purse , or of a sword blade in its sheath , by Lightning : and if we were , yet could we assign that prodigious Effect to some more probable Cause ; viz. the impetuosity of the motion , and the exceeding Coarctation of those Atoms of Fire , of which that peculiar species of Lightning doth consist ) but it must be so long held in , or over the Fire , as until the Igneous Atoms have totally pervaded its contexture , and dissociated all its particles : and therefore , so much the longer stay in the fire doth every Metal require to its Fusion ; by how much the more Compact and Tenacious its particles are . As the Degrees of Fire are various , as to the more and less of Vehemency , respective to the more and less Density , or Congregation of the Igneous Atoms : So likewise is there a considerably variety among Flames , as to the more and less of Duration . Concerning the Causes , therefore of this Variety , in the General , we briefly observe ; that Flame hath its Greater or Less Duration , respective to the ( 1. ) Various Materials , or Bodies inflammable . For , such Bodies , as have a greater Aversion to inflammation , being commixt with others , that are easily inflammable , make their flame less Durable ; as Bay Salt , dissolved in spirit of Wine , shortens the duration of its flame , by almost a third part , as the Lord Bacon affirms upon exact experiment ( Nat. Hist. cent . 4. ) and contrariwise , such as approach neerer to an affinity with fire , i. e have much of Unctuousness , and plenty of igneous Atoms concealed therein , yield the most lasting Flames ; as Oyle and Spirit of Wine commixt in due proportions ; and spirit of Salt , to a tenth part , commixt with Oyle Olive , makes it burn twice as long in a Lamp , as Oyle alone , from whence some Chymists have promised to make Eternal Lamps with an Oyle extracted from common Salt , and the stone Ami●nthus . ( 2. ) The more or less easie Attraction of its Pabulum , or Nourishment . For , Lamps , in which the Flame draweth the oyle from a greater distance , always burn much longer , than Candles , or Tapers , where the circumference of the fewel is but small ; and the broader the surface of the Oyle , or Wax , wherein the Wiek is immersed , so much the longer doth the flame thereof endure ; not only in regard of the greater Quantity of Nourishment , but of its slower Calefaction , and so of its longer Resistence to the absumptive faculty of the flame . Since it is observed , that the Coolness of the Nourishment , doth make it more slowly consumable : as in Candles floating in water . This was experimented in that service of our quondam English Court , called All night ; which was a large Cake of Wax , with the Wiek , set in the middest : so that the flame , being fed with nourishment less heated before hand , as coming far off , must of necessity last much longer , than any Wax Taper of a small circumference . ( 3 ) Various Conditions of the same Materials . For , Old and Hard Candles , whether of Wax , or Tallowe , maintain flame much longer than New , or soft . Which good Houswives knowing , use no Candles under a year old , and such as have , for greater induration , been laid a good while in Bran , or Flower . And , from the same reason is it , that Wax , as being more firm and hard , admixt to Tallowe and made up into Candles , causeth them to be more lasting , then if they were praepared of Tallowe alone . ( 4. ) Different Conditions , and Tempers of the ambient Aer . For , the Quiet and Closeness of the Aer , wherein a Taper burneth , much conduceth to the prolongation of its flame : and contrariwise , the Agitation thereof , by winds , or fanning , conduceth as much to the shortning of it : insomuch as the motion of flame makes it more greedily attract , and more speedily devour its sustenance . Thus a Candle lasteth much longer in a Lanthorne , than at large in a spacious roome . Which also might be assigned as one Cause of the long Duration of those subterranean Lamps , such as have been found ( if credit be due to the tradition of Bapt. Porta , ( lib. 12. Magiae natural . cap. ultim . ) Hermolaus Barbarus ( in lib. 5. Dio cap. 11. ) and Cedrenus Histor. Compend . ) All which most confidently avouch it , upon authentique testimonies . ) in the Urns of many Noble Romans , many hundreds of years after their Funerals . Here should our Reader bid us stand , and deliver him our positive judgement , upon this stupendious Rarity , which hath been uged by some Laureat Antiquaries , as a cheif Argument of the transcendency of the Ancients Knowledge as in all Arts , so in the admirable secrets of Pyrotechny , above that of Later Ages ; as we durst not be so uncharitable , to quaestion the Veracity of either the Inventors , or Reporters of it : so should we not be so uncivil , as not to releive his Curiosity , at least with a short story , that may light Him towards farther satisfaction . A certain Chymist there was , not many years since , who having decocted Litharge of Gold , Tartar , Cinnaber , and Calx vive , in spirit of Vinegre , until the Vinegre was wholly evaporated ; closely covering and luting up the earthen vessel , wherein the Decoction was made , buried it deeply in a dry Earth , for 7 moneths together ( in order to more speedy maturation , expected from the Antiperistasis of Cold ) came at length to observe what became of his Composition : and opening the vessel , observed a certain bright Flame to issue from thence , and that so vehement , as it fired the hair of his eyebrowes and head . Now , having furnished our Reader with this faithful Narrative ; we leave it to his owne determination : Whether it be not more probable , that those Coruscations , or Flashes of Light , perceived to issue from Vials of Earth , found in the demolisht sepulchres of the Great Olybius , and some eminent Romans , at the instant of their breaking up by the spade , or pickaxe ; did proceed rather from some such Chymical Mixture , as this of our Chymist ( who acquired Light by the hazard of Blindness ) which is of that nature as to be in a moment kindled , and yield a shortlived flame , upon the intromission of Aer into the vessel , wherein it is contained ; than from any Fewel , that is so slowly Absumable by Fire , as to maintain a constant Flame , for many hundred years together , without extinction , and that in so small a vial , as the Fume must needs recoyle and soon suffocate the Flame . But we return from our Digression , and directly pursue our embost Argument . It much importeth the greater and less Continuance of Flame , whether the Aer be Warm , or Cold , Dry or Mo●st . For Cold Aer irritateth flame , by Circumobsistence , and causeth it burn more fiercely , and so less durably ; as is manifest from hence , that Fire scorcheth in frosty weather : but Warme Aer , by making flame more calm and gentle , and so more sparing of its nourishment , much helpeth the Continuance of it . If Moist , because it impedeth the motion of the igneous Atoms , and so in some degree quencheth flame , at least , makes it burn more dimly and dully ; it must of necessity advance the Duration of flame : and contrariwise , Drie Aer , meerly as drie , produceth Contrary Effect , though not in the same proportion ; nay so little , that some Naturalists have concluded the Driness of Aer to be only indifferent , as to the Duration of Flame . And now we are arrived at our Third and Last CONSECTARY ; That the immediate and genuine Effect of Heat , is Disgregation ▪ or Separation : and that it is only by Accident that Heat doth Congregate Homogeneous natures . To argue by the most familiar way of Instance ; when Heat hath dissolved a piece of Ice , consisting of water , earth , and perhaps of gravel and many small Festucous bodies commixt ; the Earth , Sand and other Terrene parts sink downe and convene together at the bottom , the water returns to its native fluidity , and possesseth the middle region of the Continent , and the strawes swim on the surface of the water : not that it is essential to the Heat so to dispose them ; but essential to them , being dissociated and so at liberty , each to take it proper place , according to the several degrees of their Gravity . Thus also , when a Mass of various Metals is melted by Fire , each metal , indeed , takes it proper region in the Crucible , or fusory vessel : but yet the Congregation of the Homogeneous particles of each particular Metal , is not immediately caused , but only occasioned , i. e. Accidentally brought to pass by the Disgregation or praecedent separation of the particles of the whole Heterogeneous Concretion , by heat . Again , the Energy of every Cause in Nature ceaseth , upon the production of its perfect Effect ; but the Effect of Heat ceaseth not , when the Homogenieties of the mass of Ice , or Metal , are Congregated , but continues the same after , as before , i. e. to Dissolve the compage of the Metal , or Ice , and Dissociate all the particles thereof : for , so long as the Heat is continued , so long do the Ice and Metal remain Dissolved and Fluid . This considered , what shall we say to Aristotle , who makes it the Essential Attribute of Heat , Congregare Homogenea , to Congregate Homogeneous Bodies . Truly , rather then openly convict so great a Votary to truth of so palpable an Error ; we should gladly become his Compurgator , and palliate his mistake with an indulgent comment ; that in his Definition of Heat , to be a Quality genuinely Congregative of Homogeneous natures , He had his eye , not upon the General Effect of Heat ( which He could not but observe , to Disgregate the particles of all things , aswel Homogeneous , as Heterogeneous . ) but upon some special Effect of it upon some particular Concretions , such as are Compounded of parts of Divers natures , as Wood and all Combustible bodies Concerning which , indeed , His Assertion is thus far justifiable , that the whole Bodie is so dissolved by fire , as that the Dissimilar parts of it are perfectly sequestred each from other , and every one attains it proper place ; the Aereal part ascending and associating with the Aer , the Aqueous evaporating , the Igneous discovering themselves in Flame , and the earthy remaining behind , in the forme of Ashes . But alas ! this favourable Conjecture cannot excuse , nor gild over his Incogitancy ; for , the Congregation of the Homogenous particles of a Body , dissolved by Fire , in the place most convenient to their particular Nature , ariseth immediately from their own Tendency thither , or ( that we may speak more like our selves , i. e. the Disciples of Epicurus ) from their respective proportions of Gravity , the more Heavy extruding and so impelling upward the less heavy : and only Accidentally from Heat , or as it hath dissolved the caement , and so the Continuity of the Concretion , wherein they were confusedly and promiscuously blended together . So that Truth will not dispense with our Connivence at so dangerous a Lapse , though in one of Her choicest Favorites ; chiefly , because it hath already deluded so many of Her seekers , under the glorious title of a Fundamental Axiome : but strictly enjoynes Us , to Conclude ; that Heat , per se , or of its own nature , is alwayes a Disgregative Quality ; and that it is of of meer Accident , that upon the sequestration of Heterogeneities , Homogeneous Natures are associated , rather than , è contra , that it is of meer Accident , that while Heat Congregates Homogeneous , it should Disgregate Heterogeneous Natures , as Aristotle most inconsiderately affirmed and taught . SECT . II. AS in the Course , so in the Discourse of Nature , having done with the principle of Life , Heat , we must immediately come to the principle of Death , COLD : whose Essence we cannot seasonably explain , before we have proved , that it hath an Essence ; since many have hotly , though with but cold Arguments , contended , that it hath none at all , but is a meer Privation , or Nothing . That Cold , therefore , is a Real Ens , and hath a Positive Nature of its own , may be thus demonstrated . ( 1. ) Such are the proper Effects of Cold , as cannot , without open absurdity , be ascribed to a simple Privation ; since a Privation is incapable of Action : for , Cold compingeth all Bodies , that are capable of its efficacy , and congealeth Water into Ice , which is more than ever any man durst assigne to a privation . And , when a man thrusts his hand into cold Water , the Cold He then feels , cannot be sayd to be a meer privation of the Heat of his hand ; since , his hand remains as Hot , if not hotter than before ; the Calorifick Atoms of his hand being more united , by the circumobsistence of the Cold. ( 2. ) All Heat doth Concentre and unite it self , upon the Antiperistasis of Cold ; not from fear of a privation , because Heat is destitute of a sense of its owne being , and so of fear to lose that being ; and if not , yet Nothing can have no Contrariety , nor Activity : but , from Repulsion , as we have formerly delivered . ( 3. ) Though many bodies are observed to become Cold , upon the absence , or Expiration of Heat : yet is it the intromission of the Quality contrary to Heat , that makes them so ; for , if External Cold be not introduced into their pores , they cannot be so properly sayd , Frigescere , to wax Cold , as Decalescere , to wax less Hot. Thus a stone , which is not Hot , nor Cold , unless by Accident , being admoved to the fire , is made Hot ; and removed from the fire , you cannot ( unless the ambient Aer intromit its Cold into it ) so justly say , that it growes Cold , as that it grows Less hot , or returnes to its native state of indifferency . ( 4. ) When Water ( vulgarly , though untruely praesumed to be naturally or essentially cold ) is congealed into Ice by the Cold of the aer , it would be most shamefully absurd , to affirm , that the Cold of the Ice ariseth meerly from the Absence of Heat in the water ; because it is the essential part of the supposition , that the Water had no Heat before . ( 5. ) Privation knowes no Degrees ; for the Word imports the totall Destitution , or Absence of somewhat formerly had , otherwise , in rigid truth , it can be no Privation ( and therefore our common Distinction of a Partial , and Total privation , hath lived thus long meerly upon indulgence and tolleration . ) : but Cold hath its various Degrees , for Water is colder to the touch than Earth , Ice than Water , &c. therefore Cold is no Privative , but a Positive Quality . The Reality of Cold being thus clearly evicted , we may , with more advantage undertake the consideration of its Formality , and explore the roots of those Attributes commonly imputed thereunto . First , therefore , we observe ; that though Cold be Scholastically defined by that passion caused in the organs of the sense of touching , upon the contact of a Cold object ; yet doth not that special Notion sufficiently express its Nature : because there is a more General Effect by which it falls under our cognizance ; and that is the Congregation and Compaction of the parts of bodies . For , since Cold is the Antagonist to Heat , whose proper vertue it is , to Discuss and Disgregate ; therefore must the proper and immediate virtue of Cold be , to Congregate and Compinge : and consequently , ought we to form to our selves a notion of the Essence of Cold , according to that general Effect , rather than that special one produced in the sense of Touching , which doth adumbrate only a Relative part of it . Secondly , that by Cold , we understand not any Immaterial Quality , as Aristotle and the Schools after him ; but a Substantial one , i. e. certain particles of Matter , or Atoms whose determinate Magnitude and Figure adapt or empower them to congregate and compinge bodies , or to produce all those Effects observed to arise immediately from Cold. And , as the Atoms , which are comparated to the Causation of such Effects , may rightly be termed , the Atoms of Cold , or Frigorifick Atoms : so may those Concretions , which harbour such Atoms , and are capable of Emitting them , be named Cold Concretions ; either Actually , as Frost , snowe , the North-wind , &c. or Potentially , as Nitre , Hemlock , Night-shade , and all other simples aswel Medical , as Toxical or Poysonous , whose Alterative Virtue consisteth cheifly in Cold. Now , as for the determinate Figure of Frigorifick Atoms ; our enquiries can hope for but small light from the almost consumed vaper of Antiquity : For , though Philoponus ( in 1 physic . ) & Magnenus ( de Atomis , disput . 2. cap. 3. ) confidently deliver , that Democritus assigned a Cubical Figure to the Atoms of Cold ; and endeavour to justifie that assignation , by sundry Mathematical reasons : yet Aristotle , a man aswell acquainted with the doctrines of his Predecessors , as either of those , expresly affirms , that nor Democritus , nor Leucippus , nor Epicurus determined the Atoms of Cold to any particular Figure at all ; for , His words are these ( 3 de caelo , cap. 4. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nihilpend● determinarunt . So , that rather than remain altogether in the dark , we must strike fire out of that learned Conjecture of our Master Ga●sendus ; and taking our indication from the rule of Contrariety , infer , that the Atoms of Heat being spherical , those of Cold , in all reason , must be Tetrahedical , or Pyramidal , consisting of 4 sides , or equilateral Triangles . To make the reasonableness of this supposition duly evident , let us consider ( 1. ) That as Heat hath its origine from Atoms most exile in magnitude , spherical in figure , and so most swift of motion : so must its Contrary , Cold , be derived from principles of Contrary proprieties , viz. Atoms not so exile in magnitude , of a Figure most opposite to a sphere , and so of most slow motion . ( 2. ) That none but Tetrahedical Atoms can justly challenge to themselves these proprieties , that are requisite to the Essensification of Cold. For ( 1. ) If we regard their Magnitude , a Tetrahedical Atom may be Greater than a Spherical , by its whole Angles : because a Sphere may be circumscribed within a Tetrahedon . ( 2. ) If the Figure it self ; none is more opposed to a Sphere , than a Tetrahedon : because it is Angular , and farthest recedeth from that infinity , or ( rather ) innumerability of small insensible sides , which a profound Geometrician may speculate in a Sphere . ( 3. ) If their Mobility ; no body can be more unapt for motion , than a Tetrahedical one : for , what vulgar Mathematicians impute to a Cube , viz. that it challengeth the palme from all other Figures , for Ineptitude to motion , doth indeed more rightfully belong to a Tetrahedon ; as will soon appear to any equitable consideration , upon the perpension of the reasons alleagable on both parts . But here we are to signifie , that this ineptitude to motion proper to Tetrahedical Atoms , is not meant of Atoms at liberty , and injoying freedom of motion , in the Inane space ; since , in that state all Atoms are praesumed to be of equal velocity : but only of Atoms wanting that liberty , such as are included in Concretions , and by intestine evolutions continually attempt Emancipation and Exsilition . ( 4. ) It cannot impugne , at least , not stagger the reasonableness of this conjectural Assignation of a Tetrahedical figure to the Atoms of Cold , that Plato ( in Timaeo ) definitely adscribeth a Pyramidal Figure to Fire , not to the Aer , i. e. to the Atoms of Heat , not to those of Cold : because , if any shall thereupon conceive , that a Pyramid is most capable of penetrating the skin of a man , and consequently of producing therein the sense of Heat , rather than Cold ; He may be soon converted by considering a passage in our former section of this Chapter , that the Atoms of Heat may , though spherical , as well in respect of their extreme Exility ( which the point of no Pyramid can exceed ) as of the velocity of their Motion , prick as sharply , and penetrate as deeply , as the Angles of the smallest Pyramid imaginable . To which may be conjoyned , that the Atoms of Cold , according to our supposition , are also capable of Pungency and Penetration ; and consequently that a kind of Adustion is also assignable to great Cold ; according to that expression of Virgil ( 1 Georg. ) Boceae penetrabile frigus adurit . For , in fervent Frosts ( to use the same Epithite , as the sweet-tongued Ovid , in the same case ) when our hands are , as the English phrase is , Benumm'd with Cold ; if we hold them to the fire , we instantly feel a sharp and pricking pain in them . Which ariseth from hence , that the Atoms of Heat , while by their agility and constant supplies they are dispelling those of Cold , which had entred and possessed the pores of our hands , do variously commove and invert them ; they are hastily driven forth , and in their contention and egress , cut and dilacerate the flesh and skin , as well with their small points , as edges lying betwixt their points , and so produce an acute and pungitive pain . Whereupon the sage Sennertus ( de Atomis ) grounds his advice , that in extreme cold weather , when our hands are so stupified , as that an Extinction of their vital heat may be feared ; we either immerse them into cold water , or rub them in snow , that the Atoms of Cold , which have wedged each other into the pores , may be gently and gradually called forth , before we hold them to the fire : and this , least not only grievous pain be caused , but a Gangrene ensue , from the totall dissolution of the Contexture of our hands by the violent intrusion of the Cold Atoms , when they are forcibly impelled and agitated by the igneous ; as the sad experience of many in Ruscia , Groenland , the Alps ▪ and other Regions obnoxious to the tyranny of Cold , hath taught . Concerning this , Helm●nt also was in the right , when He said , Mechanicè namque videmus , membrum fere congelatum sub nive recalescere , & à syderatione praeservari ; quod alias aer mox totaliter congelare pergeret , vel si repente ad ignem sit delatum , moritur propter extremi alterius festinam actionem ▪ &c. ( in cap. de Aere articul 8. ) ( 5. ) Nor doth it hinder , that Philoponus and Magnenus affirm , that the Atoms of Cold ought to be Cubical , in respect of the eminent aptitude of that figure , for Constipation and Compingency , the General Effects of Cold : because , a Pyramid also hath its plane sides , or faces , which empower it to perform as much as a Cube , in that respect ; and if common Salt be Constrictive , only because , being Hexahedrical in form , it hath square plane sides , as a Cube ; certainly Alum must be more Constrictive , because being Octahedrical in form , it hath triangular plane sides , as a Pyramid . Besides , it is manifest , that these plane sides must so much the more press upon and wedge in the particles of a body , by how much more of the body , or greater number of its particles they touch : and that by how much more they are entangled by their Angles , so much more hardly are they Expeded , and so remain cohaerent so much more pertinaciously . Hence comes it , that all Concretions consisting , for the most part , of such figurated Atoms , are Adst●ictive Effectually : for , interposing their particles amongst those of other bodies , that are Fluid ; they make their Consistence more Compact and somewhat Rigid , as in Ice , Snow , Haile , Hoar-frost , &c. The Consignation of a Tetrahedical Figure to Frigorifick Atoms appearing thus eminently verisimilous ; to the full Explanation of the Nature of Cold , it remains only , that we decide that notable Controversy , which so much perplexed many of the Ancients : viz. Whether Cold be an Elementary Quality ; or ( more plainly ) Whether or no the Principality of Cold belongs to any one of the four vulgar Elements ; and so whether Aer , or Water , or Earth may not be conceived to be Primum Frigidum , as rightfully as Fire is sayd to be Primum Calidum ? Especially , since it is well known , that the Stoicks imputed the principality of Cold to the Aer ; Empedocles to Water , to whom Aristotle plainly assented , though He sometimes forgot himself , and affirmed that no Humor is without Heat ( as in 5. de Generat . Animal . cap. ● . ) ; and Plutarch to Earth , as we have learned from Himself ( lib. de frigore primigenio . ) To determine this Antique Dispute , therefore , we first observe ; that it arose cheifly from a Petitionary Principle . For it appears , that all Philosophers , who engaged therein , took it for granted , that the Quality of Heat was eminently inhaerent in Fire , the chief of the 4 Principal or Elementary substances ; and thereupon inferred , that the Contrary Quality , Cold , ought in like manner to have its principal residence in one of the other 3 : when , introth , they ought first to have proved , that there was such a thing as an Element of Fire in the Universe ; which is more than any Logick can hope , since the Sphere of Fire , which they supposed to possess all that vast space between the convex of the Sphere of Aer , and the concave of that of the Moon , is a meer Chimaera , as we have formerly intimated , and Helmont hath clearly commonstrated ( in cap. de Aere . ) And Secondly we affirm , that as the Highest degree of Heat is not justly attributary to any one Body more than other , or by way of singular eminency ( for , the Sphere of Fire failing , what other can be substituted in the room thereof ? ) but to sundry special Bodies , which are capable of Exciting or Conceiving Heat , in the superlative degree : so likewise , though we should concede , that there are 3 Principal Bodies in Nature , namely Aer , Water , Earth , in each whereof the Quality of Cold is sensibly harboured ; yet is there no one of them , of its own nature more principally Cold than other , or which of it self containeth Cold in the highest degree ; but some special Bodies there are , composed of them , which are capable of Exciting and Conceiving Cold , in an eminent manner . But , in Generals is no Demonstration ; and therefore we must advance to Particulars , and verify our Assertion , in each of the Three supposed Elements apart . For the Earth : forasmuch as our sense certifieth that it is even Torrified with Heat , in some places , and Congealed with Cold in others , according to the temperature of the ambient Aer in divers climats , or as the Aer , being calefied by the Sun , or frigified by frost , doth variously affect it , in it superficial or Exterior parts ; and so it cannot be discerned , that its External parts are endowed with one of these opposite Qualities more than the other : and since we cannot but observe , that there are many great and durable subterraneous Fires burning in , and many fervid and sulphlureous Exlations frequently emitted , and more Hot Springs of Mineral Waters perpetually issuing from its Interior parts , or bowels ; and so it is of necessity , that vast seminaries of Igneous Atoms be included in the Entrals thereof : We say , considering these things , we cannot deny , but that the Earth doth contain as many Particles of Heat , or Calorifick Atoms , both without and within , as it doth of seeds of Cold , or Frigorifick Atoms , if not more ; and upon consequence , that it cannot be Primum Frigidum , as Plutarch and all his Sectators have dreamt . What then ; shall we conclude Antithetically , and conceive that the Globe of the Earth is therefore Essentially rather Hot , than Cold ? Truely , No ; because experience demonstrateth , that the Earth doth belch forth Cold Exhalations , and congealing blasts , as well as Hot Fumes , and more frequently : witness the North-wind , which is so cold , that it refrigerates the Aer even in the middst of Summer , when the rivers are exhausted by the fervor of the Sun ; to which Elihu , one of Iobs sorry Comforters , seems to have alluded , when He said , That Cold cometh out of the North , and the Whirlwind out of the South . All , therefore , we dare determine in this difficult argument ( the decision whereof doth chiefly depend upon Experiments of vast labour and costs ) is only thus much ; that the Earth , which is now Hot , now Cold , in its extreme or superficial parts , may , as to its Internal or profound parts , be as reasonably accounted to contain various seminaries of Heat , as of Cold : and that the principal seeds of Cold , or such , as chiefly consist of Frigorifick Atoms , do convene into Halinitre , and other Concretions of natures retaining thereto . And our Reason is that Halinitre is no sooner dissolved in Water , than it congealeth the same into perfect Ice , and strongly refrigerates all bodies , that it toucheth ; insomuch that we may not only conclude , that of all Concretions in Nature , at least that we have discovered , none is so plentifully fraught with the Atoms , or seeds of Cold , as Halinitre ; but also adventure to answer that Problem proposed to Iob , Out of whose womb came the Ice , and the Hoary Frost of heaven , who hath gendred it ? by saying , that all our Freezing and extreme Cold winds seem to be only copious Exhalations of Halinitre dissolved in the bowels of the Earth ; or consisting of such Frigorifick Atoms , as compose Halinitre ; and this because of the identity of their Effects , for the Tramontane Wind ( the coldest of all winds , as Fabricius Paduanus , in his exquisite Book de Ventis , copiously proveth ) which the Italians call Chirocco , can pretend to no natural Effect , in which Halinitre may not justly rival it . Long might we dwell upon this not more rare than delightful subject : but , besides that it deserves a profest Disquisition , apart by it self , our speculations are limited , and may not , without indecency , either digress from their proper Theme , or transgress the strict Laws of Method . May it suffice , therefore , in praesent , that we have made it justifiable to conceive that the Earth containeth many such Particles , or Atoms ( whether such as pertain to the Composition of Halinitre , or of any other kind whatever ) upon the Exsilition of which the body containing them may be said to become Cold , or pass from Potential to Actual Cold : and upon the insinuation of which into Aer , Water , Earth , Stones , Wood , Flesh , or any other terrene Concretion whatever , Cold is introduced into them , and they may be said to be Frigefied , or made Cold. Secondly , as for Water ; that the praetext thereof to the praerogative of Essential Frigidity is also fraudulent , and inconsistent with the Magna Charta of right Reason , may be discovered from these considerations . 1. When Water is frozen , the Ice always begins in it superfice , or upper parts , where the Aer immediately toucheth it : but , if it were Cold of its own Nature , as is generally praesumed , upon the auctority of Aristotle , the Ice ought to begin in parts farthest situate from the Aer , that is in the middle , or bottom , rather than at the top ; at least , it would not be more slowly conglaciated in the middle and bottom , than at the top . ( 2. ) In all Frosts , the Cold of Water is encreased ; which could not be , if it were the principal seat of Cold. For , how could the Aer which according to the vulgar supposition , that Water is the subject of inhaesion to extreme Cold , if less cold , infuse into water a greater cold , than what it had before of its owne ? or , how could Nitre , dissolved in water , so much augment the Cold thereof , as to convert it into Ice , even in the heat of summer , or by the fires side ; as is experimented in Artificial conglaciations : if Nitre were not endowed with greater cold than Water ? ( 3. ) If Water be formally ingravidated with the seeds of Cold ; why is not the sea , why are not all Rivers , nay , all Lakes and standing Pools ( in which the excuse of continual motion is praevented ) constantly congealed , and bound up in ribbs of Ice ? Whence comes it , that Water doth constantly remain Fluid , unless in great frosts only , when the Atoms of Cold , wafted on the wings of the North-wind , and plentifully strawed on the waters , doe insinuate themselves among its particles , and introduce a Rigidity upon them ? Certainly , it is not conform to the Laws of Nature , that any Body , much less so eminent and useful a one as Water , should for the most part remain alienated from its owne native constitution , and be reduced to it again only at some times , after long intervals , and then only for a day or two . ( 4. ) Were Cold essentially competent to Water , it could not so easily , as is observed , admit the Contrary Quality , Heat , nor in so high a degree , without the destruction of its primitive form . For , no subject can be changed from the Extreme of one Quality inhaerent , to the extreme of a contrary , without the total alteration of that Contexture of its particles , upon which the inhaerent quality depended ; which done , it remains no longer the same : but Water still remains the same , i. e. a Humid Fluid substance , both at the time of , and after its Calefaction by fire , as before . And , therefore , that common saying , that Water heated doth reduce it self to its native Cold , though it be tollerable in the mouth of the people ; yet He that would speak as a Philosopher , ought to change it into this , that Water after calefaction , returns to its primitive state of Indifferency to either Heat , or Cold : for , though after its remove from the fire , it gradually loseth the Heat acquired from thence , the Igneous Atoms spontaneously ascending and abandoning it one after another ; yet would it never reduce it self to the least degree of cold , but is reduced to cold by Atoms of Cold from the circumstant Aer immitted into its pores . What then ; shall we hence conclude , that Water is Essentially Hot ? Neither ; because then it could not so easily admit , nor so long retain the Contrary Quality , Cold , for Hot springs are never congelated . Wherein therefore can we acquiesce ? Truly , only in this determination , that Water is Essentially Moist , and Fluid : but neither Hot , nor Cold , unless by Accident , or Acquisition , i. e. it is made Hot , upon the introduction of Calorifick , and Cold , upon the introduction of Frigorifick Atoms ; contrary to the tenent of Empedocles , and Aristotle . Lastly , as for the Aer : insomuch as it is sometimes Hot , sometimes Cold , according to the temperature of the Climate , season of the year , praesence or absence of the Sun , and diversity of Winds : we can have no warrant from re●son , to conceive it to be the natural Mother of Cold , more than of Heat ▪ but rather that it is indifferently comparated to admit either Quality , according to divers Impraegnation . Whoever , therefore , shall argue , that because in the Dogg da●es , when the perpendicular rayes of the Sun parch up the languishing inhabitants of the Earth in some positions of its sphere , if the North-wind arise , it immediately mitigates the fe●vor of the Aer , and brings a cool relief upon its wings ; therefore the Aer is Naturally Cold : ma● as justly infer , that the Aer is Naturally Hot ; because , in the dead 〈◊〉 Winter , when the face of the Earth becomes hoary and rigid with ●r●st , if the South-wind blowe , it soon mitigates the frigidity of the Aer , ●nd dissolves those fetters of Ice , wherewith all things were bound up . Wherefore , it is best for us to Conclude , that the Essential Quality of the Aer ▪ is Fluidity ; but as for Heat and Cold , they are Qualities meerly Accidental or Adventitious thereto ; or , that it is made Hot , or Cold , upon the commixture of Calorifick , or Frigorifick Atoms . So that where the Aer is constantly impraegnate with Atoms of Heat , as under the Torrid Zone , there is it co●stantly Hot , or Warme at least : where it is Alternately perfused with ●●lorifick and Frigorifick Atoms , as under the Temper●te Zones ; 〈…〉 it Alternately Hot and Cold : and where it is constantly pervaded by ●●igorifick Atoms , as under the North Pole ; there is it constantly Cold. To put a p●●iod , therefore , to this Dispute ; seeing the Quality of Cold is not Essen●●●●ly inhaerent in Earth , Water , or Aer , the Three Principal Bodies of Nature ; where shall we investigate its Genuine Matrix , or proper subject of inhaesion ? Certainly , in the nature of some Special Bodies , or a particular species of Atoms ( of which sort are those whereof Salnitre is for the most part composed ) which being introduced into Earth , Water , Aer , or any other mixt Bodie , impraegnate them with cold . But , haply , you may say , that though this be true , yet doth it not totally solve the doubt ; since it is yet demandable , Whether any one , and which of those Three Elements is highly Opposite to the Fourth , viz. Fire ? We Answer , that forasmuch as that Bodie is to be accounted the most Opposite to Fire , which most destroyes it : therefore is Water the chief Antagonist to Fire , because it soonest Extinguisheth it . Nevertheless there is no necessity , that therefore Water must be Cold in as high a degree , as Fire is Hot : for , Water doth not extinguish Fire , as it is Cold ( since boyling water doth as soon put out fire , as Cold ) but as it is Humid , i. e. as it enters the pores of the enflamed body , and hinders the Motion and Diffusion of the Atoms of Fire . Which may be confirmed from hence ( 1. ) That Oyle , which no man conceives to be Cold , it poured on in great quantity , doth also extinguish fire , by suffocation , which is nothing but a hindering the Motion of the igneous Atoms : ( 2. ) That in case the Atoms of Fire issue from the accensed matter , with such pernicity and vehemence , and reciprocal arietations , and in such swarms , as that they repel the water affused , and permit it not to enter the pores of the fewel ( as constantly happens in Wild-fire , where the ingredients are Unctuous , and consist of very tenacious particles . ) in that case , Water is so far from extinguishing the flame , that it makes it more impetuous and raging . However , we shall acknowledg thus much , that if the Principality of Cold must be adscribed to one of the Three vulgar Elements ; the Aer doubtless , hath the best title thereunto : because , being the most Lax and Porous bodie of the Three it doth most easily admit , and most plentifully harbour the seeds of Cold ; and being also subtile and Fluid , it doth most easily immit , or carry them along with it self into the pores of other bodies , and so not only Infrigidate , but some times Congeal , and Conglaciate them ; in case they be of such Contextures and such particles , as are susceptible of Congelation and Conglaciation . The Fable of the Satyr and Wayfering man , who blew hot and cold , though in the mouth of every School-boy , is yet scarce understood by their Masters ; nay , the greatest Philosophers have found the reason of that Contrariety of Effects from one and the same Cause , to be highly problematical . Wherefore since we are fallen upon the cause of the Frigidity in the Aer ; and the Frigidity of our Breath doth materially depend thereon : opportunity invites Us , to solve that Problem , which though both Aristotle ( sect 3. prob . 7. & Anaximenes ( apud Plutarch . de frigore primigenio ) have strongly attempted ; yet have they left it to the conquest of Epicurus principles : viz. Why doth the breath of a man warme when eff●ated with the mouth wide open ; and cool , when efflated with the mouth contra●●ed ? To omit the opinions of others , therefore , we conceive the cause hereof to be only this ▪ that albeit the Breath doth consist of aer , for the most part fraught with Calorifick Atoms , emitted from the lungs and vital organs , yet hath it many Frigorifick ones also interspersed among its particles : which being of greater bulk , than the Calorifick , and so capable of a stronger impuls , are by the force of efflation transmitted to greatter distance from the mouth ; because , the Calorifick Atoms commixt with the breath , in regard of their exility , are no sooner dischaged from the mouth , than they instantly disperse in round . Wence it comes , that if the breath be expired in 〈◊〉 large stream , or with the mouth wide open ; because the circuit of the 〈◊〉 of brea●h is large , and so the Hot Atoms emitted are not so soon dispersed : therefore doth the stream feel warme to the hand objected there ▪ and so much the more warme , by how much neerer the hand is held to the mouth ; the Calorifick Atoms being less and less Dissipated in each degree of remove . But , in case the breath be ●mitted with contracted lipps ; becaus●●hen the compass of the stream is small , and the force of Efflation greater 〈◊〉 therefore are the Calorifick Atoms soon Disgregated , and the Frigorific● ▪ only r●main commixt with the Aer , which affects the objected hand 〈◊〉 Cold , and by how much farther ( in the limits of the power of Efflation● 〈◊〉 hand is held from the mouth , by so much colder doth the breath appear 〈…〉 contra . That Calorifick Atoms are subject to more and more 〈…〉 the stream of a Fluid substance , to which they are commixt , is greater and greater in circuit , may be confirmed from hence ; that if we poure ho●●●ter , from on high , in frosty weather , we shall observe a fume to issue 〈◊〉 ●scend from the stream all along ▪ and that so much the more plentifully , by how much greater the stream is . Thus we use to cool Burnt wine , or 〈◊〉 by frequent refunding it from vessel to vessel , or infunding it into broad and shallow vessels ; that so the Atoms of Heat may be the sooner disper●●● for , by how much larger the superfice of the liquor is made , by so much more of liberty for Exsilition is given to the Atoms of Heat containe●●herein , and as much of Insinuation to the Atoms of Cold in company 〈◊〉 the circumstant Aer . Thus also we cool our faces in the heat of 〈◊〉 , with fanning the aer towards us : the Hot Atoms being thereby 〈◊〉 , and the Cold impelled deeper into the pores of the skin : which 〈…〉 the reason , why all Winds appear so much the Colder , by how much ●●●onger they blowe ; as De●s Cartes hath well observed in these words : 〈…〉 vehementior majoris frigiditatis perceptionem , quam aer 〈…〉 corpore nostro excitat ; quod aer quietus tantùm exteriorem nostram 〈…〉 quae interi●ribus nostris carnibus frigidior est , contingat : ventus vero , ●●hementius in corpus nostrum actus , etiam in penetralia ejus adigatur , 〈◊〉 illa siut cute calidiora , id circo etiam majorem frigiditatem ab ejus conta●●● percipiunt . In our prece●ent Article , touching the necessary assignatin of a Tetrahedical Figure 〈…〉 Atoms of Cold , we remember , we said ▪ that in respect of their 〈…〉 or plane faces , they were most apt to Compinge , or bind in the particle 〈◊〉 all Concretions ▪ into which they are intromitted ; and from thence we shal●●●ke the hint of inferring Three noble CONSECTARIES . ( 1. ) That 〈◊〉 Snow , Hail , Hoarfrost , and all Congelations , are made meerly by th●●●●romission of Frigorifick Atoms among the particles of 〈…〉 , being once insinuated and commixt among them , in sufficie●● 〈…〉 alter their fluid and lax consistence into a rigid and compact , i. e. they Congeal them . ( 2. ) That 〈…〉 , or Trembling sometimes observed in the members of 〈…〉 that Rigor , or Shaking , in the beginning of most putri● 〈…〉 when the Fits of Intermittent fevers invade , are chiefly cause● 〈◊〉 Frigorifick Atoms . For , when the Spherical Atoms of Heat , which swarm in and vivifie the bodies of Animals , are not moved quaquaversùm in the members with such freedom , velocity , and directness excentrically , as they ought ; because , meeting and contesting with those less Agile Atoms of Cold , which have entred the body , upon its chilling , their proper motion is thereby impeded : they are strongly repelled , and made to recoyle towards the Central parts of the bodie , in avoydance of their Adversary , the Cold ones ; and in that tumultuous retreat , or introcession , they vellicate the fibres of the membranous and nervous parts , and so cause a kind of vibration or contraction , which if only of the skin , makes that symptome , which Physicians call a Horror ; but if of the Muscles in the Habit of the bodie , makes that more vehement Concussion , which they call a Rigor . Either of which doth so long endure , as till the Atoms of Heat , being more strong by Concentration and Union , have re-encountered and expelled them . That it is of the Nature of Hot Atoms , when invaded by a greater number of Cold ones , to recoyle from them , and concentre themselves in the middle of the body , that contains them ; is demonstrable from the Experiment of Frozen Wines : wherein the spirits concentre , and preserve themselves free from Congelation in the middle of the frozen Phlegm , so that they may be seen to remain fluid and of the colour of an Amethyst : as Helmont hath well declared , in his History of the Nativity of Tartar in Wines . ( 3. ) That the Death of all Animals , is caused immediately by the Atoms of Cold ; which insinuating themselves in great swarms into the body , and not expelled again from thence by the overpowered Atoms of Heat ; they wholly impede and suppress those motions of them , wherein Vitality consisteth : So that the Calorifick ones being no longer able to calefy the principal seat of life , the Vital flame is soon extinguished , and the whole Body resigned to the tyranny of Cold. Which is therefore well accounted to be the grand and profest Enemy of Life . CHAP. XIII . OF Fluidity , Stability , Humidity , Siccity . SECT . I. HEre our very Method must be somewhat Paradoxical , and the Genealogy we shall afford of those Two vulgarly accounted Passive ●●ualities , Humidity and Siccity , very much different from that universally embraced in the Schools . For , should we tread in the steps of Aristotle , as most , who have travelled in this subject , have constantly done ; we must have subnected our Disquisition into the Nature and Origine of Moisture and Dryness , immediately to that of Heat and Cold , as the other pair of First Elemental Qualities , and ●diametro opposite to them . But , having observed , that those 2 Terms , Moist and Dr● ▪ are not , according to the severe and praecise Dialect of truth , rightly ●●commodable to all those things , which are genuinely imported by 〈◊〉 Greek Words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the definions of Aristotle ▪ and consequently that we could not avoid the danger of losing ●●●selves in a perpetual Aequivocation of Terms , unless we committed ou● thoughts wholly to the conduct of Nature Herself , progressing from the more to the less General Qualities , and at each step explicating their distinct dependencies : we thereupon inferred , that we ought to praem●se the Consideration of Fluidity and Firmness , which are more Gener●●● to that of Humidity and Siccity , as less General Qualities , and 〈◊〉 seem to be one degree more removed from Catholick Principles . That those 〈◊〉 Terms so frequent in the mouth of Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈…〉 in signification , than Humidum and Siccum , by which His 〈◊〉 Interpreters and Commentators commonly explicate them ; 〈…〉 even from hence , that under the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is comprehended no● only , in General , whatever is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fluid and Liquid , but also , in special , that matter or body , whereby a thing is moistned , when immersed into , or perfused with the same : and likewise , under the contrary term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is comprehended as well , in General , whatever is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Compact or Firm and Solid , as in special , that matter or body , which being applyed to a thing , is not capable of Humectating or Madefying the same , and which is therefore called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Aridum . Now this duely perpended doth at first sight detest the Aequivocation of the Latin Terms , and direct us to this praecise determination ; that whatever is Fluid , is not Humid ; nor whatever is Dry , Compact or Firme ; but that a Humid body properly is that , whereby another body , being perfused , is moistned [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] or madefied [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] : and , on the contrary , that a Dry or Arid body is that , which is not capable of Humectating , or madefying another body , to which it is applied . Again , forasmuch as Aristotle positively defines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id qu●d facile , terminum admittens , proprio tamen non terminatur , that which being destitute of self-termination , is yet easily terminated by another substance ; t is evident , that this His Definition is competent not only to a Humid thing , in special , but also to a Fluid , in General : such as are not only Water , Oyle , every Liquor , yea and Metal or other Concretion , actually fused or melted ; but also the Aer , Flame , Smoke , Dust , and whatever is of such a nature , as that being admitted into any vessel or other continent of whatever figure ; or however terminated in it superfice , doth easily accomodate it self thereunto , put on the same figure , and confess termination by the same limits or boundaries ; and this , because it cannot terminate it self , as being naturally comparated only to Diffusion . On the other side , since He defines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod facile terminatum proptio termino , terminatur aegre alieno ; to be that which is easily terminate● by its owne superfice , and hardly terminated by another ; it is also manifest , that this Definition is not peculiar only to a Dry or ●rid substance , but in common also to a Firme or Solid one : such as not only Earth , Wood , Stones , &c. but also Ice , Metal unmolten , Pitch , Resine , Wax , and the like Concreted juices , and ( in a word ) all bodies , which have their parts so consistent and mutually cohaerent , as that they are not naturally comparated to Diffusion , but conserve themselves in their own superfice , and require compression , dilatation , section , detrition , or some other violent means , to accommodate them to termination , by the superfice of another body . And , certainly , if what is praecisely signified by the Terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were no more than what is meant by the Latin substitute thereof , Humidum : then might the Aer be justly said to be Humid , which is so far in its owne nature from being endowed with the faculty of Humectating bodies , that its genuine virtue is to exsiccate all things suspended therein ; nay even Fire it self might be allowed the same Attribute , together with Smoke , Dust , and the like Fluid substances , which exsiccate all bodies perfused with mo●sture . On the advers part , if what is praecisely intended by the Terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were fully expressible by the Latin , Siccum , or Aridum ; then , doubtless , might Wax , Re●ine , and all Concreted juices be accounted actually Dry ▪ nay Ice it self , which is only Liquor congealed , could not be excluded the Categorie of Arid substances . These Considerations premised , though we might here enquire , Whether Aristotle spake like Himself , when He confined Fluidity ( and that according to his owne definition ) to only 2 Elements , Water and Aer ; when yet the Element of Fire , which He placed above the Aer●●l region , must be transcendently Fluid ( else how could it be so easily terminated by the Concave of the Lunar Sphere , on one part , and the Convex of the Aereal , on the other ? ) And whether His Antithesis or Counter assertion , viz. that the 2 Firme Elements are Fire and Earth , be not a downright Absurdity : yet shall we not insist upon the detection of either of those two Errors , because they are obvious to every mans notice ; but only Conclude , that though every Humid body be Fluid , and every Arid or Dry body be Firm ; yet will not the Conversion hold , since every Fluid is not Humid , nor every Firme , Dry ; and upon natural consequence , that Humidity is a species of Fluidity , and Siccity a Species of Firmity ; and also that it is our duety to speculate the Reasons of each accordingly beginning at the Generals . FLUIDITY we conceive to be a Quality , arising meerly from hence ; that the Atoms ▪ or insensible particles , of which a fluid Concretion doth consist , are smooth in superfice , and reciprocally contiguous in some points , though disso●●●●● or incontiguous in others ; so that many inane spaces ( smaller and grea●●● according to the several magnitudes of the particles , which intercept them being interspersed among them , they are , upon the motion of the mass o● body , which they compose , most easily moveable , rowling one upon ●●other , and in a continued fluor , or stream diffusing themselves , till th●● are arrested by some firm body , to whose superfice they exactly accommodate themselves . That the ●●sence of Fluidity dont consist only in these Two conditions , the smoothness of insensible particles , and interruption of small inane spaces among them ▪ where their extrems are incontiguous ; may be even sensibly demonst●●●●d in an heap or measure of Corne. Which is apt for Diffusion , or Fluid , only because the Grains , of which it doth consist , are superficially smooth and hard , and have myriads of inane spaces intercepted among them ▪ by reason of the incontiguities of their extrems , in various points : so 〈◊〉 ▪ whenever the heap is moved , or effused from one vessel into anothe● ▪ the Grains mutually rowling each upon other , diffuse themselves in one continued stream , and immediately upon their reception into the concave of the vessel , the Aggregate or mass of them becomes exactly accommo●●te to the figure , or internal superfice of the same . And , forasmuch as the ●ifferent magnitudes of composing particles , do not necessitate a differe●●e of formal qualities ; but only variety of Figures , contexture and 〈◊〉 : well may we conceive the same reasons to essence the Fluidity of Water also ; because betwixt an heap of Corne , and an heap or mass of Water , the Difference is only this , that the Grains , which compose the one , are of sensible magnitude , and so have sensible empty spaces interposed amo●● them ; but the Granules , or particles , which compose the other , are 〈◊〉 sensible magnitude , or incomparably more exile , and so have the inane 〈◊〉 intercepted among them , incomparably less . For , that Water doth consist of small Grains , or smooth particles , is conspicuous even from 〈◊〉 ▪ that Water is capable of conversion into Fume , or Vapou● ▪ only 〈◊〉 ●●refaction , and Fume again reducible into Water , meerly by 〈◊〉 ; and the reason why Fume becoms visible , is only this , that the 〈…〉 part of fume is a Collection or Assembly of many thousand of tho●●●●●gly-invisible particles , which constitute the Water , from whence the ●●me ascends , as may be ascertained from hence , that to the composition of one single drop of Water , many myriads of myriads of insensible particles must be convened and united . So that Water contained in a Caldron , set on the fire and seething , doth differ from the Fume exhaled from it , only in this respect ; that the one is Water Condensed , the other Rarified : or , that Water is made Fume , when its particles are violently dissociated , and the aer variously intercepted among them ; and Fume is returned to Water , when the same particles are reduced to their natural close order , and the intercepted aer again excluded . Again , that the Fluidity of Water depends on the same Cause ( proportionately ) as that of an heap of Corne , may , according to the Lawe of Similitude , be justified by the parallel capacity of Water to the same Effects , viz. Diffusion , Division , and Accommodation to the figure of the Recipient , or Terminant : For , the result hereof is , that it hath no Continuity or mutual Cohaerence of its particles , which should hinder their easy Dissociation . Nor is it a valid Argument to the contrary , that Water appears to be a Continued body , but an heap of Corne , a Discontinued ; for , that is only according to Apparence , caused from hence , that by how much smaller the component particles of a Concretion are , by so much smaller must the inane spaces be , which are intercepted among them , where they are incontiguous , and upon consequence , so much the less interrupted , or more continued must the mass or Aggregate appear : as may be most familiarly understood , if we compare an heap of Corne , with one of the finest Callis sand ; that with an heap of the most volatile or impalpable Powder , that the Chymist or Apothecary can make ; and so gradually less and less in the dimensions of Granules , till we arrive at the smallest imaginable . So that we cannot wonder , that the substance of Water should be apprehended by the dull sense , as wholly Continued , though really it be only less interrupted than an heap of sand : when the Grains , whereof Water is amassed , are incomparably smaller , than those of the finest sand , and intercept among them inane spaces incomparably smaller such as are by many degrees belowe the discernment of the acutest sight , though advantaged by the best Microscope . If this Argument reach not the height either of the Difficulty it self , or your Expectation and Curiosity concerning it ; be pleased to imp the Wings of it with the feathers of another , of the same importance , but more perspicuity . It is well known , especially to Chymists and Refiners , that every metall is capable of a twofold Fluid●ty : one , in the forme of an impalpable or volatile Powder ; the other , of a Liquor , whose fluor is continued , according to the judgement of sense . For , when a Metal is Calcined by Praecipitation , i. e. by Corrosive and Mercurial Waters , specifically appropriate to its nature ; being thereby reduced into small Grains , it becomes Fluid , after the manner of sand , and therefore may as conveniently be used in Hour-glasses , for Chronometry , or the measure of time : but , because each of those visible Grains is made up of millions of other more exile and invisible Granules or particles , which are the component principles or matter of the Metal ; hence it is , that if we put them all together in a Crucible , and melt them in a reverberatory fire , whose igneous Atoms invade , penetrate and subdivide each Granule into the smallest particles ( to which the Corrosive Virtue of the Aqua fortis could not extend ) then will the whole mass put on another kind of Fluidity , such as that of Water , Oyle , and all other Liquors ▪ Now , the Reason of the Former Fluidity is manifestly the same with that of Corne and Sand , newly explicated : and that of the Latter ▪ the same as of Water , i. e. the Granules of the Calcined powder , being dissolved into others of dimensions incomparably smaller , do intercept among themselves , or betwixt their superficies , where those a●e incontiguous , innumerable multitudes of Inane spaces , but those incomparably less than before their ultimate subtiliation ; and consequently ( as hath been said ) make the Metal dissolved to be deprehended by the sen●● ▪ as one entire and continued substance . To Conclude , therefore ; 〈…〉 discover no Reason against us , of bulk sufficient to obstruct the 〈◊〉 o● our Conception , that the Fluidity of Fire , Flame , Aer , and all ●●quid substances whatever , cannot well be deduced from any other 〈◊〉 , but what we have here assigned to Water and Metals dissolved : 〈◊〉 when we consider , that is equally consentaneous to conceive , th●●●●ery other Fluid or Liquid body is composed also of certain specially ●●●●igurate Granules ▪ or imperceptible particles ; which being only 〈◊〉 in some points of their superficies ▪ not reciprocally Cohaerent 〈…〉 intercept various inane spaces betwixt them ▪ and be therefore easily 〈◊〉 , dissociable , externally termin●ble , and capable of making the body app●●●ntly Continuate , as Water it sel● . And , as 〈…〉 other General Quality , FIRMNESS , or STABILITY ; since 〈◊〉 m●st have Contrary Causes , and that the solidity of Atoms is the 〈◊〉 of all solidity and firmness in Concretions : well may we understand 〈◊〉 be radicated in this , that the insensible particles , of which a ●irme 〈◊〉 is composed ( whether they be of one or diverse sorts , i. e. 〈◊〉 or dissimilar in magnitude and figure ) do so reciprocally comp●●● and adhaere unto each other , as that being uncapable of rowling 〈◊〉 each others superfice , both in respect of the ineptitude of 〈◊〉 figures thereunto , and the want of competent inane spaces among them ▪ they generally become uncapable 〈◊〉 without extream 〈◊〉 of Emotion , Dissociation , Diffusion , and so of Terminatio● 〈◊〉 any other superfice , but what themselves constitute . If it 〈…〉 Enquired , Whence this reciprocal Comp●ession , Indissociability . 〈◊〉 Immobility of insensible particles in a Firme , Concretion doth 〈◊〉 proceed ▪ we can derive it from Three sufficient Causes . ( 1. The 〈◊〉 small [ Hamul● , Uncinulive ] Hooks or Clawes by which Atoms of 〈…〉 superficies are adapted to implicate each other , by mutual 〈◊〉 and that so closely , as that all Inanity is excluded from betwixt 〈◊〉 ●●mmissures or joynings ; and this is the principal and most frequent 〈◊〉 of stability . ( 2. ) The Introduction and pressure of Extran●ou● 〈◊〉 ▪ which invading a Concretion , and wedging in both themselves , 〈…〉 intestine ones together , and that cheifly by obverting the● 〈…〉 or superficies thereunto ; cause a general Compression and 〈…〉 of all the particles of the mass . And by this way doth 〈…〉 Water and all Humid Substances ; for , since the Atoms of 〈…〉 , and those of Water octahedrical , as is most 〈…〉 ; those of Cold insinuating themselves into the 〈…〉 by obversion of their plane sides to them , they 〈…〉 particle● thereof , and so not permitting them to be 〈…〉 fluidity , and make the whole mass Rigid and 〈…〉 Hither also may we most congruously referr the Coagulation of milk , upon the injection of Rennet , Vinegre , juice of Limons , and the like Acid things . For , the Hamous and inviscating Atoms , whereof the Acid is mostly composed , meeting with the Ramous and Grosser particles of the milk , which constitute the Caseous and Butyrous parts thereof ; instantly fasten upon them with their hooks , connect them , and so impeding their fluiditie ▪ change their lax and moveable contexture into a close and immoveable or Firme : while the more exile and smooth particles of the milk , whereof the serum or whey is composed , escape those Entanglings and conserve their native Fluidity . This may be confirmed from hence ; that whenever the Cheese , or Butter made of the Coagulation , is held to the fire , they recover their former Fluidity : because the tenacious particles of the Acid are disentangled and interrupted by the sphaerical and superlatively agile Atoms of fire . ( 3. ) The Exclusion of introduced Atoms , such as by their exility , roundness and motion , did , during their admistion , interturbe the mutual Cohaesion and Quiet of domestique ones , which compose a Concretion . Thus , in the decalescence of melted metals , and Glass , when the Atoms of fire , which had dissociated the particles thereof and made them Fluid , do abandon the metal , and so cease to agitate and dissociate the particles thereof : then do the domestique Atoms returne to a closer order , mutually implicate each other , and so make the whole mass Compact and Firme , as before . Thus also when the Atoms of Water , Wine , or any other dissolvent , which had insinuated into the body of Salt , Alume , Nitre , or other Concretion retaining to the same tribe ; and dissolving the continuity of its particles , metamorphosed it from a solid into a fluid body , so that the sight apprehends it to be one simple and uniforme substance with the Liquor : we say , when these dissociating Atoms are evaporated by heat , the particles of the Salt instantly fall together again , become readunated , and so make up the mass compact and solid , as before , such as no man , but an eye-witness of the Experiment , could persuade himself to have been so lately diffused , concorporated , and lost in the fluid body of Water . SECT . II. BY the light of the Praemises , it appears a most perspicuous truth , that HUMIDITY is only a certain Species of Fluidity . For , whoever would frame to himself a proper and adaequate Notion of an Hum●r , or Humid substance ; must conceive it to be such a Fluid or Fluxile body , which being induced upon , or applied unto any thing , that is Compact , doth adhare to the same ( per minimas particulas ) and madify or Humectate so much thereof as it toucheth . Such , therefore , is Water , such is Wine , such ●s Oyle , such are all those Liquors , which no sooner touch any body not Fluid , but either they leave many of their particles adhaerent only to the superfice thereof ( and this , because the most seemingly polite superfice is full of Eminences and Cavities , as we have frequently asserted ) and so moisten it ; or , penetrating through the whole contexture thereof , totally Humectate or wett the same . But , such is not Aer , such is not any Metal fused , such is not Quick-silver , nor any of those Fluors , which ●hough they be applied unto , and subingress into the pores of a Compact body doe yet leave none of their particles adhaerent to either the superficia● 〈◊〉 internal parts thereof ; but , without diminut●●n of their own quantity 〈◊〉 off clearly , and so leave the touched o● pervaded body , unma●ified , 〈◊〉 ●●humecta●e , as they found it . On the other side , it is likewise manifest , that SICCITY o● ARIDITY , is only a certain species of Firmness , or st●bility : because a Dry or 〈◊〉 ●ubstance is conceived to be Firm or Compact , only insomuch as it is 〈◊〉 of all moisture . Of this sort , according to vulgar conception , may 〈◊〉 account all Stones , Sand , Ashes ▪ all Metals , and whatever is of so firme a constitution ▪ as contain● nothing of Humidity , either in it superfice , 〈…〉 , which can be extracted from it , or , i● extracted , is not capable 〈◊〉 moistning any other body : but , not Plants nor Animals , nor Minerals ▪ 〈◊〉 any other Concretion● which ▪ though apparently dry to the sense doth 〈◊〉 cont●in some moisture within it , and such as being educed , is capable of 〈◊〉 another body . We say ▪ ●ccording to Vulgar Conception ; because , not Absolutely : for ▪ though 〈◊〉 be opposed to Humidity , not as an Habit , to which any Act can 〈…〉 attributed , but as a meer Privation ( for , to be Dry , is nothing else 〈…〉 want moisture yet , because a Moistned body may contain more 〈…〉 Humidity ▪ therefore may it be said to be more or less Dry 〈◊〉 , and a body that is imbued with less moisture , be said to be dry 〈…〉 one imbued with more . Thus Green Wood , or such as hath 〈◊〉 extraneous moisture , is commonly said to grow more and more 〈…〉 degrees , as it is more and more Dehumect●ted ; and then at leng●● 〈◊〉 be perfectly dry , when all the Aqueous moisture , as well natura● 〈◊〉 ●mbibed , is consumed , though then also it contain a certain 〈◊〉 mo●sture , which Philosophers call the Humidum Primigentum 〈◊〉 ▪ this only Comparatively , or in respect to its forme● 〈…〉 was imbue● with a greater proportion of Humidity ▪ For the 〈◊〉 of this , we are to observe , that there are Two sorts 〈…〉 compact bodies are usually humectated ; the one , 〈…〉 ●he other , Oleag nous and Fat. The First is easily 〈…〉 by heat , but not inflammable : the other , though it 〈…〉 and is as easily inflammable in regard of the many 〈…〉 is not easily exsoluble , nor attenuable into 〈…〉 cohaerence of its particles . To the First 〈…〉 that m●●sture in Concretions ▪ which Chymists extracting 〈…〉 Vegetables : because , though it mo●stens as Wate● 〈…〉 incapable of infl●mmation ▪ yet is it much more volatile 〈…〉 And to e●ther or both sorts , though in a diverse respect belong 〈…〉 they call Aqua Vitae , or the spirits of a Vegetable , such 〈…〉 because though it doth moisten as Water , yet is 〈…〉 evaporable by heat , and as inflammable as 〈…〉 learn in the School of Sense , that such bodie● 〈…〉 Aqueous and Lean moisture , are easily 〈…〉 are humectate with the Unctuous 〈…〉 hardly ▪ Why ? because the Atoms , of which the Aqueous doth consist , are more laevigated or smooth in their superfice , and so having no hooks , or clawes , whereby to cohaere among themselves , or adhaere to the concretion , are soon disgregated ; but those , which compose the Oleaginous , being entangled as well among themselves , as with the particles of the body , to which they are admixt , by their Hamous angles , are not to be expeded and disengaged , without great and long agitation ; and after many unsuccessfull attempts of evolution . Thus Wood is sooner reduced to Ashes , than a stone : because that is compacted by much of Aqueous Humidity ; this by much of Unctuous . For the same reason is it likewise , that a clodd of Earth , or peice of Cloth , which hath imbibed Water , is far more easily resiccated , than that Earth or Cloth , which hath been dippt in oyle , or melted fat . And this gives us somewhat more than a meer Hint toward the clear Solution of Two PROBLEMS , frequently occurring , but rarely examined . The one is , Why pure or simple Water cannot wash out spots of Oyle , or Fat from a Cloth , or silk Garment : which yet Water , wherein Ashes have been boyled , or soap dissolved , easily doth ? For , the Cause hereof most probably is this ; that though Water of it self cannot penetrate the unctuous body of oyle , nor dissociate its tenaciously cohaerent particles , and consequently not incorporate the oyle to it self , so as to carry it off in its fluid arms , when it is expressed or wrung out from the cloth : yet , when it is impraegnated with Salt , such as is abundantly contained in Ashes , and from them extracted in decoction ; the salt with the sharp angles and points of its insensible particles , penetrating , pervading , cutting and dividing the oyle , in minimas particulas , the Water following the particles of salt at the heels , incorporates the oyle into it self , and so being wrung out from the cloth again , brings the same wholly off together with it self . Which d●ubtless ▪ was in some part understood by the Inventor of soap ; which being compounded 〈◊〉 Water , Salt and Oyle most perfectly commixt , is the most general Abstersive for the cleansing of Cloathes polluted with oyle , grease , turpentine , sweat and the like unctuous natures : for , the particle● of oyle ambuscadoed in the soap , encountring those oyly or p●nguous particle● , which adhaere to the hairs and filaments of Cloth and st●●n it , become easily united to them , and bring them off together with themselves , when they are dissolved and set afloat in the Water by the incisive and di●●●ciating particles of the Salt ; which also is brought off at the same time by the Water , which serveth only as a common vehicle to a●l the rest . The other , Why stains of Ink are not Delible , with Water , though decocted to a Lixirium , or Lee , with Ashes , or commixt with soap : but wi●● 〈◊〉 Acid juice ▪ such as of Limons , Oranges , Crabbs , Vinegre , &c. 〈◊〉 Reason hereof seems to be only this ; that the Vi●●io● or 〈◊〉 which ●tr●kes the black in the Decoction of Galls , Sumach , or other 〈◊〉 Ingredients , being Acid , and so consisting of particles congener●●s ●n figure and other proprieties to those which constitute the 〈…〉 : whenever the spot of Ink is throughly moystned with an acid 〈◊〉 , the vitrio●●s soon united thereto , and so educed together with ●t up●n expression , the union arising ( propter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) from the Similitude of their two natures . For , there always is the most easy and perfect union , where is a Similitude of Essences , or formal proprieties ; as is notably experimented in the eduction of Cold from a mans hands or other benummed parts by rubbing them with snow ; in the evocation of fire by fire ; in the extraction of some Venoms from the central to the outward parts of the body , by the application of other Venoms to the skin ( which is the principal cause , why some Poysons are the Antidotes to others ) ; the alliciency and ●●●●uation of Choler by Rhubarb , &c. Lastly , in 〈◊〉 place , we might pertinently insist upon the Causes and Manner of Co●●osion and Dissolution of Metals and other Compact and Firm● bodies ▪ 〈◊〉 Aqua Fortis , Aqua Regis , and other Chymical Waters ; the 〈◊〉 of Salt , Alume , Nitre , Vitriol , Sugar and other Salin concreted 〈◊〉 by Water ▪ the Exhalability or Evaporability of Humid and 〈◊〉 substances ▪ and other useful speculations of the like obscure natur● but 〈◊〉 of these deserves a more exact and prolix Disquisition , than the 〈…〉 signed to our praesent province will afford ; and what we have already 〈◊〉 sufficiently discharge●h our debt to the Title of this Chapter . CHAP. XIV . Softness , Hardness , Flexility , Tractility , Ductility , &c. SECT . I. THe two First of this Rank , of Secun●darie Qualities HARDNESS and SOFTNESS , be●ng so neer of Extraction and Semblance , that m●ny have confounded them with Firmness and Fluid●ty ▪ in a General and looser accept●tion ( for● so Virgil gives the Epithe●e of Soft to Water , & Lucretius to Aer , Vapor● Clouds , &c. because a Firme bodie , or such whose parts are reciproc●lly cohaerent , and superfice more 〈…〉 apparently continued , as 〈◊〉 may be Soft ; and on the other side , a Fluid body , or such whose 〈…〉 not reciprocally cohaerent , nor 〈◊〉 really continued , as 〈…〉 be Hard : therefore ought we 〈…〉 examination ●f the nature of Hardness and Softness , 〈…〉 Consequents , Flexility , Tractility , 〈◊〉 , &c. where that of ●●●mness and 〈◊〉 ends ▪ that so we may ▪ by explicating their Cognation , when men●●one● in a general sense , manifest the●r Differences ▪ when considered in a Special and praecise , and so prevent the otherwise imminent danger of aequivocat●on . To come , therefore , without farther circumambage ▪ to the discuisition of the proper nature of each of these Qualities , according to the method of their production ; conforming our conceptions to those of Aristotle , who ●4 . Meteor . 4. ) defines Durum to be ▪ Quod ex superficie in seipsum non ●edit ; and Molle , to be Quod ex superficie in seipsum cedit ; and referring both to the cognizance of the sense of Touching , we understand a HARD body to be such ▪ who●e par●icles are so firmely coadunated among themselves , and superfi●e is so con●inued , ●s that being prest by the finger ▪ it doth not yeeld thereto ▪ nor ha●● 〈◊〉 ●uperfice at all indented or depressed thereby ; such ●s a stone ▪ and on the con●rary , a SOFT one to be such , as doth yield to the pressure of the finger in the superfice , and that by retrocession or giving back of the superficial particles , immediately prest by the finger , versus profundum , towards it profound or internal ; such as Wax , the Flesh of Animals , Clay , &c. For , the chief Difference betwixt a Fluid , and a Soft body , accepted in a Philosophical or praecise , not a Poetical or random sense , consisteth only in this ; that the Fluid , when prest upon , doth yield to the body pressing , not by indentment or incavation of it superfice , i. e. the retrocession of it superficial particles , which are immediately urged by the depriment , toward its middle or profound ones , which are farther from it ; but by rising upwards in round and equally on all sides , as much as it is deprest in the superfice : and a Soft doth yield to the body pressing , only by retrocession of it superficial inwards toward it central particles , so that they remain during , and sometimes long after the depression , more or less lower than any other part of the superfice . Which being considered , Aristotles judgement , that Softness is incompetent to Water , must be indisputable : because t is evident to sense , that Water , being deprest in the superfice doth not recede towards its interior or profound parts , as is the property of all soft things to doe ; but riseth up in round equally on all sides of the body pressing , and so keeps it superfice equally and level as before . As for the Fundamental Cause of Hardness observed in Concretions ; it must be the chief essential propriety of Atoms Solidity : and upon consequence , the Original of its Contrary , Softness must be Inanity . For , among Concretions , every one is more and more Hard , or less and less soft , according as it more and more approacheth to the solidity of an Atom , which knowes nothing of softness : and on the other side , every thing is more and more soft , or less and less hard , according as it more and more approacheth the nature of Inanity , which knowes nothing of Hardness . Not that the Inane space is therefore capable of the Attribute of Soft , as if it had a superfice , and such as could recede inwards upon pression : but , that every Concretion is alwayes so much the more soft , i. e. the less hard , by how the more it yields in the superfice upon pressure ; and this only in respect of the more of Inanity , or the Inane space intercepted among the solid particles , whereof it is composed . It need not be accounted Repetition , that we here resume what we have formerly entrusted to the memomory of our Reader ; viz. that touching the deduction of these two Qualities ▪ Hardness and Softness , the provident Atomist hath wonn the Garland from all other Sects of Philosophers : for , supposing the Catholike materials of Nature to be Atoms , i. e. Solid or inflexible and exsoluble Bodies , he is ●urnished with a most sufficient , nay a necessary Reason , not only for the Hardness or Inflexibility , but also for the Softness or Flexibility of all Concretions ; insomuch as it is of the essence o● his Hypothesis , that every compound nature derives its Hardness only from the ●olidity of its materials , and softness only from the Inane space intercepted amon● its component particles ; in respect whereof each of those particles is moveable , and so the whole Aggregate or mass of them becomes flexible , or devoid of rigidity in all its parts , and consequently yeelding in that part , which is pressed . But , no other Hypothesis excogitable is fruitful enough to afford a satisfactory , nay not so much as a meerly plausible solution of this eminent and fundamental Difficulty ; for , those who assume the universal matter to be voyd of Hardness , and so infinitely exsoluble , i. e. not to be Atoms , though they may , indeed , assign a sufficient reason , why some Concretions are soft ; yet shall they ever want one to answer him , who demands , why other Concretions are Hard ; because themselves have exempted Atoms , from whose solidity all Hardness ariseth to Concretions . And this most easily detecteth the gross and unpardonable incogitancy of Aristotle , when He determined the Hardness and Softness of Concretions to be Absolute Qualities ; for , since Atoms alone are absolutely void of all Softness , and the Inane space alone absolutely void of all Hardness ; and all Concretions are made up of Atoms : nothing is more manifest , than that Hardness and Softness , as attributary to Concretions , are Qualities meerly Comparative , or more praecisely , that Softness is a Degree of Hardness ; and consequently , that there are various Degrees of Hardness , according to which Concretions may be said to be more or less Hard , and such as are hard , in respect of one , may be yet soft in respect of another , that is more hard , or less soft . As for the praecise Manner , how the several Degrees of Hardness and Softness result from Atoms and Inanity commixt ; we need not much insist thereupon ; since the production of each degree may be easily and fully comprehended , from our praecedent explanation of the Causes of Fluidity and Firmness . For , though Softness be observable in bodies endowed with Firmness , or Influxibility ; yet because the degrees of Firmness are also various , and proceed from the more or less Arresting or Impeding of Fluidity , and so that the thing consist of Atoms more or less Coarctated , moveable among themselves , and dissociable each from other ( from whence alone doth the yeeldingness of it in the superfice arise ) : therefore is it necessary , that in Firme things the same is the cause of Softness , which in Fluid things is the cause of Fluidity . Nor is the Difference betwixt their productions other than this , that to Softness , specially and strictly accepted , are required Atoms somewhat Hooked , and so Retentive each of other , as not to be wholly dissociated , or to permit a manifest abruption or breach of continuity , upon pressure : but , to strict Fluidity it is not requisite , that the Atoms be at all Hamous , or reciprocally retentive . Insomuch , therefore , as there is some certain Compactness ( more or less ) even in all Soft Concretions ; from thence it may be easily inferred , that the General reason of the Mollification of Hard bodies , doth consist in this ; that their insensible particles be in some degree dissociated , i. e. so separated each from other , in many points , as that more and larger inane spaces be intercepted among them , than while they were closely coadunated : and on the contrary , that the General reason of the Induration of Soft bodies , doth consist only in this ; that their insensible particles , before in some degree dissociated , be reduced to a closer order , or higher degree of Compactness , and so most of the inane spaces intercepted , be excluded from among them . To this the doubting Mersennus fully subscribes ( in lib. 2. Harmonicor . proposit . ultima ) where deducing the causes of Hardness , Rigidity , and the like qualities from the Atoms of Democritus and Epicurus , he plainly saith ; Duritiem fieri ab Atomis ramosis , quae suis hamatis implicationibus perexigua spatia relinquunt inania , per quae nequeant ingredi corpuscula caloris , &c. Nay , such is the urgencie of this truth , that Aristotle Himself seems to confess it , in these words : quae humoris absentia concrescunt & duruntur , ea liquefacere humor potest ; nisi adeo sese ( particulae nimirum ) collegerint coierintque , ut minora partibus aquae foramina sint relicta : id quod fictili accidit , &c. ( 4. Meteorum . cap. 8. ) And we need seek no farther than a ball of wool , for the Exemplification of both ; for , that being so relaxed , as that the hairs touch each other more rarely , or in fewer points , and thereupon more of the ambient Aer be intercepted among them , instantly becomes soft : and then being so compressed , that the hairs touch each other more frequently , or in more points , and the aer be thereupon again excluded from among them , it as soon becomes hard . But if we wind up our curiosity one note higher , and enquire the Special Manner of Mollifying Hard bodies ; we shall find it to rest upon either Heat , or Moisture . Upon Heat , when the Atoms of fire , subingressing into the pores of a Hard Concretion doe so commove and exagitate the insensible particles thereof , that they become incontiguous in more points , than before , and so the whole mass being made more lax and rare , upon the interception of many new inane spaces among its particles , puts on a capacity of yeelding to any thing that presseth it , and of receding from it superfice toward its interiors , according to the property of softness . Thus Iron made red hot , is mollefied , and hard Wax liquefied by heat . Upon Moisture , when the particles of an Humor so insinuate themselves among the closely cohaerent particles of a Hard body , that dissociating them in some measure , they intermix among them , and so ( themselves being sufficiently yeelding upon pressure ) cause the bodie to become yeelding and recessive from it superfice inwards . Thus Leather is softned by lying in Water , or Oyle ; and Clay assumes so much the more of softness , by how much the more of water it hath imbibed . On the other side , if we pursue the Induration of Soft bodies up to its Special Manner , we shall secure it either in Cold , or Siccity . In Cold , whether we understand it to be a simple expulsion of Calorifick Atoms , lately contained in the bodie ; as in the growing hard of Metals after fusion : or the introduction of Frigorifick Atoms into the bodie , naturally void of them ; as in the induration of Water into Ice . In Siccity , whether we conceive it to be a meer expulsion of the particles of moisture from a Concretion ; as when Earth is baked into Bricks : or a superinduction of drie particles upon a moist concretion ; as in the composition of Pills , which for the most part consist of Drie Powders and Syrupe , or some other viscid moisture . But here we feel a strong Remora , or Doubt ; How it comes about , that Iron made glowing hot , and immediately plunged into cold Water , acquires a greater degree of hardness , than it had before ? And to remove it , we Answer ; that the particles of the Water subingress into the amplified pores of the Iron , and are not again excluded from thence , though the particles thereof returne to their former close order , and reciprocally implicate each other , as before in candescence ; but , remaining imprisoned in the small incontiguities , or inane spaces , which otherwise would have been empty , make the body of the iron somewhat more solid or hard than otherwise it would have been . That this is a sufficient Cause of that Effect , may be warrantably inferred from hence ; that if the sam● seasoned iron be afterwards brought to the fire again , and therein made red hot , so that the contexture of its particles be relaxed , and the particles of Water , which possess the inane spaces betwixt them , be evaporated ; there doth it resume its former Softness ; and this our Smiths call Nealing of Iron . To steer on , therefore , the same course of Disquisition we have begun ; forasmuch as Softness is defined by the Facility , and Hardness by the Difficulty of bodies yielding in the superfice : the only Considerable remaining to our full explanation of the formal Reason of each of these two Qualities , is , How the yielding of a Soft body in the Superfice is effected ; for , that being once explicated , the rule of Contraries will easily teach us , Wherein the Resistence of a Hard doth immediately consist . And th●s requires no taedious indagation , for from the Praemises it may easily be collected ; that a soft body doth then yeild , when its particles immediately pressed in the superfice , do sink down and subingress into the pores immediately beneath them , and then press down the next subjacent particles into pores immediately beneath them ; and those likewise press down the next inferior rank of particles into void spaces below them ; an those again press down others successively until ( the number of pores or void spaces successively in each subingression decreasing ) there be no more room to receive the last pressed particles , and then the subingression ceaseth . If this seem not sufficient to make the yeildingness of Soft bodies clearly intelligible ; we must remit our Reader to our praecedent Discourse concerning the incapacity of Aer to be Condensed or Compressed , in a Wind-gun , beyond a certain proportion , or determinate rate . Farther , because a soft body cannot be squeezed , unless it rest upon or against something that is hard , at least , less soft than it selfe ; so that , though the lower superfice thereof , relying upon the support , is so bounded , that it hath no liberty of space , whether to recede Versùs profundum ; yet hath it full liberty of space Versus latera : therefore comes it to pass , that the subingression of particles into pores , and the Compression of others , is made not only Versus profundum , in that part of the soft body , which directly confronteth the hard , whereupon it resteth ; but also Versus latera , toward the sides , or circumambient . And that after a various manner , according to the various Contextures of soft bodies in the superfice . For , if the superfice ( i. e. the outward part ) of a soft body , be of a more Compact and tenacious Contexture , than the interior mass or substance ; as is the skin of an Animal , compared to the subjacent flesh , and a bladder in respect of the oyle therein contained : in that case , the compression of the particles is , indeed , propagated by succession to some distance as well toward the bottom , as the sides , to which the superior particles being pressed directly downward , and there resisted , deflect ; yet not to that distance , as where the superfice is of the same Contexture with the interior mass , as in Wax and Clay , in both which , the Compression , and so the yeilding may be propagated quite thorow , or from the superior to the inferior superfice , where it immediately resteth upon the hard body , all the intermediate particles starting toward the sides , as being pressed above and resisted belowe . And hereupon , doubtless , was it that Aristotle properly called those soft bodies , whose superfice is either of a weaker , or of the same contexture with their internal substance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Formatilia ; insomuch as when a Seal or other Solid body doth press them , they suffer such a Diffraction or Solution of Continuity in their superficial parts , as that the dissociated particles are not able to restore themselves to their former situation and mutual cohaesion , but retain the figure of the body which pressed them : and , on the contrary , such as have the contexture of their superfice more firm and tenacious than that of their internal mass , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pressilia ; insomuch as upon pressure they suffer not so great a Diffraction or Solution of Continuity in their superficial parts , but that they still have some mutual cohaerence , and so are able to restore themselves to their former situation , upon the remove of the body that pressed them . For the illustration of this , it is observable ( 1 ) That to the yielding of every soft body , when pressed , it is necessary , that it have freedom of space on its sides : because , if the lateral particles , when pressed by the intermedia●● ones , have not room whether to recede , they cannot yield at all ; and so the Compression must be very small . This may most sensibly be Exemplified in a tube filled with Water ; for , if you attempt to compress the Water therein contained , with a R●mmer so exactly adapted to the bore of the tube , as that no spaces be left betwixt it and the sides thereof , whereat the water may rise upward , you shall make bu● a very small and almost insensible progress therein . ( 2 ) That no superfice of what contexture soever , can be depressed versus profundum , or be any way dilated , but it must suffer some Diffraction or Solution of Continuity ; more or less . For , insomuch as each particle of the superfice doth possess a peculiar part of space proportionate to its dimensions ; and though upon the Dilatation of the superfice , i. e. the remove of its particles to a more lax order , greater spaces are intercepted among them , yet are not the particles multiplied in number , nor magnified in dimensions , and so cannot possess more or greater spaces than before : therefore is it necessary , that the superfice be variously crackt , and the continuity thereof infringed in many places . The Necessity hereof doth farther evidence it self in the Flexion of a Twig , Cane , or other [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Flexile body ; for , when a Twigg is bended , as the Concave superfice becomes Contracted and Corrugated , the particles thereof being not able to penetrate each other , nor crowd themselves into fewer places : So at the same time , is the Convex Dilated , and suffers many small breaches or cracks , the particles thereof being uncapable either to multiply themselves , or possess more spaces , than before . The same likewise is easily intelligible in a Tractile body , such as ( Aristotle names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a Nerve , or Lutestring : for allbeit the interruption of Continuity be not so manifest to the sense in a Tractile as in a Flexile body : yet may we observe , that when a Tractile body is extended or drawn out in length , it is extenuated or diminished in thickness . And , what , think you , becomes of those interior particles , which compose its Crassitude or thickness ? Certainly , they must come sorth into the superfice , that so they may interpose themselves ●mong the Dissociated particles thereof , possess the void spaces left betwixt them , and with their small clawes or hooks on each hand cohaering to them , make the superfice apparently continued . Would you observe the Interruption of Continuity among the superficial particles of a Tractile body , and the issuing forth and intermistion of interior particles among them ; be pleased to paint over a Lutestring with some oyled Colour , and afterward vernish it over with oyle of Turpentine : then strain it hard upon the Lute , and you shall plainly perceive the superfice of it to crack and become full of small clefts or chinks , and new particles ( not tincted with the colour ) to issue forth from the entralls of the string , and interpose themselves among those small breaches . Lastly , the same is also discoverable by the sight in a Ductile body [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] such as every Metal ; for , no metal , when pressed or hammerd , is dilated or expanded on all sides , for any other reason but this , that it is as much attenuated in thickness , and the particles in the superfice are so dissociated , as that the interior particles rise up , possess the deserted spaces , and cohaere to the discontinued exterior particles , as may be more plainly discerned if the superfice of the Metal be tincted with some colour . SECT . II. FRom the Praemises , whereupon we therefore insisted somewhat the longer , ●t is manifest , that FLEXILITY , TRACTILITY , DUCTILITY , and other Qualities of the same Classis , are all the Consequents of Softness : as the Contrary to them all RIGIDITY , is the Consequent of Hardness ; insomuch as whoever would frame to himself an exact notion of a Rigid body , meerly as a Rigid , must compose it of the Attributes , inflexile , intractile , inductile . Nor doth any thing remain to our clear understanding of the nature of FLEXILITY , but the Solution of that great Difficulty , Cur flexilia , postquam inflexa fuerint , in pristinum statum resiliant ? Why a flexile body , such as a Bowe of wood , Steel , Whalebone , &c. doth , after flexion , spring back again into its natural figure and situation ? The Reason of this Faculty of Restitution , we conceive ( with the immortal Gassendus ) to be this ; that the Recurse or Resilition of a flexile body is a certain Reflex motion , which is continued with a Direct motion : as we shall have opportunity professedly to demonstrate , in our subsequent Enquiry into the nature of Motion . In the mean while , it may suffice to stay the stomach of Curiosity , that we evidence the cause of it to be the same with that of the Rebound of a ball , impelled by a racket , from a Wall : for , as the force , which makes the ball rebound from the wall , is the very same which first impelled it against the Wall ; so is the force , which reflecteth a bowe , after bending , the very same which bended it . To Exemplifie ; when a man layes a staff transversly upon a beam , and strikes the end that is toward him , downward ; the end that is from him , must rise , as much upward : as well because of the resistence of the beam ( which here performs the office of an Hypomochlion , or middle Fulciment ) as of the continuity and compactness of the staff it self ; and so the same cause , the hand of the man , which impelled the one extreme of the staff downward , is also the cause of the rising of its other extreme upward . Again , let the staff have liberty of play between two beams , the one above , the other beneath it ; and upon the Depulsion of one end , the other shall rise up , and be impinged against the upper beam , and from thence rebound back again upon the lower , and thence again to the higher , and thence again to the lower , and so alternately be reflected from one to the other , till the force of resistence in the 2 beams hath wholly overcome that of the first percussion or impulse : yet still doth the last Rebound , no less than the first , owe it self to the same Cause , which impressed the first motion upon the staff , which was the hand of the man , who impelled it . To approach one degree neerer ; set up a staff perpendicularly in some hole in the floore or pavement , so that it may have some liberty of motion to each hand : and then , if you impel or inflect the upper extreme to the right hand , the part of the lower extreme , which respecteth the upper part of the right side of the hole , will press upon the same , and the other side of the lower extream , where it toucheth the lowest part of the left side of the hole , shall be at the same time impinged likewise against the left side ; and that so forcibly , that it shall rebound from thence to the opposite side , and at the same time , the upper part , which you inflected , ●hall rebound from the right to the left : and thus shall the staff be agitated from side to side , by alternate resilitions , till the resistence of the hole h●●h wholly overcome the force thereupon imprest , by your hand . This laid down , we infer , that the cause of Returne in the staff , is the same with that of the Self-restorative motion in bodies Flexile ; for , that you may be able to inflect one end of the staff , it is necessary , that some part of it be held fast in your hand , some hole , chink , or other hold , that so you may distinguish the Hypomochlion , or point of Rest , from the part inflected . Nor is it ought available to the contrary , to Object ( 1 ) that the staff is not bent with one single stroke , but a continent pression : because a Continent pression is nought else but a continent Repetition of strokes ; and that is the last stroke , immediately upon which the last and non-impeded Reflexion doth ensue . 2. that our Example of the Resilition of a staff is incongruous , there being a considerable Rigidity therein , but none in Flexile bodies : for , though there be no perfect or Absolute Rigidity in Flexile substances , yet is there a sufficient Firmness , which is a degree of Rigidity ; and by how much greater that is , by so much the greater force of impulse is required to the inflexion , and consequently so much stronger is the Reflection . So that while the bottome of the staff , and its Hypomochlion alternately performe their offices , the one reflecting this , the other the contrary way , so many more Alternate Reflexions , or Excurses and Recurses are made , by how much greater the Rigidity of the staff , and firme fixation in its hold , are ▪ and 〈◊〉 contra . And , since the Reflection , which is made from the firmely fix● part , is as it were the Fundamental , or General Reflexion ; innumerable Special or Particular Reflexions , exactly like the General , are made in singulis partibus ▪ insomuch as the parts of the Concave superfice are so compressed , in order , one after another , from the Deflected Extrem to the Fixt , that suffering mutual resistence , they are compelled to start back in the same order , one after another ; and the parts of the Convex superfice , from the Fixt Extreme to the Deflected , are so retracted in order one after another , that they return in order to their natural site ; and some parts thus conspiring with others , reduce the whole inflected bodie to its natural situation and figure . Finally , because every Reflex Motion is alwaies ( though , perhaps , not sensibly ) weaker , than the Direct ; therefore is it , that in every Deflexion , both to the Concave superfice , some particles subingress to the interiors of the Flexile bodie , which cannot returne forth again to the superfice ; and to the Convex , other particles egress to the superfice , which cannot returne in again to the interiors : Whereupon it comes to pass , that by how much the longer the Inflexion is continued , or how much the more frequently repeated ; by so much the more Contracted is the Concave superfice made , and so continues , and so much more Deduced or Dilated is the Convex superfice made , and so continues ; and consequently both the Inflexion and Reduction become as so much the weaker , so as much the smaller . Nay , where the Deflexion is so great , as that some parts of either superfice are wholly Diffracted and Dissociated , and so can no longer maintain that mutual cohaerence and continuity , which is necessary to the series of Reflexion and Retraction : there doth no Reduction at all followe , after Inflexion , at most only so much , as is made by the parts , which yet remain cohaerent , in which also we must allowe the distinction of Concavity and Convexity . Thus , when a Twigg is broken half off in the middle , by overmuch bending ; it makes no more Reflexion , than what depends only upon the half which is unbroken . As for TRACTILITY likewise , all the obscurity which remains upon its nature , depends upon this Difficulty ; Cur Nervus distentus , & è suo situ distractus toties hinc inde redeat ? Why doth a Tractile bodie , such as a Nerve or Lutestring , when distended , and abduced from the line of direction to either side , not only reduce it self from that obliquity to directness ; but recurr beyond it , and then returns toward the place of its first abduction , and thence back again to and beyond the line of direction , and so makes many excurses and recurses ? And this may be soon solved , by Answering ; that the Cause of this Tremulation or Vibrations of a Tractile thing , distended and percussed , or abduced , seems to be the same with that of the Reflexion of a Flexile , newly rendred . For ( 1. ) A chord distended , is nothing but a Flexile body ; and so much the more apt for Reflection , by how much more it is Distended : because Tension is a kind of Rigidity . ( 2. ) A chord distended hath the reason not only of one simple Flexile bodie , but also of two conjoyned ; insomuch as it hath 2 Extrems , in each of which we may distinguish the Hypomochlion , or fixt part , from the Reflectent ; and in the middle , or that part , which is percussed or abduced by the plectrum or finger , there are as it were 2 other Extremes conjoyned , which being naturally reluctant each to other , cause the reciprocal Reduction each of other . ( 3. ) As a Twigg , after inflexion , doth 〈◊〉 beyond the middle , or line of directness , and goes and comes frequently , till it hath overcome the fist impressed motion , and recovered its natural site because after the first Reflexion is made , a second succeeds , for the same reason , as the first , a third for the same reason as the second , and so a fourth , fifth &c. successively : So also , is it necessary , that many Vibrations , or Excurses and Recur●es be alternately made , by a Chord dist●nded and percusled ; becau●e the s●●e cause r●mains to the second , third , fourth , &c. which was to the fi●st . Lege Me●sennum , Harmonicor . lib. 3. Propos. 22. Corollario de Atomis . But here comes the PROBLEM ( such a one as put even Mersennus Himselfe to the Eruditis Physicomathematicis discutiendum relinquo ; Harmonicor . lib. 2. proposit . 29. ) and that is ; Cur Diadromus Chordae maximus eodem tempore conficit totum spacium , quo minimus , aut reliqui singuli diadromi intermedii illud conficiant ? Whence is it , that all the Excurses and Recurses , or diadroms of a Chord , either Vertically , or horizontally distended , and abduced from the line of Direction ; are Isochronical , or Aequitemporaneous , though not Aequispacial : as also are All the Vibrations of a Flexile body , fixt at one extream , and deflected at the other . This stupendious Phaenomenon may be thus Demonstrated . Let F. G. ( in the second diagram ) be the Chord horizontally distended ; which , being distracted from its direct situation , F. G. to A. makes its several Diadroms , A.B. B.C. C.E. and E.D. Now we say , that All these Diadroms , though greatly disproportionate in point of space , are yet exactly proportionate in point of Time , i. e. the first Diadrom , A. B. doth measure its whole space , in the same proportion of time , as doth the second Diadrom , B. C. or the third , C. E. or the fourth E. D. ▪ For , since the Violence or impetus , whereby the Chord is abduced from the line F. G. to the point A. is so much the greater , by how much the longer the line of the Epidrom is , the Chord must pervade it space so much the more speedily , by how much the space is greater , compared to that of the subsequent ones : it necessarily followes , that all the subsequent Diadroms must be Aequidiurnal , because look how much is detracted from the Longitude , Magnitude , and Impetus of the subsequent Diadroms exactly so much accedeth to the Brevity of the space , which they are to percurr ; and so the longitude of the posterior Epidrom becomes inverted in proportion to the Time , and its Brevity of space compensateth the decay of that Impetus , which was in the Prior Diadrom . For Example ; Let the Chord , which makes an hundred Diadroms , perv●de a foot space , in its first Diadrom , and the hundredth part of a foot , at its last , or hundredth Diadrom : we affirm , that the first Diadrom must be an hundred times swifter than the Last ; which is an hundred times slower , as being to the same proportion less violent , and that which immediately praecedeth the Quiet of the Cord , in the Direct line , F. G. More plainly ; the First Diadrom , A. B. as it is the Greatest , so is it the most Violent ; and as it is the most Violent , so must the Velocity , whereby it pervades the whole space betwixt A.B. be also the Greatest : and the Second Diadrom , B. C. how much it comes short , in violence of tension , and Celerity of motion , of the First , so much doth it come short of the Magnitude also thereof ; so that though the space of the former , A. B. be much larger than that of the second , B.C. yet doe they both pervade their several spaces in the same proportion of Time , because , as the second Diadrom , B. C. hath less of violence and of Celerity , than the first , A. B. so hath it just so much less of space to pervade , and so the Diminution of space Compensateth the Diminution of Violence and Celerity . Wherefore , the Reason of the Third Diadrom being the same to the Second , as that of the Second to the First ; and of the Fourth to the Third , as that of the Third to the Second : it is manifest and necessary , that all the Diadroms be● Aequidiurnal , though not Aequispatial ; which is what we Assumed . But yet the Lees of the PROBLEM remain behind ; for it is worthy farther Enquiry : Why a Chord of a Duple length , v.g. of 4 foot , doth performe its Diadroms in a Duple proportion of Time , to a Chord of a single length , v. g. of 2 foot ; when both are distended by equal Force , or Weight : and yet , if the Chord of 4 foot be distended by doubly as great a Force or Weight as that of only 2 foot , it doth not performe its Diadroms with Velocity Duple thereunto ; but only if the force of its Distension be Quadruple to the force first supposed ? And to exhaust them , though somewhat rough and crabbed , we ANSWER , As in a Pensile bodie , or Chord vertically distended by a weight , the time of each single Excurse , is equal to that time , in which the same weight would , if permitted , be falling from such an Altitude , as is commeasurable by the diametre of the Circle , whereof Arches are described by the Excurses of the Pensile body abduced from the perpendicular : So in a Tensile body , such as a Chord strained upon a Lute , All the times , in which a part of the Chord accepted exactly in the middle , excurreth from one side , are equal to one time , in which one of its Extrems , if cut off , would directly pervade the whole length , and come into the place of the other , toward which the force , being still the same behind , would draw it . For , the same Force , certainly , is alwaies able to produce the same Effect : and if the lateral spaces of the Diadroms doe continually decrease ; the Velocity of the motion must also continually decrease . And the cause of that continual Decrement , can be no other but the Force Drawing or distending the Chord , which continually refracteth the contrary Force , by the plectrum or finger impressed thereupon . Now , since All the Excurses of a Chord , of whatever length , are exaequated to one and the same direct Trajection thereof , as we said even now ; in the Former Case , the Trajection cannot but be performed in a duple proportion of Time , as a Duple proportion of Space is assumed to be trajected or pervaded , by the same Motive or Attractive Force : but in the Latter not , because Three Equal things being supposed , viz. Time , Space , and the Weight or Attractive Force , it is of pure necessity , that the same space remaining , look how much of Time is diminished , so much is the motive Force encreased , and what is the proportion of space to Time , the same is the proportion of the Motive Force to Space . And hence comes it , that the proportion of space to Time being as that of 2 to 1 ; the Motive Force must have to space the proportion of 4 to 2 : and consequently to Time , not as 2 to 1 , but as 4 to 1. Lastly , as for DUCTILITY , little remains Additional to what we have formerly said , concerning the Formal Reason thereof , but the Solution of that notable PROBLEM , about the admirably vast Extensibility of that King not only of Metals , but of the whole Earth , Gold. And , indeed , since we have it upon the testimony of our Experience , that one Ounce of pure Gold may be , by Malleation , extended to such an amplitude , as to cover ten Acres of Land ; and that one Grain thereof may be Wier drawne into a thread of such incomparable fineness , as to commensurate 400 foot ; and consequently , that one Ounce of Gold is capable of deduction into a thread , whose length may fufill the measure of two hundred and thirty thousand , and four hundred feet , of six inches apiece : we say , this being avouched by those Mechaniques , who deale in Beating of Gold into Leaves , and Drawing it out into Wier , it seems well worthy our Enquiry , upon what Cause this stupendious Praerogative of Gold doth chiefly depend . In a word , therefore , we conceive this superlative EXTENSIBILITY of Gold , to be warrantably referrible to a Threefold Cause , viz. the unparalleld Compactness of it substance , the great Tenuity of its Component particles , and the Multitude of small Hooks or Clawes , whereby those particles reciprocally implicate each other , and maintain the Continuity of the whole Mass. For ( 1 ) the exceeding Compactness of its Contexture doth afford parts sufficient to so great Extension , i. e. such an abundance of them , as upon the Decrement of the Mass in Profundity , may rise up into the superfice and enlarge the Latitude , or Longitude : ( 2 ) The Tenuity of its component particles maketh the mass capable of Diminution in profundity , and so of Augmentation in superfice , even to an incredible proportion : and ( 3 ) The Multitude of small Hooks , whereby those Exile particles reciprocally cohaere , sufficeth to the constant Continuity ; for , while the mass is suffering under the Hammer , no sooner can the stroke thereof dissociate one particle from its neighbour , but instantly it layes hold of and fastneth upon another , and as firmely cohaereth thereunto , as to its former hold : So that the mutual Cohaesion is maintained even above the highest degree of Extension or Attenuation , which any imaginable Art can promise . Nay , so sufficient a Cause of incredible Ductility doth this last seem to be , that Mersennus regarded no other : as may be collected from these his words : Sunt autem Corpora maximè Ductilia , quae habent Atomos undique Hamatas , ut Aurum ; cujus Atomi non ita possunt evolui , ut sese deserant in inferioribus , aut superioribus partibus , quin laterales succedant , quibus usque ad insignem tenuitatem perveniant ; ( Harmon . lib. 3. propos . 22. Corollario de Atomis . ) This apprehended , the Chymist needs not longer to perplex himself about the Cause of the Incorruptibility , and incapacity of Volatilization in Gold : and if his so promising Art can attain to the investment of any Metal with these Proprieties ; let other men dispute , whether it be Gold or no , for our parts , we oblige our selves so to accept it . Now , that we may run through all other Secondary Qualities , in this one Course , we farther observe ; that to the praedominion of Softness , men ought to refer SECTILITY , such as is seen in wood Cut transversly : and FISSILITY , such as in wood cleft along the Grain . For , whateve is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Sectile , must in some sort return to the nature of Flexility ; seeing that the parts of it , which are immediately pressed upon by the edge of the Axe , Knife , or other Cutting instrument , must recede inwardly , i. e. from the superfice to the profundity of the Mass , and the Lateral parts , at the same time , give back on each hand , for otherwise there could be no yeilding , and so no cutting ; and in like manner , whatever is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Fissille , must have so much of Flexility also , as that , when the parts of it , in the place , upon which the Force is first discharged , begin to be dissociated , a certain Compression must run along successively to all the other parts , which are afterwards to be dissociated . But , though a Fission , or Cleaving may be made without any Deperdition of Substance , or excession of parts from the body cleft ; those parts , which were coadunated Sec. Longitudinem , being only separated Sec. Longitudinem : yet is that impossible in any Section whatever , though made by the acutest edge imaginable ; because , look how much of the body doth commensurate the bredth of the edge of the Cutting instrument , so much , at least , is beaten off and destracted from the body , betwixt the sides of the incision . And thus much concerning the Consequents of Softness . As for those of Hardness ; they are TRACTILITY and FRIABILITY . For , whatever is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Fractile , capable of fraction into pieces , as a Flint and most other stones , must have so much of Rigidity , ( the chief propriety of Hardness ) as may suffice to hinder the yeilding of it superfice , upon pressure or percussion ; and consequently all subingression of superior particles into the small vacuities intercepted among the inferior ones ; and so to cause , that the superfice is first diffracted , and successively all the subjacent particles dissociated , quite thorow to the contrary superfice , the inferior particles being still pulsed by the Superior [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] by reason of their Continuity . So that the fragments into which the body is shattered , are greater or less , either according to the diverse contexture thereof in divers parts , in respect whereof some parts may be contexed more Compactly and Firmely , and others again more Laxly and Weakly : or according to situation , in respect whereof those parts , which are neerer to the Circumference , she off more easily than those , which are more remote . In like manner , whatever is properly [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Friabile , Brittle , as Marble , Glass , Earthern Vessels , &c. must also have so much of Rigidity , as to make it uncapable of Flexion , Traction , Diduction , or Extension , by any means whatever : so that upon any forcible pression , or percussion , the whole mass or substance of it is shivered into dust , or broken into greater fragments , which are easily subject to be Crumbled into dust afterward . Now , that a Hard or Rigid bodie being percussed , or pressed , with force sufficient , in one Extreme or Superfice , the percussion or pressure may be propagated from part to part successively , till it arrive at and be determined in the other extreme ; may be evinced by sundry most 〈◊〉 Experiments , some whereof are recited by the Lord St. Alban ( in ●●lva sylvarum Cent. 1. ) But this one will serve the turne . When an Oyster , or Tortois shell is let fall from a sufficient altitude , upon a stone , 〈◊〉 is usually shattered into many peices ; and that for no other Reason but this , that the lower side , whether Convex or Concave , being vehemently impinged against the stone , the particles thereof immediately knockt by the stone , as vehemently give back , and in their quick Retrocession impell the particles situate immediately above them ; whereupon those impelled particles with the same violence impell others next in order above them , until the percussion being propagated from part to part successively quite home to the upper superfice , it comes to pass , that each percussed part giving back , the whole shell is shattered into small Fragments . All which may seem but a genuine Paraphrase upon the Text of Mersennus . ( Harmonicor . lib 2. propos . 43. ) Duritiei verò proprietas appellatur Rigiditas ; quae fit ab Atomis ita sibi invicem cohaerentibus , ut Deflexionem impediant : quod contingit in Corporibus , quae constant Atomis Cubicis , octuedris & tetruedis , ex quibus resultat perfecta superficiecularum inter se cohaesio ; hinc ●it ut Rigida Corpora Fructilia sint , non autem Sectilia , & ictu impacto tota in frusta dissiliant . Qui adum praedictae superficiunculae se invicem premunt , quae sunt ex una parte , dimoventur ab iis , quae ex alia ; adeo ut unico impetu externo Corpori impresso , Contusio sentiatur per totum , & partium eodem , momento fit separatio . There yet remains a Quality , which is the Ofspring neither of Softness alone , nor Hardness alone ; but ought to be referred partly to the one , partly to the other : and that is RUPTILITY . For , not only such Bodies , as challenge the Attribute of Softness , are subject to Ruption , when they are distressed beyond the tenour of their Contexture , either by too much Inflexion , as a Bow over bent ; or too much Distention , as Leather or Parchment over strained ; or too much Malleation , as a plate of Lead , Iron , or other Metal over hammerd : but such also as claim the title of Hardness , and that in an eminent proportion , as Marble ; for , a Pillar of Marble , if long and slender , and laid transversly or horizontally , so as to rest only upon its two extrems , is easily broken asunder by its own Weight . For , as Soft bodies , when rackt or deduced beyond the r●te of mutual Cohaerence among their parts , must yeeld to the External Force , which distres●eth them , and so suffer total discontinuity : so Hard ones , when the Internal Force , or their owne Weight , is too great to be resisted by their Compactness , as in the example of a long Marble Pillar , not supported in the middle ; then must they likewise yeeld to that superior force , and break asunder . And here the Archer and Musician , put in , for a Solution of that PROBLEM , which so frequently troubles them ; viz. Cur Chordae facili●●s circa Ex●rema , quam circa Medium frangantur , cum vi vel pondere , sive horizontaliter , sive verticaliter trahuntur ? Why Bowstrings , Lutestrings , and other Chords , though of uniforme Contexture throughout , and equally distended in all parts , do yet usually break asunder , not in the middle , or neer it , but at one End , where they are fastned ? The Cause , certainly , must be this ; that the Weight or drawing force doth alwayes first act upon the parts of the string , which are neerest to it , and successively upon those , which are farthest off , i. e. in the Middle : so that the string suffering the greatest stress neer the Extrems , is more subject to break there , than in any other part . Wherefore , whenever a Bowstring breaks in or neer the middle ; it may safely be concluded , that the string was weakest in that place . To which we may add this also , that Experienced Archers , to praevent the frequent breaking of their strings , and the danger of breaking the Bow thereby ; injoyn their String-makers , to add a Link of Flax , or Twist more at the Ends of each string , than in any other parts of it : and that they call the Forcing , because Experience hath taught them , that the Force of the Bow is most violently discharged upon those parts of the string , which are neerest to the Horns . CHAP. XV. OCCULT QUALITIES made MANIFEST . SECT . I. HAving thus long entertained it self with the most probable Reasons of the several wayes and means , whereby Compound Bodies exhibite their several Attributes and Proprieties to the judicature of the Sensitive Faculties in Animals , and principally in Man , the Rule , Perfection and grand Exemplar of all the rest ; t is high time for our Curiosity to turn a new leaf , and sedulously address it self to the speculation of Another Order , or Classis of Qualities , such as are vulgarly distinguished from all those , which have hitherto been the subject of our Disquisitions , by the unhappy and discouraging Epithite , OCCULT . Wherein we use the scarce perfect Dialect of the Schools ; who too boldly praesuming , that all those Qualities of Concretions , which belong to the jurisdiction of the senses , are dependent upon Known Causes , and deprehended by Known Faculties , have therefore termed them Manifest : and as incircumspectly concluding , that all those Proprieties of Bodies , which fall not under the Cognizance of either of the Senses , are derived from obscure and undiscoverable Causes , and perceived by Unknown Faculties ; have accordingly determined them to be Immanifest or Occult. Not that we dare be guilty of such unpardonable Vanity and Arrogance , as not most willingly to confess , that to Ourselves all the Operations of Nature are meer Secrets ; that in all her ample catalogue of Qualities , we have not met with so much as one , which is not really Immanifest and Abstruse , when we convert our thoughts either upon its Genuine and Proxime Causes , or upon the Reason and Manner of its perception by that Sense , whose proper Object it is : and consequently , that as the Sensibility of a thing doth noe way praesuppose its Intelligibility , but that many things , which are most obvious and open to the Sense , as to their Effects , may yet be remote and in the dark to the Understanding , as to their Causes : so on the Contrary , doth not the Insensibility of a thing necessitate , nay , nor aggravate the Unintelligibility thereof , but that many things , which are above the sphere of the Senses , may yet be as much within the reach of our Reason , as the most sensible whatever . Which being praecogitated , as , when we look back upon our praecedent Discourses , touching the Originals and Perception of Sensible Qualities , we have just ground to fear , that they have not attained the happy shoar of verity , but remain upon the wide and fluctuating ocean of meer Verisimility : So also , when we look forward upon our immediately subsequent Disquisitions into the Causes of many Insensible Qualities , are we not destitute of good reason to hope , that though we herein attempt the consignation of Consentaneous and Probable Causes to sundry of those Effects , which Schollars commonly content themselves only to Admire , and without farther exercise of their Intellectuals , to leave wrapt up in the Chaos of Sympathies and Antipathies ; yet will not the Ingenious misunderstand us , or conceive that we esteem or propose those Reasons as Oraculous or Apodicticall , or create an expectation of the Discovery of such Originals , whereupon those Rarer Operations and Magnalia of Nature do proximely and genuinely depend . However , some may think it expedient for us to profess , that as in our former Enquiries , so in this , our Designe is only to explain sundry admired Effects , by such Reasons , as may appear not altogether Remote and Incongruous , but Consentaneous and Affine to Truth ; that so no mans judgement may be impeached by embracing them for most Probable , untill the ( in that respect , too slow ) wheel of Time shall have brought up some more worthy Explorator , who shall wholly withdrawe that thick Curtain of obscurity , which yet hangs betwixt Natures Laboratory and Us , and enrich the Commonweal of Letters , by the discovery of the Real Verity And this we must enterprize , by continuing our progress in the allmost obliterated Tract , that Epicurus and Democritus so long since chalk'd forth ; not by treading in the beaten road of Aristotle and his Se●tators , who ( for ought we have learned ) were They , who first founded that ill contrived Sanctuary of Ignorance , called OCCULT QUALITIES . For , generally setting up their rest in the Commistion of Elements , and their supposed Immateriall Qualities ; and being not able ever to explicate any Insensible Propriety , from those narrow and barren Principles : they thought it a sufficient Salvo for their Ignorance , simply to affirme all such Proprieties to be Occult ; and without due reflection upon the Invalidity of their Fundamentals , they blushed not to charge Nature Herself with too much Closeness and Obscurity , in that point , as if she intended that all Qualities , that are Insensible , should also be Inexplicable . The ingenious Sanchez , among many Sceptical Arguments of the Uncertainty of Sciences , seasonably urgeth this one , as very considerable , against Physiologists ; that when any Natural Problem , such as that of the Attraction of Iron by a Loadstone , of straws by Amber , &c. is objected to them ; instead of setting their Curiosity on work to to investigate the Causes thereof , they lay it in a deep sleep , with that infatuating opium of Ignote Qualities : and yet expect that men should believe them to know all that is to be known , and to have spoken like Oracles cencerning that Theorem ; though at the same instant , they do as much as confess , that indeed they know nothing at all of its Nature and Causes . For , what difference is there , whether we say , that such a thing is Occult ; or that we know nothing of it ? Nor is it a Course either less dishonorable to the Professors , or dangerous to the Students of Philosophy , to refer such Effects , upon which men commonly look with the eye only of Wonder , to Secret Sympathies and Antipathies : forasmuch as those Windy Terms are no less a Refuge for the Idle and Ignorant , than that of Occult Proprieties , it being the very same in importance , whether we have recourse to the One , or to the other . For , no sooner doe we betake ourselves to Either , but we openly confess , that , all our Learning is at a stand , and our Reason wholly vanquisht , and beaten out of the field by the Difficulty proposed . We deny not , that most , if not All of those Admired Effects of Nature , which even the Gravest Heads have too long thought sufficient Excuses of their Despair of Cognition , do arise from some Sympathy , or Antipathy betwixt the Agent and Patient : but yet for all that , have we no reason to concede , that Nature doth institute or Cause that sympathy or Antipathy , or the Effect resulting from either , by any other Lawes , or Means , but what she hath ordained and constantly useth , to the production of all other Common and familiar Effects . We acknowlddge also , that Sympathy is a certain Consent , and Antipathy a certain Dissent betwixt Two Natures , from one , or both of which there usually ariseth some such Effect , as may seem to deserve our limited Admiration : but is it therefore reasonable for us to infer , that those Natures are not subject unto , nor regulated by the General and Ordinary Rules of Action and Passion , whereto Nature hath fitmely obliged Herself in the rest of Her Operations ? To lance and cleanse this Cacoethical Ulcer , to the bottom , Consider we , that the General Laws of Nature , whereby she produceth All Effects , by the Action of one and Passion of another thing , as may be collected from sundry of our praecedent Discertations , are these : ( 1. ) That every Effect must have its Cause ; ( 2 ) That no Cause can act but by Motion ; ( 3 ) That Nothing can act upon a Distant subject , or upon such whereunto it is not actually Praesent , either by it self , or by some instrument , and that either Conjunct , or Transmitted ; and consequently , that no body can move another , but by contact Mediate , or Immediate , i. e. by the mediation of some continued Organ , and that a Corporeal one too , or by it self alone . Which considered , it will be very hard not to allowe it necessary , that when two things are said either to Attract and Embrace one the other by mutual Sympathy , or to Repell and Avoid one the other , by mutual Antipathy ; this is performed by the same wayes and means , whereby we observe one Body to Attract and hold fast another , or one Body to Repell and Avoid conjunction with another , in all Sensible and Mechanique Operations . This small Difference only allowed , that in Gross and Mechanique operations , the Attraction , or Repulsion is performed by Sensible Instruments : but , in those finer performances of Nature , called Sympathies and Antipathies , the Attraction or Repulsion is made by Subtle and Insensible . The means used in every common and Sensible Attraction and Complection of one Bodie by another , every man observes to be Hooks , Lines , or some such intermediate Instrument continued from the Attrahent to the Attracted ; and in every Repulsion or Disjunction of one Bodie from another , there is used some Pole , Lever , or other Organ intercedent , or somewhat exploded or discharged from the Impellent to the Impulsed . Why therefore should we not conceive , that in every Curious and Insensible Attraction of one bodie by another , Nature makes use of certain slender Hooks , Lines , Chains , or the like intercedent Instruments , continued from the Attrahent to the Attracted , and likewise that in every Secret Repulsion or Sejunction , she useth certain small Goads , Poles , Levers , or the like protruding Instruments , continued from the Repellent to the Repulsed bodie ? Because , albeit those Her Instruments be invisible and imperceptible ; yet are we not therefore to conclude , that there are none such at all . We every day behold Spiders letting themselves down from high roofs , and as nimbly winding themselves up again at pleasure , by such slender threads of their own occasionall and extemporary spinning , as t is not every common eye that can discern them . Nay , in a Mask at Court , we have seen a whole Chorus of Gods descend into the theatre , as from the clouds , only by Wires and other lines , so fine and slender , as that all the light of the tapers burning therein was not sufficient to discover them to the sight of the Spectators : and vast and ponderous Scenes so suddenly and dextrously shifted , by the almost inobservable motions of Skrews , Elevators , Pulleys , and the like Archimedean Engines and Devices , that the common Beholders , judging only by the Apparence , or ( rather ) Non-apparence , have thought those great machines to have been Automatous , or to have moved themselves , and at last to vanish into nothing . And shall we not then allowe the incomparably more Curious Mechaniques of Natures , the Exemplar of Art , to be wrought by Instruments of Subtility incomparably greater : and that many of those small Engines , whereby she usually moves and susteins bodies of considerable bulk and weight , are Corporeal , though by incomputable excesses below the perception of our acutest sense ? Certainly , for us to affirm , that nothing Material is emitted from the Loadstone to Iron , which by continuity may Attract it ; only because our sense doth deprehend nothing intercedent betwixt them : is an Argument of equal weight with that of the Blind man , who denied the Being of Light and Colours , because He could perceive none . In a word , if there be any validity in what we have so plainly asserted , and frequently inculcated , touching the Hebetude or Grossness of our Senses , on one part , and the great Exility of all Aporraea's or Effuxes streaming from Bodies , on the other ; and if tha● Oracle , Reason , be to be heard , which so long since persuaded Hippocrates , and many other , Secretaries of Nature , that most , if not All Bodies are [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Perspirable and Conspirable , i. e. that they continually emit insensible Effluvia's from themselves to others : We say , if there be any weight in all this , men cannot think it unreasonable in us to conceive , that those Admired Effects , which they commonly ascribe to Hidden Sympathies and Antipathies , are brought about by the same ways and means , which Nature and Art use in the Causation of the like Ordinary and Sensible Effects ; and that the Instruments of Natural Attraction , Complectence , Repulsion , Sejunction , are Corporeal , and hold a neer Analogie to those of Artificial ; only these are Gross and Perceptible , those Subtile and Imperceptible . Notwithstanding the perspicuity of these Arguments , we shall not supererogate , to heighten the lustre of so desirable a Truth , by the vernish of a convenient and praegnant Simile , or two . If we attentively observe a Chamaeleon catching Gnats and other small Flyes in the Aer , for his food ; we shall see him dart out a long and slender tongue , with a small recurvation at the tip , and birdlimed with a certain tenacious and inviscating moisture , wherewith , in a trice , laying hold of a Fly , at some distance from his mouth , he conveys the same into it with such cleanly speed , as exceeds the Legerdemane of our cunningst Juglers , and may have been the cheif occasion of that popular Error , that he lives meerly upon Aer . And when we see a peice of Amber , Jet , hard Wax , or other Electrique , after sufficient friction , to attract straws , shavings of wood , quils , and other festucous bodies of the same lightness , objected within the orbe of their Alliciency ; and that with a cleanly and quick motion : Why should we not conceive , that this Electricity or Attraction may hold a very neer Analogy to that attraction of Gnats , by the exserted and nimbly retracted tongue of a Chamaeleon . For ( 1 ) it is not improbable , that the Attraction of all Electriques is performed by the mediation of swarms of subtle Emanations , or Continued Rayes of exile particles , comparative to so many Chamaeleons Tongues ; which through the whole Sphere of their Virtue , in various points mutually intersecting , or decussating , and more especially toward their Extreams , doe not only insinuate themselves into the pores of those small and light festucous bodies occurrent , but lay hold upon several insensible Asperities in their superfices , and then returning ( by way of Retraction ) back to their Original or Source , bring them along in their twined arms , and so long hold them fast in their Complicate embraces , as the warmth and radial Diffusion , excited by affriction , lasteth . ( 2 ) All the Disparity , that can be objected , seems to consist onely in the Manner of their Return , or Retraction ; the Tongue of the Chamaeleon being both darted forth , and retracted by help of certain Muscles , wherewith Nature , by a peculiar providence , hath accommodated that otherwise Helpless Animal : but , Electriques are destitute of any such organs , either for the Exsertion , or Reduction of their Rayes . And this is not so great , but it may be solved , by supposing , that as if the Chamaeleons Tongue were drawn forth at length by a mans hand , and not extruded by the instruments of Voluntary Motion , it would again Contract and Reduce it self spontaneously , after the same manner as Nerves and Lutestrings retract and curle up themselves , after violent Distension : so may the Rayes , which stream from an Electrique , being abduced from their fountains , not spontaneously , but by the force of praecedent Affriction , be conceived to Reduce and Retract themselves , after the manner of Sinews and Lutestrings violently extended . ( 3 ) That such tenacious Rayes are abduced from Amber and other Electriques , is easily convincible ( besides the experiment of their Attraction of convenient objects ) from hence ; that all Electriques are Unc●uous and Pinguous Concretions , and that in no mean degree : and manifest it is , that a viscid and unctuous Bodie is no sooner Warmed by rubbing , but there rise out of it certain small Lines or Threads , which adhaere to a mans finger that toucheth it , and such as may , by gentle abduction of the finger , be prolonged to considerable distance . But , however this may be controverted , and the Way of all Electrique Attractions variously explicated , according to the various Conceptions of men ; the Itch of Phancy being soonest allayed by the liberty of ones singular Conjecture , in such curious Theorems : yet still is it firme and indubitable , that though the Attraction of straws by Amber , be in some sort Admirable , yet is it not Miraculous , as is implied in that opinion , which would have it to be by some Immaterial ( i e. Supernatural ) Virtue ; and that it is effected by some Corporeal , though both impalpable and invisible Organs continued from the Attrahent to the Attracted . On the Other side , as for the Abaction , or Repulsion of one thing by another , in respect whereunto Vulgar Philosophers have thought and taught , that the Abacted or Repulsed doth ( if an Animal ) voluntarily ( if Inanimate ) spontaneously Flie from and avoid Conjunction with the Abacting , or Repellent , by reason of some hidden Enmity or Antipathy betwixt their Forms : though the Reasons and Manner of such Fugation , so far forth as concerns Animals , may be collected from our former Discourses of the Gratefulness and Offensiveness of Sensible Objects ; yet shall we here f●rther illustrate the same by certain Analogies and Similitudes . When a Nettle is objected to a mans Hand , why doth He withdraw it from the same ? Not upon the account of any Antipathy in his hand to the Nettle ; because being bruised , or withered , no Childe but will boldly handle it : but , because the Nettle is pallizado'd with millions of small stings , or prickles , which like so many Darts , wounding the the skin , cause a pain therein , and so the man , for avoidance of harm , catcheth his hand from it , as an injurious object . Why likewise doth the Nose abominate and avoid stinking Odours , whenever they are brought neer it ? Is it not because such Foelid and Offensive Odours consist , for the most part , of such sharp and pungent Particles , as holding no Correspondence to the pores and contexture of the Odoratory Nerves , are no sooner admitted , but they in a manner scratch , wound and dilacerate the Sensory ? And may we not conceive those disproportionate Particles of the ungrateful Odour to be as so many small Lances or Darts , which offer the same injury to the Mammillary Processes of the brain , that the Prickles of a Nettle offer to the skin ? Certainly , as the Nettle strikes its Darts into the skin , and not into the Nayles of a mans hand ; because those are of too close and firm a Contexture to admit them : so doth an offensive Odour immit its painted and angular Particles into the tender smelling Nerves , and not into the skin , because its Contexture is more Compact , than to be capable of Puncture or Dilaceration thereby . Lastly , Why doth the Eye abhor and turne from Ugly and Odious Objects ? Is it not only because the Visible Species emitted from such Bodies , doth consist of Particles of such Configurations and Contexture , as carry no proportion to the particles and contexture of the Optique Nerves , but striking upon the Retina Tunica , instantly wound and exasperate the slender and tender filaments thereof , and so cause the Eye , for fear of farther injury , to close , or avert it self ? And are not those Acute and Disproportionate Particles , composing the visible Species , worthily resemblable to so many small Prickles or Lancets , which though too subtile to wound the Skin , Nostrils , or other parts of the body , whose Composure is less delicate , do yet instantly mis-affect and pain the Optique Nerves , whose singular Contexture doth appropriate to them the Capacity of being sensible of that compunction ? Now , putting all these Considerations into the scale together , and ponderating them with an equal hand ; we shall find their weight amount to no less than this : that as every Sympathy is displayd by certain Corporeal , though Invisible Organs , comparated to Attraction and Amplectence ; so is every Antipathy , by the like invisible Organs , comparated to Repulsion and Sejunction ; which is what we Assumed . Hence may we , without much difficulty , extract more than a Conjectural judgement , What are the First and General Causes of all Love and Hatred . For , look what kind of Motions , whether Grateful or Ungrateful , are by the Species impressed upon the Nerves peculiarly inservient to that sense , by which the Object is apprehended ; the very same are continued quite home to the Brain , and therein accordingly move and affect the Common Sensory : so as that , according to the Pleasure or Offence of the Perception , there is instantly excited an Affection either of Prosecution of the thing , by whose species that pleasant motion was Caused , and that is the Hint and Ground of Loving and Desiring it ; or of Aversation from it , and that is the Ground of Hating and Declining it . Nay , the same may be well admitted also for the Cause , Why things A like in their Natures , love and delight in the Society each of other ; and on the contrary , Why Unlike Natures abhor and avoid each other . For , as those which are Consimilar in their Temperaments , affect each other with Congenerous and Grateful Emanations : So doe those of Dissimilar mis-affect each other with Discordant and Ungrateful . And therefore it is no longer a wonder , that men Love , or Dislike each other commonly at first interview , though they scarce know why : nor can we longer withold our Assent to that unmarkable Opinion of Plato , that Similitude of Temperaments and so of Inclinations , is not only the Cement , but Basis also of Amity and Friendship . SECT . II. FRom this General Disquisition into the Reasons of All Sympathy , and Ant●pat●y , to 〈◊〉 most of those Proprieties , which by Ph●losophers are 〈◊〉 as stupendious and Abscon●ite , are u●u●lly referred ; we must ●●vance to the Consideration of Part●cular inst●n●es , that by the Solution of Singula●s , we may afford the gre●ter 〈◊〉 to mens Curi●sity , and ●●ve so many Oppo●tunities of examining t●e Verisimility of our former Thesis , that all such Effects , the knowledge of w●ose causes is generally 〈◊〉 of , are produced by Sub●●a●tial and Explicable Means . An● in order her●unto , we shall , according to the method of the no less 〈◊〉 than Judicious ●racastorius ( de Sympath . & Antipath . Rerum ) Distin●u●sh All Occult ●ualities into General , and Special ; subdividing the Generall into ( 1 ) the Conspiration of the Parts ●f the Universe , and ( 2 ) the I●flux of Caelestial upon Sublunary Bodies : and the Speciall into such as Concern ( 1 ) Inanimates , ( 2 ) Insensibles , ( 3 ) Sensibles . To the FIRST GENERAL ORDER , viz. the Conspiration and Harmony of all Parts of the Universe , Philosophers unanimously adscribe the Avoidance of Vacuity ; whereupon many are the Secrets , that are presumed to ensue , as the Ascention of Heavy , Descent of Light Bodies , the Sejunction of Congenerous and Sociable Natures , the Conjunction and Union o●●iscordant and Unsociable , and the like Irregular and Praeposterous Effects . But , as for all these Secrets , we have long since declared them to be no Secrets but the most ordinary and manifest operations of Nature . ●or , in our Ex●mination and Solution of all the Apparences in the late 〈◊〉 Experiment of introducing a Vacuum in a Tube , by Water or Quick-silver , invented by Torri●●ius ; we have at large proved , that Nature ●●th not abhor any but Sensible , or Coacervate Emptiness : nor that neither 〈◊〉 , or upon the necessity of an absolute Plenitude of all places ●n the ●niverse ; but by Accident only , and that either in respect of the natural Confluxibility of the parts of Fluid Bodies , such as Aer and Water , which causeth them with great velocity to flow into the parts of Space ●e●erted by a body passing thorow them ; or of the Repugnancie of admitting tw● bodies into one and the same place , at the same time , their Solidity prohibiting the penetration of ones dimensions by the other . Wherefore , 〈◊〉 no man henceforth account the Conspiration of the Parts of the Universe , to be an Occult Quality ; or so much stand amazed at all or any of th●●e Phaenomena , which arise from Natures Aversion from Vacuity 〈◊〉 as if they had some Extraordinary Lawes and Constitutions particularly o●dained for their production , and belonged to some higher Oeconomy th●n that , according to which she regulates her Common Active and Passive Principles . To the SECOND , viz. the Influx of Caelestial upon Sublunary Bodies , innumerable are the Effects , which the Fraud of some , the Admiration of many , and the Credulity of most have confidently imputed : and therefore it cannot be expected , we should , in this place , so much as Enumerate the one Half , much less insist upon them All. Sufficient it is , to the Acquitance of our praesent Debt , that we select the most considerable among them , and such as seem Capital and Comprehensive of all the rest . As for the Power and Influence of the Stars , of which Astrologers talk such wonders , and with such pride and ostent●t●on ; truly , we have Reason to assure us , that our Cognation and Subjection to those ra●iant Bodies , is not so great as that not only All the Actions , Fortunes , and Accidents of Particular men , but even the Warres , Peace , Mutations , Subversions of whole Empires , Nations , States , and Provinces should depend upon their Smiles or Frowns : as if All Occurrents on the theatre of our Lower Orb , were but the orderly and necessary Effects of the Praescriptions and Consignations of the Superior Orbs ; or as if there were no Providence Divine , no Liberty of Mans Will. ( 2 ) As for the Reciprocation , or Afflux and Reflux of the Sea , so generally fathered upon the Influx and Motion of the Moon , which doth herself suffer the like Ebbs and Floods of her borrowed Light ; t is well known , how Seleucus of old , and Galilaeus of late , have more fully and roundly deduced it from the motion ascribed to the Earth . And though we should allow this great Phaenomenon to depend upon the several Adspects or Phases of the Moon , yet is there no necessity to drive us to the subterfuge of any Occult and Immaterial Influence from her waxing and waning Light : since the System of Des Cartes in Princip . Philoseph . part . 4. page 22. ● doth much more satisfactorily make it out , from the Elliptical Figure of the Sphere , wherein the Moon moves ; as will soon appear to the Examiner . ( 3 ) As for the Diurnall Expansion , and Conversion of the Heliotrope toward the Sun ; though great notice hath been taken thereof by the Ancients , and most of our Modern Advancers of the Vanities of Natural Magick ( who will have every Plant to retain to some one of the Planets , by some secret Cognation , and peculiar sympathie . ) have laboured to heighten it to the degree of a Wonder : yet can we not conceive the Effect to be so singular , nor that any such Solemne Reason need be assigned thereunto . For , every mans observation may certifie him , that all Marygolds , Tulippa's , Pimpernell , Wartwoort , Mallow Flowers , and indeed most other Flowers , so long as they are in their Vigour and Pride , use to Open and Dilate toward noon and somewhat Close and recontract themselves after Sun set . And the Cause ( surely ) is only the Warmth of the Suns Rayes , which discussing the Cold and Moisture of the praecedent Night ( whereby the Leaves were loaden towards the bottom , or in the bowle of the Flower , and so made to rise more upright and conjoyn their tops ) and somewhat Exsiccating the Flower , make the pedestalls of its leaves more flaccid , so that they seem to expand and unfold themselves , and incline more outwards , meerly by reason of their want of strength to sustain themselves in an erect and concentrical posture : for alwayes the hotter the Day , the greater is the Expansion . Likewise , as for the Flowers Conversion to , or Confronting the Sun in all its progress above the horizon , wherein our Darksom Authors of Magick Natural , principally place the Magnale ; the Cause thereof is so far from being more obscure than , that it is the very same with that of its Expansion . For , as the Sun running his race from East to West , doth every moment vary the points of his Rayes vertical incidence upon the stalk which supports the Flower , and upon the leaves thereof ; so must the whole Flower incline its head and wheel about accordingly : those parts of the stalk upon which the rayes are more perpendicular , and so the heat more intense , becoming more dry and flaccid , and so less able to support the burthen of the ●●ower , than those , which suffer only from the obli●n● , reflected and weaker beams . Notwithstanding this Solution , if any Champion of secret Magnetism shall yet defend this Circulation to be a 〈◊〉 of the Heliotrop● , to which no other Flower can praetend ; and that this Solar Plant discovers it Amours to the Sun , by not only disclosing its rejoycing head and b●som at the praesence , and wrapping them up again in the mantle of its owne disconsolate and languishing leaves , during the absence of its Lover , but also by facing him all day long : lest He should insult , upon an apprehension , that our theory is at a loss , we shall tell him , in a word ; that that Propriety , which he supposeth , must consist only in such a peculiar Contexture and Disposition of the particles , which compose its Leaves , as makes them more sit to receive , and be moved , and their spiritual and most subtle parts to be in a manner Circulated by the Rayes of the Sun , than the Leaves of any other Flower whatever . As in the Organ of Smelling , there is a certain Peculiar Contexture of its insensible Component Particles , which renders it alone capable of being moved and affected by Odours , that have no influence nor activity at all upon the Eye , Eare , or other Organ of Sense . ( 4 ) Great things have been spoken also of the Garden Claver , which bareth its bosom , and hideth the upper part of its stalk , whenever the Sun shines hot and bright upon it : but , this doubtless ) hath the same Cause , as the Former , the Hiding of the stalk being nothing but an over-expansion of the Leaves , which by reason of the violent ardour of the Sun , grow more faint and flaccid , and so less able to support themselves . ( 5 ) A Fifth Secret , found in the Catalogue of Caelestial Influxes , is the Crowing of the House-Cock , at certain and periodical times of night and day , and more especially soon after midnight , and about day break : for , most esteem it an Occult Propriety , and all our Crollians and such as promote the dreams of Signatures and Sydereal Analogies , reckon the Cock a cheif Solar Animal , for this reason alone ; as if his Phansy received some magnetique touches and impressions from the Sun , which made him proclame his A●vent into our Hemisphere , and like a faithful Watch or Clock , measure out the severall stages in its race . Great enquiry also hath been made after the Cause hereof , in all ages , and various Conceptions entertained concerning it . Some with lofty and Rhetorical Discourses endevouring to persuade , that Nature intended this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as Plu●arch 〈◊〉 it ) or Gallicinium , as an Alarme to rouse up sluggish man from the dull armes of sleep , and summon him to the early Contemplation of her Works ; as Pliny ( Natural . Histor. lib. 10. cap. 21. ) Others ascribing it to a Desire of Venery in this Animal , arising from the turgescence and stimulation of his sperm , at certain periods ; as Erasmus , who is therefore worthily and sufficiently derided by Scaliger ( Exercit. 239 ) Others assigning it to an Appetite of Aliment , invading and exciting after determinate intervalls ; as Cardan . And others alleaging we ( nor themselves ) know not what peculiar influence of the Sun , causing a suddain mutation , or Evocation of the Spirits and blood of the Cock , which were Concentred by sleep ; as Caelias Rhodiginus ( lib. 16. Antiq. Lection . cap. 13. ) But , All these Great Clerks seem to have graspt the ear , and catched at shadowes . For ( 1 ) it may be doubted , that all Cocks , in one and some meridian , doe not Crow at the same times of night or day ; and that no Cock doth observe set and punctual times of Crowing ; both which are praesumed : and whoever shall think it worth the loss of a nights sleep , as we have done , to observe the Crowing of sundry Cocks in some Country Village , where the Houses stand scatteringly and far asunder , so that the Cocks cannot awake each other ; will , perhaps , more than doubt of either . ( 2 ) It is , as Natural , so Familiar to the Cock , so often as his Imagination is moved by a copious and fresh afflux of Spirits to his Brain , to rowze up himself , clapp his wings , and sound his trumpet as well at noon , after noon , and at other times of day and night , upon several occasions ; as when he hath escaped some late danger , obtained a victory , found some treasury of grain , compressed his mistress , and the like ; as if his joy were not complete , till he had communicated the tidings thereof to his Wives and Neighbours , by the elevation of his gladsome and triumphat voice . ( 3 ) May we not allowe the Cock to have his set times of Sleeping and Waking , as well as all other Living Creatures , that live suo jure , and according to the Aphorisms of their Specifical Constitutions , and regiment of their proper Archaea's ; and likewise most Men , who live healthfully and orderly , keeping to constant hours for labour , meat , rest and sleep ? ( 4 ) What need is there that we should have recourse to such a far-fetcht ( and never brought home ) Cause , as that of a Secret Commerce , and peculiar Sympathy betwixt this Fowl and the Sun in the other Hemisphere ; when we have a more probable and manifest one , neerer hand ; viz. The suddain invasion of the Cock , by encreased Cold soon after midnight ? For , when the Sun hath made some sensible advance in the lower world , beyond the Nadir point or midnight circle , and hasteneth toward our East ; He moves and drives along before him into our horizon , the ( formerly ) quiet and cold Aer of the Night : which invading the Cock , disturbs him from his rest , during which his Heat is retired inward , and awakens him on the suddain : so that rowzing up himself , exciting his courage , and diffusing his Spirits again into his members , to oppose that Cold , and perhaps also to prevent his falling from the perch ; he stands up , clappeth his wings against his sides , and chants a cheerfull Paean to himself and Roostfellowes , celebrating his safety and conquest with the loud musick of his throat . ( 6 ) A sixth notable Secret , appertaining to the same Classis , is that of the Encrease of the Substance of Shell Fish , of the Brains in Coneys , and of the Marrow in the bones of most Land Animalls , as the moon approacheth her Full ; and the Decrease of them again , as her Light decreaseth toward her New. But , laying aside all Lunar Magnetism , Immaterial Influxes , and the like Toyes put into Great Words ; we take it , the Phaenomenon may be well enough solved , by referring it meerly to the Moons great Humidity ; at least , if those vast Duskish spots , apparent in her Orb , be her moist Element , carrying some analogy to our Seas , as the most and best of our Modern Astronomers have believed , and upon grounds almost demonstrative , and wholly irrefutable . For , insomuch as the Rayes of the Sun , in greater abundance falling upon the face of the Moon , toward and at her Full , than in her Wane , are accordingly more abundantly reflected from thence upon our Terraqueous Globe , bringing along with them no sparing Tincture of the Moons Moisture ; so that the Light which is Reflected from the Oceans in the moon , being more moist than warm , must needs be more Prolifical , Generative , and praedisposed to the Nutrition of Animals : and that in the New of the Moon no such plentiful Abduction of her moisture can be expected , because fewer of the Suns Rayes are , at that time , Reflected from her Orb to ours ; why should it be thought so strange , that either Aquatile , or Terrestrial Animals should be nourished more plentifully at the Full , than New of the Moon ? Especially since it is no praecarious , nor novell Assertion , that the Light coming from the Moon , ●s tincted with Humidity , as being reflected from the Watery as well as solid parts of her Orb ; Experience having frequently demonstrated , that the Calorifick Rayes not only of the Sun , but even of our terrestrial and culinary Fires , being trajected through various Liquors , and other Catoptricall bodies , or reflected from them , doe imbibe and carry off much of their Virtues , and become thereby impraegnate , so as to be praedisposed to the production of sundry noble Effects , such specially as relate to the Alteration , Germination , Pullulation , and Generation of Vegetables and Animals , both Aquatile , and Terrestrial . Nevertheless , in case this Cause assigned seem somewhat Remote and obscure , we shall alleage Another , sufficiently verisimilous to ease men of their wonder , at the Fullness of the Shell Fish in the Full moon , and their Leane●● in the New ; and that is the Encrease of the Tides of the Sea , which ascending higher upon the shoars , at the Full moon , and washing down m●re of Mudd , Slime and Saltness from thence , afford greater plenty of A●●ment to all Shell Fish : which delight in , and thrive best upon such k●nd of food , and are observed therefore to frequent foul and slimy shoa●● , and yet neerer and neerer to land , as the Tides rise higher and higher , and again remove farther and farther off , as the tides sink lower and lower . ( 7 ) To this Classis also belongs the Famous Selenites , or Moon-Geeme , a certain praecious stone , found only in Arabia , as Dioscorides ( lib. 5. cap. 110. ) delivers : whose rare and singular Faculty is this , that it repraesents the Moon in all her several Dresses of Light , or Apparences , encreasing 〈◊〉 Lustre exactly as she encreaseth hers , and proportionately losing it 〈◊〉 Relations be true , which have been made thereof by Authors of the highest form for Credit , namely Pliny ( lib. 36. cap. 10. ) S. Augustin ( de Civit. D. lib. 21. cap. 5. ) Zanardus ( de Univers . Element quaest . 53. ) Nichol. Caussinus ( lib. 11. Symbol 5● . ) ●oh . Daniel Mylius ( Basilicae Chymic . lib. 5. cap 28. ) and many modern Mineralogists . Now , for the Reason of this Rarity , in all liklihood , it must be if not the very same , yet Cousin German to that of the former . Because , it is very probable , that some certain portion of a thin , fluid and subtle matter ( we may conceive it to be Hydrargycal , or relating to Quicksilver , since all the forenamed Authors describe the stone to be White and Candent of Colour . ) wherein the Lustre of the stone doth mostly consist , doth suffer some Alteration , according to the more and less of the Lunar Light incident upon it ; and is respectively Circulated through the looser or less compacted parts of the stone , after the same manner as the more subtle and spiritual parts of some Flowers are Circulated by the rayes of the Sun ; the particular Configuration and Contexture of its insensible particles being such , as dispose to that Circulation , upon the influx of the Moons Light. In the Inventory of SPECIAL Sympathies and Antipathies , the First Division Concerns INANIMATE Natures ; and among such the first place belongs to the Attraction of I●on by the Loadstone the second to the Attraction of Straws and other small and light bodies by Amber and othe Electrique● : but such is the singular Excellency of the Forme , that it not only deserves , but challengeth a singular Chapter to its Disquisition ; and the Rea●on of the other we have plainly , thou 〈…〉 , in the precaedent Section , the Consideration of the Wayes and Instruments of all Attraction Natural , in the General , impelling us upon the Anticipation thereof . In the Third , we are to examine the secret Amity of Gold and Quicksilver , of Brass and Silver ; which is so manifest , that whenever Gol●●s dissolved in Chrysulea or Aqua R●gis , and the Spirit or Dissolution of Quicksilver superadded thereto , the subtile E●fluvia streaming from 〈◊〉 particles of the Gold , will instantly lay hold of , and at distance attract and firmly embrace the particles of the Quicksilver , into which the Dissolving liquor hath subtiliated it ; and in like manner , when Brass and Silver are dissolved in the same Aqua Fortis , their particles are observed to 〈…〉 to concorporation , though the Spirits issuing from them , are not potent enough to perform an Attraction , while the Metals remain entire and in the mass . These Effects we conceive may well be referred to 〈◊〉 Correspondency or Compossibility betwixt the Figures of the insensible particles , of which the Emissions from the Gold , and Brass consist and those of the pores , inequalities , and fastnings in the superfices of the Granules of the Dissolved Quicksilver , and Silver : but what those Figures are on each part , is above our hopes of determination ; nor can we afford the Curious any other light for Conjecture in this true Abstrusity , but what himself may perceive to arise to him by Reflection from the Reasons , we shall hereafter give , for the Attraction of Iron by a Loadstone . In the mean while , we praesent Him , for Diversion of his Scrutiny , with a short and opportune COROLLARY . Delightful it is , and indeed Admirable to behold the Granules of Gold and Silver , though much more ponderous than those of the Aqua Regis , and Aqua Fortis , to be notwithstanding held up , and constantly kept in a floating and elevated posture by them . And yet , in all likelihood the Salt dissolved in those Corrosive Waters , must be the Sole Cause of that strange Effect . For , the Salts which are plentifully dissolved in those Liquors , by a kind of mutual Cohaesion of their insensible particles supporting each other from the bottom to the top of the Glass , or other containing vessel ; doe sustain and bear up the Granules of the Metals which they have Corroded and Embraced . And this seems the more probable from hence ; that if common Water , impraegnate with a few dropps of Oyle of Tartar ( that Great instrument of Separation ) be superinfused upon those Tinctures , the Granules of the dissolved Metals suddainly disengage themselves from the arms of the Corroding Salts , and sink to the bottom : the fresh Water yet father dissolving those Salts , and giving them fuller Fluidity ; so that becoming more Attenuate , they lose their mutual Cohaesion , and so their power of supporting ; and t is well known , that Salt water will beare up such bodies , as will hardly swim in fresh . And this we take to be the General Reason of all sorrs of Praecipitation , practised either by Chymists , or common Refiners of Metals : the Oyle of Tartar thereto conducing no otherwise , than meerly as it serves to the farther Attenuation of the Salt Armoniack and other Corrosive Salts formerly dissolved in the strong Waters . ( 4 ) To the Fourth , we assign the Attraction of a Less Flame by a Greater ; according to the erroneous Dialect of the People : for , really it is rather the Extension of a Greater Flame to the Fewel of a Less . For , the heat of a Greater Flame being proportionately more intense and diffusive , extends it self to the pabulum or nourishment of the less , where the same is situate within the Sphere of its power : and thence it comes to pass , that the Greater burning more strongly , by reason of that addition or augmentation of its fewel , doth more and more dilate it self that way , till at length it becomes wholly united to the Less . Which unexamining heads not understanding , have imputed to a certain Attractive faculty in the Greater Flame , depending upon the Identity of the two Natures , or more praecisely , the same Nature in two Divisions and many have rackt their brains to erect subtle Discourses thereupon , as if they wanted other Opportunities to exercise their Learning , and entertain their Curiosity . ( 5 ) To the Fifth belongs the supposed Attraction of Flame by Naphtha of Babylon , at distance ; which is also improperly accounted an Attraction : for the Flame of its own accord flyeth to , and layeth hold of the Naphtha ; and the Cause of that Involation is only this . From the body of the Naphtha there is emitted in round a certain fat and unctuous , and so soon inflammable Halitus , o● steam , which being extended to the borders of some flame posited at convenient distance , and thereby kindled in the extreme of its Sphere , becomes enflamed all along the Rayes , and they burning , soon bring home the flame to the body of the Naphtha , from which they are emitted , in a continued ●luor . ( 6 ) Next to this , Philosophers usually place the Attraction of Water by a Spunge ; wherein they are as much mistaken as in either of the two last . For , the Ascention of Water into the pores of a spunge , so placed as to touch only the superfice of it , comes not from any Appetite of Attraction , or Suction inhaerent in the Spunge , as is generally praesumed and affirmed ; but onely from the Depression , or downward impulse of the water by the swelling and sensibly dilating spunge ; and the manner of that series of motions is thus . The skirts or lowest parts of the spunge , touching the superfice of the Water , immediately imbibe some parts of it into its pores , and becoming thereby dilated and tumid , press down the subjacent Water to such a proportion as responds to the quantity of their owne expansion ; so that as they are more and more dilated by the admission of more and more parts of Water into their Cells or Receptaries , it must be , that the Water being more and more depressed toward the bottom , must rise higher and higher on the sides of the Spunge , and insinuate it self into other and other pores successively , till the whole spunge be filled . Manifest it is by Experience , that if Water or any other Liquor , when it is though never so gently pressed in the superfice , find any the smallest Chinks in the body pressing it ; it doth instantly rise up in round , and insinuate it self into those pores or Chinks , the sides thereof in a manner sustaining it , and so praeventing its relapse or efflux . This we cannot but observe , when we dip the nose of our Pen into ink ; the small Cleft or slit in the lowest part of the Quill , assisting the Assent of the ink into the hollow thereof , and carrying up so much of it , as the mutual Coherence of its parts will permit : for , if we dipp the point of a Pen , which hath no slit , into a standish , we shall observe no such plentiful Assent of ink ; there being no support or fastnings for it on each side of the nose , and so no obstacles to its relapse and sudden efflux . And , as for the Reason , Why Water Ascends , when it meets with any body , that is Dry , Filamentous or Fibrous , and full of pores or Chinks , such as a Spunge , Cloth , Pen , &c. it may be most fully explained by the Instance of a Syphon , or Pump . Take a Pipe of Lead , of the figure of a Carpenters Squire , whose one arme is longer then the other ( such our Wine Coopers exhaust their Buts of Wine withal ) and immerse the shortest into a Cistern of Water , so as it may come very neer the bottom , and yet the longer arme rest upon the margin of the Cistern , in a dependent or declining posture , then with your mouth suck forth the Aer contained in the cavity of the pipe : and you shall observe the Water quickly to follow on the heels of the Aer , and flow in full stream out of the Cistern through the pipe , without ceasing till all the Water , that covers the shortest arme of the pipe , and so hinders the ingress of the aer into its orifice , be exhausted . Of this the Cause is only , that as your Cheeks are inflated and distended by the Aer , which upon exsuction comes rushing into your mouth , doe strongly move and impell the ambient aer ; so doth that , receding , move and impell the neighbouring aer , and that again moves and impels the next , till the impulse be propagated to the surface of the Water in the Cistern : and the Water being thus depressed in the superfice , riseth up into the Cavity of the pipe , which the extracted Aer had newly deserted and left unpossessed ; nor doth it thenceforth cease to ascend and flow in a continued stream through the pipe , until all be exhausted . Because , how much of Water flows through the pipe , exactly so much of Aer is , by impulsion , Circulated into the place thereof ; the last round of aer wanting any other place to receive it , but what it provides for its self in the Cistern , by depressing the water yet remaining therein : and thus the Circulation once begun , is continued , till all the Water hath past through the pipe . Upon the same Cause , or some other so like it , as t is no ease matter to discriminate them , doth that kind of Percolation of Liquors , and especially of Aqua Calcis , depend , which is made by a long piece of Woollen Cloth , whose one end lies in the Liquor , and other hangs over the brim of the vessel that contains it . For , the Liquor gently ascends and creeps along the filaments of the Cloth , because , being though but very lightly prest in it superfice by the same , it doth proportionately ascend in round , to deliver it self from that pressure ; and by that motion impelling the incumbent Aer upwards , it causeth the same to Circulate and depress the surface of the Liquor , and so makes it rise by insensible degrees higher and higher along the hairs and threads of the Cloth , till at length it arrive at the highest part thereof resting upon the margin of the vessel ; and thence it slides down the decline or propendent half of the Cloth , and falls down into the Recipient , by dropps . And this Motion is Continued till all the Liquor hath passed the Percolatory , leaving the faeces adhaerent to the fibres of the same : each drop impelling the Ambient Aer , and driving it in round , or by a Periosis , upon the surface of the Water , so long as any remains in the vessel . And this , we conceive , may suffice to any mans Comprehension of the Reason of the Repletion of a Spunge , by Water Ascending ( not Attracted ) into its Cavities or Pores . ( 7 ) Another eminent Secret of Sympathy , belonging to the same Division , is that Consent betwixt two Lutestrings , that are Aequisone : ( for Unisone is hardly proper ) ; which is thus experimented . Take 2 Lutes , or V●●s , and their treble , mean , or base strings being tuned to an Equality of Sounds , lay one of them upon a table , with the strings upward , with a small short straw equilibrated upon the Aequison string : and then strike the Aequison string of the other instrument , and you shall observe , both by the leaping off of the straw , and the visible trembling of the string , whereon it was imposed , that it shall participate of the motions of the string of the other instrument percussed ; all the other Dissonous strings , as wholly unconcerned in the motion imprest , remaining unmoved . The like also will be , if the Diapason or Eighth to that string be percussed , either in the same Lute or Vial , or other lying by : but , in none of these , the Consent is discernable by any report of sound , but meerly by motion . And yet the Cause of this Sympathy is not so very obscure , but the dullest Pythagorean might soon have discovered it to be only this ; that the percussed string doth suffer a certain number of Diadroms , or Vibrations , and impress the like determinate motions upon the Aer : which lighting upon another string of equal Contexture and Extension with the former percussed , doth impress the same motions thereupon , and impell and repell it so correspondently , as to make it suffer an equal number of Diadroms . Nor doth the Aer hinder it in its several Reciprocations or alternate excurses and recurses ; because the percussed string makes all its alternate excurses and recurses , at and in the same time , as the untoucht string doth , and so impels the Aer alternately to the contrary side thereof . But , that agitated Aer which falls upon a string of a different degree of extension , and so necessarily of a different tone ; though it impress various insensible strokes thereupon , yet are those impressed strokes such as mutually check and oppose each other , i. e. the Excurses hinder the Recurses : and therefore the string remains unmoved , at least as to the sense . Likewise , the Consent of another string , which makes that Consonance , which Musicians call a Diapason or Eighth , to that which is percussed by the hand , ariseth only from hence ; that the Excurses and Recurses of the string percussed by the hand , do not at all clash with , nor perturb and confound the Excurses and Recurses of the string moved immediately only by the Aer , but are Coincident and Synchronical to them , and observe the same periods ; and so both agree in their certain and frequent intervals : more particularly , in an Eight , every single Diadrom of the longer and more lax string , is coincident to every second , fourth , sixth , &c. Diadrom of the shorter or more tense string . Nay farther , if the two strings be Consonous though but in the less perfect Consonance of a Fifth ; yet shall the sympathy hold , and manifest it self ( which is not commonly observed ) by the tremulation of the untouched string , that is tuned to a Fifth : because their Diadroms are not wholly confused , each single diadrom of the longer or lower string , being coincident to every third , sixth , ninth , &c. diadrom of the shorter or more tense string . But if the two strings be Dissonous , the sympathy fails ; because the Excurses and Recurses agree not in any of their Intervals or Periods , but perturb and confound each other ; as may be more fully understood from our praecedent Discourse of the Reason of Consonances and Dissonances Musical . ( 8 ) Nor is it the Inaequality of Tension , disparity of Longitude and Magnitude , or Non-coincidence of the Vibrations in their several periods , that alone make Two strings Discordant ; for , if we admit the common tradition of Naturalists , where an Instrument is strung with some strings made of Sheeps , and others of Woolfs Guts intermixed , the best hand in the World shall never make it yeeld a perfect Consonance , much less play an harmonious tune thereupon . And the Cause , doubtless , is no other than this ; that the strings made of a Woolfs Guts are of a different Contexture from those made of a Sheeps ; so that however equally both are strained and adjusted , yet still shall the Aer be unequally percussed and impelled by them , and consequently the sounds created by one sort , confound and drown the sounds resulting from the other . To leave you in the less uncertainty concerning this , it is commonly observed , that from one and the same string , when it is not of an Uniforme Contexture throughout , but more close , even , and firme in some parts than in others ( all such our Musicians call False strings ) there doe alwayes result various and unequal sounds : the close , even and firm parts yeelding a smart and equal sound , the lax and uneven yeelding a dull , flat and harsh ; which two different sounds at the same time created , confound and drown each other , and consequently where such a string is playd upon in Consort , it disturbs the whole Concent or Harmony . It is further observed also , that the Musick of an Harp doth infect the musick of a Lute , and other softer and milder instruments with a kind of Asperity and Indistinction of Notes : which Asperity seems to arise from a certain kind of Tremor , peculiar only to the Chords of that Instrument . The like also hath been reported of other scarce Consortive Instruments , such as the Virginalls and Lute , the Welsh Harp and Irish , &c. But you 'll Object , perhaps , that the Discordance of Woolves and Sheeps Gutlings seemeth to arise rather from some Formal Enmity , or inhaerent Antipathy betwixt the Woolf and Sheep : because it hath been affirmed by many of the Ancients , and questioned by very few of the Moderns , that a Drum bottomed with a Woolfs skin , and headed with a Sheeps , will yeeld scarce any sound at all ; nay more , that a Wolfs skin will in short time prey upon and consume a Sheeps skin , if they be layed neer together . And against this we need no other Defense than a downright appeal to Experience , whether both those Traditions deserve not to be listed among Popular Errors ; and as well the Promoters , as Authors of them to be exiled the society of Philosophers : these as Traitors to truth by the plotting of manifest falsehoods ; those as Ideots , for beleiving and admiring such fopperies , as smell of nothing but the Fable ; and lye open to the contradiction of an easy and cheap Experiment . ( 9 ) Nor can we put a greater value upon the Devouring of all other Birds Feathers by those of the Eagle commixt with them ; though the Author of Trinum Magicum hath bin pleased to tell us a very formall and confident story thereof : because we have no Reason to convince us , that the Eagle preys upon other Fowls , out of an Antipathy or Hatred , but rather out of Love and Convenience of Aliment ; and though there were an Enmity betwixt the Eagle and all his feathered subjects , during life , yet is there no necessity that Enmity should survive in the scattered peices of his Carcass , especially in the Feathers ( that are but one degree on this side Excrements ) which is praesumed to consist cheifly in the Forme ; since those Proprieties which are Formal , in Animals , must of necessity vanish upon the destruction of the Forme , from whence they result . Thus Glow-worms project no lustre after death ; and the Torpedo , which stupefies at distance , while alive , produceth no such effect though topically applied , after death : for there are many Actions of Sensible Creatures , that are mixt , and depend upon their vital form , as well as that of mistion : and though they seem to retain unto the Body , doe yet immediately depart upon its Disunion . In the SECOND Division of Special Occult Qualities , viz. such as are imputed to Vegetables , the First that expects our Consideration , is the so frequently mentioned and generally conceded Sympathy , or mutually beneficial Friendship betwixt some certain Plants , as betwixt Rew , and the Figg-tree , the Rose and Garlick , the Wild Poppy and Wheat ; all which are observed to delight and flourish most in the neighbourhood of each other , and our skilful Gardners use to advance the growth and fructification of the one , by planting its favourite neer it . Concerning this , therefore , we advertise ; that men are mistaken not only in the Cause , but Denomination also of this Effect : supposing a secret Friendship where is none , and imputing that to a certain Cognation , or Sympathy , which seems to proceed from a manifest Dissimilitude and Antipathy betwixt Divers Natures . For , wherever two Plants are set together , whereof the one , as being of a far Different , if not quite Contrary Nature , and so requiring a different kind of nourishment , doth substract and assimilate to its self such a juice of the earth , as would otherwise flow to the other , and deprave its nourishment , and consequently give an evil tincture to its Fruit and Flowers : in this case , Both Plants are reciprocally the remote Cause of the Prosperity each of other . And thus Rew , growing neer the roots of the Figg-tree , and attracting to its self the Rank and Bitter moisture of the earth , as most agreeable to its owne nature ; leaveth the Milder and Sweeter for the aliment of the Fig tree , and by that means both assisteth the procerity of the Tree , and Meliorateth the Fruit thereof . Thus also Garlick , set neer to a Rose tree , by consuming the Foetid juice of the ground , and leaving the more Odorate and benigne to pass into the roots of the Rose tree ; doth both farther the Growth and Germination thereof , and encrease the Sweetness of it Flowers . But , as for the Amity betwixt the Wild Poppy and Wheat , we should refer it to another Cause , viz. the Qualification of the ground by the tincture of the Wheat , so as to praepare it for the Generation and growth of the Wild Poppy ; not by substraction of Disagreeing moisture , but by Enriching the Soyle , or impraegnating it with a fertility , determinate to the production of some sorts of weeds , and chiefly of that . For , most certain it is , that there are certain ●orn-flowers , which seldom or never spring up but amongst Corn , and will hardly thrive , though carefully and seasonably set in other places : such are the Blew-bottle , a kind of yellow single Marygold , and the Wild-Poppy . ( 2 ) This discovered , we need not search far after the Reasons of those Antipathies , which are reported to be between the Vine and Cole-woort , the Oke and Olive , the Brake and Reed , Hemlock and Rew , the Shrub called our Ladies Seal ( a certain Species of Bryony ) and the Cole-woort , &c. which are presumed to be so odious each to other , from some secret Contrariety of their respective Forms , that if any two of them , that are Enemies , be set neer together , one or both will die . For , the truth is , all Plants , that are great Depraedators of the moisture of the earth , defraud others that grow neer them , of their requisite nourishment , and so by degrees impoverishing , at length destroy them . So the Colewoort , is an enemy not only to the Vine , but any other Plant dwelling neer it ; because it is a very succulent and rank Plant , and so exhausts the fattest and most prolifical juice of the ground . And if it be true , that the Vine will avoid the Society of the Colewoort , by Averting its trunck and branches from it ; this may well be only in respect of its finding less nourishment on that side : for , as the Lord St. Alban hath well observed , though the root continue still in the same place and position , yet will the Trunk alwayes bend to that side , on which it nourisheth most . So likewise the Oke and Olive , being large trees of many roots , and great spenders of moisture , doe never thrive well together : because , the stronger in Attraction of juice , deceives and starves the weaker . Thus Hemlock is a dangerous neighbour to Rew ; because , being the Ranker Plant of the two , and living upon the like juice , it defrauds it of sufficient sustenance , and makes it pine away for penury . And the like of the rest . ( 3 ) But what shall we think of that semiconjugall Alliance betwixt the Male and Female Palme trees , which is so strong and manifest , that the Femal , which otherwise would languish , as if she had the Green sickness , and continue b●rren ; is observed to prosper , and load her fruitful boughs , with braces of Dates ; when she enjoys the Society of the Male : nay , to extend her arms to meet his embraces , as if his masculine influence were necessary not only to her impregn●tion , and the maturity of her numerous issue ; but even to her own health and welfare ? Why , truly , we cannot better expound this dark Riddle of Nature , than by having recourse to some Corpore●l Emanations , deradiated from the male , which is the stronger and more spriteful plant , to the Female , which is the weaker , and wants an Accession of heat and spirits . For , far enou●h fr●m i●probable it is , that such ●●anation may contain much of the Males S●minal and fru●t●●●ing vir●●● ; and it hath been avouched by freq●●nt Experiments , that the blossoms and Flowers of the Male being dried and poudered , and inspersed upon the branches of the Female , are no less eff●ctual to her Comfort and Fertility , than the Vicinity of the Male himself . We are told ▪ indeed , by Heredotus , and from his own strict observation that the Male Palm pro●uceth yearly a Dwa●fish sort of Dates , which being uncapable of maturi●● and perfection , men use therefore to gather early , and bind them on the loaden branches of the Female : that there corrupting , and breeding a kind of small volant In●ect , resembling our G●ats which the Natives 〈◊〉 Ps●●e , though Theophrastus seems to appropriate th●t name only to those Fiyes , th●t are a spont●neous pro●uction out of the immature fruit 〈◊〉 the Wilde Figg tree , suffering putrefaction● that they may advance the Growth and Maturity of her fruit ▪ not by any secret influence , but the ●an●●est Voracity of those Insects , which continually preying upon the ripening fruit , both open the top● o● them , an● so make way for the rayes o● the Sun to enter more freely and deeply into their substance , and ●uck out 〈◊〉 of the luxuriant crude and watery juice , leav●ng the 〈…〉 ●nctu●us to the more easie digestion and assim●●●t●on of the ●ormerly ●●●rcharged Seminal V●rtue of the Plant This , we confess , is ●●ce an●●●●usible , but not totally satisfactory ▪ because it extends only to the Re●●on of the Males remote Assistance of the Female , in the maturat●●n of her Fruit ; leaving us still to enquire , Why she herself remains in a 〈◊〉 ●nd pining condition , unless she enjoys the Society and invigorating 〈◊〉 of the Male ; and why she inclines her amorous boughs toward his , as 〈◊〉 Neighbourhood were a kind of Divorce , and nothing less tha● absolute Union could satisfie her Affection . And what we h●ve heres●●● , of the Sympathy betwixt the Male and Female Palms , will not lose a ●rain of its Verisimility , when our Reader shall please to accomodate 〈◊〉 to the Explanation of the Cause of the like Amity betwixt the ●ig ●ree , and Caprificus or Wild Fig tree : of which Pliny ( lib. 15. cap. 19. ) ●●lates the very same story , as Herodotus doth of the Palms . ( 4 ) This puts us in mind of the great Sympathy betwixt Vine and Wine , expressed from its Grapes , and immured in Hoggheads , though at the distance of many miles . For , it seems most convenient , that it is from the like Diffusion of subtle Emanations , imbued with the Seminal tincture of the Vine , that Wines stored up in deep Cellars , in the same Country where they grew ( for , in England , whither all wines are transported over sea , no such Effect hath been observed : the Remove being too large to admit any such Transmission of influence from the transmarine Vineyards to our Cellars ) become sick , turbid , and musty in the Cask , at the same time the Vines Flower and Bud forth : and again recover their former Clearness and Spirit , so soon as that season is past . And , that this Conjecture may seem to smell the less of Phansy , we desire you to consider , through what large tracts of Aer even the Odours ( Exhalations much less Subtile and Diffusive , than those we conceive emitted from Vines to Wines ) of many Aromaticks are usually diffused , in serene weather ; especially in respect of such Persons , and Bruit Animals , as are exquisite in their sense of smelling . Hath it not been observed , that the Flowers of Oranges have transmitted their odours perfect and strong , from great Gardens to the nostrils of Mariners , many leagues off at Sea : nay , so far , that some Sailers have discovered land by the smell of them , when their longest Perspectives could not reach it ? Doe not we frequently observe , that Ravens will scent a Carcass , at m●ny miles distance ; and fly directly to it by the Chart of a favourable wind ? Nay , are not there good Historians that assure us , that Eagles in Italy , have sometime received an invitation by the nose , to come and feast on the dead bodies of men , in Africa ? Here , since we are occasionally fallen upon the large Diffusion of some Odours , especially to sage and unpraepossessed Noses ; we shall take the advantage of that Hint , to advertise you of a Vulgar Error , viz. that Waters distilled of Orange Flowers and Roses , become wholly Inodorous , and Phlegmatick , at the time of the Blooming and Pride of those Flowers upon their trees . For , really those distilled Waters are not in themselves , during the season of the Flowers , from which they were extracted , less fragrant than at other times : but , because in the season of those Flowers , they diffuse their odours so plentifully through the Aer , and praepossess the nostrils , as that the odours of the Waters , being somewhat less quick and strong , are less perceived , than at other times , when the Aer is not imbued with the stronger and fresher odours , nor the olfactory Nerves praeoccupied . And this may be inferred from hence ; that when the season of those ●lowers is past , and the smelling organ unoccupied ; the Waters smell as fragrant as ever . For , as to the Assuefaction of the sense of smelling , to particular odours , good or bad , we need not say much of that : since Experience doth daily confirme , that the sense is scarce moved and affected by the same odour , though closely praesented , after Custom hath once strongly imbued it with the same . SECT . III. IN the THIRD and last Division of Special Occult Qualities , or such as are vulgarly imputed to Sensible Creatures ; the Pens of Schollars have been so pro●use , that should we but recount , and with all possible succinctness , enquire into the Verity and Causes of but the one Half of them ; our Discourses would take up more sheets of Paper , than are allowed to the Longest Chancery Bill : wherefore , as in the former , so in this , we shall select and examine only a Few of them , but such as are most in vogue , and whose Reasons , is ●udiciously accommodated , suffice to the Solution of the Rest. ( 1 ) The Antipathy of a Sheep to a Woolf , is the common argument of wonder ; and nothing is more frequent , than to hear men ascribe it to a provident instinct ▪ or haereditary and invincible Hatred , that a Lamb ▪ which never saw a Wool● before , and so could not retain the impression of 〈◊〉 harme done or attempted by him , should be invaded with horror and trembling , at first interview , and run from him : nay , some 〈…〉 the secret so far , as to affirme the Antipathy to be Equall on both 〈◊〉 . Concerning this , therefore , we observe ; that the Enmity is not Reciprocal : For , He that can be persuaded , that the Woolf hates the Sheep ▪ only because he worries and preys upon him , and not rather , that the Woolf loves the sheep , because it is a weak and helpless Animal and its s●eth is both pleasant and convenient food for him : we shall 〈…〉 persuade Him , that Himself also hates a sheep , because he 〈…〉 pallate and stomach delighted and relieved with Mutton . Nor as the 〈◊〉 on the sheeps side Invincible ; for , ourselves have see● 〈…〉 , by Custom , to so great familiarity with a Woolf , that 〈…〉 with him , and bleat , as after the Dam , when the 〈…〉 of the room : and the like Kindness have we 〈…〉 betwixt a Lamb and Lyon of the Lord Generall 〈…〉 Sion house , and afterward publikely shewed in Lond●n . 〈…〉 Fear , which surpriseth the Lamb at first sight of a 〈…〉 to arise from any Hereditary Impression derived from the 〈…〉 Both● as well because all Inbredd or traduced 〈…〉 , as that none of the Progenitors of the Lamb , 〈…〉 saw or received any impression of injury from a 〈…〉 in England . Besides , in case they had , and though 〈…〉 that some Beasts are afraid of men , and other Beasts , 〈…〉 memory of some Harme received from some man , 〈…〉 the Idea of him , that did the Harme , 〈…〉 upon the table of the Memory , and being freshly 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 , whenever the sense brings in the 〈…〉 not likely , that the same Idea should be propa●●●● 〈…〉 , after so many hundred removes , 〈…〉 Individual to the whole species , throughout the 〈◊〉 ▪ The Cause , 〈…〉 , why All Sheep generally are startled and o●●ended 〈◊〉 sight 〈…〉 , seems to be only this ; that when the Woolf converts his eyes 〈…〉 pleasing and inviting object , and that whereupon 〈…〉 his Imagination ; he instantly darts forth 〈…〉 of subtle Effluvia's , which being part of 〈…〉 his newly formed Idea of dilaniating and devouring 〈…〉 ●omposed , serve as Forerunners or Messengers of destruction to the 〈…〉 b●ing transmitted to his Common Sensory , through his opti●k nerve● most highly misaffect the same , and so cause the sheep to fear , an●●n●●avour the praeservation of his life , by flight . This receives sufficient Confirmation from hence ▪ that not only such Aversions , as arise from the Contrariety of Constitutions in several Animals 〈…〉 commonly observed to produce those Effects of Fear , Trembling and flight from the objects , from which offensive impressions are derived , by the mediation of disagreeing Spirits or Ema●ations : but even the seeing them in a passion of Anger , or Fury , doth suddainly cause the like . For , violent Passions ever alter the Spirits , and Characterize them with the idea at that time most praevalent in the Imagination of the Passionate ; so that those spirits issuing from the body of the Animal , in the height o● Passion , and insinuating themselves into the brain of the other Animal contrari●y 〈◊〉 , must of necessity highly disgust and offend it . Which is the most likely Reason that hath hitherto been given , Why Bees seldom sting men of a mild and peaceful disposition : but will by no means endure , not be reconciled to others of a froward , cholerick , and waspish nature . The same ▪ so may serve to answer that common Quaere , Why some 〈…〉 persons , having tuned their spirits to the highest key of 〈…〉 have daunted not only fierce Mastiffs , but 〈…〉 other Wild and ravenous Beasts , meerly by 〈…〉 put them to flight by the Artillery of their 〈…〉 Eyes . And the Key , wherewith we have unlockt the secret 〈…〉 and Woolf , will also open those like Antipathies supposed to be betwixt the Dove and Falcon , the Chicken and Kite , and all other weak Animals , and such as use to make them their pr●y . ( 2 ) It is worthy a serious Remark , that sundry Animalls bear a kind of 〈…〉 to the Persons of such men , as are delighted or conversant in the Destruction of those of the same species with them : as we daily see , that 〈◊〉 are highly offended and angry at Butchers : that Dogs bark 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Glovers , that deal most in Dog skins , and 〈…〉 killing of Dogs , in time of the plague , to praev●nt 〈◊〉 diffusion 〈…〉 and encrease of Putrefaction , by their 〈◊〉 that Vermin 〈◊〉 the trapps and gins of Warrenners , where●● 〈…〉 their owne kind hath been taken and destroyed , &c. As 〈…〉 , or strong Aversions , t is manifest , that they arise 〈…〉 , or Character of Providence 〈…〉 Natures , or Essential Forms , but only 〈…〉 upon the sense . For the 〈…〉 any Animal of the same species , excite a kind of Horror in the like Animal that smells them ; and so cause it to abhor and avoid all such persons and places , for fear of the like harm and internecion , as their fellowes have suffered from them . Now , that which makes these odours insinuate themselves with such ●ase and familiarity into the Sensories of animals of the same species , is the similitude and Uniformity of their Specifical Constitutions , which yet the rough hand of Corruption seems not totally to have obliterated in the long since extravenated blood and spirits , but to have left some Vestigia or R●mains of the Canine nature in the Doggs blood , of the Porcine in the Sw●●●s , &c. And , that which makes them so horridly Odious , is the great A●●●●●ion of the blood from its genuine temper and conditius . For , the smell of the Carcass , or blood of any Animal , having once suffered the Dep●avation of Corruption ; is always most hateful and dangerous to others of the same Species : and it hath been observed , that the most pernicious in●ections and Plagues have been such , as took their Original from the Corruption of Humane Bodies ; which indeed , is the best reason that hath ●een yet given , why the Plague so often attends long and bloody Sieges ▪ and is commonly the second to the Sword. We conceive , the same to 〈…〉 the ground of that Axiom of the Lord St. Alban ( Nat. Hist. cent . 10 . ● ●enerally , that which is Dead , or Corrupted , or Excerned , hath Antipa●●●●●th the same thing , when it is Alive , and when it is sound ; and with those 〈◊〉 which do excern : as a Carcass of Man is most infectious and odious ●●man , a Carrion of an Horse to an Horse , &c. Purulent matter of 〈◊〉 and Ulcers , Carbuncles , Pocks , Scabbs , Leprousy , to Sound flesh . And the Excrements of every species to that Creature , that excerneth them . But the Exc●ements are less Pernicious , than the Corruptions . ( 3 ) The 〈◊〉 ( and , according to some reports , the opening of the Eyes● of the Carcass of a murthered man , at the praesence and touch of the Homicide . 〈…〉 in truth , the noblest of Antipathies : and scarce any Writer of the Secrets or Miracles of Nature , hath omitted the Consideration thereof . This Life in Death , Revenge of the Grave , or loud language of silent Corruption , many Venerable and Christian Philosophers have accounte●● holly Miraculous or Supernatural ; as ordained and effected by the just 〈◊〉 of God , for the detection and punishment of the inhumane 〈◊〉 . And , least we should seem too forward , to expunge , from 〈◊〉 mind of any man , the beleif of that opinion , which to some may 〈…〉 more powerful Argument , than the express Command of God , to 〈◊〉 them from committing so horrid and execrable a Crime as Mu●●er : we shall so far concurr with them , as to conceive this Effect 〈…〉 Divine only in the I●stitution , but meerly Natural in the Production , or Immediate Causes . Because the Apparence seems not to 〈◊〉 the Capacity of Natural Means , and the whole Syndrome and 〈◊〉 of it Causes may be thus explained . It is an Opinion highly C●●●entaneous , that in every vehement Passion there is forme●● certain 〈…〉 well of the Object , whereupon the Imagination is 〈…〉 the Good or Evil connected unto , and expected from that Objec● and that this Idea is as it were impressed , by a kind of inexplicable 〈◊〉 upon the Spirits , at the same instant the Mind 〈◊〉 to Will the praesent Prosecution , or Avoidance or the object 〈…〉 by the mediation of the Spirits ( those Angels of the Mind ) the same Idea is transmitted to the Blood , and through the Arteries diffused into all parts of the body , as well as into the Nerves and Muscles , which are inservient to such Voluntary Motions , as are requisite to the execution of the Decrees and Mandats of the Will , concerning the Prosecution , or Avoidance of the Object . This being so , we may conceive , that the Phansy of the Person assaulted by an Assassine , having formed an Idea of Hatred , Opposition , and Revenge , and the same being Characterized upon the Spirirs , and by them diffused through the blood ; though the blood become much less Fluid in the veins after death , by reason the vital influence and Pulsifick Faculty of the Heart , which Animated and Circulated it , is extinct : yet , because at the praesence of the Murderer , there issue from the pores of his body such subtile Emanations , as are Consimilar to those , which were emitted from him , at the time He strove with overcame , and killed the Patient ; and those Emanations entering the Dead Body , doe cause a fresh Commotion in the blood remaining yet somewhat Fluid in its veins , and as it were renew the former Colluctation or Duell betwixt the yet wholly uncondensed Spirits of the slain , and those of the Homicide : therefore is it , that the Blood , suffering an Estuation , flows up and down in the veins , to seek some vent , or salley-port ; and finding none so open as in that part , wherein the wound was made , it issues forth from thence . And , where the Murthered Person is destroyed by strangulation , suffocation , or the like unbloody Death , so that there is no manifest Solution of Continuity in the skin , or other Exterior parts of the body ; in that case , it hath been observed , that the Carcass bleeds at the Mouth , or Nose , or both ; and this only because in all vehement strivings , and especially in Colluctation for life , the Spirits and Blood flow most plentifully into the Arteries and Veins of the Herd , as is visible by the great Redness of the Eyes and face of every man that Fights ; and where the blood fixeth in most plenty , there will be the greatest tumult , aestuation and commotion , when it is fermented , agitated , and again set afloat , by the Discordant Effluvia's emitted from the body of the neer appro●ching or touching Murtherer and consequently , there must the vessels suffer the greatest stress , distension , and disruption , or apertion of their orifices . ( 4 ) And this magnale of the ( as it were ) Reanimation of the vindictive blood in the veins of a Dead body , by the Magick of those Hostile and Fermenting Aporrhaea's , transmitted from the body of Him , who violently extinguished its former life ; ushers in Another , no less prodigious , nor less celebrated by Naturalists : and that is the suddain Disanimation of the Blood in Living Bodies , by the meer pr●sence of the Basilisk , Catablepa , and Diginus ; Serpents of a Nature so transcendently Venemous , that , according to pogular Tradition , and the several relations of Dioscorides , Galen , Pliny , Solinus , Aelian , Avicen , and most other Authors , who have treated of the Proprieties of Animals and Venoms , they are Dectructive beyond themselves , i. e. they either kill by intuition , or Hiss out the flames of life by their Deieterious Expirations . If Natural Historians have herein escaped that itch of Fiction , to which they are so generally subject , when they come to handle Rarities ; and that Nature hath produced any such Spe●●es , whose optical Emissions , or Pectoral Expirations are fatal and pernicious whether he sees the Woolf first , or the Woolf him ; suddain silence being ever the Associate , ●or ( rather ) Consequent of great and suddain Fear . The Aphonia , therefore , or Defect of voice , which hath sometimes , though very rarely , been observed to invade men , upon the Conspection of Woolves ; is not the genuine Effect of any secret and radicated Antipathy , or Fascinating Virtue in the subtle Aporrhaea's emitted from the eyes , lungs , or bodie of the Woolf : but only of their own Fear and Terror , arising from a strong apprehension of Danger ; the suddain and impetuous Concentration of the Spirits , toward the Heart , by reason of the violent Terror , at that time , causing a Defection of spirits , and consequently a kind of Relaxation in the Muscles of the Tongue , and Nerves inservient to the vocal instruments : So that the inspired Aer cannot be Efflated with that force and celerity , as is necessary to the loudness and distinct articulation of the voice . ( 6 ) Nor is it the Eye alone , that the Folly of men hath made obnoxious to Antipathies , but the Ear also hath it share of wonderful Effects ; for , there go solemn stories of inveterate and specifical Enmities betwixt the Lyon and Cock , Elephant and Swine , and He hath read little , who hath not more than once met with sundry relations , that the Crowing of the Cock is more terrible than death , to the fiercest Lyon , and the Grunting of a Swine so odious to an Elephant , that it puts him into an Agony of Horror , Trembling , and Cold sweat . Which notwithstanding , may well be called to the barre of Experiment , and many worthy Authors have more then questioned , among whom , Camerarius ( in Symbol . ) expresly assures us , that in his time , one of the Duke of Bavaria's Lyons , breaking into a yard adjacent to his Den , and there finding a flock of Poultry , was so far from being afraid of the Cock , or his Crowing , that he devoured him and his troop of Hens together . And as for the other Antipathy ; ourselves have seen an Elephant feed and sleep quietly in the same stable , with a Sow and her whole litter of Piggs . However , lest some should plead the power of Custom , in both these cases , and object , that that Lyon and Elephant had been , by Assuefaction , brought to endure the naturally hateful Noises of the Cocks Crowing , and the Swines Grunting ; to eradicate the belief of the supposed Occult Antipathies , we say : that such may be the Discrepancy or Disproportion betwixt the Figures and Contextures of those subtile particles , that compose those Harsh Sounds , and the Contexture of the organs of Hearing in the Lyon and Elephant , as that they exasperate them , and so highly offend those Animals . For , thus we suffer a kind of short Horror , and our Teeth are set on edge , by those harsh and vehement sounds , made by scraping of trenchers , filing the teeth of saws , squeaking of doors , and the like : only because those sounds grate and exasperate the Auditory Nerves , which communicate the harsh impression to the Nerves of the Teeth , and cause a stridor therein . ( 7 ) But if we pass from these Imaginary ▪ to Real Antipathies , and desire not to misimploy our Understanding , in the quest of Dihot●es for such things , of whose Hoti the more sober and judicious part of Schollars justly doubt ▪ let us come to the wonderful Venome of the TARANTULA , a certain Phalangium or smal Spider frequent in Italy , but most in and about Tarentum in Apulia ; which hath this strange Propriety , that being communicated to the bodie of man , by biting , it makes him Dance most violently , at the same time , every year , till He be perfectly cured thereby , being invincible by any other Antidote but Musick . An Effect so truly admirable , and singular , that the Discovery of its abstruse Causes , and the manner of their operation , cannot but be most opportune and grateful to the Curious ; who , we presume , would gladly knowe , Why su●h as are empoysoned by the biting of a Tarantula , fall int● violent Fits of Dancing , and cannot be Cured by any other Remedies , but the Harmonious Straines of Musick alo●● ▪ SOLUTION . How great the power of Musick is , as to the excitement , exaltation , and compescence or mitigation of the Passions of the Mind of Man ; and wherein the C●use of that Harmonical Magick doth consist : would be a Digression , and perhaps somewhat superfluous for us here to enquire . And , therefore , cutting off all Collateral Curiosities , we shall confine our present 〈◊〉 to the limits of our owne Profession ; endeavouring only to explain the Reasons , why Musick hath so strong and generous an Energy , as certainly to cure the Bodie of a man , intoxicated with the Venome of the Taruntula , which eludes and despises the opposition of all other Alexipharmacal Medicaments . Forasmuch , therefore , as the ●t●ings of a Lute , Vial , or other Musical Instrument , do alwayes mov● and impell the Aer , after the same manner as themselves are moved an● impelled , and by this proportionate misture of Sounds create an Harmony delightful not only to the Eare , but to that Harmonious Essenc● ▪ the soul , which Animates the Eare ; hence comes it , that by the musical Harmony , that is made by the Musicians play●●g to the person infected with the Tarant●sme , the Aer , by reason of the various and yet proportionate motions of the strings , is harmonically moved and agitated , and carying th●se various motions of the harmony impressed upon it self , into the Eare , and so affecting the Phantastical Faculty with those pleasant motions , 〈…〉 like manner affect and move the spirits in the brain : and the spirits having received those impressions , and diffused into the Nerves , Muscles and 〈◊〉 of the whole body , and there meeting with a certain thin , acrimon●ous and pricking Humor , which is the chief fewel and vehicle of the Veno●e derived from the Tarantula ; they attenuate and agitate the same , by a 〈◊〉 very like that of Fermentation , and disperse it with a quick motion 〈…〉 all the parts . And this Humor being thus set afloat , and estuated , to●●●her with the venome , or seeds of the Poyson , which are contained 〈◊〉 , must needs affect all the Musculousand Nervous parts , 〈…〉 , with a kind of Itch , or gentle and therefore pleasan● 〈◊〉 or ( rather ) Titillation : So that the Patient feeling this universa● 〈…〉 Tickling , can be no longer at ease and quiet but is compelle● 〈◊〉 to dance and move all the members of his body with all agility 〈…〉 possible . This Dancing causeth a Commotion of all the 〈◊〉 in his body ; that Commotion augments the present Heat there●● ▪ that Heat causeth a Relaxation and Apertion of the pores of th●●kin ; and thereupon ensues a liberal and universal sweat ; and together with that sweat , the venome is dispersed and expelled . But , where the Venome is so deeply settled , and as it were radicated in the solid substance of the parts , as that one or two , or three Fits of Dancing and Sweating are not sufficient to the total Eradication and Expulsion thereof ; in that deplorable case , the Patient becomes freshly intoxicated , and relapseth into his dancing paroxisins , at the same periodical season , every year , without omission , till his many and profuse Annual sweats have freed him from all Reliques of the Poyson . Most true it is , that Divers Tarantiacal persons are affected with divers Musical Instruments , and divers Tunes and Ayrs ; but this is to be imputed to the Diversity of Complexions and Temperaments either of the Tarantula's , which envenome them , or of the Persons themselves . For , such as are Melancholy of themselves , or intoxicated by the poyson of the duller and more sluggish sort of Tarantula's ; are ever Affected and Sympathize rather with the musick of Drums , Trumpets , Sackbuts , and other loud and strong sounding instruments , than with that of Lutes , Vials , and other soft and gentle ones . For , since Melancholy is a thick , heavy and viscid Humor , and the Spirit● alwaies follow the Disposition of the Humor praedominant ; to the Concitation and Dissipation thereof , a greater force of motion is required . And this , doubtless , was the Reason , why a certain Girl of Tarentum , being there bitten by a Tarantula , and affected with the stupendious symptome of Tarantism , could never be excited to dance by any sounds , but those of Guns , Alarms beaten upon Drums , Charges and Triumphs sounded in Trumpets , and other military musick ; the heavy and viscid venome , meeting with a body of a Cold and Phlegmatick Complexion ; and so requiring very strong Commotions of the Aer and Spirits , to its Estuation and Dissipation . And , on the Contrary , Cholerick and Sanguine Complexions , are , by reason of the Subtility of their Spirits , and greater Fluidity of their Humors , soonest Cured by the H●rmony of Lutes , Harps , Vials , Virginals , Guitarrs , Tiorba's , and other stringed Instruments . But , that which deserves our highest Admiration , is this ▪ that this Venome of the Tarantula doth produce the same Effect in the body of man , which it doth in that of the Tarantula it self , wherein it is generated ▪ as if there were some secret Cognation and Similitude betwixt the Nature of that venemous Spider , and that of Mankinde . For , as the Poyson , being infused into any part of mans body , and set a work by Musick , doth , by a continual vellication or Titillation of the Muscles and Membranes thereof , incite the intoxicated person to dance : So likewise , while it remains in its own womb and proper Conservatory , the body of the Tarantula being once set a work by Musick , doth it incite the Tarantula to dance , and caper , as is commonly observed by the Italians , and at large related by At●an . Kircherus ( in opere Magnetico ) and some others of un questionable veracity , who would admit no testimony in this particular , but what they received from their own exact observations . Among the sundry Narrations of Experiments in this kind , Kircher entertains his Reader cheifly with this one , as the most exact and commemorable . A certain Italian Duchess sayes He ) to the end she might be fully satisfied of the truth of this prodigy of nature , of which ●he had so often heard , and as often doubted , commanded that a Tarantula should be brought into the Hall , or Refectory of a Colledge of Jesuits , all the Fathers being praesent ; and there set upon a small chipp of wood , that floated 〈◊〉 of water . Then she gave order , that an Excellent Harper shoul● stand by , and play over several of his best composed Tunes . The Tarantula , for a good while , seemed wholly unconcerned in the musick ▪ discovering no motions of tripudiation in himself ; but at length , 〈◊〉 the H●rper had hi● upon some certain Notes Strains , and Ayres ▪ 〈◊〉 held some proportion to the Humor and Specifical Venome of 〈◊〉 Spider , ●he now enchanted Insect began to detect its sympathy to 〈◊〉 , and natural inclination to dancing , not only by the frequent 〈…〉 , and nimble agitation of his whole body , but even most 〈◊〉 observ●ng time and measures , according to the Harmoni●●● Numb●●●●●prest in the Tune : and as the Musician plaid more slowly 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 beast dance more slowly or nimbly ; not moving a 〈◊〉 after the T●m● was ended . But , this which then app●●r●d 〈…〉 the Dutche●s and other Spectators , they soon after heard 〈…〉 to the Musicians of Tarentum , who being hired , with an 〈…〉 paid out of the Publique purse , to cure the meane● 〈…〉 when any is bitten by a Tarantula ; that they may not 〈…〉 the Patient , and put themselves to the pains of playing ●ong 〈…〉 enquire of the Patient , in what house , what field , 〈…〉 of what colour and bigness the Tarantula was , that 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉 satisfied of these particulars , they forthwith go to the p●ace 〈◊〉 ▪ and there looking among the several species of Tarantul●s 〈…〉 are busie in weaving their Cobweb nets , for the ensnaring of 〈◊〉 they search for such a one as the Patient hath described , and having 〈◊〉 found the like , they instantly fall to their instruments ; and pla● over 〈◊〉 sets of Lessons one after another , till they light upon 〈…〉 holding some proportion to the Specifical temperament and vene●●ous Humor of that Tarantula , inciteth him to dance . 〈…〉 delightful and strange it is to behold the great 〈…〉 among many Tarantula's together ; one while this 〈◊〉 another 〈◊〉 that exactly sympathizing with the Harmonious mo●io● 〈…〉 and aer . When the Musicians have thus informed 〈…〉 particular Genius and Humor of that species of Tarantu●●● by one 〈◊〉 which the Patient was envenomed ; they return home , an● 〈…〉 almost at first touch of their instruments , playin● 〈…〉 again those Tunes , whose Correspondency to the 〈…〉 ambuscado ● in the centrals of his bodie , they 〈…〉 ●●perimented ▪ and they seldom or never fail of the 〈…〉 are certain what Notes and Tunes are most 〈…〉 Genius of the Spider , that hath intoxicated the 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 inconsistent with Reason , that the Tarantula it self 〈…〉 strange Effect from the Charms of Musick , as 〈…〉 Venome hath intoxicated : for seeing that 〈…〉 supplies the office of Blood in this Insect is exceeding 〈…〉 with subtle and hot spirits , and so becomes a 〈…〉 receive the Motions impressed upon it , by the 〈…〉 Aer , whereof the Sounds are composed : it seems 〈…〉 being a s●●ated and set afloat , by the motions of the aer , which are Harmonical ; it should cause the like Vibrissations in the nervous parts of the Tarantula , as the hand of the Musician hath caused in the Consonous strings of the instrument ; the strings caused in the Aer , and the Aer caused in the spirits of the Animal : and consequently , that the Animal should suffer a kind of Itch , or gentle vellication in all its nerves , and muscles , and to ease it self of that troublesom Affection , move all its members , not only with great agility , but variety of motions correspnodent to those of the Harmony impressed upon its spiritual substance ; especially where the Harmony is proportionate to the specifical ( and perhaps , individual ) Constitution of the same . That the vital Humor of these and most other Spiders , is both viscous , and a subject capable of Sounds , as we here assume ▪ may be inferred from the relation of Peter Martyr ( in Histor. sua Indiae Occidental ) that in the West Indies there is a certain species of Phalangiums , or Venenate Spiders , whose poyson , being expressed , is so exceedingly viscid and tenacious , that the Natives use to draw and spin it out into long threads , and twist those threads into Treble strings for their instruments of Musick : as also from our own ocular testimony , whenever we press a Spider to death . And ( what is of greatest moment to our praesent Disquisition ) that the Venome of the Tarantula , by rea on of the Acrimony , or Mordacity of its Spiritual and hot particles , causeth an uncessent Titillation , or Itching joyned wi●h great heat , in the nervous and musculous parts of mans body , when it is in aestuation and commotion therein , may be collected from the agreeing relations of all persons , who have known the misery of Tara●tisme ▪ every one complaining of an insufferable Itch in all parts of his body , during the paroxisme , and finding a remission of the same immediately after profuse sweating . For your farther Confirmation herein , be pleased to hear Father Kircher tell you a memorable and pertinent story . A certain Cappucine ( saith He ) of the Monastery belonging to that Order , in Tarentum , being bitten by a Tarantula , and by his ( in that point , too severe ) Superiors forbidden to have recourse either to Baths , or Dancing , for the cure of his infection , as means that might seem too light and inconsistent with the gravity and rigid rules of his Profession ; was so miserably and beyond all patience tormented with an itching and burning in both the interior and and exterior parts of his body , that rest and quiet were things he had long since been a stranger to ; and hoping to find some ease and allay of his restless pains by bathing in cold water , he , one night , privily conveyed himself out of the Covent , and leaped into an Arm of the Sea , that embraced the town . Where , indeed , he met with a perfect cure of a●l his torments and grievances ; being instantly drowned : leaving his Brethren to lament their own great loss , as well as the Sadness of his Face ; and his Superiors to repent the cruelty of that Superstition , which had denied him the use of those innocent Remedies , Musick and Dancing , which the happy experience of many thousands had praescribed . Lastly , as it is not every Harmonical Ayre that suits with the Genius of every Tarantula , but every particular species holds a secret Correspondence to some particular sorts of Instruments , Tunes , and 〈◊〉 composed of such and such Notes : So likewise is it not the Musick of every instrument , nor every modulation of sounds that move and excite every person infected with this kind of poyson ; but every Tarantiacal Patient requires such and such particular Harmonious Tunes , Strains , and Notes as are proportionate to that Diathesis , or Disposition , which results from the Commixture and Confermentation of his owne Humors , and the Venome infused into his body . Which is the Reason , why some dance to no musick but that of Drums , Trumpets and other loud and martial instruments ; and others again are easily charmed to Levolta's by the mild and gentle Consonances of Lutes and Tiorba's . And if the Patient , being of a hot and bilious Complexion , be intoxicated by the venome of a Tarantula of the like Cholerick temperament ; upon the aestuation and confermentation of those two consimilar Humors , the Patient shall become Feverish , insatiately thirsty , restless , and furiously maniacal : but , where a Melancholy Tarantula hath empoysoned a man of the like dull and sluggish Constitution ; in that case , He shall be infested with great and inexpugnable Drowsiness , Stupidity , Spontaneous Lassitude , love of Solitude , unseasonable and affected Silence , and the like Symptoms contrary to the former , and shall be relieved only by grave and solemne tunes ; the Accidents supervening upon this kind of intoxication , alwayes following and betraying the capacity of the praedominant Humor , and responding to that Harmony , which hath the most of proportion to the Genius of the Poyson . And as for the Annual Relapses of Patients , into their Tarant●acal Fits ; the Cause thereof must be only this , that the Reliques of the Poyson causing a fresh Commotion and Fermentation of the most susceptible Humors of the body , and especially of the Serous and Bilious part of the blood ( for , most persons thus affected ; have their Paroxysms in the hottest season of the year ) and imbuing them with exceeding great Acrimony and Mordacity : diffuse themselves through the Arteries and Veins into all parts of the body ; and fixing more especially on the thin membranes , that invest the muscles , so oppress , prick and vellicate them , as that the infected shall know no rest nor case , till he hath danced and sweat ▪ to the dissipation and expulsion of all those sharp and pungent particles , that were diffused into the Habit of his body . But , what particular Sounds , and Notes , and Strains , and Ayres , are Accommodate to the Venome of this or that particular Tarantula ; we leave to the determination of the long experienced Musicians of Tarentum only thus much we may say , in the General ; that by how much the more frequent Diminutions of Notes into halfs and quarters ( which is called Division ) and the more frequent permistion of Sharps and Flats , in a Tone charged with frequent Semitones , the Tune containeth : by so much the more grateful will the same be to all Tarantulized Persons ; because , from the Celerity of the motions it comes , that the Dormant Venome is more nimbly agitated , and so must sollicite them to dance the more spritely and vehemently . Hence is it , that the Musicians of Italy , such especially who proress the certain and speedy Cure of the Tarantisme , for the most part , enrich and adorne their strains with various Divisions of Notes ; and that mostly in the Phrygian Tone , because it consisteth of frequent Semitones . ( 8 ) What we have here said , concerning the Magick of Harmonious Sounds both upon the Tarantula it self , and those unhappy men , whom its Fascinating venome hath Tarantulized ; as it doth wholly take off the Incredibility of those Relations , which some Natural Magicians have set down , of the Incantation of Serpents , by a wand of the Cornus , or Dog tree : so doth it also give us no obscure light into the dark Cause of that Effect , which among the Ignorant and Superstitious hath ever passed for meerly praestigious and Diabolical . For , it being certain , that all Serpents are most highly offended at the smell , and influx of those invisible Emanations proceeding from the Cornus , by reason of some great Disproportion or Incompossibility , betwixt those subtile Effluvia●s , and the temperament of the Vital and Spiritual Substance of Serpents : insomuch that , in a moment , they become strongly intoxicated thereby : Why should it seem impossible , that He , who understands this invincible Enmity , and how to manage a wand or rod of the Cornus with cunning and dexterity ; having first intoxicated a Serpent by the touch thereof , should , during that fit , make him observe and readily conforme to all the various motions of that wand : So as that the unlearned Spectators perceiving the Serpent to approach the Enchanter , as he moves the wand neerer to himself ; to retreat from him , as he puts the wand from him ; to turne round , as the wand is moved round ▪ to dance , as that is waved to and fro ; and lye still , as in a trance , when that is held still over him ; and all this while knowing nothing , that the simple virtue of the wand is the Cause of all those mimical motions and gestures of the Serpent : they are easily deluded into a belief , that the whole seene is supernatural , and the main Energy radicated in those words , or Charms , which the Impostor , with great Ceremony and gravity of aspect mutters forth , the better to disguise his Legerdemane , and dissemble N●ture in the Colours of a Miracle . And , as in this , so in all other Magical Practices , those Bombast Words , nonesense Spells , exotique Characters , and Fanatick Ceremonies , used by all Praestigiators and Enchanters , have no Virtue or Efficacy at all ( that little only excepted , which may consist meerly in the sounds , and tones in which they are pronounced , in respect whereof the eare may be pleased or displeased ) as to the Causation of the Effect intended ; nor doe they import any thing , more than the Circumvention of the Spect●●tors judgement , and exaltation of his Imagination , upon whom they pr●etend to work the miracle . Which considered , it will be an argument not only of Christianism , but of sound judgement in any man , to conclude ; that excepting only some few particulars , in which God hath been pleased to permit the Devil to exercise his Praestigiatory power ( and yet , whoso shall consider the infinite Goodness of God , will not easily be induced to beleive , that He hath permitted any such at all . ) all those Volumes of Stories of Fascinations , Incantations , Transformations , Sympathies of men and beasts with Magical Telesms , Gamahues or Waxen Images , and the like mysterious Nothings , are meer Fables , execrable Romances . So Epidemical , we confess , hath the Contagion of such Impostures been , that among the People , when any Person waxeth macilent , and pines away , we hear of nothing but Evil Neighbours , Witchcraft , Charms , Statues of Wax , and the like venefical fopperies ; and instantly some poor decrepite old woman is suspected , and perhaps acc●●●d of malice and Diabolical stratagems against the life of that person : who all the while lieth languishing , of some Common Disease , and the le●●●ed Physician no sooner examines the case , but he finds the sick mans Consumption to proceed from some inveterate malady of the bodie , as Ulcer of the Lungs , Hectique Fever , Debility of the Stomack , Liver , or other common Concocting part , or from long and deep Grief of mind . In like manner , when the Husband man observes his field to become barren , 〈◊〉 chattel ●o cast then yong , or die , his corn to be blasted , his fruits 〈…〉 immaturely , or the like sinister Accidents nothing is more usual 〈◊〉 , than to charge those misfortunes upon the Magical Impraecations of some offended Neighbour , whom the multitude supposeth to be a 〈◊〉 man , or Conjurer . And yet , were the Philosopher consulte●●bou● those Disasters , he would soon discover them to be the ordinary 〈◊〉 genuine Effects of Natural Causes , and refer each Contingent 〈◊〉 proper original . True it is likewise , that many of those Sorcerers ▪ who● 〈◊〉 vulgar call White Witches , in respect of the good they 〈…〉 frequently p●●●scribe certain Amulets , or Per●apts , for the praecentio● 〈…〉 of some di●●ases : and in this case , if the Amulet or Per●apt ▪ 〈…〉 such Natural Ingredients , as are endowed with Qualitie● repug●●●● to the Dis●●se , or its germane Causes , we are not to deny 〈…〉 . But , as for those superstitious Invocations of Angels an● 〈◊〉 Salamons Characters , Tetragrammatons , Spells , Circles ▪ an● 〈…〉 and ridiculous Magical Rites and Ceremonies , used by the 〈◊〉 at the time of the Composition or Application of those Amulets or 〈◊〉 ▪ they are of no power , or virtue at all , and signifie nothing but 〈◊〉 Delusion of the Ignorant . Again , we grant , that the Imagination 〈◊〉 Confidence of the sick Person , being by such means exalte● ▪ may 〈◊〉 very much to his Recovery ; for , it is no secret , that the 〈…〉 men are for the most part , erected , and their drooping spirit● 〈…〉 by the good opinion they have entertained of the 〈…〉 Confidence they place in his praescripts : but , yet are 〈…〉 allow any Direct and Natural Efficacy to that 〈…〉 and Ceremonious administration of Remedies , which are 〈◊〉 observed by such Impostors , as praetend to Extraordinary skill ▪ an● 〈◊〉 supernatural way , in the Cure of Diseases , and seem to affect and 〈…〉 the detestable repute of Magicians . And what we say of the 〈…〉 Amulets , and the like , we desire should 〈…〉 , or Love-procuring Potions , o● the Ligature 〈…〉 Wedding night , to cause Impotency in new 〈…〉 then Brides a thing very frequent in Zant and Gasco●● 〈…〉 because each of these hath other Causes , than those 〈…〉 Nugaments praescribed by those Cheaters ; and 〈…〉 they can have upon the persons , to whom they 〈…〉 in the praepossession of their Phancy , and 〈…〉 to Hope , or Fear . ( 9 ) 〈…〉 , a certain sort of Fascination Natural about which 〈…〉 and most Nurses , when they observe 〈…〉 fall into Cachex●es , languishing condition● 〈…〉 , instantly crie out , that some envious 〈…〉 them . Concerning this secret therefore , in 〈…〉 part ) hath no interest at all ; we say ▪ that if there be any thing of truth , as to matter of Fact , the Fascinating activity of the old malicious Crone must consist only in this : that she doth evibrate or dart forth from her brain , certain malignant Spirits , or rayes , which entering the tender body of the Infant , do infect the purer spirits , and so the blood in its Arteries , and assimilating the same to their depraved and maligne nature , corrupt all the Aliment of the body , and alienate the parts from their genuine and requisite temperament . Not that those Malignant Emissions can arrive at , and infect an Infant that is absent , as is vulgarly conceived ; but that the malicious old woman must be praesent , and look ( with an oblique or wist look ) and breath upon the Child , whose health she envies , nay , conjure up her Imagination to that height of malice , as to imbue her spirits with the evil Miasme or Inquinament of those vitious and corrupt Humors , wherewith her half-rotten Carcass is well stored ; and to assist the Contention of her optique Nerves and Muscles , that so those Spirits may be ejaculated with great force . For , that an old woman though as highly malignant in her Nature and Malice , as can be supposed , should be able to infect and envenome an Infant at great distance ; is not to admitted by any , but such as have ignorance enough to excuse their perswasion of the highest Impossibility imaginable . But , that she may , in some measure , contribute to the indisposition of an Infant , at whom she shoots her maligne Eye-beams , neer at hand ; may receive much of credit from the Pollution of a Lookinglass by the adspect of a Menstruous woman ; and from the Contagion of Blear Eyes , Coughing , Oscitation or Gaping , Pissing and the like : all which are observed to be somewhat infectious to the standers by . ( 10 ) You may call it Fascination also , if you please , when the Torpedo doth benumb or stupifie the hand of the Fisherman . For , as the Maleficiation of Infants is the Effect only of certain malign or ill conditioned Emanations transmitted to them from the brain of some malevolent and half venemous Ruines of a woman : so likewise must the stupefaction of the hand of the Fisherman , be the Effect of certain Stupefactive Emanations , either immediately , or by the mediation of a staff or other continued body , transmitted thereunto from the offended Fish ; which Emanations , by a Faculty holding some neer Analogy to that of Opium Hyosciamus , and other strong Narcoticks or stupefactive Medicaments , do in a moment Dull and Fix the Spirits in the part , that they invade , and so make it Heavy , Senseless , and unfit for voluntary motion . ( 11 ) But , how shall we get free of that Difficulty , wherein so many high-going Wits have been Gravell'd ; the sudden arrest of a ship , under sail , by the small Fish Echineis , thereupon general called a Remora ? We cannot expede our selves from it , by having recourse to any Fixing Emanations transmitted from the Fish to the ship ; because the Motion thereof is not voluntary , but from External Impulse ; nor hath the ship any spirits , or other Active principles of motion , that can be supposed capable of Alteration by any influx whatever . Nor by alleaging any motion , contrary to that of the tide , winds , and oares , impressed upon the ship by the Remora ; because , whatsoever kind of Impulse or Force can be imagined impressible upon it thereby : yet can it never be sufficient to impede and suppress the so violent motion thereof ; insomuch as the Remora , neither adhaering to any rock , shelf , or other place more firme than the water , but only to the ship 〈◊〉 self , must want that fixation & Firmitude , that is inevitably necessary , whenever any thing doth stop , or move another thing of greater weight then it self . What then ? shall we impeach of unfaithfulness all those Authentick Historians , who have recorded the suddain and prodigious Arrests of the ships of Peria●●er ▪ A●tigonus , and Caius Caligula , in the middest of their Courses , though therein advantaged by the Conspiring impulses of Sa●ls and Oares ? Not so neither ; because many other vessels , as well before as since , have been stopped in the like manner : and there is in nature Another Cause , incomp●●ably more potent , and so more likely to have arrested them , than that 〈◊〉 , small and weak Fish Echmeis ; and that is the Contrary motion of the sea , which our Mariners ●who also have been often troubled with 〈◊〉 experiments of its Retropellent Force ) call the Current ; which is alwayes most strong and cumbersome in narrow and aufractuous Chanels . Wh●●h being scarce known to the Sea-men of those times , when Navigation and Hydrography were yet in their infancy , and few Pilots so expert , as to d●●●●minate the several Re-encounters , or Contrary Drifts of Waters in 〈◊〉 ●nd the same Creek or Arme of the Sea ; when they found any 〈◊〉 ●●ddenly retarded and impeded in its course , they never conceived that ●●moration to arise from some Contrary Current of Waters in that pla●●●ut from some Impediment in the bottome or keel of the vesse●●t sel● . 〈◊〉 ●s ●hey searched there for it , if it hapned twice or thrice , that they 〈…〉 small Fish , such as the Concha Veneris , or any other not 〈…〉 , adhaering to the lower part of the Rudder , or Keel ; they instantly , 〈◊〉 without any examin●tion at all , whether so weak a cause might not be 〈…〉 to so great an Effect , imputed the Remoration of the●r 〈…〉 . Historians , indeed , tell us , that the Admiral Galley , which ●●●ried the Emperour Caligula , in his last voyage to Rome , was unexpecte● ▪ Ar●ested , in the middest of all his numerous Fleet ; and that an 〈…〉 found sticking to the bottom thereof : but they forgot to tell us , 〈◊〉 or no there were any other Fishes of the same kind affixed to any 〈◊〉 of the Galleys , that kept on their course ; and we have good ●●ason 〈◊〉 ●●njecture , that there were , because very few ships are brought into 〈◊〉 and Docks to be carined , but have many small fishes , resembling 〈◊〉 ▪ adhaering to their bottoms , as ourselves have more than once obse●●●● in Holland . Besides , since , at Caligula's putting forth ●●om Astura 〈◊〉 Island Port , and steering his course for Antium , his Galley ▪ as is 〈◊〉 custome of Admirals , kept up in the middle Chanell ; 〈…〉 encountred and opposed by some special current , or violent 〈…〉 place , so streitly pent in on both sides by the situation o● certain 〈◊〉 and Shelves , as that its greatest force was in one certain p●r● o● the ●●ane●l , and so not extensible to the other Galleys of his Navy , 〈…〉 ●owed neerer to the shoars , and so rode upon free water ? 〈…〉 are now adayes often Arrested by special Currents , in the 〈…〉 , whose Chanels are rocky , aufractuous , and vorti●ou● 〈…〉 to frequent Eddies and strong Whirlepools ; and neer 〈…〉 every day behold the Contrary Drifts of ships by the 〈…〉 in the same Arme of the Sea ; some vessels being 〈…〉 whether the sea runs out , while others rice toward 〈…〉 sea run● in . ( 12 ) So unlimited is the Credulity of man , that some have gone farther yet from the bounds of Reason , and imagined a Second wonderful Faculty in the Remora , viz. the Praesagition of violent Death , or some eminent Disaster , to the chief person in the ship , which it arresteth . For , Pliny ( lib. 9. cap. 25. & lib. 23. cap. 1. ) will needs have it a Prodigy portending the murder of Caligula , which ensued shortly after his arrival at Rome from Astura : and that by the like arresting of the ship of Perianders Ambassadors sent to obtain an edict for the Castration of all Noble youths , Nature did declare her high detestation of that Course so destructive to the way of Generation , that she had instituted for the Conservation of her noblest species . But , every man knows , how easie it is to make any sinister Accident the Omen of a tragical Event , after it hath happened : and that Plinies Remark upon the inhuman Embassie , and succeeding Infortune of Perianders Messengers , would better beseem the ranging pen or tongue of an Orator , than the strict one of a Philosopher . ( 13 ) Here , we should open and survey the whole Theatre of Venoms or Poisons , on one hand ; and that of Antidotes or Counterpoisons , on the other : those operating to the Destruction , these to the Muniment and Conservation of Life ; and both by such Qualities and wayes , as are generally both by Physiologists and Physitians , praesumed to be Occult , or beyond the investigation of Reason , and of which all that is known , is learned in the common School of Experience . But , worthily to examine the Nature of each particular Poison , among those many found in the lists of Animals , Vegetables , Minerals ; and explicate the Propriety , by which its proper Antidote or Alexipharmacon doth encounter , oppose , conquer and expel it : must of necessity enlarge this Section into a Volume , besides the expence of more time , than what we have consigned to our whole Work. And , therefore , we hope our Reader will not conceive his expectation wholly frustrated , nor Curiosity altogether defrauded ; though we now entertain Him only with the General Reasons , Why Poisons are Hostile and Destructive , why Counterpoisons friendly and Conserva●ive of Life . Gwoinus ( de Venen . lib. 2. cap. 24. ) we well remember , defines Venenum , Poison , to be [ quod in corpus ingressum , vim infert , Naturae illamque vincit ] That which being admitted into the body , offers violence to Nature , and conquers it . And , according to this Definition , by Poisons we understand not only such things , as bear a pernicious Enmity in particular to the temperament of the Heart , or that substance , wherein the Vital Faculty may be conceived principally and immediately to consist : but all such as are hostile and destructive to the temperament of the Brain , or any o●her Noble and Principal Organ of the body , so as by altering the requisite Constitution thereof , they subvert the aeconomy and ruine the frame of Nature , wherein the Disposition of the parts , to perform the Actions of Life , is radicated . And that , wherein this Deleterious or Pernicious Faculty doth consist , we conceive to be a certain Substance , which being communicated or infused into any part of the body , though in very small quantity , doth , by reason of the exceeding Subtility and violent Mobility or Agility of the insensible particles , of which it is composed , most easily and expeditely transfuse or disperse it self through the whole body , consociate it self to the spirits , and invading the Heart , Brain , or other Principal Organ , so alter the requisite Disposition or temperament and habit thereof , as to make it thenceforth wholly uncapable of performing the Functions or Actions of life , to which it was destined and framed ; and by that means introduceth extreme Destruction . Likewise , by Alexipharmacal Medicaments , or Counterpoisons , we understand , not such things , as have only a propitious and benign Friendship particularly for the temperament of the Brain , Heart , or other Noble Organ in the body , and are therefore accounted specifically Auxiliant and Corroborative thereunto , in the Expulsion of ought , that is noxious and offensive unto it ; because , in that sense , all Cardiacal , Cephalical , and Specifically Corroborative Medicaments would be Alexiterial , and every peculiar Venome would not require its proper Antivenome , both which are contradicted by Experience : But , such things as are endowed with Faculties è diametro and directly Contrapugnant to Poisons , meerly as Poisons ; For , divers things that are absolute Poisons of themselves , and would destroy , if taken alone by themselves , do yet become powerful Praeservatives and Antidotes against other poisons , and afford suddain and certain relief to nature , when taken to oppose them . Thus Aconite , than which scarce any venome is more speedy and mortal in its operation upon a sound body , doth yet prove a praesent remedy to one bitten by a Scorpion , if drank in Wine : as Pliny hath observed ( lib. 27. cap. 2. ) And that , wherein this Salutiferous Virtue of Antidotes doth consist , we conceive likewise to be a certain Substance , which being received into the body , though in small quantitie , doth with expedition diffuse it self throughout the same : and encountering the venome formerly admitted , and then operating , refract its energy , praevent its further violence , extinguish its operation , and at length either totally subdue , or totally educe it . For , All Alexipharmacal Remedies do not bring relief to nature , assaulted and oppressed by Poison , by one and the same way or manner of operation ; some working by way of Repulsion , others by way of Abduction , others by way of Opposition and downright Conquest , when they are taken Inwardly : some by Retraction , others by Extinction , where they are applied Externally . Thus Triacle , whose Basis or master ingredient is the Flesh of Vipers , doth cure a man empoisoned by the Biting of a Viper ; only because , in respect of Consimilarity or Similitude of substance , it uniteth it self to the Venome of the Viper , which had before taken possession of and diffused it self throughout the body , and afterwards educeth the same together with it self , when it is expelled by sweating , procured by divers Cardiacal and Hidrotical , or Sudorifick Medicaments commixt in the same Composition : no otherwise than as Soap , whose principal Ingredient is oil , doth therefore take off oily and greasie spots from Clothes ; because , uniting it self unto a Cognate or Consimilar substance , the Oil or Fat adhaering to the Cloth , and so assisting its Dilution and Concorporation with the Water , in which it self is dissolved ; it carrieth the same away together with it self in the water , when that is expressed or wrung out by the hand of the Laundress . More plainly ; As oyle is therefore commixed with Ashes , or Salt , in the composition of Soap , to the end it may not stain the Cloth anew , to which it is applyed , but being confused with the oil or Fat , wherewith the cloth was formerly stained , Abduce or carry off the same together with it self in the water , which is the Vehicle to both : so likewise is the Flesh of Vipers therefore commixt with so many Alexiterial Simples as concur to the Confection of Triacle , to the end it may by them be hindred from envenoming the body a new , but yet at the same time be so commixt with the Venome already diffused t●rough the body , as that when those Alexiterial Medicaments are by S●●at or otherwise educed from the body , carrying along with them th● Venome of the Vipers flesh , to which they are individually consoci●ted , they may also abduce or carry away that venome of the Vipers tooth , which was formerly diffused through the body . And this , we m●reover conceive , may be the General Reason not only of the Evacuat●on of Venomes by Sweat , where the Antidote works by Union and A●●uction ; but also of the Evacuation of superfluous Humours by Elective 〈◊〉 , or Purging Medicaments , that specifically educe this , or that Humor : for , it may be as lawfully said , that Like may be cured by Like , or 〈◊〉 by Unlike ; as that oil may be absterged by its Like , viz. the oil in So●p , and by something that is Unlike , viz. the Salt , or Water carrying 〈◊〉 o●l individually commixt with it . Thus also doth the body of a Scorpion , being bruised and layed warm to t●● part , which it hath lately wounded and envenomed , suddainly Retract , a●d so hinder the further Diffusion of the Poison that it had immitted into the body ; only because the Nervous and Fibrous parts of the Scorpions body bruised , by a motion of Vermiculation recontracting themselves , as Chords too much extended , and so retracting the Venome that yet remains adhaerent to them : do at the same time Extract that Consimilar Venome , that was infused into the wound . The same also may be conceived of the Cure of the venome of a Spider by the body of the Spider contused , and applied to the part envenomed : and of the Cure of the Biting of a Mad Dog , by the Liver of the same Dog , in like manner Contused and imposed . Nor is it by way of Union and Abduction alone , that some Poysons become Antidotes against others ; but also by that of direct Contrariety , Colluctation and Conquest : for , there being great Diversity of Venoms , some must be Contrapugnant to others ; and whenever any two , whose Natures and Proprieties are Contrary one to the other , meet together , they must instantly encounter and combate each other , and at last the Activity of the Weaker submit to that of the stronger , while Nature acting the part of a third Combatant , observes the advantage , and coming in with all her forces to the assistance of her Enemies Enemie , completes the Victory , and delivers Her self from the danger . Besides , we have the testimony of Experience , that Divers men have fortified their bodies against the assault and fury of some Poisons , by a gradual Assuefaction of them to others , as Mithridates , and the Attick old Woman , &c. Hence we remember Another considerable Secret concerning Poisons , much disputed of in the School of Physitians ; viz. Whence comes it , that not only sundry Particular Persons , but even Whole Nations have fedd upon venemous Animals and Plants , without the least of harm , nay with this benefit , that they have thereby so familiarized Poisons to their own Nature , as that they needed no other Praeservative against the danger of the strongest Poison , but that Venenate one of their own Temperament ? Whereto , we Answer , in a word , that that Tyrant , Custome , alone challengeth the honour of this wonder ; such men having , by sensible degrees , or slow advance from lesser to greater Doses of Poisons , so changed the temperament and habit of their bodies , that the wildest Venoms degenerated into wholesome Aliments , and Poisons were no more Poisons to them , than to the Animals themselves , which Generate and contain them . Which duely considered , we have little reason to doubt the verity of Galens relation ( de theriaca ad Pison . ) of the Marsi , and Aegyp●ians , whose ordinary Diet was Serpents : or of the like in Pliny ( lib. 6. cap. 29. ) concerning the Psyllae , Tintyritae , and Candei , who were all ophiophagi , or Serpent-Eaters : or of Theophrastus his story ( lib. 9. de histor . animal . cap. 18. ) of certain Shepherds in Thrace , who made their grand Sallads of white Hellebor : or of Avicens ( lib. 4. sen. 6. tract . 1. cap. 6. ) of a certain Wench , who living upon no other Viands but Toads , Serpents , and other the strongest poisons , and mostly upon that of Napellus , became of a Nature so prodigiously virulent , that she outpoisoned the Basilisk , kissed several Princes to death , and to all those unhappy Lovers , whom her rare beauty had invited to her bed , her Embraces proved as f●tal , as those of Iupiter armed with his thunder , are feigned to have been to femele : or of Iul. Caes. Scaligers ( Exercit. 175. ) concerning the Kings son of Cambaia , who being educated with divers sorts of poisons from his infancy , had his temperament thereby made so inhumane and trans●endently Deleterious , that He destroyed Flyes only with his breath , kille● several women with his first nights Courtship , and pistolled his Enemies with his Spittle ; like the serpent Ptyas , that quickly resolves a man into his originary Dust , only by Inspuition , as Galen reports ( de theriaca ad Pison . cap. 8. ) The Rear of this Division of Secrets concerning Animals , belongs to the ARMARIE or MAGNETICK UNGUENT , and its Cousin German , the SYMPATHETICK POWDER , or Roman Vitriol calcined ; both which are in high esteem with many , especially with the Disciples of Para●●lsus , Cro●lius , Goclenius , and Helmont , all which have laboured hard to assert their Virtue in the Cure of Wounds , at great distance , either the Unguent , or Powder being applyed only to the weapon , wherewith the wound was made , or to some piece of Wood , Linnen , or other thing , to which any of the blood , or purulent matter issuing from the wound , doth ●●haere . Concerning those , therefore , we say , in short ; ( 1 ) That notwithstanding the stories of wounds supposed to have been cured by Hoplochrism , both with the Unguent and Vitriol , are innumerable ; yet is not that a suffi●●ent Argument to convince a circumspect and wary judgment , that either o● them is impowered with such a rare and admirable Virtue , as their admire●● praesume : because many of those stories may be Fabulous ; and were the several Instances or Experiments of their Unsuccessfulness summed up ●nd alledged to the contrary , they would , doubtless , by incomparable excesses overweigh those of their successfulness , and soon counter-incline the minds of men to a suspicion at least of Error , if not of Imposture in their Inventors and Patrons . ( 2 ) Though the Examples of their success were many more than those of their Failing ; yet still would it be less reasonable for us to flye to such remote , obscure , imaginary Faculties , as do not only transcend the capacity of our Understanding , but openly contradict that no less manifest than general Axiome , Nihil agere in rem distantem : than to have recourse to a proxime , manifest , and real Agent , such as daily producing the like and greater Effects by its own single power , may justly challenge the whole honour of that Sanative Energy to it self , which the fraud of some , and incircumspection of others have unduly ascribed to the Unguent , or Sympathetick Powder : We mean , the Vital ( if you please , you may call it , the Animal , or Vegetative ) Faculty it self ; which rightly performing the office of Nutrition , doth by the continual apposition of the Balsam of the Blood , to the extremes of the small Veins , and to the Fibres in the wound , repair the lost flesh , consolidate the Disu●●ted parts , and at length induce a Cicatrice thereupon . For , common Experience demonstrateth , that in men of temperate Diet and euchymical bodies , very deep and large wounds are many times soon healed of themselves ; i. e. meerly by the goodness of Nature it self , which being vigorous , and of our own provision furnished with convenient means , wholesom and assimilable Blood , doth every moment freshly apply it to the part that hath suffered solution of Continuity , and thereby redintegrate the same : especially when those Impurities generated by putrefaction in the wound , which might otherwise be impediments to Natures work of Assimilation and Consolidation , are removed by the Detersive and Adstrictive Faculty of the Salt in the Urine , wherewith the wound is daily to be washed , according to the praescript of our Sympathetical Chirons . Nor is this more than what Dogs commonly do , when by licking their wounds clean , and moistning them with the saltish Humidity of their tongues ; they easily and speedily prove their own Chirurgeons . ( 3 ) The Basis or Foundation of Hoplochrism is meerly Imaginary and Ridiculous ; for , the Assertors thereof generally dream of a certain Anima Mundi , or Common Soul in the World , which being diffused through all parts of the Universe , doth constantly transferr the Vulnerary Virtue of the Unguent , & Vitriol , from the Extravenated blood adhaering to the weapon or cloth , to the wound , at any distance whatever , and imbuing it therewith , strongly assist Nature in the Consolidation of the Disunion . But , insomuch as this Anima Mundi , according to their own wild supposition , ought to be praesent to all other wounds in the world , no less than to that , from which the blood , whereunto the Unguent , or Vitriol is applied , was derived : therefore would it cure all other wounds , as well as that particular one ; since it interveneth betwixt that wound and the Unguent or Vitriol , by no more special reason , than betwixt them and all other wounds ; unless it can be proved , that some other special thing is transmitted to that particular wound from the Unguent , and that by local motion through all points of the intermediate spaces successively ; which they will by no arguments be induced to concede . This Verdict , I praesume , was little expected from Me , who have , not many years past , publickly declared my self to be of a Contrary judgment ; written profestly in Defence of the cure of wounds , at distance , by the Magnetick , or Sympathetick Magick of the Weapon-Salve ; and Powder of Calcined Vitriol ; and excogitated such Reasons of my own , to support and explicate the so generally conceded and admired Efficacy of Both , as seemed to afford greater satisfaction to the Curious , in that point , than the Romantique Anima Mundi of the Fraternity of the Rosy-Cross , the Analogical Magnetism of Helmont , or , indeed , than any other whatever formerly invented and alledged . And , therefore , to take off my Reader from all admiration thereat , it is necessary for me here to profess ; that the frequent Experiments I have , since that time , made , of the downright Inefficacy and Unsuccessfulness as well of the Armary Unguent , as Sympathetick Powder , even in small , shallow , and in dangerous Wounds ; my discovery of the lightness and invalidity of my own and other mens Reasons , adferred to justifie their imputed Virtues , and abstruse wayes of operation ; and the greater Probability of their opinion , who charge the Sanation of wounds , in such cases , upon the sole benignity and Consolidative Energy of Nature it self : these Arguments , I say , have now fully convinced me of , and wholly Converted me from that my former Error . And glad I am of this fair opportunity , to let the world know of my Recantation : having ever thought my self strictly obliged , to praefer the interest of Truth , infinitely above that of Opinion ▪ how plausible and splendid soever , and by whomsoever conceived and asserted ; to believe , that Constancy to any unjustifiable Conception , after clear Conviction , is the most shameful Pertinacity , a sin against the very Light of Nature , and never to be pardoned in a profest Votary of Candor and Ingenuity ; and to endeavour the Eradication of any Unsound and Spurious Tenent , with so much more of readiness and sedulity , by how much more the unhappy influence of my Pen , or Tongue hath , at any time , contributed to the Growth and Authority thereof . CHAP. XVI . THE PHAENOMENA OF THE LOADSTONE EXPLICATED . SECT . I. WHose Wit had the best edge , and came nearest the slitting of the hair ; His , who said , that the LOADSTONE is the real Ianus , because of its Two opposite Faces , or Poles , one whereof confronteth the North , the other the South : or His , who called it the Egg and Epitome of the Terrestrial Globe ; because as the Egg contains the Idaea of the whole and every part of its Protoplast or Generant , so doth the Loadstone comprehend the Idaea of the whole and every part of the Earth , and inherit all its Proprieties , being Generated thereby , at least therein : or His , Who named it The Nest of Wonders ; because , as a Nest of Boxes , it includes many admirable Secrets , one within another , insomuch , that no man can well understand the mystical platform of its Nature , till he hath opened and speculated them all one after another : or His , who affirmed it to be the Antitype of the Poets Hydra ; because , no sooner hath the Sword of Reason cut off one Head , or Capital Difficulty , but Two new ones spring up in the place of it , nor ought any man to hope the total and absolute Conquest thereof , but by Cauterizing the veins of every Difficulty , i. e. leaving not so much as the seeds of a Scruple , but solving all its various Phaenomenaes to the full : or His , who thought it sufficient , with Aristotle , to call it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] The stone , that singularity importing its transcendent Dignity : we freely leave to the judgment of our Reader . And , as for sundry other Enquiries , that do not in any direct or oblique interest concern the Investigation of the Causes of All , or Any of those admirable Proprieties observed in the Loadstone ; such as that of the various Appellations given it by several Philosophers of old , by several Nations , at this day , together with the proper Original , Etymology and Reason of each : Whether it was first Discovered by the Shepherd Magnes , on Mount Ida ; as Pliny ( lib. 6. cap. 26. ) reports out of the records of Nicander : Whether its Attractive Virtue was known not only to Hippocrates and other Senior Philosophers of Greece , but also to the Primitive Hebrews , and Aegyptians ; as Gilbert conjectureth ( de Magnet . lib. 1. cap. 2. ) : Whether the Knowledge of its Ve●●icity , or Polary Virtue cannot be derived higher than the top of the four last Centuries , and ought to be ascribed to a French man , together with the honour of the Invention of the Pixis Nautica , or Navigators Compass , about the year of Christ , M. CC. as ●assendus would persuade , out of one Guyotus Provi●eus , an old French Poet , who not long after , writ a Panegyrick in Verse upon the Excellency and sundry uses of the same ; or to Iohn Goia ( alias Gira ) of Salerna ▪ who lived not till almost an hundred years after the said Guyotus had divulged his Poem , as Blancanus ( in Chronolog . Mathemat . Sec l. 2. ) contends : Whether the Nations inhabiting the Sinnae had the use of the Mariners Compass , before the Europeans ; or whether they learned it of the European ships , that first advanced beyond the Cape of Good-hope , and coasted the Mare Rubrum , and begun Commerce with them : All these things , as being not only not easie to determine , but also scarce pertinent to our praesent scope , we refer to our Readers own enquiry , in Gilbert , Cabeus , Kircher , and other Authors , who promise him all possible satisfaction therein . To come , therefore , directly to the prosecution of our main design ; we observe , that the VIRTUES of the Loadstone are , in General Two , one whereby it attracteth Iron to it self , the other whereby it directeth both it self and Iron ▪ which it hath impregnated by contact or influence , to the Poles of the Earth : the First is called Alliciency , the Other its Verticity or Polarity . Concerning the Cause of its Alliciency , or the reason of the Attraction of Iron by the Loadstone , or ( if you would have us speak in the sense and dialect of Dr. Gilbert ) the Coition of Iron and a Loadstone ; various opinions have been conceived and asserted as well by Modern as Ancient Philosophers . Among those of the Ancients , that which best deserves our commemoration and consideration , is the opinion of Epicurus : who , lest He might seem scarcely sufficiently conscious of the great difficulty of the subject , excogitated a Two-fold Theory for its Explication and Solution ; the F●●mer of which we may easily collect from the Commentary of Lucretius thereupon ; the Latter from the Dispute of Galen ( lib. 1. De Natur . Facult . ) against it . For , Lucretius , professing to explain the Reason and Manner of the Attraction of Iron by the Loadstone , according to the Principles and judgment of Epicurus , founds his Discourse upon these Four Pillars , or Praeconsiderables ; ( 1 ) That all Concretions do continually emit subtile Effluvia's , or Aporrhaea's : ( 2 ) That the contexture of no Concretion is so compact , as not to have many small Vacuities , or insensible Pores , variously intercepted among its solid and component particles : ( 3 ) That the Effluvia's streaming from Concretions , are not equally Congruous or Accommodate to all Bodies they meet with in the sphere of their Diffusion : ( 4 ) That the small Pores , or insensible Inanities intercepted among the particles of Concretions , are not all of one and the same Circumscription , or Figure ; and so not indifferently accommodable or proportionate to all sorts of Effluvia s issuing from other bodies , but only to such , as are symmetrical or Correspondent to them in Figure and Magnitude . And then He proceeds to erect this superstructure thereupon . The Attractive Virtue of the Loadstone , being determinate only to Iron and Steel ( which is Purified Iron ) seems to consist in this ; that both from the Loadstone and Iron there perpetually issue forth continued streams of insensible particles , or bodies , which more or less , according to their number and force of diffusion , commove and impel the ambient Aer : and because the streams which flow from the Loadstone are both more numerous and more potent , than those which are emitted from the Iron ; therefore is the ambient Aer alwayes more strongly discussed and impelled about the Loadstone , than about the Iron ; and so there are many more Inane Spaces therein created about the Loadstone , than about the Iron . That forasmuch as , when the Iron is placed within the sphere of the Aer Discussed by the Effluxions of the Loadstone , there cannot but be much of Inanity intercepted ( understand insensible Inanity ) betwixt it and the Loadstone ; thence it comes , that the Aporrhaeaes of the Iron tend more freely or uninterruptedly toward that part , which faceth the Loadstone , and so are carried quite home unto it : and because they cannot tend thither in such swarms , and with such freedome , but they must impell the Particles of the Iron that are yet cohaerent together ; therefore must they also move and impel the whole mass of Iron , consisting of those reciprocally Cohaerent Particles , and so carry it quite home to the Loadstone . That , when a Loadstone Attracteth Iron , not only through the Aer , but also through divers compact and firm bodies , and particularly through Marble ; we are to conceive that there are more and more capacious Inanities made in that part of such interposed bodies , which respecteth the Loadstone , than in that part of them , which confronteth the Iron . That the reason , why other things , as Straw , Wood , Gold , &c. being situate within the sphere of the Aer Discussed by the Effluxes of the Loadstone , do not in like manner emit their subtile particles in such numerous and potent streams , as carrying along their Cohaerent Particles with them , should move and impel their whole masses to a Conjunction with it : is only this , that the Particles emitted from the Iron are alone Commensurable to the Inane Spaces in the Loadstone . That , because Iron tendeth to the Loadstone indiscriminately , i. e. either upward or downward , transversly or obliquely , according to the region of its Application ; this indifferency could not be , but in respect of the introduced Vacuities , into which the particles ( otherwise prolabent only downward ) are carried without Distinction of region . And , lastly , that the motion of the Iron towards the Loadstone , is assisted and promoted by the Aer , by reason of its continual Motion and Agitation ; and first by the Exterior Aer , which being alwayes most urgent on that part , where it is most Copious , cannot but impel the Iron toward that part where it is less Copious , or more full of Inanities , i. e. toward the Loadstone : and afterward by the Interior Aer , which being likewise alwayes commoved and agitated , cannot but cause the stronger motion toward that part , where the Space is rendred more Inane . And this we conceive to be the summary of Lucretius Exposition of Epicurus Opinion touching the Reason of the Loadstones Iron-attractive Faculty . And Galen ( in loco citato ) impugning the Magnetick Theory of Epicurus , first makes a contracted , but plain recital thereof , in these words : A lapide quidem Herculeo ferrum , à succino verò paleus attrahi , &c. quippe effluentes Atomos ex lapide illo ita figuris congruere cum illis , quae ex ferro effluunt , ut in amplexus facile veniant ; quamobrem impactas utrinque ( nempe in ipsa tum lapidis , quam ferri corpora concreta ) & resilientes deinde in medium , circumplicari invicem , & ferrum simul pertrahi , &c. Wherein , besides his usuall fidelity in the Recitation even of such opinions of other men , as he thought good to endeavour to refute , we have good reason to believe , that Galen came as near as possible to the true and genuine sense of Epicurus : forasmuch as those Four Praeconsiderables alledged by Lucretius for the support of his exposition of the Cause and Manner of the Coition of the Loadstone and Iron , may be with equal Congruity accommodated also to this latter Epicurean Solution of the same problem , according to this praesent interpretation and abridgement of Galen . For , according to the tenour thereof , both the Loadstone and Iron are praesumed to consist of particles exactly alike in configuration , and to have the like Inane Spaces , or insensible pores intercepted among those particles : and this upon no slender ground , seeing that the Loadstone and Iron are perfect Twinns , being both generated not onely in the same Matrix , but of the same Materials , one the same Mineral Vein of the Earth . And , therefore , it is the more probable , that the particles or Atoms issuing in continued streams from the Loadstone , and invading Iron situate within the Orb of their activity , should easily and deeply insinuate themselves into the pores of the Iron ; and there meeting with streams of other Atoms so exactly consimilar to themselves , engage them to reciprocal Cohaerence , and being partly repercussed or rebounded from thence toward their Source , abduce those Atoms along with them , to which they cohaere , and by the impulse of other cohaerent particles , abduce also the whole and entire mass : especially since it is part of the supposition , that the Atoms transmitted from the Iron to the Loadstone , do reciprocally move , engage , and compel the particles thereof , after the same manner ; it being almost necessary that the Atoms on both sides , in good part rebounding or resilient , toward their sources , and mutually implicated , should flow together into the medium , and so doing , that the whole bodies or masses of the iron and Loadstone should be brought to a Conjunction in the Medium , because of the Cohaesion of both sorts of the flowing Atoms , with those , of which the whole masses are contexed . For , notwithstanding it be vulgarly apprehended and affirmed , that the Iron doth come to the Loadstone , rather then the Loadstone to the Iron ; that the streams of Atoms emanant from the Loadstone , are both more numerous and much more potent ; and found by Experiment that pieces of Iron do not only meet Loadstones half way , but come quite home to them , where the Loadstones are either much greater and weightier , or so held fast in a mans hand , or otherwise , as that they cannot exercise their reciprocal tendency : yet , as Gilbert speaks ( de Magnet . lib. 2. cap. 4. ) Mutuis viribus fit Concursus ad unitionem , the Coition is not from one single Attraction , but from a Double , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Conactus . And , as for the reason , why other things do not apply themselves to the Loadstone , as well as Iron ; it may be said , that the streams of Atoms flowing from the Loadstone , and encountring those that are emitted from other bodies , do either pass uninterruptedly along by them , or are not , in respect of their Dissimilitude in Figures , so implicated or Complected with them , as in their resilition to flow together and concurr in the medium . And then He attempts the subversion thereof , by the opposition of some Arguments , and especially of these Three Quaeries . ( 1 ) How such minute and insensible bodies , as those of which the Magnetick Aporrhaeas are supposed to consist , can be able to Attract [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] so great a weight as that of a mass of Iron ? Whereto it may be Answered , in behalf of Epicurus , that the Magnetick Effluxes are not supposed to be so potent , as to draw any mass of Iron of what weight soever , but only such a one , whose bulk or weight carrieth some proportion to the force of the Attrahent , or Loadstone . Again , He might have considered , that the motions of the Grossest and Heaviest Animals are performed by their spirits , that are bodies as exile and imperceptible as the Magnetick Effluviaes : that Winds , which also consist of insensible particles , do usually overturn trees and vast aedifices , by the impetuosity of their impulses : and that subterraneous Vapours are frequently the Causes of Earthquakes . And , as for the reason , How the Magnetick Aporrhaea's can Deduce , Apprehend , and Detain a mass of Iron ; He might have remembred , that the Atoms of the Magnet are conceived to have certain small Hooks , or Clawes , by which they may lay hold upon the Ansulae , or Fastnings in the Iron ; to have a violent Motion , which is the Cause both of their Impaction against , and Resilition from the Iron , and to have a perpetual Supply of the like Atoms continually streaming from the same fountain , by which they are assisted in their Retraction , whereupon the Attraction may ensue , and that so much the more forcible , by how much nearer the Iron is praesented , in regard of the more copious Efflux , or Density of the Magnetical rayes . ( 2 ) How comes it , That a piece , or ring of Iron , being it self Attracted by a Loadstone , and on one part adhaerent unto it , should at the same time attract and suspend another ring on the contrary part ; that second ring likewise attract and suspend a third , that third a fourth , that fourth a fifth , &c. To this we may apply that Response of Epicurus , which Galen himself commemorates ; An dicemus , effluentium ex lapide particularum nonnullas quidem , ubi serro occu●saverint , resilire ; & has ipsas esse , per quas ferrum suspendi contingat ? nonnullas verò illud subeuntes , per inanes meatulos transire qu●m o●yssimè , & consequentèr impactas in aliud ferrum proximum , cum illud nequeant subi●gredi , tametsi prius penetraverint , hinc resilientes versus priu● , complexus alios prioribus similes efficere ? For , herein is nothing so incongruous , as Galen conceives ; it being not improbable , that some of the Magnetical Atoms , falling upon a piece of Iron should be impinged against the solid p●●ticles thereof , and others of them , at the same time , penetrate the sm●●● manities or pores betwixt those solid particles ; after the same manne● ▪ 〈◊〉 we have formerly asserted the particles of Light to be partly R●fl●c●●d from the solid parts , and partly Trajected through the Pores of 〈◊〉 ●nd other Diaphanous bodies : nor that some of those Magnetick Ray●● ▪ which pass through the pores of the first Iron , should invade a second 〈◊〉 posited beyond it , and be impinged likewise against the soli● particl●● 〈◊〉 that , and so reflected toward their original , while some others pervading the In●nities of the second , should attract a third piece of Iron , and so ●ons●quently a fourth , a fifth , and sometimes more . And ▪ certainly ▪ 〈◊〉 this case it is of no small advantage to Epicurus , that the Force of the Magnetick Attraction is so Debilitated by degrees , as that in the seco●●●●on it becomes weaker than in the first , in the third than in the second ▪ in the fourth than the third , &c. until at length it be totally evira●● and decayed : because , upon the second there cannot fall as many ray●● ▪ as did upon the first , nor upon the third , as upon the second ▪ &c. as 〈◊〉 have at large explicated , in our discourse of the Causes of the Debilitat●●● of Light. It may be further added also , in defence of Epicurus ▪ that the Atoms of the Loadstone , penetrating the substance of Iron , do so ex●●mulate the Atoms thereof , that the Iron instantly suffering an Altera●●●n of the position of all its component particles , doth in a sort compo●e 〈◊〉 self according to their mode , and put on the nature of the Loadstone it self : and therefore it can be no such wonder , that one iron Magneti●●●d should operate upon another iron , as the Magnet did upon it . But , all this ▪ 〈◊〉 confess , though it conferr somewhat of strength and plainness to the opinion of Epicurus , cannot yet be extended so farr , as to equal the length of our Curiosity , concerning the Reason of the Co●tion of the Loa●●●one and Iron ; and therefore it imports us to superadd thereunto so m●●● of the Speculations and Observations of our Modern Magnet●●●an Au●●ors , Gilbert , Cabeus , Kircher , Grandamicus , &c. ( who have with more profound scrutiny searched into , and happier industry discovered 〈…〉 the mystery ) as may serve to the enlargement at least , i● not the full 〈◊〉 of our satisfaction . And , in order hereunto , to the en● Peripicuity 〈◊〉 Succ●●ctness may walk hand in hand together through our whole 〈◊〉 Discourse ; we are to compose it of sundry OBSERV●BLES : 〈◊〉 as may not only conduct our Disquisitions through all the 〈◊〉 and serp●●●●ne wayes of Magnetism , and acquaint us with the seve●●● Laws o●●●gnetick Energy ; but also , like the links of a Chain , sustain eac● othe● 〈◊〉 a continued series of mutual Dependency and Connexion . The FIRST OBSERVABLE is ; that as well the Loadstone , as its beloved Mistress , Iron , seems to be endowed with a Faculty , that holds some Analogy to the sense of Animals ; and that principally in respect of Attraction . For ( 1 ) as an Animal , having its sensory invaded and affected by the species of a grateful object , doth instantly desire , and is accordingly carried , by the instruments of Voluntary motion , to the same : so likewise so soon as a lesser or weaker Loadstone , or piece of Iron , is invaded and percelled with the species of a greater or more potent one ; it is not only invited , but rapt on toward the same , by a kind of nimble Appetite , or impetuous tendency . ( 2 ) As sensible objects do not diffuse their species of Colour , Odour , Sound , &c. to an Animal at any distance whatever , but have the spheres of their Diffusion or transmission limitted : so neither doth the Loadstone , nor Iron transmit their Species or Emanations each to other , at any distance whatever , but only through a determinate interval of space , beyond which they remain wholly insensible each of others virtue . ( 3 ) As a sensible object , that is convenient and grateful , doth by its species immitted into the sensory of an Animal , convert , dispose , and attract the Soul of the Animal ; and its soul being thus converted disposed and attracted toward that object , doth by its Virtue or Power , carry the body , though gross and ponderous , along to the same : exactly so doth the Loadstone seem , by its species transfused , to convert , dispose and attract towards it the ( as it were ) soul , or spiritual substance of Iron ; which doth instantly by its power or vertue , move and carry the whole mass , or grosser parts of it along to an union with the same . Certainly , it would not easily be believed , that a thing so exile and tenuious , as is the Sentient Soul of an Animal ( which is only Flos substantiae , the purer and subtler part of its matter ) should be sufficiently potent to move and from place to place transfer so ponderous and unweildy a mass , as that of the Body ; unless our sense did demonstrate it unto us , and therefore , why should we not believe , that in Iron there is somewhat , which though it be not perfectly a Soul , is yet in some respects Analogous to a Soul ; that doth though most exile and tenuious in substance , move , and transferr the rest of the mass of Iron , though ponderous , gross and of it self very unfit for motion ? All the Difficulty , therefore , which remains , being only about the Manner , How the Sentient Soul of an Animal is affected by and attracted toward a Grateful Object , let us conceive , that the sensible species , being it self Corporeal , and a certain Contexture of small particles effluxed from the object , such as do gently and pleasantly commove and affect the Organ of Sense , being once immitted into the Sensory , doth instantly move the part of the Soul , ( which is also Corporeal , and a certain Contexture of small particles ) inhaerent or resident in that Organ , and evolving the particles of the Soul converted ( perchance ) another way , and turning them about toward that part , from whence themselves are derived , i. e. toward the object , it doth impress a kind of impulse upon them , and so determine and attract the soul , and consequently the whole Animal , toward the object . For , admitting this Conception , we may complete the Parallelism intended , thus ; as the particles of a sensible species , transmitted from a grateful object , and subingressing through the organ into the contexture of the Soul , or Sentient part thereof , do so sollicite it , as that it becomes converted toward , and is carried unto that particular object , not without a certain impulse of appetite : so do the particles of the Magnetical species , subingressing into the Soul of the Iron , so evolve its insensible particles , and turn them toward the Loadstone , as being thus sollicited , it conceives a certain appetite or impetus toward the same , and which is more , forthwith resalutes it , by diffusing the like species toward it . For , as if the Iron were before asleep and unactive , it is awakened and excited by this exstimulation of the Magnetical Species ; and being as it were admonished , what is the propriety of its nature , it sets it self nimbly to work , and owns the Cognation . But , by what other way soever it shall be explicated , How an Animal is affected by , and rapt toward a sensible object : by the same way may it still be conceived , how Iron is affected by , and rapt toward a Loadstone . For , albeit as to divers other things , there be no Analogy betwixt the Nature and Conditions of an Animal , and those of Iron : yet cannot that Disparity destroy the Analogy betwixt them in point of Alliciency or Attraction , here supposed . Which well considered , Scaliger had no reason to charge Thales Milesius with ridiculous Madness , for conceding the Loadstone and Iron to have Souls : as Dr. Gilbert ( lib. 2. de Magnet . cap. 4. ) hath observed before us . The SECOND ; that forasmuch as betwixt the Loadstone and its Paramour , Iron , there is observed not only an Attraction , or mutual Accession , or Co●●ion , but also a firm Cohaesion of each to other , like two Friends closely entwined in each others arms ; and that this Cohaesion supposeth reciprocal Revinction , which cannot consist without some certain corporeal Instruments , that hold some resemblance to Lines and Hooks : hence 〈◊〉 it warrantable for us to conceive , that the species diffused from the Loadstone to the Iron , and from the Iron to the Loadstone , are transmitted by way of Radiation , and that every Ray is Tense and Direct in its progress through the intermediate space , like a small thread or wire extended , and this because it consisteth of Myriads of small particles , or Atoms flowing in a continued stream , so that the praecedent particles are still urged and protruded forward , in a direct line , by the consequent , after the same manner as the rayes of Light flowing from a Lucid body , the Cause of whose Direction must be their Continued Fluor , as we have formerly Demonstrated , at large . We may further conceive , that as the rayes of Light do pass through a Perspicuous body ; so do the Magnetical rayes pass thorow the body of Iron . That as among all the Lucid rayes incident upon a Perspicuous body , whose side obverted to the Luminary is of a Devex figure , only one ray , viz. that which falls upon the middle point or centre , is directly trajected ; and all the rest are inclined or refracted toward that Direct one , in their progress through the aer beyond ●he Diaphanous body : so is only one of the Magnetick rayes , incident upon Iron , directly trajected through the same , and all the others are refracted or deflected toward that one direct . Only here is the Disparity ▪ that from the Diaphanous body to the Luminary no rayes are interchangeably transmitted : but from the Iron to the Loadstone there are ▪ and o● these also , in their permeation thorow the Loadstone , only one is direc● ▪ and all the rest deflected toward that one . That forasmuch a● these M●gnetick rayes , being hence and thence refracted , and accordingly passing ●●orow the pores of the body of the Iron , on one side , and those of the Loadstone , on the other ; do variously intersect each other at certain Angles , and in respect of those angles , become like so many Arms embowed , or Chords inflected , and so perstringe the solid particles interjacent among the pores : thence doth it come to pass , that the whole masses or bodies being thus , on this side and that interchangeably perstringed , there ensues the mutual Adduction of the one to the other , or of the less or weaker to the greater or stronger ; and consequently the Cohaesion of the one to the other , the Devinction being , as the Adduction , reciprocal . We need not advertise , that the Magnetick rayes are so much stronger and tens●r than the Luminous ; by how much they are more Subtile and Agile : being such as that in a moment they pass thorow a very great ma●s of Marble , which the rayes of Light cannot doe . Nor that the Magne●ique rayes do not attract Marble , though they do attract Iron posited beyond it ; nor strawes , or other lighter things interposed : because , except the Loadstone and Iron , no other bodies whatever do reciprocally emit and effect each other with their rayes ; nor have they that Disposition of their Pores or passages , which is necessary to the determinate Refraction of the Magnetique rayes , and to the constriction of their solid particles thereby . The THIRD ; the Magnetique Species being diffused by Deradiation Excentrical , and the Attraction of the Loadstone ( of a Spherical figure ) being therefore Circumradious , or from all points of the circumference of its ●phere of Energy : it will be requisite that we allow it to have ( 1 ) a Centre , as that which is on all sides Corroborated by all the circumstant parts ; ( 2 ) an Axis , as that to which the virtues of all the circumjacent Fibres are contributed ; ( 3 ) the Diametre of an A●quator , which lying in the middle of all its Fibres , may also contain the strongest virtue of them all . For , having conceded this Geometrical Distinction of parts to a Terrella , or Spherical Magnet ; we shall reap this advantage thereby , that we shall easily comprehend and describe the several reasons of Laws and Experiments Magnetical . To particularize ; insomuch as the Magnetique Rayes are diffused from the Centre of the Loadstone to all points of it superfice , and beyond it to the bounds of their Orb of Activity ; that ray , which passeth through either of its Poles , doth attract only by the force of the Axis ; and that , which passeth through the Aequator , draws only by the force of the Diametre of the Aequator ; and the other rayes , which like Meridians , pass through the other parts , draw by a Compound or Complicated force , insomuch as they are alwayes intermediate betwixt one ray , which proceeds directly from the Axis , and is parallel to the Aequator , and another which comes directly from the Diametre of the Aequator , and is parallel to the Axis . And , because the Aequator is aequidistant from either Pole ; thence is it , that an Iron Obelus , or Needle , being praesented thereunto , shall be drawn parallel to the Axis , and in a direct line to the Diametre of the Aequator : because all the rayes expiring from the Axis , as they are the longest and strongest of all others , so are they also on each hand Equal , and equally attractive of the Extremes of the Needle ; so that when it cannot incline to one Pole more than to the other , as being aequilibrated by two equal rivals , it must consist in the middle betwixt them both . Again , if the Needle be praesented to any part of the Terrella , beyond the Aequator , toward either Pole , in this case , because the ray issuing from the Diametre of the Aequator doth then display its virtue to the height , and that ●ay which is derived from the Axis , is not of so much power as another longer one passing through , or near to the Aequator : therefore shall the extreme of the Needle , toward the nearest Pole , feeling that stronger virtue , be somewhat inclined ; as if affecting to be conformed to that ray , which is direct to the Diametre of the Aequator ; and it shall be alwayes inclined so much the more , by how much longer that ray is , and the other , pro●●uent from the Axis , the shorter . Lastly , because in approaching very near to the Pole , the one ray becomes very long , the other very short ( comparatively ) ; and so the Ne●●le must be now almost right to the Aequator : thence comes 〈◊〉 , that at the very Pole , that Extreme of the Needle , which regards it , shall cohaere to the Pole , and so the Needle shall be ●●●posed in the same line with the Axis itself . The FOUR●H ; the Loadstone being of such singular Contexture , and so admirab●● comparated by Nature , as that while it remains whole , the one half of its particles have a certain Polary respect , or manner of Con●●●sion to one part , and the other half to the opposite part ; and ●hen it is cut in two at the Aequator , each segment , which formerly had all its particles converted one and the same way , doth in a mom●●● alter their respect , and convert the one half of them to one 〈◊〉 and the other to the Contrary part : therefore doth a Needl●●●●vigorated ) though all its particles were before indiscriminately and confusedly posited , likewise in a moment obtain a Conversion o● one half of its particles to one part , and of the other half to the contrary part ; and this either from its long situation above the eart● ▪ or affriction to a Loadstone , or to another Needle strongly M●●netified . And this is that prodigious Propriety of Magnetical 〈◊〉 , which Cabeus calls Facultatem Duarum facierum , a Faculty of 〈◊〉 Faces ; and Kircher [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Biforme● Facultatem ▪ though they differ beyond reconciliation in their reasons , or Explications of ●t . But , though this Janus Quality be in common as well to Iro● as to the Loadstone it self ; to the former , onely by infu●ion , t● the latter by essence : yet are we to allow this Difference , that 〈◊〉 Poles of the Loadstone are never to be changed from one extreme to the other ; but those of a Needle are easily capable of trans●●●ntation , so that the Cuspis , which now is strongly affected to the North , may in a minute be alienated and inspired 〈…〉 to the South , onely by a praeposterous Affriction of 〈…〉 Loadstone . And hence comes it , that as the North pole 〈◊〉 one Loadstone doth not attract or unite with the North pole of ●nother Loadstone ; so doth not the North Cuspis of a Needle 〈◊〉 it self to the North pole of a Loadstone ; provided ●t be 〈◊〉 praesented , not applyed , or affricted upon it . For , 〈…〉 Touch or Affriction of the Loadstone , the Cuspis from 〈…〉 a Verticity ● diametro opposite to its former : in ●ase it be 〈◊〉 upon a contrary pole , or upon the same pole with 〈…〉 Ductus . Hence also is it , that if you fill a 〈…〉 or Powder of a Loadstone , and offer it to either 〈…〉 of a whole Loadstone ; it shall remain altogether 〈…〉 ●nfluence , and acquire no Verticity at all : because 〈…〉 of the Powder , intruded into the quill , have 〈…〉 some respecting this , others that , others a quite contrary region . But , if you exchange the Filings of Loadstone for the Filings of Steel , and offer either of the extrems of the quill to either Pole of a Loadstone ; it shall instantly own the Magnetique influx , and be imbued with the Polary Virtue , or Directive Faculty thereof : and this , because all the Granules of the Steel powder , wanting determinate poles of their own , are indifferently disposed to admit and retain the virtue of either Pole of the Loadstone , in any part . If this be true , you 'l ask us , How it comes about , that the Northern Pole of one Loadstone doth not only not Attract , but nimbly Repel or Avert the Northern Pole of another Loadstone , if they be brought within the orb of their power ? And we Answer ; that the Aversion is not really from the Repulsion of one North Pole by the other , but from the Attraction of the South Pole , which is felt and owned at that distance : but , because the South Pole cannot be detorted toward the North , but the North Pole of the other Loadstone must receed and veer from it ; therefore doth that conversion seem , indeed , to be a kind of Fugation , which really is only an Attraction . The same is to be understood of the Austrine Pole of one Loadstone , in respect of the Austrine Pole of another ; and also of either Cuspis of a Needle excited as well in respect of another Needle invigorated , as of a Loadstone . The same also of a Loadstone dissected according to its Axis , when the Divisions or Segments being never so little dissociated , doe not attract each other respectively to their former situation ; but the Austral part of the one segment is wheeled about to the Boreal part of the other : and so of the other Poles ▪ the contrary whereunto alwayes happens , when a Loadstone is dissected according to the Aequinoctial . And from this one Fountain flow these Three Magnetique Axioms . ( 1 ) Contraria Contrarijs sunt amica ; similia similibus Inimica : i. e. Magnetical Poles of the same Aspect and Apellation , are alwayes Enemies , and decline both commerce and conjunction each with other ; and Poles of a Contrary respect and denomination , are alwayes Friends , and affect and embrace each other . For , to all Magneticks this is singular ; that those par●s , which are friends each to other , ever regard opposite regions , and convert to contrary points ; but those , which are Enemies , regard the same region , and convert to the same point : because Friendly parts may constitute the same Axis ; but Adverse cannot . ( 2 ) Quae eadem sunt uni tertio , non sunt eadem inter sese ; i. e. Two Poles of the same respect and name , are both Friends to a Third pole of the Contrary respect and name : but yet they are Enemies and irreconcileable among themselves . And hence comes it , that a third Pole , being offered to either of two friendly Poles , cannot be a common friend , but a necessary Enemie to either . For , those Poles , which are Friends , are of a contrary respect , one Septentrional ▪ the other Meridional : to which a Third cannot approach , unle●s it be a Meridional , that ●hall be an Enemy to the Meridional , or a Septentrional , th●● shall be an Enemy to a Septentrional : because , Poles of the same Aspect , cannot compose the same Axis , but those of a Contrary 〈◊〉 . And this starts up another singularity of Magnetiques ; that there can be no more than Two Twin●s : ●nsomuch as more than Two cannot compose the same Axis , in the same part . ( 3 ) ●irtus ex eadem ●onte petita , inimica & noxia ; ex Contrarijs fontibus , amica & jucunda . For , if you imbue the Head● of two Needles with the virtue of the same Pole , their Heads shall reciprocally turn away ●ach from other , and mutually destroy each others verticity : but , 〈◊〉 you imbue th●m with the virtue of Contra●y poles , they shall unite and mutually conserve each others verticity . Likewise , if a long Needle be applyed , in the middle , to either pole of a Loadstone , and ●hen be cut off in the place of the late Contact ; the New Extrem●● formerly united in the middle ) shall instantly display Contrary Virtues ▪ ●nd re●iprocally avoid each other . And here , 〈◊〉 Oath of Allegiance to Truth , whereby we are obliged to serve He●●pon all occasions , will excuse our Digression , if we st●p a little asid● 〈◊〉 the so famous Sepulchre of that greatest of Impostors , Maho●e● ▪ and observe how egregiously false that common report is , conc●●ning the suspension of his Iron Tomb in the Aer , by the equal Virtues of two Loadstones , the one fixt above in the arched root , th● other beneath in the floor of his Temple at Medina Talnab : in 〈◊〉 . If we consult the Relations of Travellers concerning it , we shall not only not meet with any , who affirms it upon any other g●●unds , but the Tongue of Popular Fame , and tradition of the ●●●●itude : but also with some , that expresly Contradict it : for , 〈◊〉 V●ssius tells us , both Gabriel Sionita , and Iohann●s H●sronita , 〈◊〉 le●rned Maronites , who journied to Medina on purpose to satisfie themse●●es and others in that point , positively deliver , that the Tomb o● Maho●●● is made of White Marble , and stands upon the ground in the East end 〈◊〉 ●hat Mosque . Les Voyages Fameux Du Sieur Vincent L● Blanc Marseillois , p. 21. l 1. c. 4 Quant a la ●●lle de Medine , quelques-uns ont donné ● entendre que le Sepulchr● d● Mahomet estoit la , ou ● la Meque , tout de fer & suspendu 〈…〉 par le moyen de quelques pierres d● aymant : Mais ● est une c●ose tres fausse , esta●t bien certain , comme i e l' ay appr●● sur le 〈◊〉 mesme , que ce faux Prophete mourut & fut enterre a M●●ine ▪ 〈…〉 voit encore son sepulchre for t frequente de pelerins Mahometans 〈◊〉 les quartiers du monde ▪ comme est le Sepulchre de Ierusalem de 〈◊〉 les Chrestiens . Ce Sepulchre est de marbre blan● ; ave● 〈…〉 Ebube●er , Ali , Omar , & Otman Califs , successeurs de Ma●omet , 〈…〉 au pres de soy les livres de sa vie & de sa Secte , 〈…〉 &c. And , if we consult our own Reason , considering the setled 〈…〉 alterable Laws of Magnetical Attraction ; we shall soon be 〈◊〉 not onely of the monstrous Falsity , but absolute Impossibility 〈◊〉 the Effect . For , should we grant it to be in the power of 〈◊〉 industry , to place an Iron so praecisely in the neutral point of the Medium betwixt two Loadstones , equally attracting it , the one upward , the other downward ; as that the Gravity of the Iron , and downward Attraction of the Inferiour Loadstone might not exceed , nor be exceeded by the ●pward Attraction of the Superiour Loadstone , and so the Iron should remain , without any visible support , Aequilibrated betwixt them , i● the Aer : yet could not that position of the Iron be of any Duration ; because , upon the least mutation of the temper of the Iron , or motion of it by the waving of the Aer from high winds , and divers other causes , the Aequilibration must cease , and the Iron immediately determine it self to the Victor , or strongest Attractor . But , since what is here supposed , is wholly repugnant to the Experience of all , who have or shall attempt so to aequilibrate an Iron in the Aer betwixt two Loadstones , as that it shall not feel the Attractive Virtue of one more strong than that of the other : we need not long study what to think of the suspension of Mahomets Iron Chest. Nor is it less impossible , that an Iron should be held up , at distance , in the Aer , by the Virtue of a Loadstone placed above it : insomuch as that force , which at first is sufficient to overcome the resistence of the Irons Gravity , and elevate it from the ground , must , as the Iron approacheth nearer , be still more potent to attract it ; and so that cannot oppose the Attractive Energy of the Loadstone , in the middle of it sphere , which was forced to submit and conform unto it , in the Extremes . This we may soon experiment , with a Needle by a thread chained to a table , and elevated perpendicularly in the aer , by the pole of a Loadstone : for , the Needle will nimbly spring up to meet the Loadstone , so farr as the thread will give it scope ; and if the t●read be cut off , it instantly quits the medium , and unites it self to its Attractor , from whose embraces it was before violently detained . Hereupon as we may assure our selves , that Dinocrates , that famous Architect , who , as Pliny relates ( lib. 34. cap. 14. ) began to Arch the Temple of Arsinoe in Alexandria , with Loadstones , that so Her Iron Statue might remain Pendulous in the aer , to excite wonder and Veneration in the Spectators ; but was interrupted in the middle of his Work both by his own death , and that of Ptolomy , Arsinoes Brother , who expired not long before him ; died most opportunely in respect of his Reputation , because He must have failed of the chief Design , though he had lived to finish his structure : so also can it be no longer doubted , that Ruffinus his story , of the Iron Chariot in the Temple of Serapis , and Beda's of the Iron Horse of Beller●phon , sustained by Loadstones so cunningly posited , as that their Virtues concurr and become adjusted in one determinate point ; are meer Fables , and fit to be told by none but doating old women in the chimney corner . The FIFTH ; As one Loadstone is stronger in its Attractive Virtue than another , though of the same , nay , perhaps , much greater bulk and weight ▪ so is some Iron more disposed than other , both to admit and conform to the Attraction of a Loadstone , and , after invigoration , to attract and impraegnate other Iron . As for the Vigour and Perfection of a Loadstone ; it consisteth both in its Native Purity , and Artificial Politeness . ( 1 ) In its Native Purity ; for , if no Dross or Heterogeneous substance be admixt to the Magnetick Vein in the earth , from which a Magnet is extracted ; then is that Loadstone superlatively potent and energetical in Attraction : and among Loadstones of this sincere and homogeneous Constitution , there are found no degrees of Comparison , but what the Difference of their several Bulks doth necessarily create . But , in case any Heterogeneous matter be commixt with the Magnetick seeds or particles of a Loadstone , at its Concretion ; as it for the most part falls out : then must the Attractive Energy of that stone be weaker , according to the proportion of that spurious matter admixed thereunto . This may be confirmed from hence ; that some very small Loadstones are more potent than very Great ones ; of which sort shall we account that of which Mersennus ( de Magnete ) affirms , that weighing but 7 Gr. in all , it would nimbly attract and elevate a mass of Iron 17 times higher than it self : and from hence , that some stones that were dull and languid before , after the secretion of their Drossy and Impure parts , become very active and potent . Thus , when any Heterogeneous substance hath been , like a Cortex or shell circumobduced about a Loadstone , in its concretion ; if the same be pared or filed away , and the remaining Kernel be polished ; its Virtue shall be augmented to a very great proportion . ( 2 ) In its Artificial Tersness or Politeness ; for , by how much smoother a Loadstone is , in it superfice , with so many the more rayes of Virtue , both Attrahent and Amplectent or Connectent , doth it touch Iron oblated unto it ; and è contra . Likewise , as for the more or less praedisposi●ion of Iron , both to receive the Attractive influence of a Loadstone , and , after excitement to attract other iron ; this also consisteth either in its more or less of Native Purity , or of Acquired Politeness : because , how much the nearer it comes to the pure nature of Steel , by so many the more parts hath it both Unitive unto the Loadstone , and susceptive of its rayes ; and by how much more smooth and equal it superfice is made , by so many more are the parts , by which it doth touch and adhaere unto the Loadstone ; and consequently imbibe so much the more of its Virtue , and è contra . And this introduceth The SIXTH OBSERVABLE ; That a Loadstone , being Armed or Capp't with steel , is thereby so much Corroborated , that it will take up a farr greater weight of Iron or Steel , than while it remained naked or unarmed . For , Mersennus had a Loadstone , which , ( as himself avoucheth ) being naked , could elevate no more than half an ounce of Iron ; but when he had armed it with pure and polisht steel , it would easily suspend 320 times a greater weight , i. e. ten pounds of Iron : a proportion not credible , but upon the certificate of Experiment . Now , the Cause of this admirable Corroboration of the Loadstones Attractive Virtue , by a plate of polisht Steel , can be no other than this ; that the Loadstone being of such a rough contexture , as that in respect of the particles of some heterogeneous matter concorporated unto it , it is uncapable of that exquisite smoothness in the surface , which may be obtained by steel ; therefore can it not touch Iron so exquisitely , or in so many points , as Steel may : and consequently not invade it with so many Direct and united rayes . But , Steel being of a more simple substance , and close contexture ; may in all its substance be imbued with the Magnetique Virtue : and being polisht , touch an Iron , to which it is admoved , with more parts , and invade it with more dense and united rayes . For , those indirect rayes , which otherwise the Loadstone would diffuse scatteringly through the Medium , in respect of the various inequalities of it superfice , and multitude of small pores intercepted among its particles ; the Steel doth recollect , unite and transmit to the Iron admoved , and thereby more strongly embrace and detain it . We say , To Iron Admoved ; For , though the Retentive Virtue of a Loadstone Armed with Steel , be by many degrees stronger ; yet is its Attractive Virtue by some degrees weaker than that of an unarmed Loadstone : i. e. it doth not diffuse its Attractive virtue half so farr , and a sheet of the finest Venice paper interposed betwixt an Armed stone and Iron , doth impede its Attraction ; a manifest argument , that the Fortification is determined only to contact . This we confess Mersennus flatly denies , and upon his own observation : but till our Reader shall meet with such a stone , as Mersennus used , we advise him not to desert the common Experience of the impediment of the Attraction of Iron by an Armed Loadstone , by paper interposed , since Grandamicus , whose chief business was the exact observation of all Magnetique Apparences , expresly saith ; vix fit adhaesio ferri ad lapidem armatum , si vel Charta , vel aliud tenuissimum Corpus interponatur . It hath , moreover , observed , that if a Magnet be perforated along its Axis , and a rod of polisht Steel , exactly accommodated to the perforation , be thrust thorow it ; its orb of Attraction shall be much enlarged , and its Energy fortified to an incredible rate . Consule Iacob . Grandamicum , in Nova Demonstrat . Immobilitatis Terrae , ex Magneticis , cap. 5. Sect. 1. pag. 99. Having layed down these sixe Observables , which are of such Capital concernment , as that there is no Effect or Phaenomenon of Attraction Magnetical , that may not conveniently be referred to one , or more of them ; and consigned a probable Reason to each : the onely memorable Difficulty that remains , concerning the Attractive Virtue of Magnetiques , is , Why a small or weak Loadstone doth snatch away an Iron from a Great or more potent one ? But , as the incomparable Kircher hath subtely observed , a small or weak Loadstone doth remove a Needle from a Great and Potent one , while it self remains within the sphere of the Great or strong ones activity : because the virtue of the small or weak stone , is Corroborated by the Accession of that of the Great or strong . Which is demonstrable from hence , that if the Needle be so long , that its extremes reach beyond the orb of the Great Loadstones activity ; then cannot a less or less potent one remove it away and elevate it : and in case one of the extremes be somewhat too near to either Pole of the Great Loadstone , then is the Less stone much less able to substract the Needle than in the former case ; because so , the Virtue of the Great Loadstone is augmented by the Addition of that of the Less . And hence , by way of COROLLARY , we observe ; that the Abduction of a piece of Iron from the Earth by a Loadstone , is so farr from being a good Argument against the Earths being Magnetique , or one vast Loadstone ; that it rather makes for it : because the Loadstone being applied to the Iron , and operating within the sphere of the Earths Virtue , is so Corroborated thereby , that it abduceth the Iron from it , by the same reason , that a Less Loadstone snatcheth a Needle from a Great one . And thus much concerning the Attractive Faculty of the Loadstone ; both according to the most considerable Doctrine of the Ancients , and the more exact Theory of the Moderns . SECT . II. TO enquire the Reason , therefore , of the other General Propriepriety of Magnetiques , their DIRECTION , or Conversion of their Poles ●o North and South ; is all the remainder of our praesent Design : which that we may accomplish with as much plainness and brevity , as the quality of the Argument will admit of ; we shall observe the same advantageous Method of Disquisition as we have done in the former , touching the Causes and Wayes of Magnetique Attraction , reducing all the observations of the Moderns , of the Direction , Declinat●on , and Inclination of the Loadstone , and other Magnetical bodies , to certain Heads , and disposing them according to their order of subalternate dependency . The FIRST OBSERVABLE is ; that the Loadstone and Iron are Twinns in their Generation , and of so great Affinity in their Natures , that Dr. Gilbert might justly say , that a Loadstone is Iron Crude , and Iron a Loadstone excocted : For they are for the most part found lodged together in the same subterraneons bed ; as the experience of all such as are conversant about Iron Mines in Germany , Italy , France , England , and most other Countries , doth every day demonstrate . And that i● the most probable Cause , that can be given , why Loadstones gene●●lly are so much the more Vigorous and perfect , by how much deep●● in the Veins of Iron Mines they are digged . There is , indeed , a re●●rt diffused not only among the People , but also some of the highest fo●● of Learned Writers , and chiefly derived from the authority of Strabo ; that in the Western Ocean are certain vast Magnetick ●ooks , 〈◊〉 drawing Ships that sail near them ( by reason of the Iron 〈◊〉 , wherewith their ribbs and plancks are fastned , and held together ) with irresistible violence and impetuosity , split them in pieces , or extracting the Iron pinns , carry them like arrowes flying to a Butt , through the aer : But , the light of Navigation hath long since discovered this story to be as highly Romantique , as the Enchanted Castles of our Knights Errant , or the most absurd of Sir Iohn Mandevils Fables ; and herein we may say of Strabo , as Lucian of the Indian History of Ctesias the Cnidian , Physician to Artaxerxes King of Persia , scripsit de ijs , quae nec ipse vidit unquam , neque ex ullius sermone audivit . The SECOND ; That the Loadstone seems not only to have all the Conditions of the Terrestrial Globe , but also to imitate the positional respects thereof , conforming it self exactly unto it . For , as the Terraqueous Globe hath Two Poles , by which it owns a respect to the Poles of the Heavens , the one Bor●al , the other Austral : so likewise hath the Loadstone two contrary Poles , alwayes discoverable in the opposite parts or extremes thereof , especially if it be turned into a sphere . And , as the Globe of the Earth hath an Aequator , Parallels and Meridians ; so hath the Loadstone : as may be demonstrated to the eye , by applying a small Steel Needle thereunto ; for , at either of its Poles , the Needle shall be erected perpendicularly , and lye in the same line with its Axis ; but at any of the intermediate Spaces , or Parallels , it shall be neither plainly erected , nor plainly lye along , but observe an oblique situation , and more or less oblique , according to the variety of the Parallels ; and at the middle interstice , or Aequator , it shall dispose it self in conformity to the ductus of the Meridian , and fix in a position parallel to the Axis of the Loadstone . That a Loadstone doth accommodate it self exactly to the Earth , as a Needle doth accommodate it self to the Loadstone ; is evinced from this easie Experiment . If you suspend a Loadstone ( whose Poles you have formerly discovered , and noted with the Characters , N. S. ) in calme aer , or set it floating at liberty in a vessel of Quicksilver , or a small Skiff of Cork swimming upon Water , that so it may freely perform the office of its nature ; you shall observe it continually to move it self from side to side , and suffer alternate Vibrations or accesses and recesses , till it hath so disposed it self according to the Meridian , as that one of its Poles , viz. that marked with N. shall point to the North , and the other , upon which S. is inscribed , to the South . Nor that only , but , forasmuch as England is situate near the North of the Earth , and so hath the North pole somewhat demersed or depressed below the horizon , nearer than the South Pole of the Earth : therefore doth not the Loadstone keep up both its Poles in a level or perfectly horizontal position , but depresseth that pole which affects the N , somewhat below the plane of the horizon , as much as it can , directing the same to the N. pole of the Earth . Farther , being it is commonly observed , that this Depression ( some call it the DECLINATION , others the INCLINATION ) of the N. pole of the Loadstone , or point of an excited Needle , is so much the greater , by how much nearer the stone or needle is brought to the Boreal part of the Earth ; so much less , by how much nearer to the Aequator : therefore may we conclude , that a Loadstone , being removed , in the same position of freedome , from the Aequator by degrees to each of the Earths poles , would more and more depress or decline its Boreal pole , by how much it should come nearer and nearer to the Boreal pole of the Earth ; and on the otherside of the Aequator , more and more decline its Austral pole to the Austral pole of the Earth , by how much nearer it did approach the same ; nor could it lye with both poles above the horizon at once , in any part of the Earth , but upon the Aequator , and at either of the Poles of the Earth , the Axis of the stone would make one with the Axis of the Earth . The THIRD ; That Iron acquireth a Verticity not only from the touch or affriction of a Loadstone , but also from its meer situation in , upon , or above the Earth , in conformity to the poles thereof . For , all Iron barrs , that have long remained in Windows , Grates , &c. in a position polary , or North and South ; if you suspend them in aequilibrio by lines in the aer , so as they may move themselves freely , according to the inclination of their Virtue received from the Earth , will make several diadroms hither and thither , and rest not untill they have converted to the North that extreme , which in their former diuturne position regarded the North , and that to the South , which formerly respected the South : and having recovered this their Cognation , they shall fixe in a Meridional posture as exactly as the Loadstone it self , or a Magnetified Needle . To experiment this , the most easie way is to offer , at convenient distance , a Magnetick Dial , or Marriners Compass , to the extrems of an Iron barr , that hath long layn N and S : for , then may you soon observe the Needle or Versory freely equilibrated therein to be drawn in that point , which respecteth the North , by that extreme of the barr , which is Australized , and , on the contrary , the South point of the Needle to be drawn by that extreme of the barr , which is Borealized . This Vertical impraegnation of Iron meerly by the Earth , is also evidenced from hence ; that Iron barrs made red hot , and then set to cool in a Meridional position , do acquire the like polary Cognation , and being either at liberty of conversion suspended by small Chords in the aer , or set ●loating in small boats of Cork , or applyed to the Needle of a Pixis Nautica , immediately discover the same . This being most manifest , why may not our Marriners , in defect of a Loadstone , make a Needle or Fly for their Chard , of simple Iron alone ; since , if it hath layn in a Meridional situation above the earth , or been extinguished according to the same lawes of position , it will bear and demonstrate as strong an affection to the poles of the Earth , as a Needle invigorated by a Loadstone , nor shall the Depression or Declination of the one , in each degree of remove from the Aequator toward either pole , be less or greater than that of the other . The FOURTH ; that insomuch as both the Loadstone and Iron h●ve so neer a cognation to the Earth , and conformity of situation to the parts of it : nothing , certainly , can seeme more consentaneous , than that they both hold one and the same nature in common with the E●rth , at le●st with the Internall parts , or Kernell thereo● ; but yet with th●s difference , that Iron , being a part of the Earth very much altered from its orginall constitution by the activity of its seminall principle , cannot therefore so easily manifest its extraction , or prove it self to be the genuine production and part thereof , without praecedent Repurgation , and Excitation , or fre●h An●mation from the Effluviums of the Earth ; but a Loadstone , hav●ng not un●ergon the like mutations from concoction , and so re●aining nearer allied to the Earth , doth retain a more lively t●●cture of its polary faculty , and by the evidence of spontaneous D●●●ct●on demonstrate its Verticity to be purely native , and it 〈◊〉 by consequence , to be onely a divided part , or legitimate 〈◊〉 of the Earth . Further , from hence , that the Loadstone an● the Terrestriall Globe have both one and the same power , th●ugh in different proportions , of impraegnating Iron with a 〈◊〉 ●●●●ction , impressing one and the same faculty thereupon ; it is iust●y in●errible , that the Loadstone , not onely in respect of ●ther Conditions wherein it resembleth the Earth , but also , and in chief of this noble Efficacy of invigorating and renovating the 〈◊〉 qu●lity of Iron , may well be accounted ( as the Fat●e● of Magnetique Philosophy , Dr. Gilbert hath named it ) 〈◊〉 Ter●●lla , the Globe of Earth in epitome ; and that the E●●th it self may be reputed Ingens Magnes , a Great Loadsto●e Th●ugh , in truth , the Earth may challenge the title or a G●eat 〈◊〉 by another right , though somewhat less evi●ent ; and th●t i● its Attraction of all ●errene bodies in direct lines to it self ●as we ●ave formerly made most verisimilous , in our Chapt. of Gr●vity and Levity ) by the same way and instrum●nts , as the L●●●stone att●●cteth Iron . And though it cannot 〈◊〉 ●enied , that 〈◊〉 Co●tex of the Terrestriall Globe , which may ●e ●●ny 〈◊〉 t●●ck , is variously interspersed with waters , 〈…〉 , stones , metalls , metalline juices , and div●rs other dissimilar and unmagneticall bodies : yet notwithstandin● may we justly conceive , that the Nucleus Kernell or interior part 〈◊〉 the E●●th is a substance wholly Magneticall , and that many Ve●ns or branches thereof , being derived unto the exterior ●●rts , are those very subterraneous Veins from which by effossion Lo●●stones are extracted . Especially since nature doth invite us to this conception by certain clear evidences not onely in Iron , which may be digged out of most places in the Earth , but also in ●●st Argillous and Arenaceous Concretions ; all which are found to be endowed with a certain , though obscure● Polary inclination , as appears in Bricks and Tiles , that have a long time enjoyed a meridion●ll situation , regarding the N. with one extreme , and the S. with the other , or been made red hot and afterward cooled north and south , o● perpendicularly erected , as hath been said of Iron barrs . The FIFTH ; It being then most certain , that Iron obtaines a magneticall Verticity , or faculty of self-direction to the poles of the earth , meerly either from its long situation , or refrigeration after ignition , in a position respective thereunto : we may be almost as certain , that this Affection ariseth to the Iron from no other but a Locall immutation , or change of position of its insensible particles , solely and immediately caused by the magneticall Aporrhaea's of the Earth invading and pervading it . When we observe the Fire by sensible degrees embowing or incurvating a peice of wood , held neer it , how can we better satisfy our selves concerning the cause and manner of that sensible alteration of the figure of the wood , then by conceiving , that its insensible particles are all of them so commoved by the Atoms of Fire immitted into it substance , as that some of them are consoc●ated which were formerly at distance , and others dissociated , which were formerly contingent , all being inverted and so changing their pristine situation , and obtaining a new position , or locall direction , much different from their former ? And , when we observe a rod of Iron , freshly infected with the Polary virtue of the Earth , to put on a certain spontaneous inclination in its extremes , and convert it self exactly according to the meridian , and with a kind of humble homage salute that pole of its late inspirer , from whence it received the strongest influence : how can we more reasonably explain the reason of that effect , than by conceaving , that upon the immi●sion of the Earths magneticall Rayes into the substance of the Iron , the insensible particles thereof are so commoved , distructed , inverted , and turned about , as that they all are disposed into a new posture , and acquire a new locall respect or Direction ; according to which they become as it were reinnimated with a tendency , not the same way , but another much different , and ( when the cognation of their extremes are varied by an inverted ignition and refrigeration ) quite contrary to that , whither they tended before this mutation of their position and respect ▪ This Conjecture may seem somewhat the more happy from hence ; that a barr of Iron , when made red hot , doth acquire this Polary Direction in a very few minutes of time : but being kept cold ▪ it requires many years situation North and South , to its impraegnation with the like virtue ; a sufficient manifest , that the particles of the Iron being , by the subingression of the Atoms of Fire among them , reduced to a greater laxity of contexture , are more easily commoved and inverted by , and more expeditely conforme themselves unto the disposition of the magnetique influence of the Earth . When a red hot barr of Iron is cooled , not in a meridian position to the poles of the Earth , but transversly or equinoctionally ; why doth it not contract to it self the like verticall disposition ? doubtless , the best reason that can be given for it , is this ; that the insensible particles of it are not converted , nor their situation varied so much in the one position of the whole mass , as in the other : the magneticall Rayes of the Earth invading the substance of the Iron in indirect and so less potent lines . Likewise , if the same barr of Iron , after it hath imbibed a Verticity , be again heated and coold in a contrary position ; what reason can be assigned to the change of the Southern Verticity into a Northern , and its Northern into a Southern , by the contrary obversion of its ends : unless this , that the particles of the Iron doe thereby suffer a fresh conversion , and quite contrary disposition ; no otherwise than those of a piece of wood , when it is incurvated by the fire according as this or that side is obverted thereunto ? The SIXTH ; forasmuch as Iron doth derive the same Verticity or Direction from its Affriction against a Loadstone ; as it doth from the magneticall influence of the Earth , when posited respectively to its po●es : it appears necessary , that it doth suffer the same Locall Immutation of its insensible particles , from the efficacy of the magneticall rayes of the Loadstone , as from those of the Earth ; especially since we cannot comprehend , how a Body should acquire a strong propension or tendency to a new place , without some generall Immutation , and that a Locall one too , of all its component particles . The strength of this our conception consisteth chiefly in this ; that after a rod or needle of Iron hath contracted a sprightly Verticity from a Loadstone , by being rubbed thereupon from the middle toward the ends , it doth instantly lose it again , if it be rubbed upon the same , or any other Loadstone , the opposite way , or from either end toward the middle . For , how can it be imagined , that a right-hand stroak of a knife upon a Loadstone should destroy that polary Faculty , which it had obtained from a left-hand stroak upon the same ; unless from hence , that the insensible particles of the blade of the knife , were turned one way by the former affriction , and reduced again t● their former naturall situation by the latter ? It seems to be the same , in proportion , as when the ears of Corn in a field are blown toward the South by the North wind , and suddainly blown from the South toward the North by the South wind . Nor doth Iron , after its excitement retain any of the magneticall Atoms immitted into it either from the Earth , or a Magnet ; but , suffers only an immutation of its insensible particles , which sufficeth to its polary respect a long time after : for , a Needle is no whit heavier after its invigoration by a Loadstone , than before , as Mersennus and Gassendus together experimented , in such a Zygostata or Ballance , wherewith Jewellers are to weigh Pearles and Diamonds ; which is so exact , that the ninety-sixth part above four thousand of a grain , will turn it either way . The SEVENTH ; that the Virtue immitted into Iron , either from the Earth it self , or a Loadstone , is no simple , or immateriall Quality , as both Gilbert and Grandamicus earnestly contend ; but a certain Corporeal Efflux , or Fluor , consisting of insensible bodies , or particles , which introduce upon the particles of Iron the same Disposition , and Local respect , as themselves have . For ( 1 ) That an Immutation is caused in the particles of Iron , as well by the influence , or Magnetical rayes of the Loadstone ( which doth also invigorate Iron , at some distance , though not so powerfully , as by immediate contact , or affriction ) as of those transmitted from the Earth ; we have already declared to be not only verisimilous , but absolutely necessary : & that nothing should yet be derived unto the Iron from them ; as the Instrument of that Immutation ; is openly repugnant to the Fundamental Laws of all Physical activity , since nothing can act upon a distant subject but by some Instrument , either continued or transmitted . ( 2 ) What is immitted into the Iron from the Earth and Loadstone , cannot be any naked ●uality , or Accident without substance ; because , what wants substance , must also want all Activity . ( 3 ) The Materiality of the Magnetique Virtue is inferrible likewise from hence , that it decayes in progress of time ( as all Odours do ) and is irreparably destroyed by fire , in a few minutes , and is capable of Rarity and Density ●whence it is more potent near at hand , than at the extremes of it sphere ) all which are the proper and incommunicable Attributes of Corporiety . ( 4 ) Insomuch as it changeth the particles of Iron , that have Figure and Situation ; therefore must it self consist of particles also , and such as are in figure and situ●tion consimilar to those of Iron : no less being assumable from the Effect even now mentioned , viz. the Ablation of that Verticity , by a right hand draught of a Needle upon a Loadstone , which it lately acquired from it , by a left hand one . Nor , indeed , doth the Loadstone seem to act upon Iron , otherwise than as a Comb doth upon wool or hair ; for as a Comb being drawn through Wool , one way , doth convert and dispose the hairs thereof accordingly , and drawn praeposterously or the contrary way , doth invert & praeposter the former ductus of the hairs : so do the Magnetical Rayes invading and pervading the substance of Iron , one way , dispose all the insensible particles thereof according to their own ductus , toward the same way ; and immitted into it the quite contrary way , they reduce the particles to their native situation and local respect ; and so the formerly imprinted Verticity comes to be wholly obliterated . OBJECTED , we confess it may be ; that the Incorporiety , or Immateriality of the Loadstones Virtue seems inferrible from hence , that it most expeditely penetrateth and passeth through many bodies of eminent solidity , and especial Marble : ( 2 ) That it is ( Soul-like ) total in the total Loadstone , and total in every part thereof : seeing that into how many sensible pieces soever a Loadstone is broken or cut , yet still doth the Virtue remain entire in every one of those pieces , and there instantly spring up in each single fragment , two contrary Poles , an Axis , Aequator , Meridians and Parallels . But , as to the subtility of Particles and Pores in Concretions , our Book is even surcharged with discourses upon that subject , in the Generall : ●o that notwithstanding the first objection , we may adhaere to our former Conception , that the particles flowing from the Earth and Loadstone , are of such superlative Tenuity , as without impediment to penetrate and permeate the most compact and solid Concretions , and specially Marble , whose small pores may be more accommodate to the figures of the magnetick Atoms , and so more fit for their transmission , than those of divers other bodies much inferior to it in compactness and solidity . And being we have the oath of our sense , that the Atoms of Fire doe instantly find out many inlets or pores in the body of Marble , by which they insinuate themselves into its centrall parts , and so not only calefie the whole mass or substance thereof , but reduce it suddainly into a brittle Calx : why should we not concede , that the Magnetick Atoms may likewise find out convenient inlets or pores in the same , and by them nimbly pervade the whole mass ; and that with so much more of ease and expe●ition , by how much more subtile and active they are , than those of ●ire ? True it is , that we can discerne no such Particles flowing from magneticks , no such Pores in Marble , but how great the Dulness or Grosness of our senses is , comparatively to the ineffable subtility of many of Natures Instruments , by which she bringeth admirable Effects to pass , we need not here rehearse . ( 2 ) As for the other Argument desumed from the F●ustulation of a Loadstone , we Answer ; th●t the single Virtues of the single fragments , are nothing else but so many Parts of the Totall Virtue : nor being taken singularly , are they equally potent with the whole ; only they are like the Totall , because in the whole Loadstone they follow the ductus or tract of its Fibres , that run parallel each to other , and conjoyn their forces with th●t Fibre , which being in the middle , stands for the Axis to all the rest . But , in each Fragment , they follow the same ductus or Grain of the F●bres , and one Fibre must still be in the middle : which becomes an Axis , and that to which all the circumstant ones confer and unite their forces . The EIGHTH ; that the Magnetick Virtue , both existent in the Loadstone , and transfused into Iron , seems by a lively Analogy , to resemble the Vegetative Faculty or soul of a Plant ; not only in respect of the Corroboration of the force of its median Fibre , or Axis , by the con●erence of the forces of all the circumstant ones thereupon , as the centrall parts of a Plant are corroborated by the circumambient : but also , and principally , in respect of the situation , Ductus , or Grain of its Fibres ; which run meridio●ally , as those in Plants perpendicularly , or upward from the roots to the tops of the spriggs . For , as in the Incision or Engr●ffing of the shoot of one tree , into the trunck or stock of another , the Gardiner must observe to insert the lower extreme of the shoot , into a cleft in the upper extreme of the stock , as that from whence the nutritive sap and vegetative influence are to be derived unto it ; because , if the shoot were inverted , and its upper extreme inserted into the stock , it would necessarily wither and die , as being in that praeposterous position made uncapable of the influx of the Alimentary juice and vitall Faculty , both which come from the root upward to the branches , and cannot descend again from them to the root : exactly so , when we would dispose a Loadstone in conformity of situation to the Earth , from which it hath been cut off , or to another Loadstone , a quondam part of it self ; 't is not every way of Apposition , that will be convenient , but only that , when it is disposed in a direct line , respondent to the same Ductus or situation of its Fibres , according to which it was continued to the Earth , be●ore its separation . Nor is this meer Conjecture , but a truth as firme as the Earth it self , and as plain as sense can make it ; it being const●ntly observed , that what situation a Loadstone had in its Matrix , or minerall bed , the very same it shall strongly affect , and strictly observe ev●r after , at least , while it is a Loadstone , i. e. untill time or Fire have destroyed its Verticity . And , as for the Use thereof ; it is so ●ruitfull , as to yield us the most probable Reason in Generall , for sundry the most obscure among all Magneticall Apparences . ( 1 ) Forasmuch as the Loadstone ever affects its native situation , and that its Northern part did , while it remained in its matrix , adhaere to the Southern parts of the same magnetique vein , that lay more North , and its Southern part did adhaere to the Northern part of the magnetick vein , that lay more South : therefore is it , that the North pole of a Loadstone doth never affect an union with the North pole of the earth , nor its South pole direct to the South pole of the Earth ; but quite contrary , its North pole converts to the South , and its South to the North. So that whenever you observe a Loadstone , freely swimming in a boate of Cork , to convert or decline one of its poles to the North of the Earth ; you may assure your self , that that is the South pole of the Loadstone : and è contra . ( 2 ) From the same and no other Cause is it also , that when a Magnet is dissected or broken into two pieces , and so two new poles created in each piece ; the Boreall pole of the one half shall never admit Coition with the Boreall pole of the other , nor the Australl extreme of the one fragment affect conjunction w●th the Australl extreme of the the other : but contrariwise , the Australl end shall septentrionate , and the septentriona●● Australize . The same also happens , whenever ●ny two Lo●●stones 〈◊〉 applied each to other ; the Cause being Generall , viz. the Native 〈◊〉 or Grain of the Magnetique Fibres : which is inverted , whene●●● the Boreall part of a Loadstone is applied to the Boreall pa●t of the Earth , or of another Loadstone ; or the Meridionall part of a Loa●st●ne be converted to the meridionall part of the Earth of another Loadstone ; as the Ductus of the Fibres in a shoot of a Pl●nt is inverte● , when the upper extreme thereof is inserted into the upper part of a s●o●k . This considered , when we observe the Animated Needle 〈…〉 Mariners Compass , freely converting it self round , upon the pin , ●hereon it is aequilibrated ; that end , which directeth to the Nor●● pole of the Earth , must be the South point of the Needle , and viceversally , that must be the North cuspis of the Needle , which con●rontet● the South of the Earth . And , when praesent a Loadstone to a magnetified Versory , that part of the Loadstone must be the North pole , to which the South cuspis of the Needle comes ; and that , to which the North point of the Needle approaches , must be the South of the Loadstone . The same also may be concluded , of the extremes of Irons , when a Loadstone is applied unto them ; for , that part of an Iron barr , which laied meridionally , hath respected the North , must have been spirited by the Southern influence of the Earth ; and è contra : and among our Fire Irons , the upper end must have imbibed the Northern influence of the Earth , and the Lower the Southern ; contrary to the assertion of some of our Magneticall Philosophers . The NINTH ; the Analogy of the Earth to the Loadstone , and other magnetically inspired bodies , being so great , and the Cause thereof so little obscure ; it may seem a justifiable inference , That the Terriestriall Globe doth inwardly consist of certain continued Fibres , running along from North to South , or from South to North , in one uninterrupted ductus : and consequently , that since the middle Fibre is as it were the Axis , whose opposite extremes make the two Poles , in case the whole Earth could be divided into two or more great parts , there would instantly result in every part or division , a special Axis , two speciall Poles , a speciall Aequator , and all other conditions as formerly in the whole Globe ; so that the septentrionall part of one piece would conjoin it self to the Austrine part of another , and the septentrionall parts reciprocally avert themselves each from other , as the parts of a Loadstone . And this we may understand to be that mighty and so long enquired Cause , why all the parts of the Terrestriall Globe do so fi●mly cohae●e , and conserve the primitive Figure ; the Cohaesion , Attractive Virtue , constant Direction , and spontaneous Verticity of all its genuine parts , all whose Southern Fibres doe magnetically , or individually conforme and conjoyn themselves to the Northern , and their Northern to the Southern , being the necessary Causes of that Firmness , and constancy of Figure . Impossible , we confess , it is , to obtain any ocular Experiment of this constitution of the Earths internall Fibres ; the very Cortex of the Earth extending some miles in profundity : but yet we desume a reasonable Conjecture thereof , as well from the great similitude of effects wrought by the Earth and other Magneticks , as the Experience of Miners , who frequently observe , and constantly affirme , that the Veins of subterraneous Rocks , from whose chinks they dig Iron oare , doe allwayes tend from South to North ; and that the Veins of eminent Rocks , which make the Giant Mountains upon the face of the Earth , have generally the same Direction . And though there are some Rowes or Tracts of Mountains , that run from East to West , or are of oblique situation ; yet are there alwayes some considerable intercisures among them , from South to North : so that that can be no sufficient argument , that the interior Fibres of the Earth , which are truely and entirely magneticall , and subjacent under those Mountainous rocks , doe not lye in a meridionall position , or conforme to the Axis of the Earth . The TENTH ; that since the observations of Miners ascertain us , that the Ranges or Tracts of Rocks , in the Cortex or accessible part of the Terrestriall Globe , do for the most observe a praecisely Meridionall situation , and tend from South to North , and sometimes ( i. e. in some places ) de●lect toward the East and West , with less and greater obliquity ; and that our Reason may from thence , and the similitude of the E●rth and Loadstone , naturally extract a Conjecture , that the Fibres of the Earths Kernell or inaccessible parts , though for the most they tend praecisely from the South to the North ; may yet in many places more and l●ss Deflect toward the East and West : we need no longer perplex ou● minds with enquiring , Why all Magnetiques , and especially the Versory or Needle of the Sea-mans Compass , being horizontally aequilibrated , do● in some places point directly to the North and South , and in others deflect toward the East and West , with more and less of obliquity ; which Navigators call ( for distinction of it from the Depression , or Inclination , formerly explicated ) the VARIATION of the L●adstone , or Needle . From the Mariners Tables ( though they are 〈◊〉 of discord , as to the degrees of the Needles Deflection or Variation from the true Meridian , in severall parts of the Earth ) we learn , that the Needle doth exactly conforme it self to the Axis of its great ●●●pirer ▪ the Earth , without any sensible deflection at all , in the Iland Corvus , one of the Azores , in the Iland of the Trinity , in the pro●●●tory of the Needles , neer the Cape of Good-hope , in the 〈◊〉 Hercul●um , Syllaeum , the Thracian Bosphorus , the 〈…〉 Vienna , and divers other places . But in others , 〈…〉 England , it 〈◊〉 somewhat toward the E●st , yet 〈…〉 , so th●t in some countries its Variation exceeds not 1.2 . or ● ▪ degrees at most , and in others it amounts to n● less than 40 , ●r 5● ▪ Again there are other meridians , in which the Declination of the ●●mpass is toward the West ; as frequently upon the Orien●all 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Northern America ; on the Occident●ll coast of Nova Z●●b●a , an Goa ; the Eastern side of Africa ; in our Mediterrane , at Naples , 〈◊〉 sundry other places . Nay , oftentimes in the same Meridian , and in 〈◊〉 degrees of Latitude , it hath been observed , that the Needle 〈◊〉 not vary at all , and vary both Eastward and Westward ▪ for , though in the Iland Corvus the Declination be insensible , where the L●titude is of about 40 degrees ; yet on this side of it , in the Latitude of 20 degrees ●he Declination amounts to 12 degrees Eastward : and beyond it , in the Latitude of 46 degrees the Declination toward the West , ariseth to 8 degrees ; and farther off , in the Latitude of 55 the Westward Declin●●●on equalls 24 degrees . So also , in the Iland E●ba , at one promonto●● ▪ the Needle deviates toward the East on●y 5 degrees ; at another prom●●●ory , 8 ; and at a third , as high as 20. which being duely perpended , ●oth soon detect the unadvisedness and incircumspection of Those , 〈◊〉 have referred the Declination of the M●gnet to the Deviation of the Asterisme , Ursa Minor , or Pole of the Ecliptick from the poles of the World ; and attempted to explain it by imagining some certain Magnetick Rocks , which being situate on the East side of the 〈◊〉 Pole of the Earth , constitute a speciall Magnetick Pole , 〈…〉 the Versory Needle is generally deflected . Much more 〈…〉 was the invention of Dr. Gilbert ; who supposing that the 〈◊〉 Virtue of the Earth was more powerfully impressed upon 〈…〉 from the Extant or Eminent parts thereof , and especially 〈…〉 Continents : makes out the cause of the Magnets indirection , or Variation , thus . If the Needle be placed in the middle betwixt two vast Continents , as in the Azores , which have Europe to the East , and America to the West ; it suffers no sensible Distraction to either part : but , if it be brought nearer to the Continent of Europe and Asia , it must be invited and deflected toward the East ; and nearer to the Continent of America , it shall deviate as much toward the West . For the same Cause also , upon the Western coast of Africa the Declination is toward the East ; and on the Orientall , toward the West : and betwixt them both , as at the Cape of Good-hope none at all . And yet this subtle Theory of Dr. Gilbert is more the● suspected of Imperfection . For , since that , on the Western coast of America , and of Goa , the Declination of the Needle is Westward ; and not onely on the Orientall side of the Meridionall America , and chiefly about the streights of Megellan , but also on the Orientall side of the Septentrionall America , as at Virginia , the Declination teaseth not to be , in the same manner , toward the East ; absolutely contrary to His Hypothesis : therefore hath the incomparable Father , Kircher , to his own immortall honour , and our greater satisfaction , advised us , to leave the Attraction of adjacent Continents , and have recourse onely to the divers Positions of the interior Magneticall Fibres of the Earth , over which the Magnet , or Needle stands ; considering that they have their situation sometimes exquisitely Meridionall , sometimes more and less oblique , and tend in some places in longer , in others in shorter tracts . For , it is no difficult conception , the Virtue of the Earth is impressed upon the Needle from the magneticall Fibres and Veins , that are nearest , i. e. directly subjacent thereunto ; and disposed thereby into a situation respective to the Ductus of those perpendicularly subjacent Fibres : so that whatever be the Direction of the Needle ; i. e. either without all Declination , or with some , more or less , in one part toward the East , in another toward the contrary pole of the heavens ; still may we suppose it to be exactly respondent to the Ductus , or Direction of the Fibres of the Earth , that perpendicularly lye underneath it . Nor is this meerly Petitionary , or excogitated onely for the solution of this grand Magneticall Problem , as the Former of Gilbert seems to have been ; but founded upon a Parallel Experiment : for , if you place severall Barrs of Iron excited , upon the ground , so that one may lye exactly according to the Meridian , and all the rest in severall degrees of obliquity , untill you come almost to make an Aequinoctionall line with one ; and then gently and at requisite distance , move an invigorated Needle , equilibrated upon a pin , over them ; you shall observe the Direction of it to be varied to more and less obliquity from the Meridian Barr , respectively to the situation of each of the other Barrs , over which it is directly held . Now , if you suppose the Magnetique Fibres of the Earth to have the same Virtue upon the Needle , as , if not much more than the subjacent Iron Barrs have : you have attained the bottome of the Mystery , and that one of the greatest in Nature . The ELEVENTH and last ; that as the Conversion of the inspired Needle is no● exactly meridionall in all places of the Earth , but siding more or less ●oward the East , in some Topicall meridians , and toward the West , in others : so also is not the Declination thereof , though in one and the same place , constant to the same degree , at all times , but admits considerable Variation , and that in a few years . For , Mr. Burrow● , in the year 1580 , making an exact observation of the quantity of the Needles Declination toward the East , at Limus , near London , found it to amount to no less than 11. degrees 15 minutes : and afterward , in the year 1622. Mr. Gunter , at the same place , observed it to be diminished to onely 6. degrees , and 13 minutes : and Gellebrand , in Anno Dom. 1634. in the same place , found it to come yet lower , and not to exceed 4 degrees 6 minutes : So that , in the meridian o● London , as our Noble Countryman , Sir. Ke●elm Digby hath w●ll remarked , the Declination of the Needle Eastward hath been mo●● Diminished in the latter years than in the former . The like De●●●ase of the Variation of the Needle hath been taken notice of also in France , at Paris by Mercennus , and at Aix , by Gassendus . And therefore we may praesume , if the Needles continue , in the same manner , and at the same rate , to lessen their Declination , that within a very few years , with us here in England , and other adjacent Countries , they will have no Declination at all toward the East , and perhaps wheele about toward the West , and every year more and 〈◊〉 approach the contrary point of the Aequator . Now , as for th● Cause of this truely stupendious Effect of Magneticks ; Grandamicus , indeed , thinks it best solved , by charging it onely upon the E●●ors of observation , not upon any Mutation of the Axis of the E●rth , which would of necessity vary all Caelestiall observations , no ●●ss than Magneticall ones : enforcing this His opinion from hen●● ▪ that the best of Astronomers are frequently not onely subject to ▪ but guilty of great Errors , in their operations to find out the true Generall Meridian Line , of the Altitude of the Sun , of the poin● of the Heavens that is verticall to this or that place , where they use their instruments , the certain knowledge of all these particulars being absolutely requisite to make a true compute of the Degrees of the Needles Variation . But , the Observators nominated being all eminent Mathematicians , well understanding the seve●●ll Causes , that might betray them into in●ertitude , and aswell how to praevent or avoyd them all ; and each one setting about the work , with all possible care and circumspection : and it being very improbable , that they all should fall into one and the same delusion : th● Ingenious , we hope , will excuse us , if we incriminate ●randami●●● Himself , with much of temerity , and somewhat of injustice , 〈…〉 detractring judgement of His ; and assent to their more 〈◊〉 and reasonable one , who referr this sensible Declination of Dec●●●●tion in the Magnet , to some certain indigenary Cause , or Dispo●●●●on proper to those Places and Countries , where such observation ●ere made . But , what indigenary and particular Disposition th●● 〈◊〉 , which should thus vary the Magneticall Variation , in the 〈◊〉 of a few years ; is a Problem indeed , and such as seems reserved ●or the exposion of Elias . Kircher and Gassendus , we acknowledge , have attempted most laudably , in supposing the Magneticall Fibres , that lye more distant from the Axis of the Earth , or neerer to the superfice thereof , not to be so firmely cohaerent each to other , but that they may be emoved , evolved , and separated , by some subterraneous Cause or other , and so exchange their more oblique , for a less oblique , and at length for an absolutely direct or truely meridionall situation ; as the Fibres of the Muscles of Animalls are observed sometimes to suffer a certain Revulsion , or change of situation , under the skin , for severall Causes : and that this Locomotion and Decrement of obliquity of the superficiall magnetick Fibres of the Earth , may be the sole Cause of the like Decrement of obliquity , or Declination of the Needle , in one and the same place , in divers years . But , forasmuch as this Supposition is irreconcileable to our Ninth observable praecedent , touching the Cause of the firme Cohaesion of the parts of the Earth , and the Constancy of its Sphaericall Figure , from thence resulting ; and that neither Kircher nor Gassendus tells us , what subterraneous Cause that should be , which might emove and translate the Magneticall Fibres of the Cortex of the Earth , from a more to a less indirect situation ( which in justice they both ought to have done : ) we shall onely applaud the ingenuity of their Conjecture , and return to our former judgement , That the true Cause of the Decrement of the Magneticall Variation is yet in the bottome of Democritus Pit ; and He , who shall be so happy to extract it from thence , shall have our vote , to have his statue set on the right hand of that of Gilbert , in the Vatican . There ye● remains a Difficulty , which being left unresolved , is of importance enough to make the intelligent and wary Reader somewhat costive in his Assent even to the chiefest and most Fundamentall of our Praecedent observables , concerning the Reason of Magneticall Verticity . And that is , That some Loadstones have more than Two Poles ▪ such as that Tripolar one of Furnerius , of which both Kircher and Gassendus make singular mention . Concerning this , therefore , we say ; that in every Loadstone there are two , and but two true and Legitimate Poles : and that all others apparent in them , either at the Aequator , or betwixt it and either of the Genuine Poles , are spurious or Illegitimate ; arising either from some Node or Knot growing laterally on to a Magnet ( such as is commonly observed to interrupt the direct progress of the Fibres , or Grain of Trees , and of stones ) or from an irregular and horned Figure of the stone it self , in respect of either of which the Magnetick Virtue cannot be commodiously united at the two Genuine and directly opposite Poles , but is distracted obliquely to that Prominent Node , or Horn-like Protuberancy . For , if either the Node or horns of a Loadstone , which cause it to have more than two Poles , be artificially cut off , and the remainder of the stone be polished ; a Needle , or the Filings of steel , thereunto applied , shall never be perpendicular erected at any part thereof , but onely at the Artick and Antarctick points ; nor shall the stone dispose it self otherwise than conformably to the Meridian ▪ both which are the most c●rtain Discoverers of the true Poles of a Loadstone . Those Illegitimate Poles , therefore which sometimes ( though very rarely ) are found in a Loa●stone , are as it were the oblique and Pr●eternaturall parts of it , obtaining the reason of Poles only by Accident . Which yet hinders not , but that m●ny times , from the imperfection of the stone , it may come to pass , that the two Legitim●te Poles of the same Loadstone , though ●xactly polished , and reduced to a perfect Sphere , may not exist in th● Ext●emes of its Diametre ▪ for , unleses the Magnet be Uniforme in subst●nce and Virtue , the Poles thereof cannot be directly opposite each to other . And thus , in a naturall Method , and with as much succinctness , as the copious subject woul● be●re ( according to our engagement● have we enquired into the Cau●● of the Two Generall Faculties of the Loadstone , the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 with the most considerable Phaenomena's arising from either , or both of them . Wherein , if we have been so happy , as to afford but the l●●st of satisfaction to others ; we shall account it no small 〈◊〉 to Ourselves , and think our studies thereby more th●n sufficien●●● compensated . If not , we shall yet consolate ourselves with this 〈◊〉 we are not the First , who have fallen short of the Readers Expectati●●●●n the Discussion of this singularly Abstruse Argument : which is a thing so highly Admirable , that Aphrodisaeus ( initio Pro●lem . ) affirmed ●he Nature thereof to be understood only by Him , that created it ; and ●alen de therica ad Pison . ) termed the Attractive Virtue thereof wh●● Divine . To which we shall add also this ; that the Hypothesis , of th●●ontinued Ductus of the Magnetick Fibres of the Earth , especially 〈◊〉 the Kernell , or Interior substance thereof , from the South to the North Pole ●upon which we have erected the solutions of sundry great Magne●●call Apparences ) is subject to much less of Improbability , than that o● ●ilbert and Grandamicus , that the Magnetique Virtue is a simple , or Imma●●●iall Quality ; than that of De's Cartes , that the Magnetique Aporrhaea's consist of streated or Screw'd Atoms , passing through the Earth , by contr●●● and diversly figurated insensible pores , issuing forth at either po●e , and ●●eeling about interchangeably to the opposite pole ; than that of Sr. 〈◊〉 Digby , that the Magnetique streams glide along from either Pole an● Hemisphere of the Earth , by Attraction to the Aequator ▪ or , in truth ●●an any other hitherto excogitated and divulged . But ▪ before we pu● an end to this Chapter ; 't is requisite to advertise you o● a Confider●●●● ▪ omitted in the beginning of it ; which is , th●● though we 〈◊〉 the Virtue Magnetick to be ( in Generall ) Two-fold ▪ Attractive 〈◊〉 Directive ; yet is that Distinction to be admitted , no● in an Absolute 〈◊〉 Respective intention , or only ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in order to our mor●●●stinct Comprehension of the immediate ; and particu●ar Reasons of 〈◊〉 respective Magneticall Effects , which ot●erwise must have wanted 〈◊〉 advantage of order in their consideration . For , we are fully 〈◊〉 of the truth of that Assertion of Grandamicus ( Nova Demonstra●●●●mobilit . Terrae ▪ cap 5. Sect. 2. ) that the Attraction and Dire●●ion or 〈◊〉 and Polarity of Magneticks , are caused by one and the sam● 〈◊〉 which being conferred upon them , by the infinite Wisdome and 〈◊〉 of the Creator , in order to the Conservation of the Earth , and all its genuine parts , in that position in the Universe , and that disposition among themselves , in which they are best supported , and most conveniently performe Actions conforme and proper to their Nature ; may be yet termed Attractive , insomuch as it Unites Magneticall Bodies , violently separated ; and Directive , insomuch as it Disposeth them in a due and commodious situation . And so , notwithstanding the Actions and Motions of Magnetiques seem exceeding Various , and in some cases , plainly Contrary ; yet are they to be deduced from one simple principle , one and the same Generall Virtue , and they all may be conveniently explic●ted by the same Common Reason . The Fourth Book . CHAP. 1. OF GENERATION AND CORUPTION . SECT . I. THat Nature , or the Common Harmony of the World , is continued by Changes , or the Vicissitudes of Individualls , i. e. the Production of some , & Destruction of other Things , determined to this or that particular Species ; and that there must be one Catholique Matter , of which all things are Elemented , and into which they may be again , by Dissolution , reduced : are Positions , to which all men most readily prostrate their assent . But , What that First and Common matter is ; How Concretio●s are Educible out of it ; and How Reducible at length into it , after the Privation of their Specificall Formes : are Quaestions , whose Beginnings are more easily known , than their ends . However , forasmuch as we have endeavoured , in our immediately foregoing Book , to determine the First of them , together with the possible Emergency of all Qualities ( whereof either our sense , or Reason can afford us any measure of cognizance ) and the Reasons of the Perception of them by Animals , from Atoms , so and so Configurated , and so and so Disposed in Commistion : it now neerly concerns us , to attempt the most hopefull Decision of the other Two that so we may not seem to have thus long discoursed of the Principles , and Affections of Compound Bodies , while we remained wholly ignorant of the most probable wayes both of their Origination from those Principles , and of their Reversio● into them again , when they have lost the right of their former Denominations , and suffered to the utmost of their Divisibility . By the terme , GENERATION , we ought praecisely to understand that Act of Nature , whereby she produceth a Thing de novo , or gives Being to a Thing , in some certain Genus of Bodies Concrete : and consequently , by its Contrary , CORRUPTION , that whereby she Dissolves a Thing ▪ so that thenceforth it ceaseth to be what it was . For , when Fire , a stone , a Plant , an Animal , or whatever is referrible to any one determinate kind of Bodies Compound , is first produced , or made , and begins to be so , or so Denominated ; it is truely said to be Generated : and contrariwise , when a Thing perisheth , and loseth the right of its former Denomination ; it is as truely said to be Corrupted . And this is that which Aristotle ( 1. de Generat 2. ) frequently call's Generatio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Generation Simple and Perfect ; so to praevent that Confusion of Generation with Alteration , into which many of his Praedecessors had oft●● fallen , to their own and their Disciples no little disquiet . For , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Alteration can be accounted a Generation only improperly , of secundum quid ; forasmuch as by Alteration a Body is not produced de novo , but onely acquires some new Quality , or some Accidentary Denomination : and Philosophers accordingly define it to be Progressionem Corporis ex una qualitate in aliam , a Progression of a Body from one Quality to another , as when water is changed from cold to hot by fire . Again , every Mutation requires a subject to be Altered ; and that subject must be something Compound , complete , and already constituted in some determinate Genus of Beings : But , of Generation strictly accepted the onely subject is the First and Universall matter , which being in it self destitute of all Form Aristole doth therefore subtly call simpliciter Non-ens , simply , or determinately Nothing ; forasmuch as he frequently inculteth , that Generation is made [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ] ex N●n ente simpliciter . Because had He ommitted that adverb simpliciter , his Reader might justly have understood Non ens absolute Nothing Absolutely ; and so have accused him of openly contradicting his own Fundamentall Axiome , Ex nihilo nihil fieri , that nothing can be made or ●enerated of Nothing . This being praemised , to praevent the danger of Aequivocation ; we observe First , with Aristotle ( 3. de caelo 1. ) that among the Ancient Philosophers , some held , that Nothing is Generated , nothing Corrupted ; as Parmenides and Melissus : Others again , that . All things are Generated and Corrupted ; as Hesiod and Heraclitus . Secondly , that of Those , who admitted Generation , and consequently Corruption , some conceived , that Generation is made by the Access of a Form to Matter ; and that that Form is a certain New substance , absolutely distinct from that of the Matter , and together with it constituting the Compositum , or whole resulting from the Commistion of Matter and Form : of which sect Aristotle Himself deserves to be in the Chair , because in order to his Assertion of this Opinion , He supposeth a Threefold substance , the Matter , Form , and Composiitum arising from their Commistion . But , Others though they concede , that Generation , indeed , consisteth in the Accession of a Form to Matter ; yet will they not allow that Form ac●eding , to be substantiall , but onely a certain Accident or Modification of the Matter it self : so that according to their theory , in Generation there superveneth upon Matter some certain Quality , of such a Condition , as that by reason thereof a Thing obtain s a certain Being in Nature , and acquireth some determinate Denomination , respective to that Genus of Bodies , to which its Nature doth referre it . And in the Catalogue of Philosophers of this persuasion , Aristotle nominateth as Principalls , Empedocles , Anaxagoras , Democritus , and Leucippus ; all which He sharply taxeth of Confounding Generation with Alteration , and of inferring , that aswell Generation as Corruption ariseth , not from the Transmutation of Principles , but onely from their [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Concretion and Secretion : which is not only inconsistent , but contrapugnant to His own great Hypothesis , that the Four Elements , or Catholique Principles of Generation , are so Transmutable , both secundum substantiam ( at least , according to the Comments of all his modern Expositors ) & secundum Qualitate● , as to their substance and Qualities , as that from their Commistion , Alteration , and Corruption , a certain New and distinct substance doth arise , which is the Form of the Thing so produced . For , having supposed for a Groundwork , that the Four Elements are not the First Principles ; it could not stand with his advantage , not to have assumed also , that the Elements may be so Transmuted , as that the more Generall and Common Matter doth still remaine : and that the same , upon the perdition of the Elementary Forms , may put on a New Forme , that is substantiall ; and that very thing , by which the resulting or Generated Body is specified , and entituled to such a Denomination . But , as for Empedocles , and the rest enumerated ( to whom we may add also Epicurus ) 't is well known that notwithstanding they all admitted the Four Vulgar Elements , as readily as Aristotle Himself , yet would they by no means hear of their Transmutability either as to substance , or Qualities : unanimously decreeing , that in their Commistion each of them is divided into particles most minute , which yet retain the very same substance and qualities , that they had before , as that every particle of Fire doth still retain the substance and quality of Fire , namely Heat ; and that every particle of Water doth likewise constantly conserve the substance , and quality of Water , viz. Moisture ; and so of the other two : so that it is most evident , They would have , that in Generation there is onely a [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Concretion of the insensible particles of the the 4 Elements , but no Transmutation of any one of them , either with the Perdition of their own , or the Adeption of a new substantiall Forme ; both which are praesumed by Aristotle . But this great Difficulty , about the Generation of Things from the Commistion of the General Principles , soon loseth it self in a Greater , which concerns the Manner and Condition of their Commistion , and whose consideration will best instruct us aswell what is the main Difference among Philosophers , touching this most weighty Theorem , as what opinion can best deserve our Approbation and Assent . Concerning this , therefore , we find two necessary Remarks ( 1 ) That there are Two different Kinds of Commistion , whereof the one is , by Aristotle ( de Generat . 1. cap. 10. ) termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Composition , and by others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Apposition : the other is called , in the Dialect of the Stoicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Confusion , and in that of Galen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Coalition , or Temperation . The Former is when those things , whether Elements , or others , that are mixed together , do not interchangeably penetrate each others parts , so as to be conjoyned per minima ; but either themselves in the whole , or their parts , onely touch each other superficially : as in the Commistion of the Grains of wheat , Barly , Rye and other Corn. The Latter , when the things commixed , are so seemingly united , and concorporated , as that they may be conceived mutually and totally to pervade and penetrate each other , per minimas partes , so as that there is no one insensible particle of the whole mixture , which hath not a share of every ingredient ; as when Wine and Water ( that we may use the Example , aswell as Conception of Aristotle ) are infused together into the same vessel . Now the Stoicks and Aristotle are equally earnest to have this Latter way , or manner of Commistion , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Confusion , to be that , according to which the Elements of Principles of Bodies are commix't in Generation : But Empedocles , Anaxagoras , Democritus , Epicurus , with all their Sectators , allow none but the Former , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Apposition ; with very solid arguments ( among which the easy separability of Wine from Water , either by a sponge , or Cup of Ivie , is not the least ) asserting , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Elements , as also of all other things , is really a meer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Composition of their small particles , though apparently , or according to the judgement of sense , it may pass for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Confusion . ( 2 ) That , when either the Elements themselves , or any other Bodies more Concrete , as Water and Wine , are mixed together ; they may reciprocally divide , dissect , and resolve each other into either very small and insensible [ moleculae ] masses , which yet are each of them composed of multitudes of Atoms concreted ; or most exile particles , i. e. Atoms themselves : and where the resolution is only into insensible Masses , there may the Commistion be accounted Perfect ; but , where the parts of each ingredient are so far resolved , as to be reduced quite down to the first Matter , Atoms , there is the Commistion most Perfect . Now , upon this Distinction depends the whole Controversy betwixt Aristotle and the Stoicks , on one part , and the Atomists , on the other , about the Manner of the Commistion of the Common Principles in Generation : Those vehemently contending for their totall Concorporation , or Unition per minimas partes , so that every the most minute particle in the whole mistum , must be of the very same nature with the whole ; These strongly asserting , that no Mistion of Elements , or Temperation of Principles , goes further than a meer Apposition , or superficiall Contingency of their several particles , so that the particles of each ingredient must still retain the very same nature they had before commistion , howbeit they may seem to be totally Concorported , or Confused , in regard they are reduced to such Exility , as that each single one escapes the discernment of the sense . These two ●o highly repugnant Opinions being thus rightly stated , it follows , that we uprightly perpend the Verisimility of each ; that so we may confer our Assent upon the more ponderous . If we look no further than the Commmon Notion , or what every man understands by the Terme , Mistion ; it is most evident , that the things commixed ought to Remain in the Mistum ; for if they do not remain , but Perish , both according to substance and Qualities , as Aristotle and the Stoicks hold , then is it no Mistion but a Destruction : and since the propriety of this Notion cannot be solved by any other reason , but that of the Atomists , that the particles of things are in commistion onely apposed each to other , without amission of their proper natures ; what Consequence can be more naturall and clear than this , that that their opinion is most worthy our Assent and Assertion ? ( 2 ) Though Chrysippus attempts to conserve the integrity of this Common Notion , by a sub●lety , saying ; That the most minute particles of things mixe● , do so remain entire both as to substance and Qualities , as that they reciprocally penetrate each other , and become mutually Coextended ; and that thence it comes to pass , that in the whole Mistum there is none the smallest particle , which is not mixed , or which doth not partake aswell of the substance , as Qualities of every ingredient 〈◊〉 ▪ ●et doth He not onely fall short of his designe , but also further en●ang●e himself , and subvert other more manifest Notions . For , f●●m that his Position it necessary follows . ( 1 ) That two Bodies are at once in one and the same place , both mutually penetrating each others dimensions , or without reciprocall expulsion ( 2 ) That a pint of Water , and a pint of Wine commixed , must not fill a quart , but that both are no greater than one , i. e. be both contained in a pint together : forasmuch as it supposeth , that the particles of one have no other Ubi , but what is posse'st by the particles of the other . ( 3 ) That a very small Body may be Coextensive , or Coaequate to a very great one ; as that a spoonfull of Water may be Coaequate to a But of Wine : since it supposeth , that , both being commix't , there is no part of space in the vessel including them , which doth not contain somewhat of the Water as well as of the Wine . Now , all these things being manifestly Repugnant , and yet naturally Consequent upon Chrysippus Position : it is no less repugnant , that the particles of things commixt should remain , by mutuall Penetration , and Coe●●ension . ( 3 ) Nor , indeed , hath Aristotle Himself been more happy than Chrysippus , in his invention of a way , to remove or palliate the gross repugnancy of his opinion , to the proper importance of the term , Commistion ; as may easily be evinced by a short adduction of it to the test of reason . That He might defend his Doctrine of the Remanence of things commixed , notwithstanding their reciprocall Transubstantiation ; and at the same time avoid ●hose sundry manifest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Incongruities , to which that doctrine 〈◊〉 subject : He excogitated Two sophisticall subter●uges . The one , that when two divers things are commixed , in very unequall proportions , so as the one is very much praevalent o're the other ( as when one single ●rop of Wine is instilled into ten thousand Gallons of water ) in th●● case there is no Mistion , in strick acceptation ; but an absolute Ex●olution and Transmutation of the species of the weaker into that of the stronger , ( of the species of the Wine , into that of the Water . ) The Other , that when the things commixed are so exactly equall in qu●●●ity or Virtues , as that one is not the least praevalent over the other ; o● when the one praevails upon the other but little : in both these cases ▪ though each put on the nature of the other , by reciprocall t●ansmuta●●on , or that which is a little inferior be altered from its own nature into that of the Superior ; yet is not that Transmutation of both , a Generation of either , or the transmutation of the one , a Generation of the other ▪ but onely of some Third thing , which is middle betwixt , and common●o ●o both . But ▪ there is neit●er of these , which may not be called a snare , more justly than a subter●●●● . For , as to the First ; were He living , and in the Schools , we sh●●ld onely demand of him , if after the instillation of one single drop of Wine into 10000 Gallons of Water , a second drop should be supe●●nfused , and after that a third , a fourth , and so more and more successively ▪ till the mass of Water were augmented to ten , a hundred , a thousa●●fold : of what Nature would the whole mixture of Wine and Water be ? He , doubtless , would Answer Us , that the whole would still b● Water , though to one measure of Water 10000 measures of Wine were superaffused drop after drop ; since , according to His own theory ▪ it allwayes must remain meer and simple Water ( other●●●● the first ●●op of Wine could not be transpecificated , or be converted into the ●●ture of the Water ) into which even the very last drop of Wine wa●●●●used : or else He must teach us when , i. e. from what particular drop of Wine instilled , the whole Aggregate or Mass of both l●quo●● beg●●●o put off the nature of Water , and on that of Wine . And , who is so 〈◊〉 ●ither by nature , or praejudice , as not to apprehend , that the Re●son is 〈◊〉 same for one , as for the other ; for ten thousand ●●ousand Gallons , 〈◊〉 ●or one single Drop of Wine ? Now this being Absurd , as f●r beyo●d palliation , as pardon ; is it not much better for Us to say , 〈…〉 drop of Wine be infused into so large a quantity of Water , it is 〈◊〉 into very exile particles , each whereof doth still retain the nature of Wine , but so commixed and adhaering to the incommensurably more dense and numerous particles of the Water , as that they seem to vanish , though really they still subsist the very same , as before commistion ? That Two drops being infused into the ●ame Water , the particles therof becoming doubly more numerous , would be contingent and cohaerent to more particles of the Water ? That , if ●en , a hundred , a thousand , ten thousand , a hundred thousand , &c. Drops of Wine be successively superaffused into the same Water ; the particles of the Wine would at length amount not only to an equall , but a greater number than those of the Water : and consequently so praevail over them , as ●o change their Virtue , and subdue them into the Apparence of Wine ? And as to the Other ; we might very lawfully Except against it , as altogether Unintelligible ( for , who can understand , How the Inferior Mistile can be transmuted into the Nature of the superior , and yet not be the very same thing with it ? ) but , least we appear all severity , we shall wave that cavill , and insist onely upon the most important part of the Assertion . Aristotle saith , That f●om the Commistion of two divers things , a certain Third thing is Generated , or Produced , which is of a Nature Median betwixt , and Common to Both those things commixed . Now , Whether is it His meaning , that the Resulting middle and Common thing doth participate of the Extremes of Each mistile : or , that it ariseth from the Destruction of both Mistiles ? For the Text will endure no third interpretation . If the Latter ; then do not either of the things mixed Remain , and so there can be no Mistion : expresly contrary to His own Assumption , and the tenour of that Common Notion , for the praeservation whereof He excogitated and designed this Subterfuge . If the Former , as seems most genuinely inferrible from the Adjectives , Medium and Commune ; then our Enquiry is , How , and in what respect , that Middle and Common thing comes to be participant of the Extremes of each Mistile ? In the Wine ( that we may retain his own Instance ) there was Matter , there was Forme , there were Qualities ; and likewise in the Water : shall we therefore conceive , that the Middle and Common thing produced , is participant of all , i. e. Matter , Forme , and Qualities of Both the Mistiles ; or onely of those of one of them ? ( 1 ) For the Matter ; He cannot deny , that the Mistum containes the whole Matter of Both : because neither the Matter of the one , nor of the other can be destroyed . And since the Matter of each hath Parts , the smallest of which is Extense or Quantitative , and so must possess a proport●onate part of space in the Continent ; therefore we demand , whether are the Parts of the Matter of the Wine existent in the very same places , with the Parts of the matter of Water ; or in distinct places by th●mselves ? If He should say , as the supposition implies , that the parts of Both do exist in one and the same place ; He would ruine himself upon that Impossibility of the Coexistence of Two Bodies in one place : and if that they are in distinct places ; then must it follow , that they onely touch each other superficially , and so are not mixed by mutual Penetr●tion and Coextension ( as He affirmed ) but by meer Apposition , or Composition . ( 2 ) As to the Forms ; Aristotle cannot but admit , that the Forms of both Wine and Water do survive their Commistion , and exist in the Mistum ▪ or Middle and Common thing resulting from them ; because , otherwise , there would be a plain Corruption , not a simple Alteration of the things mixed , and consequently Mistion ought to be defined rather Mis●ilium Corruptorum , than Alteratorum Unio : Besides , if the Formes perish , ●he Emergent Form must be absolutely New , and so not participant of ●he Form of each Mistile . But , if He reply , that Both Forms are Unit●d and coexistent in the whole matter of the Mistum ; then must eve●y the smallest particle of the matter of each have both the Form prop●● to it self , and the Form of the other also , and so the whose matter must have two whole distinct Forms at once : which is an Absurdity 〈◊〉 below the concession of Aristotles subtility , and whether or no hi● Sectators will defend it , we leave to themselves . To elude this Dilem●● . He , indeed , hath determined , that the Form of the Mistum is one on●● ▪ and that neither of the Praeexistent Forms , in Act , but both in 〈◊〉 . But , alas ! this is a poor shift for so great a Philosopher ; for 〈◊〉 ●he praeexistent Forms of both Mistiles be not Actually in the Mistum , then are not the Mistiles onely Altered , but wholly Corrupted : 〈◊〉 can i● enter into the thoughts of any sober man , How the Resulting 〈◊〉 should contain the Praeexistent ones , in Power . For , if the Result●●● Form is capable of being changed again into the praeexistent one● ▪ from which it did result ; as when Wine and Water commixed , ●re again separated : that argues of necessity , that the Forme o● the Mistum is not a New Forme ( as He assumes ) but one Composed of the two praeexistent ▪ ones commixed . ( 3 ) And l●stly , 〈◊〉 for the Qualities ; neither ought Aristotle to deny the Remanence of 〈◊〉 : for , since in them consisteth the chief Capac●ty o● Power of ●●●overing the last Forms ; if they perish , how can they be in●e●vien●● 〈◊〉 ●he recovery of the Forms ? Necessary it is , therefore ▪ that the 〈◊〉 of things commix't be onely interchangably Refracted , not Ab●●●shed . And thus have we demonstrated , that Aristotle , aswell as the ●t●icks , engulfed himself in an Ocean of bottomless Diffic●ties , an●●r●econcilable Incongruities ; while He sought to propugne that unre●●onable Opinion , of the Mutuall Confusion , and Transmutation of 〈◊〉 things commixed in Generation . For a Collatera● Remark ▪ be 〈◊〉 to reflect upon this great Example , when you would e●force , How 〈…〉 burthen lye's upon those shoulders , which take upon th●m to support an 〈◊〉 : and how weak the Armes of the most Giant 〈◊〉 are found 〈◊〉 they strive to bear up against the stream of Truth . Having detec●●● 〈◊〉 sundry Difficulties , that wait upon the Doctrine of Aristotle ▪ ●ouching the Origination , or Emergency of a Form , in a thing 〈◊〉 from divers things commix't ; let us proceed to Another 〈…〉 same Cha●ter and enquire whether there be no● also 〈…〉 Difficulty inseparable from his Doctrine of the Es●ence 〈…〉 ; that so at length we may the better 〈◊〉 ▪ W●ether the Forme of a thing Generated from Elements , or other more compound Bodies commix't , be a substance ( as Aristotle contends ) or onely some certain Quality , or Accident ( as Democritus and ●picurus assert . ) But , first , we are to advertize , that from this Discourse of ours , against the substantiality of Forms Generated , we exempt the Rationall Soul of Man ; for , that being an Essence sepa●●ble from the Body , and subsisting entire and complete after separation ( as we intend , if God shall be pleased to grant us health , and the world vacation from publique cares , to demonstrate at large , in a singular Treatise ) may therefore be most justly termed a substance , o● Form substanti●ll : as intending onely to examine the reasonableness o● th●● opinion , by the Schools imputed to their Master Aris●o●le ; that the Forms of things are substantiall , and wholly distinct 〈◊〉 Matter . The Quaestion ( and indeed a very Great one ) is , Wherein that substan●e , or Form , which Aristotle affirm's to arise , de novo , in Generation , lay hid before Generation ? His sectators un●n●mously t●ll us , that it was contained in the Matter , not in Act , but onely in Power , or Capacity : and we demand again , if it were not Actu●lly contained in the Matter , how could it be Actually 〈◊〉 ●●om thence ? They reply , that it is educed out of the M●tter on●ly by the Power of the Agent . But , this is a shamefull Desertion o● the Quaestion , which is not about the Power of the Agent ; but , How the ●orm of a thing , which themselves assume to be a subst●n●e , i. e. a reall and self-subsisting Entity , and so clearly Distinct from the Matter of the Mistum , can yet be Educed out of that very Matter ? When they say , that the Form is conce●led in the Power of the M●tter ; if they would but permit us to understand the Form to be a certain portion of the Matter , and as it were the Flower , o● pu●●r part thereof , which should afterw●rd , in Gener●tion , be attenu●ted , refined , sequestred from the grosser m●ss ; and then be again conjoyned to the same , and as it were Animate it : then , indeed , might the Eduction of a Form , as a reall ●nd substantiall Being , be easily conceived , and assented to . But , ●his they expresly prohibite , lest they should incur a double Contradiction : the one , in ●onceding the Matter to be Corruptible ; the other , in allowing the Form to be indistinct from Matter . Forasmuch , therefore , as they protest against that Interpretation of the Text ; and yet are peremptory , that the very substance of the Form educed , wa● before eduction potentially comprehended in the very substance of the Matter : they give us the trouble of still pressing them to explain How , or after what manner , the substance of the F●rm was Potenti●lly contained in that of the Matter ? And here they fly to their accustom'd refuge , an obscure Distinction , saying ; that the Power of the Matter , in respect to the Form , is 〈…〉 Eductive , forasmuch as the Form may be , by ●●rtue o● 〈◊〉 Ag●nt , educed out of it ; ( 2 ) Receptive , forasmuch as it rece●v●s that same Form educed . And so they conclude , that the M●tter doth c●ntain the Form in both these Powers , or double Capacity . But , this will not blunt the edge of Curiosity . For , as to the ●●rst , viz. the 〈◊〉 Power ; 't is manifest , that to contain a thing by an 〈◊〉 Power , imports no more , nor less than this , to have Actually in it self that , which is capable of eduction from it . Thus a Purse , wherein ten pieces of money are actually contained , may well be said to contain them by an Eductive power ; because He that hath the purse , may at his pleasure Educe them from thence : but , if the Purse did not actually contain them , He that wanted money , might starve before He could prove , that they were contained therein by an Eductive power . And therefore we may set up our rest in this Conclusion ; that as a piece of Gold cannot be educed out of an Empty Purse : so doth not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o● Exforme Matter ( so themselves determin e it to be ) contain a Form , by an Eductive Power . As to the Other member of the Distinction , the Receptive Power ; t is also mani●●st , that to contain a thing by a Receptive Power , is no other than to be in a condition of Receiving it : but , this Capabili●● , or Power Receptive comes much short of being sufficient , that any thing should be actually educed from that , which hath onely such a power of entertaining it ; since otherwise the prodigall need not fear the exhaustion of all the money in his purse , becaus● it is capable of more , when that 's gone . Which being most grossy Absur'd ; it cannot be less Absurd to conceive , that the Form of a thing may be educed from the matter thereof , because it is contained therein by a Receptive Power . Indeed , if they would allow the Form to be , not a substance , but a certain Quality , species , or modifi●ation of a substance or Matter ; then might we understand how it might be contained in the Power of the Matter ; because the sense would be no more than this , that the Matter is capable of being so changed and disposed , as to be put into such a Mode , or Form● by the same reason , as the species , or Image of Mercury may be s●id to be contained in the power of a piece of wood , or be e●uced out of it ; insomuch as the wood is capable of being formed ●●to the statue of Mercury , by the hands of the statuary . But , while t●ey make the species or Image of Mercury , to be a New subst●●ce , absolutely distinct from the wood , which is the substance , 〈◊〉 Matter of that Image ; and in Generall discriminate the Figu●e ▪ or Forme of a thing , from the substance of the thing it self 〈◊〉 we are to be excused , if we do not at all understand them , in ●ore than this , that they endeavour to assert what themselves do no● ▪ nor cannot understand . But , as for 〈◊〉 other Philosophers , formerly nominated ; if you please to 〈◊〉 your attention to the summary of their theory concerning the 〈◊〉 Argument , we doubt not but in the conclusion you will 〈◊〉 with us in this judgement , that They speak ●at leas● bo●● much more intelligibly and satisfactorily . They deny not ▪ tha● Generation is indeed , determined to a substance● ▪ 〈…〉 the thing produced or generated , is a substance . Nor that 〈◊〉 ●●neration there alwayes ariseth a Forme , by which the 〈◊〉 generated is specified ; because Generation supposeth 〈◊〉 , and specification imports a Forme . Nor , again , that 〈◊〉 ●orm is really a substance , i. e. a certain most tenuious , most spiritual , and so most active part of the Body , such as we h●ve o●ten hinted the soul of a Plant or Brute Animal to be . But the points which they declare against , as manifestly unreasonable , are these Two : ( 1 ) That such a Forme is a New substance , or formerly not Existent ; because it is unavoidably necessary , that that most tenuious , m●st spiritual , and most active portion of the matter should be somewhere praeexistent , be●●re it was copulated to the grosser and less active part of the mass , and affected it with such a particular mode , as specifies the mistum : ( 2 ) That that which is properly called the Forme of a thing , is ought else but a certain ●uality , or determinate Manner of the substances exist●ng , or special Modification of the matter thereof . For , it being unanimously decreed by them All , that every thing is generated from an Aggeries of Matter , or Material Principles , coalescing in a certain Order and Position : they therefore determine , that the thing generated , or Concreted , is nothing but the very m●t●r●al Principles themselves , as convened and coalesced in this or that determinate Order and Position , and so exhibited to the cognizance of our senses , under this or that determinate Forme , Species , or Quality . And lest we should delude our selves , by a gross apprehension , that the tenu●ous and more agile part of the b●dy is on●y confused●y blended together with the gross and less agile part ; Empedocles and Anaxagoras tell us praecisely , that the Forme of the whole , or ●uality by which the Body is made such as it is , doth yet result from as well the order and situation of the tenuious parts among themselves , and of the gross●r among themselves , as of the tenuious and grosser con●unctively , or one among another . And this they illustrate by the similitude of an Hou●e . For , as an House is nothing but Timber , Stones , Morter , an● other materials , ●ccording to such or such a reason and order disp●sed an● contexed together , and exhibiting this or that Forme ; and ●s there is nothing in it , which before the structure thereof was not found in the wood , quarry , river , and other places , ●nd which a●ter its demolition ( whereby its Forme perisheth ) doth not still exist in some place or other : so is a Horse ●for example● nothing else but those material Principles , or exile Bodies , of which after a certain manner connected among themselves it is composed , both with this determinate Conformation of Members , and this interior F●cu●ty of Veget●tion , and in a word , with this particular Forme , ●u●lity , Species , or Con●●tion , which denominates it a Horse ▪ when yet the Principles of which ●oth its Grosser members are coa●unated , and its tenuious and spiritual subst●nce , the soul , is contexed , w●re fo●merly ex●stent in his progenitors , in gr●●s , in Water , Aer , and other Concretions ; and the Form also , so ●oon as the Co●positum is dissolved , vanisheth , as well the tenuious as grosser particles returning again to aer , water , earth , or other Bodies , as they were before their Concretion , or Determination to that particul●r species ofthings , by Gener●tion . But , Demo●ritus , Epicurus , and Leucippus are somewhat more full and perspicuous in their Solut●on of this Problem , declaring ●1● That , when a Thing is Generated , multitudes of Atoms are congregated , commixe● , c●●posed , disposed , & complicated a●ter su●h a dete●minate manner , as that ●●om thence doth necessarily result a body of such a particu●ar species , ●pparen●e , and consequently of such a respect●ve denom●nation . ( 2 ) That in su●● a Body there is no substance , which w●s not praeexistent ▪ it being im●ossib●e that New Atoms whi●h only constitute C●rpore●l 〈…〉 shoul●●e created : but only that 〈◊〉 certain D●spositi●● 〈◊〉 of the Atoms , eternally praeexistent , is made , 〈…〉 s●cha Form 〈◊〉 , which is nothing really distinct from , but is the very Atoms themselves , as they are thus , and no otherwise ordered and composed . ( 3 ) That the Forme of a thing , considered abstractly or by it self , is therefore onely a meer Quality , Accident , or Event , of wh●ch the Atoms , which compose that Body or substance , are naturally capable , when thus consociated and mutually related : whether we understand it to be the Forme of the whole Compositum , or of that most subtile and active part of the substance commonly called the Soul , or specifical Forme ▪ V. G. of an Horse ) the same being ( not a New , or freshly created substance , as Aristotle , and the Schools upon his Authority conceive , but ) only a certain Contexture of the most subtile and moveable Atoms in the composition . ( 4 ) That out of the infinite stock of the Universal and First Matter , uncessantly moving in the infinite space , when such Consimular Atoms meet together , as are reciprocally proportionate or respondent , and mutually implicate each other by their small Hooks and Fastnings ; then are generated certain very small Bodies , or masses , such as being much below the discernment of th● sense , may be accounted Semina Rerum , the seeds ofthings : differing from the Homaeome●ical Principles of Anaxageras in this , that though very hardly , yet at last they may be dissolved , and reduced to the single Atoms , of which at first they were composed ▪ whereas the Homoeomera of Anaxag●ras are Irresolu●le , ●nd First Principles . ( 5 ) That these Moleculae , Fi●st Masses , or smallest Concretions of Atoms , are the Proxime and Immediate Principles of ●ire , Water , Aer , and of other things more simple , such as the Chym●sts conceive their Three Catholique Principles , Sal , Sulphur ▪ ●nd Mercury to be : from which afterward congregated and comm●●t into greater mas●es , ari●e variou● kin●s of Bodies , respectively to the various m●nners of the●r commistion , disposition , and concretion ▪ as Animals , V●getables , Minerals . ●6● That from the Dissolution of Bo●ies composed of divers sorts of ●uch First M●sses of Atoms , ●uch as Animals , Plants , Minerals , and each of their several species ; divers Bodies of more simple C●mpositions may be Generated , according as the small masses or Complications of Atoms , separated , by dissolution , from them , shall be more or less Consimilar , and convene again in this or that order and position , or particular species ; as when from wood dissolved by Fire , are generated Fire , Smoke , Flame , Soot , and Ashes . And this is th● Summary of the Atomists Doctrine concerning the essence of Forms : which that we may conveniently illustrate , let us a while insist upon that most opportune instance of the Generation of those divers things , Fire , Flame , S●●oke Soot , Ashes , and Salt , 〈◊〉 the Dissolution of Wood. Let us conceive ( 1 ) That Wood is a Compound Body , made up of various Moleculae , or small masses of Atoms : ( 2● That those small masses of Atoms are such , as that being congregated , commixt , and according to such a determinate manner disposed , they must in the whole composition , retain the species or Fo●me of Wood ; but being di●located , s●parated , and after another manner again connexed and disposed , they must exhibite other less compound Forms , or species of Bodies : ( 3 ) That in the Concretion there are exis●ent multitudes of spherical , most exile , and most agile Atoms , such as , when they are expeded from the ●etters of the g●osser mass , and flye away together in great numbers , and consociated , are comparated to make and exhibite the species of Fire : ( 4 ) That of these Igneous particles is generated Flame . Whos 's Clarity & Splendor ariseth from the Abjection of other dissimilar and impure parts , formerly commixt with the Igneous particles . Whose tendency Vpwards , and succeeding Disapparence arise both from the force and pernicity of the Igneous particles in their exsilition , and the pres●ure or urgency of the ambient Aer . Whose gradual Attenuation , and conicall Figure arise from hence , that the Igneous particles , in respect of their roundness , exility , and superlative mobility , evolving and expeding themselves from the Concretion the soonest of all others contained therein , and in swarms diffusing themselves through the environing aer , on all sides , do create a Light , which is by degrees so exhausted , in regard of the speedy avolition of the igneous Atoms composing it , that it dwindles or consumes away to a cone or sharp point , which is also much more rare then the basis , where the igneous particles are most dense and agminous . Whose Dilatation from its base to some degrees , and Tremulation or Vndulation arise from the copious , but indirect emption of the igneous particles , disengaging themselves from the grosser parts of the mixture . Whose Obnubilation by some smoke commixt with it , is caused by the many Fuliginous particles , that the Igneous ones carry off with them , as they flye away . Whose faculty of Pungency , Penetration , and Dissolution of most bodies objected , consisteth in the transcendent subtility of the Igneous particles , and in the pernicity of their motion , as we have largely declared in our praecedent Discourse of the Nature of Heat . ( 5 ) That the Fume , or smoke issuing from wood in combustion , together with Flame , is much more simple than the wood it self , but yet compounded of divers particles , some whereof are Watery , others Earthy , others Salt , others Fuliginous , as appears by the adhaerence of the soot to the Chimny , by the praecipation of the earthy faeces of soot to the bottom of a vessel of Water , and the extraction of Salt from thence by a dissolution of soot in warm water , and the Denigration of things thereby . ( 6 ) And lastly , that what we have conc●ived of Flame and Smoke , may be equally reasonable , if applied also to the remaining Ashes of wood burned , they being likewise composed of various particles or small masses both of Salt and Earth ; and the particles of Earth being again composed of Mud and Sand , or such as that of which Glass is made . And when we have perpended the verisimility of these Conceptions , we shall be fully convinced ; that Wood is a thing composed of divers sorts of small bodies , or minute masses of Atoms ; and that the Form thereof doth consist in the Congeries , Concretion , complexion , and determinate Disposition of them all ; as also that the Fire , or Flame issuing from ●t in combustion , is a thing likewise consisting of various sorts of particles contained in the Wood , and which being separated , and again consoc●ated ( according to the Consimilarity or likeness of their natures ) and concreted among themselves , obtain another Disposition , and Forme , and so exhibite the species of a New body . SECT . II. FRom Generation ( ●s in the Method of Nature , so in our disquisitions concerning Her ) we pass to CORRUPTION ; which is no more but the Dissolution of the Forme , i. e. the determinate Modification of the matter of a thing , so that it is thereby totally devested of the right of its former Denomenation . For , since it is most certain , that in Generation , there doth arise no such New substantial Forme , as Aristotle dreamt of , and most men have ever since disquieted their heads withal : it can be no less certain , that neither in Corruption can any such Form , as ever was substantial , perish or be annihilated . Which verily that we may most commodiously enforce , resuming our late Instance of the Generation of Fire , Flame Smok , &c. from the combustion of wood , we shall to our praecedent remarks there thereupon , superad this observation ; that when wood perisheth by Fire , and so is resolved into divers other Bodies , it is not resolved into any other , but those very same things , which were really praeexistent and contained therein ; and consequently , that nothing thereof perisheth , but only that determinate Connexion and situation of its parts , or that special manner of their existence , ( you may call it Forme , Quality , Species , Accident , or Event ) in respect whereof it was wood , and was so denominated . A strange Assertion you 'l say , that there is really existent in wood , Fire , that there is Flame , that there is Salt , that there are all those divers things into which it is resoluble by corruption . And yet the Truth much transcends the strangeness of it ▪ the difficulty , at which you are startled , consisting only in Name , not in the Thing it self . For , if by Fire you understand burning Coales or Flame actually ardent and lucent ; and if by Salt you conceive a Body sapid , really and sensibly corrading the tongue : then , indeed , we shall confess that there is no such Fire , nor Flame , no such Salt existing actually in wood : But , if you b● the names of Fire , and Salt , understand ( as the tenour of our Dissectation , both directeth and obligeth you to understand ) the seeds , or small masses , or first Concretions of Fire and Salt , such which ar● so exile , as that each of them singly accepted is very much beneath the perception and discernment of the most acute of senses ; but ye● when multitu●es of them are sequestred from the whole mass , and are again congregated and freshly complicated together , the seeds o● Fire by themselves , those of Salt by themselves ; then do these actually burn and shine , and those actually make a Sapour , sharply affecting and corrading the tongue : we see no reason , why you should wonder at our tenent , that both Fire and Salt , viz. that very Fire which burns and shines in the wood , that very Salt which may be extracted from the Ashes thereof , were praeexistent in the wood . Certainly , you cannot but admit as highly consentaneous to reason ; that in a vapour to what rate soever attenuated , there are contained the seeds of Water , or the first concretions of Aqueous Atoms ; which though singly existent they are wholly imperceptible , yet nevertheless are they really particles of water : for as much as they want only the convention and coalition of many of them together , to the discovery of their nature in sensible masses ; for of many of them condensed are made very small drops of water , of those drops assembled together arise greater drops , of those rain is generated from that rain arise whole streams ▪ and many of those streams meeting together swell into great and impe●uous torrents . And if this be so easily , why should that be so hardly admittible ? But to desert this Example , and address to another so competent and illustrious , that it takes off all obscurity as well as difficulty from our conception ; it is well known , that silver is capable of such exact perm●stion with Gold , as that though there be but one single ounce of Silver admixt by confusion to 1000 ounces of Gold : yet in the whole mass there shall be no sensible part , wherein somewhat of that small proportion of silver is not contained . Now , you cannot expect that each single molecula , or seed of silver should appear to the sense , so as to distinguish it self , by its proper colour from the small masses of Gold : because each molecula of silver is surrounded with , and immersed among 1000 particles or small masses of Gold. Nor can you believe , that the silver is wholly unsilvered , or Changed into Gold ; as Aristotle affirmed , that a drop of Wine , infused into a great quantity of Water , is changed into Water : because the skilful Metallist will soon contradict you in that , by an ocular demonstration . For , by Aqua Fortis poured upon the whole mass , He will so separate the silver from that so excessive proportion of Gold , as that there shall not be left inhaerent therein so much as one the smallest particle thereof ; and in the superfice you may plainly discern multitudes of very small holes , ( like punctures in wax , made by the point of the smallest needle ) in which the moleculae or small masses of the silver were resident , before its sequestration from Gold. Why therefore , according to the same reason , should it not be equally probable , that the seeds , or particles of Fire are so scatteringly diffused through the substance of wood , as that being surrounded and overwhelmed with myriads of particles of other sorrts , they cannot therefore put on the apparence proper to their nature , and discover themselves to be what really they are , until being by the force of the external fire invading and dissolving the compage of the wood , set at liberty , and disengaged from their former oppression , they issue forth in swarms , and by their coemergency and consimilarity in bulk figure and motion being again congregated , they display themselves to the sense in the illustrious Forme of Fire and Flame , and proportionately diminish the quantity of the wood ; which thereupon is first reduced to Coals , and a●terward , the separation and avolation of more and more particles successively being continued , to Ashes , which containing no more igneous particles , can maintain the combustion no longer . The like may be said also of the Salt , diffusedly concealed in Wood. For , insomuch as each single particle of Salt ambuscadoed therein , is blended among , and as it were immured by myriads of other particles : it is impossible they should exhibite themselves in their genuine Forme , while they remain in that state of separation or singular existence ; which they must do , till the compage of the whole mass or Concretion be dissolved . And would you be , beyond all pretext of doubt , convinced , that they yet retain their proper nature , amidst such multitudes of other particles ; be pleased only to make this easie Experiment . Take two pieces of the same Wood of equal weight , and steep one in water , for two or three days , and keep the other from all moysture ; then by fire reduce each of them apart to Ashes , and by Water a●●used thereunto , and boyled to a lee , extract the Salt from the Ashes of each : this done , you shall find the Ashes of the drie piece to have yeelded a quantity of Salt proportionate to its bulk , but those of the wet one very little , or none at all . And the Reason is only this , that the water in which the one piece was macerated , hath exhausted most part , if not all of the Salt , that was contained therein . Now this Example we alledge to praevent your falling upon that vulgar conceit , that the Salt of Ashes is produced only by the Exustion of the Wood : since , according to that supposition , the macerated piece of wood would yeeld as much of Salt , as the Drie . This considered , it remains a firm and illustrious truth , that all the particles of the Fire , Salt , Smoke , &c. educible from wood , were really praeexistent therein , though so variously commixt one among another , as that notwithstanding each of them constantly retained its proper nature entire , y●t could they not discover themselves in their own colours , proprieties , and species , till many of each sort were dis-engaged from the Concretion at once , and assembled together again . Now such are the Advantages of this Theory above that of Aristotle , that besides the full suf●ragation of it to the Common Notions of Generation and Corruption , of substance , Forme , &c. it assists us in the exposition of Three General Axiomes , which though drawn into rules by Aristotle himself , are partly inconsistent with , partly unintelligible from his doctrine . The First is , si aliquid corrumpitur ultimum abire in primam Materiam , That when any thing is corrupted , it is at last reduced to the First matter : which doth expresly contradict His grand thesis , that the Forme of a thing is a substance , which begins to be in Generation , and ceaseth to be , or is annihilated in Corrupt●●n ; for , had He spoken conformably thereto , He must have said , that when the Compositum is dissolved by Corruption , it is partly reduced to matt●r , partly to Nothing . But , if the Form be not substantial , and that what is Corrupted , is composed of no other substantial parts , but those wh●ch are material ; as we have assumed : then , indeed , doth the Axiome hold good , and we may with good reason say , that when any thing is Corrupted , it is reduced to matter , or the material parts , of which it was composed , as wood dissolved by fire , is reduced to Fire , Smoke , Soot , Ashes , &c. of which it did consist . And forasmuch as by that Adverb , Ultimum , Finally , He gives us the occasion of Enquiring , An in Corruptione detur resolutio adusque materiam Primam ? Whether or no in Corruption there be a Resolution even to the First matter ? we cannot but observe , that the manner of that ultimate resolution may be much more easily comprehended , according to our assumption , than according to His own . Because Our First matter is Atoms , and the second matter certain small masses of Atom● , or the first Concretions , which we therefore , observing the phrase of ●picurus and Lucretius , call Semina Rerum , the see●s of Things , such 〈◊〉 those whereof Fire , silver , Gold , and the like Concretions are composed ▪ and so , if the Resolution proceed to extremity , i. e. to Atoms , or in●●soluble particles ( as in some cases it doth ) then may it well be said , that the resolution is made to the First Matter ; but if it go no farther then those ●●all masses of Atoms ( as most commonly it doth not ) then can we just●● say no more , than that the resolution is made only to the second matter . The Second is , Corruptionem Unius esse Generationem al●erius , that the Corruption of one thing is the Generation of another , which cannot consist with truth , if understood in any other sense but that of our supposition· For , since , Corruption is nothing else but a separation and exsolution of the pa●ts , of which a thing was composed : we may conceive , how those parts so separated and exsolved , may be variously convened and commixt again afterward , as to constitute New Concretions , & put on other new Forms . Not that they were not formerly existent , as to all their substantial parts : but only that they were not formerly existent in a state of separation from others , nor coadunated again in the same compage , and after the same manner . The Third , Id quod semel Corruptum est , non posse idem numero naturae viribus r●stitu● , that what is once Corrupted , cannot by Natures power be again restored numerically the same : which is to be understood in this sense . As a Watch , or other Artificial machine , composed of many several parts , may be taken in pieces , an● easily r●●omposed again into the very same numerical Engine , both as to matter and Forme ; the Artificer recollecting the divided parts thereof , and so disposing them , as that each possesseth the s●●e pl●ce and position , as before its dissolution : so likewise might the same N●tural Comp●situm , V. G. a piece of Wood , be , after the separation and e●so●ution of all its component parts , again recomposed numerically the very same , both as to m●tter and Forme , in case all those dissolved parts cou●● be recollected , reunited , and each of them restored to its former pl●ce and position . But , though all the various parts thereof remain , yet are they so scattered abroad into so many and so various places , and commixt ( perchance ) with so many several things , that there is no Natural Power th●t can recollect and restore them to the same places and positions , which they held before their disunion and dissolution . And , therefore , if any man shall say , that such or such a thing , dissolved by Corruption , is capable of being restored again the same in specie ; we ought t● understand him no otherwi●e than thus : that some of the parts of that thing may so return , as that being conjoyned to others , not numerically the same , but like unto those , to which they were formerly conjoyned , they may make up a body ex●ctly like the former , in specie or of the same Denomination ; as when the C●rcase of an Horse is corrupted , some parts thereof are converted into Ea●th , some of that Earth is converted into Grass , some of that Grass e●t●n by another Horse , is again converted into Seed , whereof a third Hor●e is generated . And thus are we to conceive the endless Circulation of Forms . As for the Principal CAUSES of Corruption , ( omitting the consideration of such as are External , or invading from without , in respect they are innumerab●e ; and of that Internal one also , the intestine war of Elements in every Concretion , of which Aristo●le hath such large discourses , and the Schools much larger ) the theory of Epicuru● instructs us , that they are only Two. The Fi●st and G●and one is the Intermistion of Vacuity among the solid particles of bodies ▪ in respect whereof all Concretions are so much more easily Exsoluable , or subject to Corruption , by how much more of Vacuity they have intercepted among the solid particles , that compose them : according to that D●stich of Lucretius . Et quam quaeque magis cohi●et res intus Inane , Tum magis his rebus penit●s tentata labascit . The other is the Ingenite Gravity ▪ or natural and inamissible propensity of Atoms to Motion which always inciteth them to intestine commotions and continual attempts of exsilition . So that where their Connexions and complications are but lax , and easily exsoluble , as in all Animals , all Plants , and some Metals , there do they sooner and more easily expede themselves , and so in short time totally dissolve the Concretions , which they composed . But , where they are bound to a more lasting peace , by more close compaction , and reciprocal complications , as in Gold and Ad●m●nts ; there their inhaerent propensity to motion is so supprest , as that they cannot diseng●ge themselves each fro● other , without great difficulty , and after many hundred yeers continual attempts of evolution , convolution and exsilition . Which is the true Reason both why Gold is the le●st Corruptible of all things yet known ▪ and why it is not wholly Incorruptible , but obnoxious to spontaneous Dissolution , though a●ter perhaps a million of yeers , when after innumerable myriads of convolutions , the Atoms which compose it , have successively attained their liberty , an● flye off one after another , t●●l the whole of that so closely compacted substance be ●i●solved . From the Causes , our thoughts are now at length arrived at the MANNERS , or Ways of Generation an● Corruption ▪ and fin● them to be of Two sorts , General and Special . Concerning the General we ob●e●ve , ●●at accord●ng to the do●trine of Epicu●us , ( who●e great praehe●inen●e in point of Verisimility and Concordance throughout , hath ma●e us prae●er it to that of Aristotle , which we have am●ly convicted of manifest Incomprehensibility , and self-contradiction ) things are generated either immediately of Atoms themse●ves convened together and concreted , and resolved again immediately into Atoms ; or immediately of praeexistent Concretions , and resolved imm●●iately into them ag●in . Of the way how the Former is effected , we have said enough , in the second chapter of our D●scourse against Atheism . A● to the Latter , be pleased to unde●stand , in a wor● , that all Generation is caused by either ( 1 ) A simple Transposition of pa●ts of the same numerical matter , Or ( 2 ) an Abject●on of some pa●ts of the old ▪ or pr●●xistent matter , or ( 3 ) An Accession of new parts . For , howbeit all these three General w●ys of Generation are mostly so concurrent an● commixt , as that one is hardly found w●thout the association of the other two : yet when we consider ●ach of them in special , and would determine which of them is praedomin●nt over the others , in the generation of this , or that particular species of ●hings : it will be necess●●y , that we allow this Discrimin●tion . First , the●●●ore , those things ●re s●●d to be generate● [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] by a meer T●ansposition of parts , which are observed to be spontaneous in their Pro●uction ; as Frogs engendred only of mu● or sl●●e , Worms from putrid Chees , &c. because from the very ●elf-s●me praeeist●nt matter , only by a various transposition of its parts , & succeeding re●uct●on of them to such , or such a determ●n●te order & situation , ●o●ething is generated , of a nature absolutely new or qu●te different from what th●t m●tt●r formerly had . An●●●ther also are we to refer tho●e Transmuta●●●●● of ●lements , of which Ar●stotle and the Sc●ools have such frequent ●nd high discourses : because , when Aer is conceived to be changed into Water , or Water transformed into Aer ; all the mysterie of those reciprocal metamorphoses amounts to no more , than a meer putting of the parts of the same common and indifferent matter into different modes , and the interception of more or less of Inanity among them , as we have frequently demonstrated . Secondly , such things are conceived to be generated [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] by Addition or Accession , which are not spontaneous in their original , but of seminal production , and specificated by the univocal virtue of their seeds : because in Propagation , rightly accepted , a very small quantity of seed , pervading a greater mass of matter , doth ferment , coagulate , and successively appose more and more parts thereof to itself , and conform the same into the species of that thing , from which it was derived , and impraegnated with the idea of the whole and every part thereof . And this Difference includes not only all Augmentation , which is a kind of Aggeneration , and consisteth only in the Apposition of new matter or substance , and that in a greater proportion than what is decayed or exhauste● : but also every Composition whatever , such as is the Insition or Inoculation of Plants . Thirdly , such things are said to be generated [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] by Detraction which arise from the Dissolution of others , and subsist only by Excretion or Separation ; as Fire , Smoke , &c. are derived from the Dissolution of wood , and other combustible substances , to which they were formerly commixt ; and Wax from the separation of Hony , together with which it was blended in the Combs . And , as for the Contrary , Corruption , ●tis easie to deduce it from the contrary ways of disposing matter . And here again the incircumspection of Aristotle manifestly discovers it self ; who multiplies the General ways of Generation , to a superfluous number : expresly teaching , that every simple Generation ariseth from ( 1 ) either Transfiguration , as when a statue is made of molten metal ; or ( 2 ) Addition , as wh●n Vegetables or Animals are Augmented ; or ( 3 ) Ablation , as when a statue is hewn out of Marble , all such parts being cut off and abjected , as were superfluous to the perfection of the Figure designed ; or ( 4 ) Composition , as in the structure of a house of various materials composed , according to the rules of Architecture ; or ( 5 ) Alteration , when a thing is changed as to matter , as when Ashes are produced out of wood combust . When notwithstanding , had not his accustomed diligence been laid asleep , or judgement perverted , he must soon have perceived , that his Transfiguration , Addition , and Ablation are really the very same with the Transposition , Adjection , and Detraction of our Epicurus ; and that Composition is necessarily referrible to Addition , and Alteration to Transposition . Concerning the Special modes , or ways of Generation , we need advertise you of only two Considerables . ( 1 ) That each of the three General ways , newly mentioned , is so fruitful in possible variety , as that the special subordinate ones , whereof it is comprehensive , are ( if not infinite , yet ) absolutely innumerable , ineffable , incomprehensible . For , if the Letters of our Alphabet , which are but 24 in number , may be so variously composed , as to make such a vast diversity of words , which cannot be enumerated by fewer then 39 c●phers , viz. 295232799039604140847618609643520000000. ( Tantum Elementa qu●unt , permutato ordine solo ) What Arithmetician can compute the several special ways of composition , whereof that incomprehensible variety of Figures which ( as we have frequently assumed ) Atoms may bear , is easily capable ? ( 2 ) That , as the Image of Mercury cannot be carved out of every stone , or every piece of wood ; nor words fit for reading , or pronunciation arise from every commistion of Letters : so , in Natural Concretions is it impossible , that all things should be made of all sorts of Atoms , or that all Atoms should be equally accommodate to the constitution of every species of Concretions . For , though Atoms of the same figure and magnitude may , by their various transposition , adjection , ablation ▪ compose things of various forms or natures : yet are they not all indifferently disposed to the composition of all things , nor can they be connected after one and the same manner , in divers things . Because , to the composition of every thing in specie , is required such a special disposition in the Atoms , which compose it , as that they must appose to themselves such other Atoms , as are congruous and suitable to them , and as it were refuse the society and combination of others that are not . And hence is it , that in the Dissolution of every Concretion , the consimular or like Atoms always consociate together , and expede themselves from the Dissimilar and incongruous . CHAP. II. OF MOTION . SECT . I. CErtainly , the Great Galilaeo did most judiciously and like himself , to lay the foundation of his incomparable Enquiry into the most recondite mysteries of Nature , in the Consideratin of the Nature of MOTION , and severe Examination ( that we may not say , subversion ) of Aristotles Doctrine concerning it . Bec●use , Motion being the Heart , or rather the Vital Faculty of Nature , without which the Universe were yet but a meer Chaos ; must also be the noblest part of Physiology : and consequently , the speculation thereof must be the most advantageous Introduction to the Anatomy of all other parts in the vast and symmetrical Body of this All , or Adspectable World. Again , if Motion and Quiet be the principal modes of Bodies Existing , as Des Cartes ( in princip . philosoph . part . 2. sect . 27. ) seems strongly to assert ▪ if Generation , Corruption , Augmentation , D●minution , Alteration , be only certain species , or more properly the Effects of Motion , as our imme●●●tely praecedent Ch●pter cleerly imports ; and that we can have no other Cognizance of the conditions or qualities of sensible objects , but what results from our perception of the Impulses made upon the organs of our senses , by their species thither transmitted : assuredly , the Physiologist is highly concerned to make the contemplation of Motion , its Causes , Kinds , and Universal Laws , the First link in the chain of all his Natural Theorems . And , truly , this we our selves had not endeavoured , had not our firm resolution to avoid that ungrateful prolixity , which must arise from the frequent Repetitions of the same Notions , in the solution of various natural Apparences ▪ and our design of insensibly praeparing the minde of our 〈…〉 the gra●ual insinu●ti●n of all both C●uses and Effects o● 〈…〉 , as they stood in relation to this or th●t particul●r sensible 〈◊〉 , ●nd principally to Visibles , and the Grav●tation of Bodies : not only inc●●ed , but by a necessity of Method almost constrained us , to make that the He● , or Fringe , which otherwise ought to have been the First Thread in this rawe and loosely contexed Web of our Philosophy . Nor , indeed , can we yet praevent all Repetitions ; for , our praesent Th●orem being Physicomathematical , and such as must borrow some light , by way of Reflection , from ●●ndry observables , occasionally diffused upon several of our Discourses praecedent : we need not despair of a Dispensation for our Recognition o● a few remarkable passages , directly relating thereunto , and especially of these Three Epicu●ean Postulates , or Principles . The FIRST , that 〈◊〉 Adam or Radical and Primary Cause of all motion competent to Concretions , i● the inhaerent Gravity of their Materials , A●oms ▪ whether the 〈◊〉 be moved spontaneously , or violently , i. e. by it self ▪ or another . The Reason of its spontaneous or self-motion may be thus conceived . Whil● Atom●●re , by their own inamissible propensity to motion , variously agitated and ●umultuous in any Concretion ; if those which are more movea●●● and agile then the rest , so conspire together in the course of their tendency , as to discharge their united forces upon one and the same quarter o● 〈◊〉 body containing them , and so attempt to disengage themselves towar●●●●t region : then do they propel the whole body toward the same region , transferring the rest of their le●s active associates along with them . It being h●●hly consentaneous , that motion may be expressed first in the singular Atom● themselves , then in the smallest masses , or ●nsensible Combinations of Atoms ; and successively in greater and greater , till the sensible parts of 〈◊〉 , and at length the whole bodies ●hemselves participate the motion , an● undergo manifest agitation : as Lucretius ( in lib. ●● ) hath with lively Arguments asserted . And this , certainly , hath far a stronger claim to our assent , than that fundamental Position of A●istotle ; that the First Princ●ple of motion in any thing , is the very Form● of the thing moved . For , unless He shall give us leave , by the word 〈◊〉 , to understand a certain tenuious Contexture ●f most subtile and most active Atoms , which being diffused through the body o● mass consisting of other less subtile , and in respect of their greater compaction together , or 〈◊〉 close reciprocal revinction , less active Atoms ; doth , by t●e impression 〈◊〉 its force or Virtue motive , upon the whole , or any sensible part thereof become the Principle of motion to the whole body : we say , unless he 〈◊〉 be pleased to allow us this interpretation , we shall t●ke the liberty to 〈◊〉 ●hat it is absolutely incomprehensible . For , that the Forme of a thing , accepted according to His notion of a Forme , should be the Proto-cause or 〈◊〉 of its motion ; is unconceivable ; since , according to the tenour 〈◊〉 Aristotles doctrine , the Forme must be educed out of the Matter , or power of the Matter , that constituteth or amasseth that thing : and consequently ▪ 〈◊〉 the Forme must owe as well its very Entity or Be●ng , as 〈…〉 onely to the matter it self ; which yet He describe● to be something 〈◊〉 , nothing ) meerly Passive , and devoi● of 〈…〉 . How , therefore , can it appear other than a 〈…〉 Contradiction to any man , whose intellect is not eclipsed , by reaso● 〈…〉 of it s proper Organ ; that that Matter , which in 〈…〉 of Moving , should nevertheless be able 〈…〉 , and potent Activity , upon the Form , supposed to be absolutely distinct from matter ? Doubtless , the Forme doth not derive that Motive Virtue from the Qualities inhaerent in the matter : forasmuch as those Qualities , as even the Aristoteleans themselves furiously contend , are but the meer Results of the Power of the matter . Nor from the Efficient ; because ●hey account the Efficient to be a Cause meerly External , and to transfuse nothing of it self into the thing Generated ; but only to display its Efficiency , or ( to speak in their own dialect ) to execute its Causality upon the matter . Again , it being necessary , that all that Virtue of Moving , which is in the Efficient , should depend solely and wholly upon its Forme ; and that Forme also ought , by equal reason , to be educed out of the matter : They lose themselves in a round of Petitions , and still reduce themselves to the same Difficulty , How it is possible , that the matter should give that Faculty of Mot●on to the Forme , which it self never had . The SECOND ; that in General there is no other but Local motion ▪ Wherein that we may plainly and briefly instruct you , how far Epicurus differs from Aristotle , Plato , and some other Philosophers ; give us leave to commemorate unto you . ( 1 ) That Aristotle putting a difference betwixt [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Motion and Mutation , is not sufficiently constant in his doctrine : sometimes making Mutation to be the Genus , and Motion onely a certain species thereof ; and sometimes , by inversion of the tables , making Motion the Genus , and mutation a species thereof . For , ( in 5. physic . cap. 2. ) stating Mutation betwixt two Terms , â quo , & ad quem , the from whence and to what ; He assigns unto 4 distinct Modes , or Manners ; the first , ● subjecto in subjectum ; the second , ex non subjecto in non subjectum ; the third , ex non subjecto in subjectum ; the fourth ex subjecto in non subjectum : and thereupon infers , as of pure necessity , that since nothing can be changed according to the second mode , therefore must mutation according to the third , be Generation ; according to the fourth , be Corruption ; and according to the first , be Motion , which is always either from Quantity to Quantity , or from Quality to Quality , or from Place to Place . Whereas , in another place ( viz. ● . Physic. 1. ) He positively teacheth , that Motion is a certain Act , to which that p●sseth , which is in Power ; and so makes the species thereof to be not only those motions , whose terms on either side are Positive , or ( in his own phrase ) Contrary , as are those which concern ●uantity , Quality , Place : but those also , whos 's each term is Privative , as are those which concern substance . And hereupon He seems to have grounded that memorable Division of Motion ( lib. de praedicam . cap. de motu . ) into six species , viz. Generation , Corruption , Accretion , Diminution , Alteration , and Lation or Loco-motion : whereof the first two are according to substance ; the second two , according to Quantity ; the fifth , according to Quality ; and the Last , according to Place . ( 2 ) That Plato seems constantly to accept Mutation for the Genus , and motion for one species thereof : subdividing motion into two species , Lation and Alteration . Forasmuch as in one place ●viz . in Polit. ) He terms the Conversions of the Coelestial bodies , Mutations : and in another ● in Phaed. ) he takes Alteration for mutation ; saying most eloquently in the person of Socrate● ( in the●● . ) Illu●●e ●overi appellas , du● quidpi●● locum ● loco mutat , aut in ●ode●●onvertitur ? Tho. ●quid●m . Socrat. illa ergo una sit species motus . A● ▪ cum in eodem quidem p●rs●at ; sed senescit tamen , aut ex albo fit nigrum , ex molli durum , aut alteratione quapiam alterum ●vadit ▪ an non ●ideri 〈◊〉 motu● spe●●em ne●esse est ? Tho mihi quidem videtur . Socra● . 〈…〉 id igitur ; duas , inquam , esse motus species , Alterationem , & 〈◊〉 , Circulationemve ? &c. ( 3 ) That most other ●hilosophers , insisting in the steps of Plato constitute only two kinds o● Motion ; only in this they differ from Him , that what He calls [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] , 〈◊〉 , or Circumlation ▪ They c●ll [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Transition , or motion Transitive : and what ●e names [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Alteration , They denominate [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Mutation or [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Motion Mutative ▪ as Empiricus ( 2. advers . physic . ) 〈…〉 observed . ( 4 ) That Epicuru● ( 〈◊〉 the same Empiri●us , in the same place , attesteth ) is chief of those Physio●●●ists , who accounted the Motion of Transition as the G●nus ▪ and 〈◊〉 or Alteration as only the species thereof . And this upon 〈…〉 . Forasmuch as Alteration is nothing else but the consequen● o● 〈◊〉 , whereby Atoms , or the insensible particles of Concretions 〈…〉 , decede , concur , complicate , and change their former positions , 〈…〉 ●ender the sensible parts o● whole of them other than they 〈…〉 . Which being considered , we are only to advertise farther ▪ that 〈◊〉 Argument of our praesent Enquiry , is not Motition as it is proper to 〈◊〉 , as they either concur to the first constitution of a body , or are 〈◊〉 at the dissolution thereof ; in which respect it may comprehend 〈◊〉 and Corruption : nor as they concur to the Augmentation of a 〈…〉 constituted , or flye off from it , and by their decedence 〈◊〉 , in which respect it may comprehend Accretion and Diminution : 〈…〉 they are variously transported , and so conduce to affect the same bod● 〈◊〉 divers Qualities ; in which respect it may include Alteration . 〈◊〉 concerning Motion under all these Terms and relations , we have 〈◊〉 discoursed already , in places to which those considerations did 〈◊〉 refer themselves . But , our subject is Motion a● proper to a body 〈◊〉 which sensibly changes the Place of its whole , or some sensible part . 〈…〉 motion plainly distinguisheth it self from 〈◊〉 that in motio● 〈◊〉 whole Body , V. G. of a man , or some sensible part thereof , as his 〈…〉 ●oot is translated from one place to another : but in Mutation only 〈◊〉 insensible particles of a body , or any part thereof , change their positions 〈◊〉 places , though the whole , or sensible parts thereof remain qu●et . Th● THIRD ▪ 〈◊〉 Motion or Loco motion ( for , the common Notion , 〈…〉 , so soon as he hears the word motion 〈…〉 more intelligibly and properly defined by Epicurus , 〈…〉 the migration of a body from place 〈…〉 be Actus entis potestate , quatenus est tale . For 〈…〉 one ; so nothing can be more 〈…〉 〈…〉 enough to furnish you with patience , 〈…〉 of Aristotle , in that his aenigmatical Definition ; we advise you to reflect upon the whole syntax of those conceptions , from whence He seems to have deduced it . Know , therefore , that He conceived , that there are some things , which always possess , and in●missibly retain the perfection due to their nature , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Perfec●i-habit●one , or ( as his Expositors commonly render it ) Act● solum , in Act only : and others ●gain , which are not indeed , without some perfection , but such as they are c●pable of losing , and may at the same time acquire another ; so that they may be said to be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] both in Act and Power together . For , He admits nothing to be meerly in Power ; because He would not allow , either that matter can exist withou● Forme ; or that any thing in nature can be altogether without some perfection . Now , those things , which are only in Act , must , according to His opinion , be no other but the Coelestial Bodies ▪ insomuch as they alone seem constantly and in●missibly to posses● their Forme , nor can their substan●e or m●tter ●e ●onceived , to h●ve a Capa●●ty of ●eceiving any other Forme wh●tever . But , those which are both in Act and Power at once , are all sub●un●ry Bodi●s , insomuch ●s their substance , or matter so stands possest of so●e one Forme in Act , ●s th●t it still remains in a Capacity of being d●vested of that ●orme , and in●●sted with a new one ; and the whole Compositum ●o hath it● certain Quantity , certain Quality , certain Place , and whatever other ●if there be any other ) perfection requisite to its particular nature , as that it may notwithstanding be totally deprived thereof , and obtain another . Know also , that He useth the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes for the perfection already acquired ; sometimes for the very manner of its acquisition , in which ●ense it is a certain Action , and so comes to be called [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] an Energy ; This being praesupposed ; He infers , that Motion is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] an Act , according to the posterior mode : understanding it to be as it were the Way , or manner , whereby the perfection is acquired , or the Acquisition it self : which is also a certain perfection , but competent to an Entity , or moveable , not as it hath a perfection , which it loseth ; but as it hath a Power to that , which it receiveth . And hence is it , that He resolved to define Motion to be the Act of an Entity in Power , a● it is such . Which notwithstanding all the light this our most favourable Descant , or any other can cast upon it , is yet mu●h inferior in Perspicuity to tha● most natural and familiar one of Epicurus ; that Motion is the migration or Remove of a body from one place to another . Nevertheless , to verifie that unhappy proverb , that n● Truth can be made so plain , as not to be impugned ; Empericus●2 ●2 . advers . physic . ) hath charged it with sundry Imper●ections . As ( 1 ) That it doth not comprehend the motion of a Globe , or wheel circumvolved upon its Axis ▪ forasmuch as a wheel , when circumgyrated upon its Axe , is sensibly moved , but not removed from one place to another . But to this we may readily Answer ; th●t though the whole wheel be no● removed out of its who●e place , yet are the Parts of it sensibly transferred from place to place ▪ the superior descending to inferior , while the inferior ascend to su●erio● places , the right hand parts succeeding into the places of the left , as ●●st as the le●t ●●cceed into those of the r●ght , and all parts successively ●hi●t●ng their particular places . And upon this distinction of Place into Tota● and Part●●● ▪ was 〈◊〉 that some Philosophers have Defined motion to be Migrationem de loco in locum , vel totius corporis , vel partis ipsius ; or as Chrysippus and Apollodorus ( apud s●obaeum , in Eccl. phys . ) Mutationem secundum locum , aut ex toto , aut ex parte . Nay , even Plato Himself seems to have had an eye upon the same Difference , when He said , that Local motion was conjunctly Lation , or Circumlation . ( 2 ) That likewise the point of that arme of a Compass , which is fixed in the Centre , while the other is moved round , in the description of a Circle ; is moved , but not removed out of its place : as is also the Hinge of a door , while the door is opened or shut . But , this Objection must soon yeeld to the same Response , as the former : since t is manifest , that the parts of the point of the Compass , and Hinge change their Partial places . ( 3 ) That there is a certain sort ( He adds , Admirable ) of motion , to which the importance of Epicurus Definition doth not extend ; which is thus made . Let a man , in a ship under sail , walk , with a staff in his hand , from the for●●astle to the poup of the ship ; and with just so much speed , as the ship is carried forward : so that in the same space of time , as the ship is moved a yard forward , the man and the staff in his hand may be moved a yard backward . This done ( saith He ) doubtless there must be a mo●ion both of the man and his staff ; and yet neither of them shall be moved into new place , either as to their whole , or their parts : because both must remain in the same parts of the Aer , and Water , or in the same perpendicular line extended from the mans head to the bottom of the Sea ; or , what is the same thing , they shall still possess the same Immoveable space . But , this so admirable Difficulty lies open to a double solution : for it may be Answered . ( 1 ) That in this case , the Thighs , Leggs , and feet of the man walking upon the deck of the ship , must be alternately moved into new places ; because , as often as each of his feet is referred from the Anterior to the Posterior part thereof , it must be moved twice as swiftly , as the ship is moved from the Posterior toward the Anterior : since it is absolutely necessary , that the double velocity of one foot should compensate that space of time , in which the other foo● resteth , while the ship is constantly carried forward in one uniform tenour of motion . And , therefore , his ●eet may be conceived to be alt●rnately moved from place to place ; after the same manner , as a man , sitting on a wooden , or standing Horse , doth move his leggs alternately forward and backward : the trunck and upper part of his body rema●ning unmoved , or still keeping the same Centre of Gravity . ( 2 ) That the Trunck of his body also must be moved from place to place ; and also his ●ead , and the staff in his hand : because , at every step , all of them must be somewhat elevated , and again depressed , or let down . For , in progression , the feet of a man cannot be alternately moved forward , but at every time the one foot is set plainly upon the ground , the trunck and so the head and arms , must sink a little downward ; in regard of the Distension of the muscles o●●hat thigh and leg : and again when the other leg is advanced , and the leg upon which the whole body resteth the while , is elevated upon the toes , to cas●●he body forward ; the trunck , head and shoulders are lifted a little upward●●n respect of the bodies inclining to a new Centre of Gravity . For , it is most true , what Galilaeo hath most subtly Demonstrated , that a man goes , because he falls : since he could not advance forward , while he kept his body a●quilibrated upon the same Centre of Gravity ; but falling ●orward at each s●●p , he sustains himself with the fixing another foot upon ● new Centre of Gravity . ( 4 ) That if we suppose an Individual , or smallest thing to be turned round in the same place ; there will be motion , but no change of place , either as to the whole , or any part thereof . And we Demand , whether by that Individual He means minimum mathematicum , or Physicum ? If Mathematical , the supposition is not to be admitted : because , what is meerly Imaginary is not capable of motion . But , if Physical ; then admitting the supposition , we Answer ; that the reason of the motion of an Individual moved round in the same place , is the same with that of the motion of a Globe or wheel upon its Axis . For , such a body is not said to be Individual , or smallest , because it hath no magnitude or parts designable by the minde ; but because there is no force in nature , that can divide and resolve it into those par●s : and therefore , since it is not a meer point , but contains parts superior , inferior , &c. the whole cannot be moved , but some parts must succeed into the places deserted by others ; and consequently there must be Loco-motion . Though this also be of the number of such Events , as can hardly be effected by the power of Nature ; forasmuch as such a physical Individual being either permitted to its own liberty , would move sponta●●ously in a direct line , not a circular ; or impulsed by another , could not be so exactly circumvolved in a Circle , as not to deflect somewhat , more or less , to one side or other . And thus have we Resolved all the Difficulties , by Emperi●us , objected to the Definition of Motion , given by Epicu●u● . But yet we have not ascertained our Reader , that there is such a thing as M●ti●n in the World and therefore , that we may not seem to be meerly ●●titionary , in begging that at the hand of another mans charitable Belief , which the stock of our own Reason is rich enough to afford us : we shall bri●fly touch upon that ●uaestion , An sit Motus , Whether there be any Motion in Nature : Especially , forasmuch as it is very well known , that among the Ancients there was a notable Controversie concerning it . For , some , as Heraclitus ▪ Cratylus , Homer , ●mpedocles and Protagoras ( as Plato [ in theat . ] notes at large ) affirmed , that All things in the universe are in perpetual Motion : and others , of which number Parmenides , Melissus and Zeno were the Principal , ( as Aristotle ( 1. physic . ) particularly records ) Argued , on the contrary , that All things are in perpetual Quiet , or that there is no motion at all . Now as to the Former ; our Quarrel against them is not so great , as that of Ar●stotle was : forasmuch as it carries the face of very great probability that They intended no more than this ; that All sublunary Bodies are in perpetual Mutation of their Insensible Particles , not Loco-motion of their sensible Parts , or Whole ; or , more plainly , that all Concretions uncessantly suffer those irrequiet Agitations , or intestine Commotions of their insensible particles , from which those sensible Changes , Alteration , Augmentation , Diminution , Generation , and Corruption , are by slow and insensible degrees ●ntroduced upon them . And thus even Aristotle Himself interprets their opinion ; saying ( in 8. phys . 3. ) they held , that All things are moved [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] verum id latere experientiam sensuum , that that motion falls not under the observation of the senses . Which is no more , than what Epicurus , or any man else , imbued with his excellent principles , might have asserted . And as for the Latter S●ct ; neither doth our Choler boyl up against them , to that height , as did Sextus Empericus his , when ( in 2. advers . p●ysic . ) H● could not be content ●o nickname them [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the standers ; but so far obeys the impuls● o● his passion , as to fly out into opprobrious language , and brand them with the ignominious character of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Unnaturael Philosophers . And our Reasons , why we look not upon them w●th so oblique and 〈◊〉 an eye , as the Vulgar use to do ; are these . ( 1 ) Experience doth 〈◊〉 clearly Demonstrate , that there is motion ; as that no man can deny 〈◊〉 he must , at the same instant , manifestly re●ute himsel● with the motion of his tongue . And such is the constant verity of Epicurus his Logical Canon , concerning the Certitude of our senses , as to the information of our 〈◊〉 ; as that every Philosopher , nay every man ought to allow ●hem to be ju●g●s in cases of sensible Objects : and consequently to conclude , with Arist●●l● ; ad mentis imbecillitatem debet referri si quis arbitretur omnia quiescer● , & dimisso sensu , rationem requirat . And , certainly , whoso seriousl● impugnes , what the evidence of sense confirms ; is so easie an Adversary , as to deserve our smiles , rather than our Anger . ( 2 ) Divers have app●●hended , that those Philosophers , who seemed to impugn the being of Motion , did not oppose it in a serious , but purely Paradoxical humor , and an ambition of shewing themselves so transcendently acute , as to be able to ●●dubitate Truths even of the most manifest Certitude . Nor are They , indeed , to be understood in that gross sense , which is so generally passant ●mong Vulgar Authors ; forasmuch as it is much mo●e probable , that P●rmenides and Melissus , when they laid down for a maxime Esse omnia unum Ens immobile , so intended Nature , or the All of things , as that they held it , or at least some certain Divine Virtue constantly dif●used through , and an●mating the vast mass of the Universe , to be God , or the Supreme Being ; whose propriety it is to be Immoveable , as being Ubiquitary and All in All. And , that Zeno himself , the Prince of Antimo●●●ts , had some such 〈◊〉 ; may be naturally collected , as well from the Contents of that Book , commonly adscribed to Aristotle , concerning Xenophanes , Zeno and Gorgias : as from those very Arguments He alleadge● against motion ▪ t●●●mportance of them all declaring , that his supposition was , there could 〈◊〉 no motion , if as well motion it self , as Place and 〈◊〉 did consist of In●ectiles , or Indivisibles . Likewise , as for Diodorus , 〈◊〉 fervently addicted 〈◊〉 the Eristick , or Contentious Sect ; manifest it is , that 〈◊〉 grand scope in his whole Discourse against motion , was only to evince , that a good W●t cou●● not want Arguments wherewith to invade and s●●gger the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 ●hing , than which nothing can be more certain . Lastly , as for t●e Pyr●honeans , or Scepticks ; the design of all their stra●a●●● against motion , 〈◊〉 to have been only this innocent one : to insi●●●●● that no knowle●●e is exempted from Doubts ; and tha● the mind of doth detect the sophisme ; for , since the word Esse , to Be , is , according to common signification , con●●nient as well to things Permanent , as Successive or Fluent ; and according to a peculiarly accommodate signification , competent only to things Permanent : it is understood in the former sense , when the Quaestion is , 〈◊〉 where it is , or where it is not ? and in the latter , when the subsumption is , But neither where it is , nor where it is not : according to which reason , ●ou Doubt , Whether a thing Be , while it is moving . Which considered , when it is Enquired , whether a moveable be moved in the place , where it is , or in that , wherein it is not : we are to Distinguish thus ; it is moved in the place , wherein it is Transiently , and moved in the place wherein 〈…〉 not Permanently . And , to your Quaestion , Whether a thing be no● in a place , when it passeth through a place ? We Answer likewise , that it is in a place Transiently , not Permanently . Nor ought this Language to ●o●nd strange , since nothing ought to be conceived to be in any other ma●●er , than what the Nature thereof doth praescribe : and such is the N●ture of Motion , that is should be conceived to be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a Passing through , not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a Permansion , or staying in a place . Lastly , 〈…〉 the Arguments of the Scepticks ; they are all grounded upon the 〈◊〉 Difficulties as those of Zeno and D●odorus : and therefore must subm●t 〈◊〉 the same Resolutions . SECT . II. BEing thus praepared 〈◊〉 Considerations of the most Genuine Notion ▪ most adaequate Definition , and Primary Cause of Motion in all Concretions ▪ and an 〈…〉 assurance , that there is such a thing as Mot●on in the world ▪ the 〈◊〉 degree to which our Enquiry is to advance , ●s the 〈◊〉 Gener●l and 〈◊〉 KINDS thereof ▪ among which , the First we meet with , 〈…〉 common Distinction of motion into Natural and Violent . A Natural motion , 〈◊〉 Aristotle●8 ●8 . physic . 4. ) is that , whose Principle is Internal ; and a 〈◊〉 , that , whose Principle is External : so that , accordingly ▪ that Bo●● 〈◊〉 be said to be moved Naturally , which is moved 〈…〉 , which is moved by another . But , for as much as Aristotle 〈…〉 much amuse us , while he ever and anon 〈…〉 be moved by another , and yet not be moved 〈…〉 may be said to be Natural or Violent , in 〈…〉 that some more easie and familiar Notion is 〈…〉 of those Contrary Terms , Natural and 〈…〉 more convenient for us , to understand a 〈…〉 which is made either of Natures own accord , or with●●● 〈…〉 Violent to be that , which is made either Prae●●● 〈…〉 Repugnancy . Thus , the Progressive motion of 〈…〉 made of Natures own accord ; and yet if 〈…〉 a steep hill , leap , or run , the motion is to be accounted Violent , because though it proceed from an Internal Principle , the Soul of the Animal , yet is it not performed without some Repugnancy , either internal or external . On the contrary ; when a Bullet is shot through the aer , the motion thereof is violent , because against the nature of the Bullet , and not performed without some repugnancy , either internal or external : and yet if the same Bullet be rowled upon a smooth plane , the motion thereof is Natural ; because though it be caused by an External Principle , yet is it performed without any Repugnancy either internal or External . But , that we may take the matter in a higher key , reflecting upon that so often inculcated Epicurean Principle , That all the motive Virtue of Concretions is originally derived from the mobility inhaerent in , and inseparable from Atoms , which compose them ; let us observe , that forasmuch as that essential mobility of Atoms doth neither cease , but is only impeded , when Concretions themselves begin to obtain a sensible Quiet ; nor is produced anew , but only acquires more liberty , when Concretions begin to be moved : we may thence justly infer , that just so much motive Force is now , and ever will be in the World , while it is a world , as was in the first moment of its Creation . Which really is the same with that Rule of Des Cartes princip . philosoph . part . 2. art . ●6 ) Deum esse Primariam omnis motus Caussam ; & candem semper motus quantitatem in universo perseverare . And Hence may we extract these notable Conclusions . ( 1 ) That , because look how much one Atom , being impacted ag●inst another , doth impel it , just so much is it reciprocally impelled by it ; and so the Force of motion ●oth neither increase , nor decrease , but in respect of the Compensation made , remains always the very same , while it 〈◊〉 executed through a free space , or without resistence : therefore , when Con●retions , likewise mutually occurring , do reciprocally impel each other ; they are to be conceived , to act upon , or suffer from each other , so , as that , if they encounter with equal forces , they retain equal motions on each side , and if they encounter with unequal forces , such a Compensation of the tardity of one , is made by the supervelocity of the other , as that accepting both their motions together , or conjunctly the motion still continues the same . Which also is the same with that Third Law of Nature , registred by Des Cartes ( princip . philosoph . part . 2. art . 4● . ) Quod unum Corpus , alteri fortiori occurrendo , nihil amittat de suo motu : occurrendo , vero minus forti , tantum amittere : quantum in illud transfert . ( 2 ) That forasmuch as Atoms constantly retain their motive Virtue even in the most compact and hard Concretions ; therefore can there be no Absolute Qui●t in Nature : the Atoms uncessant striving for liberty , causing perpetual Commotions in all things , though those Commotions be intestine and insensible as we have often said . Which considered , Heraclitus seems to have been more reasonable , in his Denial of all Quiet , but to the dead ( apud plutarch ▪ 1. placit . 23. ) than most have hitherto allowed : He understanding by the Dead , not only Animals deprived of life , and consequently of motion ; but also all other things Dissolved , since then , and only then , the intestine Commotions of their Component Particles , or Atoms ▪ cease . ( 3 ) That Motion is not only much more Natural than Quiet , in the G●●eral ▪ but also always Natural , in respect of its Original , forasmuch as it proceeds from Atoms ▪ which are moved by their own Nature , or essentia Gravi●● ▪ and ●ometimes Violent , but ever so only at second hand , or from the nature of Concretions , as they moved with a certain Repugnancy . And this Rule hath also is moved per Accidens , because it is an Accident to him ; and likewise his soul is moved by Accident , because it is only a Part of him . Again , when He teacheth , that whatever is moved , is moved by Another ; that ought to be understood of that thing , which is moved per se : for , from hence it is , that when in the series of particular movents , He would have us to come at length to one First Movent , which is Immoveable , or which is not moved by any other ; we are to understand that Primum Movens to be Immoveable per se , since it may be moved per Accidens . Thus , when a stone is moved by a staff , the staff by the hand of a man , the mans hand by his Soul ; the soul , indeed , is the First movent and Immoveable : but , understand it to be so , per se , because it is at the same moment moved per Accidens , i. e. when the hand , arme , and whole body , which contains it , is moved . Moreo●er , He declares , that whatever is moved per se , is moved juxta Naturam , according to Nature ; such as he affirms that only to be , which is endowed with a soul : yet will He not admit , that what is moved by Another , should always be moved Praeter Naturam , Praeternaturally ; but sometimes Unnaturally ( as a stone , when it is thrown upward ) and sometimes Naturally ( as a stone , when it falls Down again . ) Now , if you hereupon Demand of Him , What that is , which makes a stone fall Down again ; He shall Answer , that what moves it Downward , per se , is the Generant it self , or that which first Produced the stone : and that which moves it downward , per Accidens , is that which removes the impediment or obstacle to its descent , as the hand of a man , or other thing supporting the stone . And , if you again enquire of him , What is the Difference betwixt the Upward and Downward motion of a stone , how one should be Violent , and the other Natural , since , according to his own Assertion , both are Caused by another : His Return will be , that the Difference lies in this , that the stone is not carried upward , of its own Nature , but Downward ; as having the Principle of its Descent , inhaerent in it self , but not that of its Ascent . If you urge Him yet farther ; since the stone hath in it self the Principle of its Motion , why therefore is it not moved only by it self , but wants Another , or External Motor ? His Answer will be : that there is a Twofold principle of motion , the one Active , the other Passive ; and in the stone is only the Principle Passive , but in the External Motor is the Active . When yet it may be farther pressed ; that since according to his own Doctrine , the Passive principle is the matter , and the Active the Forme : as to the matter , that cannot be the principle of its motion Downward , no more than of its motion upward ; and as for the Forme , if that be neither the Active principle , nor the Passive ( as he will by no means admit ) certainly there can be none . Which for Him to allow , were plainly to destroy his own great Definition of Nature , wherein He acknowledgeth it to be the Principle of Motion . But , alas ! these are but light and venial Mistakes , in comparison of those gross Incongruities that follow . When Aristotle comes to handle the Species , or sorts of Natural Motion , you may remember , that He first Distinguisheth Natural motion in Direct and Circular ; and then subdistinguisheth the Direct into ( 1 ) that which is from the Circumference toward the Centre , or from the Extrems toward the middle of the world , which He calls Downward ; and ( 2 ) that which is from the Centre toward the Circumference , which He calls Upward : assigning the former , or Downward motion , only to Heavy things , to the Earth simply , to Water and mixt things , Secundum quid ; and the Upward be . What then , must that External Principle be , as Aristotle contends , the very Generant of the thing moved ? Certainly , that 's highly Absurd ; since the Generant is absent , and perhaps , long since ceased to be in rerum natura : and nothing either Absent , or Nonexistent , can be the Efficient of a Natural Action , such as motion is . If you will have , that to be moved by the Generant , signifies no more than to receive a Virtue or Power of moving it self , from the Generant ▪ then while you endeavour to save Aristotle from the former Absurdity , you praecipitate him into a gross Contradiction of his own Doctrine : for , since the Generant it self ought to be moved by its Generant , and that again to be moved by its Generant , and so upward along the whole series of Generants , till you arrive at length at some First Generant , from whence that Virtue was first derived ; you bring Aristotle to allow a First Generant , which impugns his fundamental supposition of the Eternity of the World. Nay , if you admit God to be the Author of the First Generant , it will then follow , that God must be the Cause of this particular motion , and not the First Generant , no more than the Last . Finally , is that the Cause , which only removes the Impediment to a Heavy bodies Descent ? Neither is that Reasonable ; for , as Aristotle himself confesseth , such a Cause is only a C●use by Accident . Seeing , therefore , that the Downward motion of a Heavy Body doth not proceed from any Intern●l Principle , nor from either its Generant , or that Accidental one , which removes the Impediment to its Descent , in the supposed Capacity of an External : let us proceed to enquire , Whether there be not some other External Cause , whereupon we may reasonably charge that Effect . Which that we may do with the more both of order and plainness ; it is requisite , that we first remember , how Philosophers constitute dive●s sorts of Violent , or Externally-caused motion . Empericus ( ● . advers . physicos . ) makes 4 distinct species thereof , viz. Pulsion , Traction , Elation , Depression . And Aristotle sometimes superads a fifth , namely Collision ; sometimes disallowing Empericus his Division , affirms that the species of motion , made by an External principle , are Traction , Pulsion , Vection , and Volutation : upon good reason reducing Elation and Depression to either Traction or Pulsion ; forasmuch as a body may be elevated , or depressed by either ●raction or Pulsion . But , yet He hath left us rather a Confusion , than logical Discrimination of the species of Violent motion ; for , Collision and Pulsion are one and the same thing ; and Vection may be performed either by Pulsion or Traction , insomuch as the thing movent doth not forsake the thing pulsed , or drawn , but constantly adhaereth unto it : and as for Volutation ; it is both Pulsion and Traction at once , as may be easily conceived by any man , who seriously considers the manner thereof . Nay , Traction it self may be justly reduced to Pulsion ; forasmuch as the movent , which is said to Draw a thing , doth , indeed , nothing but Impel it , by frequently reiterated small strokes , either directly toward it self , or to a lateral region : and yet notwithstanding , for pla●nness sake , and the cleerer Demonstration of our praesent thesis , we judge it convenient , to conserve the Common Notion , and to determine , that all Motion impressed upon one body by another , is performed , in the General either when the movent Propels the moveable from it self , or Attracts it toward it self . For , albeit the movent sometimes propels the thing moved from another body , or attracts it to another ▪ yet can it not possibly do that ▪ but it must , at the same time , either Avert it , in some measure , from , or Adduce it toward it self . Nevertheless , it is not to be denied , but Pulsion is always the Chie● Species ▪ ●nd for that consideration alone is it , that Pro●ection ( which is only Impul●●on , or , as Aristotle emphatically calls it , a more Violent motion ) is generall● a●cepted as synonymous to Violent motion ; and that Philosophers seldo● or never Exemplifie Violent motion , but in Projectills , whether they be projected upward , or downward , ●●anve●sly , obliquely ▪ or any way whateve● ▪ These things considered● 〈◊〉 follows of pure necessity , that the Downward motion of Heavy Bo●●es , being caused ( not by any Inte●nal , but ) b● an ●xternal Force impressed upon them ▪ must be effected either by Impulsion , or by Traction . B● Impulsion it cannot ; because , in the case of a stone throwneUpward , ther● 〈◊〉 nothing External , that can be imagined to impel 〈◊〉 Down again ▪ 〈…〉 attained the highest point of its mountee , unless 〈◊〉 should be the 〈◊〉 and i● its Descent did proceed from the impul●● ▪ 〈…〉 from below upon the upper part of the stone● 〈…〉 projection of the stone upward , during its Ascent , the motion thereo●●ould , in every degree of its remove from the pro●●cient ▪ be Accelerated 〈…〉 same proportion , as it s Downward motion is Accelerated ▪ in ever●●●gree of its descent ; but Experience testifies , ●hat ●ts upward motion 〈…〉 and more Retarded , in every degree of its remo●● from the projici●●● and therefore it cannot be , that the Downward motion thereof should be ●●used , nay not so much as advanced by the Aer . Which thing ●as●endus 〈◊〉 Epist. de proport . qua Gravia decidentia a●celerantu● 〈…〉 ●●monstrated ; and we our selves , out of him , 〈◊〉 the 9 Article of our 2 〈◊〉 concerning Gravity and Levity , in the 3. Book . praecedent . Wha● ▪ 〈◊〉 , can remain , but that it must be by ATTRACTION ? 〈◊〉 ▪ because no other Attractive Force , which might begin and continu● 〈◊〉 Downward motion of a stone , can be imagined ▪ unless it be that Mag●●●●que Virtue of the Earth , whereby it Draws all Terrene Bodies to an 〈…〉 it self , in order to their , and its own better Conservation ▪ 〈…〉 Conclude , that the Cause of the Downwar● motion o● all 〈…〉 , is the Magnetique Attraction of the Earth . Nor need we adferr other ●●guments , in this place , to confirm this Position● in respect we have 〈◊〉 made it the chief subject of the 2 Sect. of our Chap. of Gravity 〈…〉 ; whether we , therefore , remit our unsatisfied Reader . From the Cause of 〈◊〉 Downward motion of Heavy bodies , let us advance to the Acceleration 〈◊〉 them , in every degree of space , through which 〈…〉 reason , why we should at all enquire 〈…〉 upward mo●ion of Light bodies , in every degree 〈…〉 as we know of no man , but Aristotle , that 〈…〉 motion of Fire , and Aer is slower in the beginning ▪ and gradually 〈◊〉 and swifter in the progress . And so short was 〈…〉 proving that his s●●gular conception , by Experiment , as he ought ; 〈…〉 assumed ●t upon 〈◊〉 credit of only one poor Argument , which is 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 and other things of the like light and aspiring 〈…〉 Caelo . cap. 8. ) were Extruded and Impelled 〈…〉 descending and crouding toward the 〈…〉 force , as some have contended ; and we●e 〈…〉 spontaneous tendency of their own inhaerent 〈…〉 moved more swiftly in the beginning , and mo●e slowly 〈…〉 their motion ▪ but Fire , and Aer are more 〈…〉 beginning 〈…〉 more and more swift in the progress of their Assent ; therefore are they not moved upward by the Extrusion and Impulsion , but spontaneously , or by their own Levity . And to Confirm his Minor proposition , that Fire and Aer are Accelerated in every degree of their Assent ; without the suffrage of any Experiment , He subjoyns only , that as a Greater quantity of Earth is moved downward more swiftly , than a less ; so is a Greater quantity of Fire moved upward more swiftly than a less : which could not be , if either of them were Impelled , or moved by an External Force . But , this is , as the Former , meerly Petitionary ; for , why should not a Greater quantity of Earth , or Fire be moved more swiftly than a less , both being moved ( as we suppose ) by External force , in ●●se the External force be proportionate to the quantity of each ? Doubtless , the force of the ambient Aer , extruding and impelling flame upward , is alway● so much the greater , or more sensible , by how much more Copious the ●●re is ; as may be evinced even from the greater Impetus and waving motion of the flame of a great fire : though it cannot yet be discerned , whether that Undulous or waving motion in a Great flame be ( as He praesume●● more swift and rapid , than that more calm and equal one observed in the flame of a Candle . Tha● ( you l say ) is enough to detect the incircumspection of Aristotle , in assuming , upon so weak grounds , that the motion of Light things Ascending , is accelerated in the progress , and that in the same proportion , as that of Heavy things Descending is accelerated : but not enough to refute the Position it self ; and therefore we think it expedient , to superad a Demonstrative Reason or two , toward the plenary Refutation thereof . Seeing it is evident from Experience , that a Bladder blown up is so much the more hardly depressed in deep water , by how much neerer it com●s to the bottom ▪ and a natural Consequent thereupon , that the bladder , in respect of the Aer included therein , beginning its upward motion at the bottom of the Water , is moved toward the region of Aer so much the more slow●y , by how much the higher it riseth toward the surface of the Water , or lower part of the region of Aer incumbent thereupon ; and that the Cause thereof is th●s , that so much the fewer parts of Water are incumbent upon the bladder and aer contained therein , and consequently so much the less must that force of Extrusion be , whereby the parts of Water bearing downward impel them upward : we may well infer hereupon , that if we imagine that any Flame should ascend through the region of Aer ; till it arrived at the region of Fire , feigned to be immediately above the region of Aer ; that Flame would always be moved so much the slower , by how much the higher it should ascend , or by how much the neerer it should arive at the region of Fire . Because Fire and Aer are conceived to be of the same aspiring nature : and because the same Reason holds good , in proportion , for the decrease of Velocity in the ascension of Flame through the Aer , as for that of the decrease of velocity in the ascension of Aer , included in a bladder , through Water . And , as for Aristotles other relat●ve Assertion , that a Greater quantity of Earth is moved more swiftly Downward , than a Less ; manifest 〈…〉 without ▪ nay 〈…〉 E●perience doth 〈…〉 inhaerent in bodies account●● Heavy , and that every body must therefore ●all down so much the mor● swiftly and violently , by how much the more of Gravity 〈◊〉 possesseth . H●ving thus totally subverted Aristotle● erroneous Tenent ▪ that the 〈◊〉 of L●ght bodies Ascending , is Accele●a●●d in every degree of their A●●●ntion : it follows , that we apply our selves to the consideration of the 〈◊〉 of t●e motion of Heavy bodies 〈◊〉 in every degree 〈…〉 Descention . Whe●ein the First obs●●v●abl● o●●urring , i● the 〈…〉 , or that it is so , which is easily proved from hence , that in all ages 〈…〉 been observed , that the motion of 〈◊〉 things Descendent ▪ 〈…〉 the beginning , and grows swifter and swi●●●● 〈◊〉 toward th● end ▪ 〈…〉 that in fine 〈◊〉 becomes highly rapid ▪ 〈…〉 that the 〈…〉 or impression made upon the Earth ▪ 〈…〉 down from 〈◊〉 high , is always so much the greater or strong●● by h●w much the 〈◊〉 ●he place is from which it ●ell . The Second , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 or Cause of that velocity Encreasing in 〈…〉 which though enquired into by many of the Ancients , seem● 〈…〉 been 〈◊〉 by none of them . For ( 1 ) albeit Aristotle 〈◊〉 was so wary ▪ as 〈…〉 explicate his thoughts concerning it ; y●t ●o●h hi● great 〈◊〉 Simpli●●●● tell us ● in Comment . 87. ) that it was H●s opinion ▪ that a 〈…〉 other thing ●alling from on high , is Corrobo●●ted [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a Totalitate propria , and hath its species ma●● mor● and mo●● 〈◊〉 ▪ as it comes neerer and neerer to its proper 〈◊〉 ▪ and so 〈…〉 degree of Gravity acceding to it in every ●egree of its 〈◊〉 to the Earth , it is accordingly carried more and more sw●ftly . But , 〈◊〉 that Simplicius hath not expounded , how the 〈◊〉 ston● can 〈…〉 ▪ how it can be Corroborated , or acquire more and more 〈…〉 its species ; or how that additament of fresh ●ravity should 〈…〉 judge you , whether He hath done Aristotle 〈…〉 Author of that Opinion , which instead of 〈◊〉 ●he 〈…〉 much more obscure than afore . Besides , we have the 〈…〉 , that a descending body is not carried the more ●w●ftly ▪ by re●so● 〈◊〉 ●ny access or additament of Gravity : a stone 〈…〉 ounce 〈…〉 as speedily down , as one of an hundred poun● ▪ ( 2 ) Others 〈…〉 as the same Simplicius commemorates ) who 〈…〉 the Cause 〈…〉 the Decrease of the quantity of the Aer 〈◊〉 the s●o●● ▪ 〈◊〉 that by how much the higher a stone is , by so 〈…〉 and so much the greater Resistence to the motion 〈…〉 much the greater quantity of the Aer resisting 〈…〉 consequently the resistence of the Aer growing 〈…〉 of the stones descent , the velocity of its 〈…〉 proportion thereunto . And this after 〈…〉 , sinking in deep water ▪ more slowly 〈…〉 neer the bottom . But , though we adm●t , 〈…〉 stone Descending ▪ yet we 〈…〉 to m●ke ●ny sensible difference of 〈…〉 And , would you have an Argument to 〈…〉 one fathom ; 〈…〉 fall the same 〈…〉 fathoms , observe again with what velocity it passeth the last , or tenth f●thom . This done , consider , sin●e in the latter case , the velocity shall be incompa●ably greater , than in the former ; whether it be not necessary , that th●t great au●mentation of velocity in the stone , while it pervadeth the t●nth fathom of space , must not arise from some other , and more potent C●use , th●n the resistence of the inferio● 〈◊〉 ? For , in both case● , the stone carries the same proportion of weight ▪ and in the lowest f●thom there is the same quantity of Aer , and consequently the same measure o● resistence . And , if you weigh the stone , fi●st in some very high place , ●n● afterward in a low , or very neer the Earth ; surely , you cannot expect to find●●t heavier in the low place in respect of the lesser quantity of A●r ●ub●ja●ent , than in the high , in respect of the greater quantity of Aer there 〈◊〉 it . Lastly , as for their Argument desumed from the slower sink●ing of weights in deep , than in sh●llow 〈…〉 thereof 〈…〉 same with th●t of the more diffi●ult depression of a 〈…〉 Aer , neer the bottom , th●n neer the top of the 〈…〉 explained . ( 3 ) A third ●onceipt there 〈◊〉 ( imputed to Hipparchu● , by the 〈◊〉 Simplicius ) which comparing the Downward motion of a stone , 〈◊〉 by its own proper Gr●vity , with the Upward motion of the 〈…〉 , caused by an External ●orce impressed upon it by the 〈…〉 infers , that as long as the force imprest praevails over the stones Gravity , 〈◊〉 long is the stone carried upward , and that more swiftly in the beginning , because the ●orce is then strongest , but afterward less and less swiftly , because the same f●rce imprest is gradually debilitated , until the stones proper Gravity at length getting the upper hand of the force imprest , the stone begins it motion Downward ; which is slower in the beginning , because the Gravity doth not y●t much praevail , but afterwards grows more and more sw●ft , because the Gravity more and more praevails . But this leaves us more than half way short of the Difficulty ; for , though it be reasonable to assume , that a certain Compensation of Velocity is made in both 〈…〉 . that the Decrease of Velocity toward the end of the Upward motion , is made up again by the Encrease of Velocity toward the end of the Downward , and that in proportion to the degrees of space : yet forasmuch as the motion of a stone falling down is constantly Accelerated , not only after it hath been projected Upward , but also when it is only dropt down from some high place , to which perhaps it was never elevated , but remained there from the beginning of the world , as it often happens in deep mines , the earth ●●derneath the stones neer the surface of it being 〈…〉 cannot the stones Gravity , gradually praevailing over the Imprest Force , be , as Hipparchus concludes , the Cause of it● 〈…〉 of its Descent . These Reasons thus deluding our Curiosity , let us have 〈…〉 formerly asserted Position , that All terrene 〈…〉 are Attracted by the magnetique Virtue of the Earth . 〈…〉 that the magnetique Virtue of the Earth is 〈…〉 afar off : and thereupon infer , that the 〈…〉 therefore more rapid neer the earth , than far from 〈…〉 took Virtue seems to be greater , and so the 〈…〉 truth neerer the stone 〈…〉 and plausible to our first thought : but insatisfactory to our second . For , if it were so , then ought the Celerity of the stones motion , in one fathom neer the Earth , to be the same whether the stone be let fall from the altitude of only one fathom , or from that of 10 , 20 , an 100 fathoms , when we exactly measure the spa●● of time , in which it pervades the one fathom neer the earth , in the former case , and compare it with that space of time , in which it pervades the same lowest fathom , in the latter . It may be farther observed , that , whether a stone be let fall from a small , or a great altitude , the motion thereof for the first fathom of its descent , is always of equal velocity , i. e. it is not more nor less swift for the first fathom of its descent from the altitude of an 1●● fathoms , than from the altitude of only two fathoms : when yet it ought to be more swift for the first fathom of the two , than for the first of the hundred , if the Attraction of the Earth be more vehement neer at hand , than far off ; in a sensible proportion . We say , in a sensible proportion ; because , forasmuch as the magnetique rays emitted from it , are diffused in ●ound from all parts of the superfice thereof , and so must be so much the more dense , and consequently more potent , by how much less they are removed from it : therefore must the Attraction be somewhat more potent at little than at very great distance ; but yet there is no tower or praecipice so high , as to accommodate us with convenience to experiment , whether the power of the Earths magnetique rayes is Greater , to a sensible proportion , in a very low place , than in a very high . And yet notwithstanding , nothing seems more reasonable than to conceive , that since the magnetique Attraction of the Earth is the true Cause of a stones Downward motion , therefore it should be also the true Cause of the continual Increment of its Velocity , during that motion . But how it should be so ; there 's the Knot . Which that we may undo , let us first resume our former supposition ( in the 2. Sect. of our chap. of Gravity and Levity . ) that a stone were situate in any of the Imaginary spaces ; considering that in that case it could not of it self be moved at all : because , holding no Communion with the World ( which you may suppose also to be Annihilated ) there could be , in respect thereof , no inferior place or region , whereto it might be imagined to tend or fall ; nor could it have any Repugnancy to motion , because there would be no superior region , to which it might be conceived to aspire or mount . Then let us suppose it to be moved by simple Impulsion , or Attraction , toward any other part of the Empty , or Imaginary spaces ; and without all doubt , it would be moved thitherward , with a motion altogether Equal or Uniform in all its parts : because there could be no Reason , why it should be more slow in some parts of its motion and more swift in others , there being no Centre , to which it might approach , or from which it might be removed . Suppose farther , that , as the stone is in th●t motion , another Impulse , equal in force to the former , whereby it was first moved , were impressed upon it ; then , assuredly , would the stone be moved forward more swiftly than before , not by reason of any Affection to tend to any Centre , but because the force of the 〈◊〉 impulse persevering ▪ the force of the second impulse is superadded unto it , and the accession of that force must so corroborate the former , as to augment the Velocity of the stones motion . And hence comes it , that to move forward a bo●● already in motion , doth not only prolong , but accelerate the motion the●●of . Imagine moreover , that a third impulse were ●●●●ntinent●y superadded to the second ▪ and then would the motion be yet more swift than before ; the Encrease of Velocity of necessity still responding to the multiplicity of Impulses made upon the body moved . This may be familiar to our conceptions , from the Example of a Globe set upon a plane ; which may be emoved from its place with a very gentle impulse , and if many of those Impulses be repeated thickly upon it , as it moves , the motion thereof will be so accelerated , as at length to become superlatively rapid . Which also seems to be the Reason , why a clay Bullet is discharged by the breath of a man , from a Trunck , with so great force , as to kill a Pidgeon at 20 , or 30 yards distance : the Impetus or force impelling the bullet , growing still greater and greater , because in the whole length of the trunck there is no one point , in which some of the particles of the mans breath successively flowing , do not impress fresh strokes , or impulses upon the hinder part of the bullet . The same also may be given , as the most probable Cause , why Long Guns carry or shot , or bullet farther than short ; though yet there be a certain determinate proportion to be observed betwixt the diametre of the bore , and the length of the barrel or tube , as well in Truncks , as Guns : experience assuring , that a Gun of five foot , musket bore , will do as good execution upon Fowl , with shot , and kill as far , as one of ten foot , and the same bore ; and consequently that those Gunners are mistaken , who desire to use Fowling pieces of above 5 , or 6 foot long ; These considerations premised , we may conceive , that when a stone first begins to move downward , it then hath newly received the first impulse of the magnetique rays emitted from the Earth : and that if after the impression of that first impulse , the Attraction of the Earth should instantly cease , and no nevv force be superadded thereunto from any Cause vvhatever ; in all probability , the stone vvould be carried on tovvard the Earth vvith a very slovv , but constantly equal and Uniform pace . But , because the Attraction of the Earth ceaseth not , but is renevved in the second moment by an impulse of equal force to that first , vvhich began the stones motion , and is again renevved in the third moment , in the 4 , 5 , 6 , &c. as it vvas in the second , therefore is it necessary , that because the former impulses , impressed are not destroyed by the subsequent , but so united as still to corroborate the first , and all combining together to make one great force ; vve say , therefore is it necessary , that the motion of the stone , from the repeated impulses , and so continually multiplied Impetus or Force , should be more swift in the second moment , than in the first ; in the third , than in the second ; in the fourth , than the third , and so in the rest successively ; and consequently , that the Celerity should be Augmented in one and the same tenour , or rate , from the beginning to the end of the motion . The Third thing considerable in this Downward motion of Bodies , is the PROPORTION , or Rate , in which their Celerity is encreased . Concerning this , we know of no Enquiry at all made by any one of the Ancients ; only Hipparchus , as hath been said , thought that in the General , the increment of Velocity in things falling down , was made in the same reciprocal proportion , as the Velocity of the same things projected upward . But , about 90 yeers past , one Michael Varro , an eminent Mathematician ( in tract . de motu . ) depending meerly upon Reason ; would have the Problem to be thus solved . What is the Ration , or Proportion of space to space , the same is the Ration of Celerity to Celerity ; so that if a stone falling down from the heigth of four fathoms , shall in the end of the first fathom acquire one degree of Velocity , 〈…〉 ●nd of the second two , in the end of the third three , in the end of 〈◊〉 fourth four : it will be moved twice as swiftly in the end of the second ●athom , as in the end of the first , thrice as swiftly in the end of the 〈◊〉 , and four times as swiftly in the end of the fourth● as of the first . 〈◊〉 this Proportion is deficient , first in this ; that though the increment of ●●lerity , or of its equal degrees , may be compared with the equal mo●●nts or parts of space : yet can it not be compared also with the equal ●●ments o● parts of Time , without which the myst●ry can never be 〈◊〉 . And therefore Aristotle did excellently well , in Defining 〈◊〉 ▪ and Slow , by Time ▪ determining that to be swift , which 〈…〉 deal of space in a little time ; and on the contrary ▪ that to be 〈…〉 pervading a little of space in a great deal of time . Again , 〈…〉 suppose the theorem to be explicable by equal moments of times 〈…〉 such as are the respites or intervals betwixt the pulses of our 〈…〉 and that a stone falling down doth pervade the first fathom of 〈…〉 the first moment : then , if it pervade the second fathom twice as 〈◊〉 as the first ( as Varro conceives ) it must necessarily follow , that 〈◊〉 second fathom must be pervaded in the half of a moment ; if the 〈◊〉 ●hom he percurred thrice as swiftly as the first , it must be pervaded in 〈◊〉 third part of a moment ; and if the fourth fathom be percurred four times 〈◊〉 swiftly as the first , it must be pervaded in the fourth part of a 〈◊〉 And , because , if you conjoyn the half , third , and fourth part of a mome●●●ou shall have a whole moment with one twelfth part of a moment ; it 〈◊〉 necessary , that in the second moment , three fathoms ( very neer ) must 〈◊〉 percurred : which indeed is very far from truth . For ▪ because , if we 〈◊〉 after the same method , so that the fifth fathom be percurred in the 〈◊〉 part of a moment ; the sixth in the sixth part of a moment , 〈◊〉 so successively ; out of these fragments of time we shall not be 〈◊〉 to make up another whole moment , until it be after the stone hath 〈◊〉 the eleventh fathom , or thereabout ; and so in the third moment 〈◊〉 fathoms shall be pervaded , nor shall we again be able to make up 〈…〉 who le moment , until after the stone hath pervaded the 31 fathom 〈…〉 so in the fourth moment , it shall pervade 20 fathoms , nor shall 〈◊〉 able to make up another complete moment , unt●● after the stone 〈…〉 , neer upon , the 84 fathom , and so in the fifth moment , 53 fath●●s shall be percurred , &c. so that proceeding 〈…〉 , neer upon ; you shall consequently , in a very short time , 〈…〉 it up to Immensity : as is manifest from the short progress 〈…〉 numbers , 1.2 , 4 , 11 , 31 , 84 , &c. Which is impugned by easie 〈…〉 , and not defensible by any Reason whatever . This the brave 〈◊〉 well considering , and long labouring his subtle and active 〈…〉 explore a fully satisfactory Solution of this dark 〈…〉 most happily to set up his rest in this . First , He defines Motion 〈◊〉 Accelerated to be that , which receding from quiet , doth acqu●●● 〈…〉 of Celerity , not in equal spaces , but equal 〈…〉 upon Grounds partly Experimental , partly 〈…〉 that the moments , or equal Degrees of Cele●●ty 〈…〉 or equal degrees of Time , or ( more plain●● 〈…〉 the same proportions as the Times ; so that 〈…〉 of time pass during the motion , so many degrees 〈…〉 by the thing moved . That the equal 〈…〉 continently in single moments of time , do encrease in each single moment , according to the progression not of Unities , but of Numbers unequal from an Unity : so that if in the first moment of time , the stone fall down one fathom , in the second moment , it must fall down three fathom , in the third five , in the fourth seven , in the fifth nine , in the sixth eleven , and so forward . And , because those Numbers , which they ●●ll Quadrate ( viz. One is the quadrate of an Unity , Fower the quadrate of a Binary , Nine the quadrate of a Ternary , Sixteen of a Quaternary , and ) are made up by the continual addition of unequal number● ( for , three added to one , make four ; five added to four , make nine ; seven , to nine ▪ make sixteen ▪ nine to sixteen , make twenty five ; eleven to twenty five , make thirty six , &c. ) thereupon He infers ▪ that the Aggregates of the spaces percurred from the beginning to the end of the motion , are as the Quadrates of the times : i. e. assuming any one particular moment of time , so many spaces are found pervaded in the end of that moment , as are indicated in the quadrate number of the same moment . For Example , when in the end of the first moment , one fathom of space is pervaded ; in the end of the second moment , four fathom shall be pervaded ▪ ( viz. three being added to one ) in the end of the third moment , nine fathom ( five being added to four ) in the end of the fourth moment , sixteen fathom ( seven being added to nine ) and so forward : so that , accordingly , the spaces pervaded from the beginning to the end of the motion , are among themselves in a Duplicate Ration of moments ( as Geometricians speak ) or equ●l Divisions of Time ; or , all one as the Quadrates of moments are one to another . Galilaeus , we said , herein relyed partly upon Experience , partly upon Reason . First , therefore , for his Experience ; He affirms , that letting fall a Bullet , from the altitude of 100 Florentine Cubits ( i. e. according to exact comparation , 180 feet , Par●s measure , and thirty fathom of ours ) He observed it to pervade the whole space , and arrive at the ground , in the space of five seconds , or ten sem●seconds ▪ and according to such a ration , as that in the first semisecond , it fell down one cubi● , in the second semisecond , four cubits ; in the third semisecond , nine cubits , in the fourth sixteen ; in the fifth twenty five ; in the sixth 36 ; in the seventh , forty nine ; in the eighth , sixty four ; in the ninth , eighty and one ; in the tenth the whole hundred . And though the good Mersennus afterward found a bullet to pervade the same altitude in a much shorter time ; nay , that in the space of five seconds , a bullet fell down through the space not onely of one hundred and eighty foot , but even of three hundred ▪ i. e. of fifty fathom : yet doth He fully consent , that the Acceleration of its motion ariseth exactly according to Galilaeos progression by the Quadrates of unequal numbers . So as that if in the first semisecond , it descend one semi-fathom ▪ in the second semisecond , it shall descend four semifathoms , in the third sem●second , nine semifathoms , &c. And Gassendu● likewise , though he wanted the opportunity of experimenting the thing● from a Tower of the like altitude ; found notwithstanding , from different heights , that the proportion was always the same ; as Himself at large declares 〈…〉 qua gravia decident . accelerantu●● 〈…〉 you doubt to find it so your self , if in a Glass Tube , neer upon two 〈◊〉 ●●ng , divided into an hundred degrees , or equal parts , 〈…〉 either cut in , or inscribed upon papers ( after the manner of those usually starcht on to Weather-glasses , to denote the several degrees ) and not perpendicularly erected , but somewhat inclining , you let fall a bullet , and exactly observe the manner of its descent , and rate of Acceleration . For , Heavy bodies are , indeed , moved more slowly in Tubes inclined , than in such as are perpendicularly erected ; but yet still with the same proportion of Acceleration . Secondly , for His Reason , it consists in this ; that , if the Increment of Velocity be supposed to be Uniforme ( and there is no reason , which can persuade to the contrary ) certainly , no other proportion can be found out , but that newly exposed : since , with what Celerity , or Tardity soever you shall suppose the first fathom to be pervaded it is necessary that in the same proportion of time following , three fathoms should be pervaded ; and in the same proportion of time following , five fathoms should be pervaded ; &c. according to the progression of Quadrate Numbers . This , that Great man Ioh. Baptista Ballianus ( whom Ricciolus often mentions ( in Almagesto novo ) but never without some honourable attribute ) hath demonstrated divers ways in lib. 2. de Gravium motu . ) : but the most plain Demonstration of the verity thereof , yet excogitated , we conceive to be this , invented by Gassendus . Thirdly , we may account the Line DE for the first degree of Velocity acquired in the end of the first time ; insomuch , as the first time AE is not individual , but may be divided into so many instants , or shorter times , as there are points , or particles in the line AE ( or AD ) so neither is the degree of Velocity individual , or wholly acquired in one instant ; but from the beginning encreaseth through the whole first time , and may be repraesented by so many Lines , as may be drawn parallel to the Line DE , betwixt the points of the Lines AD and AE : so that , as those Lines do continually encrease from the point A to the Line DE ; so likewise doth the Velocity continually encrease from the beginning of the motion , and being represented what it is in the intercepted instants of the first time , by the intercepted Lines , it may be represented what it is in the last instant of the same first time , by the Line DE drawn betwixt the two last points of the Triangle ADE . And because the Velocity , thenceforward continuing its Encrease , may be again signified , by Greater and Greater Lines continently drawn betwixt all the succeeding points of the remaining Lines , DB and EC ; hence comes it , that the Line FG , doth represent the degree of Velocity acquired , in the end of the second moment : the Line HI . the Velocity acquired in the end of the third moment ; and the Line KL . the velocity acquired in the end of the fourth moment . And evident it is from hence , how the velocities respond in proportions to the Times ; since , by reason of the Triangles of a common angle , and parallel bases , it is well known , that as DE are to EA , so FG to GA : HI to IA , and KL to LA. Thus , keeping your eye upon the Figure , and your mind upon the Analogy ; you shall fully comprehend , that in the first moment of Time , the falling stone doth acquire one degree of Velocity , and pervades one degree of space ; that in the second moment of Time , it acquires another degree of Velocity , which being conjoynd to the former , makes two , and in the mean while three spaces are pervaded ; that in the third moment , it acquires another degree of Velocity , which conjoyned to the two former makes three , and in the mean while seven parts of space are pervaded ; and so forward . You shall fully comprehend also , that the Celerities obtain the same Ration , as the moments of Time : and that the spaces pervaded from the beginning to the end of the motion , have the same Ration , as the Quadrates of the moments of Time ; which we assumed to Demonstrate , out of Gassendus . But still it concerns you to remember , that we here discourse of that Motion , which is Equally , or Uniformly Accelerated ; or whose velocity doth continually and uniformly encrease , nor is there any moment of the consequent time , in which the motion is not more swift , than it was in every antecedent moment , and in which it is not accelerated according to the same Reason . For , the want of this Advertisement in chief , seems to have been the unhappy occasion of that great trouble the Learned Jesuit Petrus Cazraeus put Gassendus to , in his two Epistles , De Proportione , qua Gravia decidentia accelerantur . And this kindly conducts us to the Physical Reason of this Proportion , in which the velocity of bodies Descending is observed to encrease . For wholly excluding the supposition of the Aers assistance of the Downward motion of a stone , by recurring above , and so impelling it downward ; and admitting the Magnetick Attraction of the Earth to be the sole Cause of its Descent ; unto both which the considerations formerly alleadged seem to oblige us : it is familiar for us to conceive , that the Increment of its Celerity , according to the proportion assigned , ariseth from hence . While in the first moment , the earth attracts the stone , one degree of Celerity is acquired , and one degree of space is pervaded . In the second moment , the attraction of the Earth continuing , another degree of celerity is acquired , and three equal spaces are pervaded : one by reason of the degree of celerity in the mean while acquired , and two by reason of the degree of celerity formerly acquired , and still persevering , as that which is doubly ●equivalent to the new degree in the mean while acquired ; because it is Complete and entire from the very beginning of the 2d moment , but the other is only acquiring , or in fieri , and so not complete till the end of the second moment . Then , according to the same Ration , in the third moment another degree of celerity is acquired , and five spaces ( equal ) are pervaded ; one by reason of the new degree of celerity in the mean while acquired , and fower by reason of the two former persevering , i. e. two in each moment praecedent , or one of a duplicate aequivalency to the new one not yet complete . Then , in the fourth moment another degree of celerity is acquired , and seven spaces are pervaded ; one by reason of the fresh degree in the interim acquired , and six by reason of the three former per●●vering , i. e. two in each praecedent moment . And so of the rest through the whole motion , computing the degrees of encreasing Celerity , by the ration of Quadrate Numbers . Now , many are the Physical Theorems , and of considerable importance , which might be genuinely deduced from this excellent and fruitful Physicomathematical speculation ; and as many the admired Apparences in nature , that offer themselves to be solved by Reasons more than hinted in the same : but , such is the strictness of our method , and weariness of our Pen , that we can , in the praesent , make no farther advantage of it , than only to infer from thence the most probable Reason of that so famous Phaenomenon , The equal velocity of two stones , or bullets , the one of 100 pound , the other of only one ounce weight , descending from the same altitude ; experience constantly attesting , that being dropt down together , or turned off , in the same instant , from the top of a tower ; the Lesser shall arrive at the ground , as soon as the Greater . For , this admirable Effect seems to have no other Cause but this ; that the Lesser body , as it containeth fewer parts , so doth it require the Impulses or strokes of fewer Magnetical rays , by which the attraction is made : and such is the proportion of the two forces , as that each moveable being considered with what Resistence you please , still is the force in the movent equally sufficient to overcome that resistence , and a few magnetique rays suffice to the attraction of a few parts , as well as many to the attraction of many parts . So that the space being equal , which both are to pervade ; it follows , that it must be pervaded by both , in equal or the same time . Provided always , that the two bodies assumed , be of the same matter ; for , in case they be of divers matters , as the one of Wood , the other of Iron or Lead , that may cause some small Difference in their Velocity . We say , some small Difference ; because , if we take two Globes of different materials and weights , but of the same or equal diameters , as ( V. G. ) one of Lead , the other of Wax : we shall be very far from finding , that the Heavier will be carried down more swiftly than the Lighter , in a proportion to the excess of its Gravity . For , if one be ten times heavier than the other ; yet shall not the Heavier therefore , both being turned off , in the same instant , arrive at the ground ten times sooner than the Lighter : but , at the same time as the heavier , arrives at the ground , from the altitude of 10 Fathoms ; the lighter shall come within a foot of the earth ; so far short doth the lighter come of being nine fathoms behind the Heavier . And the Cause , why the Lighter Globe of Wax , is carried so swiftly , is the same with that , why a bullet of Lead of only an ounce weight , is carried down as swiftly as another bullet of 100 pound . And , what though the Globe of Wax be as great in circumference , as the other of Lead , and somewhat greater ; yet seeing still it hath fewer parts to be attracted , it therefore requires fewer magnetical rays to its attraction with equal velocity to the heavier . But , the Cause why it is carried somwhat , though very little , slower than the heavier ; is to be derived chiefly from the Aer resisting it underneath , the Aer being more copious in proportion to the virtue Attrahent , in respect of the greatness of its Ambite , or Circumference : and thence is it , that Cork , Pith of Elder , straws , feathers , and the like less compact , and so more light bodies , fall down much more slowly . From this Experiment , and the Reason of it , we have an opportunity of observing and easily understanding the Distinction of Gravity into Simple and Adjectitious : the Former being that , which is competent to a body though unmoved , and whose quantity may be exactly determined by the balance suspending the body in the aer ; the Latter being proper only to a body moved , and vanisheth as soon as the body attaineth quiet , and whose measure is to be explored both from the quantity of the simple gravity which the body bears during its quiet , and the Altitude from which it falls . Thus , assuming two Bullets , the one of an ounce , the other of 100 pound , Simple Gravity , according to the Scales ; the Adjectitious Gravity of the Lesser bullet , acquired by the increment of its velocity during its descent , must be less proportionably to its simple gravity , than the Adjectitious gravity of the Greater bullet , acquired by the increment of its Velocity during its Descent , in the same time , and from the same altitude : because , the space and time of the descent of both being equal , the proportion of the acquired gravity of each must be respondent to the proportion of the simple gravity of each . So that if in the end of the fall of the Lesser bullet of an ounce weight , the Adjectitious Gravity of it shall amount to 10 ounces : the Adjectitious gravity of the Greater of 100 pound weight , shall , in the end of its fall , amount to a thousand pound ; nor can the Acquired Gravity of the Lesser ever equal that of the Greater , unless it fall from a far greater Altitude . Here , perhaps , you 'l Demand our opinion , concerning that admirable because superlative Velocity , which Galilaeo and other Mathematicians conceive that a bullet would acquire in case it should fall to the ●arth from those vast ( we might have said Immense ) heights of the Moon , Sun , and region of the Fixed starrs . Of this , therefore , we say in short ; ( 1 ) That , in this case , Mathematicians are wont to suppose , that there are the same Causes of Gravity and Velocity in those sublime places , as are observed here with us below , or neer the surface of the Earth : and if they be not , certainly our Description and Computation must be altogether vain and fruitless . For , if the Cause of Gravity , and consequently of the Velocity be the Attraction made by the magnetique rays transmitted from the Earth ; forasmuch as those magnetique rays must become more Rare , and fewer of them arrive at a body , by how much farther it is removed from the Earth : though , perchance , a bullet might be attracted down from the region of the Moon ( and if so , the motion of the bullet would be very slow , for a good while , in respect of the very few magnetique rays , that could arrive to that great height ) yet from that far greater height of th● region of the Fixt stars , a bullet could not be attracted at all , it being impossible that any magnetique ray should be transmitted so far as half way thither . ( 2 ) But , supposing that the magnetique Virtue of the Earth did extend thither ; and that a bullet , from whence soever falling , should begin its motion with that speed , and proceed according to the same degrees of Acceleration , which we observe in a stone , or bullet falling from a very high tower : then must it of necessity acquire that incredible Velocity , which our Mathematicians describe . To Particular ; conceding the Distances or Intervals betwixt the Earth and each of those Caelestial Orbs , which our modern and best Astronomers generally assign ; a bullet would fall from the body , or rather the Limbus of the Moon , to the Earth , in two hours and an half ; from the Limbus of the Sun , in eleven hours and a quarter : from the region of the Fixt stars , in 39 hours and a quarter . And so , if we imagine the Earth to be perforated to the Centre , since a bullet would fall from the superfice thereof down to the Centre , in 20 minutes , or the third part of an hour : the same bullet coming from the moon , would pervade the same space from the superfice of the Earth to the Centre of it , in one minute and twenty seconds , or the third part of a minute : coming from the Sun , it would pervade the same semidiametral space of the Earth , in seventeen seconds : and coming from the region of the Fixt stars , it would percur the same semidiametral space of the Earth , in five seconds . So incredibly great would be the Velocity of a bullet falling from such vast Altitudes . And this we think sufficient ▪ concerning the Downward motion of Bodies , accounted Heavy . SECT . III. THe Remnant of our praesent Province consists only in the consideration of the Upward motion of Heavy Bodies PROJECTED : concerning which the principal Enquiries among Philosophers are ( 1 ) VVhat and whence is that Force , or Virtue motive , whereby bodies projected are carried on , after they are separated from the Projicient ? ( 2 ) What are the Laws of their motion . Direct , and Reflex ? Concerning the FIRST , therefore , we observe , that Aristotle ( in 8. physic . cap. ult . ) and most of his Sectators confidently affirm , that a stone thrown out of a sling , an arrow shot from a bow , a bullet discharged from a Gun , &c. is moved only by the Aer , from the time of its separation from the sling , bow , or Gun : and the manner of that mo●ive activity of the Aer upon the thing projected , They thus explicate . The Aer ( say they ) which is first moved by the Projicient , together with the moveable , doth , at the same time , both propel the moveable , and impel the Aer immediately beyond it , which being likewise moved , doth in the same manner propel the moveable , and impel the aer immediately beyond it ; and that aer being thus moved , doth again impel both the moveable and the aer next beyond it : and so consequently the next aer impels both the moveable and the next aer beyond it , until the propulsion and promotion being gradually debilitated , and at length wholly overcome , partly by the Gravity of the thing moved , partly by the Resistence of the occurring Aer , the motion wholly ceaseth , and the thing projected attaineth quiet . And that Others contend , that the Body Projected is carryed forward by a Force ( as They call it ) Imprest ; which they account to be a Quality so communicated unto the body projected , from the Projicient , as that not being indelible , it must gradually decay in the progress thereof , and at length wholly perish , whereupon the motion also must by degrees remit its violence , and at length absolutely vanish , and the thing projected again recover its native quiet . But , lest we trifle away our praecious moments , in confutin● each of these weak Opinions , against which the Reason of every man is ready to object many great absurdities , especially such as the praecedent theory will soon advertise him of : let us praesently recur to the more solid speculations of our master Gassendus in his Epistles ( de motu impresso a motore translato ) and praesenting you the summary thereof , without further delay satisfie your Curiosity , and our own Debt of assisting it . First we are to determine , that nothing , remaining it self unmoved , can move another . For , since our Discourse concerns not the First Cause of all motion , God , whose Power is infinite , who is in all places , who can , only by the force of his Will , create , move , and destroy all things ; manifest it is , that nothing Finite , especially Corporeal ( and such only hath an interest in our praesent consideration ) can move another thing , unless it self be also moved at the same time : as Plato well observed in his saying , Neque est Dissicile modo , sed etiam plane impossibile , ut quidpiam motum imprimere , sine quapiam sui commotione , valeat : ( in Timaeo . ) And the Reason is this ; whatever doth move , doth act ; and e converso , whatever doth act , doth move ; Action and Passion ( as Aristotle , 3. physic . 3 ) being the same with motion . Again , the movent and Moveable ought to be together , or to touch each other , because , whether the movent impel , attract , carry , or ●owle the moveable : necessary it is , that still it should impress some certain Force upon it : and force it can impress none thereupon , unless by touching it . And though it doth touch it , yet if it discharge no force of motion upon it , i. e. remain unmoved it self : there shall be only a meer Contact reciprocal , but no motion , and as the one , so shall the other remain unmoved . Therefore , that the one may move the other : it ought to have that vigour or motion first in it self , which it doth impress upon the other : since if it have none , it can give none . Even sense demonstrates , that by how much more vehement motion the movent it self is in , at the instant it toucheth the moveable , by so much the farther doth it always propel the same : and thence our Reason may necessarily infer , that the movent must it self be in some small motion , in the same instant it gives a small motion to another . Moreover , though Aristotle ( in 8. Physic cap 5. ) subtly Distinguisheth three Things in motion , viz. the 〈◊〉 ut quod , as ( V. G. ) a man , the Movens ut quo , as a staff : and the Mobile , as a stone : and thereupon magisterially teacheth , that the stone is moved , and doth not move ; that the staff is moved , and doth move : that the man doth move , and is not moved : yet is it not ●●ident , how far short He comes , of thereby Demonstrating the immobility of the First Movent , to which He praetended . For whereas He urgeth , that otherwise we must proceed to Infinity ; that binds not at all : because the movens ut quod , the man is moved by Himself : and sense declares , that the man must move his Arm , or Hand together with the staff , which if you suppose not to be the movens ut quo , ( the stone b●●ng not moved thereby ) but the mobile it self : is not the movent it self ●●so moved ? Suppose also , that the mans Arme , or Hand is the move●● 〈◊〉 quo , nay if you please , that his whole Body , or the Muscles , or Nerve , or Spirits , are the movens ut quo , and deriving the motion from his very Soul , suppose that to be the movens ut quod : yet truely can you not ●●●ceive , that the Soul , it self remaining Immote , doth move the Arm , o●●and . Nor is the Soul it self then moved onely by Accident ( as whe●● marriner is carried by the motion of his ship ) but also per se , as w●●● the mariner moves himself , that he may move the Oar , that it may move the ship , in which himself is carried . For , as a ship , in a calm sea , ●ould not be moved it self , nor the mariner be moved with it , by Accid●●● ▪ in case the mariner himself wanted motion , whereby to impel his ship● so neither would the body be moved , nor the Soul be moved therew●●● by Accident , unless the soul be first agitated within , with a motion wh●●●by the body is moved . Conclude , therefore that nothing can be 〈◊〉 , but the Projicient must not only Touch it , either immediately , ●●mediately by some Instrument ; but also Propel it with the same 〈◊〉 , wh●●●with it self is , in the same instant , moved . It is moreover ●●●●ssary , that the movent be moved , not only in a point , or so far as that point of space , in which it first toucheth the moveable : but also that a while cohaering unto the moveable , it be moved along with it : so as we may well conceive them to be made , by that Cohaesion , as it were one and the same body , or one entire moveable , pro tempore ; and consequently , that the motion of both the movent and moveable is one intire motion . For , what motion is in the moveable , so long as it remains conjoyned to the movent , is in a manner a certain Tyrocinium , in which the moveable is as it were taught to progress foreward in that way , which the movent hath begun , upward , downward , transverse , oblique , circular , and that either slowly , or swiftly , and according as the movent shall guide and direct it , before its manumission or dismission . Thus , when a man throws a stone with his hand , you may plainly perceive , how the motion thereof begins together with that of his hand : and after it is discharged from his hand , you cannot say , that a new motion is impressed upon the stone , but only that the same motion begun in the hand is continued . And , therefore , it seems also very unnecessary to require the impression of any new and distinct Force upon the stone projected , by the projicient , which should be the Cause of its motion after its Dismission : seeing nothing else is impressed , but the very motion to be continued through a certain space ; so that we are not to enquire , what motive Virtue that is , which makes the Persevering motion , but what hath made the motion , that is to persever . In the moveable , certainly , there is none but a Passive Force to motion ; nor can the Active Force be required in any thing but the movent : and should we , with the Vulgar , say , that there is an Imprest Force remaining , for some time , in the thing moved , or projected ; we could thereby understand no other than the Impetus , or motion it self . Here might we opportunely insist upon this , that motion is impressed upon a thing moved , only in respect , that the thing moved hath less force of Resistence , than the movent hath of Impulsion : so that the movent , forcing it self into the place of the moveable , compels it to recede , or give way , and go into another place . But it is more material for us to observe ; that when a thing projected is impelled , it is first touched by the projicient only in those parts , which are in its superfice or outside and that those outward parts , being pressed by the impulse , do drive inward or press upon the parts next to them ; and those again impel the parts next to them , and those again the next to them ; till the impulse be by succession propagated quite through the body of the thing projected , to the superficial parts in the opposite side , and then begins the motion of the whole , the parts reciprocally cohaering : as hath been formerly explained , in the example of a long pole , or beam of wood . Which being percussed , but with a very gentle or softly stroke , that one end hath all its parts so commoved successively , as that the stroke may be plainly perceived by a man , that lays his ear close to the other end : which could not be if the impulse were not propagated from parts to parts successively , through the whole substance of the beam . To which it is requisite , that we superad this observable also ; that by reason of the force made by Contact , and that short Cohaesion of the moveable to the movent , there is created a certain Tension , or stress of all the parts of it , towards the opposite region : and of that by that means , all the parts of the thing projected , are disposed or conformed as it were into certain Fibers , or direct Files ; of all which the most strong and powerful is that , which being trajected through the Centre of Gravity in the thing projected , becomes as it were the Axis to all the circumstant ones . Our eys ascertain , that unless the Centre of Gravity be in the middle of the thing projected , or directly obverted to the mark , at which the thing is thrown ; the thing instantly turns it self about , and that part , wherein the Centre of Gravity is , always goes foremost , and as it were carries the rest of the parts , as that which is the most Direct and most Tense of all the Fibres . And this cannot be effected , but with some ( more or less ) Deflection from the mark , at which the force , according to the Centre and Axis of Gravity , was directed ; forasmuch as the Centre of Gravity , wherein many Fibres concur , makes some Resistence , and detorting the Fibres , inflecteth them another way , and so a new Axis is made pro tempore , according to which the Direction of all the parts in their motion afterward is determined . Hence is it , that , if you would hit a mark , either with a sling , or stone-bow , you must choose a stone , or bullet of an uniform matter and composition : or , at least , turn the heavier part of the body to be thrown , forward ; because otherwise , it will Deflect more or less , to one side or other according to the position and inclination of its Centre of Gravity . Moreover , whether soever the thing projected doth tend , all the Fibers constantly follow the Direction of the Axis , or are made parallels thereunto ; so that as often as the Centre is changed , so often doth the Axis , so often do all the Fibres change their position , and follow the Centre . Which we insert chiefly in respect of the motion of Convolution , or Turning of a thing projected immediately after its Dismission ; and of the Curvity of that Line , which is thereby described , whether ascending , or descending . But these are onely Transient Touches , or Hints ; that we might easily intimate , why a motion once imprest , is continued rather this way , than that : and why Feathers , Sponges , and the like Light and Porous bodies , are incapable of having quick and vehement motions imprest upon them ; because they consist of interrupted Fibres , and such as are not Dirigible with the Centre of Gravity . Here we ask leave , once more to have recourse to that useful supposition of a stone situate in the immensity of the Imaginary spaces . We lately said , as you may remember , that if a stone placed in the empty Extramundane spaces , should be impelled any way , the motion thereof would be continued the same way , and that uniformly or equally , and with tardity or celerity proportionate to the smartness or gentleness of the Impulse , and perpetually in the same line ; because in those empty spaces it could meet with no cause , which by Diversion might either accelerate , or retard its motion . Nor ought it to be Objected , that nothing Violent can be Perpetual ; because , in this case , there could be no Repugnancy or Resistence , but a pure indifferency in the stone to all regions , there being no Centre , in relation whereunto it may be conceived to be Heavy or Light. And , therefore , the condition of the stone would be the very same , as to Uniformity and Perpetuity of motion , with that of the Caelestial Orbs ; which being obnoxious to no Retardation , or Acceleration , but free from all Repugnancy internal , and Resistence External , constantly and inde●inently maintain that Circular motion , which was , in the first moment of their Creation , imprest uopon them , by the Will of the Creator ; and that toward one part , rather than any other . Let us now farther consider ; seeing that if upon some large horizontal plane you should place a smooth Globe , and then gently impel it ; you would observe it to be moved therupon equally and indefinently , till it came to the end thereof : why may you not lawfully conjecture , that if the Terrestrial Globe were of a superfice exquisitely polite , or smooth as the finest Venice Glass ; and another small Globe as polite were placed in any part of its superfice , and but gently impelled any way , it would be moved with constant Uniformity quite round the Earth , according to the line of its first direction ; and having rowled once round the Earth , it would , without intermission again begin , or rather continue another Circuit , and so maintain a perpetual Circulation upon the surface of the Earth ? Especially , since there is no Difficulty 〈◊〉 discourage that conjecture ; forasmuch as look how many parts of the small Globe , during the motion thereof , tend toward the Centre of the Earth , just so many are , at the same time , elevated from it : so that a full Compensation being made in all points of the motion , the same cannot but perpetually continue , and in the same equal tenour , there being no Declivity , whereby it should be Accelerated , no Acclivity , wherby it should be Retarded , no Cavity , whereby after many accurses and recurses , or reciprocations , it should be brought at length to acquiesce . Moreover , in order to our grand scope , let us suppose , that the space , through which a stone should be Projected , were absolute Inane , or such as the Imaginary spaces ; and then we must acknowledge , that it would be carried in a direct and invariate line , through the same space , and with an Uniforme and Perpetual motion , until it should meet with some other space , full of magnetique rayes , Aer , or some other resisting substance . But , here with us , in the Atmosphere , because no space is Inane ( sensibly ) but replete as well with Aer , as with millions of magnetique rayes transmitted from the Earth ; and so a stone Projected must encounter them in every point of space through which it moves : therefore is it , that it cannot be moved either in a direct Line , or equally , or long . For , since multitudes of magnetique Rayes must necessarily invade and attach it , as soon as it is discharged from the Projicient ; though at first setting forth it break through them , and so is scarce at all Deflected : yet because more and more magnetique rayes freshly lay hold of it in every part of space , renew the Attraction , and so more and more infringe and weaken the force of its motion ; hence comes it , that in the progress it doth by little and little Deflect from the Line of Direction , moves slower and slower , and at length sinking down to the Earth , thereon attains its quiet . Hereupon , when men shall Demand , what is that Cause , which weakens and at last quite destroys the Virtue Impressed upon a thing Projected ; rightly understanding , by the Virtue Imprest , the motion begun by the Projicient , and continued by the Projectum : the Answer is manifest ; viz. That it is the Attraction of the Earth , which first opposeth , after gradually refracteth , and in fine wholly overcometh the motion imprest , and so determineth the Projectum to Quiet . Hence also may we learn , that All motion once impressed , is of it self Indelible , and cannot be Diminished , or Determined , but by some External Cause , that is of power to repress it . This considered , you may please to observe , that through the Atmosphere , or spaces circumvironing the Terrestrial Globe , being so possessed by the Aer and swarms of Magnetique Rayes , no body can be projected in an absolute Direct : or perfectly streight Line , unless perpendicularly upward or downward . For , if the projection be made either obliquely , or parallel to the Horizon ; the projectum suddainly begins to Deflect from the mark at which it was aimed , and so describes not a streight , but crooked line . Not that the Deflection or Curvity is sensible , at a small distance , especially if the motion be vehement , such as that of an Arrow shot from a Bowe , or Bullet discharged from a Gun : but , that in every point of space , and time , the thing Projected is attracted somewhat Downward ; and there is the same Reason for its Deflection in the first , as there is for its Deflection in the second , third , fourth , or any following point of space , and instant of time , though the greater opposition of the Force imprest makes that Deflection less at the first . Nor ought it to incline us to the contrary , that Archers and Gunners frequently hit the mark , at which they levelled , to some certain distance : because , that Distance is commonly such , as that the Deflection therein is not sensible , though it be sometimes an hairs-breadth , two , three , or four , sometimes an inch below the mark . Further you may observe , that when a stone is projected , or a bullet shot upward , yet not p●●pendicularly , but obliquely ; the motion thereof is to be considered , not as simply perpendicular , or simply Horizontal , but as mixed , or composed of an Horizontal and Perpendicular together : of a Perpendicular , forasmuch as the Altitude thereof may be measured by a Perpendicular line ; of an Horizontal , forasmuch as it is made according to the Horizon , and the Latitude thereof may be taken by the plane of the Horizon . But , because by how much the more it hath of the perpendicular , so much the less it hath of the Horizontal ; so that the Altitude of it may amount to fifty feet , and the Latitude not exceed one foot : therefore is it manifest , that the crooked Line described by this Compass motion , cannot be Circular ; and Galilaeo ( Dialog . 4. ) hath demonstrated that the Line is Parabolical , or such as Geometricians describe in the ambite of a Cone , when they so intersect it obliquely from one side at the base , that the motion of the intersection is made parallel to the other side left whole , for the Area of each resegment is the Geometricians Parabola : and the crooked ambite of the Area , is a Parabolical Line , and frequently taken for the Parabola it self . We remember also , how Galilaeo , upon consequence , and among other remarkables doth observe ; that of all Projections , made by the same force , the Longest , and in that respect the most Efficacious , is that , which is made to an half-right Angle , or by aiming at the forty fifth degree of Altitude ; in respect of the more prolix Parabola which is described by the Pr●jectum , aimed at that altitude : since at all other altitudes the Parabola must be shorter ; the superior Altitudes being less , and the inferior more open than is requisite . Now this Composition of a Perpendicular and Horizontal motion may be most conveniently Demonstrated unto you , thus . Being in a ship , under sayl , if you hold a Ball in your hand ; the motion of the ball will be onely Horizontal , viz. That , whereby the ship doth carry you , your hand , and the ball in it . If the ship stand still , and you throw the ball directly upward ; the motion of the ball will be onely Perpendicular : but if the ship be moved , at the same instant you throw the ball upward ; then will the motion thereof be Compound , partly Perpendicular , partly Horizontal . For , the ball shall be carried obliquely , and describe a Parabolical line , in which it ascends and again falls down again ; and in the mean time , it shall be promoved Horizontally . The Perpendicular alone , your self may discern with your own eye : because , the horizontal is common both to the ball and your eye , and when as well the ball , as your eye is promoved , therefore doth it always appear imminent over your eye , and in the same perpendicular : but , for the Horizontal , He onely can deprehend it , who stands still on the shoare , or another ship not carryed on at the same rate , as that wherein you are . Herein there occur Two things , not unworthy our admiration . The One is , that though there be two divers Forces or motions impressed upon the Ball , at the same time : the one from the Vibration of your Arm , the other from the horizontal Translation of the ship : yet doth neither destroy the other , but each attains its proper scope as fully , as if they were impressed apart . For , the Ball ascends as high , when the ship is moved forward , as when it stands still : and whether it describe a Direct , or a semiparabolical : and again , it is as much promoved Horizontally , when you divert it upward by projection , as when you hold it still in your hand and so it be carried onely by the motion of the ship : and consequently whether the motion thereof describe a Direct line , or a whole Parabola . Onely this you are to note : that a greater Force is required to the projection of a Ball from the foot to the top of the Mast , when the ship moves forward , than when it lies at anchor : because that semiparabolical line , which the Ball must describe in the former case , is shorter than that perpendicular one , which it must describe in the latter : and however the vibration or swing of your arme may seem to you to be equal in both cases , yet is that vibration or force , whereby the ball is carried upward to the top of the Mast , when the ship is in motion , really greater than that , whereby the same ball is carried to the same height , when the ship lies quiet : because , in the former case , there is superadded to the force of your arme , the force which is impressed both upon you and your arme ( without your apprehension ) by the motion of the ship . This you shall plainly perceive , if you onely drop down a ball from the top of the Mast , without any swing or motion of your arme at all . For , seeing that the ball doth always fall at the foot of the mast , in the same distance from it , as it was in the instant of its dimission from the top ; whether the ship be moved , or quiet : necessary it is , that some force be imprest upon the ball by the motion of the ship , or the the same motion , whereby both the Mast it self , and your hand are affected , at the instant of its dimission ; since it must describe a semiparabolical line , longer than that Direct one , which it would describe , if it fell down the ship being quiet . And hence comes it , that if you project a ball from the Poop to the Fore Castle of a ship , under sayl , and back again from the Fore-Castl● to the Poop ; you shall impress a greater force upon it , in throwing it from the Poop to the Fore-Castle , than back again from the Fore-Castle to the Poop : because , in the former case , the force or seconding impulse of the ship must be superadded to the force of your arme in projection , and so make it the stronger ; and , in the latter case , the contrary force of the ship doth as much detract from the force of your arme , and so make it the weaker . And though the ball be carried over equal spaces of the Deck of the ship , in both cases : yet shall it not be carried through equal spaces in the Aer . Hence may it be Demonstrated , that the space of Time which the ball is Ascending from the foot to the top of the Mast , is Equal to that in which it is Descending again from the top to the foot . For , were it not so , when the ball is projected in a line perpendicular and parallel to the Mast , the ball would not ascend and descend always at the same distance from the Mast , but would either desert it , or be deserted by it , the ship being in motion . Whence it follows also , that in what proportion the velocity of the ball Ascending doth decrease ; in the same proportion doth the velocity of the ball again Descending encrease● so that the motion of the ball must be of equal velocity , when it is removed from the plane of the ship , one fathom ascending , or descending , and likewise at the altitude of one foot , ascending or descending . Again , forasmuch as the force of your arme , projecting the ball , is still equal ; but the force superadded thereunto by the motion of the ship , may be more or less vehement , according as the s●●p is carried with greater or less speed : thence it follows , that the ●arabolical lines described by the ball , are respectively Greater or Less , and the motions of it through the Aer more or less swift . 〈◊〉 , yet all are performed in Equal Time ; because the times of them all are equal to the same time , which is due to the simple Assent and Descent , and with the same proportion of parts . The Other , which deserves our admiration , is this ; that notwithstanding , of the twofold motion composing the Oblique one , that which is Perpendicular , is Unequal , the Velocity thereof being as well diminished in the assent , as augmented in the descent , so that ; in equal moments of time , less spaces are pervaded in the assent , and greater in the descent : yet is that motion , which is Horizontal , plainly Equal in all its parts , or of equal velocity throughout ; so that equal spaces of the Horizon are pervaded in equal times . The truth of this is constant from hence ; that if ( the ship being equally moved on , and the ball being projected in a line parallel to the Mast ) the foot of the Mast shall pervade twenty paces , or an hundred foot of horizontal space : the ball shall be horizontally ( i. e. toward that region , to which the ship tends ) promoved , not more swiftly or slowly in one pace or foot , than in another , but equally in all : for , otherwise , it could not be always imminent over the same part of the ship neer the Mast : nor therefore consist in the same line , or distance from the Mast : which yet it constantly observes . But this easily deceives , that at the end of the balls ascent , or beginning of its descent , the motion is slowest : but then are we to observe , that the Devexity , or Conformity of it to the Horizon is the Greater , as when it comes lower , where the motion is more rapid , the Devexity is less , and its conformity to the Perpendicular greater : so that the whole Inaequability doth consist in the Assent and Descent , or Perpendicular motion of the ball : while in the mean time there is a perfect Aequability in its Horizontal advance , or promotion . From hence we collect : that since a thing Projected is moved unequally , insomuch as it tends upward or downward : and not as it progresseth parallel to the Horizon , or Ambite of the Earth : therefore is it , that the upward and downward motions are both to be accounted Violent : but the Horizontal , or Circular , Natural : Equality , or Uniformity being the inseparable Character of Natural , and Inequality of Violent motion . Thus far have we treated of that Returning or Reflex motion of Bodies , whereby , being violently projected upward , they revert or fall down again , by reason of the magnetique Attraction of the Earth : and it now remains onely , that we consider the Reasons of that other species of motion Reflex or Rebounding , whereby Bodies , being also violently moved or projected any way , are impeded in their course and Diverted from the line of their Direction , by other bodies encountring them . Concerning this Theorem , therefore , be pleased to know , that among all Reflexions , by way of Rebound or Resilition , that is the Chiefest , when a body projected , and impinged against another body , is returned from thence directly , or in the same line toward the place , from whence it was projected : which always happens , when the Projection is made to right Angles , or in regular line , such as that in which a Heavy body descends upon an horizontal plane . And all other Reflections are in dignity inferior thereunto , as such whereby the thing projected doth not rebound in a direct line toward the same point from whence it was projected , but to some other region by other lines : according as it is projected in lines more or less oblique . Because , with what inclination a body falls upon a plane , with the very same inclination doth it rebound from the plane ( especially a Globe , and such as is of an uniform matter , and consequently hath the Centre of magnitude and that of Gravity coincident in the same point ) so that by how much the more oblique the projection is , and how much the less is the Angle made of its line with the line of the plane , ( called the Angle of Incidence ) so much the more oblique is the reflexion made , and so much the less the Angle made of its line , with the line of the plane continued ( called the Angle of Reflexion ) and that so long , as till the line of projection shall become parallel to the plane , and so , no body occurring to or encountring the projectum , no reflexion at all be made . Know moreover , that betwixt No Reflexion at all , and the Least Reflexion that is possible , there may be assigned as it were a certain Medium ; and that is the Emersion or Rising up again of a weight appensed to a thread or Lutestring , when performing a vibration or swing from one side to the other , it ascends from the perpendicular Line , to which by descending it had reduced it self . For , in that case , no ●●●lecting body doth occur , a simple Arch is described ; and y●●●here is as a certain Procidence or falling down to the lowest point of the Arch , so also a certain Resilition or rising up again from ●he lowest point of the Arch , toward the contrary side . Again ▪ having conceived a direct line touching the lowest point of the Arch , so as that the weight suspended by a string , may , in its vibration , glance upon it with its lowest extreme , and onely in a point touch the horizontal line ; you shall have on each side an Angle mad● from the Arch and the line touching it , which is therefore called the Angle of Contingence : and because Geometricians demonstrate● that the Angle of Contingence , which truly differs from a right line , is less than any Rectilinear Angle , however acute ; therefore may each of those Angles be said to be Median betwixt the right line , and the Angle either of Incidence● or of Reflexion , how small soever it be ; and consequently , the Emersion of the weight in Vibration may as justly be said to be Median betwixt the smallest Reflexion and none at all . However , this Emersion seems to 〈◊〉 the Rule of all Reflection whatever ; for , as in the Vibration of a weight appensed to a string , and describing a simple Arch , the A●gle of its Emersion is always equal to the Angle of its Prociden●● : so in Projection describing an Angular line , the Angle of Reflection is always ( quantum ex se est ) equal to the Angle of Incidence ▪ We say , quantum ex se est ; for otherwise , whether it be sensible , or not , because so long as the Projectum is transferred , it is a●ways somewhat depressed toward the earth , for the reason formerly alleadged ; thence comes it , that the Reflexion can neither be so strong or smart as the Incidence , nor make as great an angle , 〈◊〉 arise to as great an altitude . Which we insinuate , that we might not insist upon this advertisement ; that the Aequality of the Angle of the Reflexion to that of the Incidence , may be so much th● less , by how much the less the projected body comes to a spherical figure , or doth consist of matter the less uniform . For , to attain to that Aequality of the Angels of Incidence and Reflexion , necessary it is , that the body projected be exactly spherical , and of Uni●orm matter , and so having the Centre of Gravity , and the Centre of magnitude coincident in one and the same point ; as we have formerly intimated : it being as well against Reason , as Experience , that bodies wanting those conditions should arise to that aequali●● which that we may the better understan● , let us consider , that 〈◊〉 in a Globe , or Ball Falling down , we regard onely that Gravity ▪ which it acquires in its descent , from the magnetique Attraction of the Earth : so in a Globe , or Ball Projected , we are to regard onely that Impetus or Force , which being imprest upon it by the Projicient , supplies the place of Gravity , and in respect whereof the Centre of its Gravity may be conceived to be one with that of its magnitude . Let a Ball , therefore , be projected Directly or to right Angles , upon a plane ; and , because , in that case , that Fibre must be the Axis of its Gravity , whose extreme going foremost is impinged against the plane : thence is it manifest , that the Repression must be made , in a direct line , along that Axis ; the parallel Fibres in equal number on each part invironing that Axis , and so not swaying or diverting the ball more to one part than to another , by reason of any the least disproportion of quantity on either side . Then , l●t the same Ball be projected Obliquely against the same plane ; and because , in this case , not that middle Fibre , which constituteth the Axis of Gravity , but some one or other of the Fibres circumstant about it , must with one of its extreams strike against the plane : therefore is it necessary , that that same Fibre be repressed by that impulse , and by that repression compelled to give backward toward its contrary extream , and thereby in some measure to oppose the motion begun , which it wholly overcome , and so the ball would rebound from the plane , the same way it came , if the Fibres on that side the Axis of Gravity , which is neerest to the plane , were equal in number to that are on the farther , or contrary side of it : but , because those Fibres , that are on the farther side , or on the part of the Centre and Axis , are far more in number , and so the●e is a greater quantity of matter , and consequently a greater force imprest , than on the side neerer to the plane ; therefore doth the begun motion persever , as praevailing upon the repression and renitency of the Fibre impinged against the plane , and since it cannot be continued in a direct line , because of the impediment ariseing from the parts cohaerent , it is continued by that way it can , i. e. by the open and free obliquity of the plane . But , this , of necessity , must be done with some certain Evolution of the Ball , and with the contact of the Fibres posited in order both toward the Axis and beyond it ; and while this is in doing , every Fibre strives to give back , but , because the farther part doth yet praevail over the neerer , therefore doth the neerer part still follow the sway , and conform to the inclination and conduct of the farther , and all the toucht Fibres change their situation , nor are they any longer capable of returning by the same way they came , because they no longer respect that part from whence they came . We say , with the Contact of the plane by the Fibres posited toward the Axis and beyond it ; because , since in that Evolution or Turn of the Ball , the extream of the Axis toucheth the plane , yet nevertheless no Resilition , or Rebound is therefore caused , in that instant ; and if there were a resilition , at that time , it would be to a perpendicular , as well the Axis , as all the circumstant Fibres being erected perpendicularly upon the face of the plane : but the Resilition there must be beyond it , because the force of the farther part of the Fibres doth yet praevail over that of the neerer . For , the Force of the farther part doth yet continue direct and intire ; but , that of the neerer is reflected , and by the repression somewhat debilitated : and therefore , the Resilition cannot be made , until so much of Repression and Debilitation be made in the further part , as was made at first in the neerer . And that must of necessity be done , so soon as ever the plane is touched by some one Fibre , which is distant from the Axis as much beyond , as that Fibre , which first touched the plane , is distant from the Axis on this side : for , then do the two forces become equal , and so one part of the Fibres having no reason any longer to praevail over the other , by counter inclination , the Ball instantly ceaseth to touch the plane , and flies off from it , toward that region , to which the Axis and all the circumstant Fibres are then , i. e. after the Evolution , directed . Now , because the Ball is , after this manner , reflected from the plane , with the same inclination , or obliquity , with which it was impinged against it ; it is an evident consequence , that the Angle of its Reflexion must be commensurable by the Angle of its Incidence : and that each of them must be so much the more Obtuse , by how much less the line of projection doth recede from a perpendicular ; and contrariwise , so much the more Acute , by how much more the line of projection doth recede from a perpendicular , or how much neerer it approacheth to a parallel with the plane . From these Considerations we may infer Two Observables . The One , that the oblique projection of a Globe against a plane , is composed of a double Parallel , the one with the Perpendicular , the other with the plane : for , the Globe at one and the same time , tends both to the plane , and to that part toward which the plane runs out forward . The Other , that Nature loseth nothing of her right , by the Reflexion of bodies ; forasmuch as she may nevertheless be allowed still to affect and pursue the shortest , or neerest way : for , because the Angle of Reflexion above the plane , is equal to that Angle , which would have been below the plane , in case the plane had not hinderd the progress of the line of projection beyond it , by reason of the Angles Equal at the Vertex , as Geometricians speak ; therefore , is the Reflex way equal to the Direct , and consequently to the shortest , in which the ball projected could have tended from this to that place . Here , to bring up the rear of this Section , we might advance , a discourse , concerning the Aptitude and Ineptitude of Bodies to Reflexion ; but , the dulness of our Pen with long writing , as well as the Confidence we have of our Readers Collective Abilities , inclining us to all possible brevity , we judge it sufficient onely to advertise , that what we have formerly said , concerning the Aptitude and Ineptitude of Bodies to Projection , hath anticipated that Disquisition . For , certain it is , in the General , that such Bodies , which are More Compact , Cohaerent , and Hard , as they may be , with more vehemence , and to greater distance , Projected : so may they , with more vehemence , and to greater distance Rebound , or be Reflected ; provided , they be impinged against other bodies of requisite Compactness , Cohaerence , and Hardness . And , the Reason , why a Tennis-ball doth make a far greater Rebound , than a Globe of Brass , of the same magnitude , and thrown with equal force ; is onely this , that there is not a proportion betwixt the Force imprest by the Projicient , and the Gravity of each of them ; or betwixt the Gravity of each , and the Resistence of the Plane . Which holds true also concerning other bodies , of different Contextures . CONCLUSION : Ingenious Reader , I Have kept you long at Sea , I confess , and ( such was the Unskilfulness of my Pen , though steered , for the most part , according to the lines drawn on those excellent Charts of Epicurus and Gassendus ) often shipwrackt your Patience . But , be pleased to consider , that our way was very Long and taedious ; insomuch as we had no less than the whole of that vast and deep Ocean of Sublunary Corporeal Natures , to sayl over : that our passage was full of Difficulties , as well in respect of those sundry Rocks of Incertitude , which the great Obscurity of most of those Arguments , whose discovery we attempted , inevitably cast us upon ; as of those frequent Mists and Foggs , which the exceeding Variety of mens Opinions , concerning them , surrounded and almost benighted our judgement withal : and chiefly , that if by the voyage your Understanding is brought home not only safe , but inriched , though in the least measure , with that inestimable Wealth , the Knowledge of Truth , or what is so Like to Truth , as to satisfie your Curiosity as fully ; as I have reason to congratulate my self , for the happiness of my Care and Industry , in being your Pilot , so must you to esteem the adventure of your Time and Attention compensated with good Advantage . And , now you are on Land agen , give me leave , at parting , to tell you ; That all the Fare I shall ever demand of you , is only a Candid sentiment of my Good-will and cordial Devotion to the Commonwealth of Philosophy . Which , indeed , doth so strongly Animate me on to enterprizes of Publique Utility , though but to those in the Second Form of Scholars ; that I can be well contented , not only to neglect opportunities of Temporal advantages to my self , while I am imployed in the study , how to contribute to the Intellectual promotions of others ; but also to stand in the number of those Active and Free Spirits , who have , through want of Abilities only , miscarried in their well intended Endeavours for the benefit of Learning ; rather than in the list of those Idle , or Envious ones , who having more of Wit , than of Humanity , and wanting nothing but the Inclination to do Good , have buried their Talents , and lest the Republique of Arts and Sciences , to suffer in the want of such means of Advancement , as their Capacities might easily have afforded unto it . 'T is the Custom of the Multitude , you Know , always to estimate the Counsel of Designs only by their Success ; and never allowing for Impediments or sinister Accidents , to account the Goodness of an Undertaking to consist wholly in the Felicity of its Event : but , such is the justice of Wisdom , that it consigns a Reward to a good Intention ; and decrees a Lawrel to be planted on his Grave , who fals in the generous Attempt of any noble Discovery , as well as one to be placed on his Head , who shall be so much beholding to the Favour and Assistance of his Fortune , as to Accomplish it . This I put you in mind of , not out of Arrogance , as if I challenged any thing 〈◊〉 due to me , besides a lively Resentment of my constant and sincere Zeale to the Encrease of Knowledge ; but , to possess you more fully with the Equity of my Expectation , which aims at no other Reward , but what Detraction it self dares not dispute my Right unto , and much less tha● what , I presume , your own Charity would , if I had referred my self thereunto , have readily assigned me . But , lest I seem to prevent you in your Inclination , or to Extort that from you by force of Argument , which as well your own innate Candor , as judicious Aequanimity , had sufficiently praepa●ed you to offer me of your own accord ; I resigne you to your Peace , and the undisturbed enjoyment of those Pleasures , which usually result from the memory of Difficulties once overcome : Having first assured you , that your benigne Acceptance of my Services , and Pardon of my Misfortunes ( so I may call all such Errors , whose praecaution was above the power of my humble judgement ) in this Voyage ; may prove a chief Encouragement to me , to adventure on a Second , without which this First must be Imperfect ; and that is for a Description of the Nature of that Paradise of the World , that bright shadow of the All-illuminating and yet Invisible Light , that Noble Essence , which we know to be within us , but do not understand because it is within us , and cannot understand without it , the Humane Soul ; and that , so soon as Quiet and Physick shall have repaired those Decays in the Weather-beaten Vessel of my Body , which long Sitting , frequent Watchings , and constant Solicitude of mind have therein made . In the meantime , I conjure you , by your own Humanity , to remember and testifie , that in this my Conversation with you , you have found me so far from being Magisterial in any of the Opinions I praesented ; that considering my own Humor of Indifferency , and constant Dubiosity ( frequently professed , but more expresly , in the First Chapter of this Work , and 1. Art. of the 1. Chap. 3. Book . ) it hath somewhat of wonder in it , that I ever proposed them to Others : nor ▪ indeed , can any thing solve that wonder , but my Hope●● thereby secretly to undermine that lofty Confidence of yonger Heads , in the Certitude of Positions and Axioms Physiological ; and by my declared Scepticism even in such Notions , as my self have laboured to assert , by the firmest Grounds , and strongest Inducements of Belief , to reduce them to the safer level of Quo magis quaerimus , magis dubitamus . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A32712-e47410 Art. 1. The principal Sects of the ancient Grecian Philosophers , only enumerated . Art. 2. The same revived among the Moderns , with en●rease . Art 3. Who are reduced either to the Pedantique or Female Sect. Art. 4. Or , to the Assertors of Philoso●hical Liberty ▪ Art. 5. Or , to the Renov●tors . Art. 6. Or to the Electors . Art. 1. The principal causes of the Diversity of Philosophical Sects ; and the chiefest among them , the Obscurity of Nature Art. 2. The Imperfection of our Vnderstanding . Art. 3. The Irregularity of our Curi●s●t● . A paradox . Art. 1. The Ambition of Alexander in affecting the Conquest , less vain then that of many ancient Philosophers in affecting the Knowledge of a Multitude of Worlds . Art. 2. A reduction of those Philos●phers to four distinct Sect● ; respective to their distinct persuasion ▪ and the H●ads o● each Sect nominated . Art. 3. The two main pillars on which the ●pinion of a Plurality of Worlds was anciently erected . Art. 1. The Question stated to be concerning the real Existence , not the possibility of an Infinity of Worlds Art. 2. Because the supposed Infinity of the Extramundan Spaces , is no imposs●bility . Art 3. Because an I●finity of Bodies is also possible : as to the Omn●potence of God. Art. 4. The Error of concluding the Esse , from the Posse of an Inf●nity of Wo●lds Art. 5. The first main Pillar of a Plurality of Worlds subverted . Art. 6. The seco●d Pillar found sophisticate , and demolished . Art. 7. A Plurality of Worlds manif●stly r●pugnant to Authority Divine , Art. 8. An● Human. Art. 9. The result of all ; the Demonstrati●n of the Authors Thesis , That this World is thy Vniverse . Art. 10. Extramundane Curiosity , a high degree of Madness . Art. 1. Body and Inanity , the two general Parts of the Universe . Art. 2. Three the most memorable Definitions of Corporiety extant among Physiologists , recounted and examined . Art. 3. Four Descriptions of the nature of Inanity , by Epicurus , Cleomedes , Empiricus , Aristotle . Art. 4. Their importance extra●ted : and what is the f●rmal or proper notion of a Vacuum . Art. 5. The Existence of Bodies in the World , manifest by Sense : whose Evidence is perfect Demonstration . Art. 1. The Distinction of a Vacuum into ( 1 ) Natural , and ( 2 ) Praeternatural : and the one called Disseminate , the other Coacer●vate . Art. 2. The nature of a Disseminate Vacuity , explained by the Analogy of a heap of Corn. Art 3. The first Argument of a Disseminate Vacuity , desumed from the evidence of Motion , in General : and Aristotles error concerning the Essence of Place , concisely detected , and corrected . Art. 4. Motion demonstrated by Sense : and Zeno's aenigmatical Argument , for an Universal Quiet , dissolved . Art. 5. The Consequution of the Argument ( if no Vacuum , no Motion ) illustrated . Art. 6. An Ob●ecti●n , that the Lococessi●n of some Bodies , d●p●nds on their Rarity or Por●sity ; no● on a Disseminate Vacuity : praevented . Art. 7. No beginning of Mo●ion , without Inani●y inter●persed . Art. 1. A second Argument of a Vacuity Disseminate , collected from t●e reason of R●refaction and Condensation . Art. 2. The eminent Phaenomen●n of an Aero●●l●pe● , or Wind-Gun , so●ved by a Vacuity Dis●eminate among the incontiguous ( quoad totas superfi●ies ) parts of aer . Art. 3. Experiment of an Ae●lipile , or Hermetical B●llow● , attesting a Vacuity 〈…〉 . Art. 4. Experiment of a Sulphu●a●e Tapor ▪ included in a Glass Vial , partly filled with Water ▪ of the same importa●ce . Art 5. No C●mbu●t●●le in Aer : and so the opinion of the Ari●●ot●leans , that the Extincti●n of Flame impris●ned , is to be charged on the Defect of Aer , for its sustenta●ti●n ; grosly erroneous . Art. 6. A fourth singular and memorable Experiment of the Authors , of Yce at the nose of a large Reverberatory Furnace , charged with Ignis rotae ; evidencing a Vacuity inter spersed in the Aer . Art. 7. An Inference from that Experiment ; that Aer , as to its General Destination , is the Common Recepta●y of Exhalations . Art. 8. A second ●llation , that the Aer doth receive Exhalations at a certain rate , or definite ▪ proportion ; which cannot be transcended without prodigious violence . Art. 9. The Existence of Inane Incontiguities in the Aer , confirmed by two considerable A●guments . Art. 1. That Water also contains Vacuola , empty Spaces ; demonstrated . Art. 2. From the Experiment of the Dissolution of Alum , Halinitre , Sal Ammoniac , and Sugar , in Water formerly sated with the Tincture of Common Salt Art. 3. The verity of the Lord 〈…〉 , that a repeated 〈◊〉 not Rhu●barb 〈…〉 a virtue 〈…〉 a simp●e 〈…〉 , in equal quantity : and why . Art. 4. Why two Drachms of Antimony impragna●e a pint of Wine , with so strong a vomitory Faculty , as two ounces . Art. 5. Why one and the same Menstruum●ay ●ay be enriched wi●h v●rious Tinctures . Art. 1. Two other Arguments of a Vacuity Diss●minate inferrible from ( 1 ) the difference of Bodies in the degrees of Gravity : ( 2 ) the Calefaction of Bodies by the penetration of igneous Atoms into them . Art. 2. The Experiments vulgarly adduced to prove no vacuity in nature , so far from denying , that they confess a Disseminate one . Art. 3. The g●and Difficulty of the C●u●e of the Aers restitution of it self to i●s natural ●ontexture , after ra●efaction and condensation , ●atisfied in brief . Art. 1. What is conceived by a Coacervate Vacuity : and who was the Inventor of the famous Experiment of Quicksilver in a Glass Tube , upon which many modern Physiologists have erected their perswasion of the poss●bility of introducing it . Experientiam apponam , cusus inven●ionem etsi 〈◊〉 qui alii ambitiosi●s 〈…〉 tamen mihi con●●at , 〈◊〉 à Torricellio , 〈…〉 Art. 2. A 〈◊〉 description of the Exp●riment , and 〈◊〉 rate 〈◊〉 . Art. 3. The Authors reason , for his selection of only six of the most considerable Phaenomenae to explore the Causes of them . Art. 1. The First Cardinal Difficulty . Art. 3. The Desert space in the Tube argued to be an absolute Vacuum coacervate , from the impossibility of its repletion with Aer . Art. 5. The Vacuity in the Desert Space , not praevented by the insinuation of Aether . Art. 6. A Parad●● , ●hat Nature doth not abhor all vacuity , per se ▪ but only ●x Accidenti , or in respect to Fluxility . Art. 7. A second Argument against the repletion of the Desert space by Aether Art. 8. The Vacuity of the Desert space , not praevented by an Halitus , or Spiritual Efflux from the Mercury : for three convincing reasons . Art. 9. The Auth●rs Apostacy from the opinion of an absolute Coacervate Vacuity in the desert space : in regard of Art. 10. The possibili● of the subingression of light . Art. 2. Of the Atoms or insensible bodies of Heat and Cold : which are much more exile and penetrative then common Aer . Art. 12. Of the Magnetical Efflux of the Earth : to which opinion the Author resigns his Assent . Art. 13. No absolute plenitude , nor absolute Vacui●y , in the Desert Space : but only a Disseminate Vacuity . Art 1. The second Difficulty stated . Art. 2. Two things necessary to the creation of an excessive , or praeternatural Vacuity . Art. 3. The occasion of Galilaeos invention of a Brass Cylindre charged with a wooden Embol , or Sucker : and of Torricellius invention of the praesent Experiment . Art. 4. The marrow of the Difficulty , viz. How the Aer can be impelled upward , by the Restagnant Quicksilver , when there externally wants a fit space for it to circulate into . Art. 5. The solution of the same , by the Laxity of the Contexture of the Aer Art. 6. The same illustrated , by the adaequate simile of Corne infused into a Bus●el . Art. 7. A subordinate scruple , why most bodies are moved through the Aer , with so little resistence , as is imperceptible by sense ? Art 8. The same Expeded . Art. 9. A second dependent scruple concerning the Cause of the sensible resistence of the Aer , in this case of the Experiment : together with the satisfaction thereof , by the Gravity of Aer Art. 1. The State of the Third Difficulty . Art. 2. The Solution thereof in a Word . Art. 3. Three praecedent positions briefly recognised , in order to the worthy profounding of the mystery , of t●e Aers resisting Compression beyond a certain rate , or determinate proportion . Art. 4. The Aequiponderancy of the External Aer , pendent upon the surface of the Restagnant Mercury , in the vessel , to the Cylindre of Mercury residuous in the Tube , at the altitude of 27 digits : the cause of the Mercuries constant subsistence at that point . Art 5. A convenient 〈◊〉 , illustrating and enforcing the same . Art. 6. The Remainder of the Difficulty , viz. Why the Aequilibrium of these two opposite weights , the Mercury and the Aer , is constant to the praecise altitude of 27 d●g●t● : rem●ved . Art. 7. Huma●e Perspicacity terminated in the exterior parts of Nature , or simple Apparitions : which eluding our Cognition , frequently fall under no other comprehension , but that of rational Conjecture . Art. 8. The constant subsistence of the Mercury at 27 d●gits , adscriptive rather to the Resistence of the Aer , then to any occult Quality in the Mercury . Art 9. The Anal●gy betwixt the Absolute and Respective Aequality of weigh●s , of Quicksilver and Water , in the different altitudes of 27 d●gits and 32 feet . Art. 10. The definite weights of the Mercury at 27 d●gits , and Water at 32 feet , in a Tube of the third part of a digit in diametre ; ●●und to be near upon two pou●d , Paris wei●ht . * Consul●ndus Mersennus , in tract . de Mensuris & ponderibus , cap 1. & 〈◊〉 physicomathemat . p. 229. Art. 11. Quaere , Why the Aequilibrium is constant to the same point of altitude in a Tube of a large concave , as well as in one of a small ; when the force of the Depriment must be greater in the one , then the other . Art. 12. The solution thereof by the appropriation of the same Cause , which makes the descent of two b●dies , of different weights , aequivelox . Art. 1. The Fourth Capital Difficulty proposed . Art. 2. The full solution thereof , by demonstration . Art. 3. The same confirmed , by the theory of the Cause of the Mercuries frequent Reciprocations , before it acquiesce at the point of Aequipondium . Art. 1. The Fifth Principal Difficulty . Art. 2. Solved , by the Motion of Restauration na●ural to each insensible particle of Aer . Art. 3. The incumbent Aer , in this case , equally distressed , by two contrary Forces . Art. 4. The motion of Restaurati●n in the Aer , extended to the satisfaction of another consimilar Doubt , concerning the subintrusion of VVater into the Tube ; if superaffused upon the restagnant Mercury . Art. 5. A Third most important Doubt , concerning the nonapparence of any Tensity , or Rigidity in the region of Aer incumbent upon the Restagnant Liquors . Art. 6. The solati●n thereof , by the necessary reliction of a space in the 〈◊〉 regi●n of Lax aer , equal to that , which the Hand commoved possesseth in the region of the Comprest . Art. 7. A confi●ma●ion of the same Reason , by the adaequate Example of the Flame of a Tapour . Art. 8. 2 By the Experiment of Vrination . * Quam ob caussam , corpus h●m●nus ad 〈…〉 nullum incumbentis aquae p●ndus sentiat , lector 〈…〉 Hyd●aul●● . 〈…〉 p. ●05 . Art. 9. 3 By the Beams of the Sun , entring a room , through some slender crany , in the appearance of a white shining VVand , and constantly maintaining that Figure , notwithstanding the agitation of the aer , by wind , &c. Art. 10. 4 By the constancy of the Rainbow , to its Figure , notwithstanding the change of position and place of the cloud & contiguous aer . Art. 11. Helmonts Dellrium , that the Rainbow is a supernatural Meteor ; observed . Art. 1. The sixth and last considerable Difficulty . Art. 2. The clear solution thereof , by the great disproportion of weight betwixt Quicksilver and VVater . Art. 3. A Corollary ; the Altitude of the Atmosphere conjectured . Art. 4. A second Corollary ; the desperate● Difficulty of conciliating Physiology to the Mathematicks : instanced in the much discrepant opinions of Galilaeo and Mersennus , concerning the proportio● of Gravity that Aer and VVater hold each to other . Art. 5. The Conclusion of this Digression : and the reasons , why the Author adscribes a Cylindrical Figure to the portion of Aer impendent on the Restagnant Liquors , in the Experiment . Art. 1. The Identy Essential of a Vacuum and Place , the cause of the praesent Enquiry into the Nature of Place . Art. 2. Among all the Quaeries , about the Hoti of Place ; the most important is , Whether Epicurus , or Aristotles Definition of it , be most adaequate . Art. 3. The Hypothethesis of Aristotles Definition . Art. 4. A convenient supposition inferring the necessity of Dimensions Incorporeal . Art. 5. The Legality of that supposition . Art. 6. The Dimensions of Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity , imaginable in a Vacuum ▪ Art. 7. The G●and 〈◊〉 , objecti●n , that Nothing is in a Vacuum ; ergo 〈◊〉 Dimensions Art. 8. Des Cartes , and Mr. VVhite seduced by the plausibility of the same . Art. 9. The Peripa●●ticks reduction of Time and Place to the General Categories of Su●stances and Accidents , the Cause of this Epidemick mistake . Art. 10. Place , neither Accident nor Substance . Art. 11. The praecedent Giant - Objection , that Nothing is in a Vacuum ; s●abb●d , at a blow . Art. 12. Dimensions Corporeal and Incorporeal , or Spatial . Art. 13. The former supposition reassumed and enlarged . Art. 14. The scope and advantage thereof ; viz. the comprehension of three eminent Abstrusities concerning the Nature of Place . Art. 15. The Inc●rpor●ety of Dimensions S●atial , Discriminated from that of the Divine Essence , and other Su●stances Incorporeal . Art. 16. This persuasion ▪ of the Improduction and Independency of Place ; praeserved from the suspition of Impiety . Art. 1. Place , not the immediate superfice of the Body invironing the Locatum ; contrary to Aristotle . Art. 2. Salvo's for all the Difficult Scruples , touching the nature of Place ; genuinely ex●●acted from Epicurus his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Art. 3. Aristotles ultimate Refuge . Art. 4. The Invalidity thereof : and the Coexistibility , or Compatibility of Dimensions Corporeal and Spatial . Art. 1. The Hoti of Time more easily conceivable by the Simple Notion of the Vulgar , then by the complex Definitions of Philos●phers . Art. 2. The Generall praesumption that Time is Corporeal , or an Accident dependent on Corporeal Subjects ; the chief Cause of that Difficulty Art. 3. The variety of opinions , concerning it : another Cause of the Difficulty : and Epicurus Description of its Essence , recited and explained . Art. 4. Time de●ined to be 〈…〉 by Z●no , 〈◊〉 , &c. and thereupon affirmed , by Philo , to be only 〈◊〉 to the VVo●ld . Art. 5. Aristotles so much magnified Definition of Time , to be the Measure of Motion Coelestial , &c. perpended and found too light . Art. 1. Time , nor substance , nor Accident : but an Ens more General , and the Twin-brother of Space . Art. 2. A Paralellism betwixt Spa●● and Time. Art. 3. Time , Senior unto , and independent upon Motion : and only accidentally indicated by Motion , as the Mensuratum by the Mensura . Art. 4. A demonstration of the independence of Time upon Motion , from the miraculous Detention of the Sun , above the Horison , in the days of Ioshua . Art. 5. An Objection , that , during the arrest of the Sun , there was no Time , because no Hours ; satisfied . Art. 6. The Immutability of Time also asserted , against Aristotle . Art. 1. The Grand Quaestion , concerning the Disparity of Time and Eternity ; stated . Art. 2. Two praeparatory Considerations , touchant the aequivocal use of the word Aeternity ; requisite to the clear solution thereof . Art. 3. Two decisive Positions , thereup●n in●erred , and established . Art. 4. The Platoni●ks Definition of Eternity , to be one Everlasting New ; not intelligible , and therefore collusive . Art. 5. Their Assertors subterfuge , that Eternity is Coexistent to Time ; also unintelligible . Art. 6. Our Ecclesiastick Doctors , taking Sanctuary in the 3 Exod. for the authorizing of their doctrine , that the Praesent Tense is only competent to God , and so that Eternity is one permanent Instant , without Fusion or Succession : not ●●cure from the rigour of our Demonstra●ion . Art. 7. The Objective Praesence of all things at once , to the Divine In e●●ect , no wayes impugned by our contradiction 〈◊〉 the Doctors theory . Art. 8. No● the Immutability of the Divine Nature ; against Aristotle . Art. 9. Coronis . Notes for div A32712-e72360 Art. 1. The right of the Authors Transition from the Incorporeal to the Corporeal part of Nature : and a series of his subsequent speculations ▪ Art. 2. Bodies generally distinguished into Principles and Productions , with their Scholastick Denominations and proprieties . Art. 3. The right of Atoms to the Attributes of the First Matter . Art. 4. Their sundry Appellations allusive to their three eminent proprieties . Art. 5. Two vulgarly pass●nt Derivations of the word , Atom , exploded . Art. 6. Who their Inven●or : and who their Nomenclator . Art. 7. Their Existence demo●strated . Art. 8. Th●● Nature , in her dissolution of 〈◊〉 , doth des●end to 〈◊〉 partic●es . Art. 9. That ●he 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 . Art. 10. 〈…〉 the Term of Ex●olu●ility . Art. 11. A second Argument of their Existence , drawn from that of their Antitheton , Inanity . Art. 12. A third , hinted from the impossibility of the Production of Hard Bodies , from any other Principle . Art. 13. A Fourth , from the Constancy of Nature in the specification and Determinate Periods of her Generations . Art. 1. The Cognation of this Theorem , to the Argument of the immediately praecedent Chapter . Art. 2. Mag●i●ude divi●●●le by a continued progress through parts either 〈…〉 . Art. 3. The use of that Distinction in the praesent . Art. 4. The veri●y of the Thesis , demonstrated . Art. 5. Two detestable Absurdities , inseparable from the position of Infinite parts in a Continuum . Art. 6. Aristotles sub●erfuge of Infinitude Potential ▪ Art. 7. Found openly Collusive . Art. 8. A second subterfuge of the Stoick ; Art. 9. Manifestly dissentaneo●s to Reaso● . Art. 1. The Absurdities , by Empiricus , charged upon the supposition of only Finite parts in a Continuum . Art. 2. The sundry Inc●ngruities & Inconsistenc●s , by the Modern Anti-Democritans , imputed to the suppos●tion of Insectility . Art. 3. The full Derogation of the 〈◊〉 all together , by o●e single Resp●nse ; that the minimum of Atomists is not Mathematical , but Ph●sical , contrary to their praesumption . Art. 4. A seeming D●lemma of the Adversary , expeditely evaded . Art. 5. A Digression , stating and determining that notable Quaestion , Whether Geomet●ical Dem●nstrations may be conveniniently trans●f●●red to Physical or sensible Quantity ? Art. 1. The introduction , hinting the two general assumptions of the Chapter . Superbissimo furore ambitiosus nominis Aristoteles , in Philos●phorum Principes est deba●cha●us , uno ●ue incendio congestas trigintae sex seculis tot sapientiae divitias absumpsit ; & si quae voluit superesse funeri , ea omnium ●udib●i● , dicteriisque lacessenda tradidit p●steris , dum in optimorum bona invectus , ab●cissis perditisque sapientiae statu●rum capitibus , suum imp suit singulis : ut Magn●nas , in Democrit . Script . Elench . ex Plinio in p●ae●at . ad D. Vespanianum Imp. Art. 2. Demo●itus & Epicurus vindicated from the absurd admission of Inanity to be one Principle of Generables . Art. 3. Atoms not inconsistent with , because the Principles of the four vulgar Elements . * Accipitur pro Igne●seu Aethere , quem dictum Anaxagoras censuit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ab ●rendo . Art. 4. The dissent of the Ancients , about the number of Elements . Art. 5. No one of the four Elements sufficient to the production of either any of the other three , or of any Compound nature . Art. 6. The four Elements , not the Prot●principle of Concretions . Art. 7. A●oms discriminated from the H●m●●omerical Principles of Anaxagoras . Art. 8. The principal Difficulties urged against the Hypothesis of Atoms , singularly solved ▪ Art. 9. A recapitulation of the praemises , i●troductory to the verification of the praesent thesis . Art. 1. The 4 no●able opinions concerning the C●mposition of a 〈◊〉 Art. 2. A Physical 〈◊〉 cannot cons●●● of Points M●thema●●●●l ▪ Art. 3. N●t of Parts and Points Mathematical , united . Art. 4. No● of a simple E●tity before divisi●n 〈…〉 of Indivisibles Art. 5. A second Apodictical reason , de●umed f●om the nature of Union , evincing that Atoms are the First and Catholick Principle of Concretions . Art. 6. An ob●ection praevented . Art. 7. The reason of the Authors superc●ssion of all other Arguments of the like importance . Art. 1. The two links connecting this to the praecedent Chapter . Art. 2. The General Proprieties of Atoms : and the Inseparability of each , demonstrated . Art. 3. The Resistence of Atoms , no distinct propriety ; but pertinent to their Solidity or Gravity . Art. 4. The specifical Proprieties of Atoms . Art. 1. By the Magnitu●e , is meant the Parvity of Atoms . Art. 2. A consideration of the Grossene●s of our senses , and the extreme 〈◊〉 of Natu●e , in her operations , pr●paratory to our Conjectural apprehension of the Exigu●ty of Her Materials , 〈◊〉 . Art. 3. The incomprehensible subtility of Nature , argued from the Art●fice of an exquisite Wat●h , contrived in a very narrow room . Art. 4. The vast multitude of sensible particles , & the vaster of Elemental Atoms , contained in one grain of Frankinsense ; exactly calculated . Art. 5. The Dioptrical speculation of a Handworm , discovering the great variety of Organical Parts therein , and the innumerability of their Component Particles . Art. 6. A short Digressive Descant upon the Text of Pliny , touching the multiplicity of parts in a Flea ; hinting the possible perspicacity of Reason . Art. 7. The Exility of Atoms , conjectural from the great diffusion of one Grain of Vermillion dissolved in Water . Art. 8. The same , inf●rrible from the smal quantity of oil depraedated by the Flame of a Lamp , in a quarter of an hour . Art. 9. The Microscope of great use , in the discernment of the minute particles of Bodies : and so advantageous to our Conjecture , of the exility of Atoms . Art. 1. An Epitome of all that directly concerns the Figures of Atoms in 3 General Canons . Art. 2. The First Canon , explained and certified . Art. 4. The Di●e●sity of Figures in Atoms . evi●ted fr●m the sensible Dissimilitude of individuals , as well Animate , a● 〈◊〉 . Art. 5. A singular Experiment , antoptically ▪ demonstrating the various Configurations of the minute Particles of Concretions . Art. 6. A variety of Figures in Atoms , necessary to the variety of all Se●sibles . Art. 7. The second Canon , explained and Certified . Art. 8. The Third Can●n , explained , & re●uted . Art. 1. Two introductory Observables . Art. 2. The Motion of Atoms , according to the General Distinction of the Ancients , Two-fold ; viz. Natural , and Accidental : & each of these redivided into two different Species . Art. 3. The summary of Epi●urus Figment , of the Perpendicular Mo●ion of Atoms , without a common Centre . Art. 4. His Declinat●●y natural Motion of Atoms , excused ; not justified . Art. 5. The genuine sense of ●pi●arus , in his distinction o● the Reflex Mot●on of Atoms , into ec Plaga , & 〈◊〉 Concu●●●●ne . Art. 6. The several Conceptions of Epicurus , about the perpetual Motions of Atoms . Art. 7. Th● perpetual In●u●e●ude of Atoms , even in compact Concretions , ad●●●●rated in 〈◊〉 Lea● . Art. 8. The same more sensibly exemplified , in the spirit extracted from Mercury , Tin , and Sublimate . Art. 9. The Mutab●lity of all Concretions , a good Argument of the perpetual intestine Commotion of Atoms , in the most adamantine Compositions . Art. 10. What we are to explode , and what retain , in the opinion of Epicurus , touching the Motion of Atoms . Notes for div A32712-e85110 Art. 1. An introductory Advertisement ; of the obscurity of many things to Reason , which are manifest to sense : and of the Possibility , not necessity of the Elementation of Concret●●ns , and their sensible Q●alities , fr●m the Principles prae●ua●ed . Art. 2. The Authors Definition of a Quality , in general : and 〈◊〉 exposition of Dem●critu● mysterious Text , conc●r●ing the Creation of Qualities . Art. 3. The necessary deduction of Qualities from Naked or Vnqualified Principles . Art. 4. The two primary Events of Atoms , viz. Order and 〈◊〉 , associated to their three essential Proprieties , viz. Magnitude , 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 ; sufficient to the Origination of all ●●alities . Art. 5. The necessity of assuming the Magnitude and Motion of Atoms , together with their Order and Situation , as to their production of Qualities , evicted by a double instance . Art. 6. The Figure , Order and 〈…〉 Concretions , alone sufficient to the Caussation of an indefini●e variety of Qualities from the 〈…〉 . Art. 7. The 〈◊〉 Exemplified in t●e 〈…〉 , on the Waves ●f the Sea Art. 8. 〈…〉 Example . Art. 9. The Accension of Heat , from Concretions actually C●●d , upon a m●er transposition of their 〈◊〉 : Particles , exe●plifies in ●●ndry Chy●●cal Experiments . Art. 10. The Generation of all kinds of sensible Qualities in one and the same Concretion , from the variegated positions of its particles : evidenced in the Example of a putrid Apple . Art. 11. The assenting suffrage of Epicurus . Art. 1. The Visible Images of objects , substantial : and either corporeal Emanations from the superficial parts of Concretions ; or Light it self , disposed into contextures , consimilar to the figure of the object . Art. 2. The position of their being 〈◊〉 , derived from 〈◊〉 ; and p●●ferred to the 〈…〉 Species Visible . Art. 3. Epicurus Text concerning the same . Art. 4. The faithful Exposition thereof . Art. 5. The Contents thereof reduced to 4 Heads Art. 6. The E●isten●e of Images vis●ble , certified by autoptical Demonstration . Art. 7. Epicurus opinion , of the subst●ntial●●● 〈◊〉 Images Visi●le ▪ 〈…〉 Art. 8. The 〈…〉 : and Art. 9. 〈…〉 Art. 10. The grand 〈◊〉 of Alexander , that a continual Efflux of substance must minorate the 〈◊〉 of the most solid 〈◊〉 . Art. 11. 〈…〉 . Art. 12. The 〈◊〉 o● Images 〈◊〉 reduced to some 〈…〉 Art. 13. 〈…〉 . Art. 14. By Exemp●●fying in the numerous round Films of Wax , successively derep●ed from a Wax 〈◊〉 by the flame thereof , in the space of an hour : and Art. 15. In the innumerable Films of Oyl , likewise successively delibrated , by the flame of an Ellychnium , or Match , perpendicularly floating in a vessel of equal capacity with Solomons Bra●en Sea , in ●he space of 48 hours . Art. 16. By the Analogy betwixt an ●dorable & Visible Species . Art. 7. The Manner and Reason of the Production of visible Images ; according to the hypothesis of Epicurus . Art. 18. The Celerity of the Moti●n of visible Images , reasoned ; and compared to that of the Light of the Sun. Art. 19. The Translation of a moveable from place to place , in an indivisible p●int of time , impossible : and why ? Art. 20. The Facility of the Abdu●tion , or A●olation of Images Visible , from solid Concretions ; solved by the Spontaneous E●silition of their superficial Atoms : and the Sollicitation of Light , incident upon them . Art. 21. That Objects do not emit t●●ir Visible Images , but when Illustrated : a Conceit though paradoxic●l , yet not improbable . Art. 1. Visible Images Systatical , described ; and distinguisht from Apostatical ones Art. 2. Their Existence assured , by the testimony of Diodorus Siculus : and Art. 3. Damascius , together with the Autopsy of Kircher . Art. 4. Kirchers Description of that famous Apparition at Rhegium , called Morgana Rheginorum : & Art. 5. Most ingenious Investigation of the Causes thereof . Art. 6. His admirable Artifice , for the exhibition of the like a●real Representation , in Imitation of Nature . Art. 1. The Reason of Vision , according to the opinion of the Stoicks . Art. 2. Of Aristotle . Art. 3. O the Phythagoreans . Art. 4. Of Empedocles . Art. 5. Of Plato . Art. 6. O Epicurus . Art. 7. Of Mons. Des Cartes . Art. 8. The i●genuity of 〈◊〉 Conceit , acknowledged : but the solidity ●●dubitated Art. 9. The Opinion of Epicurus , more satisfactory , then any other : because more Rational , and less obnoxious to inexplicable Difficulties . Art. 10. The Two most considerable Difficulties opposed to Epicurus position , of the Incursion of Substantial Images into the Eye . Art. 1. That the superfice of nobody is perfectly smooth : evicted by solid Reas●n , and Aut●psie . Art. 2. That the visible Image doth consist of so many Rayes as there are Points designable in the whole superfice of the object : and that each Ray hath its line of Tendency direct , respective to the face of that particle in the superfice , from which it is emitted . Art. 3. That the Density and Vnion of the Rayes , composing the visible Image , is greater or less ; according to their less , or greater Elongation from the Object . Art. 4. That the Visible Image is neither total in the total medium ; nor total in every part thereof : but so manifold as are the parts of the medium from which the obj●ct is discernable . Contrary to the Aristoteleans . Art. 5. PARADOX ▪ That no man can see the same particle of an object , with both Eyes at once ; nay , not with the same Eye , if the level of its Visive Axe be changed Art. 6. CONSECTARY . That the Medium is not possessed with one simple Image ; but by an Aggregate of innumerable Images , deradiate from the same object : all which notwithstanding constitute but one entire Image . Art. 7. CONSECTARY 2. That Myriads of different Images , emanant from different objects , may be Coexistent in the Aer ; without reciprocal penetration of Dimensions , or Confusi●n of particles : contrary to the Pe●ipateticks . Art. 8. That the place of the visible Images ultimate Reception , and complete Perception ; is the Concave of the Retina Tunica . Art. 9. That the Faculty forms a judgm●nt of the Conditions of the Object , according to the representation thereof by the Image , at its impression on the principal part of Vision , the Amphiblestr●ides . Art. 10. CONSECTARY . That the Image is the Cause of Objects apparence of this or that determinate Magnitude . Art. 11. CONSECTARY 2. That no Image can rep●enish the C●ncave of the Retina Tunica , unless it be deradiated from an object of an almost Hemispherical ambite . Art. 12. Why , when the Eye is open there is a●wayes pourtrayed in the bottom thereof , some one T●tal Image ; whose vario●● Parts , are the Special●mages ●mages of the several things included in the visual Hemisphere . Art. 13. PARADOX . That the prospect of a shilling or object of a small diametre is as great , as the Prospect of the Firmament . Art. 14. Why an object appears both greater in Dimensions and more Distinct in parts , near at hand , than far off . Art. 15. Why an o●ject , speculated through a Conve● Le●s ▪ appears both greater and more distinct ; but through a Concave , ●e●s and more Confused : than when speculated only with the Eye . Art. 16. DIGRESSION . What Figur'd Perspicils are convenient for Old : and what for Purblind persons . Art. 17. That to the Di●udication of one of two ob●ects , apparently Equal , to be really the Greater ; is not required a greater Image : but only an Opinion of its greater Distance . Art. 18. Des Cartes Opinion , concerning the Reason of the Sights apprehending the Distance of an object : Art. 19. Unsatisfactory ; and that for two Considerations . Art. 20. And that more solid one of Gassendus ( viz. that the Cause of our apprehending the Distance ●f an object , consisteth in the C●mparation ●f the 〈◊〉 things 〈◊〉 ●●wixt the o●ject and the 〈◊〉 , by the Rati●nal Facu●●● ) embraced and corrobo●●ted Art. 21. PARADOX . That the same Object , speculated by the same man , at the same distance , and in the same degree of light ; doth alwayes appear greater to one Eye , than the other Art. 22. A ●econd PARADOX . That all men see ( distinctly ) but with ●ne Eye at once : contrary to that eminent Optical Axiom ▪ that the V●sive Axes of both eyes concurr and unite in th● o●j●ct . Art. 23. The three Degrees of Vision , viz. most perfect , perfect , and imperfect : and the verity of the Paradox restrained only to the two former Degrees . Art. 1. A research into the Reason of the different Effects of Convex and Concave Glasses , as well Dioptrical , as Catoptrical . Art. 2. A COROLLARIE . Hinting the Causes , why an Elliptical Concave reflects the incident rayes , in a more Acute angle , than a Parabolical : and a Parabolical than a Spherical . Art. 3. A CONSECTARY . Why a Plane Perspicil exhibits an obj●ct in genuine Dimen●io●s ; but a Convex , in Amplified , and a Concave , in minorated . Art. 1. A Recapitulation of the principal Arguments precedent : and summary of the subsequent . 10 The ●●x Muscles ▪ viz. 1 The D●●ect , as the . Depr●ment , 〈◊〉 , Abducent . 2 And Oblique , as the 2 Circumactors , or Lovers Muscles Art. 3. Why the Situation of an object is perceived by the sight . Art. 5. The same illustrate by an Experiment . Art. 6. Why the Moti●n and Quiet of ob●ects ●re d●scerned by the sight . Art. 7. Why 〈◊〉 Images imita●e the motions of t●e●r Arti●pes o● O●iginals . Art. 8. W●y the right●ide ●ide of a C●toptrical Image respects the L●ft of its Exemplar . And why two Catoptrick Glasses , confrontingly posited , cause a R●stitution of the parts of the Image to the natural Form. Art. 1. The Argument duely acknowledged to ●e superlatively Difficult , i● not absolutely A●atalept●cal . Art. 2. The sentence of Arist●tle , concerning the Nature of Colours : and the Comment●●y of Scal●ge● thereup●n . Art. 3. The opinion of Plato . Art. 4. Of the Pythagorean and Stoi●k . Art. 5. Of the Spagyrical Philosophers . Art. 6. The reason of the 〈…〉 , and election of Democritus and Epicurus judg●●ent , touching the Genera●i●n of Col●u●s . Art. 7. The Text of Epicurus , fully and faithfully expounded . Art. 1. A PARADOX That there are no Colours in the Dark . Art. 2. A familiar Experiment , attesting the Verity thereof . Art. 3. The Constancy of all Artificial Tinctures , dependent on the constancy of Disposition in the superficial Particles of the Bodies that wear them . Art. 4. That s● generally magnif●ed Distinction of Colors into Inh●rent , and meerly Apparent ; redargued of manife●t C●ntrad●ction . Art. 5. The Emphat●●al , or Evan●d Colo●rs , created by 〈◊〉 ; n● less R●al & 〈◊〉 , than the ●ost 〈◊〉 Ti●ctures . Art. 6. COROLLARY . The Reasons of Emphatical Colours , appinged on Bodies objected , by a Prism . Art. 7. The true Difference of Emphatical and Durable Colour● ▪ 〈◊〉 . Art. 8. No Colour Formally in●●erent in objects ▪ but onl● 〈◊〉 ▪ or 〈◊〉 c●●●rary to the constant 〈…〉 . Art. 9. 〈…〉 ●arther ▪ ●indi●ated from Difficulty , by the 〈…〉 pra●cede●● 〈…〉 o● the A●●mists . Art. 1. The Nativity of White ; or the reason of its percep●ion by the sight Art. 2. Black , a meet Privation of Light. Art. 3. The Genealog● of all Intermediate Color ▪ Art. 4. The Causes of the Sympathy & Antipathy of some Colours . Art. 5. The intermistion of small shadows , among the lines of Light ; absolutely necessary to the Generation of any Intermediate Colour . Art. 6. Two eminent PROBLEMS concerning the Generation and Transposition of the Vermillion and Cae●ule , appinged on Bodies by Prismes . Art. 7. The Solution of the Former : with a rational Conjecture of the Cause of the Blew , apparent in the Concave of the Heavens . Art. 8. The Solution of the Later . Art. 9. The Reasons , why the Author proceeds not to investigate the Causes of Compound Colours in Particular . Art. 10. He confesseth the Erection of this whole Discourse , on simple Conjecture : and enumerates the Difficulties to be subdued by him , who hopes to attain an Apodictical Knowledge of the Essence & Causes of Colours . Art. 11. Des Cartes attempt to dissolve the chief of those Difficulties ; unsucsessful : because grounded on an unstable Hypothesis . Art. 1. The Clasp , or Ligament of this , to the praecedent Chapter . Art. 2. The Authors Notion of the Rays of Light. Art. 3. A Parallelism betwixt a stream of Wat●r exsilient from the Cock of a Cistern , and a Ray of Light emanant from its Lucid Fountain . PRAECONSIDERABLES . Art. 4. Light distinguisht into Primary , Secondary , &c. Art. 5. All Light Debilitated by Reflection : and why . Art. 6. An Example , sensibly demonstrating the same . Art. 7. That light is in perpetual Motion ; according to Arist. Art. 8. Light , why Corroborated , in some cases , and Debilitated , in others , by Refraction . COROLLARY . Why the Figure of the Sun , both rising & setting , ap●ears rather Elliptical , than Sphaerical . Art. 9. PARADOX . That the proportion of Solary Rayes reflected by the superiour Aer , or Aether , toward the Earth , is so sma●l , as not to be sensible . Art. 10. That every Lucid Body , as Lucid , doth emit its Rayes Sph●erically : but , as Visible ; Pyramidally . Art. 11. That Light is invisible in the pure medium . Art. 1. The Necessity of the Authors confirmation of the F●●st Praeconsiderable Art. 2. The CORPORIETY of Light , demonstrated by its j●st Attributes : viz. 1 Locomotion . 2 Resilition . 3 Refraction . 4 Coition . 5 Disgr●gation 6 Igniety . Art. 3. Aristotles Definition of Ligh● , a meer Ambage , and incomprehensible . Art. 4. The 〈◊〉 of Light imp●rts not the Coexistence of two B●dies in one Place : contrary to the Peripatetick . Art. 5. Nor the motion of a B●dy to be Instantane●us . Art. 6. The Invisibilit● of ●ight in the limpid medium , no Argument of its Immateriality : as the Peripatetick praesumes . Art. 7. T●e Corporiety of Light fully consistent with the Duration of the Sun : contrary to the Peripatetick . Art. 8. The in●●nsibility of Heat in many Lucent B●die● no valid Argument against the praesent Thesis , that Light is Flame Attenuated . Art. 1. An Elogy of the sense of Hearing : and the Relation of this and the praecedent Chapter . Art. 2. The great Affinity betwixt Vi●ible●nd ●nd Audible species : in their representation of the superficial Conditions of Objects . Art. 3. In the Causes and manner of their Destruction . Art. 4. In their Actin●bolism , or Diffusion , both Sphaerical and Pyramidal . Art. 5. In their certifying the sense of the Magnitude , Figure , and other● Qualities of their Originals . Art. 6. In the obscuration ▪ of Less by Greater . Art. 7. In their off●nce of the organs , when excessive . Art. 8. In th●ir production of Heat by Multiplication . Art. 9. In their Variability , according to the various disposition of the Medium . Art. 10. In their chief Attributes , of L●comotion , Exsiliti●● , ●mpaction , Resilition , D●●gregation , Cong●egation ▪ Art. 1. The Product of the Praemises , concerning the points of Consent , & Dissent of Audible and Visible Species : viz. That Sounds are Corporeal . Art. 2. An obstruction o● praejudice , from the generally supposed repugnant Auth●rities of some of the Ancients ; expeded . Art. 3. An Argument of the Corporiety of Sounds . Art. 4. A Second Argumen● . C●ROLLAR● . Art. 5. The 〈…〉 , where 〈…〉 d●s●ant f●●m ●he Sonant a●d Rep●●cu●i●●● . COROLLARY . 2. Art. 6. Why Concaves yeild the strongest and longest Sounds . COROLLARY 3. Art. 7. The reason of Con●urrent Echoes , where the Audient is near the Reflectent , and remote from the sonant . COROLLARY 4. Art. 8. Why Echoes Mon●ph●n rehear●e so much the fewer syllables , by how much nearer the audient is to the Reflecten● . COROLLARY 5. Art. 9. The rea●on of P●lyph●n Echoes . Art. 10. A Third Argument of the Materiality of S●unds : Art. 11. The necessity of a certain Configuration in a Sound ; inferred from the Distinction of one sound from another , by the Sense . Art. 12. The same confirmed by the A●ctority of Pythagoras , Plato , and Aristotle . Art. 13. And by the Capacity of the most subtle parts of the Aer . Art. 14. The Reason 〈…〉 . Art. 15. The most subtle Particles of the Aer onely , the material of Sounds . PARAD●X . Art. 16. One and the sa●e nu●e●ica● v●yc● , not heard by two men , no●●oth ears of one man. Art. 17. A PROBLEM not yet solved by any Philosopher : viz. How such infi●ite Variety of Words is formed onely by the various motions of the Tongue and Lips. Art. 18. A Second ( also yet unconquered ) Difficulty , viz. the determinate Pernicity of the Aers motion , when exploded from the Lungs , in Speech . Art. 19. All Sounds Created by M●tion , and that either when that intermediate Aer is confracted by two solids , mutually resistent ; or when the aer is percust by one Solid ; or when a solid is percust by the Aer . Art. 20. Rapidity of motion necessary to the Creation of a Sound , not in the First Case . Art. 21. But , in the S●●●nd and Last . Art. 22. 〈…〉 are of 〈…〉 the D●lation . Art. 23. The Rea●on thereof . Art. 24. To measure the Velocity of great Sounds . Art. 25. Sounds , ●oe subject to R●●ardat●●n ▪ ●●om adve●se ▪ no● Acceleration , fr●m Secun● Winds . Art. 1. That all Sounds , where the Aer is percussed by one solid , are created immed●ately by the Frequenc● ▪ not the Velocity of motion ; demonstrated . Art. 2. An● likewise , where the ●er is the 〈◊〉 Art. 3. 〈…〉 Acute sounds a●i●e from the more , and ●ra●e f●om ●he less 〈…〉 of the aer , demon●●ra●ed . Art. 4. 〈…〉 . Art. 5. The same Analytically praesented in Scheme . Art. 6. A just and unanswerable Exception against the former Harmonical Hypothesis Art. 7. PROBLEM 1. In what instant , an Harmonical Sound , resulting from a Chord percussed , is begun . Art. 8. That a Sound may be crea●ed in a Vacuum ; contrary to Athanas. Kircher in Art. Magn. Cons●ni & D●ssoni lib. 1. cap. 6. Digression● . Art. 9. Why all Sounds appear more Acute , at large , than at small distance . Art. 10. Why Cold water falling , makes a fuller noise , than warm . Art. 11. Why the voice of a Calf is more Base than that of an Ox , &c. Art. 12. Why a Dissonance in a Base is more deprehensible by the ear , than in a Treble voice . Art. 1. That the Cognition of the Nature of Odours is very difficult ; in respect of the Imperfection of the sense of Smelling , in man : and Art. 2. The contrary opinions of Phylosophers , concerning it . Art. 3. Some determining an Odour to be a substance Art. 4. Others , a meer Accident or Quality . Art. 5. The Basis of the Latter opinion , infirme and ruinous . Art. 6. That all odorous Bodies emit corporeal Exhalations . Art. 7. That Odours cause sundry Affections in our Bodies , and such as are config●●able only to substances . ( 8 de Compos . medic . secund . loca , cap. 4. ) Art. 8. That the Reason of an Odours affecting the sensory , consists only in a certain Symbolisme betwixt the Figures and Contexture of its Particles , and the Figures and Con●epture of the Particles of the Odoratory Nerves . Art. 9. That the Diversity of Odours depends on the Diversity of Impressions made on the sensory , respondent to the vari●us Figures and Contexture of their Particles . Art. 10. Why some Persons abhor those smells , which are grateful to most others . Art. 11. Why , among Beasts , some species are offended at those scents in which others h●●●ly delight Art. 12. The Ge●erati●n and D●ffusion of Odours , due only to Heat . Art. 13. The Differences of Odours . Art. 14. The Medium of Odours . Art. 1. From the superlative Acuteness of the sense of Tasting , Aristotle concludes the cognition of the Nature of Sapours to be more easily acqui●able , than the nature of any other sensible object : but refutes himself by the many Errors of his his own Theory , concerning the same . Art. 2. An Abridgment of his doctrine , concerning the Essence and Causes of a Sapour , in General . Art. 3. And the Differences of Sapours , with the particular Causes of each . Art. 4 An Examination and brief redargution of the same Doctrine Art. 5. The postp●sit●on thereof to the more verisimilous Determination of the sons of H●rmes , who adscribe all Sapours to Salt. Art. 6. B●t fa● m●re to that most profound and satisfact●ry Tenent of Democritus and Plato ; which deduceth the Nativity of Sapours from the various Figures and contextures of the minute particles of Conc●etions . Art. 7. The advantages of this sentence , above all others touching the same subject . Art. 8. The Objections of Arist. concisely , though solidly solved . Art. 9. That the salivous Humidity of the Tongue serveth to the Dissolution and Imbibition of the Salt , in all Gustables . Art. 1. This Chapters right of succession to the former . Art. 2. The Dive●● accep●ation of the term , — Touching . Art. 3. A pertinent ( though short ) Panegyrick on the sense of Touching . Art. 4. Some Tactile Qualities , in common to the perception of other senses also . Art. 5. A Scheme o● all Qualities , or Commonly , or Properly appertaining to the Sense of Touching ; as they stand in their several Relations to , or Dependencies on the Univ●●s●l Mat●er , Atoms : and so , of all the sub●equent Ca●ital A●guments to be treated of , in this Book . Art. 6. The right of Rarity and D●nsity , to the Priority of cons●deration . Art. 1. The Opinion of those Philosophers , who place the Reason of Rarity , in the actual Division of a Body into small parts ; and the brief Refutation th●reof . Art. 2 ▪ A second Opinion , deriving Ra●ity and Density from the several proportions , which Quantity hath to its substance ; convicted of i●compre●ensib●lity , and so of insatisfaction . Art. 3. A Third , desuming the more and less of Rarity in Bodies , from the more and less of VACUITY intercepted among their particles : and the Advantages thereof a●ove all ot●ers , concerning the same . Art. 4. The Definitions o● a Rare , and of a Dense Body ; according to the assumpti●n of a Vacuity Disseminate . Art. 5. The Con●rui●y of those D●finitions , demonstrated . Art. 6. 〈…〉 of Diff●●ulties , wherein the thoughts of Physi●logists have so long wandered ; ●educ●d to a p●int , the genuine state of the 〈◊〉 . Art. 7. That Rarity and Density can have no other Causes immediate , but the more and less of Inanity interspersed among the particles of Concretions ; DEMONSTRATED Art. 8. Aristotles Exceptions , against Disseminate Inanity ; neither important nor competent . Art. 9. The Hypothesis of a certain 〈◊〉 substance , to rep●enish the pores of Bodies , in Ra●ifaction ▪ demonstrated insufficient , to s●l●e the Difficulty , or demol●●h the Epicu●●a● ▪ 〈…〉 Vacu●●e : Art. 10. The 〈…〉 understand●ng t●e Reason● a●d Manner of ●a●i action and C●ndensation , from the 〈…〉 Art. 11. PARADOX . That the Matter of a Body , when Rarified , doth possess no more of true Place , than when Condensed , and the Conciliation thereof to the praeposed Definitions of a Ra●e and of a Dense Body . Art. 12. PROBLEM . Whether Aer be capable of Condensation to so high a rate as it is of Rarifaction : and the Apodictical solution thereof . Art. 1. The opportunity of the present speculation , concerning the Causes of Perspicuity and Opacity . Art. 2. The true Notions of a Perspicuum and Opa●um . Art. 3. That every Concretion is so much the more Diapha●ous , by how much the more & more ample Inane Spaces are intercepted among its particles ; caeteris pa●ibus . Art. 4. Why Glass , though much more Dense , is yet much more Diaphanous , than Paper . Art. 5. Why the Diaphanity of Glass is gradually diminished , according to the various degrees of its Cra●●●tude . Art. 6. An Apodictical Confutation of that popular Error , that Glass is totally , or in every particle , Diaphanous . Art. 1. The Contexture of this Chapter , with the praecedent Art. 2. That the Magnitude of Concretions , ariseth from the Magnitude of their Material Principles . Art. 3. The praesent intention of the term , Magnitude ▪ Art. 4. That the Quantity of a thing , is meerly the Matter of it . Art. 5. The Quantity of a thing , neither augmented by its Rarefaction ; no● diminished by it● Condensation ▪ contrary to the Aristo●eleans , who distinguish the Quantity of a Body , fr●m it● Substance . Art. 6. The reason of Quanti●y , explicable also meerly from the notion of Place . Art. 7. The Existence of a Body , without real Ex●ension ; & of Ex●●●sion without a B●dy 〈…〉 to Nature ▪ yet 〈◊〉 to God. Art. 11 Aristotles Definition of a Continuum , in what respect true , and wha● false . Art. ●2 . Figure ( Physically consid●red ) nothing but the superficies , or terminant Extre●● of a Body . Art. 1. The Continuity of this to the first Section . Art. 2. 〈…〉 Art. 3. A considerable Exception of the Chymists ● viz. that some Bodies are dissolved in li●uor● of 〈◊〉 particles ▪ which 〈…〉 Art. 4. Why Oyle dissociates the parts of some Bodies , which remain inviolate in Spirit of Wine : and why Lightning is more penetrative , than Fire ▪ Art. 5. Smoothness and Asperity in Concretions , the Con●equents of Figure in h●●r Material Principles . Art. 1. The Motive Virtue of all Concretions , derived from the essential Mobility o● Atoms . Art. 2. 〈…〉 Part● Art. 5. What the Active Faculty of a thing , is . Art. 6. That in Nature every Faculty is Active ▪ none Passive ▪ Art. 7. A Peripatetick Contradiction , assuming the Matter of all Bodies to be devoid of all Activity ; and yet desuming some Faculties â tota substantia . Art. 8. That the Faculties of Animals ( the Ratiocination of man only excepted ) are Identical with their spirits . Art. 9. The R●●sons of the Coexistence of Various Faculties in one and the same Concretion . Art. 10. Habit defined . Art. 11. That the Reason of all Habits in Animals , consisteth principally in the conformity and fl●xibility of the Organs , which the r●spective Faculty makes use of , for the performance of its proper Actions . Art. 12. Habits , acquirable by Bruits : and common not only to Vegetables , but also to some Minerals . Art. 1. Gravity , as to ●●s Essence , o● Formal Reason , very obscure . Art. 2. The opinion of Epicurus , good as to the Cause of Comparative : insufficient as to the Cause of Absolute Gravity . Art. 3. Aristotles opinion of Gravity , recited . Art. 4. Copernicus theory of Gravity , insatisfactory ; and wherein . Art. 5. The Determination of Kepler , Gassendus , &c. that Gravity is Caused meerly by the Attraction of the Earth : espoused by the Author . Art. 6. The Ext●rnal Principle of the perpendicular Descent of a stone , projected up in the Aer ; must be either Depell●nt , or At●rahent . Art. 7. That the Resistence of the Superior Aer is the only Cause which gradually refracteth , and in fine wholly overcometh the Imprest Force , whereby a stone projected , is elevated upward Art. 8. Tha● the Aer , distracted by a stone violently ascending , hath as well a Depulsive , as a Resistent Faculty ; arising immediately from its Elaterical , or Restorative motion . Art. 9. That neverthele●● when 〈…〉 on high in the 〈…〉 no Caus● can 〈◊〉 Downw●●● Motio● , 〈…〉 . Art. 10. A●gument , that 〈◊〉 Terraqueous Gl●be is endowed with a certain Attractive Faculty , in order to the Detention and Retraction of all its Parts . Art. 11. What are the Parts of the Terrestrial Globe . Art. 12. A Second Argument that the Earth is Magnetical . Art. 13. A Parallelisme betwixt the Attraction of Iron by a L●ad●tone , a●d the Attraction of Terrene bodies by the Earth . Art. 14. That as the sphere o● the Loadstones Allective Virtue is limited : so is that of the Earths magnetism . Art. 15. An Obiection of the Disproportion between the great Bulk of a large 〈◊〉 and the Ex●●●●y of the supposed magnetique Rays of the Earth : Solved by three w●ighty Reasons . Art. 16. The Reason of the Aequivelocity of Bodies , of different weights , in their perpendicular Descent : with sundry unquestionable Authorities to c●nfirm the Hoti thereof . Art. 18. That the Centre of the Univer●e is not the L●w●st part ●●●reof : nor the Centre of the Earth ▪ the Centre of the World. Art. 19. A Fourth A●gument , that Gravity is only Attraction . Art. 20. Why a greater Gravity , or stronger Attractive force is ●mprest ●pon a piece of iron by a Loadstone , than by the Earth . Art. 21 A ●ifth Argument , almost Ap●●ictica●● ; that Gravity 〈◊〉 the Effect 〈◊〉 the Earth ●●●●raction . Art. 1. ●word nothing 〈…〉 Art. 1. The Connection of this to the immediately precedent Chapter . Art. 2. Why the Author deduceth the 4 First Qualities , not from the 4 vulgar Elements ; but from the. 3 Proprieties of Atoms . Art. 3. The Nature of Heat is to be conceived from its General Effect ; viz. the Penetration , Discussion , and Dissolution of Bodies concrete . Art. 4. Heat defined as no Immaterial , but a 〈…〉 Art. 7. That the Atoms of Heat are capable of Expedition or deliverance from Concretions . Two wayes ; viz. by Ev●cation and Motion . Art. 8. An Vn●ra●us matter , the chief Seminary of the Atoms of Heat : and why . A●● . ● . Among ●nctuou● Concre●●ons . Wh● some ar● more ●asily inflammabl● than others ▪ Art. 11. PROBLEM 1. Why the ●otto● of a Cald●●n , wherein Water is boyling , may be touched by the hand of a man ▪ ●ithout burning 〈…〉 . Art. 12. PROBLEM 2. Why Lime becomes ardent upon the affusion of Water . ●ol . Art. 13. PROBLEM 3. Why the Heat of Lime burning is more vehement , than the Heat of any Flame whatever . Sol. Art. 14. PROBLEM 4 ▪ Why boyling Oyle scalds more vehemently , then boyling Water ▪ Sol. Art. 15. PROBLEM 5 ▪ Why Metals , melted or made red hot , burn more violent than the Fire , that melteth or heateth them . Sol. Art. 16. CONSECTARY 2. That , as the degrees of Heat , so those of fire are innumerably v●rious . Art. 17. That to the Calefaction , Combustion , or Inflammation of a body by fire ▪ is required a certain space of time ; and that the space is greater or less , according to the paucity , or abundance of the igneous Atoms invading the body obiected ; and more or less of aptitude in the contexture thereof to admit them . Art. 18. Flame more or less Durable , for various respects . Art. 19. CONSECTARY 3. That the immediate and genuine Effect of Heat , is the Disgregation of all bodies , as well Homogeneous , as Heterogenous : and that the Congregation of Homogeneous Natures , is only an Accidental●ff●ct ●ff●ct of H●a● ; contrary to Aristotle . Art. 1. The Link connecting this Section to the former . Art. 2. That Cold is no Privation of Heat ; but a Real and Positive Quality : demonstrated . Art 3. That the adaequate Notion of Cold , ought to be de●umed from its General Effect , viz. the Congregation and Compaction of bodies . Art. 4. Cold , no ●mmaterial ; but a Substantial Quality . Art. 5. Gassendus conjectural Assignation of a Tetrahedical Figure to the Atoms of cold ; asserted by sundry weighty considerations . Art. 6. Cold , not Essential to Earth , Water , nor Aer . Art. 7. 〈…〉 . Art. 8. Water , the chief Antagonist to Fire ; not in respect of its Accidental Frigidity , but Essential Humidity ▪ and that the Aer hath a juster title to the Principality of Cold , than either Water , or Earth . Art. 9. ●ROBLEM ▪ Why the breath of a man doth Warme , when expi●ed with the m●uth wide open ; & Cool , when efflated with the mouth contracted . Art. 10. 〈…〉 the premises . Art. 1. Why Fluidity and 〈◊〉 are here considered before Humidity and 〈◊〉 . Art. 2. 〈…〉 Art. 3. 〈…〉 a Firme . Art. 4. Fluidity defined Art. 5. Wherein the F●rmal Rea●on thereof doth consis● . Art. 6. The ●ame ●arther illustrated , by the two●●●ld Fluid●ty of Metals ; and t●e peculiar reason of each . Art. 7. Firmness defined : Art. 8. And d●rived fro● either of ● Causes ▪ Art. 1. Humidity defined . Art. 2. 〈◊〉 defined . Art. 3. 〈…〉 . Art. 5. PROBLEM 1. Why pure water cannot wash out oyle from a Clo●● ; which yet wa●er , wherein Ashes have been deco●ted , or soap dissolved , easily doth ▪ Solut. Art. 6. PROBLEM 2 Why stains of Ink are not to be taken out of cloths , but with ●ome Acta Liquor ▪ Solut. Art. 1. The 〈◊〉 of the Chap●er . Art. 2. 〈◊〉 ●nd Soft , 〈◊〉 . Art. 3. The Difference betwixt a S●ft and Fluid . Art. 4. Solidity of Atoms , the Fundament of Hardness and Inanity , intercepted am●ng them , the fu●dament of Softness , in all Concretions . Art. 5. Hardne●s and So●●nes● , no 〈◊〉 , but m●●rly ●omparative Qualities ; as adscriptive to Concretions : contrary to Aristotle . Art. 6. S●ftness in Firme things , deduced from the same cause , as Fluidity in Fluid one● . Art. 7. The General Reason of the Mollification of Hard ▪ and Ind●ration of Sof● bodies . Art. 8. The special manners of the Mollification of Hard : and Induration of Soft bodies . Art. 9. PR●●LEM . Why Iron is Hardned , by being immersed red-hot into Cold Water ; and its SOLUTION . Art. 10. The Formal Reasons of Softness and Hardness . Art. 11. The ground of Aristotles Distinction betwixt Formatilia and Pre●●ilia . Art. 12. Two Axioms , concerning & illustrating the nature of Softness . Art. 1. Flexilit● , ●●actility , ●uctility , &c. de●ived from S●●iness : and Rigidity from ●a●dn●●s . Art. 2. PROBLEM . What is the C●use of the motion of Restoration in Flexiles ? and the SOLUT. Art. 3. Two Obstructions expeded . Art. 4. Why Flexile bodies grow weak , by over-much , and over frequent Bending . Art. 5. The Reason of the frequent Vibrations , or Diadr●ms of Lutestrings , & other Tractile Bodies ; declared to be the same with that of the Restorative Mot●●n of Flexiles : and Demonstrated . Art. 6. PROBLEM . Why the Vibrations , or Diadr●ms of a Chord dist●●ded and percussed , are Ae●uitemporane ●us , ●hough not Ae●●ispatial : and the SOLUT. Art. 7. PROBLEM . Why doth a Chord of a duple length , perform its diadroms in a proportion of time duple , to a Chord of a single length ; both being distended by equal force ; & yet , if the Chord of the duple length be distended by a duple fore or weight , it doth not perform its Diadroms , in a proportion of time duple to that of the other ; but only if the Force or weight distending it , be quadruple to the First supposed : and its SOLUT. Art. 8. The Reasons of the vast Ductility , or Extensibility of Gold. Art. 9. Sectility and Fissility , the Consequents of Softness . Art. 10. Tractility and Friability , the Consequents of Hardness . Art. 11. Ruptility , the Consequent partly of S●ftness , partly of Hardness . Art. 12. PROBLEM . Why Chords d●●●●enced , are more apt to break neer the End● , than in the middle ●nd its SOLUT. Art. 1. That the Insensibility of Qualities doth not import their Vnintelligibility ; contrary to the presumption of the Aristotelean . Art. 2. Upon what grounds ; and by wh●m , the Sanctuary of Occult Qualities was erected . Art. 3. Occult Qualities and profest Ignorance , all one . Art. 4. The Refuge of Sympathies and Antipathies , equally obstructive to the advance of Natural Science , with that of Igno●e Proprieties . Art. 5. Thatall Attraction , referred to Secret Sympathy ; and all Repulsion , adscribed to secret Antipathy , betwixt the Agent and Patient , is effected by Corporeal Instruments , and such as resemble those , whereby one body Attracteth , or Repelleth another , in sensible and mechanique operations . Art. 6. The Means of Attractions sympathetical , explicated by a convenient Simile . Art. 7. The Means of Abaction and Repulsions Antipathetical , explicated likewise by sundry similitudes . Art. 8. The First and General Ca●ses of all Love and Hatred , betwixt Animals . Art. 9. Why things Alike in their natures , love and delight in the Society each of other : and why Vnlike natures abhor and avoid each other . Art. 1. Th● 〈◊〉 of Qualit●● ( repu●ed ) ●ccult . Art. 2. Natures 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 or C●●●piration of all parts of the Universe ; no Occult Qual●ty . Art. 3. The 〈…〉 of mans will. Art. 4. The Afflux and Reflux of the s●a , inderivative from any immaterial Influx of the Moon . Art. 5. 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 and ●●nversion of ●he 〈◊〉 and other Flowers . Art. 6. Why Garden Claver hide●h it s●alk , in the heat of the day . Art. 7. Why the 〈…〉 usually 〈◊〉 soon after midnight ; and at break o● day . Art. 8. Why Shell-fish growe fat , in the Full of the moon , and lean again at the New. Art. 9. Why the Selenites resembles the Moon in all not several A●spects . Art. 10. Why the 〈…〉 Art. 11. 〈…〉 Art. 12. A COROLLARY . Why the Granules of Gold and Silver , though much more pondrous then those of the Aqua Regis and Aqua Fortis , wherein they are dissolved , are yet held up , and kept floating by them . Art. 13. The Cause of the Attraction of a Less Flame by a Greater . Art. 14. The Cause of the Inv●●ation of flame to Naphtha , at distance . Art. 15. Of the Ascention of Water into the pores of a Spunge . Art. 16. The same ill●strated by the example of a Syphon . Art. 17. The reason of the Percolation of Liquors , by a cloth whose one end lieth in the liquor , and other hangs over the brim of the vessel , that contains it . Art. 18. The reas●● of the 〈…〉 , that ar● 〈◊〉 . Art. 19. The reason of the Discent betwixt Lute-strings of sheeps Guts , and those of Woolfs . Art. 20. The tradition of the Consuming of all Feathers of Foul , by those of the Eagle ; exploded . Art. 21. Why some certain Plants befriend , and advance the growth and fruitfulness of others , that are their neighbours . Art. 22. Why s●me Plants thrive 〈…〉 of some others . Art. 23. The ●●ason of the great Frie●dship betwix● the Male and Fema●e Palm-trees . Art. 24. Why all ●●ines grow ●ick and turbid , during the sea●on wherein th● Vines Fl●wer and Bud. Art. 25. That the ●●stilled waters of Orange flowers , and Roses , doe not take any thing of their fragrancy , during ●he 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of those 〈◊〉 ; as 〈◊〉 vulgarly believed . Art. 1. Why this 〈…〉 only some 〈…〉 Art. 2. 〈…〉 Art. 〈…〉 . Art. 4. 〈…〉 Art. 5. The Cause of the ●●est 〈…〉 Carca●● of a mu●the●ed man 〈◊〉 the praesence and 〈◊〉 of the H●mi●ia● Art. 6. How the Basilisk doth empoyson and destroy , at distance Art. 8. 〈…〉 . Art. 9. 〈…〉 Art. 10. W●y ●●●ers Tarantia●al Persons are affected and cured with Divers T●n●s , and the musick of divers Instruments . Art. 11. Th●t ●●e venome of the Tarantula doth produce the same effect in the body of a man ; is it doth in that of the Tarantula it self : and why . Art. 12. That the Ven●m of the Tarantula is 〈◊〉 in a 〈◊〉 H●mor and such as 〈◊〉 capable of S●●nds . Art 13. That it causeth an ●ncessent itching and 〈◊〉 ●itillation 〈◊〉 the Nervous and Musculous par●s of mans body , when infused into it , and ●ermenting ●n ●t . Art. 14. The cause of the Annual Recidivation of the Tarantism , till it be perfectly cured . Art. 15. A Conjecture , what kind of Tun●● ▪ Strain● and Notes seem most accommodate to the Cure of Tarantiacal Person● i● the General . Art. 16. The Reason of the Incantation of Serpents , by a rod of the Cornus . Art. 17. DI●RESSION . That the 〈…〉 Art. 19. 〈…〉 . Art. 20. That ships are 〈…〉 . Art. 21. That the Echineis , or Remora is not Ominous . Art. 22. Why this place admits not of more than a General●●quest ●●quest into the Faculties of Po●●ons and Counterpoisons . Art. 23. Poisons defined . Art. 24. Wherein the Deleterious F●culty of Poison doth consist . Art. 25. Counterpoisons Defined . Art. 26. Wherein their Salutifer●us Virtue doth consist . Art. 27. How Triacle cureth the venome of Vipers Art. 28. How the body of a Scorpion , bruised and laid warm upon the par● , which it hath lately wounded and envenomed ; doth cure the same . Art. 29. That some Poisons are Antidotes against others by way of direct Contrariety Art. 30. Why sundry particular men , and some whole Nations have ●ed upon Poisonous Animals and Plants , without harm . Art. 31. The A ma●● Vrg●●●● , and 〈◊〉 P●wder , im●ugned Art. 32. The Au●●ors Retraction of his quondam De●ence of the Magnetick C●re of W unds , 〈◊〉 in his P●o●egomena to He●m●nts Book of that subject and title . Art. 1. The Nature and Obscurity of the Subject , hinted by certain Metaphorical Cognomina , agreeable thereunto , though in divers relations . Art. 2. Why the Author insisteth not upon the ( 1 ) several Appellations , ( 2 ) Inve●●o of the Loadstone , ( 3 ) ●nvention of the Pixis Nautica . Art. 3. The Virtues of the Loadstone , in General , Two the Attractive , and Directive . Art. 4 〈…〉 Art. 5. His 〈…〉 Art. 6. Galens three Grand Objections against the same , briefly Answered . Art. 7. 〈…〉 Art. 8. A Par●ll●l●●●●●●wixt ●●●wixt the M●gnetique Fac●l●y of the L●adstone & 〈◊〉 ; and tha● of 〈◊〉 i● Animals ▪ Art. 9. 〈…〉 Art. 10. That every L●adstone , in respect of the Circumradiation of its Magnetical 〈…〉 ac●rewing . Art. 11. The Reason o● that admirable 〈◊〉 or 〈…〉 of Magne●ick● ▪ and why the ●ole● of a Loadstone are incapable ▪ but those of a Nee●le easily capable of Tran●plantation from one Extreme to the contra●● . Art. 12. An Objection ▪ of the 〈◊〉 or Repulsion of the North ●ole of one Loa●dst●ne , or Needle , by the N●rth Pole of Another : praeven●e● . Art. 13. Three prin●●pal Magneti●●e Axioms , de●uced from the same Fountain Art. 14. 〈…〉 . Art. 15. That the Magnetique Vigour , or Perfection both of Loadstones and Iron , doth consist in either their Native Purity and Uniformity of Substance , or their Artificial Politeness . Art. 16 That the A●ming of a Magnet with polished Steel , doth highly Corroborate ; but a● much diminish the sphere of its Attractive Virtue . Art. 17. Why a smaller or weaker Loadstone , doth snatch away a Needle from a Greater , or more Potent one ; while the small or weak one is held within the sphere of the great or stronger ones Activity : and not otherwis● Art. 18. COROLLARY . Of the Abduction of Iron from the Ear●h by a Loadstone . Art. 1. The Method , and C●ntents of the Section . Art. 2. Affinity of the Loadstone and Iron . Art. 3. The Loadst●ne conf●rms it s●lf , in all respects , to the Terrest●ial Globe ; as a Ne●●le conforms it self to the Loa●stone Art. 4. Iron obtains a Verticity , not only from t●e Loadstone , by Affriction , or Aspiration ; but also from the Earth it self : and that according to the laws of P●siti●n . Art. 5. One and the same Nature , in common to the Earth , Loadstone and Iron . Art. 6. The Earth , impraegnating Iron with a Polary Affection , doth cause therein a Locall Immutation of its insensible particles . Art. 7. The Loadstone doth the same . Art. 8. The Magnetique Virtue , a Corporeal Efflux . Art. 9. Contrar● ●bj●ctions , & their Solutions . Art. 10. A Pa●alleli●me of the Magnetique Virtue , and the Vegetative Facul●● o● Plants . Art. 11. 〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉 re●●pect & name ▪ are Enemies : and th●se of a Contrary respect & name , Friends . Art. 12. 〈…〉 is di●●ected into two pieces , why the ●oreal part of the one half , decline ●●njunction with the Boreall part of the other ; and the 〈◊〉 of one with th● Aust●●ll of the other Art. 13. The Fibres of the Earth extend from Pole to Pole ; and that may be the Cause of the firme Cohaesion of all its Parts , conspiring to conserve its Sphericall Figure . Art. 14. Reason of Magneticall Variati●n , in divers climates and places Art. 15. The De●rement of Magneticall Variation , in one and the same place , in divers years . Art. 16. The Cause thereof not yet known . Art. 17. No M●gnet hath more ●han Two Legit●mate Poles : and the rea●ons of Illegitimate ones . Art. 18. The Conclusion ▪ Apologeticall , and 〈◊〉 Advert●●●●ment , that ●he Attracti●● and Directi●● Act●●ons o● 〈…〉 Notes for div A32712-e145300 Art. 1. The Introduction . Art. 2. The proper Notions of Generation & Corruption . Art. 3. Various opinions of the Ancient Philosophers , touching the reason of Generation : and the principall Authors of pacti . Art. 4. The two great opinions of the same Philosophers concerning the manner of the Commistion of the Common Principles , in Generation ; faithfully & briefly stated . Art. 5. That of Aristotle and the stoicks , refu●ed : and Chrysippus sub●erfuge , convicted of 3 Absurdities Art. 6. Ar●st●tles twof●ld ●●vation of the 〈…〉 . Art. 〈…〉 Art. 8. That the 〈◊〉 of a thing , 〈…〉 certain 〈…〉 Art. 9. 〈…〉 . Art. 10 An illu●●r●●●on there●f , by a praegnant and o●por●un●● Ins●●nce . viz. ●he Generation ●f ●he , 〈…〉 . Art. 1. That in Corruption , no substance perisheth ; but only that determinate Modification of substance , or Matter , which specified the thing . Art. 2. En●●rce●ent o● th●●ame Th●sis , by an illustrius Example . Art. 3. An Exper●ment demonstrating that the Sal● of Ashes was praeexistent in Wood ; and no● produ●ed , but only educed by Fire . Art. 4. The 〈◊〉 sense of three G●neral Ax●●ms , deduced from the precedent doct●ine of the Atomists . Art. 5. The General I●testine Cau●es of Corrupt●●n , chiefly Tw● : ( 1 ) the interception of ●●anity among the 〈◊〉 partic●es of B●dies . ( 2 ) ●●e ●ential Gravity and in●eparable Mobility of Atoms Art. 6. The Generall Manners , o● Ways of Generation and Corruption . Art. 7. Inadver●●●cy of Aristotle in making Five General 〈◊〉 of Generati●● Art. 8. The special Manners of Generation , innumerable ; and why . Art. 9. All s●●ts o● Atoms , not indi●fe●ently co●peten● to the Constitution of all sorts of thing . Art. 1. Why th● Nature of ●otion which d●s●rved to have been the subject of the first speculati●● ▪ was res●rved to b● the Argum●nt of t●e Last , in this Ph●siology . Art. 2 An Epicurean Principle ▪ of ●un●amental concern to mo●ion . Art. 3. 〈…〉 . Art. 〈…〉 Art. 6. Emperi●●● his ●●●ections against that D●finition of Epic●rus : and 〈…〉 of each Art. 7. That t●ere is motion ; contrary ●o th● Sop●●sms of Parmenides , Mel●ssus , Zeno , D●●do●us . and the Sce●ticks . Art. 1. 〈…〉 Art. 2 The 〈◊〉 deduced from the 〈◊〉 Epicurean P●●●cip●e of mo●●on , 〈◊〉 ▪ and 〈◊〉 consid●ra●le Conclusions extracted from the●ce . Art. 4. 〈◊〉 or Aequanility , ●he 〈◊〉 ●haracter of a Natural motion● and 〈◊〉 want of uni●ormity , of a 〈◊〉 . Art. 5. ●he D●wnw●rd motion 〈◊〉 Inanimates , derived from ●n External Principle , contrary to Aristotle Art. Art. 12. That the Proportion , or Ration of Celerity to Celerity , encreasing in the descent of Heavy things ; is not the same as the Proportion , or Ration of Space to Space , which they pervade contrary to Michael Var● the Mathematician ▪ Art. 14 〈…〉 Art. 16. The Physical Reason of that Proportion . Art. 17. The Reason of the E●ual Veloc●ty of B●dies of very d●ffe●●n● weig●ts , falling from the same altitude ; inferred from the same The●●y . Art. 18. Gravity Distinguish't into Simple , and Adjectitious . Art. 19. The R●●e of that superlative velocity , with which a Bullet would be carried , in case it should fall from the Moon , Sun , or region of the ●ixed stars , to the Earth : and 〈◊〉 each of those vast heights , to the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 . Art. 1. What , and whence is that Force , or Virtue Motive , whereby Bodies Projected are carried on after their Dismission from the Projicient . Art. 2. The Manner of the Impression of that Force ▪ Art. 3. That all Motion , in a free or Empty space , must be Vniform , and Perpetual : and that the chief Cause of the Inequality and Brevity of the motion of things projected through the Atmosphere , is the magnetique Attraction of the Earth . Art. 4. That , in the Atmosphere , no body can be projected in a Direct line ; unless perpendicularly Upward , o● Downward : and why . Art. 5. That the Motion of a stone pro●ected upwards obliquely , is Composed of an H●●iz●●tal and Perpendi●ular together . Art. 6. Demonstration of that Composition . Art. 7. That of the two different Forces , impressed upon a ball , thrown upward from the hand of a man standing in a ship , that is under sayl ; the one doth not destroy the other ▪ but each attain● its proper scope . Art. 8. T●at the space of time , in w●i●h the ●all is A●cending f●om the F 〈…〉 the Top of the M●st ; is equal to that , in which it is again Descending from the top to the ●oot . Art. 9. 〈…〉 . Art. 10. The Reason and Manner of the Reflexion or Rebounding motion of Bodies , diverted from the line of their direction by others encountring them . Art. 11. That the ●mersi●n of a weight appen●●d to a 〈…〉 the perpendicular , 〈◊〉 which it had ●●duced it self , in Vibration ; 〈◊〉 a R●flexion 〈◊〉 betwixt 〈◊〉 Reflexion at all , and the Least Reflexion assignable ; and the R●le of all other Reflexion whatever . Art. 12. ●he ●ea●●n of the Ae●ualit● of the Angles of In●iden●e and R●●l●xi●n . Art. 13. Two Inferences from the praea●ses ▪ viz. ( 1 ) That the oblique Projection of a Globe against a plane , is composed of a double Parallel : and ( 2 ) That Nature suffers no diminution of her right to the shortest way , by Reflexion . Art. 14. Wherein the Aptitude or Ine●●itude of bodies to Refle●ion doth consist . 
A70920	----	A general collection of discourses of the virtuosi of France, upon questions of all sorts of philosophy, and other natural knowledg made in the assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris, by the most ingenious persons of that nation / render'd into English by G. Havers, Gent. Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse. 1-100. English Bureau d'adresse et de rencontre (Paris, France) 1664 Approx. 1756 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 299 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70920 Wing R1034 ESTC R1662 13172967 ocm 13172967 98322 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70920) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98322) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 412:11 or 1192:18) A general collection of discourses of the virtuosi of France, upon questions of all sorts of philosophy, and other natural knowledg made in the assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris, by the most ingenious persons of that nation / render'd into English by G. Havers, Gent. Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse. 1-100. English Bureau d'adresse et de rencontre (Paris, France) Havers, G. (George) Renaudot, Théophraste, 1586-1653. Renaudot, Eusèbe, 1613-1679. Renaudot, Isaac, d. 1680. [15], 580 p. Printed for Thomas Dring and John Starkey, and are to be sold at their shops ..., London : 1664. Running title: Philosophical conferences of the virtuosi of France. Wing lists title as: A collection of discourses of the virtuosi of France. Ms. note concerning Renaudot filmed opposite first prelim. page. A translation of the first 100 conferences of the "Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse," 5 v., Paris, 1638-55; the compilation by Théophraste Renaudot and his sons Isaac and Eusèbe; originally issued as "Première [quartiesme] centurie des questions traitées by conférences du Bureau d'adresse." Larousse and others list the original collection under Eusèbe Renaudot, the elder. Cf. BM; Brunet, Manuel du libraire. This work appears as Wing C5142 (entry cancelled in Wing 2nd ed.) at reel 412:11 and as Wing R1034 at reel 1192:18. Reproduction of originals in the Bodleian Library and the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy, French -- 17th century. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Simon Charles Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Simon Charles Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur , November 20. 1663. WILLIAM MORICE . A General Collection OF DISCOURSES OF THE Virtuosi of France , Upon Questions of all Sorts of PHILOSOPHY , AND OTHER Natural Knowledg . Made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris , by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation . Render'd into English by G. HAVERS , Gent. LONDON , , Printed for Thomas Dring and John Starkey , and are to be sold at their Shops , at the George in Fleet-street neer Clifford's-Inn , and the Miter between the Middle-Temple-Gate and Temple-Bar . 1664. To the Honourable ANCHITELL GRAY , Esq IF it be compliance with Custom that induces me to a Dedication of the ensuing Discourse , 't is obedience to Reason that moves me to inscribe them to your Honourable Name . They are the ingenious Productions of the most accomplish'd Gentlemen of our Neighbour-Nation , and so could not be more fitly presented then to One of our Own , who to the advantages of a most Illustrious Descent , hath conjoyn'd whatever is particularly excellent in Many . That celebrated Aphorism of Plato , which pronounceth Felicity to that State wherein either the Philosophers are of chief dignity , or those of chief dignity are Philosophers , holds no less true in the Commonwealth of Learning then in Political Governments . Arts and Sciences , when cultivated by Persons of quality , not only derive lustre from the rank of their Professors , but acquire enlargement of Territory by their Conduct : Heroick souls disdaining the enslaving formalities practis'd hitherto by the Sovereigns of the Schools , and by the restauration of Freedom , laying open the way to Conquest . I shall not undertake to determine whether the restitution of Philosophical Liberty began first by the French , or by some great Personages of our own , particularly the renowned Lord Bacon ( from whom 't is said , not improbably , their Des-Cartes took the grounds of his new Theory ) but 't is certain that his way of Experiment , as now prosecuted by sundry English Gentlemen , affords more probabilities of glorious and profitable Fruits , then the attempts of any other Age or Nation whatsoever . But as it would be a fault in me to insist upon Comparisons , so it will be an injury in such as shall think you , Sir , any way concern'd in these Discourses , either upon the account of their Matter or Translation . 'T is true , they are extreamly well fitted both for Instruction and Pleasure , they handle weighty Questions with great facility ; and what would be a load in the ordinary modes of Writing thereupon , is here as fully and substantially deliver'd , and yet with exceeding Elegancy and perspicuity ; but however commendable in themselves , 't were criminal to think that you need them ; but , on the contrary , I well understood that the Book needed you ; and therefore I must humbly beg your pardon , if I have herein been too forward for its Interest by this Dedication , as also for my own in taking upon me so publickly the quality of , Sir , Your most humble and obedient Servant , G. HAVERS . The Publisher of the Ensuing Conferences , THinks it his Duty to advertise the Ingenious Readers , I. That they are the Productions of an Assembly of the Choicest Wits in France , whose design it was to rescue the Liberal Sciences from the bondage of Scholastical Obscurities , and to render Things intelligible without obliging the studious to the unpleasing and perpetual Task of first surmounting the difficulties of Exotick Words . To which purpose they judg'd fit to establish this as a principal Law of their Discourses , That onely the French Language should be us'd therein , in order to cultivate and improve the same ; and this , in imitation of the Greeks and Romans , whose writings are abundant evidences of the same Practice . II. That amongst the Arguments for the several Opinions upon each Question , it was thought fit to wave the alledging of Authorities , except upon some very special occasion . It being observ'd , that the heaping Testimonies together serves commonly for Ostentation rather then Strength ; and , ( to omit the consideration of Brevity ) if any man speaks Reason , it ought to suffice without anothers Authority to recommend it . Besides , that Nothing hath been found more prejudicial to the Improvement of Philosophy , then the attributing too much to the Magisterial Sayings of an Author of Great Name . In which regard likewise , these Virtuosi have acted with no less Prudence then Modesty , in leaving the Determination of each Question to the judgement of the Reader , who is made the Arbiter of the Dispute , and may , in the grateful Variety of Opinions , freely give his suffrage to That which shall seem to him founded upon the most convincing Reasons ; or else having them all before him , establish a better of his own . III. That these Gentlemen , leaving the way of arguing by Mode and Figure to Colledges , have chosen to propose their sence in the freest and most natural form of Speech , as being most sutable to Conferences , and less subject either to the captious fallacies , or pedantical janglings and heats , resulting from Disputes by Syllogism . To avoid which also the better , care was taken that every one might have this Perswasion , That he was no-wise interessed to maintain his Sentence upon any Point ; but being once produc'd , it was as a thing expos'd to the company , and no more accounted any mans Property , then Truth it self , the common subject of all their Inquiries . IV. That , as to the Promiscuous Variety of the Questions discuss'd in each Conference , and the immethodical series of them all , if it be not excuse enough that the Discoursers were French Gentlemen , and besides , willing in civility to gratifie one another by leaving the choice of Subjects free , the Reader is desir'd to believe , that there wanted not particular occasions for every one , though they appear not upon the paper . Besides , that it seemed most expedient not to be confin'd to the Laws of Method , since the Complyance therewith in comprizing the Sciences in Systems and Bodies , ( as they call them ) would have requir'd the intermixture of many Questions less considerable and delightful ; and indeed is found by Judicious Men to have been a great Obstacle to the Improvement of Philosophy . V. Lastly , The Publisher craves Pardon of the Readers that he hath forborn to divulge the Names of the Persons of Honour , who held these Conferences weekly on Mondays at Paris , it being the principal condition which they requir'd of him ; Some , that the judgement of their opinions might be left free to every one , which the knowledge of the Authors commonly prepossesses ; and Others , out of desire secretly to discover what Sentiment the publick would have of theirs ( like the Knights Errant of old , who sought under borrow'd Arms ) leaving their Names to be conjectur'd by such as found any thing in them for which to desire it : but All , through a Modesty as commendable in respect of themselves , as injurious to the Publick . EUSEBIUS RENAUDOT , Counsellor and Physitian in Ordinary to the King of France , Doctor Regent of the Faculty of Physick at Paris . THE CONTENTS . CONFERENCE I. I. OF Method . II. Of Entity . Page 1 CONFERENCE II. I. Of Principles . II. Of the End of all Things . Page 5 CONFERENCE III I. Of Causes in general . II. Whence it is that every one is zealous for his own Opinion , though it be of no importance to him . Page 12 CONFERENCE IV I. Of the First Matter . II. Of Perpetual Motion . Page 18 CONFERENCE V I. Of Resemblance . II. Whether it behoveth to joyn Armes to Letters . Page 24 CONFERENCE VI I. Of Fire . II. Of the Vniversal Spirit . Page 31 CONFERENCE VII I. Of the Air. II. Whether it be best for a State to have Slaves . Page 38 CONFERENCE VIII I. Of Water . II. Of Wine , and whether it be necessary for Souldiers . Page 44 CONFERENCE IX I. Of the Earth . II. What it is that makes a Man wise . Page 51 CONFERENCE X I. Of the Motion , or Rest of the Earth . II. Of two Monstrous Brethren , living in the same Body , which are to be seen in this City . Page 57 CONFERENCE XI I. Of the little Hairy Girl lately seen in this City . II. Whether it is more easie to resist Pleasure then Pain . Page 64 CONFERENCE XII I. Of three Suns . II. Whether an Affection can be without Interest . Page 71 CONFERENCE XIII I. Whether Melancholy Persons are the most ingenious or prudent . II. Which is most necessary in a State , Reward or Punishment . Page 77 CONFERENCE XIV I. Of the Seat of Folly. II. Whether a Man or Woman be most inclin'd to Love. Page 83 CONFERENCE XV I. How long a Man may continue without eating . II. Of the Echo . Page 89 CONFERENCE XVI I. How Spirits act upon Bodies . II. Whether is more powerful Love or Hatred . Page 95 CONFERENCE XVII I. Of the several fashions of wearing Mourning , and why Black is us'd to that purpose rather then any other colour . II. Why people are pleas'd with Musick . Page 103 CONFERENCE XVIII I. Of the Original of Winds . II. Why none are contented with their Condition . Page 109 CONFERENCE XIX I. Of the Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea. II. Of the Point of Honour . Page 115 CONFERENCE XX I. Of the Original of Fountains . II. Whether there be a commendable Ambition . Page 121 CONFERENCE XXI I. Of Dreams . II. Why Men are rather inclin'd to Vice then Virtue . Page 127 CONFERENCE XXII I. Of Judiciary Astrologie . II. Which is least blameable , Covetousness or Prodigality . Page 133 CONFERENCE XXIII I. Of Physiognomy . II. Of Artificial Memory . Page 139 CONFERENCE XXIV I. Which of the Five Senses is the most noble . II. Of Laughter . Page 144 CONFERENCE XXV I. Of the Diversity of Countenances . II. Whether Man or Woman be the more noble . Page 150 CONFERENCE XXVI I. Whether it be lawful for one to commend himself . II. Of Beauty . Page 157 CONFERENCE XXVII I. Whether the World grows old . II. Of Jealousie . Page 163 CONFERENCE XXVIII I. What is the greatest Delight of Man. II. Of Cuckoldry . Page 169 CONFERENCE XXIX I. Whence the saltness of the Sea proceeds . II. Which is the best Food , Flesh or Fish. Page 174 CONFERENCE XXX I. Of the Terrestrial Paradise . II. Of Embalmings and Mummies . Page 180 CONFERENCE XXXI I. Whether the Life of Man may be prolong'd by Art. II. Whether 't is better to be without Passions then to moderate them . Page 185 CONFERENCE XXXII I. Sympathy and Antipathy . II. Whether Love descending is stronger then ascending . Page 191 CONFERENCE XXXIII I. Of those that walk in their sleep . II. Which is the most excellent Moral Virtue . Page 197 CONFERENCE XXXIV I. Of Lycanthropy . II. Of the way to acquire Nobility . Page 203 CONFERENCE XXXV I. Of feigned Diseases . II. Of regulating the Poor . Page 209 CONFERENCE XXXVI I. Of the tying of the Point . II. Which is the greatest of all Vices . Page 214 CONFERENCE XXXVII I. Of the Cabala . II. Whether the Truth ought always to be spoken . Page 220 CONFERENCE XXXVIII I. Of the Period , called Fits of Fevers . II. Of Friendship . Page 226 CONFERENCE XXXIX I. Why all men naturally desire knowledge . II. Whether Permutation or Exchange be more commodious then Buying and Selling . Page 230 CONFERENCE XL I. Of Prognostication or Presaging by certain Animals . II. Why all men love more to command then to obey . Page 238 CONFERENCE XLI I. Of Comets . II. Whether Pardon be better then Revenge . Page 244 CONFERENCE XLII I. Of the Diversity of Languages . II. Whether is to be preferr'd , a great stature or a small . Page 251 CONFERENCE XLIII I. Of the Philosophers stone . II. Of Mont de piete , or charitable provision for the Poor . Page 256 CONFERENCE XLIV I. How Minerals grow . II. Whether it be best to know a little of every thing , or one thing exactly . Page 262 CONFERENCE XLV I. Whether the Heavens be solid or liquid . II. Whether it be harder to get then to preserve . Page 268 CONFERENCE XLVI I. Of Vacuity . II. Of the Extravagance of Women . Page 274 CONFERENCE XLVII I. Of the Virtue of Numbers . II. Of the Visible Species . Page 280 CONFERENCE XLVIII I. Whether every thing that nourishes an Animal ought to have life . II. Of Courage . Page 286 CONFERENCE XLIX I. Whether there be Specifical remedies to every Disease . II. Whether Tears proceed from Weakness . Page 292 CONFERENCE L I. Whether Colours are real . II. Whether is better , to speak well , or to write well . Page 298 CONFERENCE LI I. At what time the year ought to begin . II. Why the Load-stone draws Iron . Page 309 CONFERENCE LII I. Of a Point . II. Whether other Animals besides Man have the use of Reason . Page 315 CONFERENCE LIII I. Whether there be more then five Senses . II. Whether is better , to speak , or to be silent . Page 319 CONFERENCE LIV I. Of Touch. II. Of Fortune . Page 325 CONFERENCE LV I. Of the Taste . II. Whether Poetry be useful . Page 331 CONFERENCE LVI I. Of the Smelling . II. Of Eloquence . Page 337 CONFERENCE LVII I. Of the Hearing . II. Of Harmony . Page 343 CONFERENCE LVIII I. Of the Sight . II. Of Painting . Page 349 CONFERENCE LIX I. Of Light. II. Of Age. Page 355 CONFERENCE LX I. Of Quintessence . II. Which is the most in esteem , Knowledge or Virtue . Page 361 CONFERENCE LXI I. Which is hardest to endure , Hunger or Thirst. II. Whether a General of an Army should endanger his person . Page 367 CONFERENCE LXII I. Of Time. II. Whether 't is best to overcome by open force , or otherwise . Page 373 CONFERENCE LXIII I. Of Motion . II. Of Custome . Page 379 CONFERENCE LXIV I. Of the Imagination . II. Which is most powerful , Hope or Fear . Page 384 CONFERENCE LXV I. Of the Intellect . II. Whether the Husband and Wife should be of the same humour . Page 390 CONFERENCE LXVI I. Of Drunkenness . II. Of Dancing . Page 396 CONFERENCE LXVII I. Of Death . II. Of the Will. Page 402 CONFERENCE LXVIII I. Of the Magnetical Cure of Diseases . II. Of Anger . Page 408 CONFERENCE LXIX I. Of Life . II. Of Fasting . Page 414 CONFERENCE LXX I. Of Climacterical Years . II. Of Shame . Page 419 CONFERENCE LXXI I. Why motion produces heat . II. Of Chastity . Page 425 CONFERENCE LXXII I. Of Thunder . II. Which of all the Arts is the most necessary . Page 431 CONFERENCE LXXIII I. Of the Earth-quake . II. Of Envy . Page 437 CONFERENCE LXXIV I. Whence comes trembling in men . II. Of Navigation and Longitudes . Page 441 CONFERENCE LXXV I. Of the Leprosie , why it is not so common in this Age as formerly . II. Of the ways to render a place populous . Page 447 CONFERENCE LXXVI I. Of Madness . II. Of Community of Goods . Page 452 CONFERENCE LXXVII I. Of Sorcerers . II. Of Erotick , or Amorous Madness . Page 457 CONFERENCE LXXVIII I. Why the Sensitive Appetite rules over Reason . II. Whether Speech be natural , and peculiar to Man. Page 461 CONFERENCE LXXIX I. What the Soul is . II. Of the apparition of Spirits . Page 466 CONFERENCE LXXX I. Of the Epilepsie or Falling-sickness . II. Whether there be any Art of Divination . Page 471 CONFERENCE LXXXI I. Of Chiromancy . II. Which is the noblest part of the Body . Page 475 CONFERENCE LXXXII I. Which is most powerful , Art or Nature . II. Whether Wine is most to be temper'd in Winter , or in Summer . Page 480 CONFERENCE LXXXIII I. Of Baths . II. Whether the Wife hath more love for her Husband , or the Husband for his Wife . Page 485 CONFERENCE LXXXIV I. Of Respiration . II. Whether there be any certainty in humane Sciences . Page 489 CONFERENCE LXXXV I. Whether the manners of the Soul follow the temperament of the Body . II. Of Sights or Shews . Page 495 CONFERENCE LXXXVI I. Of the Dog-days . II. Of the Mechanicks . Page 500 CONFERENCE LXXXVII I. Whether the Souls Immortality is demonstrable by Natural Reasons . II. Whether Travel be necessary to an Ingenious Man. Page 505 CONFERENCE LXXXVIII I. Which is the best sect of Philosophers . II. Whence comes the diversity of proper Names . Page 512 CONFERENCE LXXXIX I. Of Genii . II. Whether the Suicide of the Pagans be justifiable . Page 517 CONFERENCE XC I. Of Hunting . II. Which is to be preferr'd , the weeping of Heraclitus , or the laughing of Democritus . Page 522 CONFERENCE XCI I. Whether heat or cold be more tolerable . II. Who are most happy in this World , Wise Men or Fools . Page 527 CONFERENCE XCII I. Which is most healthful , moisture or dryness . II. Which is to be preferr'd , the Contemplative Life or the Active . Page 531 CONFERENCE XCIII I. Of the spots in the Moon and the Sun. II. Whether 't is best to use severity or gentleness towards our dependents . Page 536 CONFERENCE XCIV I. Of the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon . II. Whether all Sciences may be profitably reduc'd to one . Page 544 CONFERENCE XCV I. Of the diversity of Wits . II. Of New-years Gifts . Page 548 CONFERENCE XCVI I. Of Place . II. Of Hieroglyphicks . Page 554 CONFERENCE XCVII I. Of Weights , and the causes of Cravity . II. Of Coat-Armour . Page 559 CONFERENCE XCVIII I. Of the causes of Contagion . II. Of the ways of occult Writing . Page 566 CONFERENCE XCIX I. Of Ignes fatui . II. Of Eunuchs . Page 571 CONFERENCE C I. Of the Green-sickness . II. Of Hermaphrodites . Page 575 THE First Conference . I. Of Method . II. Of Entity . I. Of Method . EVery one being seated in the great Hall of the Bureau , Report was made , That the Resolve of the last Conference was , to Print the Matters which should be propos'd henceforward , and the Disquisitions upon them which deserv'd it ; As also that for the bringing in of all the most excellent Subjects that are found in the Sciences , and for the doing it orderly , the Method requisite to be observ'd therein should this day be taken into consideration : The practice of which Method was likewise thought fit to be begun upon the most Universal Subject , which is , Entity . Wherefore every one was intreated to set cheerfully about opening the way in this so pleasant and profitable an Enterprize . The first Speaker defin'd Method [ The succinct order of things which are to be handled in Arts and Sciences ] and said that it is of two sorts ; One , of Composition , which proceedeth from the Parts to the Whole , and is observ'd in Speculative Disciplines ; The other , of Resolution , which descendeth from the whole to the parts , and hath place in Practical disciplines . He said also , that hereunto might be added the Method of Definition , which is a way of defining a thing first , and then explicating the parts of its definition : but it participateth of both the former . The second said , That besides those two general Methods , there is a particular one , which is observ'd when some particular Subject is handled ; according to which it behoveth to begin with the Name ( or Word ; ) Distinguish the same by its divers acceptations ; then give the Definition , assign its Principles and Causes , deduce its Proprieties , and end with its Species or Parts . After this some dilated upon the Method of Cabalists , which they begin with the Archetypal World , or Divine Idea ; thence descend to the World Intellectual , or Intelligences ; and lastly , to the Elementary , which is , Physicks , or Natural Philosophy . That of Raymond Lullie follow'd next . And here the Difference of humane judgements came to be wonder'd at . Most other Nations could never fancy this Art which he calls Great and Wonderful , and yet the Spaniards profess it publickly at Majorca , in a manner ingrossing it from all other places . He maketh the same to consist in thirteen Parts . The first of which he calleth the Alphabet , from B to K ; to each of whose Letters he assigneth , 1. a Transcendent after his mode , 2. a Comparison , 3. a Question , 4. a Substance , 5. a Virtue ; and 6. a Vice ; as to B 1. Goodness , 2. Difference , 3. Whether a thing is ? 4. Deity , 5. Justice , 6. Covetousness . To C , 1. Greatness , 2. Agreement , 3. What it is . 4. Angel , 5. Prudence , 6. Gluttony , and so of the rest . The Second Part containes 4. Figures ; The Third Definitions . Then follow Rules , Tables , containing the several combinations of Letters : The Evacuation , Multiplication , and mixture of Figures ; The 9. Subjects ; The Application ; The Questions ; The custome and manner of teaching ; which I should deduce more largely unto you , but that they require at least a whole Conference . In brief , such it is , that he promiseth his disciples that they shall be thereby enabled to answer ex tempore ( yet pertinently ) to all questions propounded unto them . The fifth said , That there was no need of recurring to other means then those of the Ordinary Philosophy , which maketh two sorts of Order , namely , one of Invention , and another of Disposition or Doctrine , which latter is the same thing with the Method above defined . And as for the Order of Invention , it is observed when some Science is invented , in which we proceed from Singulars to Universals : As , after many experiences that the Earth interpos'd between the Sun and the Moon caus'd a Lunar Eclipse , this Vniversal Conclusion hath been framed , That every Lunar Eclipse is made by the interposition of the Earth between the Sun and the Moon . An other alledg'd that Method might well be call'd a Fourth Operation of the Mind . For , the First is the bare knowledge of things , without affirmation or negation ; The Second is a Connexion of those naked Notices with Affirmation or Negation . The Third is a right disposing of those Propositions and their Consequence ; which if it be necessary , it is call'd Demonstration . And the Fourth is the Series of those Demonstrations , in such manner that those on which others depend are the first : as it is seen in the Elements of Euclide . Also the Lord Montagne's Method was alledg'd , who learnt the Latine Tongue from the Cradle , no person speaking to him but in that Tongue . So was the Cyropaedia of Xenophon , where the Lessons are the Practice of Political and Military Vertues , which serve more to form the Judgement of Children then the Memory . II. Of Entity . The First Hour being spent in these Remarks , the Second was imploy'd in discoursing concerning Entity , which was explicated by this Series , so much the more agreeably to the Company , for that they observ'd such a Contrivance of it that the end of the preceding Period is the beginning of the ensuing . All Power requires to be reduc'd into Act ; Act is a Perfection ; Perfection is the accomplishment of that which is wanting ; There is wanting to Man Felicity ; Felicity is , to be united to his Principle ; He is united to his Principle when he is made like unto it ; He is made like unto it by Science ; Science is acquir'd by Demonstration ; Demonstration is the knowledge of a thing by its cause ; To know a cause , it is requisite to seek it . It is sought when we admire it . We admire that of which we are ignorant . We are ignorant because of difficulty . Difficulty , among other causes , ariseth from Disproportion . Disproportion procedeth from hence , that our Mind is one and finite , and the things which it ought to know are various , yea infinite . Wherefore it ought to reduce all things to one general , which is Entity , called by the Latines Ens ; Which being known and subdivided imparteth to us the distinct knowledge of all things which depend thereon . The second added , That Entity is that which is . For the knowing of it , 't is requisite to consider its Principles , its Proprieties , and its Species . Principles are of two sorts , viz. Either of Cognition ; or of the Thing . A Principle of Cognition is , That which causeth us to know a thing ; As , That the Whole is greater then it's Part. The Principle of a thing is that which constitutes it ; as the Rational Soul , and the Humane Body , are the Principles of Man. The Principle of the Cognition of Entity ( which is the sole Principle in Metaphysicks ) is this ; It is impossible for one and the same thing to be and not to be at the same time . The Principles of the Thing are Essence and Existence . Essence is that which causeth a Thing to be that which it is ; As , Reasonable , Animal , ( or Living-creature ) is the Essence of Man , because it causeth a Man to be a Man. Existence effecteth that a Thing exists forth of its causes . The Proprieties of Entity are Three ; One , True , and Good. One , that which is not divided in it self , but is different from every Thing else . True , is that which falleth under knowledge . Good , that which is convenient or sutable to each thing . Entity is divided into Real and Imaginary . Real Entity is either actually , or in power . Actual Entity is either Increated or Created . Created Entity is either Substance or Accident . Substance is that which subsisteth by it self . Accident that which cannot be naturally , but in another . Substance is either Incomplete , which is but a part ; or , Complete , which is a Whole . The Incomplete are the Matter and the Form ; The Complete , that which is compounded thereof . As the deduction of each of the above-mention'd points was going to be made , it was Remonstrated , That these Matters being not easie to be apprehended , nor otherwise express'd then in Scholastick termes , ( which we would avoid ) it seem'd meet to pass to things more pleasant , running over the rest as lightly as possible ; And yet to pursue both the Methods above mention'd . The Company therefore concluded to treat Of Principles , and Of the End of all things , in general , at the next Conference . At the hour of Inventions one presented himself and made this overture . I offer to cause any one whatsoever , Man or Woman , of competent age , to comprehend in eight hours , ( viz. one hour a day , for avoiding the ryring of the Mind ) a perfect Logick , wherein shall be contained all the Precepts of well Defining , Dividing , and Arguing ; All the kinds of Arguments , and the places from whence they are drawn ; Namely , the Definitions and Divisions of the Vniversals , of the Causes , of the Opposites , of the Whole , &c. Their Axiomes , and the limitations of the same , with an Abridgement of Categories . I offer likewise to teach perfectly the Sphere , and all the Principles of Geophraphy , in two hours ; so that afterwards the person shall be able to make use of Maps and Books for knowing the Circles , Zones , and Climates ; besides the Parallels and Meridians for finding the degrees of Longitude and Latitude , and other things pertaining to Geography . I will also teach Moral Philosophy in twelve hours ; Metaphysicks in ten ; but for Natural Philosophy , I ask four times as much time . Another said , That to let pass these Undertakings ( which he judg'd very daring ) there is a great difference between VVisedom and Knowledge ; Memory principally contributing to the Latter , as Judgement to the Former . That he propos'd a Method to instruct a Child in Wisedom , the Guide and Sterne of Humane Actions . That all things in the World are either Necessary or Contingent : The former are immutable , the Rules concerning them few , the seeds of them within our breasts , consequently soon learnt and easie to retain : Provided the unconstant and irregular multitude of contingent things come not to interrupt the Production and Growth thereof ; As it happens by the thornes of Sciences which Solomon , for this reason , saith were invented to serve for a vain Labour to Men. Sciences , in which there is alwayes room for disputing ; because if you except their Principles which they borrow from that Wisedom , all the rest in them is but probable and problematical . I conceive therefore that the true Method of Instructing a Child is to begin by informing his Judgement with the Rules of things Necessary . For which purpose , he must be taken void of all bad impressions ; between six and seven years is a fit Age. In the smooth Table of this Mind is to be written , in good order , the service of God and the King , Honour , Justice , Temperance , and the other Virtues . When this Mind hath been educated in the Maximes appertaining to each of those Heads ; As , That nothing is hidden from God ; That 't is better to dye then to revolt from the service of the King ; That after Honour there is no more loss ; It will be requisite to draw for him out of History Examples of such as have been rewarded for performing the same , and punish'd for failing therein . In the mean time , care must be taken that no evil or dishonest thing be spoken or done before him ; if it happen otherwise , chastisement and blame ought to follow the Offenders . This being done , then onely when the precepts which were necessary to his education shall have taken such deep root in his Mind as not to be stifled by the multitude of others ; My Method proceeds to furnish him with those of the Liberal Sciences . But with this order again , that ( for the same reason ) the Rules be not confounded to him with Exceptions ; but that these latter be then onely taught him after he ha's well comprehended the former . For conclusion , there was an overture of a Way to teach by Playing , from the A B C to the sublimest Sciences . The Proposers reason was , that the best Method of Sciences is that which takes away Difficulties , the principal of which is , The tediousness of Study . That there is nothing less tedious then Play , for the sake of which both great and small oftentimes lose their rest and food . That 't was the intention of the first Authors , that Children should learn as it were playing , instead of the great rigors which cause them to study against their inclination , with the loss of time , and other inconveniences observ'd therein . That hence the Place of Learning retains still in Latine the name of the Play of Letters , and the Regents Masters of the Play. Then he desired of the Company of Commissioners to receive their Judgement upon the Book which he had made upon this Subject ; and the same was deliver'd into their hands for them to make their report thereof , that day seven night . After which all were desired that they would please to report there at the following Conferences the Inventions which they conceiv'd likely to profit the publick , with assurance that the honour and benefit thereof should be secur'd to themselves : and so the Company was dismiss'd . CONFERENCE II. I. Of Principles . II. Of the End of all Things . I. Of Principles THese five several acceptions of Principle were first considered . I. As it is taken for a Cause , especially the Efficient , even that of all Things , and which hath no Beginning , namely , God ; who also being the End of all , is upon that account called Alpha and Omega . II. For the beginning of quantity ; as a point is the beginning of a Line . III. For the beginning of some Action ; as the first step is the beginning of the race . IV. For that which is not made of it self , nor any other ; but of which all things are made . V. For that of which a thing is made , is compos'd , and is known . Which definition comprehendeth the Principles of Generation , Composition , and Cognition . For according to the Order of Nature a thing is made before it is and it is before it is known . The Second said , That the Principles of Entity and Cognition are the same . For in that they constitute the thing , they are called the Principles of Entity ; and inasmuch as Conclusions are drawn from them , they are called Principles of Cognition ; Nevertheless deriving their original the one from the other : As from this Principle of Cognition , Nothing is made out of nothing , it is concluded , That then there must be a First Matter . The Third said , That that distinction of the Three Principles of Generation , viz. Privation , Matter , and Form , ( whereof the first and the last are contraries , two onely of Composition , viz. the two last ) do's not signifie that there are three Principles of the thing which is made ; Seeing that in the instant that a thing is made , to be making ( fieri ) and to be made ( factum esse ) are the same . Since then the thing made hath but two Principles , that which is in making hath no more : Privation being but a Condition requisite to Generation , as the Agent , the End , and some other External Principles are . The Fourth said , That our Mind alone doth not make distinction between those three Principles , but they differ in reality . Those who say Privation is more a Principle of Generation then the rest are mistaken , in that they make Generation participate more of Non-entity then of Entity . But it is not , seeing it ariseth out of the former to tend to the latter , being in truth neither the one nor the other . He added , that the Principle of Cognition is either First , or Second . The First proves all , and is prov'd by none ; 't is the basis of all Sciences , and hath two conditions ; namely , that it can neither be deny'd nor prov'd . As it cannot be deny'd , That of two Contradictories one is true , and the other false . Neither can the same be prov'd , because there is nothing beyond it , or more clear and evident . The Second Principles are those of the Sciences , which they prove , as themselves are prov'd by the first Principle . For example , That Principle of Physick , Contraries are cured by their Contraries , proves this , Evacuation cureth the diseases caused by plenitude ; and it self is proved by that other Principle of Natural Philosophy , to which it is subordinate , that Action is onely between Contraries ; which is again prov'd by this , That Action tendeth to render the Patient like to the Agent . Which if it be deny'd , 't is answer'd that if the Agent do not render the Patient like to it self , then this latter would not be altered , and so not be a Patient : Which cannot be , by the first Principle of Knowledge ; That a thing cannot be , and not be , at the same time . The Fift divided Principles into those of Logick , which constitute a Definition , viz. The Genus and the Difference ; into those of Physicks , which constitute corporeal things , viz. Matter and Form ; into those of Metaphysicks , which are Act and Power , Essence and Existence , and the Nature and Inherence in all Accidents ; And lastly , into Principles Mathematical , which are a point in continu'd quantities , and an Vnite in Numbers . The sixth fram'd this Question , Since every thing that hath a Beginning hath also an End , how is Number , which hath a Unite for its Beginning , Infinite ? It was answer'd by another , That that infinity of Number is not in Act , as its Beginning is , but onely in Power . For when 't is said , That there is no Number so great , but may be made greater to infinity , this ought not to be accounted more strange then that other Proposition , which is also true , viz. That a Quantity which hath a Beginning may be divided without End ; There being no Body so small but may be divided again into a less : For that some thing cannot be resolv'd into nothing , as of nothing cannot be made some thing naturally . This matter was ended with another division of Principles into General and Particular . The General ( said they ) are some times , but indiscreetly , confounded with Causes and Elements . For every Principle is not a Cause , nor every Cause an Element , nor any Element a Principle : Although every Element be a Cause , and every Cause be a Principle , External or Internal . That every Principle is not a Cause , appears by Privation , which is a Principle ( notwithstanding what hath been otherwise argu'd ) by the Maxim above alledg'd ; That Action is onely between Contraries . Principles then must be such . Now the Matter is not contrary to the Form ; Therefore Privation must . That every Cause is not an Element , is clear by the Final and the Efficient , both of them being extrinsical to the Thing ; And nevertheless an Element is the least part of the Thing in which it is in Act or in Power . It is also manifest that an Element is not a Principle , for it is compounded , and corporeal ; which a Principle is not . Particular Principles are as various as there are several things in the world . So the Principle of Divinity is the Faith ; Of Physick , to preserve the Man and destroy the disease ; Of Law , that which is according to Nature , Reason , and Custome : The Principle of Understanding is Natural Evidence ; those of Oeconomy , lawful acquisition and use of Goods ; Of Politicks , Policy , Prudence applyed to right Government ; Of Prudence , that which is expedient to do or avoid , The Principles of Mathematicks are its Axiomes ; As if , of two equal tfiings , you take away from one as much as from the other , the remainder shall be equal . The Principles of History are Experience and Humane Faith : Of other Arts and Disciplines , their Rules and Precepts . The Principles of Man as Man , are the Body and the Soul ; as a mixt Substance , the Four Elements ; as a Natural , the Liver ; as Vital , the Heart ; as an Animal or Sensitive , the Brain ; as Reasonable , the Intellect . The Principles of an Argument are the Major and the Minor. The End is the Principle of rational Actions ; as the Matter in things Natural , and the Idea in Artificial . II. Of the End of all Things .. The Second Hour was imploy'd in discourse touching the End ; concerning which it was said , First , that End may be taken as many wayes as Beginning ; Improperly , for the corruption of some thing ( therefore , saith Aristotle , Death is not an End , but a terme ) Properly , 't is the Good whereunto all things tend ; and 't is either first ( as , to make a medicine ) or last ( as to cure . ) Things which can tend to this End are divided into four Classes . Some are furnish'd with Reason , but not with Sense ; as the Angels or Intelligences : Others have Reason and Sense , as Man : Others have Sense without Reason , as Brutes : Others have neither Sense nor Reason , as all the rest of the Creatures . Onely the two former Agents , namely , Angel and Man , act formally for some End ; because they alone have the four conditions requisite for so doing ; viz. 1. Knowledge of the End ; 2. Knowledge of the Means which conduce thereunto ; 3. A Will to attain it ; And 4. Election or Choice of those Means . Others act indeed for it , but improperly ; as the Spider and the Swallow , though they frame onely by a natural Instinct , the one its Web , the other its Neast , yet attain their End ; and the Stone is carried by its own weight to its Centre , which is its Good ; but without the above-mention'd conditions . The Second went about to prove that some of those Animals , which we account void of Reason , Act formally for their End. For , said he , not to mention the Elephant , recorded by Plutarch , who divided his Oates in his Master's presence , as to shew him that he had but half his allowance usually given him ; or that other who carried his Kettle to the River , and fill'd it with water , to try whether it had not a hole in it ; Nor the Ox , who never went beyond the number of buckets of water which he was wont to draw ; Nor the Fox , which layes his Ear to the Ice to listen whether the water moves still underneath , before he trust himself upon it ; Nor the Hart of Crete , which runs to the Dittany , and , as they say , with that herb draws the Arrow out of his flesh : Is it not for the good of its young that the Swallow distills into their Eyes the juice of Celandine , with which she recovers their sight ? From whence Men have learnt to make use of that herb against the filme of the Eye . Have we not Horses which let themselves blood ? Ha's not the Dog election of all the wayes , whereof he chooses onely that which his Master went , who ( with all the goodly prerogatives that he ascribes to himself above him ) cannot do so much as his Dog ? And though the Example be familiar , do we not see Domestick Animals whom the Apprehension of beating keeps often from doing the mischief to which their natural inclination leads them : Which is , not onely to know an End , but amongst many to choose the best . The Third reply'd , That these Examples evidence the dexterity of Man's wit ; who knows how to apply them to his own purposes : But , in reality , it belongs not to a Brute , what ever advantage it may get by commerce with Man , to know its End as an End : Because the End is that which measures the Means ; a Mean ( Medium ) being not the better for that it is greater , but for that it is fitter proportion'd to its End. So when Hippocrates cures the Cramp with cold water , the Cure is not less excellent then if he did it with potable Gold. Now this Comparing and Measuring is a work of the Understanding . The Fourth said , As all other Lights disappear at the Sun 's , so all the other Ends must give place to the Last , which is the Supreme Good , or , Felicity : Which being either Natural or Supernatural , and this latter inexpressible ; It seems that the present Exercise ought to terminate in the former , namely , Natural Felicity . This Beatitude , in what ever thing it is found , ( for Saint Augustine reckons above eight hundred Opinions about it , and yet more may be added to the number ) consists in the most excellent Action of Man , which cannot depend but upon the noblest Faculties , the Understanding and the Will. The Action of the former is to Vnderstand ; That of the Latter is to Will. The Felicity then of Man consists in Vnderstanding well , and in Willing well , or Loving ; For the pleasure of Enjoyment is but the relishing of this Felicity , not the Felicity it self , as some have thought , with Epicurus , who is to be blam'd onely in this regard : For it is neither true , nor credible , that a Philosopher could so much forget himself as the vulgar imputes to him , to place the Supreme Good in Pleasures , even the foulest and grossest . The Fifth maintain'd , That it was unprofitable to speak of a Thing which is not ; Meaning , that pretended worldly Felicity which Men onely fancy ; and to that Induction which Solomon makes of all the things in which Men seek their contentment in vain , he added Authorities holy and profane ; to shew that there is nothing happy on all sides ; and that Solon had reason to say , That Felicity is not to be found in this Life . The Sixth reply'd , That what is said of the Miseries of this corruptible Life , compar'd with the beatitude of the other eternal , ought not to be confounded and taken absolutely . That the contentments of the one cannot be too much vilifi'd , in respect to the ravishments of the other ; of which the Pagans themselves had knowledge enough ( though under several names ) by the sole Light of Nature , to cause them to make the Fiction of the Elizian Fields ; in comparison of which they held that there was nothing but unpleasantness in this world . But as the barbarousness of some Ages past is not to be compar'd with the Politeness and Learning of this ( and yet there was alwayes some or other amongst them that pass'd for an accomplish'd Man ) so because there is a great Felicity in Heaven , it is not to be infer'd that there is none at all upon Earth . Besides , we might ( contrary to the receiv'd Maxime ) accuse Nature of having made some thing in vain , by Imprinting in Man that desire of becoming happy in this world , if he cannot be so . The Seventh said , That a Man is not happy by possessing some Excellent Thing , but by the satiating of his desire . And therefore if ( which is impossible ) a happy Man should desire some greater Good , he were no longer happy . As on the contrary , he who can satisfie himself with the least Good , is nevertheless happy . For 't is the correspondence or sutableness which makes a Good to be estemed such . A Good may content the Appetite without reflection ; but ifthe conditions of the Enjoyment be reflected upon , it will suffice for the rendring it perfect , that the Imagination exempt it from all imperfection , and attribute all the Prerogatives to it which the Will desires in it ; although it deceive it self . The Eight defined , The Supreme Good , ( after Aristotle ) The Action of the most perfect Virtue , ( which is Wisedom and Prudence ) in a perfect Age and a long Life , accompani'd with the Goods of the Body and of Fortune , viz. Health , Beauty , Nobility , Riches , and Godly Children . Not that the Felicity which is call'd Formal consists in these Goods ; but they serve for instruments and ornaments unto it , as 't is hard for a sick Man to become Learned , and for a poor to exercise the Virtues of Liberality and Magnisicence . The Ninth said , That in Morality the General Propositions are easier to be assented to , then the Particular ; Yea , that there are many to which all the world assents in general termes ; As , That Virtue ought to be Loved . For then we willingly embrace it wholly naked . But by reason of the difficulties which accompany it , Opinions become divided . The Prudent , who knows how to moderate his Passions , willeth it ; The Incontinent , who pleaseth to let himself be hurried by the torrent , willeth it not ; And denying in the retail what he before approv'd in the gross , contradicts himself . Another willeth and willeth it not , because he willeth it too faintly , or doth not sufficiently avoid the occasions which lead to Vice. Thus all the world agrees , That it behoveth to render to every one that which belongs to him ; but in the Application , the honest Man doth so , the dishonest doth the contrary . There is not the Man but confesseth , That the End ought to be prefer'd before the Means which conduce to that End ; But one takes for an End that which another takes for a Means . The Covetous ( and indeed most Men ) take Riches for the End , and Virtue for the Means . On the contrary , the Good Man takes Riches for the Means , and Virtue for his End. In my Judgement , the true Felicity of Man in this world comprehendeth the Goods of the Mind , as the End ; the Goods of the Body and Fortune onely as the Means . There was none in the Company but seem'd to have a Mind to speak something to this great Question ; of which , out of this Conference , even every particular Man daily passeth Judgement without speaking . For he who forgets all things else , for the acquiring of Honour or Riches , or for the taking of his Pleasure , doth he not imply that he maketh the same his Supreme Good ? He that entreth into a Religious Order , doth he not seek the same in Religion ? And so of others . But for that the Second Hour was slipt away , the Company proceeded to determine the matter to be treated of at the next Conference ; which was , for the First Hour , Of Causes in General . And because there is observ'd in some , even the most equitable , an ardour in maintaining their Judgements , though every one was sufficiently warn'd that this place is to have no disputings , and that none is oblig'd to uphold what he hath said with new Reasons , ( our sentiments here being all free ; ) It was propos'd , for the second point , to be particularly inquir'd , Why every one desires to have his own Judgement follow'd , though he have no interest therein . The Hour design'd for Inventions began with the Report made by the Commissioners nominated at the last Conference for examining the Book containing the Method of Teaching the Liberal Disciplines by Playing ; The Report was , That the Author seem'd very capable of performing it , the Discourse being written in a good stile ; That he evidently prov'd that the thing is Practicable ; as well in respect of the Method it self , which seemes feasable , as the Masters of the Play , and the Disciplines . But for that he discover'd his meaning onely in the Art of Teaching to read and write , and not in the other Disciplines , they could not give their Judgements upon more then what appear'd to them ; and so much they lik'd and approv'd . Then an Other presented a Latine Poem , Entitl'd , Fulmen in Aquilam , containing , in Twelve Books , Twelve Thousand Heroick Verses , in which was compriz'd the Life , Atchievments , and Death of the King of Sweden ; Having first Remonstrated to the Company that the great reputation of these Conferences brought him from his own Country to this City , that he might correct , refine , and polish his work , by the censure of so many great Wits as met there ; Conceiving there is no better way to write things for lasting , then to pass them under the Judgements of many . Whereupon Commissioners were assigned to him for that end , into whose hands he deliver'd his Work. After which , to shew that something has a Beginning , and yet no End ; Another offer'd to make appear the Experiment of a Perpetual Motion , if the matter could be kept from decaying . A Third answer'd , That making it of Glass , the matter would be Eternal , Glass being the last Product of Nature ; And that thence the Conjecture is probable that the Earth will be vitrifi'd by the last Conflagration , and by that means become diaphanous and resplendent . And thus ended this Conference . CONFERENCE III. I. Of Causes in General . II. Whence it is that every one is zealous for his own Opinion , though it be of no importance to him . I. Of Causes in General . HE who spoke first , said , That the word Cause must not be confounded with that of Reason , though it seemes so in our manner of Speech ; because an Effect serves sometime for a Reason to prove its Cause . As when I am ask'd the reason by which I know that Fire is Light ; I Answer , By its ascending upwards ; which is the Effect of Fire , and the proof but not the Cause of its lightness . Cause also differs from Principle , because every Cause is real , and imparts a being different from its own ; which Privation ( being a Principle ) hath not : And so every Cause is a Principle , but every Principle is not a Cause . Now a Cause is That which produceth an Effect . There are Four ; Matter , Form , the Agent , and its End. Which Number is not drawn from any real distinction between them ; Seeing many times one and the same Thing is Form , Agent , and End , in several respects . So the Rational Soul is the Form of Man , the Efficient Cause of his Ratiocination , and the next End of the Creation . But it is drawn from the four wayes of being a Cause , which are call'd Causalities ; whereof one susteineth the Forms , to wit , the Matter , An Other informeth that Matter , and is the Form ; A Third produceth that Form , and uniteth it to the Matter , and is the Agent , or Efficient Cause ; The Fourth by its goodness exciteth the Agent to act , and is the Final Cause . The Second said , That the Causes are handled diversly , according to the diversity of Sciences . The Logician speaks of them so far as he draws from them his Demonstrations , Definitions , and Probable Arguments : The Natural Philosopher , inasmuch as they are the Principles of all kind of Alterations hapning in natural bodies : The Metaphysitian , as Cause is a Species of Entity , which is generally divided into Cause and Effect : In which consideration Supernatural Things have also some Causes , but not all . Wherefore , in my Judgement , said he , Cause taken in general cannot be divided into the Four Species above mention'd ; because Spirits have no Material Cause : but it ought to be first divided , in reference to Immaterial things , into Efficient and Final ; and into the four abovesaid , in respect of Material . That Efficient Cause is the first principle of Motion and Rest , and is of two sorts ; viz. Vniversal or Equivocal , and Particular or Vnivocal . The former can produce several effects of different Species , whether it depend not on any other , as God , and is then call'd the First Cause ; or depend on some other , and is call'd a Second Cause ; As the Sun , which together with Man generates Man. The Particular ( otherwise , Univocal ) Cause is that which produceth one sort of effect alone ; As Man generateth Man. The Material Cause is that of which something is made . The Formal Cause is that which causeth the Thing to be that which it is , whether Essentially , as the Soul makes the Man ; or Accidentally , as a round form makes a Bowle . The Final is that which incites the Agent to act : as Gain doth the Merchant to Traffick . The Third said , Matter and Form being parts of the whole cannot be Causes thereof ; because then they would be Causes of themselves ; which is absurd . Neither is the End a Cause , but onely the term and rest of the Cause ; Besides , there are some Ends which are impossible to obtain , and are nothing of reality , such as a Cause ought to be ; as when Heliogabalus propounded to himself to become a Woman , others to fly , to become invisible , and the like absurdities . So that there is but the Efficient Sole Cause of all Things , which is the Internal Idea in God , which is nothing else but that Fiat which created the World. 'T is that very Cause which produceth all things in all different times and places , and acts upon Art , Nature , and Nothing ; whence it is that All Entity , conformable to that Increated Exemplar , beareth those three Characters , Truth , Goodness , and Vnity , which all things are bound to represent , under the Penalty of becoming Nothing , out of which they were produced . 'T is a Circle ( according to Trismegist ) whose Centre is every where , and Circumference no where ; which possibly mov'd Galen to term Man the Centre of Mixt Bodies ; and all Antiquity , a Little World ; and made Saint Thomas say , that Man hath been united hypostatically to God the Son , who is the Idea of the Father , for the rejoyning of all the productions of the world to their first Principle . Here he fell into Divinity , but he was admonish'd to observe the Rules appointed by this Assembly , to keep as far off as possible from such Matters ; and so he ended , when he had mention'd the order that is observ'd in the actions of that Idea , ( which said he ) acteth first upon the Intelligences as nearest approaching to its pure Nature ; they upon the Heavens , these upon the Elements , and these upon mixt bodies . The Fourth added , That that Idea is a Cause not onely in Natural Things , but also in Artificial . As in the building of a House , the Idea which the Architect hath in his Mind excited his Will , and this commands the Motive-faculty of the Members , or those of his Laborours , to dispose the Stones , Timber , and Morter ; which entring into the Composition of the Building , cannot ( for the Reason above-mention'd ) be Causes of it , as neither can the proportion and form . An Other said , That if the Idea be a Cause , ( which cannot be but in Artificial Things ) it must be the Formal , and not the Efficient ; since it is nothing else but an Original , in imitation of which the Artificer labours ; and since the work derives its form from that Idea which is the Copy . It was added by a Sixth , That the Idea is not Cause , but the true Essence of Things , and the first objective Verity which precedes all Knowledge Humane , but not Divine ; and is onely hereby distinct from Nothing , in that it is known by God : which suteth not with Nothing , from which any thing cannot be distinguish'd ; but it must be , if not in Act , at least in Power . The Seventh , amplifying touching Ideas , said , That upon the Knowledge of them depend all Sciences and Arts , but especially all what Men call Inventions , which are nothing less then such ; because 't is no more possible to invent some thing new , then to create some substance , and make some thing of nothing . But as all things are made by Transmutation , so no Novelty is produc'd by Imitation , either of things which are really existent , or which our Mind frames and connects ; as of a Mountain and Gold , it makes a Golden Mountain . Thus the four most Excellent Inventions of the Modern Ages ; The Compass , the Gun , Printing , and Perspective-glasses ; the two former were deriv'd from Experiments of the Load-stone , from the effect of shooting Trunks and Fire . As for Printing , what is the Matrice wherein the Founders cast their Characters , or those Characters compos'd in a flat Form , as also Copper-cuts , but a perfect Exemplar and Idea , which is communicated fully to all its individuals ? And Perspective-glasses are nothing but ordinary ones multiply'd . Another said , That Causes cannot be known at all ; whence it comes to pass that we have no certain Knowledge ; Now to know , is to know a thing by its Causes . For the Vniversal Efficient Cause is above us , and surpasseth the capacity of our Understanding ; and hence all the other inferiour and subordinate ones are unknown , because their Cause is not known . The Final is not in our power , and being not so cannot be known , because knowing presupposeth being . Formes and Specifical Differences are hidden to us . The Matter is so unknown , and so little a thing , that even Aristotle could not define it , saving by what it is not , or by Analogy and Proportion to other things ; But since Proportion cannot be but between two things equally known , and the First Matter being not so , ( so much as the Wax , to which , for Example , it is compar'd ) our Mind cannot comprehend that Analogy . The Ninth said , That the Elements ( which he held to be the First Matter ) are ingenerable and incorruptible ; Mixt Bodies being nothing else but those Elements united in sundry fashions . That this Harmonical Vnion and Symmetry is the form of Mixts , which is nothing but a certain Mode or Fashion of Being : Whence in all kind of Generation , there being no Substantial Mutation , but onely a Conjunction and Separation of the Elements , there is no other Cause but their Matter . Which is thus prov'd to be the First ; because if there be a second granted , then as Brass , being the Matter of a Statue , that Brass must have another Matter , and this is a Third , and so to Infinity ; unless one First be acknowledg'd . The Tenth said , That if a Material Cause be admitted , the Three other must be admitted also . For Matter naturally desiring Formes , it is alter'd from one into another , and that Alteration cannot arise from it self : For Nothing is altered by it self but by an other . It comes then from some Agent which moves that Matter , and which is the Efficient Cause ; which cannot do any thing in vain , but for some End , and this is the Final Cause . This End is in Natural Things the same with the Form , and differs not from it but according to our manner of Understanding . For the End of Generation is the Form of the Thing generated ; and that very Formis the End of Generation . Wherefore , admitting the Matter , the other Three cannot be excluded . II. Whence it is that we are zealous for out own Opinions . Here they pass'd to the Second Point design'd for this Conference , upon which many Opinions of divers Authors were alledged ; Some attributing the Zeal for our own Judgements to the Antipathy which is found in contrary Humours , caus'd by the diversity of Temper , and these by the opposition of the Heavenly Bodies : Especially when Saturn , that obstinate and melancholly Planet is predominant there . Others refer'd it to Ambition , following the conceit of those who think there is a Heap of Honour in the world , to which every one hath his right , and of which there is less left to others when some are suffer'd to take a great deal . One ascrib'd it to the subtilty of the Mind , which seeks to sport it self in new conceits , and having produc'd them will not seem to want means to defend them . And he observ'd that this Cantharides of Opinastry adheres usually to the goodliest flowers , there being otherwise nothing more necessary to the evidencing of Truth then contest in which we propose to our selves to find it . After this , One explicated that which gave occasion to the Question , in this manner . Men desire nothing but Good , distinguish'd into Honour , Profit , and Pleasure . None of which Three are gotten by obstinacy in an erronious conceit , especially when it is known for such ; But , on the contrary , there is shame in it , one loseth his credit by it many times , but alwayes the time , and renders himself unacceptable to the hearers , as 't is seen in Scholastick Disputes . Whence it comes to pass that a Scholar brought up in these wranglings never begins to be esteem'd in company till he has laid aside that ill quality of Never-yielding . Whereas , on the contrary , the more Ingenuous decline those Asperities by words of yieldance even in things wherein they have apparently most of Reason on their side . And whon they are mistaken , as a metled Horse rather rids himself out of the Plough then stayes there ; So 't is proper to a strong Mind to betake to a better Sentiment then its own , without sticking at the fear which the weaker are possess'd with , lest they should be blam'd for having been subject to err either in fact or in right : Remembring that 't is incident to Humanity to err , but Diabolical to persevere in a fault . Hippocrates hath freely told his own . St. Augustin hath made a Book purposely of his Retractations , and after him Cardan , and many other great personages . Every one knows this , every one commends it rather then Opiniastry ; but when it comes to the effect , very few people practise it . Which might be excus'd by the strong Passion for particular interests , if Men gave their Opinions in a Matter which concern'd their or their Friend's Estate , &c. But I account it strange in a Question which imports no benefit at all to any person , as in that about the Idea's which we were newly speaking of . The next found some scruple in the Thesis : for that it seem'd impossible to him for a Man not be concern'd for his Good ; Now his Good is that his judgement be alwayes esteemed . Nor matters it that he may be mistaken in his conceit of that Good ; for it sufficeth that he judge it such : Objects of the Will being to the Understanding , as Colours are to Light ; this doth not give them their Essence of Colour , but they hold that from their own Principle ; but it imparts the being visible , or visibility , to them : So the Understanding gives not to the Objects of the Will that sutableness wherein the Nature of Good consists , they have that from their own stock and Nature ; but it gives them Amability or Appetibility , or , to speak better , the being amiable or desirable . For knowing such convenience or sutableness , it judgeth the sutable thing amiable ; So that as soon as 't is judg'd such , 't is desired as a Good. Now Man judging it a Good to have his Opinion follow'd , willeth it as such ; and as a thing wherein he hath the highest interest . For Man , as Man , hath no Good more Eminent then to Know , Judge , and give his Sentence of Things ; 't is his utmost Natural End. Moreover , Truth which is the Result of that Good , is defin'd a Measure , Adequateness , and Correspondence of our Understanding and the Thing known , attributing to it nothing Extrinsical , and abstracting from it nothing that is its own . Now a Man that hath judg'd and given his advice , at least according to his Apprehension , seeing that advice rejected , falls into a double interest ; One arising from the charitable inclination which he hath for the good of him that consults him , whom he seeth likely to miscarry by not following his advice ; The other being his own proper interest , for that the sleighting his advice is a tacite accusing him of failing in a Thing Essential to his End , and calling him a Monster , or Fault of Nature . For as a Monster is call'd a Fault of Nature , because the Agents producing it have slipt and gone awry out of the way which she had prescrib'd and scored out to them : So Man not judging as he ought , deviates out of the way which leadeth to his End. This is it which makes him so sensible of the sleighting of his advice , which sleighting seems to conclude that he hath ill judged , and is a Lyar in his Knowledge . And hence it is said that our French cannot endure a Lye , by which a Man is imply'd to have no Understanding nor ability to judge ; seeing a Lye is opposite to that Truth which I spoke of . For the same Reason a Man is ossended with being called Fool , that is , stupid and unable to judge ; in Revenge of which Injury , and to render the like , he often gives a Cuff , which stricketh upon the Seat of Wisedom , the Face ; for according to Solomon , the Wisedom of a Man shineth in his Countenance : Therefore our Lord saith in the Gospel , that he who calleth his Brother Fool is liable to Hell , for that he impeacheth the goodly lustre of Gods Image , which consisteth in Judgement and Knowledge ; which he who calleth Fool , obscureth and bringeth in doubt . The Third said , That the Reason why we are so zealous for our Opinions , is , For that we love all that proceedeth from our selves , and particularly our Children , in whom we see pourtray'd somewhat of our own Images ; So our Opinions and Conceptions being the fruits of our Mind , we love them with Passion . Whence also Men are more lovers of the wealth which they have acquir'd themselves , then of that which they inherit . But the Reason why we are so zealous of our opinions , though we know they are false , is , That the more false Things are , the more they are their own . For a true Opinion is ours indeed , but not altogether , for it is also in the Thing ; Whereas that which is false is onely ours , since it hath no foundation in the Thing , but meerly in our Mind which imagines it to be , though it be not . Whence it is that there is no Religion nor Heresie so false , but have had their Authors and followers , Yea , 't is chiefly in this kind of Judgement that we will not be controll'd ; But Authorities , Reasons , Experiences , and also punishments being ineffectual , cause it to be conjectur'd that there is something more then Humane therein . For our Mind , which of it self is pleas'd with sublime Things , such as they are which concern Religion , is the more zealous of them the more false they are , as being altogether our own . The following Speakers refer'd the Cause to the difficulty of defacing that which is engraven in our Understanding ; To our being grounded in Different Principles , to the habit which some have of contradicting all proposals of others ; like the Woman of whom Poggio the Florentine speaks , who being drowned , her Husband went to seek her up the stream , because she fell into the River far below ; and to those who advertis'd him to seek her downwards , he answer'd ; That they did not know his wives Humour : For since others floated down according to the current of the River , she would infallibly ascend against the stream of the water . The Third Hour was spent in the Report of the Poem deliver'd to be examin'd in the preceeding Conference ; the Author of which was the more commended for so great a Performance , in that there hath not appeared in our Age so long-winded a Poem : Whereof the fault was attributed to the niceness of the Witts of these Times , impatient of long reading , and the too exact manner of writing wholly turn'd into points , the continuation of which is next to impossible . Amongst other Inventions , was offer'd that of an Instrument which so magnifieth a species , that a Flea appears in it of the bigness and form of a Rat , and the little wormes which are found in all kinds of good Vinegar , of the bigness of Eeles . For that One had spoken otherwise of the First Matter then they do in the Schools , and there had not been sufficient Information of the Proposal made in the last Conference touching a Perpetual Motion , they were appointed for the Subjects of the next . CONFERENCE IV. I. Of the First Matter . II. Of Perpetual Motion . I. Of the First Matter . THe Entrance into the former of these Subjects was made in this manner . We should be too sensual Philosophers , if we believ'd nothing but what we see ; though also we see the First Matter ; but 't is as the Ancients said Proteus was seen , namely , in so many formes that there was not one of them his own , and yet he was never destitute . So I see the First Matter under the form of a Man , a Horse , a Tree , a stone , and yet the stone , Tree , Horse , Man , are not the Form of that First Matter , for it hath none : Otherwise , if I conceive it cloth'd with one single Form , 't is then call'd Second Matter . Nevertheless they differ not really one from the other ; no more then a Man naked , and afterwards clothed . The First is the common Subject of Substantial Formes , and remaineth both before and after Corruption . The Second said , That as God is Incomprehensible , by reason of his exceeding Grandeur ; so is this First Matter , by reason of its baseness and lowness ; which makes it of all Things of the world neerest to Nothing , conceivable by its obscurity alone , as the night which we begin to see when we no longer see any thing else . Whence it followes that we cannot say what it is , but onely what it is not . The Third said , That as Inachus , Father of Io , seeking his Daughter , found her Name written every where : For being turn'd into a Heifer , whose Foot is cloven , with the Pastern she grav'd an O , and with the cleft an I , and so form'd Io. Nevertheless her Father knew her not ; for she was under a form which cover'd and hid the shapes and lines of her visage : Just so is the First Matter found written every where . For of it ( better then of Jupiter ) we may say that it is whatsoever thou seest , and whatsoever is mov'd is Matter : But being cover'd with a form , and involv'd with the attires that follow it , it cannot be seen in the pure and naked Nature of First Matter . And just as in a loaf of Bread , the Leven which fermented it is there , though kneaded and temper'd in the mass of Meal , in which it seemeth lost : For being dissolv'd it turnes to it self , and into its own Nature , the whole Mass wherein it is incorporated : And as in Cheese , the Rennet ( though dissolv'd and mixt in the Milk ) ceases not to be there ; yea , draws to its Nature the substance into which it was liquifi'd : So the First Matter , though it seem to have lost its being by entring into the Compound , retaines the same notwithstanding , and also draws all to it self , rendring material what ever it is joyn'd to . And although it be not visible or perceptible when 't is alone , yet it is real in the Compound , in which it puts off the Name of First , and takes that of Second . We prove this First Matter from the Necessity of a Common Subject in all Mutations , out of which the Agents , which destroy the formes opposite to their own , may draw forth those which they will produce ; which is the term of their Action : Otherwise Things must become nothing , to pass from one being to another ; which would presuppose Creation , and destroy those Two Maximes , That a Thing cannot be reduc'd into Nothing ; and Of Nothing is not made something . It is defin'd An Imperfect and Incomplete Substance , the First Subject of Natural Things , which are compos'd of it as an Internal and Essential part , not by accident . It s quality is to be a pure Passive Power , which is nothing distinct from it self , but is taken for a Thing begun and not perfected ; yet design'd to be finished by the Supervening of the Form , and the interposing of Agents , who by their activities drawing the Form out of the bosome of it , perfect and accomplish it . It serves for two purposes : First , To give durance and Consistence to all Things , which last so much the longer as their Matter is less compounded ; That is to say , less alienated from its naked and pure Nature of First Matter : As it appears in the Heavens and the Elements , which I conceive are not changed one into another . In the Second place it serves Agents for to act , and Patients to resist . Whence it comes to pass , that the more compact and close their Matter is , the more powerfully they resist : As appears in a hot Iron which burnes more then common flame ; in Water which moistens more then aire , though it be less humid ; and in Steel , which resists more then Lead . The Fourth said , That to know what this First Matter is , it behoveth to proceed thereunto by the way of the Senses , and then examine whether Reason can correct what they have dictated to us . Now our Senses tell us that most part of mixt Bodies are resolved into Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury ; And the Chymists affirm , that these Three Bodies cannot be reduced into any other Matter by any Artifice . But Reason correcting Sense teacheth us , that though these Three Bodies are Chymical Sensible Principles , yet they are not First Principles , nor the true First Matter ; for that all Bodies are not made of them ( as 't is seen in the Coelestial ) and they may yet be reduc'd into another Matter , viz. into the Elements . For in Sulphur there is Fire , seeing it is inflamable ; And it hath also some Aqueous or Terrestrial Substance which makes visible that Fire . Likewise there is Fire in Salt , seeing it is tart and biting , and according to the Chymists , the subject of natural heat : There is Water too , for it melteth , and it extinguisheth Fire : There is also Earth in it , for it is dry , fixt , compact , and weighty . Wherefore Reason leading us as far as the Elements , it remaineth to consider whether we must stop there , or go yet further , to find out a Matter into which these are reduc'd . But not finding any , I conceive they must be the First Matter . The Fifth reply'd , That the Elements being complete Substances , and consequently compounded of Matter and Form , we must not stop there , but go further in search of that first and ultimate subject of all Natural Mutations ; it being inconsistent , that a Compound of Matter and Form should be but one of those Two. The sixth held , That Water is the First Matter , if not the Elementary , at least the Aethereal Water , which was for that purpose created first : The Holy Scripture witnessing , that In the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth : Where the Hebrew word that is render'd Heaven signifie The Waters ; and 't is added That the Spirit of God moved upon the Waters . Moreover , our Life consisteth solely in Humidity ; which failing , Death ensueth . The Seventh said , That the First Matter being a Thing most imperfect , and least active , such as the Earth is too , she ought rather to bear that Name then any of the Elements . To shew further that the Elements are the First Matter , it was alledg'd that they are not transmuted one into another , but are ingenerable and incorruptible ; that consequently in every kind of Generation or Corruption there is not made any Substantial Mutation , but only an Vnion or Separation of the Elements ; And therefore it is not needful to recur to another First Matter that may be Permanent under all Mutations , since Entities are not to be multiply'd without necessity . For as to the former , They are not transmuted one into another , because , before the Transmutation , or Substantial Generation of a Thing , Alteration is requisite , that is , the Introduction of Quality and Dispositions sutable to the Form which is to be produc'd . For Example , before Fire be turn'd into Water , Air , or Earth , it must first receive Cold , Moisture , and Gravity , which are the Qualities sutable to those Formes which it is to receive ; but this is impossible : For Fire , while it is Fire , cannot be Cold , Moist , and Heavy . As for the Second , viz. That the Elements are ingenerable and incorruptible , he shew'd it by this other Example . From Wood that burnes proceed the Four Elements , or Four different Natures correspondent to them , viz. Flame , Smoke , Liquor , and Ashes , but they were in it before ; because they could not be produc'd out of Nothing ; And in the Conflagration of this Wood there is onely the Fire that Acts , which being Hot , Light , and Dry , cannot produce such Things as are contrary to it self . Here Experience was alledg'd against him ; which evidenceth that Water upon the Fire is turn'd into Vapour , and then into Air , that Air is turnd into Fire ; and so of the other Elements . But he reply'd , That the Water is not turn'd into Vapour , or into Air ; but the Fire insinuating and joyning it self with the Water , frames that Vapour , composed Actually of Water and Fire . Whence when you put a Cover upon a Dish of hot Viands , the Particles of Fire which are in those Vapours , being subtle , pass through the Pores of the Cover , and sever themselves from those of the Water ; which being unable to pass through too , by reason of their grosness , they adhere to the upper part of it . In like manner , said he , when the Air seemes set on fire , 't is not chang'd or turn'd into Fire , but onely the Particles of Fire which were dispers'd here and there in the Air , become collected and united together . And when the Fire disappears , it proceeds from its Particles being diffus'd amongst the other Particles of Air , Water , and Earth . The Last strengthned this Opinion , saying , That the pure Elements have the same Proprieties that are attributed to the First Matter ; and ( amongst the rest ) fall not under the perception of Sense . Yea , that 't is as hard to see a pure Element , as to see the First Matter . For the Elementary Fire ( ex gr . ) cannot be expos'd to the Air , nor the Air to the Water , nor the Water to the Earth , ( and much less those which are contrary to one another ) without being alter'd by their mutual contract , that is to say , without losing their Nature of Element ; which , moreover , cannot be known by the Senses , unless by its Second Qualities ; which arising from the mixture of the First , it follows that the Elements which have no other cannot be the object of our Senses . For the First Qualities would not be perceptible by our Senses , if they lodg'd in a Simple Element . As it appears by the flame of Aqua Vitae , which burnes not by reason of the thinness of its Matter ; By Ashes , which while it is making , is more Light then heavy ; By the Aire , which dryes instead of moistning , and yet is call'd the First Humid Body ; And by Water , which following the qualities of the Neighbouring Bodies , shews that it cannot be term'd of it self either hot or cold . II. Of Perpetual Motion . At the Second Hour it was said , That the Perpetual Motion to which this Hour was design'd , is not meant of Motion to Substance , which is Generation and Corruption , by reason of which Compounded Bodies are in Perpetual Motion ; For in Corruptible Things , every Moment is a degree of Corruption . Nor is it meant of Motion to Quantity , which is Augmentation and Diminution ; nor of that which is made to Quality , which is Alteration , but of Local Motion . And again , the Inquiry is not about the possibility of Local Motion in Animals , nor about running-water , or Fire , to whom it is natural ; as appears in Mills which are upon Rivers , and Turn-spits , or Engines , which the Smoke causeth to turn about . Wherefore his Invention who exactly fastned a Girdle to his skin , which rising and falling as he took his breath , serv'd for a perpetual spring to a Watch that hung at it , ( which by that means needed not winding up ) was not the Perpetual Motion which we mean. No more was that which proceeded from the wings of a little Wind-mill , plac'd at the mouth of a Cave , which the Vapour continually issuing forth , caus'd alwayes to move . But it must be in a subject naturally unmoveable , made by Art to continue its Motion : And this is prov'd possible , I. Because , as Hermes saith , That which is below is as that which is above ; Now we see above the Perpetual Motion of the Heavenly Bodies , by example of which it is certain that this Motion must be Circular . In the Second place , Nature hath not given us a desire of Things impossible . Now , an infinite number of good wits shew by their search the desire which they have of it . Thirdly , it is held that Archimedes had it , whence it was feign'd that Jupiter was jealous of him . In the Fourth place , it seems that if a very uniform Circle could be put exactly upon a Pivot or Spindle , and were set in Motion , it would never stop any more then the Heavens , because it doth not poise or gravitate upon its Centre , so long as it is turning , ( as it appears by a Stone , which poiseth not in the Circle made on high in turning it round ) and so nothing resisting the external Agent , the Motion must last as long as the impression lasteth ; and the impression must last alwayes , because nothing resists it ; but on the contrary , the Agitation continues it . Thus of all the Models of Engines , contriv'd to move perpetually , we see not one that makes so much as one turn ; Whereas a plain wheel makes above a thousand , though it be not exactly plac'd upon its Centre , and the Poles be not two simple points as they ought to be , if that Art could come to perfection ; in which Case the effect of Perpetual Motion would follow . The Second said , That he held it for impossible , for that it is repugnant , not onely as to the Efficient Cause , which being limited and finite cannot produce an infinite Effect ; but also as to the very form of that Motion , which must be either Direct , Circular , or Mixt. If it be Direct , it will be made from one term to another , in the one of which its Motion ending , it cannot be perpetual . And because the most certain Principle of this Direct Motion cometh from Gravity , which tendeth from high downwards ; when it shall be arriv'd there , nothing will be able to mount it up again , Gravity having found its Centre and place ; or if the Motion be violent , the impression being ended , it cannot re-produce it self of its own accord in the Engine ; ( otherwise , it would be animated ) and therefore it will cease from Motion . If the Motion be Circular , ( as in this effect it would be the most proper in imitation of that of the Heavens ) this moving Circle shall be in all parts either of equal , or different weight . If it be equal throughout , it shall not turn at all of it self , one part having no advantage over another ; If it be unequal , and there be put ( for example ) four pound to raise up three , it will happen that when the greatest weight hath gotten the lowest place , the lighter parts will not be able to raise up the heavier ; and so the Motion will have an End. Now if the Direct and Circular Motion are incapable of this perpetuity , the mixt or compounded of both shall be so too . So that it seemeth impossible , by reason of the gravity of the matter ( not to mention its corruptibility ) to compose a Machine or Engine that moves alwayes . And were there any ground to think of it , some have conceiv'd it might be done with the Load-stone , which hath a Virtue of attracting to it self on one side , and driving away on the other , and so by continuing this little Motion ( which would be of no great benefit ) it might render the same perpetual . But you ordinarily see that they who make these inquiries , onely find rest in their Engines and Motion in their brains , whereas they hop'd the contrary . The Third said , That it appears by that which they call the Roman Balance , that the same weight hang'd neer the Centre , weighes less then when it is more distant from it . Consequently that disposing the weights which shall be round a wheel , so as to be neer the Centre about one half thereof , and distant from it the other half , you shall have a Perpetual Motion , which ought not to be accounted the less such , though the Matter should last but a year , yea but a day ; it sufficing for a night to that name , that it lasts as long as its Matter ; as 't is seen in the Vice of Archimedes , termed without End , though it be made but of wood ; not by reason of its lasting , but because the Vice being apply'd upon an indented wheel , instead of entring into a screw , there is no raising or letting it down , as is practis'd in those of Presses . He prov'd it further , For that it is seen that by the help of that Vice without End , by the instrument term'd Polyspaston , and others of the like Nature , a Child may easily lift up a weight of 10000 pounds ; Yea , even to Infinity , could the strength of the Cordage and the Instruments bear it . For it follows that if a less weight can lift up a greater , this greater will lift up a less ; which will be the Perpetual Motion which we inquire after . The Fourth reply'd , That this Motion seemed to him impossible to find , not for its being unprofitable ( for it would be one of the greatest helps that Art could afford Man , to ease him in his labours ) but because there is in all Arts some thing of impossibility ; as the Quadrature of the Circle in Geometry , in Rhetorick the perfect Orator , the Philosophers Stone in Chymistry , the Common-wealth of Plato in Polity , and in the Mechanicks Perpetual Motion . And whereas it is said that a less weight or less strength can lift up a greater , this is to be understood in more time : So that what is gotten in strength is lost in time ; which comes all to one . For Example , one Man , or one hundred weight , shall raise as high in one hour , as much weight as four Men or 400. weights shall raise in a quarter of an hour by any Mechanick Invention whatsoever . The Last Hour was imployed in the mentioning of some Engines which had some likelihood of moving themselves endlesly ; And amongst others , it was propos'd , That a Wind-mill having a large wing , which the wind should alwayes drive behind , as it doth weather-cocks , and by that means alwayes present its four ordinary sails to the wind , might lift up so weighty a burthen whilst the wind blows , that the same burden coming to descend while the wind ceaseth , would cause a Motion of Continual Duration . Which also may be more easily practis'd in a Perpetual Fountain , by help of a Great Reservor which should be fill'd by help of the wind , and be emptying it self all the time that it bloweth not . One Demanded , Whence it cometh that some are inclin'd to Mechanicks , others onely to Contemplation and Literature . It was answer'd , that this proceeds from the Resemblance which their Mind hath with the Things which they affect . The time being past for this Conference , this Question afforded the Subject to the next , for the first point concerning Resemblance , and chiefly that of kinred one to another ; And for the Second , Whether Letters ought to be joyn'd with Armes . CONFERENCE V. I. Of Resemblance . II. Whether it behoveth to joyn Armes to Letters . I. Of Resemblance . UPon the First , It was said , That there are Three Sorts of Resemblance , viz. Of Species , of Sex , and of Aspect . The Resemblance of Species comes from the Univocal Cause determined to produce an Effect like to it self . That of Sex comes from the Predominancy either of the Masculine or Feminine Geniture , or from the weakness of both : The End of Nature being alwayes to make a perfect work , viz. a Male ; to which if she cannot attain , she maketh a Female . The Resemblance of Aspect , ( or individual ) which is that we are speaking of , comes from the Formative Virtue inherent in the Geniture , which being like a Quintessence or Extract not onely of all the parts which contribute to its Generation , but also of the Spirits which accompany , move and inform it in some manner ; it is not to be wonder'd if what is produc'd thereof bear their image and likeness , as the Visible Species representeth the luminous or coloured Thing from whence it proceedeth . To which if the Imagination also concur , it sends still to the Faetus more Spirits then there were before ; which being the Principal Artificers in Formation , imprint a shape or figure upon it like the Body from whence they streamed , and of which themselves partake in some sort ; As the Water which issueth out of Pipes , though it spout far , retaineth the form thereof . The strength of which Imagination is too great to doubt of ; being such as it is able to change the colour of a Child , and to cause some to be born all hairy , by the sight of the like Objects : Of which the marks which are imprinted on the Bodies of Infants in the womb of their Mothers , through some such Imagination are sufficient proofs , and that in Brutes too . The Second said , That indeed this is an Effect of the Imagination , seeing Galen having caus'd the picture of a white Child to be hang'd at the beds-feet of a Moor-Lady , she brought forth a Child of the same colour . And besides the Example of Lahan's sheep , which brought forth streaked young , by reason of the Rods of that colour plac'd in their drinking-troughs ; Experience of Hens , who bring forth white Chickens if they be cover'd with Linnen while they brood , verifieth the same . The way that that Faculty produceth such an Effect is thus . The Animal Spirits which reside in the Brain slide thence into the whole Body , but especially into the Matrice , by reason of the near Sympathy which is between them by the Nerves of the Sixth Conjugation which unite them , and render Women subject to so many several accidents , whereof the field of Nature is too fertile . The Spirits then imprinting their qualities into that solid part , it serves as a mould for the forming of the tender Embryo . Which is not to be understood of Simple Imagination , but of those upon which the Mind maketh a vehement and constant reflexion . The Third said , That if the Imagination contributed any Thing to the Resemblance , we should see no unhandsome Children . For could a Man beget what he would , he would alwayes make it resemble some fair Idea in his Imagination . Besides , this Faculty can have no influence , saving at the moment of the Act , or during the bearing . Not in the former , for nothing acts upon that which is not . Now the Parts exist not yet during that Act. Not the latter , for the parts are then already form'd . It will then be demanded in what time of the bearing this Imagination hath power . If it be said in the former part , it is held that the parts expos'd to our view are not then form'd , and yet 't is in those that Resemblance is observ'd : But in those first dayes onely the Principal pars , viz. The Liver , the Heart , and the Brain are form'd . If you will have it to be in the latter dayes , the Soul being by that time introduc'd , which is its true form , and imprints upon the body the traces of the Inclinations , it cannot thence forward be susceptible of alterations by a meer fancy . Now that the manners of the Soul follow the External Form of the Body , appears by Physiogmony wholly founded upon that Principle . The Fourth argued that the Geniture is the superfluous aliment of the Third Concoction , which proceeding from all the parts of the Body retaines the Characters of the same , and imprints them upon the Body of the Embryo ; And hence come hereditary diseases , as also the usual Resemblance of Twins : And such is the Law of Nature , that Children resemble their Fathers and Mothers just as Plants do the Plants which produce them . As for the unlikness , it comes usually from the diversity of the Genitures of Father and Mother , which make a Third Temperament ; as of the colours yellow and blew mingled together is made a green . The Fifth attributed the Cause to the divers Constellations ; because seeing all the alterations which happen here below cannot , said he , proceed but from Heaven or the Elements , there is no probability in attributing them to these latter ; otherwise they would be both Agents and Patients together : And besides , if the Elements were the Efficient Cause of the Mutations which come to pass in Nature , there would be nothing regular , by reason of their continual Generation and Corruption . Wherefore 't is to the Heavens that it ought to be ascrib'd : And as the same Letters put together in the same order make alwayes the same word ; So , as often as the principal Planets meet in the same Aspect , and the same Coelestial Configuration , the Men that are born under such Constellations , are found alike . Nor is it material to say , ( though 't is true ) that the Heavenly Bodies are never twice in the same scituation ; because if this should happen , it would not be Resemblance longer , but Identity , such as Plato promised in his great Revolution after six and forty thousand years . Besides , there is no one so like to another , but there is alwayes found more difference then conformity . The Sixth affirm'd , That the same Cause which produceth the likeness of Bodies is also that which rendreth the inclinations of Souls alike , seeing the one is the Index of the other . Thus we see oftimes the manners of Children so expresly imitate those of their Parents of both Sexes , that the same may be more rightfully alledged for an Argument of their Legitimacy , then the External Resemblance alone , which consists onely in colour and figure . This makes it doubtful whether we may attribute that Resemblance to the Formative Virtue : Otherwise , being connex'd as they are , it would be to assign an Immaterial Effect ( as all the operations of the Rational Soul are ) to a Material Cause . The Seventh ascrib'd it to the sole vigour or weakness of the Formative Virtue , which is nothing else but the Spirits inherent in the Geniture , and constituting the more pure part of it ; The rest serving those Spirits for Matter , upon which they act for the organizing it , and framing a Body thereof . Now every Individual proposing to himself to make his like , he arrives to his End when the Matter is suted and possess'd with an Active Virtue sufficiently vigorous ; and then this likeness will be not onely according to the Specifical Nature and the Essence , but also according to the Individual Nature , and the Accidents which accompany the same . This seems , perhaps , manifest enough in that First Degree of Children to Fathers ; but the difficulty is not small , how a later Son that hath no Features of his Fathers Countenance comes to resemble his Grand-father or Great Grand-father . The Cause , in my Judgement , may be assign'd thus . Though the Geniture of the Ancestor was provided with sufficient Spirits to form a Son like himself , yet it met with a Feminine Geniture abounding with qualities contrary to its own , which infring'd its formative vertue , and check'd the Action thereof , hindring the Exuberance of its Spirits from attaining to frame such lineaments of the Countenance as Nature intended : or else it met with a Matrice out of due temper by some casual cold , though otherwise both the Genitures were laudably elaborated . For when those Spirits , or Formative Virtue , become chil'd and num'd , they shrink and retire into their mass ; as he that is cold to his bed ; and wanting heat , in which their Activity consists , they remain in a manner buried , and without Action , in reference to this Resemblance : And nevertheless there is left enough to make a Male like to the Father , as to the species . This Son thus form'd comes to Age to Generate , and meeting with a Feminine Geniture proportion'd to his own in vigour and strength , and a Matrice proper to receive them , those Spirits of his Father , which till then lay dormant , are awaken'd to Action ; and concurring from all parts of the Body suddenly impregnate the Geniture of the Immediate Father , having by their long residence in the corporeal mass been recruited , refined , and elaborated : And as old Wine surpasseth new in strength and vigour of Spirits , because it hath less Phlegme ; so those Spirits of the Grand-father having digested all the superfluous Phlegm wherewith those of the Father abound , are more strong then they , and win possession in the Geniture , for the forming and organizing of it according to the shape of the Body from whence they first issued . The Eighth said , That he was very backward to believe that any Thing of our Great Grand-fathers remaineth in us , seeing it is doubted , upon probable grounds , whether there remaineth in our Old Age any thing of our Child-hood ; and that the Body of Man , by the continual deperdition of its Three-fold Substance , Spirits , Humours , and solid parts , is like the ship Argo , which by the successive addition of new matter was the same , and not the same . That he conceiv'd not yet how the Geniture can proceed from all the parts ; seeing Anatomy teacheth us , that the Spermatick Veines derive it immediately from the Trunk of the Hollow Vein ( Vena Cava ) and the Emulgent ; and the Arteries from the great Artery , ( Aorta ) conveying it to be elaborated in the Glandules call'd Prostatae ; from whence it is set on work by Nature . The solid Parts can have no Influence upon it ; for what humour or juice is brought to them for their nourishment goeth not away naturally but by sweat , insensible transpiration , and the production of hair . The Spirits are too subtle and dissipable to preserve in themselves a Character , and imprint the same upon any Subject . That Resemblance , in my Judgement , proceedeth from the natural heat which elaborateth and delineateth the Body of the Geniture , and by it the Embryo ; First with the general Idea of its species , and then with the accidents which it hath , and which it borroweth from the Matrice , from the menstruous blood , and the other Circumstances requisite to Generation ; and when chance pleaseth , there is found a likeness to the Father , Mother , or others . Which Circumstances being alike in the Formation of Twinns , cause them to resemble one another ; unless when the Particles of the Geniture ( which is sufficient for two ) are of unlike Natures , and are unequally sever'd by the natural heat : So that ( for Example ) the milder and more temperate Particles are shar'd on one side ; and on the other , the more rough and bilious ; As it hapned in Jacob and Esau , the former of whom was of a sweet , and the other of a savage humour , and then Bodies as different as their Manners . One the contrary , many resemble one another in Countenance , who are nothing at all related ; as Augustus and that young Man , who being ask'd by the Emperour whether his Mother had never been at Rome , answer'd , No , but his Father had ; And the true and false Martin Guerre , who put a Parliament , their Wife , and all their kinred , to a hard task to distinguish them . II. Whether Letters ought to be joyned with Armes . The Second Hour , design'd for treating of the Conjunction of Armes and Letters , began with this discourse . That Armes seem not onely unprofitable , but contrary to humanity , since their End is the destruction of Man. That among the rest , the Gun , invented by a Monk nam'd Bertol , in the year 1380. hath caus'd the death of too many persons , not to be in horrour to the living ; from which the most valiant cannot secure himself : And if they be compar'd to the studies of humanity , they are so far distant from them , that the Beginning of the one is the End of the other ; The clashing of Armes , as Sylla said , hindring attenion to Lawes . And comparing them together , that French Hercules who drew men to him with chains of Gold , subdu'd them much better , winning their Bodies and their Hearts , then that other subduer of Monsters whose victory extended but to the one half . That Archimedes defending Syracuse by his skill against the Army of Marcellus , seemes to void the Question . But on the other side , since the point of Wit wins not the Victory now a dayes , unless it be joyn'd with that of the Sword ; And that , on the contrary , Armes command over all ; it is certain that a City full of Philosophers , that knew not how to help themselves with Armes , would be taken by a Regiment of Souldiers ignorant of Letters ; and that of all the Lawes there is none more peremptory then the Gun : Which is signifi'd by that Devise which our Cannons of the new casting have graven upon them , Ratio ultima Regum . Moreover , we see that the Turks ( whose Political Maximes are as good for the preservation and increasing of their Empire , as their Religion is bad for the attaining to that of Heaven ) excepting what little needs to instruct the few Fryers they have in their Mosquees , and less the Judges in their Tribunals , scorn all Learning , and teach their people no other Science but Obedience and Contempt of Death . While the Greeks and the Romans did the same each of them got and kept a Monarchy : As on the contrary , their declining hapned when their skilfulness in all Sciences was risen to the highest point : Having ceas'd to do well , when they addicted themselves too much to speak well . So greatly doth Literature intenerate and soften Hearts , effeminating those that apply themselves thereto ; whether by their Charm , or by the too great dissipation of Spirits requir'd by the assiduity of Study and Contemplation ; which almost draws the Soul out of the Body , and notably weakneth its ordinary functions . Whence it comes to pass that studious Men have not onely their Sight and all other Senses , but also the Members of their Body , more weak , how good soever their natural temper be ; which is strengthened by the exercise to which they are oblig'd who practise other Arts , and especially that of War , an Enemy to Sedentary Life . Nevertheless coming to consider the Advantages which Alexander drew from the precepts of Aristotle ; Caesar from his own Eloquence and the Mathematicks , for the making of Speeches to his Souldiers , building of Bridges , and besieging of places ; That without Astrology , which inabled Christopher Columbus to foresee an Eclipse of the Moon , in the year 1492. whereof he made use to frighten the Americans extremely , his Enterprize had perish'd : In brief , that that brave King of Sweden , Conquerour during his Life and after his Death , so happily joyned Letters to Armes ; I conclude for their Conjunction , authoriz'd by that excellent Sentence , That the Nations are happy whose Philosophers are Kings , or whose Kings are Philosophers ; and confirm'd by the Example which the admirable Government of this Kingdom affordeth . The Next said , That if it behoveth to marry the Sciences to Armes , it must be because Learning maketh the Souldier either more honest , or more valiant and couragious , or more dextrous and warlike . Now they have none of these Effects ; not the former ; For , on the contrary , the most favourable Sentence that can be pass'd upon Learning , is , to say that it is neither good nor bad of it self , but leaves the Will of the possessor in the same posture that it found it . The most moderate Detractors alledge that Knowledge puffeth up ; Now Presumption conduceth not much to the Amendment of Life . Others go so far as to maintain , That Simplicity and sweetness of Manners is not found usually with great Learning ; according to that Sentence which the Company will permit me to alledge in its own Language , Postquam docti prodierunt boni desunt . Moreover S. Paul disswades us as much as possible from Philosophy , which he calls vain , adding that such as would know too much must be rejected from the Church : And as the Shoo-makers are commonly the worst shod , and the richest the most covetous ; so they that know the most good are willing to do the least . Now if this be true in persons of the highest form , is it to be hop'd that a Souldier whose inclinations are usually not too devout , should become an honester Man after he has studied ? But besides , he will become as little valiant and couragious thereby ; Reason requiring , that the more a Man knows dangers and inconveniences , the more shy and backward he is to venture amongst them ; And Experience shewing that the softness of studies is incompatible with the warlike ardour and martial humour . Of which Marius , and other Roman Captains , not ignorant ( no more then those at present ) did not go to the Schooles to choose their Souldiers , but into the Shops and Villages : Which caus'd Licinius and Valentinian , Emperours of Rome , to say , That their State had no Poyson more dangerous then Learning . The Greeks by being too much addicted thereunto , were easily subdu'd by the Goths , who understood nothing but to kill and burn ; and yet were not so ignorant as to take from the Greeks , overcome by them , the use of Learning : for fear lest coming to themselves they might easily shake off their yoke . They left them their Libraries entire , to continue their exercise therein peaceably . So long as the Spartans flourish'd , they had no other Academies but of Valour , Prudence , and Justice . The Persians had no other Schooles but the practice of Vertue , whereof onely the name and definition is known in ours , which afford nothing but unprofitable tattle . Lastly , Study , as 't is vulgarly practis'd at this day , instead of rendring a Man better behav'd , imprints upon him the manners of the Colledge , insupportable to all the world , and rendring the name of Scholar odious . Few people have less discretion then they ; most beggars ask Almes in Latine ; and this Language is more common to Bedlam then to any other place . The multitude and earnestness of those who vigorously maintain'd the Cause of Learning , hindred the distinct Recollection of all their Reasons ; but they may be reduc'd to these . Armes destitute of Letters , have more of the Brute then of the Man : the ignorance of danger not deserving the Name of Valour , but that onely which sees the danger , and despises it in comparison of the honour which it expects from victory . What a glory would be added to the Gown , if , in imitation of those brave Roman Consuls and Senatours , a President or Counsellor were seen carrying the Flower de Luce beyond our Frontiers in the head of an Army , and the other Officers by their Example ? Armes making Laws respected , and Laws polishing Armes . The Inventions were very different , yea , diametrically opposite ; one amongst the rest propounding a way to build an impregnable Fortress , another an Engine to which nothing could resist : And the Matters of the next Conference were the Vniversal Spirit and Fire . CONFERENCE VI. I. Of Fire . II. Of the Vniversal Spirit . I. Of Fire . UPon the First Subject it was said , That there is no Elementary Fire , and that this Opinion doth not destroy the Four First Qualities ; Seeing Heat may be without that Fire , as in the Sun. Moreover , that supposed Elementary Fire cannot be under the Moon . For if it were , the Refraction , or Parallax caused by it , would cause the Stars to be seen in another place then they are , and of different Magnitudes ; As the Opticks clearly demonstrate to us , and justifie by the experiment of a piece of Money put into a Basin , which we behold not , by reason of the interposition of its sides ; and yet it appears when you put water into the Vessel : Because the Visual Ray is alwayes broken , and makes an Angle when it passeth through a Medium of differing thickness , as the Air and the Water are ; and as the Air and the Fire would be , through which the Stars must be seen ; and consequently we should not see them in their true place , when they are out of our Zenith ; in which alone the Visual Ray is not broken . But this the Prediction of Eclipses to a set moment , convinceth to be false . In the Third Place , That Fire , being but an Accident cannot be an Element . That it is but an Accident , appears by a combustible Body ; in which , for the kindling of Fire , there is nothing else introduc'd but a great heat . In the Fourth Place , This same Fire being produc'd by an Accident , as by the Motion of some Body , cannot be a Substance ; For Accidents do not produce Substances . Lastly , we are compos'd of the same Things by which we are conserv'd , and yet there is no Animal that lives of Fire , as of the other Elements ; that which is said of the Flies called Pyraustae being but a Fable . Besides , 'T is hard to conceive how Fire being in that High Region could concur to all kinds of Generation . And therefore , if there be any Fire that enters into the Composition of mixt Bodies , 't is onely the heat of the Sun which quickens and animates all things . As for our common Fire , they say it is light and dry . But for the former , as they do not prove it but by the Sight , which beholds it ascend ; so the same Sight sees it descend in a Candle , in Wood , and other Matters , which the Fire consumes from the top to the bottom : And therefore of it self it is indifferent to all Motion , and follows its Aliment upwards , when it mounts thither by its rarefaction , and downwards when the same is detain'd there by the gravity of its Matter . And though it should ascend above the Air , yet would it not follow from thence that it is light , but onely less ponderous then the Air which thrust it out of its place ; as the Earth doth the Water , and the Water the Air. Besides , whereas the Fire imparteth ponderosity , as is seen in Calcined Lead , it cannot be said to be Light. Next , to say that Fire is dry , I account not less strange . For it cannot have Siccity , since it introduceth it not actually into Bodies ; but when it drieth any humid Body it doth nothing else but take away its humidity , which being separated from that Body , it remains in the Siccity which was there before , ( but appeared not by reason of the predominancy of its humidity ; ) and consequently is not introduc'd anew by the Fire . Besides , by the definition which Aristotle gives of Humid , ( viz. That it is that which is easily containd'n in an other , but hardly in it self , ) the Fire should be more humid then the Air , yea , then water it self . The Second said , That Fire is neither Element nor Substance . For Qualities are perceiv'd by every Thing 's manifesting those of the Element predominant in it , and whereof it is compos'd . Terrestrial Bodies , as Stones , Metals , and Minerals , are actually cold and dry to the touch . Aquatick , as Fish and Fruits , are cold and moist . Aerial , as Oyle and Wood , indifferent , sometimes hot , sometimes cold , according to the disposition of the place where they are . Animals alone are actually hot , but they derive that heat solely from the Soul. We see nothing in the World actually hot of its own Nature . Why then should we establish an Element , of which we can have no tidings ? As we have of the other Elements , of which some would make it a companion ; contrary to the Maxime , which alloweth not , That Entities be multiply'd in Nature without Necessity . 'T is of no validity to object the actual heat of Mineral Waters . For the least Curious know the cause thereof to be this ; that those Waters passing through Mines of Sulphur or Bitumen , imbibe the Spirits thereof ; which by the Motion of the Water are heated accidentally : As appears in that being taken out of their own place , they presently lose that heat ; which shews that this heat is no part of them , but is derived elsewhere . Moreover that Sublunary Fire would be to no purpose . For either it would descend to enter into the composition of Things with the rest , or not . If it descend , that is against its Nature , which is ( as they commonly say ) light , and alwayes tending upwards ; besides it would consume all by its great Activity . If it descend not , it would be unprofitable to the World , and so not Element . For neither Man , nor the other mixt Substances which are generated , go to seek it in the Circle of the Moon . Besides , Generations are made without it by the heat of the Sun. For , in the First Place , Humidity is requisite thereto , for the uniting and binding together of the Matter , which otherwise would be dust ; and that Humidity the Air or the Water affordeth . In the Second Place , such Matter , united by Humidity , is made close , firm , and compact , by the coldness of Water , the propriety of which is to congeal . In the Third Place , the driness which the Earth contributes gives it a consistence and permanent hardness ; And , lastly , the heat alone of the Sun digests all this together , and unites it very perfectly without need of any other Fire . I confess , indeed , that we have Fire , but it never enters into the composition of Natural Things ; nor ever was it a Substance , because Two Substantial Formes cannot be in the same Subject ; and yet the true form of Fire is in a hot Iron , together with the Substantial Form of the Iron : Which shews that Fire is but an Accidental Form , which is consistent with the Substantial , as the Servant with her Mistress . Moreover ( according to Aristotle , l. 2. Of Generation and Corruption . ) Fire is nothing else but an execess of heat , which is a meer Accident , as well in its little degrees , as in its excesses ; More and less making no change in the species . Our Fire then is an excessive heat , which adheres to Things that have some crass and oleaginous humour in them , and continues there by a continual efflux and successive Generation , without any permanence , like the Water of a River ; which Heat lasts so long till that humour be consumed . If it be said that it ascends upwards seeking its own place , I answer , that 't is the Exhalation that carries it up ; yea , that it descends too ; as we see in a Candle blown out , and still smoaking , if it be held beneath another burning one , the flame descendeth along the smoak , and lighteth it again ▪ So that the Fire is indifferent of it self where it goes , for it lets it self be govern'd and carry'd by the Exhalation . And it appears further , That Fire is less subtile then Air ; for flame is not transparent , and it engendreth soot , which is very gross . The Third added , That indeed Fire cannot be a Substance , because it hath a Contrary , viz. The Water . Besides , every Substantial Form preserves its own Matter , and acts not against it ; but Fire destroyes its own . Moreover , a certain degree of some Quality is never necessary to a Substantial Form ; as the Earth ceaseth not to be Earth , though it be less cold or dry ; and so of the rest : But Fire cannot be Fire , unless the supreme degree of heat be in it . Add hereunto , that Fire may be produc'd in a Substance without corrupting it , as we see in a Flint , or a burning Bullet : Now a Substantial Form is not produc'd in a Subject , till the preceding be destroy'd ; the Generation of the one being the corruption of the other . Lastly , Every substance produceth , by way of Generation , an indivisible substantial Form ; But Fire produceth a divisible Quality : For that which was cold becometh first warm , then hot , and by degrees becometh Fire ; which cannot be with a mixture of cold , non consist therewith , unless as degrees of qualities . The Fourth said , That Fire is a most perfect Element , hot and dry ; according to Aristotle , of the most perfect form and activity of all the Elements ; according to Plato , the principal instrument of Nature ; according to Empedocles , the Father of Things . Whence it was that the Assyrians ador'd it . The Persians carry'd it out of Honour before their Kings , and at the head of their Armies . The Romans made so great account of it , that they assign'd it to the care of certain Virgins to be kept immortal . Pythagoras believ'd it to be an Animal , because it is nourish'd as Animals , and for want of Aliment dyes ; And because a lighted Torch being cast into the Water , the Fire extinguishing , sendeth forth such a noyse as Animals do at the gasps of Death . But he esteemed its natural place to be the Centre of the Subterranean World. Whence it is ( said he ) that we see so many Volcanoes , and other Fires issue out of the entrals of the Earth ; as those of Monte Vesuvio , in the Kingdom of Naples , Monte Gibello , ( formerly Aetna ) in Sicily , and Monte Hecla in Iseland , and so many other burning Mountains . The Fifth said , That as the Sea is the Principle from whence all the Waters come , and the end whether they return ; So the Sun is the Element of Fire , from whence all other Fires come , and whether at length they reascend as to their Source . 1. For that all Effects , Qualities , and Properties of Fire , agree particularly to the Sun ; seeing he heats , burnes , dryes , and is the cause of all the Generations that are made here below . 2. Because the Elements stay in their natural places . Now the Fire not onely ascendeth from the Subterraneous places where it is detain'd , by reason of a sulphureous and bituminous Matter which serves it for food , but it passeth also beyond the Heavens of the Moon , Mercury and Venus , as appears by Comets which are igneous , and particularly by that which appear'd in the year 1618. acknowledg'd by all the Astronomers , upon the reasons of Opticks , to have been above the said places . The Sixth denyed , That the Sun can be the Element of Fire . 1. Because 't is a Coelestial and Incorruptible Body , and by consequence not Igneous or Elementary . 2. If all Fires come from the Sun , it will follow that all his rayes are Igneous Bodies ; for there cannot be imagin'd other Fires to come from the Sun hither , but his beams . Now the Sun-beams are neither Bodies nor Igneous . Not Bodies , since Illumination and Eradiation being made in an instant , it will follow that a Body cometh from Heaven to Earth in a Moment : Which is absurd , because No Motion is made in an instant . Besides , being those Rayes penetrate Glass , and such other solid and diaphanous Bodies , there would be a penetration of Dimensions , which is impossible . Nor are they Igneous , seeing Fire being of its own nature light , descendeth not ; but the beams of the Sun descend down hither . Moreover , Fire is actually hot , but the Sun-beams are onely so in power , viz. when they are reflected by an opake body ; as appears in the Middle Region of the Air , where it is colder then upon the Earth , though its beams are nearer . Wherefore it is more reasonable to hold to the common opinion , which placeth the Fire immediately under the Heaven of the Moon . For there is no fear , that that Fire , how great soever , can burn the World , it s hear being allay'd and dull'd by the extreme humidity of the Air its Neighbour , and by the great coldness of the same Air , which is in the Middle Region ; and counter-checketh that heat , which on one side hath already lost its violence and acrimony by its natural Rarity . Nor is there any trouble to be taken for its nourishment ; for being in its own Centre and Empire it hath no enemies nor contraries , and needeth no food for its support , as our common Fire doth . What if we behold it not ? 'T is not because there is none , but because it is so rare and so pure that it cannot fall within the perception of our Senses : As there is such a thing as Air , though we see it not . How many Colours , Odours , Sapours , and Sounds are there which we never knew ? And as for what is observ'd in a Candle newly put out , it is clear that the Fire descendeth not to it , but inflameth the unctuous Matter which it toucheth , and this the next , even to the Candle from whence that Matter proceedeth . II Of the Vniversal Spirit . Upon the Second Point , it was said , That it must First be known what is meant by Universal Spirit . 2. Whether there be one . 3. What it is . As for the First , By the word Universal Spirit , is understood some universal cause and principle of all the actions and motions which are made in Generation . Just as they assign one same First Matter , for the Subject of all Formes , so they speak of an Vniversal Form , which containes all the rest in it self , and causes them to act and move in the Matter rightly dispos'd . As for the Second , Like as they argue , that the world is finite , round , and corruptible , because its parts are so ; So also it may be said that the world hath a Spirit which enlivens it , since all its principal parts have a particular one for their Conservation , Action , and Motion ; the parts being of the same Nature with the whole . This Universal Spirit is prov'd by the impotency of the Matter , which of it self having no activity or principle of Life and Motion , needeth some other to animate and quicken it . Now particular Forms cannot do that , for then they would be principles of that Virtue , that is to say , principles of themselves , which is impossible . Wherefore there must be some Superiour Form , which is the Universal Spirit , the principle of Action and Motion , the Uniter of the Matter and the Form , the Life of all Nature , and the Universal Soul of the World. Whence it may confidently be affirm'd , that the World is animated ; but with what Soul or Spirit is the difficulty . For if we prove by Local Motion , or by that of Generation , that a Plant or Animal are animated , why may we not say the same of all the World , since its more noble and principal parts afford evidence thereof ? As for the Heaven and the Stars , they are in continual Motion , which the more ●ober Opinion at this day confesseth to produce from their Internal Form , rather then from the Intelligences which some would have fastned to the Spheres , as a Potter to his wheel . The Sun , besides his own Motion , which some call in controversie , gives Life to all things by his heat and influences . The Air , Water , and Earth , afford also instances of this Life in the production and nourishing of Plants and Animals . Thus the principal parts being animated , this sufficeth for the Denomination of the whole ; seeing even in Man there are found some parts not animated , as the Hair and the Nails . As for the Last Point , which is to know what this Universal Soul is , there are many Opinions . The Rabbins and Cabalists say that it is the RVAH ELOHIM , that is , the Spirit of God which moved upon Waters . Trismegistus saith , that it is a Corporeal Spirit , or a Spiritual Body ; and elsewhere calleth it the Blessed GreenWood , or the Green Lyon , which causeth all things to grow . Plato affirmeth it to be the Ideas ; The Peripateticks , a certain Quintessence above the Four Elements . Heraclitus , and after him the Chymists , that it is a certain Aethereal Fire . For my part , I conceive , that if by this Spirit they mean a thing which gives Life , and Spirit , and Motion to all , which is found every where , and on which all depends , there is no doubt but 't is the Spirit of God ; or rather God himself , in whom and through whom we live and move . But if we will seek another in created Nature , we must not seek it elsewhere then in that corporeal creature which hath most resemblance with the Deity ; The Sun , who more lively represents the same then any other , by his Light , Heat , Figure , and Power . And therefore the Sun is that Spirit of the World , which causeth to move and act here below all that hath Life and Motion . The Second said , That that Soul is a certain common Form diffus'd through all things which are moved by it ; as the wind of the Bellows maketh the Organs to play , applying them to that whereunto they are proper , and according to their natural condition . So this Spirit with the Matter of Fire maketh Fire , with that of Air maketh Air , and so of the rest . Some give it the name of Love , for that it serves as a link or tye between all Bodies , into which it insinuates it self with incredible Subtility ; which Opinion will not be rejected by the Poets and the Amorous , who attribute so great power to it . The Third said , That the Soul being the First Act of an Organical Body , and the word Life being taken onely for Vegetation , Sensation , and Ratiocination , the world cannot be animated ; since the Heavens , the Elements , and the greatest part of Mixed Bodies want such a Soul and such Life . That the Stoicks never attributed a Soul to this world , but onely a Body , which by reason of its Subtility is called Spirit ; and for that it is expanded through all the parts of the world , is termed Vniversal , which is the cause of all Motions , and is the same thing with what the Ancients call'd Nature , which they defined the Principle of Motion . The reason of the Stoicks , for this Universal Spirit , is drawn from the Rarefaction and Condensation of Bodies . For if Rarefaction be made by the insinuation of an other subtile Body , and Condensation by its pressing out , it follows that since all the Elements and mixt Bodies are rarifi'd and condens'd , there is some Body more subtile then those Elements and mixts , which insinuating it self into the parts rarifies them and makes them take up greater space ; and going forth is the Cause that they close together , and take up less . Now Rarefaction is alwayes made by the entrance of a more subtile Body , and Condensation by its going out . This is seen in a very thick Vessel of Iron or Brass , which being fill'd with hot Water , or heated Air , and being well stop'd , if you set it into the cold , it will condense what is contain'd therein , which by that means must fill less space then before : Now either there must be a Vacuum in the Vessel , which Nature abhorreth , or some subtile Body must enter into it , which comes out of the Air or the Water which fills that space ; Which Body also must be more subtile then the Elements which cannot penetrate through the thickness of the Vessel . There is also seen an Instance of this in the Sun-beams , which penetrate the most solid Bodies , if they be never so little diaphanous , which yet are impenetrable by any Element how subtile soever . And because a great part of the Hour design'd for Inventions was found to have slip'd away , during the Reciprocation of other reasons brought for and against this opinion ; some curiosities were onely mention'd , and the examination of them referr'd to the next Conference . In which it was determin'd , first to treat of the Air , and then to debate that Question , Whether it is expedient in a State to have Slaves . CONFERENCE VII . I. Of the Air. II. Whether it be best for a State to have Slaves . I. Of the Air. THe First said , That he thought fit to step aside a little out of the ordinary way , not so much to impugne the Maximes of the School , as to clear them ; and that for this end he propros'd , That the Air is not distinguish'd from the Water , because they are chang'd one into the other . For what else are those Vapours which are drawn up from the Water by the power of the Sun , and those which arise in an Alembic , or from boyling Water , if we do not call them Air ? Now those Vapours are nothing but Water rarifi'd and subtiliz'd by heat ; as also when they are reduc'd into Water by condensation , this Water is nothing but Air condens'd : And so Air and Water differ not but by Rarefaction and Condensation , which are but Accident ; and consequently cannot make different species of Element . Both the one and the other may be seen in the Aeolipila of Vitruvius , out of which the heat of Fire causeth the Water which is therein to issue in the form of Air and an impetuous wind ; which is the very Image of that which Nature ordinarily doth . I conceive also that the Air is neither hot , nor moist , nor light , as Philosophers commonly hold . For as to the First , the Air is much more cold then hot , and for one torrid Zone there are two cold . Besides , Heat is but Accidental to it , being caus'd by the incidence and reflections of the rayes of the Sun ; So that this cause failing in the night , when the Sun shines not ; or in Winter when its rayes are very oblique , and their reflection weak ; or in the Middle Region , whether the Reflection reacheth not , the Air becometh cold , and consequently in its natural quality , since there is no External Cause that produceth that coldness . As for the Second , The Air dryeth more then it moistneth ; and if it moistneth , it is when it is cold and condensed , and consequently mix'd with many particles of Water ; and when it dryeth , it is by its own heat . For the Definition which Aristotle giveth of Humid and Moist , is onely proper to every thing which is fluid and not stable , and in this respect agrees to the Air which is fluid , and gives way to all sorts of Bodies . As for the Last , which is its levity , the harmony of the world by which all things conspire to union , and so to one common Centre , seemeth to contradict it . For if the Air hath its Motion from the Centre , the parts of the world might be disunited ; For the Air would escape away , there being no restraint upon it by any External Surface . Moreover , if we judge the Air light because we see it mount above water , we must also say that Wax and Oyle are light , since we observe the same in them . But that which they do is not mounting above the Water , but being repell'd by the Water : And so the principal of Motion being External , the same is violent and not natural . Whereas when the Air descends into the Well , it descends thither naturally , there being no External Cause of that descent . For Vacuum , not existing in Nature , cannot produce this Effect ; Since , according to the received Maxime , Of a Thing which is not there can be no Actions . Besides it would be it self-cause of its own destruction , and do contrary to its own intention , preserving Nature by this Action ; whereas it is an Enemy to it , and seeketh the ruine thereof . Lastly , Since many Particles of Air being condens'd and press'd together , give ponderosity to a thing , as is seen in a Baloon or foot-ball , it must needs be ponderous it self ; for many light Bodies joyn'd together are more light . The Second said , That the difference between Water and Air is as clear as either of those Elements ; For that the Vapours which arise from the Water by means of the Suns heat , and the wind which issueth out of the abovesaid Vessel full of Water , and placed upon the Fire , cannot be call'd Air , saving abusively : But they are mixts , actually compos'd of Water and Fire . For the rayes of the Sun entring into the Water , raise it into Vapour ; And the Fire infinuating it self by the Pores of the Vessel into the Water which it containeth , causeth the same to come forth in the form of wind , which is compos'd of Fire and Water ; Of Fire , because the property of Fire being to mount on high , it lifts up that subtiliz'd Water with it self ; Of Water , because this Vapour hath some coldness and humidity ; whence meeting with a solid Body it is resolv'd into Water , because the Fire alone passeth through the Pores of that Body . Besides , Water being moist , and Air on the contrary dry , as the precedent opinion importeth , they cannot be the same thing . And since all Alteration is made between two different things , Water and Air , transmuting one into another , as it hath been said , cannot be the same . Lastly , as there are two Elements , whereof one is absolutely light , as the Fire , the other absolutely heavy , as the Earth ; So there are two which are such , but in comparison with the rest . The Water compar'd with the Earth is light , because it floateth above it : The Air in comparison of the Water is light too , because it is above it . So that when it descendeth lower then the Water into the Caverns of the Earth , 't is Nature that obligeth it to renounce its proper and particular interest for preserving the general one , which is destroy'd by the Vacuum ; not that the Vacuum is the Cause thereof , for it hath no existence . And the Air wherewith the Baloon is fill'd rendreth the same more heavy , because it is impure and mixt with gross Vapours ; Which it would not do , were it pure and Elementary , such as is that of which we are speaking , which is not to be found in our Region . The Common Opinion hath also more probability , which holdeth that the Air is hot and moist ; Hot , because it is rare and light , which are effects of heat ; Moist because it is difficultly contain'd within its own bounds , and easily within those of another ; Thence it is that the more Bodies partake of Air , the more they have of those qualities ; As we see in Oyl , which is hot , being easily set on flame ; And Moist , in that it greatly humecteth , and easily expandeth it self on all sides . But if the Air seemes sometimes to be cold , 't is by accident , by reason of the cold vapours wherewith it is fill'd at that time . The Third said , That he conceiv'd that contrarily the Air is cold and dry . 1. Because it freezeth the Earth and Water in Winter , and therefore is colder in either of them . 2. Because it refresheth the Lungs , and by its coolness tempereth the extreme heat of the Heart and of the other parts : which it could not do if it were hot . 3. Inasmuch as hot things expos'd to the Air are cooled , which they would not be , but at least preserve their heat being in a place of the same Nature . 4. The more it is agitated the more it refresheth ( as we see by Fans ) because then the unessential things being seperated from it , it is more close and united ; quite contrary to the other Elements , which grow hot by being agitated . 5. In the night time , the more pure and serene and void of mixtures the Air is , the colder it is . 6. Thence it is that flame burnes less then boyling water or hot Iron , because in flame there is a great deal of Air , which being colder then Water and Iron represseth more the strength of the Fire . Lastly , since , according to Aristotle , Air doth not putrifie , ( what is said of its corruption , being taken improperly ) it is for that it is cold and dry ; both these qualities being Enemies to putrefication ; As , on the contrary , Hot and Moist are friends to it , and the usual wayes that lead thereunto . Wherefore , if the Air were hot and moist , it would putrifie incessantly . Besides it would be easily inflam'd being so near Neighbour to the Elementary Fire , which could have no food more proper then it . The Fourth said , 'T is true , all Antiquity believ'd the Air supremely , moist and moderately hot . 1. For salving the Harmony of the Universe , the Air becoming symbolical with the Fire by its heat , and with the water by its moisture . 2. Because we see Heat produceth Air , which thence must have affinity of Nature with its progenitor . 3. It is light , and by consequence hot . 4. Experience sheweth us this in Winter time in subterraneous places , where the Air is hot ; because the external cold , stopping the pores of the Earth , hinders the spirits of the inclosed Air from evaporating , and so it remains hot . But to the First Reason it is answered , That the Air , without being hot , sufficiently maketh good its party in the Harmony of the Universe ; for by its humidity alone it symbolizeth with the Water and the Coelestial Heat , as is seen in Animals , wherein Moist and Hot make so useful a Mass. To the Second , That Heat produceth vapour too , which is cold . To the Third , That this cold vapour is light as well as a hot exhalation . To the Fourth , Experience is oppos'd to Experience . For in Summer the Air is cold in the Cavities of the Earth , as well as hot there in the Winter : Which proceedeth not from the Air , but from the sense ; which whereas it ought to be void of the qualities of the object , is here preposses'd therewith . The Moderns affirm with more probability that the Air is cold . 1. Because in the Middle Region ( where it is left in its proper Nature ) it is such . 2. In the Northern parts remote from the Sun , its rigor hath such effect as to freeze the Sea , and even in our Countries we are sensible in Winter of the Sun , and yet in clear weather of great Frosts ; To which it is answer'd : 1. That the Middle Region of the Air is not so cold of its own Nature , but by reason of the vapours which refrigerate it uniformly every where , though those vapours ascend not equally from the Water , but more in one place then in an other ; just as the heat of the Fire which is directly under the middle of the bottome of a great Caldron , yet heats it on all sides equally and uniformly . Also the coldness of the Air in the Northern parts , and in our Countrie , must necessarily be ascrib'd to a Constellation which is made when some Star exerteth a cold influence , and is not repress'd by the Sun , who then emits his rayes slopingly , and hath not reverberation strong enough from the Earth . This is prov'd by the Thaw , which is from the influence , ( not of the Sun , for he is too weak ; and it sometimes happens when he is less elevated above our Horizon , but ) of some hot Star , which gaineth the ascendant over the cold . And indeed we see a Frost and a Thaw happen without any foregoing mutation in the Air , at least , that is sensible . I conceive then that the Air is neither hot nor cold , but indifferent to both . What it hath actual is its humidity , from whence it deriveth its great mobility . The reason is , for that the Air is the Universal Medium of all natural Actions , and the general interposer in all the transactions of Agents and Patients ; for which office it ought not to be an Enemy to any of them . Now of Agents the most powerful are Heat and Cold. When Heat acts it consignes its impression to the Air to transfer the same by Propagation to the subject upon which it acts . But if the Air were Cold , instead of faithfully keeping and delivering the impression of Heat , it would abate and destroy it . On the contrary , if it were Hot , it would destroy the Cold Body which acteth , instead of assisting it in its action : Just as the Crystalline humour which serves as a Medium to the sight , hath naturally no colour , lest otherwise the Case would be the same as in colour'd glass , through which all objects that are seen borrow its colour ; Or as in the Tongue , whose Taste being deprav'd , it judgeth all things bitter . But the Air being onely Humid , is the common friend of both parties ; For Moist symbolizing both with Hot and Cold , fights against neither . The Air then is that Humid Substance which taketh no other figure , bounds , or inclosure , then that of the Bodies which environ it ; for the becoming most obedient , to which it hath an incomparable Mobility , Fluidity , and Flexibility ; Which being consistent onely in a Humid Substance , it is by Humidity alone as its essential propriety actuated and informed . II. Whether it is best for a State to have Slaves . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Servitude is opposite to Dominion , which is of Two sorts ; Despoti●al or Sovereign , and Political or Civil . The former is absolute , and with pure and full Authority commands without being liable to be ask'd a reason ; For the pleasure of the Commander is one . The Latter oft times receives check in its course by the right which inferiours have to remonstrate , and also in certain Cases to declare to the Command . Such is that of a Master over a workman , or a hired domestick that is voluntarily subject for certain wages and time ; and of this the Question now is not . The former is contrary to natural Law , introduc'd onely by that of Nations : For all Men being equal by Nature , there is no Natural Reason for rendring one person slave to an other . Nevertheless Servitude may be term'd Natural , being founded upon the inequality of the sufficiencies and abilities of Men ; Some being born with Organs so nimble and pliant , that their Mind acts almost Divinely ; Others are so dull , that the Soul seemes mir'd in a slough . Moreover such as are made to obey have usually robust Bodies ; And others born to command have weak and tender , as more sutable and fit for the functions of the Mind . This being premis'd , There is furthermore an Absolute Good , and a Relative . The Absolute is such in it self , and of its own essence , without borrowing elsewhere the reason of its goodness . The other is Derivative , and hath nothing but by relation to some other . Extreme Servitude or Slavery cannot be an Absolute Good , since it is contrary to Natural Right . But it is a Relative Good , in the first place , to the Slaves : For 't is an exchange , made by the Conquerours Clemency , of Death into Servitude , to the benefit of the Captives ; whose condition is better in living Servants then in dying Free-men . 2. 'T is a Good to the Common-wealth ; For as God draws Good out of Evil , so doth the Publick Service from those whom it might have put to death , and would not . 3. Their Example , and the terrible prospect of their condition , holds such in duty as Vice would otherwise drive on to the perpetration of mischief . An other said , That Slavery is an Institution of the law of nations , by which one is , contrary to Nature , subjected to the Dominion of another ; Which Dominion , before the Emperour Antoninus Pius , extended to Life and Death ; But since that power hath been restrain'd , so that he that grievously outraged his Slave was forc'd to sell him . But if he kill'd him he incurr'd the same penalty as if he had slain the Servant of another : It being for the good of the Common-wealth , that none abuse even what belongeth to himself . Since that time the Master had absolute Power over his Slave , to employ him in all kind of work , as he pleased , to hire him forth and draw profit by him ; and in case of non-obedience to chastise him more or less according to the attrocity of his crime ; Provided that there follow'd not thereby mutilation of Members . He hath also Power to alienate him , and that Power is extended likewise to the Children which happen to be begotten by him during the servitude . The Slave also cannot acquire any thing , but it is his Master's . Nor can he complain of his master , or forsake him for having been lightly punish'd : But he may for mortal Hunger , or grievous Contumely ; as if the Master offer to force his Slave , in which case the Slave [ of either Sex ] running to the Temples , Sepulchres , and Statues , which serv'd them for Sanctuary , ought to be sold , and his price paid to the Master . Now there are Four sorts of Slaves : The First and most ancient are such as have been taken in war , who of Free-men , ( as they were before ) being conquer'd become in the power of the Conquerours . The Second are those who having deserved Death are condemned to the punishment of the Gallies , Common-shores , and publick works , and anciently to the Mines and Mills : ( in which Mines the Spaniards at this day employ the Americans ) And they are called Forcats , or Slaves of punishment . The Third are those who being unable to satisfie their Creditors by reason of their poverty , are sold with their own consent , and pay the price of their liberty to be acquitted by them , that so they may avoid the cruelty of the said Creditors , who had to dismember them . These three sorts of Servants became such , having before been free-men . But the Fourth sort is of those that are such by Nature , and are born Servants , being descended from a Slave . Now , in my Judgement , 't is fitting to introduce and retain these four sorts of Servitude in a State , since they are very natural and reasonable . For besides that there are Men who are born to command , others to obey ; It seemes that Servitude having been from the Beginning of the World , and presently after the Deluge , when Noah cursing Canaan his younger Son , pronounc'd him Servant of the Servants of his Brethren : And being as ancient , yea ancienter then the foundation of States and Empires ; and having been approv'd by ancient Law-givers and wise Politicians , and by God himself , it cannot be esteemed but reasonable and natural . For in the First Place , What is so just and so sutable to the Law of Nature , [ The First , containing onely Marriages , Procreation , and Education of Children ] as to give life to him whom you may justly deprive thereof , to feed him and cloath him ; And in exchange for so many benefits to make use of him and of all that he can earn , and to make him return to his duty by some moderate punishments in case he recede from it ? Which is the advice of Aristotle in his Oeconomicks , where he saith , That a good Father of a Family ought to give Three Things to his Servants , viz. Work , Food , and Discipline . I conceive it also less unsutable to Nature , yea to Christianity , to make use of Criminals then to put them to death ; If Example , for which principally they are punish'd , will permit : And also instead of sending so many stout men to the Gallows for common crimes , or putting them to the Sword ( as they do in War ) to put them to the chain for the service of the publick , either for labouring in Buildings , Cloysters , and Fortificatlons of Cities , repairing of wayes , cleansing of Streets , Towing of Boots , drawing of Charriots , labouring in High-wayes , Mines , and other publick works , after the Gallies are furnish'd them . Possibly too , it would not be unmeet that he who is so endebted that he cannot satisfie his Creditors , should instead of suffering himself to lie rotting in Goal , pay with the Service of his Body what he cannot in Money : But it would be fit to use a difference therein . And as for those that are born of Slaves , is there any thing more ours then such fruits grown within our walls and sprung from our own stock ? The Last opposed , that it is difficult for an Absolute Dominion to keep any measure . Witness Quintus Flaminius , a Roman Senator , who kill'd his Slave to content the curiosity which a Bardash of his had to see what aspect a Man hath when he is dying . Besides , if there be any place where Liberty ought to carry the Cause , ( were not Christian Brother-hood alone sufficient , ) it is France , of which the priviledge is such , that the Slaves of any part of the world , onely setting their foot therein , obtain their freedom immediately . The Inventions propounded were the Experiment of Vitruvius's Aeolipila , that of walking under the Water ; and the Subjects of the next Conference ; The First , Water ; the Second , Wine , and Whether it be necessary in War. CONFERENCE VIII . I. Of Water . II. Of Wine , and whether it be necessary for Souldiers . I. Of Water . THe Discourse upon the First Point began with the division of the qualities of Water into First and Second ; alledging that the First , viz. Cold and Moist , are so manifest that it is difficult to deny them : Cold , because Water being heated returns presently to its natural coldness ; Moist , because it moistneth more then any other Element , and is not contained within its own bounds . But its Second , and the proprieties resulting from them , are so numerous , that they justly administer ground to the doubt which is raised ; Whence proceedeth the cause of so many Varieties in Colour , Taste , Odour , and the other Objects of the Senses . Possibly one may assign the cause of the Waters Whiteness to the Mines of Plaster ; Of its Blackness to those of Iron or Stones of the same colour ; The Red , to those of Cinnabar ; The Green , to those of Copper ; The Blew , to those of Silver ; The Yellow , to those of Orpiment ; The Hot , to Sulphur ; The Acid , to Vitriol ; The Stinking , to Bitumen . But that some parts of the Sea and Rivers abound with Fish , and that with certain kinds , and others not ; That the Water of some Springs is converted into Stone , and all that is cast thereinto ; Others , ( as they say ) make Women fruitful or barren ; Some , as it is reported of the Fortunate Islands , cause weeping ; Others , dying with laughter : That some pass through others without mixing therewith ; That others are so ponderous , that no Body whatsoever can sink to the bottome ; Some , on the contrary , are so light , that nothing can swim upon them ; and infinite other such proprieties : 'T is that which seemes to surpass ordinary Ratiocination . Of this kind is that which is said of a certain River in Sicily , the Water whereof cannot be brought to mingle with Wine , unless it be drawn by a chaste and continent Woman . To which was added , for a conclusion , that if the Water of Seine had this property , we should be many times in danger of drinking our Wine unmixt . The Second said , That nothing could be more natural and methodical then to treat of Water after Air. For as in the Composition of a Mixt Body , the moisture which is predominant in the Air unites and knits the matters which are to be mixed ; So the Cold which predominates in the Water closes them and gives them consistence . And as in Drawing and Painting , the Embroiderer and Painter passeth not from one light colour to another without some intermediate one , but he loseth the same insensibly in another more duskish ; out of which the bright breaketh forth again by little and little to the middle of his ground : So Nature doth not pass immediately from the extreme humidity which is in the Air , to the extreme coldness which is in the Water ; but causeth that the moisture of the former abateth its great vigour at the approach of the moisture which is in the Water in a weak and remiss degree , before it meet with the Cold of the Water whereunto it is to be joyned ; Without which humidity of the Water in a weak and remiss degree , the Cold could not compact the parts which the moisture united . So that this humidity is found in two Subjects , one subtile , which is the Air , the other more gross , which is the Water . As it happens also in the Fire , which is partly in a rare Subject , namely the fat and unctuous vapour , whereby it flameth , and ( partly ) in another solid and gross , which is Wood , Iron , or Coal . As Flame , it is more apt to shine and burn , penetrating the pores of the wood to find its Aliment there , which is the interior Oyle ; As Coal it acts more powerfully , and is more durable . So if there were in the Mixt Body no other humidity but that of the Air , the same inconvenience would befall it that doth a Conquerour , who having subdu'd a Country reserveth no place of Retreat for the keeping thereof ; For at the first opposition which he meeteth he is constrain'd to let go his hold : So if moisture were not in the Air , it would indeed penetrate the Compounded Bodies still , as it doth as readily ; but it would , suddenly dislodge again , if it had not its refuge in the Water which is more proper to preserve it . The Third said , That Water cannot be cold in the highest degree . First , because if it were so , it could generate nothing ; Cold being an Enemy to all Generation , because it locketh up the particles within ; As , on the contrary , Heat is the Proximate Cause thereof , by the extension and attraction which it causeth outwards . Nevertheless , we see Plants and Animals in the Waters . Secondly , If it were so cold , being moist too , it would be alwayes frozen ; since according to Aristotle , Ice is nothing but an excess of coldness with moisture . Thirdly , Those qualities which are attributed to Water are common to many other things besides ; As to the Air , when it is cold : and do not necessarily belong to it , but may be separated from it ; since , remaining Water still , it may become hot by the Fire , and frozen by the Air , and so be found destitute of its fluidity and humidity . If it be said , That it loseth not its qualities but by accident , and that of its own Nature it is cold ; I answer , That the Natural and Necessary Proprieties of Things , proceding immediately from their Essence , ( such as those of Water are held to be ) cannot be taken from them but by Miracle : And on the contrary , That it is not cold but by the vicinity of the cold Air which encompasseth it , and not of its own Nature ; Whence the surface of the Water is cold in Winter , and sometimes frozen , the bottome remaining warm . And therefore the Fish do not come much to the upper part of the Water in Winter , but stay below , where it is in its own Nature , and is not so easily alter'd with forrein qualities . Moreover , since we know the Qualities of a Thing by its Effects , the Effect of Water being , even in the Judgement of Sense , to moisten more then any of the Elements , it ought to be held the Chief or First Humid Body . If it be said that it moistneth more then the Air , because it is more gross and compact ( as hot Iron burneth more then flame ; ) I answer , That although it may owe that humidity to the thickness of its Matter , yet the same is not the less essential to it , since Matter is one part of the Element ; And besides , it proceedeth from the Form too , since it can never be separated from it ; Water alwayes necessarily moistning whilst it is Water . Which cannot be said of its coldness : for when it is warm it doth not lose its name of Water , though it be no longer cold ; but it is alwayes moist . The Fourth said , That , to speak properly Water , is never hot in it self ; but 't is the Fire insinuating and mingling it self with the little Particles of the Water that we feel hot ; and accordingly that Fire being evaporated , the Water not onely returneth to its natural quality , but also the Fire leaving its pores more open renders them more accessible to the Air , which freezes the same in Winter sooner then it would do otherwise . And this is no more then as Salt and Sulphureous Waters are made such by the Salt and Sulphur mingled therewith ; Which being separated from them , they lose also the taste thereof . And as Wine mingled with Water is still truly Wine , and hath the same Virtue as before , though its activity be repress'd by the power of the Water ; So Water mingled with Salt , Sulphur , and Fire , is true Water , and hath intrinfecally the same qualities as before that mixture ; though indeed its action be retarded , and its qualities be checked and rebated by the other contraries which are more powerful . In like manner , Water is not cold of it self , but by the absence of Fire ; As it happens in Winter , that the igneous beams of the Sun not staying upon the Water , it persisteth cold , and so that coldness is but a privation of heat ; As appears in the shivering of an Ague , which proceedeth from the retiring of the natural heat inwards , and deserting the external parts . But if there happen a total privation of those igneous parts , which are infus'd into it mediately or immediately by the Sun , then it becometh frozen : And because those fiery Particles occupied some space in its Body , it is now straitned , and takes less room then before . Whence Water freezing in Vessels well stopp'd , the same break for the avoidance of Vacuum . Moreover , Humidity is not one of its essential proprieties , because it may be separated from it , as we see in frozen water , which is less humid then when it was cold . It followes then , that Second Qualities being Tokens of the First , and the goodness of Water requiring that it have the least weight that can be , as also that it have neither Taste nor Smell ; the most pure , ( i. e. the Elementary , of which we are speaking ) is without First Qualities ; having been created by God onely to be the band or tye of the other parts of a mixt body . The Fifth said , That the Scripture divideth the Waters into those which are above the Heavens , and those upon the Earth ; as if to teach us that Water is the Centre , the Middle , and the end of the Universe . Which agrees with the opinion of those who establish it for the Sole Principle of all things . Those Supercoelestial Waters are prov'd by the Etymology of the word for Heavens , Schamaim , which signifies in Hebrew , There are Waters : Because 't is said that God divided the Waters from the Waters , and placed them above the Firmament : Which Supercoelestial Waters are also invited by the Psalmist to bless the Lord : And lastly , because it is said that at the time of the Deluge the windows of Heaven were opened . The Sixth said , That the gravity of those Supercoelestial Waters would not suffer them to remain long out of the place destinated to that Element , which is below the Air ; And therefore it were better to take the word Heaven in those places for the Air , as 't is elsewhere in the Scripture , which mentioneth the Dew , and the Birds of Heaven : Since also the Hebrew word , which there signifies Firmament , is also taken for the Expansion of the Air , and those Supercoelestial Waters for Rain . II. Of Wine , and whether it be necessary for Souldiers . Upon the Second Point it was said , That if we speak of Wine moderately taken , the Sacred Text voids the Question , saying , that it rejoyceth the Heart . Which it performeth by supplying ample matter to the Influent Spirits , which the Heart by the Arteries transmitteth to all the parts ; and which joyning themselves to the private Spirits , strengthen them , and labour in common with them ; And so the Souldier , entring into fight with a cheerful Heart , is half victorious . Yea , the greatest exploits of War are atchieved by the Spirits ; which constitute Courage , the Blood heated by them over-powring the coldness of Melancholy and Phlegme , which cause backwardness and slowness of Action . For it is with the Virtues as with Medicines , which become not active ▪ and pass not from power into act , but by help of the natural faculties ; So the Virtues do not produce their effects but by the Spirits . But Wine taken in excess is wholly prejudicial to the Valour of a Souldier ; who hath need of a double strength ; One of Mind , to lead him on valiantly to dangers , and keep him undaunted at dreadful occurrences ; The other of Body , to undergo the long toiles of War , and not draw back in fight . Now Wine destroyes both of these . For as for the former , Valour or Fortitude is a Moral Virtue , which , as all other Virtues its companions , acteth under the conduct of Prudence , which alone ruleth and employeth them , and knoweth where and how they ought to act ; So that what assists Prudence assists Valour too ; and that which hureth the one hurteth the other also . Now excessive Wine hurteth the former very much . For by its immoderate heat it causeth a tumult and disorder in the humours , it maketh the Brain boyle and work , and consequently embroyleth and confoundeth the Phantasines which are imprinted in it , ( as it happeneth in sleep or in the Phrensie ) and by its gross vapour it obstructeth all its passages . So that the Understanding cannot take its Survey there , having no free access to come and form its judgements and conclusions upon the Ideas and Phantasmes ; And although it should have its Avenues free , yet the Phantasmes being in confusion , like Images in stirred waters , it would be impossible for it to judge aright , and prudently to discern what fear or what eagerness ought to be check'd and repel'd . For all Fear is not to be rejected , no more then 't is to be follow'd ; nor is the bridle to be let loose at all adventures , nor alwayes restrain'd . The strength of the Body is also impaird by Wine . For though Galen and others will have it Hot and Dry , yet it being so but potentially , 't is as subject to deceive us , as that Dutchman was , who hearing that Cresses were hot , commanded his Man to fill his Boots therewith , to warm him . For the truth is , Wine is moist and vapourous , and that to such a degree , that by reason of its extreme humidity it cannot be corrupted with a total corruption ; For this happeneth when the external heat hath wholly drawn out the moisture of the corrupted Body , and so dissolved the Union of all the dry parts which moisture keeps together ; So that the Elements flying away , there remains nothing to be seen but Earth alone . Which cannot come to pass in Wine , by reason of the little dry substance in it , and of its great humidity , which cannot be wholly separated : In which regard it is never corrupted but in part , viz. when the external heat draws away the more pure substance , and the better Spirits ; as we see when it grows sour , thick , or turbid . Being then humid to such a degree , and our parts partaking of the nature of their food , if Souldiers nourish their Bodies excessively with Wine , they must retain the qualities thereof , viz. softness and weakness which follow humidity . Whence possibly came the word Dissolute , for such as addict themselves to this debauchery , and the other which follow it . Therefore the Souldier would be more robust if he never drank Wine ; because he would eat the more , and produce the more solid substance , which would make him more vigorous , less subject to diseases , and more fit to indure in sight , and undergo the other toils of War. The Second said , That it belongs to the prudent States-man to weigh the benefit and the mischief which may arise from his orders ; So that he alwayes propose to himself that he hath to do with imperfect men , and who incline rather to the abuse , then the right use of things . This holds principally in War , Souldiers willingly aiming at nothing else but pleasure and profit : Even in this Age , wherein we are past the Apprentisage of War , except some constant Regiments : Souldiers are tumultuously chosen almost alwayes out of the dregs of the people ; of whom to require the exercise of Temperance in the use of that which ordinarily costs them nothing , were to seek an impossibility . Such is Wine , that though it makes the Souldier sturdy , yet it makes him unfit to govern himself , much less others ; Whereunto notwithstanding he oftentimes becomes oblig'd by the various contingencies of War , when the Leaders miscarrying , or being elsewhere employ'd , the Souldier must supply the place of Captain to his Companions and himself . This hath mov'd almost all the Oriental Nations , and particularly the Turks to abstain from Wine , though they also adjoyn reasons for it drawn from their false Religion , to confirm their Minds more in conformity to this piece of Policy . Therefore Mahomet , to induce them to it by their own experience , invited the principal Persons of his Army to a Feast , where he caus'd them to be served with the most exquisite Wines . First they all agreed upon the Excellency of Wine ; but having taken too much of it , there arose such a tumult amongst them , that he took occasion thence , the next morning , to represent to them that Wine was nothing else but the Blood of the first Serpent , whose colour it also beareth ; as the stock of the Vine which produceth it retaineth the crooked form of that vile Animal , and the rage whereinto it putteth those that use it , doth testifie . And to content them that still lov'd the taste of it , he promis'd them that they should drink no-nothing else in their Paradise , where their Bodies would be proof against its violence . Which Prohibition hath been the most apparent cause of the amplification of his Empire , and propagation of his Sect ; not onely because Wine was by its acrimony dangerous to the most part of his Subjects of Africa and Arabia , where such as are addicted to it are subject to the Leprosie ; and that his people who cultivated Vines might employ themselves more profitably in tilling the Earth , but principally it hath been more easie for him and his successors to keep 200000 men of War in the field without the use of Wine , then for another Prince as potent as he to keep 50000 with the use of Wine ; which besides is difficult to transport , and incumbreth the place of Ammunition which is absolutely necessary . The Third said , That Mahomet was not the first that prohibited Wine ; for before him Zaleucus forbad the Locrians to drink it upon pain of Death . The Lacedemoniaus and the Carthaginians , as Aristotle reporteth , had an express Law by which they forbad the use of it to all people that belong'd to War. And the wise man counselleth onely the afflicted to drink it , to the end to forget their miseries . But for all this he conceiv'd that it ought not to be prohibited now to our Souldiers , since it augmenteth Courage , envigorateth strength , and taketh away the fear of danger ; though indeed it is fit to forbid them the excess thereof , if it be possible . In Conclusion , It was maintain'd that Wine ought to be forbidden not onely to Souldiers , but to all such as are of hot and dry tempers , and use violent exercises ; because it hurts them , as much as it profits weak persons . Wherefore Saint Paul counselleth Timothy to use it for the weakness of his stomack . But God inhibited it to the Nazarens , and to those which enter'd into his Tabernacle , under pain of death . Moreover , you see that Noah , who us'd it first , abus'd it . And anciently it was to be had onely in the shops of Apothecaries ; because 't is an Antidote and most excellent Cordial , provided its continual use render not its virtue ineffectual ; our Bodies receiving no considerable impression from accustomed things . Therefore Augustus gave ear to all the other complaints which the Romans made to him ; but when they mention'd the dearness of Wine , he derided them ; telling them that his Son in Law Agrippa having brought Aquaeducts to the City , had taken care that they should not dye of Thirst. At the Hour of Inventions , amongst many others , these two were propos'd . The first to prepare common Water so that it shall dissolve Gold without the addition of any other Body , &c. The second , to make a Waggon capable to transport by the help of one Man who shall be in it , the burdens of ordinary Waggons in the accustomed time : of which the Inventers deliver'd their Memories , and offer'd to make the experiments at their own charges . These Subjects were propounded to be treated of at the next Conference . First , The Earth . Secondly , What it is that makes a Man wise . CONFERENCE IX . I. Of the Earth . II. What it is that makes a Man wise . I. Of the Earth . UPon the first Point it was said , That the Earth is a simple Body , cold and dry , the Basis of Nature . For since there is a Hot and Moist , it is requisite for the intire perfection of Mixts , that there be a Cold and a Dry to bound them , and give them shape . This Earth then upon which we tread is not Elementary ; for it is almost every where moist , and being opened affordeth water : which was necessary to it , not onely for the union of its parts , which without moisture would be nothing but Dust ; but also in regard of its gravity , which I conceive cometh from humidity ; because as the lightest things are the hottest and driest , so the heaviest are usually the coldest and moistest . Besides , gravity proceeding from compactedness and compactedness from moisture , it seemeth that moisture is the cause of gravity . Which is prov'd again by the dissolution of mixt Bodies , whereby we may judge of their composition . For the heaviest Bodies which are easily dissolvable , are those from which most Water is drawn ; whence it is that there is more drawn from one pound of Ebeny , then from twenty of Cork . From this gravity of the Earth its roundness necessarily follows . For since 't is the nature of heavy things to tend all to one Centre , and approach thereto as much as they can , it follows that they must make a Body round and spherical , whereof all the parts are equally distant from the Centre . For if they made any other Figure , for Example , a Pyramide or a Cube , there would be some parts not in their natural place , i. e. the nearest their Centre that might be . Moreover , in the beginning the Earth was perfectly spherical , and the Waters encompassed it on all sides , as themselves were again encompassed by the Air. But afterwards , these Waters , to make place for Man , retiring into the hollows and concavities made for that purpose in the Earth , it could not be but that those parts of the Earth which came out of those cavities must make those tumours which are the Mountains and Hills for the convenience of Man. And nevertheless it ceaseth not to be Physically round , although it be not so Mathematically ; As a bowle of Pumice is round as to the whole , though the parts are uneven and rough . They prove this roundness , 1. By the shadow of the Earth ; which appearing round in the Eclipses of the Moon , argueth that the Body whence it proceedeth is also round . 2. Because they who travel both by Sea and by Land sooner discern the tops of Mountains and the spires of Steeples then the bottome ; which would be seen at the same time if the Earth were flat . 3. Because , according as we approach , or go farther from the Poles , we see the same more or less elevated . 4. Because the Sun is seen daily to rise and set sooner in one place then in another . Lastly , it is prov'd by the conveniency of habitation . For as of all Isoperimeter Figures the Circle is most capacious , so the Sphere containeth more then any other Body ; and therefore if the Earth were not round , every part of it would not have its Antipodes . So that I wonder at the opinion of Lactantius and Saint Augustine , who denyed them : For as for that story , that in the year 745. by the relation of Aventinus , Virgilius a German Bishop was deprived of his Bishoprick , and condemned as an Heretick by Pope Zachary , it was not onely for maintaining this truth , which experience hath since confirm'd , but because he drew conclusions from it prejudicial to Religion . Now whereas it may be doubted , whether as there are uneven parts in the Earth some higher then other , so there be not also Seas , some of whose waters too , are more elevated then the rest ; I affirm , that since all the Seas ( except the Caspian ) have communication amongst themselves , they are all level , and no higher one then another . And had they no such communication , yet the Water being of its Nature fluid and heavy , flowing into the lowest place , would equal its surface with the rest , and so make a perfect Sphere . Whence it follows that they were mistaken who disswaded Sesostris King of Aegypt from joyning the Red Sea with the Mediterranean , for fear lest the former , which they judg'd the higher , should come to drown Greece and part of Asia . For want of which demonstration several Learned Men have been mistaken , and no less then the Angelical Doctor . The Second said , That the Earth is very dry , not for that it dispelleth moisture as Fire doth , but for that it receiveth and imbibeth it into it self . But it cannot be cold of its own Nature ; if it were it could produce nothing . It is cold onely by the Air , as 't is sometimes moist by the Water , and hot by the Fire which insinuateth into its cavities . It is also very heavy , since it holdeth the lowest place in the world , and hath its motion from the circumference to the Centre ; which is the progression that Aristotle attributeth to heavy Bodies . Whence for being the lowest stage , it is called the Foot-stool of God. But this heaviness seemeth to me not to proceed from humidity , as was urged . For though the Water and Earth joyn'd together seem to weigh more then Earth alone ; 't is not that they weigh more indeed , but this Earth which was imagined to be alone is fill'd with a quantity of Air ; and the Water coming to succeed in its place , it appeareth more heavy . For Earth and Water joyn'd together weigh more then Earth and Air so joyn'd in like quantity ; because Water is heavier then Air. And to justifie that Earth is heavier then Water , a bucket fill'd with sand , weighes more then an other fill'd with Water . For , that sand is Water congealed is as hard to prove , as that Earth is Water . The Third said , That Earth composeth a Mixt Body by a double action , viz. from its coldness , and of its driness . As for the former , it secondeth the Water , compacting by its coldness the parts which are to be mix'd , and which moisture hath united . For the Second , it giveth hardness and consistence , imbibing and sucking up the superfluous moisture after the due union of the parts made thereby . It cannot but be cold ; for as good Polititians willingly reconcile two great Families at Enmity by their mutual alliances so all the strength of the mixture consisting onely in the union of Dry and Moist , and its destruction coming from their disunion , and the Dry and Moist being wholly Enemies and contraries in the highest degree , Nature reconciles them together , and brings them into union by the mediation of Water . For this being ally'd to Air by the moisture which it hath in a remiss degree ; and Earth being ally'd to Water by the coldness which it hath in a less degree , it becometh ally'd to the Air and its humidity : Since according to the maxime , Things which agree in the same third agree among themselves . Thus you see coldness is necessary to the Earth , to cause a lasting composition amongst them . Earth hath also this advantage by its siccity , that as the same is less active then heat , and yieldeth thereunto in vigour of action , so heat yieldeth to it in resistance . For the dryness inducing hardness resisteth division more powerfully , and consequently better preserveth the mixt Body in being , resisting the Agents which are contrary to it . Whereto its gravity serveth not a little , it rendring the Earth less managable by the agitations of the agents its Enemies ; So that gravity by this means assisteth the hardness and consistence of the dryness ; like two Kinsmen uniting together to keep off the affronts of their Enemies . The Fourth said , That the gravity of the Earth , and of every other Body , yea that of Gold too , the heaviest of all mixt Bodies , dependeth onely upon its Figure ; since not onely a Vessel convex on the side toward the Water sinketh not , but also a single leaf of Gold swimeth upon it . Which is seen likewise in Tera Lemnia , or Sigillata , which sinketh not in the Water ; so that there is no probility in that decuple proportion of the Elements ; according to which , Earth ought to weigh ten times more then Water , and Water onely ten times more then Air ; and supposing one were in the Region of Fire , and there weigh'd the Air , as we do here the Water , he would find it likewise ten times heavier then the Fire . This is more certain , that the proportion of the weight of Earth to that of Sea-water , is as 93. to 90 ; that of Sea-water to fresh , as 92. to 74. But that which makes more for those who hold Water more heavy then Earth , is , that the proportion of Earth to Salt is found to be as 92. to 106. In fine , It was remark'd that though the Earth is consider'd by Astronomers but as a point in respect of the vast extent of the Coelestial Orbs ; yet no Man encompas'd it round before the year 1420. when Jean de Betancourt , a Norman Gentleman , by the discovery of the Canaries trac'd out the way to the Spaniards , who attributed the honour thereof to themselves ; though they began not till above fourscore years after . Moreover , it is 15000. leagues in circumference , of which there is not much less Land uncover'd then there is cover'd by the Water . But if you compare their greatness together , there is far less Earth then Water . For 't is held that there is no Sea that hath a league in depth , there is little without bottom , many to which the Anchors reach , yea several places not capable of great vessels for want of Water . On the other side , There are Mountains upon which you still ascend upwards for many dayes journey ; others inaccessible even to the sight : In a word , where ever there is Sea there is Land , but not on the contrary . So that taking the sixt part of the compass of the Terrestrial Globe for its Semidiametre , according to the ordinary proportion of the circle to its ray , the Earth will be found several times greater then the Water ; the Springs that are found in opening it , being not considerable in comparison of the rest of its bulk . II. What it is that makes a Man wise . He that spake first upon the second point , said , that he wonder'd not that Wisedom was taken for a Subject to be treated of in so good company , since 't is the point which all desire most , not onely in themselves , but also in others with whom they are to converse . But it behoveth to distinguish the same according to its several acceptions . For anciently Wisedom was taken for the knowledge of things Divine and Humane , before Pythagoras call'd it Philosophy . At present it is confounded with Prudence , and is either infused or acquired . The former , which springeth from the knowledge and fear of God joyn'd with a good life , is obtain'd by begging it of God , and rendring one's self worthy to receive it : Such was that of Solomon , which brought to him all other goods . The latter , of which we now speak , is obtain'd by Precepts , Experience , or both . Whereunto Travel is conceiv'd greatly to conduce , according to the testimony of Homer , who calls his wise Vlysses a Visitor of Cities ; and according to the opinion of the ancient French Gentry , who would not have had a good opinion of their Children , unless they had seen Italy and other forreign Countries . It is also divided according to Sex , Conditions , and Age. For there is difference in the Wisedom of a Woman , of a Child , of a Man grown , and of an Old Man ; and so there is in that of a Father of a Family , of his Domestick , of a Captain , of a Souldier , of a Magistrate , of a Citizen , of a Master , of a Varlet , and of infinite others , who may become wise by several , yea , sometimes by contrary means . For Example , a wise Souldier ought to expose himself to all dangers and events of War ; quite the contrary to a wise Captain , who ought to preserve himself the most he can . A Prince , a Magistrate , a Master , a Father , are wise , if they command as is fitting : Whereas a Subject , a Burgess , a Servant , and a Child , are esteemed such in obeying them . Besides Precepts and Experience , Example serves much to the acquiring of Wisedom ; whether the same be drawn from the reading of Books , or from converse and conference with wise persons ; or sometimes too from the sight of undecent things : As of old the Lacedemonians taught their Children Sobriety , by shewing their Helots drunk . The Example of Animals is not useless thereunto ; and therefore Solomon sends the sluggard to the Pismire ; and Lycurgus taught the same Lacedemonians , that Education alone made the difference between Men , by shewing them two Dogs of the same litter run , one after a Hare , the other to his Meat . Fables likewise have many times their use . But true it is , that Nature layeth the great Foundations : Whence Cold and Dry Tempers , such as the Melancholly , have a natural restraint which participateth much of Wisedom ; Whereas the Sanguine , by reason of their jollity , and the Cholerick , in regard of their hastiness , have greater difficulty to attain the same , as Socrates confessed of himself . The Second said , That the true Moral Wisedom of a Man , consider'd alone , consisteth in taming his Passions , and subjecting them to the Command of Reason ; which alone serveth for a Rule and Square to all the Actions of Life ; whereas the common sort leave themselves to be govern'd by the Laws : And the ancient Philosophy had no other aim but that Apathy . That of a Master of a Family consisteth in the management of the same : That of a Polititian in the Administration of the State , punishing the evil-doers , and recompencing the good , establishing wholesome Laws , and maintaining Trade . The Third said , That He alone deserves to wear the name of Wise , who seeketh and embraceth the means whereby to be in favour with him who is the Chief Wisedom . Those means are two . First , That his Understanding be duely inform'd of what he ought to know , and what he ought to be ignorant of . Secondly , That his Will be dispos'd to what he ought , either to love or hate . As for the first , he must be ignorant of Humane Sciences , since they shake and undermine the foundations of true Wisedom ; their Principles being for the most part opposite to the Articles of our Faith. For of the ancient Philosophers , the Pythagoreans are full of Magical superstitions . The Platonists hold a Matter coeternal to God. Democritus and all the Epicureans have thought the same of their Atomes , not to mention their Voluptuous End. The Stoicks have made their Sage equal , and sometimes superiour to God , whom they subjected to their celebrated Destiny or Fate . The Pyrrhonians have doubted of every thing , and consequently of the truth of Religion . The Cynicks publickly made Virtue of Vice. The Peripateticks are as much to be fear'd as the former , with their Eternity of the World , which destroyeth all Religion , and gave occasion to Saint Ambrose , to say in his Offices , That the Lycaeum was much more dangerous then the gardens of Epicurus . Moreover , the Principles of the Sciences do not accord with those of Faith : And Saint Thomas said with good right , that Humane Reason greatly diminisheth it . And that happens oft times to those who busie themselves about those goodly principles which the Poets relate fabulously of Bellerophon , who attempting to fly up to Heaven , Jupiter angry at him , sent onely a Fly , which overturned the winged Horse-man ; So those vain-glorious wits puff'd up with some Humane Knowledge , venturing to hoise themselves into Heaven , and penetrate into the secret Cabinets of the Divine Providence ; it gives them up to a thousand dubious Controversies , which precipitate them into the darkness of Confusion and Errour . Moreover Solomon , the pattern of Wisedom , saith , that after having lead his Mind through all Nature , he perceiv'd that all was nothing but vanity and vexation of spirit ; And Saint Paul saith , that Knowledge puffeth up and swelleth with Pride ; that this Humane Wisedom is nought but Folly before God ; by which he admonisheth us to beware of being deceived ; and that if any one will be wise , let him profess Ignorance , and become a fool , since the Folly and Ignorance of the world is the true Wisedom and Knowledge in the sight of God , who loveth the poor of spirit , that is , the simple , ideots , and ignorant . As for what our Understanding ought to know , for becoming wise , 't is , To know that Chief Wisedom , and the Christian Doctrine , by the example of the same Saint Paul , who would not know any thing besides Jesus and him crucisi'd . For the Second means , which regardeth the Will of Man , it will be disposed to that which is to be lov'd or hated , when it hath submitted it self entirely to the Will of God , who is its Supreme Good ; who saith to it , Eschew Evil , and Follow Good. The Fourth said , That by the word Wisedom , is generally understood all that which contributes to perfectionate a Man according to the rational part ; as by the word Faith we understand Christianity , and a Summary of all the Christian Virtues . Now it is hard to prescribe a way to such Wisedom , seeing it requireth two points , namely , The Knowledge of Things , and Moral Habits , both which are infinite . For all which is Sensible is the Object of our Senses , and enters not by one , but by all ; That which is Intelligible , is the Object of our Understanding . Moreover , all the Good in the world is under the notion of Convenience ( or sutableness ) which gives it Amability , the Object of our Sensitive appetite , which is guided in this acquitst by the knowledge of the Senses ; If it is Spiritual , it is the Object of the Will which pursues it by the light of the Understanding . And for the eschewing of Errour in the search of those Goods Prudence intervenes , which hath at its service an infinite of habits of the Mind ; yea the whole troop of Moral Virtues , in the exercise of which there is always something to be got , as there is always to be learnt in the knowledge of things . Therefore every Man being fully furnish'd with what is needful to be wise , he is not excusable if he become not so . For he hath the seeds of Wisedom in as many manners as there are wayes to obtain it . In the Understanding he hath , from the Cradle , Intelligence , which is the Habit of first Principles , and Maximes , which he knoweth by the Induction of the Senses ; by the help of which he attaineth Science . In the Will he hath the Synteresis or Conscience , which is an Habitual Cognition of the Principles of Moral Actions , by which he easily proceedeth to the exercise of Virtues , and to the acquisition of them . And further , these pure Natural Principles may be assisted and reliev'd by good Instructions ; and especially , if they who learn have Organs well dispos'd , and a temper proper for becoming wise . At the Hour of Inventions , one undertook the proof of Archimedes's Proposition , To move the Earth from its Centre , if he had assign'd elsewhere a solid space , and instruments proportion'd thereto in greatness and strength . And it was prov'd , that the Centre of Magnitude is different from that of gravity , by many Mechanical Experiments . After which it was resolv'd to treat , at the next Conference . First , Of the Motion , or rest of the Earth . Secondly , Of two monstrous Brethren living in one Body , to be seen at present in this City . CONFERENCE X. I. Of the Motion , or Rest of the Earth . II. Of Two Monstrous Brethren , living in the same Body , which are to be seen in this City . I. Of the Motion , or Rest of the Earth . HE that spake first to this Point , Said this Question had been in debate for more then two thousand years ; and the reasons brought on either side seem'd to him so strong , that he knew not which to embrace . That the most common opinion was that of Aristotle , Ptolomy , Tycho Brahe , and the greatest part of Philosophers , namely ; That the Earth is unmoveable , and plac'd in the midst of the World. Which Scituation is prov'd , I. Because the Decorum and Symmetry of the Universe requires that every thing be plac'd according to its dignity . But the Earth being the ignoblest and meanest of the Elements , all which yield in point of dignity to the Heavens , it ought consequently to be in the lowest place , which is the Centre of the World. II. The Gravity of the Earth inferreth both the one and the other ; namely , its being in the Centre , and its Immobility ; The former , because the heaviest things tend toward the lowest place ; and the latter , because by reason of their gravity they are less apt for motion then for rest , whereunto the lowest place also contributeth . For in a Circle the Centre remains unmoveable , whilst the other parts thereof are mov'd . III. In whatsoever place of the Earth we are , we can alwayes discover one half of the Heaven , and the opposite signes of the Zodiack ; as also experience witnesseth , that when the Moon is at the Full , we behold her rise just at the same time that the Sun sets . Whence it followeth that the Earth is at the Centre , and as it were a point in comparison to the Firmament . IV. We alwayes see the Stars of the same magnitude , both when they are directly over our heads , and on the edge of the Horizon , unless there be some hindrance by the refraction of Vapours and Clouds . All which things would not be thus , unless the Earth were in the midst of the World. Now they have concluded the Rest and Immobility of the Earth from the following Reasons I. It is the nature of Simple Bodies to have but one Sole and Simple Motion . For if two contrary Motions were in the same Subject , the one would hinder the other . Wherefore the Earth having , by reason of its gravity , a Direct perpendicular Motion of its own , cannot have also a Circular : and by reason of the same gravity it must needs be firm and stable , not moveable . II. If the Earth were mov'd , then a stone or other heavy thing cast upwards , would never fall down at the foot of the caster , but at distance from him ; for during the short interval of its being in the Air , the Earth will have made a great progress ; as it happens when one in a boat that passeth swiftly upon the Water , casteth any thing upwards , the same falleth a far off , instead of falling into the boat . III. If the Earth turn'd round , then a Bullet discharg'd out of a Cannon from the West towards the East , would not fly so far from the piece , as one discharg'd from the East towards the West ; because the Earth will in the mean time by its Motion have carried the Cannon forwards to the former Bullet , and remov'd it backwards from the latter . IV. We should never see the Clouds unmov'd , nor going towards the East ; but as for them that move Westward , they would seem to fly as swift as lightning . V. Cities and all kind of buidings would be shatter'd , the Surface of the Earth would be disunited , and all its parts dissipated ; being not so firmly link'd together , as to endure such a Motion . Lastly , did the Earth turn round , and the Air with it ( as is alledg'd in answer to the former reasons ) the Air would have been so heated since its Motion with that swiftness , that the Earth would have been uninhabitable ▪ and all Animals suffocated ; Besides that the violence of that could Motion not have been supported by Men so long time ; for it is acknowledg'd that Daemons themselves cannot carry a Man from one Climate to another remote one , within that short time , that some Magicians have phanci'd ; because he would not be able to resist the violence of the agitation of the Air. The Second confirm'd this Opinion , alledging , That such Motion would be violent in respect of the Earth ; which for that it naturally tendeth downwards cannot be hois'd towards Heaven , but against its own Nature ; and no violent thing is durable . He added also the testimony of the Scripture , which saith , God hath establish'd the Earth that it shall not be moved ; that it is firm or stable for ever ; that the Sun riseth and setteth , passing by the South toward the North : And lastly , it relateth the Joshuah's word , as one of the greatest Miracles . On the other side , it was affirm'd , That the Opinion of Copernicus is the more probable , which Orpheus , Thales , Aristarchus , and Philolaus held of old , and hath been follow'd by Kepler , Longomontanus , Origanus , and divers others of our times , viz. That the Earth is mov'd about the Sun , who remaineth unmoveable in the Centre of the World. Their Reasons are , I. The middle , being the most noble place , is therefore due to the most noble Body of the World , which is the Sun. II. It is not more necessary that the Heart be seated in the midst of Man , then that the Sun be plac'd in the midst of the Universe , quickning and heating the greater , as that doth the lesser World. Nor do we place the Candle in a corner , but in the midst of the Room . III. The circular Motion of the Planets round about the Sun seemes to argue that the Earth doth the same . IV. It is more reasonable that the Earth which hath need of Light , Heat , and Influence , go to seek the same , then that the Sun go to seek that which he needeth not ; Just as the Fire doth not turn before the Roast-meat , but the Roast-meat before the Fire . V. Rest and Immobility is a nobler condition then Motion , and ought to belong to the visible Image of the Deity , viz. the Sun , who in that regard hath been adored by sundry Nations . VI. We see heavy things kept up in the Air onely by virture of Motion ; For instance , a stone plac'd in a sling , and turn'd round about . VII . They who deny the Motion of the Earth , by the same means deny its aequilibrium , which is absurd to do . For if a grain of Wheat laid upon a Sphere exactly pendulous upon its Poles causeth the same to move , the like ought to come to pass in the Terrestrial Globe when any heavy Body is transported upon it from one place to another : Seeing the greater a circle is , the less force is needful to move it ; and there is no impediment from the Air , much less from its Centre , which is but a point . The same comes to pass when a Bullet is shot out of a Cannon against a Wall. VIII . If both the Direct and the Circular Motion be found in the Load-stone , which tendeth by its gravity to the Centre , and mov'd circularly by its magnetick virtue , the same cannot be conceiv'd impossible in the Earth . IX . By this Simple Motion a multitude of imaginary Orbs in the Heavens , without which their Motion cannot be understood , is wholly sav'd ; and Nature alwayes acts by the most compendious way . X. It is much more likely that the Earth moves about five leagues in a minute , then that the eight Sphere in the same time moves above forty Millions , yea infinitely more , if it be true that the extent of the Heavens is infinite , and that beyond them there is neither time nor place : So that to have all the Heavens move round in four and twenty Hours , were to measure an infinite thing by a finite . II. Of two Monstrous Brethren living in the same Body . He who spoke first to the Second Point , said , That in his judgement the Anger of God is the true cause of Monsters , since the Scripture threatens to cause the Wives of those whom God intends to punish , to bring forth Monsters . The same is the universal conceipt of the vulgar , who are terrifi'd at the sight of such prodigies , which are termed Monsters ; not so much because the people shews them with the finger , as for that they demonstrate the Divine Anger ; whereof they are always taken for infallible arguments . Upon which account the Pagans were wont to make expiation for them with sacrifices . And most Writers begin or end their Histories with such presages . The Second said , That as it is impious not to ascribe the Natural Actions on Earth to Heaven , so it seem'd to him superstitious to attribute the same to the Supreme Author , without seeking out the means whereby he produceth them : For though they may be very extraordinary in regard of their seldomness , yet they have their true causes as well as ordinary events . Which doth not diminish the Omnipotence of the Divine Majesty , but , on the contrary , renders it more visible and palpable to our Senses : As the Ministers , Ambassadors , and military people employ'd by a great King for the putting of his command in execution , are no disparagement to his Grandeur . That he conceiv'd the cause of such Monsters was the quantity of the Geniture , being too much for the making of one Child , and too little for the finishing of two , which the Formative Virtue designed to produce ; as also the incapacity of the Womb , which could not receive its usual extension , and that by reason of some fall or blow hapned when the parts of the Embryo's began to be distinguish'd , and separated one from the other ; whence an Abortion would have follow'd , had not there been a great vigour in the two faetus , which was sufficient to retain their internal formes , namely , their Souls ; but could not repair the defects of the external formes , at least in that wherein the matter hath been most deficient : As the Founder , how excellent an Artist soever he be , makes an imperfect Image , when his material is defective . The Third said , That for the passing of a certain Judgement upon the present subject , he conceiv'd fitting to make this description of it . The greater of this two-fold body is called Lazarus , and the other John Baptista , Son of John Baptista Coloreto , and Perigrine his Wife , of the Parish of Saint Bartholomew , on the Coast of the Seigniory of Genua . They were born in the year , 1617. between the eleventh and twelfth of March , about mid-night ; and baptiz'd by Julio Codonio , Curé of the place by direction of the Abbot Tasty , Vicar general of the Archbishop of Genua ; and three moneths after confirm'd by Pope Paul V. Their Mother dy'd three years after their birth . The first is of low stature , considering his age of more then sixteen years ; of temper very melancholly and lean : Both the one and the other have brown chestnut hair . They are united together by the belly four fingers above the Navel , the skin of the one being continu'd to the other ; and yet their feeling and motion are so distinct , that the one being prick'd , the other feeleth nothing . The first ( saving this conjunction ) is well proportion'd , and furnish'd with all his Members . The other who came into the world with a head much less then his Brother , hath one at the present twice as big ; which greatness seemes to proceed from an Oedema or Inflation , occasion'd by the posture of his head , which is alwayes pendulous and supine ; and this defluxion of humours , joyn'd with his Brother's negligence , hath caus'd some sores upon him . He hath the countenance of a Man , but a most dreadful , one by the disproportion of all its parts ; He is deaf , blind , dumb , having great teeth in his mouth , by which he casts forth spittle , and breathes very strongly , rather then by the nose , which is close stop'd within . His mouth is otherwise useless , having never drunk nor eaten ; nor hath he any place for evacuation of excrements . His eyes are alwayes shut , and there appears no pupil in them . He hath but one thigh , one leg , and one foot , extremely ill shap'd , and not reaching to the knee of the other . But he hath two armes , very lean and disproportionate to the rest of the body ; and at the end of each of them , instead of hands , a thumb and two fingers , very deformed too . At the bottome of his belly there is a little membranous appendix without a passage . His pulse is manifest in either arm , as also the beating of his heart , though the external figure of his breast , and the divarication of his jugular veines have very little of the ordinary structure and situation . Whereby it appears that each of them hath a brain , heart , and lungs distinct ; but they have both but one liver , one stomack , and one set of Intestines . For one of them sleepes sometimes while the other is awake ; one hath been sick while the other hath been in health . The greater hath been blooded above twenty times in three grievous diseases ; but no Physitian hath ventur'd to purge him , lest the purgative medicament passing through those unusual windings should produce unusual effects to his prejudice . He lives after the common manner , exercising all his rational , vital , and natural faculties in perfection . And they who have been to see him in this City , ( as almost every one runs to see this Wonder of Nature ) may judge of his management and conduct of his affairs . Yet the negligence of the greater in supporting the less , and holding him in a convenient posture , is not to be pass'd over without notice ; for though he breathes , as I said above , yet he alwayes keeps his head cover'd with a double linnen cloth , and his cloak ; and although by his great weight he continually stretches the skin of his belly , yet he endeavours not to ease either his Brother or himself . Yea , the custome of carrying this load hath render'd it so light to him , that he performes all ordinary exercises , and playes at Tennis , like another Man. All which consider'd , it seemes this Monster is one of the most notable Errours of Nature that hath appear'd in this Age , and perhaps in any preceding . Besides the causes alledg'd above , some extraordinary conjunction of the Stars happening at the time of his conception , may have had some influence in this irregular production . Moreover , it appears that the less draweth nourishment from the greater by the Anastomosis , ( or Insertion ) of his Vessels with those of his Brother , as the Child sucks the Maternal Blood by the Vmbilical Vein ; there being in both but one principle of sanguification . But it is otherwise as to Life , Motion , and Feeling , which being distinct in them , cannot proceed from one and the same principle . The Fourth said , That it may be doubted whether this be a Monster or no , their union being not sufficient for that denomination . For we frequently see two trees grow together in the middle ; and otherwise separate . Nor is the deficiency of parts in the one any more monstrous , then if one single man should be born without Armes and Legs . Moreover he inherited the same from his Father , which doth not come to pass in Monsters . The Fifth said , That according to Plato , the case is the same with Nature as with Virtue : All that exceeds their ordinary rules is called monstrous . As deformity of the Mind is Vice , so is also that of Nature ; That the cause of this instance is like that of an Egg with a double yelk , out of which , the pellicles being broken that separated them , are produc'd two Chickens joyn'd together , or else one with four wings , four feet , or other such irregularities . So these Twins having been divided in the Womb at the place where they co-here , either by the acrimony of humours or some other violent cause , Nature which loves nothing so much as Union , forthwith assembled its spirits and humours to unite that which was separated . Which design of Nature is apparent in the cure of wounds and burnes , the fingers and other parts uniting together one to the other , contrary to its first intention , the figure , and use of the same parts . But the difficulty is , whether there be two Souls in these two Bodies . For my part , considering that they have two Brains , ( wherein the Soul is held to reside ) and the external humane shape , they may be rightly call'd two Men , who consequently have two Souls . Now if that which is in the less doth not exercise its functions , the reason is , because the Organs are not fitly dispos'd and proportion'd , no more then those of little Children , Ideots , and Mad men , and through this Nature's having been hinder'd by the rebellion of the Matter to receive such dispositions from the Agents , which are Heat and the Spirits : which also being too languishing , have not been able to impart to their subject all the degrees of necessary perfection . The Sixth said , That he compar'd the framing of this Monster to the Workmanship of a piece of Tapistry , upon which two persons are imploy'd . The more diligent of the two finishes his task first ; the more slothful finding all the material spent , is constrain'd to leave his business imperfect , and fasten it to the other as well as he can . So the spirits being in too great abundance to attend the fabricating of one single Child , undertook two , and began each from the Head : The more vigorous had done first , and the other finding no more stuff made but half a Man , who by reason of the continuity of the Matter , became connected to the first . Now whereas it may be said that the Definition of Monsters brought by the Civilians doth not appertain to it , the answer is , That the same thing may be a Monster Physically , inasmuch as it deflecteth from the Laws of Nature , as this doth , though it be not one Politically , in that it is capable to make a Will , Inherit , Contract , and to do all other Actions civil . The Hour of Inventions was spent in Replies and Comparisons of other Monsters , particularly that of mention'd by Buchanan in the fifteenth Book of his History , born in Northumberland with two heads , four armes , two breasts , and onely two leggs ; It was instructed in Musick , so that each head sung its part melodiously , and discours'd together pertinently . They dy'd , one fifteen dayes before the other , the latter by the putrefaction of his inseparable Companion . At length these two points were chosen . First , Of the Hairy Girl seen in this City . Secondly , Whether it be more difficult to resist Pleasure then Pain . CONFERENCE XI . I. Of the little Hairy Girl lately seen in this City . II. Whether it is more easie to resist Pleasure then Pain . I. Of the Hairy Girl . THe First said , That this German Girl , born at Ausperg , called Barbara Vrsine , ( the Name and Sir-name very well suting to the person , if they were not invented purposely ) is no Monster . For a Monster is desin'd , a Natural Effect , degenerating from the right and usual frame or perfection essential to its species . But the same holdeth not in this person , who is onely an extraordinary effect of Nature , whereof two causes may be assign'd . First , the prevalence of internal heat , which more powerfully drives outwards the steames ( or exhalations ) that serve for the matter of Hair , and is also the cause that Children are sometimes born with Teeth . Whence it comes to pass , that Hair grows in more places , and more plentifully in those which are hot and dry . In like manner it hath been observ'd , that some notable Warriours and Pirats have had their Hearts hairy . The Second Cause is the strong Imagination of the Mother during her conceiving , or in the dayes near it ; when the Embryo being like soft wax , is capable of every impression never so little proportionate to its subject ; yea , sometimes it is so extravagant , that the effect cannot be attributed to any other cause . Such was that young Girl mention'd by Marcus Damascenus , and presented to the Emperour Charles IV. which , besides that she was all hairy like this , had the feet of a Camel ; her Mother having too wistly consider'd the Image of Saint John Baptist clothed in Camel's hair : And this consideration satisfi'd the Father , who at first disown'd her . The same was the Opinion of Hippocrates , when he sav'd the Honour and Life of a Princess who had brought forth an Aethiopian , through the too attentive minding of the picture of a Moor hanging at her beds-feet . Which mov'd Galen to advise such Ladies as would have fair Children , to behold those that are such frequently , at least in picture . The Second said , That this Hair being an Effect against the Intention as well of Vniversal Nature , which could not design any profit from a bearded Woman , as of the particular Agents , which designed to produce an Individual like to one of themselves , according to the ordinary course ; it follows that the Girl must be termed a Monster . The Cause whereof cannot be the indisposition of the Matter , nor its too great quantity or deficience ; since all the parts of this Child being well proportioned , and her colour native , conclude and argue the same as to the humours of her Body . Yet it may well proceed from some exorbitance in quality , not caus'd by the formative virtue , but by the Imagination of the Mother . For that of the Father contributes nothing hereunto . That the Formative Virtue doth not the business , is prov'd , because the Hair is a fuliginous vapour arising from the more dry and earthy parts of the residue and excrement of the third Concoction , which is made in the parts , and the Expulsive Faculty casteth forth as useless and unsutable ; the same arriving at the skin is imprison'd thereby the Cuticle ; And Nature , which hath no further need of it , hinders its return . Now this Matter is forc'd to abide thus , till it make it self way through the Pores fram'd by its heat rarifying the skin . During its stay there it is concocted , incrassated , hardened , and puts on the figure of the Pore through which it issueth ; As the soft Matter of Glass is incrassated by the heat , and takes the form of the mould in which it is formed . Hence it is , that they whose skin is tender have very soft Hair. For their skin being by reason of its great rarity unable to resist the least heat , easily opens its Pores , which thereby become very small to give the vapour passage ; which vapour because it stay'd not long enough to be concocted and hardned , produceth very soft , gentle , and loose Hair. On the other , side in those whose skin is hard and dry , the resistance of the same causeth the inclosed heat to act more vehemently , and consequently to make greater Pores ; through the which those vapours passing after a longer inclosure produce a Hair thicker , dryer , and harder , as having been more parched and adur'd . For the vapour is by this means thickned and hardned , like the smoak which is condens'd into soot in the Chimney . Now the Formative Virtue cannot be the cause of this production of Hair in all parts of the Body of this person . First , because heat , the cause efficient , is at that time too weak , through defect of which we see that a dozen or fifteen years after the birth , Hair is not produc'd even in Males . Secondly , the Matter of this little Body is too soft to furnish stuff dry enough for the making of that fuliginous vapour . It remaineth therefore that it be ascrib'd to the Imagination of the Mother ; who being a Superior Agent , many times hinders the Formative Virtue from doing what it designeth . That she is Superior , it is true . For the Formative Virtue belongeth to the Vegetative Life ; Man begetting onely as he is Vegetative ( God alone begetteth by the Vnderstanding ) but the Imagination is a Faculty of the Sensitive Life , and so subjecteth the less to it self ; as the Agent which operateth by the Understanding makes use of that which operateth by Nature . So the Smith , though a mean Artisan , yet makes use of Fire , the most noble Elementary Agent , as a Slave . Now the Imagination acteth in this manner : It presents to the Woman some pleasing object , this object excites her Appetite ; the Appetite by its dominion and command moves the Motive Faculty the performer of its pleasure . This Motive Faculty discharging its Office by the Spirits , which it sets in Motion , and sends forth as it lists ; And these Spirits having their Source and Original in the Brain , upon which the Phantasmes of the Imagination are imprinted , it comes to pass that when a Child-bearing Woman hath a lively representation or Imagination of the thing which she desires ; those Spirits upon which the Image is imprinted , coming to be sent forth by the Motive Faculty , and separating from the rest of their troop which is in the Brain , carry along with them the said Image or Effigies . The same hapning in the Brain that doth in a Looking-glass , which being intire sheweth but one Object , but broken into a hundred pieces , every piece representeth the same whole . For the Nature of Species is of it self indivisible , and is not divided but because of the subject in which they are . So the Phantasme being in the Brain representeth but one and the same thing , but a part of the Spirits ( upon which it is engraven ) separating from thence carry the same along with them ; And arriving with the blood and humours at the faetus , which incessantly draws them from the Mothers Body by the Umbilical Veins , engrave upon it the Image configur'd to them . The Third said , That he could not ascribe this Effect to the Imagination , no more then all other Monsters ( because the Girl resembling neither Father nor Mother , seem'd to him by this uncouth and strange hairiness , to deserve the name of a Monster . ) For : First , The Imagination cannot produce any real Effect , the Intentions of Men produce nothing such ; this belongs onely to the Deity . Secondly , All the Animal Faculties being almost intercepted in Generation , how can the Formative Faculty , which , according to Erastus , is the sole Agent , conceive and apprehend those Images and Representations ? For there is little appearance that the formes of the Imagination are engraven upon Aerial Spirits in the same manner , that these of the Formative Faculty of the Heavens , or Vniversal Spirit , are imprinted in the Air , for the production of Mixt Bodies . For if it were so , then Children would have upon their Bodies marks or tokens of every thing that their Mothers had ardently desir'd and imagin'd , ( and in their Imagination and desires they have no commendation for Constancy ) by reason of the continual Agitation of their blood , which is incessantly attracted by the Foetus . So that we should see strange portraits of the Mothers Phancies upon the Infants Body ; whereby would be sav'd much of the pains that Baptista Porta , takes in his Natural Magick , to teach how to produce Monsters . Moreover , as the Common Sense judgeth of the difference of Objects which it carrieth to the Imagination ; so the Imagination retaineth not those Species , saving to present them to Reason , which judgeth and determineth upon them . Wherefore , if , for example , the Common Sense represents to the Imagnation a Centaur , or some other Monster , and the Imagination represent the same to Reason , this Reason of ours will never allow or consent that the Formative Faculty attempt to bring it to effect . The Fourth said , That he did not think this Girl ought to be termed a Monster , unless in the large signification of the word , as it comprehends every thing that is contrary to the intention of the agent , or is extraordinary . Thus Aristotle calls a Woman a Monster , and a fault of Nature , which always designes the making of a Male as the more perfect ; which being unable to do , either in regard of the disposition of the Agent , or of the Matter , she makes a Woman . And for the same reason he calls a Child , which doth not resemble its Father , a Monster , because the Father design'd to beget a Man like himself . But this person is not truly such , since she is faulty onely in the excess of superfluities or excrements , not of any part that varies the species : As one that voideth more excrements then others , or hath greater Nails then usual , cannot be stil'd a Monster . Besides , what we account monstrous in this person , we have the same our selves . For were our Sight acute enough , we might see that there is no part of the Body but is cover'd with Hair , and perhaps not so fair and soft as hers ; in which we find nothing extraordinary but in the length . For whereas she hath a light-colour'd beard of four or five fingers length , the cause thereof is , because the Hair is carefully shav'd off the rest of her countenance , which otherwise would be all of the same length . This Hair proceedeth from extreme Moisture , and Moderate Coldness ; the former supplyeth the matter for its Generation , and the latter helpeth the Action of Heat , by the occlusion of the Pores which it causeth . So that if among Children , which ( according to Hippocrates ) are more humid then those who have attain'd to Adolescence , there be found any who have such a degree of Coldness as is able to support the root of the Hair by condensing the skin , it will grow in all parts of the Body , though unequally , according to the difference of humour . The Fifth said , That besides the Imagination already alledg'd , ( which caus'd Perfina Queen of Ethiopia to bring forth a white Daughter , and a Woman in our time to bring forth a Child like a Frog , by having held a Frog in her hand for some disease ) this Hair proceeds from a certain temper proper for producing the same ; which temper is found in this little person , as it is in other persons in some places onely , and at a certain Age. This temper seemes to be cold ; for we see that Men and other Creatures are most hairy in the coldest Countries , and cold hath a great influence upon Hair ; some persons having in one night had their Hair extremely grown and chang'd through an excess of fear , and consequently of cold ; for fear causeth all the heat of the external parts to retire inwards . As it hapned to a Gentleman of twenty eight years old , who being condemned to death for an Adultery committed in the Palace of Charles V. the next morning was found all white in the Prison ; whereupon the Emperour granted him his pardon : As the Grandfather of the same Emperour did formerly upon the same account to a Spaniard nam'd Osorio . The like hapned to an other in shorter time , who found the rope begin to break by which he was let down by the side of a steep rock to get an airy of Hawks . Now this great abundance of Hair cannot proceed from extreme Humidity ; for then it must either be radical , and consequently mild , and no sit Matter for Hair ; or else adventitious , sharp , and corroding , which would destroy their root . Besides , it is not credible that so little a Body as this can afford so much excrementitious matter . Nor can it proceed from excess of Heat ; for we see heat makes Hair to shed in those that have a burning Fever or a Hectick , and the Hair and Nails grow in dead bodies which have no natural heat . II. Whether it be harder to resist Pleasure then Pain . Upon the Second Point , it was said , That if Pleasure be consider'd as a Good , and Pain as an Evil , it is not to be doubted but that the latter is as insupportable to our Nature , as the former is agreeable to it . But there are two sorts of Good and Evil , of Pain and Pleasure : One of the Mind , and another of the Body ; and many times the pains and sufferings of the Body are the joyes of the Mind ; and the pleasures and the gratifications of the flesh , the crosses and torments of the Spirit . Now there are scarce any pure and unmixt pleasures or pains in the world , but they are usually mingled one with the other : And if they could be separated , Pain would turn the scale , as being the more heavy and difficult to be supported . In reference to which mixture , the Greek Poet judiciously feigned , that there are two vessels at the entrance of Heaven , one full of Honey and sweetness , the other of Gall and bitterness . Of which two Liquors mingled together Jupiter makes all men to drink , and tempers with them every thing that he pours down here below . So that the Pains and Pleasures of the Mind or the Body , being moderate and indifferently temper'd with each of those Liquors may be supported by Men ; Pleasure and Good , ( as the more natural ) much more easily then Evil and Pain , which are destructive to Nature . But when both of them are extreme , and the sweetness of Pleasures and contentments is not abated by some little gall , nor the bitterness of displeasures sweetned by some little Honey , then Men cannot rellish this Potion ; because they are not accustom'd to things pure and sincere , but to confusion and mixture ; and cannot bear the excess of Grief or Joy , the extremities of which are found to be fatal . As first , for Grief , Licinius finding himself condemn'd for the crime of Cheating the publick , dy'd with regret ; Q. Fabius , because he was cited before the Tribunes of the People for violating the Law of Nations : Caesar's Daughter , at the sight of the bloody garments of her Husband Pompey ; And in the last Age , one of the Sons of Gilbert Duke of Montpensier , going into Italy , dy'd with resentment at Puzzole , upon the Sepulchre of his Father , whom he went thither to see . Then for Joy , Diagoras Rhodius , seeing his three Sons victorious in one day at the Olympick Games , dy'd with Joy. The same Fate befell Chilo the Lacedemonian , upon the same victory of one of his Sons . Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily , and the Poet Sophocles , having heard that they had won the bayes for Tragedies , dy'd both immediately ; And so did the Poet Philippides upon winning that for Comedies . The Painter Zeuxis having made the portraiture of an old woman very odly , dy'd with laughing at it . To which Paulus Jovins produces two like examples of later date ; one of Sinas , General of the Turk's Gallies , upon the recovery of his onely Son whom he accounted lost , and the other of Leo X. upon the taking of Milain , which he had passionately desir'd ; both of which dy'd for Joy. Thus each of these Passions have great resemblance in their excesses . They equally transport a Man beyond the bounds of Reason ; The one by its pleasingness makes him forget himself , the other by its bitterness leads him to despair . Grief destroyes Life , either by the violent agitation of the Spirits , or by their condensation , which stopping the passages hinders respiration ; From whence follows suffocation and death . Pleasure and Joy produce the same effect by contrary causes , namely by too great a dilatation of the Spirits , which causes weakness , and that weakness death . It may be doubted under which rank they ought to be plac'd who dye for Love : But the sweetness of this kind of death is too much extoll'd by the Poets , that being to choose ( said he ) I should prefer it before the others . The Second said , They who dye for Joy are of a soft temper and rare contexture , and their Hearts being too easily dilated and expanded by it , the Spirits evaporating leave the same destitute of strength ; and so the Ventricles close together , and they perish under this Passion . On the contrary , they who dye with grief and sadness have the Pores more closed , but are of a very hot temper , which requires room and freedom for the dilatation of the Heart , which becoming compress'd by sadness , ( which , like Fear , stops and refrigerates , and renders the Spirits too much throng'd ad condens'd among themselves ) the Spirits having their avenues obstructed , and their commerce with the Air hindred , stifle the Heart . That nevertheless the Passions of Joy are much less then those of Grief , because Evil more vehemently moves the Appetite then Good. For Grief destroyes the simple and absolute Existence of a thing . Pleasure brings onely a transient and casual effect , and is but a redundancy or surplusage . An Animal hath its perfect essence without it , but Grief puts its Being into evident danger , and changes it essentially . II. The preservation of an Animal , for which Nature endu'd it with the Passion of Grief , is the highest internal end ; whereunto also Pleasure is ordain'd as a means ; the pleasure of the Taste for the preservation of the Individual ; that of the Touch , for the preservation of the species . In fine , Delectation is a Female Passion , or rather but half a Passion ; for when its Object is present , it is languid and asswag'd , and hath no more but a bare union with the Object , that is , the present Good , which is rather a Rest then a Motion of the Sensitive Appetite : Whereas Grief , which respects a present Evil , is not onely redoubled by the presence of the same , but summons all the other Passions to its Relief , Anger , Audacity , Courage , and all the Faculties to revenge it self . The Third said , That if we consider these two Passions , as streams running within their ordinary channels , and do not respect their inundations , then Grief seemes to be more powerful then Joy ; for it causeth us to break through all difficulties that might stop us , it rallies the Forces of Nature ( when there needs any extraordinary performance ) gives Armes to extremities , and renders Necessity the Mistress of Fortune . On the contrary , Pleasure and Joy abate the greatness of the Courage , enfeeble a Man by exhausting his Spirits , and emptying his Heart too much thereof . The Fourth said , Pleasure and Grief are two Passions of the Concupiscible Appetite , the former of which is the perception of an agreeable Object , the latter of a displeasing one . For all Sensation is made by a Mutation , and that either from Good to Evil , ( whence ariseth Grief , and if it persisteth , Sadness ; ) or from Evil to Good , whence springeth Pleasure , which if it be lasting , causeth Joy : which are to be carefully distinguish'd . They easily succeed , set off , and give conspicuousness one to the other . Socrates would never have found pleasure in scratching the place where his fetters fastned his Legs , if he had not borne those shackles a long time in Prison . Their vehemence hath commonly reference to the Temper . Pleasure hath more dominion over the Sanguine . The Melancholy Man makes more reflexion upon Grief . But considering them absolutely , it seemes to me more difficult to support Ease then Disease , Joy then Sadness , Pleasure then Grief . First , because Hope , the harbinger of good and contentment , hath greater effects then Fear which fore-runs Evil , and causeth to undertake greater things ; for all glorious and Heroical Actions have Hope for their impulsive cause ; whereras , commonly , Fear produceth none but servile Actions . Secondly , a Passion is term'd strong or violent , when by the impression of the species of the Object first upon the Senses , and then upon the Phancy , it becometh so much Mistress of Reason that it hinders the Man from freely exercising the functions of knowing aright and doing aright . Now Pleasures and Contentments cause Men not to know themselves , but to forget God , and run into Vices ; whereas Grief and Afflictions usually retain them within their duty , in the Fear of God , and in the exercise of the Virtues of Patience , Obedience , and Humility . Many persons have bravely and couragiously resisted torments , and yet yielded to Pleasure . And that Emperour of whom Saint Hierome speaks in his Epistles , desiring at any rate to make a young Christian sin , that he might afterwards avert him from the true Religion ; and finding that he had to no purpose employ'd tortures and other cruelties upon him , at length shook him by the allurements of two immodest Women ; whose embraces he being unable longer to resist or fly from , because he was bound with soft fetters , he had recourse to grief , biting his Tongue in two with his Teeth , which were alone at liberty , to moderate the excess of pleasure by that pain . In fine , as Enemies hid under the mask of Friends are more to be fear'd then open Enemies ; So Grief , though a manifest Enemy to our Nature , yet is not so much to be dreaded as Pleasure , which under a false mask and pretext of kindness , insinuates its sweet poyson into us ; And ( as of old the Psylli poyson'd Men by commending them ) becomes Mistress of the Man , and blindes his Reason . Wherefore Aristotle considering the power of Pleasure , counsels him that would resist it , not to behold its fore-part as it presents it self to us , but the hinder-part when it parts from us , and for all recompence leaves us nought but a sad repentance . At the Hour of Inventions many wayes were spoken of conducing to the production or hindrance of Hair , as also to the changing of its colour ; and some of the chief stupifyers were mention'd that serve to asswage Grief or Pain . After which these two Points were chosen for that day seven-night . First , Of three Suns appearing at the same time . Secondly , Whether it be possible to love without interest , and without making reflection upon one's self . CONFERENCE XII . I. Of Three Suns . II. Whether an Affection can be without Interest . I. Of three Suns . HE that spake first , said , That the occasion of this Discourse of three Suns , was the report that in August last , upon the day of our Ladies Assumption , there appeared three in a Village within two Leagues of Vernevil in Normandy . But lest any should attribute the cause thereof to what Virgil saith made two Suns , and two Cities of Thebes appear to Pentheus ; we read in the first book of the fifth Decade of Livius's History , that there appear'd three Suns of Rome , during the War against Perseus King of Macedonia , and the night following many burning torches , ( Faces Ardentes , a kind of Meteor ) fell down in the territory of Rome , which was then afflicted with a raging Pestilence . The same hapned again when Cassius and Brutus were overthrown , when the Civil Wars were between Augustus and Antonius ; and under the Emperor Claudius . But the most remarkable were those two which appear'd under the Empire of Vitellius ; one in the East , and the other in the West . I come now to inquire into the Causes . For if it be true that Man alone was created with a Countenance erected towards Heaven , on purpose to contemplate its Wonders ; I conceive there are none more admirable then Meteors , so nam'd by reason of the elevated aspect of Men when they admire them : and amongst those Meteors there is none more excellent then that Triple Sun , if the Copies resemble their Original , the most admirable of all the Coelestial Bodies . Nevertheless , Reason given Man by God to render the most strange things familiar to him , finds more facility in the knowledge of these , then of many other things which are at our feet ; and that by Induction , which it draws from Examples . The Sun , as every other Body , fills the Air with its Images or Species , which pass quite through the same , unless they be reflected by some Body smooth and resplendent in its surface , but opake at the bottome ; Such are Looking-glasses , and Water , whether it be upon the Earth or in the Clouds . Now when a smooth Cloud that is ready to fall down in rain , happens to be opposite against the Sun , ( being terminated either by its own profundity , or some other opake body ) it represents the figure or image of the Sun ; and if there happen to be another opposite to this first , it reflecteth the figure in the same manner ; As a Looking-glass opposite to that wherein we look receives the species from the former , and represents the same ; And if we believe Seneca , there is nothing less worthy of admiration : For if no body wonders to see the representation of the Sun here below in clear Water , or any other resplendent body , it ought to be no greater marvel that the same Sun imprints his image as well on high as below , not in one Cloud , or two onely , but also in many , as Pliny affirms that himself beheld . This multiplicity of Suns ( which are call'd Parhelij ) happens usually but either at the rising or at the setting of the Sun. First , because the Refraction , which is necessary for seeing them , is not so well made to our eyes , which is more remote when the Sun is in the Meridian . Secondly , because when the Sun is in the Meridian he is more hot , and allows not the Cloud time to stay , but dissolves it as soon as it becomes opposite to him ; which he doth not at his rising or setting , being then more weak . The same Cause that shews us three Suns hath also represented three Moons under the Consulship of Cn : Domitius , and C. Faminus ; as also three other which appear'd in the year 1314. after the death of S. Lewis , three moneths together . Which impression is called Paraselene , and cannot be made but at full Moon . The Second said , That Parhelij do not onely appear upon the Clouds , or at Sun-rise and Sun-set , as the common opinion importeth ; for in the year 1629. on the twentieth of March , the day of the Vernal Equinox , four Parhelij appear'd at Rome , about the true Sun , between Noon and one a clock , the Heaven being clear and the Sun encompass'd with a double Crown , of a deeper colour then those which are seen sometimes about the Moon , and are found in the circumference of a Rain-bow whose Circle is perfect . Two of those false Suns occupi'd the intersections of the Solary Crown and the Iris , and two others were opposite to the former in the same circumference of the Iris. Yet , in my judgement , this cause may be rendred of these five Suns . As in the Night , when the Air appears serene , we many times see that the Moon radiating upon the Air of the lower Region , which is more thick then the superior , by reason of vapours and exhalations , formes about it self a great bright Crown of about forty five degrees diametre ; which space is fit for the reflecting and uniting of the Lunar rayes to the Eye , and by such reflection and union to cause the appearance of that Crown : So also when the lower Region is full of vapours and exhalations , which have not been dissipated by the Sun , either because of their great quantity or viscosity , or else of the coldness of the Air , they render the Air more dense , though serene in appearance , and so more proper to receive the like impressions of the Sun. In the same manner were the Crown and the Iris produc'd ; for they were form'd by a reflection and refraction of the Solar rayes , and consequently at the intersection of the Iris , and the Crown , there was a double reflection and refraction . Whence at the the said intersection appear'd two false Suns sufficiently bright , by the new reflection of which upon the same circumference of the Iris , were formed two other Suns of less brightness . The Third said , That this plurality of Suns ought to be attributed to a reflection of the species of the true Sun receiv'd in some Stars so oppos'd to him that they send back his light and species , and the concurse of those reflected rayes , causes those masses of light to appear in the centres of concave bodies that reflect them ; which cannot be Clouds , because they are neither smooth nor opake , nor void of colour ; the three accidents necessary for reflection . Moreover , the Clouds cannot receive his species upon their uppermost surface , for then they could not reflect it ; nor upon their lowermost or interior surface ; for this cannot receive it , unless it be reflected from the Water , and then we should not see those Suns in the Air , but in the Water : Nor lastly , upon one side , because then the Spectator must not be upon the Earth , but in a line perpendicular to the diametre of the side of the Cloud ; according to the doctrine of the Catoptricks . The Fourth said , That the Clouds being polite or smooth when they are turn'd into Water , and their profundity serving instead of opacity ( as we see in deep Waters , which our sight is unable to penetrate ) they remit the species presented to them ; And the same may happen in the Air when it is condens'd . Whence , as Aristotle reports , many have seen their own Images in the Air ; and some affirm , that they have seen whole Cities so , particularly Avignon . The Fifth said , That the Viscosity into which the aqueousness of those Clouds had degenerated when those four Parhelij appear'd at Rome , was the cause not onely of their appearance , but also of their subsistence at mid-day . To the which also , more concocted and condens'd , must those three Suns ascrib'd which were observ'd in Spain , Anno 753. for the space of three years ; and the three others that appear'd over the City of Theodosia , on the twenty ninth of October , 1596. from Sun-rise to Sun-set . The Sixt said , That all these difficulties inclin'd him to attribute Parhelij to one or more Clouds round and resplendent like the Sun. For what unlikelihood is there that an unctuous exhalation may be elevated in the Air in a round figure , which being inflam'd on all sides , equally may represent by its light that of the Sun ; seeing Nature is much more ingenious then Art , which represents him at pleasure by artificial fires ; and we behold even from the surface of the Earth , up to the Orbes of the Planets igneous bodies of all figures and colours , and those of very long continuance . II. Whether any Love be without self interest . Upon the Second Point , the First said , That 't is not without a mystery that Plato in his Convivium , makes two Cupids ; one the Son of Venus Coelestial , the other the Son of the common or Terrestrial Venus ; intimating thereby that there are two sorts of Love ; one vile and abject , which is that of Concupiscence , whereby a Man loves that which is agreeable to him for his own interest , the other divine and perfect , wherewith we love a thing for it self : which kind is very rare . And therefore Hesiod makes it to be born of the Chaos and the Earth , to intimate that it is difficult to meet any that is pure and without any interest . The Ancients have also made two Loves ; one of Plenty , Abundance , by which the Perfect loves the Imperfect , to communicate thereunto what it wanteth ; the other of Indigence , which the Defective hath towards the Perfect , that it may be made perfect by it . The former is that of God towards his Creatures ; the latter , that of Creatures towards God. And as for that which is found between Creatures , it is more or less excellent according as it partaketh of the one or the other . But to speak generally , it is more noble to be lov'd then to love , as it is more excellent to be sought to then to seek to another , to give then to receive . The Second said , That there are two sorts of Love , the one of Friendship , the other of Desire . The former causeth us to love things , because they are worthy of it ; the latter , because they are convenient for us . The first is not onely possible , but more natural then the second . For the Love of Friendship is direct , that of Concupiscence is onely by reflection . Now that which is direct is in the date of Nature before the reflected , the stroke is before the rebound , the voice before the Echo , and the Ray before the reverberation . For Reflection is a re-plication or re-doubling of a thing . That the Love of Desire is such , I manifest . It is with our Knowledge as with our Love. A Man knows himself less easily then he doth others , because he knows all things else by a direct action , and himself by reflection . He sees every thing directly , but he cannot see himself saving in a Looking-glass . And for that nothing enters into him but passeth through the Senses , it is requisite that that which is in him come forth to re-enter again by the Senses , and pass into the Mind . For all Knowledge is by Assimilation ; as , that I may see , the pupil of my Eye must have the Image of the thing which I would see , and so become like to it . Now all resemblance is between things that are distinct . So that if the Mind of Man is to know any thing of it self , that thing must be abstracted and sever'd from him , that it may be made like to him , and consequently cannot enter into his Knowledge but by reflection , in which the species loseth of its virtue ; as we see in the Echo , which is never so natural as the voice which it imitates , nor the Object in the Looking-glass as the first Object . The case is the same in Love : For by it we love things before we desire them . Which is evident both in respect to the Object , and also to the Act of Love. Its Object , Good , includeth two things ; First , its Nature of Good , which is an Entity consider'd in it as conducing to the perfection of the thing wherein it is ; And Secondly , its communicability , or relation to other things capable of receiving its diffusion . The former is the foundation and efficient emanative cause of the other , which is onely a Propriety , and consequently less natural ; because posterior and subservient to the former . Moreover , Love taken as an act of the Will hath the same effect ; according to which it is defin'd an adequateness , conformity and correspondence of our heart to the thing , and an approbation and complacency in the goodness which is in the Object ; which our Mind judging good in this manner ; First , Loves it in it self with a Love of Friendship , and then afterwards judging it amiable , applies it to it self and desires it . So that there is a two-fold convenience or agreableness in every thing that is lov'd , even with the Love of Concupiscence . First , the convenience of the Good with its proper subject : And Secondly , the convenience of the same Good with the thing or person whereunto it is desired . The first convenience excites the Love of Friendship : The second that of Concupiscence . Wherefore it is more natural to Love without Interest , then for it . Besides , Love follows Knowledge , and we know things simply and in themselves , sooner then such as are compounded and refer'd to another . Lastly , the Love of Friendship is the end of the motions of our Hearts which acquiesce and stop there . The Love of Concupiscence is for the means which are posterior in the intention of Nature , and as servants employ'd for the End. The Third said , That Love being one of the most noble acts of the Will , or rather of the Soul , which is created after the Image of God , it hath some lineaments of that Divine Love. Now God loves all things for his own sake . In like manner we see all reasonable Creatures have an instinct and sympathy to such as are convenient to themselves , and an abhorrence or antipathy to their contraries . Moreover , the Nature of Good , which is the Object of Love , shews that Love always precisely regards him that loves ; there being no Absolute Good , but all is with convenience or relation , without which it would not move us to affect it . For no Love can be assign'd , how perfect soever , in which the person that loves hath not some interest . Q. Curtius deliver'd Rome from an infection of the Pestilence , by plunging himself into a great Vorago in the Earth ; but it was with a desire of glory , and to be talk'd of . A Father loves his Children , but it is that he may perpetuate himself in them . We love Virtue for the sweetness and delectation which it brings with it ; yea , even Martyrs offer themselves couragiously to death , that they may live eternally with him for whose sake they suffer . And if seeing two Men play at Tennis , both of them alike unknown unto me , I yet wish that one may win rather then the other ; this proceeds from some convenience or agreeableness between us two , though the reason of it be not then manifest to me . The Fourth said , That Disinterested Love , which is the true , intirely terminates in the thing lov'd purely and simply for the natural and supernatural goodness which is in it . But that which reflects upon the person who loves for his Honour , Profit , or Pleasure , is false and vicious . Now although since the depravation of our Nature by sin the former sort of Love be very difficult , yet is it not impossible . For since there is a Relative Love , there must also be an Absolute , which serves for a contrary to the other . It is much more hard to love an Enemy ( a thing commanded by God ) then to love another with a Disinteressed Love. And though it be true that Pleasure is so essential to Love that it is inseparable from it , ( whence one may infer that such Pleasure is an interest ) yet provided he who loves doth it not with reflection to his Pleasure , or for the Pleasure which he takes in loving , his Love is pure and simple , and void of all interest . So , though he who loves , goes out of himself to be united to the thing lov'd , ( which is the property of Love ) and becomes a part of the whole which results from that union , and consequently interessed for the preservation of the same : Nevertheless , provided he do not reflect upon himself , as he is a part of that whole , his love is always without interest . The fifth said , That as Reflex Knowledge is more excellent and perfect then direct ; So reflected Love , which is produc'd by knowledge of the merits and perfections of the thing lov'd , is more noble and judicious then that which is without any reflection and interest . Gods Love towards Men ought to serve them for a rule . Therefore Plato saith , that when God design'd to create the World , he transform'd himself into Love , which is so much interessed , that he hath made all things for his own Glory . The Sixth said , That true Love is ( like Virtue ) contented with it self ; and he that loves any thing for his particular interest doth not properly love that thing , but himself , to whom he judgeth it sutable . In which respect Saint Bernard calls such kind of Love mercenary and illegitimate ; because true and pure Love is contented simply with loving ; and though it deserves reward , yet that is not its motive , but the sole consideration of the excellence and goodness of the thing lov'd . Nor is this true Love so rare as is imagin'd , there being examples of it found in all conditions of Men. Cleomenes King of Lacedaemon disguis'd himself on purpose to be slain , as accordingly he was ; thereby to expiate to the Fate which was destinated to the loss either of the Chiestain or his Army . Gracchus dy'd that his Wife Cornelia might live . The Wife of Paetus slew her self for company , to sweeten death to her Husband . Histories are full of Fathers and Mothers that have prefer'd their own death before that of their Children . At the Hour of Inventions , One offering to speak of Amulets , Philtres , and other means to procure Love , and mentioning the Hippomanes , or flesh which is found in the fore-head of a young Colt ( whereof Virgil speaks ) he was interrupted by this intimation ; That the two most effectual means for causing Love were the graces of the Body and the Mind , and to love those by whom we would be lov'd . And these two points were propounded . First , Whether Melancholy persons are the most ingenious . Secondly , Which is most necessary in a State , Reward or Punishment . CONFERENCE XIII . I. Whether Melancholy Persons are the most ingenious or prudent . II. Which is most necessary in a State , Reward or Punishment . I. Whether Melancholy Men are the most ingenious . THe First said , That ( according to Galen , ) Humane Actions ( to speak naturally ) depend on the complexion or composition of the Humours . Which Opinion hath so far prevail'd , that in common Speech , the words Nature , Temper , and Humour , signifie not onely the Inclination , but the Aptitude and Disposition of persons to any thing . So we say Alexander the Great was of an Ambitious and Martial Nature , Mark Anthony of an Amorous Temper , Cato of a severe Humour . Of the Humours , Melancholy ( whereof we are to speak ) is divided into the Natural , wherewith the Spleen is nourish'd , and that which is Preternatural , called Atrabilis , or black choler . The one is like to a Lee or Sediment , the other to the same Lee burnt , and is caus'd by the adustion of all the Humours , whereof the worst is that which is made of choler . Again , it is either innate , or acquir'd , by abuse of the six things which we call Non-natural , as Imprisonment , solitary and gloomy places , immoderate watchings , Agitations and Motions of Body and Mind , especially Sadness and Fear , immoderate fasting , the use of base and black Wines , gross food , as Pulse , Coleworts , Beef , especially salted , and Animals that have black hair , such as are the Stag , the Hare , and all Water fowle . Aristotle conceiv'd that this Natural Melancholy was the fittest humour to make Men ingenious ; as he treats at large in his Problemes , and shews that the greatest persons that have excell'd in Philosophy , Policy , Poetry , and other Arts , have partaken most of it ; yea , of the atribilarious Humour , as Hercules , Ajax , and Bellerophon . And before him Hippocrates , in his Book De Flatibus , saith , That nothing contributes more to Prudence then the blood in a good consistence , as the Melancholy Humour is . Galen will have Dexterity to proceed from Choler , Integrity and Constancy from Melancholy . The first reasons are taken from the similitude which Melancholy hath with Wine I. First , as Wine is stronger upon its Lee , and keeps longer ; so is the blood upon Melancholy . II. The Spirit which is drawn from Wine mingled with its Lee , is far better then that which is drawn from Wine alone . So the Spirits which proceed from blood joyn'd with Melancholy , are much more vigorous thereby . III. As it easier to leap on high when one hath his foot upon firm ground , then in a fluid place ; So Melancholy being more firm then the other Humours makes the Spirits bound the higher , and they are also better reflected ; as the rayes of the Sun are better reflected by the Earth then by the Water . IV. Melancholy persons have a stronger Imagination , and so more proper for the Sciences ; because Knowledge is acquir'd by the reception of Phantasines into the Imagination . V. Old Men , who are prudent , are Melancholy . Whence came that saying , The prudent Mind is in a dry Body . And the blood of studious and contemplative persons becomes dry and Melancholy by study . Therefore Plato said , That the Mind begins to flourish when the Body is pass'd its flower . In fine , the Melancholy are very patient , and are not discourag'd by any obstacles which they meet with : And as they are very slow in taking resolutions , so when they are once taken , they perform them notwithstanding what ever difficulties they encounter therein . The Second said , He could not conceive how this Humour which causeth the greatest diseases in the Spleen , and in the Veins , the Hypochondriacal Dotage , and the Quartan Ague ; in any part the Scirrhus and the Cancer ; and in the whole Body the Leprosie and other incurable diseases , should increase Wit and contribute to Prudence . For considering it even in its natural constitution , it renders those in whom it predominates , of a leaden colour , pensive , solitary , slow in motion , sad and timerous ; and causes them to have a small Pulse , which is an argment of the weakness of their Spirits . On the contrary , the Sanguine Humour , opposite to it , hath none but commendable signes and effects ; a rosey colour , a cheerful aspect ; a sociable humour , an active promptitude ; In brief , all actions in perfection . Whence it follows that the Humours of a well temper'd Man being more exquisite , the Spirits which proceed from purer blood must be also more more refin'd . The Third Said , That to know whether the Melancholy Temper be most proper for Prudence , it behoveth to consider the nature both of Prudence and of Melancholy , and see how they agree together . Prudence is the Habit of acting according to Reason : Whereunto is requisite a clear Knowledge of the End of Man and of his actions , as also of the Means which conduce to that end , together with an integrity and firmness of Mind to guide a Man in the election and practice of those means . Wherefore it is not without good reason that Prudence is accounted the Queen and Rule of all Virtues , and that all of them are but species or kinds of Prudence : Whence he that hath all the Virtues , and hath not Prudence , cannot be said to have any Virtue . For indeed it is to Action , what Sapience or Wisedom is to Contemplation . Melancholy not-natural , which becometh such by adustion of the natural , of the Blood , Choler , and salt Flegme , is easily inflam'd , and being inflam'd renders Men furious ; and so is very contrary to Prudence , which requires a great tranquillity and moderation of Mind , for right judging of the End of things , and of the Means to attain thereunto . Choler indeed makes good Wits capable of well judging of the End and the Means ; yea , it gives Courage for the execution : But the bilious Spirits are usually fickle , and want constancy in resolutions , and patience in executions ; which defects are very remote from Prudence . The Flegmatick have , as we say , ( ny bouche ny esperon ) neither counsel nor dispatch : They are dull both of Body and Mind , and incapable of understanding and performing well . The Sanguine have Wit good enough , and gentle qualities ; but they they are too sensual and tender , by reason of the softness and mildness of the numour , which ought to be moderated in a Prudent Man. But Natural Melancholy gives a solid Judgement , Gravity , Constancy , Patience and Temperance , which are the principal pillars of Prudence . So then , the Melancholy Temper alone is proper for it , and of the rest that which nearest approacheth it , namely the Sanguine . Now every Temper being compounded of the Four Humours , that in which Blood and Natural Melancholy predominate , will be the most proper of all for Prudence . For these two Humours make a very perspicacious Wit , and a profound and solid Judgement . Melancholy when moderately heated by the Blood and Choler , carries a Man to undertake and execute boldly and confidently , because it is with knowledge of the End and Means . Thus I have given you the Common Opinion . But I esteem it absurd to believe that the Elementary Qualities cause such noble Effects as the Inclinations to Prudence , Magnanimity , Justice , and other Virtues . For they are caus'd by the Influence of the Stars , as is found most evidently in Nativities , by which , without seeing the person or his temper , one may tell his Inclinations . But because in every Generation the superior and inferior causes concur together , and the temper almost alwayes corresponds to the Influences ; thence Aristotle and Galen ( who understood not the true Science of Coelestial Powers ) have affirm'd , ( the former in his Physiognomy ) That the Manners of Man follow his Temper ; And the latter , That the Temperament is by it self the first and true efficient cause of all the actions of the mixt Body , and consequently of the Manners of a Man : Whereby they ascribe that to the Temper which ought to be attributed onely to the Influences . And indeed , the Hermetick Philosophy assignes to the Elementary Qualities no other Virtues , but of heating , cooling , moistning , drying , condensing , and rarifying . Now according to Astrologers , Prudence is from the influence of Saturn and Jupiter , ( who preside over Melancholly and Blood ) according as those Planets reign , or favourably regard all the points of the Ascendant and the Middle of Heaven in the Nativity ; which are the principal significators of the inclinations and actions of a Man. The Fourth said , That to attribute that property and Virtue to the Humours to make Men wise and intelligent , is to prejudice the Rational Soul , which being immaterial needeth no material instrument for the performing of its actions ; but as it is wholly Divine and the Image of God , it is perfectly intelligent of its own Nature , and by Reason the noblest of its Faculties , of it self knows what ever is most hidden in Nature . For if the actions of Knowledge and Prudence depend on the Temper of the Humours , then that which now produceth ratiocination in me should have been the food which I took yesterday : And so those things , which , whilst they were alive , had no other actions but vegetative or sensitive , should , when they are dead , produce intellectual . The Spirits alone put our Humours in motion and action ; and when those fail , these remain without any Virtue . Nevertheless those Spirits ( onely the vehicles of the Rational Soul ) are not the Cause either of Knowledge or Prudence , but onely of Life : much less can those excellent Qualities be attributed to the Humours . II. Whether is more necessary in a State Reward or Punishment . Upon the Second Point , the First said , That Reward and Punishment are the two pillars of a State ; one for the satisfying of Merit , and encouraging Men to Virtue ; the other for restraining Malefactors , and turning them from Vice. That consequently they are both necessary , and almost inseparable . Nevertheless Reward seemes to have some degree of necessity above the other ; because though Punishment , with its eight species , ( which are Fine , Imprisonment , Stripes , Retaliation , Ignominy , Banishment , Servitude , and Death , ) serves for Example and for satisfaction to Distributive Justice , ( whose end is to extinguish Crimes and reform them ) and secure the Good against the Bad ; ( whence the Wise-man commandeth Magistrates to break off Iniquity , and govern with a rod of Iron ) yet is it not good in all times , nor in all places . And Sylla did prudently in not punishing his Souldiers , who slew the Praetor Albinus in a Sedition . On the contrary , Reward is alwayes necessary , and every where welcome , being the wages of Virtue , as the other is of Vice. 'T is for that the Labourer cultivates the Earth , that the Souldier goes to the War , and that good Wits employ their time in excellent and profitable inventions . Darius preserv'd his Kingdom by having rewarded Zopyrus ; And on the contrary , Philip lost the City of Damas for want of gratifying Milesius , by whose means he had won it . So that it is with good reason that Pliny saith , in his Panegyrick , That the recompences of good and bad deeds make Men good or bad . The Second said , That in the beginning of the World , when our Nature was created in the perfection of a lust Aequilibrium , we had on the one side the inferior part of the Soul wholly subject to the superior ; and on the other this superior Soul absolutely submissive to the Divine Will. But the first Man having broken that Aequilibrium by his sin , and turn'd the balance towards the side of Evil ; this Counterpoise , which like infectious Leven is left in the flesh of Adam , hath given us all a tendency and inclination to Evil. Hence it is that Men are lead into all sorts of Vices ; and because 't is the property of sin to blind the Mind , and cloud the Memory with the Reason ; they have also forgotten the way which they ought to keep , that they might live like reasonable Men. For remedy whereof , not onely God , who from all Eternity purposed our Reparation , but also Men most vers'd in the knowledge of Good and Evil have establish'd Laws , to restore Man to his Aequilibrium , and contain him in his duty both towards God and Humane Society . But because Original Sin powerfully inclines us to Evil from our Nativitie , and it is very rare , if not impossible , to find any one that erres and perseveres so wilfully without fear or hope ; therefore God and Kings have appointed two powerful counterpoises , Rewards and Punishments ; the former , for good and virtuous actions , the latter , for the Transgression of their Laws . Since then Punishment is onely for Transgression of Laws , and Reward for those who besides observing them , proceed further to virtuous actions and such as are profitable to the publick ; It is certain , the former of the two is most necessary in a State , as that to which Men are most prone . For it is most true , that Men are naturally more inclin'd to Evil then to Good , because they are corrupted by Original Sin ; and we know the most part would willingly desire to grow great by the loss of others , and to plunge themselves in Pleasures and Riches , if they were not restrain'd by the rigor of Laws . This is further confirmed , because the Laws of Men are better observed then the Divine Laws ; not but that Men are as ready to infringe those , as these of God , who forbears and is patient after the sin of Man ; but because the penalties of Humane Laws are appointed for this Life , and we behold Criminals publickly executed . Wherefore Punishment is the most necessary in a State. Nevertheless Reward is not unprofitable , because it serves to excite to well doing , and is frequently propos'd in the Divine Laws ; the corruption of our Nature not permitting us to be lead to do good , for the sake of good alone . Moreover , our own necessity constrains us to seek the support of our Life by our Labours , and to eat our Bread in the sweat of our Countenances , as our Sentence importeth . But to determine whether it be alwayes fit to reward or punish , when there is occasion , this depends upon many circumstances of Times , Places , and Persons : wherein a good part of the skill of a States-man consists . Yet when Reward or Punishment tends to the good of the publick , or the honour of the Prince ; neither the one nor the other ought to be omitted , in my opinion , so far as is possible . The Third said , That the Distick which imports , That the good hate sin out of the love of Virtue , and the wicked out of the fear of Punishment , voids the question . For since the good have nothing to do with any other Reward but what they find in their own satisfaction , knowing otherwise that they are oblig'd to do well ; and the wicked need no other salary but the Punishment due to their Crimes ; it seemes Punishment is not onely necessary , but alone necessary in a State. Not but that Reward serves for ornament , and for its better being , as Sauces do to raise the languishing Appetite ; But in reference to absolute necessity , no person can say that they are to be compar'd together . For although Plato calls Reward and Punishment the two grand Daemons of Humane Society , yet it is not thence to be infer'd that the one ought to be parallel'd with the other , which is better understood by experience . For compare an Inter-regnum , wherein Crimes are not punish'd , with a conjuncture wherein no persons are rewarded ; this latter indeed will discontent those that have a good opinion of their own merit ; but the former will be so destructive that no Man can be secure of his Goods , Honour , or Life . On the contrary , phancy a State willing to reward all that do well , it cannot be done by Honours , but the same will be vilifi'd by their multitude ; nor by money , without ruining some to enrich others . Wherefore Reward is much less necessary then Punishment . Which I affirm in behalf of truth , and not in complyance with my particular opinion , being no more void of Appetite then others ; but the experience of the ancient Greeks and Romans , and of the Spaniards and Portugals , ( the former of which had all the spoils of other Nations , and the latter all the Gold discover'd in the Indies ) shews us that Reward doth not hinder discontents and revolts : Yea , it is found that the Reward given to one ( unless it be accounted just by all the world , which is a rare thing ) contents less , and for a less time him that receives it , then it excites discontents in all others that cannot get as much : Like a Mistress , who for one favourite makes a thousand jealous and desperate . Whereas the Punishment of one single person serves for an example and powerful lesson to all others . Add hereunto , that Reward being the sweetest when it is least expected , good people who alone deserve it , are forward to believe and to publish that they meant none at all . CONFERENCE XIV . I. Of the Seat of Folly. II. Whether a Man or Woman be most inclin'd to Love. I. Of the Seat of Folly. HE that began upon the first point said , That this Question is not unprofitable , because it concernes the original and place of the greatest evil that can befall the more noble part of Man : The decision of which will teach us to avoid the assaults of this Enemy the more easily , when we know where it is lodg'd . Nor is it new ; for the Abderites having sent for Hippocrates to cure Democritus of the Folly which they impertinently conceiv'd him guilty of , sound him busier after this inquiry by the dissection of many Animals . But it is very difficult to comprehend , for a thing ought to be introduc'd into our Phancy that we may reason upon it , and Folly is a perversion of that Ratiocination . Now Folly is taken either relatively or absolutely . In the first acception , he that doth any thing contrary to the common opinion is call'd a fool . So 't is proverbially said , Chacun à sa marotte , Every one hath his bable . One is accounted foolish for being too much addicted to meddals , another to Pictures , Flowers , or some such thing , of more curiosity then benefit . Yea one and the same person will sometimes say , I am a great fool for having done this or that . That which seemes Wisedom to one , is oftentimes Folly to others . Thus ought that to be understood which S. Paul saith , The Wisedom of Men is Folly before God. Absolute Folly is Absurdness , consisting in the privation and depravation of the action of reasoning . So that me-thinks it may be answer'd to the present Question touching the seat of Folly , that the laesion or abolition of any action being in the same organ in which it is exercis'd well , ( as blindness in that part wherewith we see ) the seat of Folly must be the same with that of Reason ; which is therefore to be inquired by us . But because Ratiocination cannot injure it self , ( for the Intellect useth no Corporeal Organ to understand , but onely the Memory , the Imagination , and the Common Sense , without which it cannot apprehend , nor they without the Corporeal Organs which are in the Brain ) some have held that the Soul performeth not its reasoning with one single Organ , but with many together . Others have ventur'd to assign some particular place thereunto . The former opinion is founded : I. Upon the Maxime , That the whole Soul is in the whole Body , and the whole Soul is in every part , and consequently she perform es her actions in the whole Body . II. That 't is the temperature of the Humours which are throughout the whole Body , that serves for an instrument to the Soul. III. That the animal spirits are made of the natural and the vital ; and so all the parts together contribute to Ratiocination , and not the Animal alone . Consequently , also , the whole Body , and not the Brain alone . IV. That the Brain in other Animals is perfectly like in structure to that of Man , having the same membranes and medullous substance , the same sinuosities , ventricles and veins ; yet he differs from a Beast in the whole form and figure ; and therefore must be consider'd intire , and not in one part alone . Lastly , that as God is most eminently in Heaven , yet acts no less upon Earth ; So Reason , which is his image , discovers it self best in the Brain , yet ceaseth not to display it self in the Heart and other parts , which are not moved , and perform not most of their actions but by Reason , and the Will which is subject to it . The Second Opinion is , That the Judgement is made in one of the four ventricles of the Brain , which most account to be the third , as the fourth is attributed to Memory , and the two first or interior to the Imagination : Whence it is that we scratch the hinder part of the head , as if to chafe it , when we would remember any thing : that we lift up the head when we are about to imagine , and hold it in a middle situation when we reason . Which is further confirmed , for that they are wounded or hurt in those places , respectively have those faculties impaired or abolish'd . Now to find the causes of such Laesion of the faculties , we must consider what is necessary for the exercising of them . Three things are so , the Agent , the Organ , and the Object . The Soul which is the Agent , admitting ( neither magis nor minus ) no degrees , being immortal and in no wise susceptible of alteration , cannot be hurt . The Brain , which is the Organ , being well or ill dispos'd , either by distemper , or ill conformation , or solution of continuity , may help or hinder the Memory and the Imagination . The Object also may be fallacious , and represent to us that which is not . The Second said , Folly comes either from the Nativity , as some are born deaf and dumb , or after the birth . From the Nativity , when the natural heat is deficient ; as in small heads , which have too little quantity of Brain , or those that are flat-headed , or of some other bad figure containing less then the round , and discomposing the Organs ; Or on the contrary , in great heads which are said to have little Wit , because the Spirits are too much dispers'd and humid , as we see in Children . After the Birth , as it happens to decripet Old Men , to such as live in a thick Air , or through watchings , fastings , excessive afflictions , diseases , falls or blows , especially if an Impostume follow . For in such cases there are instances of great forgetfulness or Folly , as Gaza forgot even his own Name : It is divided into Deliration , Phrensie , Melancholy , and Madness . Though the word Deliration be taken for all sorts of Folly , yet it more strictly signifies that which is caus'd by rising of the hot humours and vapours to the Brain , and frequently accompanies Fevers and Inflammations of the internal parts . Phrensie is an Inflammation of the membranes of the Brain , caus'd by the bilious blood or humour , usually with a Fever , and a languid Pulfe , in regard such phrenctick persons are intent upon other things , whereby their respiration is less frequent . Melancholy ( both the Ideopathical , which is in the Vessels of the Brain ; and the Sympathetical , or Hypochondrical , which ariseth from the Liver , the Spleen , and the Mesentery ) ariseth from that humour troubling the Brain ; and by its blackness making the patients sad and timerous ; or as Averroes will have it , by its coldness , because Heat emboldens , and Cold makes fearful , as we see in Women . As this humour causeth Prudence and Wisedom when it is in its natural quality , so when it is corrupted it produceth Folly ; there being as little distance between the one and the other , as between the string of a Lute stretch'd up to the highest pitch , and the same when it is broken : Which made Montaigne say , That there is but one turn of a peg between Wisedom and Folly. If this Melancholy humour be moveable and bilious , it will cause imaginations of various absurd things , like to those of Dreams . Wherefore Aristotle compares the fame to waters in motion , which alwayes represent objects ill . If it be more fix'd , it causeth insuperable Opiniastry . As is observ'd in those who phancy themselves Pitchers , Cocks , Geese , Hens , Glass , Criminals , Dead , Damned , and so in infinitum , according to the diversity of Phancies , Conditions , and Inclinations . The Folly of Love is of this kind , which hath caus'd desperation and death to many . Lastly , Mania , or Madness , is an alienation of the Mind , not mingled with fear and sadness , as Melancholy is , but with boldness and fury , caus'd by the igneous and boyling Spirits of the other Choler , which possessing the Brain , and at times the whole Body , by their immoderate heat render Men foolish , furious , and daring . Such a heat , that they are insensible of cold in mid Winter , though stark naked ; sometimes so excessive that it degenerates into Lycanthropy , rage , and many other furious diseases . By the induction of all which species of Folly , it appears , that whence soever the matter which causeth Folly ariseth , it makes its impression in the Brain . For though the Soul be as much in the heel as the head , yet it is improper to place Wisedom in the heel , but it may reasonably be assign'd to the Brain . Yet to circumscribe it to a certain place , excluding any other , me-thinks ought no more to be done , then to assign some particular corner of a Chamber to an Intelligence , of the Nature of which the Soul participates . The Third said , Melancholy is the cause of Prudence onely by accident , hindring by its dryness the too great mobility of the Blood , and by its coldness checking the too impetuous sallies of the Spirits ; but it is by it self the cause of Folly , and also of the two other Syncopies , Eclipses , and Alienations of the Judgement which are observ'd in the Apoplexy and the Epilepsie , or Falling-sickness . If Melancholy abound in the Brain , it either possesses its ventricles , or predominates over its temper . If it be in the ventricles , it either molests them by its malignity and acrimony , and causeth the Epilepsie ; or else it fills them , and causeth the Apoplexy . For as we put Oyl upon a piece of Wine that is prone to decay and sowre ; which Oyl being aerious , and consequently humid , by its subtile and unctuous humidity keeps its particles so united , that the Spirits of the Wine cannot penetrate through it ; and so being cover'd by it , they are restrain'd and tarry in the Wine : In like manner Melancholy by its tenacious and glutinous viscosity , like black shining pitch , keeps its particles so conjoyn'd , that the Spirit contain'd in the ventricles , cannot issue forth into the Nerves to serve for voluntary motion and the functions of sense ; whence followes their cessation . But if the Melancholy Humour presseth the ventricles by its troublesome weight , then they retire , and by their retiring cause that universal contraction of the Nerves . If this Humour prevail over its temper , then it causeth deliration or Dotage , and that in two manners . For if it exceed in dryness , which is a quality that admits degrees , then by that dryness ( which is symbolical and a kin to heat ) it attracts the Spirits to it self , as it were to make them revolt from their Prince , and to debauch them from their duty ; employes them to fury and rage , and causes madness , making them follow its own motions , which are wholly opposite to Nature . For being cold , dry , black , gloomy , an enemy to light , society and peace , it aims at nothing but what is destructive to Man. But if the cold in this humour exceed the dry , then it will cause the disease called Melancholly , which is pure Folly , and makes the timerous , trembling sad fools ; for cold not onely compresseth and incloseth the Spirits in the Brain , and stupifies them so as to become unactive , but hath also a back blow upon the Heart , the reflux of its infection exhaling even to that seat of life , and streightning it into it self , whereby its Spirits become half mortifi'd . Moreover , this Humour sometimes piercing through the Brain comes about with a circumference , and lodges amongst the Humours of the Eye , placing it self before the pupil , and the Crystalline , under the Tunicles which cover it : by which means the Melancholy persons seem to behold dreadful Objects abroad , but it is within his Eye that he sees them . As for the same reason they who have the beginning of a suffusion imagine that flyes , flocks of wool , or little hairs , because of the Humour contain'd there ; which if it be Blood , they seem red ; if Choler , yellow ; if Melancholy , black . But in all the cases hitherto alledg'd , me-thinks , the Seat of Folly is the same with that of Imagination , which is the Brain , and not any of the ventricles in particular : for since the Intellect acteth upon the phantasmes of the Imagination , this upon the report of the Common Sense , and this upon the information of the External Senses , which are diffus'd throughout all the Brain , and each possesseth a part of it , the whole Brain must necessarily contribute to Ratiocination . II. Whether Women or Men are more inclin'd to Love. Upon the Second Point , the First said , Women are of a more amorous complexion then Men. For the Spirits of Women being more subtile , ( according to Aristotle's Maxime , That such as have more tender flesh have more subtile Spirits ) they are carri'd with more violence to amiable Objects . And Love being , according to Plato , the off-spring of Plenty and Indigence ; that of Women arising from Indigence and Necessity , moves them more powerfully to obtain what they need , then that of Men , which proceedeth from Plenty and a desire to communicate . And therefore the Philosopher saith , the Woman desires the Man , in the same manner that the first Matter doth new forms , wherewith it is insatiable . The little knowledge they have of the goodness of what they affect causeth them also to love with greater ardour . Moreover , the Restraint which they ought to observe , with shame and fear , makes the inward motion more violent , and the inquietudes greater ; And , like Fire cover'd with ashes , they preserve their Love under a honest modesty much longer then Men , who discover theirs undiscretely . The Hysterical Fits , Jaundies , Green-sicknesses , and other dangerous symptomes which Love produces in them , even to Erratical Fury , evidence that this Passion is much more violent in them then in Men , since it is able so notably to alter their natural constitution . Wherefore if we believe the Sooth-sayer Tiresias , Nature has in requital advantag'd them above Men in the enjoyment of the fruits of that Love. The Second said , That the Woman is more inclin'd to Love , and also loves more constantly then the Man , because of the weakness of Knowledge . For proof of which it must be observ'd that Knowledge gives the condition to Good , which is the Object of the Will , and the reason of Amability . Good hath from it self and its own principles the nature of goodness , which consists in a two-fold convenience ; the one absolute , in reference to the thing which it accomplishes and perfectionates ; the other relative , in regard to other things to which that Good may be refer'd , and by which it may be participated under the notion of Honour , Profit , or Pleasure . But the being amiable , it derives from the Knowledge . As Colours have from their own principles , ( which are the four First Qualities blended in the Mixt Body ) their being of Colour , but not their being visible , which they derive from the Light ; without which Scarlet is indeed , in the night , Scarlet , but not visible . So the being amiable is deriv'd to the Object by the light of our Knowledge . Whence we see , that many times evil is lov'd , because it is judg'd good . This being premiz'd , it followes , that Man who knows more clearly loves more sleightly . He knows better , because he hath more heat , and consequently a more quick Imagination , and so a stronger Knowledge . For Minds are equal , and differ not but by reason of the Phantasmes . Moreover , he is more dry , which hinders his Knowledge from being obscur'd with the clouds of Humidity . On the contrary , the Woman being colder hath less vigour in her Imagination ; and being more moist , hath her Phantasmes more thick by the vapour and inundation of humidity ; and consequently hath a weaker reflection . For the driness in Man is that which occasions the reflection of his Knowledge ; because it doth not so easily obey the motion of heat , and follow it , as humidity doth ; and so the heat being active is constrain'd to reflect to take and carry along with it the driness which remains behind ; and thus being forc'd to stay , and being incapable of idleness , it employes it self upon the Phantasm already form'd , and contemplates it better then before . On the contrary , the Woman pursues her point and goes forward , because her moisture follows what heat she hath . Thence it is that her first thoughts prevail over her second . For having but few reflections , the vigour of their Knowledge , being almost alwayes direct , languisheth in a little time . Moreover , the Man being more perspicacious , knoweth better then the Woman that all visible Good is frail and inconsiderable , and mingled with much impurity and imperfection . Which the Woman cannot judge so well . Yea , I say , 't is a sign of a very good Spirit to be inconstant in Love. For Good ▪ in general , being the Object of the Will , every particular good is but a parcel of it . The strong Mind hath no sooner tasted one Sensual Good but it despises it , as not containing the amplitude of its Object , and therefore goes to seek others . The Third said , That indeed the less we know imperfect things , the more we love them . Whence they who are short-sighted are soonest taken with the first Objects : But , on the contrary , perfections the greater they are , the more exactly they require to be known ; as the work of an excellent Painter cannot meet with Eyes too piercing , nor persons too skilful , to make known its excellence . But the Knowledge alone of what is lovely is not enough to excite us to love it ; for Eunuchs and impotent Old Men want not Knowledge , but that inward ardour is excited by the abundance of Spirits that kindle Love ; which their coldness is no longer fit to produce . Which being granted , Men will then have more Love then Women for Objects , which deserve it , because they have more Knowledge ; and also they will have more for those which do not deserve it , because they abound more with those Spirits . CONFERENCE XV. I. How long a Man may continue without eating . II. Of the Echo . I. How long a Man may be without Eating . UPon the First Point all agreed , though in several words , That if Definitions are dangerous in Law , they are no less in Physick ; and the more a Man knows , the more he finds himself deterr'd from establishing Maximes : which is principally true in the present Subject , the great diversity of circumstances not permitting a limitation of the time . For the understanding whereof , it is to be observ'd that our Body is like a Lamp , to which the natural heat is instead of Fire , and the radical moisture of Oyl . An Embnyo would be as soon dead as form'd , if the Blood of the Mother who gave him life did not serve for Oyl and Matter to entertain the natural heat which consumeth part thereof , concocteth and disi●●●teth the rest , and by little and little extendeth what the genitures have contributed into Bones , Nerves , Veins , Arteries , Muscles , and Skin ; till the House becoming too little for the Inhabitant , and he a greater Lord then at his first entrance , and too burthensome to his Landlady , his Harbingers take up a lodging for him elsewhere . And whereas before he liv'd in common , and with the life of his Mother , he thenceforth begins to keep his ordinary apart , yet so regular , that he needs no more for day and night but his two bottles . Now if we speak of these , it is certain that a new-born Child hath been frequently seen two or three dayes without sucking , and continually to reject the Milk which the Nurse offer'd to distil into his Mouth : The nourishment which he had drawn by the Navel in too great abundance supplying that defect , as the yelk of the Egg doth in the Body of the Chicken newly hatch'd . But when he begins to suck , the fluidity of Milk doth not afford him nourishment solid enough to serve all that time . And therefore the Cynick Cratippus was ridiculous when he writ a Letter to his Son's Nurse to make him fast , that he might be accustom'd to abstinence betimes ; that Age being no more capable of a Habit then of Discipline . Do Children use more solid food ? Hippocrates saith , they bear fasting more uneasily then grown Men , and these then Old Men , because they abound more with natural heat , especially they , saith he , who have the best Wits . Moreover , Tempers , Seasons , Countries , different exercises , diversity of Food , Custome , and the disposition of Health , and the Organs , make a notable difference herein . Of Tempers , the Cholcrick is the most impatient of fasting . They cannot sleep unless their Belly be full , and by its mild vapours temper the acrimonious exhalations of their Choler ; which otherwise causeth the exasperated Spirits to move in the Arteries and in the Organs of the Senses ; instead of filling them with the benigne vapours which cause sleep . Hence the Proverb , Choler and Hunger make a Man fretful ; and , the Hungry Belly hath no Ears . Likewise the Sanguine is not very fit for long abstinence . The Melancholy bears it better , but above all , the pituitous and Flegmatick . To these one day's fasting is no more trouble then to the others to want a Break-fast . Yea , should no other consideration lead them to fasting , they would be sick unless they sometimes debar'd themselves from a meal or two a day . Examples of fasting are afforded by Bears , Sea-calves , Dormice , Snailes , Serpents , and other Insects , which remain for several Moneths hid in their Cavernes using rest instead of food ; their natural heat being then so weak , that the fat or viscous flegme wherewith they are provided , suffices to support them all that time . Of the Seasons , Winter causes such as fast to think the dayes longer then the Sun makes them ; because the natural is then most vigorous . Next Winter , Autumne is least proper , for the same reason ; and because the Spirits need reparation of the loss caus'd to them by the Summer . The Spring is more fit , in regard of the plenty of Blood which then boyles in us . But Summer most of all , because there needs less fewel for a less fire , as our internal heat is at that time . Of Regions , the cold and Northern are less compatible with abstinence , the hot and Southern more , but the temperate most of all . Whence we see that the Orientals fast more easily for many dayes together , then we one single day . Of Exerises , as the more violent disturb the digestions , ( as we see in those that ride post ) the moderate promote them , and make room for Aliments ; so they who use little or none at all , need the less food . Solid Victnals are longer before they be subdu'd in the Stomack then liquid ; the fat and of oiley , afford most nourishment . Therefore Bread hath a great stroke in digestion , as being all Oyle . As is seen in the correction of some Medicaments which is done with burnt Bread ; for a piece of Bread as big as ones thumb being set on flame will burn as long as the same weight of Oyl . Whence Abstinence is more supportable after such kind of food , then after broth or potch'd eggs . But Custome is so considerable in this matter , that those who are us'd to make four meals a day , are no less troubled with intermitting them , then others are one of their two ordinary repasts . And experience shews , that if you take up an ill custome of drinking at bed-time without necessity , you must use violence to your self to break it off . Yet the disposition of the Body is the main matter , whether we consider the diversity of Organs destinated for nutrition ; whence those that have large stomacks and Livers sooner yield to hunger , or whether we divide Bodies into such as are healthy , ( which dispense with less eating ) and such as are distemper'd with diseases , the actions whereof are depraved . Amongst which we should speed ill if we look'd for abstinence in those who have a Boulimie , or Canine Hunger , proceeding either from the too great suction of the Mesaraick Veins , of which the Stomack is made sensible by the Nerves of the sixth Conjugation ; or because the Melancholy humour design'd to stimulate the stomack , and provoke Appetite by its acrimony , continually flows thither , and not after the concoction is perfected : The cure of which Malady consists in eating , and chiefly in drinking pure Wine , which is distributed more speedily then any nourishment . But when those Mesaraick Veins suck no more Chyle , either because their passages are stop'd , or for that the above mentioned acide liquor is diverted elsewhere , then ariseth a disease call'd Anorexie , or Nausea , whereunto the abstinence of those must be referr'd who have continu'd some weeks , yea moneths , and years , without eating and drinking . For we may well wonder at that Hydropick Person , to whom his Physitian having forbidden drink , he went to him at the years end to ask him whether it were time to drink . But we may wonder more at what we find in Histories , ( even of our own time ) which are full of relations of persons of either sex , that lived some years without taking any Aliment . M. Cytoys ( Physitian to the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu , a Learned Man , and who needs no other Elogium but the choice of such a Master ) publish'd a very ingenious treatise above twenty years since , concerning a young Maid of Confoulans in Poictou , which liv'd many years in that manner . And lately there was such another in the Province of Berry . Some have conceiv'd such persons to be nourish'd with thick Air by the Lungs , taking that for a Maxime which is not agreed upon , That Inanimate things ( and much less the Elements ) can nourish . Some ascribe the cause to the relaxation of the Nerves , which hinders the stomack from being sensible of the suction of the Mesaraick Veins . But in my conceit , the reason is , because their Bodies are almost indissoluble , and so compact that nothing exhales from them . Whereunto adding a viscous and tenacious flegme , a very small heat , and no exercise , the case will be the same as 't is in a fire-brand of Juniper . So we see fire lasts not so long in fifty faggots of straw as in an Arm-full of Match . Yea , not to detract from Miracles , whereby God so reserves to himself the doing what he pleaseth , that he doth not forbid our inquiring into Natural Causes ; since it is held that there have been found sempiternal lamps and other lights , the oily humidity not exhaling out of the vessel , the same may seem more possible in the proportion of our natural heat with its radical moisture : For besides those Examples , we have that of some Animals , and Butter-flies flie , engender , and live a long time without nourishment . Which is also seen more particularly in Silk-worms , the most exquisite Emblem of the Resurrection that is in Nature . From which disproportion , which appears so great between those who cannot bear one day's fasting , and others who pass years without eating ; we may easily conclude ( to the end where I began ) that there is no limited time as to the question propos'd . For though it be ordinarily bounded within seven days , yet a certain person having been cur'd by a fast of that duration , it cannot be said that all dye of that wherewith some are cur'd . II. Of the Echo . Upon the Second Point it was said , The Echo is a reflected , multiply'd , and reciprocal sound , or a repercussion of sound made by hollow rocks or edisices ; by the windings of which it comes to be redoubled , as the visible species is reflected in the Mirror . It is made when the sound diffus'd in the Air is driven into some hollow , smooth , and solid Body , which hinders it from dissipating or passing further , but sends it back to the place from whence it came , as the wall makes the ball rebound towards him that struck the same against it . According as the sound is violent , and the space little or great , it returns sooner or slower , and makes an Echo more or less articulate . It may be hence gather'd , whether Sound is produc'd by the Air or some other Body , since fish have the use of their Ears in the Water , and the voice passeth from one end of a Pike to the other , without resounding in the Air. And which is more strange , strike as softly as you please with your singer upon the end of a Mast lay'd along , he that layes his Ear to the other end , shall hear it better then your self ; and a third that doth the like at the middle , shall hear nothing at all . In the Church de la Dorade , at Tholouze , he that whispers at one end of the wall , is heard , at the other by reason of its smoothness . On the contrary , it is reported that in Scotland there is a stone call'd the Deaf-stone , because they which are on one side of it hear not the noise , no not of Trumpets sounding on the other , the stone sucking up the sound as a sponge doth Water . The Second said , That the Image which we see of our selves in a Looking-glass , being as it were alive and yet dumb , is less admirable then the Echo which we hear not , and yet hear , complain , sing , and talk with us , without Body and without understanding . This Echo is not onely a resilition or reflexion of the sound or voice , or rather the voice it self so reflected and sent back by the opposition of some solid Body , which makes it return whence it came , and stops its course and flux . For then it would follow , that as often as we speak we should hear Echoes ; seeing we never speak but there is made some resilition of our voice , by means of the opposition of solid Bodies near us , and encompassing us on every side . And yet we seldom hear any thing but our bare voice or some confus'd murmur ; as it happens in new houses , in Churches , under a vault , before a wall , and other such places , in which we ought to hear a very articulate Echo , since the voice is reflected better there then elsewhere . I think therefore then the Echo is made in the same manner as the reflection of the Sun 's light ; or of the rayes of any other fire whatsoever , by hollow mirrors , which unite that light and those rayes , and so produce another fire . For as fire cannot be produc'd by plain or convex mirrors , which reflect but one ray in one and the same place , and all sorts of concave or hollow mirrors cannot be proper for it , because it is necessary that the cavity be dispos'd and made in such manner that it may be able to reflect a sufficient quantity of rayes in one and the same place ; which being conjoyn'd and united together , excite again and re-kindle that fire from which they issu'd , which seem'd vanish'd by reason of the dissipation of its heat and rayes : So the Echo , ( which is nothing but the same voice reanimated and reproduc'd by the concourse and reunion of several of its rayes dissipated , and afterwards reflected into one and the same place , where they are united and recollected together , and so become audible a second time ) cannot be produc'd by bare walls and vaults , which do not reflect and recollect a sufficient quantity of those rayes into one and the same place , but onely resemble many of them near one another , whence ariseth a murmuring or inarticulate Echo . Now as Art imitates Nature , and sometimes surpasses her , so we find there are Burning Mirrors which re-unite the rayes of fire ; and in like manner there may be made Artificial Echoes without comparison more perfect then those wherewith chance and the natural situation of places have hitherto acquainted us . Whereunto , beside what I have already mention'd , the Hyperbole , the Parabole , and chiefly the Oval greatly conduce , with some other means which are treated of in the Cataptricks . The Third said , The Echo , the Daughter of Solitude , and Secretary of weak Minds , ( who without distrusting her loquacity , fruitlesly acquaint her with their secret thoughts ) teaches us not to declare our secrets to any person , since even stones and rocks cannot conceal them , but she especially affords entertainment to Lovers ; possibly because she ownes the same Father with Love , namely , Chance . For as no Love is more ardent then that which arises from the unlook'd for glances of two Eyes ; from the collision of which issues a spark , little in the beginning , but which blown up by the violence of desires , grows at length into a great flame ; so though Art studies to imitate the natural Echo , and the pretty conceits of that Nymph , yet it never equals her graces which she borrows onely from the casual occurrence of certain sinuosities of Rocks and Caverns in which she resides ; the rest of her inveiglements remain unknown to Men ; The Cause why Antiquity made her a Goddess . All which we can truly say of her , is to define her a reflection of the voice made by an angle equal to that of incidence : Which is prov'd , because the Echoes in narrow turnings are heard very near him that sings . 2. Nature always works by the shortest way , which is the streight ; therefore Reflection is made by the same . 3. When the voice is receiv'd in a streight line it formes no distinct Echo , because it is united with the same direct line whereby it was carry'd , which by that means it dissipateth and scattereth . The same happens in a convex line . But if the Body which receives it be concave , it will recollect it from the perpendicular of the speakers mouth towards that Body , and 't is by the concourse of the voice reflected in that line that the Echo is form'd . 4. The Body which receives the voice must be sonorous , which none is except it be hollow . From which four propositions I conceive , the way may be deriv'd to imitate the Echo , and tame that wood-Nymph in some manner . The Fourth said , Vitruvius was not ignorant of this Artifice , having very dextrously imitated the Nature of the Echo , by the convenient situation of some earthen vessels , partly empty , and observing a proportion of plenitude to vacuity ; almost like that which some Musicians make use of to represent their six voices . And that which hath been made in the Tuilleries justifies him . Yet Art finds a greater facility in this matter , near Lakes , Hills , and Woods , naturally dispos'd for such a re-percussion . But which increases the wonder of the Echo , is its reduplication , which is multiply'd in some places seven times and more ; the reason whereof seemes to be the same with that of multiplication of Images in Mirrors . For as there are Mirrors which not onely receive the species on their surface so plainly as our Eye beholds , but cannot see the same in the Air , though they are no less there then in the Mirror ; so there are some that cast forth the species into the Air , so that stretching out your arm , you see another arm as it were coming out of the Mirror to meet yours . In like manner it is with the voice . And as a second and a third Mirror rightly situated , double and trebble the same species ; so other Angles and Concavities , opposite to the first , cause the voice to bound , and by their sending it from one to another multiply it as many times as there are several Angles ; but indeed , weaker in the end then in the beginning , because all Reaction is less then the First Action . CONFERENCE XVI . I. How Spirits act upon Bodies . II. Whether is more powerful , Love or Hatred . I. How Spirits act upon Bodies . IT is requisite to understand the Nature of ordinary and sensible actions , that we may judge of others ; as in all Sciences a known Term is laid down to serve for a rule to those which are inquir'd . So Architects have a Level and a Square , whereby to discern perpendicular Lines and Angles . Now in Natural Actions between two Bodies there is an Agent , a Patient , a Contact , ( either Physical or Mathematical , or compounded of both ) a Proportion of Nature and Place , and a Reaction . Moreover , Action is onely between Contraries ; so that Substances and Bodies having no contraries , act not one against the other , saving by their qualities : Which , nevertheless , inhering in the subjects which support them , cause Philosophers to say , that Actions proceed from Supposita . Now that which causeth the difficulty in the Question , is not that which results from the Agent ; for the Spirit is not onely a perpetual Agent , but also a pure Act ; nor that which proceedeth from the Patient ; for Matter which predominates in Bodies , is of its own Nature , purely Passive . But 't is from the want of Contact . For it seemeth not possible for a Physical Contact to be between any but two complete substances . And if we speak of the Soul which informes the Body , it is not complete ; because it hath an essence ordinated and relative to the Body . If we speak of Angels or Daemons , there is no proportion of Nature between them and Bodies , and much less resemblance as to the manner of being in a place . For Angels are in a place onely definitively , and Bodies are circumscrib'd with the internal surface of their place : How then can they act one upon the other ? Nor can there be reaction between them . For Spirits cannot part from Bodies . But on the other side , since Action is onely between Contraries , and Contraries are under the same next Genus , and Substance is divided into Spiritual and Corporeal , there ought to be no more true Action then between the Soul and the Body , both Contraries ; not onely according to the acception of Divines who constantly oppose the Body to the Spirit , and make them fight one with the other ; but speaking naturally , it is evident that the proprieties of the one being diametrically opposite to those of the other , cause a perpetual conflict with them ; which is the same that we call Action . Contact is no more necessary between the Soul and the Body to infer their action , then it is between the Iron and the Load-stone which attracts it . What Proportion can be found greater then between Act and Power , the Form and the Matter , the Soul and the Body , which are in the same place . As for Reaction , supposing it to be necessary ( whereof yet we see no effect in the Sun , nor the other Coelestial Bodies , which no Man will say suffer any thing from our Eye , upon which nevertheless they act , making themselves seen by us : And Lovers are not wholly without reason when they say a subject makes them suffer , remaining it self unmoveable . ) It is certain that our Soul suffers little less then our Body , as is seen in griefs and corporal maladies , which alter the free functions of the Mind , caus'd by the influence of the Soul upon the Body through Anger , Fear , Hope , and the other Passions . The Soul then acts upon the Body , over which it is accustom'd to exercise Dominion from the time of our Formation in our Mothers womb , it governs and inures it to obey ; in the same manner as a good Rider doth a Horse whom he hath manag'd from his youth , and rides upon every day . Their common contentment facilitates this obedience ; the instruments the Soul makes use of are the Spirits , which are of a middle nature between it and the Body . Not that I fancy them half spiritual and half corporeal , as some would suppose , but by reason they are of so ▪ subtile a Nature that they vanish together with the Soul : So that the Arteries , Ventricles , and other parts which contain them , are found wholly empty immediately after death . The Second said , That if we would judge aright what ways the Soul takes to act upon the Body , we need onely seek what the Body takes to act upon the Soul. For the lines drawn from the centre to the circumference are equal to those from the circumference to the centre . Now the course which it holds towards the Soul is thus . The Objects imprint their species in the Organ of the outward Sense ; this carries the same to the Common Sense , and this to the Phancy : The Memory at the same time presents to the Judgement the fore-past Experiences which she hath kept in her Treasury ; The Judgement by comparing them with the knowledge newly arriv'd to it by its Phantasmes , together with its natural habit of first principles , draws from the same a conclusion which the Will approves as soon as Reason acquiesseth therein . According to the same order the Will consignes the Phantasmes in the Memory and the Phancy , this to the Common Sense , and this to the Organs of the Senses . For Example , as soon as my Judgement hath approv'd the discourse which I make to you , and my Will hath agreed thereunto , she consign'd the species to my Memory , that it might remember to reduce them into this order , according to which my Memory distributed them to my Imagination , this to my Common Sense ; this to the Nerves appointed for the Motion of my Tongue , and the other Organs of Speech , to recite the same , and now into those of my hand , to write them down to you . The Third said , That the clearing of the Question propounded depended upon two others . First , what link or union there may be between a Spiritual and a Corporeal thing . Secondly , ( supposing that of the six sorts of Motion the Spirits can act onely by the Local , how they can touch a Body to remove it locally ; since there is no Contact but between Bodies . To the first I answer , that there is no need of union , such as that which joynes the Soul to the Body , for joyning the Act with its true Power ; if there be any in us , it must be that which we see is necessary for the communion of Action . For when Actions cannot be exercis'd but by two parties of different Nature , there is found an Union between those different Natures , which is very natural , and founded upon the necessity of such Action . Wherefore I am so far from thinking the union of the Soul with the Body a strange thing , that I should wonder more if there were none . For the better understanding whereof , it is to be observ'd that our Soul hath two sorts of Actions ; one peculiar to it self , as to Will , and to understand ; the other common with the Body , as to See , Hear , Feel , &c. These latter are as much natural as the former . And as , if it were in a State in which it could not exercise the former , that State would be violent to it , and contrary to its Nature ; so it is equally troublesome to her while she cannot exercise the latter . Since therefore it is a part of the Nature of the Soul to be able to exercise its functions , it is consequently natural to it to be united to the Body ; seeing without such union it cannot exercise those functions . Now I am no more solicitous to know what this union is , then to understand what that is which unites one part of an essence with the other ; since the Body is in some manner the essence of the Soul , making one suppositum and individual with it , and the Soul hath not its Nature intire , saving when it is united with the Body . I pass to the Second , and say , that , supposing two sorts of Contact , one of a suppositum , the other of Virtue ; the Spirits touch the Body , which they move locally , by a Contact of Virtue ; by impressing the force of their motive faculty upon the Body which they will move ; as my hand impresseth its motive virtue upon the ball which I fling ; which virtue , though extrinsecal , persists in the ball as long as it moves , even when it is distant from my hand . And although there is some disparity , inasmuch as the hand and the ball are both corporeal , which a Spirit and a Body are not ; yet since our Soul applyes its motive virtue to the Body which it animates , it is probable there are many qualities common both to Spiritual and Corporeal Substances ; as is the power of acquiring habits . And it is also likely that the power of moving from one place to another , which is in a Spirit , is not different in specie from that which is in a Horse , although their Subjects differ . If therefore the motive faculty of Bodies is that of the same species with that of Spirits , why should we account it strange that that of a Spirit should be communicated to a Body ? The Fourth said , That the Example of our Lord carried by the Devil to the top of a Mountain and of a pinnacle of a Temple , shews sufficiently that Daemons can act upon Bodies , and that all natural things falling under the cognisance of Sense are moveable in their activity ; yet not at once , and in gross , but one thing after another . For an Angel not being an Informing Form , ty'd and connected to any particular sensible Nature ( as the Rational Soul is ) but an Assisting Form , that is , an External Agent which moves and agitates it to pleasure , it is indifferent , and can determine , to move what Body , it pleases . But sensible things are not subject to Spirits , saving so far as Local Motion . For the Devil acts either upon the Body , or upon the Soul , as it is in its Organs . If upon the Body , he either doth it alone , or by the intervention of another Agent . If the latter , then there must be a Local Motion to apply the same to the Body upon which he causeth it to act for the tormenting or moving of it . If he doth it by himself immediately , and causeth pain in the parts , it is either by solution of continuity , or by distention of those parts , or by compression of them . All which is no more but dislocating them , and moving them out of their right situation . If he causes a Fever , it is either by collecting the humours from all the parts ; For Example , Choler , which congregated together in too great quantity , distempers the Body ; or else by restraining the perspiration of the fuliginous vapour , which is the excrement of the third Concoction ; and being with-held within causeth the putrefaction of the humours : and all this is local motion too . By which also he produceth all the diseases which he is able to cause , inspiring a putrid Air , which like Leven sowers and corrupts the humours . If he acts upon the Senses and the Passions , he doth it either outwardly , by some mutation of the Object , or inwardly , by some alteration of the Faculty . If the former , it is because by a Local Motion he formes a Body , heaping together , uniting and adjusting the materials necessary thereunto ; as the Air , an aqueous vapour , a terrene and unctuous exhalation , and the heat of the Sun , or some other , which he employes artificially ( according to the experience which he hath acquired throughout so many Ages ) till he make them correspond to the Idea of the Body which he designes to form . All the Actions of Men are perform'd in like manner , by putting together , conjoyning , or retrenching , or separating things : In one word , by apposition or separation . If he acts internally upon the Faculty , 't is either upon the Phancy , or the Appetite , or the External Sense . Upon the Phancy , either by compounding one Phantasm of many , as it happens in sleeping , or else by acting upon a single one , to make it appear more handsome or ugly ; More handsome , by the concourse of many pure , clear , refin'd Spirits , which enliven and embellish that Phantasm ; as we see a thing appear more handsome in the Sun ; More ugly , by the arrival of certain gloomy and dark Spirits , which usually arise from the humour of Melancholy In the Appetite , if he excites Love there , 't is by the motion of dilatation expanding the Spirits , and making them take up more room ; If Hatred or Sadness , it is coarcting the same Spirits by compression . He can also cause a subtile mutation in the outward Senses internally , especially upon the sight . As we see those that have a suffusion beginning , imagine that they see Pismires and Flyes , which others besides themselves behold not . Moreover , Melancholy persons often terrifi'd with various frightful representations ; the cause whereof is an humour extravasated between the Tunicles of the Eye under the Cornea , before the Crystalline which disturbs the sight with various shapes by reason of its mobility ; as the Clouds appear to us of several figures . Thus and more easily can the Devil trasfer the humours , and , managing them at his pleasure , make them put on what figure he will , to cause delusion . In fine , all this is perform'd by the Local Motion of the parts , humours , or Spirits . The Fifth said , That the foundation of doubting , is , that there is requir'd proportion between the Agent and the Patient . Which is prov'd , because it is requisite that the patient which is in Power be determin'd by the form receiv'd ; and it seemeth that a spiritual thing cannot produce a form that may determine a material thing . That it produceth nothing material , is evident , because the action and the product are of the same Nature . Now the action of a Spiritual Entity cannot be material , to speak naturally . Yet it is certain that God acts in corporeal things , though he is a pure Spirit . But it may be answered , That an Infinite Power is not oblig'd to the Rules of Creatures ; Besides , that his Ubiquitary Presence sufficeth to impart Motion to all ; as also that he containing all things eminently is able to produce all things . But if to contain eminently is to have a more perfect Being , capable to do what the lesser cannot ; this is not satisfactory . For the Question is , How that more perfect Immaterial Being can produce that which Material Beings produce . To which , the saying that it is a more perfect Being , doth not satisfie . For then an Angel should be naturally able to produce all the perfections which are inferior to him ; which is absurd . It followes therefore , that the Cause must contain the Effect , that it may be able to produce it ; and that , since a spiritual Being doth not contain material things , either those which we call Immaterial , are not so at all ; or else God immediately produceth in them the effects which we attribute to them . For I see not how immateriality is infer'd from immortality , since there may be an incorruptible matter , such as that of the Heavens is . Which nevertheless is spoken rather to make way for some better thought , then that I hold it as my own . The Sixth said , That there may be some Medium serving for the union between the Body and the Soul , beside the Animal , Vital , and Natural Spirits ; to which Medium , the many wonderful effects which we are constrain'd to ascribe to Occult Qualities ought to be referd'd . For as they who know not that the Ring which Juglers make to skip upon a Table , according to the motion of their fingers , is fasten'd to them by the long Hair of a Woman , attribute that Motion to the Devil : So they who cannot comprehend the subtility of the Medium , uniting not onely the Body with the Soul which informes it , but also the other Spirits with the Body which they agitate , find no proportion therein , and are constrain'd to let experience cross their reason . Now to understand the Nature of this uniting Medium , I conceive is as difficult as to give an account of the Sympathies and Antipathies of things . II. Which is more powerfull Love or Hatred . Upon the Second Point , the First said , That E●pedocles had reason to constitute Love and Hatred for the two Principles of Nature : which though Aristotle endeavours to confute , yet is he constrain'd to acknowledge the same thing , though disguis'd under other words . For when he saith , that two of his Principles are contraries and enemies , namely , Form and Privation ; and nevertheless that they are united in one common Subject which is the Matter ; what is it else but to confess that all things are made and compos'd by the means of Love and Hatred ? They who own no other Principles but the Four Elements , are of the same opinion , when they say that all Mixt Bodies are made with a discording concord , and a concording discord . For as the Elements united together will never compose an Animal , unless they be reduc'd to a just proportion , and animated , by rebatement of some little of the vigor of their active qualities ; so if there be no kind of War and Amity between them , if the Hot act not against the Humid , the Animal will never live : since Life is nothing but the action of Heat upon Humidity . However , Amity hath something more noble , and excites greater effects then Enmity . For the former is the cause of the Generation and Preservation of Mixt Bodies , and the latter of their dissolution and corruption . Now it is much more noble to give and preserve Being , then to destroy it . Whence God himself found such perfection in his Creation , and was so pleas'd with his Divine Work , that though it frequently deserves by its crimes to be annihilated , yet his Punishments have not hitherto proceeded so far . This is no less true in Spiritual and Intellectual Substances then in Natural . Gods Love hath more noble effects then his Hatred . For ( to leave to Divines the consideration of that Love which had the power to draw the Second Person of the Trinity from Heaven , with that which produces the Third ▪ as also to leave them to proclaim that God loves Good Actions , and that the effect of this Love is Eternal Bliss ▪ that he hates Sins , and that the effects of this hatred are the punishments of Hell ; that it is manifest that the glory of Paradise is much greater then of those Chastisements ; since what ever penalties God inflicts upon Man for his mis-deeds , he renders Justice to him , and do's not reduce him into a state inferior to or against his Nature ; but when he rewards with Eternal Glory , he exalts our Nature infinitely higher then it could aspire ; ) let us consider Love and Hatred in Men , and particularly as Passions , ( according as the Question propounded seemes principally to be understood , ) and no doubt Love will be found more violent then Hatred . To judge the better whereof , we must not consider them nakedly and simply , as Love is nothing else but an inclination towards Good , and Hatred an Aversion from Evil ; nor yet as such Good or Evil is present : For in these two manners they have no violence , nor any Motions , since according to the receiv'd Maxime ; When the End is present , all Motion and Action ceaseth . But to know which of these two passions acts with most force and violence for the attaining of its end , we must contemplate them with all the train and attendance of the other Passions which accompany them ; not as the one is an inclination to Good , and the other an Aversion from Evil , present ; For in this sense , no doubt , a Present Evil which causeth Grief , is more sensible and violent then a Present Good which causeth Pleasure ; but as the one is a Desire of the Absent Good which is propos'd , and the other a Flight from an Absent Evil which is fear'd ; I conceive the Passions excited by an Absent Evil have no great violence , but rather partake of heaviness and stupidity , as Fear and Sadness ; which render us rather unmoveable and insensible , then active and violent in our Motions . The Passions which lead towards an Absent Good are otherwise : For Hope , which is , by the testimony of Aristotle , a species of Love , contemnes and surmounts all difficulties which hinder its attaining to its Good. Here one objecting , That Anger , which arises from Hatred and inward Grief hath more violent effects then Hope and the other Passions ; It was answer'd , that Anger consists of a mixture of Love and Hatred ; therefore Homer sayes , that to be angry is a thing more sweet then Honey . For Anger tends to Revenge , and ceaseth when we are reveng'd for the wrong we apprehend done to us . Now Revenge seemes a Good and delectable thing to the person that seeks it ; and therefore all the great Ebullitions and Commotions observ'd in Anger ought to be referr'd to the Love and Desire of Revenge . Besides , the Motions which attend Hatred are Motions of Flight , as those which accompany Love are Motions of Pursuit ; and Anger being rather a Pursuit and seeking of Revenge , then a Flight from any evil , it is more reasonably to be rank'd under Love then under Hatred . Again , we see amorous persons are more easily put into heat , then even those which are drawn up in battalia , and ready to kill one another . In fine , if Hatred and all the Passions attending it , have any force and violence , Love is the prime cause thereof ; we hate no thing but because we love some thing , and that more or less , proportionably as we love . Wherefore the Philosophers who would introduce an Apathy , and banish all the Passions , should have done well rather to extinguish Love. For he who loves no thing , hates no thing ; and when we have lost any thing , our sadness and resentment is proportionable to the Love we had for it . He that loves no thing , fears no thing ; and if it be possible , that he do's not love his own life , he do's not fear death . It is not therefore to be inquir'd , which excites the greatest Commotions , Love or Hatred ; since even those which Hatred excites proceed from Love. The Third said , That the Acts or Motions of the Appetite are called Passions , because they make the Body suffer , and cause an alteration in the Heart and Pulse . Such as aim at Pleasure enervate the Motion of Contraction ; because they dilate the Spirits , and augment that of Dilatation . Whereas , on the contrary , those which belong to Sadness diminish the Motion of Dilatation , because they further that of Contraction . We may consider the Passions either materially or formally ; the former consideration denotes the Impression which they make upon the Body ; the latter , the relation to their Object . So Anger consider'd materially is defin'd , An Ebullition and Fervour of the Blood about the Heart ; and formally , A Desire of Revenge . This being premiz'd , I affirm , That Hatred is much more powerful then Love ; if we consider them materially , not as alone , but as leaders of a party , viz. Love with all the train of Passions that follow the same towards Good , and Hatred , with all its adherents , in reference to Evil. For either of them taken apart , and by it self , make very little impression and alteration in the Heart . Love is a bare acknowledgement of , and complacency in good , and goeth no further as Love. Hatred is nothing else but a bare rejection , disavowing , and aversion of Evil. In verification of which conception of the Nature of those Passions , it is evident that the Effects ascrib'd to Love , as Extasie , Languishing , are the Effects not of Love , but of Hope , weary and fainting through its own duration . Now these Passions being thus taken , Love causeth less alteration upon the Body then Hatred . For its highest pitch is Delight , which is materially an expansion of the Spirits of the Heart towards the parts of the whole Body ; wherein appeareth rather a cessation from Action , then any violence . But Hatred which terminates in Anger makes a furious havock . It dauseth the Blood to boyle about the Heart , and calls to its aid the same Passions that are subservient to Love , as Hope and Boldness , conceiving it a Good to be reveng'd on the present Evil. The Case is the same also , if they be consider'd according to their formality . For the Object of Love is a Good , not absolute but according to some consideration ; seeing the good of an Animal is its preservation , to which that kind which is called Delectable Good , or the Good of Delight , is ordain'd as a means to the end . But the Object of Hatred is the Evil which destroyes an Absolute and Essential being of an Animal . For which reason it moves more powerfully then Good. The Fourth said , That for the better judging of the Question , we must suppose that these two Passions are two Agents , which tend each to their different End. For the end of Love is a good Being ; That of Hatred , which repels what destroyes our Being , is the preservation of Being simply . Now Being is much more perfect naturally then better being , though morally it is not so perfect : and the preservation of Being is of the same dignity with Being . On the other side , it is true that Love is the cause of Hatred , and that we hate nothing but because we love . Yet it doth not follow that Hatred is not more powerful then Love ; seeing many times the Daughter is more strong and fair then the Mother . Now if they are brutish Passions , they must be measur'd by the standard of Brutes . But we see a Dog leave his Meat to follow a Beast , against which he hath a natural animosity . And Antipathies are more powerful then Sympathies ; for the former kill , and the latter never give life . Nevertheless , sometimes Love prevailes over Hatred . For a Man that loves the Daughter passionately , and hates the Father as much , will not cease to do good to the Father for the Daughters sake . The shortness of the dayes , and the enlargements upon this Subject , having in this and some of the former Conferences , left no room for Inventions ; every one was entrealed to prepare himself for the future ; and these two Points were chosen for the next day seven-night . CONFERENCE XVII . I. Of the several fashions of wearing Mourning , and why Black is us'd to that purpose rather than any other colour . II. Why people are pleas'd with Musick . I. Of the severall fashions of wearing Mourning , and why Black is us'd to that purpose rather then any other colour . THe First said , That the greatest part of Man-kind , excepting some Barbarians , lamented the death of their friends , and express'd their sadness by external Mourning , which is nothing but the change of Habit. Now they are observ'd to be of six sorts . The Violet is for Princes . The weeds of Virgins are white in reference to purity . Sky-colour is in use with the people of Syria , Cappadocia and Armenia , to denote the place which they wish to the dead , namely , Heaven . The Yellow , or Feuille-morte , among those of Aegypt , to shew ( say they ) that as Herbs being faded become yellow ; so Death is the end of Humane Hope . The Grey is worne by the Aethiopians , because it denotes the colour of the Earth , which receives the dead , and into which they return . But the most common , and us'd throughout all Europe , is Black , which also was always worne by the Romans when they went into Mourning , except during sixty years that they wore white . The wearing of Mourning continu'd ten moneths at Rome ; the Athenians wore it but one moneth ; the Spartans no more but eleven dayes . The reason why they have all chosen Black for denoting Sadness , is , because Black is the privation of White , and proceedeth from the defect of Light ; so Death is the privation of Life and Light. Possibly too , the reason why the Cypress Tree was esteem'd a Funeral Tree , was , because the leaves were of a dark Green , and the Nutts tincture Black , and being cut it never puts forth again ; as also Beans were , in regard of the blackness which appears in them and their flowers . The Second said , That Experience shews us sufficiently that the Black colour doth not onely put us in Mind of our griefs and sadnesses pass'd , but also is apt excite new . This is known to the Senses , and unknown to Reason , by a certain Divine Appointment , which hath caus'd that what is manifest to the one , is hidden to the other . As appears , for that nothing is so natural to the Sense of Seeing as Light and Colours . But yet there is nothing in which our Mind sooner finds its weakness , then in the enquiry into the Nature and properties of Colours and Light. Now there are two sorts of blackness , the one Internal , when the Soul turning it self towards the Images , upon report of which a judgement is made , if that Image is Black and deform'd , the Soul must conceive that the Objects represented by it , are so also , and thence ariseth horror and sadness ; the other external , for the explicating of which , I must crave leave to deflect a little from the ordinary opinion touching the Nature of Colours . I affirm , that Colour and Light are one and the same thing , and differ onely in regard of the Subject ; so that the lustre of a simple Body is Light , but the lustre of a mixt Body is call'd Colour . By which account , Light is the Colour of a simple Body , and Colour is the Light of a mixt Body . Whence Mixts approaching nearest to the simplicity of the Element predominant in them , are all Luminous ; as precious stones , which are a simple Earth , and without mixture of other Element ; and rotten Wood , which having lost the little Air and Fire it had , its humidity also being absum'd by the putrefaction , and there remaining nothing almost but Earth , you see how it keeps its splendour amidst the darkness of the night . And this , in my conceit , is the meaning of what Moses saith , when he saith , that God created the Light before the Sun. For God having created the Elements in their natural purity , they were sometimes in that state before mixture ; the Earth appeared not , but the Water cover'd its whole Surface . Every Element was in its own place , and the purity of its Nature : for which reason they had then their first Colour , which is splendour . But as soon as God had mingled them for the forming of Mixts , their Light became clouded and chang'd into Colour . And hence it was necessary to form a Sun in Heaven , far from all sort of mixture and composition ; to the end he might alwayes preserve his Light , and enlighten the world therewith . The Fire preserves it self the most of all in its purity , by reason of its great activity which consumes what ever approaches near it . The other Elements would do so too , if they could preserve themselves in their purity as well as the Fire . But because they would be unprofitable should they remain such , it is necessary that they be mingled one with another , as well to serve for the production of Compounds , as for their Aliment , and several uses . Hence their Light becomes chang'd into Colour , which is nothing else but a Light extinguish'd more or less ; and , accordingly , we see some Colours more luminous then others . The White is still wholly luminous , the Red wholly resplendent , the Green less , and the Brown begins to grow dark . Lastly , the Black is nothing but Light wholly extinct , and a kind of darkness , and consequently hath nothing of reality , but is a pure Privation which our Eyes perceive not . As our Ear discerneth or perceiveth not silence , but onely by not hearing any sound ; so neither doth the Sight behold Black and darkness , but when it sees neither Colour nor Light. So that to hear Silence , and see darkness , is ( to speak properly ) a vain attempt of the Soul , which would fain exert its action of seeing and hearing , and cannot . Hence ariseth the sadness and terror which a deep silence , and the sight of extreme blackness and darkness excites in the Soul. For the Soul knows well , that Life is nothing else but Exercise of its Faculties , of which as soon as any thing is depriv'd , there remains nothing to be expected but death . She would fain exert her action and cannot ; she distinguishes not whether it be through default of the Object , or whether her Faculty be lost , but she finds a privation of her actions , and represents to her self to be in the state of Death ; whence ariseth Sadness and Fear . For as our Soul dreadeth nothing so much as Death , so the least suspition , the least sign and umbrage of Death , is apt to put her into great dejection . And this makes way for the Second Reason , why the Soul becomes sad at the sight of a black Colour , namely , because it never appears in the Body , but Death is at hand . For this Colour is produc'd by the mortification and extinction of the Spirits , as a Gangrene , which is either caus'd by Adustion , ( whereby Coals become black ) or by extreme coldness ; thus Old Men are of a leaden Colour tending to blackness . Now the excess of heat and coldness is equally contrary to Life . Wherefore as often as the Soul perceives blackness , either in her own Body or in another , she remembers the Qualities which produc'd it , and are contrary to Life which she loves ; hence ariseth sadness . And hence also it is that we naturally love a Countenance well proportion'd with an agreeable Colour , wherein there is found a redness mingled with whiteness , bright and lively with Spirits ; which is nothing else but an effect of the Love which our Soul bears to Life . For knowing this to be the Colour of Health , it affects the same even in another , as , on the other side , it abhorreth Death . Look upon a living Body , it is full of brightness ; but a dead one is gloomy and dismal ; and at the instant that the Soul parts from the Body , a dark shade seemes as it were to veil the Countenance . Now that the Soul may understand , it must become like to its Object . Whence Aristotle said , that the Intellect is potentially all things , forasmuch as it can form it self into as many shapes as there are Objects . So then , it will perceive blackness , it must become conformable to Black , which it cannot be without great resentment of grief and sadness ; since its natural Colour is its brightness ; and to deprive the Soul of brightness and splendor is to deprive it of Life . II. Why Men love Musick . Upon the Second Point the First said , That if Musick be not natural to the Heavens , considering the regularity of their Motions , which the custome of alwayes hearing hinders us from perceiving ; yet it is so to Man , since he takes such Pleasure therein , that Nurses quiet the frowardness of their Children in the Cradle by their Songs ; the Devotion of grown persons is increased by singing of Psalmes ; the Pipe and the Drum animate the Souldier to War , and even Horses become more courageous by the sound of the Trumpet ; Not to mention David's Harp , which drave away the evil Spirit from Saul , nor the cure which Hoboys effect in those that are stung with the Tarantula , causing them to dance till they sweat , by which means they are cur'd of what otherwise would be mortal . All which seemes more to be admir'd then explicated . The Second said , That the Solution of the present Question depends upon this other ; namely , why certain Objects excite Pleasure , and others Grief ? The truth is , Nature hath joyn'd Grief with Hurtful Objects , and Pleasure with profitable . For otherwise having plac'd Living Creatures amidst Life and Death , it might have hapned that through want of knowledge , or else through intemperance , some Creature might neglect the things which are profitable to it , or made use of such as are hurtfull . It is not to be fear'd that an Ox will eat Worm-wood , or that an Animal will not pluck its leg out of the fire : For Pain admonisheth both the one and the other to abstain from those Objects , as on the other side Pleasure attracts us to those which preserve our Nature . This Pleasure is not onely in the Object as it is suitable to our Nature , but also in the Action it self . As it is a very sweet thing to live , so it is a great pleasure to exercise the Actions of life , more or less , according as the same are noble or necessary . Whence it is that Nature hath placed more Pleasure in the Action which tends to preserving the species of Men , then in that which preserves every individual in particular , and yet more in this latter , then in that of Seeing , Tasting , and the rest ; because that which regards the preservation of the individual , namely , Eating and Drinking , is considerable in reference to Life and Being which it preserves ; but the rest are onely for well-being . But in the Sense of Hearing there is not observ'd any Pleasure or Pain arriving by reason of the Object ; because in Hearing , as well as in Seeing , the Objects act onely intentionally not really and corruptibly . Now Pain and Pleasure are not excited on the part of the Objects , but by real Actions , which cause alteration in their subject . But the Hearing is capable thereof , because it is a Natural Action , and every Natural Action is perform'd with Pleasure . Whence then cometh the Pain which our Ear receiveth with the sound ? It must be observ'd that the Sense of Touching is diffus'd through all the Body , and every sensible part admits Pain , which is an Accident of Touching . Upon which account the Ear is endew'd with Two Senses ; it receives not onely sounds , but the Tactile qualities . Sounds of themselves excite neither Pain nor Pleasure ; but if together with sound the Air enters into the Organ , and strike it too vehemently , or stretches the Membrane more then its Nature is able to bear , Pain is excited in the Ear , not as it is the Instrument of Hearing , but as it is endew'd with the Sense of Touching . Moreover , Pain may be excited in the Sense of Hearing , another way . For the understanding whereof , it is to be noted , that it is not sufficient that the word of him that speaks be formed and articulated in his Mouth by the help of the Teeth and the Tongue ; but the Ear must form it anew that you may hear it . For which end it is contriv'd in form of a Snail-shell , at the bottome whereof is plac'd a Drum , an Anvil , and a Hammer , for the formation of sounds anew . Now as we see the Organs which form words one after another , are troubled and discompos'd when they are to form certain sounds which have any Cacophonia or uncouth sound amongst them ; as when I say , il alla à Alenson , I feel a certain unaptness in my Organs of speech ; and the reason of this unaptness is , because the sequel or coherence of those sounds together , doth not well sute with the manner of the Organs operation ; in regard it is natural to shut the Mouth after wide opening it ; as we do in the pronuntiation of A. Now if another A must be pronounc'd immediately after , there is need of more force , which is troublesome , or else time must be allow'd between both , to shut the Mouth without speaking a word ; which is also tedious to the Organ of speech , which hastens as much as he can to pronounce the words intended . So when the Ear comes to form the sounds anew , ( as I said it doth ) if two or more happen together , which require to be formed at once , as they do which have the same tone , or which gives not the Organ leisure to rest from one end to the other , it resents the same unaptness and inconvenience . Hence certain Concords in Musick please the Ear , and others displease it . This is seen ordinarily , that it is displeasing to the Ear to form many sounds at a time , as when two persons speak together ; or if it happen that the two sounds presented together to be formed are wholly opposite one to the other , as one grave , and the other sharp ; the Organ cannot form them both at once , because they require two different wayes of operation , to which the Ear cannot attend at the same time . For it operates otherwise in forming a sharp sound then a grave , and they both strike the Organ and rend , it each after its own mode . Whereby it is constrain'd to form them ; but as it is by force , so it is not without Pain . But when those two sounds , the grave and the sharp , are united in one proportion , so that the sharp serves as it were for salt to the other , and they are blended together ; this conjunction makes them consider'd but as one sound , which the Ear finds very agreeable , because it formes the same not onely without difficulty , but also with Pleasure . Hence the good Concord of Musick delights our Ears so much . The Third said , We have suffer'd under the Tyranny of the Peripateticks too long , whereas the other Philosophers afford us excellent reasons . Plato and Pythagoras will have all things to be Number , or at least a participation and similitude of Numbers . Aristotle agrees too , that Musick is Number . Now the perfect Number , according to Pythagoras , is that of Ten ; seeing all other Numbers are but repetitions of the first Ten. Of these Numbers the first pair is Female and imperfect ; and so is a second in Musick . Three is the first Male , and the first degree of perfection ; hence a Third is agreeable to the Ear. The Fourth is so likewise , because it makes up the Ten. Add 1 , 2 , 3 , and 4 , and you have the grand Number of Ten , the Father of all others . Also a Fifth pleases the Ear wonderfully , because it is an Abridgement of the grand Number , and the marriage of the Male and the first Female . The other Numbers are useless , except the Eighth , because Musitians call it Identity , or Unity , which is a Divine Number , or rather no Number ; nor is the Eighth as delightful as it is , accounted by Musitians amongst their Concords . The Fourth said , That the Reason why some Notes are agreeable , and other unpleasing , in Musick , is , because the former move the Faculty of the Soul after a manner sutable to it , and the latter do not ; as we see an Example of it in Ballads and Dances , where when the Violin or Minstrel hath sounded a braul which goes well to the cadence , not onely the Members of the Dancers comply therewith and follow the same readily , but also the Souls seemes to dance with the Bodies ; so great Sympathy have they with that Harmony . But if , on the contrary , the power of the Soul be otherwise agitated at the same time , that Harmony , how regular soever , will displease us . Witness the displeasure taken at cheerful aires by those who are in Mourning , to whom doleful notes better agree , which , on the other side , are disagreeable to such as are merrily dispos'd . Add hereunto the humour of the Phancy , which hath an aversion to some sounds , as well as to some smells . For as for Discords , janglings , and other troublesome sounds , no other cause of their general inacceptableness ought to be sought , then that disproportion and deformity which is sound in things Natural and Artificial , the former being more intollerable then the latter ; because the Eye is not struck with the visible species , as the Ear is with sound , and can turn away from the Object which displeaseth it , which the Ear cannot , and is clos'd with much more difficulty . CONFERENCE XVIII . I. Of the Original of Winds . II. Why none are contented with their Condition . I. Of the Original of Winds THere is more resemblance then one would imagine between these two poynts , The Wind of the Air , and that of Ambition , to which the discontent of Men with their condition is commonly ascribed . As for the First , Some have held that all Wind , even that which blows upon the Sea , comes from the Earth ; and that the first conjecture which was entertain'd of the Region of the West Indies , was taken from the Wind perceiv'd to come from that quarter . But the History of Christopher Columbus , attributing the discovery to Chance thereof , cannot consist with that opinion . There is no Meteor whose effects have more of Miracle , which is defin'd , An Effect whereof no Natural Cause is seen . For even the Lightning is seen by the brightness of the fire which accompanies it . But the effects of this aim at the highest things , which it overthrows , and you neither see the Agent nor understand it . Yet the Sagacity of Humane Wit is admirable . Sins have serv'd to clear Cases of Conscience . Arsenick , Sublimate , and other poysons , are converted by Physick into Cauteries and other profitable remedies . The Civil Law hath by occasion of evil manners receiv'd addition of good Laws . The Winds , which drown Ships , are so managed by the Art of Navigation ( which divides them first into four principal , North , East , South , West , and then into eight , by the addition of four half points , and hath at length subdivided them into 32. ) that by their help Men sail upon the main Sea , and provide forreign remedies for Physick ; Sugar and spices for Kitchins , and employments for many other professions . The Second said , That though many causes may agitate the Air , yet all of them are not sufficient to raise a Wind ; but the Air must be agitated by some Fume which is raised either from the Earth , and is called an Exhalation , or from the Water , and is called a Vapour ; either of which partakes of the Nature of the Element from whence it proceeds . A Vapour is moist , an Exhalation dry . An extrinsecal Heat which predominates in them gives them all their motions , and makes them mount on high . And because it is the property of Heat alwayes to move and act , therefore these Fumes are so long in action as the Heat lasts . They arise in company together , and are carry'd upwards ; but are presently separated . For the moisture of the Vapour quencheth the Heat which animated it ; so that the sole absence of the Sun , or the occurse of the least Cold , depriving the Vapour of the little Heat which was left in it , and made it still ascend upwards , it becomes more condens'd , and falls down in Rain . But an Exhalation hath a greater degree of Heat , which is render'd more active by the driness and tenacity of the matter . Therefore it ascends till it meets with the Air of the Middle Region , which is thick and congeal'd , by which being hinder'd ●o pass further , it seeks a passage on one side or the other . Many times when it strives to rise higher , it becomes engag'd among Clouds which inclose it on all sides . Being thus inclos'd and straitned , it becomes united together , and thereupon being inflam'd , breaks the Clouds , and causes Thunder ; or if it ●ind less resistance towards the Earth , it descends with violence to the place from whence it arose , and makes Whirl-winds . But if such Exhalation have not time enough to mount as far as the Middle Region ( as it happens most frequently ) but as soon as it is drawn up be hinder'd and inclos'd by the Vapour turn'd into thick and cold Air in the Lower Region of the Air , then Winds are produc'd in this manner . This Exhalation being unable to mount upwards , because the whole Region is full of thick Air which resists it , it must go either on one side or other ; wherefore it tends that way where it meets least resistance . And whereas there are certain seasons wherein the Air is sometimes less thick towards the South ; others , wherein it is so towards the North , and the other quarters of Heaven ; thence it is that the Winds blow there most usually . Moreover , the reason why the Wind hath a kind of whistling , is , because the Exhalation clasheth with violence against that thick Air. Hence also it is , that Winds are more ordinary in the Night , and about Evening ; because in those times the Vapour looseth its Heat through the Suns absence ; and so being become a thick Air , better incloseth the Exhalation , and resisteth the same with more force . But as the Air which issueth out of our Lungs is hot ; yet if it be sent forth with some little violence it becometh cold : So though the Exhalation which causeth Wind be never without Heat , yet we never feel the Wind hot . Not that the Air loseth its Heat by motion , as Cardan conceiveth : ( For , on the contrary , all things become Hot by motion ; the Lead upon Arrows is melted , and the Wood fired , Water becomes thinner and hotter . ) But the cause thereof is , for that a strong Wind or Hot Air driven violently draws all the neighbouring Air after it , which Air is Cold , and we feel the coldness thereof . Whence all strong Winds are alwayes cold . The Third said , We ought not to seek other causes of Natural Winds then those we find in Artificial Wind ; because Art imitates Nature . Artificial Winds ( such as those of our Bellows , the most common instruments thereof , are caus'd by a compression of the Air made by two more solid Bodies then themselves , which thrust the same thorow a narrower place then that of their residence . For the Bellows having suck'd in a great quantity of Air , when it s two sides draw together they drive out the same again with violence ; And this is that which they call Wind. In like manner , I conceive , two or more Clouds falling upon , and pressing one another impetuously , drive away the Air which is between them . So we blow with our Mouths , by pressing the Air inclos'd in the Palate , and shutting the Lips to streighten its eruption . Hereunto they agree who desine Wind to be Air stirr'd , mov'd or agitated . But if it be objected that the Clouds are not solid enough to make such a compression , the contrary appears by the noise they make in Thunder-claps . The Fourth alledg'd , That Winds are produc'd in the World as they are in Man ; namely , by a Heat sufficient to elevate , but too weak to dissipate Exhalations ; whether that Heat proceedeth from Coelestial Bodies , or from Subterranean Fires . Wherefore as Hot Medicaments dissipate flatuosities , so the great Heat of the Sun dissipates Winds . The Fifth added , It is hard to determine the Original of Winds , after what our Lord hath said thereof , That we know not whence they come , nor whither they go , and what David affirmeth , That the Lord draweth them out of his Treasures . NevertheIess , I conceive , that different causes ought to be assign'd of them according to their different kinds . For although Winds borrow the qualities of the places through which they pass ; ( whence the Southern and Eastern are moist and contagious , because of the great quantity of Vapours wherewith they are laden by coming over the Mediterranean Sea and the Ocean ) yet some Winds are of their own Nature Hot and Dry , making the Air pure and serene ; being caus'd by an Exhalation of the like qualities . Others are so moist that they darken the Air , because they are produc'd of Vapours . Some places situated near Mountains and Rivers , have particular Winds . But as for those which blow at certain Periods , either every year , or every second year , or every fourth year , ( as one that blows in Provence ) I refer them to the Conjunction of certain Plants which reign at that time . The Sixth said , That Air hath a natural motion of its own , as the Heavens have , otherwise it would corrupt ; but meeting some streights , and finding it self pen'd up , it rallies and reunites its forces to get forth , ( as it doth ) with violence , and set it self at Liberty ; And this with so much the more vehemence as the places through which it passeth are streighter . Whence it is that we alwayes perceive a Wind near a Door or Window half open ( or the mouth of a Cave ) which ceaseth when they are set wide open . The Seventh continu'd , That which is most difficult to conceive , in reference to the Wind , is its violence , which I hold to proceed from the Rarefaction of a matter formerly condens'd , and from the opposition of a contrary . For the place of the Generation of Wind being either the Cavernes of the Earth , or the Clouds , the vaporous matter becoming rarifi'd so suddenly that it cannot find room enough to lodge in , breaks forth impetuously ; as we see the Bullet is by the same reason violently driven forth by the Air enflamed in the Cannon . Some think that Winds arise also from the Sea , because a Wave is alwayes seen , upon the changing of the Wind , to rise on that side from whence it is next to blow . The Eighth said , That their motion is a direct line , because it is the shortest way , but not from below upwards ; by reason of the resistance they meet with in the coldness and thickness of the Middle Region of the Air , whence the same thing happens to them that doth to smoak or flame ; which arriving at a ceiling or vault , is constrain'd by the resistance it finds thereby to decline on one side . Also their violence is increas'd by the adjunction of new Exhalations , as Rivers augment theirs by the access of new streams . II. Why none are contenteà with their own condition . Upon the Second Point it was said , That since the inferior World follows the course of the superior and Coelestial , it is not to be wonder'd if the latter being in continual motion and agitation ; the former , whereof Man makes the noblest part , cannot be at rest . For the Starrs , according to their several Positions , Aspects , or Conjunctions , move and carry us to desire sometimes one thing , sometimes another . The Ambition and Ignorance of Man are of the party too . The former makes him alwayes desire to have the advantage above others , to pursue Honours and Dignities , and to think that to acknowledge a greater then himself , is to own fetters and servility . The latter represents things to him otherwise then they are , and so causes him to desire them the more , by how much he less understands their imperfections . Whence many times , by changing , he becomes in as ill a case as Aesop's Ass , who was never contented with his condition . But the true Cause , in my opinion , is , because we cannot find in this World a supreme temporal Good , whereunto a concurrence of all outward and inward goods is requisite ; and were a Man possess'd thereof , yet he could have no assurance that he shall enjoy it to the end of his Life ; whence , living in fear of losing it , we should be prone to desire something that might confirm it . The Dignity of the Soul furnisheth me with another reason of our discontentment . For she being deriv'd from Heaven , and knowing that this is not her abiding City , she may taste of terrene things , but findeth them not season'd to her gust , as knowing that frail and mortal things are not worthy of her , nor sutable to her eternity ; And as a sick person that turns himself first on one side , then on the other , to take rest ; so the Soul finds her repose in motion . And as morsels swallow'd down have no more savour , so the present goods which our Soul possesseth give her no pleasure ; but like a Hunter she quits the game which she hath taken , to pursue another . The Second said , Though , by a wise Providence of Nature , every one loves his own condition as much or more then another doth , yet there being alwayes some evil mix'd with , and adhering to , the most happy state in the world , that evil is the cause that we are never contented therewith . I add further , If it were possible to heap all the goods of the world into one condition , and all kind of evils were banish'd from the same ; yet could it not fill the Appetite of our Soul , which being capable of an infinite Good , if she receive any thing below infinite she is not fill'd nor contented therewith . Nevertheless , this dissatisfaction doth not proceed from the infirmity and ignorance of the Humane Soul , but rather from her great perfection and knowledge , whereby she judging all the goods of the world less then her self , the goods intermingled with miseries serve her for so many admonitions that she ought not to stay there , but aspire to other goods more pure and solid . Besides these , I have two natural reasons thereof . First , Every Good being of it self desirable , every one in particular may desire all the goods which all Men together possess : Yet it is not possible for him to obtain them ; wherefore every one may desire more then he can possess : Whence there must alwayes be frustrated desires and discontents . Secondly , The Desires of Men cannot be contented but by giving them the enjoyment of what they desire . Now they cannot be dealt withall butas a bad Physitian doth with his Patients , in whom for one disease that he cures he causeth three more dangerous . For satisfie one Desire , and you raise many others . The poor hungry person asketh onely Bread ; give it him , and then he is thirsty ; and when he is provided for the present , he is sollicitous for the future . If he hath money , he is troubled both how to keep it , and how to spend it : Which caus'd Solomon after he had deny'd his Soul nothing that it desir'd to pronounce , That All is vanity and vexation of Spirit . The Third conceiv'd , That the Cause of this Dissatisfaction is , for that the conditions of others seem more suitable to us , and for that our Election dependeth on the Imagination , which incessantly proposeth new Objects to the Soul , which she beholding afar off , esteemes highly ; afterwards considering them nearer , sees ( as the Fable saith ) that what she accounted a treasure is but a bottle of Hay . The Fourth said , That because every thing which we possess gives us some ground of disgust , and we do not yet perceive the inconvenience of the thing we desire ; therefore we are weary of the present , and hope to find less in the future : Whence we despise the one , and desire the other . The Fifth added , That Man being compos'd of two parts , Body and Soul , which love change , it is necessary that he love it too . Choose the best posture , and the best food you will , it will weary you in a little time . Let the most Eloquent Orator entertain you with the most excellent Subject , suppose God himself , you will count his Sermon too long if it exceed two hours , or perhaps less . Is it a wonder then , if the Whole be of the same Nature with the Parts ? The Sixth attributed the Cause of this Discontent to the comparison which every one makes of his own State with that of others . For as a Man of middle stature seemes low near a Gyant ; so a Man of moderate fortune , comparing his own with the greater of another , becomes discontented therewith . Wherefore as long as there are different conditions , they of the lowest will always endeavour to rise to the greatest ; and for the taking away of this Displeasure , Lycurgus's Law must be introduc'd , who made all the people of Sparta of equal condition . If it be reply'd , that nevertheless they of the highest condition will be contented ; I answer , that our Mind being infinite , will rather fancy to it self Epicurus's plurality of worlds , as Alexander did , then be contented with the possession of a single one , and so 't will be sufficient to discontent us , not that there is , but that there may be , some more contented then our selves . The Seventh said , That the Cause hereof is the desire of attaining perfection , which in Bodies is Light , ( whence they are alwayes chang'd till they become transparent as Glass ) and in Spirits , their satisfaction , which is impossible . For Man having two principles of his Actions , which alone are capable of being contented , namely , the Vnderstanding and the Will ; he cannot satiate either of them . One truth known makes him desire another . The sign of a moderate Mind is , to be contented with it self ; whereas that of a great Mind is , to have alwayes an insatiable appetite of knowing ; Whence proceedeth this ? It is for that it knows that God created every thing in the world for it , and that it cannot make use thereof unless it have an exact and particular knowledge of the virtues and properties of all things . It knows also , that it self was created for God , and the knowledge of the Creatures is nothing but a means to guide it to that of God. So that if it take those means which lead it to the end for the end it self , it deceives it self and finds not the contentment which it seeks , and will never find the same till it be united to its First Principle , which is God , who alone can content the Vnderstanding . His Will is also hard to be satifi'd . The more goods it hath , the more it desires . It can love nothing but what is perfect : It finds nothing absolutely perfect but goodness it self . For the Light and knowledge wherewith the Understanding supplieth it , discover to it so many imperfections and impurities in the particular goods it possesseth , that it distasts and despises them , as unworthy to have entertainment in it . Wherefore it is not to be wonder'd , if Man can never be contented in this world , since he cannot attain his utmost End in it , either for Body or Soul. CONFERENCE XIX . I. Of the Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea. II. Of the Point of Honour . I. Of the Flux of the Sea. THe First said , That if there be any other cause of this Flux then the heaping together of the Waters from the beginning , under the Aequinoctial , by Gods Command , whence they descend again by their natural gravity , and are again driven thither by the obedience which they owe to that Command ; ( which is so evident , that they who sail under the Aequator , perceive them selves lifted up so high by the currents that are usually there , that they are many times terrifi'd thereat ) there is none more probable then the Moon , which hath dominon overall moist Bodies , and augments or diminishes this Flux according as she is in the increase or the wane . The Second said , That the Moon indeed makes the Flux and Reflux of the Sea greater or less , yea , she governes and rules it ; because being at the Full she causeth a Rarefaction of its Waters . But this doth not argue that she is the Efficient Cause of the said Flux . The Sea rises at the shore , when the Moon riseth in the Heaven , and retires again when the Moon is going down , their motions are indeed correspondent one to the other ; yet I know not how that of the Moon is cause of that of the Sea : For if it were , then , when the Moon is longest above our Horizon , as in long dayes , the ebbing and flowing would be greatest ; but it is equal and regular , as well when the Moon is below the Horizon as above it . And why also doth not she move the other Seas , and all sorts of Waters , as well as the Ocean ? The Third said , That there are two sorts of Water in the Sea , one terrene , thick , and viscous , which contains the Salt ; the other thin , sweet , and vaporous , such as that which Aristotle saith enters through the Pores of a vessel of wax , exactly stop'd and plung'd to the bottome of the Sea. This thin Water being heated is rarifi'd and turn'd into vapours , which consequently require more room then before . They seek for it , but being restrain'd and inclos'd in the thick and viscous Water can find no issue ; and therefore make the Water of the Sea to swell and rise , till that Exhalation be disengag'd from those thick Waters , and then the Sea returnes to its natural state , by falling flat , and becoming level . This is abundantly confirm'd by the Tydes ; which are alwayes greater in March and August , then at other seasons ; because at that time more abundance of vapours is drawn up . But why have not Lakes also an Ebbing and Flowing ? Because their Water being more thin le ts pass those vapours which the Sun hath stirr'd ; and so not being hinder'd from going away , as those of the Sea are , they do not make the Water rise and swell . So Heat having subtiliz'd and converted into vapours the most tenuious parts of the Milk upon the Fire , the thicker parts of the same coming to enclose them , are the cause that it swells and rises up : But when it is remov'd from the fire , or its vapours have gotten passage by agitation , it takes up no more roome then it did at first . But it is not so with Water plac'd upon the Fire , the rarity of its Body giving free issue to the vapours which the Heat excites in it . The Jewish Sea is bituminous , and therefore no more inflated then pitch ; possibly because the parts thereof being Homogeneous , cannot be subtiliz'd apart . For as for the Mediterranean Seas , having no Flux and Reflux , I conceive it is hindred by another motion , from North to South ; because the Septentrional parts being higher then the Austral , all Waters by their natural gravity tend that way . The Fourth said , I acknowledge , with Aristotle , that 't is partly the Sun that causes the Flux and Reflux of the Sea ; because 't is he that raises most of the Exhalations and Winds , which beating upon the Sea make it swell and so cause the Flux ; and soon after failing , the Sea falls again , which is the Reflux . Nevertheless , because this cause is not sufficient , and cannot be apply'd to all kinds of Flux and Reflux , which we see differ almost in all Seas ; I add another thereunto , Subterranean Fires , which sending forth continually abundance of Exhalations or subtile Spirits , and these Spirits seeking issue , drive the Water of the Sea which they meet , till it overflows ; and thus it continues till being deliver'd from those Spirits it falls back into its channel , till it be agitated anew by other Exhalations , which successively follow one another ; and that more or less , according to the greater or lesser quantity of those Spirits . The Tydes which happen every two hours are an evidence of great quantity ; those which happen every four hours of less , and those which happen every six , of least of all . So there is made in our Bodies a Flux and Reflux of Spirits by the motion of Reciprocation , call'd the Pulse , consisting of a Diastole and a Systole , ( or Dilatation and Contraction ) caus'd by the Vital Faculty of the Heart , the Fountain of Heat . Moreover , as the Pulse is ordinarily perceiv'd better in the Arms , and other extreme parts , then in the rest of the Body ; So the Flux and Reflux is more evident at the shores then in the main Sea. Therefore Aristotle proposing the Question why , if some solid Body , as an Anchor , be cast into the Sea when it swells , it instantly becomes calm , answers ; That the solid Body cast into the Sea makes a separation in the surface thereof ; and thereby gives passage to the Spirits which were the cause of that Commotion . Now if it be demanded , Why such motion is not so manifest in the Mediterranean Sea , and some others , as in the Ocean , it is answer'd , that the reasons thereof are : 1. Because Nature having given sluces to the Mediterranean higher then to the Ocean , it hath not room wherein to extend it self so commodiously . 2. Because the Subterranean Fires , being united and continually vented forth by the Out-lets , which they have in Aetna , Vesuvius , and other Mountains within or near that Sea , there remains less then is needful to make a rising of the Waters . The Fifth said , I conceive there is as little cause and reason to be sought of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea , as of all other motions proceeding from Forms informing or assisting the Bodies which they move . As it would be impertinent to ask what is the cause of the motion of a Horse , seeing the most ignorant confess that it is from his Soul , which is his Form : So there is more likelihood of truth in attributing the motion of the Sea to its Form then to any other thing . Yet because they who assign a Soul to the World and all its parts cannot make out such a proportion therein as is requisite to the parts of an Animal ; I think more fit to affirm , that the Sea hath a Form and Intelligence assisting to it , which was assign'd to it by God from the beginning , to move it in the same manner as the Intelligences , according to Aristotle , are assistant to the Coelestial Orbes , and continue their motion . II. Of the Point of Honour . It was said , upon the Second Point , That since Contraries give light to one another , we may better understand what Honour is , by considering the Nature of Dishonour . For where ever there is Blame , there is also Honour opposite to it . Now there is no Man that sees a vile action , ( as amongst Souldiers , Murder , or Cowardice , Collusion , or Perfidiousness in Justice ) but he blames the same , and judges the Author thereof worthy of Dishonour . On the conrary , a brave Exploit and a Courageous Action is esteemed by Enemies themselves : The incorruptible Integrity of a Judge is oftentimes commended by him that ●oses his Suit ; and the Courageous Fidelity of an Advocate , in well defending his Client , receives Praise even from the Adversary ; so odious is Vice , and so commendable is Virtue . Wherefore every one abhorring Blame and Dishonour , doth so vehemently hate the memory and reproach of any thing that may bring it upon him , that many imitate what the Fable telleth of Jupiter , who going to shake off the ordure which the Beetle had laid upon the skirt of his garment , by that means shook out the Eggs which the Eagle had laid in his lap ; that is , by thinking to repel a small Blame , they incur a greater , and oftentimes with the prejudice of another : As it is manifest in the rage and wildness of Duels , when for the repelling of a small injury , a Man engages the life of a Second , who usually becomes involv'd in the same destruction with himself . It is not my purpose to declaim further here against that Madness ; for the Folly of Men is come to such excess , that they who go most unwillingly to the field , considering that they are going possibly to destroy both their Bodies and their Souls , yet dare not seem to obey the injunctions and prohibitions against the same by the Laws both of God and Men. A brutishness worthy of Admiration , as it would be of Pity , were it not voluntary among those who value themselves above others . But to leave them to themselves , let us onely consider what a strange Power the Point of Honour hath , which is able to carry before it all the torrent of Arguments and Reasons which disswade a furious Resolution . Now it is as various , as the Humours and Conditions of Men. Not that I think it imaginary , but as there are actions of themselves honest or dishonest , which are the real foundation of this Point of Honour ; so it is of the same Nature . And although Diogenes accounted nothing dishonest ( i.e. unbecoming ) which is lawfull ; yet it cannot be believ'd by any but a Diogenes . So that the Ingenuous Youth , upon whose shoulder that Cynick laid a flitch of Bacon , and lead him about the City in that equipage , to accustome him to put off all shame , obey'd Reason and not his Caprichio , when he cast the same down and ran away . When the Executioner causeth a Criminal to make an honourable amends , ( by which understand a most ignominious punishment inflicted upon an extreme Offender , who must go through the streets bare-foot and bare-headed , with a burning link in his hand , unto the seat of Justice , or some such publick place , and there confess his Offence , and ask forgiveness of the party he hath wrong'd ) he many times endures no other evil but that of shame ; and yet I would not blame him that should prefer a natural death before such a dishonour . It may be said that the Point of Honour reacheth not so far , but is onely an image and shadow , since words are but the images of things ; and that a Man will fight a Duel when another hath reproach'd him for a fault , either of his own , or of some other for whom he is concern'd . But I answer , that Men fight oftner for actions and bad offices , then for words . And although they commonly reflect thus , what will people say of me , if I put up this ? Yet the truth is , 't is out of fear lest one contempt making way for another , might give occasion to effects not onely prejudicial to our Reputation , but also to our Fortune ; which we know in these dayes depends upon our Reputation . A Captain known for a Coward will be cashier'd . A Souldier that doth not defend himself will be beaten . A Gentleman that doth not swagger when he is affronted , he will be abus'd not onely in his Honour , but also in his goods , by all his Neighbours . So that the Point of Honour is not so little real as it is imagin'd , since it hath an influence not onely upon a Mans Honour , but likewise upon his goods and life . In brief , we may consult those who deny the Point of Honour to be a real thing , by all this Honourable Assembly , and especially by the many excellent Wits , who are excited by Honour to appear therein , and acquire ( what they may justly expect ) the commendation which is due to their merits . The Second said , That he found some difference between being an Honest Man , and a Man of Honour ; for that , to be an Honest Man , it is requisite onely to possess the Honest Good ( Bonum Honestum ) which is Virtue : But to be a Man of Honour , besides that , the world must know that we possess the same , and give us the reputation of being virtuous . For 't is stupidity , not to care what opinion Men have of us . Which caus'd the Wise-man to pronounce a Curse against those who neglect a good Fame ; which is so natural , and so neerly alli'd to Virtue , that she seems not to have her utmost perfection when she is separated from it ; and a Prudent Man desires equally to be virtuous , and to be esteemed such : Now if Honour consist in the possession of Virtue thus accompani'd , the Point of Honour will be the Point of Virtue , that is , the perfection thereof ; or rather , Virtue most perfect , accompani'd with a compleat Reputation . This perfection , in my Judgement , is the War-like Virtue , call'd by the Greeks , by way of excellence , The Virtue of Man ; and so esteemed by all the world , that no people , however otherwise barbarous , ever deny'd it the Title of Nobleness . It is not then to be wonder'd if Men of Courage think that the Point of Honour consists in preserving to themselves the Reputation of being Valiant , and endeavour by all means to make it appear to every one that they are endew'd with this War-like Virtue . Whence most Quarrels are occasion'd by Mens accusing one another of want of Courage , or other appurtenances of that Virtue . The Third said , That which we call the Point of Honour , is nothing else , in my Judgement , but the desire of being esteem'd more honest persons then we are . For Man being the greatest dissembler of all Creatures , endeavours to make himself thought what he is not ; because it being essential to him to desire Good , and his perverse Inclination not leading him to the true , therefore at least he desires the apparent . This is seen in all his actions , which aim onely at three kinds of Good ; namely , the Honest , the Profitable , and the Delightful . Now of these three , onely the Honest is called the Good of Man ; because the two latter usually corrupt him , the former preserves him . And nevertheless , many addict themselves to Pleasures , more run after Profit , but very few , comparatively , follow the Honest Good for its own sake , unless it be joyn'd with one of the other . In the mean time there is none but would perswade others that he is passionately in love with the latter , and not anxious for Honour . But , I conceive , we may know persons of Honour , by the little account they make of injuries which seem to tend to their disparagement , especially when they think the same do not belong unto them ; and they who are worthy of Honour seek it least , and are not troubled so much as others at the injury which any one thinks he doth them . So we see a Prince will not be so sollicitous to employ his qualities in a publick act , as a Man of low condition newly exalted . An Honest Woman will not be so much troubled at an injury offer'd to her Honour , as she that is of an evil Life ; because the former hath true Honour , which the latter hath not : As we see paltry Pedlars , that have all their shop in a pack hanging about their necks , make ten times more noise then the best whole-sale Trades-men , whose store-houses are fill'd with all sort of wares . And amongst all Nations , they who lie most , are most offended with the Lie. They who drink most , are most offended with the name of Drunkard . Wherefore since , according to Aristotle , 't is the truth and not the number or quality of the honourers , which constitutes the true Honour , which they arrogate most in whom the substance is least found ; it follows that what we call the Point of Honour is nothing but the appearance or shadow thereof . The Fourth said , The Point of Honour is nothing but a Desire we have to make our selves esteem'd such as we are . Wherefore when a quality which belongs not to us is taken from us , we are far from being so much concern'd , as if it pertain'd to us . So a Gentleman who makes profession of Valour will be offended if he be called Poltron ; but a Capuchin will not , knowing well that that Virtue is not necessary to Christian Perfection . The Fifth said , That Honour , according to the common opinion , being the testimony which Men give us of our virtuous actions , the Point of Honour is that conceit which our Mind proposes and formes to it self of that opinion . Whence it follows that the Point of Honour thus taken , being an Abstract which our Mind draws from things , and not the things themselves , there is nothing of reality in it , but it is a pure Imagination , which alters according to the diversity of times , places , and persons . Such a thing was anciently honest ( i. e. laudable and becomming ) which is not so at present : Whereof the Modes and Customs of the times past , compar'd with those at this day , are a sufficient evidence . It was honourable at Rome to burn dead Bodies , and shameful to all others , ( saving to the single family of the Cornelii ) to bury them . At this day to inter them is honourable , but to burn them the most infamous of punishments . It was in Lacedaemon an honourable thing to steal dextrously ; and now the reward of the craftiest Cut-purse is a Halter . One thing is honest , ( i. e. seemly ) in one age ( as for Children to blush ) which is dishonest ( i. e. unseemly ) in another , ( as for old Men to do so . ) Yea , one Man will sometimes construe a thing within the Point of Honour , which another will not . And we sometimes conceive our selves interessed in one and the same thing , and sometimes not . Moreover , though the Point of Honour should not admit all these mutations , yet depending upon the imagination of another , there can be nothing of reality in it . And therefore the true Point of Honour consists not in the opinion which others have of us , but in the exercise of honest and virtuous actions , whether acknowledg'd for such , or not ; yea , though they be despis'd or punish'd , it is sufficient to render such actions honourable , that the Conscience alone judge of their goodness . CONFERENCE XX. I. Of the Original of Fountains . II. Whether there be a commendable Ambition . I. Of the Original of Fountains . THe First said , That Springs and Rivers come from the Sea , otherwise it would receive a great augmentation by the daily addition of their streams , if it should not suffer an equal diminution by their derivation from it . Therefore the Wise-man saith , All Rivers go into the Sea , and the Sea is not increased thereby ; and afterwards they return to the place from whence they came , that they may go forth again . Yea , it would be a perpetual Miracle , if after about six thousand years since the Creation of the World the Sea were not grown bigger by all the great Rivers it receives , seeing the Danubius alone , were it stop'd but during one year , would be sufficient to drown all Europe . But how can the Water , of its own nature heavy and unactive , especially that of the Sea , be carried up to the highest Mountains ? As we see the L' Isere , and the Durance , and other Rivers , descend from the tops of the Alps , upon which there are Lakes and Springs in great number , as in Mont-Cenis , Saint Bernard , and Saint Godart . This proceeds from the gravity of the Earth , which alwayes inclining towards its own centre , bears upon the Sea , and so pressing upon the Water , causeth it to rise up into the veins and passages of the Earth ; ( a resemblance whereof is seen in Pumps ) by which passages it is strain'd and depriv'd of its saltness . Which quality is easily separable from Sea-water ; for upon the shores of Africa there are pits of fresh Water , which cannot come from elsewhere . And if Water mingled with Wine be separated from the same by a cup made of Ivy wood , why not the saltness of the Water too ? Thence also it is that Springs retain the qualities of the places through which they pass , having put off those which they deriv'd from their Original . The Second said , That the Waters are carried upwards by the virtue of the Coelestial Bodies , which attract the same without any violence ; it being in a manner natural to Inferior Bodies to obey the Superior , and follow the motion which they impress upon them . Unless we had rather ascribe this effect to God , who having for the common good of all the world caus'd the Water in the beginning to ascend to the highest places , it hath alwayes follow'd that same motion by natural consecution and the fear of that Vacuity . And of this we have a small instance in the experiment of Syphons . The Third said , He conceiv'd , with Aristotle , that Springs are generated in cavities and large spaces of the Middle Region of the Earth , which Nature ( who abhorreth Vacuity ) fills with Air , insinuated thereinto by the pores and chinks , and condensed afterwards by the coldness of the Earth : Which coldness is so much the greater as that Region is remote from all external agents which might alter it . This condensed Air is resolv'd into drops of Water , and these drops soon after descending by their own weight into one and the same place , glide along till they meet with others like themselves , and so give beginning to a Spring . For as of many Springs uniting their streams a great River is made , so of many drops of Water is made a Spring . Hence it comes to pass that we ordinarily find Springs in Mountains and high places , as being most hollow and full of Air , which becomes condens'd and resolv'd into Water so much the more easily as the Mountains are nearer the Middle Region of the Air , apt by its vapourous quality to be turn'd into Water , as well in those Gavities as in the Clouds ; or else because they are most expos'd to the coldest Winds , and usually cover'd with Snow . The Fourth said , That there is no transformation of Elements , and therefore Air cannot be turn'd into Water . For whereas we see drops of Water fall from the surface of Marble or Glass , 't is not that the Air is turn'd into Water , but this moist Air is full of damp vapours , which are nothing but Water rarifi'd , and which meeting with those cold and solid Bodies , are condens'd and return'd to their first Nature . Wherefore the Air is so far from being the cause of so many Springs and Rivers which water the Earth , that on the contrary , all the Air in the world ( provided it be not mixt with Water ) cannot make so much as one drop . It is more probable that in the beginning of the world , when God divided the Elements and the Waters from the Waters which cover'd the whole surface of the Earth , he gather'd the grossest and most unprofitable water into one mass ▪ which he called Sea , and dispersed through the rest of the Earth the fresh Water , more clear and pure , to serve for the necessities of the Earth , Plants , and living Creatures . Moreover , the Scripture makes mention of four great Rivers issuing out of the terrestrial Paradise , and a Fountain in the middle of it , which water'd the whole surface of the Earth from the Creation . In not being possible that Air resolv'd into Water could make so great a quantity of waters in so little time . The Fifth added . That those Waters would soon be dry'd up without a new production , for which Nature hath provided by Rain , which falling upon the Earth is gather'd together in Subterraneous Cavernes ; which are as so many Reservers for Springs , according to Seneca's opinion . This is prov'd , 1. Because in places where it rains not , as in the Desarts of Arabia and Aethiopia , there is scarce any Springs ; on the other side , they are very frequent in Europe which aboundeth with rain . 2. Waters are very low in Summer when it rains but little ; and in Winter so high that they overflow their banks , because the season is pluvious . 3. Hence it is that most Rivers and Springs break forth at the foot of Mountains , as being but the rain water descended thither from their tops . The Sixth said , That it is true that Rivers are increased by Rain , but yet have not their original from it . For were it so , then in great droughts our Rivers would be dry'd up as well as the Brooks . As for Springs , they are not so much as increas'd by Rain ; for we see by experience , that it goes no deeper into the earth then seven or eight feet . On the contrary , the deeper you dig , the more Springs you meet with . Nor is the Air , in my judgement , the cause thereof , there being no probability that there is under the earth cavernes so spacious and full of Air sufficient to make so great a quantity of Water ; since there needs ten times as much Air as Water to produce it . Neither can the Sea be the cause of Springs ; since , according to the Maxime of Hydraulick , Water cannot ascend higher the place of its original , but if Springs were from the Sea , then they could not be higher then the level thereof ; and we should see none upon the tops of Mountains . Now that the Sea lies lower then Springs and Rivers , is apparent , because they descend all thitherwards . The Seventh said , That Waters coming from the Sea , and gliding in the bowels of the Earth , meet with Subterranean Fires , which are there in great quantity , whereby they are heated and resolv'd into Vapours . These Vapours compos'd of Water and Fire , mounting upwards , meet some Rocks or other solid Bodies , against which they stick and are return'd into Water ; the Fire which was in them escaping through the Pores of those Bodies , the Water trickles forth by the clefts and crevisses of the Rocks , or other sloping places . The Eighth said , That as Art can draw forth Water by Destillation , Expression , and other wayes taught by Chymistrie ; so by stronger reason Nature cannot want wayes to do the same , and possibly in divers sorts , according to the various disposition of places , and of the matter which she employes to that use . II. Whether there is any Ambition commendable . Upon the Second Subject it was said , That there is some correspondence between the two Questions ; for as Water serves for a Medium of Union in natural Composition ; so Ambition serves to familiarise pains and dangers in great enterprizes . For it makes Children strive to get credit in little exercises ; and Men think nothing so high but may be soar'd to by the wings of Ambitior . Juvenal indeed gives Wings to necessity , when he saith , A Hungry Greek will fly up to Heaven if they command him ; and Virgil saith , Fear adds Wings to the heels of the terrifi'd ; but those of Ambition are much more frequent in our Language . 'T is true , Ambition may many times beat and stretch forth its Wings , but can no more exalt it self into the Air then the Estrich . Sometimes it soars too high , as Icarus did , and so near the light that it is burnt therein like Flyes . For the ambitious usually mounts up with might and main , but thinks not how he shall come down again . This Passion is so envious , that it makes those possess'd therewith hate all like themselves , and justle them to put them behind . Yea , it is so eager that it meets few obstacles which yield not to its exorbitant pertinacy ; insomuch that it causeth Men to do contrary to do what they pretend , and shamefully to obey some , that they may get the command over others . The importunateness of Ambition is proof against all check or denyal ; and the ambitious is like the Clot-burr , which once fastned upon the clothes is not easily shaken off . When he is once near the Court , neither affronts nor other rubs can readily repell him thence . And because his Essence consists in appearance , he many times wears his Lands upon his back ; and if he cannot at once pride himself in his Table , his Clothes , and his Train , yet he will rather shew the body of a Spaniard , then the belly of a Swiss . At his coming abroad , he oftentimes picks his teeth while his gutts grumble , he feeds upon aiery viands . When he ha's been so lucky as to snap some office , before he ha's warm'd the place , his desires are gaping after another : He looks upon the first but as a step to a second , and thinks himself still to low , if he be not upon the highest round of the ladder ; where he needs a good Brain lest he lose his judgement , and where it is as hard to stand , as 't is impossible to ascend , and shameful to descend . Others observing , That Honour is like a shadow , which flyes from its pursuers , and follows those that flie it , have indeed no less Ambition then the former , ( for I know no condition , how private soever , that is free from it ) but they artificially conceal it ; like those who carry a dark Lanthorn in the night , they have no less fire then others , but they hide it better . They are like Thieves that shooe their Horses the wrong way , that they may seem by their steps to come from the place whither they are going ; or else like those who hunt the Hyena . This Beast loves the voice of Man so much that she trusts in it ; and ( say the Historians ) she understands it so well , that when the Hunters would take her , they must cry , I will not have her , I will not have her . But when once they have obtain'd the Honour at which they thus aim'd , by contrary pretensions , they shew sufficiently that they desir'd it . The Second said , That Ambition is a desire of exalting our selves , and over-topping the common sort . The Object of it is Honour , in the pursuite of which three things are consider'd ; namely , the Mediocrity , the Excess , and the Defect . The Mediocrity is call'd Magnanimity , or greatness of Courage , by which we seek the great Honours which we merit . The Excess is called Vanity , when we pursue great dignities which we deserve not . The Defect is called Pusillanimity , when a Man hath so little Spirit that he deprives himself of Honours , though he is worthy of them . Now as Liberality answers to Magnificence , so to Magnanimity answers another Virtue which hath no name in Aristotle , and differs from it but in degree . For that hath regard to great Honours , and this to moderate ; and , as all other Virtues , it hath its two vicious Extremes , its Excess , which is call'd Ambition , and its Defect , which is want of Ambition . Moreover , there are two kinds of Ambition . One which is bounded within the limits of each condition , whereby every one desires to become perfect in his Art , and to excell others of the same condition ; which is very laudable , and argues that he whom it possesses hath something more excellent in him then the vulgar . The Other is that which carries us to Honours , which greatly exceed the bounds of our condition , and are not due to us . This is very blameable and dangerous , because it causes great confusion in Mens Minds , and consequently in States . For what is more absurd , then for a Citizen to act a Gentleman , or a Gentleman a Prince ? Yea , even this last ought to set bounds to his Ambition . The Third added , That things are to be judg'd of by their Effects ; and we see most of the mischiefs which come to pass now in the World are caus'd by the Ambition of those who weary of their condition , in which if they continu'd they would be happy , by all means seek after others which seem higher : Ambition making them prefer before the good which they know an evil which they know not ; because this Passion represents the same to them under the semblance of a greater good . Wherefore the Julian Law was introduc'd with good reason , to check and moderate this exorbitant appetite of Honours . The Fourth said , That indeed extreme and immoderate Ambition is a perpetual rack and torture to the Soul , and begets an Hydropick Thirst in it , which all the waters of the World cannot allay . But that which is moderate , in my judgement , is not onely unblameable , but very praise-worthy ; since it is a desire of perfection , and never any person was ambitious in this manner , but he was either virtuous , or in the way to be so . For this Ambition proceeds from a desire of glory , and being accounted better greater , and wiser then others ; and it is grounded upon the knowledge we have , and would derive to others of our peculiar merit . And though the Man be not virtuous , yet there is nothing more proper to render him so then such Ambition ; one of the most powerful spurs to encourage a well-temper'd Soul to Virtue . 'T is an Instrument that smooths all its rough paths . 'T is a flame that enkindles generous purposes in the Soul to surmount all kinds of obstacles . Would you see its excellence ? Compare this Ambition , from whence sprang those brave thoughts which brought so great glory to Alexander , Caesar , and all those other Heroes of Antiquity , with the shameful sloth of the infamous Sardanapalus , Heliogabalus , and other Epicures buried in the ordures of their vices , for want of this noble desire of glory . But it is most remarkable , in reference to Ambition , that they who blame it are themselves ambitious ; for they do so , onely to ostentate themselves ; and they who have written Books against Vain-glory , have yet set their Names in the frontis-piece ; and wherefore , but to be talk'd of ? The Fifth said , That the Goodness or Badness of all Actions , depending onely upon their good or bad End , it must be affirmed likewise , concerning Ambition , that it is blameable or commendable ; according as he who seeketh Honours hath an honest or dishonest End , and pursues the same by lawful or oblique courses . The Sixth said , It is so true that there is a laudable Ambition , that not ouely all that is rare in Arts and Sciences , but also all the bravest Heroick Actions owe their being to it . 'T is one of the most commendable Virtues naturall to Man , and inseparable from a gallant Spirit ; It is so much the more excellent , in that it hath for its Object the most excellent of all external Goods , namely , Honour , which Men offer to God , as the most precious thing they have , and which Legislators ( finding nothing more valuable ) propose for the guerdon of Virtre . This may serve to explain what is commonly said , That Virtue is a reward to it self : Legislators having determin'd that Virtuous Men should find the recompence of their brave Actions , in that noble desire of the glory which they deserve . So that he is no less blameable who deserving Honours and Dignities , and being able to support and exercise them worthily and profitably to the publick , doth not seek them , then he that strives for them and is unworthy thereof . Yea , the former seems to me much more blame-worthy then the latter , whose Ambition , though immoderate , denotes greatness of Spirit ; whereas the former , too much distrusting himself , and not daring to attain or reach forth his hand to what appertains by right unto him , shews abundantly the lowness of his Mind , or the little account he makes of Virtue , by sleighting Honour which is the shadow and reward of it , and depriving himself of the means to perform Virtuous Actions , which he may better exercise in Offices and Dignities then in a private life : And which is more , he sets a pernicious example to his fellow-citizens to neglect that Recompence of Virtue , which costs the State less then any other . CONFERENCE XXI . I. Of Dreams . II. Why Men are rather inclin'd to Vice then Virtue . I. Of Dreams . IT is no wonder that Men seek the interpretation of Dreams . For having from all times bent their Minds to foresee the Future , ( as the Desire of becoming like God by the Faculty of Divining hath been transmitted from the First Man to all his Posterity ) it seems the Images of things presented to them in the night are unprofitable to any other end besides this . And truly since the highest pitch of every Faculty consists in Divination , and the Holy Scripture hath nothing so wonderful as its Prophecies ; Physick , nothing so admirable as the Prognostication of diseases ; Civil Law , then the Resolution of the good or bad success of an Affair ; Yea , since the in extinguishable thirst after the Future hath induc'd all Ethnick Antiquity to feed Fowls for Augury , to immolate Sacrifices for presaging their good or bad Fortune ; there is some ground to pardon them and all others who seek some glimmerings of the future in Dreams . I conceive , the most Incredulous , reading in the Scripture that seven lean kine devouring so many fat ones presag'd seven years Famine which consum'd all the store of seven other fertile years ; and moreover , the truth confirm'd by the event of the Dreams of so many others , cannot but have them in some reverence . But on the other side , when every one considers how many Phancies come into our heads in sleep , both sick and well , the truth whereof is so rare that it may be compar'd to that of Almanacks , which setting down all sorts of weather , sometimes happen right upon one ; or to those bad Archers , who shooting all day long , glory if they once hit the mark ; he presently concludes that credit is not lightly to be given to them . Wherefore I think after explication how Dreams are caused , it will be fit to examine whether there be any connexion or affinity between the things which we dream and those which are to come to pass , as there was between the Aegyptian Hieroglyphicks which the things signifi'd by them , and as there is at this day in the Characters of China , and in the Signatures observ'd by some Physitians between some Plants and the Parts or Diseases to which they are proper . For it is not without some hidden reason , that Experience hath caus'd so many persons to take notice , that as ( for example ) Death and Marriage make a great stir and alteration in the house where they happen , so the one is usually the indicatour of the other ; that because the Hen makes a cry when she layes her Eggs , from whence is produc'd a Chicken that cryes too , therefore Eggs signifie brawls or quarrels ; that Pearls signifie Tears , because they resemble them ; that as the Serpent is alwayes mischievous , and moves along with little noise , so he denotes secret Enemies ; and the cutting off his head , the getting the better of one's Enemies ; that as our Teeth are not pluck'd out without pain , so to dream that they fall out , prefigures the death of a Relation ; and other such things which cannot be number'd but by a Calepine , much less the interpretation thereof unfolded . The Second said That Dreams are caus'd by the rising of vapours from the Stomack to the Brain , by whose coldness they are condens'd ; and then falling like a gentle dew upon the Nerves , and stopping the passages by which the Animal Spirits issue to the outward senses , the species of objects which we receiv'd awake , and were then confus'd and agitated by heat , settle by little and little , and become as clearly discern'd as when we were awake : Or else , our Imagination , which ( as Aristotle saith ) is like a Painter who makes a mixture of divers colours ) joyning several of those species together , formes chimera's and other strange images which have no antitype in Nature . Just as a Child drawing accidentally certain Letters out of a heap mingled together , joynes them and formes words of them which have no sense . And as dirty or stirred waters doth not represent any Image , or very badly ; so the Imagination being embroil'd and agitated by the gross fumes of the meat which arise after the first sleep , represents ill , or not at all , the images of things which it hath in it self . Hence it is that Drunkards and Children dream little or not at all , and that the Dreams of the first part of the night are turbulent , and those of the morning more tranquil and quiet , to which alone therefore credit is to be given . So that Interpreters of Dreams account the same nearer or farther from their Effect , according as they more or less approach the day-break . The Third said , That Dreams are different according to the different Causes whence they proceed ; which are either within us or without us . That which is within us is either Natural , or Animal , or Moral ; from which arise three different kinds of Dreams . The Natural are usually suitable to the complexion of the Body , and constitution of Humours . Thus the Bilious or Cholerick , dreams of fire and slaughter : The Pituitous , or Flegmatick dreams that he is swimming , fishing , or falling : The Melancholy sees sad and dismal things in his sleep : The Sanguine hath pleasures and jollities in his Phancy . The Animal proceed from our ordinary employments , and cause the actions on thoughts of the day to be represented again to the Imagination in the night . The Moral follow the good or bad inclinations of every one . Thus the Voluptuous person dreams of Delights , and the Ambitious of Honours . The external cause of Dreams is either God or Angels , and these either good or bad ; and they either imprint new species upon the Phancy , or dispose those which are in it before , so as thereby to advertise us of things which concern us . These alone , in my opinion , are those that are to be taken notice of . The Fourth said , That besides these causes of Dreams , there are also some corporeal causes , as the temper of the Air , or the constitution of the Heavens , and the nature of places ; to which is to be refer'd the relation of Ammianus Marcellinus , That the Atlantick people have no Dreams ; as also the common report , that they who lay Lawrel-leaves under their heads when they go to sleep have true Dreams ; together with the Observation of Aristotle , that if a Candle cast the least glimpse before the Eyes of such as are a sleep , or a little noise be made near them , they will dream that they see Lightning and hear Thunder ; it being proper to the Soul when we are a sleep to make an Elephant of a Flie. The Fifth said , That the chief inquiry in this matter , is , How any Dreams can signifie that which is Future , and what connexion there is between the figures which Dreams represent to us , and the thing signifi'd to us by them . For it is certain , in the first place , that Dreams have some affinity and conformity with our Temper ; This with our Manners ; our Manners with our Actions ; and finally , our Actions with the Accidents which betide us . Whence it appears , that according to this series , Dreams have some great correspondence with those Accidents . For the Soul , which knows our Temper , and by necessary sequel our Manners and Actions , beholds in those three together the Accidents of our Life ; which are annex'd , represented , and contained potentially in them , as Fruits and Trees are in Flowers and Seeds . But as Flowers and Seeds are very different in Figure from the Fruits and Trees which they produce ; so the Characters of the Accidents of our Life being contained , or rather produced by our Temper , our Manners and Actions are represented to the Soul under the various species of things which are to befall us ; because being linked by a streight bond to this corporeal mass , it cannot judge before-hand of things to come , nor admonish us thereof but by the representation of certain Images which we have some resemblance and agreement with those Accidents . These Images are different in all Men , according to their several Sympathies and Antipathies , Aversions and Complacencies , or according to the different beliefs which we have taken up by a strong Imagination , or by hear-say , that such or such Figures represented in a Dream signifie such or such things . For in this case , the Soul conjecturing by those impressions which are found in our Temper , is constrain'd to represent the same to us by the Images which our Imagination first admitted and apprehended either as unfortunate , or lucky and of good Augury . But if there be any Dreams which presage to us Accidents purely fortuitous , and wholly remote from our Temper , Manners , and Actions , they depend upon another Cause . The Sixth said , That as during sleep the Animal and inferior part of Man performs its office best , concocting the nourishment more succesfully ; so his superior part being then ( according as Trismegistus saith ) more loose and unlinked from the Body , acts more perfectly then during the time we are awake . For being freed and loosned from the senses and corporeal affections , it hath more particular converse with God and Angels , and receives from all parts intelligence of things in agitation . And , according to Anaxagoras , all things bear the Image one of another ; whence , if there be any effect in Nature which is known in its cause , as a tempest in the Sea , a Murder in the Woods , a Robbery or other accident upon the High-way ; the Power , which is to be the original thereof , sends a Copy and Image of the same into the Soul. The Seventh said , That he as little believ'd that the Species and Images of things come to the Soul , as that the Soul goes forth to seek them during sleep , roving and wandring about the world , as it is reported of the Soul of Hermotimus the Clazomenian . Aristotle indeed saith , that there are some subtile natures which seem to have some pre-science of what is to come ; but I think it surpasseth the reach of the Humane Soul , which being unable to know why a Tree produceth rather such a Fruit then another , can much less know why those species are determin'd , rather to signifie one thing then another . The Eighth said , He could not commend the superstitious curiosity of those who seek the explication of Dreams , since God forbids expresly in the Law to observe them ; and the Wise-man assures us , that they have caus'd many to stumble and fall . And why should the things which we fancy in the right have more signification then if we imagin'd them in the day ? For Example , If one dream in the night that he flyes , is there any more reason to conjecture from thence that he shall arise to greatness , then if the thought of flying had come into his Mind in the day time ; with which in the dayes of our Fathers an Italian had so ill success , having broken his neck by attempting to flie from the top of the Tower De Nesse in this City ; a fair Example not to mount so high . II. Why Men are rather inclin'd to Vice then to Virtue Upon the Second Point , it was said , That our Inclinations tend rather to Vice then to Virtue , because Delight is alwayes concomitant to Vice , as Honesty is to Virtue . Now Delight being more facile , and honesty more laborious , therefore we follow rather the former then the latter . Moreover , the Present hath more power to move our Inclinations , because it is nearer then the Future , which as yet is nothing . Now Delight is accounted as present in a Vicious Action , and the reward of Virtue is look'd upon as a far off and in futurity . Whence Vice bears a greater stroke with us then Virtue . If it be objected that a Virtuous Action hath alwayes its reward inseparable , because Virtue is a Recompence to it self ; I answer , that this is not found true , but by a reflection and ratiocination of the Mind , which hath little correspondence with our gross senses ; and therefore this recompence , which is onely in the Mind , doth not gratifie us so much as the pleasures of the Body , which have a perfect correspondence with our corporeal senses by whom the same are gusted in their full latitude . But why doth Vice seem so agreeable to us , being of its own nature so deformed ? I answer , that it was necessary that it should be accompani'd and sweetned with Pleasure ; otherwise the eschewing of Evil , ond the pursuing of Virtue , would not have been meritorious , because there would have been no difficulty therein . Moreover , Nature hath been forc'd to season the Actions of Life with Pleasure , lest they should become indifferent and neglected by us . Now Vice is onely an Excessive or Exorbitant exercising of the Actions of Life which are agreeable to us ; And Virtues are the Rules and Moderators of the same Actions . But why are not we contented with a Mediocrity of those Actions ? 'T is because Life consists in Action , which is the more such , when it is extended to the whole length and breadth of its activity , and ownes no bounds to restrain its liberty . The Second said , All would be more inclin'd to Virtue then to Vice , were it considerd in it self , there being no Man so deprav'd but desires to be virtuous . The covetous had rather be virtuous and have wealth , then be rich without Virtue . But its difficulty , the companion of all excellent things , is the cause that we decline it . And we judge this difficulty the greater , for that our Passions carry the natural and laudable inclinations of our Soul to Vice , which is much more familiar and facile to them then Virtue . Wherefore Aristotle saith , all Men admit this General Proposition , That Virtue ought to be follow'd ; But they fail altogether in the particulars of it . Besides , Man is able to do nothing without the Ministry of his Senses ; and when , in spight of difficulties , he raises himself to some Virtuous Action , presently the Sensitive Appetite repugnes against it ; and as many inferior Faculties as he hath , they are so many rebellious and mutinous Subjects , who refuse to obey the Command of their Sovereign . This Intestine Warr was brought upon Man as a punishment for his first sin ; ever since which , Reason , which absolutely rul'd over the Sensitive Appetite , hath been counter-check'd and mast'red by it . The Third said , As there are a thousand wayes of straying and erring from the mark , and but one , and that a strait , line to attain it ; so it is possible to exceed or be deficient in Virtue infinite wayes , but there is onely one point to acquire its Mediocrity . The Fourth affirmed , That the way of Vice being more spacious then that of Virtue , yea , Evil ( according to Pythagoras ) infinite , and Good bounded ; it follows that there are infinitely more Vices then Virtues ; and therefore is not to be wondered if there be more vicious persons then virtuous . The Fifth said , We are not to seek the cause of our vicious inclinations other where then within our selves ; it being deriv'd from the structure and composition of our Bodies . For he who hath not what to eat , and wherewith to defend himself from cold , or who fears distress , finds the seeds of theft in his natural inclination of self-preservation . The same Fear makes him become covetous . When any thing obstructs the accomplishing of his wishes , if he be weak , he becomes sad thereupon ; if strong , he falls into Choler . This Passion leads him to revenge , the height of whose violence is Murther . If the enjoyment thereof be free to him , the pleasure which he takes therein produceth Luxury and debaucheries ; and thus 't is with all Vices . On the contrary , poor Virtue meets with nothing in us but opposition : The Stomack , the Intestines , and all the natural parts revolt against Temperance and Continence : The Cholerick Humour fights against Clemency : Covetousness inciteth to Injustice ; the Comparison of our condition with that of our betters , to Ambition and Envy ; with that of our Inferiors , to Pride and Disdain . In brief , Virtue finds nothing in us that makes for her interest , which seems to me the reason why it is less familiar to us then Vice. The Sixth said , No person is either vicious or virtuous of his own nature , but he becomes so by Instruction and Custome . Instruction is so powerful , that it makes even Beasts capable of Discipline . Custome is of such influence , that it is rightly term'd an other nature . Wherefore our being rather vicious then virtuons , is not from any natural inclination . For , on the contrary , we have the seeds and sparks of Virtue within us ; and I almost believe , with Plato , that when Men become vicious , it is by force and against their nature . But the fault proceeds from our bad Education and corrupt Customes , which become yet worse by the conversation of vicious persons , who are very numerous . The Seventh said , Though we consent more easily to Virtue then to Vice , yet the number of the good and virtuous being less then that of the wicked and vicious , hath caus'd the contrary to be believ'd . The reason whereof is not the difficulty of doing well ; but because Vices are esteem'd and rewarded instead of being punish'd , and Virtue instead of Recompence receives nothing but Contempt : So the Exorbitancy of Clothes , instead of being punish'd , causeth him to be honoured who is unworthy to be so . Wherefore if there were a State in which Reward and Punishment were duly dispens'd from the Cradle , it would be a rarer thing to see a wicked man there then a black Swan ; because the good which we love , and the evil which we hate , would be inseparably joyn'd together , the one with Virtue , and the other with Vice. CONFERENCE XXII . I. Of Judiciary Astrology . II. Which is least blameable , Covetousness or Prodigality . I. Of Judiciary Astrology . THe weakness of our reasoning is a strong argument to abate the presumption of our being able to judge of the power of the Stars . For if we are ignorant of the nature of the least Herb we tread upon , we must be more so of that of the Celoestial Bodies which are so remote from us and our knowledge , that the greatest masters of this Art dispute still , whether every Star be a several world , whether they are solid or not , what qualities they have , and which are the true places . Besides , the local motion of Animals may wholly frustrate the effect of their influences . And if Xanthus hindred the Sun from making his head ake when he walk'd abroad , and the Moon doth not chill those that are in the house , certainly the effects of less active and remoter Stars may be declin'd by the same wayes ; since Fire , the most active thing in nature , doth not burn if the hand be mov'd swiftly over it . And what more was to be fear'd by Americus Vesputius , Ferdinand Magellan , and others , who sail'd round the Earth one way , whil'st the Heaven turn'd the other ? Why should we seek in Heaven the Causes of Accidents which befall us , if we find them on Earth ? And why should we look so far for what is so near ? Is it not more fit to refer the cause of Knowledge to study ; of Riches and Honour , to Birth , Merit , or Favour ; of Victory , to the dexterity and diligence of the General , who cast his contrivance well to surprize his Enemy , then to attribute these Events to the Planets ? If experience be alledg'd to manifest the effect of many Predictions ; I answer , ▪ that as the Animal which is said to have made a letter by chance with its Hoof in the dust , was no Scribe for all that ; so though amongst a thousand false predictions , one by chance proves true , yet is not the Art ever the more certain . Yea , I will urge it against themselves ; for it is not credible that we should see so many unfortunate Astrologers , if they could fore-see their own infelicity ; or else they must acknowledge themselves fools ; since they grant that the Wise-man rules over the Stars . The Second said , That every thing here below suffers mutation , and nothing is able to change it self ; whence it follows that that which is the cause of Alteration must it self be exempt from the same . Whence consequently the Heavens which are the sole Body that suffer no change , must be the cause of all mutation . For the Elements are the material cause thereof , and therefore cannot be the Efficient . And as the Stars are the thickest and onely visible part of Heaven , so they have most light and influence , by which ( assisted with their motions ) they communicate their qualities to the Air , the Air to the Bodies which it toucheth , especially to the humours in Man , over which it hath such power , that its diversity diversifyes all the complexions of Man-kind . Now our Humours model our Manners , and these our most particular Actions . They may talk that the Wise-man over-rules the Stars , but Experience shews that the Stars guide the Will , not by compelling it , but by inclining it in such a manner that it cannot resist ; because they subminister to it the means determined to the End whereunto they incline it ; whence it is as hard ( yea , impossible ) for it to draw back , as for a Drunkard to forbear drinking when he is very thirsty and hath the bottle at his command . The Impostures which are affirm'd of the Casters of Nativities , can no more prejudice or disparage Judiciary Astrology , then Mountebanks do Physick . Yea , though the state of Heaven be never twice the same , yet is it not so in the subjects of all other Disciplines . Never were two diseases found altogether alike in Physick ; nor in Law two Cases alike in all their circumstances ; yet the Precepts of thse Sciences are nevertheless true ; because it sufficeth that the principal conditions concur , as it is also sufficient that the same principal aspects and situations of the Stars be found in Heaven , for the making of Rules in Judiciary Astrology . The Third said , Every Effect followeth the Nature of its Cause , and therefore the Actions and Inclinations of the Soul cannot be ascrib'd to a corporeal cause , such as the Stars are ; For if all were govern'd by their influences , we should see nothing but what were good , as being regulated by so good causes . I acknowledge but two virtues in the Heavens , Motion and Light , by which alone , and not by any influences of occult qualities , they produce corporeal effects . Thus ought Aristotle to be understood , when he referreth the cause of the continual Generation of Inferior things , to the diversity of the Motions of the First Moveable and the Zodiack ; And Hippocrates , when he foretelleth the events of Diseases by the several Houses of the Moon . The Fourth said , It is impossible to make an Art of predicting by the Celoestial Motions , for five reasons , besides the dominion which our Will hath over Effects ; without which it were free . 1. The Connexion that is between the Celoestial Bodies and the Sublunary is unknown to Men. 2. The diversity of the Celoestial Motions causeth that the Heaven is never in the same posture as it ought to be , for the making of a sure and certain Art grounded upon many repeated Experiments ; according to which , like Effects are to be referr'd to like Causes . 3. The extreme rapid and violent turning about of the Heavens doth not afford to find the precise minute of a Nativity , for drawing the Theme or Figure of the true state of Heaven , which they say is necessary . 4. As of sixteen Consonants joyn'd with five Vowels are made words without number ; so of a thousand and twenty two Stars and more , with seven Planets , may be made Conjunctions and Combinations to infinity , which surpass the comprehension of humane wit ; there being no Art of things infinite . 5. Two persons , or more , born at the same time under the same Elevation of the Pole , and disposition of the Heavens ; ( as they speak ) yea , two Twins , as Jacob and Esau , are found oftentimes different in visage , complexion , inclination , condition , and end . But is it probable that a hundred Pioneers stifled in the same Mine , or ten thousand Men dying at the same battle have one and the same influence ? The Fifth said , God having from all eternlty numbred the hairs of our Heads , that is to say , foreseen even the least Accidents which ought or may befall Men , he hath establish'd an order for them in the Heavens , disposing the course , aspects , and various influences of the Stars , to draw out of Nothing those accidents at the time that they are to happen to Men , whom they incline to meet the same ; yet so as to leave it in the power of their Free-will to avoid or expose themselves unto them without any constraint . This truth is sufficiently confirm'd by the exact and admirable correspondence which is found between the most signal accidents of our lives , and the hour of our Nativities ; so that Astrologers not onely conjecture by the time of the Nativity what is to come to pass , but they also come to the knowledge of the true minute of the Nativity , by the time at which accidents arrive , and take this course to correct Horoscopes , and Figures ill drawn . And although long Experience may attest the certainty of this Art , yet I confess , since the faculties and qualities of the Stars are not perfectly known to us , and we cannot alwayes precisely know the disposition of Heaven ▪ much less all the combinations of the Stars ; Astrology , in respect of us , is very uncertain and difficult , but not therefore the less true and admirable in it self . It is like a great Book printed in Hebrew Letters without points , which is cast aside and sleighted by the ignorant , and admir'd by the more intelligent . So the Heavens being enamel'd by Gods Hand with Stars and Planets as with bright Characters , which by their Combinations figure the various accidents which are to befall Men , are never consider'd by the ignorant , to dive into their Mysteries , but onely by the Learned ; who themselves many times commit mistakes when they go about to read them , because those shining Characters have no other Vowels , or rather no other voice , but that of God , who is the true Intelligence thereof . The Sixth said , Three sorts of persons err touching the credit which is to be given to Astrological Predictions . Some believe them not at all , others believe them too little , and others too much . As for the first , since they cannot deny that the Stars are universal causes of sublunary effects ; that such causes are of different natures and virtues , and that their action and virtue is dispens'd by the motion which is successive and known ; they must of necessity confess , that knowing the disposition of sublunary subjects , the nature of the Stars , and their motion , many natural effects may be fore-seen and fore-told from them . The Devil himself knows no future things certainly , but by foreseeing the effects of particular causes in their universal causes , which are the Stars . They who believe too little confess that the Stars act upon the Elements and mixt Bodies ; for very Peasants know thus much , besides many particular effects of the Moon . But as for Man , whose Soul of it self is not dependent upon any natural cause , but free , and Mistress of its own actions , they cannot , or for Religion's sake , dare not affirm that it is subject to Coelestial Influences , at least , in reference to manners . Yet it is no greater absurdity to say , that the Soul is subject to the Stars , then to say with Aristotle and Galen , that it is subject to the Temperament of the Body , which also is caus'd by the Starrs ; from the influence and action whereof the Soul cannot exempt its Body , nor the Temperament thereof by which she acts . Lastly , they who give too much credit to the Stars hold that all things are guided by a fatal and irrevocable order of Nature ; contrary to Reason , which admits the Author to be the Master of his own work ; and to Experience , which assures us of the standing still of the Sun for Joshuah , of his going backward for Hezechiah , and of his Eclipse at full Moon during the Passion . The Fourth Opinion is certain , that there is truth in Astrological Predictions ; but it behoveth to believe them onely in a due measure , since the Science of it self is but conjectural . II. Whether is less blameable , Avarice or Prodigality . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Avarice is less blameable then Prodigality . For the latter is more fertile in bad actions then the former , which though otherwise vicious , yet refrains from the pleasures and debaucheries in which the Prodigal usually swims . The Holy Scripture intending to set forth an example of Infinite Mercy , relates that of the Prodigal Son , who obtain'd pardon of the sin which is least worthy of it . Moreover , Prodigality doth far less good then Covetousness , for this always looks at its own profit , and takes care for its own benefit , and the preservation of its dependents ; so that it exerciseth at least the first fundamental of Charity , which is , to do well to those who are nearest us . On the contrary , Prodigality ruines and perverts the Laws of Nature , leading a Man to the destruction of his relatives , and the undoing of himself ; like Saturn and Time , it devours its own issue , and consumes it self , to the damage of the Common-wealth , whose interest it is that every Man use well what belongs to him . Therefore all Laws have enacted penalties against Prodigals , depriving them of the administration of their own Estates ; and the most Sacred Edicts of our Kings aim at the correcting of the Luxury of Prodigality . But never were any Laws , Punishments , or inflictions ordained against Covetousness , because Prodigality causeth the down-fall and destruction of the most Illustrious Houses ; which cannot be attributed to Covetousness , for this seemes rather to have built them . The Second said , That , according to Aristotle , amongst all the virtuous , none wins more Love then the Liberal , because there is alwayes something to be gotten by him ; as amongst all the vicious none is more hated and shun'd by all the world then the covetous , who doth not onely not give any thing , but draws to himself the most he can from every one and from the publick , in which he accounts himself so little concern'd , that he considers it no farther then how he may make his profit of it . He is so loath to part with his treasures when he dyes , that he would gladly be his own Heir ( as Hermocrates appointed himself by his Testament ) or else he would swallow down his Crowns ( as that other Miser did , whom Athenaeus mentions . ) But the Prodigal ( free from that self-interest , which causes so great troubles in the world ) gives all to the publick , and keeps nothing for himself . Whence , according to Aristotle , the Prodigal is not so remote from Virtue as the Covetous , it being easier to make the former Liberal then the latter . The Third said , These two Vices are equally oppos'd to Liberality , and consequently one as distant from it as the other . For as the Covetous is Vicious in that he receives too much and gives nothing ; so is the Prodigal in that he gives too much and receives nothing at all , or receives onely to give . But Covetousness hath this priviledge , that it finds a Virtue from which it is very little distant , namely , Frugality , or Parsimony , to which Prodigality is diametrically oppos'd . Nor is it of little advantage to it , that it is ordinarily found in Old Men , whom we account wiser then others ; for having learn't by the experience of many years , that all friends have fail'd them in time of need , and that their surest refuge hath been their own Purse ; they do not willingly part with what they have taken pains to gather together , which is another reason in favour of Covetousness . For Virtue and Difficulty seem in a manner reciprocal . But Prodigality is very easie and usual to foolish Youth , which , thinking never to find the bottome of the barrel , draws forth incessantly , and gives so freely , that being over-taken with necessity , it is constraind to have recourse to Covetousness , which sets it upon its leggs again . Nor ever was there a Father that counsel'd his Son to be prodigal , but rather to be thrifty and close-handed . And yet the Gospel and Experience shew , that Fathers give and advise what is most expedient to their Children . The Fourth said , As Rashness is much less blameable then Cowardice , so is Prodigality then Avarice . For the Prodigal holding it ignominious to receive , and glorious alwayes to give , likes rather to deprive and devest himself of his goods , then to deny any one whatsoever . On the other side , the Covetous doth nothing but receive on all hands ; and never gives any thing but with hope to receive more . Now it is much more noble to give then to receive ; for Giving supposes Having . The Prodigal knowing well that goods and riches are given by God , onely to serve for necessary instruments to the living more commodiously , and that they are not riches if they be not made use of , employes them , and accommodates himself and others therewith ; but the Covetous doth not so much as make use of them for himself , and so destroyes their end . The Fifth said , If the Question did not oblige us to compare these two Vices together , I should follow Demosthenes's sentence which he gave in the quarrel of two Thieves that accus'd one another , which was , that the one should be banish'd Athens , and the other should run after him . I should no less drive out of a well-policy'd State the Covetous and the Prodigal . The first is Aesop's Dogg , who keeps the Ox from eating the hay , whereof himself tasts not ; like the Bears who hinder Men from approaching Mines of Gold , and yet make no use thereof . The other is like those Fruit-trees which grow in Precipices , of which onely Crows and Birds of prey eat the Fruit ; vicious persons alone ordinarily get benefit by them . But yet this latter Vice seemes to me more pernicious then the other . For whether you consider them in particular , The Covetous raises an Estate which many times serves to educate and support better Men then himself : But Prodigality is the certain ruine of their Fortunes who are addicted to it , and carries them further to all other Vices , to which Necessity serves more truly for a cause then reasonably for an excuse ; or whether you consider them in general , 't is the most ordinary overthrow of States . And possibly he that should seek the true cause of publick Inconveniences , would sooner find it in Luxury and Prodigality , then in any thing else . Therefore Solons's Law declar'd Prodigals infamous , and gave power to their Creditors to dis-member them and cut them in pieces . Our Ordinances , in imitation of the Roman Law , which ranks them under the predicament of Mad-men , forbids and deprives them of the administration of their own goods , as not knowing how to use them . The Sixth said , Avarice is like those Gulfes that swallow up Ships , and never disgorge them again ; and Prodigality like a Rock that causes shipwracks , the ruines whereof are cast upon the coasts of Barbarians ; and therefore both of them ought to be banish'd , and I have no Vote for either . Yet Prodigality seemes to me more fair , and Covetousness more severe . CONFERENCE XXIII . I. Of Physiognomy . II. Of Artificial Memory . I. Of Physiognomy . THeophrastus accusing Nature for not having made a window to the Heart , perhaps meant ; to the Soul. For though the Heart were seen naked , yet would not the intentions be visible ; they reside in another apartment . The Countenance , and amongst its other parts , the Eye seemes to be the most faithfull messenger thereof . It doth not onely intimate sickness and health , it shews also hatred and love , anger and fear , joy and sadness . In short , 't is the true mirror of the Body and the Soul , unless when the Visage puts on the mask of Hypocrisie , against which we read indeed some experiences ; as when Vlysses discover'd the dissimulation of Achilles , disguis'd in the dress of a Damsel , by the gracefullness wherewith he saw him wield a sword ; but there are no rules or maximes against it , and never less then in this Age of counterseits ; in which he that is not deceiv'd , well deserves the name of Master . For security from it , some ingenious persons have invented Rules whereby the inclinations of every one may be discern'd ; as Masons applying the Rule , Square , and Level upon a stone , judge whether it incline more to one side then the other . For you see there are many different species of Animals , every one whereof is again subdivided into many others , as is observ'd in Doggs and Horses ; but there are more different sorts of Men. Whence the Philosophers of old took up the opinion of Metempsychoses , or Transanimations , imagining there could not but be ( for example ) the Soul of a Fox in those whom they found very crafty ; and that the Soul which delighted to plunge it self in filthiness and impurity must needs have been heretofore in the Body of a swine . And though the outward shape of Man puts a vail upon all those differences , yet they are visible through the same to those who have a good sight ; as we may distinguish Ladies through the Cypress with which they vail themselves at this day , it we take good heed , otherwise we may be mistaken . We must therefore inquire , here , whether through the external figure common to all Men , what every one hath peculiar be not the sign of his inclinations ; either as the Effect , or as the Cause of the same : As redness of the Cheeks is usually an argument of the disposition of the Lungs . Nor is it material to know why it is a sign , it sufficeth to me to know that it is so . To which the variety of Bodies , and especially of Faces , affords great probability , because Nature hath made nothing in vain ; and why this variety , unless to serve for a sign , since it serves to distinguish them ? The Second said , Physiognomy is the knowledge of the inside by the outside , that is , of the affections and inclinations of the Mind by external and sensible signes , as colour and Figure . It is grounded upon the correspondence of the Soul with the Body , which is such that they manifestly participate the affections one of the other . If the Body be sick , the Soul is alter'd in its operations , as we see in high Fevers . On the contrary , let the Soul be sad or joyful , the Body is so too . Therefore the Sophisters of old purg'd themselves with Hellebor when they would dispute best . For though in its essence the Soul depends not on the corporeal Organs , yet it depends upon the same in its operations , which are different according to the divers structure of the Organs ; which , if they were alike dispos'd , their actions would be alike in all , and at all times . Whence , ( saith Aristotle ) an old man would see as clear as a young man , if he had the Eyes of a young man. The Third said , To make a certain judgement upon external signes , heed must be taken that they be natural . For 't is possible for one of a Sanguine Constitution to have a pale and whitish colour , either through fear , sickness , study , or some other accident . The Phlegmatick when he hath drunk to excess , been at a good fire , is in anger , or asham'd of something , will have a red Face . And yet he that should argue from these signes would be mistaken . The Fourth said , Since Physiognomists grant that their Rules are not to be apply'd but to Men void of all Passions , which so change the Body that it seemes another from it self ; I conceive , this Art is altogether impossible . For I would know in what moment we are to be taken without Sadness , Joy , Hatred , Love , Anger ; in short , without any of those Passions so inseparable from our Life , that Xanthus found no better way to be reveng'd on Aesop , then to ask him for a Man that car'd for nothing ; such as he would be that should have no Passions . What then will become of the goodly Rules of Physiognomy , after that Education of Youth hath corrected perverse inclinations , that Philosophy hath given the lie to the Physiognomists of this Age , as it did heretofore to Zopyrus , when he pronounc'd his opinion upon Socrates ; or that Piety , as is seen in so many holy personages , hath reform'd the Will , evil habits , and Nature it self ? The Fifth said , As there is nothing more wonderful then to judge of a Man's manners at the first sight , so there is nothing more difficult . It is endeavour'd four wayes . First , By the structure of each part of the Body . So the great Head and square Fore-head , denote Prudence and good judgement ; the small Head shews that there is little brain , and narrow room for the exercise of the internal senses ; the sharp Head denotes impudence . The Second way , is , by the Temperament . So the ruddy countenance , yellow hair , and other signes of the Sanguine Humour , shew an indifferent Spirit , pleasant , and inclin'd to Love. A pale complexion , fat Body , clear voice , slow gate , which are the characters of Phlegme , denote cowardice and sloth . Soft and tender flesh is a token of subtlety of the Senses , and consequently of the wit ; hard flesh , of dulness . Whence Man , the wisest of all Animals , hath a more delicate flesh then any of them . The Third way , is , by comparing the external signes of every one with those which are observ'd in Men when they are in Passion . So because he that is in Choler hath sparkling Eyes , hoarse voice , and the jugular veins turgid ; we conclude that he who hath all these signes naturally , is naturally inclin'd to that Passion . But as for the Fourth and last , which is , by comparing Man with other Animals , heed must be taken how we credit such a sign alone . For as a single letter doth not make a discourse , so an external similitude alone with an Animal doth not infer the resemblance of our Nature to that of that Animal . There must be a concurrence of many of these signes together . As if I see a Man with a neck moderately fleshy , a large breast , and the other parts in proportion , as the Lyon hath ; harsh hair , as the Bear ; a strong sight , as the Eagle ; I shall conclude that this Man is strong and courageous . The Sixth said , That the reason why Physiognomists choose irrational creatures , to signifie the inclinations and manners of Men rather then Men themselves , is , because Man is a variable Animal , and most commonly useth dissimulation in his actions ; Whereas Animals , void of Reason , less conceal from us the inclinations of their Nature , by which they permit themselves to be guided . So we see the same person will sometimes do an act of Courage , sometime another of Cowardice ; sometimes he will be merciful , at another time cruel . But other Animals are uniform in all their actions . The Lyon is alwayes generous , the Hare ever cowardly ; the Tyger , cruel ; the Fox , crafty ; the Sheep , harmless . So that a certain judgement may be pass'd upon these , but not upon Men. The Seventh said , That as the accidents superven'd to our Bodies after our Birth afford no certain judgement , but onely the signes which we bring from our Mothers Womb ; so the natural inclinations and habits may be well judg'd of by exact inspection into the constitution on which they depend ; but not those which are acquisitious , whereof no certain judgement is to be had . Yet this inspection of the Temperament is very uncertain too , by reason it is extremely difficult to understand the constitution of every one ; so that Galen confesses , that after fifty years study in Physick , he could not attain a perfect knowledge thereof . The Eighth said , It is a groundless thing to make our manners depend upon the colour which the Excrementitious Humours produce in the skin ; much less do they depend upon the shape of the Muscles , which alters when a Man grows fat or lean , and followes the conformation of the Bones ; and yet less upon the Lineaments , which have nothing to do with our internal disposition ; what ever Experiences Spigelius alledgeth , of having observ'd in his dissections , that all those who were executed for Crimes prepens'd long before , had the two lines which are upon the uppermost part of the Nose , crossing one the other when they knit their brows . II. Of Artificial Memory . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the Art of Memory invented ( as 't is reported ) by Simonides , is a company of Rules , by help of which the species of things dispos'd in the treasure of the Memory are reviv'd . And the action of this Faculty consisting in a certain temper of the Brain , which may be preserv'd and amended by the right use of external things ; they deny the sensible effects of Physick , who question , whether the Memory may be perfected , and consequently , whether there may be an Art of it . Raymond Lullie hath compriz'd his in a Categorical or mystical Order ; Rombertio , in his memorable Reductions ; Gesualdo the Neapolitan , in certain Characters ; all , in Places , Images , and Order . First for Places , as in passing near a place , it puts you in mind of what you have seen or done there ; so taking a certain place so well known to you that it cannot escape you , as your lodging , or the four walls of your Chamber ; it will faithfully return to you the things that you shall consigne to it . Secondly , for Images ; as it is impossible but I must remember my friend when I see his picture ; so when I look upon certain Images which shall signifie to me the things whereof I am to treat , ( with which consequently they must have correspondence ) I easily remember those things . These Images must either be without us , as Statues or Hangings of Tapistry are to a Preacher ; or else within us , and so effectual and known that they alwayes come into our Minds , as the red and pimpled Face of a known person doth , to signifie Choler and Drunkenness ; a pale face , for fear ; and so of the other points of the discourse . Thirdly , for Order , it is by consent of all term'd the parent and guardian of Memory . The Second said , That to question the benefit of the Art of Memory , which makes Rules for the same , is , to be an Enemy to Order . And because we cannot judge better of one contrary then by the other ; the good thereof is best apprehended by considering the evils which arise from confusion . For as we know nothing but what we have in our Memory , whence the words of knowing and being mindful are very fitly taken by the vulgar for the same thing : So as Man may have abundance of motions , yet if he know not how to use them in a ●itting occasion , or if his knowledge be confus'd , he deserves rather the name of a shufler then of a knowing man ; and this for want of the Order which the Art of Memory teacheth us . For all things have some connexion among themselves , either Natural or Artificial . The former is found in Tree of Substance and Accidents . Plants have their rank , Animals theirs ; and amongst Men , Time , Place , Dignity , and some circumstances supply the like to them . As Cyrus was before Alexander , he before Caesar ; and again , he before Cicero in dignity , and Cicero before Roscius . But the Memory is chiefly troubled to retain the artificial connexion of things and words , assign'd to them by our own disposal , especially when the same is remote from the natural . 'T is here that the wonders of this Art are particularly discover'd ; by help whereof Seneca , in his Declamations , glories that he learnt the names of two thousand persons , and repeated them in the same order wherein they were pronounc'd to him . Cardan confesses that he ow'd all he knew to this Art. And Cardinal Perron knew how to use it so well before Henry III. that he caus'd himself to be taken for the Author of an Heroick Poem , which he repeated , word for word , after hearing it once read . The Third said , That seeing Memory hath oftentimes fail'd great personages at need , as Demosthenes before Philip , Budaeus before Charles V. and many others ; it is as profitable to strengthen it , as the Rules are difficult which conduce thereunto . Some phancy to themselves five chambers , in each corner whereof , they place a Man of their acquaintance , and in their Minds apply to his Head the first word or thing which they would remember ; upon his right arm , the second ; the third , upon his left arm ; the fourth , upon the right foot ; and the fifth , upon the left ; ( the number five seeming to them the most easie for Multiplication ) If the thing be not corporeal , they conceive it under some species representing the sound of the word ; or else of two they make one , or divide it ; proceeding thus from corner to corner , and from chamber to chamber , and adding five more to the former , if need require . Others compose a word of the first letters or syllables of the names which they would repeat ; as if I would speak first of Augustus , then of the Emperours Rodolphus , Matthias , Valentinian , and lastly , of Solon ; I take the word Armus , in which I find their first letters , which guide me to the rest . The same they do at the beginning of periods , which some others make to begin where the preceding end . The Fourth said , Memory is an Internal Sense , which ( as the other two , Phancy and Common Sense ) depends onely upon Nature . And as the fabulous Salmoneus was struck with Lightning for having imitated Lightning ; so they who go about to alter by their artifice this Divine Workmanship , find themselves rewarded with the utter loss of their natural Memory . Moreover , the softness of the Brain is the cause of a good Memory , and the hardness thereof of its weakness ; whence Children have better Memories then grown persons . Now we cannot change the consistence of the Brain , and they who have us'd Balm-water and other remedies for that purpose , have found that they more weakned their Judgements then strengthened their Memories . From whence ariseth another reason to shew that those two Faculties being for the most part equally balanc'd , it is no easier for him that hath a bad Memory to make it better , then to procure a good Judgement in him which wants it . The Fifth saith , He conceiv'd it no less difficult to remember the Places , Images , and odd precepts of this Art , and apply them to the subject , then to learn by heart at first the things themselves , or their words ; which also when learnt by this Art are soon lost , as being found upon chimeraes , of which the Mind cannot alwayes so thorowly clear it self but there will be left some Idea thereof ; more apt to trouble the Memory then to assist it alwayes . However , I had rather learn a little , labouronsly , with the profit and impression ordinarily accompanying my pains , then feed upon those vain pictures . Wherefore I am prone to think , that either there is no Art of Memory , or else that it is unprofitable or mischievous , and as such to be rejected by all the world . The Sixth said , Since where ever there is defect , there is need of some Art to correct the same , and remove from the Faculties the obstacles which they meet with in the exercise of their Offices ; why should Memory alone be destitute of this succour ? Considering it hath wayes so various , that not onely words which signifie something , but those which signifie nothing are of use to the Memory . Therefore Aristotle saith , He who would remember must make barbarismes . And to six a name or word in the Mind , a Man will utter many which come near it . But as this Art is not to be despis'd , so neither is it alwayes to be made use of , much less in things which have some order of themselves ; as , Anatomy , Geography , Chronology , and History ; or in which a good natural Memory can contrive any . They who have this Faculty vigorous from their birth , or made it such by exercise , wrong themselves in employing the precepts of this Art for that purpose ; as a Man of five and twenty years old should do if he made use of spectacles ; having no need thereof . But it is onely fit for those who having a weak Memory would remember many barbarous names or some coats and numbers , the variety whereof many times breeds confusion ; for the recollecting of which , this Art teaches to remember certain shapes , figures , or species , sometimes the most uncouth that can be excogitated , to the end the Phancy may be more effectually moved by the same . CONFERENCE XXIV . I. Which of the Five Senses is the most noble . II. Of Laughter . I. Which of the five Senses is the most Noble . AS he who hath the present sense of any Disease , accounts that the greatest ; so they who exercise some one of their Senses more then the rest , who get profit by it , or are delighted in it , willingly award the preceedence to the same . Take the judgement of a Perfumer , he values nothing but Odors and the smell , which judgeth thereof . He will tell you , that if we had the perfect knowledge of Aromatical Compositions , they would ravish all our Senses ; that Perfume must needs have something Divine in it , because God so lov'd it , that he particularly reserv'd it to himself , and forbad all others to use a certain Composition , under pain of death . The same is also argu'd from the offence we take at the evil scent of any stinking thing , that so the very name of it passing onely through our ears displeases us in such sort , as to disparage the truth of the Proverb , that Words do not stink ; as , on the contrary , the name alone of the Rose , Violet and Jasmin , seemes to recreate the smelling by the Ear. Poets and Lovers will be for the Eyes and the Touch. They who understand Opticks will hold that 't is the seeing which affordeth the greatest wonders ; Whence Comical Representations move so powerfully , and Sight hath more influence upon us then Hear-say . If you will take the judgement of Musitians , the Hearing shall carry the Bell from the other senses ; and this Position is back'd with the experience of Melody , Perswasion , and the Art of Oratory ; which caus'd Antiquity to feign two sorts of Hercules , the one who subdu'd monsters with the blows of his club , and the other who captivated his Auditors with chains of Gold , reaching from his Tongue to their Ears . Philoxenus , who wish'd a Crane's neck , and they who live onely to drink and eat , ( whereas we drink and eat to live ) will give the preheminence to the Taste . Wherefore , in my Opinion , this Question is hard to be decided , because it requires impartial Judges , whose number is very small . The Second said , That for the right judging of the Cause , all parties ought to be heard . As for the Sight , the fabrick of its Organ , so artificially compos'd of Humours and Tunicles , and guarded with Eye-lids and Brows , as so many ramparts for its preservation , sufficiently plead its excellence . But that , of the six Couple of Nerves , ( for so many onely there are ) in the Brain , the first and the second are peculiarly destinated to the Eyes ; this shews how highly Nature tenders them above all other parts . Moreover , Vision is perform'd in an Instant , and makes present to us those things which are as remote from us , as Heaven is from Earth , and this by spiritual qualities ; ( for the Actions of Bodies are not expedited but in Time ) this is an other argument of its Excellence . Further , since nothing is more goodly then Light , it seemes to follow that nothing is more excellent then the Sight , whose Object it is . Whence some Philosophers conceiv'd the Soul to have chosen the Eyes for its Mansion . Next then for Hearing ; this Sense seemes to feed the Soul , or rather to give it birth . For if the Soul be consider'd naturally , its food and life is to understand , reason , and discourse ; to which purposes the Hearing alone is serviceable , being for this cause term'd the Sense of Discipline . If the Soul be consider'd as it enjoyes a life more noble then the natural , namely , that of Grace ; the Sense of Hearing seemes the Author of this Life . For , the Just lives by Faith , saith the Holy Scripture . Now this Faith comes from Hearing , as the Apostle testifies , and not from Seeing ; For it is the evidence of things not seen ; and where we see , there is no longer Faith. As for the Smelling ; indeed good Odors recreate the Brain , repair the Animal Spirits , purifie and fit them to assist the Soul when it exerciseth its most noble operations ; but the weak Title of this Sense seemes to need a better Advocate then all the rest . The Senses of Tasting and Touching remain , but both in the same degree , because one proceeds from the other ; Gustation being a sort of Contact . In considering of these two Senses , me-thinks , I hear them complain of the ingratitude of Men for placing them in the lowest form , notwithstanding their great service in the birth of Mankind , by Generation , which is a kind of Touching , and in the subsequent preservation thereof incessantly by the Sense of Tasting . And yet since all the commendation of an Instrument is to be measur'd by its end and benefit , ( as the praise of a Knife is to cut well ) therefore of the Senses , which are the Instruments of the Body and the Soul , the most beneficial ( as the Touch and Taste are ) must be the most noble : For they are absolutely necessary to our Being , but the other three onely to our Well-being , and that we may live more pleasantly . Moreover , Nature hath so highly esteemed the Sense of Touching and its actions , that she hath found none of them bad or useless , as there is in the other Senses . Pain it self , which seemes the chief Enemy of it , is so necessary , that without the same , Animals ( as Aristotle testifies ) would perish like Plants ; for it is like a Sentinel , taking heed that no mischief befall them . The Third stood up for the Hearing . Sounds ( said he ) are of that efficacy and power , that amongst the Objects of the Senses , they alone make the Soul take as many different postures as themselves are various . The sound of the Trumpet , or a warlike Song , animates and puts us into fury ; change the Tune , and you make the weapons fall out of the hands of the most outragious . Devotion is enkindled by it , Mirth increas'd ; briefly , nothing is impossible to it . It s action is so noble , that by it we receive the notices of all things ; in which regard the Ear is particularly dedicated to the Memory : Hence also speech is more efficacious , and makes greater impression upon the Mind , then converse onely with dumb Masters , or the contemplation of things by help of the Sight . And the structure of its Organ , both internal and external , contriv'd with so many Labyrinths , a Drumb , a Stirrup , an Anvil , a Hammer , Membranes , Arteries , and Nerves , and so many other parts fortifi'd with strong battlements of Bones , is a sufficient evidence of its nobleness . The Fourth fell into commendation of the Eyes , which are the windows at which the Soul most manifestly shews her self , and is made most to admire her Creator ; but he added , that many times they serve for an in-let , at which the Devil steals the Soul ; which a great person complains that he lost by his Eyes . I should therefore attribute ( said he ) the preeminence to the Touch , as more exquisite in Man then in any Animal , and consequently most noble , because found in the most noble substance . For 't is probable Nature gave Man , by way of preeminence , the most noble Faculties not onely in the Soul , but also in the Body . Now other Animals excell us in the other Senses ; the Dog , in Smelling ; the Ape , in Tasting ; the Hart , in Hearing ; and the Eagle , in Seeing . The Fifth argu'd , in favour of Hearing , alledging that a Man may attain Knowledge without Sight ; and that upon observation , Blind people have better Memories and Judgements then others , because their Souls being less taken up with external actions , become more vigorous in internal operations , for that their Spirits are less dissipated . Upon which consideration , a certain Philosopher thought fit to pull out his own Eyes , that so he might be more free for contemplation , and the study of Wisedom . But without the Hearing , it is impossible to have the least degree of Knowledge in the world , not even so much as that of talking familiarly to little Children . For one deaf by Nature is likewise dumb , and by consequence altogether useless to humane society ; yea , if we take Aristotle's word for it , he is less then Man. For Man ( saith he ) deserves not that name but inasmuch as he is sociable ; and such he is not , if he be unable to express his conceptions , which cannot be done without speech . Of which speech the Hearing being the cause , the same is also the cause that he is capable of the denomination of Man. And being thereby differenced from Brutes , it follows that it is the most noble piece of his accoutrements . The Sixth said , If Nobility be taken for Antiquity , the Touch will be the noblest of the Senses ; because it appears the first and the last in an Animal . Moreover , it is design'd for the noblest End , to wit , Propagation , by which the individual makes it self eternal ; and which is more , it comprehends under it the Taste , the Hearing and the Smelling : For we cannot Taste , Hear , or Smell , unless the species actually touch the Tongue , the Drum of the Ear , and the Mammillary Processes . Add hereunto , that Utility being the Note of Excellency , as is seen in State Policy , and the Art Military , the Touch must be the most excellent ; since it serves for Eyes not onely to the Blind who guide themselves by groping , but also to some Animals , as Snails , Moles , and also all Insects , who make use of their hornes and feet as dextrously as others of their Eyes . II. Of Laughter . Upon the Second Point it was said , We here wanted some Priests of that God of Laughter , to whom , as Apulieus ( in his Golden Ass ) relates , the Inhabitants of the City of Hypate celebrated yearly a Feast , at which himself was made a Victim . There are few but have read what Laughter he caus'd , when defending himself against the charge of Murther he found that the three Men whom he thought he had slain were three leathern bottles ; and for his reward he receiv'd this promise , That all should succeed to his advantage . Indeed Fortune seems to favour Laughers ; whereas here accusers and male-contents readily find new causes of dissatisfaction and complaint . Whence possibly arose the Proverb , which saith , That when things go well with a Man , He hath the Laughers on his side . This Goddess Fortune seems to be of the Humour of Women , ( in whose shape she is pourtray'd ) who rather love merry persons then severe . Yea , generally , all prefer a jolly Humour , and a smilling Face , before the solemness and wrinkled brow of the Melancholy ; which you may daily observe from Children , who avoid the latter , and readily run to the former , as it were by instinct of Nature . The Latin Distick saith , That the Spleen causeth Laughter ; possibly because it serves for the receptacle of Melancholy which hinders it ; just as white Wine , having more lee or sediment at the bottome then Claret , retaineth less thereof in its substance , and is consequently more diuretical . The second said , That the first rise of laughter is in the Phancy , which figuring to it selfsome species not well according together , represents a disproportion to the Intellect , not wholly disagreeable , for then it would displease , but absurd , new , and unordinary . Then the Judgement coming to conjoyn those disproportionate species , makes a compound thereof ; which not agreeing with what was expected from them , the Judgement cannot wholly approve of the same by reason of the disproportion , nor yet wholly reject it , by reason of something which pleases it within . From this contest ariseth a sally of the Faculty , which during this contrariety , causeth contraction of the Nerves . Which if it be but small , it produceth onely smiling ; but if it be violent , then by the confluence of the Spirits it causeth loud laughter . Now that Laughter is seated in the Imagination appears hence , that if we have heard or seen some ridiculous thing , we many times laugh at it , though the Object be not present . 'T is also Disproportion that makes us laugh , for we do not so when we behold a great Beauty ; but we do so when we look upon some odd ill-contriv'd countenance , or when we find little sutableness between the Objects which are represented to us ; as an Old-man making Love , a huge Hat upon a small Head , one intending to make a graceful Reverence , or cut a fine caper and falling all along ; in brief , every thing that is said or done incongruously besides our expectation ; especially if no other more violent Passion interpose , as Fear , Respect , and Pity , which suppress Laughter . We laugh at a Man that falls down , but should he break his neck with the fall , our Laughter would give place to Compassion . In fine , it appears that there is made a retraction of the Nerves during Laughter ; for we see a Convulsion causeth the same motion of the Muscles of the Face that Laughter doth ; whence cometh that malady which is called Risus Sardonicus , in which , by the retraction of the Nerves towards their Original , the Patient seemes to laugh as he dyes . The Third said , He knew not whether of the two had most reason , Democritus the Laugher , or Heraclitus the Weeper . For though the Faculty of Laughing be peculiar to Man , and inseparable from Reason , yet immoderate Laughter is as unacceptable as continual Tears . And whereas we read in the Holy Scripture that our Lord sometimes wept , but not that he ever laught ; this may be resolv'd , That nothing was new to him : The same being recorded of Heathens , so stay'd and reserv'd that they were never seen to laugh ; as Crassus , Cato the Censor , Phocion , and some others . There is more difficulty in stating the Cause of Laughter . Aristotle attributes it to the Diaphragme which is dilated by heat . But seeing we laugh less in a Fever when the Diaphragme is most heated , it is certain , either that every heat of the Diaphragme doth not produce this effect , or some other cause must be joyned with it . Which I conceive to be an impression made in our Senses , and by them in our Phancy , of some agreeable , unusual , and un-foreseen Object , when the same slips into it unawares . Which Object , exciting Joy in us by the Dilatation of the Spirits , which is made first in the Arteries of the Brain , and thereby insinuated into these of the Heart which opens to that Joy ; those dilated Spirits swell the Blood in the Veins which accompanies them ; so that not being containable in their own place , the Veins and Arteries swell till they make a reflux in the Brain , Diaphragme , Lungs , Face , and all the parts of the Body , where they cause the concussion and agitation observ'd in excessive Laughter , and sometimes Tears , by the compression of the Brain ; whilst it is not possible for any to check the eruption , what ever respect be presented to them ; yea , sometimes the Spirits are so rarifi'd that they evaporate , whence follows sudden death ; as it befell Chrysippus of old , who seeing an Ass eat figgs at the end of his table , fell into so vehement Laughter that he dy'd immediately . The Fourth said , Laughter is a motion of the Body which follows that of the Soul. Its Object is a sudden Joy surprizing us , as a pleasant word after a serious discourse . The scorn we make of any one causeth Laughter likewise ; because Contempt is a kind of Anger made up of Pleasure and Grief . When the Pleasure happens to be greater then the Grief , ( as it happens when our Enemy is so weak that we can be reveng'd on him when we list ) this contentment causeth us to laugh . And hence it is that Sleighting is more offensive then Hatred alone . Joubertus thinks , Laughter is excited when Pleasure expands the Heart , which by that dilatation gives motion to the Diaphragme , and this consequently draws the Muscles of the Lipps . Aristotle saith , that by tickling a motion is caused in the Spirits , which go and come to the place where the Man feels the Pleasure ; which Spirits passing and repassing light upon the Nerves , who being too sensible and sollicited by the continual motion and agitation thereof , endeavour to drive the same away ; and to that purpose contract themselves , and draw unto themselves the parts into which they are inserted . Hence , in a great Laughter , a Man is forc'd to compress himself , and the sides ake with much laughing , by reason of the tension of the Muscles and Nerves , which are most agitated in that place . Wherefore , in my judgement , Laughter is caus'd in this sort . The sudden Pleasure or Titillation excites a motion of the Spirits , which being very subtile are easily carry'd up to the Head ; there their agitation and motion importunes the Nerves and the Brain , so that in the midst of this Pleasure there is caus'd a kind of Convulsive Motion . And for that this agitation is chiefly inward , therefore the internal parts first feel the effects of that gentle Convulsion : the Diaphragme being more pliant , and receiving more Nerves of the sixth Conjugation , is agitated the most vehemently . In profuse Laughter the Nerves of the whole Body sympathize with this disposition of the Brain , their Common Original ; which being importun'd by those Spirits , ( who , though but natural , are yet able to incommode the same by their too great agitation ) it contracts it self to be discharged of them , attracting the Nerves to it self as much as it can ; whence proceeds this kind of Convulsion . The Fifth said , That the cause of Laughter is two-fold , namely , its Object which is of great latitude , as good news , unexpected joy , which it is impossible to receive without laughing ; and its Subject , which is indeed the Diaphragme ; for they who are wounded in that part seem to dye laughing , as Hippocrates , in the seventh of his Epidemicks , observes to have befallen one Plychon for the same cause : And this is no otherwise then as a certain kind of Ranunculus , ( an Herb , we call Crowfoot ) being eaten causeth loss of the Spirits , and by the contraction of the Lips represents the Convulsion which is made during Laughter . CONFERENCE XXV . I. Of the Diversity of Countenances . II. Whether Man or Woman be the more noble . I. Of the Diversity of Countenances ▪ IDentity is so disagreeable , that in all the objects of the Senses it displeases us . Our Taste is glutted with alwayes eating the same Bread. The most excellent Odour , at length , causeth the Head-ake . To look too wistly upon the same object , or to be too long together beheld by the same Eye fixed upon us , is troublesome . The Ear is tyr'd with twice hearing the same Tune , and being continually struck upon by one and the same discourse , how excellent soever it be . The Touch , the grossest of all the Senses , is weary of one and the same temper of Air ; whence is drawn a certain consequence , That the people under the Equinoctial , or other Climate alwayes like to it self , are sooner weary of living , then others who have not leasure to be tyr'd with one season because another soon succeeds it . On the contrary , we see variety of Food raiseth the languishing Appetite ; the diversity of Odors which succeed one another , delight the Smelling . Nothing is more acceptable to the Sight then a Meadow checker'd with several colours , or a garden variegated with Tulips and other Flowers , of all sorts and hues which the Spring discloses . Harmony proceeds from the variety of Notes ; and the Orator who would move his Auditors must not speak too long upon the same thing in the same words ; he must alter his gesture and voice , and the pauses which distinguish his action are very serviceable to that purpose . But as there is nothing more swift then the Sight , so no Sense is sooner weary with the semblance of its objects . The reason whereof is this , being a most active sense , its operation doth not make it self perceiv'd by the Eye , but by the changing of the object . So that when it beholds alwayes the same thing , it seemes to it self as if it beheld nothing . Look upon the Earth all cover'd with Snow , or a Chamber wholly hung with Black , or some other single colour , the Sight is offended therewith : If Green offends us less , it is because it is compounded of Yellow and Blew , and the best blended of all the Colours , and as such reunites the visual rayes between its two extremes ; yet it affordeth nothing near the delightfulness that ariseth from the variety of Tapistry . I conceive therefore that the chief end of the diversity of Countenances , is Distinction , and lest the same thing should betide Women that did Alcmena , in Plautus , who suffer'd Jupiter to quarter with her , because she took him for her Husband Amphitryo . But the subordinate end is the Contentment which Man finds in this variety . As for other causes , the Efficient indeed doth something ; for Children commonly resemble their Fathers and Mothers : But the Material contributes very much hereunto ; so that they who ( for example ) are begotten of a Masculine and Feminine Geniture , wherein the sanguine temper is equally prevalent , resemble one another , and have a ruddy and well shap'd Countenance . But because 't is next to impossible , that the said temper should be equally found in two different subjects , thence ariseth the variety of Complexions and Lineaments . The Second said , There is as great variety in all natural things as in Faces , though it be not so remarkable to us . For we see Birds and Beasts distinguish one another very well . Now the Final Cause of this Diversity seemes to me to be the ornament of the World , which otherwise would have nothing less then the importance of its name . Musick and Painting receive graces from things which in reality are nothing , namely , Pauses , which are onely privations of Notes ; and shadows , which are defects of light . This diversity of Visages , which ariseth from that of the persons and their inclinations , is as well contributary to the splendour and beauty of a state as of nature . For if all things were alike , there would be a confus'd identity and general disorder , not much different from the ancient Chaos . Nothing would be acted in Nature ; for action is not between things like , but between things contrary . Nor would there be Beauty in the Countenance , if there were not diversity in the parts ; but all the Face were Eye or Nose . For Beauty ariseth from Proportion , and this from the correspondence of many different parts . Very little would there be amongst Men , if all were alike ; there being no Beauty when there is no deformity whereunto it may be compar'd ; and who so takes away Beauty takes away Love , of which it is the foundation . This divine link of humane society would be destroy'd ; for Love is a desire to obtain what we want , and another possesseth ; and therefore it cannot exist but between persons unlike . Nor could a State consist longer ; because all Men being externally alike , would be so internally too ; all would be of the same profession , and no longer seek to supply one anothers mutual necessities . Now this diversity of persons proceeds from the divers mixture of the four Humours ; which being never found twice temper'd in the same sort , ( each one having his peculiar constitution , which the Physitians call Idiosyncrasie ) they never produce the same person twice , nor consequently one and the same surface , or external shape , alike . If the Matter design'd to constitute and nourish the bones be in too great quantity , the Man is born robust , large , and bony ; if it be defective , he becomes a dwarf and a weakling . Again , this Matter , according as it carried to every bone in particular , gives a differing conformation to the same , which is also derived to the Muscles spread over those bones from which they borrow the external figure which they communicate to the skin . The Third said , He found two Causes of the Diversity of Countenances : One in Heaven ; The other in the Heads of Women , namely , in their Imaginations . Heaven is never found twice in the same posture , by reason of the manifold Motions and Conjunctions of the Planets , and yet 't is the Sun and Man that generate a Man ; and what is said of the Sun , ought likewise to be understood of the other Coelestial Bodies . It is necessary then that this variety in the Cause produce also variety in the Effect . Hence it is , that Twins have so great resemblance together , as having been conceiv'd and born under the same Constellation . As for the Imagination , 't is certain , that of the Mother which intervenes at the time of Conception , more powerfully determines the shape and colour of the Foetus then any other Cause ; as appears by the marks which Infants bring with them from their Mothers Womb ; who well remember that such things were in their Phancy , and that they had a vehement apprehension of the same . So that as many different Imaginations as Women have when they conceive , make so many Countenances and other parts of the Body different . II. Whether is the more noble , Man or Woman . Upon the Second Point it was said , That in times of old there was found at Rome a Widower that had buried two and twenty Wives , and at the same time a Widow that survived her two and twentieth Husband ; these two the people of Rome constrain'd to marry together , after which , both Men and Women awaited which of the two would dye first ; at length the Woman dy'd first , and all the Men , even to the little Boyes , went to her interment , every one with a branch of Lawrel in his Hand , as having obtaind the victory over that Sex. This Question of the nobleness and dignity of the one above the other , is of greater consequence then that other , in which not onely Women very frequently get the better , there being more old women then old men , through the sundry dangers whereunto men are expos'd , and from which women are exempted ; but also Stags and Ravens , which live hundreds of years , much surpass either of them . But one of the greatest difficulties arising in the discussion of this Controversie , is , that there is no Judge found but is interessed in the Cause : Do not think that the determination of this Point is of little importance . For we should have none of those dismal feuds both in high and mean families , did not women go about to command over men instead of obeying them . Now whether the business be fairly arbitrated , or whether it be yielded , out of complacency to that Sex , which loves to be commanded , and out of pity its frugality and weakness ; upon examination of the reasons of either side , I find it safer to suspend my judgement , that I may neither betray my own party , nor incense the other ; which , they say , is not so easily reconciled as it is offended . The Second said , That the courtship and suing which Men use to Women , is a tacite but sufficient argument of the esteem wherein they hold them ; for we do not seek after a thing which we under-value . But the praecellence of Women above Men is principally argu'd from the Place , the Matter , and the Order of their Creation . For Man had not the advantage to be created in the Terrestrial Paradise , as Woman had , who also was produc'd out of a more noble matter then he ; for he was made out of the Earth , and she out of one of the Man's ribbs . And as for the Order of the Creation , God , in the production of Mixt Bodies , begun with the meanest things , and ended with the noblest . He first made the Earth and the Sea , then Plants , Fishes , and the other Brutes . After which , he created Man , as the Master of all things ; and lastly , Woman , as the Master-piece of Nature , and the Model of all Perfections , Mistress of Man , stronger then he , as the Scripture saith ; and consequently Mistress of all the Creatures . Moreover , there is no sort of Goods but are found in a higher degree in Woman then in Man. For as for the Goods of the Body , the chief whereof is Beauty , Men have therein utterly lost the cause ; which they will be as little able to carry in reference to the Goods of the Mind : For the same are found more vigorous , and attain sooner to maturity in Women , who , upon that account , are by the Laws adjudg'd Puberes at twelve years of age , and Boyes not till fourteen . They commonly perform more actions of Virtue then Men ; and indeed they have more need thereof , to with-stand the assaults continually made upon their Chastity , which is not too often found in the other Sex. They are acknowledg'd by all , to be more merciful , faithful , and charitable then Men ; so Devout , that the Church ( which cannot err ) termes them by no other name ; and so patient , that God hath judg'd them alone worthy to carry their Children nine moneths in their bellies ; no doubt , because Men had not Virtue and Resolution enough for that office . The Poets never feign'd but one Jupiter , that was able to bear an Infant in his Body , though it were but for a few moneths . In fine , there is no Science or Art in which Women have not excell'd ; witness the two Virgins , Desroches , and de Gournai , the Vicountess of Auchi , and Juliana Morel , a Sister Jacobine of Avignon , who understands fourteen Languages ; and , at Lyons , maintain'd Theses in Philosophy at the age of thirteen years ; so also of old , Diotima and Aspacia were so excellent in Philosophy , that Socrates was not asham'd to go to their publick Lectures ; in Astrology , Hipatia of Alexandria , the Wife of Isidore the Philosopher ; in Oratory , Tullia , the Daughter , and doubly heiress of Cicero ; and Cornelia , who taught Eloquence to the Gracchi her Sons ; in Poetry , Sappho , the inventress of Saphick Verses ; and the three Corynnae , of whom the first overcame Pindar , the Prince of Lyrick Poets , five times ; and in Painture , Irene and Calypso , in the dayes of Varro . If there have been Prophets , there have also been Prophetesses and Sybils ; yea , they were Virgins , of old , that render'd the Oracles at Delphos . In brief , if there have been war-like Men , there have been Amazons too , who have shew'd that Valour is not solely Masculine . And , in our dayes , there have been found Maidens that have fought very courageously , whose Sex was not known till they were stript after they had been slain in battle . But these Feminine Virtues are not so much celebrated as those of Men , by reason of the Envy which they bear to the Sex , having subjected the same to such a pass , that they are enforc'd to support all our defects . Though indeed , Women may say to Men as the Lyon did to a Man , who shew'd him the picture of a Man killing a Lyon ; If Lyons ( said he ) were addicted to painting , you would see more Men kill'd by Lyons , then Lyons by Men. If Women had had the making of Laws and Histories , you would see more Virtues exercis'd by Women then by Men. The Third said , That although none but Men are at the ventilating of this Controversie , yet Women ought not to alledge that it is easie to commend the Athenians in the City of Athens ; since God himself hath pass'd a Decree upon them in these words , The Woman shall be subject to the Man. And 't is to no purpose to say , that it was otherwise before the first sin ▪ and that subjection was impos'd upon the Woman for a punishment ; seeing the punishment of the Serpent , That he should creep upon the Earth , doth not presuppose that he had feet before he caus'd Man to sin by the intervention of his Wife ; but indeed , God converted that into a penalty which before was natural unto him . The same ought to be said concerning the Woman , who was no less subject to the Man before then after his sin . Moreover , after God had taken the Woman out of Adam's side , ( whence , they say , it comes that their heads are so hard ) he did not say that she was good , as he had pronounc'd all the rest of his Creatures . And to get Adam to marry her , there was no other expedient found but to cast him into a sleep ; no doubt , because , had he been awake , he would have been very much puzzl'd to resolve upon it . So that they who considering , on one side , the usefulness of that Sex for the preservation of the species of Men , and on the other , the mischiefs whereof it is the cause , have not ill determin'd when they term'd Woman a Necessary Evil ; to which Men are addicted , by natural instinct , for the general good , and to the prejudice of the particular ; just as Water ascends upwards , contrary to its own nature , for the eschewing of Vacuity . Woman is an imperfect Animall , whom Plato doubted whether he should not rank amongst the irrational , and whom Aristotle termes a Monster ; they who treat her most gently , stile her a simple Error of Nature ; which through the deficiency of natural heat , could not attain to the making of a Male. Women big with Female Children , are more discolour'd , have their taste deprav'd , and usually lift up their left leg first , as it were for an evidence of that sinister conception . In the Old Testament they who were deliver'd of a Female were unclean for sixty dayes ; but if of a Male , but thirty . The Male is fully form'd in thirty dayes , but the Female onely in forty two . The Males have life at the seventh moneth , but Females not till the ninth ; as if Nature hid her fault as long as she could . The Females have less vigour in all their actions , because less heat ; which appears in that they are never ambidextrous , as Men oftentimes are . Now , if in some species of Animals , the Females have the advantage above Males , as Tygresses , Lyonesses , and She-wolves , it is in fierceness ; and therein we also yield to Women . But what more competent Judge amongst Men can they find , then he who try'd so many , Solomon , who inquires , Who can find a Wise Woman ? And who , after he had compar'd them to the bottomeless pit , concludes that all wickedness is supportable , provided it be not the wickedness of a Woman ; yea , that the wickedness of a Man is better then the goodness of a Woman . The Fourth said , Every thing is esteemed according to its Author , Structure , and Composition , the means it makes use of , the manner how it employes the same , and its end . Now Man and Woman having the same Author , namely , God ; and being compos'd almost of the same parts , it remains to inquire what means both the one and the other makes use of for attaining their end , which is Happiness . It is certain that the being either Man or Woman doth not make either of them good or bad , handsome or deform'd , noble or infamous , happy or unhappy . There are found of both sorts in either Sex. As , to begin in Paradise , the eleven thousand Virgins alone shew that the Feminine Sex hath as good a share therein as Men. In Thrones , Semiramis , Thomiris , many Queens and Emperesses have manifested , that Women as well know how to command as Men. Judith cutting off the Head of Holofernes ; and the Maid of Orleans , in the dayes of our Fore-fathers ; have shewn that Men alone were not courageous , and fit for Martial Atchievements . In brief , there is no kind of performances , in which examples are not to be found both of Men and Women , that have acquitted themselves happily therein . In Oeconomy , or the management of a Family , if some Men are the Masters , there are found Women too that have the supremacy , and that in such sort , that the Men dare not complain . Wherefore they who seek the cause of the nobleness or abjectness of Man and Woman in the Sex , seek a cause where it is not . 'T is not the being a Man or a Woman that makes noble or ignoble ; 't is the being an excellent Man , or an excellent Woman . For as they are mistaken who impute some Vice or Virtue to a whole Province , because to be vicious or virtuous are personal things ; the same ought to be said concerning Man or Woman , who are Citizens of the whole world ; either of whom taken in general hath nothing in themselves but what is very decorous , Good and perfect , and consequently very noble ; as proceeding from an Author who communicated to them what perfection and nobleness was respectively requisite . If there be any defect , it proceeds from the individual person , and ought no more to be attributed to the Sex then to the Species . CONFERENCE XXVI . I. Whether it be lawful for one to commend himself . II. Of Beauty . I. Whether it be lawful for a Man to commend himself . IF things could speak , or if Men spoke alwayes of them as is fitting , the Question would be needless ; but for that neither the one nor the other are to be expected , it is reasonably demanded , whether ever it be lawful to supply this default our selves . Three sorts of persons there are , each of a different opinion touching this Subject . The first prize and respect themselves so highly , that as one of the great Wits of these times said to a certain Author , who would have had more praise had he given himself less ; They catch cold with too much speaking to themselves bare-headed . The Second , having heard that Glory is a shadow that follows those that flie it , affect blame with so palpable design , that it is plainly seen that they fall down onely to be lifted up ; like those brides who would not hide themselves , if they knew that they should not certainly be found out . The Third observing how odious self-praise is to all the world , never attribute any to themselves , and cannot so much as endure to hear themselves commended , accounting it no other then flattery . The first maintain , that they who say that a Man must not praise himself , establish a Maxime , to which none obey . Do not great Captains , say they , succesfully animate their Souldiers by their own commendations ? Doth not the expert Physitian preserve his own good reputation together with the health of his Patient ? Do not they who make Panegyricks for others , find their own in the same ? Doth not the Excellent Preacher preach his own Doctrine and Eloquence together with the Gospel ? Doth not the acute Advocate argue as well for his own reputation , as for the carrying of his Clients Cause ? Then for Arts and Trades , we see he is accounted the best Trades-man that ha's the nimblest Tongue in commending his own wares . Moreover , he that asks an Almes by a sign , asks it no less then if he spoke ; and consequently as many wayes as there are to signifie any thing , the same are as so many words ; and although the one are vocal , and the other mute , yet they equally signifie : Whence it follows that a Man is as little to blame in speaking well as in doing well . He that hangs a bush at his door doth no less say , I have Wine to sell , then if he proclaim'd it . A fair Woman who exposes her self to the view of every one , and a Painter who hangs forth his pieces to sell to passengers , prize and commend themselves more then if they spoke ; and yet neither is censur'd for so doing . In brief , as we may blame our selves without speaking , by doing some evil action ; so Men , in effect , commend themselves by performing virtuous actions . The Second , who contemn themselves incessantly , that they may be the more esteem'd by others , find nothing that more removes the mask of their Hypocrisie , then the assent of others to what they say ; and indeed they are no less unacceptable and tedious then the former . But the last please much more ; justifying their Principle by the enumeration of all Professions , in which all that excell abhor this vanity , which is odious to all the world . War requires great deeds and few words . Humility , the prime Virtue in Divinity , cannot consist with boasting . A good Physitian cannot hear the relation of his great cures without blushing ; and 't is the property of a Mountebank to publish his own Atchievements in that kind . Plutarch , in an express Treatise , renders the reasons hereof . 1. Because a Man must be impudent that can commend himself , instead of being asham'd to hear his own praises . 2. Because it is injustice for a Man to give that to himself , which ought to be expected from others . And , 3. Because self-praise exercises a kind of Tyranny over the hearer , and is without effect , not obliging him to belief . The Second said , Two things displease us in the praise that any one gives himself . First , the seeing a Man prefer'd before , or at least equaliz'd to , our selves , whom we alwayes account most worthy of praise . And Secondly , the seeing a Man make himself judge in his own cause . And hence arose a common Proverb , Praise hath an ill savour in a Man 's own mouth . And when the Comoedian would decypher the two most ridiculous personages of his Scene , Chremes and Thraso , he makes them weary the hearers with repetitions of their own commendation ; which ought to have no other end but the Reward of him to whom it is given , or the exciting of others to Virtue by his example . Now it is depriv'd of both these effects , when it proceeds from our selves . For that which comes from our selves cannot be call'd Reward , and consequently others can draw no example from it which may excite them to Virtue . If Poets praise themselves , they are excus'd by the Poetical Licence which gives them permission , as well as Painters , to feign and attempt what ever they please ; and yet the Prince of Poets , Virgil , never commended himself . It was not by the praise which he gave himself that Cicero acquir'd the title of Father of Eloquence ; on the contrary , his Consulship , so often depredicated in his writings , is with some reason term'd the Spot or Blemish of his works . In brief , they who commend themselves seem to fore-judge that they look not for commendation from others ; either for that they deserve none , or else for that they accuse the rest of Men of ingratitude towards them . And in either case , 't is no wonder if they be sleighted and ill will'd by others . The Third said , That he who commends himself is not to blame , provided he say nothing but what is true ; because words being the images of actions , it is unjust to require a man to make the original , and then forbid him to draw copies of it , such as are the commendations which typisie vertuous actions . And it seems to be the property of the vicious to bear envy against them thereupon , because they cannot attain to the same perfection ; as an old woman beholds with jealousie the exquisite portraict of some young Beauty . True it is , as Alexander said , it was a great happiness for Achilles to find a Homer to commend him . But when the unhappiness or ingratitude is such , that a goodly action falls into oblivion unless it be recounted by its author , who knows it better then any other ; it is not reasonable for virtue to be depriv'd , through such defect , of its only guerdon and aliment , which is praise . So a Father wonderfully extimulates his children to virtue by representing to them his own brave actions past . Yea it seems , that being his children have an interest in his reputation , he cannot omit the recital of what he hath done praise-worthy , without wronging them . The fourth upheld the same Opinion , by alledging that a wise man may commend himself without blame , since he is so impartial that he doth not consider himself as himself , but as he would do another man , whom he could not without injustice deprive of the commendation merited by him . And this is agreeable to a percept of nature , which enjoyns the rendring to every one what appertains to him . The Fifth said , to commend one's self meerly for the sake of self-praise is a vicious extremity ; but sometiemes to commend one's self in another , or to make use of the relation of our own commendable actions , as an Apology to oppose to the contempt , or detraction of our enemies , is a thing not only allowable , but also practis'd by the most eminent and holy personages . so S. Paul finding himself despis'd , boasted that he was noble , and a Citizen of Rome , that he had studied much , and that God had imparted to him his highest mysteries . For in this case we are in a manner oblig'd to praise our selves , by the Law of Nature , which renders our defence just . Therefore as he were a fool that should fence all alone in the open street , and a coward that should not defend himself when provok'd ; so he that defends himself well when he is assaulted , doth not only provide for his own safety , but gets the reputation of a man of courage , as he also doth who commends himself when he is despis'd . Yet I would require thus much moderation in the praise which an injury extorts from our own lips , that it extend no further then what is needful for the repelling the offer'd outrage . I would by no means have it affected , as it uses to be by some men , who are glad when they are blam'd , for that they may take occasion to expatiate upon their own praises . For the equitable hearer is indeed on our side , yet he is tacitely disgusted with our vauntings ; because men are naturally addicted to contradiction , whence their belief ( the freest of all the mind's actions ) is always less carried thither whither it is endeavour'd to be carri'd with most eagerness and violence . So an honest woman shall by a grave deportment , and a single gesture of slighting , sooner quash an injurious word then another can do by a long Apology of her whole life past . Saving in this case and manner , our proper commendations are no less unacceptable then the blame which we attribute to our selves . He that praises himself is like a painted Face set out to the sight of every one ; and he that blames himself resembles a sick person that takes pride in his infirmities true or imaginary , with which himself ought to be concern'd enough , not to trouble others who have nothing to do therewith . II. Of Beauty . Upon the second Point , it was said that Beauty may , with as much reason , be placld among the Transcendents , as ( besides Goodness and Verity ) Greatness , Duration , Power , Vertue , Knowledge , the Will , and Glory , are plac'd in that rank by Lullius and his Disciples . For speaking of accidents , we say a fair largeness , a goodly quality , a handsome resemblance , a graceful action , a becoming endurance or sufferance ; and so of the other Categories , which result from Place , Time , and Habit. But it is particularly attributed to Substance . The Angels , Heavens , Elements and mixt Bodies , have all beauty , and so much the more as they are more perfectly mixt ; as appears in Gold , Pearls and Jewels , in Flowers , Animals , and principally in Man ; who again participates thereof variously according to Sex and Age. For the beauty of a man is other then that of a woman ; of a child and a young man then that of an old man. Artificial things have likewise their share therein , when our eyes and judgements are pleas'd with their proportion , or find them conformable to the Model which the Workman propounded to himself . And as in most Sciences and Arts men have phancied to themselves Prototypes and Parallels , to serve instead of patterns and models ; in Policy , an accomplish'd Commonwealth , such as Plato , Sir Thomas More , and some others have delineated ; in Physick , a Temperament most perfect and exquisite to a grain [ call'd temperamentum ad pondus ] in Eloquence , a perfect Orator : so they who have undertaken to speak of Beauty have imagin'd a perfect one , which ( leaving women to set down the conditions which they require in handsome men ) we will make to consist , as to them , in thirty one particulars , which go to the making up of a handsome woman . The 1. of those Points is Youth , which renders even the coursest animals agreeable . The 2. is a Stature neither too large nor too small . 3. A middle size of corpulency ; because too fat or too lean are counted amongst imperfections . 4. Symetrie and proportion of all the parts . 5. Long , fair , and fine hair . 6. A skin soft and smooth , through which appear small veins . 7. A lively whiteness of Lillies blended with Roses . 8. A smooth forehead , pleasingly arched , and always serene . 9. Temples not hollow . 10. Two black lines arch-wise , in stead of Eye-brows . Two blew eyes well set in the head , well open'd and fix'd with a sweet glance . 12. A nose well shap'd and rightly set on . 13. Cheeks a little rounded , making a dimple . 14. A graceful smile . 15. Two lips of Coral . 16. A little mouth . 17. Small Pearls smooth and well ajusted in stead of teeth . 18. A sweet breath . 19. A well tun'd voice . 20. A chin dimpled , somewhat round and fleshy . 21. Ears small , ruddy , and well joyn'd to the head . 22. A neck of Ivory . 23. A bosome of Alabaster . 24. Two snow-balls . 25. A hand white , something long and plump . 26. Fingers ending by little in a Pyramide . 27. Nails of mother of Pearl turn'd into an oval . 28. A gesture free and not affected . 29. Soft and smooth flesh . 30. A modest gate . The last point may be more easily imagin'd then honestly nam'd . The second said , that Beauty hath no more but an imaginary Being , or , at least , is more in the phansie then in Nature . Which they acknowledge who set conditions for it never to be found in any subject whatever . Moreover , every real Entity , if it fall under the cognisance of the Senses , is conceiv'd in the same manner by all people in the earth , when the Organ is not hurt , the medium alike , and the distance equal , and all other circumstances are found the same . Thus Honey is every where acknowledg'd by the same sweetness , and the Sun by the same light . But one and the same Beauty is not conceiv'd in the same fashion , nor esteemed such by all the people of the world ; for the judgements thereof are found different , not only according to the diversity of Nations , but also in reference to the same people , yea the same person , at several times . Our ancient Gaules wore large foreheads , because in those days they accounted the same handsomest , and we see also to this day old Pictures representing handsome women in that sort ; whence arose the reproachful word , Effrons , Frontless , denoting one that hath no forehead or shame . At this day women think they cannot have too little , they take so much pains to hide the same with their head-tire , and men , after their example . Much hair is at present recommendable in many places , especially in France . The handsomest of the Pagan Deities was call'd Intonsus Apollo : And the Scripture principally sets forth the beauty of women by their long hair , without which the comeliest would be terrible . Nevertheless , in the latter ages in France , 't was a shameful thing for men to have much hair . In New France , the greatest past of the people wear no hair but on one side . The women of Camboya cut off theirs close to their ears . The Perusians have none but a lock on the top of the head ; and the Romans of old ador'd Venus Calva : Our Ladies shape their Eye-brows into arches . The Africans paint theirs into the figure of a Triangle . Some , like an Aquiline and rising Nose ; yet the flattest are counted most graceful amongst the Abyssines . Here eyes pretty prominent and of a middle size are esteem'd ; in China little eyes are most priz'd . The Lybians love a large mouth , and lips turn'd backwards ; here little ones are the most commendable . 'T is one of the most agreeable parts that our Ladies shew ; and yet the Arabians , esteeming the same indecorous , cover it as carefully as their backside . The Japonnois black their teeth ; and every where else the whitest are most valued . Our Virgins streighten their bosomes the most they can ; on the contrary , the Aethiopian women account those the most graceful breasts which they can cast over their shoulders . Youth is elsewhere lov'd ; yet in the West Indies the oldest women are the handsomest . In Aethiopia and many other places the blackest are counted the handsomest ; and in painting a Devil they make him all white , as we do black . In brief , there is not one of the assigned Characters of Beauty which is not controverted by some Nation ; and therefore there is no reality in it , but it depends upon our Phancie , as Fashions do . What is beauty then ? 'T is ( in my judgements ) what pleases us . For whatever deformity or defect there be in the thing we love , yet we account it handsome : Et quae Balbinum delectat Polypus Agnae . The third said , 'T is too great a disparagement to the Goods of Nature , to say that Beauty , which is the most excellent of them , is only imaginary ; its admirable effects being such that it perswades whatever it pleases ; 't is the surest commendatory Letter , and hath influence not only upon rational souls , but even Elephants are transported with joy ( as Aelian saith ) when they meet a fair woman . And reason tells us that every thing which is goodly is good ; because it is desirable , which is the essential qualification of good things . The beauty of the body is not only the token of that of the soul , which seems to be ill lodg'd , when it is found in an ugly body , but 't is also a sign of the body's health and good constitution . Yea the very beholding of Beauty conduceth to health , and continues it ; whence it is that handsome Nurses and Governesses are assigned to Children ; because the soul even from the cradle ( being a Forreigner and retaining in it self the idea of its Creator's beauty ) is marvellously pleas'd at the sight of every thing that approaches that beauty and harmony , and rejoyces at its meeting , acknowledging it her kindred and alley . Moreover , Plato saith , that Beauty is produc'd when the Forme predominates over the Matter , which is of it self foul and deformed . Which he affirmeth to have place also in the beauty of the soul ; which he makes to consist in the advantage of the Intellectual part , which holdeth the place of Forme in man , over the Sensitive , which correspondeth to Matter . Aristotle will not allow it possible for Felicity to be perfect without the beauty of the Body , which hath sometimes conferr'd the Scepter in elective Kingdoms . And our Saviour , amidst all the infirmities of our nature , caus'd to shine in himself the most perfect beauty that ever was in the rest of mankind . Now several beautiful things gratifie variously . White is esteem'd amongst Northern Nations , because there issues out of white bodies a certain brightness or light agreeable to the eyes of those people . But the same colour loseth that pre-eminence proportionably to a nearer approach toward the South . CONFERENCE XXVII . I. Whether the World grows old . II. Of Jealousie . I. Whether the World grows old . WEre we in those Commonwealths where the voice of the people is admitted , this Question would be very easie to resolve ; there being no body but proclaims that the world is declining , and thinks that we are now in the very dregs of Time. 'T is the ordinary discourse of old men . But possibly herein they resemble the old woman , who when she was grown blind , said the Sky was overcast ; or those who sailing from the shore think that the earth retreats back , while 't is themselves that are in motion . These good people no longer finding the same gust and pleasure in the delights of the world , that they found in their youth , lay the fault upon the world instead of imputing the same to themselves . Indeed their accusation is too old to be receivable , having been from all time , which made Horace say , that to represent an old man right , he must be introduc'd praising the time past . Yet we may give their reasons the hearing . They affirm that every thing which hath had a beginning , and must have an end , grows old . That since all the parts of the world are variously corrupted , the same ought to be believ'd of the whole . That as for the Heavens , all the observations of Ptolomy are found at this day false , unless they be rectifi'd by the addition of certain motions of Trepidation which cause all the rest to vary . In the Air , the inconstancy of it , and the irregularity of the Seasons makes us not know when we are sure of any ; the Spring sometimes appearing in Winter ( as at present ) and Winter in Autumn . In the Sea , you see it dismembers Provinces , gains and loses whole Countries by its inundations and recessions . And as for the Earth , it is very probably shown that in time it must naturally return to its first state in which it was all cover'd with water , and consequently void of men and most part of animals and plants , which make the three noblest parts of the Universe . For they who endeavour the raising of low grounds know that the same is accomplish'd by giving entrance to the slime which the water brings thither , and which gathers together at the bottom ; whence it comes to pass that Valleys through which torrents and brooks of rain-water pass , grow hollower daily ; the impetuousness of the water sweeping the surface of the earth into rivers , and thence into the Sea. Wherefore though the world should not end by Conflagration , as it must do ; since all the rain-waters , those of rivers and brooks go into the Sea , and carry thither with them the upper parts of the Earth , which is that that makes the waters so troubled and muddy , it is necessary that this earth in time fill up the cavities of the Sea , and reduce it to exact roundness ; and then the water having no longer any channel must as necessarily cover the whole surface of the earth , excepting perhaps some points of rocks , which will decay and fall down in time , as about fifteen years ago a mountain in Suizzerland by its fall crush'd under its ruines the Town of Pleurs , which by that means made good the importance of its name . And although this may not come to pass till after divers thousands of years if the world should last so long , yet it is not the less feasible , since it is a doing at the present , though by little and little . The second said , That since the end of the world is to be supernatural , it shall not proceed from old age ; that though the earth were all cover'd over with waters , yet the world would not perish for all that , since the Elements would subsist ; yea the same earth and the winds by succession of time would come to imbibe and dry up those waters , and so again discover the face of the earth . That if one of the Elements be diminish'd , another increases ; if the water evaporate , the air is augmented ; if the air be condens'd , it addes to the water , and so the world cannot fail by all the alterations and changes which happen in simple and mixt bodies . For its order consists in the alternative succession of various dispositions ( and not in one sole disposition ) like a circle which being finite in its parts is infinite in its whole . Moreover , if the world perish , it must be either by the annihilation of its whole , or of its parts ; or else by their transmutation into some matter which cannot be part of the world . Not the first ; for there needs no less a miracle to annihilate then to create ; and therefore nothing is annihilated . Not the second ; for mixt bodies cannot be chang'd but either into other mixt bodies or into the Elements ; now these are transmuted one into another ; wherefore in either case they are still parts of the world . The most active of the Elements , Fire , without the miracle of the last conflagration , if you consider it in the Sphere which some have assign'd to it , it cannot burn the rest ; for should it act in its own Sphere , which it doth not , it would at length be extinguish'd for want of air , into which consequently part of it would be converted : or if you place it in the subterranean parts , the vapours and the exhalations which it would raise from the Sea and the Earth , being resolv'd into water and air , would always preserve the being of those Elements . Moreover , the world would not serve at the day of judgement ( as Philo the Jew saith ) for a Holocaust to its author , if it were then found defective in any of its parts . The third said , If you take the world for all the inferiour bodies contain'd under the concave of the Moon , it is certain that it changeth . For the Heavens are not alter'd according to their substance , though they be according to their places . But it is impossible that the Elements acting so powerfully one against another by their contrary qualities be not at length weakned , and their activities refracted and impair'd , and particularly the earth wherein those subterranean fires do the same thing that natural heat doth in animals when by the consumption of their radical humidity it makes them grow dry and old . External Agents ( as the Air , and the Celestial Bodies , which in time undermine Palaces of Marble , Brass and other bodies ) contribute greatly to this alteration of the earth , which is the mark and but of actions of the superiour bodies , by whom it suffers incessantly . This declination is observ'd in Plants , which had greater vertues in times past then they have at the present ( as it is found , amongst others , in that Antidote made of tops of Rue , a Nut and a Fig , wherewith Mithridates preserv'd himself from all poysons , and which is now out of credit ) but much more in man then other animals . For besides the diminution which befalls him as a mixt body , because he draws his nourishment from the substance of plants and animals , he hath besides in himself a double ground of this decay of his strength , every thing partaking of nature and its food . Hence it is that we are much more short-liv'd then our fathers of old , who in the flower of the world's age ( to speak with Plato , who makes it an animal ) liv'd almost a thousand years ; and since the Deluge by the corruption which its waters overflowing the earth caus'd in the whole Universe , they liv'd six hundred years , but at present few attain to eighty : Nor do we see any Gyants now a days , though they were very frequent in old time . Men's minds likewise have a great share of this deterioration , in the exercise of vertues and arts . Besides , that there was never so great a multitude of Laws and Ordinances , which are certain evidence of the depravation of manners . The fourth said , Besides that 't is dubious whether the years of our first Fathers were of equal length with ours , the cause of their long life may be attributed to a special priviledge of God , to the end they might by their long experience invent Arts and Sciences , and people the world . Moreover , 't is above 4000 years since the term of 70 and 80 years became the common standard of humane life . Our age is not more corrupted then the first , made infamous by Fratricides , Sodomites , Incests , Treasons , and such other enormous sins , so much the more detestable in that they had no example of them , as their posterity hath had since . And as for the inferior bodies , since their actions are at present altogether the same with what they perform'd in the beginning of the world ; the Fire ( for example ) not burning less , nor the Water cooling less , then in Adam's time ; it must be concluded that they are not chang'd , but remain always in the same state . The Fifth said , That as in the Microcosme we may judge of the corruption of the Body by the least alteration of its parts , and fore-tell its death by the disorder observ'd in the most noble ; so we may make the like Judgement in the Maerocosme , in which we see no Mixt Bodies , but what are corruptible . For things are no longer then they act , action being the measure of their being . And therefore seeing nothing can act perpetually , because the virtue of every thing is bounded and finite , nothing can be perpetual . As Knives , and the like instruments , are blunted with much cutting ; so the qualities incessantly acting must of necessity be weakned , and at length become impotent . But the surest sign of the worlds corruption is the annihilation of corporeal formes , the noblest parts of the universe . For as for spiritual formes , when they are separated from the Body they are no longer consider'd as parts of the world . The Sixth confirm'd this opinion by the abundance of new diseases sprang up in these last Ages , and unknown to the preceding ; as the Neapolitane Malady , the Scurvy , and sundry others , which cannot proceed but from the corruption of Humours and Tempers , and this from that of the Elements . The Seventh said , That the world is so far from growing worse , that on the contrary it becomes more perfect ; as 't is proper to things created from a small beginning , to increase , and at length attain their perfection ; which the world having attain'd doth not decline , because it is not an organiz'd body , whose property it is to do so after it hath attain'd its State. This is visible in Metals , and particularly in Gold , which the longer they remain in the Earth the more concoction and perfection they acquire . Moreover , the Wits of Men are more refin'd then ever . For what could be more ignorant then the Age of our first Parents , for whom God himself was fain to make Clothes ; those of their own making being onely fig-leaves . In the Ages following , you see nothing so gross as what was then accounted the highest degree of subtlety , as the Learning of the Rabbins among the Jews , and the Druids among the Gauls ; the best skill'd of whom might come to school to our Batchelors . But their gross ignorance in Handy-crafts appears , amongst others , in our Flowers de Luce , the figure whereof , stamp'd on their Coin , resembles any thing rather then a Flower de Luce. II. Of Jealousie . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Jealousie is very hard to be defin'd . If you rank it under the Genius of Fear , how comes it to make Rivals so venturous in attempting and executing ? If 't is a sort of Anger and Indignation , whence do's it make them so pale ? If you assign this Passion to Man alone , how do's it metamorphose them into beasts ? taking from them all exercise of reason . If you admit it in beasts too , how do's it render Men so ingenious ? I think they should speak best who should term it a Rage , since the most Tragical Histories are fullest of its actions . Yet you shall meet with some that make a laughter of it ; and if a Mistress changes them , they also change their Mistress ; who when they are marry'd alwayes knock at the door though it be wide open , for fear of finding what they do not seek : Whereas others are jealous even of the sheets of their own bed . Let us therefore rank it amongst the caprichious Passions ; or rather let us do like the Physitians , who having given names to all the Veins and Bones , term some ( which they know not how to call otherwise ) Innominate and sine pari . So this Passion shall be the nameless and peerless Passion . The Second said , This Passion seem'd to depend on the Climates , Northern people being very little subject to it ; whereas they of the South cannot hear Mass or Sermon , unless there be a wall between the Men and the Women . And Bodin saith , 't was one of the things which Mendoza ( Gondamor ) the Spanish Ambassador wonder'd at most in France and England , why Men went with Women into Churches . Likewise , Caesar saith of the English , that twelve of them were contented with one Woman , and agreed peaceably ; whereas the Indians and Africans have troops of Wives ; and yet Puna King of the Indians did not think his secure amongst his Eunuchs , till he had disfigur'd them , and cut off their Arms. The Third said , that Jealousie may be compar'd to the Syrian Cow , of whom the Proverb saith , that indeed she fill'd the pail with her Milk , but presently overturn'd it with a kick . It gives Love , and it gives Ruine . And yet this Passion is so inseparable , and so necessarily a companion of Love , that it do's the same office to it which the bellows do to the furnace which it kindles . For imagine a friendship in which there is no fear of Rivals , it will soon be extinguish'd , because the possession is accounted sure ; and our affection is not carry'd violently , but where it finds resistance . The Fourth said , Jealousie is a fear lest another injoy the Good which we challenge or possess . 'T is the more dangerous in that it puts on the mask of Love , whereof nevertheless it partakes but little . The Poets represent Love to us like a Child full of joy and liberty ; whereas Jealousie resembles an old , sullen , and distrustful Woman . Love proceeds from knowledge , ( for we desire not things unknown ) on the contrary , Jealousie , being a distrust either of our selves or the thing lov'd , or of both , presupposes a deficiency of knowledge , and consequently of Love. Whence Women having less knowledge then Men , are likewise more ready to entertain this Passion ; and sometimes to such a degree , that those of the Isle of Lemnos kill'd all their Husbands upon it , excepting one . The Fifth said , Jealousie is a sort of Indignation against one who intrencheth upon the honour which we account particularly due to our selves , or some other whom we love . Thus God is jealous of his glory , and good people likewise of the same . Brethren are jealous of their Father's Love. Those who seek the same office are jealous one of another . Rivals are so of the favours of their Mistresses . The first kind of Jealousie proceeds from the good opinion which every one hath of himself , of being more capable then any other , and better answering to the merits of the thing belov'd . And although it presupposeth Love , yet many times 't is changed into Hatred , as Choler into Melancholy . In its beginning it makes use of Anger and Revenge ; if it continue , of Sadness and Discontent ; and afterwards of Fear , which sometimes tends to Despair . The Sixth said , That this Passion was a Grief for that another invades what is ours . For Grief , as the other Passions , changes its name according as it is determin'd and restrain'd to a particular object . It serves to preserve and increase Love , and therefore is not absolutely to be decry'd . It enkindles in us a desire to please , for fear the person lov'd prefer another , in whom appears more perfection , before us . In some cases a Man shall deserve the name of Paltron if he shews not Jealousie ; since Justice allows not that what belongs to one should be common ; for what is every bodie 's is no bodie 's . Wherefore onely excessive Jealousie is blameable , being a mixture of many Passions , and the strongest and most violent affection that can seize upon the Mind , which it leaves no longer master of it self . It infuses distrusts and suspitions , and consequently to these , most inquieting curiosities to know the truth of what it seeks , but would not find ; and which being found produces insupportable torments . The ill opinion which the Jealous hath of the person whom he pretends to Love causes him to misinterpret its best actions . Thus disturb'd Waters never represent well the species of Objects which they receive ; and Eyes distemper'd with a suffusion judge things to be of the same colour wherewith themselves are tinctur'd . The Seventh said , That Love is not of the nature of those Goods which the more they are communicated the more excellent they are ; But 't is a Union of Wills , and so loses its name when divided ; as the Sun-beams being dispers'd are weak , but burn when re-united by a Burning-glass . Jealousie , which is the fear of dis-union , springs from the merits of the thing belov'd , and from a suspition lest its perfection attract others besides our selves , to love it ; especially when we acknowledge less of merit in our selves then in our Rivals , knowing that the most perfect things are most lov'd . CONFERENCE XXVIII . I. What is the greatest Delight of Man. II. Of Cuckoldry . I. What is the greatest Delight of Man. THe Rejoicings of this Season seem to have been appointed at the end of Winter , and entrance of Lent , two times equally sad , though upon different accounts ; the one Natural , and the other Canonical . Because Joy is destinated to dilate the Trees , which Sadness shuts up . 'T is caus'd several wayes . For nothing is pleasing but according to the correspondence which it hath to our Phancy ; as Pictures and Musick delight not but by the proportion which they have with the Sight and Hearing . Whence of the two Painters who contended together about the excellence of their skill , he carry'd the prize who before he set to his work took heed to the place from whence it was to be seen . Now the phancies and opinions of Men being so different , it is hard to know what is the greatest Joy , considering that the same thing may have correspondence to the Imagination of one , and repugnance to that of another . If a Musitian delights you , you should but ill requite him if you took his instrument and play'd him a lesson ; 't is Money which rejoyces him . He who could not drink his Wine , how excellent soever , unless it were carry'd to him to the Tavern , would have accounted all other delight empty without it . They who at present enjoy their Liberty in the Sea-ports , shew sufficiently what pleasure they take in play . In brief , as many different humours and inclinations as there are , so different will the judgements be upon this question : For even amongst those who place delight in Meats , you will scarce find three together whose Appetites agree . Besides , that who so would judge aright in the case must have tasted of all sorts of delights ; yea , of each in its full extent , and with all its conditions requisite . The Second said , Delight seemes to be the repeated sense of some joy , such as is seen in publick and solemn jollities ; as heretofore in the Lupercalia and Saturnalia of the Romans , and now in our Carnival . Now Joy is a Passion so lov'd and cherish'd by Man , that we may thereby judge of its value . For as some Men are curious of rarities in Ebeny , others of Sea-shells , some of Antiquities of Marble , Flowers and Pictures , but all generally desire Gold , and like it well ; so you see some valiant ; others , studious ; others , amorous ; many , Sons of the bottle ; briefly , this addicted to one action , and he to another ; but you see none but loves Joy , what ever shew they make ; and those pretended Cato's , each wrinckle of whose Faces is an obelisk , every word a censure , yet become tickled within themselves at the occurrence of pleasant objects , notwithstanding the blame which they seem to lay upon them : Like those Stoicks who durst not sit down to Dinner , for fear it should be believ'd that they took Pleasure in it , and nevertheless lik'd the Wine as well as others . Observe how Children , even from the cradle , caresse with their Head and Hands those that make Mirth , and decline the sower and severe . Nor is the fear of Correction sufficient to keep them from running after all pleasant objects , which they will invent among themselves rather then want . Old men , as they most need , so they receive the greatest benefit from it ; in this ( perhaps ) more unhappy then others , that having more knowledge by experience of what is pass'd , it is harder to delight them ; Pleasure most easily arising from novelty . Since therefore all sorts of conditions and ages sacrifice to Joy , and Philosophers have judg'd nothing more proper to Man then Laughter ; I conceive , 't is a kind of inhumanity to forbid commerce to this inseparable companion of Man ; and although some may abuse it , yet it would be worse to interdict it , then to take away the use of Wine under pretext that some people sometimes take too much of it . The Third said , Some contentments belong to the Mind , others to the Body . Not that the Body is capable of any Passion without the Minds help ; nor that the Soul , while it informes the Body , can apprehend any without its corporeal organs : but they borrow their name from the part which they chiefly affect . Thus , I can neither love nor hate , without having seen or heard the subject of my hatred or love ; and yet 't is the Soul , not the Body , which loves or hates : The Body can neither drink nor eat without the Soul , and nevertheless 't is not the Soul that drinks or eats , 't is the Body . This suppos'd , me-thinks , the greatest delight of the humane Mind consists in being lov'd , and this is the end of all its actions . Whence those words , Let Men hate me , provided they fear me , were taken to be rather the voice of a savage beast then of a Man. This appears , because all from the highest to the lowest , endeavour to gain the good-will of every one . 'T is this which makes Men so desirous of Praise , because the same renders them amiable ; one for the excellence of his Mind , another for the beauty of his Body . Moreover , compare the misery of a Timon hated by all the world , with the contentment of a Titus , Vespatians Son , surnamed the Delight of Mankind ; and you will see that to be lov'd surpasses all the Pleasures of the world , as much , as 't is unpleasing to be hated . For the love which is borne towards us supposes some perfection in us , which being known , esteem'd , and prefer'd above that of others , produces the great contentments which we find therein . But as for those of the Body , Pani and all Greece too well found the ill consequence of adjudging the golden apple to the Goddess , whom Luxury made him prefer before the others , to encourage us to follow his example . Demosthenes had reason when he refus'd to buy at too dear a rate the repentance which ordinarily follows this Pleasure ; the corners which it seeks , and the shame which accompanies it , together with its little duration , allow it not to be equall'd with other Passions compatible with Honour , and practis'd in the sight of all the world ; as feasts , dances , shews , sports , merry words , and the like , all which , I conceive , ought to be added together to make perfect Delight . But since 't is requisite to prefer one , and punctually satisfie the question , I shall affirm , according to the liberty allow'd in this company , that nothing seemes to me more capable to delight a Man then Good Cheer ; there 's no better friendship then that which is acquir'd by cracking the glass ; friendships proceeding from sympathy of humours , and this from the same viands . And , in brief , if this receipt did not serve better to exhilarate Men then any other , you should not see it so diligently practis'd in these dayes by all the world . Alexander the Great , and the Famous Marius , took no greater pleasure then in drinking great draughts . And the tediously-severe humour of the Catoes was not sweetned but at the table , where they ordinarily continu'd seven or eight hours . Moreover , Old-age , which we ought to follow for its great experience , after having pass'd through all the pleasures of life , fixes at last upon that of the Table , as the surest and most lasting ; others sliding away so fast , that they give not our Senses time to taste them , ( which word testifies that 't is the Taste which ought to judge . ) And if it be said that their bodies are not capable of other contentments , I answer , that the Organs of all the faculties are in them equally debilitated . II. Of Cuckoldry Upon the Second Point , it was said , That to judge well of it , it is requisite to understand all the cases which make Men Cuckolds . Some are so , and know nothing of it . Some think they are , but are not ; and these are more miserable then if they were , and knew it not . If we believe Histories , some are so without their Wives fault , who have mistaken others for their own Husbands . Some are so , and half see it , yet believe nothing of it , by reason of the good opinion which they have of their Wives . Further , some know they are so , but do all they can to hinder it . Such was P. Cornelius , and Corn. Tacitus . In fine , some know it and suffer it , not being able to hinder it ; And I account these alone infamous . The Second said , That the word Cuckold , deriv'd from Cuckow , is Ironically us'd ; for this Bird layes her eggs in the neast of others ; or else , because they who frequent other Mens Wives are oftentimes serv'd in the same manner ; or else for the reason upon which Pliny saith Vine-dressers were anciently called Cuckows , ( that is to say , slothful ) who deferr'd cutting their Vines till the Cuckow began to sing , which was a fortnight later then the right time : And thus the same name may have been given to those who by their negligence or sloth give their Wives so much liberty that they abuse it . Unless we had rather say , that this Bird , being ( as Aristotle saith ) cold and moist of its own nature , and yet so prudent , as knowing it self unable to defend and feed its own young , it puts them into the neasts of other Birds , who nourish them as if they were their own ; thus timerous , soft and weak Men , have been call'd Cuckolds , because not being able to support their own families , they cause the same to be maintain'd by others with the loss of their credit . They who derive it from the Greek word Coccyx , which signifies the rump , are not much out of the way . In brief , some go so far as to derive it from the Latine word Coquus , because those people lodging and feeding their Wives , and taking care of their Children , do like Cooks who trust out victuals to others . The Third said , That Cuckoldry was but an imaginary thing ; that the unchastity of the Wife could not dishonour the Husband , considering that what is out of us and our power do's not any wayes concern us ; and it being impossible for the wisest Man in the world , by the consent of all , to hinder the lubricity of an incontinent Woman . Now no body is oblig'd to what is impossible ; and as a vicious action ought to be onely imputed to its author , so ought the shame and dishonour which follows it ; and 't is as absurd to reflect it upon him who contributed not at all to the crime , as 't is to ascribe the glory of a virtuous action to him who not onely did nothing towards it , but with-stood it as much as he could . The Lawyers hold that a Contract made in secret , and without calling all the parties who have interest in it , cannot prejudice them ; so neither can what Wives do without privity of their Husbands be any thing to their prejudice . Besides , if the dishonour were real , it would be so every where , and to all Men ; but there are whole Nations who account not themselves dishonour'd by the business . The Abyssines take it not ill that their High Priest lyes with their Wives on the marriage-night , to purifie them . The people of the East Indies permit the injoyment of their Wives to those who give them an Elephant , being proud of having a Wife valu'd at so high a price . The Romans , though the most honourable of their time , were so little sollicitous what their Wives did in their absence , that returning out of the Country , they alwayes us'd to send some body to advertise them of their arrival ; so afraid they were to surprize them . And indeed , Pompey , Caesar , Augustus , Lucullus , Cato , and many other great personages , were not the less esteem'd for having the Bulls feather given them by their Wives . The Fourth said , Horns are not alwayes imaginary , since Histories assures us that they have really gor'd some persons , as M. Benutius Cippus , Praetor of Rome ; the Ignominy likewise of them is real , and to say otherwise , is to go against the common opinion . For since Honour is in him who honours , not in him who is honour'd ; ( the reason of contraries being alike ) dishonour shall consequently come from him who dishonours . Now 't is certain , most agree in this that Cuckolds are derided , though they know nothing of it . For as true honour may be given to one who deserves it not ; so may he be really dishonour'd who deserves nothing less . A good man publickly punish'd is truly dishonour'd , though he be innocent ; for 't is requisite that the Sovereign Courts take away the infamy which he has incurr'd . A Virgin unwillingly deflower'd is yet dishonour'd by it ; and the vicious deportments and ignominious deaths of men derive shame to their relations . Much more , therefore , shall the shame attending the disgraceful lightness of a wife reflect upon her husband ; for being two in one flesh , that which touches one touches the other also , the innocence of the husbands ( who are also usually styl'd good ) remaining intire . So that one may be dishonour'd and yet be vertuous ; as also a Cuckold and an honest man together . 5. The Fifth said , That he counted it strange that Horns were the sign of infamy and ignominy in Marriage ; considering that otherwise they were always badges of grandeur and power . When one dreams that Horns are upon his forehead , 't is always a presage of dignity . Thus , at the birth of Cl. Albinus , a Cow of his Father's having brought forth a Calfe with two red Horns , the Augurs foretold the Empire to him ; which accordingly came to pass . And to honour those horns which had been the omen of his grandeur , he caus'd them to be hung up in Apollo's Temple . The Majesty of Jupiter Hammon , Bacchus and Pan , is represented by horns . Plenty also is signifi'd by a horn fill'd with all sort of fruits . The Sixth said , Though every one's honesty and vertue depend on himself and not on the actions of another ; yet the point of his honour and esteem is drawn from divers circumstance and conditions of things neerly pertaining to him ; which the tyranny of common or rather phantastick opinion have establish'd as marks either to raise or blemish the lustre of his reputation . Hence we value those most who are descended of an illustrious Family , though they have no other mark of it but the name . Because , to speak after the common rate , our happiness or infelicity , and the compleat degree of our reputation , are the effects or consequents of what we call ours . Now our Kindred are not only ours , but are accounted to be our own blood , and our other selves ; and wives are not only so much to their husbands , or part of them , but they are the half of whatever they are . But if a part resent alteration by the affection of a part , 't is impossible but the one half must be infected with the ignominious impudicity wherewith the other is contaminated . 'T is true , all crimes ought to be personal ; but because men have mistakingly plac'd their happiness in external things ( instead of establishing it in vertue which they ought to have in themselves ) 't is not to be wonder'd if having made the principal of the accessory , they bear the punishment of so doing . Besides , for chastisement of this folly , their felicity is never perfect , because they constitute it in that which is without their own power . Let it not be said , that since women derive all their lustre and splendor from their husbands , they cannot either increase or diminish the same ; for the Moon receives all its light from the Sun , nevertheless when she is ill dispos'd , or looks with a bad aspect , or is in conjunction with him in the Nodes , and especially when she is apply'd to some infortunate Planet , she covers his face with darkness and clouds , at least to our view , though indeed he loses nothing of his clearness or light . A comparison the more sutable to a woman of bad life , in that the one and the other shine and rejoyce most at distance from him of whom they receive their light , and in that they do not approach neer him but to make horns ; and lastly , in that they are never so sad as when they are with him . In brief , a Cuckold cannot avoid blame , either of defect of judgement in having made so bad a choice , or of indiscretion , weakness and want of authority , in not being able to regulate the deportment of his inferior ; or else of little wit in not discovering her artifices to remedy the same . And should he always avoid them , yet he will still have the name of unhappy ; and in the Age we now live in , unhappiness or misery draw shame and contempt along with them . CONFERENCE XXIX . I. Whence the saltness of the Sea proceeds ? II. Which is the best Food , Flesh or Fish. I. Whence the Saltness of the Sea proceeds . ALthough the water and other Elements were in the beginning created in their natural purity , and without mixture of any forreign quality , such as saltness is to the water , which covering the whole surface of the earth would have made the same as barren as the Sea shores , yet it seems that in the separation of things , every one going its several way , God assign'd its peculiar qualities not only for its own preservation , but for the general benefit . Thus the water being retir'd into the Ocean receiv'd saltness , lest that great humid body , coming to be heated by the Sun , might putrifie ( its flux and reflx , and its motion much slower then that of rivers , not being sufficient alone to hinder it ) if the salt did not preserve it from corruption , as it doth all other things ; and to the end that its waters being salt , and by that means more terrene and thick , might bear not onely Whales and other Fishes of enormous bignes , but also the great Ships necessary for the commerce of distant Climates , and the mutual transportation of commodities wherewith each Country abounds ; whereby the life of men is render'd far more delightful . For experience teaches that an egge will swim in a Vessel of water sufficiently salted , but sink in fresh . And the Chirurgions have no surer way then this , to know whether the Lixivium ( or Lee ) wherewith they make their potential Cauteries , be strong enough . Now the Ocean imparts its saltness to all Seas which have communication with it . Whence the Caspian Sea is fresh , because 't is separated from it . And 't is no more strange that saltness is natural to the Sea , then that many other bodies , amongst Plants and Minerals , have a measure of it . The earth is almost every where salt , as appears by Salt-peter , Vitriol , Alum , and other kinds of Salt , which are drawn out of pits little deeper then the surface and crust of the earth , which is incessantly wash'd and temper'd with water . And amongst Plants , Sage , Fearn , and many other , taste of salt , which being augmented turns into the bitterness and acrimony which is found in Wormwood , Spurge , and many other Herbs : all which , yea every other body , partake thereof more or less , as Chymical operations manifest . The Second said , Being we are not to recur to supernatural causes unless natural fail us , methinks 't is more fit to refer the Sea's saltness to some natural cause then to the first creation , or to the will of the Creator . I conceive , therefore , that the cause of this Saltness is the Sun , who burning the surface of the earth leaves , as 't were , hot and dry ashes upon it , which by rain are carried into the rivers , and thence into the Sea. Besides , the Sun elevating continually from the Sea by its heat the freshest parts of it , as being the lightest and neerest the nature of air , the more terrestrial and salt remain in the bottom : or else the Sea-waters gliding through the bowels of the earth , to maintain springs , leave thicker parts , as those dry and acid ashes behind , which by their mixture produce this saltness and bitterness in the Sea. Nor is it to be wonder'd that the heavenly bodies draw so great a quantity of waters out of the Sea ; for though the Vessel be very large , yet is the heat of the Sun able to heat it , since it reaches so deep as to concoct Metals in the entrails of the earth . And if it were not thus , all the rivers disgorging themselves into the sea , it would long ago have overflown the earth . But to know how nature makes the saltness of the Sea , let us see by what artifice Salt is made in our Pits . 'T is made by the same activity of the Sun which draws up the sweet parts of the water and condenseth the salt . Whereby it appears that it is but a further progress of the first action of the same Sun , who dispos'd the Sea-water to become the matter of such Salt. The Third said , A thing may become salt two ways ; either by separation of the sweetest and subtilest parts , and leaving only the earthy , which come neer the nature of salt ; or else by mixture of some other body , either actually or potentially salt . The Sea acquires saltness by both these ways . For ( first ) it hath two sorts of water , the one subtile and light , the other thick and terrestrial ; after the Sun hath drawn up in vapour the more subtile of these waters , and by its continual heat concocted the thick and terrene remainder , which having not been able to ascend by reason of its ponderosity , remains on the upper part of the water , and gives it that saltness ; which is again remov'd when the sea-water being strain'd and filtr'd through the earth , or by other ways ( formerly mention'd in this Company , in discourse concerning the original of waters ) comes forth in springs and rivers ; which no longer retain the nature of their source , because they bring not along with them the earthy part , in which the saltness consists . Now that the salt part is more gross then the fresh , appeares , in that the former becomes thick , and the latter not . Thus , the freshest things become salt by the fire , whose heat separates the subtile parts from the thick . As for the second way , as the waters carry with them the qualities of places through which they pass ( whence they are mineral , or metallick ) and as in a Lixivium , fresh water passing through ashes becomes salt ; so the sea-waters acquire and increase their saltness by mixture of salt bodies , such as are the Hills of salt ( as Cardan holds ) which are produc'd anew , like Sulphur and Bitumen in burning Mountains . Now this saltness is caus'd either by rains full of mineral spirits which abound in acrimony ; or by the cinereous parts of the earth scorch'd by the Sun ; or lastly , as things pass'd through the fire taste always of an Empyreuma ( or turning-to ) so the subterranean fires , likely to be as well in the bottom as in the middle and borders of the Sea ( as they are ordinarily ) impart bitterness and saltness to it . For as for those who say 't is nothing else but the sweat of the earth , they speak ( saith Aristotle ) more like Poets then Philosophers . And this metaphor is more proper to explain the thing then shew its true cause . The Fourth said , That all secrets consisting in the salt ( if we believe the Chymists ) 't is not to be wonder'd if it be difficult to find the cause of it ; it being the property of secrets to be hid . And to practise the Rule which injoyns to credit every expert person in his own Art , I shall for this time be contented with this reason , drawn from their Art : They hold the Salt to be the balsam of nature , the connecter of the body with the spirit ( for they alot spirits to all bodies ) so that every body lasts more or less according to the salt which it hath , and the salt in like manner remains longer or shorter according as it is fix'd or volatile . This being premis'd , I should think that this great compounded body , the World , needing a great quantity of Salt , answerable to its vast bulk , Nature could not find any other sufficient receptacle for it but the Ocean . II. Whether is the better Flesh or Fish. Upon the second Point , it was said , The word Best is taken , at the table and amongst food , with reference to the Taste : in Physick , for most healthful or wholsome : In Divinity , for , most conducible to salvation , and proper to the soul : In Policy , for , most commodious to the publick . For as the word good is a Transcendent , passing through all the Categories of substances and accidents , its comparatives also do the like . Leaving to Divines the considerations which pertain to them in this matters , in which they are much puzzled to apply a Rule to so many different Climates , Seasons and Persons ; we may here make comparison of Flesh and Fish in the other three Cases ; In regard of the state , of Physick , and the Table . All which have this common , That it cannot be pronounc'd , as to one of them , which of the two is best , Flesh or Fish ; because 't is requisite to have regard to places and persons . To begin with Policy . 'T is true , a time must be left to fowls to lay their egges , hatch and bring up their young ; to other animals , to suckle theirs ; otherwise the earth and the air would soon be depopulated ; which time is usually the spring . But being this season and all others follow the course of the Sun in the Zodiack , which renders it various according to the diversity of Climates , we cannot find a time equally and universally proper for that release of Animals . Besides , there are Countries , as England and Holland , so abounding with fish and persons addicted to fishing , that nature offering them fish of her own accord , and their land not producing enough of other food for its inhabitants , the meaner people could not live of their industry , unless they were oblig'd by political Rule to live a certain time with Fish , and abstain from Flesh. As on the contrary , there 's such a defect of fish in the middle parts of Spain , that they keep fast with the least nutritive parts of Animals , Feet and Entrails . Wherefore a general political rule cannot be establish'd ; but , as in most other things of the world , we must make use of a leaden Rule , and conform it to the stone . Secondly , for Physick ; the Case is much the same . For by reason of the variety of Tempers , fish will not only be wholsome , but also appointed by the Physitians to some persons , as to the Cholerick , whose stomacks need refreshment . True it is , there are found more to whom Fish do's hurt , then otherwise . But this proceeds from satiety and too great repletion , which would not be so frequent if we liv'd in the ancient Frugality : For we see , they who eat no supper receive less hurt from fish then others do . But 't is always true that fish cannot be absolutely pronounc'd wholesome or unwholsome . As for the goodness of Taste , that is yet more controverted , as depending on the several phancies of men . The Second said , That to judge this Question well , the same conditions are to be observ'd as in Juridical Sentences ; in which alliances or friendships are allowable causes of exception , and credit is not given to those whose converse and particular inclination to one of the Parties renders their judgements suspected . No doubt , he who had been fed with Stock-fish from his youth , and lov'd it so much that being arriv'd to the Pontifical Dignity , even then made his most delicious fare of it , would have concluded for fish . On the contrary , most others , whose stomacks agree not so well with fish , will give the advantage to flesh . 'T is true , If it be here as 't is in petty Courts , where he who cries loudest carries the Cause , then fish , to whom nature has deny'd the use of voice , must lose it , unless we maturely weigh their reasons . 1. The value and delicacy of Meats is usually rated according to their rarity and the scarcity of getting them ; and therefore Heliogabalus never ate flesh but on the main Sea , nor fish but when he was very distant from it . Now Nature has separated fish from the habitation of men , and divided the one from the other as much as the water is from the Earth . 2. There 's no kind of taste upon land which is not found in the water ; nor any terrestrial animal but hath its like in the Sea. But we cannot say the same of Fishes , that there are terrestrial animals which have all their several tastes ; and this proceeds from the almost infinite number of Fishes good to eat : whereas the Kinds of land-animals serviceable for man's food are very few . To that we may answer such as ask whether there be more delicacy in Flesh or Fish , as those who should ask whether Table is more delicious , that of a Citizen cover'd only with his ordinary fare , or that of Lucullus abounding besides with all imaginable rarities . You have some fishes who have nothing of fish but the name , having the consistence , colour , smell and taste of flesh ; and the Hashes and Bisques made of them differ not from others . But you have no flesh which hath the taste of fish . 3. Animals more subject to infirmities and diseases ought less to delight our taste , and make us more afraid of them . Now land-animals are more sickly then fish , whose healthiness occasion'd the Proverb , As sound as a Fish. 4. Our taste is chiefly delighted in variety . Now there is not only incomparably more sorts of Fishes then of other Animals , but each of them is prepar'd after many more fashions then Flesh ; there being some Fish which is dress'd five several ways : whereas when you have roasted a Partrich , or made a hash , Capilotade , or the Cook is at the end of his skill . 5. That which cloyes most is less delicate , as we see the most delicious things are those which whet instead of satiating the Appetite presently . Now Fish fills less then Flesh. 6. 'T is a more friable food , and easier to be grownd by the teeth then the flesh of land-animals ; and consequently more delicate . 3. The Third said , There 's no flesh , how delicate soever , which comes neer the odour and savour of the little Pulpe , the fish Spaga taken in Sicily , the Tunny and Atolle of Phrygia , of those little fishes call'd Cappes found in the stones in Marca d' Ancona , and infinite others so esteem'd by the ancients , that they reckon'd amongst their greatest Delights , Ponds and Conservatories of Fish , which they nourish'd even with the bodies of their Slaves , to the end they might be more tender and delicate : as 't is reported of Lucullus and Pollio who caus'd theirs to be devour'd by Lampreys . Nor is fish less nutritive then flesh , seeing there are whole Nations , as the Ichthyophagi , which have no other bread but fish , of which dry'd in the Sun and reduc'd into powder they make a bread as nourishing as ours . By which means Fish serves both for bread and for meat ; which Flesh cannot be made to do . The Fourth said , That the more affinity food hath with our nature , the more agreeable it is to us , it being the property of aliment to be like the thing nourish'd . Now 't is certain , there 's more resemblance between our bodies and those of land-animals , then those of fish ; considering that the former breathe the same air with us , and are nourish'd with the same things . Besides , aliment , the more concocted and digested , is also the more delicate : raw flesh is not so delicate as dress'd , nor boil'd as roast , upon which the Fire acts more : and the parts of animals neerest the heart or which are most stirr'd , as in Sheep the breast and shoulder , are the most savoury . Now Fish have much less heat then terrestrial animals , as appears in that 't is scarce perceivable ; and consequently are less concoct and savoury , but fuller of excrementitious and superfluous humidity , which renders them more flat and insipid then the flesh of animals , call'd Meat by way of excelience . Whence also all hunted flesh or Venison are more delicate then domestick food , because wild animals dissipate , by the continual motion wherewith they are chafed , the superfluous humours , which domestick acquire by rest . But experience alone and the Church's command are reasons sufficiently strong to establish this truth . For experience ( the mistress of things , always causing the most to seek the best ) shews us that more people eat flesh then fish . And the Church doth not forbid us flesh , and injoyn fish , but to mortifie us . The fifth said , That the Flesh of Animals is the rule of the goodness of Fish , which is the better the nearer it comes to Flesh ; whence arose the Proverb , Young Flesh , and old Fish ; because in time it acquires the consistence of Flesh. Now that which serves for a rule must needs excell the thing to be judged of by it . Nor doth the variety of sauces wherewith Fish is prepar'd make more to its advantage , then the goodness of the heaft doth to prove that a knife is very sharp . CONFERENCE XXX . I. Of the Terrestrial Paradise . II. Of Embalmings and Mummies . I. Of the Terrestrial Paradise . THe existence of the Terrestrial Paradise cannot without impiety be doubted , since the Scripture assures us that it was in the Eastern parts towards Eden , which place Cain inhabited afterwards , and is design'd by Ezechiel , cap. 27. neer Coran in Mesopotamia . But though 't is not easie to know its true place , yet I am of their mind who hold that it was in the Mountain Paliedo in Armenia , the four Rivers mention'd to water Paradise issuing out of that Mountain ; to wit , Lareze and Araxes , Tigris and Euphrates . Lareze running towards the West falls into Palus Maeotis , or the Mar del Zabac . Araxes going towards the East discharges it self into the Caspian Sea , or Mar de Sala . Tigris and Euphrates run into the Mar de Messedin , or Persian Gulph . And so Lareze and Araxes will be the Pison and Gihon mentioned in Scripture , not the Nile and Ganges , as some have thought ; for the head of Nile being distant from that of Ganges 70 degrees , which make 1800 Leagues , how can they come from the same place ? Nor is it to be wonder'd if those Rivers have chang'd their names , it being ordinary , not only to Rivers , but to Seas , Cities , and Provinces . Thus the River Tanais is now call'd Don ; Ister is nam'd Danubius ; Eridanus , Padus , or the Poe ; Pactolus , Tagus ; and almost all others . The second said , 'T is with this delicious place as with Illustrious Persons , whose Country being unknown , every one challenges for theirs . Thus after Homer's death seven Cities fell into debate about his birth , every one pretending to the glory of it . And thus the place of terrestrial Paradise being unknown to men , many have assign'd it to their own Country ; but especially the Orientals have right to appropriate the same to themselves , having a title for it . Some have conceiv'd , That before the Deluge it took up the most fertile Regions of the East , namely , Syria , Damascus , Arabia , Aegypt , and the adjacent Provinces ; but the Waters having by their inundation disfigured the whole surface of the earth , and chang'd the course of the four Rivers , there remains not any trace or foot-step of it . Many believe that it was in Palestine , and that the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil was planted upon Mount Calvary , where our Lord was Crucified , to the end the sin of our first Father might be expiated in the same place where it was committed : For they who place it under the Equinoctial Line may find some reason for it as to the Heaven , but not as to the Earth : But they who assign it to the concave of the Moon had need establish new Principles , to keep themselves from being ridiculous . They best excuse our ignorance who say , That 't is indeed in some place upon the Earth , but Seas , or Rocks , or intemperateness of Climate , hinder access to it : Whereunto others add , That when God punish'd the sin of man with the Flood , his Justice left the place where the first was committed still cover'd with waters . The third said , What is commonly alledg'd , That the way to Paradise is not easie , though meant of the Coelestial , may also be applied to the Terrestrial ; for it is amongst us , and yet the way which leads to it cannot be found . The diversity of opinions touching its true place hath given ground to some Fathers to take this History in a mystical sence , and say , That this Paradise was the Universal Church ; That the four Rivers which watered it and all the Earth were the four Evangdlists , their Gospels ( which at first were written for the benefit of the faithful ) having resounded through all the corners of the Earth ; That the Trees laden with good Fruits are the good Works of the many holy Personages ; the Tree of Life , our Lord Christ ; the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil , our Free-will ; Adam , our Soul ; Eve , our Senses ; the Serpent , Temptation ; the banishment of Adam out of Paradise , the loss of Grace ; the Cherubim wielding his flaming Sword , the Divine Anger and Vengeance ; and the leaves of the Fig-tree , the vain excuses of our first Parents . But some Geographers having taken notice of a place not far from Babylon where the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris joyn together , and afterwards are divided again , and change their names , one of the Arms ( which descends into the Persian Sea ) being call'd Phasis , which is Pison ; the other ( which is Gihon ) passing through Arabia Deserta , and Aethiopia , which is neer it , have conceiv'd that the Terrestrial Paradise was at the place of the Conjunction of those four Rivers between the Caspian , Persian , and Mediterranean Seas , towards Mesopotamia and Arabia . And consequently it seems best to take this History according to the Letter , there being a place still which agrees with the truth of that description . Nevertheless the Objection , [ That the small portion of Land which appears between those Rivers would not have suffic'd to lodg and feed Adam and his Posterity , as would have been necessary in case he had not finn'd . ] makes me rather incline to their opinion who think that the Terrestrial Paradise was all the habitable Earth , such as it was before sin ; the four Rivers , the four Seasons of the Year , or the four Cardinal Winds , or the four Elements ; which is manifested in that the Scripture doth not set down that Adam went to Travel into any other Land after he was driven out of Paradise . 'T was enough for him that this Earth was no longer a Paradise to him , but produc'd nothing but thorns and thistles , instead of the fruits and flowers which it afforded before God had curs'd it , and so inseparably connected man's labour with those fruits , that now a days to express a hundred acres of Land we commonly say , A hundred acres of Labour . And as a place ceases to be the Court when the King is no longer in it , so the Divine Benediction withdrawn from the Earth , it ceas'd to be Paradise : Yea , Adam having ceas'd to be King of it , and by his sin lost the Dominion which he had over all , even the fiercest Creatures , the Earth became no longer a Paradise to him . But if I be requir'd to assign a particular place to this Paradise , leaving the description of places which I never saw to the belief of Geographers , I find none more fit for it then France : Its Climate is temperate , especially towards the East and South : It hath four Rivers , which bring into it Gold , and all the other Commodities attributed unto Paradise by the first Historian : It so abounds with all sorts of flowers that it hath taken three Lillies for its Arms ; And with fruits , that it hath for it self and its Neighbours ; yea , above any other , it produces every Tree fair to look upon , and good for food ( to use the Scripture-words ) . One interpos'd , That he should think 't was Normandie , so fruitful of goodly Apples , were it not that no Vines grow there , whose fruit is so pleasant to behold . The fourth said , As there is no great certainty in the consequences drawn from Allegories , so neither are Allegories very successfully drawn from Histories , and substituted in their places . I know not what History is , if that of our first Father be not ; nor where to stop , if people will subtilize upon the first circumstance of his Creation , and what he did afterwards . But if we find difficulty in according the Geographical Tables of the present time with the truth of that , why do not we likewise make Allegories of the Creation , and all its sequels , which are so many Miracles ? If we see no Angel that guards the access to it , no more did Balaam see that which stood in his way , though visible to his Asse . And being the space of the Garden of Eden is not determinately set down , nothing hinders but that it might be of very vast extent ; and this takes away the scruple of those who object the distance which is between all those great Rivers . Besides , being Enoch and Elias were since Adam's fall transported into this Paradise , where they must be till the coming of Antichrist , 't is a certain Argument of its real subsistence . II. Of Embalmings and Mummies . Upon the second point it was said , That the Ancients were much more careful then we , not only to preserve the Images of their Fore-fathers , but also to keep their Bodies , which they variously embalmed . The Grecians wash'd them in Wine mingled with warm Water , and then put them them into oyl of Olives , Honey , or Wax . The Aethyopians first salted them , and then put them into Vessels of Glass . In the Canary Islands they season them in the Sea , and afterwards dry them in the Sun. The Scythians place them upon Mountains cover'd with snow , or in the coolest Caves . Indeed every one knows there is a Cave at Tholouze which hath a particular virtue to preserve carkasses from corruption , and in which is seen at this day the entire body of the fair Saint Baume , and many others , dead above 200 years ago . The Indians cover'd them with ashes . The Aegyptians conceiving that bodies corrupted rose not again , and that the Soul was sensible of the Bodies corruption , did not yield to any people in curiosity of preserving them ; they fill'd with Myrrhe , Cinamon and other Spices , or with Oyl of Cedar ; then they salted them with Nitre , whose aerimony consumes all the superfluous humidities which cause putrifaction . 'T is from these bodies that we have that excellent Mummie , whose admirable effects I ascribe to sympathy . But concerning what is affirm'd , that being transported by Sea they cause tempests and strange agitations in the Ship ; 't is an effect which is to be attributed to a more occult cause . The Second said , Man is so admirable an Edifice , that even his Ruines have their use . His Fat is one of the most excellent Anodynes . His Skull serves against the Epilepsic . This liquor which is drawn from his Tomb hath several vertues : and the reasons of the great and admirable effects imputed to it , as the healing of inwards Ulcers ; and Contusions of Blood arriving to such as have fallen from on high , seem to me imputable to three Causes ; a Spiritual , a Celestial , and an Elementary . The first ariseth hence , that so perfect a Form as the reasonable Soul , having inform'd part of this Compositum , which by the mixture of some Ingredients , as Myrrhe and Aloes , hath been preserv'd from corruption , the same thing arrives to it which the Chymists say doth to their white Gold when they have extracted its Sulphur and Tincture . For being re-joyn'd to other Gold , it easily resumes the same form , and is sooner and more inseparably combin'd with it then any other thing , as having been of the same species . So when you put Mummie into a body of the same species , it takes part with the nature whence it proceeded , and siding with it incounters the disease and its symptomes : like Succour coming to relieve a besieged City with provisions and ammunition . The Celestial cause is drawn from the Heavens ; for that the light and influence of superiour bodies act upon all the sublunary ; but , by the consent of all , none is so susceptible of their actions as man ; and if his soul be not subject thereunto , yet his body is , undoubtedly ; to each part of which each part of Heaven not only answers , as some hold , but the whole to all . Whence is seen the diversity of disposition , inclinations and manners , such and so great , that 't is a palpable mistake to attribute the same to the meer mixture of the Elements . Now Mummie , having receiv'd , not only while it was animated ▪ but afterwards , all the influences whereof the humane body is susceptible , it becomes , as it were , the abstract of all the Celestial powers ; and better then Talismanical figures , communicates the same to him that uses it . The last reason , drawn from the mixture of the Elements and their qualities , might suffice alone without the preceding . For Man being the abridgement of the world , ought also to contain all the faculties of it ; and his Mummie being inanimate , but having liv'd the life of a plant , an animal and a man , it contains all these natures eminently . The Third said , That Man affecting nothing so much as immortality , because he fears nothing more then death ; and being unable to secure himself from it , do's all that he can to perpetuate himself in some fashion , since he cannot wholly . The desire of supporting his Individual person , and defending it from all inconveniences which may abridge his life , makes him count nothing difficult . In Propagation he seeks the eternity of his species . And though he is assur'd , by Reason , of his soul's immortality ; and by faith , of his body's resurrection , yet he seeks all ways he can imagine to render the memory of all his actions perpetual . 'T is this desire of getting a death-less fame , which causes us sometimes to dye immaturely by watchings and study , and so cheerfully undergo hazards , to eternize the memory of our names . Anciently this desire of perpetuation was most visible in the care to keep the life-less body , even amongst the vulgar ; and hence the Mummies of the Egyptians and other Nations remain to this day , after three or four thousand years . At present , through the ignorance of Times , this care is practis'd only amongst great persons ; and yet the effect answers very little to their intention . For the Chirurgions do not Embalm a man now a days , but only the bones and skin , after they have taken away his principal parts , the heart , liver and brain , which constituted him a man , and not the rest ; the cause whereof must be attributed to defect of Invention and means fit to dry up the superfluous humidity which causes the corruption of body ; for that alone will keep them which can dry them with the moderation requisite to the preserving of their Colour and Figure . The Fourth said , There 's a resemblance of these Mummies in bodies struck with thunder , which are free from corruption ; the Sulphur consuming the humidity , and introducing dryness to resist putrifaction , as Fire , Salt , Vitriol , Nitre , Chalk , Alum , Vinegar , and Aqua-vitae , do by their desiccative and astringing virtue . Some poysons also do the same . As Placentinus reports of a Venetian Lady , who having been poyson'd , her body became so stiff , that it seem'd to be petrifi'd . But the particular temper of every place is of great moment . They who inhabit the Southern Countries are so dry that their bodies keep intire eight days after death . And they have so little humidity , that 't is no less a shame amongst them , then of old amongst the Lacedemonians , to spit or blow the Nose . The Fifth said , That the same natural inclination of men to preserve themselves the longest they can , which heretofore instigated them to erect proud Mausolaeum's , Pyramids and Marbles , for eternizing their memory ; put them also upon the invention of Embalming their bodies ; which is a refuge after shipwreck , a little way after death . But as 't is a general law that all things which took their being by generation must lose it by corruption ; indeed by some artifice we may retard dissolution for a time ; but perfectly to hinder it , is impossible . For Heat determin'd to a certain degree by Cold , is the Agent which mixes the Humid with the Dry , and retains them in that mixture as long as it self remains intire and strong . But if this Heat receive any diminution , either being suffocated and inclos'd , or or else drawn out by a greater Heat of the Air encompassing us , ( the less Heat alwayes yielding and serving for Aliment to the greater ) this natural Heat being thus weakned , presently the Humidity leaves the Dryness , and carries away with it self that little Heat which remain'd ; whence this Humidity is heated it self , and excites a stink , and at last vanishing away , the remainder turnes to powder . Wherefore the moistest bodies are most easie to corrupt , excessive humidity more easily extinguishing the Heat which retain'd it in its duty . And the most solid bodies , as Gold and Silver , corrupt difficultly , because they have very little Humidity ; and that little which they have is greatly incorporated and united with the Dryness . But there are two sorts of Humidity ; One , excrementitious and also alimentous , which by the least defect of Heat is easily turn'd into putrefaction , because it is not yet united and assimilated to the Body wherein it is found ; whence it is that foul Bodies , Trees cut at Full Moon , being full of their sap , and Fruits gather'd before their maturity , very easily corrupt . The other is an Humidity already assimilated , which links all the parts together ; and being substantial , is not so easily corrupted as the other . Wherefore they who would embalm Bodies well , having two Humidities to repress , must make use of several means . The former Humidity must be absum'd by Hot Drugs , amongst which , Wormwood and Scordium hold the first place ; experience manifesting the one , and Galen observing that the Bodies of the Graecians slain in a battel , which touch'd Scordium , were found intire many dayes after . The latter Humidity must be preserv'd by Balsames Cold , Dry and penetrating , which may preserve the figure , colour , and consistence in the dead body . CONFERENCE XXXI . I. Whether the Life of Man may be prolong'd by Art. II. Whether 't is better to be without Passion then to moderate them . I. Whether the Life of a Man may be prolong'd by Art. THe duration of a motion or action cannot be known , unless the measure of it be known ; nor can they be measur'd unless they have known bounds . Whence neither can it be known whether the Life may be prolong'd , without knowing before-hand how long it lasts . Now 't is impossible to know this duration . For , not to mention the long lives of the Fathers in the two first thousand years of the world , God told Noah , that the age of Man should be no more then but sixscore years . Moses and David restrain it to seventy or eighty . And yet as there are at this day some who come near a hundred , so there are a hundred times as many who do not attain thirty . And whereas no body can speak of Death by experience , because they who speak of it have not felt it , and they who have felt it cannot speak of it more ; the case is the same concerning Life . Let a Man , by good order , or the use of remedies , live as long as he will , it will not be believ'd that his life ha's been prolong'd ; but , on the contrary , that his hour was not yet come . Nevertheless 't is no less consistent with reason , to say , that he who would infallibly have dy'd of a Gangrene which invaded his Legg , and thereby the rest of his Body , hath had his life prolong'd by cutting off his Legg ; or that he who was wounded in the crural vein , at which all his blood would have soon issu'd forth , ha's been secur'd from death by the Chirurgion , who stop'd the blood ; then to believe , as we do , that a Rope-maker lengthens his rope by adding new stuff to that which was ended ; that a Gold-smith makes a chain of Gold longer by fastning new links to it ; that a Smith causes his fire to last more by putting fresh coals to it . And as , in all this , there is nothing which crosses our Reason ; so if a sick man , who is visibly going to dye , receives help , and escapes , do's he not owe the more glory to God for having not onely cur'd him by the hands of the Physitian , or by spiritual Physick alone , but also prolong'd his Life , as he did to King Hezekias , whose Life was lengthened fifteen years , and of which our age wants not example ? If it be objected that this may hold in violent deaths , whereof the causes may be avoided , but that 't is not credible that a decrepit old man , who hath spun out his Life to the last , can continue it ; the nature and Etymology of the radical moisture not admitting a possibility of restauration ; I answer , that reasons taken from the original of words , are not the strongest ; and that besides there are roots which endure more , and others less , according as they are well or ill cultivated . And if the reason drawn from contraries be considerable , being many poysons are so quick that they corrupt the radical moisture in an instant , ought we to conceive Nature so much a step-dame as that she hath not produc'd something proper to restore it ? And that Humane Industry is so dull and little industrious in the thing which Man desires most , which is long Life , that it cannot reach to prepare some matter for the support , yea , for the restauration of that Original Humidity ? Considering that we are not reduc'd to live onely by what is about us , as Plants and Plant-animals do , but all the world is open and accessible to our search of Aliments and Medicines . Moreover , we have examples not onely of a Nestor who liv'd three ages ; of an Artephius who liv'd as many , and many more ; and the Herb Moly , the Nectar and Ambrosia of the Poets , which kept their gods from growing old , may well be taken for a figure of the Tree of Life , which was design'd for separation of this Humidity , but also of compositions proper to produce that effect . Yea , were it not actually so , yet 't is not less possible ; and God hath not in vain promis'd as a Reward to such as honour their Superiors , to prolong their dayes upon the earth . The Second said , If Medaea found Herbs , as the Poets say , to lengthen the Life of Aeson the Father of Jason , the Daughters of Aelias miscarried of their purpose . Indeed every thing that lives needs Heat for exercising its Actions , and Humidity to sustain that Heat ; the duration of this Heat in the Humidity is Life , which lasts as long as the one is maintain'd by the other ; like the lighted wiek in a Lamp. Now Nature dispenses to every one from the Birth as much of this Heat and Moisture as she pleases , to one for fifty , to another for sixty , seventy , eighty years or more ; which ended , the stock is spent . Physick may husband it well , but cannot produce it anew ; Aliments never repair it perfectly , no more then Water doth Wine , which it increases indeed , but weakens too , when mingled therewith . The Third back'd this Suffrage with the opinion of Pythagoras , who held that our Life is a strait line ; that the accidents which disturb it , and at length bring Death , constitute another ; and accordingly ( saith he ) as these two lines incline less or much towards one another , Life is long or short ; because the Angle of their incidence , and at which they cut , which is our Death , happens sooner or later ; and it would never happen , if these two lines were parallel . Now the meeting of these two lines cannot be deferr'd or put off . The Fourth said , 'T were a strange thing if Humane Art could repair all other defects of the Body and Mind , excepting that whereof there is most need , and all Ages have complain'd , Brevity of Life . For our Understanding hath much less need of an Art of Reasoning , our tongue of an Art of speaking , our legs of dancing , then our Life of being continu'd , since 't is the foundation of all the rest . Besides , Physick would seem useless without this . For though it serv'd only to asswage the pains of diseases , ( which is a ridiculous opinion ) yet it would thereby protract the time of Death , to which pain is the way . The Fifth said , That for the preservation of Life , 't is requisite to continue the marriage of Heat and moisture , Death alwayes hapning immediately upon their disjunction , and leaving the contrary qualities in their room , Cold and Dryness . Now to know how Heat must be preserv'd , we must observe how 't is destroy'd . And that is four wayes I. By Cold , which being moderate , fights with it ; but violent , wholly destroyes it . II. By suffocation , or smothering , when the Pores are stop'd , and the issue of fuliginous vapours hindred : Thus Fire dyes for want of Air. III. By its dissipation , which is caus'd by hot medicaments , violent exercise , and immoderate heat of the Sun or Fire : Whence proceeds a Syncope or Deliquium of the Heart . IV. By want of Aliment , without which it can no more last a moment , then Fire without wood or other combustible matter . All agree that the three first Causes may be avoided , or at least remedied . And as for the Fourth , which is doubled of , I see nothing that hinders but that as the spirits of our bodies are perfectly repair'd by the Air we incessantly breathe ; so Aliments , or some Specificks , as , as amongst others , Gold dissolv'd in some water not corrosive , may in some manner restore the fewel of our Heat . And seeing there are found burning Mountains , in which the Fire cannot consume so much matter apt for burning , but it alwayes affords it self other new , which makes it subsist for many Ages : Why may not a matter be prepar'd for our Natural Heat , which though not neer so perfect as that which it consum'd , ( for were it so , an Animal would be immortal ) yet may be more excellent then ordinary Aliments , and by this means prolong our Lives . And this must be sought after , not judg'd impossible . The Sixth said , That Life consisting in the Harmony and proportion of the four first qualities , and in the contemperation of the four Humours ; there 's no more requir'd for the prolonging of Life , but to continue this Harmony . Which may be done , not onely by a good natural temper , but also by the right use of external things ; as pure Air , places healthful and exposed to the Eastern winds , Aliments of good juice , sleep sufficiently long , exercises not violent , passions well rul'd , and the other things ; whose due administration must prolong Life by the same reason that their abuse or indiscreet usage diminishes it . The Seventh said , That Life consists in the salt which contains the Spirit that quickens it , and is the preservative Balsame of all compounds . The vivifying Spirit of Man is inclos'd in a very volatile Armoniack Salt , which exhales easily by Heat , and therefore needs incessant reparation by Aliments . Now to preserve Life long , it is requsite to fix this volatile salt ; which is done by means of another salt extracted by Chymistry , which is not onely fix'd , but also capable to fix the most volatile . For the Chymists represent this salt incorruptible in it self , and communicating its virtue to other bodies : Upon which account they stile it Quintessence , Aethereal Body , Elixir , and Radical Balsame , which hath a propriety to preserve not onely living bodies many Ages , but dead , from corruption . II. Whether 't is better to be without Passions then to moderate them . Upon the Second Point , it was said , Tranquility of Mind , the scope and end of Moral Philosophy , is of three sorts . The I. is call'd Alaraxic , and is in the Understanding , whose judgement it suspends , and is not mov'd with any thing ; which was the end of the Scepticks . The II. is in the Reason , which regulates the Passions of the Sensitive Appetite , and is term'd Metriopathy , or moderation of the Passions . The III. is the Apathy of the Stoicks , in which they constituted their supreme Good ; which is an Insensibility , Indolence , and want of Passions , attributed by the envious to a Melancholy Humour , or to Ambition and Cynicall Hypocrisie . For the Melancholy Man seeking solitude as the Aliment of his Phancy , and the Element of his black Humour , ( which is the step-dame of Virtues ) by thinking to avoid external Passions , remains under the Tyranny of internal , which he dares not vent , but covers like Fire under ashes . This mask'd Sect shuts the fore-door indeed to the Passions , but opens the postern . They passionately desire to shew themselves without Passion . And their vanity appears in that they affect to appear unlike the rest of Men , by casting off humane sentiments and affections , as Charity and Compassion , which they account vitious . But instead of raising themselves above Men , they degrade themselves below beasts , by depriving themselves of the indifferent actions which are common to us with them : Actions which Reason ought to regulate indeed , but not wholly reject . And as the supreme Region of the Air receives Exhalations to inflame them , and make shining Comets , but is free from Hail , Thunder , Winds , Rains , and other Meteors which are made in the Middle Region ; so Reason ought to receive the notices of the Sensitive Appetite which are called Passions , to make use of them ; but 't is to moderate them , and hinder the disorder caus'd by them in the Sensitive Appetite , which is the Middle Faculty of the Soul. In fine , as Eagles and Dolphins , which are in the tempests of the Winds and Sea , are yet more to be esteem'd then Moles , Wormes , and other creeping things which live in holes ; so he who is agitated with Passions much surpasses him who hath none at all . Nor is there any body but desires rather to be froward then stupid and insensible . And if Insensibility be a Virtue , then stocks and stones and inanimate bodies would be more happy then we . The Second said , Since Passion is an irregular motion of the Sensitive Appetite , call'd therefore Perturbation , it alters the state of the Soul : Whence Anger and Fear hinder us from perceiving what is visible , and Hatred or Love pervert the Judgement ; for which reason we desire that a good Judge be without Passion . What a disease is to the Body , whose actions it hurteth , that are the Passions to the Soul. Wherefore to ask whether the Soul is happiest without Passion , is to question whether the Body is most at ease without sickness ; and , to moderate instead of extirpating them , is to palliate a disease instead of curing it ; and to inquire of a Pilot whether a Tempest be more proper for Navigation then a Calm . Moreover , the happiest condition of Man is that which comes nearest Eternal Bliss , in which we shall have no Passions ; the superior and rational part having subdu'd the inferior or sensitive . And Aristotle holds , that the Heroes or Demi-gods are exempted from them . The Third said , 'T is to derogate from our Senses , to say , with the Stoicks , that the Passions which we feele proceed onely from the depravation of our judgements . For what they call diseases of the Mind , is meant of those which are inordinate , and not of those which are moderate and fram'd by the level of Reason . 'T is therefore expedient to moderate , them , but not wholly extinguish them , though it were possible . Now that it is impossible , appears , because they are appurtenances of our Nature , and the actions of the Sensitive Faculty , which is part of our selves . And our Lord not having renounc'd these appendances of our Humanity , hath thereby manifested that they are not vicious . Besides , the first motions are not in our power , and therefore 't is impossible totally to extirpate them . But though we could , we ought not , because they are altogether necessary ; as appears in that , I. Without the Passions there would be no Virtues , for the Passions are the Objects of Virtues ; Thus Temperance moderates Pleasure and Pain , Fortitude regulates Boldness and Fear . II. They sharpen them . Thus Anger serves to heighten Courage , and Fear augments Prudence . III. They preserve an Animal . Thus Pleasure incites Animals to feed and generate , and Grief makes them avoid what is noxious , and recur to remedies , even in spiritual distempers ; in which to be insensible of Grief is to be desperate . The Fourth said , If Men were void of Passions , they might be lead to Virtue with much more success and less trouble . For they would not be averted from it by the contrary motions of their Passions , which hurry them with so great violence , that all that the most virtuous endeavour to do , is , to swim against the Torrent , and repress its impetuous course : Upon which they unfruitfully spend their time , which might be farr better employ'd in performing virtuous actions , when the rebated Passions ( introducing an agreeable evenness in their Humours , with a firm Constancy in their Manners , accompany'd with a laudable indifference in their Desires ) would allow reason more means to incite them to the exercise of Virtues . For Men having their Eyes unvail'd of the sundry affections which blind them , would more perfectly know the True Good , and consequently pursue it by a shorter and surer way . And though they were not lead to Sensible Good with so much ardour , nor decline Evil with so much horrour , yet they would do both with more reason . So that , what Men do now by a motion of the Sensitive Appetite , they would do then by a principle of Virtue . For the difficulty found in attaining a total privation of Passions seemes indeed to surpass our strength , yet thereby sets forth the excellence of the Atchievement . The Fifth said , He that were exempt from all Passions , would be as unhappy as he that should always endeavour to bridle them . But the former is impossible , and the latter no less difficult then to walk upon a rope , where the least false step procures a dangerous fall . For we quit our passions , but they quit not us ; as the thought of young maidens follow'd a good father even into his Hermitage . And he that goes about to tame them , is the true Sisyphus , upon whom the stone which he thrusts away incessantly revolves . The first would be without joy , without which nevertheless a man cannot be happy . The second would be without rest , because he would be in perpetual combat and inquietude , wherewith felicity cannot consist . I conceive therefore ( morally speaking ) there 's more felicity in gently giving the bridle to one's passions , and following his inclinations : although this opinion may well consist with Christian Philosophy in good-natur'd persons , or such as have acquir'd a good temper by good examples , who may innocently follow their inclination , because it will lead them only to vertuous , or , at least , indifferent things . And for the vicious , 't is certain the evil which they do not by reason of the repugnance which they have to it , and the fear of punishment , cannot be imputed to them for vertue , nor consequently make them happy . CONFERENCE XXXII . I. Sympathie and Antipathy . II. Whether Love descending is stronger then ascending . I. Of Sympathy and Antipathy . WHat a Father once said , That the first , second , and third Point of Christian Philosophy was humility ( meaning that it all referr'd thereunto ) the same may be said of Sympathy and Antipathy , which is the Similitude or Contrariety of Affections . For the generation and corruption of all things is to be referr'd to them . The sympathy of the simple qualities , and the Elements wherein they are found , are causes of the temperament of mixt bodies , as the antipathy is of their dissolution . 'T is they who unite and dis-unite those compound bodies , and by approximating or removing them one from another cause all their motions and actions . When these causes are apparent to us , and may be probably imputed to qualities , we recur to them as the most easie , general and common . But when we find bodies , whose qualities seem alike to us , and nevertheless they have very different effects , we are then constrain'd to seek the cause thereof elsewhere ; and finding none , we call it an Occult Propriety , whose two daughters are Sympathy and Antipathy . For Man , being a reasonable creature , is desirous to know the reason of every thing ; and when he cannot attain to it he becomes as much tormented as a Judge whose Jurisdiction is retrench'd : and this through want of apprehending that what he knows hath no other proportion to what he ignores , then finite , yea very little , hath to infinite . And being unable to find the true reason of an infinite number of effects which ravish him with admiration , yet resolving to have some one , he feigns one under these names of Sympathy and Antipathy ; those two Hocus Pocus's , to which he refers the cause why Corral stays bleeding , Amber draws straw , the Loadstone Iron , which the Theamede rejects ; why the Star-stone moves in Vinegar , the Cole-wort is an enemy to the Vines , Garlick a friend to the Rose and Lilly , increasing one the others ' odour ; why a man's fasting-spittle kills the Viper , why Eeles drown'd in Wine make the drinker thenceforward hate it ; why Betony strengthens the Brain , Succhory is proper to the Liver , Bezoar a friend to the Heart ; and infinite others . But because general causes do not satisfie us no more then Definitions whose Genuses are remote , and the Differences common , it seems we are oblig'd to a particular inquisition of their causes . The Second said , The Subjects in which Sympathies and Antipathies are found must be distinguish'd , in order to assign their true causes . For in things alike , we may refer their effects to the similitude of their substances and accidents . Thus the Lungs of a Fox are useful to such as are Phthisical ; the intestine of a Wolf is good for the Colick ; Eye-bright for the Eye , Solomons's-Seal for the Rupture , the black decoction of Sena for Melancholy , yellow Rhubarb for choler , white Agaric for Flegm . Yet 't is not requisite that this resemblance be total ; for then a man's Lungs should rather be serviceable to the Phthisical , then that of a Fox , and the Load-stone should rather draw a Load-then Iron , which yet do's not hold , because there 's no action between things perfectly alike . Antipathy also arises from the contrariety of Forms , their qualities and other accidents . Now we are much puzzl'd to assign the causes of this Sympathy and Antipathy in things which have nothing either of likeness or contrariety : as when I see two unknown men play at Tennis , the one with as good a grace as the other , I have a kind of desire that one may rather win then the other . Is it not rather chance which causes this ? Our will , though free , being always oblig'd to tend this way or that way , and cannot chuse the worst ; or else , all things being made by weight , number and measure , those affect one another most who have the same proportion in their composition ; or who had the same configuration of heaven at their birth . Or every thing naturally affecting to become perfect seeks this perfection in all the subjects which it meets ; and when the same disposition is found in two several bodies or minds , if they would arrive at that perfection by one and the same way , this meeting serves for the means of union , which is our sympathy ; and their different disposition or way , the contrary . The Third , amongst sundry examples of Antipathy , said , That if we believe Apuleius , the Look-glassing us'd by an incontinent woman spoils the visage of a chast ; that it is manifest between the horse and the Camel , the Elephant and the Swine , the Lyon and the Cock , the Bull and the Fig-tree , the Adder and a naked man , the Ape and the Tortois , the Serpent and the shadow of the Ash. For that which is observ'd amongst Animals who devour and serve for food to one another , as the Wolf and the Sheep , the Kite and the Chicken ; or amongst those who always offend and hurt one the other , as Man and the Serpent , deserve rather the name of Enmity , whereof the causes are manifest . But , to speak truth , all these effects are no more known to us then their causes are unknown . He who endu'd them with Formes having annex'd Proprieties thereunto , both the one and the other , impenetrable to humane wit. The Fourth said , That for a lasting order amongst the creatures , it was requisite that every one were naturally lead to its own preservation by adhering to what was conducible thereunto , and eschewing the contrary . Now , to do this , they needed instruments whereby to act , which are their qualities , either manifest ( which proceed from the Temperament , and are either First , or Second , or else occult ( which proceed from every form and substance ) to which the Sympathies and Antipathies , correspondences and contrarieties of all natural , Bodies ought to be referr'd , from whence issue some spirits bearing the character and idea of the form from which they flow . These spirits being carried through the air ( just as odours are ) if their forces and vertues be contrary , they destroy one another : which is call'd Antipathy . If the same be friendly , they unite and joyn together , the stronger attracting the weaker . Hence Iron doth not attract the Load-stone , but the Load-stone Iron . So when a Wolf sees a man first , the man loses his voyce , or , at least , becomes hoarse ; because venomous spirits issue out the Wolfe's eyes , which being contrary to those which issue out of the man , inclose the same , and by hindring them to flow forth hinder them from forming the voyce . But when the man spies the Wolf first , his effluvia being foreseen hurt less , and have less power upon him , because the man encourages himself against them . The Fifth said , 'T is more fit to admire these secret motions , ( which depend only on the good pleasure of Nature , who alone knows wherein consists the proportion & correspondence which makes bodies symbolize one with another ) then to seek the true cause of them unprofitably . And Aristotle himself confesses that he knew not whereunto to refer the Antipathy which is between the Wolf and the Sheep , so strange , that even after their deaths , the strings of Instruments made of their guts never agree together : as the feathers of the Eagle consume those of other Birds . Likewise , the subtile Scaliger , after much time unprofitably spent , acknowledges that he understands it not . They who go about to give reasons of it are not less ignorant , but more vain then others . The Sixth said , Words are frequently abus'd ; as for example , when 't is attributed to Antipathy , that the Dog runs after the Hare ; whereas 't is for the pleasure that he takes in his smelling , which is an effect of Sympathy . But they who refer almost every thing to Occult Proprieties are like the Country-man , who not seeing the springs of a Watch thinks it moves by an occult vertue ; or who being ask'd , why it thunders , answers , simply , because it pleases God. Wherefore instead of imitating the ignorant vulgar ( who are contented to admire an Eclipse , without seeking the cause ) the difficulty ought to inflame our desire ; as we use more care and diligence to discover a hidden treasure ; nothing seeming impossible to the Sagacious wits of these times . The Seventh said , That , according to Plato , the reason of Sympathies and Antipathies is taken from the correspondence and congruity , or from the disproportion which inferior bodies have with the superiour , which according as they are more or less in terrestrial bodies , and according to the various manner of their being so , the same have more or less sympathy . For as inferior things take their source from above , so they have one to the other here below the same correspondence which is common to them with the celestial bodies : according to the Axiom , that things which agree in one third , agree also among themselves . Thus , amongst stones , those which are call'd Helites and Selenites ( Sun-stone , and Moon-stone ) are luminous , because they partake of the rayes of those Luminaries ; and the Helioselene imitates by its figure the Conjunction of the Sun and Moon . Amongst Plants , the Lote or Nettle-tree , the Mari-gold and the Heliotrope or Sun-flower , follow the motion of the Sun. Amongst Solar Animals , the Cock and the Lyon are the most noble ; and the Cock more then the Lyon ; he alwayes gives applauses to the Sun when he perceives him approaching our Horizon or Zenith . Whereupon the Lyon fears and respects him : because things which are inferior to others in one and the same degree , yield to them , though they surpass them in strength and bigness ; as the arms which fury hath put into the hands of a mutinous multitude , fall out of them at the presence of some man of respect and authority , though they be a thousand against one . II. Whether Love descending be stronger then ascending . Upon the second Point it was said , Although this be a common saying , and it seems that Love ought rather to descend then ascend , yea that Fathers are oblig'd to love their children even with the hatred of themselves ; yet I conceive that the love of children towards their fathers surpasses that of fathers towards their children ; inasmuch as the latter proceeds from the love which the fathers bear to themselves , being desirous to have support and assistance from those whom they bring into the world , and in them to perpetuate their names , honours , estates , and part of themselves . But the love of children to Fathers is pure and dis-interested ; as may be observ'd in many who , having no hope of a patrimony , love and honour their parents with most respectful kindness . Moreover , the supream authority and absolute power of life and death , which the Romans and our ancient Gaules frequently us'd against their children , shows their little affection . For , not to speak of those Nations who sacrific'd theirs to false gods , nor of Manlius , Mithridates , Philip II. King of Spain , and infinite others , who put them to death ; Fathers anciently held them of worse condition then their slaves . For a slave once sold never return'd more into the Seller's power ; whereas a son sold and set at liberty return'd thrice into the power of his Father . As also at this day , in Moscovia , Russia , and particularly in Cyprus , Rhodes , and Candia , where 't is an ordinary thing for fathers to sell their sons to marry their daughter , which made Augustus say , having heard that Herod had kill'd his own son , that it was better to be the Swine then son of a Jew . But Patricide was unknown to ancient Legislators ; and Lycurgus never ordain'd any punishment against such criminals , not imagining that such a crime could come into the mind of a lawful child , whom the Persians conceiv'd to declare himself a bastard by such an action . For that foolish custom which reign'd some time at Rome of precipitating men of sixty years old from the bridge into Tyber , is no sign of the cruelty of children towards their fathers , since they imagin'd that they did an act of piety and religion therein , by delivering them from the miseries of this life . The Second said , None can know how great a love a father bears his children , but he that hath been a Father . Paternal tenderness is so vehement that all the passions and affections of the soul give place to it . Prudence and Philosophy may preach to us restraint and moderation ; but a father's love , admitting no rule , caus'd a King of Sparta to run with a stick between his legs , a Grand Cosmo to whip a top , and the wisest of all the Grecians to play at Cob-nut , to make pastime to their children : experiences sufficient to gain the cause to paternal love , though it were not back'd by these reasons . 1. That love being the issue of knowledge , the more there is of knowledge the more there is of love . Therefore fathers having more knowledge then their children , have also more love . 2. As man desires nothing so much as immortality , so he loves that thing especially which procures the same to him ; and hating death more then any thing in the world , extreamly loves what seems to keep him from dying , as his children do , in whom he seems to revive . Whence also the Pelican feeds its young at the expence of its own blood . On the contrary , Man being the most ambitious of all creatures , hates nothing so much as to see himself subjected to another . Wherefore children , that the benefits which they receive from their fathers may oblige them to gratitude and subjections they perform the same indeed , but with much less love then their fathers . 3. God ha's given no commandment to fathers to love their children , knowing that they lov'd them but too much ; but he hath to children , to love and honour their fathers , as having need to be invited thereunto even by promise of reward . 4. We naturally love that which proceeds from us , be it the most imperfect in the world . The Workman loves his work more then that loves him ; as the Creator loves his creature better then he is lov'd by it . Moreover , we find in Scripture fathers who desir'd and obtain'd the raising of their children from the dead , but no child that pray'd God to raise his father ; yea , one that desir'd leave to go and bury his . To conclude , our will is carri'd to an object by the opinion , true or false , which it conceives of it ; and accordingly we see that a man's only believing himself to be a father inspires this paternal love into him , though he be not . The Third said , In this sweet debate between fathers and children , I conceive the former ought to yield to the latter , as in all other cases the latter to the former . And as the whole goes not to seek its part , but the part its whole ; so the child , who is part of his father , loves him more tenderly , and is more willingly lead towards him then the father towards his child . If fathers love their children because they resemble them , the resemblance is common to both , and so children shall love them as much for the same reason . And the being which fathers give their children is as much an effect of the love which they bear to themselves as of that which they bear to their children . Indeed , if love be a fire ( as the Poets say ) it must , according to its natural motion , rather ascend then descend ; and if , in humane love , the lover is less perfect then the loved , the child who hath less perfection then the father , must be the lover , and the father the subject of his love . And this the examples of Filial love sufficiently manifest . For not to speak of Aeneas who sav'd his father from the fire and sack of Troy , nor of Amphinomus and Anapias who went to draw theirs out of the midst of Aetna's flames ; nor of Cimon the son of Miltiades who sold his liberty to redeem the dead body of his father ( which was retain'd for debts ) and to give it an honourable burial ; nor of Athamanes King of Crete , who voluntarily brought death upon himself that he might prolong his fathers life , according to the answer of the Oracle ; Appius alone decides the question . He had the choice of leaving either his father or his own family in evident danger , he chose rather to be a good son then a good father and husband , abandoning his wife and children to the proscription of the Triumvirate , that he might secure his father from it . The Fourth said , It seems that Filial love is rather a payment of a debt , an acknowledgement of a benefit , and shunning of ingratitude , then a free and natural affection , such as that of the father is . Besides , he who gives loves more then he who receives . Yea it seems that he who began to do good is oblig'd to continue it , that his work be not imperfect . Now fathers give not only being , which nevertheless is the foundation of well-being , but also usually education , and their riches acquir'd by their labours ; induc'd so to do by the sole consideration of honesty , upon which their love being grounded is much more noble and admirable then that of children , which is commonly establish'd upon the profit which they receive from their fathers . The Fifth said , 'T is not so much the being a father or a son that causes the amity , as the being a good father or good son : otherwise all fathers should love their children in the same manner , and all children their fathers ; which do's not hold . Nature casts the seeds of it , co-habitation cultivates it , custom cherishes it , example fashions it , but above all , compassion enforces it . Thus fathers , seeing the weakness of their children ha's need of their aid , love them the more . And for this reason Grand-fathers love their Nephews more tenderly then their own children . And when fathers through sicknesses or decrepit age become objects of compassion to their children , their kindness is redoubled ; bur 't is not usually so strong as that of fathers towards them . CONFERENCE XXXIII . I. Of those that walk in their sleep . II. Which is the most excellent Moral Virtue . I. Of those that walk in sleep . SLeep-walkers , call'd by the Greeks Hypnobatae , are such , as , rising out of their beds in the night , walk about in their sleep , and do the same things as if they were awake ; then return to bed again , and think not that they were out of it unless in a dream . This affection is rank'd under the symptomes of the animal faculty , and particularly of the common sense ; and though it be not a disease , yet it seems in some sort to be against nature . For since men sleep for the resting of their senses and motion , and wake to exercise the same , whatever hinders and alters the one or the other , as to move when we should rest , is against nature . And if it be strange persons remain stupid when they are awake , as Exstaticks do , 't is no less to see a man in sleep do as much , or more then if he were awake . I ascribe the natural causes hereof , 1. To the Imagination which receives the impression of objects , no less during sleep then waking ; yea it represents them to it self much greater then they are ; as it hapned to him whose leg being become paralytical in his sleep , he dream'd that he had a leg of stone . Now these species being strong act so powerfully upon the Imagination of the Hypnobatae , that they constrain them to move and go towards the things represented therein . For though sense be hindred in sleep , yet motion is not , as appears by Respiration , which is always free ; and by infants who stir in their mothers belly though they sleep continually . For the hinder part of the head , destinated to motion , is full of abundance of spirits , especially at the beginning of the Spinal Marrow , where there is a very apparent Cavity which cannot be stop'd by vapours , as the anterior part of the head is , in which the organs of the senses are , which being stop'd by vapours can have no perception during sleep . Wherefore 't is groundless to say , with Aristotle , that sleep-walkers see as well as if they were awake ; for 't is impossible for one not awake to see , because visible objects make a more lively impression in their organ then any other ; and a man asleep is not distinguish'd from another but by cessation of the sense of seeing . For one may Hear , Taste , Smell and Touch , without waking , but not See. 2. The thick and tenacious vapours seising upon the brain , and obstructing its out-lets , contribute much to this effect . For since the smoak of Tobacco is sometimes kept in our bodies two whole days , the same may happen to the gross and viscous vapours rais'd from the humours or aliments ▪ 3. The particular constitution of their bodies is of some moment towards it , as an active , hot , dry and robust temper , a great quantity of subtile and brisk spirits , quickness of wit , a habit & custom of doing some action ; as the Postilion who sadled , bridled , and rid his horse , asleep , and after making some careers brought him back to the Stable . The Second said , Though , according to , Aristotle in the 5. Book of the Generation of Animals , there is some difference between a dream and this affection which causes men to walk in their sleep ; because ( saith he ) a dream is when the sleeper takes that for true which is presented to him , though it be not so . But when one dreams that he is in a place , and is there indeed , and doth really that which he imagines ; 't is rather a vision then a dream . Nevertheless methinks their extraordinary motions may as well be referr'd to dreams as any other motions which are made in sleep , considering that they come from the same cause , are made by the same organs , and differ not but in degree . The one being made by a bare representation of the species , and the other by a strong impression . So that 't is no more wonder to see a man rise out of his bed , walk , get upon the ridge of a house , climb a tree , and do other like things without waking ; then 't is so see another dreamer speak in his sleep , laugh , cry , stir his arms and legs ; both of them being led thereunto by the same means . The Third said , He wonder'd not so much to see a man walk in his sleep , considering that 't is ordinary enough to those which travel , provided they walk in a plain and even way ; as Galen records to have hapned to himself , he having gone almost a league in that manner , and not waking till he stumbled at the foot of a tree . But he wonder'd ( indeed ) how they perform'd their actions better in the night then in the day , and with more courage , and wake not during those violent motions and stirrings . The cause whereof is , as I conceive , that being awake they have a Reason which contradicts their Imagination and Appetite , and which having an eye over all their actions , the same are not so sure because they are less free in sleep , at which time the faculties of the Understanding being , as 't were , consopited , the others are carried towards their objects with more certainty then when they are controll'd and restrain'd by that superior faculty ; as we see servants are more brisk in their motions when they are out of their masters presence . They act also with more boldness , because having no knowledge of the present dangers they do not apprehend the same . Which is observ'd in fools and children , who do themselves less hurt in dangers because they apprehend them less . Lastly , the cause why they wake not during those great motions , although they swim over rivers , proceeds from the great quantity of those thick and glutinous vapours which stop the pores serving to the commerce of the spirits during the long time that they are dissipating ; according as 't is observ'd in drunkards or those that have taken somniferous medicaments , who by reason of the excessive vapours of the wine or drugs awake not , whatever be done to them . Whence the melancholy temper is most prone to this affection ; because black choler which hath the consistence of pitch , sends its gross vapours up to the brain , and they are the most difficult to be resolv'd . The Fourth said , If men left themselves to be conducted by their natural inclination without making so many reviews and reflections upon what they do , their actions would be much better and surer . For as where two Masters are , neither is obey'd ; so both the superior and inferior appetite striving to command in man , neither the one nor the other is perfectly master . Besides , 't is an establish'd order of nature , that things which have most proprieties and faculties have less certainty ; those which have most certainty have fewest proprieties . Thus the Swallow makes its nest with more certainty then the Architect doth a house . The Vine more assuredly makes the Grape then the Swallow its nest ; the stone more infallibly descends towards its centre then the Vine-makes the Grape ; because a stone hath only the first step of being ; the Vine besides hath a Vegetative being , and the Swallow a Sensitive ; but Man , who besides all these degrees hath Reason , endeavours to make use of all these several Utensils , and consequently makes use of none imperfection ; as he who is skill'd in sundry Crafts discharges not any so well as he who addicts himself but to one . Now whilst a man is awake , the variety of objects and of the powers which are mov'd in him hinder him from performing so perfect an action ; as when all the other faculties are bound up by sleep , the sensitive alone remains mistress . The Fifth said , As there is but one straight line , and infinite crooked , so there is but one right manner of acting , and infinite oblique . The right line is , that a man perform all his animal functions only awake , the vital and natural as well asleep as awake . Deviation from this rule happens a thousand several ways . One is asleep when he should wake , another is unquiet when he should sleep . In a third , inquietudes are only in the spirits , the body remaining asleep . In some both the spirits and the body are agitated , only the judgement and reason are bound up . Some Morbifick causes go so far as to inflame the spirits , whence comes the Ephemera ; others more vehement alter and corrupt the humours , whence the diversity of Fevers , and amongst them , Phrensies , in which you see bodies scarce able to turn in the bed , cast themselves out at a window , run through the streets , and hard to be restrain'd by the strongest . So great a force hath the soul when she gets the head of Reason , which serv'd as Bit and Cavesson to her . Indeed if Naturalists say true , that a spirit is able to move not only a Celestial Sphere , but the whole world it self , were it not restrain'd by a greater power ; 't is no wonder if the same spirit have a great power over a body which it informs , when it hath shaken off the dominion of Reason , as it happens in sleep-walkers . The Sixth said , 'T is probable that the more causes contribute to one and the same effect , the more perfectly it is done . Man being awake , hath not only the action of all his parts , but that of all his senses strengthned by the concourse of spirits renders his parts much more strong and vigorous then when his is asleep . Reason assisted by daily experience avoucheth that he acts better waking then sleeping : and yet we see the contrary in the persons under consideration . Wherefore their agitation cannot be attributed to the soul alone which informs the body , but to some spirit good or bad , whether such as they call aerial Hob-goblins , or others ; which insinuating into the body , as into a ship whose Pilot is asleep , governs and guides it at pleasure ; and as a thing abandon'd to the first occupant , carries it where it lists , and then returns it to its former place . Witness the man mention'd by Levinus Lemnius , who walk'd with his feet against the Rafters , and his head downward , in his sleep : the cause of which cannot , with likelihood , be attributed to our spirits how light and aerial soever they may be . II. Which is the most excellent Moral Virtue Upon the Second Point it was said , That they who speak best in all professions , do not act alwayes so ; saying and doing seem to be so balanc'd , that the one cannot be lifted high without depressing the other . Which was the cause that the Architect who spoke wonders was pass'd by , and he chosen who onely said that he would do what the other had spoken . Hence it is we so often desire that things could speak of themselves . Justice would come in another garb then as she is painted , blind-fold , with her scales and sword . Fortitude would display other effects then that pillar which she is made to carry upon her shoulder ; and Temperance other examples then that of pouring Water into her Wine . Prudence would have other attire and allurements then those which her Looking-glasse represents . In brief , the whole train and Court of the four Cardinal Virtues , Magnificence , Liberality , Patience , Humility , Obedience , Friendship , and all the other Moral Virtues , would set forth all their attractives , and make it confess'd that they are all charming and so link'd together , that who so would be happy must be possess'd of them all . But since I am oblig'd to give the preheminence to one , I shall prefer Liberality , which wears the Epithete of Royal , and is the aptest to win the hearts of all the world . The Second said , All the Virtues here in question touching their preheminences , accepting you for Judges of their Controversie , in hope you will do them Justice , seem already to condemn themselves , by giving their voice implicitely to Justice , whom they implore as their Sovereign . Moreover , in the Scripture the name alone of Justice comprehends all the other Virtues , and he is term'd Just who is possess'd of them all . Aristotle stiles it , All Virtue , and saith , with his Master Plato , that 't is more bright and admirable then the Day-star . T is the more excellent , for that it especially considers the good of others , and not its own particular . For 't is defin'd , and a constant stedfast will of rendring to every one that which belongs to him ; not that 't is the Will , which is a Faculty , and being capable of contraries , can do well and ill ; but because 't is the noblest habit of this Faculty , therefore it retains its name . So the most excellent habit of the Understanding , whereby to know the first Principles , is call'd Intellect . Pythagoras compares Justice to the number of Eight . For as this is the most perfect number , and hath most equality , all its parts being equal ; so Justice is the perfectest of all Virtues , because it gives them their equality and measure in which their perfection consists . And like as the most perfect state of our Health consists in the perfect equality of our Humours , which for this reason is call'd , the temperament according to Justice ; so the most perfect state of the Soul consists in this habit which gives equality and mediocrity to all our virtuous actions . But though Justice be the ornament of Virtues , yet it is particularly so of Kings , and therefore ours , among all the Virtues whereof he hath taken possession , ha's particularly reserv'd to himself the title of JVST . The Third said , I account Prudence not onely the most excellent but the sole Virtue ; yea , the condition without which all other Virtues lose their name . The Philosophers were not contented to establish it for one of the Cardinal Virtues , they make it the salt which preserves and gives taste to all the rest , without which they would be disagreeable , yea , odious to all the world . For too exact Justice carries the name of highest Injustice ; Fortitude becomes Violence , and Temperance applies it self ill , without Prudence . Hence it hath chosen for its Object Reason alone , which it divides to the other Virtues . So that a Man who do's all his actions , having Reason alone for his guide , shall be call'd prudent ; but other Virtues do not regard reason further then as it leads them to a particular thing . Now when Reason renders to every one what pertains to him , this Prudence is call'd Justice : When the same Reason moderates the Passions , this Prudence is called Temperance ; and when it passes above all dangers , 't is called Fortitude . So that the Objects of the three other Virtues being good , onely as they partake of that of Prudence , this must be without comparison the most excellent . The Ancients for this purpose represented it by an Eye , to shew that this Virtue hath the same preheminence over the rest , which the Eye hath among the parts of the Body . The Fourth said , If place makes any thing for the nobleness of Virtues , Prudence will have the advantage , since it resides in the noblest Faculty of Man , the Understanding . But if we regard the end of Moral Virtues , which is civil felicity , and from whence alone their nobleness is to be measur'd , as the means by their end ; t is certain that an honest Friendship founded upon Virtue is the most noble , because more proper then any other to procure that felicity , yea , alone sufficient to obtain it . For if all were perfect Friends , Justice would not be needful , none denying to another what belong'd to him ; and if all were just , there would be no necessity of using force . Moreover , of all the Virtues , there 's none but Amity alone which hath no Excess ; this shews that it is wholly excellent . How much ought we to love ? infinitely if it be possible . Justice hath an excess , which is severity ; but because it follows it in dignity , 't is no Vice. Prudence , Temperance , and the other Virtues which come after , have their vicious excesses . This Virtue of Friendship is the most rare , being found onely amongst good people , who are so few , that all Antiquity scarce affords ten couple of perfect Friends . A scarcity which attests its value . For we must beware of comprizing under the name of this Friendship the Passion of Love , or profitable and delightful Friendship , which have nothing of it besides the name . Because true Friendship considers onely another , but the other virtues have onely self-reflections , though they make shew otherwise . CONFERENCE XXXIV . I. Of Lycanthropy . II. Of the way to acquire Nobility . I. Of Lycanthropy . THere is a sort of Wolves call'd by the Greeks Monolyci , and by Aristotle , Monopiri , that is to say , solitary , never preying but alone , great lovers of Man's Blood ; we call them Garoux , possibly because they wander and roame about the fields , as the Greeks name those Lycanthropi who are possess'd with that kind of Madness which makes them do the same as if they were Wolves indeed . Such is that people of Livonia , which , as Olaus in his Northern History relates , change themselves into Wolves , and on Christ-mass day exercise many cruelties even upon little children ; and those who , in our time , confess that they have put on the shapes of Wolves , Lyons , Dogs , and other Animals , that they might exercise their cruelty upon Men with impunity . For I am not of their mind who think such transformation is made by natural causes . To which neither can that be attributed , which the Scripture relates of Nebuchadonozor K. of Babylon , who became an Ox , and ate the grass of the field for the space of nine years , and afterwards resum'd his former shape ; that the rods of the Aegyptian Magicians were turn'd into Serpents , as well as that of Moses ; that Lot's Wife was chang'd into a Statue of Salt ; no more then the most fabulous metamorphoses of Niobe into stone , Lycaon , Demarchus , and Moeris , into Wolves ; the companions of Vlysses into sundry Animals by the Enchantress Circe , those of Diomedes into Birds , Apuleius into an Ass ; that an Aegyptian Lady became a Mare , and was restor'd into her former shape by S. Macarius the Hermite , as the Historian Vincent reports in his 18. Book . Seeing a Rational Soul can not naturally animate the Body of a Wolf. The least distemper of our Brain suffices to hinder the Soul from exercising its functions , and can it exercise them in that of a Beast ? 'T is more credible that some evil Spirit supplies the place , and acts the part of the Sorcerer who is soundly asleep in his Bed , or in some other place apart from the commerce of Men. As it happen'd to the Father of Praestantius , mention'd by St. Augustine in his Book , De Civitate Dei , who awaking out of a long and deep sleep , imagin'd himself to have been turn'd into a Horse , and carry'd provisions upon his back to Soulders ; which he obstinately believ'd , though his Son assur'd him that he had not stirr'd out of bed . Nevertheless the thing was verifi'd by witnesses ; but it was done by an evil Spirit , who on the one side personated him abroad , and on the other so strongly impressed those species upon his Phancy , that he could not be disswaded from the error . For otherwise , how should the Sorcerer reduce his Body into so small a volumn as the form of a Rat , Mouse , Toad , and other such Animals into which it sometimes is turn'd . Now if it happens that the wound which the Devil receives under that form , is found upon the same part of the Sorcerers Body ; this may be attributed to the action of the same evil Spirit , who can easily leave his blow upon such part as he pleases of the Body which he possesses . For want of which possession , all his designes upon those whom he would injure become ineffectual notwithstanding the imposture of all their waxen Images . But if 't is the Sorcerer himself that hath the form of a Wolf , either he clothes himself in a Wolf's skin , or else the Devil frames a like Body of Vapours and Exhalations , and other materials ( which he knows how to choose and can gather together ) with which he involves the Sorcerer's Body , and fits the same in such manner , that the Eye of the Beast answers to that of the Man ; and so the other parts , according to the measure requisite to represent a Wolf. Or else that subtile Spirit deludes our Eyes . The Second said , If the Proverb be true , That one Man is oftentimes a Wolf to another , we need not recur to extraordinary causes to find Men-wolves . Now the word Wolf is here taken for mischievous , because the wealth of the first Ages consisting in Cattle , they fear'd nothing so much as the Wolf. As for the causes of this brutish malady , whereby a Man imagines himself a Wolf , or is so indeed , they are of three sorts ; the biting of a mad Wolf , the atrabilarious humour , or the Imagination perverted . It seemes at first very strange , that a drop of foam entring into the flesh of a Man at an orifice made by the point of a tooth , should have the power to convert all the humours into its own nature . But seeing the stroke of a Scorpion which is not perceivable to the sight , kills the strongest person , that admiration ceases at the comparison of a thing no less marvellous . For 't is no more wonder that the humour which issues from an Animal imprints its Image other where , then that it kills an other . When the foam drop'd from a mad Wolf produces its like with its furious spirits , it doth nothing but what other animate bodies with other circumstances , do . Thus the kernel of the Pear or Apple , which subverts our Senses , ( call'd therefore malum insanum ) so well containes in power the Pear or Apple-tree which produc'd it , that it reproduces another wholly alike ; yea , the salt of Sage , Marjoram , Baum , and some others being sown , produces the like Plants without slip or seed . The atrabilarious humour sending up black and glutinous fumes into the brains of melancholy people , not onely make them to believe that the species represented thereby to them are as true as what they see indeed , but impresse an invincible obstinacy in their Minds ; which is proof against all reasons to the contrary , because Reason finds the Organs no longer rightly dispos'd to receive its dictates . And if he who sees a stick bow'd in the water can hardly rectifie that crooked species in his Common Sense , by reasons drawn from the Opticks , which tell him that the visual ray seemes crooked by reason of the diversity of the medium ; how can he whose Reason is not free be undeceiv'd , and believe that he is not a Wolf , according to the species which are in his Phancy ? But can the Phancy alone do all this ? He who feign'd , and frequently pretended that he was one-ey'd , by the power of Imagination became so indeed ; and many others whom Phancy alone makes sick , and the fear of dying kills , sufficiently shew its power , which causes that these distracted people perswading themselves that they are Wolves , do the actions of Wolves , tearing Men and Beasts , and roaming about chiefly in the night , which symbolizes with their Humours . Not but that a fourth cause , ( namely , evil spirits ) interposes sometimes with those natural causes , and particularly with that gloomy black Humuor , which for that reason Saint Jerome calls Satan's bath . The Third said , That besides those causes , the food taken from some parts of Aliments contributes much to hurt the Imagination of Men in such sort , that they account themselves really brutes . Thus a Maid of Breslaw in Silesia having eaten the brain of a Cat , so strongly conceited her self a Cat , that she ran after every Mouse that appear'd before her . A Spaniard having eaten the brain of a Bear , thought himself to be one . Another that had very often drunk Goats milk , fed upon grass like that Animal . Another who had liv'd long upon Swines blood , rowl'd himself in the mire as if he had been truly a Hogg . And 't is held , that especially the arterial blood of Animals , as containing the purest of their Spirits , produces such an effect . But to believe that these changes can be real , is repugnant to Reason , and the order which God hath establish'd in Nature ; in which being nothing can act beyond its bounds , 't is impossible for Devils to have the power to make a transmutation of substances . For though they have some power upon natural bodies , and even upon Men , to try the good , and punish the wicked ; yet the same is so limited that as they cannot create a Hand-worm , so much less can they change substances and transform them into others , which were to annihilate and create both together . Besides , 't is repugnant in regard of the Form , which cannot inform and actuate any matter but that which is prepar'd and dispos'd for it . Wherefore these transformations are either to be attributed to the Phancy alone , which being perverted makes some conceit themselves not only beasts , but glass , earth , & other absurd things ; or else they are to be deduc'd from the depravation of manners . For , as in the Heroical State Men approach'd the Deity , so in that of ferity they come near to the nature of beasts , differing therein according to each Vice. In regard of their voluptuousness the Companions of Vlysses were accounted Swine ; for his Cruelty , one Lycaon a Wolf ; for their voices and thieveries , the Companions of Diomedes transform'd into Birds ; the Learned taking that metaphorically which the vulgar doth literally . II. Of the means to acquire Nobility . Upon the Second Point it was said , There are as many wayes of acquiring Nobility as there are several kinds of it . That which comes by descent , and is called Civil , is not acquir'd , but onely preserv'd and upheld by the resemblance and correspondence of our laudable actions with those of our Fore-fathers : It begins in him who is ennobled , encreases in the Children , is perfected in the Nephews , and lyes in the common opinion , that the generous beget a generous off-spring . That which comes from Riches is acquir'd by industry and good husbandry . That which attends Ecclesiastical Dignities comes from Learning , Piety , and Favour . Thus the Cardinals are Princes , and the Nephews of Popes are Sovereigns , in Italy . The Doctoral , which extends to Physitians and Lawyers , the Body of whom the Emperours call the Seminary of Dignities , ( declaring them Counts , that is , Counsellors and Assessors of Kings ) after exercising their charge twenty years , comes from study , knowledge , and experience . The Military , from Courage and Valour . That which is obtain'd by the grace or favour of a Prince , whether it be by granting a Fief or Mannor , which alone ennobles its possessor , or not , is acquir'd by merit , and the services done to him . They who desist from all mechanick and sordid action may become noble by virtue of the Prince's Letters . That which comes from the Custome of places is obtain'd by administration of the chief Magistracies in a City , to which the Officers are admitted by Election , as the Capitouls or Sheriffs at Tholouse , and at Poictiers , and Maires ; and Scabins were ennobled by the priviledge of King Charles V. where we must not confound the ancient Chevalry , which are the Gentlemen , with the newly ennobled , who may indeed be call'd Nobles , but not Gentlemen . The Second said , The Sacred History gives the first Nobility to Hunters , when it saith that Nimrod , who was the first King upon Earth , was a mighty Hunter . Aristotle gives it to such as excell in any Art or Exercise , whom he saith are so many Kings in their profession . Many , to the Inventors of things profitable to Humane Society ; and indeed Antiquity plac'd such in the number of the gods . Experience causes us to add a fourth sort of persons , whose Bodies , or Minds , or both , are endu'd with such gentle and winning perfections , that in what ever condition they be , even the meanest , that they discover a connatural Nobility through it , and differ as much from the vulgar , as precious stones from others ; ( to use Ronsard's comparison ) who saith , that when Deucalion and Pyrrha repair'd mankind they threw precious stones to make the Nobility , and common stones , to re-people the world with the vulgar . The Fifth said , That true Nobility cannot be acquir'd but by arms , which are the only original of ancient Nobility . For since more hazards are to be undergone in war then in time of peace , it was necessary to sweeten the toil of arms by annexing Nobility more inseparably to them then to any other exercise : to the end , that the life of Warriors being usually shorter then that of others , by reason of the dangers whereto it is subject , they may , in recompence , live with more honour . Otherwise there 's none but would prefer the shadow and ease of Cities before the travels and hardships of the Campaigne : whereas the most desirous of honour prefer above any thing that guerdon of warlike vertue which is in the hand of Sovereigns , who , as Solon saith , hold the life , honour , and estates of men , of whom they make some Deniers , others Millions , according as they dispose the same . The Fourth said , There 's no true Nobility besides that of extraction , this being unanimously receiv'd in all States , yea amongst the most barbarous Nations . 'T is for this reason desin'd by the Civilians , an Illustriousness of Lineage , and splendor of Ancestors , with succession of Coat-Armour and Images , confer'd upon some person , and through him to his Family , by the Prince , Law or Custom , in reward of Vertues which are serviceable to the State and humane Society . And although such vertues are proper and particular to their Possessor ; yet as the dishonour and infamy which follow Vices and Crimes reflect upon Descendants : so the Nobility which follows those vertuous actions , and is nothing else but the honour and reward which accompanies them , is diffus'd also to Posterity , and like the streams of Springs ( less considerable in their original ) is increas'd by time ; and the more remote it is , the more it is esteem'd ; the highliest priz'd being that which is like Nilus , whose rise is unknown . Thus , the Athenians glory'd that they were Autocthones , or sprung from the Earth ; because their Nobility was so ancient , that they affirm'd it impossible to assign the first Author of it : for which reason they wore golden Cockle-shells at their hair , because these Insects never relinquish the place of earth whence they took birth . As the Arcadian Nobles wore Moons in their Hats , and the Romans Crescents upon their shooes , but for several ends ; the former intimating thereby that they were a people as old as the Moon , and the latter denoting , by this figure of the changeable Moon , the inconstancy of Woman , which sometimes abases the most illustrious , and raises the most abject Families . The Fifth said , That Nobility depends not only on opinion , as they seem to conclude who have no other ground of it ; but it hath its foundation in a solid and real cause , namely , in the proper merit and peculiar actions of every one . So that , to speak accurately , 't is no more in the power of any one whatever to ennoble an unworthy and undeserving person , then to make a Heroe illustrious in vertue of a vicious man , or a wise man of a fool . Nor doth it arise from riches , which though the ornament yet are not the cause of Nobility . For whereas a rich Yeoman is admitted to publick Offices rather then a poor Gentleman ; 't is because the former having more to lose then the latter , hath also more interest in the preservation of the common good , and consequently is presum'd more careful that all go well with it . Ease and occupation are of no more moment . For our first Father , from whom we derive our Nobility , and his Children , were Labourers ; Noah was a Vine-dresser ; Saul and David Kings of Israel , Shepherds ; and at Venice , Florence , Genua , Luca , and other places of Italy , the Nobles are for the most part Merchants ; though in other Countries that imployment is derogatory to Nobility . For as 't is not in our power to be born either of noble or mean Parents ; so ought not either be imputed to us as commendable or blame-worthy ; since praise and dishonour are rightly attributed to us only for what lyes in our ability , as our good or evil actions do . For being 't is no advantage to a blind man to have quick-sighted parents , or to a gouty son to have a father of sound limbs , why should it be any to a wicked son to have an honest man to his father ? on the contrary , it ought to turn to his reproach , that he hath not follow'd the way which he found already beaten . For as good wheat is oftentimes chang'd into Darnel , so the children of illustrious men are ordinarily lewd slip-strings ; witness the children of Cicero , Aesop , Cimon , Socrates and Alcibiades . On the contrary , many times the greatest personages are the issues of the most infamous and abject . Wherefore the seeds of Nobility ( namely our actions ) being in our selves , the most certain way of acquiring is to do such as are good and vertuous . True it is , those of war are most in esteem , because most persons are capable of them . Yet excellent civil actions ought to be accompani'd with the good hap which may make them known and recommendable to the Prince ; otherwise they are as a light hid under a bushel . But if all these conditions meet in any one whom the vertue of his Ancestors hath dignifi'd to be of an illustrious Family ; this excellency of descent renders his vertue more acceptable ; and this Gentleman's condition is like that of a child upon a Gyant 's shoulders , who sees all that the Gyant sees , and also over his head . He hath all the Nobility of his Fore-fathers , and besides , that which is properly his own . To conclude , if the blood of our Ancestors is the body of Nobility , our vertue is the soul of it . CONFERENCE XXXV . I. Of feigned Diseases . II. Of regulating the Poor . I. Of feign'd Diseases . AS man is the most wilie of all creatures ; so he best knows how to dissemble and represent another personage then what he is indeed . But external signs accompany and follow their effects as necessarily as they are preceded by their causes ; he cannot so artificially cover his duplicity but it will appear , and his retentions betray themselves . It is as difficult to him to dissemble fear , anger , hatred , envy , and the other passions , when they are real , as to counterfeit them when they are not . The same may be said of Diseases as of the passions of the body . As 't is almost impossible to dissemble a true Gout or a Fever ; so 't is very hard to feign a Disease when one is in perfect health . They who counterfeit the same are of two sorts . People of quality , and Beggars . Of the first order are many Generals of Armies , who have feign'd themselves sick , that they might surprize their enemies who supposed them in bed ; and such as cover with malady that of cowardize ; or do it to avoid being present at Assemblies . Thus Demosthenes pretended a Quinzy , that he might not plead against one accus'd of Defrauding the State , by whom he was corrupted with presents . Of the second sort are they who to avoid the labour common to others , or to cause themselves to be pitied , make semblance of having , one a Leprosie , another the Falling-sickness , a third the Jaundies , and infinite other maladies which they have not , or having some light ones amplifie and continue the same . Such was the invention of an Italian Souldier of late years , who feign'd himself troubled with certain fits caus'd by the biting of a Tarantula , crying out of extraordinary pain , except when the Musitians play'd ; for then he fell to dancing after the same manner as he had heard those use to do who have been hurt by that creature . Physick , to which alone pertains the discerning of these feign'd Diseases , imploys , to that end , this maxime of Geometry , that a right line serves for a measure not only of straight things , but also of oblique . So the perfect knowledge of real Diseases enables us to find out counterfeit . 'T was by this means Galen discover'd the imposture of a Slave , who to excuse himself from following his Master in a long Voyage , because he was loath to leave his Mistress who was at Rome , made his cheeks swell with the root of Thapsia , and pale with the fume of Cummin . For Galen seeing no other signs agree with these two , cur'd him only with a Refrigerative , whereas a true defluxion requir'd other remedies . The Second said , Maladies of body or mind are feign'd by people , to decline some burdensome charge and commission , or some evident danger . Thus Vlysses counterfeited himself foolish , to avoid going to the Trojan war ; and David being pursu'd by Saul made himself appear distracted to King Achish . The young wife mention'd by Martial , being married to an old man , counterfeited the Hysterical Passions which she found a way to deceive her jealous husband . Such pretences are sometimes us'd to retard an execution of death , or else in a civil matter to be freed from prison ; and many times those things which afford signs to the Physitians are so exquisitely order'd , that the most subtle are over-reached . One makes his Urine black with Ink , or red with Oker , or yellow with Saffron ; another applies the root of Ranunculus to his groyn , or some other Emunctory , to counterfeit a Carbuncle ; another provokes vomiting by some Emetick , which by that means will cause extraordinary agitation in his Pulse , and give appearences of a pestilential Fever ; or else make so streight a ligature on the upper part of his arm that his Pulse will not beat at all ; as Matthiolus reports an ancient Physitian serv'd to confirm the fraud of a Mountebank who us'd that trick to make people believe that being almost dead he was revived by his Antidote . But the most ordinary impostures of this kind are those of Beggars ; some of whom fume their faces with Brimstone that they may appear pale . Others rub themselves with the flower of Broom , or the seed of Carthamus , to seem yellow ; or else black themselves with Oyl and Soot , to appear struck with Lightning . Which disguisements are easily discover'd by rubbing them with Sope ; for it takes off all the superficial colours , and leaves none but the natural caus'd by the humours . Others get some body to make a hole neer their ears , or some other place , and blow strongly thereinto between the flesh and the skin , that so being pussed up they may be taken to have a Dropsie . One of the hardest cheats to be discover'd was that of a Jugler of Flanders , who every morning , having first stopp'd his fundament very exactly , swallow'd down half a pound of Butter and some Quicksilver after it : which put him into such hideous motions and gestures , that every one judg'd him possest . At night he unstop'd himself , and voided his Devil backwards . The Third said , That a Fever may be caus'd by rubbing the Pulse with Oyle in which the horned Beetle hath been boil'd , or by applying Garlick to the fundament . And that the Herbs , Spear-Crowfoot , Bryony , Turbith , the juice of Tithymal or Spurge , Yew , and many other caustick simples , serv'd them to make Ulcers , which are easily discernable to be artificial . But of all feign'd maladies , the hardest to be known , and the easiest to counterfeit , is Folly , like that of Solon , Brutus and many others ; for the most incurable folly is that which imprints fewest signs upon the body ; and there are stark fools who have intervals , during which their minds are as clear and serene as the wisest . The Fourth said , 'T is usual for those who complain of one another , after a scuffle , to pretend themselves not only more injur'd then they really were , but also wounded when they are not ; but especially women big with child are apt to be guilty in this kind . He said , that a certain lewd fellow having outrag'd one of his companious almost unto death , yet so that there appear'd no wound or impression of cudgel or other weapon upon his body ; for that he had beaten him with a long sack fill'd with gravel ; which not making the contusions suddenly apparent , he caus'd him to be visited and search'd immediately , and himself made greater complaints then he . So that had it not been for the wile of the Surgeon who silene'd this bawler by threatning to trepan his head for the easing of these pains whereof he complain'd , the Judges were hugely at a loss whom to charge with the wrong . Which shews how difficult it is to distinguish true maladies from feigned . II. Of regulating the Poor . Upon the second point , it was said , That there are three sorts of poor , some really are , and so call themselves ; others call themselves so but are not ; and others who though they are so yet do not speak of it . The first are the poor , become infirm through disease , age , or other inconvenience ; for whose relief and support Hospitals are design'd . The second are the strong , who cannot be term'd poor so long as they have arms to gain their livings . The third are the bashful poor . Their disorder is general ; but that of the strong hath most dangerous effects . And inasmuch as an evil must be known before remedied , it may be said that these Beggars are the most dangerous pest of States ; whether they be consider'd in reference to God , us , or themselves . They speak not of God but to blaspheme him ; they abuse his Sacraments , and are profess'd breakers of his Commandments . For God said to man , Thou shalt eat thy bread in the sweat of thy countenance ; but they devour the bread of others without doing any work . There shall be no Beggar amongst you , saith God ; but they make a trade of it , and come even to the Altars , to interrupt people's devotions . In respect of us , they are the ordinary Seminary of the Plague , by their nastiness and infections , which they bring even to our doors ; of war too , it being always easie , upon the least discontent , to list such people , who are ready to do any thing you will put them upon , without fear of punishment , from which poverty is exempted ; of Famine also , these idle bellies , and unprofitable burthens of the earth , being as unapt to cultivate it and other arts which bring good things to men , as they are insatiable in devouring them . Yet they do less hurt to others then to themselves , leading a dead life , yea a thousand times worse then death , through the miseries into which their idleness involves them . Now it imports the publick no less to remedy their slothfulness , then it doth the humane body to suffer a paralytical member , under pretext that it is less noble then the rest . I conceive therefore that 't is fit to constrain sturdy Beggars to work , by keeping them close , and chastising them ; yea , to send them to the Gallies , according to the Ordinance of Francis I. rather then suffer their disorders . The Second said , That Hospitality towards the poor hath been ever in so great esteem , that Pagan antiquity made a principal title of it to the greatest of their Gods ; and conceiv'd them parallel crimes , to cast the Altar out off the Temple , and to remove mercy out of man's breast , it being so proper to him that it is therefore term'd Humanity ; as inseparable as his very being . Nor is there any thing in the world but invites us thereunto by its example . The Guardian Angels and Celestial Intelligences take care of men ; the soul immediately sends an affluence of blood and spirits to a wounded part ; the principles of nature , how incompleat soever they be , cannot endure privation , which is the image of Poverty : and the Celestial bodies include in their circumference , warm by their motion , enliven by their light , and adorn by their influences , all the inferior bodies . The Principal amongst them , the Sun , the poor-man's fire , and the type of charity , communicates his light and his heat indifferently to all the world . The Elements use violence , and destroy themselves , rather then endure a vacuity in nature . Metals , the richer they are , the more they are dilatable . Plants which cannot uphold themselves are propt up by others more robust . In brief , all Beasts are frighted at the sight of those of their kind , if they be dead or in any misery . Suidas tells us that there is a bird called Cyncle , which being unable to build a nest by reason of its weakness , is welcome into those of others . But though every thing should not preach this doctrine to us , yet seeing men , how different soever in their belief , all agree in having care of the poor ; that Charity is to out-live all other Christian vertues ; and that our Lord in his sentence of eternal life and death was pleas'd to use no other reason then this of having given or deny'd alms to the poor , whom he calls himself ; all this would sufficiently manifest that no greater care ought to be had in any case then in this . The Third said , that the point in hand was not so much to commend as to determine Charity , and to know whether of the two sorts of Alms ( mention'd by S. Austin ) Bread , or Discipline , is to be given to every poor person , the latter being oftimes more profitable for them then the former , which , as a Lacedemonian told Diogenes , frequently do's hurt in stead of good ; for the giving to a stout Beggar encourages him to accustomed laziness . But on the other side , being Charity is not suspicious , it seems that it ought to be little material to the giver of an Alms , whether the receiver be worthy of it or no , provided he give it with a good intention , according to his power , and without vanity , so highly blamed by our Saviour . The Fourth said , That the poor ought to be left as they are ; and 't is enough for us that we relieve them with our Alms , according to our ability . Experience shews that it has been a fruitless attempt in our days to confine and discipline them ; whatever care could be us'd by such as were intrusted therein . But since Poverty is no vice , why should it be punish'd with imprisonment ? Besides , our Lord having told us that we shall always have the poor with us , implies that there will always be poor . Zea , were the thing possible , yet it ought not to be put in execution , since charity will become extinguish'd by losing its object . For present objects have most power upon us in all cases , and 't is not credible that he who scarce feels himself touch'd with compassion at the sight of a wretch languish at his door , would think of the poor when they no longer occurr'd to his view . The Fifth said , That although we are always to have the poor with us , yet 't is not thence to be inferr'd that Begging ought not to be restrain'd , should the one include the other , as it doth not ; no more then 't is a good consequence that because scandal must necessarily come to pass , therefore 't is not lawful to hinder it ; or that because the good designs of pious persons which have labour'd in this godly work , have not succeeded in one time , therefore they cannot at another . But to shew how easie it is to take order for the regulation of the poor , 't is manifest that almost all forreign Countries have made provision therein ; many whereof , when they come to fetch away our corn , justly wonder how we suffer such a multitude of Beggars , considering what order they take with them in their publick penury . Yea , the City of Lyons , whose territory is none of the most fertile of France , and by its example divers other Cities , have already made provision for them . I conceive , therefore , that 't is easie not only for this populous City of Paris , but for this whole Kingdom , to do the same . Now that may be apply'd to this regulation which Aesop said to those with whom Xanthus laid a wager , that he would drink up the whole Sea ; namely , that he could not do it , unless they first stop'd the course of all the rivers which empty themselves thereinto : so neither is it possible ever to regulate the flux and reflux of poor which come by shoals from all parts of France into this gulph , or rather Parision sea , without prohibiting them entrance into the same ; which cannot be done Christianly , nor indeed politickly , without taking care for redress of their miseries , in those places which they abandon . To effect which , we must imitate Physitians , asswage the most urgent symptomes , and remove the concomitant cause , yet not forgetting the antecedent , nor the general remedies ; since , as Aristotle saith , he that would purge the eye must purge the head . The robust poor must every one be sent to the place of his birth , if he knows it , or will tell it : by which means the burden will become lighter being divided : there they must be distinguish'd according to sex , age , conditions , ability of body and mind , capacity and industry , that so they may be distributed into the several imployments whereof they shall be found capable ; with absolute prohibition not to beg or wander from one place to another without permission in writing from him who hath the charge of them , under the penalty of the whip ; as also the people being forbidden , under a fine , to give Alms elsewhere then at the places appointed for that purpose . The children of either sex must be put out for some certain number of years to Masters and Mistresses that will take charge of them . Likewise such fellows as understand any Mystery or Craft shall be dispos'd of to Masters ; to whom , upon that account , and to all those who shall have the care of such poor , shall be granted the most priviledges and immunities , both Royal and Civil , and of Communities , that the rest of the inhabitants of the place can allow . Out of the body of which inhabitants shall be chosen , from time to time , the most considerable persons to govern them , who shall not be admitted to the highest Offices without having first pass'd through this . Such as are able to do nothing else shall be imploy'd in publick works , repairing of Bridges , Banks , Causeys , or Buildings , at the charge of the Proprietors . And , to the end , that all these poor may find a livelihood , they shall buy all their Victuals one of another , and have certain Counters instead of money peculiarly current amongst themselves . Aged persons incapable of labour shall have the care of the little children . Such as are fit to travel shall be sent to the Plantations of New France . But all this with such restrictions and modifications as the circumstances of each place shall require . This design will be much further'd by new inventions , by working at Mills , by combing old wool and stuffs ; by cleansing the streets by night , and many other occupations . CONFERENCE XXXVI . I. Of the tying of the Point . II. Which is the greatest of all Vices . I. Of the tying of the Point . THis obstacle , proceeding from the jealousie of Corrivals , or Covetousness of Parents , is a Ligature , by which , with certain words pronounc'd during the nuptial benediction , a man becomes incapable of rendring to his wife the legitimate duty of Marriage . This kind of enchantment is , as all others , of the Devil's invention , who bearing an irreconcilable hatred to man , endeavours all he can to hinder the fruit of generation and of the Sacrament of marriage , by which man acquires that immortality in his species and his successors , which that evil spirit caus'd him to lose in his individual . 'T is one of his old impostures . Virgil speaks of it in his eighth Eclogue , where he makes mention of three knots made with three ribbands of different colours , and of certain words of enchantment . S. Augustine , in the second Book , and twentieth Chapter , of Christian Doctrine , declaims against these Sorceries . Our Salick Law , tit . 22. sect . 4. makes mention of some Sorcerers who hinder issue by ligatures . In our time this kind of Maleficium hath been so common that it would be ridiculous to call the experience of it in question . But since the author of it is the spirit of darkness , 't is no wonder that we see not a whit in the inquiry of its causes . The Second said , That he could not attribute this impediment of generation to charms and enchantments , but rather to the power of the Imagination , which is of great moment in this case ; as we see also in Love or Hatred , which , though by several ways , render a man incapable of this action . For if one be sollicited by a woman whom he thinks unhandsome and hates , he cannot satisfie her , because sadness makes his spirits to retire . Another being surpriz'd with the enjoyment of some rare beauty , becomes alike impotent , because joy dissipates the same spirits . The desire of doing well , and the fear of failing , are also frequently obstacles to it ; witness the impotence of Ovid , Regnier , the man mention'd in Petronius , the Count spoken of by Montague , and many others . Now these passions making an impression in the Phancie , disturb and hinder it from moving the Appetite , and consequently the motive faculties , depriving them by this means of their ordinary functions . The Third said , There are two sorts of Impotence , one natural , and the other supernatural . The first happens two ways ; either through want of matter , which is the geniture and spirits , or through defect of emission . The former ( not to mention the parts serving to generation ) happens through the extinction of virility , and that by reason of old age , sickness , violent exercises , aliments or medicaments cold and dry , and generally by all causes which dissolve the strength , and dissipate the spirits and flatuosities , as Rue , according to Aristotle . The second defect proceeds from the obstruction of the Vessels , or from a Resolution or Palsie befalling the foresaid parts . That which is supernatural is acknowledg'd according to the Canon by the practise of the Church , which ordains the two parties to be unmarried , if at the end of three years they cannot undo this Gordian knot in the presence of seven witnesses . It is made by Sorceries and charms ; which indeed have no action of themselves ; yet when men make use of them , the Devil ( according to a compact either tacite or express ) acts with them imploying to that end the natural things whereof he hath perfect knowledge , and hinders generation in two manners ; either by disturbing the phancie with some images and species of hatred and aversion ; or else by suspending the generative faculty by the dissipation of flatuosities , retention of spirits , and concretion of the geniture . Now natural impotence is discern'd from supernatural , because the first is alwayes alike towards all sort of persons , but the second is onely in reference to some particular Woman , the Man being well enough dispos'd for all others . But change is to no purpose , when the impotence is natural . The Fourth said , That Ligature is a subverting of the order establish'd in order , by which all things are destinated to some particular action , and are lead to what is sutable for them . 'T is an impediment whereby the actions of agents as it were repress'd and restrain'd , and 't is either Physical or Magical . The former proceeds from a particular Antipathy between two Agents , the stronger whereof by some occult contrary property , extinguishes and mortifies the virtue of the weaker . Thus Garlick or a Diamond hinder the Loadstone from attracting Iron ; Oyle keeps Amber from drawing straw , and the spirits of the Basilisk fix those of a Man. The second , of which kind is the tying of the Point , is done by Magick , which thereunto employes certain words , images , circles , characters , rings , sounds , numbers , ointments , philtres , charmes , imprecations , sacrifices , points , and other such diabolical inventions ; but especially barbarous names without signification , yea , sometimes to that degree of impiety as to make use of sacred things , as the divine appellations , prayers , and verses taken out of the Holy Scripture , which it prophanes in its charmes and fascinations . Because , as Saint Augustine saith , the Devils cannot deceive Christians , and therefore cover their poyson with a little honey , to the end that the bitterness being disguis'd by the sweetness , it may be the more easily swallow'd , to their ruine . These Magical Ligatures , if we may credit those who treat of them , are almost infinite . For there are some particularly against Thieves , restraining them from carrying away any thing out of the house ; others that hinder Merchants from buying or selling in certain Faires , and retain ships in the Port so that they cannot get out to sea either by wind or oars ; or keep a mill from grinding , the fire from burning , the water from wetting , the Earth from producing fruits and upholding buildings , swords and all sorts of weapons , and even lightning it self from doing mischief , dogs from biting or barking , the most swift and savage beasts from stirring or committing hurt , and the blood of a wound from flowing . Yea , if we believe Virgil , there are some which draw down the Moon to the Earth , and effect other like wonders , by means , for the most part , ridiculous , or prophane . Which nevertheless , I conceive , are to be referr'd either to natural causes , or to the credulity of those who make use of them , or to the illusions of the Devil , or to the hidden pleasure of God , sometimes permitting such impostures to deceive our senses , for the punishing of the over-great curiosity of Men , and chastising of the wicked . For I see not what power of action there is in a number even or odd , a barbarous word pronounc'd lowdly or softly , and in a certain order , a figure square or triangular , and such other things , which being onely quantities have not any virtue , power , or action ; for these belong onely to Qualities . The Fifth said , That we ought not to do as the vulgar do , who refer almost every thing to supernatural causes . If they behold a Tempest , or Lightning fall down upon any place , they cry the Devil is broke loose . As for effects which are attributed to Occult Properties , 't is Sorcery , as they say , to doubt that the same are other then the works of Sorcerers . But we must rather imitate true Philosophers , who never recurr to Occult Properties but where reasons fail them ; much less to supernatural causes , so long as they can find any in nature , how abstruse soever they may be . Those of this knot or impotence , are of three sorts . Some proceed from the want of due Temper , as from too great cold or heat , either of the whole constitution , or of the parts serving to generation . For a good Temperature being requisite to this action , which is the most perfect of any Animal , immoderate heat prejudices the same as much as cold , because it dries the Body , and instead of producing consumes the Spirits . The Second Cause is in the Mind ; for the Body is of it self immoveable , unless it be agitated by the Soul which doth the same office to it that a Piper doth to his instrument , which speaks not a jot if he blow not into it . Now the Phancy may be carri'd away else where , or prepossess'd with fear , or some other predominant passion : Whence , he that imagines himself impotent , and becomes so indeed ; and the first fault serves for a preparatory to the second . Hereupon ariseth , first , displeasure , then despifing of the Women , and so their common hatred augments the evil , and makes it last , till the conceit which produc'd it be cur'd by a contrary one . So Amasis King of Egypt being unsatisfactory to the fair Laodice his Wife , was restor'd in Nature by sacrifices offer'd to Venus . And he of whom Galen speaks , having his whole Body rub'd with Oyle of Sesamum , in which the gall of a Crow had been boyl'd , was cur'd of his impotence . And indeed those untyers of poynts make use of extravagant and uncouth things , affording the Mind more ground of admiration then ratiocination ; As they advise the Man to make water through a wedding ring , to be smoak'd with the burnt Tooth of a dead Man , to pass over the threshold of a door , or to sleep upon a pillow under which is plac'd a quill or hazle stick fill'd with quicksilver , and steep'd with new wax , to eat a Bird call'd a Wood-pecker , to be unwarry'd and marry'd again to the same Woman ; and other such trifles . Now every thing that can trouble the Phancy , can also bind it and make the Man impotent ; as every thing that can content and rectifie it , may again unbind it ; there being examples of many , who though ignorant of this wickedness have really bound it , because the Husband onely saw them use the same gestures as those do who intend it ; as also of others who without any skill have unbound it . But when a Man is rightly dispos'd in all his parts , and his Imagination not perverted , and yet he finds himself impotent ; then , and in no other case , may we attribute the cause thereof to damnable Sorceries ; which , as we must not alwayes credit , so neither can we sometimes question . The Sixth said , That indeed the near commerce of the Mind with the Body causeth that the one communicates its passions to the other . The Cholerick is easie to be displeas'd ; and he who is froward oftentimes acquires much Choler into his temper . Sadness increases the Melancholy Humour , and this again causeth sadness . The Patients good opinion of his Physitian , and of the success of his malady , helps to cure him ; as the fear of Death oftentimes brings it , and the apprehension of the Pestilence hath produc'd it . And in this case the indocility and the obedience of this Part ( which seemes a Province disjoyn'd from the State , constituted by the three principal parts of the individual ) is less to be wonder'd at then the repugnance of his other members ; inasmuch as this concerns onely the species , and denyes its use to Man during one part of his Life , namely , from his birth to his puberty , and ordinarily in the latter years of his old age . But Fear hath oftentimes ty'd the Tongues of the ablest Men at such times as they have had most need of them . Yet this reason holds onely in such as are afraid of the tying of the point ; and many are found impotent who distrust nothing less ; and therefore all that can be said , is , that perhaps some other passions supply its room . II. Which is the greatest Vice. Upon the Second Point it was said , There is but one goodness absolutely such , namely , God. All other things are term'd good by the participation and respect which they have to the divine goodness , or by the comparison made of one with another , and according to the different estates and professions of Men. Thus , amongst Divines , he is call'd a good Man who hath most Piety ; amongst Merchants , he who hath most credit . But when a Captain bids his Souldiers behave themselves like gens de bien , good Men , his meaning is , that they defeat the Enemy , and not give ground . Even the lowest rank of actions have their kind of goodness . So we call him a good Man who leaves his Wife to do all . Since therefore Evil or Vice is nothing else but the privation of goodness and Virtue , the reason of either is the same , and the word Great , in the question , shews that 't is onely comparison intended in it ; nothing being great but in comparison of something less . Wherefore this question ought to be resolv'd severally in each profession , and according to the different estate of persons . Thus taking the word Vice lagely for Evil , the greatest in Divinity is Atheisme ; and the next , Heresie ; the first rendring a Man a beast , the second making him shake off the yoke of the Church . The greatest Vice of a States-man is Imprudence ; of a Souldier , Cowardice ; of a Friend , Treachery ; of a Physitian , playing the Mountebank or Cheat ; of a Lawyer or Procurator , Prevarication , and when he sells the Cause of his Country ; of a Judge , Injustice ; of a Merchant , false Weights and Measures ; of a Notary , Falsification or Forgery ; of a Labourer , purloining the Seed ; of a Father , forgetfulness of his Family ; of a Wife , Adultery ; of a Child , Disobedience ; of a Servant , Domestick Thieft . The Second said , That the different inclination and judgement of Nations is solely of consideration herein . 'T was no Vice at Sparta to be a subtle Thief , nor at present among those roamers who take upon them the name of Egyptians ; but amongst people of Honour , 't is one of the most ignominious . And as for Drunkenness , the Northern Nations and we do not agree about it . Yet if Vices be consider'd in general , some one may be assign'd greater then all the rest in Humane Society . For of corporeal things which we call great , there are some which are so onely in comparisons of individual of the same species ; so the same size which denominates a Dog great , denominates a Horse small . But some are greater then all others , namely , the highest of the Heavens . So likewise there are some Vices greater , and some less , compar'd one with another ; as Theft with Sacriledge . But there is also some one greater then all others , which I conceive to be Pride , not onely in comparison of Humility , its contrary , the foundation of all Christian and Moral Virtues , but also because all Vices take their original from it . 'T is that which caus'd the fall of Angels and the first Man , which hath caus'd and continu'd all the mischiefs which befall us . Yea , 't is not onely the greatest , but also the most odious . As is prov'd , in that if you see a Prodigal , a Miser , a debauch'd person , a Thief , or a very Murtherer pass by , you are not mov'd to so much hatred against them , as against some proud fool ; who beholding others disdainfully , knows not in what posture to put himself . Of those which spoke afterwards , One said that he distinguish'd Vice from Sin , and Malice , or Enormity . The first being an habitude to evil , the second the act thereof , and the third the deformity which follows them both . Another held Atheisme to be the greatest Vice. Others said , it was the sin against Nature . One assign'd Philautie , or the inordinate love of ones self , as being the impulsive cause of all other Vices , to Ingratitude , Covetousness and Idleness ; each maintaining the same to be the root of all other evils . Injustice was also instanc'd to comprehend all Vices , as Justice contains in it self all Virtues . For he who is proud , covetous , prodigal , or a Murtherer , would not be so if he were not unjust , whilst he attributes more to himself , and less to others , then is due . And for conclusion it was said , That as of the diseases of the Body , those are term'd the greatest which invade the most noble part , or have the most dangerous symptomes ; ( as the prick of a pin in the heart is more mortal then the cutting off of an arm , and the same puncture is more perillous when Convulsions thereupon befall the whole body , then a wound with a sword in some fleshy part without any accidents ; ) so Ignorance and Imprudence are the greatest vices , because they possess the most noble Faculty of man , the Understanding , and produce all the rest . At the hour of Inventions , a Proposition was reported to draw Smith's-coal out of the lands of this Kingdom , and in so doing to cut channels for the draining of Marshes , and making rivers Navigable , in order to the conveniency of transportation , sacilitation of commerce , feeding of Cattel , and preservation of Forests . This Invention , besides the advantage it will bring to the meaner sort of people , in reference to their domestick fuel , is of much benefit for the making of Brick , Tile and Lime ; as much of which may be made thereby in three days as is made in eight or nine with wood , which is the ordinary fashion . It will be a matter of great saving to the whole Kingdom , especially to the abovesaid Artists , who are here in great number , and are forc'd to buy such Coal from England at dear rates . The Proposer offer'd to continue the experience which he had made thereof , at his own charges , for satisfaction of the curious . CONFERENCE XXXVII . I. Of the Cabala . II. Whether the truth ought always to be spoken . I. Of the Cabala . THat which hath hapned to many other words , as Tyrant and Magician , which at their first institution were taken in a good sense , but have abusively degenerated into odious significations , is found likewise in the word Cabala , which ( according to its genuine importance ) signifies nothing else but Tradition , and comes from the Verb Cabal , denoting with the Hebrews to give or receive . 'T is a mystical doctrine concerning God and the creatures , which the Jews receiv'd by tradition from Father to Son. If we may give credit to them , it Began in Adam , who had a perfect knowledge not only of the whole nature and property of things corporeal ; but also of the Divine nature , of the mysteries of Religion , and of the redemption of mankind , which his Angel Raziel assur'd him was to come to pass by means of a just man whose name should consist of four letters [ which is the cause , say they , that most part of the Hebrew names are of four letters in their language , wherein the vowels are no letters ] Adam taught these mysteries to his children ; they to their successors until Abraham and the Patriarchs . But , they say , Moses learn'd it anew from the mouth of God during the forty days that he was in the Mount , where he receiv'd two Laws , one written with the hand of God , compriz'd in the two Tables of stone ; the other not written and more mysterious : the former for all in general , the latter for the learned and skill'd in mysteries of Religion : which is that which Moses taught the seventy Elders of the People , chosen by himself according to the counsel of Jethro his Father-in-law ; and they transfer'd the same to the Prophets , Doctors of the Law , Scribes , Pharisees , Rabbines , and Cabalists . The Second said , That in order to judge of the Cabala , 't is requisite to know what the Philosophy of the Jews was ; as the Stoicks , Peripateticks , Pyrrhonians , and other Philosophers , had their peculiar Sects . 'T is divided commonly into that of things , and that of words or names . The first is call'd by the Rabbines Bereschit , the second Mercana . That which treats of things , by the Cabalists call'd Sephiroch , that is to say , numbers or knowledges ( for with them , to number and to know are almost synonymous ) is either Philosophical or Theological . The Philosophical comprehends their Logick , Physicks , Metaphysicks , and Astronomy . In Logick they treat of the ten lesser Sephiroth ; which are so many steps or degrees for attaining to the knowledge of all things , by means of Sense , Knowledge , or Faith ; and they are divided into three Regions . In the lowest , which is made by the sense , are ( 1 ) the Object , ( 2 ) the Medium or Diaphanum , ( 3 ) the External sense . In the second and middle region are , ( 4 ) the Internal or common Sense , ( 5 ) the Imagination or Phancie , ( 6 ) the Estimative Faculty or inferior Judgement . In the third and supream ( 7 ) the Superior and Humane Judgement . ( 8 ) Reason . ( 9 ) The Intellect ; ( 10 ) and lastly , the Understanding or Mens ; which performs the same office to the Soul that the Eye doth to the Body whom it enlightens . For example , when I hear a Cannon discharg'd , the sound comes to my ears by the medium of the air , then the Common Sense receiving this species of the sound transmits the same to the Imagination , and the Estimative Faculty judges thereof simply , as beasts would do ; afterwards the Judgement apprehends the essence of the sound , Reason searches the causes thereof , and the Intellect considers them ; but lastly , the Understanding or Mens , call'd by the Cabalists Ceter , that is , a Crown ( by way of excellence ) receiving light from on high irradiates the Intellect , and this all the other Faculties . And these are the degrees of Cabalistical knowledge . In the other parts of their Philosophy they treat of the fifty gates of light . Whereof the 1. is the Divine Essence , the Symbol of which is the Tetragrammaton and ineffable name of God ; The 2. gate is the Archetypal World ; the knowledge of which two gates , they say , was hid even to Moses . The 3. is the Earth ; 4. Matter ; 5. Vacuum or Privation ; 6. The Abysse ; 7. The Fire ; 8. The Air ; 9. The Water ; 10. The Light ; 11. The Day ; 12. Accidents ; 13. The Night ; 14. The Evening ; 15. The Morning . And after many other things they constitute Man for the 50th gate . To arrive to the knowledge of these 50 gates , they have invented 32 Flambeaux or Torches to guide them into the secrets contained therein , which they call the paths of Wisdom , namely the Intelligence miraculous or occult , Intelligence sanctifying , resplendent , pure , dispositive , eternal , corporeal , &c. The Theological Cabala treats of God and Angles . Of God , by expounding the names of 12 and 42 letters , yea they attribute seven hundred several ones to him ; and particularly the ten Divine Attributes , which they term the grand Sephiroth , namely , Infinity , Wisdom , Intelligence , Clemency or Goodness , Severity , Ornament , Triumph , Confession of praise , Foundation and Royalty , whereby God governs all things by weight , number , and measure . Of Angels , namely of the 32 abovesaid Intelligences , call'd by them the paths of wisdom ( for they make them so many Angels ) and of seventy two other Angels ; the names they compose of the 19 , 20 , and 21. Verses of the 14. Chapter of Exodus , in each of which there being 72 letters , they form the name of the first Angel out of the three first letters of each Verse ; the name of the second , out of the three second letters of the same Verses ; and so the rest , adding at the end of every word the names of God , Jah or El , the former whereof denotes God as he exists , and the latter signifies Mighty or Strong God. The Cabala which treats of words and names is nothing else but the practice of Grammar , Arithmetick and Geometry . They divide it into three kinds . The first whereof is called Notarickon , when of several first or last letters of some word is fram'd a single one ; as in our Acrosticks . The second , Gématrie , when the letters of one name answer to the letters of another by Arithmetical proportion ; ( the Hebrews as well as the Greeks making use of their letters to number withall . ) Whence some Moderns have affirm'd that Christianity will last seven thousand years , because the letters of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the same value in number with those of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The third is call'd Themurath , which is a transposition of letters , like that of our Anagrams , the most common way of which is to change the last letter of the Alphabet into the first ; and on the contrary ; to which kind are referr'd the words and verses which are read backwards , such as this : opus l I. Deus elati mutatum Itale suedi . l supo Thus , they prove by the first word of Geneses , which is Bereschit , that the world was created in Autumn , because in this word is found that of Bethisri , which signifies Autumn : And that the Law ought be kept in the heart , because the first letter of the Law is Beth , and the last Lamed , which two letters being put together , and read after their mode , which is backwards , make Leb , which signifies the heart . The Third said , If the word Cabala be taken for a tradition , that is to say , the manner in which the Jews made their sacrifices and prayers according to the instruction which they had from Father to Son concerning the same , it deserves to be esteem'd for its antiquity , although it be abolish'd . And the more in regard of the Hieroglyphical and mysterious names of God and Angels which it contains ; and whereof whosoever should have a perfect and intire knowledge would find nothing impossible . 'T was by this means , say they , that Moses divided the waters of the Red Sea , and did so many other miracles , because he had written at the end of his Rod the name of Jehovah . For if it be true that black Magick can do wonders by the help of malignant spirits , why not the Cabala , with more reason , by means of the names of God , and the Angels of light , with whom the Cabalists render themselves friends and familias ? Our Lord seems to confirm the same , when he commands his Apostles to make use of his name for casting Devils out of the possessed , and to heal diseases , as they did , and the Church hath done , after them , to this day . The victory of Judas Maccabaeus against the enemies of his Religion , hapning by means of a sign of four letters ; that of Antiochus over the Galatae , by a Pentagone ; that of Constantine the great , by the sign of the Cross ; and the Thau wherewith the Scripture arms the foreheads of the faithful , demonstrate that figures are not wholly inefficacious . The Critical days of Diseases , and the practice of Physitians , who administer their Pills in odd number , which the Pythagoreans call the masculine number , shew likewise that all kind of vertue cannot be deny'd to number , and consequently that the Cabala is not to be blam'd for making account of numbers , names and figures , the knowledge whereof would undoubtedly be most excellent did it not surpass the reach of humane capacity , which cannot comprehend the connexion which there is between the name and the thing which it denotes , the number and the thing numbred , and figure and the thing figured . For since the external figure of a man or other animal gives me to know his substance which I see not , and the species of this figure entring into my senses suffices to make me conceive the thing without its stirring out of its place ; why shall not the names , and particularly those impos'd on things by our first Parent in the Hebrew language , have as necessary a signification and connexion with things as the other accidents which are the objects of our senses ? And why shall we not believe the same of the letters which represent those names in the same language ? The Fourth said , That the Cabala was either Allegorical or Literal . The former was more conjectural ; but if there be any vertue in characters which signifie nothing , with more reason the words , syllables and letters , which are the visible names of things , shall not be without . This gave ground to the Cabalists to consider in letters not only their number and Arithmeticall value ; but also their order , proportion , harmony , magnitudes and Geometrical figures , observing whether they be straight , crooked or tortuous , closed or not ; thus in one passage where the Messiah is spoken of , some have concluded from a Mem which is found closed in the middle of a word , contrary to custom , that this Messiah should come out of the closed womb of a Virgin , contrary to the course of the ordinary birth of men . Thus , Rabbi Haccadosch , in the first letters of these three Hebrew words of Genesis 49. v. 10. Jebo Scilo Velo , found those wherewith the Hebrews write the name of our Saviour , namely JSV. The Fifth said , That we ought to govern our selves in the reading of the Cabalists , as Bees do , who gather only the good and leave the bad , which is more plentiful ; and above all avoid the loss of time which is employ'd in turning over the tedious volumns of the Thalmudists , which are either so unpleasant , or their sence so much unknown to us through the envy which they bore to their successors , that we may with more reason tear their Books in pieces then a Father did the Satyrs of Perseus , saying that since he would not be understood by the surface and out-side , like other Writers , he would look within , whether he were more intelligible . II. Whether Truth is always to be spoken . Upon the second Point it was said ; Truth and Justice being reciprocal , and the former , according to Aristotle , a moral Duty , it much imports the interest of Government that it be observ'd and kept inviolably , not only in contracts and publick actions , but also in private discourses ; and 't is a kind of sacriledge to go about to hide it . Moreover , 't is one of the greatest affronts that can be put upon a man of honour , to give him the lye . For as 't is the property of an ingenuous man to avow the Truth freely , and not to dissemble ; so Lying is the sign and consequent of a servile spirit . Hence the Persians were not contented to cause the children of their Kings to be instructed above all things , always to speak the truth ; but they erected Temples and Altars to this Vertue as to a Deity , and ador'd it under the name of Oromagdes , which signifies the God of Truth . And therefore 't is my judgement that truth ought always to be spoken although it be to one's own damage . The Second said , If it be necessary always to speak truth , and that it be the conformity of our words with our thoughts , mine is , that it is not always to be spoken . This Nature teaches us , whilest she discovers to us only the surface of the earth , but hath hid all the treasures of it , as all the parts of man , especially the more noble are conceal'd under the skin . That which vilifies mysteries is the publishing of them , call'd Prophanation . That which hinders the effect of State-Counsels , whereof secrecy is the soul , is the letting of them be discover'd , which is Treason . That which takes away the credit from all arts and professions , is the rendring them common . And Physick ( amongst others ) knows the advantage of concealment , whilst the welfare of the Patient many times depends upon his ignorance . Would you see what difference there is between a wise man and a fool , a Civil Man and a Clown ? it do's not consist in knowledge ; for they oftentimes have the same thoughts and inclinations ; but the Fool speaks all that he thinks , the Wise man doth not ; as the Clown will declare by Gesture and ( if he can ) do every thing that comes into his phancie , but the better bred man uses restraint upon himself . The Comoedian therefore wanted not reason , to say that Truth begets Hatred ; and the Scripture teaches us that God built houses for the wise Egyptian women who ly'd to Pharaoh , when they were commanded to murther the Hebrew children at the birth , but obey'd not . For though some hold that God pardon'd them the lye in regard of the good office which they render'd to his Church , and that 't was for this good office that God dealt well with them ; yet , leaving this subtilety to the Schoolmen , 't is evident that their dissimulation was approv'd in this case . The Third said , There 's great difference between Lying and not speaking all the truth which is expected from us ; the former being vicious , the other not ; whence S. Athanasius being ask'd by the Arrians who pursu'd him , whether he had seen Athanasius , told them that he went that way a little while since , but did not tell them that himself was the person . And S. Francis being ask'd whether he did not see a robber pass by , shew'd his sleeve , and said , that he did not pass that way . The Fourth said , As only weak and distemper'd eyes are unable to bear the light of the Sun , so none but weak and sickly minds cannot suffer the lustre of truth . All men are oblig'd to speak it , but particularly that which is dictated from God's mouth ; and we ought rather to choose Martyrdom then renounce the belief of it . Less ought they to conceal it who are bound to it by their condition , as Preachers and Witnesses ; provided they have regard to place , time , and persons . Without which circumstances 'tis as inacceptable and absur'd as to carry a Queen to an Ale-house . Yet in two cases particularly the telling of truth may be dispens'd with , I. when the safety of the Prince or good of the State is concern'd , for which , Plato in his Commonwealth saith , it is lawful to lye sometimes ; and the Angel Raphael told Tobias that 't is good to hide the secrets of Kings . II. When our own life is concern'd , or that of our Father , Mother , and Kindred , against whom , although we certainly know them guilty of a Crime , we are not oblig'd to declare it ; provided , nevertheless , that it be with the respect due to the Magistrate , and that we beware of speaking lyes whilst we intend onely to decline discovery of the Truth . 'T is the opinion of the Civilians , and amongst others , of Paulus , in l. 9. ff . de Test. that a Father cannot be constrain'd to bear witness against his Son , nor a Son against his Father , except in the case of High Treason . The Fifth said , That these three things must not be confounded , To lye , To speak or tell a lye , and to do or act one . To lye is to go against our own meaning ; as when I know a thing , and not onely conceal it , but speak the contrary . This action , according to some , is alwayes evil , inasmuch ( say they ) as 't is never lawful to do evil that good may come of it . According to others , 't is qualifi'd according to the diversity of its end . For he who tells a lye to save a Traveller's life who is pursu'd by Thieves , seemes to do better then if he expos'd him to their Cruelty by his discovery . The Physitian who dissembles to his Patient the danger of his disease , and thinks it enough to acquaint his domesticks therewith , do's better then if he cast him into despair by a down-right dismal prognostication ; and when he chears him up in fitting time and place by some pleasant made Story , what he speaks can scarce be reckon'd amongst idle words . But he who lyes for his Profit , as most Trades-men do , sins proportionably to the deceit which he thereby causes ; but he is most culpable who lyes to the Magistrate . One may tell or speak a lye without lying , namely , when one speaks a false thing conceiving it to be true . To do or speak a lye , is to lead a life contrary to ones profession ; as he who preaches well and lives ill . Whence I conclude , that many precautions are requisite to lye without committing an offence , that a lye is to be spoken as little as possible , and never to be done or acted at all . CONFERENCE XXXVIII . I. Of the Period , called Fits of Fevers . II. Of Friendship . I. Of the Fits of Agues . A Fever is a Heat contrary to Nature kindled in the Heart , and from thence sent by the Arteries and Veins into the whole Body , with a manifest laesion or disturbance of the action . It is so inseparable from the Heart in case of any injury , that being we cannot dye without the Heart be mis-affected ; therefore many have thought that we cannot dye without a Fever , though 't were of a violent death . And for that there are three subjects which receive this Heat , viz. the Parts , the Humours , and the Spirits ; thence ariseth the distinction of Fevers into three kinds , the Hectick , the Humoral , and the Ephemera , or One-day Fever . The first is in the solid parts , and is call'd Hectick or Habitual , because it resides in the whole habit of the Body , and is of very long continuance , yea , ordinarily lasts till Death . The second , call'd Humoral , is , when the Humours are enflam'd , either through a bare excess of Heat without other alteration in their substance , or with corruption and putrefaction , which happens most frequently . The third kind is when onely the Spirits are enflam'd , and 't is call'd Ephemera , because it continues but one day ; unless the Humours too become of the party , as it falls out usually ; and it admits of three differences , according to the three sorts of Spirits , Animal , Vital , and Natural . The Humoral Fever is either Simple or Compounded . The Simple is either Continual or Intermitting . The Continual is caus'd when the putrefaction of the Blood possesses the great Vessels , or some noble Part. The Intermitting , produc'd by the three other Humours putrefying out of the Veins , is either Quotidian , which is produc'd by Phlegme ; or Tertian , by Choler ; or Quartane , by Melancholy . The Compounded ( or complex ) Humoral Fever is caus'd by the mixture of those Humours , which then cause a double Quotidian , double Tertian , and double Quartane , yea , sometimes , but very rarely , a Quintane , and others of longer interval ; which may be attributed to all the different from which Fevers arise . The Efficient , causes is , in my opinion , the strength of Nature , and every one's particular Temper ; as he who is more robust , and upon whom the disease is more violent , will have longer Fits , ( the Fight of Nature with the Malady being more stoutly maintain'd by the parties ) and consequently shorter intervals , because that which increases to the one decreases to the other . The Cholerick will have longer Fits of a Tertian Fever , and shorter of a Quotidiane . The Material Cause contributes very much herein , being that which supplies Ammunition to this intestine War , which is continu'd or discontinu'd according to the proportion and quantity of the Matter . 'T is more easie to name the Formal Cause then to understand it . But as for the Final , 't is certain that Nature makes the intervals of Fevers purposely to rally and recruit her strength ; as truces and cessations of Armes use to be made when the Country is almost spent , or the Souldiers too much harrass'd and out of heart . The Second said , That the Periods of Fevers have been matter of torture to the best wits , who could not without admiration consider , how , ( e. g. ) one sick of a Quartan , and appearing to day at the point of Death , should nevertheless for two days together perform all his actions perfectly ; and then upon the fourth , many times too at the same hour ( in more contumacious Fevers ) become in the like pitiful condition again . Now the Cause hereof is commonly attributed to the time which is requir'd for producing the matter of the Fever , and consuming it . They hold that it is so long in consuming as the Fit lasts , the the end whereof is the Crisis ; like as the ancient water-clocks of the Romans did not signifie nor strike the hour till the vessel was full . Some have imputed the cause to the motion of the Humour , and believ'd that as the humid mass of the Sea hath its flux , reflux , and interval , so have the Humours of our Bodies , when the natural heat which regulated them , being disorder'd , and its effect suspended by the disease , governes the same no longer , but abandons them to their own Capricio . Of which motion 't is no easier to render a reason then of that of the Sea , the Load-stone , and all other occult motions . Hence many have recurr'd to the Asylum of Last Differences , the knowledge whereof is interdicted to Humane Capacity . And therefore they have ventur'd to assign no other cause , saving that the Interval of these Fevers being their most proper Difference , it must not be wonder'd if we understand their nature as little as those of all other things in the world . The Third said , That the time which is requisite for generating the Humour cannot be the cause of these Intervals , since the Fits of a Fever are longer or shorter , though the Fever change not its Nature ; yea , it will become double or trebble sometimes , and still keep the name of a Quartan . As , on the contrary , when there is so little matter left for it that it is almost quite gone , yet it alwayes returnes on the fourth day , although the Fit lasts a shorter time . Yea , it comes to pass oftentimes , that he who hath had a Quartan , and is cur'd of all other Symptomes of his Ague , yet for a long time after feels the chilness and weariness at the same day and hour that his Disease was wont to seize upon him : In the mean time while 't is manifest that the Fever being gone , the Melancholy Humour is no longer gather'd together in sufficient quantity to produce it ; and therefore the cause cannot be attributed to the Melancholly Humour , since it no longer causeth the fever . Whereby we may judge that the quantity of the matter contributes to the lengthening or diminishing of the fit , but gives not the fever its name or form . Now as for the motion which they attribute to the Humour , like that of the Sea , and their calling this Interval the form of the Fever , 't is a confession of their Ignorance , but not a solution of the Question . Galen , in the second Book of the Differences of Fevers , and the last Chapter , refers the cause of these regular and periodical motions to the dispositions of the parts of the whole Body , which being distemper'd cease not to transmit or receive , generate or attract superfluous and excrementitious humours ; and he holds that so long as the cause of these dispositions lasts , so long the circuits continue ; and consequently , the reason why a Tertian which is caus'd by Choler returnes every third day , is , because the distemper'd parts transmit , or receive , or generate bilious humours and excrements every other day . But the question remains still , whence it is , that these parts are affected in such manner that they cause such just and regular periods ? For though it be true that the parts , by reason of pain or heat , ( e. g. ) yellow putrid Choler ; nevertheless this doth not infer that they attract the same rather the third day then the fourth or every day , as they ought to do ; since the cause being alwayes present , viz. the pain or heat which incessantly attracts this humour , the effect should alwayes follow and make a Quotidian circuit ; although indeed 't is but , once in three dayes . The Fourth said , That as Physitians refer the unusual motions of Epileptical , and the violent sallies of the Frantick , not barely to the phlegmatick or atrabilarious humour , but to a certain quality of it ; so ought we to do touching the periodical motions of Fevers , which proceed not simply from the humours corrupted , but from a particular condition and virtue of each humour , whereby it is that putrifying Phlegme makes its approaches every day , Choler every third , and Melancholy every fourth day . And as these humours , so long as they retain their natural constitution , have a regular motion which carries one into the Bladder of Gall and the Guts , the other into the Spleen , and the other into the Stomack ; so being corrupted , each acquires a certain new quality and putrefaction , which is the cause of other periodical motions , namely , those of Fevers . The Fifth said , That as health is a Symmetrie and fit proportion of all the humours while they continue in society one with another ; so a Fever is a discomposure thereof when some one comes to infringe the obedience which it owes to the laws of the Compositum , and to usurp a Tyranny over the rest . In which case , they do as States who apprehend their own ruine by the too great increase of a potent neighbour ; they unite against it , and go to assail it all together . Upon this shock , the natural heat retires to the Heart which is the centre of the Body , as if it call'd its Councel ; hence proceeds the cold fit of the Fever , during which the extreme parts , destitute of their ordinary heat , fall into trembling , shivering , and chattering ; as it comes to pass upon the Earth , when the Sun is very remote from it : But Nature at length getting the mastery , is not contented to return the Blood to the parts who were depriv'd thereof , in the same condition that they lent it to her ; she drives it into them with a new heat acquir'd by the vicinity of the Heart , which is the source thereof , and augmented by the reciprocation of its motion . But as no violent thing is of long continuance , this heated Blood causing its sharpest serosities to pass through the skin by sweat , becomes asswaged , and ( as water remov'd from off the fire ceases to boyle ) it no longer extends the Veins , nor stimulates the Arteries , whether this Crisis perfectly terminates the disease , as in Continual Fevers , or the Fit onely , as in Intermitting ; which leaving a leven of the Fever , how little soever , in the humours and an empyreuma or combustion in the parts , the best Aliments , yea , the most laudable humours , if any such remain in the Body , are as easily turn'd into the matter of the Fever , as the best Wine is spoyl'd when it is pour'd upon a corrupted lee in a musty vessel . And 't is not so much to be wonder'd that this corruption is made regularly in the time of half a day in Quotidians , of one day in Tertians , and of two in Quartans , as that the Periods of Fevers are sometimes irregular , as is seen in Erratical Fevers ; considering that all generations and corruptions are reciprocal and have their limited time . Thus 't is a less wonder that Women are ordinarily deliver'd of Children likely to live , in the ninth and seventh moneths , then if they were deliver'd so in all the other moneths indifferently ; which hath place in all other motions of Nature , who doth every thing according to number , weight , and measure . II. Of Friendship . Upon the Second Point the First said , Friendship is a powerfull and streight Union which conjoynes the lover and the loved party together , making one whole of these two parts ; like that bond which in Nature unites the Matter and the Form , the Accident and the Substance . The cause of it is Goodness , which being proportionate to the Body , produceth a natural Amity ; to the Passions , an Animal Amity ; to the Understanding , a Rational one ; to the Laws , a Political or Civil ; to Religion , a Divine one . This Goodness consisting in a Proportion and Symmetry is not different from Beauty ; and therefore we apprehend Beauty in good things , and goodness and convenience in such as are handsome and gracefull . The Second said , besides goodness which is the cause of Friendship , and towards which our will is as necessarily carry'd as the Intellect is towards Truth , and all the Senses towards their proper objects ; Resemblance and Friendship it self are the causes of Friendship . The first is founded upon the Love which we bear to our selves . For as we love our selves above any thing else in this world , so we love those who resemble us , and symbolize with our humours and inclinations . Hence it is that one of the most common courses to please , is , to conform our selves to those by whom we desire to be affected ; we never contradict their Judgement , we have no other Will but theirs , we frame our selves to their gestures and actions , without excepting those which are imperfect . Then Friendship , the second means of acquiring Love , is no less effectual ; it being almost impossible not to love them who love us . Whence the Ancients feign'd Love to be the most ancient of all the gods , intimating that Love hath no other Principle or Origine but Love it self . And they who assign'd him a Companion which they styl'd Anteros , signifi'd thereby , that Friendship cannot last unless it be mutual . The Third said , That Friendship must be distinguish'd from Love. For Love is a Passion of the Concupiscible Appetite , arising from the imagination of a sensible good , and is found even in brute beasts . But friendship is one of the most excellent vertues , or rather the fruit of accomplish'd and perfect vertue ; 't is indeed very rare , because it hath place only amongst excellent persons ( who are very few ) uniting and making them conspire together in the exercises of vertue . But being once establish'd , it is very durable , inasmuch as its cause and foundation , Vertue , always remains , and may be exercis'd . Therefore Seneca pronounces , that the friendship which knows an end was never true . Some friendships there are ( indeed the most ) whose foundation is Profit and Pleasure , but they are always imperfect . Whence it is that old men and young men are ordinarily accounted incapable of true friendship ; the former , because they scarce regard any thing besides Profit ; and the latter , because their minds are more set upon what is pleasant and agreeable then upon what is honest or vertuous . Nor is it ever found amongst wicked persons . For 1. a perfect friend must love another as much as himself . And although the affection we bear to our selves be not true friendship , because this must always have reference to another , yet it is the most certain , yea the measure of perfect friendship , and God hath appointed it as the rule of our love to our Neighbour . Now how can he be a perfect friend who doth not love himself ? How can he agree with another who accords not with himself ? and how will he do good to another , who doth none to himself ? for a vicious man is his own chiefest enemy , whilst he pursues the false and imaginary good in stead of the true ; vice , instead of vertue ; the shadow , for the body ; and many times he becomes his own murderer by intemperance and other vices . He hath always a civil war within himself ; his Reason is never at peace with his Appetite ; what one desires , the other rejects . Consequently , he hath never any inward joy , but he is greatly displeas'd with being alone , and for that reason always seeks the company of those like himself , to divert his sad thoughts . The Fourth said , There is nothing comparable to Friendship , which is the salt and seasoning of humane life , the presever of societies , and the most agreeable and sweetest consolation that persons of vertue and honour can have ; by help of which a man finds another self , to whom he may entrust his most secret thoughts . This consideration mov'd Archytas the Tarentine to say , That he who should ascend into the Heavens and attentively survey the beauty of the Stars and all the Celestial Orbes , would have no pleasure if he found no person to whom to recount those wonders , and communicate his felicity . 'T is therefore one of the greatest contentments to have a friend , whom you may make partaker of your felicity , which is so much the greater when it is communicated to others without being diminish'd to your self ; and in case adversity befall you , the same is sweetned by the relation you make thereof to him who shares this burden with you , and so renders it more supportable . True it is , that although a friend be necessary in either fortune , yet he is of more advantage to us in adversity ; in which a friend supplies his friend with help and counsel , and is thereby distinguish'd from a false one , who loves only for the sake of his own pleasure and profit . Now whatever is excellent hath most of Unity . And as a River divided into several streams is more weak ; so friendship shared amongst many is always languid and impotent . Besides , a friend should be complacent to his friend in every thing , and they ought to be but one soul living in two bodies . Now 't is as hard to please many , as 't is impossible to please all the world . And should two friends at the same time implore the succour of a third , he could not betake himself to both together , nor consequently satisfie the duty of friendship . The Fifth said , That Friendship is either Natural , Spiritual , or Moral . The Natural is between Father and Children , Brethren and Sisters , Husband and Wife , and between Kindred or Alliance . The Spiritual is between those who profess the same Law and Religion , such as is that of Christians and Monasticks . The Moral is between such as are united together upon the account of Vertue ; such was that of Theseus and Pirithous , Orestes and Pylades , Damon and Pythias , Aeneas and Achates , Achilles and Patroclus , Jonathan and David , and so few others , that many have conceiv'd perfect Friendship but an Idea , a mark to be aim'd at , but never hit ; much like the description of a perfect Orator . It consists only in the union of Wills , not of Understandings ; for I may have an opinion different from that of my friend without prejudicing our friendship , but not a different Will. And as honesty doth not take away piety , nor piety honesty ; so spiritual and moral friendship do not destroy one the other . For I may love one morally whom I love not spiritually ; that is , I may conspire with him in the exercises of honesty or vertue , though I differ in those of piety . CONFERENCE XXXIX . I. Why all men naturally desire knowledge . II. Whether Permutation or Exchange be more commodious then Buying and Selling. I. Why all men naturally desire knowledge . ARistotle rightly teacheth that the first Question ought to be whether the thing be or exist ; because 't is in vain to seek the causes of that which hath no being . 'T is therefore first to be inquir'd , whether it be true that all men have a natural desire of knowing ; and then the causes thereof must be sought . That which is natural must be found in all ; so we say 't is natural to a stone to tend downwards , because all of them do so . But 't is so far from being true that all men are desirous to know and learn , that for rectifying the defect of such desire we see Teachers sometimes arm'd with the rod , sometimes forc'd to use allurements and rewards , and employ all artifices they can devise to excite a desire of learning in such as want it , the number of whom is always greater then of others . Hence it is that in a School of five hundred Scholars you shall scarce find fifty that have well profited in learning ; and amongst a hundred Masters of a Trade , scarce ten good workmen . Moreover , there are some men who have not much less of the beast then of the man. And as the greatest Clerks ( according to the Proverb ) are not always the wisest men , so neither are they the most happy . The best and most knowing Philosophers are not the men that do their business best now-adays . 'T will be said , that to understand the means of advancing one's self is a sort of knowledge , and they who have not a genius for learning have one for other things , and profit therein as well as in the Sciences . But I answer , that Philosophy being the key of all other Disciplines , 't is a sign that they will not open the chest , when they refuse the key of it . Besides , we see some persons so stupid , that they interpret the curiosity of knowing a trouble to themselves , and a vice in others : and not only some Philosophers have disclaim'd to know any thing except that they knew nothing ; but there have been found many holy personages who made profession of ignorance . The Second said , All naturally desire to know , but not all things , nor at all times , nor by all the ways that are prescrib'd them ; every one would learn after his own mode , and things proportional to his reach : and as when these conditions meet together , they excite the desire ; so when any one is wanting , they cause disgust . Thus one is passionately affected to Algebra , which deterr's the wit of another : One matter may please at the beginning , and become distastful into the continuance ; and the same subject being treated in familiar discourse will render you attentive , yet displeases you in a more lofty style , which , on the other side , would content some other ; wherefore 't is not to be wonder'd if some minds have reluctancy against the constraint which is offer'd to be laid upon them ; as the stomack rises when a food which it loathes is tender'd to it , though the appetite of knowing be , in the mean time , no less natural to the soul then that of eating is to the body . The Third said , That supposing this desire of knowledge not general , it is demanded whence it comes to pass that it is so great in many persons , that some have relinquish'd all their fortunes for it , others have spent their whole age in attaining it , others have put out their own eyes the better to attend it , and some lost their lives for it . It seems to me that all of them do thus for some good . Now good is divided into its three kinds ; and correspondently , some do it for profit , fitting themselves to gain themselves a livelihood ; others for honour , and to enjoy the prerogatives which knowledge procures to the most learned ; others again do it , only for the pleasure which they find in study , and not for the sake of knowledge it self : for when we once have attain'd the knowledge of a thing , it affords us delight no longer ; whence it is that excellent workmen are always poor ; because so soon as they have arriv'd to a perfection of skill they leave all further search to others ; their only pleasure was in the acquisition . This pleasure herein resembling all other sorts , which consist only in action , and not in acquiescence or satisfaction . But may not it also be thus , because our soul being a Number always desires and aimes to perfectionate it self ? And as no number can be assign'd so great but that some others may be added to it , even to infinity ; so our soul is capable of receiving new light and new notions , to infinity ? Or else , as every thing tends to its natural place , so our soul being of celestial original aspire to the infinite knowledge of God by that of finite things . The Fourth said , That the reason why both young and old desire to know , is , because of the extream pleasure which they take in knowing things . But if some be not inclin'd thereunto , 't is in regard of the difficulties , which abate indeed , but cannot wholly extinguish their natural ardour . This pleasure is apparent , in that we take delight to know not only true things , but such as we are conscious to be notoriously false ; yea sometimes we are more delighted with the latter then the former provided they have some pretty conceits , as with Stories , Fables and Romances . For there is nothing so small and inconsiderable in nature , wherein the mind finds not incomparable divertisement and delight . The Gods , saith Aristotle , are as well in the least insects as in the most bulky animals ; and to despise little things is , in his judgement , to do like children . For , on the contrary , as in Art , the less place a Picture takes up , the more it is esteem'd ; and the Iliads of Homer were sometimes the more admir'd for that they were compriz'd in a Nut-shel : so in Nature , the less volumn things are in , the more worthy they are of admiration . Now if there be so much pleasure in seeing the figures and representations of natural things , because we observe the work-man's industry in them ; there is much more contentment in clearly beholding those things themselves , and remarking in their essence , proprieties and vertues , the power and wisdom of Nature far transcending that of Art. But if the knowledge of natural things affords us such great delight , that of supernatural ravishes us in a higher measure ; and 't is also much more difficult , because they are remote , from our senses , which are the ordinary conveyances of knowledge : Wherefore there being pleasure in knowing both great things and small , natural and supernatural ; 't is no wonder if man , who usually follows delectable Good , takes delight in knowing . The Fifth said , The Philosopher in the beginning of his Metaphysicks proves this Proposition , 1. By Induction , from the senses , which are respectively delighted in their operations ; whence we love the sense of Seeing above all the rest , because it supplies us with more knowledge then any one of the rest . 2. Because Man being mindful of the place of his original , desires to raise himself above Plants and the other Animals . By Sense he advances himself above Plants ; by Memory above certain Animals who have none ; by Experience above them all ; but by the use of Reason , from which proceedeth Science , Men excel one another . For there are Animals which have some shadow of Prudence , but not any hath Science . And , as Seneca saith , men are all equal in their beginning and their end , that is , as to life and death , not differing but in their interval , whereof Science is the fairest Ornament . The cause of this desire of knowing proceeds then from the natural inclination which every thing hath to follow its own good . Now the good of Man , as Man , is to know . For as a thing exists not but so far forth as it acts , the Rational Soul ( the better part of us ) cannot be term'd such , saving inasmuch as it knows ; yea Action being the measure not only of being , but also of the perfection of being ( whence God , who is most perfect , never ceases to act ; and the First Matter which is the most imperfect of all entities , acts either little or nothing at all ) therefore the Reasonable Soul being the most noble and perfect of all formes , desires to act and employ it self incessantly in its action , which is the knowledge of things . Indeed every thing strives after its own operation . As soon as the Plant is issu'd out of the earth it thrusts forward till it be come to its just bigness . The Eye cannot without pain be hindred from seeing ; Silence causes sadness . And as we see the Boar and the Bull , by an admirable instinct of Nature , the one oppose its forehead , the other its mouth , against such as provoke them , though the former as yet wanteth teeth , and the latter horns ; so the reason and desire of knowing appears very early in children , even before they are capable of much . The Sixth said , That the Intellect becometh each thing which it understands . Hence Man , the most inconstant of all creatures , is carri'd so ardently to the knowledge of all things , which finding not worthy of him he relinquishes , till he be arriv'd at the knowledge of his Creator , to whom conforming himself he desires to know nothing more , but acquiesces , contemplating in him , as in a mirror , all other things of the World. The Seventh said , All things were made for the use and behoof of man , and therefore he has reason to desire to know every thing , to the end he may make use of it . The Eighth said , We have the seeds and treasures of Knowledge hidden in our selves ; which longing to be exerted and reduc'd from power into act , incessantly sollicite us to put them forth . Hence comes the desire of knowing , or rather awakning these species which are perfected in us by use , and in time wholly display'd . In which respect Teachers are with good reason compar'd to Mid-wives who do not produce the Infant in the Mother's womb , but lend a helping hand to its coming forth . For Teachers do not infuse knowledge into the children whom they instruct , but only assist them to produce it out of folds and recesses of the mind , in which otherwise it would remain unprofitable , and like matter without form ; as the Steel doth not give fire to the Flint , but elicits the same of it . So those natural lights and notices being at first invelop'd with clouds , when their veil is taken away , and they are loosned , as the Platonists speak , from the contagion of the senses , they extreamly delight those who bore them inclosed in their breast , and needed help to exclude them . II. Whether exchange be more convenient then buying and selling . Upon the second Point it was said , As Unity is the beginning of Numbers in Arithmetick , and of causes in nature ; so community of goods was no doubt at first amongst men . But because 't is the occasion of negligence , and cannot continue long , in regard some are better husbands , more easie to be contented , and need less then others ; hence arose the words of Mine and Thine , which are more efficacious then Ours and Yours ; since even Monasticks take it for a mortification , and children cry when any thing proper to them is taken from them . In old time , when one had eaten or spent what was his own he repair'd to his neighbour for more , accommodating him with some other thing whereof he stood in need , by way of exchange , the respective value of the things being limited according to their estimation of their goodness and scarcity , in the first place , and then of their beauty or comeliness . And because Oxen and Sheep afforded them the most commodities , as their skins for clothing , and their milk and flesh for food , besides other uses to which they were serviceable , they made all their traffick with Cattle , in which all their wealth consisted . But because 't was too troublesome a thing for a man to drive always a flock of Sheep before him , or lead a Cow by the horn , for making of payment ; the industry of men increasing , they cast their eyes upon that which was in the next degree of most use to them , and most durable ; and finding that 't was Iron and Copper , and especially that the latter was the fairest and easiest to be melted and cast into Kettles and other domestick Utensils , they made choice thereof , mutually giving and receiving it , by weight , for other things they needed , and divided it by pounds , which word still remains amongst us , to signifie twenty shillings , which is very neer the just value that a pound of Copper had in those days . And to save the labour of weighing this pound and the parts of it , they stamp'd upon one side the figure of a ship , with the weight and value ( because Saturn , the inventer of money in Italy , arriv'd there in a ship ) and on the other side the pourtait of one of those beasts which are design'd by the word Pecus , whence Money came to be call'd pecunia . Afterwards the Arms of the Prince were substituted in stead of the Ship , and Constantine put a Cross in place of the Beast . Now because , in old Gaulish , a Ship was call'd Pile ( whence the word Pilote remains to this day ) the side of the Coin on which the Ship was is still call'd Pile , and the other Cross , how different stamps soever have succeeded since . Nevertheless exchange is more universal then buying and selling , particularly between State and State , transportation of money being generally forbidden , and only the carrying away of Merchandize for Merchandize allow'd . Moreover , there are more Nations who exercise Commerce by trucking , then there are that make use of Money . It seems also to be more convenient for particular persons , it being more difficult for him that is in necessity to sell what he hath , many times , at a low rate in money , and to buy dearly what he wants , then to give out of his abundance to him that needeth , and receive from him in consideration thereof what himself wanteth . The Second said , That Exchange being founded upon Commutative Justice , and introduc'd by the mutual necessities men have of one another , consists in the comparing of things between themselves ; so that according as one thing exceeds another in price and value , or else is exceeded by it , the excess or defect of the one side or the other must be equally compensated . To which purpose men make use of two measures , the one natural , and the other artificial . The natural measure is the scarcity of things compar'd with their publick use . Whence it comes to pass that the less there is of a thing which is greatly us'd , 't is the dearer ; and , on the contrary , the price is diminish'd according to the greater plenty thereof . For 't is not barely the goodness of the thing , nor its rarity or its necessity , that is the cause of its value ; but all these together referr'd to its use . So water , which is better and less hurtful to man then wine , is nevertheless of less price . Corn is more necessary then Sugar , yet not so dear ; and the rarest Plants , which are no ingredients into the compositions of Physick , scarce find buyers . Now Money is the artificial measure , invented by men , for measuring the price and value of all things , both real and imaginary , moveable and immoveable . These two measures are different , in that the abundance of things diminishes their price ; scarcity and defect augments it : but contrarily , the plenty of money enhances the price of things , and its scarcity diminishes it : whence the more money there is in a State , the dearer every thing is ; as appears by comparing our Age with that of our Grand-fathers before the discovery of the West Indies ; when they were richer and had more Merchandize with a thousand Crowns then we have now with ten thousand . And on the contrary , the more things there are to exchange , the truck or traffick is the easier ; although that 's the happiest Country from whence more is exported then imported into it . But because many times the parties could not agree , he that needed an Oxe possessing nothing that lik'd the owner , and some things of too great value being withall uncapable of division , as a House or a Ship ; therefore they invented money to supply all these defects . This money , in some Countries , consisted of Shells ; in others , of precious Stones ; elsewhere , of other things ; but most commonly of Metal . And although it be not absolutely necessary , yet it is much more convenient then Exchange ; for by means thereof a man may do every thing that can be done by permutation , and some thing more . Whence it is , that Princes always prohibit the transportation of it , but that of other things only upon some occasions . For money is , with good reason , said to be every thing potentially . The Third said , That as it was sometimes doubted whether Caesar's birth were more happy or fatal to the Roman Empire , which he on one side adorn'd with glory and triumphs , and on the other desolated by Civil Wars : so 't is hard to judge whether the invention of Gold and Silver Coin hath been more beneficial or pernicious to mankind . For 't is true , it greatly facilitates Commerce amongst men ; but it likewise brings along with it covetousness , and the desire of having it . For whereas at first the most avaritious were forc'd to set bounds to their covetousness , when their Granaries , Sellars and Houses were full ; and also when Iron money came in use , it took up almost as much room as the things themselves ; now , since the invention of Gold and Silver Coin , men have begun to reckon by Millions , which give less content to the possessors then pains to acquire , solliciotousness to preserve , and trouble to lose them . CONFERENCE XL. I. Of Prognostication or Presaging by certain Animals . II. Why all men love more to command then to obey . I. Of Divination by some Animals . MAn is affected to nothing more passionately then to the Faculty of Divining . Upon this account he paints Prudence , the most necessary of the Cardinal Vertues , with a double countenance , one whereof speculates futurity . And because this knowledge of things to come would rid him of the two most violent passions which perplex him , Fear and Hope , therefore he spares nothing to attain the same . To this end he employs not only the four Elements , but makes a distinct art of the ways of Prediction by each of them . He makes use of all mixt bodies too , and searches even the bowels of living creatures , yea the very Sepulchres of the dead , in quest of Presages of the future . And although , speaking absolutely , such inventions are more capable to attract the admiration , and consequently the money of credulous persons , then to instruct them ( unless perhaps , in prudence , to take care of being so easily deceiv'd afterwards ) yet there seems to be a correspondence and connexion between present and future things , as there is between the pass'd and the present ; for as he who perceives the corruption of unburied bodies after a Battle to have infected the air , and begotten the Pestilence , may certainly refer the cause of such Contagion to the War ; so he that shall behold a furious War in which great Battles are fought may conjecture an approaching Pestilence . Possibly , if we were as careful to contemplate the changes of all other bodies , Minerals and Vegetables , we should remark therein Presages as much more infallible then those of animals , as their actions , being more simple , are likewise more certain ; as may be instanc'd in the Mulberry-tree , which buds not till all the cold weather be pass'd ; but because the Local Motion which is proper to animals , affects us more , thence it becomes also more remarkable . The Second said , That man must not be forgotten in this Disquisition . For not to speak of Prognostication in his diseases , by means whereof the Physitian gets the esteem of a God , we see old men and other persons so regular in the constitution of their bodies , that they will tell you , beforehand , better then any Almanack , by a Tooth-ach , a Megrim , or a Sciatica , what weather is approaching , whether rain , frost or snow , or fair . This is commonly attributed to the rarefaction or condensation of the peccant humours in their bodies , the same discharging themselves upon what part they find weakest ( as the weakest are commonly the most oppress'd ) and there making themselves felt by their acrimony : but the parties are no longer sensible thereof then that intemperate weather continues , a new disposition of the air causing a new motion and alteration in the humours . When Cats comb themselves ( as we speak ) 't is a sign of rain ; because the moisture which is in the air before the rain , insinuating it self into the fur of this animal , moves her to smooth the same , and cover her body wherewith , that so she may the less feel the inconvenience of Winter ; as on the contrary , she opens her fur in Summer , that she may the better receive the refreshing of the moist season . The crying of Cats , Osprey's , Raven's , and other Birds , upon the tops of houses , in the night-time , are observ'd by the vulgar to pre-signifie death to the sick ; and those creatures are thought to know the approach thereof by their cadaverous scent , which appears not to us till after their death , by reason of the dulness of our senses ; it being no less admirable that such carrion Birds smell better then we , then 't is to see a dog distinguish by his smelling the traces of a Hare , which are imperceptible to us . But it may as well be , that these Birds cry by chance upon the first house where they light , and are heard onely by such as watch in attendance upon persons dangerously sick ; they being likewise Birds of but a weak sight , and therefore flying abroad most commonly in the dark . As for the fore-sight of fertility , by the Honeton , and of a calm , by the Halcyon or Kings-fisher , these ought to be referr'd to the same instinct of Nature , which guideth the Spider to weave her nets , and the Swallow to build her neast . The Third said , There is a close connexion between the superior and inferior bodies , the chain whereof is to us imperceptible , though their consecution be infallible . This was signifi'd by Trismegistus , when he pronounc'd that that which is below is like that which is on high , and therefore 't is not to be wonder'd if one be the sign of the other . The Fourth said , Certain Animals are found under the domination of one and the same Starr , of which subjection they have some character either external or internal . And 't is credible that all bodies , especially Plants , have figures or characters of their virtues , either within or without . Thus , they say , those Plants which are prickly , and whose leaves have the shape of a spears poynt , or other offensive armes , are vulnerary ; those which have the spots or speckles of a Serpent , are noted to be good against poysons ; and all are serviceable for the conservation of such parts , and cure of such diseases as they resemble in figure . In like manner , 't is probable that the Cock hath a certain internal character which particularly rank him under the dominion of the Sun ; and that this is the cause that he crows when his predominant planet possesses one of the three cardinal points of Heaven , in which the same hath most power , namely , in the East , when the light thereof is returning towards him ; in the South , at which time he rejoyces to see it at the highest pitch of strength ; and at mid-night , because he feels that it is then beginning again to approach to our Hemisphere . But he crows not at sun-set , being sad then for its departure , and for that he is deprived of its light . And , for this reason , in my opinion , the Romans chiefly made use of young Chickens , from which to collect their auguries ; because they conceiv'd that being Animals of the Sun , and more susceptible of its impressions , by reason of their tenderness , they were more easily sensible , and consequently afforded more remarkable tokens by their motions and particular constitution , of the various dispositions of the Sun , in reference to the several Aspects of good and bad Planets , especially of Saturn their opposite . Whence judging , by the dulness and sadness of the Chickens , that the Sun was afflicted by a bad Aspect of Mars or Saturn ; they drew a consequence , that since this Luminary , which besides its universal power , was the Disposer of their fortune with Mars , was found ill dispos'd when they were projecting any design , therefore they could not have a good issue of it . Thus people prognostice a great Famine or Mortality when great flocks of Jayes or Crows forsake the woods ; because these melancholy birds , bearing the characters of Saturn the author of famine and mortality , have a very early perception of the bad disposition of that Planet . The Fifth said , Thence also it is , that if a flie be found in an Oak-apple , 't is believ'd that the year insuing will be troubled with wars , because that Insect being alwayes in motion , and troublesome , is attributed to Mars . If a spider be found in the said Excrescence , then a Pestilence is feared , because this Insect hath the characters of malignant Saturn ; if a small worm be seen in it , then , this Insect being attributed to Jupiter and Venus , plenty is prognosticated . Now , did we know all the internal or external characters of Animals , we might by their motion and disposition obtain some knowledge of that of their Star , and thence draw some conjectures of futurities . But this cannot be done by the deportments of Men , because these are varied by a thousand businesses , imagination and troubles , and especially by their free Will and Dissimulations ; the latter whereof puts them upon outward motions contrary to their internal , and the former carries them , by the sway of their wills , against the course of coelestial impressions . II. Why Men love more to command then obey . Upon the Second Point it was said , Man is one of the weakest , but the most ambitious of all Creatures . He accounts himself worthy to command , not onely over all that is below him , but also over all his equals . And did not shame restrain him , he would willingly give his own suffrage for himself , when the person of greatest sufficiency were to be nominated . Hence it is , as I conceive , that we have as many Enemies as Servants , if the Proverb be true . For the Servant accounting himself equally or more able to command then his Master , believes that Nature of Fortune do's him wrong in leaving him in that condition , and therefore he aspires to change it . The opposition of Contraries contributes also thereunto ; for observing the evils which attend such as are reduc'd under the will of another ; and on the other side , the content which Masters seem to have while they live at their own discretion , and more easily suffer any evil of their own doing , because every Man can better bear with himself then with another ; hereupon they as much desire command as they detest obedience . Now besides all this , the reason why we are so enamor'd of command , is , for that every thing desires to be in action , because all being consists primarily in action . Our Will , accordingly , is forward to exert the act of volition ; but it willeth onely by halves , when it is controll'd ; and nothing offends us more then when we command , and no body stirs to obey us ; so that some are impatient of being gain-said , even in things notoriously impertinent or unjust . Witness Philip of Macedon , who having unjustly condemn'd a poor woman , chose rather to pay her condemnation for her to her Adversary , then retract his own judgement . 'T will perhaps be objected , that there are good Fryars and Nuns , who love better to obey then to command . I answer , that in this act as well as in other mortifications of their appetites , they acknowledge that they under-go very great difficulties ; and these prove the truth of the Proposition . Yea , obedience and the resignation of our own will is more hard to observe then Poverty and Chastity ; inasmuch as the goods of Fortune and the Body are inferior to those of the Mind . The Second said , This Question hath no difficulty in the general , since all they who are contented with a servile condition , make their obedience subservient to their desire of raising a fortune , which may one day enable them to command . Nor is the reason of it less easie . For since no motive is more powerfull to incline the Will of Man then Delight and Profit , no other reason of this desire need be search'd , since superiority affords such sensible pleasure , and conspicuous advantage ; command being , to speak truth , nothing else but an effective power of applying what means we please wherewith to compass our Profit or Delight . But seeing Nature hath establish'd this Law , that Inferior things ought to obey the Superior , the less worthy the more worthy ; so that Obedience and Command are the different consonances which compose the Harmony of the world ; Whence is it that Man alone raising up the Tones or Notes of his Ambition interrupts the Consort of the Universe , and makes Discord amongst this agreeable Musick ? The reason hereof is , that as Nature gives no desires but she also gives power , so she gives no power without desire . Wherefore having made Man free by a power , to wit , a Will most free and independent , she ha's also made him free by Inclination and Desire . Now forasmuch as Obedience is the restriction and modification , or rather an annihilation of , and contrary motion to this Will and desire of freedome , 't is no wonder that Man so abhors servitude and desires command ; because in doing so he most powerfully exercises his will in all its extent . The Third said , The Will of Man being alwayes mutable , and in perpetual motion , 't is no marvel if it abhors Obedience which checks its course , deprives it of the means of change , and usually carries it by a retrograde motion against its own inclination . Yea , 't is an ordinary thing for Men to be averse to do or abstain from any matter whatsoever , onely because it is commanded or forbidden ; although we had a desire to do it before , or at least it was indifferent to us . Whence arose the Proverb , That Forbidding inflames Appetite ; and the more , for that the order which is given us introduces into our Will another strange Will , which , though like and conformable to ours , yet displeases us , as it is forinsecal ; as the motion which would have been natural to the stone , if it had been barely let fall from on high downwards , becomes violent to it when it is cast down . The Fourth said , This desire proceeds from the love which we bear to our selves , so natural to Man , that it lives first , and dyes last in him . Now Man loving himself more then any else , and love having for its foundation the perfection and merit of the thing lov'd ; hence he esteemes himself more perfect , and consequently more worthy to command then any other . And this causes him to desire a thing which he accounts due to him . The Fifth said , That as some Men are naturally lead to command , so others are inclin'd of their own accord to obey and serve . The former are call'd , by the Philosopher , Lords and Masters by Nature , having an Heroick Spirit , and capable of governing not themselves onely , but others too ; their Bodies being usually weak and delicate , hair fine , and skin smooth and thin . Others are servants by Nature , being strong and sturdy , fit to carry burthens , to undergo labour , and such incommodities as attend those who are subject to another's Will ; they have also , many times , so little capacity , that they have more of the beast then of the Man ; and this by the ordering of Divine Providence , lest having good judgements and quick wits , they might reflect upon the equity or injustice of their Masters commands , and so not execute them as they ought ; or lest the consideration of their misery , being thereby alwayes present with them , might render them more unhappy . The Sixth said , That Man having been created by God for command , as holy writ attesteth , he alwayes retaines the remembrance of his original , and would be Master every where . For though the Creatures upon which the dominion given him by God extends , seem to have been refractory to him ever since his sin ; yet the most part still acknowledge in him some tokens of their ancient Lord. The otherwise most unruly Horse suffers himself to be manag'd by him , and a troop of Oxen is driven by a Child . The most furious Animals become gentle , and tremble at the occurse of Man's Countenance , because they find therein the characters of Divinity . But as 't is natural to other Animals to obey Man more perfect then themselves , so it seemes to Man a thing against Nature for the more perfect to obey the less . The Seventh said , That the desire of commanding hath not place in all , nor at all times . The Master of the Ship willingly resignes the management of the helm to an experienc'd Pilot , and disbanded Souldiers readily suffer themselves to be rally'd and conducted by those whom they judge the most worthy to command them . Others , farr from this desire , submit and tye themselves , by natural inclination , to the pleasure of an other . Moreover , some Virtues are so heroical and eminent that they win hearts , as it were , by violence , and constrain the most refractory and ambitious to confess that they ought to be obey'd . By this means a multinous multude , impatient of all command , hath been brought to lay down their Armes . But we see some Spirits so free , that nothing can reduce them to obedience , neither Promisings nor threatnings . They have so high and extraordinary a genius , that they will prefer poverty and misery , yea , beggary and torments themselves before obedience , and never stoop to the pleasure and will of any other , although they be but little befriended by Fortune or Nature . Whence is this ? Why , sometimes from greatness of Spirit , and oftentimes from a disorderliness of Mind which breaks forth , and is not capable of restraint . The Eighth said , That in the whole Universe the more noble commands the less , the more potent quality predominates over the rest ; In Animals the Soul commands the Body , as the Master his servant , makes it move and act as it pleases ; and Man exercises sovereignty over beasts ; amongst Men , Reason commands the Appetite ; in Oeconomy , the Male , as the more perfect , commands the Female ; and , generally , the wise , learned , and virtuous , ought to have the command over the foolish , ignorant , and vicious . For I speak of things as they ought to be . But 't is otherwise if we consider things as they are . Many times the Appetite over-masters Reason ; usually fools and ignorants are the strongest . Wherefore if there be found any one amongst Men that differs as much from others as the Soul from the Body , Man from beast , Reason from the Appetite , the Male from the Female , he ought to command . For , according to Aristotle , Every Man who commands must be of a different Nature from him who obeyes . And as the Shepherd is of another and more excellent Nature then his flock , so he that commands over Men ought to be a God , or at least a Heroe . And can you wonder now that every one would have a good opinion had of himself , and be accounted a Heroe or a God ? CONFERENCE XLI . I. Of Comets . II. Whether Pardon be better then Revenge . I. Of Comets . THe deceitfulness of our senses causes the difficulty of understanding the nature of Comets . For as some Colours , so some Lights are true , others apparent . Who would not affirm , at a distance , that Gloe-wormes , some kind of rotten wood , the scales of certain Fishes , and the eyes of Cats are real fire ? And to get to further then Heaven , who would not believe that the Moon and other Planets have a true light , were it not for the reasons of Astronomy ? Nevertheless , Experience convinces us of the contrary on Earth , as well as Reason doth in Heaven . Yet because , in doubtful matters , 't is best to keep to the common opinion ; I concur with that which holds a Comet to be a hot and dry Exhalation inflam'd in the highest Region of the Air , if the Heaven be solid ; and amongst the coelestial orbes , in case they be liquid : which Exhalation resembles the unctuosity of a torch newly extinguish'd ; which serving for fewel to the fire , which the reflection of the Sun-beams , or the violence of motion excites there , represents the figure according to which the matter is dispos'd to burn , and appears so long to us till its matter be consum'd , unless more be carry'd up which is proper to succeed it . The Second said , There is little probability that so thin and subtile matter as the afore-mention'd can burn for several moneths together . Considering that the fires of our furnaces consume themselves in less then a day , unless they be recruited with new matter ; and that the vast bulk of these Meteors allows us not to imagine that enough can be found for the sustenance of so great a flame . For that which appear'd in this City in November 1618. occupied forty degrees of the Firmament , notwithstanding its remoteness from our sight , which alwayes makes things appear less then themselves . And the matter which should be lifted up from the Earth to succeed that which is first consumed would not be inflamed , because it could not arrive to the burning Comet in its first place , by reason of its circular motion , contrary to that of Exhalations which is made in a strait line . Nor is this opinion less inconsistent with the place which they assign , namely , the Heaven ; inasmuch as many have been above the Planets , as is evidenc'd by their Parallax . For the Heavens being incorruptible , 't is impossible to phancy any corruption in them , since that which is Eternal cannot but be incompetible with that which is corruptible . Now that they are Eternal , the regularity of their motions domonstrates . And although the Apogees and Perigees of the Planets , which are the points of their greatest and least distance from the Earth , are , according to the affirmation of some Astrologers , chang'd above twenty six degrees since Ptolomy's time ; yet this permutation of place induces no mutation of substance . Nor can a Comet be the reflexion or occurrence of the light of some Planets , as those Meteors are which we call la Rose and le Soldat ; for then no Comet could last longer then such occurse , which is but momentaneous , by reason of the continual motion of the Planets ; besides that they might be as certainly prognosticated as Eclipses . But forasmuch as there are some things which we know no further then by negation , I conceive it more easie to say what a Comet is not , then to determine what it is . The Third said , A Comet is onely an appearing , not a real light ; and 't is produc'd by the darting of the Sun-beams through an Exhalation , which is fit for this purpose by its substance somewhat thin in the surface for intromitting the beams , and dense within for reflecting them , and giving them the colour of fire ; like as when the Sun casting his rayes upon the clouds , at Morning or Evening , gives them a ruddy colour . And according as those are united or compacted , enlighned by the Sun , or regard several quarters of the world ; so the Comets have different shapes or figures , which ought no more to astonish us then these of the Clouds ; which according to their conjunction together represent innumerable formes ; or at least then those of other fiery Meteors , variously figur'd according to the casual occurrence of the matter which composes them . Therefore Scaliger in his Exercitations holds that Comets are neither signes nor causes of the events which follow them , and derides those who believe that they fore-shew the death of Great Persons , or that destruction of Nations and Kingdomes ; alledging that many great Great Men have dy'd , yea , many Illustrious Families and States been destroy'd , without the appearance of any Comet ; and , on the contrary , that many Comets have appear'd , and no such accidents ensu'd . The Fourth said , That Comets are certain Stars whose motion is unknown to us , and who being rais'd very high in their Apogaeum , remain for a long time invisible . This is of no unfrequent observation in Mars , who , as many Astrologers affirm , is at some times lower then the Sun ; and at other times so high above the rest of the Planets superior to his sphere , that his body remains hid when his opposition to the Sun ought to render it most conspicuous . In like sort , those Stars which God reserves as instruments of the greatest events , which he hath fore-ordain'd to come to pass in the Universe , remain a long time elevated in their Apogaeum , till they come at length to descend towards the Earth ; from whence , as soon as they begin to manifest themselves , they attract great quantity of vapours ; which receiving the light variously , according to the nature of the places whence they were rais'd , represent to us sundry shapes of hairy and bearded Stars , or in form of a Dart , Sword , Dish , Tub , Horns , Lamps , Torches , Axes , Rods , and such others , as it falls out . And although those Stars incessantly act , yet coming to be produc'd anew , and being nearer the Earth , their effects are augmented and become more sensible . As the Fish ceases neither to be nor to move when it is in the bottome of the Sea , yet it appears not to us to have either existence or motion , unless when it comes near the surface of the Water . The Fifth said , that Comets must needs be some extraordinary things , since they alwayes presignifie strange events , especially in Religion . Histories observe that of sixty six Comets which have appear'd since the Resurrection of our Saviour , there is not one but hath been immediately follow'd by some disorder or division in the Church , caus'd by Persecutions , Schismes or Heresies . That which Josephus relates to have appear'd over the Temple of Jerusalem , and lasted a year ( contrary to the custom of others , which exceed not sixty days ) was follow'd by the ruine of Judaism . That of which Seneca speaks to have appear'd in Nero's time , was the forerunner of the Heresies of Cerinthus and Ebion . That of the year 1440 foreshew'd the Heresie of Nestorius . That of the year 1200 , the division caus'd by the Waldenses and Albingenses . And lastly , those which have been seen since the year 1330 have sufficiently manifested the truth of this effect by the multiplicity of Sects wherewith Christendom abounds at this day . But especially , the thirty Comets which have appear'd in France since the year 1556 ( four of which were in the same year , namely , in the year 1560 ) but too well witness the verity of their presignifications , which ( as S. Augustine saith ) are ordinarily fulfill'd before the same are known by men . The Sixth said , That as in all things else , so in Comets , the magnitude demonstrates the vehemence and considerableness of the future event . The colour signifies the nature of the Planet under whose dominion it is . The splendor or brightness shews the quick and effectual activity thereof , as its less lively colour testifies the contrary . The Form is a Celestial character or hicroglyphick , denoting an effect in the earth ; as if God spoke to us by signs , or writ to us after the mode of China , where the figures of things stand for letters , not contenting himself to destinate to this purpose the combinations of the Planets with the other Stars , which are the next causes of all natural effects here below . The place of the Air , or of Heaven , namely , the sign of the Zodiack wherein the Comet is , serves to design the Country which is threatned by it ; and if it be in a falling House , it signifies sudden death . It s motion from West to East indicates some forreign enemy , whose coming is to be fear'd . If it move not at all , 't is a sign that the enemy shall be of the same Land upon which the Meteor stops ; so likewise if it goes in twenty four hours from East to West ; because this motion is imputed to the first mover which hurries along withall the other Celestial Bodies . Their effects also belong to the places towards which their hairs or tails incline . Those which appear at day-break , and continue long , have their effects more sudden ; those of the evening , and of less continuance , later . They are especially of great importance when they are found with any Eclipse : and the Precept which Ptolomy and his Interpreters enjoyn principally to observe , is , that those are deceiv'd who believe that every Comet signifies the death of some great person ; but they only hold , that as when the fiery Planets rise at day-break , as so many attendants on the Sun , he that is then born shall be a King ; so when a Comet is the fore-runner of the Sun at day-break , it signifies the death of some great person . The Seventh said , That Comets do not so much foretel as cause Dearths and Famines , Wars and Seditions , burning Fevers , and other diseases , by the inflammation which they impress upon the Air , and by it upon all other bodies , and most easily upon our spirits . For seeing , twinkling , and falling Stars , are signs of great drought and impetuous winds , when they shoot from several parts of Heaven ; how much more are those great fiery Meteors which we contemplate with such sollicitude , and which act no less by conceit upon our souls then by their qualities upon our bodies . Which being found to have place in those of delicate constitutions , as great persons are , occasion'd the opinion that those grand causes exercise their effects most powerfully upon people of high rank ; besides , that the accidents which befall such persons are much more taken notice of , then those of the vulgar . But herein there is found less of demonstration then of conjecture . II. Whether Pardon be better then Revenge . Upon the second Point it was said , That there is none but prizes an action of clemency and forgiveness more then an action of vengeance . But all the difficulty is to distinguish what is done through fear from what proceeds from greatness of mind . Thus , when a Lyon vouchsafes not to rise for a Cat or little Dog that comes neer him , but employs his strength only against some more stout creature , this disdain is not call'd cowardize . But , when a man doth not revenge himself , if it be through inability 't is prudence ; if through fear , 'ts pusillanimity . Yet Alexander was deceiv'd herein ; for when two Dogs of extraordinary stature were presented to him , by a person who made great account of their courage , and he saw that one of them did not defend himself against other Dogs , he commanded him to be kill'd ; and would have done as much by the other , had not he who presented them alledg'd that the Dog's neglect of revenging himself proceeded from eontempt of his opposers . Whereupon the King caus'd a mad Bull to be turn'd loose to the other Dog , who finding a subject fit to shew his courage upon , flew upon him and tore him in pieces . It appears therefore that there is some resemblance in the action of him who forbears through poorness of spirit to revenge himself , and of him who doth it through greatness of courage . The sole difference consists in the power which the latter hath to vindicate himself , and the others wants . 'T is demanded which of the two is most honourable in him who is able to do either ; I conceive Pardoning the more honourable ; not only , because it includes in it self the power of revenge ; but because it shews a greater strength to overcome one's self then the strongest things in the world , and so become master , generally , of bodies and minds together . The Second said , That although at the first view it may seem that a man ought rather be inclinable to Pardon then Vengeance , because Nature hath for this purpose furnish'd him with Reason as his principal weapon , to which Forgiveness is an action particular , as proceeding from ratiocination , or , at least , from humanity ; yet the desire of Revenge hath not been given us by Nature for a useless faculty , and such as ought not to be reduc'd into act . For this Desire is so great in us that it extends even to inanimate things . And to pass by the follies of Xerxes who caus'd the Sea to be beaten with stripes , and writ a challenge to mount Athos , in revenge of the fear which they had given him , and that of Cyrus who amuz'd his whole Army a long time , about the river of Gnidus , for the same cause : do we not see that little children are pacifi'd when the table which hurt them is beaten , and that Gamesters many times tear the Cards in pieces with their teeth , and cast the Dice out of the window , to be reveng'd of their loss ? Hence Anaxagoras said that even they who pardon always revenge themselves , because the satisfaction given them , or their remission of an offence , supplies the place of punishment . The Third said , 'T is indeed natural to man , with all other living creatures , to preserve himself ; which cannot be done but by repelling the injuries which are offer'd to us ; nor this , but by revenge : For an injury is like fire which burns and reduces all into ashes unless it be timely remedied ; one tolerated produces another , and by degrees brings us into the scorn of the world . Therefore the Divine Law agrees with the Lex Talionis , or Law of Requital , eye for eye , tooth for tooth . And as this vengeance is one of the principal qualities which God reserves to himself , so it is one of the chief parties both of publick and private justice . He who is remiss in revenging affronts done him , is injust ; first to himself , in being careless of maintaining his honour ; and then to others , in that he suffers the respect to be violated which men owe one to another ; yea , to him too who offends him , because he gives him encouragement to do as much to others , while he findes he may do so without impunity . The Fourth said , That Revenge is an encroachment upon the Authority of Laws both Divine and Humane ; God hath reserv'd it to himself , wherewith to defend us ; and yet himself revengeth no further then to four Generations , and pardons to a thousand . He hath as strictly bound us to forgiveness as to our own safety , since he permits us to pray to him daily for no more pardon then what we grant to those who offend us . Moreover , he who takes satisfaction in stead of executing it cannot more palpably declare the ill opinion he hath of the Laws under which he lives , and which he annihilates as far as lyes in his power . 'T is this accursed Mis-conceit which hath opened so wide a door to our duels and re-encounters , as can hardly be shut at this day by many Ordinances and Edicts . And if it imports the publick , as the Lawyers hold , That no man abuse his own goods ; how much less his life , whereof he hath but the use , and which is due to the service of his God and his King. Add hereunto , that as every thing which is violent is an enemy to Nature , and of no long duration ; so people seldom find constraints and rigours to answer their purpose ; Man never suffers himself to be wholly subdu'd and bound , no more then the Oxe , saving by the strongest part , the one by the horns , the other by the will. Which caus'd Livia , the wife of Augustus , when she saw that the more he punish'd those who conspir'd against him the more new enemies he procur'd to himself , to advise her husband to try upon Cinna , one of them , whether pardon would not have better effect then Proscription . He did so , and this Conspirator became thereby so great a lover of the Emperour , that he afterwards merited by his services to be made his heir . The Fifth said , That there ought to be made a distinction of conditions ; because 't is as dangerous in a publick person to be gentle and merciful , as 't is commendable in a private . The mildness of a Judge towards a Robber is cruelty to the publick ; impunity being the Nurse of Vice. Moreover , among private persons too , their several professions are considerable . Socrates purposing to make himself an example of moderation had reason to slight the kicks that were given him , as he would have done the winsings of an Ass. But the Captain that should suffer so much must have otherwise given the world such testimony of his valour , as to avoid the imputation of cowardize . And , therefore , that man had no bad conceit , who seeing his friend perplex'd for that he understood by the Horoscope of his two children , that one of them would be the greatest coward , and the other the greatest thief in the world , counsell'd him to make the one a Church-man , and to put the other to a profession whereunto the word Larron is an Epithete , being the latter would thereby turn the prediction into a mockery ; and the defect of courage in the other would be attributed to the gentletleness whereunto Ecclesiasticks are more oblidg'd then any others . The Sixth said , That without some vengeance we should not understand what Forgiveness means , as God's justice is that which sets off his mercy . Wherefore being these two actions mutually contribute to either's lustre , it cannot be known which of the two is absolutely to be preferr'd before the other ; but it lies in the power of prudence to determine according to the variety of cases . CONFERENCE XLII . I. Of the Diversity of Languages . II. Whether is to be preferr'd , a good stature or a small . I. Of the diversity of Languages . WE have two notable examples in the Scripture ; one of God's displeasure , when the Builders of the Tower of Babel were separated by the confusion of their Language ; the other of his favour , when the Apostles were at the feast of Pentecost , as it were , united and incorporated into all Nations by the gift of Tongues . Here we only adore Mysteries but fathom them not ; we seek the natural causes of the variety of speech , and whether , as there was but one at the first , so the same may be recover'd again , or any other found that may be universal to all people . As to the first , the variety alone of the Organs seems sufficient to diversifie speech . Those Nations whose wind-pipes were more free easily retain'd the Hebrew aspirations , if so be this Language were the first , and not the Syriack , as some hold , alledging that its characters speak greatest antiquity ; or the Samaritane , because the Thorath , which is the law of God , was written in it , as also the most ancient Medals found in Palestine were stamp'd with it . They whose breasts were more robust fram'd the German and other Languages , which are pronounc'd with greater impetuosity : the more delicate made the Greek Tongue ; the middle sort , the Latine ; and their posterity , degenerating , the Italian , which is pronounc'd only with the outer part of the lips : and so of all the rest . Whence it is that strangers never pronounce our Language perfectly , nor we theirs ; which caus'd Scaliger to tell a German who spoke to him in Latine , but pronounc'd it after his own way , that he must excuse him , for he did not understand Dutch. Now every one of these Original Languages was chang'd again proportionably to the distance from its centre , as circles made by a stone cast into the water lose their figure as they become wider . Afterwards hapned the transplantations of Nations , who with the confusion of blood and manners brought also that of speech ; for the Conquerours desiring to give Law to the vanquish'd as well in this as in all other things , and the Organs of the people being unapt for the pronuntiation of a forreign tongue , hence of the mixture of two arose a third . Thus much for the first point . But as for the second , which is to reduce all Languages to one , I hold the thing impossible . For all things which are meerly of humane institution , as Language is , are as different as opinions are . And if one and the same Tongue hath sundry very different Idiomes and Dialects , as the French hath the Breton , the Gascon , the Poitevin , the Parisian , and many others , as different as the French from the Italian ( which hath in like manner the Roman , the Tusean , the Neapolitan , and the Sicilian , all very differing ) with much more reason shall Nations divided by Seas and Climates speak diversely . The opinions of men , even of Philosophers themselves , touching the same subject , could never be reconcil'd ; and can it be imagin'd that all tongues should ever agree ? Nature affects nothing so much as variety , which serves for discrimination of individuals . Two men never writ or spake alike ; and we see that even the gestures and postures of others cannot be perfectly imitated by those who use their utmost care therein ; how then shall conformity be found in the expression of our thoughts ? besides , there being no connexion or affinity between things and words , which not onely signifie several things in several Languages , but have different acceptions in the same Language , witness Homonymous words , 't is loss of time to think of such a designe . The Second said , That to judge of a River , it must be taken at its source . Languages are the several ways of interpreting or declaring our conceptions ; and these are the means which our mind makes use of to conceive the species or images of things . It knows them according as they are represented to it ; and they are represented to it according to the truth of the object , when the conditions requisite to sensation or perception by sense concur , namely , a due disposition of the object , medium , and Organ . As therefore when all these conditions are right , it cannot be but all persons of the world must agree in one and the same judgement , and all say ( e. g. ) that this Rose is red , and that other white ; so it may seem that men should agree together in the copy and transcript , since they do so in the Prototype ; that is , have one and the same Language , since they have one and the same conception . Otherwise , as to this communication with his own species , man will be inferior to other animals , who signifie their passions and inclinations so plainly and intelligibly among themselves that they answer one the other afar off ? Moreover , abundance of words are the express and natural image of the things designed by them , as Taffata , to hisse , to creak or clash , to bounce , to howle or yell , and many others . There are words which keep the same number of letters in all the learned Languages , particularly the name of God ; which holds also in some modern , as in the French , Dutch , &c. but not in ours . There are others , which vary not at all , but are one and the same among all Nations ; as the word Sac. Many things express'd by the same characters in writing are read by each people in their own Tongue , as Figures , or Cyphers , which are read and pronounc'd otherwise in Hebrew , and Greek , then in Latine or French , and yet they are taken by all to signifie the same thing . The same may be said of the Hieroglyphicks and letters of China , yea of all the figures of the Mathematicks . For every one knows a Circle , a Triangle , and a Square , although each Nation denominate the same diversly . What hinders then but as all Nations have conspir'd and agreed together in those visible words , so they may do too in those which are pronounc'd ? The Third said , That to the end words may make things understood by all the world , they ought to be signs of them ; either natural , as smoak is of fire , or by institution , depending upon a very intelligible principle or occasion , as when a Bush denotes a Tavern . As for the first , many dumb persons express their conceptions so genuinely by signs that all the world understands them ; and the Mimicks and Pantomimes of Rome were so excellent in this kind , that Roscius ( one of them ) sometimes bid defiance to Ciero , that he would express as perfectly by his gestures and postures , whatsover he pleas'd , as that incomparable Orator could do by his words . And as those who are not given to writing have the best memories , so those who have not that use of speech are more excellent then others in speaking by signs and understanding them ; there being seen in our days a dumb man who answer'd pertinently to all that was spoken to him , only by beholding the motion of the speaker's lips : which is also the reason why blind men , attending only to improve the sense of Hearing , best observe all differences of speech . Whence I draw this consequence , that the same may be practis'd in all other things which signifie by humane institution , and so there may be an universal Language . But the easiness every one finds in making himself understood by the Language and Writing which is familiar to him , renders men careless of advancing this excellent Design , which would be a means to spare the best time which our youth spends in learning the words of strange Tongues , instead of applying themselves solely to the knowledge of things . The Fourth said , That the possibility of this Project appears , in that there is an order in nature , or , at least , consequent to the very nature of things , according to which we may place , next after the Creator the created spiritual substances , then the corporeal ( one after another , according to their dignity ) particularly the corporeal according to their place , as the Heavens first , and in them the Stars , according to their dignity ; the Earth and its Animals , the Sea and its Fishes ; the Plants according to their magnitudes ; those which are equal therein , according to their vertues , and other accidents : doing the same , with Metals , Minerals , bodies perfectly and imperfectly compounded by nature and by art , and with the Elements : then we may come to the Categories of accidents to which every thing in the world may be reduc'd and put in its right place . Whereby it is evident that not only all things have their order but also that he who learns them according to this order , easily avoids confusion , the mother of ignorance . It remains , now , to find out an order of words too , which answers to that of things ; the first to the first , and the second to the second ; which order is so natural to them , that children make use of it to find out every thing which they seek in Dictionaries and Lexicons according to the order of the Alphabet . And I know not whether we ought not to begin this handsome gradation and situation of all things in their rank , correspondent to the order of the letters , with the style that God gives himself , Alpha and Omega . But it cannot but be admir'd that the first combination of the letters makes Ab and Aba , which signifies Father , the first place being due to the Author and Father of all things . II. Whether is to be preferr'd a great Stature or a small . Upon the second Point , it was said , That largeness of body seems to be preferrable , as well because the word Magnitude or Grandeur always includes some perfection in it self , as because the Gods were anciently represented of a size exceeding the ordinary . Which made Aristotle say , that not only the greatness of the Heroes render'd them famous of old , but that their Figures and Statues are venerable at this day . Moreover , we see that Saul , the first King chosen by God for his own people , was taller by the head then all the rest of the Israelites . And amongst the conditions of Beauty , magnitude so universally holds the first place , that women advance themselves upon high Shooes , and Patins , that they may seem the handsomer . How well shap'd soever a little man be , he is never of so majestical a presence as one that is taller . Whence you see little men affect to seem greater , but never any tall men desire to be less . Now the same Proportion which is between a Man and his habitation , is found between the soul and the body which is its Mansion . For as he who hath the largest house will be accounted to be better lodg'd then he who dwells in a Cottage , though they be persons otherwise of equal condition ; so 't is probable , that souls ( which are all equal ) find themselves better lodg'd in a great body then in a small , and exercise all their functions with much more freedom . The Second said , That if magnitude put the value upon men , the same should hold in animals : nevertheless , the Elephant yields to the Fox , yea to the Pismire ; the Estrich to the Nightingale ; and the Whale is the most stupid of all Fishes . Moreover , nothing hinders the divine operations of the soul but the load of the body , whereby the imperfection of our nature places us below the wholly incorporeal Intelligences ; and therefore the less the body is , the neerer we approach the Angelical nature , and our spirit is less impeded by the matter . Hence little men are not only the most quick-witted , but also the most active and nimble ; for that the strength is more united in them , and diffus'd and dissipated in others . Great and robust bodies , as being fitter for labour , were made to obey the small and tender , which have more spirit then flesh . Whence the Romans gave the Civil and Military charges to little men , and sent the greater to guard the Baggage , as those who gave the enemies more aim then the less . Nor are the greater more proper for other Arts ; which made the Poet say as a thing impossible , Sambucam potiùs caloni aptaveris alto . — And Samuel was reprov'd by God for offering to prefer the tall Stature of the eldest son of Jesse before the small size of David his youngest , as if the Israelites had been displeas'd with the large body of Saul . The Poets could not represent an enraged Cyclops , and furious Ajax , but under great bodies , as , on the contrary , they made Vlysses very small . And indeed natural Reasons agree well herein . For amongst the causes of the bodie 's growth , the material is a slimy or viscous humidity ; whence Fish grow most , and in shortest time . This Humidity is , as it were , Glew or Bird-lime to the soul , hindring it from exercising its functions freely : and therefore women , being more humid , have less wit then men ; and Fish are less disciplinable then the rest of animals . The efficient is a very gentle heat ; for were it too great it would consume the matter in stead of dilating and fashioning it , and dry the solid parts too much , upon the increasing of which depends that of the rest of the body . This is the reason why all gelt animals grow most , and amongst Birds of prey the females are always greater then the males ; the excess of their heat being temper'd by the humidity of their Sex ; and young persons are found to have grown extraordinarily after Quotidian Agues which are caus'd by Phlegme ; so that it is not hard for such pernicious causes to produce a good effect . The Third said , That every thing is to be commended and esteem'd according to the use for which it is appointed . Now Man being born for Reason and the functions of the Mind , and having receiv'd a Body to be an instrument to him of Knowledg by making a faithfull report to him of what passes without , by means of the species convey'd through the senses into the phancy : Upon which the Intellect making reflection formes the like in it self , and thus all Notions are produc'd ; it follows that neither the great stature nor the little are to be esteem'd . But 't is demanded , Which of the two is the less evil ; I conceive , with the Physitians , that the great is less incommodious in youth , as being then more proper for exercises , whose toyle it can better under-go , especially those of Warr. And therefore when Marius levy'd Souldiers , he suffer'd none to pass the Muster but such as could not walk under a measure rais'd six foot from the ground . But in old age , when the natural heat is more languid , and consequently less able to discharge all its functions in a large Body , the small size is best : And little old men are never so crooked as others ; besides that their coldness serves to moderate the ardour of the choler which is attributed to little men , because their spirits having not so much room to run about , agitate them sooner , and more violently then others . The Fourth said , As every living thing hath bounds of its perfection , so it hath of its greatness or smallness ; which , if it exceeds or falls short of , 't is held monstrous and besides Nature , as Gyants and Dwarfes . But because this term of magnitude hath a great latitude , 't is hard to know , precisely , which is the least or greatest stature whereunto Man may naturally attain ; and which is the middle , and consequently who deserve the name of great or little ; considering that the same is various , according to places and climates , and according to every one's particular temper or first conformation , which ordinarily follows the proportion which the seed of the Father and Mother bears with the Idea of their species , if the too great or too little quantity of the matter , or the capacity of the place permit . For the Northern people are large , the Southern small . Those between the 28. and the 38. climate are of middle stature ; and one that would be call'd a tall person among the little , will be accounted little among the tall . Constitutions likewise contribute very much hereunto . Those who are dry by Nature are usually small . Such as are too moist grow more in thickness then in the other dimension ; it being the property of humidity not to mount easily upwards , unless it be accompany'd with heat ; for then the Agent and the Patient being rightly dispos'd to extend every part , the whole is augmented . Therefore as the Phegmatick temper is most prone to fatness , so the sanguine contributes to tallness ; especially if the persons live idly and feed well . Hence it is that the men before the Deluge are noted by the Scripture to have been Gyants , because they lead idle , and voluptuous lives . As , on the contrary , Fasting , Watching , and immoderate Labour in the time destinated for men to grow , which reaches not much beyond twenty five years of age , hinder the attaining of the just measure intended by nature ; which Divines refer to that of Adam and our Saviour ; as their bodies were also the rule of the proportion which our members ought to have one to another , and the temper of their humours the standard of ours : whence they were the healthfullest and goodliest of all men : but they were of tall stature . CONFERENCE XLIII . I. Of the Philosopher's stone . II. Of Mont de piete , or charitable provision for the Poor . I. Of the Philsopher's stone . THe Poets , not without reason , feign'd that the gods left hope to men in the bottom of Pandora's box , after all their other goods were flown out of it . For nature being unwilling to shew her self a Step-mother to man hath made such provision , that the almost infinite unhappy accidents of life cannot so much cast him down on one hand , as hope raises him up on the other . And , not to speak of that first of Christian virtues , which accompanies him even in death , and serves him for an Anodyne in all his miseries ; is he under the rod , he comforts himself with hope to get free from it ; is he of mean extraction , he hopes to ennoble himself by his exploits ; is he poor , he encourages himself to labour with the possibility of becoming rich ; is he sick , the hope of recovery supports his fainting Spirits ; yea , when ordinary means fail him , he is not out of heart . But if there be any thing worthy of laughter to those who cannot apprehend it , or of admiration to him that will further philosophize about the odd motions of humane minds , this is one , how 't is possible that an old , decrepit , poor , diseased person , should nevertheless not despair of having the train of a Prince one day ; and not onely hope to be cur'd , but to become a young man again . Yet all this is phancy'd by the seekers of the Philosophers stone , which is the grand work , the Panacea , the Elixir , and the Universall Restaurator . Now this most extravagant conceit , joyn'd to the other absurdities of that Chimerical Art , makes me believe that it is good for nothing but to serve for imaginary consolation to the miserable . The Second said , That the Chymists who exercise it , are of two sorts . Some by their sophistications give tinctures to Metals which they promise to transmute by their mixture , fixation , cementation , and other operations . Others , who are call'd the true Sons of Art , do not amuse themselves about particular things , but solely about the grand work ; at which they all aime , though by several courses . Some think to attain it by blowing , and usually make a mixture of Quick-silver and Gold , which they keep nine moneths in a small furnace over the flame of a lamp . Some conceive , that 't is a very plain operation , ( terming it Children's work ) and that there needs onely the knowledge of the matter , the fire , the vessel , and the manner ; the rest being done of it self . Yet others attribute this work onely to Revelation , saying that the Artist must onely pray to God ; and they believe it is mention'd in the Holy Scripture , where it is said , That much clay is requisite to the making of pots , but onely a little dust to the making of Gold ; that 't was this Wisedom which made Solomon so rich , that , by the testimony of Scripture , Gold was common in his dayes as stones ; that the Gold of Ophir was that which this Philosophical stone had transmuted , far more excellent then the natural ; and that the ships he set forth to fetch it were onely parables and figures ; like the golden fleece , which was nothing but a parchment wherein this secret was written . But most hold an opinion compos'd of these two , saying , that the Manual operation must be assisted by extraordinary favour from Heaven . I conceive , with them , that there is such a thing as the Philosophers stone , or , at least , that it is possible ; that Salt is its matter , and Motion its fire . For since these two are found every where , this property agrees very well to them ; Salt being extracted out of all Bodies , and Heat proceeding from their friction one against another , in imitation of that which the Heavens excite here below . The Third said , The Philosophers stone is a Powder of Projection , a very little of which being cast upon imperfect Metals , ( as all are , except Gold ) purifies and cures them of their Leprosie and impurity , in such a manner , that having first taken away their feculency , and then multiply'd their degrees , they acquire a more perfect nature : Metals not differing among themselves , but in degrees of perfection . It is of two sorts ; the white , which serves to make Silver ; and the red , which being more concocted is proper to make Gold. Now to attain it , you need onely have the perfect knowledge of three things , to wit , the Agent , the Matter , and the Proportion requisite to the end the Agent may educe the form out of the bosome of that Matter , duly prepar'd by the application of actives to passives . The first two are easie to be known . For the Agent is nothing else but Heat , either of the Sun or of our common fire , or of a dunghill , which they call a Horse's belly , or of Balneum Mariae , ( hot water ) or else that of an Animal . The patients are Salt , Sulphur , or Mercury , Gold , Silver , Antimony , Vitriol , or some little of such other things , the experience whereof easily shews what is to be expected from them . But the Application of the Agent to the Patient , the determination of the degrees of Heat , and the utmost preparation and disposition of the Matter , cannot be known but by great labour and long experience : Which being difficult , thence we see more delusions and impostures in this Art then truths . Nevertheless Histories bear witness , that Hermes Trismegistus , Glauber , Raimond Lully , Arnauld , Flamel , Trevisanus , and some others , had knowledge of it . But because for those few that are said to have it , almost infinite others have been ruin'd by it , therefore the search of it seemes more curious then profitable . The Fourth said , That as Mathematicians have by their search after the Quadrature of a circle arriv'd to the knowledge of many things which were before unknown to them ; so though the Chymists have not discover'd the Philosophers stone , yet they have found out admirable secrets in the three families of Vegetables , Animals , and Minerals . But it not the less possible , although none should ever attain it , not onely for this general reason , that Nature gives us no desire in vain , but particularly because all Metals are of the same species , being made of one and the same Matter , ( Sulphur and Mercury ) and concocted by one and the same celestial heat ; not differing but in concoction alone , as the grains of the same raisin do , which ripen at several times . This is evident by the extraction of Gold and Silver out of all Metals , even out of Lead and Iron , the most imperfect of them . So that the Art ought not to be judg'd inferior in this matter to all others which it perfectionates . Moreover , the Greek Etymology of Metals shews that they are transmutable one into another . The Fifth said , That as in the production of Corn by Nature , the seed and the fat of the Earth are its matter , and its efficient is partly internal , included in the grain , and partly external , viz. the heat of the Sun , and the place in the bosome of the Earth ; so in the production of Gold by Art , its matter is Gold it self and its Quick-silver ; and the efficient cause , is partly , in the Gold , partly in the external heat ; the place is the furnace , containing the Egg of Glass , wherein the matter is inclos'd , dissolve'd and grows black , call'd the Crowes head , waxes white , and then is hardned into a red mass , the hardness whereof gives it the name of a stone ; which being reduc'd into powder , and kept three dayes in a vessel hermetically seal'd upon a strong fire , acquires a purple colour ; and one dram of it converts two hundred of Quicksilver into pure Gold ; yea , the whole Sea , were it of like substance . The Sixth said , That Art indeed may imitate , but cannot surpass Nature . But it should , if we could change other metals into Gold ; which is impossible to Nature it self , even in the Mines , in how long time soever ; those of Iron , Lead , Tin , or Copper , never becoming Mines of Gold or Silver . Therefore much less can the Alchymist do it in his furnaces , no more then he can produce some thing more excellent then Gold , as this Philosophical stone would be ; Gold being the most perfect compound of all mixt bodies , and for that reason incorruptible . And indeed how should these Artists accomplish such a work , when they are not agreed upon the next matter of it , nor upon the efcien tcause , time , place , and manner of working ; there being as many opinions as there are different Authors . Moreover , 't is untrue that all Metals are of one species , and differ onely in degree of concoction ; for Iron is more concocted then Silver , as also more hard , and less fusible ; and their difference was necessary in reference to humane uses . Now perfect species which are under the same next genius , as Metals are , can never be transmuted one into another , no more then a Horse into a Lyon. Yea , could this Philosophical stone act upon Metals , yet it would not produce Gold or Silver , but other stones like it self , or onely imprint upon them its own qualities , according to the ordinary effects of all natural Agents . And if it were true that the powder of Gold produc'd other Gold , being cast upon Metals , as a grain of wheat brings forth many others being cast into the Earth ; it would be requisite to observe the same order and progress in the multiplication of Gold which Men do in that of grains of Wheat . Yet the Chymists do not so , but will have their multiplication to be made in an instant . The Seventh said , That since Art draws so many natural effects out of fitting matter , as Worms , Serpents , Frogs , Mice , Toads and Bees ; although the subject of these Metamorphoses be much more difficult to be dispos'd and made susceptible of a sensitive soul then insensible metal is to receive a Form divisible like its matter ; he saw no absurdity in it , but that at least by the extraordinary instruction of good or bad spirits some knowledge of this operation may be deriv'd to men ; considering , that we see other species naturally trans-form'd one into another , as Egyptain Nitre into stone , a Jasper into an Emerald , the herb Basil into wild Thyme , Wheat into Darnel , a Caterpiller into a Butter-fly : yea , if we will believe the Scotch , they have a Tree , whose fruit falling into the water is turn'd into a Bird. II. Of a Mont de Pieté or Bank for lending to the Poor . Upon the second Point it was said , That Charity toward our Neighbour being the most certain sign of Piety towards God ; and Hills having been chosen almost by all Nations to sacrifice upon , as neerest to Heaven ; upon these accounts the name of Mont de Pieté hath been given to all institutions made for relief of the poor ; whereof lending money for their necessity being one of the principal effects , the publick places establish'd for that use retain this name in sundry parts of Italy , Flanders , and many other States ; and some have been erected in all Cities of this Kingdom , by the King's Edict of February 1626. and the more willingly because Popes were the first Institutors of them ; as that at Rome was instituted by Clement VII . in the year 1526. and increas'd by Paul III. and Sixtus V. that of Avignon by Paul IV. and others by Pius V. and Julius III. Now because it is not reasonable to lend without security , and the poor ordinarily give not any but their moveables , therefore the name of Mont de Pieté is attributed only to the lending upon Pledges or Pawnes . But to the end this Institution might merit the name bestow'd upon it , it were to be desir'd that this loan were gratuitous and free , according to the Gospel precept , Lend , hoping for nothing again ( Luke 6. 35. ) conformably to the ancient Law of God , which forbad the Jews to take any thing of their Brethren , besides the principal sum . But to make even for this , they have every where practis'd such excessive Usury towards all other Nations , that the same is turn'd into a Proverb , to denote such exaction as is unmeasurable , and odious to all the world . The Second said , That it hath always been the intention of Legislators to forbid Usury , call'd by the Hebrews with good reason Neschech , Biting ; which always hurts , how little soever it be . And forasmuch as the avarice of men hath continually withstood that natural Law , which allows not fruit to produce other fruit , nor yet the principal sum any interest , silver being barren of it self ; therefore Usury was limited by the Law Duilia to a Denier in two hundred ; and the Usurer was more severely punish'd then the Thief ; the latter being condemn'd but to pay double , and the other quadruple . The reason of which seems to be , for that it is requisite in a State that the rich help the poor ; and because the harmony of a society ceases when some one part is swell'd beyond measure while the others pine and languish ; Hence it was that God instituted Jubilees , which re-establish'd the Jews every fiftieth year in the inheritances of their Fathers ; and elsewhere that was introduc'd which they call'd the new Tables , being a general discharge of all debts without payment . Now what hath been practis'd since to the contrary is a meer toleration , of which heed must be taken , that it become not a Law , no more then other unjust things ; which yet are suffer'd for the eschewing of worse inconveniences . The Third said , Charity hath three degrees . The first is of those who give . The second of those who lend freely . But because these two are very rare , and besides imply some disparagement to the receiver , the third degree is , to lend upon moderate profit : which loan ceases not to retain the Epithete of charitable , if the Creditor exact not his debt too severely , but allow for the default of time and other circumstances . And the humanity of those who promote lending upon pledges is very beneficial to the poor , who for the most part not having immoveables enough , clear from mortgage , to secure their Creditors , deprive them of the means to relieve themselves by their moveables without selling them ; which sundry considerations oftentimes hinder them from doing . Besides , 't is the opinion of many Lawyers , that the whole estate of a man taken in gross is in the eye of the Law accounted immoveables , although he have only moveables . The Fourth said , That unless a new world were fram'd , and every particular person inspir'd with charity towards his Neighbour equal to the love which he bears to himself , 't is impossible to bring men to lend freely one to another . This is verifi'd by the Law of the Locrenses , which strictly forbidding them to lend upon Usury , they forbare not to pervert this Law publickly , the Borrower feigning to steal the Creditor's money , who thereupon took witness of it , and in case the Debtor fail'd to pay him his interest , caus'd him to be condemn'd as a Thief . From which corrupt practice the inventions of our changes and rechanges , loans upon Obligations and Pawns , are not much different ; saving that these latter , being us'd ordinarily with persons whose necessity is most urgent , are likewise more unequitable . So that the same may be said concerning this kind of lending , which a Turk said once to Mahomet when he forbad the use of Wine to that Nation , Thou canst not , said he , keep us from drinking Wine , since we shall always drink it in secret ; but thou maist keep us from violating and transgressing thy Law , by permitting the same to us . Thus , being experience hath manifested to Legislators that it is impossible to hinder lending upon profit ; even Charity ought to induce them to take away the prohibition of it , to the end men may offend no longer . Moreover , he that would otherwise remain idle , by this means finds wherewith to exercise his Art or Trade ; and money , which would be unprofitable to all such as have only personal estates , affords profit to the owners : besides that 't is of great advantage to persons under age , many of whom having their fortune in money would otherwise devour the main stock , in stead of finding it increased by their thriftiness in their nonage . Besides that estates in land being already very dear , would become beyond all value , and by that means scarce be of any benefit , considering their excessive price . The Fifth said , that the principal difficulty to erect a Mont de Pieté , or Bank for the poor , consists in such conditions as are much more tolerable then the ordinary lendings upon Pawns . Now those conditions concern two sorts of persons , namely , those who put money into the Bank , and those who borrow thence . Now 't is fit to make as good composition as can be had with the first ; according to what is practis'd in Italy , there may be found persons , who having not a stock of money sufficient to maintain them in case they should take no more then the interest allow'd by the Làws of their Country , put their principal into the Bank , on condition to receive a Pension or Annuity for life above the ordinary interest . Others put a small sum in upon the birth of a child , on condition that the child shall receive a considerable one ( agreed upon between them ) at his marriage ; which sum , in case of death , accrues to the Bank or Mont. But the same license must not be given to the Creditors , to extort the best terms they can from their Debtors , whose necessity many times receives any Law they please to prescribe them . I conceive , therefore , that there ought to be made faithful supputation of what the interest of the principal ( at the lowest rate it can be had ) the wages of Officers necessary for prizing , keeping , receiving and delivering of Pawns , and selling the same in case of need , will amount to : that so what this charge comes to may be taken for profit upon the Pawn , and added to the principal ; but the remainder restor'd to the owner . And nothing above this is to be suffer'd . CONFERENCE XLIV . I. How Minerals grow . II. Whether it be best to know a little of every thing , or one thing exactly . I. How Minerals grow . UNder Minerals are comprehended , Metals , Stones , and all sorts of Fossilia , or things dig'd out of the earth . The causes of their growing or augmentation are here inquir'd . All the world agrees that they grow , excepting those who hold that God created them at the beginning together with the earth . But they who have kept a stone in water for a long time , and find the same increas'd in bigness , will confute that opinion by this experiment ; as also the experience of Miners doth , who having exhausted a Mine of its Metal find more in it after some years ; and when they discover Mines , as yet imperfect , they cover the same again with earth , and after some space of time find them fit to be wrought upon , and , as it were , arriv'd to their maturity . This is also verifi'd by that Chymical operation , call'd vegetable Gold ; and pieces of Cinnabar ( or Quick-silver mingled with Sulphur ) melted and put amongst the filings of Silver , being set over a furnace in a well luted Vessel produceth pure Silver , though of less profit then curiosity . For this visible artifice seems to prove the invisible one of nature , according to the opinion of Philosophers , who hold that all Metals are made of Quick-silver and Sulphur . So that we must not seek other causes of their generation and increasing then a new accession of that matter , either gliding along the veins of the earth , or reduc'd first into vapour by heat , and then condens'd by cold . The Second said , That he was of Cardan's opinion who assigns a particular vegetative soul to all Minerals as well as to all Plants , whereunto they have great resemblance , not only in that they have some virtues and faculties alike ( yea far more excellent ) which cannot come but from a principle of life ( since action is the indication of life ) but also because they grow according to all their dimensions , as Plants do ; have a conformation and configuration , which is common to Plants with them ; attract , retain and concoct the nourishment which they receive from the earth by their veins and passages , and have also an expulsive faculty which is not in Plants , casting forth their dross , and exhaling their superfluous vapours . They have also roots and barks as Trees have ; their substance is of parts organical , and really dissimilar , though in appearance some of them seem to be similar and homogeneous ; and Lead , out of which are extracted Salt or Sugar , Quick-silver and Sulphur , is no more a similar body then Ebeny , Box , and Milk , out of which such different substances are drawn . The Third said , That before we can know whether Minerals live , we must first understand how life is caus'd in man , who is to be as the rule of all living things . It consists but in one sole action , to wit , that of Heat upon Humidity , which it rarefies and subtilizes , causing the same to ascend by little and little out of the intestines through the Mesentery to the Liver , Heart and Brain ; in each of which it casting off its excrementitious parts , it acquires a new perfection , the utmost in the Brain , where it becomes a very thin spirit capable of receiving any form , even that of light , as appears by the internal splendor of our sight , and that brightness which is sometimes seen outwardly upon some Bodies . In Plants are found the like cavities destinated to receive and prepare their nourishment which heat attracts into them ; and their knots are so many repositories , wherein that heat is re-united and takes new strength , till being arriv'd at the top of the Plant , according to the rectitude of the fibres , it circulates the matter so carried up that it spreads into branches , leaves and fruit . For as humidity is of it self immoveable , and incapable of any action , so being accompani'd with heat it moves every way ; and there is no need of admitting an attractive faculty in each part , since it is carried thereunto sufficiently of it self . Natural heat indeed drives it upwards , but all unusual heat makes it break out collaterally , as is seen in sweat ; for no eruption of humidity is caus'd but by the excess of some strange heat , not proper or natural . Now we may observe these tokens of life in the production of Minerals ; their vaporous matter being first sublim'd and purifi'd by heat , and then incorporated with themselves . But because all Natures works are occult , and the instrument she uses ( to wit , natural heat ) is imperceptible , 't is no wonder if it be hard to know truly how Minerals hid in the earth grow , since we are ignorant how the accretion of Plants expos'd to our view is made ; we perceive them to have grown , but not to grow ; as the shadow on on the Dyal is observ'd to have gone its round , yet appears not to move at all . Nevertheless , the Arborists would have us except the Plant of Aloes out of this number , whose flower and trunk at a certain time shoot forth so high , and so speedily , that the motion thereof is perceptible to the eye . The Fourth said , That the generation of some Minerals is effected by heat , and of others by cold ; the former , by coction , and the latter by concretion or co-agulation ; which two agents are discover'd by the dissolution of Metals : For such as are made by cold are melted by its contrary , Heat ; as Lead , Silver , and other Metals ; and those which are made by heat , dissolve in water , as all Salts ; provided , neither the one nor the other be so compact and close that they admit not the qualities of their contraries ; for which reason Glass which is concocted by fire is not dissolv'd in water ; and the Diamond , Marble , and some other stones , congealed by cold , are not melted by fire . But their accretion is not made by any vital principle , but only by a new apposition of matter . Moreover , they have no sign of inward life , as nutrition , equal and uniform augmentation in all their parts ( which should be distinct and organiz'd ) certain constant terms and limits of magnitude , and resemblance of figure and conformation , both internal , and external between all individuals of the same species . For Minerals having no cavities cannot receive aliment inwardly . They grow as long as matter is supply'd to them , and that inequally . Their figure is indeterminate and various , according to the casual application of their matter in the veins of the earth ; and their parts are all alike . The barks , roots , and veins attributed to them have nothing but the shape of those things , not the use , no more then the paps of men . Nor do they bear flowers , fruits or seeds , nor produce or multiply themselves any other way , as Plants do . The Fifth said , We give appellations or names to things from their external form , because their internal is unknown to us . Now divers Minerals have the same proportion that Trees have ; and the cause why Mines are larger , is because they are not agitated by winds , nor in danger of falling , as Trees are , to whose magnitude , for that reason , Nature hath been constrain'd to set bounds ; and although Minerals grow much more then they , yet it do's not follow that they have not certain terms prefix'd to their quantity . If they bear neither flowers nor fruits , 't is so too with some Plants upon which the Sun shines not , as the Capillary Herbs which grow in the bottom of Wells , and some others also , as Fern. And the case is the same with this common Mother the Earth , as with Nurses ; for as when they become with child the infant whom they suckle dyes ; so where there are Mines under the Earth , nothing grows upon the surface . The decaying and old age of stones is also a sign of their being vital , as appears by the Load-stone , which loseth its strength in time , and needs filings of Iron to preserve its life . All which being joyn'd to what Scaliger relates , that in Hungary there are threds of gold issuing out the earth , after the manner of Plants , perswades me that Minerals have a particular soul besides that universal spirit which informs the world and its parts ; but this soul is as much inferior to that of Plants , as the vegetative is below the sensitive . II. Whether it be best to know a little of every thing , or one thing perfectly . Upon the second Point , it was said , Sciences are the goods of the mind , and the riches of the soul. And as 't is not sufficient to happiness to have riches , but the possesser must be able to preserve and enjoy them : so 't is not enough to have a great stock of notions , but they must be brought into the light and put in practice . Now this is done better by him who understands but one single thing perfectly , then by him who knows a little of all , ordinarily with confusion , which is the mother of ignorance . This is what they call knowing a little of every thing ; and of all , nothing . For being our mind is terminated , the object of its knowledge ought to be so too ; whence it is that we cannot think of two thing , at the same time . Thus , of all the world mine eye and my mind can see but one thing at one time , one single Tree in a Forest , one Branch in a whole Tree ; yea , perfectly but one single Leaf in a whole Branch : the exception of the mind , like that of the eye , being made by a direct line , which hath but one sole point of incidence . And the least thing , yea the least part is sufficient to afford employment to the humane soul. Hence the consideration of a Fly detain'd Lucian so long ; that of a Pismire exercis'd the wit of a Philosopher three and forty years . That of the Ass sufficiently busi'd Apuleius . Chrysippus the Physitian writ an entire volumn of the Colewort ; Marcion and Diocles of the Turnep and Rape ; Phanias , of the Nettle ; King Juba , of Euphorbium ; Democritus , of the number of Four ; and Messala made a volumn upon each Letter . Even the Flea hath afforded more matter to sundry good wits of this age , then they found how to dispose of . How then can man , who is ignorant of the vilest things , be sufficient to know all ? The Second said , If the word knowledge be taken strictly for a true knowledge by the proper causes , 't is better to know a little of every thing then one thing alone . If for a superficial knowledge , 't is better to know one thing solidly then all superficially ; that is , a little well , then all badly . For 't is not barely by action that the Faculty is perfected , but by the goodness of the action . One shot directly in the mark is better then a hundred thousand beside it ; one single Science which produces truth is more valuable then all others which afford onely likelihoods , ( and all conjectural knowledge is no more ) wherewith nevertheless almost all our Sciences overflow ; out of which were all that is superfluous extracted , it would be hard to find in each of them enough to make a good Chapter : as appears by the small number of Demonstrations which can be made in any Science ; yet those are the onely instruments of knowledge . Hence it is , that he who applyes himself to many Sciences never succeeds well in them , but loses himself in their Labyrinth ; for the Understanding can do but one thing well , no more then the Will can . Friendship divided , is less ; as a River which hath more then one Channel , is less rapid ; and he that hunts two hares catches none . Of this we have many instances in Nature , which ennables the Organs to perform but one action , the Eye to see , and the Ear to hear ; and one tree brings forth but one kind of fruit . In well govern'd Families each officer discharges but one employment ; In States well order'd no Artificer exercises above one Trade , whereas in Villages one work-man undertakes five or six Mysteries , and performes none well ; like the knife or sword of Delphos , spoken of by Aristotle , which serv'd to all uses , but was good for none . The Third said , The Understanding being a most subtile fire , a Spirit alwayes indefatigably moving , and which hath receiv'd all things for its portion ; 't is too great injustice to retrench its inheritance , to clip its wings , and confine it to one object ; as they would do who would apply it but to one single thing , not considering that the more fewel you supply to this fire , the more it encreases , & is able to devour . Moreover , it hath a natural desire to know every thing ; & to go about to confine it to one , were to limit the conquests of Alexander to an acre of Land. And as every Faculty knows its object in its whole latitude , and according to all its species and differences ; the Eye perceives not onely green and blew , but all visible , colour'd , and luminous things ; the Touch feels cold , hot , soft , hard things , and all the tactile qualities ; the Phancy is carry'd to every sensible good , the Will loves all that is good and convenient : In like manner the Understanding , which is the principal Faculty of Man ; and though it be most simple , yet comprehends all things ( as the Triangle , the first and simplest of all figures , containes them all in it self , since they may be resolv'd into , and proved by it ) ought not to be in worse condition then the others its inferiors , but must be carry'd towards its object in the whole extent thereof , that is , know it . If sundry things cannot be conceiv'd at a time , that hinders not but they may successively . Besides that the variety of objects recreates the Faculties as much as the repetition of one and the same thing tires , enervates , and dulls it . The Fourth said , All things desire good , but not all goods . So , though Men be naturally desirous of knowing , yet they have a particular inclination to know one thing rather then another , infus'd into every one for the preservation of Sciences . Which end of Nature would be frustrated , should we run to the inquisition of new Sciences before we have attain'd the first , considering the brevity of our lives compar'd with the amplitude of Arts. Wherefore it were more expedient not onely that every one apply'd himself to that whereunto he finds himself inclin'd , but that there were as many distinct Artists as the Art hath principal parts ; and that , for example , as Physick hath been commodiously divided between Physitians , Chirugeons , and Apothecaries , which were anciently but one , so their functions were again subdivided . Because by this means every one of them would attain a more perfect knowledge of his Subject . Therefore Plato instead of cultivating , as he could have done , the spacious field of Philosophy , apply'd himself onely to Metaphysicks , Socrates to Morality , Democritus to Natural Philosophy , Archimedes to the Mathematicks . For they who would possess all the parts of a Science at once are like those who should try to pluck off a Horse's tail at one pull , instead of doing it hair by hair . Whence it was said of Erasmus , that he had been greater , if he had been contented to be less . The Fifth said , That determination of the question depends upon the capacity of wits . For as in a poor little Mansion where there is not room enough to place all necessary moveables , 't were impertinence to desire to place such as serve onely for luxury and ornament : So mean wits , yea , the indifferent , such as most are , take safer course in keeping to those few things of which they have most use , then if they embrac'd too many , for fear of verifying the Proverb , He that grasps too much holds nothing . But there are some Heroick Spirits , capable of every thing , and of which , comparing them to others , that may be said which a Father once said of the different degrees of bliss , comparing the Souls of the blessed to vessels of several sizes , all fill'd from the same Fountain . There are little vulgar capacities , which the initiation of a Science , or the Etymologie of a word satisfies , and they never get beyond the Apprentiship of the least trade . Others are so transcendent , that they go , like the Sun , into all corners of the world without being wearied or contaminated with several objects . Nothing tires them but rest . They draw every thing to themselves , become Masters of what ever they undertake , and reduce all Sciences to their principal study . Thus , the Divine , the Physitian , and the Lawyer , will make use of History : The first , to enrich a Sermon , or raise a Soul dejected by the consideration of its miseries , whereunto it believes none equal : The Second , to divert his Patient , whose Mind ha's no less need of redress then his body : The Third , to shew that the same judgement ha's been given in a parallel case . They will call in the demonstrations of the Mathematicks to back their own , and the experiments of other Arts to serve for examples and similitudes . To these , Nature , how vast soever it be , seemes still too little , and they would complain upon occasion , like Alexander , that there were not worlds enough . Such were of old Hippocrates and Aristotle ; and in the time of our Fathers the Count of Mirandula , Scaliger , and some others , who though they writ and spoke of all things , did nevertheless excel in all . Besides , nothing can be known perfectly , without knowing a little of every thing , and this by reason of the Encyclopaedie , or Circle of Arts ; as we cannot understand a particular map without having some knowledge of the general , and also of the neighbouring Countries . CONFERENCE XLV . I. Whether the Heavens be solid or liquid . II. Whether it be harder to get then to preserve . I. Whether the Heavens be solid or liquid . WHen the proportion requisite to the necessary distance between the sense and its object fails either in excess or defect , there is no more credit to be given to Sense . That which we look upon too near , and which is apply'd upon the Eye , appears greater then ordinary , as that which is too remote seems very small , and diminishes commensurately to its distance . By which also the figure or shape of the object becomes chang'd to our apprehension ; and we are apt to mistake a square Tower to be round , one colour for another , nothing for a body , a tree for a living creature , a beast for a man , one face for another . Some things likewise deceive us near hand , as the certain of Timanthus . But if we are abus'd in objects , which are terminated by an opake surface , capable of bounding our view , and reflecting our visual rayes ; the same happens , with more reason , in diaphanous and transparent bodies , as Light , Fire , Air , Water , Glass , and every thing of that nature . The two last especially , have such conformity that they have divers effects alike , as to serve instead of burning-glasses to recollect the Sun-beams , and represent the species which are opposite to them . For , fill a viol with water , and set it in the Sun , his beams will produce the same effect with it as with a burning-glass . Now by reason of the possibility that our Sight may be mistaken , we are many times forc'd to have recourse to some other Sense , as to that of Touching ; to the end the one may be back'd with the testimony of the other . But this cannot be practis'd in the present Subject ; and therefore I conceive that the Heavens , taken for the Celestial Orbes , and not for the Air , nor the third or Empyrreal Heaven , are neither solid nor liquid ; because solidity is an effect of dryness , and liquidity of moisture , which are Elementary Qualities ; but the Heavens not being compos'd of the Elements cannot partake of their qualities . But as they constitute a Fifth Essence , of no affinity with that of the Four Elements , so the accidents which belong to them are wholly different from ours , and can no more be conceiv'd then those of glorifi'd bodies ; which if you imagine solid , you can never think how they should bow the knee , or exercise any the like function . If they be imagin'd rare and liquid , and consequently penetrable , they will seem to us divisible ; qualities contrary to their immortality . Wherefore I conclude , that the things of Heaven are not to be measur'd by the standard of those on Earth . The Second said , That when things are remote from our external Senses , we must joyn the internal in their disquisition ; now reason requires that there be some utmost solid surface , serving as a boundary and limit to the Elements ; otherwise the same thing would happen to the Air or the Elementary Fire , ( if there be any such above the Air ) that doth to the Water and the Earth , which exhale and evaporate their more rare and subtile parts into the Air ; for so would the Air exhale its vapours into the Heavens ; and the Fire ( whose Nature is alwayes to mount directly upwards , till the occurse of some solid body checks its course and make it circulate ) would mingle it self with the substance of the Heavens ; which by this means would be no longer pure , and free from corruption , nor consequently eternal ; yea , it might happen that such Meteors as should be form'd in the Heavens would disorder the motions of the Planets which we behold so regular . And besides , 't is not possible that the Stars of the Firmament should not have come nearer one another in these 6000. years ; and the Planets have been so exact in their wandrings , unless the Heavens were solid . The Third said , That because the weakness of our reasoning cannot conceive how the creatures obey the Creator , otherwise then by such wayes as Artificers use , who fasten nails in wheels to make their motion regular ; therefore Men phancy the like in Heaven . As if it had not been as easiy to God to have appointed a Law to the Stars to move regulary in a liquid space , ( as fishes do in the water ) yea , in a Vacuum , ( if there were any in Nature ) as to have riveted and fix'd them to some solid body . For 't is true , we cannot make a durable Sphere but of solid matter . But if Children make aiery spheres , or balls with water and soap , could not God , who is an infinitely more excellent work-man , make some of a more subtile matter ? Moreover , The supposition of liquid Heavens serves better to interpret these openings of Heaven mention'd in the Scripture , then if they be suppos'd solid . The melted brass to which Job compares the Heavens , proves the contrary to what is usually inferr'd from it ; for immediately after this comparison made by one of Job's friends , God reproves him , and taxes his discourse of ignorance . Whereas it is said , that Heaven is God's throne , which is stable , and which God hath established in the Heavens ; and also that it is called a Firmament , the same construction is to be made of these expressions as of that in the beginning of Genesis , where the Sun and the Moon are styl'd the two great Lights of Heaven , not because they are so in reality , but because they appear so . But that which to me seemes most conclusive for the liquidity of the Heavens , is , That Comets have been oftentimes observ'd above some Planets , which could not be , were the Heavens solid . Besides that all the Elements are terminated by themselves , and need no vessel to be contain'd in . The Fourth said , If the matter of the Heavens were as firm as glass or crystal , or onely as water , our sight could no more perceive the Stars , then it doth things in the bottome of a deep water , how clear soever it be ; for the visual rayes or species of things cannot penetrate so thick a medium . But although the Stars are exceedingly remote from us , yet our eyes discern their different magnitudes , colours , and motions , and distinguish such as twinckle from others . Besides , those who should behold the same Star from different places would perceive it of different magnitudes , as it happens to those who look upon the same body through water or glass , in regard of the diversity of the medium , which is thicker in one place then in another . Nor is it harder to conceive how the Stars hang in the Air , then to imagine the same of the Terr-aqueous Globe . The Fifth said , Liquid is defin'd that which is hardly contain'd within its own bounds , and easily in those of another , ( which is the true definition of Liquid , and not of Humid ; since Quick-silver , Lead , and all metals melted , are difficultly contain'd in their own bounds , and easily in those of another ; yet are not humid ) the Heaven must be solid and not liquid ; for it is contain'd within its own bounds ; yea , according to the Scripture , it upholds the Supercelestial Waters . The Sixth said , The great diversity found in the motions of the Celestial Bodies , and especially in the Planets , makes very much for the Fluidity of the Heavens . For Astronomers observing that the Planets not onely go from East to West by their diurnal motion , common to all the celestial bodies , but have a particular one of their own , after a sort contrary to the former , which makes them stray from their situation , whereunto they return onely at a certain time ; therefore they will have them to be turn'd about by a Heaven , term'd by them , Primum Mobile , but add that each of the Planets hath a sphere of its own , which is the cause of its second motion : Moreover , observing the Planets to be sometimes nearer , and sometimes further off from the Earth ; therefore they assign'd them another sphere , call'd an Excentrick . But what needs this multiplication of spheres , when as it may reasonably be affirm'd , that God hath appointed to every Star the course which it is to observe , ( as he hath assign'd to every thing its action ) what ever variety be found in Planetary bodies , there being more in other Bodies . If it be said , That the wonder lies in their Regularity , I answer , There is nothing here below but ha's and keeps a rule . Whence Monsters are so much wonder'd at . Nor is there less wonder in the natural instincts of things , and all their various operations which they alwayes inviolably observe , then in Uniformity , which hath much more ease in it ; as it is a more facile thing for a stone to move alwayes downwards , then for an Animal to move according to all the diversities of place and exercise , so many several actions . The Seventh said , The matter of the Heavens ( if they have any ) is , according to Empedocles , a most pure and subtile Air ; and that of the Stars , is Light. Wherefore they cannot be either solid or liquid . Moreover , the Centre of the World is most compact , and it grows more and more subtile still towards the Circumference , which therefore must be immaterial , as Light is ; Now the Stars are onely the thicker parts of their Orbes , like the knots in a Tree ; which density renders them visible to us , multiplying and fortifying the degrees of Light by this union ; as , on the contrary , the rarity of the intermediate space between the Stars doth not terminate or bound our sight , either because the species which it sends forth are not strong enough to act upon the Eye , and cause perception ( which is the reason why we see not the Elementary Fire , though we see the same Fire when it comes to be united and condensed into an igneous meteor , or into our culinary flames . The Heavens therefore may be more or less dense , but not solid in that sence as we attribute solidity to Crystal , Diamonds , or other hard bodies which resist the touch . But indeed we may call them so , if we take the word solid , for that which is fill'd with it self , and not with any other intermix'd thing ) all whose parts are of the same nature ; according to which signification , not onely the Water , but the Air , yea , the Light it self , if it be material , may be said to be solid . II. Whether is it easier to get or to keep . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the difficulty of acquiring and preserving is equal . The reason is , because all the world is eager to get , and therefore 't is a trouble to a Man to keep what he hath . For the profit of one not arising without the dammage of another , ( as there is no generation without corruption ) nothing accrues to one but what the other loses . Wherefore the striving of every one to get , shews the pains there is in gaining something from another ; and again , being every one gapes after another's goods , it is difficult to preserve the same ; as a beast after which all the world is in chase , can hardly save it self . Hence Diogenes said , that Gold might well be pale , since every one layes plots to entrap it . The Second said , That as for the guarding of a Place it is requisite that the same be fortifi'd on all sides , whereas there needs but one breach , or one gate open'd , for the surprizing of it ; so it seems there is more pains requir'd to keep then to get . Besides , the ways of losing and spending are almost infinite , and far easier then those of gaining or acquiring , which are very few . To get , 't is sufficient to have strength ( common to Men and Beasts ) but to preserve , there needs Prudence , ( not onely peculiar to Man , but with which very few are well provided . ) This is prov'd also by Nature , which acquires new formes by one single action , but cannot preserve the same without many . For Conservation is the duration of the existence of a thing , and this duration a continual production of it , and consequently more difficult then Acquisition , which is dispatch'd by one simple generation . The Third said , States and Families are increas'd by acquiring , and upheld by preserving what they acquir'd . Both the one and the other are very difficult , as Experience teaches us ; for we see but few Families and States advanc'd ; and , on the contrary , many others fall to decay . Nevertheless it seemes more painful to get then to keep . For if he who possesses much is troubled to preserve it , he that hath nothing is much more troubled to get something ; it being far easier for him who hath a stock already , not onely to preserve but increase it , then for him who hath nothing at all to become Master of any thing ; as there is more of miracle in Creation then in Conservation of the Universe ; and as 't is harder to make leven out of nothing , then to make new paste with the leven which one hath already . Therefore the Latin verse tells Aemilian , that if he is poor , he will alwayes be so , because no body gives any thing but to the rich , as too many examples evidence . The Fourth said , As 't is the same virtue in the Load-stone which retains , and which attracts the Iron , and that which preserves is the same with that which produces ; so to keep and to get , are but one and the same thing ; since he who by his good management preserves his goods , continually makes them his own . But as the harder a weight is to be lifted up , 't is the harder to be held up ; so the more labour there is in acquiring , the more there is also in preserving the thing acquir'd . Hence those who have undergone hard toyle to get an estate are more busied in keeping it , then they who receive one from another without pains . And upon this account 't is that Aristotle saith Benefactors love those they do good to , better then they are belov'd by them , because 't is more pains to oblige then to be oblig'd ; and women love and preserve their children so tenderly and dearly , because of the pain which they undergo in bringing them forth . Yet because this Sex is designed to look after the goods of the family , and men to procure them , it may seem thereby that 't is harder to get then to keep ; otherwise the strongest should not have the more difficult task , as equity and justice require . The Fifth said , The Question is resolv'd chiefly by considering the diversity of times , inclinations , capacities , and things . In Seditions or Wars 't is hard for a man to keep his own , the stronger dispossessing the weaker , and the Laws being little heard amidst the clashing of Arms. In Peace , when justice secures every man's possession , 't is easier to preserve . In Youth acquisition is more facile , yet keeping is not so easily practis'd then as in old age . The Prodigal does violence to himself , when he finds a necessity of saving , and thinks nothing more difficult . The Slothful man knows not how to get any thing . The Covetous finds difficulty in both , but the greatest in keeping ; and therefore apprehending no security amongst men , after having experienc'd the trouble of securing his wealth by the honesty of others , from the frauds of Debtors , the subtlety of Lawyers , the violence of Thieves , he is oftentimes reduc'd to hide his Treasure under ground . Persons of courage and great vivacity of spirit , but defective in discretion , are more in pain to keep then to get . As it was said of Alexander , Hanibal , and many other great Captains , that they knew better how to overcome then to make use of their Victory . And indeed these two qualities seem inconsistent ; for Conquerors have almost always been so magnificent as that they have given away with one hand what they acquir'd with the other , reserving nothing to themselves but hope and glory ; whereas preserving seems proper to the Magistrate and civil Judge . Lastly , some things are acquir'd with great facility , but difficulty kept , as Friendship , which oftentime is gotten in an instant , but more difficult , yea almost impossible to continue . The favours of Lovers are ordinarily of this rank , being more easily gotten then kept . On the contrary , Knowledge is kept with more ease then it is gain'd , because ignorance must first be remov'd out of the Understanding , and this is a matter of difficulty ; whereas to preserve knowledge , the species need only be stirr'd up again , and the more they are excited they become the more strong and vigorous ; contrary to other things which perish in the use . For the same actions which produc'd the habit preserve it , but with much less difficulty then it was acquir'd . The same may be said of Vertues ; for 't is harder for a bad man to become good then for one of this latter sort to continue in the exercises of vertue . As for the goods of the Body , Beauty , Strength and Health ; as they are frail , so they are easie to lose ; the Jaundise , the small Pox , the least disorder in our humours are sufficient to alter or destroy them utterly . The goods of Fortune ( so call'd because they depend upon so incertain and mutable a cause , that he that hath them can searce call himself master of them ) as riches and honours , are hard to get and easie to lose , inasmuch as a man must perform an infinite number of vertuous actions to obtain promotion , but a single bad action is enough to ruine him . It having pleas'd God , in order to keep every one within their duty , that in this world as well as in the other our felicity should be wrought out with fear and trembling . CONFERENCE XLVI . I. Of Vacuity . II. Of the extravagance of Women . I. Of Vacuum . THe Vulgar call that empty which is not fill'd with some visible body . But the Philosophers give this name to a place destitute of all corporeity whatsoever , yet capable of being fill'd ; at least , if any such can be in nature . For it cannot be understood of those imaginary spaces beyond the heavens ( which , Pythagoras said , serv'd for their respiration ) whereof he conceiv'd they stood in need , as animals do . Democritus and Leucippus admitted a two-fold Vacuum ; one in the Air , serving for local motion ; the other in all mixt Bodies , requisite to the internal growth , and also to the lightness of things ; alledging that according as their atomes are closely or loosely connected , and of various figures , so bodies are light or heavy . But these Opinions being antiquated , I adhere to the common one , which admits no vacuum at all . The Second said , Since Nature abhors vacuum , there must be such a thing ; for of two contraries the one supposes the other . And indeed 't is impossible for any local motion , condensation , or rarefaction , and inward augmentation , to be made without admitting vacuity . For , as for local motion , when a body removes out of a place , that into which it enters is either full or empty : not full , for then it could not receive a new body without penetration of dimensions ( which nature cannot suffer ) therefore it must be empty . For this reason Melissus affirm'd that all things are immoveable . For being unable to comprehend how motion could be made without , and unwilling to admit vacuity , therefore he deny'd both . To say that bodies give way one to another , is to increase the difficulty instead of resolving it ; for the body which gives place to another must displace a third , and this a fourth , and so to infinity . So that , to avoid admitting little pores or interstices in the air , into which it may be compacted , we must affirm that the air of our Antipodes is agitated at every the least motion of a finger here . Moreover , Vacuum is prov'd by condensation and rarefaction . For the former being made , when a body is reduc'd into a lesser extent , and its parts approach neerer one another without loss of any ; either these parts penetrate one another , or else there was some void space , which is possess'd by themselves when they are thrust together : seeing , if they had been so contiguous as that there were not any empty pores between them , they could not have come closer together . Likewise , rarefaction being caus'd when the parts recede one from another , if no other body interpose , there must needs be a vacuum between the parts ; or else they must have been one within another . If it be said , that proportionably as one thing is condens'd in one place , another is as much rarefi'd somewhere else , to fill up the vacuum , and so on the contrary ; this is harder to be conceiv'd then a vacuum . Lastly , accretion or growth , which is caus'd by the reception of aliment in the body , could not be made , if three were not some void passages to receive this aliment . And , to conclude , experience shews us , that a pail of water will receive its own measure of ashes or lime which it could not do , if there were no vacuity . The Third said , That every thing affects unity , not only because God who is the universal cause of all is one , and most simple ; and every thing ought to be like its cause ; but for that all things find their good and conservation in unity , as they do their ruine in dis-union . Wherefore every thing in the world is so united that there is not any empty space between two ; and contiguity is as necessary in the parts of the world as continuity in those of a living creature . For if there were a Vacuum in the world , the Heavens could not transmit their influences into the Elements and their compounds , for the preservation of which the same are absolutely necessary ; considering that whatever acts upon a distant thing must do it by some medium uniting the agent and the patient . The Fourth said , Since Nature offers violence to her self , to prevent inanity , and all things quit their particular interest for that of the publick , undoubtedly , there is no such thing as vacuum in Nature . For we see that she makes heavy things to ascend , light things to descend , and breaks the solidest and strongest things without any external violence , only to avoid the inconvenience of vacuity . If bellows be compress'd and the holes stop'd , no humane force can expand them without breaking ; a bottle ( of what material soever ) fill'd with boiling water and stop'd , and put into cold , immediately flies in pieces . You cannot draw Wine out of a vessel , unless you give entrance to the air at the bung-hole . A vessel being full of heated air , and its orifice apply'd to the water , sucks the same upwards . A Cupping-glass , when the heated and subtile air in it becomes condens'd and takes up less room , attracts the flesh into it self . Syphons and Pumps , by which the water is made to ascend higher then its source , are founded wholly upon this eschewing of vacuity . Our own bodies also afford us an instance , for the aliment could not be assimilated in each part without the suction and attraction which is made of it to supply the place of what is consum'd by exercise or heat , otherwise the blood and nourishment would tend only downwards by their own weight . And what makes the effects of blood-letting and purgation so sensible , but this very flight of Vacuum ? The Fifth said , A notable vacuity and of great extent cannot be without miracle , but some small interspers'd inanities may be between the particles of the Elements and Compounds , like the pores of our bodies : for Nature abhors the former , and can do nothing without the latter ; it being impossible for Qualities to be transmitted to any subject through a great vacuum , which would hinder the perception of our senses , and the fire it self from heating at the least distance . There could be no breathing in it , Birds could not fly in it ; in brief , no action could be exercis'd in it but those whereof the principle is in the thing it self , and which need no medium , as local motion , which would be more easily made , because there would be no resistance . The Sixth said , Nature doth what she can to hinder a vacuum , yet suffers one when she is forc'd to it . For if you suck out all the air out of a bottle , then stop it exactly , and having put it under water with the mouth downwards , open it again , the water will immediately ascend to fill the vacuity left by the exsuction of the air . And if with a Syringe you force air into a vessel strong enough to endure such violence , when the pores of the air which were empty before come to be fill'd , it will of its own accord drive out the water very impetuously which was put first into it . Likewise , though the air naturally keep up above the water : yet by enclosing it in some sort of vessel you may violently make it continue under the water . II. Of the capricious or extravagant humours of women . Upon the second Point , it was said , It is not here pronounc'd that all women are capricious ; but only the reason inquir'd of those that are such , and why they are more so then men . To alledge the difference of souls , and suppose that as there is an order in the Celestial Hierarchies , whereby the Archangels are plac'd above Angels , so the spirits of men are more perfect then those of women ; were to fetch a reason too far off , and prove one obscure thing by another more so . Nor is the cause to be found in their bodies , taken in particular , for then the handsome would be free from this vice ; the actions which borrow grace from their subject appearing to us of the same nature ; and consequently their vertues would seem more perfect , and their defects more excusable ; whereas , for the most part the fairest are the most culpable . We must therefore recur to the correspondence and proportion of the body and the soul. For sometimes a soul lights upon a body so well fram'd , and organs so commodious for the exercise of its faculties , that there seems more of a God then of a man in its actions ( whence some persons of either Sex attract the admiration of all world : ) On the contrary , other souls are so ill lodg'd that their actions have less of man then of brute . And because there 's more women then men found , whose spirits are ill quarter'd , and faculties deprav'd ; hence comes their capricious and peevish humour . For as melancholy persons , whose blood is more heavy , are with good reason accounted the more wise ; so those whose blood and ( consequently ) spirits are more agile and moveable , must have a less degree of wisdom , and their minds sooner off the hooks . The irregular motions of the organ which distinguishes their Sex , and which is call'd an animal within an animal , many times have an influence in the business , and increase the mobility of the humours . Whence the health of their minds as well as that of their bodies many times suffers alteration . A woman fallen into a fit of the Mother becomes oftentimes enrag'd , weeps , laughs , and has such irregular motions as not only torment her body and mind , but also that of the Physitian , to assign the true cause of them . Moreover , the manner of living whereunto the Laws and Customs subject women , contributes much to their defects . For leading a sedentary life , wherein they have always the same objects before their eyes , and their minds being not diverted by civil actions , as those of men are , they make a thousand reflections upon their present condition , comparing it with those whereof they account themselves worthy : this puts their modesty to the rack , and oftentimes carries them beyond the respect and bounds which they propos'd to themselves . Especially , if a woman of good wit sees her self marri'd to a weak husband , and is ambitious of shewing her self . Another judging her self to merit more then her rival , not knowing to whom to complain of her unhappiness , does every thing in despight . And indeed they are the less culpable , inasmuch as they always have the principles of this vice within themselves , and frequently find occasions abroad . The Second said , that the word Caprichio is us'd to signifie the extravagant humour of most women , because there is no animal to which they more resemble then a Goat , whose motions are so irregular that prendre la chevre signifies to take snuffe without cause , and to change a resolution unexpectedly . For such as have search'd into the nature of this animal , find that its blood is so sharp , and spirits so ardent , that it is always in a Fever ; and hence it is that being agitated with this heat which is natural to it it leaps as soon as it comes into the world . Now the cause of this temper is the conformation of the Brain , which they say is like that of a woman , the Ventricles of which being very little are easily fill'd with sharp and biting vapours , which cannot evaporate ( as Aristotle affirms ) because their Sutures are closer then those of men : those vapours prick the Nerves and Membranes , and so cause those extraordinary and capricious motions . Hence it is , that women are more subject to the Meagrim and other diseases of the head , then men . And if those that sell a Goat never warrant it sound as they do other animals , there is no less excuse in reference to women . Which caus'd the Emperour Aurelius to say , that his Father in law Antoninus who had done so much good to others had done him mischief enough in giving him his daughter , because he found so much bone to pick in a little flesh . Moreover , the Naturalists say that the Goat is an enemy to the Olive-tree especially , which is a symbol of peace , whereunto women are not over-well affected . For , not to mention the first divorce which woman caus'd between God and man by her lickorishness ; her talking , her ambition , her luxury , her obstinacy , and other vices , are the most common causes of all the quarrels which arise in families , and in civil life . If you would have a troop of Goats pass over any difficult place you need force but one to do it , and all the rest will follow . So women are naturally envious , and no sooner see a new fashion but they must follow it . And Gard'ners compare women and girles to a flock of Goats , who roam and browse incessantly , holding nothing inaccessible to their curiosity . There is but one considerable difference between them ; the Goat wears horns , and the woman makes others wear them . The Third said , There is more correspondence between a woman and a Mule , then between a woman and a Goat : for ( leaving the Etymology of Mulier to Grammarians ) the Mule is the most teasty and capricious of all beasts , fearing the shadow of a man or a Tree overturn'd more then the spur of the rider . So a woman fears every thing but what she ought to fear . The obstinacy of the Mule , which is so great that it has grown into a Proverb , is inseparable from the whole Sex , most of them being gifted with a spirit of contradiction . Mules delight to go in companies ; so do women ; the bells and muzzles of the one have some correspondence with the earings and masks of the other ; and both love priority . The more quiet you allow a Mule , it becomes the more resty ; so women become more vitious in idleness ; neither of them willingly admits the bridle between their teeth . The Mule is so untoward that it kicks in the night time while 't is asleep ; so women are oftner laid then quiet . Lastly , the Mule that hath seem'd most tractable all its time , one day or other pays his master with a kick ; and the woman that has seem'd most discreet , at one time or other commits some notorious folly . The Fourth said , That those who invented the little Medals representing the upper part of a woman , and the lower of a Mule , commend this Sex whilst they think to blame it . For there is nothing more healthy , strong , patient of hunger , and the injuries of seasons , or that carries more , and is more serviceable , then a Mule. Nature shews that she is not satisfi'd with her other productions whilst she makes other animals propagate by generation ; but when she has made a Mule , she stops there , as having found what she sought . Now if certain actions of women seem full of perverseness and capricio to some , possibly others will account them to proceed from vivacity of spirit , and greatness of courage . And as the Poet , in great commendation of his black Mistress , chanted her cheeks of Jet , and bosom of Ebeny ; so whatever some people's mistake may say to the contrary , the most capricious woman is the most becoming . Nor is this humour unprofitable to them ; for as people are not forward to provoke a Mule for fear of kicks , so we are more shie of women then otherwise we should be , for fear of capricioes , well understanding the difference which the Proverb puts between the van of the one , and the rear of the other . Yet some hold that this capriciousness of women follows the Moon no less then their menstruosities do . Others , that the flower of beans contributes very much to it . The Fifth said , That if credit is to be given to experience , Solomon who had experience of a thousand women , compares an ill capricious woman to a Tygress and a Lyoness . Such were Medea , Xantippe , and many others . Moreover , the Poets say that the Gods intending to punish Prometheus for having stoln the celestial fire , gave him a wife . And when Satan afflicted Job he depriv'd him of his flocks , of his houses , and of his children , but had a care not to take his wife from him , knowing that this was the onely way to make him desperate , as it would have done without God's special grace . The Rabbins say , three sorts of persons were exempted from publick charges , and could not be call'd into judgement , to wit , the Poor , the Nephritick , and he that had a bad wife , because they had business enough at home without needing any abroad . The Laws likewise exempted new marry'd men from going to the wars the first year of their marriage , allowing them this time , which is the roughest and most important , to repress their quarrelsomeness , and reduce their fierce Spouses to duty . Which if the Husbands could not effect , a little bill of Divorce ( appointed by God , and the Laws for putting an end to the poor Man's miseries ) did the business . Though the Chaldeans us'd not so much formality , but onely ▪ extinguish'd the domestick fire which the Priest kindled at the marriage . Yet the priviledge was not reciprocal , neither Divine nor Humane Laws having ever allow'd women to relinquish their Husbands ; for then , being as capricious and inconstant as they are , they would have chang'd every day . For the same reason the Laws have alwayes prohibited to women the administration of publick affairs . And the Religion of the Mahumetan Arabians assignes them a Paradise apart ; because ( say they ) if the women should come into that of the men they would disturb all the Feast . CONFERENCE XLVII . I. Of the Virtue of Numbers . II. Of the Visible Species . I. Of the Virtue of Numbers . THe Mind of Man resembles those who make the point of their tools so small that they spoil them with too much sharpning ; and in the contemplation of natural causes there is more then enough to satisfie his desire of knowledge , were it not that he will attempt every thing . Hence it is that the causes of different effects here below are sought in things the most remote , and no otherwise appertaining to them then that as accidents and circumstances . Of these accidents some have action , as Quality ; others have none , as Quantity ; under which are comprehended Number , Figure , Lines , Surface , and its other species ; which are consider'd either in some matter , or else abstracted from it ; in the former of these wayes , they have some virtue in regard of their matter , but not in the latter . An Army of fifty thousand Men is potent , but the number of fifty thousand can do nothing , yea , is nothing , if taken abstractedly . Wherefore as reasonable as it is to seek the virtues of simple and compound bodies in their qualities , and to say , e. g. that Pepper bites and alters the Tongue , because it is hot and dry ; so absurd it seemes to think that five or seven leaves of Sage apply'd to the Wrist have more virtue then six or eight . The Second said , Nothing includes more wonders in it self then Number ; and if our Reason cannot penetrate their cause , they ought to be the more esteem'd for being unknown . This is the universal opinion of all Antiquity , both Jewish and Pagan , which otherwise would not have made so much adoe with them . Yea , there 's [ divine ] authority for it , contain'd in the eleventh Chapter of Wisedom , God made all things in number , weight , and measure . Experience justifies their Energy , teaching us that certain numbers are to be observ'd in cases where we would have the like effects , which possibly is the canse why the operations of one and the same remedy are found so frequently different . We see Nature so religious in this observation , in all her works , that she never produces an Animal , but the proportion of seeds is adjusted most exactly ; that in Plants , their grains and all other parts have the same taste , colour , and virtue , ( whence it is that simple medicaments are alwayes more certain then compound ) because Nature either produces them not at all , or makes them with the same number , weight , and measure of matter and qualities . 'T is through the virtue of number that such a Plant , as Coloquintida , is mortal when it grows alone ; and medicinal , when many of them grow together . The Third said , The Pythagoreans and Platonists ascrib'd so great power to numbers , that they thought all things were compos'd of them , and more or less active according to their several proportion . Of which they made four sorts . First the Poetical , or Musical , the virtue whereof is such , that it gave occasion to the Fable of Orpheus , who is said to have drawn even beasts , trees , and rocks , by the harmonious sound of his Harp. 'T was by the cadence of the like numbers that David chas'd away Saul's evil spirit ; and Poetry , which differs from Prose onely by its numbers , hence derives the power it hath over mens souls . The Second sort is the Natural , and is found in the composition of all mixt bodies . The Third is Rational , peculiar to Man , whose soul they term'd a moving number , the connexion whereof with the body they said , continu'd so long as the numbers which link'd them remain'd united together . The Fourth Divine , upon which and the Natural the Cabalists and Magicians have founded their profoundest secrets , and Agrippa his Occult Philosophy . But above all others , they particularly esteem'd the odd number , styling it perfect and Masculine ; as , on the contrary , the even , imperfect and Feminine . Indeed we observe that the Birth of Man happens , for the most part , in an odd moneth , to wit , the seventh or ninth ; in the rest , the Infant seldome comes forth alive . Also most of the alterations of our bodies happen according to the septenary number ; whence the number 83. call'd for this reason the grand Climacterical , is so greatly fear'd , because 't is produc'd by seven multiply'd into nine . Physicians never appoint Pills in an even number . Good Crises alwayes happen on an odd day ; and he that loses his Ague at an even fit necessarily falls into a relapse . Which cannot be attributed to any thing but number . For such effects as are produc'd by the quality or quantity of the matter appear with it ; and therefore if these caus'd the Crisis , it would not be wholly at once , but begin and proceed by degrees according to the augmentation of the matter ; as fire is increas'd by new wood cast upon it . But the motion of Crises is alwayes sudden , and many times against all appearance . The Fourth said , As the beginning of all things is a most simple essence ; so all Numbers spring from Unity , which is no Number of it self , but the beginning of Number . Osellus calls it the Symbol of Peace and Concord , because it is indivisible ; and with the Philosophers , Unity , Verity , Goodness , and Essence , are one and the same thing . Whence it follows that the Binary is the first of all numbers , wherewith Nature is so highly delighted that she ha's exactly observ'd it in the structure of Man , the Organs of whose senses , and almost all his members , are double ; and therefore 't is also so carefully observ'd by Architects . But the Ternary , concerning which Ausonius writ an entire volumne , being the first odd number , is of more efficacy , it is competent to the Deity and his works ; the world is distinguish'd into three Ages ; there are three sorts of Souls in Nature , three Faculties in Man , and three principal parts in his Body : Which caus'd Aristotle to say , in his first Book De Coelo , Chapter 1. That all things are comprehended under this Number [ Tria sunt Omnia . ] The Qaternary , dedicated to Mercury , is the first even and square number , highly esteem'd by the Pythagoreans , because it contains the grand number of Ten , ( for 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , put together , make Ten ; ) and by the Jews , upon the Art of the Divine Tetragrammaton , or Name of four Letters . Moreover , there are four Elements , four Seasons , four Humours , four Ages , and four Cardinal Virtues . As for the Quinary , we see there are five most Simple Bodies in Nature , five Senses , and five Fingers on a Hand . The Senary , according to Saint Jerome , contains the mysterie of the Creatures , because it arises from the double proportion of the quaternary to the binary . Nevertheless the Septenary ha's been accounted the most mysterious of all ; because 't is compounded of the first odd number , and first even Square , namely , three and four . And 't is held , that by virtue of this number , the seventh Son born of the same Mother , without any interposition of the other sex , hath a particular gift of doing cures . Orpheus so esteem'd the Octonary , that he swore onely by it and the Eight Deities , to wit , the four Elements , the Sun , the Moon , Light , and Darkness . This number was alwayes held for the Emblem of Justice , because 't is the first Cube , and hath a most perfect equality in all its parts . The Novenary being compounded of three Triads , ( the first odd and most perfect number ) is also of great efficacy ; whence the Heavens , the Muses , and the orders of Angels have been compriz'd in it . Lastly , the Denary , which is the first conjoyned number , includes all the preceding . By all which it appears , that there is some efficacy not onely in numbers in general , but also in every one in particular . The Fifth said , That which is most considerable in number , is , that 't is the most sensible exemplar of the Deity , of whom you cannot conceive so many perfections , but there will still remain more to be imagin'd ; as you cannot ad so many numbers together , but you may yet add more . This is peculiar to it , that there is a least number , to wit , two , but no greatest , because you may alwayes assign a greater . Yet there 's no number , how great sover , but may be expressed . For set down a thousand figures in a row , and as many below them , multiply the one by the other , the sand of the sea do's not equal this number . What will it be then , if you multiply the same again , which you may do as often as you please . Here writing will surpass speech ; for you cannot count it . It s perfection is also manifest , in that the Philosophers knew not how to express the formes and essences of things better then by comparing them to numbers . For as every number is so perfect and complete a total in it self , that you cannot add or diminish any thing from it , and it remain the same number ; so are the essences of things . Moreover , ▪ t is particular to Man ; for he alone , amongst all Creatures , reasons , speaks , and computes . Whence Amphistides was adjudg'd a fool because he could not count above five . And Pythagoras assignes no other cause of the ratiocination of Man , but this , that he understands how to compute or reckon . For Number is made by order and connexion of many unites , which actions cannot be perform'd but by the Understanding . The Sixth said , Number being nothing in it self , but a simple work of the Understanding , cannot produce any real effect . And supposing it could , yet Parity and Imparity are but accidental , not substantial formes ; and therefore incapable of rendring a number more or less active . Which made Galen doubt whether Pythagoras could attribute so much power to it , and yet be wise . For , as for Plato , 't is very probable he ascrib'd this virtue to Formes and Essences , which he termes Formal and Rational numbers , rather then to real and true numbers abstracted from Essence . Whereas some have divin'd prosperous and sinister accidents by the imparity or parity of the syllables in some person's name , or whether should live longest the Husband or the Wife , by the greater or less number of their letters ; this is rather to be referr'd to Chance then to any thing else . The Seventh said , Nature makes all her works in Number , since she makes them in Time , which is the number of Motion . Yet 't is not Number that acts , but Nature alone . For Number is incapable of all action , having no essence of it self , but by accident , and not so much as an essence of reason . For the Understanding conjoyning many unites together , which are indivisibles , and consequently negations , frames a number . And if many unites of substance cannot make a real total it self , much less can many unites of Quantities . II. Of the Visible Species . Upon the Second Point it was said , That there is nothing barren in Nature , but every thing incessantly produces its like . Which is no less wonderful then the first Creation , the power of which God seemes by this productive virtue to have communicated to Creatures . But that which surpasses all admiration , is , that even the most gross and material things incessantly emit out of themselves infinite , species which are so many pourtraitures and resemblances , more exquisite and excellent then their Original . And being every thing ha's its sphere of activity , these species are diffus'd in the Air , and other diaphanous mediums , to a certain distance , unless they meet with opake and terminated bodies , which hinder them from passing further , and interrupt their continuity with their source , either reflecting them , as it happens when the opposite body is so exactly polish'd that it equally sends back all the parts of the species without mutilation ; or onely stopping them , as all other bodies do . Our Sight goes not to seek Objects , but they insinuate themselves into it by their species ; whence it is that in a Looking-glass we behold a person that stands behind us . Moreover , all Sensation being a Passion , according to Aristotle , as Hearing is made by the reception of sounds , so must Seeing by the reception of the Visible Species ; nor must this sense be in a worse condition then the rest , who are not at the trouble to go to seek their Objects , but onely to receive them . An undoubted proof whereof is administred by the great conformity which is between the Seeing , Hearing , and Smelling , especially between the two former . The Second said , That the Visible Species are a reflection of light , which is various according to the different colour and figure of the Objects : Whence it is that a Concave glass reflects not onely the species but also light and heat , augmented by the union of their scatter'd rayes into a point . Now these Species are carry'd into the Eye ; and as one nayle drives another , and the agitated Water or Air thrusts that which is next it , so the tunicles and humours of the Eye being struck by the Species the Spirits are stirr'd by the same means , and take the form of the Species according as they arrive ; as when the Air is inclos'd in a rock is struck by the Species of some sound , it puts on the form of the Species of this sound , and issuing forth of its cavity with this borrow'd form , makes the voice which we call an Echo . These Species being receiv'd by the Spirits , are by them carry'd to the Common Sense and the Imagination ; and then , ( after the example of this Faculty ) the Intellect formes the like in it self , which are more spiritual and incorporeal then the first , and which at length it commits to the custody of the Memory , to make use of the same in fitting time and place . The Third said , That the greatest difficulty arising about these Visible Species , is , how those of each different object of the same place can fill it all , and nevertheless all these Species together not fill it more ; yea , not confound and hinder one the other from being as well seen as if there were but one Object . 'T is otherwise in sounds and smells , which being various give not a distinct perception of any one , but a medley of all . Now the reason hereof seemes to be , because the Visible Species alter not the Air , as odours which are corporeal do ; ( as appears in that they make us healthy and sick ) and 't is not needful for the Eye to paint them anew , as the Ear new frames all sounds , which cannot be done but successively ; the deep tone , ( for example ) being constrain'd to attend at the portal of the Ear , till the shrill be new form'd in it . Whence ariseth the confusion of sounds . The Fourth said , As the Visible Species are not mix'd together in a Looking-glass , but all appear distinctly , although the dimensions of the glass be very small in respect of the extent and number of the objects , because the Species concur there in a direct line , and are terminated as in a point , which is capable to lodge them , being they are immaterial : So it is with the same Species in reference to the Air , through the least part whereof 't is a less wonder that many of them pass without penetration , then to observe the actions of our Memory ; in one point of which infinite Species , not onely visible , but those introduc'd by all other senses , remain for a long time , yea , during all our lives ; notwithstanding their society seem very incompatible . But although Objects send their Images towards the Sight , yet the Eye emits the most subtile and active Spirits to receive them , which it hath for this purpose . Hence it is that to see a thing distinctly , we contract our Eyes , or shut one of them ; to the end the visual beams may be more strengthened by being more united . 'T is through the dissipation of these spirits that the Eye grows weary with seeing ; and old men , those who watch , read , or addict themselves to women too much , see not very clear ; and on the contrary , young persons , and the cholerick , whose spirits are more subtile , have a very sharp Sight . But if Sight were performed without any Emission , the Basilisk should not kill by its aspect ; the Wolf perceiving a man first should not make him hoarse ; women should not infect Looking-glasses at certain times ; those who have sore Eyes should not communicate their infirmity to others by beholding them , or being beheld by them : Lastly , old hags could not bewitch Children by the Sight , and Lambs too , by the report of Virgil , if the visual spirits which they send forth were not corrupted . The Fifth said , If the Eye send any thing towards the Object , it must be either a substance or an accident . An incorporal substance it cannot be , for then a man should emit his Soul , or part of it , which is absurd ; besides , that of other Animals , whose Souls are confessedly corporeal , some see better then we . Nor can it be a body , for no body is mov'd in an instant ; and yet as soon as we open our Eyes we behold the Stars ; yea , we see much sooner then we hear , and behold the Lightning before we hear the Thunder which preceded it . Nor is it any of the Animal Spirits that issues forth ; from whence should such a quantity be produc'd as to reach as far as the Firmament ? Neither is it an accident , since 't is against Nature for an accident to go from one subject to another . Now this difficulty may serve for an excuse to Cardinal Perron , when before Henry III , he was gravel'd with this Riddle , I am a man and no man , I have neither body nor soul , I am neither shadow nor picture , and yet I am seen ; by which was meant the species of a man beholding himself in a glass . Lastly , either these visual rayes return back to their quarters , after they have been abroad to receive the Visible Species ; ( and then Nature should labour in vain by going to seek that which comes of its own accord ) or else they return not , and so the vision should not be made in the Eye , but in the Air. CONFERENCE XLVIII . I. Whether every thing that nourishes an Animal ought to have life . II. Of Courage . I. Whether every thing that nourishes an Animal ought to have Life . EVery thing in the world is effected by an order and disposition of causes and means subalternate ▪ one to another . God makes himself known to Men by the marvellous effects of Nature . The immaterial and incorruptible Heavens communicate their virtues and influences here below ; first , through the Element of Fire , which is most subtile , and then through the Air which is most pure in the upper Region , more gross in the middle , and in the lower infected by the vapours and exhalations of the Water and Earth , and all compounds ; in the production whereof Nature observes such order as that she begins alwayes with the more simple , and never passes from one extremity to another without a medium . Thus the Plant springeth out of the ground like an herb , becomes a shrub , and then a tree . The Embryo lives onely a vegetable life at first , then arrives to motion , and lastly , is indu'd with reason . Even in civil life too speedy advancements are taken ill , whereas he who grows great by degrees do's not so much offend the Minds of others , and provokes less jealousie . Hence also the deaths , and especially the violent , astonish us more then the births of Men , because they come into the world , and grow up by little and little , but are cut off in a moment . So likewise the burning of Cities , and overthrow of States , cause the more admiration , because sudden vicissitudes seem less conformable to the order of Nature then their progressive erections . That which is observ'd in the composition and generation of bodies holds also in their nutrition , for both of them proceed from the same Faculty , and are almost the same thing . For to nourish , is to be chang'd into the substance of that which is nourish'd . Nature makes no change from one term to another by a violent motion and progress , but by little and little , of a matter capable of being converted into the substance of the living thing ; as onely that is which hath life , it being as impossible to make a living thing of that which never was such , and consequently whose matter hath no disposition to become such , as 't is to make a thing be which cannot be . The Second said , ( setting aside Cardan's opinion who extends life even to Stones ) as there are three orders of living things , so there are three that have need of nutrition , Plants , Animals and Men. Plants are nourish'd with the juice of the earth ; Animals , for the most part , with Plants ; and Men better with the Flesh of Animals , then with any other thing , by reason of the resemblance of their natures . The first order is not here spoken of , because Plants must needs be nourish'd with that which hath not had life , unless we will say , that the universal spirit informing the earth gives it vertue to produce and nourish them . The two latter are only in question , and I think it no more inconvenient that what hath not had life may serve for aliment , and be converted into the substance of a living creature , then that the earth and water ( simple elements in respect of a Plant ) are assimilated by it and made partakers of vegetable life . For as fire makes green wood combustible by exsiccating its humidity ; so an Animal may render such matter fit for its nourishment which was not so before . Not only the Oestrich is nourish'd with Iron which it digests , Pigeons and Pullen with gravel , the stones of which are found in their crops smooth and round ; but also men may be nourish'd with bread made of earth . And the Spaniards are much addicted to the use of an earth call'd Soccolante which they mingle with water and sugar ; its terrene consistence refuting their opinion who hold it to be the juice of a Plant. Yea , some in Sieges have supported their lives with inanimate things , as with bread of Slate ▪ as 't is reported of that of Sancerre . And , moreover , 't is manifest that some sick people are nourish'd with water alone for many days together . The Third said , Nutrition is made by the help of heat , which alters and divides the aliments , and reduces them to a most simple substance , capable of being converted into every similary part ; the property of heat being to separate heterogeneous things , and conjoyn those of the same nature . Hence , things least compounded are more easily assimilated . And as among Medicaments , so among aliments , the more simple are the best , and make fewest excrements . The air doth not only refresh the natural heat , but serves for food and aliment to the spirits , our best and noblest parts ; with which air alone , as the common opinion holds , the Camelion is nourish'd , as the Grashopper with dew which is nothing but concreted air ; and the Jews were fed fourty years with Manna , which is a kind of dew ( for the Scripture saith it vanish'd with the heat of the Sun ) yea , the Manna which is found at this day in Calabria & other places is capable of nourishing an animal , and yet it never had life , but fall's from heaven upon the stones , from which it is collected . The same may be said of hony , which is a kind of dew too falling upon the leaves & flowers of Plants , and serving for food to Bees who only gather it , without other preparation . And a sort of Flyes call'd Pyraustae live with nothing but fire , as many Fishes do of plain water , Moles and Worms of simple earth . Antimony and divers other Minerals , purg'd from their malignant qualities , serve for aliment ; and they who are expert in Chymistry make a kind of bread of them . The Magistery of Pearls and Coral , many precious Stones , and Gold it self , by the consent of all antiquity , wonderfully repair our radical moisture by their fix'd spirits ; whence they are call'd Cordials . The Fourth said , If man were homogeneous and all of a piece , he would be not only immortal , according to Hippocrates , but need no food , which is necessary only for reparation of what substance is consum'd ; now nothing would be destroy'd in man , were it not for the heterogeneous pieces of which he is made up . Wherefore since we are nourish'd with the same things whereof we are compos'd , and we are not compos'd of one pure and simple element , but of four , it follows , that whatever nourishes us must be mix'd of those four Elements ; and therefore the more compounded it is , as animate things are , the more proper it is to nourish . Otherwise were the aliment pure , it could not be assimilated . And although it could be assimilated , yet it could not nourish the whole body , but only either the terrestrial parts , if it were earth ; or the humours , if it were water ; or the spirits , if it were fire or air . The Fifth said , The life of man cost Nature dear , if it must be maintain'd at the expence of so many other animals lives . If you say , that being made for man , the greatest happiness that can befall them is to serve him in something though by the loss of their lives . But this is rather a fair excuse to cover our cruelty and luxury ; seeing Animals are no more proper then Plants to nourish man. Witness our first Fathers , before the flood , who were so long-liv'd although they liv'd not of flesh . Whence 't is inferr'd too that inanimate things may nourish us better then Plants . For the taste is an ill judge in this cause ; the Eele , amongst animals , and the Peach , amongst fruits , affording the worst nourishment , though they rellish most deliciously . The Similitude of substance is of little consideration ; for Animals live not of their like , and the Cannibals are ordinarily all Leprous . That a thing may be food , 't is sufficient that it have an humidity or substance proportionate to ours , in what order of things soever it be found . And nature has had no less care of nourishing an animal then of healing it , but she has endu'd all sublunary bodies with properties medicinal to man. Lastly , we cannot reckon among Plants those excrescenses which we call Truffes , and are held to be produc'd by thunder in some kinds of earth , whence they are gather'd ; and yet they nourish extremely . The Sixth said , When that which enters into the Stomack is alter'd by it , 't is call'd aliment ; for heat is the chief Agent by which it is united and assimulated ; whence it comes to pass that according to the diversity of this heat , Hemlock serves for nourishment to the Starlings , but kills man. Now to judge whether that which hath had life be more proper for nutrition then that which hath not ; we need only consider upon which of the two the natural faculty which disperses this heat acts most powerfully ; which , no doubt , it doth upon that which hath had life , since it hath the conditions requisite to food , being in some sort like , as having been alive ; and also qualifi'd to become so again , because when a form forsakes its subject it leaves dispositions in it for a like form to ensue ; 't is also in some sort unlike , being actually destitute of life . Wherefore as that which hath life really cannot nourish a living thing because of its total resemblance , and there is no action between things alike , otherwise a thing might act against it self , since nothing is more like to any thing then it self . So that which never had life cannot nourish an animal , by reason of its intire dissimilitude , and because between things wholly unlike there is no action . II. Of Courage . Upon the second Point ; If 't is worthy admiration that amongst Animals a little dog gives chase to a multitude of Oxen ( whence the Hebrews call a Dog Cheleb , that is to say , All heart , in regard of his courage ) 't is more to be wonder'd that amongst men who are of the same species , and fram'd after the same manner , one puts to flight three others , greater , stronger and oftentimes more dextrous then himself . The cause hereof is attributed to heat ; but ( besides that we see many sufficiently heated in every other action , but cold when it comes to fighting ; ) as they say there are good Grey-hounds of all sizes , so there are great courages of all tempers ; and although the hair , complexion , stature , and habit of body , are the most sure witnesses , yet every body knows that there are valiant men found of all hairs and statures , yea of all Ages , the seeds of courage being manifest in children , and the remainders in old men . It seems therefore that courage proceeds from the fitting and well proportion'd temper and structure of the heart and arteries ; for when these are too large , the spirits are more languid , and the actions less vigorous , either to repell present dangers , or meet those which are future . Yet the Cholerick are naturally more dispos'd to magnanimity , the Phlegmatick and Melancholy less , and the Sanguine are between both . Education also and custom are of great moment , as we see Rope-dancers and Climbers perform strange feats with inimitable boldness , because they have been us'd to walk upon Ropes , and climb the Spires of Churches , from their youth . So a child that has been accustom'd to dangers from his infancy will not fear any . Moreover , Honour and Anger are great spurs to valour , especially , when the latter is sharpned by the desire of revenge , which is excited by injury , derision , or ingratitude . Exhortations too are very effectual . And therefore when ever Caesar's Souldiers did not behave themselves well , he observes that he had not had time to make a speech to them . Nor is Necessity and the consideration of present danger to be omitted , for the greatest cowards oftentimes give proofs of courage upon urgent occasions , when there 's no hope of flight ; and one of the best wiles of a General is to take from his Souldiers all hope of retreat and safety otherwise then in victory . Example also prevails much , both as to flying and to fighting . Wherefore those that run first ought to be punish'd without mercy , as they who first enter a breach , or are farthest engag'd amongst the enemies , deserve great acknowledgement of their vertue . But particularly amongst persons acquainted and mutually affectionate , courage is redoubled by the presence of the thing belov'd ; witness the sacred Legion of the Thebans . But the desire of honour and hope of reward are the most powerful incitements to valour . Upon which account the King's presence is always counted equivalent as all his Troops together . The Second said , Courage is a vertue plac'd between boldness and fear . Yet it is chiefly conversant in moderating fear , which is an expectation of evil . Amongst the evils and adversities which cause terrour to men , some are to be fear'd by all , and cannot be slighted by a vertuous man , as ignominy , punishment for a crime , or other infamy . Others may be fear'd or despis'd without blame , if our selves be not the causes of them , as Poverty , Exile and Sickness . And yet a man is never the more couragious for not fearing them . For a Prodigal is not couragious for not fearing Poverty ; an impudent fellow that hath lost all shame may easily despise banishment , as Diogenes did ; and a Sot will be insensible of an incurable disease , which a wise man supports patiently . Lastly , some evils are to be contemn'd , as all dangers and misfortunes which necessarily come to pass in life , and death it self ; in the despising of which the greatness of courage principally appears , especially in that which happens in the wars , fighting for one's Prince and Country , as being the most honourable and glorious of all . The Third said , No vertue can keep us from fearing death , which gave so great apprehension to the most wise , and to our Lord himself , and which Aristotle deservedly calls the most terrible of terribles ; the same Philosopher also teaching us that a vertuous man infinitely desires to live , and ought to fear death ; because he accounts himself worthy of long life , during which he may do service to others , and he knows well that death will deprive him of all the goods of this world ; since well-being presupposes being . Therefore courage do's not wholly take away the fear of death , no more then the sense of pain , which is natural ; otherwise a couragious man ought to be insensible and stupid . But he governs this fear in such sort that it do's not hinder him from overcoming his enemy , although it render him more prudent and circumspect in seeking fit means to attain thereunto . Herein he differs from the rash person , who casting himself into dangers without having foreseen and maturely consider'd them , becomes faint-hearted in the chiefest of the brunt . The Fourth said , A couragious man is known by what he attempts without rashness , and accomplishes without fear ; for he always represents to himself the danger greater then it is , to the end , to arm himself with strong resolutions , which once taken 't is impossible to make him retract . His courage proceeds neither from experience nor necessity , nor desire of gain , ignorance or stupidity ; but having well consider'd the danger , and judg'd it honourable to resist it , he doth so upon the sole account of vertue , and shews himself indefatigable in undergoing toils , and invincible even in death . 'T is not enough that his cause be good , he will end it by lawful means , and had rather lose his right then attempt such as are unjustifiable and displeasing to his Prince . Therefore our Duellists must conclude that they abandon solid honour , to follow its shadow ; since honourable and just are inseparable . The sword is his last remedy , and he uses it more to defend then to assault , but always with some kind of constraint , and yet none wields it with more sureness and grace , fear not causing him to make unseemly gestures . He hates nothing so much as vice . He speaks little but acts much , liking rather to be seen then heard . He chuses not the kind of death , but receives that which is offer'd , in which nothing troubles him saving that it deprives him of the means to do his King and Country more service . If his ill fate make him a slave , he will not employ death to deliver himself from servitude , as Cato of Vtica did , shewing thereby a figure of cowardize rather then of courage ; but he will so deport himself as to seem free in his bondage , yea to have dominion over those who command him . In fine , whether he be conqueror or conquer'd , he loses nothing of his magnanimity , but remains always like himself , firm in his resolutions . To attain to which greatness of spirit 't is not enough that the structure of the body be large , or the heat of temper as great as that of Leonidas the Spartane , Matthias the Emperour , or the Pirate burnt alive at Gradisca by the Venetians , the hearts of which three were found hairy ; there must be moreover an heroick soul , informing this body . The Fifth alledg'd , that the Original of courage is to be sought in the nobleness of extraction , whether it be known or not . For though there seem to be some intervals in illustrious families proceeding from malignant influences , or other impediment ; yet there is observ'd generally no less resemblance of children with their Ancestors in mind then in body ; Eagles never producing Doves , nor Doves Eagles . CONFERENCE XLIX . I. Whether there be Specifical remedies to every Disease . II. Whether Tears proceed from Weakness . I. Whether there be Specifical remedies to every Disease . MEn , in imitation of Nature , always seek the shortest way . For which purpose they have thought fit to make maximes of every thing ; whereas , to speak truth , there is no maxime of any thing ; since by the most certain rule of all , there is none so general but hath some exception ; yea some have so many exceptions that 't is dubious on which side to make the rule . Nevertheless the minde of man forbears not to make axiomes in all Sciences , especially in Physick : whose Office being to govern Nature , it involves in certain general laws all diseases , with their causes , symptomes and remedies , although as in the Law , so in Physick , two Cases are never alike . But when these rules come to be apply'd to practice , every one confesses that he finds them not wholly correspondent to what he expected . Now this is chiefly to be understood of particular Diseases and Specificks ; as the Pleurisie , Cataract , or Gout . For geral Infirmities , as simple Intemperatures , may be cur'd by general Remedies endu'd with contrary qualities . The Second said , Specifick is that which is determin'd to some one thing , and hath above it the Generick ; and below , the Individual . It is demanded , here , whether there be Remedies so determined to one species or sort of disease , as that they sute to that alone . I conceive that since there are diseases of all forms , as Pestilential , Venomous and Malignant , there are also Remedies so too : and experience shews in many admirable Cures that there are Remedies whose effects depend not on the first Qualities ; as that Rheubarb purges , that Mugwort is good for the Mother , and Bezoar a Cordial , comes not from heat and dryness in such a degree ; for then every thing that hath the same temperament should be likewise purgative , hysterical , and cordial ; which is not true . But nothing hinders but a Remedy may be specifical to one particular Distemper by its occult qualities , and yet profitable and sutable to others by its manifest qualities ; as the same thing may be both food and physick . The Third said , That this Question depends upon another , namely , whether mixt bodies act only by their temperature and first qualities , or by their substantial forms or specifick vertues . For if the action of every thing depends not on the various mixture of its qualities , but on its whole form and substance , Medicines will never cure as they are hot or cold , but by a particular specifick vertue arising from their form , wholly contrary to that of the disease . For understanding whereof , 't is to be observ'd , that as the natural constitution of every mixt body consists in a perfect mixture of the four Elementary Qualities , in the good disposition of the matter , and in the integrity of the form ; so the same may suffer mutation in either of these three manners , either according to its temperature , or according to its matter , or according to its form . Whence it follows that every mixt body , as medicaments are , may act upon our Nature , by its first , second , and third faculties . The first proceed from the sole commixtion of the four Qualities ; according to the diversity whereof , the compound is either Hot , ( as Pepper , ) or Cold , ( as Mandrakes ) or Moist , ( as Oyle , ) or Dry , ( as Bole Armenick , ) not in act , but in power . And by this First Faculty alone which follows the Temperament , a Medicament acts chiefly upon the Temperament of Bodies . Their Second Faculty arises from the various mixture of the same Qualities with the Matter . For a Hot Temperament , joyn'd to a matter dispos'd according to the degree of Heat , will be opening , cutting , corrosive , or caustick ; and so the rest , which have a great latitude according to the degrees of their mixtion , from which they are said to be attenuating or incrassating , detersive or emplastick , rarefying or condensing , laxative or astringent , attractive or repelling , mollifying or hardning . And by this Second Faculty alone Medicaments act upon the Matter . The Third Faculty of Medicaments arises not from their qualities or matter , but from their form and specifick occult virtue ; as in Sena the Faculty to purge Melancholy ; in Terra Sigillata or Lemnia , to fortifie the Heart against poysons ; as also that Scorpions kill with the tail , and certain poysons cause death without any alteration of the Temper . The Fourth said , diseases are consider'd either in their genus , in their species , or in their individuals . In the first way , as a Disease is nothing but a disposition contrary to Nature , and injuring the actions ; so it is cur'd by introducing the natural disposition . In the second , if it be a intemperature ( e. g. ) cold in the second degree , its specifick is hot in the same degree ; if it be an Organical Disease , ( as an Obstruction ) the onely remedy is to unstop the passages ; if it be solution of Continuity , all that 's to be done , is , to conjoyn that which is divided . But if a Disease be consider'd in the Individual , then particular remedies of the same nature be employ'd , which are the true specificks . The Fifth said , 'T is true of the causes of Health , as well as of those of Diseases ; that the same thing is hurtful or healthful to one but not to another , not onely amongst the different species , but also amongst the individuals of the same species , in regard of the several circumstances . A remedy that recover'd one kills another ; yea , that which not long ago was healthful to an individual person is now quite contrary . So that 't is impossible to assign any specificks for an individual person , which nevertheless is the subject on which the cure is to be done , and not the species of man. The Sixth said , Every thing in Nature is determin'd to a particular action , proceeding from its form and essence , which is more adapted to such action then to any other . So a Tree is determin'd to produce one kind of fruit rather then another . Now the same may be said of Remedies drawn from the three families ; some are proper to purge a particular humour , whence they are callld Cholagoga , Melanogoga , Hydragoga , Emeticks , Diureticks , Diaphoreticks , Discussives , Sternutatories , and Bechicks ; others strengthen a particular part , whence they are call'd Cardiacks , Cephalicks , Hepaticks , and Splenicks ; some have a faculty of resisting particular poisons ; so Treacle is specifical against the biting of a Viper , a Scorpions flesh apply'd upon its own wounds heals it ; Oyle of Pine-nuts is good against Arsenick ; Long Aristoloch , or Rue , against Aconitum or Wolfs-bane ; Citron Pill against Nux Vomica , or the Vomiting Nut ; the seeds of Winter-cherry , against the Cantharides , or Spanish Fly ; Mumie against Ulcers caus'd by Tithymal ; the flower of Water-lilly against Hellebore ; the root of Eglantine , Gentian , Bawme , Betonie , Pimpernel , are excellent against the biting of a mad Dog ; and so others of the like nature . Some Medicaments are call'd Amulets , because being worne about the neck , or lay'd to some part of the Body , they preserve from Diseases . So , by the testimony of Galen , Peony worne about the neck averts the Falling-sickness ; the dung of a Wolf eases the Cholick , and the Jasper strengthens the stomack . Trallianus affirmes , that the Eagle-stone ( Aetites ) cures Quotidian Agues ; the Beetle and green Lizard , Quartanes ; that the forehead of an Ass , and a nail taken out of a shipwrack'd vessel , is excellent for the Epileptick Fits. The ashes of Frogs is good against bleeding ; the Lapis Judaicus , and the blood of a Goat , are useful against the stone of the Kidneys ; the water of a Stag's horn , and the bone of his heart , are excellent for infirmities of the heart . Now to refer all these wonderful effects to the First Qualities , is a groundless thing : And therefore Galen derides his Master Pelops for attempting to render a reason of them . The Seventh said , That Physick , invented at first by use and experience , has nothing to do with Reason in things which fall manifestly under our senses , but onely in such as surpass their comprehension ; which being confirm'd by Reason , are much more infallible . Nevertheless when Reason seems repugnant to Experience , we must rather hold to Experience , provided the same be establish'd upon many observations . Now since Experience shews that there are Specifical Remedies , although humane wit , in regard of its weakness , cannot find out the cause of them ; yet 't is better in this case to rely upon the testimony of the senses destitue of Reason , then to adhere to Reason contradicted by Experience . Moreover , if there be Specificks for some Diseases , there are so for all ; but they are unknown to us by reason of their multitude . And who is he that can know the virtues and properties of every thing which is in the world ? The Chymists are of this opinion ; for they hold that all Medicaments have Signatures or particular marks and figures , by which they have resemblance with the parts or diseases of Man's Body , and which are , as 't were , the titles and inscriptions imprinted upon them by God's Hand , to teach Men their faculties . Hence the herb Lung-wort is very good for the Lungs ; Ceterach and Harts-tongue for the Spleen ; Poppy and green Nuts for the Head ; Satyrium for the Testicles ; Winter-cherry for the Bladder ; Birth wort for the Womb ; Madder for broken Legs ; Eyebright for the Eyes ; Solomons seal , and Thorow-wax , for Ruptures ; because the root of the one resembles a Rupture , and the stalk of the other passes through its leaf , as the Intestine doth through the Peritonaeum ; the roots of Tormentil , red Sanders , and the stone Haematites , for bleeding ; blessed Thistle , and other prickly Plants , for the pungent pains of the side . II. Whether Tears proceed from Cowardise . The Second Point may be determin'd by comparing the great and little world together . In the former , the Suns heat draws up vapours and exhalations into the Air ; if the vapours be more in quantity then the other , they dissolve into rain ; if less , then the exhalations are turn'd into winds , lightnings , and other igneous meteors . And as we cannot infer from thence , that the Sun suffers any alteration , or is colder and hotter ; for whether it rains or be fair , he is still the same : So neither must we attribute new qualities to the reasonable soul , though it finds in the brain a matter either apt to be condens'd into tears , or to be resolv'd into the blustering stormes , and other effects of Choler ; yet 't is alwayes the same soul , which , according to the various temper of the body , is easily or hardly mov'd to tears . Women , Children , and old men , are prone to weep , because their brain is more moist then that of men of middle age ; and again , those of them who are flegmatick and sanguine are more inclin'd to tears then the cholerick and melancholy ; the latter least of all , in regard of the solidity and dryness of their brain , and the thickness of their blood . Although there is a sort of melancholy not-natural , much abounding in serosities ; and for that reason styl'd Aqueous by Hippocrates . Now weeping is caus'd in this manner . A sad subject seising upon the Heart , the Arteries carry the fuliginous vapours thereof to the brain , which discharging the same into the sink , call'd the Infundibulum , or Tunnel , they seek issue at the next passages , which are the mouth , the nose , and the eyes , at the great angle or Canthus , where the Glandula Lachrymalis , or Weeping Kernel is seated , which hath a hole like the point of a needle . This Glandule is made very small , whereas the Spleen , which causeth Laughter , and the Liver , which causeth Love , are very large ; because Man might possibly want subjects for the two former , and consequently ought to be provided for , but not matter of sadness . The Second said , As amongst Animals Man hath the greatest brain , so he needs the most Aliment , and consequently makes more excrements then any other ; these are collected in the anterior Ventricles , and between the membranes , where they remain till the Expulsive Faculty , incommoded by their too great quantity , or pungent quality , expells them by the usual passages ; and thus they supply wax to the Eares , mucosity to the Nose , and tears to the Eyes . Whereby it appears that tears are not alwayes signes of Pusillanimity , since they proceed from causes which no body can avoid . Moreover , Joy , as well as Sorrow , expresses tears , though by means wholly contrary . For Joy dilating and opening the passages by its heat , causes those humidities to issue forth ; and Grief compressing the passages forces the same out ; as a spunge yields forth the water which it had imbib'd , if you either dilate it or squeeze it . Their saltness , bitterness , and acrimony , is common to them with all the serosities of the body , which they acquire by their continuance they make in the brain , as their heat by the spirits which accompany them . For the tears both of Joy and Sadness are hot , or rather tepid , though those shed in Joy seem cold , because the cheeks are warme in Joy , which draws the heat and spirits from the centre to the circumference ; and in Sadness they appear hot , because they drop upon the cheeks which are cold , through the absence of the heat and spirits caus'd by sadness to retire inward . But those Tears which proceed from a disease , as from a defluxion or distillation , are really cold , because they are caus'd by the crudity of the humours . The Third said , That Tears of sorrow come not from compression , ( for we cannot weep in a great sadness ) but from a particular virtue which grief hath to send them forth . For Nature being willing to drive away the cause of Grief , sends the heat and spirits towards it , which heating the external parts attract the humours thither . Hence it is Onyons lancinating the Eyes by their sharp spirits cause weeping , as smoke likewise doth , and the steadfast beholding of an object , and too radiant a light , by the pain which they cause to the sight . Nor do's this hold good , onely in pain but in grief , particularly in compassion , which is a grief we resent for anothers misery . For the consideration of a sad object setting the humours in motion , and attenuating them , causeth them to distill forth by the Eyes , mouth , and nose . This is also the reason why those who run impetuously on horse-back or afoot , sometimes drop rears ; for the heat excited by this motion draws sweat forth over all the body ; and tears to the Eyes , being of the same nature with sweat . Unless you rather think that this may be caus'd by the coldness of the new Air , which condenses and presses forth these humidities . Wherefore ▪ we cannot absolutely pronounce that tears are Symptomes of Pusillanimity , seeing 't is not in our power to restrain them what ever courage we have ; and oftentimes example no less invites us , then duty obliges us , to let this torrent take its course . The Fourth said , If it be true that the most couragious are of the hottest constitution , 't will follow that tears are rather a sign of Magnanimity then of Cowardice , since they are most frequent to such as abound in heat and moisture . For as water issues out of green wood heated by the fire ; so tears are forc'd out of the Eyes by the internal heat excited by Joy , Grief , Anger , or other disorderly motion . For through the immoderateness of this heat the coldness of the Brain is increas'd by Antiperistasis , and endeavours to with-stand it ; for which purpose it collects together abundance of cold vapours , which the heat over-powering causes that cloud of humour condens'd by cold to distill by the Eyes in a showre of tears . Yet if this be done too often , then the same happens to the man as doth to a stick or cudgel , which being too much bow'd one way and the other , is at length broken . In like manner , a couragious person often provok'd so farr as to weep , at last becomes relax'd and softned through the loss and consumption of his spirits , which are the instruments of Courage . Therefore to weep too often is a sign of Pusillanimity and softness ; never to weep , is stupidity ; to weep sometimes for the miserable estate whereinto this valley of tears reduces us , 't is necessity . Indeed , Our Lord wept often . Saint Peter , so courageous that he struck the onely blow mention'd in the Gospel , wept bitterly . And Alexander wept for the death of Darius ; as his own Triumphs caus'd Caesar to weep , in whom it was accounted Humanity that he wept at the sight of Pompey's head , as David did for the death of Saul . The Fifth said , That as griefs are diminish'd by weeping , so it may seem that tears should soften the courage which proceeds from anger , as most doth . And as pity is opposite to revenge , so tears seem contrary to valour , since they are so both to revenge and choler , which are the effects of magnanimity . Add hereunto , that we live by example ; and therefore seeing tears more frequent to weak and effeminate persons then to others , we easily draw a general consequence , although the same admit many exceptions . CONFERENCE L. I. Whether Colours are real . II. Whether is better , to speak well , or to write well . I. Whether Colours are real . THe knowledge of men is never compleat : what they know in one manner they are ignorant of in another . Nothing is so manifest to the sense as colour , nothing so obscure to the Understanding , which doubts whether it hath a real existence , or whether it only appears such to us , according as bodies variously receive the light . Indeed Green and Blew seem all one by a candle , and the same colour seems different from what it was by day-light ; which again makes the species vary according to its diversity ; for we judge of them otherwise in the twilight , in the Sun , and in the shadow ; otherwise beholding them slopingly , directly , or through a colour'd glass , or neer some other lively colour . Are any colours fairer then those of the Rain-bow ; and yet they are no more real then those of the Clouds . The whiteness which we behold in the milky way ariseth only from the light of many small Stars . The necks of Pigeons seem of a thousand more colours then they have . The Heavens , the Air , and the Water , have none but what we phancy , or what their depth , and the weakness of our sight , gives them . The scales of Fish , some small worms , and certain kinds of rotten wood , shining in the night , seem to us to be colour'd . And Pictures are apprehended well or ill drawn according to their situation . The Second said , The object of Vision is colour ; the Organ , the Eye ; the medium is a Diaphanous body illuminated . Provided these three be rightly dispos'd , the Organ and the medium free from all colours , and the object at a convenient distance , all men will necessarily behold colours as they are , and always alike : which would not be so if they were imaginary , or fortuitous . Besides , being the object of the sight , the surest of all Senses , they ought to have a real existence , as all the objects of the other Senses have . For the object of the outward sense must be real , otherwise it cannot act upon the Organ ; and the Agent and the Patient ought to agree in the same genus . The Third said , Colours , as all other second qualities , have a real existence , since they arise from the commixtion of moist and dry , caus'd by heat , and determin'd by cold . The first thing that happens in this mixtion is , that the humidity is thickned by the accession of some dry substance ; and of this co-agulation is made a green colour , which therefore is the first of colours , as may be observ'd in water , the grosser parts of which become green moss ; and in Plants when they first spring out of the earth . But if heat exceed in the mixtion , then ariseth the Red , Purple , and other lively and bright colours , which according as they degenerate , attain at length to Black , which is made by adustion . But when mixtions take a contrary course by cold , then arise all dead colours , which terminate in black too by a contrary cause , namely , the total extinction of heat , as 't is seen in old men and dead persons , who are of a leaden and blackish colour . As therefore green is the first , so Black is the last of colours , yea 't is properly no colour , especially when the humidity is already all consum'd , as in coals ; or is separated from the dry parts , as in things become black by putrefaction , as the gangrenous parts of an animal . Neither is white a colour , but a mean between colour and light . The rest are true colours . The Fourth said , Colours cannot proceed from the temperament or mixture of the four first qualities , because mixt bodies of different temperature have the same colour . Sugar , Arsenic , and all Salts , are white , the Crow and Raven are black ; and , on the contrary , one and the same mixt body of the same temperature in all its parts , is nevertheless of several colours , which it changes without mutation of its temper . Ebeny is black in its surface , and grey within ; Marble , Jasper , and Porphyry , delight the sight chiefly by the variety of their colours ; yellow Wax grows white , and white becomes black , in the Sun. Nor can any one say , that the part of a Tulip which differs in colour from all the rest , is therefore distinct in quality . Wherefore since colours proceed not from the first elementary qualities , they are no more real then the intentional species of the sight ; yea they are the very same thing ; for the visible species are nothing else but qualities streaming from every terminated body , which alter the medium , filling the same with their images which they diffuse even into the Organ . Now colours are the same , being qualities which actually change and alter the Diaphanous and illuminated body . The Fifth said , This argues that we are ignorant of the reason of the mixtion of every body , and why such a body hath such a colour , but not that colours are not true and real . Yet with this distinction , that the colours alone which are seen with the conditions requisite to sensation are real , that is to say , exist really , and not in the Imagination . For if it were not so , we should see them as well by night as by day , and with our eyes shut as open ; as that foolish Antiphon did , who thought he always saw his own image before him . And a sensible faculty ought to have a real and sensible object , since the object must be of the same nature with the faculty . But there are colours which are not really in the surface of bodies , though they appear so to us by reason of the divers reception of light , or of some other extrinsecal colour of a transparent diaphanous body , or some other external cause which hinders the eye from discerning the true colour of the mixt body ; which colour though appearing otherwise then it is , yet really exists , but is hidden under another apparent one , which continues as long as its external causes . And colour'd bodies are no less so by night then by day ; but because vision cannot be made unless the medium be illuminated 't is only through the want of light that we see them not in the night . For although we perceive in the dark the eyes of Cats , Toad-stools , Worms , certain horns , and rotten wood , yet 't is not their true colour , but a certain splendor different from colour ; which proceedeth either from their igneous spirits , or because they approach neer simplicity . There is , therefore , reality in colour ; but it is consider'd two ways ; either as a quality resulting from the mixture of the four Elementary qualities ; ( in which sence 't is defin'd , by Aristotle , the extremity of a perspicuum terminated ; ) or as being simply visible , and is defin'd , by the same Philosopher , a motive quality of a body actually diaphanous . In the first signification , the colours seen in the Rainbow , or the yellow colour cast upon a white wall by the Sun-beams , passing through a glass or other medium of the same colour , are no more real and true colours of those subjects , then the blackness upon Paper by reason of the ink hiding its natural whiteness . But , in the latter signification , every colour whatsoever is real , since the one is as well visible as the other . The Sixth said , Colour differs not from light , saving that colour is the light of mixt , and light is the colour of simple bodies , which the more simple they are , they are also more luminous . But if they communicate not their light , 't is for want of density , which is the sole cause of all activity . The parts of Heaven are equally luminous ; and yet only the more dense and thick , as the Stars , can diffuse their light to us . If this light grows weak , it degenerates into a white colour , as we see in the Moon and Stars ; if it be more extinct , it turns into other colours ( as the Blew which we behold in a clear Sky ) and forward into others , till it come to black , which is no colour , but a privation of it ; as darkness is nothing but the privation of light . So that to dispute the reality of colours , is to question whether the clearest thing in the world , viz. Light , be real . The Seventh said , Light and Colour differ , in that Light is the act of the Diaphanous body , inasmuch as 't is Diaphanous , and Colour the extremity of the Diaphanum , as it is terminated . For no Diaphanum , whilst it remains such , is colour'd , but colour ariseth from the condensation and thickness of the Diaphanum , which terminates our sight . And though colour be as much in the inside of bodies as in their surface , yet 't is not call'd colour , saving when 't is visible , and 't is visible only in the surface . Light is incorporeal and immaterial ; colour , on the contrary , is a material and corporeal quality . Light makes colour to be seen , but makes it self seen by its own vertue . Yet there is this resemblance between them , that every thing which we see colour'd , we see it as luminous ( whence Plato , in his Timaeus , call's colour a flame issuing out of bodies ) and every thing that we see luminous , we see it inasmuch as 't is colour'd : Whence the Stars appear to us of a pale , yellow , or red colour . And as that which is terminated is seen by means of the illuminated Diaphanum , so this Diaphanum is seen because 't is terminated . For when we see the colour of a terminated body , we judge that there must be a transparent and diaphanous body between it and our eye . Wherefore , as the Intellect doth not know it self but by another ; so the eye doth not see the Diaphanum , but by seeing that which is not diaphanous . But both the one and the other seems partly real , and partly imaginary , and arising from the various relation and proportion of the eye to the object and the medium : since , as for colours , not only some Pictures represent several personages , but one and the same Taffeta changes colour according to the divers situation of the spectator's eye . And as for light , you shall have a worm that appears great , and shines in the night , but is little , and grey , in the day . II. Whether is better , to speak well , or to write well . Upon the second Point it was said ▪ There is so great an affinity between Speech and Reason , that the Greeks have given the same name to both . As Reason is peculiar to man , so is Speech ; and therefore ( saith Aristotle ) he alone has a large , soft and moveable tongue , not only for the distinguishing of Tastes , as other Animals , but for the uttering of words , which are the interpreters of his thoughts ; call'd words of the mind , as the other are external words . 'T is this Speech which protects Innocence , accuses Crimes , appeases popular Tumults and Seditions , inflames Courage , excites to Vertue , disswades from Vice , and gives praise to God and vertuous Men. Writing it self hath not much force , unless it be animated by Speech , which gives weight and grace even to the least things . This was imply'd by the Ancients when they feign'd that Orpheus assembled even Trees and Rocks by the sound of his Harp , which is the Emblem of Speech . And , therefore , I judge Speech to have the precedence of Writing . The Second said , There are persons who speak well and write ill ; others , on the contrary , write better then they speak ; others ( but very few ) do both well . And yet , if it be not through fault of the outward Organs , it seems hard to conceive how 't is possible for a man to write well and speak ill , since 't is the same judge which dictates to both Clerks , the hand and the tongue . For though one ordinarily goes swister then the other , yet they must both express the same thought . But 't is oftentimes with Speech as 't is with faces , which seem handsome if you behold but a glance of them ; whereas fixing your eye more wistly to consider them , you discern even the least faults ; so a discourse , upon which you have not leisure to reflect , may seem elegant , yet displease you when 't is unfurnish'd of its external ornaments , Pronunciation and Gesture . Moreover , we see how little effectual a Letter is in comparison of animated words , to which I also give the precedence . 'T is of little importance to an Advocate whom his want of Eloquence causes to dye of hunger , whether his reputation be made to live after his death . Nor was it from the eyes or hands of our Gallic Hercules that our Fathers made the golden chains proceed which drew the people by the ears , 't was from the tongue . And 't was with the voice that the Father of Roman Eloquence oversway'd the mind of Caesar , and Demosthenes that of all Greece . The Third said , I much more prize Writing , which refines and polishes our conceptions , which otherwise escape from great persons but ill digested . Whence arose the saying , That second thoughts are usually the best . Moreover , Writing is of long duration , and is communicated to many how remote soever in time and place . Which astonish'd the people of the new world when they saw that the letters which the Spaniards carri'd to their comrades communicated the mind of one to another ; and they thought them to be familiar spirits . But when this Writing is well perform'd , it hath great weight with Posterity too ; whence it is that we still admire the brave conceptions of antiquity , which would have perish'd had they been deliver'd only in words , which dye as they are born . The Fourth said , Writing hath this inconvenience that it cannot be comprehended by more then one or two persons at a time ; whereas the Voice reaches to many thousand together ; without receiving any diminution ( which is some resemblance of Divinity ) and consequently is the more noble . The Fifth said , If we judge of the preeminence of Speech or Writing , by the difficulty there is in either ( according to the Proverb , which saith that the most difficult things are the most excellent ) the question will remain undecided . For there was never either a perfect Pen-man , or perfect Orator ; but if we judge of the advantage by the effects , 't is certain that Writing hath more weight then Speech , and is therefore much more considerable . And though words once utter'd cannot be recall'd ( no more then a written thing be retracted ) yet being consign'd to a very flitting and inconstant element , they are of little duration ; whereas being written they last to eternity . Which consideration so highly incens'd M. Anthonie against Cicero , for publishing his Philippicks against him ; and made Bubalus hang himself for what Hippanax had written against him , as Lycambes did upon Archilochus's Jambicks . For the benefits and mischiefs of Writing are great . Which makes for it , since the more excellent a thing is , the more hurtful the abuse of it is ; and , according to Aristotle , Men abuse every thing , except Vertue . The Sixth said , 'T is true , Speech is peculiar to man , but 't is a token of the impotence and weakness of our mind , which cannot know other's thoughts in their purity , as Angels and blessed Spirits do , who understand one another without external Speech . But the soul of man is so subjected to the Senses , that it cannot apprehend spiritual things unless they be represented to it as corporeal . Besides , Speech belongs not so to man alone , but that brutes ( especially , those who have soft , large and loose tongues , as Birds ) can imitate it , but Writing they cannot . Moreover , a thing is more excellent by how much nobler the cause is on which it depends . But to speak well depends on the Organs rightly dispos'd ; to write well , on the understanding alone . For the Air , the Lungs , the Tongue , the Teeth , and the Lips , make the Speech ; but the mind alone begets the thoughts which writing consigns to the sight , the noblest of the Senses . Eloquence is diminish'd by Diseases , old Age , or the least indisposition of the Organs ; but the style which depends on the Mind alone ( which never grows old ) becomes more vigorous as the body waxes weaker . At length it was said , That the present Question making up the Century of those propounded since the resolution of printing , it seem'd fit to make them the first Volume of Conferences ; and because this Number , the Season , the Example of others , the affairs which many have in the Country , and the necessity for minds as well as bodies to take some relaxation , require a Vacation for this Company ; it is therefore adjourn'd till Monday before the Feast of St. Martin . The End of the First Part. PHILOSOPHICAL CONFERENCES . PART II. Monday , November 6. 〈…〉 . FOr Introduction to the Ensuing Conferencs , it seems requisite that an Account be given of two things I. Of what pass'd during the Vacation . II. Of some difficulties touching these Exercises . As for the first ; The Vacation was spent in the proposal and examination of divers Secrets and Curiosities of some Arts and Sciences , a few whereof shall be summarily mention'd in the order as they were propos'd ; and most of which were found true by the person● appointed by the Company , to examine and make experiments of the same . The First was a way to describe a Circle , of what greatness soever , without knowing the Centre of it , but supposing the Centre were inaccessible . II. A way to make the Vernish of China , black and yellow , gilded . III. To make a plain Looking-glass representing the objects upon its surface , and not inwards , as they usually appear . IV. To make a Spherical Mirror , representing the Figures in their true proportion , and not corrupted , as they are in the vulgar ones . V. To make one or more very conspicuous figures appear in the Air , by the help of a Concave Glasse . VI. To cool Wine speedily in Summer , and to freeze water for that purpose . VII . To decypher all common and decypherable Cyphers . VIII . To give the Invention of almost a number of Cyphers , which cannot be decypher'd ; as , among others , to write with a single point for each Letter : with two Books , in which no extraordinary mark is to be seen . IX . To write with a Cypher , which may be read in two different Languages . X. To comprise under a manifest sense an other hidden signification , as ample as the first . XI . To write upon a body which will never perish , not even by Fire ; at which alone it is to be read , and to answer thereunto by the same way , making the Letters disappear and return again at pleasure . XII . A way of writing or impression , which represents all the properties of every thing , with as few Letters as the ordinary way of writing . XIII . A way to give intelligence in six hours at a hundred leagues distance , without Bells , Canons , or the like means . XIV . A way to give intelligence in an instant of what is done at fifty leagues distance and more , and that of a sudden accident . XV. A way whereby a person being in his Closet may make his Mind understood in a hundred places of the house , and receive answers by the same way without noise , and without notice taken thereof by those that shall be in his company . XVI . To shew and teach the true Proportions of Mans Body , in one Lecture , as exactly as Albert Durer hath done . XVII . To describe all Plat-forms , and designe all the orders of Columnes exactly , according to their true proportion . XVIII . A way to engrave very easily with Aqua Fortis , without knowing how to hatch . XIX . To cast Account without pen or counters , by a way which cannot be forgotten . XX. To learn the method of Writing in one hour , by retaining onely three letters . XXI . To keep Flowers , yea , a whole Garden , fresh , throughout the year . XXII . To learn all the tricks and subtleties of Juglers , and consequently to cease admiring them . XXIII . To make two solid bodies actually cold , which being together shall become so hot of themselves immediately , as not to be touch'd ; and to keep their heat for several moneths , and possibly for some years . XXIV . To shew in a portable Instrument , in small or greater proportion , all objects that shall be presented . XXV . To teach a Mother-language , of which all other Languages are Dialects , and may be learn'd by it : Which the Proposer affirmes so easie , that he will teach the whole Grammar of it in six hours ; but six moneths are requisite to learn the signification of all its words . XXVI . To teach all persons to argue without errour , in all kind of Modes and Figures , in a quarter of an hour . XXVII . To shew a secret , by help whereof any man may pronounce any strange Language as naturally as his own , be it Astatick , African , or American , and he an European ; or , on the contrary ; which is a way to remedy the bad Accents and pronuntiations both in strangers and natives , whereby they are so manifestly distinguish'd . XXVIII . To make a Girder or Joint broken in two or three places , to serve without pins . XXIX . To pierce a door immediately with a Candle not lighted . XXX . To make a Pistol of a foot and half in length carry three hundred paces . XXXI . To make a good quantity of fresh water speedily in the main Sea. XXXII . To measure the depth of the Sea , where the plummet cannot reach , or where it is unperceiveable . XXXIII . To shew all the feats and subtleties that are perform'd with Cards , as to make the Card you think of come at what number is requir'd ; to tell 15. persons , who have two Cards a piece , what Cards every one hath , &c. XXXIV . To draw two lines , which being extended infinitely , shall always come nearer , but never meet . XXXV . To make a light without Oyle , Wax , Tallow , Gum , or Fat , at small charge , which shall less offend the sight in a whole nights reading , then the light of an ordinary Candle doth in a quarter of an hour . XXXVI . To make Glasses , through which the Sun doth not penetrate , though his light do . XXXVII . To make old defac'd Characters legible . XXXVIII . To continue under water for some hours without a Tube . XXXIX . To make a Needle which shall always turn towards the North , though it were never touch'd with a Loadstone . XL. To make a Fire without combustible matter , portable in any place whatsoever , fit to boile withall , and which will last many hundred years , yea , as long as the world . XLI . To make a Mineral Tree , of a mixture of Metals , which shall grow in form of a Tree in a vessel of Glasse well clos'd . XLII . To turn Iron into Steel and Copper , to keep it from rusting ; and give it such a temper , that a complete sute of Armes of three quarters less weight then ordinary shall resist Musket-shot . XLIII . To encrease a Man's Pulse so that he shall seem to have a Fever ; and to diminish it so , that he shall seem a dying , yet both without prejudice to his health . XLIV . Many Secrets were propos'd for the preservation of Health , and Cure of Diseases , the mentioning whereof I defer till experience shall be made of them ; Credulity being not less excuseable , or more dangerous in any Art or Science , then in Physick ; and therefore I am the more cautious and careful to publish none but certain things , and such as deserve to be communicated . As for the second Point , which consists in the resolution of some difficulties observ'd in the course of these Conferences ; 't is true , they were not sooner publish'd but some took exception that there was not a choice made of some few persons to speak , any that seem'd of quality being admitted to declare their Sentiments ; because ( said they ) this diversity of minds , which is one of the wonders of the Universe , cannot but produce unpleasing discords and dissonances , sometimes prejudicial to the publick : or , at least , they advis'd to restrain their discourses to certain laws and modifications , and limit to a set space of time , which it should not be lawful for any to exceed : and this in order to remedy the itch of speaking , no less then of writing , in many who are so fond of being heard . On the contrary , others lik'd nothing so much in this free commerce of wits as an unconfined liberty ; conceiving nothing more advantagious for the initiation of the young , the divertisement of the old , and the honest recreation of all ; nor which more testifies to Posterity the generous proceeding of those that govern , diametrically opposite to the tyrannical slavery of some others , then this publick liberty afforded to every Gentleman to produce and speak what he thinks in these Conferences , regulated by the bounds prescrib'd by themselves , and so strictly observ'd , that the severest Censors of the host august Bodies , and Sovereign Courts , who are often present at them , have hitherto found nothing to disapprove therein , the persons nominated by the Assembly to preside in the same , having comported themselves with such civility towards those to whom they signifi'd when it was time to cease speaking , that they have had abundant cause to be satisfi'd , and the Assembly taken more content in the diversity of the Speakers opinions , then if they had been all of one mind ; as the identity of many sounds do's not make harmony . Afterwards some propounded that only two persons might speak upon a Question , one for the affirmative part , and the other for the Negative ; and in that , at most , a third might conciliate their different judgements in things wherein a third opinion might have place ; to the end the hearers might have no more to do but to assent to that which should seem best . But as this hath been practis'd sometimes , and may be continu'd in matters convenient for it ; so it seems injust to others , to stop the mouths of the rest of the company , only for the hearing of two or three ; besides the tediousness of a long discourse ; whereas the multitude of concise verdicts resembles a Nose-gay diversifi'd with many Flowers of different colour and odour : besides that there are many subjects , concerning which so different judgements arise that the number thereof cannot be limited ; our Reason being so little captivated , that it finds out new paths every day to arrive at Truth which it goes to seek beyond the Imaginary spaces . Some , to make these Conferences the more esteem'd , would have them held but once a moneth : others were so far from being weary of them , that they desir'd them every day . But to comply with both , it was thought expedient to hold them once a week . Some desir'd to handle but one Question ; others , more . Experience hath manifested , that the former course would be tedious , and the latter full of confusion , could the brevity of the time admit it . The Points pitch'd upon at the last Conference to be treated in the next , were these . CONFERENCE LI. I. At what time the Year ought to begin . II. Why the Load-stone draws Iron . I. At what time the year ought to begin . SInce the Year begins by a Moneth ; the Moneth by a Day ; the Day by an Hour ; the Hour by a Minute ; the Question seems to demand at what moment the Year ought to begin . A Year is a space of Time ; Time is the duration of motion ; the most perfect of motions is the local ; the most excellent of local motions is the circular and celestial , which bath something of infinity . Now , to speak generally , a Year is the revolution of some celestial Orb , and takes its name from the spherical bodies which return to the same place from whence they departed . So the year of Saturn , is of 10955 days and twelve hours ; that of Jupiter , of 4331 days , eighteen hours ; that of Mars , of 687 days ; that of the Sun , of 365 days , six hours , wanting eleven minutes ; th●se of Venus and Mercury are almost like that of the Sun ; that of the Moon is of about twenty nine days . But the longest year of all is that of the eighth Sphere , call'd the perfect or Platonick year , at the end of which all the Stars are to return to the same places and distances that they had at the Creation , which shall be accomplish'd , as the Platonists say , in 490000 Solar years , by vertue of the Septenary multiply'd seven times , according to the number of the seven other inferior Orbs ; but more probably , according to Alphonsus , in 36000 years , considering that the eighth Sphere moves but one degree in a hundred years , and so in 36000 years pervades the 360 degrees of the Zodiack . The Cynical year of the Egyptians and Babylonians was measur'd by the course of the celestial Dog , or of Orion , and consisted of 1460 years . The Sabbatical year of the Jews was every seventh year ; the Jubilary , every fiftieth , in which they rested , and the Trumpets sounded . Which minds me of the Intermission which this company made at its fiftieth Conference , after which the Trumpet animates us to a new Career . Now although civil years may be measur'd by the motion of any Celestial Body whatsoever ; yet the Sun and the Moon , the two grand Luminaries , have been by general consent taken to describe the year ; one whereof is call'd Solar , being the interval during which the Sun running through the twelve Signes of the Zodiack comes again to the same point from whence he set forth ; the other is Lunar , being the space of time in which the Moon is twelve times in conjunction with the Sun ( for otherwise the Lunar year , properly taken , is but one moneth ) which year is of 354 days , eight hours , and some minutes ; by consequence less then the Solar by about eleven days , whereof the difference and reduction is call'd the Epact . So that it must be known , in the first place , of what year the Question is to be understood . For if the Solar year be meant ( as it seems to be ) it must begin by the minute in which the Sun enters the first point of the Ram , who is for that reason said to open the year with his horns . The Second said , The Year is a Circle , for that cause hieroglyphically represented under the figure of a Serpent biting his own tail , and nam'd by the Greeks Eniautos , that is to say , In it self , and by the Hebrews Schanah , which signifies Reiteration . As therefore there is neither beginning nor end in a circle , so neither is there properly in a year , each moment whereof may be its beginning and its end . Yet God's command to the Jews to begin the year with the moneth of March , joyn'd to the probability that the world was then created , would make me to begin it so , had not Christians more reason to begin theirs by the day on which they receiv'd their most signal benefits from the hand of God , namely , our Saviours Nativity . Yet not by Christmas day , but on that of the Circumcision , ' on which the Son of God began to effect the mystery of our Redemption by the effusion of his blood ; as the same Christians compute their years , not from the Creation of the World , but from the Mystery of the Incarnation . The Third said , There are six terms , by which we may commence the year ; namely the Apogaeum , and Perigaeum , of the Sun , the two Solstices , and the two Aequinoxes . The two first cannot be proper for it , because they are not fix'd points , but moveable according to the trepidation of the Firmament . Nor the Solstices , since they are different according to the several Nations . For our Summer Solstice is the Winter Solstice to our Antipodes , who dwell in the Southern temperate Zone ; and , on the contrary , our Winter Solstice is their Summer Solstice . It follows then that the year must be begun by that of the Aequinoxes , in which the Sun first mov'd at the Creation , being the Spring-time , in which the earth , according to God's command , produc'd the Germen or tender Grass , and green Herb. And this likewise is the time when the State of Heaven is such that the Astrologers make their surest Predictions from it of the whole constitution of the year ensuing . The Fourth said , That the year may with more reason be begun at Autumn , as being rather the Season when the world was created , for that the Trees are at this time laden with fruit ; and God was no less provident to prepare food for man then he is for children new born , to whom their mothers no sooner give life but they have nourishment ready for them in their breasts . The Fifth said , That being the Aequinoxes and Seasons of the Year happen not always at the same time in respect of all people , they cannot be a general rule for the beginning of the year , which 't were more expedient to refere to the moment of the Creation . But because only he that knows the end of it knows the beginning of it , there remains nothing to men but light conjectures : The fruits which appear'd upon the Trees concluding no more necessarily for Autumn then the tender Grass of the earth for the Spring , or the nakedness of our first Parent for Summer , and the sterility of the earth immediately after his sin , for Winter . Yea , were the instant of the Creation known to us , we should be still in doubt , whether to begin the year from the day of the Creation which was Sunday , or from the fourth day which is Wednesday , on which the Sun and Moon were created ; since the year depends upon their Revolution ; or lastly , from the sixth which is Fryday , on which Adam was created , who alone was capable among all creatures to compute their motions . I should therefore judge it best to take the Apogaeum of the Sun , or the moment wherein he is most elevated above the earth , as the most noble and eminent place in which he is found during the whole course of the year , being then as in his throne , from whence he makes himself conspicuous to all the world ; rather then in any other place of Heaven , and consequently may then better serve for a signal of the end of one year and the beginning of another . And although the years would not be perfectly equal in duration , yet the difference would be but small , and they would be computed by all men after the same sort , which is the thing requir'd . The Sixth said , The commencement of the year is as various as that of the day ; which the Persians and Babylonians began at the rising of the Sun , the Arabians from one Noon to another , as the Astrologers still do , to find the Houses of the Sun and other Planets : the Jews , from Sun-set , or from one evening to another , according to what is said in Genesis , that the Evening and the Morning were one day ; which way of counting the hours is still practis'd in Italy , Bohemia and Silesia . The remainder of Christians reckon their day from one mid-night to another ; because the night was before the day , as we read , in Genesis , that in the beginning darkness cover'd the face of the deep ; but chiefly because our Lord was born at mid-night . So that 't is an indifferent thing both where the natural day be begun , provided its revolution be always of twenty four hours ; and where each people begins the Solar year , provided they agree upon the revolution of the Sun , and end it at the same point where they began it . The Seventh said , Although nothing be more certain then the measure of the Sun's course , composing the Astronomical year , which is divided into Conversional or Tropical , and Sydereal . Yet being this course is not concluded in an intire number of moneths , days , nor yet of hours ( for some minutes must be added to it ) hence ariseth the difficulty to regulate the years ; the confusion whereof has been encreas'd by the divers political and civil years establish'd by Legislators who have endeavour'd to comply in this point with the vulgar , which likes nothing but what is intire and easie to comprehend . Romulus began his year at the Vernal Aequinox , and compos'd it of 304 days divided into ten moneths . Numa observing that the course of the Sun , and the Lunations did no agree , and that the cold weather was often found in Summer , and Harvest in Winter , added January and February to it . The progress of time having shewn that this reformation was still imperfect , Julius Caesar , 670 years after him , assisted by Sosigenes a great Mathematician , corrected the defect , adding three moneths to the year in which he made this rectification , which was the 708th year of the building of Rome ; namely , two moneths between November and December , one of 29 days and the other of 30 : and another of 30 days at the end of December , to make up the days which were pass'd . So that this year Debtors had three moneths respite . Then he divided the year into 365 days , for this cause call'd from his name the Julian year . But because the Sun is neer six hours more in accomplishing his Period , he added a day every fourth year after the twenty third of February which they call'd Sexto Calendas , and because in counting it twice they said bis sexto Calendas , this year truth thence retain'd the name of Bissextile , attributed by the vulgar to sinister and unfortunate things . And to confirm the moneths to the Lunations , he was contented to observe that every nineteenth year the Moon is found in the same place ; which was the discovery of another Mathematician of Athens nam'd Meton . And forasmuch as they mark'd this number of 19 in their Kalendar with a Cypher of gold , thence it came to be call'd the Gold Number . The Christians took up this Calculation as the best of all . But because there wants eleven minutes every fourth year to make the Bissextile or Leap-year intire , it was found that from the time of Julius Caesar to Gregory XIII . the Lunations and Aequinoxes had anticipated ten days , which render'd the Golden Number useless , and remov'd Easter and other moveable Feasts out of their true place . Therefore this Pope , assisted by Doctor Lilio a Physitian , retrench'd those ten days throughout all Christendom , except in places who are not pleas'd with novelty , unless so far as it displeases the Pope . Which anticipation will always oblige future Ages to use a like reformation of the Julian year ; which we begin from the mid-night which precedes the first Sun-rise of the moneth of January . But the most sensible knowledge to be had of the duration and beginning of the Solar year is obtain'd by observing the day on which the shadow of the perpendicular needle of a Quadrant is found longest at noon , being a certain sign that the Sun is then most depress'd , and consequently that we must there set down the end of the preceding year and the beginning of the next , which is visible by the exaltation of the Sun , whose shadow will not be found equal again till after the revolution of a just year . II. Why the Load-stone draws Iron . Had Stones life , as Cardan held , the solution of the second Question would be easie . For the Load-stone's drawing Iron would be no more a wonder then an Animal's going to seek its food . Now of those things which draw others , some do it for eschewing of vacuity : so water and other more ponderous bodies ascend , air and other light bodies descend , either of them against its proper inclination , to prevent a vacuum . Others do it , out of desire to obtain what they need , as their nourishment . So Plants attract the juice of the earth ; the Gall-bladder , Choler ; the Splene , the Melancholy humour ; and every part , blood . Others do it by the mutual resemblance of the spirits issuing out of them ; such is the first motion of affection arising between two persons of the same humour and inclination . But others are mov'd locally with out any manifest and corporeal cause ; so are the vapours and the dew drawn up by the Sun ; straw by Amber ; the womb by good smells ; the Load-stone by the North-star , the Heliotrope and Selenotrope by the Sun and the Moon , whose motions they follow . Now in attraction , it is requisite that the attractive vertue be stronger then the resistance of the body which is attracted . The greatest resistance is from the ponderosity of a body ; the elevation of which without manifest cause is accounted miraculous , and attributed by Divines to the Divine Power alone ; as when our Lord walk'd upon the water . And so indeed would be the suspension of the gravity of iron attracted by the Load-stone , if it were not ordinary : the cause whereof may be ascrib'd to the meeting of spirits streaming out of the Iron and the Load-stone ; which being viscous and once joyn'd together are somewhat hard to be separated . The Second said , That as every body diffuses about it visible , odorable , and sonorous species , which appear not to us , unless they be reflected by some body proper to unite them ; the visible species , by a Glass ; odours by heat ; sound , by a hollow body , such as makes the Echo : In like manner , the Load-stone and the Iron emit attractive species round about , which are lost , unless these of the one light upon those of the other ; for then their nature is , so to conjoyn themselves that their union is indissoluble otherwise then by violence : wherein there seems to be no greater marvel then in all other motions of natural bodies , which act variously one upon another according to the disposition of the next matter . So the fire acts upon combustible matter , and not upon other ; the reason of these affects depending upon the determination of every particular cause , the chain whereof is invisible and conceal'd from men . The Third said , The Superior bodies act upon the inferior , and all motions here below proceed from those of the Celestial Bodies , which are therefore purposely contiguous . That of the Load-stone and Iron proceeds from the polar Stars , which act so sensibly upon this Stone , that being hung up in aequilibrio , it spontaneously turns one part towards the Arctick , and the other towards the Antarctick Pole ; unless in certain places where it varies between five and six degrees , because 't is drawn by a stronger magnetick virtue proceeding from the Earth . But this Stone draws Iron the more easily , because 't is almost of the same nature with it self ; and the Magnet is easily turn'd into Iron in the Mines by a coction made by the virtue of the same stars . For the liker things are , the more inclin'd they are to unite together ; so Flame unites with Flame , the drops of water joyn together , a great Load-stone draws the less , and Steel attracts the filings of steel . The Fourth said , As there is a civil converse between men , for preservation of society , so there is a natural one establish'd by God amongst the other creatures , for the support of their common being , consisting chiefly in their being mov'd one towards another : Fire attracts unctuous exhalations , and it self tends towards the Etherial fire , the Air is drawn by the Lungs , the Sea is drawn up by the Moon , which causes its ebbing and flowing ; straw and dust by the Agate , Iron by the Load-stone ; the virtue whereof , together with the occult properties of all other bodies , I attribute to that universal Spirit which carries every entity to its particular good . The Fifth said , If we would understand the causes of the motion , we must first discover their nature , which is the principle of motion . Now the particular nature of every thing is unknown to all men , as well as the proportion of the mixture of their substances , whereon their occult properties depend , as the manifest qualities do on the mixtion of their first qualities ; which we are wont to call manifest , not but that the reason of them is as difficult as of the rest , but because they are more ordinary . Which indeed has caus'd us to give them the name , e. g. of lightness to the fire , heaviness to the earth , though no person has hither to assign'd the cause thereof . Give but a name to this quality which the Iron hath of moving towards the Load-stone , it will be as manifest as the motive virtue which carries a stone towards its centre . We may indeed alledge the final cause of both , and say , in general , that 't is the good of the thing mov'd that sets it in motion , or , on the contrary , the good of the thing whereunto it tends that moves and attracts it , but the formal cause , which we here inquire , is equally unknown . The Sixth said , That Iron is carri'd to the Load-stone as to its good , and as the stone to its centre ; and hence it is that the Iron turns towards the North , which is the native place of the Magnet . For being a natural , not a violent motion , the motive faculty must be in the Iron , which moves it self ; the goodness of the object attracting only by a metaphorical motion , which supposes a motive faculty in the thing mov'd . CONFERENCE LII . I. Of a Point . II. Whether other Animals besides Man have the use of Reason . I. Of a Point . IF it be true that there are more wonders in a Hand-worm then in an Elephant , because all the faculties which are extended and have their manifest causes and instruments in the latter , are found compendiously Epitomiz'd in the former , and ( as it were ) independent of their organs ; there will be more wonders in a Point then in all the rest of the bodies which are compos'd of it . Indeed there 's nothing so small as a Point , and yet 't is the object of most Sciences . Grammar treats of the Point of distinction ; Natural Philosophy , of the Point of reflection , and that which serves for the Centre of the Earth ; Astrology of the vertical points , Zenith and Nadir , and makes use of them to compute the motions of the Celestial Bodies . Geography hath its four Cardinal Points . All Sciences and Arts borrow this word , to give some order to the things whereof they treat . Lastly , it serves for a principle to Geometry which begins its first Propositions with it . And because , if we believe Plato , every beginning is divine ; a Point which is the principle of a line ( as this is of a surface , this of a body ; an instant , of time ; and an unite , of number ) hath something of Divinity ; which Trismegistus , for that reason , calls a Centre or Point , whose Circumference is no where ; and therefore they who hear us speak of a Point must not think that it is of an inconsiderable matter . The Second said , Although much is not to be argu'd from our manner of speaking , in which the word Point ( with us French ) signifies a negation ; yet it seems to imply , that if it be something , it wants but little of being nothing . For to speak truth , a Point is the mean which is found between nothing and something . 'T is not an accident ; for it doth not betide , befall or arrive to a substance , but is before , and inseparable from the same . Nor is it a substance , since a substance is infinitely divisible , but a Point is that which hath no parts , that is to say , is indivisible . We cannot compare it to an instant in respect of time , for the time past hath been instant or present , and the future shall be so ; but a Point is not , and never shall be , a quantity , nor to a Unite , in regard of Number ; since Number is made of Unites , and an Unite added to the greatest number whatever renders the same yet greater ; whereas a hundred Millions of of Points together make but a Point , because that which hath no quantity of it self cannot give any . Nevertheless 't is most probable that a Point exists really , since 't is the foundation of all other quantities ; and two Spheres exactly round touch one another but in a Point . The Third said , As there is no mean between contradictories , so neither can there be any between nothing and something , Entity and Non entity . Now a Point being the term of a line , and every where in it , must consequently be some thing . Yea I maintain that it is a body and divisible , by this argument . One sole Being is not finite , to wit , the Creator ; all others , to wit , the Creatures , and every part of them , are finite . Every finite thing is compos'd of parts , being compos'd of ends or extremities , and a middle . For it would be as ridiculous to say that a thing is finite with out ends , as to say that a thing is long without length , or hot without heat . A mathematical point is a finite thing . Therefore 't is compos'd of parts . To say that it is finite negatively , and not positively , cannot hold . For as every mensurable solid is compos'd of and terminated by Mathematical surfaces , these by lines , and lines by points ; so a point is compos'd of and terminated by its ends , which are its parts and extremities : these again being compos'd of parts external and internal , are also finite , and consequently divisible to infinity . Therefore a Point is not finite by negation , which is nothing , since nothing is not the term of a Point . Neither is it terminated by it self , since every thing is bounded by some term which is without it ; and if nothing cannot measure it self , much less can it bound or perfect it self . For 't is so true , that every solid , how small soever , is divisible to infinity , that the Naturalists maintain that if by Divine Omnipotence ( Humane and Angelical power being too short ) a grain of Millet should be divided into a hundred millions of parts every moment from the Creation to the end of the World , the progression would never come to an Indivisible Point . This is justifi'd by the Section of a Circle or Globe . For if the Diametre of a Circle be divided into two equal parts , the Centre of it , which is a point , will be semblably into two equal parts ; for it must not be all on one side ; otherwise the division would be unequal ; nor must it be turn'd into nothing since 't is not possible for any thing to be annihilated naturally . But if those two Semidiametres were re-united as at first , the two parts of the divided Point would be rejoyn'd into one point which would make the Centre again . In like manner if a Globe perfectly round touch'd a perfect plain , all agree that it would be in a Mathematical point , which is not indivisible . For the point of the plain hath parts , since it hath all the situations of place whereunto parts answer , namely before , behind , above , below , right and left ; and the point of the Globe touches the point of the plain in the upper part ; now that which hath an upper part hath also an under part . Moreover , every point is part of the body in which it inheres ; for a Part is one finite thing united to another , composing the whole with the other parts together . But the point of the Globe is such ; else it must be said that the surface of the Globe is no part of it . Seeing there is the same proportion between a point and a line , a line and a surface , as there is between a surface and a body ; and that when a Globe rouls upon many points , it rouls also upon the surface , which therefore differs not from them but by More and Less . Whence it follows that a Mathematical , point is a small term of quantity , uniting and terminating Mathematical lines without length , breadth and depth mensurable and consequently a body . For it is compos'd of parts irrational and inexpressible ; that is , which the Mathematician cannot tell how long , broad and deep , they are . The Fourth said , Nature has hid the highest mysteries in the lowest , and seemingly vilest things ; which also are hardest to be understood ; not so much through imperfection of essence ; for an atome flying in the air is as true an essence as the whole earth : But because our senses perceive only such objects as are able to excite a motion in the Organs ; now a Point cannot do this , and so the Intellect which judges of things by the species receiv'd , cannot receive those of a Point , nor consequently have perfect knowledge of it . Therefore the Philosopher defines not a point By what it is , but By what it is not , when he saith that a Point is something imperceptible inherent in the Continuum . Yet this knowledge of a point by negation , is not by negation of essence but of divisibility , it being of its own nature an indivisible entity . For if it can be divided into other parts , 't is no longer a point , 't is a line , and must be so term'd how small soever it be . Essence not finite is incommunicable to the Creator , being a perfection of immense grandeur ; yet a Point may be of an essence not finite too , because such essence is in a Point an imperfection , and privation of greatness . Moreover , a Point is either continuant or terminant ; each of which is nothing but a mode of being , a respect and correspondence of parts one to another ; which consequently may be produc'd and annihilated without miracle , as modes , forms , and figures are . For supposing a Globe exactly divided into two parts , there 's no more inconvenience in saying that the Central point is perish'd , then that when a ball of Wax is press'd flat , the Spherical figure ceases to be . The Fifth said , That as in the Creation natural bodies were made of nothing , so the production of Mathematical bodies begins by a Point which is a nothing : And ( indeed ) a Point is so far from being demonstrated a reality by the application of a Globe upon a Plain , which cannot touch one the other but by a line , that the most slender and inperceptible point of a Needle falling perpendicularly upon the most polish'd steel , yea ( if 't were possible ) upon as small a point of another Needle , cannot touch one another but by the surface of their body : Whence it appears that a Mathematical Point is infinitely less then any material point whatsoever , which only represents the figure thereof grosly to our senses . II. Whether Brutes have Reason . The second Point was prefac'd with the consideration of the difficulty of a fair discussion , because men are parties ; and none is competent to determine the question but either he that is above both man and beast , or equally participates of both : it being as likely in the general cause , as 't is usual in all particular , that men will arrogate the advantage to their own species . Yet man's dominion over beasts , the conformation of his body , the operations of his mind , and the works of both compar'd to those of other animals , seem to decide the question . For man alone knows , not only God , and the other creatures , but also himself , by a reflection of the Understanding , which is the highest act of Reason . His body alone is shap'd so that his eyes are erected towards heaven , his members are flexible and versatile , especially his hand ( the organ of organs ; ) he sits down most commodiously and gracefully at the exercising of all Arts ; and his manifold artificial productions , perfecting and surpasing those of nature , find nothing comparable to them amongst those of other animals . And therefore I adhere to the Holy Scripture , which denies understanding to beasts ; and to what antiquity , especially Philosophy , determines , which hath found no more peculiar difference whereby to distinguish man from beast then Reason . The Second said , Since Reason is the hand of Judgement , as the speech is of Reason , and the hand it self is the instrument subservient to speech ; one of these degrees must lead us to the knowledge of the other . I mean , that since Reason is the hand of the Judgement , such animals as shall be found to have judgement can no more be without Reason then a man naturally without a hand . Now all are constrain'd to acknowledge some judgement in animals , for otherwise they could not exercise the functions of their external and internal senses , which divers have in a more eminent degree then we . They have a Common Sense ; for they distinguish the objects of the senses ; a Phancy , since they are all equally lead to sensible good ; many of them are indu'd with memory , as Dogs and Horses , which bark and neigh in their sleep ; which cannot be done but by some higher faculty , uniting and enjoyning the species drawn out of their memory : an effect not possible to proceed from any other cause then Reason . But that which removes all scruple , is , that they are capable of discipline ; and there 's no feat of activity but they learn it sooner then Man ; witness the Elephants which danc'd upon the rope at Rome , and the Goats which do as much here at this time ; not to mention Dogs , Horses , Apes , and other Creatures which are manag'd , and Birds which are taught to speak . The Third confirm'd this Opinion by the Example of the Elephant , who before the Tinker was paid , try'd whether the kettle ( wherein he us'd to have his food ) was well mended by filling it with water ; of the Ox , who never drew up above a certain number of buckets of water ; of the Fox , who caus'd the water in a pitcher to ascend by filling it with stones , and alwayes layes his Ear to a frozen river , to hear whether the water moves under the Ice , before he trusts himself upon it ; of the Dog , who having scented two paths , casts himself into the third without Smelling at all , and concludes that the tract of his game ; of the Cat , which although hungry dares not eat the meat she sees , for fear of the whip which she sees not . All which he said were so many Syllogismes , and concluded with an induction of sundry Animals , which gave Man the knowledge of building , as the Swallow ; of spinning , as the Spider ; of hoarding provisions , as the Pismire , to whose School Solomon sends the sluggard ; of presaging fair weather , as the Kings-fisher ; the downfall of houses , as Rats and Mice ; of making Clysters , as the Ibis ; of letting blood , as the Hippopotamus , or Sea-horse ; That to accuse our Masters of want of Reason , is an act of notorious ingratitude . The Fourth said , Faculties are discover'd by their actions , and these are determin'd by their end . Now the actions of Men and beasts are alike , and have the same End , Good , Profitable , Delightful , or Honest. There is no Controversie concerning the two former . And Honesty , which consists in the exercise of Virtue , they have in an eminent degree . Witness the courage of the Lyon , in whom this Virtue is not produc'd by vanity or interest , as it is in men . Nor was it ever seen that Lyons became servants to other Lyons , ( as we see Men are to one another for want of courage ) which prefers a thousand deaths before servitude . Their Temperance and Continence is apparent , in that they are contented with pleasures lawful and necessary , not resembling the disorderly Appetites of Men , who not contented with one sort of food depopulate the Air , the Earth , and the Waters , rather to provoke then satiate their gluttony . The fidelity of the Turtle , and the Chastity of the Dove , are such as have serv'd for a Comparison , in the Canticles , of the Spouse . The fidelity of the Dog to his Master exceeds that of Men. The Raven is so Continent , that 't is observ'd to live 600. years without a Male , if her own happen to be kill'd . For their good Constitution gives them so long a life , which in Men Nature or their own disorders terminate within a few years . As for Justice , the foundation of all Humane Laws is the Natural , which is common to beasts with Men. The Fifth said , Reason is a proportion , correspondence , and adjustment , of two or more things compar'd one with another ; whence it follows that being Comparison cannot be made but by Man , he alone is capable of Reason . Moreover , he alone exercises Justice , which is nothing else but the same reason which he judges to every one , under which is comprehended Religion , a thing unknown to brutes ; when Prudence , Fortitude , and Temperance , are improperly attributed , because these are habits of the Will , ( which Faculty brutes have not ) and presuppose a knowledge ( which they want too ) of the vicious Extremes of every of their actions . The Sixth said , 'T was not without Reason that the first Age of Innocence , and afterwards Pythagoras , upon the account of his Metempsychosis , spar'd the lives of beasts ; that when God sav'd but four couple of all Mankind from the deluge , he preserv'd seven of every clean Animal , and made the Angel which with-stood the Prophet Balaam rather visible to his Ass then to him ; that this Animal , and the Ox , ( whose acknowledgement towards their Masters is alledg'd by Isaiah , to exprobriate to the Israelites their ingratitude towards God ) were the first witnesses of our Saviours Birth , who commands to be innocent and prudent , like some of them . Which presupposes not onely Reason in them , but that they have more thereof then Man , with what ever cavillation he may disguise their virtues ; saying , that what is Knowledge in God. Intelligence in Angels , Reason in Man , Inclination in Inanimate Bodies , is Instinct in brutes . For since a beast attaines to his End better then Man , and is not so subject to change as he , it may seem that a nobler name should be given to that Faculty which accomplisheth its work best , then to that is for the most part deficient therein . And therefore either a brute hath more reason then Man , or that which Man calls Instinct in a beast is more excellent then his Reason , a Faculty ordinarily faulty , subject to surprize and to be surpriz'd . The Seventh said , 'T is too rustick an impiety ( to use Saint Austine's words against the Manichees , who inclin'd to this Error ) to believe that beasts have Reason , since they have not a perfect use of all the outward Senses , but onely of such as are altogether necessary to their being , Touching , and Tasting : For Smells , Sounds , and Colours , move them not , further then the same are serviceable to those two senses . Nor must we deceive our selves by their having a Phancy or Inferior Judgement ; so long as they have nothing of that Divine Piece by which Man knows Universals , defines , composes , and divides , comprehends similitudes and dissimilitudes with their causes . They have an Appetite too , by which they are carry'd towards their proper Good. But because their knowledge of this Good is neither sufficient nor intire as that of Man is , who alone knows Good as Good , the End as such ; this Appetite is rul'd and guided by a superior cause , ( as a Ship by the Pilot ) which cause necessarily leads this Appetite to good , as it also inclines the stone to its centre , which it never fails to find . So that this infallibility alledg'd in the works of brutes is rather a sign of their want of Reason , which is the cause that Man endued with sufficient knowledge , and for this reason plac'd between Good and Evil , Fire and Water , can alone freely move towards the one or the other ; whence it comes to pass that he frequently fails in his purposes , because his Reason oftentimes takes appearance for truth . CONFERENCE LIII . I. Whether there be more then five Senses . II. Whether is better , to speak , or to be silent . I. Whether there be more then five Senses . THe Maxime , That things are not to be multipli'd without Reason , is founded upon the capacity of the Humane Mind , which being one , though its faculties be distinct in their Operations , conceives things onely under the species of unity . So that when there are many in number , it makes one species of them ; of many specifically different , one Genus ; and , consequently , can much less suffer the making two things of that which is but one . This has given ground to some to affirm , That there is but one External Sense , which ought no more to be distributed into five species under pretext that there are five Organs , then one and the same River which here makes bellows blow , and hammers beat , presses cloth , and decorticates oats , or grinds flour ; For 't is one breath which passing through several Organes and Pipes renders several tones ; one and the same Sun , which penetrating through various glasses represents as many colours . Moreover , their end is to all the same , namely , to avoid what may hurt , and pursue what may profit the Creature . The Second said , This would be true , if the Soul alone were the Subject of Sensation ; but when the Eye is pull'd out , although the visual spirits remain entire ; or if the Eye being sound and clear , yet some obstruction hinders the afflux of the spirits to it , ( as in a Gutta Serena ) there is no vision made : An Evidence that seeing is an action of both , and , consequently , the Senses are as many as the several Organs which determine and specificate the same . But the Taste being comprehended under the Touch , by the Philosophers definition , must be a species thereof ; and therefore there are but four Senses , as four Elements , the Taste and the Touch ( which it comprehends ) being exercis'd in the earth gross as themselves ; the Sight in Water , in which its Organ swims , and of which it almost wholly consists ; the Smelling by the Fire , which awakens odours , and reduces them out of power into act ; and the Hearing , in the Air , which is found naturally implanted in the Ear , and is the sole medium of this sense , according to Aristotle ; the hearing of Fishes being particular to them in the Water , and very obscure . The Third said , He was of Scaliger's mind , who reckons Titillation for the sixth sense . For if the Taste , though comprehended under the Touching , ( as was said ) constitutes a distinct sense , why not Titillation , which is a species of Touching too ; considering that it represents things otherwise then the ordinary Touch doth , and hath its particular Organs , as the soles of the Feet , the palmes of the Hands , the Flanks , the Arm-pits , and some other places . Yea , Touching may be accounted the Genus of the Senses , since all partake thereof . The Fourth said , That those actions which some Animals perform more perfectly then we , ( as the Dog exceeds us in Smelling , the Spider in Touching , the Eagle in Seeing , and many in presaging the seasons and weather ) seem'd to be the effects of 6 , 7 , or 8 Senses ; there being no proportion between such great extraordinary effects and their Organes , the structure whereof is the same with those of other Animals , which come not near the same . Yea , that 't is by some supernumerary sense found in each Animal , that they have knowledge of what is serviceable or hurtful to them in particular . For example , who teaches the Dog the virtue of Grass , the Hart of Dittany ? their ordinary Senses cannot . Nor is it likely that so many occult properties have been produc'd by Nature , to remain unknown . But they cannot be understood unless by some Sense which is not vulgar , considering that all the Senses together understand not their substance . The Fifth said , There are five external Senses , neither more , nor less ; because there needs so many and no more , to perceive and apprehend all external objects : And as when one of our Senses is deprav'd or abolish'd , another cannot repair it , nor succeed it in all its functions ; so if there were more then five , the over-plus would be useless , there being no accident but falls under the cognisance of these five Senses : And although each of them is not sufficient thereunto severally , yet they serve well enough all together ; as in the perception of motion , rest , number , magnitude , and figure , which are common objects to divers Senses . Now if there were need of more then five Senses , 't would be to judge of objects wherein the others fail . So that the supernumeraries being unprofitable , 't is not necessary to establish more then five . And as for substance , 't is not consistent with its Nature to be known by the external Senses . The Sixth said , Man being compos'd of three Pieces , a Soul , a Body , and Spirits of a middle Nature between both ; the five Senses suffice to the perfection and support of these three parts . Knowledge , which is the sole Good of the Soul , is acquir'd by invention and discipline ; for which we have Eyes and Ears . Good Odours recreate and repair the Spirits . The Touch and Taste are the Bodie 's guards , the first by preserving it from hurtfull qualities which invade it from without ; and the second , from such as enter and are taken in by the mouth . And therefore 't is in vain to establish more . The Seventh said , Since , according to the Philosophers , Sense is a passive quality , and Sensation is made when the Organ is alter'd by the object ; there must be as many several Senses as there are different objects , which variously alter the Organs . Now amongst Colours , Odours , and other sensible objects , there are many different species ; and the qualities perceiv'd by the Touch are almost infinite . Nor is it material to say that they all proceed from the first qualities , since Colors , Odours , and Tasts , are likewise second qualities arising from those first , and nevertheless make different Senses . The Eighth said , Although it be true , that Faculties are determin'd by objects , yet must not these Faculties be therefore multiply'd according to the multitude of objects . So , though White and Black are different , nevertheless because they both act after the same manner , namely , by sending their intentional species through the same medium , to the same Organ , the Sight alone sufficeth for judging of their difference . The Ninth said , Since four things are requisite to Sensation , to wit , the Faculty , the Organ , the Medium , and the Object ; 't is by them that the number of Senses is determin'd . The Object cannot do it , otherwise there would not be five Senses , but infinitely more . Nor can the Faculty do it , being inseparable from the Soul , or rather the Soul it self , and consequently but one ; and to say that there is but one Sense , is erroneously to make an external Sense of the Common Sense . Much less can the Medium do it , since one and the same Medium serves to many Senses , and one and the same Sense is exercis'd in several Mediums , as the Sight in the Air and the Water . It remains therefore that the diversity proceed from that of the Organs , which being but five , make the like number of Senses . II. Whether is better , to be silent or to speak . Upon the Second Point it was said , 'T is a greater difficulty , and consequently more a virtue , to hold one's peace then to speak ; the latter being natural to Man , and very easie , when he has once got the habit of it ; but the former is a constrain'd Action , and to practise which handsomely the Mind must be disciplin'd to do violence to the itch of declaring it self ; every one conceiving it his interest that the truth be known . And there are fewer examples of those that have sav'd themselves by speaking , then of those that have lost themselves by not keeping Secrecie ; justly term'd the Soul of the State and of affairs , which once vented , of easie become impossible . Whence arose the name of Secretaries for principal Ministers and Officers of States and great Houses ; and indeed , 't is at this day a title affected by the meanest Clerks , testifying thereby in what esteem they have Silence . And the unworthiest of all Vices , Treachery , ordinarily takes advantage of this defect of Secrecie , which renders Men full of chinks , and like a sieve , so that many can more easily keep a coal in their mouths then a secret . On the contrary , Silence is so much reverenc'd , that the wisest persons , when they are to speak or write , come the nearest it they can by their brevity ; and that upon this account the fool , so long as he holds his peace , differs not from the wise . Therefore Pythagoras made it the chief point of his Philosophy , leaving his Scholars for five years to do nothing else but hear , and abstain from eating fish , out of the particular esteem he had thereof for its taciturnity . All Monastick persons account it one of their highest virtues , and the introduction to all others ; and the Pagans made a God of Silence , nam'd Harpocrates , whose Statue held a finger upon its mouth . And both the sacrifices of this god and all their other mysteries , ( which word implyes Secrecie ) were perform'd without speaking . Therefore Alexander meaning to teach Hephaestion , that he that would serve his King well must know well how to be silent , clap'd the seal of his Ring upon his lips . The greatest talkers are commonly the least actors ; God having as 't were put in balance words on one side , and effects on the other , as the leaves and flowers there , and the fruits here . The Second said , As the corruption of things is the greater by how much the more excellent they are ; so speech being the fairest ornament of Man , the abuse thereof is the most dangerous ; and the rather , for that too much speaking is an incurable malady , since it cannot be cur'd but by the counsel of those that reprehend it , whereof great speakers are incapable , it being their custome not to hear any body . In requital for which they are avoided by all the world . For every Man thinks himself concern'd to uphold the truth , and is therefore displeas'd when he meets one that would arrogate this right to himself , and frustrate all others of the glory which follows that action . But , which is worse , no credit is given to them , although belief is the end of speech . For Man affects nothing so much as to be esteem'd true and honest , because the perfection of his being consists in these two points ) and therefore he employes his utmost endeavours to make himself believ'd such ; whereas a babler finding no belief amongst Men , and goodness and truth walking with the same foot , he is acounted to have neither the one nor the other . Indeed great speakers are ordinarily great lyers ; because words are not true but so far as they are weigh'd and balanc'd in the Mind , which being finite cannot know many things at once , but successively and with time , which the talker allows not to himself . And as Truth is in Unity , so is Lying in Multiplicity , but especially in confusion , which is a diversity without order , and is almost inseparable from great discourses , and produces the like in the Minds of the Hearers , and consequently unbeliefs . The Third said , A Man should take no greater care then to govern his Tongue , because 't is a member the easilest mov'd , and never weary . Hence old men are so much delighted with talking , because they have onely this member at their devotion . Which Nature fore-seeing , and that Man would have frequent and long use of it , hath given it a strong Ligament , ten Muscles , and three couple of the seven pair of Nerves which are diffus'd through the rest of the Body . Besides , Man being a sociable Animal , is naturally much inclin'd to discourse , which is the bond of humane society . 'T is requisite therefore that Reason , which should govern all Man's inclinations , govern this of speech chiefly , to which the ought not give liberty except when the same may be beneficial to the speaker , or to the hearer , or to some other . Nevertheless , ( to speak generally ) as action is more noble then Privation , and Motion then Rest ; so to speak is a thing more excellent then to hold one's peace . The Fourth said , The moderation of speech , call'd Taciturnity , is a species of Temperance , and hath its two extremes equally vicious ; namely , immoderate talking , and dull silence , when one holds his peace , although a just cause obliges him to speak , as the acknowledgement of a truth , or of some benefit ; and when our own interest or friends is considerably engag'd , or also when an occasion makes some discourse to be expected from us , as in a publick assembly , feast , or other place of rejoycing , in which case silence is no less shameful , then too much speaking is every where distateful . This Virtue , which holds the middle , shews where , when , how , how much , we ought to speak and be silent ; what things are fit to be spoken , and to what persons . As for things , they must be true , honest , and approved by us within , before they are expos'd and lay'd abroad ; the Tongue must follow , and not go before the Mind , whose interpreter it is , as the Hand is the Tongue 's Secretary , and for this purpose is lay'd upon the Heart , out of whose abundance it alwayes speaks , unless dissimulation alter the case . And as the constitution and temper of the Tongue , is taken by Physitians for a certain signe of that of the internal parts ; so the words are of the inclinations and habits of the Soul , which has its throne in the Tongue to make it self understood , as in the Eyes to render it self visible . Now the Tongue , being the principal Organ of speech , hereby serves to put a manifest discrimination between Man and brutes ; some of which make a sound , as Grashoppers ; others have a voice , as all those that have Lungs , but none have speech . As for other circumstances , we must refrain as much as possible from speaking with fools , of wicked persons notoriously known such , and a little before persons of age and authority , or who understand more then our selvs ; as also from speaking of a serious matter amongst mirth , or of a ridiculous matter in grave and serious affairs ; we must take care to be silent in places destinated onely to hear , as in the Church , and in Judiciary Courts . Which injunction lies most upon Women , Children , and Servants . In brief , 't is one of the greatest points of Prudence to know when 't is a fit time to speak , and when to be silent . The Fifth said , The Reason of Man is that Universal Spirit which is the Soul of the world , giving activity and motion to every thing ; 't is this that turns about the Celestial Spheres , and moves the inferior Elements by an innate principle . It makes it self understood by speech and writing , the nobleness of one whereof above the other seems to determine the question . Now Reason is more in controversie between us and beasts then speech , and speech then writing ; for some admit a certain degree of Reason and Judgement in brutes ; and many of them , whose Tongues are soft , large , and free , perfectly imitate our speech ; but they have nothing that comes near writing , which is solely peculiar to Man. Moreover , by Reason we are onely wise to our selves , by speech we are so to some few others who hear us . But by writing our Wisedom is communicated to all the world , and lasts to eternity . 'T was by writing with the finger in the dust that our Lord confounded the Jews , without speaking a word ; and when he was falsely accus'd before Pilate , he open'd not his mouth to defend himself . Now this writing , free from the troublesomeness of praters , borrows all its force from silence , which is more eloquent then all the talk of Men ; but especially in respect of God , whose praise ( saith the Psalmist ) is silence , and with whom the lifting up of the Heart , and mental prayer , is more prevalent then all the voices and speeches in the world . Such was that of Moses , of whom it was said , in Exod. that he pray'd in his Heart ; and yet God saith to him , Wherefore cryest thou to me in this manner ? Such is the silence of true worshippers , who worship in Spirit and Truth . Moreover , the Prophet Jeremy assures us , That 't is a good thing to wait for the mercy of God in silence . The Angel Gabriel began his combate against the Dragon with silence . And Judith being upon the point to slay Holofernes , made her prayers to God with tears and silence . Besides , 't is a signe of Humility and Modesty amongst Men. The Sixth said , That to judge well of the Question , we must recur to Nature , who having given Man two Ears open , for one Tongue shut up , intimates plainly , that he has more need of hearing and holding his peace , then of speaking . And because the wounds of the Tongue ( compar'd by the Royal Prophet to a sharp razor , and to a consuming fire by the Apostle Saint James ) aresometimes more mortal then those of the Sword ; she is not contented to put a reine under it , call'd Froenum Linguae , to stop its intemperance , but hath also surrounded it with strong barriers , the two rows of Teeth , besides those of the Lips. But that which makes very much for silence , is , that Men oftner repent of having spoken , then of having held their peace . And 't is not said , in the Holy Scripture , that Men shall be blam'd for having been silent ; but that they shall give account even of the least idle words . Speaking therefore is more graceful , but silence is more safe ; speech is the property of Man , but silence of the wise Man. CONFERENCE LIV. I. Of Touch. II. Of Fortune . I. Of the Touch WHat the Centre is in the Earth , the Earth amongst the Elements , a Star in Heaven , Sovereignty in a State , Faith in Religion , Natural Motion in Physick , Equity in Law , Reason in Philosophy , the Body in Man , the Sense in a living Creature , that the Touch is in all the other Senses ; that is to say , 't is their foundation , and the condition without which none of them can subsist . For there are Animals which see not , as Moles ; which hear not , as the Asp , and most Insects ; which have not Smelling , as those who are troubled with rheume ; which have no Taste , as most sick persons . But if there be found any which hath not the Sense of Touching , at the same time it ceases to be an Animal , since it is not term'd such but inasmuch as it hath a sensitive life , which consists in the knowledge of good and evil , sensible by pleasure and pain , the two symptoms of the Touch , and which alone bear the sway , and turn the balance in all the actions of Man ; the scope of all which , is , either to pursue good , or to avoid evil . The Second said , That , for this purpose , as sensitive life is diffus'd throughout the Body ; so the Touch , which is inseparable from that life , hath not , as the other Senses , a particular and limited Organ , but is extended into all the parts of the Body . Because , as among the objects of the Senses , onely the tangible Qualities give being , and constitute the Animal by their proportion and temperature ; so they alone destroy it by their excess and disproportion . So that as onely a small part of the Body sees , another hears , another smells , and another tasts ; if there had been but one part of the Body that could by touching have discern'd the quality of its object , it would have hapned , that whilst this part were delighted with one of those objects , the excess of some other might have destroy'd all the rest of the Animal , without its perceiving the same ; and so it would have perish'd without knowing , and consequently being able to avoid the same , which is the principal end of the Senses ; which , for this reason , represent death to themselves so terrible , to the end that the horrour thereof might oblige them to a greater care of their preservation . The Third said , That as Man is surpass'd in other senses by brutes , so he excells them in Touching , which he hath most exquisite and perfect . He alone , of all creatures , has Hands wherewith to touch , and a smooth soft skin the better to judge of tangible qualities . For being he was made to judge of things , it was requisite that he should be provided of a faithful messenger , as the touch is , to make him a true report thereof . And because he was design'd to more sublime actions then brutes , therefore he needed a more perfect temperature ; of which the goodness of Touch is a most sure sign . Hence the Physiognomist reckons the subtlety of this sense to a most certain token of that of the Mind ; as its contrary , of stupidity ; an exquisite Touch denoting the softness and tenderness of the flesh , upon which , consequently , tangible Qualities easily make their impression ; and this tenderness denotes the good temper of the Body , which is followed by sutable actions of the Mind . Hence it is that great wits have commonly weak and delicate bodies ; but the stupid and dull the most robust and brawny . Therefore as the Touch distinguishes Men from brutes , so it does Men from one another . But the Sight and the other Senses do not so ; for , on the contrary , it frequently comes to pass that great spirits have the shortest sight , and the other Senses less exquisite . The Fourth said , That the Touch is not only the most necessary in all Animals , since it serves them for a specifical difference ; ( sensibility , which distinguishes them from Plants , being commonly taken for the faculty of Touching , witness our vulgar phrase , which calls one man more sensible then another , when he is more easily affected by the tactile qualities ) but 't is the sole sense of many Animals , especially , Zoophytes or Plant-animals , such as Spunge , Coral , and all kind of Oysters . The first of which hears not , sees not , smells not , and tastes not its nourishment ; but only dilates it self to receive it , and contracts it self to retain it as soon as it feels it neer . The second , by the relation of divers , who fetch it from under the water , averts it self by bowing the contrary way as soon as it feels the touch of their instruments . The last have no Organical parts ; and if they had , the same would be useless to them , because they are destitute of local motion , and of every other sense , except that of Touching , by which they open and shut themselves . And which Nature has given , as gross as it is , for a supplement to the subtilest sense , to wit , the Sight . The Fifth said , That the nobleness of the Touch appears , principally , in that 't is the most infallible of all the senses ; as the most honourable persons are accounted most worthy of credit . Therefore our Lord being to convince S. Thomas , at that time incredulous , caus'd him to feel his side ; and manifest things are call'd palpable , because the Touch is the last sense that is deceiv'd . Whence they who dream do not frequently find their errour , till putting forth their hands to the phantasin they begin to be convinc'd that it is nothing but air . The Sixth said , That as 't is a common vice to all the Senses to be deceiv'd , so that of Touch is not more exempt from it then the rest ; and the less , because it judges of the quality of its objects only by comparison ; according to the diversity of which one and the same thing diversly affects it , and is sometimes apprehended one way , sometimes another . A man that comes out of a hot Bath shivers in the same air which he accounted warm before he enter'd into the water ; and when he that learns to dance puts off his leaden soles he thinks his feet lighter then he did before he put them on . The Seventh said , The Touch is an external sense , terrestrial and gross ; it perceives hot and cold , dry and moist , heavy and light ▪ hard and soft , smooth and rough , or unequal , acide , viscous or slippery , thick and thin , tough and friable , or brittle , and other such tactile and earthy qualities . For , as there are five simple Bodies in Nature , namely the Heaven and the Elements , so each of the five external Senses corresponds to one of them ; the Sight to Heaven , in regard of its transparence and lucidity ; the other four to the Elements ; of which the Earth symbolizeth with the Touch ▪ because every thing that is felt must have some solidity and consistence , which proceeds from the Earth ; otherwise it could not make it self felt by it self , but only by some predominant quality , as we feel not the air when it touches us , unless it be extreamly cold or hot . The Organ of Feeling is inward skin which incompasses the whole body of a creature , by reason of its so perfect and equal temperature that it is neither hot nor cold , dry , moist , but equally partakes of all these qualities ( a requisite condition in the Organs of the senses which must be unprovided of all the qualities whereof they are to judge . ) So the Crystalline humour is without colour , the tongue without sapour , the nostrils without scent , the ears without any sound . And the skin is neither hard like the bones , nor soft like the flesh , but of a temper between both ; being therefore call'd a Nervous flesh , and a fleshy Nerve : which skin , never so little touch'd , feels perfectly ; which would not come to pass if it were not the Organ of the Touch. 'T is therefore woven of infinite nerves , terminated in it and bringing the animal spirits to it , which are the efficient causes of the Touch as well as of all the other Senses . For what the Philosopher saith , That a sensible object apply'd upon the Organ is not perceiv'd , must be understood only of the three Senses which are for the convenience of an animal , to wit , the Sight , Hearing and Smelling ; not of the other two , which are for its absolute necessity , upon which consideration Nature hath appointed them to judge more neerly , exercising these two Senses by a medium internal and inseparable from the Organ . II. Of Fortune . Upon the second Point it was said , Fortune is a cause by accident in things which are done for some end , by an Agent that makes use of Reason . So 't is fortune , when one walking for his health , or divertisement , finds a Purse : but chance , hazard , or adventure is in things which act for some end without election , as brutes , mad people and children , who are not fortunate , or unfortunate , unless in hope . The difficulty of understanding the nature of Fortune ariseth from the infinite abundance of things which may be causes of things which befall men . And as 't is proper to man to admire what he understands not , upon the observation of the many strange and unforeseen accidents in the world ; some say that they come to pass by a fatal destiny necessarily guiding every cause to its effect ; others , that they fall out by chance , to which the ancient Philosophers ascrib'd so much , that Empedocles accounted the situation of the Elements fortuitous ; Democritus and Leucippus thought the production of all things was effected by the casual concourse of their atomes flying in the vacuum : insomuch that out of a blind superstition they erected Temples and Altars to Fortune . For indeed there is nothing divine in Fortune ; since there is not any cause by it self but may be a cause by accident , and consequently Fortune . Nor is it the Divine Providence , since that which is foreseen cannot be call'd fortuitous . But we give the appellation of Fortune to any cause , which missing of its proper effect produceth another which it intended not . The Second said , 'T was the ignorance of men that invented Fortune , which hath no other existence but in their imagination . For every thing that is hath a certain cause determined to its effect . But Fortune and Chance are uncertain and indeterminate ; therefore not causes . And although the proximate cause of every thing be unknown to us , yet 't is not the less certain for all that , in respect of God , who ignores nothing . Therefore if there be a fortune in respect of us , 't is an effect of our ignorance . The Third said , We must establish in Nature either Destiny or Fortune . The former seems to fasten man to Ixion's wheel , which permits him not to do any thing of himself , and takes from him the commendation of good , and blame of evil ; rendring him by this means guiltless of whatever he do's , and laying all upon universal causes ( whatever distinction may be made of God's will , in general and particular ; it not being conceivable that two contrary wills can at the same time proceed from the same source . The second is more correspondent with the daily events , which produce effects whereof no necessary cause can be found . Indeed , if effects are to be divided according to their causes , 't is certain that some are necessary and some contingent ; whereof the latter being fortuitous cannot be referr'd to any thing but to Fortune . Yea of the things which come to pass in the world , some always arrive in the same manner , as day and night when the Sun rises and sets ; others fall out ordinarily , but not always , as that a child is born with five fingers on a hand , there being some that have six ; and others , on the contrary , arrive very rarely , as Monsters . But if this variety of causes and effects hath place in natural things , 't is found much oftner in humane actions , whose constancy is unconstancy it self ; there being not any whose effect is certain . For what man can promise himself that when he labours he shall infallibly become rich , that when he fights he shall have the victory , that when he serves he shall be acceptable , or that when he loves he shall be lov'd ? Whereas , on the contrary , we see many persons enrich'd without labour , honour'd without fighting , and acceptable without performance of any services ; and ( which is more ) many times hated by those they love , and lov'd by those they hate . Of all which we must either assign some cause , or confess that there is no other cause thereof but hap or mishap , which they call Fortune . The Fourth said , That Dionysius the younger , the Tyrant of Syracuse , was not of their judgement who disclaim Fortune , assigning the cause of his not being able to preserve the Estates of his Father , That he left him Heir of all , excepting his Fortune . Now the Ancients had Fortune in great reverence , and put her amongst their domestick Gods. And the Emperours religiously kept her Statue of gold , which they sent as a badge of Empire , to those whom they intended to design their successors . Thus Antoninus Pius , being ready to dye , sent it to Marcus Antoninus the Philosopher ; and Severus sent it to his two sons , Bassianus , and Geta. Moreover , because it visibly bears the chief stroke in gaming , even in those Games to which she gives not the addition of her name , and depend not upon skill ; there are found some , at this day , who think they can fix her to some thing which they wear about them while they are at play ; others attribute it to a particular situation of their bodies in respect of the Planets . But all agree , that Caesar ow'd more to his valour then to his fortune ; that if she could not make an Orator of a Consul , or the contrary ; yet she can make a poor man rich by play ; and he must be a great Rhetorician that can perswade those who have good or bad luck , that there is no Fortune . The Fifth said , 'T would be too much presumption in us to accuse all antiquity of ignorance , which observ'd not only certain persons and places , but some days and hours fortunate and unfortunate , noting the happy days with chalk , and the other with a black stone . Moreover , Philosophers divide goods into those of the Mind , the Body , and Fortune , comprizing under the latter , Friends , Lineage , Reputation , Honours and Riches , which are the things men make most account of in this world . And riches are so commonly attributed to her , that they are frequently denoted by the name of Fortune . So that to maintain that there is no such thing , is to go about to overthrow common sense , and to correct Calepin . But her efficiency is chiefly prov'd by the employments which happen to many , contrary to all apparence , according to the diversity of which every one makes progress , or not , in riches and honours . For he that labours in little things takes most pains , and gets least , and so , on the contrary , which cannot be attributed to any thing else but fortune , no more then the contracts , bargains , and other actions of men , which are made almost always by chance . Whence arose the Proverb , There is nothing but good luck and bad luck in the world . In War , such a great Captain is constantly unfortunate , whereas Timotheus was always the contrary , in whose Nets Cities came to be taken whilst he slept . In Physick , such a Doctor is always accounted lucky , whereas 't was enough to kill a sick man but to have seen Hermocrates in a dream ; not to mention what the Lawyers themselves call the hazard of Judgements . The Sixth said , The Ancients did like the Gouty person mention'd by Montagne , who ate Saucidges and Gammons , and drunk of the best , that he might have whom to lay the fault upon . They phancy'd Fortune , that they might have whom to blame for evil events , or rather to blaspheme against the Deity . She is a pure fiction of the Poets , who represented her upon a wheel , one half whereof always ascends , and the other descends ; to shew the volubility and continual vicissitude of humane things ; blind , to signifie that good or evil doth not always befall us according to desert , but oftentimes without distinction ; sometimes a man , and sometimes a woman , but principally the latter , to denote her inconstancy ; all this mysteriously , as all their other fables ; to take which literally , were to do worse then the learned Pagans themselves . The Seventh said , Every one is the Artificer of his own fortune , and all the Deities are present where Prudence is , though we rank Fortune among the Gods. Of whom we may say what Hercules said to the bemired Waggoner , who invok'd him , but touch'd not the wheel , Help thy self , and God will help thee ; none having ever obtain'd the title of fortunate , but by great pains , watchings and industries ; means , which the vulgar not observing so much as their effect , attribute it to a Deity . Moreover , dextrous men affect the title of lucky , because the vulgar esteems them the more for it ; and the great est States-men hiding their counsels and the instruments they make use of to accomplish their designes , give occasion to this errour . Therefore when Zeno had lost all his wealth by Shipwreck he should not have said , Fortune , thou hast done well to bring me to this short cloak ; but rather have accus'd his own imprudence in having ventur'd all his estate at sea . For since there is nothing in the world but hath its cause , and fortune is that which is done by no cause , it follows that there is no such thing as fortune . CONFERENCE LV. I. Of the Taste . II. Whether Poetry be useful . I. Of the Taste . THe right handling of a subject requiring the knowledge of its differences , an Apicius might seem fitter to discourse of Taste then a Philosopher , in whom too exact a knowledge of Sauces would be accounted blameable ; yet the word of Sapience or Wisdom , among the Latines , taking its name from Sapours , the Sages who profess it may seem oblig'd too to be expert in this matter . Besides , this Sense supplies Physitians with the surest evidence of the faculties of every medicament by their Sapours ; which are second Qualities resulting from the various mixture of the four first , whereof the Taste is an external sense , discerning Sapours by help of the moisture in the mouth , and the Nerve of the third Congjugation , which is expanded upon the tongue , whose flesh is therefore spungy and porous , the more easily to imbibe the same . Thus the object of the Taste is sapour or rellish ; the Organ is the Nerve ; the medium is the flesh of the tongue , the condition without which it is not exercis'd is the humour , either internal , as that of the mouth ( supply'd by the Tonsils or Almonds ) or external , as the moisture which all bodies have either in act or in power . Whence , they whose tongue is dry cannot taste that which is so ; nevertheless , the humidity must be moderate , since its excess no less depraves the taste then its defect . The Second said , Since the Organ ought not to be prepossess'd with the quality of its object , the Tongue which perceives Sapours which are all moist ( call'd therefore , by the Greeks , Juice ) must be destitute of all humidity : for that cannot be receiv'd which is possess'd already . And as there is in every Organ a principal part which makes the sensation more perfectly then the rest ; so the tip of the tongue is more proper to perceive tastes by reason of the Nerves destinated to the sense of tasting , which are found more soft there then its root , and of the liquor which is more retain'd , and more subtile there , and consequently makes rellishes penetrate more effectually . And although some parts of these Nerves are expanded to the palate and gullet , yet the taste is very little perceiveable there . Therefore Philoxenus went upon a mistake when he wish'd for the neck of a Crane ; for a long neck conduces nothing either to the advancing or continuing of the taste . The Third said , Most Animals have the sense of Tasting , to the end they may distinguish their food from poyson , and what food is best , as the sweetest is . For all animals , and particularly man , are nourish'd only with what is sweet . Whence children , in whom nature being neerer its original is less corrupted , desire sweets so much : and if we mix other Sapours , 't is either because sweet things glut and disgust sooner , easily filling the Stomack , in which by reason of their unctuous consistence they swim uppermost ; or else because the depravation of our temper makes us sometimes desire contrary things to correct it , and sometimes like , to preserve it . The Fourth said , Many Animals have no taste nor perception of Sapours , as , amongst others , the Crocodile , which also wants a tongue , the Organ of it ; the Estrich , when it eats Iron ; and the Wolf , earth : both which are insipid . Such was that Lazarus , mention'd by Columbus , who swallow'd glass , pitch , tallow , and other things , without disgust ; and that Maid in the King of Persia's Court , who eat all sort of poysons , how corroding soever , and was nourish'd therewith . It being observ'd , in the dissection of their bodies , that the third couple of Nerves , which serve to the Taste , was reflected towards the back part of the head . The Fifth said , Sapour is a quality of the aliment ; but nourisheth not , because 't is a meer accident ; only by it the animal judges of the qualities of its food . The matter of Sapour is humid ; because sapours are easily receiv'd and expanded in that which is humid , not in that which is dry . This humidity is not aerious but aqueous ; otherwise Sapours might be receiv'd in the air ; which cannot be , because the nature of this element is too thin and tenuious ; but Sapour being gross requires a subject that hath some consistence to receive it . Nevertheless this aqueous humidity alone , is not sapoury , because 't is a simple body , and consequently insipid . But Sapour proceeds from mixtion . It must therefore be joyn'd with somewhat that is dry , not with igneous siccity , because this makes the mixtum subtile , and apt to exhale , as odour ought to be , not sapour ; but with that of the earth , which gives a body and consistence to sapours , without which they could not be tasted . And 't is by means of this siccity with the humidity , that Mineral waters acquire the sapours of the places through which they pass , and that the liquor of a Lie or Lixivium becomes salt , by mixtion of the more dry and adust parts of the ashes . But because these dry and humid substances difficultly mix , the particles of the one being unapt to touch the particles of the other , because both are gross and terrestrial , therefore there needs some superior agent , more powerful then either , to open and penetrate them , such as heat is , which by its various coction makes a different mixtion of the dry and the moist , whence arise different sapours ; as may be observ'd in our meats and fruits of Trees , which differ in taste according to the degrees of heat . The sweet and fat taste is for the most part produc'd by a temperate heat ; the bitter , salt and acrimonious , by immoderate heat ; the acide or sharp , the austere or harsh , and the sowre , by cold . The Sweet , such as that of Honey , comes from a perfect mixture of terrestrious with aqueous humidity . The Bitter , as that of Gall , from abundance of gross siccity mix'd with little humidity . The Fat , as Oyl and Fat are produc'd by excess of humidity . The Salt hath more humidity then the bitter . The Acrimonious or biting , as Pepper , hath much of tenuity , and very little of humidity . The Sowre , as that of unripe fruits , comes from siccity and humidity equally indigested . The Austere or pontick , as the juice of Oranges , and the Acide or Sharp , as that of Vinegar , proceed from very much humidity and little siccity . II. Whether Poetry be useful . Upon the second Point it was said , This division of things into necessary , profitable and delightful , is observ'd particularly in speech , the soul's interpreter . For at the beginning Languages were only for necessity , void of all artifice , being employ'd to no other use but to make us understand one another ; which sort of Language the first Philosophers employ'd to express the essence and nature of things . Afterwards History and Oratory enrich'd it with the addition of flowers and flourishes . And , Lastly , Poetry added to those Words Number and Cadence , not barely to teach and instruct , as the other liberal Sciences , but withall to recreate and delight ; which is an excellent method to prevent the disgust which the disciplines bring even in their rudiments . I therefore compare our Language , consider'd in its original , to Gold yet in the Oar , mingled with earth ; the same Language polish'd by Rhetorick to an Ingot refin'd from its dross ; but Poetry to a goodly vessel of gold , not less rich for the workmanship then for the matter . The Second said , That which gave birth to Poetry and makes it so much esteem'd , is the desire of imitation , proper to man alone ; as he alone that understands the similitudes , correspondencies and proportions of things . Hence it is that we admire the Picture of a Serpent , a dead body , and other things whose original we have in horrour ; and we are ravish'd to hear the voice of a Swine naturally counterfeited , though we hate it in that animal . So Poetry and Painture imitate , and in some manner do every thing that is done in nature ; whence Poetry is term'd a speaking Picture , and Picture dumb Poetry . For a Poet do's not signifie meerly a Versifier , and one that relates things done , which is the property of a Historian : but as an Actor or Player by his postures do's the very things , so the Poet must both describe things and make them . And the word Poet do's not signifie one that feigns , but one that makes . When he speaks of a tempest he makes the Winds mutiny , Ships split , mountains of water clash and lose themselves in gulfes ; when of War , he makes you hear the clashing of Arms , the thundring of Cannons , and see the field strow'd with Carcases : and so in all other subjects which he treats . Wherefore , to be a good Poet , one must know every thing in perfection ; which makes Poetry so difficult , and consequently so rare and admirable that few succeed well in it . For there are many Versifiers , but few Poets . The Third said , There need no other Judges to condemn Poetry then Poets themselves , who call their highest conceits Fury , that is to say , Folly ; whether it arrive to them from their fabulous gods , or more truly from the fumes of Wine , which cause them to make the best Verses , as they tell of Ennius : the frequentation of which is one of the greatest crimes that Cato imputed to Marcus Nobilior in the survey that he made of his Province : and 't is observ'd that there is so great affinity between Poetry and Folly , that the best Poets have very odd actions and postures while they are making their works , and retain something thereof in their ordinary carriage . The Fourth said , Variety of Wit has not appear'd in any Science more then in Poetry . For it has not only different laws according to the diversity of Nations , which makes it doubted what sort of Verses those of Job are , considering that they have no resemblance with the Greek and Latine , no more then these have with ours . But neither were ours ( which consist of certain numbers of feet , and consonances or rithmes ) such as those in Caesar's time , in which he reports that the Gauls versifi'd ; and within a thousand years that our rithme began in imitation of the Prose of the Church , French Poetry hath been so often diversifi'd , that the Poets of one age would not be so in another . And yet , sometimes under the name of Rithmers , sometimes under that of Devisers and Poets , they have been always very acceptable to great persons . And Charle magne prefer'd the Poems containing the exploits of his Predecessors before their Histories . The Fifth said , That Plato and sundry other Politicians accounted Poety not only so useless , but so hurtful to their Common-wealth , that they utterly banish'd it from thence , because Poets by their shameful relations of the vices of the gods intic'd men to commit the like , conceiving they did not offend when they had the example of a god ; and for that Verses are more proper for loose loves then the Sciences , of which the confinements of Poetry are not capable ; besides that the enthusiasm of Poets cannot consist with the gravity of Philosophy ; seldom with the probity of manners , and never with a setled judgement ; the Italian Proverb being almost always found true , Di buona terra cattiva Gente , Di buon Poeta cattiva mente . Whence Aristophanes saith that when Bacchus desir'd to find Euripedes or some other good Poet , he went down to Hell , because he could not any in Heaven . Moreover , their too great liberty of Satyrical detraction , made them sometimes be driven out of Rome . Their dangerous doctrine has caus'd the reading of them to be forbidden to Christians by the Canons ; and render'd them so infamous , that Philip , the first Christian Emperour , in the third Law , at the title of Professors and Physitians in the Cade , grants no immunity to them as he doth to all others . Indeed one may get his living in all professions with honour , except in Poetry ; and if it always less fills the Poets Purses with Crowns then their heads with presumption ; so ( as it happens in all other Conceits , or Pastimes ) it may be found sometimes proper for the divertisement of those few that have leisure to read them , but 't is most unprofitable to the Authors ; for few or none are advanc'd by it , but rather many have been hindred by this art of versifying from making their fortune otherwise . Yea their profession is so vile and abject , that whereas others count it an honour to be styl'd Physitians , Advocates , or the like , these are offended with the name of Poet. And that with good reason , considering that of all other Arts Poetry alone glories in disguising the truth . For which cause it begins to be banish'd even from Theatres , to which alone it was destinated ; and Prose is come in request in sundry places , being preferr'd for gracefulness and naturalness ; by which means this Art is in danger to be confin'd to the corners of streets , to serve only for Songs and Ballad● . Hence it was that Ovid was so severely punish'd by his father , to make him leave off this Art , which prov'd so unlucky to him , that for writing his Book of the Art of Loving , he became of a rich Roman Knight a miserable exile amongst Barbarians . The Sixth said , 'T is to be a sworn enemy of excellent things , or rather , as Scaliger saith , to renounce being man , to think of banishing Poetry out of States ; which is slighted only by the ignorant , and hated by those that have irregular minds . For melody is natural , not only to man , but to all things in the world which God hath created in number and measure . Which made the Pythagoreans say , that not only the Celestial Bodies make a most agreeable consort , but also the Plants by their proportions , and the beasts by their motions chant measured Odes in praise of their Creator . Therefore with more reason must man , whose soul is a number moving of it self , be delighted with numerous language , which is Poetry , the most sensible effect of that divine Harmony which is infus'd into his body . And we may make the same judgement of good from vulgar wits by their delight or disaffection to Poetry as by the recreation which they take in Musick . Indeed , if a wise man ought to be regular in all his actions , why not in his words , the image of his Reason , as Reason is of his soul. As if you should say that the well regulated dance of a Ball ought to be less priz'd then the ordinary walk or a Country dance . Moreover , Poetry hath such power over mens minds , Tyrtaeus animated his Souldiers to fight by the rehearsal of his Verses , which was also the custom of the Germans when they were to charge their enemies ; Moses , David , and many other Prophets , accounted nothing more worthy then Poetry , to sing the praises of God. And the first Poets , as Musaeus , Orpheus and Linus , were the Divines of Paganisme . Yea the gods of antiquity affected to deliver their Oracles in Verse ; and so did Legislators their Laws , to render them more venerable . Besides , they greatly help the memory ; their cadence or measure serving as a rule to the mind to keep it from being at a loss . Poetry alone , amongst all the Arts , supplies praise to vertue ; the rampant stile of Rhetorical discourse , though it borrow its fairest flowers and square periods from Poetry , being not comparable to that of Poetry , which is far more sublime , and consequently , more fit to immortalize the memory of Heroick actions . Upon which account the Muses were believ'd the Daughters of Mnemosyne or Memory . Now if Poets have been sometimes expell'd out of States , so have Philosophers , Physitians , Mathematicians , and many other Professors of Arts , acknowledg'd nevertheless very useful to humane society . If some of them have been lascivious , others impious , others slanderous , these are the vices of the Poets , not of Poetry . And as the more delicate any Wine is , the more hurtful its excess is to the body ; so Poetry is so much the more excellent , by how much its abuse is noxious . Plato , who advis'd the banishing of it out of his imaginary Commonwealth , calling it a sweet poyson , deserv'd , more then it , to be really interdicted , there not being in all the Poets such fables , impieties and impurities as that of his Convivium , his Phaedrus , and some other pieces . In the mean time he is forc'd to admire them , to call them the sons and interpreters of the gods , yea divine , and the fathers of wisdom . For their raptures cannot be call'd folly , unless in that sence that Aristotle saith , To Philo sophize well a man must be besides himself . But their wisdom being extream , and their motions unknown to the vulgar ; therefore they call that fury which they ought to call the highest point and pitch of Wisdom ; term'd Enthusiasm or Divine Inspiration , because it surpasses the reach of man. And indeed every one acknowledges in Poetry some character of Divinity , and therefore 't is receiv'd by all the world , and serves for a guide and introducer to great personages , who otherwise would not give audience , but like that well in Verse which they would blame in Prose . Which oblig'd Sylla to reward the good that they might be encourag'd to continue their divine works ; and the bad Poets , on condition that they made no more . And 't is of these , as of some Rithmers of our time , that they speak who blame Poetry ; in whose reproaches the true Poets are no more concern'd then Physitians in the infamy of Mountebanks . The Fables of the ancient Poets are full of mysteries , and serve for ornament to the Sciences and to Divinity it self , as the gold of the Egyptians did to the Sanctuary . But if they have in all ages complain'd of not advancing their fortune , this doth not argue any demerit of theirs , but rather the want either of judgement or gratitude in others . CONFERENCE LVI . I. Of the Smelling . II. Of Eloquence . I. Of the Smelling . THis Sense , which is the perception of Odours intromitted by the Nose through the spungy bone into the Mammillary processes which are appendices of the Brain rather then Nerves , shews by the structure of its Organ that it is more particular to the Brain then any other . For the Nerves which carry the Spirits for the performance of the other Senses are communicated elsewhere too ; some of them to all the rest of the Body . Only these two nervous appendices of the Brain have nothing to do with any other part . It makes use of odours as a perfume , sometimes to redress its native coldness , as when it is pleas'd with Pomanders , Musk , L'eau d'ange ( a sort of delicate compound water ) Orange flower-water , and other Aromatical things ; sometimes to cool its spirits overheated by continual action , as by the Violet , the Rose , or Jasmin ; but always for their refreshment . For the Spirits being of an aerial nature , nothing recreates them so much as what resembles them , to wit , the Air , especially when it is tinctur'd with some friendly quality . Hence arise those different phancies upon occasion of smells . One swoons at the smell of Musk and the Rose , which others love so much . Another loves the scent of Rue and Worm-wood , so abominated by others , that some women have miscarri'd by it . And indeed of all the wonders resulting from the consideration of odours , there is none greater then the relation they have to the womb , which is known to move it self to , and approach towards , and fly away at the motion of good or bad smells ; which work upon this part by means of the animal spirits ( call'd , for this reason , Impellers by the Greeks ) which the odours powerfully move , and they all the other parts ; but especially the womb which hath a particular sympathy with the Brain , the Conservatory of the Spirits ; or else because the contraction of the Nerves , which is caus'd when an odour displeas'd drives the Spirits downwards , who by their impetuosity hurry along with them the more fluid and moveable parts , as the Matrix is , when a pituitous humour has slackned its ligaments : as , on the contrary , the spirits being dilated to receive the steam of an odour grateful to the Brain with a full torrent , they attract it upwards by the same reason . The Second said , Because Faculties cannot be understood but by the correspondenc they have to their objects ; therefore to understand the Nature of the Sense of Smelling , 't is first requisite to understand the Nature of Odour , and by what Medium it is carry'd to its Organ . Odour is a patible Quality , arising from the temperament of siccity predominant above humidity ; for though many drugs , waters , essences , and liquors , in which humidity is necessarily found , and siccity seldome , are very odoriferous , yet they borrow their smell from the dry exhalation mingled with their humid Body ; from which if the same be separated , the humour remains inodorous . Neverthelesse this exhalation is not the Odour but the subject and vehicle of it ; otherwise an Odour should be a Substance , and not an Accident , as it is . 'T is convey'd to its Organ sometimes by species call'd Intentional , when it is remote from the same ; or the Medium is so dispos'd that it cannot alter its Substance ; thus the species of the Odour of a Worm hanging upon the hook so exquisitely penetrates the water , that the fish though very remote instantly repairs to it ; and many Animals scent powder at two or three leagues distance . But when the Odour is present to the Organ of Smelling , it hath no need of species , with which the Senses have nothing to do but so far as they serve to supply the absence of their Objects . The Nose receives Odours by its two passages , and for this reason it hath somewhat a long shape ; a substance partly boney for firmnesse sake ; lest closing together the passage should be stop'd , but cartilaginous in the lower part ; for the more easie dilatation in breathing , smelling , and purging the Brain , the three prime uses of the Nose . The true seat of Smelling are two small sponges made of the anterior part of the Brain , passing through the Cuneal Bone near the cavity of the Eyes , call'd the Mammillary Processes or Productions ; spirituous and vaporous , the better to receive Odours ; and nervous , to distinguish them ; lying upon the Cribrous or spongy bone which is full of small bones , lest the Brain might be hurt by smells if they were carry'd directly and impetuously to it ; which danger is avoided by their being disunited and allay'd by this transcolation ; and these two Caruncles , like the nibbles of Womens breasts , have alone , among all the parts of the Nose , a proper figure , a certain sign for distinguishing the Organs of the Senses . For the Brain cannot do this office , because its extreme humidity would diminish the virtue of Odours . The Third said , As the Nose , the instrument of Smelling , is plac'd in the middle of all the rest ; so this Sense is of a middle nature between them . For 't is more material then the Hearing and the sight , but more subtile then the Touch and Taste ; although it hath a great affinity with this latter , by which it perceives its object , namely , Odours , which are distinguish'd by help of Sapours , and are divided according to their number , agreable and disagreeable being onely its general differences . For there are as many particular differences as several subjects . Moreover , Sapour and Odour are compos'd of the same matter , and produc'd by the same heat ; they are both qualities of food , whose good and evil faculties are discern'd by smell as well as by taste . Yet they differ in this , that some Odours are not of food but of delight , as that of Roses ; with which kind of Odour Man alone is pleas'd , amongst all Animals , who are not delighted with Odours further then they signifie to them the goodness of their food ; that which is said of the Panther , that all other Animals run after its smell , being accounted fabulous . They have also this peculiar , that Odours come from an igneous and subtile siccity predominant over humidity ; whereas Sapours reside in humidity . Hence it is that flowers have more smell then leaves , because they are made of the more tenuious parts of the Plant ; among Flowers , those that grow amidst bushes , and in other dry places , are more odoriferous ; and Roses smell sweeter about Noon when they are dry'd by the heat of the Sun , then in the Morning when they are bedew'd with the humidity of the Night . The Fourth said , Most Animals have a bad Odour , and Man the most imperfect Smelling ; partly , because Nature hath thought fit to give this Sense in a more exquisite degree to Animals that live by prey , as to the Dog and Vulture , ( and Man was to hunt otherwise then by the Nose ) and , partly , by reason of the situation of the Mammillary processes near the Brain , more cold , and moist , and large , in Man then in any other creature . Whence it is , that Men know not the differences of Odours as they do those of the other objects of the Senses . Yet as there are Animals which are driven away by certain bad smells , Flyes by that of Brimstone , Serpents by that of Galbanum , and generally all by the steam of the carcases of their own kind ; so some Odours not onely drive away Men , as the fume of an Indian pepper , but are accounted mortal , not by reason of the smell , but of the hurtful Body which it introduces into the Ventricles of the Brain . As , on the contrary , there are Odours which recreate so much that they are thought to nourish ; for they who are conversant among the smells of meat eat less ; and the sole Odour of new Wine inebriates . The Fifth said , Odour is a fumous exhalation excited by heat either internal or external . Therefore Gold is inodorous , its perfect mixtion hindring it from exhaling ; and things chaf'd or heated have a stronger smell , because the heat draws outwards those subtile parts which cold incloses and keeps from exexpanding themselves ; and odoriferous are diminish'd in time through the evaporation of their more subtile parts . So Wine , unless well stop'd , loses with its Odour its virtue and goodness , as if its strength consisted in its smell ; and Camphire exhales utterly if it be not kept close . And Perfumes have a more agreeable smell a far off then near hand , because the subtiler parts are scented at distance , and the grosser hard by . II. Of Eloquence Upon the Second Point , the First said , That if we cannot evince the Excellence of Eloquence above all other Humane Actions , we must confess that we have no Eloquence ; for this is the golden chain which our ancient Gaules fastned to the Tongue of their Hercules , and made him draw all his Auditors by the Ears . Moreover , since 't is the way to perswade , and perswasion is the way to do any thing whatever , there is no power that can equal it . Which to prove by Examples would require the transcription of all Histories . It hath disarmed Anger and Justice too a hundred times , obtain'd the Generalship to Demosthenes , notwithstanding his Cowardice and inexperience in the matter of War ; the Consulship to Cicero , bent Caesar's heart for him , which the forces of the Romane Empire could not bend , when he so ravish'd him as to make him let the book fall which he held in his hands ; so well can this Art of well speaking master Bodies as well as Souls . Therefore Conquerours authorize their Cannon shots with reasons , and employ so many Orators to justifie their exploits , and make their government acceptable ; and the Romans , though they became masters of all the world , never drew a sword out of the scabbard till they had first charg'd the fault by their manifestoes upon those whom they declar'd their Enemies . Which seems to be the onely difference between regular wars and pirates at Sea , or robbers on land . 'T is hence also that the greatest concussions of States , and revolutions of Monarchies , have proceeded from Religion , which hath also lay'd the foundation of some , bringing the Body into subjection by perswading the Soul ; ( whereas , when open force subdues the former , it loses the affection of the latter ; ) nor matters it whether the Religion be true or false , provided the people be perswaded of it . For being none are constrain'd to believe , as Theodosius the Emperour said , if the inward part be not won , people pay nothing but countenances , like bad servants ; and Man is so govern'd by phancy that good seems bad to him if it please him not , and bad good when he affects it . Indeed , all actions that a Man exercises by constraint are of the Animal , but those which he doth voluntarily are of the Man , distinguish'd for this cause from beasts by Intellect and Will ; the former of which serving for a foundation to the latter , this Will is govern'd by Reasons , as a Horse by a bridle . This is the true Magick , of which so many Impostors falsely boast , whose admirable effects appear in all conditions , sexes , and ages . Is any thing dearer to an old man then his Crowns ? Yet discourse entraps them , some under one pretext , some under another ; and which is most strange , such a one shall bereave him of his wealth , whilst he makes shew of encreasing them . Is there any thing more precious to a Woman then her Honour ? yet insinuation oftentimes prevailes upon her ; we love nothing more then life , and yet a well animated Oration will make people expose it to apparent danger . In brief , there is no kind of profession and mysterie , but owes what it hath most profitable to Eloquence . Preachers and Advocates lay the main stress upon it . Physitians , who seem to have less need of it , acknowledge its usefulness in their counsels , which were of small credit and authority without it . It is wholly necessary to Merchants for their selling . Upon which score , possibly , Mercury was made the Patron of Negotiators . For perswasion , which is the end of it , needs not alwayes an Oration complete in all its members ; the greatest pitch of an Orator is to contract himself according to time , place , and persons . A General of an Army animates his Souldiers more with three words , as he is going to charge the Enemy , then a Preacher doth his Auditors in a whole Lent. Even Gestures are sometimes eloquent , so the Curtesan Phryne carry'd her law-suit by discovering her fair bosome ; as also did a Captain by shewing his scars , to their Judges who intended to condemn them . Whereby it appears how great the power and extent of Eloquence is . The Second said , Since some were so hardy , the last Conference , as by speaking ill of Poets to disparage the language of the gods , let us examine that of men ; that Pallas may not complain of the same treatment that was shew'd to the Muses . For not to strike the same string twice , the lasciviousnesse imputed to them seems more justly to belong to Orators and Poets ; since Meroury ( the god of thieves as well as of Eloquence ) and not Apollo , was the messenger of the amours of the gods . Now 't is hard for the Disciples not to retain some thing of their Master . Moreover , Socrates and Plato define Eloquence , the art of deceiving or flattering ; and this latter banishes Orators out of the excellent Common-wealth which he took so much pains to contrive . But other real States have done them more evil , driving them effectively out of their territories , rightly judging , with Aeschylus , that nothing is more pernicious and prejudicial then an affected language embellish'd with the graces of Eloquence ; which the more florid it is , the more poyson it hides under its flowers , which have nothing but appearance . Therefore the Romans , the wisest Politicians in the world , drave them so often out of their Common-wealth ; as during the Consulship of Fannius Strabo , and Valerius Messala , when Cneus Domitius , and Q. Licinius were Censors ; and under the Emperor Domitian . And 't is one of the surest foundations of the Turkish Empire , and by which they have found most advantage ; their forbidding the having , by this means , instead of an Army of talkers , good for nothing but to multiply noises and divisions , by disguising the Truth , innumerable stout fellows of their hands , who have learn'd no other lesson but Obedience : By which , from a small beginning they have subdu'd a great part of the world , particularly Greece , which alwayes made profession of this talkativenesse . Yea , in Athens it self , the cradel of Eloquence , the Orators were forbidden the Court , the Palace , and other publick Assemblies , because they perverted Right ; and Timagoras was there condemn'd to death for having made Complements to Darius , according to the mode of the Persians . The ancient Republick of Crete , and that of Lacedaemon , ( the School of Virtue ) were not unmindfull to provide against these Sophisters ; the latter opposing their design by the brevity of its Laconick stile ; and having banish'd Ctesiphon , for boasting that he could discourse a whole day upon what ever subject were propounded to him . What then would it have done to Demosthenes , who commonly brag'd that he could turn the balance of Justice on which side he pleas'd ? Is not Eloquence therefore more to be fear'd then the musick of the Syrens , or the potions of the inchantresse Circe , being able to involve innocence in punishment , and procure rewards to crimes ? Moreover , 't is a Womans Virtue to talk . And therefore Caesar disdain'd this present which Nature had given him ; and few people value it but such as have nothing else to recommend them . Volaterranus observ'd few persons both virtuous and eloquent ; nor do we find famous Orators in Macedon , which gave birth to Alexander , and so many other great Captains . 'T was with this Eloquence that Demosthenes incens'd Philip against his own City of Athens ; that Cicero animated Marcus Antonius against that of Rome ; that of Cato was one of the causes that incited Caesar against the liberty of his Country ; and yet Cato hated this art of Oratory so much , that he once caus'd audience to be deny'd to Carneades and his companions , Critelaus and Diogenes , Ambassadors from Athens to Rome , upon no other reason , but because they were too Eloquent . And , not to speak of the vanity of Orators , a vice more incident to them then to Poets , ( witnesse the boastings of Cicero ) their art is altogether unprofitable ; since it serves onely to paint and deck the truth , which hath no need of ornaments , and ought to be plain , pure , simple , and without artifice . In a word , to represent truth adorn'd with flowers of Rhetorick , is to lay Fucus upon a fair Complexion , to paint Gilly-flowers and Anemonies , and to perfume Roses and Violets . But what may it not falsifie , since it disguises it self , covering its figures with the hard words of Metonymy , Synecdoche , and other barbarismes , to make them admir'd by the ignorant . The Third said , That there being nothinb but is lyable to be abus'd , both they speak true who commend Eloquence , and they who decry it . When this faculty of speaking well undertakes to make great things little , and the contrary , it frustrates their wish who would have things themselves speak . Nor is there any lover of eloquent discourses but prefers before elegant speaking the plainesse of a good counsel , when some serious matter is in debate , either touching health , businesse , or the good of the Soul. And therefore I conclude , that Eloquence is indeed more graceful , but simplicity and plainesse more excellent and desirable . CONFERENCE LVII . I. Of the Hearing . II. Of Harmony . I. Of the Hearing . THe Hearing is the Sense of Disciplines , the inlet of Faith , which the Apostle saith , comes by Hearing , the judge of sounds and their differences ; the cognition whereof is the more difficult , for that they are the least material qualities of all ; considering that they are neither the First , as the Tangible ; nor the Second , as Colours , Odours , and Sapours , depending upon the various mixture of the first ; but of another kind of qualities which have scarce any thing of the grossnesse of matter . The little corporeity they have not proceeding from that , but from the Air which enters with it into the Eear . Neverthelesse sound is not wholly spiritual , for it presupposes in the bodies collided together , hardnesse , smoothnesse , and such other second qualities , without which the collision of two bodies is not audible . But the chief cause of the difficult cognition of sounds , is , that they are produc'd of nothing , namely , of Local Motion , which ( by the testimony of the Philosophers ) is a pure Nothing , Motion being rather a way to being , then a true being . Not that Motion produces something that is real of it self , since Nothing cannot produce any thing , but onely by accident and by another . So by friction attenuating the parts it generates heat , and by the meeting of two bodies it makes sound , which lasts as long as its cause , and ceases when this fails ; contrary to other qualities , which have a fix'd and permanent existence in Nature . For the tingling of a bell which continues some while after the stroke , is not one single sound , but many ; the parts of the bell being put into a trembling motion by the blow , and communicating the same to the parts of the Air contain'd in the cavity of the bell , which Air is so long clash'd together till all the insensible parts of the bell be return'd to their first rest ; and therefore the laying of the hand upon it hinders this motion , and consequently stops the sound . And 't is for this reason that it resounds more when it hangs freely , then when it is held in the hand ; and some bells have been seen to fly in pieces upon the application of a piece of Iron to them whilst they were trembling . The cause whereof is this ; if while all the parts of the bell tremble , and equally move from their place , one part be check'd , it becomes immoveable , and so not following the agitation of the rest is separated from them . The Second said , Though sound , ( the object of the Hearing , containing under it Voice and Speech ) is oftentimes accompany'd with three things , the body striking , the body struck , and the Medium resounding ; yet these three do not alwayes meet in all sort of sounds , as we see in that which is made by our bellows , the noise of a Petar , Salt , Chestnuts , and other aerious and flatuous bodies cast into the fire ; because these flatuosities being rarifi'd require an outlet , and therefore impetuously break forth out of their restraint ; which eruption striking the neighbouring Air produces a sound . The same is seen also in the Voice , which is form'd by collision of the Air in the Lungs against the Larynx , the palate and the teeth . So that the proximate cause of sound is not the shock of two bodies , but the breaking of the Air when its motion is hindred . A piece of cloth makes a noise in the tearing , ( but not in the cutting , ) because of the sudden separation of the parts of the Air ; which on the other side , for fear of Vacuum , are impetuously carry'd towards the place of their separation ; and the wind whistles , by reason of the violent motion which it causeth in the Air ; sometimes driving the same before it , sometimes pressing and wracking it ; or because it meets some other wind or body that opposes its natural motion . The Third said , A perfect sound cannot be made without the encountring of two bodies , and Air between them ; for want of which , there would be local motion , but no sound in a Vacuum , and the motion of those great celestial orbes is not audible . Now these bodies must be hard and solid , either of their own Nature , as Copper and Silver , or by the union and construction of their parts , which makes them act and resist as if they were solid ; such are the Air and Water agitated . Moreover , that this sound be perfect , 't is requisite that the bodies be large and smooth ; for if they be rough and scabrous , the Air which is compress'd finds means to expand it self in the interstices of the higher parts ; if they be acute and pointed , they cut and divide , but do not break it . So a needle striking the point of another needle makes no noise , because it onely cuts the Air , but do's not compresse it . If these solid bodies be hollow and dry , the sound is made the better ; and yet more , if they be aerious . Hence , among metals , Brass , Silver , and Gold , resound more then Lead and Iron , which are of a terrene nature . Among Trees , the Sallow and the Fig-tree have a sound ; and the leaves of Laurel crackle in the fire , by reason of their aerious parts . Lastly , the bodies must be friable , that is to say , divisible at the same time into very small particles , as Air , Glass , and Ice ; or in case they break not , at least they must tremble in all their parts , as bells do . Therefore Water , not being friable , by reason of its tenacious humidity which keeps the particles together , cannot be the subject of sounds ; that of running Water being made by the occurse of the Air upon its surface , not in the Water it self , in which no sound can be made although it may be somewhat confus'dly transmitted ; as 't is to fishes , whom the noise makes to abandon the shore . The Fourth said , Hearing was given to Man , to satisfie his natural inclination to understand the thoughts of his species by the utterance of words , which would be useless to conversation , if they were not receiv'd by this faculty ; whose dignity appears chiefly in the structure of its Organ , the Ear , both external and internal , which is destinated to the reception of sounds . Therefore the Philosopher derides Alcmaeon for saying that Goats respire at the ears . The external is Cartilaginous and tortuous , unmoveable in man alone , always open , on each side the head , to receive sounds from all parts , which are carri'd upwards in an orbicular figure . The internal situate in the ( os petrosum , or ) bone of the Temples , hath four passages , viz. the auditory meatus clos'd with a membrane call'd the Drum , behind which is a cord fastned to the stirrup , the anvil and hammer , small bones as dry and big in children as in old men . 2. That which incloseth the natural and immoveable Air , the principal Organ of hearing . 3. The Labyrinth . 4. The Cochle or Shell-work . But the passage which goes from the Ear to the Palate and the orifice of the Wind-pipe is most remarkable ; by which the inspir'd air doth not only refresh the Lungs , but also the natural implanted air in the ear . Hence ariseth that sympathy of the Palate and the Ears ; and to hear well , we sometimes hold our breath , for fear of disordering the species of sounds ; and those that gape or yawn , hear little or not at all ; because the vaporous spirit which causeth oscitation so puts up the drum of the ear , that it cannot well receive sounds ; and for the same reason they that yawn dare not pick their ears at that time for fear of hurting the inflated Drum ; which if it come to be touch'd , the yawning ceaseth ; those that scratch their ears put themselves into a hawking or coughing . And lastly , 't is for this reason , that such as are born deaf are also dumb , because of the straight connexion of the auditory Nerve , being of the fifth conjugation , with the seventh , which is at the root of the Tongue . The Fifth said , Sounds are carri'd to the ear in the same manner as they are produc'd ; namely , by a fraction of the air adjoyning , which hath a sphere of activity , and is like that which is caus'd in the water by casting a stone into it ; but without any intentional species : Otherwise sounds would be heard at the same time , and in the same manner , by those that are neer , and those that are far off ; in regard the intentional species being spiritual is carri'd in an instant , being caus'd by a simple alteration which requireth not the time necessary to local motion whereby Hearing is perform'd , and by this means distinguish'd from vision ; in which at the same time the medium and the Organ are both alter'd ; whereas , in Hearing , the Organ is not alter'd till after the medium . Hence it is , that the wind helps greatly to the carrying of sounds ; which would not be , if they were only intentional species ; for visible things are seen as well in a contrary wind as in a calm air ; and that sounds seem weaker a far off then neer hand . The Sixth said , Among the objects of the Senses sounds and odours have alone had the honour to be dedicated to the Deity : Melodie and Incense having always been employ'd in Divine Service ; either because the humane soul is most delighted therewith ; or for that either of them being somewise spiritual and corporeal , God requires that we offer him both the body and the spirit ; whereas Daemons abhor nothing more then Harmony and Perfumes , as ill suting to their irregular and infected nature . And sounds have so great affinity with the soul , that according to their cadence and their tones , they excite compassion , cruelty , joy , sadness , courage , fear , lasciviousness and chastity ; whence it was said that Aegysthus could never debauch Clytemnestra till he had kill'd her Musitian . Because all our actions and inclinations depending upon our spirits , they are modefi'd and made like to the sounds which they receive by the ear . So that if the sounds be tremulous , grave , sharp , quick or flow , the spirits become so too ; and consequently the Muscles , which are instruments of voluntary motion , having no action but by means of the spirits , they impress upon them , and make them follow such cadence as they like . Hence it is , that hearing others sing , we fall a singing too without thinking of it ; with those that whisper , we whisper too ; with those that speak loud , we speak so also : that the air of the Musitian stirs our members to conform to it , and that our spirits are displeas'd with bad cadences ; as if the outward air had an absolute dominion over our spirits . II. Of Harmony . Upon the second Point , it was said , That Harmony is taken for any proportion and agreement , but chiefly for that of sounds , in which it is more perceptible ; and that even by the ignorant . It s invention is ascrib'd to Tubal the first Smith , upon his observation of the various sounds that the strokes of his Hammer made upon his Anvil ; which Pythagoras also made use of to find out the proportion of his musical numbers . Of which having elsewhere spoken , I shall only add here , that Harmony presupposes many sounds , for one alone makes but a Monotone , and two an unpleasing reciprocation : but six notes are requisite to perfect Musick , industriously compriz'd in the Hymn , VT queant LAxis REsonare fibris MIra gestorum , &c. This harmony is either vocal or instrumental ; the former whereof having graces and variations inimitable by instruments far surpasses the latter , but their mixture is most agreeable . The Second said , Nature seems to have made a show of her goodliest effects to our Senses , and conceal'd their causes from our knowledge . Musical harmony aims at the instruction of men ; that of man's body is the admirable artifice of the Formative faculty , which Galen calls divine ; but the harmony of the world puts our curiosity most to a non-plus . 'T is the cause why water , notwithstanding its fluidity , gathers it self into a heap , to leave dry land for the habitation of animals ; and that the earth , which should settle about its centre , by its equal gravity , yet rises up in mountains . The air is alter'd by all sort of qualities , that it may give a good one to the earth . The fire descends from its sphere to be captivated in Furnaces for our use , and is imprison'd in cavities of the earth to promote the generation of Metals . The Heavens move for the benefit of inferiour bodies , in a place where they might enjoy eternal rest . 'T is through this harmony that the water becomes thick at the bottom , and contracts alliance with the earth , while its surface resolves into vapours ; the rudiments of air , whose highest region likewise approaches the nature of fire ; and this has somewhat of Aethereal , and the constitution of the Heavens on which it borders and conjoyns with this inferiour world . The cause of this chain and connexion is an universal vertue comprehended in the extent of each being , besides the proper motive vertue destinated to content its appetite . The necessity of this vertue is a certain evidence of its existence ; for since every thing conspires for the general good of the world , and withstands the division of its parts , Nature must have allotted them a power which may guide them to that end ; now this power is not extrinsecal , since it resides in the subject it self . Nor is it the motive vertue ; for this and that have two different objects and ends , namely , the publick , and the particular good , which are not always contain'd one in the other . Besides , 't would be a manifest contradiction , to say that by one and the same vertue things expose themselves to the loss of their proper qualities for the publick good , and keep them when only their particular is concern'd . Wherefore there is one general law , which having authority to force all things to contract amities not sorting to their inclination , is above that vertue , which leads things directly to their own good : which is the cause of the excellent harmony observ'd in the whole world . The Third said , Indeed Harmony is every where between the Creator and his Creatures both spiritual and corporeal ; in the Hierarchies of bless'd Spirits one with another , in the assistance of the motive Intelligences with their orbs ; between the great and the little world ; in the latter of which the Scripture sets forth to us a perpetual musick of the blessed in the the Empireal Heaven ; Plato , a harmony proceeding from the motion of the Celestial bodies . Daily experience makes us hear in the air a consort of winds ; the Sea beats a measure by its ebbing and flowing ; the Birds of the air perform the Cantus ; the Beasts , the Base ; the Fishes , the Tacet ; Man , the Tenor ; who again in the structure of his body and soul is a perfect harmony . In the body , the temperature of the humours is so harmonical , that their disproportion drives away the soul , which Galen upon this account calls harmony . In the soul , so long as Reason holds the sovereignty , and constrains the murmuring Appetite to hold its base , there results from it a harmony delectable to God and Men. On the contrary , if you would apprehend its discord , do but imagine the disorderly uproar excited by choler , and the other passions get the mastery over Reason . Yea mans whole life is either a perpetual harmony or discord . In Religion , when one Head is acknowledg'd , and every one submits thereunto for Conscience sake , and keeps his station ; how beautiful are those Tabernacles of Sion , and how agreeable is this Church to its Spouse , to those that behold it in this estate , and to it self ? On the contrary , in Schism and Heresie , when every one abounds in his own sence , and will not depend upon any other , how unpleasing is this division even to those that foment it ? In the State , when a just Monarch well counsell'd holds the Sovereignty ; the Church , the Nobility , and the third Estate , the other parts ; nothing is impossible to him either within or without . He may do every thing that he will , because he will do nothing but what is just . On the contrary , represent to your self the horrible Tragedies of a Faction revolted against its Prince , or of a furious Triumvirate , and you will see the difference between harmony and discord ; whereof the difference and power is so notable , as to all our actions , that he shall speak truth who shall establish it for the cause of all that is either pleasing to us , or disagreeable . So the same materials of two buildings differently set together will render one beautiful , the other deformed . Of two countenances compos'd of the same parts , the proportion of the one will invite love , while there is nothing but hatred and aversion for the other . Yea this Harmony extends its jurisdiction even to things incorporeal . An injust action displeases though it do not concern us ; and the most peaceable man in the world can hardly forbear to interess himself when he sees a great scoundrel outrage some poor little child . The disproportion which appears in the attire of another offends us , as when we see a Porter's wife better cloth'd then a Counsellours ; of which the reason seems to me , that our soul being a harmony , is not pleas'd but with what resembles it self . The Fourth said , Effects , the surest evidences of their causes , so apparently speak the power of Harmony , that Orpheus , by the relation of the Poets , recover'd his Euridice out of Hell by it . Timotheus made Alexander leave his feast and betake himself to his Arms ; but changing his tune , return'd him again to the Table . Orators made use of it to regulate their gestures and voices ; and at this day not only the harmonious sound of Organs serves to enflame our zeal , but that of Bells is successfully employ'd to drive away the Daemons of the air when they raise tempests in it . CONFERENCE LVIII . I. Of the Sight . II. Of Painting . I. Of the Sight . AN ignorant Philosopher was he , who pull'd out his eyes that he might the better Philosophize ; since , on the contrary , 't is by the sight that we have cognition of all the goodly objects of the world , the ornament and agreeable variety of which seem purposely made to gratifie this Sense ; whose excellence and priviledge appears in that 't is free from the condition requisite to all the other Senses , viz. that their objects be at a moderate distance ; for it discerns as far as the Stars of the Firmament , knows more things then they ( there being nothing but has some light and colour , which are its objects ) and that most exactly , distinguishing even their least differences ; yea it hath this of divinity , that it acteth in an instant , being no more confin'd to time then place , and much more certain then any of the other Senses . And as if it alone were left in the free enjoyment of its own rights , there 's none besides it that hath the power to exercise or not exercise its function , as it lists ; the muscles of the eye-lids serving to open or close the curtain when it pleaseth , whereas all the rest are constrain'd to do their offices when their objects are present . Moreover , man's noblest faculty , the Understanding , is call'd the Eye of the Soul , because it performs the same , office to it that the Eye doth to the Body , which guides and governs . And therefore , in the dark , which hinders the use of this sense , the most daring are not without some fear which cannot proceed from the black colour , as some hold , but from our being destitute of our guide and conductor , which serves for a sentinel to us to discover such things as are hurtful ; for in the same darkness we are pretty confident in case we be in the company of persons that can conduct us , and supply the use of our own eyes . The Second said , Were it not for custom which renders all things common , there would be nothing so admir'd as the Eye , which , as small as it is , gives reception to all corporeal things of what magnitude soever ; yea every one is represented there in its own natural proportion , though the species of an Elephant be no bigger in mine Eye then that of a Flye ; and nevertheless the Senses judge of their objects by the species streaming from them . And the convex fabrick of the eye representing a mirror , seems to argue that we do not behold objects in their true magnitude , but very much smaller then they are . For we see things so as they are receiv'd in the eye . But they are receiv'd there as the visible species are in Looking-glasses , which if plain represent the same in their true magnitude ; if spherical , as the eye is , render them much smaller . And nevertheless we see things in their just proportion . Whence 't is to be concluded that our Sight which is the most certain of all the Senses is in a perpetuall , yea a general errour , which consequently is no longer an errour , since to erre is to deviate from rule , which is a general law . Moreover , this too is wonderful in the Sight ; that all the other Organs make several reports to the Senses ; one accounts that hot which another judges cold or tepid ; one taste seems fresh to one which another thinks too salt ; they are of one opinion in odours and sounds , and these are of another ; though their Organs be rightly dispos'd . But that which appears black to one seems so likewise to every body else . And if the Sight happen to be deceiv'd , as when we judge the Moon greater in the Horizon by reason of the vapours of the earth then when she is in the Meridian ; or when a straight stick seems crooked in the water ; the same eye which is deceiv'd finds its own errour by comparison of other objects . Hence ariseth the doctrine of the Parallaxes , and the rules of Opticks , Catoptricks , and Dioptricks , which are practis'd by the sight . So that as he doth not perfectly delire who knows that he is in a delirium , so the sense cannot be said altogether faculty when it discerns its fault . Which the other senses do not . The Third said , The excellence of the Sight will be better understood by considering its contrary , Blindness , and the misery of the Blind ; their life being an image of death , whilst they pass it in perpetual darkness . Therefore the Civilians exclude them from publick Offices ; because , say they , they cannot perceive , nor consequently esteem the badges , and ensigns of their Magistracy . Moreover , the Egyptians thought nothing fitter to represent their Deity then the figure of the Eye , which the Stoicks call a god , others a divine member , and the Luminary of the little World ; Theophrastus , Beauty , because it resides principally in the Eyes , the most charming part of a handsome face . Their colour , twinkling , fixedness , and other dispositions serve the Physiognomists for certain indications of the inclinations of the soul , which all antiquity believ'd to have its seat in the eyes ; in which you read pride , humility , anger , mildness , joy , sadness , love , hatred , and the other humane affections . And as the inclinations and actions of men are more various then those of other creatures , so their eyes alone are variously colour'd ; whereas the eyes of all beasts of the same species are alike . Yea the eyes are no less eloquent then the tongue , since they express our conceptions by a dumb but very emphatical language ; and a twinkle of the eye many times moves more to obedience then speech . Plato being unable to conceive the admirable effects of the Sight without somewhat of divinity , believ'd there was a celestial light in the eye , which issuing forth to receive the outward light , brought the same to the soul to be judg'd of ; which nevertheless we perceive not in the dark , because then the internal streaming forth into the obscure air , which is unlike to it self , is alter'd and corrupted by it . Indeed , if it be true that there is a natural implanted sound in the ear , why may there not be a natural light in the eye ? considering too that the Organs ought to have a similitude and agreement with their objects . And hence it is that the eyes sometimes flash like lightning in the night , as Cardan saith his did ; and Suetonious relates the same of Tiberius ; and that those that are in a Phrensy imagine that they see lightning . For it seems to me more rational to refer this Phaenomenon to the lucid and igneous spirits of the sight , which being unable to penetrate the crystalline or vitreous humour by reason of some gross vapours , reflect back into the eye , and make those flashes ; then to the smoothness of the eye , or to attrition of the spirits , or , as Galen holds , to an exhalation caus'd by the blood which is carri'd to the head ; though this latter may sometimes be a joynt cause . The Third said , The Eye is compos'd of six Muscles , as many Tunicles , three Humours , two pair of Nerves , and abundance of small Veins and Arteries : its object is every thing that is visible , as colour , light and splendor ; light , in the Celestial Bodies , wherein the object and the medium are the same thing , since the light of the Sun is seen by it self ; colour , in inferiour bodies , where the object and the medium are two , for colour cannot be seen without light ; splendor , in the scales of Fishes , rotten wood , the eyes of some animals , Gloe-worms and the like ; for it is different from their natural colour . It s Organ is the Eye , so regarded by Nature that she hath fortifi'd it on all sides for its safety , with the bone of the Forehead , the Eye-brows , the Eye-lids , the hair thereof , the Nose , the rising of the Cheeks , and the Hands to ward off outward injuries ; and if Galen may be believ'd , the Brain it self ( the noblest part of the body ) was made only for the eyes ; whence Anaxagoras conceiv'd that men were created only to see or contemplate . The Eyes are dearer to us then any other part ; because , saith Aristotle , they are the instruments of most exact knowledge , and so serve not only for the body but the soul , whose food is the knowledge which the eye supplies , call'd for this reason the Sense of Invention , as the Ear is that of discipline . 'T is of an aqueous nature , because it was requisite that it should be diaphanous , to receive the visible species and light ; for if it had been of a terrestrial matter , it would have been opake and dark ; if aerious , or igneous , it could not have long retain'd the species ; air and fire being thin diaphanous bodies which receive well but retain not ; for though the air be full of the species of objects which move through it from all parts , yet they are not visible in it by reason of its rarity . It was fit therefore that the Eye should be of a pellucid and dense substance , that it might both receive and retain the visible species ; which kind of substance is proper to water , as appears by the images which it represents . Moreover , the Eye being neer , and conjoyn'd to the Brain by the Nerves of the first and second conjugation , and to the membranes thereof by its Tunicles , could not be of an igneous nature perfectly contrary to that of the Brain , as Plato held it to be because of its agility , lucidity and orbicular figure , like that of fire ( as he said ) and because the Eye is never tense or stiff as all the other parts ; all which he conceiv'd could not be but from fire . For the Eyes agility or nimbleness of motion is from its Muscles and its lubricity ; its brightness , from the external light ; its round figure rather denotes water , whose least particles are so , then fire whose figure is pyramidal . 'T is never stiff , because of the fat wherewith it is stuff'd , and because it is destitute of flesh . II. Of Painting . Upon the second Point , it was said , That Painting is a sort of writing , by which many times that is express'd which cannot be spoken ; witness the story of Progne and Philomel : and as the latter represents things by letters , so doth the former by their natural figure ; so perfectly that it is understood by the most ignorant ; because it exhibits , in their proper colour , bigness , proportion , and other natural accidents : whereas Writing makes use of characters and figures which have no affinity with the things denoted by them , but only signifie the same by the institution of men , who therefore differ in Writing , but all agree in painting : Both the one and the other ( like all Arts whose scope is imitation , as Oratory , Statuary , Sculpture , Architecture , and many others ) depend upon the strength of the Imagination ; and that Painter succeeds bests who hath in his mind the most perfect idea of his work . And because a Painter is to imitate every thing , 't is requir'd to his being a Master that he be ignorant of nothing ; particularly he must know both the natural and artificial proportions and agreements of things with their several modes and uses . And where there are three ways of representing ; the first in surfaces , by flat painting ; the other in bodies themselves , which belongs to Statuary and the Plastick Art ; the third between both , as Graving and Carving : Painting is the most difficult , and ( consequently ) the most noble . For it must so deceive the sight , as to make cavities , folds , and bosses appear in a flat surface by the help of shadows ; which although a meer nothing , because but a privation of light , yet they gave all the gracefulness and value to Pictures . For the way of painting without shadows us'd in China being nothing but a simple delineation without hatchment , as it is very excellent so 't is exceeding rare ; and being not us'd amongst us cannot come into comparison with the rest . Whereas Sculpture and Statuary consisting only in paring away the overplus of matter , or , if the matter be fusible , in casting it into a mould , made from the original ( as the moulds of Plaster are from the faces of persons newly deceas'd ) need less industry . The Second said , Although Painting be sensible and visible ▪ yet it belongs to very few persons to judge well of it ; witness Alexander , who going to see Appelles , and offering to talk concerning Painting , he spoke so ill that the Apprentices of that Artist could not forbear laughing . Indeed Painting is one of the noblest parts of the Mechanicks , and ought as well to be rank'd amongst the Mathematicks as Astronomy . For if the reason of the Celestial motions gave cause for accounting this Science amongst the Mathematicks , more justly may the reason of the motions and proportions of mans body , the object of Painting , more admirable and of which more certain and real knowledge may be had then of those remote bodies , deserves to be of that rank ; considering that it makes use of the same Mathematical Rules . Proportions , whose Rules are so infallible that seven excellent Statuaries very distant one from the other , being employ'd to make a brazen Colossus , perform'd their tasks by the precepts of their Art ; and the parts which each of them made severally being put together represented a well proportion'd man. According to which proportion a mans body must be eight lengths of his head ; from the less corner of the eye to the tip of the Ear is to be twice the length of the Eye ; the Feet and Hands stretch'd forth , equally distant from the Navil ; and such other remarks . The Third said , The reason of the measures and proportions observ'd in Painting consists principally in four points , viz. in the form and figure of the thing represented , which is taken from the visual rays ; in the shadow , which is to be taken from the rays of light ; in colour , which is to imitate the natural ; and in the handsome posture or situation of the thing painted . For Painting is the imitation of the affections of bodies , with reference to the light , made upon a solid Plane . Hence a face is otherwise represented under the water then bare , distant then neer , in the Sun-shine then in the shadow , by Candle-light , or Moon-light . And though the Painter represents also the dispositions of the soul , as anger or sadness , yet he doth it always by the features and qualities of the body . The Fourth said , They who blame Painting and Statuary , because they represent unfitting objects , and gave occasion to the Idolatry of antiquity , may as justly blame beauty because 't is sometimes the occasion of sinning . Painting hath this preeminence above all Arts , that it imitates God more perfectly then they ; for God was the first Painter when he made man , the goodliest piece of the world , after his own image and likeness ; and all the bless'd spirits are but contracted copies of so perfect an original . 'T is that which frees the body from the tombe , and , like a second table after shipwrack , preserves the memory of virtuous men , renders present those who are absent , and makes almost as strong impressions upon our Soul as the thing it self ; witnesse the friendships of the greatest personages of the world contracted by its means . And as if the desire of pourtraying it self were natural to all things , there is no body but incessantly produces its own image ; which flies and wanders in the Air , till it meet with some solid and smooth body whereon to represent it self ; as we see in Looking-glasses , and polish'd marble , where the images are much more exact then those which Art draws with a pencil , yea , then their own originals , of whose corporeal matter they are wholly divested . And ( as the beginning of all Arts are rude ) this of Painting is attributed to the Daughter of Belus , who observing her Fathers shadow upon a wall , delineated it with a coal . For Pourtraiture , invented by Philocles the Aegyptian , is ancienter then Painting , invented either by Gyges the Lydian in Aegypt , according to Pliny ; or by Pyrhus , Cousin to Daedalus , according to Aristotle . The Fifth said , That in Painting , as in other disciplines , Ignorance of the principles is the cause that so few succeed well in it . These principles are the methodical proportion of Mans Body , Perspective , the reason of shadows , Natural Colours , Designing , and History , all which must be found in a good Piece ; and the defect of some of them ( as it frequently happens ) causes us to wonder , ( though we know not the reason ) that there is commonly something in all draughts that does not satisfie our Minds . For oftentimes when all the rest is good , Perspective hath not been well observ'd , or the Design is nought , or the History ill follow'd . But as things are the more to be esteem'd which are the most simple , so there is more of wonder in Painting to the life with a coal , ( as Appelles did before Ptolomy , to denote a person to him whom he could not name ) then with colours , the least part of Painting , which consists properly onely in proportion ; and this being the most divine action of Understanding , 't is no wonder if there be so few good Painters . For they are mistaken who place the excellence of painting in the smallness of the strokes ; because they fancy that Appelles was discover'd to Protogenes by having made a smaller line then he . For , on the contrary , the most excellent strokes of Masters are many times the grossest ; and that this proportion may be exact , it must imitate not onely particular subjects , but generally the species of every thing . Which Michel Caravague neglecting to do about 90. years since , and instead of following Durer's excellent Rules , addicting himself to draw onely after the life , hath lead the way to all his successors , who care not for his Rules , but give themselves onely to imitation ; and this is the cause of the defects of painting at this day . CONFERENCE LIX . I. Of Light. II. Of Age. I. Of Light. I Conceive ( with a learned Physitian of the most worthy Chancellor that France ever had , in his Treatise of this subject ) that Light is of two sorts ; one radical and essential , which is found perfectly in the Stars , the fire , and some other subjects , but imperfectly in colour'd bodies , because Colour is a species of Light ; The other secondary and derivative , which is found in bodies illuminated by the Light. Both are made in Transparent Bodies ; those of the Stars , in the Heaven , and that of flame and bodies ignited in the fire ; whiteness , in the Air ; and blackness , in the Water . But these transparent bodies must be condens'd , that those Lights and Colours may appear ; and therefore the principle of Light is in transparence alone , whereof neither purity , rarity , tenuity , nor equality of surfaces , are the causes ; but they all proceed from the quantity of matter ; some bodies having more matter then others , not by rarity alone , or local extension , but by formal extension , or internal quantity ; and consequently , that a little matter under a great internal quantity , is the principle cause of tenuity , rarity , and transparence , to which the evenness of surfaces is also requisite in gross bodies . So that Light consists in a proportion between the quantity and the matter of its subject ; and Light is great when the matter is little under a great quantity , as in the Heavens ; on the contrary , the body is dark , when a very small quantity is joyn'd to a great deal of matter ; as is seen in the Earth . To prove this , you must observe that all simple bodies are luminous , excepting the Earth , which is opake ; and we find Light in sundry animated bodies , as in the Eyes of Cats , and of those Indian Snailes which shine like torches , and in our Gloe-wormes , whose Light proceeds from their Spirits ; which being of a middle nature between the Body and the Soul , are the least material thing in the world . Whence it follows that Light is a form with the most of essence amongst sensible formes , as obscurity hath the least . The Second said , The wonder of Marsilius Ficinus was with reason , how 't was possible that nothing should be so obscure as Light. For if Transparence be the subject of it , why doth Crystal heated red hot in the fire come forth more luminous , and less transparent then it was ? The same may be said of Rarity ; for we see that Air and Aqua Vitae are well rarify'd by the fire which inflames them , but cease to be transparent as soon as they are made more rare and luminous ; which is an evident sign that rarity and transparence are not causes , nor yet conditions of Light. So the whole remainder of Heaven is lucid ; but onely the less rare parts , and such as you might call vapours in respect of the pure Air. And the light which proceeds from the Sun , the most luminous of all those celestial bodies , would never be visible , but be depriv'd of all its effects which are heating and enlightning , if it were not reflected by some solid body . Then it not onely appears , but exerts its activity . And if things be produc'd by the same causes which preserve and multiply them , the solidity of burning mirrors made of Steel , the hardest of all metals , which make the Sun-beams do more then their own nature empowers them to , shews sufficiently that their Light cannot arise from a rare and diaphanous cause . Nor may the Light of rotten wood be assign'd to its rarity alone , since many other bodies of greater rarity shine not at all ; nor that of Gloe-worms and Cats Eyes to their spirits , since the flesh of some animals shines after their death ; as 't is affirm'd of Oxen , that have frequently eaten a sort of Moon-wort ; and not onely the scales of divers fishes shine after separation from their bodies , but sparkles of fire issue from the hair of some persons in great droughts , whereunto the spirits contribute nothing . Which would perswade me to believe , that Light is a Form , to the introduction whereof several conditions are requisite , according to the diversity of subjects ; just as we see the Souls of some irrational creatures need great dispositions for their reception , a Brain , a Heart , and a Liver , with their dependances ; whereas others , as Insects , require lesse , and are contented with something that may supply this defect ; some are generated in an instant , without any apparent preparation , as Frogs in a summer showre ; and therefore to assign the cause of Light , is to seek the reason of Formes , which is unknown to us . Which similitude the vulgar speech confirmes ; for the people say , The Candle is dead when it is extinguish'd , presupposing that it had life before ; as an Animal hath so long as its form is conjoyn'd with its body . Moreover , Fire hath a Locall Motion ( as Animals have ) to obtain its food . The Third said , Light is a substance ; for it was created by God ; but 't is a Sixth Essence , more subtile then that of Heaven , which is call'd a Quintessence in respect of the Four Elements . A substance which subsisted before the Sun , having been created three dayes before it ; and nothing hinders but it may be communicated in a moment from Heaven to Earth , since the intentional species of visible things is so . Indeed , whereunto shall we attribute the effect of Light , which heats at distance , and blinds being too great , which colours and gives ornament to the Universe , if it be not a substance ? And the Penetration of Dimension , objected hereunto , is salv'd by saying that it hath no more place here , then when an Iron is red hot with the Fire , which yet none will affirm to be an accident ; and neverthelesse it enters into the whole substance of the Iron , and Light with it ; for 't is transparent and luminous at its centre when 't is throughly heated in the Fire . The Fourth said , The excellence of Light appears , in that nothing hath greater resemblance with the Deity . Which made some Heathen Philosophers say , that Light is Gods Body , and Truth his Soul. Moreover , the Scripture teaches us , that God dwells in inaccessible Light. And the blessed Spirits are stil'd Angels of Light , as Daemons Spirits of darknesse . Light enlivens and animates all things , it rejoyces all Creatures by its presence ; Birds begin to sing , and even flowers to display their beauties at its arrival . And because Nothing gives what it hath not , therefore some have conceiv'd , that Light , the enlivener of all the world , is it self indu'd with life , and that 't is the Universal Spirit , and the Soul of the whole world . Whence Plato , in his timaeus , brings no other argument to prove that Fire is an Animal , but that it is luminous . And , in the sixth Book of his Common-wealth , he makes the Sun ( who is the known Father of all living things ) the son of Light ; without which Pythagoras forbad to do any thing . Moreover , it hath no contrary ; Darkness being oppos'd to it onely privatively . For its being is so excellent that Nature found not her self so able to make any thing that might be equall'd with it , that might alter and corrupt it , as the nature of Contraries require ; whereas all Qualities have each their particular enemy . And 't is upon this very reason that Light acts in an instant ; because having no contrary quality to expel from its subject , it needs no time or successive motion , which is necessary to other qualities , as to heat , to warm cold water . The Fifth said , Light is a real form produc'd in the medium by a luminous body ; Aristotle calls it the act of the Perspicuum as it is Perspicuum . This Form is accidental , and falls under the head of Patible Qualities , because 't is sensible by it self , which is the property of accidents alone ; ( whereas substance is not sensible , ( that is , falls not under the perception of sense ) but by means of accidents ; ) and as it is the principle of action , which belongs onely to a Quality . For it cannot be a corporeal substance , and Democritus and Epicurus conceiv'd , saying , that Light is an Emanation of particles , or little bodies from a lucid body ; or as they who make it a species of fire , which they divide into That which burnes and shines ; That which burns and shines not , and That which shines but burns not , which is this Light. For no natural body is mov'd in an instant , nor in all sorts of places , as Light is ; but they have all a certain difference of position or tendency , some towards the centre , others towards the circumference , and others circularly . The Sixth said , 'T is true , Light is not of the nature of our sublunary bodies , for it is not generated and corrupted as they are . It is not generated , since generation is effected by corruption of one form , and introduction of another . But we have instances of incorruptible Light even here below ; as that in the Temple of Venus , which could not be extinguish'd nor consum'd , though neither oyle nor wick were put to it ; and that other found in a Sepulchre where it had burn'd for fifteen hundred years , but as soon as it took Air went out . And indeed the subtilety and activity of Fire is such , that it may be reasonably conceiv'd to attract the sulphurous vapours for its subsistence , which are in all parts of the Air , but especially in Mines , whose various qualities produce the diversity of subterraneal fires , as to their lasting continuance , and interval ; which some compare to the intermitting fevers excited in our bodies by a praeternatural heat . II. Of Age. Of the Second Point it was said , That Age is the measure of the Natural Changes whereunto Man is subject by the principles of his being , which are various according to every ones particular constitution ; some being puberes , having a beard , or grey haires , or such other tokens , sooner then others , according to the diversity of their first conformation : Whence ariseth that of their division . Aristotle , following Hippocrates , divides them into Youth , Middle Age , and Old Age ; or according to Galen , into Infancy or Child-hood , vigour , or Man-hood , or old age ; or according to most , they are divided into Adolescence , Youth , the Age of Consistence , and Old Age. Adolescence comprehends Infancy , which reacheth to the seventh year ; Puerility , which reacheth to the fourteenth year ; Puberty , which reacheth to the eighteenth ; and that which is call'd by the general name , Adolescence , reaching to the five and twentieth ; Youth , which is the flower of Age , is reckon'd from twenty five to thirty three years of age ; Virile , and Consistent Age , from thirty five to forty eight , where Old Age begins , which is either green , middle , or decrepit . These Four Ages are the Four Wheeles of our Life , whose mutations they denote ; the First , being nearest the original , hot and moist , symbolizing with the blood ; the Second , hot and dry , with Choler ; the Third , cold and dry , with melancholy ; the Fourth , cold and moist , with Phlegme , which being contrary to the radical humidity leads to death . Now if it be true ( that they say ) that life is a punishment , and an Abridgement of miseries , Old Age , as being nearest the haven and the end of infelicities , is the most desirable . Moreover , being the most perfect by its experiences , and alone capable to judge of the goodnesse of Ages , 't is fit we refer our selves to the goodnesse of its judgement , as well in this point as in all others . The Second said , Since to live is to act , the most perfect and delightful of all the Ages of life is that in which the functions of body and mind ( whereof we consist ) are best exercis'd ; as they are in Youth ( which alone seems to dispute preheminence with Old Age ) not onely by reason of the bodily health and vigor which it possesses in perfection , and which supplies Spirits and Courage for brave deeds , whereof that declining Age ( which is it self a necessary and incurable malady ) is incapable ; but also in regard of the actions of the mind which is far more lively , inventive , and industrious in young persons then in old , whose wit wears out , grows worse with the body ; whence came that so true Proverb , That old men are twice children . For 't is a disparagement to the original of wisdom , to deduce it from infirmity , to name that ripe which is rotten , and to believe that good counsels can come only from the defect of natural heat , since according to his judgement who hath best described wisdom , old age causes as many wrinkles in the mind as in the face ; and we see no souls but as they grow old smell sowre and musty , and acquire abundance of vices and evil habits , of which Covetousness alone inseparable from old age ( which shews its weakness of judgement , to scrape together with infinite travel what must shortly be forsaken ) is not less hurtful to the State then all the irregularities of youth . Now if the supream good be in the Sciences , then the young men must infallibly carry the cause ; since sharpness of wit , strength of phancy , and goodness of memory , ( of which old men are wholly destitute ) and ability to undergo the tediousness of Lucubration , are requisite to their acquisition . If it consists in a secret complacency which we receive from the exercise of vertuous actions , then young men , who , according to Chancellor Bacon , excel in morality , will carry it from old men ; it being certain that the best actions of life are perform'd between twenty and thirty years of age , or thereabouts , which was the age at which Adam was created in Paradise ; as our Lord accomplish'd the mystery of our Redemption at the age of 33 years , which shall also be the age at which the blessed shall rise up to glory , when every one shall enjoy a perfect youth ( such as given to the Angels ) and put off old age , which being not much different from death , may ( as well as that ) be call'd the wages of sin ; since if our first Parent had persisted in the state of Innocence , we should have possess'd the glory of perpetual undeclining Youth . Moreover , 't is at this Age that the greatest personages have manifested themselves ; we have seen but few old Conquerors , and if there be any , he hath this of Alexander , that he aspires to the conquest of another world , not having long to live in this . Wherefore in stead of pretending any advantage over the other ages , old men should rather be contented that people do not use them as those of Cea and the Massagetes , who knock'd them on the head , or the ancient Romans who cast them head-long from a Bridge into Tiber , accounting it an act of piety to deliver them from life , whose length was displeasing to the Patriarchs ; the Scripture saying , that they dy'd full of days . The Third said , That the innocence of Infants should make us desire their age ; considering that our Lord requires that we be like them , if we would enter into his Kingdom ; and the Word of God speaks to us as we do to children . Moreover , since Nature could not perpetuate infancy , she hath found no sweeter Anodyne to the miseries and sadnesses of old people then the sight of children , ( whom they extreamly love ) and then the memory of things done or learn'd in their non-age ; which the less distant it is from its source , the Deity , the more it partakes thereof . The Fourth said , Youth hath too many extravagancies , to be accounted happy ; nor can Child-hood and Old-age deserve that title , since 't would be contrary to the order of nature if the extreams contain'd more perfection then that which is in the middle , where she hath establish'd the vertue of all things . For as for Child-hood , its weakness sufficiently shews that it hath not wherewith to content it self , since it needs the help of others , and is an object of pity , a passion that never arises but from misery . There 's no commendation in its innocence , which depends upon impotence , and the imperfection of the souls operations ; and they as much want the will and power to do well as the intention and means to do ill . But true Innocence consists in the action of difficult good . If Infancy hath no apprehension of the future , it receives the present evil with much more pain , and shews it self as sensible to the least displeasures , as incapable of consolation and prudence to avoid them ; if it wants fear ( though indeed every thing terrifies it ) the hope of good to come never anticipates and prolongs its enjoyment . In a word , he cannot be happy who hath not the knowledge of his happiness , which Children cannot have while they want the use of Reason , which is peculiar to Man. Old-age , which is a second Childhood ( and the more to be dislik'd in that it always grows worse ) partakes all the defects of the first age , and hath this besides , that the desires awakened by the remembrance of pass'd conrentments are constantly jarring with his impotence ; and the ardency of getting and possessing hath a perpetual contract with the necessity of forsaking and losing ; pains and aches , the forerunners of death , daily attempt his patience , and there 's no hope of other cure but the extremity of all evils , not-being . Infancy therefore is like the Spring , which hath only flowers , and expects the fruits afterwards ; 't is an age of hope , without enjoyment ; Youth hath only Summer fruits , of little lasting ; Old-age is a Winter , without either flowers , or fruits , hath nothing but present evils in possession , is to fear all , and to lose all . But Virility or Manhood holds the middle between them both , and resembles Autumn , denoted by the horn of Plenty , possesses the happiness of life , enjoys the present goods , and by hope anticipates those to come ; the soul in this age commonly corresponds with the body ; its faculties make an agreeable symphonie with the actions hereof , and the sweet union of a reciprocal complacency . On the contrary , in childhood the soul seems not yet well tun'd to the body ; in adolescence it always jars with the appetites of the Senses ; and in old age it altogether disagrees with it self , and by a sudden departure endeavours to have its part separately . CONFERENCE LX. I. Of Quintessence . II. Which is the most in esteem , Knowledge or Vertue . I. Of Quintessence . THe mind of man , as it is the purer part of him , so it is always pleas'd with that which is most pure . In conversation it loves the most refin'd , and prefers simplicity , which is most pure , above the windings and double-dealings of deceivers . Amongst Metals it prefers Gold and Silver , which are the purest , above Lead , Iron , and other imperfect and course Minerals . In food , Physick and the stomack of the diseased chuse that which is most freed from its gross and unprofitable parts . Among sounds , the most subtile are the most charming . Among artificial things , we find more sprightliness in the gracefulness of small works then in others . In the Sciences , the more subtile a reason is , the more 't is applauded . But being health is the greatest , yea the only true good , being the foundation of all the rest ; and sickness the greatest , yea the only real evil of our life ; therefore our minds have herein most sought after subtilety , especially to subtilize aliments and medicaments ; not but that there may be a quintessence as well drawn from other things , but it would not be so useful . Now 't is to be observ'd that this word is taken either generally for any body depurated from its more course matter , as Spirits , Waters , and Oyls ; excluding Magisteries which retain the intire substance of the bodies from whence they are taken , only render'd more active by its subtilization : or else it is taken properly ; and in this acception Quintessence is some thing different from all this , and is compar'd to the soul which informs the body . The Second said , That in every compound body there is a mixture of substance , besides that of qualities ; whence arise the occult properties and forms of things , which is their fifth Essence : 't is no Body , for it takes not up place ; nor yet a Spirit , since 't is found also in inanimate bodies ; but some thing of a middle nature between both , and neither one nor the other . Of which kind we want not examples in Nature ; Shadow , the Image in a Glass , yea all intentional species , are neither body nor spirit . Now that it takes not up place , may be prov'd ; because a bottle of Wine expos'd unstop'd to the air , is not diminish'd in its quantity , yet lofes its taste , smell , and other qualities ; by which change it becomes another thing from what it was before ; an evidence that it hath lost its form , which is nothing else but the Quintessence we speak of ; and should another body receive the same it would have the qualities the Wine lost , which after separation of them is no more Wine then the carcase of a man is a man after his soul is departed . Moreover , that which nourishes in food is not a body , but the form or quintessence of it ; since by the observation of the most Inquisitive , 't is found that the excrements of all the concoctions equal the aliments both in weight and quantity , as the Urine of Drunkards is commonly as much as the Wine they have drunk , and Mineral waters are voided in the same quantity that they were taken . This fifth Essence is found every where , in the Elements and in compound bodies . In those 't is the purest of the Element impregnated with the Universal Spirit ; in these 't is likewise the purest part of the compound animated by the same Spirit . The Third said , There is no other Quintessence but the Heaven in comparison of the Elements ; in the mixtion whereof , the Heaven concurs as an universal Agent , whose influence ( which is the soul of the World ) determining the matter informs and renders it active ; thus the Stars produce Metals even in the centre of the Earth . Hence the world Heaven is taken by Chymists for Quintessence , because of the simplicity and activity common both to the one and the other . But , because it cannot fall under the cognisance of our Senses , in regard of its aethereal nature , the most searching Naturalists give its name to the most subtile extracts , especially such as are made by fire ; although the same be not eternal , as Quintessence ought to be , but only of long duration . The Fourth said , 'T is the humour of unsetled heads , instead of cultivating the precepts of antiquity , to go about to fabricate new ; and hence comes the contemplation and the extraction of Quintessences . For ( besides that 't is not certain that what is drawn out of a Plant was there before ; it being probable that the action of the fire may have introduc'd it in part , or in whole , into the compositum ) this Quintessence hath not the conditions requisite to merit that name , because it has both first and second qualities ; and consequently is not only corporeal , but also corruptible . And if it were incorruptible , it would be wholly unprofitable , yea hurtful to mans body , since it could not be chang'd or alter'd by it , and none but poysons are such . For Medicaments and aliments are alter'd by our nature . But however , the Empyrema or Adustion which these Quintessences commonly acquire in the fire renders their activity too great and disproportionate to our temper : Which is the cause that things already excessive in quality , as Salt and Vitriol ▪ are very hurtful being made into Quintessences ; because there is no more proportion between them and us . And therefore I am of the judgement of the Vulgar , who never speak of those drawers of Quintessences but with contempt , considering that they make profession of a thing which is not ; and which if there were any such , would be either unprofitable or hurtful . The Fifth said , That the Chymical Quintessence is an aethereal , celestial , and most subtile substance , compos'd of the Salt , Sulphur and Mercury of bodies dissolv'd , spoil'd of all their elementary qualities , corruptible and mortal , united to a spiritual body , or corporeal spirit , which is the medium and bond uniting bodies and spirits in nature ; and call'd by some , for its rarity , Elixir ; for its wonderful use in preserving the health of mans body , the Sovereign Medicine by which they hold that youth may be restor'd , and all sorts of diseases cur'd ; it not being requisite in its action that it be alter'd by our natural heat , which , on the contrary , it changes and perfectionates , taking the part of nature , as all poysons destroy it . And 't is certain that since there are bodies which are barely alter'd by our nature , as aliments ; others , which are alter'd by it , but reciprocally alter it , as medicaments ; others which destroy it without being alter'd by it ; so there is a fourth sort which preserves it without being alter'd by it , which is the Quintessence , thoroughly separated from the four Elements , yea from every thing that enters into the composition ; as is seen in Treacle , whose vertue proceeds from some body which is not any of all the ingredients , but results from them all together after convenient fermentation . And , possibly , they who blame this curious inquisition do it to decline the pains , or because they understand it not ; as 't is said the Fox that wanted a tail counsell'd all his fellows to cut off theirs . The Sixth said , Being all the Chymical Principles are resolv'd into our four Elements , their Quintessence which is compounded thereof will be nothing else but these Elements more pure and refin'd , and consequently no more a Quintessence then all mixts are in respect of the Elements whereof they consist . For a Quintessence must be a simple body , not any of the four Elements , much less compounded of them ; and Heaven alone is such ; whatever certain Philosophers have said , some holding it to be onely a continuation of the air ; others , that 't is of an igneous nature , because its denser parts appear such , and its name Aether signifies Fire ; some , that 't is a fluid and aqueous substance ; others , on the contrary , a pure and solid earth . For Heaven hath a simple , to wit , a circular motion , which , as the most perfect of all , ought to belong to the most noble of all bodies ; and this circular motion belongs not to any of the Elements , since each of them moves in a direct line ; two from the Centre , and two others towards the Centre . But a simple body cannot have two motions : it follows therefore that Heaven hath a motion different from that of the four Elements ; since motion , particularly local , the first and commonest of all is an effect of the nature of every thing which is the principle of motion . Moreover , Heaven alone is exempt from all elementary and corporeal qualities . 'T is neither heavy nor light , because it neither moves towards the Centre nor the circumference , but about the Centre . 'T is neither generated nor corrupted , because it hath no contrary . And for this reason it hath neither augmentation nor diminution , inasmuch as these are species of generation and corruption . 'T is not any way alter'd , since alteration is caus'd by the action of some contrary . Lastly , it cannot enter into any composition ; and , consequently , there is indeed a Quintessence , but 't is not in sublunary bodies . II. Which is most in esteem Knowledge or Vertue . Upon the second Point , it was said , That 't is first requisite to remove the equivocation of those who comprehend Knowledge under Vertue ; since by the word Vertuous we understand , here , not a Virtuoso , but a good man ; who though he deserves to be more , yet is always less esteem'd then a knowing or learned man : because every one esteems that most which hath most shew and price . Now a vertuous man is not only destitute of this , but his greatest vertue consists in not seeking vain-glory ; whereof the greatest part of manking being adorers , and every one affecting such as resemble themselves , therefore the learned is commonly esteem'd above the other . Moreover , the reasoning of man being wholly deprav'd since the Fall , he is rather for Verisimilitude then Verity . Now the learned easily perswades that he is more to be esteem'd then the vertuous , who doth good because it is good , and not to be esteem'd for it ; whereas the other is like those bad Officers who make amends for their ill deeds by fair writing . So Demosthenes having run with the first from the Battel , made such an excellent Oration , that he was commended for that which deserv'd perpetual shame . But that which makes vertue less priz'd , is , because it falls upon all sorts of conditions and sexes ; a poor man and a poor woman exercising not less vertue in supporting their misery with constancy , then a great Captain in overcoming his enemy : and learning being not so common , especially that which is sublime , 't is the more esteem'd for its rarity . They who judge of the worth of mens actions account of them according to the pains that there is in performing them . But 't is judg'd more painful to become learned then to live well . Others say , 'T is best to be vertuous for the other world , and knowing for this ; good Nature , which is no way suspicious , being ordinarily subject to the deceits of the more crafty . But I conceive , that 't is best to be vertuous both for this world and the other too . For if you be in prosperity it serves to set off and illustrate your Vertues ; if in adversity ( which nevertheless may be declin'd by the prudence whereof the vertuous is not destitute ) Fortieude and Temperance make it judg'd less ; and Justice makes us reflect upon others who are in a worse estate . And as for the other world , vertuous actions merit grace , which is the seed of eternal glory , a reward to which knowledge alone cannot intitle us ; for Solomon calls it a vain travel given to men , whilst the poor of spirit are called happy . What then ought we to know ? To be vertuous , to the end that the Sciences may be subservient to the Vertues their Mistresses . The Second said , Science is so much inferior to Vertue as the Means are to their end , since all Sciences are only in order to acquire Vertue , without which they are but troublesome talk , and dead notions ; and since such knowledge as edifies not the Conscience is but vain , Divinity , the prime of all Sciences , proposes Piety to it self ; Physick , Charity ; the Law , Justice . Yea they all seem to have no other aim but to render homage to Vertue , and cherish it with praise , its only aliment : the ordinary employment of learned persons being to extol the vertuous . If few persons embrace Vertue , 't is because they know it not ; for 't is one of those things , a sight whereof is sufficient to make it lov'd ; and were it not veil'd , or cover'd with rags , but appear'd wholly naked , its charms would attract all the world . Hence we so admire and honour the few that are vertuous , who have in all times been extoll'd above other men . Moreover , Divines hold that every sinner is ignorant ; and that a man cannot prefer Vice before Vertue without being blind of Understanding . The Third said , 'T is true , if we judge of the excellence of Vertue and Knowledge by their necessity , Vertue will carry it ; because 't is much more necessary , yea alone absolutely so to a State , which rather resembles a Cavern of robbers or wild beasts when Vertue is banish'd ; whereas whole States and Kingdoms very easily and many times profitably dispense with the Sciences . And the gross ignorance of the Ancients did not hinder , but that they left flourishing States . But because on one side the most excellent things are not always the most necessary , as appears by the Mechanical Arts , we must inquire the preeminence of Knowledge or Vertue upon another ground . They are both habits , whose excellence is taken from the subjects wherein they are ; so the habit of speaking well is more excellent then that of Painting , and Painting then Dancing ; because the Tongue is more noble then the Hand , and this then the Feet . Now Vertue is a habit of the Will ; Knowlédge a habit of the Intellect , which as much surpasses the Will as Contemplation do's Action . For whether we consider the actions and manner of acting of either of these Faculties , or their objects , the Will yields to the Understanding ; which being the Eye of the Soul governs all the Faculties , guides the Will , of it self blind , and incapable of any action without the light of the Intellect . Moreover , compare the Intellectual Vertues with the Moral , and you will see what difference there is between Sapience , which is the knowledge of the highest things by their Causes ; Intelligence , which is the intuitive knowledge of first Principles ; in brief , Science , Prudence , and the Arts , on one part ; and on the other , Temperance , Courage , Justice , and the other moral Vertues , which ordinarily have no other employment but to keep the Concupiscible and Irascible appetites within bounds , though they can never bring it to pass without Reason . The Object of the Understanding which is Entity , as such ( because in this sence 't is intelligible ) is also more noble then that of the Will , namely , Entity , as good and desirable ; because Entity , as such is first , more simple and more abstracted then Entity , as good ; which is only a passion of Entity . And this Entity which the Understanding considers is not only material and singular , but spiritual , universal , and infinite . Yea it not onely knows that which is extrinsecal to it self , but by a special priviledge it knows it self , and by an action wholly divine reflects upon it self and its own actions . And as if it were not content with its jurisdiction it knows not only that which is , but also that which is not , entities of Reason , and Possibilities . The Fourth confirm'd the preceding Judgement , because all Moral Vertues depend on the Understanding in their production and conservation . For as we are lead to good because we know it such by the Understanding , so the Virtues become vicious when they are destitute of Prudence , which is a Vertue of the Understanding , who alone gives law and weight to all the other Vertues which it guides . But what makes most for Knowledge , 't is pecular to Man , who alone of all Animals knows things by their proper causes ; whereas Vertue is common to him with brutes , from whom he many times learns a lesson . But if you deny them the title of Virtue , at least they have the shadow and image of it ; the Pismire , of diligence ; the Serpent , of prudence ; the Lion , of courage , and so of the rest ; but not any of Science , which is the onely good and difference of Man ; and once gotten is so inseparable from him , that it alone of all his good accompanies him into the other life , in which he is abandoned by all Moral Virtues , as being then unprofitable ; because they are but the means to attain beatitude , which most Divines make to consist in the knowledge of God , who alone hath an infinite knowledge of all things , but hath nothing to do with Virtue , which presupposes Vice to be subdu'd . The Fifth said , That the promise of knowledge made to the first Man by the Devil , having triumph'd over all his Virtues , shews that Science is sometimes stronger then Virtue ; but this having the promises of reward both in this and the other life ; and Knowledge , on the contrary , being often blam'd of puffing up Mens Minds and call'd vain , determines the Question to the advantage of Virtue . CONFERENCE LXI . I. Which is hardest to endure , Hunger or Thirst. II. Whether a General of an Army should endanger his person . I. Which is hardest to endure , Hunger or Thirst. THe natural heat of Man , which lasts as long as his life , is preserv'd by reparation , and avoiding of suffocation ; the former by food , and the latter by the Air which ventilates it , and refreshes its ardour . The greater this heat is , the more need it hath of fewel and refreshment . On the contrary , among Animals , those that have no blood , as most Insects , and those that have but little , as Fishes , who consequently have but little heat , ( since we have as much heat as blood ) have lesse need of ventilation , and therefore are destitute of Lungs , excepting Whales and Dolphins , as having more heat . Now as the Air repairs our spirituous parts ; so Aliments , ( to wit , meat and drink ) restore our solid and liquid parts , which are in continual decay . And because their continual reparation was absolutely necessary to the conservation of the Creature , therefore Nature gave it an Appetite and desire of them ; which if it be of meats , is call'd Hunger ; if of drink , Thirst ; either of them accompany'd with pain and pleasure ; the pain , to give notice of the time to take food ; the pleasure , to make these natural actions perform'd the more willingly . All which , for the same reason , Nature ha's season'd with pleasure , so long as they are not excessive . Therefore being Pleasure and Pain stil follow one another in natural actions , it seems that the one ought to be the rule of the other : And so , since there is more pleasure in drinking then in eating , there is also more pain in thirst then in hungger . Now that drinking is more delicious then eating is manifest , because drink refreshes the body almost in an instant , without disturbing it , as food does , restoring it but by little and little , and so with less pleasure , which is again diminish'd by the agitation caus'd in the head , by the motion of the nether jaw for the grinding of the meat . Yea , if we may believe good drinkers , as experienc'd in this matter , they eat onely to irritate their thirst , to the end they may have more contentment in drinking . The Second said , The more necessary a thing is , the more painful is the want of it . Now the needs of thirst seem the more considerable , for that the absumption of humid substance is more speedy then that of dry , which consequently hath not so urgent necessity of being repair'd as the humid . Moreover , most drinks allay Hunger too as well as thirst ; and therefore there is no more excellent remedy against a Boulimie , or Doggish Hunger then Wine ; whereas , on the contrary , eating provokes Thirst instead of appeasing it . And this Thirst is not onely intollerable in health , but almost in all diseases ; for , excepting the aforesoid Boulimie , all sick persons prefer drinking before eating , as having more need of it ; yea , those to whom eating is necessary , ( for many are cur'd by abstinence ) their food must ordinarily be liquid , that is to say , of the nature of drink ; the drynesse of solid food requiring a greater strength of stomack then sick persons have , for reducing it into Chyle , whose form is liquid ; Nature being unable to accommodate it self to any other . All which evidenceth that Humidity is the more necessary , and also the more difficult to be forborn . The Third said , Experience determines the Question to the advantage of Hunger , since none of us returning home to a meal he begins it with drink , unless be indispos'd . And even they who have intention to begin it so do it in preparation to eating . Moreover , Thirst is only a mutation of quality , which is for that reason most properly call'd Alteration ; because the humidity of the superior orifice of the stomack , in which alone Thirst resides , is then found alter'd , and chang'd into drynesse : But Hunger is an inanition and defect of the substance requisite to fill the vacuities of our parts . So that Hunger surpasses Thirst , as much as substance does an Accident . For these Definitions , that Hunger is a desire of Hot and Dry , as Thirst is of Cold and Moist , seem to be defective ; not onely because Hunger ▪ would never be appeas'd by an exhalation Hot and Dry , or by any other body of the same nature intromitted into the stomack , unlesse it were proper to nourish and mix'd with the other qualities ; but also because Hunger and Thirst are pains , and particularly Hunger , a Convulsion of the stomack , and not Desires or Appetites , whose seat is in the Heart , and not in the Ventricle . And if Hunger were onely after Hot and Dry , then Purslane , Lettice , Melons , and other Cold and Moist Aliments would never satisfie it ; as likewise broths would not allay Thirst when taken ( as 't is the custom ) actually Hot , nor yet Wine which is hot in power , and heats effectually instead of refrigerating , if Thirst were onely after Cold and Moist . But that which shews Hunger to be more insupportable then Thirst , is , that many Hydropical persons , and others , have liv'd some years without drinking ; whereas no body ever could spend much time without eating , unlesse by miracle ; and Famine is often reckon'd among the scourges of God , but Thirst never . The Fourth said , Hunger is caus'd by the continual action of heat upon our substance , which , to secure it self , by help of the same heat attracts what ever is most fluid and moveable in the next part ; this again draws what it can from its neighbour , to supply fewel to this heat . And thus successively from the extremities of the body to the mesaraick veins in the centre ; which , to give supply to this continual suction , powerfully drain out of the guts the purest of the aliment , as these do from the stomack ; which being exhausted , the acide humour diffus'd in the bottom of it , whither 't is convey'd from the spleen by the Vas breve , vellicates the internal tunicle , and causes a pain in it not to be asswag'd but by the application of Aliment ; and this they call Hunger , which also is increas'd by acid things . And this pain , according as 't is more or less sensible , in regard of the acrimony or quantity of the acide humour , and according as the inside of the stomack is lin'd with natural mucosity , makes Hunger to be more easily tolerated by some , then by others . Thirst is a Desiccation , and Calefaction of the upper orifice of the stomack , greater or less according to the degrees of heat , or as any defluxion of fresh or salt Phlegme descends from the Brain upon the orifice . So that they whose natural or accidental heat is less endure Hunger and Thirst best . Which , to the end this Question , must be consider'd neither absolutely or respectively . In the first manner , since eating and drinking are equally necessary , thence Hunger and Thirst shall be equally insupportable . But comparing one Age , one Sex , and one Constitution with another ; Hunger will be more intollerable then Thirst to a Child , to a Woman , and to an Old Man , especially if they be Phlegmatick or Melancholy ; on the contrary , Thirst will be more difficult to endure by a young man if he be cholerick or sanguine . The Fifth said , That the afflux of the melancholy humour may cause the Canine , but not that natural Hunger , which is onely a suction made in the upper orifice of the Ventricle , perceptible by the Nerves of the sixth Conjugation , were the melancholy humour cannot come . Moreover , Nature , who alwayes takes the shortest way , makes the melancholy humour descend from the Spleen into the Haemorrhoidal Veins ; otherwise that impure blood , and the most malignant of all the excretions , would infect the Ventricle , and by it the Chyle . And there being no humour that causes natural Thirst , 't is not necessary there should be any to produce Thirst ; which I account more or less supportable , according to the several habits of Body ; to the fat , Thirst , and Hunger to the lean . II. Whether a General of an Army should endanger his person . Upon the Second Point , That the value which Men put upon Valour , which is nothing else but a contempt of dangers , shews that those who would partake most of honour must also have the greatest share in the danger , according to the Proverb , None triumphs without fighting ; and if we take the opinion of Souldiers , who are the best judges in this case , they never so willingly resign themselves to any Leader , as to him that freely ventures his life with them ; it being no less incompetible for a General to advance himself , and get credit and Reputation in Armes without indangering his person , then for a Pilot to saile well upon the Sea without incurring the hazard of shipwrack . So that we may say of war , what is commonly said of the Sea , He that fears danger must not go to it . The Civilians have the same meaning when they commit the charge of guardianships to those that are most qualifi'd to succeed , and there can be no honour without a charge ; whence the words are promiscuously us'd in our Language . Moreover , as no Sermon is more eloquent then the exemplary life of the Preacher ; so no Military Oration is so perswasive , or so well receiv'd by an Army , as the example of its General , when they see him strike the first blow ; as , on the contrary , if he testifies any fear , every one taking his actions for a rule , and conforming thereunto , will do the same ; he will not be obey'd but with regret , and through a servile fear of punishment , not out of a gallant sense of honour , because he that is most honor'd in the Army is most remote from blows ; at least , the other Leaders and Officers will do as much , and all the Souldiers in imitation of them . In brief , we need but consider , how not only the Marcelli , the Camilli , the Scipio's , Hannibal , and many other Generals of Armies , but Alexander , Caesar , and in our time Henry the Great , and the King of Sweden , all Sovereign Princes , were sufficiently venturous of their persons ; and that it was not by not taking part in dangers , that they triumph'd over their enemies . The Second said , That to know how to command well , and how to execute well , are two several Talents , and depend upon several abilities ; they who are born to command , being unfit to execute ; and , on the contrary , they who are proper to obey being incapable of commanding . Wherefore the Head of an Army , who gives Orders and Commands , must cause them to be executed by others . So the Judge pronounces the Sentence , and appoints Serjeants to put it in execution ; the Physitian commands his Patient , who obeys his prescriptions ; the Pilot , the Officers of the Ship , but himself Steers not . But that which should most restrain a General from acting in person , is , that he cannot in this occurrence preserve the prudence which is absolutely necessary to him . For the heat of Courage heightned by that of the Charge and the Encounter , being wholly contrary to the coldness of Prudence , which is inconsistent with the violent motions caus'd by the ardour of fury , commonly attending Valour , renders him precipitate , inconstant and incapable , for the time , to deliberate of fit means , to chuse them , and cause them to be executed . Moreover , the General being the Chieftain of the Army ought to resemble the Head ; which derives sense and motion to the parts , yet stirs not for their defence , but on the contrary , employs them for its own . So the prime Captain ought to sway and manage the body of his Army by his Counsels and Orders ; but not put his own person in danger , because upon his safety depends that of all the rest , who being destitute of a Chieftain remains like a body without a head , and an unprofitable trunk . Therefore Generals of Armies are compar'd to the heads of Cypress-Trees ; which being once lop'd off , the stem never thrives afterwards . The Third said , The highest point of judgement is to distinguish appearence from truth , and in all professions 't is very dangerous , though in appearence more honorable , to be carri'd to extreams , but especially in War , where there is not room for many mistakes . The General who exposes his life cannot be excus'd from ambition or imprudence ; from the former , if he do's it without necessity ; from the latter , if for want of having rightly order'd his affairs he sees himself reduc'd to that point . Whereas , as in Artificial Engines the piece which gives motion to the rest is immoveable ; so the General who gives order to the main of the Army ought to have the like influence upon it : as the heart in the middle of the body , and the brain in the middle of the head , to transmit life and spirits to the whole body , and to occur to accidents both foreseen and unexpected . Otherwise , should the principal parts not be contented to follow the body , but change their natural situation , all the parts would be doubly inconvenienc'd ; both because they would not know where to find them when they needed their direction ; and because the least offence of the nobler parts being mortal , their hurt would redound not only to themselves , but also to the rest of the body . Moreover , if the General act the Souldier , who shall act the Captain ? how will the Corporal and common Souldier do ? They will all think themselves become equal to their superiors , they will no longer do any thing but in their company ; and 't will be no wonder if disorder slides into all the member ; when it has begun at the head . If they be blam'd for not knowing how to obey , their excuse will be ready , That they have to do with Leaders who know not how to command . Besides , the General hath the same relation to his Army that the First President hath to a Parliament . Now what would you say if the First President should manage the cause , and undertake to plead it , although the Advocates acquitted themselves ill ? Even Domestick Government may serve for a rule in this case ; the head of a Family losing his credit among his servants , when he sets himself to do their work . For whereas almost all the affairs of men depend upon opinion , when the respect which arises from the authority of the superior over his inferiors is once shaken , as it is by the too great familiarity which the society of dangers begets , contempt will be apt to justle out duty . And the common Souldier looks upon his General but as another man when he sees him partake of the same hardships with him . Upon this account were invented the Diadems , Scepters , Crowns , and other ornaments of Sovereigns , and their Magistrates ; the meanest of which , instructed by experience , are jealous of their authority , which they keep up by separating themselves from the commerce of the vulgar ; but lose it as soon as they receive those for companions over whom they are to command . The Fourth said , That Reward and Punishment being the two Supports of all our actions ( but especially in War , where there is not time to make all the inductions requisite to a good ratiocination ) neither of them can be well administer'd without the presence of the Chieftain , who alone can judge of the merit of his Souldiers , free from all passions , especially , envy and jealousie , which are found amongst equals : for want of which both the one and the other sometimes complain with good reason , the meaner of not being seen , and the great persons of not seeing but by the eyes of others . And therefore the presence of the King hath been always of more value then twenty thousand men . The Fifth said , That in this , as in all other moral Questions , 't is impossible to give a definitive judgement , because things of this nature depend not upon certain and infallible causes ( as natural things do ) but upon free causes , which borrow their commendation or blame from the diversity of the circumstances of things , of time , place , persons , and other accidents ; which being infinite , and consequently impossible to be known , have no other rule but that of Prudence assisted by experience . So that it cannot be determin'd absolutely whether the Chieftain of an Army ought to fight or not , but we must distinguish the different occasions which oblige him thereunto , or not . When he understands himself weaker then his enemy , and sees the courage of his Souldiers low , if he cannot avoid giving battel , he must animate his Souldiers by his own example ; as also when he is oblig'd by some notable surprizal to lay all at stake ; or when he undertakes such great matters , that otherwise he can never accomplish them ; as when Alexander conquer'd the whole World , his Father Philip all Greece , and Caesar the Roman Empire . In every other case , 't is imprudence , temerity and injustice , in a head of an Army to esteem his own life no more then that of a common Souldier . Yea 't is greater courage to render himself inflexible in the exact and rigorous maintaining of his orders then to engage himself in fight . In doing which , he notoriously argues his conduct of weakness , since it hath suffer'd things to come to so ill a pass , that he is reduc'd to this extremity of hazarding the loss of his victory , which ordinarily follows the death of the General , and is much more prejudical to his Army then the example is profitable which he gives to those few that are about him , who are not always induc'd to imitate it . Like those Empiricks who employ extream remedies to common diseases , instead of reserving them only for the desperate . CONFERENCE LXII . I. Of Time. II. Whether 't is best to overcome by open force , or otherwise . I. Of Time. EVery thing that hath existence hath a duration . If this duration hath neither beginning nor end , such as that of God is , 't is call'd Eternity : if it hath a beginning , but no end , as that of the Heavens , Angels and rational Souls , 't is call'd by the Latines Aevum ; if it hath both beginning and end , as the duration of all material and sublunary things , 't is call'd Time ; which , although in the mouth of every one , is nevertheless difficult to understand , the Vulgar improperly attributing this name to the Heaven or the Air , saying , 'T is a fair Time ( or Weather ) when the Air and Heaven are serene and clear . For although Time be inseparable from Heaven , yet 't is as different from it as the effect is from its cause : And Pythagoras was deceiv'd when he thought that Time was the Celestial Sphere ; as well as Plato , who held it to be the conversion of that Sphere ; and Democritus , the motion of every thing . Nevertheless , Heaven and Time may be conceiv'd distinctly and a sunder , because Time is the duration of the World , the noblest part whereof is Heaven ; and the effects of Time are not known to us but by the motion of the Heavens and the Stars , which make the Seasons , Years , Weeks , Days and Hours , with the difference of day and night . The Second said , That Time is a pure creature of our Phancy , and hath no real existence in Nature , since it hath no parts . For time pass'd is no more , the future is not yet ; the present is but a moment , which cannot be part of time ; since 't is common to every part that being taken several times it composes and compleats its total ; which agrees not to a moment , a hundred thousand moments added together making but one moment , and therefore cannot make the least part of time , no more then an infinite number of points can make the least line , because it is not compos'd of points ; as time is not compos'd of moments . For if you say Time is the flux of a moment , as a line is the flux of a point , this argues not the existence of Time , because a point leaves something behind it as it moves , but a moment doth not . Yea , if we believe Aristotle , a moment is not in Time. For either 't is one moment , or many . If one , it will follow that what is done at present , and what a thousand years ago , were done at the same time , because in the same moment . If there be many moments in time , they must succed one another , one perishing as the next arises , just as of the parts of time , the pass'd perishes to give birth to the future . But a moment cannot perish . For it must perish either in time , or in an instant . Not in time , for this is divisible , but an instant indivisible . Nor yet in an instant . For either that instant would be it self , and so it should be , and not be , together : or it would be the instant before it ; which will not hold ; because whilst that preceding instant exists , this other is not yet in being ; or , lastly , 't would be the instant after it , and then this instant would be gone before . Wherefore either Time is nothing at all , or else but an imaginary thing . And indeed it seems consentaneously call'd Number and Measure ; because neither of these hath other existence then in the mind . For if you say , with some , that time is essential to things , you may as well say that the Ell is of the essence of the cloath which it measures , and number essential to the things numbred ; so that , by this reckoning , Measure and Number should be of all sorts of Natures , because they are apply'd to all things . The Third said , That amongst real things some are momentary , being made and perishing in one and the same instant , which is the measure of their existence ; others are perdurable , amongst which as there is something that hath always been , and shall always be ; others that have not always been , yet shall always be ; so there are some that have not been sometimes , and sometimes shall be no more . Again , of these latter , some have all their parts together ; others have them one after another . The first are continuous , and their duration is their age ; the second are successive , whose duration is time . For duration follows the existence of every thing as necessarily as existence follows essence . Existence is the term of production . Duration is the term of conservation . So that , to doubt whether there be such a real thing in Nature as Time , is to doubt of the duration and existence of every thing ; although the Scripture should not assure us that God made the day and the night , which are parts of time . Moreover , the contrary reasons prove nothing , saving that time is not of the nature of continuous beings , but of successive , which consists in having no parts really present . This Time is defin'd , by the Philosopher . The Number of Motion according to its prior and posterior parts ; that is to say , by means of time we know how long the motion lasted , when it begun , and when it ended . For being Number may serve for Measure , and Measure for number , therefore they are both taken for one and the same thing . Indeed , when a thing is mov'd , 't is over some space ; whose first parts answer to the first parts of motion , and the latter parts of the space to the latter parts of the motion , and from this succession of the latter parts of the motion to the former ariseth a duration , which is time , long or short , according to the slowness or quickness of this motion . And because by means of this duration we number and measure that of motions , and of all our actions , therefore it is call'd Number or Measure ; although it be onely a Propriety of Time to serve for a Measure , and no ways of its essence . The Fourth said , That to understand time , 't is requisite to understand the motion , and two moments , one whereof was at the beginning of that motion , and the other at the end ; and then to imagine the middle , or distance between those two extreams , which middle is Time. Therefore man alone being able to make comparison of those two extreams , only he of all animals understands and computes time . Hence they who wake out of a deep and long sleep think it but a small while since they first lay down to rest , because they took no notice of the intermediate motions , and think the moment wherein they fell asleep and that wherein they wak'd , is but one single moment . The same also happens to those who are so intent upon any action or contemplation , that they heed not the duration of motions . Now not only the motions of the body , but those of the mind are measured by time . Therefore , in the dark , he that should perceive no outward motion , not even in his own body , might yet conceive time by the duration of his soul's actions , his thoughts , desires , and other spiritual motion . And as Time is the Measure of Motion , so it is likewise of rest ; since the reason of contraries is the same . And , consequently , motion and rest being the causes of all things , time , which is their duration , is also their universal cause . The Fifth said , That 't is ordinary to men to attribute the effects whereof they know not the causes , to other known causes , though indeed they be nothing less ; so they attribute misfortunes , losses , death , oblivion , and such other things , to Heaven , to Time , or to place , although they cannot be the causes thereof . Hence some certain days have been superstitiously accounted fortunate or unfortunate , as by the Persians the third and sixth of August , in regard of the losses which they had suffer'd upon those days ; the first of April by Darius and the Carthaginians , because upon the same day he had lost a Battle to Alexander , and these were driven out of Sicily by Timoleon , who was always observ'd to have had some good fortune upon his birth day . Moreover , the Genethliacks affirm that the day of Nativity is always discriminated by some remarkable accident : for which they alledge the example of Charles V. whose birth day , the 24th of February , was made remarkable to him by his election to the Empire , and the taking of Francis I. before Pavia . Such was also that day afterwards solemniz'd , in which Philip of Macedon receiv'd his three good tidings . But as there is no hour , much less day , but is signaliz'd by some strange accidents , so there is not any but hath been both fortunate and unfortunate . As was that of Alexander's birth , who saw Diana's Temple at Ephesus burnt by Herostratus , and the Persians put wholly to the rout : Yet the same Alexander , as likewise Attalus , Pompey , and many others , dy'd upon the day of their Nativity ; so did Augustus upon that of his Inauguration . Wherefore 't is no less ridiculous to refer all these accidents to Time , then to attribute to it the mutation , oblivion , and death of all things , whereof it is not the cause ; although for this purpose Saturn was painted with a sickle in his hand , with which he hew'd every thing down , and devour'd his own children . For Time as well as Place being quantities , which are no ways active , they cannot be the causes of any things . The Sixth said , Time is diversly taken and distinguish'd according to the diversity of Professions . Historians divide it into the four Monarchies , of the Medes , the Persians , the Greeks , and the Romans , and the States and Empires which have succeeded them : The Church into Working-days and Festivals : the Lawyers into Terms and Vacations ; the Naturalists consider them simply as a property of natural body ; Astronomers , as an effect of Heaven ; Physitians , as one of the principal circumstances of Diseases , which they divide into most acute , acute , and chronical or long , which exceed 40 days ; and each of them into their beginning , augmentation , state and declination , as distinguish'd by the common , indicatory and critical days . II. Whether 't is best to overcome by open force or otherwise . Upon the second Point it was said , That Force being that which first caus'd obedience and admiration in the world , the strongest having ever over-mastered others ; it cannot enter into comparison with a thing that passes for a Vice , and even amongst Women , as sleight and and subtlety doth ; and crafts in any action otherwise glorious , greatly diminisheth its lustre . So Hercules is more esteem'd for having slain the Nemaean Lion with his club , then Lysimachus for having taken away the life of another by dextrously thrusting his hand wrap'd up in a piece of cloth into his open'd throat , and so strangling him ; of which no other reason can be given , but that the former kil'd him by his cunning , and the other by plain strength . Moreover , General things are made of Particular ; duels and single fights , are little pictures of battles . Now every one knows what difference there is between him that overcomes his Enemy without any foul play , and another that makes use of some invention or artisice to get advantage of him . For though Duels are justly odious to all good men , yet he that hath behav'd himself gallantly therein , even when he is overcome gains more Honour then he that by some fraud hath gotten the life of his Enemy . Indeed , the word Virtue coming from the Latine which , signifies Man , implyes that to be virtuous , 't is requir'd to overcome as a Man , and leave tricks , sleights , and subtleties to Women , to supply their weakness ; and yet Women too , when they see the masculine vigorous deportment , and feats of Arms of a Cavalier , that has won the victory over his Enemy , will prefer him before an other who hath had the same advantage without striking a blow . Whence it appears , that in all sort of Minds , Generosity and Courage finds more favour then subtlety . The Second said , That the Emblem of the Wind and the Sun , trying which should make the Traveller quit his Cloak , ( attributing the mastery to the Sun above the Wind ) shews that Force is not alwayes the most efficacious . For he who aimes to overcome must accomplish it by the most facile way ; which being ordinarily the gentlest , because it finds least resistance , brings about its designes more easily then violence , which giving the Alarm makes every one stand upon his guard , and renders all enterprizes dangerous . Therefore the wise General who commits his affairs to Chance as little as he can , assayes all other means before he comes to open force ; imitating a discreet Master of a Family , who never falls to blows either in his house , or out of it , so long as he hath any hope from wayes of gentleness . Moreover , the means which peculiarly belong to Man ought to be prefer'd before those which are common to him with brutes ; yea , in which they go beyond him . And you see that they are not the most strong and robust that command in Monarchies and States , but the most wise and prudent , whose bodies are commonly more weak through their great watchings and toils ; and because these delicate bodies are more easie to be govern'd by the powers of the Soul , which consequently are more worthily exercis'd therein . The Third said , That Philip of Macedon had reason to compare subtlety to the Foxes skin , as force to the Lion's , saying , that the former was to be made use of when the latter hapened to be too short . For he who employes subtlety in war , thereby acknowledges his weaknesse which made an old Captain say , when he was advis'd to set upon his Enemy in the night , That he would win , not steal a Victory . For he that is vanquish'd onely by stratagem does not acknowledge himself worsted ; and they who make use of wiles , when they think they have done , they are alwayes to begin again ; as the Barretors who by some subtlety have procur'd a Verdict are never secure against new Sutes . So a little man , skill'd in wrastling , may haply trip up his more sturdy Antagonist , and so be counted more dextrous or nimble , but not more strong then he . Moreover , since all actions take their rule from Justice , which cannot consist with fraud , he is not to be reputed a Conqueror that hath gotten a Victory unjustly . The Fourth said , That if we receive the judgement of the vanquish'd , the Victors are alwayes faulty . Therefore it matters not by what means we defeat our Enemies , provided those means be lawful , and transgress not the maxime of Divines ; That evil is not to be done to the end good may come of it . This premiz'd , 't is not onely lawfull for the chief of an Army , but perfectly his duty to deprive his Enemies of all advantages before the fight , in it , and afterward besieging places , defending them , or giving them relief . So Joshuah , to encourage the Israelites to make an invasion into the land of Canaan , caus'd Grapes of prodigious greatness which grew in that Country to be shew'd them in the Desart . Cato , to animate the Romans to the Carthaginian War , let fall in the Senate some of the large African Figgs , crying , that there were but three days sail from the place where they grew . An other , by letting loose a Hare from the walls of Thebes , thereby assur'd his Souldiers that they had to do onely with cowards , since they suffer'd those Animals to come amongst them . M. Antonius , to exasperate the Romans against the murtherers of Caesar , display'd his shirt to them all bloody . And Augustus , to convince them of ingratitude , publish'd his Testament , true or fictitious ; whereby he made those very murtherers his heirs . Others , of whom Examples are infinite , by continual Alarms oblige their Enemies to watch and stand for some dayes in armes before the fight , to the end to tire them out by those toiles ; they weaken them by delights , cut off their provisions , hinder their relief , raise false reports , and intercept Letters on purpose to abate their Courage , or that of their Allies . In the fight , they strive to give their Enemies the disadvantage of the wind , dust , smoak , and Sun in their faces ; they possess the highest and most advantagious places , and drive them upon precipices , ditches , bogs , and other incommodious places ; they let loose mad beasts upon them , as Elephants of old , to break their ranks , and strike terror into them ; which others do also by their cryes , words , armes , engines , and other uncouth inventions , the strangeness whereof making a great impression in their Minds , puts them into disorder . They make shew of assailing them on one side , whilst on the other , where they are weakest , they give an assault in good earnest . Some have overcome them by their celerity , surprizing them asleep , feasting , playing , or wearied ; others , by a contrary stratagem , get the better of them by patience , undermining and consuming them by little and little . After the fight , when the Enemies are defeated , they hinder them from getting together again in a body . In brief , all the sleight and artifice that humane invention can imagine , to confound the counsels , and dissipate the forces of the Enemy , hath been in all times employ'd to that end ; and they who have best practis'd the same , have gotten the name of great Captains . Therefore Virgil had reason to say , That it was not to be consider'd , whether fraud or force were to be us'd against an Enemy ; but to conclude , both are succesfully joyn'd together . CONFERENCE LXIII . I. Of Motion . II. Of Custome . I. Of Motion . MOtion is consider'd variously in the Sciences . By Metaphysicks , inasmuch as Entity is divided into Moveable and Immoveable . By Natural Philosophy , as 't is an internal propriety of a Natural Body . By Logick , so far as 't is inseparable from Contrariety , whereof it treats amongst the Opposites . By Physick , as being comprehended amongst the six things not-natural . By Astronomy , as it is annex'd to the Heavens , and by them is the cause of all those here below . By the Mechanicks , as 't is the Agent of all their Engines . And 't were to be wish'd for the perfection of the Mathematicks , that as some of them treat of continuous Quantity permanent ; ( as Geometry ) others , of discrete Quantity , ( as Arithmetick ) considering them abstracted from their matter ; so there were some that treated purely of the nature and properties of continuous Quantity successive , which is Motion . For the doctrine of Motion is so excellent , that by its help Philosophers guided onely by the light of Nature have come to the knowledge of one Eternal God alone , and of the dependance that all beings have upon one sole cause ; because every thing that is mov'd is mov'd by something else ; otherwise , if it mov'd it self , it should make it self perfect ; since every thing that moves gives perfection , and that which is mov'd receives the same . Now this cannot be , because then one and the same thing should at the same time be both Agent and Patient , have and not have perfection , be and not be ; which is the greatest absurdity . Wherefore what ever is mov'd , 't is mov'd by some other thing , and this by some other , till you come to a First Mover , who gives Motion to all things . For otherwise there would be a progress into infinity , which cannot be admitted into causes . Likewise , that all things depend upon a Supreme Cause is prov'd by Motion ; because every thing that is mov'd depends upon that which moves it : Whereupon the Naturalists say , that it is united thereunto by a Contact either of the Suppositum , or of Virtue ; and therefore all things being mov'd by that First Cause , depend wholly upon it , and are united to it . But as excellent things are most difficult , and commonly the clearest are assaulted by the strongest objections ; so there have been some persons that have deny'd Motion , as Parmenides and Zeno , ( although it hath as true existence as Nature which is the principle of it ) because they could not answer the objections brought against it . Others , on the contrary , as Heraclitus , have conceiv'd that all things are in continual Motion , although the same be never perceiv'd by our Senses . But Aristotle , according to his wont , chusing the middle opinion , hath affirm'd , That there are some things which alwayes move ; others , that alwayes rest , and others that move and rest alternately . That which alwayes rests is the First Mover ; That which alwayes moves , is the Heavens , whose never interrupted circular Motion comes very near infinity . Things which move and rest at times , are all other simple or compound bodies , in which the Motion is either natural , as in fire to mount upwards ; or in violent , as in the same fire to descend downwards . Both which kinds of Motion admit of rest too ; the natural , when the body hath found its centre ; the violent , at the point of reflection , or when the virtue impress'd upon it by the Agent ceases . The Second said , The incessant mutation made in all things , argues that there is no Rest ; since Rest is the abiding of things in one and the same state , and nothing doth so . Nor is there any Motion , because if there were , it should be made in an Instant . But Nothing is chang'd in an Instant , being all Mutation presupposes two termes ; one , From which , and another , To which ; and there are no termes without a middle , or medium ; nor can any thing pass from one terme to another through a medium , but in time . That Motion must be made in an Instant , appears , because there is nothing between the last point of that which is to be chang'd , and the first of that which is chang'd . For in Local Motion , a stone begins to be mov'd at the same instant wherein it ceases to rest . There is therefore no intermediate space between its motion and its rest : And if two extremes which have no medium between them be together , then things which are together are in one and the same moment . This is yet further manifest in the other kinds of Motion . For in Generation there is nothing between Not-Being ; and Being , and in Corruption nothing between Being and Not-Being . Otherwise , there should be something that exists and exists not ; which is contrary to the first principle . In Alteration , as soon as the Air is illuminated the Darkness ceaseth , and there is nothing between them . In Accretion or Augmentation , the Body is still in its first quantity till it receive a greater ; as likewise in Diminution 't is alwayes in the same magnitude , till it be reduc'd to a less . For we must beware of taking the dispositions or preparations to all these motions for the motions themselves . The Third said , 'T is easier to say what Motion is not , then what it is ; since the Philosopher tells us , that it hath more of Non-entity then of Entity . Wherefore being things cannot be known but so far as they are true , and they are not true but so far as they have Being , 't is no wonder if Motion be one of the difficultest to be understood ; and 't is the more so , because we must not confound with the other things that accompany it , which are the Agent and Patient , their action and passion , it s two termes , the extent of place , time , and the subject wherein it is caus'd . Besides , every thing that is known , being so either by it self when it is real , or by some other when it is not such ; Motion which partly is , and partly is not , can neither be known by it self , nor by some thing else ; for it cannot be known by the Senses , nor , without their help , by the Intellect ; there being in Motion a something before , and something after ; and consequenly , a correspondence which falls not within cognizance of the Senses . Therefore , to supply this defect , the Philosophers have describ'd Motion , ( of it self insensible ) by things that fall under sense , saying , that it is That which is included between the term From which , and the term To which ; as the Physitians render the motions of life sensible by Dentition , Puberty , Stature , different colours of the Hair ; in short , by the vigor and inclination of actions , and by such other sensible signes which notifie the diversity of Ages : And the Astrologers , those of the Sun , and other Stars , by the houses of the Zodiack , their Oppositions and different Aspects ; as also by the dispositions of the Air which make the diversity of our seasons ; like those Travellers which distinguish the number of miles by Cities , Villages , Crosses , and other visible signes . Motion is therefore the passage from one term to the other . And so , not onely when my hand slides from one side of this paper to the other , but also when of hot it becomes cold , there is made a Motion . II. Of Custome . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Right is divided into written and not written ; the former is the Laws , the second is Custome , which is of Right us'd of long time , establish'd by little by the liking of every one , and approv'd by the tacite consent of the whole people ; and therefore more grateful then Law , which never equally pleases all ; and is oftimes form'd in an instant : But Custome , taking root by time , is not establish'd , except after long experiences . 'T is of account among Physitians , that Hippocrates commands that regard be had to it as well to the age , the disease , the country , and the season ; yea , he saith , that all things accustomed , ( although bad ) are yet less hurtful then those which are unusual , although better in themselves . Amongst Lawyers nothing is so powerful as Custome , which makes us patiently endure things contrary to the equity and nature it self ; such is the exclusion of the younger Children from a share of the inheritance , which amongst the Gentry of most Nations descends to the eldest . The variety of Custome makes some Nations prefer a supercilious gravity ; others , familiarity and courtesie : Some are commendable for sobriety , others are notorious for drunkennesse . Some people , as the Albanians , accounted it impious to speak of the dead ; and amongst us , 't is impiety not to think of them . Amongst the first , Egyptians , women went to the Tavern , and men spun at home ; as amongst the Amazons , the women alone were Souldiers . The Lacedemonians permitted Theft , provided it were committed dextrously . The Arrians , on the contrary , ston'd the most pety Thieves . Amongst the Babylonian Ladies she was held the most vertuous who prostituted her honour to most people , whereas nothing is so tenderly regarded among all other Nations . In brief , we are civil or uncivil , good or bad , foolish or wise , or any thing else , according to custom , which Erasmus calls the Monosyllable Tyrant , because 't is term'd Mos in Latine ; a Tyrant , to whom he is so distastful that doth not dress himself , make his reverences , and do every thing to obey it , that he passes for a fool in all the rest of his actions . The Second said , Custom bears such a sway over all the actions of men , that it renders all things familiar to them . The Understanding commonly embraces the falshoods which it first imbib'd , and rejects the truth ( its proper object ) whereunto it is not accustomed . The cause of which is , for that what the Intellect apprehends it so familiarizes to it self as to become conformable thereunto , and by the pattern thereof judges of all the rest thenceforward ; yea of it self , which being become like to the thing apprehended cannot approve the contrary ; every thing being pleas'd with its like . The Will , although free in all its actions , yet undergoes some sort of constraint , when it finds it self more inclin'd to persons of acquaintance then to unknown , though more accomplish'd . Moreover , we love rather by custom then by reason . Hence Mothers more tenderly affect their Children with whom they commonly converse more , then Fathers do ; and Nurses more then some Mothers . As the Memory decays through want of being exercis'd , so experience shews us that the most certain Art of it is to cultivate it . Custom hath such a power over the Imagination , that those who think frequently of any thing , dream of it likewise when they are asleep . Amongst the outward Senses , is not the Sight dazled when we come out of the dark into a bright place ? as , on the other side , we see not a jot when we go out of the Sun into a very shady place ; yet our eyes perform their office , being accustom'd to both . Those who live neer the Cataracts of Nile , the Artificers whose noise displeases us so much , and who dwell in Mills and Forges , are not disgusted with those clatters , and rest as sweetly without silence as others do with it . Neat-herds , accustomed to breathe in Stables , swoon at the smell of perfumes . The mischief arising to Infants by changing their milk as well as the manner of living to all ages , and the diversity of tolerating pains according as people are hardned to them , or not , justifie the power of custom over all our Senses . So that it is justly stil'd the Mistress of Man , stronger then Nature , which it alters and destroys , and is so powerful that it cannot be destroy'd but by it self . The Third said , That Custom is less strong then Nature , being difficult to change only because 't is some-ways like Nature . Hence 't is easier to reclaim one that is vicious by custom then by nature ; for this custom being a habit , the same actions which gave it being by their frequent repetition , destroy it likewise by their interruption . But Nature being radicated within us may indeed be encounter'd , but always holds out ; yea , according to the Proverb , it returns although you drive it away with a fork . The melancholy person cannot so well play the Greek , and be jovial in company , as not to discover some token of that sad humour , amidst his greatest rejoycing . On the contrary , you will see sanguine humours which cannot counterfeit sadness even in matters that require it most . The cholerick sometimes governs his passion well by reason ; but he can never suppress the first motions of it , because they are not in our power ; and therefore Philosophy rather masks , then amends nature . In fine , the Phlegmatick always appears slow and stupid in his most violent motions ; on the contrary , custom is easily alter'd by a good resolution ; as we see in abundance of holy and penitent souls , who forsaking the world , in an instant divest themselves of all their evil habits , and put on those of piety . And Socrates could by the precepts of Philosophy change his evil habits , not his natural inclinations , but that there appear'd sufficient tokens thereof in his countenance , to justifie the judgement of Zopyrus the Physiognomer . The Fourth said , We are beholden to custom , that every one abides in his own condition . 'T is that which makes Seamen prefer the tempests at sea before rest at land , and the laborer despise the treasures of the East , for his cart . It made Caesar go bare-headed , although bald , in all the ardours of Africk , and the coldest climates of the North. It arms the beggar to encounter with hunger , cold , and the other incommodities of the air . 'T is from hence that we see slaves sell their liberty after they have receiv'd it from their Masters ; they are so accustom'd to live in chains . 'T is this and not nature which lays shame upon the parts most necessary for conservation of the species : witness the punishment of some Indians upon such as have abus'd them ; for they condemn them to cover them , whereas others wholly discover them ; and these criminals account not themselves less punish'd hereby then those that here are pillory'd or carted ; which also is not ignominious amongst us but by custom . It likewise exercises dominion over ceremonies and civilities , most whereof are so contrary to health and seemliness . It keeps the Mint where honour is coin'd ; and that which is not register'd there passes for errour and clownishness . 'T is this which causes men to kiss one another when they salute , whereas thirty years ago they retir'd backward with many reverences which denoted respect ; yea it bears such an absolute rule over mens minds , that as the Greeks and Romans stil'd all Barbarians who follow'd not their laws and fashions , all the world n●w do's the like still , judging ancient or forreign modes and usages ridiculous . We blame the manners of the Aethiopians and Chineses as they do ours ; the visages of the people which most frighten us are best lik'd by them ; and we phancy deformity with the same lineaments and colours wherewith they paint beauty . Those Americans who kill their old decrepit Parents , instead of believing themselves parricides , call us cruel for letting ours continue so long in the miseries of age . Infinite like instances have caus'd some to say , that 't is another nature : but I hold it stronger then nature , since by it Mithridates render'd poyson innoxious to himself , and some whole Nations of India live upon Toads , Lizards and Spiders . Yea it hath made death as lovely and desireable as life amongst great Nations ; whereas Philosophy with all its pompous discourses hath labour'd much to render the same indifferent to a few persons . 'T is call'd by Pindar the Emperess of the world , and caus'd Seneca to say , that we govern not our selves by reason but by custom , accounting that most honest which is most practis'd ; and error serves us for a law when it is become publick . Lastly , 't is stronger then the laws themselves , since it gives them all the power and authority which they have . The Fifth said , That Vertue it self is nothing but a custom . For we have it not by nature , as Plato holds in his Menander , because of those things which we have by nature , the faculties are found in us before the actions . So the power of seeing , hearing , and speaking , is in man before these acts ; but we perform vertuous actions before we have the habit of vertue . Moreover , these vertues are for this reason call'd moral ; because they are implanted by custom ; and as an Architect learns his Art by frequent building , so by constant performance of acts of justice or courage men become just or courageous . Therefore the true way to become virtuous is to be accustom'd to vertue from one's infancy ; and hence Fathers are so careful to have their children well instructed , and to give them good examples . For being nothing but difficulty keeps men off from the practice of virtue ; if this difficulty were remov'd by custom , which makes the hardest things easie , vertue which seems so knotty would be delightful , and pass into nature . And 't is a token of perfect vertue when men take pleasure in exercising it . CONFERENCE LXIV . I. Of the Imagination . II. Which is most powerful , Hope or Fear . I. Of the Imagination . BEcause the knowledge of the present suffic'd not for the preservation of animals , but requir'd also that of the past and the future ; therefore Nature hath made provision for the same , giving them not only five Outward Senses whereby they know their objects present ( for every sensation is a sort of knowledge ) but likewise a Common Sense to Distinguish those objects , an Imagination to represent the same to it when they are absent , and a Memory to preserve the Species . Now as , amongst the external Senses , those are exercis'd most perfectly whose organs are best dispos'd ; so , amongst the internal , those are most vigorous which are found in a brain best temper'd for their action . If its constitution be humid , then the Common Sense acts most perfectly ; if dry , the Memory is most tenacious ; if hot , the Phancy or Imagination is strongest . But if the temper of the same Brain be cold and dry , then Prudence reigns in it , as we see in old men , and melancholy persons . For 't is more reasonable to say , that the Organ of these faculties is the whole Brain then any one part of it . And what is brought for proof of the contrary ; that oftimes one of the faculties is hurt while the rest are entire ( some having a sound Memory when their Imagination is deprav'd ) argues not that they have different seats ; but as the natural faculty in the whole Liver sometimes attracts but cannot retain , retains but cannot digest or separate excrements ; so the animal faculty equally dispers'd through the whole substance of the Brain , sometimes judges well of the difference of objects , acknowledges conveniences and disconveniences , receives the true species , but yet cannot retain them ; on the contrary , the Memory will be sometimes entire although the Imagination be disorder'd , because the constitution which is then found in the whole Brain is fit for the exercise of one of those functions , not of the other . Moreover , it happens not unusually that those faculties are wounded , although the Ventricles assign'd for their residence be not ; as in the head-ach , or distemper of the Brain , and in Phrensies caus'd only by inflammation of the Meninges without any laesion of the Ventricles . The Second said , That the Imagination is not distinct from the other faculties ; but our soul resembles the Sun , which in the continuity of the same action hath different effects , not acting in the diaphanous parts of Heaven , refrigerating the middle region of the air , heating the lower , and again herein corrupting some bodies , producing and giving life to others : The conservation of the species and their reception not being two different actions ; but rather as the wax by one and the same action receives a figure and retains it , so the Imagination which receives the species of objects must not be distinguish'd from it self when it preserves and retains them , unless by reason or mental discrimination , whereby we call Memory it self an action , although it be but the continuation and preservation of the first . The Third said , The effects of the Imagination are so marvellous , that most of those are ascrib'd to it whereof we can find no other reason . As , the likeness of Children to their Fathers , although they be only putatives ; because the apprehension of disloyal Wives of being surpriz'd by their Husbands makes them conceive them always present : the production of most Monsters , the marks imprinted upon the Child in the Womb , and the like . But that it is the Mistress of Reason and the Will , deserves most admiration . For the Soul imagining no danger , or proposing to it self a good greater then the mischief of the danger , carries the body upon the ridges of houses , upon ropes and breaches , even upon the mouths of Canons ; makes some swim cross rivers asleep , who destroy and drown themselves , and are frighted where they have least cause ; namely , when they awake or find themselves alone in the dark , so soon as their Phancy proposes some terrible object to them , how absurd soever it be . Wherefore they who desire to encourage Souldiers heat their Brains with Wine , which keeps their imagination from representing the danger to them : or raise some extraordinary boldness in them by generous discourses , whose new impressions drive their bodies upon dangers . Hence the Turks disorder the imagination of their Souldiers by Opium , the effect whereof in the quantity wherein they take it is contrary to that whereby it casts sick persons into a sleep in this climate . Reason never acquiesces in the propositions which our Imagination hath not apprehended as true ; and therefore weak minds are less capable of relinquishing an error wherewith they have been imbu'd . Offences are not such , but so far as our phancy conceives them such . For a great hurt which we have receiv'd , if an excuse follow it , offends us not ; whereas an indifferent word , a coldness , a gesture which we interpret for a scorn , even a privation of action , as neglect of a salutation , makes men go to the field . Yea all the professions of the world borrow their praise or their blame from Phancy . And who is there amongst us but would account it a grievance , and make great complaints , if that were impos'd upon him by command which his phancy makes him extreamly approve . The studious person rises in the night , to study ; the amorous spends it in giving serenades ; In brief , the Proverb , that saith , None are happy or unhappy but they who think themselves so , abundantly evidences the power of Imagination . The Fourth said , All Animals that have outward senses have also Imagination ; which is a faculty of the sensitive soul enabling them to discriminate things agreeable from the contrary : Therefore those Philosophers who deny'd this power to Worms , Flyes , and other insects , which they affirm'd to be carried towards their good by chance , and not by any knowledge of it , besides their derogating from divine providence , were ignorant that the smallest animals cease not to have the same faculties as others , at least , confused , as their Organs are , which contain the more marvels in that they serve to more several uses . Moreover , Experience shews us , that they well distinguish what is fit for them from what is not ; yea they have their passions too ; for choler leads the Bee to pursue the enemy that hath pillag'd its hive ; their providence , or fore-cast , since both that and the Pismire lay in their provisions , and observe a kind of policy among them , the former acknowledging a King ; which they could not do without the help of Imagination , although the same be not so strong in them as in perfect animals : among whom even such as have no eyes , or want the use of them , as the Mole , are much inferior to others in Imagination , which is chiefly employ'd about the Images ( whence it takes its name ) whereof the sight supplies a greater quantity then all the other Senses . So that every animal , being naturally lead to its own good , needs an Imagination to conceive it such ; but all have not Memory , which being given only to enable animals to find their abode again which they are oblig'd to quit for some time in quest of food ; those who change not their residence , as Oysters , or which carry it with them , as Snails and Tortoises , have no need of it . The Fifth said , That the Imagination is a cognition different from that of sense ; for it knows that which is not , but the Sense doth not ; from Science and Intelligence , because these are always true , but that is sometimes true , sometimes false . Nevertheless , 't is not opinion ; because opinion produces a belief in us , which presupposes perswasion , and this is an effect of Reason whereof brutes are not possest , although all of them have , more or less , some Imagination . It s object is of so great latitude that it goes beyond that of entity ; since that which is not as well as that which is , the false as well as the true , are under its jurisdiction ; for it composes , divides and runs over , all nature , and what is out of nature ; herein almost like the Intellect , which owes all its highest notions to it , since it can know nothing without the phantasmes of the Imagination , which , on the contrary , depends not any ways upon the Understanding in its operations . The Sixth said , The Imagination , although very active , and carri'd in a moment from the lowest stage of the world to its highest stories , and to those spaces which it phansies above the heavens , yet cannot comprehend where it self is lodg'd . But the quality of the Brain most proper for it , is heat . For besides its great activity , whereby it is necessarily alli'd to fire , the phanciful persons are most subject to burning Fevers , the cholerick excel in this faculty , of which , on the contrary , the phlegmatick are worst provided . Whence , perhaps , Poets , who owe their best Verses to the Phancy , heighten the heat of their Brain by drinking the best liquors . Moreover , 't is the strongest of all the Souls Faculties , and involves every thing here below . It disorders and quiets Nations , making them undertake wars and desire peace ; it awakens and stills our passions ; and as if nature were not powerful enough to produce all things necessary to the perfection of the world , it daily frames new ideas , and makes other worlds to its curiosity . 'T is this that blinded him of whom Pliny speaks , who having dream'd in the night that he had lost his sight , found himself blind when he wak'd ; 't is this that gave a voice to Croesus's son which nature had deny'd him ; which chang'd L. Cossutius from a woman into a man ; which made horns grow out of the forehead of Cippus after his dreaming of the Oxen whom he had seen fighting all the day before . In brief , 't is this that made Gallus Vibius become foolish , by having mus'd too much upon the causes of folly . But it acts not only within both upon the body and the soul ; it diffuses its power beyond its own mansion . For to it is attributed that wonder of the Tortoises and Estriches which hatch their egges by the sight ; as also that of Hens , which breed Chickens according to the colours laid neer their Nests , and sometimes of the shape of a Kite if they have been frighted by that bird whilst they were hatching . 'T is also to the power of Imagination that what my Lord Bacon affirms is to be referr'd , namely , That it is dangerous to be beheld by our enviers in extream joy , as 't is reported that certain Scythian women murder'd only with a single aspect ; and possibly to this cause better then to any other the bleeding of a murder'd body in the murderer's presence may be imputed , as also that the most vigorous have been found cold and impotent ; and other effects , the cause whereof may be better referr'd to this Imagination , and the connexion and coherence of this cause with those effects demonstrated . II. Which is most powerful Hope or Fear . Upon the second Point , it was said , That fear being of two sorts , one filial , mix'd with respect proper to the ingenuous ; the other servile , arising only from the consideration of punishment ; it appears hence that fear is more effectual then hope ; which is not often found but in good persons , whereas fear is found both in the wicked and the good . The Laws seem also to decide this question , there being none that encourages vertue to hope for any thing , but all infuse an abhorrence of crimes by the fear of punishments . Moreover , both the Indies would not suffice the least Commonwealth , if profitable rewards were to be given to every good action perform'd in it ; and honorable recompences being valu'd only for their rarity , would be no longer so if they came to be common . Therefore there is but one Treasurer of the Exchequer in office , but Judges , Counsellors , Archers and Serjeants innumerable . Moreover , there is always more to be fear'd then hop'd . For he who hath an estate and honour may more easily lose them by the underminings of the wicked and envious , who are the greatest number , then obtain new by performing as much good as he will ; either because they who are able to reward him are not always well inform'd thereof , or because they want both the means , and the will to do it . Therefore although God would have us hope for Paradise , yet he requires that we serve him in fear , and draw neer to him with trembling . So that the thing we most hope for ( eternal life ) mixing our hope with fear , 't is not credible that any other thing is exempt from it : Yet there are some fears without any hope . Now the passion which acts powerfully alone is stronger then that which acts onely in the company of another . The Second said , That if the greatness of causes is to be judg'd by that of their effects , that Passion must be strongest which leads us to the greatest attempts . And so Hope will carry it above Fear , since 't is that which makes a Souldier run up a breach , and which hath induc'd so many illustrious men , both ancient and modern , to generous actions ; whereas , Fear by its coldness chilling the spirits , and penning them within , renders them incapable of any action . For all our actions depending on the dispositions of the spirits , the instruments of all motions both Internal and External ; if these spirits be heated , active and nimble , as they are render'd by Hope , then the Mind is boldly carry'd to the most difficult actions . On the contrary , if they be cool'd and fix'd by Fear , then the soul finding her self enfeebled , can do nothing but what is mean and pusillanimous . The Third said , To examine the power of Hope and Fear aright , we must look upon them as two Champions , who are to encounter . But Fear already shews by the paleness of its Countenance , that it wants Heart , and yields to Hope , which animates it self to the pursuite of the good it aims at , by driving away all sort of Fear , which would cause apprehension of obstacles and crosses , opposing the enjoyment of that good . Moreover , Fear is contemptible , and not found but in abject spirits ; whereas Hope resides in sublime souls , where it produces actions worthy of its grandeur and original , which is Heaven ; towards which men naturally lift their eyes in their adversities ; as Fear derives its original from below , towards which it depresses the bodies and minds of those whom it possesses : So that to compare Hope with Fear , is to put Heaven in parallel with Earth . The Fourth said , That both these Passions belong to the Irascible Appetite , both of them look to the future , and are employ'd to surmount the difficulties which are presented to the Concupiscible Appetite . Hope is the expectation of a good hard to be obtain'd , yet apprehended possible . It is found most frequently in young men , because they live onely upon the future ; and 't is the Anchor of all unfortunate persons , none of which are out of Hope of being deliver'd from their miseries . 'T is Physick to all our evils , never abandoning the most desperately sick so long as they breathe ; Yea , 't is the refuge of all man-kind of what sex , age , or condition soever ; herein the more miserable , in that being destitute of real good , there remains no more for them but imaginary and phantastick . Hence the Hebrews denote Hope and Folly by the same word , Chesel . The truth is , as if the evils that oppress us were not numerous enough , our souls frame and phancy infinite more through Fear ; which dreads as well that which is not , as that which is ; being properly the Expectation of an approaching evil which gives horrour to our senses , and cannot easily be avoided . For men fear not the greatest evils , but those which are most contrary to their nature . Whence it is that they more apprehend the halter , the gallies , or infamy , then falling into vices , or losing the Grace of God. For although these be the greatest evils of the world , yet men do not acknowledge them such , but by a reflection of the Understanding . Hence also the wicked fear the wheel more then Hell ; because Gods punishments of sin are accounted slow , and those of men speedy . But to judge of the strength of Hope , and Fear , by their proper essence , we must consider that Good being much less delightful to Nature then Evil is painful and sensible , ( because Good onely gives a better being , Evil absolutely destroyes being ) Fear , which is the expectation of this Evil , is much more powerful then Hope , which is the expectation of that Good. Which appears further by its effects , far more violent then those of Hope ; for it makes the Hair stand an end , and hath sometimes turn'd it white in one night ; it makes the Countenance pale , the whole body quake and tremble , the Heart beat ; and not onely alters the whole habit of it , but perverts Reason , abolishes Reason and Memory , intercepts the use of Speech , and of all the Senses ; so that it hath caus'd sudden death to divers persons . But Hope never gave life to any . Fear adds wings wherewith to avoid an Evil ; Hope barely excites to move towards Good. In a word , Fear needs sometimes the whole strength of all the Virtues to repress its violence , and check its disorders . CONFERENCE LXV . I. Of the Intellect . II. Whether the Husband and Wife should be of the same humour . I. Of the Intellect . THe Intellect is a Faculty of the Soul , whereby we understand . For of the Faculties , some are without knowledge , as the natural , common to man and inanimate bodies , and the vegetative , which he hath in common with plants , namely , the powers of Nutrition , Accretion , and Generation ; others are with the knowledge . And these ( again ) are either exercis'd without the use of Reason , as the Internal and External Senses ; or else stand in need of Reason , as the Intellect , and the Rational Appetite , which is the Will ; the former , to distinguish true from false ; the latter , good from evil . Now as the Understanding acquires its notions from the inferior powers , so it imitates their manner of perception ; and as sensible perception is passion , so is intellectual ; and the intelligible species are receiv'd in the Intellect , after the same manner that the sensible are in the organs of the outward senses . For as their organs must be free from all the qualities whereof they are to judge ; so must the Understanding which is to judge of every thing , be from all intelligible species ; yea , more then the organs of the Senses . For the Crystalline humour of the Eye hath tangible qualities , the hand visible , because the former is not destinated to touch withall , nor the latter to see . But the Intellect being to understand every thing , because every thing is intelligible , must be wholly clear of all Anticipations ; contrary to Plato's opinion , who admitting a Transmigration of souls , conceiv'd that entring into other bodies , they carryed with them the species of things which they had known before , but darkn'd and veil'd with the clouds and humidities of the bodies which recloth'd them ; and these being dissipated by age , the species put forth themselves by little and little , as Characters engraven on wood or stone , cover'd over with wax , appear proportionably as it melts off . And therefore he term'd all our knowledge a remembrance ; but although he err'd herein , yet reason'd better then Aristotle , who admitted the Metempsychosis , but deny'd the Reminiscence , both which are necessary consequents one of the other . The Second said , That the operations of the Intellect are so divine that not being able to believe the same could proceed from it self , it refers them to superiors . For it invents , disposes , meditates , examines , and considers the least differences ; it compounds and divides every thing , apprehends simple termes , conjoynes the subject and the attribute , affirms , denyes , suspends its judgements , and alone of all the Faculties reflects upon it self ; yea , by an action wholly divine produces a word . For as in speaking a word is produc'd by the mouth , so in understanding is form'd the word of the Mind . Yet with this difference , that the former is a corporeal patible quality imprinted in the Air , and not the latter ; for intellection is an immanent operation . Hence some have thought that all these divine actions were perform'd by God himself , whom they affirm'd to be that Agent Intellect , which irradiating the phantasmes , produces out of them the intelligible species which it presents to our Intellect . Others ascrib'd them to an Assisting Intelligence . Some to a particular genius . But as I deny not , that in supernatural cognitions God gives Faith , Hope , and Charity , and other supernatural gifts ; in which case God may be said to be an Agent Intellect : I conceive also , that in natural and ordinary knowledge , of which alone we speak now , no concourse of God , other then universal , is to be imagin'd , whereby he preserves natural causes in their being , and do's not desert them in their actions . ' This then the Understanding it self which performes what ever it thinks , surpasses its strength which it knows not sufficiently ; and the Agent and Patient Intellect are but one , being distinguish'd onely by reason . As it formes that species , 't is call'd Agent ; as it keeps and preserves them , Patient . For as the Light causes colours to be actually visible by illuminating them together with the Air , with their medium , so the Agent Intellect renders all things capable of being known , by illustrating the phantasmes , separating them from the grosness of the matter , whereof they have some what when they are in the Imagination , and forming intelligible species of them . Otherwise , if these phantasmes remain'd still in their materiality , the Understanding being spiritual could know nothing ; since that which is sensible and material , remaining such , cannot act upon what is spiritual and immaterial . Besides , the species of the Phancy representing to us onely the accidents of things , it was requisite that the Intellect , by its active virtue subliming and elevating those species to a more noble degree of being , should make them representative species of their own essence . Which it doth by abstraction of the individual properties of their subject from which it formes universal conceptions ; which action is proper to the Intellect . This supreme Faculty being so noble that it ennobles all beings , rendring them like to it self . The Third said , That the Intellect is to the Soul such as the Soul is to the body which it perfectionates . And as it knows all corporeal things by the senses , so it knows incorporeal by it self . This Faculty serves for a medium and link , uniting all things to their first cause ; and 't is Homer's golden chain , or Jacob's ladder which reaches from Earth to Heaven , by which the Angels , that is , the species and most spiritual notions , ascend to the heaven of man , which is his brain , to inform him , and cause the spirits to descend from thence to reduce into practice the excellent inventions of the Understanding . Now as Reason discriminates men from brutes , so doth this Intellect men amongst themselves . And if we believe Trismegistus in his Pimander , God has given to all men ratiocination , but not Understanding , which he proposes for a reward to his favourites . Aristotle saith , 't is the knowledge of indemonstrable principles and immaterial forms . Plato calls it , Truth ; Philo the Jew , the chief part and torch of the Soul , the Master of the little world , as God is of the great , both the one and the other being diffus'd through the whole , without being mix'd or comprehended in any part of it . The fourth said , That the humane is a substance wholly divine and immortal , since it hath no principle of corruption in it self , being most simple , and having no contrary out of it self : Eternal , since 't is not in time but above time : Infinite , since its nature is no-wise limited , and is every thing that it understands , changing it self thereinto ; not by a substantial mutation , but as the First Matter is united with the formes , remaining alwayes the same Matter ; the wax remaining entire receives all sort of figures : So the intellect is not really turn'd into the things which it understands , but only receives their species wherewith it is united so closely that it is therefore said to be like to them . As likewise , though it be call'd Patient when it receives them , 't is not to be inferr'd that it is material , since these species are material , and acting upon the Intellect alter it not , but perfectionate it . Moreover , it hath this peculiarity , that the more excellent these species are , the more perfect it is render'd ; whence after the highest things , it can as easily comprehend the less . An assured token of its incorruptibility , and difference from the senses , which are destroy'd by the excellence of their objects . But as the soul being freed from the body hath nothing to do with sensitive knowledg , because then it ratiocinates no more , but beholds effects in their proper causes , commanding and obeying it self most perfectly , exempted from the importunity of the sensitive appetite : so while it is entangled in the body it receives some impressions resulting from the parts , humours and spirits destinated to its service being in some sort render'd like to them . So the soul of one born blind is ignorant of colours , the cholerick are subject to frowardness , and the melancholy timerous , by reason of the blackness of that humour . The Fifth said , All actions of men depending on the temper ; those of the Understanding , so long as it is entangled in the bonds of the body , are not free from it . For as that of Plants gives them the qualities proper to attract , concoct , and convert their aliments , and generate their like ; and beasts having a temper sutable to their nature , are lead as soon as they come into the world to what is convenient for them without instruction : So men are lead of their own accord to divers things , according as their souls meet dispositions proper to certain actions ; yea they are learned without ever having learn'd any thing , as appears in many phrantick and distracted persons ; amongst whom some , although ignorant , have been seen to make good Verses , others to discourse learnedly of the sublimest matters , some to speak languages , and tell things to come . Which may naturally proceed from the souls being capable of it self to know every thing ( the past by help of the memory , the present by all the senses , and the future by the Understanding ; ) and meeting with a brain whose temperature is by disease render'd proper for such actions , the same being possible to befall it by such accidents as happens by age , which changing the temper of the body , is also the cause of the diversity of actions . Therefore children cannot perform the functions of the reasonable soul , because they are of a hot and moist temper , unapt for the actions of the actions of the Understanding , as , on the contrary , very fit for the actions of the vegetative and sensitive soul. So that if men were born cold and dry , they would come into the world perfectly wise and judicious ; but because they acquire this temperature of brain only with time , therefore they are not knowing but with time . II. Whether the Husband and Wife should be of the same humor . Upon the second Point , it was said , That it might be handled either physically or morally . If it be demanded , upon the former principles , whether the Husband and Wife should be of the same temper , 't is answer'd , that as Nature hath distinguish'd the Sex , so she hath assign'd to either its peculiar temperament ; if a woman , which should be cold and moist , be hot and dry , she is unapt for generation , as the husband also is when , being ill qualifi'd with hot and dry , he falls within the Law de Frigidis . But if it be question'd , morally , whether conformity of manners be more requisite to Matrimony then their diversity and difference ; then , since diversity of actions is necessary in a family , the office of the husband being other then that of the wife , it seems they ought to be as different in manners as they are in the temper which produces such manners , and these the inclinations and actions . The Second said , Those Philosophers who held that the Male and Female were each but one part of man , which name is common to both , would have concluded for resemblance of humours and manners ; for they said that either sought his other half till they found it . Which made the friendships so boasted of in pass'd ages , and so rare in this , and likewise marriages , of which they that take more notice find that but few married couples have no resemblance even in their countenance . Moreover , marriages being made in heaven , and the most considerable accidents of life , the same influence which makes the marriage of the husband must also make that of the wife : and if all actions here below borrow their force from the heavens , as Astrologers hold , the husband and wife having the same universal cause of so great and notable a change , whereon depends almost all the welfare and misery of either , cannot but resemble one another . And therefore those who resemble one another most will agree best with their universal cause , and consequently , the Stars will find less resistance to produce their effects upon them , and so they will live more sweetly then if by contrariety of manners they should do as the Traveller at sea , who walks in the ship contrary to its course , or who attempts to sail against wind and tyde ; or rather like those that draw several ways , whereby the cord is sooner broken then any advancement made of the load ; so during this contrariety of manners nothing can go forward in the management of domestick affairs . Hence the Proverb , that we must eat many a bushel of Salt with a man before we chuse him for a friend , is interpreted that by semblance of food a similitude of manners with him must be acquir'd : which if requisite between two friends , how much more between two married persons who ought not to have greater friends then they are one to the other ; being in society of all the goods and all the evils of this life . Imagine one of a pleasant , the other of a melancholy humour , one loving company , the other solitude ; the opposition of these contrary inclinations will render the presence of the one as insupportable to the other , as Musick and Dancing are displeasing to a sad man , or tedious complaints for one dead are to him that is dispos'd to mirth . For by this disproportion the mind receives a check , which is very disagreeable to it . If one be young , and the other old ; one handsome , the other deformed ; one of an amorous complexion , and the other not ; the mischiefs which follow thereupon are too common to be enumerated . If one be nimble and the other slow , the actions of the one will displease the other ; whereas that which pleases being or appearing good , and nothing ( next our selves ) being so acceptable to us as what resembles us ; two persons who shall agree to do something , or not to do it , shall have peace and tranquillity of mind . The Third said , That in Oeconomy as well as Policy , there ought to be a harmony , which consists in diversity , and not in unisonance or identity , which is every where disagreeable and dull . This made Aristotle desire that the man were , at least , ten years elder then the woman , the disparity of age causing that of humours ; and this makes the difference which is found between individuals , one of the greatest wonders of the world . Therefore the husband and wife ought to be unlike in their manners and actions , to the end either may keep their station , the one above , the other below , one command , the other obey . Moreover , the husband and wife that always agreed would have no matter to talk of . Be the man a great talker , and the woman too , the house will be always full of noise ; on the contrary , the silence of the one will give place to the other's talkativeness , and excuse it . If both be knowing or skilful , they will not esteem one another ; but if one admire the other , there will be greater love between them . If both be prodigal , they will quickly see the bottom of the bag ; whereas the thriftiness of the one will make amends for the expensiveness of the other . If one be sad , the other being pleasant will divert him : if not , they will both fall into the excess either of sadness or joy . If one be prophane , the party that is devout will convert him by good example . In brief , if one be severe , 't is good that the other be gentle ; if one be passionate , that the other be patient ; otherwise the house will be always in an uproar . The Fourth said , If Justinian , or rather his Wife Theodora , had not abolish'd the laudable custom of divorcing wives , introduc'd by Spurius Carrilius , to abate their pride and malice ; or , at least , if the wives of these times were of the humour of those Roman women who having displeas'd their husbands ask'd them pardon in the Temple of a Goddess , call'd for that reason Viriplaca , it would not require so much care to consider the conditions requisite to a happy wedlock . In which 't is to be observ'd that both in nature and manners there are tempers of body , and habits of soul , absolutely good ; others absolutely evil ; and others indifferent , as the passions . The husband or wife whose body is of a perfect temper should seek for the like . For temperate added to temperate changeth not its temperature : Otherwise , 't is fit that the defect of the one be amended by the excess of the other . For the production of man , being the noblest of all actions , requires a most perfect temperature of the four Elements in the seed of the two parents ; which would not be , if both of them be hot and dry , or cold and moist . The vertuous must seek his like , the vicious his unlike , for there 's no friendship among the wicked , the converse of Thieves not deserving that name . As for the passions , and the manners commonly following them , 't is fit that the husband have such as nature has most commonly given to men , and , consequently , that he be unlike to the wife , and she to her husband . CONFERENCE LXVI . I. Of Drunkenness . II. Of Dancing . I. Of Drunkenness . THe common saying , That the more excellent a thing is the more pernicious is its abuse , is verifi'd , chiefly , in Wine , which is not only the best of all aliments , turning soonest into our substance , making fewest excrements and most spirits , with which it hath great affinity ; but also the most excellent and benigne of all medicaments . For it so cheers and fortifies the heart that so long as a man is cup-shot he is never invaded by the Pestilence , the Wine being his antidote and preservative . It tempers the natural coldness of the Brain , helps digestion , begets laudable blood , opens obstructions , attenuates gross humours , and gives a good habit to the whole body . But taken in excess it produces mischiefs without number ; as the Palsy , Apoplexie , Epilepsie , Convulsions , Catarrhes , and such other cold Diseases ; the natural heat being unable to overcome the actual coldness of the Wine in regard of its great quantity . Yet this were not much , if its disorders did not reach the soul , subverting its government , and clouding its beauty , defacing the character which it bears of the Deity , and hindring those excellent functions of the Intellect and the Will. So that Mnesitheus the Physitian , with good reason , term'd Wine the greatest benefit , and the greatest mischief of man. And therefore , as the Philosopher counsell'd such as were apt to fall into choler , to behold themselves in a Looking-glass , for so the deformity of their aspect would avert them from that vice : so he that is subject to be overcome with Wine must , like the Lacedemonians , behold the turpitude of this vice in others , and so abhor it ; for behold it in himself he cannot , because drunkenness prohibits him the use of the Senses . The Second said , Man being the most intemperate of all creatures has need of vertues to moderate his irregular appetites of nutrition and generation , which nature has season'd with pleasure , as well as the other animal actions , whereof as the moderate use is agreeable to nature , so the excess is contrary to reason ; which not enduring those gross and material pleasures of the Touch and Taste , employs Temperance to repress the former by Chastity , and the latter by Abstinence and Sobriety ; the one as the rule for the eating , and the other for drinking ; both of them plac'd between two extreams ; although their defect be so rare that it hath not yet found a name amongst Philosophers . But the excess of eating is call'd Gluttony ; that of Wine , Drunkenness . Now habitual Drunkenness ( Ebriosity ) is never to be tolerated ; but Ebriety may sometimes , for health's sake , be allow'd ; yea every moneth , according to the Arabian Physitians , who maintain that it strengthens all the faculties , which a regular life renders drooping and languid . Whence also Hippocrates pronounces , in the end of his third Book of Diet , and elsewhere , that too exquisite a regiment of living is most dangerous ; those that are accustom'd to it being less able to endure any errors which they may occasionally commit in their course of Diet. The Third said , Drunkenness is a Laesion of the Animal Faculty , caus'd by the vapours of some alimentary liquor . For medicaments , or poysons swallow'd down , cannot be said the cause of drunkenness ; none ever having conceiv'd that Socrates dy'd drunk when he had taken the potion of Hemlock , though he had all the same symptomes which a drunken person hath : nor is every Laesion of the nobler faculties ▪ Drunkenness ; otherwise , the Phrenetick , Vertiginous , and such as are troubled with tremulation of their members , ought to be accounted drunk , their Reason , Memory , Imagination and Motion , being either deprav'd or abolish'd , like theirs who are intoxicated . But such Laesion is not caus'd by the fumes of Wine , which alone properly cause drunkenness ; it deserves rather to be term'd Alienation of the Mind , which may be caus'd by other vapours either internal or external , as by the smoke of Tobacco , the steam of a Cellar , or any place where new Wine is boil'd , as also that of Char-coal , which kill'd the Emperour Jovinian . The Oyl of Henbane-seed , as Pliny reports , being drop'd into the ears causes the same trouble of judgement . Matslack and Opium cause the same disorder in the Turks that Darnel mingled with bread doth in our Peasants ; and Baume , Frankincense , and the fruit call'd Anacardium mingled with food . Among Beasts , the Ass is inebriated with Hemlock ; the Swine with Henbane or the husks of Grapes ; all Fish with baits made of Oak-bark , coque de Levant ( a small medicinal shell call'd Vnguis odoratus ) yea , Aristotle saith , that Flyes are inebriated with the smell of perfumes , which therefore they abhor so much , that the laying of some neer their resort is enough to drive them away . Now drunkenness properly taken is caus'd by the hot and moist vapours of Wine , rais'd by the natural heat into the Brain , whose temperature they destroy by their heat ( which renders the motions of the soul violent ) spoil its structure by repletion of the Ventricles , distention of the membranes , humectation and obstruction of its Nerves . For Wine being hot and moist , and inebriating by those two qualities , 't is therefore more uneasily born by hot or moist Brains . Hence , the cholerick , children , women , and old men , are less able to withstand its violence , and are sooner overcome with it then those whose Brain is of a middle temper , between hot and moist ; who are therefore said to have good Brains . For which reason stout drinking hath been so much esteem'd by some Nations ; and Cyrus found no better argument to evince himself worthier of command then his brother Artaxerxes , then that he was a better drinker . Moreover , Philip , Alexander , and Mithridates , counted it a glory to drink well ; but Socrates , Plato , Xenocrates , and many other Sages of Antiquity , disdain'd not to carouse sometimes . And Homer speaking of the wise Hector , seldom forgets his great goblet . The Athenians had good drinking in such repute , that they establish'd Magistrates , call'd Oenoptae , to preside at feasts , and give order that every one did reason to his companion . The Fourth said , According as heat or moisture predominate in Wine , so they imprint their footsteps upon our bodies . The signs of heat are nimbleness of action , anger , boldness , talking , ruddiness of the countenance , a pimpled Nose , Eyes twinkling and border'd about with scarlet . Those of humidity are slothfulness ▪ numness and heaviness of the head , tears without cause , softness and humidation of the Nerves , which makes the Drunkard reel and lispe ; which effects nevertheless are different according to the qualities of the Wine and the Drinker's Brain . For if the streams of the Wine be hot and dry , and they be carri'd into a hot and dry Brain , or a small Head , they cause watchings , and render the man raging and furious . If they be more humid , as those of Wine temper'd with water ( which is held to intoxicate more then pure Wine , because the water assisted by that vehicle stays longer in the Brain ) and the Brain be moist too , they cause sleep ; and laughter , when the sanguine humour meets a more temperate Wine . For which variety of the effects of Wine , the ancients represented Bacchus mounted upon a Tyger , with a Lyon , a Swine , and an Ape by his side . The Fifth said , That to drink fasting , or when one is hot , furthers intoxication , because the passages being open'd by heat , more speedily attract the Wine , and its vapours are more easily lift up to the brain ; as also when the stomack is empty , and the fumes of the Wine are not allay'd by those of meat . But as drunkenness may be procur'd by several means , so there are others that preserve from it . Some make Wine utterly abhorr'd ; as the water that distills from the Vine , the Eggs of an Owle , or Wine wherein Eels or green Froggs have been suffocated . Others repress its violence ; as the Amethyst , ( which derives its name from its effect ) a sheep's lungs roasted , the powder of swallow's bills mingled with Myrrhe ; Saffron , bitter Almonds , Worm-wood , Peach kernels , the Wine of Myrtle , Oyle , Colworts and Cabbage ; which preservatives were more in use among the Ancients who needed them more then we ; their Wines being more vaporous and hurtful then ours : Witness Homer , who speaking of the Wine which Apollo's Priest , gave Vlysses , saith , he could not drink of it without tempering it with twenty times as much water as the strongest of our Wines can bear . The Sixth said , That Drunkenness , as vicious as it is , wants not its benefits . For besides , that 't is the Anodyne wherewith all laborious people relieve their pains ; it dispels cares , and loosens the Tongue . Whence Wine is call'd Lyaeus . Which made one of Philip's Souldiers say , when he was accus'd of having spoken ill of his Prince , That he should have spoken far worse of him , if he had not wanted more Wine . So that the Proverb may be more true , that Liberty ( rather then Verity ) is in Wine : And therefore some Lawyers advise , rather to inebriate such as are accus'd of a crime then put them to the rack ; according to the example of Josephus , who by this means discover'd a conspiracy lay'd against him by a Souldier , whom he distrusted indeed , but had not proof enough to convict him . II. Of Dancing . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Harmony hath such power over the Soul , that it forces it to imitation . Whence those that hear an Air which they like cannot forbear to chant it softly , and sometimes it makes such impression in their Minds , that they cannot be rid of it when they would ; as they experiment who fall asleep upon some pleasing song , for many times they awake repeating it . And because its powers delight not to be idle , therefore the Soul being mov'd stirs up the spirits , they the humours and the parts , constraining them to follow their bent and motion , which is call'd Dancing . This Dancing therefore is a part of Musick , which leads our members according to the cadence of the notes of a voice or instrument . It imitates the manners , passions , and actions of men ; and consequently , is of different species . But their principal division was anciently taken from their place and use . For either it was private , and serv'd at marriages ; or Theatral , which again was of three sorts ; the the first grave and serious , practis'd in Tragedies ; the other more free , in Comedies ; and the third lascivious and dishonest , f●● Satyrs . The other differences relate to the Countries where they were in request , as the Ionick ; to their Authors , as the Pyrrick , invented by Pyrrhus the Son of Achilles , or by Pyrrichius the Lacedaemonian , to their subject ; to the instrument whose eadence they follow ; to what they imitate , as that which was call'd the Crane ; lastly , to the habits and other things which were worne in dancing . The most ancient , as the easiest of all , was that which took its name from a net , whereto it resembles , which is our dance in round ; of which Thesius is made the Author , as well as of that in which the dancers intermix and pass under one anothers arms , imitating by these turnings and windings those of the Labyrinth . But the Theatral , which the Mimes and Pantomimes represented in the Orchesters , were like those of our ballads , and express'd all gestures so well , that a King of Pontus lik'd nothing so much in Rome as one of these Mimes which he obtain'd of Nero to serve him for an interpreter to Ambassadors . For gestures have this above voices , that they are understood by all Nations , because they are the lively and natural images of things and actions ; whereas the voice and writing are but signes by institution . And hence Dancing is very dangerous when it imitates dishonest things ; for it makes the strongest impression upon the Mind . The Second said ▪ That the God of Wine , sirnamed by the Ancients Chorius , which signifies Dancer ; argues the mutual relation of dancing and Wine . It hath alwayes been in so great esteem amongst warlike people , that the Lacedaemonians and Thebans went to charge their Enemies with the musick of Flutes and Hoboys ; and the former had a solemn day in which the old , the young , the middle-ag'd , danc'd in three companies , with this Ditty , We have been , we are , and we shall be brave fellows . The Athenians went so far as to honour Andronicus Caristius an excellent dancer with a statue , and to choose Phrynicus their King for having gracefully danc'd the Pyrrhick measures , which Scaliger boasts he had often danc'd before the Emperor Maximilian . Moreover , the Romans committed the charge thereof to their most sacred Pontifs , whom they call'd Salij , that is , Leapers . Lucian , in the Treatise which he writ of it , ascribes the original of dancing to Heaven , since not onely all the celestial bodies , but also the ocean , the hearts of living creatures , and other sublunary bodies imitate them , following the course of the first mover . And indeed , as if dancing had something of divine , it hath alwayes been employ'd in Sacrifices and the holiest mysteries of Religion , not onely by the Delians , who accompany'd all their prayers with dancing ; and the Indians who ador'd the Sun by dancing and imitating the course of that luminary ; but also by the Prophet David before the Ark , and by Saul , who being full of the Spirit of God fell to dancing with the Children of the Prophets ; as also did Miriam the sister of Moses , Judith when she had kill'd Holofernes , and infinite others , in testimony of their thanksgiving to God. The Muses themselves are painted by the Poets dancing about their fountain upon Mount Helicon ; Apollo is call'd dancer by Pindar ; and the Graces are represented dancing . Proteus , so celebrated by the Poets , became famous onely by this Art , and which he so excell'd , that his nimble in strange postures gave occasion to the fable of turning himself into all kind of shapes , because sometimes he counterfeited the fluidity of the water , sometimes the lightness of fire , the bending of trees , the rage of the Leopard , the cruelty of the Lyon ; and in brief , the nature of every sort of things . The Third said , That Dancing is compos'd of three parts , Motion , Gesture , and Indication . For there is first a stirring up and down , then a representing things by the Gestures of the Body , chiefly by the Hand ; which Art is call'd Chironomy ; and those which are expert in it , Chirosophers , that is , wise by the Hands . Hence Dancing is defin'd a motion of the Body , according to rule and number , imitating by gesture things or persons , either with singing or without . As Motion 't is very delightful to Nature , which is as much pleas'd therein , as rest is disagreeable to it . Nor is it less so as it includes an harmonious proportion of measure , having this correspondence with Musick , Poetry , Eloquence , Painting , Comedy , and all other Arts , whose end is the delight of man. But as it is an imitation it delights marvellously , we loving nothing so much as to imitate , or to see some thing imitated . Hence works of Art please us more then those of Nature ; because Art doth nothing but imitate her . Besides its delightfulness , 't is also profitable and honest . It s usefulness is sufficiently known to Physitians , who make it a part of their Gymnastick Physick , which treats of the exercises and motions prescrib'd in order to health , and is divided into Palestrical and Saltatory . Moreover , Galen affirms , that he cur'd many Patients by appointing them to dance , which is an exercise of all parts of the body ; whereas walking exercises onely the legs ; riding , the intestines ; bowling , the reins ; going by ship , the stomack and brain . 'T is also very honest or decorous , since it formes and fashions the body , giving it a good grace , one of the principal points of handsomeness . For the Soul having the Sciences to instruct the Understanding , and the Moral Virtues to rectifie the Will ; the body , its dear partner , needs some habit to regulate its defects , the rather because they have influence upon the Soul ; it being very difficult for the motions of the Soul to be regular so long as those of the body are not . Therefore Plato , in the seventh book of his Laws , requires that the instructers of youth have equally care of the body and the soul , and for this purpose teach them Musick to regulate the motions of the Soul , and dancing to frame those of the body , and give it gracefulness , as wrastling gives it strength . CONFERENCE LXVII . I. Of Death . II. Of the Will. I. Of Death . AS Being is the first and greatest good , because the foundation of all other goods , so ( speaking absolutely upon a natural account ) the first and greatest of all evils is the privation of that Being , which is Death ; so terrible , that not onely brutes abhor the sight of their dead fellows , through fear of the same death of which they behold an image of their carcases ; but men likewise , although their name of Mortals be a token of the necessity of their dying , yet use all the vain attempts they can to avoid that death which they fear as the most terrible of terrble things . Yea , all their great and violent actions and passions , take their source from this fear ; which is so much greater as the evil is phancy'd nearer : Whence old or sick persons have more apprehension of it then then those that are young and in health . The vulgar commonly labours onely through fear of starving . A man that is decrepit , yet , is willing to part with a limb if he may by the loss respite his death , apprehended so terrible by some , that the fear of it has kill'd some criminals before execution , and carry'd others to such madness as to kill themselves for fear of dying . Nevertheless , he that shall consider Death more nearly , will find that , being but a privation , it is nothing ; and that what we fear so much is onely the way to this death , or the sequel of it ; the former , in respect of irrational animals , and both in reference to man , who apprehends in the other life the judgement of the actions of this . Otherwise , Death being onely a poynt and a moment , which hath neither quantity nor extent , but approaches to Nothing , hath therefore nothing in it self for which it ought to be feared . For so long as the Animal hath sense it is not dead ; and so soon as 't is dead , it hath no more . And because 't is a motion and passage from Being to not Being , between which two there is no medium or middle ; therefore 't is a pure nothing , and consequently , hath no foundation saving in the troubled Phancy : Since upon due perpension of things , that which is not is no-wise to be fear'd , by those that are insensible , yea , that exist no more . The Second said , That to maintain Death to be nothing , is to accuse not onely all men of folly in fearing what exists not , and consequently , is not capable of producing any effects or passions ; but likewise , Nature of imprudence , in having imprinted this apprehension in all creatures for their preservation . As therefore Reason and Experience teach us that there are substantial generations ; so the same shew us the true and substantial corruptions of all compounds ; which corruption , in a thing endu'd with life , is call'd Death , which is the separation of the Soul from the Body . For the Platonists are ridiculous when they make two kinds of this separation , namely , that of the Soul from the Body , which they call Extasie , and that of the Body from the Soul , which alone they say is to be call'd Death : For they are both one and the same thing ; and Extasie is not a separation of essence , but of power , hapning when the Soul is so glu'd to an object , in the contemplation whereof it employes all its powers , that there remains none for corporeal functions ; the Eyes not perceiving what is then presented to them . Whence the Soul being more where it loves then where it lives , is also more where it understands . Now Death is either natural or violent . The former caus'd by the consumption of the radical moisture of plants and animals . For they alone are capable of dying , as they are of living ; what they attribute to Fire , the Load-stone , and some other inanimates , being purely Metaphorical . Violent death is produc'd either by internal causes , as diseases , or by external . 'T is caus'd by destroying the harmony of the parts and humours , which constituted life ; after which destruction , the Soul not finding the organs longer meet for exercising its functions , ( as Fire that wants unctuous and combustible humidity ) forsakes its matter to retire into its own sphere . And though the corruption of one be the generation of another , there being no matter but hath alwayes some form , as Bees are generated out of dead Oxen ; yet there is this distinction , that the progress of a form less noble to one that is more , is call'd generation or life , as when an Egg is made a chick ; but when this progress is made from a more noble form to a less , as from a man to a carcase , then 't is call'd Corruption and Death , if the form preceding were vital . Thus all are wayes of Death which lead to corruption . The first of these wayes is life , for nothing comes under its Laws but is subject to those of Death , considering the wayes that we dye as we are borne , and that our end depends on our original ; as there is no harmony but must end in discord , the latter note not being capable to accord with the first rest , which is the end or death of harmony ; whereunto our life is not onely compar'd , but may be fitly defin'd by it , that Galen , enlightned by Reason alone , conceiv'd the Soul to be nothing else . The Third said , That onely in the death of men there is a separation of the Soul from the Body ; seeing that after the death of animals and plants there still remain faculties in their bodies which cannot depend on the sole mistion of the Elements , but must be referr'd to some internal principle , which can be no other then their Soul. Yet with this difference , that as during life these faculties were as formes in their matter , so after death they are as substances in their place , though without any activity , for want of necessary dispositions ; which return afterwards by generation , or the action of the celestial bodies , producing wormes and other animals , which come of themselves , and never but from a nature formerly animated , not receiving by this new generation any substantial form , but onely making the Soul appear ; which was kept as 't were buried before this resuscitation . Thus the death of plants and beasts is the privation of their vegetative and sensitive actions , the principle of those actions alwayes remaining , But that of men , besides this privation of their actions , causes the dissolution of the Soul from the Body , which is properly death . The inevitable necessity whereof is by Avicenna deriv'd from four chief causes I. From the Air , which alters and dryes us . II. From our own heat , which by accident destroyes it self . III. The continual motion of our bodies furthers the dissipation of that heat . IV. The various Inclination of the Elements , some of which are carry'd upwards , others downwards , and so break the union which preserves our life . Albert the Great assignes a fifth cause , namely , the contrariety of forms and qualities ; death happening when humidity hath given place to drynesse . But because this excesse of drynesse might be corrected by its contrary , therefore the Moderns lay the fault upon the radical moisture . Which some of them say we receive from our Parents , and is continually impair'd , without being at all recruited from the birth . But this is absurd ; for then the Son must have infinitely lesse then his Father , because he receives but a very small portion , which ( besides ) cannot be distributed through a great body , nor afford supply to so many actions . Others , more probably , affirm , that the Humidum which is repair'd is not of the same purity with that which we derive from the principles of our birth , by reason of reaction , and its being continually alter'd by our heat . But that which indubitates this reason , is , that the Elements do not maintain themselves but by reaction , notwithstanding which they cease not to be alwayes in the same state ; Fire as hot , Air as moist as ever it was : Inasmuch as the substantial forms expell all Qualities which are not suitable to themselves , and recover their natural ones , without other assistance . Moreover , when old men beget children , they communicate to them an excellent radical humidity , otherwise there would be no generation ; and consequently , they can do as well for themselves as for their posterity . But if they give them such as is bad and corrupt , it follows that their children who live after their death re-produce much better by their nutrition then that which they had receiv'd ; and , consequently , the radical humidity may not onely be repair'd , but meliorated . And there 's no reason why an exact course of dyet may not keep a man from dying , as the Chymists promise . I had therefore rather say that as the union of the Soul with the Body is unknown to humane wit , so is their disunion ; which I ascribe rather to the pleasure of the supreme Ruler , who causes us to abide sentinel as long as he thinks meet , then to any natural thing ; which is the reason why those that deprive themselves of life are justly punish'd ; because they dispose of what is not their own , although it seemes to the vulgar that they do wrong to none but themselves , because 't is by their own will and act . The Fourth said , What is compos'd of contraries , between which there is continual action , necessarily receives sundry changes and alterations in its being , which by degrees bring it to a total corruption . This is conspicuously seen in the life of man , the ages and all other mutations whereof are as so many steps towards death . 'T is the most worthy employment of a man to consider that he dyes every day . For , as Seneca saith , that which deceives us is , that we consider death as afar off ; whereas a great part of it is already pass'd , for it already possesses all the time that we have been ; which is the cause , that instead of employing our time profitably , we consume a great part of it in doing nothing , a greater part in doing ill , and all in doing other things then ought to be ; which proceeds from not thinking often enough upon death ; as which no Preacher is so powerful . For the fear it imprints in the soul vertue it self cannot wholly eradicate ; the sole aspect of the shades of the dead , or their voices imprinting paleness upon the countenance of the most resolute . Therefore the Philosopher holds that the fear of death is not only competible with courage , but that he who fears it not at all , rather deserves the name of mad then valiant . The Fifth said , That they who have had recourse to death to deliver themselves from their miseries , as Brutus , Cato , his daughter Portia , and some others , have shew'd thereby that death is not the most terrible thing , since they embrac'd it as a remedy to their misfortunes . But that which renders our experience as well as our reasoning weak in this matter , is , that none can give account of it either before or after trial ; for while we live , it is not yet , and when it is , we are no longer . Nevertheless Plato , in his Timaeus , affirms that violent death caus'd by diseases or wounds is painful , but not that which comes of old age , which ( he saith happens by dissolution of the triangles which retain the Soul in the Body . For the former being against nature is as troublesome to it , as the other which following the course of nature is agreeable to it ; because the soul having finish'd its task begins now to resent some foretastes of beatitude ; and hence it begins also to have some knowledge of future things . At least , this sort of death is very little sensible , being caus'd slowly and equally , and by consequence without pain . Yea , if it be true that the Heart is the last part that dyes , the brain losing sense before the Heart cannot communicate the same to the whole body ; which consequently feels not the pains of death , but those which lead to it , and which make their pangs more felt by those that bear up against them ; by reason of the resistance of their strength , then when the strength is overcome and fails ; whence those that have Apoplexies endure no pain during the course of their malady . And such as have been taken down half dead from the Gallows , agree that they endur'd nothing but fear . For which cause this kind of death is accounted very easie and without any sense ; the brain being depriv'd thereof by compression of the Carotides , Arteries which carry the spirits to it , and become apoplectical by the quantity of blood which is included in it ; as also the heart being stifl'd falls into deliquium , and the principal parts are depriv'd of sense by the constriction of the Nerves of the sixth pair . Those whom a Gangrene in the leg or arm ( parts more sensible then those within ) brings to their end , affirm that oftentimes death comes upon them without pain . Indeed , since life ends as it begins , and the soul goes out of the body after the same manner that it enter'd into it ; therefore as , at its entrance , it first exercises the vegetative operations , afterwards the sensitive ; so the vegetative faculty remains last , subsists in the dying creature when all the rest are extinct , and is lost without sense , in the same manner as in Plants . For the convulsive motions of dying persons argue not their having of sense , since those that are in an Epileptical fit suffer much greater without pain . II. Of the Will. Upon the second Point , it was said , That every created thing having a tendency towards its chief natural good , hath also faculties whereby to attain the same . This chief good is the supream perfection of its being . And because that of man consists in knowing truth , loving good , and being united by enjoyment to both the one and the other , he hath been likewise furnish'd with powers for this end ; two , wherewith to know , and as many to love , according to the two sorts of goods whereof he is capable , as compos'd of a sensitive part and an intellectual . He knows sensible good by help of the Senses , which gust the same in its whole latitude , and honest good by the Understanding . He loves sensible good by the sensitive appetite , and honest good by the Will , which is a rational desire of good . For it loves not any good which hath not first been judg'd such by reason , which serves it in stead of eyes , being a blind faculty of it self , that is , without knowledge ; whence they say , knowing must go before loving . And 't is not necessary that this good be truly such of its own nature ; if it be apprehended as such , this is sufficient to render it the object of our will. Nevertheless being good but in appearance it only takes the will for a while , but do's not satiate it as honest good doth , towards which we have a natural inclination . Whence it is that such as have deviated from it , as soon as their understanding is rectifi'd , resent an inward grief thereupon , which is that dictate of Reason call'd Synteresis . The Second said , That the Will is the mistress of all the animal powers , which it causes to operate and forbear as it pleases ; exercising its dominion too over the Understanding , which it commands to take notice of , and contemplate , one object rather then another . Nevertheless as the pores subject to it are disserent , so is the empire distinct which it exercises over them . For that which it hath over the loco-motive faculty is a despotical empire , such as a Master hath over his servant ; that which it hath over the sensitive appetite and other faculties , is Political , like that of a Magistrate over his fellow Citizens , who obey him so , that yet they forbear not to do many things without him and even against his will. The motions of the sensitive appetite being herein like those of the Celestial Spheres , which follow that of their superior Sphere , and nevertheless have a contrary one of their own . And this Appetite is carri'd not only to its particular object without the command of the Will ; but also towards things wholly contrary to it ; and this , for punishment of the sin whereby the will rebelling against God deserv'd that the appetite , at first subject to it , should become rebellious to it , destroying the agreeable harmony which appear'd in the state of innocence . Which contrariety is the greater , in as much as the object of the will is honest , which is commonly difficult ; and that of the sensitive appetite delectable : which two being opposite draw it several ways ; and hence arise the conflicts of the flesh against the spirit , yea the same man at the same time , and for the same thing , feels contrary motions in himself ; a certain evidence of their real difference . The Third said , 'T is the Will alone that makes us happy or unhappy , since it makes us good or bad ; and nothing is such unless it be voluntary and free . Hence it hath so great a power that it alone over-rules the Stars which govern all ; being capable of having inclinations contrary to theirs . It is known , as other faculties are , by its actions , which are either extrinsecal , as commanding the animal faculties , or within it self , as willing or not willing , pursuing or aversion , joying or grieving . For the property of man being to know his end as such , if this end be good , he wills it ; if evil , he wills it not ; if absent , he pursues it ; if present , he enjoys it : if the evil be absent , he averts from it ; if present , he is afflicted by it . But before the will attain this end , it proposes , consults , and deliberates of the means to arrive thereunto , which it compares together in order to find which is most expedient , and is carri'd to the same with perfect freedom . CONFERENCE LXVIII . I. Of the Magnetical Cure of Diseases . II. Of Anger . I. Of the Magnetical cure of Diseases . 'T Is requisite to agree upon the Facts before inquiry into Right . Now many Authors report that wounds have been cur'd by the sole application of a certain Unguent ( which for this reason they call Armarium ) to the instrument or offensive weapon that made it . And Goclenius , a German Physitian , affirms that he saw a Swedish Lady cure one of her servants so , that had been hurt by a blow with a knife by his companion ; and that this cure is very common , having been practis'd in presence of the Emperour Maximilian . Yea , that 't is ordinary for the Peasants of his Country to cure hurts in their feet , by sticking the nails or thorns which made them in Lard or Bacon . Many Farriers cure prick'd horses by digging up as much ground as their foot cover'd . Behold the ordinary composition of the aforesaid Oyntment . Take an ounce of the unctuous matter that sticks on the inside of the Scull of one hang'd and left in the air ; let it be gather'd when the Moon encreases , and is in the Sign either of Pisces , Taurus or Libra , and as neer as may be to Venus , of Mummie and man's blood yet warm , of each as much ; of man's fat , two ounces ; of Lin-seed-oyl , Turpentine , and Bole Armenick , of each two drams ; mingle altogether in a Morter , and keep the mixture in a long-neck'd glass well stop'd . It must be made while the Sun is in the Sign Livra ; and the Weapon must be anointed with it , beginning from that part which did the mischief ; from the point to the hilt , if it be a thrust ; and from the edge , if it be a cut or blow . Every morning the Patient must wash his hurt with his own Urine , or else with warm water , wiping away the pus which would hinder unition . The weapon must be swath'd ( as the wound uses to be ) and kept in a temperate place . For otherwise , they say , the Patient will feel pain . If you would hasten the cure , the weapon must be dress'd often ; and if you doubt of the part which did the mischief , it must be dip'd all over in unguent . If the hurt be small , 't will be enough to dress the weapon every other day ; washing the hurt every morning and evening . But this is not to be practis'd in wounds of the Arteries , Heart , Liver and Brain ; because it would be to no purpose . Now by the nature of the ingredients and their conformity with us , their effect seems to be natural , and grounded upon the sympathy that there is between the blood issu'd from the wound and remaining on the weapon , and that which is left in the wounded body , so that the one communicates to the other what good or evil it receives , although it be separated from the whole . As they affirm that those whose leg or arm is cut off , endure great pains when those parts that were lop'd off corrupt in the earth . Which happens not , if they be carefully embalm'd . So the Bee , the Viper , and the Scorpion , heal the hurts made by themselves . Of which no other reason is alledg'd , but this correspondence and similitude of the parts to their whole ; the bond of which is very strong , although to us invisible . The Second said , There 's no need of recurring to these superstitious remedies , since Nature of her own accord heals wounds , provided they be not in the noble parts , and be kept clean from the impurities generated in them through their weakness , which hinder unition ; which is an effect of the natural Balsam of the blood ; and therefore not to be attributed to those Chimerical inventions , which have no affinity with the cure whereunto they are intitl'd . For every natural agent is determin'd to a certain sphere of activity , beyond which it cannot act ; so the fire burns what it touches , heats what approaches it , but acts not at any remote distance whatever . Moreover , time and place would in vain be accounted inseparable accidents from natural motions , if this device held good ; considering that contact is requisite to every natural action , which is either Mathematical , when surfaces and extremities are together ; or Physical , when the agents touch the Patients by some vertue that proceeds from them . Neither of which can be , unless the body which heals touches that which is heal'd . For all Medicinal effects being to be referr'd to Elementary qualities , there is none of them more active then heat ; which being circumscrib'd within its bounds , even in the aliment of fire , can be no less elsewhere . The Third said , That the doctrine of the common Philosophy which teacheth that natural agents always touch one the other is erroneous , or else ill explain'd and dependent upon other false principles which attribute all actions to elementary qualities , which are taken for univocal causes , whereas themselves are but equivocal effects of other supream causes , the first of which is Heaven . For when God created the world immediately with his own hands , he was pleas'd to commit the conduct of natural causes to the Heavens , that he might not be oblig'd to make every day new miracles , as were those of the Creation . For this end he fill'd them with spirits sufficient to inform all sorts of matters , whose mixture requir'd some new form and change . This made the Philosopher say , that the Sun and Man beget Man ; and Hermes , in his Smaragdine Table , that the things which are below are as those which are on high . And the Astrologers hold that there is nothing here below but hath some proper and peculiar Star , some of which appear , but far more appear not in the Heavens , in regard of their disproportion to our sight , or their neer conjunction as in the milky way . But if the respective correspondencies of all the Celestial Bodies be not so clearly evident in other sublunary bodies as that of the Pole-star is with the Load-stone , of dew with the Sun , of this and the Moon with the Heliotrope and Selenotrope , yet are they no less true . 'T is credible therefore that the Weapon-salve hath such sympathy with the Constellation which is to make the cure of the wound , that by its magnetick vertue it attracts its influence from Heaven , and reunites it ( as a Burning-glass doth the Sun-beams at as great distance ) by which means it is deriv'd to the instrument that made the wound , communicating its healing vertue to the same , as the Sun likewise communicates his heat to the earth , which heats us afterwards : and thus this instrument being indu'd with a sanative vertue communicates the same to the wound made by it ; the cure of which , besides the form and connexion of the instrumental cause with the effect , is further'd by Nature , ( which always tends to preserve it self ) and the imagination of the wounded person ( which induces Hippocrates to require that the Patient have hope and confidence in his Physitian ) for this ( as its contrary ruines many by dejecting their strength ) doth miracles towards a recovery . The contact above spoken of hath no difficulty , nor yet the objection why other wounded persons residing in some intermediate place between the anointed Instrument and the Patient are not rather cur'd then he ; considering that the same thing is observ'd in the Load-stone , which draws not the wood or stone laid neer it , but the Iron beyond them ; and the Sun heats not the Sphere of the Moon , and the other Heavens , nor yet the two higher Regions of the air , but only ours cross that vast interval of cold and humid air ; because he finds no congruency thereunto , besides the not reflexion of his beams . Wherefore the contact of the anointed Javelin and the Wound may as well be call'd Physical as that of the Sun and us , which never stirs from his Sphere . Besides that we have examples of many contacts made without manifest mediums , as those of pestilential and contagious Fevers , of blear'd-eyes , of the Wolfes aspect causing hoarsness , and the killing looks of the Basilisk . And indeed if you take away all cures that are wrought by occult and inexplicable means , there will be nothing admirable in Physick . The Fourth said , That in assigning the reason of effects , men ordinarily mistake that for a cause which is not so . The Rose is not cold because it is white , for the Red-rose is so too : Spurge is not hot because it hath a milky juice , for so have Lettice , Eudive , &c. which are cold : Aloes is not hot because it is bitter , for Opium , which kills through its coldness , is of the same taste . They also erroneously attribute the cure of diseases to sympathy , to the power of characters , words , images , numbers , celestial figures , and such other things which have no activity at all : and most extraordinary cures are effects of the strength of the Mind , which is such that where it believes any thing firmly , it operates what it believes , and that with efficacy , provided , the subject on which it acts do not repugne . But if it comes to have a firm belief of the effect , then it follows far more easily . For if the understanding is identifi'd with what it knows , why shall it not make things like to it self ? To which firm belief I refer the magnetick cure of wounds , and not to that sympathy of the blood on the weapon with that in the veins ; since if two parts of the same body be wounded , the healing of the one will not suffice to the healing of the other ; and yet there 's more sympathy between the parts of the same body animated with the same form then they have with a little extravasated blood which hath lost all the dispositions that it had like the whole mass . II. Of Anger . Upon the second Point , it was said , That Nature has so provided for the contentment of animals that she has given them not only an appetite , to pursue good and avoid evil , when both may be done without difficulty ; but also a different one , to give courage to the former , and to surmount the difficulties occurring in the pursuite of that good , and the eschewance of that evil , term'd the Irascible appetite , from anger the strongest of its passions ; which serves to check the pungency of grief , as fear and boldness come to the assistance of flight , and desire is guarded with hope and despair . This is the opinion of Plato , who makes three sorts of souls ; one which reasons , another which covets , and the third which is displeas'd ; the former of which he places in the Brain , the second in the Liver , and the last in the Heart . Anger then is a passion of the Irascible Appetite caus'd by the apprehension of a present evil which may be repell'd , but with some difficulty . It s principle is the soul ; its instrument the spirits ; its matter the blood ; its seat the heart , not the will , as Cardan erroneously conceiv'd ; for the actions of the will , not being organical , make no impressions or footsteps upon the body . It proceeds either from a temper of body hot and dry , and easie to be inflam'd , or from the diversity of seasons , times , ages and sexes . Hence the cholerick and young persons are more inclin'd to it then the phlegmatick and aged ; because they have a temper more proper to this passion : Women and children are easily displeas'd through weakness of spirit ; as 't is a sign of a sublime spirit not to be troubled at any thing , but to believe that as every thing is below it self , so nothing is capable to hurt it . Which reason Aristotle made use of to appease the choler of Alexander , telling him that he ought never to be incens'd against his inferiors , but only against his equals or superiors ; and there being none that could equal , much less surpass him , he had no cause to fall into anger . The Second said , That the Faculties extending to contraries , the eye beholding both white and black , and the ear hearing all sort , of sounds , only the sensitive appetite is carri'd both to good and evil , whether accompani'd with difficulties or not , as the will alone is carri'd towards all kind of good and evil . And as the same gravity inclines the stone towards its centre , and makes it divide the air and water which hinder it from arriving thither , so the sensitive appetite by one and the same action is carri'd to good , flees evil , and rises against the difficulties occurring in either . Thus anger and grief are in one sole appetite ; yea anger is nothing but grief for an evil which may be repell'd . For it hath no place when the offender is so potent that there is no hope of revenge upon him ; although 't is rare that a man esteems so low of himself as not to be able to get reason for a wrong done him , or apprehended to be done him ; this passion , as all others , being excited by causes purely imaginary . Thus a single gesture , interpreted a contempt , offends more then a thrust with a sword by inadvertency . And this the more if the contemners be our inferiors , or oblig'd to respect us upon other accounts . Which makes the enmities between relations or friends irreconcileable . For as a good not foreseen rejoyces more , so the injury of a friend displeases us far above one done us by our enemies , against whom he seem'd to have some reason who implor'd not so often the aid of Heaven , ( because he said Nature taught him to beware of them ) as against his friends , because he did not distrust them . The Third said , Anger may be consider'd two ways , either according to its matter , or its form . In the former way 't is defin'd an Ebullition of the blood about the Heart . In the latter , a desire , with grief , to be reveng'd for an injury done to himself , or his friends , whom a man is oblig'd to uphold ; especially if they be too weak to avenge themselves . Injury consists either in deeds , or words , or gestures . The first is the most evident , and oftimes least sensible ; for words offend more ; because , being the image of thoughts , they shew us the little esteem made of us . And as gesture is more expressive then words , so á contempt signifi'd by it touches more to the quick then any other ; because he that contemns us with a simple gesture accounts us unworthy of all the rest . Now if this contempt be offer'd in the presence of those that honour us , or by whom we desire to be valu'd and admir'd , it excites our choler the more if it be truth , which always displeases us when it tells our defects , especially by the mouth of our enemy . But none are so soon provok'd as they that are desirous of some good . For then the least things incense ; because desire being of an absent good cannot subsist with the least present evil ( the object of anger ) because of their contrariety , importuning the actions of the soul , which is troubled in the pursute of good by the presence of evil . Whence , saith Aristotle , there needs but a small matter to anger Lovers , sick people , indigent , those that miscarry in their affairs , and are excruciated with hunger or thirst . 'T is therefore an error to say , that choler is the cause of anger , and 't is vain to purge this humour in order to remedy this passion , since the cause is external , not internal ; and is form'd first in the brain by the imagination of an injury receiv'd ; after which the Soul , desirous of revenge , stirs the motive power ; this the blood and spirits , which cause all the disorders observ'd in angry persons . The Fourth said , That disorders caus'd by Anger are not to be wonder'd at , since 't is compos'd of the most unruly passions , love , hatred , grief , pleasure , hope and boldnesse . For the source of anger is self-love ; we hate him that doth the injury , we are troubled at the offence , and receive contentment in the hope of being reveng'd ; and this hope gives boldnesse . Now Anger is one of the most deform'd and monstrous passions , so violent that it enervates not onely the contractive motion of the Heart by dilating it too much , and sending forth the blood and spirits , ( which cause an extraordinary heat , and force in all the members , and sometimes a Fever ; ) but also that of dilation by shutting it too much , in case the grief for the evil present be great , and there be hopes of revenging it . The Countenance looks pale , afterwards red , the Eye sparkles , the Voice trembles , the Pulse beats with violence , the Hair becomes stiff , the Mouth foams , the Teeth clash , the Hand cannot hold , the Mind is no longer in its own power , but is besides it self for some time ; Anger not differing from Rage but in duration . Which made a Philosopher tell his servant , That he would chastise him were he not in Anger : And the Emperor Theodosius commanded his Officers never to execute any , by his command , till after three dayes ; and the Philosophers Xenodorus to counsel Augustus , not to execute any thing when he found himself in choler , till after he had repeated softly the twenty four letters of the Greek Alphabet . The truth is , if this passion be not repress'd , it transports a man so out of himself , that he is incens'd not against men onely , but even against beasts , plants , and inanimate things ; such was Ctesiphon , who in great fury fell to kicking with a mule ; and Xerxes , who scourg'd the Sea. Yea , it reduces men to such brutality , that they fear not to lose themselves for ever , so they may but be reveng'd of those that have offended them ; as Porphyrie and Tertullian did , the former renouncing Christianity , and the other embracing Montanus's Heresie , to revenge themselves of some wrong which they conceiv'd they had receiv'd from the Catholicks . And our damnable Duels , caus'd by this passion , have oftentimes to satisfie the revenge of one , destroy'd two , Body and Soul. CONFERENCE LXIX . I. Of Life . II. Of Fasting . I. Of Life . THe more common a thing is , the more difficult it is to speak well of it ; witnesse sensible objects , the nature whereof is much in the dark to us , although they alwayes present themselves to our senses . Thus nothing is more easie then to discern what is alive from what is not ; and yet nothing is more difficult then to explicate the nature of Life well , because 't is the union of a most perfect form with its matter , into which the mind of man sees not a jot ; even that of accidents with their subject being unknown , although it be not so difficult to conceive as the first . Some have thought that the form which gives life is not substantial but onely accidental , because all ( except the rational ) arise from the Elementary Qualities , and accidents can produce nothing but accidents . But they are mistaken , since whereas nothing acts beyond its strength , if those forms were accidents , they could not be the causes of such marvellous and different effects , as to make the fruits of the Vine , Fig-tree , &c. and blood in Animals ; to attract , retain , concoct , expell , and exercise all the functions of the Soul ; which cannot proceed from heat alone , or any other material quality . Besides , if the forms of animated bodies were accidents , it will follow that substance ( which is compounded of Form as well as of Matter ) is made of accidents ; and consequently , of that which is not substance , contrary to the receiv'd Axiom . Therefore Vital Forms are substances , though incomplete , whose original is Heaven , the Author of Life and all sublunary actions . The Second said , That the Soul being the principle of Life ; according to the three sorts of Souls , there are three sorts of Life , namely , the Vegetative , Sensitive , and Rational ; differing according to several sublimations of the matter . For the actions of attracting and assimilating food , and the others belonging to Plants , being above those of stones and other inanimate things , argue in them a principle of those actions , which is the Vegetative Soul. Those of moving , perceiving , imagining , and remembring , yet nobler then the former , flow from the Sensitive Soul. But because the actions of the Intellect and the Will are not onely above the matter , but are not so much as in the matter , ( as those of Plants and Animals ) being immanent , and preserv'd by the same powers that produc'd them , they acknowledge for their principle a form more noble then the rest , which is the Rational Soul , the life of which is more perfect . And as the Plantal Life is the first and commonest , so it gives the most infallible vital tokens , which are nutrition , growth , and generation . Now that all three be in all living bodies : For Mushrooms live but propagate not ; as some things propagate , yet are not alive ; so bulls blood buried in a dung-hill produces worms ; others are nourish'd but grow not , as most Animals when they have attain'd their just stature ; yea , not every thing that lives is nourish'd ; for House-leek continues a whole year in its verdure and vivacity being hung at the seeling : Nor dos every thing grow alike , for we see Dodder , which resembles Epithymum , clinging to a bunch of grapes , or other fruit hanging in the Air , grows prodigiously without drawing any nourishment from it or elsewhere . Whereby it appears that there is no Rule but has its exception , since Nature which gives the same to all things , oftentimes dispenses with her self . The Third said , The Soul is the act of an Organnical Body endu'd with Life , and the principle of vegetation , sense , and motion ; according to Aristotle , an Intellective or continual motion ; according to Plato , a Number moving it . And consequently , Life is nothing but motion ; and a thing may be said to be alive when it is able to move it self by any kind of motion , whether of generation or corruption , accretion or diminution , local motion or alteration . For the most evident sign of Life is self-motion . Whence we call such , Living Waters , which flow ; and those dead , which stand still ; although improperly , because this motion is extrinsical to them , namely , from their source , and the declivity of the earth . The Pythagoreans therefore believ'd the Heaven animated , because it is mov'd according to all the differences of place ; and that this Animal is nourish'd with the Air which it draws out of the spaces which we call Imaginary . Now as powers are known , so they are distinguish'd by their actions . So that the perfecter the motion is which denotes Life , the perfecter the Life is . Therefore , as Oysters and other imperfect Animals , endu'd with sense , enjoy a nobler life then plants , which onely vegetate ; so they are inferior to other perfect Animals , which besides sense have progressive motion ; and these , again , the slower and more impedite their motion is , the more they yield in dignity to others ; as the Snail to the Dog and Hare . In brief , these are lesse noble then Man , whose Soul is mov'd after a more admirable manner ; and who hath the faculty of Understanding , the most perfect of all ; which being found in God in a far higher degree , beause it constitutes his whole essence , being and Understanding ( being in him one and the same thing ) he hath the most perfect life of all . Which is the cause why our Lord saith , that he is the Life . Moreover , as the First Matter , which is the lowest of all things that are , ( if it may be said to be ) hath need iof all ; so the sublimest of all things , God , hath need of nothing , but includes in himself all perfections , the chiefest of which is Life , which all Creatures enjoy onely by participation from him . The Fourth said , Life is a continual action of Heat upon humidity , the periods whereof are distinguish'd by the several effects of this heat , to wit , the alterations of temper , and diversity of ages . For 't is Physically as well as Morally true , which Job saith , that our life is a warfare upon the earth , since a thing is not accounted living unless so far as it acts , Death being the privation of actions ; and there is no action but between contrary qualities , of which heat and moisture are the foundation of life , as cold and siccity are the concomitants of death , old age which leads us thither being also cold and dry . Hence they are the longest liv'd who have most heat , as Males then Females ; terrestrial animals then Fish , those which have blood then those which have not . As also those that abound with this humidity live long , provided it have the qualities requisite , namely , be fat , aerious , and not aqueous or excrementitious , because otherwise it easily cools and congeals , and by that means incongruous to life . The Fifth said , That heat being the most noble and active of all qualities executes all the functions of life , when it meets with organs and dispositions sutable thereunto . This heat must be in act , and not only in power , such as that of Lime and Pepper is . And though it be not so sensible in plants , yet it ceases not to be actually in them so long as they are alive , and to digest and assimilate the aliments which it draws for them out of the earth ready prepar'd ; whence they have no excrements as animals have . With whom nevertheless they have so great resemblance that Plato , in his Timaeus , saith , that Plants are tanquam animala ; and Pythagoras conceiv'd them to be inform'd with the souls of some men , who having liv'd in the world without exercising other actions then those of the vegetative life , addicting themselves to nothing but to feed and generate , are condemn'd to pass into the bodies of Plants ; as the souls of those who have lead a brutish life are relegated into those of Swine , Tygres , Lyons , and other brutes whose manners they had imitated . Empedocles and Anaxagoras , as Aristotle reports , attributed to Plants a perception of pain and pleasure . Moreover , they have not only their maladies , old age and death , as animals have , but some too have differences of sex , and local motion , as 't is observ'd of certain Palmes which bend towards one another ; and of divers other Plants which recoil from those that are contrary to them , and grow best neer others . The Sixth said , Life is nothing but the union of the soul with the body ; which requires a fitting temperature and conformation ; from whence afterwards proceed all actions and motions both internal and external . Wherefore life is not an action of an action ; ( which is absurd ) but hath its own actions . Nor is it the action of the soul ; for then the body could not be said to live . But 't is the act of the soul in the body ; which being finite and terminated , as heat its principal instrument is , this is the cause that all living bodies have the terms or bounds of their quantity , both as to greatness and smallness ; but bodies inanimate have not so , because they acquire their quantity only by the approximation and apposition of their matter , and not by receiving the same inwardly ; and because they have no organs which require a certain conformation and magnitude which they never exceed . II. Of Fasting . Upon the second Point , it was said , That there are many sorts of corporal Fasts ( not to speak of the spiritual , which is abstinence from sin . ) There is one of necessity , and the most intolerable of all , which made the ancient Poets declaim against Poverty , saying that it was to be cast into the sea against the rocks ; and which made so few Cynicks , in respect of so many other Sects of Philosophers . Against which evil there is no other remedy , but to make that voluntary which cannot be avoided . There are fasts of thrift for the Covetous ; and others of Policy ▪ observ'd in many States to good purpose , lest the Country be desolated of Cattle ; and would be , should men eat egges and flesh in the beginning of the Spring , when Fowls hatch and Beasts engender , at which time the flesh of animals is unwholsome because they begin then to enter into heat . There is a fast of Health , ordain'd by Physitians to such as are full-bodied , and abound with ill humours ; this is the best lik'd of all ; nothing being undertaken so willingly as for health , whereunto moderate fasting greatly conduces , as well to preserve it , ( according to the Proverb , that Gormandise hath slain more then the Sword ) as recover it , according to the advice of the Arabians , and other Physitians , who all acknowledge intemperance for their best friend , and are wont to prescribe Diet in the first place , to which belong primarily Fasting , then Medicaments , and , lastly , Cauteries . There is also a moral fast , which is a vertue which in eating observes a measure sutable to nature , and right reason , for the taming of the sensual appetite , and encreasing the vigour of mind , which is enervated by plenty of meats . A vertue which S. Austin calls the keeper of the memory and Judgement , Mistress of the Mind , Nurse of Learning and Knowledge . But the Fast of Religion is the most excellent of all , because it refers immediately to God , who by this means is satisfi'd for sins ; because it abates the lust of the flesh , and raises the spirit to contemplation of sublime things , purifying the soul , and subduing the flesh to the spirit ; but particularly that of Lent , whose sutableness is manifest , in that this time is the tenth part of the year , which we offer to God , as from all antiquity the tenths of every thing were dedicated to him . Moreover , 't is observ'd that Moses and Elias who fasted forty days ( the longest fast mention'd in Scripture ) merited to be present at our Lord's Transfiguration . The Second said , Fasting is an abstinence from food , as to quantity or quality . As to the first , some have abstain'd long from all kind of food , as Histories assure us ; and Pliny tells of the Astomi , a people of India neer the River Ganges , who have no mouths , but live only upon smells . But 't is abstinence too when we eat little and soberly , and only so much as is needful for support of life ; such as were the abstinences of the Persians and the Lacedemonians , with whom it was a shameful thing to belch , or blow the Nose ; these being signs of having taken more food then nature is able to digest . The Gymnosophists , Magi , and Brachmans , rigorously observ'd these fasts . In quality , we abstain from some certain meats . Thus the Jews abstain'd from all animals except such as chew'd the Cud , and were cloven hoof'd . And amongst them the Nazarites were forbidden by God to drink Wine or any inebriating liquor ; as the Essceans , a Sect of Monasticks , besides Wine , abstain'd from flesh and women . Pythagoras abhorr'd Beans as much as he lov'd Figs , either because the first were us'd in condemning criminals , or because they excited lust by their flatuosity . None of this Sect touch'd fish , out of reverence to the silence of this animal ; and they made conscience of killing other creatures in regard of their resemblance with us . which was also observ'd by the first men before the Flood for 2000 years together ; the Law of Nature , which then bore sway , making the same abhor'd . But this fast is much harder in our diversity of fare then when only Acorns serv'd for food to our first Fathers ; when the Athenians liv'd of Figs alone , the Argians and Tirynthians of pears , the Medes of Almonds , the Aethiopians of Shrimps , and the fruits of Reeds , the Persians of Cardamomes , the Babylonians of Dates , the Egyptians of Lote , as the Icthyophagi of Fish ; of which dry'd and ground to powder many Barbarians make bread at this day , and their meat of the fresh . For in those days people liv'd not to eat , as many do in these luxurious times , but eat to live . The Third said , That fasting is as contrary to the health of the body as conducive to that of the mind . The best temper , which is hot and moist , is an enemy to the souls operations , which require a temper cold and dry ; which is acquir'd by fasting : hence choler , being hot and dry , gives dexterity and vivacity ; blood , hot and moist , renders men foolish and stupid ; and the cold and dry melancholy humour is the cause of prudence . But this is to be understood of fasting , whereby less food is taken then nature is able to assimilate , not of that which observes a mediocrity , always commendable , and good for health . Moreover , the right end of fasting is to afflict and macerate that body by abstaining from the aliments which it naturally desires . But as in drinking and eating , so in abstinence from either there is no certain rule ; but regard must be had to the nature of the aliments , some of which are more nutritive then others ; to that of the body , to the season , custom , exercises , and other circumstances ; so they who eat plentifully of ill-nourishing meats , or whose stomacks and livers are very large and hot , or who are accustom'd to eat much , will fast longer then those that eat little , but of good juice , or who have not much heat , and use but little exercise . Growing persons , as children , though plentiful feeders , yet oftentimes will fast more then those that eat less . In Winter and Spring , when the bowels are hotter , and sleep longer , fasting is more insupportable , because the natural heat being now stronger then in Summer and Autumn , consumes more nourishment . Wherefore , only discretion can prescribe rules for fasting . If it be for health , so much must be given Nature as she requires , and no more ; the first precept of Hippocrates for health , being , Never to satiate one's self with food . If 't is intended to purge the soul , then 't is requisite to deny something to nature ; the sucking which is felt in the stomack serving to admonish reason of the right use of abstinence . For temperance must not be turn'd into murder , and fasting only macerate , not destroy the body . The Fourth said , That by fasting Socrates preserv'd himself from the Plague , against which we are erroneously taught to make repletion an Antidote : when 't is manifest man's fasting spittle is found to be an enemy to poysons , to kill Vipers , and mortifie Quick-silver . Moreover , we may impute the false consequence which is drawn from the true Aphorisme of Hippocrates ( That Eunuchs , Women and Children , never have the Gout ) and the production of so many modern diseases to gluttony , and the frequency of meals ; our fore-fathers being so well satisfi'd with one , that Plato wonder'd how the Sicilians could eat twice a day . CONFERENCE LXX . I. Of Climacterical Years . II. Of Shame . I. Of Climacterical Years . MAn's life is a Comedy , whereof the Theatre or Stage is the World , Men the Actors , and God the Moderator , who ends the Play , and draws the Curtain when it seems good to him . When 't is play'd to the end , it hath five Acts , Infancy or Childhood , Adolescence , Virility , or Manhood , consisting of middle age , and old age ; each of 14 years , which multiply'd by 5 make 70 years , the term assign'd to humane life by the Royal Prophet . These acts are divided into two Scenes , of as many septenaries , in either of which considerable alterations both in body , goods and mind , also , are observ'd to come to pass . For seeing many persons incur great accidents at one certain number of years rather then another ; and if they scape death , fall again into other dangers at certain times , and so from one degree to another , till they be come to the last step of the Ladder which is call'd Climax by the Greeks ; hence the name of Climacterical comes to be given to the years at which these changes are observ'd . The most general opinion refers them to that number of seven ; though some have attributed them to the ninth , others , to every other second year ; but especially to the product of the one multiply'd by the other , which is sixty three , compos'd of nine times seven , or seven times nine ; and therefore the most dangerous . For seven and nine , as Fermicus Maternus saith , being very pernicious of themselves , their malignity is conjoyn'd in that number of sixty three , call'd upon this account the grand Climacterical ; as 7 , 14 , 21 , 28 , 35 , 41 , 49. ( very considerable amongst them for being the square of seven ) and 56. are call'd less Climactericals ; but 126. the greatest Climacterical of all , because it contains the grand one twice , being compos'd of eighteen Septenaries . Now all these Climactericals are call'd Hebdomaticks , because they go upon seven , as those which are counted by nine are call'd Enneaticks , amongst which the less are 9 , 18 , 27 , 36 , 45 , and 54 , the grand one is again 63 , made also of nine multiply'd by seven ; the rest are 72 , 81 , ( very notable too , for being the square of nine ) 90 , 99 , and so to the greatest Climaterical 126 , made of twice nine Septenaries . Amongst all which years 't is further observ'd , that those are the most dangerous which ascend either by three weeks , or three novenaries of years , as , 21 , 42 , 63 , in the Hebdomaticks ; and 27 , 54 , 81 , in the Ennecaticks . The Second said , That as the Septenary is considerable , so is that of Nine , for the number of the Hierarchies and Celestial Spheres , together with the common number of moneths of womens pregnancy ; the time between the conception and the birth having a great resemblance with the remainder of Man's Life . Likewise the Ternary , proper to the Deity , being multiply'd by it self , must contain what ever wonder and efficacy there can be found in numbers ; since it belongs to innumerable things ; and nothing can be consider'd but with its three dimensions , and its three parts , beginning , middle , and end ; past , present , and future ; hence the assigning of three faces to Janus , three names and three powers to the Moon , according to its own , that of Diana , and that of Hecate ; together with the fiction of three Graces . In brief , as the three greatest changes came to pass in each of the three times of the world , before the Law , under the Law , and after the Law ; so it seems just that this ternary number divide the actions of the less world , as it hath done of the great . The Third said , That he accounted it more reasonable to make this division by the quaternary number , comprehended in the ineffable name of four Letters , the Elements and Humours ; to the contract or amity of which we owe our health , our diseases , death , and all the accidents of our lives . And the slowest motion of the dullest and most malignant of these humours is made in four dayes , the reduplication whereof hath given ground to the error which attributes the Crises and indications of diseases to other numbers . The fourth day is acknowledg'd the first of Natures motion , and serves for a measure and foundation of all others . The Crises of diseases are unanimously attributed to the Moon , which hath but four quarters , distinguish'd by as many faces , which being denominated from the quaternary , argue its power over that Planet ; and consequently , over every thing that depends upon it . And as there are four noble parts in Man , ( comprehending , with Galen , those which preserve the species ) so there are four in the world , East , West , North , and South ; four parts of the earth , Europe , Asia , Africa , and America ; and four Monarchies . But the considerableness of this number appears , in that our Lord having been ask'd five questions , namely , of the time of his Death , his Ascension , the Calling of the Gentiles , and the destruction of Jerusalem , they were accomplish'd in the number of four times ten . For he continu'd dead 40 hours , he ascended into Heaven at the end of 40 dayes , the vocation of the Gentiles typifi'd by the vision of unclean beasts , offer'd by the Angel to Saint Peter to eat , was at the end of 40 moneths , which are about 3 years and a half , ( so long also as Antichrist is to continue ) and the destruction of Jerusalem came to pass at the end of 40 years . Whence some suspect that the end of the world ( which was another question made to him ) will probably happen after 40 times 40 years ; which added to the preceding would fall about the year 1640. Moreover , the quaternary is not onely a square number , but causing all others to be denominated such ; the cause of the change which happens in this number , is , for that a Cube cannot be vari'd and mov'd but with difficulty ; so that great causes are requisite to produce those changes , which producing great effects , become more sensible and remarkable then the ordinary ones , which more easily cause variation in other numbers remote from the cubick figure . The Fourth said , That the Prince of Physitians having affirm'd that the Septenary is the dispenser of life , and author of all its changes , seven must be the true Climacterical . For in seven hours the Geniture receives its first disposition to conception ; in seven dayes it is coagulated ; in seven weeks it is distinguish'd into members . The Infant cannot come forth alive sooner then the seventh moneth , and anciently it was not nam'd till after seven dayes ; being not accounted fully to have life till it had attaind that periodical day . The Teeth spring out at the seventh moneth , they shed and are renew'd in the seventh year , at which time the Child begins to speak articulately , and to be capable of Discipline . At twice seven years it is pubes . At twenty one the beard sprouts forth . At twenty eight growing ceases . At thirty five a Man is fit for marriage and the warrs . At forty two he is wise , or never . At 49 he is in his Apogee , or highest pitch ; after which he grows old , and changes alwayes by Septenaries till he have accomplish'd the years of his life ; which Hippocrates , for this reason , distributes into seven Ages . The virtue of this Number appears likewise in divine things ; God having sanctifi'd the seventh day by his own rest and ours , and all Nations measuring their time by weeks . But 't is not without mystery , that Enoch the seventh after Adam , was translated into Heaven ; that Jesus Christ is the seventy seventh in a direct line from the first Man ; that he spoke seven times upon the Cross , on which he was seven hours ; that he appear'd seven times ; and after seven times seven dayes sent the Holy Ghost . That in the Lords prayer there are seven Petitions , contain'd in seven times seven words . The Apostles chose seven Deacons . All the mysteries of the Apocalypse are within this number ; mention being there made of seven seals of the Book , of seven horns of the Lamb , and seven eyes which are the seven Spirits of God sent throughout all the earth , of the seven heads and seven questions of the Dragon ; of the seven heads of the Woman , which are seven hills ; of seven Kings , seven Angels , seven Trumpets , seven vials , seven plagues . The Scripture makes mention of seven resurrections to that of our Saviours . The 1. of the Widows Son of Sarepta , by Elias . The 2. of the Shunamite's Son , by Elisha . The 3. of the Souldier who touch'd the bones of that Prophet . The 4. of the Daughter of the Ruler of the Synagogue . The 5. of the Widows Son of Naim . The 6. of Lazarus . And the 7. of our Lord. The Rabbins say that God employ'd the power of this Number to make Samuel so great as he was ; his name answering in value of the Letters to the Hebrew word which signifies seven ; whence Hannah his Mother , in her thanks to God , saith , That the barren had brought forth seven . Solomon spent seven years in building Gods Temple . Jacob serv'd seven years for Leah , and as many for Rachel . The wall of Jericho fell down at the sound of Joshuah's seven Trumpets , after the Israelites had gone seven times about it on the seventh day . Nabuchadononosor did penance for his pride seven years amongst the beasts . Moreover , there are seven Penitential Psalms . The Nile and the Danow have seven mouths . There are seven hills at Rome , Prague , and Constantinople . Noah entred into the Ark with seven persons , and seven pairs of all clean Animals . After seven dayes the waters fell from Heaven during seven times seven dayes . On the seventh moneth the Ark rested upon the Mountain of Ararat . The Ecclesiastes limits mourning to seven dayes . There were seven years of plenty , and as many of famine , in Aegypt . There were seven Lamps in the Tabernacle , typifying seven gifts of the Spirit . The Jews ate unleavened bread seven dayes ; and as many celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles . They let their land rest every seventh year , and after seven times seven had their Jubilee . The strength of Sampson lay in seven locks of his Hair. There are seven Sacraments in the Church , as in Heaven seven Planets , seven Pleiades , seven Stars in the two Bears . The Periodical course of the Moon is made in four times seven days , at each of which septenaries , it changes its face . In brief , there were seven miracles of the World , and seven Sages of Greece . There are seven Electors , seven liberal Arts , seven pairs of Nerves , seven Orifices serving for gates to the Senses : Natural sleep is limited to seven hours ; and this Number is by some justly esteem'd the knot , or principal band of all things , and the symbol of Nature . The Fifth said , It was not without cause that Augustus was so extreamly fearful of the Climactericals , that when he had pass'd his 63d year , he writ in great joy to all his friends ; but he dy'd in the second Climacterick after , his 77th year , consisting of eleven septenaries , which was also fatal to Tiberius , Severus , T. Livius , Empedocles , S. Augustin , Bessarion ; as the sixty third was to Aristotle , Cicero ( who also was banish'd in his Climacterick of 49 ) Demosthenes , Trajan , Adrian , Constantine , S. Bernard , the blessed Virgin , and many others . And the next Climacterick of 70 , to three of the Sages of Greece , to Marius , Vespasian , Antoninus , Golienus , David , who was also driven from his Kingdom by his Son , at his sixty third year ; and committed his adultery and homicide at his forty nineth ; both climactericals . And as much might be observ'd of the fates and actions of other men , were regard had of them . Our first Father dy'd at the age of 931 years , which was climacterical to him , because it contains in it self seven times 133. Lamech dy'd at 777 years , climacterical likewise , as Abraham dy'd at 175 , which contains 25 times seven . Jacob at 147 , consisting of 21 times seven ; Judas at 119 , made of 17 times seven ; the power of which Climactericals many make to extend to the duration of States , which Plato conceiv'd not to be much above 70 weeks of years . The Sixth said , That regular changes proceeding necessarily from a regular cause , and no motion being exactly regular in all nature but that of the Heavens ; supposing there be climacterical years , and not so many deaths and remarkable accidents in all the other numbers of days , moneths and years , had they been all as carefully observ'd as some of them have been ) their power of alteration cannot but be ascrib'd to the celestial bodies . That which befalls us every seventh year arises hence ; as every Planet rules its hour , so it makes every day , moneth , and year septenary ; beginning by Saturn , and ending at the Moon , which governs the seventh , and therein causes all mutations , which acquire malignity by the approach of Saturn presiding again over the eighth ; which is the cause why births in the eighth moneth are seldom vital . II. Of Shame . Upon the second Point , it was said , That the Passions consider evil and good not only absolutely , but also under certain differences . Desire hath regard to absent good , not in general , but in particular ; sometimes under the respect of Riches , and then 't is call'd Covetousness ; sometimes of Honour , and then 't is call'd Ambition ; sometimes of Beauties , and then 't is an amorous inclination . So grief looks upon present evil ; if it be in another , it causes compassion in us ; if in our selves , and apprehended prejudicial to our honour , it causes shame , which is a grief for an evil which we judge brings ignominy to us ; a grief so much the greater , in that no offence goes more to the quick then that which touches our reputation . It occasion'd the death of a Sophist , because he could not answer a question ; and of Homer , because he could not resolve the riddle of the Fishers ; and of others also , upon their having been non-plus'd in publick . For as nothing is more honorable then vertue and knowledge ; so nothing is so ignominious as ignorance and vice , nor ( consequently ) that makes us so much asham'd ; being reproaches of our falling short of our end , ( which is , to understand and to will ) and so of being less then men ; but ( as Plato said ) Monsters of nature . But amongst all the vices , Nature hath render'd none so shameful as that of lasciviousness , whereof not only the act , but also the gestures and signs cause shame . Hence an immodest or ambiguous word , and a fix'd look , make women and children blush , whom shame becomes very well , being the guard of chastity , and the colour of vertue ; as it ill becomes old men , and persons confirm'd in vertue , who ought not to commit any thing whereof they may be asham'd . The Second said , That shame is either before vice and the infamy which follows it , or after both . In the first sence , shame is a fear of dishonour . In the second , 't is a grief for being fallen thereinto . Neither of the two is ever wthout love of honesty , but lies between the two extreams , or sottish and rustick bashfulness on the one side , and impudence on the other . The former is found in those who are asham'd of vertue , or cannot deny any thing , although it be contrary to honesty , good manners , and their own will ; or in such who cannot look a man in the face , which although frequently an obstacle to brave actions , yet is a common token of a good soul , rather inclin'd to honesty then to vice ; like Edler and other wild herbs , which being good for nothing , and hindring the growth of others , are yet signs of a good soil . On the contrary , impudence is the symptome of a soul extreamly deprav'd ; the defect of inward grief , which comes from the perversion of the Intellect , and the loss of Conscience , rendring the maladies of the soul incurable , as insensibility makes those of the body desperate . But modesty and true shame fears true dishonours , and is griev'd for them ; having this of vertue , which the greater it is , the more it fears things greatly formidable and infamous , such as vice , and its concomitant , ignominy , are : but not much other things , which depend only on the imagination , and are not any way dishonest of themselves ; in which 't is poorness of mind to blush . Thus S. Paul saith he was not asham'd of the Gospel . And our Lord , that they who shall be asham'd of him before men , he will deny them before his Father . For , to speak truth , we ought not to be asham'd of any thing but vice and its effects . Before sin , our first Parents knew not what it was to be asham'd ; but after it they were asham'd of their nakedness , the same sense whereof remains to all their posterity . The Third said , As some things are of themselves shameful , because they are vicious ; so some are not shameful saving at certain times and places , to which the customs of each Country , for the most part , give Law : others are always so , although of themselves lawful , and far from being vicious ; as those things which civility and honesty forbid to do publickly ; whence Diogenes merited the name of Dog for transgressing those laws of seemliness . For as honour is drawn not only from vertue , but from many other circumstances , which for the most part depend upon the opinion of men who dispose of this honour , so doth dishonour and the shame which follows it . The Fourth said , That shame is not a passion ( as neither compassion nor emulation ) because it hath no vertue which regulates its disorders ; much less a vertue , not being firm , and constant , but a simple motion to good , and a slight impression of honesty in the will and affections , produc'd either by nature or custom , and not yet so firmly rooted as vertue ; whence it is very mutable and incertain . For we are asham'd of being too tall or too low , commended or blam'd , yea we blush no less for defects which cannot be imputed to us , as mean extraction , or some corporal imperfection which we cannot mend , then we do for being found lyars or surpriz'd in some other fault . To which inconstancy is the agitation of the blood and spirits to be referr'd , whose tincture diffus'd in the face betrays our dissimulation in spite of us . CONFERENCE LXXI . I. Why motion produces heat . II. Of Chastity . I. Why motion produces heat . LOcal motion is not only the most common , but likewise the most noble of all , since 't is not found in animals till they have acquir'd their perfection . Besides , it produces heat , the noblest and most active of all qualities ; upon this account Physians enjoyn exercise to discuss cold and phlegmatick humours ; because animal motion cannot be perform'd without spirits , and these being of an igneous nature calefie all the parts towards which they flow . But being motion produces heat in life-less things too , 't is harder to render a reason of this effect in them then in animals . Thus Arrows have been seen to become 〈◊〉 by the swiftness of their flight . Millers turn part of their 〈◊〉 upon the axle-tree of their wheel , otherwise it would be on fire ▪ and Waggoners , as well for this purpose as to facilitate their turning , grease their wheels , thereby to remedy the dryness of the axle-tree which disposes the same to ignition . Those that hold it for a Principle , That motion heats , account is as absurd to inquire the cause thereof , as to ask why fire do's so . But without ground , since every motion heats not ; that of inanimate bodies if slow , produces no heat , but only when it is swift : 't is requisite too that the bodies be solid ; otherwise we see motion cools water and air , and hinders their corruption , which proceeds from heat . This argues that it cannot be a principle ; for a principle must hold good in all subjects , and be such as no instance can be brought against it . Such heat therefore comes from the attrition of the air , which being rarefi'd beyond what its nature permits , waxes hot , and sometimes is turn'd into fire , wherewith it symbolizes upon the account of its heat ; as , on the contrary , when the same air is too much condens'd , 't is resolv'd into water , wherewith also it symbolizes by it moisture . For as there are terms of quantity in all mix'd bodies ; so in all simple bodies there are terms of rarity and density , beyond which the Element cannot preserve it self , without admitting vacuity , when it is more rare then its matter can endure ; or without penetration of dimension , when it hath more matter then it needeth . The Second said , That to ascribe that heat caus'd by motion to the air inflam'd and turn'd into fire by attrition and attenuation of its parts , is to explicate a manifest thing by one more obscure , and whereupon all are not agreed ; such is the transmutation of one element into another . 'T is Therefore more probable that this heat is not produc'd anew , but is the same which is in all mix'd bodies , wherein there is an elementary fire ; which being buri'd , and ( as 't were ) intangled in the bonds of the other Elements , appears not unless it be excited by motion . As in putrefaction the same heat being attracted by the outward heat of the air , becomes perceptible by the sense . And as those that have drawn a Landskip in distemper upon a table of oyl , coming to wash the table , make the first draught appear which before was hid ; or as the earth of a Mine which contains Gold or Silver , being wash'd , exhibites these Metals visible , but produces them not anew , because they were there before : so motion do's not make , but discover heat , introducing a disposition in the subject by friction , rarefying and drying the surfaces of two contiguous bodies ; which two qualities being proper to receive the impression of fire , are also more so to make that appear which is in all bodies not only potentially , but likewise actually . For if 't were the air included between two bodies rub'd and mov'd with violence , it would follow that every sort of body would be apt to produce fire , and especially the most aerious , as being most inflammable . Moreover , nothing hindring but that two Spheres may be so contiguous , as the Celestial are , that there can be no air between them , yet they might nevertheless be mov'd and heated , yea much more then if there were air interpos'd between them . The Third said , As a form cannot be receiv'd into any subject without previous dispositions , so when they are present they suddenly snatch the form to themselves . Those of fire are rarity , lightness and dryness ; of which the more bodies partake , the more they will be susceptible of the nature of fire . Therefore what is capable of being heated by motion must be dry not moist ; whence fire is never produced by water , any more then of air agitated , by reason of their excessive humidity , perfectly contrary to the dryness of fire . But that which is extreamly dry is half fire , needing no more but to become hot , as happens necessarily when it is rarefi'd and attenuated by motion , and consequently inflam'd ; every substance extreamly tenuious and dry being igneous , since in the order of nature all matter necessarily receives the form whereof it hath all the dispositions . For there being a separation and divulsion of parts made in every sort of motion , as is seen in water when it falls from on high , it follows that they are render'd more rare , and capable of being converted into fire . The Fourth said , That motion , rarity , and heat ordinarily follow , and are the causes one of another . Thus the Heavens by their rapid motion excite heat in all sublunary bodies ; and this heat , as 't is its property , opening the parts , rarefies the whole . Water receiving the rayes of the Sun is mov'd and agitated by them ; this motion produces rarity ; this , heat ; which makes the subtilest parts ascend upwards : as , on the contrary , heat being the most active quality , is the cause of motion ; this , of rarity , by collision attenuating the mov'd parts . So that motion is not more the cause of heat , then this is of motion . The Fifth said , That heat and fire ( which is only an excess of heat ) are produc'd four ways ; by propagation , union , putrefaction , and motion . In the first way , one way generates another fire ; a thing common to it with all other bodies in nature , which is so fruitful that even the least things produce their like . In the second manner , when the Sun-beams are reflected by bellow glasses , they burn in the point of union , provided the matter be not white , because whitenesse takes away the reason upon which they burn , which is their uniting ; whereas white disunites and disgregates the rayes . To which manner that of antiperistasis is also to be referr'd , when external cold causes such a union of the degrees of heat , that it becomes inflam'd . The third cause of heat is putrefaction proceeding from disunion of the Elements ; amongst which fire being the most active becomes becomes also more sensible to us . The last is motion , by which bodies rub'd or clash'd one against another , take fire by reason of the Sulphur contain'd in them , which alone is inflamable ; as we see Marble and Free-stone yield not fire as Flints do , whose smell after the blew seems sulphureous . For if only the air be fir'd , whence comes it , that in striking the steel the sparkles of fire fall downwards , contrary to the nature of fire , which ascends ? besides , the air would be turn'd into flames , not into sparkles , and two stones rub'd one against the other would cause as much fire as steel and the flint , or other stones , out of whose substance these igneous particles are struck . Whence , according to their differences , they make different sparkles ; If the stones be hard , and struck strongly , they render a sprightly fire ; if soft , they either render none at all , or such as is less vigorous . Moreover , the observations of fire issuing forth upon the rubbing of a Lyon's bones , as also Laurel and Ivy , and Crystal with Chalcedon ; and that which comes from stroking the back of a Cat in the dark , and from the casting a drop of rectifi'd oyl of Vitriol into cold water , evidence that this fire is produc'd out of the bosom of the matter which is more dispos'd thereunto then any other , not from the encompassing air . But that which serves most to shew that 't is from the matter this fire of motion comes , is the duration of the Heavens , which being in all probability solid , would have been set on fire , were it not that they are not of a combustible matter , nor apt to conceive fire ; for how little soever that heat were , there would be more neer the Sphere of the Moon then at the Centre of the Earth ; and nevertheless the air is frozen while heat causes corruptions and generations upon the earth , and at the centre of it ; and this heat having been always encreasing , as is that of the motion , would be insupportable . II. Of Chastity . Upon the second Point , it was said , That Reason regulates the inclinations of the appetite by the vertues , amongst which temperance serves to moderate that of eating by abstinence ; and of drinking , by sobriety ; as also the concupiscence of the flesh by chastity , which is more excellent then the two former , in that its business lies with more powerful adversaries which assail it without as well as within , by so many avenues as there are senses ; amongst which the hearing and sight receiving the poyson of glances , and words , cause chastity to stagger and languish ; but it receives the deadly blow when the touch surrenders it self to the inchantment of kisses , and the other delights which follow them . Moreover , the necessity of natural actions being the standard of pleasure , and generation which concerns the general being more necessary then nutrition which relates only to the particular , it hath also more pleasure ; and , consequently , being more hard to withstand , chastity which surmounts it , not only deserves Palmes and Triumphs in the other world , but also in this hath been rewarded by God with the gift of Prophecy in the Sibyls , and is honour'd by all , even the most wicked for its rarity ; which made the Poet say , that there was none in his time chaste but she that had not been tempted . Now Chastity is of three sorts , Virgineal , Conjugal , and that of Widows ; to which the Fathers attribute what is said of the grains of Corn , which brought forth , one a hundred ; other , thirty ; and other , sixty . For Virgineal Chastity , in either sex , consisting in integrity of body , and purity of soul , and in a firm purpose to abstain from all sort of carnal pleasures , the better to attend divine service , is more worthy then the other two , and prefer'd before any other condition by S. Paul , who counsels every one to desire to be like him in this point . Hence the Church hath chosen it , and is so immutably affected to it , to the end souls freed from worldly care might be more at leisure for divine things , from which Matrimony extreamly diverts . The chastity of Widows hath , for pattern , the Turtle and the Raven , who having lost their mates live nine ages of men without coupling with others ; and the Apostle saith , Widows in deed are worthy of double honour . The Conjugal hath also made Penelope renown'd , and hath for example the Etnaean fish , of which the male and female never part . The Second said , Virgineal Chastity is not absolutely vertuous of it self , having been practis'd by Pagans and Idolaters , who devoted themselves to their false gods , and being found in children newly born : which cannot be said of vertues , which are acquir'd by precepts and good manners , not by nature . Moreover , it may be lost without sin , as in Virgins violated , or those that are married ; yea sometimes with merit , as when Hosea the Prophet took a Harlot to wife by God's express command . And being once lost , it cannot be repair'd by repentance as other vertues may . Whence S. Jerome writing to Eustochium , saith , that God who is able to do all things , yet cannot restore virginity . 'T is therefore commendable so far as it is referr'd to God : in which case 't is a most admirable thing , and the more because 't is above nature , which by Marriage peoples the Earth , but Virginity peoples Heaven , where there shall be no marrying , but we shall be as the Angels of God , who being a pure Spirit , loves purity above all things . The Third said , That Virginity is wholly contrary to the nature of man , who desires nothing so much as immortality , which being not attainable in his own person he seeks in his successors , who are part of himself . Yea it seems to have somewhat of insensibility , the vicious excess of temperance , since it wholly abstains from all pleasures ; some of which are lawful . Therefore Plato sacrific'd to Nature , as if to make her satisfaction for his having continu'd a virgin all his life ; and the Romans laid great fines upon such as would not marry ; as on the other side , they granted immunities to those that brought children into the world ; whence remains at this day the right of three , four and five children , observ'd still amongst us , those that have five children being exempted from Wardships . Yea , among the Jews it could not be without reproach , since sterility was ignominious among them , and was accounted the greatest curse . Moreover , Marriage not only supplies Labourers , Artisans , Souldiers and Citizens to the State , but Kings and Princes to the People , Prelates and Pastors to the Church , and a Nursery to Paradise , which would not be peopled with Virgins , did not the married give them being . Whence S. Austustin justly makes a Question , Who merited most before God , Abraham in Marriage , or S. John Baptist in the Virgineal State. The Fourth said , That being things are term'd vertuous when they are according to right reason , which requires that we make use of means proportionately to their end ; therefore Virginity is a vertue , and the more sublime in that it is in order to the most excellent end , namely , the contemplation of Divine Mysteries . For amongst the goods of men , some are external , as riches ; others of the body , as health ; others of the soul , amongst which those of the contemplative life are more excellent then those of the active . As therefore 't is according to right reason , that external goods are made subservient to those of the body , and these to the goods of the soul ; so is the denying the pleasures of the body the better to intend the actions of the contemplative life : as Virginity do's , which freeing us from carnal thoughts affords us more convenience to mind the things of God , and to be pure in body and spirit . 'T is therefore the end which makes Virginity to be vertuous . Whence those Roman Vestals , and the Brachmans among the Indians , who abstain'd wholly from Marriage , nevertheless deserve the name of Virgins . And Spurina , mention'd by Valerius Maximus , so chaste that perceiving himself as much lov'd by the Thuscan Ladies , as he was hated by their Husbands , disfigur'd his face with voluntary wounds , had indeed some shadow , but not the body of this vertue . The invention of Gaila and Papa , Daughters of Gisuphe Duke of Friuli , was much more ingenious ; who at the sacking of their City , beholding the chastity of their sex prostituted to the lust of the Souldiers , fill'd their laps with stinking flesh , whose bad smell kept those from them who would have attempted their honour . The fifth said , That the excellence of Virgineal Chastity is such , that it hath no vitious excess ; for the more we abstain from pleasures , the more pure we are . And as it is blemish'd many wayes , so it is preserv'd by many others . Amongst which , is first , Employment or Business ; whence Cupid , in Lucian , excuses himself to his Mother , that he could not wound Minerva , because he never found her idle . Modesty is also the Guardian of it , as to appear seldome in publick ; whence the Hebrews call'd their Virgins Almach , which signifies Recluses . Moreover , dishonest gestures , words , and looks , are to be avoided . And amongst corporeal means , Abstinence and Maceration of the body , are very effectual ; as amongst Aliments such as are cold , as Nenuphar , or Water-lilly , ( call'd therefore Nymphaea ) and Lettice , which the Pythagoreans for this reason Eunuch , and under which upon the same account the Poets feign Venus to have hid Adonis . As likewise the leaves of Willows bruised , the ashes of Tamarisk , and the flowers of Agnus Castus , which is a sort of Ozier , so call'd by the Greeks , because the Athenian Ladies lay upon them during the festivals of Ceres , to represse the ardour of Love , whereof , they say , such are not sensible as have drunk wine wherein the fish nam'd Trigla is suffocated , or who have eaten Rue . But because these remedies are not infallible , Origen took another course , making himself actually an Eunuch , for fear of losing that rare treasure of Virginity , whose loss is both inestimable and irreparable . CONFERENCE LXXII . I. Of Thunder . II. Which of all the Arts is the most necessary . I. Of Thunder . AS Water and Earth are the grossest of the Elements , so they receive most sensibly the actions of the Celestial Bodies , chiefly the Sun's heat ; which exhaling and drawing up their purer parts , vapours from the Water , and exhalations from the Earth , forms meteors of them . And as the cold and moist vapours make tempests , dew , and frost , in the lower Region ; and in the middle , clouds , rain , hail , snow . Exhalations , if fat and unctuous , cause Comets in the higher Region , and in the lower the two Ignes Fatui ; if dry and subtile , they make Earth-quakes in the bowels of the Earth ; in its surface , winds and tempests ; in the middle Region of the Air , Lightning , Fulgur , or the Thunder-bolts and Thunder . For these three commonly follow and produce one another . Lightning is the coruscation or flashing of the matter inflam'd . And though produc'd by Thunder , yet is sooner perceiv'd then the other heard ; because the Sight is quicker then the Hearing , by reason its object , the visible species , are mov'd in an instant ; but sound successively , because of the resistance of the Air , its medium . Thunder is the noise excited by the shock and shattering of the cloud by the inclos'd exhalation ; whence rain commonly follows it . Fulgur is the exhalation inflam'd , which impetuously breaks out at the sides of the cloud , wherein it is oftentimes turn'd into a stone of the shape of a wedge ; the celestial heat then working the same effect in the cavities of the cloud that our common fire doth in crucibles ; in which equal portions of Sulphur , Tartara , and Antimony inflam'd , turn into a very hard stone , of the colour of the Thunder-bolt , call'd Regulus Antimonii . The Second said , As fire is sometimes produc'd in the Air without noise , and noise without fire ; so a great fire is made there with little noise , as when what they call a Falling Star passes through a moist cloud , in which it makes a hissing like that of hot Iron in cold water , whence Winds proceed ; and sometimes a great noise with little fire ; as when an Exhalation inflam'd hollows and breaks the cloud which encloses it , or else impressing a violent and rapid motion upon it , makes it clash impetuously against other clouds . For impetuousness supplies for hardnesse , as is seen in Air which whistles when beaten by Winds ; there being some things which tension renders hard , as Wind included in a foot-ball . And what is reported of the Cataracts of Nile , whose waters make so vehement a noise , that it renders the people there abouts deaf , is a sufficient evidence that two fluid bodies clashing violently together , make as great a sound as two solid bodies mov'd with lesse violence . The Third said , That what is done below being the figure of what is done on high , the one may be clearly explicated by the other . Wherefore as Exhalation with vapor makes metals in the entrails of the Earth ; so in the Air it makes Thunder , whither they ascend together , the vapor being blended with the Exhalation ; or severally , this latter being set on fire in the cold and vaporous cloud ; or being no longer containable there through its great rarity , encounter'd by the coldness of the cloud and the Air , it seeks some out-let ; which not finding , 't is necessitated to hollow the bollow the belly of the cloud which obstructed it . This rarity proceeds from its heat and drynesse , which are commonly turn'd into fire by the sole motion of the Exhalation , or by the rayes of the Sun , or of some other Stars reflected by the smooth surface of an opposite cloud ; in the same manner as Burning-glasses set on fire such things as are plac'd at some convenient distance . Which should be thought no more strange then mock-suns and mock-moons , which are made in the same manner , but in a flat or plain cloud , not parabolical , such as the figure of Burning-glasses must be . Moreover , fire may be excited by the Antiperistasis of the vehement cold in the middle Region of the Air , which causes the degrees of heat to unite , ( as those of other qualities strengthen one another in an enemy country ) and become flame . Hence Thunders are more frequent in Southern then in Northern Countries , in hot seasons then in Winter , wherein the cold closing the pores of the Earth , hinders the free issue of the Exhalations , and the middle Region of the Air is found less cold . But the most sensible example of Thunder is that of our Guns ; the powder , being so suddenly inflam'd that it cannot reside in the barrel , where it takes up a thousand times more room then it did whilst it remain'd in its terrene nature , according to the decuple proportion of the Elements , violently breaks forth , and carries with it what ever resists it , breaking the Gun ( unless the mouth be open ) though much stronger then a cloud , whose spissitude nevertheless supplies for its rarity . The Fourth said , That the Nature of Thunder and Thunderbolts is so occult that all antiquity call'd them the weapons of Jupiter which he discharg'd upon the wicked , as is testifi'd by their fables of the Giants , Salmoneus , Phaeton , and some others . Nor is there any so hardned in wickedness , but trembles at the cracking of Thunder and Thunder-bolts , which Socrates , in Xenophon , calls the Invisible Ministers of God. And one Emperor acknowledg'd himself no God , by going to hide himself in a cave while it thunder'd , because Thunder-bolts are conceiv'd not to enter the Earth above five foot deep . Others have thought that there is something supernatural in it , and that Daemons have commonly a hand in it ; because its effects being unlike those of corporeal Agents seem to be produc'd by spirits , who are able to move what ever there is in Nature ; and this the more easily , being not ty'd to the conditions of the matter , but mov'd in an instant , and penetrating all bodies whatever . For Thunder hath kill'd many who had no appearance of hurt upon them ; the Hair of some hath been taken off without other inconvenience ; it hath consum'd the Tongues of some , or turn'd them downwards ; it hath melted the money in the purse , and the sword in the scabbard , without other mischief ; it sowres Wine in the vessel , spoils Eggs under a Hen , and makes Sheep abortive . Moreover , the Scripture tells us , that God hath many times us'd Thunder either to punish or terrifie men , as he did in Aegypt by the rod of Moses , who calls Thunder-bolts God's swords , as David doth his Arrows , and the Thunder his voice . The Law was given to the Israelites with Thunders and Lightnings ; and Saint John in his Revelation saith , that Thunders and Lightnings proceed from Gods Throne . Indeed nothing more visibly notifies his presence , power , and justice ; yet alwayes accompany'd with Clemency ; for he threatens by Lightning , and speaks by Thunder , before he strikes by the Thunder-bolt ; and the rumbling of this Thunder menaces a whole Region , though commonly it carries the blow but upon one person , or oftentimes none at all . The Fifth said , Fear ( which not onely sometimes made the Romans worship Famine and the Fever , but makes it self an Idol in the Minds of the Ignorant ) has perswaded men that there is something Divine in Thunder , because they dread the dismal effects of it and know not the cause , although it be as natural as that of all other Meteors . Hence some have had recourse to impertinent and superstitious remedies ; as , to pronounce certain barbarous words , to carry certain figures or characters about them , and ( according to Wierus ) to lay a Thunder-stone , call'd by the Greeks , Ceraunium , between two Eggs upon a Table in the house which you would preserve , or hang an Egg lay'd on Ascension-day to the roof of the House ; and such other absurd and prophane means . The Northern people were much more ridiculous ; who , as Olaus reports , shot Arrows up to Heaven when it Thunder'd , thereby ( as they said ) to help their Gods who were assail'd by others . The Thracians fell a howling against Heaven , struck their shields with their swords , and rung all their bells ; which latter is practis'd at this day , to the end the vehement agitation of the Air may divert the Thunder-bolt from the steeples , upon which , as upon all other high places , especially upon trees , it is wont to fall . 'T is held also that strong smells have the same virtue ; as amongst Animals , the Sea-calf and Hyaena , and amongst Plants , the Fig-tree and Lawrell , of which Caesar commonly wore a wreath , rather for this purpose then to cover his bald head . But 't is little probable what they relate of Zoroaster and Numa , as that they still'd Thunder when they pleas'd , and that Tullus Hostilius attempting to do the same was Thunder-struck . II. Which of all the Arts is the most necessary . Upon the Second Point it was said , That if we take the judgement of each Artist , there 's none but thinks himself more necessary then his companion . Whence commonly there is contention for dignity among those that profess several Arts. Which made a Physitian tell his Patient , who complain'd that his Apothecary told him he needed a medicine , and his Chyrurgion that he wanted nothing but blood-letting ; that if he took the advice of his Shoe-maker , 't was requisite for him to have a pair of boots . And even a seller of matches finding himself in danger in a boat upon the Seine , embracing his merchandize , cry'd out , Ville de Paris que tu perdes ; O Paris , what a losse wilt thou have ! But to consider things in themselves , Agriculture ( call'd by Cicero the most worthy employment of an ingenuous mind ; by Aristotle , the justest manner of acquisition , and the Mother of all the Arts ) seems to be most absolutely necessary . No private person , much lesse Republicks , ever thought of any thing so carefully as their provision , which is the foundation upon which all the other projects of Man depend ; the hungry belly having no ears , and consequently , being incapable of discipline . And good Architects alwayes build the kitching first . Our first Father exercis'd Tillage at his first going out of Eden ; and 't was from the plough that Coriolanus , Seranus , Curius , and Cato , and so many other great Roman Captains were taken . In brief , the styling of Earth Mans Mother and Nurse , argues that 't is not lesse necessary to us then a Mother and Nurse to Children , and consequently , those that till it then Fathers . The Second said , As the beauty of nature consists chiefly in the variety of Natural Agents , determin'd each to a particular work ; so that of a State appears principally in the multitude of Work-men and Artisans . And as the meanest of these Natural Agents , like small Simples , are more necessary , and have more virtue then the tallest Cedars and Cypresses ; so amongst the Arts , the basest in appearance are the most noble and necessary , as Agriculture , and keeping of Sheep , which was exercis'd by Apollo , Paris , Saul and David . Whence the Greek Poet calls Kings , Pastors of the people ; a name still retain'd by the Prelates of the Church ; and Plato conceiv'd that the daemons and happy spirits were sometimes Shepherds ; and Philo the Jew saith , that the Pastoral Art was a praelude to Royalty , as that of hunting is the apprentisage of war. Moreover , hunting , its neer sister , was much practis'd by the Persians and all warlike Nations ; and Xenophon highly recommends it , but specially to Princes , in his institution of Cyrus ; as Julius Pollex did to the Emperor Commodus , for an heroical recreation , serving to strengthen both body and mind , and rendring men vigilant , laborious and indefatigable . The Third said , That Man , sutable to his three principal Organs , the Intellect , the Tongue and the Hand , spending his whole life in reasoning , speaking , or doing , he therefore needs three sorts of Arts to serve him for rules in all his operations . The first , to form his Reason , therefore call'd Logick . The second , to regulate his words , and is either Grammar which instructs him to speak rightly , or Rhetorick to speak handsomely , or History to relate well , or Dialectick to speak of every thing probably . The third comprehends all real Arts , whose number infinitely exceeds the two other ; for Men speak and reason after the same manner , because they do it naturally ; but they operate in several manners according to the several usages and Customs of people and places . Amongst these real Arts , some are necessary to life , as Agriculture , and keeping of Cattle , which supply us with Food and Raiment from the Earth and Animals . Others are useful thereunto , as the Art of building Houses , that of Taylors and Shoe-makers , and other manufactures which we cannot want without inconvenience . Others are for ornament , as Painting , Embroidery , Dancing . Others are onely for pleasure ; as the Art of Cookery , perfuming , and all those which tickle the Ear by musical instruments . In brief , the scope of some is onely Truth , as the Art of measuring Heaven and the Stars , with some others , which as the most excellent , having Truth the divinest and noblest thing in the world for their object , so they are the least necessary ; and therefore were invented last . For the most necessary Arts are the most ancient . The use of things ( the measure of their necessity ) having constrain'd Men to make but rude Arts at the first , which they afterwards polish'd and refin'd by their industry , which is continually adding to former inventions . The Fourth said , Since Divine Authority hath commanded to honour Physick for its necessity , 't is no longer lawful to prefer any other Art before it . Agriculture should in vain help the Earth's production of fruits , did not Physick by preserving and restoring health enable Man to enjoy the same , 'T is not considerable what some alledge , That Physitians may be spar'd , because there were none in Rome for 600. together , after they had been expell'd from thence ; since to be without Physitians , is not to be without Physick . For then every one was his own Physitian . As if the Magistrates be driven out of a State , it does not follow that Justice is driven out too ; because others succeed into their places ; and the greatest Thieves keep some form of justice and laws among themselves . The Fifth said , That the onely means of keeping States being to get ( since in matters of Oeconomy , the foundation of States , not to gain and advantage is to go behind-hand ) Merchandize both in gross and retail being the surest and speediest means to enrich Cities , seems the most necessary of all Arts ; besides , it maintains society amongst Men , who could not supply one anothers needs , if there were not an Art of trafficking by Exchange or sale , which makes but one City of the whole world , both old and new . The Sixth said , That the Military Art being the sword and buckler of a State , is both the noblest and most necessary of all . 'T is in vain that Men labour , travel , plead , traffick , or heal themselves , if the Souldier hinders not the Enemies invasion , and keep not the State in liberty , by securing it both from the disturbances of Rebels , and incursiions of Forreiners . If one be the weakest , his plump and sound body being taken by Pirates will serve onely for the Galleyes of his conqueror . There remains nothing to the conquer'd but sorrow . Those goodly crops of Corn are for the Souldiers who are Masters of the campaigne . War is the fair where wares are had best cheap ; and in sack'd Cities commodities are taken without weighing , and Stuffs are not measur'd but with the Pike instead of the Ell ; if any complain , there needs no more but to imitate Brennus's treating with the Romans besiedg'd in the Capitol , cast the sword into the balance , it will carry it . Wherefore being Master of all Arts , it is more necessary then they . For he that is strongest finds sufficient of every thing . The Seventh said , As amongst the Arts , some have others subservient to them , as the Ephippians to the Military Art ; Chyrurgery , Pharmacy , the Gymnastick , and all that relate to Health , to Medicine or Physick ; Carpentry , Masonry , and others employ'd about building to Architecture ; and these Master Arts are call'd Architectonical : So there is one above all these which is Policy , the Eye and Soul of the State , which governs all Arts , gives them their rewards , and punishes their defects ; sets what price it pleases upon things ; affords convenient place for the merit of every one , sends Armies into the field , and calls them back according to the necessity of affairs ; hath care of Piety and Justice , establishes Magistracy , appoints quarters to Souldiers , and gives free exercise to all other Arts. All which considerations and accounts argue it the most necessary of all . CONFERENCE LXXIII . I. Of the Earthquake . II. Of Envy . I. Of the Earthquake . IRregular motions are as strange as regular are agreeable ; especially those of bodies destinated to rest , as the Earth is , being the immoveable centre about which the whole fabrick of the world is turn'd . For though the whole Heaven cannot rest , any more then the whole Earth move , yet the parts of them may ; the Scripture informing us , that Joshuah made the Sun stand still , that he might have time to pursue the Amorites ; and every Age having experiences of Earthquakes . To which Aristotle ascribes the appearing of a new Island in the Pontick Sea , call'd Heraclia , and of another call'd Sacrea . Many Geographers affirm , that the Islands of Rhodes and Delos were produc'd by the like cause ; and that Sicily sometimes joyn'd to Italy , was separated from it by an Earthquake ; whence the place of separation is still call'd by the Greek word Rhegium , which signifies separation and fracture . Pliny affirms , that the Island of Cyprus was by this means divided from Syria , and Euboea from Boeotia . Histories tell of some Mountains that have clash'd together , contrary to the Proverb , which saith , that they never meet ; of Towns transported to some distance from their first situation , as hapned by an Earthquake in Syria , in the ninth year of Constantinus Copronomus ; of others swallowed up , as sometimes the greatest part of the City of Sparta , upon which at the same time fell a part of Mount Taygetus , which completed its ruine ; twenty thousand inhabitants of which City were also overwhelm'd by an other Earthquake , by the relation of Diodorus , about the 78. Olympiade . Josephus reports , that thirty thousand Jews were swallow'd up by another . And Justin , that when Tigranes King of Armenia became Master of Syria , there hapned so dreadful an Earthquake , that a hundred and thirty thousand Syrians perish'd by it . Four hundred years agoe twelve thousand houses were shaken down at Lisbon . Italy was much endamag'd in the year 1116 , by one which lasted forty dayes ; principally , Tuscany , Puglia , the Territory of Venice , and Campagnia , where twelve Cities perish'd ; and that of Pompey was swallow'd up in Winter , which season , neverthelesse , is accounted free from it . Four years agoe the City of Naples was horribly shaken , especially the borders of Mount Visuvius . The common opinion , refers these effects to a dry Exhalation , which makes the same concussion in the belly of the Earth as in that of a cloud , shattering many times both the one and the other , when it cannot otherwise get free from its confinement , how hard or dense soever the bodies be that inclose it . The Second said , That the causes of Earthquakes are either Divine , or Astrological , or Physical . The first have no other foundation but the Will of God , who thereby oftentimes manifests to Men his justice and power , and sometimes contrary to the course of ordinary and natural causes . Such was that at the death of our Saviour , in the 18th year of Tiberius , which was universal , and wherewith twelve Cities of Asia perish'd ; and that mention'd by Sigonius , hapning in the year 343. under Constantine the Arrian Emperor , whereby the City of Neocaesaria was wholly swallow'd up , except the Catholick Church and its Bishop . The Astrological causes are , if we may credit the professors of this Art , the malignant influences of Jupiter and Mars in the Houses of Taurus , Virgo , and Capricorn . But as the first are too general , so these are very uncertain , being built for the most part , upon false principles ; as also those which suppose the Earth a great Animal , whose tremors are made in the same manner as those which befall other Animals . Wherefore holding to the most perceptible causes , I conceive , with Democritus , that torrents of rain coming to fill the concavities of the Earth by their impetuousnesse drive out the other waters , and that upon their motion and swaying from one side to another , the Earth also reels this way , and by and by the other ; or rather that these Torrents drive out the winds impetuously , as Air issues out of a bottle when it is filling ; which wind repells and agitates the Earth till it find some issue ; whence also come the sounds and lowings which accompany Earthquakes . As is seen in Hydraulick instruments , which by arificial mixing Air and Water when they are impell'd into pipes fit to receive the same , excite sounds like those emitted by the wind-pipe of Animals , agitated with the wind of their lungs , and moistned with the salivous liquor , or natural water . The Third said , That he could not be of their mind , who , because water is found by digging to a good depth in the Earth , therefore interpret that place literally , where 't is said , That God hath founded the Earth upon the Water upon which it floats ; and that according to their agitation , the Earth is like a Ship which fluctuates in a tempestuous Sea , and lyes even and still in a calm ; since if this were so , then the whole Earth should tremble at the same time , which is contrary to experience . The opinion of Anaximenes , is more probable , that as part of the Earth , upon a droughth after a wet season , cleaves and crackles , so the same happens to Regions and whole Countries . The Fourth said , That if this opinion were true , then they would begin , increase , diminish and cease by degrees , nor would they last long . Yet 't is observ'd , some have continu'd forty days , yea , six moneths , as that of Constantinople , under Theodosius the younger , and miraculously ceas'd upon the first singing of those words by all the people , Sanctus ; Sanctus , &c. Aristotle also makes mention of some that lasted two years ; the cause whereof depends either upon the quality or quantity of the Exhalations , which cannot all get forth but in a long time , or are not strong enough to break the gates of their prison . The Fifth said , That to move the most ponderous Body , the Earth , requires the most active of all Agents , which is fire ; whose centre the Pythagoreans therefore plac'd in the middle of the Earth ; because the noblest Element deserves the noblest place , which is the middle , and for that 't is necessary to the generations which are made there . Hence Maritime places , where most Vulcano's are observ'd , whose Fire is fed with the oylie and unctuous humours of the adjacent Sea , are more obnoxious to Earthquakes ; and the last eruption of Mount Vesuvius was preceded by a horrible Earthquake . As likewise the Island Sacrea , above mention'd , being first lifted up with a great noise and concussion , open'd it self , and cast forth flame and ashes as far as the City Lipara , and some others of Italy . Now according to the different matter of these Fires , the concussions which they produce by attenuation of the inflam'd Air are different ; if it be nitrous , they are very violent ; because Salt Petre being very Dry is suddenly fir'd in all its parts ; and being of a terrestrial nature takes up more room when inflam'd , then Sulphur which is fat and aerious , and consequently not so quickly inflameable in the whole , but only in its surface , by reason of its extreme humidity which checks the Fire ; and when it is inflam'd it takes not up so much room , being of it self aerious , and consequently needing less space when it is rarifi'd to be converted into Fire , whence the tremors caus'd by it are less : But when the matter which feeds those Fires is bituminous , the tremors are moderate , because Bitumen is of a middle nature between the two former . Now because these materials when they begin to be inflam'd have not strength enough to make the Earth tremble , till their Fire be increas'd proportionately to the enormous weight of the load which they are to move ; their first effect reaches no farther then to trouble and infect by their vapors the springs of Subterranean Waters , as most susceptible of impression . Hence , according to the different taste , smell , and consistence of the water of Fountains and Wells , some have fore-told Earthquakes ; as Apollonius saith , that Pherecides having tasted the water of a spring in Scyros , fore-told one which hapned three dayes after . Moreover , if these vapors infect the Air too , the Earthquakes are follow'd by contagions . The Sixth said , That without determining the famous Question of the Earth's Motion , it may be said that it moves about the Heaven as a stone in a circle , it would have the same tremors and titubatious as those which Astronomers attribute to the Bodies of the Planets , besides the regular motions of their spheres ; of which Agitations 't is not strange if Men who are mov'd with it discern not the differences so well as they do those of the Heavens ; since they who are in a Ship do not so well discern their own motion as that of others . II. Of Envy . Upon the Second Poynt it was said , That 't is no wonder Man is so miserable , since not onely the evil but also the good of others render him equally unhappy . For if we think them unworthy of it , it afflicts us , and raises indignation . If it begets sadnesse in us for not having obtain'd as much , it causes Emulation ; but if this good disgusts us meerly because we are sorry that another enjoyes it , it produces Envy ; and these several affections are not to be confounded . For the two former are not any wayes vicious , but oftentimes virtuous ▪ and signes of a Soul well dispos'd ; whereas the last is a grosse vice , directly opposite to Charity , which is the life of the Soul , and to Humane Society , violating virtue , which is the principal bond of it , and when the same is so bright and manifest as not to fear its assaults ; whose lustre it obscures , as much as possible , by its stinking breath , and black calumnies . Pride is the Mother of it , Self-love the Father , Treachery , Dissimulation , Detraction and Ruine , its Daughters . And as 't is the eldest of all vices , so 't is the most enormous , having cast Lucifer , and millions of Angels , out of Heaven , and by his snares caus'd the fall of Man through the perswasion of the Woman , who was ambitious to become a Goddess , and who as more weak and proud is more inclin'd to this passion then Man. Therefore Aristotle saith , that the Peacock , the proudest , is also the most envious of all Animals . The Second said , Other Vices have alwayes some sort of pretext ; Covetousnesse , the fear of want ; and Ambition , doing service to the publick ; but Envy cannot find any , because it malignes what ever is laudable and good out of it self ; herein much more pernicious then all other vices each of which is opposite but to one good , as Lust to Continence , Pride to Humility . But this sets it self to ruine , if it can , all the goods of the Body ▪ of Forutne , and of the Mind ; and so is a sworn Enemy of Mankind . Such it was in extremity , in that Man-hater Timon , who invited all his fellow Citizens to come and hang themselves upon his Fig-tree before he cut it down to build with ; in one Mutius a Roman , who being very sad , it was said of him , Either some Evill is hapned to Mutius , or some good to some other . For the Envious looks only askew upon others prosperity , the thought of which incessantly gnaws his heart , and consumes him by drying up the blood in his veins . Which made the Poets represent Envy in the shape of a squinting woman , with a dull dejected countenance , of a livid complexion ; her head wreath'd with vipers , and all the rest of the body lean and ugly . Physitians say , Melancholy persons are most subject to it , by reason of that black humour which produces and is produc'd by it . 'T was through envy that Tyberius put to death an excellent Architect , being unable to behold with a good eye a pendant Porch which he had built , and much less his invention of malleable Glass ; and it so tormented the spirit of Caligula , that he burnt all he could of Virgil's Works ; and he could not endure the sight of handsome youths , but caus'd their goodly locks to be cut off that they might become deform'd . The Third said , That envy , as vicious as it is , hath nevertheless some utility , not only amongst private persons to excite emulation amongst Artists , and make them strive who shall sell the best peny-worths ; but also for the State , it being held a political maxime , to hinder as much as possible the grandeur of neighbouring States . And the Ostracism of Athens , although a balance to preserve democratical equality , was nevertheless an effect of Envy against such as had gotten most credit and authority in the City , whom they banish'd for ten years . Yea had envy no other good in it , but to afford occasion of exercising vertue , it were not unprofitable . The attempt to blemish Cato's reputation by making him appear 46 times in full Senate to justifie himself from the accusations Envy had charg'd upon him , made him more famous . And the poyson which it made Socrates drink , kill'd his body indeed , but render'd his memory immortal . The truth is , if the Greek Proverb hold good , which calls a life without envy unhappy , Envy seems in some manner necessary to beatitude it self . Whence Themistocles told one who would needs flatter him with commendations of his brave actions , that he had yet done nothing remarkable , since he had no enviers . The Fourth said , 'T is such an irregular passion that it seems to aim at subverting the establish'd order of nature , and making other laws after its own phancy ; yea so monstrous that 't is not a bare grief for another's good , or a hatred of choler , or such other passion ; but a monster compos'd of all vicious passions , and consequently the most mischievous and odious of all .. CONFERENCE LXXIV . I. Whence comes trembling in men . II. Of Navigation and Longitudes . I. Whence comes trembling in men . THe correspondence of the great to the little world requir'd that , after the tremblings of the earth , those should be spoken which happen to men , some of which seize but one part of the body , as the head , lips , hands or legs ; some the whole body , with such violence sometimes that Cardan relates of a woman taken with such a trembling , that three strong persons could not hold her . 'T is a symptom of motion hurt , in which the part is otherwise mov'd then it ought , being sometimes lifted up , and sometimes cast down . For in trembling there are two contrary motions . One proceeds from the motive faculty , endeavouring to lift up the member ; which is done by retraction of the muscles towards their original , which by shortning themselves draw their tail to the head , and at the same time what is annex'd thereunto . This motive power serves also to retain the elevated member in the posture wherein we would have it continue ; the abbreviation of the Muscles not suffering it to return to its first situation . The other motion is contrary to the will , and to that of the motive power , the member being depress'd by its own gravity . From which contrariety and perpetual war of these two motions arises trembling ; one of them carrying the part as the will guides it , and the other resisting thereunto , which is done more speedily then the pulse , and with such short intervals , that the senses cannot distinguish any middle , and makes us doubt whether there be two motions or but one ; as a ball sometimes returns so suddenly towards him that struck it , that the point of its reflexion is not perceiv'd . The causes are very different , as amongst others , the debility of the part and of the animal faculty , as in decrepit old men , impotent persons , and such as are recovering out of long and dangerous diseases , or who have fasted long ; the weakness of the Nerve ( the instrument of the animal spirits ) its obstruction , contraction , or relaxation ; the coarctation of the Arteries which send the vital spirits to the Brain , there to be made animal spirits , and proper for motion , as in fear which puts the whole body into an involuntary trembling . An Ague also do's the same ; the natural heat which resides in the arterial being carri'd to the relief of the labouring heart , and so the outward parts , particularly the nerves , whose nature is cold and dry , becoming refrigerated , and less capable of exercising voluntary motion . The Second said , That the actions of the motive faculty , as of all others , may be hurt three ways ; being either abolish'd , diminish'd , or deprav'd . They are abolish'd in a Palsie which is a total privation of voluntary motion . They are diminish'd in Lassitude , caus'd either by sharp humors within , or by tension of the muscles and tendons , or by dissipation of the spirits . They are deprav'd in trembling , convulsion , horror and rigor , or shivering . Convulsion is a contraction of the muscles towards their original , caus'd either by repletion , or inanition . Rigor , shaking and concussion of all the muscles of the body accompani'd with coldness and pain , is caus'd , according to Galen , by the reciprocal motion of natural heat , and its encounter with cold in the parts which it endeavours to expell ; or , according to some others , by any sharp , mordicant and troublesome matter , which incommoding the muscles and sensitive parts , the expulsive faculty attempts to reject by this commotion . Horror differs not from Rigor but in degrees , this being in the muscles , and that only in the skin ; produc'd by some matter less sharp , and in less quantity . But trembling being a depravation and perversion of motion cannot be known but by comparison with that which is regular . Now that voluntary motion may be rightly perform'd , the brain must be of a due temper for supplying animal spirits , and the nerves and parts rightly dispos'd . Hence the cause of tremblings is either the distemper of the brain , or the defect of animal spirits , or the defect of animal spirits , or the bad disposition of the nerves and parts . A fitting temper being the first condition requisite to action ; every intemperature of the brain , but especially the cold , is the cause it cannot elaborate spirits enough to move all the parts . But this defect of spirits comes not always from such bad temper , but also from want of vital spirits , which are sent from the heart to the brain by the arteries , to serve for matter to the animal spirits . These vital spirits are deficient , either when they are not generated in the ventricles of the heart through the fault either of matter , or of the generative faculty ; or are carri'd elsewhere then to the brain , by reason of their concentration or effusion . As in all violent passions , these spirits are either concentred in the heart ▪ as in fear and grief ; or diffus'd from the centre to the circumference , as in joy , and not sent to the brain ; and in these cases the motive faculty remains weakned , and uncapable of well exercising its motions . Lastly , the nerves being ill dispos'd by some distemper caus'd either by external cold , or other internal causes , or else being shrunk or stop'd by some gross humors ; not totally , for then there would be no motion at all ; they cause tremblings , which are imperfect motions , like those of Porters , who endeavouring to move a greater burthen then they are able to carry , the weight which draws downwards , and the weakness of their faculty which supports it , causes in them a motion like to those that tremble . The Third said , That to these causes , Mercury , Hellebore , Henbane , Wine and Women , must be added . For they who deal with Quick-silver , who have super-purgations , use stupefactives and things extreamly cold , and Venery in excess , and Drunkards , have all these tremblings ; according to the diversity of which causes , the remedies are also different . Gold is an Antidote against Mercury , which will adhere to it ; Repletion against the second , Heat , Continence , and Sobriety , against the rest . Galen saith , that blood is sometimes to be let , by Hippocrates's example , that is , to refrigerate in order to cure trembling . Which if it come from the debility of the Brain and Nerves , they must be strengthned ; if from defect or dissipation of vital spirits , they must be restor'd by good diet ; if from plenitude , obstruction or compression of the nerves , the humour and peccant cause must be evacuated . But above all the rest the tremulation of old people is hardest to cure , in regard of the weakness and paucity of spirits , as also those that are hereditary and happen to the parts of the left side ; because trembling denotes a deficiency of heat and spirits , which yet ought to be more vigorous in the left side , then the right , as being neerer the heart , the source of life . II. Of Navigation , and Longitudes . Upon the second Point , That the invention of Navigation , as of all other Arts , is due to Chance . For men beholding great beams swim in the water , first ventur'd to get upon them , then hollow'd them , and joyn'd a prow , rudder , and sides , representing the head , tail , and fins of Fishes , as their back doth the keel of the Ship ; and this according to the different natures of seas , and divers uses of Trade and War ; both being equally necessary to render a State potent and formidable . As Solomon sometimes by this means did , sending his Ships to Ophir ( which some imagine Peru ) and Tarsis , to fetch Gold , Sweet-wood , and other rarities . As likewise did the Tyrians , Phaenicians , Cretans , Athenians , and in our days almost all Nations . Without the Art of Navigation we should want Spices , and most Drugs which grow beyond the seas ; and a great part of the world would have been unknown had it not been for the long Voyages of Columbus , Vesputius , Magellan , and Drake , who sail'd round the world . The Second said , 'T was not without reason that Cato repented of three things ; of having told a secret to his Wife , of having spent a day without doing any thing , and of having gone upon the sea ; and that Anacharsis said people in Ships are but a few inches distant from death , and therefore neither to be reckon'd among the living , nor the dead , in regard of the infidelity of that Element . Hence Seneca saith , there is nothing to which men may not be brought , since they have been perswaded to Navigation ; and Horace detests the first inventor of Ships . Nor is it less rashness to invade this Element destinated to Fish , then the Air which is appointed for Birds alone . Our fore-fathers had good reason to make their wills , when they went to sea . But since the use of the Compass it hath as much surpass'd the observation of Stars and Shores ( the sole guides of antiquity ) in certainty , as the Compass would be surpass'd by the invention of Longitudes , which would teach how to hold a course perfectly certain . The Third said , That to seek Terrestrial Longitudes is nothing else but to seek the difference of Meridians , that is , the difference between the Meridian of an unknown and a known place ; or to speak plainer , the Spherical Angle made by the Meridian of an unknown place with that of a known place . To attain which knowledge men have hitherto made use of four ways , which are all found unprofitable . The first is by an Instrument call'd a Contepas , or measure of Itinerary distance , which would be infallible if it were exact . For whoso hath the true distance between a known and an unknown place hath infallibly the angle comprehended by the Meridians of the two places . For let B be a known place , and C an unknown place ; let the distance between the place B , and the place C be the arch B C ; if the said arch B C be known , the difference of the Meridians shall also be known . For let A be the Pole of the World , and draw the arches A B , A C , which are the Meridians of the places B and C. Now since the place B is known , the height of the Pole at the said place shall be also known , and consequently its complement the arch A B. And although the place C be unknown , yet 't is easie by the ordinary methods to take the height of the Pole ; and so its complement , which is the arch A C , will be likewise known . Now the arch B C is also known , since 't is the distance of the places , and supposed known . Therefore in the Triangle B A C three sides being known , the Spherical angle B A C , contained by the said two Meridians , shall be also known . Which was to be demonstrated . But being we have no way to understand the distance of B C exactly , therefore neither have we the angle B A C exactly . The second way were also infallible if it were practicable , and 't is perform'd by a most exquisite and exact Watch. For setting forth from a known place with the said Watch , and having gone as far as you please , supposing the Watch to go equally , if you would know the difference between the Meridian of the place where you are and that whence you departed ; you need only observe the hour at the unknown place , and compare it with the hour noted by your Watch ; which if it be the same , then you are undoubtedly under the same Meridian . But if your Watch says one a clock , and at the unknown place it be two ; this signifies that 't is one a clock at the place whence you set forth ; and so you are in a Meridian differing fifteen degrees from that of the place whence you came : and so in other cases . The third way depends upon the Needle excited by the Load-stone ; for if you suppose a certain pole to which it is directed , and a regular declination , there will ( undoubtedly ) be form'd a Triangle of three known sides , and you will have the difference of any two Meridians infallibly . But because the variation of its declination is so great and uncertain that 't is not possible to assign a certain pole to it , this invention is found as faulty as the rest . The fourth way is by the Moon . Which might be as well by the Sun , or any other Planet . But because the Moon in like time makes more sensible differences of change of place , therefore it may better afford the knowledge of longitudes . Supposing then that we have Tables of the Moon which do not fail a minute ; and that 't is possible to observe the place of the Moon 's Centre within a minute where ever you be , you will , undoubtedly , have the longitude , by comparing the time , that is , the hour and the minute at which the Moon is found in that same place of Heaven in the Meridian for which the Tables are constructed , with the time when you find her at the said place in the unknown Meridian ; and then by making the Aequation of the two times . But because the Moon 's motion is swift , and that of the primum mobile swifter , 't is found that if you miss but two minutes of the Moon 's place , you will erre a degree in terrestrial longitude , which under the Aequator makes sixty English miles ; and so also if you erre four minutes of an hour either in the time of the Tables , or in the time of the observations : and if the error of time be double , treble or quadruple , the error in longitude will likewise be multipli'd . Now the Tables neither are nor can ever be exact , nor the observations made punctually enough for this operation . The reason of which latter is , that 't is not sufficient to observe the Moon , but you must at the same time with her observe one or two fix'd Stars . And , which is most difficult , you must not only observe the body of the Moon but her Centre . Now to have the Moon 's Centre , you must have her Diametre ; which appears at the same time greater to some , and lesser to others , according as the observer's sight is more or less acute . And the Parallaxes with the Refractions interposing too render this practice unprofitable ; for these parallaxes and refractions are different in the very body of the Moon , the inferior part having greater refraction and parallax then the superior . Whence we never have any sure knowledge from the said refractions and parallaxes . For as for Parallaxes , we have indeed very handsome Theories of them , but such as cannot be reduc'd into practice with the preciseness requisite for Longitudes . And , as for the refractions of the air , they are yet more incertain ; considering that we neither have , nor ever can have , any theory of them , by reason of the continual variation of the density and rarity of vapours . So that 't were requisite to have Tables for every Horizon , made by the experience of many years ; and yet they would be very uncertain , because the mutations hapning in the air would render them unprofitable . Whence not only at sea but also at land 't is impossible to have exact observations of the Moon 's Centre ; so that Cespeda , a Spanish Author , had reason to say , that this operation requir'd the assistance of an Angel. From the defect of observations proceeds in part ; the defect of the Tables of the Moon 's motion . I say , in part , for supposing the observations were exact , yet we could not have exact Tables unless we had the true Hypothesis of the Moon 's motion and course . Whence the Tables will be different among themselves , which are made upon the same observations , but several Hypotheses . Thus we see Origanus and Kepler agree not in their Ephemerides , but differ sometimes ten minutes , though both made them upon the same observations of Tycho Brahe , but upon different Hypotheses . And thus , there being no true Hypothesis of the Moon , we can never have exact Tables though the observations should be such ; and , consequently , since the ways of finding Longitudes by the Moon are Observations and Tables , and neither the one nor the other can be so exact as they ought ; men can never find Longitudes this way , unless God afford them some other light of which they have not hitherto the least glimmering . Wherefore Appian , Veret , Kepler , Metius , and many others , who have spoken of the means of ascertaining Navigation by the Moon , had reason to judge the practice thereof impossible , as was remonstrated two years ago to one that here made a proposal of it as his own ; of which we are not likely to see the execution . The most sure way we have to find these Longitudes is by help of the Lunar Eclipses . For the beginning of them being observ'd in two different places , the difference of the times of their beginnings will give the difference of the Meridians . But this is an expedient more profitable to rectifie Geographical Charts , then serviceable to Navigation . CONFERENCE LXXV . I. Of the Leprosie , why it is not so common in this Age as formerly . II. Of the ways to render a place populous . I. Of the Leprosie . FOr right understanding the nature of this disease , 't is requisite to know , that as the Brain is the source of cold diseases , so the Liver is the furnace of hot , such as this is : although its debilitation of the faculties makes some account it cold . For albeit the first qualities be rather the supposed then true parents of diseases , yet being more perceptible to us then other causes , and always accompanying them , therefore our reason more readily pitches upon them . Now the Liver , either by its own fault , or that of the preceding concoction , which it cannot correct , begets adust blood ; and this by further adustion in the Veins ( through the same excess of heat which it derives into them ) becoming atrabilarious , is as such attracted , and retain'd by every part of the body , yet not assimilated , as it ought to be , in colour and consistence , but turn'd into a scurfie , black and putri'd flesh . If that impure blood be carri'd but to one part , and make a tumour in it , it makes a Cancer in it , either open , or occult and not ulcerated ; which Hippocrates accounted so desperate an evil that he counsels not to meddle with it ; whence 't is vulgarly call'd Noli me tangere . So that what a Cancer is in some part of the body ) as in the Paps or Breasts , by reason of their spungy substance more dispos'd thereunto ) that is a Leprosie in the whole body . The Second said , No humours in the body are so malignant as to cause a Leprosie , unless they be infected with some venomous quality . The melancholy humour , in whatever quantity , causes only Quartan Agues ; or if it degenerate into black choler it causes that kind of folly which they call melancholy . The bilious humour causes Frenzy , never the Leprosie , how adust soever it be , without a pestilential and contagious quality : whence Fernelius defines it a venemous disease in the earthy substance of the body , whose nature it wholly alters . For the melancholy earthy humour having once conceiv'd this poyson derives it to the bowels and all other parts ; which being corrupted and infected with it , by degrees , turn all food into a juice alike venemous ; wherewith the whole body being nourish'd acquires a like nature , and retains the same till death ; that gross humour being more apt then any other to retain the qualities once imprinted on it . Now this disease comes either by birth , or by contagion , or by the proper vitiosity of the body . As for the first , 't is certain , if the Parents be infected with this venemous disease , they transmit the same to their children ; the formative faculty not being able to make any thing but sutably to the matter it works upon . Many hold ( but groundlesly ) that women conceiving during their purgations bring forth leprous children . As for the second , Leprosie hath this common with all other contagious diseases , to communicate it self not only by contact of bodies , but also by inspiration of the air infected with the breath of the leprous , or the virulent smell of their Ulcers . As for the third , which is the proper vitiosity of the body , 't is produc'd when a great quantity of black choler putrifies and becomes venemous . And there are several species of Leprosie , according to the humour , by adustion whereof that black choler is generated , whether blood , melancholy , yellow choler and salt phlegm . The first being less malignant makes red Leprosie , and the blood having acquir'd excessive acrimony by adustion , amongst other effects , corrodes the root of the hair , and makes baldness ; The second caus'd by torrefying of melancholy makes black , green , or livid Leprosie , which is call'd Elephantiasis , because it renders the skin rough like that of Elephants . The third , produced of yellow choler burnt , makes yellow Lepers , and is call'd Leonine , from the terrible aspect of those that are tainted with it , or from the lips and forehead which it makes them elevate like Lyons . The last , caus'd by salt phlegm , makes white Lepers . The Third said , That the material cause of Leprosie being any gross humour , and the efficient a vehement heat ; when both these causes meet in a sufficient degree , Leprosie is contracted by the ill habit of the body . Hence men are more obnoxious to it then women who have less heat ; for want of which Eunuchs are also free from it , and many have voluntarily made themselves such , to avoid it . Men of perfect age , as between 35 and 48 years , hot and dry , fall most easily into this disease . And of these Southern people more then Northern . Whence Alexandria , yea all Egypt and Judea were most pester'd with it ; but especially the latter , where even the walls and vessels contracted leprosie . Which Interpreters more admire then comprehend , and gave occasion to Manetho the Historian ( who is refuted by Josephus ) to say , that this Leprosie forc'd the Egyptians to drive the Jews out of their Country . On the contrary , Germany knew it not for a long time , nor Italy before Pompey , in whose time his Souldiers brought it from Egypt ; the Kings whereof , as Pliny relates , were wont to asswage the malignity by an inhumane and abominable remedy , a bath of little childrens blood . But the Scythians were always free from it , as well by reason of the coldness of their climate , as the familiar use of milk , whose thin and wheyie part hinders the generation of melancholy , and the other parts moisten and temper heat . 'T is also produc'd by food of gross and glutinous juice ( as Swines flesh , for this cause forbidden to the Jews ) by the Hemorrhoids stop'd , and other suppressions of blood . Now 't is not so frequent in these days as of old ; first because being brought hither by strangers , it appear'd upon them and some of their descents , but could not long consist with the mildness of our air , and so became extinct of it self by the separation of such as were most infected with it ; as Peaches are poyson in Persia , but delicious fruits amongst us . Secondly , because it being ignominious to be separated from all society , the few Lepers that remain'd would not appear , unless they were forc'd ; whilst in the mean time the revenues of Hospitals design'd for their support have been seiz'd by such as favour'd their concealment the better to enjoy the same . The Fourth said , The decreasing of this disease , as well as of other Epidemical diseases , is to be attributed to certain Constellations . Besides , perhaps the ignorance of former times took the Pox for the Leprosie ; and so not knowing how to cure the Pox so well as at this day , it was communicated to more persons . The accidents of these two diseases are almost the same , both are cur'd with Mercury , whose excessive coldness and humidity corrects the heat and dryness of the Leprosie , and by its extream tenuity penetrating the more solid parts wherein the Leprosie lies more successfully encounters this atrabilarious venome then Mithridate and Vipers do , although much commended by Galen , who relates five stories of such as were cur'd therewith , but we have experiences to the contrary in these latter ages , refrigerating and humecting Medecines having been found more profitable then drying , as Vipers are ; which , whether our climate , or some other unknown cause , occasion the alteration , rather increase then diminish this evil . Nevertheless , what is reported of the means to cure the Leprosie , especially if hereditary or inveterate , must be understood of a palliative or preservative , not of a perfect cure ; which is difficult in the beginning of this malady , when only the bowels are tainted ; very difficult in its increase , when the signs begin to appear outwardly ; impossible in its State when the members come to be ulcerated ; and desperate in its declination , when they begin to drop off . Although Paracelsus , by his great work promises to cure not onely men but also all imperfect metals , which he termes leprous . II. Of the wayes to render a place populous . Upon the Second Point it was said , All our great designes aim at Eternity , and among the means of attaining thereunto , Princes have found none more magnificient , and correspondent to their grandeur , then to build Cities after their own names . Such was that of Alexander in the founding of Alexandria , of Constantine in that of Constantinople , of the Caesars in so many Cities of their names ; and in our time , of the King of Sweden in Gustavousburg , of the King of Spain in Philippa , of the Duke of Nevers in Charle-ville , and of some others . But to accomplish this great design , 't is to be consider'd that the business is to be done with men , who are drawn by as many wayes as they consist of parts , to wit , Body and Soul. And because most men are sensual , therefore things relating to corporeal conveniences are most attractive . Amongst which , regard is principally to be had to the Air , as that which we breathe incessantly , to meat and drink , which are of daily necessity . Hence we see few healthful and fertile places desert ; whereas barren and desert places , what ever care be taken , alwayes return to their first nature . If those conveniencies be wanting in the place , they they must at least be near hand , and attainable by commerce of Seas and Rivers ; which also are advantageous for the vent of home-bred commodities . But the most necessary condition of all is safety ; which hath render'd Holland , the Adriatick Gulph , and almost all Islands populous , as it sometimes assembled many out-laws and miserable persons at the first building of Rome ; the same course being also practis'd by Timoleon to populate Syracuse . For Man being naturally a sociable creature , the cause of their assembling together was not the casual concourse of atoms , as Epicurus feign'd , nor the wonder of fire , as Vitruvius saith , nor their meeting near pits and springs , much less Musick , Eloquence , or Philosophy ; but onely their natural inclination to preserve themselves , and be secure , first , against wild beasts , and then against their enemies , who were kept off with walls . Yet as a fortress needs a strong bulwark , so a frontier Town cannot easily become populous , the guarding of it diverting its inhabitants from attending more necessary Arts , as Agriculture , Manufacture , and Trade . For most Cities are render'd populous by some Manufactures , both buyers and sellers resorting to such places where there is most plenty and most vent . Wherefore 't is one of the best expedients to invite the most excellent Artists from all parts of the world , by immunities , priviledge , and rewards . As to the Soul , Religion bears a great stroke in this matter , obliging men to Voyages , Pilgrimages , Offerings , and other devotions , in some places rather then others . And next are Academies and Universities , all sorts of Sciences and Disciplines . The Second said , That a City being an assembly and union of many persons in order to live happily , filling it with people is not so necessary as exact observation of Laws ; which consisting only in order , are commonly neglected in places where multitude causeth confusion . Hence Solon , Lycurgus , and most ancient Legislators , limited the Inhabitants of their Cities to a certain number , which Hippodamus the Milesian restrain'd to ten thousand men ; and at this day , in some Cities , as Lisbon and Naples , 't is not lawful to erect new buildings , which hath also been frequently prohibited at Paris . For the same reason many Nations have discharg'd themselves of their people by colonies , or sending them to the conquest of other Territories , as did sometimes the Gauls under Bremus ; the Goths , Huns , Alans , Hernles , and Vandals , under Attila and Alaric ; and the Swisses are at this day in the service of most Princes and States . The Third said , That the true strength of a State , both for offence and defence , consists in the number of men , and therefore a City flourishes according to its populousness . The small number of inhabitants limited by Legislators hath sometimes been the losse of their Republicks ; that of Sparta in the battle of Leuctra and Athens , in one single battle against Philip ; as it would also have been of the Roman Empire at the defeat of Cannae , where 50000. Romans dy'd upon the place , without the supply which they found in the almost innumerable multitude of the Citizens of Rome , render'd populous by the residence of Kings , Consuls , and Emperors , and the supreme Tribunal of Justice which the Senate dispens'd thence to all the world , with whose spoils it was inrich'd . Whose increase was also promoted by the rigorous laws against coelibacy , and the priviledges granted to such as had many children ; for propagating which , before Christiauity , they permitted polygamy and divorce , and authoriz'd concubinage by legitimation of natural issues . Moreover , the felicity of a City lying in the plenty and sufficiency of all things , which is not found except amongst a great number of inhabitants who interchangeably communicate their commodities ; the most populous City is the most happy . And experience manifests , that the Laws and Justice are better administred in great Cities , then in hamblets and villages ; especially when Concord , whereby small things grow , is maintain'd therein . CONFERENCE LXXVI . I. Of Madness . II. Of Community of goods . I. Of Madness . SInce Man by his treason first destroy'd the goodly order establish'd by God in nature , endeavoring to advance himself above his Creator , the beasts have , also , in just punishment of his crime , shaken off his yoke ; some offending him by their breath , others by their sight , some with the voice , most with biting ; which if venomous , as that of Serpents and mad Dogs , imprints a malignant quality in the whole habit of the Body , whose temper it destroys . That of mad-dogs , although less painful then any , yet more horrible , and so much more dangerous in that it oftentimes seizes upon the noble parts without being perceiv'd till the madness be at the height . The signes for knowing this Evil in its birth , in order to prevent it , are not taken from the wound which is altogether like other wounds , but from the dog that made it . For if he be mad , he neither eats nor drinks , although he thirst extremely ; he pants and blows , hangs out his tongue , which is yellow and tinctur'd with choler , he casts forth dry and clotted froth at the mouth and nose , hangs down his ears , looks wildly with sparkling eyes , flyes at known and unknown , and bites without barking ; he is lean , carries his tail between his legs clinging to his belly , he runs fast , and stops suddenly , hits upon every obstacle without going out of his way , and other dogs avoid him . But if the dog cannot be seen , then bruised nuts or hot bread must for some hours be lay'd upon the wound , or else meal temper'd with the blood running from it , given to a hungry dog or hen , who will dye if the wound were made by a mad dog . The Second said , Madness is a malady oftentimes with deliration , caus'd in an Animal by a particular poyson , communicated to Man , with extreme aversion against all liquors , especially water . It happens to Wolves , Oxen , Horses , Cats , and almost all Animals , but most frequently to Dogs , either by reason of their melancholy temper , or a particular inclination which they have to madness , as the swine hath to leprosie . For 't is an Evil that is not known but by its effects ; 't is a poyson particularly apt to be communicated to Man by biting , by the slaver , foam , or feeding of an enrag'd Animal , not depending on the first qualities , but acting with its whole substance : As appears in that it reigns in great colds and excessive heats , but is cur'd with medicines which act not by their first qualities , but by their whole substance , as the ashes of fresh-water Crabs , and Mithridate ; and , according to Dioscorides , 't is contracted by qualities altogether occult , as to sleep very long in the shadow of a Service Tree ; and he saith , he saw a Carder of Wool become mad onely by having long beaten his wool with a wand of Cornel Tree . The same is affirm'd of a plant call'd Dog-berry Tree . Yet the most part , with Matthiolus and Fernelius , hold , that these causes may awaken the hidden evil , and augment it , but not produce it , unless in such as have been mad before . But how comes this poyson to lie hid so long , that Fracastorius saith it seldome appears before the one and twentieth day , commonly after the thirtieth , in many after four or six moneths , and sometimes after divers years ; seeing all poysons being an enemy to the Heart , should be carry'd thither suddenly by the Arteries . This seems to proceed from the proportion of the Agent and Patient , and their several resistance , differing according to the degrees of the poyson , the diversity of tempers or food , climates , or the part hurt . For poyson being contrary to our nature by particular malignity cannot be wholly subdu'd by our natural heat , and so may preserve its malignity in the body a long while , without manifesting it self till it have first introduc'd dispositions requisite to its reception , which happens to be sooner or later according to the good or bad temper of the body ; whence in several persons bitten by the same dog , madness appears in some sooner , in others later . As some have the small pox when they are well in years , others in their infancy , though most Physitians agree that 't is an Ebullition of some venemous matter contracted by every one in his mothers womb , by impurity of the menstruous blood retain'd during the time of breeding . So the cholerick are sooner tainted with madness and all other poysons then the phlegmatick ; such as are lean and have large veins sooner then fat who have small . The skin , artery , vein , nerve and muscle , variously communicate this poyson . The power of Imagination also contributes much to it . Whence Aetius relates , that a Philosopher having by his Ratiocination concluded that the dog which appear'd to him in the water of the bath , and made him afraid , was nothing but an effect of his perverted Phancy , there being no affinity between a bath and a dog , drunk largely of it and was cur'd . The Third said , That the signs of madness are anxiety , causeless anger and fear , heaviness and griping of the stomack , the hiccock , and other convulsive motion , hoarsness of the voice , sweating of the countenance , and contraction of the whole body ; but the most certain is the total aversion from water ( although the thirst be vehement ) which is the certainest remedy in this case , whence some have been cur'd by being unawares plunged into water , and so made to drink whether they would or no. This Hydrophobia cannot be from the image of the dog appearing in the water to the patient beholding his own terrible aspect . For some have been possess'd with aversion from water without the biting of a dog ; as Platerus tells of a woman who became Hydrophobous by having abode a whole night neer a river . Much less can it come from the dryness caus'd in them by this poyson ; for then they would rather desire drink ; but it proceeds from a particular antipathy of this poyson to water , so great , that if the fresh wound of a dog's biting be with cold water , it becomes incurable ; the poyson flying water so much , that at its approach it retires from the surface inwardly , whence it cannot afterwards be expell'd . The Fourth said , That the Phancy alone was capable to cause this aversion from water , notwithstanding the natural inclination of the parts requiring humectation . For that faculty is very strong in these Patients , having the image of the dog always present , and so they imagine that they see it in the water ; as the Fool Antiphon thought he continually saw his own in the air . Yea , possibly , as a little seed is so configurated by the formative vertue that it becomes another animal , and in Plants a hundred grains are made of one : so this poyson containing the idea of the whole substance of the dog , by which alone it acts , when receiv'd into the body , and assisted by natural heat produces new species of the dog ; which being carri'd by the spirits to the Brain are so strongly imprinted in the imagination that reason can hardly rectifie them ; and being again represented in the water by emission of the animal spirits , in vision , make the patients abhor water , and all liquid things . Which will not be thought so irrational by those that maintain that the foam of a mad dog hanging on the hem of linen produces little animals of a dog-like shape ; nor by those who have observ'd the sediments of the Urines of these Patients to have the same figure , as if the whole man became dog in this malady , as he becomes all wolf in Lycanthropie . The Fifth said , The mind and body being both disorder'd in this malady , require each a distinct cure . The mind must be setled , and diverted from that sad object of dogs , and the most usual way in France is to be bath'd in sea-water . As for the body , the poyson must be drawn out of the new wound by Cupping-glasses , Scarifications , Suctions , Cauteries , and attractive Cataplasms , such as that of pitch and Opopanax dissolv'd in Vinegar , which Galen saith is infallible ; ligatures made upon the wound if the part admit them , or else incompass'd with defensatives , as Dragons blood , and Bole Armenick mingled with the white of an egge ; then some Antidotes or Alexiteries to strengthen the principal parts , and alter the malignity of the poyson ; as the Herb call'd Alyssum , because it extinguishes madness , the ashes of Crevish , Mistletoe of the Oak , Scordium , Dittany , Angelica , and blessed Thistle . Of all which remedies , as also of the purgatives , the dose must be double , and so proportionate to the greatness of the evil ; but they are unprofitable when the Patient is already averse from water and liquid things , only two , of which Themison the Physitian is one , being recorded to have been cur'd by them . II. Of Community of goods . Upon the second Point , it was said , That a City is a society establish'd in order to living well ; and amity being the foundation of society , what conduceth to preserve it in a City ought to be exactly observ'd . Such is community of goods , so much desir'd by Plato , that in his Republick he could not suffer the words Meum & Tuum , which he accounted the original of all disorders hapning in States ; and , as they say , practis'd by Pythagoras too amongst his disciples , as by our Monasticks . As also by the Garamantes , a people of Africa , as Mela reports , and by the Brachmans , Esteans , and Gymnosophists . Whilst the Lacedemonians observ'd it , their State was the most flourishing of Greece . The example of the first Christians is express , who sold all that they had , and laid the money at the Apostles feet ; and Ananias , with his wife Sapphira , dy'd for having kept back part of the price of their inheritance sold to this end . For the condemning of the Anabaptists of Westphalia under Munster , who practis'd this community , was for their Heresie which they cover'd with this specious pretext . And Diodorus Siculus relates that among the Aethiopians community of goods makes so perfect friendship , that friends not only will conform to one another by the equality of the goods of fortune ; but also when one of them becomes blind , maim'd or lame , they deprive themselves of the same members , accounting it reasonable to have community not only of goods , but also of evils , the burden being lessen'd by division , and more supportable by example . But good is greater when communicated to more ; communicativeness being a quality which belongs to the best things in the world , as to Light and the Sun , yea to God , who as he is goodness it self , so he is the most communicative of all beings , having communicated himself not only , in eternity , by the generation of the Word and procession of the Holy Ghost , but in time , by the production of all his creatures . The Second said , That indeed some goods are the more excellent by being communicated , as the Virtues and Sciences are encreas'd the more they are exercis'd and taught . But 't is not so with the goods of fortune , which diminish by communication and use . Whence men are not sparing of the first , but very much of the latter , restraining the use thereof wholly to themselves . Now although community of goods seems founded in nature , all things having been common at first , and appropriated afterwards by the covetousness of the occupants ; yet 't is directly contrary to the felicity of a City , which consists not onely in a society of Men , but of Men of different conditions , the meanest of which being commonly most necessary in a State would not be exercis'd if all were equally rich and powerful . And if the necessity of Hunger , which sometimes taught Pies and Crows to speak at Rome , had not press'd most of the first inventors of Arts , the same would be yet to discover . Nothing is more beautiful in Nature then Variety , nor yet in Cities . Besides , Men being apt to neglect the publick , in comparison of their private interest , were goods common , they would be careless of preserving or increasing them , and rely upon the industry of others . Thus this equality would beget laziness , whilst they that labour'd most could hope for no more then they that did nothing at all . Moreover , if Wives and Children were common , as Socrates , in Plato , would have them , it would be a great hindrance to propagation ; Children would not own their Parents , nor these their Children , and so there would be no paternal , filial , nor conjugal love , which yet are the surest foundations of humane society . Incests and Parricides would be frequent , and there would be no place for the exercise of most virtues , as of Chastity and Friendship , ( the most perfect of all virtues ) much less of Liberality and Magnificence , since nothing should be given but what belongs alike to all ; nor would any be capable of receiving . The Third said , That in a City , which is a society of companions , some things must be necessarily injoy'd in common , as Publick Places , Havens , Fairs , Priviledges , Walls , Town-houses , Fortresses , and publick charges . But not all things , in regard of the inconveniences which would follow thereupon ; and therefore Plato was forc'd to reform his first imaginary Republick , and make another more sutable to the humours of men ; permitting every one the possession of some goods , yet with this restriction , that he would not have any become too unproportionably rich . The Fourth said , That Plato's design , in his Republick , was , to conjoyn action and contemplation ; he would have a City first Mistress of her self , then of the world ; more venerable then formidable to its neighbours ; less rich then just , but sober , temperate , chaste , and , especially , religious . And to render it such , he conceiv'd , that by removing all impediments from within by equality of goods , he trac'd out the way to contemplation , which is the supreme good whereunto men aspire ; and therefore community of goods which is conducive thereunto , cannot be too highly esteem'd . But in this Age it would deprive all goods of that name , by rendring them common ; and there would be no common good , if there were none particular . CONFERENCE LXXVII . I. Of Sorcerers . II. Of Erotick , or Amorous Madness . I. Of Sorcerers . THe malignant Spirit 's irreconcilable to humane nature exalted above his own , is such , that he is not contented with doing all the mischief he can by himself , but imployes his Ministers and Officers to that purpose ; as God , whose Ape he is , imployes his holy Spirits in his works . These Officers are Magicians and Sorcerers . The former are such as being either immediately instructed by the Devil , or by Books of Magick , use characters , figures , and conjurations , which they accompany either with barbarous and insignificant words , or some perversely taken out of the Holy Scripture ; by which means they make the Devil appear , or else give some answer by sound , word , figure , picture , or other sign ; making particular profession of Divination . Sorcerers are their servants , aiming onely to do mischief ; and Sorcery is a species of Magick , by which one hurts another by the Devils help . And as the operation of the Devil is requisite thereunto , so is the consent of the Sorcerers and Gods permission , without which one hair falls not from our heads . This consent is grounded upon a compact , either express or tacite ; the former whereof is made by rendring homage , either immediately to the Evil Spirit , or to the Magician in his name , or by addressing a request to him . Commonly they take an oath of fidelity in a circle describ'd upon the ground ; the Devil herein , as in other things , imitating the Deity , which is represented by a Circle . A tacite compact is when one makes use of such means learn'd from a Magician or magical books , known to be such , or sometimes ignorantly . But the most ordinary means which they use in their witchcrafts , are powders , which they mingle with food , or else infect the body , clothes , water , or air . Amongst which the black powders are design'd to procure death ; the grey or red , to cause sickness ; and the white to cure ; either when they are forc'd to it , or in order to some greater mischief ; although this virtue depend not any ways upon their colour , nor always upon their qualities . Sometimes they perform their witcheries with words , either threatnings or praises . Not that these have any virtue in themselves , any more then straws , herbs , and other things wherewith they bewitch people ; but because the Devil is by covenant to produce such or such effects by the presence of these things ; shewing himself a faithful performer in certain things , to the intent he may at last deceive them in all . The Second said , That the charms of Sorcerers differ according to the end whereunto they are design'd ; some cause sleep , and that by potions , charmes , and other enchantments ; the most usual of which are pieces of a dead body fastned to the house , enchanted candles made of a particular wiek and fat , or of the feet and hands of dead persons anointed with Oyle which the Devil gives them ; these they either light up , or place candles at each finger ; and so long as this dismal light lasts , they in the house remain in a deep sleep . Other enchantments are to procure Love , some of which act either within or without the body , consisting of what is most sacred in Religion , and most filthy in Nature ; ( so abominable is this practice , and done in hatred of the Creator ) some likewise procure hatred , hinder generation , make women miscarry , increase their pains of child-bearing , dry up the milk , breed thornes , pieces of glass and iron , knives , hair , and such other preternatural things , in the body . Of all which magical effects some indeed are real , but the most part are prestigious . The real are when the Devil makes use of natural causes for such an effect , by applying actives to passives , according to the most perfect knowledge which he hath of every things essence and properties ; having lost no gifts of Nature by sin , but onely those of Grace . But when the effect is above his power , or God permits it not , then he makes use of delusions to cover his impotence , making appearance of what is not , and hindring perception of what really is . Such was Gyges's ring , which render'd him invisible when he pleas'd ; and Pasetus's feasts , from which the guests departed with intollerable hunger ; as also the money wherewith he pay'd his Merchants , who found nothing at night in their bags . And that famous Simon Magus , as Saint Clement reports , seem'd to create a man in the Air , render'd himself invisible , appear'd with several faces , flew in the Air , penetrated rocks , turn'd himself into a sheep and a goat , commanded a sickle to reap corn , as it did more alone then ten labourers , and by this means deluded the eyes of all the world , except those of Saint Peter . Such was also , in the dayes of our Fathers , one Trisulcan , who to defame his Curate , made him think that he was playing at cards , whereas he was turning over his breviary , whereupon he flung it upon the ground ; and M. Gonin being hang'd on a gibbet , the first presidents mule was seen hanging in his place . Their transports are sometimes real , sometimes imaginary , the Devil keeping them in a deep sleep all the while . The Third said , That the power of Evil Spirits , whose instruments Sorcerers are , is so limited that they cannot either create or annihilate a straw , much lesse produce any substantial form , or cause the real descent of the Moon , or hinder the Stars motion , as Heathen Antiquity stupidly believ'd . Indeed , they are able to move all sublunary things ; so they cause Earthquakes , the Devil either congregting Exhalations in its hollownesses , or agitating the Air included therein : Sopater having been put to death for so tying up the winds that no merchandize could be transported to Byzantium . And Philostratus relates , that Apollonius saw two tubs or tuns among the Brachmans , which being open'd , there arose most vehement winds and rain ; and shut again , the Air became calm and serene . Olaus also testifies the like of the Laplanders and Finlanders , who sold winds to Merchants . Moreover , the Devils are call'd by the Apostle , Princes of the Air ; they cause Hail , Thunder , Rain , and Fire , to fall where they please ; yet alwayes conditionally that God lets the bridle loose to them , as he did when he burnt Job's servants and flocks , and overthrew the house wherein his children were , with a whirl-wind . So in the year 1533. a Sorcerer burnt the whole Town of Silthoc in Sweden to the ground . And as they can obscure , so they can infect the Air , and more easily the waters , stopping them and making them run backwards , which Pliny saith himself saw in his time . They kill Animals by infecting them or their pastures , or else suffocate them , by entring into them ; as they did the swine of the Gadarenes . They can also extinguish the plenty of a Country , by transporting the fatness of it elsewhere , not by virtue of the Sorcerers words ; much lesse is it by those that they introduce flies , grashoppers , and catterpillars , or other insects , into a place , either assembling them together , or producing them out of congruous matter . The Fourth said , That the effects of Nature and Art are to be distinguish'd from those of enchantments ; for want of which satisfaction some juglers pass for Sorcerers among the vulgar , who are apt to apprehend supernatural means , when they are ignorant of the natural or artificial causes . For removing of which calumny , C. Furius Cresnius being accus'd of having bewitch'd his neighbours fields , and transported all their fertility into his own , brought his servants , his oxen , and plough , into the Senate , declaring that these were all his charms . Moreover , many times the sterility imputed to Sorcerers proceeds from Gods anger , who makes the Heaven iron , and the Earth brass , for their wickedness . So when a private person arrives to great honour or estate suddenly , though it be by his merit , yet the generality of people , the meanest of which account themselves worthy of the same fortune , attribute such extraordinary progresses to the Devil . And yet 't is a rare thing , if ever heard of , that any one was enrich'd by the Devil ; either because he reserves his riches for Antichrist wherewith to seduce the Nations ; or because God doth not suffer it , lest men should forsake his service for that of Devils , and the good should be too sorely afflicted by the wicked . II. Of Amorous Madness . Upon the Second Poynt it was said , That Love being not very wise of it self , 't is no hard matter for it to become extravagant ; for it cares not for mediocrity , and , consequently , is subject to most tragical accidents . It s Excess is call'd Erotick , or Amorous Madness , which is a species of melancholy deliration , caus'd by the continual representation of the thing lov'd , which possesses the Phancy of the poor Lovers that they can think of nothing else , and many times forget to eat , drink , and sleep , and the other necessary actions of life . 'T is different according to diversity of temper of brain and body , the degree of the melancholly humour , and the profession of those that are possess'd with it . Hence melancholy persons are fullest of flatuosities and Spirits , and the sanguine , as having most blood , are most subject to it . They are known by their hollow and languishing eyes , inequality of pulse and visage , especially when the party lov'd is spoken of or seen ; by which means Galen discover'd the Love-sickness of a Roman Lady , and Erasistratus that of Seleuous's Son , for his Mother in law Stratonice . This distemper is the more dangerous , because 't is pleasing to those that are tormented with it ; and hard to cure , because they fear nothing more then their cure , being fond of their fetters . But being a disease of the Mind , the surest remedy is to divert from the thought of what they love , and to avoid idleness , the mother of lasciviousness . The body also must be conveniently purg'd from its predominant humours , according to which these patients differ ; the sanguine are merry , and laugh continually , and oftentimes alone , love songs and dances ; the cholerick are froward , and so furious that some have kill'd themselves through the violence of their passions ; and Romances are full of such persons . The melancholy are pensive , solitary , and sad ; that dull and cold humour hebitating the souls motion . If this distemper proceed from abundance of geniture , remedies must be us'd which extinguish it , as Rue , Purslane , Lettice , Water-lilly , Willow-leaves , Coriander seeds , Agnus Castus , Camphir , and Mint . The Second said , As Love is the original , so 't is the Abridgement of all Passions . You may see these poor Lovers in the same hour love and hate , fly and desire , rejoyce and sorrow , fear and dare , be angry without a cause , and be pacifi'd again with less reason ; in brief , never to have their Minds setled , any more then their bodies , in the same posture and complexion alike . Whence many have thought this malady produc'd by enchanted Drinks or Philtres ; which may indeed make one amorous , but not determine him to a certain person ; besides that these Drinks cannot act upon our Will which is incorporeal , nor captivate its liberty to a particular object ; unless the Devil have a hand in the business . The Third said , That the famousest of all Philtres is Hippomenes , powder'd and taken knowingly by the Lover . 'T is a little black and round piece of flesh , about the bigness of a dry fig , found upon a Colt's fore-head new foal'd ; whence it must be taken betimes , else the Mare bites it off , and if she be deceiv'd of it , never affects the foal afterwards ; and therefore 't is call'd by Virgil , Matri praereptus Amor. The same effect is attributed to the seed of Mares , to a plant call'd Hippomanes , and , by Pliny , to the hair of a Wolfs tail , the fish Remora , the brain of a Cat , and a Lizard ; and by Wierus , to Swallows starv'd to death in an earthen pot , the bones of a green Frog excarnated by Pismires , the right parts of which , he saith , conciliate Love , and the left hatred . But to shew the vanity and impurity of these inventions , most Philtres are taken from Animals generated of corruption , excrements , and other filthy and abominable things ; and commonly , all rather excite Fury then Love , as appears by many to whom Cantharides have been given ; and Caligula , who was render'd mad by a drink of his wife Cesonia ; one Frederick of Austria , and the Poet Lucretius , by a Philtre given him by his Wife Lucilia . Love is free , and fixes not by constraint ; 't is not taken in at the mouth , but the eyes , the graces of the body being the most powerful charm , as Olympia Wife of Philip of Macedon acknowledg'd , when being jealous that her Husband lov'd a young Lady that was said to have given him amorous potions , the Queen sent for her , and having beheld her great Beauty , said that she had those Philtres in her self . Now if these gifts of the body be accompany'd with those of the mind , and the party endu'd therewith testifie Love to another , 't is impossible but the affection will become mutual , Love being the parent of Love ; whence the Poets feign'd two Cupids , Eros , and Anteros ; and Ovid , an intelligent person in this matter , knew no surer course then this , Vt ameris amabilis esto . The Fourth said , Love is a spiritual thing , and consequently produc'd by means of the same nature . Hence an ill report , which is a thing not onely incorporeal , but commonly phantastical and imaginary , extinguishes all Love for a person otherwise lovely as to the graces of the body . And the choice between equal Beauties shews that Love is not founded upon the outside . Wherefore they take the wisest course to get themselves lov'd who use inductions and perswasions , which are the common means to make marriages . By all which it appears , that Amorous Madness is a distemper of the mind , and as such to be cur'd . CONFERENCE LXXVIII . I. Why the Sensitive Appetite rules over Reason . II. Whether Speech be natural , and peculiar to Man. I. Why the Sensitive Appetite rules over Reason . APpetite is an inclination of every thing to what is good for it self . There are three sorts in Man. First , the Natural , which is in plants who attract their nourishment , and also in some inanimate things , as the Load-stone and Iron ; yea , in the Elements , as the dry earth covets water , and all heavy bodies tend to their centre . 'T is without Knowledge and Will , even in Man , for all natural actions are perform'd best in sleep . Secondly , the Sensitive , common to Man and Beast , which some erroneously deny to be a humane faculty , because 't is the seat of the Passions , the enemies of Reason which constitutes Man. But the encounter of it with Reason argues their distinction . Thirdly , the Rational , call'd the Will , which is Mistress of the former two ; and besides makes use of Reason , for the knowing of one or more things . And because desire cannot be without knowledge , therefore the Sensitive Appetite presupposes the knowledge of the Imagination , and the Will that of the Understanding ; but the Natural Appetite depends on that of a First Cause , which directs every natural form to its particular good , though it know not the same . Now 't is demanded , how the Mistresse comes to obey the Servants , notwithstanding the Maxime , That the Will tends to nothing but what is good , which cannot be without truth ; and this is not such , unless it be approv'd by the Intellect . It seems to me improper , to say that the Sensitive Appetite prevails over Reason , but rather hinders it by its disturbance from pronouncing sentence , as a brawling Lawyer doth a Judge by his noise . The Second said , That Reason is alwayes Mistress . For Men govern themselves according to Nature ( the universal rule of all things ) and , this nature being rational , they cannot be guided otherwise then the motions of Reason . But some find Reason where other finds none . The Thief accounts riches ill divided , and therefore he may justly possess himself of what he wants ; and however he sees evil in the action , yet he conceives more in his necessity , which his Reason makes him account the greatest of all evils . So that comparing them together , he concludes the less evil to be good , and wittingly attempts the crime , not owning it for such whilst he commits it . The same may be said of all other sins , wherein the present sweetness exceeds the fear of future punishment . If Conscience interpose , they either extinguish it , or else wholly forbear the action : Unless the Mind happen to be balanc'd , and then they are in confusion , like the Ass which dy'd of hunger between two measures of corn , not knowing which to go to . For 't is impossible for the Will to be carry'd to one thing rather then another , unless it find the one better and more convenient . The Third said , 'T is congruous to nature for the Inferior to receive Law from the Superior . So Man commands over beasts ; and amongst Men , some are born Masters , and others slaves ; the Male hath dominion over the Female , the Father over his Children , the Prince over his Subjects ; the Body receives Law from the Soul , the Matter from its Form , the Angels of Inferior Hierarchies receive their intelligence from the Superior ; and the lower Heavens the rule of their motions from the higher ; the Elements are subject to the influences of those celestial bodies ; and in all mixts one quality predominates over the rest . Since therefore the Sensitive Appetite is as much below Reason , as a beast below a Man , and the Imagination below the Intellect ; according to the same order establish'd in Nature , Reason ought alwayes to have the command over it ; because having more knowledge 't is capable to direct it to its end . But through the perversity of our Nature , we more willingly follow the dictates of Sense then Reason , of the Flesh then the Spirit ; because the former , being more familiar and ordinary , touch us nearer then Reason , whose wholsome counsels move not our Will so much , which being Mistress of all the faculties , according to its natural liberty , may sometimes command a virtuous action , of whose goodnesse Reason hath inform'd it ; sometimes a vitious one by the suggestion of the Sensitive Appetite , which makes it taste the present sweetness and delight , whose attraction is greater then that of future rewards promis'd by virtue to her followers . Hence the Law of the members so prevails over the law of the mind , as sometimes wholly to eclipse the same , as in those who are blinded , and hardned in vice ; sometimes it forces it to come over to its own side , and back it exorbitance with Reasons : In some others in whom Reason remains intire , and there is a clear knowledge of the turpitude of an action , yet the Will is so bound and charm'd by the vehemence of the Passions of the Concupiscible and Irascible Appetite , that it follows their motions inspight of the remonstrances of Reason . Such was Medaea , who by reason saw the heinousness of her intended murther of her Children ; but rage and desire of revenge upon their Father Jason transported her . So it was said of the Athenians , that they knew indeed what was fit to be done , but did it not . The Fourth said , They who hold that Virtues are not habits distinct from Sciences would not be of this opinion , that we can know good and do evil ; for Divinity teaches us , that there is no sin without ignorance ; and that as 't would not be in our power to sin if we had perfect knowledge of the turpitude of Vice , so 't is impossible for a man to know the beauty of Virtue without loving her ; considering too , that we have in us the seeds of Virtue to which we are naturally lead , inasmuch as it conducts us to the supreme good ; seeds which would grow of themselves , were it not for the depravation of our judgement , which being imbu'd with the false maxims of the Imaginations which governs all our actions , and judges not of the goodness of things but by sense and common opinion , according to which glory follows vice , and contempt poor Virtue ; this is the cause that these seeds of Virtue are stifl'd in the birth . Whereunto greatly conduces the example of other vicious persons , who are more numerous then the virtuous . And as Vice is more sensible , so it easily passes into habit , this habit into custom , which being another nature begets a kind of necessity to Vice , which becoming familiar , by degrees seems most agreeable in respect of the severe aspect of Virtue ; men having in this condition Appetites as irregular as those of Child-bearing women , who prefer char-coal , chalk , and ashes , before good Aliments . The Fifth said , That the contest between the Sensitive Appetite and Reason arises from the diversity of their objects , unto which either of them endeavours to draw the Will. Hence if it happen that Honesty , the object of Reason , be a sensible evil , as to fast , fight , or indure any thing contrary to the sensitive Appetite , whose object is delectable and sensual good , there arises a combat between these two Faculties , in which Reason is many times worsted for want of being well seconded . But when the object of Reason and the Appetite is the same , namely , a sensible good , there is no debate between them . For Reason proposing it to the Will , it spontaneously tends to it , being also lead thereunto by the Sensitive Appetite . Hence , in Indignation , Com-Passion , and Emulation , which are rational motions accompany'd with anger , grief , and self-love , there is no fight between the Sensitive Appetite and Reason , since in these virtuous motions Reason gives the bridle to those Passions which are the Emissaries of the Appetite . As when the commands of a Master agree with the inclinations of the Servant , he sets upon performing them cheerfully . But being it very seldome happens that what is commanded by Reason agrees with the Passions of the Appetite , but is commonly difficult and laborious ; 't is not to be wondr'd if this intestine war be frequent , and the Appetite get the better of Reason . Moreover , what is in the Intellect , being transmitted from the Senses , equally revolted against this Faculty their Princess , it still retains something of the grosness of Sensuality ; so that these notions of the Intellect , oftimes taking part with the Senses and Sensitive Appetite , Reason cares not to prevail over them ; it being also proper to inferiors to have some contrariety to the commands of their Superiors , as is seen in the Celestial Spheres which have a motion opposite to that of the First Mover . Besides that the Empire of Reason over the Appetite is not despotical , or of a Master over a Servant ; but political , such as that of a Magistrate over the Citizens , and consequently , half voluntary . II. Whether Speech be natural and peculiar to Man. Upon the Seond Poynt Plato's opinion was mention'd , that the Gods having by Epimetheus produc'd all other Animals with some particular gift , made man naked and weak , destitute of all natural aids , and subject to so many miseries that they pitied him , and thereupon order'd Prometheus to give him Reason , Speech , and Hands ; the first , to know and contemplate the marvells of the world ; the second , to express his thoughts outwardly ; the last , to put his words and thoughts in execution . Reason not differing from Speech , saving that it is internal ; whence 't is also call'd the word of the mind ; and the other external . This external Speech is so excellent , that though it consist but of wind , which is Air striking against the Epiglottis , modifi'd and articulated by the tongue , lipps , palate , and teeth ; yet 't is the interpreter of the reasonable soul , according to whose example 't is equally receiv'd into all the ears of the Auditors . When this Speech is true , 't is a sign of the mind's conception , and as natural and peculiar to man as Reason it self , one of whose goodliest priviledges it is . Besides , man being born to live in society needed not onely Reason to guide himself , but also Speech , to govern others , which likewise hath more power over Souls , inclining and turning them as it pleases . The Second said , Some Animals are perfectly mute , as worms and Snails ; others render some sound , as Flyes , Grashoppers , though 't is onely that of their wings ; and some have voice , as all perfect animals , amongst whom man hath the particular advantage of Speech . For sound is a Collision of Air between two solid bodies . Voice is a sound render'd by the mouth of an Animal to express its affections . But Speech is a voice which signifies by institution , and is call'd a verb if it signifie time ; otherwise a noun . As it signifies by institution 't is distinguish'd from the voice which is a natural sign , and hath some correspondence with the thing signifi'd . So the hoarse voice of one angry perfectly represents the inundation and tempest of the Spirits in this Passion . The lowness and mildness of a sad and afflicted mans voice represents the effect of sadness , which is to compress the Heart and Arteries ; for these organs being coarcted , the voice becomes more slender ; as appears in Women , fat people , children , and eunuchs . The Lover's interrupted speech betrayes the inequality of his mind . But words are signes without any reference to the thing signifi'd , depending onely on the Will of those who first gave names to things . For if they were natural signes , they would be understood by all the world , and be every where the same . But though 't is not natural , but acquir'd by precepts and use , specially by the hearing , whnce people deaf by nature are also dumb ; yea , 't is very peculiare to man. Wherefore Speech is improperly , figuratively , artificially , or else miraculously ascrib'd to other things ; as when The Heavens are said to declare the glory of God , one deep to call on another , &c. When Balaams Ass spoke , 't was by Miracle . But when Magus's dog spoke to Saint Peter , 't was by operation of the Devil ; as also what is reported of the two Pigeons , the Oke at Achilles's Horse , the keel of Argo , and that Elm of the Gymnosophists mention'd by Philostratus to have saluted Apollonius at his arrival , as the River Causus bid Pythagoras good-morrow . But Speech properly belongs onely to man ; other creatures are incapable of it , both because they want Reason ( which is the principle of it ) and organs , which are a tongue , a palate , teeth , and lipps , all rightly proportionated for the articulation of voice ; for man's tongue alone is soft , large , moveable and loose ; to which qualities those of Pies and Parrots come nearest . The Third said , A natural thing is either born with us , as sense and motion ; or comes afterwards of it self , as laughter , or whereof we are naturally capable and inclin'd to , as Arts and Sciences . In the first and second signification speech is not natural to man , who could not speak without learning , whence the two children caus'd by Psammetichus , King of Egypt , to be nurs'd in a Desart by two dumb Nurses pronounc'd no other word but Bec which they had heard of the Goats . But in the last signification 't is peculiar to man , who is so inclin'd to it , that were children let alone from their Cradle they would in time make some language by signs , or words . 'T is to be understood too , that 't is articulate speech , such as may be written , that is peculiar to man , not inarticulate , which though a natural sign of the affections within , yet cannot properly be called speech , because found also in beasts , whose jargon Apollonius and some others are said to have understood ; for hearing the chattering of a Swallow to her companions , he told those that were present that this bird advertis'd the others of a sack of Wheat fallen off an Asse's back neer the City : which , upon trial , was found to be true . CONFERENCE LXXIX . I. What the Soul is . II. Of the apparition of Spirits . I. What the Soul is . THe difference of inanimate , living and dead bodies , manifestly evince the existence of a soul. But its essence is so unknown that Philosophers doubt in what degree of Category to put it . For 't is of that kind of things which are not known by themselves , but only by their effects ; as local motion and substance , which is not perceptible but by its accidents . So the outward shape of animated bodies acquaints us with their inward form . For the soul shapes all the external parts after the same manner ; as Plants and Animals of the same species have commonly their leaves and members of the same external figure ; whereas you scarce find two stones , or other inanimate bodies , of the same shape . The Second said , That the soul , according to Aristotle , is the first act of a natural body organiz'd , having life in power , or potentially . Meaning by act perfection , which he expresses by the word Entellechie , which signifies to be in its end and form , which two are the same in natural things . 'T is call'd Form upon account of its beauty ; and divine , from heaven , its original ; and 't is the first of all other second acts , which are produc'd by it , such as all vital actions are . For as in the most imperfect of beings , Matter , there is a First or remote power , as in water to become fire ; another second or next , as in the same water to become air by rarefaction : so in the nature of Forms , the noblest created Beings , there is a First act , the source of all vital actions , and a Second , comprehending the faculties and functions : Now this Soul is not a pure act ( as God and Angels are ) but an act of the Body , on whom it depends either in its being , and preservation , or else only in operation . Hence Sensitive and Vegetable Souls cease to be upon the change of the dispositions which produc'd and supported them . The reasonable Soul too in some manner depends upon the Bodies disposition as to its operation , not as to its being and preservation , being immaterial and immortal . 'T is call'd an act of a natural Body , to distinguish it from Machines or Engines which move artificial and inanimate Bodies ; organical , because Organs are requisite to its action . It must also have life in power , that is , be able to exercise the vital functions . For want of which a carcase , though organiz'd , yet cannot be said to be animated , no more then Egges and Seed , for want of Organs , although they have life in power . The Third said , He was of Pythagoras's opinion who call'd it a number , there being nothing in the world wherewith it hath more correspondence and proportion . 'T is one in its essence ; it makes the binary , which is the first number , by its conjunction with the body , and division of its Faculties into the Intellect and Will ; the ternary , by its three species of soul , Vegetative , Sensitive , Rational ; the quaternary , by the four qualities constituting the temper requisite to its introduction into the body ; of which four numbers put together is form'd the number ten , whence all others proceed ; as from simple Apprehension , Enuntiation , Argumentation and Method , which are the four operations of the reasonable soul , whence all its notions proceed . The Fourth said , 'T is not enough to say , with the Philosopher , that the soul is an act or perfection , or that by whose means we live ; it must be shewn what this act is ; whether Substance or Accident . Pythagoras by calling the soul a number moving it self , reduces it under Quantity . According to Galen , who acknowledges no other Soul but the Temper , 't is a Quality ; as also according to Clearchus , who defines it harmony . Of those who believ'd the soul a substance , some have call'd it the purest part of some Element ; as Heraclitus , of fire ; Anaximenes , of air ; and Thales , of water ; none , of earth , in regard of its gross matter . Critelaus said 't was a Quintessence ; Democritus , a substance compos'd of round Atoms , and therefore easily movable . Now the soul is a substance ( not an accident ) because it composes a substance , making with the body a total by it self . Nor is it Quantity , because Quantity is not active ; much less a self-moving number , because number is an Entity of Reason , and nothing is mov'd of it self , but of some other . Nor is it any of the four qualities ; which being indifferent of themselves must be determin'd by some form ; much less a temper , which is found in all mixts , of which some are inanimate : nor a harmony , for this is compos'd of contrarieties , but the soul is simple , and consequently not susceptible of contraries . 'T is therefore an incorporeal substance ; otherwise , were the soul corporeal , there would be a penetration of dimensions in its union with the body ; consequently , 't is no Element , nor any Compound of them , as Empedocles and Plato phanci'd , upon this ground , that the soul being to judge of all things should therefore have all their principles and elements in it self . Which is absurd , for it knows divers things not compos'd of the Elements , as the Angels and Heavens . So that the soul must be concluded in the number of those things which 't is easier to affirm what they are not then what they are . The Fifth said , That the soul is a fire , whose centre is Heaven , and God the source , who is call'd by the name of fire , in the Holy Text. Hence life , an effect of the soul , is nothing else but heat , and death cold . Moreover , as fire makes bodies lighter , so living bodies are less heavy then dead . And the Hebrews call man Isch , from the word Esch fire ; as the Greeks do Phôs , which signifies light , which is a species of fire , lucid but not ardent ; which light appears upon bodies whilst living , and dis-aspears as soon as they are dead . Now the different sorts of souls are produc'd of different lights . Those of Plants are form'd of that of the air ; whence they have no sensible heat , as the sensitive have , which are generated of the Sun , which also gives them local motion : rational souls are beams diffus'd from God who inhabits light inaccessible . And as waters ascend as high as their springs , so the souls of Plants exalt themselves into the air , whose mutations they follow ; those of Beasts return into the Sun ; and those of men are reflected towards God , having this common with light , that they perish not , but return to the place of their nativity . Agreeably whereunto , Solomon saith , That there is nothing new under the Sun ; since even the forms of things are not new , but only appear in their turn one after another ; as when light forsakes our Hemisphere it no more perishes then shadow , but they both make a continual circle , which follows that of the Sun. II. Of the Apparition of Spirits . Upon the second Point , it was said , That the perfection of the Universe requires the existence of Intellectual Creatures , such as Angels and Rational Souls . A truth acknowledg'd by Aristotle , who assigns nine Spirits subservient to the First Mover , according to the number of heavens which they are to move ; although Mercurius Trismegistus acknowledges but two which hold the Arctick and Antarctick Poles . Which Avicenna also denoted by his Chain of Intelligences . Amongst these Spirits some are destinated for the preservation of men , as Guardian Angels , call'd by the Apostle ministring Spirits , which were the Genii of the ancients , by which they made their greatest Oathes . Others have continual war with mankind , as the Devils . Others animate bodies , as Rational Souls , which after the bodies dissolution are happy or miserable , according as they have done good or evil . As for Angels and Demons , History both sacred and prophane testifies their frequent apparition to men . Daily experience proves the same of the souls of the dead , though some question it . But besides that 't is presumption to dis-believe all antiquity , which tells us of a Ghost which spoke to Brutus , one which shew'd a Sceleton in chains to Athenodorus the Philosopher ; and that of Cleonice which tormented Pausanias ( who had slain her ) as long as he liv'd ; as also the Ghost of Agrippina did her son Nero. The authority of Holy Scripture instructs us of the return of Samuel , Moses and Elias ; and the same reason which makes the soul loath to part from its body argues it desirous to visit the same , or the places and persons wherewith it was most delighted . Nor is it more difficult to conceive how a separated soul can move it self , then how it moves the body which it animates , the one and the other being equally incomprehensible . The Second said , Spectres exist not saving in the Phancy , those who think they see them conceding that they are not palpable , nor beheld alike of all by standers , and men being prone to acquiesce in their own imaginations though misguided by the passions of fear , hope , love , desire ; especially children and women who are more susceptible of all impressions , because their phancies are so weak as to be no less mov'd with its own fictions then real external representations by the Senses . But strong minds are not subject to such delusions . The Third said , He is too sensual who believes nought but what he sees ; for according to this account nothing but accidents which alone fall under the cognizance of sense should be admitted . So the Saduces and all Libertines deny spirits , whilst they appeal only to Sense . Although it be an universal Doctrine of all sober antiquity that there are spirits , and that they appear oftentimes to men in cases of necessity , wherewith , according to Aristotle himself , the souls of the dead friends are affected ; a manifest argument of the soul's immortality , which he believ'd only by the light of nature . As Apuleius reports , the Platonists make three sorts of Spirits , First , Demons or Genii , which are souls whilst they animate bodies ; Second , Lares or Penates , the souls of such as had liv'd well , and after death were accounted tutelary gods of the houses which they had inhabited ; Third , Lemures or Hobgoblins , the souls of the wicked , given to do mischief or folly after death , as they did during their life . Some others , especially the Poets , conceiv'd man compos'd of three parts , Body , Soul , and Shadow , which latter appeared after dissolution of the two former , the body returning into its elements , and the soul going either to Heaven or Hell , as the shadow did into the Elysian fields , from whence it had no liberty to return , but only wander'd up and down so long as the body wanted burial . The Fourth said , We must distinguish between Vision and Apparition . The former is , when we think we behold a thing which afterwards comes accordingly to pass as it appear'd ; the latter is , when some visible forms present themselves to us either waking or asleep ; and 't is of three sorts , intellectual , imaginary , and corporeal . The intellectual is , when separated substances insinuate themselves into the mind without borrowing any external shape . The imaginary is , when they imprint some strange forms or species in the phancy , and by this means make themselves known to us . The corporeal is , when they present themselves to our outward senses . To omit the first , which is rare , and an image of the Beatifical Vision , the imaginary apparition of souls is caus'd when Angels or Demons , according to the quality of the souls , pourtray in our phancy the species and signs of their countenance and personage which they had during life , which appears sad , cover'd with black , whilst they yet indure the punishments of their sins ; but cheerful , and in white habit , when they are deliver'd from the same . And although this apparition is imaginary , yet 't is real too . Thus Judas Maccabaeus knew Onias and Jeremy ; Constantine saw S. Peter and S. Paul , and according to the opinion of many Samuel appear'd to Saul , and foretold him of things which were to befall him ; though others conceive 't was a corporeal apparition ; which also is much more certain , because souls either appear with their true bodies ( although this is very rare too , yea and unbecoming happy souls to rejoyn themselves to putrifi'd carcases ) or most commonly assume bodies of air . The cause of which apparitions is ascrib'd to the union which is between the soul of the dead person and that of the surviving to whom it appears , whether the same proceed from consanguinity , or identity of manners , great familiarity and friendship , which seems to make but one soul of those of two friends ; so that the soul finding it self in pain either through present or future evils , especially when it sees it self oblig'd to the performance of some vow neglected during life , God for his own glory , the ease of his creature , and the conversion of sinners , permits it to manifest it self by ways most convenient . CONFERENCE LXXX . I. Of the Epilepsie or Falling Sickness . II. Whether there be any Art of Divination . I. Of the Epilepsie or Falling Sickness . THe vulgar Maxime is not always true , That a disease throughly known is half cur'd . For this disease , though known to the most ignorant , is of very difficult cure , and therefore was call'd by antiquity the Herculean disease , that is to say , unconquerable ; the Sacred disease , because of its dreadful symptoms ; and Lunatick , because those who are born either in the Full or New Moon , or during its Eclipse , are troubled with this malady , which hath great correspondence with the motions of the Planet ; 't was also call'd Morbus caducus , or Falling Sickness , by reason that it makes the person fall to the ground , and Comitialis , because it interrupted Assemblies ; lastly , 't is call'd Epilepsie because it intercepts the functions of the mind and senses . 'T is defin'd , the cessation of the principal actions , and of sense and voluntary motion , with convulsion , which is not continual , but by internals . The true and proximate cause of it is either a vapour or an humour pricking the membranes of the brain , which endeavouring to discharge the same contracts it self , attracts the nerves to it , these the muscles and parts into which they are implanted ; causing hereby those convulsive and violent agitations of the Epilepticks . Sneezing and the hickcock have some resemblance of it , the latter being caus'd by a sharp vapour sent from the stomack or other place by sympathy to its upper orifice which it goadeth with its acrimony , and thereby forces it to contract it self in order to expell the same ; the former call'd by Avicenna the lesser Epilepsie , differing not from the greater , saving in duration , is also caus'd by some vapours pricking the former part of the brain , which contracts it self to expell the same by the nostrils . The Second said , That the unexpectedness of this malady , and the Patient 's quick recovery , may justifie the vulgar for thinking that there is something divine in it . Since nothing amazes us more then sudden uncomprehended alterations . Therefore in Hippocrates days they us'd to make expiations and incantations for this disease , which he derides , saying that the bad Physitians promoted this false conceit , that they might get the more honour for the cure , or be more excusable for not effecting the same . The Third said , That the Epilepsie and Apoplexie differ onely in degree , both having the same cause , namely , abundance of gross humours , either phlegmatick or melancholy ; which if it wholly fills the brains ventricles , and makes a total obstruction ; so that the Animal Spirits , the instruments of voluntary motion and sense be obstructed , it causes an apoplexie , which is a total abolition of sense and motion in the whole body , with laesion of the rational faculty . The Heart continues its pulse for some time , till the consumption of what Animal Spirits were in the Nerves , serving to the Muscles for respiration . But if the obstruction be not perfect , and the crass humour over-loads the ventricles , then they contract themselves and all the Nerves which depend upon them ; whence comes that universal contraction of the limbs , as one cover'd in bed with too many clothes pulls up his legs , bends and lifts up his knees , to have more air and room under the load which presses him . The Fourth said , That as the brain is the moistest of all the parts , so it abounds most in excrements , the thinnest of which transpire by the sutures & pores , but the grosser meeting in great quantity in the brain melt its substance into water , which coming to stop the Veins and Arteries hinder the commerce of the spirits ; whether this pituitous matter be deriv'd from the paternal or maternal geniture , or whether the part of seed which makes the brain happen not to be well purg'd in the womb where the rudiments of this malady are first laid ; or whether the brain purge not it self afterwards sufficiently by its emunctories , and the scabs usual to Children . Hippocrates saith , this malady cannot begin after twenty years of age , when the constitution of body is become more hot and dry ; and many Children are cur'd of it onely by the desiccation caus'd by the alteration of age , seasons , and manner of dyet . The Fifth said , That a gross humour cannot be the cause of those quick and violent motions of the Epilepsie , nor be collected and dissipated in so short a time as the duration of a Paroxisme . Therefore the cause of it must be some biting and very subtile matter ; for no such gross obstructive matter is found in the brain of those that dye of this malady , but onely some traces or signes of some malignant vapour or acrimonious humour , as black spots , a swarthy frothy liquor , an Impostume in the brain , some portion of the Meninx putrifi'd , corrosion of the bone , and such other things evidencing rather the pricking of the brain then stopping of its passages . The Sixth said , That were the Epilepsie produc'd by obstruction , it would follow that as a total one in an Apoplexie abolishes all sense and motion , so the incomplete one of the Epilepsie should onely diminish , not deprave motion as it doth . So that the Epilepsie should be a symptom like the Palsie or Lethargy , from which nevertheless 't is wholly different . Nor can it be simply the mordacity or malignity of an humour , since malignant and pestilential Fevers , hot and dry Aliments , as spices , mustard , salt , garlick , onyons , and the lke biting things , cause not this Evil. The truth is , there is a specifical occult quality of the humours particularly disposing to this disease ; the Chymists call it a Mercurial Vapour , ( that is , an acid penetrating , and subtile spirit ) a Vitriolike Spirit , a biting and corrosive salt ; which makes not men onely , but Quailes , Dogs , Sheep , and Goats , subject to it . And as some things beget this malady by an occult Epileptical quality , as Smallage , Parsly , a goats liver roasted , and stinking smells , as horn , pitch and jet burnt , ( whence the Ancients being about to buy a slave , made him snuff up smoak of brimstone , to try whether he were not subject to this disease ) so many Antepileptical remedies cure it ; but that which proceeds by sympathie from the stomack , or other parts , more easily then that which is idiopathical , and radicated in the brain . As the shavings of man's skull not buried , drunk with water of Teile-tre and Paeony , so contrary to this evil , that it cures the same by being hung about the neck . II. Whether there be any Art of Divination . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That Man , who alone understands the nature and difference of Time , is more solicitous about the future then about the present , which is but a moment ; or the past , which concerns him only historically . Hence arises his ardent desire of presaging to satisfie which , he makes use of every thing in the world . Which is an infallible argument of the vanity of this Art of Divination ; because effects cannot be fore-told by all sorts of causes , but onely by those wherewith they have connexion , and wherein they are potentially contain'd , as leaves and fruits are in the seeds ; and 't is receiv'd a Maxime , that when an effect may be produc'd by sundry causes , none of them is the true cause ; since we cannot from such an effect proceed to the knowledge of its cause . Now Divination is not taken here , as Hippocrates speaks of it in his Prognosticks , when he saith , that nothing is makes Physitians more resemble Gods , then the foretelling of what will befall , and hath already befallen their Patients . For there he speaks of the predictions of Physick ; but here to divine , is to affirm an event whereof we see not any cause or probable sign . For if by seeing a Rain-bow I prognosticate rain , or that a tree will bear fruit when it is well blossom'd , or that a sick person that rests ill the night before the seventh day will have a Crisis , this is not Divination . But if , not knowing a prisoner nor his affairs , I fore-tell that he will be set at liberty or not ; that an unknown person will be married , and how many Children he will have , or such other things which have no necessary , nor yet contingent causes known to me ; this is properly to Divine . Whereby it appears , that there is no Art of Divination : Art being a body of precepts tending to some profitable end ; whereas were Divination certain , it would cause nothing but either despair or negligence ; and precepts being of things hapning necessarily or most commonly ; that whose cause we know not cannot be known by precepts . And therefore all your Soothsayers , Augurs , Sorcerers , Fortune-tellers , and the like , are but so many Impostors . The Second said , That Divination , which is a prediction of future things remote from our knowledge , is of three sorts . Either from God , as Prophecy ; from Devils , as Conjuring ; or from causes purely natural , which is Prognostication or Conjecture . Prophecy is a divine inspiration , whereby one fore-sees and declares remote things infallibly . 'T was exercis'd at first by the Priests of the Law , with the Vrim and Thummim , which were twelve precious stones in the high Priests Ephod ; and afterwards by the Prophets instructed in dreams or visions , whence they were call'd seers . Diabolical Divination depends upon some compact , either tacite or express , with the Devil ; who being able to declare such things as have appear'd by some outward act , as the authors of robberies , things lost , or such futurities as depend on natural and necessary causes , but not such as proceed from causes purely free or contingent ; the Soothsayers his servants can know no more concerning the same then their Master . This Divination is of two sorts . The first is call'd Daemonomancy , when the Devils themselves give answers out of Caves or Images ; sometimes by beasts , men , or most frequently by women , rendring oracles by their mouths , stomacks , or bellies , but for the most part ambiguous and doubtful , for fear of being mistaken . The other is call'd Mangania , or Goetia , the most detestable species of which is Necromancy , which draws answers from the mouths of the dead . Others , more remarkable , are , 1. Hydromancy , or Divination by water , into which they pour drops of oyle , or cast three little stones , observing the sections of the circles which they describe . 2. Lecanomancy , by a basin of water , at the bottom of which the answers are heard , after casting thereinto some plates of Gold and Silver , and precious stones , engraven with certain characters . 3. Gastromancy , by glass bottles full of water , in which a big-belly'd woman , or an innocent child , beholds images . 4. Catoptromancy , by Looking-glasses . 5. Crystallomancy , by crystal cylinders . 6. Dactylomancy , by enchanted Rings , like that of Gyges . 7. Onychomancy , by anointing the nail of a child with oyle or tallow , and holding it towards the Sun they see in it what they demand . 8. Aeromancy , by conjurations of the Air. 9. Coscinomancy , by a sieve , and sizzars . All which species of Divination presume either an express or tacite compact with the Devil . But there were three without compact , 1. Aruspices , who drew conjectures from the entrails and motions of beasts sacrificed , from the figures made by melted wax cast into water , call'd Ceromantie , or Daphnomancy , from the crackling of burning Lawrel , Omphalomancy , when by the knots and adhering to the navil and secundines , the Mid-wives fore-tell how many Children the new deliver'd woman shall have afterwards . Amniomancy , foretelling the Childs fortune from the red or livid colour of the coat Amnios . Parthenomancy , to discover Virginity by measuring the neck , or drinking powder'd Agat , which she that is no Virgin vomits up again . 2. Augures , or Auspices who divin'd from birds , beasts , prodigies , and accidents , as Pliny reports of the Servilii , that they had a piece of brass money which they fed with Gold and Silver , and it increas'd when any good was to befall their Family , and diminish'd upon some approaching evil . 3. Unlawful Lots are Cleromancy , which comprehends Homer and Virgil's Lots . Alectriomancy , by a Cock eating corns of wheat lay'd upon the Letters of the Alphabet . Oniomancy , by names ; Arithmancy , by numbers . Lastly , Natural Divination , which is Conjecture , either taken from the Stars , as Judiciary Astrology ; the Air , and its several dispositions ; the Sea , and Trees , as when a Plague is fore-told by the flourishing of Roses or Violets in Autumn . Animals also supply some presages , as Mice running away from an house presignifie its downfall or burning ; and Sparrows delinquishing a Country denote the Pestilence and infection of the Air. The Third said , That the Soul , being immortal , is also capable of knowing things after the manner of eternity , which being a total and simultaneous possession of endless life , knows all things at once , things future and past as present ; which knowledge is like that of a man who beholds a whole Army at the same time from the top of a Mountain ; and that of time , in which things are seen successively , is like that of him who through a hole sees every Souldier of his Army pass by one after another . Wherefore 't is no wonder if men who affect nothing so much as eternity , and to be like God , desire to know things as God doth , to whom the future is present . Moreover , this inclination being natural to all persons , they must have a power to exercise it in this life , lest it be in vain . Which is done principally when the Soul is loosned from the Body , as in sleep , extasie , deep contemplation , and the agonies of death , in which dying persons commonly foretell things to come . CONFERENCE LXXXI . I. Of Chiromancy . II. Which is the noblest part of the Body . I. Of Chiromancy . CHiromancy is Divination by inspection of the hand , and consideration of its substance , quantity , quality , and other accidents , whereby the same affords indications of things past or to come . It was practis'd by Sylla and Caesar , this latter having by it discover'd the false Alexander , who pretended himself Herod's Son , from the true , And an old Chiromancer of Albert of Mirandola , Cousin to the great Picus , fore-told the Duke of Nevers , Nephew to Lewis XII . being at Carpi in Italy , ready to fight with the Vice-roy of Naples , that he should win the battle , but lose his own life , as it came to pass . So Paulus Jovius relates , that Antiochus Tibertus of Cesena , by this means , advertis'd Guido Balneo of the death which befell him by one of his familiars ; and that Horatius Cocles fore-told Lucas Gauricus that he should be put to death by John Bontivoglio Prince of Bononia . Many having seen Criminals lead to the gallows have observ'd that the two extremes of the line upon the last joynt of the thumb terminated at the root of the nail , which is taken for the sign of the halter ; as when this line reaches not the nail , but on one side , it presages onely danger of hanging . Now as diversity of outward shapes distinguishes species , so it doth also individuals , especially that of the hand , the instrument of every one's fortune , and the most temperate part of the Body ; whence the hollow of it is accounted the organ of Touching . The Second said , That the hand , the subject of Chiromancy , is compos'd , as all other organical parts , of three dissimular parts , the wrist , palm , and fingers . In the palm the Chiromancers consider the lines and eminences or hills . The lines are those parts which variously divide the hand , the five chief of which are , the line of the wrist , the line of life , the natural mean , the liver-line , and the table-line . The wrist-line is that which divides the hand from the arm , and is commonly double , sometimes trebble and quadruple . The line of life , or of the heart , begins at the bottom of the tumour under the fore-finger , and ends at the wrist-line , having sometimes another line paralle , call'd the sister of the line of life . The natural mean , or line of the head , begins near the line of life under the fore-finger , and passes over-thwart the hand to the hill of the Moon , or pommel of the hand , which line is thwarted by another , call'd the liver or stomack-line ; and these two lines , with the line of life , form a triangle , whose base is the liver line , call'd the triangle of Mars ; which appears not in their hands whose middle line terminates at the table line , or line of fortune , which begins under the hill of Mercury , at the bottom of the little finger , and ends under the fore-finger with one , two , or three branches . 'T is call'd the table line , because the space between it and the middle line represents the table ; whence 't is call'd the table of the hand , and line of fortune , because it affords the certainest tokens of good or bad fortune . The hills or risings of the hand are seven , according to the Planets to which they are attributed , namely , the mount of Venus , under the thumb , indicating Love ; the mount of Jupiter , under the fore-finger for Honours ; that of Saturn , under the third , or middle finger , for felicities or misfortunes ; that of the Sun , under the fourth , or ring-finger , for Riches ; that of Mercury , under the little finger , for Arts and Sciences ; that of the Moon , which is in the pommel of the hand , for afflictions and maladies of the mind ; lastly , the mount of Mars in the foresaid triangle , compriz'd under the lines of life , the middle line , and the liver line , denotes war-like exploits . And because the four principal fingers have twelve joynts which make as many sinuosities ; therefore the Chiromancers attribute to each of them a sign of the Zodiack , and to each finger a season of the year ; as to the fore-finger the Spring , and to its three joynts the three signes of that season , assigning the uppermost joynt to Aries , &c. By which signes 't is known in what moneths the effects fore-told by the lines of the hand will happen . The Third said , That Chiromancy is a Conjectural Art , not founded upon indubitable principles of eternal truth , but upon many experiences , from which the general precepts of this Art are deduc'd . The chief whereof are , that the rectitude , continuity , and lively colour of the lines , and the eminence of the mounts are good signes , as also the branching of these lines upwards towards the mounts of the fingers ; on the contrary , their obliquity , intersection , livid or blackish colour , and branching downwards , are of ill augury . The wideness of the table , and the angles of the triangle of Mars well shap'd , denote good . Many lines cutting the chief which are in the palm of the hand , shew a man intangled in affairs . The lines of the wrist signifie that the person is to live so many times twenty years . A double line of life is a sign of one very fortunate . The lines which cross it are so many misfortunes , and their breaking shews death or dangerous sickness . One o in it denotes the loss of an Eye , and two oo total blindness , which Johannes de Indagine saith he found true in many , and by his own experience . Crooked lines upon the table line threaten water . 'T is an ill sign , when one of the chief lines , especially the table line , is wanting ; and when it hath inci●ions , 't is a mark of various fortune . Lines between the table line and middle line are so many diseases , but not mortal . And infinite such other rules . The nails also are consider'd by the Chiromancers , as to their colour , shape , largeness , and little spots , among which the round and white denote friends , the others ill-willers . The Fourth said , That 't is requisite to prediction by the hands that nothing be on them but what is natural . And if the lines of one hand suffice not , recourse must be had to the other ; and if both agree , the effects signifi'd by them are less doubtful . When they differ , these of the left hand are chiefly taken notice of , both because 't is nearest the heart , and because 't is less disfigur'd by working . Yet 't is to be remember'd , that as one sign evidences not the constitution , and few diseases have one certain pathognomonical sign , so neither is an effect to be infer'd from one line so and so , but from many together ; although they are commonly fallacious too , unless the inclinations likewise be known by Physiognomy and Astrology . The Fifth said , All effects are either natural or free ; those come from a necessary and infallible , which hath no affinity with the lines of the hand erroneously alledg'd to signifie the same ; and these being from the Will cannot be caus'd by a concurrence of lines , differing either fortuitously , or according to the various situations of the bones , or several foldings of the child's hands in his mothers belly , or by different exercises , and variety of Climates ; they of hot Countries having scorch'd skins , and more lines otherwise configurated then Northern people ; and Artisans , then Courtiers and idle people . And so there would need different rules of Palmistry , according to Countries and qualities , which is absurd . The truth is , if any thing may be conjectur'd , 't is from the parts , which contribute something to what they are signes of . So a large fore-head may be the note of good capacity , because it shews that the Ventricles of the Brain are large ; and a bony and sinewy man is with reason judg'd strong . But the hand can afford no indication , if you except its largenesse or thicknesse , by proportion of which , with the other parts that are not seen , one may judge of its strength . 'T is therefore a fallacious Art which takes that for a cause and a sign which is nothing lesse . The sixth said , Chiromancy is of two sorts , Physical or Astrological . The former is grounded upon the same principles with Physiognomy , and is a part of it , discovering by the several accidents of the hand it s own temper with that of the whole body , and consequently , the manners and inclinations . Hence the Chiromancers affirm , with great probability , that those that have thick hands have the other parts which are unseen alike , and consequently , a dull wit ; and so on the contrary . But that which is purely Astrological , and is founded upon imaginary principles , seems not only faulty ▪ but very ridiculous , yea , and pernitious too ; and therefore is prohibited by Laws both Humane and Divine . II. Which is the noblest part of the Body . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That man's body being a structure compos'd of many parts , not onely similary , as in plants and stones , but organical , destinated to each action , which being their end , will also be the measure and standard of their noblenesse ; as Officers and Ministers of State or Family are esteem'd according to their imployment . Now an Animals noblest action is Life ; and therefore the Heart , the author thereof , and source of heat and spirits , is the noblest of all parts . Moreover , Aristotle sayes , it lives first and dyes last , and is in the little world what the Sun is in the great , imparting light and motion to all the parts of the body , as the Heavens do to all sublunary things . Therefore many Animals want other parts , but none a heart , which is so absolutely necessary that its least wound is mortall . The Second said , Whether Nobility betaken from Antiquity or necessity , the Liver is the noblest of all . For the Animal at first lives the life of a Plant , and so needed nourishment first , the supplying of which , being the Livers office , it is therefore form'd before any of the entrails . Nor could we exercise our senses or reasonable actions , if we were not nourish'd ; the functions of all faculties ceasing as soon as the Livers provision is spent . Yea , no animal action can be perform'd without spirits , the matter of which is blood elaborated in the Liver . Which as 't is the cause of the four humours , and consequently , of Health or Sicknesse ; so 't is the seat of Love , the noblest of all the passions . The Third said , As much nobler as the species is then the Individual comprehended under it , so much are the parts serving to its conservation nobler then others which conserve onely the particular . Therefore Galen reckons them among the principal parts . They serve to enliven the body , whose temper , colour , beauty , voice , and other qualities , their deprivation not only destroys , but also changes the manners of the Mind , and extinguishes Courage , as appears in cocks when castrated . Add hereunto , that they are hardest to be tam'd , and therefore most noble . The Fourth said , That Generation being common to men , not onely with beasts , but also with plants , being an action of the natural faculty , it cannot be the noblest action of man ; but rather the Understanding , which being exercis'd in the brain , the seat of the Rational Soul , this without dispute is the noblest of all ; whence 't is call'd Heaven by Homer , a divine member by Plato , and generally accounted the mansion of wisdom , and temple of divinity , which appears chiefly in the structure of its rete mirabile , labyrinth , and ventricles . Moreover , all the parts were made for the brain . For man was born to understand , and the intellectual faculty holds its seat in the brain . To understand well , it needed phantasmes and species , which were to be receiv'd by the senses plac'd for that purpose in the head : and to judge of the diversity of sensible objects , it ought to have local motion ; and , in order thereunto , muscles , tendons , nerves , and bones . These actions of the Understanding are perform'd by help of the Animal Spirits , the matter whereof are the vital of the Heart , as the matter of these are the natural ; whence learned men are commonly lean and unhealthy , because their natural spirits go to the brain , instead of being carry'd to the parts , in order to nutrition . The Fifth said , That ( to omit Aesop's opinion , who prefer'd the tongue before any other part , and found it most powerful to do either good or evil ) the hand seem'd to him as much more excellent then the brain , as the active is to be estimated above the contemplative . Therefore Aristotle calls it the Organ of Organs , and 't is the symbol of faith , strength , and civility ; whence remain still the termes of kissing the hands . CONFERENCE LXXXII . I. Which is most powerful , Art or Nature . II. Whether Wine is most to be temper'd in Winter , or in Summer . I. Which is most powerful , Art or Nature . THe power of Nature and Art cannot be better judg'd then by their opposition ; yet how should any be between them , whilst Art can do nothing without Nature ? For if the hand be off of Industry , 't was Nature that made it a hand . If the Sword be valued for the Art which fashion'd it , and brought it into a condition to give Law to him that hath none ; 't is to the Iron produc'd by Nature in the Mines that it owes its matter . And thus making the same induction through all disciplines , 't will be found that they cannot be imagin'd without Nature ; not Logick , without natural reason ; nor Grammar , without speech ; nor Speech , without a tongue ; nor writing , without ink and paper ; nor these without the matter whereof they are made , no more then a building without stones , morter , or other materials . Therefore when Art offers to compare with Nature , 't is as if a child upon a Gyant 's neck should therefore think it self taller then he ; whereas it hath no advantage but what it borrows from the Gyant which upholds it . The Second said , That actions being the rule whereby to measure the excellence of the Agents , and being themselves determin'd by their end , which alone sets value upon them ; Nature is therefore more excellent then Art in that it hath a nobler end in its actions , and ordinarily attains the same which Art can never do . For Nature , as the internal principle of motion and rest of that wherein it is , produces all substantial forms , and is the cause of all generations and natural motions ; in the continual revolution of which is seen an unparallel'd order , illustriously testifying the wisdom of Nature who governs them , and who never fails to produce a plant or an animal when the matter is rightly dispos'd . Whereas Art is only an external cause , giving nothing but shape and outward shew to its works , which indeed in some manner imitate those of Nature , which is the end of Art , but are never so perfect , no Painter having ever made a bunch of grapes , or a man , so well as Nature , because he represents only the surface and some few other external accidents , but is far from being able to express the essence and substantial forms of these natural bodies which it attempts to imitate . Moreover , Nature frames all parts of her works together ( as in the formation of man ) though grosly and in a small volume , and afterwards makes the same augment and move together ; but Art makes the parts of its work successively , the foundation before the walls , these before the roof , the rough hewing before the last hand ; and motion excited by artifice is violent , yea more in some parts of the Engine then in others . The Third said , That to doubt whether Art be more powerful then Nature , is to doubt whether two be more then one , or three then two . For Art presupposes Nature perfected . And as that is the strongest animal which can bring others under its laws , so being Art always subdues Nature , it must be the more potent . Our nature is inclin'd to evil , but the precepts of Divinity , yea , and of moral Philosophy too , have no other aim but to correct its defects , and overcome its perverseness , both which are so happily effected , that not only S. Paul professes , I live , yet not I , but Christ in me ; but also the most excellent Physiognomist was mistaken in his judgement of Socrates from his aspect . Nature leads man to follow his brutish and sensual appetite , and to make use of every thing which complies therewith ; but Art coming to rectifie it civilizes him , and teaches him to restrain his concupiscences , to fast rather , for conscience or health , then incur eternal damnation in the other life , and diseases in this . And experience shews how far Art gets the mastery of Nature , when a little man dextrous at his weapons easily overcomes a stronger who hath onely the help of nature . The horse , dog , birds of prey , and other animals capable of discipline , do every thing which man teaches them much better then they would do of themselves . Compare but the discourse of an ignorant with that of a learned person , the carriage of a Clown with that of a Courtier , the heaviness of a strong Lubber with the dexterity of a practis'd Champion . In the Mechanicks , a Child with an artificial Screw will lift up a greater burden then two Oxen can carry , and these two Oxen will draw a load by the common artifice of Carts , which ten other Oxen cannot bear upon their backs . An Army of 20000 naked Savages hath been often defeated by 200 men arm'd with Swords and Arquebushes . In brief , compare the weakness of all things at their beginning , and before time has brought them to perfection by a series of new precepts , whereof Arts are composed ; and you will see that Art as much surpasses Nature as Bread doth Acorns , or Wheat it self , before Art hath fitted it to our use . The Fourth said , That duration is the measure of every thing 's excellence ; whence the Proverb teaches us to consider the end . Bubbles of water and sope blown into the air look very handsome ; wait but a little and they are nothing . So are all artificial things compar'd to natural . As this gave them beginning , so it sees them end , overcomes and survives them ; that a thing perishes it hath from art ; that it lasts more or less , it hath from nature ; as writing engraven in Marble is of longer continuance then that which is trac'd upon sand , and yet 't is one and the same writing . But sooner or later , every thing returns to its first principles ; and what was borrow'd of nature must be paid back to her again . We raisepalaces up to the clouds ; Nature endures it with some violence , their gravity resisting the most it can , till at length she seems to yield , and to be tam'd by art . But inquire news of them in future ages , and they will tell you that Nature never rests till she hath return'd that to the ground which was taken out of it , and this without Tools or Instruments . Art squares trees which were round , whence a Spartan Lady ask'd , whether trees grew square : leave them to the air , they become round , their corners rotting first of all . Physitians observe , that simple medicaments , as the most natural , are the most effectual , and such as have least artifice are most active . Whence the most expert laugh at that hotch-potch of herbs , and other ingredients , wherewith quack-salvers fill their receipts , acknowledging that the more you have in compounding a medicine , the lesse intentions you obtain the same , one quality resisting and abating the edge of another . And , in removing of diseases , they hold for a Maxime , that 't is Nature alone which do's the cure . Moreover , the birth of a child is a pure work of Nature , and she that leaves her to do the business is the most expert to bring Women to bed . In brief , all good Crises must be natural , every thing that is artificial is directly contrary thereunto . What adoptive Son hath so tender an affection to his parents as a natural one ? or what nurse suckles anothers with so good a heart as her own child ? which was the reason of the Gardiner to the Philosopher , who ask'd him , why bad herbs grew better of themselves , then others transplanted , and cultivated by Art. When we would signifie an honest man , we say he is of a good nature ; when a knave , that he is full of artifice . Men may disguise their manners and inclinations , but cannot dissemble Nature ; a sanguine , cholerick , or melancholy person , alwayes discover their nature through all the artifices and hypocrisies of art . Preach to an intemperate , ambitious , or otherwise tainted with some vice as natural to him as to the lame to halt , he will possibly restrain himself for some time , but presently return to his first habit . The Fifth said , Nature being taken for every thing compounded of matter and form , and Art for Humane Wit , which applies them to its own use , this must be so much more excellent then that , as it gives perfection to the same , by introduction of an artificial form besides its natural . Marble , of no price in the mine , yet turn'd into the statue of an old woman becomes highly valuable . The Dragon in the Tapistry is as agreeable to behold as the natural one would be terrible . And even of things profitable , a dish of fruits well drawn is more esteem'd then a hundred natural . And who prizes not a Table , Cabinet , or other moveables , more then so much wood , a glasse then the ashes it is made of . 'T were to accuse all Antiquity of error , and unprofitably inventing and increasing Arts , to prefer the rudenesse and simplicity of Nature before them ; which teaching us from the birth to defend our selves by arts against all defects of the body , therefore tacitely yields them the preheminence . The sixth said , That the meaness and imperfection of the matter sets off the excellence of the workman , when his work borrows all its noblenesse from its form which he gives it , and not from its matter . Hence God , the most perfect of all Agents , needed no matter wherewith to make all his works ; Nothing being a sufficient material object of his Omnipotence . Nature , a subordinate and lesse perfect Agent then God , makes all her works of the First Matter , which is not a pure nothing ; nor yet a perfect Entity , but on Entity in power , and as Aristotle saith , almost nothing . But Art can make nothing but by the help of natural and perfect bodies , compos'd of matter and form , which it onely divides or conjoyns ; as when the Architect builds a House he joynes many stones , pieces of wood , and other perfect bodies together ; and the Statuary pares off the gross pieces of Marble till he brings forth the resemblance of what he would represent . Wherefore as much as God is above Nature , so much is Nature above Art. II. Whether Wine is most to be temper'd in Winter or in Summer . Upon the Second Poynt 't was said , They who impute most diseases to the use of Wine , because the Eastern people who use it not are , free or less troubled with maladies , will conclude ( as he did who marri'd a very little Woman , as the least Evil ) that Wine most qualifid is best , in case it cannot be wholly let alone . But the Question will still remain , in which season , Winter or Summer , it is most to be mix'd . Now there being less heat , and more humidity in the body during Winter , by reason of the outward cold , and closing of the pores , it seems that Wine should be taken unmixt in this season . For being heat consists in a proportion of the qualities , that which exceds must be corrected by its contrary , and the weak strengthened ; as they that would walk upright on a rope , must turn their counterpoize to the side opposite to that whereunto they incline . The Second said , That in Summer the Wine should be more temper'd , because then the natural heat is least , as Caves are cold in Summer and hot in Winter . Whence Hippocrates said , that the bowels are hotter in Winter and Spring , whence people have then better stomacks ; the capacities being enlarged by the dilatation of heat , and sleep likewise longer , through the abundance of vapours rising from the blood , which is made in greater quantity when the natural is strong then when it is weak . Moreover , bodies are more healthy in cold weather then in hot , which causing great dissipation of heat and spirits , the losse cannot be better repair'd then by unmixt Wine , whose actual coldness being overcome by our Nature , its potential heat is reduc'd into act , and fortifies ours , adding also its volatile spirits to our spirits , as old regiments are recruited by new levies . The Third said , That the best food being assimilated and least excrementitious , as Wine is in all seasons , it ought not to be mix'd either in Summer or Winter , aqueous Wine making many serous excrements which cause obstructions ; whereas pure Wine is good in Winter to assist the natural heat , assaulted by the outward cold , and to digest the crudities commonly generated during this season ; and in Summer to support the languishing spirits by supplying new matter . But if the necessity of a hot distemper require mixture of water , I would have it pour'd into the wine two hours before it be drunk , that so fermentation may in some measure turn the water into the nature of the wine , and the encounter of these two enemies may be rather in a strange Country then in ours . The Fourth said , 'T was not without mystery that the Poets feign'd Bacchus new come forth out of Jupiter's thigh with an inflam'd countenance , to have been deliver'd to the Nymphs to wash him , and that the seven Pleiades , whose rising denounces rain , had the principal charge of him ; and that the Mythologists represent this God of Wine follow'd by a company of mischievous demons call'd Cabals , the chief of which they name Acrat , which signifies pure wine ; hereby intimating the disorders it causes when its fumes are not abated with water . Moreover , when Amplychion , King of Athens , had first put water into his wine , and every one by his example , a Temple was built in the City to Bacchus erect or standing ; intimating that as mere wine causes reeling , so temper'd makes one walk upright . The truth is , unmix'd wine is always dangerous , filling the brain with hot and pungent vapours , which water allays and gives a temper to , sutable to our natural heat , which is mild and gentle ; whereas these spirits are of themselves igneous , as the burning of Aqua-vitae testifies . But 't is less hurtful to drink pure wine in Winter then in Summer , when the natural heat being igneous and encreas'd by the outward would turn into a distemper by the adventitious heat of wine , which , on the contrary , in Winter counter-checks the outward coldness of the air . The Fifth said , If we believe the Poet Orpheus , who advises to drink unmix'd wine twenty days before the rising of the Dog-star , and as many after , then wine must not be temper'd in Summer ; a custom practis'd still in Italy , where in the heats of Summers they drink the strongest and most delicious wines without water . Moreover , people eating less in this hot season should therefore drink the more pure wine , as more nourishing . Besides that the aqueous crudities of fruits eaten in Summer is corrected by the heat of wine . The Sixth said , That regard is herein to be had to every one's constitution ; phlegmatick , old men , and such as have cold stomacks , may drink wine without water , as also those that have Fames Canina : but the cholerick and young must temper it if they do not wholly abstain , yet always having regard to custom , and the nature of wines ; amongst which , if we believe the Germans , their wine cannot endure water , no more then the water of the Island of Tenos can endure wine . CONFERENCE LXXXIII . I. Of Baths . II. Whether the Wife hath more love for her Husband , or the Husband for his Wife . I. Of Baths . 'T Is not in vain that Physitians examine the nature of the places wherein man's body is contain'd . For the ambient air , water , or earth ( as in Dropsies ) hath great influence upon the same . Now Baths are either total , for the whole body , or partial , for some members , such as the Half-bath , where the head , breast , and arms , are remaining out of the water ; fomentations , pumpings , and the like . This Bath was in such request among the Romans , that their Emperors were at great care and charge in building them , not only at Rome , but even in this City of Paris , where the Emperor Julian made one . Its benefits are great when us'd in due time and place , and its effects different according to its divers composition . For it always moistens , more or less ; but it heats , cools or tempers , according as 't is hot , cold , or temperate . It opens the pores , by removing the scurfe which stop'd them , and dilating them by its heat , whereby it insinuates into the inward parts , especially the muscles , which by this means it swells up , and by colliquating the humour corrects their dryness , and repairs the emptiness introduc'd thereinto by lassitude . Whence us'd moderately it takes away weariness , and repairs strength ; but continu'd too long , and being hot , it draws forth the strength of the party too much , and causes faintings ; a cold Bath cools the parts it touches , but by accident and consequence heats them , by obstructing the pores and passages of the spirits . Hence they that come out of this Bath are very hungry ; and Hippocrates saith , that the Convulsion is cur'd by casting cold water upon the shoulders , which moves nature to expell its enemy . So in fainting nothing recovers the spirits and revives the heart more then cold water cast on the face where the skin is thinnest , and the spirits abound most . The Second said , That those at Rome anciently pass'd through three places . In the first , where the air was well warm'd , like the Stoves of Germany , they put off their clothes . In the second , a little more heated by fire underneath or on the sides , they sweat ; the water which steam'd from the heated vessels sticking to their naked bodies , and being thence gently wip'd off , all the filth was brought ▪ off with Curry-combs of Ivory . Here also they were anointed with Oyle , either before the Bath of warm water ( when they would not relax the pores , nor evaporate the spirits , as in those that newly recover a sickness , or are exhausted by labour ) or after the Bath , to hinder the sweat which follows . For the oyl stops the pores of the skin , and so hinders transpiration . In the third place was the water luke-warm , or something more , where they bath'd themselves , afterwards plung'd into cold water or a little less hot , which was on the side of the same place , to fortifie the relaxed members . Lastly , they return'd to the second place , there to sweat and be rub'd , repassing by the first , to avoid the sudden mutation from hot air to cold ; the danger of which Alexander found when being too hot he went into a river , falling into shiverings and convulsions , wherewith he had perish'd had it not been for his Physitian Philip. Whereby it appears that a Bath profits or hurts , according as it is well or ill administred , and that our wise Ancestors were more circumspect in it then we ; which possibly is the cause why it was in so frequent use , that Galen speaks of divers of his time who commonly bath'd themselves twice a day ; the good which we receive from any thing being the inducement to the frequent practice of it . The Third said , That unless upon urgent necessity and a medicinal account , bathing is not only superfluous but very hurtful to men . For besides that 't is unnatural ( not water but air being man's element ) it opens the body , and makes it susceptible of any bad qualities of the air ; for which reason 't is forbidden in time of pestilence . For as Oke lasts longer then Fig-tree , because 't is more solid , so soft bodies are more unhealthy and short-liv'd then firme , as those of peasants are , who arrive to ages , without experience of any of those delicacies . For so many conditions are requisite to a Bath , that 't is commonly more hurtful then profitable . It must be vari'd according to the diversity of seasons , and complexions , which Galen confesses he understood not . And one and the same day will be of different temper , as it happens in Autumn ; so that one and the same Bath will be proper and not proper . Besides , 't is prescrib'd to be as hot as milk from the Cow , which it cannot be for two moments , but is immediately alter'd by the ambient air . If it be said that the body suffers well the same variations of the air . I answer that it is not expos'd naked to the air , whose excessive qualities are abated by our clothes . Otherwise , every one would be inconvenienc'd therewith , unless he were accustom'd to it from his birth , as the Savages are . Besides , the air adheres not to the skin , and so makes but a transient impression . It must be us'd after digestion , & we know not when this is ended ; the body being purg'd , which it seldom is as it ought ; otherwise it excites fluxions in such as are full-bodied , and subject to catarrhs . It fills the head with vapours ; it relaxes the nerves and ligaments , so that some have never felt the Gout but after bathing , It kills the infant in the womb , even when it is too hot . 'T is an enemy to those that have Tetters or Erysipelas , to fat and full bodi'd persons , and generally to all that are not accustom'd to it ; as if this element were not innocent , but as the most mischievous things are when made familiar by custom . As for bathing in rivers , those that swim therein , as most do , strain themselves more then do's them good , besides the incommodities which they receive from the air whereunto they are expos'd . So that if you add the loss of time to the rich , the charge to the poor , and incommodity to all , you will not wonder that most men abstain from them , and that Seneca chose no fitter place to dye in then a Bath . The Fourth said , That a Bath being one of the things call'd by the Physitians not-natural , that is , whose right or ill use hurts or do's good , no more distinction need be us'd in it then there is in eating , drinking , sleeping , waking , and such other things . But the advantages of a Bath rightly us'd have none equal to them . First it cleanses the body , and gives a man a new skin ; opens the pores , to let out the fumes and steams of the vessels , which also are temper'd by the water 's sweet and mild quality . It corrects dryness , the enemy of life , which consists in humidity , reducing the same to a just temper ; whence lean and hectical persons receive more benefit from it then any others . Moreover , Nature hath provided for other habits and complexions by the various mixtures of mineral-waters , having compos'd hot baths of Salt , Bitumen , Sulphur , and other Minerals , through which they pass ; which strengthen the nerves and joynts , cure Palsies , as sea-water doth scabs : But bathing chiefly regards fresh water . It takes away weariness , tempers the heat of weather , causes sleep , and is one of the most innocent pleasures of life . But he that would know all the commodities of it must have try'd what ease it gives in the greatest pains , especially in Colicks of all sorts , whence 't is call'd Paradise by those that are tormented therewith . Wherefore to take away bathing , is to reject one of the best remedies in Physick , and one of the greatest benefits of life . The Fifth said , That the Ancients , having not yet the use of linen to free themselves from the soil contracted upon their bodies , chiefly in wrastling and exercising naked upon the sand , were oblig'd to the use of Bathes , which became so easie and of so little cost to the multitude , that they paid but a farthing a time ; whence Seneca calls the Bath rem quadrantariam . And it cost them nothing after Antoninus Pius had caus'd a stately Bath to be built for the publick , as Capitolinus reports . But at length their use grew into abuse ; after women came to bathe themselves with men , the Censors were fain to forbid them , under penalty of Divorce , and loss of Dowry . II. Whether the Wife hath more love for her Husband , or the Husband for his Wife . Upon the second Point , it was said , That the Poet of our time who said , that he would marry his Mistress that so he might love her less , imply'd thereby that we less love what is already obtain'd . But he determines not the Question , who is soonest weary of loving , or who loves most , the Husband or the Wife ; where love must be distinguish'd from friendship , being a passion of the Concupiscible appetite tending towards sensible good , apprehended such by the Phancy , whereas friendship is a most perfect vertue leading the will to honest good , known such by the Understanding ; the former many times being opposite to the latter , inasmuch as the Passions of the Appetite disturb Reason , and by excess rise up to jealousie ; whereas the latter can have no excess ; for the more it is excessive the more it deserves the name of friendship . 'T is therefore necessary that the woman , whose phancy is stronger and intellect less perfect , have more love and less friendship ; the husband , on the contrary , more friendship and less love . Which extends also to children , whom the mothers love with more passion and tendernss , but the fathers more solidly ; which affection may serve for a proof and evidence of that in question . The Second said , That the praise of constancy in love is due to man , whose mind is more perfect , and consequently less mutable . And whereas love proceeds from knowledge , it will follow that men who understand more do also love more . And want of affection would be more blameable in the man then in the woman , as presupposing his defect of judgement in being mistaken in his choice ; men usually chusing their wives , and the wives only accepting of the husbands who address to them . For there 's great difference between the liberty our will hath to be carried to what object it pleases , and only the turn of approving or rejecting what is offer'd to it . So that the woman who loves not her husband may say , that she was mistaken but in one point , namely , in accepting what she should have refus'd ; but the husband in as many as he had objects in the world capable of his friendship . Besides , 't would be shameful to the husband , the head and master of the family , to be inferior to his wife in the essential point which renders their marriage happy or unfortunate . And Gracchus's choosing death that his wife Cornelia might live , ( having slain the male of two Serpents whom he found together , upon the Augur's assuring him of the said effect , as it came to pass ) shews that we want not examples for proof of this truth ; as that of Semiramis , who having the supream authority committed to her but for one day , caus'd her husband who had granted the same , and been indulgent to her all his life , to be put to death ; and the 49 daughters of Danaus , who all slew their husbands in one night , prove the same . The Third said , That amity being begotten and encreased by necessity , the woman , as the weaker , hath more need of support and protection from the man , and so is more oblig'd to love him ; and therefore nature hath providently implanted in her a greater tenderness and inclination to love , because all her happiness depends on her husbands good or ill treatment of her , which is commonly according to her love to him . To which end also the woman is endu'd with beauty and a more delicate body , and consequently more apt to give and receive love then men , whose exercises require a temper more hot and dry , whereby to undergo the travels of life . And if examples be needful , the contest of the Indian wives who should cast her self into her husband's funeral fire , together with whatever most precious thing she hath , in testimony of greatest love , suffices to prove this conclusion ; no men having ever been seen to burn for love of their wives . Yea , when anciently one man had abundance of wives ( a custom still practis'd amongst the Turks ) 't was impossible for the husband to have as much love for his wives as they had for him , being in all ages contented with one alone , and consecrating to him their whole affection ; which the more common it is , is so much the less strong . CONFERENCE LXXXIV . I. Of Respiration . II. Whether there be any certainty in humane Sciences . I. Of Respiration . ALthough our natural heat be of a degree more eminent then the elementary , yet 't is preserv'd after the same manner , namely , by addition of new matter , and emission of fuliginous vapours , ever resulting from the action of heat upon humidity : both which are done by the means of respiration , which is the attraction of air by the mouth or nostrils into the Lungs , and from thence into the Heart , where the purest part of this air is chang'd into vital spirits , which are also refresh'd and ventilated by it . For though as much goes forth by exspiration as is taken in by inspirations , yet the air we breathe is nevertheless turn'd into our spirits ; for that which issues forth is not air alone , but 't is accompani'd with hot gross vapours streaming from the heart , the furnace of our heat . And as respiration is proper to perfect animals , so the imperfect have only transpiration , which is when the same air is attracted by the imperceptible pores of the body . Which is sufficient for animals whose heat is languid , as Insects , the Child in the womb , and hysterical women , in whom also ( hereupon ) the pulse ceases for a good while . And whereas the air kills fishes when they are long expos'd to it , it cannot serve for the support of their natural heat which is very small . Wherefore they respire with water which is more natural and familiar to them , causing the same effects in them that the air doth in land-animals . The Second said , As the aliments ought to be sutable to the parts of the body which they nourish , the soft and spungy Lungs attracting the thin bilious blood , the spleen the gross and melancholy ; so the spirits of the animal must be repair'd by others proportionate thereunto and of sutable matter , for recruiting the continual loss of that spiritual substance , the seat of the natural heat and radical moisture . Wherefore animals which have aqueous spirits , as fishes , repair the same by water which they respire by the mouth , the purest part of which water is turn'd into their spirits , and the more gross omitted by their gills . But land-animals , whose spirits are aerious and more subtile , and whose heat is more sensible , have need of air to serve for sutable matter to such spirits , for which end nature ha's given them Lungs . Yet with this difference , that as some fish attract a more subtile and tenuious water , to wit , that of Rivers , and some again a more gross , as those which live in Lakes and Mud : So according as animals have different spirits , some breathe a thin air , as Birds , others more gross , as Men and most Beasts ; others an air almost terrestrial and material , as Moles ; and amongst those which have only transpiration , flyes attract a thin air , and Worms a thick . The Second said , That our natural heat , being celestial and divine , may indeed be refresh'd by the air , but not fed and supported as the parts of our body are by solid and liquid food . For food must be in some manner like the thing nourish'd , because 't is to be converted into its substance . Now there 's no proportion between the gross and impure air which we breathe , and that celestial and incorporeal substance . Nor can nutrition be effected , unless the part to be nourish'd retain the aliment for some time , to prepare and assimilate it ; but , on the contrary , the air attracted by respiration is expell'd as soon as it hath acquir'd heat within , and is become unprofitable to refresh and cool . This respiration is an action purely animal and voluntary , since 't is in our power to encrease , diminish , or wholly interrupt it , as appears by Licinius , Macer , and Coma , who , by the report of Valerius Maximus , kill'd themselves by holding their breath . The Fourth said , That Respiration being absolutely necessary to life is not subject to the command of the will , but is regulated by nature , because it doth its actions better then all humane deliberations . Nor is it ever weary , as the animal faculty is , whose action is not continual as this of respiration is , even during sleep , which is the cessation of all animal actions , and wherein there is no election or apprehension of objects ( a necessary condition to animal actions ) yea in the lethargy , apoplexie , and other symptoms , wherein the brain being hurt , the animal actions are interrupted , yet respiration always remains unprejudic'd . The Fifth said , That respiration is neither purely natural ( as concoction and distribution of the blood are ; nor yet simply animal , ( as speaking and walking are ) but partly animal , partly natural , as the retaining or letting go of urine is . 'T is natural in regard of its end and absolute necessity , and its being instituted for the vital faculty of the heart , which is purely natural ; animal and voluntary , inasmuch as 't is perform'd by means of 65 intercostal muscles , the organs of voluntary motion , whereby it may be made faster or slower . II. Whether there be any certainty in humane Sciences . Upon the second Point 't was said , That all our knowledge seems to be false . First , on the part of the object , there being but one true of it self , namely God , whom we know not , and cannot know ; because to know adaequately is to comprehend , and to comprehend is to contain ; and the thing contain'd must be less then that which contains it . To know a thing inadaequately , is not to know it . Secondly , on the part of our Intellect , which must be made like to what it knows , or rather turn'd into its nature ; whence he that thinks of a serious thing becomes serious himself ; he that conceives some ridiculous thing laughs without design , and all the longings of Child-bearing-women end where they begun . But 't is impossible for us to become perfectly like to what we would know . Thirdly , this impossibility proceeds from our manner of knowing , which being by some inference or consequence from what is already known , we can never know any thing , because we know nothing at all when we come into the world . And should we acquire any knowledge , it would be only by our internal and external senses . Both both are fallacious , and consequently , cannot afford certain knowledge . For , as for the external , the eye which seems the surest of all the senses , apprehends things at distance to be less then they really are , a straight stick in the water to be crooked , the Moon to be of the bigness of a Cheese , though 't is neer that of the Earth ; the Sun greater at rising and setting then at noon , the Shore to move and the Ship to stand still , square things to be round at distance , an erect Pillar to be less at the top . Nor is the hearing less subject to mistake , as the Echo , and a Trumpet sounded in a valley , makes the sound seem before us when 't is far behind us . Pronuntiation alters the sense of words ; besides , that both these senses are erroneous in the time of their perception , as is seen in felling of woods and thunder . The Smell and Taste , yea the Touch it self , how gross soever it be , are deceiv'd every day in sound persons as well as in sick ; and what do our drinkers in rubbing their palates with Salt and Spice but wittingly beguile it , grating the skin thereof that so the wine may punge it more sensibly . But the great fallacy is in the operation of the inward Senses . For the Phancy oftentimes is perswaded that it hears and sees what it doth not ; and our reasoning is so weak , that in many disciplines scarce one Demonstration is found , though this alone produceth Science . Wherefore 't was Democritus's opinion that Truth is hidden in a well , that she may not be found by men . The Second said , That to know , is to understand the cause whereby a thing is , and to be certain that there can be no other but that ; the word cause being taken for principle . Therefore when men know by the Senses , by effects , by external accidents , or such other things which are not the cause , they cannot be said to know by Science ; which requires that the understanding be fully satisfi'd in its knowledge , wherein if there be any doubt it hath not Science , but Opinion . This scientifical knowledge is found in no other discipline but Logick and Geometry , in regard of the certainty of their principles , which are so clear that they are alike known by all , even the most ignorant , who need only understand their terms to assent to their truth . Such as these are ; every thing which is said of the Genus is also said of the Species ; and what is not said of the Genus , is not said of the Species ; which they call Dictum de omni , & de nulle . If to equal things you add equal things , the remainder will be equal . And if to unequal things you add unequal things , the remainder will be unequal . For whereas beasts have a natural faculty which is the common sense , or estimative faculty , whereby they judge of the convenience or inconvenience of objects the first time the same are presented to them : Man , beyond this natural power , enabling him to judge of sensible objects , hath a peculiar one , which is the Intellectual , by means whereof he is said to be every thing in power , because it enables him to know every thing , and to judge of the truth or falshood of universal things , which are Principles . And as the eye beholding white or black judges sufficiently what colour it is , without seeking reasons thereof elsewhere then within it self ; so the Intellect discerns the truth of principles by it self , without the help of any other faculty , yea without the habit of any Science , because these principles being before the Science whereof they are principles must be more clear and known then it ; whence Intelligence is defin'd the habit or knowledge of such first Principles . Thus , ask a Geometrician why the whole is greater then its part , he can give you no other reason but that 't is a principle known of its own nature . The Third said , That Geometry , being the knowledge of eternal truths by infallible principles , is most certain . And 't is an evidence of its certainty that it neither proposes nor demonstrates why a thing is such , but only that it is such . As 't is propos'd and demonstrated that in the same segment of a circle all the angles are equal , but not why they are so , because 't is a truth which comes to our knowledge by certain principles , and propositions formerly demonstrated , as certain as the principles themselves . Hence this truth is demonstrated , which nevertheless hath not any cause of its existence , as frail and perishing things have ; no material being abstracted from all matter ; nor efficient , for the agent ▪ is not any way consider'd therein ; nor formal , an angle being of its own nature only the inclination of lines ; nor yet final , this being not made to any intention . In like manner 't is demonstrated that four numbers or four lines being proportional ( that is , when there is such reason of the first to the second , as of the third to the fourth ) the square of the two extreams is equal to the square of the two middlemost ; but not why 't is so , this question occurring only in dubious things . The Fourth said , That knowledge being desir'd by all men , who for this end are endu'd with an Intellect capable of all sorts of notions , it must needs be found in some subjects , otherwise nature should have given us a general desire of a thing which is not . And since there are causes of every thing , there must be a Science of those causes . But the multitude of apparent causes is the reason that we are oftentimes ignorant of the right , and take one for another , the shadow for the body , and apparence for truth . Which argues not that there is no knowledge , but rather few knowing persons . For Socrates who said he knew nothing but that he knew nothing ; and the Pyrrhonians who doubted of every thing had even a knowledge of their ignorance . Moreover , the exact knowledge men have by the senses of particular things necessarily carries them to that of universals , wherein Science consists . As he that often experienc'd in divers persons that Sena purg'd their melancholy , acquires of himself this general Notion , that all Sena purges melancholy . And , on the contrary , he who understands a general proportion in gross , may of himself apply the same to all particulars ; so great a connexion there is between things universal and particular , in which the fruit of Science consists . The Fifth said , Since all knowledge depends upon another prenotion , which is what they call principles , those which compose the Sciences must also distinguish the same . Wherefore Sciences are to be term'd certain or uncertain according as the pre-existent notions whereupon they are founded are certain or not . Now amongst those principles some are universal , common to all Sciences ; as those of Metaphysicks ; in all things either the affirmative or the negative is true ; that which is not hath no propriety . Besides which 't is necessary to have particular one 's proper to the Science , which are true , first , immediate , causes of the Conclusion , preceding and more known then it . The six conditions requisite to principles in order to a demonstration . They must be true , not false ; for that which is false exists not ; that which exists not cannot be a cause of that which exists , nor consequently a false principle be the cause of a true demonstration : First , that is not proveable by others : immediate , so enjoyn'd with the attribute that there is nothing between them two to joyn them more neerly : causes of the conclusion , that is , this principle must be the necessary cause of this truth ; and consequently precede and be more known then it . As taking this for a principle , that the interposition of an opake body between light and a body illuminated causes a shadow upon this body ; we conclude , that as often as the earth is found interpos'd between the Sun , which is the light , and the Moon which is the body illuminated , it will necessarily come to pass that there will be a shadow upon the body of the Moon , which is its Eclipse . The Sixth said , 'T was the errour of Socrates , that observing our Sciences depending on other preceding notions , he apprehended that we learned nothing new , but that Science was nothing but the remembrance of what the soul formerly knew before its being inclos'd in this body : not considering that the knowledge of principles and notions is confus'd and not distinct ; and that the knowledge of them in gross is not sufficient to denominate a person knowing ; but that we must first draw universal conclusions from them , then apply the same to particulars , without which application those principles would be unprofitable , and not produce any Science . Thus the Divine applies this general principle , that that which is contrary to the Law of God is evil , to particular conclusions , as to murder , theft and perjury . The Physitian , who holds for a Principle that Contraries are cur'd by their Contraries , draws these other conclusions from it , that a cold distemper is cur'd by hot medicaments , a hot by refrigerating ; obstruction , by openers ; which he applies again to particular subjects . The States-man , from this general Principle , That every thing that disturbs the publick quiet is to be repress'd , concludes that the Seditious are to be punish'd . So , 't is not enough for a Mathematician to know that equal things added to equal things are likewise equal , unless he apply this universal principle to particular lines , surfaces and bodies . Which is done either by the Synthetical , or by the Analytical way ( which nevertheless must be follow'd by the Synthetical . ) Now 't is in the application of these general rules to particulars , that errour is committed even in the most certain Sciences . The Seventh said , That there are few Sciences , because there are few Principles and Proposition's demonstrable : as the contingent and the absolute are not . Whence it is that the future is not demonstrable , and hence follows the incertainty of Politicks . Wherefore only necessary Propositions , whereof ( the truth is ) permanent and eternal are demonstrable ; and all these are necessarily demonstrable because they have infallible principles : yet only such of these whose principles are known by men are demonstrable by men . So 't is certain that the Inundation of Nilus , and the flux and reflux of the Sea are not demonstrable ; because men know not , the principles are not known . Whereby it appears how ridiculous they are who undertake to demonstrate every thing . CONFERENCE LXXXV . I. Whether the manners of the Soul follow the temperament of the Body . II. Of Sights or Shews . I. Whether the manners of the Soul follow the temperament of the Body . THe extream variety of men's actions and manners cannot proceed from the diversity of their souls , which are accounted all equal , but from that of the bodies ; wherein according to the various tempers thereof the soul produces that variety of manners . And as , in natural and animal actions , one and the same Soul digests in the stomack , makes blood in the Liver and Veins , sees by the Eyes , and reasons in the Brain ; so , likewise , it is sometimes sad , when the melancholy humour predominates in the body ; sometimes cheerful , when blood abounds ; and sometimes also froward or angry , when the choler is agitated . The Second said , That the soul being the form , as the body is the matter , it must be the cause of all humane actions ; not the body , which receives them , since the soul informs and perfectionates the body , and begets in it the habit which produces the manners and actions . As the horse governs not the rider , but the contrary ; and 't is to the rider that the honour or blame of the course is to be imputed . And were the soul but a quality , as the most prophane have ventur'd to affirm , yet the same priviledge must be reserv'd to it which is allow'd to the predominant quality in every compound , which gives it not only the denomination but also the action : as in compound medicaments the most active simple carries the credit from the rest . Besides , if the body and the humours thereof were the author and cause of manners , an ignorant person could never become learned , and a single Lecture of Xenocrates had never made a Drunkard cast off his chaplet of flowers , and turn a Philosopher . The examples of many grand personages sufficiently ill furnish'd with graces of the body , evidence what certainty there is in arguing from the out-side of the corporeal structure to the furniture of the soul ; and that the signs of malice , remark'd in some , as in Zoilus , from his having a red beard , a black mouth , and being lame , and one-ey'd ; of Thersites , and Irus , from their having sharp heads , rather shew the malice or ignorance of such as make these remarks , then prove that these dispositions of body are the true cause of malice ; we see people of the same temper , hair , stature , features , and other circumstances , very different in their manners and inclinations . And the same is observ'd in horses . For since the Stars , the most powerful agents , do not constrain , but only incline , certainly the humours cannot do more . True it is , their inclination is so strong , that no less grace of Heaven is needful to resist the same , then strength to retain a man that is rolling down the declivity of a hill : Yet Socrates remaining unmov'd by the embraces of a Curtezan , whom his Scholars contriv'd into his bed , to try him , although he was naturally very prone to vice , justifies that how hard soever it be to stop the slipping foot when it is once going , yet 't is not impossible ; and therefore the manners of the soul do not always follow the constitution of the body . Not considering the power which the fear of God hath over our wills , the effects whereof I here meddle not with , as being supernatural , since they have sometimes destroy'd all the maximes of nature ; witness those that give themselves to be burnt for the faith . The Third said , That the body must needs contribute to the soul's actions , as being its instrument . But it contributes only what it hath , namely , its temperament , and other proprieties . Therefore 't is from this temperament that the same are diversifi'd . The soul sees no longer when the eyes are shut or blinded : 't is wise in a well temper'd brain ( not only in a dry , as Plato , in his Timaeus , conceiv'd , because he saw children grow more prudent as their brain was desiccated ) 't is stupid in a too moist brain , and foolish or furious in one inflam'd , as in deliration or madness . 'T is also forc'd to leave its body when a violent Fever hath so deprav'd the humours thereof that there remains not the temper necessary to its reception . Therefore it follows the temper of the humours . Thus , because we see fire introduc'd into any combustible subject , and extinguish'd when the same is consum'd , we say fire follows combustible matter , and becomes of the same nature , quantity , and other qualities . Moreover , Hippocrates saith , Nations are warlike or cowardly , laborious or not , of good or bad nature , according to the diversity of climates and soils they inhabit , which render them diversly temper'd . Hence , in Asia , where the air is temperate , and less subject to changes then Europe and Africa , men are more healthy and handsome , their manners more equal and laudable : on the contrary , in Countries more cold or hot , the inhabitants are either more cruel or more boisterous , more hardy or more timerous ; and Mountaineers are more industrious , as , on the contrary , those who live in a fertile soil are commonly more slothful . Hence , amongst the Greeks , the Thebans and all the Baeotians , whose Country was rich , and the air very thick , were very dull , and the Athenians very subtle : which was the cause that 't was said , people were born Philosophers at Athens : on the contrary , 't was a prodigious thing to see one wise Anacharsis among the Scythians . Hippocrates addes the seasons too , according to the change whereof men's manners are also found divers . But all these cannot act upon the soul but by the organ of the body , changing its humours , and introducing new qualities into the parts thereof . The Fourth said , Even sucking children give some tokens to what their constitution inclines them , before the contraction of any habit , vertuous or vicious ; some of courage ; others of timidity ; some of modesty , others of impudence ; and as soon as they begin to speak , some are lyers , others love truth . And of two children taught by the same Master , the hardest student is many times a less prosicient then the other , who hath a temper proper for learning , and is as inclin'd to it as another is to Merchandize , Mechanicks , Travel , War ; or this will be quarrelsome , the other respectful and discreet ; one is born to servitude , and the other prefers his liberty before a Kingdom . So that not only the moral actions of the will , but also those of the understanding absolutely depend on the body , the soul being of a spiritual nature which of it self can never produce any sensible effect without the mediation of some body , not so much as exercise its proper actions of Willing and Understanding ; both which depend on the phantasms , which are intellectual species fabricated by the agent intellect in the Patient , upon the model of those that were brought by the senses into the imagination : hence , if these be alter'd or deprav'd by the spirits or humous flowing to the brain , reasoning becomes either diminish'd or deprav'd , or else wholly abolish'd , the spirits so confounding these phantasms that the intellect cannot make its reviews , nor compose or divide them in order to elicite its conclusions , and frame its notions . For souls differ only by the spirits , the tenuity and lucidity whereof is proper for contemplation , their abundance makes a man bold , their inflammation renders him frantick , their defect causeth sloth and cowardize : and being design'd to serve equally to the actions of the soul and body they were made of a middle nature between body and spirit ; whence they are called spiritual bodies , and are the cause of union between them , and mutual communication of their passions and affections . So the bodies diseases affect the soul , and disturb its operations , the spirits abandoning the brain to succour the grieved parts : the bilious humour in the ventricles of the brain , or a tumour and a Sphacelus cause madness , the blood overheated causeth simple folly accompani'd with laughter ; melancholy produceth serious folly . In like manner , the body resents the passions of the soul ; fear causeth trembling and paleness , shame , blushing , anger , foaming : and all this by the spirits . The Fifth said , If manners depended on tempers , vertues might be easily acquir'd by the course of diet ; which seems ridiculous . For then the divine faculties of the soul should depend not only upon meats but upon all other things not natural ; which would be to subject the Queen to her servants , to enslave the will and take away its liberty which makes it to be what it is . Besides , Theology cannot consist with this conclusion , which would acquit persons of blame , and lay it upon nature as its author . For he that should commit some evil cholerick action or other sin , could not avoid it , being lead thereunto by the bilious humour produc'd by nature , whereunto 't is almost impossible to resist , and so he would seem innocent , and unjustly punish'd for what he committed not voluntarily ; though without the will there is no sin . Moreover , men would not be variable , but always the same , the bilious always angry , the sanguine ever in love , &c. and yet we see men exercise all sorts of virtues , and capable of all vices . Many beasts have not only the same constitution of brain , but also external shape like that of man , as Apes , ( whose bones are so like those of men , that in Galen's time Anatomists consider'd only their Sceletons ) yea , the same temper , and all internal parts alike , as Swine ; and there 's little or no difference between the brain of man and a calf ; and yet none of these animals have actions like those of men ; which being purely spiritual and intellectual must depend upon another cause , the rational soul , whose actions are not any way organical ; for then it should be corporeal , because proceeding from the body , and consequently mortal . II. Of Sights or Shews . Upon the second Point 't was said , That the communication of the ills and goods of the soul and body has put men upon searching what may relieve the languishing strength of either . And as the soul is delighted by bodily pleasures , so it also , in gratitude , returns the like pleasure to the body , by the contentment which it receives in acquiring knowledge , the least laborious of which is that most recreative , as that is which is convey'd by the sight . For the hearing makes us know things only one after another ; but the sight shewing them all at once , more fully satisfies our natural desire of knowing . Hence all people , from the highest to the lowest , are so delighted with shews or spectacles , that the Romans kept Actors and Comedians with publick pensions ; and Cicero publickly commended Roscius , who alone had 12000 crowns for a stipend from the Roman people . They employ'd the incomes of the woods about Rome , dedicated to their gods , for the maintaining of Theatres , Amphitheatres , Cirques , and other places destinated to shews , wherein the Senators and Knights had the fourteen first ranks or seats ; for whose conveniency Q. Catulus cover'd the Scene with veils of sine linen ; Lucius and Cinna made a versatile or shifting Scene ; P. Claudius was the first that adorn'd it with pictures and tables ; C. Antonius cover'd it with silver ; Murena made one of pure silver ; Trebonius one guilded ; others , inlay'd with Ivory : Nero sprinkled all the place of the Cirque where the horses run , with gold-sand , and cover'd it with veils beset with stars , in form of a sky : Heliogabalus made an Euripus of wine at the Circensian plays , in which he caus'd a Naval Battle to be represented ; as if the wickedest Princes could not have cover'd their enormities with a more specious liberality or more agreeable to the people . These spectacles were likewise us'd at the funerals of great Princes , and made part of their service of the gods . They divert the great , make the miserable forget their affliction , are the true physick of the soul , the book of the ignorant , and the only way truly to revive the transactions of former ages . The Second said , Nothing is so destructive to good manners as the frequentation of Theatres and most other spectacles : which is the most dangerous , for that things represented to the eyes make deeper impression in the mind then by any other sense . Which made Aristotle advise the prohibiting of Comedies , and S. Augustin declare them contrary to piety and honesty . The same is the opinion of all the Fathers , particularly Tertullian , who in an express treatise blames all sort of spectacles , as proceeding from the superstition of Paganism , causing troubles and quarrels ; yea rendring men capable of all sort of wickedness by the impression of their examples . For the sights of Mimes and Pantomimes are ridiculous ; Rope-dancers unprofitable ; Farces or Enterludes dangerous , and enemies to purity ; Comedy , the least dangerous of all sights , besides loss of time , renders mens minds soft and effeminate , and more susceptible of the passions represented therein ; Tragedy is too sad to serve for divertisement to the soul. If you proceed to Gladiators , is any thing more inhumane , and that renders men more barbarous then to see our fellow-men kill one another in cold blood , and expose themselves to wild beasts ? and 't is always a dangerous practise to accustom the eyes to murders and bloody spectacles ; nature being easily perverted by custom . Moreover , all these Mimes , Actors , Sword-players , and the like , were always held infamous , and incapable of publick charges ; insomuch that the Emperor Theodosius , Arcadius , and Honorius , in L. 4. C. de Spectaculis Scenicis , and Lenonibus , forbid to defile their sacred images by the society of those people who act upon the Theatre , ranking them with the corrupters of chastity . And the Romans , who practis'd the same more then any Nation , felt the inconvenience of them when the most potent became masters of the Commonwealth , by means of the spectacles wherewith they allur'd the people to their party ; as Julius Caesar , who being Aedile , and having given Gladiators , Huntings , Sports , Races , and sumptuous Feasts to the people of Rome , they created him Chief Pontife , although Q. Catulus , and Servilius Isauricus , two great personages , were his competitors : which was his first step to Sovereignty ; and Suetonius observes , that the conflux of people was so numerous , that many , and , amongst the rest , two Senators were smother'd in the throng . The Third said , That Spectacles or Shews are good or bad according to the things which they represent . But absolutely speaking , they ought to be permitted , not only for the diversion of men , but also for the exercising of youth , and animating them to courage by rewards for their fortitude ; as the Greeks sometimes appointed Statues , Crowns of gold , Olive , Palm , Smallage , and other such guerdons , to those who overcame in Running , Wrastling , Caestus or fighting with Whorlbats , and such exercises , carrying them in a triumphal Charriot to the Town of their Birth ; shewing themselves so careful of the Olympick Games , that they committed the charge thereof to the Sicyonians , after Corinth , the place where they were formerly celebrated , had been raz'd by the Romans , who transferr'd those Plays into their own City by the perswasion of Cato , for the same end of educating their youth . For as profit delights some spirits , so pleasure allures all ; and of pleasures none is more innocent and communicable then that of the sight . CONFERENCE LXXXVI . I. Of the Dog-days . II. Of the Mechanicks . I. Of the Dog-days . THat the Stars act upon sublunary bodies is agreed upon , but not the manner : some holding that they impress some qualities by motion , others by light , others by their influence , others by both together , producing heat by the two first , and other more extraordinary effects by influences . For every thing that is mov'd heats ; as also all sort of light united , even that of the Moon , whose rays may be made to burn with glasses as well as those of the Sun. But because natural agents cannot act beyond the natural bounds of their power , therefore heat produc'd of light and motion here below can produce only its like , heat , or such other alteration in inferior bodies , not those strange and irregular changes not only in the temper of the air , but of every other body . As that it is sometimes hotter , and sometimes colder , in the same elevation of the Sun , cannot be attributed to his approach or remotion , or to the incidence of his perpendicular or oblique rays , but it must proceed from the conjunction , opposition , or several aspects of other Stars . Amongst which the Canicula or Dog-star hath very extraordinary effects ; as to weaken mens bodies , to make dogs run mad , to turn the wine in the vessel , to make the sea boile , to move lakes , to heat the air so much that Pliny affirms that Dolphins keep themselves hid during the 30 Dog-days : at which he wonders the more because they can respire neither in the water nor upon the earth , but partly in the air , partly in the water . Moreover , Experience shews , that the Hyades or Pleiades ( stars in the back of the Bull ) have such a moist quality that they alwayes cause rain at their rising , which happens in November ; as Arcturus never rises without bringing hail or tempest ; the Moon being full , Oysters , Muscles , and the sap of Trees , are so too , and therefore being cut at this time they soon rot ; and Pliny counsels to cut them during the Dog-dayes , when the heat of the season ha's dry'd up all their aqueous moisture , which is the cause of their corrupting . The Second said , That the vanity of Astrologers , who have phancy'd monsters and sundry figures in Heaven , and attributed imaginary effects to them , the better to amuse mens minds with some resemblance of the truth , hath also feign'd two dogs there ; one less , consisting of two stars ; and another of eighteen , the the greatest of which is the brightest in our Hemisphere , and is in the tongue of this Dog , whom the Greeks and Latins call Sirius , and ascribe so much power to him , that they conceive his conjunction with the Sun in the East causes the scorching heat of Summer ; yea , the people of the Isle of Cea , near Negropont , as Cicero reports , took their presages of the whole year from the rising of this star , determining the same to be rainie , in case this star appear'd obscure and and cloudy ; and the contrary . But this cannot be true , as well in regard of the great distance of the fix'd stars , which also being of the same substance cannot have contrary qualities ; as also by reason of the retrogradation of their sphere , which hath a motion contrary to that of the First Mover , namely , from West to East ; which motion , though insensible in few years , yet amounts to much at the end of many Ages . As is justifi'd by the Dog-star , which Ptolomy in the tables of his time places at 18. degr . 10. min. of Gemini ; Alphonsus , King of Castile , at the 4. degr . of Cancer ; and now 't is found at 9. degr . 54. min. according to Tycho , and at 9. degr . 30. min. according to Copernicus . Whereby it appears , that after many years this star will be in the winter signes , and that at the Creation it was in Aries at the Vernal Equinox , and that , consequently , the Dog-dayes will be in the time of the greatest cold . In brief , were there such power in this conjunction , the Dog-dayes would be hot and burning ; and yet in some years they are cold and rainie : Which the Astrologers attributing to the several Aspects of Saturn , or other cold stars , see not that by weakning the force of some by others , they subvert all . Wherefore the Dog-star is at present the sign , but not the cause of hot dayes ; that is , the hapning of this Constellation in the Summer signes , and its conjunction with the Sun during hot weather , ha's been erroniously believ'd the principal cause thereof , which , in my judgement , is to be sought onely in the continuance of the Suns action during the Spring and half the Summer , whereby the Air is hotter then when he was neerer us . So 't is hotter at two a clock in the afternoon then at ten in the morning , although the Sun be at the same distance , yea , then at noon , although he be then nearest of all ; and we read that an Ambassador of Presbyter John dy'd with heat as he landed at Lisbone , although the heat be not so great there as in his Country , but of louger continuance . If it rains sometimes during the said season , 't is by reason of too great attraction of Vapours by the heat of the Sun ; as is seen in the torrid Zone , where when the Sun is in the greatest Apogaeum it rains continually . The Second said , That the Longitude of the Dog-star ( call'd by the Arabians Athabor ) is at this day about the 9. degr . of Cancer , and its meridional latitude 39. degr . and a half . Now the Ancients observing the greatest heat of the whole year to be commonly when the Sun is at the end of Cancer and beginning of Leo , and at the same the Dog-star to rise with the Sun , ( which the Astronomers call the Cosmical Rising ) nam'd those dayes Dog-dayes , which begin with us about the two and twentieth of July : whether they believ'd the cause of this heat to be that star assisting the Sun ; or else , according to their order of distinguishing seasons before years and moneths were regulated by the course of the Sun , they denoted those dayes by the rising of this star , conceiving that it did not change place any more then the other stars of the Firmament . As not onely the Poets , but also Hippocrates , distinguishes the four Seasons of the year by the rising and setting of the Pleiades and Arcturus . And thus the name of the day hath remain'd to these dayes , although the star be not in the same place , following Ages observing that besides the eight motions admitted by the Ancients in the Heavens , namely , of the seven Planets , and the First Mover , there 's another peculiar to the starry Heaven , which is finish'd , according to some , in 36000 years , whereby it comes to pass that the Dog-star is no longer in the same place where it was at the first observation of these Dog-dayes . For 't is about two thousand years since this star arose exactly with the Sun in the dayes which we call Canicular ; the heat whereof hath alwayes continu'd ; and yet the star hath pass'd forward , and at this day rises not with the Sun till about the eighth of August , when the Dog-dayes and strength of heat begins to expire . Since therefore the effect continues , and the pretended cause exists not at that time , as the Astronomical Tables justifie , it follows that it is not the cause of that effect . Wherefore some have conceiv'd , that the star which made the Dog-dayes , was another star , in the little Dog call'd Procyon . But this Procyon did not rise with the Sun , in the dayes of the Ancients , till about the beginning of July , which is three weeks before the Dog-dayes ; which consequently cannot be attributed to the fix'd stars , by reason of their particular motion , which causes them to vary situation ; the Dog-star by its proper motion proceeding 52. min. every year , which make about 1. degr . in 70. years , 3. degr . in 200. years , and one sign in 2000. Besides , if the stars had any force , the same would be sensible at their coming to the meridian of the place with the Sun , then when they rise with him , because their greatest strength is when they are under the meridian , being then in their greatest elevation above the Horizon and nearest the Zenith , and consequently , most active as experience shews in the Sun. Therefore the true cause of the heat of Dog-dayes , is , because the Sun being towards the end of Cancer and the beginning of Leo , we have more causes concurring together to produce heat then in any other season of the year , namely , the elevation of the Sun above the horizon , the length of the days , and shortness of the nights . For then the dayes are not sensibly diminish'd , nor the nights sensibly encreas'd ; the Sun hath not yet suffer'd any considerable change in his altitude above the Horizon ; but above all the preparation of the earth , which hath been heated during the three moneths of the Spring , and a moneth and half of the Summer , whereby all the aqueous humidity which refrigerates is dissipated , and the heat so far impacted into the earth that the night it self is less cold then in any other season . The Fourth said , As 't is absurd to seek in the stars for causes of effects when we see them manifest in the qualities of inferior bodies , and the various concourse of so many different natural causes : So 't is stupidity to deny all virtue to those great superior orbs , rejecting wise Antiquity and all the most learned judiciary Astrologers , who ascribe a particular virtue to each star , as to the Dog-star to heat and scorch the Air. Moreover , the Divine Hippocrates , lib. de Affect . inter Sect. 5. affirms , that the disease call'd Typhos happens commonly in Summer and in these Dog-dayes , because it hath a power to stir the choler through the whole Body . And in his book De Aere , locis , & aquis , he adds , that the rising of the stars is diligently to be observ'd , especially that of the Dog-star and some few others , at which times diseases turn into other kinds ; for which reason he saith , Aph. 5. Sect. 4. That purging is dangerous when the Dog-star rises , and some while before . The Fifth said , That all purging medicaments being hot , t is no wonder if they are carefully to be manag'd during very hot weather , in which there is a great dissipation of the spirits and strength ; so that our Bodies , being then languid , cannot be mov'd and agitated without danger . Not that the Dog-star contributes any thing thereunto , but onely the heat of the season caus'd by the Sun , which attracting from the centre to the circumference , and purging from the circumference to the centre , there are made two contrary motions , enemies to Nature ; which is the cause that many fall then into fevers and fainting fits . II. Of the Mechanicks . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That as the object of the Mathematicks is two-fold , either intellectual or sensible , so there are two sorts of Mathematicks . Some consider their object simply , and abstracted from all kind of matter , namely , Geometry and Arithmetick ; others consider it as conjoyn'd to some matter , and they are six , Astrology , Perspective , Geodaesie , Canonick or Musick , the Logistick and the Mechanick Art , which is nothing less then what its name imports , being otherwise the most admirable of all ; because it communicates motion , which is the most exquisite effect of Nature . 'T is divided into Organical , which composes all instruments and engines of war ; sordid , which makes utensils necessary to the uses of life ; and miraculous , which performs strange and extraordinary things . 'T is this which makes water ascend in the Pneumaticks , whereof Hero writ a Treatise rendring the same melodious , and resembling the singing of birds in the Hydraulicks . It makes use of the four Elements , which are the causes of the motions of engines , as of Fire in Granadoes , Air in Artificial Fountains , both Fire and Air by their compression , which water not admitting ▪ ( since we see a vessel full of water can contain nothing more ) its violence consists in its gravity when it descends from high places . The Earth is also the cause of motion by its gravity , when 't is out of Aequilibrium , as also of rest when 't is equally poiz'd , as is seen in weights . The Second said , The wit of Man could never preserve the dominion given him by God over other creatures without help of the Mechanicks , but by this art he hath brought the most savage and rebellious Animals to his service . Moreover , by help of mechanical inventions the four Elements are his slaves , and as it were at his pay to do his works . Thus we see , by means of the Hydraulicks or engines moving by water , wheels , and pumps , are set continually at work ; the Wind is made to turn a Mill , manag'd by the admirable Art of Navigation , or employ'd to other uses by Aealipila's ; Fire , the noblest of all Elements , becomes the vassal of the meanest Artisans , or serves to delight the sight by the pleasant inventions of some Ingineer , or employes its violence to arm our thunders more powerfully then the ancient machines of Demetrius . The Earth is the Theatre of all these inventions , and Archimedes boasted he could move that too , had he place where to fix his engine . By its means the Sun descends to the Earth , and by the artificial union of his rayes is enabled to effect more then he can do in his own sphere . The curiosity of man hath carry'd him even to Heaven by his Astrological Instrumens ; so that nothing is now done in that republick of the stars , but what he knows and keeps in record . The Third said , That since Arts need Instruments to perform their works , they owe all they can do to the Mechanicks which supply them with utensils and inventions . 'T was the Mechanicks which furnish'd the Smith with a hammer and an anvil , the Carpenter with a saw and a wedge , the Architect with a rule , the Mason with a square , the Geometrician with a compass , the Astronomer with an astrolabe , the Souldier with sword and musket ; in brief , they have in a manner given man other hands . Hence came paper , writing , printing , the mariner's box , the gun in these latter ages ; and in the preceding , the Helepoles , or takecities , flying bridges , ambulatory towers , rams , and other engines of war , which gives law to the world . Hence Archimedes easily drew a ship to him which all the strength of Sicily could not stir , fram'd a heaven of glass in which all the celestial motions were to be seen ; according to which model , the representation of the sphere remains to us at this day . Hence he burnt the Roman ships even in their harbour , defended the City of Syracuse for a long time against the Roman Army , conducted by the brave Marcellus . And , indeed , I wonder not that this great Archimedes was in so high in Reputaion . For if men be valued according to their strength , is it not a miracle that one single man by help of mechanicks could lift as much as ten , a hundred , yea , a thousand others ? And his pretension to move the whole Earth , were a poynt given him out of it where to stand , will not seem presumptuous , though the supposition be impossible , to such as know his screw without-end , or of wheels plac'd one above another ; for by addition of new wheels the strength of the same might be so multiply'd , that no humane power could resist it ; yea , a child might by this means displace the whole City of Paris , and France it self , were it upon a moveable plane . But the greatest wonder is the simplicity of the means , employ'd by this Queen of Arts to produce such excellent effects . For Aristotle , who writ a book of mechanicks , assignes no other principles thereof , but the Lever , its Hypomoclion , or Support , and a balance , it being certain that of these three multiply'd , proceed all Machines , both Automata , and such as are mov'd by force of wind , fire , water , or animals , as wind-mills , water-mills , horse-mills , a turn-broch by smoak , and as many other inventions as things in the world . CONFERENCE LXXXVII . I. Whether the Soul's Immortality is demonstrable by Natural Reasons . II. Whether Travel be necessary to an Ingenuous Man. I. Whether the Soul's Immortality is demonstrable by Natural Reasons . NAtural Philosophy considers natural bodies as they are subject to alteration , and treats not of the Soul but so far as it informes the Body , and either partakes , or is the cause of such alteration . And therefore they are injust who require this Science to prove supernatural things , as the Soul's Immortality is . Although its admirable effects , the vast extent of its thoughts , even beyond the imaginary spaces , its manner of acting , and vigor in old age , the terrors of future judgement , the satisfaction or remorse of Conscience , and Gods Justice , which not punishing all sins in this life presupposes another , are sufficiently valid testimonies thereof ; should not the universal consent of heathens themselves , ( some of which have hastned their deaths to enjoy this immortality ) and man 's particular external shape , infer the particular excellence of his internal form . So that by the Philosophical Maxime , which requires that there be contraries in every species of things , if the souls of beasts joyn'd to bodies die , there must be others joyn'd to other bodies , free from death when separated from the same . And the Harmony of the world which permits not things to pass from on extreme to another without some mean , requires as that there are pure spirits and intelligences which are immortal , and substances corporeal and mortal , so there be a middle nature between these two , Man , call'd by the Platonists upon this account , the horizon of the Universe , because he serves for a link and medium uniting the hemisphere of the Angelical Nature with the inferior hemisphere of corporeal nature . But there is difference between that which is , and that which may be demonstrated by Humane Reason , which falls short in proving the most sensible things , as the specifical proprieties of things ; and much less can it prove what it sees not , or demonstrate the attribute of a subject which it sees not . For to prove the Immortality of the Soul , 't is requisite , at least , to know the two termes of this proportion , The Soul is immortal . But neither of them is known to natural reason ; not immortality , for it denotes a thing which shall never have end ; but infinitie surpasses the reach of humane wit which is finite . And the term , Soul , is so obscure that no Philosophy hath yet been able to determine truly , whether it be a Spirit , or something corporeal , a substance or an accident , single or triple . The Second said , That every thing that is mortal and corruptible , is such , in that it hath in it self some cause of this corruption . All mortal bodies , being compos'd of contrary ingredients , have in themselves the principle of corruption , from which as well simple bodies , as the Elements and Heavens , as Spirits and separate intelligences , are free ; because a thing simple in its own nature cannot act upon it self by a destructive action , though even those Spirits have but an arbitrary existence from their first cause on whom they depend . But in the first sence , and of their own nature they are absolutely incorruptible ; for were they corruptible , then must some new substance be generated out of that which is corrupted , which is absurd ; because they are simple and free from composition , and , consequently , from corruption . Now were reasonable Souls , which are part of man ( who is compounded of matter and form ) again compounded of matter and form , there would be a progression to infinity in causes , which is contrary to natural reason . Moreover , nothing is corrupted but by its contrary , and therefore that which hath no contrary is free from corruption . But such is the rational soul which is so far from having any contrary , that the most contrary things in Nature , as habits and their privations , being receiv'd in the Understanding , are no longer opposites or enemies , but friends and of the same nature ; whence the reason of contraries is alike , and there is but one Science of them . The Third said , That such as a thing is , such is its action . A corporeal and material substance cannot produce an action which is not corporeal ; and an immaterial action owns no other principle but what is immaterial and incorruptible . Hence the same reasons which prove the souls of brutes mortal , because their operations exceed not the bounds of the body , and tend onely to self-preservation and sensible good , conclude also , though by a contrary sense , for the immortality of the rational soul , whose operations are spiritual and abstracted from the body . For , nutrition , concoction , assimilation , sense , motion , and other such actions , being corporeal , because terminated upon sensible and corporeal objects , must consequently be produc'd by a faculty of the same nature corporeal and material . But the reasonable soul , besides those actions which are common to it with those of beasts , hath some peculiar and much more sublime , as by the Intellect to understand eternal truths , to affirm , deny , suspend its judgement , compare things together , abstract them from matter , time , place , and all other sensible accidents ; by the will to love and embrace vertue in spight of the contrary inclinations of the sensitive appetite , to do good actions though difficult , to avoid the evil which flatters the senses , and the like ; which actions being above the body and material objects cannot be produc'd but by an immaterial and incorruptible substance , such as the reasonable soul is . Moreover , since the soul can know all sorts of bodies , it must ( consequently ) be exempt from all corporeal entity , as the tongue to judge aright of sapours must have none , and the eye to discern colours well . The Fourth said , That Nature , which makes nothing in vain , hath imprinted in every thing a desire of its end whereof it is capable , as appears by induction of all created Beings . Now the greatest desire of man is immortality , whereunto he directs all his actions and intentions ; and therefore he must be capable of it . But since he cannot accomplish this end in this life , as all other things do , it must be in another ; without which not only good men would be more unhappy then wicked , but , in general , the condition of men would be worse then that of beasts : if after having endur'd so many infelicities which brutes experience not , the haven of our miseries were the annihilation of the noblest part of our selves . Yea , if the soul could not subsist without the body , its supream good should be in this life , and in the pleasures of the body , and its chiefest misery in afflictions and the exercises of vertue ; which is absurd . For whereas 't is commonly objected , that the soul cannot exercise its noblest functions but by help of corporeal organs rightly dispos'd ; and that when it is separated from those organs it can act no longer , and consequently shall exist no more , action and subsistence being convertible ; this is to take that for granted which is in controversie , namely , that the soul cannot act without the organs of the body , when it is separated from the same ; since it operates sometimes more perfectly when 't is freest from the senses , as in Extasies , burning Fevers , in the night time , and in old age . The Fifth said , As in Architecture the principal piece of a building is the Foundation ; so the most necessary of a Science , is to lay good Principles ; without which first establish'd , all our Sciences are but conjectures , and our knowledge but opinion . Now in order to judge whether the souls immortality be demonstrable by natural reasons , 't is to be enquir'd whether we can find the principles of this truth , whose terms being known may be naturally clear and granted by all . The most ordinary are these . 1. Every thing which is spiritual is incorruptible . 2. That which is material is mortal . 3. That which is immaterial is immortal . 4. That which God will preserve eternally is immortal . 5. A thing acts inasmuch as it exists ; and some other principles , by which this so important verity seems but ill supported . For , the first is not absolutely true , since habits of grace , and natural habits , which are spiritual , are annihilated and corrupted , those by sin , these by intermission of the actions which produc'd them . Then for the second , 't is notoriously false , since not only the forms of the Elements which are material , and the Elements themselves consider'd according to their whole extent , but also the first matter , are incorruptible and eternal ; and according to the opinion of many Doctors of the Church 't is not an article of faith that the Angels are incorporeal , although it be de fide that they are immortal ; to say nothing of igneous , aerious demons , and other corporeal genii of the Platonists . As for the third , the actions of the understanding and the will are immaterial , and nevertheless perish as soon as they are conceiv'd ; and the intentional species are not incorruptible , though not compos'd either of matter or form : on the contrary , the Heavens which are so compos'd , are yet incorruptible . Whereby it appears that immortality depends on something else . As for the fourth , 't is as difficult to prove that God will eternally preserve reasonable souls , as that they are immortal . And for the last , 't is certain that many things act above their reach and the condition of their nature ; since that which exists not , as the end , nevertheless acts by exciting the efficient cause ; motion begets heat which it self hath not ; and light , a corporeal quality , is mov'd in an instant which is the property of incorporeal substances ; as also the Sun , which is inanimate , produces animals more excellent then it self . Whereby it appears that the Principle which saith , that the essence of every thing is discover'd by its operations , is not universally true , no more then all the rest , which are propos'd without explication and before defining the terms under which they are compriz'd . For as 't were ridiculous in a Geometrician to require any one to grant to him that a right line may be drawn from a point given to another point , and a circle describ'd from any centre at any distance whatsoever , or to receive for a principle that all right angles are equal ; unless he have before-hand explicated what he means by these terms of point , line , centre , circle , right angle and distance . So they are ridiculous who propose it for a principle , that every spiritual or immaterial thing is incorruptible and immortal , before having defin'd ( as they cannot do ) what is spiritual , immaterial and immortal . Yea , should these principles be granted to them , 't would lye upon them to shew by natural reasons that the rational soul is spiritual , immaterial , independent on the body in essence , and not to suppose these things as true . And though it were granted them ( which is very questionable ) that the actions of men are of a higher degree then those of brutes , it would not follow from thence , that the reasonable soul is immortal and wholly abstracted from matter , but only that 't is of a superior and more sublime order ; as the phancy is a corporeal power as well as the sight , though its actions are much more excellent in comparison of this external sense , then the actions of the reasonable soul are in respect of the phancy which yields not much to it in its manner of acting . And yet they who write of the immortality of the soul , take this for a ground , and prove it by handsome congruities and probabilities , but do not demonstrate it , because 't is a truth which though most certain is withall very obscure , and may indeed be comprehended by faith which hath reveal'd it to us , but is too remote from our senses to be demonstrated by natural and sensible reasons . II. Whether Travel be necessary to an ingenuous man. Upon the second Point 't was said , That man is naturally as much delighted with motion , as he is an enemy to rest : Because Being , which he most desires , consists in action , which is a motion ; whereas rest is the cessation of actions , and consequently an enemy of Being . 'T is no wonder then that men are so desirous to travel , which is a sort of motion , since they are lead thereunto not only by the principles of their Being , which they have common with other animals ( amongst which the most disciplin'd , as Elephants , Storks , Cranes , Swallows and Bees , change their climate from time to time ) but also by the reason of their end and supream good which they find in travels . For since man's felicity in this life consists in knowledge , as appears by the desire every one hath to know and to appear knowing ; and since the sight alone supplies more notions to the understanding then all the senses together , which were all given to man in order to knowledge ; there is no more sure means of acquiring this supream good then by furnishing the sight continually with various species , as travels do , wherein new objects always occur , which recreate the mind as much as like things disgust those that stir not from the same place ; the understanding , like a consuming fire , languishing when it wants new objects for its food . Hence the sight of the same place wearies us , and the Civilians reckon it the first degree of servitude , to hinder one's neighbour the sight of one's house . Indeed the soul is a perpetual motion ; as the heavenly intelligences are never in the same place ; but the earth , the most worthless element , remaining unmoveable is the emblem of souls , like plants , fastned to the same spot of ground where they took birth . Wherein they seem to derogate from the advantage attributed by the Stoicks to man , when they say that he is a Citizen of the world ; whence Seneca saith , Epist. 28. I was not born to abide in one corner of the earth , the whole world is my Country . The holy Scripture calls man's life a Pilgrimage , whereas he who stirs not from one place sets up his habitation in it , whom he ought to seek elsewhere . God would not have so much recommended strangers and travellers , in the old Law , which he not only forbids to use ill , but also enjoyns to love as one's self . Exod. 22. 21. Levit. 19. 33. Nor would the Church have reckon'd the entertaining of Pilgrims and travellers among works of mercy , but only the more to animate men to this honest and holy exercise . Wherefore not only , with Pythagoras , Travellers are in the guard of some God , and amongst the most barbarous Nations under the publick faith and protection ; but also all Pagan Antiquity put them in the safe-guard of Jupiter the greatest of their Gods , whom they call Hospitable . The Second said , That travels are necessary , either because they improve our knowledge or our virtues . But both these are very rare . Man's life is short , objects of knowledge are many ; and we must rely upon the unanimous testimony of others for many things . And if men became more vertuous by frequenting with sundry Nations ; then the ancient Hermits took a wrong course in hiding themselves in Desarts and Cloisters , to find virtue there . For as for moral Prudence , motion and change of place is wholly contrary to it , as rest is the cause of it , and the cube was sometimes the Hieroglyphick of it . Moreover , since the inclinations follow the temper ( which is also diversifi'd by various climates ) they who never stay in one Country , but continually change climates , acquire habits and manners , become inconstant , flitting and imprudent : were they not oblig'd to live after the fashion of the Country they reside in , at Rome as they do at Rome ; and because our nature is more inclinable to evil then to good , they suffer themselves more easily to be carri'd to vice then to virtue , of which they meet but few examples : Which mov'd Lycurgus to forbid his Citizens to travel or retain strangers above 24 hours in their City , for fear the contagion of vice should come to corrupt the good manners of the Lacedemonians , as happen'd a long time after , when forgetting his precepts they gave entrance to barbarians , and other Nations , who infected and corrupted their City . And the Laws deny strangers the power of making wills and bequests , and such other priviledges , which they seem also to have renounc'd , by separating themselves from the community of their Country-men . Yea , if we believe the Philosopher they are no longer men being separated from humane society , as a part separated from the body is no longer a part of it . And the ingratitude of these wanderers to their own Country is justly punishable , since they frustrate it of those services which they are oblig'd by right of their birth to pay to it : but in requital for the same they have a Proverb against them , That a rolling stone gathers no moss , they little improve their fortunes . The Third said , Every Nation produces not every thing ; and all climates have inhabitants excelling in some particulars . Since therefore there 's no such learning as by examples , and travels afford the most , it follows that it 's necessary for an ingenuous man to survey foreign manners , institutions , customs , laws , religions , and such other things upon which moral prudence is superstructed . Whence Homer calls his wise Vlysses , the Traveller , and Visiter of Cities . Moreover , 't was practis'd in all ages not only by our ancient Nobility under the name of Knights errant , but also by the greatest personages of antiquity , Pythagoras , Socrates , Plato , Pliny , Hippocrates : and we ow to the Voyages of Columbus , Vesputius , Magellane , and some others , the discovery of America , and other new Lands formerly unknown ; and abundance of Drugs and Medicaments , especially Gold and Silver , before so rare ; not to mention the commodities of commerce which cannot be had without Voyages . The Fourth said , That for seven vagabond errant Stars all the rest of the firmament are fix'd and stable , sending no malignant influence upon the earth as the Planets do . And the Scripture represents Satan to us as a Traveller , when he answers God in Job to the question whence he came , I come from going to and fro in the earth , and from walking up and down in it . The Fifth said , We must distinguish persons , places , times , and other circumstances pertaining to voyages . For if you except Embassies , in which the good of the State drowns all other considerations , those that would travel must be young and strong , rich , and well born , to get any good by their travels ; otherwise they will be but like sick persons who receive no ease , but rather inconvenience , by tumbling and stirring ; the injudicious and imprudent returning commonly worse then they went , because they distract their minds here and there . Of which one troubled with the same disease of travelling , asking Socrates the reason , he answer'd him that 't was because he did not leave himself behind when he chang'd place , and that he ought to change his mind and not the air in order to become wise ; it being impossible but he that is a fool in one Country , can become wise by passing Seas and running from one Province to another . As for places , 't is certain , that before the voyages of Italy , and some other climates , the disease of Naples and other worse things were not only not so much as heard ; but most contagious diseases have by this means been transfer'd into the remotest Countries . So that if ever it were reasonable for a man to be wise at another's cost , 't is in the matter of travels ; in which those that have perform'd most , commonly bring home no other fruit but a troublesome talkativeness , wherewith they tire peoples ears , and a sad remembrance of what they have suffer'd . CONFERENCE LXXXVIII . I. Which is the best sect of Philosophers . II. Whence comes the diversity of proper names . I. Which is the best Sect of Philosophers . ONe of the greatest signs of the defects of the humane mind , is that he seldom accomplishes his designs , and often mistakes false for true . Hence ariseth the incertainty and variety in his judgements . For as there is but one straight line from one point to another , so if our judgements were certain they would be always alike , because Truth is one , and conformable to it self ; whereas , on the contrary , Error is always various . This variety is of two sorts , one of the thing , the other of the way to attain it . For men were no sooner secur'd from the injuries of the air , and provided for the most urgent necessities of the body , but they divided themselves into two bands . Some following outward sense contented themselves with the present . Others would seek the causes of effects which they admir'd , that is to say , Philosophize . But in this inquisition they became of different judgements ; some conceiving the truth already found , others thinking it could never be found , and others labouring in search of it , who seem to have most right to the name of Philosophers . The diversity of the way to arrive to this truth is no less . For according as any one was prone to vice or vertue , humility or pride ( the probable cause of diversity of Sects ) he establish'd one sutable to his own inclination , to judge well of which , a man must be of no party , or , at least , must love the interest of truth most of all . But the question is , which is Truth ; no doubt that which comes neerest the Judge's sentiment , and has gain'd his favour , as Venus did the good will of Paris . And because the goodness of a thing consists in its sutableness , the contemplative man will judge Plato's Philosophy better then that of Socrates , which one delighted with action and the exercise of vertues will prefer before all others ; the indifferent will give the preeminence to that of the Peripateticks who have conjoyn'd contemplation with action . And yet , speaking absolutely , 't is impossible to resolve which is the best of all . For as we cannot know which is the greatest of two lines but by comparing them to some known magnitude ; So neither can we judge which is the best Sect of Philosophers , unless it be agreed wherein the goodness of Philosophy consider'd absolutely consists . Now 't is hard to know what this goodness is , unless we will say 't is God himself , who as he is the measure of all beings , so he is the rule of their goodness . So that the best Philosophy will be that which comes neerest that Supream Goodness , as Christian Philosophy doth , which consists in the knowledge of one's self and the solid practice of vertues , which also was that of S. Paul who desir'd to nothing but Jesus , and him crucifi'd ; which he calls the highest wisdom , although it appear folly in the eyes of men . The Second said , That the first and ancientest Philosophy is that of the Hebrews , call'd Cabala , which they divided into that of Names or Schemot , and of things call'd by them Sephiroth . Whose excellency Josephus , against Appion , proves , because all other Philosophies have had Sects , but this always remain'd the same , and would lose its name if it were not transmitted from Father to Son in its integrity . 'T was from this Cabala that Pythagoras , and Plato sirnamed Moses Atticus , took their Philosophy , which they brought into Greece ; as 't was from the Indian Brachmans and Gymnosophists that Pythagoras took his Metempsychosis and abstinence from women and animals ; and learn'd weights and measures formerly unknown in Greece . Some of these Indian Philosophers use to stand upon one foot all day beholding the Sun , and had so great respect for every thing indu'd with a soul , that they bought birds and other animals , and if any were sick kept them in hospitals till they were cur'd , and then set them free . The Persians likewise had their Magi , the Egyptians their Priests , the Chaldeans and Babylonians their Astrologers and Sooth-sayers ; the Gaules their Druyds and Bards . But the Greeks had more plenty and variety then any . Their ancientest Philosophy was that of Musaeus , Linus , Orpheus , Hesiod , Homer , who cover'd the Science of natural and supernatural things under the veil of Poetry and Fiction , till the time of Pherecydes , the master of Pythagoras , who first writ the same in Prose . Their Philosophers may be distinguish'd according to the diversity of subjects whereof they treat , whence they who amuz'd themselves about ratiocination were nam'd Logicians , the first of whom was Zeno. They who contemplated Nature , Naturalists , the first of whom was Thales ; they who soar'd to supernatural speculations , Metaphysitians , wherein Aristotle excell'd ; those who regulated manners , Moralists , of whom Socrates was the principal , who was the son of a Sculptor and a Midwise . But their principal division is of their different Sects , which , though in great number , may be reduc'd to these following I. The Academick , so called of the place where 't was taught , so famous , that all places destinated to instruction in Liberal Sciences retain the same name at this day . 'T was divided into three , namely , the old Academy , whereof Socrates and Plato were authors ; the middle , which ow'd its institution to Archesilaus , author of the famous Epoche , or suspension of judgement concerning all things , whom for that reason Tertullian calls Master of Ignorance ; and the new founded by Carneades and Lacides , who held that there is something true , but 't was incomprehensible , which was almost the same Sect with the Scepticks and Pyrrhoneans . II. The Cyrenaick introduc'd by Aristippus the Cyrenian , disciple of Socrates , who first took money for teaching others , and held it as one of his principal maximes , not to refuse any pleasure which presented it self to him , yet not to seek it . III. The Magarian , establish'd by Euclides of Magara , which proceeded by interrogations . IV. The Cynick , founded by Antisthenes , Master to Diogenes , and Menippus . V. The Stoick , whereof Zeno Cyttiensis , Auditor of Crates the Cynick , was author . VI. The Epicurean , of Epicurus the Athenian , who conceiv'd that every thing was made by chance , and that the chief good consisted in pleasure , some say of the body , others of the mind . VII . The Peripatetick , instituted by Aristotle . 'T would be endless to relate the extravagances of all particular persons . But I conceive that of the Cynicks was the most dishonest ; that of the Stoicks , most majestical ; that of the Epicureans , most blameable ; that of Aristotle , most honourable ; that of the Academicks most safe ; that of the Pyrrhoneans or Scepticks the most easie . For as 't is not very creditable ; so nothing is easier when any thing is ask'd of us then to say that we are incertain of it , instead of answering with certainty , or else to say that we know nothing of it ; since to know our ignorance of a thing is not to be wholly ignorant of it . The Third said , That the Sect of the Scepticks had more followers then any other , ( doubters being incomparably more numerous then Doctors ) and is the more likely to be true . For compare a Gorgias Leontinus , or other Sophister of old time , or one of the most vers'd in Philosophy in this age , who glory of knowing all , and of resolving all questions propounded , with a Pyrrhonean ; the first will torture his wit into a thousand postures , to feigen and perswade to the hearers what himself knows not , and by distinctions cast dust in their eyes , as the Cuttle-fish vomits Ink to soil the water when it finds it self caught . On the contrary , the Sceptick will freely confess the debt , and whether you convince him or not , will always shew that he has reason to doubt . Nevertheless , though this Sect be the easiest , 't is not in every thing the truest . For as 't is temerity and intolerable arrogance to pronounce sentence confidently upon things which are hid to us , and whereof we have not any certain knowledge , as the quadrature of the circle , the duplication of the cube , the perpetual motion , the Philosophers Stone ; so 't is too gross stupidity to doubt of the existence of things , to judge whereof we need no other help but perfect senses ; as that it is this day when the Sun shines , that the fire burns , and that the whole is greater then its parts . The Fourth said , That Philosophy being the desire of Wisdom , or rather Wisdom it self , which is nothing else but a store of all the virtues Intellectual and Moral ; that is the perfectest Philophy which renders those addicted to it , most sure in their knowledge , and inclin'd to virtue . And because there was never sect but had some defect , neither in the theory or the practice , the best of all is not to be any , but to imitate the Bee , and gather what is good of each sort , without espousing it ; which was the way of Potamon of Alexandria , who , as Diogenes Laertius records , founded a Sect call'd Elective , which allow'd every one to choose what was best in all Philosophies . 'T is also the way that Aristotle held in all his Philosophy , especially , in his Physicks and Politicks , which are nothing but a collection of opinions of the Ancients ; amongst whom he hath often taken whole pages out of Hippocrates , though he name him not . Nor are we more oblig'd to embrace Aristotle's Philosophy then he did that of his Predecessors ; it being free for us to frame one out of his precepts , those of Raimond Lully , Ramus , and all others . The Fifth said , That amongst all sects the most excellent , as also the most severe , is that of the Stoicks , whom Seneca ranks as much above other Philosophers , as men above women . Their manner of discoursing and arguing was so exquisite , that if the Gods , said one , would reason with men , they would make use of the Logick of Chrysippus the Stoick . Their Physicks treated partly of bodies , partly of incorporeal Beings , Bodies , according to them , are either principles or elements , which are ours . Their principles are two , God and Matter , which are the same with the Unity and Binary of Pythagoras , the fire and water of Thales . They call God the cause and reason of all things , and say that he is fire , not the common and elementary , but that which gives all things their being , life , and motion . And they believ'd that there is one God supremely good , bountiful and provident , but that he is single in his essence ; herein following Pythagoras , who said that God is not so much one as Unity it self . Seneca saith , that he is all that thou seest , all intire in every part of the world which he sustaines by his power . Briefly , they conclude their natural knowledge of God as the sovereign cause , by his Providence , by Destiny , which he hath establish'd in all things , and by the Genii , Heroes and Lares , whom they constitute Angels and Ministers of this Supreme Providence . The Second Principle , Matter , they make coeternal to God , grounding their doctrine upon the Maxime of Democritus , that as nothing can be annihilated , so nothing can be made of nothing . Which was likewise the error of Aristotle , who is more intricate then the Stoicks , in his explication of the first matter , which he desines to be almost nothing . True it is , they believ'd that every thing really existent was corporeal , and that there were but four things incorporeal , Time , Place , Vacuum , and the Accident of some thing ; whence it follows , that not onely Souls , and God himself , but also the Passions , Virtues , and Vices , are Bodies ; yea Animals , since according to their supposition the mind of man is a living animal , inasmuch as 't is the cause that we are such ; but Virtues and Vices , say they , are nothing else but the mind so dispos'd . But because knowledge of sublime things is commonly more pleasant then profitable , and that , according to them , Philosophy is the Physick of the Soul , they study chiefly to eradicate their Vices and Passions . Nor do they call any wise but him that is free from all fear , hope , love , hatred , and such other passions , which they term the diseases of the Soul. Moreover , 't was their Maxime , that Virtue was sufficient to Happiness , that it consisted in things not in words , that the sage is absolute master not onely of his own will , but also of all men ; that the supream good consisted in living according to nature , and such other conclusions , to which being modifi'd by faith , I willingly subscribe , although Paradoxes to the vulgar . II. Whence comes the diversity of proper names . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That a name is an artificial voice representing a thing by humane institution , who being unable to conceive all things at once , distinguish the same by their differences either specifical or individual ; the former by appellative names , and the other by proper , as those of Cities , Rivers , Mountains , and particularly those of men , who also give the like to Horses , Dogs , and other domestick creatures . Now since conceptions of the Mind , which represent things , have affinity with them , and words with conceptions , it follows that words have also affinity with things , by the Maxime of Agreement in the same third . Therefore , the wise , to whom alone it belongs to assign names , have made them most conformable to the nature of things . For example , when we pronounce the word Nous , we make an attraction inwards . On the contrary , in pronouncing Vous , we make an expulsion outwards . The same holds in the voices of Animals , and those arising from the sounds of inanimate things . But 't is particularly observ'd , that proper names have been tokens of good or bad success arriving to the bearers of them , whence arose the reasoning of the Nominal Philosophers , and the Art of Divination , by names call'd Onomatomancy ; and whence Socrates advises Fathers to give their Children good names , whereby they may be excited to Virtue ; and the Athenians forbad their slaves to take the names of Harmodius and Aristogiton , whom they had in reverence . Lawyers enjoyn heed to be taken to the name of the accused , in whom 't is capital to disguise it ; and Catholicks affect those of the Law of Grace , as Sectaries do those of the old Law , the originals whereof were taken from circumstances of the Bodie ; as from its colour the Romans took those of Albus , Niger , Nigidius , Fulvius , Ruffus , Flavius ; we , those of white , black , grey , red-man , &c. from its habit , Crassus , Macer , Macrinus , Longus , Longinus , Curtius ; we , le Gros , long , tall , &c , From its other accidents , the Latines took Caesar , Claudius , Cocles , Varus , Naso ; we , le Gouteux , ( gowty , ) le Camus , ( flat-nos'd , ) from Virtues or Vices , Tranquillus , Severus ; we , hardy , bold , sharp ; from Profession , Parson , Serjeant , Marshal , and infinite others . But chiefly , the names of places have been much affected even to this day , even since the taking of the name of the family for a sirname . And if we cannot find the reason of all names and sirnames , 't is because of the confusion of languages , and alteration happening therein upon frequent occasions . The Fourth said , That the cause of names is casual , at least in most things , as appears by equivocal words , and the common observation of worthless persons , bearing the most glorious names ; as amongst us , a family whose males are the tallest in France , bears the name of Petit. Nor can there be any affinity between a thing and a word , either pronounc'd or written ; and the Rabbins endeavour to find in Hebrew names , ( which , if any , must be capable of this correspondence , in regard of Adam's great knowledge , who impos'd them ) is no less an extravagance then that of matters of Anagrams . In brief , if Nero signifi'd an execrable Tyrant , why was he so good an Emperor the first five years ? And of that name import any token of a good Prince , why was he so execrable in all the rest of his life ? CONFERENCE LXXXIX . I. Of Genii . II. Whether the Suicide of the Pagans be justifiable . I. Of Genii . PLato held three sorts of reasonable natures ; the Gods in Heaven , Men on Earth , and a third middle nature between those two , whose mansion is from the sphere of the Moon to the Earth ; he calls them Genii , from their being the causes of Generations here below , and Daemons from their great knowledge . These Genii , whom his followers accounted to be subtile bodies , and the instruments of Divine Providence , are , according to them , of three sorts , Igneous , Aereous , and Aqueous ; the first excite to contemplation , the second to action , the third to pleasure . And 't was the belief of all Antiquity , that every person had two Genii ; one good , which excited to honesty and virtue , ( as the good Genius of Socrates ) whom they reckon'd in order of the Igneous ; and the other bad , who incited to evil , such as that was which appeard to Brutus , and told him he should see him at Philippi . Yet none can perceive the assistance of their Genius , but onely such whose Souls are calm and free from passions and perturbations of life . Whence Avicenna saith , that onely Prophets and other holy Personages have found their aid , in reference to the knowledge of future things , and government of life . For my part , I think these Genii are nothing else but our reasonable souls , whose intellectual and superior part , which inclines us to honest good , and to virtue , is the good Genius ; and the sensitive inferior part which aims onely to sensible and delightful good , is the evil genius which incessantly sollicites us to evil . Or if the Genii be any thing without us , they are no other then our good and evil Angels , constituted , the former to guard us , the second to make us stand upon our guard . Moreover , 't was expedient that since inferior bodies receive their motion from the superior , so spiritual substances inherent in bodies should be assisted in their operations by superior spirits free from matter ; as 't is an ordinary thing in Nature for the more perfect to give law to such as are less in the same kind . And not onely men , but also all other parts of the world , have Angels deputed to their conservation ; tutelary Angels being nothing but the organs of Divine Providence , which embraces all things . The Second said , That the Genii produce in us those effects whereof we know not the cause ; every one finding motions in himself to good or evil , proceeding from some external power ; yea , otherwise then he had resolved . Simonides was no sooner gone out of a house but it fell upon all the company ; and 't is said , that as Socrates was going in the fields he caus'd his friends who were gone before him to be recall'd , saying , that his familiar spirit forbad him to go that way ; which those that would not listen to were all mired , and some torn and hurt by a herd of swine . Two persons , formerly unknown , love at the first sight ; allies , not knowing one another , oftimes feel themselves seiz'd with unusual joy ; one man is alwayes unfortunate , to another every thing succeeds well ; which cannot proceed but from the favour or opposition of some Genii . Hence also some Genii are of greater power then others , and give men such authority over other men that they are respected and fear'd by them . Such was the Genius of Augustus , in comparison of Mark Antonie , and that of J. Caesar against Pompey . But though nothing is more common then the word Genius , yet 't is not easie to understand the true meaning of it . Plato saith , 't is the guardian of our lives . Epictetus , the over-seer and sentinel of the Soul. The Greeks call it the Mystagogue , or imitator of life , which is our guardian Angel. The Stoicks made two sorts ; one singular , the Soul of every one ; the other universal , the Soul of the world . Varro , as Saint Augustine reports , in his eighth book of the City of God , having divided the immortal Souls which are in the Air , and mortal which are in the Water and Earth , saith , that between the Moon and the middle region of the Air , there are aerious Souls call'd Heroes , Lares , and Genii , of which an Ancient said , it is as full as the Air is full of flies in Summer ; as Pythagoras said , that the Air is full of Souls , which is not dissonant from the Catholick Faith , which holds , that Spirits are infinitely more numerous then corporeal substances ; because as celestial bodies are incomparably more excellent and ample then sublunary , so pure Spirits , being the noblest works of God , ought to be in greater number then other creatures . What the Poets say of the Genius which they feign to be the Son of Jupiter and the earth , representing him sometimes in the figure of a serpent ( as Virgil do's that which appear'd to Aenaeas , ) sometimes of a horn of plenty , which was principally the representation of the Genius of the Prince , by which his flatterers us'd to swear , and their sacrificing Wine and Flowers to him , is as mysterious as all the rest . The Third said , That the Genius is nothing but the temperament of every thing , which consists in a certain harmonious mixture of the four qualities , and being never altogether alike , but more perfect in some then in others , is the cause of the diversity of actions . The Genius of a place is its temperature , which being seconded with celestial influences , call'd by some the superior Genii , is the cause of all productions herein . Prepensed crimes proceed from the melancholy humour ; the Genius of anger and murders is the bilious humour ; that of idleness , and the vices it draws after it , is phlegme ; and the Genius of love is the sanguine humour . Whence to follow one's Genius is to follow one's natural inclinations , either to good or to evil . II. Whether the Suicide of the Pagans be justifiable . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That evil appears such onely by comparison , and he that sees himself threatned with greater evils then that of death , ought not onely to attend it without fear , but seek it as the onely sovereign medicine of a desperate malady . What then , if death be nothing , as the Pagans believ'd , and leave nothing after it . For we must distinguish Paganisme , and Man consider'd in his pure state of nature , from Christianity and the state of Grace . In the former , I think Diogenes had reason , when meeting Speusippus languishing with an incurable disease who gave him the good day , he answer'd , I wish not you the like , since thou sufferest an evil from which thou maist deliver thy self ; as accordingly he did when he returned home . For all that they fear'd in their Religion after death , was , Not-Being what their Fasti taught them of the state of souls in the other life being so little believ'd that they reckon'd it amongst the Fables of the Poets . Or if they thought they left any thing behind them , 't was only their renown , of which a couragious man that kill'd himself had more hope then the soft and effeminate . The same is still the custom of those great Sea Captains , who blow themselves up with Gun-powder to avoid falling into the enemies hands . Yet there 's none but more esteems their resolution , then the demeanor of cowards who yield at mercy . This is the sole means of making great Captains and good Souldiers by their example , to teach them not to fear death , not to hold it , with poltron Philosophers , the most terrible of terribles . And to judge well of both , compare we the abjectness of a Perseus , a slave led in triumph , with the generosity of a Brutus , or a Cato Vticensis . For 't were more generous to endure patiently the incommodities of the body , the injuries of an enemy , and the infamy of death , if man had a spirit proof against the strokes of fortune . But he though he may ward himself with his courage , yet he can never surmount all sort of evils ; and according to the opinion of the same Philosopher , all fear is not to be rejected . Some evils are so vehement that they cannot be disposed without stupidity , as torments of the body , fire , the wheel , the loss of honour , and the like , which 't is oftentimes better to abandon then vainly to strive to overcome them . Wherefore , as 't is weakness to have recourse to death for any pain whatsoever , so 't was an ignominious cowardize amongst the Pagans to live only for grief . The Second said , That nature having given all individuals a particular instinct for self-preservation , their design is unnatural who commit homicide upon themselves . And if civil intestine wars are worse then forreign , then the most dangerous of all is that which we make to our selves . Wherefore the ancients , who would have this brutality pass for a virtue , were ridiculous , because acknowledging the tenure of their lives from some Deity , 't was temerity in them to believe they could dispose thereof to any then the donor , and before he demanded it . In which they were as culpable as a Souldier that should quit his rank without his Captain 's leave , or depart from his station where he was plac'd Sentinel . And did not virtue , which is a habit , require many reiterated acts , which cannot be found in Suicide , since we have but one life to lose ; yet this action could not pass for a virtue , since Fortitude appears principally in sufferings and miseries ; which to avoid by death is rather cowardize and madness then true courage . Wherefore the Poet justly blames Ajax , for that , after he had overcome Hector , despis'd fire and flames , yet he could not subdue his own choler , to which he sacrific'd himself . And Lucretia much blemish'd the lustre of her chastity by her own murder ; for if she was not consenting to Tarquin's crime , why did she pollute her hands with the blood of an innocent , and for the fault which another had committed ; punishments as well as offences being personal . He who kills himself only through weariness of living is ingrateful for the benefits of nature , of which life is the chief : if he be a good man , he wrongs his Country by depriving it of one , and of the services which he owes to it ; as he wrongs Justice , if he be a wicked person that hath committed some crime , making himself his own witness , Judge , and Executioner . Therefore the Prince of Poets places those in hell who kill'd themselves , and all Laws have establish'd punishments against them , depriving them of sepulture , because , saith Egesippus , he that goes out of the world without his father's leave deserves not to be receiv'd into the bosom of his mother , the earth . I conclude therefore , that the ignorant dreads death , the timerous fears it , the fool procures it to himself , and the mad man executes it , but the wise attends it . The Third said , That the generous resolution of those great men of antiquity ought rather to have the approbation then the scorn of a reasonable mind ; and 't is proper to low spirits to censure the examples which they cannot imitate . 'T is not meet , because we are soft , to blame the courage of a Cato , who as he was tearing his own bowels could not forbear laughing even while his soul was upon his lips , for joy of his approaching deliverance ; nor the constancy of a Socrates , who to shew with what contentedness he received death , convers'd with it , and digested what others call its bitterness , without any trouble , the space of forty days . Sextius and Cleanthes the Philosopher follow'd almost the same course . Only they had the more honour , for that their deaths were purely voluntary . For the will forc'd by an extrinsecal cause , performs nothing above the vulgar who can obey the laws of necessity : but when nothing forces us to dye but our selves , and we have good cause for it , this death is the most gallant and glorious . Nor is it injust , as is pretended , any more then the Laws which suffer a man to cut off his leg for avoiding a Gangrene . Why should not the Jugular Vein be as well at our choice as the Median ? For as I transgress not the Laws against Thieves when I cut my own Purse , nor those against Incendiaries when I burn my own wood ; so neither am I within the Laws made against murtherers , by depriving my self of life : 't is my own good which I abandon , the thred which I cut is my own . And what is said , that we are more the publick's then our own , hath no ground but in our pride , which makes us take our selves for such necessary pieces of the world as not to be dismember'd from it without a noble loss to that great body . Besides , were we so usefull to the world , yet our own turn must be first serv'd . Let us live then , first for our selves , if it be expedient ; next , for others : but when life becomes worse then death , let us quit it as we do an inconvenient or unbecoming garment . Is it not a sign of generosity to make Gouts , Stones , Aches and all other Plagues of life yield to the stroke of a victorious hand , which alone blow puts an end to more maladies then all the simples of Galen , and the Antidotes of Avicenna . The Fourth said , He could not approve the determination of the Stoicks , who say that vulgar souls live as long as they can ; those of the wise , as long as 't is fit , departing out of life as we do from the table , or from play when we are weary . That the examples of Priseia who accompani'd her husband in death ; of Piso , who dy'd to save his children ; of Sextus's daughter who kill'd her self for her father ; of Zeno who did as much , to avoid the incommodities of old age ( which made it pass for piety at Rome , a long time , to cast decrepit old men head-long from a Bridge into Tiber ) are as culpable as he who surrenders a place when he is able to defend it . For whereas Plato exempts such from the punishment against sui-cides who committed it to avoid infamy or intolerable necessity ; and what Pliny saith , that nature hath for this end produc'd so many poysonous Plants for five or six sorts of Corn , that there is but one way to enter into the world , but infinite to go out of it ; the imputing it to stupidity not to go out of a prison when one hath the key , adding that 't is lawful to execute that which 't is lawful to desire , as S. Paul did his own death ; yea the example which is alledged of Sampson , of Razias , and of eleven thousand Virgins who precipitated themselves into the sea to save their chastity ; in the Church are effects of a particular inspiration , not to be drawn into consequence , and out of it examples of rage and despair disguis'd with the mask of true fortitude and magnanimity , which consists chiefly in supporting evils , as the presidents of so many religious souls attest to us . CONFERENCE XC . I. Of Hunting . II. Which is to be prefer'd , the weeping of Heraclitus , or the laughing of Democritus . I. Of Hunting . IF the least of goods hath its attractions , 't is no wonder if Hunting ( wherein are comprehended the three sorts of good , honest , profitable , and delightful ) have a great interest in our affection ; being undoubtely preferrable before any other exercise either of body or mind . For Play , Women , Wine , and all the pleasure which Luxury can phancy in superfluity of Clothes , Pictures , Flowers , Medals , and such other passions , not unfitly nam'd diseases of the soul , are divertisements either so shameful , or so weak , that they cannot enter into comparison with hunting , so honest that it hath been always the recreation of great persons , whose martial courage us'd to be judg'd of by their inclination to this sport , which Xenophon calls the apprentisage of War , and recommends so much to Cyrus in his Institution , as Julius Pollux doth to the Emperour Commodus . It s profitableness is chiefly discern'd in that it renders the body dextrous and active , preserves health , and by inuring it to labour makes a firm constitution , hindring it from being delicate , consumes the superfluous humours , the seeds of most diseases . Lastly , the pleasure of Hunting must needs be great , since it makes the Hunters think light of all their pains and incommodities . The mind has its pleasure in it by hope of the prey in such as hunt for profit , and by the contentment of possessing what they sought : besides the consideration of the subtilty of the Fox and Wolf , the trouble which the Hare gives her displeas'd pursuers . The Second said , 'T is the only pleasure which does wrong to no person , but delivers Countries from the injuries and depredations of beasts . And though 't is the most laborious of all pleasures , yet 't is least follow'd by repentance , and instead of wearying those that are once addicted to it , makes them love it in excess , for which reason 't is prohibited to the meaner sort of people . All the Heroes are represented under the form of Hunters ; as Perseus who first hunted the wild Goat ; Castor who taught the management of the horse , before wild , to chase the Stag ; Pollux who first trac'd beasts with Lime-hounds ; Meleager who invented the Spears to assault the Boar ; Hyppolytus , Toyles , Hayes , and Nets ; Orion , Kennels and Leashes ; which were so admir'd in his age , that the Poets translated him into Heaven , where he makes a glorious sign , as they put Castor and Pollux among the Gods , and feign'd a Diana the Goddess of Hunters . Moreover , the holy Scripture gives Nimrod , the first King in the world , no greater title then that of Mighty Hunter . And the good man Isaac would not give his blessing to his son Esau , till after he had brought him of his Venison . The Third said , That Man being since the loss of his dominion over the beasts , by his sin , oblig'd to defend himself against their invasion , this gave rise to hunting , which is consequently as ancient as the world . There are three sorts of it , according to the three sorts of animals which it pursues , in the air , on the earth , and in the waters ; namely , Hawking , Hunting properly so call'd , and Fishing . Hawking is the pursuit of Birds by Birds , and it s of divers kinds according to the diversity of Hawks and quarries . Hunting is the chase of four-footed beasts , which are either great , as Lyons , Bears , Stags , Boars ; or small , as Wolves , Foxes , Badgers and Hares . Both the one and the other is perform'd by Dogs , of which there are good of all sizes and colours , and some peculiar to one sort of Game . Fishing is the venation of Fishes , whereof Plato makes two kinds ; one by the Line , and the other by Nets , the more recommendable in that 't was practis'd by the Apostles , and our Lord himself , who was figur'd by the first Christians under the Hieroglyphicks of a Fish , with the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which they explicated thus by the first Letters of that Language , Jesus Christ , God , our Saviour . The Fourth said , That Hunting being as various as men's conditions , its variety makes it as agreeable as necessary ; gunning , which is the least , instructs the Souldier to shoot exactly , to be patient , and fits him for war , especially the hunting of the Badger , who makes head in his entries , then fights from trench to trench ; and at length retreats to his last fort , where he practises all the sleights of war usual in besieg'd Cities , till he be taken by the undermining of the Pioneers . For Pythagoras his prohibition to kill animals , is no less light then his Metempsychosis ; or his reason to forbear fishing , or eating of fish , out of respect to their silence . The objection , that God permitted our first Parents to eat the fruits of the earth , not the flesh of animals , and that during two thousand years none was eaten , concludes nothing from a Negative Authority ; and Abel spar'd not the life of the Lamb of his flock , which he offer'd to God , then God had done that of the beasts , of whose skins he made Coats for Adam and Eve. And God's prohibition to the Jews to eat any thing taken by a beast , as Dogs or Birds , being abolish'd together with other ceremonies . Moreover , all animals being made for man , they have no reason to complain , if they be apply'd to that end , but especially the hunting of mischievous beasts is profitable . II. Which is to be prefer'd , the weeping of Heraclitus , or the laughing of Democritus . Upon the second Point 't was said , That in this Question , to justifie weeping , we have the example of our Lord , whom we read not ever to have been seen laughing , not even at the marriage feast whereat he was present ; but he lamented the death of Lazarus , though he knew that himself was going to raise him up again . And he compares the entrance into Paradise to the gate of a Judge , which a good woman cannot get open , nor move the Judge to do her justice , but by many complaints and tears : and he pronounceth the house of mourning blessed , saying , that GOD abides there : on the contrary , laughter and rejoycing not onely were the forerunners of the Deluge , but at present occasion a thousand offences against God , our Neighbour , and our Selves . Moreover , all the Exhortations and Sermons of Preachers tend only to move tears of contrition ; and some observe , in the trial of Witches and Conjurers , that they never weep , which is a certain argument of an ill nature , especially in women and children . And Dido , speaking of the ingrateful Aeneas , more resents his not weeping when he bid her adieu , then all the rest . For we are naturally inclin'd to weeping , as being the most humid of all animals ; and nature seems to have made the brain only for the eyes , which being always moist have also a glandule in the greater corner , call'd ( from its office ) Lachrymalis , which is a spungy flesh full of little holes , serving to attract the moisture of the brain which furnishes the matter of tears , and disperses it drop by drop , lest falling too much together , the brain should be left dry , which is a temper contrary to its natural one . Now as for objects without us , 't is evident there is more cause of weeping then of laughter . For if we look under our feet , there the ground presents it self , which sooner then every one hopes is to bury every on 's ambition , and afford him but six foot of earth ; if on each side of us , there appear so many miseries , that the Spaniards , who are accustom'd thereunto , say proverbially that they who are afflicted with the miseries of others bear the whole world upon their shoulders . If upwards , what a cause of sadness is it to see that so great and vast a Kingdom is at this day in less esteem then the meanest part of this valley of tears , the earth , and to see God dishonour'd so many ways . Come we down to our selves ; the infirmities of the body , the afflictions of the mind , all the passions of the soul and the crosses of fortune , have made those that have most tasted the pleasures of this life , acknowledge that it is nothing but thorns and miseries , and with the wise man , nothing but vanity : of which not to speak a word , were to be insensible ; to laugh , impiety ; and to imitate Aesop's Snails who laugh'd at their cost . It remains , therefore , that 't is wisdom to bewail them . The Second said , There is a time to weep , and a time to laugh , as the Wiseman testifies ; so that to do either continually is equally vicious : Yet laughter being most sutable to man who is defin'd by the faculty he hath to laugh , and not by that of weeping , which is common to Harts and Crocodiles , who shed true tears , and other beasts weep after their manner , but none laughs : I conceive that the laughter of Democritus was lesse blameable then the weeping of Heraclitus ; whose tears render'd him odious and iusupportable to all the world , which , on the contrary , is greatly pleas'd with the company of laughers , and easily side with them . Moreover , their Jovial and sanguine humour is always to be preferr'd before the Saturnine and melancholy humour of weepers , who are their own greatest enemies , exhausting their moisture , and by concentration of the spirits hindring the free functions of reason . Whereas laughter which is a sign of joy and contentment dilates the spirits , and causes all the actions of life to be perform'd better . And the laughter of Democritus exciting the like motion of joy in the spectators ; their joy dilated their spirits , and render'd them more docible and capable to receive his counsels . The Third said , That as a Physitian were no lesse impertinent in laughing at his Patient , then imprudent in weeping for the malady which he sees him endure : So Democritus and Heraclitus were as ridiculous , the one as the other , in laughing at , or lamenting the misery of men . Moreover , it seems to be a sign of repentance , that he put out his own eyes , and not to Philosophize the better : otherwise he should have done as one that cut off his own legs that he might leap the better ; since the eyes are the windows of the soul , whereby it admits almost all its informations . Heraclitus therefore was more excusable ; because tears proceed from charity and compassion , but laughter is an effect of contempt , and procures us as much hatred as the other do's affection . Besides , Democritus's laughter could neither make others better , nor himself ; for what profit can be made by the ironies and gibes of a mocker . On the contrary , tears are so perswasive , that Augustus , as subtle as he was , suffer'd himself to be deceiv'd by those of Cleopatra , and believ'd her willing to live when she had resolv'd to dye . The Fourth said , That both of them had reason , considering the vanity of the things of the world , which are equally ridiculous and deplorable . For though laughter and weeping seem contraries , yet they may proceed from the same cause . Some Nations have wept at the birth of their children , whereas we make exultations . Many have laugh'd at Alexander who wept because he had no more worlds to conquer . Xerxes wept when he beheld his goodly Army , of which not one person was to be left after a hundred years , whilst a Philosopher of his train laugh'd at it . And in both passions there is a retraction of the nerves ; whence the features of the countenance of one that laughs are like those of him that weeps . Moreover , the three subjects which may oblige men to laughter , namely , the crosses of furtune , and what they call Virtue and Science , afford equal matter of laughing and weeping . When fortune casts down such as she had advanc'd to the top of her wheel , are not they as worthy of commiseration as of derision , for having trusted to her inconstancy ? When our Gentry cut one another's throats for an ambiguous word , lest they should seem cowards , are they not as deplorable as ridiculous , in taking the shadow of virtue for it self ? And as for Science , should these two Philosophers come from the dead , and behold our youth spend ten years in learning to speak , and all our Philosophy reduc'd to a bundle of obscure distinctions , would not they dye once more with equal reason , the one with weeping , and the other with laughing ? CONFERENCE XCI . I. Whether heat or cold be more tolerable . II. Who are most happy in this World , Wise Men or Fools . I. Whether heat or cold be more tolerable . COmparison moves us more then any other thing . And though no sense be less fallacious then the Touch , yet 't is guided by comparison as well as the rest . Thus Caves seem cold in the Summer , because we come out of the hot air ; and hot in Winter , because the same air which we forsake is cold , the Cave remaining always in the same temper , without recurring to those Antiperistases which have no foundation in the thing ; the organs of the Touch being the sole competent judges of the several degrees of tangible qualities ; the first of which are heat and cold , provided those Organs be neither too obtuse , as in the Paralytical , nor too exquisite as when the nerve lyes naked . 'T is requisite also that the man who judges be in health , for he that has an Ague thinks nothing too cold in his hot fit , and nothing too hot or so much as temperate during the cold fit ; so the phlegmatick and melancholy bear heat better then cold , the bilious and sanguine the latter better then the former , as correcting the excess of their own temper . Now at first sight heat seems more supportable , because more congruous to life , which consists in heat ( by which Galen defines the soul ) as death in its contrary , cold . Moreover nature hath made the hot Climates more large and capacious then the cold , which are two very streight ones , although she hath supply'd those Regions with the remedy of Furs : all the rest of the world is either hot or temperate , and always more hot then cold . Nevertheless , I conclude for cold , because heat joyn'd to our heat renders it excessive , whereas cold being encounter'd by it , there results a temperate third . Besides , the opposition of cold redoubles the natural heat ; whence we have greater appetite in Winter then in Summer , sleep longer , and perform all natural functions better , and are more cheerful in mind : whereas in Summer our bodies and minds are languid , and less capable of labour ; and 't is more dangerous , in reference to health , to cool our selves in Summer then to heat our selves in in Winter ; the first occasioning , the latter preventing most diseases . The Second said , That cold being an enemy to nature , it excess must be more hurtful , and consequently more insupportable then that of heat , particularly that of the Sun. For this grand Luminary , the soul of the Universe , and whose heat is the cause of all generations , must also be that of their preservation not of their destruction . Whence the excess of his heat is much more tolerable then that of cold . Moreover , hot Countries are more fertile , and the Scripture teaches us that the first Colonies came from the South : Yea , some Doctors place the Terrestrial Paradise under the Aequinoctial : whence it follows that hot Regions having been first inhabited , have also been most habitable : even the Torrid Zone , thought unhabitable by all antiquity , experience hath found very populous ; whereas the cold are but very little habitable , and not at all , beyond the 78 degree . The Third said , That the heat which preserves our lives is natural , gentle , and agreeable , not extraneous , as that meant in the question is . Therefore external cold must be compar'd with heat , likewise external and extraneous , not with the vital heat , which is of a more sublime order then these elementary qualities . Now 't is certain external heat is more powerful and active then external cold , since it consumes and dissolves Metals , which cold cannot , and is more hurtful because it dries up humidity which is the foundation of life . 'T is also less tolerable ; for we can bear the touch of the coldest body in the world , namely Ice , yea eat it without harm ; but none could ever resist flames . Whence fire is the cruellest of punishments , not cold , from which , besides , we may more easily defend our selves then from excessive heat , which may be abated a little by winds , shadows , or other artifices , but not wholly , as cold is by help of fire , clothes , and motion . The Fourth said , If it be true which Cardan saith , that cold is nothing but a privation of heat , Nature , which dreads nothing so much as non-entity , must abhor it most ; nor can it be any way active , since that which exists not cannot act . But I will suppose , as 't is most probable , that both the one and the other are positive entities , since cold enters into the composition of bodies as well as heat , the bones , membranes , skin , nerves , and all but the fleshy parts , being cold , as also the brain , the noblest part of man. And I conceive that heat and cold , consider'd either as internal principles of a living body , or as two external agents , enemies of life , cold is always more hurtful then heat . On the one side hot distempers alter the functions , but cold abolish them , depriving us of sense , motion and life , as in the Lethargy , Apoplexie , Epilepsie , and other cold diseases . And on the other , external heat indeed draws forth part of our spirits , and thereby weakens us , whence come faintings after too hot a bath , or too great a fire : but it never wholly quenches and destroys them ; as the light of the Sun drowns that of a Candle at noon , but do's not extinguish it . The Fifth said , Because , as Hippocrates saith , in his Aphorisms , some natures are best in Winter , others in Summer ; as old men are not much inconvenienc'd by the most vehement heats , whereas cold kills them ; on the contrary , young people of hot tempers endure heat more impatiently then cold ; and there is no temperament ad pondus or exact ; Reason must be call'd to the aid of our senses , not only to judge of moist and dry , as Galen thinks , but also of hot and cold : which being absolutely consider'd in their own nature , without respect to us , I conceive heat much more active then cold , and consequently , less supportable : because the more a thing hath of form , and less of matter , 't is the more active ; the one of these principles being purely active , and the cause of all natural actions , the other simply passive . Thus the earth and water are dull and heavy elements , in comparison of the air and fire , which are less dense and material : Heaven , the universal cause of all sublunary things , is a form without matter , as Averroës affirms . Now heat rarifies and dilates its subject , and seems to make it more spiritual , and so is more active then cold , which condenses and stops all the pores and passages . Which also appears , in that the hottest diseases are the most acute ; and if cold diseases kill sometimes , they charm and dull the senses , and so render death more gentle and supportable . On the contrary , the cruellest deaths , great pains , and the most violent diseases , are ordinarily caus'd by some hot humour . Hence it is that no person dyes without a Fever ; and Hippocrates affirms that the same heat which generates us kills us . In fine , God , who is the prime Reason , hath judg'd heat more active , and less supportable then cold , since he appoints fire to torment the devils and damned souls . II. Who are most happy in this world , Wise Men or Fools . Upon the second Point 't was said , As there is but one right line , and infinite crooked , so there is but one wisdom , and one way to attain it , namely , to follow right reason ; but follies are of all sorts , and of as many fashions as there are different minds which conceive things under divers apparences of goodness . So that the number of fools being greater then that of wise , men , these will always lose their cause . Moreover , if happiness be well defin'd by contentment , who is there but accounts fools more happy then the wise ? Witness he , who otherwise intelligent enough , was a fool in this only point , that he would diligently repair alone to the Theatre , and phancy that he saw and heard the Actors , and applauded them , although no body was there besides himself : but being cur'd of his folly , he complain'd of his friends in stead of thanking them , for having been too careful to render him miserable , being a happy man before . Besides , folly hath this priviledge , that we bear with that truth from the mouth of a fool which would be odious in another : and the tribe of fools is indeed exceeding great , since we are born such ; for a child is agreeable upon no other account but its simplicity , which is nothing else but folly ; by which many faults are excusable in youth , which are not to be endur'd in other ages . And those whom we account happiest , and that dye of old age , end thus ; and are therefore call'd twice children ; and folly serves to take away the sense of all the discontents and incommodities of old age . Yea he that more neerly considers the course of our life will find more of folly in it then of wisdom . For if self-conceit , play , love , and the other passions , be so many follies , who is free from it ? The Second said , That wise men alone are happy , is justly accounted a Stoical Paradox , since 't is contrary to true natural sentiments , which shew us that the happiness of this life consists only in two points , namely , in the privation of grief , and the possession of good . As for the first , not to speak of bodily pains , from which the wise are no more exempt then fools , the strongest minds are more intelligent by their more vigorous reasoning , and ( consequently ) more susceptible of inward grief and affliction , of hope , fear , desire , and as other passions ; besides that they are ordinary of a melancholy temper , and more fix'd upon their objects then fools , who are more inconstant : to say nothing of the scruples of conscience , which many times rack their spirits , of the points of honour , of civilities , nor of the knotty questions in the Sciences . As for the latter , the possession of good , fools have a better share then the wise , because there is no absolute , but onely relative , good in this world ; whence proceeded the many different opinions touching the chief good , and the saying , that none is truly happy unless he thinks himself so . And therefore there are more fools then wise happy . For the latter discerning the meaness and vanity of the goods of the world , account it no happiness to possess them , but strain their wits to find others more solid , which they will never find in this world : whereas the former live contented and happy in the quiet enjoyment of their present goods , beyond which they wish no others . Moreover , our happiness and contentment depends upon our selves , that is , upon our own imagination , as appears in the Hospitals of fools , who are so far from resenting the horror and misery wherein they really are , that , on the contrary , they flatter themselves with their agreeable phancies of being Kings , Emperors , and very gods ; from which they take more pleasure then they give to others . As also in that Athenian , who imagining all the ships in the Piraean Haven to be his , rejoyc'd for their return , and su'd his friends at Law for curing him of this agreeable folly . In fine , according to the meer sentiments of nature , the people of the world addicting themselves to all sorts of pleasures , are more happy then those who deny the same to themselves , in obedience to the counsels of the Gospel ; and yet in the judgement of God , who is the rule of true wisdom , these are wise , and the other fools . Lastly , the Law is favorable to fools in the perpetration of great crimes , their defect of will being their security . For which reason we call them Innocents . The Third said , This Question is the harder to be determin'd , because there is no judge but is a party . But if we refer our selves to the wise , as it belongs to them to determine things , they will judge it to their own advantage . And indeed , to place felicity of the mind in the total alienation of the mind , or in the several degrees of the same , is no less preposterous then to place the pleasure of the body in pain or diseases . For man's felicity or chief good consists not in opinion ; otherwise it were not true , but only imaginary , and so man alone , amongst all the creatures , could not be truly happy . But this beatitude of man consists in his end ; this end is his action ; the action of man , as man , is that which renders him like to God by contemplation and vertue , the two most perfect operations of the understanding and the will , proceeding from principles to conclusions in the theory , and from the means to the end in the practice of moral vertues , which are not without prudence and reason , because they consist in mediocrity , which cannot be understood but by the comparison of the two extreams ; which is an action of the understanding . Since therefore folly is a Laesion of the rational faculty , whether this Reason be abolish'd , deprav'd or diminish'd ( which are the several degrees of folly ) fools cannot be happy , because they cannot live according to right reason : in which the essence of this life's felicity consists . As they are exempt from vices , so they are incapable of vertues . And if it be true , that no man is happy but he that is contented , and that contentment consists in the satisfaction we have in the enjoyment of some good , which gives us rest ; fools cannot be happy , since satisfaction of mind proceeds from its reflexion upon the excellence or goodnes of the thing which we possess . Now reflexion is a most perfect act of the Intellect , which returns upon its objects and it self . So that what Civilians say of slaves , that they cannot be happy in this world , because they are not their own , nor counted for any thing , but reputed in the number of the dead ; the same may with much more reason be affirm'd of fools . CONFERENCE XCII . I. Which is most healthful , moisture or dryness . II. Which is to be preferr'd , the contemplative life , or the active . I. Which is most healthful , moisture or dryness . THe Philosopher Thales had reason in affirming water to be the principle of all things ; whether he had learn'd out of the books of Moses , that in the beginning the Spirit of God mov'd upon the face of the waters , and so the water appear'd first of the Elements ; or else had observ'd in nature that no sublunary forms can subsist without moisture , which Chymistry teaches us to extract out of the most acid bodies , which neither can subsist without humidity tying and uniting their parts , otherwise likely to fall into dust ; as it also serves to all generations , those of Plants and Animals beginning always by humidity , which is the cause why the Sea is more fruitful in Fish ( which likewise are more sound ) then the earth in its Animals , of less bulk then the Marine . For humidity is the food of their natural heat ; it also causes Leaves , Flowers and Fruits , to grow forth in Plants upon the earth , and in the entrals thereof it forms Minerals ; the noblest of which are the most ductile and fusible , which is a sign of their abundant humidity , as the dryest and most earthy are the worst . The dews of Heaven fertilize the earth , whence God threatens his people to give them a heaven of brass , and an earth of iron ; and when he promises great blessings , he saith , he will give dew in abundance , which also was the blessing which Isaac gave his son Esau. The inundation of Nilus fattens the possessions of Egypt . The Spring , the most healthful and agreeable of all Seasons , is moist ; Autumn , on the contrary , is the producer of diseases , by reason of its drynesse . Pearls are generated in the humidity of the Sea , wherein also Venus was born . Moisture is also the cause of plumpness and beauty , which is never found in a lean face and a dry body ; and it hath so great an influence in our nature , that we call a good one a good or pleasing humour . The Moon governs all things by moisture upon which she hath a particular influence ; and the Planets are more benigne in moist Signs then in dry , amongst which that of Virgo spoils the earth of all its beauties ; and of the Planets Mars and Saturn are the destroyers of nature by their drynesse . In sine , Humidity renders the Seasons , Winds , Places , Ages more agreeable , and Women more beautiful then Men. As Children , who abound in humidity , are more agreeable then dry old men . And there 's no person but had rather live in a climate temper'd with humidity , as between 40 and 50 degrees , then in the sands and desarts of Libia , more proper for the generation of Monsters then the habitation of men . The Second said , Although dry weather , being the fairest and pleasantest , hath more patrons then moist , yet 't is more unhealthy . The temperate Zones are pluvious ; and that Autumn which is commonly rainey , is yet most unhealthy , this proceeds from the inequality of its temperature , and some other extraneous causes , as the abundance of fruits which fill our bodies with crudities . The Spring , whose temperature is hot and moist , is according to Hippocrates , most healthy , not subject to great diseases , the matter whereof is evacuated by expulsion of the noxious humours . Moreover , humidity revives Plants and Animals , and Man , Nature's perfectest work , abounds most with it ; to which cause Cardan refers his greater sagacity . And being life is nothing else but the Prime Humidity , thence thirst comes to be the greatest bodily inconvenience ; and diseases caus'd by a dry intemperature are generally incurable . Rheum is not so dangerous as an Hectick Fever , and experience shews us that land too moist may be render'd fertile , but there 's no remedy for the droughts of Africa ; humane Art being puzled to preserve a Garden during those of Summer . Lastly , Physick takes the opportunity of moist weather for purgations , as most convenient for health . The Third said , That all the first qualities are active , but heat and moisture more then the other two , whence the air being imbu'd with humidity alters our bodies more sensibly then when 't is charg'd with dry exhalations . For our radical moisture is aerious , oyly , and benigne , and the extraneous moisture is aqueous , maligne and pernicious ; a capital enemy to that balsame of life , as extraneous heat is to our vital heat , which is suffocated by abundance of excrements collected by humidity which stops the pores , but dissipated by dryness which opens them . Which made the Prince of Physick say , Aph. 15. Sect. 3. that of the seasons of the year droughts are more healthy , and less fatal , then rainy and moist weather , in which happen long Fevers , Fluxes , Epilepsies , Apoplexies , and divers others putrid maladies . Though 't is impossible to determine the question absolutely , because 't would be requisite to consider siccity and humidity separate from other qualities and in their own nature , wherein they are not to be found , being never separated from cold or heat , which render their natures , and ( consequently ) their effects various . The Fourth said , That the pleasure we take in a thing is the surest evidence of the good or hurt it does us . Hence rain is always more grateful to us in droughts , then the contrary . Besides , Death , and old age which leads to it , is nothing but a desiccation ; and dry diseases are most perillous , because they are either conjoyn'd with heat which encreases them and makes them very acute , or with cold which generates Schirrusses , and other maladies accompani'd with obstruction , which are not cur'd but by humectation . Summer and Autumn are the sickliest and dryest seasons of the year , but we are more healthy in Winter and the Spring . And do's not the humidity of the night repair the loss caus'd by the siccity and actions of the day ? as in the morning , the most humid part of the day , our minds are more serene then all the rest of the day , whence it was call'd the friend of the Muses . The Brain , the mansion of the soul and its divinest faculties , is not only most humid , but the seat of humidity ; as choler , melancholy , fear , and all other passions common to us with beasts have their seat in the Gall , the Spleen , and the heart , which are dry parts . But although humidity seems more a friend to nature , then siccity , yet the question must be voided by the distinction of temperaments , of which the melancholy and the bilious especially receive very great incommodity from droughts , and benefit from moist seasons , which , on the contrary , much torment the phlegmatick . II. Which is to be preferr'd the contemplative life , or the active . Upon the second Point 't was said , That man being born to live in society and employment , the contemplative life seems incongruous to this end ; and our first Parent was plac'd in the earth to Till it , and eat his bread in the sweat of his countenance , not to live idly , and look about him . Moreover , the end is more noble then the means which tend to it ; but we , generally , contemplate only in order to act . In Divinity we consider God's Commandments , in order to perform them ; In Mathematicks , Lines , Surfaces , Solids , Numbers and Motions , to make use thereof for Fortifications , Carpentry , and the Mechanicks ; In Natural Philosophy , its Principles and Causes , to refer the same to Medicine ; In Law , Right , to apply it to Fact ; In Morality , the Virtues , in order to exercise them . Consider what difference there is between the contemplation of an empty brain and solid action , that is to say , between theory and practice ; you will find the former only a chimera , and the other a reality , as excellent and profitable as the first is useless , except to feed the phancy with vain imaginations , and fill the mind with presumption ; there being none but thinks himself a greater master then others , before he hath set his hand to the work ; and yet 't is by their works that our Lord tells us we shall know every one , and not by their discourses , which are as much below them as effects and things are more then words . The Second said , Contemplation is as much more excellent then action , as the soul is then the body ; and to compare them together is to equal the servant with her mistress . For , not to speak of the raptures of an extasi'd soul , nor of eternal blisse , which consisting in contemplation , that of this world must do the like in reference to natural things : Nature alone teaches us that things which are for themselves are more excellent then those which are for others . But the contemplation and knowledge of truth , hath no other end but it self ; action , the common uses of life . Whence contemplation less needs external things then action , which requires the help of Riches , Honours , Friends , and a thousand other circumstances , which hinder a contemplative person more then they help him , who therefore delights most in Desarts and Solitudes . Moreover , the end is to be prefer'd before the means , and the end of active life is to bring us rest , as the military life is in order to establish , and the civil to preserve peace ; therefore the rest of the contemplative life being the end of the turbulent active life , it is much more noble then its means . As appears also by its duration , which is greater then that of transient and transitory action ; but contemplation is durable and permanent , which is a sign of the Divinity of the Intellect that produces it , infinitely more excellent then all the other inferior powers , the principles of actions . Contemplation being abstracted from matter and earthly things wearies not the body as actions do , which require corporeal organs ; and therefore the pleasure of it is most pure and simple , and constant , in regard of its object , those sublime things which wisdom contemplates ; whereas that of action is never intire , by reason of the inconstancy of its object , which are political things continually mutable . The contemplative man finds full satisfaction in himself , without going abroad to beg approbation and rewards from men , without which virtues languish and are imperfect . Moreover , the pleasure of contemplation is peculiar to men , and not competent to brutes , who have not only external actions as well as we , as Speaking , Singing , Dancing , Fighting , Spinning , Building , and other Works of Art , which we learn'd from them , for the most part ; but they have also virtues , as Chastity , Simplicity , Prudence , Piety . On the contrary , God , as the Philosopher teaches , exercises neither virtues , nor any external actions , but contemplation is his sole employment , and , consequently , the most divine of all , though it were not calm , agreeable , permanent , sufficient , proper to man , and independent of others , which are the tokens of beatitude , and the chief good . The Third said , since 't is true , which Plato saith , that while we are in this world we do nothing but behold , by the favour of a glimmering light , the phantasms and shadows of things , which custom makes us to take for truths and bodies ; they who amuse themselves in contemplation , in this life , cannot be said contented , unless after the manner of Tantalus , who could not drink in the midst of the water ; because they cannot satisfie that general inclination of nature ( who suffers nothing idle in all her precincts ) to reduce powers into act , and dead notions into living actions . If they receive any pleasure in the knowledge of some truths , 't is much less then that which is afforded by action , and the exercise of the moral virtues , of the active life , the more excellent in that they are profitable to many , since the most excellent good is the most communicable . Moreover , all men have given the pre-eminence to civil Prudence and active life , by proposing rewards and honours thereunto ; but they have punish'd the ingratitude and pride of speculative persons , abandoning them to contempt , poverty , and all incommodities of life . And since the Vice which is opposite to active life is worse then ignorance , which is oppos'd to the contemplative , by the reason of contraries action must be better then contemplation ; and the rather , because virtuous action without contemplation is always laudable , and many times meritorious for its simplicity : on the contrary , contemplation without virtuous acts is more criminal and pernicious . In fine , if it be true , that he who withdraws himself from active life , to intend contemplation , is either a god or a beast , as Aristotle saith ; 't is more likely that he is the latter , since man can hardly become like to God. The Fourth said , That to separate active life from contemplative is to cut off the stream from the fountain , the fruit from the tree , and the effect from its cause : as likewise , contemplation without the vertues of the active life is impossible : rest and tranquillity , which are not found in vice , being necessary to contemplate and know . Wherefore , as the active life is most necessary during this life , so the contemplative is more noble and divine , if this present life be consider'd as the end , and not as the means and way to attain to the other life , in which actions not contemplations shall be put to account . Contemplation is the Sun , Action the Moon of this little World , receiving its directions from contemplation , as the Moon of the great World borrows its light from the Sun : the former presides in the day of contemplative life ; the second , which is neerer to us , as the Moon is , presides in the darkness of our passions . Both of them represented in Pallas the Goddess of Wisdom and War , being joyn'd together , make the double-fronted Janus , or Hermaphrodite of Plato , square of all sides , compos'd of Contemplation which is the Male , and Action which is the Female . CONFERENCE XCIII . I. Of the spots in the Moon and the Sun. II. Whether 't is best to use severity or gentleness towards our dependents . I. Of the spots in the Moon and the Sun. THere is nothing perfect in the world , spots being observ'd in the brightest bodies of Nature . And not to speak of those in the Sun , which seem to proceed from the same cause with those observ'd in our flame according as 't is condens'd or rarifi'd ; we may well give account of those in the Moon , by saying , with the Pythagoreans , and some later excellent Mathematicians , that the Moon is an earthly habitable Globe , as the eminences and inequalities , observ'd therein by the Telescope , the great communications of the Moon with our earth , depriving one another of the Sun , by the opacity , rotundity and solidty of both ; and the cold and moist qualities which it transmits hither , like those of this terr-aqueous Globe ; since the same apparences and illumination of the Earth would be seen from the Heaven of the Moon , if a man were carri'd thither . And because solid massie bodies , as wood and stone , reflect light most strongly , therefore the brightest parts of the Moon answer the terrestrial dense parts , and the dark the water , which being rarer , and liker the air is also more transparent , and , consequently , less apt to stop and reflect light . This we experience in the prospect of high Mountains very remote , or the points of Rocks in the open Sea , which reflect a light , and have a colour like that of the Moon , when the Sun is still above the Horizon with her : whereas the Sea and great Lakes being less capable of remitting this light , seem dark and like clouds . So that were this Globe of Ocean and Earth seen from far , it would appear illuminated and spotted like the Moon . For the opinion of Plurality of Worlds ( which can be no way dangerous of it self , but only in the consequences the weakness of humane wit would draw from it ; much less is it contrary to the faith , as some imagine ) is rather an argument of Gods Omnipotence , and more abundant communication of his goodness in the production of more creatures ; whereas his immense goodness seems to be restrain'd in the creation of but one world , and of but one kind . Nor is it impossible but that , as we see about some Planets , namely , Jupiter and Saturn , some other Stars which move in Epicycles , and in respect of their stations , and those Planets , seem like Moons to them , and are of the same substance : so that which shines to us , here below , may be of the same substance with our earth , and plac'd as a bound to this elementary Globe . The Second said , That the spots of the Sun and Moon cannot be explicated without some Optical presuppositions . And first , 't is to be known that Vision is perform'd three ways ; directly , by reflection , and by refraction . Direct Vision , which is the most ordinary , is when an object sends its species to the eye by a direct way , that is , when all the points of one and the same object make themselves seen by so many right lines . Reflective Vision is when the species of an object falling upon the surface of an opake body , is remitted back to the sight , as 't is in our Looking-glasses . Vision by refraction , is , when the species of an object having pass'd through a medium diaphanous to a certain degree , enters obliquely into another medium more or less diaphanous ; for then 't is broken and continues not its way directly : but with this diversity , that coming from a thicker medium into a thinner , as from water into air , the species in breaking recedes from a perpendicular falling upon the common surface of the two mediums ; as , on the contrary , entring into a less diaphanous medium out of one more diaphanous , it breaks , and Cones neerer a perpendicular then it would have done had it continu'd directly . Secondly , 'T is to be observ'd , that bodies which cause reflection or refraction are either smooth or unequal and rough . Smooth bodies make reflection and refraction with order ; and the reflected or refracted image resembles its object , although it may be alter'd by the various figures of the reflecting or refracting bodies , as convex Looking-glasses diminish it , hollow enlarge it ; whereas , on the contrary , convex Perspective Glasses enlarge and concave lessen the object : but both the Looking-glasses , and the other represent the Image perfect . Unequal and scabrous bodies reflect or refract confusedly without distinct representation of the Image ; because these Bodies being terminated with infinite little imperceptible surfaces looking every way , they also reflect every way , as is seen in stones , wood , and other bodies of different ruggedness , and so causing different reflections and refractions . in the third place , we must observe some prime properties of Looking-glasses ; as , That if a species fall perpendicularly upon the surface , 't is likewise perpendicularly reflected , and consequently , upon its own object ; as when the Eye beholds it self in the glass . But if the species fall obliquely upon the glass , it will be reflected as obliquely the other way , making the angles of the incidence equal to those of reflection ; as when the Eye beholds something else then it self in the glass . And an Eye constituted in the place where it may receive the reflection shall see the image of the object by help of the glass . But if the mirror reflect no species to the place where the Eye is , then the surface of the mirror shall appear so much more dark as the mirror is exact , that is , smooth ; and more opake , the greater the light is . As the Eye being in the place of reflection cannot bear the Sun-beams reflected from the mirror no more then the Sun it self ; but being in another place , it shall see nothing but darkness , and take the glass for a hole , especially if it lie upon the ground . Moreover , a Convex Spherical glass hath this property , that it represents the image very small , and more small when the Eye and object are remote from the mirror which is small , or appears such . In which glasses also the Image never takes up the whole plane of the glass , but a very small part of it . Lastly , Every object which appears lucid , and not by its own light , transmits light to us either by reflection or refraction , after having receiv'd the same from some other luminous object . From these truths here suppos'd , but clearly demonstrated in the Catoptricks , I conclude necessarily , That the body of the Moon is not smooth , but rough or scabrous . For 't is manifest by its various faces , that it borrows from the Sun the greater light of the two which appear in her , ( the least whereof , namely , that which appears in the part which the Sun enlightens not , ( in the increase and decrease ) many think to be her own : ) which borrow'd light increases or diminishes according as she removes farther from , or comes nearer to the Sun ; whence the diversity of her faces . From which diversity of faces 't is concluded further , that the figure of the face towards us is spherical , convex , either rough or smooth . But smooth it cannot be , because then it would represent the very Image of the Sun to us very small , and in a small part of its face , the rest remaining dark , by the aforesaid observations of Looking-glasses ; wherefore it must be rough or unequal , because the whole face appears lucid when 't is beheld by the Sun at the full , and no image of the Sun appears distinctly in it . For 't is certain , that the Moon sends her borrow'd light by reflection , and not by refraction ; otherwise she should be diaphanous , and would appear most illuminated when near the Sun , and be full in her conjunction , and obscure in her full ; because she 's lower then the Sun , and so in conjunction his light would appear through her ; and in her full , which is her opposition , the Sun's light would pass through her towards Heaven , not towards us . Wherefore , as to the spots of the Moon , it may be said , in general , that she is unequally seabrous , and the dark parts are nearest smoothness , and so make a more orderly reflection , but another way then to the Earth , the Angles of Incidence and Reflection being not dispos'd thereunto . But they are not perfectly smooth , because they transmit a little light to us ; which they could not do being perfectly smooth , unless at a certain time when the Sun were so dispos'd , as that his Image might be seen in those parts , as in a Spherical Mirror . The other more scabrous parts making a disorderly and irregular reflection , are seen on all parts ; as if you fasten pieces of glass , marble , or the like smooth bodies , to a wall enlighten'd by the Sun , the rough parts of the wall will appear very bright , and the smooth obscure . But because we know not truly what is the matter of the Heavenly Bodies , we can onely say , for proof of this unevenness in the Moon 's body , that the rougher parts are more hard , and the less rough are liquid ; for then the liquor surrounding the centre of the Moon , as the water doth about that of the earth , will have a surface more approaching to smoothness as the water hath ; and this , without inferring it compos'd of earth and water , but of some celestial matter like to our elementary , and whose fluidity or hardness doth not prejudice its incorruptibility ; those who hold the Heavens solid or liquid , holding them equally incorruptible . Unless we had rather say , that the body of the Moon being all of the same hardness , may nevertheless have parts unequally rough and smooth . The Third said , That he apprehended two causes of these spots . First , the diverse conformation of these celestial bodies , which being no more perfectly round then the earth ( which nevertheless would appear spherical to us if it were luminous ) make shadows inseparable from bodies of other figure then the plain . Secondly , from the weakness of our Sight , which as it phancies colours in the clouds which are not in them , ( no more then the Air is blew , though it appear to us , and we paint it such ; ) so being dazled by a luminous body , and the visual ray being disgregated , it makes sundry appearances therein , which can be onely dark and obscure in a thing which is lucid . For I would not attribute these spots , which represent the lineaments of a face , to such a phancy as that of Antiphon , who saw his own picture in the Air , since they are observ'd by all people after the same manner : but the weakness of our Sight may contribute something thereunto . For if we say that every celestial body is an earth , and that the bright part is the terrestrial mass , and the dark the water , or the contrary ; it will be necessary that this earth also have its Heaven , that its stars , and so to infinity . The Fourth said , That they who have imagin'd spots in the Sun , had them in their Eyes , it being improbable that there is any defect of light in that Star which is the fountain of it ; but they are produc'd by the vapours between the Sun and the Eye , and therefore appear not at full noon , and change with the vapours and clouds . As for those which appear in the Moon 's face , there is great diversity of opinions ; as of the Rabbines and Mahometans , of the ancient Philosophers reported by Plutarch in his treatise thereof , and of the moderns . The first are ridiculous , in believing that Lucifer , by his fall , and the beating of his wings , struck down part of the light of this great Luminary , or that the same was taken away to frame the Spirits of the Prophets . Those Philosophers who attributed the cause to the violence of the Sun-beams reflected from the Moon to our Eyes , would conclude well if the like spots appear'd in the Sun as do in the Moon ; because the rayes coming directly from the Sun to the Eyes have more brightness , and dazle more , then those reflected by the Moon . Nor can these spots be the Images of the Sea and its Streights ; for the Ocean surrounding the Terrestrial Globe , that part of it which remains in the lower part of the Globe cannot send its species so far as the Moon , whilst she enlightens the upper part ; the Moon being able to receive onely the species of that part which she enlightens , according to the principles of Theodosius , who teaches us that from the Zenith of one Hemisphere right lines cannot be drawn to the other Hemisphere , by reason of the solidity of the Globe ; the caliginous fire , the wind , the condensation of the Air , and the like opinions of the Stoicks , and other ancient Philosophers , though erroneous , yet seem to me more probable then those of some Moderns , who will have the Moon inhabited , not considering that 't is too small to make an habitable earth , her body being the fortieth part of the Terrestrial Globe , and its surface the thirteenth of that of the Earth , or thereabouts ; besides , that she comes too near the Sun , whose Eclipse her interposition causeth , They who make the Moon and the Earth to move about the Sun , may indeed , with Copernicus , explicate the most signal motions and phaenomena : But the stability of the Pole , and the Stars about it , requires a fix'd point in the Earth , with which the inequality of the dayes and seasons could not consist , if the Sun were stable and in one place . Moreover , the difference of dayes proceeds from the obliquity of the Ecliptick , which is the cause that the parallels of the Solstice are nearer one to another , and the dayes then less unequal then at the Equinoxes , which cannot hold good in this Scheme . But 't is less reasonable to say , that the hollow places in the Moon seem dark ; for by the rules of perspective , they should remit the Sun's rayes redoubled by their reflection , by reason of the cone which is form'd in hollow parts ; nor can they be eminences , which appear obscure , because in this case the spots should not appear so great , or not come at all to us , being surpass'd by the dilatation of the rayes redoubled by the conical figure of the cavities of the Moon . 'T is therefore more probable that as a Star is the thicker part of its Orbe , so the Moon hath some dense then others which are the most luminous ; as those which are more diaphanous , letting those beams of the Sun pass through them , which they are not able to reflect for want of sufficient density , seem more obscure , and make the spots . The fifth said , The spots of the Sun cannot be from the same causes with those of the Moon , which experience shews us changes place and figure , those of the Sun remaining always alike , and in the same figure ; whereby we may also understand the validity of what is alledg'd by some , That the Sun moving upon his own Centre carries his spots about with him : For granting this motion , yet if these spots interr'd in the Sun , they would always appear in the same manner , and at regular times , by reason of the Sun 's equal and uniform revolution . Nevertheless , the most diligent observers find that some of them are generated , and disappear at the same time in the Solar face . Which would incline me to their opinion who hold those spots to be generated out of the body of the Sun , in the same manner that exhalations are out of the bosom of the earth ; did not this derogate from the receiv'd incorruptibility of the Heavens . For it cannot be any defect of our sight , mistaking the vapours between the eye and the Sun for spots inherent in his body , since they are seen by all , almost in the same number and figure ; which should alter with the medium if this were the cause of them ; and 't is impossible that vapours should follow the Sun in his course for so many days together as one of these spots appears ; for it must move above 6000 leagues a day , though it were not much elevated above the earth . Nor do our Telescopes deceive us , since without them we behold these spots in a Basin of water , or upon a white paper in a close Chamber , whereinto the Sun is admitted only by a small hole . Nor , Lastly , are they small Stars , call'd by some Borboneae and Mediceae , because we perceive both their nativity and their end . II. Whether 't is best to use ●●verity or gentleness towards our dependents . Upon the second Point 't was said , That he who said a man hath as many domestick enemies as servants , imply'd that we are to use them as such , converse with them as in an Enemy-Country , and according to the Counsel of good Captains build some Fort therein for our security . Which Fort is severity , and its Bastions the reasons obliging us to this rigour . The first of which is drawn from the contempt ensuing upon gentleness and familiarity , and from the respect arising from severity and gravity , especially in low and servile souls , which being ill educated would easily fall into vice ; to which men are more inclin'd then to vertue , if they be not restrain'd by fear of punishment , which makes deeper impression upon their minds then the sweetness and love of virtue wherewith they are not acquainted . Besides that servants are apt to grow slack and luke-warm in their duties , unless they be spurr'd up by severity . And 't is a great disorder when a servant becomes equal to his master , as it happens by mildness ; nor was Paganism ever more ridiculous then in the Saturnalia , when the servants play'd the masters . It must likewise be confess'd that severity hath a certain majesty which exacts such honour and service as gentleness cannot obtain . By this virtue Germanicus became so considerable , and was so well obey'd , as , on the contrary , Nerva's mildness weakned and enervated the Roman Commonwealth . Was ever King more severe , and better obey'd then Tamberlane , or any family more powerfully establish'd then that of the Ottamans , which owes all its grandeur to severity and rigour , the sole upholder of Military Discipline , a good Captain never pardoning any in war. For the misery of inferiors , whether true or imaginary , joyn'd with the natural desire of liberty , easily carries them to rebellion , if fear and rigour tye not their hands . Thus the war undertaken by the Servants against their Masters at Rome was the effect of mildness ; nor was there any other means to repress it but by blood and slaughter ; as another Nation once routed an Army of their Slaves with Whips and Stirrup-leathers ; the sight of which reviving the memory of their former scars was more effectual then ordinary weapons . Therefore when the Law gave power of life and death over slaves , it intended not to authorize homicide , being sufficiently careful of men's lives ; but judg'd it expedient to retain these persons in their duty by the apprehension of death . The reason which once oblig'd the Senate to put 600 innocent slaves to death , for an example to others . The Second said , whatever security there may be in severity , it hath effects too violent to be durable . Man's mind is too delicate a piece ; and whatever difference fortune hath put between men , their spirit , which is the same in all , is too noble to be curb'd with a cudgel and biting of brutish severity ; which on the other side causes hatred , as mildness doth love , and is therefore to be prefer'd ; there being none but had rather be lov'd then hated , and no way to be belov'd but by loving . For the same Proverb which reckons servants amongst necessary evils , reckons a wife so too ; and the tyrannical Aphorism , So many servants so many enemies , is not true but in those who have cause given them to be so . And indeed , a Master's condition would be the worst of all , if he must live always at home upon his guard , as in a den of Lyons or Tygres . For , what is alledg'd , that servants are ill bred and ill-natur'd , and seldom acknowledge the obligations they have to their Masters , is indeed too true in the most eminent conditions : but that which we call ingratitude in them , comes especially from the rigour of our deportments , which offuscate the benefits and commodities they receive from us . Their low fortune is unpleasant enough , without making them desperate to our prejudice . And indeed , the Laws which have allow'd most severity to Masters over their slaves , have sometimes been insufficient to secure them from the fatal strokes of their discontent ; as many Histories of Roman Masters murder'd by their slaves ( notwithstanding that rigour of Silanus's Law ) and the dangerous revolts of Spartacus , and others in the Provinces , sufficiently testifie . Whence it appears , that a man must be in as much fear of his servants as he would be fear'd by them ; and that suspicion and diffidence is as well the mother of treacheries as of safety , since it seems to leave those whom we distrust to do all the mischief they can . For to pretend severity , for avoidance of contempt and too great familiarity , in my judgement speaks great weakness of mind ; and as if dominion and majesty could not be more agreeably maintain'd by clemency : and gravity affected by rigour is as ridiculous as odious ; yea 't is to fall into an extremity too vicious , to make one's self hated for fear of being sleighted , and to appear cruel to avoid being familiar . The Third said , That although gentleness be more acceptable then severity , yet 't is also more dangerous : witness that of Lewis the Debonnaire , and Eli the chief Priest , towards their children , for whom the Wiseman recommends the rod , as Aristotle doth discipline for servants and slaves : and the indulgence of good husbands to their wives is the most apparent cause of the luxury reigning in that Sex , to say no worse . A family is a kind of Republick , and the principles of Occonomy and Policy are much alike . Now we see States are preserv'd by the exact severity of Laws , signifi'd by the Rods , Axes , Maces and naked Swords , born by Magistrates , and the Scepters of Kings . But no Magistrates have Ensigns of gentleness , as being more dangerous , because directly oppos'd to justice , all whose rights and priviledges are preserv'd by severity . And hence clemency is not permitted to be us'd by inferior Judges , but that it may be more rare , 't is reserv'd to Princes themselves who are above Laws and Customs . The Fourth said , It belongs to Prudence to determine when , how , where and why , ways of gentleness or severity are to be us'd ; some minds being exasperated by severity , like those tempers on which violent medicines work least ; and others turning sweetness into bitterness , whilst they think it to proceed from timerousness or impotence , and so take license to do any thing , whom benigne medicines act not . But , to speak absolutely , the way of gentleness must always precede and be found unprofitable before coming to rigour , according to the precept of the Physitians , who use fire and cauteries only when the malignity of the malady will not yield to ordinary remedies , which the ancient Arabians never us'd till having first try'd a diet and regiment of living . Nor do's wise Nature ever use violence till she is forc'd to it by some potent cause , as the fear of Vacuity , or the penetration of Dimensions . In all the rest of her actions she proceeds with sweetness , wherewith she hath so endow'd man , that the same humour which gives and preserves his being , namely , Blood , is the cause of Clemency and Gentleness , call'd for this reason Humanity . Wherefore 't is more sutable to our nature then to lean towards its contrary ; and the way from gentleness to rigour is more rational and natural then from rigour to gentleness . For when a rough master speaks flatteringly to his servants , they are no more mov'd therewith then a Horse accustom'd to the spur is with the voice alone . Yea , a Horse that will not stir for words will go for the spur ; and Masters who incessantly rate and beat their servants , are like those ill Horse-men who have alwayes their spurs in the Horses sides , where they make by this means a callous scar , insensible to the most quick stimulations . CONFERENCE XCIV . I. Of the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon . II. Whether all Sciences may be profitably reduc'd to one . I. Of the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon . ▪ T Is an ancient saying , that the Luminaries have never more spectators then when some Languishment befalls them ; because ordinary effects , how excellent soever , affect us less then such as are not common , whose novelty raises admiration in our minds , otherwise much delighted in considering others defects and imperfections . Those of the Celestial Bodies are deficiencies of light , call'd Eclipses , which happen by the diametrical interposition of some opake body . To speak onely of those of the Sun and Moon ; the former is caus'd by the shadow of the Moon upon the Earth , and the latter , by that of the Earth upon the Moon , by reason of their vicinity . For the Sun's course being alwayes in the Ecliptick of the Zodiack , which they ordinarily , but improperly , call a line , being rather a plane superficies , and a great circle , cutting the sphere into two equal parts , in which the Sun ascends in his Apogaeum , and descends in his Perigaeum . The Moon likewise , according to her proper motion , is found every moneth in the same sign with the Sun ; which is call'd her Conjunction , and makes the New Moon . Yet with this difference , that she is either in the South or the North , in respect of the Sun in the same sign , unless when passing from one to another she crosses the Ecliptick , wherein the Sun makes his course in the middle of such sign ; in which intersection is made the Eclipse of the Sun , the Moon being then directly between the Sun and our sight . This point of intersection is call'd the Dragon's head , when she moves from the South to the North , and the Dragon's taile when from the North to the South . Now forasmuch as the Lunar Body is less then that of the Earth , and much less then that of the Sun , scarce taking up the latitude of the pyramide form'd by the visual rayes ; hence the Suns Eclipse is never either total or universal , the Moon not being capable to hide the body of the Sun from those who behold him from the Earth in another situation . After her conjunction with the Sun , she with-draws from him by little and little , increasing in roundness and light , till she become fully opposite to the Sun , at which time half of her Globe is perfectly enlightned ; and then 't is Full Moon . Now because in this perfect opposition the Earth casts its shadow upon that part of the Ecliptick which is opposite to the Sun , if in this opposition the Moon happen to cut the Ecliptick , she enters into the Earths shadow , and becomes darkned by privation of the Suns light . So that the Moon is never eclips'd but in her opposition when she is at the Full , nor the Sun but at New Moon when she is in conjunction . Whence that eclipse of the Sun which appear'd at our Lords death was miraculous , the Moon being then naturally unable to eclipse the Sun by her interposition , because she was directly opposite to him , and at the Full. The Second said , That in this common explication of Eclipses , the Parallaxes of the Sun and Moon cause many difficulties in their calculations , being the cause that the same Eclipse is total to some , partial to others , none to others , and to some sooner and longer then to others ; besides , that 't is requisite to have as many new calculations as there are different places . But a general way whereby to explicate Eclipses so perfectly , that one single calculation may suffice for the whole Earth , and oftentimes for several Eclipses , cannot be had without knowledge of the distances , magnitudes and shadows of the Sun , the Earth , and the Moon , which are these ; the Sun is distant from the Earth about 1200. semidiametres of the Earth , which amount to almost 2000000. of our leagues . The Moon is distant from the Earth near 56. semidiametres of the Earth , making about 90000. leagues , or the two and twentieth part of the Sun's distance : Whence at New Moon the distance of the Moon from the Sun is 109000. leagues ; and so the Sun is distant from the Earth twenty one times more then the Moon . As for the magnitude of these bodies , the Diametre of the Sun is about six times as big as that of the Earth , and twenty one times as great as that of the Moon ; and consequently exceeds the one five , and the other twenty times . Whence it follows , that the length of the shadows of the Earth and the Moon being proportionate to their distances from the Sun , as their Diametres are to that Excess , the shadow of the Earth shall have in length the fifth part of its distance from the Sun , namely , 400000. leagues , and the shadow of the Moon the twentieth part of her distance from the Sun , namely , 95500. leagues . These shadows of the Earth and the Moon are of a conical figure , the base whereof is one of the circles of the Earth or the Moon , and the cusp is the point remov'd from their bases , according to the abovesaid distances . Which figure proceeds from the Sun 's being greater then the Moon or the Earth , and all three of a round or spherical figure ; and the conical shadow is a perfect shadow admitting no direct ray from the Sun ; but there is an imperfect shadow about the same , admitting rayes from some parts of the Sun , but not from all . And as the imperfect shadow diminishes conically , so the imperfect increases conically ; so that the Moons imperfect shadow reaches 90000. leagues , which is the distance of the Moon from the Earth , occupying round about the perfect shadow near 1000. leagues on each side ; because 't is in proportion to the Diametre of the Sun , as the distance of the Earth from the Moon is to the distance of the Moon from the Sun. Now since the shadow of the Moon , which is 95500. leagues , reaches further then the Moons distance from the Earth , which is but 90000. leagues , it follows that at New Moon when she is directly between the Sun and the Earth , ( which happens when the Moon is twenty degrees before or after , either the head or the taile of the Dragon ) the point of her shadow reaches to the Earth , covering sometimes near 30. leagues round of Earth with perfect shadow , which is surrounded with another imperfect one of a thousand leagues . And as the Moon by her proper motion passes beneath the Sun from West to East , so her shadow traverses the Earth from the West part to the East ; so that whereever the point of the perfect shadow passes , there is a total Eclipse of the Sun ; and where the imperfect shadow passes , the Eclipse is onely partial , but greater according as you are nearer the perfect shadow . From these consequences may be drawn , That the Eclipse of the Sun is seen sooner in the West part of the Earth then in the East , by almost five hours ; which is the time that the shadow of the Moon is crossing the plane of the Earth . That one and the same Eclipse of the Sun cannot be seen in all parts of the Earth , because , though as the shadow moves , it crosses from West to East ; yet it is not large enough to cover the whole Earth from North to South . That in one and the same year there are at least two Eclipses of the Sun visible in some parts of the Earth , sometimes three , and four at most . For every half year in which the Sun passes by the Dragon's head , if the New Moon be made at the same head , there will be an Eclipse , which will be total in the torrid zone , and partial in the temperate zones , a thousand leagues or more on either side ; and this will be the sole Eclipse for this half year . If the New Moon be made within ten degrees before the Dragon's head , there will be onely this Eclipse in this half year , which which will be total , sometimes in the torrid zone , sometimes in the southern temperate zone , and partial , a thousand leagues or more every way . The like will happen if the New Moon be made within ten degrees after the Dragon's head , but a total Eclipse will be seen in the torrid zone , or else in northern temperate . But if in the same half year the New Moon be made between ten and twenty degrees before the head , there will be an Eclipse in the cold zone , and at the extremity of the temperate southern zone : But then the New Moon immediately following will be made between ten and twenty degrees after the head , and there will be another Eclipse seen in the frigid zone , and at the extremity of the northern temperate zone ; which two Eclipses , most commonly , are but partial . The same must be said of the other half year in which the Sun passes by the Dragons tail , saving that the parts which precede the taile regard the northern part of the Earth ; and those which follow , the southern ; which happens quite contrary at the head . Which we must observe , is diametrically opposite to the taile , and that they remain not alwayes in the same place , but move round the Heaven regularly in about nineteen years , contrary to the order of the signes from Aries to Pisces , and from thence to Aquarius , backwards . As for the Eclipse of the Moon , we must consider the shadow of the Earth , which is cast into the Ecliptick in the part opposite to the Sun ; and because the same is 400000. leagues long , it follows that it crosses the Heaven of the Moon , and beyond ; so that although it be diminish'd at the Heaven of the Moon , yet in that place it hath near one degree a half diametre , the Moon not having much more then one degree . And consequently , if the Moon be at the Full , either in the head or the taile of the Dragon , or else in thirty degrees before or after , the Moon will pass into the shadow of the Earth , and be either wholly eclips'd or in part , according as she shall enter wholly into the perfect shadow . For here the imperfect shadow is not considerable , the Moon not being eclips'd so long as she receives the rayes of any part of the Sun ; whence it follows that the Moon naturally loses her light , but not the Sun , which the inposition of the Moon onely keeps from our Eyes ; that the Eclipse of the Moon is seen at the same time by all those who can see it . And that there can be but two in one year , namely , one in every six moneths ; sometimes but one in a year , and sometimes none at all ; namely , when the Full Moon happens between thirteen and seventeen degrees , before or after the head or the taile of the Dragon . II. Whether all Sciences may be profitably reduc'd to one . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the desire of knowing is very charming ; but mans life is too short to satisfie the same , unless the great number of Sciences be reduc'd into one , their multitude requiring a volumn to contain their names alone , and this with their length being the principal causes of the little fruit gather'd from them , and the distaste which they beget . The way of abridgment would be to retrench out of each all matters unprofitable , or not pertaining to the Science , as are most Metaphysical Questions which are treated of in Logick ; Natural , in Medicine ; Moral , Natural , and Juridical , in Divinity , to avoid repetitions : And thus the fifth and sixth Books of Euclid might be reduc'd into one , since in the latter he demonstrates by number what before he had demonstrated by lines ; yea , the 117 Propositions of his tenth Book might be demonstrated in another order , and compris'd in less then thirty ; as the five following Books , the three of Candalus , the Sphericks of Theodosius , the Conicks of Apollonius , the Principles of Archimedes , and others , which make above 500 Propositions , might be reduc'd profitably to less then a hundred . But above all , 't would be requisite to be careful of laying down good Principles , and teaching these Sciences with order ; and for this purpose to retrench all unprofitable Books , whose numerousness causes confusion , and is now more hurtful then their scarcity was heretofore ; according to Justinian's example , who reduc'd all the Law-books of his time into two Volumns , the Digests and the Code ; and that of the Jews , who compris'd all things that can be known in one single Science call'd Cabbala , as the Druids did their Disciplines under certain Maximes and Aphorisms ; and Lullie's Art teaches to know and speak of all things ; which might be done , if instead of spending the fittest time of our Age ( as we do unprofitably ) in learning to speak Latine and Greek , we employ'd it , by the example of the Ancients , upon the Mathematicks , History , and all Sciences depending more upon memory and phancy then solidity of Judgment , which might afterwards be form'd in a short time by Logick , in order to its being exercis'd in the knowledg of things natural , supernatural , and moral ; which might easily be obtain'd in less then five years , if all superfluities were retrench'd . The Second said , Because the possibility of a thing must first be understood , before the means of attaining it sought , 't is requisite first to agree whether all Sciences are reducible into one , before the ways to do it be inquir'd . And although at first sight it seem possible , because they presuppose one another , and there is such a connection in their principles that some depend upon the demonstration of others ; yet I conceive this re-union of all into one would seem rather a monster , or a thing like the confusion and disorder of the ancient Chaos , then a true and legitimate Discipline . For 't is easier to destroy the present method then to establish a better . Moreover , how is this union possible , since the foundations and principles of Sciences are controverted by the Masters who profess them ? For setting aside those indemonstrable principles which are very few , and need only be heard that they may be granted , and may be learn'd in less then an hour ; if we make an induction through all the Sciences , we shall find nothing certain in them . Has Morality , whose chief object is Beatitude , found one sole point wherein to establish it ? Are not part of Aristotle's opinions overthrown by Galen ? who on the other side is counter-check'd by Paracelsus and all the Chymists , who pretend to cure diseases by their likes , as the former doth by their contraries ? Law , being founded upon the instability of humane will , hath as little certainty : And Divinity it self , which is the Science of Verities , is divided by the Sects of the Nominals , of Scotus , and Thomas ; not to speak of the Heresies which incessantly assault it . And if we compare it to other Sciences , it overthrows most of their Principles , by establishing the Mysteries of Faith. This is it which made the wisest of men , and who perfectly understood all Sciences , to say , That they were but vanity : And were this union possible , he hath so highly recommended sobriety of knowing , that 't would be a kind of intemperance to desire to know every thing , no less presumptuous by exceeding the bounds set by God to each of our capacities , then ridiculous , by attempting to make a necessary and infallible thing of many contingent and uncertain , and not yet agreed upon . The Third said , That Unity , which is one of the Transcendents , co-eternal and co-essential to Good , ought to be the attribute of all good things , and consequently of Discipline , which likewise being the good of the Understanding , which is one , cannot be comprehended by it , but by their becoming conformable the one to the other . If any reply , That 't is enough that things enter into it successively , and so need not be one , ( which would be inconsistent with their nature ) ; I answer , That the series and order which is found in those things belongs to one single Science ; otherwise they would have no conection together , and by this means could not be made use of to purpose . And since all our Notions depend one of another , our Discourse being but a continual Syllogism , whose Conclusions depend upon the Premises , it follows , That the Syllogism being the subject but of one Science , they all pertain but to one Science ; whence Philosophy is defin'd the knowledge of things divine and humane ; that is to say , of every thing . Indeed , since all moral Virtues are so connected together , that 't is impossible to possess one without possessing all ; the Sciences ( which are the intellectual virtues ) must be streightly united likewise ; and the more , for that they have but one most simple subject , to wit , the Uderstanding . And since the means of Being are the same with those of Knowing , every thing that is in the world having the same Principles of existence must also have the same principles of knowledg , and so make one sole Science ; because Sciences differ only by reason of their principle ; all which too depend upon one Metaphysical principle , namely , That one and the same thing cannot be and not be ; which proves all others ; and therefore it follows , That there must be one sole Science general , comprehending all the rest . For to say , That every several manner of handling a thing makes a distinct Science , is to imitate him who would make an Art of every Simple . Lastly , Nature would not have given us a desire of knowing every thing , if this desire could not be accomplished : But it is impossible to be so , whilst the Sciences remain so diffuse as they are at present . CONFERENCE XCV . I. Of the diversity of Wits . II. Of New-years Gifts . I. Of the diversity of Wits . DIversity is found in all things , but no where more remarkably then in man ; for , not to speak now of Bodies , that of Minds is so great that none have been ever found to have the same inclinations or motions , or that have been so much as like to themselves ; the Mind being an indefatigable Agent , varying postures every moment , according to the several occurrences of new objects , to which it becomes like . But though the division of Wits be so unequal and disadvantageous to some , that there 's observ'd as great difference between one man and another as between some men and a brute , yet all are well pleas'd with their lot , and every one thinks he hath enough to spare , and to govern and instruct others ; so conceited are we of what belongs to our selves . Now the cause of this diversity of Spirits and Inclinations seems to be the various constitution of bodies , whose temper the motions and inclinations of the Soul follow ; and this temper being incessantly mutable by causes internal and external , not only in the four seasons of the year , but also in the four parts of the day , hence ariseth the diversity of the actions and inclinations of the Mind , which is so great , that the same thing pleases and displeases us in a little space of time . The Second said , That the Faculty which they call Ingenium or Genius , cannot proceed meerly from the temperament of the four qualities : For we see those that come nearest the temperament of man are the most stupid ; and Ages , Seasons , and Aliments changing those qualities continually , should also incessantly change mans wits . But 't is a quality or ray of the Reasonable Soul , which finding the four qualities variously mix'd in every one , makes use thereof in different operations ; and so this difference is only accidental , not essential . Moreover , we see , that whatever difference be conceiv'd in Minds , yet their fundamental inclinations are alike , the hatred and aversion of evil things , and the desire and prosecution of good ; if the means imploy'd to these purposes be different , this proceeds from a particular imagination caus'd by the constitution of the humours , which makes this difference appear , as through a colour'd glass . So the choler of the Souldier puts him upon seeking honour and profit in Arms ; the Advocate is mov'd to seek them in the Sciences , either by his more moderate temper , or by the example and pleasure of his Ancestors . Yet this Proportion cannot change the essence of Wits , but only the appearance ; as a Painter out of the mixture of four or five colours makes infinite others , which differ only in shew . The Third said , There are many partial causes of this variety , and they may be various to infinity , according to the various haps they meet with , like the letters of the Alphabet diversly combin'd ; yet they may be referr'd to three principal , Nature , Art , and Fortune . The Nature of Man is the Soul and the Body . Souls cannot differ specifically , as some hold ; for then a species should be part of an individual , since the Soul makes a part of man ; which is absurd , because the species must be predicated of many individuals . Yet I think there is some individual difference between our Souls , not wholly depending upon the conformation of the organs , or the temper of humours , because excellent Souls have been found to lodg in ill-made Bodies , as those of Socrates and Aesop ; and the contrary . Art may also contribute much to this diversity , especially in Youth , when wits are more flexible ; some very dull ones having been incredibly improved by study . So also may Fortune and Occasion ; amongst others , the place of residence ; as the fertility of Palestine in Pasturage made the Jews Shepherds ; and the plains of Aegypt , fitted for tillage by the inundation of Nilus , made the Aegyptians Plow-men . Those that inhabit the coasts of the Sea are Merchants , in regard of the conveniency of transportation . And necessity , which forces our wits upon sundry things , makes the Arabians , who live in an unfertile soil , for the most part Thieves ; as sterility has constrain'd others to make war upon their neighbours . The diversity of Climates , Winds , Waters , Diets , Exercises , and generally all external and internal things , making some impression upon the temper , makes likewise some diversity in Wits . The Fourth said , That diversity of actions cannot proceed but from diversity of forms ; and therefore those of men must be unequal . 'T is likely the Souls of Aristotle , Socrates , and the like great Philosophers , were of another stamp then those of people so stupid that they cannot reckon above five . And who dares say that the Soul of Judas was as perfect as that of our Lord ? Moreover the Wise man saith , Wisd. c. 8. that he receiv'd a good Soul. Plato distinguishes Wits into as many Classes as there are Metals . And experience shews us three sorts in the world ; some few are transcendent and heroical , being rais'd above the rest : others are weak and of the lowest rank , such as we commonly say have not common sense ; others are of an indifferent reach , of which too there are sundry degrees , which to attribute wholly to the various mixture of elementary material qualities , is to make a spiritual effect , as the action of the Understanding is , depend upon a corporeal cause , between which there is no proportion . And 't were less absurd to ascribe these effects to the divers aspects of the stars , whose influences and celestial qualities are never altogether alike . The Fifth said , That wit is a dexterity or power of the soul , seated in the Cognoscitive rational faculty , not in the Appetitive or Sensitive . 'T is a certain capacity of the Understanding to know things , which is done either by invention or instruction of others . Invention requires acuteness of wit and judgement . Learning , docility , and likewise judgement . Memory serves as well to invent as to learn. And thus three things are requisite to Wit , namely , Memory , Acuteness , and Judgement . The first furnishes matter and sundry things , without supply whereof 't is impossible to have a good wit. The Judgement disposes things in order , resolving the whole into its parts when 't is requisite to learn or teach , and reducing the parts to their whole when 't is requir'd to invent , which is the more difficult ; our mind finding it of more facility to divide things then to compound them . Whence Inventors of Arts , and things necessary to life , have been plac'd in the number of the gods . But , because each of these three faculties require a contrary temperature ; Memory a hot and moist , as in children ; Acuteness of wit , a temper hot and dry , as that of Poets and Magicians ; Judgement , a cold and dry , proper to old men ; hence it is that a perfect Wit which excells in all three is rarely found . II. Of New-years Gifts . Upon the second Point 't was said , That the Poet who said , that he who begins a work well hath already done half of it , spake no less judiciously of humane actions then those who advise to have regard to the end . For , as this crowns the work , so 't is not to be doubted but a good beginning makes half of this wreath , and that both joyn'd together perfect the circle , the Hieroglyphick of the revolution of years . Hence we see antiquity contriv'd to begin them with some festival solemnities , with intent thereby to consecrate their first actions to the Deity . The Hebrews had their most remarkable feasts in the moneth Nisan , the first of the year , answering to our March ; and amongst others that solemn Passover , when they invited their Neighbours to the feast of the Lamb. The Greeks began their Olympiads with Games and Sacrifices to Jupiter ; and the superstitious Egyptians not only took omens from what they first met every day , but made it their god for that day . And being next the divine assistance men value nothing more then the favour and good will of their friends , 't is no wonder if after sacrifices and publick ceremonies they have been so careful to continue this mutual friendship by feasts and presents at the beginning of the year , which some extended to the beginnings of moneths , which are Lunar years , as the Turks do at the beginning of each Moon , of which they then adore the Croissant . And if they who make great Voyages , after having doubled the Cape of Good Hope , or some other notable passage , have reason to make feasts and merriment , for joy of the happy advancement of their Navigation ; those who are embarqu'd together in the course of this life , and whom the series of years ( which may be call'd so many Capes and Points mark'd in the Chart of our Navigation ) transports into new Countries , ought to rejoyce with their friends for the dangers which they have escap'd , and felicitate them for the future by presents , and wishes , in the continuation of this journey . Or else considering the difference of years as great as that of Countries , we renew our correspondencies by presents , as hospitalities were anciently by those which they call'd Xenia , which is still the name of our New-years Gifts ; since in respect of the great alterations hapning in those years , we may be said to be new Guests , or Hospites of a New-year . The Second said , That this laudable custome was founded upon reason and example , our Druides being wont to gather with great ceremonies the Misletoe of the Oak , which they consecrated to their great Tutates , and then distributed to the people , as of great virtue . Whence our New-years Presents are still call'd in many places * Guy-l'an-neuf . But the first day of the year was not the same with all Nations ; some of our first Kings began it at Martin's day , as appears by the dates of some old Ordinances , and the yet continu'd openings of our Parliaments ; whence possibly remains the fashion of making good cheer on this day . The Romans us'd this custom , sometimes in March , which was the first moneth of the year , when the year had but ten moneths , each of 36 days ; and afterwards on the Calends and first day of January , which was added with February to the other ten by Numa . And ever from the foundation of Rome , Tatius and Romulus appointed a bundle of Verven to be offer'd with other presents for a good augury of the beginning year . Tacitus mentions an Edict of Tiberius , forbidding to give or demand New-years Gifts , saving at the Calends of January , when as well the Senators and Knights , as all other Orders brought presents to the Emperor , and in his absence to the Capitol . Of which I observe another rise in the cense or numeration of the people , which was made in the beginning of the Lustres or every five years , and began under Ancus Martius ; at which time money was cast amongst the people , as the Emperors did afterwards when they review'd their Armies at the beginning of each year , honouring the most eminent Souldiers with presents . Now reason too is joyn'd with this practise ; for as we take presages from the first occurrences of a day , week , or year , so none are more acceptable then gifts , which gratifie the more because they come without pains or expence . The Third said , That the three sorts of goods being found in the reception of presents sent us by friends ; ( for they testifie the honour which they do us ; the least present brings some profit to the receiver ; and no benefit is receiv'd without some pleasure ) 't is no wonder if men who have from all time assign'd some day to every thing which they esteem'd good , have also thought fit to solemnize the Feast of Presents or Benefits , and to testifie their esteem thereof have made the Year begin by it , for good augury . Indeed , nothing is so powerful as Presents , because they make and reconcile amity , the greatest Gift which God hath given to men . They pierce the best-guarded Gates , as Philip of Macedon said ; and Jupiter found nothing so fitting as a Golden-showre whereby to convey himself into Danae's lap . Homer with his Muses is thrust out by the shoulders if he brings nothing with him ; whereas a course Varlet laden with booty is admitted even into the Closet . Whereof men are so perswaded , that there was never a Religion but had its offerings . And God forbids any to come before him with empty hands . Especially , gifts are agreeable , when the proportion of the receiver with the giver is observ'd . So the poverty of the Greek Epigrammatist made Augustus well pleas'd with the peny which he presented to him . But the price of a thing , or ( in defect thereof ) its novelty , or the excellence of the work-man-ship , the place and time is most considerable , this latter making such things as would have no acceptance at another season , pass for courtesies in the beginning of the year . CONFERENCE XCVI . I. Of Place . II. Of Hieroglyphicks . I. Of Place . ALL created things having a finite and circumscrib'd essence , have also a proper place which serves for a bound to their nature , which is the principle of their motions and actions , which cannot be but in some place ; the six differences whereof , namely , above , below , before , behind , the right side and the left , sufficiently prove its existence , since differences presuppose a genus . But its nature and essence is no less hard to be known , then its existence is plain . To omit the sundry considerations of its several Sciences , here we understand , by place , that which contains things plac'd ; and 't is either common to more , or proper to one alone ; this , either external or internal : and generally , 't is either Physical or Mathematical , or rather the same sometimes , provided , and sometimes devested of accidents in its pure dimensions . This place cannot be the space of every body , because space is nothing else but a vacuum , which is wholly opposite to place , which being an affection ' of body must be something of reality . 'T is therefore well defin'd the first internal and unmoveable surface of the ambient body . First , that is , immediate and proximate , because it must be equal to the body which it contains ; internal , for if it were the external surface , it would be greater ; as vessels are larger then what they contain : Lastly , it must be immoveable ; which is not to be understood of the real place or real surface environing the body ( because this surface changes when the body changes place , or whilst the body remains unmov'd the ambient air is chang'd every moment ) but of that place or imaginary surface which encompasses the body on all sides , remaining always immoveable . Which is more satisfactory then to say , as some do , that the place of bodies is immoveable ; although they and their surfaces change place ; because from thence to the centre and principal parts of the world there is always the same distance and respect . The Second said , That Aristotle shew'd more subtilety then truth , when in stead of defining place internally corresponding to the extension of the parts , he defin'd it by an outward circumference ; by which account , Souls , Angels , and other spiritual substances should not be contain'd in a place , as 't is certain they are ( though definitively , not circumscriptively ) in regard they move from one place to another . Yea the whole world should not have a place , since it cannot be contain'd by any thing , but contains all . 'T is also incongruous to say , with some , that the place of the world is its centre , which is too small to design the place of so great a body ; and if a point were the place of the world , the place of a Pismire should be greater then that of the world . What others say , That place is only the extension of things , cannot consist with the place of spiritual forms , which yet have a distinct extension as other corporeal forms have ; and we change place every moment , although we have always the same extension . I conceive therefore , the place being relative to the thing plac'd ought to be defin'd by it , according to the nature of relatives ; and so place is nothing but the space occupi'd by the body plac'd , which is that long , broad and deep interval which receives the same . Moreover , space which would be void if one body did not succeed another , hath all the conditions requisite to the nature of place . For first , 't is nothing of the thing plac'd , being a pure nothing . 2. 'T is immoveable , being of it self incapable of motion . 3. 'T is equal to the body plac'd , the whole space answering to the whole body , and every part to every part . 4. It receives sometimes one body , and sometimes another . And lastly , two equal spaces contain as much the one as the other . The Third said , That place , defin'd the immoveable surface of an ambient body , cannot agree to the air , because its surface is not immoveable . But if this immobility be meant of the whole body of the air , this inconvenience will follow , that the external surface of the air is not proportionate to the quantity of the particular body which it encompasseth . The defining of place to be the space occupi'd by the body plac'd , explicates the place of bodies , but not of incorporeal things , as the Soul and Angels , which having no extension should have no space , and , consequently , be in no place . Wherefore I conceive that place being an external affection of figure and quantity , must not be taken in the concave superficies of the body which touches , it but in the convex of that which is contain'd . And so this superficies will be immoveable , since the quantity of the body remains the same ) and always equal to the body contain'd without penetration , because it hath no profundity . Likewise , every body will be likewise in its own place . And as for things incorruptible and incorporeal , the Angels and the Heavens , their place will be always the extremity of their substance . The Fourth said , That if there were any place in nature which receives bodies , it must either be a body it self , or a vacuum . A body it cannot be , for then two absurdities will follow , namely , penetration of dimensions ( one body being within another ) and a progress to infinity : for place being a body , it must be in another place , this in a third , this third in a fourth , and so to infinity . Nor can it be a vacuum which receives bodies . For either this vacuum remains after the admission of a body , and so the same place will be full and empty both together ; or this vacuum recedes to make place for supervening bodies ; which cannot be ; for then it will be capable of local motion , which is an affection and property of body . Or else , lastly , this vacuum perishes and is annihilated ; which is impossible too ; for then it should be subject to generation and corruption , which are found only in bodies . Wherefore if ever the Scepticks had reason to suspend their judgement , 't is in the nature of place , which they justly doubted whether it were something or nothing . The Fifth said , That to doubt of place is to doubt of the clearest thing in the world , nothing being so certain as the existence of things , which cannot be but in some place . And we see a thing no sooner exists in nature but it hath its place and its station , which alone made the distinction of the parts of the world from their ancient Chaos , in which things were confus'd and without order , which is not found saving when every entity occupies the place due to its nature , which is preserv'd therein . Amongst simple bodies , Heaven hath the highest place , Fire and Air the next , Water and Earth the lowest : amongst mixts , Minerals and Metals are form'd in the Entrails of the Earth ; Plants and Animals are preserv'd upon the earth and in the air ; and the centre of every thing is nothing else but its place . Wherefore as God contains in himself all the perfections of his creatures , so he is in all places by his presence , his essence , and his power . II. Of Hieroglyphicks . Upon the second Point it was said , That the Ancient Sages were always curious to hide the mysteries of their learning under some obscure things ; the Poets under the shell of Fables , ( whom Plato and Aesop imitated ; ) the Pythagoreans under their Riddles ; Solomon under Parables , the Chaldeans in the sacred Letters of their Cabala . But especially the Egyptians have observ'd this mystery . For having learn'd from the Jews and the Chaldeans the principal notions of the Sciences and the Deity , ( the Principles whereof were taken from those famous Columns which preserv'd the Characters thereof after the Deluge ) they transmitted the same to posterity by the figures and images of things engraven upon Pyramids and Obeliscks , whereof we still see some fragments in their Hieroglyphicks , which signifies sacred and mysterious figures or sculpture , not so much for the things employ'd to that purpose , which oftentimes were common and natural , as for the mystical and hidden sence which they attributed to the same . The use of these figures was the more profitable , in that having some similitude and correspondence to the quality of the thing signifi'd , they not only denoted the same , but also its nature and property . So , painting an Eye upon a Scepter , which signifi'd God , they intimated also his properties , by the Scepter his Omnipotence , and by the Eye his Providence . Another advantage of these Hieroglyphicks , is , that they were equally understood by all Nations of several Languages , as at this day the Chineses and Japoneses make use of some Letters like Hieroglyphicks , which signifie rather things then words . Which would be a good way to reduce all Tongues into one , and so to facilitate all Sciences , were not this Hieroglyphical writing too diffuse . For there must be as many Characters as there are things in the World , which being almost infinite , and every day new , would render this Art endless ; which hath made the use of it laid aside , as it would also be among the Chineses , were not honour which supports and feeds all other Arts annex'd to this knowledge of Characters , which advances those alone who are skill'd in their Letters to Magistracies and the chief charges of that great State. The Second said , That the signs for representing things are either Natural or Artificial . Amongst the natural , employ'd by men to express their conceptions , are the pictures and images of thigns ; as to represent a Man or a Tree , they paint a man and a Tree ; by which way Philomela describ'd the wrong which had been done her . The Aegyptians had the same design in their Hieroglyphicks ; but finding that it would never have an end , they in this imitated the Hebrews , who make the same Root serve to produce a great number of words , and employ'd one figure to signifie first one thing , namely , that whose image it is , and afterwards many others wherewith it hath some affinity . So the figure of a Serpent signifies a Serpent , and the Prudence which is attributed to that animal ; and because they observ'd , that the last day of the year joynd to the first , and made a continual circle , they represented the year by a Serpent with his tail in his mouth . Upon the same ground Emblems were invented . So Alciate , to represent Fortitude and Wisedom , gives the pourtraicts of Ajax and Vlisses ; to signifie a good Merchant , who trusts only to what he holds , he paints a hand with an eye in the middle of it ; the Fox signifies cunning ; the Pismire Providence ; the Bee , Policie ; an earthen pot joyn'd to an iron pot , dangerous Alliance . In brief , so many fables and phancies are so many writings after this manner ; from which , to speak truth , if you abstract the reverence which is due to Antiquity , I see nothing that comes neer the marvel of our Letters , which , in respect of other inventions , I cannot but compare to the Philosophers Stone so much talk'd of , which whoso possesses may by its projection make as much gold as he needs to travel over the world ; and those other inventions to the money , or , if you please , the provisions , which a Traveller carries with him . For these are incommodious , and serve but to one or few uses ; whereas writing , by combination of sixteen several characters , ( the rest being found superfluous ) is sufficient to represent what ever hath been , is , may or may not be . The Third said , That no doubt 't was necessity which put the Aegyptians first upon the invention of Hieroglyphicks , then which our Letters are much less significative , because they express not the nature of natural things , as their figures do , but only words . Yet the use of Hieroglyphicks was very pernicious to the vulgar , who seeing the Attributes of God represented under the shapes of Animals and Plants , took occasion to adore those corporeal things , and became the most superstitious of all Nations , going so far as to deifie garlick , onyons , rats and toads . Moreover , Mans life is too short for this Art ; his wit too weak to invent figures sutable to all the parts of speech diversifi'd by numbers , cases , persons , tenses , and other Grammatical differences of words ; and his memory too slippery , to retain all those figures , because they represented not one single thing , but many different ; and for that one and the same thing was diversly figur'd ; as God was express'd by an Eye , a Circle , and an Unite ; Prudence by a double head , a Gorgon's head , a Crane , a Dragon , a Serpent , a fish call'd Scarus , or the Gilt-head , a Mulberry-tree , a Hiacynth ; Royalty , by the reins of a bridle , an Elephant and a Dog ; Wisdom , by the breast , or the wand of Pallas ; Concord , by a Crow , a Caduceus , or Mercurius's rod , a Peacock , a Bee , and a Lute ; Fear by waves , a Dove , a Hart , a Hare , and a Wolf. All which figures signifi'd other things besides , yea , oftentimes contraries ; as the Ass is the Hieroglyphick of wisdom with the Cabalists , and with us of stupidity ; and the same wisdom was denoted among the Egyptians by a sieve , which with us is the emblem of a loose-tongu'd person that can retain nothing . In fine , this Hieroglyphical invention is good for nothing but to make the ignorant admire what they must reverence without knowing it . For that which secures all professions from contempt , is , the use of terms not understood by the vulgar . CONFERENCE XCVII . I. Of Weights , and the causes of Gravity . II. Of Coat-Armour . I. Of Weights , and the causes of Gravity . THe World is Man's Palace , whereof God is the Architect , sustaining the same with the three fingers , of his Power , Goodness , and Wisdom . And the Scripture saith , He hath hung the Earth in the midst of the Air , and ordained all things in number , weight , and Measure , which are the three pillars of this stately Edifice . Number is the cause of Beauty ; Measure , of Goodness ; and Weight , of Order ; which is not found but in the place towards which bodies are carry'd by their Gravity . A quality depending upon the four first , which by their rarefaction or condensation of things cause more or less ponderosity . For light signifies nothing but less heavy ; it being certain , that as the Earth gravitates in the Water , and this in the Air , so would the Air in the sphere of Fire , Fire in the Heaven of the Moon , this in the mixt , and so forwards till you come to nothing , which hath no weight because it hath no corporeity . The Second said , That gravity and the descent of natural bodies to the centre , cannot proceed from the predominance of terrestrial parts in mixts ; since Gold , the heaviest of metals , and Mercury , which is next it , have more humidity then siccity , that is to say , more Water then Earth , in comparison of other metallick bodies ; God being the most ductile , and Mercury the most fluid . So also Salt , which is heavier then wood or stone , is nothing but water cogeal'd , and dissolving again in a moist place . Wherefore Gravity seems rather to proceed from these three things , namely , place , comparison , and figure . Place is so considerable herein , that bodies gravitate not in their proper places , but onely when they are remov'd from the same , and more or less proportionally to their distance . Comparison makes us judge a body light , because 't is less heavy then an other . On the contrary , Figure makes heavy bodies light , causing Leaf-gold to swim , which in the same quantity reduc'd into a Globe would sink ; and an expanded body weighs less in a balance , then when it is in a less volumn . Which is also observ'd of the thinner parts of the Air , which being of a more moveable figure are seen to play therein when the Sun shines clear . The Third said , That the cause why a broader figure swims , or is upheld in the Air more easily then if it were in a Globe or other closer figure , is not , for that figure makes a thing lighter , but from the resistance of the medium , which hath more hold in one then in the other . Nor do's gravity proceed from the inclination of a thing to its Centre ; since the Centre is but a Point , wherein nothing can lodge . And if the Centre of the world were the Centre of heavy things , the stars which are the denser and solider parts of their orbs , and consequently , have more gravity , which necessarily follows the density of corporeal matter , especially the Moon which is demonstrated to be solid and massie , because it reflects the light of the Sun , should not remain suspended above the Air , which is lighter , but descend to this Centre of the Universe . For , to believe , with some , that the Moon is kept up like a stone in a sling by the rapid motion of the First Mover , is , to hold the Stars , the greatest and noblest part of the Universe , in a violent state , onely to give rest and a natural state to the least and meanest , which is the Earth . Wherefore the descent of bodies is not because of themselves they affect the Centre of the Earth , but for that they are upon a body lighter then themselves ; order obliging every thing to take its own place , and till it be so , every body being necessitated to move it self , the heaviest downwards , and the less heavy upwards . Hence water gravitates not in its channel , although it be not in its Centre ; because the upper part of the water is not heavier then the lower . The Fourth said , That Gravity is a certain quality which carries all bodies towards a common point , continuing the union of the parts of the world , hindring Vacuity by the concentration of all bodies which press one another , the heavy having more matter in less quantity . For when we see Air mount above Water , and Fire above Air , they yield and give place to heavier bodies ; as Oyle being in the bottom of Water ascends to the top , not by its lightness , but by the weight of the water which thrusts it up . So Lead , and all other metals , except Gold , swim in Mercury , to which they yield in gravity . For in equal quantities Gold weighs 19 , Mercury 13 , Lead 11 and ½ , Silver 10 and ⅓ , Copper 9 , Iron 8 , and Tin 7 and ½ . As for the cause of this gravity ( which , some say , is in heavy bodies , others in their Centre , to which they attribute a magnetical virtue ) I conceive , it consists in a reciprocal attraction of the same bodies , which draw and are drawn , and others are drawn to the inferiour body which attracts with all its parts ; so that bodies are carry'd towards the Earth , and the Earth attracts them reciprocally , as the Load-stone attracts Iron , and is attracted by it . For 't is evident that the Load-stone draws Iron ; and to prove that 't is drawn by Iron ; lay a Load-stone in one scale , and in the other an equal weight to it . If you apply Iron to the bottom of the scale where the Load-stone is , this scale will raise up the other , the Iron attracting the Load-stone to it self . On the contrary , if you approach with the Iron over the Load-stone , the scale wherein it is will ascend towards the Iron which attracts it . For whereas 't is objected , that if the Earth attracted things with all its parts , then it would follow that things let down in some hollow of the Earth , being attracted by the parts above , and those below , would not descend by reason of contrary attractions ; I answer , that those bodies being out of their Centres , the greatest and strongest part of the Earth , which is towards the Centre , would attract them to it ; the stronger prevailing over the weaker . II. Of Coat-armour . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That all Nations have been curious in inquiring into their own Antiquities , and particulars , to preserve the tokens of their Genealogy ; some by Histories , others by the Images of their Ancestors , as the Romans ; and others by conjoyning of Hieroglyphicks and Ensignes , which are our Arms , which have had the same fate as other things of the world , and from very small and plain beginnings , by increasing of Alliances , have at length compos'd those variegated Scutcheons , so variously quarter'd and counter-quarter'd , that it hath been needful to make an Art , call'd by the Latines Heraldica , and to invent new words , with particular Officers , call'd Kings , and Heralds of Arms , to regulate and display them : And so many races and marriages are crowded together in the narrow extent of these Scutcheons , that great rolls and long Histories can scarce explicate them at length . The Scutcheon which we first blazon hath six Fields , namely , two metals , and four colours . The metals are , Or and Argent ; the colours , Azure , ( which is blew ) Gules , ( which is red ) Verd , ( which is green ) and Sable , ( which is black ) some add a fifth , Purpure , being mixt of Azure and Gules , but 't is little or not at all us'd in France . The English introduce two others , Tennê which they call Orange , and Sanguine , which also are unsuall in France . Besides these colours , thereare two Furres or sorts of Fells , which adorn the Scutcheon , Ermine , of Sable upon Argent ; and Vair , or Verry , of Azure upon Argent ; and when these Colours are alter'd , then the Scutcheon must be blazon'd Verry of such colours . Some Scuctheons have neither metals nor colours , and are call'd Whiteshields , ( like those of new Knights before they have done any memorable atchievement ; of which Virgil speaks — Plamâque inglorius albâ ) wherewith the Arms of our Maidens dying unmarry'd are quarterd . Others have onely a small Scutcheon in the middle , and this Scutcheon is said to be in the fesse point . The principal parts of these Scutcheons are nine , answering to the parts of a man's face , which may be call'd every one's natural Scutcheon , whereinto are collected in several quarters all the titles of the nobility , and qualities , of the Soul. These parts are term'd , 1. The Dexter Chief , which answers to the right Temple . 2. The Middle Chief , to the middle of the forehead . And 3. the Sinister Chief , to the left Temple . 4. The Honor point , to the root of the Nose . 5. The Fesse point , to the place of the Nose . 6. The Nombril point , to the Mouth . 7. The Dexter Base , to the right Muchato . 8. The Sinister Base , to the left . And 9. The precise middle Base , to the Chin. This Scutcheon is divided sometimes into sundry sorts of colours , or metals . If it be divided in pale , or perpendicularly , 't is call'd party per pale ; if in fesse , or athwart , 't is said party per fesse ; if slopingly , 't is said party per bende . Lastly , 't is quarter'd either by crosses or gyrons , or by a Salture , which is a S. Andrews Cross ; or else counter quarter'd , when one of its quarters is again quarter'd . Next are to be considered the Ordinaries , which are , 1. The Chief , which is the highest part of the Scutcheon . 2. The Pale , which divides it from the Chief to the Base perpendicularly . 3. The Fesse , which cuts it athwart the Pale . 4. The Bende , which cuts from the right Angle to the Base , and is a Cotize if it be a third part less then the Bende , and a Battoon if it be two thirds less then a Cotize . 5. The Cheveron . 6. The Crosse. 7. The Saltyre . 8. The Gyrons , which form eight Triangles terminating in the Centre . There are other less principal parts , as the Flanks which divide it by the sides ; the Emancheures with one or more points ; the Pyle , which is a great Isosceles Triangle revers'd ; the Perle , which is a kind of Y , taking up sometimes the whole Shield ; the Gussets , Lozanges , Frets , and such other things as are better represented by figures then by words . These Armories are sometimes indented , invecked , and embattail'd at their sides ; and sometimes they are either charg'd or bruis'd with sundry figures ; the former , when there is but one in the middle ; charg'd , when they are semé all over . A Border is any thing which surrounds the Scutcheon . Some Shields are cover'd with divers things , diaper'd in form of broidery , leaves , and morisques , and fretted in fashion of Lozanges and other things . The Changes are almost infinite , there being amongst others above thirty fashions of Crosses ; the Patee , which is that of Maltha ; the Potencee , that of Jerusalem ; the fleury , or flory ; the bottony , pommettie , &c. The other more common pieces are Mascles , a sort of Lozange voided , whereof the middle is of the colour of the field ; Rustres , which are Lozanges pierced round ; Billets or Parallelograms , Fusils , Bezants , which are figures of ancient Money ; Torteuxes , which are like Bezants , but differ from them , inasmuch as Torteuxes are always of a colour , and Bezants always of Or or Argent . As for others , every thing in Nature fills the Shield , and hath its different blazons , if the colour of one of their parts be different from the whole . Amongst Fishes , the Whale with his tail and teeth different is said to be fierte ; the Dolphin is said to be hauriant . Amongst Trees the Oak , for example , whose parts have different colours , is blazon'd fuste , or branchless for the wood ; accollé , or embraced , for the Ivy , foliated and fructed . The middle of Flowers is call'd bottonie . Amongst Birds the Eagle and Gryphon are almost alone said to be arm'd , that is to say , beak'd and ungulated ; others are said to be display'd . The Cock is said to be crested and jelloped . Lyons , amongst Animals , are alone rampant ; Horses in that posture are said to be fray'd ; Bulls , furious or mad . The Lyon shews but one eye and one ear ; the Leopard two , and is always passant ; if he be rampant he is called Leopard Lyonné ; if a Lyon be passant he is called Lyon Leopardé . There are Lyons Naissant , which shew only the head and the two fore-paws ; Issuant , which shew only the hinder part ; Brochant , or spreading over all the field ; Couped , when one body is of two colours ; armed , are those whose claws are of another colour ; and langued , when the tongue is so . Blazon begins always from the dexter side of the Chief ; in those that are quarter'd saltyrewise , by the chief . If the first and last quarter be alike , they are blazon'd together , beginning always with the field . There are little Scutcheons upon the principle armories ; those which are upon the fesse point are said to be over all ; in the chief and the base , they are said to be entez or graffed ; and if there be any upon animals , as Eagles or Lyons , they are said to be charged ; and all Inescutcheons are always blazon'd last . The second said , That as Nobility is the more esteem'd the more obscure its original is ; so the first Inventors of Armes , which are the Badges of it , seem to have affected obscurity in their terms , to render the same more recommendable to the vulgar by being less understood . Armes are compos'd of Images pourtray'd upon a ground call'd the Field , into which mens ambition hath introduc'd every thing in Nature ; the Heaven , the Stars , the Air with its Birds , the Sea and its Fishes , the Earth , and whatever rarity it hath upon its surface and in its bowels ; all the parts of man , and all the instruments of Arts , especially those of War , to which Armories owe their birth : Whence the Shield or Buckler hath been chosen to receive the same , and to serve as a badge of Nobility , for the distinction of Families . And as all Nations have preferr'd Valour before the other Virtues , because 't is most useful for the preservation of States ; so they have destinated to it Palms , Crowns , Triumphs , and such other badges of Honour ; amongst which all Nations have apprehended something of Divinity in their Shields . The Getes made their solemnest Oaths upon them ; the ancient Germans ador'd every one his Shield and the Moon . The Poets relate , that the fate of Troy lay in a Buckler which was kept in the Temple of their Goddess . A Buckler sent from Heaven kept the fortune of the Romans , like to which one of their Kings caus'd 400 to be made . Two Grecian Captains disputed the possession of Achilles's Buckler . That of Aenaeas had graven upon it all the destiny of Rome . In brief , our ancient Kings were carri'd upon a great Target or Shield to the solemnity of their Coronation . The highest of our Coins bears the name and figure of an Escu or Shield ; and true gentry amongst us is that of Esquiers , a title drawn from Escu or a Shield . Which hinders not but that learning , and management of affairs , being ways of ennobling men , though less frequent and more difficult , deserve also to bear Arms ; as we read that Charles IV. granted to Bartolus , the famous Civilian , a Lyon gules , with two tails , in a field Or. The Third said , That some Armories are commonly conceiv'd to have been sent from heaven , as the Cross of Constantinople , and the Flowers de lys of France . Others are taken from memorable qualities and actions of Ancestors , as those of Austria , a Prince whereof returning out of battel cover'd all over with blood except his Belt , gave occasion to his descendants to bear a Fesse Argent on a Shield gules . Such is the Cross of Savoy , which the Christian Princes granted to one of the Amadei , for having driven away the enemies from behind the Island of Rhodes ; and the three Wings of Lorrain , because a Duke pierc'd three Birds flying with one arrow . Others have some correspondence or allusion to the name of the bearer ; as those of Castile , Leon , Galicia , and Granada , which have a Castle , a Lyon , a Chalice , and a Pomegranate . Others have distinctions for younger brothers , as a Battoon in the middle , or a Label with 2 , 3 , or more pendants in the Chief . Bastards commonly bear a Battoon in contrebende , that is , coming from the sinister point of the Chief to the dexter of the Base . Likewise other pieces distinguish younger brothers , as Mullets , Cressants , &c. plac'd in the middle of the Chief , or else at the first Quarter . But 't is remarkable in blazoning of Arms , that Metal must always be put upon Colour , or Colour upon Metal ; only Godfry of Bouillon made his Shield of argent charg'd with a Cross potencé Or , and four other Corslets of the same Metal . The Fourth said , That being the injury of times consumes all things , the Arms or Devises of Families hath been found the best monuments to preserve their memory through many ages . This gave occasion to our Gaules ( for they brought Coat-armour into greatest use , it being yet unknown to divers Nations ) to engrave upon their Gates the same badges which distinguish'd them whilst they fought arm'd cap-a-pe , and could not otherwise be known : and if it hapned that two Cavaliers bare the same Shield , the one would either have the life of the other , or make him alter his devise . Such an expedient as once agreed two Gentlemen , who were ready to fight because both of them bore a Bulls head , not always occurring ; for they were contented with this decision , that one of them should Blazon his Coat with the head of a Bull , and the other with the head of an Ox or Cow , at his choice . Because every one was suffer'd , as they are at this day abusively , to chuse Arms to himself ; which is the cause that the handsomest Arms are the worst , as being the newest ; because they are invented according to phancy . Whereas anciently , to give Arms was one of the chief rights of Sovereignty , and joyn'd with the power of conferring Knighthood ; and the advices of the noblest and ancientest Families were taken concerning the blazoning of them , as being interessed in this novelty . And as for Sovereigns , they chose the most ancient Arms they could . Those of France are found in the brain of a Cock , the Imperial Eagle in the root of Fern cut athwart . So the figure of Cheverons , Torteuxes , Lozenges , Macles , Fusils , and most other things which enter into the Field of Scutcheons , occur at every turn , and in most Trees , Stones , Fishes , and other animals : their design being that their Families should appear not less ancient then nature . It remains to give some examples of particular Blazons . The King of France bears two Scutcheons , The first is Azure , three Flowers de lys Or , two in chief and one in point ; which is France . The second is Gules , two Chains Or , plac'd in orle , pale , fesse , bende and bar , which is Navarre . The Supporters are two Angels , one on the right side cloth'd with a Coat of Arms azure , semé with Flowers de lys Or , ; the other on the left , clad with the Arms of Navarre . The Crest is a double Flowers de lys . And to speak something of strangers , without observing any order , which would be too troublesome ; Presbyter John bears azure , a Crucifix argent . The Turk bears Vert , a Crescent argent . England bears gules , three Leopards Or , armed and langued azure . Hungary bears barry , argent and gules , of eight pieces . Arragon , Or , four pales gules . Rhodes , Malta and Savoy , bear gules , a Cross argent . Flanders , Or , a Lyon sables , langued gules . Artois semé of France , a lable of three pendants , chastellated with Chasteaux Or. Leon , argent , a Lyon gules . Saxony , barry , Or and sable , of eight pieces , a Demy Crown or Crancelin Vert plac'd bend-wise . Bohemia , argent , a Lyon gules , his tail nowed and pass'd in saltyre . Lombardy , gules a Lyon Or , armed and langued sable . Florence , argent , a Flower de lys expansed gules . The great Cham of Tartary bears Or , an Owl sables . Parma , Or , six Flowers de lys azure . Sweden , azure , three Crowns Or , two in chief , and one in base . Denmark , Or , semé of Hearts gules , three Lyons Leopardez azure , langued , and armed Or. Poland , gules , an Eagle argent , beaked , membred and crowned Or. Holland , Or a Lyon gules . Bavaria , fuselé argent and azure , of twenty one pieces placed bendwise . Ireland , gules , a Harp Or. CONFERENCE XCVIII . I. Of the causes of Contagion . II. Of the ways of occult Writing . I. Of the causes of Contagion . DIseases , being accidents , must be divided , as other accidents , by their first subjects , which are the solid parts , the humours , and the spirits ; and by their several causes ; some of which are manifest , others unknown ; the malignity of the causes which produce them , and the manner whereby they act , being inexplicable . Which diversity of causes depends upon those of mixtions , which are of two sorts ; one , of the qualities of the elements , which makes the difference of temperaments ; the other of the elementary forms , which being contrary only upon the account of their qualities , when these put off their contrariety by alteration , the forms easily become united ; and as amongst qualities , so amongst forms , one becomes predominant , the actions whereof are said to proceed from an occult property , because the form which produces them is unknown to us . So Arsenick and Hemlock , besides the power which the first hath to heat , and the second to refrigerate , have a particular virtue of assaulting the heart , and killing speedily , by a property hitherto unknown . Such also are contagious and venomous diseases , some whereof are caus'd by the inspir'd air , as the Pestilence , because air being absolutely necessary to the support of our natural heat , if when it is infected with malignant and mortal vapours , it be attracted by the mouth , or the pores of the skin , it corrupts the mass of the spirits , as a crum of bread or other extraneous bodies makes milk or wine become sowre . Others infect by bodily contact , as the Itch , the Pox , the Measles , and the Leprosie . A third sort proceed from a venomous matter , either communicated outwardly , as by poyson and the biting of venomous beasts , or generated in the body , as it may happen to the blood , black choler , and the other humours being extravasated . The Second said , That diseases proceed either from the corruption and vitiosity of particular bodies , some of which are dispos'd to the Pleurisie , others to the Flux , others to the Colick ; call'd therefore sporadical , or dispers'd and promiscuous diseases ; or else from some common vitiosity , as of the air , aliments , waters , winds , or other such common cause , whereby many come to be seiz'd upon by the same disease at the same time : so , after Famines , bad nourishment gives a great disposition to the Pestilence . These maladies are fix'd to a certain Country , seldom extending beyond it ; as the Leprosie to the Jews , the Kings Evil to the Spaniards , Burstenness to Narbon , the Colick to Poitou , the Phthisick to the Portugals , the Pox to the Indians call'd by them Apua , and brought by the Spaniards into Europe ; and such other diseases familiar to some particular Country , and call'd Endemial . Or else they are Epidemical , and not ty'd to a certain region , but produc'd by other external causes , as pestilential and contagious diseases ; which ( again ) are either extraordinary , as the Sweating-sickness of England , the Coqueluche , which was a sort of destillation ; or ordinary , which manifest themselves by purple spots , carbuncles , and buboes . But as the causes of the Small-pox and Measles are chiefly born within us , being produc'd of the maternal blood attracted in the womb , and cast forth by nature when become more strong , so though the seeds of contagious diseases may come from without , yet they are commonly within our selves . The Third said , That Contagion is the communication of a disease from one body to another ; the most violent so communicable is the Pestilence , which is defin'd a most acute , contagious , venomous and mortal Fever , accompani'd with purple spots , Buboes and Carbuncles . 'T is properly a species of a Fever , being a venomous and contra-natural heat kindled in the heart , manifesting it self by a high , frequent , and unequal pulse , except when nature yields at first to the violence and malignity of the disease , and then the pulse is slow , small and languishing , but always unequal and irregular . Oftentimes it kills the first or second day ; scarce passes to the seventh , if it be simple and legitimate ; but when 't is accompani'd with putrefaction , it reaches sometimes to the fourteenth . It s malignity appears in its not yielding to ordinary remedies which operate by their first qualities , but only to medicaments which act by occult properties ; an argument that the cause of these diseases is so too . Now four things are here to be consider'd , 1. That which is communicated . 2. The body which communicates the same . 3. That to which it is communicated . 4. The medium through which the same is done . A thing communicated against nature , is either the disease , or the cause of the disease , or the symptom . Here 't is the cause of the disease , which is either corporeal or incorporeal . The incorporeal , in my opinion , are the malignant influences of the Stars , as of Mars and Saturn ▪ and during Comets and Eclipses . For since their benigne influences preserve motion and life in all things of the world ; by the reason of contraries , the malignity of the same aspects may be the cause of the diseases and irregularities which we behold in it . The corporeal cause must be moveable , an humour , a vapour , or a spirit ; which malignant evaporations kill oftentimes without any sign of putrefaction ; or if there be any , it proceeds not from the corruption of the humours , but from the oppression and suffocation of the natural heat by those malignant vapours ; and then the humours being destitute of the natural heat , and of that of the spirits which preserv'd them , turn into poyson . There must be some proportion between the body which communicates this vapour and that which receives it ; but the same is unknown to us ; and this proportion is the cause that some Contagions seise only upon some animals , as Horses ▪ Dogs , and Cattle ; others upon Men alone , Children , Women , old Men , Women with Child and their burthens ; others seize only upon certain parts , as the Itch is communicated only to the skin , the Phthisick to the Lungs , the Ophthalmia to the eyes , and not to the other parts . The medium of this communication is the air , which being rare and spongy is very susceptible of such qualities , which it easily transmits by its mobility . And these qualities happen to it , either extrinsecally , as from faetid and venomous vapours and fumes exhal'd from carrion , marshes , impurities , and openings of the ground by Earth-quakes , which are frequently follow'd by the Pestilence ; or else they arise in the Air it self , in which vapours may acquire a pestilential malignity , of which a hot and moist intemperature is very susceptible . The Fourth said , That the Pestilence is found indifferently in all seasons , climates , sexes , ages , and persons ; which argues that its proximate cause is not the corruption of the humors , and intemperature of the first qualities . Otherwise the Pestilence should be as other diseases , whereof some are hot , others cold , and be cur'd likewise by contrary qualities . Besides , the Spirits being igneous cannot be corrupted , and the corruption observ'd sometimes in the humors is not essential to the Pestilence , but onely accidental , and however but an antecedent cause . For if putrefaction were the conjunct cause , then putrid Fevers and the Gangrene , which is a total putrefaction , should be contagious . Wherefore it appears that the cause of this diseases are as occult as its effects are sensible ; and that 't is chiefly in this kind of malady that 't is to be inquir'd , as Hippocrates speaks , whether there be not something divine . Which we are not to understand , as he doth , concerning what proceeds from the Air ; seeing God threatens , in Ezechiel , to cause the third part of his people to dye of the Pestilence ; as in one night he caus'd all the first born of Egypt to perish ; and in three dayes , under David , seventy thousand Israelites . The Fifth said , That to attribute the cause of the Pestilence to putrefaction , without assigning the degree of it , is to say nothing more then to recur to the properties of substance , and less then to seek it in the divine Divine Justice ; these terms manifesting our ignorance , rather then the thing inquir'd . Moreover , the signes of this malady are all equivocal , and common to other diseases , yea , oftentimes contrary one to another ; in some a pulse is violent , bleeding at the nose , thirst , the tongue dry and black , delirations , purple spots , and buboes ; in others ▪ a small pulse , vomiting , tongue yellow , livid , and sleepiness . And some sick are cur'd by remedies which kill others , as by Vomits , Purges , and bleeding . Even of Sudorificks , the most sutable to this disease , some are temperate , and others hor. So that 't is no wonder if a disease so irregular , being known to us onely by the relation of people , oftimes ignorant , the skilful being unwilling to venture themselves , makes such havock , since the small pox and other diseases would make no less , though possibly in longer time , if they were as little understood . II. Of the wayes of occult writing . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That the Ancients deservedly reckon'd secrecie amongst their fabulous Deities , under the name of Harpocrates the God of silence , since 't is not onely , as the Poet saith , the God of the master of Gods , that is , Love , but the Governour of the mysteries of Religion , the Guardian of Civil Society ; and , as the Philosopher speaks , the God of the publick and private Fortune , which is maintain'd by secrecie , the Soul of the state and business ; whence cyphers , and occult ways of writing took their birth . The Hebrews were the first that practis'd cyphers , of which they had six sorts ; L'Etbah , by transposition of Letters ; Themurah , by their commutation ; Ziruph , by combination and changing of their power ; Ghilgal , by changing of their numeral quotitié ; Notariaszon , putting one Letter or one Syllable for a word ; and Gematry , which is an equivalence of measures and proportions . But these sorts of cyphers have been found too troublesome and equivocal , and besides , more recreative then solid . The truncheon encompassed with a thong , which was the Laconick Scytale , the cypher of the Lacedaemonians ; that of Julius Caesar ▪ who put D for A , and E for B , and so of the other Letters , and the odd figures given by others to the twenty four Letters , are too gross to be well conceal'd . The Dactylogie of Beda is pretty , whereby we speak as nimbly with the fingers as with the tongue , taking the five fingers of one hand for Vowels , and the several positions of the other for Consonants . But it can be us'd onely in presence . They talk also of the same way by bells , trumpets , arquebuses , fires , torches , and other such means ; but because they depend on the sight and the hearing , which act at a certain distance , they cannot be useful in all cases . The transmission of thoughts and spirits contriv'd by Trithemius and Agrippa , and that invention of quadrants , whereby some have phancy'd it possible to speak at any distance by help of a Load-stone , are as ridiculous as that of Pythagoras , to write with blood on a Looking-glass , and reflect the same upon the face of the Moon . For besides , that the Moon is not alwayes in a fit position , could a fit glass be found ; the writing would not be secret , because that Luminary is expos'd to the Eyes of all the world . No cypher is comparable to that of writing when 't is well contriv'd ; to which purpose they make use of keys to cypher upon the Alphabets , which are infinite , depending upon every one's phancy ; being sometimes either one Letter , or one word , or altering in the same discourse and at every word . Sometimes they divide the discourse , and one half serves for a key to the other ; sometimes they put key upon key , and cypher the key it self with other keys . They put Naughts at the end of words to distinguish them , or every where amongst the Letters to deceive the Decypherer , and under these they cypher another hidden sense by other keys ; yea , they insert other Naughts amongst them for a third sense , or to cause more difficulty . Some make use of numbers , abridge or multiply the Alphabet , and prepare tables wherein they put three Letters for one . In fine , humane wit hath left nothing unattempted for the concealment of thoughts under the veil of cyphers ; of which , the most perfect are those which seem not to be such , hiding under a known sense , and an intelligible discourse , an other sense unknown to all others besides the correspondents ; such is that of Trithemius , by those three hundred seventy five Alphabets of significative words , each expressing one single Letter . The Second said , All the several wayes of occult writing depend either upon the matter or the form . To the first belong the sending of Swallows , Pigeons , or other birds , as also the inventions of writing with Salt Armoniack , Alumn , Camphire , and Onyon , which appear onely at the fire . The formal depends upon cyphers , which are fram'd either by the fiction of Characters , or by their commutation , using three or four Letters to write every thing , with some dashes or aspirations , which yet may be easily decypher'd , by reason of the frequent repetition of the Vowels ; and those which are thought impossible to be discover'd , are commonly subject to great ambiguities , and so are dangerous . The Third said , Of the three Authors which have writ concerning this matter , Baptista Porta teaches rather to decypher then to cypher , and all his inventions are little secrets , as to write with Alumn . Those of Trithemius are very gross , of which nevertheless he hath compos'd three Books , the two first intelligible enough , but the third so obscure , and promising so many miracles , that Bellarmine , and many others thought it full of Sorceries , which yet are nothing but the same secrets mention'd in the two foregoing Books , but hid under more suspicious words ; amongst which that of the Spirit , which is very frequent , signifies the Alphabet or the Key of the Secret , and to look under a stone and take thence a charme which the Spirit left there , or to invoke the same Spirit , signifies that you must go and take from under a stone agreed upon the cypher'd letter , and decipher it by the same alphabet upon which it was cypher'd . Vigenarius spends half his Book in speaking of the Cabala of the Jews , and the Caldeans , and the other half in many Alphabets of all sorts , with Key and without : he hath indeed abundance of Cyphers which seem undecypherable , which he makes to depend on three differences . 1. On the form of Characters , which comprehends several figures , lines , and colours . 2. On their order and situation ; but changing the Alphabet almost infinite ways . 3. On their value and power , giving such signification to one letter or character as you please : All which are easily known for cyphers . The second condition of a cypher , and which follows that of secresie , being not to appear such ; the least suspicion causing the stopping of the paper , and so rendring it unprofitable to the writer ; which has given occasion to some to cover characters drawn in oyl with something that might be wash'd off , besides other such inventions to take away suspicion ; such as that of having two Books of the same impression , and under pretext of sending Tables of Astrology , or Merchants Bills , to design by cyphers the letter of the Book which you mean to express , the first cypher signifying the fourth page , the second the fourth line , and the third the fourth letter of that line , which you would denote . CONFERENCE XCIX . I. Of Ignes fatui . II. Of Eunuchs . I. Of Ignes fatui . 'T Is a question whether 't would be more advantageous to mans contentment to be ignorant of nothing , since then he would admire nothing , which is one of his greatest pleasures . Hence a Peasant beholding a flake of fire following him , or going before him in the night time , will be otherwise ravish'd with it then a Philosopher , who knows or thinks he knows the cause of it ; there being little difference herein , as to our satisfaction . They conceive it to be an unctuous exhalation , apt to be inflam'd , like the fatty steam of a Candle newly put out , which instantly conveighs down the neighbouring light to seek its aliment : But the same example shews us , that fire very suddenly devours its aliment when it is subtile and thin : So that if a fire of straw , which is much more material then an exhalation , vanishes so quickly that we express the most transient momentary things thereby , how can a far thinner exhalation keep this foolish fire so long ? which , besides , burns not , as appears by its sticking innoxiously upon the hair of men and manes of horses ; and yet Aqua-vitae never so well rectified will singe the hair , as was sometimes verified to the great prejudice of one of our Kings ; which would make me think , that as all fire is not luminous ( as a hot dunghil burns your finger , and fire excited by motion burns much more without blazing ) so there are some lights which are not igneous , as in Heaven the Stars , and in Earth some rotten woods , certain fishes , worms , eyes , flesh of animals , and other more such subjects , which cannot be more susceptible of those lights which burn not , then the Air which is the prime diaphanous body , and consequently most capable of receiving them ; although possibly we cannot truly know what temper the Air must acquire to become luminous , no more then what is fit for it in other subjects , For to attribute the cause thereof to purity or simplicity , signifies little ; for earth and ashes are more simple then the flesh , or other part , dead or living , of an Animal ; and yet this shines , and those not . The Second said , That these fires may be referr'd to four sorts . The first resemble falling Stars or lighted Torches , which Plutarch saith were seen to fall upon Pompey's Camp the eve before the Battle of Pharsalia . The second is that kind of flame which has appear'd upon the heads of some , as of Ascanius in Virgil , and of Servius Hostilius ; which was an omen to them of Royalty . The third are those which appear at Sea about the Masts and Shrouds of the Ships , named by the Ancient , Castor and Pollux when they are two , and when but one , Helena ; and by the Moderns , the fire of S. Elme . The last are those which are seen in the Country in the night time , and are thought to drive or draw Travellers into precipices . As for the first , 't is certain that the same exhalation which makes Comets in the highest Region of the Air , and Thunders in the middlemost , is also the matter of these falling Stars , and being rais'd in small quantity from the earth is condens'd by the cold of the middle Region , where finding no cloud strong enough to uphold it , 't is inflam'd by the antiperistasis of its contrary , or the swift motion of its fall , by reason of its great heat and siccity . And as they proceed from the same cause as dry winds do , so they presage winds and drought ▪ especially in that quarter from whence they fall . But as for the other sorts , I conceive they are only lights , and not fires : For the Air being transparent , and the first subject of Whiteness , as Aristotle saith , hath likewise in it self some radical light , which is sustein'd by that of the Stars which shine in the night . And this whiteness of the Air is prov'd by the appearance of it when t is enclos'd in moist bodies , as in froth , snow , and crystal ; which whitness is very symbolical to light , which it preserves and congregates , as is seen by the same snow in a very dark night : Yea , to speak plainly , whiteness is nothing else but light extinct , luminous bodies appearing white neer a greater light , and white luminous in darkness . So 't is possible that the thinner parts of the Air being inclos'd in these unctuous vapours , they appear enlightned and shining , as well by reason of the condensation of its body as the inequality of its surfaces ; like a diamond cut into several facets ; or as the Stars appear luminous only by being the denser parts of their Orbs. And this kind of light has been seen upon the heads of children , whose moister brain exhal'd a vapour proper for it ; such also as that is which forms the Will-i'th'-Wisp , which may also proceed from the reflection of the Star-light from the Sea , or Rocks : For , That two of these fires bode good to Seamen , and one ill , is but one of the superstitions of Antiquity ; unless you think that the greater number of fires argues greater purity of the Air , and consequently less fear of tempest . The Third said , He accounted the common opinion more solid , which teacheth two material principles of all Meteors , Vapour and Exhalation ; but one and the same efficient , the heat of the Sun , which lifts the thinner parts of the water in a vapour , and those of the earth in an exhalation ; the former hot and moist , the latter hot and dry , borrowing their heat from an extraneous heat ; but vapour hath humidity from the water , and exhalation siccity from the earth ; yet this siccity must be joyn'd with some unctuosity to admit the heat , which acts not upon bodies destitute of all humidity , as the driest ashes are not alter'd by the hottest fire . The driest and least unctuous of these Exhalations are in the middle Region transform'd into winds and tempests , in the entrails of the earth they cause Earth-quakes ; and if they be somewhat more unctuous they make subterranean fires ; in the upper Region they form Comets , and in the lower our Ignes fatui , which are different , according to the divers coition of their matter , in length , breadth , or circularly ; whence comes the difference of these Meteors call'd falling Stars , Flames , leaping Goats , flying Dragons , Beams , Lances , Javelins , and other like names , from the figure of their matter . Yet all these differences are chiefly taken from the magnitude , figure , colour , time , motion , and place of these fires . Magnitude , because some are large and spatious , others very small . Their figure comes from chance ; their colour from the mixture , rarity , or density of the matter . Their time is chiefly the night , being then most visible . Their place , from the Heaven of the Moon to the centre of the Earth . Their motion according to the six differences of place , and the situation of their subject : Hence they pursue those that fly them , and on the contrary fly before those that pursue them ; whereupon the ignorant vulgar takes them for evil spirits , because they drive and lead them into precipices and bogs , which is from their following the unctuous matters which they exhale from those places ; whence also they commonly appear near places of execution , and Church-yards . II. Of Eunuchs . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That the Canons make three sorts of Eunuchs ; the natural , the factitious , and the voluntary ; congruously to our Lords division in the Gospel , that some are born , others are made by men , and others make themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven ; which is no more to be taken literally then the plucking out of the eyes , or the cutting off of the hands when they offend us ; but mystically , for those who voluntarily renounce the pleasures of the flesh . Their original is as ancient as the Law of Nations , whereby the Conquerors giving law to the conquer'd chang'd the punishment of killing them into mutilation of some members , and amongst the rest of these , to make them more faithful and affectionate by depriving them of the means of getting children , and more trusty in keeping of their goods and wives . Hence they have come to be so highly esteem'd , that not only the Emperors of Constantinople , the Kings of Egypt , Persia and Chaldea , have entrusted them with the management of all their affairs ; but also , in the Roman Empire , an Eunuch Slave was valu'd at five times as much as another . Besides that their purity has qualifi'd them amongst the Heathen for Priests of their Deities ; amongst which the Goddesses Isis and Cybele admitted no other , which possibly , by antiphrasis , were call'd Galli . Even in Christianity , the Eunuch of the Queen Candace was the first Gentile call'd to the light of the Gospel ; the expressions whereof Origen understanding literally castrated himself , by an example so singular that St. Jerome chose rather to admire , then to blame the greatness of his courage . The Second said , If it be true , that good consists in the perfection of all parts , and evil in their least defect , the deficiency of those necessary to the conservation of the species is the greatest of all , since it devests us of the noble quality and character of man , which an Eunuch is no longer , nor yet a Woman , but something less then both . And as the propagation of men is an effect of the divine benediction at the beginning of the World , so the barrenness and impotence of Eunuchs , contrary to that fruitfulness , is abhorr'd by all the world , and was taken by the Jews for a curse . Moreover , Nature which is the principle of motions and generations , seems to disown those who want the parts requisite to this action . The Laws forbid them the priviledge of adoption , and most Offices and Dignities . God himself , in the old Law , prohibited them entrance into his Church ; and in the New the Church forbids them the use of her Sacraments , namely , Orders and Marriage . Nor is it any wonder , since every thing in nature is fruitful , even accidents reproducing their species , which are so many generations . Wherefore finding no place among natural things , nor in the Categories , it follows that they are monsters . The Emperor Adrian extended the penalty of the Law Cornelia against those who make Eunuchs , or consent any way thereunto , L. 4. S. ad . L. Corn. And before him the Pretors had introduc'd divers actions touching this matter ; as the action of Injuries , of the Edict of the Aediles , and of Quadruple in the Law , 27. S. ad leg . Aquil. And , lastly , the Emperor Constantine expresly interdicted Castration in all the Empire , under pain of life , and others contain'd in two Laws , De Eunuchis , in the Code . The Third said , That whether you consider Eunuchs in reference to the body or the mind , they are happier then others . They are out of danger of being gouty and bald , two maladies , whereof the one extremely torments a man , and the other dishonours him ; and it cures the most horrible of all maladies , the Leprosie . On the other side , it puts the same difference between the manners of men as it doth between untractable horses and others . Hence the Castrated are more pleasant company ; and to contribute thereunto Nature has afforded them the grace of a delicate voice all their lives , which forsakes children as soon as they come to puberty : and being exempted from the diseases which the excess of Venery brings to others they are longer-liv'd , and more easily bear the excess of wine . They are deliver'd from the cruel servitude of lust , and all the other passions which attend it . And in recompence of those parts wherewith Asses and Mules are better provided then men , they are early furnish'd with wisdom and continence , which ( as the example of Susanna's old Lovers shews ) happens later to man then grey hairs . Moreover , Eunuchs have a fit temper for goodness of wit , which , according to some , occasion'd the Greek name Eunuch , and not their charge of guarding the bed , and observing the deportments of Wives ; whole subtilty and infidelity may delude their Husbands , but could never deceive the vigilance of these Argusses ; who in this alone shew what they can do , since they have the skill to govern that sex which is indisciplinable by all other . CONFERENCE C. I. Of the Green-Sickness . II. Of Hermaphrodites . I. Of the Green-sickness . AS women have commonly more defects in mind , so their bodies are subject to more diseases then those of men ; amongst which this is call'd Love-sickness , because it ordinarily happens to marriageable Virgins , and the Green-sickness ( by Hippocrates , Chlorosis ) from a colour between green and livid , which it imprints upon the countenance . Yet , besides this change of the natural colour , which is red , it hath divers other symptomes , whereof the chief are a perverse appetite , call'd Malacia or Pica , Nauseousness , Tension of the Hypochondres , faintings and palpitations of the heart , difficulty of breathing , sadness , fear , languishing , weakness , and heaviness of all the members , an oedematous humour , or bloatiness of the feet and the whole face : of which accidents those of the alteration of colour being the most perceptible , and the pathognomonical signes of this disease have with the vulgar given the denomination to it . This malady is not to be sleighted , as people imagine ; being sometimes so violent , that the peccant humours being carri'd to the head render the Maidens distracted and mad ; yea sometimes they dye suddenly of it , the heart and its vital faculty being stifled and oppress'd by it . For this symptome hurts not only the functions of one part or faculty , but invades the whole oeconomy , causing an evil habit , which degenerates into a Dropsie ; especially , that which the Physitians call Leucophlegmatia or Anasarca , when the flesh like a spunge imbibes and attracts all the aqueous and excrementitious humidities . The antecedent and prime cause of this malady is the suppression of the menstrual blood ; the conjunct and proximate is the collection of crude and vicious humours in all the parts of the body which they discolour . Now when the blood which serves in women for the principle of generation becomes burdensom to nature , either by its quantity , or its quality ( which happens commonly at the age of puberty ) she expells it by the vessels of the womb ; which if they be stop'd , that blood mingled for the most part with many other excrementitious humours which it carries along with it , as torrents do mud , returns the same into the trunk of the hollow Vein , from thence into the Liver , Spleen , Mesentery , and other Entrails , whose natural heat it impairs , and hinders their natural functions , as concoction and sanguification , and so is the cause of the generating of crude humours ; which being carried into all the parts of the body , are nevertheless assimilated and so change their natural colour . Of which causes which beget those obstructions in the Vessels of the Matrix , the chief are , a phlegmatick and viscous blood commonly produc'd by bad food , as Lime , Chalk , Ashes , Coals , Vinegar , Corn , and Earth , which young Girles purposely eat to procure that complexion , out of a false perswasion that it makes them handsomer . Yet this malady may happen too from a natural conformation , the smalness and closeness of the aforesaid Vessels ; whence the fat and phlegmatick ( as the pale are ) are more subject to it then the lean and brown . The Second said , 'T is an opinion so universally receiv'd that the Green-sickess comes from Love , that those who fight under his Standards affect this colour , as his liveries . But 't is most appropriate to Maidens , as if nature meant to write in their faces what they so artificially conceal , and supply for their bashfulness by this dumb language . Whereunto their natural Constitution conduecs much , being much colder then that of men ; which is the cause that they beget abundance of superfluous blood , which easily corrupts , either by the mixture of some humour , or for want of free motion ( like standing waters , and inclos'd air ) and infects the skin , the universal Emunctory of all the parts , but especially that of the face , by reason of its thinness and softness . And as obstructions are the cause , so opening things are the remedies of this malady ; as the filings of Steel prepar'd , Sena , Aloes , Myrrhe , Safron , Cinamon , roots of Bryony and Birth-worth , Hysope , wild Mecury , the leaves and flowers of Marigold , Broom flowers , Capers , &c. The Third said , That the vulgar opinion , that all Green-sickness is from Love , is a vulgar errour . For though the Poet writes that every Lover is pale , yet hatred causes paleness too ; and the consequence cannot be well made from a passion to a habit . Besides , little Girles of seven and eight years old are troubled with this disease , and you cannot think them capable of love ; no more then that 't is through want of natural purgation in others after the age of puberty ; for women above fifty yeers old , when that purgation ceases , have something of this malady . Yea men too have some spices of it sometimes ; and yet the structure of their parts , being wholly different from that of females , allows not the assigning of the same cause in both . Yea did the common conceit hold good that those who have small vessels , and ( as such ) capable of obstruction , are most subject to it ; yet the contrary will follow to what is inferr'd to their prejudice . For they will be the less amorous , because the lesser vessels have the lesser blood , which is the material cause of Love , to which we see sanguine complexions are most inclin'd . II. Of Hermaphrodites . Upon the second Point 't was said , That if Arguments taken from the name of the thing be of good augury , Hermaphrodites must have great advantage from theirs , as being compounded of the two most agreeable Deities of Antiquity , Mercury or Hermes , the Courtier of the Gods , and Venus or Aphrodite , the Goddess of Love ; to signifie the perfection of both sexes united in one subject . And though 't is a fiction of the Poets that the Son begotten of the Adultery of Mercury and Venus was both male and female ; ( as well as that of the Nymph Salmacis , who embrac'd a young man who was bathing with her so closely that they became one body ) yet we see in Nature some truth under the veil of these Fables . For the greatest part of insects and many perfect animals have the use of either sex . As the Hyaena , by the report of Appian , one year do's the office of a male , and the next of a female ; as the Serpent also doth , by the testimony of Aelian ; and as Aristotle saith , the Fish nam'd Trochus ; and 't is commonly said that the Hare impregnates it self . Pliny mentions some Nations who are born Hermaphrodites , having the right breast of a Man , and the left of a Woman . Plato saith , that Mankind began by Hermaphrodites , our first Parents being both Male and Female , and that having then nothing to desire out of themselves , the Gods became jealous of them , and divided them into two ; which is the reason that they seek their first union so passionately , and that the sacred tye of Marriage was first instituted . All which Plato undoubtedly learn'd out of Genesis ; For he had read where 't is said , ( before Eves formation , or separation from Adam is mention'd ) That God created Man , and that he created Male and Female . The Second said , That Natural Reason admits not Hermaphrodites ; for we consider not those who have onely the appearances of genital parts which Nature may give them , as to Monsters two Heads , four Arms , and so of the other parts , through the copiousness of matter ; but those who have the use and perfection of the same , which consists in Generation . For Nature having never put into the same subject an internal and radical principal of two contrary desires , as that of Man is to that of Woman , ( the one consisting in action , the other in passion ; the one in giving , the other in receiving ) they cannot belong to one single individual ; which should also be both Agent and Patient , contrary to the common Axiom founded upon the first Principle , that a thing cannot be and not be at the same time . Moreover , the qualities of the Genitures being contrary , that of the Woman cold and moist , and that of the Man hot and dry , they cannot meet in the same subject in so excellent a degree as is requir'd to generation . For the strength divided is never so vigorous as united , especially when its subjects are different . No Hermaphrodites ever us'd both sexes perfectly , but at least one of them weakly and abusively ; and consequently , they are justly punish'd by the Laws . For were both parts equally fit for Generation , 't were contrary to policy to hinder them from using the same , propagations being the chief Nerves of a State. But these people are oblig'd to make choice of one Sex , that by this election it may be konwn which they exercise best , and may be prohibited the abuse of the other . The Third said , There 's nothing in Nature so disunited , but is rejoyn'd by some medium . As there are Spirits apart , and Bodies apart , so there are animated Bodies consisting of both . Amongst beasts , Leopards , Mules , Doggs , and many others , partake of two different Natures ; the Bat is between a beast and a bird , as Frogs , Ducks , and other amphibious creatures , partly Fish , and partly Terrestial Animals . The Bonaretz is a plant and an animal ; the Mushrome is between earth and a plant . So since there is Man and Woman , there may also be some nature containing both . As to the cause of them , besides nature's general inclination to reunite different things , it seems that the same which produces monsters produces also Hermaprodites , especially when the matter is more then needs a single Man or Woman , and too little for two . Nature herein imitating a Founder , who casting his metal in a mould , if there be any over-plus , it sticks to the Piece which he intended to form . Unless you had rather say , that if both the seeds be of equal power , and neither predominant over the other , the Formative Virtue then produces both sexes , which it would have distinguish'd into two Twins , had there been matter sufficient for two Twins . Whereunto also the Imagination of the Mother may also contribute . For since some have been born with Virilities sticking at the end of their Nose , and other places of the Countenance , Nature seems less extravagant when she places them in their true situation ; there being no likelyhood , in the Astrologers account , that the conjunction of Mercury and Venus in the eight house ( which they assign to births ) is the cause hereof . The Fourth said , That Hermaphrodites being of those rare and extraordinary effects , which fall no more under Law then under Reason , 't is very difficult to assign the true natural causes of them . Yea , if there be nothing less known then forms , and their original , even when Nature acts regularly , we cannot but be more at a loss in the combinations of forms and species , and coupling of sexes , which are deviations from the rule of Nature . Hermaphrodites , who have both sexes , are of four sorts ; for they have Virilities in the ordinary place , and muliebrities either in the perinaeum , or the scrotum ; or else the feminine parts being in their right place , the masculine appear above them , as is seen many times in Goats ; or lastly , the Virilities lying hid in the middle of the other , at length come forth , as ha's hapned to many Girls and Women turn'd into Men ; as to Marie Germain , by the relation of Montagne ; to Arescon , a Native of Argos , who was sirnam'd Arescusa , according to Martianus . And Hippocrates affirms , in 6. Epid. that a Woman nam'd Phaetusa , who after she had had Children by her Husband Pytheus the Abderite , this her Husband being long absent from her , she came to have a beard , and the other badges of virility . The same he also testifies to have hapned to Namysia , the wife of Gorippus , in the Isle of Thasus . Of which effects we shall easily find the reason , if we say , with Galen , that Woman is an imperfect Animal , and a fragment of Mankind ; and so 't will be no wonder to see a Woman become a Man , then to see all other things acquire the perfection due to their Nature , which they ought to attain , lest their inclination thereunto be in vain . Moreover , 't is certain , that a Woman desires a Man , as Matter doth Form ; Power , Act ; Imperfection , Perfection ; Deformity , Beauty ; in a word , the Female the Male ; Nature affording us many examples of these changes of sexes , and metamorphoses . So Metals and Elements are turn'd one into another ; Wheat into Cockle ; Rye into Wheat ; Barley into Oats ; Origanum into Wild Thyme ; Sisymbrium into Mint . Which caus'd Anaxagoras to say , That every thing is in every thing . According to which principle , the Male is actually in his Female ; and Hermaphrodites are no more , saving 't is more conspicuous . So that the Ancients left us some truths under the figures of a god Lunus and the Moon , and of a bearded Venus , to whom the Dames of Athens sacrific'd in mens clothes . The Fifth said , That the transmutation of sexes is impossible by reason of the diversity of the Genitories in Men and Women , which is greater then is here fit to be display'd . But those Maidens who have been thought to change their Sex , were Hermaphrodites , who retain'd the marks of the Feminine sex onely till a certain age , as that of Puberty , when the increased heat driving the Virilities forth did the same thing as it doth in Children , whom it enables to speak at a certain age . Unless you will say , that the Clitoris caus'd the mistake by its resemblance ; as it happens in that symptome call'd by Aegineta , Cereosis , or Cauda , which makes Tribades pass for Hermaprodites . The change of Men into Women , ( not like that of Nero , and Sardanapalus ) but of Tiresias mention'd by the Poets , is more impossible ; unlesse they suppos'd that some causes destroying the heat of the Genital parts , and weakning the strength , the Virilities came to wither and retire inwards , as the Umbilical vessels do after the faetus is born ; and that Nature conform'd to the cold temper superven'd in the whole body . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A70920-e2960 Ludus Literarius . Ludi-Magistri . Nihil est ex omni parte beatum . Jupiter est quodcunque vides , quodcunque movetur , Lucan . Id quod inserius est sicut illud quod est superius . You may see the figure of these Parhelij in Des Cartes Meteors . Splen ridere facit . — Mundus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ornatus . Eclesiasticus . Sign . Weeping . Oderint dum mutuant . Notes for div A70920-e39530 * Guy , fig. Misletoe . 
A35987	----	Two treatises in the one of which the nature of bodies, in the other, the nature of mans soule is looked into in way of discovery of the immortality of reasonable soules. Digby, Kenelm, Sir, 1603-1665. 1644 Approx. 1554 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 256 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35987 Wing D1448 ESTC R9240 12329295 ocm 12329295 59612 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35987) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59612) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 207:15) Two treatises in the one of which the nature of bodies, in the other, the nature of mans soule is looked into in way of discovery of the immortality of reasonable soules. Digby, Kenelm, Sir, 1603-1665. [44], 466 p. : ill. Printed by Gilles Blaizot, At Paris : 1644. "To my sonne Kenelme Digby" signed: Your loving father Kenelme Digby. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Matter -- Early works to 1800. Atomism -- Early works to 1800. Immortality -- Early works to 1800. Soul -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2002-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TWO TREATISES . IN THE ONE OF WHICH , THE NATVRE OF BODIES ; IN THE OTHER , THE NATVRE OF MANS SOVLE ; IS LOOKED INTO : IN WAY OF DISCOVERY , OF THE IMMORTALITY OF REASONABLE SOVLES . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Animae naturam , absque totius natura , Sufficienter cognosci posse , existimas ? Plato in Phoedr . AT PARIS , Printed by GILLES BLAIZOT . M. DC . XLIIII . WITH PRIVILEDGE . TO MY SONNE KENELME DIGBY . SONNE , The calamity of this time being such , as hath bereaft me of the ordinary meanes of expressing my affection to you ; I haue beene casting about , to find some other way of doing that in such sort , as you may receiue most profit by it . Therein I soone pitched vpon this consideration ; That Parents owe vnto their children , not onely materiall subsistence for their bodie ; but much more , spirituall contributions to their better part , their minde . I am much bound to God , that he hath endewed you with one very capable of the best instructions : and withall , I do therefore esteeme my selfe obliged , to do my vtmost for moulding it to its most aduantage . If my ayme therein do proue successefull , you will with more ease digest those inconueniences and distresses , which already you haue begun to be acquainted with , and that threaten dayly worse vnto you . For how can a man suffer his hart to be deiected att the priuation of any temporall blessinges , whiles he considereth the inanity of them ; and that nothing is worthy his serious thought , but what may accompany him to his eternall habitation ? What needeth he feare the desolations of warre , and the worst that they can do against him , who haue his estate in their power , when he may be rich with a much nobler treasure , that none but himselfe can robbe him of ? Without doubt , he that shall seriously reflect vpon the excellency of his owne nature , and vpon the admirable perfect and happy state he shall most certainely arriue vnto , if he but weane himselfe from those worldly impediments , that here clogge his soules flight ; can not choose but looke with a disdainefull eye , vpon the glattering tryfles , that weake spirits delight themselues withall . If he deeme it not requisite ( as of old , the famous wise man did ) to throw away those encumbrances , to the end he may the more freely attend vnto diuine contemplations ( for worldly goods , duely vsed , may be very aduantagious both to ones selfe , and to others ) yet at the least , he will not repine att fortunes recalling of what she formerly had but lent him , and but permitted him the vse of . To the end then that you may be armed against the worst that may arriue vnto you , in this vnhappy state of affaires , in our distressed country ; I send you those considerations of the nature and Immortality of humane soules , which of late , haue beene my chiefe entertainement . The progresse you haue already made in the study of Philosophy , hath ( I am persuaded ) enabled you to benefitt your selfe , with what I haue written vpon this subiect : on the serious examining of which , if you will employ but halfe the time , that I haue done in spinning out my thoughts , and weauing them into the piece you see , I doubt not but you will thereby receiue so much contentement , as well as profit , that you will not repent you of your paines . Besides that , intellectuall entertainements are the purest , and the noblest , and the most proportionate to mans nature , and proue the most delightfull to him , when they are duely relished . You will presently agree , that the matter j handle , is the most important and the most weighty , within the whole extent of humane nature , for a worthy and a gallant person to employ himselfe about . The aduantage which man hath ouer vnreasonable creatures , is , that what he doth , is by election ; and he is himselfe master of all his actions ; whereas they are impelled by outward causes , vnto all they doe : it is properly sayd of them , that aguntur magis quam agunt : He onely is free : and in all varietyes of circumstances , hath the power to choose one , and to reiect an other . Now , to haue this election wisely made , and becoming a man , requireth that it be steered by knowledge . To do any thing well , a man must first know throughly all that concerneth the action he is about ; and chiefely the end of it . And certainely , of all his actions , the gouernement of himselfe , is the most important , and neereliest concerning him . The end of that gouernement , and of all a mans aymes , is by all men agreed to be Beatitude : that is , his being completely well , and in a condition of enioying the most happinesse , that his nature is capable of . For arriuall whereunto , it is impossible to pitch vpon the direct and sure meanes , vnlesse it be first determined , whether the Beatitude we speake of , do belong to this life , or be not to be attained , till we come to the next : or rather , whether or no , there be an other life besides this , to be happy in . For if there remaineth an eternity vnto vs , after the short reuolution of time we so swiftly runne ouer here on earth ; it is cleare , that all the happinesse which can be imagined in this fleeting state , is not valuable , in respect of the future ; nor any thing we do here is considerable , otherwise then as it conduceth to the making our condition then , better or worse . Now the way to be sure of this , is eyther infallible authority , or euident science . They that rely on the first , depend of others : and they onely who know , are absolutely complete of themselues ; and haue within themselues , the principles whereby to gouerne their actions , in what is of highest consequence to them . It is true , euery body is not of a straine of witt and iudgement , to be of this ranke : and who are not , must be contented to beleeue others , and be satisfyed with what is taught them . But he that will be of a superior orbe , must make this his study . This is the adequate entertainement of a worthy person . To conceiue how high and excellent , this science of gouerning a man in order to Beatitude in the next world is , we may consider , how among all arts that concerne this life , the art of a statesman , vnto whome belongeth to see a common wealthwell gouerned , is by much the noblest . All other arts , are but ministeriall to him . He maketh vse of the soldier , of the lawyer , of the orator , of the antiquary , of the physitian , as best conduceth to the end he aymeth att , of making the commonwealth he gouerneth , happy and flourishing . All other meaner trades serue him in a yet lower degree . Yet after all , he must take his measures from the Metaphysitian or Diuine . For since the gouernement of a society of men , aymeth att giuing them the best being they are capable of ; and since Mans well being here in this life , is but instrumentally good , as being the meanes for him to be well in the next life ; It is euident , that the statesmans art , is but instrumentall to that , which sheweth , how euery particular man must gouerne his life , to be partaker of a happy eternity . And consequently , if a statesman haue not this science , he must be subiect to a brauer man then himselfe , whose prouince is to direct all his actions vnto this end . We are told , how reuerently great Cesar listened to the discourses of learned Achoreus , how obseruant Alexander was of his Master Aristotle , how secure Nero trode , whiles Seneca guided his steppes , how humble Constantine was to saint Syluesters precepts , how Charlemaine gouerned himselfe in his most important actions , by Alcuines aduise : In a word , all the great men of antiquity , aswell among the Romanes , as among the Gretians , had their Philosophers , and Diuines in their kind , belonging to them ; from whome they might deriue rules of liuing and doing as they ought vpon all occasions , if themselues were not Masters in that superior and all directing science . He that seeth not by his owne light , must in this dangerous ocean steere by the lanterne which an other hangeth out to him . If the person he relyeth vpon , eyther withholdeth the light from him , or sheweth him a false one , he is presently in the darke , and can not faile of loosing his way . How great an authority had the Augurs and priests among the rude Romanes , to forbid any publike act , or to breake any assembly vpon pretence of Religious duties , when they liked not the businesse that was in agitation ? The like may interessed Diuines among Christians do , if the ministers of state haue not some insight into Diuinity . He leadeth a vexatious life , that in his noblest actions is so gored with scruples , that he dareth not make a steppe , without the authority of an other to warrant him . Yet I do not conclude , that he whome I designe by the character of a braue man , should be a professed or a complete Metaphytian or Diuine , and consummate in euery curious circumstance that belongeth to this science ; it sufficeth him to know it in bulke ; and to haue so much Diuinity , as in common occurrents , to be able to gouerne himselfe ; and in speciall ones , to vnderstand what , and why his Diuine perswadeth him to any thing ; so that euen then , though not without helpe , yet he gouerneth himselfe , and is not blindely gouerned by an other . He that aymeth att being a perfect horseman , is bound to know in generall ( besides the art of riding ) the nature and temper of horses ; and to vnderstand the different qualities of bittes , saddles , and other vtensiles of a horseman ; But the vtmost exactnesse in these particulars , belongeth to farriers , saddlers , smithes , and other tradesmens of all which , the iuditious rider knoweth how to make due vse , when he hath occasion , for his principall end ; which is , orderly gouerning his horse . In like manner , he whom we designe by a complete braue man , must know solidely the maine end of what he is in the world for : and withall , must know how to serue himselfe when he pleaseth , and that it is needfull to him , of the Diuines high contemplations , of the Metaphysitians subtile speculations , of the naturall Philosophers minute obseruations , of the Mathematicians nice demonstrations ; and of whatsoeuer else of particular professions , may conduce to his end ; though without making any of them his professed businesse . To lay groundes for such knowledge as this , is the scope of my ensuing discourse . My first ayme , was to begett it in my selfe : to which end , the digesting my thoughts into order , and the setting them downe in writing , was necessary : for without such strict examination of them , as the penning them affordeth one meanes to make , they would hardly haue auoyded being disioynted and rouing ones . Now that I haue done that , my next ayme is that you , vnto whom I wish as much good as to my selfe , may reape as much benefit by the studying it , as I haue done by the composing it . My end then being a priuate one ( as looking no further then you my sonne , and my selfe ) I haue not endeauoured to expresse my conceptions eyther in the phrase , or in the language of the schooles . It will serue our turne , to comprehend the substance , without confining our selues to any scrupulous exactnesse , in what concerneth onely forme . And the same consideration hath made me passe slightly ouer many particulars , in my first Treatise of the Nature of Bodies ; vpon which learned and witty men might spinne out large volumes . For in that part , I ayme no further , then to shew what may be effected by corporeall agents . There , possibility serueth my turne , as well as the determinate indiuisible point of truth . I am obliged to that , onely in my maine great theme ; which is the soule . In regard of which , the numerous crooked narrow cranies , and the restrayned flexuous riuolets of corporeall thinges , are all contemptible , further then the knowledge of them serueth to the knowledge of the soule . And a gallant man , whose thoughts flye att the highest game , requireth no further insight into them , then to satisfy himselfe by what way they may be performed ; and deemeth it farre too meane for him , to dwell vpon the subtilest of their mysteries for science sake . Besides this liberty that the scope I ayme att alloweth me of passing very cursorily ouer sundry particulars ; I find now att my reading ouer all together , what I haue written to deliuer it to the Printer , that euen in that which I ought to haue done to comply with my owne designe and expectation , I am fallen very short ; so that if I had not vnwarily too farre engaged my selfe for the present publishing it , truly I should haue kept it by me , till I had once againe gone ouer it . I find the whole piece very confusedly done ; the stile vnequall and vnpolished ; many particulars ( when they are not absolutely necessary to my maine drift ) too slightly touched , and farre from being driuen home : and in a word , all of it seemeth to be rather but a loose modell and roughcast of what I designe to do , then a complete worke throughly finished . But since by my ouerforward promising of this piece to seuerall frindes , that haue beene very earnest for it , I haue now brought my selfe to that passe , that it would ill become me to delay any longer the publishing of some thing vpon this subiect ; and that obligations of an other nature permitt me not att the present to dwell any longer vpon this ( besides that , so laysy a braine as mine is , groweth soone weary when it hath so entangled a skeane as this is to vnwind ) I now send it you as it is ; but with a promise , that att my first leisure , I will take a strict suruey of it ; and then in an other edition , will polish , correct and adde what shall appeare needfull to me . If any man shall take the booke out of your hand , inuited by the title and subiect to looke into it ; I pray you in my behalfe represent vnto him , how distant my profession is , and how contrary my education hath beene , from writing of bookes . In euery art , the plainest that is , there is an apprentiship necessary , before it can be expected one should worke in it a fashionable piece . The first attemptes are alwayes very imperfect ayminges ; and are scarce discernable what they are meaned for , vnlesse the master guide his schollers hand . Much more will the same happen in so difficult and spiny an affaire , as the writing vpon such a nice and copious subiect as this is , to one that is so wholy ignorant of the lawes of methode as I am . This free and ingenuous acknowledgement on my side , will I hope preuayle with all ingenuous persons , who shall reade what I haue written , to aduertise me fairely ( if they iudge it worth their while ) of what they dislike in it : to the end that in an other more accurate edition , I may giue them better satisfaction . For besides what faylinges may be in the matter , I can not doubt but that euen in the expressions of it , there must often be great obscurity and shortenesse ; which I , who haue my thoughts filled with the thinges themselues , am not aware of . So that , what per aduenture may seeme very full to me , because euery imperfect touch bringeth into my minde the entire notion and whole chaine of circumstances belonging to that thing I haue so often beaten vpon ; may appeare very crude and maymed to a stranger , that can not guesse what I would be att , otherwise then as my direct wordes do leade him . One thing more I shall wish you to desire of them who happily may peruse these two Treatises ; aswell for their owne sakes , as for mine . And that is , that they will not passe their censure vpon any particular piece , or broken parcell of eyther of them , taken by it selfe . Lett them draw the entire thridde through their fingers , and lett them examine the consequentnesse of the whole body of the doctrine I deliuer ; and lett them compare it by a like suruey with what is ordinarily taught in the schooles : and if they find in theirs , many brackes and short endes which can not be spunne into an euen piece , and in mine , a faire coherence throughout ; I shall promise my selfe a fauourable doome from them , and that they will haue an acquiescence in themselues to what I haue here presented them with : whereas , if they but rauell it ouer loosely , and pitch vpon disputing against particular conclusions , that att the first encounter of them single , may seeme harsh vnto them , ( which is the ordinary course of flashy wits , who can not fadome the whole extent of a large discourse ) it is impossible but that they should be very much vnsatisfyed of me ; and goe away with a persuasion , that some such truthes as vpon the whole matter are most euident ( one stone in the arch supporting an other , and the whole ) are meere chymeras and wilde paradoxes . But ( Sonne ) it is time my booke should speake it selfe , rather then I speake any longer of it here . Reade it carefully ouer , and lett me see by the effects of your gouerning your selfe , that you make such right vse of it , as I may be comforted in hauing chosen you to bequeath it vnto . God in heauen blesse you . Paris the last of August 1644. Your Louing Father KENELME DIGBY . A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS ▪ AND MATTERS HANDLED IN THE FIRST TREATISE CONCERING BODIES . CHAP. I. THe Preface . A Preamble to the whole discourse ; concerning notions in generall . pag. 1. § . 1. Quantity is the first , and most obuious affection of a body ibid. § . 2. Wordes do not expresse thinges as they are in themselues , but onely as they are painted in the mindes of men . pag. 2. § . 3. The first error that may arise from hence ; which is a multiplying of thinges , where no such multiplication is really found . ibid. § . 4. A second error ; the conceiuing of many distinct thinges as really one thing . pag. 3. § . 5. Great care to be taken to auoyde the errors , which may arise from our manner of vnderstanding thinges . pag. 4. § . 6. Two sorts of wordes to expresse our notions , the one common to all men , the other proper to schollers . pag 5. § . 7. Great errors arise by wresting wordes from their common meaning to expresse a more particular or studied notion . pag. 6. CHAP. II. Of Quantity . pag. 8. § . 1. Wee must know the vulgar and common notion of Quantity that wee may vnderstand the nature of it . ibid. § . 2. Extension or diuisibility is the common notion of Quantity . pag. 9. § . 3. Partes of Quantity are not actually in their whole . pag. 10. § . 4. If partes were actually in their whole , Quantity would be composed of indiuisibles . ibid. § . 5. Quantity can not be composed of indiuisibles . pag. 11. § . 6. An obiection to prooue that partes are actually in Quantity ; with a declaration of the mistake from whence it proceedeth . pag. 12. § . 7. The solution of the former obiection : andthat sense can not discerne whether one part be distinguished from another , or no ▪ pag. 13. § . 8. An enumeration of the seuerall specieses of Quantity , which confirmeth that the essence of it is diuisibility . pag. 14. CHAP. III. Of Rarity and Density . pag. 15. § 1. What is meant by Rarity and Density . ibid. § . 2. It is euident that some bodies are rare and others dense ; though obscure , how they are such . pag. 16. § . 3. A breife enumeration of the seuerall properties belonging to rare and dense bodies . ibid. § . 4. The opinion of those Philosophers declared , who putt rarity to consist in an actuall diuision of a body into litle pates . pag. 17. § . 5. The former opinion reiected , and the ground of their error discouered . pag. 18. § . 6. The opinion of those Philosophers related , who putt rarity to consist in the mixtion of vacuity among bodies . pag. 19. § . 7. The opinion of vacuities refuted . pag. 20. § . 8. Rarity and Density cosist in the seuerall proportions which Quantity hath to its substance . pag. 22. § . 9. All must admitt in Physicall bodies , a Metaphysicall composition . pag. 24. CHAP. IV. Of the foure first qualities : and of the foure Elements . pag. 26. § . 1. The notions of density and rarity haue a latitude capable of infinite variety . ibid. § 2. How moystnesse and drynesse are begotten in dense bodies . pag. 27. § . 3. How moystnesse and drynesse are begotten in rare bodies . pag. 28. § . 4. Heate is a property of rare bodies , and cold of dense ones . pag. 28. § . 5. Of the two dense bodies , the lesse dense is more cold : but of the two rare ones , the lesse rare is lesse hoat . pag. 29. § . 6. The extreme dense body is more dry , then the extreme rare one . pag. 30. § . 7. There are but foure simple bodies : and these are rightly named Elements . ibid. § . 8. The Author doth nott determine whether euery element doth comprehend vnder its name one only lowest species , or many : nor whether any of them be found pure . pag. 31. CHAP. V. Of the operations of the Elements in generall . And of their Actiuities compared with one another . pag. 32. § 1. The first operation of the Elements is diuision , out of which resulteth locall motion . ibid. § . 2. What place is : both notionally , and really . pag. 33. § . 3. Locall motion is that diuision , whereby a body chāeth its place . pag. 34. § . 4. The nature of quantity of it selfe is sufficient to vnite a body to its place . ibidem . § . 5. All operations amongst bodies , are eyther locall motion , or such as follow out of locall motion . pag. 35. § . 6. Earth compared to water in actiuity . pag. 36. § . 7. The manner whereby fire getteth in fewel : prooueth that it exceedeth earth in actiuity . ibid. § . 8. The same is prooued by the manner , whereby fire cometh ut of fewell and worketh vpon other bodies . pag. 37. CHAP. VI. Of Light : what it is . pag. 39. § . 1. In what sense the Author reiecteth qualities . ibid. § . 2. In what sense the Author doth admitt of qualities . pag. 40. § . 3. Fiue arguments proposed to proue that light is not a body . pag. 41. § . 4. The two first reasons to proue light to be a body are , the resemblance it hath with fire ; and because if it were a quality , it would alwayes produce an equall to it selfe . pag. 42. § . 5. The third reason ; because if we imagine to our selues the substance of fire to be rarifyed , it will haue the same appearences which light hath . pag. 43. § . 6. The fourth reason , from the manner of the genertion and corruption of light , which agreeth with fire . ibid. § . 7. The fifth reason ; because such properies belong to light as agree only vnto bodies . pag. 45. CHAP. VII . Two objections answered against light being fire , a more ample proofe of its being such . ibid. § . 1. That all light is hoat and apt o heate . ibid. § . 2. The reason why our bodies for the most part do not feele the heate of pure light . pag. 46. § . 3. The experience of burningglasses , and of soultry gloomy weather , proue light to be fire . pag. 48. § . 4. Philosophers ought not to be iudge ot thinges by the rules of vulgar people . ibidem . § . 5. the different names of light and fire proceede from different notions of the same substance . pag. 49. § . 6. The reason why many times fire and heate are depriued of light . pag. 50. § . 7. What becometh of the body of light , when it dyeth ibid. § . 8. An experiment of some who pretend , that light may be precipitated into pouder . pag. 51. § . 9. The Authors opinion concerning lampes , pretended to haue been found in tombes , with inconsumptible lights . ibid. CHAP. VIII . An answere to three other objections formely proposed , against light being a substance . pag. 53. § . 1. Light is not really in euery part of the roome it enlighteneth , nor filleth entirely any sensible part of it , though it seeme to vs to do so . ibid. § . 2. Tha least sensible poynt of a diaphanous body , hath roome sufficient to containe both ayre and light , together with a multitude of beames issuing from seuerall lights , without penetrating one another . pag. 54. § . 3. That light doth not enlighten any roome in an instant ; and that the great celerity of its motion doth make it inperceptible to our senses . pag. 56. § . 4. The reason why the motion of light , is not discerned comingtowardes vs ; and that there is some reall tardity in it . pag. 58. § . 5. The planets are not certainely euer in that place where they appeare to be . pag. 59. § . 6. The reason why light being a body , doth not by its motion shatter other bodies into pieces . ibid. § . 7. The reason why the body of light is neuer perceiued to be fanned by the wind . pag. 61. § . 8. The reasons , for , and against lights being a body , compared together . pag. 62. § . 9. A summary repetition of the reasons , which prooue that light is fire . ibidem . CHAP. IX . Of locall Motion in common . pag 63. § . 1. No locall motion can be performed without succession . ibid. § . 2. Time is the common measure of all succession . pag. 64. § . 3. What velocity is , and that it can not be infinite . ibid. § . 4. No force so litle , that is not able to moue the greatest weight imaginable . pag. 65. § . 5. The cheife principle of Mechanikes deduced out of the former discourse . pag. 66. § . 6. No moueable can passe from rest to any determinate degree of velocity , or from a lesser degree to a greater , without passing through all the intermediate degrees , which are below the obtained degree . pag. 67. § . 7. The conditions which helpe to motion , in the moueable are three , in the medium , one . pag 69. § . 8. No body hath any intrinsecall vertue to moue it selfe towardes any determinate part of the vniuerse . pag. 70. § . 9. The encrease of motion is alwayes made in the proportion of the odde numbers . ibid. § . 10. No motion can encrease for euer without coming to a periode . pag. 72. § . 11. Certaine problemes resolued concerning the proportion of some mouing Agents compared to their effects . pag 73. § . 12. When a moueable cometh to rest , the motion doth decrease according to the rules of encrease . pag. 75. CHAP. X. Of Grauity and Leuity ; and of Locall Motion , commonly termed Naturall . pag. 76. § . 1. Those motions are called naturall , which haue constant causes ; and those violent , which are contrary to them . ibid. § . 2. The first and most generall operation of the sunne , is the making and raising of atomes . ibid. § . 3. The light rebounding from the earth with atomes , causeth two streames in the ayre ; the one ascending the other descending ; and both of them in a perpendicular line . pag. 77. § . 4. A dense body placed in the ayre betweene the ascending and descending streame , must needes descend . pag. 78. § . 5. A more particular explication of all the former doctrine touching grauity . pag. 79. § . 6. Grauity and leuity do not signify an intrinsecall inclination to such a motion in the bodies themselues which are termed heauy and light . pag. 81. § . 7. The more dense a body is , the more swiftly it descendeth . ibid. § . 8. The velocity of bodies descending doth not encrease in proportion to the difference that may be betweene their seuerall densities . pag. 82. § . 9. More or lesse grauity doth produce a swifter or a slower descending of a heauy body . Aristotles argument to disproue motion in vacuo , is made good . pag. 84. § . 10. The reason why att the inferiour quarter of a circle , a body doth descend faster by the arch of that quarter , then by the chord if it . pag. 85. CHAP. XI . An answere to objections against the causes of naturall motion , auowed in the former chapter ; and a refutation of the contrary opinion . pag. 86. § . 1. The first obiection answered ; why a hollow body descendeth slower then a solide one . pag. 86. § . 2. The second obiection answered , and the reasons shewne , why atomes do continually ouertake the descending dense body . pag. 88. § . 3. A curious question left vndecided . pag. 89. § . 4. The fourth obiection answered ; why the descent of the same heauy bodies , is equall in so great inequality of the atomes which cause it . ibidem . § . 5. The reason why the shelter of a thicke body doth not hinder the descent of that which is vnder it . pag. 91. § . 6. The reason why some bodies sinke , others swimme . pag. 92. § . 7. The fifth obiection answered concerning the descending of heauy bodies in streames . pag. 93. § . 8. The sixt obiection answered : and that all heauy elements do weigh in their owne spheres . pag. 95. § . 9. The seuenth obiection answered : and the reason why we do not feele the course of the ayre and atomes that beate continually vpon vs. ibidem . § . 10. How in the same body , grauity may be greater then density , and density then grauity ; though they be the same thing . pag. 96. § . 11. The opinion of grauities being an intrinsecall inclination of a body to the center , refuted by reason . pag , 97. § . 12. The same opinion refuted by seuerall experiences . pag. 98. CHAP. XII . Of Violent Motion . pag. 100. § . 1. The state of the question touching the cause of violent motion . ibid. § . 2. That the medium is the onely cause , which continueth violent motion . ibidem . § . 3. A further explication of the former doctrine . pag. 101. § . 4. That the ayre hath strength enough to continue violent motion in a moueable . pag. 102. § . 5. An answere to the first obiection ; that ayre is not apt to conserue motion ▪ And how violent motion cometh to cease . pag 103. § . 6. An answere to the second obiection ; that the ayre hath no power ouer heauy bodies . pag. 104. § . 7. An answere to the third obiection , that an arrow should fly faster broadwayes then long wayes . pag. 105. CHAP. XIII . Of three sortes of violent motion , Reflexion , Vndulation , and Refraction . pag. 106. § . 1. That reflexion is a kind of violent motion . ibid. § . 2. Reflection is made at equall angles . ibid. § . 3. The causes and properties of vndulation . pag. 107. § . 4. Refraction at the entrance into the reflectent body is towardes the perpendicular ; at the going out it , is from it ; when the second superficies is parallel to the first . pag. 108. § . 5. A refutation of Monsieur Des Cartes his explication of refraction pag. 109. § . 6. An answere to the arguments brought in fauour of Monsieur Des Cartes his opinion . pag. 111. § . 7. The true cause of refraction of light both at its entrance , and at its going out from the reflecting body . pag. 112. § . 8. A generall rule to know the nature of reflection and refractions in all sortes of surfaces . pag. 113. § . 9. A body of greater partes and greater pores , maketh a greater refraction then one of lesser partes and lesser pores . pag. 114. § . 10. A confirmation of the former doctrine , out of the nature of bodies that refract light . pag. 115. CHAP. XIV . Of the composition , qualities , and generation of Mixed bodies . pag. 116. § . 1. The connexion of this chapter with the rest , and the Authors intent in it . ibid. § . 2. That there is a least cise of bodies ; and that this least cise is found in fire . pag. 117. § . 3. The first coniunction of partes is in bodies of least cise ; and it is made by the force of Quantity . ibid. § . 4. The second sort of coniunction , is compactednesse in simple Elements , and it procedeth from density . pag. 118. § . 5. The third coniunction is of parres of different Elements , and it proceedeth from quantity and density together . ibid. § . 6. The reason why liquide bodies do easily ioyne together ; and dry ones difficultly . pag. 119. § . 7. That no two hard bodies can touch one an other immediately . ibid. § . 8. How mixed bodies are framed in generall . pag. 121. § . 9. The cause of the seuerall degrees of solidity in mixed bodies . ibid. § . 10. The rule where vnto are reduced all the seuerall combinations of Elements in compounding of mixed bodies . pag. 122. § . 11. Earth and water are the basis of all permanent mixed bodies . pag. 123. § . 12. What kind of bodies those are where water is the basis , and earth the predominant Element ouer the other two . ibid. § . 13. Of those bodies , where water being the basis ayre is the predominant Element . ibid. § . 14. What kind of bodies result , where water is the basis and fire the predominant Element . pag. 124. § . 15. Of those bodies , where water is in excesse , it alone being both the basis , and the predominant Element . pag. 125. § . 16. Of those bodies , where Earth alone is the basis , and also the predominant in excesse ouer the other three Elements . ibid. § . 17. Of those bodies where Earth is the basis , and water the predominant Element ouer the other two . ibid. § . 18. Of those bodies , where earth being the basis ayre is the predominant . ibid. § . 19. Of those bodies , where Earth being the basis , fire is the predominant . pag. 126. § . 20. All the secōd qualities of mixed bodies , arise from seuerall combinations of the first qualities : and are att last resolued into seuerall degrees of rarity and density . ibid. § . 21. That in the planets and starres there is a like variety of mixed bodies cause by light as here vpon Earth . pag. 127. § . 22. In what manner the Elements do worke vpon one an other , in the composition of mixed bodies : and in particular fire which is the most actiue . ibid. § . 23. A particular declaration touching the generation of mettalls . pag. 128. CHAP. XV. Of the dissolution of Mixed bodies . pag. 130. § . 1. Why some bodies are brittle , and others tough , or apt to withstand outward violence the first instrument to dissolue mixed bodies . ibid. § . 2. How outward violence doth worke vpon the most compacted bodies . pag. 131. § . 3. The seueral effects of fire , the second and chiefest instrument to dissolue all compounded bodies . ibid. § . 4. The reason why some bodies are not dissolued by fire . pag. 132. § . 5. The reason why fire melteth gold , but can not consume it . ibid. § . 6. Why leade is easily consumed and calcined by fire . pag. 133. § . 7. Why and how some bodies are diuided by fire into spirits , waters , oyles saltes and earth . And what those partes are . ibid. § . 8. How water the third instrument to dissolue bodies , dissolueth calx into salt ; and so into Terra damnata . pag. 135. § . 9. How water mingled with salt , becometh a most powerfull Agent to dissolue other bodies . pag. 136. § . 10. How putrefaction is caused . ibid. CHAP. XVI . An explication of certaine Maximes touching the operations , and qualities of bodies : and whether the Elements be found pure in any part of the world . pag. 137. § . 1. What is the sphere of actiuity in corporeall Agents . ibid. § . 2. The reason why no body can worke in distance . pag. 138. § . 3. An obiection answered against the manner of explicating the former axiome . pag. 139 § . 4. Of reaction : and first in pure locall motion , that each Agent must suffer in acting and acte in suffering . ibid. § . 5. The former doctrine applyed to other locall motions designed by particular names . And that Suisseths argument is of no force against this way of doctrine . pag. 141. § . 6. Why some notions do admitt of intension and Remission ; and others do not . ibid. § . 7. That in euery part of our habitable world ; all the foure Elements , are found pure in small atomes ; but not in any great bulke . pag. 142. CHAP. XVII . Of Rarefaction and Condensation the two first motions of particular bodies . pag. 144. § . 1. The Authors intent in this and the following chapters . ibid. § . 2. That bodies may be rarifyed , both by outward heat ; aud how this is performed . pag. 145. § . 3. Of the great effects fo Rarefaction . pag. 147. § . 4. The first manner of condensation , by heate . pag. 148. § . 5. The second manner of condensation by cold . pag. 149. § . 6. That yce is not water rarifyed but condensed . pag. 151. § . 7. How wind , snow , and haile are made ; and wind by raine allayed . pag. 152. § . 8. How partes of the same or diuers bodies , are ioyned more strongly together by condensation . pag. 153. § . 9. Vacuites can not be the reason , why water impregnated to the full with one kind of salt , will notwithstanding receiue more of an other . pag. 154. § . 10. The true reason of the former effect . pag. 155. § . 11. The reason why bodies of the same nature do ioyne more easily together then others . pag. 156. CHAP. XVIII . Of an other motion belonging to particular bodies , called Attraction ; and of certaine operations , termed Magicall . pag. 157. § . 1. What Attraction is , and from whence it proceedeth . ibid. § . 2. The true sense of the Maxime , that Nature abhorreth from vacuity . pag. 158. § . 3. The true reason of attraction . pag. 159. § . 4. Water may be brought by the force of attraction to what height soeuer . pag. 160. § . 5. The doctrine touching the attraction of water in syphons . ibid : § . 6. That the syphon doth not proue water to weigh in its owne orbe . pag. 161. § . 7. Concerning attraction caused by fire . pag. 162. § . 8. Concerning attraction made by vertue of hoat bodies , amulets etc. pag. 163. § . 9. The naturall reason giuen for diuers operations , esteemed by some to be magicall . ibid. CHAP. XIX . Of three other motions belonging to particular bodies Filtration , Restitution , and Electricall attraction . pag. 166. § . 1. What is Filtration ; and how it is effected . ibid. § . 2. What causeth the water in filtration to ascend . pag. 167. § . 3. Why the filter will not droppe vnlesse the labell hang lower then the water . ibid. § . 4. Of the motion of Restitution : and why some bodies stand bent , others not . pag. 168. § . 5. Why some bodies returne onely in part to their natural figure ; others entirely . pag. 170. § . 6. Concerning the nature of those bodies which do shrinke and stretch . pag. 171. § . 7. How great and wonderfull effects , proceed from small , plaine , and simple principles . ibid. § . 8. Concerning Electricall attraction , and the causes of it . pag. 172. § . 9. Cabeus his opinion refuted concerning the cause of Electricall motions . pag. 174. CHAP. XX. Of the Loadestones generation ; and its particular motions . pag. 175. § . 1. The extreme heat of the sunne vnder the zodiake , draweth a streame of ayre from each Pole into the torride zone . ibid. § . 2. The atomes of these two streames coming together are apt to incorporate with one an other . pag. 176. § . 3. By the meeting and mingling together of these streames att the Equator , diuers riuolets of atomes of each Pole , are continuated from one Pole to te other . pag. 177. § . 4. Of these atomes incorporated with some fitt matter in the bowels of the earth , is made a stone . pag. 179. § . 5. This stone worketh by emanations , ioyned with agreeing streames that meete them in the ayre ; and in fine it is a loadestone . ibid. § . 6. A methode for making experiences vpon any subiect . pag. 181. § . 7. The loadestones generation by atomes flowing from both Poles , is confirmed by experiments obserued in the stone it selfe . ibid. § . 8. Experiments to proue that the loadestone worketh by emanations ▪ meeting with agreeing streames . pag. 182. CHAP. XXI . Positions drawne out of the former doctrine , and confirmed by experimentall proofes . pag. 185. .1 . The operations of the loadestone are wrought by bodies and not by qualities . ibid. § . 2. Obiections against the former position answered . pag. 186. § . 3. The loadestone is imbued with his vertue from an other body . ibid. § . 4. The vertue of the loadestone is a double , and not one simple vertue . 188. § . 5. The vertue of the laodestone worketh more strongly in the Poles of it then in any other part . ibid. § . 6. The laodestone sendeth forth its emanations spherically . Which are of two kindes : and each kind is strongest in that hemisphere , through whose polary partes they issue out . ibid. § . 7. Putting two loadestones within the sphere of one an other , euery part of one laodestone , doth not agree with euery part of the other loadestone . pag 189. § . 8. Concerning the declination and other respects of a needle , towardes the loadestone it toucheth . ibid. § . 9. The vertue of the laodestone goeth from end to end in lines almost paralelle to the axis . pag. 191. § . 10. The vertue of loadestone is not perfectly sphericall though the stone be such . pag. 192. § . 11. The intention of nature in all the operations of the loadestone , is to make an vnion betwixt the attractiue and attracted bodies . ibid. § . 12. The maine globe of the earth is not a loadestone . ibid. § . 13. The laodestone is generated in all partes or climats of the earth . pag. 193. § . 14. The conformity betwixt the two motions of magnetike thinges , and of heauy thinges . ibid. CHAP. XXII . A solution of certaine Problemes concerning the loadestone , and a short summe of the whole doctrine touching it . pag. 194. § . 1. Which is the North , and which the South Pole of a loadestone . ibid. § . 2. Whether any bodies besides magnetike ones be attractiue . ibid. § . 3. Whether an iron placed perpendicularly towardes the earth doth gett a magneticall vertue of pointing towardes the north , or towardes the south in that end that lyeth downewardes . pag. 195. § . 4. Why loadestones affect iron better then one an other . ibid. § . 5. Gilberts reason refuted touching a capped loadestone , that taketh vp more iron then one not capped ; and an iron impregnated that in some case draweth more strongly then the stone it selfe . ibid. § . 6. Galileus his opinion touching the former effects refuted . pag. 196. § . 7. The Authors solution to the former questions . pag. 197. § . 8. The reason why in the former case , a lesser loadestone doth draw the interiacent iron from the greater . pag. 198. § . 9. Why the variation of a touched needle from the north , is greater , the neerer you go to the Pole. pag. 199. § . 10. Whether in the same part of the world a touched needle may att one time vary more from the north and att an other time lesse . pag. 200. § . 11. The whole doctrine of the loadestone summed vp in short . pag. 201. CHAP. XXIII . A description of the two sortes of liuing creatures ; Plantes , and Animals : and how they are framed in common to performe vitall motion . pag. 203. § . 1. The connexion of the following Chapters with the precedent ones . ibid. § . 2. Concerning seuerall compositions of mixed bodies . pag. 204. § . 3. Two sortes of liuing creatures . pag. 205. § 4. An engine to expresse the first sort of liuing creatures . ibid. § . 5. An other engine by which may be expressed the second sort of liuing creatures . pag. 207. § . 6. The two former engines and some other comparisons applyed to expresse the two seuerall sortes of liuing creatures . ibid. § . 7. How plantes are framed . pag. 209. § . 8. How sensitiue creatures are formed . pag. 210. CHAP. XXIV . A more particular suruay of the generation of Animals ; in which is discouered what part of the animal is first generated . pag. 213 , § . 1. The opinion that the seede containeth formally euery part of the parent . ibid. § . 2. The former opinion reiected . pag. 214. § . 3. The Authors opinion of this question . pag. 215. § . 4. Their opinion refuted , who hold that euery thing containeth formally all thinges . pag. 216. § . 5. The Authors opinion concerning the generation of Animals declared , and confirmed . pag. 217. § . 6. That one substance is changed into an other . pag. 219. § . 7. Concerning the hatching of chickens , and the generation of other Animals . pag. 220. § . 8. From whence it happeneth that the deficiences , or excrescences of the parents body , are often seene in their children . pag. 221 § . 9. The difference betweene the Authors opinion , and the former one . p. 222 § . 10. That the hart is imbued with the generall specifike vertues of the whole body ; whereby is confirmed the doctrine of the two former paragraphes . pag. 223. § . 11. That the hart is the first part generated in a liuing creature . pag. 225. CHAP. XXV . How a Plant or Animal cometh to that figure it hath . pag. 226. § . 1. That the figure of an Animal is produced by ordinarie second causes , as well as any other corporeall effect . pag. 226. § 2. That the seuerall figures of bodies proceed from a defect in one of ●he three dimensions , caused by the concurrance of accidentall causes . pag. 227 § . 3. The former doctrine is confirmed by seuerall instances . pag 228 § 4. The same doctrine applyed to Plantes . pag. 229 § . 5. The same doctrine declared in leafes of trees . ibid. § . 6. The same applyed to the bodies of Animals pag. 230 § . 7. In what sense the Author doth admitt of Vis formatrix . pag. 231 CHAP. XXVI . How motion beginneth in liuing creatures . And of the motion of the hart ; circulation of the bloud ; Nutrition ; Augmentation ; and corruption or death . pag. 232 § . 1. Fromwhence doth proceed the primary motion and growth in Plantes . ibid. § . 2. Monsieur des Cartes his opinion touching the motion of the hart . p. 233 § . 3. The former opinion reiected . ibid. § . 4. The Authors opinion concerning the motion of the hart . pag. 234 § . 5. The motion of the hart dependeth originally of its fibers irrigated by bloud . pag. 236 § . 6. An obiection answered against the former doctrine . pag. 237 § . 7. The circulation of the bloud , and other effects that follow the motion of the hart . pag. 238 § . 8. Of Nutrition . pag. 239 § . 9. Of Augmentation . pag. 240 § . 10. Of death and sicknesse . pag. 241 CHAP. XXVII . Of the motions of sense ; and of the sensible qualities in generall ; and in particular of those which belong to Touch , Tast , and Smelling . pag. 242 § . 1. The connexion of the subsequent chapters with the precedent . ibid. § . 2. Of the senses and sensible qualities in generall . And of the end for which they serue . ibid. § . 3. Of the sense of touching : and that both it and its qualities are bodies . 244 § . 4. Of the tast and its qualities : that they are bodies . pag. 245 § . 5. That the smell and its qualities are reall bodies . ibid. § . 6. Of the conformity betwixt the two senses of smelling and tasting . p. 246 § . 7. The reason why the sense of smelling is not so perfect in man as in beastes : with a wonderfull historie of a man who could wind a sent as well as any beast . pag. 247 CHAP. XXVIII . Of the sense of hearing , and of the sensible quality sound . p. 249 § . 1. Of the sense of hearing : and that sound is purely motion . ibid. § . 2. Of diuers artes belonging to the sense of hearing : all which confirme that sound is nothing but motion . pag. 250 § . 3. The same is confirmed by the effects caused by great noises . pag. 251 § . 4. That solide bodies may conueye the motion of the ayre or sound to the organe of hearing . pag. 252 § . 5. Where the motion is interrupted there is no sound . ibid. § . 6. That not only the motion of the ayre but all other motions coming to our eares make sounds . pag. 253 § . 7. How one sense may supply the want of an other . ibid. § . 8. Of one who could discerne sounds of words with his eyes . pag. 254 § . 9. Diuers reasons to proue sound to be nothing els but a motion of some reall body . pag. 256 CHAP. XXIX . Of Sight ; and Colours . pag. 257 § . 1. That Colours are nothing but light mingled with darkenesse ; or the disposition off a bodies superficies apt to reflect light so mingled . ibid. § . 2. Concerning the disposition of those bodies which produce white or blacke coulours . pag. 259 § . 3. The former doctrine confirmed by Aristotles authority , reason , and experience . ibid. § . 4. How the diuersity of coulours doe follow out of various degrees of rarity and density . pag. 260 § . 5. Why some bodies are Diaphanous others opacous . pag. 261 § . 6. The former doctrine of coulours confirmed by the generation of white and Blacke in bodies . pag. 262 CHAP. XXX . Of luminous or apparente Colours . pag. 262 § . 1. Apparitions of coulours through a prisme or triangular glasse are of two sortes . ibid. § . 2. The seuerall parts of the obiect make seuerall angles at their entrance into the prisme . pag. 263 § . 3. The reason why some times the same obiect appeareth throwgh the prisme in two places : and in one place more liuely , in the other place more dimme . ibid. § . 4. The reason of the various colours that appeare in looking throwgh a prisme . pag. 264 § . 5. The reason why the prisme in one position , may make the colours appeare quite contrary to what they did , when it was in an other position . pag. 265 § . 6. The reason of the various colours in generall by pure light passing through a prisme . pag 266 § . 7. Vpon what side euery colour appeareth that is made by pure light passing through a prisme . pag. 267 CHAP. XXXI . The causes of certaine appearances in luminous Colours ; with a conclusion of the discourse touching the senses and the sensible qualities . pag. 268 § . 1. The reason of each seuerall colour in particular caused by light passing through a prisme . pag. 268 § . 2. A difficult probleme resolued touching the prisme . pag. 270 § . 3. Of the rainebow , and how by the colour of any body wee may know the composition of the body it selfe . pag. 272 § . 4. That all the sensible qualities are reall bodies resulting out of seuerall mixtures of rarity and density . pag. 273 § . 5. Why the senses are only fiue in number : with a conclusion of all the former doctrine concerning them . pag. 274 CHAP. XXXII . Of sensation , or the motion whereby sense is properly exercised . 275 § . 1. Monsieur des Cartes his opinion touching sensation . ibid. § . 2. The Authors opinion touching sensation . pag. 276 § . 3. Reasons to persuade the Authors opinion . pag. 277 § . 4. That vitall spiritts are the immediate instruments of sensation by conueying sensible qualities to the braine . pag. 278 § . 5. How sound is conueyed to the braine by vitall spirits . pag. 279 § . 6. How colours are conueyed to the braine by vitall spirits . pag. 280 § . 7. Reasons against Monsieur des Cartes his opinion . ibid. § . 8. That the symptomes of the palsie do no way confirme Monsieur des Cartes his opinion . pag. 282 § . 9. That Monsieur des Cartes his opinion , can not giue a good account , how thinges are conserued in the memory . ibid. CHAP. XXXIII . Of Memory . pag. 284 § . 1. How thinges are conserued in the memory . ibid. § . 2. How thinges conserued in the memory are brought backe into the fantasie . pag. 285 § . 3. A Confirmation of the former doctrine . pag. 286 § 4. How thinges renewed in the fantasie , returne with the same circumstances that they had at first . pag. 286 § . 5. How the memory of thinges past is lost , or confounded : and how it is repaired againe . pag. 287 CHAP. XXXIV . Of voluntary motion : Naturall faculties : and passions . pag. 288 § . 1. Of what matter the braine is composed . ibid. § . 2. What is voluntary motion . pag. 289 § . 3. What those powers are which are called naturall faculties . ibid. § . 4. How the attractiue and secretiue faculties worke . pag. 290 § . 5. Concerning the concoctiue faculty . pag. 291 § . 6. Concerning the retentiue and expulsiue faculties . ibid. § . 7. Concerning expulsion made by Physicke . pag. 292 § . 8. How the braine is moued to worke voluntary motion . pag. 292 § . 9. Why pleasing obiects doe dilate the spirits , and displeasing ones contract them . pag. 294 § . 10. Concerning the fiue senses for what vse and end they are . ibid. CHAP. XXXV . Of the materiall instrument of Knowledge and Passion ; of the seuerall effects of Passions ; of Paine and Pleasure ; and how the vitall spirits are sent from the braine into the intented partes of the body , without mistaking their way . pag. 296 § . 1. That Septum Lucidum is the seat of the fansie . ibid. § . 2. What causeth vs to remember not only the obiect it selfe , but also that we haue thought of it before . pag. 297 § . 3. How the motions of the fantasie , are deriued to the hart . ibid. § . 4. Of paine and pleasure . pag. 298 § . 5. Of Passion . ibid. § . 6. Of seuerall pulses caused by passions . pag. 299 § . 7. Of seuerall other effects caused naturally in the body by passions . p. 300 § . 8. Of the diaphragma . pag. 302 § . 9. Concerning paine and pleasure caused by the memory of thinges past . pag. 303 § . 10. How so small bodies as atomes are , can cause so great motions in the hart . pag. 304 § . 11. How the vital spirits sent from the braine , do runne to the intended part of the body without mistake . ibid. § . 12. How men are blinded by Passion . pag. 305 CHAP. XXXVI . Of some actions of beastes , that seeme to be formall actes of reason , as doubting , resoluing , inuenting . pag. 306 § . 1. The order and connexion of the subsequent Chapters . ibid. § . 2. From whence proceedeth the doubting of beastes . pag. 307 § . 3. Concerning the inuention of Foxes and other beastes . ibid. § . 4. Of foxes that catch hennes by lying vnder their roost , and by gazing vpon them . pag. 309 § . 5. From whence proceedeth the foxes inuention to ridde himselfe of fleas . pag. 311 § . 6. An explication of two other inuentions of foxes . pag. 312 § . 7. Concerning Mountagues argument to prooue that dogges make syllogismes . ibid. § . 8. A declaration how some tricks are performed by foxes , which seeme to argue discourse . pag. 313 § . 9. Of the Iaccatrays inuention in calling beastes to himselfe . pag. 314 § . 10. Of the Iaccalls designe in seruing the lyon . ibid. § . 11. Of seuerall inuentions of fisshes . ibid. § . 12. A discouery of diuers thinges done by hares , which seeme to argue discourse . pag. 315 § . 13. Of a foxe reported to haue weighed a goose , before he would venture with it ouer a riuer ; and of fabulous stories in common . pag. 316 § . 14. Of the seuerall cryings and tones of beastes : with a refutation of those authours who maintaine them to haue compleat languages . pag. 317 CHAP. XXXVII . Of the docility of some irrationall animals ; and of certaine continuate actions of a long tract of time so orderly performed by them , that they seeme to argue knowledge in them . pag. 319 § . 1. How hawkes and other creatures are taught to doe what they are browght vp to . ibid. § . 2. Of the Baboone that played on a guitarre . 320 § . 3. Of the teaching of Elephantes and other beastes to doe diuers tricks . 321 § . 4. Of the orderly traine of actions performed by beastes in breeding their young ones . pag. 322 CHAP. XXXVIII . Of prescience of future euentes , prouidencies , the knowing of thinges neuer seene before ; and such other actions , obserued in some liuing creatures ; which seeme to be euen aboue the reason that is in man himselfe . pag. 327 § . 1. Why beastes are affraide of men . ibid. § . 2. How some qualities caused at first by chance in beastes , may passe by generation to the whole offspring . pag. 328 § . 3. How the parents fantasie doth oftentimes worke strange effects in their issue . pag. 329 § . 4. Of Antipathies . pag. 330 § . 5. Of Sympathies . pag. 333 § . 6. That the Antipathy of beastes towards one an other , may be taken away by assuefaction . pag. 334 § . 7. Of longing markes seene in children . pag. 335 § . 8. Why diuers men hate some certaine meates , and particularly cheese . 336 § . 9. Corcerning the prouidence of Aunts in laying vp in store for winter . 337 § . 10. Concerning the foreknowing of beastes . pag. 338 The Conclusion of the first Treatise . pag. 340 A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS AND MATTERS HANDLED IN THE SECOND TREATISE CONCERNING MAN'S SOVLE . THE Preface . pag. 349 CHAP. 1. Of simple Apprehensions . pag. 355 § . 1. What is a right apprehension of a thing . ibid. § . 2. The very thing it selfe is truly in his vnderstanding who rightly apprehendeth it . pag. 356 § . 3. The Apprehension of thinges comming vnto vs by our senses , are resoluable into other more simple apprehensions . pag. 358 § . 4. The apprehension of a Being is the most simple and Basis of all the rest . ibid. § . 5. The apprehension of a thing is in next degree to that of Being , and it is the Basis of all the subsequent ones . ibid. § . 6. The apprehension of thinges knowne to vs by our senses , doth consist in certaine respects betwixt two thinges . pag. 359 § . 7. Respect or relation hath not really any formall being , but only in the apprehension of man. ibid. § . 8. That Existence or being is the proper affection of man : and that mans soule is a comparing power . pag. 360 § . 9. A thing by coming into the vnderstanding of man , looseth nothing of its owne peculiar nature . ibid. § . 10. A multitude of thinges may be vnited in mans vnderstanding without being mingled or confounded together . pag. 361 § . 11. Of abstracted and concrete termes . pag. 362 § . 12. Of vniuersal notions . pag. 363 § . 13. Of apprehending a multitude vnder one notion . pag. 364 § . 14. The power of the vnderstanding reacheth as farre as the extent of being . pag. 365 CHAP. II. Of Thinking and Knowing . pag. 365 § . 1. How a iudgement is made by the vnderstanding . ibid. § . 2. That two or more apprehensions are identifyed in the soule by vniting them in the stocke of being . pag. 366 § . 3. How the notions of a substantiue and an adiectiue , are vnited in the soule , by the common stocke of being . pag. 367 § . 4. That a settled iudgement becometh a part of our soule . pag. 368 § . 5. How the soule commeth to deeme or settle a iudgement . ibid. § . 6. How opinion is begotten in the vnderstanding . pag. 371 § . 7. How faith is begotten in the vnderstanding . pag. 372 § . 8. Why truth is the perfection of a reasonable soule : and why it is not found in simple apprehensions as well as in Enuntiations . ibid. § . 9. What is a solid iudgement , and what a slight one . pag. 373 § . 10. What is an acute iudgement , and what a dull one . pag. 375 § . 11. In what consisteth quicknesse and Clearenesse of iudgement : and there oposite vices . ibid. CHAP. III. Of Discoursing . pag. 376 § . 1. How discourse is made . ibid. § . 2. Of the figures and moodes of Syllogismes . ibid. § . 3. That the life of man as man , doth consist in discourse , and of the vast extent of it . pag. 377 § . 4. Of humane actions , and of those that concerne ourselues . pag. 379 § . 5. Of humane actions as they concerne our neighbours . pag. 380 § . 6. Of Logike . ibid. § . 7. Of Grammar . pag. 381 § . 8. Of Rhetorike . ibid. § . 9. Of Poetry . pag. 382 § . 10. Of the Power of speaking . ibid. § . 11. Of arts that concerne dumbe and insensible creatures . pag. 383 § . 13. Of Arithmetike . ibid. § . 14. Of Prudence . ibid. § . 15. Obseruations vpon what hath beene said in this Chapter . pag. 384 CHAP. IIII. How a man proceedeth to Action . pag. 386 § . 1. That humane actions proceed from two seuerall principles , vnderstanding and sense . ibid. § . 2. How our generall and inbred maximes doe concurre to humane action . pag. 387 § . 3. That the rules and maximes of arts doe worke positiuely in vs though we thinke not of them . pag. 388 § . 4. How the vnderstanding doth cast about when it wanteth sufficient grounds for action . pag. 389 § . 5. How reason doth rule ouer sense and passion . ibid. § . 6. How we recall our thoughts from distractions . pag 390 § . 7. How reason is sometimes ouercome by sense and passion . pag. 391 CHAP. V. Containing proofes out of our single apprehensions , that our soule is incorporeall . pag. 393 § . 1. The connection of the subsequent Chapters with the precedent . ibid. § . 2. The existence of corporeall thinges in the soule by the power of apprehension , doth proue her to be immateriall . pag. 394 § . 3. The notion of being , which is innate in the soule , doth proue the same . ibid. § . 4. The same is proued by the notion of respects . pag. 396 § . 5. That corporeall thinges are spiritualized in the vnderstanding by meanes of the soules working in and by respects . ibid. § . 6. That th● abstracting of notions from all particular and indiuiduall accidents , doth proue the immaterialitie of the soule . pag. 397 § . 7. That the vniuersalitie of abstracted notions doth proue the same . ibid. § . 8. That collectiue apprehensions do proue the same . pag. 398 § . 9. The operations of the soule drawing allwayes from multitude to vnitie , do proue the same . 399 § . 10. The difference betwixt the notion of a thing in our vnderstanding , and the impression that correspondeth to the same thing in our fansie , doth proue the same . pag. 400 § . 11. The apprehension of negations and priuations do proue the same . 401 CHAP. VI. Containing proofes of our soules operations in knowing or deeming any thing , that she is of a spirituall nature . pag. 400 § . 1. The manner of iudging or deeming by apprehending two thinges to be iden●ified doth proue the soule to be immateriall . ibid. § . 2. The same is proued by the manner of apprehending opposition in a negatiue iudgement . pag. 403 § . 3. That thinges in themselues opposite to one an other hauing no opposition in the soule , doth prooue the same . pag. 404 § . 4. That the first truthes are identified to the soule . pag. 405 § . 5. That the soule hath an infinite capacitie , and consequently is immateriall . pag. 406 § . 6. That the opposition of contradictory propositions in the Soule doth proue her immaterialitie . ibid. § . 7. How propositions of eternall truth , do proue the immaterialitie of the soule . pag. 407 CHAP. VII . That our discoursing doth prooue our soule to be incorpore all . pag. 408 § . 1. That in discoursing the soule containeth more in it at the same time then is in the fantasie , which prooueth her to be immateriall . ibid. § . 2. That the nature of discourse doth prooue the soule to be ordered to infinite knowledge , and consequently to be immateriall . pag. 409 § . 3. That the most naturall obiects of the soule are immateriall , and consequently the soule her selfe is such . ibid. CHAP. VIII . Containing proofes out of our manner of proceeding to action , that our soule is incorporeall . pag. 410 § . 1. That the soules being a power to order thinges proueth her to be immateriall . ibid. § . 2. That the soules being able to mooue without being mooued , doth prooue her to be immateriall . pag. 411 § . 3. That the soules proceeding to action with an vniuersality , and indifferency doth prooue the same . pag. 412 § . 4. That the quiet proceeding of reason doth prooue the same . pag. 414 § . 5. A conclusion of what hath beene said hetherto in this second Treatise . ibid. CHAP. IX . That our soule is a Substance , and Immortall . pag. 415 § . 1. That Mans Soule is a substance . ibid. § . 2. That man is compounded of some other substance besides his body . ibid. § . 3. That the soule doth subsist of it selfe independently of the body . pag. 416 § . 4. Two other arguments to prooue the same : one positiue , the other negatiue . pag. 417 § . 5. The same is prooued because the soule can not be obnoxious to the cause of mortality . ibid. § . 6. The same is prooued because the soule hath no contrary . pag. 418 § . 7. The same is prooued from the end for which the soule was created . ibid. § . 8. The same is prooued because she can mooue without being mooued . pag. 420 § . 9. The same is prooued from her manner of operation which is grounded in being . ibid. § . 10. Lastly it is prooued from the science of Morality , the principles whereof would be destroied if the soule were mortall . pag. 421 CHAP. X. Declaring what the soule of a man , separated from his body , is : and of her knowledge and manner of working . pag. 422 § . 1. That the soule is one simple knowing act which is a pure substance and nothing but substance . ibid. § . 2. That a separated soule is in no place , and yet is not absent from any place . pag. 424 § . 3. That a separated soule is not in time nor subiect to it . ibid. § . 4. That the soule is an actiue substance , and all in it is actiuitie . pag. 425 § . 5. A description of the soule . pag. 426 § . 6. That a separated soule knoweth all that which she knew whilst she w●s in her bodie . ibid. § . 7. That the least knowledge which the soule acquireth in her bodie of anie one thing , doth cause in her , when she is separated from her bodie a compleat knowledge of all thinges whatsoeuer . pag. 427 § . 8. An answere to the obiections of some Peripatetikes who maintaine the soule to perish with the body . pag. 429 § . 9 The former Peripatetikes refuted out of Aristotle . pag. 431 § . 10. The operations of a separated soule compared to her operations in her bodie . ibid. § . 11. That a separated soule is in a state of pure being , and consequently immortall . pag. 432 CHAP. XI . Shewing what effects , the diuers manners of liuing in this world , do cause in a soule , after she is separated from her body . p. 433 § . 1. That a soule in this life is subiect to mutation , and may be perfected in knowledge . ibid. § . 2. That the knowledges which a soule getteth in this life , will make her knowledge in the next life more perfect , and firme . pag. 434 § . 3. That the soules of men addicted to science whilst they liued here , are more perfect in the next world , then the soules of vnlearned men . pag. 435 § . 4. That those soules which embrace vertue in this world will be most perfect in the next , and those which embrace vice most miserable . ibid. § . 5. The state of a vitious soule in the next life . pag. 437 § . 6. The fundamentall reason why as well happinesse as misery is so excessiue in the next life . pag. 439 § . 7. The reason why mans soule requireth to be in a body , and to liue for some space of time ioyned with it . pag. 441 § . 8. That the misery of the soule in the next world , proceedeth out of inequality , and not out of falsity of her iudgements . pag. 442 CHAP. XII . Of the perseuerance of a soule , in the state she findeth herselfe in , at her first separation from her body . pag. 443 § . 1. The explication , and proofe of that maxime , that , if the cause be in act , the effect must also be . ibid. § . 2. The effects of all such agents as worke instantaneously , are complete in the first instant that the agents are putt . ibid. § . 3. All pure spirits do worke instantaneously . pag. 444 § . 4. That a soule separated from her body can not suffer any change after the first instant of her separation . ibid. § . 5. That temporall sinnes are iustly punished with eternall paines . pag. 445 The Conclusion . pag. 446 THE PREFACE . THIS writing was designed to haue seene the light vnder the name of one treatise . But after it was drawne in paper ; as I cast a view ouer it , I found the prooemiall part ( which is that which treateth of Bodies ) so ample in respect of the other ( which was the end of it ; and for whose sake I meddled with it ) that I readily apprehended my reader would thinke I had gone much astray from my text , when proposing to speake of the immortality of Mans Soule , three parts of foure of the whole discourse , should not so much as in one word mention that soule , whose nature and proprieties I aymed at the discouery of . To auoyde this incongruity , occasioned mee to change the name and vnity of the worke ; and to make the suruay of bodies , a body by it selfe ▪ though subordinate to the treatise of the soule . Which notwithstanding it be lesse in bulke then the other ; yet I dare promise my Reader , that if he bestow the paines requisite to perfect him selfe in it , he will find as much time well spent in the due reading of it , as in the reading of the former treatise , though farre more large . But I discerne an obiection obuious to be made ; or rather a question ; why I should spend so much time in the consideration of bodies , whereas none that hath formerly written of this subiect , hath in any measure done the like . I might answere that they had , vpon other occasions , first written of the nature of bodies : as I may instance in Aristotle ; and sundry others , who either haue themselues professedly treated the science of bodies , or haue supposed that part sufficiently performed by other pennes . But truly , I was by an vnauoydable necessity hereunto obliged : which is , a current of doctrine that at this day , much raigneth in the Christian Schooles , where bodies and their operations , are explicated after the manner of spirituall thinges . For wee hauing very slender knowledge of spirituall substances , can reach no further into their nature , then to know that they haue certaine powers , or qualities ; but can seldome penetrate so deepe , as to descend to the particulars of such Qualities , or Powers . Now our moderne Philosophers haue introduced such a course of learning into the schooles , that vnto all questions concerning the proper natures of bodies , and their operations , it is held sufficient to answere , they haue a quality , or a power to doe such a thing . And afterwards they dispute whether this Quality or Power , be an Entity distinct from its subiect , or no ; and how it is seperable , or vnseperable from it , and the like . Conformable to this , who will looke into the bookes , which are in vogue in these schooles , shall find such answers and such controuersies euery where , and few others . As , of the sensible qualities : aske what it is to be white or red , what to be sweete or sower , what to be odoriferous , or stincking , what to be cold or hott ? And you are presently paid with , that it is a sensible quality , which hath the power to make a wall white or red , to make a meate agreeable or disagreeable to the tast , to make a gratefull or vngratefull smell to the nose etc : Likewise they make the same questions and resolutions , of Grauity and Leuity : as whether they be qualities , that is , entities distinct from their subiect : and whether they be actiue or passiue ; which when they haue disputed slightly , and in common , with logicall arguments ; they rest there , without any further searching into the physicall causes or effects of them . The like you shall find of all strange effects of them . The loadestone and Electricall bodies are produced for miraculous , and not vnderstandable thinges ; and in which , it must be acknowledged , that they worke by hidden qualities , that mans witt cannot reach vnto . And ascending to liuing bodies , they giue it for a Maxime : that life is the action of the same Entity vpon it selfe : that sense is likewise a worke of an intrinsecall power , in the part we call sense , vpon it selfe . Which , our predecessors held the greatest absurdities that could be spoken in Philosophy . Euen some Physitians , that take vpon them to teach the curing of our bodies , do often pay vs with such termes , among them , you haue long discourses of a retentiue , of an expulsiue , of a purging , of a consolidating faculty : and so of euery thing that eyther passeth in our body , or is applied for remedy . And the meaner sort of Physitians know no more , but that such faculties are ; though indeed they that are truly Physitians , know also in what they consist ; without which knowledge it is much to be feared , Physitians will do more harme then good . But to returne to our subiect : this course of doctrine in the schooles , hath forced me to a greate deale of paines in seeking to discouer the nature of all such actions ( or of the maine part of them ) as were famed for incomprehensible : for what hope could I haue , out of the actions of the soule to conuince the nature of it to be incorporeall ; if I could giue no other account of bodies operations , then that they were performed by qualities occult , specificall , or incomprehensible ? Would not my aduersary presently answere , that any operation , out of which I should presse the soules being spirituall , was performed by a corporeall occult quality : and that as he must acknowledge it to be incomprehensible , so must I likewise acknowledge other qualities of bodies , to be as incomprehensible : and therefore could not with reason presse him , to shew how a body was able to doe such an operation , as I should inferre must of necessity proceede from a spiritt , since that neyther could I giue account how the loadestone drew iron , or looked to the north ; how a stone , and other heauy thinges were carried downewardes ; how sight or fantasie was made ; how digestion or purging were effected ; and many other such questions , which are so slightly resolued in the schooles ? Besides this reason , the very desire of knowledge in my selfe ; and a willingnesse to be auaylable vnto others ( att the least so farre as to sett them on seeking for it , without hauing a preiudice of impossibity in attaining it ) was vnto me a sufficient motiue , to enlarge my discourse to the bulke it is risen vnto . For what a misery is it , that the flower and best wittes of Christendome , which flocke to the Vniuersities , vnder pretence and vpon hope of gaining knowledge , should be there deluded ; and after many yeares of toyle and expence , be sent home againe , with nothing acquired more then a faculty , and readynesse to talke like parrats of many thinges ; but not to vnderstand so much as anyone ; and withall with a persuasion that in truth nothing can be knowne ? For setting knowledge aside , what can it auayle a man to be able to talke of any thing ? What are those wranglinges , where the discouery of truth is neyther sought , nor hoped for , but meerely vanity and ostentation ? Doth not all tend , to make him seeme and appeare that which indeed he is not ? Nor lett any body take it ill at my handes , that I speake thus of the moderne schooles : for indeed it is rather themselues then I that say it . Excepting Mathematikes , lett all the other schooles pronounce their owne mindes , and say ingenuously , whether they themselues beleeue they haue so much as any one demonstration , from the beginning to the ending of the whole course of their learning . And if all , or the most part , will agree that any one position is demonstrated perfectly , and as it ought to be , and as thousands of conclusions are demonstrated in Mathematikes ; I am ready to vndergoe the blame of hauing calumniated them , and will as readily make them amendes . But if they neither will , nor can ; then their owne verdict cleareth me : and it is not so much I , as they , that make this profession of the shallownesse of their doctrine . And to this purpose I haue often hard the lamentations of diuers , as greate wittes as any that conuerse in the schooles , complaining of this defect . But in so greate an euidence of the effect , proofes are superfluous . Wherefore I will leaue this subiect , to declare what I haue here designed , and gone about , towardes the remedy of this inconuenience . Which is , that whereas in the schooles , there is a loose methode , or rather none ; but that it is lawfull , by the liberty of a commentator , to handle any question , in any place ( which is the cause of the slightnesse of their doctrine , and can neuer be the way to any science or certitude ) I haue taken my beginninges from the commonest thinges that are in nature : namely , from the notions of Quantity , and its first differences : which are the most simple , and radicall notions that are , and in which all the rest are to be grounded . From them I endeauour by immediate composition of them , and deriuation from them , to bring downe my discourse to the Elements , which are the primary , and most simple bodies in nature . From these , I proceed to compounded bodies ; first , to those that are called mixed ; and then , to liuing bodies : declaring in common the proprieties and operations that belong vnto them . And by occasion as I passe along , I light here and there on those operations , which seeme most admirable in nature , to shew how they are performed ; or att the least , how they may be performed : that though I misse in particular of the industry of nature , yet I may neuerthelesse hitt my intent ; which is , to trace out a way , how these , and such like operations may be effected by an exact disposition , and ordering ( though intricate ) of quantitatiue and corporeall partes : and to shew , that they oblige vs not to recurre vnto hidden and vnexplicable qualities . And if I haue declared so many of these , as may begett a probable persuasion in my reader , that the rest , which I haue not touched , may likewise be displayed , and shewed to spring out of the same groundes , if curious and constant searchers into nature , will make their taske to penetrate into them ; I haue therein obtained my desire and intent ; which is onely , to shew from what principles , all kindes of corporeall operations do proceed ; and what kind of operations all these must be , which may issue out of these principles : to the end , that I may from thence , make a steppe to raise my discourse to the contemplation of the soule ; and shew , that her operations are such , as cannot proceed from those principles ; which being adequate and common to all bodies , we may rest assured , that what cannot issue from them , cannot haue a body for its source . I will therefore end this preface , with entreating my reader to consider , that in a discourse proceeding in such order as I haue declared , he must not expect to vnderstand , and be satisfied , with what is said in any middle or later part , vnlesse he first haue read , and vnderstood what goeth before . Wherefore , if he cannot resolue with himselfe , to take it along orderly as it lyeth from the beginning , he shall do himselfe ( as well as me ) right , not to meddle att all with this booke . But if he will employ any time vpon it , to receiue aduantage by it , he must be content to take the paines to vnderstand throughly euery particular as it is sett downe . And if his memory will not serue him to carry euery one along with him , yet att the least lett , him be sure to remember the place where it is handled , and vpon occasion , returne a looke backe vpon it , when it may stand him in steede . If he thinketh this diligence too burthensome , lett him consider that the writing hereof , hath cost the Author much more paines : who as he will esteeme them exceedingly well employed , if they may contribute ought to the content or aduantage of any free and ingenuous mind ; so if any others shall expresse a neglect of what he hath with so much labour hewed out of the hard rocke of nature ; or shall discourteously cauill att the notions he so freely imparteth vnto them ; all the ressentment he shall make thereof , will be to desire the first , to consider , that their slight esteeme of his worke , obligeth them to entertaine their thoughts with some more noble and more profittable subiect , and better treated , then this is : and the later sort , to iustifie their dislike of his doctrine , by deliuering a fairer and more complete body of Philosophy , of their owne . Which if herevpon they do , his being the occasion of the ones bettering themselues , and of the others bettering the world , will be the best successe he can wish his booke . APPROBATIONES DOCTORVM . EGo infra scriptus natione Anglus , & in sacra Theologiae Facultate Parisiensi Magister , fidem facio me librum perlegisse Anglicano idiomate scriptum ; cui titulus , Two treatises , in the one of which the nature of bodies , in the other the nature of mans soule is looked into , in way of discouerie of the immortalitie of reasonable soules , Authore nobilissimo , & vndequaque eruditissimo viro Kenelmo Digbaeo Anglo . In quo nihil deprehendiaut fidei , aut pietati Catholicae , & Romanae Ecclesiae dissonum vel indignum . Quod etiam spondeo , priusquam typis exoluetur , candi●iori ac duplicato calculo testatum fore . Intereà verò ne tantum sub modio lumen vel parumper delitescat , hoc ipsum proprio firmaui chirographo . Datum Parisiis Kalendis Martijab Incarnationis anno 1644. H. HOLDEN . BY leaue & order from our sacred Facultie , wee vnder written Doctors of Deuinitie of the Vniuersitie of Paris haue read ouer this booke , entitled , Two treatises , in the one of which the nature of bodies , in the other the nature of mans soule is looked into , in way of discouerie of the immortalitie of reasonable soules . Written by Sir Kenelme Digby , & containing an hundred & sixteene shites , printed in folio by Gilles Blaizor 1644. Which , as well for its chiefe subiects sake , that neuer ought to be slightly handled , as also for its new & exotticke assertions in matters both of soule & bodie , wee haue the more diligently perused . And whether it hath hitte or missed of the truth , we must needs eesteme & highly extolle the authours manly designe to ayme at euidence . Especially in this schepticke age , wherein so few professe , or thinke it possible to know with certitude . Yea wherein euen many of those , who to the vulgar seeme Maisters of learning , acknowledge all philosophies decisions only problematicall ; and thence labouring to make their voluminous relations of each others phansies & opinious passe for science , haue quite banished her their schooles . But here we find a large & lofty soule , who not satisfyed with vnexamined words & ambiguous termes , longing to know dyues deepely into the bowells of all corporeall & compounded things : and then deuinely speculats the nature of immateriall & subsistent formes . Nor this by wrangling in aerie names with chimericall imaginations & fained suppositions of vnknowne qualities , but strongly stryuing to disclosehereall & connaturall truth of each thing in it self , and of one constant & continued thridde , weaues his whole worke into one webbe . Where many of the most abstruse & enigmaticke questions of natures secrets , ( hitherto vnresolued , & for the most part weakely represented in empty language & verball shadowes ) are made no lesse plaine & euident in their inward beings & effects , then pleasant & gratefull in their wellclothed outside & expression . In which , though to the blind & common crowde ( to whom all that 's vnusuall is a paradox ) there may perhapps appeare what they 'll dare call extrauagant , and to the midlecyzed gymnastickes what they 'll conceiue ill grownded , though ingenious quesses , yet surely will the more solide reflections of all knowing men begette a liking of its acquaintance . Howsoeuer this wee can & do affirme & testifye ( although the authour's prodigious parts & publicke credit makes voide our approbation ) that nothing contained in either of those two treatises , discussing only the ordinarie course of nature , doth any way tende to the disaduantage of the faith or pietie of our Catholike Roman church , whereof this Authour professeth him selfe a dutifull & obedient child . And therefore wee signe & subscribe our names here vnto . Paris this 10. of Nouember 1644. H. HOLDEN . E. TYRREL . IDEM LATINE . VEniâ ac iussu Sacrae nostrae Facultatis , Nos infrascripti S. Theologiae Doctores Academiae Parisiensis , perlegimus librum hunc , cui titulus , Duo tractatus , in quorum vno natura corporum , altero natura humanae animae inspicitur , ad inuestigandam animarum rationalium immortalitatem . Authore Kenelmo Digbaeo Equite aurato , centum & sexdecim schedas continentem , typis Aegidij Blaizot in folio excusum Anno 1644. Quem , tùm ob eius praecipuum subiectum , quod nunquam leuiter tractari conuenit , tum maximè ob nouas quasdam & inusitatas assertiones , tam in animae quàm corporum materiâ , tanto diligentiori studio peruoluimus . In quo siue ipsas veritatis apices adeptus sit , siue non , audaces certè authoris animos , in ipsam euidentiam attentando non possumus non magnoperè commendare : in hoc sceptico praesertim aeuo , in quo tam pauci profitentur , aut possibile reputant fieri posse vt quidquam certò cognoscatur : imo veròin quo plurimi eorum qui vulgi opinione scientiarum magistri habentur , quotquot sunt philosophiae positiones , non nisi totidem problemata agnoscunt : quique proinde portentosis voluminibus sua aliorumque placita loco verae scientiae nobis obtrudere volentes , eam prorsus scholis suis exterminarunt . At hic generosiorem animum inuenimus , qui nudis hisce ac inexplicatis voculis haud acquiescens , sed veritatis ardore succensus , eam altius in ipsis rerum corporearum visceribus perscrutatur : ac tum demum immaterialium & subsistentium formarum naturam perspicacissimâ mentis acie speculatur . Nec ad hoc contentiosis vtitur verborum rixis , aut chimericas , incognitasque qualitates in subsidium conuocat , sed genuinam cuiusque ●ei , prout in se est , exhibens veritatem , vnoque , & eo continuo , scientiae filo totum opus contexit . In quo plurima ex abstrusioribus naturae secretis ( quae hactenus aut omninò non innotuerunt , aut ad summum vmbratili verborum fuco sunt obuoluta ) non minus clara & euidentia quoad interiores eorum naturas & effectus , quàm grata & iucunda quoad exteriorem ornatum exhibentur . Inter quae nonnihil fortasse occurret , quod plebeo hominum generi ( cui omne inusitatum paradoxi loco habetur ) longè à veritatis scopo alienum videri poterit ; aut quod moderatioribus gymnasiastis , inualidis quidem innixum fundamentis , attamen non nisi ingeniosis adinuentum coniecturis : Erit nihilominus quod post maturam discussionem , omnium verè doctorum animos ad sui amorem ac desiderium alliceat . Quicquid sit , hoc saltem nos possumus , ac de facto testamur & notum facimus ( vtvt Authoris conspicua fame ac dignitas testimonium nostrum inutile reddat ) nihil in vtrolibet horum tractatuum contentum , in quibus ordinarius solùm naturae processus consideratur , in praeiudicium fideitendere , aut pietatis Catholicae Romanae Ecclesiae , cuius author hic se filium obedientissimum profitetur . In cuius proinde rei testimonium hic nostra subscripsimus nomina , & subsignauimus . Actum Parisiis 10. Nouembris anno 1644. H. HOLDEN . E. TYRREL . ERudita est haec lucubratio , eruditis edita cogitationibus , nihil habet orthodoxis repugnans Maximis , magè maximum magnae Britanniae decus loquitur authorem ; vere virum , & primis Christiani orbis componendum Heroibus , ea doctrinae & fortitudinis laude , eo Castrensis & literarij pulueris vsu , iis pro patria & Religione negotiationibus , ea potenti suada , tam supereminenti politia , tot terra , marique rebus gestis inclytum , vt eius commentario praelatum Nomen , non modo lucis ipsi vsuram , sed & quouis terrarum inoffenso pede commeandi , & iura ciuium vindi●●ndi promereatur . Sic censuit Parisiis in Collegio Plessaeo 11. Nouembris Anno Domini 1644. IACOBVS DVLAEVS in sacra Facultate Paris . Doctor Theologus . PRAE●LARVM istud Opus , & aureum Viri nobilissimi , illustrissimi Equitis aurati , Domini mei D. Kenelmi Digbaei , non est cur adgrediar approbare vel audeam . Satis illud probatum reddiderint Sapientissimi MM. NN. quibus , me absente , longéque alibi Gentium constituto , hanc prouinciam demandauit sacra nostra Facultas Parisiensis . Iuuat tamen admirari , ac venerari singularem at que praecellentem Viri Genium , parique virtute & foelicitate Ingenium . Peragrauerat olim Oceanum , mareque mediterraneum naualibus pugnis , victorijs , triumphis paruâ , sed bene instructâ classiculâ , tot & tam miranda patrauerat , quot , & quanta deinceps alij , ne regijs quidem classibus , sunt assequuti . Martigenam dixisses aut Neptunigenam . Nunc Apollini quóque sacrum se , & charum ostendit ; Mineruae , Musarúmque Alumnum . Principijs quippe subnixus purè naturalibus , paucis quidem , sed validis , bene prouisis , diligenter selectis , ferrea , vt ita dicam , Naturae claustra perrumpit , atque refringit . Ast quodnam mihi verbum exciderat ▪ apetit leniter potius , & recludi● . Sinus , penetralia , recessus , viscera , mentis acumine pererrat : diuitiarum illinc thesauros eruit : vtendos , fruendos nobis elargitur . Principia illius , & elementa , ipsorúmque inter sese texturam & coagmentationem explicat ; indeque exorientia mixta , perfecta , imperfecta , viuentia , animata , mouentia , rationis expertia , rationalia , horúmque omnium virtutes , operationes , effectûs : tum , quibus instrumentis ista moliatur Natura Architectrix . Hisce attentâ mente perpensis , & quousque pertingere valeat formarum , quae plane sunt materiales , vis & potestas ; tum demùm clara luce visendum ostendit , Formam nostram , non animam duntaxat esse , quâ sumus , vegetamur , mouemur , sentimus , sed & animum , mentemque , quâ sapimus , & intelligimus : Hac nos praeterita reminiscendo recolere ; praesentia supra ipsa reflectendo intueri ▪ futura , non ex aëris humorúmve immutatione , sed ratiocinando , & verâ prouidentiâ , in alteram quoque aetatem , & saecula prospicere , & praecauere : Quin & eumdem animum , cum caetera permeauerit intelligibilia , reuocatâ in se suâ atque subductâ ratiocinatione ▪ eam supra semetipsam conuertere , ac retorquere : ac verè suam omnem energiam tunc exerere & studiosissimè exercere ; quî sese eumdem testetur manifestè & intelligentem esse , & intelligibile . Assequi istud non posse Agentia , omnimodis à materia dependentia . Hinc ipsum euinci spiritualem , & immortalém esse , & sine corpore potentem subsistere ▪ Abstractae proptereà statum , vim , virtutem , functiones , operationes persequitur accuratè , & assequitur ; quantum fi ri potest in sublustribus & opacis terrenae commorationis nostrae vmbraculis . At ô bone Deus ! Dum campos & lata mentis praetoria perlustrat , abstrusioraque voluntatis liberrimae receptacula ; abditosque grandis memoriae recessûs , & quae reponuntur illic miris tamquam cellis & caueis ; quam inde miranda nobis egerit , quam stupenda producit ? Res illîc esse innumerabiles , quarum sonos verborum & nominum , tenuesue , languidas , emortuas per sensum hauserimus vmbras & imagines ; viuidas autem & veraces intus nos habere earum notiones atque rationes ; illius etiam quo quid est , quidquid est , siue , vt more nostro loquar , essentiarum ab omni materia depuratarum , definitiones , diuisiones , quaeque ex illis sequuntur demonstrationes . Nostrum nos timorem sine timore recolere , nostramque tristes laetitiam ; vitam nos beatam praelibare , & purum ab omni foece gaudium , quod in vno hominum nemine sumus experti . Ad imitationem summi , post Apostolorum tempora , ingenio & doctrinâ Theologi , exclamare libet : Quale tibi fabricatus es cubile in mente mea Domine ? Quale tibi sanctuarium aedificasti ? Quid ego nunc styli nitorem , & vbertatem depraedicem ? Exemplorum similitudinum , experimentorum copiam & varietatem ? Scientiarum omnium vnica in dissertatione breuiarium & anacephaloeosim ? Hisce , Vir natalitijs , ingenio , doctrinâ summus , riuulis , floribus , luminibus ita irrigauit , conuestiuit , distinxit , laeta reddidit horrida , vt videbantur arua & aspera contemplationis Physicae , vt certare possint cum laetissimis , & amoenissimis hortis aliorum , & suburbanis . Gratulor magnae Britanniae , quondam foecundae maximorum ingeniorum parenti , & altrici ; quae ne hoc quidem aeuo senectute caduco , aut phroenisi laborante , sese indicat sterilem & effo●tum . Gratulor linguae Anglicanae , locupletissimae iam antea , & suauissimae ; cuius t●men pomoeria longè latéque protulit Author hic splendidissimus . Gratulor Philologis & Philosophis Anglis , quibus viam praeiuit , quâ se quoque possint vulgo eximere , atque in libertatem aslerere ; & horridiuscula quaeque & inculta nitidissimè edisserere . Gratulor denique generosissimo beatae prolis parenti , tam altam animi pacem , tranquillitatem , magnitudinem ; vt inter nouercantis fortunae procellas , bellorum tumultûs , aulae strepitûs , ista tamen procudere valuerit . H. MAILLARD . THE FIRST TREATISE DECLARING THE NATVRE AND OPERATIONS OF BODIES . THE FIRST CHAPTER A Preamble to the whole discourse ; concerning notions in generall . IN deliuering any science ; 1 the cleerest and smoothest methode , and most agreeable to nature ; is to begin with the consideration of those thinges , that are most common and obuious ; and by the dissection of them to descend by orderly degrees and steppes ( as they lye in the way ) vnto the examination of the most particular and remote ones . Now , in our present intended suruay of a body , the first thing which occurreth to our sense in the perusall of it , is its Quantity , bulke , or magnitude ▪ and this seemeth by all mankind , to be conceiued so inseparable from a body as when a man would distinguish a corporeall substance from a spirituall one ( wich is accounted indiuisible ) he naturally pitcheth vpon an apprehension of its hauing bulke , and beind solide , tangible , and apt to make impression vpon our outward senses ; according to that expression of Lucretius , vvho studying nature in a familiar and rationall manner telleth vs ; Tangere enim & tangi , nisi corpus nulla potest res . And therefore in our inquiry of bodies , we will obserue that plaine methode which nature teacheth vs , and will begin with examining what Quantity is , as being their first and primary affection ▪ and that which maketh the thinges we treate of , be what we intend to signify by the name of body . 2 But because there is a greate variety of apprehensions framed by learned men , of the nature of Quantity ( though indeede nothing can be more plaine and simple then it is in it selfe ) I conceiue it will not be amisse , before we enter into the explication of it , to consider how the mystery of discoursing and expressing our thoughts to one an other by words ( a prerogatiue belonging only to man ) is ordered and gouerned among vs : that so , we may auoyde those rockes , which many , and for the most part , such as thinke they spinne the finest thriddes , do suffer shippewracke against in theire subtilest discourses . The most dangerous of all which , assuredly is when they confound the true and reall natures of thinges , with the conceptions they frame of them in theire owne mindes . By which fundamentall miscarriage of theire reasoning , they fall into great errors and absurdities : and whatsoeuer they build vpon so ruinous a foundation , prooueth but vselesse cobwebbes or prodigious Chymeras . It is true , wordes serue to expresse thinges : but if you obserue the matter well ; you will perceiue they doe so , onely according to the pictures we make of them in our owne thoughts , and not according as the thinges are in theire proper natures . Which is very reasonable it should be so ; since the soule , that giueth the names , hath nothing of the thinges in her but these notions , and knoweth not the thinges otherwise then by these notions : and therefore can not giue other names but such as must signify the thinges by mediation of these notions . In the thinges , all that belongeth vnto them is comprised vnder one entire Entity : but in vs , there are framed as many seuerall distinct formall conceptions , as that one thing sheweth it selfe vnto vs with differēt faces . Euery one of which conceptions seemeth to haue for its obiect a distinct thing , because the conception it selfe is as much seuered and distinguished from another conception or image , arising out of the very same thing that begott this , as it can be from any image painted in the vnderstanding by an absolutely other thing . 3 It will not be amisse to illustrate this matter by some familiar example . Imagine I haue an apple in my hand : the same fruite worketh different effects vpon my seuerall senses : my eye telleth me it is greene or red : my nose that it hath a mellow sent : my taste that it is sweet , and my hand that it is cold and weighty . My senses thus affected , send messengers to my fantasie with newes of the discoueries they haue made : and there , all of them make seuerall and distinct pictures of what entereth by theire dores . So that my Reason ( which discourseth vpon what it findeth in my fantasie ) can consider greenenesse by it selfe , or mellownesse , or sweetenesse , or coldnesse , or any other quality whatsoeuer , singly and alone by it selfe , without relation to any other that is painted in me by the same apple : in which , none of these haue any distinction at all , but are one and the same substance of the apple , that maketh various and different impressions vpon me , according to the various dispositions of my seuerall senses : as hereafter we shall explicate at large . But in my mind , euery one of these notions is a distinct picture by it selfe , and is as much seuered from any of the rest arising from the same apple , as it would be from any impression or image made in me , by a stone or any other substance whatsoeuer , that being entire in it selfe and circumscribed within its owne circle , is absolutely sequestred from any communication with the other : so that , what is but one entire thing in it selfe , seemeth to be many distinct thinges in my vnderstanding . Whereby , if I be not very cautious , and in a manner wrestle with the bent and inclination of my vnderstanding ( which is apt to referre the distinct and complete stampe it findeth within it selfe , vnto a distinct and complete originall character in the thing ) I shall be in danger before I am aware , to giue actuall Beings to the quantity , figure , colour , smell , tast , and other accidents of the apple , each of them distinct one from an other , as also from the substance which they clothe ; because I find the notions of them really distinguished ( as if they were different Entities ) in my minde . And from thence I may inferre , there is noe contradiction in nature to haue the accidents really seuered from one an other , and to haue them actually subsist without theire substance : and such other mistaken subtilities ; which arise out of our vnwary conceiting that thinges are in theire owne natures , after the same fashion as we consider them in our vnderstanding . And this course of the mindes disguising and changing the impressions it receiueth from outward obiects , 4 into appearances quite differing from what the thinges are in theire owne reall natures ; may be obserued not only in multiplying Entities , where in truth there is but one : But also in a contrary manner , by comprising seuerall distinct thinges , vnder one single notion ; which if afterwards it be reflected backe vpon the thinges themselues , is the occasion of exceeding great errours , and entangleth one in vnsuperable difficulties . As for example : looking vpon seuerall cubes or deyes , whereof one is of gold , an other of lead , a third of yuory , a fourth of wood , a fifth of glasse and what other matter you please ; all these seuerall thinges agree together in my vnderstanding , and are there comprehended vnder one single notion of a cube ; which ( like a painter that were to designe them onely in blacke and white ) maketh one figure that representeth them all . Now if remoouing my consideration from this impression which the seuerall cubes make in my vnderstanding , vnto the cubes themselues , I shall vnwarily suffer my selfe to pinne this one notion vpon euery one of them , and accordingly conceiue it to be really in them ; it will of necessity fall out by this misapplying of my intellectuall notion to the reall thinges , that I must allow Existence to other entities , which neuer had nor can haue any in nature . From this conception , Platos Idaeas had theire birth ; for he finding in his vnderstanding , one vniuersall notion that agreed exactly to euery Indiuiduall of the same species of substance , which imprinted that notion in him ; and conceiuing that the picture of any thing must haue an exact correspondence with the thing it representeth ; and not considering that this was but an imperfect picture of the indiuiduall that made it : he did thence conceiue , there was actually in euery indiuiduall substance one vniversall nature running through all of that species , which made them be what they were . And then considering that corporeity , quantity , and other accidents of matter , could not agree with this vniuersall subsistent nature , he denyed all those of it : and so , abstracting from all materiality in his Idaeas , and giuing them a reall and actuall subsistence in nature , he made them like Angels , whose essences and formall reasons were to be the Essence and to giue Existence vnto corporeall indiuiduals : and so , each idaea was embodyed in euery indiuiduall of its species . Vnto which opinion ( and vpon the same groundes ) Auerroes did leane , in the particular of mens soules . Likewise , Scotus finding in his vnderstanding an vniuersall notion springing from the impression that indiuiduals make in it , will , haue a like vniuersall in the thing it selfe , so determining vniuersals ( to vse his owne language and termes ) to be aparterei ; and expressing the distinction they haue from the rest of the thing , by the termes of actu formaliter sed non realiter : and therby maketh euery indiuiduall comprise an vniuersall subsistent nature in it . Which inconuenience other moderne Philosophers seeking to auoyde , will not allow these vniuersals a reall and actuall subsistence ; but will lend them onely a fictitious Being , so making them as they call them Entia rationis . But herein againe they suffer themselues to be carried downe the streame before they are aware by the vnderstanding ( which is apt to pinne vpon the obiects , the notions it findeth within it selfe resulting from them ) and doe consider an vnity in the thinges which indeede is onely in the vnderstanding . 5 Therefore one of our greatest cares in the guidance of our discourse , and a continual and sedulous caution therein , ought to be vsed in this particular , where euery error is a fundamentall one , and leadeth into inextricable labyrinthes , and where that which is all our leuell to keepe vs vpright and euen ( our vnderstanding ) is so apt , by reason of its owne nature , and manner of operation to make vs slide into mistaking and errour . And to summe vp in short what this discourse aymeth att , we must narrowly take heed , least reflecting vpon the notions we haue in our mind , we afterwards pinne those ayery superstructures vpon the materiall thinges themselues , that begott them ; or frame a new conception of the nature of any thing by the negotiation of our vnderstanding vpon those impressions which it selfe maketh in vs : whereas , we should acquiesce and be content with that naturall and plaine notion , which springeth immediately and primarily from the thing it selfe : which when we do not , the more we seeme to excell in subtility , the further we goe from reality and truth ; like an arrow , which being wrong leuelled at hand , falleth widest when shott in the strongest bowe . Now to come to an other poynt that maketh to our present purpose . 6 We may obserue there are two sorts of language to expresse our notions by . The one belongeth in generall to all mankind , and the simplest person , that can but apprehend and speake sense , is as much iudge of it , as the greatest Doctour in the schooles : and in this , the words expresse the thinges properly and plainely , according to the naturall conceptions that all people agree in making of them . The other sort of language , is circled in with narrower boundes ; and is vnderstood onely by those that in a particular and expresse manner haue beene trayned vp vnto it : and many of the wordes which are proper to it , haue beene by the authors of it , translated and wrested from the generall conceptions of the same wordes , by some metaphore , or similitude , or allusion , to serue theire priuate turnes . Without the first manner of expressing our notions , mankind could not liue in society together , and conuerse with one an other : whereas , the other hath no further extent , then among such persons as haue agreed together to explicate and designe among themselues particular notions peculiar to theire arts and affaires . Of the first kind , are those tenne generall heads , which Aristotle calleth Praedicaments : vnder which he ( who was the most iudicious orderer of notions , and directour of mens cōceptions that euer liued ) hath cōprised whatsoeuer hath or can haue a being in nature . For when any obiect occurreth to our thoughts , we eyther consider the essentiall and fundamentall Being of it ; or we referre it to some species of Quantity ; or we discouer some qualities in it ; or we perceiue that it doeth , or that it suffereth some thing ; or we conceiue it in some determinate place , or time , and the like . Of all which , euery man liuing that enioyeth but the vse of reason , findeth naturally within himselfe at the very first naming of them , a plaine , complete , and satisfying notion ; which is the same without any the least variation , in all mankind ; vnlesse it be in such , as haue industriously and by force , and with much labour , perplexed and depraued those primary and sincere impressions , which nature had freely made in them . Of the second sort , are the particular wordes of art by which learned men vse to expresse what they meane in sciences ; and the names of instruments , and of such thinges as belong to trades , and the like : as a sine , a tangent , an epicycle , a deferent , an axe , a trowell , and such others ; the intelligence of which , belongeth not to the generality of mankind ; but onely to Geometricians , Astronomers , Carpenters , Masons , and such persons as conuerse familiarly and frequently with those thinges . To learne the true signification of such wordes , we must consult with those that haue the knowledge and practise of them : as in like manner , to vnderstand the other kind of plaine language , we must obserue how the wordes that compose it are apprehended , vsed , and applyed by mankind in generall : and not receiue into this examination the wrested or Metaphoricall senses of any learned men , who seeke oftentimes ( beyond any ground in nature ) to frame a generall notion that may comprehend all the particular ones , which in any sense , proper or improper , may arise out of the vse of one word . 7 And this is the cause of greate errors in discourse ; soe greate and important , as I cannot too much inculcate the caution requisite to the auoyding of this rocke . Which that it may be the better apprehended , I will instance in one example of a most plaine and easie conception wherein all mankind naturally agreeth , how the wresting it from its proper , genuine , and originall signification , leadeth one into strange absurdities ; and yet they passe for subtile speculations . The notion of being in a place , is naturally the same in all men liuing : aske any simple artisan ; Where such a man , such a howse , such a tree , or such a thing is ; and he will answere you in the very same manner as the learnedest Philosopher would doe : he will tell you , the man you aske for , is in such a church , sitting in such a piew , and in such a corner of it ; that the howse you enquire after , is in such a streete , and next to such two buildinges on each side of it ; that the tree you would find out , is in such a forest , vpon such a hill , neere such a fountaine , and by such a bush ; that the wine you would drinke of , is in such a cellar , in such a part of it , and in such a caske . In conclusion , no man liuing that speaketh naturally and freely out of the notion hee findeth clearely in his vnderstanding , will giue you other answere to the question of where a thing is , then such a one as plainely expresseth his conceit of being in place , to be no other , then a bodies being enuironed and enclosed by some one , or seuerall others that are immediate vnto it ; as the place , of a liquor , is the vessell that containeth it ; and the place of the vessell , is such a part of the chamber , or house that it resteth vpon , together with the ambient ayre ; which hath a share in making vp the places of most thinges . And this being the answere , that euery man whatsoeuer will readily giue to this question ; and euery asker being fully satisfied with it ; we may safely conclude , that all theire notions and conceptions of being in a place , are the same ; and consequently , that it is the naturall and true one . But then some others , considering that such conditions as these will not agree vnto other thinges , which they likewise conceite to be in a place ( for they receiue it as an Axiome from theire sense , that whatsoeuer is , must be somewhere , and whatsoeuer is no where , is not att all ) they fall to casting about how they may frame some common notion to comprehend all the seuerall kindes of being in place , which they imagine in the thinges they discourse of . If there were nothing but bodies to be ranked by them in the Predicament of place ; then that description I haue already sett downe , would be allowed by them , as sufficient . But since that spirits and spirituall thinges , ( as Angels , rationall soules , verities , sciencies , arts , and the like ) haue a being in nature ; and yet will not be comprised in such a kind of place as a body is contained in ; they racke theire thoughts to speculate out some common notion of being in place , which may be common to these , as well as to bodies ; like a common accident agreeing to diuerse subiects . And so in the end , they pitch vpon an Entity , which they call an Vbi : and they conceite the nature and formall reason of that to be , the ranking of any thing in a place , when that Entity is therevnto affixed . And then they haue no further difficulty , in settling an Angell or any pure spirit , or immateriall essence , in a place as properly , and as completely , as if it were a corporeall substance . It is but assigning an Vbi to such a spirit , and he is presently riueted to what place you please : and by multiplying the Vbies , any indiuiduall body vnto which they are assigned , is at the same instant in as many distant places , as they allott it different Vbies : and if they assigne the same Vbi to seuerall bodies , so many seuerall ones as they assigne it vnto , will be in one and the same place : and not onely many bodies in one place , but euen a whole bodie in an indiuisible , by a kind of Vbi that hath a power to resume all the extended partes , and enclose them in a point of place . All which prodigious conceits and impossibilities in nature , doe spring out of theire mistake in framing Metaphysicall and abstracted conceptions , insteed of contenting themselues with those plaine , easy , and primary notions , which nature stampeth a like in all men of common sense , and vnderstanding . As who desireth to bee further instructed in this particular , may perceiue , if he take the paines to looke ouer what M. White hath discoursed of Place in the first of his Dialogues De Mundo . Vnto which booke , I shall from time to time ( according as I shall haue occasion ) referre my Reader in those subiects the Author taketh vppon him to prooue ; being confident that his Metaphysicall demonstrations there , are as firme , as any Mathematicall ones ( for Metaphysicall demonstrations haue in themselues as much firmenesse , certainty and euidency as they ) and so will appeare as euident , as they , vnto whosoeuer shall vnderstand them throughly , and shall frame right conceptions of them : which ( how plaine soeuer they seeme to bee ) is not the worke of euery pretender to learning . THE SECOND CHAPTER . Of Quantity . 1 AMONG those primary affections which occurre in the perusall of a body , Quantity ( as I haue obserued in the precedent chapter ) is one and in a manner the first and the roote of all the rest . Therefore ( according to the caution we haue beene so prolixe in giuing , because it is of so maine importance ) if we ayme at right vnderstanding the true nature of it , we must examine , what apprehension all kindes of people ( that is mankind in generall ) maketh of it . By which proceeding , we doe not make the ignorant multitude iudge of that learning which groweth out of the consideration of Quantity : but onely of the naturall notion which serueth learned men for a basis and foundation to build scientificall super-structures vpon . For although , sciencies be the workes and structures of the vnderstanding gouerned and leuelled by the wary and strict rules of most ingenious artificers : yet the ground vpon which they are raised , are such plaine notions of thinges , as naturally and without any art doe present themselues to euery mans apprehension : without which for matter to worke vpon , those artificiall reflections would leaue the vnderstanding as vnsatisfied ; as a cooke would the appetite , by a dish vpon which he should haue exercised all his art in dressing it , but whose first substance were not meate of solide nutriment . It is the course market that must deliuer him plaine materialls to employ his cunning vpon : and in like manner , it is the indisciplined multitude that must furnish learned men with naturall apprehensions , and notions to exercise theire wittes about : which when they haue , they may vse and order ad reflect vpon them as they please : but they must first receiue them in that plaine and naked forme , as mankind in generall pictureth them out in theire imaginations . And therefore the first worke of schollers , is to learne of the people Quem penes , arbitrium est & ius & norma loquendi , what is the true meaning and signification of these primary names , and what notions they begett in the generality of mankinde of the thinges they designe . Of the common people then , we must enquire what Quantity is : and we shall soone be informed , if we but consider what answere any sensible man will make vpon the soddaine to a question whereof that is the subiect : for , such vnstudyed replies expresse sincerely the plaine and naturall conceptions , which they that make them , haue of the thinges they speake of . And this of Quantity , is the plainest and the first , that nature printeth in vs , of all the thinges we see , feele , and conuerse with all ; and that must serue for a ground vnto all our other inquiries and reflections : for which cause , we must be sure not to receiue it wrested or diguised from its owne nature . If then any one be asked ; 2 what Quantity there is in such a thing , or how greate it is ; he will presently in his vnderstanding compare it with some other thing , ( equally knowne by both parties ) that may serue for a measure vnto it ; and then answere , that it is as bigge as it , or twice as bigge , or not halfe so bigge , or the like : in fine , that it is bigger or lesser then an other thing , or equall to it . It is of maine importance to haue this point throughly and clearely vnderstood ; therefore it will not be amisse to turne it and veiw it a little more particularly . If you aske what Quantity there is , of such a parcell of cloth , how much wood in such a piece of timber , how much gold in such an ingott , how much wine in such a vessell , how much time was taken vp in such an action ; he that is to giue you an account of them , measureth them by elles , by feete , by inches , by poundes , by ounces , by gallons , by pintes , by daies , by houres , and the like ; and then telleth you , how many of those parts , are in the whole that you enquire of . Which answere , euery man liuing will at the instant , without study , make to this question ; and with it , euery man that shall aske , will be fully appayed and satisfyed : so that it is most euident , it fully expresseth the notions of them both , and of all mankind , in this particular . Wherefore , when we consider that Quantity is nothing else , but the extension of a thing ; and that this extension , is expressed by a determinate number of lesser extensions of the same nature ; ( which lesser ones , are sooner and more easily apprehended then greater ; because we are first acquainted and conuersant with such ; and our vnderstanding graspeth , weigheth and discerneth such more steadily ; and maketh an exacter iudgement of them ) and that such lesser ones are in the greater which they measure , as partes in a whole ; and that the whole by comprehending those partes , is a meere capacity to be diuided into them : we conclude , that Quantity or Biggnesse , is nothing else but diuisibility ; and that a thing is bigge , by hauing a capacity to be diuided , or ( which is the same ) to haue partes made of it . This is yet more euident ( if more may be ) in Discrete Quantity ( that is , in number ) then in continued Quantity , or extension . For if we consider any number whatsoeuer , we shall find the essence of it , consisteth in a capacity of being resolued and diuided into so many vnities , as are contained in it ; which are the partes of it . And this species of Quantity being simpler , then the other , serueth for a rule to determine it by ▪ as we may obserue in the familiar answeres to questions of continued Quantity , which expresse by number , the content of it : as when one deliuereth the Quantity of a piece of ground , by such a number of furlonges , acars , perches , or the like . 3 But we must take heed of conceiuing , that those partes , which we consider to discerne the nature of Quantity , are actually and really in the whole of any continued one that containeth them . Elles , feete , inches , are no more reall Entities in the whole that is measured by them , and that maketh impressions of such notions in our vnderstanding ; then in our former example , colour , figure mellownesse , tast , and the like are seuerall substances in the apple that affecteth our seuerall senses with such various impressions . It is but one whole that may indeed be cutt into so many seuerall partes : but those partes are not really there , till by diuision they are parcelled out : and then , the whole ( out of which they are made ) ceaseth to be any longer ; and the partes succeede in lieu of it ; and are , euery one of them , a new whole . This truth , is euident out of the very definition we haue gathered of Quantity . For since it is Diuisibility ( that is , a bare capacity to diuision ) it followeth that it is not yet diuided : and consequently that those partes are not yet in it , which may be made of it ; for diuision , is the making two , or more thinges , of one . 4 But because this is a very greate controuersy in schooles ; and so important to be determined and settled , as without doing so , we shall be lyable to maine errors in searching the nature and operations of bodies ; and that the whole progresse of our discourse , will be vncertaine and wauering , if this principle and foundation be not firmely layed : we must apply our selues , to bring some more particular and immediate proofe of the verity of this assertion . Which we will do , by shewing the inconuenience , impossibility , and contradiction , that the admittance of the other leadeth vnto . For if we allow actuall partes to be distinguished in Quantity , it will follow that it is composed of points or indiuisibles , which we shall prooue to be impossible . The first will appeare thus : if Quantity were diuided into all the partes into which it is diuisible , it would be diuided into indiuisibles ( for nothing diuisible , and not diuided , would remaine in it ) but it is distinguished into the same partes , into which it would be diuided , if it were diuided into all the partes into which it is diuisible ; therefore it is distinguished into indiuisibles . The maior proposition is euident to any man that hath eyes of vnderstanding . The minor , is the confession or rather the position of the aduersary , when he sayth that all its partes are actually distinguished . The consequence cannot be calumniated , since that indiuisibles , whether they be seperated or ioyned , are still but indiuisibles ; though that which is composed of them be diuisible . It must then be granted that all the partes which are in Quantity , are indiuisibles ; which partes being actually in it , and the whole being composed af these partes onely , it followeth , that Quantity is composed and made of indiuisibles . If any should cauill at the supposition , and say we stretch it further then they intend it , by taking all the partes to be distinguished ; whereas they meane onely that there are partes actually in Quantity , abstracting from all ▪ by reason that all , in this matter would inferre an infinity , which to be actually in any created thing , they will allow to be impossible . Our answere will be , to represent vnto them how this is barely said , without any ground or colour of reason , meerely to euade the inconuenience , that the argument driueth them vnto . For if any partes be actually distinguished , why should not all be so ? What prerogatiue haue some that the others haue not ? And how came they by it ? If they haue theire actuall distinction out of theire nature of being partes , then all must enioy it a like , and all be equally distinguished , as the supposition goeth : and they must all be indiuisibles as we haue prooued . Besides to preuent the cauill vpon the word all , we may change the expression of the Proposition into a negatiue : for if they admitt ( as they doe ) that there is no part in Quantity , but is distinguished as farre as it may be distinguished , then the same conclusion followeth with no lesse euidence ; and all will prooue indiuisibles , as before . But it is impossible that indiuisibles should make Quantity ; 5 for if they should , it must be done eyther by a finite and determinate number , or by an infinite multitude of them . If you say by a finite ; lett vs take ( for example ) three indiuisibles , and by adding them together , lett vs suppose a line to be composed ; whose extent being onely longitude , it is the first and simpliest species of Quantity , and therefore whatsoeuer is diuisible into partes , must be at the least a line . This line thus made , cannot be conceiued to be diuided into more partes then into three ; since doing so you reduce it , into the indiuisibles that composed it . But Euclide hath demonstratiuely prooued beyond all cauill , ( in the tenth proposition of his sixt booke of Elements ) that any line whatsoeuer may be diuided into whatsoeuer number of partes ; so that if this be a line , it must be diuisible into a hundred or a thousand , or a million of partes : which being impossible in a line , that being diuided into three partes onely , euery one of those three is incapable of further diuision ; it is euident , that neyther a line , nor any Quantity whatsoeuer , is composed or made of a determinate number of indiuisibles . And since that this capacity of being diuisible into infinite partes , is a property belonging to all extension ( for Euclides demonstration is vniuersall ) wee must needes confesse that it is the nature of indiuisibles , when they are ioyned together , to be drowned in one another , for otherwyse there would result a kind of extension out of them , which would not haue that property ; contrary to what Euclide hath demonstrated . And from hence it followeth that Quantity cannot be composed of an infinite multitude of such indiuisibles ; for if this be the nature of indiuisibles , though you putt neuer so greate a number of them together , they will still drowne themselues all in one indiuisible point . For what difference can theire being infinite , bring to them , of such force as to destroy theire essence and property ? If you but consider how the essentiall composition of any multitude whatsoeuer , is made by the continuall addition of vnities , till that number arise ; it is euident in our case that the infinity of indiuisibles must also arise , out of the continued addition of still one indiuisible to the indiuisibles presupposed : then lett vs apprehend a finite number of indiuisibles , which ( according as we haue prooued ) do make no extension , but are all of them drowned in the first ; and obseruing how the progresse vnto an infinite multitude , goeth on by the steppes of one and one , added still to this presupposed number ; we shall see , that euery indiuisible added and consequently the whole infinity , will be drowned in the first number , as that was in the first indiuisible . Which will be yet plainer , if we consider that the nature of extension requireth that one parte be not in the same place , where the other is : then if this extension be composed of indiuisibles , lett vs take two pointes of place in which this extension is , and inquire whether the indiuisibles that are in each one of these pointes , be finite or infinite . If it be answered that they are finite , then the finite indiuisibles in those two pointes make an extension ; which we haue prooued impossible . But if they be said to be infinite ; then infinite indiuisibles are drowned in one point , and consequently haue not the force to make extension . Thus then it remaineth firmely established , That Quantity is not composed of indiuisibles ( neyther finite , nor infinite ones ) and consequently , that partes are not actually in it . 6 Yet before we leaue this point , although we haue already beene somewhat long about it , I conceiue it will not be tedious , if we be yet a litle longer , and bend our discourse to remooue a difficulty that euen sense it selfe seemeth to obiect vnto vs. For doth not our eye euidently informe vs , there are fingers , handes , armes , legges , feete , toes and variety of other partes , in a mans body ? These are actually in him , and seeme to be distinct thinges in him , so euidently , that we cannot be persuaded , but that we see , and feele , the distinction betweene them : for euery one of them , hath a particular power of actuall working and doing what belongeth vnto its nature to do : each finger is really there ; the hand is different from the foote ; the legge from the arme ; and so of the rest . Are not these partes then actually and really in a mans body ? And is not each of them as really distinguished from any other ? This appeareth at the first sight to be an insuperable obiection , because of the confirmation and euidence that sense seemeth to giue it . But looking neerely into the matter , we shall find that the difficulty ariseth not from what sense informeth vs of ; but from our wrong applying the conditions of our notions vnto the thinges that make impressions vpon our sense . Sense iudgeth not which is a finger , which is a hand , or which is a foote . The notions agreeing to these wordes , as well as the wordes themselues , are productions of the vnderstanding : which considering seuerall impressions made vpon the sense by the same thing as it hath a vertue , and power to seuerall operations , frameth seuerall notions of it : as in our former example , it doth of colour , figure , tast and the like , in an apple . For as these are not different bodies or substances , distinguished one from an other ; but are the same one entire thing , working seuerally vpon the senses , and that accordingly , maketh these different pictures in the mind ; which are there as much distinguished , as if they were pictures of different substances . So , the partes which are considered in Quantity , are not diuerse thinges : but are onely a vertue or power to be diuers thinges : which vertue , making seuerall impressions vpon the senses , occasioneth seuerall notions in the vnderstanding : and the vnderstanding is so much the more prone to conceiue those partes as distinct thinges , by how much Quantity is neerer to be distinct thinges , then the qualities of the apple are . For Quantity , is a possibility to be made distinct thinges by diuision : whereas the others , are but a vertue to do distinct thinges . And yet ( as we haue touched aboue ) nothing can be more manifest , then that if Quantity be diuisibility ( which is a possibility , that many thinges may be made of it ) these partes are not yet diuers thinges . So that , if ( for example ) a rodde be layed before vs , and halfe of it be hid from our sight , and the other halfe appeare ; it is not one part or thing that sheweth it selfe , and an other part or thing that doth not shew itselfe : but it is the same rodde or thing , which sheweth it selfe according to the possibility of being one new thing , but doth not shew it selfe according to the possibility of being the other of the two thinges , it may be made by diuision . Which example , if it be well considered will make it much more easily sinke into vs , that a hand , or eye , or foote , is not a distinct thing by it selfe ; but that it is the man , according as he hath a certaine vertue or power in him to distinct operations . For if you seuer any of these partes from the whole body ; the hand can no more hold ; nor the eye see ; nor the foote walke ; which are the powers that essentially constitute them to be what they are : and therefore they are no longer a hand , an eye , or a foote . Now then to come to the obiection ; 7 lett vs examine how farre , sense may be allowed to be iudge in this difficulty : and we shall find , that sense cannot determine any one part in a body : for if it could , it would precisely tell , where that part beginneth or endeth : but it being agreed vpon , that it beginneth and endeth in indiuisibles ; it is certaine , that sense cannot determine of them . If then sense cannot determine any one part , how shall it see that it is distinguished from all other partes ? Againe ; considering that all that whereof sense is capable , is diuisible , it still telleth vs , that in all it seeth , there are more partes then one : and therefore it can not discerne , nor informe vs of any that is one alone : nor knoweth what it is to be one ; for it neuer could discerne it : but what is many , is many ones and can not be knowne , by that , which knoweth not , what it is to be one : and consequently sense can not telle vs , that there are many . Wherefore it is euident , that we may not rely vpon sense for this question . And as for reason , she hath already giuen her verdict . So that nothing remaineth but to shew , why we talke as we do , in ordinary discourse , of many partes : and that what we say in that kind , is true , notwithstanding the vnity of the thing . Which will appeare plainely , if we consider that our vnderstanding hath a custome for the better discerning of thinges , to impose vpon a thing as it is vnder one notion , the exclusion of it self as it is vnder other notions . And this is euident vnto all schollers , when the marke of exclusion is expressely putt : as when they speake of a white thing , adding the reduplication , as it is white : which excludeth all other considerations of that thing , besides the whitenesse of it : but when it cometh vnder some particular name of the thing , it may deceiue those that are not cunning : though indeede , most men discouer it in such names as we call abstracted ; as humanity , animality , and the like . But it easily deceiueth when it cometh in concrete names ; as it doth in the name of Part in generall , or in the names of particular partes ; as a hand , an eye , an inch , an elle , and others of the like nature : for as you see that a part excludeth both the notion of the whole , and of the remaining partes : so doth a hand , an eye , an elle , exclude all the rest of that thing , whereof the hand is a hand , and the elle is an elle , and so forth . Now then , as euery man seeth euidently that it can not be said ; the wall as it is white is plaster or stone : no more can it be said , that the hand of a man is a foote ; because the word hand signifieth as much in it selfe , as if the man were taken , by reduplication , to be the man as he is hand , or as he hath the power of holding . So likewise , in the rodde we spoke of before ; it can not be said that the part seene is the part vnseene ; because the part seene , signifieth the rodde as it is a possibility to be made by diuision such a thing , as it appeareth to the sight . And thus it is cleare how the difficulty of this point , ariseth out of the wrongfull applying the conditions of our notions , and of names , to the obiects and thinges which we know : where of we gaue warning in the begining . 8 After which there remaineth no more to be said of this subiect , but to enumerate the seuerall specieses of Quantity , according to that diuision which Logitians for more facility of discourse haue made of it . Namely , these sixe : magnitudine , place , motion , time , number , and weight . Of which , the two first are permanent , and lye still exposed to the pleasure of whosoeuer hath a mind to take a suruay of them . Which he may do by measuring what partes they are diuisible into ; how many elles , feete , inches , a thing is long broad or deepe ; how great a place is ; whether it be not bigger or lesser then such an other ; and by such considerations as these ; which do all agree in this , that they expresse the essence of those two specieses of Quantity , to consist in a capacity of being diuided into partes . The two next ; motion and time ; though they be of a fleeting propriety , yet it is euident that in regard of theire originall and essentiall nature , they are nothing else but a like diuisibility into partes ; which is measured by passing ouer so great or so litle distance ; and by yeares , dayes , houres , minutes , and the like . Number we also see is of the same nature ; for it is diuisible into so many determinate partes , and is measured by vnities , or by lesser numbers so or so often contained in a proposed greater . And the like is euident of weight , which is diuisible into poundes , ounces , drammes , or graines ; and by them is measured . So that looking ouer all the seuerall specieses of Quantity ; it is euident , our definition of it is a true one , and expresseth fully the essence of it , when we say it is diuisibility , or a capacity to be diuided into partes : and that no other notion whatsoeuer , besides this , reacheth the nature of it . THE THIRD CHAPTER . Of Rarity and Density . I INTEND in this Chapter to looke as farre as I can into the nature and causes of the two first differences of bodies , 1 which follow out of Quantity as it concurreth with substance to make a body : for , the discouery of them , and of the various proportions of them among themselues , will be a great and important steppe in the iourney we are going . But the scarcity of our language is such , in subiets remooued from ordinary conuersation , ( though in others , I thinke none is more copious or expressiue ) as affordeth vs not apt wordes of our owne to expresse significantly such notions as I must busie my selfe about in this discourse . Therefore I will presume to borrow them from the Latine schoole , where there is much adoe about them . I would expresse the difference betweene bodies , that vnder the same measures and outward bulke , haue a greater thinnenesse and expansion , or thicknesse and solidity , one then an other ; which termes , ( or any I can find in English ) do not signify fully those affections of Quantity that I intend here to declare : therefore I will do it vnder the names of Rarity and Density ; the true meaning of which will appeare by what we shall hereafter say . 2 It is euident vnto vs , that there are different sortes of bodies , of which though you take equall quantities in one regard , yet they will be vnequall in an other . Theire magnitudes may be the same , but theire weights will be different ; or contrariwise , theire weights being equall , theire outward measures will not be so . Take a pinte of ayre ; and weigh it against a pinte of water , and you will see the ballance of the last goe downe amaine : but if you driue out the ayre by filling the pinte with lead , the other pinte in which the water is , will rise againe as fast : which if you poure out , and fill that pinte with quickesiluer , you will perceaue the lead to be much lighter : and againe , you will find a pinte of gold heauier then so much Mercury . And in like manner , if you take away of the heauy bodies till they agree in weight with the lighter , they will take vp and fill different proportions , and partes of the measure that shall containe them . But from whence this effect ariseth , is the difficulty that we would lay open . Our measures tell vs theire quantities are equall ; and reason assureth vs , there can not be two bodies in one and the same place ; therefore when we see that a pinte of one thing outweigheth a pinte of an other that is thinner , we must conclude that there is more body compacted together in the heauy thing then in the light : for else how could so litle of a solide or dense thing , be stretched out , to take vp so great roome , as we see in a basen of water that being rarifyed into smoake or ayre , filleth a whole chamber ? and againe , shrinke backe into so litle roome , as when it returneth into water , or is contracted into yce ? But how this comprehension of more body in equall roome is effected , doth not a litle trouble Philosophers . 3 To find a way that may carry vs through these difficulties that arise out of the Rarity and Density of bodies , lett vs do as Astronomers when they enquire the motions of the Spheres and Planets : they take all the Phenomena or seuerall appearances of them to our eyes ; and then attribute to them such orbes , courses , and periodes , as may square and fitt with euery one of them ; and by supposing them , they can exactly calculate all that will euer after happen to them in theire motions . So lett vs take into our consideration the cheife properties of rare and dense bodies , and then cast with our selues to find out an hypothesis , or supposition ( if it be possible ) that may agree with them all . First , it seemeth vnto vs that dense bodies haue theire partes more close and compacted , then others haue , that are more rare and subtile . Secondly they are more heauy , then rare ones . Againe , the rare are more easily diuided then the dense bodies : for water , oyle , milke , honey , and such like substances will not onely yield easily to any harder thing that shall make its way through them ; but they are so apt to diuision and to loose theire continuity , that theire owne weights will ouercome and breake it : whereas in iron , gold , marble , and such dense bodies , a much greater weight and force , is necessary to worke that effect . And indeed if wee looke well into it , we shall find that the rarer thinges , are as diuisible in a lesser Quantity , as the more dense are in a greater : and the same force will breake the rarer thing into more and lesser partes , then it will an equall one that is more dense . Take a sticke of light wood of such a biggenesse that being a foote long , you may breake it with your handes , and an other of the same biggenesse , but of a more heauy and compacted wood , and you shall not breake it , though it be two foote long : and with equall force you may breake a loafe of bread into more and lesse partes , then a lumpe of lead that is of the same biggenesse . Which also will resist more to the diuision of fire ( the subtilest diuider that is ) then so much water will ; for the litle atomes of fire ( which we shall discourse of hereafter ) will pierce and cutt out in the water , almost as litle partes as themselues , and mingling themselues with them they will fly away together , and so conuert the whole body of water into subtile smoake : whereas the same Agent , after long working vpon lead , will bring it into no lesse partes then small graines of dust , which it calcineth it into . And gold , that is more dense then lead , resisteth peremptorily all the diuiding power of fire ; and will not at all be reduced into a calx or lime by such operation as reduced lead into it . So that remembring , how the nature of Quantity is Diuisibility ; and considering that rare thinges are more diuisible then dense ones ; we must needes acknowledge that the nature of Quantity is some way more perfectly in thinges that are rare , then in those that are dense . On the other side , more compacted and dense thinges , may happily seeme to some to haue more Quantity then those that are rare ; and that it is but shruncke together ; which may be stretched out and driuen into much greater dimensions then the Quantity of rare thinges , taking the quantities of each of them equall in outward appearance . As gold may be beaten into much more and thinner leafe , then an equall bulke of syluer or lead . A waxe candle will burne longer with equall light , then a tallow candle of the same biggenesse ; and consequently , be conuerted into a greater Quantity of fire and ayre . Oyle will make much more flame then spiritt of wine , that is farre rarer then it . These and such like considerations , 4 haue much perplexed Philosophers , and haue driuen them into diuerse thoughts to find out the reasons of them . Some obseruing that the diuiding of a body into litle partes , maketh it lesse apt to descend , then when it is in greater ; haue beleeued the whole cause of litghnesse and rarity to be deriued from diuision . As for example ; they find that lead cutt into litle pieces , will not goe downe so fast in water , as when it is in bulke : and it may be reduced into so small atomes , that it will for some space swimme vpon the water like dust of wood . Which assumption is prooued by the greate Galileus ; vnto whose excellent witt and admirable industry , the world is beholding , not onely for his wonderfull discoueries made in the heauens , but also for his accurate and learned declaring of those very thinges that lye vnder our feete . He , about the 90th page of his first Dialogue of motion , doth clearly demonstrate how any reall medium must of necessity resist more the descent of a litle piece of lead , or any other weighty matter , then it would a greater piece : and the resistence will be greater and greater as the pieces are lesser and lesser . So that , as the pieces are made lesse , they will in the same medium sinke the slower ; and do seeme to haue acquired a new nature of lightnesse by theire diminution : not onely of hauing lesse weight in them then they had ; as halfe an ounce is lesse then a whole ounce : but also of hauing in themselues a lesse proportion of weight to theire bulke then they had ; as a pound of corke , is in regard of its magnitude lighter then a pound of lead : so as they conclude , that the thing whose continued partes are the lesser , is in its owne nature the lighter and the rarer ; and other thinges whose continued partes are greater , they be heauier and denser . 5 But this discourse reacheth not home : for by it , the weight of any body being discouered by the proportion it hath to the medium , in which it descendeth , it must euer suppose a body lighter then it selfe in which it may sinke and goe to the bottome . Now of that lighter body , I enquire what maketh it be so ; and you must answere by what you haue concluded , that it is lighter then the other , because the partes of it are lesse , and more seuered from one an other : for if they be as close together , theire diuision auayleth them nothing , since thinges sticking fast together , do worke as if they were but one , and so a pound of lead though it be filed into small dust , if it be compacted hard together , will sinke as fast as if it were in one bulke . Now then allowing the litle partes to be seperated , I aske , what other body filleth vp the spaces betweene those litle partes of the medium in which your heauy body descended ? For if the partes of water are more seuered then the partes of lead , there must be some other substance to keepe the partes of it a sunder : lett vs suppose this to be ayre : and I aske , whether an equall part of ayre , be as heauy as so much water ? or whether it be not ? If you say , it is ; then the compound of water and ayre , must be as heauy as lead ; seeing that theire partes , one with an other , are as much compacted as the partes of lead are . For there is no difference whether those bodies , whose litle partes are compacted together be of the same substance , or of diuers , or whether the one be diuided into smaller partes then the other , or no , ( so they be of equall weights ) in regard of making the whole equally heauy : as you may experience , if you mingle pinnedust with a sand of equall weight , though it be beaten into farre smaller diuisions then the pinnedust , and putt them in a bagge together . But if you say that ayre is not so heauy as water ; it must be , because euery part of ayre hath againe its partes more seuered by some other body , then the partes of water are seuered by ayre . And then , I make the same instance of that body which seuereth the partes of ayre . And so , att the last ( since there can not actually be an infinite processe of bodies one lighter then an other ) you must come to one , whose litle partes filling the pores and spaces between the partes of the others , haue no spaces in themselues to be filled vp . But as soone as you acknowledge such a body to be lighter and rarer then all the rest , you contradict and destroy all you said before . For by reason of its hauing no pores , it followeth by your rule , that the litle partes of it must be as heauy , if not heauier , then the litle partes of the same bignesse of that body whose pores it filleth ; and consequently it is proued by the experience we alleadged of pinnedust mingled with sand that the litle partes of it , can not by theire mingling with the partes of the body in which it is immediately contained , make that lighter then it would be if these litle partes were not mingled with it . Nor would both theire partes mingled with the body which immediately containeth them , make that body lighter . And so proceeding on in the same sort through all the mingled bodies , till you come to the last , that is immediately mingled with water ; you will make water nothing the lighter , for being mingled with all these ; and by consequence it should be as heauy and as dense as lead . Now that which deceiued the authors of this opiniion , was that they had not a right intelligence of the causes which made litle partes of bodies ( naturally heauy ) descend slowly , in regard of the velocity of greater partes of the same bodies descending : the doctrine of which we intend to deliuer hereafter . Others therefore perceiuing this rule to fall short , 6 haue endeauoured to piece it out by the mixtion of vacuity among bodies ; belieuing it is that which maketh one rarer then an other . Which mixtion they do not putt alwayes immediate to the maine body they consider : but if it haue other rarer and lighter bodies mingled with it , they conceiue this mixtion immediate onely to the rarest , or lightest . As for example ; a crystall being lighter and consequently rarer then a diamond , they will not say that there is more vacuity in a crystall then in a diamond ; but that the pores of a crystall are greater , and that consequently there is more ayre in a crystall to fill the pores of it , then is in a diamond ; and the vacuities are in the ayre , which abounding in a crystall , more then in a diamond , maketh that lighter and rarer then this , by the more vacuities that are in the greater Quantity of ayre which is migled with it . But against this supposition , a powerfull aduersary is vrged : for Aristotle , in his 4th booke of Physickes , hath demonstrated that there can be no motion in vacuity . It is true , they endeauour to euade his demonstration ( as not reaching home to theire supposition ) by acknowledging it to be an euident one in such a vacuity as he there speaketh of ; which he supposed to be so great a one that a body may swimme in it as in an ocean , and not touch or be neere any other body : whereas this opinion excludeth all such vast inanity , and admitteth no vacuities but so litle ones as no body whatsoeuer can come vnto but will be bigger then they ; and consequently , must on some side or other touch the corporeall partes which those vacuities diuide ; for they are the seperations of the least partes , that are , or can be , actually diuided from one an other : which partes , must of necessity touch one an other on some side ; or else , they could not hang together to compose one substance ; and therefore , the diuiding vacuities , must be lesse then the diuided partes . And thus , no body will euer be in danger of floating vp and downe without touching any thing : which is the difficulty that Aristotle chiefely impugneth . 7 I confesse I should be very glad that this supposition might serue our turne , and saue the Phoenomena that appeare among bodies , through theire variety of Rarity and Density : which if it might be , then would I straight go on to the inquiring after what followed out of this ground , as Astronomers ( to vse our former similitude ) do calculate the future appearances of the celestiall bodies out of those motions and orbes they assigne vnto the heauens . For as this apprehension of vacuity in bodies is very easy and intelligibile : so the other ( which I conceiue to be the truth of the case ) is exceedingly abstracted , and one of the most difficult pointes in all the Metaphysickes : and therefore I would ( if it were possible ) auoyde touching vpon it in this discourse , which I desire should be as plaine and easy , and as much remooued from scholasticke termes , as may be . But indeed , the inconueniences that follow out of this supposition of vacuities , are so great , as it is impossible by any meanes to slide them ouer . As for example ; lett vs borrow of Galilaeus the proportion of weight betweene water and ayre . He sheweth vs how the one is 400 times heauyer then the other . And Marinus Ghetaldus teacheth vs that gold is 19 times heauyer then water : so that gold must be 7600 times heauyer then ayre . Now then considering that nothing in a body can weigh , but the solide partes of it ; it followeth that the proportion of the partes of gold in a sphere of an inch diameter , is to the partes of ayre of a like dimension as 7600 is to one . Therefore in ayre it selfe the vacuities that are supposed in it , will be to the solide partes of it in the same proportion as 7600 to one . Indeed , the proportion of difference will be greater : for euen in gold many vacuities must be admitted , as appeareth by the heating of it which sheweth that in euery the least part , it is exceeding porous . But according to this rate , without pressing the inconuenience any further ; the ayre will by this reckoning appeare to be like a nett , whose holes and distances , are to the lines and thriddes , in the proportion of 7600 to one ; and so , would be lyable to haue litle partes of its body swimme in those greater vacuities ; contrary to what they striue to auoyde . Which would be exceedingly more , if we found on the one side any bodies heauyer and denser then gold , and that were so solide as to exclude all vacuities ; and on the other side should ballance them with such bodies as are lighter and rarer then ayre ; as fire is , and as some will haue the aether to be . But already the disproportion is so great , and the vacuity so strangely exceedeth the body in which it is , as were too great an absurdity to be admitted . And besides , it would destroy all motion of small bodies in the ayre , if it be true ( as Aristotle hath demonstrated in the 4th booke of his Physickes ) that motion can not be made , but among bodies , and not in vacuo . Againe , if rarity were made by vacuity , rare bodies could not be gathered together , without loosing theire rarity and becoming dense . The contrary of which , we learne by constant experience ; as when the smith and glassemender , driue theire white and fury fires , ( as they terme them ; ) when ayre pierceth most in the sharpe wind ; and generally we see that more of the same kind of rare bodies , in lesse place , worketh most efficaciously according to the nature that resulteth out of that degree of rarity . Which argueth , that euery litle part is as rare as it was before ( for else it would loose the vertue of working according to that nature ; ) but that by theire being crowded together , they exclude all other bodies that before did mediate betweene the litle partes of theire maine body ; and so , more partes being gotten together in the same place then formerly there were , they worke more forcibly . Thirdly ; if such vacuities were the cause of rarity ; it would follow that fluide bodies being rarer then solide ones , they would be of themselues standing , like nettes or cobbewebbes : whereas contrariwise , we see theire natures are to runne together , and to fill vp euery litle creeke and corner : which effect , following out of the very nature of the thinges themselues ; must needes exclude vacuities out of that nature . And lastly ; if it be true ( as we haue shewed in the last Chapter ) that there are no actuall partes in Quantity ; it followeth of necessity , that all Quantity must of it sel●e be one ; as Metaphysickes teach vs : and then , no distance can be admitted betweene one Quantity and an other . And truly , if I vnderstand Aristotle right ; he hath perfectly demonstrated , that no vacuity is possible in nature ; neither great nor litle : and consequently , the whole machine raysed vpon that supposition , must be ruinous . His argument is to this purpose . What is nothing , can not haue partes : but vacuum is nothing ( because as the aduersaries conceiue it , vacuum is the want of a corporeall substance in an enclosing body , within whose sides nothing is , whereas a certaine body might be contained whithin them , as if in a paile or bowle of a gallon , there were neither milke , nor water , nor ayre , nor any other body whatsoeuer ) therefore , vacuum can not haue partes . Yet those who admitt it do putt it expressely for a space ; which doth essentially include partes . And thus they putt two contradictories , nothing and partes , that is , partes and no partes ; or something and nothing ; in the same proposition . And this , I conceiue to be absolutely vnauoydable . 8 For these reasons therefore , I must entreate my readers fauour , that he will allow me to touch vpon metaphysickes a litle more then I desire or intended : but it shall be no otherwise , then as is said , of the dogges by the riuer Nilus side ; who being thirsty , lappe hastily of the water , onely to serue theire necessity as they runne along the shore . Thus then ; remembring how wee determined that Quantity is Diuisibility : it followeth , that if besides Quantity there be a substance or thing which is diuisible ; that thing , if it be condistinguished from its Quantity or Diuisibility , must of it selfe be indiuisible : or ( to speake more properly ) it must be , not diuisible . Putt then such substance to be capable of the Quantity of the whole world or vniuerse : and consequently , you putt it of it selfe indifferent to all , and to any part of Quantity : for in it , by reason of the negation of Diuisibility , there is no variety of partes , whereof one should be the subiect of one part of Quantity , or another of another ; or that one should be a capacity of more , another of lesse . This then being so , wee haue the ground of more or lesse proportion between substance and quantity : for if the whole quantity of the vniuerse bee putt into it , the proportion of Quantity to the capacity of that substance , will bee greater then if but halfe that quantity were imbibed in the same substance . And because proportion changeth on both sides by the single change of onely one side : it followeth that in the latter , the proportion of that substance to its Quantity , is greater ; and that in the former , it is lesse ; howbeit the substance in it selfe be indiuisible . What wee haue said thus in abstract , will sinke more easily into vs if we apply it to some particular bodies here among vs , in which we see a difference of Rarity and Density ; as to ayre , water gold , or the like ; and examine if the effects that happen to them , do follow out of this disproportion betweene substance and Quantity . For example lett vs conceiue that all the Quantity of the world were in one vniforme substance , then the whole vniuerse would be in one and the same degree of Rarity ad Density : lett that degree , be the degree of water ; it will then follow , that in what part soeuer there happeneth to be a change from this degree , that part will not haue that proportion of quantity to its substance , which the quantity of the whole world had to the presupposed vniforme substance . But if it happeneth to haue the degree of rarity which is in the ayre , it will then haue more quantity in proportion to its substance , then would be due vnto it according to the presupposed proportion of the quantity of the vniuerse to the foresaid vniforme substance ; which in this case is as it were the standard to try all other proportions by . And contrariwise , if it happeneth to haue the degree of Density which is found in Earth or in gold ; then it will haue lesse quantity in proportion to its substance , then would be due vnto it according to the fore said proportion , or common standard . Now to proceede from hence , with examining the effects which result out of this compounding of Quantity with substance , we may first consider , that the definitions which Aristotle hath giuen vs of Rarity and Density , are the same wee driue att : hee telleth vs , that that body is rare whose quantity is more , and its substance lesse ; that , contrariwise dense , where the substance is more and the quantity lesse . Now if wee looke into the proprieties of the bodies wee haue named , or of any others , wee shall see them all follow cleerely out of these definitions . For first , that one is more diffused , an other more compacted ; such diffusion and compaction , seeme to be the very natures of Rarity and Density , supposing them to be such as we haue defined them to be ; seeing that , substance is more diffused by hauing more partes , or by being in more partes ; and is more compacted by the contrary . And then , that rare bodies are more diuisible then dense ones , you see is coincident into the same conceit with their diffusion and compaction . And from hence againe it followeth , that they are more easily diuided in great , and likewise , that they are by the force of naturall Agents diuisible into lesser partes : for both these ( that is facility of being diuided , and easye diuisibility into lesser partes ) are contained in being more diuisible ; or in more enioying the effect of quantity , which is diuisibility . From this againe followeth , that in rare bodies there is lesse resistance to the motion of an other body through it , then in dense ones ; and therefore a like force passeth more easily through the one , then through the other . Againe ; rare bodies are more penetratiue and actiue then dense ones ; because being ( by theire ouerproportion of quantity ) easily diuisible into small partes , they can runne into euery litle pore , and so incorporate themselues better into other bodies , then more dense ones can . Light bodies likewise must be rarer , because most diuisible , if other circumstances concurre equally . Thus you see decyphered vnto your hand , the first diuision of bodies flowing from Quantity as it is ordained to substance for the composition of a bodie : for since the definition of a body is ; A thing which hath partes ; and quantity is that , by which it hath partes ; and the first propriety of quantity is , to be bigger or lesse ; and consequently the first differences of haueing partes , are to haue bigger or lesse , more or fewer ; what diuision of a body can be more simple , more plaine , or more immediate , then to diuide it by its Quantity as making it to haue bigger or lesse , more or fewer partes in proportion to its substance ? Neither can I iustly be blamed for touching thus on Metaphysickes , to explicate the nature of these two kindes of bodies ; for Metaphysickes being the science aboue Physickes , it belongeth vnto her to declare the principles of Physickes : of which , these wee haue now in hand , are the very first steppe . But much more , if wee consider that the composition of quantity with substance , is purely Metaphysicall ; wee must necessarily allow the inquiry into the nature of Rarity and Density , to be wholy Metaphysicall ; seeing that the essence of Rarity and Density , standeth in the proportion of quantity to substance ; if we beleeue Aristotle , ( the greatest master that euer was , of finding out definitions and notions ) and trust to the vncontroulable reasons we haue brought in the precedent discourse . 9 This explication of Rarity and Density , by the composition of substance with quantity , may peraduenture giue litle satisfaction vnto such as are not vsed to raise theire thoughts aboue Physicall and naturall speculations : who are apt to conceiue , there is no other composition or resolution , but such as our senses shew vs in compounding and diuiding of bodies according to quantatiue partes . Now this obligeth vs to shew that such a kind of composition and diuision as this , must necessarily be allowed of , euen in that course of doctrine which seemes most contrary to ours . To which purpose , lett vs suppose that the position of Democritus or of Epicurus is true ; to witt , that the originall composition of all bodies , is out of very litle ones of various figures ; all of them , indiuisible , not Mathematically , but Physically : and that this infinite number of indiuisibles , doth floate in an immense ocean of vacuum or imaginary space . In this position , lett any man who conceiueth theire groundes may be maintained , explicate how one of these litle bodies is mooued . For , taking two partes of vacuum , in which this body successiuely is ; it is cleare , that really , and not onely in my vnderstanding , it is a difference in the said body , to be now here , now there : wherefore , when the body is gone thither , the notion of being here , is no more in the body ; and consequently , is diuided from the body . And therefore , when the body was here ; there was a composition , betweene the body , and its being here : which , seeing it can not be betwixt two partes of Quantity , must of necessity be such a kind of composition , as wee putt betweene quantity and substance . And certainely , lett men wracke theire braines neuer so much , they will neuer be able to shew how motion is made , without some such composition and diuision , vpon what groundes soeuer they proceede . And if then they tell vs , that they vnderstand not how there can be a diuisibility betweene substance and quantity ; wee may reply , that to such a diuisibility two thinges are required ; first that the notions of substance and quantity be different ; secondly , that the one of them may be changed without the other . As for the first , it is most euident wee make an absolute distinction betweene theire two notions ; both , when wee say that Socrates was bigger a man then a boy ; and when wee conceiue that milke or water whiles it boyleth , or wine whiles it worketh , so as they runne ouer the vessels they are in ; are greater and possesse more place then when they were coole and quiet , and filled not the vessell to the brimme . For howsoeuer , witty explications may seeme to euade , that the same thing is now greater , now lesser ; yett it can not be auoyded , but that ordinary men , who looke not into Phylosophy , do both conceiue it to be so , and in theire familiar discourse expresse it so ; which they could not do , if they had not different notions of the substance , and of the quantity of the thing they speake of . And though wee had no such euidences , the very names and definitions of them would putt it beyond strife : all men calling substance , a thing ; quantity , biggenesse : and referring a thing , to Being ; as who would say ; that which is : but biggenesse , to some other of like nature , vnto which it is compared ; as , that it is halfe as bigge , twice as bigge , or the like . This then being vnauoydable , that the notions are distinguished ; there remaineth no difficulty , but onely in the second , namely that the one may be changed , and the other not . Which reason and demonstration do conuince , as wee haue shewed . Wherefore , if any shall yett further reply , that they do not vnderstand how such change is made ; wee shall answere , by asking them whether they know ; how the change of being sometimes here , sometimes there is made by locall motion in vacuum , without a change in the body mooued . Which question , if they can not satisfy ; they must eyther deny that there is any locall motion in vacuum ; or else admitt a change in quantity , without a change in substance ; for this latter is as euidently true , as they suppose the former to be ; though the manner how they are effected , be alike obscure in both , and the reason of the obscurity , the same in both . With which wee will conclude the present Chapter ; adding onely this note . That if all Physicall thinges and naturall changes do proceede out of the constitution of rare and dense bodies in this manner , as we do putt them , ( as the worke wee haue in hand intendeth to shew ) then , so manifold effects will so conuince the truth of this doctrine which wee haue declared , that there can remaine no doubt of it : neither can there be any , of the diuisibility of quantity from substance ; without which , this doctrine can not consist . For it can not be vnderstood , how there is a greater proportion of quantity then of substance ; or contrariwise , of substance then of quantity ; if there be not a reall diuisibility betweene quantity and substance . And much lesse can it be conceiued , that the same thing hath att one time a greater proportion of quantity , and att an other time a lesse ; if the greater or lesser proportion , be not seperable from it ; that is , if there be not a diuisibility betwixt it and substance , as well as there are different notions of them . Which to prooue by the proper principles belonging to this matter , would require vs to make a greater inroade into the very bowels of Metaphysickes , and to take a larger circuite , then is fitting eyther for the subiect , or for the intended breuity of this treatise . THE FOVRTH CHAPTER . Of the foure first qualities : and of the foure Elements . 1 THE subiect of our discourse hitherto , hath been three simple notions ; Quantity , Rarity , and Density . Now it shall be to inquire if by compounding these with grauity or weight ( which is one of the specieses of Quantity aboue mentioned and of which I shall speake at lardge hereafter ) wee may begett any further qualities , and so produce the foure first bodies , called Elements . In imitation of Logitians , who by compounding such propositions as of themselues are euident to mans nature assoone as they are proposed , do bring forth new knowledges : which thriddes they still entermixe and weaue together , till they grow into a faire piece . And thus the sciencies tehy so much labour for , and that haue so great an extent , do result out of few and simple notions in theire beginninges . But before wee fall to mingling and comparing them together , I thinke it will not be amisse to sett downe , and determine what kind of thinges wee meane by rare and what by dense ; to the end that when the names are agreed vpon , wee may slippe into no error by mistaking them . So then , although there be seuerall considerations , in regard of which , rarity and density may be differently attributed to bodies : yet because mans discerning them , to be able to discourse accordingly of them , is the principall respect for which theire denominations are to be allotted them : wee may with reason call those thinges dense , wherein a man findeth a sensible difficulty to part them ; and those rare , where the resistance is imperceptible . And vnto these two notions of rarity and density , wee must allow a great latitude , farre from consisting in an indiuisible state ; for seeing that rarefaction maketh a lesser body equall to a bigger ; and that all inequality betwixt two bodies , hath the conditions of a body ; it followeth that the excesse of one body ouer an other , consisteth of infinite partes into which it might be diuided : and consequently , that what is rarified , passeth as many degrees as the inequality or excesse hath partes . And the same law being in condensation , both dense and rare thinges must be acknowledged to be capable of infinite variety , and diuersity of states in regard of more and lesse in the same kind . These thinges being premised ; 2 and calling to mind that it is the nature of density to make the partes of a dense thing compact , and sticke together , and be hardly diuisible ; and on the contrary side , that it is the nature of rarity , to diffuse and extend a rare thing , and to prepare and approach it to diuision , according to the proportion of the degree of rarity which it hath ; and that weight doth abound where there is excesse of density , and is very litle or none in excesse of rarity : wee may now begin in our imagination to putt these qualities into the scales one against an other , to see what effects they produce in bodies . And first , lett vs weigh grauity against density or sticking together of partes : which sticking or compactednesse being naturall to density , requireth some excesse of grauity in proportion to the density , or some other outward violence , to breake it . If then in a dense body the grauity ouercome the density , and do make the partes of it breake a sunder , it will draw them downewardes towards the center that grauity tendeth vnto , and will neuer lett them rest till they come thither , vnlesse some impediment meete them by the way and stoppe theire iourney : so that such a body will , as neere as possibly it can , lye in a perfect sphericall figure in respect of the center ; and the partes of it will be changed and altered , and thrust on any side that is the ready way thither ; so that by the force of grauity working vpon it , it will runne as farre as it meeteth with nothing to hinder it from attaining this sphericall superficies . Wherefore such bodies , for the most part , haue noe settled outside of theire owne ; but do receiue theire figure and limits from such letts as hinder them from attaining to that sphericalnesse they ayme att . Now Aristotle ( whose definitions , are in these matters generally receiued , as fully expressing the notions of mankind ) telleth vs , and our owne experience confirmeth it , that wee vse to call those thinges moist , which runne in such sort as wee haue here sett downe ; and that wee terme those thinges dry , which haue a consistence within themselues ; and which to enioy a determinate figure , do not require the stoppe or hinderance of an other body to limit and circle them in : which will be the nature of those that haue a greater proportion of density in respect of theire grauity . And thus , out of the comparison of density with weight , wee haue found two more qualities then wee yett had mett withall , namely wettenesse and drynesse . For although a body be dense , ( which of its owne nature , singly considered , would preserue the continuity of its partes , as making the body hardly diuisible ; whereby it would be dry ) yet if the grauity that worketh vpon it , be in proportion greater then the density ; it will seuer the partes of it , and make them runne to the center , and so become fluide and moist : though not in the eminentest degree that may be of fluidity and moisture ; by reason that if the like ouerproportion of grauity happen in a rare body , it will there more powerfully worke its effect , then it can in a dense body ; because a rare body will more easily obey , and yield to the grauity that mastereth it , then a dense one will ; and consequently , will be more fluide and moist then it . Now on the other side , in weighing rarity against grauity ; if it happen that the rarity ouercome the grauity , 3 then the grauity will not change the figure of a body so proportioned , but what figure it hath from its proper naturall causes , the same will still remaine with it : and consequently , such a body will haue termes of its owne and will not require an ambient body to limit , and circle it in : which nature , wee call dry . But if the proportion of the grauity be the greater and do ouercome the rarity ; then , by how much the rarity is greater , so much the more will the grauity force it , to apply it selfe equally and on all sides to the center : and such a body will the more easily receiue its figure from an other , and will be lesse able to consist of it selfe : which properties , wee attribute to wettenesse or moisture . So that it appeareth , how the qualities of wett and dry , which first wee found in thinges that were dense , are also common to that nature of bodies , which wee terme rare . And thus , by our first inquiry after what kind of bodies do result out of the compounding of rarity and density with grauity , wee discouer foure different sortes : some dense ones that are dry , and others likewise dense that are moist : then againe , some rare ones that are likewise moist , and other rare ones that are dry . But wee must not rest here : lett vs proceede a litle further , to search what other properties these foure kindes of bodies will haue ; 4 which wee shall best discouer , if wee apply them seuerally to some other compounded body ( of which nature , are all those wee conuerse with or see ) and then consider the effects which these do worke vpon it . To beginne with that , which wee said , is so excessiuely rare that grauity hath no power ouer it . If wee looke vpon the multitude of litle partes it may be diuided into , whereof euery one will subsist by it selfe ( for wee haue already prooued it dry ) and then suppose them to be mooued with force and strength against the body wee apply them to : it must necessarily follow , that they will forcibly gett into the porousnesse of it , and passe with violence betweene part and part , and of necessity seperate the partes of that thing one from an other ; as a knife or wedge doth a solide substance , by hauing theire thinnest partes pressed into it : so that if in the compounded thing , some partes be more weighty , others more light , ( as of necessity there must be ) the heauiest will all fall lowest , the lightest will fly vppermost , and those which are of a meane nature betweene the two extremes , will remaine in the middle . In summe , by this action of an extreme rare body vpon a compounded one , all the partes of one kind that were in the compounded one , will be gathered into one place ; and those of diuers kindes into diuers places : which is the notion whereby Aristotle hath expressed the nature of heate ; and is an effect , which dayly experience in burning and boyling , teacheth vs to proceede from heate . And therefore wee can not doubt , but that such extreme rare bodies are as well hoat as dry . On the other side , if a dense thing be applyed to a compound , it will ( because it is weighty ) presse it together : and if that application be continued on all sides , so that noe part of the body that is pressed be free from the siege of the dense body that presseth it , it will forme it into a narrower roome , and keepe in the partes of it , not permitting any of them to slippe out . So that what thinges soeuer it findeth within its power to master , be they light or heauy , or of what contrary natures soeuer , it compresseth them as much as it can , and draweth them into a lesse compasse , and holdeth them strongly together , making them sticke fast to one an other . Which effect , Aristotle tooke for the proper notion of cold ▪ and therefore gaue for definition of the nature of it , that it gathereth thinges of diuers natures : and experience sheweth vs in freesing , and all great coolinges , that this effect proceedeth from cold . But if wee examine which of the two sortes of dense bodies ( the fluide or the consistent ) is most efficacious in this operation ; 5 wee shall find that the lesse dense one is more capable of being applyed round about the body it shall besiege ; and therefore will stoppe closer euery litle hole of it , and will more easily send subtile partes into euery litle veine of it ; and by consequence , shrinke it vp together and coagulate , and constringe it more strongly , then a body can that is extremely dense ; which by reason of its great density , and the stubbornesse of its partes , can not so easily bend and plye them to worke this effect . And therefore , a body that is moderately dense , is colder then an other that is so in excesse ; seeing that cold is an actiue or working power , and that which is lesse dense doth excell in working . On the contrary side , rare bodies being hoat , because theire subtile partes enuironing a compounded body will sinke into the pores of it , and to theire power seperate its partes ; it followeth that those wherein the grauity ouercometh the rarity , are lesse hoat then such others as are in the extremity , and highest excesse of rarity : both , because the former are not able to pierce so litle partes of the resisting dense body , as extreme rare ones are ; and likewise , because they more easily take plye by the obstacle of the solide ones they meete with , then these doe . So that out of this discourse wee gather , that of such bodies that differ precisely by the proportion of Rarity and Density ; those which are extremely rare , are in the excesse of heate , and are dry withall : that weighty rare bodies are extremely humide , and meanely hoat : that fluide dense bodies are moist , though not in such excesse as rare ones that are so ; but are coldest of any : and lastly , that extreme dense bodies are lesse cold then fluide dense ones , and that they are dry . 6 But whether the extreme dense bodies , be more or lesse dry then such as are extremely rare , remaineth yet to be decided . Which wee shall easily doe , if wee but reflect that it is density which maketh a thing hard to be diuided , and that rarity maketh it easie : for , a facility to yield vnto diuision , is nothing else but a plyablenesse in the thing that is to be diuided , whereby it easily receiueth the figure , which the thing that diuideth it doth cast it into . Now this plyablenesse belongeth more to rare then to dense thinges : and accordingly , wee see fire bend more easily , by the concameration of an ouen , then a stone can be reduced into due figure by hewing . And therefore , since drynesse is a quality that maketh those bodies wherein it raigneth , to conserue themselues in theire owne figure and limits , and to resist the receiuing of any from an other body ; it is manifest that those are dryest , wherein these effects are most seene ; which is , in dense bodies : and consequently , excesse of drynesse must be allotted vnto them , to keepe company with theire moderate coldnesse . 7 Thus wee see that the number of Elements assigned by Aristotle , is truly and exactly determined by him ; and that there can be neither more nor lesse of them ; and that theire qualities are rightly allotted to them : which to settle more firmely in our mindes , it will not be misse-spent time to summe vp in short , the effect of what wee haue hitherto said to bring vs vnto this conclusion . First , wee shewed that a body is made , and constituted a body by quantity . Next , that the first diuision of bodies is into rare and dense ones ; as differing onely by hauing more and lesse quantity . And lastly , that the coniunction of grauity with these two , breedeth two other sortes of combinations : each of which is also twofold ; the first sort , concerning rarity ; out of which ariseth one extremely hoat and moderately dry , and an other extremely humide and moderately hoat : the second sort , concerning density ; out of which , is produced one that is extremely cold and moderatly wett , and an other extremely dry and moderatly cold . And these are the combinations whereby are constituted , fire , ayre , water , and earth . So that wee haue thus , the proper notions of the foure Elements ; and haue both them and theire qualities driuen vp and resolued into theire most simple principles : which are , the notions of Quantity , and of the two most simple differences of quantatiue thinges , Rarity and Density . Beyond which , mans witt can not penetrate ; nor can his wishes ayme att more in this particular : seeing he hath attained to the knowledge af what they are , and of what maketh them , be so , and that it is impossible they should be otherwise : and this , by the most simple and first principles , which enter into the composition of theire nature . Out of which it is euident , that these foure bodies are Elements : since they can not be resolued into any others , by way of physicall composition ; themselues , being constituted by the most simple differences of a body . And againe , all other bodies whatsoeuer must of necessity , be resolued into them , for the same reason ; because no bodies can be exempt from the first differencies of abody . Since then , wee meane by the name of an Element , a body not composed of any former bodies , and of which all other bodies are composed , wee may rest satisfyed that these are rightly so named . But whether euery one of these foure elements , 8 do comprehend vnder its name one onely lowest species , or many ( as , whether there be one onely species of fire , or seuerall ; and the like of the rest ) wee intend not here to determine . Yet wee note , that there is a greate latitude in euery kind ; seeing that , Rarity and Density ( as wee haue said before ) are as diuisible as quantity . Which latitudes , in the bodies wee conuerse withall , are so limited that what maketh it selfe and other thinges be seene ( as being accompanied by light ) is called fire . What admitteth the illuminatiue action of fire , and is not seene , is called ayre . What admitteh the same action , and is seene ( in the ranke of Elements ) is called water . And what through the density of it admitteth not that action , but absolutely reflecteth it , is called earth . And out of all we said of these foure Elements , it is manifest there can not be a fifth : as is to be seene att large in euery Aristotelian Philosopher that writeth of this matter . I am not ignorant that there are sundry obiections vsed to be made , both against these notions of the first qualities , and against this diuision of the Elements : but because they , and theire solutions , are to be found in euery ordinary Philosopher ; and that they be not of any greate difficulty ; and that the handling them , is too particular for the designe of this discourse , and would make it too prolixe ; I referre the Reader to seeke them for his satisfaction , it those authors that treate physickes professedly , and haue deliuered a compleate body of Philosophy . And I will end this Chapter with aduertising him ( least I should be misvnderstood ) that though my disquisition here hath pitched vpon the foure bodies of fire , ayre , water , and earth ; yet it is not my intention to affirme , that those which wee ordinarily call so , and do fall dayly within our vse , are such as I haue here expressed them : or that these Philosophicall ones ( which arise purely out of the combination of the first qualities ) haue theire residence or consistence in great bulkes , in any places of the world , be they neuer fo remote : as , fire , in the hollow of the moones orbe ; water , in the bottome of the sea ; ayre , aboue the cloudes ; and earth below the mines . But these notions are onely to serue for certaine Idaeas of Elements ; by which , the foure named bodies , and the compoundes of them , may be tryed and receiue theire doome of more or lesse pure and approaching to the nature from whence they haue theire denomination . And yet I will not deny , but that such perfect Elements may be found in some very litle quantities , in mixed bodies : and the greatest aboundance of them , in these foure knowne bodies that we call in ordinary practise , by the names of the pure ones : for they are least compounded , and approach most to the simplenesse of the Elements . But to determine absolutely theire existence , or not existence , eyther in bulke or in litle partes ; dependeth of the manner of action among bodies : which as yet we haue not meddled with . THE FIFTH CHAPTER . Of the Operations of the Elements in generall . And of their Actiuities compared with one another . 1 HAVING by our former discourse , inquired out what degrees and proportions of rarity and density compounded with grauity , are necessary for the production of the Elements , and first qualities ; whose combinations , frame the Elements : our next consideration , in that orderly progresse we haue proposed vnto our selues in this treatise ( wherein our ayme is , to follow successiuely the steppes , which nature hath printed out vnto vs ) will be to examine the operations of the Elements , by which they worke vpon one an other . To which end , lett vs propose to our selues : a rare and a dense body encountring one an other by the impulse of some exterior agent . In this case , it is euident , that since rarity implyeth a greater proportion of Quantity , and quantity is nothing but diuisibility , rare bodies must needes be more diuisible then dense ones : and consequently , when two such bodies are pressed one against an other ; the rare body not being able to resist diuision so strongly , as the dense one is ; and being not permitted to retire backe , by reason of the externe violence impelling it against the dense body ; it followeth , that the partes of the rare body must be seuered , to lett the dense one come betweene them : and so the rare body becometh diuided , and the dense body the diuider . And by this we see that the notions of diuider and diuisible , do immediately follow rare and dense bodies ; and do so much the more properly agree vnto them , as they exceede in the qualities of Rarity and Density . Likewise , we are to obserue in our case , that the dense or diuiding body must necessarily cutt and enter further and further into the rare or diuided body ; and so the sides of it be ioyned successiuely to new and new partes of the rare body that giueth way vnto it , and forsake others it parteth from . Now the rare body being in a determinate situation of the vniuerse , ( which we call being in a place , and is a necessary condition belonging to all particular bodies ) and the dense body coming to be within the rare body , whereas formerly it was not so : it followeth , that it looseth the place it had , and gaineth an other . This effect , is that which we call locall motion . And thus we see , 2 by explicating the manner of this action , that locall motion is nothing else , but the change of that respect or relation , which the body mooued hath to the rest of the vniuerse , following out of Diuision : and the name of locall motion , formally signifyeth onely the mutation of a respect to other extrinsecall bodies , subsequent to that diuision . And this is so euident and agreeable to the notions that all mankinde ( who , as we haue said , is iudge and master of language ) naturally frameth of place ; as I wonder much why any will labour to giue other artificiall and intricate doctrine of this that in it selfe is so plaine and cleare . What neede is there to introduce an imaginary space ( or with Ioannes Grammaticus , a subsistent quantity ) that must runne through all the world ; and then entayle to euery body an ayery entity , an vnconceiuable moode , an vnintelligible Vbi , that by an intrinsecall relation to such a part of the imaginary space , must thereunto pinne and fasten the body it is in ? It must needes be a ruinous Philosophy that is grounded vpon such a contradiction , as is the allotting of partes vnto that , which the authors themselues ( vpon the matter ) acknowledge to be meerely nothing ; and vpon so weake a shift , ( to deliuer them from the inconueniencies that in theire course of doctrine other circumstances bring them vnto ) as is the voluntary creating of new imaginary Entities in thinges , without any ground in nature for them . Learned men should expresse the aduantage and subtility of theire wittes , by penetrating further into nature , then the vulgar ; not , by vexing and wresting it from its owne course . They should refine , and carry higher ; not contradict and destroy the notions of mankind , in those thinges that it is the competent Iudge of : as it vndoubtedly is , of those primary notions which Aristotle hath ranked vnder ten heades : which ( as we haue touched before ) euery body can conceiue in grosse : and the worke of schollers , is to explicate them in particular ; and not to make the vulgar beleeue they are mistaken , in framing those apprehensions that nature taught them . Out of that which hath been hitherto resolued it is manifest , that place really and abstracting from the operation of the vnderstanding , is nothing else but the inward superficies of a body that compasseth and immediately containeth an other . Which ordinarily , being of a rare body that doth not shew it selfe vnto vs ( namely , the ayre ) is for the most part vnknowne by vs. But because nothing can make impression vpon our mind , and cause vs to giue it a name ; otherwise then by being knowne : therefore our vnderstanding to make a compleate notion , must adde something else to this fleeting and vnremarkable superficies that may bring it vnto our acquaintance . And for this end we may consider further , that as this superficies hath in it selfe , so the body enclosed in it gaineth , a certaine determinate respect unto the stable and immoouable bodies that enuiron it . As for example , we vnderstand such a tree to be in such a place , by hauing such and such respects to such a hill neere it , or to such a house that standeth by it , or to such a riuer that runneth vnder it , or to such an immoouable point of the heauen that from the sunnes rising in the aequinox is called east , and such like . To which purpose , it importeth not whether these , that we call immoouable bodies and pointes , be truly so , or do but seeme so to mankinde . For man talking of thinges according to the notions he frameth of them in his minde , ( speech , being nothing else but an expression to an other man , of the images he hath within himselfe ) and his notions being made according to the seeming of the thinges ; he must needes make the same notions , whether the thinges be truly so in themselues , or but seeme to be so , when that seeming or appearance is alwayes constantly the same . 3 Now then , when one body diuiding an other , getteth a new immediate cloathing ; and consequently , new respects to the stable and immoouable bodies ( or seeming such ) that enuiron it ; we do vary in our selues the notion we first had of that thing ; conceiuing it now accompanied with other circumstances and other respects then formerly it had . Which notion we expresse by saying , it hath changed its place ; and is now no longer where it was att the first . And this change of place , we call Locall motion : to witt , the departing of a body from that hollow superficies which inclosed it ; and its changing vnto an other ; whereby it gaineth new respects to those partes of the world that haue , or in some sort may seeme to haue , immobility and fixed stablenesse . So as hence it is euident that the substance of locall motion consisteth in diuision ; and that the alteration of Locality followeth diuision ; in such sort as becoming like or vnlike of one wall to an other , followeth the action whereby one of them becometh white . 4 And therefore in nature we are not to seeke for any entity or speciall cause of applying the mooued body to a place as place , ( which is but a respect consequent to the effect of diuision ) but onely to consider what reall and physicall action vniteth it to that other body , which is called its place , and truly serueth for that effect . And consequently , they who thinke they haue discouered a notable subtility by bringing in an Entity to vnite a body to its place , haue strained beyond theire strength , and haue grasped but a shadow . Which will appeare yet more euident , if they but marke well how nothing is diuisible , but what of it selfe ( abstracting from diuision ) is one . For the nature of diuision , is the making of many ; which implyeth , that what is to be diuided , must of necessity be not many before it be diuided . Now quantity being the subiect of diuision , it is euident that purely of it selfe , and without any force or adioyned helpes , it must needes be one , wheresoeuer some outward agent doth not introduce multiplicity vpon it . And whensoeuer other thinges worke vpon quantity as quantity , it is not the nature and power of theire operation , to produce vnity in it and make it one ; for it is already one : but contrariwise , the immediate necessary effect that floweth from them in this case , is to make one quantity many , according to the circumstances that accompany the diuider , and that which is to be diuided . And therefore , although wee may seeke causes why some one thing sticketh faster together then some other , yet to aske absolutely why a body sticketh together , were preiudiciall to the nature of quantity ; whose essence is , to haue partes sticking together , or rather , to haue such vnity , as without it , all diuisibility must be excluded . Out of which discourse it followeth , that in locall motion we are to looke only for a cause or power to diuide , but not for any to vnite . For the very nature of quantity vniteth any two partes that are indistant from one an other , without needing any other cement to glew them together : as we see the partes of water and all liquide substances , do presently vnite themselues to other partes of like bodies , when they meete with them , and to solide bodies if they chance to be next vnto them . And therefore it is vaine to trouble our heades with Vnions and imaginary Moodes to vnite a body to the place it is in , when theire owne nature maketh them one as soone as they are immediate to each other . And accordingly , if when we see a boule mooue , we would examine the causes of that motion , we must consider the quantity of ayre or water it maketh to breake from the partes next vnto it , to giue place vnto it selfe : and not speculate vpon an intrinsecall relation from the body to a certaine part of the imaginary space they will haue to runne through all thinges . And by ballancing that quantity of ayre or water which it diuideth , we may arriue to make an estimate of what force the boule needeth to haue for its motion . Thus hauing declared that the locality of motion , 5 is but an extrinsecall denomination , and no reality in the thing mooued ; wee may now cast an eye vpon a vast consequence that may be deduced out of what wee haue hitherto said . For if we consider the nature of a body , that is , that a body is a body by quantity ; and that the formall notion of quantity is nothing else but diuisibility ; and that the adaequate act of diuisibility , is diuision : it is euident , there can be no other operation vpon quantity , nor ( by consequence ) among bodies , but must eyther be such diuision , as we haue here explicated , or what must necessarily follow out of such diuision . And diuision , ( as we haue euen now explicated ) being locall motion ; it is euident , that all operations among bodies , are either locall motion , or such as follow out of locall motion . Which conclusion , howsoeuer vnexpected , and may att the first hearing appeare a Paradoxe ; will neuerthelesse by the ensuing worke receiue such euidence , as it can not be doubted of ; and that , not onely by force of argumentation and by necessity of notions ( as is already deduced ) but also by experience , and by declaration of particulars as they shall occurre . 6 But now to apply what we haue said , to our proposed subiect : it is obuious to euery man , that seeing the diuider is the agent in diuision and in locall motion ; and that dense bodies , are by theire nature diuiders ; the earth , must in that regard be the most actiue among the Elements , since it is the most dense of them all . But this seemeth to be against the common iudgement of all the searchers of nature ; who vnanimously agree that fire is the most actiue Element . As also , it seemeth to impugne what we our selues haue determined , when we said , there were two actiue qualities , heate and cold , whereof the first was in its greatest excesse in fire , and the latter in water . To reconcile these , we are to consider that the action of cold in its greatest height , is composed of two partes ; the one is a kind of pressing ; and the other , is penetration which requireth applicability . Of which two , the former ariseth out of density , but the latter , out of moderation of density , as I haue declared in the precedent Chapter . Wherefore the former will exceede more in earth ; though the whole be more eminent in water . For though considering onely the force of moouing ( which is a more simple and abstracted notion , then the determination and particularisation of the Elements , and is precedent to it ) therein earth hath a precedency ouer water : yet taking the action as it is determined to be the action of a particular Element , and as it concurreth to the composition or dissolution of mixed bodies ; in that consideration ( which is the chiefe worke of Elements , and requireth an intime application of the Agents ) water hath the principality and excesse ouer earth . 7 As for fire it is more actiue then eyther of them ; as it will appeare clearely if we consider , how when fire is applyed to fewell , and the violence of blowing is added to its owne motion ; it incorporateth it selfe with the fewell , and in a small time conuerteth a great part of it into its owne nature , and shattereth the rest into smoake and ashes . All which proceedeth from the exceeding smallnesse and drynesse of the partes of fire ; which being mooued with violence against the fewell , and thronging in multitudes vpon it ; they easily pierce the porous substance of it , like so many extreme sharpe needles . And that the force of fire is as greate and greater , then of earth , we may gather out of our former discourse ; where hauing resolued , that density is the vertue by which a body is moued and doth cutt the medium ; and againe considering that celerity of motion , is a kind of density , ( as we shall by and by declare ) it is euident , that since blowing must of necessity presse violently and with a rapide motion , the partes of fire against the fewell , and so condense them exceedingly there , ( both by theire celerity , and by bringing very many partes together there ; ) it must needes also giue them actiuity and vertue to pierce the body they are beaten against . Now , that celerity is a kind of density , will appeare by comparing theire natures . For if we consider that a dense body may be dilated so as to possesse and fill the place of a rare body that exceeded it in bignesse ; and by that dilatation , may be diuided into as many and as greate partes as the rare body was diuisible into ; wee may conceiue that the substance of those partes , was by a secret power of nature foulded vp in that litle extension in which it was before . And euen so , if we reflect vpon two riuers of equall channels and depths , whereof the one goeth swifter then the other ; and determine a certaine length of each channell , and a common measure of time : wee shall see that in the same measure of time , there passeth a greater bulke of water in the designed part of the channell of the swifter streame , then in the designed part of the slower , though those partes be equall . Neither doth it import , that in velocity we take a part of time , whereas in density it seemeth that an instant is sufficient ; and consequently , there would be no proportion betweene them . For knowing Philosophers do all agree that there are no instants in time , and that the apprehension of them proceedeth meerely from the manner of our vnderstanding . And as for partes in time , there can not be assumed any so litle , in which the comparison is not true : and so in this regard , it is absolutely good . And if the Reader haue difficulty att the disparity of the thinges which are pressed together in density and in celerity ; for that in density there is onely substance , and in celerity there is also quantity , crowded vp with the substance ; he will soone receiue satisfaction , when he shall consider that this disparity is to the aduantage of what we say , and maketh the nature of density more perfect in celerity , and consequently more powerfull in fire then in earth . Besides , if there were no disparity , 8 it would not be a distinct species of density , but the very same . By what we haue spoken aboue , it appeareth how fire getteth into fewell ; now lett vs consider how it cometh out : for the actiuity of that fierce body , will not lett it lye still and rest , as long as it hath so many enemies round about it to rouse it vp . Wee see then that as soone as it hath incorporated it selfe with the fewell , and is growne master of it by introducing into it so many of its owne partes , ( like so many soldiers , into an enemies towne ) they breake out againe on euery side with as much violence as they came in . For by reason of the former resistance of the fewell ; theire continuall streaming of new partes vpon it , and one ouertaking an other there where theire iourney was stopped , ( all which is encreased by the blowing , ) doth so exceedingly condense them into a narrower roome then theire nature affecteth , that as soone as they gett liberty , and grow masters of the fewel , ( which att the first was theire prison ) they enlarge theire place , and consequently come out and flye abroad ; euer ayming right forwardes from the point where they begin theire iourney : for the violence wherewith they seeke to extend themselues into a larger roome , when they haue liberty to do so ; will admitt no motion but the shortest , which is , by a straight line . So that if in our fantasie , we frame an image of a round body all of fire ; wee must withall presently conceiue , that the flame proceeding from it , would diffuse it selfe euery way indifferently in straight lines ; in such sort , that the source seruing for the center , there would be round about it an huge sphere of fire and of light ; vnlesse some accidentall and externe cause , should determine its motion more to one part then to an other . Which compasse , because it is round , and hath the figure of a sphere , is by Philosophers termed the sphere of its actiuity . So that it is euident , that the most simple and primary motion of fire , is a fluxe in a direct line from the center of it , to its circumference , taking the fewell for its center : as also , that when , it is beaten against a harder body , it may be able to destroy it , although that body be in its owne nature , more dense then fire . For the body against which it presseth ; eyther hath pores , or hath none , ( as , the Elements haue none : ) if it hath pores ; then the fire , by reason of the violent motion of the impellent , driueth out the litle bodies which fill vp those pores , and succeeding in theire roome , and being multiplyed there , causeth those effects which in our discourse of the Elemenrs we assigned to heat . But if it haue no pores ; it will be eyther rare or dense : if it be rare ; then , in case that the force of the impellent be greater then the resistance of the rare body , it will force the fire to diuide the rare body . But if it be dense ; as , some atome of earth ; then , though att the first it can not diuide it ; yet by length of time and by continuall beating vpon it , it may come to weare off some part of it , the force of the impellent , by litle and litle bending the atome of the earth , by driuing a continuall streame of a lesser part of fire , against some determinate part of the atome . By which word Atome ; no body will imagine we intend to expresse a perfect indiuisible , but onely , the least sort of naturall bodies . THE SIXT CHAPTER . Of Light : what it is . HAVING said thus much of fire ; 1 the neere relation that is betweene it and light , inuiteth vs in the next place to bend our eyes to that which vseth to dazell theires who looke vnwarily vpon it . Certainely , as among all the sensible qualities , it is the principall ; so among all corporeall thinges , it seemeth to ayme rightest att a spirituall nature , and to come neerest vnto it . And by some hath beene iudged to be spirituall ; if our eyes be capable to see spirits . No meaner man then Aristotle , leadeth the dance to hold light a quality , and mainely to deny it any bodily subsistence . And there hath followed him no fewer , then almost all the world euer since . And the question importeth no lesse , then the whole doctrine of qualities ; for admitt light to be a body , and hardly any man will hold vp his hand in defence of any other quality : but if it be a quality ; then all others come in by parity and for company . But before we goe any further , it will not be amisse to expresse what we meane when we reiect qualities ; and how , in some sense , we are content to admitt them . According to that description that Philosophers ordinarily do make of them , ( and especially the moderne ) we can by no meanes giue way vnto them . I confesse ingenuously , I vnderstand not what they meane by them ; and I am confident , that neither do they . For the very notion , that theire first wordes seeme to expresse of them , they contradict againe , before they make an end of describing what they are . They will haue them to be reall Entities or Thinges , distinct from the bodies they accompany : and yet , they deny them a subsistence or self being ; saying they do but inhere in theire subiect , which supporteth them ; or which is all one , that their being is a dependence of a subiect . If they will reflect vpon what they say , and make theire thoughts and theire wordes agree ; they will find , that the first part of theire description , maketh them complete substances ; which afterwardes , in wordes they flattely deny : and it is impossible to reconcile these two meaninges . A reall Entity or thing , must necessarily haue an Existence or Being of its owne : which they allow them . And whatsoeuer hath so ; becometh a substance : for it subsisteth by its owne Existence ; or , ( to say plainer ) is what it is by its owne Being ; and needeth not the existence of an other thing to giue it a Being . And then presently to say that it doth not subsist of it selfe ; or that it requireth the subsistence of a substance , to make it Bee ; is a pure contradiction to the former . This ariseth from a wrong notion they make to themselues of substance , existence and subsistence : and from theire not consulting sufficiently with theire owne thoughts , as well as studying in bookes . They meete there with different termes ; by helpe of which , they keepe themselues from contradiction in wordes , but not in effect . If the termes were rightly conceiued , and notions duely fitted to them , ( which requireth deepe meditation vpon the thinges themselues , and a braine free from all inclination to siding , or affection to opinions for the authors sakes , before they be well vnderstood and examined ) many of those disputes would fall to the ground , in which oftentimes both sides loose themselues , and the question , before they come to an end . They are in the darke before they are aware : and then , they make a noise , onely with termes ; which like too heauy weapons that they can not weild , do carry theire stroakes beyond theire ayme . Of such nature , are the qualities and moodes , that some moderne Philosophers haue so subtilised vpon . And in that sense , we vtterly deny them : which being a question appertaining to Metaphysickes , it belongeth not to our present purpose to ingage our selues further in it . 2 But , as they are ordinarily vnderstood in common conuersation , we allow them . And our worke is but to explicate and shew the particulars in retaile , of what men naturally speake in grosse . For that , serueth theire turne to know what one an other meaneth : whereas , it belongeth onely vnto a Philosopher , to examine the causes of thinges . Others , are content with the effects : and they speake truly and properly when they designe them . As for example : when they say that fire burneth by a quality of heate that it hath , or that a deye is square by the quality of a cubicall figure that is in it ; they speake as they should do . But if others will take occasion vpon this , to lett theire vnderstanding giue a Being vnto these qualities , distinct from the substances in which they conceiue them ; there they misse . If we consider the same man hungry , or thirsty , or weary , or sleepy , or standing , or sitting ; the vnderstanding presently maketh within it selfe , reall thinges of sleepe , hunger , thirst , wearinesse , standing , and sitting . Whereas indeed , they are but different affections or situations of the same body . And therefore we must beware of applying these notions of our mind , to the thinges as they are in themselues : as much as we must , of conceiuing those partes to be actually in a continued quantity , whereof we can frame actually distinct notions in our vnderstanding . But as , when ordinary men say , that a yard containeth three feete ; it is true in this sense , that three feete may be made of it ; but that whiles it is a yard , it is but one quantity or thing , and not three thinges : so , they who make profession to examine rigorously the meaning of wordes , must explicate in what sense it is true that heate and figure ( our former examples ) are qualities : for such we grant them to be ; and in no wise do contradict the common manner of speech ; which entereth not into the Philosophicall nature of them . Wee say then , that qualities are nothing else but the proprieties , or particularities wherein one thing differeth from an other . And therefore Logicians , call substantiall differencies , substantiall qualities : and say , they are praedicated in Quale quid . But the Praedicament of Quality , is ordered by Aristotle to conclude in it those differences of thinges , which are neither substantiall nor quantitatiue , and yet are intrinsecall and absolute . And so , that which the vnderstanding calleth heate , and maketh a notion of , distinct from the notion of the fire from whence it issueth to burne the wood that is neere it ; is nothing else , in the fire , but the very substance of it in such a degree of rarity ; or a continuall streame of partes issuing out of the maine stocke of the same fire , that entereth into the wood , and by the rarity of it maketh its way through euery litle part , and diuideth them . All which actions , are comprised by the vnderstanding , vnder one notion of burning : and the power , ( which is fire it self ) to doe these actions , vnder one notion of the quality of heate : though burning in effect , and explicated Philosophically , be nothing else but the continuance of those materiall motions we haue euen now described . In like manner , the cubicall figure of a deye , is nothing else but the very body of the deye it selfe , limited by other bodies from being extended beyond those dimensiōs it hath : and so the quality of figure or squarenesse , which in common speech is said to be in it ; is truly , the substance it selfe , vnder such a consideration as is expressed by that word . But to come to our question , 3 vpon the decision of which dependeth the fate of all the fictitious Entities , which in the schooles are termed qualities . The cheife motiues that persuade light to be one of those ; may , to my best remembrance , be reduced to fiue seuerall heades . The first is , that it illuminateth the ayre in an instant , and therefore , can not be a body : for a body requirreth succession of time to mooue in : whereas , this seemeth to spread it selfe , ouer the whole hemisphere in an instant ; for as farre as the sunne is distant from vs , he no sooner raiseth his head aboue our horizon , but his dartes are in our face : and generally , no imagination can be framed , of any motion it hath in its dilatation . The next is ; that whereas no body can admitt an other into its place , without being remooued away it selfe , to leaue that roome vnto the aduenient one ; neuerthelesse , plaine experience sheweth vs dayly , that two lights may be in the same place ; and the first is so farre from going away att the coming of the second , that the bringing in of a second candle , and setting it neere the first , encreaseth the light in the roome ; which diminisheth againe when the second is remooued away . And by the same reason ; if light were a body , it should driue away the ayre ( which is likewise a body ) wheresoeuer it is admitted : for within the whole sphere of the irradiation of it , there is no point wherein one may sett their eye , but light is found . And therefore ; if it were a body , there would be no roome for ayre in that place which light taketh vp . And likewise , we see that it penetrateth all solide bodies , ( and particularly glasse , ) as experience sheweth , in wood , stone , mettals , and any other body whatsoeuer , if it be made thinne enough . The third argument , why light can not be a body , is , that if it were so , it can be none other but fire , which is the subtilest , and most rarifyed of all bodies whatsoeuer . But if it be fire , then it can not be without heate : and cōsequently , a man could not feele cold in a sunne-shining day . The contrary of which is apparent all winter long ; whose brighest dayes oftentimes proue the coldest . And Galilaeus with diuers others since , did vse from the sunne to gather light in a kind of stone that is found in Italy ( which is therefore by them called , la calamita della luce ) and yet no heate appeared in it . A glow worme will giue light to read by , but not to warme you any whitt att all . And it is said , that diamonds and carbuncles will shine like fire in the greatest darkes ; yet no man euer complained of being serued by them , as the foolish Satyre was by kissing of a burning coale . On the contrary side ; if one consider how great heates may be made without any light att all , how can one be perswaded that light and heate shoud be the same thing , or indeed any whitt of kinne ? The fourth motiue to induce vs to beleeue that light can not be a body ; is the suddaine extinction of it , when any solide body cometh betweene the fountaine of it , and the place where he sendeth his beames . What becometh of that great expansion of light that shined all about , when a cloud interposeth it selfe betweene the body of the sunne and the streames that come from it ? Or when it leaueth our horizon to light the other world ? His head is no sooner out of our sight ; but att the instant all his beames are vanished . If that which filleth so vast a roome were a body , some thing would become of it : it would att least be changed to some other substance ; and some relikes would be left of it ; as when ashes remaine of burned bodies : for nature admitteth not the annihilation of any thing . And in the last place ; we may conceiue that if light were a body , it would be shaken by the windes , and by the motion of the ayre ; and wee should see it quauer in all blustering weather . Therefore , summing vp all we haue said ; it seemeth most improbable , and indeed wholy impossible , that light should be a body ; and consequently , must haue his place among qualities . 4 But on the other side ; before we apply ourselues to answere these obiections , lett vs take a short suruay of those inducements , that preuayle with vs to beleeue light a body , notwithstanding so forcible oppositions . I admitt so farre of the third argument , as to allow light to be fire : for indeed it can not be imagined to be anything else ; all properties agreeing so fully betweene them . But withall I must adde ; that it is not fire in euery forme , or fire ioyned with euery substance , that expresseth it selfe by light ; but it is fire extremely dilated , and without mixture of any other grosse body . Lett mee hold a piece of linnen or paper , close by the flame of a candle , and by litle , and litle remooue it further and further of ; and me thinkes my very eyes tell me , that there is vpon the paper some part of that which I see in the candle ; and that it groweth still lesse and lesse like as I remooue the paper further from it : so that , if I would beleeue my sense ; I should beleeue it as very a body vpon the paper , as in the candle ; though enfeebled , by the laxity of the channell in which it floweth . And this seemeth to be strengthened , by the consideration of the aduersaries position : for if it were a quality ; then , seeing it hath no contrary to destroy or stoppe it , it should still produce an equall to it selfe , without end or growing feeble , whensoeuer it meeteth with a subiect capable to entertayne it , as ayre is . The better to apprehend how much this faint resemblance of flame vpon the paper , 5 maketh for our purpose ; lett vs turne the leafe , and imagine in our owne thoughts , after what fashion that fire which is in the flame of a litle candle , would appeare vnto vs , if it were dilated and stretched out to the vtmost extent , that excesse of rarity can bring it vnto . Suppose that so much flame , as would fill a cone of two inches height and halfe an inch diameter should suffer so great an expansion as to replenish with his light body a large chamber : and then , what can we imagine it would seeme to be ? How would the continuall driuing it into a thinner substance , as it streameth in a perpetuall flood from the flame , seeme to play vpon the paper ? And then iudge whether it be likely to be a body or no , when our discourse suggesteth vnto vs , that if it be a body , those very appearances must follow , which our eyes giue vs euidence are so in effect . If gold beaten into so ayery a thinnenesse as we see guilders vse , doth remaine still gold notwithstanding the wonderfull expansion of it : why shall we not allow , that fire dilated to his vtmost periode , shall still remaine fire ; though extremely rarifyed beyond what is was ? We know that fire is the rarest and the subtilest substance that nature hath made among bodies ; 6 and we know likewise , that it is engendered by the destroying and feeding vpon some other more grosse body : lett vs then calculate , when the oyle , or tallow , or waxe of a candle , or the bulke of a fagott or billet , is dilated and rarifyed to the degree of fire ; how vast a place must it take vp ? To this lett vs adde what Aristotle teacheth vs ; that fire is not like a standing poole , which continueth full with the same water ; and as it hath no wast , so hath it no supply : but it is a fluent and brookelike current . Which also we may learne , out of the perpetuall nutriment it requireth : for a new part of fewell , being conuerted into a new part of fire ( as we may obserue , in the litle atomes of oyle , or melted waxe , that continually ascend apace vp the weeke of a burning candle or lampe ) of necessity the former must be gone to make roome for the latter ; and so , a new part of the riuer is continually flowing . Now then , this perpetuall fluxe of fire , being made of a grosse body that so rarifyed will take vp such a vast roome ; if it dye not att the instant of its birth , but haue some time to subsist ( be it neuer so short , ) it must needes runne some distance from the fountaine whence it springeth . Which if it do ; you neede not wonder , that there should be so great an extent of fire as is requisite to fill all that space which light replenisheth ; nor , that it should be still supplyed with new , as fast as the cold of the ayre killeth it : for considering that flame is a much grosser substance then pure fire , ( by reason of the mixture with it , of that viscous oyly matter , which being drawne out of the wood and candle , serueth for fewell to the fire , and is by litle and litle conuerted into it ; ) and with all reflecting vpon the nature and motion of fire , ( which is , to dilate it selfe extremely , and to fly all about from the center to the circumference ; ) you can not choose but conceiue , that the pure fire struggling to breake away from the oyly fewell ( which is still turning into new fire ) doth att length free his winges from that birdlime , and then flyeth abroad with extreme swiftnesse , and swelleth and dilateth it selfe to a huge bulke , now that it hath gotten liberty ; and so filleth a vast roome ; but remaineth still fire till it dye : which it no sooner doth , but it is still supplyed with new streames of it , that are continually strained , and as it were squeesed , out of the thicke flame , which did imprison it , and kept it within it ; till growing fuller of fire then it could containe ( by reason of the continuall attenuating the oyly partes of it , and conuerting them into fire ) it giueth liberty vnto those partes of fire , that are next the superficies , to fly whither theire nature will carry them . And thus , discourse would informe a blind man ( after he hath well reflected on the nature of fire ) how it must needes fill a mighty extent of place ; though it haue but a narrow begining att the spring-head of it : and that there , by reason of the condensation of it , and mixture with a grosser body , it must needes burne other bodies : but that when it is freed from such mixture , and suffereth an extreme expansion , it can not haue force to burne , but may haue meanes to expresse it selfe to be there present by some operation of it vpon some body that is refined and subtilised enough to perceiue it . And this operation , a seeing man , will tell you is done vpon his eyes , ( whose fittenesse to receiue impression from so subtile an Agent , Anatomistes will teach you . ) And I remember , how a blind schoolemaster that I kept in my house to teach my children , ( who had extreme subtile spirits , and a great tendernesse through his whole body ; and mett with few distractions , to hinder him from obseruing any impression , neuer so nicely made vpon him ) vsed often to tell me , that he felt it very perceptibly in seuerall partes of his body ; but especially in his braine . But to settle vs more firmely in the persuasion of light his being a body ( and consequently fire ; 7 ) lett vs consider that the properties of a body , are perpetually incident to light ; looke what rules a ball will keepe in its reboundes ; the same , doth light in its reflexions : and the same demonstration , doth alike conuince the one and the other . Besides , light is broken like a body ; as when it is snapped in pieces by a tougher body . It is gathered together into a litle roome , by looking or burning glasses ; as water is , by ordering the gutters of a house so as to bring into one cisterne , all that raineth dispersedly vpon the whole roofe . It is seuered and dispersed by other glasses ; and is to be wrought vpon , and cast hither and thither , att pleasure ; all , by the rule of other bodies . And what is done in light , the same will likewise be done in heate , in cold , in wind , and in sound . And the very same instruments , that are made for light ; will worke their effects in all these others , if they be duly managed . So that certainely , were it not for the authority of Aristotle and of his learned followers , that presseth vs on the one side ; and for the seemingnesse of those reasons we haue already mentioned , which persuadeth vs on the other side ; our very eyes would carry vs by streame into this consent , that light is no other thing but the nature and substance of fire , spred farre and wide , and freed from the mixture of all other grosse bodies . Which will appeare yet more euident in the solutions of the oppositions we haue brought against our owne opinion : for in them there will occurre other arguments of no lesse importance to prooue this verity , then these we haue already proposed . THE SEVENTH CHAPTER . Two obiections answered against light being fire ; with a more ample proofe of its being such . HAVING then said thus much to persuade vs of the corporeity of this subtile thing , 1 that so queintly playeth with our eyes : wee will in the next place examine those obiections that at the beginning we did sett downe against its being a body : and if after a through discussion of them , we find they do in truth conclude nothing of what att the first sight they beare so great a shew of ; but that we shall be able , perfectly to solue and enerue their force ; no body will thinke it rashnesse in vs to craue leaue of Aristotle that we may dissent from him in a matter that he hath not looked to the bottome of ; and whose opinion therein , can not be defended from plaine contradictions and impossibilities . It is true , neuer any one man looked so farre as he into the bowels of nature ; he may rightly be termed the Gemus of it ; and whosoeuer followeth his principles in the maine , can not be led into error : but we must not beleeue , that he , or any man else that relyeth vpon the strength and negotiation of his owne reason , euer had a priuiledge of infallibility entayled to all he said . Lett vs then admire him for what he hath deliuered vs : and where he falleth short , or is weary in his search , and suffereth himselfe to be borne downe by popular opinions against his owne principles ( which happeneth very seldome to him ) lett vs seeke to supply and relieue him . But to pursue our intent : wee will begin with answering the third obiection ; which is , that if light were fire , it must heat as well as enlighten where it shineth . There is no doubt but it doth so : as is euident by the weather glasses , and other artificiall musicall instruments ( as organs and virginals that played by themselues ) which Cornelius Drebbel ( that admirable master of mechanikes ) made to shew the king . All which , depended vpon the rarefaction and condensation of some subtile body , conserued in a cauity within the bulke of the whole instrument : for as soone as the sunne shined , they would haue motion and play their partes . And there is no doubt but that grew out of the rarefaction of the subtile liquor he made vse of , which was dilated , as soone as the ayre was warmed by the sunne beames . Of whose operation , it was so sensible , that they no sooner left the horizon , but its motion ceased . And if but a cloude came betweene the instrument and them , the musike would presently goe slower time . And the antient miracle of Memnons statue , seemeth to be a iuggling of the Aehiopian Priests , made by the like inuention . 2 But though he and they found some spirituall and refined matter , that would receiue such notable impressions , from so small alterations of temper . Yet it is no wonder that our grosse bodies are not sensible of them , for we can not feele heate , vnlesse it be greater then that which is in our sense . And the heate there , must be in proportion to the heate of our blood : which is in a high degree of warmeth . And therefore it is very possible that an exceeding rarifyed fire , may cause a farre lesse impression of heate then we are able to feele . Consider , how if you sett pure spiritt of wine on fire , and so conuert it into actuall flame ; yet it will not burne , nor scarce warme your hand : and then , can you expect , that the light of a candle , which filleth a great roome , should burne or warme you as farre as it shineth ? If you would exactly know what degree of heate , and power of burning , that light hath , which ( for example ) shineth vpon the wall in a great chamber , in the middest whereof there standeth a candle : doe but calculate , what ouerproportion of quantity all the light in the whole roome beareth , to the quantity of the litle flame att the toppe of the candle ; and that is the ouerproportion of the force of burning which is in the candle , to the force of burning which is in so much light att the wall as in extension is equall to the flame of the candle . Which when you haue considered you will not quarrell att it s not warming you att that distance ; although you grant it to be fire , streaming out from the flame as from the spring that feedeth it , and extremely dilated ( according to the nature of fire , when it is att liberty ) by going so farre , without any other grosse body to imprison or clogge it . It is manifest , that this rule of examining the proportion of burning in so much of the light , as the flame is , ( by calculating the proportion of the quantity or extension of all the light in the roome to the extension of the flame of the candle , and then comparing the flame of the candle , to a part of light equall in extension vnto it ) is a good and infallible one , if we abstract from accidentall inequalities : since , both the light and the flame , are in a perpetuall fluxe ; and all the light , was first in the flame ; which is the spring , from whence it continually floweth . As in a riuer wherein euery part runneth with a settled streame ; though one place be straighter , and an other broader ; yet of necessity , since all the water that is in the broad place came out of the narrow ; it must follow that in equall portions of time there is no more water , where it hath the liberty of a large channell , then where the bankes presse it into a narrower bed , so that there be no inequalities in the bottome . In like manner , if in a large stoue , a basen of water be conuerted into steame ; that rarifyed water which then filleth the whole stoue , is no more then what the basen contained before : and consequently , the power of moistening which is in a footes extension ( for example ) of the stoue wherein that steame is , must be in proportion to the vertue of wetting in the footes extension of water ; as the quantity of that great roome which the steame filleth , is to the quantity of the water contained in the basin : for although the rarifyed water be not in euery least part of that great place it seemeth to take vp ; by reason that there is ayre , in which it must swimme . Yet the power of wetting that was in the basin of water , is dilated through the whole roome , by the coniunction of the miste or dew to all the sensible partes of the ayre that is in the roome : and consequently the power of wetting , which is in any foote of that roome , is in a manner as much lesse then the power of wetting which was in the foote of water , as if the water were rarifyed to the quantity of the whole roome , and no ayre were left with it . And in the same manner , it fareth with dilated fire , as it doth with dilated water : with onely this difference peraduenture that fire groweth purer , and more towardes its owne nature by dilatation ; whereas water becometh more mixed and is carried from its nature by suffering the like effect . Yet dilated water will in proportion moisten more then dilated fire will burne : for the rarefaction of water , bringeth it neerer to the nature of ayre ( whose chief propriety is moisture , ) and the fire that accompanieth it when it raiseth it into steame , giueth it more powerfull ingression into what body it meeteth withall : whereas fire , when it is very pure , and att entire liberty to stretch and spread it selfe as wyde as the nature of it will carry it getteth no aduantage of burning by its mixture with ayre : and allthough it gaineth force by its purity , yet by reason of its extreme rarefaction it must needes be extremely fainte . But if by the helpe of glasses , you will gather into lesse roome that which is diffused into a great one ; and so condense it as much as it is ( for example ) in the flame of a candle ; then that fire , or compacted light , will burne much more forcibly then so much flame : for there is as much of it in quantity ( excepting what is lost in the carriage of it ; ) and it is held in together in as litle roome ; and it hath this aduantage besides , that it is clogged with no grosse body to hinder the actiuity of it . 3 It seemeth to me now , that the very answering this obiection , doth ( besides repelling the force of it ) euidently prooue that light is nothing but fire in his owne nature , and exceedingly dilated : for if you suppose fire , ( for example , the flame of a candle ) to be stretched out to the vtmost expansion that you may well imagine such a grosse body is capable of ; it is impossible it should appeare and worke otherwise , then it doth in light as I haue shewed aboue . And againe , we see plainely , that light gathered together burneth more forcibly then any other fire whatsoeuer , and therefore must needes be fire . Why then shall we not confidently conclude , that what is fire before it getteth abroade , and is fire againe when it cometh together , doth likewise remaine fire during all its iourney ? Nay euen in the iourney it selfe , we haue particular testimony that it is fire : for light returning backe from the earth charged with litle atomes ( as it doth in soultry gloomy weather ) heateth much more then before ; iust as fire doth , when it is imprisoned in a dense body . 4 Philosophers ought not to iudge by the same rules that the common people doth . Their grosse sense , is all their guide : and therefore they can not apprehend any thing to be fire , that doth not make it selfe be knowne for such by burning them . But he that iudiciously examineth the matter ; and traceth the pedigree and periode of it ; and seeth the reason why in some circumstances it burneth , and in others it doth not ; is too blame , if he suffer himselfe to be led by others ignorance , contrary to his owne reason . When they that are curious in perfumes , will haue their chamber filled with a good sent in a hoat season , that agreeth not with burning perfumes , and therefore make some odoriferous water be blowne about it by their seruants mouthes that are dexterous in that Ministery , ( as is vsed in Spaine in the summer time ; ) euery one that seeth it done , though on a suddaine the water be lost to his eyes and touch , and is onely discernable by his nose ; yet he is well satisfyed that the sent which recreateth him , is the very water he saw in the glasse extremely dilated by the forcible sprouting of it out from the seruants mouth , and will by litle and litle fall downe and become againe palpable water as it was before ; and therefore doubteth not but it is still water whiles it hangeth in the ayre diuided into litle atomes . Whereas one that saw not the beginning of this operation by water , nor obserued how in the end it sheweth it selfe againe in water ; might the better be excused , if he should not thinke that what he smelled were water blowne about the ayre , nor any substance of it selfe ( because he neither seeth nor handleth it ) but some aduentitious quality he knoweth not how adhering to the ayre . The like difference is betweene Philosophers that proceede orderly in their discourses , and others that pay themselues with termes which they vnderstand not . The one , see euidence in what they conclude ; whiles the others guesse wildely att randome . I hope the Reader will not deeme it time lost from our maine drift , which we take vp thus in examples and digressions : 5 for if I be not much deceiued , they serue exceedingly to illustrate the matter : which I hope I haue now rendred so plaine , as no man that shall haue well weighed it , will expect that fire dilated into that rarifyed substance which mankind ( who according to the different appearance of thinges to their sense , giueth different names vnto them ) calleth light , should burne like that grosser substance which from doing so they call fire ; nor doubt but that they may be the same thing more or lesse attenuated ; as leafe gold , that flyeth in the ayre as light as downe , is as truly gold as that in an ingott which being heauier then any other substance falleth most forcibly vnto the ground . What we haue said of the vnburning fire ( which we call light ) streaming from the flame of a candle ; may easily be applyed to all other lights depriued of sensible heat , whereof some appeare with flame , others without it : of the first sort of which , are the innoxious flames that are often seene on the haire of mens heads , and horses manes , on the mastes of shippes , ouer graues , and fatt marish groundes , and the like : and of the latter sort , are glow wormes , and the light conseruing stones , rotten wood , some kindes of fish and of flesh when they begin to putrify , and some other thinges of the like nature . Now to answere the second part of this obiection , that we dayly see great heates without any light , 6 as well as much light without any heat , and therefore light and fire can not be the same thing : you may call to mind , how dense bodies are capable of great quantities of rare ones ; and thereby , it cometh to passe that bodies which repugne to the dilatation of flame , may neuerthelesse haue much fire enclosed in them . As in a stoue ; let the fire be neuer so great , yet it appeareth not outwardes to the sight , although that stoue warme all the roomes neere it . So when many litle partes of heate are imprisoned in as many litle celles of grosse earthy substance , ( which are like so many litle stoues to them ) that imprisonement will not hinder them from being very hoat to the sense of feeling ( which is most perceptible of dense thinges . ) But because they are choaked with the closenesse of the grosse matter wherein they are enclosed , they can not breake out into a body of flame or light , so to discouer their nature : which ( as we haue said before ) is the most vnfitt way for burning ; for we see that light must be condensed , to produce flame and fire ; as flame must be , to burne violently . 7 Hauing thus cleared the third obiection , ( as I conceiue ; ) lett vs goe on to the fourth ; which requireth that we satisfy their inquisition , who aske what becometh of that vast body of shining light ( if it be a body ) that filleth all the distance betweene heauen and earth ; and vanisheth in a moment , as soone as a cloude or the moone interp●seth it selfe betweene the sunne and vs ; or that the sunne quitteth our hemisphere ? No signe att all remaineth of it after the extinction of it , as doth of all other substances ; whose destruction , is the birth of some new thing . Whither then is it flowne ? We may be persuaded that a mist is a corporeall substance , because it turneth to droppes of water vpon the twigges that it enuironeth : and so we might beleeue light to be fire , if after the burning of it out , we found any ashes remaining : but experience assureth vs , that after it is extinguished , it leaueth not the least vestigium behind it of hauing beene there . Now , before we answere this obiection , we will entreate our aduersary to call to minde , how we haue in our solution of the former , declared and proued that the light which ( for example ) shineth from à candle , is no more then the flame is , from whence it springeth , the one being condensed , and the other dilated ; ) and that the flame is in a perpetuall fluxe of consumption about the circumference , and of restauration att the center , where it sucketh in the fewell : and then , we will enquire of him , what becometh of that body of flame which so continually dyeth and is renewed , and leaueth no remainder behind it ; as well as he doth of vs , what becometh of our body of light , which in like manner is alwayes dying and alwayes springing fresh ? And when he hath well considered it , he will find that one answere will serue for both . Which is : that as the fire streameth out from the fountaine of it , and groweth more subtile by its dilatation , it sinketh the more easily into those bodies it meeteth withall : the first of which , and that enuironeth it round about , is ayre . With ayre then , it mingleth and incorporateth it selfe ; and by consequence , with the other litle bodies that are mingled with the ayre : and in them , it receiueth the changes which nature worketh ; by which , it may be turned into the other Elements , if there be occasion ; or be still conserued in bodies that require heate . Vpon this occasion , 8 I remember a rare experiment that a noble man of much sincerity , and a singular frind of mine , told me he had seene : which was , that by meanes of glasses made in a very particular manner , and artificially placed one by an other , he had seene the sunne beames gathered together , and precipitated downe into a brownish or purplish red pouder . There could be no fallacy in this operation : for nothing whatsoeuer , was in the glasses when they were placed and disposed for this intent : and it must be in the hoat time of the yeare ; else the effect would not follow . And of this Magistery , he could gather some dayes , neere two ounces in a day . And it was of a strange volatile nature : and would pierce and imprint his spirituall quality into gold it selfe ( the heauiest and most fixed body we conuerse withall ) in a very short time . If this be plainely so , without any mistaking ; then , mens eyes and handes may tell them what becometh of light when it dyeth , if a great deale of it were swept together . But from what cause soeuer this experience had its effect , our reason may be satisfyed with what we haue said aboue : for I confesse , for my part , I beleeue the appearing body might be some thing that came along with the sunne beames , and was gathered by them ; but not their pure substance . Some peraduenture will obiect those lampes , 9 which both auncient and moderne writers haue reported to haue been found in tombes and vrnes , long time before closed vp from mens repayre vnto them to supply them with new fewell : and therefore they beleeue such fires to feede vpon nothing ; and consequently , to be inconsumptible and perpetuall . Which if they be , then our doctrine that will haue light to be nothing but the body of fire perpetually flowing from its center , and perpetually dying ; can not be sound : for in time , such fires would necessarily spend themselues in light : although light be so subtile a substance that an exceeding litle quantity of fewell , may be dilated into a vast quantity of light . Yet still there would be some consumption ; which how imperceptible soeuer in a short time , yet after a multitude of reuolutions of yeares , it must needes discouer it selfe . To this I answere : that for the most part , the wittnesses who testify originally the stories of these lights , are such as a rationall man can not expect from them that exactnesse or nicety of obseruation , which is requisite for our purpose ; for they are vsually , grosse labouring people , who as they digge the ground for other intentions , do stumble vpon these lampes by chance before they are aware : and for the most part , they breake them in the finding ; and they imagine they see a glimpse of light , which vanisheth before they can in a manner take notice of it ; and is peraduanture but the glistering of the broken glasse or glased pott , which reflecteth the outward light as soone as by rummaging in the ground and discouering the glasse , the light striketh vpon it ; ( in such manner as some times a diamond by a certaine encountring of light in a dusky place , may in the first twincling of the motion , seeme to sparkle like fire : ) and afterwardes , when they shew their broken lampe , and tell their tale to some man of a pitch of witt aboue them , who is curious to informe himselfe of all the circumstances that may concerne such lights ; they straine their memory to answere him satisfactorily vnto all his demandes : and thus , for his sake they persuade themselues to remember what they neuer saw . And he againe on his side , is willing to helpe out the story a litle . And so , after awhile , a very formall and particular relation is made of it . As happeneth in like sort , in reporting of all strange and vnusuall thinges : which , euen those that in their nature abhorre from lying , are naturally apt to straine a litle and fashion vp in a handsome mould ; and almost to persuade themselues they saw more then they did : so innate it is vnto euery man , to desire the hauing of some preeminence beyond his neighbours ; be it but in pretending to haue seene some thing which they haue not . Therefore , before I engage my selfe in giuing any particular answere to this obiection of pretended inconsumptible lights , I would gladly see the effect certainely auerred and vndoubtedly proued : for , the testimonies which Fortunius Licetus produceth ( who hath been very diligent in gathering them , and very subtile in discoursing vpon them ; and is the exactest author that hath written vpon this subiect ) do not seeme vnto mee to make that certainty , which is required for the establishing of a ground in Philosophy . Neuerthelesse , if there be any certaine experience in this particular , I should thinke that there might be some art by circulation of fewell , to maintaine the same light for a great company of yeares . But I should not easily be persuaded , that eyther flame or light could be made without any manner of consuming the body which serueth them for fewell . THE EIGHTH CHAPTER . An answere to three other obiections formerly proposed , against light being a substance . HAVING thus defended our selues from their obiections , 1 who would not allow light to be fire ; and hauing satisfyed their inquisition , who would know what becometh of it when it dyeth , if it be a body : we will now apply our selues to answere their difficulties , who will not lett it passe for a body , because it is in the same place with an other body ; as , when the sunne beames enlighten all the ayre , and when the seuerall lights of two distinct candles are both of them euery where in the same roome . Which is the substance of the second maine obiection . This of the iustling of the ayre , is easily answered thus ▪ that the ayre being a very diuisible body , doth without resistance yield as much place as is requisite for light . And that light , though our eyes iudge it diffused euery where , yet is not truly in euery point or atome of ayre : but to make vs see it euery where , it sufficeth that it be in euery part of the ayre which is as bigge as the blacke or sight of our eye ; so that we can not sett our eye in any position where it receiueth not impressions of light . In the same manner as perfumes : which though they be so grosse bodies that they may be sensibly wasted by the wind ; neuerthelesse , they do so fill the ayre , that we can putt our nose in no part of the roome , where a perfume is burned , but we shall smell it . And the like is of mistes ; as also of the sprouted water to make a perfume , which we mentioned aboue . But because pure discourses , in such small thriddes as these , do but weakly bind such readers as are not accustomed vnto them ; and that I woudl ( if it be possible ) render this treatise intelligible to euery rationall man , how euer litle versed in scholastike learning ( among whom I expect it will haue a fairer passage , then among those that are already deepely imbued with other principles : ) lett vs try if we can herein informe our selues by our sense , and bring our eyes for wittnesse of what we say . He then that is desirous to satisfy himselfe in this particular ; may putt himselfe in a darke roome , through which the sunne sendeth his beames by a cranie or litle hole in the wall ; and he will discouer a multitude of litle atomes flying about in that litle streame of light ; which his eye can not discerne , when he is enuironed on all sides with a full light . Then lett him examine , whether or no there be light in the middest of those litle bodies : and his owne reason will easily tell him , that if those bodies were as perspicuous as the ayre , they would not reflect vpon our eyes , the beames by which wee see them . And therefore , he will boldly conclude , that att the least such partes of them as reflect light vnto vs , do not admitt it , nor lett it sinke into them . Then let him consider the multitude of them ; and the litle distance betwixt one an other ; and how neuerthelesse they hinder not our sight ; but we haue it free to discouer all obiects beyond them , in what position soeuer we place our eye : and when he thus perceiueth that these opacous bodies , which are euery where , do not hinder the eye from iudging light to haue an equall plenary diffusion through the whole place that it irradiateth ; he can haue no difficulty to allow ayre , ( that is diaphanous , and more subtile farre then they , and consequently , diuisible into lesser atomes , and hauing lesser pores , giueth lesse scope vnto our eyes to misse light , then they do ) to be euery where mingled with light , though we see nothing but light , and can not discerne any breach or diuision of it . Especially , when he shall adde vnto this consideration ; that the subtile body which thus filleth the ayre , is the most visible thing in the world ; and that , whereby all other thinges are seene : and that the ayre which it mingleth it selfe with , is not at all visible , by reason of the extreme diaphaneity of it , and easy reception of the light into euery pore of it without any resistance or reflection : and that such is the nature of light , as it easily drowneth an obscure body , if it be not too bigge : and not onely such , but euen other light bodies : for so we know as well the fixed starrs as the planets , are concealed from our sight , by neerenesse to the sunne ; neither the lightnesse of the one , nor the bignesse of the other , preuailing against the darkening of an exuperant light : and we haue dayly experience of the same , in very pure chrystall glasses , and in very cleare water ; which though we can not discerne by our sight , if they be in certaine positions ; neuerthelesse , by experience we find that they reflect much light , and consequently haue great store of opacous partes : and then he can not choose but conclude , that it is impossible , but light should appeare as it doth , to be euery where , and to be one continued thing ; though his discourse withall assure him it is euery where mingled with ayre . 2 And this very answere I thinke will draw with it by consequence , the solution of the other part of the same obiection ; which is , of many lights ioyning in the same place ; and the same is likewise , concerning the images of colours euery where crossing one an other without hinderance . But to raise this contemplation a straine higher ; lett vs consider , how light being the most rare of all knowne bodies , is of its owne nature ( by reason of the diuisibility that followeth rarity ) diuisible into lesser partes then any other ; and particularly then flame ; which being mixed with smoake and other corpulency , falleth very short of light . And this , to the proportion in which it is more rare then the body it is compared vnto . Now a great Mathematician hauing deuised how to measure the rarefaction of gunnepowder into flame , found the diameter to times encreased ; and so concluded , that the body of the flame , was in proportion to the body of the gunnepowder it was made of , as 125000 is to one . Wherefore , by the immediately proceeding consequence , we find that 125000 partes of flame may be couched in the roome of one least part of gunnepowder , and peraduenture , many more , considering how porous a body gunnepowder is . Which being admitted , it is euident that although light were as grosse as the flame of gunnepowder , and gunnepowder were as solide as gold ; yet there might passe 125000 rayes of light , in the space wherein one least part of gunnepowder might be contained : which space , would be absolutely inuisible vnto vs , and be contained many times in the bignesse of the sight of a mans eye . Out of which we may gather what an infinity of obiects may seeme vnto us to crosse themselues in the same indiuisible place , and yet may haue roome sufficient for euery one to passe his way , without hindering his fellow . Wherefore , seeing that one single light could not send rayes enough to fill euery litle space of ayre that is capable of light , and the lesse , the further it is from the flame ) it is obuious enough to conceiue , how in the space where the ayre is , there is capacity for the rayes of many candles . Which being well summed vp will take away the great admiration how the beames of light , though they be corporeall , can in such great multitudes , without hindering one an other , enter into bodies and come to our eye : and will shew , that it is the narrownesse of our capacities , and not the defect of nature , which maketh these difficulties seeme so great ; for she hath sufficiently prouided for all these subtile operations of fire ; as also for the entrance of it into glasse , and into all other solide bodies that are diaphanous ( vpon which was grounded the last instance the second obiection pressed : ) for all such bodies being constituted by the operation of fire ( which is alwayes in motion ) there must needes be wayes left for it both to enter in and to euaporate out . And this is most euident in glasse which being wrought by an extreme violent fire and swelling with it , as water and other thinges do by the mixture of fire ; must necessarily haue great store of fire in it selfe whiles it is boyling ; as we see by its being red hoat . And hence it is , that the workemen are forced to lett it coole by degrees in such relentinges of fire as they call their nealing heates ; least it should shiuer in pieces by a violent succeeding of ayre in the roome of the fire ; for that being of greater partes then the fire , would straine the pores of the glasse too soddainly , and breake it all in pieces to gett ingression : whereas in those nealing heates the ayre being rarer , lesser partes of it succeede to the fire , and leisurely stretch the pores without hurt . And therefore we neede not wonder that light passeth so easily through glasse ; and much lesse , that it getteth through other bodies ; seeing , the experience of Alchymistes doth assure vs that it is hard to find any other body so impenetrable as glasse . 3 But now to come to the answere of the first , and in appearance most powerfull obiection against the corporeity of light ; which vrgeth that his motion is performed in an instant , and therefore can not belong to what is materiall and clothed with quantity . Wee will endeauour to shew how vnable the sense is to iudge of sundry sortes of motions of Bodies , and how grossely it is mistaken in them . And then , when it shall appeare that the motion of light must necessarily be harder to be obserued then those others : I conceiue , all that is raised against our opinion by so incompetent a iudge , will fall flatt to the ground . First then , lett mee putt the reader in minde , how if euer he marked children when they play with firestickes , they mooue and whirle them round so fast , that the motion will cosen their eyes , and represent an entire circle of fire vnto them : and were it somewhat distant , in a darke night , that one played so with a lighted torch , it would appeare a constant wheele of fire without any discerning of motion in it . And then , lett him consider how slow a motion that is in respect of what it is possible a body may participate of : and he may safely conclude , that it is no wonder though the motion of light be not descryed , and that indeede no argument can be made from thence to prooue that light is not a body . But lett vs examine this consideration a litle further , and compare it to the motion of the earth or heauens : lett the appearing circle of the fire , be some three foote diameter , and the time of one entire circulation of it , be the sixtieth part of a minute ; of which minutes , there are 60. in an houre ; so that in a whole day , there will be but 86400. of these partes of time . Now the diameter of the wheele of fire being but of three foote , the whole quantity of space that it mooueth in that atome of time will be att the most 10. foote ; which is three paces and a foote : of which partes , there are neere eleuen millions in the compasse of the earth : so that if the earth be mooued round in 24. houres , it must go neere 130. times as fast as the boyes sticke doth , which by its swift motion deceiueth our eye . But if we allow the sunne , the moone , and the fixed starrs to moue ; how extreme swift must their flight be , and how imperceptible would their motion be in such a compasse as our sight would reach vnto ? And this being certaine , that whether the earth or they do moue , the appearances to vs are the same ▪ it is euident , that as now they can not be perceiued to moue ( as peraduenture they do not ; ) so it would be the very same in shew to vs , although they did moue . If the sunne were neere vs , and galloped att that rate ; surely we could not distinguish betweene the beginning and ending of his race : but there would appeare one permanent line of light from East to West , without any motion att all : as the torch seemeth to make , with so much a slower motion , one permanent immooueable wheele of fire . But contrary to this effect , we see that the sunne and starrs by onely being remooued further from our eyes , do cosen our sight so grossely that we can not discerne them to be mooued att all . One would imagine that so rapide and swift a motion , should be perceiued in some sort or other , ( which , whether it be in the earth , or in them , is all one to this purpose . ) Eyther we should see them change their places whiles we looke vpon them , as arrowes and birdes do when they fly in the ayre : or else , they should make a streame of light bigger then themselues , as the torch doth . But none of all this happeneth : lett vs gaze vpon them so long and so attentiuely that our eyes be dazeled with looking , and all that while they seeme to stand immooueable ▪ and our eyes can giue vs no account of their iourney till it be ended . They discerne it not whiles it is in doing : so that if we consult with no better cownsailour then them , we may wonder to see that body at night setting in the West , which in the morning we beheld rising in the East . But that which seemeth to be yett more strange , is , that these bodies mooue crosse vs , and neuerthelesse are not perceiued to haue any motion att all . Consider then how much easier it is for a thing that mooueth towardes vs , to be with vs before we are aware . A nimble fencer will put in a thrust so quicke , that the foile will be in your bosome , when you thought it a yard off ; because in the same moment you saw his point so farre distant , and could not discerne it to mooue towards you , till you felt the rude salutation it gaue you . If then you will compare the body of light with these others that thus deceiue vs in regard of motion ; you must needes agree it is much rashnesse to conclude it hath no motion , because we can not discerne the succession of it . Consider that it is the subtilest of all the bodies that God hath made . Examine the paths of it , which for the smallnesse of their thriddes , and the extreme diuisibility of them , and their pliant application of themselues to whatsoeuer hath pores , are almost without resistance . Calculate the strange multiplication of it , by a perpetuall momentary renouation of its streames . And cast with your selfe , with what extreme force it springeth out and flyeth abroad . And on the other side , reflect how all these thinges are directly opposite and contrary in those other great bodies , whose motion neuerthelesse appeareth not vnto us till it be done and past . And when you haue well weighed all this ; you must needes grant that they who in this case guide themselues meerely by what appeareth vnto their eyes , are ill iudgers of what they haue not well examined . 4 But peraduenture some who can not all of a soddaine be weaned from what their sense hath so long fed them with ; may aske yet further , how it chanceth that we haue no effects of this motion ? It sheweth not it selfe in the ayre , coming to us a farre of . It stayeth not a thought , or slackneth his speed in flying so vast a space as is from the sunne to vs. In fine there is no discouery of it . But if Galileus his conception be well grounded ; that lightning giueth vs an incling of its motion , beginning from a litle and encreasing to a greater : or if Monsieur des Cartes his opinion that it goeth slower in refraction , be true : we shall not neede to study long for an answere . But in Galileus his experience , it may be the breaking of the cloude which receiueth that succession of motion which we see : and no slownesse that light can acquire by the resistance of the refracting body , can be so greate as to make that difference of lines which Monsieur Des Cartes most ingeniously ( though I much doubt not truly ) hath applyed to yield the reason of refraction : as will appeare in our further discourse . Therefore , these being vncertaine ; we will , to shew the vnreasonablenesse of this question , suppose there may be some obseruable tardity in the motion of light ; and then aske of them , how we should arriue to perceiue it ? What sense should we employ in this discouery ? It is true , we are satisfyed that sound taketh vp time in coming to our eares : but it is , because our eyes are nimbler then they , and can perceiue a good way distant the carpenters axe falling vpon the timber that he heweth , or the fire flashing out of the canon , before they heare any newes of them : but shutt your eyes ; or enquire of a blind man ; and then neither you nor he can tell whether those soundes fill your eares att the very instant they were begotten , or haue spent some time in their iourney to you . Thus then our eyes instruct our eares . But is there any sense quicker then the sight ? or meanes to know speedier then by our eyes ? Or can they see light , or any thing else ; vntill it be with them ? We may then assuredly conclude , that its motion is not to be discerned as it cometh vpon vs ; nor it selfe to be perceiued , till its beames are in our eyes . But if there were any meanes to discouer its motion , surely it must be in some medium , through which it must struggle to gett , as fire doth through iron ; which encreasing there by degrees , att last ( when it is red hoat ) sendeth beames of light quite through the plate that att the first refused them passage . And it maketh to this purpose , that the lightconseruing stones which are gathered in Italy , must bee sett in the sunne for some while before they retaine light : and the light will appeare in them when they are brought backe into the darke , greater or lesser ( vntill they come to their vtmost periode ) according as they haue beene longer or a lesser while in the sunne . And our eyes the longer they remaine in the light , the more dazeled they are if they be suddainely passed into the darke . And a curious experiencer did affirme , that the likenesse of any obiect ( but particularly he had often obserued it of an iron grate ) if it be strongly enlightened will appeare to an other , in the eye of him that looketh strongly and steadily vpon it till he be dazeled by it ; euen after he shall haue turned his eyes from it . And the wheele of fire could neuer be made appeare vnto our eye by the whirling of the firesticke we euen now spoke of ; vnlesse the impression made by the fire from one place , did remaine in the eye a while after the fire was gone from the place whence it sent that ray . Whence it is euident , that light , and the pictures of obiects , do require time to settle and to vnsettle in a subiect . If then light maketh a greater impression with time , why should we doubt but the first cometh also in time ; were our sense so nimble as to perceiue it ? But then it may be obiected , 5 that the sunne would neuer be truly in that place in which vnto our eyes it appeareth to be : because that , it being seene by meanes of the light which issueth from it ; if that light required time to moue in , the sunne ( whose motion is so swift ) would be remooued from the place where the light left it , before it could be with vs to giue tidinges of him . To this I answere , allowing that peraduenture it may be so . Who knoweth the contrary ? Or what inconuenience would follow , if it be admitted ? Indeed , how can it be otherwise ? In refraction , we are sure it is so : and therefore att no time but when the sunne is perpendicularly ouer our heades , we can be certaine of the contrary allthough it should send its light to vs in an instant . Vnlesse happily the truth of the case should be , that the sunne doth not mooue about vs ; but we turne to his light : and then , the obiection also looseth its ayme . But the more we presse the quicknesse of light ; 6 the more we engage our selues in the difficulty why light doth not shatter the ayre in pieces , as likewise all solide bodies whatsoeuer : for the masters of naturall Philosophy do tell vs , that a softer thing with a great velocity , is as powerfull in effect when it giueth a blow , as a harder thing going slowly . And accordingly experience teacheth vs , that a tallow candle shott in a gunne , will goe through a brod or kill a man. Wherefore light hauing such an infinite celerity , should also haue an vnresistable force , to pierce and shatter , not onely the ayre , but euen the hardest bodies that are . Peraduenture some may thinke it reasonable to grant the consequence ( in due circumstances ) since experience teacheth vs that the congregation of a litle light by a glasse , will sett very solide bodies on fire , and will melt mettals in a very short space ; which sheweth a great actiuity ; and the great actiuity sheweth a great percussion , burning being effected by a kind of attrition of the thing burned . And the great force which fire sheweth in gunnes and in mines , being but a multiplication of the same , doth euidently conuince that of its owne nature , it maketh a strong percussion , when all due circumstances concurre . Whereas it hath but litle effect , if the due circumstances be wanting ; as we may obserue in the insensible burning of so rarifyed a body as pure spiritt of wine conuerted into flame . But we must examine the matter more particularly , and must seeke the cause why a violent effect doth not alwayes appeare , wheresoeuer light striketh ; for the which wee are to note that three thinges do concurre to make a percussion great . The bignesse , the density and the celerity of the body mooued . Of which three , there is only one in light ; to witt , celerity : for it hath the greatest rarity , and the rayes of it are the smallest parcels , of all naturall bodies . And therefore since only celerity is considerable in the account of lights percussions , we must examine what celerity is necessary to make the stroke of a ray sensible : first then we see that all the motes of the ayre , nay euen feathers and strawes , do make no sensible percussion when they fall vpon vs : therefore we must in light haue att the least a celerity that may be to the celerity of the straw falling vpon our hand ( for example , ) as the density of the straw is to the density of light , that the percussion of light may be in the least degree sensible . But let vs take a corne of gunnepowder insteede of a straw ( betweene which there can not be much difference ) and then putting that the density of fire , is to the density of gunnepowder as 1. to 125000 ; and that the density of the light we haue here in the earth , is to the density of that part of fire which is in the sunnes body , as the body of the sunne is to that body which is called Orbis magnus , ( whose semidiameter is the distance betweene the sunne and the earth ▪ ) which must be in subtriple proportion of the diameter of the sunne to the diameter of the great orbe : it followeth that 125000. being multiplyed by the proportion of the great orbe vnto the sunne ( which Galileo telleth vs is as 106000000. vnto one ) will giue a scantling of what degree of celerity light must haue more then a corne of gunnepouder , to recompence the excesse of weight which is in a corne of gunnepouder , aboue that which is in a ray of light , as bigge as a corne of gunnepouder . Which will amount to be much greater then the proportion of the semidiater of Orbis magnus , to the semidiater of the corne of gunnepouder : for if you reckon 5. graines of gunnepouder to a barley cornes breadth , and 12. of them in an inch , and 12. inches in a foote , and 3. feete in a pace , and 1000. paces in a mile , and 3500. miles in the semidiameter of the earth , and 1208. semidiameters of the earth , in the semidiameter of the Orbis magnus , there will be in it but 9132480000000. graines of gunnepouder ; whereas the other calculation maketh light to be 13250000000000. times raver then gunnepouder ; which is almost tenne times a greater proportion then the other . And yet this celerity supplyeth but one of the two conditions wanting in light to make its percussions sensible , namely density . Now because the same velocity , in a body of a lesser bulke , doth not make so great a percussion as it doth in a bigger body ; and that the littlenesse of the least partes of bodies followeth the proportion of their rarity : this vast proportion of celerity must againe be drawne into it selfe , to supply for the excesse in bignesse that a corne of gunnepouder hath ouer an atome of light : and the product of this multiplication will be the celerity required to supply for both defects . Which euidently sheweth , it is impossible that a ray of light should make any sensible percussion , though it be a body . Especially considering that sense neuer taketh notice of what is perpetually done in a moderate degree . And therefore , after this minute looking into all circumstances , we neede not haue difficulty in allowing vnto light the greatest celerity imaginable , and a percussion proportionate to such a celerity in so rare a body ; and yett not feare any violent effect from its blowes : vnlesse it be condensed , and many partes of it be brought together to worke as if they were but one . As concerning the last obiection ; 7 that if light were a body , it would be fanned by the wind : wee must first consider what is the cause of a thinges appearing to be mooued : and then examine what force that cause hath in light . As for the first part ; we see that when a body is discerned now in one place , now in an other , then it appeareth te be mooued . And this we see happeneth also in light ; as when the sunne or a candle is carried or mooueth , the light thereof in the body of the candle or sunne seemeth to be mooued along with it . And the likes is in a shining cloud or comete . But to apply this to our purpose : wee must note that the intention of the obiection is , that the light which goeth from the fire to an opacous body farre distant without interruption of its continuity , should seeme to be iogged or putt out of its way , by the wind that crosseth it . Wherein the first fayling is , that the obiectour conceiueth light to send species vnto our eye from the middest of its line : whereas with a litle consideration he may perceiue , that not light is seene by vs but that which is reflected from an opacous body to our eye : so that the light he meaneth in his obiection , is neuer seene att all . Secondly ; it is manifest that the light which stricketh our eye , doth strike it in a straight line ; and seemeth to be att the end of that straight line , wheresoeur that is ; and so can neuer appeare to be in an other place : but the light which wee see in an other place , wee conceiue to be an other light . Which maketh it againe euident , that the light can neuer appeare to shake , though wee should suppose that light may be seene from the middle of its line ; for no part of wind or ayre can come into any sensible place in that middle of the line , with such speede that new light from the source doth not illuminate it sooner then it can be seene by vs : wherefore it will appeare to vs illuminated as being in that place : and therefore , the light can neuer appeare shaken . And lastly , it is easier for the ayre or wind to destroy the light , then it is to remooue it out of its place : wherefore , it can neuer so remoue it out of its place , as that we should see it in an other place . But if it should remooue it , it would wrappe it vp within it selfe and hide it . 8 In conclusion ; after this long dispute concerning the nature of light : if we consider well what hath beene said on both sides ( to which much more might be added , but that we haue already trespassed in length , and I conceiue , enough is said to decide the matter ) an equall iudge will find the ballance of the question to hang vpon these termes : that , to proue the nature of light to be materiall and corporeall , are brought a company of accidents well knowne to be the proprieties of quantity or bodies ; and as well knowne to be in light . Euen so farre as that it is manifest , that light in its begining before it be dispersed , is fire ; and if againe it be gathered together , it sheweth it selfe againe to be fire . And the receptacles of it , are the receptacles of a body : being a multitude of pores ; as the hardnesse and coldnesse of transparent thinges , do giue vs to vnderstand ; of which we shall hereafter haue occasion to discourse . On the contrary side , whatsoeuer arguments are brought against lights being a body , are onely negatiues . As , that we see not any motion of light ; that we do not discerne , where the confines are betweene light and ayre ; that we see not roome for both of them , or for more lights to be together ; and the like : which is to oppose negatiue proofes against affirmatiue ones ; and to build a doctrine vpon the defect of our senses ; or vpon the likenesse of bodies which are extremely vnlike , expecting the same effects from the most subtile as from the most grosse ones . All which , together with the autority of Aristotle and his followers , haue turned light into darknesse , and haue made vs almost deny the light of our owne eyes . 9 Now then , to take our leaue of this important question : lett vs returne to the principles from whence we began , and consider ; that seeing fire is the most rare of all the Elements , and very dry : and that out of the former it hath that it may be cutt into very small pieces ; and out of the latter , that it conserueth its owne figure , and so is apt to diuide , whatsoeuer fluide body : and ioyning to these two principles , that it multiplyeth extremely in its source . It must of necessity follow that it shooteth out in great multitudes , litle small partes into the ayre and into other bodies circūfused , with great dilatation , in a sphericall manner . And likewise that these litle partes are easily broken ; and new ones , still following the former , are still multiplyed in straight lines from the place where they breake . Out of which it is euident , that of necessity it must in a manner fill all places ; and that no sensible place is so litle , but that fire will be found in it , if the medium be capacious . As also , that its extreme least partes will be very easily swallowed vp in the partes of the ayre , which are humide ; and by their enfolding , be as it were quite lost ; so as to loose the appearance of fire . Againe that in its reflections , it will follow the nature of grosser bodies , and haue glidinges like them ; which is that , we call refractions . That , litle streaminges from it will crosse one an other in excessiue great numbers , in an vnsensible part of space , without hindering one an other . That its motion will be quicker then sense can iudge of ; and therefore , will seeme to mooue in an instant , or to stand still as in a stagnation . That if there be any bodies so porous with litle and thicke pores ; as that the pores arriue neere vnto equalling the substance of the body ; then , such a body will be so filled with these litle particles of fire , that it will appeare as if there were no stoppe in its passage , but were all filled with fire ; and yet , many of these litle partes will be reflected . And whatsoeuer qnalities else we find in light , we shall be able to deriue them out of these principles , and shew that fire must of necessity doe what experience teacheth vs that light doeth . That is to say in one word , it will shew vs that fire is light . But if fire be light , then light must needes be fire . And so we leaue this matter . THE NINETH CHAPTER . Of Locall Motion in common . THOVGH in the fifth chapter , 1 we made onely earth the pretender in the controuersy against fire for superiority in actiuity ; ( and in very truth , the greatest force of grauity doth appeare in those bodies which are eminently earthy : ) neuerthelesse , both water and ayre ( as appeareth out of the fourth chapter of the Elements ) do agree with earth in hauing grauity . And grauity , is the chiefe vertue to make them efficients . So that vpon the matter , this plea is common to all the three Elements . Wherefore , to explicate this vertue , whereby these three weighty Elemēts do worke ; lett vs call to minde what we said in the beginning of the last chapter concerning locall motion : to witt that according as the body mooued , or the diuider did more and more enter into the diuided body ; so , it did ioyne it selfe to some new partes of the medium or diuided body , and did in like manner forsake others . Whence it happeneth that in euery part of motion , it possesseth a greater part of the medium then it selfe can fill att once . And because by the limitation and confinednesse of euery magnitude vnto iust what it is , and no more ; it is impossible that a lesser body should att once equallise a greater . It followeth that this diuision or motion whereby a body attaineth to fill a place bigger then it selfe , must be done successiuely : that is , it must first fill one part of the place it mooueth in , then an other ; and so proceede on , till it haue measured it selfe with euery part of the place from the first beginning of the line of motion to the last periode of it where the body resteth . By which discourse it is euident , that there can not in nature be a strength so great as to make the least or quickest mooueable that is , to passe in an instāt , or all together , ouer the least place that can be imagined : for that would make the mooued body ( remaining what it is , in regard of its biggenesse ) to equallise ad fitt a thing bigger then it is . Therefore it is manifest , that motion must consist of such partes as haue this nature ; that whiles one of them is in being , the others are not yet : and as by degrees euery new one cometh to be ; all the others that were before , do vanish and cease to be . Which circumstance accompanying motion , we call succession . 2 And whatsoeuer is so done , is said to be done in time : which is the common measure of all succession , for , the change of situation of the starrs , but especially of the sunne and moone , is obserued more or lesse by all mākind : and appeareth alike to euery man : and ( being the most knowne , constant , and vniforme succession that men are vsed vnto ) is as it were by nature it selfe sett in their way and offered vnto them as fittest to estimate and iudge all other particular successions , by comparing them both to it , and among themselues by it . And accordingly we see all men naturally measure all other successions , and expresse their quantities , by comparing them to the reuolutions of the heauens ; for dayes , houres , and yeares , are nothing else but they , or some determinate partes of them : vnto some of which , all other motions and successions must of necessity be referred , if we will measure them . And thus we see how all the mystery of applying time vnto particular motions , is nothing else but the considering how farre the Agent that mooueth the sunne , causeth it to go on in its iorney , whiles the Agent that mooueth a particular body , causeth it to performe its motion . 3 So that it is euident , that velocity is the effect of the superproportion of the one Agent ouer a certaine medium , in respect of the proportion which an other Agent hath to the same medium . And therefore , velocity is a quality by which one succession is intrinsecally distinguished from an other : though our explication , vseth to include time in the notions of velocity and tardity . Velocity then , is the effect ( as we said ) of more strength in the Agent . And hauing before expressed , that velocity is a kind of density ; wee find that this kind of density is an excellency in succession ; as permanent density , is an excellency in the nature of substance , though an imperfection in the nature of quantity ( by which we see , that quantity is a kind of base alloy added to substance . ) And out of this it is euident , that by how much the quicker the motion is in equall mediums , by so much the agent is the perfecter which causeth it to be so quicke . Wherefore , if the velocity should ascend so much as to admitt no proportion betweene the quicknesse of the one and the tardity of the other , all other circumstances being euen , excepting the difference of the agents ; then there must be no proportion betweene the agents . Nor indeed can there be any proportion betweene them though there were neuer so great differences in other circumstances , as long as those differences be within any proportion . And consequently , you see that if one agent be supposed to mooue in an instant , and an other in time ; whatsoeuer other differences be in the bodies mooued and in the mediums ; neuerthelesse the agent which causeth motion in an instant , will be infinite in respect of the agent which mooueth in time . Which is impossible : it being the nature of a body , that greater quant●ty of the same thing h●th greater vertue , then a lesse quantity hath ; and therefore , for a body to haue infinite vertue , it must haue infinite magnitude . If any should say the contrary ; affirming that infinite vertue may be in a finite body ; I aske , whether in halfe that body ( were it diuided ) the vertue would be infinite or no ? If he acknowledge that it would not ; I inferre thence , that neither in the two partes together th●re can be infinite vertue : for two finites can not compose and make vp one infinite . But if he will haue the vertue be infinite in each halfe , he therein alloweth that there is no more vertue , in the whole body then in one halfe of it : which is against the nature of bodies . Now that a body can not be infinite in greatnesse , is prooued in the second knott of Mr. whites first Dialogue of the world . And thus it is euident , that by the vertue of pure bodies there can be no motion in an instant . On the other side , 4 it followeth that there can not be so litle a force in nature , but that giuing it time enough , it will mooue the greatest weight that can be imagined : for , the thinges we treate of , being all of them quantities ; they may by diuision and multiplication , be brought vnto equality . As for example ▪ supposing the weight of a mooueable , to be a milliō of poundes ▪ and that the moouer is able to mooue the millioneth part of one of those poundes , in a million of yeares , the millioneth part of a pace , through a mediū of a certaine rarity . Now , seeing that yeares may be multiplyed so , as to equalise the force of this moouer , vnto the weight of the mooueable . It followeth cleerely that in so many millions of yeares , this force may mooue the whole weight of a million of poundes , through the determined medium in a determinate number of millions of yeares , a million of paces : for such a force is equall to the required effect ; and by consequence , if the effect should not follow , there would be a complete cause putt , and no effect result from it . But peraduenture it is needfull to illustrate this point yet further : suppose then a weight neuer so great to be A , and a force neuer so litle to be B. Now if you conceiue that some other force mooueth A , you must withall conceiue that it mooueth A some space , since all motion implyeth necessarily that it be through some space : lett that space be CD . And because a body can not be mooued in a space in an instant , but requireth some time to haue its motion performed in ; it followeth that there must be a determined time , in which the conceiued force must mooue the weight A through the space CD : lett that time be EF. Now then ; this is euident , that it is all one to say that B mooueth A , and to say that B mooueth A through a space in a time ; so that if any part of this be left out , it can not be vnderstood that B mooueth A. Therefore to expresse particularly the effect which B is to do vpon A , we must say that B must mooue A a certaine space in a certaine time . Which being so we may in the next place consider that this effect of moouing A may be diminished two wayes , eyther because the space it is to be mooued in , is lessened ; or the time taken vp in its motion , is encreased : for , as it is a greater effect , to mooue A through the space CD , in a lesse time then EF , so it is a lesse effect to moue the same A , through the space CD , in a greater time then EF ; or through a lesse space then CD in the time EF. Now then , this being supposed , that it is a lesse effect to mooue A through CD , in a greater time then EF , it followeth also , that a lesser vertue is able to mooue it through CD in a greater time then EF , then the vertue which is required to mooue it , through the same space in the time EF. Which if it be once granted ( as it can not be denyed ) then multiplying the time , as much as the vertue or force required to mooue A through CD in the time EF is greater then the force B ; in so much time , the force B will be able to mooue A through CD . Which discourse is euident , if we take it in the common termes : but if it be applyed to action , wherein physicall accidents intervene ; the artificer must haue the iudgement to prouide for them , according to the nature of his matter . 5 Vpon this last discourse doth hang the principle which gouerneth Mechanikes , to witt , that the force and the distance of weights counterpoising one an other , ought to be reciprocall . That is , that by how much the one weight is heauyer then the other , by so much must the distance of the lighter from the fixed point vpon which they are mooued , be greater then the distance of the greater weight from the same point : for it is plaine that the weight which is more distant , must be mooued a greater space , then the neerer weight , in the proportion of the two distāces . Wherefore , the force moouing it must carry it in a velocity of the said proportion to the velocity of the other . And consequently , the Agent or moouer , must be in that proportion more powerfull then the contrary moouer . And out of this practise of Geometricians in Mechanikes ( which is confirmed by experience ) it is made euident that if other conditions be equall , the excesse of so much grauity will make so much velocity . And so much velocity in proportion , will recompence so much grauity . Out of the precedent conclusions , 6 an other followeth : which is , that nothing recedeth frō quiet or rest , and attaineth a great degree of celerity , but it must passe through all the degrees of celerity that are below the obtained degree . And the like is , in passing from any lesser degree of velocity vnto a greater : because it must passe through all the intermediate degrees of velocity . For by the declaration of velocity which we haue euen now made , we see that there is as much resistance in the medium to be ouercome with speede , as there is for it to be ouercome in regard of the quantity , or line of extent of it : because ( as we haue said ) the force of the Agent in counterpoises , ought to be encreased as much as the line of extent of the medium which is to be ouercome by the Agent in equall time , doth exceede the line of extent of the medium , along which the resistent body is to be mooued . Wherefore , it being prooued that no line of extent , can be ouercome in an instant , it followeth that no defect of velocity which requireth as great a superproportion in the cause , can be ouercome likewise in an instant . And by the same reason by which we prooue that a mooueable can not be drawne in an instant from a lower degree of velocity to a higher , it is with no lesse euidence concluded that no degree of velocity can be attained in an instant : for diuide that degree of velocity into two halfes , and if the Agent had ouercome the one halfe , he could not ouercome the other halfe in an instant : much lesse therefore is he able to ouercome the whole ( that is , to reduce the mooueable from quiet to the said degree of velocity ) in an instant . An other reason may be , because the moouers themselues ( such moouers as we treate of here ) are bodies likewise mooued , and do consist of partes : whereof not euery one part , but a competent number of them , doth make the moouing body to be a fitt Agent able to mooue the proposed body in a proposed degree of celerity . Now this Agent meeting with resistance in the mooueable , and not being in the vtmost extremity of density , but condensable yet further , ( because it is a body ; ) and that euery resistance ( be it neuer so small ) doth worke something vpon the moouer ( though neuer so hard ) to condense it ; the partes of the moouer that are to ouercome this resistance in the mooueable , must ( to worke that effect ) be condensed and brought together as close as is needefull , by this resistance of the mooueable to the moouer ; and so , the remote partes of the moouer , become neerer to the mooueable , which can not be done but successiuely , because it includeth locall motion . And this application being likewise diuisible , and not all the partes flocking together in an instant to the place where they are to exercise their power ; it followeth , that whiles there are fewer moouing partes knitt together , they must needes mooue lesse and more weakely , then when more or all of them are assembled and applyed to that worke . So that , the motiue vertue encreasing thus in proportion to the multiplying of the partes applyed to cause the motion ; of necessity , the effect ( which is obedience to be mooued , and quicknesse of motion in the mooueable ) must do so too : that is , it must from nothing , or from rest , passe through all the degrees of celerity vntill it arriue to that which all the partes together are able to cause . As for example , when with my hand I strike a ball ; till my hand toucheth it , it is in quiet ; but then , it beginneth to mooue ; yet with such resistance , that although it obey in some measure the stroke of my hand , neuerthelesse it presseth the yielding flesh of my palme backwardes towardes the vpper and bony part of it . That part then ouertaking the other , by the continued motion of my hand ; and both of them ioyning together to force the ball away ; the impulse becometh stronger , then att the first touching of it . And the longer it presseth vpon it , the more the partes of my hand do condense and vnite themselues to exercise their force ; and the ball therefore must yield the more ; and consequently , the motion of it groweth quicker and quicker , till my hand parteth from it . Which condensation of the partes of my hand encreasing successiuely by the partes ioyning closer to one an other , the velocity of the balles motion ( which is an effect of it ) must also encrease proportionably thereunto . And in like manner , the motion of my hand and arme , must grow quicker and quicker and passe all the degrees of velocity betweene rest and the vtmost degree it attaineth vnto : for seeing they are the spirits swelling the nerues , that cause the armes motion , ( as we shall hereafter shew ; ) vpon its resistance , they flocke from other partes of the body to ouercome that resistance . And since their iourney thither requireth time to performe it in ; and that the neerest come first ; it must needes follow , that as they grow more and more in number , they must more powerfully ouercome the resistance ; and consequently , encrease the velocity of the motion , in the same proportion as they flocke thither ; vntill it attaine that degree of velocity , which is the vtmost periode that the power , which the Agent hath to ouercome the resistance of the medium , can bring it selfe vnto . Betweene which and rest , or any inferiour degree of velocity , there may be designed infinite intermediate degrees , proportionable to the infinite diuisibility of time , and space in which the moouer doth moue . Which degrees do arise out of the reciprocall yielding of the medium . And that is likewise diuisible in the same infinite proportion . Since then , the power of all naturall Agents is limited ; the moouer ( be it neuer so powerfull ) must be confined to obserue these proportions ; and can not passe ouer all these infinite designable degrees in an instant ; but must allott some time ( which hath a like infinity of designable partes ) to ballance this infinity of degrees of velocity : and so consequently , it requireth time , to attaine vnto any determinate degree . And therefore can not recede immediately from rest vnto any degree of celerity ; but must necessarily passe through all the intermediate ones . Thus it is euident that all motion which hath a beginning must of necessity encrease for some time . And since the workes of nature are in proportion to their causes , it followeth that this encrease is in a determinate proportion . Which Galileus ( vnto whom we owe the greatest part of what is knowne concerning motion ) teacheth vs how to find out ; and to discouer what degree of celerity any mooueable that is moued by nature , hath in any determinate part of the space it moueth in . Hauing settled these conditions of motion ; 7 we shall do well in the next place to enquire after the causes of it : as well in the body moued , as also in the mouer that occasioneth the motion . And because we haue already shewed , that locall motion is nothing in substance but diuision : we may determine that those causes which contribute to diuision , or resist it , are the causes which make , or resist locall motion . It hath also beene said , that Density hath in it a power of diuiding ; and that Rarity is the cause of being diuided ; likewise we haue said that fire , by reason of its small partes , into which it may be cutt ( which maketh them sharpe ) hath also an eminence in diuiding : so that we haue two qualites , density and tenuity or sharpnesse which concurre actiuely to diuision . We haue told you also how Galileus hath demonstrated that a greater quantity of the same figure and density , hath a priuiledge of descending faster then a lesser . And that priuiledge consisteth in this , that the proportion of the superficies to the body it limiteth ( which proportion the greater it is , the more it retardeth ) is lesse in a greater bulke then in a smaller . We haue therefore three conditions concurring to make the motion more efficacious : namely , the density , the sharpenesse , and the bulke of the mooueable . And more then these three , we can not expect to find in a moued body : for quantity hath but three determinations : one , by density and rarity ; of which , density is one of the three conditions : an other , by its partes ; as by a foote , a spanne , and in this way wee haue found that the greater excelleth the lesser : the third and last , is by its figure ; and in this we find that subtile or edged quantities do preuayle ouer blunt ones . Seeing therefore , that these three determinations be all that are in quantity ; there can be no more conditions in the body moued ( which of necessity is a finite quantity ) but the three named . And as for the medium which is to be diuided , there is onely rarity and density ( the one , to helpe ; the other , to hinder , ) that require consideration on its side . For neither figure , nor littlenesse and greatnesse , do make any variation in it . And as for the Agent , it is not as yet time , before we haue looked further int● the nature of motion , to determine his qualities . 8 Now then lett vs reflect how these three conditions do all agree in this circumstance , that they helpe nothing to diuision , vnlesse the body in which they are , be moued and pressed against the body that is to be diuided , so that we see no principle to persuade vs , that any body can mooue it selfe towards any determinate part or place of the vniuerse , of its owne intrinsecall inclination . For besides that the learned Author of the Dialogues de Mundo ( in his third Dialogue , and the second knott ) hath demonstrated that a body can not mooue vnlesse it be mooued by some extrinsecall Agent ; we may easily frame vnto our selues a conceite , of how absurd it is to thinke that a body by a quality in it can worke vpon it selfe : as if wee should say , that rarity ( which is but more quantity ) could worke vpon quantity ; or that figure ( which is but that the body reacheth no further ) could worke vpon the body : and in generall , that the manner of any thing , can worke vpon that thing whose manner it is . For Aristotle and St. Thomas , and their intelligent commentatours , declaring the notion of Quality ; tell vs that to be a Quality is nothing else but to be the determination or modification of the thing whose quality it is . Besides , that the naturall manner of operation is , to worke according to the capacity of the subiect : but when a body is in the middest of an vniforme medium or space , the subiect is equally prepared on all sides to receiue the action of that body . Wherefore ( though we should allow it a force to mooue ) if it be a naturall Agent , and haue no vnderstanding , it must worke indifferently on all sides , and by consequence , can not mooue on any side . For if you say that the Agent in this case ( where the medium is vniforme ) worketh rather vpon one side then vpon an other ; it must be because this determination is within the Agent it selfe , and not out of the circumstant dispositions : which is the manner of working of those substances that worke for an end of their owne ; that is , of vnderstanding creatures , and not of naturall bodies . Now he that would exactly determine what motion a body hath , or is apt to haue ; 9 determining by supposition the force of the Agent , must calculate the proportions of all these three conditions of the mooueable , and the quality of the medium : which is a proceeding too particular for the intention of our discourse . But to speake in common , it will not be amisse to examine in what proportion , motion doth encrease ; since we haue concluded that all motion proceedeth from quiet by a continuall encrease . Galileus ( that miracle of our age , and whose witt was able to discouer whatsoeuer he had a mind to employ it about ) hath told vs that naturall motion , encreaseth in the proportion of the odde numbers . Which to expresse by example , is thus : suppose that in the going of the first yard it hath one degree of velocity , then in the going of the second yard it will haue three degrees , and in going the third it will haue fiue : and so onwardes , still adding two to the degrees of the velocity for euery one of the space . Or to expresse it more plainely ; if in the first minute of time it goeth one yard of space , then in the next minute it will goe three yardes , in the third it will goe fiue , in the fourth seauen , and so forth . But we must enlarge this proposition , vnto all motions , ( as we haue done the former , of the encrease it selfe in velocity ; ) because the reason of it is common to all motions . Which is ; that all motion ( as may appeare out of what we haue formerly said ) proceedeth from two causes ; namely , the Agent or the force that mooueth ; and the disposition of the body mooued , as it is composed of the three qualities we lately explicated . In which is to be noted , that the Agent doth not mooue simply by its owne vertue , but it applyeth also the vertue of the body mooued , which it hath to diuide the medium when it is putt on . As when we cutt with a knife , the effect proceedeth from the knife pressed on by the hand ; or from the hand as applying and putting in action the edge and cutting power of the knife . Now this in Physickes and nature is cleerely parallel to what in Geometry and Arithmetike the Mathematicians call drawing one number or one side into an other ; for as in Mathematikes , to draw one number into an other is to apply the number drawne vnto euery part of the number into which it is drawne ; as if we draw three into seuen we make twenty one , by making euery vnity or part of the number seuen to be three : and the like is of lines in Geometry . So in the present case , to euery part of the handes motion we adde the whole vertue of the cutting faculty which is in the knife , and to euery part of the motion of the knife , we adde the whole pressing vertue of the hand . Therefore the encrease of the effect proceeding from two causes so working , must also be parallel to the encrease of the quantities arising out of the like drawing in Mathematikes . But in those , it is euident that the encrease is according to the order of the odde numbers , and therefore it must in our case be the like : that is , the encrease must be in the said proportion of odde numbers . Now that in those , the encrease proceedeth so , will be euident , if you consider the encrease of an Equicrure triangle ; which because it goeth vpon a certaine proportion of length and breadth , if you compare the encreases of the whole triangle ( that gaineth on each side ) with the encreases of the perpendicular ( which gaineth onely in length ) you will see that they still proceede in the foresaid proportion of odde numbers . 10 But we must not imagine , that the velocity of motion will alwayse encrease thus for as long as we can fancy any motion : but when it is arriued vnto the vtmost periode that such a mooueable with such causes is capable of then it keepeth constantly the same pace , and goeth equally and vniformely att the same rate . For since the density of the mooueable , and the force of the Agent mouing it , ( which two , do cause the motion ) haue a limited proportion to the resistance of the medium , how yielding soeuer it be ; it must needes follow , that when the motion is arriued vnto that height which ariseth out of this proportion , it can not exceede it , but must continue at that rate , vnlesse some other cause giue yet a greater impulse to the moueable . For velocity consisting in this , that the moueable cutteth through more of the medium in an equall time ; it is euident , that in the encrease of velocity , the resistance of the medium , which is ouercome by it ; groweth greater and greater , and by litle and litle gaineth vpon the foree of the Agent ; so that the superproportion of the Agent , groweth still lesser and lesser , as the velocity encreaseth : and therefore , att the length they must come to be ballanced . And then , the velocity can encrease no more . And the reason of the encrease of it , for a while att the beginning , is because that coming from rest it must passe , through all the intermediate degrees of velocity before it can attaine to the height of it , which requireth time to performe , and therefore falleth vnder the power of our sense to obserue . But because we see it do so for some time , we must not therefore conclude that the nature of such motion , is still to encrease without any periode or limit ; like those lines that perpetually grow neerer , and yet can neuer meete : for we see that our reason examining the causes of this velocity , assureth vs that in continuance of time and space , it may come to its height , which it can not exceede . And there , would be the pitch att which distance weights being lett fall , would giue the greatest stroakes and make greatest impressions . It is true that Galileus and Mersenius ( two exact experimenters ) do thinke they find this verity by their experiences . But surely that is impossible to be done ; for the encrease of velocity being in a proportion euer diminishing ; it must of necessity come to an insensible encrease in proportion before it endeth : for the space which the moueable goeth through , is still encreased ; and the time wherein it passeth through that space , remaineth still the same litle one as was taken vp in passing a lesse space immediately before ; and such litle differences of great spaces passed ouer in a litle time , come soone to be vndiscernable by sense . But reason ( which sheweth vs , that if velocity neuer ceased from encreasing , it would in time arriue to exceede any particular velocity ; and by consequence , the proportion which the moouer hath to the medium ; because of the adding still a determinate part to its velocity ) concludeth plainely that it is impossible , motion should encrease for euer , without coming to a periode . Now the impression which falling weights do make , 11 is of two kindes ; for the body into which impression is made , either can yield backward , or it can not . If it can yield backward , then the impression made is a motion : as we see a stroak with a rackett vpon a ball , or with a pailemaile beetle vpon a boule , maketh it fly from it . But if the strucken body can not yield backwardes , then it maketh it yield on the sides . And this , in diuerse manners : for if the smitten body be dry and brittle , it is subiect to breake it , and make the pieces fly round about : but if it be a tough body , it squeeseth it into a larger forme . But because the effect in any of these wayse is eminently greater then the force of the Agēt seemeth to be ; it is worth our labour to looke into the causes of it . To which end we may remember how we haue already declared that the force of the velocity is equall to a reciprocall force of weight in the vertue mouent : wherefore the effect of a blow that a man giueth with a hammer , dependeth vpon the weight of the hammer , vpon the velocity of the motion , and vpon the hand , in case the hand accompanieth the blow . But if the motion of the hand ceaseth before ( as when we throw a thing ) then onely the velocity and the weight of the hammer remaine to be considered . Howsoeuer , lett vs putt the hand and weight in one summe which we may equalise by some other vertue or weight . Then lett vs consider the way or space , which a weight lying vpon the thing is to goe forwardes to do the same effect in the same time as the percussion doeth . And what excesse the line of the blow , hath ouer the line of that way or space ; such an excesse we must adde of equall weight or force , to the weight we had already taken . And the weight composed of both , will be a fitt Agent to make the like impression . This Probleme was proposed vnto me by that worthy religious man , Father Mersenius : who is not content with aduancing learning by his owne industry and labours ; but besides , is alwayse ( out of his generous affection to verity ) inciting others to contribute to the publike stocke of it . He proposed to me likewise this following question , to witt why there is required a weight of water in double Geometricall proportion , to make a pipe runne twice as fast as it did , or to haue twice as much water runne out in the same time ? Vnto which I answere out of the same ground as before . That because in running twice as fast , there goeth out double water in euery part of time ; and againe , euery part of water goeth a double space in the same part of time ; that is to say because double the celerity is drawne into double the water , and double the water into double the celerity ; therefore , the present effect is to the former effect , as the effect or quadrate of a double line drawne into it selfe , is , to the effect or quadrate of halfe the said line drawne into it selfe . And consequently the cause , of the latter effect ( which is the weight then ) must be to the cause of the former effect ( that is , to the former weight ) in the same proportion ; namely as the quadrate of a double line , is to the quadrate of halfe that line . And so you see the reason of what he by experience findeth to be true . Though I doubt not but when he shall sett out the treatise , which he hath made of this subiect ; the reader will haue better satisfaction . In the meane while , an experience which Galileo deliuereth , will confirme this doctrine . He sayth that to make the same pendant goe twice as fast as it did , or to make euery vndulation of it in halfe the time it did ; you must make the line att which it hangeth , double in Geometricall proportion , to the line att which it hanged before . Whence it followeth that the circle by which it goeth , is likewise in double Geometricall proportion . And this being certaine , that celerity to celerity hath the proportion of force , which weight hath to weight ; it is euident , that as in one case there must be weight in Geometricall proportion ; so in the other case , where onely celerity maketh the variance , the celerity must be in double Geometricall proportion , according as Galileo findeth it by experience . But to returne to our maine intent , there is to be further noted , that if the subiect strucken be of a proportionate cessibility , it seemeth to dull and deaden the stroake : whereas , if the thing strucken be hard the stroake seemeth to loose no force , but to worke a greater effect . Though indeed the truth be , that in both cases the effects are equall ; but diuerse according to the natures of the thinges that are strucken ; for no force that once is in nature , can be lost ; but must haue its adequate effect , one way or other . Lett vs then first suppose the body strucken to be a hard body of no exceeding biggnesse : in which case , if the stroake light perpendiculary vpon it , it will carry such a body before it . But if the body be too great , and haue its partes so conioyned , as that they are weaker thē the stroake ; in this case , the stroake driueth one part before it , and so breaketh it from the rest . But lastly , if the partes of the strucken body be so easily cessible as without difficulty the stroake can diuide them , then it entereth into such a body vntill it hath spent its force . So that now making vp our account ; we see that an equall effect proceedeth from an equall force , in all the three cases ; though in themselues , they be farre different . But we are apt to account that effect greater , which is more considerable vnto vs , by the profitt or damage it bringeth vs. And therefore , we vsually say , that the blow which shaketh a wall , or beateth it downe , and killeth men with the stones it scattereth abroad ; hath a greater effect then that which penetrateth farre into a mudde wall , and doth litle harme : for that innocuousnesse of the effect , maketh that although in it selfe it be as great as the other , yet it is litle obserued or considered . This discourse draweth on an other : 12 which is to declare how motion ceaseth . And to summe that vp in short , we say that when motion cometh vnto rest , it decreaseth and passeth through all the degrees of celerity and tardity that are betweene rest , and the height of that motion , which so declineth . And that , in the proportion of the odde numbers ; as we declared aboue that it did encrease . The reason is cleare : because that which maketh a motion cease , is the resistance it findeth : which resistance , is an action of a moouer that mooueth some thing against the body which is mooued , or some thing equiualent to such an action : wherefore it must follow the lawes that are common to all motions : of which kind those two are that we haue expressed in this conclusion . Now , that resistance is a countermotion , or equiualent to one ; is plaine by this ; that any body which is pressed , must needes presse againe vpon the body that presseth it ; wherefore the cause that hindereth such a body from yielding , is a force mouing that body , against the body which presseth it . The particulars of all which we shall more att large declare , where we speake of the action and reaction of particular bodies . THE TENTH CHAPTER . Of Grauity and Leuity ; and of Locall Motion , commonly termed Naturall . 1 IT is now time to consider that distinction of motions which is so famous in Aristotle ; to witt , that some motions are naturall , others violent : and to determine what may be signifyed by these termes . For seeing we haue said that no body hath a naturall intrinsecall inclination vnto any place , to which it is able to moue it selfe ; we must needes conclude that the motion of euery body followeth the percussion , of extrinsecall Agents . It seemeth therefore impossible that any body should haue any motion naturall to it selfe . And if there be none naturall , there can be none violent . And so this distinction will vainsh to nothing . But on the other side , liuing creatures do manifesty shew naturall motions , hauing naturall instruments to performe certaine motions : wherefore such motions must of necessity be naturall to them . But these are not the motions , which we are to speake of ; for Aristotles diuision is common to all bodies ; or att the least , to all those we conuerse withall : and particulary , to those which are called heauy and light : which two termes , passe through all the bodies we haue notice of . Therefore , proceeding vpon our groundes before layed ; to witt , that no body can be mooued of it selfe ; wee may determine those motions to be naturall vnto bodies which haue constant causes , or percutients to make them alwayse in such bodies : and those violent , which are contrary to such naturall motions . Which being supposed , we must search out the causes that so constantly make some bodies descend towardes the center or middle of the earth ; and others to rise and goe from the center : by which , the world is subiect to those restlesse motions that keepe all thinges in perpetuall fluxe , in this changeing sphere of action and passion . 2 Lett vs then begin with considering what effects the sunne ( which is a constant and perpetuall cause ) worketh vpon inferior bodies , by his being regularly sometimes present and sometimes absent . Obserue , in a pott of water hanging ouer a fire , how the heate maketh some partes of the water to ascend , and others to supply the roome by descending ; so that as long as it boyleth , it is in a perpetuall confused motion vp and downe . Now hauing formely cōcluded that fire is light , and light is fire ; it can not be doubted but that the sunne doth serue instead of fire to our globe of earth and water , ( which may be fittly compared to the boyling pott ; ) and all the day long draweth vapors from those bodies that his beames strike vpon . For he shooting his little darts of fire , in multitudes , and in continued streames , from his owne center , against the Python the earth we liue on ; they do there ouertake one an other , and cause some degree of heate as farre as they sinke in . But not being able ( by reason of their great expansion in their long iorney ) to conuert it into their owne nature and sett it on fire , ( which requireth a high degree of condensation of the beames ) they do but pierce and diuide it very subtilely , and cutt some of the outward partes of it into extreme litle atomes . Vnto which they sticking very close , and being in a manner incorporated with them ( by reason of the moisture that is in thē ) they do in their rebound backe from the earth carry them along with them ; like a ball that struck against a moist wall , doth in its returne from it , bring backe some of the mortar sticking vpon it . For the distance of the earth from the sunne , is not the vtmost periode of these nimble bodies flight ; so that , when by this solide body they are stopped in their course forwardes on , they leape backe from it , and carry some litle partes of it with them : some of them , a farther ; some of them , a shorter iorney ; according as their litlenesse and rarity , make them fitt to ascend . As is manifest by the consent of all authors that write of the regions of the ayre ; who determine the lower region to reach as farre as the reflexion of the sunne ; and conclude this region to be very hoat . For if we marke how the heate of fire is greatest , when it is incorporated in some dense body , ( as in iron or in seacoale ) we shall easily conceiue that the heate of this region proceedeth mainely out of the incorporation of light with those litle bodies which sticke to it in its reflexion . And experience testifyeth the same , both in our sultry dayes , which we see are of a grosse temper , and ordinarily goe before raine : as also in the hoat springes of extreme cold countries , where the first heates are vnsufferable ; which proceede out of the resolution of humidity congealed : and in hoat windes , ( which the Spaniards call Bochornos from Boca de horno by allusion to the breathing steame of an ouen when it is opened ) which do manifestly shew that the heate of the sunne is incorporated in the litle bodies , which compose the steame of that wind . And by the principles we haue already layed , the same would be euident ; though we had no experience to instruct vs ; for seeing that the body of fire is dry , the wett partes ( which are easilyest resolued by fire ) must needes sticke vnto them , 3 and accompany them in their returne from the earth . Now whiles these ascend , the ayre must needes cause others that are of a grosser complexion to descend as fast , to make roome for the former and to fill the places they left , that there may be no vacuity in nature . And to find what partes they are and from whence they come , that succeede in the roome of light and atomes glewed together that thus ascend ; we may take a hinte from the maxime of the Optikes , that light reflecting maketh equall angles ; whence , supposing the superficies of the earth to be circular , it will follow that a perpendicular to the center passeth iust in the middle betweene the two rayes ; the incident and the reflected . Wherefore the ayre betweene these two rayes , and such dodies as are in it being equally pressed on both sides ; those bodies which are iust in the middle , are neerest and likelyest to succeede immediately in the roome of the light and atomes which ascend from the superficies of the earth : and their motion to that point , is vpon the perpendicular . Hence it is euident , that the ayre and all such bodies as descend to supply the place of light and atomes , which ascend from the earth , do descend perpendicularly towardes the center of the earth . And againe such bodies as by the force of light being cutt from the earth or water , do not ascend in forme of light , but do incorporate a hidden light and heate within them ; ( and thereby are rarer then these descending bodies ) must of necessity be lifted vp by the descent of those denser bodies that goe downewardes , because they ( by reason of their density ) are mooued with a greater force . And this lifting vp , must be in a perpendicular line ; because the others descending on all sides perpendicularly , must needes raise those that are betweene them equally from all sides : that is , perpendicularly from the center of the earth . And thus we see a motion sett on foote , of some bodies continually descending , and others continually ascending : all in perpendicular lines , excepting those which follow the course of lights reflexion . Againe as soone as the declining sunne groweth weaker or leaueth our horizon , and that his beames vanishing do leaue the litle horsemen which rode vpon them , to their owne temper and nature ( from whence they forced them ; ) they finding themselues surrounded by a smart descending streame , do tumble downe againe in the night , as fast as in the day they were carryed vp ; and crowding into their former habitations , they exclude those that they find had vsurped them in their absence . And thus , all bodies within reach of the sunnes power , but especially our ayre , are in perpetuall motion ; the more rarifyed ones ascending , and the dense ones descending . 4 Now thē , because no bodies wheresoeuer they be ( as we haue already shewed ) haue any inclination to moue towardes a particular place , otherwise thē as they are directed and impelled by extrinsecall Agēts : lett vs suppose that a body were placed att liberty in the opē ayre . And then casting whether it would be mooued from the place we suppose it in ; and which way it would be mooued ; we shall find that it must of necessity happen that it shall descend and fall downe till it meete with some other grosse body to stay and support it . For although of it selfe it would mooue no way : yet if we find that any other body striketh efficaciously enough vpon it ; we can not doubt but that it will mooue that way which the striking body impelleth it . Now it is strucken vpon on both sides ( aboue and below ) by the ascending , and the descending atomes , the rare ones , striking vpon the bottome of it , and driuing it vpwardes , and the denser ones , pressing vpon the toppe of it and bearing it downewardes . But if you compare the impressions that the denser atomes make , with those that proceede from the rare ones ; it is euident that the dense ones must be the more powerfull ; and therefore will assuredly determine the motion of the body in the ayre , that way they goe ; which is downewardes . Nor neede we feare , least the litlenesse of the agents , or the feeblenesse of their stroakes , should not be sufficient to worke this effect ; since there is no resistance in the body it selfe , and the ayre is continually cutt in pieces , by the sunne beames , and by the motions of litle bodies ; so that the adhesion vnto ayre of the body to be mooued , will be no hinderance to this motion : especially , considering the perpetuall new percussions , and the multitude of them ▪ and how no force is so litle , but that with time and multiplication it will ouercome any resistance . But if any man desireth to looke vpon , 5 as it were att one view ; the whole chaine of this doctrine of grauity : lett him turne the first cast of his eyes vpon what we haue said of fire when we explicated the nature of it . To witt ; that it beginneth from a litle source ; and by extreme multiplication and rarefaction , it extendeth it selfe into a great sphere . And then he will perceiue the reason why light is darted from the body of the sunne with that incredible celerity , wherewith its beames flye to visite the remotest partes of the world ; and how , of necessity , it giueth motion to all circumstant bodies ; since it is violently thrust forward by so extreme a rarefaction ; and the further it goeth , is still the more rarifyed and dilated . Next , lett him reflect how infinitely the quickenesse of lights motion , doth preuent the motion of a moist body , such an one as ayre is : and then he will plainely see , that the first motion which light is able to giue vnto the ayre , must needes be a swelling of that moist element , perpendicularly round about the earth ; for , the ray descendent , and the ray reflectent , flying with so great a speede , that the ayre betweene them can not take a formall plye any way before the beames of light be on both sides of it : it followeth , that according to the nature of humide thinges , it must first onely swell : for that is the beginning of motion in them , when heate entereth into them , and worketh vpon them . And thus he may confidently resolue himselfe , that the first motion which light causeth in the ayre , will be a swelling of it betweene the two rayes towardes the middle of them . That is ; perpendicularly from the surface of the earth . And out of this , he will likewise plainely see , that if there be any other litle dense bodies floating in the ayre , they must likewise mount a litle , through this swelling and rising of the ayre . But that mounting will be no more then the immediate partes of the ayre themselues do moue . Because this motion is not by way of impulse or stroake that the ayre giueth those denser bodies ; but by way of containing them in it , and carrying them with it , ●o that it giueth them no more celerity , then to make them go with it selfe , and as partes of it selfe . Then , lett him consider , that light or fire , by much beating vpon the earth , diuideth some litle partes of it from others : whereof if any do become so small and tractable , as not to exceede the strength which the rayes haue to manage them ; the returning rayes , will att their going backe , carry away with them or driue before them , such litle atomes as they haue made or meete with : and so fill the ayre with litle bodies cutt out of the earth . After this , lett him consider that when light carrieth vp an atome with it , the light and the atome do sticke together , and do make one ascending body ; in such sort as when an empty dish lyeth vpon the water , the ayre in the dish maketh one descendent body together with the dish it selfe : so that the density of the whole body of ayre and dish ( which in this case , are but as one body ) is to be esteemed according to the density of the two partes ; one of them being allayed by the other , as if the whole were throughout of such a proportion of density , as would arise out of the composition and kneading together the seuerall densities of those two partes . Now then , when these litle compounded bodies of light and earth , are carried vp to a determinate height ; the partes of fire or light , do by litle and litle breake away from them : and thereby , the bulke of the part which is left , becometh of a different degree of density ( quantity for quantity ) from the bulke of the entire atome , when light was part of it : and consequently it is denser then it was . Besides , lett him consider that when these bodies ascend ; they do goe from a narrow roome to a large one , that is , from the centerwardes to the circumference : but when they come downe againe , they goe from a larger part to a narrower . Whence it followeth , that as they descend , they draw closer and closer together , and by consequence , are subiect to meete and to fall in , one with an other ; and thereby , to encrease their bulke , and to become more powerfull in density ; not onely , by the losse of their fire ; but also by the encrease of their quantity . And so it is euident , that they are denser , coming downe , then going vp . Lastly , lett him consider , that those atomes which went vp first , and are parted from their volatile companions of fire or light , must begin to come downe apace , when other new atomes ( which still haue their light incorporated with them ) do ascend to where they are , and do goe beyond them by reason of their greater leuity . And as the latter atomes come vp with a violence and a great celerity , so must the first goe downe with a smart impulse : and by consequence , being more dense then the ayre in which they are carryed , must of necessity cutt their way through that liquide and rare medium ; and goe the next way to supply the defect and roome of the atomes which ascend ; ( that is , perpendicularly to the earth ) and giue the like motion to any body they find in their way , if it be susceptible of such a motion : which it is euident that all bodies are , vnlesse they be strucken by some contrary impulse . For since that a bodies being in a place , is nothing else but the continuity of its outside to the inside of the body that containeth it and is its place ; it can haue no other repugnance to locall motion ( which is nothing else but a successiue changing of place ) besides this continuity . Now the nature of density , being the power of diuiding ; and euery least power , hauing some force and efficacy , ( as we haue shewed aboue ) it followeth that the stroake of euery atome ( eyther descending , or ascending ) will worke some thing vpon any body ( though neuer so bigge ) it chanceth to encounter with , and strike vpon in its way , vnlesse there be as strong an impulse the contrary way , to oppose it . But it being determined , that the descending atomes are denser then those that ascend ; it followeth , that the descending ones will preuayle . And consequently , all dense bodies must necessarily tend downewardes , to the center ( which is , to be Heauy ) if some other more dense body do not hinder them . Out of this discourse , 6 we may conclude that there is no such thing among bodies , as positiue grauity or leuity : but that their course vpwardes or downewardes happeneth vnto them by the order of nature , which by outward causes giueth them an impulse one of these wayes : without which , they would rest quietly wheresoeuer they are , as being of themselues indifferent to any motion . But because our wordes expresse our notions , and they are framed according to what appeareth vnto vs ; when we obserue any body to descend constantly towardes our earth , we call it heauy ; and if it mooue contrarywise , we call it light . But we must take heed of considering such grauity and leuity as if they were Entities that worke such effects : since vpon examination , it appeareth that these wordes are but short expressions of the effects themselues : the causes whereof , the vulgar of mankinde ( who impose names to thinges ) do not consider ; but leaue that worke vnto Philosophers to examine ; whiles they onely obserue , what they see done ; and agree vpon wordes to expresse that . Which wordes neither will in all circumstances alwayes agree to the same thing ; for as corke doth descend in ayre and ascend in water ; so also will any other body descend if it lighteth among others more rare then it selfe , and will ascend if it lighteth among bodies that are more dense then it . And we terme bodies light and heauy , onely according to the course , which we vsually see them take . Now proceeding further on ; 7 and considering how there are various degrees of density or grauity : it were irrationall to conceiue , that all bodies should descend att the same rate , and keepe equall pace with one an other , in their iourney downewardes . For as two knifes whereof one hath a keener edge then the other , being pressed with equall strength into like yielding matter , the sharper will cutt deeper then the other : so , if of two bodies one be more dense then the other ; that which is so , will cutt the ayre more powerfully , and will descend faster then the other : for in this case , density may be compared to the knifes edge , since in it consisteth the power of diuiding ; as we haue heretofore determined . And therefore , the pressing them downewardes by the descending atomes , being equall in both ( or peraduenture greater in the more dense body ; as anone we shall haue occasion to touch ) and there being no other cause to determine them that way ; the effect of diuision must be the greater , where the diuider is the more powerfull . Which , the more dense body is ; and therefore cutteth more strongly through the resistance of the ayre ; and consequently , passeth more swiftly that way it is determined to mooue . 8 I do not meane , that the velocities of their descent shall be in the same proportion to one an other , as their densities are : for besides their density , those other considerations which we haue discoursed of aboue when we examined the causes of velocity in motion , must likewise be ballanced . And out of the comparison of all them ; not out of the consideration of any one alone , resulteth the differences of their velocities : ( and that neither , but in as much as concerneth the consideration of the mooueables : for to make the calculation exact , the medium must likewise be considered ; as by and by we shall declare ) for since the motion dependeth of all them together ; although there should be difference betweene the mooueables in regard of one onely , and that the rest were equall ; yet the proportion of the difference of their motions , must not follow the proportion of their difference in that one regard : because their difference considered single in that regard will haue one proportion ; and with the addition of the other considerations ( though alike in both ) to their difference in this , they will haue an other . As for example , reckon the density of one mooueable to be double the density of an other mooueable ; so that in that regard it hath two degrees of power to descend , whereas the other hath but one : suppose then the other causes of their descent to be alike in both , and reckon them all three : and then ioyne these three to the one which is caused by the density in one of the mooueables , as likewise to the two , which is caused by the density in the other mooueable : and you will find that thus altogether , their difference of power to descend is no longer in a double proportion ( as it would be , if nothing but their density were considered ) but is in the proportion of fiue to foure . But after we haue considered all that concerneth the mooueables , we are then to cast an eye vpon the medium they are to mooue in ; and we shall find the addition of that , to decrease the proportion of their difference , exceedingly more ; according to the cessibility of the medium . Which if it be ayre ; the great disproportion of its weight , to the weight of those bodies which men vse to take in making experiences of their descent in that yielding medium ; will cause their difference of velocity in descending , to be hardly perceptible . Euen as the difference of a sharpe or dull knife , which is easily perceiued in cutting of flesh or bread , is not to be distinguished in diuiding of water or oyle . And likewise in weights , a pound and a scruple will beare downe a dramme in no sensible proportion of velocity more then a pound alone would do : and yet putt a pound in that scale instead of the dramme , and then the difference of the scruple will be very notable . So then , those bodies , whose difference of descending in water is very sensible ( because of the greater proportion of weight in water , to the bodies that descend in it ) will yield no sensible difference of velocity when they descend in ayre , by reason of the great disproportion of weight betweene ayre and the bodies that descend in it . The reason of this will clearely shew it selfe in abstracted proportions . Thus ; suppose ayre to haue one degree of density , and water to haue 400 : then lett the mooueable A haue 410 degrees of density ; and the mooueable B haue 500. Now compare their motion to one an other in the seuerall mediums of ayre and water . The exuperance of the density of A to water is 10 degrees , but the exuperace of B , vnto the same water , is 100 degrees ; so that B must mooue in water , swifter then A , in the proportion of 100 to tenne ; that is , of 10 to one . Then lett vs compre the exuperance of the two mooueables ouer ayre . A is 409 times more dense then ayre ; but B is 499 times more dense then it . By which account , the motion of B , must be in that medium swifter then the motion of A , in the proportion of 499 to 409 : that is , about 50 , to 41 : which ( to auoyde fractions ) we may account as 10 to 8. But in water they exceede one an other as 10 to one : so that their difference of velocity , must be scarce perceptible in ayre in respect of what it is in water . Out of all which discourse , I onely inferre in common that a greater velocity in motion , will follow the greater density of the mooueable ; without determining here their proportions : which I leaue vnto them , who make that examination their taske : for thus much serueth my present turne : wherein I take a suruay of nature , but in grosse . And my chiefe drift in this particular is onely to open the way for the discouering how bodies that of themselues haue no propension vnto any determinate place ; do neuerthelesse mooue constantly and perpetually one way ; the dense ones descending , and the rare ones ascending : not by any intrinsecall quality that worketh vpon them ; but by the oeconomy of nature , that hath sett on foote due and plaine causes to produce knowne effects . Here we must craue patience of the great soule of Galileo ( whose admirable learning all posterity must reuerence ) whiles we reprehend in him , 9 that which we can not terme lesse then absurd : and yet , he not onely mainetaineth it in seuerall places , but also professeth Dial. P o de motu . pag. 8 ; . to make it more cleare then day . His position is , that more or lesse grauity contributeth nothing att all to the faster or slower descending of a naturall body : but that all the effect it giueth vnto a body , is to make it descend or not descend in such a medium . Which is against the first and most knowne principle that is in bodies : to witt , that more doth more ; and lesse doth lesse ; for he alloweth , that grauity causeth a body to descend ; and yet will not allow , that more grauity causeth it to descend more . I wonder that he neuer marked how in a paire of scales , a superproportion of ouerweight in one ballance , lifted vp the other faster then a lesse proportion of ouerweight would do . Or that more weight hanged to a iacke , made the spitt turne faster ; or to the lines of a clocke , made it goe faster , and the like . But his argument whereby he endeauoureth to prooue his position , is yet more wonderfull : for finding in pendants vnequall in grauity , that the lighter went in the same time almost as fast as the heauyer ; he gathereth from thence , that the different weights haue each of them the same celerity : and that it is the opposition of the ayre , which maketh the lighter body not reach so farre at each vndulation , as the heauyer doth . For reply wherevnto ; first we must aske him ; whether experience or reason taught him , that the slower going of the lighter pendant , proceeded onely from the medium , and not from want of grauity ? And when he shall haue answered ( as he needes must ) that experience doth not shew this ; then we must importune him for a good reason : but I do not find that he bringeth any att all . Againe ; if he admitteth ( which he doth in expresse termes ) that a lighter body can not resist the medium , so much as a heauyer body can ; we must aske him , whether it be not the weight that maketh the heauyer body resist more : which when he hath acknowledged that it is ; he hath therein likewise acknowledged , that whensoeuer this happeneth in the descending of a body , the more weight must make the heauyer body descend faster . But we can not passe this matter without noting how himselfe maketh good those arguments of Aristotle , which he seemeth by no meanes to esteeme of : for since the grauity doth ouercome the resistance of the medium in some proportion ; it followeth that the proportions betweene the grauity and the medium , may be multiplyed without end ; so as , if he suppose that the grauity of a body do make it goe att a certaine rate in imaginary space , ( which is his manner of putting the force of grauity , ) then there may be giuen such a proportion of a heauy body to the medium , as it shall goe in such a medium att the same rate ; and neuerthelesse , there will be an infinite difference , betwixt the resistance of the medium compared to that body , and the resistance of the imaginary space compared to that other body which he supposeth to be mooued in it at the same rate : which no man will sticke att confessing to be very absurd . Then turning the scales , because the resistance of the medium doth somewhat hinder grauity , and that with lesse resistance , the heauy body mooueth faster ; it must follow , that since there is no proportion , betwixt the medium and imaginary space ; there must neither be any proportion betwixt the time in which a heauy body shall passe through a certaine quantity of the medium , and the time in which it shall passe through as much imaginary space : wherefore , it must passe ouer so much imaginary space in an instant . Which is the argument that Aristotle is so much laughed att for pressing . And in a word , nothing is more euident , then that , for this effect which Galileo attributeth to grauity , it is vnreasonable to putt a diuisible quality , since the effect is indiuisible . And therefore , as euident it is that in his doctrine such aquality ; as intrinsecall grauity is conceiued to be , ought not to be putt : since euery power should be fitted to the effect , or end for which it is putt . An other argument of Galileo is as bad as this ; when he endeauoureth to prooue that all bodies goe of a like velocity , because it happeneth that a lighter body in some case , goeth faster then a heauyer body in an other case ▪ as for example , in two pendants , whereof the lighter is in the beginning of its motion , and the heauyer towardes the end of it ; or if the lighter hangeth att a longer string , and the heauyer att a shorter ; we see that the lighter will goe faster then the heauyer . But this concludeth no more , then if a man should prooue that a lighter goeth faster then a heauyer , because a greater force can make it goe faster ; for it is manifest that in a violent motion , the force which mooueth a body in the end of its course , is weaker then that which mooueth it in the beginning : and the like is , of the two stringes . But here it is not amisse to solue a Probleme he putteth , 10 which belongeth to our present subiect . He findeth by experience , that if two bodies descend att the same time from the same point , and do goe to the same point , the one by the inferiour quarter of the cercle ; the other , by the chord to that arch , or by any other lines which are chordes to partes of that arch : he findeth ( I say ) that the mooueable goeth faster by the arch , then by any of the chordes . And the reason is euident , if we consider that the neerer any motion doth come vnto a perpendicular one downewardes , the greater velocity it must haue and that in the arch of such a quadrant , euery particular part of it inclineth to the perpendicular of the place where it is , more then the part of the chord answerable vnto it doth . THE ELEVENTH CHAPTER . An answere to obiections against the causes of naturall motion , auowed in the former chapter ; and a refutation of the contrary opinion . 1 BVt to returne to the thridde of our doctrine ; there may peraduenture be obiected against it , that if the violence of a bodies descent towardes the center , did proceede onely from the density of it ( which giueth it an aptitude , the better to cutt the medium ) and from the multitude of litle atomes descending that strike vpon it , and presse it the way they goe ; which is downewardes : then it would not import whether the inner part of that body were as solide as the outward partes ; for it cutteth with onely the outward , and is smitten onely vpon the outward . And yet experience , sheweth vs the contrary : for a great bullet of lead , that is solide and lead throughout ; descendeth faster then if three quarters of the diameter were hollow within ; and such a one falling vpon any resisting substance , worketh a greater effect then a hollow one . And a ball of brasse that hath but a thinne outside of mettall will swimme vpon the water , when a massie one sinketh presently . Whereby it appeareth , that it is rather some other quality belonging to the very bulke of the metall in it selfe ; and not these outward causes , that occasion grauity . But this difficulty is easily ouercome , if you consider how subtile those atomes are which descending downewardes and striking vpon a body in their way , do cause its motion likewise downewardes : for you may remember how we haue shewed them to be the subtilest and the minutest diuisions that light , the subtilest and sharpest diuider in nature , can make . It is then easye to conceiue that these extreme subtile bodies do penetrate all others , as light doth glasse ; and do runne through them , as sand doth through a small sieue , or as water through a spunge ; so that they strike , not onely vpon the superficies , but aswell in euery most interiour part of the whole body ; running quite through it all , by the pores of it . And then , it must needes follow that the solider it is ; and the more partes it hath within ( as well as without ) to be strucken vpon ; the faster it must goe ; and the greater effect it must worke in what it falleth vpon : whereas if three quarters of the diameter of it within , should be filled with nothing but with ayre ; the atomes would fly without any considerable effect through all that space , by reason of the rarity and cessibility of it . And that these atomes are thus subtile ; is manifest by seuerall effects which we see in nature . Diuers Authors that write of Egypt , do assure vs that though their houses be built of strong stone ; neuerthelesse , a clodde of earth layed in the inmost roomes , and shutt vp from all appearing communication with ayre , will encrease its weight so notably , as thereby they can iudge the change of weather , which will shortly ensue . Which can proceede from no other cause , but from a multitude of litle atomes of saltpeter ; which floating in the ayre , do penetrate through the strongest walls , and all the massie defences in their way , and do settle in the clodde of earth as soone as they meete with it ; because it is of a temper fitt to entertaine and to conserue , and to embody them . Delights haue shewed vs the way , how to make the spirits or atomes of snow and saltpeter passe through a glasse vessell ; which Alchimists hold to be the most impenetrable of all they can find to worke with . In our owne bodies ; the aches which feeble partes do feele before change of weather , and the heauynesse of our heades and shoulders , if we remaine in the open ayre presently after sunnesett ; do aboundantly testify , that euen the grosser of these atomes ( which are the first that fall ) do vehemently penetrate our bodies : so as , sense will make vs beleeue , what reason peraduenture could not . But besides all this , there is yet a more conuincing reason , why the descending atomes should mooue the whole density of a body ; euen though it were so dense that they could not penetrate it , and gett into the bowels of it ; but must be content to strike barely vpon the outside of it . For nature hath so ordered the matter , that when dense partes sticke close together , and make the length composed of them to be very stiffe ▪ one can not be mooued but that all the rest ( which are in that line ) must likewise be thereby mooued : so that if all the world wery composed of atomes , close sticking together , the least motion imaginable , must driue on all that were in a straight line , to the very end of the world . This you see is euident in reason . And experience confirmeth it , when by a litle knocke giuen att the end of a long beame , the shaking ( which maketh sound ) reacheth sensibly to the other end . The blind man that gouerneth his steppes by feeling , in defect of eyes , receiueth aduertisements of remote thinges , through a staffe which he holdeth in his handes , peraduenture more particularly then his eyes could haue directed him . And the like is of a deafe man that heareth the sound of an instrument , by holding one end of a sticke in his mouth , whiles the other end resteth vpō the instrumēt . And some are of opiniō ( and they , not of the ranke of vulgar Philosophers ) that if a staffe were as long as to reach from the sunne to vs , it would haue the same effect in a moment of time . Although for my part I am hard to beleeue that we could receiue an aduertisement so farre , vnlesse the staffe were of such a thicknesse as being proportionable to the length might keepe it from facile bending : for if it should be very plyant it would do vs no seruice : as we experience in a thridde , which reaching from our hand to the ground , if it knocke against any thing , maketh no sensible impression in our hand . So that in fine reason , sense and authority do all of them shew vs , that the lesse the atomes should penetrate into a moouing body , by reason of the extreme density of it , the more efficaciously they would worke , and the greater celerity they would cause in its motion . And hence we may giue the fullest solution to the obiection aboue , which was to this effect : that seeing , diuision is made onely by the superficies or exteriour part of the dense body ; and that the vertue whereby a dense body doth worke , is onely its resistance to diuision ; which maketh it apt to diuide : it would follow that a hollow boule of brasse or iron should be as heauy as a solide one . For we may answere , that seeing the atomes must stricke through the body ; and that a cessible body doth not receiue their stroakes so firmely as a stiffe one ; nor can conuey them so farre : if vnto a stiffe superficies there succeede a yielding inside , the stroakes must of necessity loose much of their force ; and consequently , can not mooue a body full of ayre , with so much celerity , or with so much efficacy , as they may a solide one . 2 But then , you may peraduenture say , that if these stroakes of the descending atomes vpon a dense body , were the cause of its motion downewardes , we must allow the atomes to mooue faster then the dense body ; that so , they may still ouertake it , and driue it along , and enter into it : whereas , if they should mooue slower then it , none of them could come in their turne to giue it a stroake , but it would be past them , and out of their reach before they could strike it . But it is euident ( say you ) out of these pretended causes of this motion , that such atomes can not mooue so swiftly downewardes , as a great dense body ; since their litlenesse and their rarity , are both of them hindering to their motion : and therefore , this can not be the cause of that effect which we call grauity . To this I reply ; that to haue the atomes giue these blowes to a descending dense body , doth not require that their naturall and ordinary motion should be swifter then the descent of such a dense body : but the very descent of it , occasioneth their striking it , for as it falleth and maketh it selfe a way through them , they diuide themselues before it , and swell on the sides and a litle aboue it , and presently close againe behind it and ouer it as soone as it is past . Now that closing , to hinder vacuity of space , is a suddaine one ; and thereby attaineth great velocity ; which would carry the atomes in that degree of velocity , further then the descending body , if they did not encounter with it in their way to retarde them : which encounter and retarding , implyeth such stroakes , vpon the dense body , as we suppose to cause this motion . And the like we see in water ; into which letting a stone fall ; presently the water that was diuided by the stone and swelleth on the sides higher , then it was before , closeth vpon the backe of the descending stone , and followeth it so violently , that for a while after , it leaueth a purling hole in the place where the stone went downe ; till by the repose of the stone , the water returneth likewise to its quiet ; and so , its superficies becometh euen . In the third place , an enquiry occurreth emergent out of this doctrine , of the cause of bodies moouing vpwardes and downewardes . 3 Which is ; whether there would be any naturall motion deepe in the earth , beyond the actiuity of the sunnes beames ? For out of these principles , it followeth that there would not : and consequently , there must be a vast orbe in which there would be no motion of grauity or of leuity : for suppose that the sunne beames might pierce a thousand miles deepe into the body of the earth ; yet there would still remaine a masse , whose diameter would be neere 5000 miles , in which there would be no grauitation nor the contrary motion . For my part , I shall make no difficulty to grant the inference , as farre as concerneth motion caused by our sunne : for what inconuenience would follow out of it ? But I will not offer att determining whether there may not be enclosed within that great sphere of earth , some other fire , ( such as the Chymistes talke of ) an Archeus ; a Demogorgon ; seated in the center , like the hart in animals ; which may raise vp vapours , and boyle an ayre out of them , and diuide grosse bodies into atomes ; and accordingly giue them motions , answerable to ours , but in different lines from ours , according as that fire or sunne is situated : since the farre-searching Author of the Dialogues de Mundo , hath left that speculation vndecided , after he had touched vpon it in the 12 : knott of his first Dialogue . Fourthly , 4 it may be obiected that if such descending atomes , as we haue described , were the cause of a bodies grauity , and descending towardes the center ; the same body would att diuers times descend more and lesse swiftly : for example after midnight when the atomes begin to descend more slowly ; then likewise , the same body would descend more slowly in a like proportion , and not weigh so much as it did in the heate of the day . The same may be said of summer and winter : for in winter time , the atomes seeme to be more grosse ; and consequently , to strike more strongly vpon the bodies they meete with in their way as they descend : yet on the other side , they seeme in the summer to be more numerous , as also to descend from a greater height ; both which circumstances will be cause of a stronger stroake and more vigourous impulse vpon the body they hitt . And the like may be obiected of diuers partes of the world , for in the torride zone it will alwayes happen as in summer in places of the temperate zone ; and in the polar climes , as in deepest winter : so that no where , there would be any standard or certainty in the weight of bodies , if it depended vpon so mutable a cause . And it maketh to the same effect , that a body which lyeth vnder a thicke rocke , or any other very dense body , that can not be penetrated by any great store of atomes ; should not be so heauy as it would be in the open and free ayre , where the atomes in their complete numbers haue their full stroakes . For answere to these and such like instances ; we are to note first , that it is not so much the number , or the violence of the percussion , of the striking atomes , as the density of the thing strucken which giueth the measure to the descending of a weighty body : and the chiefe thing which the stroake of the atomes giueth vnto a dense body , is a determination of the way which a dense body is to cutt vnto it selfe : therefore , multiplication or lessening of the atomes , will not make any sensible difference betwixt the weight of one dense body , where many atomes do strike , and an other body of the same density where but few do strike ; so that , the stroake downewardes of the descending atomes , be greater then the stroake vpwardes of the ascending atomes ; and thereby determineth it to weigh to the centerwardes , and not rise floating vpwardes , which is all the sensible effect we can perceiue . Next , we may obserue , that the first particulars of the obiection , do not reach home to enfeeble our doctrine in this particular , although we admitt them to be in such sort as they are proposed : for they do withall implye such a perpetuall variation of causes , euer fauourable to our position , that nothing can be inferred out of them to repugne against it . As thus : when there are many atomes descending in the ayre ; the same generall cause which maketh them be many , maketh them also be light , in proportion to their multitude . And so , when they are few , they are heauy ; likewise , when the atomes are light , the ayre is rarifyed and thinne ; and when they are heauy , the ayre is thicke : and so vpon the whole matter it is euident that we can not make such a precise and exact iudgement of the variety of circumstances , as to be able to determine , when there is absolutely more cause of weight ; and when lesse . And as we find not weight enough in either side of these opposite circumstances to turne the scales in our discourse , so likewise we find the same indifference in experience it selfe : for the weights we vse , do weigh equally in mysty weather and in cleare : and yet in rigour of discourse , we can not doubt but that in truth they do not grauitate or weigh so much ( though the difference be imperceptible to sense ) when the ayre is thicke and foggy , as when it is pure and rarifyed : which thickenesse of the medium , when it arriueth to a very notable degree , as for example to water , maketh then a great difference of a heauy bobies grauitation in it ; and accordingly , we see a great difference betweene heauy bodies descending in water and in ayre ; though betweene two kindes of ayre , none is to be obserued , their difference is so small in respect of the density of the body that descendeth in thē . And therefore , seeing that an assured and certaine difference in circumstances maketh no sensible inequality in the effect ; we can not expect any from such circumstances , as we may reasonably doubt whether there be any inequality among thē or no. Besides that , if in any of the proposed cases , a heauy body should grauitate more , and be heauyer one time then an other ; yet by weighing it , we could not discerne it ; since that the counterpoise ( which is to determine its weight ) must likewise be in the same proportion heauyer then it was . And besides weighing , no other meanes remaineth to discouer its greater grauitation , but to compare it to time in its descent : and I beleeue that in all such distances as we can try it in , its inequalities will be no whitt lesse difficult to be obserued that way , then any other . Lastly , 5 to bend our discourse particularly to that instance of the obiection ; where it is conceiued that if grauity or descending downewardes of bodies , proceeded from atomes striking vpon them as they mooue downewardes ; it would follow that a stone or other dense body lying vnder shelter of a thicke , hard , and impenetrable adamantine rocke , would haue no impulse downewardes , and consequently would not weigh there . We may note that no body whatsoeuer , compacted by physicall causes and agents , can be so dense and imporous , but that such atomes , as these we speake of , must be in them , and in euery part of them , and euery where passe through and through them ; as water doth through a seeue or through a spunge : and this vniuersall maxime must extend as farre as the sunne , or as any other heate communicating with the sunne , doth reach and is found . The reason whereof , is , because these atomes are no other thing , but such extreme litle bodies as are resolued by heate ; out of the maine stocke of those massy bodies vpon which the sunne and heate do worke . Now then , it being certaine , out of what we haue heretofore said , that all mixt bodies haue their temper and consistence , and generation from the mingling of fire with the rest of the Elements that compose them ; and from the concoction or digestion which fire maketh in those bodies : it is euident , that no mixt body whatsoeuer , nor any sensible part of a mixt body , can be voyde of pores capable of such atomes , nor can be without such atomes , passing through those pores ; which atomes by mediation of the ayre ( that likewise hath its share in such pores ) must haue communication with the rest of the great sea of ayre , and with the motions that passe in it . And consequently ; in all and in euery sensible part , of any such extreme dense , and pretended impenetrable body , ( to the notice whereof we can arriue ) this percussion of atomes must be found ; and they will haue no difficulty in running through ; nor , by meanes of it , in striking any other body lying vnder the shelter of it ; and thus both in , and from , that hard body , there must be still an vninterrupted continuation of grauity or of descending towardes the center . Vnto which we may adde , that the stone or dense body can not lye so close to the rocke that couereth it , but that some ayre must be betweene , ( for if nothing were betweene , they would be vnited , and become one continued body ; ) and in that ayre ( which is a creeke of the great ocean of ayre spread ouer the world , that is euery where bestrewed with moouing atomes ; and which is continually fed , like a running streame , with new ayre that driueth on the ayre it ouertaketh ) there is no doubt but there are descending atomes , as well as in all the rest of its maine body : and these descending atomes meeting with the stone , must needes giue some stroake vpon it ; and that stroake ( be it neuer so litle ) can not choose but worke some effect , in making the stone remooue a litle that way they goe ; and that motion , whereby the space is enlarged , betweene the stone and the sheltering rocke , must draw in a greater quantity of ayre and atomes to strike vpon it . And thus , by litle and litle , the stone passeth through all the degrees of tardity by which a descending body parteth from rest : which is by so much the more speedily done , by how much the body is more eminent in density . But this difference of time , in regard of the atomes stroakes onely ; and abstracting from the bodies density ; will be insensible to vs ; seeing ( as we haue said ) no more is required of them , but to giue a determination downewardes . 6 And out of this , we clearely see the reason why the same atomes , striking vpon one body lying vpon the water , do make it sinke ; and vpon an other , they do not . As for example , if you lay vpon the superficies of some water , a piece of iron , and a piece of corke , of equall biggenesse and of the same figure ; the iron will be beaten downe to the bottome , and the corke will floate att the toppe . The reason whereof is , the different proportions of the comparison of their densities with the density of water : for ( as we haue said ) the efficacy , and force of descēding , is to be measured by that . So then , the stroakes of the atomes , being more efficacious vpon water then vpon corke , because the density of water is greater then the density of corke considering the aboundance of ayre that is harboured in the large pores of it ; it followeth that the atomes will make the water goe downe more forcibly then they will corke . But the density of iron exceeding the density of water ; the same stroakes will make the iron descend faster then the water ; and consequently the iron must sinke in the water , and the corke will swimme vpon it . And this same is the cause , why if a piece of corke be held by force att the bottome of the water ; it will rise vp to the toppe of the water , as soone as the violence is taken away that kept it downe : for the atomes stroakes hauing more force vpon the water then vpon the corke ; they make the water sinke and slide vnder it ; first , a litle thinne plate of water ; and then an other , a litle thicker ; and so by degrees more and more , till it hath lifted the corke quite vp to the toppe . Fi●thly it may be obiected , that these atomes do not descend alwayse perpendicularly , be sometimes sloapingly ; and in that case , if their stroakes be the cause of dense bodies mouing , 7 they should moue sloaping , and not downeward . Now that these atomes descend sometimes sloapingly , is euident , as when ( for example ) they meete with a streame of water , or with a strong wind , or euen with any other litle motion of the ayre , such as carryeth feathers vp and downe hither and thither ; which must needes waft the atomes in some measure along with them their way ; seeing then that such a gentle motion of the ayre is able to putt a feather out of its way , notwithstanding the percussions of the atomes vpon it ; why shall it not likewise putt a piece of iron out of its way downewardes , since the iron hath nothing from the atomes but a determination to its way ? But much more , why should not a strong wind , or a current of water , do it ; since the atomes themselues that giue the iron its determination , must needes be hurryed along with them ? To this we answere , that we must consider , how any wind or water which runneth in that sort , is it selfe originally full of such atomes which continually , and euery where , presse into it and cutt through it , in pursuing their constant perpetuall course of descending ; in such sort , as we haue shewed in their running , through any hard rocke , or other densest body . And these atomes , do make the wind or the water primarily tend downewardes ; though other accidentall causes impell them secondarily to a sloaping motion . And still , their primary naturall motion will be in truth strongest ; though their not hauing scope to obey that , but their hauing enough , to obey the violent motion , maketh this become the more obseruable . Which appeareth euidently out of this ; that if there be a hole in the bottome of the pipe that conueyeth water sloapingly , be the pipe neuer so long , and consequently the sloaping motion neuer so forcible ; yet the water will runne out att that hole to obey its more powerfull impulse to the centerwardes , rather then continue the violent motion , in which it had arriued to a great degree of celerity . Which being so , it is easy to conceiue that the atomes in the wind or water which mooue perpendicularly downewardes , will still continue the irons motion downewardes , notwithstanding the mediums sloaping motion : since the preuailing force determineth , both the iron , and the medium downewardes ; and the iron hath a superproportion of density to cutt its way , according as the preualent motion determineth it . But if the descending atomes , be in part carryed along downe the streame by the current of wind or water ; yet still the current bringeth with it , new atomes into the place of those that are carryed away : and these atomes , in euery point of place wheresoeuer they are , do of themselues tend perpendicularly downewardes ; howbeit they are forced from the complete effect of their tendance , by the violence of the current : so that in this case they are mooued by a declining motion , compounded of their owne naturall motion , and of the forced motion , with which the streame carryeth them . Now then if a dense body , do fall into such a current where these different motions giue their seuerall impulses , it will be carryed ( in such sort as we say of the atomes ; but in an other proportion ) not in a perpendicular but in a mixt declining line , compounded of the seuerall impulses , which the atomes and the current do giue it ( in which also it is to be remembred , how the current giueth an impulse downewardes , as well as sloaping ; and peraduenture the strongest downewardes : ) and the declination will be more or lesse ; according , as the violent impulse preuayleth more or lesse against the naturall motion . But this is not all that is to be considered in estimating the declination of a dense bodies motion when it is sinking in a current of wind or water ; you must remember that the dense body it selfe , hath a particular vertue of its owne ( namely its density ) by which it receiueth and prosecuteth more fully its determination downewardes ; and therefore the force of that body in cutting its way through the medium , is also to be considered in this case , as well as aboue , in calculating its declining from the perpendicular ; and out of all these causes will result a middle declination , cōpounded of the motiō of the water or wind both wayse , and of its owne motion by the perpendicular line . And since of these three causes of a dense bodies motion , it s owne vertue in prosecuting by its density the determination it requireth , is the most efficacious by much after it hath once receiued a determination from without ; its declination will be but litle if it be very dense and heauy . But if it recede much from density , so as to haue , some neere proportion to the density of the medium , the declination will be great . And in a word , according as the body is heauyer or lighter , the declination will be more or lesse , in the same current though not exactly according to the proportion of the diminishing of its density , as long as there is a superproportion of its density to the medium : since that such a superproportion ( as we haue declared heretofore ) maketh the mediums operation vpon the dense body scarce considerable . And hence you see why a stone or piece of iron , is not carried out of its way as well as feather ; because the stones motion downewardes , is greater and stronger , then the motion of a feather downewardes . And by consequence , the force that can deturne a feather from its course downewardes , is not able to deturne a stone . And if it be replyed , that it may be so ordered that the stone shall haue no motion , before it be in the streame of a riuer , and notwithstanding it will still mooue downewardes ; we may answere , that considering the litle decliuity of the bed of such a streame , the strongest motion of the partes of the streame , must necessarily be downewardes ; and consequently , they will beate the stone downewardes . And if they do not the like to a feather or other light body ; it is because other partes of the streame , do gett vnder the light body ; and beate it vpwardes , which they haue not power enough to do to the stone . Sixthly , 8 it may be obiected , that if Elements do not weigh in their owne spheres ; then their grauity and descending must proceede from some other cause and not from this percussion of the atomes we attribute it to ; which percussion we haue determined goeth through all bodies whatsoeuer , and beateth vpon euery sensible part of them . But that Elements weigh not in their owne spheres , appeareth out of the experience of a syphon ; for though one legge of the syphon , be suncke neuer so much deeper into the body of the water , then the other legge reacheth below the superficies of the water : neuerthelesse , if once the outward legge become full of water , it will draw it out of the other longer legge : which it should not do , if the partes of water that are comprised within their whole bulke , did weigh ; seeing that the bulke of water is much greater , in the sunke legge then in the other : and therefore these should rather draw backe the other water into the cisterne , then be themselues drawne out of it into the ayre . To this we answere that it is euident the Elements do weigh in their owne spheres , att least , as farre as we can reach to their spheres : for we see that a ballone stuffed hard with ayre is heauyer then an empty one . Againe more water would not be heauyer then lesse if the inward partes of it did not weigh : and if a hole were digged in the bottome of the sea , the water would not runne into it and fill it , if it did not grauitate ouer it . Lastly , there are those who vndertake to distinguish in a deepe water , the diuers weights which seuerall partes of it haue , as they grow still heauyer and heauyer towardes the bottome : and they are so cunning in this art , that they professe to make instruments which by their equality of their weight to a determinate part of the water , shall stand iust in that part , and neyther rise nor fall higher or lower : but if it be putt lower , it shall ascend to its exact equally weighing orbe of the water ; and if it be putt higher , it shall descend vntill it cometh to rest precisely in that place . Whence it is euident , that partes of water do weigh within the bulke , of their maine body ; and of the like we haue no reason to doubt , in the other two weighty Elements . As for the opposition of the syphon , we referre that point to where we shall haue occasion to declare the nature of that engine , of sett purpose . And there we shall shew , that it could not succeede in its operation , vnlesse the partes of water did grauitate in their maine bulke , into which one legge of the syphon is sunke . Lastly , 9 it may be obiected , that if there were such a course of atomes as we say ; and that their stroakes were the cause of so notable an effect , as the grauity of heauy bodies : we should feele it palpably in our owne bodies , which experience sheweth vs we do not . To this we answere first : that their is no necessity we should feele this course of atomes , since by their subtility they penetrate all bodies ; and consequently , do not giue such stroakes as are sensible . Secondly , if we consider that dustes , and strawes , and feathers do light vpon vs without causing any sense in vs ; much more we may cōceiue that atomes ( which are infinitely more subtile and light ) can not cause in vs any feeling of them . Thirdly , we see that what is continuall with vs , and mingled in all thinges doth not make vs take any especiall notice of it : and this is the case of the smiting of atomes . Neuerthelesse , peraduenture we feele them in truth , as often as we feele hoat and cold weather , and in all catarres or other such changes , which do as it were sinke into our body without our perceiuing any sensible cause of them : for no question but these atomes are the immediate causes of all good and bad qualities in the ayre . Lastly , when we consider that we can not long together hold out our arme att length , or our foote from the ground , and reflect vpon such like impotencies of our resisting the grauity of our owne body : we can not doubt , but that in these cases we feele the effect of these atomes , working vpon those partes ; although we can not by our sense discerne immediately that these are the causes of it . 10 But now it is time to draw our Reader out of a difficulty , which may peraduenture haue perplexed him in the greatest part of what he hath hitherto gone ouer . In our inuestigation of the Elements , we tooke for a principle therevnto : that grauity , is sometimes more , sometimes lesse , then the density of the body in which it is . But in our explication of rarity and density ; and againe in our explication of grauity ; we seeme to putt , that grauity and density is all one . This thorne I apprehend , may in all this distance , haue putt some to paine : but it was impossible for mee to remedy it ; because I had not yet deliuered the manner of grauitation . Here then I will do my best , to asswage their greefe , by reconciling these appearing repugnancies . We are therefore to consider , that density ( in it selfe ) doth signify a difficultie to haue the partes of its subiect in which it is , seperated one from an other ; and that grauity ( likewise in it selfe ) doth signify a quality , by which a heauy body doth descend towardes the center ; or ( which is consequent therevnto ) a force to make an other body descend . Now this power , we haue shewed , doth belong vnto density , so farre forth as a dense body being strucken by an other , doth not yield by suffering its partes to be diuided ; but , with its whole bulke striketh the next before it , and diuideth it , if it be more diuisible then it selfe is . So that you see , density hath the name of density , in consideration of a passiue quality or rather of an impassibility , which it hath ; and the same density is called grauity , in respect of an actiue quality it hath which followeth this impassibility . And both of them are estimated by the different respects which the same body or subiect , in which they are , haue vnto different bodies that are the termes whereunto it is compared ; for the actiue quality or grauity of a dense body , is esteemed by its respect to the body it striketh vpon ; whereas its density , includeth a respect singly to the body that striketh it . Now it is no wonder that this change of comparison , worketh a disparity in the denominations : and that thereby , the same body , may be conceiued to be more or lesse impartible , then it is actiue or heauy . As for example , lett vs , of a dense Element , take any one least part , which must of necessity be in its owne nature and kind absolutely impartible : and yet it is euident , that the grauity of this part must be exceeding litle , by reason of the litlenesse of its quantity ; so that thus you see an extremity of the effect of density , ioyned together in one body ( by the accident of the litlenesse of it ) with a contrary extremity of the effect of grauity , ( or rather with the want of it ) each of them within the limits of the same species . In like manner it happeneth , that the same body in one circumstance is more weighty ; in an other ( or rather in the contrary ) is more partible : so water when it is in a payle , because it is thereby hindered frō spreading abroad , hath the effect of grauity predominating in it ; but if it be poured out , it hath the effect of partibility more . And thus it happeneth that meerely by the gradation of rarity and density , one dense body may be apt , out of the generall course of naturall causes , to be more diuisible , thē to be a diuider ; though according to the nature of the degrees considered absolutely in thēselues , what is more powerfull to diuide , is also more resistēt and harder to be diuided . And this arriueth in that degree which maketh water ; for the falling and beating of the atomes vpon water , hath the power , both to diuide it and to mak● it descend ; but so , that by making it descend it diuideth it . And therefore we say that it hath more grautty then density , though it be the very density of it , which is the cause that maketh it partible , by the working of one part vpon an other : for if the atomes did not find the body , so dense as it is , they could not by their beating vpon one part make an other be diuided . So that , a dense body to be more heauy then dense , signifyeth nothing else , but that it is in such a degree of density , ●hat some of its owne partes , by their being assisted and sett on worke by a generall cause , ( which is the fall of the atomes ) are powerfull enough to diuide , other adioyning partes of the same density with them , one from an other : in such sort as we see , that water poured out of an eawer into a basen where there is already other water , hath the power to diuide the water in the basen by the assistance of the celerity which it getteth in descending . And now I hope the reader is fully satisfyed that there is no contradiction in putting Density and Grauity to be the same thing materially ; and that neuerthelesse the same thing , may be more heauy then dense , or more dense then heauy , as we tooke it to our seuerall purposes in the inuestigation of the Elements . 11 Hauing , thus layed an intelligible ground to discouer how these motions that are generall to all bodies , and are naturall in chiefe , are contriued by nature : we will now endeauour to shew that the contrary position is not onely voluntary , but also impossible . Lett vs therefore suppose that a body hath a quality to mooue it downewardes . And first wee shall aske what downewardes signifyeth : for eyther it signifyeth towardes a fixed point of imaginary space ; or towardes a fixed point of the vniuerse ; or towardes some mooueable point . As for the first , who would maintaine it must haue more imagination then iudgment , to thinke that a naturall quality could haue an essence determined by a nothing : because we can frame a conceit of that nothing . As for the second , it is very vncertaine , whether any such point be in nature : for , as for the center of the earth it is cleare that if the earth , be carryed about , the center of it can not be a fixed point . Againe , if the center signifyeth a determinate point in the earth that is the medium of grauity or of quantity , it is changed as often as any dust lighteth vnequally vpon any one side of the earth , which would make that side bigger then it was : and I doubt a quality can not haue morall considerations to thinke that so litle doth no harme . As for the third position , likewise it is not intelligible how a quality should change its inclination or essence , according to the change that should light to make now one point , now an other , be the center vnto which it should tend . Againe , lett vs consider that a quality hath a determinate essence . Then seeing its power is to mooue , and to moue , signifyeth to cutt the mediū it is mooued in ; it belongeth vnto it of its nature , to cutt so much of such a medium in such a time . So that , if no other cause be added but that you take precisely and in abstracto , that quality , that medium , and that time ; this effect will follow , that so much motion is made . And if this effect should not follow , it is cleare , that the being able to cutt so much of such a medium in such a time , is not the essence of this quality , as it was supposed to be . Diuiding then the time , and the medium , halfe the motion should de made in halfe the time , a quarter of the motion in a quarter of the time , and so without end , as farre as you can diuide . But this is demonstratiuely impossible ; sithhence it is demonstrated that a mooueable coming from rest , must of necessity passe through all degrees of tardity ; and therefore by the demonstration cited out of Galileus , we may take a part in which this grauity can not mooue its body in a proportionate part of time , through a proportionate part of the mediū . 12 But because in naturall Theorems , experiences are naturally required ; lett vs see whether nature giueth vs any testimony of this verity . To that purpose we may consider a plummet , hanged in a small string from a beame , which being lifted vp gentlely on the one side att the extent of the string , and permitted to fall meerely by the power of grauity , it will ascend very neere as high on the contrary side , as the place it was held in from whence it fell . In this experiment we may note two thinges : the first , that if grauity be a quality , it worketh against its owne nature , in lifting vp the plumett , seing its nature is onely to carry it downe . For though it may be answered that it is not the grauity ; but an other quality , called vis impressa which carrieth it vp : neuerthelesse it can not be denyed , but that grauity is either the immediate or at least the mediate cause which maketh this vis impressa : the effect whereof , being contrary to the nature of grauity ; it is absurd to make grauity the cause of it : that is , the cause of an essence , whose nature is contrary to its owne . And the same argument , will proceede , though you putt not vis impressa , but suppose some other thing to be the cause of the plummets remounting , as long as grauity is said to be a quality : for still grauity must be the cause of an effect contrary to its owne inclination , by setting on foote the immediate cause to produce it . The second thing we are to note in this experiment of the plummets ascent is ; that if grauity be a quality , there must bee as much resistance to its going vp , as there was force to its coming downe . Therefore , there must be twice as much force to make it ascend , as there was to make it descend : that is to say , there must be twice as much force , as the naturall force of the grauity is : for there must be once as much , to equalise the resistance of the grauity ; and then an other time as much , to carry it as farre through the same medium in the same time . But it is impossible that any cause should produce an effect greater then it selfe . Againe ; the grauity must needes be in a determinate degree : and the vertue that maketh the plummett remount ( whatsoeuer it be ) may be putt as litle as we please : and consequently , not able to ouersway the grauity alone if it be an intrinsecall quality and yet the plummet will remount : in which case you putt an effect , without a cause . An other experience we may take from the force of sucking , for take the barrell of a long gunne perfectly bored , and sett it vpright , with the breech vpon the ground , and take a bullett that is exactly fitt for it , but so as it sticke not any where ( both the barrell , and it , being perfectly polished ; ) and then if you sucke att the mouth of the barrell ( though neuer so gently ) the bullett will come vp so forcibly , that it will hazard the striking out of your teeth . Now lett vs consider , what force were necessary to sucke the bullett vp , and how very slowly it would ascend , if in the barrell it had as much resistance to ascend as in the free ayre it hath inclination to goe downe . But if it had a quality of grauity naturall to it , it must of necessity haue such resistance : whereas in our experiment we see it cometh as easily as the very ayre . So that in this example as well as in the other nature teacheth vs that grauity is no quality . And all , or most of the arguments which we haue vrged against the quality of grauity in that explication , we haue considered it in : haue force likewise against it , although it be said to be an inclination of its subiect to mooue it selfe vnto vnity with the maine stocke of its owne nature , as diuers witty men do putt it : for this supposition doth but chāge the intention or end of grauity : and is but to make it an other kind of intellectuall or knowing Entity , that determineth it selfe to an other end : which is as impossible for a naturall quality to do , as to determine it selfe to the former endes . And thus much , the arguments we haue proposed , do conuince euidently , if they be applyed against this opinion . THE TWELTH CHAPTER . Of Violent Motion . 1 ANd thus , we haue giuen a short scātling , whereby to vnderstand in some measure , the causes of that motion , which we call naturall , by reason it hath its birth from the vniuersall oeconomy of nature here among vs ; that is from the generall working of the sunne , whereby all naturall thinges haue their course : and by reason that the cause of it is att all times , and in all places , constantly the same . Next vnto which the order of discourse leadeth vs to take a suruay of those forced motions , whose first causes the more apparent they are the more obscurity they leaue vs in , to determine by what meanes they are continued . When a tennis ball is strucken by a rackett , or an arrow is shott from a bow , we plainely see the causes of their motion : namely , the stringes ; which first yielding , and then returning with a greater celerity , do cause the missiues to speed so fast towardes their appoynted homes . Experience informeth vs what qualities the missiues must be endued withall to mooue fast and steadily . They must be so heauy that the ayre may not breake their course ; and yet so light , that they may be within the command of the stroake , which giueth them motion ; the striker must be dense , and in its best velocity : the angle which the missiue is to mount by ( if we will haue it goe to its furthest randome ) must be the halfe of a right one : and lastly , the figure of the missiue must be such , as may giue scope vnto the ayre to beare it vp , and yet not hinder its course by taking too much hold of it . All this we see ; but when withall wee see that the moouer , deserteth the moueable as soone as he hath giuen the blow ; wee are att a stand , and know not where to seeke for that which afterwardes maketh it flye : for motion being a transient , not a permanent thing ; as soone as the cause ceaseth that begott it , in that very point it must be att an end ; and as long as the motion continueth , there must be some permanent cause to make it do so : so that as soone as the rackett , or bowstring , goe backe and leaue the ball or arrow ; why should not they presently fall straight downe to the ground ? 2 Aristotle and his followers , haue attributed the cause hereof to the ayre : but Galileo relisheth not this conception . His arguments against it , are ( as I remember ) to this tenor : first ; ayre by reason of its rarity and diuisibility , seemeth not apt to conserue motion : next ; we see that light thinges are best carried by the ayre ; and it hath no power ouer weighty ones : lastly it is euident that ayre taketh most hold of the broadest superficies ; and therefore an arrow would flye faster broadwayes then longwayes , if this were true . Neuerthelesse , since euery effect must haue a proportionable cause from whence it immediately floweth ; and that a body , must haue an other body to thrust it on , as long as it mooueth ; lett vs examine what bodies do touch a moueable whilest it is in motion : as the onely meanes to find an issue out of this difficulty ; for , to haue recourse vnto a quality or impressed force , for deliuerance out of this straight , is a shift that will not serue the turne in this way of discourse we vse . In this Philosophy , no knott admitteth such a solution . If then we enquire what body it is that immediately toucheth the ball or arrow whiles it flyeth ; we shall find , that none other doth so , but the ayre and the atomes in it , after the stringes haue giuen their stroake , and are parted from the missiue . And although we haue Galileos authority , and arguments to discourage vs from beleeuing that the ayre can worke this effect ; yet since there is no other body besides it left for vs to consider in this case ; lett vs att the least examine how the ayre behaueth it selfe , after the stroake is giuen by the stringes . First then , it is euident , that as soone as the rackett or bowstring shrinketh backe from the missiue , and leaueth a space betweene the missiue and it ( as it is cleare , it doth , as soone as it hath strucken the resisting body ) the ayre must ' needes clappe in with as much velocity as they retire , and with some what more ; because the missiue goeth forward att the same time , and therefore , the ayre must hasten to ouertake it , least any vacuity should be left betweene the string and the arrow . It is certaine likewise , that the ayre on the sides doth also vpon the diuision of it , slide backe and helpe to fill that space which the departed arrow leaueth voyde . Now this forcible cloosing of the ayre att the nocke of the arrow must ' needes giue an impulse or blow vpon it : if it seeme to be but a litle one , you may consider how it is yet much greater , then what the ayre and the bodies swimming in it , do att the first giue vnto a stone falling frō high ; and how att the last , those litle atomes that driue a stone in its naturall motion , do with their litle blowes force it peraduenture more violenty and swiftly then any impelling Agent we are acquainted with , can do . So that the impulse which they make vpon the arrow , pressing violently vpon it , after such a vehement concussion , and with a great velocity , must needes cause a powerfull effect in that which of it selfe is indifferent to any motion any way . But vnlesse this motion of the ayre do continue to beate still vpon the arrow , 3 it will soone fall to the ground , for want of a cause to driue it forward ; and because the naturall motion of the ayre , ( being then the onely one ) will determine it downewardes . Lett vs consider then , how this violent rending of the ayre by the blow that the bowstring giueth vnto the arrow ; must needes disorder the litle atomes that swimme too and fro in it , and that ( being heauyer then the ayre ) are continually descending downewardes . This disorder , maketh some of the heauyer partes of them , gett aboue others that are lighter then they ; which they not abiding , do presse vpon those that are next them , and they vpon their fellowes : so that there is a great commorion and vndulation caused in the whole masse of ayre round about the arrow : which must continue some time before it can be settled : and it being determined by the motion of the arrow that way that it slideth , it followeth that all this commotion and vndulation of the ayre , serueth to continue the arrow in its flight . And thus , faster then any part behind can be settled , new ones before are stirred , till the resistance of the medium do grow stronger then the impulse of the moouers . Besides this the arrow pressing vpon the ayre before it , with a greater velocity then the ayre ( which is a liquide rare body ) can admitt , to moue all of a piece without breaking : it must of necessity happen that the partes of the ayre immediately before the arrow , be driuen vpon others further of , before these can be moued to giue place vnto them ; so that in some places the ayre becometh condensed , and consequently , in others rarifyed . Which also the wind that we make in walking , ( which will shake a paper pinned loosely , att the wall of a chamber towardes which we walke ) and the cooling ayre caused by fanning when we are hoat , do euidently confirme . So that it can not be doubted , but that condensation and rarefaction of the ayre , must necessarily follow the motion of any solide body : which being admitted it is euident that a great disorder , and for some remarkable time , must necessarily be in the ayre ; since it can not brooke to continue in more rarity or density then is naturall vnto it . Nor can weighty and light partes agree to rest in an equal height or lownesse ; which the violence of the arrowes motion forceth them vnto for the present . Therefore it can not be denyed , but that though the arrow slide away , neuerthelesse there still remaineth behind it ( by this condensation and confusion of partes in the ayre ) motion enough to giue impulse vnto the arrow , so as to make it continue its motion after the bowstring hath left it . 4 But here will arise a difficulty : which is , how this clapping in , and vndulation of the ayre , should haue strength and efficacy enough , to cause the continuance of so smart a motion , as is an arrowes shott , from a bow . To this I neede no other argument for an answere , then to produce Galileos testimony how great a body , one single mans breath alone , can in due circumstances giue a rapide motion vnto : and withall , lett vs consider how the arrow , and the ayre about it are already in a certaine degree of velocity ; that is to say , the obstacle that would hinder it , from moouing that way ( namely , the resistance of the ayre ) is taken away ; and the causes that are to produce it ( namely the determining of the ayres , and of the atomes motion that way ) are hightened . And then we may safely conclude that the arrow which of it selfe is indifferent to be mooued vpwardes or downewardes , or forwardes , must needes obey that motion which is caused in it by the atomes , and the ayres pressing vpon it ; either according to the impulse of the string ; or ( when the string beginneth to flagge ) according to the beatinges that follow the generall constitution of nature ; or in a mixt manner according to the proportions that these two hold to one an other . Which proportions Galileus in his 4th Dialogue of motion , hath attempted to explicate very ingeniously : but hauing missed in one of his suppositions ; to witt , that forced motion vpon an horizontall line , is throughout vniforme ; his great labours therein , haue taken litle effect towardes the aduancing the knowledge of nature , as he pretended : for his conclusions succeede not in experience ▪ as Mersenius assureth vs after very exact trials ; nor can they in their reasons be fitted to nature . So that , to conclude this point ; I find no difficulty in allowing this motion of the ayre strength enough to force the mooueable onwardes , for some time after the first moouer is seuered from it ; ( and long after , we see no motions of this nature do endure : ) so that we neede seeke no further cause for the continuance of it : but may rest satisfyed vpon the whole matter , that since the causes and circumstances our reason suggesteth vnto vs , are after mature and particular examination proportionable to the effects we see , the doctrine we deliuer must be sound and true . For the establishing whereof , we neede not ( considering what we haue already said ) spend much time in soluing Galileos arguments against it : 5 seeing that ▪ out of what we haue sett downe , the answeres to them appeare plaine enough ; for first , we haue assigned causes how the ayre may continue its motion long enough to giue as much impression as is needefull vnto the arrow , to make it goe on as it doth . Which motion is not requisite to be neere so great in the ayre behind the arrow ( that driueth it on ) as what the arrow causeth in the ayre before it : for by reason of the density of it , it must needes make a greater impression in the ayre it cutteth , then the ayre , that causeth its motion , would do of it selfe without the mediation of the arrow . As , when the force of a hand giueth motion vnto a knife to cutt a loafe of bread , the knife , by reason of the density and of the figure it hath , m●k●th a greater impression in the loafe , th●n the hand alone would do . And this is the same that we declared in the naturall motion of a heauy thing , downewardes , vnto which we assigned two causes ; namely , the beating of the atomes in the ayre , falling downe in their naturall cours● , to determine it the way it is to goe ; and the density of the body , that cutting more powerfully then those atomes can do ; giueth ( together with their helpe ) a greater velocity vnto the mooueable , then the atomes of themselues can giue . Nor doth it import that our resolution is against the generall nature of rare and dense bodies , in regard of conseruing motion ; as Galileo obiecteth for the reason why dense bodies do conserue motion longer then rare bodies , is , because in regard of their diuiding vertue , they gett in equall times a greater velocity . Wherefore seeing that velocity is equall vnto grauity ; it followeth th●t resistance worketh not so much vpon them as vpon rare bodies ; and therefore can not make them cease from motion so easily as it doth rare bodies . This is the generall reason for the conseruation of motion in dense bodies . But because in our case , there is a continuall cause which conserueth motion in the ayre , the ayre may continue its motion longer then of it selfe it would do : not ; in the same part of ayre which Galileus ( as it seemeth ) did ayme att : but in diuers partes , in which the mooueable successiuely is . Which being concluded , lett vs see how the forced motion cometh to decrease and to be ended . To which purpose we may obserue , that the impression which the arrow receiueth from the ayre that driueth it forwardes , being weaker then that which it receiued att the first from the string , ( by reasō , that the ayre is not so dēse , and therefore cā not strike so great a blow ) the arrow doth not in this second measure of time , ( wherein we cōsider the impulse giuen by the ayre onely ) cutt so strongly the ayre before it , nor presse so violently vpon it , as in the first measure when the string parting from it did beate it forwardes : for till then , the velocity encreaseth in the arrow , as it doth in the string that carryeth it along , which proceedeth from rest att the singers loose from it , to its highest degree of velocity ; which is , when it arriueth to the vtmost extent of its ierke , where it quitteth the arrow . And therefore , the ayre now doth not so swiftly , nor so much of it , rebound backe from before , and clappe it selfe behind the arrow , to fill the space that else would be left voyde by the arrowes moouing forward : and consequently , the blow it giueth in the third measure , to driue the arrow on , can not be so great as the blow was immediately after the stringes parting from it ; which was in the second measure of time : and therefore , the arrow must needes mooue slower in the third measure then it did in the second ; as formerly it mooued slower in the second ( which was the ayres first stroake ) then it did in the first , when the string droue it forwardes . And thus , successiuely in euery moment of time , as the causes grow weaker and weaker by the encrease of resistance in the ayre before , and by the decrease of force in the subsequent ayre ; so , the motion must be slower and slower , till it come to pure cessation . 6 As for Galileus second argument ; that the ayre hath litle power ouer heauy thinges ; and therefore he will not allow it to be the cause of continuing forced motions in dense bodies : I wish he could as well haue made experience what velocity of motion a mans breath might produce in a heauy bullett lying vpon an euen , hard , and slippery plaine , ( for a table would be too short ) as he did , how admirable great a one it produced in pendants hanging in the ayre : and , I doubt not but he would haue granted it as powerfull in causing horizontall motions , as he found it in the vndulations of his pendantes . Which neuerthelesse , do sufficiently conuince how great a power ayre hath ouer heauy bodies . As likewise the experience of windgunnes assureth vs that ayre duly applyed is able to giue greater motion vnto heauy bodies then vnto light ones . For how can a straw or feather be imagined possibly to fly with halfe the violence as a bullett of lead doth out of one of those engines ? And when a man sucketh a bullett vpwardes in a perfectly bored barrell of a gunne , which the bullett fitteth exactly ( as we haue mentioned before ) with what a violence doth it follow the breath and ascend to the mouth of the barrell ? I remember to haue seene a man that was vncautious and sucked strongly that had his foreteeth beaten out by the blow of the bullett ascending . This experiment ( if well looked into ) may peraduenture make good a greate part of this doctrine we now deliuer . For , the ayre pressing in behind the bullett att the touch hole , giueth it its impulse vpwardes ; vnto which the density of the bullett being added , you haue the cause of its swiftnesse , and violence ; ( for a bullett of wood or corke , would not ascend so fast and so strongly ) and the sucking away of the ayre before it , taketh away that resistance which otherwise it would encounter with , by the ayre lying in the way of it : and its following the breath with so great ease , sheweth ( as we touched before ) that of it selfe it is indifferent to any motion , when nothing presseth vpon it to determine it a certaine way . 7 Now to Galileos last argument ; that an arrow should fly faster broadwayes , then longwayes , if the ayre were cause of its motion : there needeth no more to be saide , but that the resistance of the ayre before , hindereth it as much as the impulse of the ayre behind helpeth it on ; so that nothing is gained in that regard ; but much is lost , in respect of the figure ; which maketh the arrow vnapt to cutt the ayre so well when it flyeth broadwayes , as when it is shott longwayes : and therefore the ayre being weakely cutt so much of it can not clappe in behind the arrow and driue it on , against the resistance before , which is much greater . Thus farre , with due respect , and with acknowledging remembrance of the many admirable mysteries of natute which that great man hath taught the world , we haue taken liberty to dispute against him : because this difficulty seemeth to haue driuen him against his Genius , to beleeue that in such motions there must be allowed a quality imprinted into the mooued body to cause them : which our whole scope both in this and in all other occasions where like qualities are vrged , is to prooue superfluous and ill grounded in nature ; and to be but meere termes to confound and leaue in the darke whosoeuer is forced to fly vnto them . THE THERTEENTH CHAPTER . Of three sortes of violent motion , Reflexion , Vndulation , and Refraction . 1 THe motion we haue last spoken of , because it is ordinarily either in part or wholy contrary to grauity ( which is accounted the naturall motion of most bodies ) vseth to be called violent or forced . And thus , you haue deliuered vnto you the natures and causes , both of naturall and of forced motion ; yet it remaineth that we aduertise you of some particular kindes of this forced motion , which seeme to be different from it , but indeed are not . As first , the motion of reflexion : which if we do but consider how forced motion is made ; we shall find that it is nothing else but a forced motion , whose line wherevpon it is made , is as it were snapped in two by the encounter of a hard body . For euen as we see in a spoute of water that is strongly shott against a wall , the water following driueth the precedent partes first to the wall , and afterwardes coming themselues to the wall , forceth them againe an other way from the wall : right so , the latter partes of the torrent of ayre , which is caused by the force that occasioneth the forced motion , driueth the former partes , first vpon the resistent body , and afterwardes againe from it . But this is more eminent in light then in any other body , because light doth lesse rissent grauity ; and so obserueth the pure course of the stroake , better then any other body ; from which , others do for the most part decline some way by reason of their weight . 2 Now the particular law of reflexion is , that the line incident , and the line of reflexion must make equall angles , with that line of the resistent superficies which is in the same superficies with themselues . The demonstration whereof , that great witt Renatus Des Cartes hath excellently sett downe in his booke of Dioptrikes by the example of a ball strucken by a rackett against the earth , or any resisting body : the substance where of is as followeth . The motion which we call vndulation needeth no further explication : 3 for it is manifest , that since a pendant , when it is remooued from its perpendicular , will restore it selfe therevnto by the naturall force of grauity , and that in so doing it gaineth a velocity , ( and therefore can not cease on a suddaine , ) it must needes be carried , out of the force of that motion , directly the cōtrary way : vntill the force of grauity , ouercoming the velocity , it must be brought backe againe to the perpēdicular : which being done likewise with velocity , it must send it againe towardes the place from which it fell att the first . And in this course of motion it must cōtinue for a while , euery vndulation being weaker then other , vntill att last it quite ceaseth , by the course of nature settling the ayre in its due situatiō according to the naturall causes that worke vpon it . And in this very manner also is performed that vndulation which we see in water , when it is stirred from the naturall situation of its sphericall superficies . Galileo hath noted that the time in which the vndulations are made which follow one an other of their owne accord , is the same in euery one of them ; and that as much time precisely is take vp in a pendants going a very short arch towardes the end of its vibration , as was in its going of the greatest arch att the beginning of its motion . The reason whereof seemeth strange to him , and he thinketh it to be an accident naturall to the body out of its grauity ; and that this effect conuinceth , it is not the ayre which mooueth such bodies . Whereas in truth , it is clearely the ayre which causeth this effect . Because the ayre striuing att each end ( where it is furthest from the force of the motion ) to quiett it selfe , getteth att euery bout somewhat vpon the space ; and so , contracteth that into a shorter arch . That motion also which we call Refraction , and is manifest to sense , onely in light ; ( though peraduenture hereafter more diligent searchers of nature , may likewise find it in such other bodies as are called qualities ; as in cold or heate , &c. ) is but a kind of Reflexion : for there being certaine bodies , in which the passages are so well ordered with their resistances , that all the partes of them seeme to permitt light to passe through them , and yet all partes of them seeme to reflect it ; when light passeth through such bodies , it findeth att the very entrance of them , such resistances , where it passeth , as serue it for a reflectent body ; and yet such a reflectent body , as hindereth not the passage through ; but onely hindereth the passage from being in a straight line with the line incident . Wherefore the light must needes take a plye as beaten from those partes towardes a line drawne from the illuminant , and falling perpendicularly vpon the resisting superficies ; and therefore is termed by mathematicians , to be refracted or broken towardes the Perpendicular . Now at the very going out againe of the light , the second superficies ( if it be parallel to the former ) must needes vpon a contrary cause , strike it the contrary way : which is termed from the Perpendicular . But before we wade any deeper into this difficulty , 5 we can not omitt a word of the manner of explicating refraction which Monsieur Des Cartes vseth , so witty a one as I am sorry it wanteth successe . He therefore following the demonstration aboue giuen of reflexion ; supposeth the superficies which a ball lighteth vpon , to be a thinne linnen cloth , or some other such matter as will breake cleanely by the force of the ball striking smartly vpon it . And because that superficies resisteth onely one way , therefore he inferreth that the velocity of the ball is lessened onely one way and not the other : so that the velocity of its motion that way in which it findeth no resistance , must be ( after the balles passage through the linnen ) in a greater proportion to the velocity which it hath the other way where it findeth resistance , then it was before . And therefore the ball will in lesse time arriue to its periode on the one side then on the other : and consequently , it will leane towardes that side , vnto which the course wherein it findeth no opposition , doth carry it . Which to sh●w how it is contrary vnto his owne principle ; lett vs conceiue the cloth CE to be of some thickenesse , and so draw the line OP to determine that thicknesse . And lett vs make from B vpon AL , an other Parallelogramme like the Parallelogramme AL , whose diameter shall be BQ . And it must necessarilly follow that the motion from B to Q , if there were no resistance , were in the same proportion as from A to B. But the proportion of the motion from A to B , is the proportion of CB to CA ; that is , it goeth in the same time faster towardes D , then it doth towardes M , in the proportion which CB hath to CA. By which account , the resistance it hath in the way towardes D , must also be greater then the resistance it hath in the way towardes M , in the proportion which CB hath to CA ; and therefore the more tardity must be in the way to D , and not in the way to M ; and consequently , the declination must be from Ewardes , and to Mwardes . For where there is most resistance , that way likewise must the tardity be greatest , and the declination must be from that way : but which way the thickenesse , to be passed in the same time , is most , that way the resistance is greatest : and the thickenesse is clearely greater towardes E , then towardes M ; therefore , the resistance must be greatest towardes E ; and consequently the declination from the line BL must be towardes M , and not towardes E. But the truth is , that in his doctrine the ball would goe in a straight line as if there were no resistance ; vnlesse peraduenture towardes the contrary side of the cloth , att which it goeth out into the free ayre : for as the resistance of the cloth is greater in the way towardes D , then in the way towardes M , ( because it passeth a longer line in the same time , as also it did formerly in the ayre ) so likewise is the force that mooueth it that way , greater then the force which mooueth it the other . And therefore the same proportions that were in the motion , before it came to the resisting passage , will remaine also in it : att the least vntill coming neere the side att which it goeth out , the resistance be weakned by the thinnenesse of the resistent there : which because it must needes happen on the side , that hath least thicknesse , the ball must consequently , turne the other way , where it findeth greatest yielding : and so att its getting out into the free ayre , it will bend from the greater resistance , in such manner as we haue said aboue . Neither do the examples brought by Monsieur Des Cartes , 6 and others in maintenance of this doctrine any thing auayle them : for when a canon bullett shott into a riuer , hurteth the people on the other side ; it is not caused by refraction , but by reflexion , as Monsieur Des Cartes himselfe acknowledgeth : and therefore , hath no force to prooue any thing in refraction ; whose lawes are diuers from those of pure reflexion . And the same answere serueth against the instance of a muskett bullett shott att a marke vnder water ; which perpetually lighteth higher then the marke , though it be exactly iust aymed att . For we knowing that it is the nature of water , by sinking in one place to rise round about , it must of necessity follow that the bullett which in entring hath pressed downe the first partes of the water , hath withall thereby putt others further off in a motion of rising : and therefore the bullet in its goeing on must meete with some water swelling vpwardes , and must from it receiue a ply that way ▪ which can not faile of carrying it aboue the marke it was leuelled att . And so we see this effect proceedeth , from reflection or the bounding of the water , and not from refraction . Besides that it may iustly be suspected , the shooter tooke his ayme too high , by reason of the markes appearing in the water higher then in truth it is : vnlesse such false ayming were duly preuented . Neither is Monsieur Des Cartes his excuse to be admitted , when he sayth that light goeth otherwise , then a ball would do , because that in a glasse or in water , the etheriall substance , which he supposeth to runne through all bodies is more efficaciously mooued then in ayre : and that therefore , light must go faster in the glasse then in the ayre , and so turne on that side of the straight line which is contrary to the side that the ball taketh , because the ball goeth not so swiftly . For , ( not to dispute of the verity of this proposition ) the effect he pretendeth , is impossible : for if the etheriall substance in the ayre before the glasse , be slowly mooued ( the motion of which , he calleth light ) it is impossible that the etheriall substance in the glasse or in the water should be more smartly mooued then it . Well it may be lesse ; but without all doubt , the impulse of the etheriall substance in the glasse can not be greater then its adequate cause which is the motion of the other partes that are in the ayre precedent to the glasse . Againe ; after it is passed the glasse , it should returne to be a straight line with the line that it made in the ayre precedent to the glasse : seeing that the subsequent ayre must take off iust as much ; ( and no more ) as the glasse did adde : the contrary whereof experience sheweth vs. Thirdly , in this explication , it would alwayes go one way in the ayre , and an other way in the glasse : whereas all experience testifyeth , that in a glasse conuexe on both sides , it still goeth in the ayre after its going out , to the same side as it did in the glasse ; but more . And the like happeneth in glasses on both sides concaue . Wherefore it is euident , that it is the superficies of the glasse , that is the worker on both sides ; and not the substance of the ayre on the one side , and of the glasse on the other . And lastly ; his answere doth no wayes solue our obiection , which prooueth that the resistance both wayes is proportionate to the force that mooueth , and by consequence that the thing moued must go straight . As we may imagine would happen , if a bullett were shott sloaping through a greene mudde wall , in which there were many round stickes , so thinne sett that the bullett mighr passe with ease through them ; for as long as the bullett touched none of them ( which expresseth his case ) it would go straight ; but if it touched any of them ( which resembleth ours , as by and by will appeare ) it would glance according to the quality of the touch , and mooue from the sticke in an other line . Some peraduenture may answere for Monsieur Des Cartes that this subtile body which he supposeth to runne through all thinges is stiffe and no wayes plyable . But that , is so repugnant to the nature of rarity and so many insuperable inconueniencies do follow out of it ; as I can not imagine he will owne it : and therefore I will not spend any time in replying therevnto . 7 We must therefore seeke some other cause of the refraction of light which is made att the entrance of it into a diaphanous body . Which is plainely ( as we said before ) because the ray striking against the inside of a body it can not penetrate , turneth by reflexion towardes that side on which the illuminant standeth : and if it findeth cleare passage through the whole resistent , it followeth the course it first taketh ; if not then it is lost by many reflexions too and fro , And taking a body of concaue surfaces we shall ( according to this doctrine of ours ) find the causes of refraction iust contrary ; and accordingly , experience likewise sheweth vs , the effects to be so too . And therefore since experience agreeth exactly with our rules , we can not doubt but that the principles vpon which we goe , 8 are well layd . But because crooked surfaces may haue many irregularities ; it will not be amisse to giue a rule by which all of them may be brought vnto a certainety . And this it is , that reflexions from crooked superficieses , are equall to the reflexions that are made from such plaine superficieses , as are tangents to the crooked ones in that point from whence the reflexions are made . Which principall the Masters of Optikes do take out of a Mathematicall supposition of the vnity of the reflecting point , in both the surfaces ; the crooked and the plaine . But we take it out of the insensibility , of the difference of so litle a part in the two different surfaces , as serueth to reflect a ray of light : for where the difference is insensible in the causes ; there likewise the difference is so litle in the effects as sense can not iudge of them : which is as much as is requisite to our purpose . Now seeing that in the Mathematicall supposition , the point where the reflexion is made is indifferent to both the surfaces ; it followeth that it importeth not whether superficies you take to know the quality of reflexion by . This principle then being settled , that the reflexion must follow the nature of the tangent surfaces ; and it being prooued , that in plaine surfaces it will happen in such sort as we haue explicated , it followeth that in any crooked superficies of what figure soeuer , the same also will happen . Now seeing we haue formerly declared , that refractions are but a certaine kind of reflexions , what we haue said here of reflexions , may be applyed to refractions . 9 But there remaineth yet vntouched , one affection more of refractions ; which , is , that some diaphanous bodies do in their inward partes reflect more then others ( which is , that which we call refraction ) as experience sheweth vs. Concerning which effect , we are to consider that diaphanous bodies , may in their composition haue two differences : for some are composed of greater partes and greater pores ; others of lesser partes and lesser pores . It is true , there may be other combinations of pores and partes , yet by these two , the rest may be esteemed . As , for the first combination , we see that because the pores are greater , a greater multitude of partes of light may passe together through one pore ; and because the partes are greater , likewise a greater multitude of rayes may reflect from the same part , and may find the same passage quite throughout the diaphanous body . On the contrary side , in the second combination where both the pores and the partes of the diaphanous body are litle , the light must be but litle that findeth the same passage . Now , that refraction is greater or lesser , happeneth two wayes ; for it is , eyther when one diaphanous body reflecteth light att more angles then an other , and by consequence in a greater extent of the superficies ; or else , when one body reflecteth light from the same point of incidence in a shorter line and in a greater angle , then an other doth . In both these wayes it is apparant , that a body composed of greater partes and greater pores , exceedeth bodies of the opposite kind : for by reason that in the first kind , more light may beate against one part ; a body in which that happeneth , will make an appearance from a further part of its superficies : whereas in a body of the other sort ; the light that beateth against one of the litle partes of it , will be so litle , as it will presently vanish . Againe , because in the first , the part att the incidence is greater ; the surface from which the reflexion is made inwardes , hath more of a plaine and straight superficies : and consequently doth reflect att a greater angle , then that , whose superficies hath more of inclining . But we must not passe from this question , 10 without looking a litle into the nature of those bodies in which refraction is made : for if they as well as the immediate causes of refraction , do likewise fauour vs ; it will not a litle aduance the certainety of our determination . To this purpose we may call to mind , how experience sheweth vs that great refractions are made in smoake , and in mistes , and in glasses , and in thicke bodied waters ; and Monsieur Des Cartes , addeth certaine oyles , and spirits or strong waters . Now most of these we see are composed of litle consistent bodies , swimming in an other liquide body . As is plaine in smoake and mistes : for the litle bubbles which rise in the water before they gett out of it ; and that are smoake when they gett into the ayre ; do assure vs that smoake is nothing else , but a company of litle round bodies , swimming in the ayre : and the round consistence of water vpon herbes , leafes , and twigges in a rynde or dew , giueth vs also to vnderstand that a mist is likewise a company of litle round bodies that sometimes stand , sometimes floate in the ayre , as the wind driueth them . Our very eyes beare wittnesse to vs , that the thicker sort of waters are full of litle bodies , which is the cause of their not being cleare . As for glasse , the blowing of it conuinceth , that the litle dartes of fire which pierce it euery way , do naturally in the melting of it conuert it into litle round hollow bodies , which in their cooling must settle into partes of the like figure . Then for crystall and other transparent stones which are found in cold places ; it can not be otherwise , but that the nature of cold piercing into the maine body , and contracting euery litle part in it selfe ; this contraction must needes leaue vacant pores betweene part and part . And that such transparent stones as are made by heate , haue the like effect and property , may be iudged out of what we see in brickes and tiles , which are left full of holes by the operation of the fire . And I haue seene in bones that haue layne a long time in the sunne , a multitude of sensible litle pores close to one an other , as if they had beene formerly stucke all ouer with subtile sharpe needles as close as they could be thrust in by one other . The Chymicall oyles and spirits which Monsieur Des Cartes speaketh of , are likely to be of the same composition ; since that such vse to be extracted by violent fires : for a violent fire is made by the coniunction of many rayes together ; and that must needes cause great pores in the body it worketh vpon ; and the sticking nature of these spirits , is capable of conseruing them . Out of all these obseruations it followeth , that the bodies in which greatest refractions do happen , are compounded ( as we haue said ) of great partes , and great pores . And therefore , by onely taking light to be such a body , as we haue described it to be , where we treated of the nature of it ; it is euident , that the effect which we haue expressed , must necessarily follow by way of reflexion : and that refraction is nothing else but a certaine kind of reflexion . Which last assertion , is likewise conuinced out of this ; that the same effects proceede from reflexion as from refraction : for by reflexion a thing may be seene greater then it is ; in a different place from the true one where it is : colours may be made by reflexion , as also , gloating light ; and fire likewise ; and peraduenture all other effects which are caused by refraction , may as well as these , be performed by reflexion . And therefore it is euident , they must be of the same nature ; seing that children are the resemblances of their parents . THE FOVRETEENTH CHAPTER . Of the composition , qualities , and generation of Mixed bodies . 1 HAuing now declared the vertues by which fire and earth worke vpon one an other , and vpon the rest of the elements ; which is , by light , and by the motions we haue discoursed of . Our taske shall be in this chapter first to obserue what will result out of such action of theirs : and next to search into the wayes and manner of compassing and performing it . Which latter we shall the more easily attaine vnto , when we first know the end that their operation leuelleth att . In this pursute we shall find that the effect of the Elements combinations , by meanes of the motions that happen among them ; is a long pedigree of compounded qualities and bodies : wherein , the first combinations ( like marriages ) are the breeders of the next more composed substances : and they againe are the parents of others in greater variety : and so are multiplyed without end ; for the further this worke proceedeth , the more subiects it maketh for new businesse of the like kind . To descend in particular vnto all these , is impossible . And to looke further then the generall heades of them , were superfluous and troublesome in this discourse ; wherein I ayme onely att shewing what sorts of thinges , in common , may de done by bodies : that if hereafter , we meete with thinges of an other nature and straine , we may be sure , they are not the ofspring of bodies and of quantity ; which is , the maine scope of what I haue designed here . And to do this with confidence and certainety , requireth of necessity this leisurely and orderly proceeding that hitherto we haue vsed , and shall continue to the end : for , walking thus softly , we haue alwayes one foote vpon the ground ; so as the other may be sure of firme footing before it settle . Whereas , they that for more hast will leape ouer rugged passages and broken ground ; when both their feete are in the ayre , can not helpe themselues , but must light as chance throweth them . To this purpose then we may consider , that the qualities of bodies in common are of three sortes : for they are belonging , either to the constitution of a compounded body , or else , to the operation of it ; and the operation of a body , is of two kindes ; the one , vpon other bodies , the other , vpon sense . The last of these three sortes of qualities , shall be handled in a peculiar chapter by themselues . Those of the second sort , whereby they worke vpon other bodies , haue beene partly declared in the former chapters , and will be further discoursed of in the rest of this first treatise : so as that which remaineth for the present , is to fall vpon the discourse of such qualities as concurre to the constitution of bodies ; with an ayme to discouer , whether ( or no ) they may be effected by the seuerall mixtures of rarity and density , in such sort as is already declared . To which end , we are to consider in what manner these two primary differences of bodies may be ioyned together : and what effects such coniunction will produce . As for their coniunction : 2 to deliuer the nature of it entirely , we must begin from the very roote of it , and consider how the Vniuerse being finite ( which Mr. White hath demonstrated in the second knott of his first Dialogue ) there can not be an infinite number of bodies in it : for Geometricians shew vs how the least quantity that is , may be repeated so often as would exceede any the greatest determinate quantity whatsoeuer . Out of which it followeth , that although all the other bodies of the world were no bigger then the least quantity that can be designed ; yet they being infinite in number , would be greater then the whole Vniuerse that containeth them . And therefore , of necessity there must be some least body , or rather , some least cise of bodies : which in compounded bodies , is not to be expected : for , their least partes being compounded , must needes include compounding partes lesse then themselues . We must then looke for this least cise of bodies in the Elements ; which of all bodies are the simplest . And among them , we must pitch vpon that , wherein is greatest diuisibility , and which consequently is diuided into least partes ; that is , fire : so as we may conclude that among all the bodies in the world , that which of its owne nature hath an aptitude to be least , must be fire . Now , 3 the least body of fire , be it neuer so litle , is yet diuisible into lesse . What is it then that maketh it be one ? To determine this ; we must resort vnto the nature of Quantity : whose formall notion and essence is ; To be diuisible , which signifyeth , that many may be made , of it ; but thar of which many may be made , is not yet many , out of this very reason ; that many may be made of it . But , what is not many , is one . Therefore what hath quantity ; is , by meere hauing quantity , actually and formally , as well one , as it hath the possibility of being made many . And consequently , the least body of fire , by hauing quantity , hath those partes which might be many , actually one . And this is the first coniunction of partes that is to be considered in the composition of bodies : which though it be not an actuall ioyning of actuall partes ; yet it is a formall coniunction of what may be many . 4 In the next place we may consider ; how seeing the least bodies that are , be of fire ; it must needes follow , that the least partes of the other Elements must be bigger then they . And consequently , the possible partes of those least partes of the other Elements must haue something to conserue them together , more then is found in fire . And this , because Elements are purely distinguished by rarity and density is straight concluded to be density . And thus , we haue found ; that as quantity is the cause of the possible partes being one , so density is the cause of the like partes sticking together : which appeareth in the very definition of it , for , to be lesse diuisible , ( which is the notion of density ) speaketh a resistance to diuision , 5 or a sticking together . Now lett vs examine how two partes of different Elements are ioyned together , to make a compound . In this coniunction we find both the effects we haue already touched : for , two such partes must make one ; and moreouer , they must haue some resistance to diuisibility . The first of these effects we haue already assigned vnto the nature of quantity . And it being the formall effect of quantity ; it can not ( wheresoeuer it is found ) haue any other formall cause then quantity : and therefore , eyther the two litle partes of different Elements , do not become one body : or if they doe , we must agree that it is by the nature of quantity , which worketh as much in heterogeneall partes , as it doth in homogeneall ones . And it must needes do so : because Rarity and Dēsity ( which are the proper differencies of Quantity ) can not change the common nature of Quantity , that is their Genus : which by being so to them , must be vniuocally in them both . And this effect cometh precisely from the pure notion of the Genus : and consequently , must be seene as well in two partes of different natures , as in two partes of the same nature : but in partes of the same nature , which once were two , and afterwardes become one ; there can be no other reason why they are one , then the very same for which those partes that were neuer seperated ( but that may be seperated ) are likewise one : and this , most euidently , is the nature of quantity . Experience seemeth to confirme thus much ; when pouring water out of a basin , some of it will remaine sticking to the sides , of the mettall : for if the quantity of the basin , and of the water , had not beene one and the same by its owne nature ; the water ( considering the plyablenesse of its partes ) would certainely haue commen all away , and haue glided from the vneuennesse of the basin , by the attractive vnity of its whole , and would haue preserued the vnity of its quantity within it selfe , rather then by sticking to the basin , haue suffered diuision in its owne quantity ; which we are sure was one , whiles the water was altogether in the basin : but that , both the basin and the water making but one quantity ; and a diuision being vnauoydable in that one quantity ; it was indifferent , in regard of the quantity considered singly by it selfe , where this diuision should be made , whether in the partes of the basin , or in the partes of the water : and then , the other circumstances determined it in that part of the water which was neerest to the ioyning of it with the basin . The second effect ( which was resistance to diuisibility ; ) we assigned vnto density . And of that same cause , must also depend the like effect in this case of the sticking together of the two partes of different Elements , when they are ioyned to one an other : for if the two partes , whereof one is dense , the other is rare , do not exceede the quantity of some other part of one homogeneall rare Element for the diuiding whereof , such a determinate force , and no lesse can suffice : then , seeing that the whole composed of these two partes is not so diuisible as the whole consisting of that one part ; the assigned force will not be able to diuide them . Wherefore it is plaine , that if the rare part had beene ioyned to an other rare part in steed of the dense one it is ioyned vnto ; it had beene more easily diuidable from that , then now it is from the dense part . And by consequence it sticketh more closely to the dense part , then it would to an other of its owne nature . Out of what we haue said , 6 a steppe is made vs to vnderstand why soft and liqnid bodies do easily ioyne and incorporate into one continued body ; but hard and dry bodies so difficulty , as by experience we find to be true . Water with water , or wine eyther with other wine or with water , so vniteth , that it is very hard to part them : but sand or stones can not be made to sticke together without very great force and industry . The reasons whereof , must necessarily depend of what we haue said aboue . To witt that two bodies can not touch one an other , without becoming one : and , that if two bodies of one degree of density do touch , they must sticke together according to the force of that degree of density . Out of which two , is manifestly inferred , that if two hard thinges , should come to touch , they must needes be more difficultly seperated then two liquid thinges . And consequently , they can not come to touch , without as much difficulty , as that whereby they are made one . But to deduce this more particularly ; 7 lett vs consider , that all the litle surfaces , by which one hard body may be conceiued to touch an other ( as for example , when a stone lyeth vpon a stone ) must of necessity be eyther plane , or concaue , or conuexe . Now if a plane superficies should be supposed to touch an other plane one coming perpendicularly to it ; it must of necessity be granted to touch it as soone in the middle as on the sides . Wherefore , if there were any ayre ( as of necessity there must be ) betwixt the two surfaces before they touched ; it will follow that the ayre which was in the middle , must haue fled quite out from betweene the two surfaces , as soone as any part of the surfaces do touch ; that is , as soone as the ayre which was betweene the vtmost edges of the surfaces did fly out ; and by consequence it must haue moued in an instant . But if a plane surface be said to touch a conuexe surface ; it toucheth it onely by a line , ( as Mathematicans demonstrate ) or onely by a point . But , to touch by a line or a point , is in truth , not to touch by the forme or notion of Quantity , ( which requireth diuisibility in all that belongeth vnto it ; ) and dy consequence among bodies it is not to touch ; and so , one such surface doth not touch the other . Now , for a plaine surface to touch a concaue ; euery man seeth is impossible . Likewise , for two cōuexe surfaces to touch one an other , they must be allowed to touch eyther in a line or in a point , which we haue shewed not to be a physicall touching . And if a conuexe surface should bee said to touch a concaue ; they must touch all att once as we said of plane surfaces ; and therefore the same impossibility will arise therein : so that it is euident , that no two surfaces , mouing perpendicularly towardes one an other , can come to touch one an other , if neyther of them yieldeth , and changeth its hew . Now then , if it be supposed that they come slidingly one ouer an other in the same line ; whereby , first the very tippes of the edges come to touch one an other ; and still as you shooue the vpermost on forwardes , and that it slideth ouer more of the nether surface , it gaineth to touch more of it . I say that neither in this case do they touch immediately one an other : for as soone as the two first partes should meete , if they did touch , and that there were no ayre betweene them ; they must presently become one quantity or body , as we haue declared ; and must sticke firmely together , according to their degree of density ; and cōsequently , could not be moued on , without still breaking a sūderatt euery impulse , as much of the massy body , as were already made one by their touching . And if you should say they did not become one ; and yet allow them to touch immediately one an other without hauing any ayre or fluide body betweene them ; then if you suppose them to moue onwardes vpon these termes ; they would be changed locally , without any intrinsecall change : which in the booke De Mundo ( as we haue formerly alleadged ) is demonstrated to be impossible . There remayneth onely a third way for two hard surfaces to come together ; which is , that first they should rest sloaping one vpon an other , and make an angle where they meete ( as two lines , that cutt one an other , do in their point of their intersection ) and so containe as it were a wedge of ayre betweene them , which wedge they should lessen by litle and litle , through their mouing towardes one an other att their most distant edges ( whiles the touching edges , are like immoueable centers that the others turne vpon ) till att length they shutt out all the ayre , and close together , like the two legges of a compasse . But neither is it possible that this way they should touch , for after their first touch by one line ( which neyther is in effect a touching , as we haue shewed ) no other partes of them can touch , though still they approach neerer and neerer , vntill their whole surfaces do entirely touch att one : and therefore , the ayre must in this case leap out in an instant a greater space , then if the surfaces came perpendicularly to one an other ; for here it must fly from one extremity to the other : whereas , in the former case , it was to goe but from the middle to each side . And thus it is euident , that no two bodies can arriue to touch one an other , vnlesse one of them att the least , haue a superficies plyable to the superficies of the other ; that is , vnlesse one of them be lost , which is , to be liquide in some degree . Seeing then , that by touching , bodies do become one ; and that liquidity , is the cause and meanes whereby bodies arriue to touch ; we may boldly conclude that two liquide bodies do most easily and readily become one ; and next to two such , a liquide and a hard body , are soonest vnited : but two hard ones most difficultly . To proceede then with our reflections vpon the composition of bodies , 8 and vpon what resulteth out of the ioyning and mixture of their first differences Rarity and Density ; we see , how if a liquide substance happeneth to touch a dry body it sticketh easily therevnto . Then consider , that there may be so small a quantity of such a liquide body , as it may be almost impossible for any naturall agent to diuide it further into any lesse partes ; and suppose that such a liquide part is betweene two dry partes of a dense body , and sticking to them both , becometh in the nature of a glew to hold them together : will it not follow out of what wee haue said , that these two dense partes will be as hard to be seuered from one an other , as the small liquide part by which they sticke together is to be diuided ? So that , when the viscous ligaments which in a body do hold together the dense partes , are so small and subtile , as no force we can apply vnto them can diuide them , the adhesion of the partes must needes grow then inseparable . And therefore , we vse to moysten dry bodies , to make them the more easily be diuided ; whereas those that are ouermoyst , are of themselues ready to fall in pieces . 9 And thus you see how in generall , bodies are framed . Out of which discourse , we may ballance the degrees of solidity in bodies , for all bodies being composed of humide and dry partes , we may conceiue either kind of those partes , to be bigger or lesser , or to be more rare or more dense . Now if the dry partes of any body , be extreme litle and dense ; and the moyst partes that ioyne the dry ones together , be very great and rare ; then that body will be very easy to be dissolued . But if the moyst partes which glew together such extreme litle and dense dry partes , be eyther lesser in bulke or not so rare ; then the body composed of them will be in a stronger degree of consistence . And if the moyst partes which serue for this effect ; be in an excesse of littlenesse and withall dense ; then , the body they compose will be in the highest degree of consistence that nature can frame . On the other side ; if you glew together great dry partes , which are moderately dense and great , by the admixtion of humide partes that are of the least cise in bulke , and dense withall ; then the consistence will decrease from the height of it by how much the partes are greater , and the density lesse . But if vnto dry partes of the greatest cise , and in the greatest remissenesse of density , you adde humide partes that are both very great and very rare , then the composed body will proue the most easily dissolueable of all that nature affordeth . 10 After this , casting our eyes a litle further towardes the composition of particular bodies ; wee shall find still greater mixtures , the further we goe ▪ for as the first and simplest compounded bodies , are made of the foure Elements ; so , others are made of these ; and againe a third sort of them : and so , onwardes , according as by motion , the partes of euery one are broken in sunder , and mingled with others . Those of the first order , must be of various tempers according to the proportions of the Elements , whereof they are immediately made . As for example , such a proportion of fire to the other three Elements , will make one kind of simple body , and an other proportion will make an other kind : and so throughout , by various combinations and proportions among all the Elements . In the effecting of which worke , it will not be amisse to looke a litle vpon nature ; and obserue how she mingleth and tempereth different bodies one with an other , whereby she begetteth that great variety of creatures which we see in the world . But because the degrees of composition are infinite , according to the encrease of number , we will containe our selues within the common notions of excesse in the foure primary components , for if we should descend once to specify any determinate proportions , we should endanger loosing our selues in a wood of particular natures , which belong not to vs att present to examine . Then taking the foure Elements as materials to worke vpon : lett vs first consider how they may be varyed , that differing compositions may result out of their mixtures . I conceiue that all the wayes of varying the Elements in this regard , may be reduced to the seuerall cises of bignesse , of the partes of each Element , that enter into the composition of any body , and to the number of those partes : for certainely no other can be imagined , vnlesse it were variety of figure . But that can not be admitted to belong in any constant manner to those least particles where of bodies are framed ; as though determinate figures were in euery degree of quantity due to the natures of Elements , and therefore , the Elements would conserue themselues in those figures , as well in their least atomes , as in massye bulke : for seeing how these litle partes are shuffled together without any order ; and that all liquids easily ioyne , and take the figures which the dense ones giue them ; and that they againe , iustling one an other , do crush themselues into new shapes , which their mixture with the liquide ones , maketh them yield the more easily vnto : it is impossible that the Elements should haue any other naturall figure in these their least partes , then such as chance giueth them . But that one part must be bigger then an other is euident ; for the nature of rarity and density giueth it : the first of them , causing diuisibility into litle partes , and the latter , hindering it . Hauing then settled in what manner the Elements may be varied in the composition of bodies : 11 lett vs now beginne our mixture . In which , our ground to worke vpon must be earth and water ; for onely these two are the basis of permanent bodies , that suffer our senses to take hold of them , and that submitt themselues to tryall : whereas , if we should make the predominant Element to be ayre or fire , and bring in the other two solide ones vnder their iurisdiction to make vp the mixture , the compound resulting out of them , would be eyther in continuall consumption , ( as ordinary fire is ) or else imperceptible to our eyes or touch , and therefore , not a fitt subiect for vs to discourse of , since the other two afford vs enough to speculate vpon . Peraduenture our smell migh take some cognisance of a body so composed , or the effect of it taken in by respiration , might in time shew it selfe vpon our health : but it concerneth not vs now to look so farre ; our designe requireth more maniable substances . Of which , 12 lett water be the first ; and with it we will mingle the other three Elements , in excesse ouer one an other by turnes ; but still , all of them ouerswayed by a predominant quantity of water : and then , lett vs see what kind of bodies will result out of such proportions . First , if earth preuayle aboue fire and ayre , and arriue next in proportion to the water , a body of such a composition , must needes prooue hardly liquide , and not easy to lett its partes runne a sunder , by reason of the great proportion of so dense a body as earth that holdeth it together . Yet some inclination it will haue to fluidnesse , by reason the water is predominant ouer all ; which also will make it be easily diuisible , and giue very litle resistance to any hard thing that shall be applyed to make way through it . In a word , this mixture maketh the constitution of mudde , durt , honey , butter and such like thinges where the maine partes are great ones . And such , are the partes of earth and water in themselues . Lett the next proportion of excesse in a watry compound , 13 be of ayre , which when it preuayleth , it incorporateth it selfe chiefely with Earth , for the other Elements would not so well retaine it . Now , because its partes are subtile ( by reason of the rarity it hath ) and sticking , ( because of its humidity ) it driueth the Earth and water likewise into lesser partes . The result of such a mixture is , that the partes of a boby compounded by it are close , catching , flowing slowly , glibbe , and generally it will burne , and be easily conuerted into flame . Of this kind , are those which we call oyly or vnctuous bodies whose great partes are easily separated , ( that is , they are easily diuisible in bulke , ) but the small ones very hardly . Next the smallnesse , and well working of the partes , by meanes of the ayres penetrating euery dense one , and sticking close to euery one of them , and consequently , ioyning them without any vneuennesse ; causeth that there can be no ruggednesse in it ; and therefore , it is glibbe : in like manner as we see plaster or starch become smooth when they are well wrought . Then , the humidity of it causeth it to be catcking , and the shortenesse of euery part , maketh that where it sticketh , it is not easily parted thence . Now , the rarity of ayre next vnto fire , admitteth it to be ( of all the other Elements ) most easily , brought to the height of fire , by the operation of fire vpon it . And therefore , oyles are the proper foode of that Element . And accordingly we see , that if a droppe of oyle be spilled vpon a sheete of paper , and the paper be sett on fire att a corner ; as the fire cometh neere the oyle , the oyle will disperse and spread it selfe vpon the paper to a broader compasse then it had ; which is , because the heat rarifyeth it ; and so , in oyle it selfe the fire rarifying the ayre , maketh it penetrate the earthy partes adioyned vnto it , more then it did ; and so subtiliseth them , till they be reduced to such a height as they are within the power of fire to communicate his owne nature vnto them : and thus , he turneth them into fire , and carrieth them vp in his flame . 14 But if fire be predominant ouer earth and ayre in a watry compound ; it maketh the body so proportioned , to be subtile , rare , penetratiue , hoat in operation , light in weight , and subiect to burne . Of this kind are all sortes of wines , and distilled spirits , commonly called strong waters or Aquauites ; in latine Aquae ardentes . These will loose their vertues meerely by remaining vncouered in the ayre ; for fire doth not incorporate strongly with water ; but , if it find meanes , rayseth it selfe into the ayre ; as we see in the smoake of boyling water which is nothing else but litle bodies of fire , that entring into the water , do rarify some partes of it ; but haue no inclination to stay there and therefore as fast as they can gett out , they fly away ; but the humide partes of the water , which they haue rarifyed ( being of a sticking nature ) do ioyne themselues vnto them , and ascend in the ayre as high as the fiery atomes haue strength to carry them : which when it faileth them , that smoake falleth downe in a dew , and so becometh water againe as it was . All which one may easily discerne in a glasse vessell of water sett ouer the fire ; in which one may obserue the fire come in att the bottome , and presently swimme vp to the toppe like a litle bubble , and immediately rise from thence in smoake : and that , will att last conuert it selfe into droppes and settle vpon some solide substance thereabouts . Of these fyry spirits , some are so subtile , as of themselues they will vanish , and leaue no residue of a body behind them ; and Alchymistes prof●sse to make them so etheriall and volatile , that being poured out of a glasse from some reasonable height , they shall neuer reach the ground : but that before they come thither , they will be so rarifyed by that litle motion , as they shall grow inuisible like the ayre , and dispersing themselues all about in it , they will fill the chamber with the smell of that body which can no longer be seene . The last excesse in watry bodies , 15 must be of water it selfe , which is , when so litle a proportion of any of the other is mingled with it , as is hardly perceptible : out of this composition do arise all those seuerall sortes of iuices or liquors , which we commonly call waters : which by their mixture with the other three Elements , haue peculiar properties beyond simple Elementall water . The generall qualities whereof , we shall not neede any further to expresse , because , by what we haue already said of water in common , they are sufficiently knowne . In our next suruay , 16 we will take earth for our ground to worke vpon , as hitherto we haue done water : which if in any body , it be in the vtmost excesse of it beyond all the other three ; then , rockes and stones will grow out of it ; whose dryenesse ad hardnesse may assure vs , that Earth swayeth in their composition , with the least allay that may be . Nor doth their lightnesse ( in respect of some other Earthy compositions ) impeach this resolution ; for that proceedeth from the greatnesse and multiplicity of pores ; wherewith their dryenesse causeth them to abound and hindereth not , but that their reall solide partes may be very heauy . Now if we mingle a considerable proportion of water with earth ; 17 so , as to exceede the fire and ayre , but still inferior to the earth ; we shall produce mettalls : whose great weight , with their ductility and malleability , plainely telleth vs , that the smallest of waters grosse partes , are the glew that holdeth the earthy dense ones together : such weight , belonging to earth , and that easye changing of partes , being most proper to water . Quickesiluer ( that is the generall matter , whereof all the mettalls are immediately cōposed ) giueth vs euidence hereof ; for fire worketh vpon it with the same effect as vpon water . And the calcination of most of the mettalls , proueth that fire can easily part and consume the glew by which they were closed and held together : which therefore , must be rather of a watry then of an ayry substance . Likewise the glibbenesse of Mercury , and of melted mettalls , without catching or sticking to other substances , giueth vs to vnderstand that this great temper of a moyst Element with Earth , is water , and not ayre ; and that the watry partes are comprised , and as it were shutt vp within the earthy ones : for ayre catcheth and sticketh notably to all thinges it toucheth , and will not be imprisoned ; the diuisibity of it being exceeding great , though in neuer so short partes . Now if ayre mingleth it selfe with earth , 18 and be predominant ouer water and fire ; it maketh such an oyly and fatt soile , as husbandmen account their best mould ; which receiuing a betterment from the sunne and temperate heat , assureth vs of the concurse of the ayre : for wheresoeuer su●h heate is , ayre can not faile of accompanying it , or of being effected by it : and the richest of such earth , ( as port earth and marle ) will with much fire grow more compacted , and sticke closer together then it did ; as we see in baking them into pottes or fine brickes . Whereas , if water were the glew betweene the dense partes fire would consume it and crumble them a sunder , as it doth in those bodies it calcineth And excesse of fire will bring them to vitrification ; which still confirmeth that ayre aboundeth in them ; for it is the nature of ayre to sticke so close where once it is kneaded in , as it can not be seperated without extreme difficulty . And to this purpose , the viscous holding together of the partes of glasse when it is melted , sheweth euidently that ayre aboundeth in vitrifyed bodies . 19 The last mixture we are to meddle with , is of fire with earth , in an ouerruling proportion ouer ayre and water . And this I conceiue produceth those substances , which we may terme coagulated iuices , and which the latines do call Succi concreti : whos 's first origine , seemeth to haue beene liquors ; that haue beene afterwardes dryed by the force eyther of heate , or of cold . Of this nature are all kind of saltes , niters sulfurs , and diuers sortes of bitumens . All which , easily bewray the relikes an deffects of fire left in them ; some more , some lesse , according to their degrees . 20 And thus , we haue in generall , deduced from their causes , the complexions of those bodies , whereof the bulke of the world subiected to our vse , consisteth ; and which serue for the production and nourishment of liuing creatures , both animall and vegetable . Not so exactly ( I confesse ) nor so particularly , as the matter in it selfe , or as a treatise confined to that subiect , would require : yet sufficiently for our intent . In the performance whereof , if more accurate searchers of nature shall find that we haue peraduenture beene mistaken in the minute deliuering of some particular bodies complexion ; their very correction ( I dare boldly say ) will iustify our principall scope : which is , to shew that all the great variety we see among bodies , ariseth out of the cōmixtion of the first qualities and of the Elements : for they will not be able to correct vs , vpon any other groundes then those we haue layed . As may easily be perceiued , if we cast a summary view vpon the qualities of composed bodies . All which we shall find to spring out of rarity , and density , and to sauour of their origine : for the most manifest qualities of bodies may be reduced to certaine paires opposite to one an other . As namely some are liquide and flowing , others are consistent ; some are soft others hard ; some are fatty , viscous , and smooth ; others leane , gritty , and rough ; some grosse , othert subtile ; some tough , others brittle : and the like . Of which the liquide , the soft , the fatt and the viscous , are so manifestly deriued from rarity , that we neede not take any further paines to trace out their origine : and the like is of their contraries , from the contrary cause ; to witt of those bodies that are consistent , hard , leane , and gritty , all which do euidently spring from density . As for smoothnesse , we haue already shewed how that proceedeth from an ayry or oyly nature ; and by consequence , from a certaine degree of rarity . And therefore roughnesse ( the contrary of it ) must proceede from a proportionable degree of density . Toughnesse , is also a kind of ductility , which we haue reduced to watrynesse , that is , to an other degree of rarity ; and consequently brittlenesse must arise from the contrary degree of density . Lastly , grossenesse and subtilenesse do consist in a difficulty or facility to be diuided into small partes , which appeareth to be nothing else , but a certaine determination of rarity and density . And thus , we see ; how the seuerall complexions of bodies , are reduced to the foure Elements that compound them : and the qualities of those bodies , to the two primary differencies of quantatiue thinges by which the Elements are diuersifyed . And out of this discourse it will be euident , 21 that these complexions and qualities , though in diuerse degrees , must of necessity be found wheresoeuer there is any variation in bodies : for seeing there can be no variation in bodies , but by rarity and density ; and that the pure degrees of rarity and density , do make heate , cold , moisture , and drynesse , and ( in a word ) the foure Elements ; it is euident , that wheresoeuer there is variety of bodies , there must be the foure Elements ; though peraduenture farre vnlike these mixed bodies which we call Elements . And againe , because these Elements can not consist without motion ; and because by motion they do of necessity , produce mixed bodies , and forge out those qualities , which we come from explicating ; it must by like necessity , follow ▪ that wheresoeuer there is any variety of actiue and passiue bodies ; there mixed bodies likewise must reside of the same kindes , and be endewed with qualities of the like natures , as those we haue treated of ; though peraduenture , such as are in other places of the world remote from vs , may be in a degree farre different from ours . Since then , it can not be denyed , but that there must be notable variety of actiue and passiue bodies wheresoeuer there is light : ney●her can it be denyed , but that in all those great bodies from which light is reflected vnto vs , there must be a like variety of complexions and of qualities , and of bodies tempered by them , as we find here in the orbe we liue in . Which systeme ; how d●fferent it is from that which Aristotle and the most of the schoole haue deliuered vs , as well in the euidencies of the proofes for its being so ; as in the position and modell of it ; I leaue vnto the prudent readers to consider and iudge . Out of what hath beene already said , 22 it is not hard to discouer in what manner the composition of bodies is made . In effecting of which ; the maine hinge whereon that motion depēdeth , is fire or heate : as it likewise is , in all other motions whatsoeuer . Now because the composition of a mixed , body proceedeth f●om the action of one simple body or element vpon the others : it will not be amisse to declare by some example how this work● passeth : for th●t purpose , lett vs examine how fire or heate wo●keth vpon his f●llowes . By what w● haue formerly deliuered ; it is cleare that fire streaming out from its center , and diffusing it selfe abroad , so as to fill the circumference of a larger circle , it must needes follow , that the beames of it are most condensed and compacted together neere the center ; and the further they streame from the center , the more thinne and rarifyed they must grow : yet this is with such moderation , as we can not any where discerne that one beame doth not touch an other ; and therefore , the distances must be very small . Now lett vs suppose that fire happeneth to be in a viscous and tenacious body ; and then consider what will happen in this case : of one side , the fire spreadeth it selfe abroad ; on the other side , the partes of the tenacious body being moist ( as we haue formerly determined ) their edges on all handes will sticke fast to the dry beames of the fire that passe betweene them . Then they stretching wider and wider from one an other must needes draw with them the partes of that tenacious body which sticke vnto them ; and stertch them into a greater widenesse or largenesse then they enioyed before , frō whēce it followeth , that ( seeing there is no other body neere thereaboutes , but they two ) eyther there must be a vacuity left , or else the tenacious body must hold and fill a greater space then it did before ; and consequently be more rare . Contrarywise , if any of the other Elements be stronger then fire , the denser Elements breake off , from their continued streame , the little partes of fire , which were gotten into their greater partes : and sticking on all sides about them , they do so enclose them that they haue no more semblance of fire : and if afterwardes by any accident there cometh a great compression , they force them to loose their naturall rarity , and to become some other Element . Thus it fareth with fire , both in acting and in suffering . And the same course , we haue in both these regardes expressed of it , passeth likewise in the rest of the Elements to the proportion of their contrarieties . Hence it followeth , that when fire meeteth with humidity in any body , it diuideth and subtiliseth it , and disperseth it gently , and in a kind of equall manner through the whole body it is in , ( if the operation of it be a naturall and a gentle one ) and so driueth it into other partes , which att the same time it prepareth to receiue it by subtilising likewise those partes . And thus moderate fire , maketh humour in very small partes to incorporate it selfe in an euen or vniforme manner with the dry partes it meeteth withall : which being done whether the heate doth afterwardes continue , or that cold succeedeth in lieu of it , the effect must of necessity be , that the body thus composed , be bound vp and fastened , more or lesse according to the proportion of the matter it is made of , and of the Agents that worke vpon it , and of the time they employ about it . This is euery day seene , in the ripening of fruites and in other frequent workes , as well of art as of nature , and is so obuious ; and sensible to any reasonable obseruation that it is needelesse to enlarge my selfe much vpon this subiect . 23 Onely , it will not be amisse , for examples sake , to consider the progresse of it in the composing or augmenting of mettalls , or of earths of diuers sorts : first heate ( as we haue said ) draweth humour out of all the bodies it worketh vpon : then if the extracted humour be in quantity and the steames of it do happen to come together in some hollow place fitt to assemble them into greater partes ; they are condensed and they fall downe in a liquide and running body . These steames being thus corporifyed , the body , resulting out of them , maketh it selfe in the earth a channell to runne in : and if there be any loose partes in the channell , they mingle themselues with the running liquor : and though there be none such , yet in time the liquor it selfe looseneth the channell all about , and imbibeth into its owne substāce the partes it raiseth . And thus , all of them compacted together , do roule along till they tumble into some low place , out of which they can not so easily gett to wander further . When they are thus settled , they do the more easily receiue into them , and retaine such heate as is euery where to be mett withall , because it is diffused more or lesse through the earth . This heate , if it be sufficient , digesteth it into a solide body : the temper of cold likewise concurring in its measure to this effect . And according to the variety of the substances whereof the first liquour was made , and which it afterwardes drew along with it ; the body that resulteth out of them is diuersifyed . In confirmation of all which , they that deale in mines , tell vs they vse to find mettalls oftentimes mingled with stones ; as also , coagulated iuices with both ; and earths of diuers natures , with all three ; and they with it , and one with an other among themselues . And that sometimes they find the mines not yet consolidated and digested throughly into mettall ; when by their experience knowing after how many yeares they will be ripe , they shutt them vp againe till then . Now if the hollow place wherein the body stayed ( which att the first was liquid and rouling ) be not att once filled by it , but it taketh vp onely part of it ; and the same liquor continueth afterwardes to flow thither ▪ then this body is augmented , and groweth bigger and bigger . And although the liquors should come att seuerall times ; yet , they become not therefore two seuerall bodies , but both liquors do grow into one body ; for the wett parts of the aduentitious liquor , do mollify the sides of the body already baked ; and both of them being of a like temper and cognation , they easily sticke and grow together . Out of this discours it followeth euidently , that in all sortes of compounded bodies whatsoeuer , there must of necessity , be actually comprised sundry partes of diuers natures : for otherwise , they would be but so many pure degrees of rarity and density ; that is , they would be but so many pure Elements , and each of them haue but one determinate vertue or operation . THE FIFTEENTH CHAPTER . Of the dissolution of Mixed bodies . THus much for composition of bodies . Their dissolution is made three wayes : 1 eyther by fire , or by water , or by some outward violence . We will beginne with examining how this last is done . To which end we may consider ▪ that the vnity of any body consisting in the connexion of its partes ; it is euident that the force of motion , if it be exercised vpon them , must of necessity separate them , as we see in breaking , cutting , filing , drawing a sunder , and the like . All these motions , because they are done by grosse bodies , do require great partes to worke vpon , and are easily discerned how they worke : so that it is not difficult to find the reason why some hard bodies breake easily , and others with much adoe . The first of which are called brittle , the others tough . For if you marke it , all breaking requireth that bēding hould precede : which on the one side compresseth the partes of the bended body , and condenseth them into a lesser roome then they possessed before ; and on the otherside stretcheth them out , and maketh them take vp more place . This requireth some fluide or moueable substance to be within the body ; else , it could not be done ; for without such helpe , the partes could not remoue . Therefore such hard bodies as haue most fluide partes in them , are most flexible , that is are toughest . And those which haue fewest , though they become thereby hardest to haue impression made vpon them , yet if the force be able to do it , they rather yield to breake then to bend ; and thence , are called brittle . Out of this we may inferre , that some bodies may be so soddainely bent as that thereby they breake asunder ; whereas if they were leisurely and gently dealed withall , they would take what ply one desireth . And likewise that there is no body ( be it neuer so brittle and hard ) but that it will bend a litle ( and indeed more then one would expect ) if it be wrought vpon with time and dexterity ; for there is none but cōtaineth in it some liquide partes , more or lesse : euen glasse and bricke . Vpon which occasion I remember , how once in a great storme of wind , I saw the high slender bricke chimnyes of the Kinges house att St Iames ( one winter when ( the ourt lay there ) bend from the wind like bowes , and sharke exceedingly , and totter . And at other times I haue seen some very high , and pointy spire steeples do the like . And I haue beene assured the like of the whole pile of a high castle , standing in a gullett in the course of the wind ; ( namely the castle of Wardour ) by those who haue often seene it shake notably in a fierce wind . The reason of all which may be deduced out of what we haue said aboue : for seeing that the bending of a body , maketh the spirits or humors that are within it , to sally forth ; it is cleare that if the violence which forceth it , be not so soddaine , nor the motion it receiueth , be not so quicke , but that the moisture may oose gently out ; the body will bend , still more and more , as their absence glueth it leaue . But if the motion that is wrought in it be too quicke ; then the spirits not hauing time allowed them to goe leisurely and gently out , do force their prison , and breake out with a violence ; and so the body is snapped into two . Here peraduenture some remembring what we haue said in an other place ; 2 namely , that it is the shortenesse and littlenesse of the humide partes in a body , which maketh it sticke together ; and that this shortenesse may be in so high a degree , as nothing can come betweene the partes they glew together to diuide them ; may aske how a very dense body of such a straine , can be broken or diuided ? But the difficulty is not great , for seeing that the humide partes , in whatsoeuer degree of shortenesse they be , must necessarily haue still some latitude ; it can not be doubted , but there may be some force assigned , greater then their resistance can be . All the question is , how to apply it to worke its effect vpon so close a compacted body , in which peraduenture the continuity , of the humide partes that bind the others together , may be so small , as no other body whatsoeuer ( no , not fire ) can goe betweene them , in such sort as to separate part from part . Att the worst , it can not be doubted but that the force may be so applyed att the outside of that body , as to make the partes of it presse , and fight one against an other , and att the length , by multiplication of the force , constraine it to yield and suffer diuision . And this I conceiue to be the condition of gold and of some pretious stones : in which the Elements are vnited by such little partes , as nothing but a ciuill warre within themselues ( stirred vp by some subtile outward enemy , whereby they are made to teare their owne bowels ) could bring to passe their destruction . But this way of dissoluing such bodies , more properly belongeth to the next way of working vpon them by fire : yet the same is done when some exterior violence pressing vpon those partes it toucheth , maketh them cu●t a way betweene their next neighbours ; and so continuing the force , diuide the whole body . As when the chisell , or euen the hammer with beating , breaketh gold a sunder : for it is neyther the chisell , nor the hammer that doth that effect immediately ; but they make those partes they touch , cutt the others that they are forced vpon . In such sort as I remember happened to a gentleman that stood by me ( in a sea fight I was in ) with a coate of maile vpon his body , when a bullett coming against a bony part in him , made a great wound , and shattered all the bones neere where it strucke : 3 and yet the coate of maile was whole : it seemeth the little linkes of the maile yielding to the bullets force made their way into the flesh and to the bone . But now it is time to come to the other two instruments of separation of bodies ; fire and water ; and to examine how they dissolue compounds . Of these two ; the way of working of fire , is the easiest and most apparant to be discerned . We may readily obserue how it proceedeth , if we but sett a piece of wood on fire ; in which it maketh little holes as if with bodkins it pierced it . So that the manner of its operation , in common , being plaine , wee neede but reflect a little vpon the seuerall particular degrees of it . Some bodies it seemeth not to touch ; as clothes made of Asbestus ; which are onely purifyed by it . Others , it melteth , but consumeth not ; as gold . Others it turneth into pouder suddainely dissoluing their body ; as lead , and such mettalls as are calcined by pure fire . Others againe , it seperateth into a greater number of differing partes ; as into spirits , waters , oyles , salts , earth and glasse : of which ranke are all vegetables . And lastly , others it conuerteth into pure fire , as strong waters , or Aquauites ( called aquae ardentes ) and some pure oyles : for the smoake that is made by their setting on fire , and peraduenture their salt , is so little as is scarce discernable . These are in summe the diuisions which fire maketh vpon bodies , according to the nature of them , and to the due application of it vnto them : for by the helppe and mediation of other thinges , it may peraduenture worke other effects . 4 Now to examine a little in particular , how the same fire , in differing subiects produceth such defferent effects ▪ Limus vt hic durescit , & haec vt cera liquescit , Vno eodemque igni ; We will consider the nature of euery one of the subiects apart by it selfe . First , for the Asbestus : it is cleare , that it is of a very dry substance ; so that to looke vpon it , when it is broken into very little pieces , they seeme to be little bundles of short haires , the liquidity within , being so little as it affordeth the partes neyther length nor breadth : and therefore , fire meeteth with litle there , that it can dilate . But what it can not dilate , it can not separate ; nor carry away any thing of it , but what is accidentally adherēt vnto the outsides of it . And so it seemeth onely to passe through the pores , and to cleāse the litle thriddes of it : but bringeth no detriment att all to the substance of it . In this I speake onely of an ordinary fire : for I doubt not but such a one it might be , 5 as would perfectly calcine it . The next body we spoke of is gold . This aboundeth so much in liquidity , that it sticketh to the fire , if duely applyed : but its humidity is so well vnited to its earthy partes , and is so perfectly incorporated with thē ; as it can not carry away one , without likewise carrying away both : but both , are too heauy a weight for the litle agile partes of fire to remoue . Thus , it is able to make gold swell ; as we see in melting it : in which , the gold receiueth the fire into its bowels and retaineth it a lōg time with it : but at its departure , it permitteth the fire to carry nothing away vpon its winges : as is apparant , by the goldes no whitt decay of weight , after neuer so long fusion . And therefore , to haue fire make any separation in gold ; requireth the assistance of some other moyst body , that an the one side may sticke closely to the gold , when the fire driueth it into it , and on the other side may be capable of dilatation , by the action of the fire vpon it . As in some sort we see in strong waters made of saltes , which are a proper subiect for the fire to dilate , who , by the assistance of fire , mingling themselues closely with litle partes of the gold , do pull them away from their whole substāce , and do force them to beare them cōpany in their iourny vpwardes , in which , multitudes of litle partes of fire , do concurre to presse thē on and hastē thē : and so , the weight of gold being att lēgth ouercome by these two powerfull Agents ( whereof one supplyeth , what the other wanteth ) the whole substance of the metall , is in litle atomes diffused through the whole body of the water . But this is not truly a dissolution or a separation of the substantiall partes of gold , one from an other : it is onely a corrosion , which bringeth it into a subtile pouder , ( when the water and saltes are seperated from it ) much like what filing ( though farre smaller ) or grinding of leafe gold vpon a porphyre stone , may reduce it into : for neyther the partes of the water , nor of the fire that make themselues a way into the body of the gold ; are small and subtile enough to gett betweene the partes that compose the essence of it : and therefore , all they can attaine vnto , is to diuide it onely in his quantity or bulke ; not in the composition of its nature . Yet I intend not to deny , but that this is possible to be arriued vnto , eyther by pure fire duly applyed ; or by some other assistance ▪ as peraduenture , by some kind of Mercury : which being of a neerer cognation vnto mettalls , then any other liquor is ; may happily haue a more powerfull ingression into gold , then any other body whatsoeuer ; and being withall very subiect to rarefaction , it may ( after it is entered ) so perfectly penetrate the gold , as it may seperate euery least part of it , and so reduce it into an absolute calx . But in this place I explicate no more then what ordinarily passeth ; leauing the mysteries of this art to those who professe it . To goe on then with what we haue in hand ; 6 lead hath aboundance of water ouermingled with its earth , as appeareth by its easy yielding to be bend any w●y , and by its quiet standing bent in the same position that the force which bowed it leaueth it in . And therefore , the liquide partes of lead , are easily separated from its dry and earthy ones : and when it is melted , the very shaking of it , causeth the grosse partes to descend , and many liquid ones to fly away with the fire : so that , suddainely it is thus conuerted into pouder . But this pouder is grosse , in respect of other mettalls ; vnlesse this operation be often reiterated , or the fire more powerfully applyed , then what is iust enough to bring the body of the lead into pouder . The next consideration of bodies that fire worketh vpon ; 7 is of such as it diuideth into spirits , saltes , oyles , waters , or phlegmes , and earth . Now these are not pure and simple partes of the dissolued body , but new cōpounded bodies , made of the first by the operation of heat . As smoake is not pure water , but water and fire together : and therefore becometh not water , but by cooling , that is , by the fire flying away from it . So likewise those spirits , salts , oyles , and the rest ; are but degrees of thinges , which fire maketh of diuers partes of the dissolued body , by seperating them one from an other , and incorporating it selfe with them . And so , they are all of them compounded of the foure Elements ; and are further resoluable into them . Yet I intend not to say that there are not originally in the body before its dissolution , some loose partes which haue the properties of these bodies that are made by the fire in the dissoluing of it : for seeing that nature worketh by the like instruments as art vseth ; she must needes , in her excesses and defects , produce like bodies to what art doth in dissolution ; which operation of art is but a kind of excesse in the progresse of nature : but my meaning is , that in such dissolution , there are more of these partes made by the working of fire , then were in the body before . Now because this is the naturall and most ordinary dissolution of thinges ; lett vs see in particular how it is done : suppose then that fire were in a conuenient manner applyed , to a body that hath all sortes of partes in it ; and our owne discourse will tell vs , that the first effect it worketh will be , that as the subtile partes of fire do diuide , and passe through that body , they will adhere to the most subtile partes in it ; which being most agile , and least bound , and incorporated to the bowels of the body , and lying ( as it were ) loosely scattered in it , the fire will carry them away with it . Th●se will be the first that are seperated from the maine body ; which being retained in a fitt receiuer , will by the coldenesse of the circumdant ayre grow outwardly coole themselues , and become first a dew vpon the sides of the glasse , and then still as they grow cooler , condense more and more ; till att the length they fall downe congealed into a palpable liquor ; which is composed ( as you see ) of the hoatest partes of the body , mingled with the fire that carried them out : and therefore this liquor , is very inflammable , and easily turned into actuall fire ; as you see all spirits and Aquae ardentes of vegetables are . The hoat and loose partes being extracted ; and the fire continuing and encreasing ; those that will follow next are such , as though they be not of themselues loose ; yet are easyest to be made so ; and are therefore most separable . These must be humide ; and those little dry partes which are incorporated with the ouerflowing humide ones in them ( for no partes that we can arriue vnto , are of one pure , simple nature ; but all are mixed and composed of the 4 Elements in some proportion ) must be held together with such grosse glew , as the fire may easily penetrate and separate them . And then the humide partes diuided into little atomes do sticke to the lesser ones of the fire : which by their multitude of number and velocity of motion , supplying what they want of them in bulke ; do carry them away with them . And thus these phlegmaticke partes fly vp with the fire and are afterwardes congealed into an insipide water : which if it haue any sauour , is , because the first ardent spirits are not totally separated from it ; but some few of them remaine in it , and giue some little life to the whole body of that otherwise flatt liquor . Now those partes which the fire separateth next from the remaining body , after the firy and watry ones are carryed away , must be such as it can worke vpon ; and therefore must abound in humidity . But since they stirre not till the watry ones are gone , it is euident , that they are composed of many dry partes strongly incorporated , and very subtilely mixed with the moist ones ; and that both of them are exceeding small , and are so closely and finely knitt together , that the fire hath much adoe to gett betweene them and cutt the thriddes that tye them together : and therefore , they require a very great force of fire to cary them vp . Now the composition of these , sheweth them to be aeriall : and ( together with the fire that is mingled with them ) they congeale into that consistence which we call oyle . Lastly , it can not be otherwise but that the fire , in all this while of continuall application to the body it thus anatomiseth , hath hardned and as it were rosted some partes into such greatnesse and drynesse as they will not fly , nor can be carried vp with any moderate heate . But , greate quantity of fire being mingled with the subtiler partes of his baked earth maketh them very pungent , and acrimonious in tast ▪ so , that they are of the nature of ordinary salt , and are so called ; and by the helpe of water may easily be separated , from the more grosse partes , which then remaine a dead and vselesse earth . By this discourse it is apparant , that fire hath been the instrument which hath wrought all these partes of an entire body into the formes they are in ; for whiles , it carryed away the fiery partes it swelled the watry ones : and whiles it lifted vp them it digested the aeriall partes , and whiles it droue vp the oyles , it baked the earth and salt . Againe , all these retaining for the most part , the proper nature of the substance from whence they are extracted ; it is euident , that the substance is not dissolued ; ( for so , the nature of the whole would be dissolued and quite destroyed , and extinguished in euery part ) but that onely some partes containing the whole substance , or rather the nature of the whole substance in them , are separated from other partes that haue likewise the same nature in them . The third instrument , 8 for the separation and dissolution of bodies , is water . Whose proper matter to worke vpon , is salt . And it serueth to supply what the fire could not performe , which is the separation of the salt from the earth in calcined bodies . All the other partes fire was able to seuer . But in these , he hath so baked the little humidity he hath left in them with their much earth ▪ as he can not diuide them any further . And so , though he incorporateth him selfe with them , yet he can carry nothing away with him . If then pure water be putt vpon that chalke , the subtilest dry partes of it , do easily ioyne to the superuenient moysture ; and sticking close to it do draw it downe to them ; but because they are the lighter , it happeneth to them , as when a man in a boate pulleth the land to him : that , cometh not to him ; but he remoueth himselfe and his boate to it : so , these ascend in the water as they dissolue . And the water , more and more penetrating them , and by addition of its partes , making the humidity which gleweth their earthy partes together greater and greater ; doth make a wider and wider separation betweene those little earthy partes . And so imbueth the whole body of the water with thē ; into which ▪ they are dispersed in little atomes . Those that are of biggest bulke , remaine lowest in the water . And in the same measure as their quantities dissolue into lesse and lesse they ascend higher and higher in the water : till att the length , the water is fully replenished with them , and they are diffused through the whole body of it : whiles the more grosse and heauy earthy partes ( hauing nothing in them to make a present combination betweene them and the water ) do fall downe to the bottome , and settle vnder the water in dust . In which because earth alone doth predominate in a very great excesse , we can expect no other vertue to be in it , but that which is proper to meere earth : to witt , drynesse and weight . Which ordinary Alchymistes looke not after : and therefore call it Terra damnata : but others , find a fixing quality in it , by which they performe very admirable operations . Now if you powre the impregnated water from the Terra damnata , and then euaporate it ; you will find a pure white substance remaining . Which by its bulke , sheweth it selfe to be very earthy ; and by its pricking , and corrosiue tast , will informe you much fire is in it , and by its easy dissolution in a moist place , that water had a great share in the production of it . And thus the saltes of bodies are made and extracted . 9 Now as water doth dissolue salt , so by the incorporation and vertue of that corrosiue substance it doth more then salt it selfe can doe : for hauing gotten acrimony , and more weight by the mixture and dissolution of salt in it , it maketh it selfe a way into solide bodies , euen into mettals ; as we see in brasse and iron ; which are easily rusted by salt dissoluing vpon them . And according as the saltes are stronger , so this corrosiue vertue encreaseth in them , euen so much , as neyther syluer nor gold , are free from their eating quality . But they , as well as the rest , are diuided into most small partes , and are made to swimme in water , in such sort as we haue explicated aboue , and whereof euery ordinary Alchymist teacheth the practise . But this is not all ; salts do helpe as well to melt hard bodies and mettalls , as to corrode them : for some fusible salts flowing vpon them by the heate of the fire , and others dissolued by the streame of the mettall that incorporateth with them ; as soone as they are in fluxe , they mingle with the naturall iuice of the mettall , and penetrate them deeper , then without them the fire could doe , and swell them and make them fitt to runne . 10 These are the principall wayes of the two last instruments in dissoluing of bodies ; taking each of them by it selfe . But there remaineth one more of very great importance , as well in the workes of nature as of art ; in which , both the former are ioyned and do concure : and that is putrefraction . Whose way of working is by gentle heate and moisture to wett and pierce the body it worketh vpon ▪ whereby , it is made to swell : and the hoat partes of it , being loosened ▪ they are att length druncke vp and drowned in the moist ones ( from whence , by fire they are easily separated as we haue already declared ▪ ) and those moist partes , afterwardes leauing it , the substance remaineth dry , and falleth in pieces , for want of the glew that held it together . THE SIXTEENTH CHAPTER . An explication of certaine Maximes touching the operations , and qualities af bodies : and whether the Elements be found pure in any part of the world . OVt of what we haue determined , 1 concerning the naturall actions of bodies , in their making and destroying one an other ; it is easy to vnderstand the right meaning of some termes , and the true reason of some maximes much vsed in the schooles . As first ; when Philosophers attribute vnto all sortes of corporeall Agents , a Sphere of Actiuity . The sense of that manner of expression , in fire appeareth plainely , by what we haue already declared of the nature and manner of operation of that Element . And in like manner , if we consider how the force of cold consisteth in a compression of the body that is made cold , we may preceiue that if in the cooled body there be any subtile partes which can breake forth from the rest , such compression will make them do so . Especially if the compression be of little partes of the compressed body within themselues , as well as of the outward bulke of the whole body round about : for at first the compression of such causeth in the body , where they are , little holes or pores in the places they are compressed and driuen from ; which pores , they filled vp when they were dilated att their owne naturall liberty . But being thus forcibly shrunke vp into lesse roome , afterwardes , they squeese againe out of their croude all such very loose and subtile partes ( residing till then with them ) as can find their way out from among them . And these subtile partes , that thus are deliuered from the colds compression , gett first into the pores that we haue shewed were made by this compression . But they can not long stay there ; for the atomes of aduenient cold that obsesse the compressed body , do likewise with all their force , throng into those pores , and soone driue out the subtile guestes they find there , because they are more in number , bigger in bulke , and more violent in their course then they . Who therefore must yield vnto them the little channels , and capacities they formerly tooke vp . Out of which they are thrust with such an impetuosity , that they spinne from them with a vehemence , as quickesiluer doth through leather , when to purify it , or to bring an Amalgame to a due consistence , it is strained through the sides of it . Now these shoures or streames of atomes issuing from the compressed body , are on all sides round about it att exceeding little distances ; because the pores , out of which they are driuen , are so likewise . And consequently there they remaine round about besieging it , as though they would returne to their originall homes , as soone as the vsurping strāgers that were too powerfull for thē , will giue thē leaue . And according to the multitude of thē , and to the force with which they are driuen out ; the compasse they take vp round about the cōpressed body , is greater or lesser . Which besieging atomes are not so soone carried away by any exterior and accidentall causes , but they are supplyed by new emanations succeeding them out of the said compressed body . Now this which we haue declared by the example of cold cōpressing a particular body , happeneth in all bodies wheresoeuer they be in the world ▪ for this being the vnauoydable effect of heate and of cold , wheresoeuer they reside ; ( which are the actiue qualities , by whose meanes not onely fire and water and the other two Elements ; but all other mixed bodies composed of the Elements , haue their actiuity ) and they being in all bodies whatsoeuer ( as we haue proued aboue ) it followeth euidently , that there is not a body in the world , but hath about it selfe an orbe of emanations of the same nature which that body is of . Within the compasse of which orbe , when any other body cometh that receiueth an immutation by the little atomes whereof that orbe is composed , the aduenient body seemeth to be affected and as it were replenished with the qualities of the body from whence they issue . Which is then said to worke vpon the body that imbibeth the emanations that flow from it . And because this orbe ( regularly speaking ) is in the forme of a sphere , the passiue body is said to be within the sphere of the others actiuity . Secondly ; when Philosophers pronounce , that No corporeall nature can operari in distans ; that is , that no body can worke vpon an other remote from it , 2 without working first vpon the body that lyeth betweene them , which must continue and piece vp the operation from the Agent to the patient . The reason and truth of this maxime is in our Philosophy euident ; for we hauing shewed that action among bodies is performed for the most part , by the emission of little partes out of one body into an other : as also , that such little partes can not streame from the body that is their fountaine , and settle vpon a remote body , without passing through the interiacent bodies ; which must furnish them , as it were , with channels and pipes to conuey them whither they are to goe ; It followeth manifestly , that the actiue emissaries of the working body , can neuer reach their distant marke , vnlesse they be successiuely ferryed ouer the medium , that lyeth betweene them ; in which , they must needes leaue impressions of their hauing beene there , and so worke vpon it in their passage , and leaue in it their qualities and complexions ; as a payment for their waftage ouer . But peraduenture some may contend , 3 that these inuisible serieants and workmen are too feeble and impotent to performe those visible great effects we dayly see . As when fire att the length burneth a board that hath beene a great while opposed to it , though it touch not the body of the fire ; or when a loadestone draweth vnto it a great weight of iron that is distant from it . Vnto whom we shall reply , that if he will not grant these subtile emanations from the agent body , to be the immediate workers of these effects ; he must allott that efficacy vnto the whole corpulency of all the Agent working in bulke ( for besides the whole , and the partes there is no third thing to be considered in bodies ; since they are constituted by quantity ; ) but the whole , can not worke otherwise then by locall motion : which in this case it can not doe , because by the supposition , it is determined to keepe its distance from the passiue body , and not to moue towardes it . Therefore , this is impossible ; whereas the other can appeare but difficult att the worst , and therefore must be admitted , when no better and more intelligible solution can be found . But withall we must note that it is not our intention to say , but that it may in some circumstances happen that some particular action or effect may be wrought in a remote part or body , which shall not be the same in the intermediate body that lyeth between the Agent and the patient , and that conueyeth the Agents working atomes to the others body . As for example when tinder or Naphtha is by fire made to burne att a yarde distance from it , when the interiacent ayre is but warmed by that fire . Or when the sunne , by meanes of a burning glasse or of some other reflexion , setteth some bodies on fire , and yet onely enlighteneth the glasse and the ayre that are in the way . The reason of which is manifest to be the diuers dispositions of the different subiects in regard of the Agent : and therefore it is no wonder that diuers effects should be produced according to those diuers dispositions . A third position among Philosophers is , 4 that all bodies which worke vpon others , do likewise at the same time , wherein they worke ; suffer from those they worke vpon : and contrariwise that all bodies which suffer from others , do att the same time worke backe againe vpon them . For the better vnderstanding whereof , lett vs consider that all action among bodies is eyther purely locall motion , or else locall motion with certaine particularities which giue it a particular name . As when we expresse the locall motion of little atomes of fire , or of earth , or water vpon and into other bodies by the wordes of heating or cooling ; and so of the like . Now if the action be pure locall motion , and consequently the effect produced by that action ▪ be meerely change of place ; we must call to mind how two dense bodies mouing one against the other , do each of them beare before them some little quantity of a rarer body immediately ioyned vnto them : and consequently , these more rare bodies must be the first to feele the power of the dense bodies and to receiue impressions from their motions ; each of them , by the opposite rare body , which like an huissier goeth before to make way for his following master that obligeth him to this seruice . Now when these rare● vshers haue struggled a while like the first lightly armed rankes of two armies in the interiacent field between their maine battalies , that follow them close att the heeles ; they must att the length yield , when they are ouerborne by a greater weight then they can sustaine ; and then they recoyle backe , as it were to saue themselues by getting in among the files of the dense bodies that droue them on ; which not opening to admitt them , and yet they still flying violently from the mastering force that pursueth them ; they presse so hard vpon what att the first pressed them on , as notwithstanding their density and strength they force them to retire backe : for vnlesse they do so , they are not of the number of those that worke vpon one an other . And this retiring , is eyther on both sides , or but of one side . If both ; then it is euident how each of them is an Agent , and each of them a sufferer ; each of them ouercoming his opposite in such sort , as himselfe likewise receiueth blowes and losse . But if onely one of the dense bodies be so shocked as to recoyle backe , then that onely suffereth in its body , and the other suffereth onely in its vertue ; that is , in the ayre or other rare body it sendeth before it ; which it driueth with such a violence , that it mastereth and quelleth the opposition of the other body , before it can reach to shake the dense body , before which it runneth . Yet that rare body must be pressed and broken into , in some measure , by the encounter of the other ( which though neuer so weake yet maketh some resistance ) but much more when it cometh to grapple with the dense body it selfe : and so between them , it is wounded and enfeebled , like those souldiers that first enter a breach in a owne ; from whence when they haue driuen the enemy , they pursue him to the cittadell , and force him from thence too : and so how maymed soeuer they proue , they make a free and easy way without resistance for the whole body of their army to follow them , and take quiett possession of that which did cost them so much to winne . And thus we see how it may happen that one of these mouing bodies doth not suffer so much as to be stayed in its iourney ; much lesse , to be driuen backe . And yet the other body att the same time worke in some measure vpon it , by working vpon what is next to it ; which recoyling against it must needes make some impression vpon it , since there can be no opposition but must haue some effect . Now this impression or effect , though it be not perceptible by causing a contrary motion , yet it must needes enfeeble the vertue of the conquering Agent , and deaden the celerity of its motion . And thus it is euident , that in all pure locall motions of corporeall Agents , euery one of them must in some proportion suffer in acting , and in suffering must act . And what we haue said of this kind of action , 5 may easily be applyed to the other where the effect of locall motion is designed by a particular name , as it is in the exāples we gaue of heating and cooling . And in that , the proceeding will appeare to be the very same as in this ; for if fire doth heate water , the water reacteth againe , eyther vpō the fire and cooleth it , if it be immediate vnto it ; or else vpon the interiacent ayre , if it be att a distance from the fire . And so the ayre is , in some measure cooled , by the cold atomes that issue from the water , whose compasse or sphere of actiuity being lesser then the fires , they can not coole so farre off , as the others can heate : but where they do arriue , they giue their proportion of cold , in the very middest of the others army of fiery atomes , notwithstanding their multitude and violence . According to which doctrine , our countryman Suisseth his argument , that in the schooles is held insoluble , hath not so much as any semblance of the least difficulty : for it is euident that such atomes of fire and of water as we determine heate and cold to be , may passe and croude by one an other into the subiects they are sent vnto by diuers little streames without hindering one an other ( as we haue declared of ayre and light ) and each of them be receiued in their owne nature and temper by the same subiect ; though sense can iudge onely according to which of them is predominant , and according to the proportion of its superiority . Vpon which occasion we can not choose but note , how the doctrine of qualities is not onely vnable to giue account of the ordinary and plaine effects of nature ; but also vseth to end in cleere impossibilities and contradictions if it be driuen farre : as this argument of Suisseth sheweth , and many others of the like nature . A fourth position among Philosophers is , 6 that some notions do admitt the denominations of Intension and Remission , but that others do not . The reason of which we shall cleerely see , if we but consider how these termes of intension and remission , do but expresse more or lesse , of the thing that is said to be intended or remitted : for the nature of more and lesse , doth imply a latitude and diuisibility ; and therefore can not agree with the nature of such thinges as consist in an indiuisible being . As for example to be a whole , or to be an equall , can not be sometimes more , sometimes lesse ; for they consist in such a rigorous indiuisible being , that if the least part imaginable be wanting it is no longer a whole , and if there be the least excesse between two thinges , they are no longer equall , but are in some other proportion then of equality in regard of one an other . And hence it is that Aristotle teacheth vs that substance and the species of Quantity , do not admitt of intension and remission ; but that Quality doth . For first in substance , we know that the signification of this word is , that which maketh a thing be what it is , as is euident by our giuing it for an answere to the question what a thing is . And therefore , if there were any diuisibility in substance , it would be in what the thing is ; and consequently , euery diuision following that diuisibility , would make the thing an other what , that is an other thing . And so the substance that is pretended to be changed by intension or remission , would not be diuided , as is supposed , but would cease to be , and an other substance would succeede in the roome of it . Whereby you see that euery mutation in substance , maketh a new thing : and that more and lesse in Quiddity can not be pronounced of the same thing . Likewise in Quantity , it is cleere that its Specieses do consist in an indiuisible : for as in numbers , tenne lions ( for example ) or tenne Elephants are no more in regard of multitude then tenne fleas or tenne moates in the sunne ; and if you adde or take any thing from tenne , it is no more tenne , but some other number : so likewise in continued extension , a spanne , an elle , an ounce , or any other measure whatsoeuer , ceaseth to be a spanne and the rest , if you adde to it or diminish from it the least quantity imaginable . And peraduenture , the same is also of figures , as of a sphere , a cube , a circle , a square , &c. though they be in the ranke of Qualities . But if we consider such qualities as heat , cold , moysture , drynesse , softnesse , hardnesse , weight , lightnesse , and the like ▪ we shall find that they may be in any body sometimes more , sometimes lesse , ( according as the excesse of any Element or mixture is greater in it , att one time then att an other ) and yet the body in which these qualities are intended or remitted , remaine still with the same denomination . As when durt continueth still softe , though sometimes it be lesse softe , other whiles softer ; and waxe remaineth figurable , whether it be melted or congealed ; and wood is still hoat though it loose or gaine some degree of heate . But such intension in any subiect whatsoeuer hath its determinate limits that it can not passe ; for when more of that quality that we say is intended ( that is , more of the atomes of the actiue body ) is brought into the body that suffereth the intension , then its complexion can brooke ; it resigneth its nature to their violence and becometh a new thing ; such an one as they are pleased to make it . As when wood , with extremity of heating ( that is , with bringing into it so many atomes of fire , that the fire is stronger in it then its owne nature ) is conuerted into fire , smoake , water , and ashes ; and nothing remaineth of the nature of wood . 7 But before we end this chapter , we may remember how in the close of the fourth we remitted a question concerning the existence of the Elements ; ( that is ; whether in any places of the world there were any pure Elements , eyther in bulke or in little partes ; ) as being not ready to resolue it , till we had declared the manner of working of bodies one vpon an other . Here then will be a fitt place to determine that , out of what we haue discoursed concerning the actions , whereby bodies are made and corrupted : for considering the vniuersall action of fire that runneth through all the bodies we haue commerce withall , by reason of the sunnes influence into them and operation vpon them with his light and beames which reacheth farre and neere ; and looking vpon the effects which we haue shewed do follow thence : it is manifest , there can not be any great quantity of any body whatsoeuer , in which fire is not intrinsecally mixed . And on the other side , we see that where fire is once mixed it is very hard to seperate it totally from thence . Againe we see it is impossible that pure fire should be conserued , without being adioyned to some other body ; both because of its violent natiuity , still streaming forth with a great impetuosity ; as also , because it is so easily ouercome by any obsident body when it is dilated . And therefore we may safely conclude that no simple Element can consist in any great quantity in this course of nature which we liue in and take a suruay of . Neyther doth it appeare to what purpose nature should haue placed any such storehouses of simples , seeing she can make all needefull complexions by the dissolutions of mixed bodies into other mixed bodies sauouring of the nature of the Elements , without needing their purity to beginne vpon . But on the other side , it is as euident that the Elements must remaine pure in euery compounded body in such extreme small partes as we vse to call atomes : for if they did not , the variety of bodies would be nothing else , but so many degrees of rarity and density , or so many pure homogeneall Elements , and not bodies composed of heterogeneall partes : and consequently , would not be able to shew that variety of partes which we see in bodies , nor could produce the complicated effects which proceede from them . And accordingly we are sure that the least partes which our senses can arriue to discouer haue many varieties in them : euen so much that a whole liuing creature ( whose organicall partes must needes be of exceeding different natures ) may be so litle , as vnto our eyes to seeme indiuisible ; we not distinguishing any difference of partes in it without the helpe of a multiplying glasse : as in the least kind of mites , and in wormes picked out of Childrens handes we dayly experience . So as it is euident that no sensible part can be vnmingled . But then againe , when we call to mind how we haue shewed that the qualities which we find in bodies do result out of the composition , and mixtion of the Elements , we must needes conclude that they must of necessity remaine in their owne essences in the mixed body . And so out of the whole discourse , determine that they are not there in any visible quantity , but in those least atomes , that are too subtile for our senses to discerne . Which position we do not vnderstand so Metaphysically as to say that their substantiall formes remaine actually in the mixed body ; but onely , that their accidentall qualities are found in the compound ; remitting that other question vnto Metaphysicians ( those spirituall Anatomistes ) to decide . THE SEVENTEENTH CHAPTER . Of Rarefaction and Condensation the two first motions of particular bodies . 1 OVr intention in this discourse , concerning the natures and motions of bodies , ayming no further then att the discouery of what is or may be done by corporeall Agents ; thereby to determine what is the worke of immateriall and spirituall substances ; it can not be expected att our handes that we should deliuer here an entire and complete body of naturall Philosophy . But onely that we should take so much of it in our way , as is needfull to carry vs with truth and euidence to our iourneys end . It belongeth not then to vs to meddle with those sublime contemplations which search into the nature of the vast Vniuerse , and that determine the vnity and limitation of it ; and that shew by what stringes , and vpon what pinnes , and wheeles , and hinges , the whole world moueth : and that from thence do ascend vnto an awfull acknowledgment and humble admiration of the primary cause ; from whence , and of which , both the being of it , and the beginning of the first motion , and the continuance of all others doth proceed and depend . Nor in deede would it be to the purpose for anyman to sayle in this Ocean , and to beginne a new voyage of nauigation vpon it : vnlesse he were assured , he had ballast enough in his shippe to make her sinke deepe into the water and to carry her steadily through those vnruly waues ; and that he were furnished with skill and prouision sufficient to go through , without eyther loosing his course by steering after a wrong compasse , or being forced backe againe with shorte and obscure relations of discoueries : since others that went out before him , are returned with a large account to such as are able to vnderstand and summe it vp . Which surely our learned countryman , and my best and most honoured frend , and to whom of all men liuing I am most obliged ( for to him I owe that litle which I know ; and what I haue , and shall sett downe in all this discourse , is but a few sparkes kindled by me att his greate fire ) hath both profoundly , and acutely , and in euery regard iudiciously performed in his Dialogues of the world . Our taske then ( in a lower straine ; and more proportionate to so weake shoulders ) is to looke no further then among those bodies we conuerse withall . Of which , hauing declared by what course and engines nature gouerneth their common motions , that are found euen in the Elements , and from thence are deriued to all bodies composed of them ; we intend now to consider such motions as accompany diuers particular bodies , and are much admired by whosoeuer vnderstandeth not the causes of them . To beginne from the easiest and most connexed with the actions of the Elements , 2 the handsell of our labour will light vpon the motions of Rarefaction and Condensation , as they are the passions of mixed bodies . And first for Rarefaction ; we may remember how it proceedeth originally from fire , and dependeth of heate ; as is declared in the former chapter : and wheresoeuer we find Rarefaction , we may be confident the body which suffereth it , is not without fire working vpon it . From hence we may gather , that when the ayre imprisoned in a baloone or bladder , swelleth against what cōtaineth it ; and stretcheth its case , and seeketh to breake out ; this effect must proceed from fire or heate ( though we see not the fire ) working eyther within the very bowels of the ayre ; or without , by pressing vpon what containeth it , and so making it selfe a way vnto it . And that this latter way is able to worke this effect ; may be conuinced by the contrary effect from a contrary cause : for take a bladder stretched out vnto its greatest extent by ayre shutt vp within it ; and hang it in a cold place ; and you will see it presently contract it selfe into a lesse roome ; and the bladder will grow wrinckeled and become too bigge for the ayre within it . But for immediate proofe of this position , we see that the addition of a very small degree of heate , rarifyeth the ayre in a weather glasse , ( the ayre receiuing the impression of heate , sooner then water ) and so maketh it extend it selfe into a greater place ; and consequently , it presseth vpon the water ; and forceth it downe into a lesse roome then formerly it possessed . And likewise we see quickesyluer and other liquors , if they be shutt vp in glasses close stopped and sett in sufficient heate ( and a little is sufficient for this effect ) they will swell and fill their glasses ; and att the last breake them , rather then not find a way to giue themselues more roome ; which is then growne too straight in the glasse , by reason of the rarefaction of the liquors by the fire working vpon them . Now againe ; that this effect may be wrought by the inward heate , that is enclosed in the bowels of the substance thus shutt vp ; both reason , and experience do assure vs : for , they teach vs that if a body which is not extremely compacted , but that by its loosenesse is easily diuisible into little partes ( such a one as wine , or other spirittfull liquors ) be enclosed in a vessell ; the little atomes that perpetually moue vp and downe in euery space of the whole world , making their way through euery body , will sett on worke the little partes , in the wine for example , to play their game : so that the hoat and light partes ( if they be many ) not enduring to be compressed and kept in by the heauy and cold ones , do seeke to breake out with force ; and till they can free themselues from the dense ones that would imprison them they carry them along with them , and make them to swell out as well as themselues . Now if they be kept in by the vessell , so that they haue not play enough ; they driue the dense ones ( like so many little hammers or wedges ) against the sides of it , and att the length do breake it , and so do make themselues way , to a larger roome . But if they haue vent ; the more fiery hoat spirits fly away , and leaue the other grosser partes quiett and att rest . On the other side if the hoat and light partes in a liquor be not many nor very actiue , and the vessell be so full that the partes haue not free scope to remoue and make way for one an other , there will not follow any great effect in this kind : as we see in bottled beere or ale , that worketh little , vnlesse there be some space left empty , in the bottle . And againe ; if the vessell be very much too bigge for the liquor in it , the fiery partes find roome , first to swell vp the heauy ones ; and att the length to gett out from them , though the vessell be close stopped ; for they haue scope enough to floate vp and downe between the surface of the liquor , and the roofe of the vessell . And this is the reason that if a little beere or small wine be left long in a great caske , be it neuer so close stopped , it will in time grow dead . And then , if att the opening of the bunge ( after the caske hath beene long vnstirred ) you hold a candle close to it , you shall att the instant see a flash of flame enuironing the ve●t . Which is no other thing , but the subtile spirits that parting from the beere or wine , haue left it dead ; and flying abroad as soone as they are permitted , are sett on fire by the flame that they meete with in their iourney , as being more combustible ( because more subtile ) then that spiritt of wine which is kept in forme of liquor : and yet that likewise ( though much grosser ) is sett on fire by the touch of flame . And this happeneth not onely to wine , and beere , or ale , but euen to water . As dayly experience sheweth in the east Indian shippes , that hauing beene 5. or 6. yeares att sea , when they open some of their caskes of Thames water in their returne homewardes ( for they keepe that water till the last ; as being their best and most durable ; and that groweth lighter and purer , by the often putrifyinges through violent motions in stormes , euery one of which maketh new grosse and earthy partes fall downe to the bottome , and other volatile ones ascend to the toppe ; ) a flame is seene about their bunges if a candle be neere , as we said before of wine . And to proceed , with confirming this doctrine by further experience ; we dayly see that the little partes of heate being agitated and brought into motiō in any body ; they enter and pierce into other partes , and incorporate themselues with them , and sett them on fire if they be capable thereof : as we see in wett hay or flaxe layed together in great quantity . And if they be not capable of taking fire , then they carry them with them to the outside ; and when they can transport them no further , part flyeth away , and other part stayeth with them : as we see in new beere or ale , and in must of wine ; in which , a substance vsually called the mother , is wrought vp to the toppe . Which in wine , will att the last be conuerted into Tartar ; when the spirits that are very volatile , are flowne away ; and do leaue those partes from whence they haue euaporated , more grosse and earthy then the others , where the grosser and subtiler partes continue still mixed . But in beere or rather in ale ; this mother , which in them we call barme , will continue longer in the same consistence , and with the same qualities ; for the spirits of it are not so firy that they must presently leaue the body they haue incorporated themselues withall ; nor are hoat enough to bake it into a hard consistence . And therefore , bakers make vse of it to raise their bread ; which neyther it will do , vnlesse it be kept from cold ; both which , are euident signes that it worketh in force of heate ; and consequently , that it continueth still a hoat and light substance . And againe we see that after wine or beere hath wrought once , a violent motion will make it worke anew . As is dayly seene in great lightninges and in thunder , and by much rocking of them ; for such motion rarifyeth , and consequently heateth them : partly by separating the little partes of the liquor , which were before as glewed together , and therefore lay quietly ; but now , by their pulling asunder , and by the liquors growing thereby more loose then it was , they haue freedome to play vp and downe : and partly by beating one part against an other ; which breaketh and diuideth them into lesser atomes , and so bringeth some of them into the state of fire ; which you may remember , is nothing else but a body brought into such a degree of littlenesse and rarity of its partes . And this is the reason why such hard and dry bodies as haue an vnctuous substance in them , are by motion eyther easily sett on fire , or att the least , fire is easily gotten out of them . As happeneth in flintes , and in diuers other stones , which yield fire when they are strucken ; and if presently after you smell vnto them , you shall perceiue an odour of brimstone and of burning which is a certaine signe that the motion did conuert into fire the naturall brimstone that was mingled with the flint , and whose denser partes were growne cold , and so stucke to the stone . And in like manner , the iuywood and diuers others , as also the Indian canes ( which from thence are called firecanes ) being rubbed with some other sticke of the same nature ; if they be first very dry , will of themselues sett on fire : and the like will happen to coach wheeles in summer if they be ouerheated with motion . To conclude our discourse of rarefaction , 3 we may looke a little into the power and efficacity of it , which is no where to be seene so clearly as in fire . And as fire is the generall cause of rarefaction , so is it of all bodies , that which is most rarifyed . And therefore it is no maruayle if its effects be the greatest that are in nature , seeing it is the proper operatiō of the most actiue Element . The wonderfull force of it we dayly see in thunder , in gunnes , in granados , and in mines ; of which , continuall experience , as well as seuerall historyes wittnesseth litle lesse then miracles . Leauing them to the remarkes of curious Persons , we will onely looke into the way by which so maine effects do proceed from causes that appeare so slender . It is euident that fire ( as we haue said before ) dilateth it selfe spherically ; as nature sheweth vs manifestly in bubbles of boyling water , and of mike , and generally of such substances as are of a viscous composition ; for those bubbles being round , do assure vs that the cause which made them , did equally dilate them from the center vnto all partes . Now then remembring the infinite multiplication which is in fire , we may conceiue that when a graine of gunnepouder is turned thereinto , there are so many little bubbles of a viscous substance one backing an other with great celerity , as there are partes of fire more then there were of gunnepouder . And if we make a computation of the number and of the celerity of these bubbles ; we shall find that although euery one of them single do seeme to be of an inconsiderable force , yet the whole number of them together , will exceed the resistance of the body moued or broken by them : especially , if we note , that when hard substances haue not time allowed them to yield , they break the sooner . And then we shall not so much admire the extremities we see acted by these meanes . Thus hauing looked into the nature of rarefaction , and traced the progresse of it from the motion of the sunne and fire ; 4 in the next place we are to examine the nature of condensation . And we shall oftentimes find it likewise an effect of the same cause otherwise working : for there being two different wayes to dry any wett thing ; the one , by taking away that iuice which maketh a body liquid ; the other , by putting more drought to the wett body , that it may imbibe the moisture ; this latter way doth as well as the former , condense a body : for by the close sticking of wett to dry , the most part of condensation is effected in compounded bodies . The first of these wayes , doth properly and immediately proceed from heate ; for heate entering into a body , incorporateth it selfe with the moist and viscous partes it findeth there : as purging medicines do with the humors they worke vpon ▪ which when the stomacke can no longer entertaine ( by reason of their vnruly motions in wrestling together ) they are both eiected grappling with one an other ; and the place of their contention is thus , by the superuenience of a guest of a contrary nature ( that will not stay long there ) purged from the superaboundance of the former ones that annoyed it . Euen so the fire that is greedily drunke vp by the watry and viscous partes of a compounded body ; and whose actiuity and restlesse nature will not endure to be long emprisoned there , quickly pierceth quite through ●he body it entereth into , and after a while streameth out att the opposite side , as fast as it entered on the side next to it , and carryeth away with it those glewy partes it is incorporated with : and by their absence , leaueth the body they part from , dryer then att the first it was . Which course we may obserue in sirupes that are boyled to a consistence , and in brothes that are consumed vnto a gelly : ouer which , whiles they are making by the fire vnder them , you see a great steame ; which is , the watry partes that being incorporated with fire , fly away in smoake . Likewise when the sea water is condensed into salt , you see it is an effect of the sunne or fire that exhaleth or boyleth away all the palpable moisture . And so when wett clothes are hanged eyther in the sunne or att the fire , we see a smoake about the clothes , and heate within them ; which being all drawne out from them , they become dry . And this deserueth a particular note , that although they should be not quite dry , when you take them from the fire ; yet by then they are coole , they will be dry : for the fire that is in them when they are remoued from the maine stocke of fire , flying away carryeth with it the moisture that was incorporated with it : and therefore whiles they were hoat , that is , whiles the fire was in them , they must also be moist ; because the fire and the moisture were growne to be one body : and could not become through dry with that measure of fire , ( for more would haue dryed them , euen whiles they where hoat ) vntill they were also growne through cold . And in like manner , sirupes , hydromels , gellies , and the like , grow much thicker after they are taken off from the fire , then they were vpon the fire , and much of their humidity , flyeth away with the fire , in their cooling , whereby they lessen much of their quantity , euen after the outward fire hath ceased from working vpon them . Now if the moist partes , that remaine after the drying , be by the heate well incorporated in the dry partes ; and so do occasion the dry partes to sticke close together ; then that body is condensed , and will ( to the proportion of it ) be heauyer in a lesse bulke ; as we see that mettalls are heauyer then stones . Allthough this effect be in these examples wrought by heate , 5 yet generally speaking it is more proper to cold : which is the second way of drying a moist body . As when in Greeneland , the extreme cold freeseth the whalefishers beere into yce , so that the stewardes diuide it with axes and wedges , and deliuer their portions of drink to their shippes company , and their shallopes gings , in their bare handes : but in the innermost part of the butte , they find some quantity of very strong liquor , not inferior to moderate spiritt of wine . Att the first , before custome had made it familiar vnto them , they wondered that euery time they drew att the tappe , when first it came from their shippes to the shore ( for the heate of the hold would not lett it freese ) no liquor would come , vnlesse they new tapped it with a longer gimlett : but they thought that paines well recompenced , by finding it in the tast to grow stronger and stronger ; till att the last , their longest gimlets would bring nothing out ; and yet the vessell not a quarter drawne off ; which obliged them then to staue the caske , that so they might make vse of the substance that remained . The reason of this , is euident : that cold seeking to condense the beere by mingling its dry and cold partes with it , those that would endure this mixture , were imbibed and shrunke vp by them . But the other rare and hoat partes that were squeesed out by the dense ones which entered to congeale the beere , and were forced into the middle of the vessell ( which was the furthest part for them to retire vnto , from their enuironing enemies ) did conserue themselues in their liquid forme , in defyance of the assaulting cold ; whiles their fellowes , remaining by their departure more grosse and earthy then they were before , yielded to the conqueror , they could not shift away from , and so were dryed and condensed into yce : which when the mariners thawed , they found it like faire water , without any spirits in it or comforting heate to the stomacke . This māner of condensation , which we haue described in the freesing of beere , is the way most practised by nature ; I meane , for immediate condensation ( for cōdentsation is secondarily , wheresoeuer there is rarefaction which we haue determined to be an effect of heate . ) And the course of it is : that a multitude of earthy and dry bodies being driuen against any liquor , they easily diuide it , by meanes of their density , their drynesse , and their littlenesse ( all which in this case do accompany one an other ; and are by vs determined to be powerfull diuiders ; ) and when they are gotten into it , they partly sucke into their owne pores the wett and diffused partes of the liquide body ; and partly they make them ( when themselues are full ) sticke fast to their dry sides , and become as a glew to hold themselues strongly together . And thus they dry vp the liquor ; and by the naturall pressing of grauity they contract it into a lesser roome . No otherwise then when we force much wind or water into a bottle ; and by pressing it more and more , make it lye closer then of its owne nature it would do . Or rather , as when ashes being mingled with water ; both those substances do sticke so close to one an other , that they take vp lesse roome then they did each apart . This is the methode of frostes , and of snow , and of yce , both naturall and artificcall ; for in naturall freesing , ordinarily the north or northeast wind by its force bringeth and driueth into our liquors , such earthy bodies as it hath gathered from rockes couered with snow ; which being mixed with the light vapors whereof the wind is made , do easily find way into the liquors , and thē they dry thē into that consistēce which we call yce . Which in token of the wind it hath in it , swimmeth vpon the water , and in the vessel where it is made , , riseth higher then the water did whereof it is cōposed : and ordinarily it breaketh frō the sides of the vessell so giuing way to more wind to come in , and freese deeper and thicker . 6 But because Galileus Nel discorso intorno alle cose che stanno in su l'acqua pag. 4. was of opinion that yce was water rarifyed , and not condensed ; we must not passe ouer this verity , without maintaining it against the opposition of so powerfull an aduersary . His arguments are ; first that yce taketh vp more place , then the water did of which it was made ; which is against the nature of condensation . Secondly , that quantity for quantity , yce is lighter then water ; whereas thinges that are more dense , are proportionally more heauy . And lastly , that yce swimmeth in water , whereas we haue often taught , that the more dense descendeth in the more rare . Now to reply to these arguments , we say first , that we would gladly know how he did to measure the quantity of the yce , with the quantity of the water of which it was made ; and then when he hath shewed it , and shewed withall that yce holdeth more place then water ; we must tell him that his experiment concludeth nothing against our doctrine , because there is an addition of other bodies mingled with the water to make yce of it as we touched aboue ; and therefore that compound may well take vp a greater place then the water alone did , and yet be denser then it ; and the water also be denser , then it was . And that other bodies do come into the water and are mingled with it , is euident , out of the exceeding coldnesse of the ayre , or some very cold wind ; one of which two neuer misseth to raigne whensoeuer the water freeseth : and both of them do argue great store of little earthy dry bodies abounding in them , which sweeping ouer all those that lye in their way and course , must of necessity be mixed with such as giue them admittance ; which water doth very easily . And accordingly we see that when in the freesing of water , the yce groweth any thing deepe , it eyther shrinketh about the borders or att the least lyeth very loose ; so as we can not doubt but that there is a free passage for more of such subtile bodies to gett still to the water , and freese it deeper . To his second argument , we aske how he knoweth that yce quantity for quantity , is lighter then water ? For although , of a spunge that is full of water , it be easy to know what the spunge weigheth , and what the water , that was soaked into it , because we can part the one of them from the other , and keepe each apart , to examine their weights : yet to do the like between yce and water , if yce be throughout full of ayre ( as of necessity it must be ) we beleeue impossible . And therefore , it may be lighter in the bulke then water , by reason of the great pores caused in it , through the shrinking vp of the partes of water together ( which pores must then necessarily be filled with ayre ) and yet euery part by it selfe ( in which no ayre is ) be heauyer then so much water . And by this it appeareth that his last argument , ( grounded vpon the swimming of yce in water ) hath no more force then if he would proue that an iron or an earthen dish , were lighter , and consequently more rare , then water ; because it swimmeth vpon it ; which is an effect of the ayres being contained in the belly of it ( as it is in yce ) not a signe of the mettalls being more rare then water . Whereas on the contrary side , the proofe is positiue and cleare for vs ; for it can not be denyed , but that the mingling of the water with other bodies more dense then it , must of necessity make the compound and also the water it selfe become more dense then it was alone . And accordingly we see , that yce halfe thawed ( for then , much of the ayre is driuen out , and the water beginneth to fill the pores wherein the ayre resided before ) sinketh to the bottome : as an iron dish with holes in it ( whereby the water might gett into it ) would do . And besides , we see that water is more diaphanous then yce , and yce more consistent then water . Therefore I hope we shall be excused , if in this particular we be of a contrary opinion to this great personage . 7 But to returne vnto the thridde of our discourse . The same that passeth here before vs ; passeth also in the skye with snow , haile , raine , and wind . Which that we may the better vnderstand , lett vs consider how windes are made : for they haue a maine influence into all the rest . When the sunne or by some particular occurrent , rayseth great multitudes of atomes , from some one place ; and they eyther by the attraction of the sunne , by some other occasion , do take their course a certaine way ; this motion of those atomes we call a wind : which according to the continuance of the matter from whence these atomes rise , endureth a longer or a shorter time , and goeth a farther or a shorter way ; like a riuer , or rather , like those eruptions of waters , which in the Notherne partes of England they call Gypsies : the which do breake out att vncertaine times , and vpon vncertaine causes , and flow likewise with an vncertaine duration . So these windes , being composed of bodies in a determinate proportion heauyer then the ayre , do runne their course from their hight to the ground , where they are supported ( as water is by the floore of its channell ) whiles they performe their carrire ; that is , vntill they be wasted , eyther by the drawing of the sunne , or by their sticking and incorporating into grosser bodies . Some of these windes according to the complexion of the body out of which they are extracted , are dry ; as those which come from barren mountaines couered with snow : others are moist ; as those that come out of marishy , or watry places : others , haue other qualities ; as of heate or cold , of wholesomenesse , or vnwholesomenesse , and the like ; partly from the source , and partly frō the bodies they are mingled with in their way . Such then being the nature and origine of windes ; if a cold one do meete in the ayre with that moist body whereof otherwise raine would haue been made , it changeth that moist body into snow or into haile ; if a dry wind meete with a wett body it maketh it more dry , and so hindereth the raine that was likely to be : but if the wett body ouercome the dry wind , it bringeth the wind downe along with it ; as we see when a shoure of raine allayeth a great wind . And that all this is so , experience will in some particulars instruct vs as well as reason , from whence the rest may be euidently inferred . For we see that those who in imitation of nature would conuert water into yce , do take snow or yce , and mingle it with some actiue dry body , that may force the cold partes of the snow from it ; and then they sett the water ( in some fitt vessell ) in the way that those little bodies are to take , which by that meanes entering into it , do straight incorporate themselues therewith , and of a soddaine do conuert it into yce . Which processe you may easily trye , by mingling salt armoniake with the snow ; but much more powerfully , by setting the snow ouer the fire , whiles the glasse of water to be congealed standeth in it after the manner of an egg in salt . And thus , fire it selfe , though it be the enemy and destroyer of all cold , is made the instrument of freesing . And the same reason holdeth , in the cooling of wine with snow or yce , when after it hath beene a competent time in the snow , they whose charge it is , do vse to giue the vessell that containeth the wine , three or foure turnes in the snow ; so to mingle through the whole body of the wine , the cold receiued first but in the outward partes of it , and by pressing , to make that without , haue a more forcible ingression . But the whole doctrine of Meteores , is so amply , so ingeniously , and so exactely performed by that neuer enough praysed Gentleman Monsieur Des Cartes in his Meteorologicall discourses ; as I should wrong my selfe , and my Reader , if I dwelled any longer vpon this subiect . And whose Physicall discourses , had they beene diuulged before I had entered vpon this worke , I am persuaded would haue excused the greatest part of my paines in deliuering the nature of bodies . It were a fault to passe from treating of condensation , 8 without noting so ordinary an effect of it as is the ioyning together of partes of the same body , or of diuers bodies . In which we see for the most part that the solide bodies which are to be ioyned together , are first eyther heated or moistened , that is , they are rarifyed : and then they are left to cold ayre , or to other cold bodies , to thicken and condense ( as aboue ; we mentioned of syrupes and gellies ; ) and so they are brought to sticke firmely together . In the like manner we see that when two mettalls are heated till they be almost brought to runninge , and then are pressed together by the hammer , they become one continued body . The like we see in glasse , the like in waxe , and in diuers other thinges . On the contrary side ; when a broken stone is to be pieced together , the pieces of it must be wetted , and the ciment must be likewise moistened , and then ioyning them aptly , and drying them , they sticke fast together . Glew is moistened , that it may by drying afterwardes , hold pieces of wood together . And the spectaclemakers haue a composition which must be both heated and moistened , to ioyne vnto handles of wood the glasses which they are to grinde . And broken glasses are cimented with cheese and chalke or with garlike . All these effects our sense euidently sheweth vs , arise out of condēsation ; but to our reasō it belōgeth to examine particularly by what steppes they are performed Frst then we know that heate doth subtilise the little bodies which are in the pores of the heated body ; and partly also , it openeth the pores of the body it selfe , if it be of a nature that permitteth it ; as it seemeth those bodies are , which by heate are mollifyed or are liquefactible . Againe , we know that moysture is more subtile to enter into small creekes , then dry bodies are ; especially when it is pressed ; for then it will be diuided into very little partes , and will fill vp euery little chinke ; and neuerthesse if it be of a grosse and viscous nature , all the partes of it will sticke together . Out of these two properties we haue , that since euery body hath a kind of orbe of its owne exhalations , or vapors round about it selfe ( as is before declared , ) the vapors which are about one of the bodies , will more strongly and solidely ( that is in more aboundant and greater partes ) enter into the pores of the other body against which it is pressed , when they are opened and dilated : and thus they becoming common to both bodies , by flowing from the one , and streaming into the other , and sticking to them both will make them sticke to one an other . And then as they grow cold and dry , these litle partes shrinke on both sides ; and by their shrinking draw the bodies together ; and withall , do leaue greater pores by their being compressed together , then were there , when by heate and moysture they were dilated ; into which pores the circumstant cold partes do enter , and thereby do as it were wedge in the others ; and consequently , do make them hold firmely together the bodies , which they ioyne . But if art or nature should apply to this iuncture any liquor or vapour , which had the nature and power to insinuate it selfe more efficaciously to one of these bodies , then the glew which was between them did ; of necessity , in this case , these bodies must fall in pieces . And so it happeneth in the separation of mettalls by corrosiue waters ; as also in the precipitation of mettalls or of saltes when they are dissolued in such corrosiue waters , by meanes of other mettalls or saltes of a different nature : in both which cases the enterance of a latter body that penetrateth more strongly , and vniteth it selfe to one of the ioyned bodies but not to the other , teareth them asunder , and that which the piercing body reiecteth , falleth into little pieces ; and if formerly it were ioyned with the liquor , it is then precipitated downe from it in a dust . 9 Out of which discourse we may resolue the question of that learned and ingenious man Petrus Gassendus ; who , by experience found , that water impregnated to fullnesse with ordinary salt , would yet receiue a quantity of other salt ; and when it would imbibe no more of that , would neuerthelesse take into it a proportion of a third ; and so of seuerall kindes of saltes one after an other : which effect , he attributed to vacuites or porous spaces of diuers figures , that he conceiued to be in the water ; whereof , some were fitt for the figure of one salt , and some , for the figure of an other . Very ingeniously ; yet if I misse not my marke , most assuredly he hath missed his . For first , how could he attribute diuers sortes of vacuites to water , without giuing it diuers figures ? And this would be against his owne discourse , by which , euery body should haue one determinate naturall figure . Secondly ; I would aske him ; if he measured his water after euery salting ? And if he did , whether he did not find the quantity greater , then before that salt was dissolued in it ? Which if he did ( as without doubt he must ) then he might safely conclude , that his saltes were not receiued in vacuities ; but that the very substance of the water gaue them place , and so encreased by the receiuing of them . Thirdly , seeing that in his doctrine , euery substance hath a particular figure ; we must allow a strange multitude of different shapes of vacuities to be naturally in water ; if we will haue euery different substance wherewith it may be impregnated ( by making decoctions , extractions , solutions , and the like ) to find a fitt vacuity in the water to lodge it selfe in . What a difforme nette with a strāge variety of mashes would this be ? And indeed how extremely vncapable must it be of the quantity of euery various kind of vacuity that you will find must be in it ; if in euery solution of one particular substance , you calculate the proportion between it and the water that dissolueth it , and then multiply it according to the number of seuerall kindes of substances that may be dissolued in water ? By this proceeding , you will find the vacuities to exceed infinitely the whole body of the water ; euen so much that it could not afford subtile thriddes enough to hold it selfe together . Fourthly , if this doctrine were true it would neuer happen that one body or salt should precipitate downe to the bottome of the water , by the solution of an other in it , which euery Alchymist knoweth , neuer fayleth in due circumstances : for seeing that the body which precipitateth , and the other which remayneth dissolued in the water , are of different figures , and therefore do require different vacuities , they might both of them haue kept their places in the water , without thrusting one an other out of it . Lastly , this doctrine giueth no account why one part of salt is separated from an other by being putt in the water , and why the partes are there kept so separated , which is the whole effect of that motion which we call dissolution . The true reason therefore of this effect , 10 is ( as I conceiue ) that one salt maketh the water apt to receiue an other ; for the lighter salt being incorporated with the water , maketh the water more proper to sticke vnto an heauyer , and by diuiding the small partes of it to beare them vp , that otherwise would haue sunke in it . The truth and reason of which will appeare more plaine , if att euery ioynt , we obserue the particular steppes of euery saltes solution . As soone as you putt the first salt into the water , it falleth downe presently to the bottome of it ; and as the water doth by its humidity pierce by degrees the little ioyntes of this salt , so the small partes of it are by little and little separated from one an other , and vnited to partes of water . And so infusing more and more salt , this progresse will continue , vntill euery part of water is incorporated with some part of salt : and then , the water can no longer worke of it selfe but in coniunction to the salt with which it is vnited . After which , if more salt of the same kind be putt into the water ; that water so impregnated , will not be able to diuide it ; because it hath not any so subtile partes left , as are able to enter between the ioyntes of a salt so closely compacted : but may be compared to that salt , as a thing of equall drynesse with it ; and therefore is vnapt to moysten and to pierce it . But if you putt vnto this compound of salt and water , an other kind of salt that is of a stronger and a dryer nature then the former , and whose partes are more grossely vnited ; then the first salt dissolued in the water , will be able to gett in betwixt the ioyntes of the grosser salt , and will diuide it into little partes ; and will incorporate his already composed partes of salt and water , into a decompound of two saltes and water ; vntill all his partes be anew impregnated with the second grosser salt ; as before , the pure water was with the first subtiler salt . And so it will proceed on , if proportionate bodies be ioyned , vntill the dissoluing composition do grow into a thicke body . Vnto which discourse we may adde , that when the water is so fully impregnated with the first salt , as it will receiue no more , remayning in the temper it is in ; yet if it be heated , it will then afresh dissolue more of the same kind . Which sheweth , that the reason of its giuing ouer to dissolue , is for want of hauing the water diuided into partes little enough to sticke vnto more salt : which , as in this case the fire doth ; so peraduenture in the other , the acrimoniousnesse of the salt doth it . 11 And this is sufficient to giue curious wittes occasion by making further experiments , to search out the truth of this matter . Onely we may note what happeneth in most of the experiencies we haue mentioned ; to witt that thinges of the same nature do ioyne better and more easily then others that are more estranged from one an other . Which is very agreeable to reason ; seeing that if nature do intend to haue thinges consist long together , she must fitt them for such consistence . Which seemeth to proceed out of their agreement in foure qualities : first , in weight for bobies of diuers degrees in weight , if they be att liberty , do seeke diuers places ; and consequently , substances of like weight , must of necessity find one an other out , and croud together ; as we haue shewed , it is the natute of heate to make them do : now it is apparent that thinges of one nature , must in equall partes haue the same or a neere proportion of weight , seeing that in their composition , they must haue the same proportion of Elements . The second reason of the consistence of bodies together , that are of the same nature is , the agreement of their liquid partes , in the same degree of rarity and density : for as it is the nature of quantity in common to make all partes be one quantity ; so it is the nature of the degrees of quantity , when two partes do meete that are of the same degree , to make them one in that degree of quantity ; which is , to make them stick together in that degree of sticking , which the degree of density that is common to them both , maketh of its owne nature . Whereas , partes of different densities , can not haue this reason of sticking : though , peraduenture they may vpon some other ground , haue some more efficacious one . And in this manner , the like humide partes of two bodies , becoming one , the holes or receptacles in which those humide partes are contained must also needes be vnited . The third reason is the agreeable proportion , which their seuerall figures haue in respect of one an other : for if any humidity be extracted out of a mixed body , especially , by the vertue of fire ; it must haue left pores of such figures , as the humidity that is drawne out of them ▪ is apt to be cutt into ( for euery humide body not being absolutely humide , but hauing certaine dry partes mixed with it , is more apt for one kind of figure and greatnesse , then for an other ; ) and by consequence , whensoeuer that humidity shall meete againe with the body it was seuered from ; it will easily runne through and into it all , and will fill exactly the cauities and pores it possessed before . The last quality , in which bodies that are to consist long together , do agree , is the biggnesse of the humide and dry partes of the same body : for if the humide partes be too bigge for the dry ones , it is cleare that the dry ones must needes hang loosely together by them ; because their glew is in too greate a quantity . But if the humide partes bee too little for the dry ones , then of necessity some portion of euery little dry part must be vnfurnished of glew , by meanes whereof to sticke vnto his fellow : and so the sticking partes not being conueniently proportioned to one an other , their adhesion can not be so solide as if each of them were exactly fitted to his fellow . THE EIGHTEENTH CHAPTER . Of an other motion belonging to particular bodies , called Attraction ; and of certaine operations , termed Magicall . HAuing thus ended the two motions of rarefaction and of condensation ; 1 the next that offer themselues , are the locall motions which some bodies haue vnto others . These are sometimes performed by a plaine force in the body towardes which the motion is : and other whiles , by a hidden cause , which is not so easily discerned . The first , is chiefely that which is ordinarily said to be done by the force of nature to hinder Vacuum , and is much practised by nature ; as in drawing our breath , in sucking , and in many other naturall operations , which are imitated by art in making of pumpes ; syphons , and such other instruments ; and in that admirable experiment of taking vp a heauy marble stone meerely by an other lying flatt and smoothly vpon it , without any other connexion of the two stones together ; as also by that sport of boyes , when they spread a thinne moystned leather vpon a smooth broad stone , and presse it all ouer close to it , and then by pulling of a string fastened att the middle of the leather , they draw vp likewise the heauy stone . In all which , the first cause of the motion , proceedeth from that body towardes which the motion is made . And therefore , is properly called Attraction . For the better vnderstanding and declaring of which , lett vs suppose two marble stones , very broad and exceeding smoothly polished , to be laid one flatt vpon the other : and lett there be a ring fastened att the backe part of the vppermost stone ; and exactly in the middle of it . Then , by that ring , pull it vp perpendicularly and steadily , and the vndermost will follow sticking fast to the ouermost ; and though they were not very perfectly polished , yet the nethermost would follow for a while , if the ring be suddainely plucked vp ; but then it will soone fall downe againe . Now this plainely sheweth that the cause of their sticking so strongly together , when both the stones are very well polished , is for that nothing can well enter between them to part them ; and so , it is reduced to the shortnesse of the ayre that is betwixt them : which not being capable of so great an expansion , nor admitting to be diuided thickewayes so much as is necessary to fill the first growing distance , between the two stones till new ayre findeth a course thither , ( that so , the swelling of the one , may hinder vacuity , till the other come in to the rescue ; ) the two stones must needes sticke together to certaine limits ; which limits will depend of the proportion that is between the weight , and the continuity of the nethermost stone . 2 And when we haue examined this , we shall vnderstand in what sense it is meaned that Nature abhorreth from Vacuity , and what meanes she vseth to auoyde it . For , to putt it as an enemy that nature fighteth against ; or to discourse of effects that would follow from it , in case it were admitted , is a great mistake , and a lost labour ; seeing it is nothing ; and therefore , can do nothing : but is meerely a forme of expression to declare in short nothing else but that it is a contradiction , or implication in termes , and an impossibility in nature , for vacuity to haue , or to be supposed to haue a Being . Thus then , since in our case , after we haue cast all about , we can pitch vpon nothing to be considered , but that the two stones do touch one an other , and that they are weighty ; we must apply our selues onely to reflect vpon the effects proceeding from these two causes , their contiguity and their heauynesse ; and we shall find that as the one of them , namely the weight hindereth the vndermost from following the vppermost , so , contiguity obligeth it vnto that course ; and according as the one ouercometh the other , so will this action be continued or interrupted . Now that contiguity of substances do make one follow an other , is euident by what our Masters in Metaphysickes teach vs ; when they shew that without this effect no motion att all could be made in the world , nor no reason could be giuen , for those motions we dayly see . For since the nature of quantity is such , that whensoeuer there is nothing between two partes of it , they must needes touch and adhere and ioyne to one an other , ( for how should they be kept asunder when there is nothing betweene them to part them ? ) if you pull one part away , eyther some new substance must come to de close vnto that which remoueth ; or else the other which was formerly close to it , must still be close to it , and so follow it : for if nothing do come between , it is still close to it . Thus then , it being necessary that something must be ioyned close to euery thing ; vacuity , ( which is nothing ) is excluded from hauing any being in nature . And when we say that one body must follow an other to auoyde vacuity ; the meaning is , that vnder the necessity of a contradiction they must follow one an other , and that they can not do otherwise . For it would be a contradiction to say that nothing were between two thinges and yet that they are not ioyned close to one an other . And therefore if you should say it , you would in other wordes say , they are close together , and they are not close together . In like manner , to say that vacuity is any where , is a pure contradiction ; for vacuity being nothing , hath no Being att all : and yet by those wordes it is said to be in such a place ; so that they affirme it to be and not to be , att the same time . But now lett vs examine if there be no meanes to auoyde this contradiction and vacuity , 3 other then by the adhesion , and following of one body vpon the motion of an other , that is closely ioyned to it and euery where contiguous . For sense is not easily quieted with such Metaphysicall contemplations , that seeme to repugne against her dictamens ; and therefore for her satisfaction we can do no lesse then giue her leaue to range about , and cast all wayes in hope of finding some one that may better content her : which when she findeth that she can not , she will the lesse repine to yield her assent to the rigourous sequeles and proofes of reason . In this difficulty then , after turning on euery side , I for my part can discerne no pretence of probability , in any other meanes then in pulling downe the lower stone by one corner ; that so there may be a gaping between the two stones , to lett in ayre by little and little . And in this case you may say that by the interuention of ayre , vacuity is hindered , aud yett the lower stone is left att liberty to follow its owne naturall inclination , and be gouerned by its weight . But indeed , if you consider the matter well ; you will find that the doing this , requireth a much greater force , then to haue the lower stone follow the vpper : for it can not gape in a straight line , to lett in ayre ; since in that position , it must open at the bottome where the angle is made , at the same time that it openeth at the mouth : and then ayre requiring time to passe from the edges to the bottome , it must in the meane while fall into the contradiction of vacuity . So that if it should open to lett in ayre ; the stone , to compasse that effect , must bend , in such sort as wood doth when a wedge is putt into it to cleaue it . Iudge then what force it must be that should make hard marble of a great thicknesse bend like a wand ; and whether it would not rather breake and slide off , then do so : you will allow that a much lesse , will raise vp the lower stone together with the vppermost . It must then of necessity fall out , that it will follow it , if it be moued perpendicularly vpwardes . And the like effect will be though , it should be raysed at oblique angles , so that the lowermost edge do rest all the way vpon some thing that may hinder the inferior stone from sliding aside from the vppermost . 4 And this is the very case of all those other experiments of art and nature , which we haue mentioned aboue : for the reason holdeth as well in water and in liquide thinges ; as in solide bodies ; vntill the weight of the liquide body ouercometh the continuity of it : for then , the thridde breaketh , and it will ascend no higher . Which height , Galileo telleth vs from the workmen in the Arsenall of Venice , is neere 40. foote ; if the water be drawne vp in a close pipe , in which the aduantage of the sides helpeth the ascent . But others say that the inuention is enlarged , and that water may be drawne to what height one pleaseth . Howsoeuer , the force which nature applyeth to maintaine the continuity of quantity , can haue no limitt , seeing it is grounded vpon contradiction . And therefore Galileo was much mistaken , when he throught to make an instrument whereby to discouer the limits of this force . We may then conclude that the breaking of the water must depend from the strength of other causes . As for example when the grauity is so great by encreasing the bulke of the water , that it will eyther ouercome the strength of the pipe , or else make the sucker of the pumpe rather yield way to ayre , then draw vp so great a weight : for which defects , if remedies be found , the art may surely be enlarged without end . 5 This is particular in a syphon ; that when , that arme of it which hangeth out of the water is lower then the superficies of the water ; then , it will runne of it selfe ; after it is once sett on running by sucking . The reason whereof is , because the weight which is in water pendant , is greater then the weight of the ascending water ; and thereby supplyeth the want of a continuall sucker . But if the nose of that arme that hangeth out of the water , be but euen with the water ; then the water will stand still in both pipes , or armes of the syphon , after they are filled with sucking . But if by the running out of the water , the outward pipe do grow shorter then to reach as low as the superficies of the water in the fountaine from whence it runneth ; in this case , the water in each arme of the syphon , will runne backe into the fountaine . Withall , it is to be noted , that though the arme which is out of the water be neuer so long , yet if it reach not lower then the superficies of the fountaine ; the ouer quantity and weight of the water there , more then in the other arme , helpeth it nothing to make it runne out . Which is , because the decliuity of the other arme , ouerrecompenceth this ouerweight . Not that the weight in the shorter pipe , hath so much force as the weight in the longer pipe : but because it hath more force then the greater weight doth exercise there in its running ; for the greatest part of its force , tendeth an other way then to the end of the pipe ; to witt , perpendicularly towardes the center . And so is hindered from effect , by the great sloaping or little decliuity of the pipe vpon which it leaneth . But some considering how the water that is in the longer arme of the syphon is more in quantity then the water that is in the other arme of it whereat it runneth out , 6 do admire why the greater quantity of water doth not draw backe the lesse into the cisterne , but suffereth it selfe to be lifted vp , and drayned away as if it runne steeply downewardes . And they imagine , that hence may be deduced , that the partes of water in the cisterne doe not weigh as long as they are within the orbe of their owne body . Vnto when we answere ; that they should consider how that to haue the greater quantity of water , which is in the longer arme of the syphon ( which arme is immersed in the water of the cisterne ) to draw backe into the cisterne the water which is in the other arme of the syphon that hangeth out in the ayre ; it must , both raise as much of the water of the cisterne as its owne bulke is , aboue the leuell which att present the whole bulke of water hath ; and withall it must att the same time pull vp the water which is in the other arme . Now it is manifest , that these two quantities of water together , are heauyer then the water in the sunke arme of the syphon ; since one of them single , is equall vnto it . And by consequence , the more water in the sunke arme , can not weigh backe the lesse water in the hanging arme ; since that , to do that , it must att the same time weigh vp ouer and aboue , as much more in the cisterne as it selfe weigheth . But turning the argument ; I say , that if once the arme of the syphon that is in the ayre , be supposed to draw any water , be it neuer so little , out of the cisterne ( whether occasioned by sucking or by whatsoeuer other meanes ) it followeth that as much water as is drawne vp , aboue the leuell of the whole bulke in the cisterne , must needes presse into the suncken arme from the next adiacent partes , ( that is , from the bottome ) to supply its emptying ; and as much must of it selfe presse downe from aboue ( according to its naturall course , when nothing violenteth it ) to rest in the place , that the ascending water ( which is lower then it ) leaueth att liberty for it to take possession of . And then it can not be doubted ; but that , this descending water , hauing all its weight in pressing downe , applyed to driue vp the rising water in the sunke arme of the syphon ; and the water in the other arme of the syphon without , hauing all its weight in running out applyed att the same time to draw vp the same water in the sunke arme ; this single resistant must yield to their double and mastering force . And consequently , the water in the arme of the syphon that is in the ayre , must needes draw the water that is in the other immersed arme as long as the end of its pipe reacheth lower then the leuell of the water in the cisterne ; for so long it appeareth by what we haue said , it must needes be more weighty ; since part of the rising water in the sunke arme of the syphon , is counterpoysed by as much descending water in the cisterne . And thus it is euident , that out of this experiment it can not be inferred that partes of water do not weigh within the orbe of their owne whole : but onely , that two equall partes of water in their owne orbe ( namely that which riseth in the sunken arme , and that which presseth downe from the whole bulke in the cisterne ) are of equall weight and do ballance one an othet . So that neuer so little oddes between the two counterpoysing parcells of water which are in the ayre must needes make the water runne out att that end of the syphon , where the ouerweight of water is . 7 The attraction whose cause next to this is most manifest , is that which is made by the force of heate or of fire ; for we see that fire , euer draweth ayre vnto it ; so notably , that if in a close roome there be a good fire , a man that standeth att the dore or att the window ( especially without ) shall heare such a noise that he will thinke there is a great wind within the chamber . The reason of this attraction is , that fire rarifying the ayre which is next vnto it ; and withall spending it selfe perpetually , causeth the ayre and his owne body mingled together , to fly vp through the chimney or by some other passage . Whence it followeth of necessity that the next body must succeed into the place of the body that is flowne away . This next body generally is ayre , whose mobility and fluidity beyond all other bodies , maketh it of all others the fittest to be drawne ; and the more of it that is drawne the more must needes follow . Now if there be floating in this ayre any other atomes subiect to the current which the ayre taketh ; they must also come with it to the fire , and by it , must be rarifyed , and be exported out of that little orbe . Hence it is , that men ( with very good reason ) do hold that fire ayreth a chamber , as we terme it , that is , purifyeth it ; both because it purifyeth it as wind doth by drawing a current of ayre into it that sweepeth through it , or by making it purify it selfe by motion , as a streame of water doth by running ; as also , because those vapours which approach the fire , are burned and dissolued . So that the ayre being noysome and vnwholesome by reason of its grossenesse , proceeding from its standing vnmoued ( like a stagnation of dead water , in a marish place ) the fire taketh away that cause of annoyance . By this very rule we learne that other hoat thinges , 8 which participate the nature of fire , must likewise ( in other respects ) haue a resemblance in this quality . And accordingly wee see that hoat loafes in a bakers shoppe newly drawne out of the ouen , are accounted to draw vnto them any infection which is in the ayre . The like we say of onyons , and other strong breathing substances ; which by their smell shew much heate in them . In like manner it is conceiued that pigeons , and rabets , and catts easily take infection , by reason of their extraordinary warmth which they haue in themselves . And this is confirmed by the practise of Physitians , who vse to lay warme pigeons newly killed to the feete , wristes , or heades of sicke persons ; and young puppies to their stomakes , and sometimes certaine hoat gummes to their nauels ; to draw out such vapors or humors as infest the body : for the same reason they hang amuletes of arsenike , sublimate , dryed toades or spiders , about their patients neckes , to draw vnto them venimous qualities from their bodies . Hence also it is , that if a man be strucken by a viper or a scorpion , they vse to breake the body of the beast it selfe that stung him ( if they can gett it ) vpon the wound : but if that beast be crawled out of their finding , they do the like by some other venimous creature ; as I haue seene a bruised toad layed to the biting of a viper . And they manifestly perceiue the applyed body , to swell with the poyson sucked out from the wound , and the patient to be relieued and haue lesse poyson ; in the same manner as by cupping glasses , the poyson is likewise drawne out from the wound : so that you may see , the reason of both , is the very same ; or att the least very like one an other . Onely , we are to note , that the proper body of the beast out of which the venome was driuen into the wound , is more efficacious then any other to sucke it out . And the like is to be obserued in all other kindes , that such vapors as are to be drawne , do come better and incorporate faster in bodies of like nature , then in those which haue onely the common conditions of heate and drynesse ; the one of which serueth to attract ; the other to fasten and incorporate into it selfe the moisture which the first draweth vnto it . So we see that water soaketh into a dry body , whence it was extracted , allmost inseparably , and is hidden in it ; as when it raineth first after hoat weather , the ground is presently dryed after the shoure . Likewise we see that in most ciments , 9 you must mingle a dust of the nature of the thinges which are to be cimented , if you will haue them bind strongly . Out of this discourse , we may yield a reason for those magicall operations , which some attribute to the Diuels assistance ; peraduenture because mans wickednesse hath beene more ingenious then his good will ; and so hath found more meanes to hurt then to helpe ; nay when he hath arriued some way to helpe , those very helpes haue vndergone the same calumny ; because of the likenesse which their operations haue to the others . Without doubt very vniustly , if there be truth in the effects . For where haue we any such good suggestions of the enemy of mankind proposed vnto vs , that we may with reason beleeue he would duly , settledly , and constantly concurre to the helpe and seruice of all those he so much hateth , as he must needes do if he be the Author of such effects ? Or is it not a wrong to almighty God , and to his carefull instruments ; rather to impute vnto the Diuell the aydes which to some may seeme supernaturall , then vnto them of whom we may iustly beleeue and expect such good officies and assistances ? I meane , those operations , both good and bad , which ordinarily are called Magneticall , though peraduenture wrongfully , as not hauing that property which denominateth the loadestone . One thing I may assure , that if the reportes be true , they haue the perfect imitation of nature in them . As for example ; that the weapons salue , or the sympathetike pouder doth require in the vsing it , to be conserued in an equall and moderate temper : and that the weapon which made the wound , or the cloth vpon which the blood remaineth that issued from it , be orderly and frequently dressed ; or else the wounded person will not be cured : likewise the steame or spirits , which att the giuing of the wound did enter into the pores of the weapon , must not be driuen out of it , ( which will be done by fire ; and so when it is heated by holding ouer coales , you may see a moysture sweate out of the blade att the opposite side to the fire , as farre as it entered into the wounded persons body ; which being once all sweated out , you shall see no more the like steame vpon the sword ) neyther must the blood be washed out of the bloody cloth ; for in these cases , the pouder , or salue , will worke nothing . Likewise , if there be any excesse eyther of heate or of cold in keeping the medicated weapon or cloth ; the patient feeleth that , as he would do , if the like excesse were in any remedy that were applyed to the wound it selfe : likewise if the medicated weapon or bloody cloth , be kept too close , no effect followeth : likewise , the natures of the thinges vsed in these cures are of themselues soueraigne for healing the like griefes though peraduenture too violent if they were applyed in body without much attenuation . And truly if we will deny all effects of this kind , we must in a manner renounce all humane fayth : men of all sortes and qualities ( and many of them such in my owne knowledge , as I can not question their prudence in obseruing , or their sincerity in relating ) hauing very frequently made experience of such medicines , and all affirming after one fashion to haue found the same effects . Adde to these , the multitude of other like effects , appearing or conceited to appeare in other thinges . In some countries it is a familiar disease with kine to haue a swelling in the soales of their feete : and the ordinary cure is , to cutt a turfe vpon which they haue troden with their sore foote , and to hang it vpon a hedge ; and as that dryeth away , so will their sore amend . In other partes they obserue , that if milke newly come from the cowe , do in the boyling runne ouer into the fire ; and that this do happen often , and neere together to the same cowes milke ; that cowe will haue her vdder sore and inflamed : and the preuention is to cast salt immediately into the fire vpon the milke . The herbe Persicaria if it be well rubbed vpon wartes , and then be layed in some fitt place to putrify , causeth the wartes to weare away as it rotteth : some say the like of fresh beefe . Many examples also there are of hurting liuing creatures by the like meanes ; which I sett not downe for feare of doing more harme by the euill inclination of some persons into whose handes they may fall ; then profitt by their knowing them , vnto whom I intend this worke . But to make these operations of nature , not incredible ; lett vs remember how we haue determined that euery body whatsoeuer , doth yield some steame , or vent a kind of vapour from it selfe ; and consider , how they must needes do so most of all , that are hoat and moyst , as blood and milke are , and as all woundes and sores generally are . We see that the foote of a hare or deere leaueth such an impression where the beast hath passed , as a dog can discerne it a long time after : and a foxe breatheth out so strong a vapour , that the hunters themselues can wind it a great way of , and a good while after he is parted from the place . Now ioyning this , to the experiences we haue already allowed of , concerning the attraction of heate ; wee may conclude that if any of these vapours do light vpon a solide warme body , which hath the nature of a source vnto them , they will naturally congregate and incorporate there ; and if those vapors be ioyned with any medicatiue quality or body , they will apply that medicament better then any surgeon can apply it . Then , if the steame of blood and spirits , do carry with it from the weapon or cloth , the balsamike qualities of the salue or pouder , and with them do settle vpon the wound ; what can follow but a bettering in it ? Likewise , if the steame of the corruption that is vpon the clodde , do carry the drying quality of the wind which sweepeth ouer it when it hangeth high in the ayre , vnto the sore part of the cowes foote ; why is it not possible that it should dry the corruption there , as well as it dryeth it vpon the hedge ? And if the steame of burned milke cā hurt by carrying fire to the dugge ; why should not salt cast vpon it , be a preseruatiue against it ? Or rather , why should not salt hinder the fire from being carryed thither ? Since the nature of salt , alwayes hindereth and suppresseth the actiuity of fire : as we see by experience when we throw salt into the fire below , to hinder the flaming of soute in the toppe of a chimney : which presently ceaseth , when new fire from beneath doth not continue it . And thus we might proceed in sundry other effects , to declare the reason and the possibility of them ; were we certaine of the truth of them : therefore we remitt this whole question , to the autority of the testimonies . THE NINETEENTH CHAPTER . Of three other motions belonging to particular bodies Filtration , Restitution , and Electricall attraction . 1 AFter these , lett vs cast our eye vpon an other motion , very familiar among Alchymistes ; which they call Filtration . It is effected by putting one end of a tongue , or labell of flannen , or of cotton , or of flaxe , into a vessell of water , and letting the other end hang ouer the brimme of it . And it will by little and little draw all the water out of that vessell ( so that the end which hangeth out be lower then the superficies of the water ) and will make it all come ouer into any lower vessell you will reserue it in . The end of this operation is , when any water is mingled with grosse and muddy partes ( not dissolued in the water ) to separate the pure and light ones from the impure . By which we are taught that the lighter partes of the water , are those which most easily do catch . And if we will examine in particular , how it is likely this businesse passeth ; wee may conceiue that the body or linguet by which ●h● water ascendeth , being a dry one , some lighter partes of the water , whose chance it is to be neere the clymbing body of flaxe , do beginne to sticke fast vnto it : and then , they require nothing neere so great force , nor so much pressing , to make them clymbe vp along the flaxe , as they would do to make them mount in the pure ayre . As you may see , if you hold a sticke in running water , sheluing against the streame : the water will runne vp along the sticke , much higher then it could be forced vp in the open ayre without any support , though the Agent were much stronger then the current of the streame . And a ball will vpon a rebound , runne much higher vp a sheluing board , then it would if nothing touched it . And I haue beene told that if an eggeshell filled with dew bee sett att ●he foote of a hollow sticke , the sunne will draw it to the toppe of the sheluing sticke , whereas without a proppe , it will not stirre it . With much more reason then , we may conceiue that water finding as it were little steppes in the cotton to facilitate its iourney vpwardes , must ascend more easily then those other thinges do , so as it once receiue any impulse to driue it vpwardes : for the grauity both of that water which is vpon the cotton , as also , of so many of the confining partes of water as can reach the cotton ; is exceedingly allayed , eyther by sticking vnto the cotton , and so weighing in one bulke with ●hat dry body ; or else , by not tending downe straight to the center , but resting as it were vpon a steepe plaine ( according to what we said of the arme of a syphon that hangeth very sloaping out of the water , and therefore draweth not after it a lesse proportion of water in the other arme that is more in a direct line to the center : ) by which meanes the water , as soone as it beginneth to clymbe , cometh to stand in a kind of cone ; nether breaking from the water below , ( its bulke , being bigge enough to reach vnto it ) nor yet falling downe vnto it . But our chiefe labour must be , 2 to find a cause that may make the water beginne to ascend . To which purpose , consider how water , of its owne nature , compresseth it selfe together , to exclude any other body lighter then it is . Now in respect of the whole masse of the water , those partes which sticke to the cotton , are to be accounted much lighter then water ; not , because in their owne nature they are so ; but for the circumstances which accompany them , and do giue them a greater disposition to receiue a motion vpwardes then much lighter bodies , whiles they are destitute of such helpes . Wherefore , as the bulke of water weighing and striuing downewardes ; it followeth that if there were any ayre mingled with it , it would , to possesse a lesser place , driue out the ayre : so here in this case , the water that is att the foote of the ladder of cotton , ready to clymbe with a very small impulse , may be after some sort compared ( in respect of the water ) to ayre by reason of the lightnesse of it : and consequently , is forced vp by the compressing of the rest of the water round about it . Which no faster getteth vp , but other partes att the foote of the ladder do follow the first , and driue them still vpwardes along the towe ; and new ones driue the second , and others the third , and so forth . So that with ease they clymbe vp to the toppe of the filter , still driuing one an other forwardes , as you may do a fine towel through a muskett barrell : which though it be too limber to be thrust straight through ; yet cramming still new partes into it att the length you will driue the first quite through . And thus , when these partes of water are gott vp to the toppe of the vessell on which the filter hangeth , and ouer it on the other side by sticking still to the towe , and by their naturall grauity , against which nothing presseth on this side the labell ; they fall downe againe by little and little , and by droppes breake againe into water in the vessell sett to receiue them . But now if you aske why , it will not droppe vnlesse the end of the labell that hangeth , 3 be lower then the water . I conceiue it is because the water which is all along vpon the flannen , is one continued body hanging together , as it were a thridde of wyre ; and is subiect to like accidents as such a continued body is . Now suppose you lay a wyre vpon the edge of the basin , which the filter resteth vpon ; and so make that edge the center to ballance it vpon : if the end that is outermost be heauyest , it will weigh downe the other ; otherwise , not . So fareth it with this thridde of water : if the end of it that hangeth out of the pott , that is to be filtred be longer , and consequently heauyer , then that which riseth ; it must needes raise the other vpwardes , and fall it selfe downewardes . Now the raising of the other , implyeth lifting more water from the cisterne , and the sliding of it selfe further downewardes , is the cause of its conuerting into droppes . So that the water in the cisterne serueth like the flaxe vpon a distaffe , and is spunne into a thridde of water , still as it commeth to the flannen by the drawing it vp , occasioned by the ouerweight of the thridde on the other side of the center . Which to expresse better by a similitude in a solide body : I remēber I haue oftētimes seene in a Mercers shoppe , a great heap of massy goldlace lye vpon their stall ; and a little way aboue it a round smooth pinne of wood , ouer which they vse to hale their lace when they wind it into bottomes . Now ouer this pinne , I haue putt one end of the lace ; and as long as it hung no lower thē the board vpō which the rest of the lace did lye , it stirred not ; for as the weight of the loose end carried it one way , so the weight of the other side where the whole was , drew it the other way , and in this manner kept it in equilibrity . But as soone as I drew on the hāging end to be heauyer thē the clymbing side ( for no more weigheth thē is in the ayre , that which lyeth vpon the board , hauing an other cēter ) then it began to roule to the ground ; and still drew vp new partes of that which lay vpon the board , vntill all was tumbled downe vpon the floore . In the same manner it happeneth to the water ; in which , the thridde of it vpon the filter is to be compared fittly vnto that part of the lace which hung vpon the pinne ; and the whole quantity in the cisterne , is like the bulke of lace vpon the shoppeboard ; for as fast as the filter draweth it vp , it is conuerted into a thridde like that which is already vpon the filter : in like manner as the wheele conuerteth the flaxe into yarne , as fast as it draweth it out from the distaffe . 4 Our next consideration , will very aptly fall vpon the motion of those thinges , which being bent , do leape with violence to their former figure : whereas others returne but a little ; and others do stand in that ply , wherein the bending of them hath sett them . For finding the reason of which effects , our first reflection may be to note , that a superficies which is more long then broad , containeth a lesse floore then that whose sides are equall , or neerer being equall : and that of those surfaces whose lines and angles are all equall , that which hath most sides and angles , containeth still the greater floore . Whence it is that Mathematicians conclude a circle to be the most capacious of all figures : and what they say of lines in respect of a superficies ; the same , with proportion they say of surfaces in respect of the body contained . And accordingly we see by consequence , that in the making a bagge of a long napkin , if the napkin be sowed together longwise , it holdeth a great deale lesse then if it be sowed together broadwise . By this we see plainely , that if any body which is in a thicke and short figure , be forced into a thinner ( which by becoming thinner , must likewise become eyther longer or broader ; for what it looseth one way it must gett an other ) then that superfieies must needes be stretched ▪ which in our case , is a Physicall outside , or materiall part of a solide body , not a Mathematicall consideration of an indiuisible Entity . We see also that this change of figures happeneth in the bending of all those bodies ; whereof we are now enquiring the reason why some of them restore themselues to their originall figures , and others stand as they are bent . Then to begin with the latter sort , we find that they are of a moist nature ; as among mettalls , lead , and tinne , and among other bodies , those which we account soft . And we may determine that this effect proceedeth , partly from the humidity of the body that standeth bent ; and partly from a drynesse peculiar to it that comprehendeth and fixeth the humidity of it . For by the first , they are rendred capable of being driuen into any figure , which nature or art desireth : and by the second , they are preserued from hauing their grauity putt them out of what figure they haue once receiued . But because these two conditions , are common to all solide bodies , we may conclude , that if no other circumstance concurred , the effect arising out of them would likewise be common to all such : and therefore , where we find it otherwise , we must seeke further for a cause of that transgression . As for example , if you bend the bodies of young trees , or the branches of others , they will returne to their due figure . It is true , they will sometime leane towardes that way they haue beene bent : as may be seene , euen in great trees after violent tempestes ; and generally the heades of trees , and the eares of corne , and the growne hedgerowes , will all bend one way in some countries , where some one wind hath a maine predominance and raigneth most continually , as neere the sea-shore vpon the westerne coast of England ( where the southwest wind bloweth constantly the greatest part of the yeare ) may be obserued : but this effect proceeding from a particular and extraordinary cause , concerneth not our matter in hand . We are to examine the reason of the motion of Restitution , which we generally see in yong trees , and branches of others , as we said before . In such , we see that the earthy part which maketh them stiffe ( or rather , starke ) aboundeth more in them then in the others that stand as they are bent : att the least in proportion to their natures ; but I conceiue this is not the cause of the effect we enquire about ; but that it is a subtile spirit which hath a great proportion of fire in it . For as in rarefaction , we found that fire , which was eyther within or without the body to be rarifyed , did cause the rarefaction , eyther by entering into it , or by working within it : so seeing here the question is , for a body to goe out of a lesser superficies into a greater ( which is the progresse of rarefaction ; and happeneth in the motion of restitution ; ) the worke must needes be done by the force of heate . And because , this effect proceedeth euidently , out of the nature of the thing in which it is wrought , and not from any outward cause , we may conclude it hath its origine from a heate that is within the thing it selfe or else that was in it , and may be pressed to the outward partes of it , and would sinke into it againe . As for example , when a yong tree is bended ; both euery mans conceite is , and the nature of the thing maketh vs beleeue , that the force which bringeth the tree backe againe to its figure , cometh from the inner side that is bent ; which is compressed together , as being shrunke into a circular figure from a straight one : for when solide bodies that were plaine on both sides , are bent so as on each side to make a portion of a circle , the conuexe superficies will be longer then it was before , when it was plaine , but the concaue will be shorter . And therefore we may conceiue that the spirits which are in the contracted part , ( being there squeezed into lesse roome , then their nature well brooketh ) do worke themselues into a greater space ; or else , that the spirits which are crushed out of the conuexe side by the extension of it , but do remaine besieging it , and do striue to gett in againe , ( in such manner as we haue declared when we spoke of attraction , wherein we shewed how the emitted spirits of any body will moue to their owne source , and settle againe in it , if they be within a conuenient compasse ; ) and accordingly do bring backe the extended partes to their former situation ; or rather that both these causes do in their kindes concurre to driue the tree into its naturall figure . 5 But as we see when a sticke is broken , it is very hard to replace all the splinters , euery one in its proper situation ; so it must of necessity fall out in this bending , that certaine insensible partes both inward and outward are thereby displaced , and can hardly be perfectly reioynted . Whence it followeth that as you see the splinters of a halfe broken sticke , meeting with one an other do hold the sticke somewhat crooked ; so these inuisible partes do the like in such bodies as after bending stand a little that way . But because they are very little ones , the tree or the branch that hath beene neuer so much bended , may ( so nothing be broken in it ) be sett straight againe by paines , without any notable detriment of its strength . And thus you see the reason of some bodies returning in part to their naturall figure , after the force leaueth them that did bend them . Out of which you may proceed to those bodies that restore themselues entirely : whereof steele is the most eminent . And of it , we know that there is a fiery spirit in it , which may be extracted out of it , not only by the long operations of calcining , digesting and distilling it ; but euen by grosse heating it , and then extinguishing it in wine and other conuenient liquors , as Physitians vse to do . Which is also confirmed by the burning of steele dust in the flame of a candle , before it hath beene thus wrought vpon , which afterwardes it will not do : whereby we are taught that originally there are store of spirits in steele , till they are sucked out . Being then assured , that in steele there is such aboundance of spirits ; and knowing that it is the nature of spirits to giue a quicke motion ; and seeing that duller spirits in trees do make this motion of Restitution ; we neede seeke no further , what it is that doeth it in steele , or in any other thinges that haue the like nature : which through the multitude of spirits that abound in them ( especially steele ) do returne backe with so strong a ierke , that their whole body will tremble a great while after , by the force of its owne motion . By what is said , 6 the nature of those bodies which do shrinke and stretch , may easily be vnderstood : for they are generally composed of stringy partes , vnto which , if humidity happen to arriue , they grow thereby thicker and shorter . As we see that droppes of water getting into a new roape of a welle , or into a new cable , will swell it much thicker , and by consequence , make it shorter . Galileus noteth such wetting to be of so great efficacy , that it will shrinke a new cable , and shorten it notably ; notwithstanding , the violence of a tempest and the weight and ierkes of a loaden shippe , do straine it what is possible for them to stretch it . Of this nature , leather seemeth to be , and parchment , and diuers other thinges , which if they be proportionably moystned , ( and no exterior force be applyed to extend them ) will shrinke vp ; but if they be ouerwetted , they will become flaccide . Againe , if they be soddainely dryed , they will shriuell vp ; but if they be fairely dryed after moderate wetting , they will extend themselues againe to their first length . The way hauing been opened by what we haue discoursed , 7 before we came to the motion of Restitution , towardes the discouery of the manner how heauy bodies may be forced vpwardes contrary to their naturall motion , by very small meanes in outward appearance ; lett vs now examine ( vpon the same groundes ) if like motions to this of water , may not be done in some other bodies in a subtiler manner . In which , more or lesse , needeth not trouble vs ; since we know , that neyther quantity , nor the operations of it , do consist in an indiuisible , or are limited to determined periodes they may not passe . It is enough for vs to find a ground for the possibility of the operation : and then the perfecting of it and the reducing it to such a height as att the first might seeme impossible and incredibile , we may leaue to the oeconomy of wise nature . He that learneth to read , write , or to play on the lute , is in the beginning , ready to loose hart att euery steppe ; when he considereth with what labour , difficulty and slownesse , he ioyneth the letters , spelleth syllabes , formeth characters , fitteth and breaketh his fingers ( as though they were vpon the racke ) to stoppe the right frettes and to touch the right stringes . And yet you see how strange a dexterity is gained in all these by industry and practise ; and a readinesse beyond what we could imagine possible , if we saw not dayly the effects . If then we can but arriue to decypher the first characters of the hidden Alphabet we are now taking in hand , and can but spellingly reade the first syllabes of it ; we neede not doubt , but that the wise Author of nature in the masterpiece of the creature ( which was to expresse the excellency of the workeman ) would with excellent cunning and art dispose all circumstances so aptly , as to speake readily a complete language rising from those Elements ; and that should haue as large an extent in practise and expression , beyond those first principles , which we like children onely lispe out ; as the vast discourses of wisest and most learned men , are beyond the spellinges of infantes : and yet those discourses spring from the same roote , as the others spellinges doe , and are but a raysing of them to a greater height ; as the admired musike of the best player of a lute or harpe , that euer was , is deriued from the harsh twanges of course bowestringes , which are composed together , and refined , till att length they arriue to that wonderfull perfection . And so without scruple , we may in the businesse we are next falling vpon , conclude that the admirable and almost miraculous effects we see , are but the eleuating to a wonderfull height those very actions and motions which we shall produce as causes and principles of them . 8 Letr vs then suppose , that there is a solide hard body , of an vnctuous nature ; whose partes are so subtile and fiery , that with a little agitation they are much rarifyed , and do breath out in steames , ( though they be too subtile for our eyes to discerne ) like vnto the steame that issueth from sweating men or horses , or like the steame that flyeth from a candle when it is putt out : but that these steames , as soone as they come into the cold ayre , are by that cold soddainely condensed againe ; and by being condensed , do shorten themselues , and by little and little do retire , till they settle themselues vpon the body from whence they sprung : in such manner as you may obserue , the little tender hornes of snailes vse to shrinke backe if any thing touch them , till they settle in little lumpes vpon their heades . If I say these stringes of bituminous vapour should in their way outwardes meete with any light and spungie body , they would pierce into it , and settle in it ; and if it were of a competent biggenesse for them to wield , they would carry it with them which way soeuer they goe ; so that if they shrinke backe againe to the fountaine from whence they came , they must needes carry backe with them the light spungy body they haue fixed their dartes in . Consider then , that how much heate rarifyeth , so much cold cōdenseth : and therefore such partes as by agitatiō were spūne out into a subtile thridde of an inch long for exāple , as they coole , do grow bigger and bigger , and consequently shorter and shorter , till att length , they gather thēselues backe into their maine body ; and there they settle againe in cold bitumen as they were att the first ; and the light body that they sticke vnto , is drawne backe with them , and consequently sticketh to the superficies of the bitumen . As if something were tyed att one end of a lutestring extended to its vtmost capacity , and the other end were fastened to some pinne ; as the string shrinketh vp , so that which is tyed att it , must needes moue neerer and neerer the pinne : which artifice of nature iugglers do imitate , when by meanes of an vnseene haire , they draw light bodies to them . Now if all this operation be done , without your seeing the little thriddes which cause it ; the matter appeareth wonderfull and strange . But when you consider this progresse that we haue sett downe , you will iudge it possible . And this seemeth to be the case of those bodies which we call Electricall ; as yellow amber , iett , and the like . All which , are of a bituminous vnctuous nature , as appeareth by their easy combustibility and smell , when they are burned . And if some do not so apparently shew this vnctuous nature , it is because eyther they are too hard , or else they haue a high degree of aqueous humidiry ioyned with their vnctuosity : and in them the operation will be duller in that proportion ; for as we see that vnctuous substances are more odoriferous then others , and do send their steames further off , and more efficaciously ; so we can not doubt but that such bodies as consist in a moist nature do accordingly send forth their emanations in a feebler proportion . Yet that proportion will not be so feeble , but that they may haue an Electricall effect , as well as the more efficacious Electricall bodies , which may be perceptible , if exact experience be made by an instrument like the mariners needle ; as our learned countryman Doctor Gilbert teacheth . But that in those eminent agents , the spirits , whereby they attract , are vnctuous , is plaine , because the fire consumeth them ; and so if the agents be ouerheated they can not worke ; but moderate heate euen of fire encreaseth their operation . Againe , they are clogged by mysty ayre , or by wetting : and likewise , are pierced through and cutt asunder by spiritt of wine or aquae ardentes ; but oyle doth not hurt them . Likewise , they yield more spirits in the sunne then in the shade ; and they continue longer , when the ayre is cleared by North or by Easterne windes . They require to be polished , eyther because the rubbing which polisheth them , doth take off from their surfaces the former emanations , which returning backe do sticke vpon them , and so do hinder the passage of those that are within ; or else , because their outsides may be foule ; or lastly , because the pores may be dilated by that smoothing . Now that hardnesse and solidity is required ; doth argue that these spirits must be quicke ones , that they may returne smartly , and not be lost through their languishing in the ayre . Likewise , that all bodies which are not eyther exceeding rare , or else sett on fire , may be drawne by these vnctuous thriddes ; concludeth that the quality by which they do it , is a common one that hath no particular contrarieties ; such a one as we see is in grease or in pitch to sticke to any thing ; from which , in like manner nothing is exempted but fire and ayre . And lastly , that they worke most efficaciously , when they are heated by rubbing , rather then by fire ; sheweth that their spirits are excitated by motion , and are thereby made to flye abroad ; in such manner as we see in pomanders , and in other perfumes , which must be heated if you will haue them communicate their sent : and alike effect as in them , agitation doth in iett , yellow amber , and such other Electricall bodies ; for if vpon rubbing them , you putt them presently to your nose , you will discerne a strong bituminous smell in them ; all which circumstances do shew that this Electricall vertue , consisteth in a certaine degree of rarity or density of the bodies vnctuous emanations . Now if these refined and viscous thriddes of iett or amber , do in their streaming abroad meete with a piece of straw , or of hay , or of a dryed leafe , or some such light and spungy body ; it is no maruayle if they glew themselues vnto it like birdlime ; and that in their shrinking backe ( by being condensed againe and repulsed , through the coldnesse of the ayre ) they carry it along with them to their entire body . Which they that onely see the effect , and can not penetrate into a possibility of a naturall cause thereof , are much troubled withall . And this seemeth vnto me to beare a fairer semblance of truth , then what Cabeus deliuereth for cause of Electricall attractions . 9 Whose speculation herein , though I can not allow for solide , yet I must for ingenious . And certainely euen errors are to be commended , when they are witty ones , and do proceed from a casting further about , then the beaten tracke of verball learning , or rather termes which explicate not the nature of the thing in question . He sayth that the coming of strawes and such other light bodies vnto amber , iett , and the like , proceedeth from a wind raysed by the forcible breaking out of subtile emanations from the Electricall bodies into the ayre , which bringeth those light bodies along with it to the Electricall ones . But this discourse can not hold : for first , it is not the nature of vnctuous emanations ( Generally speaking ) to cause smart motions singly of themselues . Secondly , although they should rayse a wind , I do not comprehend how this wind should driue bodies directly backe to the source that raysed it ; but rather any other way ; and so consequently , should driue the light bodies it meeteth with in its way , rather from , then towardes the Electricall body . Thirdly , if there should be such a wind raysed , and it should bring light bodies to the Electricall ones ; yet it could not make them sticke therevnto , which we see they do , turne them which way you will , as though they were glewed together . Neyther do his experiences conuince any thing ; for what he sayth that the light bodies are sometimes brought to the Electricall body with such a violence , that they rebound backe from it , and then returne againe to it , maketh rather against him : for if wind were the cause of their motion , they would not returne againe , after they had leaped backe from the Electricall body ; no more then we can imagine that the wind it selfe doth . The like is of his other experience , when he obserued that some little graines of sawdust hanging att an Electricall body , the furthermost of them not onely fell of , but seemed to be driuen away forcibly : for they did not fall directly downe , but sidewayes ; and besides did fly away with a violence and smartnesse that argued some strong impulse . The reason whereof might be , that new emanations might smite them , which not sticking and fastening vpon them , whereby to draw them neerer , must needes push them further : or it might be that the emanations vnto which they were glewed , shrinking backe vnto their maine body , the latter graines were shouldered of by others that already besieged the superficies ; and then the emanations retiring swiftly the graines must breake of with a force : or else , we may conceiue it was the force of the ayre that bore them vp a little , which made an appearance of their being driuen away ; as we see feathers and other light thinges descend not straight downe . THE TWENTIETH CHAPTER . Of the Loadstones generation ; and its particular motions . THere is yet remaining , 1 the great mystery of the Loadstone to discourse of . Which all Authors , both auntient and moderne , haue agreed vpon as an vndenyable example and euidence , of the shortenesse of mans reach in comprehending , and of the impossibility of his reason in penetrating into , and explicating such secrets , as nature hath a mind to hide from vs. Wherefore our reader ( I am sure ) will not in this subiect expect cleare satisfaction or plaine demonstrations , att our handes : but will iugde we haue fairely acquitted our selues , if what we say be any whitt plausible . Therefore , to vse our best endeauours to content him ; lett vs reflect vpon the disposition of partes of this habitable globe , whereof we are tenants for liues . And we shall find that the sunne by his constant course vnder the zodiake , heateth a great part of it vnmeasurably more then he doth the rest . And consequently , that this zodiake being in the middest betweene two ( as it were ) endes , which we call the Poles , these poles must necessarily be extremely cold , in respect of the torride zone ; for so we call that part of the earth which lyeth vnder the zodiake . Now looking into the consequence of this ; we find that the sunne , or the sunnes heate which reflecteth from the earth in the torride zone , must rarify the ayre extremely , and according to the nature of all heate and fire , must needes carry away from thence , many partes of the ayre and of the earth sticking to that heate , in such sort as we haue formerly declared . Whence it followeth , that other ayre must necessarily come from the regions towardes both the poles , to supply what is carryed away from the middle , as is the course in other fires , and as we haue explicated aboue : especially cōsidering , that the ayre which cometh from the polewardes , is heauyer then the ayre of the torride zone ; and therefore , must naturally presse to be still neerer the earth ; and so , as it were shouldereth vp the ayre of the torride zone towardes the circumference , by rouling into its place : and this , in great quantities ; and consequently , the polar ayre must draw a great trayne after it . Which if we consider the great extent of the torride zone , we shall easily persuade our selues , that it must reach on each side , to the very pole : for taking from Archimedes , that the sphericall superficies of a portion of a spher● , is to the superficies of the whole sphere , according as the part of the axis of that sphere comprised within the said portion , is to the whole axis : and considering that ( in our case ) the part of the axis comprised within the torride zone , is to the whole axis of the earth , in about the proportion of 4. to 10 ; it must of necessity follow that a fire or great heate raigning in so vast an extent , will draw ayre very powerfully from the rest of the world . Neyther lett any man apprehend that this course of the sunnes eleuating so great quantities of atomes in the torride zone , should hinder the course of grauity there : for first the medium is much rarer in the torride zone then in other partes of the earth ; and therefore the force of the descending atomes , needeth not to be so great there as in other places , to make bodies descend there as fast as they do else where . Secondly , there being a perpetuall supply of fresh ayre from the polar partes , streaming continually into the torride zone ; it must of necessity happen that in the ayre there come atomes to the torride zone , of that grossenesse that they can not soddainely be so much rarifyed as the subtiler partes of ayre that are there : and therefore , the more those subtiler partes are rarifyed , and thereby happen to be carried vp , the stronger and the thicker the heauyer atomes must descend . And thus this concurse of ayre from the polar partes , mainetayneth grauity vnder the zodiake ; where otherwise all would be turned into fire , and so haue no grauity . 2 Now , who cōsidereth the two hemispheres which by the aequator are diuided ; will find that they are not altogether of equall complexions ; but that our hemisphere , in which the Northpole is comprised , is much dryer then the other , by reason of the greater cōtinent of land in this , and the vaster tract of sea in the other ; and therefore the supply which cometh frō the diuers hemispheres , must needes be of differēt natures ; that which cometh from towardes the Southpole , being compared to that which cometh frō towardes the North , as the more wett to the more dry . Yet of how different cōplexions soeuer they be , you see they are the emanations of one and the same body . Not vnlike vnto what nature hath instituted in the ranke of animals : among whom , the male and the female are so distinguished by heate and cold , moysture and drought ; that neuerthelesse all belongeth , but to one nature ; and that , in degrees though manifestly different , yet so neere together that the body of one is in a manner the same thing , as the body of the other . Euen so , the complexions of the two hemispheres are in such sort different in the same qualities , that neuerthelesse they are of the same nature ▪ and are vnequall partes of the same body which we call the earth . Now Alchymistes assure vs , that if two extractions of one body do meete together they will incorporate one with the other ; especially , if there be some little difference in the complexion of the extractions . Whence it followeth that these two streames of ayre , 3 making vp one continuate floud of various currents , from one end of the world to the other ; each streame that cometh to the equator from its owne Pole , by the extraction of the sunne , and that is still supplyed with new matter flowing from its owne pole to the aequator , before the sunne can sufficiently rarify and lift vp the atomes that came first perpendicularly vnder its beames ( as it vseth to happen in the effects of Physicall causes , which can not be rigorously aiusted , but must haue some latitude ; in which , nature inclineth euer rather to aboundance then to defect , ) will passe , euen to the other pole , by the conduct of his fellow , in case he be by some occasion driuen backe homewardes . For as we see in a boule or paile full of water , or rather in a pipe , through which the water runneth along ; if there be a little hole att the bottome or side of it , the water will wriggle and change its course to creepe out att that pipe ; especially if there be a little spigott , or quill att the outside of the hole , that by the narrow length of it helpeth in some sort ( as it were ) to sucke it . So if any of the files of the army or flould of atomes sucked from one of the Poles to the aequator , do there find any gappes , or chinkes , or lanes of retiring files in the front of the other poles batalia of atomes , they will presse in there : in such manner as we haue aboue declared that water doth by the helpe of a labell of cotton ▪ and as is exemplyfied in all the attractions of venime by venimous bodies whereof we haue giuen many examples aboue : and they will go along with them the course they goe . For as when a thicke short guilded ingott of siluer is drawne out into a long subtile wyre ; the wyre continuing still perfectly guilded all ouer , doth manifestly shew that the outside and the inside of the ingott , do strangely meete together , and intermixe in the drawing out : so this little streame which ( like an eddy current ) runneth backe from the aequator towardes its owne Pole , will continue to the end still tincted with the mixture of the other Poles atomes , it was incorporated with att its coming to the aequator . Now that some little riuolets of ayre and atomes should runne backe to their owne Pole , contrary to the course of their maine streame will be easily enough to conceiue ; if we but consider that att certaine times of the yeare windes do blow more violently and strongly from some determinate part or Rombe of the world , then they do att other times and from other partes . As for example ▪ our East India Mariners tell vs of the famous Mon●ones they find in those partes ; which are strong windes that raigne constantly six monthes of the yeare from one polewardes , and the other six monthes , from the other pole , and beginne precisely about the sunnes entering into such a signe or degree of the zodiake , and continue till about its entrance into the opposite degree . And in our partes of the world certaine smart Easterly or Northeasterly windes do raigne about the end of March and beginning of Aprill ; when it seemeth that some snowes are melted by the spring heates of the sunne . And other windes haue their courses in other seasons , vpon other causes . All which do euidently conuince , that the course of the ayre , and of vapors from the poles to the equator , can not be so regular and vniforme , but that many impediments and crosses , do light in the way , to make breaches in it ; and thereby to force it in some places to an opposite course . In such sort as we see happeneth in eddy waters , and in the course of a tide , wherein the streame running swiftly in the middle , beateth the edges of the water to the shore , and thereby maketh it runne backe att the shore . And hence we may conclude , that although the maine course of ayre and atomes ( for example from north to south , in our hemisphere ) can neuer faile of going on towardes the aequator , constantly att the same rate , in grosse ; neuerthlesse , in seuerall particular little partes of it ( and especially att the edges of those streames that are driuen on faster then the rest , by an extraordinary and accidentall violent cause ) it is variously interrupted , and sometimes entirely stopped , and other times euen driuen backe to the northwardes . And if peraduenture any man should thinke that this will not fall out , because each streame seemeth to be alwayes coming from his owne Pole to the aequator , and therefore will oppose and driue backe any bodies that with lesse force should striue to swimme against it ; or if they sticke vnto them , will carry them backe to the aequator . We answere , that we must not conceiue that the whole ayre in body doth euery where equally encroach from the polewardes vpon the torride zone ; but , as it were in certaine brookes or riuolets , according as the contingency of all causes putt together doth make it fall out . Now then out of what we haue said it will follow ; that since all the ayre in this our hemisphere is as it were strewed ouer and sowed with aboundance of northerne atomes , and that some brookes of them are in station , others in a motion of retrogradation backe to their owne north pole ; the southerne atomes ( which coming vpon them att the equator do not onely presse in among them , wheresoeuer they can find admittance , but do also go on fowardes to the north pole in seuerall files by themselues , being driuen that way by the same accidentall causes , which make the others retire backe ) seising in their way vpon the northerne ones in such manner as we described in filtration ; and thereby creeping along by them wheresoeuer they find them standing still , and going along with them , wheresoeuer they find them going backe ; must of necessity find passage in great quantities towardes , and euen to the north pole ; though some partes of them will euer and anone be checked in this their iourney , by the maine current preuayling ouer some accidentall one , and so be carried backe againe to the aequator , whose line they had crossed . And this effect can not choose but be more or lesse according to the seasons of the yeare : for when the sunne is in the Tropike of Capricorne , the southerne atomes will flow in much more aboundance , and with farre greater speede , into the torride zone , then the northerne atomes can ; by reason of the sunnes approximation to the south , and his distance from the north pole ; since he worketh faintest , where he is furthest off : and therefore from the north no more emanations or atomes will be drawne , but such as are most subtilised , and duly prepared for that course . And since onely these selected bandes do now march towardes the aequator , their files must needes be thinner , then when the sunnes being in the aequator or Tropike of Cancer wakeneth and mustereth vp all their forces . And consequently , the quiett partes of ayre betweene their files ( in which like atomes are also scattered ) are the greater : whereby the aduenient southerne atomes haue the larger filter to clymbe vp by . And the like happeneth in the other hemisphere , when the sunne is in the Tropike of Cancer ; as who will bestow the paines to compare them , will presently see . Now then lett vs consider what these two streames thus incorporated must of necessity do in the surface or vpper partes of the earth . 4 First it is euident they must needes penetrate a pretty depth into the earth ; for so freesing persuadeth vs , and much more , the subtile penetration of diuers more spirituall bodies , of which we haue sufficiently discoursed aboue . Now lett vs conceiue that these steames , do find a body of a conuenient density to incorporate themselues in , in the way of density , as we see that fire doth in iron , and in other dense bodies : and this not for an houre or two as happeneth in fire ; but for yeares : as I haue beene told that in the extreme cold hilles in the Peake in Darbyshire happeneth to the dry atomes of cold , which are permanently incorporated in water by long continuall freesing and so make a kind of chrystall . In this case , certainely it must come to passe that this body will become in a māner wholy of the nature of these steames : which because they are drawne from the Poles that abound in cold and drynesse , ( for others that haue not these qualities , do not contribute to the intended effect ) the body is aptest to become a stone : 5 for so we see that cold and drought , turneth the superficiall partes of the earth into stones and rockes ; and accordingly , wheresoeuer cold and dry windes raigne powerfully , all such countries are mainely rocky . Now then lett vs suppose , this stone to be taken out of the earth and hanged in the ayre , or sett conueniently vpon some little pinne , or otherwise putt in liberty , so as a small impulse may easily turne it any way : it will in this case certainely follow that the end of the stone which in the earth lay towardes the north pole , will now in the ayre conuert it selfe in the same manner towardes the same point ; and the other end which lay towardes the south , turne by consequence to the south . I speake of these countries which lye betweene the aequator and the North ; in which it can not choose but that the streame going from the north to the aequator , must be stronger then the opposite one . Now to explicate , how this is done ; suppose the stone hanged east and west freely in the ayre ; the streame which is drawne from the north pole of the earth rangeth along by it in its course to the aequator ; and finding in the stone the south steame , ( which is growne innate to it ) very strong , it must needes incorporate it selfe with it ; and most , by those partes of the steame in the stone which are strongest : which are they that come directly from the North of the stone ; by which I meane that part of the stone that lay northward in the earth , and that still looketh to the north pole of the earth now it is in the ayre . And therefore the great flood of atomes coming from the north pole of the earth will incorporate it selfe most strongly , by the north end of the stone with the little flood of southerne atomes it findeth in the stone : for that end serueth for the coming out of the southerne atomes , and sendeth them abroad ; as the south end doth the northerne steame , since the steames do come in att one end , and do go out att the opposite end . From hence we may gather , that this stone will ioyne and cleaue to its attractiue , whensoeuer it happeneth to be within the sphere of its actiuity . Besides if by some accident it should happen that the atomes or steames which are drawne by the sunne from the Polewardes to the aequator , should come stronger from some part of the earth , which is on the side hand of the Pole , then from the very Pole it selfe ; in this case the stone will turne from the Pole towardes that side . Lastly , whatsoeuer this stone will do towardes the Pole of the earth ; the very same a lesser stone of the same kind will do towardes a greater . And if there be any kind of other substance that hath participation of the nature of this stone , such a substance will behaue it selfe towardes this stone , in the same manner , as such a stone behaueth it selfe towardes the earth : all the Phenomens whereof , may be the more plainely obserued , if the stone be cutt into the forme of the earth . And thus , we haue found a perfect delineation of the loadestone from its causes : for there is no man so ignorant of the nature of a loadestone , but he knoweth that the properties of it are to tend towardes the North ; to vary sometimes ; to ioyne with an other loadestone ; to draw iron vnto it ; and such like , whose causes you see deliuered . But to come to experimentall proofes and obseruations vpon the loadestone by which it will appeare , that these causes are well esteemed and applyed , 6 we must be beholding to that admirable searcher of the nature of the loadestone Doctor Gilbert ; by meanes of whom and of Doctor Haruey , our Natiō may claime euen in this latter age as deserued a crowne for solide Philosophicall learning as for many ages together it hath done formerly for acute and subtile speculations in Diuinity . But before I fall to particulars , I thinke it worth warning my Reader , how this great man arriued to discouer so much of Magneticall Philosophy ; that he likewise , if he be desirous to search into nature , may by imitation aduance his thoughts and knowledge that way . In short then , all the knowledge he gott of this subiect , was by forming a little loadestone into the shape of the earth . By which meanes he compassed a wonderfull designe , which was , to make the whole globe of the earth maniable : for he found the properties of the whole earth , in that little body ; which he therefore called a Tertella , or little earth ; and which he could manage and trye experiences vpon , att his will. And in like manner , any man that hath an ayme to aduance much in naturall sciencies , must endeauour to draw the matter he enquireth of , into some small modell , or into some kind of manageable methode ; which he may turne and wind as he pleaseth . And then lett him be sure , if he hath a competent vnderstanding , that he will not misse of his marke . But to our intent ; the first thing we are to proue is , that the loadestone is generated in such sort as we haue described : 7 for proofe whereof , the first ground we will lay , shall be to consider how in diuers other effects it is manifest , that the differences of being exposed to the north or to the south , do cause very great variety in the same thing : as hereafter , we shall haue occasion to touch , in the barkes and graines of trees , and the like . Next , we find by experience , that this vertue of the loadestone is receiued into other bodies that resemble its nature , by heatinges and coolinges : for so it passeth in iron barres , which being throughly heated ▪ and then layed to coole north and south , are thereby imbued with a Magnetike vertue ; heate opening their bodies , and disposing them to sucke in , such atomes as are conuenient to their nature , that flow vnto them whiles they are cooling . So that we can not boubt , but that conuenient matter fermenting in its warme bed vnder the earth , becometh a loadestone by the like sucking in of affluent streames of a like complexion to the former . And it fareth in like manner with those fiery instruments ( as fireforkes , tonges , shouels , and the like ) which do stand constantly vpwardes and downewardes ; for they , by being often heated and cooled againe , do gaine a very strong verticity , or turning to the Pole : and indeede , they can not stand vpwardes and downewardes so little a while , but that they will in that short space gaine a manifest verticity ; and change it att euery turning . Now since the force and vigour of this verticity , is in the end that standeth downewardes ; it is euident that this effect proceedeth out of an influence receiued from the earth . And because in a loadestone ( made into a globe , or considered so , to the end you may reckon hemispheres in it , as in the great earth ) eyther hemisphere giueth vnto a needle touched vpon it , not onely the vertue of that hemisphere where it is touched , but likewise the vertue of the contrary hemisphere ; we may boldly conclude that the vertue which a loadestone is impregnated with in the wombe or bed of the earth , where it is formed and groweth , proceedeth as well from the contrary hemisphere of the earth , as from that wherein it lyeth ; in such sort , as we haue aboue described . And as we feele oftentimes in our owne bodies , that some cold we catch remaineth in vs a long while after the taking it , and that sometimes it seemeth euen to change the nature of some part of our body into which it is chiefely entered , and hath taken particular possession of ; so that whensoeuer new atomes of the like nature , do againe range about in the circumstant ayre , that part so deepely affected with the former ones of kinne to these , doth in a particular manner seeme to rissent them , and to attract them to it , and to haue its guestes within it ( as it were ) wakened and roused vp by the stroakes of the aduenient ones that knocke att their dores . Euen so ( but much more strongly , by reason of the longer time and lesse hinderances ) we may conceiue that the two vertues or atomes proceeding from the two different hemispheres , do constitute a certaine permanent and constant nature in the stone that imbideth them : which then , we call a loadestone ; and is exceeding sensible ( as we shall hereafter declare ) of the aduenience to it of new atomes , alike in nature and complexion to those that it is impregnated with . And this vertue , consisting in a kind of softer and tenderer substance then the rest of the stone , becometh thereby subiect to be consumed by fire . From whence we may gather the reason why a loadestone neuer recouereth its magnetike vertue , after it hath once lost it ; though iron doth : for the humidity of iron , is inseparable from its substance ; but the humidity of a loadestone which maketh it capable of this effect , may be quite consumed by fire ; and so the stone be left too dry , for euer being capable of imbibing any new influence from the earth , vnlesse it be by a kind of new making it . 8 In the next place we are to proue that the loadestone doth worke in that manner as we haue shewed , for which end lett vs consider how the atomes , that are drawne from each Pole and hemisphere of the earth to the aequator , making vp their course by a manuduction of one an other , the hindermost can not choose but still follow on after the foremost . And as it happeneth in filtration by a cotton cloth ; if some one part of the cotton , haue its disposition to the ascent of the water , more perfect and ready then the other partes haue ; the water will assuredly ascend faster in that part , then in any of the rest : so , if the atomes do find a greater disposition for their passage , in any one part of the medium they range through , then in an other , they will certainely , not faile of taking that way , in greater aboundance , and with more vigour and strength , then any other . But it is euident , that when they meete with such a stone as we haue described , the helpes by which they aduance in their iourney , are notably encreased by the floud of atomes which they meete coming out of that stone ; which being of the nature of their opposite pole , they seise greedily vpon them , and thereby do plucke themselues faster on : like a ferryman that draweth on his boate the swiftlyer , the more vigourously he tuggeth and pulleth att the rope that lyeth thwart the riuer for him to hale himselfe ouer by . And therefore we can not doubt but that this floud of atomes streaming from the pole of the earth , must needes passe through that stone with more speed and vigour then they can do any other way . And as we see in the running of water ; that if it meeteth with any lower cranies then the wide channell it streameth in ; it will turne out of its straight way , to glide along there where it findeth an easier and more decliue bed to tumble in : so these atomes will infallibly deturne themselues from their direct course , to passe through such a stone as farre as their greater conueniency leadeth them . And what we haue said of these atomes which from the Poles do range through the vast sea of ayre to the aequator ; is likewise to be applyed vnto those atomes which issue out of the stone : so that we may conclude , that if they meete with any helpe which may conuey them on with more speede and vigour , then whiles they streame directly forwardes ; they will likewise deturne them selues from directly forwardes , to take that course . And if the stone it selfe be hanged so nicely , that a lesse force is able to turne it about then is requisite to turne aw●y out of its course the continued streame of atomes which issueth from the stone : in this case , the stone it selfe must needes turne towardes that streame which clymbing and filtring it selfe along the stones streame , draweth it out of its course ; in such sort as the nose of a weathercocke butteth it selfe into the wind . Now then ; it being knowne , that the strongest streame cometh directly , from the north in the great earth , and that the souththerne streame of the Terrella or loadestone proportioned duely by nature to incorporate with the north streame of the earth , issueth out of the north end of the stone ; it followeth plainely that when a loadestone is situated att liberty , its north end must necessarily turne towardes the north pole of the world . And it will likewise follow , that whensoeuer such a stone meeteth with an other of the same nature and kind ; they must comport themselues to one an other in like sort : that is , if both of them be free and equall , they must turne themselues to , or from , one an other ▪ according as they are situated in respect of one an other . So that if their axes be parallele , and the south pole of the one , and the north of the other do looke the same way ; then they will send proportionate , and agreeing streames to one an other from their whole bodies , that will readily mingle and incorporate with one an other , without turning out of their way or seeking any shorter course or changing their respects to one another . But if the poles of the same denomination do looke the same way , and the loadestone do not lye in such sort as to haue their axes parallele , but that they encline to one an other : then they will worke themselues about , vntill they grow by their opposite poles into a straight line ; for the same reason as we haue shewed of a loadestone turning to the pole of the earth . But if onely one of the loadestones be free and the other be fixed , and that they lye inclined , as in the former case ; then , the free stone will worke himselfe vntill his pole be opposite to that part of the fixed stone from whence the streame which agreeth with him , issueth strongest : for that streame is to the free loadestone , as the northerne streame of the earth , is to a loadestone compared vnto the earth . But withall , we must take notice that in this our discourse , we abstract from other accidents ; and particularly from the influence of the earthes streames into the loadestones : which will cause great variety in these cases , if they lye not due north and south , when they beginne to worke . And as loadestones and other magnetike bodies , do thus of necessity turne to one an other when they are both free ; and if one of them be fastened , the other turneth to it ; so likewise , if they be free to progressiue motion , they must by a like necessity and for the same reason , come together and ioyne themselues to one an other . And if only one of them be free , that must remoue it selfe to the other : for , the same vertue that maketh them turne , ( which is , the strength of the steame ) will likewise ( in due circumstances ) make them come together ; by reason that the steames which clymbe vp one an other by the way of filtration , and do thereby turne the bodies of the stones vpon their centers when they are only free to turne , must likewise , draw the whole bodies of the stones entirely out of their places , and make them ioyne , when such a totall motion of the body is an effect that requireth no more force , then the force of conueying vigorously the streames of both the Magnetike bodies into one an other ; that is , when there is no such impediment standing in the way of the Magnetike bodies motion , but that the celerity of the atomes motion , mingling with one an other , is able to ouercome it : for then , it must needes do so ; and the magnetike body by naturall coherence vnto the steame of atomes in which it is inuolued , followeth the course of the steame : in such sort as in the example we haue heretofore vpon an other occasion giuen of an eggeshell filled with deaw ; the sunnebeames conuerting the deaw into smoake , and raising vp that smoake or steame , the eggeshell is likewise raised vp for company with the steame that issueth from it . And for the same reason it is , that the loadestone draweth iron : for iron being of a nature apt to receiue and harbour the steames of a loadestone ; it becometh a weake loadestone ; and worketh towardes a loadestone , in such sort as a weaker loadestone would do : and so moueth , towardes a loadestone by the meanes we haue now described . And that this conformity between iron and the loadestone , is the true reason of the loadestones drawing of iron , is cleare out of this ; that a loadestone will take vp a greater weight of pure iron , then it will of impure or drossy iron ; or of iron and some other mettall ioyned together : and that it will draw further through a slender long iron , then in the free open ayre : all which , are manifest signes , that iron cooperateth with the force , which the loadestone grafteth in it . And the reason why iron cometh to a loadestone more efficaciously then an other loadestone doth , is , because loadestones generally are more impure then iron is ( as being a kind of oore or mine of iron ) and haue other extraneous and heterogeneall natures mixed with them : whereas iron receiueth the loadestones operation in its whole substance . THE ONE AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER . Positions drawne out of the former doctrine , and confirmed by experimentall proofes . THe first position is , 1 that the working of the loadestone , being throughout according to the tenour of the operation of bodies , may be done by bodies , and consequently is not done by occult or secret qualities . Which is euident out of this , that a greater loadestone hath more effect then a lesser : and that if you cutt away part of a loadestone , part of his vertue is likewise taken from him : and if the partes be ioyned againe , the whole becometh as strong as it was before . Againe ; if a loadestone touch a longer iron , it giueth it lesse force then if it touch a shorter iron : nay , the vertue in any part , is sensibly lesser , according as it is further from the touched part . Againe ; the longer an iron is in touching , the greater vertue it getteth , and the more constant . And both an iron and a loadestone may loose their vertue , by long lying out of their due order and situation , eyther to the earth or to an other loadestone . Besides , if a loadestone do touch a long iron in the middle of it , he diffuseth his vertue equally towardes both endes ; and if it be a round plate , he diffuseth his vertue equally to all sides . And lastly , the vertue of a loadestone , as also of an iron touched , is lost by burning it in the fire . All which symptomes agreeing exactly with the rules of bodies , do make it vndenyable that the vertue of the loadestone is a reall and solide body . 2 Against this position , Cabeus obiecteth that little atomes would not be able to penetrate all sortes of bodies ; as we see the vertue of the loadestone doth . And vrgeth , that although they should be allowed to do so , yet they could not be imagined to penetrate thicke and solide bodies so soddainely , as they would do thinne ones ; and would certainely shew then some signe of facility or difficulty of passing , in the interposition and in the taking away of bodies putt betweene the loadestone and the body it worketh vpon . Secondly he obiecteth that atomes being little bodies , they can not moue in an instant ; as the working of the loadestone seemeth to do . And lastly ; that the loadestone , by such aboundance of continuall euaporations , would quickely be consumed . To the first , we answere ; that atomes whose nature it is to pierce iron , can not reasonably be suspected of inability to penetrate any other body : and that atomes can penetrate iron , is euident in the melting of it by fire . And indeed this obiection cometh now too late , after we haue so largely declared the diuisibility of quantity , and the subtility of nature in reducing all thinges into extreme small partes : for this difficulty hath no other auow , then the tardity of our imaginations in subtilising sufficiently the quantitatiue partes that issue out of the loadestone . As for any tardity that may be expected by the interposition of a thicke or dense body ; there is no appearance of such , since we see light passe through thicke glasses without giuing any signe of meeting with the least opposition in its passage , ( as we haue aboue declared att large : ) and magneticall emanations haue the aduantage of light in this , that they are not obliged to straight lines , as light is . Lastly , as for loadestones spending of themselues by still venting their emanations ; odoriferous bodies furnish vs with a full answere to that obiection : for they do continue many yeares palpably spending of themselues , and yet keepe their odour in vigour ; whereas a loadestone , if it be layed in a wrong position will not continue halfe so long . The reason of the duration of both which , maketh the matter manifest and taketh away all difficulty : which is , that as in a roote of a vegetable , there is a power to change the aduenient iuice into its nature ; so is there in such like thinges as these , a power to change the ambient ayre into their owne substance : as euident experience sheweth in the Hermetike salt , ( as some moderne writers call it ) which is found to be rapayred , and encreased in its weight , by lying in the ayre ; and the like happeneth to saltpeter . And in our present subiect , experience informeth vs , that a loadestone will grow stronger by lying in due position eyther to the earth , or to a stronger loadestone , whereby it may be better impregnated , and as it were feed it selfe with the emanatiōs issuing out of them into it . 3 Our next position is , that this vertue cometh to a magnetike body , from an other body ; as the nature of bodies is , to require a being moued , that they may moue . And this is euident in iron ; which by the touch , or by standing in due position neere the loadestone gaineth the power of the loadestone . Againe , if a smith in beating his iron into a rodde , do obserue to lay it north and south ; it getteth a direction to the north , by the very beating of it . Likewise if an iron rodde be made red hoat in the fire , and be kept there a good while together , and when it is taken out , be layed to coole iust north and south ; it will acquire the same direction towardes the north . And this is true , not only of iron , but also of all other sortes of bodies whatsoeuer that endure such ignition : particularly , of pottearthes , which if they be moulded in a long forme , and when they are taken out of the kilne be layed ( as we sayd of the iron ) to coole north and south , will haue the same effect wrought in them . And iron , though it hath not beene heated ; but only hath cōtinued long vnmoued in the same situation of north and south , in a building ; yet it will haue the same effect . So as it can not be denyed , but that this vertue cometh vnto iron frō other bodies : whereof one must be a secret influēce from the north . And this is confirmed , by a loadestones loosing its vertue ( as we said before ) by lying a long time vnduly disposed , eyther towardes the earth , or towardes a stronger loadestone ; whereby insteed of the former , it gaineth a new vertue according to that situation . And this happeneth , not only in the vertue which is resident and permanent in a loadestone or a touched iron ; but likewise , in the actuall motion or operation of them . As may be experienced ; first , in this , that the same loadestone or touched irō in the south hemisphere of the world hath its operatiō strongest att that end of it which tendeth to the north ; and in the north hemisphere , att the end which tēdeth to the south : each pole communicating a vigour proportionable to its owne strēgth in the climate where it is receiued . Secondly , in this , that an iron ioyned to a loadestone , or within the sphere of the loadestones working , will take vp an other piece of iron greater then the loadestone of it selfe can hold ; and as soone as the holding iron is remoued out of the sphere of the loadestones actiuity , it presently letteth fall the iron it formerly held vp : and this is so true ; that a lesser loadestone may be placed in such sort within the sphere of a greater loadestones operation , as to take away a piece of iron from the greater loadestone ; and this , in vertue of the same greater loadestone from which it plucketh it : for , but remoue the lesser out of the sphere of the greater ; and then it can no longer do it . So that it is euident , that in these cases , the very actuall operation of the lesser loadestone or of the iron ; proceedeth from the actuall influence of the greater loadestone vpon and into them . And hence we may vnderstand , that whensoeuer a Magnetike body doth worke , it hath an excitation from without , which doth make it issue out and send its streames abroad ; in such sort as it is the nature of all bodies to do ; and as we haue giuen examples of the like done by heate , when we discoursed of Rarefaction . But to explicate this point more clearely by entering more particularly into it ; if a magnetike body lyeth north and south , it is easy and obuious to conceiue that the streames coming from north and south of the world , and passing through the stone must needes excitate the vertue which is in it , and carry a streame of it along with them that way , they goe . But if it lyeth East and West , then the steames of north and south of the earth , streaming along by the two Poles of the stone , are sucked in by them much more weakely : yet neuerthelesse sufficiently to giue an excitation to the innate steames which are in the body of the stone , to make them moue on in their ordinarie course . 4 The third position is , that the vertue of the loadestone is a double and not one simple vertue . Which is manifest in an iron touched by a loadestone , for if you touch it only with one pole of the stone , it will not be so strong and full of the magnetike vertue , as if you touch one end of it with one pole , and the other end of it with the other pole of the stone . Againe ; if you touch both endes of an iron , with the same pole of the stone , the iron gaineth its vertue att that end which was last touched ; and changeth its vertue from end to end , as often as it is rubbed att contrary endes . Againe ; one end of the loadestone or of iron touched , will haue more force on the one side of the aequator , and the other end on the other side of it . Againe ; the variation on the one side of the aequator , and the variation on the other side of it , haue different lawes according to the different endes of the loadestone , or of the needle , which looketh to those Poles . Wherefore , it is euident , that there is a double vertue in the loadestone , the one more powerfull att the one end of it ; the other more powerfull att the other end . Yet these two vertues are found in euery sensible part of the stone : for cutting it att eyther end , the vertue att the contrary end is also diminished . And the whole loadestone that is left , hath both the same vertues , in proportion to its biggnesse . Besides cutt the loadestone how you will , still the two poles remaine in that line , which lay vnder the meridian when it was in the earth . And the like is of the touched iron whose vertue still lyeth along the line , 5 which goeth straight ( according to the line of the axis ) from the point where it was touched , and att the opposite end , constituteth the contrary pole . The fourth position is , that though the vertue of the loadestone be in the whole body ; neuerthelesse , its vertue is more seene in the poles then in any other partes . For by experience it is found that a loadestone of equall bulke , worketh better and more efficaciously if it be in a long forme ; then if it be in any other . 6 And from the middle line betwixt the two poles , there cometh no vertue , if an iron be touched there : but any part towardes the pole ; the neerer it is to the pole , the greater vertue it imparteth . Lastly ; the declination teacheth vs the same ; which is so much the stronger by how much it is neerer the pole . The fift position is , that in the loadestone there are emanations which do issue not only att the poles and about them , but also spherically , round about the whole body , and in an orbe from all partes of the superficies of it ; in such sort as happeneth in all other bodies whatsoeuer . And that these sphericall emanations , are of two kindes ; proportionable to the two polar emanations . And that the greatest force of each sort of them is in that hemisphere where the pole is , att which they make their chiefe issue . The reason of the first part of this position is , because no particular body can be exempt from the lawes of all bodies : and we haue aboue declared that euery physicall body must of necessity haue an orbe of fluours , or a sphere of actiuity about it . The reason of the second part is , that seeing these fluours do proceed out of the very substance and nature of the loadestone , they can not choose but be found of both sortes , in euery part how little soeuer it be , where the nature of the loadestone resideth . The reason of the third part is , that because the polar emanations do tend wholy towardes the poles ( each of them to their proper pole ) it followeth that in euery hemisphere both those which come from the contrary hemisphere , and those which are bred in the hemisphere they go out att , are all assembled in that hemisphere : and therefore , of necessity it must be stronger in that kind of fluours , then the opposite end is . All which appeareth true in experience : for if a long iron toucheth any part of that hemisphere of a loadestone which tendeth to the north ; it gaineth att that end a vertue of tending likewise to the north : and the same will be if an iron but hang close ouer it . And this may be confirmed by a like experience , of an iron barre in respect of the earth which hāging downewardes in any part of our hemisphere , is imbued with the like inclination of drawing towardes the north . 7 The sixt position is , that although euery part of one loadestone do in it selfe agree with euery part of an other loadestone ( that is , if each of these partes were diuided from their wholes , and each of them made a whole by it selfe , they might be so ioyned together as they would agree ) neuerthelesse , when the partes are in their two wholes , they do not all of them agree together : but of two loadestones , only the poles of the one do agree with the whole body of the other ; that is , each pole with any part of the contrary hemisphere of the other loadestone . The reason of this is , because the fluours which issue out of the stones , are in certaine different degrees in seuerall partes of the entire loadestones ; whereby it happeneth that one loadestone can worke by a determinate part of it selfe most powerfully vpon the other , if some determinate part of that other do lye next vnto it ; and not so well , if any other part lyeth towardes it . And accordingly experience sheweth that if you putt the pole of a loadestone towardes the middle of a needle that is touched att the point , the middle part of the neddle will turne away , 8 and the end of it will conuert it selfe to the pole of the loadestone . The seuenth position is , that if a touched needle and a loadestone do come together , and touch one an other in their agreeing partes ( whatsoeuer partes of them those be ) the line of the needles length will bend towardes the pole of the stone ( excepting , if they touch by the aequator of the stone , and the middle of the needle : ) yet not so that if you draw out the line of the needles length , it will go through the pole of the stone ; vnlesse they touch by the end of the one , and the pole of the other . But if they touch by the aequator of the one and the middle of the other ; then the needle will lye parallele to the axis of the stone . And the reason of this is manifest , for in that case the two poles being equidistant to the needle they draw it equally ; and by consequence the needle must remaine parallele to the axis of the stone . Nor doth it import that the inequality of the two poles of the stone is materially or quantitatiuely greater then the inequality of the two poles of the needle ; out of which it may att the first sight seeme to follow , that the stronger pole of the stone should draw the weaker pole of the needle neerer vnto it selfe ; then the weaker pole of the stone can be able to draw the stronger pole of the needle : and by consequence that the needle should not lye parallele to the axis of the stone , but should incline somewhat to the stronger pole of it . For after you haue well considered the matter , you will find that the strength of the pole of the stone , can not worke according to its materiall greatnesse , but is confined to worke only according to the susceptibility of the needle : the which , being a slender and thinne body , can not receiue so much as a thicker body may . Wherefore , seeing that the strongest pole of the stone giueth most strength to that pole of the needle , which lyeth furthest from it ; it may well happen that this superiority of strength in the pole of the needle that is applyed to the weaker pole of the stone , may counterpoise the excesse of the stronger pole of the stone , ouer its opposite weaker pole ; though not in greatnesse and quantity , yet in respect of the vertue which is communicable to the poles of the needle ; whereby its comportment to the poles of the stone , is determined . And indeed the needles lying parallele to the axis of the stone when the middle of it sticketh to the aequator of the stone , conuinceth that vpon the whole matter , there is no excesse in the efficacious working of eyther of the stones poles : but that their excesse ouer one an other in regard of themselues , is balanced by the needles receiuing it . But if the needle happeneth to touch the loadestone in some part neerer one pole then the other ; in this case it is manifest that the force of the stone is greater on the one side of the needles touch , then on the other side ; because there is a greater quantity of the stone on the one side of the needle then on the other : and by consequence the needle will incline that way which the greater force draweth it ; so farre forth as the other part doth not hinder it . Now we know that if the greater part were diuided from the rest , and so were an entire loadestone by it selfe ( that is , if the loadestone were cutt of where the needle toucheth it ) then the needle would ioyne it selfe to the pole , that is to the end , of that part : and by consequence , would be tending to it , in such sort as a thing that is sucked tendeth towardes the sucker against the motion or force which cometh from the lesser part : and on the other side the lesser part of the stone which is on the other side of the point which the needle toucheth , must hinder this inclination of the needle according to the proportion of its strength ; and so it followeth that the needle will hang by its end , not directly sett to the end of the greater part , but as much inclining towardes it as the lesser part doth not hinder by striuing to pull it the other way . Out of which we gather the true cause of the needles declination , to witt the proportion of working of the two vnequall partes of the stone , betweene which it toucheth and is ioyned to the stone . And we likewise discouer their errour who iudge that the part which draweth iron is the next pole vnto the iron . 9 For it is rather the contrary pole which attracteth ; or to speake more properly it is the whole body of the stone as streaming in lines almost parallele to the axis , from the furthermost end , to the other end which is next to the iron : and ( in our case ) it is that part of the stone which beginneth from the contrary pole and reacheth to the needle . For besides the light which this discourse gaue vs , experience assureth vs that a loadestone , whose poles lye broad wayes , not long wayes the stone , is more imperfect , and draweth more weakely then if the poles lay longwayes ; which would not be if the fluours did streame from all partes of the stone directly to the pole : for then , howsoeuer the stone were cast the whole vertue of it would be in the poles . Moreouer , if a needle were drawne freely , vpon the same meridian frō one pole to the other ; as soone as it were passed the aequator it would leape soddainely att the very first remooue off of the aequator , where it is parallele with the axis of the loadestone , from being so parallele , to make an angle with the axis greater then a halfe right one , to the end that it might looke vpon the pole which is supposed to be the only attractiue that draweth the needle : which great change , wrought all att once , nature neuer causeth nor admitteth , but in all actions or motions , vseth to passe through all the mediums whensoeuer it goeth from one extreme to an other . Besides ; there would be no variation of the needles aspect towardes the north end of the stone : for if euery part did send its vertue immediately to the poles , it were impossible that any other part whatsoeuer should be stronger then the polar part , seeing that the polar part , had the vertue euen of that particular part , and of all the other partes of the stone besides , ioyned in it selfe . This therefore is euident ; that the vertue of the loadestone goeth from end to end in parallele lines ; vnlesse it be in such stones as haue their polar partes narrower then the rest of the body of the stone : for in them , the streame will tend with some little declination towardes the pole , as it were by way of refraction ; because without the stone , the fluours from the pole of the earth do coarct themselues , and so do thicken their streame , to croude into the stone as soone as they are sensible of any emanations from it , that being ( as we haue said before ) their readyest way to passe along : and within the stone , the streame doth the like to meete the aduenient streame where it is strongest and thickest ; which is , att that narrow part of the stones end , which is most prominent out . 10 And by this discourse we discouer likewise an other errour of them , that imagine the loadestone hath a sphere of actiuity round about it , equall on all sides ; that is , perfectly sphericall , if the stone be sphericall . Which cleerely is a mistaken speculation : for nature hauing so ordered all her agents that where the strength is greatest , there the action must ( generally speaking ) extend it selfe furthest off ; and it being acknowledged that the loadestone hath greatest strength in its poles and least in the aequator ; it must of necessity follow , that it worketh further by its poles then by its aequator . And consequently , it is impossible that its sphere of actiuity should be perfectly sphericall . Nor doth Cabeus his experience moue vs to conceiue the loadestone hath a greater strength to retayne an iron layed vpon it by its aequator , then by its poles : for to iustify his assertion , he should haue tried it in an iron wyre that were so short , as the poles could not haue any notable operation vpon the endes of it ; since otherwise , the force of retayning it , will be attributed to the poles ( according to what we haue aboue deliuered ) and not to the aequator . 11 The eighth position is ; that the intention of nature in all the operations of the loadestone , is to make an vnion betwixt the attractiue and the attracted bodies . Which is euident out of the sticking of them together : as also out of the violence wherewith iron cometh to a loadestone ; which when it is drawne by a powerfull one , is so great , that through the force of the blow hitting the stone , it will rebound backe againe , and then fall againe to the stone : and in like manner a needle vpon a pinne , if a loadestone be sett neere it , turneth with so great a force towardes the pole of the stone , that it goeth beyond it , and coming backe againe , the celerity wherewith it moueth maketh it retire it selfe too farre on the other side ; and so by many vndulations , att the last it cometh to rest directly opposite to the pole . Likewise , by the declination ; by meanes of which , the iron to the stone , or the stone to the earth , approacheth in such a disposition as is most conuenient to ioyne the due endes together . And lastly , out of the flying away of the contrary endes from one an other : which clearely is to no other purpose , but that the due endes may come together . And in generall ; there is no doubt but ones going to an other , is instituted by the order of nature for their coming together , and for their being together , which is but a perseuerance of their coming together . 12 The nineth position is , that the nature of a loadestone doth not sinke deeply into the maine body of the earth , as to haue the substance of its whole body , be magneticall ; but only remayneth neere the surface of it . And this is euident by the inequality in vertue of the two endes ; for if this magnetike vertue were the nature of the whole body , both endes would be equally strong . Nor would the disposition of one of the endes , be different from the disposition of the other . Againe , there could be no variation of the tending towardes the north : for the bulke of the whole body would haue a strength so eminently greater , then the prominences and disparities of hils or seas ; as the varieties of these would be absolutely insensible . Againe ; if the motion of the loadestone came from the body of the earth , it would be perpetually from the center , and not from the poles ; and so , there could be no declination , more in one part of the earth , then in an other . Nor would the loadestone tend from north to south , but from the center to the circumference ; or rather from the circumference to the center . And so we may learne the difference between the loadestone and the earth in their attractiue operations ; to witt , that the earth doth not receiue its influence from an other body , nor doth its magnetike vertue depend of an other magnetike agent , that impresseth it into it : which neuerthelesse , is the most remarkable condition of a loadestone . Againe the strongest vertue of the loadestone , is from pole to pole : but the strongest vertue of the earth , is from the center vpwardes , as appeareth by fireforkes gaining a much greater magnetike strength in a short time , then a loadestone in a longer . Neyther can it be thence obiected , that the loadestone should therefore receiue the earthes influences more strongly from the centerwardes , then from the poles of the earth , ( which by its operation , and what we haue discoursed of it , is certaine it doth not ; ) since the beds where loadestones lye and are formed be towardes the bottome of that part or barke of the earth which is imbued with magnetike vertue . Againe , this vertue which we see in a loadestone , is substantiall to it ; whereas the like vertue is but accidentall to the earth , by meanes of the sunnes drawing the northerne and souththerne exhalations to the aequator . The last positiō is , 13 that the loadestone must be found ouer all the earth , and in euery country . And so we see it is : both because iron mines are found ( in some measure ) almost in all countries : and because , att the least other sortes of earth ( as we haue declared of pottearths ) can not be wanting in any large extent of country ; which when they are baked and cooled in due positions , haue this effect of the loadestone , and are of the nature of it . And Docteur Gilbert sheweth , that the loadestone is nothing else but the oore of steele or of perfectest iron ; and that it is to be found of all colours , and fashions , and almost of all consistences . So that we may easily conceiue , 14 that the emanations of the loadestone being euery where , as well as the causes of grauity ; the two motions of magnetike thinges and of weighty thinges , do both of them deriue their origine from the same source ; I meane , from the very same emanations coming from the earth ; which by a diuers ordination of nature , do make this effect in the loadestone , and that other in weighty thinges . And who knoweth but that a like sucking to this which we haue shewed in magnetike thinges , passeth also in the motion of grauity ? In a wold ; grauity beareth a faire testimony in the behalfe of the magnetike fo●ce ; and the loadestones working , returneth no meane verdict for the causes of grauity , according to what we haue deliuered of them . THE TWO AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER . A solution of certaine Problemes concerning the loadestone , and as hort summe of the whole doctrine touching it . OVt of what is said vpon this subiect , we may proceed to the solution of certaine questions or problemes , 1 which are or may be made in this matter . And first , of that which Doctour Gilbert disputeth against all former writers of the loadestone ; to witt which is the North , and which the South pole of a stone ? Which seemeth vnto me , to be only a question of the name : for if by the name of north and south , we vnders●ād that end of the stone which hath that vertue that the north or south pole of the earth haue ▪ then it is certaine , that the end of the stone which looketh to the south pole of the earth , is to be called the north pole of the loadestone ; and conrrariwise , that which looketh to the north , is to be called the south pole of it . But if by the names of north and south pole of the stone , you meane those endes of it , that lye and point to the north and to the south poles of the earth ; then you must reckon their poles contrariwise to the former account . So that the termes being once defined , there will remaine no further controuersye about this point . Doctor Gilbert seemeth also to haue an other controuersy with all writers ; to witt whether any bodies besides magneticall ones , be attractiue ? 2 Which he seemeth to deny ; all others to affirme . But this also being fairely putt , will peraduenture proue no controuersy : for the question is eyther in common , of attraction ; or else in particular , of such an attraction as is made by the loadestone . Of the first part , there can be no doubt ; as we haue declared aboue ; and as is manifest betwixt gold and quickesiluer , when a man holding gold in his mouth , it draweth vnto it the quickesiluer that is in his body . But for the attractiue to draw a body vnto it selfe , not wholy , but one determinate part of the body drawne , vnto one determine part of the drawer ; is an attraction which for my part I can not exemplify in any other bodies but magneticall ones . A third question is , 3 whether an iron that standeth long time vnmoued in a window , or any other part of a building , perpendicularly to the earth , doth contract a magneticall vertue of drawing or pointing towardes the north in that end which looketh downewardes . For Cabeus ( who wrote since Gilbert ) affirmeth it out of experience : but eyther his experiment or his expression was defectiue . For assuredly if the iron standeth so , in the northerne hemisphere , it will turne to the north ; and if in the southerne hemisphere ; it will turne to the south : for seeing the vertue of the loadestone proceedeth from the earth , and that the earth hath different tempers towardes the north , and towardes the south pole ( as hath beene already declared ) the vertue which cometh out of the earth in the northerne hemisphere , will giue vnto the end of the iron next it an inclination to the north pole ; and the earth of the southerne hemisphere will yield the contrary disposition vnto the end which is neerest it . The next question is , why a loadestone seemeth to loue iron better then it doth an other loadestone ? 4 The answere is , because iron is indifferent in all its partes to receiue the impression of a loadestone ; whereas an other loadestone receiueth it only in a determinate part : and therefore a loadestone draweth iron more easily then it can an other loadestone ; because it findeth repugnance in the partes of an other loadestone , vnlesse it be exactly situated in a right position . Besides , iron seemeth to be compared to a loadestone , like as a more humide body to a dryer of the same nature ; and the difference of male and female sexes in animals do manifestly shew the great appetence of coniunction between moysture and drynesse , when they belong to bodies of the same species . An other question , 5 is that great one ; why a loadestone capped with steele , taketh vp more iron then it would do if it were without that capping ? An other conclusion like vnto this , is that if by a loadestone you take vp an iron , and by that iron a second iron , and then you pull away the second iron ; the first iron ( in some position ) will leaue the loadestone to sticke vnto the second iron , as long as the second iron is within the sphere of the loadestones actiuity ; but if you remoue the second out of that sphere , then the first iron remaining within it , though the other be out of it , will leaue the second , and leape backe to the loadestone . To the same purpose , is this other conclusion ; that the greater the iron is , which is entirely within the compasse of the loadestones vertue , the more strongly the loadestone will be moued vnto it ; and the more forcibly it will sticke to it . The reasons of all these three , wee must giue att once ; for they hang all vpon one string . And in my conceite neyther Gilbert nor Galileo haue hitt vpon the right . As for Gilbert ; he thinketh that in iron there is originally the vertue of the loadestone ; but that it is as it were a sleepe vntill by the touch of the loadestone it be awaked and sett on worke : and therefore the vertue of both ioyned together , is greater then the vertue of the loadestone alone . But if this were the reason , the vertue of the iron would be greater in euery regard , and not only in sticking or in taking vp : whereas himselfe confesseth , that a capped stone draweth no further , then a naked stone , nor hardly so farre . Besides , it would continue its vertue out of the sphere of actiuity of the loadestone , which it doth not . Againe ; seeing that if you compare them seuerally , the vertue of the loadestone is greater , then the vertue of the iron ; why should not the middle iron sticke closer to the stone then to the further iron which must of necessity haue lesse vertue ? 6 Galileo yieldeth the cause of this effect , that when an iron toucheth an iron , there are more partes which touch one an other , then when a loadestone toucheth the iron : both because the loadestone , hath generally much impurity in it , and therefore diuers partes of it haue no vertue ; whereas iron , by being melted hath all its partes pure : and secondly , because iron can be smoothed and polisked more then a loadestone can be : and therefore its superficies toucheth in a manner with all its partes ; whereas diuers partes of the stones superficies can not touch , by reason of its ruggednesse . And he confirmeth his opinion by experience : for if you putt the head of a needle to a barestone , and the point of it to an iron ; and then plucke away the iron ; the needle will leaue the iron , and sticke to the stone : but if you turne the needle the other way , it will leaue the stone and sticke to the iron . Out of which he inferreth that it is the multitude of partes , which causeth the close and strong sticking . And it seemeth he found the same in the capping of his loadestones : for he vsed flatt irons for that purpose ; which by their whole plane did take vp other irons : whereas Gilbert capped his with cōuexe irons ; which not applying themselues to other iron , so strongly or with so many partes as Galileos did , would not by much take vp so great weightes as his . Neuerthelesse , it seemeth not to me that his answere is sufficient , or that his reasons conuince ; for we are to consider that the vertue which he putteth in the iron must ( according to his owne supposition ) proceed from the loadestone : and then , what importeth it , whether the superficies of the iron which toucheth an other iron , be so exactly plaine or no ? Or that the partes of it be more solide then the partes of the stone ? For all this conduceth nothing to make the vertue greater then it was : since no more vertue can go from one iron to the other , then goeth from the loadestone to the first iron : and if this vertue can not tye the first iron to the loadestone ; it can not proceed out of this vertue that the second iron be tyed to the first . Againe ; if a paper be putt betwixt the cappe and an other iron , it doth not hinder the magneticall vertue from passing through it to the iron ; but the vertue of taking vp more weight then the naked stone was able to do , is thereby rendered quite vselesse . Therefore it is euident , that this vertue must be putt in something else , and not in the application of the magneticall vertue . And to examine his reasons particularly , it may very well fall out that whatsoeuer the cause be , the point of a needle may be too little to make an exact experience in ; and therefore a new doctrine ought not lightly be grounded vpon what appeareth in the application of that . And likewise , the greatnesse of the surfaces of the two irons , may be a condition helpefull to the cause whatsoeuer it be : for greater and lesser , are the common conditions of all bodies , and therefore do auayle all kindes of corporeall causes ; so that , no one cause can be affirmed more then an other , meerely out of this that great doth more , and little doth lesse . To come then to our owne solution : 7 I haue considered , how fi●● hath in a manner the same effect in iron , as the vertue of the loadestone hath by meanes of the cappe : for I find that fire coming through iron red glowing hoat , will burne more strongly , then if it should come immediately through the ayre ; as also we see that in pittecoale the fire is stronger then in charcoale . And neuerthelesse , the fire will heat further if it come immediately from the source of it , then if it come through a red iron that burneth more violently where it toucheth ; and likewise charcoale will heat further then pittcoale , that neere hand burneth more fiercely . In the same manner , the loadestone will draw further without a cappe then with one ; but with a cappe it sticketh faster then without one . Whence I see that it is not purely the vertue of the loadestone ; but the vertue of it being in iron ; which causeth this effect . Now this modification , may proceed eyther from the multitude of partes which come out of the loadestone , and are as it were stopped in the iron ; and so the sphere of their actiuity becometh shorter but stronger : or else from some quality of the iron ioyned to the influence of the loadestone . The first seemeth not to giue a good account of the effect ; for why should a little paper take it away , seeing we are sure that it stoppeth not the passage of the loadestones influence ? Againe ; the influence of the loadestone , seemeth in its motion to be of the nature of light , which goeth in an insensible time as farre as it can reach : and therefore , were it multiplyed in the iron , it would reach further then without it ; and from it , the vertue of the loadestone would beginne a new sphere of actiuity . Therefore , we more willingly cleaue to the latter part of our determination . And there vpon enquiring what quality there is in iron , whence this effect may follow ; we find that it is distinguished from a loadestone , as a mettall is from a stone . Now we know that mettalls haue generally more humidity then stones ; and we haue discoursed aboue , that humidity is the cause of sticking ▪ especially when it is little and dense . These qualities must needes be in the humidity of iron : which of all mettalls is the most terrestriall : and such humidity as is able to sticke to the influence of the loadestone , as it passeth through , the body of the iron , must be exceeding subtile and small ; and it seemeth necessary that such humidity should sticke to the influence of the loadestone , when it meeteth with it , considering that the influence is of it selfe dry and that the nature of iron is akinne to the loadestone : wherefore , the humidity of the one , and the drought of the other , will not faile of incorporating together . Now then , if two irons , well polished and plaine , be vnited by such a glew as resulteth out of this composition , there is a manifest appearance of much reason for them to sticke strongly together . This is confirmed by the nature of iron in very cold countries and very cold weather : for the very humidity of the ayre in times of frost , will make vpon iron , sooner then vpon other thinges , such a sticking glew as will pull off the skinne of a mans hand that toucheth it hard . And by this discourse , you will perceiue that Galileos arguments do confirme our opinion as well as his owne ; and that according to our doctrine , all circumstances must fall out iust as they do in his experiences . And the reason is cleare why the interposition of an other body , hindereth the strong sticking of iron to the cappe of the loadestone ; for it maketh the mediation between them greater , which we haue shewed to be the generall reason why thinges are easily parted . Lett vs then proceed to the resolution of the other cases proposed . The second is already resolued : for if this glew be made of the influence of the loadestone , it can not haue force further then the loadestone it selfe hath : and so farre , it must haue more force , then the bare influence of the loadestone . Or rather the humidity of two irons maketh the glew of a fitter temper to hold , then that which is betweene a dry loadestone and iron ; and the glew entereth better when both sides are moist , then when only one is so . 8 But this resolution though it be in part good , yet it doth not euacuate the whole difficulty , since the same case happeneth betweene a stronger and a weaker loadestone , as betweene a loadestone and iron : for the weaker loadestone , whilst it is , within the sphere of actiuity of the greater loadestone , draweth away an iron sett betwixt them as well as a second iron doth . For the reason therefore of the little loadestones drawing away the iron , we may consider that the greater loadestone hath two effects vpon the iron , which is betwixt it and a lesser loadestone , and a third effect vpon the little loadestone it selfe . The first is that it impregnateth the iron , and giueth it a permanent vertue by which it worketh like a weake loadestone . The second is , that as it maketh the iron worke towardes the lesser loadestone by its permanent vertue ; so also it accompanyeth the steame that goeth from the iron towardes the little loadestone with its owne steame , which goeth the same way : so that both these steames do in company clymbe vp the steame of the little loadestone which meeteth them ; and that steame clymbeth vp the enlarged one of both theirs together . The third effect which the greater loadestone worketh , is that it maketh the steame of the little loadestone become stronger by augmenting its innate vertue in some degree . Now then , the going of the iron to eyther of the loadestones , must follow the greater and quicker coniunction of the two meeting steames , and not the greatnesse of one alone . So that if the coniunction of the two steames between the iron and the little loadestone be greater and quicker then the coniunction of the two steames which meete between the greater loadestone and the iron , the iron must sticke to the lesser loadestone . And this must happen more often then otherwise : for the steame which goeth from the iron to the greater loadestone will for the most part be lesse then the steame which goeth from the lesser loadestone to the iron . And though the other steame be neuer so great yet it can not draw more then according to the proportion of its Antagonists coming from the iron . Wherefore seeing the two steames betwixt the iron and the little loadestone , are more proportionable to one an other , and the steame coming out of the little loadestone is notably greater , then the steame going from the iron to the greater loadestone ; the coniunction must be made for the most part to the little loadestone . And if this discourse doth not hold in the former part of the Probleme betwixt a second iron and a loadestone , it is supplyed by the former reason which we gaue for that particular purpose . The third case dependeth also of this solution ▪ for the bigger an iron is , so many more partes it hath to sucke vp the influence of the loadestone ; and consequently , doth it thereby the more greedily : and therefore the loadestone must be carried to it more violently , and when they are ioyned , 9 sticke more strongly . The sixt question is , why the variations of the needle from the true north , in the northerne hemisphere , are greater , the neerer you go to the Pole , and lesser the neerer you approach to the Aequator . The reason whereof is plaine in our doctrine ; for , considering that the magnetike vertue of the earth , streameth from the north towardes the aequator ; it followeth of necessity , that if there be two streames of magnetike fluours issuing from the north , one of them , precisely from the pole , and the other from a part of the earth neere the pole ; and that the streame coming from the point by side the pole , be but a little the stronger of the two ; there will appeare very little differencies in their seuerall operations , after they haue had a long space to mingle their emanations together ; which thereby do ioyne , and grow as it were into one streame . Whereas the neerer you come to the pole , the more you will find them seuered , and each of them working by its owne vertue . And very neere the point which causeth the variation , each streame worketh singly by it selfe ; and therefore here , the point of variation must be master , and will carry the needle strongly vnto his course from the due north , if his streame be neuer so little more efficacious then the other . Againe ; a line drawne from a point of the earth wyde of the pole , to a point of the meridian neere the aequator , maketh a lesse angle , then a line drawne from the same point of the earth to a point of the same meridian neerer the pole : wherefore , the variation being esteemed by the quantities of the said angles , it must needes be greater neere the pole , then neere the aequator , though the cause be the same . But because it may happen , that in the partes neere the aequator , the variation may proceed from some piece of land , not much more northerly then where the needle is ; but that beareth rather easterly or westerly from it ; and yet Gilberts assertion goeth vniuersally , when he sayth the variations in southerne regions are lesse , then in northerne ones : we must examine what may be the reason thereof . And presently the generation of the loadestone sheweth it plainely : for seeing the nature of the loadestone proceedeth out of this , that the sunne worketh more vpon the torride zone , then vpon the poles ; and that his too strong operation , is contrary to the loadestone , as being of the nature of fire ; it followeth euidently that the landes of the torride zone can not be so magneticall ( generally speaking ) as the polar landes are ; and by consequence that a lesser land neere the pole , will haue a greater effect , then a larger continent neere the aequator : and likewise a land further off towardes the pole , will worke more strongly then a neerer land which lyeth towardes the aequator . 10 The seuenth question is , whether in the same part of the world a touched needle may att one time vary more from the true north point , and att an other time lesse ? In which Gilbert was resolute for the negatiue part : but our latter Mathematiciens are of an other mind . Three experiences were made neere London in three diuers yeares . The two first , 42 yeares distant from one an other ; and the third 12 yeares distant from the second . And by them it is found that in the space of 54 yeares , he loadestone hath att London diminished his variation from the north , the quantity of 7 degrees and more . But so that in the latter yeares the diminution hath sensibly gone faster then in the former . These obseruations peraduenture are but little credited by strangers ; but we who know the worth of the men that made them , can not mistrust any notable errour in them : for they were very able mathematicians , and they made their obseruations with very greate exactnesse ; and there were seuerall iuditious wittnesses att the making of them ; as may be seene in Mr. Gillebrand his print concerning this subiect . And diuers other particular persons do confirme the same ▪ whose creditt , though each single might peraduenture be slighted , yet all in body make a great accession . We must therefore cast about to find what may be the cause of an effect so paradoxe to the rest of the doctrine of the loadestone : for seeing that no one place , can stand otherwise to the north of the earth att one time then att an other ; how is it possible that the needle should receiue any new variation , since all variation proceedeth out of the inequality of the earth ? But when we consider that this effect proceedeth not out of the maine body of the earth ; but only out of the barke of it ; and that its barke , may haue diuers tempers not as yet discouered vnto vs ; and that out of the variety of these tempers , the influence of the earthy partes may be diuers in respect of one certaine place ; it is not impossible but that such variation may be ; especially in England : which Iland lying open to the north , by a great and vast ocean ; may receiue more particularly then other places , the speciall influences and variation of the weather , that happen in those northeasterne countries from whence this influence cometh vnto vs. If therefore there should be any course of weather , whose periode were a hundred yeares ( for example ) or more or lesse , and so might easily passe vnmarked ; this variation might grow out of such a course . But in so obscure a thing , we haue already hazarded to guesse too much . And vpon the whole matter of the loadestone , it serueth our turne , if we haue proued ( as we conceiue we haue done fully ) that its motions which appeare so admirable , do not proceed from an occult quality ; but that the causes of them may be reduced vnto locall motion ; and that all they may be performed by such corporeall instruments and meanes ( though peraduenture more intricately disposed ) as all other effects are among bodies . Whose ordering and disposing and particular progresse , there is no reason to despaire of finding out ; would but men carefully apply themselues to that worke , vpon solide principles and with diligent experiences . But because this matter hath beene very long , 11 and scatteringly diffused in many seuerall branches ; peraduenture it will not be displeasing to the Reader to see the whole nature of the loadestone summed vp in short . Lett him then cast his eyes vpon one effect of it , that is very easy to be tryed and is acknowledged by all writers ; though we haue not as yet mentioned it . And it is , that a knife drawne from the pole of a loadestone towardes the aequator , if you hold the point towardes the pole , it gaineth a respect to one of the poles : but contrawise , if the point of the knife be held towardes the aequator , and be thrust the same way it was drawne before ( that is , towardes the aequator ) it gaineth a respect towardes the contrary pole . It is euident out of this experience , that the vertue of the loadestone is communicated by way of streames ; and that in it , there are two contrary streames : for otherwise the motion of the knife this w●y or that way , could not change the efficacity of the same partes of the loadestone . It is likewise euident , that these contrary streames , do come from the conrrary endes of the loadestone . As also , that the vertues , of them both , are in euery part of the stone . Likewise that one loadestone , must of necessity turne certaine partes of it selfe , to certaine partes of an other loadestone ; nay that it must goe and ioyne to it , according to the lawes of attraction which we haue aboue deliuered : and consequently that they must turne their disagreeing partes away from one an other ; and so , one loadestone seeme to fly from an other , if they be so applyed that their disagreeing partes be kept still next to one an other : for in this case , the disagreeing and the agreeing partes of the same loadestone , being in the same straight line ; one loadestone seeking to draw his agreeing part neere to that part of the other loadestone which agreeth with him , must of necessity turne away his disagreeing partes to giue way vnto his agreeing part to approach neerer . And thus you see that the flying from one an other of two endes of two loadestones , which are both of the same denomination ( as for example the two south endes , or the two north endes ) doth not proceed from a pretended antipathy between those two endes , but from the attraction of the agreeing endes . Furthermore , the earth , hauing to a loadestone the nature of a loadestone ; it followeth that a loadestone must necessarily turne it selfe to the poles of the earth by the same lawes . And consequently , must tend to the north , must vary from the north , must incline towardes the center , and must be affected with all such accidents as we haue deduced of the loadestone . And lastly ; seeing that iron is to a loadestone , a fitt matter for it to impresse its nature in , and easily retaineth that magnetike vertue ; the same effects that follow betweē two loadestones , must necessarily follow between a loadestone , and a peece of iron fittly proportionated in their degrees : excepting some litle particularities , which proceed out of the naturalnesse of the magnetike vertue to a loadestone , more then to iron . And thus you see the nature of the loadestone summed vp in grosse ; the particular ioyntes and causes whereof , you may find treated att large in the maine discourse . Wherein we haue gouerned our selues chiefely by the experiences that are recorded by Gilbert and Cabeus ; to whom , we remitt our reader for a more ample declaration of particulars . THE THREE AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER . A description of the two sortes of liuing creatures ; Plants , and Animals : and how they are framed in common to performe vitall motion . HItherto we haue endeauoured to follow by a continuall thridde , 1 all such effects as we haue mett with among bodies , and to trace thē in all their windinges , and to driue them vp to their very roote and originall source : for the nature of our subiect hauing beene yet very common , hath not exceeded the compasse and power of our search and enquiry , to descend vnto the chiefe circumstances and particulars belonging vnto it . And indeede , many of the conueyances whereby the operations we haue discoursed of , are performed , be so secret and abstruse , as they that looke into them with lesse heedefullnesse and iudgment then such a matter requireth , are too apt to impute them to mysterious causes aboue the reach of humane nature to comprehēd , and to calumniate them of being wrought by occult and specifike qualities ; whereof no more reason could be giuen , then if the effects were infused by Angelicall handes without assistance of inferiour bodies : which vseth to be the last refuge of ignorant men , who not knowing what to say , and yet presuming to say something , do fall often vpon such expressiōs , as neyther themselues nor their hearers vnderstand ; and that if they be well scanned , do imply contradictions Therefore we deemed it a kind of necessity to straine ourselues to prosecute most of such effects , euen to their notionall connexions with rarity and density . And the rather because it hath not been our lucke yet to meet with any that hath had the like designe , or hath done any considerable matter to ease our paines . Which can not but make the readers iourney somewhat tedious vnto him to follow all our stepps , by reason of the ruggednesse , and vntrodenesse of the pathes we haue walked in . But now the effects we shall hence forward meedle withall , do grow so particular , and do swarme into such a vast multitude of seuerall little ioyntes , and wreathy labyrinthes of nature , as were impossible in so summary a treatise , as we intend , to deliuer the causes of euery one of them exactly ; which would require , both large discourses and aboundance of experiences to acquitt our selues as we ought of such a taske . Nor is there a like neede of doing it as formerly , for as much as concerneth our designe ; since the causes of them are palpably materiall , and the admirable artifice of them , consisteth only in the Daedalean and wunderfull ingenious ordering and ranging them one with an other . We shall therefore entreat our Reader from this time forwardes to expect only the common sequele of those particular effects , out of the principles already layed . And when some shall occurre , that may peraduenture seeme att the first sight to be enacted immediately by a vertue spirituall , and that proceedeth indiuisibly , in a different straine from the ordinary processes which we see in bodies and in bodily thinges ( that is by the vertues of rarity and density , working by locall motion ) we hope he will be satisfyed att our handes , if we lay downe a methode , and trace out a course , whereby such euents and operations may follow out of the principles we haue layed . Though peraduenture we shall not absolutely conuince that euery effect is done iust as we sett it downe in euery particular , and that it may not as well be done by some other disposing of partes , vnder the same generall scope : for it is enough for our turne if we shew that such effects may be performed by corporeall agents , working as other bodies do ; without confining ourselues to an exactnesse in euery linke of the long chaine that must be wound vp in the performance of them . 2 To come then to the matter ; the next thing we are to employ ourselues about , now that we haue explicated the natures of those motions by meanes whereof bodies are made and destroyed ; and in which they are to be considered chiefely as passiue , whiles some exteriour agent working vpon them causeth such alterations in them , and bringeth them to such passe as wee see in the changes that are dayly wrought among substances ; is , to take a suruay of those motions which some bodies haue , wherein they seeme to be not so much patients as agents ; and do containe with in themselues the principle of their owne motion ; and haue no relation to any outward obiect , more then to stirre vp that principle of motion , and sett it on worke : which when it is once in act , hath as it were within the limits of its owne kingdome , and seuered from commerce with all other bodies whatsoeuer , many other subalterne motions ouer which it presideth . To which purpose we may consider that among the compounded bodies whose natures we haue explicated ; there are some , in whom the partes of different complexions are so small and so well mingled together , that they make a compound , which to our sense seemeth to be all of it quite through , of one homogeneous nature ; and howsoeuer it be diuided , each part retaineth the entire and cōplete nature of the whole . Others againe there are , in which it is easy to discerne that the whole is made vp of seuerall great partes of very differing natures and tēpers . And of these , there are two kindes : the one , of such , as their differing partes seeme to haue no relation to one an other , or correspondence together to performe any particular worke , in which all of them are necessary ; but rather they seeme to be made what they are , by chance and by accident ; and if one part be seuered from an other , each is an entire thing by it selfe , of the same nature as it was in the whole ; and no harmony is destroyed by such diuision . As may be obserued in some bodies digged out of mines , in which one may see lūpes of mettall , oore , stone , and glasse , and such different substances , in their seuerall distinct situations , perfectly compacted into one continuate body ; which if you diuide , the glasse remaineth what it was before , the Emerald is still an Emerald , the syluer is good syluer , and the like of the other subs●āces : the causes of which , may be easily deduced out of what we haue formerly said . But there are other bodies in which this manifest and notable difference of partes , carrieth with it such a subordinatiō of one of them vnto an other ; as we can not doubt but that nature made such engines ( if so I may call them ) by designe ; and intended that this variety should be in one thing ; whose vnity and being what it is , should depend of the harmony of the seuerall differing partes , and should be destroyed by their seperation . As we see in liuing creatures ; whose particular partes and members being once seuered there is no longer a liuing creature to be found among them . Now of this kind of bodies , 3 there are two sortes . The first is of those that seeme to be one continuate substance , wherein we may obserue one and the same constant progresse throughout , from the lowest vnto the highest part of it ; so that , the operation of one part is not att all different from that of an other : but the whole body seemeth to be the course and through fare of one constant action , varying it selfe in diuers occasions , and occurrences , according to the disposition of the subiect . The bodies of the secōd sort , haue their partes so notably seperated one frō the other ; and each of them haue such a peculiar motion proper vnto them , that one might conceiue they were eue●y one of them a complete distinct totall thing by it selfe , and that all of them were artificially tyed together ; were it not , that the subordination of these partes to one an other is so great , and the correspondence betweene them so strict , ( the one not being able to subsist without the other , from whom he deriueth what is needefull for him ; and againe being so vsefull vnto that other and hauing its action and motion so fitting and necessary for it , as without it that other can not be ; ) as plainely conuinceth that the compound of all these senerall partes must needes be one indiuiduall thing . I remember that when I trauailed in spaine , I saw there two engines that in some sort do expresse the natures of these two kindes of bodies . 4 The one att Toledo , the other att Segouia : both of them sett on worke by the current of the riuer , in which the foundation of their machine was layed . That att Toledo , was to force vp water a great hieght from the riuer Tagus to the Alcazar ( the King his pallace ) that standeth vpon a high steepe hill or rocke , almost perpendicular ouer the riuer . In the bottome , there was an indented wheele , which turning round with the streame , gaue motion att the same time to the whole engine : which consisted of a multitude of little troughes or square ladles sett one ouer an other , in two parallele rowes ouer against one an other , from the bottome to the toppe , and vpon two seuerall diuided frames of tymber . These troughes were closed att one end with a trauerse bord to retaine the water from running out there ; which end being bigger then the rest of the trough , made it somewhat like a ladle : and the rest of it , seemed to be the handle with a channell in it , the little end of which channell or trough was open to lett the water passe freely away . And these troughes were fastened by an axeltree in the middle of them , to the frame of tymber that went from the bottome vp to the toppe : so that they could vpon that center moue att liberty eyther the shutt end downewardes , or the open end ; like the beame of a ballance . Now att a certaine position of the roote wheele ( if so I may call it ) all one side of the machine sunke downe a little lower towardes the water , and the other was raised a little higher . Which motion was changed , as soone as the ground wheele had ended the remnant of his reuolution : for then , the side th●t was lowest before , sprung vp , and the other sunke downe . And thus , the two sides of the machine , were like two legges that by turnes trode the water ; as in the vintage , men presse grapes in a watte . Now the troughes that were fastened to the tymber which descended , turned that part of them downewardes which was like a boxe shutt to hold the water : and consequently , the open end was vp in the ayre , like the arme of the ballance vnto which the lightest scale is fastened : and in the meane time , the troughes vpon the ascēding timber , were moued by a contrary motion ; keeping their boxe endes aloft , and letting the open endes incline downewardes : so that if any water were in them , it would lett it runne out ; whereas the others retained any that came into them . When you haue made an image of this machine in your fantasie , cōsider what will follow out of its motion . You will perceiue that when one legge sinketh downe towardes the water , that trough which is next to the superficies of it , putting downe his boxe end , and dipping it a little in the water ; must needes bring vp as much as it can retaine , when that legge ascendeth : which when it is att its height , the trough moueth vpon his owne center ; and the boxe end , which was lowest , becometh now highest , and so the water runneth out of it . Now the other legge descending att the same time ; it falleth out that the trough on its side , which would be a steppe aboue that which hath the water in it , if they stood in equilibrity , becometh now a steppe lower then it : and is so placed , that the water which runneth out of that which is aloft , falleth into the head or boxe of it ; which no sooner hath receiued it , but that legge on which it is fastened , springeth vp , and the other descendeth : so that the water of the second legge , runneth now into the boxe of the first legge , that is next aboue that which first laded the water out of the riuer . And thus , the troughes of the two legges deliuer their water by turnes from one side to the other ; and att euery remooue , it getteth a steppe vpwardes , till it cometh to the toppe ; whiles att euery ascent and descent of the whole side , the lowest ladle or trough taketh new water from the riuer ; which ladefull followeth immediately in its ascent , that which was taken vp the time before . And thus , in a little while , all the troughes from the bottome to the toppe are full ; vnlesse there happen to be some failing in some ladle : and in that case the water breaketh out there ; and all the ladles aboue that , are dry . The other engine , 5 or rather multitude of seuerall engines , to performe sundry different operations , all conducing to one worke ( whereas , that of Toledo , is but one tenour of motion , from the first to the last ; ) is in the minte at Segouia . Which is so artificially made , that one part of it , distendeth an ingott of siluer or gold into that breadth and thicknesse as is requisite to make coyne of . Which being done , it deliuereth the plate it hath wrought , vnto an other that printeth the figure of the coyne vpon it . And from thence it is turned ouer to an other that cutteth it according to the print , into due shape and weight . And lastly , the seuerall peeces fall into a reserue , in an other roome ; where the officer , whose charge it is , findeth treasure ready coyned ; without any thing there , to informe him of the seuerall different motions that the siluer or the gold passed before they came to that state . But if he goe on the other side of the wall , into the roome where the other machines stand and are att worke , he will then discerne that euery one of them , which considered by it selfe might seeme a distinct complete engine , is but a seruing part of the whole ; whose office is , to make money : and that for this worke , any one of them seperated from the rest , ceaseth to be the part of a minte , and the whole is maymed and destroyed . Now lett vs apply the consideration of these different kindes of engines , 6 to the natures of the bodies we treate of . Which I doubt not , would fitt much better , were they liuely and exactly described . But it is so long since I saw them , and I was then so very young , that I retaine but a confufed and clowdy remembrance of them : especially of the minte att Segouia , in the which there are many more particulars then I haue touched ; as conueniency for refining the oore or mettall ; and then casting it into ingots ; and driuing them into roddes ; and such like : vnto all which , there is little helpe of handes requisite , more then to apply the matter duly att the first . But what I haue said of them , is enough to illustrate what I ayme att : and though I should erre in the particulars , it is no great matter ; for I intend not to deliuer the history of them : but only out of the remembrance of such note full and artificiall Masterpeeces , to frame a modell in their fancies that shall reade this , of something like them ; whereby they may with more ease , make a right conception of what we are handling . Thus then all sortes of plants , both great and small , may be compared to our first engine of the waterworke att Toledo , for in them , all the motion we can discerne , is of one part transmitting vnto the next to it , the iuice which it receiued from that immediately before it : so that it hath one constant course from the roote ( which sucketh it from the earth ) vnto the toppe of the highest sprigge : in which , if it should be intercepted and stopped by any mayming of the barke ( the channell it ascendeth by ) it would there breake out and turne into droppes , or gumme , or some such other substance as the nature of the plant requireth : and all that part of it vnto which none of this iuice can ascend would drye and wither and grow dead . But sensible liuing creatures , we may fittly compare to the second machine of the minte att Segouia . For in them , though euery part and member , be as it were a complete thing of it selfe , yet euery one , requireth to be directed and putt on in its motion by an other ; and they must all of them ( though of very different natures and kindes of motion ) conspire together to effect any thing that may be , for the vse and seruice of the whole . And thus we find in them perfectly the nature of a mouer and a moueable ; each of them mouing differently from one an other , and framing to themselues their owne motions , in such sort as is most agreeable to their nature , when that part which setteth them on worke hath stirred them vp . And now because these partes ( the mouers , and the moued ) are partes of one whole ; we call the entire thing Automatum or se mouens ; or a liuing creature . Which also may be fittly compared to a ioyner , or a painter , or other crafte●man , that had his tooles so exactly fitted about him , as when he had occasion to do any thing in his trade , his toole for that action were already in the fittest positiō for it , to be made vse of ; so as without remouing himselfe frō the place where he might sitt enuironed with his tooles , he might , by only pulling of some little chordes , eyther apply the matter to any remote toole , or any of his tooles to the matter he would worke vpon , according as he findeth the one or the other more conuenient for performance of the action he intendeth . Whereas in the other , there is no variety of motions ; but one and the same , goeth quite through the body frō one end of it to the other . And the passage of the moysture through it , from one part to an other next ( which is all the motion it hath ) is in a manner but like the rising of water in a stille , which by heate is made to creepe vp by the sides of the glasse ; and from thence runneth through the nose of the limb●ke , and falleth into the receiuer . So that , if we will say that a plant liueth , or that the whole moueth it selfe , and euery part moueth other ; it is to be vnderstood in a farre more imperfect manner , then when we speake of an animall : and the same wordes are attributed to both , in a kind of aequiuocall sense . But by the way I must note , that vnder the title of plants I include not zoophytes or plantanimals : that is such creatures as though they goe not from place to place , and so cause a locall motion of their whole substance , yet in their partes , they haue a distinct and articulate motion . But to leaue comparisons , 7 and come to the proper nature of the thinges : lett vs frame a conception , that not farre vnder the superficies of the earth , there were gathered together diuers partes of little mixed bodies , which in the whole summe were yet but little : and that this little masse had some excesse of fire in it , such as we see in wett hay , or in muste of wine , or in woort of beere : and that withall the drought of it were in so high a degree , as this heate should not find meanes ( being too much compressed ) to play his game : and that , lying there in the bosome of the earth , it should after some little time receiue its expected and desired drinke through the beneuolence of the heauen ; by which it being moystened , and thereby made more pliable , and tender and easy to be wrought vpon , the little partes of fire should breake loose ; and they finding this moysture a fitt subiect to worke vpon , should driue it into all the partes of the little masse , and digesting it there should make the masse swell . Which action , taking vp long time for performance of it , in respect of the small encrease of bulke made in the masse by the swelling of it ; could not be hindered by the pressing of the earth , though lying neuer so weightily vpon it : according to the maxime we haue aboue deliuered , that any little force , be it neuer so little ; is able to ouercome any great resistance , be it neuer so powerfull ; if the force do multiply the time it worketh in , sufficiently to equalife the proportions of the agent and the resistant . This encrease of bulke and swelling of the litle masse , will of its owne nature be towardes all sides , by reason of the fire and heate that occasioneth it ( whose motion is on euery side , from the center to the circumference : ) but it will be most efficacious vpwardes , towardes the ayre , because the resistance is least that way ; both by reason of the litle thicknesse of the earth ouer it ; as also by reason that the vpper part of the earth lyeth very loose and is exceeding porous , through the continuall operation of the sunne and falling of raine vpon it . It can not choose therefore but mount to the ayre ; and the same cause that maketh it do so , presseth att the same time the lower partes of the masse , downewardes . But what ascendeth to the ayre , must be of the hoater and more moist partes of the fermenting masse ; and what goeth downewardes must be of his harder and dryer partes proportionate to the contrary motiōs of fire and of earth , which predominate in these two kindes of partes . Now this that is pushed vpwardes , coming aboue ground , and being there exposed to sunne and wind , contracteth thereby a hard and rough skinne on its outside ; but within is more tender ; in this sort it defendeth it selfe from outward iniuries of weather whiles it mounteth : and by thrusting other partes downe into the earth , it holdeth it selfe steadfast , that although the wind may shake it , yet it can not ouerthrow it . The greater this plant groweth , the more iuice is dayly accrewed vnto it , and the heate is encreased ; and consequently , the greater aboundance of humors is continually sent vp . Which when it beginneth to clogge att the toppe , new humour pressing vpwardes , forceth a breach in the skinne ; and so a new piece , like the maine stemme , is thrust out and beginneth on the sides , which we call a branch . Thus is our plāt amplifyed , till nature not being able still to breede such strong issues , falleth to workes of lesse labour , and pusheth forth the most elaborate part of the plants iuice into more tender substances : but especially , att the endes of the branches ; where , aboundant humour , but att the first , not well concocted , groweth into the shape of a button ; and more and better concocted humour succeding , it groweth softer and softer ( the sunne drawing the subtilest partes outwardes ) excepting what the coldnesse of the ayre and the roughnesse of the wind do harden into an outward skinne . So then the next partes to the skinne , are tender ; but the very middle of this button must be hard and dry , by reason that the sunne from without , and the naturall heate within , drawing and driuing out the moysture and extending it from the center , must needes leaue the more earthy partes much shrūcke vp and hardened by their euaporating out from them : wh●ch hardening , being an effect of fire within and without , that baketh this hard substance , incorporateth much of it selfe with it , as we haue formerly declared in the making of salt by force of fire . This button , thus dilated , and brought to this passe , we call the fruite of the plant : whose harder part , encloseth oftentimes , an other not so hard as dry . The reason whereof is because the outward hardenesse permitteth no moysture to soake in any aboundance through it ; and then , that which is enclosed in it , must needes be much dryed ; though not so much , but that it still retaineth the common nature of the plant . This drought , maketh these inner partes to be like a kind of dult ; or att the least , such as may be easily dryed into dust , when they are brused out of the huske that encloseth them . And in euery parcell of this dust , the nature of the whole resideth ; as it were contracted into a small quantity ; for the iuice which was first in the button , and had passed from the roote through the manifold varieties of the diuers partes of the plant , and had suffered much concoction , partly from the sunne and partly from the inward heate imprisoned in that harder part of the fruite ; is by these passages , strainings , and concoctions , become att the length to be like a tincture extracted out of the whole plant ; and is att the last dryed vp into a kind of magistery . This we call the seede : which is , of a fitt nature , by being buried in the earth and dissolued with humour , to renew and reciprocate the operation we haue thus described . And thus , you haue the formation of a Plant. But a sensiue creature , being compared to a plant , as a plant is to a mixed body ; 8 you can not but conceiue that he must be compounded as it were of many plantes , in like sort as a plant is of many mixed bodies . But so , that all the plants which concurre to make one animal , are of one kind of nature and cognation : and besides ; the matter , of which such diuersity is to be made , must of necessity be more humid and figurable , then that of an ordinary plant : and the artificer which worketh and mouldeth it , must be more actiue . Wherefore we must suppose that the masse , of which an animal is to be made , must be actually liquid : and the fire that worketh vpon it , must be so powerfull that of its owne nature , it may be able to conuert this liquide matter into such breathes and steames , as we see do vse to rise from water , when the sunne or fire worketh vpon it . Yet if the masse were altogether as liquide as water , it would vanish away by heate boyling it , and be dryed vp : therefore it must be of such a conuenient temper , that although in some of its partes it be fluide and apt to runne ; yet by others it must be held together ; as we see that vnctuous thinges for the most part are ; which will swell by heate , but not flye away . So then if we imagine a great heate to be imprisoned in such a liquour ; and that it seeketh by boyling , to breake out ; but that the solidenesse and viscousnesse of the substance will not permitt it to euaporate : it can not choose but comport it selfe in some such sort as we see butter or oyle in a frying panne ouer the fire , when it riseth in bubbles : but much more efficaciously ; for their body is not strong enough to keepe in the heate ; and therefore those bubbles fall againe ; whereas if it were , those bubbles would rise higher and higher , and stretch themselues longer and longer ( as when the soape boylers do boyle a strong vnctuous lye into soape ; ) and euery one of them would be as it were a litle brooke , whereof the channell would be the enclosing substance ; and the inward smoake that extendeth it , might be compared to the water of it : as when a glasse is blowne out by fire and ayre into a long figure . Now we may remember , how we haue said , where we treated of the production and resolution of mixed bodies , that there are two sortes of liquide substantiall partes , which by the operation of fire are sent out of the body it worketh vpon ; the watry , and the oyly partes . For though there appeare some times some very subtile and aethereall partes of a third kind ( which are the aquae ardentes , or burning spirits ; ) yet in such a close distilling of circulation as this is , they are not seuered by themselues , but do accompagny the rest ; and especially the watry partes : which are of a nature , that the rising Ethereall spirits easily mingle with , and extend themselues in it ; whereby the water becometh more efficacious , and the spirits lesse fugitiue . Of these liquide partes which the fire sendeth away , the watry ones are the first , as being the easiest to be raysed : the oyly partes , rise more difficultly ; and therefore do come last . And in the same manner it happeneth in this emission of brookes , the watry and oyly steames will each of them flye into different reserues ; and if there arriue vnto them , aboundance of their owne quality , each of them must make a substance of its owne nature by settling in a conuenient place , and by due concoction . Which substance after it is made and confirmed , if more humidity and heate do presse it , will againe break forth into other litle channels . But when the watry and oyly partes are boyled away , there remaine yet behind other more solide and fixed partes , and more strongly incorporated with fire then eyther of these : which yet can not drye vp into a fiery salt , because a continuall accessiō of humour keepeth them alwayes flowing : and so they become like a couldron of boyling fire . Which must propagate it selfe as wide as eyther of the others ; since the actiuity of it must needes be greater then theirs ( as being the source of motion vnto them ) and that there wanteth not humidity for it to extend it selfe by . And thus you see three rootes of three diuers plants , all in the same plant , proceeding by naturall resolution from one primitiue source . Whereof that which is most watry , is fittest to fabricate the body and common outside of the triformed plant ; since water is the most figurable principle that is in nature , and the most susceptible of multiplication ; and by its cold is easyest to be hardened , and therefore fittest to resist the iniuries of enemy bodies that may infest it . The oyly partes , are fittest for the continuance and solidity of the plant : for we see that viscosity and oylinesse , hold together the partes where they abound ; and they are slowly wasted by fire , but do conserue and are an aliment to the fire that consumeth them . The partes of the third kind , are fittest for the conseruation of heate : which though in them it be too violent ; yet it is necessary for working vpon other partes , and for mainetaining a due temper in them . And thus we haue armed our plant with three sortes of riuers or brookes to runne through him , with as many different streames ; the one of a gentle balsamike oyle ; an other , of streaming fire ; and the third of a connaturall and cooler water to irrigate and temper him . The streames of water , ( as we haue said ) must runne through the whole fabrike of this triformed plant : and because it is not a simple water , but warme in a good degree , and as it were a middle substance betwixt water and ayre ( by reason of the ardent volatile spiritt that is with it ) it is of a fitt nature to swell as ayre doth ; and yet withall to resist violence in a conuenient degree , as water doth . Therefore , if from its source , nature sendeth aboundance into any one part ; that part must swell and grow thicker and shorter ; and so , must be contracted that way which nature hath ordered it . Whence we perceiue a meanes , by which nature may draw any part of the outward fabrike , which way soeuer she is pleased by sett instruments for such an effect . But when there is no motion , or but litle in these pipes , the standing streame that is in a very litle , though long channell , must needes be troubled in its whole body , if any one part of it be pressed vpon , so as to receiue thereby any impression : and therefore , whatsoeuer is done vpon it , though att the very furthest end of it ; maketh a commotion and sendeth an impression vp to its very source . Which appearing by our former discourse to be the origine of particular and occasionall motions ; it is obuious to conceiue how it is apt to be moued and wrought by such an impression to sett on foote the beginning of any motion ; which by natures prouidence is conuenient for the plant , when such an impression is made vpon it . And thus you see this plant hath the vertue both of sense or feeling ; that is , of being moued and affected by externe obiects , lightly striking vpon it ; as also , of mouing it selfe , to or from such an obiect ; according as nature shall haue ordained . Which in summe is ; that this plant is a sensitiue creature , composed of three sources ; the heart , the braine , and the liuer : whose offspringes are the arteries , the nerues , and the veines ; which are filled with vitall spirits , with animal spirits , and with blood : and by these , the animal is heated , nourished , and made partaker of sense and motion . Now referring the particular motions of liuing creatures , to an other time : we may obserue that both kindes of them , as well vegetables as animals do agree in the nature of sustaining themselues in the three common actions of generation , nutrition , and augmentation ; which are the beginning , the progresse , and the conseruing of life . Vnto which three we may adde the not so much action as passion of death ; and of sicknesse or decay , which is the way to death . THE FOVRE AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER . A more particular suruay of the generation of Animals ; in which is discouered what part of the animal is first generated . TO beginne then with examining how liuing creatures are ingendered : 1 our maine question shall be ; whether they be framed entirely att once ; or successiuely , one part after an other ? And if this later way ; which part first ? Vpon the discussion of which , all that concerneth generation will be explicated , as much as concerneth our purpose in hand . To deduce this from its origine : we may remember how our Masters tell vs , that when any liuing creature is passed the heate of its augmentation or growing ; the superfluous nourishment settleth it selfe in some appoynted place of the body to serue for the production of some other . Now it is euident that this superfluity cometh from all partes of the body , and may be said to containe in it , after some sort , the perfection of the whole liuing creature . Be it how it will , it is manifest that the liuing creature is made , of this superfluous moysture of the parent : which according to the opinion of some , being compounded of seuerall partes deriued from the seuerall limbes of the parent ; those partes when they come to be fermented in conuenient heate and moysture , do take their posture , and situation , according to the posture and disposition of partes that the liuing creature had , from whence they issued : and then they growing dayly greater and solider , ( the effects of moysture and of heate ; ) do att the length become such a creature as that was , from whence they had their origine . Which , an accident that I remember , seemeth much to confirme . It was of a catt that had its tayle cutt of when it was very yong : which catt happening afterwardes to haue yong ones , halfe the kittlinges proued without tayles , and the other halfe had them in an ordinary manner ; as if nature could supply but on the partners side , not on both . And an other particular that I saw when I was att Argiers , maketh to this purpose , which was , of a woman that hauing two thumbes vpon the left hand ; foure daugthers that she had , did all resemble her in the same accident , and so did a litle child , a girle of her eldest daugthers ; but none of her sonnes . Whiles I was there I had a particular curiosity to see them all : and though it be not easily permitted vnto Christians to speake familiarly with Mahometan women ; yet the condition I was in there , and the ciuility of the Bassha , gaue me the opportunity of full view and discourse with them : and the old woman told me , that her mother and Grandmother had beene in the same manner . But for them , it resteth vpon her creditt : the others I saw my self . 2 But the opinion which these accidents seeme to support ; though att the first view it seemeth smoothly to satisfy our inquiry , and fairely to compasse the making of a liuing creature : yet looking further into it , we shall find it fall exceeding short of its promising ; and meete with such difficulties , as it can not ouercome . For first , lett vs cast about how this compound of seuerall partes , that serueth for the generation of a new liuing creature , can be gathered from euery part and member of the parent ; so to carry with it in litle the complete nature of it . The meaning hereof must be , that this superfluous aliment , eyther passeth through all and euery litle part and particle of the parents body , and in its passage receiueth something from them : or else , that it receiueth only from all similar and great partes . The former seemeth impossible , for how can one imagine that such iuice should circulate the whole body of an animall , and visit euery atome of it , and retire to the reserue where it is kept for generatiō ; and no part of it remaine absolutely hehind , sticking to the flesh or bones that it bedeaweth ; but that still some part returneth backe from euery part of the animall ? Besides ; consider how those partes that are most remote from the channels which conuey this iuice ; when they are fuller of nourishment then they neede , the iuice which ouerfloweth from them , cometh to the next part , and settling there and seruing it for its due nourishment , driueth backe into the channell , that which was betwixt the channell and it selfe : so that here , there is no returne att all from some of the remote pattes ; and much of that iuice which is reiected , neuer went farre from the channell it selfe . We may therefore safely conclude , that it is impossible , euery litle part of the whole body should remitt something impregnated and imbued with the nature of it . But then you may peraduenture say that euery similar part doth . If so I would aske , how it is possible that by fermentation only , euery part should regularly goe to a determinate place , to make that kind of animal ; in which , euery similar part is diffused to so great an extent ? How should the nature of flesh , here become broad , there round , and take iust the figure of the part it is to couer ? How should a bone , here be hollow , there be blady , and in an other part take the forme of a ribbe , and those many figures which we see of bones ? And the like we might aske of euery other similar part , as of the veines and the rest . Againe ; seeing it must of necessity happen , that att one time more is remitted from one part then from an other ; how cometh it to passe , that in the collection the due proportion of nature is so punctually obserued ? Shall we say that this is done by some cunning artificer whose worke it is to sett all these partes in their due posture ; which Aristotele attributeth to the seede of the Male ? But this is impossible ; for all this diuersity of worke , is to be done att one time , and in the same occasions : which can no more be effected by one agent , then multiplicity can immediately proceed from vnity . But besides that there can be no Agent to dispose of the part●s when they are gathered ; it is euident that a sensitiue creature may be made without any such gathering of partes beforehand from an other of the same kind : for else how could vermine breed out of liuing bodies , or out of corruption ? How could ratts come to fill shippes , into which neuer any were brought ? How could froggs be ingendred in the ayre ? Eeles of deewy turfes , or of mudde ? Toades of duckes ? Fish , of hernes ? And the like . To the same purpose ; when one species or kind of animal is changed into an other ; as when a catarpiller or a silkeworme becometh a flye ; it is manifest that there can be no such precedent collection of partes . And therefore , 3 there is no remedy ; but we must seeke out some other meanes and course of generation , thē this . Vnto which we may be ledd , by considering how a liuing creature is nourished and augmented : for why should not the partes be made in generation of a matter like to that which maketh thē in nutritiō ? If they be augmēted by one kind of iuice that after seuerall changes , turneth att the length into flesh and bone ; and into euery sort of mixed body or similar part , whereof the sensitiue creature is compounded ; and that ioyneth it selfe to what it findeth already made , why should not the same iuice , with the same progresse of heate and moysture , and other due temperamēts ; be conuerted att the first into flesh and bone though none be formerly there to ioyne it selfe vnto ? Lett vs then conclude that the iuice which serueth for nourishmēt of the animal , being more then is requisite for that seruice ; the superfluous part of it , is drained from the rest , and is reserued in a place fitt for it : where by litle and litle through digestion , it gaineth strength and vigour and spirits to it selfe , and becometh an homogeneall body , such as other simple compoundes are ; which by other degrees of heate and moysture , is changed into an other kind of substance : and that againe ; by other temperaments , into an other . And thus ; by the course of nature , and by passing successiuely many degrees of temper , and by receiuing a totall change in euery one of them ; att the length an animal is made of such iuice as afterwardes serueth to nourish him . 4 But to bring this to passe a shorter way , and with greater facility ; some haue beene of opimon , that all similar thinges of whatsoeuer substance , are vndiscernably mixed in euery thing that is : and that to the making of any body out of any thing ; there is no more required but to gather together those partes which are of that kind , and to seperate , and cast away from them , all those which are of a nature differing from them . But this speculation will appeare a very ayry and needelesse one , if we consider into how many seuerall substances the same species of a thing may be immediately changed ; or rather , how many seuerall substances may be encreased immediately from seuerall equall indiuiduals of the same thing ; and then take an account how much of each indiuiduall is gone into each substance which it hath so encreased . For if wee summe vp the quantities that in the seuerall substances are thereby encreased ; we shall find that they do very much exceed the whole quantity of any one of the indiuiduals ; which should not be if the supposition were true ; for euery indiuiduall shonld be but one totall made vp of the seuerall different similar partes , which encrease the seuerall substances , that extract out of them what is of their owne nature . This will be better vnderstood by an example : suppose that a man , a horse , a cowe , a sheepe , and 500 more seuerall species of liuing creatures , should make a meale of lettuce : to auoyde all perplexity in conceiuing the argument , lett vs allow that euery one did eate a pound ; and lett vs conceiue an other pound of this herbe to be burned ; as much to be putrifyed vnder a Cabage roote ; and the like vnder 500 plantes more of diuers species . Then cast how much of euery pound of lettuce is turned into the substances that are made of them , or that are encreased by them ; as , how much ashes , one pound hath made ; how much water hath beene distilled out of an other pound ; how much a man hath beene encreased by a third ; how much a horse by a fourth ; how much earth by the putrefaction of a fifth pound , how much a cabage hath beene encreased by a sixth : and so goe ouer all the poundes that haue beene turned into substances of different specieses ( which may be multiplyed as much as you please . ) And when you haue summed vp all these seuerall quantities , you will find them farre to exceed the quantity of one pound : which it would not do , if euery pound of lettuce were made vp of seuerall different similar partes actually in it , that are extracted by different substances of the natures of those partes ; and that no substance could be encreased by it , vnlesse partes of its nature were originally in the lettuce . On the other side , 5 if we but cast our eye backe vpon the principles we haue layed where we discourse of the composition of bodies , we shall discerne how this worke of changing one thing into an other ; eyther in nutrition , in augmentation , or in generation ; will appeare not only possible , but easy to be effected . For out of them , it is made euident how the seuerall varieties of solide and liquide bodies ; all differences of naturall qualities , all consistences , and whatsoeuer else belongeth to similar bodies ; resulteth out of the pure and single mixture of rarity and density ; so that to make all such varieties as are necessary , there is no neede of mingling , or of seperating any other kindes of partes : but only an art or power to mingle in due manner , plaine rare and dense bodies one with an other . Which very action and none other ( but with excellent methode and order , such as becometh the great Architect that hath designed it ) is performed in the generation of a liuing creature : which is made of a substance , att the first , farre vnlike what it afterwardes groweth to be . If we looke vpon this change in grosse , and consider but the two extremes ( to witt , the first substance , of which a liuing creature is made ; and it selfe in its full perfection ) I confesse , it may well seeme incredible how so excellent a creature can deriue its origine from so meane a principle , and so farre remote and differing from what it groweth to be . But if we examine it in retayle , and go along anatomising it in euery steppe and degree that it changeth by ; we shall find , that euery immediate change is ●o neere , and so palpably to be made by the concurrent causes of the matter prepared ; as we must conclude , it can not possibly become any other thing then iust what it doth become . Take a beane , or any other seede , and putt it into the earth , and lett water fall vpon it ; can it then choose but that the beane must swell ? The beane swelling , can it choose but breake the skinne ? The skinne broken can it choose ( by reason of the heate that is in it ) but push out more matter , and do that action which we may call germinating ? Can these germes choose but pierce the earth in small stringes , as they are able to make their way ? Can these stringes choose but be hardened , by the compression of the earth , and by their owne nature , they being the heauyest partes of the fermented beane ? And can all this be any thing else but a roote ? Afterwardes the heate that is in the roote , mingling it selfe with more moysture , and according to its nature , springing vpwardes ; will it not follow necessarily , that a tender greene substance twhich we call a budd , or leafe ) must appeare a litle aboue the earth ; since ( endernesse , greenenesse , and ascent , are the effects of those two principles , heate and moysture ? And must not this greene substance change from what it was att the first , by the sunne and ayre working vpon it , as it groweth higher ; till att the length it hardeneth into a stalke ? All this while , the heate in the roote sublimeth vp more moysture , which maketh the stalke att the first grow ranke and encrease in length . But when the more volatile part of that warme iuice , is sufficiently depured and sublimed , will it not attempt to thrust it selfe out beyond the stalke with much vigour and smartnesse ? And as soone as it meeteth with the cold ayre in its eruption , will it not be stopped and thickned ? And new partes flocking still from the roote , must they not clogge that issue , and grow into a button , which will be a budd ? This budde being hardened att the sides , by the same causes which hardened the stalke , and all the while the inward heate still streaming vp , and not enduring to be long enclosed , ( especially when by its being stopped , it multiplyeth it selfe ) will it not follow necessarily that the tender budde must cleaue , and giue way to that spirituall iuice ; which being purer then the rest ( through its great sublimation ) sheweth it selfe in a purer and nobler substance then any that is yet made ; and so becometh a flower ? From hence , if we proceed as we haue begunne , and do weigh all circumstances ; we shall see euidently , that an other substance must needes succeed the flower , which must be hollow and containe a fruite in it : and that this fruite must grow bigger and harder . And so , to the last periode of the generation of new beanes . Thus by drawing the thridde carefully along through your fingers , and staying att euery knott to examine how it is tyed ; you see that this difficult progresse of the generation of liuing creatures , is obuious enough to be comprehended ; and that the steppes of it are possible to be sett downe ; if one would but take the paines and afford the time that is necessary ( lesse then that Philosopher , who for so many yeares gaue himselfe wholy vp to the single obseruing of the nature of bees ) to note diligently all the circumstances in euery change of it . In euery one of which the thing that was , becometh absolutely a new thing ; and is endewed with new properties and qualities different from those it had before , as Physitians from their certaine experience , do assure vs. And yet euery change is such , as in the ordinary and generall course of nature ( wherein nothing is to be considered , but the necessary effects following out of such Agents working vpon such patients , in such circumstances ) it is impossible that any other thing should be made of the precedent , but that which is immediately , subsequent vnto it . Now if all this orderly succession of mutations be necessarily made in a beane , by force of sundry circumstances and externall accidents ; why may it not be conceiued that the like is also done in sensible creatures ; but in a more perfect manner , they being perfecter substances ? Surely the progresse we haue sett downe is much more reasonable , then to conceiue that in the meale of the beane , are contained in litle , seuerall similar substances ; as , of a roote , of a leafe , a stalke , a flower , a codde , fruite , and the rest ; and that euery one of these , being from the first still the same that they shall be afterwardes , do but sucke in , more moysture from the earth , to swell and enlarge themselues in quantity . Or , that in the seede of the male , there is already in act , the substance of flesh , of bone , of sinewes , of veines , and the rest of those seuerall similar partes which are found in the body of an animall ; and that they are but extended to their due magnitude , by the humidity drawne from the mother , without receiuing any substantiall mutation from what they were originally in the seede . Lett vs then confidently conclude , that all generation is made of a fitting , but remote , homogeneall compounded substance : vpon which , outward Agents working in the due course of nature , do change it into an other substance , quite different from the first , and do make it lesse homogeneall then the first was . And other circumstances and agents , do change this second into a thirde ; that thirde , into a fourth ; and so onwardes , by successiue mutations ( that still make euery new thing become lesse homogeneall , then the former was , according to the nature of heate , mingling more and more different bodies together ) vntill that substance be produced , which we consider in the periode of all these mutations . And this , is euident out of many experiences : as for example in trees ; the barke which is opposed to the north wind , is harder and thicker then the contrary side which is opposed to the south , and a great difference will appeare in the graine of the wood ; euen so much , that skilfull people , will by feeling and seeing a round piece of the wood after the tree is felled , tell you in what situation it grew , and which way each side of that peece looked . And Iosephus Acosta writeth of a tree in America , that on the one side being situated towardes great hills , and on the other being exposed to the hoat sunne ; the one halfe of it flourisheth att one time of the yeare , and the other halfe att the opposite season . And some such like may be the cause of the strāge effects we sometimes see of trees , flourishing or bearing leafes att an vnseasonable time of the yeare ; as in particular , in the famous oake in the Newforest ; and in some others in our Iland : in which peraduenture the soyle they grow in , may do the same effect , as the windes and sunne did in the tree that Acosta maketh mention of . For we dayly see how some soyles are so powerfull ouer some kind of corne , that they will change the very nature of it ; so that , you shall reape oates or rye , after you haue sowen wheate there . Which sheweth euidently that since the outward circumstances can make the partes or the whole of any substance , become different from what they were att the first ; generation is not made by aggregation of like partes to presupposed like ones : nor by a specificall worker within ; but by the compounding of a seminary matter , with the iuice which accreweth to it from without , and with the steames of circumstant bodies ; which by an ordinary course of nature , are regularly imbibed in it by degrees ; and which att euery degree , do change it into a different thing , such an one as is capable to result out of the present compound , 6 ( as we haue said before ) vntill it arriue to its full perfection . Which yet is not the vtmost periode of natures changes ; for from that ; for example , from corne or an animal , it carryeth it on ( still changing it ) to be meale or a cadauer : from thence to be bread or durte : after that to be bloud or grasse . And so , still turning about her wheele ( which suffereth nothing to remaine long in the state it is in ) she changeth all substances from one into an other . And by reiterated reuolutions , maketh in time euery thing of euery thing : as when of mudde she maketh tadpoles , and frogges , of them ; and afterwardes , mudde againe of the frogges : or when she runneth a like progresse ; from earth to wormes ; and from them , to flyes ; and the like : so changing one animal into such an other ; as in the next precedent steppe , the matter in those circumstances is capable of being changed into ; or rather ( to say better ) must necessarily be changed into . To confirme this by experience ; I haue beene assured , by one who was very exact in noting such thinges ; that he once obserued in Spaine , in the spring season , how a sticke lying in a moyst place , grew in tract of time to be most of it a rotten durty matter ; and that att the durty end of the sticke , there began a rude head to be formed of it by litle and litle ; and after a while some litle legges began to discouer themselues neere this vnpolished head , which dayly grew more and more distinctly shaped . And then , for a pretty while ( for it was in a place where he had the conueniencye , to obserue dayly the progresse of it , and no body came neere to stirre it in the whole course of it ) he could discerne where it ceased to be a body of a liuing creature , and where it began to be dead stiche or durt ; all in one continuate quantity or body . But euery day the body grew longer and longer , and more legges appeared , till att the length , when he saw the animal almost finished , and neere seperating it selfe from the rest of the sticke , he stayed then by it , and saw it creepe away in a catarpillar , leauing the sticke and durt , as much wanting of its first length , as the wormes body tooke vp . Peraduenture the greatest part of such creatures maketh their way by such steppes into the world . But to be able to obserue their progresse thus distinctly as this Gentleman did , happeneth not frequently . 7 Therefore , to satisfy our selues herein it were well we made our remarkes in some creatures that might be continually in our power to obserue in them the course of nature euery day and houre . Sir Ihon Heydon , the Lieutenant of his Maiesties ordinance ( that generous and knowing Gentleman ; and consummate souldier both in theory and practise ) was the first that instructed me how to do this , by meanes of a furnace so made as to imitate the warmeth of a sitting henne . In which you may lay seuerall egges to hatch ; and by breaking them at seuerall ages you may distinctly obserue euery hourely mutation in them , if you please . The first will bee , that on one side you shall find a great resplendent clearnesse in the white . After a while , a litle spott of red matter like bload , will appeare in the middest of that clearnesse fastened to the yolke : which will haue a motion of opening and shutting ; so as sometimes you will see it , and straight againe it will vanish from your sight ; and indeede att the first it is so litle , that you can not see it , but by the motion of it ; for att euery pulse , as it openeth , you may see it , and immediately againe , it shutteth in such sort , as it is not to be discerned . Frō this red specke , after a while there will streame out , a number of litle ( almost imperceptible ) red veines . Att the end of some of which , in time there will be gathered together , a knotte of matter which by litle and litle , will take the forme of a head ; and you will ere long beginne to discerne eyes and a beake in it . All this while the first red spott of blood , groweth bigger and solider : till att the length , it becometh a fleshy substance ; and by its figure , may easily be discerned to be the hart : which as yet hath no other enclosure but the substance of the egge . But by litle and litle the rest of the body of an animal is framed out of those red veines which streame out all aboute from the hart . And in processe of time , that body incloseth the heart within it by the chest , which groweth ouer on both sides , and in the end meeteth , and closeth it selfe fast together . After which this litle creature soone filleth the shell , by conuerting into seuerall partes of itselfe all the substance of the egge . And then growing weary of so straight an habitation , it breaketh prison , and cometh out , a perfectly formed chicken . In like manner : in other creatures ; which in latin are called Viuipara ( because their yong ones are quicke in their mothers wombe ) we haue , by the relation of that learned and exact searcher into nature , Doctor Haruey : that the seede of the male after his accoupling with the female , doth not remaine in her wombe in any sensible bulke : but ( as it seemeth ) euaporateth and incorporateth it selfe , eyther into the body of the wombe , or rather into some more interior part , as into the seminary vessells . Which being a solide substance , much resembling the nature of the females seede , is likely to sucke vp , by the mediation of the females seede , the male seede incorporated with it , and by incorporation , turned ( as it were ) into a vapour : in such sort as we haue formerly explicated how the body of a scorpion or viper , draweth the poyson out of a wound . And after a certaine time ( Doctor Haruey noted the space of sixe weekes or two months in does or hindes ) these seedes distill againe into the wombe ; and by litle and litle do clarify in the middest , and a litle red specke appeareth in the center of the bright clearnesse : as we said before of the egge . But we should be too blame to leaue our Reader without clearing that difficulty , 8 which can not , choose but haue sprung vp in his thoughts , by occasion of the relations we made att the entrance into this point concerning the catte whose kittlinges were halfe with tayles , and halfe without : and the womans daughters att Argires , that had as well as their mother excrescences vpon their left thumbes , imitating an other lesser thumbe : and the like effects whensouer they happen , which they do frequently enough . Lett him therefore remember , how we haue determined that generation is made of the bloud , which being dispersed into all the partes of the body to irrigate euery one of them ; and to conuey fitting spirits into them frō their source or shoppe where they are forged ; so much of it as is superaboundant to the nourishing of those partes is sent backe againe to the hart to recouer the warmeth and spirits it hath lost by so long a iourney . By which perpetuall course of a continued circulation , it is euident that the bloud in running thus through all the partes of the body must needes receiue some particular concoction or impression from euery one of them . And by consequence , if there be any specificall vertue in one part which is not in an other , then the bloud returning from thence must be endewed with the vertue of that part . And the purest part of this bloud , being extracted like a quintessence out of the whole masse , is reserued in conuenient receptacles or vessels till there be vse of it : and is the matter or seede , of which a new animal is to be made ; in whom , will appeare the effect of all the specificall vertues drawne by the bloud in its iterated courses , by its circular motion , through all the seuerall partes of the parents body . Whence it followeth , that if any part be wanting in the body whereof this seede is made , or be superaboundant in it ; whose vertue is not in the rest of the body , or whose superaboundance is not allayed by the rest of the body ; the vertue of that part , can not be in the bloud , or will be too strong in the blood , and by consequence , it can not be at all , or it will be , too much in the seede . And the effect proceeding from the seede , that is , the yong animal will come into the world sauouring of that origine ; vnlesse the mothers seede , do supply or temper , what the fathers was defectiue or superaboundant in ; or contrariwise the fathers do correct the errors of the mothers . 9 But peraduenture the Reader will tell vs , that such a specificall vertue can not be gotten by concoction of the bloud , or by any pretended impression in it ; vnlesse some litle particles of the nourished part do remaine in the bloud , and returne backe with it according to that maxime of Geber : Quod non ingreditur , non immutat ; no body can change an other , vnlesse it enter into it , and mixing it selfe with it do become one with it . And that so in effect , by this explication we fall backe into the opinion which we reiected . To this I answere , that the difference is very great betweene that opinion and ours ; as will appeare euidently , if you obserue the two following assertions of theirs . First , they affirme that a liuing creature is made meerely by the assembling together of similar partes , which were hidden in those bodies from whence they are extracted in generation : whereas we say that bloud coming to a part to irrigate it , is by its passage through it , and some litle stay in it , and by its frequent returnes thither , att the length transmuted into the nature of that part : and thereby the specificall vertues of euery part , do grow greater , and are more diffused and extended . Secondly , they say that the embroyn is actually formed in the seede , though in such litle partes as it can not be discerned , vntill each part haue enlarged and encreased it selfe , by drawing vnto it from the circumstant bodies more substance of their owne nature . But we say , that there is one homogeneall substance ; made of the bloud , which hath beene in all partes of the body ; and this is the seede : which containeth not in it , any figure of the animal from which it is refined , or of the animal into which it hath a capacity to be turned ( by the addition of other substances ) though it haue in it the vertues of all the partes it hath often runne through . By which terme of specifike vertues , I hope we haue said enough in sundry places of this discourse to keepe men from conceiuing that we do meane any such vnconceiueable quality , as moderne Philosophers too frequently talke of , when they know not what they say or think , nor can giue any account of . But that it is such degrees and such numbers , of rare and dense partes mingled together , as constitute a mixed body of such a temper and nature : which degrees and proportions of rare and dense partes and their mixture together , and in corporating into one homogeneall substance , is the effect resulting from the operations of the exteriour agent , that cutteth , imbibeth , kneadeth , and boyleth it to such a temper : which exteriour agent in this case , is each seuerall part of the animals body , that this iuice or bloud runneth through ; and that hath a particular temper belonging to it , resulting out of such a proportion of rate and dense partes , as we haue euen now spoken of ; and can no more be withheld from communicating its temper to the bloud that first soaketh into it , and soone after drayneth away againe from it ( according as other succeeding partes of bloud driue it on ; ) then a minerall channell can choose , but communicate its vertue vnto a streame of water that runneth through it , and is continually grating of some of the substance of the minerall earth , and dissoluing it into it selfe . But to goe on with our intended discourse . 10 The seede , thus imbued with the specificall vertues of all the seuerall partes of the parents body , meeting in a fitt receptacle the other partners seede ; and being there duly concocted , becometh first a hart : which hart in this tender beginning of a new animal containeth the seuerall vertues of all the partes that afterwardes will grow out of it , and be in the future animal ; in the same manner as the hart of a complete animal containeth in it the specifike vertues of all the seuerall partes of its owne body , by reason of the bloudes continuall resorting to it in a circle from all par●es of its body , and its being nourished by that iuice to supply the continuall consumption which the extreme heate of it must needes continually occasion in its owne substance ; whereby the hart becometh in a manner the compendium or abridgement of the whole animal . Now this hart in the growing Embryon , being of the nature of fire ▪ as on the one side it streameth out its hoat partes ; so on the other , it sucketh oyle or fewell to nourish it selfe out of the adiacent moist partes ▪ which matter aggregated vnto it , being sent abroad together with the other hoat partes that steame from it ; both of them together , do stay and settle as soone as they are out of the reach of that violent heate that would not permitt them to thicken or to rest . And there they grow into such a substance as is capable to be made of such a mixture , and are linked to the hart by some of those stringes that steame out from it ( for those steames do likewise harden , as we shewed more particularly when we discoursed of the tender stalkes of plantes ) and in a word , this becometh some other part of the animal . Which thus encreaseth by order , one part being made after an other , vntill the whole liuing creature be completely framed . So that now you see ; how mainely their opinion differeth from ours ; since they say that there is actually in the seede , a complete liuing creature : for what else is a liuing creature , but bones in such partes , nerues in such others , bloud and humors contained in such and such places , all , as in a liuing creature ? All which they say . But we make the seede to be nothing else , but one mixed body , of one homogeneall nature throughout ; consisting of such a multiplicity of rare and dense partes ; so ballanced and proportioned , in number and in magnitude of those partes ; which are euenly shuffled , and alike mingled in euery litle parcell of the whole substance : in such sort , that the operation of nature vpon this seede , may in a long time and with a dew processe , bring out such figures , situation , and qualities , ( as fluidity , consistence , drynesse , and the like ) which by much mixtion and consequent alteration , may in the end become such as constitute a liuing creature of such a kind . And thus it appeareth , that although other substances , and liquours , and steames are from time to time mingled with the seede , and then with the hart , and afterwardes with the other partes , as they grow on and encrease ; yet the maine vertue of the ensuing animal , is first in the seede and afterwardes in the hart . Whence the reason is euident , why both defects and excrescences , do passe sometimes from the parents to the children ; to witt , when nothing supplyeth the defect or correcteth the exorbitancy . Rather after this which we haue said , the difficulty will appeare greater , in that such accidents are not alwayes hereditary from the parents ; but happen only now and then , some rare times . But the same groundes we haue layed will likewise solue this obiection ; for seeing that the hart of the animal , from whence the seede receiueth its proper nature ( as we haue declared ) is impregnated with the specifike vertue of each seuerall part of the body ; it can not be doubted but that the hart will supply for any defect happened in any part , after it hath been imbued with that vertue , and is growne to a firmenesse , and vigorous consistence with that vertue moulded , and deepely imbibed into the very substance of it . And although the hart should be tincted from its first origine with an vndew vertue from some part ( as it seemeth to haue been in the mother of those daugthers that had two thumbes vpon one hand : ) yet it is not necessary that all the offspring of that parent should be formed after that modell ; for the other partners seede may be more efficacious , and predominate in the geniture , ouer the faulty seede of the other parent ; and then it will supply for , and correct , the others deuiation from the generall rule of nature . Which seemeth to be the case of that womans male children ; for in them , the fathers seede being strongest , all their fingers imitated the regularity of their fathers : whereas the daughters ( whose sexe implyeth that the fathers seede was lesse actiue ) carried vpon some of theirs , the resemblance of their mothers irregularity . And in confirmation of this doctrine , we dayly see that the children of parents , who haue any of their noble partes much and long distempered , whereby there must be a great distemper in the bloud ( which is made and concocted by their assistance ) do seldome faile of hauing strong inclinations to the distempers and diseases that eyther of their parents were violently subiect vnto . Scarce any father or mother dyeth of the consumption of the lunges , but their children inherite that disease in some measure : the like is of the stone ; the like of the gowte ; the like of diseases of the braine , and of sundry others ; when they infested the parents with any notable eminency . For the bloud coming continually to the hart from such ill affected partes by its circulation through the whole body must needes in processe of time alter , and change the temper of the hart : and then ; both the hart giueth a tainted impression to the bloud that must be boyled into seede ; and the partes themselues do communicate their debilities , and distempers vnto it : so that it is no wonder , if the seede do partake of such depraued qualities ; since it is a maxime among Physitians , that subsequent concoctions , can neuer amend or repaire the faultes of the precedent ones . Hauing waded thus farre into this matter ; and all experience agreeing that the whole animal is not formed att once : 11 I conceiue there can be no great difficulty in determining what parte of it is first generated : which we haue already said to be the hart ; but peraduenture the reader may expect some more particular and immediate proofe of it . It is euident that all the motions and changes , which we haue obserued in the egge and in the Doe , do proceed from heate : and it is as certaine that heate is greatest in the center of it ; from whence it disperseth it selfe to lesse and lesse . It must then necessarily follow , that the part in which heate doth most abound ; and which is the interiour fountaine of it , from whence ( as from a stocke of their owne ) all the other partes deriue theirs ; must be formed first and th● others successiuely after it , according as they partake more or lesse , of this heate ; which is the Architect that mouldeth and frameth them all . Vndoubtedly this can be none other , but the hart : whose motion and manner of working , euidently appeareth in the twinckling of the first red spotte ( which is the first change ) in the egge , and in the first matter of other liuing creatures . Yet I do not intend to say , that the hart is perfectly framed , and completely made vp , with all its partes and instruments , before any other part be begunne to be made : but only the most vertuous part ; and as it were the marrow of it ; which serueth as a shoppe or a hoat forge , to mould spirits in : from whence they are dispersed abroad to forme and nourish other partes that stand in neede of them to that effect . The shootings or litle red stringes that streame out from it , must surely be arteries ; through which , the bloud issuing from the hart , and there made and imbued with the nature of the seede , doth runne ; till encountring with fitt matter , it engrosseth it selfe into braine , liuer , lightes &c. From the braine cheifely groweth the marrow , and by consequent the bones containing it , ( which seeme to be originally , but the outward part of the marrow , baked and hardened into a strong cruste by the great heate that is kept in : ) as also the sinnewes ; which are the next principall bodies of strength , after the bones . The marrow being very hoat , dryeth the bones ; and yet with its actuall moysture , it humecteth and nourisheth them too , in some sort . The spirits that are sent from the braine , do the like to the sinewes . And lastly ; the arteries and veines by their bloud to cherish and bedew the flesh . And thus , the whole liuing creature is begunne , framed , and made vp . THE FIVE AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER ▪ How a Plant or Animal cometh to that figure it hath . 1 BVt before we goe any further , and search into the operations of this animall , a wonderfull effect calleth our consideration vnto it : which is how a plant or animal , cometh by the figure it hath , both in the whole and in euery part of it ? Aristotle after he had beaten his thoughts as farre as he could vpon this question , pronunced that this effect could not possibly be wrought by the vertue of the first qualites ; but that it sprung from a more diuine origine . And most of the contemplators of nature since him , do seeme to agree that no cause can be rendered of it ; but that it is to be referred meerely to the specificall nature of the thing . Neyther do we intend to derogate from eyther of these causes ; since that both diuine prouidence is eminently shewne in contriuing all circumstances necessary for this worke ; and likewise the first temperament that is in the seede , must needes be the principall immediate cause of this admirable effect . This latter then being supposed ▪ our labour and endeauour will be , to vnfold ( as farre as so weake and dimme eyes can reach ) the excellency and exactnesse of Gods prouidence , which can not be enough adored , when it is reflected vpon , and marked in the apt laying of adequate causes to produce such a figure out of such a mixture first layed . From them so artificially ranged , we shall see this miracle of nature to proceed ; and not from an immediate working of God or nature without conuenient and ordinary instruments to mediate and effect this configuration , through the force and vertue of their owne particular natures . Such a necessity to interest the cheife workeman att euery turne , in particular effects , would argue him of want of skill and prouidence , in the first laying of the foundations of his designed machine : he were an improuident clockemaker , that should haue cast his worke so , as when it were wound vp and going , it would require the masters hand att euery houre to make the hammer strike vpon the bell . Lett vs not then too familiarly , and irreuerently ingage the Almighty Architect his immediate handy worke in euery particular effect of nature ; Tali non est dignus vindice nodus . But lett vs take principles within our owne kenning ; 2 and consider how a body hath of its owne nature three dimensions , ( as Mathematicians vse to demonstrate : ) and that the variety which we see of figures in bodies , proceedeth out of the defect of some of these dimensions in proportion to the rest . As for example ; that a thing be in the forme of a square tablette ; is , for that the cause which gaue it length and breadth , could not also giue it thickenesse in the same proportion : for had it beene able to giue profundity as well as the other two , it had made a cube instead of a tablette . In like manner , the forme of a lamine , or very long square is occasioned by some accident which hindereth the cause from giuing breadth and thickenesse proportionable to the length . And so , other figures are made , by reason that their causes are somewayes bound to giue more of some dimension to one part then to an other . As for example ; when water falleth out of the skye , it hath all the litle corners or extancies of its body grated of by the ayre as it rouleth and tumbleth downe in it ; so that it becometh round ; and continueth in that forme , vntill that settling vpon some flatt body , as grasse or a leafe , it receiueth a litle plainenesse , to the proportion of its weight mastering the continuity of it . And therefore , if the droppe be great vpon that plaine body , it seemeth to be halfe a sphere , or some lesse portion of one : but if it be a litle droppe then the flatt part of it ( which is that next vnto the grasse ) is very litle and vndiscernable ▪ because it hath not weight enough to presse it much and spread it broad vpon the grasse ; and so the whole , seemeth in a manner to be a sphere : but if the externe causes had pressed vpon this droppe , only broadwayes and thickewayes ( as when a turner maketh a round pillar of a square one ) then it would haue proued a cylinder , nothing working vpon it to grate off any of its length , but only the corners of the breadth and thickenesse of it . And thus you see , how the fundamentall figures ( vpon which all the rest are grounded ) are contriued by nature ; not by the worke of any particular Agent that immediately imprinteth a determinate figure into a particular body , as though it wrought it there att once , according to a foreconceiued designe or intelligent ayme of producing such a figure in such a body : but by the concurrence of seuerall accidentall causes , that do all of them ioyne in bringing the body they file and worke vpon , into such a shape . Only we had like to haue forgotten the reason and cause of the concaue figure in some partes of plantes : which in the ordinary course of nature we shall find to grow from hence ; that a round outside being filled with some liquor which maketh it grow higher and higher , it happeneth that the succeeding causes do contract this liquor , and do harden the outside : and then , of necessity there must be a hollow cylinder remayning in lieu of the iuice which before did fill it . As we see euery day in corne , and in reedes , and in canes , and in the stalkes of many herbes : which whilst they are tender and in their first groweth , are full of iuice ; and become afterwardes hollow and drye . 3 But because this discourse , may peraduenture seeme too much in common : it will not be amisse to apply it to some particulars that seem● very strange . And first , lett vs examine how the rocking of concrete iuices ( which seemeth to be such an admirable mystery of nature ) is performed . Alume falleth downe in lumpes , saltpeter in long ycickles , and common salt in squares ; and this , not once , or sometimes now and then ; but alwayes constantly in the same order . The reason of these effects will easily be reduced out of what we haue said ▪ for if all three be dissolued in the same water , alume being the grossest falleth first and fastest : and being of an vnctuous nature , the first part which falleth doth not harden , till the second cometh to it ; whereby this second sticketh to the first and crusheth it downe ; and this is serued in the same manner by the third ; and so goeth on , one part squeezing an other , till what is vndermost grow hard enough to resist the weight of new falling partes ; or rather till no more do fall , but the liquor they were dissolued in , is deliuered of them all ; and then they harden in that figure they were compressed into . As for salt , which descendeth in the second place : that swimmeth first vpon the water ; and there , getteth its figure ; which must be equally long and broad , because the water is indifferent to those two positions ; but its thickenesse is not equall to its other two dimensions , by reason that before it can attaine to that thicknesse , it groweth too heauy to swimme any longer ; and after it is encreased to a certaine bulke , the weight of it carrieth it downe to the bottome of the water , and consequently it can encrease no more : for it encreaseth by the ioyning of litle partes vnto it as it swimmeth on the toppe of the water . The saltpeter falleth last : which being more difficult to be figured then the other two , because it is more dry then eyther of them ( as consisting chiefely of earthy and of fyry partes , ) is not equally encreased , neyther in all three , nor in two dimensions , but hath its length exceeding both its breadth and thicknesse : and its lightnesse , maketh it fall last , because it requireth least water to sustaine it . To giue the causes of the figures of diuers mixtes , and particularly of some pretious stones , ( which seeme to be cast by nature in exactest mouldes ) would oblige vs to enter into the particular manner of their generation : which were exceeding hard , if not impossible , for vs to do , by reason that Authors haue not left vs the circumstances vpon which we might ground our iudgement concerning them , so particularly described as were necessary ; nor our selues haue mett with the commodity of making such experiences , and of searching so into their beds as were requisite , to determine solidely the reasons of them . And indeede I conceiue that oftentimes the relations which others haue recorded of their generation , would rather misseleade then assist vs : since it is very familiar in many men , to magnify the exactenesse of nature in framing effects they fansye to themselues , when to make their wonder appeare more iust ; they will not fayle to sett of their story , with all aduantageous circumstances , and helpe out what wanteth a litle or cometh but neere the marke . But to come closer to our purpose ; that is , to the figures of liuing thinges ; 4 we see that rootes in the earth , are all of them figured almost in the same fashion : for the heate residing in the middest of them , pusheth euery way , and therevpon , some of them do become round , but others more long then round , according to the temper of the ground , or to the season of the yeare , or to the weather that happeneth : and this , not only in diuers kindes of rootes , but euē in seuerall of the same kinde . That part of the plant which mounteth vpwardes , is for the most part round and long ; the cause whereof is euident , for the iuice which is in the middle of it working vpwardes ( because the hardnesse of the barke will not lett it out att the sides ) and coming in more and more aboundance ( for the reasons we haue aboue deliuered ) encreaseth that part equally euery way but vpwardes ; and therefore , it must be equally thicke and broad , and consequently round : but the length will exceed eyther of the other dimensions ; because the iuice is driuen vp with a greater force and in more quantity then it is to the sides . Yet the broadnesse and thickenesse are not so exactly vniforme , but that they exceede a little more att the bottome then att the toppe ; which is occasioned partly by the contracting of the iuice into a narrower circuite the further it is from the source ; and partly by reason of the branches ; which shooting forth , do conuey away a great part of the iuice from the maine stocke . Now if we consider the matter well ; 5 we shall find , that what is done in the whole tree the very same is likewise done in euery litle leafe of it ; for a leafe consisteth of litle branches shooting out from one greater branch , which is in the middle : and againe , other lesser branches are deriued from those second branches : and so still lesser and lesser , till they weaue themselues into a close worke , as thicke as that which we see women vse to fill vp with silke or crewell , when in tenteworke they embroader leafes or flowers vpon canneuas : and this againe ; is couered and as it were glewed ouer , by the humour which sticking to these litle thriddes , stoppeth vp euery litle vacuity , and by the ayre is hardened into such a skinne as we see a leafe consisteth of . And thus it appeareth how an account may be giuen of the figure of the leafes , as well as of the figure of the maine body of the whole tree : the litle branches of the leafe , being proportionate in figure to the branches of the tree it selfe ( so that each leafe seemeth to be the tree in litle ; ) and the figure of the leafe depending of the course of these litle branches , so that if the greatest branch of the tree be much longer then the others , the leafe will be a long one : but if the lesser branches spread broadwayes ; the leafe will likewise be a broad one ; so farre , as euen to be notched att the outsides , round about it , in great or litle notches , according to the proportion of the trees branches . These leafes , when they first breake out , are foulded inwardes , in such sort as the smallnesse and roundnesse of the passage in the wood through which they issue , constrayneth them to be ; where neuerthelesse the drynesse of their partes , keepe them asunder ; so that one leafe doth not incorporate it selfe with an other : but as soone as they feele the heate of the sunne ( after they are broken out into liberty ) their tender branches by litle and litle grow more straight ; the concaue partes of them drawing more towardes the sunne , because he extracteth and sucketh their moysture from their hinder partes into their former , that are more exposed to his beames ; and thereby the hinder partes are contracted and grow shorter , and those before grow longer . Which if it be in excesse , maketh the leafe become crooked the contrary way ; as we see in diuers flowers , and in sundry leafes during the summers heate : wittenesse , the yuy , roses full blowne , tulipes , and all flowers in forme of bells ; and indeede all kindes of flowers whatsoeuer ; when the sunne hath wrought vpon them to that degree we speake of , and that their ioyning to their stalke , and the next partes thereunto , allow them scope to obey the impulse of those outward causes . And when any do vary from this rule ; we shall as plainely see other manifest causes producing those different effects , as now we do these working in this manner . As for fruites though we see that when they grow att liberty vpon the tree , they seeme to haue a particular figure alloted them by nature : yet in truth , it is the ordered series of naturall causes and not an intrinsecall formatiue vertue which breedeth this effect , as is euident by the great power which art hath to change their figures att pleasure ; whereof you may see examples enough in Campanella ; and euery curious gardner can furnish you with store . 6 Out of these , and such like principles a man that would make it his study with lesse trouble or tediousnesse , then that patient contemplator of one of natures litle workes ( the Bees ) whom we mentioned a while agone , might without all doubt trace the causes in the growing of an Embryon , till he discouered the reason of euery bones figure ; of euery notable hole or passage that is in them ; of the ligaments by which they are tyed together ; of the membranes that couer them ; and of all the other partes of the body . How , out of a first masse , that was soft , and had no such partes distinguishable in it , euery one of thē came to be formed , by contracting that masse in one place , by dilating it in an other , by moystening it in a third , by drying it here , hardening it there ; Vt his exordia primis , Omnia , & ipse tener hominis concreuerit orbis . till in the end this admirable machine and frame of mans body , was composed and fashioned vp by such litle and almost insensible steppes and degrees . Which when it is looked vpon in bulke , and entirely formed , seemeth impossible to haue beene made , and to haue sprung meerely out of these principle , without an Intelligence immediately working and moulding it att euery turne , from the beginning to the end . But withall , 7 we can not choose but breake out into an extasye of admiration and hymnes of prayse ( as great Galen did vpon the like occasion ) when we reuerently consider the infinite wisedome ; and deepe farrelooking prouidence of the allseeing Creator and orderer of the world , in so punctually adapting such a multitude and swarme of causes to produce by so long a progresse so wonderfull an effect : in the whole course of which , if any one , the very least of them all , went neuer so litle awry , the whole fabrike would be discomposed and changed from the nature it is designed vnto . Out of our short suruay of which ( answerable to our weake talents , and slender experience ) I persuade my selfe it appeareth euident enough , that to effect this worke of generation , there needeth not be supposed a forming vertue or Vis formatrix of an vnknowne power and operation , as those that consider thinges soddainely and but in grosse , do vse to putt . Yet , in discourse , for conueniency and shortenesse of expression we shall not quite banish that terme from all commerce with vs ; so that what we meane by it , be rightly vnderstood ; which is , the complexe , assemblement , or chayne of all the causes , that concurre to produce this effect ; as they are sett on foote , to this end by the great Architect and Moderator of them , God almighty , whose instrument nature is : that is , the same thing , or rather the same thinges so ordered as we haue declared , but expressed and comprised vnder an other name . THE SIX AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER . How motion beginneth in liuing creatures . And of the motion of the hart ; circulation of the bloud ; Nutrition ; Augmentation ; and corruption or death . 1 BVt we must not take our leaue of this subiect , vntill we haue examined , how motion beginneth in liuing thinges ; as well plants as sensitiue creatures . We can readily pitch vpon the part we are to make our obseruations in , for retriuing the origine of this primary motion : for hauing concluded that the rootes of plants , and the harts of animals are the partes of them , which are first made , and from which the forming vertue is deriued to all the rest , it were vnreasonable to seeke for their first motion any where else . But in what manner , and by what meanes , doth it beginne there ? For rootes , the difficulty is not great ; for the moysture of the earth , pressing vpon the seede , and soaking into it ; the hoat partes of it which were imprisoned in cold and dry ones , are thereby stirred vp and sett on worke : then they mingling themselues with that moysture , do ferment and distend the whole seede ; till making it open , and breake the skinne more iuice cometh in : which incorporating it selfe with the heate , those hoat and now moyst partes will not be contained in so narrow a roome as att the first ; but struggling to gett out on all sides , and striuing to enlarge thēselues ; they thrust forth litle partes : which , if they stay in the earth , do grow white and make the roote : but those which ascēd , and make their way into the ayre , being lesse compressed , and more full of heate and moysture , do turne greene : and as fast as they grow vp , new moysture coming to the roote , is sent vp through the pores of it : and this faileth not , vntill the heate of the roote it selfe doth faile . For it being the nature of heate to rarify and eleuate , there must of necessity be caused in the earth a kind of sucking in of moysture into the roote frō the next partes vnto it to fill those capacities which the dilating heate hath made that else would be empty , and to supply the roomes of those which the heate continually sendeth vpwardes : for the moysture of the roote , hath a continuity with that in the earth , and therefore , they adhere together ( as in a pumpe ; or rather , as in filtration ) and do follow one an other when any of them are in motion , and still the next must needes come in , and fill the roome , where it findeth an empty space immediate to it . The , like of which happeneth to the ayre when we breath ; for our lunges being like a bladder ; when we open them the ayre must needes come in , to fill that capacity which else would be empty : and when we shutt them againe ; as in a paire of bellowes we putt it out . This may suffice , 2 concerning the primary motion of rootes : but in that of the hart ; we shall find the matter not altogether so plaine Monsieur des Cartes following herein the steppes of the learned and ingenious Haruey , who hath inuented and teacheth that curious and excellent doctrine of the circulation of the bloud ; ( as indeede , what secret of nature can be hidden from so sharpe a witt , when he applyeth himselfe to penetrate into the bottome of it : ) explicateth the matter much after this sort . That the hart , within , in the substance of it , is like a hollow cauerne ; in whose bottome , were an hoat stone ; on which should droppe as much liquour as the fiery stone could blow into smoake ; and this smoake or steame , should be more then the caue could containe ; wherefore it must breake out ; which to do , it presseth on all sides to gett an issue or dore to lett it out : it findeth of two sortes ; but only , one kind of them , will serue it for this purpose ; for the one sort of these dores , openeth inwardes , the other , outwardes : which is the cause that the more it striueth to gett out , the faster it shutteth the doores of the first kinde ; but by the same meanes , it beateth backe the other dores ; and so getteth out . Now when it is gone quite out of this cauerne ; and consequently leaueth it to its naturall disposition ; whereas before it violently stretched it out ; and by doing so kept close the dores that open inwardes : then all the partes of it beginne to slacken ; and those dores giue way vnto new liquour to droppe in anew ; which the heate in the bottome of the hart , rarifyeth againe into smoake as before . And thus he conceiueth the motion of the hart to be made : taking the substance of it to be ( as I may say ) like vnto limber leather , which vpon the filling of it with bloud and steame , openeth and dilateth it selfe ; and att the going of it out , it shrinketh together like a bladder . But I doubt , 3 this explication will not go through the difficulty , for first both Galen and Doctor Haruey do sh●w , that as soone as the bloud is come into the hart , it contracteth it selfe : which agreeth not with Monsieur des Cartes his supposition ; for in his doctrine , there appeareth no cause why it should contract it selfe when it is full : but contrariwise , it should goe on dilating it selfe , vntill enough of the bloud which droppeth into the hart , were conuerted into steame , to force the dores open ▪ that so , it may gaine an issue thence , and a passage into the body . Next ; Monsieur des Cartes supposeth that the substance of the hart is like a bladder , which hath no motion of it selfe ; but openeth and shutteth , according as what is within it , stretcheth it out , or permitteth it to shrinke and fall together againe . Whereas , Doctor Haruey prooueth that when it is full , it compresseth it selfe by a quicke and strong motion , to expell that which is in it : and that when it is empty , it returneth to its naturall dilatation , figure and situation , by the ceasing of that agents working , which caused its motion . Whereby it appeareth to be of such a fibrous substance , as hath a proper motion of its owne . Thirdly ; I see not how this motion can be proportionall : for the hart must needes open and be dilated , much faster then it can be shutt and shrinke together ; there being no cause putt to shutt it and to bring it to its vtmost periode of shrinking ; other then the going out of the vapour , whereby it becometh empty : which vapour not being forced by any thing but by its owne inclination ; it may peraduenture , att the first when there is aboundance of it , swell and stretch the hart forcibly out ; but after the first impulse and breach of some part of it out of the cauerne that enclosed it ; there is nothing to driue out the rest , which must therefore steame very leisurely out . Fourthly ; what should hinder the bloud from coming in , before the hart be quite empty and shrunke to its lowest pitch ? For as soone as the vapour yeildeth within , new bloud may fall in from without ; and so keepe the hart continually dilated , without euer suffering it to be perfectly and completely shutt . Fifthly ; the hart of a viper layed vpon a plate in a warme place will beate 24 houres ; and much longer , if it be carefully taken out of its body , and the weather be warme and moyst : and it is cleare , that this is without successiō of bloud to cause the pulses of it . L●kewise , the seuered mēbers of liuing creatures , will stirre for some time after they are parted from their bodies : and in them , we can suspect no such cause of motion . Sixthly ; in Monsieur des Cartes his opinion , the hart should be hardest when it is fullest ; and the eruption of the steame out of it , should be strongest att the beginning : whereas experience sheweth , that it is softest when it is att the point of being full ; and hardest when it is att the point of being empty ; and the motion strongest , towardes the end . Seuenthly ; in Monsieur des Cartes his way , there is no agent or force strong enough to make bloud gush out of the hart : for if it be the steame only that openeth the dores , nothing but it will goe out ; and the bloud will still remaine behind , since it lyeth lower then the steame , and further from the issue that letteth it out : but Doctor Haruey findeth by experience ( and teacheth how to make this experience ) that when a wound is made in the hart , bloud will gush out by spurtes att euery shooting of the hart . And lastly ; if Monsieur des Cartes his supposition were true , the arteries would receiue nothing but steames ; whereas it is euident that the chiefe filler of them is bloud . 4 Therefore we must enquire after an other cause of this primary motion of a sensitiue creature , in the beatings of its hart . Wherein , we shall not be obliged to looke farre ; for seeing we find this motion and these pulsations , in the hart when it is seperated from the body : we may boldely and safely conclude , that it must of necessity be caused by something that is within the hart it selfe . And what can that be else , but heate or spirits imprisoned in a tough viscous bloud ; which it can not so presently breake through to gett out ; and yet can stirre within it , and lift it vp ? The like of which motion may be obserued , in the heauing vp , and sinking downe againe of loose moulde throwne into a pitte , into which much ordure hath been emptied . The same cause , of heate in the earth ▪ maketh mountaines and sandes to be cast vp in the very sea : so , in frying , when the panne is full of meate , the bubbles rise and fall att the edges : treacle , and such strong compounded substances ; whiles they ferment , do lift themselues vp , and sinke downe againe , after the same manner as the vipers hart doth : as also do the bubbles of barme , and muste of wine : and short endes of lute stringes baked in a iuicy pye , will att the opening of it mooue in such sort , as they who are ignorant of the feate will thinke there are magots in it : and a hoat loafe , in which quicke-syluer is enclosed , will not only moue thus ▪ but will also leape about , and skippe from one place to an other , like the head or limbe of an animal ( very full of spirits ) newly cutt off from its whole body . And that this is the true cause of the harts motion , appeareth euidently . First , because this vertue of mouing , is in euery part of the hart ; as you will plainely see if you cutt into seuerall pieces a hart , that conserueth its motion long after it is out of the animals belly ▪ for euery piece will moue ; as Doctor Haruey assureth vs by experience , and I my selfe haue often seene , vpon occasion of making the greate antidote , in which vipers harts is a principall ingredient . Secondly the same is seene in the auricles and the rest of the hart ; whose motions are seuerall ; though so neere together , that they can hardly be distinguished . Thirdly ; Doctor Haruey seemeth to affirme that the bloud which is in the eares of the hart , hath such a motion of it selfe , precedent to the motion of the eares it is in : and that this vertue remaineth in it for a litle space after the eares are dead . Fourthly ; in touching a hart which had newly left mouing , with his fingar wetted with warme spittle , it began to moue againe , as testifying that heate and moysture , made this motion . Fifthly ; if you touch the vipers hart ouer with vinegar , with spiritt of wine , with sharpe white wine , or with any piercing liquour ; it presently dyeth : for the acutenesse of such substances , pierceth through the viscous bloud , and maketh way for the heate to gett out . But this first mouer of an animal , must haue something from without to stirre it vp ; else , the heate would lye in it , as if it were dead ; and in time would become absolutely so . In egges , you see this exteriour mouer , is the warmeth of the henne hatching thē . And in Embryōs ; it is the warmeth of the mothers wombe . But when in either of them , the hart is cōpletely formed , and is enclosed in the brest ; much heate is likewise enclosed there , in all the partes neere about the hart ; partly made by the hart it selfe ; and partly caused by the outward heate , which helped also to make that in the hart : and then although the warmeth of the henne or of the mothers wombe , do forsake the hart ; yet this stirreth vp the natiue h●●te within the hart and keepeth it in motion , and maketh it feede still vpon now fewell , as fast as that which it worketh vpon decayeth . 5 But to expresse more particularly how this motion is effected ; we are to note , that the hart hath in the ventricles of it , three sortes of fibers : the first go long wayes or are straight ones , on the sides of the ventricles from the thicke basis of the hart , towardes the litle tippe or cone of it : the second , go crosse or roundwayes about the ventricles within the hart : and the third , are transuersall or thwart ones . Next we are to remember , that the hart is fixed to the body by its base ; and hangeth loose att the cone . Now then , the fibers being of the nature of such thinges as will swell and grow thicker by being moistened , and consequently shrinke vp in length and grow shorter , in proportion to their swelling thicker ( as you may obserue in a loosewrought hempen roape ) it must of necessity follow , that when the bloud falleth into the hart ( which is of a kind of spungye substance ) the fibers being therewith moystened , they will presently swell in roundnesse and shrinke in length . Next we are to note , that there is a double motion in the hart : the one of opening , which is called , Diastole ; the other , of shutting , which is termed Systole . And although Doctor Haruey seemeth to allow the opening of the hart to be no motion ; but rather a relenting from motion ; neuerthelesse ( me thinketh ) it is manifest , that it is not only a cōplete motion , but in a manner the greater motion of the two , though indeede the lesse sensible ; because it is performed by litle and litle ; for in it the hart is drawne by violence frō its naturall positiō ; which must be ( as it is of all heauy thinges ) that by which it approacheth most to the cēter of grauity ; and such a position we see it gaineth by the shutting of it . Now to declare how both these motions are effected , we are to consider how att the end of the systole the hart is voyded and cleansed of all the bloud that was in it ; whence it followeth , that the weight of the bloud which is in the auricles , pressing vpon the Valuulas or dores that open inwardes , maketh its way by litle and litle into the ventricles of the hart where it must necessarily swell the fibers ; and they being swelled must needes draw the hart into a roundish and capacious figure ; which the more it is done , the more bloud cometh in ; and with greater violence . The following effect of which must be , that the weight of the bloud ioyned to the weight of the hart it selfe , and particularly of the conus or tippe ( which is more solide and heauy in proportion to its quantity , then the rest of the hart ) must necessarily sett the hart into the naturall motion of descending according to its grauity : the which consequently , is performed by a liuely ierke , whereby it cometh to passe that the tippe of our hart , doth as it were spring vp towardes our brest : and the bloud is spurted out by other Voluulae ( that open outwardes ) which are aptly disposed to be opened vpon such a motion , and do conuey it to the arteries . In the course of which motion , we may note how the figure of our hart contributeth to its springing vp towardes our brest ; for the line of distance which is betweene the basis and the tippe being longer on that side which is towardes the backe , then on the other which is towardes the brest , ; it must happen that when the hart shutteth and straighteneth it selfe , and thereby extendeth it selfe to its length , the tippe will butte out forewardes towardes the brest . Against this doctrine of the motion , 6 and of the systole and diastole of the hart , it may be obiected , that beasts harts do not hang like a mans hart , straight downewardes ; but rather horizontally , and therefore this motion of grauity can not haue place in them : neuerthelesse , we are sure they beate , and do open and shutt , regularly . Besides , if there were no other cause but this of grauity for the motion of a mans hart , it would follow that one who were sett vpon his head or hung by his heeles , could not haue the motion of his hart : which , posture neuerthelesse , we see men remaine in for a pretty while , without any extreme preiudice . But these difficulties are easily answered ; for whether beasts harts do lye directly horizontally , or whether , the basis be fastened some what higher then the tippe reacheth , and so maketh their hart hang inclining downewardes ; still the motion of grauity hath its effect in them . As wee may perceiue in the hart of a viper lying vpon a plate , and in any other thing that of it selfe swelleth vp , and straight againe sinketh downe : in which we can not doubt , but that the grauity fighting against the heate , maketh the eleuated partes to fall , as the heate maketh them rise . And as for the latter ; it is euident that men can not stay long in that posture without violent accidents ; and in any litle while we see that the bloud cometh into their face and other partes which naturally are situated higher ; but by this position become lower then the hart : and much time is not required , to haue them quite disordered and suffocated ; the bloud passing through the hart with too much quickenesse , and not receiuing due concoction there ; and falling thence in too great aboundance into places that can not with conueniency entertayne it . But you will insist , and aske , whether in that posture the hart doth moue or no , and how ? And to speake by guesse in a thing I haue not yet made experiences enough to be throughly informed in ; I conceiue without any great scrupule that it doth moue . And that it happeneth thus ; that the hart hanging somwhat loose , must needes tūble ouer , and the tippe of it leane downewardes some way or other ; and so lye in part like the hart of a beast ; though not so conueniently accommodated : and then the heate which maketh the viscous bloud that is in the substance of the hart to ferment will not faile of raising it vp : wherevpon , the weight of that side of the hart , that is lifted vp , will presently presse it downe againe . And thus , by the alternatiue operations of these causes , the hart will be made to open , and shutt it selfe , as much as is necessary for admitting and thrusting out , that litle and disorderly coming bloud , which maketh its course through it , for that litle space wherein the man continueth in that position . 7 Now from these effects wrought in the hart by the moystening of the fibers ; two other effects do proceed : the one is , that the bloud is pushed out of euery corner of the hart with an impetuousnesse or velocity . The other is , that by this motion the spirits , which are in the ventricles of the hart , and in the bloud that is euen then heated there , are more and deeper pressed into the substance of the hart ; so that you see , the hart imbibeth fresh vigour , and is strengthned with new spirits , whiles it seemeth to reiect that which should strengthen it . Againe , two other effects follow this violent eiection of the bloud out of the hart . The one is , that for the present , the hart is entirely cleansed of all remainders of bloud none being permitted to fall backe to annoy it . The other is , that the hart finding it selfe dry ; the fibers do relent presently into their naturall positiō and extensiō , and the valuulae that open inwardes , fall flatt to the sides of the ventricles , and consequently , new bloud droppeth in . So that in conclusiō , we see , the motion of the hart , dependeth originally of its fibers irrigated by the bloud : and not from the force of the vapour as Monsieur des Cartes supposeth . This motion of the hart , driueth the bloud ( which is warmed and spiritualised , by being boyled in this furnace ) through due passages into the arteries , which frō thē runneth into the veines , and is a maine cause of making and nourishing other partes ; as the liuer , the lūgs , the braines , and whatsoeuer else dependeth of those veines and arteries through which the bloud goeth . Which being euer freshly heated , and receiuing the tincture of the harts nature by passing through the hart ; wheresoeuer it stayeth and curdleth , it groweth into a substance of a nature conformable to the hart , though euery one of such substances , be of exceeding different conditions in themselues , the very grossest excrements , not being excluded from some participation of that nature . But if you desire to follow the bloud all along euery steppe , in its progresse from the hart round about the body , till it returne backe againe to its center , Doctor Haruey who most acutely teacheth this doctrine , must be your guide . He will shew you how it issueth from the hart by the arteries ; from whence it goeth on warming the flesh , vntill it arriue some of the extremities of the body : and by then it is growne so coole ( by long absence from the fountaine of its heate ; and by euaporating its owne stocke of spirits , without any new supply ) that it hath neede of being warmed a new ; it findeth it selfe returned backe againe to the heart , and is there heated againe , which returne is made by the veines , as its going forwardes , is performed only by the arteries . And were it not for this continuall circulation of the bloud and this new heating it in its proper cauldron , the hart ; it could not be auoyded , but that the extreme partes of the body would soone grow cold and dye . For flesh , being of it selfe of a cold nature ( as is apparent in dead flesh ) and being kept warme , meerely by the bloud that bedeweth it ; and the bloud likewise being of a nature that soone groweth cold , and congealeath , vnlesse it be preserued in due temper by actuall heate working vpon it : how can we imagine that they two singly , without any other assistance , should keepe one an other warme ( especially in those partes , that are farre distant from the hart ) by only being together ? Surely , we must allow the bloud , ( which is a substance fitt for motion ) to haue recourse backe to the hart , ( where only it can be supplyed with new heate and spirits ) and from thence be driuen out againe by its pulses or stroakes ; which are his shuttinges . And as fast as it flyeth out , ( like a reeking thicke steame , which riseth from perfumed water falling vpon a heated panne ) that which is next before it , must fly yet further on , to make way for it ; and new arteriall blould still issuing forth att euery pulse , it must still driue on what issued thence the last precedent pulse , and that part must presse on what is next before it . And thus it fareth with the whole masse of blould ; which hauing no other course , but in the body , it must att length runne round , and by new vessels ( which are the veines ) returne backe vnto the place from whence it issued first : and by that time it cometh thither , it is growne coole and thicke , and needeth a vigorous restauration of spirits and a new rarifying ; that then , it may warme the flesh , it passeth againe through : without which it would soddainely grow stone cold ; as is manifest , if by tying or cutting the arteries , you intercept the blould , which is to nourish any part : for then that part , groweth presently cold and benummed . But referring the particulars of this doctrine vnto Doctor Haruey ( who hath both inuented and perfected it ) our taske in hand calleth vpon vs to declare in common the residue of motions that all liuing creatures agree in . 8 How generation is performed , we haue determined in the past discourse . Our next consideration then ought to be of Nutrition and Augmentation . Betweene which there is very litle difference in the nature of their action ; and the difference of their names is grounded more vpon the different result in the periode of them , then vpon the thing it selfe : as will by and by appeare . Thus then is the progresse of this matter : as soone as a liuing creature is formed , it endeauoureth straight to augment it selfe ; and employeth it selfe only about that ; the partes of it being yet too yong and tender ▪ to performe the other functions which nature hath● produced them for . That is to say ; the liuing creature , att its first production , is in such a state and condition as it is able to do nothing else , but ( by meanes of the greate heate that is in it ) to turne into its owne substance the aboundance of moysture that ouerfloweth it . They who are curious in this matter , do tell vs that the performance of this worke consisteth in fiue actions ; which they call , Attraction , Adhesion , Concoction , Assimilation and Vnition . The nature of attraction , we haue already declared when we explicated , how the hart and the roote sendeth iuice into the other partes of the animal or plant : for they abounding in themselues with inward heate , and besides that , much other circumstant heate working likewise vpon them ; it can not be otherwise , but that they must needes sucke and draw into them , the moysture that is about them . As for adhesion , the nature of that is likewise explicated , when we shewed , how such partes as are moyst , but especially aereall or oyly ones ( such as are made by the operation of a soft and continuall heate ) are catching and do easily sticke vnto any body they happen to touch : and how a litle part of moysture betweene two dry partes , ioyneth them together . Vpon which occasion , it is to be noted that partes of the same kind do ioyne best together : and therefore the pouder of glasse is vsed to cimēt broken glasse with all ( as we haue touched some where aboue : ) and the pouder of marble to ciment marble with ; and so of other bodies : in like manner , Alchymistes find no better expedient to extract a small proportion of siluer mixed with a great one of gold , then to putt more siluer to it ; nor any more effectuall way to gett out the hart , or tincture , or spirits of any thing they distill or make an extract of , then to infuse its owne flegme upon it , and to water it with that . Now whether the reason of this be , that continuity , because it is an vnity , must be firmest betweene parts that are most conformable to one an other , and consequently , are most one among th●mselues ; or whether it be for some other hidden cause , belongeth not to this place to discourse : but in fine so it is . And the adhesion is strongest of such partes as are most conformable to that which needeth encrease and nourishment ; and that is made vp by the other three actions . Of which , concoction is nothing else but a thickening of that iuice which already sticketh to any part of the animals body , by the good digestion that heate maketh in it . And assimilation , is the effect of concoction : for this iuice being vsed in the same manner , as the first iuice was , that made the part , wherevnto this is to be ioyned ; it can not choose but become like vnto it in substance . And then , there being no other substance betweene , it is of it selfe vnited vnto it without any further helpe . 9 Hitherto , this action belongeth to nutrition . But if on the one side , the heate and spirituality of the bloud ; and on the otherside the due temper and disposition of the part be such , as the bloud is greedily sucked into the part , which thereby swelleth to make roome for it , and will not lett it go away , but turneth it into a like substance as it selfe is ; and in greater quantity then what is consumed and decayeth continually by transpiration : then this action is called likewise augmentation Which Galen explicateth by a sport the boyes of Ionia vsed ; who were accustomed to fill a bladder with wind ; and when they could force no more into it , they would rubbe the bladder , and after rubbing of it , they found it capable of receiuing new breath : and so they would proceed on , vntill their bladder were as full as by vse they knew it could be made . Now ( saith he ) nature doth the like , by filling our flesh , and other partes with bloud ; that is to say , it stretcheth the fibers : but she hath ouer and aboue a power which the boyes had not ; namely to make the fibers as strong after they are stretched to their vtmost extension , as they were before they were extended : whence it happeneth that she can extend them againe , as well as att the first ; and this without end , as farre as concerneth that part . The reason whereof is , because she extendeth them by meanes of a liquour which is of the same nature , as that whereof they were made att the first : and from thence it followeth , that by concoction that liquour settleth in the partes of the fibers which haue most neede ; and so maketh those partes as great in the length they are extended vnto , as they were in their shortnesse , before they were drawne out . Whereby the whole part of the animal , wherein this happeneth , groweth greater : and the like being done in euery part , as well as in any one single one , the whole animal becometh bigger ; and is in such sort augmented . Out of all which discourse , 10 we may collect that in the essentiall composition of liuing creatures , there may peraduenture be a physicall possibility for them to continue alwayes without decay ; and so , become immortall , euen in their bodies , if all hurtfull accidents coming from without might be preuented . For seeing that a man , besides the encrease which he maketh of himselfe , can also impart vnto his children a vertue , by which they are able to do the like , and to giue againe vnto theirs as much as they receiued from their fathers : it is cleare , that what maketh him dye , is no more the want of any radicall power in him , to encrease or nourish himselfe ; then in fire , it is the want of power to burne , which maketh it goe out . But it must be some accidentall want , which Galen attributeth chiefely to the drynesse of our bones , and sinewes &c. as you may in him see more att large ; for drynesse , with density , alloweth not easy admittance vnto moysture : and therefore , it causeth the heate which is in the dry body , eyther to euaporate or to be extinguished : and want of heate , is that , from whence the failing of life proceedeth : which he thinketh can not be preuented by any art or industry . And herein , God hath expressed his great mercy and goodnesse towardes vs : for seeing that by the corruption of our owne nature , we are so immersed in flesh and bloud as we should for euer delight to wallow in their myre without raysing our thoughts att any time aboue that low and brutall condition : he hath engaged vs by a happy necessity , to thinke of and to prouide for a nobler and farre more excellent state of liuing that will neuer change or end . In pursuance of which ineuitable ordinance ; man ( as if he were growne weary and out of loue with this life ; and scorned any terme in his farme here , since he can not purchase the fee simple of it ) hasteneth on his death by his vnwary and rash vse of meates , which poyson his bloud : and then , his infected bloud passing through his whole body , must needes in like manner , taynt it all att once . For the redresse of which mischiefe , the assistance of Physike is made vse of : and that , passing likewise the same way purifyeth the bloud , and recouereth the corruption occasioned by the peccant humour ; or other whiles gathering it together , it thrusteth and carryeth out that euill guest by the passages contriued by nature to bisburden the body of vnprofitable or hurtfull superfluities . THE SEVEN AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER . Of the motions of sense ; and of the sensible qualities in generall ; and in particular of those which belong to Touch , Tast , and Smelling . 1 HAuing thus brought on the course of nature as high as liuing creatures ( whole chiefe specieses or diuision , is those that haue sense ) and hauing declared the operations which are common to the whole tribe of them , which includeth both plants and animals : it is now time we take a particular view of those , whose action , and passion , is the reason why that chiefe portion of life is termed sensitiue ; I meane the senses , and the qualities , by which the outward world cometh into the liuing creature , through his senses . Which when we shall haue gone through , we shall scarcely haue left any qualities among bodies , to pleade for a spirituall manner of being or working ; that is , for a selfe entity , and instantaneous operation : which kind of thinges and properties , vulgar Philosophy is very earnest to attribute vnto ou● senses : with what reason , and vpon what ground lett vs now consider . 2 These qualities are reduced to fiue seuerall heades ; answerable to so many different wayes , whereby we receiue notice of the bodies that are without vs. And accordingly , they constitute a like number of different senses : of euery one of which , we will discourse particularly , when we haue examined the natures of the qualities that effect them . But now , all the consideration we shall need to haue of them , is only this ; that it is manifest the organes in vs by which sensible qualities do worke vpon us , are corporeall , and are made of the like ingredients as the rest of our body is : and therefore , must of necessity be lyable to suffer euill and to receiue good ( in such sort as all other bodies do ) from those actiue qualities which make and marre all thinges within the limits of nature . By which termes of Euill and Good ; I meane , those effects that are ●uerse or conformable to the particular nature of any thing : and thereby do tend to the preseruation or destruction , of that Indiuiduall . Now we receiuing from our senses , the knowledge that we haue of thinges without vs ; do giue names vnto them according to the passions and affections , which those thinges cause in our senses : which being the same in all mankind ( as long as they are considered in cōmon , and that their effects are looked vpon in grosse ) all the world agreeth in one notion and in one name of the same thing ; for euery man liuing is affected by it , iust as his neighbour is , and as all men else in the world are . As for example ; heate or cold worketh the same feeling in euery man composed of flesh and bloud ; and therefore , whosoeuer should be asked of them , would returne the same answere , that they cause such and such effects in his sense , pleasing or displeasing to him , according to their degrees , and as they tend to the good or euill of his whole body . But if we descend to particulars , we shall find , that seuerall men of differing constitutions , do frame different notions of the same thinges , according as they are conformable or disagreeing to their natures : and accordingly they giue them different names . As when the same liquor is sweete to some mens taste ; which to an others appeareth bitter : one man taketh that for a purfume ; which to an other , is an offensiue smell : in the Turkesh bathes ; ( where there are many degrees of heate in diuers roomes , through all which the same person vseth to passe , and to stay a while in euery one of them , both att his entrance and going out , to season his body by degrees , for the contrary excesse he his going vnto ) that seemeth chilly cold att his returne ; which appeared melting hoat att his going in ; as I my selfe haue often made experience in those countries : beauty and louelinesse will shine to one man , in the same face , that will giue auersion to an other . All which proclaymeth , that the sensible qualities of bodies , are not any positiue reall thing , consisting in an indiuisible , and distinct from the body it selfe ; but are meerely the very body , as it affecteth our senses : which to discouer how they do it , must be our labour here . Lett vs therefore beginne , with considering the difference , that is betweene sensible and insensible creatures . These latter , do lye exposed the mercy of all outward agents that frō time to time ( by the cōtinuall motion which all thinges are in ) do come within distance of working vpon them : and they haue no power to remoue themselues from what is auerse to their nature ; nor to approach neerer vnto what comforteth it . But the others hauing within themselues a principle of motion ( as we haue already declared ) whensoeuer such effects are wrought vpon them , as vpon the others ; they are able , vpon their owne account and by their owne action , to remoue themselues from what beginneth to annoy them , and to come neerer vnto what they find a beginning of good by . These impressions , are made vpon those partes of vs , which we call the organes of our senses ; and by them , do giue vs seasonable aduertissements and knowledges whereby we may gouerne and order to the best aduantage , our litle charge of a body , according to the tune or warninges of change in the great circumstant body of the world , as farre as it may concerne ours . Which how it is done , and by what steppes it proceedeth , shall be in the following discourse layed open . Of this great machine that enuironneth vs , we who are but a small parcell , are not immediately concerned in euery part of it . It importeth not vs , for the conseruation of our body , to haue knowledg of other partes then such as are within the distance of working vpon vs : those only within whose sphere of actiuity we are planted , can offend or aduantage vs : and of them ; some are neere vs ; others , further from vs. Those that are next vnto vs ; we discerne ( according as they are qualifyed ) eyther by our touch , or by our tast , or by our smelling ; which three senses , do manifestly appeare to consist in a meere gradation of more or lesse grosse ; and their operations are leuelled to the three Elements that presse vpon vs ; earth , water , and ayre . By our other two senses ( our hearing and our seeing ) we haue notice of thinges further off : and the agents which worke vpon them , are of a more refined nature . 3 But we must treat of them all in particular : and that which we will beginne with , shall be the touch , as being the grossest of them , and that which conuerseth with none , but the most materiall and massye obiects . We see it dealeth with heauy consistent bodies ; and iudgeth of them by coniunction vnto them , and by immediate reception of something from them . And according to the diuers impressions they make in it ; it distinguisheth them by diuers names ; which ( as we said of the qualities of mixed bodies ) are generally reduced to certaine payres ; as hoat and cold , wett and drye , soft and hard , smooth and rough , thicke and thinne , and some others of the like nature ; which were needelesse to enumerate , since we pretend not to deliuer the science of them , but only to shew that they and their actions , are all corporeall . And this is sufficiently euident , by meere repeating but their very names ; for it is plaine , by what we haue already said ; that they are nothing else but certaine affections of quantity , arising out of different degrees of rarity and density compounded together . And it is manifest by experience , that our sense receiueth the very same impressions from them , which an other body doth ; for our body , or our sense will be heated by fire ; and will also be burned by it , if the heate be too great , as well as wood : it will be constipated by cold water , moystened by humide thinges , and dryed by dry bodies , in the same manner as any other body whatsoeuer ; likewise , it may in such sort as they , be wounded and haue its continuity broken by hard thinges ; be pleased and polished , by those that are soft and smooth ; be pressed by those that are thicke and heauy ; and be rubbed by those that are rugged &c. So that those masters , who will teach vs that the impressions vpon sense are made by spirituall or spiritelike thinges or qualities ; which they call intentionall specieses , must labour att two workes : the one to make it appeare that there are in nature such thinges as they would persuade vs ; the other to proue that these materiall actions we speake of are not able to performe those effects , for which the senses are giuen vnto liuing creatures . And vntill they haue done that , I conceiue we should be much too blame to admitt such thinges , as we neyther haue ground for in reason , nor can vnderstand what they are . And therefore , we must resolue to rest in this beliefe , which experience breedeth in vs : that these bodies worke vpon our senses no other wayes then by a corporeall operation ; and that such a one is sufficient for all the effects we see proceede from them : as in the processe of this discourse we shall more amply declare . The element immediately next to earth in grossenesse , 4 is water . And in it is the exercise of our tast , our mouth being perpetually wett within : by meanes of which moysture , our tongue receiueth into it , some litle partes of the substance which we chewe in our teeth , and which passeth ouer it . You may obserue how , if we take any herbe or fruite ; and hauing chopped or beatē it small , we thē putt it into a wooden dish of water and do squeese it a litle ; the iuice , communicating and mingling it selfe with ; the water , infecteth it with the tast of it selfe , and remaining a while in the bowle sinketh by litle and litle into the very pores of the wood : as is manifest , by its retaining a long time after , the tast and smell of that herbe . In like manner , nature hath taught vs , by chewing our meate , and by turning it into our mouthes and pressing it a litle ( that we may the more easily swallow it ) to imbue our spittle with such litle partes as easily diffuse themselues in water . And then our spittle being continuate to the moysture , which is within our tongue , ( in such sort as we declared of the moysture of the earth , that soaketh into the roote of a plant ) and particularly in the sinewes of it ; must of necessity affect those litle sensible stringes with the qualities which these petty bodies , mixed euery where with the moysture , are themselues imbued withall . And if you aske what motions or qualities these be : Physitians ( vnto whom it belongeth most particularly to looke into them ) will tell you , that some dilate the tongue more , and some lesse ; as if some of these litle bodies had an aereall , and others a watry disposition : and these two , they expresse by the names of sweete and fatty . That some , do contract and draw the tongue together ; as choaky and rough thinges do most ; and next to them , crabby and immature sharpenesse . That some do corrode and pierce the tongue ; as salt and soure thinges . That bitter thinges do search the outside of it , as if they swept it : and that other thinges , do as it were pricke it ; as spices and hoat drinkes . Now all these are sensible materiall thinges ; which admitt to be explicated clearely , by the varieties of rarity and density concurring to their compositions : and are so proportionable to such materiall instruments as we can not doubt but that they may be throughly declared by our former principles . The next element aboue water , 5 is ayre ; which our nosethrilles , being our instrument to sucke in , we can not doubt but what affecteth a man by his nose , must come vnto him in breath or ayre . And as humidity receiueth grosser and weightier partes ; so those which are more subtile and light , do rise vp into the ayre : and these we know attaine vnto this lightnesse , by the commixtion of fire , which is hoat and dry . And therefore , we can not doubt , but that the nature of smell is more or lesse tending to heate and drought : which is the cause that their commixtion with the braine , proueth comfortable vnto it ; because of its owne disposition it is vsually subiect to be too moyst and too cold . Whether there be any immediate instrument of this sense , to receiue the passion or effect , which by it , other bodies make vpon vs ; or whether the sense it selfe , be nothing but a passage of these exhalations and litle bodies vnto the braine , fittly accommodated to discerne , what is good , or hurtfull for it , and accordingly to moue the body to admitt or reiect them ; importeth not vs att present to determine : lett Physitians and Anatomistes resolue that question ; whiles it sufficeth vs to vnderstand , that the operations of bodies by odours vpon our sense , are performed by reall and solide partes of the whole substance ; which are truly materiall , though very litle , bodies ; and not by imaginary qualities . 6 And those bodies , when they proceed out of the same thinges that yield also tastiue particles , ( although without such materiall violence , and in a more subtile manner ) must of necessity haue in them the same nature , which those haue that affect the taste ; and they must both of them , affect a man much alike , by his taste and by his smell : and so , are very proportionate to one an other ; excepting in those properties which require more cold or liquidity , then can well stand with the nature of a smell . And accordingly , the very names which men haue imposed , to expresse the affections of both do many times agree : as sauour , which is common both to the smell and to the taste ; and sweete likewise : the strongest of which , we see oftentimes do make themselues knowne , as well by the one as by the other sense : and eyther of them in excesse , will turne a mans stomake . And the Physitians that write of these senses find them very conformable : and therefore it happeneth that the loosing of one of them , is the losse also of the other . And experience teacheth vs in all beastes , that the smell is giuen vnto liuing creatures , to know what meates are good for them , and what are not . And accordingly , we see them still smell for the most part , att any vnknowne meate before they touch it ; which seldome fayleth of informing them rightly : nature hauing prouided this remedy against the gluttony , which could not choose but follow the conuenient disposition and temper of their partes and humors ; through which they often swallow their meate greedily and soddainely without expecting to trye it first by their taste . Besides that many meates are so strong , that their very tasting them after their vsuall manner , would poyson or att the least greately annoy them : and therefore nature hath prouided this sense to preuent their taste ; which being farre more subtile then their taste ; the small atomes by which it is performed , are not so very noxious to the health of the animal , as the other grosser atomes are . And doubtlessely , the like vse men would make of this sense , 7 had they not on the one side better meanes then it to know the qualities of meates : and therefore , this is not much reflected vpon . And on the other side , were they not continually stuffed and clogged with grosse vapours of steamy meates , which are dayly reeking from the table and their stomakes ; and permitt not purer atomes of bodies , to be discerned ; which require cleare and vninfected organes to take notice of them . As we see it fare with dogges ; who haue not so true and sensible noses , when they are high fed , and lye in the kitchin amiddest the steames of meate ; as when they are kept in their kennell , with a more spare diett fitt for hunting . One full example , this age affordeth vs in this kind , of a man whose extremity of feare , wrought vpon him to giue vs this experiment . He was borne in some village of the country of Liege : and therefore among strangers , he is knowne by the name of Iohn of Liege . I haue beene informed of this story by seuerall ( whom I dare confidently beleeue ) that haue had it from his owne mouth ; and haue questioned him with great curiosity , particularly about it . When he was a litle boy , there being warres in the country ( as that State is seldome without molestations from abroad , when they haue no distempers att home , which is an vnseparable effect of a countries situation vpon the frontiers of powerfull neigbouring Princes that are att variance ) the village of whence he was , had notice of some vnruly scattered troopes that were coming to pillage them : which made all the people of the village fly hastily with what they could carry with them , to hide themselues in the woods : which were spacious enough to afford them shelter , for they ioyned vpon the forest of Ardenne . There they lay , till some of their scoutes brought them word , that the souldiers of whom they were in such apprehension , had fired their towne and quitted it . Then all of them returned home , excepting this boy ; who , it seemeth , being of a very timorous nature , had images of feare so strong in his fansie ; that first , he ranne further into the wood then any of the rest ; and afterwardes apprehended that euery body he saw through the thickets , and euery voyce he heard was the souldiers : and so hidd himselfe from his parents , that were in much distresse seeking him all about , and calling his name as loud as they could . When they had spent a day or tw● in vaine , they returned home without him , and he liued many yeares in the woods , feeding vpon rootes , and wild fruites , and maste . He said that after he had beene some time in this wild habitation , he could by the smell iudge of the tast of any thing that was to be eaten : and that he could att a great distance wind by his nose , where wholesome fruites or rootes did grow . In this state he continued ( still shunning men with as great feare as when he first ranne away ; so strong the impression was , and so litle could his litle reason master it ) vntill in a very sharpe winter , that many beastes of the forest perished for want of foode ; necessity brought him to so much confidence , that leauing the wild places of the forest , remote from all peoples dwellinges , he would in the eueninges steale among cattle that were fothered ; especially the swine , and among them , gleane that which serued to sustaine wretchedly his miserable life . He could not do this so cunningly , but that returning often to it , he was vpon a time espyed : and they who saw a beast of so strange a shape ( for such they tooke him to be ; he being naked and all ouer growne with haire ) beleeuing him to be a satyre , or some such prodigious creature as the recounters of rare accidents tell vs of ; layed wayte to apprehend him . But he that winded them as farre off , as any beast could do , still auoyded them , till att the length , they layed snares for him ; and tooke the wind so aduantagiously of him , that they caught him : and then , soone perceiued he was a man ▪ though he had quite forgotten the vse of all language : but by his gestures and cryes , he expressed the greatest affrightednesse that might be . Which afterwardes , he said ( when he had learned anew to speake ) was because he thought , those were the souldiers he had hidden himselfe to auoyde , when he first betooke himselfe to the wood ; and were alwayes liuely in his fansie , through his feares continually reducing them thither . This man within a litle while after he came to good keeping and full feeding , quite lost that acutenesse of smelling which formerly gouerned him in his taste ; and grew to be in that particular as other ordinary men were . But att his first liuing with other people , a woman that had compassion of him to see a man so neere like a beast ; and that had no language to call for what he wished or needed to haue ; tooke particular care of him ; and was alwayes very sollicitous to see him furnished with what he wanted : which made him so apply himselfe vnto her in all his occurrents , that whensoeuer he stood in neede of ought , if she were out of the way , and were gone abroad into the fieldes , or to any other village neere by , he would hunt her out presently by his sent , in such sort as with vs those dogges vse to do which are taught to draw dry foote . I imagine he his yet aliue to tell a better story of himselfe then I haue done ; and to confirme what I haue here said of him : for I haue from them who saw him but few yeares agone , that he was an able strong man , and likely to last yet a good while longer . And of an other man , I can speake assuredly my selfe , who being of a very temperate or rather spare diett , could likewise perfectly discerne by his smell the qualities of whatsoeuer was afterwardes to passe the examination of his taste , euen to his bread and beere . Wherefore to conclude it is euident both by reason , and by experience , that the obiects of our touch , our taste , and our smell , are materiall and corporeall thinges , deriued from the diuision of quantity , into more rare and more dense partes ; and may with ease , be resolued into their heades and springes sufficiently to content any iuditious and rationall man. Who if he be curious to haue further satisfaction in this particular ( as farre as concerneth odours and sauours ) may looke ouer what Ioannes Brauus ( that iuditious , though vnpolished Physitian of Salamanca ) hath written thereof . THE EIGHT AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER . Of the sense of hearing , and of the sensible quality sound . BVt to proceede with the rest of the senses : because nature saw that some thinges came soddainely vpon a liuing creature ; 1 which might do it hurt , if they were not perceiued a farre off : and that other thinges were placed att distance from it , which would greatly helpe it , if it could come neere vnto them ; she found a meanes to giue vs two senses more , for the discouery of remote thinges . The one principally and particularly to descry their motion . The other to marke their bulke and situation . And so to beginne with the former of these ; we must needes acknowledge ( after due examination of the matter ) that the thing which we call sound ▪ is purely motion . And if it be obiected that many motions are made without any discernable sound . We shall not make difficulty to grant it ; considering that many motions dye , before they come to touch the eare ; or else are so weake , that they are drowned by other stronger motions , which round about besiege our eares in such manner , that notice is not taken of these : for so it fareth in what dependeth meerely of quantity , especially , concerning our senses , that not euery thing of the kind , but a determinate quantity or multitude of parts of it , maketh an obiect sensible . But to come close to the point ; we see that sound , for the most part , is made in the ayre ; and that to produce it , there is required a quicke and smart motion of that Element , which , of all the rest , is the most moueable . And in motion , velocity or quickenesse , is proportionate to density in magnitude ( as we haue att large declared . ) Which maketh quantity become perceptible in bulke , as this doth in motion . And as the one consisteth in a greater proportion of substance to the same quantity ; so the other doth in the passage of more partes of the medium in the same time . 2 And in the moderating of this , such of the liberall artes are employed , which belong to the cultiuating mans voyce ; as Rhetorike , meetering , and singing . It is admirable how finely Galileo hath deliuered vs the consonances of musike towardes the end of his first Dialogue of motion ; from the 95 page forward on : and how he hath shewed that matter clearely vnto the sight ( so making the eye , as well as the eare iudge of it ) in motions of the water , in pendants hanging loose in the ayre , and in permanent notes or races made vpon letton . To the moderation of the same , many other mechanicall artes are applyed ; as the trade of bellfounders ; and of all makers of musicall instruments by wind , or by water , or by strings . Neyther can I slippe ouer without mentioning the two curious artes of Ecchoing and of whispering . The first of which , teacheth to iterate voyces seuerall times ; and is frequently putt in practise by those that are delighted with rarities in their gardens . And the other , sheweth how to gather into a narrow roome the motions of the ayre , that are diffused in a great extent ; whereby , one that shall putt his eare to that place , where all the seuerall motions do meete , shall heare what is spoken so lowe , as no body betweene him , and the speaker , can discerne any sound att all . Of which kind , there are very fine curiosities in some churches of England : and my selfe haue seene , in an vpper roome of a capacious round tower vaulted ouerhead , the walles so contriued ( by chance , I beleeue ) that two men standing att the vtmost opposite poyntes of the Diameter of it , could talke very currently and clearely with one an other ; and yet none that stoode in the middle could heare a syllable . And if he turned his face to the wall and spoke against that ( though neuer so softly ) the others eare , att the opposite poynt , would discerne euery word . Which putteth me in minde of a note made by one that was no frend to auricular confession ; vpon his occasion of his being with me in a church that had been of a Monastery ; where , in one corner of it , one might sitt and heare almost all that was whispered through the whole extent of the church : who would not be persuaded but that it was on purpose contriued so by the suttlety of the fryars ; to the end that the Prior or some one of them , might sitt there and heare whatsoeuer the seuerall Penitents accused themselues of to their Ghostly fathers ; so to make aduantage by this artifice , of what the confessors durst not of themselues immediately reueale . He allowed better of the vse in Rome of making voyces rebound from the toppe of the cupula of st : Peters in the Vatican , downe to the floore of the church ; when on great dayes they make a quire of musike goe vp to the very highest ▪ part of the arch : which is into the lanterne , from whence whiles they sing , the people below iust vnder it , are surprised with the smart sound of thaeir voices , as though they stoode close by them , and yet can see no body from whom those notes should p●oceede . And in the same cupula , if two men stand vpon the large cornish or bord , which circleth the bottome of it , they may obserue the like effect , as that which I spoke of aboue in the round tower . In the like manner they that are called ventriloqui , do persuade ignorant people that the Diuell speaketh from within them deepe in their belly ) by their sucking their breath inwardes in a certaine manner whiles they speake : whence it followeth that their voice seemeth to come , not from them , but from somewhat else hidden within them ; if ( att the least ) you perceiue it cometh out of them : but if you do not , then it seemeth to come from a good way off . To this art belongeth the making of sarabatanes , or trunkes , to helpe the hearing ; and of Eccho glasses , that multiply soundes , as burning glasses , do light . All which artes , and the rules of them , do follow the lawes of motion ; and euery effect of them is to be demonstrated by the principles and proportions of motion : and therefore , we can not with reason imagine them to be any thing else . Wee see likewise , that great noises , 3 not only offend the hearing , but euen shake houses and towers . I haue beene told by inhabitants of Douer ; that when the Arch Duke Albertus made his great battery against Calais ( which for the time was a very furious one ; for he endeauoured all he could to take the towne before it could be relieued ) the very houses were shakē , and the glasse windowes were shiuered , with the report of his artillery . And I haue beene told by one that was in Seuill , when the gunnepouder house of that towne ( which was some two miles distant from the place where he liued ) was blowne vp , that it made the wodden shutters of the windowes in his house , beate and clappe against the walles with greate violence , and did splitte the very walles of a faire church that standing next it ( though att a good distance ) had no other building betweene to shelter it from the impetuosity of the ayres soddaine violent motion . And after a fight I once had with some galleasses and Galliones in the roade of Scanderone ( which was a very hoat one for the time , and a scarce credible number of pieces of ordinance were shott from my fleete ) the English Consull of that place coming afterwardes aboard my shippe , tould me that the report of our gunnes , had , during all the time of the fight , shaken the drinking glasses that stood vpon shelues in his house ; and had splitte the paper windowes all about ; and had spoyled and cracked all the egges that his pigeons were then sitting vpon : which losse , he lamented exceedingly ; for they were of that kind , which commonly is called Carriers , and serue them dayly in their commerce betweene that place and Aleppo . And I haue often obserued att sea , in smooth water , that the ordinance shott of in a shippe some miles distant , would violently shake the glasse windowes in an other . And I haue perceiued this effect in my owne , more then once , att the report of a single gunne from a shippe so farre off , that we could not descry her . I remember how one time , vpon such an occasion , we altered our course and steared with the sound , or rather with the motion att the first , obseruing vpon which poynt of the compasse the shaking appeared ( for as yet we heard nothing ; though soone after with much attention and silence we could discerne a dull clumsy noise : and such a motion groweth att the end of it so faint that if any strong resisting body checke it in its course , it is presently deaded , and will afterwardes shake nothing beyond that body : and therefore it is perceptible only att the outside of the shippe , if some light and very moueable body do hang loosely on that side it cometh , to receiue the impression of it ; as this did att the gallery windowes of my cabin vpon the poope , which were of light moscouia glasse or talke : ) and by then we had runne somewhat more then a watch , with all the sayles abroad we could make , and in a faire loome gale , we found our salues neere enough to part the fray of two shippes , that in a litle while longer fighting would haue sunke one an other . 4 But besides the motions of the ayre ( which receiueth them easily , by reason of the fluidity of it ) we see that euen solide bodies do participate of it . As if you knocke neuer so lightly att one end of the longest beame you can find , it will be distinctly hard att the other end : the trampling of men and horses in a quiet might , will be heard some miles off , if one lay their eare to the ground ; and more sensibly if one make a litle hole in the earth , and putt ones eare into the mouth of it ; but most of all if one sett a drumme smooth vpon the ground , and lay ones eare to the vpper edge of it ; for the lower membrane of the drumme , is shaked by the motion of the earth , and then multiplyeth that sound by the hollow figure of the drumme in the conueying it to the vpper membrane , vpon which your eare leaneth . Not much vnlike the tympane or drumme of the eare ; which being shaked by outward motion , causeth a second motion on the inside of it correspondent to this first ; and this hauing a free passage to the braine , striketh it immediately and so informeth it how thinges moue without : which is all the mystery of hearing . 5 If any thing do breake or stoppe this motion ▪ before it shake our eare , it is not heard . And accordingly we see that the sound of belles or artillery is heard much further if it haue the conduct of waters , then through the pure ayre : because in such bodies the great continuity of them maketh that one part can not shake alone , and vpon their superficies , there is no notable vneuenesse , nor no dense thing in the way to checke the motion ( as in the ayre , hilles , buildinges , trees and such like : ) so that the same shaking goeth a great way . And to confirme that this is the true reason , I haue seuerall times obserued , that standing by a riuers side , I haue heard the sound of a ring of belles , much more distinctly and lowde , then if I went some distance from the water , though neerer to the steeple from whence the sound came . And it is not only the motion of the ayre , that maketh sound in our eares : 6 but any motion that hath accesse to them in such a manner as to shake the quiuering membranous tympane within them , will represent vnto vs those motions which are without , and so make such a sound there as if it were conueyed only by the ayre . Which is plainely seene , when a man lying a good way vnder water , shall there heare the same soundes , as are made aboue in the ayre : but in a more clumsie manner ; according as the water , by being thicker , and more corpulent is more vnwieldy in its motions . And this I haue tryed often ; staying vnder water as long as the necessity of breathing would permitt me . Which sheweth that the ayre being smartly moued , moueth the water also , by meanes of its continuity with it ; and that liquid element , being fluide and getting into the eare , maketh vibrations vpon the drumme of it like vnto those of ayre . But all this is nothing in respect of what I might in some sort say , 7 and yet speake truth . Which is that I haue seene one , who could discerne soundes with his eyes . It is admirable , how one sense will oftentimes supply the want of an other : whereof I haue seene an other strange example in a different straine from this ; of a man that by his grosser senses had his want of sight wonderfully made vp . He was so throughly blind , that his eyes could not informe him when the sunne shined ; for all the crystalline humour was out in both his eyes : yet his other senses instructed him , so efficaciously in what was their office to haue done ; as what he wanted in them , seemed to be ouerpayed in other abilities . To say that he would play att cardes and tables as well as most men ; is rather a commendation of his memory and fansye , then of any of his outward senses . But that he should play well att boules and shouelbord , and other games of ayme , which in other men do require cleare sight , and an exact leuell of the hand , according to the qualities of the earth or table , and to the situation and distance of the place he was to throw att , seemeth to exceede possibility : and yet he did all this . He would walke in a chamber or long alley in a garden ( after he had beene a while vsed to them ) as straight , and turne as iust att the endes , as any seeing man could do . He would go vp and downe euery where so confidently , and demeane himselfe att table so regularly , as strangers haue sitten by him seuerall meales , and haue seene him walke about the house , without euer obseruing any want of seeing in him : which he endeauoured what he could to hide , hy wearing his hatt low vpon his browes . He would , att the first abord of a stranger , as soone as he spoke to him , frame a right apprehension of his stature , bulke and manner of making . And which is more , when he taught his schollers to declame ( for he was schoolemaster to my sonnes , and liued in my house ) or to represent some of Senecas Tragedies , or the like , he would by their voice know their gesture , and the situation they putt their bodies in : so that he would be able , as soone as they spoke , to iudge whether they stood or sate , or in what posture they were ; which made them demeane themselues as decently , before him whiles they spoke , as if he had seene them perfectly . Though all this be very strange , yet me thinkes his discerning of light is beyond it all . He would feele in his body , and chiefely in his braine ( as he hath often told me ) a certaine effect by which he did know when the sunne was vp ; and would discerne exactly a cleare from a cloudy day . This I haue knowne him frequently do without missing , when for triall sake he hath beene lodged in a close chamber , wherevnto the cleare light or sunne could not arriue to giue him any notice by its actuall warmeth ; nor any body could come to him , to giue him priuate warninges of the changes of the weather . 8 But this is not the relation I intended , when I mentioned one that could heare by his eyes ; ( if that expression may be permitted me ) I then reflected vpon a noble man of great quality that I knew in Spaine , the yonger brother of the Constable of Castile . But the reflection of his seeing of words , called into my remembrance the other that felt light : in whom I haue often remarked so many strange passages , with amazement and delight ; that I haue aduentured vpon the Readers patience to recorde some of them , conceiuing they may be of some vse in our course of doctrine . But the spanish lord , was borne deafe ; so deafe , that if a gunne were shott off close by his eare , he could not heare it : and consequently , he was dumbe ; for not being able to heare the sound of words ; he could neither imitate nor vnderstand them . The louelinesse of his face and especially the exceeding life and spiritefulnesse of his eyes , and the comelinesse of his person and whole composure of his body throughout , were pregnant signes of a well tempered mind within . And therefore all that knew him , lamented much the want of meanes to cultiuate it , and to imbue it with the notions which it seemed to be capable of in regard of its selfe ; had it not been so crossed by this vnhappy accident . Which to remedy Physitians and Chirurgions had long imployed their skill ; but all in vaine . Att the last , there was a priest who vndertooke the teaching him to vnderstand others when they spoke , and to speake himselfe that others might vnderstand him . What att the first he was laught att for ; made him after some yeares be looked vpon as if he had wrought a miracle . In a word ; after strange patience , constancy and paines ; he brought the yong Lord to speake as distinctly as any man whosoeuer ; and to vnderstand so perfectly what others said that he would not loose a word in a whole dayes conuersation . They who haue a curiosity to see by what steppes the master proceeded in teaching him , may satisfy it by a booke which he himselfe hath writt in Spanish vpon that subiect , to instruct others how to teach deafe and dumbe persons to speake . Which when he shall haue looked heedefully ouer ; and shall haue considered what a great distance there is betweene the simplicity and nakednesse of his first principles ; and the strange readinesse and vast extent of speech resulting in processe of time out of them ; he will forbeare pronuncing an impossibility in their pedigree , whiles he wondereth att the numerous effects resulting in bodies out of rarity and density , ingeniously mingled together by an all knowing Architect , for the production of various qualities among mixtes , of strange motions in particular bodies , and of admirable operations of life and sense among vegetables and animals . All which , are so many seuerall wordes of the mysticall language , which the great master hath taught his otherwise dumbe schollers ( the creatures ) to proclayme his infinite art , wisedome , perfections , and excellency in . The priest who by his booke and art , occasioned this discourse , I am told is still aliue , and in the seruice of the Prince of Carignan , where he continueth ( with some that haue neede of his paines ) the same employment as he did with the Constables Brother : with whom I haue often discoursed , whiles I wayted vpon the Prince of Wales ( now our gratious Soueraigne ) in Spaine . And I doubt not but his maiesty remembreth all I haue said of him and much more : for his maiesty was very curious to obserue and enquire into the vtmost of it . It is true , one great misbecomingnesse he was apt to fall into , whiles he spoke : which was an vncertainty in the tone of his voyce ; for not hearing the sound he made when he spoke , he could not steedily gouerne the pitch of his voyce ; but it would be sometimes higher sometimes lower ; though for the most part , what he deliuered together , he ended in the same key as he begunne it . But when he had once suffered the passages of his voyce to close , att the opening them againe , chance , or the measure of his earnestnesse to speake or to reply , gaue him his tone : which he was not capable of moderating by such an artifice , as is recorded Caius Gracchus vsed , when passion , in his orations to the people , droue out his voyce with too great a vehemence or shrillenesse . He could discerne in an other , whether he spoke shrill or lowe : and he would repeate after any body , any hard word whatsoeuer . Which the Prince tryed often ; not only in English , but by making some Welchmen that serued his Highnesse , speake wordes of their language . Which he so perfectly ecchoed , that I confesse I wondered more att that , then att all the rest . And his Master himselfe would acknowledge , that the rules of his art , reached not to produce that effect with any certainety . And therefore concluded , this in him must spring from other rules he had framed vnto himselfe , out of his owne attentiue obseruation : which , the aduantage that nature had iustly giuen him in the sharpenesse of his other senses , to supply the want of this ; endowed him with an ability and sagacity to do , beyond any other man that had his hearing . He expressed it ( surely ) in a high measure , by his so exact imitation of the welch pronunciation : for that tongue ( like the Hebrew ) employeth much the gutturall letters : and the motions of that part which frameth them , can not be seene nor iudged by the eye , otherwise then by the effect they may happely make by consent in the other partes of the mouth , exposed to view : for the knowledge he had of what they said , sprung from his obseruing the motions they made ; so that he could conuerse currently in the light , though they he talked with , whispered neuer so softly . And I haue seene him att the distance of a large chambers breadth , say wordes after one , that I standing close by the speaker could not heare a syllable of . But if he were in the darke , or if one turned his face out of his sight , he was capable of nothing one said . 9 But it is time that we returne to our theame , from whence my blind schoolemaster , and this deafe Prince ( whose defects were ouerpayed an other way ) haue carryed vs with so long a digression . Which yet will not be altogether vselesse ( no more then the former , of the wilde man of Liege ) if we make due reflections vpon them : for when we shall consider , that odors may be tasted ; that the relish of meates may be smelled ; that magnitude and figure may be heard ; that light may be felt ; and that soundes may be seene ; ( all which is true in some sense ) we may by this chāging the offices of the senses , and by looking into the causes thereof ; come to discerne that these effects are not wrought by the interuention of ayery qualities ; but by reall and materiall applications of bodies to bodies ; which in different manners do make the same results within vs. But when I suffered my penne to be steered by my fansie , that pleased it selfe , and rioted in the remembrance of these two notable persons : I was speaking , how the strong continuity of the partes of a thing that is moued , draweth on the motion , and consequently the sound , much further then where that which is moued suffereth breaches , or the rarity of it occasioneth that one part may be moued without an other ; for to the proportion of the shaking , the noyse cōtinueth . As we see in trēbling belles , that humme a great while longer then others , after the clapper hath strucken them : and the very sound , seemeth to quiuer and shake in our eares , proportionable to the shaking of the bell . And in a lute as long as a string that hath been strucken , shaketh sensibly to our eye ; so long , and to the same measure , the sound shaketh in our eare . Which is nothing else but an vndulation of the ayre , caused by the smart and thicke vibrations of the corde , and multiplyed in the belly of the instrument ( which is the reason that the concaue figure is affected in most ) and so , when it breaketh out of the instrument in greater quantity , then the string immediately did shake ; it causeth , the same vndulations in the whole body of ayre round about . And that , striking the drumme of the eare , giueth notice there in what tenour the string moueth : whose vibrations if one stoppe by laying his fingar vpon it , the Sound is instantly att an end , for then there is no cause on foote , that continueth the motion of the ayre : which , without a continuation of the impulse ; returneth speedily to quiett ; through the resistance made vnto it , by other partes of it that are further off . Out of all which , it is plaine , that motion alone is able to effect , and to giue account of all thinges whatsoeuer that are attributed to sound ; and that sound and motion , do goe hand in hand together ; and that whatsoeuer is said of the one , is likewise true of the other . Wherefore it can not be denyed but that hearing is nothing else but the due perception of motion : and that motion and sound are in themselues one and the same thing , though expressed by different names , and comprised in our vnderstanding vnder different notions . Which proposition seemeth to be ●et further conuinced , by the ordinary experience of perceiuing musike by mediation of a sticke : for how should a de●fe man be capable of musike by holding a sticke in his tee●h , whose other end lyeth vpon the vyall or virginals , were it not that the proportionall shaking of the sticke ( working a like dauncing in the mans head ) did make a like motion in his braine , without passing through his eare ? and consequently , without being otherwise sound , then as bare motion is sound . Or if any man will still persist in hauing sound be some other thing then as we say ; and that it affecteth the sense otherwise then purely by motion : he must neuerthelesse acknowledge , that whatsoeuer it be , it hath neyther cause nor effect , nor breeding , nor dying , that we eyther know or can imagine : and then , if he will lett Reason sway , he will conclude it vnreasonable to say or suspect so ill grounded a surmise , against so cleare and solide proofes : which our eares themselues do not a litle confirme ; their whole figure and nature tending to the perfect receiuing , conseruing , and multiplying the motions of ayre which happen without a man : as who is curious , may plainely see in the Anatomistes bookes and discourses . THE NINE AND TWENTIETH CHAPTER . Of Sight ; and Colours . THere is yet left , 1 the obiect of our sight , which we call colour , to take a suruey of ; for as for light , we haue att large displayed the nature and properties of it : from which whether colour be different or no , will be the question we shall next discusse : for those who are cunning in Optikes ; will , by refractions and by reflexions make all sortes of colours out of pure light : as we see in Rainebowes , in those triangular glasses , or prismes which some do call fooles Paradises , and in other inuentions for this purpose . Wherefore , in briefe , to shew what colour is , lett vs lay for a ground , that light is of all other thinges in the worl● , the greatest and the most powerfull agent vpon our eye ; eyther by it selfe , or by what cometh in with it : and that , where light is not , darkenesse is ; then consider , that light being diuersly to be cast , but especially , through or from a transparent body , into which it sinketh in part , and in part it doth not : and you will conclude , that it can not choose but come out from such a body , in diuers sortes mingled with darkenesse : which if it be in a sensible quantity , doth accordingly make diuers appearances : and those appearances must of necessity haue diuers hues , representing the colours which are middle colours betweene white and blacke ; since white is the colour of light ; and darkenesse seemeth blacke . Thus , those colours are ingendred , which are called apparent ones . And they appeare sometimes but in some one position ; as in the raynebow ; which changeth place as the looker on doth : but att other times , they may be seene from any part ; as those which light maketh by a double refraction through a triangular glasse . And that this is rightly deliuered , may be gathered out of the conditions requisite to their production : for that crystall , or water , or any refracting body , doth not admitt light in all its partes , is euident , by reason of the reflexion that it maketh , which is exceeding great : and not only from the superficies , but euen from the middle of the body within : as you may see plainely , if you putt it in a darke place , and enlighten but one part of it : for then , you may perceiue , as it were , a current of light passe quite through the body , although your eye be not opposite to the passage : so that , manifestly it reflecteth to your eye , from all the inward partes which it lighteth vpon . Now a more oblique reflexion or refraction doth more disperse the light , and admitteth more priuations of light in its partes , then a lesse oblique one : as Galileo hath demonstrated in the first Dialogue of his systeme . Wherefore , a lesse oblique reflexion or refraction , may receiue that in quality of light , which a more oblique one maketh appeare mingled with darkenesse ; and consequently , the same thing will appeare colour in one , which sheweth it selfe plaine light in the other ; for the greater the inclination of an angle is , the greater also is the dispersion of the light . And as colours are made in this sort , by the medium through which light passeth , so if we conceiue the superficies from which the light reflecteth , to be diuersly ordered in respect of reflexion ; it must of necessity follow that it will haue a diuers luster and sight : as we see by experience in the neckes of pigeons , and in certaine positions of our eye , in which the light passing through our eye browes , maketh an appearance as though we saw diuers colours streaming from a candle we looke vpon . And accordingly we may obserue how some thinges , or rather most , do appeare of a colour more inclining to white , when they are irradiated with a great light , then when they stand in a lesser . And we see painters heighten their colours , and make them appeare lighter by placing deepe shadowes by them : euen so much , that they will make obiects appeare neerer and further of , meerly by their mixtion of their colours . Because , obiects , the neerer they are , the more strongly and liuely they reflect light , and therefore , appeare the clearer , as the others do more dusky . Therefore , 2 if we putt the superficies of one body to haue a better disposition for the reflexion of light , then an other hath ; we can not but conceiue , that such difference in the superficies , must needes begett variety of permanent colours in the bodies . And according as the superficies of the same body , is better , or worse disposed to reflexion of light , by polishing , or by compressure together , or the like : so , the same body , remaining the same in substance , will shew it selfe of a different colour . And it being euident that white ( which is the chiefest colour ) doth reflect most light : and as euident , that blacke reflecteth least light , so that it reflecteth shadowes in lieu of colours ( as the O●sidian stone among the Romanes doth witnesse . ) And it being likewise euident , that to be dense and hard , and of small partes , is the disposition of the obiect which is most apt to reflect light : we can not doubt , but that white is that disposition of the superficies . That is to say , it is the superficies of a body consisting of dense , of hard , and of small partes ; and on the contrary side , that blacke is the disposition of the superficies , which is most soft and full of greatest pores ; for when light meeteth with such a superficies , it getteth easily into it ; and is there , as it were absorpt and hidden in caues , and cometh not out againe to reflect towardes our eye . This doctrine of ours of the gene●ation of colours , 3 agreeth exactly with Aristotles principles , and followeth euidently out of his definitions of light , and of colours And for summing vp the generall sentiments of mankind in making his Logicall definitions , I thinke no body will deny his being the greatest Master that euer was He defineth light to be actus Diaphani : which we may thus explicate . It is that thing , which maketh a body that hath an aptitude or capacity of being seene quite through it in euery interior part of it , to be actually seene quite through , according to that capacity of it . And he defineth colour to be , The terme or ending of a diaphanous body : the meaning whereof is : that colour is a thing which mak●th a diaphanous body to reach no further ; or that colour is the cause why a body is no further diaphanous , then vntill where it beginneth ; or that colour , is the reason , why we can see no further then to such a degree , through or into such a body . Which definition fitteth most exactly with the thing it giueth vs the nature of . For it is euident , that when we see a body , the body we see , hindereth vs from seeing any other , that is in a straight line beyond it . And therefore it can not be denyed , but that colour terminateth , and endeth the diaphaneity of a body , by making it selfe be seene . And all men do agree in conceiuing this , to be the nature of colour ; and that it is a certaine disposition of a body , whereby that body cometh to be seene . On the other side , nothing is more euident , then that to haue vs see a body , light must reach from that body to our eye . Then adding vnto this what Aristotle teacheth concerning the production of seeing : which he sayth is made by the action of the seene body vpon our sense : it followeth that the obiect must worke vpon our sense , eyther by light ; or att the least with light ; for light rebounding from the obiect round about by straight lines , some part of it must needes come from the obiect to our eye . Therefore , by how much an obiect sendeth more light vnto our eye , by so much , that obiect worketh more vpon it . Now seeing that diuers obiects do send light in diuers manners to our eye , according to the diuers natures of those obiects in regard of hardenesse , density , and litlenesse of partes : we must agree that such bodies do worke diuersely , and do make different motions or impressiōs vpon our eye : and consequētly , the passion of our eye from such obiects must be diuers . But there is no other diuersity of passion in the eye from the obiect in regard of seeing , but that the obiect appeare diuers to vs in point of colour . Therefore we must conclude , that diuers bodies ( I meane diuers or different , in that kind we here talke of ) must necessarily seeme to be of diuers colours , meerely by the sending of light vnto our eye in diuers fashions . Nay , the very same obiect must appeare of different colours , whensoeuer it happeneth that it reflecteth light differently to vs. As we see in cloth , if it be gathered together in fouldes , the bottomes of those fouldes shew to be of one kind of colour , and the toppes of them , or where the cloth is stretched out to the full percussion of light , it appeareth to be of an other much brighter colour . And accordingly painters are faine to vse almost opposite colours to expresse them . In like manner if you looke vpon two pieces of the same cloth , or plush , whose graines lye contrawise to one an other , they will likewise appeare to be of different colours . Both which accidents , and many others like vnto them in begetting various representations of colours ; do all of them arise out of lightes being more or lesse reflected from one part then from an other . 4 Thus then you see , how colour is nothing else , but the disposition of a bodies superficies , as it is more or lesse apt to reflect light ; sithence the reflexion of light is made from the superficies of the seene body , and the variety of its reflexion begetteth variety of colours . But a superficies is more or lesse apt to reflect light , according to the degrees of its being more or lesse penetrable by the force of light striking vpon it ; for those rayes of light that gaine no entrance into a body they are darted vpon , must of necessity fly backe againe from it . But if light doth gett entrance and penetrate into the body ▪ it eyther passeth quite through it ; or else it is swallowed vp and lost in that body . The former , constituteth a diaphanous body ; as we haue already determined . And the semblance which the latter will haue in regard of colour , we haue also shewed must be blacke . But lett vs proceede a little further . We know that two thinges render a body penetrable , or easie to admitt an other body into it . Holes , ( such as we call pores ) and softnesse or humidity ; so that dryenesse , hardnesse , and compactednesse , must be the properties which render a body impenetrable . And accordingly we see , that if a diaphanous body ( which suffereth light to runne through it ) be much compressed beyond what it was ; as when water is compressed into yce ; it becometh more visible , that is , it reflecteth more light : and consequently , it becometh more white ; for white is that , which reflecteth most light . On the cōtrary side , softnesse , vnctuousnesse , and viscousnesse , encreaseth blacknesse : as you may experience in oyling or in greasing of wood ; which before was but browne ; for thereby it becometh more blacke ; by reason that the vnctuous partes added vnto the other , do more easily then they single , admitt into them the light that striketh vpon them ; and when it is gotten in , it is so entangled there ( as though the winges of it were birdlimed ouer ) that it can not fly out againe . And thus it is euident , how the origine of all colours in bodies , is plainely deduced out of the various degrees of rarity and density , variously mixed and compounded . 5 Likewise , out of this discourse , the reason is obuious why some bodies , are diaphanous , and others are opacous : for sithence it falleth out in the constitution of bodies , that one is composed of greater partes then an other : it must needes happen that light be more hindered in passing through a body composed of bigger partes , then an other whose partes are lesse . Neyther doth it import that the pores be supposed as great as the partes , for be they neuer so large , the corners of the thicke partes they belong vnto , must needes breake the course of what will not bowe , but goeth all in straight lines ; more then if the partes and pores were both lesser ; since , for so subtile a piercer as light , no pores can be too litle to giue it entrance . It is true such great ones would better admitt a liquid body into them , such a one as water or ayre ; but the reason of that is , because they will bowe and take any plye , to creepe into those cauities , if they be large enough , which light will not do . Therefore it is cleare , that freedome of passage can happen vnto light , only there , where there is an extreme great multitude of pores and partes in a very litle quantity or bulke of body ( which pores and partes must consequently be extreme litle ones ) for , by reason of their multitude , there must be great variety in their situation : from whence it will happen that many lines must be all of pores quite through ; and many others all of partes ; although the most , will be mixed of both pores and partes . And so we see that although the light do passe quite through in many places , yet it reflecteth from more , not only in the superficies but in the very body it selfe of the diaphanous substance . But in an other substāce of great partes , and pores there can be but few whole lines of pores , by which the light may passe from the obiect to make it be seene ; and consequently it must be opacous ; which is the contrary of Diaphanous that admitteth many rayes of light , to passe through it from the obiect to the eye , whereby it is seene , though the Diaphanous hard body , do interuene betweene them . 6 Now if we consider the generation of these two colours ( white and blacke ) in bodies ; we shall find that likewise to iustify and second our doctrine : for white thinges are generally cold and dry ; and therefore , are by nature ordained to be receptacles , and conseruers of heat , and of moysture ; as Physitians do note . Contrariwise , blacke , as also greene , ( which is neere of kinne to blacke ) are growing colours , and are the dye of heate incorporated in aboundance of wett : as we see in smoake , in pittecoale , in garden ground , and in chymicall putrefactions : all which are blacke ; as also in yong herbes ; which are generally greene as long as they are yong and growing . The other colours , keeping their standing betwixt these , are generated by the mixture of them ; and according as they partake more or lesse of eyther of them , are neerer or further off from it . So that after all this discourse , we may conclude in short ; that the colour of a body , is nothing else , but the power which that body hath of reflecting light vnto the eye , in a certaine order and position : and consequently , is nothing else but the very superficies of it , with its asperity , or smoothnesse ; with its pores , or inequalities ; with its hardenesse , or softnesse ; and such like . The rules and limits whereof , if they were duely obserued and ordered , the whole nature and science of colours , would easily be knowne and be described . But out of this litle which we haue deliuered of this subiect , it may be rightly inferred that reall colours do proceed from Rarity and Density ( as euen now we touched ) and haue their head and spring there : and are not strange qualities in the ayre : but are tractable bodies on the earth , as all others are , which as yet we haue found and haue meddled with all : and are indeed , the very bodies themselues , causing such effects vpon our eye by reflecting of light , which we expresse by the names of colours . THE THIRTIETH CHAPTER . Of luminous or apparente Colours . 1 AS for the luminous colours , whose natures art hath made more maniable by vs , then those which are called reall colours , and are permanent in bodies : their generation is cleerely to be seene in the Prisme or triangular glasse we formely mentioned . The considering of which , will confirme our doctrine , that euen the colours of bodies , are but various mixtures of light and shadowes , diuersly reflected to our eyes . For the right vnderstanding of them , we are to note , that this glasse maketh apparitions of colours in two sorts : the one , when looking through it , there appeare various colours in the obiects you looke vpon ( different from their reall ones ) according to the position you hold the glasse in when you looke vpon them . The other sort is , when the beames of light that passe through the glasse , are as it were tincted in their passage , and are cast by the glasse vpon some solide obiect , and do appeare there in such and such colours , which do continue still the same , in what position soeuer you stand to looke vpon them ; eyther before , or behind , or on any side of the glasse . Secondly , 2 we are to note that these colours are generally made by refraction ( though sometimes it may happen otherwise , as aboue we haue mentioned . ) To discouer the reason of the first sort of colours , that appeare by refraction when one looketh through the glasse : lett vs suppose two seuerall bodies , the one blacke , the other white , lying close by one an other , and in the same horizontall parallele ; but so , that the blacke be further from vs then the white ; then , if we hold the Prisme through which we are to see these two oppositely coloured bodies somewhat aboue them ; and that side of it att which the coloured bodies must enter into the glasse to come to our eye , parallele vnto those bodies ; it is euident , that the blacke will come into the prisme by lesser angles thē the white : I meane that in the line of distance from that face of the glasse att which the colours do come in , a lōger line or part of blacke will subtend an angle , no bigger then a lesser line or part of white doth subtend . Thirdly , 3 we are to note , that from the same poynt of the obiect , there come various beames of light to that whole superficies of the glasse ; so that it may , and sometimes doth happen , that from the same part of the obiect , beames may be reflected to the eye , from seuerall partes of that superficies of the glasse att which they enter . And whensoeuer this happeneth , the obiect must necessarily be seene in diuers partes : that is , the picture of it will att the same time appeare to the eye in diuers places . And particularly , we may plainely obserue two pictures , one a liuely and strong one ; the other a faint and dimme one . Of which the dimme one will appeare neerer vs , then the liuely one : and is caused by a secondary ray : or rather I should say , by a longer ray , that striking neerer to the hither ●dge of the glasses superficies ( which is the furthest from the obiect ) maketh a more acute angle then a shorter ray doth , that striketh vpon a part of the glasse further from our eye , but neerer the obiect . And therefore the image which is made by this secondary or longer ray , must appeare both neerer and more dusky , then the image made by the primary and shorter ray . And the further from the obiect that the glasse through which it reflecteth is situated ( keeping still in the same parallele to the horizon ) the further the place where the second dusky picture appeareth , is from the place where the primary strong picture appeareth . If any man haue a mind to satisfy himselfe by experience , of the truth of this note , lett him place a sheete of white paper vpon a blacke carpett couering a table , so as the paper may reach within two or three fingers of the edge of the carpet , ( vnder which , lett there be nothing to succeed the blacke of the carpet , but the empty dusky ayre ) and then lett him sett himselfe at a conuenient distance , ( the measure of which is , that the paper appeare at his feete , when he looketh through the glasse ) and looke at the paper through his Prisme situated in such sort as we haue aboue determined , and he will perceiue a whitish or lightsome shadow proceed from the liuely picture that he seeth of white , and shoote out neerer towardes him then that liuely picture is , and he will discerne that it cometh into the glasse through a part of it neerer to his eye or face , and further from the obiect then the strong image of the white doth . And further , if he causeth the neerer part of the paper to be couered with some thinne body of a sadder colour , this dimme white vanisheth : which it doth not if the further part of the paper be couered . Whereby it is euident , that it is a secondary image , proceeding from the hither part of the paper . 4 Now then to make vse of what we haue said , to the finding out of the reason why the red and blew and other colours appeare when one looketh through a prisme : lett vs proceede vpon our former example , in which a white paper lyeth vpon a blacke carpett ( for , the diametrall opposition of those colours , maketh them most remarkable ) in such sort that there be a parcell of blacke on the hither side of the paper : and therein , lett vs examine according to our groundes , what colours must appeare at both endes of the paper looking vpon them through the triangular glasse . To beginne with the furthest end , where the blacke lyeth beyond the white : we may consider , how there must come from the blacke , a secondary darke mysty shadow ( besides the strong blacke that appeareth beyond the paper ) which must shoote towardes you ( in such sort as we said of the whitish lightsome shadow ) and consequently , must lye ouer the strong picture of the white paper : now in this case , a third middling colour must result out of the mixture of these two extremes of blacke and white ; since they come to the eye , almost in the same line , at the least in lines that make so litle a difference in their angles as it is not discernable . The like whereof happeneth in clothes , or stuffes , or stockings , that are wouen of diuers coloured but very small thriddes : for if you stand so farre of from such a piece of stuffe , that the litle thriddes of different colours which lye immediate to one an other may come together as in one line to your eye ; it will appeare of a middling colour , different from both those that it resulteth from : but if you stand so neere that each thridde sendeth rays enough to your eye , and that the basis of the triāgle which cometh from each thridde to your eye , be long enough to make att the vertex of it ( which is in your eye ) an angle bigg enough to be seene singly by it selfe ; then each colour will appeare apart as it truly is . Now the various natures of middling colours we may learne of painters ; who compose them vpon their palettes by a like mixture of the extremes . And they tell vs , that if a white colour preuaile strongly ouer a darke colour , reds and yellowes result out of that mixture : but if blacke preuaile strongly ouer white , then , blewes , violets , and seagreenes are made . And accordingly , in our case , we can not doubt but that the primarily liuely picture of the white , must preuaile ouer the faint dusky sable mantle with which it cometh mingled to the eye : and doing so , it must needes make a like appearance as the sunnes beames do , when reflecting from a blacke cloud , they fringe the edges of it with red and with yellow ; and the like he doth , when he looketh through a rainy or a windy cloude : and much like herevnto , we shall see this mixture of strong white with a faint shaddow of blacke , make at this brimme of the paper , a faire ledge of red ; which will end and vanish , in a more lightsome one of yellow . But at the hither edge of the paper , where the secondary weake picture of white is mingled with the strong blacke picture , in this mixture , the blacke is preualent , and accordingly ( as we said of the mixture of the painters colours ) there must appeare at the bottome of the paper , a lembe of deepe blew : which will grow more and more lightsome , the higher it goeth : and so , passing through violet and seagreene it will vanish in light , when it reacheth to the mastering field of primary whitenesse , that sendeth his stronger rayes by direct lines : and this transposition of the colours at the seuerall endes of the paper sheweth the reason why they appeare quite contrary , if you put a blacke paper vpon a white carpet . And therefore , we neede not adde any thing particularly concerning that . And likewise , 5 out of this we may vnderstand , why the colours appeare quite contrary ( that is , red where before blew appeared ; and blew , where red ) if we looke vpon the same obiect through the glasse in an other position or situation of it : namely , if we rayse it so high , that we must looke vpwardes to see the obiect ; which thereby appeareth aboue vs : whereas in the former situation , it came in through the lower superficies , and we looked downe to it , and it appeared vnder vs : for in this second case , the obiects coming into the glasse by a superficies not parallele as before , but sloaping , from the obiectwardes : it followeth , that the neerer the obiect is , the lesser must the angle be , which it maketh with the superficies ; contrary to what happened in the former case : and likewise , that if from one poynt of the neerer obiect , there fall two rayes vpon the glasse , the ray that falleth vppermost , will make a lesser angle , then the other that falleth lower : and so , by our former discourse , that poynt may come to appeare in the same place with a poynt of the further obiect ; and thereby make a middling colour . So that in this case , the white which is neerer , will mingle his feeble picture with the blacke that is further off ; whereas before the blacke that was further off , mingled his feeble shadow with the strong picture of the neerer white . Wherefore by our rule we borrowed of the painters , there will now appeare a blew on the further end off the paper , where before appeared a red ; and by consequence on the neerer end a red will now appeare , where in the former case a blew appeared . This case we haue chosen , as the plainest to shew the nature of such colours : out of which he that is curious , may deriue his knowledge to other cases , which we omit ; because our intent is only to giue a generall doctrine , and not the particulars of the science : and rather to take away admiration , then to instruct the Reader in this matter . 6 As for the various colours , which are made by strayning light through a glasse , or through some other diaphanous body ; to discouer the causes and variety of them , we must examine what thinges they are that do concurre to the making of them : and what accidents may arriue vnto those thinges , to vary their product . It is cleare , that nothing interueneth or concurreth to the producing of any of these colours , besides the light it selfe which is dyed into colour , and the glasse or diaphanous body through which it passeth . In them therefore , and in nothing else , we are to make our enquiry . To beginne then , we may obserue , that light passing through a Prisme , and being cast vpon a reflecting obiect , is not alwayes colour ; but in some circumstances it still continueth light , and in others it becometh colour . Withall we may obserue that those beames which continue light , and endure very litle mutation by their passage , making as many refractions , do make much greater deflexions from the straight lines by which they came into the glasse , then those rayes do which turne to colour ; as you may experience , if you oppose one surface of the glasse perpendicularly to a candle , and sett a paper ( not irradiated by the candle ) opposite to one of the other sides of the glasse : for vpon the paper , you shall see faire light shine without any colour : and you may perceiue , that the 〈◊〉 by which the light cometh to the paper , is almost perpendicular to tha●●ine by which the light cometh to the prisme . But when light becometh colour , it stricketh very obliquely vpon one side of the glasse ; and cometh likewise , very obliquely out of the other , that sendeth it in colour vpon a reflectent body ; so that in conlusion , there is nothing left vs wherevpon to ground the generation of such colours , besides the litlenesse of the angle and the sloapingnesse of the line , by which the illuminant striketh one side of the glasse , and cometh out at the other , whem colours proceed from such a percussion . To this then we must wholy apply our selues : and knowing that generally , when light falleth vpon a body with so great a sloaping or inclination , so much of it as getteth through , must needes be weake and much diffused ; it followeth that the reason of such colours , must necessaryly consist in this diffusion and weakenesse of light ; which the more it is diffused , the weaker it groweth ; and the more lines of darkenesse , are betweene the lines of light , and do mingle themselues with them . To confirme this , you may obserue , how iust at the egresse from the prisme of that light which going on a litle further becometh colours , no colour at all appeareth vpon a paper opposed close to the side of the glasse ; vntill remouing it further off , the colours beginne to shew themselues vpon the edges : thereby conuincing manifestly , that it was the excesse of light which hindered them from appearing at the first . And in like manner , if you putt a burning glasse betweene the light and th● prisme , so as to multiply the light which goeth through the prisme to the paper , you destroy much of the colour by conuerting it into light . But on the other side , if you thicken the ayre , and make it du●ky wi●h smoake , or with dust ; you will plainely see , that where the light cometh through a conuexe glasse ( perpendicularly opposed to the illuminant ) there will appeare colours on the edges of the cones that the light maketh : and peraduenture the whole cones would appeare coloured if the darkening were conueniently made : for if an opacous body , be sett within eyther of the cones , its sides will appeare coloured , though the ayre be but moderately thickned : which sheweth that the addition of a litle darkenesse , would make that which otherwise appeareth pure light , be throughly dyed into colours . And thus you haue the true and adequate cause of the appearance of such colours . Now , 7 to vnderstand what colours , and vpon which sides , will appeare : we may consider , that when light passeth through a glasse , or other diaphanous body , so much of it as shineth in the ayre , or vpon some reflecting body bigger then itself , after its passage through the glasse , must of necessity haue darkenesse on both sides of it ; and so be cōprised and limited by two darkenesses : but if some opacous body , that is lesse then the light , be putt in the way of the light , then it may happen contrarywise , that there be darkenesse ( or the shadow of that opacous body ) betweene two lights . Againe , we must consider , that when light falleth so vpon a prisme as to make colours , the two outward rayes which proceed from the light to the two sides of the superficies at which the light entereth , are so refracted that at their coming out againe through the other superficies , that ray which made the lesse angle with the outward superficies of the glasse , going in , maketh the greater angle with the outside of the other superficies , coming out : and contrarywise , that ray which made the greater angle , going in , maketh the lesser , at its coming out : and the two internall angles , made by those two rayes , and the outside of the superficies they issue at , are greater then two right angles : and so we see that the light dilateth it selfe at its coming out . Now , because rayes that issue through a superficies , the neerer they are to be perpendiculars vnto that superficies , so much the thicker they are : it followeth , that this dilatation of light at its coming out of the glasse , must be made and must encrease frō that side where the angle was least at the going in , and greatest at the coming out : so that , the neerer to the contrary side you take a part of light , the thinner the light must be there : and contrariwise , the thicker it must be , the neerer it is vnto the side where the angle at the rayes coming out is the greater . Wherefore , the strongest light , ( that is , the place where the light is least mixed with darkenesse ) must be neerer that side then the other . Consequently herevnto , if by an opacous body you make a shadow comprehended within this light , that shadow must also haue its strongest part , neerer vnto one of the lights betwixt which it is comprised , then vnto the other : for , shadow being nothing else , but the want of light , hindered by some opacous body ; it must of necessity lye auersed from the illuminant , iust as the light would haue layen if it had not beene hindered . Wherefore , seeing that the stronger side of light , doth more impeach the darkenesse , then the feebler side doth ; the deepest darke must incline to that side , where the light is weakest ; that is , towardes that side on which the shadow appeareth , in respect of the opacous body or of the illuminant , and so , be a cause of deepenesse of colour on that side , if it happen to be fringed with colour . THE ONE AND THIRTIETH CHAPTER . The causes of certaine appearances in luminous Colours ; with a conclusion of the discourse touching the senses and the sensible qualities . 1 OVt of these groundes , we are to seeke the resolution of all such symptomes as appeare vnto vs in this kind of colours . First therefore calling to mind , how we haue already declared , that the red colour is made by a greater proportion of light mingled with darkenesse , and the blew with a lesse proportion : it must follow , that when light passeth through a glasse in such sort as to make colours ; the mixture of the light and darkenesse on that side where the light is strongest will incline to a red : and their mixture on the other side , where the light is weakest , will make a violet or blew : and this we see to fall out accordingly , in the light which is tincted by going through a prisme ; for a red colour appeareth on that side from which the light doth dilate or decrease , and a blew is on that side towardes which it decreaseth . Now , if a darke body be placed within this light , so as to haue the light come on both sides of it : we shall see the contrary happen about the borders of the picture or shadow of the darke body : that is to say , the red colour will be on that side of the picture which is towardes or ouer against the blew colour that is made by the glasse : and the blew of the picture , will be on that side which is towardes the red that is made by the glasse , as you may experience if you place a slender opacous body a long the prisme in the way of the light , eyther before or behind the prisme . The reason whereof is ; that the opacous body standing in the middle , enuironned by light , diuideth the light , and maketh two lights of that which was but one ; each of which lights , is comprised betweene two darkenesses , to witt , betweene each border of shadow that ioyneth to each extreme of the light that cometh from the glasse , and each side of the opacous bodies shadow . Wherefore , in each of these lights ; or rather in each of their commixtions with darkenesse , there must be red on the one side , and blew on the other ; according to the course of light which we haue explicated . And thus it falleth out agreable to the rule we haue giuen , that blew cometh to be on that side of the opacous bodies shadow , on which the glasse casteth red , and red on that side of it on which the glasse casteth blew : likewise when light going through a conuexe glasse maketh two cones , the edges of the cone betwixt the glasse and the point of concurse will appeare red , if the roome be darke enough : and the edges of the further cone , will appeare blew , both for the reason giuen : for in this case the point of concurse is the strong light betwixt the two cones : of which , that betwixt the glasse and the point , is the stronger , that beyond the point , the weaker : and for this very reason , if an opacous body be put in the axis of th●se two cones , both the sides of its picture will be red , if it be held in the first cone which is next to the glasse ; and both will be blew if the body be situated in the further cone ; for both sides being equally situated to the course of the light , within its owne cone , there is nothing to vary the colours , but only the strength and the weakenesse of the two lights of the cones , on this side , and on that side the point of concurse : which point , being in this case the strong and cleare light whereof we made generall mention in our precedent note , the cone towardes the glasse and the illuminant , is the stronger side , and the cone from the glasse , is the weaker . In those cases , where this reason is not concerned , we shall see the victory carried in the question of colours , by the shady side of the opacous body : that is , the blew colour will still appeare , on that side of th● opacous bodies shadow that is furthest from the illuminant . But where both causes do concurre and contrast for precedence , there the course of the light carryeth it : that is to say , the red will be on that side of the opacous bodies shadow , where it is thicker and darker , and blew on the other side where the shadow is not so strong ; although the shadow be cast that way that the red appeareth : as is to be seene , when a slender body is placed betwixt the prisme and the reflectent body , vpon which the light and colours are cast through the prisme : and it is euident , that this cause of the course of the shadow , is in it selfe a weaker cause , then the other of the course of light , and must giue way vnto it whensoeuer they encounter ( as it can not be expected , but that in all circumstances ▪ shadowes should to light ) because the colours which the glasse casteth in this case , are much more faint and dusky then in the other . For effects of this later cause , we see that when an opacous body lyeth crosse the prisme , whiles it standeth endwayes , the red or blew colour , will appeare on the vpper or lower side of its picture , according as the illuminant is higher or lower thē the transuerse opacous body : the blew euer keeping to that side of the picture , that is furthest from the body , and the illuminant that make it : and the red the contrary ; likewise if an opacous body be placed out of the axis , in eyther of the cones we haue explicated before , the blew will appeare on that side of the picture which is furthest aduanced in the way that the shadow is cast : and the red , on the contrary : and so , if the opacous body be placed in the first cone ( beside the axis ) the red will appeare on that side of the picture in the basis of the second cone , which is next to the circumference ; and the blew , on that side which is next the axis : but if it be placed on one side of the axis in the second cone , then the blew will appeare on that side the picture which is next the circumference ; and the red , on that side which is next the center of the basis of the cone . 2 There remayneth yet one difficulty of moment to be determined : which is why , when through a glasse , two colours ( namely blew and red ) are cast from a candle vpon a paper or wall , if you put your eye in the place of one of the colours that shineth vpon the wall , and so that colour cometh to shine vpon your eye , in such sort that an other man who looketh vpon it , will see that colour plainely vpon your eye , neuerthelesse , you shall see the other colour in the glasse ? As for example , if on your eye there shineth a red , you shall see a blew in the glasse ; and if a blew shineth vpon your eye , you shall see a red . The reason hereof is , that the colours which appeare in the glasse , are of the nature of those luminous colours which we first explicated , that arise from looking vpon white and blacke bordering together : for a candle standing in the ayre , is as it were a white situated betweene two blackes : the circumstant dusky ayre , hauing the nature of a blacke : so then , that side of the candle which is seene through the thicker part of the glasse , appeareth red ; and that which is seene through the thinner , appeareth blew : in the same manner as when we looke through the glasse ; whereas , the colours shine cōtrarywise vpon a paper or reflecting obiect , as we haue already declared , together with the reasons of both these appearances ; each fitted to its proper case , of looking through the glasse vpon the luminous obiect serrownded with darkenesse , in the one ; and of obseruing the effect wrought by the same luminous obiect in some medium or vpon some reflectent superficies , in the other . And to confirme this , if a white paper be sett standing hollow before the glasse ( like halfe a hollow pillar , whose flatt standeth edgewayes towardes the glasse , so as both the edges may be seene through it ) the further edge will seeme blew and the neerer will be red ; and the like will happen , if the paper be held in the free ayre parallele to the lower superficies of the glasse , without any blacke carpet to limit both endes of it ( which serueth to make the colours the smarter ) so that in both cases , the ayre serueth manifestly for a blacke ; in the first , betweene the two white edges ; and in the second , limiting the two white endes : and by consequence , the ayre about the candle must likewise serue for two blackes , including the light candle betweene them . Seuerall other delightfull experiments of luminous colours I might produce , to confirme the groundes I haue layed , for the nature and making of them . But I conceiue that these I haue mentioned , are aboundantly enough for the end I propose vnto my selfe : therefore I will take my leaue of this supple and nice subiect ; referring my Reader ( if he be curious to entertaine himselfe with a full variety of such shining wonders ) to our ingenious countryman and my worthy frend , Mr. Hall : who at my last being at Liege , shewed me there most of the experiences I haue mentioned ; together with seuerall other very fine and remarkable curiosities concerning light ; which he promised me he would shortly publish in a worke , that he had already cast and almost finished vpon that subiect : and in it , I doubt not but he will giue entire satisfaction to all the doubts and Problemes that may occurre in this subiect : whereas my litle exercise formerly , in making experiments of this kind , and my lesse conueniency of attempting any now , maketh me content my selfe with thus spinning of a course thridde frō wooll carded me by others , that may runne through the whole doctrine of colours , whose causes haue hitherto beene so much admired : and that it will do so , I am strōgly persuaded , both because if I looke vpō the causes which I haue assigned a priori , me thinkes they appeare very agreeable to nature and to reason ; and if I apply them to the seuerall Phoenomēs which Mr. Hall shewed me , and to as many others , as I haue otherwise mett with , I find they agree exactly with them , and render a full account of them . And thus , you haue the whole nature of luminous colours , resolued into the mixtion of light and darkenesse : by the due ordering of which , who hath skill therein , may produce any middle colour he pleaseth : as I my selfe haue seene the experience of infinite changes in such sort made ; so that it seemeth vnto me , nothing can be more manifest , then that luminous colours are generated in the way that is here deliuered . Of which how that gentle and obedient Philosophy of Qualities ( readily obedient to what hard taske soeuer you assigne it ) will render a rationall account ; and what discreet vertue , it will giue the same thinges to produce different colours , and to make different appearances , meerely by such nice changes of situation , I do not well vnderstand : but peraduenture the Patrones of it , may say that euery such circumstance is a Conditio sine qua non : and therewith ( no doubt ) their Auditors will be much the wiser in comprehending the particular nature of light , and of the colours that haue their origine from it . 3 The Rainebow , for whose sake most men handle this matter of luminous colours , is generated in the first of the two wayes we haue deliuered for the production of such colours : and hath its origine from refraction , when the eye being at a conuenient distance from the refracting body , looketh vpon it to discerne what appeareth in it . The speculation of which may be found in that excellent discourse of Monsieur des Cartes , which is the sixt of his Meteors ; where he hath with great acuratenesse deliuered a most ingenious doctrine of this mystery : had not his bad chance of missing in a former principle ( as I conceiue ) somewhat obscured it . For he there giueth the cause so neate , and so iustly calculated to the appearances , as no man can doubt but that he hath found out the true reason of this wonder of nature , which hath perplexed so many great witts : as may almost be seene with our very eyes ; when looking vpon the fresh deaw in a sunneshiny morning , we may in due positions perceiue the raynebow colours , not three yardes distant from vs : in which we may distinguish euen single droppes with their effects . But he hauing determined the nature of light to consist in motion , and proceeding consequently , he concludeth colours to be but certaine kindes of motion : by which I feare it is impossible that any good account should be giuen of the experiences we see . But what we haue already said in that point , I conceiue is sufficient to giue the reader satisfaction therein : and to secure him , that the generation of the colours in the rainebow , as well as all other coulours , is likewise reduced to the mingling of light and darkenesse : which is our principall intent to proue : adding therevnto by way of aduertissement , for others whose leisure may permitt them to make vse thereof , that who shall ballance the proportions of luminous colours , may peraduenture make himselfe a steppe to iudge of the natures of those bodies , which really and constantly do weare like dyes ; for , the figures of the least partes of such bodies , ioyntly with the connexion or mingling of them with pores , must of necessity be that which maketh them reflect light vnto our eyes , in such proportions , as the luminous colours of their tincture and semblance do . For two thinges are to be considered in bodies , in order to reflecting of light : eyther the extancies and cauities of them ; or their hardenesse and softenesse . As for the first ; the proportions of light mingled with darkenesse will be varied , according as the extancies or the cauities do exceed , and as each of them is great or small : since cauities haue the nature of darknesse , in respect of extancies , as our moderne Astronomers do shew , when they giue account of the face ( as some call it ) in the orbe of the moone . Likewise in regard of soft or of resistent partes , light will be reflected by them , more or lesse strongly , that is , more or lesse mingled with darkenesse ; for whereas it reboundeth smartly backe , if it striketh vpon a hard and a resistent body , and accordingly 〈◊〉 ●hew it selfe in a bright colour : it must of necessity not reflect at all , 〈…〉 very f●ebly , if it penetrateth into a body of much humidity , or if ●●●oseth it selfe in the pores of it ▪ and that litle which cometh so weakely from it , must consequently appeare of a dusky dye : and these two , being all the causes of the great variety of colours we see in bodies , according to the quality of the body , in which the reall colour appeareth , it may easily be determined from which of them it proceedeth : and then , by the colour , you may iudge of the composition and mixture of the rare and dense partes , which by reflecting light begetteth it . In fine , 4 out of all we haue hitherto said in this Chapter , we may conclude the primary intent of our so long discourse ; which is , that as well the senses of liuing creatures , as the sensible qualities in bodies , are made by the mixtion of rarity and density , as well as the naturall qualities we spoke of in their place : for it can not be denyed but that heate and cold , and the other couples or payres , which beate vpon our touch , are the very same as we see in other bodies : the qualities which moue our tast and smell , are manifestly a kinne and ioyned with them : ligh● we haue concluded to be fire : and of motion ( which affecteth our eare ) it is not disputable : so that it is euident , how all sensible qualities , are as truly bodies , as those other qualities which we call naturall . To this we may adde , that the proprieties of these sensible qualities , are such as proceed euidently from rarity and density ; for ( to omitt those which our touch taketh notice of , as too plaine to be questioned ) Physitians iudge and determine the naturall qualities of meates , and of medecines , and of simples , by their tastes and smels : by those qualities they find out powers in them to doe materiall operatiōs ; and such as our instrumēts for cutting , filing , brushing , and the like , doe vnto ruder and grosser bodies . All which vertues , being in these instruments by the different tempers of rarity and density , is a conuincing argument , that it must be the same causes , which must produce effects of the same kind in their smels and tastes : and as for light , it is knowne how corporeally it worketh vpon our eyes . Againe , if we looke particularly into the composition of the organes of our senses ; we shall meet with nothing but such qualities as we find in the composition of all other naturall bodies . If we search into our eye , we shall discouer in it nothing but diaphaneity , softenesse , diuers colours , and consistencies ; which all Anatomistes , to explicate , doe parallele in other bodies : the like is of our tongue , our nosethrilles , and our eares . As for our touch ; that is so materiall a sense , and so diffused ouer the whole body , we can haue no difficulty about it . Seeing then that all the qualities we can discouer in the organes of our senses , are made by the various minglings of rarity with density , how can we doubt , but that the actiue powers ouer these patients , must be of the same nature and kind . Againe , seing that the examples aboue brought , doe conuince , that the obiects of one sense , may be knowne by an other ; who can doubt of a community among them , if not of degree , at ●●e least of the whole kind ? As we see that the touch , is the groundworke of all the rest ; and consequently , that being euidently corpore●●● , and consisting in a temper of rarity and density , why should we m●●e difficulty in allowing the like of the rest ? Besides , lett vs compose of rarity and density , such tempers as we find in our sēses ; and lett vs againe compose of rarity and density , such actors , as we haue determined the qualities , which we call sensible , to be ; and will it not manifestly follow , that these two applyed to one an other , must produce such effects , as we affirme our senses haue ? that is , to passe the outward obiects , by different degrees , vnto an inward receiuer . 5 Againe , lett vs cast our eyes vpon the naturall resolution of bodies , and how they moue vs , and we shall th●reby discouer , both what the senses are , and why they are iust so many , and that they can not be more . For an outward body may moue vs , eyther in its owne bulke or quantity ; or as it worketh vpon an other . The first is done by the touch : the second by the eare , when a body mouing the ayre , maketh vs take notice of his motion . Now in resolution , there are three actiue partes proceeding from a body , which haue power to moue vs. The fiery part ; which you see worketh vpon our eyes , by the vertue of light . The ayry part , which we know moueth our nosethrilles , by being sucked in with the ayre . And lastly the salt ; which dissolueth in water , and so moueth our watry sense ; which is our taste . And these being all the actiue partes , that shew themselues in the resolution of a body ; how can we imagine there should be any more senses to be wrought vpon ? for what the stable body sheweth of it selfe , will be reduced to the touch : what as it moueth , to hearing : what the resolutions of it , according to the nature of the resolued atomes that fly abroade ; will concerne the other three senses , as we haue declared . And more wayes of working , or of actiue partes , we can not conceiue to spring out of the nature of a body . Finally , if we cast our eyes vpon the intention of nature : to what purpose are our senses , but to bring vs into knowledge of the natures of the substances we conuerse with all ? surely , to effect this , there can not be inuented a better , or more reasonable expedient , then to bring vnto our iudgement seate the likenesses or extractes of those substances , in so delicate a modell , that they may not be offensiue or cumbersome ; like so many patternes presented vnto vs , to know by them , what the whole piece is : for all similitude , is a communication betweene two thinges in that quality , wherein there likenesse consisteth : and therefore we can not doubt , but that nature hath giuen vs , by the meanes we haue explicated , an essay of all the thinges in the world , that fall vnder our commerce , whereby to iudge whether they be profitable or nociue vnto vs ; and yet in so delicate and subtile a quantity , as may in no wayes be offensiue to vs , whiles we take our measures to attract what is good , and auoyde what is noxious . THE TWO AND THIRTIETH CHAPTER . Of sensation , or the motion whereby sense is properly exercised . OVt of the considerations which we haue deliuered in these last Chapters , 1 the Reader may gather the vnreasonablenesse of vulgar Phylosophers , who to explicate life and sense , are not content to giue vs termes without explicating them ; but will force vs to beleeue contradictions : telling vs , that life consisteth in this , that the same thing hath a power to worke vpon it selfe : and that sensation , is a working of the actiue part of the same sense , vpon its passiue part ; and yet will admitt no partes in it : but will haue the same indiuisible power worke vpon it selfe . And this , with such violence and downebearing of all opposition , that they deeme him not considerable in the schooles , who shall offer only to doubt of what they teach him hereabout ; but brand him with the censure of one who knoweth not , and contradicteth the very first principles of Phylosophy . And therefore , it is requisite we should looke somewhat more particularly into the manner how sensation is made . Monsieur des Cartes ( who by his great and heroyke attempts , and by shewing mankinde how to steere and husband their reason to best aduantage , hath left vs no excuse for being ignorant of any thing worth the knowing ) explicating the nature of sense , is of opinion , that the bodies without vs , in certaine circumstances , do giue a blow vpon our exterior organes : from whence , by the continuity of the partes , that blow or motion is continued , till it come to our braine and seate of knowledge ; vpon which it giueth a stroke answerable to that , which the outward sense first receiued : and there this knocke causing a particular effect , according to the particular nature of the motion ( which dependeth off the nature of the obiect that produced it ) our soule and mind hath notice , by this meanes , of euery thing that knocketh at our gates : and by the great variety of knockes or motions that our braine feeleth ( which ariseth from as great a variety of natures in the obiects that cause them ) we are enabled , to iudge of the nature and conditions of euery thing we conuerse withall . As for example : he conceiueth light to be nothing else but a percussion made by the illuminant vpon the ayre , or vpon the ethereall substance , which he putteth to be mixed with , and to runne through all bodies : which being a continuate medium betweene the illuminant and our sense ; the percussion vpon that , striketh also our sense ; which he calleth the nerue that reacheth from the place strucken ( to witt , from the bottome of our eye ) vnto the braine . Now , by reason of the continuity of this string or nerue , he conceiueth that the blow which is made vpon the outward end of it by the Ether , is conueyed by the other end of it to the braine ; that end , striking the braine in the same measure as the Ether strucke the other end of it : like the iacke of a virginall , which stricketh the sounding corde , according as the musitians hand presseth vpon the stoppe . The part of the braine which is thus struken , he supposeth to be the fantasie , where he deemeth the soule doth reside ; and thereby taketh notice of the motion and obiect that are without . And what is said thus of sight , is to be applyed proportionably to the rest of the senses . This then is the summe of Monsieur des Cartes his opinion , which he hath very finely expressed , with all the aduantages that opposite examples , significant wordes , and cleare methode can giue vnto a witty discourse . Which yet is but a part of the commendations he deserueth , for what he hath done on this particular . He is , ouer and aboue all this , the first that I haue euer mett with , who hath published any conceptions of this nature , whereby to make the operations of sense intelligible . Certainely , this prayse will euer belong vnto him , that he hath giuen the first hinte of speaking groundedly , and to the purpose vpon this subiect : and whosoeuer shall carry it any further ( as what important mystery was euer borne and perfected at once ? ) must acknowledge to haue deriued his light from him . 2 For my part , I shall so farre agree with him , as to allow motion alone to be sufficient to worke sensation in vs : and not only to allow it sufficient , but also to professe , that not only this , but that no other effect whatsoeuer can be wrought in vs , but motion , and by meanes of motion . Which is euident out of what we haue already deliuered , speaking of bodies in generall ; that all action among them , eyther is locall motion , or else followeth it : and no lesse euident , out of what we haue declared in particular , concerning the operations of the outward senses , and the obiects that worke vpon them : and therefore , whosoeuer shall in this matter , require any thing further then a difference of motion , he must first seeke other instruments in obiects to cause it . For , examining from their very origine , the natures of all the bodies we conuerse withall ; we can not find any ground to beleeue they haue power or meanes to worke any thing beyond motion . But I shall craue leaue to differ from him , in determining what is the subiect of this motion , whereby the braine iudgeth of the nature of the thing that causeth it . He will allow no locall change of any thing in a man , further then certaine vibrations of stringes , which he giueth the obiects to play vpon from the very sense vp to the braine : and by their different manners of shaking the braine , he will haue it know , what kind of thing it is , that striketh the outward sense , without remouing any thing within our body from one place to an other . But I shall goe the more common way ; and make the spirits to be the porters of all newes to the braine : only adding therevnto that these newes which they carry thither , are materiall participations of the bodies , that worke vpon the outward organes of the senses ; and passing through them , do mingle themselues with the spirits , and so do goe whither they carry them , that is to the braine ; vnto which , from all partes of the body , they haue immediate resorte , and a perpetuall communication with it . So that , to exercise sense ( which the latines do call , sentire , but in English we haue no one word common to our seuerall particular notions of diuers perceptions by sense ) is , Our braine to receiue an impression from the externe obiect by the operation or mediation of an organicall part made for that purpose , and some one of those which we terme an externe sense ; from which impression , vsually floweth some motion proper to the liuing creature . And thus you see that the outward senses , are not truly senses , as if the power of sensation were in them : but in an other meaning , to witt , so farre as they are instruments of qualifying or conueying the obiect to the braine . Now , 3 that the spirits are the instruments of this cōueyance , is euidēt , by what we dayly see , that if a mā be very attētiue to some one externe obiect ( as to the hearing or seeing of something that much delighteth or displeaseth him ) he neyther heareth or seeth any thing but what his mind is bent vpō ; though all that while , his eyes and eares be open , and seuerall of their obiects be present , which at other times would affect him . For what can be the reason of this , but that the braine employing the greatest part of his store of spirits about that one obiect , which so powerfully entertayneth him , the others find very few free for them to imbue with their tincture ? And therefore , they haue not strength enough to giue the braine a sufficient taste of themselues , to make it be obserued ; nor to bring themselues into a place where they may be distinctly discerned : but striuing to gett vnto it , they loose themselues in the throng of the others , who for that time do besiege the braine closely . Whereas , in Monsieur des Cartes his way ( in which no spirits are required ) the apprehension must of necessity be carried precisely according to the force of the motion of the externe obiect . This argument I confesse , is not so conuincing a one against his opinion , but that the necessity of the consequence may be auoyded ; and an other reason be giuen for this effect , in Monsieur des Cartes his doctrine : for he may say , that the affection being vehemently bent vpon some one obiect , may cause the motion to be so violent by the addition of inward percussions , that the other coming from the outward sense , being weaker , may be drowned by it ; as lesser soundes are by greater , which do forcibly carry our eares their way , and do fill them so entirely , that the others can not gett in to be heard : or as the drawing of one man that pulleth backewardes , is not felt when a hundred draw forwardes . Yet this is hard to conceiue , considering the great eminency which the present obiect hath ouer an absent one , to make it selfe be felt : whence it followeth , that the multiplication of motion must be extremely encreased within , to ouertoppe and beare downe the motion , caused by a present obiect actually working without . But that which indeed conuinceth me to beleeue I goe not wrong in this course , which I haue sett downe for externe bodies working vpon our sense and knowledgde : is first , the conuenience , and agreeablenesse to nature , both in the obiects and in vs , that it should be done in that manner : and next , a difficulty in Monsieur des Cartes his way , which me thinketh , maketh it impossible that his should be true . And then , his being absolutely the best of any I haue hitherto mett withall , and mine supplying what his falleth short in , and being sufficient to performe the effects we see : I shall not thinke I do amisse in beleeuing my owne to be true , till some body else shew a better . 4 Lett vs examine these considerations one after an other . It is manifest by what wee haue already established , that there is a perpetuall fluxe of litle partes or atomes out of all sensible bodies , that are composed of the foure Elements , and are here in the sphere of continuall motion by action and passion : and such it is , that in all probability these litle partes can not choose but gett in at the dores of our bodies , and mingle themselues with the spirits that are in our nerues . Which if they doe , it is vnauoydable , but that of necessity th●y must make some motion in the braine ; as by the explication we haue made of our outward senses , is manifest : and the braine being the source and origine of all such motion in the animal , as is termed voluntary ; this stroke of the obiect , will haue the power to cause some variation in its motions that are of that nature : and by consequence , must be a sensation , for , that change which being made in the braine by the obiect , is cause of voluntary motion in the animal , is that , which we call sensation . But we shall haue best satisfaction , by considering how it fareth with euery sense in particular . It is plaine , that our touch or feeling is affected by the litle bodies of heate , or cold , or the like , which are squeesed or euaporated from the obiect ; and do gett into our flesh , and cōsequently , do mingle themselues with our spirits : and accordingly , our hand is heated with the floud of subtile fire , which from a great one without , streameth into it : and is benummed with multitudes of litle bodies of cold , that settle in it . All which litle bodies , of heate , or of cold or of what kind soeuer they be , when they are once gott in , must needes mingle themselues with the spirits they meet with in the nerue : and consequently , must goe along with them vp to the braine : for the channell of the nerue being so litle , that the most acurate inspectours of nature can not distinguish any litle cauity or hole running along the substance of it : and the spirits which ebbe and flowe in those channels , being so infinitely subtile , and in so small a quantity , as such chānels can containe : it is euident , that an ato●e of insensible biggenesse , is sufficient to imbue the whole length and quantity of spirit that is in one nerue : and that atome , by reason of the subtility of the liquor it is immersed in , is presently and as it were instantly , diffused through the whole substance of it : the source therefore of that liquor being in the braine , it can not be doubted , but that the force of the externe obiect , must needes affect the braine according to the quality of the said atome : that is , giue a motion , or knocke , conformable to its owne nature . As for our taste , it is as plaine , that the litle partes expressed out of the body which affecteth it , do mingle themselues with the liquour that being in the tongue , is continuate to the spirits : and then , by our former argument it is euidēt , they must reach vnto the braine . And for our smelling , there is nothing can hinder odours from hauing immediate passage vp to our braine , when by our nose , they are once gotten into our head . In our hearing , there is a litle more difficulty : for sound being nothing but a motion of the ayre , 5 which striketh our eare ; it may seeme more then needeth , to send any corporeall substance into the braine : and that it is sufficient , that the vibrations of the outward ayre , shaking the drumme of the eare , do giue a like motion to the ayre within the eare , that on the inside toucheth the tympane : and so this ayre , thus moued , shaketh and beateth vpon the braine . But this , I conceiue , will not serue the turne ; for if there were no more , but an actuall motion , in the making of hearing ; I do not see , how soundes could be conserued in the memory : since of necessity , motion must alwayes reside in some body ; which argument , we shall presse anone , against Monsieur des Cartes his opinion for the rest of the senses . Out of this difficulty , the very inspection of the partes within the eare , seemeth to leade vs : for had there been nothing necessary besides motion , the very striking of the outward ayre against the tympanum , would haue been sufficient without any other particular and extraordinary organization , to haue produced soundes , and to haue carried their motions vp to the braine : as we see the head of a drumme bringeth the motions of the earth vnto our eare , when we lay it therevnto , as we haue formerly deliuered . But Anatomistes , find other tooles and instruments , that seeme fitt to worke and forge bodies withall ; which we can not imagine , nature made in vaine . There is a hammer and an anuile : whereof the hammer , stricking vpon the anuile , must of necessity beate off such litle partes of the brainy steames , as flying about do light and sticke vpon the toppe of the anuile : these by the trembling of the ayre following its course , can not misse of being carried vp to that part of the braine , wherevnto the ayre within the eare is driuen by the impulse of the sound : and as soone as they haue giuen their knocke , they rebound backe againe into the celles of the braine , fitted for harbours to such winged messenger : where they remaine lodged in quietnesse , till they be called for againe , to renew the effect which the sound did make at the first : and the various blowes which the hammer striketh , according to the various vibrations of the tympanum ( vnto which the hammer is fastened ; and therefore is gouerned by its motiōs ) must needes make great differēce of biggenesses , and cause great variety of smartnesses of motion , in the litle bodies which they forge . The last sense is of seeing ; whose action we can not doubt , is performed by the reflexion of light vnto our eye , 6 from the bodies which we see : and this light , cometh impregnated with a tincture drawne from the superficies of the obiect it is reflected from ; that is , it bringeth along with it , seuerall of the litle atomes , which of themselues do streame , and it cutteth from the body it strucke vpon and reboundeth from ; and they , mingling themselues with the light , do in company of it gett into the eye : whose fabrike , is fitt to gather and vnite those species , as you may see by the anatomy of it : and from the eye , their iourney is but a short one to the braine : in which , we can not suspect that they should loose their force ; considering , how others that come from organes further off , do conserue theirs : and likewise considering the nature of the optike spirits , which are conceiued to be the most refined of all that are in mans body . Now , that light is mingled with such litle atomes issuing out of the bodies from which it is reflected ; appeareth euidently enough , out of what wee haue Sayed , of the nature and operations of fire and light : and it seemeth to be confirmed , by what I haue often obserued in some chambers where people seldome come : which hauing their windowes to the south , so as the sunne lyeth vpon them a great part of the day in his greatest strength , and their curtaines being continually drawne ouer them , the glasse becometh dyed very deepe of the same colour the curtaine is of : which can proceed from no other cause , but that the beames which shoote through the glasse , being reflected backe from the courtaine , do take something along with them from the superficies of it ; which being of a more solide corpulence then they , is left behind ( as it were in the strainer ) when they come to presse themselues through passages and pores , too litle for it to accompany them in : and so those atomes of colour , do sticke vpon the glasse which they can not penetrate . An other confirmation of it is , that in certaine positions , the sunne reflecting from strong colours , will cast that very colour vpon some other place ; as I haue often experienced in liuely scarlet , and cloth of other smart colours : and this , not in that gloating wise , as it maketh colours of pure light , but like a true reall dye ; and so , as the colour will appeare the same to a man , wheresoeuer he standeth . 7 Hauing thus shewed in all our senses , the conueniency and agreeablenesse of our opinion with nature ; ( which hath been deduced , out of the nature of the obiects , the nature of our spirits , the nature and situation of our nerues , and lastly from the property of our braine : ) our next consideration shall be , of the difficulty that occurreth in Mr. des Cartes his opinion . First we know not how to reconcile the repugnācies appearing in his position of the motion of the Ether ; especially in light : for that Ethereall substance being extreme rare , must perforce by eyther extreme liquid , or extreme brittle : if the first ; it can not choose but bowe and be pressed into fouldes , and bodies of vnequall motions , swimming euery where in it ; and so it is impossible , that it should bring vnto the eye any constant apparition of the first mouer . But lett vs suppose there were no such generall interruptions , euery where encountring , and disturbing the conueyance of the first simple motion : yet , how can we conceiue that a push , giuen so farre off , in so liquid an element , can continue its force so farre ? We see that the greatest thunders and concussions , which at any time happen among vs , can not driue and impart their impulse the ten thousandeth part of the vast distance , which the sunne is remoued from our eye ; and can we imagine , that a little touch of that luminous body , sh●uld make an impression vpon vs , by mouing an other so extremely liquid and subtile , as the Ether is supposed ; which like an immense Ocean , tossed with all varieties of motion , lyeth betweene it and vs. But admitt there were no difficulty nor repugnance in the medium , to conuey vnto vs a stroke , made vpon it by the sunnes motion : lett vs at the least examine , what kind of motions we must allow in the sunne , to cause this effect . Certainely , it must needes be a motion towardes vs , or else it can not stricke and driue the medium forward , to make it stri●ke vpon vs. And if it be so , eyther the sunne must perpetually be coming neerer and neerer to vs ; or else it must euer and anone be receding backwardes , as well as mouing forwardes . Both which , are too chymericall for so great a witt to conceite . Now , if the Ether be brittle , it must needes reflect vpon euery rubbe in meeteth with in its way , and must be broken and shiuered by euery body that moueth acrosse it : and therefore , must alwayes make an vncertaine and most disorderly percussion vpon the eye . Then againe ; after it is arriued to the sense , it is no wayes likely it should be conueyed from thence to the braine , or that nature intended such a kind of instrument as a nerue , to continue a precise determinate motion : for if you consider how a lute string , or any other such medium conueyeth a motion made in it ; you will find , that to do it well and clearely , it must be stretched throughout to its full extent , w●●h ● kind of stiffenesse : whereas our nerues are not straight , but lye crooked in our body ; and are very lither , till vpon occasion spirits coming into them , do swell them out . Besides , they are bound to flesh , and to other partes of the body ; which being cessible , must needes dull the stroake , and not permitt it to be carried farre . And lastly , the nerues are subiect to be at euery turne contracted and dilated , vpon their owne account , without any relation to the stroakes beating vpon them from an externe agent : which is by no meanes , a conuenient disposition for a body , th●t is to be the porter of any simple motion ; which should alwayes lye watching in great quietnesse , to obserue scrupulously , and exactly the arrant he is to carry : so that for my part , I can not conceiue , nature intended any such effect , by mediation of the sinnewes . 8 But Monsieur des Cartes endeauoureth to confirme his opinion , by what vseth to fall out in palsies , when a man looseth the strength of mouing his handes , or other members , and neuerthelesse retaineth his feeling : which h● imputeth to the remaining intire of the stringes of the nerues , whiles the spirits are someway defectiue . To this we may answere , by producing examples of the contrary in some men , who haue had the motion of their limbes intire and no wayes preiudiced , but haue had no feeling at all , quite ouer their whole case of skinne and flesh : as particularly a seruant in the colledge of Physitians in London , whom the learned Haruey ( one of his Masters ) hath told me , was exceeding strong to labour , and very able to carry any necessary burthen , and to remoue thinges dexterously , according to the occasion : and yet he was so voyde of feeling that he vsed to grind his handes against the walles , and against course lumber , when he was employed to rummage any ; in so much , that they would runne with bloud , through grating of the skinne , without his feeling of what occasioned it . In our way , the reason of both these conditions of people , ( the paralitike , and the insensible ) is easy to be rendered : for they proceed out of the diuers disposition of the animal spirits in these partes : which if they thicken too much , and become very grosse , they are not capable of transmitting the subtile messengers of the outward world , vnto the tribunall of the braine , to judge of them . On the other side , if they be too subtile , they neyther haue , nor giue power to swell the skinne , and so to draw the muscles to their heades . And surely Monsieur des Cartes taketh the wrong way , in the reason he giueth of the palsie : for it proceedeth out of aboundance of humors ; which clogging the nerues , rendreth them washy , and maketh them loose their drynesse , and become lither and consequently , vnfitt and vnable , in his opinion , for sensation ( which requireth stiffenesse ) as well as for motion . Yet besides all these , one difficulty more remayneth against this doctrine , 9 more insuperable ( if I mistake not ) then any thing , or all together we haue yet said : which is , how the memory should conserue any thing in it , and represent bodies to vs , when our fansie calleth for them , if nothing but motions do come into the braine . For it is impossible , that in so diuisible a subiect as the spirits , motion should be conserued any long time : as we see euidently in the ayre ; through which moue a flaming taper neuer so swiftly , and as soone as you sett it downe , almost in the very instant , the flame of it leaueth being driuen or shaken on one side , and goeth quietly and euenly vp its ordinary course : thereby shewing , that the motion of the ayre , which for the time was violent , is all of a soddaine quieted and at rest : for otherwise , the flame of the taper would blaze that way the ayre were moued . Assuredly , the bodies that haue power to conserue motion long , must be dry and hard ones . Nor yet can such , conserue it very long , after the cause which made it , ceaseth from its operation . How then can we imagine , that such a multitude of pure motions , as the memory must be stored withall for the vse and seruice of a man , can be kept on foote in his braine , without confusion ; and for so long a time as his memory is able to extend vnto ? Consi●er a lessen played vpon the lute or virginals ; and think with your selfe , what power there is , or can be in nature , to conserue this lesson euer continually playing : and reflect , that if the impressions vpon the common sense are nothing else but such thinges , then they must be actually conserued , alwayes actually mouing in our head ▪ to the end they be immediately produced , whensoeuer it pleaseth our will to call for them . And if peraduenture it should be replyed , that it is not necessary the motions themselues ●hould alwayes be conserued in actuall being ; but that it is sufficient , there be certaine causes k●pt on foote in our heades , which are apt to reduce these motions into act , whensoeuer there is occasion of them : all I shall say herevnto is ▪ that this is meerely a voluntary position , and that there appeareth no ground , for these motions to make and constitute such causes ; since we neyther meete with any instruments , nor discouer any signes , whereby we may be induced to beleeue or vnderstand any such operation . It may be viged , that diuers soundes are by diseases oftentimes made in out eares , and appearances of colours in our fantasie . But first , these colours and soundes , are not artificiall ones , and disposed and ordered by choice and iudgement ; for no story hath mentioned , that by a disease any man euer heard twenty verses of Virgil , or an ode of Horace in his eares : or that euer any man s●w f●ire pictures in his fansye , by meanes of a blow giuen him vpon his eye And secondly , such colours and soundes as are obiected , are nothing else , but ( in the first case ) the motion of humour● in a mans eye by a blow vpon it ; which humours haue the vertue of making light , in such sort as we s●e sea wate● hath , when it is clash●d together : and ( in the second case ) a cold vapour in certaine partes of the braine , which causeth beatinges or motion there ; whence proceedeth ●he imitation of soundes : so that these examples do nothing aduantage that party , thence to inferre that the similitudes of obiects , may be made in the common sense , without any reall bodies reserued for that end . Yet I intend not to exclude motion from any commerce with ●he memory ▪ no more then I haue done from sensation . For I will not only graunt , that all our remembring is performed by the meanes of motion ; but I will also acknowledge , that ( in men ) it is ▪ for the most part , of nothing e●se but of motion . For what are wordes , but motion ? And wordes are the chiefest obiects of our remembrance . It is true , we can , if we will , remember thinges in their owne shapes , as well as by th● wordes that expresse them ; but experience telleth vs , that in our familiar conuersation , and in the ordinary exercise of our memory , we remember and make vse of the wordes , rather then of the thinges themselues . Besides , the impressions which are made vpon all our other senses , as well as vpon our hearing , are likewise for the most part of thinges in motion : as if we haue occasion to make a conception of a man , or of a horse , we ordinarily conceiue him walking , or speaking , or eating , or vsing some motion in time : and as these impressions are successiuely made vpon the outward organes ; so are they successiuely carried into the fantasie , and by like succession , are deliuered ouer into the memory : from whence , when they are called backe againe into the fantasie , they moue likewise successiuely ; so that in truth , all our memory will be of motion ; or at the least , of bodies in motion : yet it is not chiefly of motion , but of the thinges that are moued ; vnlesse it be , when we remember wordes : and how those motions , do frame bodies which moue in the braine , we haue already touched . THE THREE AND THERTIETH CHAPTER . Of Memory . BVt how are these thinges conserued in the braine ? And how do they reuiue in the fantasie , 1 the same motions by which they came in thither at the first ? Monsieur des Cartes hath putt vs in hope of an explication : and were I so happy , as to haue seene that worke of his , which the world of learned men so much longeth for ; I assure my selfe , I should herein receiue great helpe and furtherance by it . Although withall , I must professe , I can not vnderstand how it is possible , that any determinate motion should long be preserued vntaynted in the braine ; where there must be such a multitude of other motions in the way , to mingle with it , and bring all into confusion . One day I hope this iewell will be exposed to publike view , both to do the Author right , and to instruct the world . In the meane time , lett vs see what our owne principles afford vs. We haue resolued , that sensation is not a pure driuing of the animal spirits , or of some penetrable body in which they swimme , against that part of the braine , where knowledge resideth : but that it is indeed the driuing thither of solide materiall bodies ( exceeding litle ones ) that come from the obiects thēselues . Which position , if it be true , it followeth that these bodies must rebound from thence vpon other partes of the braine ; where at the length , they find some vacant cell , in which they keepe their rankes and files , in great quiett and order ; all such sticking together , and keeping company with one an other , that entered in together : and there they lye still and are at rest , vntill they be stirred vp , eyther by the naturall appetite , ( which is the ordinary course of beastes ) or by chance , or by the will of the man in whom they are , vpon the occasions he meeteth with of searching into them . Any of these three causes rayseth them vp , and giueth them the motion that is proper to them ; which is the same with that , whereby they came in at the first : for ( as Galilaeus teacheth vs ) euery body hath a particular motion peculiarly proper to it , when nothing diuerteth it : and then they slide successiuely , through the fantasie in the same manner , as when they presented themselues to it the first time . After which , if it require them no more ; they returne gently to their quiett habitation in some other part of the braine , from whence they were called and summoned by the fantasies messengers , the spirits : but if it haue longer vse of them , and would view them better then once passing through permitteth ; then they are turned backe againe , and lead a new ouer their course , as often as is requisite : like a horse , that a rider paceth sundry times along by him that he sheweth him to ; whiles he is attentiue to marke euery part and motion in him . But lett vs examine a litle more particularly , 2 how the causes we haue assigned , do raise these bodies that rest in the memory , and do bring them to the fantasie . The middlemost of them ( namely chance ) needeth no looking into , because the principles that gouerne it , are vncertaine ones . But the first , and the last ( which are , the appetite , and the will ) haue a power ( which we will explicate hereafter ) of mouing the braine and the nerues depending of it , conueniently and agreably to their disposition . Out of which it followeth , that the litle similitudes , which are in the caues of the braine wheeling and swimming about ( almost in such sort , as you see in the washing of currantes or of rise , by the winding about and circular turning of the cookes hand ) diuers sortes of bodies do go their courses for a pretty while ; so that the most ordinary obiects , can not choose but present themselues quickely , because there are many of them , and are euery where scattered about : but others that are fewer , are longer ere they come in view : much like as in a paire of beades , that containing more litle ones then great ones , if you plucke to you the string they all hang vpon , you shall meete with many more of one sort , then of the other . Now , as soone as the braine hath lighted on any of those it seeketh for , it putteth as it were a stoppe vpon the motion of that ; or at the least , it moueth it so , that it goeth not farre away , and is reuocable at will : and seemeth like a baite to draw into the fantasie others belonging vnto the same thing , eyther through similitude of nature , or by their connexion in the impression : and by this meanes hindereth other obiects , not pertinent to the worke the fansie hath in hand , from offering themselues vnseasonably in the multitudes that otherwise they would do . But if the fansie should haue mistaken one obiect for an other , by reason of some resemblance they haue betweene themselues ; then it shaketh againe the liquid medium they all floate in , and rooseth euery species lu●king in remotest corners , and runneth ouer the whole beaderoule of them : and continueth this inquisition and motion , till eyther it be satisfyed with retriuing at length what it required , or that it be growne weary with tossing about the multitude of litle inhabitants in its numerous empire , and so giueth ouer the search , vnwillingly and displeasedly . 3 Now , that these thinges be as we haue declared , will appeare out of the following considerations ; first , we see that thinges of quite different natures , if they come in together , are remembred together : vpon which principle the whole art of memory dependeth : such thinges , can not any way be comprised vnder certaine heades , nor be linked together by order and consequence , or by any resemblance to one an other : and therefore all their connexion must be , that as they came in together into the fantasie , so they remaine together in the same place in the memory : and their first coupling , must proceed from the action that bound them together , in driuing them in together . Next , we may obserue , that when a man seeketh and tumbleth in his memory for any thing he would retriue , he hath first some common and confused notion of it : and sometimes he hath a kind of flasking or fadeing likenesse of it ; much what , as when in striuing ro remember a name , men vse to say , it is at their tongues end : and this sheweth , that he attracteth those thinges he desireth , and hath vse of , by the likenesse of something belonging to them . In like manner , when hunger maketh one think of meat , or thirst maketh one dreame of drinke , or in other such occasions , wherein the naturall appetite stirreth obiects in the memory and bringeth thē to the fantasie ; it is manifest , that the spirits informing the braine of the defect and paine , which seuerall partes of the body do endure , for want of their due nourishment ; it giueth a motion to the hart , which sendeth other spirits vp to supply the braine , for what seruice it will order them : by which , the braine being fortifyed , it followeth the pursuite of what the liuing creature is in want of ; vntill the distempered partes be reduced into their due state , by a more solide enioying of it . 4 Now , why obiects that are drawne out of the memory , do vse to appeare in the fantasie , with all the same circumstances which accompanyed them at the time when the sense did send them thither , ( as when in the remembrance of a frend , we consider him in some place , and at a certaine time , and doing some determinate action ) the reason is , that the same body , being in the same medium , must necessarily haue the same kind of motion ; and so consequently , must make the same impression vpon the same subiect . The medium which these bodies moue in ( that is , the memory ) is a liquid vaporous substance , in which they floate and swimme at liberty . Now , in such a kind of medium , all the bodies that are of one nature , will easily gather together , if nothing disturbe them : for as when a tuned lute string is strucken , that string by communicating a determinate species of vibration to the ayre round about it , shaketh other stringes , within the compasse of the moued ayre ; not all , of what extent soeuer , but only such , as by their naturall motion , would cause like curlinges , and fouldes in the ayre , as the other doth ; according to what Galileus hath at large declared : euen so , when some atome in the braine is moued , all the rest there about , which are apt to be wasted with a like vndulation , must needes be moued in chiefe : and so they mouing , whiles the others of different motions , that hauing nothing to rayse them , do eyther lye quiett or moue very litle in respect of the former ; it is no wonder if they assemble together ; and ( by the proper course of the braine ) do meete at the common rendez-vous of the fantasie . And therefore the more impressions , 5 that are made from the same obiect vpon the sense ; the more participations of it , will be gathered together in the memory : and the stronger impressions , it will vpon occasion make in the fantasie : and themselues will be the strōger to resist any cause that shall striue to deface them . For we see that multitude of obiects , ouerwhelmeth the memory ; and putteth out , or at the least , maketh vnprofitable , those that are seldomst thought on . The reason of which is , that they being litle in quantity , because there are but few species of them ; they can neuer strike the seate of knowledge , but in company of others ; which being more and greater , do make the impression follow their nature against the lesser : and in tract of time , thinges seldome thought of , do grow to haue but a maimed and cōfused shape in the memory ; and at length are quite forgotten . Which happeneth , because in the liquid medium , they are apt to moulder away , if they be not often repaired : which mouldring and defacing , is helped on by the shockes they receiue from other bodies : like as in a magasin , a thing that were not regarded , but were carelessely rumbled vp and downe , to make roome for others , and all thinges were promiscuously throwne vpon it ; it would soone be brused and crushed into a misseshapen forme , and in the end be broken all in pieces . Now , the repairing of any thing in the memory , is done , by receiuing new impressions from the obiect ; or in its absence , by thinking strongly of it : which is an assembling , and due peecing together of the seuerall particles of bodies , appertayning to the same matter . But sometimes it happeneth , that when the right one can not be found intire , nor all the orderly pieces of it , be retriued with their iust correspondance to one an other ; the fansie maketh vp a new one in the place of it : which afterwardes , vpon presence of the obiect , appeareth to haue been mistaken : and yet the memory , till then , keepeth quietly and vnquessionedly for the true obiect , what either , the thought , or chance , mingling seuerall partes , had patched vp together . And from hence , we may discerne , how , the loosing or confounding of ones memory , may happen eyther by sicknesse , that distemper the spirits in the braine , and disorder their motions ; or by some blowes on the head , whereby a man is astonied , and all thinges seeme to turne round with him . Of all which effects , the causes are easy to be found in these suppositions we haue layed . THE FOVRE AND THERTIETH CHAPTER : Of voluntary motion : Naturall faculties : and passions . 1 HItherto we haue laboured to conuey the obiect into the braine : but when it is there , lett vs see what further effects it causeth : and how that action , which we call Voluntary motion , doth proceed from the braine . For the discouery whereof , we are to note , that the braine is a substance composed of watry partes mingled with earthy ones : which kind of substances we see are vsually full of stringes : and so in strong hard beere , and in vinegar , and in other liquors of the l●ke nature , we see ( if they be exposed to the sunne ) little long fl●kes , which make an appearance of wormes or magates floating about . The reason whereof is , that some drye partes of such liquors , are of themselues as it w●re hairy o● sleasy , that is , haue litle downy partes , such as you see vpon the legges of flies , or vpon caterpillars , or in little lookes of wooll ; by which they easily catch and sticke to other little partes of the like nature , that come neere vnto them : and if the liquor be moued , ( as it is in the boyling of beere , or making of vinegar by the heate of the sunne ) they become long stringes ; because the liquor breaketh the ties which are crosse to its motion : but such as lye along the streame , or rather the bubling vp , do maintaine themselues in vnity , and peraduenture grow stronger , by the winding or foulding of the end of one part with an other : and in their tumbling and rouling still in the same course , the downy haires are crushed in , and the body groweth long and round , as happeneth to a lumpe of dough , or waxe , or wooll , rouled a while in one vniforme course . And so , coming to our purpose , we see that the braine , and all that is made of it , is stringy ; wittenesse , the membranes , the flesh , the bones , &c. But of all the rest , those which be called fibers , are most stringy : and the nerues seeme to be but an assembly of them : for although the nerues be but a great multitude of stringes lying in a cluster ; neuerthelesse , by the consent of Physitians and Anatomistes , they are held to be of the very substance of the braine , dryed to a firmer consistence then it is in the head . This heape of stringes ( as we may call it ) is enclosed in an outside made of membranes ; whose frame , we neede not here display : only we may note , that it is very apt and fitt to stretch ; and after stretching , to returne againe to its owne iust length Next , we are to consider , how the braine is of a nature apt to swell and to sinke againe : euen so much , that Fallopius reporteth , it doth swell according to the encrease of the moone : which whether it be true or no ; there can be no doubt , but that it being of a substance which is full of skinnes and stringes , is capable of being stretched , and of swelling vpon light occasions ; and of falling or sinking againe vpon as light : as being easily penetrable by vapours and by liquors , whose nature it is , to swell and to extend that which they enter into . Out of which it followeth , that it must be the nature of the nerues to do the like : and indeed , so much the more , by how much more drie they are then the braine : for we see that ( to a certaine measure ) drier thinges are more capable of extension by the ingression of wett , then moist thinges are ; because these are not capable of receiuing much more wett into them . These thinges being premised ; 2 lett vs imagine that the braine being first swelled , it doth afterwardes contract it selfe ; and it must of necessity follow , that seeing the nerues are all open towardes the braine ( though their concauities can not be discerned ) the spirits and moysture which are in the braine , must needes be pressed into the nerues : which being allready stored with spirits , sufficiently to the proportion of their hard skinnes ; this addition will make them swell and grow hard , as a balloone doth , which being competently full of ayre , hath neuerthelesse more ayre pressed into it . Since therefore , the masters of Anatomy do teach vs , that in euery muscle there is a nerue , which is spread into a number of litle branches along that muscle ; it must follow , that if these litle branches be swollen , the flesh likewise of that muscle , must also needes be swollen . Now the muscle hauing both its endes fastened , the one in a greater bone , the other in a lesser ; and there being least resistance on that part , where the bone is lesser , and more moueable ; the swelling of the muscle can not choose , but draw the litle bone towardes the great one ; and by consequence , moue that litle bone : and this is that , which Philosophers vsually call Voluntary motion : for since our knowledge remaineth in the braine , whatsoever is done by knowledge , must be done by the braine ; and most of what the braine worketh for the common seruice of the liuing creature , proceedeth also from knowledge ; that is , from the motion of the fansy , which we haue expressed . This matter being thus farre declared , 3 we may now enter vpon the explication of certaine effects ; which peraduenture might haue challenged roome , in the precedent Chapter ; but indeed , could not well be handled without first supposing this last discourse : and it is , what is meaned by those powers , that are called naturall faculties : the which howsoeuer in their particulars they be manifold in a liuing creature , yet whensoeuer any one of them is resolued , it appeareth to be compounded of some of these fiue ; to witt , the attractiue , the retentiue , the secretiue the concoctiue , and the expulsiue faculty . Of which , the attractiue , the secretiue , and the concoctiue do not seeme to belong vnto the nerues , for although we may conceiue that the part of the animal doth turne it selfe towardes the thing which it attracteth ; neuerthelesse , that very turning seemeth not to be done by vertue of the muscles , and of the nerues , but rather in a naturall way , as the motion of the hart is performed , in such sort as we haue formerly declared : as for example , if the stomacke when it is greedy of meate , draweth it selfe vp towardes the throate , it seemeth rather to be a kind of drynesse and of warping , such as we see in bladders or in leather eyther by fire or by cold , which make them shriuell vp and grow hard ; then that it is a true faculty of the liuing creature to seeke after meate . 4 Nor need we extend our discourse any further about these three faculties ; seeing that we haue already declared in common , how attraction , drying , and mixture of actiue bodies with passiue ones , is performed ; which needeth but applying vnto these particulars , to explicate fully their natures : as for example ; if the kidneyes draw the matter of vrine vnto them out of the veines , it may be by any of the following three manners , to witt , eyther by draught , wett , or by steame . For if the serous partes that are in the bloud which runneth in the veines , do touch some drie partes conformable to their nature , tending towardes the kidneyes ▪ they will infallibly adhere more to those drie partes , then to the rest of the bloud . Which if they do in so great a quantity , that they reach to other further partes more drie then these , they will leaue the first partes to goe to the second : and thus by litle , and litle , will draw a line of vrine from the bloud , if the bloud do abound with it : and the neerer it cometh to the kidneyes , the stronger still the attraction will be . The like will happen , if the serosity which is in the bloud , do touch some part wetted with a like serosity , or where such hath lately passed ; for as we see that water will runne more easily vpon a wett part of a board or a stone then vpon drie one ; so you can not doubt , but that if the serous part , which is mixed with the bloud , do light vpon a current of its owne nature , it will sticke more to that , then to the current of the bloud ; and so part from the bloud , to goe that way which the current of its owne nature goeth . Besides , it can not be doubted , but that from the kidneyes , and from the passages betweene the kidneyes and the veines , in which the bloud is conueyed , there ariseth a steame : whose nature is , to incorporate it selfe with serous matter , out of whose body it hath been extracted . This steame therefore , flying still to the serous bloud which passeth by , must of necessity precipitate ( as I may say ) the serous partes of that bloud ▪ or rather must filter them out of their maine stocke ; and so will make them runne in that currēt , from which it selfe doth flow . And thus you see how Attraction and Secretion are made : for the drawing of the serosity without drawing the bloud , is the parting of the vrine from the bloud . And this example , of the kidneyes operation , may be applyed to the attractions of all the other partes . Now , 5 the concoctiue faculty ( which is the last of the three we tooke together ) consisteth of two partes : the one is , as it were a drying of the humour , which is to be concocted ; the other is , a mingling the substance of the vessell in which the humour is concocted , with the humour it selfe : for as if you boyle diuers kindes of liquors in brasse pannes , the pannes will taynt the liquor with the quality of the brasse ; and therefore Physitians forbid the vse of such , in the boyling of seuerall medicines : so much more in a liuing creatures body , there can be no doubt , but that the vessell in which any humour is concocted , doth giue a tincture therevnto . Now concoction consisting in these two , it is euident , what the concoctiue vertue is ; to witt , heate , and ●he specificall property of the vessell which by heate is mingled with the humour . There remaine yet , 6 the retentiue and the expulsiue faculties to be discoursed of . Whereof one kind , is manisfestly belonging to the voluntary motion which we haue declared : namely that retention , and that expulsion , which we ordinarily make of the grosse excrements eyther of meate , or of drinke , or of other humours , eyther from our head , or from our stomacke , or from our lungs ; for it is manifestly done , partly by taking in of winde , and partly by compressing of some partes and opening of others : as Galen sheweth in his curious booke de vsu partium . An other kind of retention and expulsion , in which we haue no sense when it is made , ( or if we haue , it is of a thing done in vs without our will , though peraduenture we may voluntarily aduance it ) is made by the swelling of fibers in certaine partes , through the confluence of humours to them , ( as in our stomacke it happeneth , by the drinke and the iuice of the meate that is in it ) which swelling , closeth vp the passages by which the contained substance should goe out ( as the moystening of the stringes , and mouth of a purse , almost shutteth it ) vntill in some ( for example the stomacke , after a meale ) the humour being attenuated by little and little , getteth out subtilely ; and so leauing lesse weight in the stomacke , the bag which weighth downe lower , then the neather orifice at which the digested meate issueth , riseth a little : and this rising of it , is also furthered by the wrinkling vp and shortning of the vpper part of the stomacke which still returneth into its naturall corrugation , as the masse of liquid meate leaueth soaking it ( which it doth by degrees , still as more and more goeth out ; and so what remaineth filleth lesse place , and reacheth not so high of the stomacke : ) and thus at lēgth , the residue and thicker substance of the meate , after the thinnest is gott out in steame , and the middling part is boyled ouer in liquor , cometh to presse and grauitate wholy vpō the orifice of the stomacke ; which being then helped by the figure and lying of the rest of the stomacke , and its stringes and mouth relaxing , by hauing the iuice which swelled them , squeezed out of them ; it openeth it selfe , and giueth way vnto that which lay so heauy vpon it , to tumble out . In others ( for example , in a woman with childe ) the enclosed substāce , ( retained first by such a course of nature as we haue sett downe ) breaketh it selfe a passage by force , and openeth the orifice at which it is to goe out by violence , when all circumstances are ripe according to natures institution . 7 But yet there is the expulsion which is made by physicke , that requireth a little declaration . It is of fiue kindes : vomiting , purging by stoole , by vrine , sweating , and saliuation . Euery one of which , seemeth to consist of two partes , namely the disposition of the thing to be purged , and the motion of the nerues or fibers for the expulsion : as for example , when the Physitian giueth a purge , it worketh two thinges ; the one is , to make some certaine humour more liquid and purgeable thē the rest ; the other is , to make the stomacke or belly , sucke or vent this humour For the first , the property of the purge must be , to precipitate that humour out of the rest of the bloud ; or if it be thicke , to dissolue it that it may runne easily . For the second , it ordinarily heateth the stomacke ; and by that meanes , it causeth the stomacke to sucke out of the veines , and so to draw from all partes of the body . Besides this , it ordinarily filleth the belly with winde , which occasioneth those gripings men feele when they take physicke ; and is cause of the guttes discharging those humours , which otherwise they would retaine . The like of this happeneth in saliuation ; for the humours are by the same meanes brought to the stomacke , and thence sublimed vp to be spitten out : as we see in those , who taking Mercury into their body , eyther in substance or in smoake , or by applicatiō , do vent cold humours from any part ; the Mercury rising from all the body vp to the mouth of the patient , as to the helme of a sublimatory : and the like some say of Tobacco . As for vomiting , it is in a manner wholy the operation of the fibers , prouoked by the feeling of some inconuenient body , which maketh the stomacke wrincle it selfe , and worke and striue to cast out what offendeth it . Sweating seemeth to be caused , by the heating of some introus body by the stomake ; which being of subtile partes , is by heate dispersed from the middle to the circumference ; and carrieth with it light humours , which turne into water as they come out into the ayre . And thus you see in generall , and as much as concerneth vs to declare , what the naturall faculties are : and this , according to Galen his owne mind : who affirmeth , that these faculties do follow the complexion , or the temper of the partes of a mans body . 8 Hauing explicated how voluntary motion proceedeth from the braine : our next consideration ought to be , to examine what it is ; that such an obiect , as we brought , by meanes of the senses , into the braine from without , doth contribute to make the braine apply it selfe to worke such voluntary motion . To which purpose , we will goe a steppe or two backe , to meete the obiect at its entrance into the sense ; and from thence accompany it in all its iourney and motions onwardes . The obiect which striketh at the senses dore , and getting in , mingleth it selfe with the spirits it findeth there ; is eyther cōforme and agreeable to the nature and temper of those spirits , or it is not : that is to say in short , it is eyther pleasing or displeasing to the liuing creature : or it may be of a third kind , which being neyther of these , we may terme indifferent . In which sort soeuer the obiect affect the sense , the spirits carry it immediately to the braine ; vnlesse some distemper or strong thought , or other accident hinder them . Now , if the obiect be of the third kind ; that is , be indiffent ; as soone as it hath strucken the braine , it reboundeth to the circle of the memory : and there , being speedily ioyned to others of its owne nature , it findeth them annexed to some pleasing or displeasing thing , or it doth not : if not , in beastes it serueth to little vse : and in men , it remayneth there vntill it be called for . But if , eyther in its owne nature , it be pleasing or displeasing , or afterwardes , in the memory it became ioyned to some pleasing or annoying fellowshipp ; presently , the hart is sensible of it : for the hart being ioyned to the braine by straight and large nerues , full of strong spirits which ascend from the hart ; it is impossible , but that it must haue some communication with those motions , which passe in the braine : vpon which the hart , or rather the spirits about it , is eyther dilated or compressed . And these motions , may be eyther totally of one kind , or moderated , and allayed by the mixture of its contrary : if of the former sort ; one of them we call ioy , the other griefe ; which do continue about the hart ( and peraduenture do oppresse it if they be in the vtmost extremity ) without sending any due proportion of spirits to the braine vntill they settle a little , and grow more moderate . Now , when these motions are moderate ; they immediately send vp some aboundance of spirits to the braine : which if they be in a conuenient proportion , they are by the braine thrust into such nerues as are fitt to receiue them : and swelling them , they giue motion to the muscles and tendons that are fastened to them : and they do moue the whole body , or what part of it is vnder command of those nerues , that are thus filled and swelled with spirits by the braine . If the obiect was conformable to the liuing creature , then the braine sendeth spirits into such nerues , as ca●●y the body to it : but if otherwise , it causeth a motiō of auersion or flight from it . To the cause of this latter , we giue the name of Feare : and the other , that carrieth one to the pursuite of the obiect , we call Hope . Anger , or Audaci●y , is mixed of both these ; for it seeketh to auoyde an euill by embracing and ouercoming it : and proceedeth out of aboundance of spirits . Now , if the proportion of spirits sent from the hart , be too great for the braine , it hindereth or peruerteth the due operation both in man and beast . All which it will not be amisse to open a litle more particularly : and first ; 9 why painefull or displeasing obiects , do contract the spirits , and gratefull ones , do contrary wise , dilate them ? It is , because the good of the hart consisteth in life , that is in heate and moysture : and it is the nature of heate , to dilate it selfe in moysture ; whereas cold and drie thinges , do contract the bodies they worke vpon : and such are enemyes to the nature of men and beasts : and accordingly experience , as well as reason , teacheth vs , that all obiects , which be naturally good , are such as be hoat and moyst in the due proportion to the creature that is affected and pleased with them . Now , the liuing creature being composed of the same principles as the world round about him is ; and the hart being an abridgement of the whole sensible creature ; and being moreouer full of bloud , and that very hoat ; it cometh to passe , that if any of these little extracts of the outward world , do arriue to the hoat bloud about the hart , it worketh in this bloud such like an effect , as we see a droppe of water falling into a glasse of wine ; which is presently dispersed into a competent compasse of the wine : so that any little obiect , must needes make a notable motion in the bloud about the hart . This motion , according to the nature of the obiect , will be eyther conformable or contrary ; vnlesse it be so little a one , as no effect will follow of it ; and then , it is of that kind , which aboue we called indifferent . If the ensuing effect , be connaturall to the hart , there riseth a motion of a certaine fume about the hart ; which motion we call pleasure ; and it neuer fayleth of accompanying all those motions which are good , as Ioy , Loue , Hope and the like : but if the motion be displeasing ; there is likewise a common sense of a heauynesse about the hart ▪ which we call griefe : and it is common to sorrow , feare , hate , and the like . Now it is manifest by experience , that th●se motions are all of them different ones , and do strike against diuers of those partes of our body which encompasse the hart : out of which striking followeth that the spirits sent from the hart , do affect the braine diuersly ; and are by it , conueyed into diuers nerues , and so do sett diuers members in action . Whence followeth , that certaine members are generally moued vpon the motion of such a passion in the hart , especially in beaste , ●ho haue a more determinate course of working , then man hath : and if ●ometimes we see variety , euen in beasts , vpon knowledge of the circumstances , we may easily guesse at the causes of that variety : the particularities of all which motions , we remitt to Physitians and to Anatomistes : aduertising only , that the fume of pleasure , and the heauinesse of griefe , do plainely shew , that the first motions do participate of dilatation ▪ and the latter of compression . 10 Thus you see , how by the senses , a liuing creature becometh iudge of what is good , and of what is bad for him : which operation , is performed more perfectly in beasts ; and especially in those , who liue in the free ayre , remote from humane conuersation , ( for their senses are fresh and vntaynted , as nature made them ) then in men . Yet without doubt nature hath beene as fauourable in this particular to men , as vnto them ; were it not , that with disorder and excesse , we corrupt and oppresse our senses : as appeareth euidently by the story we haue recorded of Iohn of Liege : as also by the ordinary practise of some Hermites in the diserts , who by their tast or smell , would presently be informed whether the herbes , and rootes , and fruits th●y mett withall , were good or hurtfull for them , though they neuer before had had triall of them . Of which excellency of the senses , there remaineth in vs only some dimme sparkes , in those qualities which we call sympathies and antipathies : whereof the reasons are plaine , out of our late discourse : and are nothing el●e , but a conformity or opposition of a liuing creature , by some indiuiduall property of it , vnto some body without it : in such sort , as its conformity or opposition vnto thinges by its specificall qualities , is termed naturall or against nature . But of this we shall discourse more at large hereafter . Thus it appeareth , how the senses are seated in vs , principally for the end of mouing vs to , or from obiects , that are good for vs , or hurtfull to vs. But though our Reader be content to allow this intent of nature , in our three inferiour senses ; yet he may peraduenture not be satisfyed , how the two more noble ones ( the hearing and the seeing ) do cause such motions to , or from obiects , as are requisite to be in liuing creatures for the preseruation of them : for ( may he say ) how can a man , by only seeing an obiect , or by hearing the sound of it , tell what qualities it is embued withall ? Or what motion of liking or disliking , can be caused in his hart , by his meere receiuing the visible species of an obiect at his eyes , or by his eares hearing some noyse it maketh ? And if there be no such motion there , what should occasion him , to prosecute or auoyd that obiect ? When he tasteth , or smelleth , or toucheth a thing , he findeth it sweet , or bitter , or stincking , or hoat , or cold ; and is therewith eyther pleased or displeased : but when he only seeth or heareth it , what liking or disliking can he haue of it , in order to the preseruation of his nature ? The solution of this difficulty , may in part appeare out of what we haue already said . But for the most part , the obiects of th●se two nobler senses , d●●moue vs , by being ioyned in the memory with some other thing that did eyther please or displease some of the other three senses . And from thence it is , that the motion of going to embrace the obiect , or ●uersion from it , doth immediately proceed : as when a dogg seeth a man that vseth to giue him meate , the species of the man coming into his fansie , calleth out of his memory the others which are of the same nature , and are former participations of that man , as well as this f●esh one is : but these are ioyned with specieses of meate ; because at other times , they did vse to come in together : and therefore the meate being a good vnto him , and causing him ( in the manner we haue said ) to moue towardes it ; it will follow that the dogg will presently moue towardes that man , and expresse a contentednesse in being with him . And this is the ground of all assuefaction in beasts , and of making them capable of receiuing any instructions . THE FIVE AND THERTIETH CHAPTER . Of the materiall instruments of Knowledge and Passion ; of the seuerall effects of Passions ; of Paine and Pleasure ; and how the vitall spirits are sent from the braine into the intended partes of the body , without mistaking their way . 1 TO conclude this great businesse , which concerneth all the mutations and motions , that are made by outward Agents in a liuing creature , it will not be amisse , to take a short and generall suruay of the materiall instruments , which concurre to this effect . Whereof the braine being the principall , or at least , the first and next of the principalles ; we may take notice that it containeth , towardes the middle of its substance , foure concauities , as some do count them : but in truth , these foure , are but one great concauity , in which , foure , as it were , diuers roomes , may be distinguished . The neather part of these concauities , is very vnequall , hauing ioyned vnto it , a kind of nett , wrought by the entangling of certaine litle arteries , and of small emanations from a Sinus , which are interwouen together . Besides this , it is full of kernels , which do make it yet more vneuen . Now , two roomes of this great concauity , are diuided by a litle body , somewhat like a skinne , ( though more fryable ) which of it selfe is cleere ; but there it is somewhat dimmed , by reason that hanging a litle slacke , it somewhat shriueleth together : and this , Anatomistes do call Septum Lucidum , or speculum ; and is a different body from all the rest that are in the braine . This transparēt body , hangeth as it were straightwardes , from the forehead towards the hinder part of the head : and diuideth the hollow of the braine , as farre as it reacheth , into the right and the left ventricles . This part seemeth to me , ( after weighing all circumstances , and considering all the conueniencies , and fittenesses ) to be that , and only that , in which the fansie or common sense resideth : though Monsieur des Cartes hath rather chosen a kernell to place it in . The reasons of my assertions are ; first , that it is in the middle of the braine , which is the most conuenient situation to receiue the messages from all our body , that do come by nerues , some from before , and some from behind . Secondly , that with its two sides , it seemeth to be conueniently opposed to all such of our senses , as are double ; the one of them sending its litle messengers or atomes , to giue it aduertissements on one side , the other on the other side ; so that it is capable of receiuing impression indifferently from both . Againe , by the nature of the body , it seemeth more fitt to receiue all differences of motion , then any other body neere it . It is also most cōformable to the nature of the eye ; which being our principall outward sense , must needes be in the next degree to that , which is eleuated a straine aboue our outward senses . Fiftly , it is of a single and peculiar nature ▪ whereas the kernels are many , and all of them of the same condition , quality , and appearance . Sixtly , it is seated in the very hollow of the braine ; which of necessity must be the place and receptacle where the specieses and similitudes of thinges do reside ; and where they are moued and tumbled vp and downe , when we thinke of many thinges . And lastly , the situation we putt our head in , when we thinke earnestly of any thing , fauoureth this opinion : for then we hang our head forwards , as it were forcing the specieses to settle towardes our forehead , that from thence they may rebound , and worke vpon this diaphanous substance . This then supposed , 2 lett vs consider , that the atomes or likenesses of bodies , hauing giuen their touch vpon this Septum or Speculum , do thence retire backe into the concauities , and do sticke ( as by chance it happeneth ) in some of the inequalities they encounter with there . But if some wind or forcible steame , should breake into these caues , and as it were brush and sweepe them ouer ; it must follow , that these litle bodies will loosen themselues , and beginne to play in the vapour which filleth this hollow place : and so floting vp and downe , come a new to strike and worke vpon the Speculum or fantasy : which being also a soluble body , many times these atomes striking vpon it , do carry some litle corporeall substance from it sticking vpon them : whence ensueth , that they returning againe with those tinctures or participations of the very substance of the fantasy ; do make vs remember , not only the obiects themselues , but also that we haue thought of them before . Further we are to know , 3 that all the nerues of the braine , haue their beginnings not farre of from this speculum : of which we shall take a more particular consideration of two , that are called the sixt paire or couple : which paire hath this singularity , that it beginneth in a great many litle branches , that presently grow together , and make two great ones contained within one skinne . Now this being the property of a sense ( which requireth to haue many fibers in it , to the end that it may be easily and vigorously strucken , by many partes of the obiect lighting vpon many partes of those little fibers ) it giueth vs to vnderstand , that this sixt couple hath a particular nature , conformable to the nature of an externe sense ; and that the Architect who placed it there , intended by the seuerall conduites of it , to giue notice vnto some part they goe vnto , of what passeth in the braine : and accordingly one branch of this nerue , reacheth to the hart ; not only to the Pericardium , as Galen thought , but euen to the very substance of the hart it selfe , as later Anatomistes haue discouered : by which we plainely see how the motion which the senses do make in the Speculum , may be deriued downe to the hart . 4 Now therefore lett vs consider , what effects the motions so conueyed from the braine , will worke in the hart . First remembring how all that moueth the hart , is eyther paine or pleasure ( though we do not vse to call it paine , but griefe , when the euill of sense moueth vs only by memory , and not by being actually in the sense ) and then calling to mind , how paine ( as Naturalistes teach vs ) consisteth in some diuision of a nerue , ( which they call Solutio continui : and must be in a nerue ; for that no solution can be the cause of paine , without sense , nor sense be without nerues ; and therefore this solution must needes be in nerues , to haue it proue painefull , ) we may conclude , that the effect which we call paine , is nothing else but a compression : for although this solution of continuity may seeme to be a dilatation ; yet in truth , it is a compression , in the part where the euill is , which happeneth vnto it in the same manner as we shewed ( when we spoke of the motion of restitution ) it doth to stiffe bodies , that by violence are compressed and drawne into a lesse capacious figure , then their nature affecteth , and returne into their owne state as soone as the mastering violence leaueth them at liberty . Pleasure therefore , must be contrary to this , and consist in a moderate dilatation ; for an immoderate one , would cause a compression in some adherent partes ; and there would become paine . And conformable to this , we experience , that generally they are hard thinges which breed paine vnto vs ; and that these which breed pleasure , are oyly and soft ; as meates , and odours , which are sweete to the taste and smell ; and soft substances , which are gratefull to the touch : the excesse of all which proueth offensiue and painefull ; so that from the extremity of pleasure , one entereth presently vpon the confines of paine . Now then lett vs consider , how the little similitudes of bodies , which from without do come into the fantasy , must of necessity worke there , according to their little power , effects proportionable to what they wrought first in the outward senses , from whence , they were conueyed to the braine : for the senses ( that is the nerues ) and the Septum Lucidum , hauing both of them their origine from the very substance of the braine , and differing only in degrees of purity and refinement , the same obiect must needes workelike effects in both , compressing or dilating them proportionably to one an other : which compression or dilatation , is not paine or pleasure , as it is in the outward sense ; but as it is reported to the hart : and that , being the seate of all paines or pleasures wrought in other partes , and that ( as it were ) dyeth them into those qualities , is not capable of feeling eyther it selfe : so that the stroakes of any little similitudes vpon the fantasy , do make only compressions or dilatations there , not paines or pleasures . 5 Now their bodies or similitudes , if they be reuerberated from the fantasy or septum Lucidum , vpon the little rootes of the nerues of the sixt couple , which goe to the hart , they must needes worke there a proportionable impression to what they wrought vpon the fansy , eyther compressing or dilating it ; and the hart being extremely passiue , by reason of its exceeding tendernesse and heate ; can not choose but change its motion , at the least in part , if not in whole : and this with relation to two causes ; the one the disposition of the hart it selfe ; the other , the vehemency of the stroake . This change of motion and different beating of the hart , is that which properly is called passion : and is euer accompanyed with pleasure or with griefe , according to the nature of the impression , that eyther contracteth or dilateth the hart and the spirirs about it : and is discouered by the beating of the arteries and of the pulse . Conformable wherevnto , Physitians do tell vs , that euery passion hath a distinct pulse . These pulses are diuided in common , 6 by aboundance , or by want of spirits : yet in both kinds , they may haue common differencies ; for in aboundance , the pulse may be quicke or slow , regular or irregular , equall or vnequall : and the like may happen in defect of spirits ; according to the motions of the hart , which are their causes . Againe , the obiect by being present or absent , neerer or further off , maketh the stroake greater or lesser : and accordingly , varyeth the motion of the hart . Lett vs then call to mind , how we haue formerly declared , that life consisteth in heate and humidity ; and that these two ioyned together , do make a thing great : and we may conclude , that of necessity the motion which is most liuely , must haue a great , full , and large stroake ; like the euē rolling waues of a wyde and smooth sea ; and not too quicke or smart , like the breaches of a narrow Fretum , agitated by tempestuous windes . From this , other motions may vary eyther by excesse , or by deficiency : the first maketh the stroake become smart , violent , and thicke : the other slackeneth it , and maketh it grow little , slow , weake , and thinne , or seldome . And if we looke into the motions of our hart , we shall see these three differencies of them , follow three seuerall chiefe passions . The first , followeth the passion of ioy : the second , the passion of anger : and the third the passion of griefe . Nor neede we looke any further into the causes of these seuerall motions ; for we see that ioy and griefe , following the stroake of sense , the one of them must consist in an oyly dilatation : that is , the spirits about the hart , must be dilated by a gentle , large , great , and sweete motion , in a moderation between velocity and slownesse : the other contrarywise , following the stroake of sense in paine , as the first did in pleasure , must contract the spirits ; and consequently make their motion or stroake become little , and deficient from all the properties we haue aboue sett downe . As for anger , the motion following that passion , is , when the aboundance of spirits in the hart is a little checked by the contrary stroake of sense , but presently ouercometh that opposition : and then , as we see a hindered water , or a man , that suddainely or forcibly breake through what withstood their motion , go on with a greater violence then they did , and as it were precipitately : so the hart , hauing ouercome the contraction , which the sense made in it , dilateth it selfe with a fury , and maketh its motion smart and vehement . Whence also it followeth , that the spirits grow hoater then they were : and accordingly , it is often seene , that in the scoulding of a woman , and in the irritation of a dogg , if euer now and then , one thwart them , and interpose a little opposition , their fury will be so sharpened and heightened , that the woman will be transported beyond all limits of reason , and the dogg will be made madde with nothing else done to him , but angring him at conuenient times : and some men likewise , haue by sleight oppositions , iterated speedily vpon them , before their spirits could relent their vehement motion ( and therefore , must still encrease it ) beene angred into feauers . This passion of anger , seemeth almost to be solitary on the side of excesse beyond ioy : which is , as it were the standard and perfection of all passions ▪ as light or whitenesse , is of all colours : but on the otherside , of deficiency , there are seuerall middle passions , which participate more or lesse of ioy and griefe : as particularly those two famous ones , which gouerne mans life , Hope and Feare . Concerning which , Physitians tell vs , that the pulse or beating of feare , is quicke , hard , and vnequall : vnto which I conceiue we may safely adde , that it must also be small and feeble ▪ the perfection of ioy , decreasing in it on one side , to witt , from greatnesse and largenesse ; but not intirely ; so that a kind of quicknesse supplyeth in part the other defect . Hope on the other side , is in such sort defectiue from ioy , that neuerthelesse it hath a kind of constancy , and moderate quantity , and regularity in its motion : and therefore is accounted to be the least hurtfull of all the passions , and that which most prolongeth mans life . And thus you see how those motions , which we call passions , are engendred in the hart , and what they are . Lett vs then in the next place consider , what will follow in the rest of the body , out of these varieties of passions , 7 once raysed in the hart and sent into the braine . It is euidēt , that according to the nature and quality of these motions , the hart must needes in euery one of them , voyde out of it selfe into the arteries , a greater or lesser quantity of bloud , and that in diuers fashions : and the arteries which lye fittest to receiue these suddaine egestions of bloud , are those which goe into the braine : whose course being directly vpwardes , we can not doubt , but that it is the hoatest and subtilest part of the bloud , and the fullest of spirits , that flyeth that way . These spirits then running a lōg and perplexed iourney vp and downe in the braine , by various meanders and anfractuosities , are there mingled with the humide steame of the braine it selfe , and are therewith cooled ; and do come at the last , to smoake at liberty in the hollow ventricles of the braine , by reeking out of the little arteriall branches , that do weaue the plexus choroides , or nette we spoke of ere while : and they being now growne heauy , do fall ( by their naturall course ) into that part or processe of the braine , which is called medulla spinalis , or the marrow of the backe bone : which being all besett by the nerues that runne through the body , it can not happen otherwise , but that these thickened and descending spirits , must eyther fall themselues into those nerues , or else presse into them other spirits which are before them , that without such new force to driue them violently forwardes , would haue slided downe more leisurely . Now , this motion being downewardes , and meeting with no obstacle till it arriue vnto its vtmost periode that way , the lowest nerues are those , which naturally do feele the communication of these spirits first . But it is true , if the flowing tide of them be great and plentifull , all the other nerues will also be so suddainely filled , vpon the filling of the lowermost , that the succession of their swellings , will hardly be perceptible : as a suddaine and violent inundation of water , seemeth to rise on the sides of the channell , as it doth at the milldamme ; though reason assureth vs it must beginne there , because there it is first stopped . On the contrary side , if the spirits be few , they may be in such a proportion , as to fill only the lower nerues , and to cōmunicate little of thēselues to any of the others . And this is the case in the passion of feare : which being stored with fewer spirits , thē any other passiō that causeth a motiō in the body , it moueth the legges most ; and so carryeth the animal that is affrayd , with violence from the obiect that affrighteth him . Although in truth , it is a faint hope of escaping , mingled with feare , which begetteth this motion : for when feare is single , and at its height , it stoppeth all motion by contracting the spirits , and thence is called stupor ; as well as griefe , for the same reason : and accordingly we see extreme cowardes in the extremity of their feare , haue not the courage to runne away , no more then to defend or helpe themselues by any other motions . But if there be more aboundance of spirits ; then the vpper partes are also moued , as well as the legges ; whose motion contributeth to defense : but the braine it selfe , and the senses which are in the head , being the first in the course of this flood of spirits , that is sent from the hart to the head ; it is impossible , but that some part of them , should be pressed into the nerues of those senses , and so will make the animal vigilant and attentiue to the cause of its feare or griefe . But if the feare be so great , that it contracteth all the spirits , and quite hindereth their motion , ( as in the case we touched aboue ) then it leaueth also the nerues of the senses destitute of spirits ; and so by too strong apprehension of a danger , the animall neyther seeth nor apprehendeth it : but as easily precipitateth it selfe into it , as it happeneth to auoyde it ; being meerely gouerned by chance ; and may peraduenture seeme valiant , through extremity of feare . And thus you see in common , how all the naturall operations of the body , do follow by naturall consequence out of the passions of the mind : without needing to attribute discourse or reason , eyther to men or beastes to performe them . Although at the first sight , some of them may appeare vnto those that looke not into their principles and true causes , to flow from a source of intelligence : whereas it is euident by what wee haue layed open , they all proceed from the due ranging and ordering of quantitatiue partes , so or so proportioned by rarity and density . And there is no doubt , but who would follow this search deepely , might certainly retriue the reasons of all those externall motions , which wee see vse to accompany the seuerall passions in men and Beastes . But for our intent wee haue said enough , to shew by what kind or order and course of nature , they may be effected ( without confining our selues ouer scrupulously to euery circumstance that we haue touched ) and to giue a hinte , whereby others that will make this inquiry their taske , may compile an intire , and well grounded and intelligible doctrine of this matter . Only we will adde one aduertissement more ; which is , that these externall motions caused by passion , are of two kindes : for some of them are as it were the beginnings of the actions , which nature intendeth to haue follow out of the passions that cause them : but others are only bare signes of the passions that produce them , and are made by the cōnexion of partes vnnecessary for the maine action that is to follow out of the passion , with other partes that by the passion are necessarily moued : as for example , when an hungry mans mouth watereth at the sight of good meate ; it is a kind of beginning of eating , or of preparation for eating for when we eate , nature draweth a moysture into our mouth , to humectate our meate , and to conuey the tast of it into the nerues of the tongue , which are to make report of it vnto the braine : but when we laugh , the motion of our face aymeth at no further end , and followeth only by the connexion of those muscles , which draw the face in such a sort , vnto some inward partes , that are moued by the passion , out of which laughing proceedeth . 8 But we must not leaue this subiect without some mention of the diaphragma : into which the other branch of those nerues , that are called of the sixth coniugation , doth come : for the first branch we haue said goeth into the hart , and carryeth thither the obiects that come into the braine : and this , we shall find , carryeth backe to the braine the passion or motion , which by the obiect is raysed in the hart . Concerning this part of our body , you are to note , that it is a muscolous membrane , which in the middle of it hath a sinnewy circle ; wherevnto is fastened the case of the hart , called the Pericardium . This Diaphragma is very sensible , receiuing its vertue of feeling from the aboue mentioned branch of the sixt couple of nerues : and being of a trembling nature , is by our respiration kept in continuall motion : and flappeth vpon all occasions , as a drumme head would do , if it were slacke and moyst ; or as a sayle would do , that were brought into the wind . Out of this description of it , it is obuious to conceiue , that all the changes of motion in the hart , must needes be expressed in the Diaphragma . For the hart beating vpon the Pericardium , and the Pericardium being ioyned to the Diaphragma ; such iogges and vibrations must needes be imprinted and ecchoed there , as are formed in the hart : which from thence , can not choose but be carryed to the braine by the sixt couple of nerues . And thus it cometh about , that we feele and haue sensation of all the passions , that are moued in our hart . Which peraduenture is the reason , why the Greekes do call this part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and from it deriue the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that in latine signifyeth Sapere , with vs , to sauour or to like : for by this part of our body , we haue a liking of any obiect , or a motion of inclination towardes it : from whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is deriued , by composition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for a prudent man is he , that liketh , and is moued to compasse wholesome and good thinges . Which Etymology of the word , seemeth vnto me more naturall , then from the phrenesy , from whence some deriue it ; because a great distemper or inflammation in the Diaphragma , often causeth that disease . Now , 9 because the obiect is cōueyed frō the braine to the hart some part of its way , by the same passage , as the motion of the hart is reconueyed backe to the braine ▪ it must of necessity follow , that who is more attētiue to outward sense , doth lesse consider or reflect vpō his passion ; and who is more attentiue to obserue , and be gouuerned by what passeth in his hart , is lesse wrought vpon by externall thinges . For if his fantasy draweth strongly vnto it , the emanations from outward agents vpon the senses , the streame of those emanations will descend so strongly from the ouerfilled fantasy into the hart , that it will hinder the ascent of any fewer and weaker spirits by the same pipe . But if the current do sett strongest vpwardes , from the hart by the Diaphragma to the braine , then it will so fill the pipe by which it ascendeth , that little of a weaker tyde , can make a contrary eddy water in the same channell . And by this meanes , nature effecteth a second pleasure or paine in a liuing creature , which moueth it ( oftentimes very powerfully ) in absence of the primary obiect : as we may obserue , when thinking of any pleasing or displeasing action , we find about our hart a motion which enticeth vs to it , or auerteth vs from it : for as the first pleasure was occasioned by the stroake , which the obiect applyed to the outward sense , made vpon the fantasy , ( which can iudge of nothing without being strucken by it ) so the second pleasure springeth from the spirits moued in the hart , by messengers from the braine , which by the Diaphragma do rebound a stroake backe againe vpon the fantasy . And from hence it proceedeth , that memory delighteth or afflicteth vs ; and that we think of past thinges with sweetenesse or with remorse : and thereby assuefaction is wrought in beastes , as farre as the appetitiue part doth contribute therevnto , to perfect what was begunne in their cognoscitiue part , by the ingression of corporeall speciefes into their fantasy , in order to the same effect , as we haue touched before . 10 But now lett vs examine , how so small a quantity of a body , as cometh from an obiect into our sense , can be the cause of so great a motion about our hart . To which purpose we are to remember , that this motion is performed in the most subtile and thinne substance , that can be imagined : they are the vitall spirits , that do all this worke ; which are so subtile , so agile , and so hoat , that they may in some sort be termed fire . Now if we reflect how violent fire is , we neede not wonder at the suddaine and great motion of these passions . But we must further take notice , that they are not in the greatest excesse , but where the liuing creature hath beene long inured and exercised vnto them , eyther directly or indirectly : so that they arriue not to that pitch so much out of the power of the agent , as out of the preparation and disposition of the patient ; as when cold water hath beene often heated by extinguishing red hoat irons in it , after some repetitions a few quenchinges will reduce it from cold to boyling , that at the first would scarce haue made it lukewarme : and accordingly we see a hart , that for a long time hath loued , and vehemently hath desired enioying , is transported in a high degree , at the least sight and renuance of stroakes from its beloued obiect ; and is as much deiected , vpon any the least depriuation of it : for to such an obiect , the liuing creature is hurried away by a force much resembling the grauity or celerity of a dense body , that is sett on running downe a steepe hill ; vnto which , the only taking away of a weake lett or the least stoppe , giueth a precipitate course ; not out of the force of what is done to it , but out of the force which was formerly in the thing , though for the present it lay there vndiscouered : and so likewise in these cases , the obiect rather giueth the occasion of the violent motion , then the force or power to it . 11 These thinges being thus determined , some peraduenture may aske , how it cometh to passe , that the spirits which cause motion , being sent on their arrant by the braine , do alwayes hitt the right way , and light duely into those very sinnewes , which moue the liuing creature according as is requisite for its nature ? Since all the passages are open , what is it that gouerneth them , so as they neuer mistake , and the animal is neuer driuen towardes harme , insteed of flying from it ? Who is their guide in these obscure pathes ? But it were to impute ignorance to the maker , to think that he framed all the passages alike , and so euery one of them , promiscuously apt to receiue into them , all sorts of spirits howsoeuer they be moued : and therefore , we may assure our selues , that since in these diuersities of occasions , there are likewise diuers kinds of motions from the hart● eyther there is proportionable vnto them , diuers kindes of passages fitt to receiue and entertaine the spirits , according to the condition they are in , so as the passages which are aiusted to one kind of spirits , will not admitt any of an other nature : or else , the first motions of liking or disliking in the hart , which ( as we haue said ) do cause a swelling or a contraction of it against this or that part ; doth stoppe and hinder the the entrance of the spirits into some sinewes , and doth open others , and driueth the spirits into them : so as in the end , by a result of a chaine of swellinges and contractions of seuerall partes successiuely one against an other , the due motions of prosecution or auersion are brought about . As for example ; an obiect that affecteth the hart with liking , by dilating the spirits about the hart , sendeth some into the opt●ke nerues , and maketh the liuing creature turne his eye towardes it and keepe , it steady vpon what he desireth as contrariwise , if he dislike and feare it , he naturally turneth his eye and head from it . Now , of this motion of the eye and head , may depend the running to the thing in one case , and the running from it in the other : for the turning of the necke one way , may open a passage for the spirits into those sinewes , which carry the rest of the body towardes the obiect : and the turning of it to the other side , may open other sinewes , which shall worke a contrary effect , and carry the animal from the obiect : and the mouing of those sinewes , which at the first do turne the necke , doth proceed from the quality and number of the spirits that ascend from the hart , and from the region of the hart from whence they are sent : according to the variety whereof , there are diuers sinewes fitted to receiue them . To make vp which discourse , we may call to mind , what we haue said a litle aboue , concerning the motions caused in the externall partes of the body , by passion mouing within : as when feare mingled with hope , giueth a motion to the legges , anger to the armes and handes , and all the rest of the body , as well as to the legges ; and all of them , an attention in the outward senses ; which neuerthelesse peruerteth euery one of their functions , if the passion be in extremity . And then surely , we may satisfy our selues , that eyther this , or some way like it ( which I leaue vnto the curious in Anatomy to settle with exactenesse ; for it is enough for my intent , to shew in grosse how these operations may be done , without calling in some incomprehensible qualities to our ayde ) is the course of nature in motions , where no other cause interueneth , besides the obiect working vpon the sense : which all the while it doth , it is the office of the eye of fantasy or of common sense , to lye euer open ; still watching to obserue what warninges the outward senses do send vnto him ; that accordingly he may direct and change , the motions of the hart and of the whole body . But if the obiect do make violent impressions vpon the sense ; 12 and the hart , being then vehemently moued , do there vpon send aboūdance of spirits vp to the braine ; this multitude of spirits thronging vpon the common sense , oppresseth it ( as we haue already said ) in such sort , that the notice which the sense giueth of particular circumstances , can not preuayle to any effect in the braine : and thus by the misguidance of the hart , the worke of nature is disordered : which when it happeneth , we expresse in short , by saying that passion blindeth the creature , in whom such violent and disorderly motions haue course ; for passion is nothing else , but a motion of the bloud and spirits about the hart ; and is the preparation or beginning of the animals working ; as we haue aboue particularly displayed . And thus you see in common , how the circuite is made from the obiect to the sense , and from it by the common sense and fantasy , to the hart ; and from the hart backe againe to the braine ; which then setteth on worke those organes or partes the animal is to make vse of in that occasion : and they eyther bring him to , or carry him from the obiect , that at the first caused all this motion , and in the end becometh the periode of it . THE SIX AND THERTIETH CHAPTER . Of some actions of beastes , that seeme to be formall actes of reason , as doubting , resoluing , inuenting . 1 IN the last Chapter the foundations are layed , and the way is opened , for the discouering how all operations which proceed from nature and passion , are performed among liuing creatures : and therefore , I conceiue I haue thereby sufficiently complyed with the obligation of my intention : which is but to expresse and shew in common , how all the actions of sensible bodies may be reduced to locall motion , and to materiall application of one boy vnto an other , in a like manner ( though in a different degree ) as those motions which we see in liueliest bodies . Yet because among such animals as passe for irrationall , there happen some operations of so admirable a straine , as resemble very much the highest effects which proceed from a man : I thinke it not amisse , to giue some further light , by extending my discourse to some more particulars then hitherto I haue done ; whereby the course and way how they are performed , may be more clearely and easily looked into : and the rather , because I haue mette with some men , who eyther wanting patience to bestow on thoughts of this kind so much time as is necessary for the due scanning of them ; or else through a promptitude of nature , passing swiftly from the effect they looke vpon in grosse , to the most obuious seeming cause ; do suddainely and strongly resolue , that beastes vse discourse vpon occasions , and are endewed with reason . This I intend not to doe quite in particular , for that were to write the history of euery particular animal : but will content my selfe with touching the causes in common ; yet in such sort , that the indifferent Reader may be satisfyed of a possibility , that these effects may proceed from materiall causes : and that I haue poynted out the way , to those who are more curious , and haue the patience and leisure to obserue diligently what passeth among beastes , how they may trace these effects from steppe to steppe , vntill at length they discouer their true causes . To beginne then ; I conceiue we may reduce all those actions of beastes , which seeme admirable , and aboue the reach of an irrationall animal , vnto three or foure seuerall heades . The first may be of such , as seeme to be the very practise of reason , as doubting , resoluing , inuenting and the like . The next shall be of such , as by docility or practise beastes do oftentimes arriue vnto . In the third place , we will consider certaine continuate actions of a long tract of time , so orderly performed by them , as that discourse and rationall knowledge seeme clearely to shine through them . And lastly we will cast our eye vpon some others , which seeme to be euen aboue the reason that is in man himselfe , as the knowing of thinges which the sense neuer had impression of before , a prescience of future euents , prouidences , and the like . As for the first : 2 the doubting of beasts , and their long wauering sometimes betweene obiects that draw them seuerall wayes , and at the last their resoluing vpon some one of them , and their steady pursuance of that afterwardes ; will not be matter of hard digestion to him , that shall haue well relished and meditated vpon the contents of the last Chapter : for it is euident , that if seuerall obiects of different natures do at the same time present themselues vnto a liuing creature , they must of necessity make diuers impressions in the hart of it , proportionable vnto the causes from whence they proceed : so that if one of them be a motion of hope , and the other be of feare ; it can not choose but follow thence , that what one of them beginneth , the other will presently breake off : by which meanes it will come to passe , that in the beastes hart there must needes be such wauinges , as we may obserue in the sea , when at the beginning of a tide of stood , it meeteth with a banke that checketh the coming in of the waues , and for a while , beateth them backe as fast as they presse vpon it ; they offer at getting ouer it , and by and by retire backe againe from the steepenesse of it , as though they were apprehēsiue of some danger on the other side ; and then againe attempt it a fresh : and thus continue labouring , one while one way , an other while an other ; vntill at the length the flood encreasing , the water seemeth to grow bolder , and breaketh a maine ouer the banke , and then floweth on , till it meeteth with an other , that resisteth it , as the first did : and thus you see , how the sea can doubt and resolue , without any discoursing . In the like manner it fareth with the hart of a beast ( whose motions do steere the rest of his body ) when it beateth betwixt hope and feare , or between any other two contrary passions , without requiring any other principles from whence to deduce it , then those we haue already explicated . But now to speake of their inuention ; 3 I must confesse , that among seuerall of them , there appeareth so much cunning in laying of their plots ( which when they haue compassed , they seeme to grow carelesse and to vnbend their attention , as hauing obtained what with earnestnesse they desired ) that one might thinke they wrought by designe , and had a distinct view of an end ; for the effecting of which , they vsed discourse to choose the likeliest meanes . To this purpose the subtilities of the foxe are of most note . They say he vseth to lye as if he were dead ; thereby to make hennes and duckes come boldly to him . That in the night , whē his body is vnseene , he will fixe his eyes vpon poultry , and so make them come downe to him from their rooste . That to ridde himselfe of the fleas that afflict him in the summer , he will sinke his body by litle and litle into the water , while the fleas creepe vp to his head ( to saue themselues from drowning ) and from thence to a bough he holdeth in his mouth , and will then swimme away , leauing them there . That to cosen the badger of his earth , he will pisse in it ; as knowing that the ranke smell of his vrine , will driue the othe cleanelier beast to quitt it . That when doggs are close vpon him , and catching at him , he will pisse vpon his tayle , and by firking that vp and downe , will endeauour ( you may beleeue ) to make their eyes smarte , and so retarde their pursuite , that he may escape from them . And there are particular stories , that expresse yet more cunning then all these : as of a foxe , that being sore hunted , hanged himselfe by the teeth among dead vermine in a warren ; vntill the dogges were passed by him , and had lost him . Of an other , that in the like distresse , would take into his mouth a broome bush growing vpon a steepe cliffe on the side hand neere his denne ( which had an other way to it , easy enough of accesse ) and by helpe of that , would securely cast himselfe into his hole ; whiles the doggs that followed him hastily , and were ignorant of the danger , would breake their neckes downe the rockes . It is said , that in Thracia , the country people so know whether the riuers that are frozen in the winter , will beare them or no , by marking whether the foxes venture boldely ouer them , or retire after they haue layed their eares to the yce , to listen whether or no they can heare the noyse of the water running vnder it : from whence you may imagine they collect , that if they heare the current of the streame , the yce must needes be thinne ; and consequently dangerous to trust their weight vnto it . And to busye my selfe no longer with their suttleties , I will conclude with a famous tale of one of these crafty animals ; that hauing killed a goose on the other side of the riuer , and being desirous to swimme ouer with it , to carry it to his denne , before he would attempt it ( least his prey might proue too heauy for him to swimme withall , and so he might loose it ) he first weighed the goose with a piece of wood , and then tryed to carry that ouer the riuer , whiles he left his goose behind in a safe place ; which when he perceiued he was able to do with ease , he then came backe againe , and ventured ouer with his heauy birde . They say it is the nature of the Iacatray to hide it selfe , and imitate the voyce of such beasts , as it vseth to prey vpon ; which maketh them come to him , as to one of their owne fellowes ; and then he seiseth vpon them and deuoureth them . The Iaccall , that hath a subtile sent , hunteth after beasts ; and in the chace , by his barking guideth the lyon , ( whose nose is not so good ) till they ouertake what they hunt ; which peraduenture would be too strong for the Iaccall ; but the lyon killeth the quarry , and hauing first fed himselfe , leaueth the Iaccall his share : and so between them both , by the ones dexterity , and by the others strength , they gett meate for nourishment of them both . Like storyes are recorded of some fishes . And euery day we see the inuentions of beasts to saue themselues from catching : as hares , when they are hunted , seeke alwayes to confound the sent ; sometimes by taking hedges , other whiles waters ; sometimes running among sheepe and other beasts of stronger sents ; sometimes making doubles , and treading the same path ouer and ouer ; and sometimes leaping with great iumpes hither and thither , before they betake themselues to their rest ; that so the cōtinuatenesse of the sent may not lead doggs to their forme . Now , to penetrate into the causes of these and of such like actions ; we may remember , 4 how we shewed in the last Chapter , that the beating of the hart worketh two thinges : the one is , that it turneth about the specieses , or litle corporeities ( streaming from outward obiects ) which remaine in the memory : the other is , that it is alwayes pressing on to some motion or other : out of which it happeneth , that when the ordinary wayes of getting victuals , or of escaping from enemies , do faile a creature whose constitution is actiue ; it lighteth sometimes ( though peraduenture very seldome ) vpon doing something , out of which the desired effect followeth ; as it can not choose but fall out now and then , although chance only do gouerne their actions : and when their action proueth successefull , it leaueth such an impression in the memory , that whensoeuer the like occasion occurreth , that animal will follow the same methode ; for the same specieses do come together from the memory into the fantasy . But the many attēpts that miscarry , and the ineffectuall motions which straightes do cast beasts vpon , are neuer obserued , nor are there any stories recorded of them : no more then in the temple of Neptune , were kept vpon the registres , the relations of those vnfortunate wretches , who making vowes vnto that god in their distresse , were neuerthelesse drowned . Thus peraduenture , when the foxe seeth his labour in chaceing the hennes , to be to no purpose ; and that by his pursuite of them , he driueth them further out of his reach ; he layeth himselfe downe to rest , with a watchfull eye , and perceiuing those silly animals to grow bolder and bolder , by their not seing him stirre , he continueth his lying still , vntill some one of them cometh within his reach , and then on a suddaine , he springeth vp and catcheth her : or peraduenture some poultry might haue strayed within his reach whiles he was asleepe , and haue then wakened him with some noise they made ; and so he happen to seise vpon one of them , without eyther designe or paines taking before hand : by such degrees he might chance to catch one the first time : and they being settled in his memory , together with the effect ; it happened that an other time when hunger pressed him , and sent vp to his braine like spirits vnto those which ascended thither whiles he lay watching the hennes ; these spirits brought the other from his memory into his fantasy ( in such sort as we haue shewed in the last Chapter ) and so droue him to the same course , vntill by frequent repetitions , it became ordinary and familiar with him : and then they that looke only vpon the performance of the artifice , are apt to inferre discourse and a designe of reason , out of the orderly conduct of it . But how can we conceiue the foxe hath iudgement to know when the henne is come within his leape , and accordingly offereth not art her till then ; vnlesse we resort to some other principle , then what is yet declared ? The answere vnto this obiection I thinke will not be hard to find ; for if the motion , which the presence of the obiect maketh in the hart , be proportioned out by nature ( as there is no doubt but it is ) it will not be so great and powerfull , as to make the foxe leape att it , vntill it be arriued so neere him , that by his nimblenesse he can reach it ; and so without any ayme , further then by the meere fluxe of his passion conueniently raysed , he doth the feate : but if his passion be too violent , it maketh him misse his ayme ; as we may frequently obserue both in men and beasts : and particularly , when feare presseth eyther of them to leapeouer a ditch , which being too broad , he lighteth in the middest of it . The same watchfullnesse and desire to haue the poulen , that sitt vpon a tree out of his reach , maketh him fixe his eyes vpon them , when they are att rooste : and att length , eyther the brightnesse and sparkling of them , dazeleth the birdes , and maketh them come downe to them , ( as flyes do in the night about the flame of a candle ; or as fishes do to a light in a boates head ; ) or else they are affraid ; and their feare encreasing , their spirits returne to the hart , which thereby is oppressed , and their outward partes are bereaued of strength and motion ; from whence it followeth necessarily , that their footing looseth their hold fast , and they tumble downe halfe dead with feare ; which happeneth also frequently to catts , when they looke wistly vpon litle birdes that sitt quietly . Or peraduenture , their feare maketh them giddy ; as when some man looking downe a precipice from a dangerous standing , he falleth by the turning of his braine , though nothing be behind him to thrust him forewardes . Or it may be , some steame cometh from the foxe , which draweth such creatures to him ; as it is reported that a great and very poysonous toade will do a weasell , who will runne about the toade a great while , and still make his circle lesser and lesser , till at length he perisheth in the center , where his foe sitteth still , and draweth him to him : which he doth in such sort , as animated Mercury will draw leafe gold duely prepared , or as the loadestone attracteth iron : and yet it is apparent , the weasell cometh not with his good will ; but that there are some powerfull chaines , steaming from the body of the toade , which plucke him thither against his liking ; for by his motions and running , he will expresse the greatest feare that can be . The methode which foxes do practise , 5 to ridde themselues of their fleas ( if it be true ) is obuious enough for them to fall vpon ; for in summer , their fleas together with their thicke furred coate , can not choose but cause an exceeding great itching and heate in their bodies ; which will readily inuite them to go into the water to coole themselues ; as the marchantes at the Isles of Zante and of Cephalonia told me ( when I was there ) it was the custome of our English doggs ( who were habituated vnto a colder clyme ) to runne into the sea in the heate of summer , and lye there most part of the day , with only their noses out of the water , that they might draw breath , and would sleepe there with their heads layed vpon some stone , which raysed them vp , whiles their bodies were couered with the sea : and those doggs which did not thus , would in one summer vsually be killed with heate and fleas . Now when the foxe feeleth the ease that the coolenesse of the water affordeth that part of him which sitteth in it , he goeth further and further ; yet would not putt himselfe to swimme , which is a labour , and would heate him , and therefore he auoydeth it ; so that whiles he thus cooleth himselfe in some shady place ( for it is naturall vnto him , in such an occasion , to resort vnto the coole shade , rather then to lye in the sunne ) and in such there being for the most part some boughes hanging ouer the water , it happeneth naturally enough , that he taketh some of the lowest in his mouth , to support him , and saue him the labour of swimming , whiles he lyeth at his ease , soaking and cooling himselfe in the riuer . By which meanes it cometh to passe , that the fleas finding no part of him free from water , do creepe vp to the bough to rescue themselues from drowning : and so , when he is cooled enough , he goeth away and leaueth them there . In all which finding a benefitt and satisfaction , whensoeuer the like occasion bringeth those specieses , from his memory into his fantasy , he betaketh himselfe to the same course , and therein finding his remedy , at length it groweth familiar to him . In the like manner , Thales his mule , that was heauily loaden with salt , happening to stumble , and to fall in a riuer she was going ouer , the salt melted by the water soaking into the sackes , and so she was eased of her burthen ; which successe made her , whensoeuer she came to a riuer , and was troubled with her loading , she would lye downe in the water ; and could not be reclaymed from it , till they charged sackes of wooll vpon her backe , which growing heauier by their imbibing of water , weaned her from her former crafty habit . By which it is apparent , that it was memory and not iudgement , which made her for a while behaue her selfe so subtlely . 6 For the foxes driuing the badget from his earth , you will not thinke it needefull to allow him a forecast and designe in pissing in it : but as it is naturall for him , to rest in a place that he meeteth with fitt for that purpose ; so is it for him to pisse in it , if the liste take him whiles he is there ; which in all likelyhood it will , if he stay any time there , and giue a relaxation to all his partes by sleepe . And when he pisseth in his taile , and shaketh it in the dogges ey●s , it is euident that feare , not craft causeth this effect ; for it auayleth him 〈◊〉 , and therefore is not likely to proceed frō iudgement . And of the other , it is a naturall effect in all beasts ( when it is violent ) to contract their tailes betweene their legges , and to make their vrine come from them , ( by compressing the spirits in their hart , which should support their outward partes , and strengthen their splincter muscle ) which their being snapped at and seiled vpon by the dogges , shaketh from their busshy tailes ( fitt to retayne it ) and then lighting in the dogges eyes , the acrimony of it hurteth them , and maketh them shutt their liddes . The story ( if it be true ) of the foxe , that to saue himselfe from the dogges that he heard following him in full crye , did hang by his teeth among dead vermine in a warren , is a very strange one I confesse : but it is conceiuable , how feare and wearinesse might cause him to seeke a shelter to hide himselfe : and in so plaine a tract of ground as warrens vse to be in , without any bush or hill to haue recourse vnto for reliefe , there appearing nothing but a gallowes hanged full of vermine ; his fantasy might be moued ( he being able to runne no further ) to thrust himselfe among those dead bodies , that he saw rested quietly : and hauing no way to mingle himselfe with them , but hanging by his teeth ; he might continue in that posture , till the doggs not suspecting him in the ayre , might runne vnder him , and ouershoote the sent : which whiles they cast about to recouer , by running to beate the next wood or shelter in view ( as is there custome in losses of their chace ; vnto which they are brought by their masters hunting them in that methode at the first ) the wyly animal stealeth an other way , and recouereth himselfe . 7 This ouerrunning of the sent by dogges in the earnestnesse of their chace , putteth me in mind of Montagues argument , out of which he will inferre , that dogges vse discourse , and do make syllogismes in their hunting : for ( sayth he ) when they haue followed their chace downe a lane , that a length diuideth it selfe into three others ; they will carefully smell at the first and at the second , and not finding that it hath gone in eyther of those , they boldly runne vpon the third , without euer laying their noses to the ground ▪ as being assured by their discourse and reason , that since it went not in the two first , and there being but one remayning , it must of necessity haue gone there . But this needeth no other cause , then that their eagernesse of hunting hauing made them ouershoote the sent , ( which for a while remayneth in their noses , after they are parted from the obiect that caused it ) they cast backe againe ( as they accustomed to be made to do in like occasions by the hunters that trayne them vp ) and with their noses they try the ground all the way they goe ; till coming neere where the chace went indeede , the sent striketh their noses ( that by this time are growne empty of it ) before they come at the place : and then they runne amaine in pursuite of it , with their heads held vp , ( which is their conuenientest posture for running ) and all the way , the sent filleth them at that distance without their needing to smell vpon the earth , to fetch it from thence . That foxe which vsed to cast himselfe by the aduantage of a bough into his denne , 8 was so closely pursued by the doggs the first time he ventured vpon this feate , that he had not time to goe into his earth ( his ordinary retreate , when he is neere it ) by the easy and accessible way ; but on the one side , to gett thither being strong in his fantasy , and on the other side , the precipice which he had oftē seene , coming likewise thither from his memory ; these two concurring could not choose but make him goe warily thither : and in so dangerous a leape , it is naturall for him , to helpe himself by any thing in the way that can aduantage him : which happening to be by catching in his mouth a bough that hung ouer his denne , ( the only suddaine meanes he hath to take hold of any thing ) and from thence taking as it were a new rise for a second leape , he findeth himselfe in security : whiles the doggs vnacquainted with the place , runne violently on , as in the rest of their chace : and so are vpon the brimme of the precipice , before they perceiue it ; and then it is too late for them to stoppe their course ; and consequently , they breake their neckes . Which mischiefe to them the foxe needeth not haue in his designe , and accordingly tolle them that way ; but chance begetting this deliurance of him at the first , when he was so hard pressed , his memory teacheth him to follow the same course , whensoeuer the like occasion occurreth . But how many foxes doe there perish in attemps , which if they had succeeded , would haue beene accounted by slight iudgers , to be notable subtilities ; but miscarrying are esteemed tumultuary motions without designe , caused by that animals fantasy and spirits , wh●n he is in extremity ? I remember how vpon a time , when I was hunting one , he being hard sett , and but litle before the doggs and the hunters , caught in his mouth the bough of a croked ashetree he runne vp a pretty way ; which being in a hedge , h● thereby hung downe a long the side of the hedge , and when we strucke him ouer the ribbes with our poles , he would not quitte his hold , ( so strongly the feare of the doggs wrought in his fantasy ) till greater blowes knocked him on the head . Which sheweth euidently that this action , was the effect of chance pressing his fantasy to do something ; and not any reason or discourse prouiding for his safety : as we haue already said vpon occasion of the others hanging among the dead vermine in the warren . Those in Thracia , that will not goe ouer a frozen riuer , when the yce is too thinne to beare them , are by their memory , not by their iudgment taught to retire ; for at other times they haue beene wetted , when they haue hard the noise of the streame running vnder the yce : or the very running of the water , calleth the specieses of swimming out from their memory , along with it into their fantasy ( neyther of which is pleasant to them in the winter ) and so disliking the noise for the other effects sake , that vsed to accompany it , they auoyde that which begetteth it , and so retire from the riuer . And the reason of their listening to the noise , proceedeth from the spirits , that their passion vpon apprehension of a danger presseth into the nerues of their senses , as well as into the other nerues of their braine ; which accordingly maketh them so vigilant , and attentiue then to outward obiects and motions . 9 That the Iaccatray or Hyaena , when he is hungry , should haue his fantasy call out from his memory , the images of those beasts , which vse to serue him in that occasion , is the ordinary course of nature : and that together with those images , there should likewise come along the actions and soundes which vsed to accompany them , and are lodged together with them in the memory , is also naturall ; then , as litle strange it is , that by his owne voice he should imitate those soundes , which at that time do so powerfully possesse his imagination : and hauing a great docility in those organes which forme the voice , like a parrat he representeth them so liuely , that the deceiued beasts flocke to him , and so are caught by him : which at the first happeneth by chance , but afterwardes by memory , and groweth familiar to him . 10 Nor can we imagine , that the Iaccall hath a designe of seruing the lyon ; but his nature being ( like a dogg ) to barke when he feeleth the sent hoat ( which he pursueth for his owne sake ) the lyon that dwelleth in the same woods with him , meeteth with the noise , and followeth it ; and peraduenture would kill the Iaccal himselfe , as well as what he hunteth , if he could ouertake him : but he being too nimble for the lyon , keepeth out of his reach ; till hauing wearied the beast he chaceth , the lyon that followeth by the crye , cometh in when he is at abbay , and soone teareth in pieces what the other had not strength enough so suddainely to master , and feedeth himselfe vpon the quarry till he be full . All this while the Iaccall dareth not come neere the lyon , but standeth at a distance with feare wayting till he haue done , and then after he is gone away , he taketh his turne to feede vpon what his surly master hath left . 11 The like reasons it is probable we might find out among those fishes that serue one an other , if we had the conueniency of obseruing particularly how they behaue themselues ; as when the Whale hath seruice from his little guide ( if the report be true ; which is a necessary circumstance to be inserted in euery such tale ) and others of the like straine . The suttlety of the Torpedo ( who hideth himselfe in the mudde to benumme fishes , that may afterwards serue him to feede vpon ) will not require to haue its origine from reason , and be done by designe ; when you shall consider it is naturall for such cold creatures to emmudde themselues : and then the fishes that swimme within the reach of his benumming faculty , will be stayd and frozen there : which because they see him not , they apprehend not , till it be too late for them to auoyde it : and then , when the Torpedo cometh out , he feedeth vpon what he findeth lying ready in his way . And in like manner , the scuttle fish , when he is in straights of being taken by the fisherman , casteth out a blackenesse that is within him , and so making the water become like inke , he oftentimes escapeth their handes in the darkened Element : which ariseth from no discourse of his , but feare maketh him voyde this liquor that is in him ( as it made the foxe voyde his vrine ) and in consequence therevnto , the effect follow●th . Lastly , 12 when hares do vse those meanes we haue mentioned to confound the sent , and to saue themselues from the doggs that hunt them , we may obserue , that they take therein the readiest wayes , and the most obuious vnto sense , to auoyde the euill they flye from . For what can be more direct to that effect , then to hide themselues in hedge bottomes , or in woods ? Or to swimme ouer a riuer , when that is the most immediate way to runne from the dogges ? And when they are in a plaine , where there is no other shelter but flockes of sheepe or heardes of deere , what can be more naturall , then for them to hide themselues amōg them , and runne a long with them , till the crye of the approaching houndes fright them away , whiles those tamer beasts abyde it neerer ? Their doublings backward and foreward , may proceede from their feare , that diuerteth them still from the way they are in at present , till the doggs coming neere , do putt the hare out of those wauerings , and do make her runne straight away : for they neuer double but when they are a great way before the doggs , and do not heare them . Or else it may be , that not hearing or seeing the doggs , their feare may be almost passed ; and then the agitation which their spirits are in , gouuerneth the motions of their bodie , and will not lett them rest vntill they be more appeased , ( as you see weary people , that at their first ceasing from running , can not sitt still : the like of which happeneth also frequently in the motions of ioy or of anger ) and so it maketh them walke backwards and forewardes , in a pace proportionate to the agitation of the spirits within : and sometimes those moued spirits do make them bound and leape too and fro ( like the loafe with quickesiluer , we haue heretofore spoken of ) as they issue from the hart by pulses and stroakes ; which happeneth when they beginne to settle towardes rest . Or else peraduēture their forme is so framed , that if they should gett into it otherwise then by a iumpe , they would disorder some part of it , and so be vnfenced and acold , or otherwise at vnease during their repose : and therefore their iumping too and froe , before they leape plump in , is to take their ayme ; not much vnlike to doggs , turning about seuerall times before they lye downe : for harefinders ( who vse to watch them ) say they will do thus , though they be not pursued . And thus these actions which are imputed to craft , thereby to confound the doggs , or to wisedome , to walke themselues vntill they be growne into a fitting temper to sitt still ; may all of them be reduced to those materiall and corporeall causes , which make them do their other ordinary motions , wherein we find no difficulty . 13 If that of the foxes weighing his goose , before he would venture to carry it ouer the riuer , were plainely true as it is sett downe ; I auowe I should be hard sett to find the principles from whence that discretion in him proceeded : but I conceiue this tale may be paired with that , which telleth vs of an other foxe who hauing his prey taken from him by an eagle , brought the next day a new prize into the same place , hauing first rolled it in the fire , so that some burning coales stucke vpon it ; which the eagle coming againe and snatching from him , carried to her nest , which was thereby sett on fire ; and the yong ones falling downe , became the foxes share , insteede of what their damme had robbed him of . Such stories so quaintly contriued , are fitter for a morall then for a naturall Philosopher : Aesope may entertaine himselfe and his disciples with them ; whiles all the reflection I shall make vpon them , is , that when I heare any such finely ordered tales , I can not doubt but they are well amended in the relation , by those that tell them : it being the inclination and custome of most men , ( partly through a desire of hauing strange thinges come from them ; and partly out of a care that what they say may appeare like truth , and so be the easilier beleeued ) to adde circumstances beyond the truth of the matter : which encreasing at euery new mans relation of the same accident ( for this humour raigneth very generally ) at the length , so hansome , and yet so strange a tale is composed , that the first authour or teller of it , wondereth at it as well as others , and can not discerne that his story begott this latter . Therefore , when one of these fine tales is proposed to speculate vpon , and that I haue no light to guide me in determining what part of them to allow , and what to reiect ; I thinke it better to exspect an authentike record of it , then be too hasty at guesses : leauing such as pretend ability in reading of riddles , to descant of the wayes how such actions may be effected : but for others , that haue a semblance of truth , or do happen ordinarily , be they at the first sight neuer so like the operatiōs of reason , I doubt not but that the causes of them , may be reduced to the principles we haue already established ; and the wayes of performing them , may be pitched vpon by such discourses about them , as we haue made about those examples we haue aboue produced . Especially if the actions themselues , were obserued by one that could iudge of them , and were reported with a desire of expressing the truth nakedly as in it selfe it lyeth ; for diuers times it happeneth , that men saying nothing but truth , do expresse it in such a manner , and with such termes , that the ignorant hearer conceiueth the thing quite an other way , then indeed it is , meerely for the too emphaticall expression : especially if the relatour himselfe misseth in conceiuing the true causes of what he reporteth , and so expresseth it proportionable to those which he apprehendeth . To conclude then this first branch , we see how the doubting , the resoluing , the ayming the inuenting , and the like , which we experience in beasts , may by the vestigies we haue traced out , be followed vnto their roote , as farre as the diuision of rarity and density ; without needing to repaire vnto any higher principle , sauing the wisedome of the orderer and Architect of nature , in so admirably disposing and mingling these materiall , grosse , and lifelesse bodies , that strange effects and incomprehensible vnto them , who will not looke into their seuerall ioyntes , may follow out of them , for the good of the creature in whose behalfe they are so ordered . But before we goe to the next poynt , 14 we can not forbeare mentioning their vanity as well as ignorance , who to purchase the estimation of deeper knowers of nature , would haue it beleeued , that beasts haue compleate languages as men haue to discourse with one an other in ; which they vaunted they had the intelligence of . It is true , that in vs speaking or talking is an operation of reason , not because it is in reason ; but because it is the worke of reason , by an other instrument ; and is no where to be found without reason : which those irrationall Philosophers , that pretended to vnderstand the language of beastes , allowed them , as well as the ability of talking to one an other : but it was because they had more pride then knowledge . Of which ranke one of the chiefe was Apollonius , surnamed from Thyana ; for if he had knowne how to looke into the nature of beasts , he would haue perceiued the reason of the diuers voyces which the same beast in diuers occasions formeth . This is euident , that an animals lunges and chest , lying so neere as they doe vnto his hart ; and all voyce being made by the breathes coming out of his mouth , and through his windpipe ; it must necessarily follow , that by the diuers ordering of these instruments , his voyce will become diuers ; and these instruments will be diuersly ordered in him , according to the diuers motions of his hart : that is , by diuers passions in him ( for so we may obserue in our selues , that our breath is much changed by our being in passion ; ) and consequently , as a beast is agitated by various passions , he must needes vtter variety of voyces ; which cā not choose , but make diuers impressiōs in other beasts , that haue commerce with him ; whether they be of the same kind as he is , or of a different : and so we see , that if a dogg setteth vpon a hogg , the bitten hogges crye maketh an impressiō in the other hogges , to come to their fellowes reskew , and in other dogges to runne after the crying hogg : in like manner anger in a dogge maketh snarling or barking , paine , whining ; desire , an other kind of barking ; and his ioy of seeing a person that the vseth to receiue good by , will breake out in an other kind of whining . So in a henne , her diuers passions worke diuers kindes of clocking ; as when she seeth a kite , she hath one voice ; when she meeteth with meate , an other ; when she desireth to gather her chickins vnder her winges , a third : and so , vpon diuers occasions , a diuers sound ; according to the diuers ordering of her vocall instruments , by the passion which presseth her hart . So that who would looke curiously into the motions of the dispositions of a beastes vocal instruments , and into the motions of the spirits about his hart ( which motion we haue shewed is passion ) would be able to giue account , why euery voyce of that beast was such a one , and what motion about the hart it were that caused it . And as much may be obserued in men , who in paines and griefes , and other passions , do vse to breake out into those voyces , which we call interiections , and which signifyeth nothing in the vnderstanding of them that forme them , but to the hearer are signes of the passion from whence they proceed : which if a man do heedefully marke in himselfe , he will perceiue , that they nothing else , but the suddaine eruptions of a great deale of breath together , caused by some compression made within him , by the paine he is in . Which is the reason that the striuing against groanings in certaine occasions , doth sicke persons much harme ; for it disordereth the naturall motions of some principall partes within him , that are already too much agitated ; and the countermotion by which they are checked , putteth them further into a more violent agitation . In the obseruation of these naturall eruptions of mens breath , caused by Passion , our fore fathers of old were so industrious , as to transferre the imitation of nature in this particular into Musike , so that their kindes of musike , were distinguished according to the diuision of mens passions ; and by similitude would raise them in the hearers . Out of this discourse also reason may be giuen , why birdes are more musicall then other creatures , to witt , because they are of a hoater complexion ; and therefore , to their biggenesse , do require more breath and ayre to coole them ; and consequently do make more noise , and more variety of it . Likewise , among beasts , doggs are the most vocall of any that conuerse with vs ; who by their ready anger appeare to be the hoatest . Among men , those that are merry , or soone become heated with a litle wine , are giuen to talking and singing : and so are children , and women likewise ; not so much through aboundance of heate , as because their heate doth easily vent . And thus it is euident , that there is no true language among beastes : their voices not being tokens of diuers thinges or conceptions , but meerely the effects of diuers breathings , caused by diuers passions . Wherefore , since both breathing and passion , are easily reduced to the common principles of rarity and density ; wee neede not trouble our selues any further , to seeke into the origine of this vocall faculty of beastes . THE SEVEN AND THERTIETH CHAPTER . Of the docility of some irrationall animals ; and of certaine continuate actions of a long tract of time so orderly performed by them , that they seeme to argue knowledge in them . AS for docility , 1 ( which is our second head ) Apes and Elephantes are most famed . Though peraduenture , the cunning and obedience of our hawkes and doggs , is no whitt inferiour to what is reported of them ; and would be as much admired , were it not so common . I haue by sundry persons who haue seene him , beene told of a baboone , that would play certaine lessons vpon a guitarre . The indian histories make mention of Apes , that will goe to the tauerne and fetch wine for their Masters ; as Lipsius his dogg would bring his Master as much meate from the market , as he carried money to his butcher to pay for . Of Elephants likewise , strange thinges are told : but because we can not easily iudge how to vnderstand reportes , whereof we haue not seene the experience ; not how farre to belieue them , ● intend not to insist vpon the examining of them ; for by looking into the nature and art of our houndes that follow a suite of bloud , or that draw dry foote ; and of our hawkes , especially of the decoy duckes and Cormorants ; a scantling may be giuen at all the rest . And al●hough these thinges told at randome , may iustly seeme very admirable to any man the first time he heareth of them , yet to him that vnderstandeth how they are taught , there is no one passage but will appeare plaine enough . The first degree is to tame the h●wke by watching her from sleepe , and to acquaint her with the man , by continually carrying her vpon his fist , and vsing her to take her meate quietly , as she sitteth vpon his hand . Then he maketh her hoppe a litle way to it in a paire of cranes ; and after a while , kill a seeled pigeon ; from which he taketh her when she is growne steady in her lesson so farre , and feedeth her vp with other meate : and thus in time he bringeth her to fly at what he will haue her , and to be content with a small reward , leauing her quarry to her Master ; so that a spectatour , who vnderstandeth not the mystery , nor euer saw hawking before , may well admire to see a bird so dutifully and exactly obey a mans command : and may conceiue she hath a reasonable soule , whereby to vnderstand him , and discourse of the meanes to bring his purpose to effect . Whereas indeed all this is no more , then to make her do for you and when you please , the same which she doth by nature to feede her selfe . The cunning of doggs is begotten in the same way . Coyduckes are beaten and whipped to what they are taught , like setting doggs ▪ Cormorantes haue their throates tyed , that they may not swallow the fish they catch , but be cōstrained to bring it to the man that employeth them ; so that looking along steppe by steppe , you shall meete with nothing but what is plaine , and easy to be taught , and to be performed by sense and memory ; without needing to attribute any discourse or reasoning vnto beastes . Apes are likewise taught as dogges may be , to carry thinges to a certaine house ; where receiuing what is giuen them , they returne home with it : and you may be confident , this seruiceablenesse of the Ape , grew out of his being carried first to the tauerne by the maide or boy , who there gaue him somewhat that pleased him ; and then being made to carry the pott along by the boy ; and afterwardes being made to carry money in one hand , and the pott in an other ; whereof some drawer discharged him of the one , and filled the other , and withall gaue him a reward ▪ which also was repeated to him at his returne home with his full pott : till at the last , when he was sufficiently vsed to this exercise , he would of himselfe goe straight thither , as soone as he was harnessed in such sort as he vsed to be for this seruice . Which appeareth to be assuefaction and custome , not iudgement , by his receiuing indifferently whatsoeuer is put into his pott . And by the tale of Lipsius his dogg ; from whom other lesse doggs , snatching as he trotted along , part of what hung out of his basket ( which he carried in his mouth ) he sett it downe to werry one of them ; whiles in the meane time , the others fedde at liberty and at ease vpon the meate that lay there vnguarded ; till he coming backe to it , droue them away , and himselfe made an end of eating it vp . Whereby we may conceiue , that the species of carrying his basket to his Master ( which custome had settled in his memory ) was disordered , and thrust out of his fantasy , by a stronger of fighting for his meate with the other curres : after which it followed naturally in his fantasy , to eate what he had fought for . And that sending then spirits into his nerues , agreeable to the nature of it , and gouerning the partes depending of the braine , a motion and action ensewed , which was sutable to the obiect in the fantasy ; and this could be none other , but of eating what the fantasy found conformable vnto its nature . 2 The baboone we haue mentioned , might be taught some lessons made on purpose with very few stoppes , and vpon an instrument whereon all the stringes may be strucken with one blow , and but one frette to be vsed at a time , and that frette to be stopped with one finger : of which , much labour and time might beget a habit in him : and then , imitation of the sound , might make him play in due measure . And if we will marke it in our selues , we shall see , that although in the first learning of a lesson vpon the lute , we employ our reason and discourse about it ; yet when we haue it very perfect , our fingers ( guided by a slight fantasy ) do fall by custome , without any reflexion at all , to play it as well as if we thought neuer so carefully vpō it . And there is no comparison , betweene the difficulty of a guitarre and of a lute . I haue beene told , that at the Duke of Florence his marriage , there was a dance of horses , in which they kept exact time of musike . The meanes vsed for bringing them to it , is said to haue beene , by tying and hampering their legges in such a sort , that they could lift them vp but in a determinate way : and then setting them vpon a pauement , that was heated vnderneath so hott , as they could not endure to stand still , whiles such musicall ayres were played to them , as fitted their motions . All which being often repeated , the horses tooke a habitt , that in hearing those ayres , they would lift vp their legges in that fashion ; and so danced to the tune they had beene taught . Of the Elephantes , 3 it is said that they may be taught to write ; and that purely vpon wordes and commanding them , they will do what they are bidden ; and that they are able to keepe account , and will leaue working at a precise number of reuolutions of the same action , which measureth out their taske vnto them . All which ( as I said before ) if it were plainely and litterally true , would require very great consideration : but because the teachers of beastes , haue certaine secrets in their art , which standers by do not reach vnto ; we are not able ( vpon such scanty relations as we haue of them ) to make sufficient iudgement how such ●hinges are done ; vnlesse we had the managing of those creatures , whereby to try them in seuerall occasions , and to obserue what cause produceth euery operation they doe ; and by what steppes they attayne vnto their instructions and seruiceablenesse . It is true , the vncontrolled reports of them , oblige vs to beleeue some extraordinary matter of their docility , and of strange thinges done by them : but withall , the example of other taught beastes among vs , and of the strange iudgements that are made of them by persons , who do not penetrate into their causes , may instruct vs how easy it is to mistake the matter ; and assure vs , that the relations which are made vs , do not alwayes punctually agree with the truth of what passed . He that should tell an Indian , what feates Bankes his horse would do ; how he would restore a gloue to the due owner , after his master had whispered that mans name in his eare ; how he would tell the iust number of pence in any piece of siluer coyne barely shewed him by his master ; and euen obey presently his command , in discharging himselfe of his excrements whensoeuer he bad him ( So great a power art may haue ouer nature : ) would make him I beleeue , admire more at this learned beast , then we do at their docile Elephantes , vpon the relations we haue of them . Whereas euery one of vs knoweth , by what meanes his painefull tutor brought him to do all his trickes : and they are no whitte more extraordinary , then a f●wkeners manning of a hawke , and trayning her to kill partridges , and to fly at the retriue : but do all of them ( both these , and all other iuggling artificies of beastes ) depend vpon the same , or like principles ; and are knowne to be but directions of nature , ordered by one that composeth and leuelleth her operations to an end further off ( in those actions ) then she of her selfe would ayme at . The particulars of which , we neede not trouble ourselues to meddle with . 4 But it is time that we come to the third sort of actions performed by beastes , which we promised to discourse of . These seeme to be more admirable , then any we haue yet touched : and are chiefely concerning the breeding of their yong ones . Aboue all others , the orderly course of birds in this affaire , is most remarkable . After they haue coupled they make their nest , they line it with mosse , straw , and feathers ; they lay their egges , they sett vpon them , they hatch them , they feede their yong ones , and they teach them to flye : all which they do with so continuate and regular a methode , as no man can direct or imagine a better . But as for the regularity , orderlinesse , and continuance of these actions , the matter is easy enough to be conceiued : for seeing that the operation of the male , maketh a change in the female ; and that this change beginning from the very first , groweth by time into diuers proportions ; it is no wonder that it breedeth diuers dispositions in the female , which cause her to do different actions , correspondent to those diuers dispositions . Now , those actions must of necessity be constant and orderly , because the causes whence they proceed , are such . But to determine in particular , how it cometh to passe , that euery change in the female , disposeth her to such and such actions , there is the difficulty ; and it is no small one : as well , for that there are no carefull and due obseruations , made of the effects and circumstances , which should guide vs to iudge of their causes ; as because these actions , are the most refined ones of sensitiue creatures ; and do flow from the toppe and perfection of their nature ; and are the last straine of their vtmost vigour , vnto which all others are subordinate . As in our enquiry into the motions and operations of the bodies of a lower orbe then these , we mett with some ( namely the loadestone , and such like ) of which it is very hard to giue an exact and plaine account ; the Author of them reseruing something from our cleare and distinct knowledge ; and suffering vs to looke vpon it but through a miste : in like manner we can not but expect , that in the depth of this other perfecter nature , there must be somewhat whereof we can haue but a glimmering and imperfect notion . But as in the other , it serued our turne to trace out a way , how those operations might be effected by bodies , and by locall motion ( though peraduenture , we did not in euery circumstance hitt exactly vpon the right ) thereby to defend ourselues from admitting those chymericall qualities , which we had already condemned , vpon all other occasions . So I conceiue , it will be sufficient for vs in this , to shew how these actions may be done by the senses , and by the motion of corporeall spirits , and by materiall impressions vpon them ; without being constrained to resort vnto an immateriall principle , which must furnish birdes with reason and discourse : in which , it is not necessary for my purpose , to determine precisely euery steppe , by which these actions are performed , and to settle the rigorous of them : but leauing that vnto those , who shall take paines to deliuer the history of their nature , I will content my selfe with the possibility and probability of my cōiectures . The first of which qualities , I am obliged to make plaine , but the later concerneth this treatise no more , then it would do a man to enquire anxiously into the particulars of what it is that a beast is doing , whiles looking vpon it , at a great distance , he perceiueth plainely that it moueth it se●fe : and his arrant is , but to be assured whether it be aliue or dead : which the mouing of it selfe in common , doth sufficiently demonstrate , without descending into a particular search , of what his motions are . But lett vs come to the matter : first I conceiue no man will make any difficulty in allowing , that it is the temper of the bloud and spirits in birdes ( brought therevnto by the quality of their foode , and by the season of the yeare ) which maketh them accouple with one an other ; and not any ayme or desire of hauing yong ones , that occasioneth , this action in thē . Then it followeth that the hennes egges will encrease in her belly ; and whē they grow bigge , they can not choose but be troublesome vnto her ; and therefore , must of necessity breede in her an inclination to rest in some soft place , and to be ridde of them . And as we see a dogg or a catt pressed by nature , searcheth about to find a conuenient place to disburthen themselues in , not only of their yong ones , but euen of their excrements ; so do birdes , whose egges within them , making them heauy and vnfitt to flye , they beginne to sitt much , and are pleased in a soft and warme place : and therevpon , they are delighted with strawes and mosse , and other gentle substances ; and so carry them to their sitting place : which that they do not by designe , is euident by the manner of it ; for when they haue mette with a straw or other fitt materiall , they fly not with it directly to their nest , but first to a bough of some tree , or to the toppe of a house ; and there they hoppe and dance a while with it in their beakes ; and from thence skippe to an other place , where they entertaine themselues in like manner : and at the last , they gett to their nest : where if the strawes should lye confusedly , their endes would pricke and hurt them : and therefore they turne and alter their positions till they lye smooth : which we that looke vpon the effect , and compare them with our performing of like actions ( if we had occasion ) may call a iuditious ordering of them , whereas in them , it is nothing but remouing such thinges as presse vpon their sense , vntill they cause them no more paine or vnquietnesse . Their plastering of their nestes , may be attributed to the great heat raigning in them at that time ; which maketh them still be dabbling in moist clay , and in water , and in grauell , ( without which , all birdes will soone grow sicke , blind , and at length dye ( which for the coolenesse of it , they bring home to their nestes in their beakes and vpon their feete ; and when it groweth dry , and consequently troublesome to them , they wipe it off , and rubbe their durty partes vpon the place where they vse to sitt ; and then flye for more refresh themselues withall . Out of all which actions ( sett on foote by the wise orderer of nature , to compasse a remote end , quite different from the immediate end that euery one of them is done for ) there resulteth a fitt and conuenient place for these litle builders ( that know not whay they do , whiles they build themselues houses ) to lye in , and to lay their egges in . Which the next yeare , when the like occasion occurreth , they build againe ; peraduenture then , as much through memory of the former , as vpon their temper and other circumstances , mouing their fantasy in such sort as we haue sett downe . In like manner , that whiles the Halcyon layeth and hatcheth her egges , the sea is calme , needeth no more be attributed to the wisedome and prouidence of that bird , in choosing a fitt season , then to any good nature or discourse in that rouling and mercilesse Element ; as though it had a pious care of preseruing the egges committed to his trust : no such supplements are requisite to be added vnto the distributions of nature , who hath sett materiall causes on foote , to produce a coniuncture of both those effects at the same periode of time , for the propagation of this animals species . In fine , both the time and the place of the Halcyons breeding , and the manner , and order , and season of all birdes making their nestes , proceedeth from secret motions , which do require great obseruing and attention to vnderstand them ; and do serue for directions vnto euery bird , according to her kind , to make her neste fittest for her vse . Which secret motions , we can not doubt but are materiall ones , and do arise out of the constitution and temper of their bodies and spirits ; which in like circumstances are alike in them all : for all the birdes of one kind , do make their nestes exactly alike ; which they would not do , if this worke proceeded from reason in them , and were gouerned by their owne election and designe : as we see it happen amōg men vpon all occasions , eyther of building houses , or of making clothes , or of what action soeuer is guided by their reason gouerning their fantasy ; in all which we see so great variety and inconstancy . And therefore this in variability in the birdes operations , must proceed from a higher intellect , that hath determinately and precisely ordered a complexe or assembly of sundry causes , to meete infaillibly and by necessity , for the production of an effect that he hath designed : and so , the birdes are but materiall instruments to performe without their knowledge or reflection , a superiour reasons counselles : euen as in a clocke , that is composed of seuerall pieces and wheeles , all the partes of it , do conspire to giue notice of the seuerall effluxes and periodes of time , which the maker hath ordered it for . And although this be a worke of reason and discourse in him , that d●d sett it together ; yet the instrumentall performance of it , dependeth meerely of locall motion , and of the reuolutions of bodies , so orderly proportioned to one an other , that their effects can not faile when once the engine is wound vp : in like manner then , the bird is the engine of the Artificer , infinitely more perfect , and knowing , and dexterous then a poore clockemaker ; and the plummets which do make it goe , are the rowe and order of causes chained together , which by the designe of the supreme workeman , do bring to passe such effects , as we see in the building of their nestes , and in doing such other actions , as may be compared to the strickings of the clocke , and the ringing of the allarum at due times . And as that king of China , vpon his first seeing a watch , thought it a liuing a iuditious creature , because it moued so regularly of it selfe ; and beleeued it to be dead , when it was runne out ; till the opening of it and the winding it vp , discouered vnto him the artifice of it : so any man may be excused , that looking vpon these strange actions , and this admirable oeconomy of some liuing creatures , should beleeue them endewed with reason , vntill he haue well reflected vpon euery particular circumstance of their nature and operations : for then he will discerne how these are but materiall instruments of a rationall Agent working by them ; from whose orderly prescriptions , they haue not power to swarue in the least circumstance that is . Euery one of which considered singly by it selfe , hath a face of no more difficulty , then that ( for example ) an ingenier should so order his matters , that a mine should be ready to play exactly at such an houre , by leauing such a proportion of kindled match hanging out of one of the barrels of pouder , whiles in the meane time , he eyther sleepeth , or attendeth to something else . And when you haue once gayned thus much of your selfe , to gr●ee vnto an orderly course and generation of any single effect , by the power of a materiall cause working it ; raise but your discourse a straine higher , and looke with reuerence and duty vpon the immensity of that prouident Architect , out of whose handes these masterpieces issue , and vnto whom it is as easy to make a chaine of causes of a thousand or of a million of linkes , as to make one linke alone : and then you will no longer sticke at allowing the whole oeconomy of those actions , to be nothing else , but a production of materiall effects , by a due ranging and ordering of materiall causes . But lett vs returne to our theame : as we see that milke coming into the brestes of liuebearing female creatures , when th●y grow wery bigge , heateth and maketh them seeke the mouthes of their yong ones , to disburthen and coole them : so the carriage and biggenesse of the egges , heateth exceedingly the brestes and bodies of the birdes ; and this causeth them to be still rubbing of their brestes , against the sides of their nestes ( where vnto their vnwieldinesse then , confineth them very much ) and with their beakes to be still picking their feathers ; which being then apt to fall off and me we ( as we see the haire of women with childe , is apt to shedde ) it happeneth that by then they are ready to lay their egges , they haue a soft bed of their owne feathers , made in their nestes , ouer their courser mattrasse of strawes they first brought thither : and then , the egges powerfull attracting of the annoying heate from the hennes brest ( whose imbibing of the warmeth , and stonelike shell , can not choose but coole her much inuiteth her to sitt constantly vpon them , vntill sitting hatcheth them ; and it is euidēt , that this sitting must proceed from their temper at that time , or from some other immediate cause , which worketh that effect ; and not from a iudgement that doth it for a remote end : for housewifes tell vs , that at such a season , their hennes will be sitting in euery conuenient place they come vnto , as though they had egges to hatch , when neuer a one is vnder them : so as it seemeth that at such time , there is some inconuenience in their bodies , which by sitting is eased . When the chickens are hatched , what wōder is it , if the litle crying of tender creatures , of a like nature and lāguage with their dāmes , do moue those affectiōs or passions in her bosome , which causeth her to feede thē , and to defend , and breede them , till they be able to shift for themselues ? For all this there needeth no discourse or reason ; but only the motion of the bloud about the hart ( which we haue determined to be passiō ) stirred by the yong ones chirpinges , in such sort , as may carry them vnto those actions which by nature ( the supreme intellect ) are ordered for their preseruation . Wherein the birdes ( as we haue already said ) are but passiue instruments , and know not why they do those actions : but do them they must , whensoeuer such and such obiects ( which infaillibly wo●ke in their due times ) do make such and such impressions vpon their fantasies , like the allarum that necessarilly striketh , when the hand of the dyall cometh to such a point ; or the gunnepouder that necessarily maketh a ruine and breach in the wall , when the burning of the match reacheth to it . Now this loue in the damme , growing by litle and litle wearisome and troublesome to her ; and at last , fading quite away ; and she not being able to supply their encreased needes , which they grow euery day stronger to prouide for of themselues ; the straight commerce beginneth to dye on both sides : and by these degrees the damme leaueth her yong ones , to their owne conduct . And thus you see how this long series of actions , may haue orderly causes , made and chained together , by him that knew what was fitting for the worke he went about . Of which , though it is likely I haue missed of the right ones ( as it can not choose but happen in all disquisitions , where one is the first to breake the yce , and is so slenderly informed of the particular circumstances of the matter in question , as I professe to be in this ) yet I conceiue this discourse doth plainely shew , that he who hath done more then we are able to comprehend and vnderstand , may haue sett causes sufficient for all these effects , in a better order , and in compleater rankes , then those which we haue here expressed : and yet in them so coursely hewed out , appeareth a possibility of hauing the worke done by corporeall agents . Surely it were very well worth the while , for some curious and iuditious person , to obserue carefully and often , the seuerall steppes of nature in this progresse : for I am strongly persuaded , that by such industry , we might in time arriue to very particular knowledge of the immediate and precise causes , that worke all these effects . And I cōceiue , that such obseruation needeth not be very troublesome ; as not requiring any great variety of creatures to institute it vpon ; for by ma●king carefully all that passeth among our homebred hennes , I beleeue it were easy to guesse very neerely at all the rest . THE EIGHT AND THERTIETH CHAPTER . Of prescience of future euentes , prouidencies , the knowing of thinges neuer seene b●fore ; and such other actions , obserued in some liuing creatures ; which seeme to be euen aboue the reason that is in man himselfe . THe fourth and last kind of actions , 1 which we may with astonishment obserue among beastes , I conceiue will auayle litle to inferre out of them , that the creatures which do them , are endewed with reason and vnderstanding : for such they are , as if we should admitt that , yet we should still be as farre to seeke for the causes whence they proceed . What should moue a lambe to tremble at the first sight of a wolfe ? or a henne , at a kite neuer before seene ? neither the grimmest mastife , or the biggest owle , will at all affright them . That which in the ordinary course of nature , causeth beastes to be affraide of men , or of other beastes , is the hurt and the euill they receiuē from them : which coming into their fantasie , together with the Idaea of him that did it , is also lodged together with it in the memory ; from whence they come linked or glewed together , whensoeuer the stroake of any new obiect calleth eyther of them backe into the fantasie . This is confirmed by the tamenesse of the birdes and beastes , which the first discouerers of Islandes not inhabitated by men , did find in those they mett withall there . Their stories tell vs , that at their first arriuall vpon those coastes , where it seemeth men had neuer beene , the birdes would not flye away , but suffered the marriners to take them in their handes : nor the beastes , which with vs are wilde , would runne from them : but their discourteous guestes vsed them so hardely , as they soone changed their confidence into distrust and auersion ; and by litle they grew , by their commerce with men , and by receiuing iniuries from them , to be as wilde , as any of the like kind in our partes . From the dammes and sires , this apprehension and feare at the sight of men , so deepely rooted in them , is doubtlessely transmitted to their yong ones : for it proceedeth out of the disposition of the body , and out of the passion which is immediately made in the hart ; and that is as truly a materiall motion , as any whatsoeuer can be ; and must haue settled materiall instruments sitted to it , if it be constant , as well as any other naturall operation whatsoeuer : and this passion of the hart , proceedeth againe from a perpetuall connexion , of the two obiects in the memory : which being a perpetually constant thing , is as true a quality of that beastes braine in whome it is , as the being of a quicke or dull apprehension , or the being apt to know one kind of meate from an other ( which is natural to the whole species ) or any other quality whatsoeuer , residing in that beast . 2 Wherefore it is no wonder , that it passeth by generation to the offspring : which is a thing so common , euen in man kinde , as there can be no doubt of it : and is at the first , made by a violent cause , that greatly altereth the body : and consequently , their seede must be imbewed with a like disposition ; and so it passeth together with the nature of the fire , or of the damme , into the broode . From hence proceedeth that children do loue the same meates , and exercises , that their fathers and mothers were affected with , and feare the like harmes . This is the reason , why a grandchilde of my Lord of Dorset ( whose honoured name must neuer be mentioned by me , without a particular respect , and humble acknowledgement of the noble and steady frendshippe , he hath euer beene pleased to honour we with ) was alwayes extremely sicke , if but the nurse did eate any capers ( against which my Lords antipathy is famous ) whiles she gaue sucke to that pretty infant . The children of great Mathematicians , who haue beene vsed to busye their fantasies continually with figures and proportions , haue beene oftentimes obserued , to haue a naturall bent vnto those sciences . And we may note , that euen in particular gestures , and in litle singularities in familiar conuersation , children will oftentimes resemble their parents , as well as in the lineaments of their faces . The yong ones of excellent setting doggs , will haue a notable aptitude to that exercise ; and may be taught with halfe the paines , that their sire or damme was , if they were chosen out of a race of spaniels not trained to setting . All which effects can proceed from no other cause , but ( as we haue touched already ) that the fantasy of the parent , altereth the temper and the disposition of his body and seede , according as it selfe is tempered and disposed : and consequently , such a creature must be made of it , as retaineth the same qualities : in such sort as it is said that sufficient tartar putt at the roote of a tree will make the fruite haue a winy tast . But nothing doth confirme this so much , as certaine notable accidents , whereof though euery one in particular would seeme incredible , 3 yet the number of them , and the weight of the reporters , who are the witnesses can not choose but purchase a generall creditt to the kind of them . These accidents are , that out of some strong imagination of the parents , but especially of the mothers , in the time of conception , the children draw such maine differences , as were incredible , if the testifying authority were not so great : but being true , they conuince beyond all question the truth we haue proposed , of the parents imagination working vpon , and making an impression in the seede , whereof children or yong ones of their kind are made . Some children of white parents are reported to haue beene blacke , vpon occasion of a blacke moores picture too much in the mothers eye . Others are said to haue beene borne with their skinnes all hairy , out of the sight of St. Iohn Baptistes picture as he was in the desert , or of some other hairy image . An other childe is f●med to haue beene borne deformed , in such sort as diuels are painted , because the father was in a diuels habitt when he gott the childe . There was a Lady a k●nswoman of mine , who vsed much to weare black● patches vpon her face ( as was the fashion among yong women ) which I to putt her from , vsed to tell her in iest , that the next childe she should go with , whiles the sollicitude and care of those patches was so strong in her fantasy , would come into the world with a great blacke spott in the middest of its forehead : and this apprehension was so liuely in her imagination at the times she proued with childe , that her daughter was borne ma●k●d iust as the mother had fansied , which there are at hand witnesses enough to confirme ; but none more pregnant , then the yong Lady herselfe , vpon whom the marke is yet remaining . Among other creatures , it is said that a henne hatched a chicken with a kites bill , because sh● was frigh●ed with a kite , whiles the cocke was treading her . The story of Iacobs sheepe is knowne to all : and some do write , that the painting of beautifull coloured pigeons in a douehouse , will make the following race become like them : and in Authors store of such examples may be found . To giue a reasonable and fully satisfying cause of this great effect , I confesse is very difficult ; seeing that for the most part , the parents seede is made long time before the accoupling of the male and female : and though it were not , we should be mainely to seeke for a rationall ground to discourse in particular vpon it . Yet not to leaue our Reader without a hinte which way to driue his inquisition , we will note thus much , that Aristotele and other naturall Philosophers and Physitians do affirme , that in some persons the passiō is so great in the time of their accoupling , that for the present it quite bereaueth them of the vse of reason ; and that they are for the while , in a kind of short fitt of an epylepsie . By which it is manifest , that aboundance of animal spirits do then part from the head , and descend into those partes which are the instruments of generation . Wherefore , if there be aboundance of specieses of any one kind of obiect then strong in th● imagination , it must of necessity be carryed downe together with the spirits into the seede : and by consequence , when the seede infected with this nature , beginneth to seperate and distribute it selfe , to the forming of the seuerall partes of the Embryon , the spirits which do resort into the braine of the child ( as to their proper Element ) and from thence do finish all the outward cast of its body ( in such sort as we haue aboue described ) do sometimes happen to fill certaine places of the childes body , with the infection and tincture of this obiect ; and that according to the impression with which they were in the mothers fātasy : for so we haue said , that thinges which come together into the fantasy , do naturally sticke together in the animall spirits . The hairynesse therefore , will be occasioned in those partes , where the mother fansyed it to be : the colour likewise , and such extancies or defects , as may any way proceed from such a cause , will happen to be in those partes , in which they were fansyed . And this is as farre , as is fitt to wade into this point , for so generall a discourse as ours is ; and more thē was necessary for our turne : to the seruing whereof , the verity of the fact only , and not the knowledge of the cause , was required : for we were to shew no more , but that the apprehensions of the parents , may descend to the children . Out of this discourse , the reason appeareth , why beastes haue an auersion from those , who vse to do them harme : and why this auersion descendeth from the old ones to their broode ; though it should neuer haue happened that they had formerly encountred with , what at the first sight they flye from and auoyde . 4 But yet the reason appeareth not , why ( for example ) a sheepe in Englād ( where there are no wolues bred , nor haue beene these many ages ) should be affraide , and tremble at sight of a wolfe , since neyther he , nor his damme or sire , nor theirs in multitudes of generations , euer saw a wolfe , or receiued hurt by any . In like manner , how should a tame weasell brought into England from Ireland ( where there are no poysonous creatures ) be affraide of a toade as soone as he seeth one ? Neyther he , nor any of his race , euer had any impressions following harme , made vpon their fantasies : and as litle can a lyon receiue hurt from a household cocke : therefore we must seeke the reasons of these and such like antipathies , a litle further , and we shall find them hanging vpon the same string , with sympathies proportionable to them . Lett vs goe by degrees : we dayly see that dogges , will haue an auersion from glouers , that make their ware of dogges skinnes : they will barke at them , and be churlish to them , and not endure to come neere them , although they neuer saw thē before . The like hatred they will expresse to the dogge killers in the time of the plague , and to those that flea dogges . I haue knowne of a man that vsed to be employed in such affaires , who passing sometimes ouer the groundes neere my mothers house ( for he dwelled at a village not farre off ) the dogges would winde him at a very great distance , and would all runne furiously out the way he was , and fiercely fall vpon him ; which made him goe alwayes well prouided for them : and yet he hath beene sometimes hard put to it , by the fierce mastifes there , had it not beene for some of the seruantes coming in to his reskew ; who by the frequent happening of such accidents , were warned to looke out when they obserued so great commotion and fury in the dogges , and yet perceiued no present cause for it . Warreners obserue , that vermine will hardly come into a trappe , wherein an other of their kind hath beene lately killed : and the like happeneth in mouse-trappes , into which no mouse will come to take the bayte , if a mouse or two haue already beene killed in it ; vnlesse it be made very cleane , so that no sent of them remaine vpon the trappe : which can hardly be done on the suddaine otherwise then by fire . It is euident , that these effects are to be referred , to an actiuity of the obiect vpon the sense ; for some smell of the skinnes , or of the dead dogges , or of the vermine , or of the mice , can not choose but remaine vpon the men and vpon the trappes ; which being altered from their due nature and temper , must needes offend ●h●m . Their conformity on the one side ( for something of the canine nature remaineth ) maketh them haue easy ingression into them ; and so they presently make a deepe impression : but on the other side , their distemper from what they should be , maketh the impression repugnant to their nature , and be disliked by them , and to affect them worse , then if they were of other creatures , tha● had no conformity with them : as we may obserue , that stinkes offend vs more , when they are accompanied with some weake perfume , then if they sett vpon vs single ; for the perfume getteth the stinke easyer admittance into our sense : and in like manner , it is said that poisons are more dangerous , when they are mingled with a cordiall that is not able to resist them : for it serueth to conuey them to the hart , though it be not able to ouercome their malignity . From hence then it followeth , that if any beast or bird do prey vpon some of an other kind , there will be some smell about them , exceedingly noysome to all others of that kind : and not only to beastes of that same kind , but ( for the same reason ) euen to others likewise , that haue a correspondence and agreement of temper and constitution with that kind of beast , whose hurt is the originall cause of this auersion . Which being assented vnto , the same reason holdeth to make those creatures , whose constitutions and tempers do consist of thinges repugnant and odious to one an other , beat perpetuall enmity , and flye from one an other at the first sight , or at the least , the sufferer from the more actiue creature : as we see among those men , whose vnhappy trade and continuall exercises it is to empty iakeses , such horride stinkes are by time growne so conformable to their nature , as a strong perfume will as much offend them , and make them as sicke , as such stinks would do an other man bred vp among perfumes : and a cordiall to their spirits , is some noysome smell , that would almost poysone an other man. And thus , if in the breath of the wolfe , or in the steame coming from his body , be any quality offensiue to the lambe ( as it may very well be , where there is so great a contrariety of natures ) it is not strange , that at the first sight and approach of him , he should be distempered and fly from him ; as one fighting cocke will do from an other , that hath eaten garlike : and the same happeneth between the weasell and the toade , the lyon and the cocke , the toade and the spider , and seuerall other creatures , of whom like enmities are reported . All which are caused in them , not by secret instincts , and antipathies , and sympathies , whereof we can giue no account ; ( with the bare sound of which wordes , most men do pay themselues , without examining what they meane ; ) but by downe right materiall qualities , that are of contrary natures ( as fire and water are ) and are eyther begotten in them in their originall constitution , or are implanted in them afterwardes by their continuall foode , which nourishing them , changeth thier constitution to its cōplexion . And I am persuaded this would goe so farre , that if one man were nourished continually with such meate ( and greedily affected it ) which an other had auersion from , there would naturally follow much dislike betweene them ; vnlesse some superiour regard , should master this auersion of the sense . And I remember to haue seene two notable examples of it : the one in Spaine , of a Gentleman that had a horrour to garlike , who ( though he was very subiect to the impressions of beauty ) could neuer weane himselfe from an auersion he had settled him to a very handsome woman , that vsed to eate much garlike , though to winne him , she forebore the vse of that meate , which to her was the most sauory of all others . And the like I knew in Englād betweene two , whereof the one did extremely loue cheese , and the other as much hated it , and would fall into a strange agony , and be reduced ( one would thinke ) to the point of death , if by inaduertence or others tryall of him , he had swallowed neuer so litle , of what the other would haue quitted all meates else to liue vpon . And not only such auersions , as spring from differences of complexions in the constitutions of seuerall animals , do cause these effects of feare , and of trembling , and of flying from those that do make such impressions ; but euen the seeing them angry and in fury doth the like : for such passions do alter the spirits ; and they issuing from the body of the animal in passion , can not choose but be receiued by an other in a different manner , then if they were of an other temper . Then if the one kind be agreeable to their nature , the other must needes be displeasing . And this may be the reason why bees neuer sting such as are of a milde and gentle disposition ; and will neuer agree with others , that are of a froward and angry nature . And the same one may obserue among dogges : and peraduenture , a mans fantasy may be raised to such a height of fury , that the fiercest beastes may be affraide to looke vpon him ; and can not endure that those mastering spirits , which streame out of the mans eyes should come into his ; so much they distemper his fantasy : and therefore he will turne away from the man , and auoyde him . Which discourse may be cōfirmed by sundry examples of lyons and beares , that haue runne from angry and confident men , and the like . Since then , a man that in his naturall hew giueth no distast , doth so much affright fiercest beastes , when he putteth on his threatning lookes ; it is no wonder , that beastes of a milder and softer nature , should haue feare of him settled in them , when they neuer saw him otherwise then angry , and working mischiefe to them . And since their brood do receiue from their parents , a nature easily moued vnto feare or anger , by the sight of what moued them , it is not strange , that at the first sight , they should tremble or swell , according as the inward motion of the spirits affordeth . Now if this hath rendered the birdes in the wilde Islandes affraide of men , who otherwise would be indifferent to them , it is no maruayle to see more violent effects in the lambes auersion from the wolfe , or in the larkes from the hobbey ; since they peraduenture haue ouer and aboue the hurt they vse to do them , a di●formity in their constitutions : and therefore , though a larke will flye as well from a man as from a hobbey , yet because there is one cause more for his dislike against the hobbey , then against the man ( namely the di●formity of their constitutions ) he will flye into the mans hand , to auoyde the hawkes talons . Vnto some of these causes all antipathies may be reduced : 5 and the like reason may be giuen for the sympathies we see betweene some creatures . The litle corporeities which issue from the one , haue such a conformity with the temper of the other , that it is thereby moued to ioyne it selfe vnto the body from whence they flow , and affecteth vnion with it in that way , as it receiueth the impression . If the smell do please it , the beast will alwayes be smelling at it : if the tast , nothing shall hinder it from feeding vpon it when it can reach it . The fishermen vpon the banke ouer against newfound land , do report that there flocketh about them a kind of bird , so greedy of the fishes liuers which they take there , as that to come at them and feede vpon them , they will suffer the men to take them in their handes ; and will not fly away , as long as any of their desired meate is in their eye : whence the French men that fish there , do call them Happe foyes . The like power , a certaine worme hath with nigthingales . And thus you see , how they are strong impressions vpon sense , and not any discourse of reason , that do gouerne beastes in their actions : for if their auoyding men , did proceed from any sagacity in their nature , surely they would exercise it , when they see that for a bitte of meate they incurre their destruction ▪ and yet neyther the examples of their fellowes killed before their eyes in the same pursuite , nor the blowes which themselues do seele ; can serue them for warning , where the sense is so strongly affected : but as soone as the blow that remoued them is passed , ( if it misle killing or laming them ) and they be gotten on wing againe , they will returne to their prey as eagerly and as confidently , as if nothing were there to hinder them . 6 This then being the true reason of all sympathy and antipathy , we can not admitt that any beastes should loue or hate one on other , for any other cause , then some of those we haue touched . All which are reduced to locall motion , and to materiall application of bodies of one nature , to bodies of an other ; and are as well transmitted to their yong ones , as begotten in themselues : and as the satisfying of their sense , is more preualent in the Happe foyes , then the feare which from other groundes is begotten in their fantasy ; and so maketh them approach to what the other would driue them from . In like manner , any auersion of the fantasy may be mastered not only by a more powerfull agent vpon the present sense , but also by assuefaction , and by bringing into the fantasy with pleasing circumstances that obiect which before was displeasing and affrightfull to it : as we see that all sortes of beastes or birdes , if they be taken yong may be tamed and will liue quietly together . Dogges that are vsed to hunt and kill deere , will liue frendly with one that is bred with them ; and that fawne which otherwise would haue beene affraide of them , by such education groweth con●ident and playeth boldely with them . Of which we can no longer remaine in doubt , if we will beleeue the story of a tygar ( accounted the cruellest beaste of all others ) who being shutt vp with a deere , that had beene bred with him from a kidde , and from his being a whelpe ; and no meate giuen him , vsed meanes to breake prison , when was halfe starued , rather then he would hurt his familiar frend . You will not suspect , that it was a morall cōsideration , which made him so kinde : but the deere had neuer come into his fantasy accompained with other circumstances , then of play or of warmth : and therefore hunger ( which calleth only the species of meate out of the memory into the fantasy ) would neuer bring the deere thither , for remedy of that passion . And that which often happeneth to those men , in whom the fantasy only worketh , is not much vnlike to this : among whom I haue seene some frenetike persons , that if they be persuaded they are tyed , and can not stirre from the place where they are ; they will lye still , and make great complaintes for their imprisonnement ; and not goe a steepe , to reach any meate or drinke , that should lye in sight neere them , although they were neuer so much pressed with hunger or with thirste . The reason is euident , for the apprehension of being tyed , is so strong in their fantasy , that their fantasy can send no spirits into other partes of their body , whereby to cause motion . And thus the deere was beholding to the tygars fantasy , not to his discourse of morall honesty , for his life . The like of this tygar and deere , is to be seene euery day in the tower of London ▪ where a litle dogge , that was bred with a lyon from his birth , is so familiar and bold with them , that they not only sleepe together , but sometimes the dogge will be angry with him , and will bite him ; which the lyon neuer ressenteth from him , though any other dogge that is putt to him , he presently teareth in pieces . And thus we plainely see , how it cometh about , that beastes may haue strange auersions from thinges , which are of an annoying or destructiue nature to them , euen at the first sight of them : and againe , may haue great likings of other thinges , in a manner contrary to their nature , without needing to allow them reason , whereby to discourse and iudge what is hurtfull to them , or to instruct the tygar we haue spoken of , or Androdus his lyon , the duties of frendshippe and of gratitude . The longing markes which are often times seene in children , 7 and do remaine with them all their life , seeme to be an offspring of the same roote or cause : but in truth , they proceed from an other , although of kinne to this : for the operation of the seede is passed , when these longing markes are imprinted ; the child being then already formed and quickened ; and they seeme to be made suddainely , as by the print of a seale . Therefore to render the cause of them , lett vs consider an other sympathy which is more plaine and common We see that the laughing of one man , will sett an other on laughing that seeth him laugh , though he know not the cause why the first man laugheth : and the like we see in yawning and stretching , which breedeth alike effect in the looker on . I haue heard of a man , that seing a rosted pigge , after our English fashion with the mouth gaping , could not shutt his owne mouth as long as he looked vpon the pigges ▪ and of an other , that when he saw any man make a certaine motion with his hand , could not choose but he must make the same : so that , being a tyler by his trade , and hauing one hand imployed with holding his tooles , whiles he held himselfe with the other vpon the eaues of a house he was mending , a man standing below on the ground , made that signe or motion to him ; wherevpon he quitted his holdfast to imitate that motion , and fell downe , in danger of breaking his necke . All these effects , do proceed out of the action of the seene obiect vpon the fantasy of the looker on : which making the picture or likenesse of its owne action in the others fantasy , maketh his spirits runne to the same partes ; and consequently , moue the same members , that is , do the same actions . And hence it is , that when we heare one speake with loue and tendernesse of an absent person , we are also inclined to loue that person , though we neuer saw him , nor heard of him before : and that whatsoeuer a good oratour deliuereth well , ( that is , with a semblance of passion agreeable to his wordes ) rayseth of its owne nature , like affection in the hearers : and that generally men learne and imitate ( without designe ) the customes and manners of the company they much haunt . To apply this to our intent , it is easy to conceiue , that although the childe in the mothers wōbe , can neyther see nor heare what the mother doth ; neuerthelesse there can not passe any great or violent motion in the mothers body , whereof some effect doth not reach vnto the childe , which is then , one continuate piece with her : and the proper effect of motion or of trembling in one body , being to produce a like motion or a trembling in an other , ( as we see in that ordinary example of tuned stringes , whereof the one is moued at the striking of the other , by reason of the stroake giuen to the ayre , which finding a moueable easily moued with a motion of the same tenour , communicateth motion vnto it ) it followeth that the fantasy of the childe , being as it were well tuned to the fantasy of the mother , and the mothers fantasy making a speciall and a very quicke motion in her owne whole body , ( as we see that suddaine passions doe ) this motion or trembling of the mother , must needes cause the like motion and trembling in the childe , euen to the very swiftnesse of the mothers motion . Now as we see when one blusheth , the bloud cometh into his face , so the bloud runneth in the mother to a certaine place , where she is strucken by the thing longed for : and the like happening to the childe , the violence of that suddaine motion , dyeth the marke or print of the thing in the tender skinne of it : the bloud in some measure piercing the skinne , and not returning wholy into its naturall course : which effect is not permanent in the mother , because her skinne being harder , doth not receiue the bloud into it , but sendeth it backe againe , without receiuing a tincture from it . Farre more easy is it , to discouer the secret cause of many antipathies or sympathies , 8 which are seene in children , and endure with them the greatest part , if not the whole terme of their life , without any apparent ground for them : as , some do not loue cheese , others garlike , others duckes , others diuers other kindes of meate , which their parents loued well ; and yet in token that this auersion is naturall vnto them , and not arising from some dislike accidentally taken and imprinted in their fantasy , they will be much harmed if they chance to eate any such meate ; though by the much disguising it , they neither know , nor so much as suspect they haue done so . The story of the Lady Hēnage ( who was of the bedchamber to the late Queene Elizabeth ) that had her checke blistered by laying a rose vpon it whiles she was a sleepe , to try if her antipathy against that flower , were so great as she vsed to pretend , is famous in the Court of England . A kinsman of mine , whiles he was a childe , had like to haue dyed of drought , before his nurse came to vnderstand , that he had an antipathy against beere or wine ; vntill the tender nature in him , before he could speake , taught him to make earnest signes for water , that by accident he saw ; the greedy drinking of which , cured presently his long languishing and pining sickenesse : and such examples are very frequent . The cause of these effects many times is , that their mothers , vpon their first suppression of their vsuall euacuations , ( by reason of their being with child ) toke some strong dislike to such thinges , their stomackes being then oppressed by vnnaturall humours , which ouerflow their bodies vpon such retentions ; and which make them oftentimes sicke and prone to vomiting , ( especially in the mornings , whiles they are fasting ) and sometimes to desire earnestly ( which they call longing ) to feede vpon some vnwholesome , as well as some particular wholesome thinges ; and otherwhiles , to take auersion against meates , which at other seasons they affected well . Now the child being nourished by the so imbued bloud of the mother , no wonder if it taketh affections or dislikes , conformable to those which at that present raigne in the mother : the which for the most part vsed to be purged away , or are ouerwhelmed by the mastering qualities of better aliments succeding : but if by some mischance , they become too much grafted in the childes stomacke , or in some other part , through which the masse of bloud must passe ; then the child getteth an auersion from those meates : and we often see , that people retaine a strong conuersion to such meates or drinkes , as their mothers affected much or longed for , whiles they bred child of them . And thus we will leaue this particular ; adding only one note , why there are more persōs generally , who haue antipathy against cheese , thē against any one sort of meate besides whatsoeuer . A principal reason of which symptome ( where the precedent one hath not place ) I cōceiue to be , that their nurses proued with child , whiles they gaue them sucke for I haue by experience found it to haue beene so , in as many as I haue made inquiry into . And it is very conformable to reason ; for the nurses milke , curdling in her brest vpon her breeding of child , and becoming very offensiue to the childes tender stomacke , ( whose being sicke obligeth the parents to change the nurse , though peraduenture they know nothing of the true reason that maketh her milke vnnaturall ) he hath a dislike of cheese ( which is strong curdled milke ) euer after settled in him ; as people that haue once surfeted violently of any meate , seldome arriue to brooke it againe . Now , 9 as concerning those animals who lay vp in store for winter , and seeme therein to exercise a rationall prouidence ; who seeth not , that it is the same humour , which moueth rich misers to heape vp wealth , euen at their last gaspe , when they haue no child nor frend to giue it to , nor think of making any body their heires ? Which actions because they haue no reason in them , are to be imputed to the passion or motion of the materiall appetite . In the doing of them , these steppes may be obserued ; first the obiect presenting it selfe to the eye , prouoketh loue and desire of it ; especially if it be ioyned with the memo●y of former want : then , this desire stirreth vp the animal ( after he hath fedde himselfe ) to gather into the place of his chiefe residence , as much of that desired obiect as he meeteth withall ; and whensoeuer his hunger returning , bringeth backe into his fantasy the memory of his meate , it being ioyned with the memory of that place ( if he be absent from it ) he presently repaireth thither , for reliefe of what presseth him : ( and thus dogges wh●n they are hungry , do rake for bones they had hidden when ●heir bellies were full . ) Now if this foode , gathered by such prouidence ( which is nothing else , but the conformity of it , working vpon him by his sense ) and lay●d vp in the place , where the owner of it resideth , ( as the corne is , which the auntes gather in summer ) be easily portable , he will carry it abroad wi●h him the first time he stirreth after a long keeping in ; for then nothing worketh so powerfully in his fantasy , as his store ; and he will not easily part from it , though other circumstances inuite him abroad . From hence it proceedeth , that when a faire day cometh after long foule weather , the auntes , who all that while kept close in their dennes with their corne lying by them , do then come abroad into the sunne , and do carry their graine along with them : or peraduenture it happeneth , because the precedent wett weather , hath made it grow hoat , or musty , or otherwise offensiue within ; and therefore they carry it out , as soone as themselues dare peepe abroad ; which is , when the faire weather , and heate of the day , inuiteth them out into the open ayre : and before night that they returne into their holes , the offensiue vapours of the corne are exhaled and dryed vp , and moue their fantasies no longer to auersion : wherevpon they carry it backe againe ; hauing then nothing but their long contracted loue vnto it to worke vpon them . The like whereof men doing by discourse , to ayre their corne , and to keepe it sweete , and the same effect following herein , they will presently haue it , that this is done by the auntes , for the same reason , and by designe . Then the moysture of the earth swelling the graine , and consequently , making it beginne to shoote at the endes ( as we declared , when we spoke of the generation of plantes ; and as we see in the moystening of corne to make malt of it ) those litle creatures , finding that part of it more tender and iuicy then the rest , do nibble vpon it there , and do feede themselues first with that , which consequently hindereth the groweth of the corne . And here againe , men will contend that this must be done by prouidence and discourse , to preuent that their store should not grow out of their reach , and changing nature , become vselesse to them in their neede . 10 To conclude , the foreknowing of beastes is nothing else , but their timely receiuing impressions , from the first degrees of mutation in thinges without them ; which degrees are almost imperceptible to vs , because our fantasies and spirits , h●ue otherwise such violent agitations , more then theirs , which hinder them from discerning gentle impressiōs vpon them . If you be at sea , after along calme , a while before a gaile bloweth to fill your sailes , or to be discernable by your sense in quality of wind , you shall perceiue the sea beginne to wrinkle his smooth face that way the wind will come ; which is so infaillible a signe that a gaile will come f●om that coast , as marriners immediately fall to trimming their sailes accordingly ; and vsually , before they can haue done , the wind is with them : shall we therefore say that the sea hath a prouidence to foresee which way the wind will blow ? Or that the cornes vpon our toes , or calluses , or broken bones , or ioyntes that haue beene dislocated , haue discourse , and can foretell the weather ? It is nothing else , but that the wind rising by degrees , the smooth sea is capable of a change by it , before we can feele it : and that the ayre , being changed by the forerunners of worse weather , worketh vpon the crasiest partes of our body , when the others feele not so small a change : so beastes are more sensible then we ( for they haue lesse to distract them ) of the first degrees of a changing weather : and that mutation of the ayre without them , maketh some change within them , which they expresse , by some outward actions or gestures . Now they who obserue , how such mutations and actions are constantly in them , before such or such weather , do thinke they know beforehand , that raine ( for example ) or wind , or drought is coming , according to the seuerall signes they haue marked in them : which proceedeth out of the narrownesse of their discourse , that maketh them resort to the same causes , whensoeuer they meere with like effects : and so they conceiue , that thinges must needes passe in beastes , after the same tenour , as they do in mē . And this is a generall , and maine errour , running through all the conceptions of mankind , vnlesse great heede be taken to preuent it , that what subiect soeuer they speculate vpon , whether it be of substances , that haue a superiour nature to theirs , or whether it be of creatures inferiour to them , they are still apt to bring them to their owne standard , and to frame such conceptions of them , as they would do of themselues : as when they will haue Angels discourse , and moue , and be in a place , in such sort as is naturall to men ; or when they will haue beastes rationate and vnderstand , vpon their obseruing some orderly actions performed by them , which in men would proceed from discourse and reason . And this dangerous rocke ( against which many fine conceptions do suffer shipperack● ) whosoeuer studyeth truth , must haue a maine caution to auoyde . Sed nos immensum spatijs confecimus aequor : Etiam tempus equum fumantia soluere colla . THE CONCLVSION OF THE FIRST TREATISE . THus at the last ( by Gods assistance ) we are clymbed vp to the toppe of the hill ; from whence looking downe ouer the whole region of bodies , we may delight our selues , with seeing what a height the weary steppes we ascended by , haue brought vs vnto . It is true , the path we haue walked in , is of late so vntrodden , and so ouergrowne with bryars ▪ as it hath not beene without much labour , that we haue made our way through . And peraduenture , it may seeme toylesome vnto others to follow vs , especially such as are not much enured to like iourneyes : but I hope , the fruite which both we and they are now arriued to gather of our paines , in this generall view we haue taken of the empire of matter , and of corporeall agents , is such , as none of vs hath reason to be ill satisfyed with the employing of them . For what can more powerfully delight , or more nobl● entertaine an vnderstanding soule , then the search and discouery of those workes of nature , which being in their effects so plainely exposed to our eyes , are in their causes so abstruse and hidden from our comprehension , as ( through despaire of successe ) they deterre most men from inquiring into them ? And I am persuaded , that by this summary discourse ( short indeede in regard of so large a scope , how euer my lame expressions may peraduenture make it appeare tedious ) it appeareth euidently , that none of natures greatest secrets , whereof our senses giue vs notice in the effects , are so ouershaded with an impenetrable veyle , but that the diligent , and wary hand of reason , might vnmaske them , and shew them to vs in their naked and genuine formes , and delight vs with the contemplation of their natiue beauties ; if we had as much care and constancy in the pursuite of them , as we dayly see men haue in heaping vp of wealth ; or in striuing to satisfy their boundelesse ambitions ; or in making their senses swimme in the muddy lake of base and contemptible pleasures . For who shall througly consider and weigh what we haue hitherto said , will plainely see a continuall and orderly progresse , from the simplest , heighest , and most common conception , that we frame of a body in generall , vnto the furthest and most abstruse effects , that in particular are to be found in any body whatsoeuer : I meane , any that is meerely corporeall , without mixture of a nobler nature ; for hitherto we haue not moued , nor so much as looked out of that o●be . He shall find one continued thridde , spunne out from the beginning to the end . He will see , that the various twisting of the two specieses of Bodies , Rare , and Dense , do make the yarne , of which all thinges and actions within the sphere of matter , are wouen . And although peraduenture , in the drawing out of the thridde , there may be some litle brackes , or the stuffe made of it , be not euery where so close wrought , as a better workeman , at more leisure might haue done ; yet truly , I beleeue , that the very consent of thinges throughout is such , as demonstrateth , that the maine contexture of the doctrine I haue here touched , is beyond quarrelling at . It may well be that in sundry particulars , I haue not lighted vpon exact truth : and I am so farre from maintaining peremptorily any thing I haue here said , as I shall most readily ha●ken to whatsoeuer shall be obiected against it ; and be as ready vpon cause , to desert my owne opinions , and to yield vnto better reason . But withall , I conceiue , that as the fayling of a bricke here and there in the rearing of the walles of a house , doth nothing at all preiudice the strength and security of the fabrike ; no more ( I hope ) will the slight escapes , which so difficult a taske as this is subiect vnto , endamage or weaken the maine body of what I haue here deliuered . I haue not yet seene any piece vpon this subiect , made vp with this methode ; beginning from the simplest and plainest notions , and composing them orderly , till all the principall variety which their nature is capable of , be gone through : and therefore it can not be expected , but that the first modell of this kind ( and moulded by one distracted with continuall thoughts of a much different straine ; and whose exercise , as well as profession , hath allowed him but litle commerce with bookes and study ) must needes be very rough hewed , and require a great deale of polishing . Which whosoeuer shall do , and be as exact and orderly in treating of Phylosophy and Theology , as Mathematicians are in deliuering their sciencies , I do assure my selfe , that Demonstrations might be made , and would proceed in them as currently , and the conclusions be as certaine and as full , as in the Mathematikes themselues . But that is not all : these demonstrations would haue the oddes exceedingly of the other , and be to vs , inestimably more aduantagious : for out of them , do spiring much higher and nobler effects , for mans vse and life , then out of any Mathematicall ones ; especially when they extend themselues to the gouuernement of Man as he is Man : which is an art , as farre beyond all the rules of Physike , or other gouuernement of our body , or temporall goodes , as the end is beyond the meanes we employ to gaine it ; for all the others , do but serue instrumentally to this end , That we may liue well : whereas these do immediately teach it . These are the fruites in generall , that I hope may in some measure , grow out of this discourse , in the handes of equall and iuditious Readers : but the particular ayme of it , is to shew what actions can proeeed from a body , and what can not . In the conduct whereof , one of our chiefe endeauours hath beene to shew , that those actions which seeme to draw strongly into the order of bodies , the vnknowne nature of certaine entities named Qualities , eyther do or may proceed , from the same causes , which produce those knowne effects , that all sides agree , do not stand in neede of any such mysticall Philosophy . And this being the maine hinge , vpon which hangeth and moueth , the full and cleare resoluing of our maine , and great question , Of the Immortality of the Soule ; I assure my selfe , the paines I haue taken in this particular , will not be deemed superfluous or tedious : and withall , I hope I haue employed them with so good successe , as hence foreward , we shall not be any more troubled , with obiections drawne from their hidden and incomprehensible nature : and that we stand vpon euen ground , with those of the contrary opinion : for since we haue shewed how all actions may be performed among bodies , without hauing any recourse to such Entities and Qualities as they pretend and paint out to vs ; it is now their part ( if they will haue them admitted ) to proue that in nature there are such . Hauing th●n brought the Philosophy of bodies vnto these termes ; that which remaineth for vs to performe , is to shew th●t those actions of our soule , for which we call her a spiritt , are of such a nature , as they can not be reduced into those principles , by which all corporeall actions are effected . For the proofe of our originall intent , no more then this , can be exacted at our handes ; so that if our positiue proofes , shall carry vs yet beyond this , it can not be denyed , but that we giue ouermeasure , and do illustrate with a greater light , what is already sufficiently discerned . In our proceeding , we haue the precedency of nature : for laying for our ground , the naturall conceptions which mankind maketh of quantity ; we find that a body is a meere passiue thing , consisting of diuers partes , which by motion may be diuersly ordered ; and consequently , that it is capable of no other change or operation , then such as motion may produce , by various ordering the diuers partes of it : and then , seeing that Rare and Dense , is the primary and adequate diuision of Bodies ; it followeth euidently , that what can not be effected by the various disposition of rare and dense partes , can not proceed or be effected by a pure body : and consequently , it will be sufficient for vs to shew , that the motions of our soules are such : and they who will not agree to this conclusion , must take vpon them to shew , that our first premisse is defectiue ; by prouing that other vnknowne wayes are necessary , for bodies to be wrought vpon or to worke by : and that the motion , and various ordering of rare and dense partes in them , is not cause sufficient for the effects we see among them . Which whosoeuer shall attempt to do , must remember that he hath this disaduantage before he beginneth , that whatsoeuer hath beene hitherto discouered in the science of bodies , by the helpe , eyther of Mathematikes or Physickes , it hath all beene resolued and hath fallen , into this way which we declare . Here I should sett a periode to all further discourse concerning this first Treatise of bodies , did I not apprehend , that the preiudice of Aristotles authority , may dispose many to a harsh conceite of the draught we haue made . But if they knew how litle reason they haue to vrge that against vs , they would not crye vs downe for contradicting that oracle of nature : not only because he himselfe , both by word , and by example , exhorteth vs , when verity leadeth vs an other way , to forsake the trackes , which our forefathers haue beaten for vs , so we do it with due respect and gratitude for the much they haue left vs : nor yet because Christian Religion , as it will not heare of any man ( purely a man ) free from sinne , so it inclineth to persuade vs , that no man can be exempt from errour ; and therefore it sauoureth not well , to defend peremptorily any mans sayings ( especially if they be many ) as being vncontrollable ; how be it I intend not to preiudice any person , that to defend a worthy authors honour , shal endeauour to vindicate him from absurdities and grosse errors : nor lastly because it hath euer beene the common practise of all graue Peripatetikes and Thomistes , to leaue their Masters , some in one article , some in an other : but indeede , because the very truth is , that the way we take , is directly the same solide way , which Aristotle walked in before vs : and they who are scandalised at vs for leauing him , are exceedingly mistaken in the matter : and out of the sound of his wordes ( not rightly vnderstood ) do frame a wrong sense of the doctrine he hath left vs , which generally we follow . Lett any vnpartiall Aristotelian answere , whether the conceptions we haue deliuered of Quātity , of Rarity and Dēsity , of the foure first Qualities , of the combinations of the Elements , of the repugnance of vacuities , be not exactly and rigorously Aristotles ? Whether the motion of weighty and light thinges , and of such as are forced , be not by him , as well as by vs , atttibuted to externe causes ? In which all the differēce betweene vs is , that we enlarge ourselues to more particulars then he hath done . Lett any man reade his bookes of Generation and Corruption , and say whether he doth not expressely teach , that mixtion ( which he deliuereth to be the generation or making of a mixt body ) is done per minima ; that is in our language and in one word , by atomes ; and signifyeth , that all the qualities , which are naturall qualities following the composition of the Elements , are made by the mingling of the least partes or atomes of the said Elements ; which is in effect to say , that all the nature of bodies , their qualities , and their operations , are compassed by the mingling of atomes : the shewing and explicating of which , hath beene our labour in this whole Treatise . Lett him reade his bookes of Meteores , and iudge whether he doth not giue the causes of all the effects he treateth of there , by mingling and seperating of great and litle , grosse and subtile , fiery and watry , aery and earthy partes , iust as we do . The same he doth in his Problemes , and in his Parua naturalia , and in all other places , wheresoeuer he hath occasion to render Physically , the causes of Physicall effects . The same do Hippocrates and Galen : the same , their Master Democritus ; and with them the best sort of Physitians : the same do Alchymistes , with their Master Geber ; whose maxime to this purpose , we cited aboue : the same do all naturall Philosophers , eyther auncient commentatours of Aristotle , or else moderne inquirers into naturall effects , in a sensible and vnderstandable way : as who will take the paines to looke into them , will easily perceiue . Wherefore , lett any iuditious Reader that hath looked further into Aristotle then only vpon his Logicall and Metaphysicall workes , iudge whether in bulke our doctrine be not conformable to the course of his , and of all the best Philosophers that haue beene and are ; though in detaile or particulars , we sometimes mingle therewith , our owne priuate iudgements ; as euery one of them , hath likewise shewed vs the way to do , by the liberty themselues haue taken to dissent in some pointes from their predecessours . And were it our turne , to declare and teach Logike and Metaphisikes , we should be forced to goe the way of matter , and of formes , and of priuations , in such sort as Aristotle hath trodden it out to vs , in his workes of that straine . But this is not our taske for the present ; for no man that contemplateth nature as he aught , can choose but see that these notions are no more necessary , when we consider the framing of the elements , then when we examine the making of compounded bodies : and therefore , these are to be sett apart , as higher principles , and of an other straine , then neede be made vse of for the actuall composition of compounded thinges , and for the resolution of them into their materiall ingredients , or to cause their particular motions ; which are the subiects we now diseourse of . Vpon this occasion , I thinke it not amisse to touch , how the latter sectatours , or rather pretenders of Aristotle , ( for truly they haue not his way ) haue introduced a modell of doctrine ( or rather of ignorance ) out of his wordes , which he neuer so much as dreamed of ; howbeit they alleage textes out of him to confirme what they say , as Heretikes do out of scripture to prooue their assertions : for whereas he called certaine collections or positions of thinges , by certaine common names ( as the art of Logike requireth ) terming some of them Qualities , others actions , others places , or habites , or relatiues , or the like : these his latter followers , haue conceited that these names did not designe a concurrence of sundry thinges , or a diuers disposition of the partes of any thing , out of which some effect resulted ; which the vnderstanding considering all together , hath expressed the notion of it by one name : but haue imagined , that euery one of these names had correspondent vnto it , some reall positiue entity or thing , seperated ( in its owne nature ) from the maine thing or substance in which it was , and indifferent to any other substance ; but in all vnto which it is linked , working still that effect , which is to be expected from the nature of such a quality , or action , &c. And thus , to the very negatiues of thinges , as to the names of pointes , lines , instantes , and the like , they haue imagined positiue Entities to correspond : likewise , to the names of actions , places , and the like , they haue framed other Entities : as also to the names of colours , soundes , tastes , smels , touches , and the rest of the sensible qualities , they haue vnto euery one of them , allotted speciall Entities ; and generally to all qualities whatsoeuer . Whereas nothing is more euidēt , then that Aristotle meaned by qualities no other thing , but that disposition of partes , which is proper to one body , and is not found in all : as you will plainely see , if you but examine , what beauty , health , agility , science , and such other qualities are ; ( for by that name he calleth them ; and by such examples , giueth vs to vnderstand what he meaneth by the word Quality ) the first of which is nothing else , but a composition of seuerall partes and colours , in due proportion to one an other : the next , but a due temper of the humours , and the being of euery part of the body , in the state it should be : the third , but a due proportion of the spirits and strength of the sinnewes : and the last , but ordered Phantasmes . Now when these peruerters of Aristotle haue framed such Entities , vnder that conception which nature hath attributed to substances , they do immediately vpon the nicke , with the same breath that described them as substances , deny them to be substances : and thus they confound the first apprehensions of nature , by seeking learned and strained definitions for plaine thinges . After which , they are faine to looke for glew and paste , to ioyne these entities vnto the substance they accompany : which they find with the same facility , by imagining a new Entity , whose nature it is to do that which they haue neede of . And this is the generall course of their Philosophy ; whose great subtility , and queint speculations in enquiring how thinges do come to passe afford no better satisfaction then to say vpon euery occasion , that there is an Entity which maketh it be so . As if you aske them , how a wall is white , or blacke ? They will tell you , there is an Entity or Quality , whose essence is to be whitenesse or blackenesse , diffused through the wall . If you continue to aske , how doth whitenesse sticke to the wall ? They reply , that it is by meanes of an Entity called Vnion , whose nature it is actually to ioyne whitenesse and the wall together . And then if you enquire how it cometh to passe , that one white is like an other ? They will as readily answere , that this is wrought by an other Entity , whose nature is to be likenesse , and it maketh one thing like an other . The consideration of which doctrine , maketh me remember a ridiculous tale of a trewant schooleboyes latine : who vpon a time when he came home to see his frendes , being asked by his father , what was latine for bread ? answered breadibus ; and for beere ? beeribus ; and the like of all other thinges he asked him , adding only a termination in Bus , to the plaine English word of euery one of them : which his father perceiuing and ( though ignorant of Latine ) yet presently apprehending , that the mysteries his sonne had learned , deserued not the expence of keeping him at schoole , bad him immediately putt of his hosibus and shoosibus , and fall to his old trade of treading Morteribus . In like manner , these great Clerkes do as readily find a pretty Quality or moode , whereby to render the nature or causes of any effect in their easy Philosophy , as this Boy did a Bus to stampe vpon any English word , and coyne it into his mockelatine . But to be serious , as the weight of the matter requireth , lett these so peremptory pretenders of Aristotle , shew me but one text in him , where he admitteth any middle distinction ( such as those moderne Philosophers do , and must needes admitt , who maintaine the qualities we haue reiected ) betwixt that which he calleth Numericall , and that which he calleth of Reason , or of Notion , or of Definition , ( the first of which we may terme to be of , or in thinges ; the other to be in our heades , or discourses : or the one Naturall , the other Logicall : ) and I will yield that they haue reason , and that I haue grossely mistaken what he hath written , and that I do not reach the depth of his sense . But this they will neuer be able to do . Besides , the whole scope of his doctrine , and all his discourses and intentions , are carryed throughout , and are built vpon the same foundations , that we haue layed for ours . Which being so , no body can quarrell with vs for Aristotles sake ; who as he was the greatest Logician , and Metaphysitian , and Vniuersall scholler peraduenture that euer liued ; and was so highly esteemed , that the good turne which Sylla did the world in sauing his workes , was thought to recompence his many outragious cruelties and tyranny ; so his name must neuer be mentioned among schollers , but with reuerence , for his vnparalleled worth ; and with gratitude for the large stocke of knowledge he hath enriched vs with . Yet withall we are to consider , that since his raigne was but at the beginning of sciences , he could not chose but haue some defects and shortenesses , among his many great and admirable perfections . THE SECOND TREATISE ; DECLARING , THE NATVRE AND OPERATIONS OF MANS SOVLE ; OVT OF WHICH , THE IMMORTALITY OF REASONABLE SOVLES , IS CONVINCED . Pro captu Lectoris , habent sua fata libelli . THE PREFACE . IT is now high time for vs to cast an eye vpon the other leafe of our accounts : or peraduenture I may more properly say , to fall to the perusall of our owne accountes : for hitherto , our time and paines haue beene taken vp , in examining and casting the accountes of others : to the end , that from the foote and totall of them , we may driue on our owne the more smoothly . In ours then , we shall meete with a new Capitall ; we shall discouer a new world , of a quite different straine and nature from that which all this while we haue employed ourselues about . We will enter into them , with taking a suruay of the great Master of all that large family , we haue so summarily viewed : I meane of Man , as he is Man : that is , not as he is subiect to those lawes whereby other bodies are gouerned ( for therein he hath no praeeminence , to raise him out of their throng : ) but as he exceedeth the rest of creatures , which are subiect to his managing : and as he ruleth ouer nature herselfe , making her serue his designes ; and subiecting her noblest powers , to his lawes , and as he is distinguished from all other creatures whatsoeuer . To the end we may discouer , whether that principle in him , from whence those actions do proceede which are properly his , be but some refined composition , of the same kind we haue already treated of : or whether it deriueth its source and origine , from some higher spring and stocke , and be of a quite different nature . Hauing then by our former Treatise mastered the oppositions , which else would haue taken armes against vs , when we should haue beene in the middest of our aedifice ; and hauing cleared the obiections which lay in our way , from the peruerse Qualities of the soules neighbours , the seuerall common wealthes of Bodies : we must now beginne with Dauid to gather together our Materialls ; and to take a suruay of our owne prouisions : that so we may proceed with Salomon , to the sacred building of Gods temple . But before we goe about it , it will not be amisse , that we shew the reason , why we haue made our porch so great , and haue added so long an entry , that the house is not likely to haue therevnto a correspondent bulke : and when the necessity of my doing so , shall appeare , I hope my paines will meete with a fauourable censure , and receiue a faire admittance . We proposed vnto our selues to shew that our soules are immortall : wherevpon , casting about to find the groundes of immortality , and discerning it to be a negatiue , we conceiued that we ought to beginne our search , with enquiring What Mortality is ; and what be the causes of it . Which when we should haue discouered , and haue brought the soule to their teste , if we found they trēched not vpon her , nor any way concerned her condition , we might safely conclude , that of necessity she must be immortall . Looking then into the causes of mortality , we saw that all bodies round about vs were mortall : whence perceiuing that mortality extended it selfe as farre as corporeity , we found our selues obliged , if we would free the soule from that law , to shew that she is not corporeall . This could not be done without enquiring what corporeity was . Now it being a rule among Logitians , that a definition can not be good , vnlesse it comprehend and reach to euery particular of that which is defined ; we perceiued it impossible to know compleatly , what a Body is , without taking a generall view of all those thinges , which we comprise vnder the name and meaning of Bodies . This is the cause , we spent so much time in the first Treatise : and I hope to good purpose ; for there we found , that the nature of a Body , consisted in being made of partes : that all the differencies of bodies , are reduced to hauing more or lesse partes , in comparison to their substance , thus and thus ordered : and lastly , thall all their operations , are nothing else but locall motion , which followeth naturally out of hauing partes . So as it appeareth euidently from hence , that if any thing haue a being , and yet haue no partes ; it is not a body , but a substance of an other quality and condition : and consequently , if we can find the soules Being to be without partes , and that her operations , are no locall translation ▪ we euidently conclude her to be an immateriall or spirituall substance . Peraduenture it may be obiected , that all this might haue beene done a much shorter way then we haue taken ; and that we needed not haue branched our discourse , into so many particulars , nor haue driuen them so home , as we haue done : but that we might haue taken our first rise from this ground , ( which is as euident , as light of Reason can make it ) that seeing we know biggenesse and a Body , to be one and the same , as well in the notion as in the thing ; it must of necessity follow , that what hath not partes , nor worketh , nor is wrought vpon by diuision , is not a body . I confesse , this obiection appeareth very reasonable , and the consideration of it weighed so much with me , as , were all men of a free iudgement , and not imbued with artificiall errours , I would for its sake , haue saued my selfe a great deale of paines : but I find ( as in the former Treatise I haue frequently complained of ) that there is crept into the world a fansy so contrary to this pregnant truth , and that it is so deepely settled in many mens minds ( and not of the meanest note , ) as all we haue said , is peraduenture too litle to roote it out . If any that being satisfyed with the rationall maxime we euen now mentioned , and therefore hath not deemed it needefull , to employ his time in reading the former Treatise , should wish to know how this is come to passe , I shall here represent vnto him , the summe of what I haue more at large scattered in seuerall places of the former Treatise ; and shall entreate him to consider , how nature teacheth vs to call the proprieties of thinges whereby one is distinguished from an other , the Qualities of those thinges ; and that according to the varieties of them , they haue diuers names suted out to diuers of them ; some being called Habites , others Powers ; and others by other names . Now what Aristotle , and the learned Grecians did meane by these thinges , is cleere by the examples they giue of them : they terme Beauty and Health , Habites : the dispositions of our bodies to our bodily motions , Powers ; as strength ( which is the good temper of the sinewes ) a Power ; likewise Agility , a Power ; so they vse the names of the concoctiue , the nutritiue , the retentiue , the excretiue , Power ; the health of the eyes , the eares , the nosethrills , &c : they call the Powers of seeing , of hearing , of smelling , &c : and the like of many others . But later Philosophers , being very disputatiue , and desiring to seeme ignorant of nothing ( or rather , to seeme to know more then any that are gone before them and to refine their conceptions ) haue taken the notions , which by our first Masters were sett for common and confused explications of the natures , ( to serue for conueniency and succinctenesse of discourse ) to be truly and really particular Entities , or thinges of themselues : and so haue filled their bookes , and the schooles , with vnexplicable opinions , out of which no account of nature can be giuen : and which is worse , the way of searching on , is barred to others ; and a mischieuous error is growne into mens beliefes , that nothing can be knowne . By this meanes they haue choaked the most plaine and euident definition of a body ; bringing so many instances against it , that vnwary men are forced to desert and deny the very first notions of nature and reason : for in truth , they turne all bodies into spirits , making ( for example ) heare , or cold , to be of it selfe indiuisible , a thing by it selfe , whose nature is not conceiuable ; not the disposition or proportion of the partes of that body which is said to be hoat or cold ; but a reall thing , that hath a proper Being and nature peculiar to it selfe ; whereof they can render you no account : and so , may as well be against the notion of a body as not : for if light , the vertue of the loadestone , the power of seing , feeling &c , be thinges that worke without time , i● an instant ; if they be not the dispositions of partes as partes , ( whose nature is , to be more or lesse , to be next or farre off , &c : ) how can it be truly said , that the notion of a body , is to be of partes ? For if this be a true definition of a body , it followeth that all corporeall qualities and actions must likewise be some disposition and order of partes as partes : and that what is not so , is no body , nor bodily quality or propriety . This then was it that obliged me to go so farre about , and to shew in common , how all those effects which are so much admired in bodies , are , or may be made and continued by the sole order of quantitatiue partes and locall motion : this hath forced vs to anatomise nature , and to beginne our dissection , with what first occurreth vnto our sense from a body . In doing which , out of the first and most simple notion of Biggenesse or Quantity , we found out the prime diuision of Bodies , into Rare and Dense : then finding them to be the Qualities of diuiding and of being diuided ( that is , of locall motion ) we gained knowledge of the common properties of Grauity and Leuity : from the combination of these , we retriued the foure first Qualities : and by them , the Elements . When we had agreed how the Elements were made , wee examined how their action and composition , raiseth those second qualities , which are seene in all mixt bodies , and doe make their diuisions . Thence , proceeding into the operations of life , we resolued , they are composed and ordered meerely by the varieties of the former : nay , that sense and fantasy ( the highest thinges we can discerne out of man ) haue no other source , but are subiect to the lawes of partes , and of Rarity and Density ; so that in the end we became assured of this important Maxime : That nothing whatsoeuer we know to be a Body , can be exempted from the declared lawes , and orderly motions , of Bodies : vnto which , lett vs adde two other positions , which fell also within our discouery : the first that it is constantly found in nature , that none of the bodies we know , do moue themselues ; but their motion must be founded in some thing without them : the second , that no body moueth an other , vnlesse it selfe be also moued : and it will follow euidently out of them , ( if they be of necessity and not preuaricable ) that some other Principle beyond bodies , is required to be the roote and first ground of motion in them : as Mr. White hath most acutely aud solidely demonstrated , in that excellent worke , I haue so often cited in my former Treatise . But it is time we should fall to our intended discourse , leauing this point settled by what we haue already said , that if we shew our soule , and her operations , to be not composed of partes , we also therein conclude , that she is a spirituall substance , and not a body . Which is our designe and intention in this Treatise . And for this intent , we must looke vpon those actions of man , which are peculiarly his : and vpon those thinges which result out of them , and are called , Opera or labores hominum ; as houses , Townes , Tillage , Handicrafts , Armes , shippes , Commonwealthes , Armies , Bookes , and the like ; in which great mens lifes and thoughts haue beeue spent . In all these we find one generall thridde , to runne quite through them ; and that all of them are composed of the same stuffe , and are built vpon the same foundation : which is , a long chaine of discourses , whereof euery little part or linke is that which schollers do call a Syllogisme : and Syllogismes we know are framed of enuntiations ; and they of single or vncomposed apprehensions . All which are actions wrought by the vnderstanding of a man. But beyond these , we can not proceede to any further subdiuision of partes , and containe our selues within the orbe of humane Actions ; for simple apprehensions , can not be further resolued into other partes , beyond the degree of apprehensions , and yet still remaine actions peculiar to a man : so that we may be sure , we shall haue left nothing out of enquiry , concerning Mans actions as he is Man , if we beginne with anatomizing his first bare apprehensions ; and so goe on by degrees , compounding them , till we come to faddome those great and admirable machines of bookes and workes , which he ( as I may say ) weaueth out of his owne bowels ; and the like of which , is done by no other creature whatsoeuer , vpon the face of our contemptible Earth . These then ( which are all comprised vnder the names of Apprehensions , of Enuntiations or Iudgements , and of Discourses ) shall be the subiect of this second Treatise : and in it , we will first consider these operations in themselues ; which being done , we will endeauour to proue out of the nature and manner of performing them , that the soules vnto whom they belong , are Immateriall and Immortall . THE SECOND TREATISE ; DECLARING , THE NATVRE AND OPERATIONS OF MANS SOVLE . THE FIRST CHAPTER . Of simple Apprehensions . THAT we may duely vnderstand , 1 what a right Apprehension is , lett vs consider the preeminence that a man who apprehendeth a thing rightly , hath ouer him who misseth of doing so . This latter can but roue wildely at the nature of the thing he apprendeth ; and will neuer be able to draw any operation into act , out of the apprehension he hath framed of it . As for example : if a man be to worke vpon gold , and by reason of its resemblance vnto brasse , hath formed an apprehension of brasse , insteed of an apprehension of gold , and then ( knowing that the action of fire , will resolue brasse into its least partes , and seuer its moist from its drye ones ) will go about to calcine gold in the same manner as he would do brasse ; he will soone find that he looseth his labour ; and that ordinary fire is not an adequate Agent to destroy the homogeneall nature , and to seuer the minute partes of that fixed mettall : all which happeneth , out of the wrong apprehension he hath made of gold . Whereas on the other side , he that apprehendeth a thing rightly , if he pleaseth to discourse of what he apprehendeth , findeth in his apprehension all the partes and qualities , which are in the thing he discourseth of : for example , if he apprehendeth rightly a knife , or a beetle , or a siuue , or any other thing whatsoeuer ; in the knife he will find hafte and blade ; the blade of iron , thicke on the backe , and thinne on the edge ; tempered to be hard and tough ; thus beaten , so ground , in such manner softened , thus quenched , and whatsoeuer else concerneth the Being or the making of a knife : and all this he draweth out of his notion or apprehension of a knife ; which is , that it is an instrument fitted to cutt such and such thinges , in such a manner : for hence he findeth , that it hath an haft , fitt to hold it by in ones hand , to the end it may not hurt the hand , whiles it presseth vpon the knife ; and that the blade is apt to flide in betwixt the partes of the thing which is to be cutt , by the motion of being pressed or drawne by the hand : and so he proceedeth on , descending to the qualities of both partes ; and how they are to be ioyned , and held fast together . In the like manner , he discourseth of a beetle , of a siuue , or of whatsoeuer else cometh in his way . And he doth this , not only in such manufacturers as are of mans inuention ; but ( if he be capable ) he doth the like in beastes , in birdes , in trees , in herbes , in fishes , in fossiles , and in what creature soeuer he meeteth withall , within the whole extent of nature . He findeth what they are made for : and hauing discouered natures ayme in their production , he can instruct others , what partes and manner of generation they haue , or ought to haue : and if he that in this manner apprehendeth any thing rightly , hath a minde to worke vpon it , eyther to make it , or to vse and order it to some end of his owne ; he is able by his right apprehension , to compare it vnto other thinges ; to prepare what is any way fitting for the making of it ; to apply it vnto what it will worke its effect vpon ; and to conserue it from what may wrong or destroy it : so , if he haue framed a right apprehension of a siuue , he will not employ it in drawing water ; if of a beetle , he will not go about to cutt with it : neyther will he offer , if he haue a due apprehension of a knife , to cutt stone or steele with it , but wood , or what is softer . He knoweth what will whette and maintaine the edge of it ; and vnderstandeth what will blunt or breake it : In fine , he vseth it in such sort , as the knife it selfe ( had it knowledge and will ) would wish to be vsed ; and moueth it in such a manner , as if it had power of motion , it would moue it selfe : he goeth about the making it , euen as nature would do , were it one of her plantes : and in a word , the knife in this apprehension made in the man , hath those causes , proprieties , and effects , which are naturall vnto it ; and which nature would giue it , if it were made by her ; and which are propotionable to those partes , causes , proprieties , and effects , that nature bestoweth on her children and creatures , according to their seuerall essences . 2 What then can we imagine , but that the very nature of a thing apprehended , is truly in the man , who doth apprehend it ? And that to apprehend ought , is to haue the nature of that thing within ones selfe ? And that man , by apprehending , doth become the thing apprehended ; not by change of his nature vnto it , but by assumption of it vnto his ? Here peraduenture some will reply , that we presse our inference to farre : and will peremptorily deny the thinges reall being in our minde , when we make a true and full apprehension of it ; accounting it sufficient for our purpose , that some likenesse , or image of the thing be there ; out of which , we may draw all th●se , whether contemplations , or workes , or disposals of the thing . But by that time this obiection is throughly looked into , and that so much as they allow is duely examined , I beleeue we shall find our quarrell to be only about the word , not about the matter : and that indeede , both of vs , do meane the same , how be it diuersly conceiued : and that in substance their expression , in what they graunt , importeth the same of ours doth : which , it is true , they first deny in wordes ; but that may be , because the thing is not by them rightly vnderstood . Lett vs then discusse the matter particularly . What is likenesse , but an imperfect vnity betweene a thing , and that which it is said to be like vnto ? If the likenesse be imperfect , it is more vnlike then it is like vnto it : and the liker it is , the more it is one with it ; vntill at length , the growing likenesse may arriue to such a perfection , and to such a vnity with the thing it is like vnto , that then , it shall no longer be like , but is become wholy the same , with what formerly it had but a resemblance of . For example , lett vs consider , in what consisteth the likenesse vnto a man , of a picture drawne inblacke and white representing a man : and we shall find , it is only in the proportions of the limbes and features ; for the colours , the bulke , and all thinges else are vnlike ; but the proportions are the very same , in a man and in a picture ; yet that picture is but a likenesse , because it wanteth biggenesse and colour : giue it them ; and neuerthelesse it will yet be but a likenesse , because it wanteth all the dimensions of corporeity or bulke , which are in a mans body : adde also those to it ; and still it will be but a likenesse or representation of a man , because it wanteth the warmeth , the softenesse , and the other qualities of a liuing body , which belong to a man : but if you giue it all these , then it is no longer a likenesse or image of a liuing creature , but a liuing creature indeede ; and if peraduenture this liuing creature do continue still to be but the likenesse of a man , it is because it wanteth some perfections or proprieties belonging to a man : and so in that regard , is vnlike a man : but if you allow it all those , so that in nothing it be vnlike , then your taking away all vnlikenesse , taketh away likenesse too : and as before of dead , it became a liuing creature , so now of an other liuing creature , it becometh a man , and is no longer like a mā . You see then plainely the reason , why that , which we call a like thing , is not the same ; for in some part it is dislike : but if the likenesse were complete in euery regard , then it were no longer to be called like , but the very thing it selfe : and therefore we may conclude , that if the likenesse of a thing , which the obiection alloweth to be in our knowledge , do containe all that is in the thing knowne , then it is in truth , no more a likenesse , but the very knowne thing it selfe : and so what they graunt , amounteth to as much as we require ; though att the first they go about to exclude it . 3 Hauing thus concluded , that when we apprehend any thing , that very thing is in vs ; lett vs in the next place examine , how it cometh thither , and what it is there . Which we shall best do , by anatomising , and looking narrowly into the nature of such apprehensions , as we dayly make of thinges . It is true we said euen now , that we can not diuide the actions of mans mind , further then into apprehensions ; and therefore we called them simple and vncomposed : and with good reason ; for if we reflect vpon the operations of our mind , we shall euidently perceiue , that our bare apprehensions , and only they , are such : but withall we must acknowledge , that all the apprehensions we make of thinges coming vnto vs by our senses , are composed of other more single apprehensions , and may be resolued into them : all which are as it were the limbes and partes , that make vp and constitute the other totall one . 4 Lett vs make vse of our former example , and dissect the apprehension we make of a knife : I find in my vnderstanding that it is a thing so long , so broade , so sharpe , so heauy , of such a colour , so moulded , so tempered &c , as is fitt to cutt withall . In this totall appr●hension , I discouer three kindes of particular apprehensions , euery one more simple and refined then the other . The highest of them , and the foundation vpon which the others are built , is the notion of Being : which is of so high , and of so abstracted a nature , that we can not retriue wordes to expresse in what manner we conceiue it ; but are faine to content our selues with the outward sound of a word , by whi●h , without discribing our owne , we stirre vp a like conception in an other : and that is the word ●s , by which we intimate the Being of the thing we apprehend . And this notion can be in our minde , without inferring any other : and therefore is the simplest of all others : which of necessity , must imply it , and can not be without it , although it can be without them . 5 Our next apprehension is of that which hath Being : and is expressed by the word Thing . This is not so simple as the former ▪ for it is composed of it , and of what receiueth it ; of Being , and of what hath Being : yet it is much simpler then the next degree of apprehensions , which is caused in our mind by the great variety of thinges , that come thither through our senses ; and can be conceiued without any of them , though none of them can without it ; for I can haue in me the notion of a thing , abstracting from all accidents whatsoeuer ; as of magnitude , of figure , of colour , of resemblance , or the like : but I can not conceiue it to be long , or sharpe , or blew , &c , without allowing it first to be somewhat or something , that is in such sort affected : so that the apprehension of a thing , or of that which hath Being , is the basis of all our other subsequent apprehensions ; as the apprehension of Being , is the basis of the apprehension of a thing : for had it not Being , it were not a thing ; and were it not a thing , it could not be said to be a long thing or a sharpe thing ; nor indeede that it were long or sharpe : for to be so , doth include Being ; and what hath Being , is a Thing . And thus we may obserue , how the bulke of our apprehensions is composed of something aduentitious , and of something formerly within vs , which is of a very different nature from all the others ; and yet so fitted and necessary to them , that none of them can be without it , although it not only can be , but is best conceiued without relation to any of them . We shall easily discerne , 6 of how different a straine this conception of Being , is from all others , that enter by our senses , ( as from the conceptions of colours , of soundes , and the like ) if we but reflect vpon that act in vs , which maketh it ; and then compare it with the others : for we shall find , that all they do consist in , or of certaine respects betwixt two thinges ; whereas this of Being , is an absolute and simple conception of it selfe , without any relation to ought else ; and can not be described or expressed with other wordes , or by comparing it to any other thing : only we are sure , we vnderstand and know what it is . But to make this point the clearer , it will not be amisse to shew more particularly , wherein the other sort of apprehensions are different from this of Being ; and how they consist in certaine respects betweene differēt thinges , and are knowne only by those respects : whereas this is knowne only in it selfe ; abstracting from all other thinges whatsoeuer . An example will do it best : when I apprehend the whitenesse in the wall , I may consider how that white , is a thing which maketh such an impression vpon my fantasy ; and so accordingly , I know or expresse the nature of white , by a respect or proportion of the wall , to worke vpon my fantasy . In like manner , if we take a notion that ariseth out of what entereth immediately by our senses , ( for by ioyning such also to the notion of Being , we make ordinary apprehensions ) we shall find the same nature : as when I consider how this white wall , is like to an other white wall , the apprehension of likenesse that I haue in my mind , is nothing else , but a notion arising out of the impression , which both those walles together , do make vpon my fantasy ; so that , this apprehension is as the former , a certaine kind of respect or proportion of the two walles to my imagination : not as they make their impressions immediately vpon it , but as an other notion ariseth , out of comparing the seuerall impressions , which those two white walles made in it . Lett vs proceede a litle further , 7 and examine what kind of thing that is , which we call respect or proportion , and where it resideth . We shall find , that there is a very great difference , betweene what it is in it selfe , or in its owne essence , and what it is in the thinges that are respectiue : for in them , it is nothing else but the thinges , being plainely and bluntly what they are really in themselues : as for example , two white walles to be like , is in them nothing else , but each of them to be white : and two quantities to be halfe and whole , is in them nothing else , but each quantity to be iust what it is . But a respect in its owne nature , is a kind of tye , comparison , tending , or order , of one of those thinges to an other ; and is no where to be found in its formall subsistence , but in the apprehension of man : and therefore it can not be described by any similitude , nor be expressed by any meanes ▪ but ( like Being ) by the sound of a word , which we are agreed vpon to stirre vp in vs such a notion ; for in the thinges , it is not such a thing as our notion of it is : ( which notion is that , which we vse to expresse by prepositions and coniunctions , and which Aristotle and Logitians expresse in common , by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ad ) and therefore there is nothing out of vs , to paint it by : as I could do white , or square , or round , or the like ; because these haue a being in the thinges that are white , or square &c , and consequently they may be expressed by others of the like nature : but the likenesse that one white hath to an other , or the respect that eyther of them hath to mans imagination , is only in Man ; who by comparing them , giueth birth to the nature and Being of respect . 8 Out of this discourse , we may collect two singularities of man ; which will much import vs , to take particular notice of ▪ the one is , that Being or a thing ( the formall notion of both which is meerely Being ) is the proper affection of man ; for euery particular thing is in him , by being ( as I may say ) grafted vpon the stocke of Existence or of Being : and accordingly we see , that whatsoeuer we speake of , we say it is something : and whatsoeuer we conceiue , we giue it the nature of a thing ; as when we haue said , the wall is white , we frame whitenesse as a thing : so did we immediately before speaking of Respect , we tooke respect as it were a thing and enquired , where it is : so that it is euident , that all the negotiation of our vnderstanding , tradeth in all that is apprehended by it , as if they were thinges . The other singularity we may obserue in man is , that he is a comparing power ; for all his particular knowledges , are nothing else but respects or comparisons betweene particular thinges : as for example , for a man to know heate , or cold &c , is to know , what effects fire or water &c , can worke vpon such or such bodies . 9 Out of the first of these proprieties it followeth , that what affecteth a man , or maketh impression vpon his vnderstanding , doth not thereby loose its owne peculiar nature , nor is it modifyed to the recipient ; the contrary of which , we see happeneth perpetually in bodies : obserue the sustenance we take ; which that it may be once part of our body , is first changed into a substance like our body , and ceaseth being what it was : whē water or any liquid body is receiued into a vessell , it looseth its owne figure , and putteth on the figure of the vessell it is in : if heate entereth into a body that is already hoat , that heate becometh thereby more heate ; if into a cold body , it is conuerted into warmeth : and in like manner , all other corporeall thinges are accommodated to the qualities of the recipient ; and in it , they loose their owne proper termes and consistences : but what cometh into the vnderstanding of a man , is in such sort receiued by him or ioyned to him , that it still retaineth its owne proper limitations and particular nature ▪ notwithstanding the assūption of it vnto him : for Being is ioyned to euery thing there ; since ( as we haue said ) it is by Being that any thing cometh thither : and consequently this stocke of Being , maketh euery graft that is inoculated into it , Be what of its owne nature it is ; for Being ioyned to an other notion , doth not change that notion , but maketh it be what it was before ; sithence if it should be changed , Being were not added to it : as for example , adde Being to the notion of knife , and it maketh a knife , or that notion , to Be a knife : and if after the addition , it doth not remaine a knife , it was not Being , that was added to a knife . Out of the later of the singularities proper to man , 10 it followeth , that multitude of thinges may be vnited in him , without suffering any confusion among themselues ; but euery one of them , will remaine with its proprieties , and distinct limitations : for so of necessity it must be , when that which vniteth them to him , is the comparing of them to something besides themselues : which worke could not be performed , vnlesse what is to be compared , do retaine exactly its owne nature , whereby the comparison may be made : no more then one can weigh two quantities one against an other , vnlesse he keepe asunder what is in each scale , and keepe all other weights from mingling with them : and accordingly we see , that we can not compare blacke to white , or a horse to an oxe , vnlesse we take together , the properties by which blacke differeth from white , or an oxe from a horse : and consequently , they must remaine vnmingled and without confusion , precisely what in themselues they are , and be different in the sight of the comparer . But indeede , if we looke well into the matter , we shall find , that setting a side the notion of Existence or of Being , all our other notions are nothing else , but comparisons and respects : and that by the mediation of respects , the natures of all thinges are in vs : and that by the varying of them , we multiply our notions : which in their first diuision , that reduceth their seuerall kindes into generall heades , do encrease into the tenne famous tribes , that Logitians call Predicaments : and they do comprehend vnder them , all the particular notions that man hath , or can haue , according to the course of knowledge in this life . Of which Predicaments the seuen last are so manifestly respectiue , that all men acknowledge them to be so . Substance we haue already shewed to haue a respect vnto Being ▪ Quantity we proued in the first Chapter of the former Treatise of the nature and of the operation of Bodies , to consist in a respect vnto partes . Quality is diuided into foure branches : whereof Power is clearely a respect to that ouer which it hath power , or from which it may suffer . Habite is a respect to the substance wherein it is ; as being the property by which it is well or ill , conueniently or inconueniently affected , in regard of its owne nature ; as you may obserue in health , or sicknesse , or the like . The passible Qualities are those which we haue explicated , in discoursing of the Elements and of Mixtes ; and whose natures we haue there shewed do consist in respects of acting or of suffering . Figure or shape ( which is the last branch of the diuision of the Predicament of Quality ) is nothing else , but a certaine disposition of one part of a body to an other . And so you see , how all the tenne Predicaments do consist purely in diuersity of Respects : and by consequence , all our conceites and notions ( excepting that of Being , which is the stocke , vpon which all the rest are grafted ) are nothing else , but various respects ; since all of them whatsoeuer , are comprised vnder those generall heades . Concerning which , we shall not neede to dilate ourselues any further ; seeing they are to be found in Aristotle , and in his Commentators , largely discoursed of . 11 In the next place , lett vs obserue , how our vnderstanding behaueth it selfe , in considering and in apprehending these respects . We haue already declared , that the variety of our notions , doth arise out of the respects which diuers thinges haue to one an other : hence will follow , that of the same thing , we may haue various notions : for comparing it to different thinges , we shall meete with different respects betweene them ; and consequently , we shall consider the same thing , vnder different notions : as when we consider an apple , vnder the notions of greenenesse , of sweetnesse , of roundenesse , of mellownesse &c : in such sort , as we haue amply declared in the first Treatise , and therefore neede not here enlarge ourselues any further vpon this particular . Now these notions are so absolutely seuered one from an other , and euery one of them hath such a completenesse within it selfe , that we may vse any one of them , without meddling at all with any of the others . And this we do two seuerall wayes : the one , when our māner of apprehension determineth vs to one precise notion , which is so summed vp within it selfe , as it not only abstracteth from all other notions , but also quite excludeth them , and admitteth no society with them . The other way is , when we consider a thing vnder a determinate notion , yet we do it in such a manner , that although we abstract from all other notions , neuerthelesse we do so , rather by neglecting then by excluding them : and euen in the manner of our expression of it , we insinuate that there are other notions ( without specifying what ) belonging vnto it . Of the first kind of notions , are whitenesse , weight , heate , and such like , ( whose names are called abstracted termes ) which although they arise out of our comparing of the thinges that are white , heauy , hoat , &c : to our fantasy , or to other thinges ; yet these notions are so precise , and shutt vp within themselues , that they absolutely exclude all others , ( as of long , short , square , rough , sharpe , or whatsoeuer else ) which may in the thinges accompany the whitenesse , weight , heate , &c , that our consideration is then busied only withall Of the second kind of abstracted notions , are white , heauy , hoat &c ( whose names , expressing them , are called concrete termes : ) which although they cause in vs no other apprehensions then of whitenesse , of weight , of heate &c : yet they are not so rigorously paled in , as the others are , from admitting society with any besides ; but do imply tacitely , that the thing which is white , heauy , hoat &c : hath besides that , some other consideration belonging vnto it ( whatsoeuer it be ) which is not expressed . Now in this later abstraction , it happeneth sometimes , that the notion expressed , hath but an accidentall connexion with the other notions , that are in the thing vnexpressed : as for example ; it is meerely accidentall to the white wall as it is white , to be high or lowe , of stone , of plaster , or the like . But otherwhiles , the expressed notion is so essentiall to the concealed ones , that they can not be without it : as when we apprehend a clouen foote ; although this apprehension do abstract from all other notions besides clouenfootednesse ( if so I may say ) yet , ( as aboue we haue declared ) it is in such a manner , that it implyeth other considerations , not yet expressed , in that clouen foote : among which , some may be of that nature , that they can not haue a Being without presupposing clouenfootednesse ; but others may be meerely accidentall to that notion : as ( for instance sake ) lett one be , that the foote is clouen into three partes ; and lett an other be , that it is blacke or hairy ; of these , this later notion of blacke or hairy , is of the first kind of abstractions , which we said had but an accidentall connexion with that which comprehended them without expressing them : for other thinges besides the clouen foote , may be blacke or hairy ; in such sort as height or lownesse , to be of stone or of plaster , may belong vnto other structures besides the white wall : but to be clouen footed into three partes , doth so necessarily depend of being clouen footed in generall , ( which implyeth this particular ) and so directly includeth it , as it can not subsist without clouenfootednesse : for though we may conceiue a foote to be clouen , without determining in our apprehension , into how many toes it is clouen ; yet we can not conceiue it to haue three , foure , or fiue toes , without apprehending it to be clouen : so that in such like apprehensions , the notion which is expressed , is so essentiall to the notion that is concealed and added vnto it , as the concealed one can not be conceiued without the expressed one ; and whensoeuer it is mentioned , the other is necessarily also brought in , and affirmed with it . Now , 12 some of these later kindes of notions , ( in which what is expressed is essentiall to what is concealed ) may be of such a nature , as to be capable of receiuing the addition of sundry other notions , so repugnāt vnto one an other , that they can not agree together in one subiect ; and yet that generall notion , without determining any of the others , be indifferent to the contrary additions that include it , and belong as much to any one , as to any other of them : and so consequently , whatsoeuer may be affirmed , and is true , of the primary notion , may as well be affirmed , and is as true , of the seuerall particulars , arising out of the repugnant additions . Such a notion , Logitians terme an Vniuersal one : that is , one that reacheth indifferently and equally to all the particulars comprised vnder it . As for example : to the notion of a liuing creature , may be added the notions of Reasonable and vnreasonable : which first notion , when it is barely expressed , it determineth no one of the two secondary notions , more then it doth the other ▪ but is alike indifferent to eyther ; and whatsoeuer belongeth to a liuing creature , belongeth entirely both to a man and to a beast : yet no one thing , can be both reasonable and vnreasonable . In like manner when I say , a man is a discursiue creature ; vnder this word man , there lyeth a notion , by which may be signifyed any particular man , as Thomas , Iohn , William , &c : though of it selfe , it determine no one man whatsoeuer : and consequently , euery one of these particular men , must be allowed to be a discursiue creature , because the being such , belongeth vnto the notion of man , and that notion vnto all the particulars of Thomas , Iohn , Willian , &c : and yet no particular man can be both Thomas and Iohn , or Iohn and Willian , &c. In this kinde of notion , we may obserue yet one propriety more : which is , that of it selfe , and in its common terme , it doth not cause ones thought to range vnto seuerall obiects ; nor doth it imply that there are many particulars comprised vnder it : yet if there be neuer so many , that conceite will fitt them euery one ; and if there be but one , still it will be no lesse accommodated to that one . As for example : He that maketh a right apprehension of a sunne , doth not by that conception determine , whether there be many sunnes or but one : and if euery one of the starres ( which we call fixed ) be sunnes to other earthes , it fitteth them all ; and if there be no other sunne , then that which shineth to vs , it is satisfyed and taken vp with that : so likewise ; before the production of Eue , the notion of a man was as fully taken vp by Adam alone , as it is now by his numerous progeny that filleth the world : nor doth our vnderstanding , when that terme is pronunced , consider ( out of the force of the terme ) whether there be many men , or only one . 13 An other propriety in mans apprehension not much vnlike to this , is , that he is able to comprise a multitude in one indiuisible notion ; and yet , that notion expresse the multiplicity of what it containeth : as we see in numbers , where the indiuisible conception of tenne , a hundred , a thousand , &c , doth plainely expresse the subiect to be many ; and yet that notion of the nūber bindeth thē vp ( as I may say ) into one bundle , that in it selfe admitteth no diuision , nor will permitt that the least part be taken from it ▪ for if it be , the whole bundle is destroyed and vanisheth : as when I take tenne , if one be diminished from it , it is no longer tenne , but nine . It fareth in like manner with the conceptions we frame of All , and Euery one , as it doth with numbers ; for if but one be deficient , it is but a part , and not all , or euery one : so that these notions do indiuisibily terminate a multitude . And like to this notion , is the name or terme whole , in respect of thinges which as yet haue not diuision , but are capable of being diuided ; for it is so rigorous , that if the least atome or thought be wanting , it is no longer the whole , but only a part . And this is as much as at present appeareth vnto me needefull to be said , concerning single apprehensions : vnlesse I be permitted to adde for a conclusion , 14 this litle note ( which peraduenture might haue beene more properly sert downe in an other place where we discoursed of Being , but that it occurred not then to me ) that apprehension being rooted in the nature of Being , the power of it spreadeth it selfe as farre as the extent of Being : and consequently reacheth to all thinges whatsoeuer ; for whatsoeuer is a thing , hath Being ; and that vnto which Being doth not reach , is nothing . Nay , it is not limited there , but graspeth euen at nothing , and aymeth to make a notion of it , and planteth its generation , by multiplying it selfe by negations of whatsoeuer is . Hence we haue the notions of deafenesse , of dumbenesse , of blindnesse , of lamenesse , of baldenesse , of death , of sinne , and of all euills whatsoeuer , by the want of such goods , as are sensible vnto vs. THE SECOND CHAPTER . Of Thinking and Knowing . HAuing thus declared the nature of single apprehensions , 1 the methode we haue prescribed ourselues , requireth that we examine in the next place , what effect the ioyning of them together may haue ; for from thence do spring Enunciations or Iudgements ; which are in the next ranke after simple apprehensions , and are the materials whereof discourses are immediately framed : as when of the two apprehensions of knife and of sharpe , we make this enunciation , the knife is sharpe . In this enquiry the first thing that occurreth vnto vs , is to consider , in what manner two differing simple apprehensions , do become ioyned to one an other : and we shall find , that they are not tyed together like seuerall distinct thinges in one bundle , or like stones in a heape , where all that are cōprised vnder one multitude , are yet circumscribed within their owne limits , and thereby are wholy distinguished from each other ; but that they are as it were grafted vpon one stocke ; which being common to both , giueth the same life to both ; and so becoming one with each of them , maketh them be one and the same thing betweene themselues . And this is the notion of Being or Existence , in the subiect we speake of : which ( as we haue already shewed ) is the Basis and foundation of all other apprehensions ; and by being common and indifferent to all , is the fittest glew to vnite those that are capable of such coniunction : and accordingly we see , that most of our speech runneth vpon this straine , that this is that , or doth that ( which is as much to say as is doing that ) that Socrates is a man , or that Socrates runneth , ( which signifyeth , is running ) and the like : and since our speech proceedeth from the conceptions of our mind ; it is cleare , that as the wordes which expresse Being or Existence , do ioyne together the other wordes that we vse , ( or at least , the greatest part of them ) so likewise in our mind the apprehension of Being , is the glew that ioyneth our apprehensions corresponding to our wordes . 2 All which will appeare to be said with great reason , if we reflect vpon it ; for when diuerse apprehensions may be thus ioyned together , it is indeed , that one and the same thing affecting vs seuerall wayes and under different considerations ; those different impressions do begett different apprehensions in vs : and so , till we examine the matter , euery one of them seemeth to be a different thing : but when we trace these streames vp to the fountaine head , we discerne that all of them do belong to one and the same thing ; and that by being in that thing , they are among themselues the very same thing , howeuer they affect vs variously ; and therefore may truly be said to be one , as indeed they are : and consequently , nothing is more fitt to ioyne together in our mind those different apprehensions , then the apprehension of Being ; which maketh vs apprehend as one thing , those notions which really , and in the thing it selfe , are but one , as we haue often touched , both in the former Treatise , and lately in this : for this is the way to ioyne thinges in the mind intelligently , and according to the proper nature of the mind ; which receiuing impressions from thinges existent , ought to consider those impressions as they flow from the very thinges , and not as they are in the mind it selfe ; and by mediation of those impressions , must take a suruay of the thinges themselues ; and not stay at the intellectuall impressions they make in her : and consequently , must apprehend those thinges to be one in themselues , ( although in vs they be not so ) according to the course of our originall and legitimate apprehensions of thinges ; which is , as they are existent ; that is , as they are in their owne nature , and in themselues ; and not according to the discourses and secondary apprehensions we make of the images we find of them in our mind . And thus thinges are rightly ioyned by apprehension ; without caution in which particular , we shall runne into great errors in our discourse : for if we be not very carefull herein , we are apt to mistake the vse of the impressions we receiue from thinges , and to ground our iudgements concerning them , according to what we find of them in our mind , and not according to what they are in themselues : which two seuerall considerations , haue quite different faces ; although ( it is true ) those impressions are made by the thinges , and are the only meanes by which we may rightly iudge of them : prouided , that we consider them as they are in the thinges , and not as they are in vs. Now this coniunction of apprehensions , by the mediation and the glew of Being , is the most naturall and fitting , not only in regard of the thinges , but euen in regard of vs : for ( as we haue already shewed ) it is of all others the most common and vniuersall , the most simple or vncomposed , and the most naturall and deepest rooted in man : out of all which , it is euident , that this vnion of apprehensions by the meanes of Being , is in truth an Identification of them : for Vnity being a negation of multiplicity , it followeth , that what is one , is the same : and this identification is truly and naturally expressed by saying , that the one is the other . But insisting a litle further vpon this consideration , 3 how different apprehensions become ioyned and vnited together , by the notion of Being ; we may obserue that this happeneth , not only to two single ones , but to more ; according as more then two , may belong vnto one thing : and it may so fall out , that more then one , be on eyther side the common ligament . Thus when we say , A Man is a discoursiue creature ; or a Rationall soule , is an immortall substance , the two apprehensions , of discoursiue , and of creature , are ioyned together in a third of Man , by the tye of one Being : and the two apprehensions of Immortall , and of Substance , are vnited to the two others of Rationall and of Soule , likewise by the ligament of one single Being . Euident it is then , that the extremes are vni●ed by one Being : but how the two apprehensions that are ranked together on the same side of the ligament ( as in our former examples , the apprehensions of discoursiue and of creature , of rationall and of Soule , of Immortall and of substance ) are betweene themselues ioyned to one an other , is not so easy to expresse . It is cleare , that it is not done by meere conglobation ; for we may obserue , that they do belong , or are apprehended to belong , vnto the same thing ; and the very wordes that expresse them , do intimate so much , by one of them being an adiectiue ; which sheweth , they are not two thinges ; for if they were , they would require two substantiues to describe them : and consequently it followeth that one of them must needes appertaine to the other : and so both of them make but one thing . And there is no doubt , but in the inward apprehension , there is a variety correspondent to the variety of wordes which expresse it ; since all variety of wordes that is made by intention , resulteth out of some such variety of apprehensions . Therefore , since the wordes do import , that the thinges haue a dependance the one of the other , we can not doubt , but that our apprehensions haue so too : which will be conceiued best , by looking into the act of our mind , when it frameth such variety of apprehensions belonging to one thing , correspondent to the variety in wordes of an adiectiue glewed vnto his substantiue ; and attending heedfully to what we meane , when we speake so . The Hebrewes do expresse this vnion , or comprising of two different apprehensions vnder one notion , by putting in the genitiue case , the word which expresseth one of them , ( much like the rule in Lillies grammar , that when two substantiues come together , if they belong to the same thing , the one is putt in the genitiue case . ) As when in the scripture we meete with these wordes , the iudge of vniustice , the spence of wickednesse , the man of sinne , or of death ; which in our phrase of speaking , do signify an vniust iudge , a wicked spence , and a sinnefull or dead man. In which it is euident , that as well the manner of vnderstanding , as of speaking , taketh each paire of these notions to belong vnto one thing ; that is , to haue both of them , one and the same Existence , although there interuene not the formall expression of their being one . Thus we see , how one Being serueth two different wayes to ioyne and vnite seuerall apprehensions : and if we will examine all the negotiations of our vnderstanding , we shall hardly find any notions so farre distant , but may be brought together , eyther by the one of these wayes , or by the other . 4 But this composition and ioyning of seuerall apprehensions by the glew of Being , is not sufficient to make vs deeme a thing to be really such , as their vnion painteth in the mind , or as the wordes so tyed together do expresse in speach . Well may it cause vs to thinke of the thing ; but to thinke , or to deeme it such an one ( which word of deeming , we shall be obliged henceforward to vse frequently , because the word thinking is subiect to equiuocation ) requireth the addition of something more , then barely this composition of apprehensions ; which vnlesse they be kept straight by some leuell , may as well swarue from the subiect , as make a true picture of it . Here then we are to examine , what it is that maketh vs thinke any thing to be such as we apprehend it : this we are sure of , that when we do so , our actions which proceede vpon reason , and which haue relation to that thing , are gouerned and steered in euery circumstance , iust as if the thing were truly so : as for example , if a man do really deeme the weather to be cold , or that his body is distempered , he putteth on warmer clothes , or taketh physike ; although peraduenture he is mistaken in both : for his deeming them to be so , maketh him demeane himselfe in such sort , as if really they were so . It is then euident , that by such thinking or deeming , the nature conceiued , is made an actiue principle in vs : vnto which if we adde , that all the knowledge we haue of our soule , is no more , but that it is an actiue force in vs , it seemeth , that a thing , by hauing apprehensions made of it in our mind , and by being really thought to be agreable to such apprehensions , becometh ( as it were ) a part or affection of our soule , and one thing with it . And this peraduenture is the cause , why an vnderstanding man can not easily leaue an opinion once deepely rooted in him ; but doth wrestle and striue against all arguments that would force him from it , as if a part of his soule or vnderstanding were to be torne from him : in such manner as a beast will cry and struggle to saue his body , from hauing any of his limbes disioynted or pulled in pieces . 5 But this obseruing the effect which followeth of our deeming a thing to be thus or so , is not sufficient to informe vs , what it is that causeth that deeming . We must therefore take the matter a litle higher , and looke into its immediate principles : and there we shall find , that it is the knowing of what we say to be true , and the assurance , that the thinges are as we deeme them , which quieteth our soule , and maketh it consent vnto them , and proceede to action vpon that consent . Now this knowledge , is the most eminent part of deeming ; and of all our acquisitions , is the most inseparable from vs : and indeed in rigour , it is absolutely inseparable by direct meanes ; howeuer peraduenture by indirect meanes it may be seperated . Let vs then consider how we attaine vnto it , and how sometimes we faile in the purchase of it ; and what degrees of assurance or of probability there are betweene it and errour . To this intent , we may obserue that the greatest assurance , and the most eminent knowledge we can haue of any thing , is of such Propositions , as in the schooles are called Identicall ; as if one should say , Iohn is Iohn , or a man is a man : for the truth of these propositions is so euident and cleare , as it is impossible any man should doubt of them , if he vnderstand what he saith : and if we should meete with one that were not satisfyed of the verity of them , we would not go about to proue them to him , but would only apply ourselues to make him reflect vpon the wordes he speaketh , without vsing any further industry to gaine his assent therevnto : which is a manifest signe , that in such propositions , the apprehending or vnderstanding them , is the same thing as to know them and to consent vnto them : or at the least , that they are so necessarily conioyned , as the one followeth immediately out of the other , without needing any other causes to promote this effect , more then that a man be disposed , and willing to see the truth : so as we may conclude , that to vnderstand a proposition which openly carrieth its euidence with it , is to knew it . And by the same reason , although the euidence of a proposition , should not at the first sight be presently obuious vnto vs , yet with vnfolding and explicating of it , we come at length to discerne it ; then likewise the apprehending of it , is the knowing of it . We must therefore enquire , what it is that causeth this euidence : and to that purpose , reflecting vpon those instances we haue giuen of Identicall propositions , we may in them obserue , that euidence ariseth out of the plaine Identification of the extremes that are affirmed of one an other ; so that , in what proposition soeuer , the Identification of the extremes is plaine , the truth of it is euident vnto vs , and our minde is satisfyed and at quiet ; as being assured that it knoweth it to be so as the wordes say it . Now all affirmatiue propositions do by the forme of them import an Identification of their extremes , ( for they all agree in saying This is that ) yet they are not all alike in the euidence of their Identification : for in some it sheweth it selfe plainely , without needing any further helpe to discouer it ; and those are without any more adoe knowne of themselues , as such Identicall sayings , we euen now gaue for examples : others require a iourney somewhat further about to shew their Identification ; which if it be not so hidden , but that it may in the end be discouered and brought to light , as soone as that is done , the knowledge settled by them in the soule , is certaine and satisfactory as well as the other : but if it be so obscure , that we can not display the Identification of it , then our mind suspendeth his assent , and is vnquiet about it , and doubteth of the truth of it : in some propositions , whiles he searcheth and enquireth after the Identification of their extremes ; peraduenture he discerneth , that it is impossible there should be any betweene them ; and then on the other side , he is satisfyed of the falsity of them : for if a proposition be affirmatiue , it must necessarily be a false one , if there be no Identification betweene the extremes of it . By this discourse , we haue found two sortes of propositions , which begett knowledge in vs. The one , where the Identification of the extremes , is of it selfe so manifest , that when they are but explicated , it needeth no further proofe . The other , where though in truth they be Identified , yet the Identification appeareth not so cleare , but that some discourse is required to satisfy the vnderstanding therein . Of the first kind , are such propositions as do make one of the extremes the definition of the other whereof it is affirmed : as when we say , a man is a reasonable creature ; which is so euident , if we vnderstand what is meaned by a Man , and what by a reasonable creature , as it needeth no further proofe to make vs know it : and knowledge is begotten in vs , not only by a perfect Identification of the extremes , but as well by an imperfect one : as when what is said of an other , is but part of its definition ; for example , if one should say , a man is a creature , no body that knoweth him to be a rationall creature , ( which is his complete definition ) could doubt of his being a creature ; because that the being a creature , is partly identifyed to being a rationall creature . In like manner , this obuious euidence of Identification , appeareth as well where a complete diuision of a thing is affirmed of the other extreme , as where that affirmation is made by the totall or partiall definition of it : as when we say , number is euen or odde : an enuntiation is true or false , and the like : where , because what is said , compriseth the differences of the thing whereof it is said , it is plaine that one of them must needes be that whereof we speake . Peraduenture some may expect , that we should giue Identicall propositions ( among others ) for examples of this plaine euidence : but because they bring no acquisition of new knowledge vnto the soule , ( the doing of which , and the reflecting vpon the manner , is the scope of this Chapter ) I lett them passe without any further mention , vpon this occasion hauing produced them once before , only to shew by an vndenyable example , what it is that maketh our soule consent vnto an enuntiation , and how knowledge is begotten in her , that we might afterwardes apply the force of it to other propositions . Lett vs therefore proceed to the second sort of propositions , which require some discourse , to proue the Identification of their extremes . Now the scope of such discourse is , by comparing them vnto some other third thing , to shew their Identification between themselues ; for it sheweth , that each of them a part is identifyed with that new subiect it bringeth in : and then our vnderstanding is satisfyed of ther identity , and our soule is secure of that knowledge it thus acquireth , as well as it is of that which resulteth out of those propositions , which beare their euidence in their first aspect . This negotiation of the vnderstanding to discouer the truth of propositions , when it is somewhat hidden , ( which we call discourse ) as it is one of the chiefest and noblest actions of the soule , so doth it challenge a very heedefull inspection into it : and therefore we will allow it a peculiar Chapter by it selfe , to explicate the nature and particularities of it . But this litle we now haue said concerning it , is sufficient for this place ; where all we ayme at is to proue ( and I conceiue we haue done it very fully ) that when Identity betweene two or more thinges , presenteth it selfe to our vnderstanding , it maketh and forceth knowledge in our soule . Whence it is manifest , that the same power or soule , which in a single apprehension is possessed with the Entity or Vnity of it , is that very power or soule , which applyed to an Enunciation , knoweth or deemeth ; since knowing is nothing else , but the apprehending of manifest Identity in the extremes of a proposition , or an effect immediately consequent out of it , in the soule that applyeth it selfe to apprehend that Identity . Which apprehension is made , eyther by the force of the extremes , applyed immediately to one an other , or else by the application of them to some other thing : which peraduenture may require yet a further application vnto new apprehensions , to make the Identity betweene the first extremes appeare euidently . Now , 6 as when Identity truly appeareth , it maketh euidence to our vnderstanding , and begetteth assured knowledge in our soule ; so , when there is only an apparent Identity , but not a reall one , it happeneth that the vnderstanding is quieted without euidence ; and our soule is fraught with a wrong or slight beliefe , insteed of certaine knowledge : as for example , it is for the most part true , that what wise men affirme , is so as they say ; but because wise men are but men ( and consequently not infaillible ) it may happen that in some one thing , the wisest men that are may misse , though in most and generally speaking , they hitt right . Now if any body in a particular occasion , should ( without examining the matter ) take this propositiō rigorously and peremptorily , that what wise men affirme is true ; and should there vpon subsume with euidence , that wise men say such a particular thing , and should there vpon proceede to beleeue it ; in this case he may be deceiued , because the first proposition is not verily , but only seemingly euident . And this is the manner how that kind of deeming , which is eyther opposed , or inferiour to knowledge , is bred in vs : to witt , when eyther through temerity , in such cases where we may , and it is iust we should examine all particulars so carefully , that no equiuocation or mistake in any part of them , be admitted to passe vpon vs for a truth , and yet we do not : or else , through the limitednesse and imperfection of our nature , when the minutenesse and variety of petty circumstances in a businesse is such , as we can nor enter into an exact examination of all that belongeth to that matter , ( for if we should exactly discusse euery slight particular , we should neuer gett through any thing of moment ) we settle our vnderstanding vpon groundes , that are not sufficient to moue and determine it . Now in some of these cases , ( and particularly in the later ) it may happen , that the vnderstanding it selfe is aware , that it neyther hath discouered , nor can discouer euidence enough , to settle its assent with absolute assurance : and then it iudgeth the beliefe it affordeth vnto such a proposition , to be but probable ; and insteed of knowledge , hath but opinion concerning it . Which opinion appeareth to it more or lesse probable , according as the motiues it relyeth on , are stronger or weaker . 7 There remaineth yet an other kind of deeming for vs to speake of ; which though it euer faile of euidence , yet sometimes it is better then opinion , for sometimes it bringeth certitude with it . This we call faith ; and it is bred in this sort : when we meete with a man , who knoweth something which we do not , if withall we be persuaded that he doth not , nor will not tell a lye ; we then beleeue what he saith of that thing to be true : now according to the persuasion we haue of his knowledge and veracity , our beliefe is strong , or mingled with doubt : so that if we haue absolute assurance and certainety , that he knoweth the truth and will not lye , then we may be assured , that the faith which we yield to what he sayth , is certaine as well as euident knowledge is certaine , and admitteth no comparison with opinion , be it neuer so probable : but so it may happen , that we may be certainely assured that a man doth know the truth of what he speaketh of , and that he will not lye in reporting it to vs : for seeing no man is wicked without a cause ; and that to tell a lye in a serious matter , is a great wickednesse ; if once we come to be certaine that he hath no cause , ( as it may fall out we may ) then it followeth , that we are assured of the thing which he reporteth to vs. Yet still such faith falleth short of the euidence of knowledge in this regard , that its euidence sticketh one degree on this side the thing it selfe : and at the push , in such a case we see but with an others eyes ; and consequently , if any opposition do arise against our thought thereabout , it is not the beames , and light of the thing it selfe , which strengthen vs against such opposition , but the goodnesse of the party vpon whom we rely . 8 Before I go any further , I must needes remember one thing , that our Masters teach vs : which is , that truth and falsehood are first found in sayings or Enuntiations ; and that although single apprehensions are in our mind before these iudgements , yet are they not true or false themselues , nor is the vnderstanding so by them . To comprehend the reason of this maxime , lett vs consider what truth and falsehood are : surely truth is nothing else , but the confirmity of our vnderstanding , with the thinges that make impression vpon it : and consequently , falsehood is a disagreeing betweene our mind and those thinges : if the existence which the thinges haue in vs , be agreeable to the Existence they haue in themselues ; then our vnderstanding is true ; otherwise it is false . Now the naturall perfection of our Soule or vnderstanding , is to be fraught with the rest of the whole world , that is to haue the knowledge of all thinges that are ; the knowledge of their essences , of their natures , of their proprieties , of their operations , and of whatsoeuer else belongeth to them all in generall , and to euery one of them in particular : but our soule can not be stored or fraught with any thing , by other meanes then by her assent or deeming : wherevpon it followeth , that she can not haue her perfection , vntill her deemings or iudgements be perfect ; which is , that they be agreeable vnto the thinges in the world : when they are so , then are they true . And this is the reason why truth is the ayme and perfection of the soule . Now then , truth residing only in the assents and iudgements of the soule , ( which are the trafficke whereby she enricheth her selfe with the rest of the world ) and they being framed by her discerning an identity betweene two thinges ; which she expresseth by affirming one of them of the other : it followeth , that nothing can be true or false , but where there is a composition of two extremes , made by the ones being affirmed of the other ; which is done only in Enuntiations or iudgements : whiles single apprehensions assent to nothing , and therefore settle no knowledge in the soule ; and consequently are not capable of verity or falsity , but are like pictures made at fansy , some one of which may happen to be like some Person , but can not be said to be the picture of him , because it was not drawne from him : so these bare apprehensions , because there is not in the man vnion of the soule to the outward world , or to the Existence which actuateth its obiect , therefore they make not the soule to be the image of the thinges existent : but the iudgement , which still taketh a thing existent , or as existent , in the subiect of the proposition , draweth its picture from the thing it selfe : and therefore it maketh the soule to be well or ill painted , in respect of the thing that is true or false . And this is the reason , why in one sense doubtfull propositions , which the vnderstanding ( not being yet resolued ) maketh inquiringly to informe it selfe of the truth of them , can not be said to be true or false ; for all that while , the soule yieldeth no assent vnto them , eyther one way or other ; yet in an other sense they may , which is , taking them as subiects that the vnderstanding determineth vnto it selfe to treate of : for there being two extremes in them , and the proposition consisting in this , whether these extremes be identifyed or no , it followeth , that since one part must of necessity be , such a proposition spoken at randome , or written by chance without designe , is of necessity eyther true or false ; according as the extremes of it , are or are not one thing . 9 There occurreth no more vnto my consideration to be said in this place , concerning the assents and iudgements of the mind : vnlesse it be , to explicate in a word or two , the seuerall qualities of them , which are found in seueral Persons ; and to point at the reason why they are called by those names , which they are vniuersally knowne by . To which purpose we may obserue , that iudgement or deeming , being a quieting of the mind , it followeth that the mind must needes be in disquiet and at vnrest , before it cometh to iudge : so that we may conclude , that iudgement or thinking , is a good attained by a former motion . Now according to the quality of this motion , the iudgement or assent , is qualifyed and denominated . We must therefore consider what belongeth to motion ; which when we haue done , we shall in iudgements find something proportionable therevnto . We know there is a beginning and an ending in motion ; and that there are partes by which it is drawne out in length : all which must be particularly considered , in our comparing of motions vnto iudgemēts . Now then , as he that would know precisely the nature of any motion , must not beginne his suruay of it , after it hath beene some time in fluxe ; nor must giue ouer his obseruing it , before it haue arriued vnto its vtmost periode ; but ought to carry his attention along from its first origine , and passe with it through all its partes , vntill it ceasing , giue him leaue to do so too ( for otherwise , it may happen that the course of it be differing in those partes he hath not obserued , from those that he hath , and accordingly , the picture he shall make of it by that imperfect s●n●tling , will proue an erroneous one ; ) so in like manner , when a man is to make a iudgement of any matter in question , to giue a good account of it , he must beginne at the roote , and follow successiuely all the branches it diuideth it selfe into , and driue euery one of them to their vtmost extremity and periode : and according as in iudging he beheaueth himselfe well or ill , in the seuerall circumstances that are proportionable to the beginning , ending , and partes of motion ; so his iudgement is qualifyed with the names of seuerall vertues agreeing therevnto , or of their opposite defects . If he beginne his considerations very lowe , and from the very bottome and roote of the affaire , which is from the first and all comprehending principles of the question , and proceede on orderly taking all before him ; his iudgement is accounted deepe , profound , and solide : for he that casteth so farre , as to leaue behind him no part of the matter he is inquiring about , and then driueth his course steadily and smoothly forwardes , without any leapes ouer rugged passages , or interruptions , or loose breaches ; must of necessity make a well grounded iudgement ; and such an one , as can not easily be ouerthrowne , or he be easily remoued from it . And this is indeede the full reason , of what a litle aboue we only glanced att : namely , why vnderstanding men are vsually accounted obstinate in their tenets , and are hard to be remoued from their opinions once settled in their minds : for when other men oppose them , they vrge nothing ( for the most part ) against these iuditious mens resolutions or beliefes , but what they haue already throughly foreseene : but these on the other side , do see a great deale , that their opposers reach not vnto ; so that notwithstanding all such opposition , they continue still vnshaken in their iudgements : for which , the others which see not as much as they , do thinke them obstinate , and not ledde by reason , because they follow not that short reason , beyond which themselues can not reach . The contrary vice to this , is called a slight iudgement : and consisteth herein , that a man out of a few , and an insufficient number of circumstances , resolueth the whole case : which temerity and short sightednesse of iudgement , is significantly taxed in our English prouerbe , that a fooles bolt is soone shott . 10 Thus much for the beginning of a iudgement : the next consideration may be concerning the end of it ; in regard whereof , if it reach to the vtmost extent and periode of what is considerable in a hard question proposed , it gaineth the title of sharpe , or of subtile , and acute ; for the hardnenesse of the matter that perplexeth ones iudgement , consisteth in the inuolution of thinges , which looked vpon in grosse , do seeme to haue no distinction or opposition among themselues ; and yet are in truth of very different and contrary natures . Now a good iudgement diuideth and cutteth through them , and allotteth vnto euery particular thing its proper limits and boundes : wherefore , as in corporeall substances , the vertue of diuiding is sharpenesse and edge , by translation from thence , such a iudgement as pierceth neately and smartly betweene contradictories that lye close together , is called sharpe and acute . In like manner , subtility is a vertue , whereby a liquor or other body searcheth euery litle hole and part of what it worketh vpon , till it gett through it ; and from thence , it is vsed in iudgements to signify the same : whose opposite vice is called dullenesse . In the last place we are to examine , 11 what proportion a iudgement holdeth with the partes of motion : in these , two thinges are to be considered , namely the quantity or multitude of those partes , and the order of them . As for the quantity in a motion , it belongeth eyther to long or short , or to quicke and slow : now , where the beginning and ending are already knowne and determined , and consequently where the length is determined , and dependeth not at all of the iudge to alter it , ( for he must take it as the matter giueth it ) there a iudgement can acquire no denomination of perfection or deficiency , from length or from shortnesse ; for they belong originally to the matter of the iudgement ; and the iudgement must accordingly fitt it selfe to that ; and therefore is lyable neyther to commendations nor to reproach , for being long or short : it remaineth then , that the vertue is iudging answerable to the quantity of motion , must consist in quickenesse and celerity ; and the contrary vice , in slownesse and heauynesse . As for order in the seuerall partes of motion , we know that if they be well ordered , they are distinct and easily discernable . Which vertue , in our subiect , is called cleerenesse of iudgement ; as the contrary vice is confusion . THE THIRD CHAPTER . Of Discoursing . 1 IN the last Chapter we haue shewed , how two apprehensions ioyned together do make a iudgement : now in this our first employment will be , to shew how three of these thoughts or iudgements , well chosen and duely ordered , do compose the first and most simple of perfect discourses ; which Logitians call a syllogisme : whose end and effect is to gaine the knowledge of something , before hidden and vnknowne . The meanes whereby this is compassed , is thus . By the two first iudgements , we ioyne the extremes of the proposition we desire to know , vnto some third thing ; and then , by seeing that they both are one third thing , and that one can be but one , we come to discerne , that truly one of them is the other ; which before we saw not : so that , the identity which first made an identicall proposition be knowne and agreed vnto , and afterwardes caused the like assent to be yielded vnto those maximes , whose identification presently shewed it selfe , now by a little circuit and bringing in of a third terme , maketh the two first ( whose identification was hidden and obscure , whiles we looked vpon the termes themselues ) appeare to be in very truth but one thing . 2 The various mingling and disposing of these three termes in the two first propositions , begetteth a variety in the syllogismes that are composed of them : and it consisteth in this , that the assumed terme vnto which the other two are interchangeably ioyned , is eyther said of them , or they are said of it : and from hence spring three different kindes of syllogismes ; for eyther the assumed or middle terme , is said of both the other two ; or both they are said of it ; or it is said of one of them , and the other is said of it : neyther is there any deeper mystery then this , in the three figures , our great Clerkes talke so much of : which being brought into rules , to helpe our memory in the ready vse of this transposition of the termes ; if we spinne our thoughts vpon them into ouer small thriddes , and thereof weaue too intricate webbes ( meane while not reflecting vpon the solide ground within ourselues , where on these rules are built , not considering the true end why ; ) we may spend our time in triuiall and vselesse subtilities : and at length , confound and misapply the right vse of our naturall discourse , with a multitude of precepts drawne from artificiall logike . But to returne to our matter in hand ; vnder this primary threefold variety , is an other of greater extent , growing out of the diuers composition of the three termes , as they are qualifyed by affirmation or negation , and by vniuersality or particularity : for that vnity , which the two termes , whose identification is enquired after , must haue by being ioyned with the third , becometh much varied by such diuers application : and from hence shooteth vp that multitude of kindes of syllogismes , which our Logitians call moodes . All which I haue thus particularly expressed , to the end we may obserue how this great variety hangeth vpon the sole string of identity . Now these Syllogismes , 3 being as it were interlaced and wouen one within an other , ( so that many of them do make a long chaine , whereof each of them is a linke ) do breede , or rather are all the variety of mans life : they are the stepps by which we walke in all our conuersations and in all our businesses : man as he is man , doth nothing else but weaue such chaines : whatsoeuer he doth , swaruing from this worke , he doth as deficient from the nature of man : and if he do ought beyond this , by breaking out into diuers sortes of exteriour actions , he findeth neuerthelesse in this linked sequele of simple discourses , the art , the cause , the rule , the boundes , and the modell of it . Lett vs take a summary view of the vast extent of it , and in what an immēse Ocean one may securely sayle , by that neuer varying compasse , when the needle is rightly touched , and fitted to a well moulded boxe ; making still new discoueries of regions , farre out of the sight and beliefe of them , who stand vpon the hither shore . Humane operations are comprised vnder the two generall heades of knowledge and of action : if we looke but in grosse , vpon what an infinity of diuisions these branch themselues into , we shall become giddy , our braines will turne , our eyes will grow weary and dimme , with ayming only att a suddaine and rouing measure of the most conspicuous among them , in the way of knowledge . We see what mighty workes men haue extended their labours vnto ; not only by wild discourses , of which huge volumes are cōposed , but euen in the rigorous methode of Geometry , Arithmetike , and Algebra ; in which , an Euclide , an Apollonius , an Archimedes , a Diophantus , and their followers , haue reached such admirable heights , and haue wound vp such vast bottomes , sometimes shewing by effects , that the thing proposed must needes be as they haue sett downe , and can not possibly be any otherwise ; otherwhiles , appaying the vnderstanding ( which is neuer truly at rest , till it hath found the causes of the effects it seeth ) by exposing how it cometh to be : so that the reader calling to mind , how such a thing was taught him before , and now finding an other vnexpectedly conuinced vpon him , easily seeth that these two put together , do make and force that third to be , whereof he was before in admiration how it could be effected : which two wayes of discourse , are ordinarily knowne by the names of Demonstrations ; the one called a Priori , the other a Posteriori . Now if we looke into the extent of the deductions out of these , we shall find no end . In the heauēs , we may perceiue Astronomy measuring whatsoeuer we can imagine ; and ordering those glorious lights , which our Creator hath hanged out for vs ; and shewing them their wayes , and pricking out their pathes , and prescribing them ( for as many ages as he pleaseth before hand ) the various motions they may not swarue from in the least circumstance . Nor want there sublime soules , that tell vs what mettall they are made of , what figures they haue , vpon what pillars they are fixed , and vpon what gimals they moue and perform● their various periodes : wittnesse that excellent and admirable worke , I haue so often mentioned in my former Treatise . If we looke vpon the earth , we shall meete with those , that will tell vs how thicke it is , and how much roome it taketh vp : they will shew vs how men and beastes are hanged vnto it by the heeles ; how the water and ayre do couer it ; what force and power fire hath vpon them all ; what working is in the depths of it ; and of what composition the maine body of it is framed : where neyther our eyes can reach , nor any of our senses can send its messengers to gather and bring back any relations of it . Yet are not our Masters contented with all this : the whole world of bodies is not enough to satisfy them : the knowledge of all corporeall thinges , and of this vast machine of heauen and earth , with all that they enclose , can not quench the vnlimited thirst of a noble minde , once sett on fire with the beauty and loue of truth . Aestuat infoelix , angusto limite mundi , Vt Gyarae clausus scopulis , paruâque seripho . But such heroike spirits , cast their subtile nettes into an other world , after the winged inhabitans of the heauens ; and find meanes to bring them also into account , and to serue them ( how imperceptible soeuer they be to the senses ) as daynties at the soules table . They enquire after a maker of the world we see , and are ourselues a maine part of ; and hauing found him , they conclude him ( o●t of the force of contradiction ) to be aeternall , infinite , omnipotent , omniscient , immutable , and a thousand other admirable qualities they determine of him . They search after his tooles and instruments , wherewith he built this vast and admirable pallace , and seeke to grow acquainted with the officiers and stewardes , that vnder him gouerne this orderly and numerous family . They find them to be inuisible creatures , exalted aboue vs more then we can estimate , yet infinitely further short of their and our maker , then we are of them . If this do occasion them , to cast their thoughts vpon man himselfe , they find a nature in him ( it is true ) much inferiour to these admirable Intelligences , yet such an one , as they hope may one day arriue vnto the likenesse of them : and that euen at the present , is of so noble a moulde , as nothing is too bigge for it to faddome , nor any thing too small for it to discerne . Thus we see knowledge hath no limits ; nothing escapeth the toyles of science ; all that euer was , that is , or can euer be , is by them circled in : their extent is so vast , that our very thoughts and ambitiōs are too weake and too poore to hope for , or to ayme at what by them may be cōpassed . And if any man , that is not invred to raise his thoughts aboue the pitch of the outward obiects he cōuerseth dayly with , should suspect that what I haue now said , is rather like the longing dreames of passionate louers , whose desires feede them with impossibilities , then that it is any reall truth ; or should imagine that it is but a poetike Idea of science , that neuer was or will be in act : or if any other , that hath his discoursing faculty vitiated and peruerted , by hauing beene imbued in the schooles with vnsound and vmbratile principles , should persuade himselfe , that howsoeuer the pretenders vnto learning and science , may talke loude of all thinges , and make a noise with scholastike termes , and persuade their ignorant hearers that they speake and vnfould deepe mysteries , yet in very truth , nothing at all can be knowne : I shall beseech them both , to suspend their coniectures or beliefes herein , and to reserue their censure of me , whether or no I haue strained too farre , vntill the learned author of the Dialogues of the world , haue enriched it with the worke he hath composed of Metaphysikes : in which , going orderly and rigorously by continued propositions , in such sort as Mathematicians demonstrate their vndertakinges , he hath left no scope for wrangling braines to make the least cauill against his doctrine : and casting his sharpe sighted thoughts ouer the whole extent of nature , and driuing them vp to the Almighty Authour of it , he hath left nothing out of the verge of those rules , and all comprehending principles he giueth of true science . And then I doubt not , but they will througly absolue me frō hauing vsed my amplification , in ayming at the reach of this allgrasping power . For my part , the best expression that I am able to make of this admirable piece , I must borrow from witty Galileus , when he speaketh of Archimedes his long missed booke of glasses ; and professe , that hauing some of the Elements or bookes of it entrusted in my handes by the Authour , I read them ouer with extreme amazement , as well as delight , for the wonderfull subtility , and solidenesse of them . Thus much for knowledge . 4 Now lett vs cast an eye vpon humane actions . All that we do ( if we do it as we should do , and like men ) is gouerned and steired by two sortes of qualities : the one of which , we call Artes : the other Prudences . An art , is a collection of generall rules , comprehending some one subiect , vpon which we often worke . The matters we worke vpon ( out of which the particular subiects of artes do spring ) are of three kindes : our selues , our neighbours , an such dumbe or in sensible thinges , as compose the rest of the world . Our actions vpon our selues , are the highest and the noblest of all the rest , and those by which we liue and worke as men : or to expresse my selfe better , they are those by which we perfect that part of vs , which maketh vs men , and by which we direct and leuell all we do , according to the rule of reason ; not suffering our actions to swarue from what she dictateth vnto vs. This is done , by multiplying and heightning the thoughts of those thinges , which maintaine vs in reason ; whether the motiues be morall , as the examples of worthy persons , and the precepts and persuasions of wise men , and the like ; or whether they be naturall , as the consideration of the sweete and contented life , which vertue giueth ve here , by good conuersation , honour , profit , quiet , pleasure , and what else soeuer groweth out of so excellent a roote : as also , of the beatitude and happy state it bringeth vs to in the next ; and of the contrary effects which spring from vice . Againe , by obseruing the motiues and wayes of our passions and animall desires , we learne how to preuent them ; how to terrify them ; and how to weare them gently away by litle and litle , through sometimes giuing them diuersions , through otherwhiles restraining them with moderation , and through oftentimes cutting of the occasions , and abridging them of their naturall encreasings . All these thinges are brought into art and rule ; whose lessons , were men but as carefull and industrious to studie , as they are to become Masters in vaine and triuial thinges , they would enioy happy lifes . 5 In the next place , we are to consider the actions whereby we worke vpon our neighbours . They are chiefely gouuernement and negotiation : both which are of one kind ; and haue but this difference , that the one is done in common , the other is performed in particular . The meanes by which we command , are rewards and punishments ; which who hath in his handes , may assuredly by wise vsing them , bring to passe whatsoeuer he hath a mind vnto . Vpon occasion of mentioning these two powerfull motiues , which haue so maine an influence in mens actions , we may note by the way , that many of them , and that worke most forcibly vpon mens mindes , are thinges whose subsistence we know not where to find ; as honour , praise , glory , command , singularity , eminency , shame , infamy , subiection , reproach , and the like : vnto any of which , none of our senses can reach ; and yet they gouerne mans life , in a manner wholy and perfectly . In negotiation , we propose to single men their owne interests and profits ; not such as the proposer can , or will effect ; but such as are likely to arise out of the action we endeauour to draw him vnto with whom we treate . In both these , the vsuall labour is , to make our neighbours willing to leaue some present good , in hope of a greater to come ; or to be content to vndergoe some present harme , for feare of a greater to ensue . The generall instrument which they vse , is discoursing , whose vertue consisteth partly in our owne mind , and partly in deliuering our mind to others : for first we must know what we should say , and next in what manner we should say it . 6 The art which directeth our owne minde , and teacheth vs what to say , is Logike : whose partes are two ; according as the affaires falling into discourse , are likewise of a twofold nature : the one instructeth vs how to manage and order our reason , when it dealeth with such subiects as we may attaine to certainety in . And here the rules of Demonstration take place ; teaching vs to define , to diuide , and to cōclude . The other instructeth vs how to behaue ourselues , when we meete with such subiects , as a good and probable guesse is the farthest we can reach vnto towardes the knowledge of them : and for these , the Topicall part of Logike serueth ; the which , taking a view of all the accidents belonging to any thing propounded , sheweth how to draw probabilities from euery one of them . Our discoursing to others , 7 is eyther to open our mindes barely vnto them ; or to persuade them of somewhat ourselues beleeue ; or to winne them to somewhat we would haue them do . For the bare deliuery of our mindes to others , we haue Grammar ; the scope of which art , consisteth first , in teaching vs to deliuer our conceptions plainely and clearely , ( which is the maine intent of speaking ) next , in making , our discourse be succinct and briefe , ( which is the measure of our speaking , both for ourselues and others ; ) and lastly , in sorting our wordes , so as what we say , may be accompanied with sweetnesse ; both in commō , in regard of the eare , by auoyding such harsh soundes as may offend it ; and in particular , in regard of the custome of the language wherein we speake , and of the persons to whom we speake . The art whereby we may persuade others , 8 and winne them to assent vnto what we would haue them , is Rhetorike . Her rules instruct vs how to dispose and order with best aduantage , in regard of the Auditors disposition , both the reasons which Logike affordeth vs , and the wordes which Grammar storeth vs with : as also , how to giue life and motion to what we say , by our action and gesture ; that so we may persuade our Auditory , such passions raigne in vs , as we seeke to stirre vp in them : for as we may obserue , that one who yawneth , maketh an other likewise yawne ; and as our seeing others laugh , prouoketh laughing also in vs ( the reasons whereof we haue touched in the former Treatise ; ) after the same manner , what passion soeuer we exhibite in ourselues , the same stealeth insensibly vpon those we speake vnto ; whiles their mind attending to the wordes they heare , is not a ware of the subtile spirits motions , that by a kind of contagion rise and swell in their hartes : according to which naturall inclination in all men , the Master of Poets and excellent obseruer of mens humours said passing well : Si vis me flere , dolendum est Primùm ipsi tibi . Hence grow those encreases by metaphores , hyperboles , and other tropes and figures : hence those feruors by interrogations , exclamations , apostrophes , and the like ; which when they are fittely placed , they carry the Auditor euen against his will. 9 Poetry , is not a gouernour of our Actions , but by aduantagious expressing some eminent ones , it becometh an vsefull directour to vs ; and therefore challengeth a place here . The designe of it is , by representing humane actions in a more august and admirable hew , them in themselues they vsually haue : to frame specious Ideas , in which the people may see , what is well done , what amisse , what should be done , and what by errour is wont to be done : and to imprint in mens mindes a deepe conceite of the goods and euils , that follow their vertuous or vitious comportement in their lifes . If those who assume the title of Poets , did ayme at this end , and would hold themselues strictly to it , they would proue as profitable instrumēts as any the commōwealth had : for the delightfullnesse and blithenesse of their compositions , inuiteth most men to be frequently conuersant with them ; ( eyther in songs , or vpon the stage , or in other Poemes ) whiles the sober aspect and seuerity of bare precepts , deturneth many from lending a pleased eare to their wholesome doctrine ; and what men swallow with delight , is conuerteth into nourishmēt : so that , if their drift were to settle in mens mindes a due valuation of vertue , and a detestation of vice , no art would do it more vniuersally , nor more effectually : and by it , mens hartes would be sett on fire to the pursuite of the one , and be shrunke vp with dislike and horrour against the other . But vnto such a Poet as would ayme at those noble effects , no knowledge of Morality , nor of the nature and course of humane actions and accidents must be wanting : he must be well versed in History ; he must be acquainted with the progresse of nature , in what she bringeth to passe ; he must be deficient in no part of Logike , Rhetorike , or Grammar : in a word , he must be consummate in all artes and sciencies , if he will be excellent in his way . 10 But whiles we thus entertaine ourselues with those artes , which serue vs in discoursing with others , it were a great ouersight to forgett that faculty , which is the basis and ground worke of all those : and that is , the power of speech , which nature hath bestowed vpon vs. It consisteth in two actions : the one outward , the other inward : the outward , is the giuing of various soundes to our breath , as it passeth through our mouth , by diuers coniunctions of our tongue , teeth , and lippes , to themselues , or to diuers parts of our mouth , or by their separations from them : in which , we see that birdes are able to imitate vs , and I am persuaded , the like might be effected by insensible creatures , if a dexterous man would employ his time , in contriuing and making an instrument to expresse those different soundes ; which , not hauing more then seuen substantiall differences besides the vowels ( as some who haue carefully noted them , do affirme ) it would peraduenture be no hard matter to compose such an engine . The inward action of locution , is the framing of conuenient answeres to what is asked ; of fitt replies to what is said ; and in a word , to speake appositely , and to the purpose ; wherevnto , neyther beast nor dead instrument can be brought , vnlesse the artificier be able to endue it with vnderstanding . All other artes , 11 instruct vs how to worke orderly vpon beastes and insensible bodies : by some of them , we cultiuate liuing creatures ; as when husband men nourish sheepe , oxen , foule , and the like , for slaughter : by others , we discipline them , as when we teach horses , dogges , apes , hawkes , parrats , and some kind of fishes , to hunt , to play , and in a word , to do somewhat eyther for our profit , or for our pleasure : and againe , by others we vse their natures to our endes ; as when we lay baites to catch them , when we sett egges vnder hennes , to haue the chickens , and the like : by other artes , we worke as powerfully vpon insensible creatures ; among which , by knowing the natures of diuers trees , herbes , minerals , &c : we are able to bring any of them to what vse soeuer we find most expedient for our seruice : from hence grow all those artes and trades , in which we see men dayly spend their whole lifes ; so as it is needelesse to insist vpon the particulars of them , since townes and the citties are composed of the seuerall tribes of persons that professe them and liue by them . But we must not leaue this subiect , without noting how admirably mans witt turneth it selfe to so different sortes , and to such an infinite variety of thinges . For what man is there , ( if he be a man ) but might haue become Master in any of these so differing trades , in case h● had applyed himselfe as constantly to that , as he hath done to some other he is perfect in ? Againe , lett vs consider how it happeneth often , that he doth not the same thing twice the same way , but according to his owne , or an other mans fansie , changeth his worke at will , now doing it after one fashion , now after an other ; as hauing no law or determination from nature , but being wholy left to his owne direction . There still remaineth one art , 12 not yet spoken of ; which knoweth not where to challenge a place , whether among the moderatours of our owne actions , or among those whereby we gouerne thinges : and that is Arithmetike : which seemeth to belong vnto thinges , and yet it meddleth not with them : and againe , it seemeth to be a maine directour of our internall actions , and yet belongeth neyther to Morals , nor to Logike . Wheresoeuer its due be to place it , I am sure it is not to be forgottē ; seeing it is so principall an one , as our life can hardly consist without it . It worketh vpon notions that are no where ; for euery thing that is in the world , is but one ; and to be , or to make a number , can not happen without an vnderstanding : the affections likewise of them , are as the subiect , all inuisible ; as to be euen or odde , to be cubes , squares , rootes , &c : and yet how great the power and extent of this art is , none can rightly vnderstand or beleeue , but he that hath the knowledge of it , or hath seene the vertue and efficacity of it . All these artes , 13 consist in common rules , which require the second of those qualities , whereby we said humane actions are gouerned , to apply them to their particular matter : and that is Prudence ; which we may define to be , a quality or power , by whose assistance we apply vnto the matter we are to worke vpon , such instruments , as in our present iudgement appeare fittest to bring it to that passe , which serueth best for our intentions , when by our senses , or by other guesses , we know the particular dispositions of the matter , and of the instruments wherewith we are to change it . Now howbeit this occurreth generally in all artes , yet its speciall place and necessity , is in gouerning and moderating our owne or other mens Morall actions ; and accordingly , its name is especially addicted therevnto : and that man is said to be prudent or discreete , who gouerneth himselfe and others well . This quality of Morall Prudence in generall , is diuided into three particular ones : the first of which , belongeth to a gouernour in a state or commonwealth : the next may be assigned to him that is skillfull in the lawes : and the third concerneth the managing and conduct of military actions . The reason of this long receiued distribution peraduenture is , because in these occurrences , our passion swayeth vs generally more then in any others : and the operation and effect of Prudence , ( whose prouince is to curbe and moderate our passions by reason ) is greatest , and appeareth most in those subiects , where passion raigneth vsually with greatest impetuosity . 14 Thus haue we runne ouer the maine partes of discourse , and the generall heades of mans action as man : which peraduenture may through their numerousnesse , appeare to be as it were but loosely scattered from our penne ; ( as happeneth vnto all materials , that must serue for after buildinges ; and that till they be employed , require no more but sorting , and laying together in seuerall heapes , to the end they may be ready for vse : ) and therefore before we go any further , it will not be amisse to make reflexions vpon what we haue said ; and to draw it neerer our intended scope ; and to square out and giue some figure and polishing to these stones , here where we digge them out of the quarry , whereby they may hereafter with lesse adoe , fitt the places we haue assigned them , in the structure we intend : and so , a litle trouble here , whiles our tooles are still in our handes , and our matter lyeth ready for our stroakes , and our thoughts are warmeth with working vpon them , may saue vs a great deale there , where our maine employment will be , to lay artificially , and to ioyne closely , what now we but hew out : and therefore will require finer instruments , and a sharper edge , then what at present serueth our turne . Lett vs then bring backe to account all we haue said in this Chapter : and when we haue well reflected vpon euery particular , we shall find they all agree in this , that they are nothing else , but a due ordering of one thing with an other : a syllogisme , is an ordering of some few notions : a science is an ordering of syllogismes , in such sort , as a new proposition may follow out of those which went before : and as we se that when by our thoughts diuers syllogismes are well ordered , hidden thinges come to be disclosed in our vnderstanding ; euen so among bodies , if thinges whose proprieties are knowne , be likewise ordered and put together , those very effects , which were discouered by the ordering of notions in our head , will spring forth in nature : as for example , if by knowing the natures of fire and of towe , our discourse findeth that towe put to fire will presently become fire , the same will happen in nature , if we put materiall towe , or some other body that hath the qualities of it , to reall fire , or to some other substance that is endewed with the vertues of fire : in like manner , if by knowing that colours are nothing else , but various mixtures of light and of darkenesse in bodies , our discourse assureth vs , that by seuerall compoundings of these extremes , reds , blewes , yellowes , greenes , and all other intermediate colours may be generated ; accordingly we shall find in effect , that by the seuerall minglings of blacke and white bodies ( because they reflect or drowne light most powerfully ) or by interweauing streames of pure light and of shadowes one with an other , we may procreate new colours in bodies , and begett new luminous appearances to our eyes : so that hence it appeareth clearely , that the same nature is in our vnderstanding , and in the thinges : and that the same ordering , which in the one maketh science , in the other causeth naturall transmutations . An other reflexion , which will be fitt for vs to make vpon these long discourses , is this , that of necessity there must be a ioyning of some thinges now actually in our knowledge , vnto other thinges we thinke not of : for it is manifest , that we can not at the same time actually thinke of a whole booke of Euclide ; and yet to the due knowledge of some of the last propositions , the knowledge of almost all the former is required : likewise it is impossible we should at the same time thinke of all the multitude of rules belonging to any art , as of Grammar , of Metering , of Architecture ; and yet when we write in Latine , make a poeme , or lay the designe of a house , we practise them whiles we thinke not of them , and are assured we goe not against them , howeuer we remember them not . Nay , euen before we know a thing , we seeme to know it ; for since we can haue a desire of nothing , but of what we know ▪ how could we desire to know such or such a thing , vnlesse we know both it , and the knowledge of it ? And for the most part we see a horse , or man , or herbe , or workemanshippe , and by our sense haue knowledge that such a thing it is , before we know what , or who , or how , it is : that groweth afterwardes out of the diligent obseruation of what we see : which is that , whereby learned men differ from the vnlearned , for what striketh the sense , is knowne a like by them both but then here is the difference betweene them , the later sorth sitteth still with those notions , that are made at the first , by the beating of our sense vpon vs , without driuing them any further : and those that are learned , do resolue such compounded notions , into others made by more common beatinges , and therefore more simple : and this is all the oddes in regard of knowledge , that a scholler hath of an vnlettered man. One obseruation more we will draw out of what we haue said , and then end this Chapter : it is , how a man doth oftentimes enquire among his owne thoughts , and turneth vp and downe the images he hath in his head , and beateth his braines , to call such thinges into his minde , as are vsefull vnto him , and are for the present out of his memory : which , as we see it so necessary , that without it no matter of importance can be performed in the way of discourse ( whereof I my selfe haue too frequent experience in the writing of this Treatise ) so on the other side , we can not perceiue that any creature besides man , doth it of sett purpose and formally as man doth . THE FOVRTH CHAPTER . How a man proceedeth to Action . 1 HAuing thus taken a summary view of the principall Qualities a man is endewed withall , Apprehending , Iudging , and Discoursing ; and hauing shewed how he is enriched in and by them with the natures of all thinges in the world ; it remaineth for our last worke in this part , to consider in what manner he maketh vse of this treasure in his ordinary actions : which it is euident are of two different kindes , and consequently haue two seuerall principles , vnderstanding and sense ; these sway by turnes , and sometimes ioyne together , to produce a mixed action of both . If only sense were the fountaine from whence his actions spring , we should obserue no other straine in any of them , then meerely that according to which beastes performe theirs : they would proceede euer more in a constant vnuaryable tenour , according to the law of materiall thinges , one body working vpon an other , in such sort as we haue declared in the former Treatise . On the other side , if a man were all vnderstanding , and had not this bright lampe enclosed in a pitcher of clay , the beames of it would shine without any allay of dimmenesse , through all he did ; and he could do nothing contrary to reason , in pursuite of the highest end he had prefixed vnto himselfe ; for he neyther would , nor could do any thing whatsoeuer , vntill he had first considered all the particular circumstāces , that had relation to his action in hand ; and had then concluded , that vpon the whole matter , at this time , and in this place , to attaine this end , it is fitting and best to do thus or thus : which conclusion could be no sooner made , but that the action would without any further disposition on his side , immediately ensue , agreeable to the principles it springeth from . Both partes of this assertion are manifest : for the first , it is euident , that whensoeuer an Agent worketh by knowledge , he is vnresolued whether he shall worke or not worke , as also of his manner of working , vntill his knowledge ( that ought to direct and gouerne his working ) be perfect and complete : but that can not be , as long as any circumstance not as yet considered , may make it seeme fitt or vnfitt to proceede : and therefore , such actions as are done without exact consideration of euery particular circumstance , do not flow from a pure vnderstanding . From whence if followeth , that when an vnderstanding is not satisfyed of euery particular circumstance , and consequently can not determine what he must immediately do , but apprehendeth that some of the circumstances not as yet considered , may ( or rather must ) change some part of his action , it must of necessity be vndetermined in respect of the immediate action ; and consequently , it must refraine absolutely from working . The other part is cleare ; to witt , that when the vnderstanding , vpon consideration of all circumstances , knoweth absolutely what is best , the act on followeth immediately ( as farre as dependeth of the vnderstanding ) without any further disposition on his behalfe : for seeing that nothing but knowledge belongeth to the vnderstanding , he who supposeth all knowledge in it , alloweth all that is requisite or possible for it to worke by : now if all be put , nothing is wanting that should cause it to worke : but where no cause is wanting , but all requisite causes are actually being , the effect must also actually be , and follow immediately out of them : and consequently , the action is done , ( in as much as concerneth the vnderstanding , and indeede absolutely , vnlesse some other cause do faile ) as soone as the vnderstanding knoweth all the circumstances belonging to it : so as it is manifest out of this whole discourse , that if a man wrought only by his vnderstanding , all his actions would be discreete and rationall , in respect of the end he had proposed to himselfe ; and till he were assured what were best he would keepe himselfe in suspens and do nothing ; and as soone as he were so , he would admitt of no delayes , but would at the instant proceede to action according to hi● knowledge : the contrary of all which , we dayly see by experience in euery man. We may then safely conclude , 2 that in humane nature there are two different centers , from whence crosse actions do flow : the one he hath common with beasts , and whose principles and lawes we deliuered in the former Treatise , where we discoursed of life , and the motions of life and of passions : the other is the subiect of our present enquiry ; which in this place , expecteth at our handes , that we should consider how it demeaneth it selfe , and what it doth in vs , when by its guidance we proceede to any action . Experience must be our informer in generall : after which , our discourse shall anatomise what that presenteth vs in bulke . She giueth vs notice of three especiall effects of our vnderstāding : first , that it ordereth a right those conceptions which are brought vnto it : secondly , that when they appeare to be not sufficient for the intended worke , it casteth about and seeketh out others : and thirdly , that it strengthneth those actions which spring from it ; and keepeth them regular and firme and constant to their beginnings and principles . Vnto which last seemeth to belong , that it sometimes ch●cketh its owne thoughts , and bringeth backe those it would haue , and appeareth to keepe as it were a watch ouer its owne wayes . As for the ordering of the present notions , it is cleare that it is done by a secret dependance from the rules of discourse , and from the maximes of humane action : I call this dependance a secret one , because a man in his ordinary course , maketh vse of those rules and maximes which serue his turne as though they were instilled into him by nature , without so much as euer thinking of them , or reflecting vpon them to square out his actions by them : nay , some of them so farre out of the reach of most men , as they can not thinke of them , though they would ; for they know them not : as in particular , the rules of discourse , the vse of which is so necessary , as without it no man can conuerse with an other , nor do any thing like a man , that is , reasonably . From whence then can this proceede , that so familiarly and readily a man maketh vse of what he is not conscious to himselfe that he hath any acquaintance withall ? It can be nothing else , but that the soule , being in her owne nature ordered to do the same thing ▪ which schollers with much difficulty arriue to know what it is by reflection and study , and then frame rules of that afterwardes carry their discourse to a higher pitch , she by an inborne vertue maketh a man do it orderly , constantly , and certainely . 3 The like may be obserued in the dayly vse men make of the maximes of humane action : which are certaine knowledges that formerly they haue gotten , but that th●y vsually thinke not of , whiles they worke agreeable to them ; yet it seemeth they worke by them ; for if their action should iarre against any of them , they would presently reflect vpon their Maxime , and by it correct what they were about : for example , one who is skilled in the rules of Grammar , or of accenting his speech , or hath his eare vsed to Musike , whiles he heareth true construction , or euen verse , or consonant song , neuer reflecteth how it is made ; or at most doth but consider in grosse , that it is right : but if a solecisme , or false quantity , or discorde interuene he presently is aware , not only that it is amisse , but remembreth the very particular precise rule , against which the breach is made . This at the first sight might occasion vs to imagine , that the rules by which any composition is made , do w●●ke only negatiuely in vs , whiles we are busie about it : that is , that they contribute nothing to the making of the thing , but only hinder vs from committing errors : but if we consider the matter well , we shall find it impossible , but that they should worke euen positiuely in vs ; for we know that when we first learne any of these thinges , we looke industriously for such a gender , or number , or case , or tense , for such a foote or quantity , such a note , or consonance ; and we are sure , that vse and practise of the same thing , doth not change , but only facilitate the worke : therefore it followeth of necessity , that we still vse those very instructions , by which at the first we could but slowly creepe , but now manage them with such celerity , as our fansy can not keepe pace with what we do . And this is the reasō why we do not perceiue that we thinke of them , but may peraduenture at the same time thinke of a quite different matter ; as when a musitian playeth voluntary diuision vpon a ground he neuer saw before , and yet hath all the while some other thought in his head ; or when a painter draweth a picture , and all the while discourseth with a by stander . This truth may be conuinced by an other argument : as thus ; it can not be doubted , but that a verse or song is made by the power of making such compositions : but that power is the art of them ; and that art is nothing else but the rules whereby they are made : and accordingly we see , that who hath not the art , can not make such compositions : but who hath , can when he pleaseth : and if any man would be able to make them , he presently studyeth the art : so that it can not be doubted , but that artificiall thinges are alwayes made by the vse of those rules which teach the making of them ; although for the most part we are not able to perceiue how such rules are vsed ▪ and besides this , we are sure that we do not only make vse of those rules we learned at the first , but when we are arriued to Maistery in any art , we make vse of them in a quite different manner then we did in the beginning , and then we do in any other thing , wherein we find paine and difficulty . In the second effect that we experience of our vnderstanding , 4 ( which is , our casting about for new conceptions , when those it already hath , appeare not sufficient to direct what it hath in hand ) the force and working of it , is very euident : for this effect proceedeth out of a want of satisfaction : and this belongeth properly to the vnderstanding ; for if euidence and satisfaction be qualities of it , then of necessity the priuation of these qualities , must likewise belong vnto it ; as also to discerne that priuation , and to vse meanes to auoyde it : and in the very casting about , we see a choice made ; and that thinges are not taken promiscuously as they come of a rowe , but that some of them are sett aside , and others aduanced for vse : which argueth plainely the knowledge and gouernement of the vnderstanding . 5 But the third operation , is that which giueth clearest euidence of the peculiar and distinct working of the vnderstanding : for if we marke the contestation and strife within vs , betweene our sensuall part and his antagonist which mainteneth the resolution sett by reason , and obserue how exceedingly their courses and proceedings differ from one an other ; we shall more plainely discerne the nature , and power , and efficacy of both of them . We may perceiue that the motions against Reason , rise vp turbulently , as it were in billowes , and like a hill of boyling water ( as truly Passion is a conglobation of spitits ) do putt vs into an vnquiet and distempered heate and confusion : on the other side , Reason endeauoureth to keepe vs in our due temper , by sometimes commanding downe this growing sea ; otherwhiles , by contenting in some measure the desires of it , and so diuerting an other way its vnruly force : sometimes she terrifyeth it , by the proposall of offensiue thinges ioyned vnto those it is so earnest to enioy : againe , sometimes she preuenteth it , by cutting of all the causes and helpes that promote on its impotent desires , and by engaging before hand the power of it in other thinges , and the like . All which do euidently conuince , that as Reason hath a great strength and power in opposition of sense , so it must be a quite different thing , and of a contrary nature vnto it : we may adde , that the worke of Reason can neuer be well performed , but in a great quiet and tranquillity ; whereas the motions of Passion , are alwayes accompan●ed with disorder and perturbation : so as it appeareth manifestly , that the force of Reason , is not purely the force of its instruments , but the force of its instruments as they are guided , and as the quantities of them are proportioned by it : and this force of Reason , is different from the force of its instruments in themselues , in such sort as the force of a song , is different from the force of the same soundes , whereof it is composed , taken without that order which the musitian putteth in them : for otherwise the more spirits that are raysed by any thought ( which spirits are the instruments whereby Reason performeth all her operations in vs ) the more strongly Reason should worke ; the contrary of which is euident , for we see that too great aboundance of spirits confoundeth Reason . 6 This is as much as at present I intend to insist vpon , for proofe that our vnderstanding hath its proper and distinct operations , and worketh in a peculiar manner , and in a quite different straine from all that is done by our senses . Peraduenture some may conceiue , that the watchfulnesse and recalling of our thoughts backe to their enioyned worke , when they breake loose and runne astray , and our not letting them range abroad at randome , doth also conuince this assertion : but I confesse ingeniously , the testimony of it seemeth not cleare to me ; and therefore I ranke it not with those , that I would haue ( if it may be ) solidely weighty , and vndenyable to who shall consider maturely the bottome and full efficaciousnesse of them . Of such , a few , or any one , is enough to settle ones mind in the beliefe of a truth : and I hope , that this which we haue laboured for in this Chapter , is so sufficiently proued , as we neede not make vp our euidence with number of testimonies . But to shew the exceptions I take against this argument , lett vs examine , how this act within vs which we call watchfullnesse , is performed : truly , me thinketh it appeareth to be nothing else , but the promptitude and recourse of some spirits , that are proper for this effect , which by a mans earnestnesse in his resolutiō , do take a strōg impression , and so are still ready to knocke frequently at the dore of our vnderstāding , and thereby enable it with power to recall our strayed thougths . Nay , the very reflexion it selfe , which we make vpon our thoughts , seemeth vnto me to be only this , that the obiect beating vpon the fansie , carryeth backe with it at its retiring from thence , some litle particle or atome of the braine or Septum Lucidum , against which it beateth , sticking vpon it ; in like manner as vpon an other occasion , we instanced in a ball rebounding from a greene mudde wall , vnto which some of the matter of the wall must needes adhere : now this obiect , together with the addition it getteth by its stroake vpon the fansie , rebounding thēce , and hauing no more to do there at present , betaketh it selfe to rest quietly in some cell it is disposed into in the braine , as we haue deliuered at large in our former Treatise , where we discoursed of Memory : but whensoeuer it is called for againe by the fansie , or vpon any other occasion returneth thither , it cometh as it were capped with this additional piece it acquired formerly in the fansie ; and so maketh a representation of its owne hauing beene formerly there . Yet , be these actions performed how they will , it can not be denyed , but that both of them are such , as are not fitt , nor would be any wayes vsefull to creatures , that haue not the power of ordering their owne thoughts and fansies , but are gouerned throughout meerely by an vniforme course of nature : which ordering of thoughts , being an operation feasible only by rationall creatures , and by none others , these two actions ( which would be in vaine , where such ordering is not vsed ) seeme to be specially ordained by nature , for the seruice of Reason and of the Vnderstanding ; although peraduenture a precise proper working of the vnderstanding , do not cleerely shine in it . Much lesse can we by experience find among all the actions we haue hitherto spoken of , that our Reason or Vnderstanding worketh singly and alone by it selfe , without the assistance and consortshippe of the fantasie : and as litle can I tell how go about to seeke any experience of it . But what Reason may do in this particular , 7 we shall hereafter enquire : and end this Chapter , with collecting out of what is said , how it fareth with vs , when we do any thing against Reason , or against our owne knowledge . If this happen by surprise , it is plaine that the watch of Reason was not so strong as it should haue beene , to preuent the admittance or continuance of those thoughts , which worke that transgression . Againe , if it be occasioned by Passion , it is euident that in this case ▪ the multitude and violence of those spirits which Passion sendeth boyling vp to the fantasie , is so great , as the other spirits , which are in the iurisdiction and gouernement of Reason , are not able for the present to ballance them and stay their impetuosity , whiles she maketh truth appeare . Sometimes we may obserue , that Reason hath warning enough , to muster together all her forces , to encounter , as it were in sett battaile , the assault of some concupiscence , that sendeth his vnruly bandes to take possession of the fansie , and constraine it to serue their desires , and by it to bring Reason to their bente . Now if in this pitched field she loose the bridle , and be carryed away against her owne resolutions , and be forced like a captiue to obey the others lawes , it is cleare that her strength was not so great as the contrary factions . The cause of which is euident ; for we know that she can do nothing , but by the assistance of the spirits which inhabite the braine : now then it followeth , that if she haue not the command of those spirits which flocke thither , she must of necessity be carryed alōg by the streame of the greater and stronger multitude ; which in our case , is the throng of those that are sent vp into the braine by the desired obiect ; and they come thither so thicke and so forcibly , that they displace the others which fought vnder Reasons standard : which if they do totally , and excluding reasons party , do entirely possesse the fansie with their troupes , ( as in maddenesse and in extremity of suddaine passion it happeneth ) then must Reason wholy follow their sway , without any struggling at all against it ; for whatsoeuer beateth on the fansie , occasioneth her to worke ; and therefore when nothing beateth there but the messengers of some sensuall obiect , she can make no resistance to what they impose : but if it bappen that these tumultuary ones , be not the only spirits which beate there , but that Reason hath likewise some vnder her iurisdiction , which keepe possession for her , though they be too weake to turne the others out of dores ; then it is true , she can still direct fairely , how in that case a man should gouerne himselfe ; but when he cometh to execute ; he findeth his sinewes already posessed , and swelled with the contrary spirits ; and they keeping out the smaller and weaker number , which reason hath ranked in order , and would furnish those partes withall , he is drawne euen against his iudgement and Reason , to obey their appetites , and to moue himselfe in prosecution of what they propose ; in such sort as the Poet expresseth that Medea found in her selfe , when she complained and bemoaned her selfe in these wordes : Video meliora proboque , Deteriora sequor : and in this case , a man foreseeth his misery all the way he rouleth towardes it , and leapeth into the precipice with his eyes open : which sheweth that the army of thoughts on Reasons side , should be encreased in number , to haue her strong enough to wage battaile with the rebellious aduersary : or else , that her aduersary should be so much weakened , that she , though not growne stronger in her selfe , yet might , through the others enfeebling , be able to make her party good ; ( and hence is the vse of corporeall mortifications , to subiect our Passions to the beheast of Reason ) euen as when we see , that when we are in health , our armes , and legges , and all our limbes , obey our will , reaching what we command them , and carrying vs whither we desire , because the spirits which are sent into them from our braine , are strong enough to raise and moue them as they are directed ; but if our sinewes be so steeped in some cold and watry humour , that the spirits coming downe , find not meanes to swell and harden them ; well we may wish and striue , but all in vaine : for we shall not be able to make them performe their due functions . In like manner , if reason do send her emissaries into the same arme or legge or other member , and no other spirits do there striue against them , then that limbe is moued and gouerned absolutely according to her directions : but if at the same time , a greater multitude of others , do hinder Reasons seruants from coming thither , or flocking into other sinewes , do carry that limbe a contrary way ; in vaine doth Reason striue to moue them to her byas ; for those obeyng partes must obserue the rules which the violent conquerour prescribeth . THE FIFT CHAPTER . Containing proofes out of our single apprehensions , that our soule is incorporeall . AS in our first Treatise we dissected nature , 1 and shewed , how out of the notion and first diuision of Quantity , ariseth that vast multiplicity of thinges , which filling this world , falleth vnder the consideration of our senses : so in the beginning of this second Treatise , we haue searched into those operations of a man ( attributed to his soule ) by which he is conceiued to excell all other liuing creatures : and there discouered , that the admirable , and vnlimited variety of workes , which is seene in mens writinges and actions , doth all flow from the source of single apprehensions ; and euen from one bare notion of Being : which is the roote and principle , from whence all others deriue their origine ; and into which all may be resolued ; workes proceeding from resolutions , they from discourses , these being composed to iudgements , and iudgements of single apprehensions . This part we must now reuiew , and enquire what we can find in mans operation , arguing the Quality of his Soule , whether it be corporeall or no. For if these single apprehensions , and the processes compounded of them , may be performed by the ordering of rare and dense partes ( as the other workes of nature are ) then they will be corporeall , and of the same kind with those , which we opened in the first Treatise : but if we shall proue , that they can not possibly be deduced from multiplicity , and order of Quantitatiue partes , then we may confidently resolue ourselues , that in the cause from which they flow , is a nature wholy discrepant from that which resideth among bodies , and among corporeall thinges . This we shall here labour to do : and to that end , we will beginne our worke with reflecting vpon what we haue deliuered of a single apprehension , in the first Chapter of this second Treatise : whose nature we there first explicated common ; and thence proceeded to some particular apprehensions ; and lastly shewed the extent they comprehended . These then must be the subiect of our present speculation . 2 As for their nature , we may remember , how we resolued three thinges : first , that by apprehension , the very thing apprehended is by it selfe in our soule : next , that the notion of Being , is the first of all notions , and is resumed in all others : and thirdly , that what is added to the notion of Being , is but respects to other thinges . Now then lett vs consider , what kind of engines they must be , that may haue the power to make thinges themselues to be in our soule , if they were to be there materially ? How shall the place , or the time passed , be remoued , and be putt in an other place , and in an other time ? How shall the quātity of the heauēs , of the whole world , nay of biggenesse exceeding all that by millions of proportionall encreases , be shutt vp in the litle circuite of mans braine ? And yet if we examine our selues strictly , we shall find nothing wanting ; all is there . How shall the same thing , be corporeally in two , nay in two thousand places , at the same time ? And yet , in so many is the sunne , when two thousand men thinke of it at once . We must then allow , that thinges are there immaterially ; and consequently , that what receiueth them , is immateriall : since euery thing is receiued according to the measure and nature of what receiueth it . But I easily conceiue , that the strangenesse and incredibility of our position , may counterballance the force of it : for who can persuade himselfe , that the very thing he apprehendeth , is in his minde ? I acknowledge , that if its being there , were to be vnderstood corporeally , it were impossible : but on the other side , who shall consider , that he knoweth the thing he ●ightly apprehendeth , that it worketh in him , and maketh him worke agreeable to its nature , and that all the properties and singularities of it may be displayed by what is in him , and are as it were vnfoulded in his mind , he can neyther deny nor doubt , but that it is there in an admirable and spirituall manner . If you aske me how this cometh to passe ? And by what artifice , bodies are thus spiritualized ? I cōfesse I shall not be able to satisfy you : but must answere , that it is done , I know not how , by the power of the soule : shew me a soule , and I will tell you how it worketh : but as we are sure there is a soule , ( that is to say , a Principle from whēce these operatiōs spring ) though we can not see it : so we may , and do certainely know , that this mystery is as we say ; though because we vnderstand not the true and complete nature of a soule , we can as litle expresse the manner , how it is done by a soule . Yet , before we take our leaue of this matter of Apprehensions , we will in due place endeauour to say something towardes the clearing of this obscure point . 3 Our second consideration vpon the nature of Apprehension , was , that our primary and maine notion , is of Being . This discouereth some litle glympse of the nature of the soule : for it is manifest that she applyeth this notion , as well to no partes , as to partes : which we proued in the first Treatise , when we shewed that we haue a particular notion of substance , distinct from the notion of Quantity ; for quantity and Partes being the same , it followeth that if there be a notion supposed by quantity , ( as in substance there is ) it must of necessity abstract from partes : and consequently , we may conclude , that the notion of Being , which is indifferently applyable eyther to quantity or to substance , doth of its owne nature wholy abstract eyther from Partes , or from no Partes . I then inferre : that since this notion of Being , is the very first and virgin notion our soule is imbued with or is capable of , and that it is the roote of all other notions , and into which she resolueth euery other notion , in such sort , as when we haue sifted and searsed the essence of any notion whatsoeuer , we can discouer nothing that is deeper then this , or precedent to it , and that it agreeth so completely with our soule , as she seemeth to be nothing else but a capacity fitted to Being ; it can not be denyed , but that our soule must needes haue a very neere affinity and resēblance of nature with it : but it is euident , that Being hath not of it selfe any partes in it , nor of it selfe is capable of diuision : and therefore it is as euident , that the soule , which is framed ( as it were ) by that patterne and Idea , and is fitted for Bein● as for its end , must also of it selfe be voyde of partes , and be in capable of diuisiō . For how can partes be fitted to an indiuisible thing ? And how can two such different natures euer meete porportionably ? If it be obiected , that the very notion of Being , from whence we estimate the nature of the soule , is accommodable to partes : as for example , we see that substance is endewed with quantity . We answere , that euen this doth corroborate our proofe : for seing that the substances , which our senses are acquainted withall , haue partes , and can not be without partes ; and yet neuerthelesse in our soule , the notion of such substance is found without partes ; it is cleare , that such substance hath this meerely from our soule : and because it hath this indisibility from our soule , it followeth that our soule hath a power and nature to bestow indiuisibility vpon what cometh into her . And since it can not be denyed , but that if any substance were once existent without partes , it could neuer after haue partes ; it is euident , that the nature of the soule is incapable of partes ; because it is existent without partes . And that it is in such sort existent , is cleare : for this effect of the soules giuing indiuisibility vnto what she receiueth into her , proceedeth from her as she is existent . Now since this notion of Being , is of all others the first and originall notion that is in the soule , it must needes aboue all others , sauour most of the proper and genuine nature of the soule : in which , and by which , it is what it is , and hath its indiuisibility . If then it be pressed ; how can substance ( in reality or in thinges ) be accommodated vnto Quantity , seing that of it selfe it is indiuisible ? We answere , that such substance , as is the subiect of Quantity , and that hath Quantity , is not indiuisible ; for such substance can not be subsistent without Quantity ▪ and when we frame a notion of it , as being indiuisible , it is an effect of the force of our soule , that is able to draw a notion out of a thing that hath partes , without drawing the notion of the partes : which sheweth ma●ifestly , that in her there is a power aboue hauing of partes : which being in her , argueth her existence to be such . 4 Our last consideration vpon the nature of apprehension , was , how all that is added to the notion of Being , is nothing else but respects of one thing to an other ; and how by these respects , all the thinges of the world come to be in our soule . The euidēce we may draw from hence of our soules immateriality , will be not a whitt lesse , then eyther of the two former : for lett vs cast our lookes ouer all that cometh into our senses , and see if from one end to an other , we can meete with such a thing as we call a respect : it hath neyther figure , nor colour , nor smell , nor motion , nor tast , nor touch ; it hath no similitude to be drawne out of by meanes of our senses : to be like , to be halfe , to be cause , or effect , what is it ? The thinges ( indeed ) that are so , haue their resemblances and pictures ; but which way should a painter go about to draw a likenesse ? Or to paint a halfe , or a cause , or an effect ? If we haue any vnderstanding , we can not choose but vnderstand , that these notions are extremely different , from whatsoeuer cometh in vnto vs by the mediation of our senses : and then if we reflect , how the whole negotiation of our vnderstanding is in , and by respects ; must it not follow necessarily , that our soule is of an extreme different nature from our senses , and from our Imagination ? Nay , if we looke well into this argument , we shall see , that whereas Aristotle pretendeth , that Nihil est in intellectu quod non prius fuit in sensu ; this Maxime is so farre from being true , ( in rigour of the wordes ) that the quite contrary followeth vndenyably out of it ; to witt , that Nihil est in intellectu quod fuit prius in sensu . Which I do not say to contradict Aristotle ( for his wordes are true in the meaning he spoke them ; ) but to shew , how thinges are so much changed by coming into the vnderstanding and into the soule , that although on the one side , they be the very same thinges , yet on the other side there remaineth no likenesse at all between them in themselues as they are in the vnderstading ; which is a most euident proofe , ( when the weight of it is duely considered ) that the nature of our soule , is mainely different from the nature of all corporeall thinges , that come into our sense . By this which we now come from declaring , the admiration , how corporeall thinges can be in the soule , 5 and how they are spiritualized by their being so , will in part be taken away : for reflecting that all the notiōs of the soule , are nothing but the generall notion of a substance , or of a thing ioyned with some particular respect ; ●f then we consider , that the respects may be so ordered , that one respect may be included in an other , we shall see , that there may be some one respect , which may include all those respects that explicate the nature of some one thing : and in this case , the generall notion of a thing coupled with this respect , will containe all whatsoeuer is in the thing : as for example , the notion of a knife , that it is a thing to cutt withall , includeth ( as we haue formerly declared ) all that belongeth vnto a knife . And thus you see , how that mysticall phrase , of corporeall thinges being spiritualized in the soule , signifyeth no more , but that the similitudes which are of them in the soule , are Respects . Thus hauing collected out of the nature of Apprehension in common , 6 as much as we conceiue needefull in this place to proue our assertion , our next worke must be , to try if we can do the like by reflecting vpon particular apprehensions . We considered them of two sortes , calling one kind , vniuersall ones ; and the other , collectiue ones : in the vniuersall ones , we tooke notice of two conditions , the abstraction , and the vniuersality of them : now truly if we had no other euidence , but what will rise from the first of these , that alone would conuince and carry the conclusion : for though among corporeall thinges , the same may be now in one place , now in an other , or sometimes haue one figure , sometimes an other , and still be the same thinges , as for example waxe or water ; yet , it is impossible to imagine any bodily thing whatsoeuer , to be at any time without all kind of figure , or without any place at all , or indifferent to this or to that ; and neuerthelesse , all thinges whatsoeuer , when they are vniuersally apprehended by the soule , haue this condition in her by reason of their abstraction there , which in themselues is impossible vnto them . When we say water , fire , gold , siluer , bread &c : do we meane or expresse any determinate figure ? If we do , none but that precise figure , will serue or content vs : but it is euident , that of a hundred different ones , any and euery one doth a like entirely satisfy vs : when we call for money , if we reflect vpon our fansy , peraduenture we shall find there a purse of crownes : neuerthelesse , if our messenger bringes vs a purse of pistoles , we shall not except against it , as not being what we intended in our mind , because it is not that which was painted in our fansie : it is therefore euident , that our meaning and our fansie were different ; for otherwise , nothing would haue satisfyed vs , but that which was in our fansy . Likewise , in the very word ( which is the picture of our notion ) we see an indifferency ; for no dictionary will tell vs , that this word Money doth not signify as well pistoles as crownes : and accordingly we see , that if our meaning had beene precisely of crownes , we should haue blamed ourselues for not hauing named crownes , and not him that brought vs pistoles , when we spoke to him by the name of money : and therefore it is most cleare , that our vnderstanding or meaning is not fixed or determined to any one particular ; but is equally indifferent to all : and consequently , that it can not be like any thing which entereth by the senses ; and therefore not corporeall . The second cōdition of Vniuersall Apprehensions , is their vniuersality : 7 which addeth vnto their abstractiō , one admirable particularity , and it is , that they abstract in such sort , as to expresse at the same time euen the very thing they abstract from . How is it possible , that the same thing , can be , and not be in the same notion ? Yet lett a man consider what he meaneth when he saith , Euery man hath two eyes ; and he shall see that he expresseth nothing , whereby any one man is distinguished from an other : and yet the force of this word Euery , doth expresse that euery man is distinguished from an other ; so that in truth , he expresseth particularity it selfe in common . Now , lett our smartest and ingeniousest aduersary , shew or imagine if he can , how this may be done in a picture , or in a statue , or in any resemblance of a body or bodily thing : but if he can not , lett him acknowledge an eminent and singular propriety in the soule , that is able to do it . Let vs reflect , that particularity in a body , is a collection of diuerse qualities and circumstances ; as that it is white , of such a figure , in such a place , in such a time , and an infinitude of such like conditions , conglobated together : then , if our soule be a body , the expression of the particularity of a body in the soule , must be a participation in her of such a conglobation , or of such thinges conglobated . Now lett vs imagine if we can , how such a participation should be in common , and should abstract from all colour , all place , and all those thinges of which the conglobation consisteth : and yet we see , that in the soule this is done ; and he who sai●h Euery man , doth not expresse any colour , place , or time ; and neuerthelesse he doth by saying so expresse , that in euery man there is a conglobation of colour , place , and time : for it could not be Euery one , vnlesse there were such conglobations to make Euery one , one : and if any conglobation were expressed in this terme Euery one , it would not be Euery one , but only one alone . Now if any coordination of partes , can vnfould and lay open this riddle , I will renounce all Philosophy and vnderstanding . 8 Collectiue apprehensions will afford vs no meaner testimony then the other two , for the spirituality of our soule : for although it may seeme vnto vs , before we reflect throughly on the matter , that we see , or otherwise discerne by our sense , the numbers of thinges ; as that the men in the next roome , are three ; that the chaires there , are tenne ; and the like of other thinges ; yet after due consideration , we shall find , that our eye , or sense telleth vs but singly of each one , that it is one ; and so runneth ouer euery one of them ; keeping them still each by themselues , vnder their owne seuerall vnities : but then the vnderstanding cometh , and ioyneth vnder one notion , what the sense kept a sunder in so many seuerall ones , as there are thinges . The notion of three , or of tēne , is not in the thinges , but in our mind ; for why three rather then fiue , or tēne rather then twelue , if the matter of which we speake were not determined ? and such determination of the matter , is an effect of the vnderstanding . If I had spoken of thinges , as I did of men , or of chaires , there had beene more then three or tenne : it is then euident , that what determined my speech , made the number be three or tenne . Againe , we see that the notion of tenne , is but one notion ; for as the name of tenne , is but one signe , so it argueth , that there is but one notion , by which it is the signe of tenne thinges . Besides , we see that Arithmetitians do find out the proprieties and particular nature of any determinate number : and therefore we may conclude , that euery number hath a definition , and a peculiar nature of its owne , as it is a number . If then this definition , or nature , or notion of tenne , be a corporeall one , it is a corporeall similitude of the obiect . But is it like to any one of the thinges , or is it like to all the tenne ? If to any one , then that one will be tenne ; if it be like to the whole made of tenne , then that whole being but one , tenne will be iust one , and not tenne thinges . Besides , to be tenne , doth expressely imply to be not one : how then can that be a materiall thing , which by being one representeth many ? Seeing that in materiall thinges , one and many are opposite , and exclude one an other from the same subiect ? And yet , this notion could not represent many together , but by being one . Againe , if it be a materiall notion or similitude , it is eyther in an indiuisible of the braine , or it is in a diuisible part of it : I meane , that the whole essence of the notion be in euery part neuer so litle of the braine , or that one part of the essence , be in one part of the braine , and that an other part of the essence , be in an other part of the braine . If you say , that the whole essence is in euery part of the braine , though neuer so litle ; you make it impossible that it should be a body ; for you make it the likenesse of tenne determinate bodies , in an indiuisible māner ; seeing that what by diuision groweth not lesse , hath the nature of an indiuisible : but if you say , that diuers partes of the essence , are in diuers partes of the braine , then you make it impossible that the notion of tenne , should be indiuisible ; since it selfe is composed of seuerall partes . In a word ▪ tenne thinges can not be represented materially , but by tenne other thinges : and therefore it is most euident , that the soule which representeth tenne by one thing or notion , doth not represent the tenne materially : and consequently , that her selfe is immateriall . What we haue now said , will be confirmed by considering the termes , All and whole : for it is cleare , that these termes also , are of the nature of numbers ; but withall , do expresse particularly that no part is wanting . If then the notion of All or whole , be said to be materiall and quantitatiue , it must be diuisible : but if you diuide it , no part remayneth All or whole : it is not therefore diuisible ; and consequently it is not materiall . And as this argument , is manifestly applyable to numbers , so if we looke into the arguments concerning numbers , you will find all them likewise applyable to these termes , 9 All and whole . Out of what hath beene hitherto discouered , we may gather this note : that it is the nature of the soule , to draw from diuisibility , to indiuisibility ; from multitude , to vnity ; from indeterminatenesse and confusion ▪ to a clarity and determination : as appeareth euidently in this last example of Collections ; in which , whether we take numbers , or other collectiue termes , wee see that throughout their natures do consist in such a perfect indiuisibility , as no part can be seperated without destroying the essence of the notion : nay , thinges which in themselues are many and consist in partes , do in the mind gett an impartible nature ; for tenne , is no longer tenne , if it be diuided : nor all , is all , if any thing be taken away . In the same manner , though Philosophy teach vs , there be neyther pointes in biggenesse , nor instances in motion or time , yet nature maketh vs expresse all biggenesse by pointes , and all time by instantes ; the soule euer fixing it selfe vpon indiuisibility . And this is the reason , why we attribute the nature of substance to all our notions : if we see a thing white , or blacke , or doe , or suffer , or be in a place , or in time ; presently in our apprehension we conceiue these modifications of the thing , like substances ; and accordingly we call them by substantiue names , Whitenesse , Action , Vbication , Duration , &c : now the reason of this is , because a substance , ( that is terminated within it selfe ) is a fitt and a steady ground for the soule to fixe it selfe vpon , whereas these other Appendixes of substance , would not afford her easy footing to build her structures vpon , if she considered them as truly they are in themselues : and therefore in her notion , she giueth them the qualities of substance : but withall it happeneth many times , that by her doing thus , if she be not very wary , she is deceiued and falleth into grosse errours . One thing more we must remember to take notice of ▪ and it is , that if we will compare the notions in our vnderstanding , 10 with the signes which beating in our fansie do begett those notions ; we shall find , that these are but barely signes ; and do not in their owne nature expresse , eyther the notions they raise , or the thinges they are signes of . This is euident in the images of the soundes we call wordes : for it is cleare , they haue no likenesse eyther with the thinges they signify , or with the thoughts they begett in vs : and we shall find it no lesse true of other images ; for example , in the exteriour impressions of sensible qualities , which seeme by themselues to be in the vnderstanding ; for if we consider the matter well , we shall perceiue that we vnderstand nothing more by them , then we do by meere wordes ; and that to worke , or to discourse out of them , we must seeke into the obiects , and their definitions ; whereof we learne nothing by those first impressions : for it seemeth , that ( for exāple ) hoat , or red , or sweete , to a man that first seeth , or feeleth , or tasteth them , signifyeth nothing else , but a thing which maketh such an apprehension in his soule , or such a phantasme in his interiour sēse ; and neuerthelesse , as yet the mā knoweth not that he hath a soule , or an interiour sense ; nor doth reflect so farre as to consider , that this motion passeth by his exteriour sense ; but his apprehension is immediately carried to the thing without him ; and he imagineth that the impression he feeleth , is in the thing he feeleth ; and so he that should feele himselfe heated by a burning glasse , and were not acquainted with the vertue of such a glasse , would thinke the glasse were hoat : yet certainely , his first apprehension is of the motion made in his fansie , ( though he imagineth it elsewhere ) which he conceiueth to be the nature of the thing that maketh it . And thus we see that the conuersion of the soule , is immediate to a thing without the man : which also is the effect of her being fixed to Existence ; for by reason of that , she still apprehendeth euery impression as a thing . But now , whether her apprehension doth include the very impression , which is in the sense or in the fansie , so that by its owne likenesse it be in the soule , or whether the impression in the fansie maketh a change in the soule , which we can not discerne in it selfe , but conceiue it to be the impression which is in the fansie , because that impression is at the first continually present at the said mutation ; is more obscure and hard to discouer . But when we reflect that after some time , wordes do succeed in lieu of this impression , and do performe the same effect as the originall impression , in what language soeuer they be vttered , so they be vnderstood ; we may conclude out of this euident signe , that the impression is in the vnderstanding not in its owne likenesse , but in an other shape , which we do not discouer ; and which is excitated , as well by the name , as by the impression , in a man that is vsed to the names . Againe , in a man that learneth thinges by himselfe , these impressions serue for wordes , and not for thinges ; for such a man neuer looketh into his fansie to discourse vpon any thing , but only vpon the mutation he conceiueth is made in the externe sense : out of which he gathereth by litle and litle , the nature of the thing , whose notion was made at first in him by this impression . Out of which it is manifest , that our knowledge is as different a thing , from the Phantasmes which beate at the soules dore , as the thing signifyed is f●om the sound of the word , or as the wine in the cellar is from the bush : and therefore , it is impossible that the soule ( in which that knowledge resideth , and which indeede is that knowledge ) should be a corporeall or bodily thing : since of all bodily thinges , the motions that are made by the sensible qualities , arriue neerest to a spirituall nature . It remayneth now , 11 that we should argue for the immateriality of the soule , out of the extent of our apprehension : which seemeth to be so excessiue , as not to be comprehensible by the limitations of bodies ; and therefore can not belong vnto a body : but because all that needeth to be said in this particular , followeth plainely out of groundes already vrged , and that this point containeth not any notable particularity deseruing mention here ; we will not enlarge ourselues any further vpon it : but will passe on to the next line of operations proper vnto our mind . Only we may not omitt taking notice of the expressions which our mind maketh of nothing , or as Logitians terme it , of Negations and Priuations : which do argue an admirable power in the soule , and of a quite different straine from all corporeall thinges ; and do euidently conuince the immateriality of it : for it can not be doubted , but that the soule knoweth what she meaneth , when she discourseth of Nothing . Now if all her knowledge , were nothing else but corporeall phantasmes , or pictures made by corporeall thinges , how should she come to haue a notion of Nothing ? for since it is most cleare , that something can not be like Nothing , and that there can not be a participation of what is not ; how can we conceiue that there should be a similitude made of Nothing ? The way therefore that the soule taketh in this operation , is , that comparing two thinges together , and finding that the one of them is not the other ; she reflecteth vpon her owne action , and diuiding in it the thing said , from the saying , she taketh the thing said for a quality , or property , or predicate ( as Logitians call it ) of that thing which she denyeth to be the other thing ; and then she giueth it a positiue name , after she hath first made a positiue notion , vnto which the name may agree : as for example ; when the soule considereth a man that hath not the power to see , as soone as she hath to her selfe pronunced , that he hath not such a power , she taketh the not power to see , for a quality of that man ; and then giueth the name of blindenesse to that not power of seeing ; which though of it selfe it be nothing , yet by being that which satisfyeth her act , whē she sayeth that he hath not the power of seeing , it seemeth to be ranked among those thinges , vnto which names are due : for it hath a notion ; and the hauing a notion , is the clayme , or merite ; or dignity , in vertue whereof thinges are preferred to names . Now then , lett vs enquire how the power of rarity and density , or the multiplication and order of partes , can be raised and refined to the state of being like nothing , or of being the similitude of a negation ; or what operation of rarity ad density , can forge out this notion of blindenesse , which we haue explicated : and when we ●ind , it is beyond their reach to compasse , we must acknowledge , that the soule is an other kind of engine , then all those which are in the storehouse of bodies . THE SIXT CHAPTER . Containing proofes out of our soules operations in knowing or deeming any thing , that she is of a spirituall nature . 1 OVr next consideration shall be to see what testimony our manner of Iudging , doth yield vs of the nature of the soule : concerning which , three thinges offer themselues , worthy the reflecting on ; which are , our manner of thinking ; the opposition which frequently occurreth in our thoughts ; and the nature of truth and of falsehood . As for the first , we may remember how we haue shewed , that all iudgement or deeming is but an apprehension of identification , or something immediately following out of it : and that a settled iudgement or assent of the mind is as it were a limbe , or branch , or graft in our soule ; so that we find that our perceiuing of identification between two thinges , or our seeing that the one is the other , is that by which our soule encreaseth . Now , because when two thinges are identifyed , the one reacheth not further then the other , it is cleare that this encrease of the soule is not made by partes , which being added one to an other do cause it to be greater : and therefore , since this latter course is the only meanes of encrease in bodies and in quantity , it is as cleare that the nature of the soule , is quite different from the nature of all corporeall or Quantitatiue thinges . Againe , it is against the nature of identification , to be of partes ; and therefore , they who take quantity to be one thing , and not many thinges tyed together , do acknowledge that truly there are no partes in it : and this is so rigorously true , that although we speake of two thinges that in reality are identifyed one with an other , yet if our wordes be such , as imply that our vnderstanding considereth them as distinct partes , and by abstraction giueth them the nature of partes ; then they are no longer identifyed , but in good Logike , we ought in this case to deny the one of the other . As for example : though the hand and the foote be the same thing , ( as we haue declared in our first Treatise ) yet because in the name hand , there is a secret exclusion of any thing that is not in the definition of a hand , it followeth that in our speech we must say , that a hand is not a foote Likewise though it be confessed , that the thing which is rationality is also risibility ; neuerthelesse , it is a solecisme in Logike , to say that rationality is risibility ; because it is the nature of these abstracted names , to confine their signifycations to one definition ; and the definitions of these two termes are diuers . Out of this consideration it followeth clearely , that seeing the nature of partes , is contrary to the nature of identity ; and that the soule in her iudgements worketh alltogether by identity , it is impossible that her operations should consist of partes , or in any sort resemble any proceeding of Quantitatiue thinges . The like will be conuinced out of the opposition we find in our thoughts . 2 In it we may consider two thinges : first the generation of it : next , the incompossibility of opposites in the soule . To beginne with the first : we see that in our speaking , opposition is produced by the addition of this word Not : as when we say , not a man , not a penny , not a word ; and therefore it followeth , that in our soule there is a notion of it , correspondent to the word that expresseth it . Now , seeing that a notion is a thing , and that it is the likenesse of its obiect , or rather the same with the obiect ; lett vs cast about , how we should of partes and of Quantity , make a nothing , or an identification to not : and when we find that it is ridiculous and absurd to go about it , lett vs conclude , that the manner of working , which our soule vseth , is farre different from that which is vsed in bodies , and among materiall thinges . And if you obiect , that not only a body , but euen any other substance whatsoeuer ( suppose it as spirituall as you will ) can not be eyther like , or identifyed to nothing ; and therefore this argument will as well proue that the soule is not a thing or substance , as that it is not a body : we answere , that it is euident out of what we haue already said , that the vnderstanding is not the obiects it vnderstandeth , by way of similitude , but by a higher meanes ; which we haue shewed to be by way of Respects . Now then , the respect which a thing hath to an other thing , by not hauing such a respect vnto it , as a third thing formerly considered hath therevnto , may be expressed in way of Respects , though it can not in way of similitude : and so our vnderstanding is able to expresse , what neyther our fansy , nor any corporeall thing can arriue to the expression of : as when first we find , that one man hath a respect to the wall , which we call the power of seeing , it if afterwardes we find that an other man hath a respect vnto the wall of impotence , that he can not see it , this second respect the vnderstanding hath a power to expresse as well as the first : as we haue touched aboue . 3 As for the opposition that occurreth in our thoughts , we may consider it of two kindes : the one is of the thinges or obiects that come into our thougths or into our soule : and this is not properly an opposition in the soule ; for although the thinges be opposite by their owne nature in themselues , yet they do not exercise their opposition in the soule : nay , though the oppositiō be euen in the soule it selfe , if the soule with this oppositiō , be considered as an obiect , it maketh no opposition in the soule ; for so you may consider your soule learned and vnlearned , ignorant and knowing , good and bad , and the like : all which are oppositions in a soule supposed to be so qualifyed , but are no oppositions in a soule that considereth them : no more then fire and water , heauy thinges and light , white and blacke , being and not being , an affirmatiue proposition and its negatiue , and the like : all which are in themselues so contrary and opposite to one an other , that they can not consist together in one subiect ; they haue an incompossibility among themselues ; wheresoeuer the one of them is , by its very entrance it driueth out its opposite : and yet in the soule they agree together without reluctance : she knoweth and considereth and weigheth both sides of the scale at the same time , and ballanceth them euenly one against an other : for vnlesse both the opposites were in the same instant in the same comparing power , that power could not by one act whose beginning implyeth its ending , iudge the difference and opposition of them : as when we say blacke is contrary to white , or darkenesse is the want of light , we pronounce one common not being of both extremes . We may then boldely conclude , that since no body whatsoeuer can entertaine at the same time , and in the same place , these quarrelling Antagonistes , but that by their conflict , they presently destroy one an other , and peraduenture the body too , into which they presse for entrance , and the entire possession of which each of them striueth for ; ( those of them I meane , that are proportioned to the reception of bodies ) and that the soule imbibeth them together without any difficulty or contrast , and preserueth them allwayes frendes euen in the face of one an other , and lodgeth them together in the same bed ; and that ( in a word ) these opposite thinges do enioy an admirable and vnknowne manner of Being in the soule , and which hath no parallele nor argument in bodily thinges : we may ( I say ) boldely conclude , that the soule it selfe , in which all these are , is of a nature , and hath a manner of Being altogether vnlike the nature of bodies , and their manner of Being . Out of this agreeing of all obiects in the soule , 4 and their hauing no opposition there , euen whiles she knoweth the opposition that is betweene them in themselues , there followeth an other consideration , of no lesse importance : which is , that the amplitude of our soule in respect of knowledge , is absolutely infinite ; that is to say , she is capable of knowing at the same time obiects without end or measure . For the explicating whereof , we are to cōsider , that the latter conclusions , which the soule gaineth knowledge of , do hang to the former by identificatiō , or by the soules seeing that two notions are identifyed , because they are identifyed to a third , as is before expressed ; and the first principles which seeme to be immediately ioyned vnto the soule , haue the identity of their termes plaine and euident , euen in the very termes themselues . Nay , if we insist further , we shall find that the first truthes must haue an identification to the very soule it selfe ; for it being euident that truth or falsehoode , is not in the soule but so farre forth , as she doth apply her selfe to the externall obiect , or to the existence of thinges in themselues ; and that we find that the soules knowing with euidence that any thing is or hath being , implyeth her knowing that her selfe is ; ( for she can not know that a thing seemeth so to her , or maketh such an impression in her , without knowing that her selfe is ; though peraduenture she may not know what her selfe is , but taketh her selfe to be no other thing then the body of the man in which she is ) it is euident that the first truthes which enter into the soule , to witt , that this or that seemeth so or so vnto her , ( and these truthes no sceptike euer doubted of ) are identifyed with the soule it selfe ; seeing that an obiects seeming to be such or such , is nothing else , but the soule so qualifyed . And by this we find , that the certainty of the first Principles , as for example of this Proposition , That the whole is bigger then the Part , will depend in a particular soule of her certainty of her owne Being : for although this proposition would haue a necessity in the very connexion of the termes , notwithstanding there were not in nature any whole or Part ; yet this necessity would not be a necessity of Existence or of Being in the obiect , but a necessity of connexion , as it were of two partes of the soule : and so , if verity and falsity be not perfectly in the soule , but in comparison to actuall existence , the soule would not be perfectly true , or ( to say more properly ) would not haue the perfection of truth in her , by hauing or knowing this proposition , vnlesse withall she were certaine , that there were existēt , an obiect of this Propositiō : of which ( as we haue said ) she can not be certaine , without being certaine of her owne Being ; so that in effect , the identification of other thinges among themselues , by which such thinges are knowne , doth come at the last to be retriued in the existence of the soule it selfe , and to be in the soule , by the identification of those other thinges vnto her selfe . 5 Now then to proceed to the proofe of our proposed conclusion , it is cleare , that the adding of one thing to an other , doth out of the force of this addition , perfect the thing vnto which the addition is made , if the aduenient thing be added in such way , as the former is apt to receiue it : but it is euident , that the soule is made fitt by former propositions , to be identifyed to later ones ; for we see that the former ones draw on , and inferre the later ones : and therefore it followeth , that the more is added to the soule , the greater is her aptitude to haue more , or to be more encreased : and consequently , that the more is added vnto her , the more may still be added ; and the more capable and more earnest she is , to haue more . Wherefore it can not be denyed , but that since in the nature of the obiects there is no impediment to hinder their being together in the soule , ( as we haue proued a litle aboue ) and that in her by receiuing new obiects into her , there is a continuall encrease of capacity to receiue more ; she hath an amplitude to knowledge absolutely infinite , in such a manner as we haue aboue expressed . Now to apply to our purpose what we haue gathered by this discourse , it is cleare , that these two conditions . of one thing not driuing out an other , and of infinity of accessions , do openly disclayme from quantity , and from matter ; for we see that what hath Quantity , or is a Body , can not admitt a new thing into it , vnlesse some other thing do first go out of it , to make roome for the aduenient one : and as for infinitude , it breedeth a sea of contradictions , if it be but thought of in Quantity : and therefore we may conclude , that the soule , vnto whom these two conditions do belong , is not quantitatiue or corporeall , but immateriall , and of a spirituall nature . 6 The second kind of opposition , that occurreth in our thoughts , or in our soule , is of Contradictory Propositions : it hath its origine in the opposition of Being to not Being : and is when a thing is identifyed vnto the soule , in such sort as we haue said , that a Iudgement or Deeming maketh the obiect become as it were a limbe , or part of the soule : and because the conflict of two such propositions , if they were together in the soule , would make her be something contrary to the nature of Being ( if any thing can be contrary to Being ) which in the schooles they call ens & non ens ; the impossibility of her admitting into her selfe two such propositions together , doth testify her firme cleauing and her fixednesse to Being : and so doth confirme and bring new euidence to that argument for the soules spirituality , which in the first Chapter of this part , we drew from the nature of Being . As for truth and falsehood , they spring from the same roote as the last ; as being qualities consequent to the opposition of affirmatiue and negatiue propositions ; whereof if the one be true , the other must necessarily be false : and therefore , we neede not spend time in setting downe any particular considerations of these ; since what we haue said of the other , is applyable vnto them : but it is sufficient , that we thus note them , to giue the Reader occasion to reflect vpon them . Among propositions , 7 there are some which Logitians do terme of Eternall truth : and out of these , there are ingenious men , who imagine that the Immortality of the soule may be immediately deduced . Herein they roue not quite from the marke ; though withall I must needes say , they do not directly hitt it . To vnderstand the vtmost that may be inferred out of such propositions , we may note two conditions in them : the first is , that generally these propositions are vniuersall ones ; and thereby haue that force to conuince the spirituality of the soule , which we haue explicated and shewed to belong vnto vniuersall termes : the second is , that in these propositions , there is a necessity of connexion between their termes ; such an one , or at the least very like therevnto , as we explicated in those propositions , which beare their euidence plaine in their very termes . And out of this we may draw an other argument for the spirituality of the soule : for we see that all corporeall agents and patients , are defectible and contingent ; that is to say , sometimes , or ( if you will ) most times , they attaine their effect ; but withall , sometimes ( be it neuer so seldome ) they misse of it : and accordingly , it happeneth sometimes that our eyes , our eares , our touch , and the rest of our senses are deceiued ; though for the most part , they giue vs true informations of what they conuerse with : but these propositions of eternall verity do neuer faile : they haue in themselues an indefectibility insuperable ; and consequently , they giue euidence that the soules nature is of a higher degree of constancy and certainty , then what falleth within the compasse of bodies : and is of a nobler and different straine , from all corporeall thinges : for this certainty is entayled vpon such propositions by the force of Being ; which is the proper obiect of the soule : and they haue their Being , as limbes and partes of the soule . As for the terme of Eternall verity , it is not to be taken positiuely , as if these propositions , or their obiects , had any true eternity or perseuerance , without beginning or ending : but only negatiuely ; that is , that there can be no time , in which they are false : and therefore , we can not out of their hauing such a kind of Eternity belonging to them , argue a capacity of infinite time or duration in our soule that comprehendeth them . THE SEVENTH CHAPTER . That our discoursing doth proue our soule to be incorporeall . 1 HAuing thus runne ouer those proofes for the immateriality of our soule , which arise out of her manner of working when she iudgeth ; in the next place , we are to enquire what others , her manner of discoursing will afford vs. We are sure , that since our discourse is composed of iudgements , and of single apprehensions , it can not choose but furnish vs with all those pregnant arguments , that we drew from them . But that will not serue our turne : we looke after new euidence ; and we shall see it will giue it vs with full handes . It consisteth in this : that when we discourse , we may easily perceiue there is more at one time in our minde , then we can discouer to be in our fantasy ; for we find , that in our fantasy , as one proposition cometh , an other is gone : and although they that are gone , seeme to be ready at a call , yet they are not in presence ; as being thinges which consist in motion , and that require place ; and therefore the one iustleth the other out of the place it possessed . But if it fared in like manner in our inward soule , we could neuer attaine vnto knowledge : for it is manifest , that our soule is not assured of a conclusion , but by her seeing the premisses : if then the premisses be taken away , the conclusion that resteth vpon them , falleth to the ground : but they are taken away , if they be out of our mind : therefore , when our vnderstanding yieldeth its assent to a conclusion , it must of necessity haue the premisses still in it . But we must not rest here ; this consideration will carry vs on a wondrous deale further : we know , that who so goeth to frame a new demonstration in any subiect , must be certaine he taketh nothing contrary to what he hath learned in many bookes : likewise , that who will make a latine verse , or readeth a Poeme , knoweth there is nothing in all that Poeme contrary to his Prosodia : do we not then manifestly perceiue a certaine remainder of all these in his soule ? The like is in all artes : in which he that goeth about any worke according to art , sheweth he hath in his head all the rules of that art , though he do not distinctly remember them , or call them to mind whiles he worketh : for if he haue them not , how doth he worke by them ? Since then it is cleere that he thinketh not of them at that time , it is as cleere , that more is in his soule at one time , then is in his fantasy , or then can be there by materiall bodies , ( which we haue shewed is the way , whereby all thinges come into the fantasy ) although it be the nimblest and the subtilest Agent of all corporeall thinges whatsoeuer . An other consideration whereby to euince the immateriality of the soule , 2 concerneth the proceeding of syllogismes by linkes , fastened one to an other : whence we may take notice , that euery one of them is a steppe to an other : and consequently , it is manifest that according to the nature of the soule , they must be all together in her : since , if any one were absent , all the rest that followed and depended vpon that one , would haue no grounding , nor fixednesse in the soule . Now if to this we adde , that what is to be knowne , is absolutely and liquidly infinite , there can not be brought or expected a more pregnant and home wittenesse of our soules spirituality : it following out of these groundes , that the soule by its nature , is not only capable of , but is expressely ordered to an infinite knowledge of infinite obiects all together ; for these two , finite and infini●e science , are so vastly different from one an other , that if the same subiect be capable of both , it must of necessity be ordered to infinite , as to its chiefest act and end : and thus out of capacity in this subiect , its being ordered is well inferred ; though in other matters peraduenture the consequence may not be good . And accordingly , who looketh into Geometry , Arithmetike , Logike , or euen nature it selfe , will euidently see that the obiects of knowledge , are euery way , and in euery science , multiplyable without end . Neyther ough● this to be neglected , 3 that a great part of the soules obiects , and indeed of those that are most naturall to her , is aboue the capacity , and out of the reach of materiall thinges . All Metaphysikes abstract frō quantity : the inuestigation of God , of Angels , of the soule it selfe , eyther concludeth immateriality , or at the least worketh about it . What shall I say of Logicall notions , of those which are called the second intentions ; about which there is so much businesse , both in the schooles and in the world ? It is sufficient that we haue already expressed , how all our notions are respectiue . But in particular the motiues of humane actions are very abstracted considerations : as for example , hope of thinges to come , memory of thinges passed , vertue , vice , honour , shame , and the like . To these lett vs adde , that when we teach or explicate any thing to ignorant persons , we must frame our owne apprehensions to their capacity , and we must speake such thinges as they may comprehend : which capacity or extent of comprehension we can not see not perceiue by any sense , but we iudge it meerely by our Reason , and by our vnderstanding . Wherefore , seeing that our operation is mainely and chiefely on and by such motiues , as are not lyable to materiall principles and compositions , it is euident , that the springhead from whence such an operation floweth , must also be immateriall and incorporeall . I am not ignorant , that this argument vseth to be answered by vrging , that the soule likewise knoweth Deafenesse , Dumbenesse , Blindenesse , and such other notions of Nothinges ; and yet is not from thence inferred to be nothing ▪ it conceiueth God and Eternity ; and yet it is neither from it selfe , as God is , nor eternall . In like manner ( say they ) it may know incorporeall thinges , and yet not be therefore it selfe incorporeall . To this I reply , first with wishing them not to mistake me , but to giue my argument its full force and weight : for there is a very great difference betweene the knowing of a thing , in a strained , toylesome , and confuled manner , and the hauing a thing for its ordinary matter and subiect of negotiation : this argueth connaturality between the soule and what it is in such sort conuersant about ; but that doth not . Now , what is inferred out of whole sciences and artes , concerneth a maine stocke of the soules businesse , and not some extraordinary vertue or power she hath . But to come vp close to the answere : I say , that if we being throughly acquainted with materiall thinges , can find that it is not in the possibility of any such to be the likenesse of an immateriall thing ; and from thence do inferre that our soule , for being fraught with immateriall notions , is not materiall ; our conclusion is well collected , and a very good one ; for the premisses out of which we do gather it , are within our kenning ; and therefore if there were any defect in the consequence , we should easily perceiue it . Whence it appeareth clearely , that there is no parity between the deduction of our conclusion , and that other which the obiection vrgeth , that our soule , because it can know eternall thinges , is also eternall ; for eternity is a thing beyond our comprehēsion : and therefore it ought not be expected at our handes , that we should be able to giue an account where the bracke is . And to say the truth , if knowledge be taken properly , we do not know eternity ; howeuer by supernaturall helpes we may come to know it : but in that case , the helpes are likely to be proportionable to the effect . Neyther are negations properly knowne , seeing there is nothing to be knowne of them . And thus we see that these obiections do proceed from the aequivocation of the word knowledge ; sometimes vsed properly , othertimes applyed abusiuely . THE EIGHT CHAPTER . Containing proofes out of our manner of proceeding to action , that our soule is incorporeall . 1 I Doubt not but what we haue already said , hath sufficiently conuinced our soules being immateriall , vnto whomsoeuer is able to penetrate the force of the arguments we haue brought for proofe thereof , and will take the paines to consider them duely : ( which must be done , by serious and continued reflection , and not by cursary reading , or by interrupted attempts ) yet since we haue still a whole field of proofes vntouched , and that in so important a matter , no euidence can be too cleare , nor any paines be accounted lost , that may redouble the light , although it shine already bright enough to discerne what we seeke ; we will make vp the concert of vnanimous testimonies to this already established truth , by adding those arguments we shall collect out of the manner of our soules proceeding to action , vnto the others we haue drawne from our obseruations vpon her apprehensions , her iudgements , and her discourses . Looking then into this matter : the first consideration we meete withall is , that our vnderstanding is in his owne nature an orderer ; and that his proper worke is to ranke and putt thinges in order : for if we reflect vpon the workes and artes of men , as , a good life , a common-wealth , an army , a house , a garden , all artefactes ; what are th●y , but compositions of well ordered partes ? And in euery kind , we see that he is the Master , and the Architect , and is a accoūted the wisest , and to haue the best vnderstanding , who can best , or most , or further then his fellowes ▪ sett thinges in order . If then to this we ioyne , that quantity is a thing whose nature consisteth in a capacity of hauing partes and multitude , and consequently is the subiect of ordering and ranking ; doth it not euidently follow , that our soule , compared to the whole masse of bodies , and to the very nature of corporeity or quantity , is as a proper agent to its proper matter to worke vpon ? Which if it be , it must necessarily be of a nobler straine , and of a different and higher nature then it ; and consequently , can not be a body , or be composed of Quantity : for had matter in it selfe , what it expecteth and requireth from the agent , it would not neede the agents helpe , but of it selfe it were fitt to be an Agent . Wherefore if the nature of corporeity , or of body , in its full latitude , be to be ordered , it followeth that the thing whose nature is to be an orderer , must as it is such , be not a body , but of a superiour nature , and exceeding a Body : which we expresse by calling it a spirituall thing . Well then , 2 if the soule be an orderer , two thinges belong necessarily vnto her : the one is , that she haue this order within her selfe , the other is , that she haue power to communicate it vnto such thinges , as are to be ordered . The first she hath by science , of which enough already hath beene said towardes proouing our intent . Next , that her nature is communicatiue of this order , is euident out of her action and manner of working . But whether of her selfe she be thus communicatiue , or be so by her coniunction to the body she informeth , appeareth not from thence . But where experiēce falleth short , reason supplyeth , and sheweth vs that of her owne nature she is communicatiue of order ; for seeing that her action is an ordering , and that in this line there are but two sortes of thinges in the world , namely , such as do order , and such as are to be ordered ▪ it is manifest , that the action must by nature and in the vniuersall consideration of it , beginne from the orderer ( in whom order hath its life and subsistence ) and not from that which is to receiue it : then , sithence ordering is motion , it followeth euidently , that the soule is a moouer and a beginner of motion . But since we may conceiue two sortes of moouers ; the one when the agent is mooued to mooue ; the other , when of it selfe it beginneth ●he motion without being mooued ; we are to enquire , vnto which of these two the soule belongeth . But to apprehend the question rightly , we will illustrate it by an example : lett vs suppose that some action is fitt to beginne at tenne of the clocke : now we may imagine an agent to beginne this action in two different manners ; the one , that the clocke striking tenne , breedeth or stirreth somewhat in him , from whence this action followeth ▪ the other manner is , that the agent may of his owne nature , haue such an actuall comprehension or decurrence of time within himselfe , as that without receiuing any warning from abroad , but as though he moued and ordered the clocke as well as his owne instruments , he may of himselfe be fitt and ready , iust at that houre to beginne that action ; not as if the clocke told him what houre it is , but as if he by gouerning the clocke , made that houre to be , as well as he causeth the action to beginne at that houre . In the first of these manners , the agent is mooued to mooue : but in the second , he mooueth of himselfe , without being mooued by any thing else . And in this second way , our soule of her owne nature communicateth her selfe to quantitatiue thinges , and giueth them motion : which followeth out of what we haue already prooued ; that a soule , in her owne nature , is the subiect of an infinite knowledge , and therefore is capable of hauing such a generall comprehension , as well of time , and of the course of all other thinges , as of the particular action he is to doe ; and consequently , standeth not in neede of a Monitor without her , to direct her when to beginne . If then it be an impreuaricable law with all bodies , that none whatsoeuer can mooue vnlesse it be mooued by an other ; it followeth , that the soule which mooueth , without being stirred or excitated by any thing else , is of a higher race then they ; and consequently is immateriall and voyde of Quantity . But lett me not be mistaken in what I come from saying ; as though my meaning were , that the soule exerciseth this way of mouing her selfe , and of ordering her actions , whiles she is in the body : for how can she ; seeing she is neuer endewed with complete knowledge requisite for any action , neuer fully comprehending all the circumstances of it ? But what I intend , is that the nature of the soule , considered in it selfe , is such , as hath a capacity and may reach to this manner of working , ( whence I inferre that she is not a body but a spirit ) without determining , whether she worke thus in the body , or out of it : 3 that enquiry belongeth not to this place ; it will follow by and by . But for the present , hauing considered vnto what kind of working , the nature of the soule in abstract , is capable of attaining ; we will conclude this Chapter with reflecting vpon those actions of hers , which fall dayly vnder our remarke , as being exercised in the body . In all of them we may obserue , that she proceedeth with a certaine vniuersality and indifferency , beyond the practise of all other creatures whatsoeuer : for example , if a man be spoken to , or asked of a hundred seuerall thinges that he neuer thought of before in all his life , he will immediately shape pertinent replyes , to all that is said , and returne fitting answeres to euery question : as , Whither such a man goeth ? How long this staffe is ? What colour that mans clothes are of ? &c : to all which , and to as many thinges more as you will ( so they be within the compasse of his knowledge ) he straight answereth differently , and to the purpose . Whence it is manifest , that his answeres do not proceed vpon sett gimals or stringes , whereof one being strucke , it moueth the rest in a sett order , ( which we haue shewed , is the course in all actions done by beastes ) but out of a principle within him , which of it selfe is indifferent to all thinges ; and therefore can readily apply it selfe to the answere , according as by the question it is moued : and the like may be obserued in his actions ; which he varyeth according to the occasions presented . I remember how Sir Philip Sidney ( the Phoenix of the age he liued in , and the glory of our nation , and the patterne to posterity of a complete , a gallant , and a perfect gentleman ) aptly calleth our handes , the instruments of instruments ; from Aristotle , who termeth them Organa organorum , or vniuersall instruments , fittly moulded to be employed in any seruice ; whereas nature hath to all other creatures appropriated their instruments to determinate actions , but to man , she hath ( in these ) giuen such , as might be applyed to any kind of worke whatsoeuer : and accordingly we see , that the same kind of bird , still buildeth her neast and breedeth her young ones , in the same way , without any the least variance at all : but men do build their houses as they please , sometimes vpon hils , sometimes in vales , sometimes vnder the earth , and sometimes vpon the toppes of trees : and the manners of breeding or instructing their children , are as diuers , as the customes of nations and townes : and in all other actions , our Masters note it for a property peculiar to man , that he vseth to arriue vnto the same end by diuers meanes ; as to transport ourselues to some place we would goe vnto , eyther by water , or by horse , or by coach , or by litter , as we please : whereas we see no such variety in like actions of other liuing creatures . All which being so , we may conclude , that the soules proceeding eyther to answeres , or to action , argueth cleerely that she hath within her selfe such an indifferency , as is ioyned with a meanes to determine this indifferency : the contrary whereof we see in all corporeall engines ; for they haue euery steppe in the whole course of their wayes , chalked out vnto them , by their very framing , ( as hath beene amply declared in the first Treatise ) and haue the determination of their worke , from end to end sett downe , and giuen them by their artificier and maker : and therefore it is most euident , that the soule can not be a thing composed or framed of materiall and quantitatiue partes , seeing she hath not her wayes sett downe vnto her , but frameth them of her selfe , according to the accidents that occurre . 4 The same nature of the soule , discouereth it selfe in the quiet proceeding of Reason , when it worketh with greatest strength and vigour ; as well knowing , that its efficaciousnesse consisteth not in the multitude of partes , which Passion breedeth , but in the well ordering of those it already hath vnder its command . Whereas the strength of Quantity , and the encrease of its strength , consisteth in the multitude of its partes : as will euidently appeare to whom shall consider this point deepely . 5 Thus we have in a summary manner gone through all the operations of those soule , which in the beginning of this latter Treatise , we heaped together as materials , wherewith to rayse an immateriall and spirituall building . Neyther , I hope , will our Reader be offended with vs , for being more succinct and concise in all our discourse concerning our soule , then where we deliuered the doctrine of Bodies : for the difficultnesse of this subiect , and the nicety required to the expressing our conceptions concerning it , wherein ( as the Prouerbe is ) a haire is to be clouen , would not allow vs that liberty of ranging about , as when we treated of Bodies . What occurreth among them , may be illustrated by examples within their owne orbe , and of their owne pitch ; but to desplay the operations of a soule , we can find no instances that are able to reach them ; they would rather embroile and darken them : for the exact propriety of wordes , must be strictly and rigorously obserued in them : and the Reader shall penetrate more into the nature and depth of them , by serious meditation and reflection vpon the hintes we haue here giuen , ( efficacious enough , I hope , to excite those thoughts he should haue for this purpose , and to steere them the right way ) then by much and voluminous reading , or by hearing long and polished discourses of this subiect . For my part , if what I haue here said , should to any man appeare not sufficient to conuince that our soule is of a spirituall and farre different nature , from all such thinges as in our first Treatise we haue discoursed vpō , and taken for the heades and most generall kindes of Bodies , ( vnto which all other particular ones , and their motions may be reduced ) I shall become a suitor to him , in entreating him to take this subiect into his handling , where it beginneth to be vnwieldy for mine , and to declare vnto vs , vpon the principles we haue settled in the first Treatise , and vpon considering the nature of a body ( which is the first of all our notions ) how these particulars we haue reflected vpon in mans actions , can be drawne out of them ; for I can find no possible meanes to linke them together : a vast and impenetrable Ocean , lyeth betweene the discoueries we haue made on each side of its shores ; which forbiddeth all commerce between them ; at the least , on the darke bodies side , which hath not winges to soare into the region of Intellectuall light . By those principles , we haue traced out the course and progresse of all operations belonging to sense ; and how beastes do or may performe all their actions , euen to their most refined and subtilest operations : but beyond thē , we haue not beene able to carry these groundes , nor they vs. Lett him then take the paines to shew vs , by what figures , by what first qualities , by what mixtion of rare and dense partes , an vniuersall apprehension , an euident iudgement , a legitimate consequence is made : and so of the like ; as , of a mans determination of himselfe to answere pertinently any question : of his choosing this way before that ; &c. Which if he can doe ( as I am sure he can not ) I shall allow it to be reasō , and not obstinacy , that worketh in his mind , and carryeth him against our doctrine : but if he can not , and that there is no apparence nor possibility ( as indeede there is not ) that these actions can be effected by the ordering of materiall partes , and yet he will be still vnsatisfyed , without being able to tell why , ( for he will be vnwilling to acknowledge , that these abstracted speculations , do not sinke into him , and that nothing can conuince him , but what his senses may be iudges of , and that he may handle , and turne on euery side like a bricke or a tile ) and will be still importune with cauillous scrupules , and wilde doubts , that in truth , and at the bottome do signify nothing , we will leaue him to meditate at his leisure vpon what we haue said ; whiles we proceed on to what followeth out of this great principle , That our soule is incorporeall and spirituall . THE NINTH CHAPTER . That our soule is a Substance , and Immortall . HAuing concluded that our soule is immateriall and indiuisible ; 1 to proceed one steppe further , it can not be denyed , but that it is eyther a substance or an accident ; if the later , it must be of the nature of the substance whose accident it is ; for so we see all accidents are : but in man when his soule is excluded , there is no spirituall substance at all , whereof we haue any notice : and therefore if it be an accident , it must be a corporeall accident , or some accident of a body ; as some figure , temperature , harmony , or the like : and consequently , it must be diuisible : but this is contrary to what is proued in the former Chapters : and therefore it can not be a corporeall accident . Neyther can it be a spirituall accident : for vnto what spirituall substance should it belong , when as nothing in man can be suspected to be spirituall , but it selfe . Seeing then that it can be no accident , a substance it must be , and must haue its Existence or Being in it selfe . Here we haue passed the Rubiton of experimentall knowledge : 2 we are now out of the boundes that experience hath any iurisdiction ouer : and from henceforth , we must in all our searches and conclusions rely only vpon the single euidence of Reason . And euen this last conclusion we haue beene faine to deduce out of the force of abstracted reasoning vpon what we had gathered before ; not by immediate reflection vpon some action we obserue proceeding from a man : yet withall , nature flasheth out by a direct beame , some litle glimmering of the verity of it , to the eye of Reason that is within vs : for as whē we see a clocke mooue , or a mill , or any thing that goeth by many wheeles , if we marke that there are two contrary motions , in two diuers partes of it , we can not think that those contrary motions , do belong to one and the same continued body , but shall presently conclude , that there must be in that engine two seuerall bodies compacted together ; so in man , though his body be the first moouer that appeareth vnto vs , yet seeing that in his actions , some effects do shew themselues , which it is impossible should proceed from a body , it is euident , that in him there is some other thing besides that one which we see : and consequently we may conclude , that he is composed of a body and of somewhat else that is not a body : which somewhat else , being the spring from whence those actions flow , that are of a different straine from them that are deriued from the body , must necessarily be a spirituall substance . 3 But whiles we are examining , how farre our present considerations , and short discourses may carry vs , as it were experimentally to confirme this truth , we must not omitt what Auicenna in his booke de Anima & Almahad , and Monsieur des Cartes in his Methode , do presse vpon the same occasion . Thus they say , or to like purpose : if I cast with my selfe , who I am that walke , or speake , or think ; or order any thing ; my reason will answere me , that although my legges or tōgue were gone , and that I could no longer walke or speake , yet were not I gone , and I should know and see with my vnderstanding , that I were still the very same thing , the same Ego as before . The same as of my tongue or legges , would reason tell me of my eyes , my eares , my smelling , tasting , and feeling , eyther all of them together , or euery one of them single , that were they all gone , still should I remaine : As when in a dreame , ( where I vse none of all these ) I both am , and know my selfe to be Reason will tell me also , that although I were not nourished , so I were not wasted , ( which for the drift of the argument may be supposed ) yet still I should continue in Being . Whence it would appeare , that my hart , liuer , lnges , kidneyes , stomacke , mouth , and what other partes of me soeuer , that serue for the nourishment of my body , might be seuered from me , and yet I remaine what I am . Nay , if all the beautifull and ayry fantasmes , which fly about so nimbly in our braine , be nothing else but signes vnto in our soule , of what is without vs ; it is euident , that though peraduenture she would not without their seruice , exercise that which by errour we missename Thinking ; yet the very same soule and thinker might be without them all : and consequently , without braine also ; seeing that our braine is but the play-house and scene , where all these faery maskes are acted : so that in conclusion Reason assureth vs , that when all body is abstracted in vs , there still remaineth a substāce , a thinker , an Ego , or I , that in it selfe is no whitt diminished , by being ( as I may say ) stripped out of the case it was enclosed in . And now I hope the intelligēt Reader will conceiue I haue performed my promise , 4 and haue shewed the soule of man to be an Immortall substance : for since it is a substance , it hath a Being ; and since it is an immateriall substance , it hath a Being of its owne force ; without needing a consort body , to helpe it to sustaine its Existence : for to be a substance , is to be the subiect of Existence ; and consequently , to be an immateriall substance , is to be a subiect capable of Existence , without the helpe of matter or of Quantity . It can not therefore be required of me , to vse any further industry , to proue such a soule to be immortall : but who will contradict her being so , is obliged to shew that she is mortall : for it followeth in reason , that she will keepe her being , vnlesse by some force she be bereaued of it ; it being a rule , that whosoeuer putteth a thing to be , is not bound , for the continuation of that thinges being , to proue that it is not changed : but on the other side , he that auerreth it is changed , is bound to bring in his euidence of a sufficient cause to change it : for to haue a thing remaine , is natures owne dictamen , and followeth out of the causes which gaue it being : but to make an alteration , supposeth a change in the causes ; and therefore the obligation of proofe lyeth on that side . Neuerthelesse , 5 to giue satisfaction to those , who are earnest to see euery article positiuely prooued , we will make that part too our Prouince . Lett vs then remember , that Immortality signifyeth a negation , or a not hauing of Mortality : and that a positiue terme , is required to expresse a change by ; since nature teacheth vs , that whatsoeuer is , will remaine with the Being it hath ▪ vnlesse it be forced out of it : if then we shew , that Mans soule hath not those groundes in her , which maketh all thinges we see , to be mortall ; we must be allowed to haue acquitted ourselues of the charge , of prouing her Immortall . For this end , lett vs looke round about vs , and enquire of all the thinges we meete with , by what meanes they are changed , and come to a periode , and are no more . The pure elements will tell you , that they haue their change , by rarefaction and condensation , and no otherwise : mixed bodies , by alteration of their mixture : small bodies , by the actiuity of the Elements working vpon them ; and by the meanes of rarefaction and condensation , entering into their very constitution , and breeding an other temperament , by seperation of some of their partes , and in their steade mingling others . Plantes , and trees , and other liuing creatures will tell you , that their nourishment , being insinuated through their whole bodies , by subtile pores , and blinde passages , if they either be stopped by any accident , or else be filled with bad nourishment , the mixture of the whole faileth of it selfe , and they come to dye . Those thinges which are violently destroyed , we see are made away , for the most part by diuision ; so fire by diuision destroyeth all that cometh in its way ; so liuing creatures are destroyed , by their parting of their bloud from their flesh , or of one member from an other , or by the euaporation or extinction of their naturall heate . In fine , we are sure that all thinges , which within our knowledge loose the ir Being , do so by reason of their Quantity ; which by diuision , or by rarefaction , and compression , gaineth some new temperature , that doth not consist with their former temper . After these premisses , I neede say no more : the conclusion displayeth it selfe readily and plainely , without any further trouble ; for if our labour hath beene hitherto , to shew that our soule is indiuisible , and that her operations are such as admitt not quantitatiue partes in her ; it is cleare , that she can not be mortall , by any of those wayes , whereby we see thinges round about vs to perish . The like argument we may frame out of locall motion ; for seeing that all the alteratiue actions we are acquainted withall , be performed by locall motion , ( as is deliuered , both in grosse , and by detaile , in our first Treatise ) and that Aristotle , and all vnderstanding Philosophers do agree , there can be no locall motion in an indiuisible thing , ( the reason whereof is euident , to whomsoeuer reflecteth vpon the nature of Place , and of locall motion ) it is manifest , that there can be no motion to hurt the soule , since she is concluded to be indiuisible . 6 The common argument likewise vsed in this matter , amounteth to the same effect : to witt , that since thinges are destroyed only by their contraries ; that thing which hath no contrary , is not subiect to destruction : ( which Principle both Reason and experience , do euery where confirme : ) but a humane soule is not subiect to contrariety : and therefore such ●n one can not be destroyed . The truth of the assumption , may be knowne two wayes : first , because all the contrarieties that are found within our cognisance , do arise out of the primary opposition of Rarity and Density ; from which the soule being absolutely free , she likewise is so , from all that groweth out of that roote : and secondly , we may be sure that our soule can receiue no harme from contrariety ; since all contraries are so farre from hurting her , as contrary wise , the one helpeth her in the contemplation of the other : and as for contradiction in thoughts , which att different times our soule is capable of admitting , experience teacheth vs , that such thoughts do change in her , without any preiudice to her substance ; they being accidents , and hauing their contrariety only betwixt themselues within her , but no opposition at all to her ; which only is the contrariety that may haue power to harme her : and therefore , whether soeuer of such contrary thoughts be in the soule , pertaineth no more to her subsistence , then it doth to the subsistence of a body , 7 whether it be here or there , on the right hand , or on the left . And thus I conceiue my taske is performed ; and that I am discharged of my vndertaking to shew the soules Immortality , which importeth no more , then to shew , that the causes of other thinges mortality , do not reach her . Yet being well persuaded , that my reader will not be offended with the addition of any new light , in this darke subiect ; I will striue to discouer ( if it be possible ) some positiue proofe , or guesse , out of the property and nature of the soule it selfe , why she must remaine , and ●nioy an other life after this . To this end , lett vs cast our eye backe , vpon what hath beene already said , concerning her nature . We found that truth is the naturall perfection of Mans soule ; and that she can not be assured of truth naturally , otherwise then by euidence : and therefore it is manifest , that euidence of truth , is the full complete perfection , at which the soule doth ayme . We found also , that the soule is capable of an absolute infinity of truth or euidēce . To these two , we will adde only one thing more , which of it selfe is past question , and therefore needeth no proofe ; and then we will deduce our conclusion : and this is , that in a man his soule is a farre nobler , and perfecter part of him , then his body : and therefore , by the rules of nature and of wisedome , his body was made for his soule , and not his soule finally for his body . These groundes being thus layed , lett vs examine , whether our soule doth in this life arriue to the end she was ordained for , or no : and if she do not then it must follow of necessity , that our body was made but for a passage , by which our soule should be ferried ouer into that state , where she is to attaine vnto that end , for which her nature is framed and fitted : the great skill , and artifice of nature , shewing and assuring vs , that she neuer faileth of compassing her end , euen in her meanest workes : and therefore without doubt would not breake her course in her greatest : whereof man is absolutely the head and chiefe , among all those that we are acquainted with . Now , what the end is , vnto which our soule doth ayme , is euident ; since the perfection of euery thing , is the end for which it is made : the perfection then , and end of the soule being euidence ; and she being capable of infinite euidence ; lett vs enquire , whether in this life she may compasse it or no. To determine this question , lett vs compare infinite euidence , to that euidence , which the greatest and most knowing man that euer liued , hath acquired by the worke of nature alone ; or to that euidence , which by aime we may imagine is possible euer to happen vnto any one man to arriue vnto : and balancing them well together , lett vs iudge whether all that any man can know here , is not in respect of what a mans soule is capable of , to be stiled as nothing , and deserueth not the name of euidence , nor to be accounted of that nature : and if our sentence do conclude vpon this , lett vs acknowledge that our soule arriueth not to her perfection , nor enioyeth her end , in this world ; and therefore , must haue infaillibly an other habitation in the next world , vnto which nature doth intend her . Experience teacheth vs , that we can not fully comprehend any one of natures workes : and those Philosophers , who in a disciplinable way search into nature , ( and therefore are called Mathematicians ) after they haue written large volumes of some very slender subiect , do euer find , that hey haue left vntouched , an endlesse abisse of knowledge , for whomsoeuershall please to build vpon their foundations : and that they can neuer arriue neere saying all that may be said of that subiect , though they haue said neuer so much of it . We may not then make difficulty to beleeue , that the wisest and learnedest men in the world , haue reason to professe with the father of Philosophers , that indeede they know nothing ▪ And if so , how farre are they from that happinesse and perfection , which consisteth in knowing all thinges ? Of which full sea , we neuerthelesse find euen in this low ebbe , that our soule is a channell capable ; and is framed a fitt vessell and instrument to receiue it , when the tide shall come in vpon it : which we are sure it can not do , vntill the bankes of our body which hinder it , be broken downe . 8 This last consideration , without doubt , hath added no small corroboration to our former proofes ; which are so numerous and so cleare , as peraduenture it may appeare superfluous , to say any more to this point : since one conuincing argument establisheth the verity of a conclusion , as efficaciously as a hundred : and therefore Mathematicians vse but one single proofe , in all their propositions ; after which other supernumerary ones , would be but tedious Neuerthelesse ▪ since all the seuerall wayes , by which we may looke into the nature of our soule ( the importantest subiect we can busy our thoughts vpon ) can not faile of being pleasing and delightfull to vs , we must not omitt to reflect a litle vpon that great property of our soule , by which she is able to mooue and to worke , without her selfe being mooued or touched . Vnto which adding , that all life consisteth in motion , and that all motion of bodies cometh from some other thing without them ; we may euidently conclude , that our soule , who can mooue without receiuing her motiō from abread , hath in her selfe a spring of life ; for the which she is not beholding ( as bodies are ) to some extrinsecall cause , of a nature like vnto her ; but only to him , who gaue her to Be what she is . But if she haue such a spring of life within her , it were vnreasonable to imagine , that she dyed vpon the occasion of the death of an other thing , that exerciseth no action of life , but as it is caused by an other . 9 Neyther may we neglect that ordinary consideration , which taketh notice , that our soule maketh vse of propositions of eternall truth ; which we haue aboue produced , among our proofes for her being of a spirituall nature ; and shall now employ it for the prouing her Immortall : by considering , that the notion of Being , which settleth these propositions so , as they feare no mutation or shaking by time , is the very roote of the soule ; and that which giueth her her nature ; and which ●heweth it selfe in all her operations : so that , if from Being , arriueth vnto these propositions , to feare no time ; the like must of necessity betide also the substāce of the soule . And thus we see , that her nature is out of the reach of time : that she can comprehend time , and sett it limits : and that she can think of thinges beyond it , and cast about for them . All which are cleare testimonies , that she is free and secure from the all deuouring and destroying tyranny of that Saturniall Conquerour of the whole world of matter and of Bodies , whose seruant is death . After all these proofes drawne from the nature of the soule it selfe , 10 euery one of them of force to conuince her immortality , I must craue leaue to adde one consideration more , though it seemeth to belong vnto an others haruest , namely to the science of Morals : and it is , that the position of Mortality in the soule , taketh away all morality , and changeth men into beastes ; by taking away the ground of all difference in those thinges , which are to gouerne our actions . For supposing that the soule dyeth with the body ; and seeing that man hath a comprehension or notion of time without end ; it is euident , that the spanne of this life , must needes appeare contemptible vnto him , that well considereth and weigheth it against the other infinite duration : and by consequence , all the goods , and euils which are partes of this life , must needes become as despicable and inconsiderable : so that better or worse in this life , hath not any appearance of difference betweene them ; at the least , not enough to make him labour with paine to compasse the one , and eschew the other , and for that end , to crosse his present inclination in any thing , and engage himselfe in any the least difficult taske : and so it would ensue , that if to an vnderstanding man , some course or action were proposed vnto him , as better then that he were going about , or for the instant had a mind vnto ▪ he would relish it , as a great marchant , or a Banquier would do , who dealing for Millions , one should presse him with earnestnesse , to make him change his resolued course , for the gaine of a farthing more this way then the other ; which being inconsiderable , he would not trouble his head with it , nor stoppe at what he was in hand with . In like manner , whosoeuer is persuaded , that for an infinity of time he shall be nothing , and without sense of all thinges , he scorneth for this litle twinckling of his life , to take any present paines , to be in the next moment well , or to auoyde being ill ; since in this case , dying is a secure remedy to any present euill ; and he is as ready to dye now , as a hundred yeares hēce ; nor can he estime the losse of a hūdred yeares , to be a matter of moment : and therefore he will , without any further guidance or discourse , betake himselfe to do whatsoeuer his present inclination beareth him to with most facility ; vpō this resolutiō , that if any thing crosse him , he will presētly forgoe his life , as a trifle not worth the keeping : and thus , neyther vertue , nor honour , nor more pleasure then what at the present tickleth him , doth fall into his account : which is the ouerthrow of the whole body of Morality , that is of mans action and nature . But all they who looke into sciences , do crosse that for an erroneous and absurd position , which taketh away the Principles of any science : and consequently , the position of the soules Mortality , is to be esteemed such . There remaineth yet one consideration more , and peraduenture more important , then any we haue yet mentioned , to conuince the soules immortality : which is , that spirituall thinges are in a state of Being . But we shall not be able to declare this , vntill we haue proceeded a litle further . THE TENTH CHAPTER . Declaring what the soule of a man , seperated from his body , is : and of her knowledge and manner of working . 1 VNhappy man ! how long wilt thou be inquisitiue and curious to thine owne perill ? Hast thou not already payed too deare , for thy knowing more then thy share ? Or hast thou not heard , that who will prye into maiesty , shall be oppressed by the glory of it ? Some are so curious ( shall I say ) or so ignorant , as to demaund , what a humane soule will be , after she is deliuered from her body : and vnlesse they may see a picture of her , and haue whereby to fansie her , they will not be persuaded , but that all are dreames , which our former discourses haue concluded : as if he , who findeth himselfe dazeled with looking vpon the sunne , had reason to complaine of that glorious body , and not of his owne weake eyes , that can not entertaine so resplendent a light . Wherefore to frame some conceit of a seperated soule , I will endeauour for their satisfaction , to say some what of her future state . Lett vs then first consider what a Thought is . ( I do not meane , that corporeall spiritt , which beateth at our common sense ; but that which is within , in the inward soule , whose nature we find by discourse and effects , though we can not see it in it selfe . ) To this purpose we may obserue , that if we are to discourse , or to do any thing , we are guided the right way in that subiect we haue in hand , by a multitude of particular thoughts ; which are all of them terminated in that discourse or action : and consequently , euery act of our mind , is as it were an actuall rule or direction , for some part of such discourse or action : so that we may conceiue a complete thought ( compounded of many particular ones ) to be a thing , that ordereth one entire discourse or action of our life . A thought being thus described , lett vs in the next place trye , if we can make an apprehension , what a science or an art is : as , what the science of Astronomy is ; or what the art of playing on the Organes is , when the Astronomer thinketh not of the motions of the heauens , nor the Organist of playing on his instrument : which science and art , do neuerthelesse euen then reside in the Astronomer , and in the Organist ▪ and we find , that these are but the resultes of many former complete thoughts ; as being those very thoughts in remainder ; whatsoeuer this may signify . Lastly , lett vs conceiue ( if we can ) a power or capacity to Being : vnto which capacity , if any Being be brought , that it is vnseperably glewed and riueted vnto it , by its very being a Being : and if any two thinges be brought vnto it , by the vertue of one Being , common to both those thinges , that both of them , by this one being , do become one betwixt themselues , and with this capacity ; and that so there is no end or periode of this addition of thinges , by the mediation of Being ; but that by linkes and ringes , all the thinges that are in the world , may hang together betwixt themselues , and to this Power ▪ if all of them may be brought vnto it by the glew and vertue of being : in such sort as we haue formerly declared , passeth in the soule . Now lett vs putt this together , and make vp such a thing , as groweth out of the capacity to Being , thus actuated and cleauing to all thinges that any way haue being ; and we shall see , that it becometh a whole entire world , ordered and clinging together with as great strength and necessity , as can proceede from the nature of Being , and of contradiction : and our reason will tell vs , that such a thing , if it be actiue , can frame a world , such an one as we liue in , and are a small parcell of , if it haue matter to worke vpon ; and can order whatsoeuer hath Being , any way that it is capable of being ordered , to do by it , and to make of it , whatsoeuer can be done by , and made of such matter . All these conceptions ( especially by the assistance of the last ) may serue a litle to shadow out a perfect soule : which is , a knowledge , an art , a rule , a direction , of all thinges : and all this by being all thinges , in a degree and straine , proper and peculiar to it selfe : and an vnperfect soule , is a participation of this Idea : that is , a kn●wledge , a rule , and a direction , for as much as it is , and as it attaineth vnto . Now as in our thoughts , it is the corporeall part only which maketh a noise , and a shew outwardly , but the spirituall thought , is no otherwise perceiued then in its effect , in ordering the bodily acts ; in like sort , we must not conceiue this knowledge to be a motion ; but meerely to be a thing or Being , out of which the ordering and mouing of other thinges doth flow ; it selfe remaining fixed and immoueable : and because all that is ioyned vnto it , is there riueted by Being , or identification ; and that when one thing is an other , the other is againe it ; it is impossible that one should exceed the other , and be any thing that is not it : and therefore , in the soule there can be no partes , no accidents , no additions , no appendances , nothing that sticketh to it and is not it : but whatsoeuer is in her , is soule ; and the soule , is all that which is within her ; so that all that is of her , and all that belongeth vnto her , is nothing but one pure simple substance , peraduenture M●taphysically , or formally diuisible ; ( in such sort as we haue explicated in the first Treatise , of the diuisibility betweene quantity and substance ) but not quantitatiuely , as bodies are diuisible . In fine , substance it is , and nothing but substance ; all that is in it , being ioyned and imped into it , by the very nature of Being , which maketh substance . This then , is the substantiall conceite of a humane soule stripped of her body . Now , to conceiue what proprieties this substance is furnished with ; lett vs reflect vpon the notions we frame of thinges , 2 when we consider them in common : as when we think of a man , of bread , of some particular vertue , of a vice , or of whatsoeuer else ; and lett vs note , how in such , our discourse determineth no place , nor time : nay , if it should , it would marre the discourse ; as Logitians shew , when they teach vs , that scientificall syllogismes can not be made without vniuersall propositions : so that we see , vnlesse these thinges be stripped from Place and Time , they are not according to our meaning : and yet neuerthelesse , we giue them both the name , and the nature of a Thing , or of a substance , or of a liuing Thing , or of whatsoeuer else may by our manner of conceiuing or endeauours , be freed from the subiection of time and Place . Thus then we plainely see , that it is a very different thing , to be , and to be in a Place : and therefore , out of a Thinges being in no Place , it can not be inferred , That it is not ; or that it is no substance : nor contrariwise , out of its being , can it be inferred , that it is in a Place : there is no man but of himselfe perceiueth the false consequence of this argument , a thing is , therefore it is hoat , or it is cold : and the reason is , because hoat and cold , are particular accidents of a body ; and therefore a body can be without eyther of them . The like proportion is betweene Being in generall , and Being a Body , or Being in a Body : for both these , are particulars in respect of Being : but to be in a Place , is nothing else , but to be in a circumstant Body : and so , what is not in a Body , is not in a Place : therefore , as it were an absurd illation to say , it is , therefore it is in a Body ; no lesse is it to say , it is , therefore it is somewhere ; which is equiualent to , in some Body : and so a great Master ( Peraduenture one of the greatest , and iudiciousest that euer haue beene ) telleth vs plainely , that of it selfe it is euident , to those who are truly learned , that incorporeall substances are not in Place : and Aristotle teacheth vs , that the Vniuerse is not in Place . But now to make vse of this discourse , we must intimate what it is we leuell at in it : we direct it to two endes ; first , to lead on our thoughts , and to helpe our apprehension , in framing some conception of a spirituall substance , without residence in Place ; and to preuēt our fansies checking at such abstraction ; since we see that we vse it in our ordinary speech , when we thinke not on it , nor labour for it , in all vniuersall and indefinite termes : next , to trace out an eminent propriety of a seperated soule : namely , that she is no where ; and yet ( vpon the matter ) that she is euery where : that she is bound to no Place , and yet remote from none : that she is able to worke vpon all , without shifting from one to an other , or coming neere any : and that she is free from all , without remoouing or parting from any one . 3 A second propriety , not much vnlike this first , we shall discouer in a seperated soule , if we compare her with time . We haue heretofore explicated , how Time is the motion of the heauens ; which giueth vs our motion ; which measureth all particular motions ; and which comprehendeth all bodies , and maketh them awayte his leisure . From the large empire of this proud commander , a separated soule is free : for although she do consist with time , ( that is to say , she is , whiles time is ; ) yet is ●he not in time ; nor doth she in any of her actions , expect time ; but she is able to frame time , to spinne or weaue it out of her selfe , and to master it . All which will appeare manifestly , if we consider what it is to be in time . Aristotle sheweth vs ; that , to be comprehended vnder time , or to be in time , is , to be one of those mooueables , whose being consisting in motion , taketh vp but a part of Time ; and hath its termes , before , and behind , in time ; and is measured by Time ; and must expect the flowing of Time , both for Being , and for Action . Now all this manifestly belongeth vnto Bodies , whose both action and being , is subiect to a perpetuall locall motion and alteration : and consequently , a separated soule , who is totally a Being , and hath her whole operation all together ( as being nothing but her selfe when we speake of her perfectiue operation ; ) can not be said to be in time , but is absolutely free from it ; though time do glide by her , as it doth by other thinges : and so , all that she knoweth or can do , she doeth and knoweth at once , with one act of the vnderstanding or rather , she is , ( indeede and really ) all that : and therefore , she doth not require time to manage or order her thoughts , nor do they succeed one an other , by such vicissitudes as men are forced to thinke of thinges by , because their fansie , and the images in it which beate vpon the soule to mak●●er thinke , whiles she is in the body , are corporeall , and therefore , do require time to mooue in , and to giue way to one and other : but she thinketh of all the thinges in the world , and of all that she can thinke of , together and at once ; as hereafter we intend to shew . A third propriety we may conceiue to be in a separated soule ▪ by apprehending her to be an Actiuity ; 4 which that we may rightly vnderstand , lett vs compare her , in regard of working , with a body : reflecting then vpon the nature of bodies , we shall find , that not any of them will do the functions they are framed for , vnlesse some other thing do stirre them vp , and cause them so to do . As for example ; a knife , if it be thrust or pressed , will cutt , otherwise , it will lye still and haue no effect : and as it fareth with a knife , so it doth in the same manner with those bodies , which seeme most to mooue themselues ; as vpon a litle consideration , will appeare plainely . A beast seemeth to mooue it selfe : but if we call to minde , what we haue deliuered vpon this subiect in the first Treatise , we shall find that whensoeuer he beginneth to mooue , he eyther perceiueth something by his sense , which causeth his motion , or else he remembreth something that is in his braine , which worketh the like effect . Now if sense presenteth him an obiect that causeth his motion , we see manifestly , that it is an externall cause which maketh him mooue : but if memory do it , we shall find that stirred by some other part ; as by the stomacke , or by the heart , which is empty , or heated , or hath receiued some other impression from an other body , so that , sooner or later , we shall discouer an outward moouer . The like is in naturall motions ; as , in heauy thinges , their easy following ( if they be sucked ) an other way then downewardes , testifyeth that their motion downewardes hath an extrinsecall motor , as is before declared : and not only in these , but throughout , in all other corporeall thinges . So that in a word , all bodies are of this nature , that vnlesse some other thing presse them and alter them , when they are quiett , they remaine so ; and haue no actiuity , otherwise then from an extrinsecall moouer : but of the soule , we haue declared the contrary ; and that , by its nature , motion may proceed from it , without any mutation in it , or without its receiuing any order , direction , or impulse , from an extrinsecall cause . 5 So that , now summing vp together , all we haue said vpon this occasion , we find a soule exempted from the body , to be ; An indiuisible substance , exempted from place and time , yet present to both : an actuall and present knowledge of all thinges that may be knowne : and a skill or rule , euen by what it selfe is , to all thinges whatsoeuer . This she is , if she be perfect : but if she be imperfect ; then , is she all this to the proportion of her groweth , ( if so I may say ) and she is powerfull according to the measure of her knowledge , and of her will. So that in fine , a seperated soule , is of a nature to haue , and to know , and to gouerne all thinges . 6 I may reasonably suspect , that my saying how imperfect soules are rules to the proportion of their groweth , may hau● occasioned great reflexion , and may haue bredd some trouble in the curious and heedefull reader . I confesse this expression was deliuered by me , only to free my selfe for the present from the labour of shewing what knowledge euery seperated soule hath : but vpon second thoughts , I find that such sliding ouer this difficult point will not serue my turne , nor saue me the paines of vntying this knott : for vnlesse I explicate what I meane by that speech , I shall leaue my Reader in great doubt and anxiety ; which to free him from , I must wade a litle further in this question of the extent of a seperated soules knowledge , into which , I haue thus , vpon the by , engaged my selfe : but lett him first be aduertised , that I do not here meddle , with what a seperated soule may know by reuelation , or by supernaturall meanes : but that I do only tracke out her naturall pathes ; and do guesse at what she is , or knoweth , by that light which her conuersation in her body affordeth vs. Our entrance into this matter must be , to consider what mutation in respect of knowledge , a soules first change out of her body , maketh in her ; for it is not vnlikely , but that nature may some way enlighten vs so farre , as to lett vs vnderstand what must follow out of the negation of the bodies consorteshippe , added vnto what we know of her and other workes in this world . This then first occurreth that surely she can not choose but still know in that state , all that she did know whiles she was in the body ; since we are certaine that the body hath no part in that which is true knowledge : as is aboue declared , when we shewed ; first , that all true knowledge is respectiue ; secondly , that the first impressions of the fansie , do not reach to the interiour soule ; and lastly , that she worketh by much more , then what hath any actuall correspondence in the fansie , and that all thinges are vnited to her by the force of Being : from which last , it followeth that all thinges she knoweth , are her selfe ; and she , is , all that she knoweth : wherefore , if she keepeth her selfe and her owne Being , she must needes keepe the knowledge of all that she knew in this world . Next , she must vndoubtedly know then somewhat more , then she knew in the body ; 7 for seeing that out of the thinges she already knoweth , others will follow by the meere ordering and connexion of them ; and that the soules proper worke , is to order thinges : we can not doubt , but that , both the thinges she knoweth in this world , must of necessity be ordered in her to the best aduantage ; and likewise , that all that , will be knowne , which wanteth no other cause for the knowing of it , but the ordering of these thinges : for if the nature of a thing , were order , who can doubt but what were putt into that thing , were putt into order ? Now , that the nature of the soule is such , we collect easily ; for seeing that all order proceedeth from her , it must be acknowledged that order is first in her : but what is in her , is her nature : her nature then , is order ; and what is in her , is ordered . In saying of which , I do not meane that there is such an order betweene the notions of a seperated soule , as is betweene materiall thinges , that are ordered by the soule whiles she is in the body ; for seeing that the soule is adaequate cause of such order ; ( that is to say , a cause which can make any an such , and the whole kind of it ; ) it followeth , that such order is not in her ; for if it were , she would be cause of her selfe , or of her owne partes . Order therefore , in her , must signify a thing more eminēt , thē such inferiour order , in which resideth the power of making that inferiour order : and this is nothing else , but the cōnexion of her notions by the necessity of Being ; which we haue oftē explicated . And out of this eminēt or superiour kind of order , our conclusion followeth no lesse then if the inferiour order which we see in our fansies , whiles our soule is in our Body , did reside in our interiour soule ; for , it is the necessity of identification , which doth the effect , and maketh the soule know ; and the order of fantasmes , is but a precedent condition in the bodily Agent , that it may worke vpon the soule ; and if more fantasmes then one could be together , this order would not be necessary . Out of this , a notable and a vast conclusion , manifestly followeth : to witt , that if a soule , can know any one thing more when she is out the body , then what she did know whiles she was in the body ; without any manner of doubt , she knoweth all that can be drawne , and forced out of those knowledges , which she had in her body . How much this is , and how farre it will reach , I am affraide to speake : only I entreate Mathematicians , and such as are acquainted with the manner how sciences proceed ; to consider how some of their definitions are made : to witt by composing together sundry knowne termes , and giuing a new name to the compound that resulteth out of them : wherefore cleare it is , that out of fewer notions had at the first , the soule can make many more : and the more she hath , or maketh , the more she can multiply . Againe , the maximes , which are necessary to be added vnto the definitions for gaining of knowledge , we see are also compounded of ordinary and knowne termes ; so that a seperated soule , can want neyther the Definitions , nor the Maximes , out of which the bookes of sciences are composed : and therefore , neyther can the sciences themselues be wanting vnto her . Now if we consider , that in the same fashion as demonstrations are made , and knowledge is acquired in one science , by the same meanes , there is a transcendence from science to science : and that there is a connexion among all the sciences , which fall into the consideration of man , and indeede among all , at the least corporeall thinges ; ( for of spirituall thinges , we can not so assuredly affirme it ; although their perfection may persuade vs , that there is rather a greater connexion among them , then among corporeall thinges ) it will follow , that a soule which hath but any indifferent knowledge in this world , shall be replenished with all knowledge in the next . But how much is this indifferent knowledge , that for this purpose is required in this world ? Vpon mature consideration of this point , it is true , I find it absolutely necessary , that the soule must haue here so much knowledge , as to be able to determine that some one thing , which hath connexion with all the rest , is in such a time : but then , why out of this very conception , she should not be able to clymbe vp by degrees , to the knowledge of all other thinges whatsoeuer ( since there is a connexion betweene that , and all the rest , and no vntransible gappe , or Chaos to seuer them ) I professe I do not see . Which if it be so , then the soule of an abortiue in his mothers wombe , if he once arriue to haue sense , and from it , to receiue any impression in his soule , may for ought I know , or can suspect to the contrary , be endewed in the next world with as much knowledge , as the soule of the greatest Clerke that euer liued : and if an abortiue do not arriue so farre , as to the knowledge of some one thing , I know no reason , why we should belieue it arriued to the nature of man. Whence it followeth , that this amplitude of knowledge , is common to all humane soules , ( of what pitch soeuer they seeme to bee here ) when they are seperated from their bodies : as also , that if any errour haue crept into a mans iudgement , during this life , whether it be of some vniuersall conclusion , or of some particular thing , all such will be abolished then , by the truth appearing on the opposite side ; sithence two contradictory iudgements , can not possesse our soule together : as euen in this world , as well experience , as reason teacheth vs. But vnawares I haue engulfed my selfe into a sea of contradiction , from no meane aduersaries : for Alexander Aphrodiseus , Pomponatius , and the learnedest of the Peripatetike schoole , 8 will all of them rise vp in maine opposition against this doctrine of mine : shewing how in the body , all our soules knowledge is made , by the working of our fansie ; and that there is no act of our soule , without speculation of fantasmes residing in our memory : therefore , seeing that when our body is gone , all those litle bodies of fantasmes are gone with it ; what signe is there , that any operation can remaine ? And hence they inferre , that seeing euery substance hath its Being for its operations sake , and by consequence were vaine and superfluous in the world , if it could not enioy and exercise its operation ; there is no necessity or end , why the soule of a man should suruiue his body : and consequently , there is no reason to imagine other , then that it perisheth when the man dyeth . This is the substance of their argument ; which indeede is nothing else , but to guesse without ground , or rather against all ground : but howsoeuer , this comfort I haue , that I haue to do with Peripatetikes ; men that will heare and answere reason : and to such I addresse my speech . To ioyne issue then with them , and to encounter them with their owne weapons , lett vs call to minde , what Aristotle holdeth light to be . He saith , that it is a suddaine and momentary emanation of what it is , following the precedent motion of some body , but without motion in it selfe . As for example : when the sunne cometh into our horizon , ( saith he ) the illumination of the horizon , is an effect in an instant , following from the motion which the sunne had , since his setting in the other hemisphere , vntill he appeare there againe : so that ( according to him ) the way of making this light , is the sunnes locall motion ; but the effect of the being enlightened , is a thing of a very different nature , done without beginning , and continuing vntill the sunne departe againe from our horizon . And as he explicateth this action of illumination , in the same manner , doth he the actions of sense and of vnderstanding . Vpon all which I vrge , that no Peripatetike will deny me , but that as in euery particular sensation or thinking , there precedeth a corporeall motion , out of which it ensueth , so this generall motion , which we call the life of Man , precedeth that twinkle or moment , in which she becometh an absolute spiritt , or inhabitant of the next world . Wherefore it can not be said , that we introduce a doctrine aliene from the Peripatetike way of Philosophising , if we putt a momentary effect of motion ( according to their phrase of speaking ) to follow out of the course of mans life ; since they putt diuers such effects , to follow out of particular partes of it . Now , this momentary change , or what they please to call it , is that which maketh at one blow , all this knowledge we speake of : for , if we remember that knowledge is not a doing or a motion , but a Being ; as is agreed betweene the Peripatetikes and vs ; they can not , for the continuing it , require instruments and motors : for they are necessary only for change , not for Being . Now , all this mighty change , which is made at the soules deliuery , we conceiue followeth precisely out of the change of her Being : for seeing it is supposed , that her Being was before in a body , but is now out of a body ; it must of necessity follow , that all impediments , which grew out of her being in a body , must be taken away by her being freed from it . Among which impediments , one is , that time is then required betwixt her knowledge of one thing , and her knowledge of an other thing ; and so her capacity , that of it selfe is infinite , becometh confined to that small multitude of obiects , which the diuision and straightnesse of time giueth way vnto . Now that , which length of time could in part worke in the body , the same is entirely done in a moment , by the changing of her manner of Being : for by taking away the bondes , by which she was enthralled in the body , and was kept in , to apprehend but according to the measure of the body , and was constrained to be , and to enioy her selfe ( as it were ) but at the bodies permission ; she is putt in free possession of her selfe , and of all that is in her . And this is nothing else , but to haue that large knowledge , we haue spoken of ▪ for her knowing all that , is no other thing but her being her selfe perfectly . Which will appeare euident , if we consider that her nature is , to be a Knower , and that knowledge is nothing else but a Being of the obiect in the Knower ; for thence it followeth , that to know all thinges is naught else then to be all thinges : since then , we concluded by our former discourse , that all thinges were to be gathered out of any one ; it is cleare that to be perfectly her selfe , and any one thing , is in truth to know all thinges . And thus we see , that for the soules enioying all this knowledge when she is out of the body , she needeth no obiects without her , no phantasmes , no instruments , no helpes ; but that all that is requisite , is cōtained absolutely in her being her selfe perfectly . And so we retort our Aduersaries obiection on themselues ; by representing to them , that since in their owne doctrine , they require no body nor instruments , for that precise action which they call vnderstanding : it is without all ground , for them to require bodies and instruments in the next life , that the soule may there be that , which , they acnowledge she is in her body without any such helpes . And as for that axiome or experience , that the soule doth not vnderstand , vnlesse she speculate phantasmes : as on the one side I yield to it , and confesse the experience , after the best and seriousest tryall I could make of it ; so on the other side , when I examine the matter to the bottome , I find that it cometh not home to our aduersaries intention . For as when we looke vpon a thing , we conceiue we worke vpon that thing , whereas in truth we do but sett our selues in such a position that the thing seene may worke vpon vs : in like manner our looking vpon the phantasmes in our braine , is not our soules action vpon them , but it is our letting them beate at our common sense ; that is , our letting them worke vpon our soule . The effect whereof is , that eyther oursoule is bettered in her selfe , as when we study and contemplate : or else , that she bettereth something without vs , as when by this thinking , we order any action . But , if they will haue this Axiome auayle them , they should shew that the soule is not of her selfe a knowledge ; which if they be able to do , euen then when to our thinking , she seemeth not so much as to thinke , we will yield they haue reason : but that will be impossible to them to do ▪ for she is alwayes , of her selfe , a knowledge , though in the body sh●●eu●● expresseth so much , but when she is putt to it . Or else they should sh●w ▪ that this knowledge which the soule is of her selfe , will not by changing the manner of her Existence , become an actuall knowledge , insteed of the habituall knowledge which now appeareth in her . But as these Aristotelians embrace and sticke to one ▪ Axiome of their Patrone ; 9 so they forgoe and preuaricate against an other for as it is Aristotles doctrine , that a substance is for its operation , and were in vaine and superfluous if it could not practise it ; so likewise is it his confessed doctrine , that Matter is for its forme , and not the forme , for the 〈◊〉 . And yet these men pretend that the soule , serueth for nothing 〈…〉 gouerning of the body : whereas contrawise , both all . 〈…〉 doctrine , and common sense conuinceth , that the body must 〈…〉 soule . Which if it be , nothing can be more consentaneous to 〈◊〉 then to conceiue that the durance which the soule hath in the 〈…〉 assigned her , to worke and moulde in her the future state , which 〈…〉 haue after this life : and that no more operations are to be expected from her after this life , but insteed of them , a settled state of Being ; seeing that ▪ euen in this life , according to Aristotles doctrine , the proper operations of the soule are but certaine Beings : so that we may conclude , 〈◊〉 a soule were growne to the perfection , which her nature is capable of the would be nothing else but a constant Being , neuer changing from the happenesse of the best Being . And although the texts of Aristotle which remaine vnto vs , be vncertaine ( peraduenture , not so much because they were originally such ▪ in themselues , as through the mingling of some comments into the body of the text ; ) yet if we had his booke which he wrote of the soule vpon the death of his frend Eudemus , it is very likely we should there see his euident assertion of her Immortality ; since it had beene very impertinent to take occasion vpon a frends death to write of the soule , if he intended to conclude , that of a dead man there were no soule . Out of this discourse it appeareth , 10 how those actions which we exercise in this life , are to be vnderstood , when we heare them attributed to the next : for to think that they are to be taken in their direct plaine meaning and in that way , in which they are performed in this world ; were a great simplicity , and were to imagine a likenesse betweene bodies and spirits . We must therefore eleuate our mindes , when we would penetrate into the true meaning of such expressions , and consider how all the actions of our soule are eminently comprehended in the vniuersality of knowledge we haue already explicated . And so , the Apprehensions , iudgements , discourses , reflections , talkings together , and all other such actions of ours , when they are attributed to separated soules , are but inadaequate names and representations of their instantaneall sight of all thinges , for , in that , they can not choose , but see others mindes , which is that we call talking ; and likewise their owne ▪ which we call reflexion : the rest are plaine partes , and are plainely contained in knowledge ; discourse being but the falling into it ; iudgement the principles of it ; and single apprehensions the cōponents of iudgements : then for such actions as are the beginning of operatiō , there can be no doubt but that they are likewise to be found , and are resumed , in the same Vniuersality ; as , loue of good , consultation , resolution , prudentiall election , and the first motion ; for who knoweth all thinges , can not choose but know what is good , and that good , is to be prosecuted : and who seeth completely all the meanes of effecting and attaining to his intended good ; hath already consulted and resolued of the best : and who vnderstandeth perfectly the matter he is to worke vpon , hath already made his prudentiall election : so that there remaineth nothing more to be done , but to giue the first impulse . And thus you see , that this vniuersality of knowledge in the soule , comprehendeth all , 11 is all , performeth all ; and no imaginable good or happinesse , is out of her reach . A noble creature , and not to be cast away vpon such trash as most men employ their thoughts in . Vpon whom it is now time to reflect ; and to consider , what effects the diuers manners of liuing in this world , do worke vpon her in the next ; if first we acquitt ourselues of a promise we made at the end of the last Chapter . For it being now amply declared , that the state of a soule exempted from her body , is a state of pure being ; it followeth manifestly , that there is neyther Action nor Passion in that state : which being so , it is beyond all opposition that the soule can not dye : for it is euident that all corruption , must come from the action of an other thing , vpon that which is corrupted ; and therefore that thing must be capable of being made better and of being made worse . Now then , if a separated soule be in a finall state , where she can neyther be bettered , or worsened , ( as she must be , if she be such a thing , as we haue declared ) it followeth that she can not possibly loose the Being which she hath : and sithence her passage out of the body , doth not change her nature , but only her state ; it is cleare , that she is of the same nature , euen in the body : though in this her durance , she be subiect to be forged ( as it were ) by the hammers of corporeall obiects beating vpon her ; yet so , that of her selfe she still is what she is . And therefore as soone as she is out of the passible oore , in which she suffereth by reason of that oore , she presently becometh impassible , as being purely of her owne nature , a fixed substance , that is , a pure Being . Both which states of the soule , may in some sort be adūbrated by what we see passeth in the coppelling of a fixed mettall ; for as long as any lead , or drosse , or allay remaineth with it , it continueth melted , flowing , and in motion vnder the muffle : but as soone as they are parted from it , and that it is become pure , without any mixture , and singly it selfe , it contracteth it selfe to a narrower roome , and at that very instant , ceaseth from all motion , groweth hard , permanent , resistent vnto all operations of fire , and suffereth no change or diminution in its substance by any outward violence we can vse vnto it . THE ELEVENTH CHAPTER . Shewing what effects , the diuers manners of liuing in this world , do cause in a soule , after she is separated from her body . ONe thing , 1 may peraduenture seeme of hard digestion in our past discourse ; and it is , that out of the groundes we haue layed , it seemeth to follow that all soules will haue an equality ; since we haue concluded , that the greatest shall see or know no more then the least : and indeed , there appeareth no cause why this great and noble creature , should lye imprisoned in the obscure dungeon of noysome flesh ; if in the first instant , in which it hath its first knowledge , it hath then already gained all whatsoeuer it is capable of gaining in the whole progresse of a long life afterwardes . Truly , the Platonike Philosophers ( who are persuaded that a humane soule doth not profitt in this life , nor that she acquired any knowledge here ; as being of her selfe completely perfect ; and that all our discourses , are but her remembringes of what she had forgotten ) will find themselues ill bestedd to render a Philosophicall and sufficient cause of her being locked into a body : for to putt forgettfulnesse in a pure spiritt ; so palpable an effect of corporeity , and so great a corruption , in respect of a creature whose nature is , to know of it selfe , is an vnsufferable errour . Besides , when they tell vs , that she can not be changed , because all change would preiudice the spirituall nature , which they attribute to her ; but that well she may be warned and excitated by being in a body ; they meerely trifle : for eyther there is some true mutation made in her by that which they call a warning , or there is not ; if there be not , how becometh it a warning to her ? Or what is it more to her then if a straw were wagged at the Antipodes ? But if there be some mutation ( be it neuer so litle ) made in her by a corporeall motion ; what should hinder , why she may not by meanes of her body , attaine vnto science she neuer had ; as well as by it receiue any the least intrinsecall mutation whatsoeuer ? For if once we admitt any mutability in her from any corporeall motion , it is farre more conformable vnto reason to suppose it in regard of that which is her naturall perfection , and of that , which by her operations we see she hath immediately after such corporeall motions , and whereof before them there appeared in her no markes at all ; then to suppose it in regard of a darke intimation , of which we neyther know , it is nor how it is performed . Surely , no Rationall Philosopher seeing a thing , whose nature is to know , haue a being , whereas formerly it existed not ; and obseruing , how that thing by little and little giueth signes of more and more knowledge , can doubt but that as she could be changed from not being to being ; so , may she likewise be changed from lesse knowing , to more knowing . 2 This then being irrefragably settled , that in the body she doth encrease in knowledge : lett vs come to our difficulty and examine what this encrease in the body auaileth her ; seeing that as soone as she parteth from it , she shall of her owne nature enioy , and be replenished with the knowledge of all thinges : why should she laboriously striue to anticipate the getting of a few droppes , which but encrease her thirst and anxiety ; when hauing but a litle patience , she shall at one full and euerlasting draught drinke vp the whole sea of it ? We know that the soule is a thing , made proportionably to the making of its body ; seeing , it is the bodies compartener : and we haue concluded , that whiles it is in the body , it acquireth perfection in that way , which the nature of it is capable of ; that is , in knowledge : as the body acquireth perfection its way ; which is , in strēgth and agility . Now then , lett vs cōpare the proceedinges of the one , with those of the other substance ; and peraduenture we may gaine some light , to discerne what aduantage it may proue vnto a soule , to remaine long in its body , if it make right vse of its dwelling there . Lett vs cōsider the body of a man , well and exactly shaped in all his members ; yet , if he neuer vse care , nor paines to exercise those well framed limbes of his ; he will want much of those corporeall perfections , which others will haue , who employ them sedulously . Though his legges , armes , and handes , be of an exact symmetry ; yet he will not be able to runne , to wrestle , or to throw a dart , with those who labour to perfect themselues in such exercises : though his fingers be neuer so neately moulded or composed to all aduantages of quicke and smart motion ; yet if he neuer learned and practised on the lute , he will not be able with them to make any musike vpon that instrument , euen after he seeth plainely , and comprehendeth fully all that the cunningest Lutenist doth ; nether will he be able to playe , as he doth with his fingers , which of themselues are peraduenture lesse apt for those voluble motions then his are . That which maketh a man dexterous in any of these artes , or in any other operations proper to any of the partes or limbes of his body , is the often repetitions of the same actes ; which do amend , and perfect those limbes in their motions , and which make them fitt and ready for the actions they are designed vnto . In the same manner it fareth with the soule ; who●e essence is that which she knoweth : her seuerall knowledges may be compared , to armes , handes , fingers , legges , thighes , &c , in a body : and all her knowledges taken together , do compose ( as I may say ) and make her vp , what she is . Now , those limbes of hers , though they be , when they are at the worst , entire , and well shaped in bulke ( to vse the comparison of bodies ; ) yt they are susceptible of further perfection , as our corporeall limbes ae , by often and orderly vsage of them . When we iterate our acts of our vnderstanding any obiect , the second act is of the same nature , as she first , the third , as the second , and so , of the rest : euery one of which perfecteth the vnderstanding of that thing , and of all that dependeth vpon the knowledge of it , and maketh it become more vigorous and strong ; euen the often throwing of a boule at the same marke , begetteth still more and more strength and iustnesse in the arme that deliuereth it : for , it can not be denyed but that the same cause which maketh any thing , must of necessity perfect and strengthen it , by repeating its force and stroakes . We may then conclude that the knowledge of our soule , ( which is indeed her selfe ) will be in the next life more perfect and strong , or more slacke and weake , according as in this life she hath often and vigorously , or faintly and seldome , busied her selfe about those thinges which begett such knowledge . Now those thinges which men bestow their paines to know , 3 we see are of two kindes : for some thirst after the knowledge of nature , and of the variety of thinges , which eyther their senses , or their discourse , tell them of : but others looke no higher then to haue an insight into humane action , or to gaine skill in some art , whereby they may acquire meanes to liue . These later curiosities , are but of particulars ; that is , of some one , or few species , or kindes , whose common that comprehendeth them , falleth within the reach of euery vulgar capacity ; and consequently , the thinges which depend vpon them , are low , meane , and contemptible : whereas , the beauty , vastnesse , and excellency of the others , is so much beyond them , as they can be brought into no proportion to one an other . Now then , if we consider , what aduantage the one sort of these men , will in the next world haue ouer the other ; we shall find , that they who spend their life here in the study and contemplation of the first noble obiects , will , in the next , haue their vniuersall knowledge ( that is their soule ) strong and perfect : whiles the others , that played away their thoughts and time vpon trifles , and seldome raysed their , mindes aboue the pitch of sense , will be fainte through their former laizinesse , like bodies benummed with the palsey , and sickely through their ill dyett ; as when a well shaped virgin , that hauing fed vpon trash insteed of nourishing meates , languisheth vnder a wearisome burthen of the greene sickenesse . To make this point yet more cleare , 4 we may consider how the thinges which we gaine knowledge of , do affect vs vnder the title of good and conuenient , in two seuerall manners . The one is , when the appearance of good , in the abstracted nature of it , and after examination of all circumstances , carryeth our hart to the desire of the thing , that appeareth so vnto vs : the other is ▪ when the semblance of good to our owne particular persons without casting any further , or questioning whether any other regard may not make it preiudiciall , doth cause in vs a longing for the thing wherein such semblance shineth . Now , for the most part the knowledges which spring out of the later obiects , are more cultiuated by vs , then those which arise out of the other ; partly by reason of their frequēt occurring , eyther through necessity , or through iudgement ; and partly , by the addition which passion giueth to the impressions they make vpon vs : for passion multiplyeth the thoughts of such thinges , more then of any others , if reason do not crosse and suppresse her tumultuary motions , which in most men , she doth not . The soules then of such persons , as giuing way to their passion , do in this life busie themselues about such thinges as appeare good to their owne persons , and cast no further , must needes decede from their bodies , vnequally builded , ( if that expression may be permitted me ; ) and will be like a lame vnwieldy body , in which the principall limbes are not able to gouerne and moue the others ; because those principall ones are fainte , through want of spirits and exercise ; and the others are ouergrowne with hidropicall and nociue humours . The reason whereof is that in such soules their iudgements will be disproportioned to one an other , one of them being vnduely stronger then the other . What effect this worketh in regard of knowledge , we haue already declared , and no lesse will it haue in respect of action : for suppose two iudgements to be vnequall , and such , as in the action one contradicteth the other ; for example , lett one of my iudgements be , that it is good for me to eate because I am hungry ; and lett the other be , that it is good for me to study , because I am shortly to giue an account of my selfe : if the one iudgement be stronger then the other , as if that of eating be stronger then that of studying ; it importeth not that there be more reason ( all circumstances considered ) for studying : because , reasons , do moue to action according to the measure in which the resolution that is taken vpon them , is strong or weake ; and therefore , my action will follow the strongest iudgement , and I shall leaue my booke to goe to my dinner . Now , to apply this to the state of a separated soule ; we are to remember how the spirituall iudgements , which she collected in the body , do remaine in her after she is diuested of it : and likewise , we are to consider , how all her proceeding in that state , is built , not vpon passion , or any bodily causes or dispositions ; but meerely vpon the quality and force of those spirituall iudgements : and then , it euidently followeth , that if there were any such action in the next life , the pure soule would apply it selfe therevnto , according to the proportion of her iudgements , and as they are graduated and qualifyed . It is true , there is no such action remaining in the next life ; yet neuerthelesse there remaineth in the soule a disposition and a promptitude to such action : and if we will frame a right apprehension of a separated soule , we must conceite her to be of such a nature ( for then all is nature with her , as hereafter we shall discourse , ) as if she were a thing made for action in that proportion and efficacity , which the quartering of her by this variety of iudgements doth afford ; that is that she is , so much the more fitt for one action then for an other , ( were she to proceed to action , ) as the iudgement of the goodnesse of one of these actions is stronger in her , then the iudgement of the others goodnesse , which is in effect , by how much the one is more cultiuated then the other . And out of this we may conclude , that what motions do follow in a man , out of discourse , the like will in a separated soule , follow out of her spirituall iudgements . So that as he is ioyed , if he do possesse his desired good ; and is discontented and displeased , if he misse of it ; and seizeth greedily vpon it when it is present to him , and then cleaueth fast vnto it , and whiles he wanteth it , no other good affecteth him , but he is still longing after that Masterwish of his heart : the like in euery regard , but much more vehemently , befalleth vnto a separated soule . So that in fine she will be happy , or miserable , according as she hath built vp her selfe , by her spirituall iudgements and affections in this life . If knowledge , and intellectuall obiects be the goods she thirsteth after , what can be happier then she , when she possesseth the fullnesse of all that can be desired in that kind ? But if in this world a man settleth his hart cōstantly vpon any transito●y end ; as vpon wealth , corporeall delights , honour , power , and the like , ( which are too short breathed attendants to follow him so long a iourney as into the next ; ) then , all the powe● of his soule , euen after she hath left her body , will be still longing after that deare Idoll of her affections ; and for the want of it , she will not value the great knowledge she shall then be imbued withall , nor care for any other good she possesseth like a man who being sorrounded , with a full sea , and swolne tide of all specious obiects that may please and delight him , hath by vnlucky chance suffered his violent affections , and his impotent desires to be entangled in some meane loue , that eyther neglecteth him , or he is hindered from enioying ; and thereby , that litle droppe of gall , or rather that priuation of a meane contentment ( which truly in it selfe , is nothing ) infecteth and poisoneth the whole draught of happynesse that but for this , would swell him vp to the height of his wishes . But no comparisons of sorrowes , 5 or anguishes in this life ( where our earthy dwelling doth so clogge , and allay , and dull the sense of our soule , which only feeleth and relisheth eyther delight or woe ) can arriue to shadow out the misery of a separated soule so affected ; whose straines are so excessiuely vehement , and whose nature is a pure actiuity , and her selfe , all sense , all knowledge . It is true , I confesse that in a man , such motions do in part proceed from passion : and therefore , I will allow , that so much of them , as haue their origine meerely and only fromthence , shall dye with the body , and shall not haue made any impression in the separated soule : but besides the streame of passion we may in such motions obserue also , the worke of reason , for she , both approueth and employeth her powers , to compasse and gaine what the other presenteth ; and by legitimate discourse , draweth consequences out of that principle or iudgement , which maketh the byas , it then leaneth vnto : and these , are vndenyable effects of a spirituall iudgement settled in the soule . And therefore , as farre as these motions proceed from spirituall iudgements , so farre , it is cleare they must remaine in the separated soule . Peraduenture , what I haue said , may be lyable to a mistake ; as though I conceiued that these spirituall iudgements are made in the soule according to right reason , and to legitimate discourse : whereas , I meane nothing lesse ; but esteeming an ouerstrong iudgement in the seperated soule , to be proportionable vnto a passion in the body ; I conceite that as passion settleth reason on worke to find out meanes , whereby she may arriue vnto her endes ; so in like manner , may this iudgement sett reason on floate , with those actes whi●h follow consequently vpon it ( though inconsequent to the whole body of reason : ) because the disorder there , is , in the excesse of this iudgemēt ouer others , whose force ( according to nature ) ought to be greater then it . So that , if we would frame a conception of a disordered soule , when it is out of the body ; we may imagine it correspondent to a body , whose one part were bigger then could stand in proportion with an other : as , if the hand ( to vse the example we brought before ) were greater then the arme could manage , or the foote were larger and heauyer , then the legge and thigh could wield : vnto which adde that euery part were actiue and working of it selfe ; so as , though it could not be gouerned , yet would it continually haue its owne operation , which would be contrary to the operation of the arme , or of the legge , and consequently , it would euer be tending to incompossible operations : and by that meanes , both one member would alwayes disagree from the other , and neyther of them attaine any effect at all ; not vnlike to the fansie of the Poets , who fained a monster , which they termed Scylla , whose inferiour partes , were a company of dogges , euer snarling and quarrelling among themselues ; and yet were vnseuerable from one an other , as being compartes of the same substance . But to declare this important doctrine more dogmatically ; lett vs consider that of necessity a disordered soule hath these following iudgements settled in her . Namely , that she is not well ; that she can not be well without her desired good ; that it is impossible for her to compasse that good ; and lastly , that this state she is in , is by all meanes possible to be auoyded ; not , by changing her iudgement ( for that is her selfe ) but by procuring the satisfaction she desireth ; and this with all the power , and totall inclination of her actiuity and possibility . This then , being the temper of a disordered separated soule , it is easy to conceiue , what a sad condition such an one remaineth then in ; which is infinitely more , then any affliction that can happen to a man in this world : for since , euen here , all our ioyes , and griefes , do proceed from our soule ; we must needes allow , that when she shall be free from the burthen of her body ( which doth exceedingly impeach , and limitt her operations , and actiuity ) all her actions will be then farre greater and more efficacious . But because this point is of highest consequence , 6 we may not slightly passe it ouer ; but we will endeauour , if we can , to discouer the wonderfull efficacity and force of a separated soules operations ; that from thence we may the better collect , how great her happenesse or misery will be in the next life . Lett vs then consider , how an act or iudgement of the soule , may be more forcible , eyther by it selfe , or by the multiplication of such helpes , as do concurre with it . To beginne with considering the act in it selfe , we know that the certainest way to measure the strength of it , is to take a suruey of the force which sheweth it selfe in its effect : for they being relatiues to one an other , each of them discouereth the others nature . Now , this we will do after our ordinary manner , by comparing the spirituall effects issuing from a iudgement in the soule , to materiall effects proceeding from the operations and motions of bodies . In these we may obserue three thinges , by which we may estimate their efficaciousnesse : some actions dure a longer time ; others , take vp a greater place ; and others againe , worke the like effect in a greater place , and in a shorter time : which last sort , of all others , do proceed from the most powerfull , and most forcible agents . If then in these considerations , we compare a separated soule to a body ; what an infinity of strength and efficacity , will the meanest of those pure substances haue , beyond the most powerfull and actiue body that can be imagined in nature ? For we haue already shewed , how a separated soule comprehendeth at once , all place , and all times : so that , her actiuity requireth no application to place or time ; but , she is , of her selfe , mistresse of both , comprehending all quantity whatsoeuer , in an indiuisible apprehension ; and ranking all the partes of motion , in their complete order ; and knowing at once , what is to happen in euery one of them . On the other side ; an incorporated soule , by reason of her being confined to the vse of her senses , can looke vpon but one single definite place , or time , at once ; and needeth a long chaine of many discourses , to comprehend all the circumstances of any one action : and yet after all , how short she is of comprehending all ? So that comparing the one of these with the other , it is euident , that in respect of time and place ; and in respect of any one singular action ; the proportion of a separated soule , to one in the body , is as all time , or all place , in respect of any one piece , or least parcell of them ; or as the entire absolute comprehender of all time and all place , is to the discouerer of a small measure of them . For whatsoeuer a soule willeth in that state , she willeth it for the whole extent of her duration ; because she is then out of the state or capacity of changing : and wisheth for whatsoeuer she wisheth , as for her absolute good ; and therefore employeth the whole force of her iudgement , vpon euery particular wish . Likewise the eminency which a separated soule hath ouer place , is also then entirely employed vpon euery particular wish of hers ; since in that state there is no variety of place left vnto her , to wish for such good in one place , and to refuse it in an other ; as , whiles she is in the body happeneth to euery thing she desireth . Wherefore , whatsoeuer she then wisheth for , she wisheth for it according to her comparison vnto place : that is to say ; that as such a soule hath a power to worke at the same time in all place by the absolute comprehension , which she hath of place in abstract : so euery wish of that soule , if it were concerning a thing to be made in place , were able to make it in all places ; through the excessiue force and efficacy which she employeth vpon euery particular wish . The third effect by which among bodies we gather the vigour , and energy of the cause that produceth it , ( to witt , the doing of the like action , in a lesser time , and in a larger extent , ) is but a combination of the two former : and therefore , it requireth no further particular insistance vpon it , to shew , that likewise in this , the proportion of a separated to an incorporated soule , must needes be the selfe same as in the others ; seeing that a separated soules actiuity , is vpon all place in an indiuisible of time . Therefore , to shutt vp this point ; there remaineth only for vs to consider , what addition may be made vnto the efficacity of a iudgement , by the concurrence of other extrinsecall helpes . We see that when an vnderstanding man will settle any iudgement , or conclusion in his mind , he weigheth throughly all that followeth out of such a iudgement ; and considereth likewise all the antecedents that lead him vnto it : and if after due reflection , and examination , of whatsoeuer concerneth that conclusion , which he is establishing in his mind , he findeth nothing to crosse it , but that euery particular and circumstance goeth smoothly along with it , and strengtheneth it ; he is then satisfyed , and quiett in his thoughts , and yieldeth a full assent therevnto : which assent is the stronger , by how many the more concurrent testimonyes he hath for it . And although he should haue a perfect demonstration or sight of the thing in it selfe , yet euery one of the other extrinsecall proofes , being as it were a new persuasion , hath in it a further vigour to strengthen and content his mind in the forehad demonstration : for , if euery one of these be in it selfe sufficient to make the thing euident ; it can not happen that any one of them , should hinder the others : but contrariwise , euery one of them , must needes coucurre with all the rest , to the effectuall quieting of his vnderstanding , in its assent , to that iudgement . Now then , according to this rate , lett vs calculate , ( if we can ) what concurrence of proofes and wittnesses a separated soule will haue to settle and strengthen her in euery one of her iudgemēts . We know , that all verities are chained , and connected one to an other ; and that there is no true conclusion so farre remote from any other , but may by more , or lesse consequences and discourses , be deduced euidently out of it : it followeth then that in the abstracted soule , where all such consequences are ready drawne , and seene in themselues without extension of time , or employing of paines to collect them ▪ euery particular verity , beareth testimony to any other : so that euery one of them is beleeued , and worketh in the force and vertue of all . Out of which it is manifest , that euery iudgement in such a separated soule , hath an infinite strength and efficacity ouer any made by an embodyed one . To summe all vp in a few wordes : we find three rootes of infinity in euery action of a separated soule , in respect of one in the body : first , the freedome of her essence or substance in it selfe : next , that quality of hers , by which she comprehendeth place and time ; that is , all permanent and successiue quantity : and lastly , the concurrence of infinite knowledges to euery action of hers . Hauing then this measure in our handes , lett vs apply it to a well ordered , and to a disordered soule passing out of this world : lett vs consider the one of them , sett vpon those goodes , which she shall there haue present and shall fully enioy : the other , languishing after , and pining away for those , which are impossible for her euer to obtaine . What ioy , what content , what exultation of mind , in any liuing man , can be conceiued so great , as to be compared with the happinesse of one of these soules ? And what griefe , what discontent , what misery , can be like the others ? These are the different effects , 7 which the diuers manners of liuing in this world , do cause in soules after they are deliuered from their bodies : out of which , and out of the discourse that hath discouered these effects vnto vs , we see a cleare resolution of that so maine and agitated question among the Philosophers , why a rationall soule is imprisoned in a grosse body of flesh and bloud ? In truth , the question is an illegitimate one ; as supposing a false ground : for , the soules being in the body , is not an imprisonnement of a thing that was existent before the soule and body mett together ; but her being there , is the naturall course of beginning that , which can no other way come into the listes of nature : for should a soule , by the course of nature , obtaine her first being without a body , eyther she would in the first instant of her being , be perfect in knowledge , or she would not : if she were , then would she be a perfect and complete immateriall substance , not a soule ; whose nature is to be a compartner to the body , and to acquire her perfection by the mediation and seruice of corporeall senses : but if she were not perfect in science , but were only a capacity therevnto , and like vnto white paper , in which nothing were yet w●●tten ; then , vnlesse she were putt in a body , she could neuer arriue to know any thing , because motion and alteration are effects peculiar to bodies : therefore , it must be agreed , that she is naturally designed to be in a body : but her being in a body , is her being one thing with the body , she is said to be in : and so she is one part of a whole , which from its weaker part is determined to be a body . Againe , seeing that the matter of any thing , is to be prepared , before the end is prepared , for which that matter is to serue ; according to that Axiome , Quod est primum in intentione , est vltimum in executione : we may not deny , but that the body is in being , some time before the soule : or at the least , that it existeth as soone as she doth : and therefore , it appeareth wholy vnreasonable , to say , that the soule was first made out of the body , and was afterwardes thrust into it ; seeing that the body was prepared for the soule before , or at the least , as soone as she had any beginning : and so we may conclude , that of necessity the soule must be begunne , layed , hatched , and perfected in the body . And although it be true , that such soules , as are separated from their bodies , in the first instant of their being there , are notwithstanding imbued with the knowledge of all thinges ; yet is not their longer abode therein vaine : not only , because thereby the species is multiplyed ; ( for nature is not content with barely doing that , without addition of some good to the soule it selfe ) but as well for the wonderfull , and I may say infinite aduantage , that may thereby accrew to the soule , if she make right vse of it : for , as any act of the abstracted soule is infinite , in comparison of the acts which men exercise in this life , ( according to what we haue already shewed ) so by consequence , must any encrease of it , be likewise infinite : and therefore we may conclude , that a long life well spent , is the greatest and most excellent guift , which nature can bestow vpon a man. The vnwary reader may perhapps haue difficulty , at our often repeating of the infelicity of a miserable soule ; 8 since we say , that it proceedeth out of the iudgements , she had formerly made in this life ; which without all doubt were false ones : and neuerthelesse , it is euident , that no false iudgements , can remaine in a soule , after she is separated from her body ; as we haue aboue determined . How then can a soules iudgements , be the cause of her misery ? But the more heedefull reader , will haue noted , that the misery which we putt in a soule , proceedeth out of the inequality , not out of the falsity , of her iudgements : for if a man be inclined to a lesser good , more then to a greater , he will in action betake himselfe to the lesser good , and desert the greater , ( wherein , neyther iudgemēt is false , nor eyther inclination is naught ) meerely out of the improportion of the two inclinations or iudgements to their obiects : for that a soule may be duely ordered , and in a state of being well , she must haue a lesser inclination to a lesse good , and a greater inclination to a greater good : and in pure spirits , these inclinations are nothing else , but the strength of their iudgements : which iudgements in soules , whiles they are in their bodies , are made by the repetition of more acts from stronger causes , or in more fauourable circumstances . And so it appeareth , how without any falsity in any iudgement , a soule may become miserable , by her conuersation in this world ; where all her inclinations generally are good , vnlesse the disproportion of them , do make them bad . THE TWELFTH CHAPTER . Of the perseuerance of a soule , in the state she findeth her selfe in , at her first separation from her body . THus we haue brought mans soule , 1 out of the body she liued in here , and by which she conuersed , and had commerce with the other partes of this world : and we haue assigned her , her first array and stole , with which she may be seene in the next world : so that now there remaineth only for vs to consider , what shall betide her afterwardes ; and whether any change may happen to her , and be made in her , after the first instant of her being a pure spiritt , separated from all consortshippe with materiall substances . To determine this point the more clearely , lett vs call to minde , an axiome that Aristotle giueth vs in his logike ; which teacheth vs , That as it is true , if the effect be , there is a cause ; so likewise it is most true , that if the cause be in act , or causing , the effect must also be . Which Axiome may be vnderstood two wayes : the one , that if the cause hath its effect , then the effect also is : and this is no great mystery ; or for it , are any thankes due to the teacher ; it being but a repetition , and saying ouer againe of the same thing . The other way is , that if the cause be perfect in the nature of being a cause , then the effect is : which is as much as to say , that if nothing be wāting to the cause , abstracting precisely from the effect ; then neyther is the effect wanting . And this is the meaning of Aristotles Axiome : of the truth and euidence whereof in this sense , if any man should make the least doubt , it were easy to euince it : as thus ; if nothing be wanting but the effect , and yet the effect doth not immediately follow , it must needes be , that it can not follow at all ; for if it can , and doth not , then something more must be done to make it follow : which is against the supposition , that nothing was wanting but the effect ; for that which is to be done , was wanting . To say , it will follow without any change , is senselesse : for if it follow without change , it followeth out of this , which is already putt : but if it do follow out of this which is precisely putt , then it followeth , against the supposition , which was , that it did not follow although this were putt . This then being euident , 2 lett vs apply it to our purpose ; and lett vs putt three or more thinges , namely A. B. C. and D : whereof none can worke otherwise , then in an instant or indiuisibly : and I say , that whatsoeuer these foure thinges are able to do , without respect to any other thing besides them , is completely done in the first instant of their being putt : and if they remayne for all eternity , without communication or respect to any other thing , there shall neuer be any innouation in any of them , or any further working among them : but they will alwayes remayne immutable , in the same state they were in , at the very first instant of their being putt : for whatsoeuer A can doe , in the first instant , is in that first instant actually done ; because he worketh indiuisibly : and what can be done precisely by A , and by his action ioyned to B ; doth precisely follow out of A , and his action , and out of B , and his action , if B haue any action independent of A : and because all these are in the same instant , whatsoeuer followeth precisely out of these , and out of any thing else that is in the same instant , and that worketh indiuisibly as they do ; is necessarily done in that very instant : but all the actions of C and D , and of whatsoeuer by reflection from them may be done by A and B , being all of them indiuisible , and following precisely out of some of the forenamed actions ; they do follow out of thinges being in this instant : and because they are indiuisible , they may be in this instant : and therefore , all is done in this instant . Now , supposing all to be done that can be done by them in this instant ; and that nothing can follow from them , vnlesse it follow precisely out of what is in this instant ; and that it is all indiuisible : it followeth clearely , that whatsoeuer ( concerning them ) is not in this instant , can neuer be . 3 These two conclusions being thus demonstrated ; lett vs in the next place determine , how all actions of pure spirits , which haue no respect to bodies , must of necessity be indiuisible ; that is , must include no continuate succession : by which , I meane such a succession , as may be deuided into partes without end : for if we looke well into it , we shall find , that a continuate succession can not be a thing , which hath in it selfe a Being : and the reason is , because the essence of such a succession , consisteth in hauing some of its partes already passed , and others of them yet to come : but on the other side , it is euident , that no such thing can be , whose essentiall ingredients are not it selfe : and therefore it followeth euidently , that such a thing as we call succession , can haue no being in it selfe : seeing that one essentiall part of it , neuer is with the other : therefore , such a succession , must haue its being in some permanent thing , which must be diuisible ; for that is essentially required in succession : but permanent diuisibility is that which we call Biggenesse or Quantity ; from which pure spirits are free : and therefore , it is most euident , that all their actions in respect of themselues , are absolutely indiuisible . 4 Now , to make vse of this doctrine to our intent : we say , that since our soule , when it is separated from our body , is a pure spiritt or vnderstanding ; and that all her actions are indiuisible ; and that all actiōs of other spirits vpō her must likewise be such ; and by cōsequence , that there can be no continuate succession of action among them : we must of necessity conclude , that according to the priuate nature of the soule , and according to the common notion of spirituall thinges ; there can be no change made in her , after the first instant of her parting from her body : but , what happinesse or misery betideth her in that instant , continueth with her for all eternity . Yet is it not my mind to say , that by the course of the vniuersall resolutions , from which she is not wholy exempt , and from supernaturall administration of corporeall thinges , there may not result some change in her . But the consideration of that matter , I remitt to those treatises , vnto which it belongeth ; as not depending , nor ensuing from the particular nature of the soule : and therefore , not falling vnder our discussion in this place . This same conclusion may be proued by an other argument , besides this which we haue now vsed : and it is this . Whatsoeuer worketh purely by vnderstanding and minde , can not be changed in its operations , vnlesse its vnderstanding or minde be altered : but this can not happen , vnlesse eyther it learne somewhat , it knew not before ; or forgetting a foreknowne truth , it beginne afterwardes to thinke a falsity . This second part , is impossible , as we haue already shewed , when we proued that falsehood could haue no admittance into a separated soule : and the former is as impossible ; it being likewise proued , that at her first instant of her separation , she knoweth all thinges : wherefore , we may hence confidently conclude , that no change of minde , ( that is no change at all ) can happen to an abstracted soule . And thus , 5 by discourse , we may arriue , to quitt ourselues easily of that famous obiection , so much pestering Christian Religion ; how God , can in iustice impose eternall paines vpon a soule , for one sinne , acted in a short space of time . For we see , it followeth by the necessary course of nature , that if a man dye in a disorderly affection to any thing , as to his chiefe good , he eternally remaineth by the necessity of his owne nature , in the same affection : and there is no imparity , that to eternall sinne , there should be imposed eternall punishment . THE CONCLVSION . AND now I hope , I may confidently say , I haue beene as good as my word : and I doubt not , but my Reader will finde it so , if he spend but halfe as much time in perusing these two treatises , as the composing them hath cost me . They are too nice ( and indeede , vnreasonable ) who expect to attaine without paines , vnto that , which hath cost others yeares of toyle . Lett them remember the wordes of holy Iob , that wisedome is not found in the land of those , that liue at their ease . Lett them cast their eyes on every side round about them , and then tell me , if they meete with any employment , that may be compared to the attaining vnto these , and such like principles ; whereby a man is enabled to gouerne himselfe vnderstandingly and knowingly , towards the happinesse , both of the next life and of this ; and to comprehend the wisemans theme ; what is good for a man in the dayes of his vanity , whiles he playeth the stranger vnder the sunne . Lett vs feare Gods Iudgements . Lett vs carefully pursue the hidden bounties , he hath treasured vp for vs. Lett vs thanke him for the knowledge he hath giuen vs : and admire the excellency of Christian Religion ; which so plainely teacheth vs that , vnto which it is so extreme hard to arriue by natural meanes . Lett vs blesse him , that we are borne vnto it . And lett vs sing to him ; That it is he , who preacheth his doctrine to Iacob , and giueth his lawes to Israël . He hath not done the like to all nations ; nor hath he manifested his secret truthes vnto them . BVT before I cutt of this thridde , which hath cost me so much paines to spinne out to this Length ; I must craue my Readers leaue , to make some vse of it , for my owne behoofe . Hitherto my discourse hath beene directed to him : now I shall entreate his patience , that I may reflect it in a word or two vpon my selfe . And as I am sure I haue profited my selfe not a litle , by talking all this while to him , that obliging me to polish my conceptions with more care , and to rang● them into better order , then whiles they were but rude meditations with in my owne brest ; so I hope , that a litle , conuersation with my selfe vpon this important subiect , ( which is to be studied for vse , and practise ; not for speculatiue science ) may prooue aduantagious vnto him ; if his warmed thoughts haue tuned his soule to such a key , as I am sure these considerations haue wound vp mine vnto . To thee then my soule , I now addresse my speech . For since by long debate , and toylesome rowing against the impetuous tydes of ignorance , and false apprehentions , which ouerflow thy bankes , and hurry thee headlong downe the streame , whilest thou art imprisoned in thy clayie mansion ; wee haue with much adoe arriued to ayme art some litle atome of thy vast greatnesse ; and with the hard and tough blowes of strict and wary reasoning , we haue strucken out some few sparkes of that glorious light , which inuironeth and swelleth thee , or rather , which is thee : it is high time , I should retire my selfe out of the turbulent and slippery field of eager strife and litigious disputation , to make my accounts with thee ; where no outward noise may distract vs , nor any way intermeddle betweene vs , excepting only that eternall verity , which by thee shineth vpon my faint and gloomy eyes ; and in which I see , whatsoeuer doth or can content thee in me . I haue discouered , that thou ( my soule ) wilst suruiue me : and so suruiue me , as thou wilst also suruiue the mortality , and changes which belong to me ; and which are but accidentary to thee , meerely because thou art in me . Then shall the vicissitude of time , and the inequality of dispositions in thee , be turned into the constancy of immortality ; and into the euennesse of one being , neuer to end , and neuer to receiue a change , or succession to better or worse . When my eye of contemplation , hath beene fixed vpon this bright sunne , as long as it is able to endure the radiant beames of it ; whose redundant light veyleth the looker on , with a darke mist : lett me turne it for a litle space , vpon the straight passage , and narrow gullet , through which thou striuest ( my soule ) with faint and weary steppes , during thy hazardous voyage vpon the earth , to make thy selfe a way : and lett me examine , what comparison there is , betweene thy two conditions ; the present one , wherein thou now findest thy selfe immersed in flesh and bloud ; and the future state that will betide thee , when thou shalst be melted out of this grosse oore , and refined from this meane alloy . Lett my terme of life , be of a thousand long yeares ; longer then euer happened to our aged forefathers , who stored the earth with their numerous progeny , by out liuing their skill to number the diffused multitudes , that swarmed from their liones : lett me , during this long space , be sole Emperour and absolute Lord , of all the huge globe of land and water , encompassed with Adams offspring : lett all my subiects lye prostrate at my feete , with obedience and awe , distilling their actiuest thoughts , in studying day and night to inuent new pleasures and dilights for me : lett nature conspire with them , to giue me a constant and vigorous health ; a perpetuall spring of youth , that may to the full , relish whatsoeuer good all they can fancy : lett grauest Prelates , and greatest Princes , serue insteed of flatterers to highten my ioyes ; and yet those ioyes , be raysed aboue their power of flattery : lett the wisemen of this vast family ( whose sentiments , are maximes and oracles , to gouerne the worldes beliefes and actions ) esteeme , reuerence , and adore me in the secretest , and the most recluse withdrawings of their hartes : lett all the wealth , which to this very day , hath euer beene torne out of the bowels of the earth ; and all the treasures , which the sea hideth from the view of greedy men , swell round about me ; whilest all the world besides , lyeth gaping to receiue the crummes , that fall neglected by me , from my full loaden table : lett my imagination be as vast , as the vnfathomed Vniuerse ; and lett my felicity be as accomplished , as my imagination can reach vnto ; so that wallowing in pleasure , I bee not able to think how to increase it , or what to wish for more , then that which I possesse and enioy . Thus when my thoughts are at a stand , and can raise my present happinesse no higher ; lett me call to minde , how this long lease of pleasant dayes , will in time come to an end : this bottome of a thousand ioyfull yeares , will att length be vnwound , and nothing remaine of it : and then ( my soule ) thy infinitely longerliued Immortality will succeed ; thy neuer ending date , will beginne a new account , impossible to be summed vp , and beyond all proportion infinitely exceeding the happinesse , we haue rudely aymed to expresse : so that no comparison can be admitted betweene them . For , suppose first that such it were , as the least and shortest of those manifold ioyes , which swell it to that height we haue fancyed , were equall to all the contentment thou shalst enioy in a whole million of yeares ; yet millions of yeares may be so often multiplyed , as att length , the slender and limited contentments supposed in them , may equalyse , and outgoe the whole heape of ouerflowing blisse , raysed so high , in the large extent of these thousand happy yeares . Which when they are cast into a totall summe ; and that I compare it , with the vnmeasurable eternity , which only measureth thee ; then I see , that all this huge product of Algebraicall multiplication , appeareth as nothing , in respect of thy remayning , and neuer ending suruiuance ; and is lesse , then the least point in regard of the immense Vniuerse . But then , if it be true ( as it is most true ) that thy least sparke and moment of reall happinesse , in that blessed eternity thou hopest for , is infinitely greater , and nobler , then the whole masse of fancyed ioyes , of my thousand yeares life here on earth ; how infinitely will the valew of thy duration , exceed all proportion , in regard of the felicity , I had imagined my selfe ? And seing there is no proportion betweene them , lett me sadly reflect vpon my owne present condition : lett me examine what it is , I so busily , and anxiously , employ my thoughts and pretious time vpon : lett me consider my owne courses , and whither they leade me : lett me take a suruay of the liues , and actions , of the greatest part of the world , which make so loude a noise about my eares : and then may I iustly sigh out from the bottome of my anguished hart ; to what purpose haue I hitherto liued ? To what purpose are all these millions of toilesome auntes , that liue and labour about me ? To what purpose were Cesars and Alexanders ? To what purpose Aristotles and Archimedeses ? How miserably foolish are those conquering tyrants , that diuide the world with their lawlesse swords ? What sēselesse idiots those acute Philosophers , who teare mens wittes in pieces , by their different wayes , and subtile Logicke ; striuing to shew men beatitudes in this world , and seeking for that , which if they had found , were but a nothing of a nothing in respect of true beatitude ? He only is truly wise , who neglecting all that flesh and bloud desireth , endeauoreth to purchase att any rate this felicity , which thy suruiuance promiseth : the least degree of which , so farre surmounteth all the heapes , which the gyants of the earth are able to raise , by throwing hils vpon hils , and striwing in vaine to scale and reach those eternities , which reside aboue the skyes . Alas , how fondly doth mankinde suffer it selfe to be deluded ? How true it is , that the only thing necessary , proueth the only thing that is neglected ? Looke vp my soule , and fixe thine eye vpon that truth , which eternall light maketh so cleere vnto thee , shining vpon thy face with so great euidence , as defyeth the noonetyde sunne , in its greatest brightnesse . And this it is , that euery action of thine , be it neuer so slight , is mainely mischieuous ; or be it neuer so bedeckt , with those specious considerations , which the wise men of the world iudge important , is foolish , absurd , and vnworthy of a man ; and vnworthy of one that vnderstandeth , and acknowledgeth thy dignity ; if in it there be any specke ; or if through it , there appeare any sparke of those meane and flatte motiues , which with a false byas , draw any way aside , from attaining that happinesse , we expect in thee . That happinesse , ought to be the end , and marke we leuell att : that , the rule and model of all our actions : that , the measure of euery circumstance , of euery atome , of whatsoeuer we bestow so pretious a thing vpon , as the employment of thee is . But we must not so slightly passe ouer the intensenesse and vehemence of that felicity , which thou ( my soule ) shalt enioy , when thou art seuered from thy benumming compartner . I see euidently , that thou dost not suruiue , a simple and dull essence ; but art replenished with a vast and incomprehensible extent of riches and delight within thy selfe . I see that golden chayne , which here by long discourses , filleth huge volumes of bookes , and diueth into the hidden natures of seuerall bodies ; in thee resumed into one circle or linke , which containeth in it selfe the large scope of whatsoeuer screwing discourse can reach vnto . I see it comprehend , and master the whole world of bodies . I see euery particular nature , as it were embossed out to the life , in thy celestiall garment . I see euery solitary substance ranked in its due place and order , not crushed or thronged by the multitude of its fellowes ; but each of them in its full extent ▪ in the full propriety of euery part and effect of it ; and distinguished into more diuisions , then euer nature seuered it into . In thee I see an infinite multitude enioy place enough . I see , that neither hight , nor profundity , nor longitude , nor latitude , are able to exempt themselues from thy diffused powers : they faddome all ; they comprehend all ; they master all ; they enriche thee with the stock of all ; and thou thy selfe art all , and somewhat more then all ; and yet , now but one of all . I see , that eueryone of this all , in thee encreaseth the strength , by which thou knowest any other of the same all : and all , encreaseth the knowledge of all , by a multiplication beyond the skill of Arithmetike ; being ( in its kind ) absolutely infinite ; by hauing a nature , that is incapable of being eyther infinite or finite . I see againe , that those thinges which haue not knowledge , are situated in the lowest , and meanest ranke of creatures ; and are in no wise comparable to those which know . I see , there is no pleasure att all , no happinesse , no felicity , but by knowledge , and in knowledge . Experience teacheth me , how the purer , and nobler race of mankind , adoreth in their hartes , this idole of knowledge , and scorneth what euer else they seeme to court , and to be fond of . And I see , that this excesse of sea of knowledge which is in thee , groweth not by the succession of one thought after an other ; but is like a full swolne ocean , neuer ebbing on any coast , but equally pushing att all its boundes , and tumbling out its flowing waues on euery syde , and into euery ereche ; so that euery where it maketh high tide . Or like a pure sunne , which from all partes of it , shooteth its radiant beames with a like extremity of violence . And I see likewise , that this admirable knowledge , is not begotten and conserued in thee , by the accidentary helpe of defectiue causes ; but is rooted in thy selfe ; is steeped in thy owne essence , like an vnextinguishable sourse of a perpetually streaming fire ; or like the liuing head of an euerrunning spring ; beholden to none , out of thy selfe , sauing only to thy Almighty Creatour ; and begging of none ; but being in thy selfe all that of which thou shouldest begge . This then ( my soule ) being thy lotte ; and such a hieght of pleasure being reserued for thee ; and such an extremity of felicity , with in a short space attending thee ; can any degenerate thought , euer gaine strength enough , to shake the euidence which these considerations implant and riuett in thee ? Can any dull obliuion deface this so liuely and so beautifull image ? Or can any length of time , draw in thy memory a veyle betweene it , and thy present attention ? Can any peruersity , so distort thy straight eyes , that thou shouldest not looke allwayes fixed vpon this marke ; and leuell thy ayme directly at this white ? How is it possible , that thou canst brooke to liue , and not expire presently , thereby to ingulfe thy selfe , and be throughly imbibed with such an ouerflowing blisse ? Why dost thou not breake the walles and chaynes of thy flesh and bloud , and leape into this glorious liberty ? Here Stoickes , you are to vse your swords . Vpon these considerations , you may iustifie the letting out the bloud , which by your discourses , you seeme so prodigall of . To dye vpon these termes , is not to part with that , which you fondly call a happy life ; feeding your selues , and flattering your hearers with empty words : but rather it is , to plunge yourselues into a felicity , you were neuer able to imagine , or to frame in your misguided thoughts any scantling of . But nature pulleth me by the eare , and warneth me from being so wrongfull to her , as to conceiue , that so wise a gouernesse should to no aduantage , condemne mankinde to so long a bannishment , as the ordinary extent of his dull life , and wearisome pilgrimage here vnder the sunne reacheth vnto . Can we imagine , she would allow him so much laysie time , to effect nothing in ? Or can wee suspect , that she intended him no further aduantage , then what an abortiue child arriueth vnto in his mothers wombe ? For whatsoeuer the nettes and toyles of discourse can circle in ; all that he , who but once knoweth that himselfe is , can attaine vnto as fully , as he that is enriched with the science of all things in the world . For , the connexion of things , is so linked together , that proceeding from any one , you reach the knowledge of many ; and from many , you cannot faile of attaining vnto all : so that a separated soule , which doth but know herselfe , can not choose but know her body too ; and from her body , she cannot misse in proceeding from the causes of them both , as farre as immediate causes do proceede from others ouer them : and as litle can she be ignorant , of all the effects of those causes she reacheth vnto . And thus , all that huge masse of knowledge , and happinesse , which we haue cōsidered in our last reflexion , amounteth to no more , then the seeliest soule buried in warme blood , can and will infallibly attaine vnto , when its time cometh . Wee may then assure our selues , that iust nature hath prouided and designed a greater measure of such felicity for longer liuers : and so much greater , as may well be worth the paines and hazards , of so miserable and tedious a passage , as here ( my soule ) thou strugglest through . For certainely , if the dull percussion , which by natures institution , hammereth out a spirituall soule from grosse flesh and bloud , can atcheiue so wondrous an effect , by such blunt instruments , as are vsed in the contriuing of a man : how can it be imagined , but that fifty or a hundred yeares beating vpon farre more subtile elements , refined in so long a time , as a child is becoming a man , and arriuing to his perfect discourse , must necessarily forge out in such a soule , a strange and admirable excellency , aboue the vnlicked forme of an abortiue embryon ? Surely , those innumerable strokes ( euery one of which maketh a strong impression in the soule , vpon whom they beate ) cannot choose but worke a mighty difference , in the subiect that receiueth them , changing it strangely from the condition it was in , before they begunne to new mould it . What if I should say , the oddes betweene two such soules , may peraduenture be not vnlike the difference , betweene the wittes and iudgements of the subtilest Philosopher that euer was , and of the dullest child or idiote liuing . But this comparison falleth too short by farre : euen so much , that there is no resemblance or proportion betweene the thinges compared : for as the excesse of great numbers ouer one an other , drowneth the excesse of small ones , and maketh it not considerable , in respect of theirs , although they should be in the same proportion ; so the aduantages of a soule , forged to its highest perfection in a mans body , by its long abode there , and by its making right vse of that pretious time allowed it ; must needes , ( in positiue valew , though not in geometricall proportion ) infinitely exceed , when it shall be deliuered out of prison , the aduantages , which the newly hatched soule of an abortiue infant shall acquire , att the breaking of its chaines . In this case , I beleeue no man would be of Cesars mind ; when he wished to be rather the first man in a contemptible poore village , he passed through among the desert mountains , then the second man in Rome . Lett vs suppose , the wealth of the richest man in that barren habitation , to be one hundred Crownes ; and that the next to him in substance , had but halfe as much as he : in like manner , in that opulent citty , the head of the world , where millions were as familiar as pence in other places , lett the excesse of the richest mans wealth , be but ( as in the former ) double ouer his , that cometh next vnto him ; and there you shall find , that if the poorest of the two , be worth fifty millions , the other hath fifty millions more then he : whereas the formers petty treasure , exceedeth his neighbours but by fifty crownes . What proportion is there , in the common estimation of affaires , betweene that triuiall summe , and fifty millions ? Much lesse is there , betweene the excellency of a separated soule , first perfected in its body , and an other that is sett loose into complete liberty , before its body arriued in a naturall course , to be deliuered into this world , and by its eyes to enioy the light of it . The change of euery soule att its separation from the body , to a degree of perfectiō , aboue what it enioyed in the body , is in a manner infinite : and by a like infinite proportion , euery degree of perfection it had in the body , is also then multiplyed : what a vast product then of infinity , must necessarily be raysed , by this multiplying instāt of the soules attaining liberty , in a well moulded soule ; infinitely beyond that perfection , which the soule of an infant dying before it be borne , arriueth vnto ? And yet we haue determined that to be a in manner infinite . Here our skill of Arithmetike and proportions fayleth vs. Here wee find infinite excesse , ouer what we also know to be infinite . How this can be , the feeble eyes of our limited vnderstanding , are too dull to penetrate into : but that it is so , we are sure : the rigour of discourse , conuinceth and necessarily concludeth it . That assureth vs , that since euery impression vpon the soule , whiles it is in its body , maketh a change in it ; were there no others made , but meerely the iterating of those actes , which brought it from ignorance to knowledge ; that soule , vpon which a hundred of those actes had wrought , must haue a hundred degrees of aduantage ouer an other , vpon which only one had beaten ; though by that one , it had acquired perfect knowledge of that thing : and then in the separation , these hundred degrees , being each of them infinitely multiplyed , how infinitely must such a soule exceed in that particular , ( though we know not how ) the knowledge of the other soule ; which though it be perfect in its kind , yet had but one act to forge it out ? When wee arriue to vnderstand the difference of knowledge , betweene the superiour and inferiour rankes of intelligences ; among whome , the lowest knoweth as much as the highest ; and yet the knowledge of the highest , is infinitely more perfect and admirable , then the knowledge of his inferiours : then , and not before , we shall throughly comprehend this mystery . In the meane time , it is enough for vs , that we are sure , that thus it faireth with soules : and that by how much the excellency and perfection of an all knowing and all comprehending soule , deliuered out of the body of a wretched embryon , is aboue the vilenesse of that heauy lumpe of flesh , it lately quitted in his mothers wombe ; euen by so m●●h , and according to the same proportion , must the excellency of a complete soule ( completed in its body ) be in a pitch aboue the adorable maiesty , wisedome , and augustnesse , of the greatest and most admired oracle in the world , liuing embodyed in flesh and bloud . Which as it is in a height , and eminency ouer such an excellent and admirable man , infinitely beyond the excesse of such a man , ouer that seely lumpe of flesh , which composeth the most contemptible idiote or embryon ; so likewise , is the excesse of it , ouer the soule of an abortiue embryon , ( though by the separation , growne neuer so knowing , and neuer so perfect ) infinitely greater , then the dignity and wisedome of such a man , is aboue the feeblenesse and misery of an new animated child . Therefore haue patience my soule : repine not at thy longer stay here in this vale of misery , where thou art banished from those vnspeakable ioyes thou seest att hand before thee ; from which nothing but the fraile walles of rotten flesh seuereth thee . Thou shalst haue an ouerflowing reward for thy enduring and patienting in this thy darkesome prison . Depriue not thy selfe through mischieuous hast , of the great hopes and admirable felicity that attend thee , canst thou but with due temper stay for it . Be content to lett thy stocke lye out awhile at interest ; thy profits will come in vast proportions ; and euery yeare , euery day , euery houre , will pay thee interest vpon interest : and the longer it runneth on , the more it multiplyeth : and in the account thou shalst find , if thou proceedest as thou shouldest , that one moment oftentimes bringeth in a greater encrease vnto thy stocke of treasure , then the many yeares thou didst liue and trade before : and the longer thou liuest , the thicker will these moments arriue vnto thee . In like manner as in Arithmetical numeration , euery addition of the least figure , multiplyeth the whole summe it findeth . Here thou wilst proue how true that rich man sayed , who of his gaines pronounced , that he had gotten litle with great labour , and great summes with litle : so if thou bestowest well thy time , thy latter summes will bring thee in huge accountes of gaine , vpon small expence of paines or employments ; whereas thy first beginnings are toylesome and full of paine , and bring in but slender profitt . ) By this time , my soule , I am sure thou art satisfied , that the excesse of knowledge and of pleasure , which in the next life thou shalt enioy , is vastly beyond any thou art capable of here . But how may wee estimate the iust proportion they haue to one on other ? Or rather is not the pleasure of a separated soule , so infinitely beyond all that can be relished by one embodied here in clay , that there is no proportion betweene them ? At the least , though wee are not able to measure the one , lett vs do our best to ayme and guesse at the improportion betweene them ; and reioyce when wee find that it is beyond our reach to conceiue or imagine any thing , nigh the truth and the huge excesse of thy good ( my soule ) ouer the most I am capable of in this world . It is agreed , that the vehemence and intensenesse of ●hy pleasure , is proportionable to the actiuity , power , and energy of the subiect , which is affected with such pleasure ; and to the grauitation , bent , and greatnesse , that such a subiect hath to the obiect that delighteth it . Now to roue at the force and actiuity , wherewith a separated soule weigheth and striueth to ioyne it selfe , to what its nature carrieth it vnto ; lett vs beginne with considering the proportions of celerity and forciblenesse , wherewith heauy bodies moue downewards . I see a pound weight in one scale of the ballance , weigheth vp the other empty one with great celerity . But if in to that you imagine a million of poundes to be put , you may well conceiue , that this great excesse , would carry vp the single pound weight with so much violence and speede , as would hardly afford your eye liberty to obserue the velocity of the motion . Lett me multiply this million of poundes , by the whole globe of the earth ; by the vast extent of the great orbe , made by the sunnes , or earthes motion about the center of the world ; by the incomprehensibility of that immense store-house of matter and of bodies , which is designed in lumpe by the name of the Vniuerse ; of which we know no more , but that it is beyond all hope of being knowne , during this mortall life . Thus when I haue heaped together a bulke of weight , equall to this vnwieldy machine ; lett me multiply the strength of its velocity , and pressure ouer the least atome imaginable in nature , as farre beyond the limits of grauity , as the ingenious skill , wherewith Archimedes numbred the least graines of sand that would fill the world , can carry it : and when I haue thus wearied my selfe , and exhausted the power of Arithmetike , and of Algebra , I find there is still a proportion betweene that atome and this vnutterable weight : I see it is all quantitatiue ; it is all finite ; and all this excesse vannisheth to nothing , and becommeth inuisible ( like twinkling starres , at the rising of the much brighter sunne ) as soone as the lowest and the meanest substance shineth out of that orbe , where they reside that scorne diuisibilility , and are out of the reach of quantity and matter . How vehement then must the actiuity and energy be , wherewith so puissant a substance shooteth it selfe to its desired obiect ? and when it enioyeth it , how violent must the extasy and transport be , wherewith it is delighted ? How is it possible then for my narrow hart , to frame an apprehension of the infinite excesse of thy pleasure ( my soule ) ouer all the pleasure this limited world can afford , which is all measured by such petty proportions ? How should I stampe a figure of thy immense greatnesse , into my materiall imagination ? Here I loose my power of speaking , because I haue too much to speake of : I must become silent and dumbe , because all the words and language I can vse , expresse not the thousandeth , nor the millioneth part , of what I euidently see to be treu . All I can say is , that whatsoeuer I thinke or imagine , it is not that : and that it is not like any of those things ; vnto some of which vnlesse it be like , it is impossible for me to make any proportion or similitude vnto it . What then shall I do , but lay my selfe downe in mine owne shadow , and there reioyce that thou art a light so great , as I am not able to endure the dazeling splendour of thy rayes : that thy pleasure is so excessiue , as no part of it can enter into my circumscribed hart , without dilating it so wide , that it must breake in sunder : and that thy happinesse is so infinite , as the highest pitch I can hope for to glutt my selfe withall , during this darke night of my tedious pilgrimage here on earth , is to see euidently , that it is impossible for me in this life , to frame any scantling of it ; much lesse , to know how great it is . Shall I then once againe presume to breake out into impatience , at my delay of so great blisse , and crye out , that I am content with the meanest share of this exuberant felicity ? I care not for the exaggerations which a longer life may heape vp vnto it . I am sure here is sufficient to swell my hart beyond it selfe , to satisfie my thirsty soule , to dissolue and melt all my powers ▪ and to transforme me totally into a selfeblessed creature . Away , away all tedious hopes , not only of this life , but euen of all encrease in the next . I will leape bouldly into that fountaine of blisse , and cast my selfe headlong into that sea of felicity ; where I can neither apprehend shallow waters , nor feare I shall be so litle immersed and drowned , as to meete with any shelfe or dry ground , to moderate and stinte my happinesse . A selfe actiuity , and vnbounded extent , and essence free from time and place , assure me sufficiently , that I neede desire no more . Which way soeuer I looke , I loose my sight , in seeing an infinity round about me . Length without pointes : Breadth without Lines : Depth without any surface . All content , all pleasure , all restlesse rest , all an vnquietnesse and transport of delight , all an extasy of fruition . Happy forgetfulnesse , how deepely am I obliged to thee , for making roome for this soule rauishing contemplation , by remouing this whiles all other images of things farre from me ? I would to God thou mightest endure , whiles I endure ; that so I might be drowned in this present thought , and neuer wake againe , but into the enioying , and accompletion of my present enflamed desires . But alas , that may not be . The eternal light whom my soule and I haue chosen for Arbiter , to determine vnto vs what is most expedient for vs , will not permit it . We must returne ; and that into feares and miseries : For as a good life breedeth encrease of happinesse , so doth an euell one , heape vp Iliades of woe . First ( my soule ) before I venture , we should be certaine , that thy parting from this life , waft thee ouer to assured happinesse : For thou well knowest , that there are noxious actions , which depraue and infect the soule , whiles it is forging and moulding here it its body , and tempering for its future being : and if thou shouldest sally hence in such a peruerse disposition , vnhappinesse would betyde thee insteed of thy presumed blisse . I see some men so rauenous after those pleasures , which cannot be enioyed out of the body , that if those impotent desires accompany their soules into eternity , I can not doubt of their enduring an eternity of misery : I can not doubt of their being tormented with such a dire extremity , of vnsatisfyable desire and violent greife , as were able to teare all this world into pieces , were it conuerted into one hart ; and to riue in sunder , any thing lesse then the necessity of contradiction . How high the blisse of a well gouerned soule is aboue all power of quantity , so extreme must the rauenous inclemency , and vulturelike cruelty , be of such an vncompassable desire gnawing eternally vpon the soule ; for the same reason holdeth in both : and which way soeuer the grauitation and desires of a separated soule do carry it , it is hurried on with a like impetuosity and vnlimited actiuity . Lett me then cast an heedfull and wary eye , vpon the actions of the generality of mankind , from whence I may guesse at the weale or woe , of their future state : and if I find that the greatest number weigheth downe in the scale of misery , haue I not reason to feare least my lott should prooue among theirs ? For the greatest part sweepeth along with it euery particular , that hath not some particular reason to exempt it from the generall law . Insteede then of a few that wisely settle their hartes on legitimate desires , what multitudes of wretched men do I see ; some hungry after flesh and bloud ; others gaping after the empty wind of honour and vanity ; others breathing nothing but ambitious thoughts ; others grasping all , and groueling vpon heapes of melted earth ? So that they put me all in a horrour , and make me feare , least very few they be , that are exempted from the dreadfull fate of this incomprehensible misery , to which I see , and grieue to see , the whole face of mankind desperately turned . May it not then be my sad chance , to be one of their vnhappy number ? Be content then , fond man , to liue . Liue yet , till thou hast first secured the passage which thou art but once to venture on . Be sure before thou throwest thy selfe into it , to put thy soule into the scales : ballance all thy thougths ; examine all thy inclinations ; put thy selfe to the reste , try what drosse , what pure gold is in thy selfe : and what thou findest wanting , be sure to supply , before nature calleth thee to thy dreadfull account . It is soone done , if thou beest what thy nature dictateth thee to be . Follow but euident reason and knowledge , and thy wantes are supplyed , thy accountes are made vp . The same euershining truth , which maketh thee see that two and two are foure , will shew thee without any contradiction , how all these base allurements are vaine and idle ; and that there is no comparison betweene the highest of them , and the meanest of what thou mayest hope for , hast thou but strength to settle thy hart by the steerage of this most euident science ; in this very moment , thou mayst be secure . But the hazard is great , in missing to examine thy selfe truly and throughly . And if thou miscarry there , thou art lost for euer . Apply therefore all thy care , all thy industry to that . Lett that be thy continuall study , and thy perpetuall entertainement . Thinke nothing else worth the knowing , nothing else worth the doing , but screwing vp thy soule vnto this hight , but directing it by this leuell , by this rule . Then feare not , nor admit the least doubt of thy being happy , when thy time shall come ; and that time shall haue no more power ouer thee . In the meane season , spare no paines , forbeare no diligence , employ all exactnesse , burne in summer , freese in winter , watch by night , and labour by day , ioyne monthes to monthes , and entayle yeares vpon yeares . Thinke nothing sufficient to preuent so maine a hazard ; and deeme nothing long or tedious in this life , to purchace so happy an eternity . The first discouerers of the Indies , cast themselues among swarmes of maneaters ; they fought and strugled with vnknowne waues ; so horrid ones , that oftentimes they perswaded themselues they climbed vp mountaines of waters , and straight againe were precipitated headlong downe betweene the clouen sea , vpon the foaming sand , from whence they could not hope for a resource : hunger was their foode ; snakes and serpents were their daynties ; sword and fire were their dayly exercise : and all this , only to be masters of a litle gold , which after a short possession was to quitt them for euer . Our searchers after the Northerne passage , haue cutt their way through mountaines of yce , more affrightfull and horrid , then the Symplegades . They haue imprisoned themselues in halfe yeare nights ; they haue chayned themselues in perpetuall stone cleauing coldes : some haue beene found closely embracing one an other , to conserue as long as they were able , a litle fewell in their freesing harts , at lenght petrifyed by the hardnesse of that vnmercifull winter : others haue beene made the prey of vnhumane men , more sauage then the wildest beasts : others haue beene neuer found nor heard of , so that surely they haue proued the foode of the vgly monsters of that vast ycy sea : and these haue beene able and vnderstanding men . What motiues , what hopes had these daring men ? What gaines could they promise themselues , to counteruaile their desperate attempts ? They aymed not so much as at the purchase of any treasure for themselues , but ●eerely to second the desires of those that sett them on worke ; or to fill the mouthes of others , from whence some few crummes might fall to them . What is required at thy hands ( my soule ) like this ? And yet the hazard thou art to auoyde , and the wealth thou art to attaine vnto , incomparably ouersetteth all that they could hope for . Liue then and be glad of long and numerous yeares ; that like ripe fruite , thou mayst droppe securely into that passage , which duely entered into , shall deliuer thee into an eternity of blisse , and of vnperishable happinesse . And yet ( my soule ) be thou not too soare agast , with the apprehension of the dreadfull hazard thou art in . Lett not a tormenting feare of the dangers that surround thee , make thy whole life here bitter and vncomfortable to thee . Lett the serious and due consideration of them , arme thee with caution and with wisedome , to preuent miscarriage by them . But to looke vpon them with horrour and affrightednesse , would freese thy spirits , and benumme thy actions , and peraduenture engulfe thee through pusillanimity in as great mischeifes , as thou seekest to auoyde . T is true , the harme which would acrue from misgouerning thy passage out of this life , is vnspeakable , is vnimaginable . But why shouldest thou take so deepe thought of the hazard thou runnest therein , as though the difficulty of auoyding it were so extreme , as might amounte to an impossibility . I allow , the thoughts that arme thee with wise caution to secure thy selfe , cannot be too deepe nor too serious ; but when thou hast prouidently stored thy selfe with such , call thy spirits manfully about thee : and to incourage thee to fight confidently , or rather to secure thee of victory , so thou wilt not forsake thy selfe , turne thine eyes round about thee , and consider how wise nature , that hath prescribed an end and periode vnto all her plantes , hath furnished them all with due and orderly meanes to attaine thereunto : and though particulars sometimes miscarry in their iourney ( since contingence is entayled to all created things ) yet in the generality , and for the most part , they all arriue vnto the scope she leuelleth them at . Why then should we imagine , that so iudicious and farre looking an Architect , whom we see so accurate in his meaner workes , should haue framed this Masterpiece of the world , to perish by the way , and neuer to attaine vnto that great end , for which he made it ; euen after he is prepared and armed with all aduantagiouse circumstances agreeable to his nature . That artificer , we know , deserueth the style of seely , who frameth such tooles , as fayle in there performance , when they are applyed to the action for which they were intended . We see all sortes of trees for the most part beare their fruite in the due season ; which is the end they are designed vnto , and the last and highest emolument they are made to afford vs. Few beasts we see there are , but contribute to our seruice what we looke for at their hands . The swine affordeth good flesh , the sheepe good wooll , the cow good milke , the sable warme and soft furre , the oxe bendeth his sturdy necke to the yoke , the spiritfull horse dutyfully beareth the soldier , and the sinewy mule and stronger camel conuey weighty marchandise . Why then shall euen the better sort of mankind , the chiefe , the toppe , the head , of all the workes of nature , be apprehended to miscarry from his end in so vast a proportion , as that it should be deemed in a manner impossible , euen for those few ( for so they are in respect of the other numerous multitude of the worser sort ) to attaine vnto that felicity which is naturall vnto them ; Thou ( my soule ) art the forme , and that supreme part of me , which giueth being both to me and to my body : who then can doubt , but that all the rest of me , is framed fitting and seruiceable for thee ? For what reason were there , that thou shouldest be implanted in a soyle , which can not beare thy fruite ? The forme of a hogge , I see , is engrafted in a body fitt and appropriated for a swines operations : the forme of a horse , of a lyon , of a wolfe , all of them haue their organes proportioned to the mastering piece within them , their soule . And is it credible , that only man , should haue his inferiour partes raised so highly in rebellion against his soule , the greatest Mistresse ( beyond proportion ) among all formes , as that it shall be impossible for her to suppresse their mutinies , though she guide her selfe neuer so exactly by the prescripts of that rule , which is borne with her ? Can it be suspected , that his forme , which is infinitely mounted aboue the power of matter , should through the very necessity and principles of its owne nature , be more lyable to contingency , then those that are engulfed and drowned in it ; since we know , that contingency , defectibility , and change , are the lame children of grosse and misshapen matter ? ) Alas it is too true , that nature is in vs vnhappily wrested from her originall and due course . We find by sad experience , that although her deprauation be not so totall , as to blind entirely the eye of Reason she seeth by , yet it is so great , as to carry vehemently our affections quite crosse to what she proposeth vs as best . Howsoeuer , lett the incentiues of flesh and bloud be neuer so violent , to tumble humane nature downe the hill , yet if a contrary force , more efficacious then they with all their turbulent and misty steames , do impell it an otherway , it must needes obey that stronger power . Lett vs then examine whose motiues , the soules , or the senses , in their owne nature , worke most efficaciously in man. We are sure , that what pleasure he receiueth , he receiueth by meanes of his soule ; euen all corporeall pleasure : for , be the working obiect neuer so agreeable and pleasing vnto him , he reapeth thence small delight , if in the meane time , his soules attention be carried an other way from it . Certainely then , those thinges must affect the soule most powerfully , which are connaturall vnto her , and which she seiseth vpon and relisheth immediately ; rather then those impure ones , which come sofisticated to her , through the muddy channels of the senses . And accordingly , all experience teacheth vs , that her pleasures , when they are fully sauored , are much stronger then the pleasures of our sense . Obserue but the different comportements of an ambitious , and of a sensuall man : and you will euidently perceiue farre stronger motions , and more vehement straines in the former , who hath his desires bent to the satisfaction of his mind ; then in the other , who aimeth but att the pleasures of his body . Lett vs looke vpon the common face of mankind ; and we shall see the most illustrious and noble part , taken with learning , with power , with honour ; and the other part , which maketh sense their idole , moueth in a lower and baser orbe vnder the others ; and is in a seruile degree to them . Since then humane nature is of it selfe more enclined to the contentments of the actiue mind , then of the dull sense ; who can doubt but that the way of those pure contentments , must be farre sweeter then the grosse and troubled streames of sensuall pleasures : which if it be , certainely man in his owne nature , is more apt to follow that : and when he chanceth to wander out of that smooth and easy roade , his steppes are painefull and wearisome ones : and if he do not presently perceiue them such , it is , because it fareth with him , as with those that walke in their sleepe , and stray into rough and stony passages , or among thistles and bryars ; whiles peraduenture some illuding dreame bewitcheth their fansyes , and perswadeth them they are in some pleasant garden ; till waking ( if att least they wake before they fall into a deadly precipice ) they finde their feete all gored , and their bodies all scratched and torne . If any sensuall man should doubt of this great truth , and find it hard to perswade himselfe , that intellectuall pleasures ( which to his depraued taste , seeme cold and flatt ones ) should be more actiue and intense , then those feculent ones , which so violently transporte him ; lett him but exercise himselfe a while in those entertainements which delight the mind , taking leaue , during that space , of those vnruly ones , which agitate the body ; and continue doing thus , till by long practise , he hath made them easy and habituated himselfe vnto them : and I will engage my word , that he will find this change so aduantageous to him , euen in contentment and delight , that he will not easily be brought backe to his former course of life . Experience sheweth vs , that whatsoeuer is long customary to vs , turneth into our nature ; so much , that euen diseases and poisons by diuturne vse , do mould and temper to themselues those bodies , which are habituated to them ; in such sort , that those pestes of nature must be kept on foote , and fed vpon for our subsistence . How much more then must the most connaturall exercise of mentall pleasure , turne so substantially into our being , that after some good practice in it , we shall not be able , with out great struggling and reluctation , to liue without it ? The violence of fruition in those foule puddles of flesh and bloud , presently glutteth with satiety , and is attended with annoy and with dislike : and the often vsing and repeating it , weareth away that edge of pleasure , which only maketh it sweete and valuable , euen to them that sett their hartes vpon it ; and nothing heighteneth it , but an irritation by a conuenient hunger and abstinence . Contrarywise , in the soule , the greater and more violent the pleasure is , the more intense and vehement the fruition is ▪ and the oftner it is repeated , so much the greater appetite and desire we haue , to returne vnto the same ; and nothing prouoketh vs more , then the entire and absolute fruition of it . If a suddaine change from one extreme of flesh and bloud , to the other opposite pole of spirituall delights and entertainements , seeme harsh to him , whose thoughts by long assuefaction , are glewed to corporeall obiects ; lett him beginne with gently brideling in his inferiour motions vnder a faire rule of gouernement : If he can not presently suppresse and totally mortify their clamorous desires , lett him att the least moderate and steere them according to the bent of reason . ( If we will but follow this course which nature teacheth vs , to heighten euen our sensuall delights and pleasures , by reasonable moderation of them to their owne aduantage ; we shall find her so kind a mother to vs , that of her selfe she will at length quelle and disincomber vs of all our enemies . If wee but temperately attend her worke , she will quietly waft vs ouer to our desired end , to our beloued happinesse . In a few yeares , by boyling away our vnruly heate , she will abate , and in the end quite weare away the sense of those transporting pleasures , we vsed to take so much delight in the fruition of . With in a while , rheumes will so clogge our tongue and palates , that we shall but flatly relish the most poi●●ant meates . Our dulled eares will no longer deuoure with delight , the rauishing sound of sweete harmonies . Our dimme eyes will carry to our heauy fansie but confused newes of any beautifull and pleasing obiects . Our stopped nosethriles will afford no passage for spiritefull perfumes , to warme and recreate our moyst and drowsie braine . In a word , nature will ere long , warne vs to take a long farewell of all those contentments and delights , which require a strong , vigorous , and athletike habite of body to enioy . She will shew vs , by setting our graues before our eyes , how vaine this glittering fansie of honour is : how vnprofitable the staffe of power to vnderproppe our falling being : how more burthensome then helpefull are those massie heapes of gold and siluer , which when we haue , the greatest vse we make of them , is but to looke vpon them , and court them with our dazeled eyes ; whiles they encompasse vs with armies of traytours and of hungry wolues , to teare them from vs , and vs in pieces for their sake . Thus will nature of her selfe in a short time , dull those weapons that offend vs , and destroy the enimies of those verities that shine vpon vs. Courage then , my Soule , and neyther feare to liue , nor yet desire to dye . If thou continuest in thy body , it is easy for thee , and sweete and contentsome , to heape vp treasures for eternity . And if thou partest from it , thy hopes are great and faire , that the iourney thou art going , is to a world of vnknowne felicity . Take hart then , and march on with a secure diligence , and expect the hand of bounteous nature , to dispose of thee , according as she hath wisely and benignely prouided for thee . And feare not but that if thou hast kept a reasonable amity with her , she will passe thee to where thou shallest neuer more be in danger of iarring with her ; nor of feeling within thy selfe the vnkind blowes of contrary powers fighting in thee , whiles thou bleedest with the woundes that each side giueth ; nor of changing thy once gained happinesse into a contrary condition , according to the vicissitudes of all humane affaires . But shallest For euer , be swelled to the vtmost extent of thy infinite nature , with this torrent , with this abisse of ioy , pleasure , and delight . But here ( my Soule ) well mayest thou stand amazed att this great word Foreuer . What will this be , when fleeting time shall be conuerted into permanent eternity ? Sharpen thy sight to looke into this vast profundity . Suppose that halfe an houre , were resumed into one instant or indiuisible of time : what a strange kind of durance would that be ? I see that halfe an houre , is diuisible without end , into halfes , and halfes of halfes , and quarters of quarters ; and after my riades of diuisions , no parcell is so litle , but that it hath an infinite superproportion to an indiuisible instant . What a prodigious thing then must it be , to haue an instant equalise halfe an houre ? Were it but some ordinary notion or quiddity , as of magnitude , of place , of actiuity , or the like , in which this excellency of an indiuisibles equalising a large extent , were considered ; my fantasy would offer to wrestle with it ; and peraduenture , by strong abstraction , and by deepe retirement into the closet of iudgement , I might hazard to frame some likenesse of it . But that wherein this multiplication is , is the noblest , the highest , and the roote of all other notions , it is Being and Existence it selfe . I my selfe , whiles I am , haue my existence determined but to one poore instant of time ; and beyond that , I am assured of nothing . My slender thridde of Being may breake a sunder , as neere to that instant , as I can suppose any thing to be neere vnto it : and when I shall haue supposed , Here it may breake , I still find that it may breake neerer and neerer ; and that I can neuer arriue to settle the neerest point where it may snapp in two . But when time shall be no more ; or att the least , shall in respect of me , be turned into Eternity ; then this fraile Existence of mine , will be stretched , out beyond the extent of all conquering time . What strange thing then , is this admirable multiplication of existence ? or how may I be able to comprehend it ? Existence is that which comprehendeth all thinges : and if God be not comprehended in it , thereby it is , that he is incomprehensible of vs : and he is not comprehended in it , because himselfe is it . He is Existence : and by being so , he equaleth , not comprehendeth it . From hence then I may gather the excellency and wast empire of existence , in its owne nature : and so conclude how admirable a change and betterment that must be , which encreaseth , and multiplyeth so infinitely the existence I now enioy : for be it neuer so specious ; be it neuer so glorious ; be it what it is , existence , the toppe , the flower , the perfection of all created thinges ; still there is a flaw , there is a defect , a shortenesse , a limitation in it : for now , my soule , thou art but a part of me ; and doest exist in such a manner by succession , that the security and possession of it , is of lesse then of any thing whatsoeuer in the world ; for it is of nothing more , then of an indiuisible ; which being such , in truth is nothing . But when the walles shall be broken downe , that here confine thee to such a nothing of existence , ( which yet is infinitely more noble , then all other degrees of notions ) then thou shallest summe vp time in formall being , and not be limited , as now thou art , to this so diuided a succession . Thou shallest be an houre without diuisibility : and if an houre , a yeare : if so , an age : and if an age , then for euer , for al eternity . But whither art thou flowne , my soule ? to what a dazeling height art thou mounted ? Thou art now soared to such a lessening pitch , as my faint eyes are no longer able to follow thy touring flight : my head groweth giddy , with gazing vp ; whiles thou lookest downe , to see time runne an infinite distance beneath thee ; wafting the existences of all corporeall thinges from nothing to nothing , in a perpetuall streame : and thou secure , and out of the reach of its venimous and all destroying truth . Lett me call to minde , all the violent pleasures of my heady youth : lett me summe vp their extent according to those deceatfull measures I then rated happinesse by : lett me in my fancy chew ouer againe the excessiue good , I then fondly imagined in them : and to all this , lett me adde as much more ioy and felicity , as in my weake thoughts , I am able to faddome or but ayme att : and then lett me say ( and with rigorous truth I shall say it ) all this excesse of blisse , will be resumed , will be enioyed to the full , in one indiuisible moment : lett me thinke with my selfe , if then , when pleasure was the Idole I sacrificed all my thoughts vnto , I might in one quarter of an houre haue enioyed a pleasure , or att the least , haue hoped for one , that should haue equalised att once all those , that in my life I euer tasted : what would not I haue beene content to giue in purchase of that single quarter of an houre ? And insteed of this pleasant dreame , I now see that one reall moment , will truly and solidely giue to thee and me , the quintessence , the Elixir of content and happinesse ; not drawne out of such 40 yeares , as I haue struggled through the world in various fortunes ; but out of ages and ages of pleasure , greater farre then can be conceiued by a hart of flesh ; and multiplyed beyond the Arithmetike of intelligences . And this happy moment , shall not be of their soddaine fleeting and expiring nature , that are assigned to time ; but shall endure beyond the extent of that time , which surpasseth all multiplication . I see plainely that I must multiply eternity by eternity , to frame a scantling of that blisse , which a well passed life in this world , shall bring me to in the next . And yet it will be as farre short , and as much beneath the selfeblessednesse of him that giueth one this , as nothing is short of all that is . For my blisse shall haue a beginning ; and though it neuer shall haue end , yet that belongeth not to it for its owne sake , but proceedeth meerely from the bounteous hand of the nothing annihilating selfe essence : from whom there is no more feare of the fayling of his liberall supereffluence of Being vpon me , then there is of his owne deficiency from being selfe Being . But how can these thinges stand together ? That indiuisibly I shall possesse a tenure beyond all possible time ? and neuerthelesse possibly , not withstanding my possession , I may be bereft of what I enioy ? who can reade this riddle ? who can diue into this abisse ? who can shoote light into this infinite pitte of darkenesse ? It is the aboundance and excesse of light that here striketh vs blind . Who can strengthen our eyes to endure eaglewise this glorious and resplendent sunne ? Nothing surely in this world ; vnlesse it be silēce and solitude . To these therefore lett vs consecrate the reuerend contemplation of this awefull mystery : which is but profaned , if it be exposed to vulgar eyes ; and to such nightowles and battes as we are , whiles the troubled fantasies of reeking sense and wordly occupations , do ouercloud our mysty thoughts . Now then if nature by short and thicke steppes att the beginning , and by larger paces in the progresse , hath deliuered vs ouer into a night of pure light , where we can see nothing , because euery thing is too visible ; so that we are faine to veyle our eyes , and are constrayned to retire ourselues to medicate and arme them , before we expose them to so strong and glorious beames : how should we dare to looke vpon those admirable heights ( infinitely surpassing all these ) with which the ouerconquering Grace hath crowned and swelled vp the extent of nature ? What sight is sharpe enough to penetrate into the mysterious essence , sprouting into different persons ? Who can looke vpon the selfe multiplyed vnity , vpon the incomprehensible circumincession , vpon those wondrous processions , and idiomes reserued for Angels eyes ? Of these , ( my soule ) whose shootinges reach infinitely higher beyond all that we haue said , then what we haue sayd is beyond the dull and muddy motions of this life ; thou art not capable now of receiuing any instructions : lett first the mystagogicall illuminations of the great Areopagite ; and the Ascetike discipline of the Anachoreticall inhabitants of the wildernesse , purify thy eye , before thou attemptest to speake , or to ayme att the discouery of these abisming depths . By them thou must be first irrigated with the sweete shoures of morninges and eueninges , with the gentle deawes , and mannadroppes , which fall aboundantly from those bounteous fauours that reside in a higher sphere then nature ; and that poure out , vnknowne and vnconceiuable blessinges vpon prepared hartes : which fructify into that true blisse , in comparison where of , all that we haue hitherto declared , is but shaddow , vanity , and nothing . FINIS . PRIVILEGE DV ROY . LOVYS PAR LA GRACE DE DIEV ROY DE FRANCE ET DE NAVARRE , A nos amez & feaux les gens tenans nos Cours de Parlemens , Baillifs , Seneschaux , Preuosts , leurs Lieutenans , & tous autres nos Iusticiers & Officiers qu'il appartiendra , Salut , Le Sieur Kenelme Digby Cheualier Anglois , nous a fait remonstrer qu'il a composé vn Liure en langue Angloise , contenant deux Traitez , l'vn de la nature du corps , & l'autre de la nature des ames , auec vne recherche de l'immortalité de celles qui sont raisonnables . Lequel il desireroit mettre en lumiere & faire imprimer , s'il auoit nos lettres à ce necessaires : lesquelles nous faisant supplier luy vouloir octroyer . A ces causes luy auons permis & accordé , permettons & accordons par ces presentes faire imprimer & debiter ledit Liure pendant six ans . Durant lesquels nous faisons deffenses à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs de nostredit Royaume , de l'imprimer vendre , ny debiter , soit sous quelque marque de déguisement ou traduction que ce soit , sans le consentement dudit sieur Digby , à peine de trois mille liures d'amende , confiscation des exemplaires qui s'en trouueront , & de tous despens dommages & interests enuers luy . Si vous mandons & à chacun de vous enioignons tenir la main à l'execution des presentes , lesquelles voulons estre tenuës pour deuëment signifiées , en mettant copie d'icelles au commencement ou à la fin de chacun desdits Liures . A la charge de mettre par ledit sieur Digby vne exemplaire dudit Liure en nostre Biblioteque , & vne autre en celle de nostre tres-cher & feal Chancelier , à peine de nullité desdites presentes . Car tel est nostre plaisir , nonobstant oppositions ou appellations quelconques , clameur de Haro , chartre Normande , & lettres à ce contraires . Donné à Fontainebleau le vingt-sixiesme iour de Septembre , l'an de grace mil six cens quarantequatre , & de nostre Regne le deuxiesme . Par le Roy en son Conseil , GVITONNEAV . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A35987-e12940 Ar. 3. de anima . Notes for div A35987-e13300 1 Quantity is the first , and most obuious affection of a body . 2 Wordes do not expresse thinges as they are in themselues , but onely as they are painted in the mindes of men . 3 The first error that may arise from hence ; which is a multiplying of things , where ●o such multiplication is really found . 4 A second error ▪ the conceiuing of many distinct thinges as really one thing . 5 Great care to be taken to auoyde the errors , which may arise from our manner of vnderstanding thinges . 6 Two sorts of wordes to expresse our notions ; the one common to all men , the other proper to schollers . 7 Great errors arise by wresting wordes from theire common meaning to expresse a more particular or studied notion . 1 Wee must know the vulgar and common notion of Quantity that wee may vnderstand the nature of it . 2 Extension or diuisibility is the common notion of Quantity . 3 Partes of Quantity are not actually in theire whole . 4 If partes were actually in theire whole , Quātity would bee composed of indiuisibles . 5 Quantity cannot be composed of indiuisibles . 6 An obiection to prooue that partes are actually in Quantity ; with a declaration of the mistake from whence it procedeth . 7 The solution of the former obiection : and that sense cannot discerne whether one part be distinguished from another , or no. Chap. 1. §. 2.3 . 8 An enumeration of the seuerall specieses of Quantity , which confirmeth that the essence of it is diuisibility . 1 What is meant by Rarity and Density . 2 It is euident that some bodies are rare and others dense ; though obsu●e , how they are such . 3 A breife enumeration of the seuerall properties belonging to rare and dense bodies . 4 The opinion of those Philosophers declared , who putt rarity to consist in an actuall diuision of a body into litle partes . 5 The former opinion reiected , and the ground of theire error disco●ered . 6 The opinion of those Philosophers related , who putt rarity to consist in the mixtion of vacuity among bodies . 7 The opinion of vacuities refuted . Dialog . 1. del Mouim . pag. 81. Archimed . Promot . 8 Rarity and Désity consist in the seuerall proportions , which Quantity hath to its substance . 9 All must admitt in Physicall bodies , a Metaphysicall composition . 1 The notions of density and rarity haue a latitude capable of infinite variety . 2 How moystnesse and drynesse are begotten in dense bodies . 3 How moystnesse and drynesse are begotten in rare bodies . 4 Heate is a property of rare bodies , and cold of dense ones . 5 Of the two dense bodies , the lesse dense is more cold : but of the two rare ones the lesse rare is lesse hoat . 6 The extreme dense body is more dry , then the extreme rare one . 7 There are but foure simple bodies : and these are rightly named Elements . 8 The Author doth nott determine whether euery element doth comprehend vnder its name one only lowest species , or many : nor whether any of them be found pure . 1 The first operation of the Elements is diuision , out of which resulteth locall motion . 2 What place is both notionally , and really . 3 Locall motion is that diuision , whereby a body changeth its place . 4 The nature of quantity of it selfe is sufficient to vnite a body to its place . 5 All operations amongst bodies , are eyther locall motion , or such as follow out of locall motion . 6 Earth compared to water in actiuity . § ▪ 6. 7 The manner whereby fire getteth into fewel : prooueth that it exc●edeth earth in actiuity . 8 The same is prooued by the manner , whereby fire cometh out of fewell and worketh vpon other bodies . 1 In what sense the Author reiecteth qualities . 2 In what sense the Author doth admitt of qualities . 3 Fiue arguments proposed to proue that light is not a body . 4 The two first reasōs to proue light to be a body are , the resemblance it hath with fire ; and because if it were a quality , it would alwayes produce an equall to it selfe . 5 The third reason ; because if we imagine to our selues the substance of fire to be rarifyed , it will haue the same appearances which light hath . 6 The fourth reason , from the manner of the generation and corruption of light , which agreeth with fire . 7 The fifth reason ; because such properties belong to light as agree only vnto bodies . 1 That all light is hoat and apt to heate . 2 The reason why our bodies for the most part do not feele the heate of pure light . 3 The experience of burning-glasses , and of soultry gloomy weather proue light to be fire . 4 Philosophers ought not to iudge of thinges by the rules of vulgar people . 5 The different names of light and fire proceede from different notions of the same substance . 6 The reason why many times fire , and heate are depriued of light . 7 What becometh of the body of light , when it dyeth . 8 An experiment of some who pretend , that light may be precipitated into pouder . 9 The Authors opinion concerning lampes , pretended to haue been found in tombes , with inconsumptible lights . 1 Light is not really in euery part of the roome it enlighteneth , not filleth entirely any sensible part of it , though it seeme to vs to do so . 2 The least sensible poynt of a diaphanous body , hath roome sufficient to containe both ayre and light , together with a multitude of beames issuing from seuerall lights , without penetrating one an other . Willebrord Snell . 3 That light doth not enlight en any roome in an instant ; and that the great celerity of its motion doth make it imperceptible to our senses . 4 The reason why the motion of light , is not discerned coming towardes vs ▪ and that there is some reall tardity in it . 5 The planets are not certainely euer in that place where they appeare to be . 6 The reason why light being a body , doth not by its motion shatter other bodies into pieces . 7 The reason why the body of lighlt is neuer perceiued to be fanned by the wind . 8 The reasons , for and against lights being a body , compared together . 9 A summary repetition of the reasons , which proue that light is fire . 1 No locall motion can be performed without succession . 2 Time is the common measure of all succession . 3 What velocity is , and that it can not be infinite . 4 No force so litle , that is not able to moue the greatest weight imaginable . 5 The chiefe principle of Mechanikes deduced out of the former discourse . 6 No moueable can passe from rest to any determinate degree of velocity , or from a lesser degree to a greater , without passing through all the intermediate degrees , which are below the obtained degree . 7 The conditions which helpe to motiō , in the moueable are three , in the medium , one . Dialog . 1. of Motion . 8 No body hath any intrinsecall vertue to moue it selfe towardes any determinate part of the vniuerse . 9 The encrease of motion is alwayse made in the proportion of the odde numbers . 10 No motion can encrease for euer without coming to a periode . 11 Certaine problemes resolued concerning the proportion of some mouing Agents compared to their effects . 12 When a moueable cometh to rest , the motion doth decrease according to the rules of encrease . 1 Those motions are called naturall which haue constant causes ; and those violent which are contrary to them . 2 The first and most generall operation of the sunne , is the making and raising of atomes . 3 The light rebounding from the earth with atomes , causeth two streames in the ayre ; the one ascending the other descēding ; and both of them in a perpendicular line . 4 A dense body placed in the ayre betweene the ascending and descending streame , must needes descend . 5 A more particular explicatiō of all the former doctrine touching grauity . 6 Grauity and leuity do not signify an intrinsecall inclination to such a motion in the bodies themselues which are termed heauy and light . 7 The more dēse a body is , the more swiftly it descendeth . 8 The velocity of bodies descending doth not encrease in proportion to the difference that may be betweene their seuerall densities . 9 More or lesse grauity doth produce a swifter or a slower descending of a heauy body . Aristotles argument to disproue motion in vacuo , is made good . 10 The reason why att the inferiour quarter of a circle , a body doth descend faster by the arch of that quarter , then by the chord ●f it . 1 The first obiection answered ; why a hollow body descendeth slower then a solide one . 2 The second obiection answered , and the reasons shewne , why atomes do continually ouertake the descending dense body . 3 A curious question left vndecided . 4 The fourth obiection answered ; why the descent of the same heauy bodies , is equall in so great inequality of the atomes which cause it . 5 The reason , why the shelter of a thicke body doth not hinder the descent of that which is vnder ▪ ti . 6 The reason why some bodies sinke , others swimme . 7 The fifth obiection answered concerning the descending of heauy bodies in streames . 8 The sixt obiection answered : and that all heauy elements do weigh in their owne spheres . 9 The 7th obiection answered : and the reason why we do not feele the course of the ayre and atomes that beat cōtinually vpon vs. 10 How in the same body , grauity may be greater then density , and density then grauity ; though they be the same thing . 11 The opinion of grauities being an intrinsecall inclination of a body to the center , refuted by reason . 12 The same opinion refuted by seuerall experiences . 1 The state of the question touching the cause of violent motion . 2 That the medium is the onely cause , which continueth ●●●lent motiō . 3 A further explication of the former doctrine . 4 That the ayre hath strength enough to continue violent motion in a moueable . Dial. 1. of motion pag. 98. 5 An answere to the first obiection ; that ayre is not apt to conserue motion . And how violent mo●● cometh to cease . 6 An answere to the second obiection that the ayre hath no power ouer heauy bodies . 7 An answere to the third obiection , that an arrow should fly faster broadwayes then lōgwayes ▪ 1 That reflexion is a kind of violēt motion . 2 Reflexion is made at equall angles . 3 The causes and properties of vndulation . 5 A refutation of Monsieur Des Cartes his explication of refraction . 6 An answere to the arguments brought in fauour of Monsieur Des Cartes his opinion . 7 The true cause of refraction of light both at its entrance , and att its going out from the reflecting body . 8 A generall rule to know the nature of reflexions and refractions in all sortes of surfaces . 9 A body of greater partes and greater pores , maketh a greater refraction then one of lesser partes and lesser pores . 10 A cōfirmation of the former doctrine , out of the nature of bodies that refract light . 1 The cōnexion of this chapter with the rest , and the Authors intent in it , 2 That there is a least cise of bodies , and that this least cise is found in fire . 3 The first coniunction of partes is in bodies of least cise ; and it is made by the force of Quantity . 4 The second sort of coniunction is cōpactednesse in simple Elements , and it proceedeth from density . 5 The third coniunction is of partes of different Elements , and it proceedeth from quantity and density together . 6 The reason why liquide bodies do easily ioyne together ; and dry ones difficultly . 7 That no two hard bodies can touch one an other immediately . 8 How mixed bodies ar● framed in generall . 9 The cause of the seuerall degrees of solidity in mixed bodies . 10 The rule wherevnto are reduced all the seuerall combinations of Elements in compounding of mixed bodies . 11 Earth and water are the basis of all permanent mixed bodies . 12 What kind of bodies those are where water is the basis , and earth the predominant Element ouer the other two . 13 Of those bodies , where water being the basis ayre is the predominant Element . 14 What kind of bodies result , where water is the basis and fire the predominant Element . 15 Of those bodies , where water is in excesse , it alone being both the basis , and the predominant Element . 16 Of those bodies where Earth alone is the basis , and also the predominant in excesse ouer the other thre● Elements . 17 Of those bodies where Earth is the basis , and water the predomin●t Element ouer the other two . 18 Of those bodies , where earth being the basis ayre is the predominant . 19 Of those bodies , where Earth being the basis , fire is the predominant . 20 All the second qualities of mixed bodies , arise from seuerall combinations of the first qualities : and are att last resolued into seuerall degrees of rarity and density . 21 That in the planets and starres , there is a like variet● of mixed bodies caused by light as here vpon Earth . 22 In what māner the Elements do worke vpon one an other , in the compositiō of mixed bodies : and in particular fire which is the most actiue . 23 A particular declaration touching the generation of mettalls . 1 Why some bodies are brittle , and others tough , or apt to withstand outward violence , the first instrument to dissolue mixed bodies . 2 How outward violence doth worke vpon the most compacted bodies . 3 The seuerall effects of fire , the second and chiefest instrumēt to dissolue all cōpounded bodies . 4 The reason why some bodies are not dissolued by fire . 5 The reason why fire molteth gold , but can not consume it . 6 Why leade is easily , consumed and calcined by fire . 7 Why and how some bodies are diuided by fire into spirits , waters , oyles , saltes , and earth . And what those partes are . 8 How water the third i●strumēt to dissolue bodies , dissolueth calx into salt ; and so into Terra damnata . 9 How water mingled with salt , becometh a most powerfull Agent to dissolue other bodies . 10 How putrefactiō is caused . 1 What is the sphere of actiuity in corporeall Agents . 2 The reason why no body can worke in distance . 3 An obiection answered against the manner of explicating the former axiom● . 4 Of reaction and first in pure locall motion , that each Agēt must suffer in acting and act● in suffering . 5 The former doctrine applyed to other locall motions designed by particular names . And that Suisseths argument is of no force against this way of doctrine . 6 Why some notions do admitt of intension and Remission ; and others do not . 7 That in euery part of our habitable world ; all the foure Elemēts , are found pure in small atomes ; but not in any great bulke . 1 The Authors intent in this and the following chapters . Mr. Thomas White . 2 That bodies may be rarifyed , both by outward and inward heat ; and how this is performed . 3 Of the great effects of Rarefaction . 4 The first manner of condensation , by heate . 5 The second manner of condensation by cold . 6 That yce is not water rarifyed but condensed . 7 How wind , snow , and haile are made ; and wind by raine allayed . 8 How partes of the same or diuers bodies , are ioyned more strongly together by condensation . 9 Vacuites can not be the reason , why water impregnated to the full with one kind of salt , will notwithstāding receiue more of an other . 10 The true reason of the former effect . 11 The reason why bodies of the same nature do ioyne more easily together then others . 1 What Attractiō is , and from whence it proceedeth . 2 The true sense of the Maxime , that Nature abhorreth from vacuity . 3 The true reas● of attraction . 4 Water may be brought by the force of attraction to what height soeuer . 5 The doctrine touching the attraction of water in syphons . 6 That the syphon doth not proue , water to weigh in its owne orbe . 7 Concerning attraction caused by fire . 8 Concerning attractiō made by vertue of hoat bodies , amulets etc. 9 The naturall reason giuen for diuers operations , esteemed by some to be magicall . 1 What is Filtration ; and how it is effected . 2 What causeth the water in filtration to ascend . 3 Why the filter will not droppe vnlesse the labell hang lower then the water . 4 Of the motion of Restitution : and why some bodies stand bent , others not . 5 Why some bodies returne onely in part to their natural figure ; others entirely . 6 Concerning the nature of those bodies which do shrinke and stretch . 7 How great and wonderfull effects , proceed from small , plaine , and simple principles . 8 Concerning Electricall attraction , and the causes of it . 9 Cabeus his opinion refuted concerning the cause of Electricall mot●ons . 1 The extreme heat of the sunne vnder the zodiacke , draweth a streame of ayre from each Pole into the torride zone . Chap. 18. §. 7. 2 The atomes of these two streames coming together are apt to incorporate with one an other . 3 By the meeting and mingling together of these streames att the Equator , diuers riuolets of atomes of each Pole , are continuat●d from one Pole to the other . 4 Of these atomes incorporated with some fitt matter in the bowels of the earth , is made a stone . 5 This stone worketh by emanations , ioyned with agreeing streames that meete them in the ayre ; and in fine it is a loadestone . 6 A methode for making experiences vpon any subiect . 7 The Loadestones generatiō by atomes flowing from both Poles , is confirmed by experiments obserued in the stone it selfe . 8 Experiments to proue that the loadestone worketh by emanations meeting with agreeing streames . 1 The operations of the loadestone are wrought by bodies and not by qualities . 2 Obiections against the former positiō answered . 3 The loadestone is imbued with his vertue from an other body . 4 The vertue of the loadestone is a double , and not one simple vertue . 5 The vettue of the loadestone worketh more strongly in the poles of it , then in any other part . 6 The loadestone sendeth forth its emanations spherically . Which are of two kindes : and each kind is strongest in that hemisphere , through whose polary partes they issue out . 7 Putting two loadestones within the sphere of one an other , euery part of one loadestone , doth not agree with euery part of the other loadestone . 8 Cōcerning the declination and other respects of a needle , towardes the loadestone is toucheth . 9 The vertue of the loadestone goeth from end to end in lines almost parallele to the axis . 10 The vertue of the loadestone is not perfectly sphericall though the stone be such . 11 The intention of nature in all the operations of the loadestone , is to make an vnion betwixt the attractiue and attracted bodies . 12 The maine globe of the earth is not a loadestone . 13 The loadestone is generated in all partes or climats of the earth . 14 The conformity betwixt the two motiōs of magnetike thinges , and of heauy thinges . 1 Which is the North , and which the South Pole of a loadestone . 2 Whether any bodies besides magnetike ones be attractiue . 3 Whether an iron placed ●erpēdicularly towardes the earth doth gett a magneticall vertue of pointing towardes the north , or towardes the south in that end that lyeth downewardes . 4 Why loadestones affect iron better then one an other . 5 Gilberts reason refuted touching a capped loadestone , that taketh vp more iron then one not capped ; and an iron impregnated that in some case draweth more strongly then the stone it selfe . 6 Galileus his opinion touching the former effects , refuted . 7 The Authors solution to the former questions . 8 The reasō why in the former case , a lesser loadestone doth draw the interiacent irō frō the greater . 9 Why the variation of a touched needle frō the north , is greater , the neerer you go to the Pole. 10 Whether in the same part of the world a touched needle may att one time vary more frō the north , and att an other time lesse . 11 The whole doctrine of the loadestone summed vp in short . 1 The connexion of the following Chapters with the precedent ones . 2 Concerning seuerall cōpositions of mixed bodies . 3 Two sortes of liuing creatures . 4 An engine to expresse the first sort of liuing creatures . 5 An other engine by which may be expressed the second sort of liuing creatures . 6 The two former engines and some other comparisons applyed to expresse the two seuerall sortes of liuing creatures . 7 How plantes are framed . 8 How sensitiue creatures are formed . 1 The opinion that the seede containeth formally euery part of the parent . 2 The former opinion reiected . 3 The Authors opinion of this question . 4 Their opinion refuted , who hold that euery thing containeth formally all thinges . 5 The Authors opinion concerning the generation of Animals declared , and confirmed . 6 That one substance is changed into an other . 7 Concerning the hatching of chickens , and the generation of other Animals . 8 From whence it happeneth that the deficiences , or excrescences of the parents body are often seene in their children . 9 The difference between the Authors opinion , and the former one . 10 That the hart is imbued with the generall specifike vertues of the whole body ; whereby is confirmed the doctrine of the two former paragraphes . 11 That the hart is the first part generated in a liuing creature . 1 That the figure of an Animal is produced by ordinarie secō● causes , as well as any other corporeall effect . 2 That the seuerall figures of bodies proceed from a defect in one of the three dimensions , caused by the concurrāce of accidentall causes . 3 The former doctrine is confirmed by seuerall instances . 4 The same doctrine applyed to Plants . 5 The same doctrine declared in leafes of trees . 6 The same applyed to the bodies of Animals . 7 In what sense the Author doth admitt of Vis formatrix . 1 Fromwhence doth proceed the primary motion and growth in Plantes . 2 Monsieur des Cartes his opinion touching the motion of the hart . 3 The former opinion reiected . 4 The Authors opinion concerning the motion of the hart . 5 The motion of the hart dependeth originally of its fibers irrigated by bloud . 6 An obiection answered against the former doctrine . 7 The circulatiō of the bloud , and other effects that follow the motion of the hart . 8 Of Nutrition . 9 Of Augmentation . 10 Of death and sicknesse . 1 The cōnexion of the subsequent chapters with the precedent . 2 Of the senses and sensible qualities in generall . And of the end for which they serue . 3 Of the sense of touching : and that both it and its qualities are bodies . 4 Of the tast and its qualities : that they are bodies . 5 That the smell and its qualities are reall bodies . 6 Of the conformity betwixt the two senses of smelling and tasting . 7 The reasō why the sense of smelling is not so perfect in man as in beastes : with a wonderfull historie of a man who could wind a sent as well a● any beast . 1 Of the sense of hearing : and that sound is purely motiō . 2 Of diuers artes belonging to the sense of hearing : all which confirme that sound is nothing but motion . 3 The same is confirmed by the effects caused by great noises . 4 That solide bodies may conueye the motion of the ayre or sound to the organe of hearing . 5 Where the motion is interrupted there is no sound . 6 That not only the motion of the ayre but all other motions coming to our eares make sounds . 7 How one sense may supply the want of an other . 8 Of one who could discerne soūds of words with his eyes . 9 Diuers reasons to proue sound to be nothing els but a motiō of some reall body . 1 That Colours are nothing but light mingled with darknesse ; or the disposition off a bodies superficies apt to reflect light so mingled . 2 Cōcerning the disposition of those bodies which produce white or blacke coulours . 3 The former doctrine cōfirmed by Aristot●les authority , reason , and experience . 4 How the diuersity of coulours doe follow out of various degrees of rarity and density . 5 Why some bodies are Diaphanous others opacous . 6 The former doctrine of coulours cōfirmed by the generation of white and Blacke in bodies . 1 Apparitions of coulours through a prisme or triāgular glasse are of two sortes . 2 The seuerall parts of the obiect make seuerall angles at their entrance into the prisme . 3 The reason why some times the same obiect appeareth throwgh the prisme in two places : and in one place more liuely , in the other place more dimmes . 4 The reason of the various colours that appeare in looking throwgh a prisme . 5 The reason̄ why the prisme in one position , may make the colours appeare quite contrary to what they did , when it was in an other position . 6 The reason of the various colours in generall by pure light passing through a prisme . 7 Vpon what side euery colour appeareth that is made by pure light passing through a prisme . 1 The reason of each seuerall colour in particular caused by light passing through a prisme . 2 A difficult probleme resolued touching the prisme . 3 Of the rainebow , and how by the colour of any body wee may know the compositiō of the body it selfe . 4 That all the sēsible qualities are reall bodies resulting out of seuerall mixtures of rarity and density . 5 Why the senses are only fiue in number : with a conclusion of all the former doctrine concerning them . 1 Monsieur des Cartes his opinion touching sensation . 2 The Authors opinion touching sensation . 3 Reasons to persuade the authors opiniō . 4 That vitall spiritts are the immediate instruments of sensation by conueying sensible qualities to the braine . 5 How sound is conueyed to the braine by vitall spirits . 6 How colours are conueyed to the braine by vitall spirits . 7 Reasōs against Monsieur des Cartes his opinion . 8 That the symptomes of the palsie do no way confi●me Monsieur des Cartes his opinion . 9 That Monsieur des Cartes his opiniō , can not giue a good account , how thinges are cōserued in the memory . 1 How thinges are cōserued in the memory . 2 How thinges cōserued in the memory are brought backe in to the fantasie . 3 A Confirmatiō of the former doctrine . 4 How thinges renewed in the fantasie , returne with the same circumstāces that they had at first . 5 How the memory of thinges past is lost , or confounded : and how it is repaired againe . 1 Of what matter the braine is composed . 2 What is voluntary motion . 3 What those powers are which are called naturall faculties . 4 How the attractiue and secretiue faculties , worke . 5 Concerning the concocti●● faculty . 6 Concerning the retentiue and expulsiue faculties . 7 Concerning expulsion made by Physicke . 8 How the braine is moued to worke voluntary motion . 9 Why pleasing obiects doe dilate the spirits , and displeasing ones contract them . 10 Concerning the fiue senses for what vse and end they are . 1 That Septum Lucidum is the seat of the fansie . 2 What causeth vs to remēber not only the obiect it selfe ; but also that we haue thought of it before . 3 How the motions of the fantasie , are deriued to the hart . 4 Of paine and pleasure . 5 Of Passion . 6 Of seuerall pulses caused by passions . 7 Of seuerall other effects caused naturally in the body by passiōs . 8 Of the diaphragma . 9 Concerning paine and pleasure caused by the memory of thinges past . 10 How so small bodies as atomes are , can cause so great motions in the hart . 11 How the vital spirits sent frō the braine , do runne to the intended part of the body without mistake . 12 How men are blinded by Passion . 1 The order and connexion of the subsequent Chapters . 2 From whence proceedeth the doubting of beasts . 3 Concerning the inuention of Foxes and other beasts . 4 Of foxes that catch hennes by lying vnder their roost , and by gazing vpon them . 5 From whence proceedeth the foxes inuentiō to ridde himselfe of fleas . 6 An explication of two other inuentions of foxes . 7 Concerning Mountagues argument to prooue that dogges make syllogismes . 8 A declaration how some tricks are performed by foxes , which seeme to argue discourse . 9 Of the Iaccatrays inuention in calling beasts to himselfe . 10 Of the Iaccalls designe in seruing the lyon . 11 Of seuerall inuentions of fisshes . 12 A discouery of diuers thinges done by hares , which seeme to argue discourse . 13 Of a foxe reported to haue weighed a goose , before he would venture with it ouer a riuer ; and of fabulous stories in common . 14 Of the seuerall cryings and tones of beasts : with a refutation of those authours who maintaine thē to haue compleat lāguages . 1 How hawkes and other creatures are taught to doe what they are browght vp to . 2 Of the Baboone that played on a guitarre . 3 Of the teaching of Elephātes and other beasts to doe diuers tricks . 4 Of the Orderly traine of actions performed by beasts in breeding their yong ones . 1 why beasts are affraide of men . 2 How some quali●●es caused at first by chance in beasts , may passe by generation to the whole offspring . 3 How the parēts fantasie doth oftentimes worke strange effects in their issue . 4 Of Antipaties . 5 O● Sympaties . 6 That the Antipathy of beasts towards one an other , may be taken away by assuefaction . 7 Of longing markes seene in children . 8 Why diuers men hate some certaine meates , and particularly cheese . 9 Concerning the prouidence of Aunts in laying vp in store for winter . 10 Concerning the foreknowing of beasts . Notes for div A35987-e31020 Dialog : 3o. Nodo 2 do . Notes for div A35987-e31790 1 What is a right apprehension of a thing . 2 The very thing it selfe is truly in his vnderstanding who rightly apprehendeth it . 3 The Apprehension of things cōming vnto vs by our senses , are resoluable into other more simple apprehensions . 4 The apprehension of a Being is the most simple and Basis of all the rest . 5 Th● apprehension of a thing is in next degree to that of Being , and it is the Basis of all the subsequēt ones . 6 The apprehension of things knowne to vs by our senses , doth consist in certaine respects betwixt too things . 7 Respect or relation hath not really any formall being , but only in the apprehension of man. 8 That Existence or being is the proper affectiō of man : and that mans soule is a comparing power . 9 A thing by coming into the vnderstanding of man , looseth nothing of its owne peculiar nature . 10 A multitude of things may be vnited in mans vnderstāding without being mingled or comfounded together . 11 Of abstracted and concrete termes . 12 Of vniuersal notions . 13 Of apprehending a multitude vnder o●e notion . 14 The power of the vnderstanding reacheth as farre as the extent of being . 1 How a iudgement is made by the vnderstanding . 2 That two or more apprehensions are identifyed in the soule by vniting them in the stock of being . 3 How the notiōs of a substantiue and an adiectiue , are vnited in the soule , by the common stocke of being . 4 That a settled iudgement becometh a part of our soule . 5 How the Soule commeth to deeme or settle a iudgement . 6 How opinion is begotten in the vnderstanding . 7 How faith is begotten in the vnderstanding . 8 Why truth is the perfection of a reasonable soule : and why it is not found in simple apprehensions as well as in Enuntiations . 9 What is a solid iudgement , and what a slight one . 10 What is an acute iudgement , and what a dull one . 11 In what consisteth quicknesse and Clearenesse of iudgement : and there oposite vices . 1 How discourse smade . 2 Of the figures and moodes of Syllogismes . 3 That the life of man as man , doth consist in discourse , and of the vast extent of it . Dialo : de mundo . 4 Of humane actions , and of those that concerne ourselues . 5 Of humane actions as they concerne our neighbours . 6 Of Logike . 7 Of Grammar . 8 Of Rhetorike . 9 Of Poetry . 10 Of the Power of speaking . 11 Of arts that concerne dumbe and insensible creatutes ▪ 12 Of Arithmetike . 13 Of Prudence . 14 Obseruations vpon what hath beene said in this Chapter . 1 That humane actions proceed from two seuerall principles , vnderstanding and sense . 2 How our generall and inbred maximes doe concurre to humane actiō . 3 That the rules and maximes of arts doe worke positiuely in vs though we thinke not of them . 4 How the vndestāding doth cast about when it wanteth sufficient grounds for action . 5 How reason doth rule ouer sense and passion . 6 How we recall our thoughts from distractions . 7 How reason is sometimes ouercome by sense and passion . 1 The cōnection of the subsequent Chapters with the precedent . 2 The inexistēce of corporeall thinges in the soule by the power of apprehension , doth proue her to be immateriall . 3 The notion of being , which is innate in the soule , doth proue the same . 4 The same is proued by the notion of respects . 5 That corporeall thinges are spiritualized in the vnderstanding by meanes of the soules working in and by respects . 6 That the abstracting of notions from all particular and indiuiduall accidents , doth proue the immaterialitie of the soule . 7 That the vniuersalitie of abstracted notions doth proue the same . 8 That collectiue apprehensions do proue the same . 9 The operations of the soule drawing allways from multitude to vnitie , do proue the same . 10 The difference betwixt the notion of a thing in our vnderstanding , and the impression that correspondeth to the same thing in our fansie , doth proue the same . 11 The apprehensiō of negatiōs and priuations do proue the same . 1 The manner of iudging or deeming by apprehending two thinges to be identified , doth proue the soule to be immateriall . 2 The same is proued by the manner of apprehending opposition in a negatiue iudgement . 3 That thinges in themselues opposite to one an other hauing no opposition in the soule , doth proue the same . 4 That the first truthes are identified to the soule . 5 That the soule hath an infinite capacitie , and consequently is immateriall . 6 That the opposition of contradictory propositions in the Soule doth proue her immaterialitie . 7 How propositions of eternall truth , do proue the immaterialitie of the soule . 1 That in discoursing the soule cōtaineth more in it at the same time then is in the fantasie , which prooueth her to be immateriall . 2 That the nature of discourse doth prooue the soule to be ordered to infinite knowledge , and consequētly to be immateriall . 3 That the most naturall obiects of the soule are immateriall , and consequently the soule her selfe in such . 1 That the soules being a power to order thinges proueth her to be immateriall . 2 That the soules being able to mooue without being mooued , doth prooue her to be immateriall . 3 That the soules proceeding to action with an vniuersality , and indifferency doth prooue the same . 4 That the quiet proceeding of reason doth prooue the same . 5 A conclusion of what hath beene said hetherto in this second Treatise . 1 That Mans Soule is a substance . 2 That man is compounded of some other substance besides his body . 3 That the soule doth subsist of it selfe independently of the body . 4 Two other arguments to prooue the same : one positiue , the other negatiue . 5 The same is prooued because the soule can not be obnoxious to the cause of mortality . 6 The same is prooued because the soule hath no contrary . 7 The same is prooued from the end for which the soule was created . 8 The same is prooued because she can mooue without being mooued . 9 The same is prooued from her manner of operation which is grounded in being . 10 Lastly it is prooued from the science of Morality , the principles whereof would be destroied if the soule were mortall . 1 That the soule is one simple knowing act which is a pure substance and nothing but substance . 2 That a seperated soule is in no place , and yet is not absēt from any place . Boetius . 3 That a seperated soule is not in time nor subiect to it . 4 That the soule is an actiue substance , and all in it is actiuitie . 5 A description of the soule . 6 That a seperated soule knoweth all that which she knew whilst she was in her bodie . 7 That the least knowledge which the soule acquireth in her bodie of anie one thing doth cause in her , when she is seperated from her bodie a compleat knowledge of all thing● whatsoeuer . 8 An answere to the obiections of some Peripatetikes who maintaine the soule to perish with the body . 9 The former Peripate●icke● refuted out of Aristotle . 10 The operations of a seperated soule compared to her operations in her bodie . 11 That a separated soule is in a state of pure being , and consequently immortall . 1 That a soule in this life is subiect to mutation , and may be perfected in knowledge . 2 That the knowledges which a so●le getteth in this life will make her knowledge in the next life more perfect , and firme . 3 That the soules of mē addicted to science whilst they liued here are more perfect in the next world then the soules of vnlearned men . 4 That those soules which embrace vertue in this world will be most perfect in the next , and those which embrace vice most miserable . 5 The state of a vicious soule in the next life . 6 The fundamentall reason why as well happinesse as miserie is so excessiue in the next life . 7 The reason why mans soule requireth to be in a body , and to liue for some space of time ioyned with it . 8 That the misery of the soule in the next world , proceedeth out of inequality , and not out of falsity of her iudgements . 1 The explication , and proofe of that maxime , that , if the cause be i● act , the effect must also b● . 2 The effects of all such agēts as worke instantaneously , ar● complete in the first instant that the agents are putt . 3 All pure spirits do worke instantaneously . 4 That a soule separated from her body can not suffer any change after the first instant of her separation . 5 That temporall sinnes are iustly punished with eternall pain●s . 
A43008	----	Archelogia philosophica nova, or, New principles of philosophy containing philosophy in general, metaphysicks or ontology, dynamilogy or a discourse of power, religio philosophi or natural theology, physicks or natural philosophy / by Gideon Harvey ... Harvey, Gideon, 1640?-1700? 1663 Approx. 1724 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 400 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43008 Wing H1053_ENTIRE Wing H1075_PARTIAL ESTC R17466 13378328 ocm 13378328 99339 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43008) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99339) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 457:11) Archelogia philosophica nova, or, New principles of philosophy containing philosophy in general, metaphysicks or ontology, dynamilogy or a discourse of power, religio philosophi or natural theology, physicks or natural philosophy / by Gideon Harvey ... Harvey, Gideon, 1640?-1700? 2 v. : ill. Printed by J. H. for Samuel Thomson ..., London : 1663. Vol. 1, 4th book has separate paging and special t.p.: Religio philosophi, or natural theology. The first part. The fourth book. By Gedeon [sic] Harvey ... Several pages are stained, print is faded, and there is print show-through. Book I: page 120--page 25 of part 2 and Book II: pages 258-91 photographed from British Library copy and inserted at end. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy. Natural theology -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2005-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Archelogia Philosophica Nova , OR New Principles OF PHILOSOPHY . CONTAINING Philosophy in general . Metaphysicks , or Ontology . Dynamilogy , or a Discourse of Power . Religio Philosophi , or Natural Theology . Physicks , or Natural Philosophy . By GIDEON HARVEY , Dr. of Phys. and Phil. Late Physician to his Majesties Army in Flanders . LONDON , Printed by J. H. for Samuel Thomson at the Bishops-head in St Pauls Church-yard . 1663. Dr. HARVEY'S NEW PHILOSOPHY . Imprimatur Geo. Stradling , S. T. P. Rev. in Christo Pat. Gilb. Episc. Lond. a Sac. Domest . Ex AEd. Sabaud . Octob. 30. 1662. To the Right Honourable THOMAS Earl of Ossory , One of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Council in the Kingdom of Ireland . My Lord , ALthough the interval of several years past might easily have blotted out the memory of any Obligations , yet it is the impression of your Lordships most obliging civilities conferred upon me , when fortune had blessed me with the honour of your good company in my Travels in France , that incites me to make the least recompence ( yet the greatest within my power ) of their remembrance and acknowledgement . But what can this add ? Since Countries and Cities , that have been honoured with your abode , describe your fame with Characters of all perfections concurring in a Person of so Noble , Prudent , Valiant , Heroick , and so Affable a Spirit : Whence I cannot but be confirmed of your Lordships Candour , that encourageth me in this my enterprize of offering to you a piece of Philosophy , so much below your acceptance ; however questioning not but that your Honours endowments will raise the use of it ( if any may be made ) to the greatest height . And now being conscious of my presumption in aspiring to make choice of so eminent a Personage for a Patron , do humbly beg your Pardon , and the favour of subscribing my self Most Noble Sir , Your Honours most humble , and obliged Servant , HARVEY . TO THE READER . Reader , I Was concerned in my mind , what to call you , courteous , or kind ; But since the Scene of this our Orb represents men moving so erratically , and varying in that extremity from the Ecliptick of a fixt Judgment , certainly I should have been frustrated in wooing your candour or gentleness ; dayly converse gives me the occasion of observing the variable Fates of Authors Works , which although indited by accurateness it self , and accomplisht with Herculean labours , are oft termed stuffe by some ; and to others again , the works of a Divinity scarce seem to surpass them : But to render Lines harmonical to every Ear is one of the humane Impossibilities ; and no small difficulty to a divine Pen. However all Volumns sail through an Ocean so terrible by Oricanes from Mens Tongues , the more by reason they are tossed to and fro without the conduct of their Pilot , yet it is not this Charybdis of a carping Momus , or that Scylla of a livid Zollus shall prevail to keep these upon the stocks , but rather precipitate them upon a Voyage , with a venture of their whole lading full of Novelties , suspending my thoughts in the interim for a return : Not a recompence of vain glory , nor a reproof relished with contempt , neither being placed in one Scale of a ballance over powers the other containing no more than an empty air ; And should not that be far short of my scope , marked with a single Character of truth , and advancement of Learning , setting aside any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The faces of most things appearing yet clouded , many but partly unmask ; as many , although of themselves clear , covered under a vail of dark terms and absurd notions of Philosophers , cannot but spur any sensible Genius to discuss that muddiness of some , and redeem the light of others , in the performing whereof I have here ingaged my self in these Treatises , taking what advantage long time , hard study , and laborious experiments would contribute thereunto . The only Instruments , that I have imployed in the sounding of the natures of beings , are the external senses , assuming nothing , or concluding no inference , without their advice and undoubted assent , whether in Metaphysicks , Theology , or Natural Philosophy . Those terms or notions , that only give a confuse testimony of their being to the understanding , escaping the evidence of external sence , we have declined as rocks , whereon any one might otherwise easily make shipwrack of his sensible knowledge . Wherefore whatever subject insisted upon within these narrow Pages , doth not crave a necessary , evident , plain and demonstrable assent , as being only attempted by external sense , mediately or immediately , my desire is the Reader would apprehend it to be no part of my Book . But to give you a more particular account of my design , I shall first discover to you my intention in annexing Natural Theology : My thoughts fluctuating in a mist , astonisht at the multiplicity of all kinds of bodies moving about me , advised to stear their course to some immoveable , whereupon they might fix themselves , and thence to ponder upon others ; here they certainly concluded one universal immoveable , whereon and whereby all moveables are moved ; because there can be no moveable , but must necessarily have its respect to an immoveable , they being relations , which are constituted at the same time . My next assumption following the chorea of the first , and drawn from the relation interceding between an immoveable and moveable , resolved me , that a Moveable must necessarily be derived from an Immoveable ; whence I was soon confirmed of an universal Creator of the whole Universe : Thence I made a digression into the reason and cause of the creation of all moveables , particularly of my self , and so keeping strait on my Road , behold my steps , markt and digested in the fourth Book of my Philosophy , which by reason of their prius ought to have been ranckt in the front , all men naturally converting their first thoughts thither ; but for orders sake have inserted them elsewhere . Here I found the camp , whereon Atheism and natural Faith were to encounter each other ; but the former being intrencht within the flesh , to have much the advantage of the latter standing bare upon so slippery a ground , whence it is , that the greatest part of the World , yea , of Christendom render themselves up captives and eternal slaves to the obedience of the devil , in the service of Atheism , engaged in actions of Abomination , Horrour , and Blasphemy . Notwithstanding since the ruines of those lines of Blessedness and Innocency , yet discernable in the souls of all men , are possible to be raised up again , whence they may easily demolish and batter down those strong Bulworks of Pernicion , it is that part of fortification I have endeavoured to delineate , the knowledge whereof is absolutely necessary for Salvation , and is a Key wherewith to unlock the Mysteries of eternal happiness , revealed to us by the holy Scriptures , which being founded upon the greatest and truest reason , must certainly require a gradual ascent to it from natural Theology , being a rational discourse inferring Theorems of Salvation from Humane Reason , subordinate to the highest of the Scriptures . Wherefore all evidence doth direct us to make this our mark or circle , whence we are to run to that blessed Meta of the other . But how preposterous and rash is it for men to slip over this part , and to cast themselves without a bottom into the very depth of divine Theology ? Alas their apprehension is immediately drowned in it ; their understanding amazed at those fathomless pits of reason ; in what different and monstrous acceptions do most Divines attach the genuine sense of Scripture , through ignorance of its precedents , scope , & dependance ? And more than this , each invokes the Holy Ghost for a Witness for to attest those various Interpretations . But what is this , but their heavy dull imaginations hallucinating in the appearance of the Scriptures , like several eyes in apparent objects of the Sky , some framing this , others that likeness of them ? I am not now to be confirmed in my belief , that the worst of Atheism is latent in many supposed Divines , their sinister ends , cheats , and vile secret passions of the flesh betraying their hypocrisie . Certainly , were I put to pick ( out of any Profession ) some that were to surmount all others in wickedness , I should not need long time to ponder upon my Verdict . The cause of this perversity I can state none but presumption in those , who after a twelve-moneths dosing upon Ursin's Cat. or Ames . Medul . do apprehend they should know the whole drift and connection of the Fundamentals of Sacred Writings , which to the same appearing upon a reflection , dishering , and strange in expressions , have soon confounded their small relicts of natural faith into a detestable Atheism , however cloathed with a dissembled time-holiness under their dark habits for to feed their covetousness out of their Benefices . Had these but conferred with their innate Principles of Natural Theology , and arrived to the habit therof before they had applied themselves to the top of inspired Learning , beyond all surmising , the Fundamentals of this latter would have been evidenced to them to be the alone absolute Wisdom , plain Truth , and most certain infallibility . Notwithstanding so universal a neglect of this part , yet I question not , but many may be found so well principled in both , that their undoubted Faith , expressed in their most Holy Life and Actions , will prove a great happiness to their Followers and Hearers in such Leaders and Teachers . Next touching my Scope in the Metaphysicks , which was principally the substitution of such Theorems in them , as might be demonstrated by sense , and had their sole dependance upon it , in order to a confutation of those absurd Notions purely Logical , ( although sold for real ones , ) that Aristotle proposed in his Metaphysicks ; in the interpretation and ambiguities whereof Schollars do usually consume a whole age in vain , reaping no better fruits thence , than that after seven years study they are enabled to say Formaliter , or Materialiter to every thing . But lastly , my chiefest design ever since the seventeenth year of my age , when I had just finisht my course in Physick , and taken my last degree , consisted in elaborating such demonstrations in Natural Philosophy , as might serve to unfold the natures of Beings in relation to the Art of Physick , hitherto so uncertain , blind , and unfounded on Art , that I dare confidently assert , that the cure of many ( if not of most ) diseases is rather to be imputed to the strength of bodies , than the application of vulgar Remedies , as the precipitation of Patients to their extream Fate by the ordinary courses of Physick more than to the cruelty of their distempers , setting aside those frequent mistakes in discovering them and their causes ; All which are so much subordinated to Natural Philosophy , that whatever rare Invention in Practice , or infallible distinction of any disease , is deprehended in the Art of Medicine , must be demonstrated by Principles of Physicks . Difficulties of Nature , that formerly seemed so uneasie to be explained , I find very obvious and evident through them ; Many things that have hitherto lain hidden in the Bosome of Nature , and such , as no Philosophy could yet discover , you will meet with here . Besides these you are like to read the quotation of a Book of Souls or Psychelogia , formerly intending its insertion in the Second Part of Philosophy . But since I apprehend my self to be much scanted of my time , and that this Volumn would swell up into too great a mole , I am compelled to omit the publishing of it , although it hath been long since ready for the Press . Before I take my leave of my Reader , I must not forget to crave your permission of using some kind of terms in my Books , which although somewhat alienated from their proper signification , yet can give you a reason of their figurative or tropical acception , such are Catochization , Grove , besides many others . I must also acquit my self to you of my default in such plain and unpolisht Lines , which I have made use of ; Certainly , whoever is acquainted with Philosophy will know , that it is Philosophical so to write ; neither , had I been ingaged in any other Subject , could I have gratified your expectation herein , since it was never my fortune to read two sheets of any English Book in my life , or ever to have had the view of so much as the Title Leaf of an English Grammar . I have also varied in the Orthography both of spelling and pointing from the ordinary , and so the Printer hath varied from me ; My own part herein I can easily protect , and so I may the Printers , since his unacquaintedness with the matter and hand-writing , and the dazling of his eyes , ( which a pair of Spectacles might easily have mended , ) in the smalness of my Letters , hath set him upon the Lee shore of accurateness ; however you may prevent the danger of some mistakes ( although not of all , since I have not the opportunity of so much as casting a superficial eye over half this Volumn , ) by directing your self to the Errata , which you will find set down at the end of each Book . In fine , not to detain you longer in preambles , I shall only commend to you one of Grave Cato's Distichs thus inverted , Non hos collaudes , nec eos culpaveris ipse , Hoc faciant stulti , quos gloria vexat inanis . Condemn thou none , neither give them praise , Let fools do so , who love peoples gaze . And advise you to suspend your Verdict upon these Writings , untill you have perused them twice , and then if disrelishing , dishering , false or contradicting to give your self the trouble of letting me know my errours in the sense of them , which , since my only scope is to promote Learning , to be taught my self , and to excite others to the study of things , that are yet imprisoned in darkness , I shall take for a very friendly office , not valuing the hearing or acknowledging my mistakes ( although attended as usually with some reproof ) provided , that at the same time I may be furnished with better Principles in lieu of mine , or otherwise I shall think it much below me to take notice of such Scripts , intended for nothing more than Libels : Moreover , that my further duty may not prove a regret to me , the answering of such desires in Latine will obliege me to remain , Courteous Reader , Your humble Servant . To Momus . THou cross-grain'd Mome , 't is time forbear to squint , If not , I 'll coin and cast thee in the Mint ; Bodel be stamp a dog gnorring at a bone , More stupid , more dull than any dunghitl stone ; If now thou shouldst grow civil , beyond what I can Hope , then thou art no more a beast , but a true man. The Contents of the Principles of PHILOSOPHY . The FIRST PART . The First Book . CHAP. I. Of matters preceding and following the nature of Philosophy . 1. THe derivation of Philosophy . pa. 1. 2. What it was first called , and why its name was changed . ibid. 3. The original of Philosophy . The first Inventers of it . p. 2. 4. What dispositions are required in a Philosopher . The difficulty in attaining to Philosophy . The pleasure arising from the possession of it . ib. 5. The esteem and worth of Philosophy and Philosophers . p. 3. 6. The use and fruits reaped from Philosophy , and redounding in general to every one : in particular , to a Divine , Civilian and Physitian . p. 4. CHAP. II. Of the nature of Philosophy . 1. Whether Philosophy can be defined . p. 5. 2. Various definitions of Philosophy . How Plato did define it . The definition of Damascen . ib. 3. The Authors definition of it . That the Essence of God is as sensibly apprehended as the essence of his Creatures . p. 6. 4. What is implyed by Knowledge . 7. 5. The Subjectum circa quod , or Object of Philosophy . p. 8. 6. The Subjectum inhesionis , or Subject wherein Philosophy is inherent . ib. CAAP. III. Of Philosophers . 1. What a Philosopher is . Four properties necessary in a Philosopher . That nothing is more hatefull , and noysom than a man but half Learned . p. 8 , 9. 2. The first Universities . The rise and number of Sects sprung from these Universities . The Fame of Socrates . p. 10. 3. What means Philosophers made use of to procure themselves a Repute and Fame . p. 11. CHAP. IV. Of the distribution of Philosophy in parts . 1. In what manner Philosophy contains its subjected parts . p. 12. 2. How Objects move the Understanding by their first and immediate Representation . ib. 3. That the Supreme and immediate Division of Philosophy , is into Practick and Theorick Knowledge . 13. 4. An Objection against the Subdidivision of Practick and Theorick Knowledge . ib. 5. How Knowledge is subdivided . ib. 6. That the Subdivision is adequate to all its Inferiour Parts . p. 14. 7. Why Practick and theoretick Philosophy are not treated of separately , their Inferiour Parts are . ib. 8. That the Common Quadripartition of Philosophy is too strict . p. 15. CHAP. V. 1. What Method is requisite in the Ordering of the particular Treatises of the several parts of Philosophy . p. 15. 2. What Order is observed in the placing of the General parts of Philosophy . ib. p. 16. The FIRST PART . The Second Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Metaphysicks . 1. OF the Etymology and Synonima's of Metaphysicks . p. 17. 2. The Authors Definition of Metaphysicks . That a Being is univocal to an objective and a real Being . p. 18. 3. The true formal and adequate Object of Metaphysicks . p. 19. 4. Wherein Metaphysicks differ from Philosophy . ib. CHAP. II. Of Precision . 1. What Precision is . p. 19. 2. That a real Precision is not properly a Precision . p. 20. 3. That Precision constitutes a Positive and Negative . ib. 4. The Difference of Precision . That all Precisions are formal . ib. CHAP. III. The Manner of Precision . 1. How a more universal Being is precinded from its less universal Beings . p. 21. 2. How an universal Being is equally abstracted from an ( Ens Rationis ) Objective Being , and ( Ens Reale ) a real Being . ib. 3. How a common Concept is precinded from a Substance and Accident . ib. CHAP. IV. Of the Definition of a Being . 1. What the proper name of the Nature of a Being is . The improbation of several Definitions of a Being . p. 22. 2. Objections against the common Definition of a Being received by most late Philosophers . p. 23. 3. That there is no common Concept to a possible real Being , and an actual real Being . ib. 4. That there is an univocal Concept to all immaterial and material , Objective and Real , Substantial and Accidental Beings . p. 24. 5. The Authors Definition of a Being . That our Knowledge is comparatively as perfect as Adams was . ib. CHAP. V. Of the Formality of an Objective being . 1. The Authors Definition of a ( Ens Rationis ) Being of the Mind , or an Objective Being . Wherein a Real Being differs and agrees with an Objective Being . p. 27. 2. The Proof of the fore-given Definition . That whatever we think , when we do not think upon a Real Being , is an Objective Being . That whatever we think or can think , when we do not think upon a Real Being , is like to a Real Being . p. 28. 3. Another Argument to prove the Formality of a mental Being to consist in likenessto a eral Being . 30. 4. The Division of an Objective Being . p. 31 , 32. CHAP. VI. Queries concerning a Real and an Objective Being . 1. Whether an Objective Being and a Real Being differ essentially one from the other . p. 33. 2. Whether a Rose in the winter is a real Being . ib. 3. If Impossibility be the Formality of an Objective Being . ib. 4. Whether the Ratio formalis of an Objective Being consists in a conjunction of many Beings , which in that conjunction are impossible to exist really . p. 34. 5. That an Objective Being is not existent before it is understood . A Confutation of Smigl . ib. p. 35. 6. That an Objective Being is only proper to the understanding . p. 36. CHAP. VII . The Manner of Forming an Objective Being . 1. That all Formations of an Ens Rationis are single . That the Second Operation of the Understanding , is the same in Specie with the first . A Division of an Objective Being into Single and Complexe . p. 37 , 38. 2. That a Non Ens cannot be known . Two acceptions of a Non Ens , p. 39. CHAP. VIII . Of the Formality of a Real Being . 1. What a Real Being is according to the Author . The Derivation of res and aliquid . That it is very improper to call it a real Being . The Cause of that Denomination . p. 40. 2. That the Phansie is the immediate Subject of an Ens Reale . p 41. 3. That the Understanding is only the Mediate Subject of Real Beings . ib. CHAP. IX . Of the Division of a Being into Universal and Singular . 1. A Being is divisible into Univerversal and Singular . p. 42. 2. What an universal being is according to the Author . ib. 3. What an universal Real being is . 43. 4. What an universal Objective being is . ib. CHAP. X. Of universal and singular Beings . 1. That there are no Platonick Idea 's That universal beings are not really different from their singulars . Wherein an universal is distinguisht from a singular . That singulars being abolisht , universals thence abstracted , are also abolisht with them . p. 44. 2. That universal Beings are formally distinct from singulars . p. 45. 3. Singulars are primum cognita . p. 46. 4. Universals are notiora nobis . ib. CHAP. XI . Of the Extream Division of a Being . 1. Another Division of a Being . p. 48. 2. What the greatest or most universal is . ib. 3. What the greater universal is . ib. 4. What a less universal is . ib. 5. What the least universal is . ib. 6. How the fore-mentioned Members are otherwise called . ib. CHAP. XII . Of the Modes or Parts of a Being . 1. What a Mode is . Whence a Part is named a Part. Whence a Mode is termed a Mode . The Scotch Proverb verified . p. 49. 2. The Number and Kinds of Modes . What an Essence or a whole being is . p. 50. 3. That a Mode is the Summum Genus of all Beings , and their Parts . ib. 4. The vulgar Doctrine of Modes rejected . ib. 5. That a Substance is a Mode of a Being . p. 51. 6. That a Mode is an univocal Gender to a Substance and an Accident . p. 52. 7. That a Substance is an Accident , and all Accidents are Substances , The difference between Subsistence and Substance . ib. CHAP. XIII . Of the Attributes of a Being . 1. Why a property is so called . p. 53. 2. The Difference which Authors hold between Passion and Attribute . ib. 3. That Passion and Attribute , as to their Names imply the same thing . ib. 4. That Attributes are really the same with their Essence . That all Attributes of a Being , as they are united , are the same with their Essence or Being . p. 54. 5. That the Attributes are formally distinct from one another . ib. 6. That that , which we conceive beyond the Attributes of a Being , is nothing . ib. 7. What an Essence is . ib. CHAP. XIV . Of the Kinds and Number of the Attributes of a Being . 1. Whence the Number of the Attributes of a Being is taken . p. 55. 2. The Number of Attributes constituting a Being . ib. 3. All Attributes are convertible one with the other , and each of them , and all of them in union with an Essence or Being . ib. 4. That all the Attributes of a Being are equall in Dignity and Evidence . ib. 5. That the Order of Doctrine concerning these Attributes is indifferent . ib. CHAP. XV. Of Essence and Existence . 1. That Essence and Existence are generally received for Principles . p. 56. 2. That Essence is no Principle . ib. 3. That Existence is no Principle . ib. 4. That Existence is according to the opinion of the Author . p 57. 5. That Existence is intentionally distinct from Essence . ib. 6. That Essence is perfecter than Existence . ib. 7. That Existence is formally distinct from Substance . ib. CHAP. XVI . Of Unity . 1. That Unity superaddes nothing Positive to a Being . p. 58. 2. What Unity is . That Unity properly and per se implies a Positive ; accidently and improperly a Negative . What is formally imported by Unity . ib. 3. That Unity is illegally divided in unum per se , and unum per accidens . ib. CHAP. XVII . Of Truth . 1. Why Truth is called transcendent . p. 59. 2. What Truth is . ib. 3. An Objection against the definition of Truth . That a Monster is a true being . That God although he is the remote efficient Cause of a Monster , neverthelesse cannot be said to be the Cause of evil . p. 60. 4. Austin 's definition of Truth . p. 61. 5. That Fashood is not definable . How it may be described . ib. CHAP. XVIII . Of Goodness . 1. What Goodness is . The Improbation of several Definitions of Goodness . p. 62. 2. The Difference between Goodness and perfection . ib. 3. What evil is . ib. 4. What the absolute active End of Goodness is . ib. 5. That Goodness is improperly divided , in Essential , Accidental , and Integral Goodness . p. 63. 6. How Goodness is properly divided . ib. 7. That the Division of Good in Honest , Delectable , &c. doth belong to Ethicks . ib. CHAP. XIX . Of Distinction . 1. The Authors description of Distinction . That the privative sense of not being moved is a Note of Distinction , whereby the understanding distinguishes a Non Ens from an Ens. That the Positive sense of being moved in another manner , than another Ens moves the understanding , is a Note of Distinction between one Being and another . p. 63. 2. How Distinction is divided . What a real Distinction is . p. 64. 3. What a Modal difference is . ib. 4. That the vulgar description of a real Distinction is erroneous . ib. 5. That the terms of a Distinction between two or more real Beings , are requisite both or more to exist . p. 65. 6. That one term of Distinction although in Existence , cannot be exally predicated of another not existent . Oviedo and Hurtado reamined . ib. 7. What a formal Distinction is à Parte actus , and how otherwise called . ib. 8. What a Distinctio Rationis is . How otherwise called . p. 67. CHAP. XX. Of Subsistence . 1. What Subsistence is . What it is to be through it self , from it self , and in it self . p. 68. 2. That a Nature cannot be conservated by God without Subsistence . That the Transubstantiation of Christs Body and Bloud into Bread and Wine , according to the supposition of the Papists , is impossible . Oviedo 's Argument against this Position answered . ib. 3. The kinds of Subsistences . p. 69. 4. What Termination is . ib. 5. What Perfection is . ib. CHAP. XXI . Of remaing modes of a Being . 1. What Quantity is . p. 70. 2. What the kinds of Quantity are . ib. 3. What Quality is . ib. 4. What Relation is . ib. 5. What Action is . ib. 6. What Paspon is . ib. 7. What Situation is . ib. 8. What Duration is . ib. CHAP. XXII . Of Causes . 1. What a Cause is . That the Doctrine of Causes belongeth to Metaphysicks . p. 71. 2. Wherein a Cause and Principle differ . ib. 3. What an internal Cause is . What Matter is . ib. 4. What a Form is , and how it is divided . p. 72. 5. What an external Cause is . ib. CHAP. XXIII . Of the Kinds of Causes . 1. The Number of real Causes That a final Cause is no real Cause . The Causality of Matter and Form. p. 73. 2. The Division of an Efficient . p. 74. 3. That an Efficient is erroneously divided in a procreating and conservating Cause . ib. 4. That the Division of a Cause into Social and Solitary is illegal . ib. 5. That the Division of an efficient Cause into Internal and External is absurd . p. 75. 6. That all Forms are Material . 77. 7. That there are no assistent Forms . p. 78. CHAP. XXIV . Of the Theorems of Causes . 1. That a Cause and its Effects are co-existent . p. 78. 2. That there are but three Causes of every Natural Being . ib. 3. That there is but one Cause of every Being . ib. 4. That all Beings are constituted by one or more Causes . p. 79. 5. That all Causes are really univocal . ib. 6. That all Natural Causes act necessarily . ib. 7. That the Soul of a Beast acteth necessarily . p. 80. 8. That all Matter hath a Form. That Matter is capable of many Forms . p. 81. The FIRST PART . The Third Book . CHAP. I. Of Powers , according to the Peripateticks . 1. THe Opinion of the Peripateticks touching the Souls action . That according to the same Opinion , a Substance is said not to act immediately through it self , but through superadded Powers . p. 85. 2. That a Substance acteth through as many different Powers , as it produceth different Acts. p. 86. 3. That the said Powers are really and formally distinct from the essence of the Soul. ib. 4. That Powers are concreated with the Soul , and do immediately emanate from her Essence . p. 87. 5. That immaterial Powers are inherent in the Soul , as in their Agent ; Material ones in the Matter , as in their Subject . ib. 6. That Powers are distinguisht by their Acts and Objects . The Authors Intent in treating of the Faculties of the Soul. ib. CHAP. II. Of all the usual Acceptions of power . 1. The Etymology of Power . The Synonyma's of Power . p. 88. 2. The various Acceptions of power . ib. 3. What a Passive Natural Power , and a Supernatural Passive or Obediential Power is . ib. 4. Various Divisions of Power . p. 89. CHAP. III. Of the Nature of Power according to the Author . 1. The Analogal Concept of Power as it is common to all its Analogata . p. 90. 2. Whether there be Real Powers . 91. 3. Certain Conclusions touching Powers . p. 93. 4. That all Substances act immediately through themselves . p. 95. 5. That a Peripatetick Power is a Non Ens Physicum . p. 97. 6. That all Powers are really Identificated with their Subject . ib. 7. That Powers are distinguisht modully from their Subject . p. 98. 8. How Powers are taken in the Abstract . ib. 9. The Manner of the Remission and Intention of Powers . p. 99. 10. The Number of the Formal Acts caused by a singular Substance . ib. 11. The Number of the Formal Acts caused by an Organical Substance . p. 101. 12. The Solutions of several Doubts touching Powers . ib. 13. That all Creatures have an absolute Power secundum quid of acting . p. 102. 14. In what sense Hippocrates and Galen apprehended Powers . ib. The FIRST PART . The Fourth Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Natural Theology . 1. What Theology is . p. 1. 2. That Theosophy is a fitter name to signifie the same , which is here intended by Theology . That in knowing God we become Philosophers . p. 2. 3. What a Habit is . ib. 4. What it is to live happily . That there is a mean or middle way of living , which is neither living in happiness , or living in misery . p. 3. 5. How Theology is divided . ib. 6. What Natural Theology is . What Supernatural Theology is . The first Doubts of a Natural man. ib. 7. The Dignity of Theology . p. 4. CHAP. II. Of the end of Natural Theology . 1. Wherein Moral Philosopy differeth from Natural Theology ; and wherein it agreeth with it . That the Heathen Philosophers were no true Philosophers . Aristotle his dying words . Epicure his miserable death , after so pleasant a life . p. 5. 2. A Description of the greatest Happiness . Queries touching the greatest Happiness . p. 6. 3. Whether the greatest Happiness is the neerest and principal end of Theology . ib. 4. How the greatest Happeness is otherwise called . p. 7. CHAP. III. Of GOOD . 1. What Good is . p. 7. 2. That Aristotle 's Definition of Good is erroneous . ib. p. 8. 3. Diogenes his Definition of Good 9. 4. The Explanation of the Definition of Good. How the several kinds of Good differ from one another . ib. 5. What Moral Good is : what moral evil is . p. 10. 6. What Theologick Good and evil is . ib. CHAP. IV. Of Moral Good and Moral Evil. 1. An Explanation of the Definition of Moral Good. What is understood by a Natural State. The ambiguity of the word Natural . p. 10. 2. What Moral Good it is , which doth respect the Body . What Moral Good it is , which respecteth the Soul. p. 11 3. An Explanation of the Definition of Moral Evil. That God doth not properly bend to his creatures . p. 12. 4. The Distinction between these two predicates , to be Good , and to do Good. ib. 5. How Moral Good turns to Moral Evil. p. 13. 6. That Man , as he is in a neutral state , is in a middle state , between supernatural and preternatural . ib. CHAP. V. Of Theologick Good , and Theologick Evil. 1. An Explanation of the Definition of Theologick Good. p. 14. 2. An Explication of the Definition of Theologick Evil. ib. 3. What honest , usefull and pleasant Good is . p. 15. 4. What Natural , Sensible and Moral Good is . ib. CHAP. VI. Of the greatest and highest Good. 1. A further illustration of the greatest Good. p. 16. 2. That the highest Good is the neerest end of Natural Theology . ib. 3. What the Summum Bonum is otherwise called . That the greatest Good is our last end . p. 17. 4. The inexpressible Joy , which the soul obtains in possessing the greatest Good. ib. 5. Two great benefits , which the soul receiveth from the Summum Bonum . p. 18. CHAP. VII . Of the false Summum Bonum . 1. The Summum Bonum of the Epicureans unfolded and rejected . p. 19. 2. That Wealth is a greater terment than a Summum Bonum . The Riches of Seneca . That we ought to follow his example . p. 20. 3. That to be taken up in merry discourses is not the greatest happiness . ib. p. 21. 4. That it is not the greatest happiness to be merry twice or thrice a week at a mans country house . p. 22. 5. That honour is not the greatest good . ib. 6. That swearing is no happiness . ib. 7. The Author's ground why he was compelled to make use of so light a style in this Chapter . p. 23. 8. That all these enumerated instances are highly to be embraced as good , but not as the greatest Good. That meat and drink are to be taken with temperance . ib. 9. That Riches are not absolutely to be rejected . p. 24. 10. That mutual converse is commendable . ib. 11. That a constant society is necessary to man. ib. 12. That we ought to give honour to whom honour is due . p. 25. 13. That we ought not to refuse an Oath tendred by the Magistrate . ib. CHAP. VIII . Of the Subject of Natural Theology . 1. Man consisting of Body and Soul is the adequate subject of Natural Theology . p. 26. 2. Reasons proving the Soul to be the original and principal subject of Theology . ib. 3. That the Understanding and Will are really and formally one . The confutation of the vulgar definition of will A full explication of the will , and the manner of its acting . What speculative and practical signifie . p. 27 , &c. 4. What the will is in a large sense . p. 34 5. What the will is in a strict sense . ib. 6. An explanation upon the first description of will. p. 35. 7. The effects of the will. Whether appetibility doth not equally imply volibility , and appetibility in a strict sense . p. 36. 8. Whether mans appetite is distinct from his will. ib. CHAP. XIX . Of Free-will by reason . 1. Wherein man doth most differ from Animals or Naturals . p. 38. 2. To what acts the freedom of man's will , in reference to its acting , doth extend . What the freedom of will is , quoad exercitium actus , and what Libertas Contradictionis is . ib. 3. What the second kind of freedom of will importeth . p. 39. 4. That the speculative understanding in the act of speculation is practick . ib. 5. That the will is not constrained to will a good thing , although present : but hath a power of rejecting it . ib. 6. That the will willeth evil for an evil end . That some men are worse than Devils . p. 40. 7. What the will 's freedom is in specifying its acts . ib. 8. What free-will is in refference to its faculty . ib. 9. Velten rejected for asserting that the will is not indifferent to each contrary . That the will is indifferent to each contradictory opposite . p. 41. 10. That the will is free to act , or not to act . p. 42. 11. That the will is free to act upon particular objects , whether good or evil . The state of the controversie . ib 12. That man as he is in a natural and corrupt state hath a free-will of doing a moral good , or a moral evil act . ib. 13. That man hath not a free-will of doing a theologick good act immediately through him self without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . p. 43. 14. Man hath a free-will of doing a theologick good act with an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . That he hath a free-will of election . ib. 15. That man , as be is in a natural state , hath a free-will , through himself , and without Gods extraordinary concurrence , to procure Gods extraordinary concurrence and assistance to him in his actions . That our being and conversation in it , and all our actions depend from the ordinary concurrence of God. Reasons , why God did not conferre upon him an absolute power of acting without his ordinary concourse . The cause of man's fall . That that which is only morally good will prove theologick evil at last . ib. 44. 16. Arguments to prove a free-will in man. A reconciliation of the Calvinists with the Arminians . That man hath a rement of theologick good surving in him . The state of the controversie . The division of it . 45 , &c. CHAP. X. Of Free-will from Scripture . 1. Objections from Scripture against man's free-will . p. 48. 2. An Answer to the said Objections . p. 49. 3. Objections proving that moral good is evil . ib. 4. The first Objection answered . p 50. 5. The second Objection removed . ib. 6. Some other Texts produced against free-will in man. p 51. 7. The first Text reconciled . ib. 8. The second Objection removed 52. 9. Arguments deduced from faith . An answer to the said Arguments . ib. 10. The first Argument drawn from Scripture , to prove man's free-will to good and evil . p. 53. 11. A second Argument proving the same . ib. 12. A third Argument . ib. 13. Many other Texts inferring the same . p. 54. 14. Texts proving a remnant of good in man. ib. 15. Texts proving that a natural man cannot do a theologick good act through himself , and being only assisted with the ordinary concurss of God. ib. 16. Scriptures inferring , that a supernatural man hath no free-will to direct contraries , that is , to do theologick good and evil . An answer to some Texts produced by Bellarmin , p. 55 , 56. 17. Scripture proofs concluding , that the means , whereby God's extraordinary concurrence is procured , is in man , and adheres to his free-will . p. 57. 18. Whether man's actions performed with God's extraordinary assistance are to be taken for the actions of God , or of man. ib. 19. A reconciliation of the ninth to the Romans . The unfolding of Predistination , or of God's eternal Decree . p. 58 , &c. CHAP. XI . Of the Command of the Will. 1. Whether the will can be forced . 64. 2. What elicited and imperated acts are . p. 65. 3. What command the will exreciseth over the inferiour faculties . What a politick and despotick command is . ib. 4. That the irascible and appetitive faculty are under a politick obedience to the will. p. 66. 5. That the locomotive faculty is not alwayes under a servile obedience to the will. ib. 6. That the will doth not command over the practick understanding . ib. CHAP XII . Of Voluntary and Involuntary . 1. That the Understanding , as it is speculative and practick , is the internal principle of the ultimate and intermediate actions . That God or Angels are improperly said to be external principles . That God is the coefficient of man's actions . How Angels , whether good or evil , Wizords and Witches concur to the specification of man's actions . p 67. 2. What a humane action is . p. 68. 3. That it is absurd to assert man to do a thing ignorantly . ib. 4. Whether evils of omission through ignorance are to be termed involuntary . ib. 5. How humane actions are divided . p. 65 , &c. CHAP. XIII . Of Natural Faith. 1. That Faith is the sole means , through which we are to attain to our greatest good . What Faith is . The Definition confirmed by Arguments deduced from reason . p. 70. 2. The two-fold object of Faith. A proof from reason , that God is the Creator of man. That God and Nature are one . p. 71. 3. An enquiry into the end of man's creation . p. 72. 4. That man doth know the summe of God's Law through the light of Nature . A summary enumeration of the Law of God , as it is imprinted upon every man's heart . ib. 73. 5. Moral virtues compared with the moral Law. A comprehension of all moral virtues . p. 74 , 75. CHAP. XIV . Of Man's Fall , and of Atheism . 1. A rational enquiry into man's primitive estate . The manner of man's fall . p. 76 2. Grounds , whence a man may rationally collect hopes for his restoration . p. 77. 3. That Atheism is the worst of sins and that an Atheist is unable of performing the least good act . Wherein the goodness of an action doth consist . ib. 78. 4. A character of an Atheist . That confirmed Atheism is the onely sin against the holy Ghost . A full discovery of an Atheist . ib. 79. CHAP. XV. Of the Means and Manner of Man's Escape and Restauration . 1. What is requisite for a man to consider in order to his escape and restitution . p. 83. 2. How a man may naturally find out a means tending to his restitution . ib. 3. The description of God's mercy . 84. 4. The explanation of the precedent description . p. 85. 5. The act , through which God's mercy doth succour a natural soul in her contention . ib. CHAP. XVI . Of the Light and Darknesse of Man's practick Understanding . 1. That Light and Darknesse are analogal to principles of Good and Evil. p. 86. 2. Queries concerning Light and Darknesse . ib. 3. The two kinds of Light. What the first Light is , and how it produceth the second Light. ib. 4. What the Habit of Light is . That the first Man acted without Habits . How a Habit is acquired . ib. 5. That the first Man acted through a natural disposition , and not through any Habits . p 87. CHAP. XVII . Containing rational discoveries of Man's primitive and second estate . 1. That Man was created most perfect . A proof from reason , inferring God to be a most rational spirit . p 88. 2. That Man by means of his first and second Light , understood all beings perfectly in their proper natures as they were . p. 89 3. That the first man did not sleep during his incorrupt estate . ib. 4. That the first man did eat and drink . ib. 5. That the first man would have generated in the same manner , and through the same parts , as he did afterwards , but without that shame and sinfull lust . That there were no co-Adamites . The absurdity of that blasphemous opinion touching prae-Adamites . ib. 6. That the first man was beyond danger of erring in any action proceeding from his soul. p. 90 7. A rational inquiry into the first sinne , and knowledg of the first Commandment . ib. 8. The manner of man's fall proved by reason . His punishment for the breach of the first Commandment . p. 91. 9. A further collection of man's pupunishment for his first sinne . That a present unavoidable temporal death was part of man's punishment , and not a present unavoidable eternal death . ib. 10 That man after his fall was not become utterly evil . p. 92. 11. An enumeration of the relicts of Good in man. p. 93. CHAP. XVIII . Of the manner of the Suppression , Extinction , Predominance and Triumph of the Habit of Good. 1. The repetition of some of the principal principles of this Treatise . 94. 2. What it is that hindreth the Habit of Good. ib. 3. How the good Habit happens to be deaded , and overcome by the evil habit . How the good Habit happens to suppresse and vanquish the evil habit . ib. 4. That we are apt to incline most to those things that are forbidden . p. 95. 5. A proof inferring darkness to proceed from the prevalence of the corporeal appetite . ib. 6. Why it is , that a man must necessarily die . The ground detected upon which the Papists were induced to state a Purgatory . Their error rejected . p. 96. 7. That the propertion of these two Habits is various in every individual subject . ib. CHAP. XIX . Of Original Sinne. 1. How it is possible for two contrary Habits to inhere in one subject . 97. 2. The absurdities that follow this Assertion , viz. That the evil habit inheres in the soul perse . ib. 3. In what manner the Habit of good is taken to inhere per se in the soul. p. 98. 4. That God created every man theologically good . Several Objections relating to the same assertion , answered . ib. 5. How the soul partaketh of the guilt of Original Sinne. The opinion of the Synod of Rochel upon this matter . p. 99. &c. CHAP. XX. Of the manner of Man's Multiplication . 1. The state of the controversie . 101. 2. That the Rational Soul is not generated , or produced by generation . That there are three kinds of productions out of nothing . ib. 3. That the Soul is not propagated either from the Father or Mother . ib. 102. 4. That impious opinion concluding the Rational Soul to be generated tanquam ex traduce , confuted . 103. 5. An Objection against the Authors opinion answered . ib. 6. That the foetus before the advent of the Rational Soul is informated with a form analogal to a sentient form . p. 104. 7. That God is the remote cause of man's generation . ib. 8. That man doth generate man naturally and perse . ib. 9. The opinion of Austin , Jerome , and others upon this matter . p. 105. CHAP. XXI . Of Practick Natural Faith. 1. What a man is to consider to prevent his downfall . p. 207. 2. Man's danger and folly : the Devils policy . A certain means whereby to be delivered from this imminent danger . The whole mystery and summe of man's salvation . ib. 108. 3. The main Question of this whole Treatise decided . p. 109. 4. Scripture proofs ( accidentally proposed ) inferring implicit faith in a natural man to be justifying . ib. 5. The general Rules of Practick faith . p. 110 6. The occasion of man's fall briefly repeated . ib. 7. Fifteen Reasons against all passions . p. 111 , 112. 8. Arguments against all bodily pleasures . p. 113. 9. The military discipline of a natural man , instructing him to warre against all his enemies that oppose him in his way to his greatest happiness . p. 114 , 115. 10. The greatest and most necessary rule of this military art . A scandal taken off from Physicians . p. 116. 11. Another great measure of the said Art. p. 117. 12. Whence a natural man is to expect assistance in case he is weakned by his enemies . p. 118. 13. Whether the soul expiring out of the body is to be an Angel , or for ever to abide without office . What the office of a separated soul is . 119. 14. How long she is to continue in office . The consummation and description of the change of the world . The resurrection proved by reason . The description of the second Paradise concluded by reason . ib. 15. To what objects the faculties of men , when possest of the second Paradise , will extend . That they shall remember and know one another . That they shall eat and drink , that they shall not generate , that the same person , who redeemed man from his misery , shall reign over him in Paradise . p. 120 , 121. CHAP. XXII . Comprizing a brief account of the Religion of the Heathen Philosophers . 1. Socrates his belief of God p. 122. 2. What God is according to Homer . p. 123. 3. What Plato thought God to be . ib. 4. Thales his saying of God. ib. 5. Instances proving the Heathens to have known Gods Attributes ; particularly , that Thales believed God's Omniscience , and God's unchangeable Decrees . ib 6. That Socrates asserted God's Omniscience , Omnipotence , his creating of the world in time , his Iustice and Mercy , God's Omnipresence . ib. 7. The Articles of Plato 's Faith , p. 124 , 125. 8. Aristotle 's Belief . p. 126. 9. Virgil's opinion of divine things . ib. 10. The divine Song of Orpheus . p. 127. 11. Trismegistus upon the Creation of the world . ib. 128. Natural Philosophy . The SECOND PART . The First Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Natural Philosophy . 1. THe Etymology and Synonima's of Natural Philosophy . p. 1. 2. The Definition of Natural Philosophy . p. 2. 3. An Explanation of the said Definition , ib. 4. What a Natural Being is . ib. 5. What a Natural Essence is . ib. 6. What Nature is . ib. 7. The various Acceptions of Nature . ib. CHAP. II. Comprehending an Explanation of the Definition of a Natural Being . 1. What is meant by Disposition . p. 3. 2. An Objection against the Definition of a Natural Being answered . p. 4. 3. What it is to act according to Truth . ib. 4. That the Subject of this Science is more properly named a natural Being , than a natural Body . ib. 5. Aristotles Definition of Nature rejected by several Arguments . p. 5. 6. That Nature is a property of a natural Being . p. 6. 7. The difference between Nature and Art. ib. 8. That Nature in respect to God acteth constantly for an End. p. 7. 9. The Division of Nature . ib. CHAP. III. Of the Principles of a Natural Being . 1. That Privation is no Principle of a Physical Generation , or of a Physical Being . That Union might be more properly termed a Principle , than Privation . p. 8. 2. The Principles of a Material Being stated by Pythagoras rejected . p. 9. 3. That to treat of Matter and Form is more proper to Metaphysicks . 10. 4. That the Materia Prima of Aristotle is a Non Ens. ib. 5. That the Chaos had a Form. p. 11. 6. The Authors Materia Prima . p. 12. 7. That it doth not appertain to Physicks to explain the nature of the first Matter . ib. 8. What the first Form of all natural Beings is . ib. 13. CHAP. IV. Of the Nature and Essence of the Elements . 1. The nearest Definition of a Natural Being . p. 15. 2. The Definition of an Element That all Physical Definitions ought to be sensible . The proof of the Existence of the Elements , and of their Number . p. 16. 3. An Exposition of the Definition of an Element . It s Etymology and Honomony . p. 17. 4. What Distinction the Author makes between Principle , Cause , and Element . p 18. 5. What a Natural Cause is . That the Elements are no single real Beings . That they are treated of separately and singly Ratione only . ib. 6. That there are but three Natural Causes . Their Necessity proved in particular . ib. CHAP. V. Of New Philosophy and the Authors of it . 1. Helmontius his arrogance and vainglory . How , and wherein he rejected the Peripatetick Philosophy . His own Principles . p. 19 , 20. 2. The Life and Death of the said Helmontius . p. 21. 3. A Confutation of all his Physical Principles in particular . p. 22. 4. Some few Arguments against Renè des Cartes his Principles in general . p. 23 , 24 , 25. CHAP. VI. Of the Material Principle of Natural Beings . 1. The Causes of the Elements . p. 26. 2. That the Elements are really compounded natural beings . ib. 3. That Matter and Quantity are really identificated . ib. 4. What Quantity is . What its Ratio formalis is . p. 27. 5. That in rebus quantis there is a maximum and a minimum Definitum . p. 28. 6. Experimental Instances proving that there are actual Minima's , and that all natural beings do consist out of them . p. 29. 7. The pursuit of the preceding Instances , inferring a Continuum to be constituted out of actual Indivisibles . Some Geometrical Objections answered . p. 30. CHAP. VII . Of the Natural Matter and Form of the Elements . 1. That the Elements are constituted out of minima's That they were at first created a maximum divisible into minima's . p. 31. 2. That , supposing there were a materia prima Aristotelica , yet it is absurd to essert her to have a Potentia Essentialis , or Appetitus Formae . p. 32. 3. That the Natural Form is not educed è Potentia Materiae . ib. 4. That the Actus of Local Motion is the Form of the Elements . ib. 5. The manner of knowing the first constitution of the Elements . That there was a Chaos . p. 33. 6. That there was conferred a distinct form upon every Element . Whether a Form is a Substance . 'T is proved that it is not . ib. 34. CHAP. VIII . Of the absolute and Respective Form of Earth , Water , Ayr , and Fire . 1. What Form it is the Author allots to Earth . That driness is not the first quality of Earth . p. 35. 2. The respective form of Earth . 36. 3. That Coldness is not the first quality of Water . That water is not moyst naturally , neither doth it moysten . What it is to moysten . Why water acuated with spirits of Vitriol , Sulphur , or of Salt-peter , doth moysten and abate thirst more than when it is single . ib. 4. The form of Water . What Gravity is , and what Levity . What Density is . The form of water proved . Why water disperseth it self into drops . Why Sea-men cannot make Land upon the Cap-head , when they may upon the Top-Mast-head . Why the Stars do appear sooner to those in the East-Seas , than to others in the west . p. 37. 5. That water is thick but not dense . Whence it is that water is smooth . Why Ayr makes a bubble upon the water when it breaks forth . That the least Atome of Ayr cannot break through the water without raising a bubble . Why the same doth not happen to Earth . p. 38. 6. That Moysture is not the first quality of Ayr , neither doth the Ayr naturally moysten any body , but to the contrary dryeth it . p. 39. 7. The form of Ayr. What Tenuity is . Why Feathers , Cobwebs , and other light Bodies do expand themselves when thrown through the Ayr. Why Grease , Oyl , Wax , &c. do make Splatches when poured upon the ground . Why Gunpowder , Smoak , Breathes of living Creatures , Vapours , Exhalations , Dust , &c. do diffuse themselves in that manner . Whence it is that the least breath moves and shakes the Ayr. The relative form of ayr . Why spirits of wine mix easier and sooner with water , than one water with another . p. 40 , 41. 8. The first quality of Fire . What Rarity is . Whence it is that a Torch or Candle spreads its Beams circularly , as appears at a distance . That Fire is rough : the cause of it . Fire's Relative nature . A comparing of all the first qualities of the Elements one to the other . p. 42 , 43. CHAP. IX . Of the beginning of the World. 1. Whence the world had its beginning . What the Chaos is . That the Chaos had a form . A Scripture Objection answered . That the Spirit of God moving upon the face of the waters did informate the Chaos . p. 44. 2. That the Chaos consisted of the four Elements , is proved by Scripture . The Etymology of Heaven . What Moses meant by Waters above the Waters . The Derivation of the Firmament . That the Ayr is comprehended under the Notion of waters in Gen. p. 45. 3. That the Elements were exactly mixt in the Chaos . That all the Elements consist of an equal number of Minima's . p 46. 4. That none but God alone can be rationally thought to be the Efficient of the Chaos . How this Action is expressed in Scripture . p 47. 5. What Creation is . Thom. Aq. his Definition of Creation disproved . Austins Observations of the Creation . p. 48. 6. That God is the Authour of the Creation , proved by the Testimonies of Scripture , of Holy men , and of Philosophers . p. 49. 7. An Explanation of the Definition of Creation . Whether Creation is an emanent or transient Action . Creation is either mediate or immediate . Scotus his Errour upon this point . The difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherein mediate Creation differs from Generation . p. 50 , 51. 8. Of the place , magnitude , tangible qualities , colour , temperament , time , figure , extent in figure , duration , quantity , and number of the Chaos . p. 52 , 53 , 54. CHAP. X. Of the first Division of the Chaos . 1. Why the Chaos was broken . p. 55. 2. That the Chaos could never have wrought its own change through it self . The Efficient of its mutation . p. 56. 3. The several Changes , which the Chaos underwent through its Disruption . The manner of the said Disruption . ib. 4. How Light was first produced out of the Chaos . What a Flame is . p. 58. 5. A perfect description of the first knock or division of the Chaos . By what means the Earth got the Center , and how the waters , Ayr , and Fire got above it . Why a Squib turnes into so many whirles in the Ayr. ib. 6. The qualifications of the first Light of the Creation . A plain demonstration proving the circular motion of the Heavens , or of the Element of fire to be natural , and of an Eval Duration . ib. 59 CHAP. XI . Of the second Division of the Chaos . 1. An Enarration of Effects befalling the Elements through the second knock . The proportion of each of the Elements in their purity to the Peregrine Elements . p. 60. 2. The ground of the forementioned proportion of the Elements . 61 , 62. 3. That fire and ayr constitute the Firmament . p. 63. 4. A grand Objection answered . ib. 64. CHAP. XII . Of the Third Division of the Chaos . 1. The effects of the third knock . Why earth is heavier than water . Why water is more weighty near the top than towards the bottom . Why a man when he is drowned doth not go down to the bottom of the Ocean . Why a potch'd Egge doth commonly rest it self about the middle of the water in a Skillet . Why the middle parts of Salt-water are more saltish than the upper parts . p. 66 , 67. 2. Whence the earth hapned to be thrust out into great protuberancies . How the earth arrived to be disposed to germination of Plants . A vast Grove pressed into the earth . p. 68. 3. The cause of the waters continual circular motion . ib. 69. 4. The cause of the rise of such a variety of Plants . p. 71. CHAP. XIII . Of the Fourth , Fifth , Sixth , and Seventh Division of the Chaos . 1. An Enarration of the Effects of the fourth Division . That Nature created the first bodies of every Species , the greatest is instanced in Bees , Fishes and Fowl. That all Species are derived from one individuum That Adam was the greatest man that ever was since the Creation What those Glants were , which the Poets faigned . p. 72 , 73 , 74. 2. How the Sun and Moon were created . That a Lioness is not more vigorous than a Lion. p. 75. 3. How the Stars of the Firmament were created . p. 76. 4. How the durable Clouds of the Ayr were created . ib. 5. The Effects of the fifth Division . ib. 6. The Effects of the sixth Division . ib. 7. The Effects of the last Division . ib. CHAP. XIV . Of the Second and Third Absolute Qualities of the Elements . 1. What is understood by Second Qualities . p 78. 2. What the Second Quality of Earth is . p. 79. 3. Aristotle's Definition of Density rejected . ib. 4. The Opinions of Philosophers touching the Nature of Density . p. 80. 5. The forementioned Opinions confuted . p. 81. 6. The Description of Indivisibles according to Democritus disproved . That all Figures are divisible excepting a Circular Minimum . That Strength united proveth strongest in around Figure : and why . ib. 82 , 83. 7. What the Second Quality of Fire is . Cardan , Averrhoes , Zimara , Aristotle , Tolet , and Zabarel their Opinions touching the Nature of Rarity confuted . p. 84 85 86 , 87. 8. The Second Quality of Water . Aristotle , Joh. Grammat Tolet , Zabarel and Barthol . their sence of Thickness and Thinness disproved . p. 88. 9. What the Second Quality of Ayr is . p. 89. 10. What is intended by third , fourth or fifth Qualities . An Enumeration of the said Qualities . What Obtuseness , Acuteness , Asperity , Levor , Hardness , Rigidity , Softness , Solidity , Liquidity and Lentor are , and their kinds . ib. 90 , 91 , 92. CHAP. XV. Of the Respective Qualities of the Eements ; particularly of Fire , Earth , and Water . 1. What is meant by the Respective Qualities of the Elements . Why they are termed Second Qualities . p. 93. 2. That heat is the second respective or accidental quality of fire . That fire is not burning hot within its own Region . That fire doth not burn unless it flames , is proved by an Experiment through Aq. fort . ib. 3. That heat in fire is violently produced . The manner of the production of a Flame . What it is which we call hot , warm , or burning . How fire dissolves and consumes a body into ashes . p. 94. 4. That Heat is nothing else but a Multiplication , Condensation and Retention of the parts of fire . The degrees of Heat in fire , and how it cometh to be warm , hot , scorching hot , blistering hot , burning hot , and consuming hot . p. 95. 5. A way how to try the force of fire by Scales . Why fire doth not alwayes feel hot in the Ayr. ib. 96. 6. Plato and Scaliger their Opinion touching heat . p. 97. 7. The Parepatetick Description of Heat rejected . How fire separateth Silver from Gold , and Lead from Silver . p. 98. 8. What the second respective quality of Earth is . What Cold is The manner of operation of Cold upon our T●●ct . p. 100. 9. The second respective quality of Water . That Water cooles differently from Earth . ib. 10. Aristotle and Zabarel their wavering Opinions touching Cold. That Earth is the primum frigidum . ib. 101. CHAP. XVI . Of the remaining Respective Qualilities of the Elements . 1. The second Respective Quality of the Ayr. That water cannot be really and essentially attenuated . The state of the Controversie . 102 , 103. 2. That Ayr cannot be really and essentially incrassated . Why a man whilest he is alive sinkes down into the water and is drowned , and afterwards is cast up again . That a woman is longer in sinking or drowning than a man. The great errour committed in trying of witches by casting them into the water . p. 104 , 105 , 106. 3. That a greater Condensation or Rarefaction is impossible in the Earth . p. 107. 4. In what sense the Author understands and intends Rarefaction and Condensation throughout his Philosophy . p. 108. 5. The third Respective Quality of Fire . What Driness is . The definition of Moysture . The third Respective Qualities of water and Ayr. Aristotles description of Moysture . That Water is the primum humidum . In what sense Ayr is termed dry , in what moyst . p. 109. CHAP. XVII . Of Mixtion . 1. What Mixtion is . Three conditions required in a Mixtion . p 110. 2. Whether Mixtion and the generation of a mixt body differ really . p. 111. 3. Aristotles definition of Mixtion examined . Whether the Elements remain entire in mixt bodies . 112. 4. That there is no such Intension or Remission of Qualities as the Peripateticks do apprehend . The Authors sense of Remission and Intention . p. 113. 5. That a Mixtion is erroneously divided into a perfect and imperfect Mixtion . p. 114. CHAP. XVIII . Of Temperament . 1. That Temperament is the form of Mixtion . That Temperament is a real and positive quality . p. 115. 2. The definition of a Temperament . Whether a Temperament is a single or manifold quality . Whether a complexion of qualities may be called one compounded quality . p. 116. 3. VVhether a Temperament be a fift quality . A Contradiction among Physitians touching Temperament . Whether the congress of the four qualities effects be one Temperament , or more . ib. 117. 4. That there is no such thing as a Distemper . What a substantial Change is . p. 118. 5. VVhat an alteration or accidental change is . That the differences of Temperament are as many as there are Minima's of the Elements excepting four . p. 119. CHAP. XIX . Of the Division of Temperaments . 1. VVhat an equal and unequal Temperament is . That there never was but one temperament ad pondus . That Adams Body was not tempered ad pondus . That neither Gold nor any Celestial bodies are tempered ad pondus . p. 120. 2. That all temperaments ad Justiriam are constantly in changing . That there are no two bodies in the world exactly agreeing to one another in temperature . p. 121. 3. The Latitude of temperaments . How the corruption of one body ever proves the generation of another . p. 122. 4. That there is no such unequal temperament as is vulgarly imagined . That there is an equal temperament is proved against the vulgar opinion . That where Forms are equal , their matters must also be equal . p. 123 , 124. 5. VVhat a Distemper is That Galen intended by an unequal temperature . p. 125. 6. VVhen a man may be termed temperate . That bodies are said to be intemperate . ib. 126 , 127. 7. The combination of the second Qualities of the Elements in a temperature . Their Effects . p. 128. CHAP. XX. Of Alteration , Coction , Decoction , Generation , Putrefaction , and Corruption . 1. VVhat Coction and Putrefaction is . The Difference between Putrefaction and Corruption . p. 130. 2. The Authors Definition of Alteration . The effects of Alteration . ib. 3. The Division of Alteration . p. 131. 4. That the first Qualities of the Peripateticks are not intended by the acquisition of new Qualities without Matter . Wherein Alteration differs from Mixtion or Temperament . ib. 5. The Definition of Coction . Why a man was changed much more in his youth than when come to maturity . p. 132 , 133. 6. The Constitution of women . Which are the best and worst Constitutions in men . That heat is not the sole cause of Coction . p. 134 , 135. 7. The kinds of Coction . What Maturation , Elixation and Assation are . p. 136. 8. VVhat Decoction is , and the manner of it . p. 137. 9. The definition of Putrefaction . 139 10. VVhat Generation imports in a large and strict acception . Whether the Seed of a Plant or Animal is essentially distinguisht from a young Plant or new born Animal . That heat is not the sole efficient in Generation . p. 139. 11. VVhether the innate heat is not indued with a power of converting adventitious heat into its own nature . Whether the innate heat be Celestial or Elementary . p. 140 , 141 , 142. 12. The Definition of Corruption . Why the innate heat becomes oft more vigorous after violent Feavers . Whether Life may be prolonged to an eval duration . What the Catochization of a Flame is . By what means many pretend to prolong life . That the production of life to an eval duration is impossible . Whether our Dayes be determined . The ambiguity of Corruption . Whether Corruption be possible in the Elements . p. 143 , to 149. CHAP. XXI . Of Light. 1. VVhat Light is . The manner of the production of a Flame . p. 150. 2. The properties and effects of Light. p. 151. 3. That Light is an effect or consequent of a Flame . Whence it happens that our Eyes strike fire when we hit our Foreheads against any hard Body . That Light is not a quality of fire alone . That Light is not fire rarefied . That where there is Light , there is not alwayes heat near to it . How Virginals and Organs are made to play by themselves . p. 152 , 153. 4. That Light is a continuous obduction of the Ayr. That Light is diffused to a far extent in an instant , and how . Why the whole tract of Air is not enlightned at once . p. 154 , 155. 5. The manner of the Lights working upon the Eye-sight . That sight is actuated by reception , and not by emission . p. 156. 6. The reason of the difference between the extent of illumination and calefaction . That Light cannot be precipitated . ib. 7. That Light is not the mediate cause of all the Effects produced by the Stars . That Light hath only a power of acting immediately and per se upon the optick spirits . How the Air happens to burst through a sudden great light . That a sudden great Light may blind , kill , or cast a man into an Apoplexy . p. 157. 8. How Light renders all Objects visible . Why a peice of Money cast into a Basin filled with water appears bigger than it is . The causes of apparent Colours . Why a great Object appears but small to one afar off . The difference between lux and lumen . What a Beam is . What a Splendour is . That the Lights begot by the Stars , and other flames are not distinguished specie . How the Coelum Empyreum is said to be Lucid . p. 158 , 159. CHAP. XXII . Of Colours . 1. The Authors Definition of a Colour . That Light is a Colour . Aristotles Definition of colour examined . p. 160 , 161 , 162. 2. Scaligers Absurdities touching Colours and Light. p. 163. 3. What colour Light is of ; and why termed a single Colour . That Light doth not efficienter render an Object visible . How a mixt Colour worketh upon the sight ; and how it is conveyed to it . ib. 164. 4. The Causes of the variations of Mercury in its colour through each several preparation . p. 165. 5. That Colours are formally relations only to our sight . That a mixt colour is not an intentional quality . That besides the relation of colours there is an absolute foundation in their original Subjects . How the same fundamental colours act . p. 166. 6. That there are no apparent colours , but all are true . p. 167. 7. The Differences of colours . What colour focal fire is of . The fundamental colours of mixt bodies . p. 168 , 169 , 170 , 171. 8. What reflection of light is . What refraction of colours is . Aristotles Definition of colour rejected . The Effects of a double reflection . The Reasons of the variations of Colour in Apples held over the water and Looking-glasses . The variation of Illumination by various Glasses . p. 172. 9. The Division of Glasses . The cause of the variation of colour in a Prism . ib. 173 , 174. 10. The Nature of Refraction . Why colours are not refracted in the Eye . p. 175 , 176. CHAP. XXIII . Of Sounds . 1. The Definition of a Sound . That the Collision of two solid Bodies is not alwayes necessary for to raise a Sound . p. 177. 2. Whether a Sound be inherent in the Air , or in the body sounding . The manner of Production of a Sound . p. 178. 3. Whether a Sound is propagated through the water intentionally only . That a Sound may be made and heard under water . p. 179. 4. That a Sound is a real pluffing up of the Air. How a Sound is propagated through the Air ; and how far . Why a small Sound raised at one end of a Mast or Beam may be easily heard at the other end . Why the Noise of the treading of a Troop of Horse may be heard at a far distance . p. 180 , 181 , 182. 5. The difference between a Sound and a Light or Colour . That it is possible for a man to hear with his eyes , and see with his ears ; likewise for other Creatures to hear and see by means of their feeding . p. 183 , 184. 6. The difference of Sounds . Why the Sound of a Bell or Drum ceaseth as soon as you touch them with your singer . Why an empty Glass causes a greater Sound than if filled with water . p. 185 , 186. 7. The reasons of Concords in Musick . p. 187. 8. The Causes of the variation of Sounds . Why celestial bodies , Rain and Hail do make but little noyse in the ayr . p. 188. 9. How Sounds are reflected . How intended and remitted . p. 189. 10. The manner of Refraction of Sounds . What an undulating Sound is . p. 190. 11. How a Voice is formed . p. 191 , 192. CHAP. XXIV . Of Tasts , Smels and Tangibles . 1. A definition of a Tast. The difference between the Tasting and Hearing faculty . The manner of a Tasts action and passion . p. 193. 2. The differences of Tasts . Whether Tasts are not communicable through a medium . p. 194. 3. What a Smell is . The manner of a Sents action and passion . ib. 4. VVhether Sents be nutritive . How many have been kept alive without eating or drinking . How Sents revive one in a swoon . The distance requisite in Sents from the faculty . That the Sent of excrements smell sweet to a Dog. How a Dog Sents a Bitch at a great distance . The manner of a Dogs winding the Sent of a Hare . That Fishes do Sent by means of their Gills or Palate . p. 195 , 196 , 197. 5. The causes of a sweet Smell . Why most Beasts are pleased with the Smell of a Panther . What a stinking Smell is . The other kinds of Sents . Whether the Plague gives a Smell , and whether perceptible by a man. Whether it be possible to poyson one by a Perfume of Gloves , or of a Letter . p. 198 , 199. 6. What the Tact is , and the manner of its sensation . p. 200. 7. The differences of tangible qualities . Whether Titillation be distinguisht from the ordinary tact . Whether man hath the most exquisite tact . ib. 8. What a tangible quality is The causes of pleasing Tangibles . Why a Kiss feels pleasing to ones lips . That a Dog takes delight in kissing . What Pain is , and its cause of Titillation . Why ones proper feeling doth not tickle , but anothers doth . p. 201 , 202. The SECOND PART . The Second Book . CHAP. I. Of the Commerce of the Earth with the other Elements . 1. The Authors purpose touching his Method in the Preceding Book , and a further Explication of some terms made use of there . p. 204. 2. That the Earth is the Center of the world . Copernicus his Astronomy examined . p. 205 , to 209. 3. The Earths Division into three Regions , and their particular extent . p. 210. 4. What Bodies are generated in the third Region of the Earth ; and the manner of their Production . That the Coldness of the Earth is the principal efficient of Stones and Mettals . How a Stone is generated in the Kidneyes and in the Bladder . A rare Instance of a Stone taken out of the Bladder . The generation of a Flint , Marble , Jaspis , Cornelian , Diamond , Ruby , Gold , Copper , Iron , Mercury , Silver . The places of Mines . p. 211 , to 215. 5. Of the transmutation of Mettals . Whether Silver be transmutable into Gold. Whether Gold may be rendered potable . The Effects of the supposed Aurum potabile , and what it is . p. 215 , 216. 6. Of earthy saltish Juices . The Generation of Common Salt , Salt-Gemme , Saltpeter , Allom , Salt-Armoniack and Vitriol , and of their kinds . p. 217 , 218. 7. Of earthy unctious Juices , viz. Sulphur , Arsenick , Amber , Naptha , Peteroyl , Asphaltos , Oyl of Earth , Sea-coal and Jeatstone ; of their kinds and vertues . p. 219 , 220. 8. Of the mean Juices of the Earth , viz. Mercury , Antimony , Marcasita , Cobaltum , Chalcitis , Misy and Sory . Whether any of these mean Juices are to be stated Principles of Mettals . p. 221 , to 224. CHAP. II. Of Stones and Earths . 1. A Description of the most Precious Stones . p. 224 , 225. 2. A Description of the less Precious Stones that are engendred within Living Creatures . p. 226. 3. A Description of the less Precious Stones that are engendred without the Bodies of Living Creatures . p. 227 , 228. 4. An Enumeration of common stones p. 229 5. A Disquisition upon the vertues of the forementioned stones . An Observation on the Effects of Powders composed out of Precious stones . whether the Tincture of an Emerald is so admirable in a bloudy Flux . ib. 230 , 231 , 232. 6. A particular Examination of the vertues of a Bezoar stone , Piedra de Puerco , Pearles , &c. p. 233 , to 237. 7. The Kinds of Earth , and their Vertues . p. 237 , 238 , 239 CHAP. III. Of the Loadstone . 1. The various names of the Loadstone , and its kinds . p. 240. 2. The Physical Essence of the Loadstone . p. 241. 3. An enumeration of its Properties . p. 242. 4. The demonstration of the first Mechanick property of the Loadstone . p. 243 , 244 , 245. 5. The demonstration of the other Mechanical properties . p. 246. 6. Of its nautical property . What is intended by the Poles of the Loadstone . p. 247 , 248. 7. The division of the Loadstone into Circles . p. 249. 8. An enumeration of the nautical properties of the Magnete . p. 250. 9. A demonstration of the said nautical properties . p. 251 , 252 , 253. 10. The cause of the deviation of the Compass Needle . p. 254. 11. An Objection answered . p. 255. 12. Cartesius his Doctrine examined touching the Loadstone . p. 256 , 257 , 258. 13. The fabulous property of the Loadstone . p 259. CHAP. IV. Of Life , and living Bodies . 1. What Life is . p. 260 , 261 , 262. 2. The Form of Life . Why Vegetables are generated no where but near to the Surface of the Earth . p. 263. 3. The properties of a Vital Form. p. 264 , 265. 4. The definition of Nutrition , and the manner of it . Whether food is required to be like to the dissipated parts . p. 266. 5. What Accretion is , and the manner of it . p. 267 , 268. 6. The manner of the generation of a Plant. p. 269 , 270 , 271. 7. The manner of the germination of a Plant. A delineation of all the parts of a Plant , p. 272 , to 277. 8. What the Propagation of a Plant is , and the manner of it . p. 278 , 279. CHAP. V. Of the particular differences of Plants . 1. The differences of Roots and their vertues . p. 280. 2. The differences of Flowers . p. 281. 3. The differences of Leaves . p. 282. 4. The three cordial Vegetables . p. 283. 5. The three Cephalick Vegetables . ib. 6. The three Hepatick Vegetables . 284. 7. The three Splenick Vegetables . ib. 8. The three Pulmonick Vegetables . ib. 9. The three Stomachick Vegetables . ib. 10. The three Lithontropick Vegetables . p. 285. 11. The three Uterin Vegetables . ib. 12. The three Arthritick Vegetables . ib. 12. The specificks for the parts destined for the continuation of the species . p. 286. 14. The description of some rare Plants . ib. 287. CHAP. VI. Of Water in order to her commerce with the other Elements . 1. The etymology of water . That water naturally is hard and consistent , and not fluid . p. 288. 2. The division of water . p. 289. 3. VVhat a Lake is . The strange vertues of some Lakes . 290 , 291 , 292. 4. VVhat a Fountain is . The wonderfull properties of some Fountains . p. 293 , to 295. 5. Of Physical Wells . p. 296. Of Baths . p. 297. 7. Of Rivers and their rare properties . ib. 298. 8. Of the chief Straits of the Sea. p. 299 , 230. CHAP. VII . Of the Circulation of the Ocean . 1. That the disburdening of the Eastern Rivers into the Ocean , is not the cause of its Circulation ; neither are the Sunne or Moon the principal causes of this motion . p. 301 , 302. 2. The periodical course of the Ocean . The causes of the high and low waters of the Ocean . p. 303 , 304 , 305. 3. How it is possible that the Ocean should move so swiftly as in 12 hours and somewhat more to slow about the terrestrial Globe . p 306 , 307 , 308. 4. A further explanation of the causes of the intumescence and detumescence of the Ocean . The causes of the anticipation of the floud of the Ocean . 309 , to 312. 5. That the Suns intense heat in the torrid Zone , is a potent adjuvant cause of the Oceans circulation , and likewise the minima's descening from the Moon and the Polar Regions . p. 313 , to 316. CHAP. VIII . Of the course of the Sea towards the Polar Coasts . 1. What the Libration of the Ocean is . That the Tides are not occasioned by Libration . The Navil of the World. Whence the Seas move towards the North Polar . Why the Ebb is stronger in the Narrow Seas than the Floud ; and why the Floud is stronger than the Ebb in the Ocean . Why the Irish Seas are so rough . p. 316 , 317 , 318. 2. VVhy the Baltick Sea is not subjected to Tides . The rise of the East Sea or Sinus Codanus . p. 319. 3. The cause of the bore in the River of Seyne . p. 320. 4. The causes of the courses of the Mediterranean . The rise of this Sea. ib. 321. CHAP. IX . Of Inundations . 1. Of the rise of the great Gulphs of the Ocean . The causes of Inundations . That the Deluge mentioned in Genesis was not universal . The explanation of the Text. p 422 , 323. 2. The manner of the Deluge . That it was not occasioned through the overfilling of the Ocean . p. 324. 3. That there hapned very great Deluges since ; when and where . p. 325. 4. The effects of the first deluge . ib. 5. Inland Inundations . p. 327. CHAP. X. Of the causes of the before-formentioned properties of Lakes . 1. Whence the Lake Asphaltites is so strong for sustaining of weighty bodies , and why it breeds no Fish. The cause of qualities contrary to these in other Lakes . The cause of the effects of the Lake Lerna . p. 328. 2. Whence the vertues of the Lake Eaug , of Thrace , Gerasa , the Lake among the Troglodites , Clitorius , Laumond , Vadimon , and Benaco are derived . ib. 3. Whence the properties of the Lake Larius , Pilats Pool , and the Lake of Laubach emanate . p. 329. CHAP. XI . Of the rise of Fountains , Rivers and Hills . 1. That Fountains are not supplied by rain . p. 330. 2. Aristotles opinion touching the rise of Fountains examined . p. 331. 3. The Authors assertion concerning the rise of Fountains . The rise of many principal Fountains of the world . ib 332. 4. Why Holland is not mountanous . p. 333. 5. That the first deluge was not the cause of Hills . ib. 334 6. Whence that great quantity of water contained within the bowels of the Earth is derived . p. 335. 7. Whence it is that most shores are mountanous . Why the Island Ferro is not irrigated with any Rivers . Why the Earth is depressed under the torrid Zone , and elevated towards the Polars . The cause of the multitude of Hills in some Countries and scarcity in others . ib. 336. 8. How it is possible for the Sea to penetrate into the bowels of the Earth . p. 337. CHAP XII . Of the causes of the effects produced by Fountains . 1. Whence some Fountains are deleterious . The cause of the effect of the Fountain Lethe , of Cea , Lincystis , Arania . The causes of foecundation and of rendring barren of other Fountains The causes of the properties of the Fountains of the Sun , of the Eleusinian waters , of the Fountains of Illyrium , Epirus , Cyreniaca , Arcadia , the Holy Cross , Sibaris , Lycos , of the unctious Fountain of Rome , and Jacobs Fountain . p. 338 , 339. 2. The causes of the effects of Ipsum and Barnet Wells . p. 340. 3. Whence the vertues of the Spaw waters are derived . ib. 4. Of the formal causes of Baths . 341. CHAP. XIII . Of the various Tastes , Smells , Congelation and Choice of Water . 1. Various tastes of several Lakes , Fountain and River waters . p. 342. 2. The divers sents of waters . p. 343. 3. The causes of the said Tastes . That the saltness of the Sea is not generated by the broyling heat of the Sun. The Authors opinion . ib. 4. The causes of the sents of wates . p. 345. 5. What Ice is ; the cause of it , and manner of its generation . Why some Countries are less exposed to frosts than others that are nearer to the Line . ib. 346. 6. The differences of frosts . Why a frost doth usually begin and end with the change of the Moon . p. 347. 7. The original or rise of frosty minims . Why fresh waters are aptest to be frozen How it is possible for the Sea to be frozen . p. 348. 8. What waters are the best and the worst : the reasons of their excellency and badaess . p 349 , 350. CHAP. XIV . Of the commerce of the Ayr with the other Elements . 1. How the Air moves downwards . VVhat motions the Elements would exercise supposing they enjoyed their Center . VVhy the Air doth not easily toss the terraqueous Globe out of its place . How the Air is capable of two contrary motions . 351 , 352. 2. That the Air moves continually from East through the South to West , and thence back again to the East through the North. p. 353. 3. An Objection against the airs circular motion answered . p. 354. 4. The Poles of the Air. ib. 5. The proportion of Air to Fire ; its distinction into three profundities . p. 355 CHAP. XV. Of the production of Clouds . 1. VVhat a Cloud is , how generated , its difference . How a Rainbow is produced . Whether there appeared any Rainbows before the Floud . 356 2. The generation of Rain . p. 357. 3. How Snow and Hail are engendred . p. 358. 4. The manner of generation of winds ib. to 362. 5 The difference of winds . Of Monzones , Provincial winds , general winds , &c. Of the kinds of storms and their causes . What a mist and a dew are . p. 362 , to 370. CHAP. XVI . Of Earthquakes , together with their effects , and some strange instances of them . 1. VVhat an Earthquake is . The manner of its generation . The concomitants thereof . p. 370. 2. The kinds and differences of Earthquakes . ib. 371 , 372. 3. The proof of the generation of Earthquakes . p. 373. 4. Their Effects upon the air . p. 374. CHAP. XVII . Of fiery Meteors in the Air. 1. Of the generation of a Fools fire , a Licking fire , Helens fire , Pollux and Castor , a Flying Drake , a burning Candle , a perpendicular fire , a skipping Goat , flying sparks , and a burning flame . p. 375 , 376. 2. Of the generation of Thunder , Fulguration and Fulmination , and of their effects . Of a thunder stone . p. 377 , 378. 3. Of Comets . Of their production . p. 379 , 380 , 381. CHAP. XVIII . Of the term Antiperistasis and a Vacuum . 1. Whether there be such a thing as an Antiperistasis . p. 382. 2. Whether a Vacuum be impossible ; and why . p. 383. 3. Experiments inferring a Vacuum answered . p. 384 , 385. 4. Whether a Vacuum can be effected by an Angelical ; or by the Divine Power . p. 386. 5 Whether Local Motion be possible in a Vacuum . A threefold sense of the doubt proposed . In what sense Local Motion is possible in a Vacuum , in what not . ib. 387. CHAP. XIX . Of Physical Motion . 1. What a Physical Motion is . The kinds of it . The definition of Alteration , Local Motion , and quantitative motions . The subdivision of Local Motion . p. 388 , 389. 2. That all alterative and quantitative motions are direct . p. 390. 3. That all externall motions are violent . ib. 4. That all weighty mixt bodies , being removed from their Element , are disposed to be detruded downwards from without ; but do not move from any internal inclination or appetite they have to their universal Center . p. 391 , 392. 5. The causes of swiftness and slowness of external Local Motion . 393 6. That light bodies are disposed to be moved upwards . ib. 7. That airy bodies , being seated in the fiery Region , are disposed to be moved downwards . p. 394. CHAP. XX. Of Attraction , Expulsion , Projection , Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent Motion . 1. How Air is attracted by a water-spout or Siphon . p. 395. 2. The manner of another kind of Attraction by a sucking Leather . 396. 3. How two slat Marble stones clapt close together draw one another up . ib. 4. How a Wine-Coopers Pipe attracts Wine out of a Cask . ib. 5. How sucking with ones mouth attracts water . p. 397. 6. How a Sucker attracts the water . ib. 7. The manner of Attraction by Filtration . p. 398. 8. The manner of Electrical Attraction . ib. 9. How fire and fiery bodies are said to attract . p. 399. 400. 10. What Projection is , and the manner of it . p. 401. 11. What Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent motion are . ib 402. CHAP. XXI . Of Fire , being an Introduction to a New Astronomy . 1. The Fires division into three Regions . p. 402. 2. The qualification of the inferiour Region . What the Sun is . What his torrid Rayes are , and how generated . ib. 3. How the other Planets are generated . ib. 4. How the fixed Stars were generated . p. 404. 5. A further explanation of the Stars their Ventilation . That there are many Stars within the Planetary Region that are invisible . Of the appearance of new Stars or Comets . Of the Galaxia or Milk-way . p. 405. 6. That the fiery Regions are much attenuated . p. 406. CHAP. XXII . Of the Motion of the Element of Fire . 1. VVhere the Poles of the Heavens are . p. 408. 2. The Opinions of Ptolomy and Tycho rejected . p. 409. 3. That the Planets move freely and loosely , and why the fixed Stars are moved so uniformly . ib. 4. The Suns retrograde motion unfolded , and the cause of it . ib. 5. How the Ecliptick , AEquator , and the Zodiack were first found out . p. 410 6. The manner of the fiery Heavens their ventilation . p. 411. 7. Whence it is , that the Sun moves swifter through the Austrinal Medeity , and slower through the Boreal . How the Sun happens to measure a larger fiery Tract at some seasons in the same time than at others . p. 412. 8. VVhence the difference of the Suns greatest declination in the time of Hipparchus , Ptolomy , and of this our age happens . p. 414. 9. An undoubted and exact way of Calculating the natural end of the World. The manner of the Worlds dissolution . The same proved also by the holy Scriptures . The prevention of a Calumny . ib. 415 , 416. CHAP. XXIII . Of the Magnitude and distance of the Sun and Moon , and the motion of the other Planets . 1. That the Magnitude of the Sun hath not been probably , much less certainly , stated by any . The Arguments vulgarly proffered for the proof of the Suns Magnitude , rejected . p. 417 , 418. 2. That the Sun might be capable enough of illuminating the World were he much lesser than the terraqueous Globe than I suppose him to be . p 419. 3. That the shadow of the Earth is to some extent Cylindrical . ib. 4. That the Sun existing in the AEquator doth at once illuminate the whole Hemisphere of the Earth . ib. 5. Concerning the diminution or increase of the shadow of the Earth within the Polars , together with the cause of the Prolongation and Abbreviation of the dayes . That the Sun is much bigger than he appears to be . p 420. 6. What the spots of the Sun and Moon are , and their causes . ib. 7. That the Arguments proposed by Astronomers for rendring the Moon lesser than the Earth , and proving the distance of the Sun , are invalid . p. 421. 8. That the Moon is by far lesser than the Earth . ib. 9. Several Phaenomena's of the Moon demonstrated . p. 422. 10. Concerning the motion of Venus and Mercury . p 423. 11. Of the motion of the fixed Stars , and their Scintillation . p. 424. CHAP. I. Problems relating to the Earth . 1. Why two weighty bodies are not moved downwards in parallel Lines . p. 426. 2. Why a great Stone is more difficultly moved on the top of a high hill than below . p. 427. 3. Why a pair of Scales is easier moved empty than ballanced . ib. 4. Whence it is that a man may carry a greater weight upon a Wheelbarrow than upon his back . ib. 5. Why a weighty body is easier thrust forward with a Pole , than immediately by ones arms : besides 5. other Probl. more . p. 428 , 429 , 430 6. Why a stick thrust into a hole if bended is apt to be broke near the hole . What the cause of the relaxation of a bowed stick is . p. 431. 7. Whether Gold doth attract Mercury . ib. 8. Why the herb of the Sun , vulgarly called Chrysanthemum Peruvianum , obverteth its leaves and flowers to the Sun wheresoever he be . p. 432. Why the Laurel is seldom or never struoken by Lightning . b. CHAP. II. Containing Problems relating to Water . 1. Why is red hot Iron rendered harder by being quencht in cold water ? p. 432. 2. Whence is it there fals a kind of small Rain every day at noon under the AEquinoctial Region ? p. 433. 3. How Glass is made . ib 4. Whence it is that so great a Mole as a Ship yeelds to be turned by so small a thing as her Rudder . p. 434. 5. What the cause of a Ships swimming upon the water is . p 335. 6. Whether all hard waterish bodies are freed from fire . ib. CHAP. III. Comprizing Problems touching the Air. 1. Whether Air ●e weighty . p 436. 2. Whether a Bladder blown up with wind ●e heavier than when empty . ib. 3. Why water contained in a beer glass , being turned-round with ones hand , doth turn contrary against the motion of the Glass p. 437. 4. Why a breath being blown with a close mouth doth feel cool , and efflated with a diducted mouth feel warm . ib. 5. Why an armed point of an Arrow groweth hot in being shot through the air . ib. 6. Why Beer or Wine will not run out of the Cask without opening a hole atop . ib 7. What difference there is between an O●i●●e and a Travada . ib. 8. Whether it be true that Winds may be h●red from Witches or Wizards in Iseland p 438. 9. Why is it quieter in the night than in the day ? ib. CHAP. IV. Containing Problems touching the fire . 1. Why doth water cast upon unquencht chalk or lime become boyling . p. 439. 2. Why doth common salt make a cracking noise , when cast into the fire . ib. 3. Who were the first inventers of Gunpowder . ib. 4. What are the Ingredients of Gunpowder . 440. 5. Whence arrives all that flaming fire , that followeth the kindling of Gunpower . ib. 6. Whence is it that Gunpowder being kindled in Guns erupts with that force and violence . ib. ERRATA . PAg. 3. l. 16. r. did produce . p 4. l. 12. & p 9. l. 1. r. Properties . p. 4. l 38. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 10. l. 7. r. taught l. 36. r. others . p. 11. l. 16. r. Invectives . p. 12. l 14. r. Quadripartition . p. 13 l 37. r. into . p. 16. l 25. r. upon our senses . p. 22. l. 3 r. those beings . l 39. r. Hircocervus . p. 34. l 27 r. those . species . p. 38. l. 37. r. those two p. 41. l. 2. r. those yearly . l. 26. dele ad . p. 42 l. 2 , 10 r. into . p. 43. l. 29. r. those men . p. 52. l. 18. r. into . l. 24. r. needs p. 58. l. 37. r. into unity . p. 64. l. 20. r. transcendence Philosophy in general . The FIRST PART . The first Book . CHAP. I. Of matters preceding and following the nature of Philosophy . 1. The derivation of Philosophy . 2. What is was first called , and why its name was changed . 3. The original of Philosophy . The first Inventers of it . 4. What dispositions are required in a Philosopher . The difficulty in attaining to Philosophy . The pleasure arising from the possession of it . 5. The esteem and worth of Philosophy and Philosophers . 6. The use and fruits reaped from Philosophy , and redounding in General to every one : in Particular , to a Divine , Civilian , and Physitian . I. PHILOSOPHY is a word of a mixt signification , and thereby soundeth Love to Wisdom , both which being implied in its composition out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Love , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wisdom . II. This name was politickly framed by Pythagoras , to cover the genuine and first denomination of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to hide its secrecy and excellence , the fame of which did attract so numerous a body of Contenders ( who being ambitious to be renowned by the possession of it , before they had scarce made their first attempt , abusively stiled themselves ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Wise-men ) that through their multitude , they overclouded a few others , who might justly have challenged their title from it . Since then this new imposed word implied but little Fame or Worth , the greater part soon deserted it , whose eager pursuit being more after the shadow , than the thing it self , they freely resigned both to the real deservers thereof . III. Knowing nothing more certain , than that all , which we do enjoy , redounds to us by inheritance , we cannot doubt , but that Philosophy was also a Relict of the Forefathers , successively conveyed to us , who did attribute the original acquisition of it to the first man Adam : for he in his primitive and incorrupt state , being adorned with a full and perfect Knowledge of all Beings , it is probable , that after his Fall , he retained a measure of the same Knowledge ; which , although being different from the former in perfection , yet by his industry had much promoted it , and so having committed it to the further accomplishment of his antediluvian Successors , to wit , Seth , Enos , Cainan , Malaleel , Jared , Enoch , Methusalem and Noe ; it did attract such increase and degree of perfection from their experience that we have no great cause to admire , whence the profound Learning of the postdiluvian Fathers did arive to them ; who were either sacred , as Abraham , Moses , Solomon , &c. or prophane , as the Magicians among the Persians , the Chaldeans of Babylon , Brachmans in India , the Priests of Egypt , the Talmudists and Cabbalists among the Jews , the Druids among the ancient Britains and Gauls , with whom many of the famous Poets , Homer , Hesiod , as also the seaven wise men of Greece were coetaneous ; after which , Pythagoras flourished , who lived much about the time of Nebuchadnezzar , and spread his Doctrine throughout Italy , whence it was soon propagated through most parts of the world , and yet is over all the East-Indies . IV. As there was an apt capacity required in these lovers of wisdom to receive the Discipline of their Masters , so there was also necessary in them an indefatigable study , to add to the Inventions of their Predecessors , which to cherish and excite , they proposed the greatest pleasure and contentment of mind , thence undoubtedly resulting to themselves ( according to that trite Saying , Arduum quod pulchrum , That which is lovely , is hard to be attained unto ) which did abundantly satisfie their labours . This is verified by the Relation , which the Mathematicians give of Archimedes , who was so much enamour'd with his Speculations , that at those times which most did dedicate to the rest of their minds , and intermission from their Studies , he was most busied in his thoughts ; insomuch , that when for his healths sake , anoynting his body with Oyl ( which was an ordinary Preservative in those dayes ) he used to make Geometrical Figures with it upon his Breast , and other parts of his body , that so he might avoid the depriving of his Soul from one moments happiness , when he was inevitably forced to consult the safety of his Body . At another time sitting in a Bath , he observed the water to be much swelled through his immersion in it , collected thence a way , whereby to find a proportion of Silver to Gold , when both united in one Mass. This Contemplation did profuse such a joy in him , that he brake out into these words ( Inveni , Inveni , ) I have found , I have found : No less effect will it produce in us , when finding that in our nebulous state of Ignorance , which we lost in our perfect state of Knowledge , by falling from our Integrity . This seemeth incredible , unless attempted by the serious and diligent application of our minds to it . V. The Scales , whereby to weigh the worth of a thing , are frequently judged to be the Subject , wherein it is inherent , or the possessors of it , whose worth found , is the production of the worth of the thing proposed . The assent of this doth infer Philosophy to be the worthiest and most transcendent of all : For Kings and Princes , whose worth is not to be parallel'd to any but to themselves , have affected Philosophy , and preferred its worth above the esteem of all others . David and Solomon the greatest of Kings , extolled the Pleasure and Contentment flowing from their Contemplations , above them of Glory and Honour , and other secular Pleasures , which they enjoyed in greater measure , than any before or since . Ptolomy Philadelphus King of Africa , having weighed Triumphs , or the Glories following Conquests and Victories ( which in their splendor do overtop all other kinds of Glories , and are reputed among the greatest of Contentments and Joyes ) judged them to be more troublesom than pleasing : For he had observed them to have been attendants in their highest eminence to his late Predecessors Alexander the Great , and Ptolomy Lagus his Father , and that their Contentments and Joyes ( supposed to slow thence ) were subject to a continual Eclipse , through their immoderate aspiring to greater , and through every Alarum of an Enemy , and through the daily News of their revolting Subjects ( although but lately vanquished ) discomposing their Spirits : Wherefore he composed himself to a peace , and applied his mind to the study of Philosophy , which did so much cultivate his understanding , and please his thoughts , that he endeavoured to procure the helps of men most Renowned far and near , by an universal Invitation . VI. A man naked and unpolisht doth more resemble a Brute , than himself : What Proprieties are there in wild Beasts , but which you may find in West-Indians ? I mean , those which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Men-eaters : They slay and devour one another ; the shadow of each of them is a terrour to the other ; nothing begetteth tameness in them , unless it be the presence of a Male with a Female , which the Instinct of Nature , and not their Reason , doth compel them unto . Nothing different from these should we be , were it not , that Philosophy did rectifie and redintegrate our Understandings : To this we owe our right Reasoning , Morality , and Knowledge of all Natural and Supernatural Beings ; and without that we are nothing else but Ignorance and Barbarism . A Divine will hardly reach to Theologick Vertues , unless he be first endowed with Morals : Neither is he like to compass the Knowledge of God , unless he first admireth him in his Creatures , and natural beings . Civilians ( those who really merit that name ) grow expert in composing Differences between others , by regulating Contentions arising between their own Soul and Body . A Physitian incurreth a suspition of being a Mountebank , or Astrologick Impostor , in case he be not more than ordinarily versed in Natural Philosophy , and questionless will be frustrated in his Cures , unless he be exactly skilful in knowing the proportion of Animal , Mineral , and Vegetable Natures to the Nature of man , which is demonstratively treated of in Natural Philosophy . To this doth the great Hippocrates in his Book of Elegance , elegantly exhort his Auditors : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherefore we ought to apply Wisdom to the Art of Physick , and the Art of Physick again to Wisdom : for a Physitian , who is a Philosopher , is like unto God. CHAP. II. Of the Nature of Philosophy . 1. Whether Philosophy can be defined . 2. Various Definitions of Philosophy . How Plato did define it . The Definition of Damascen . 3. The Authors Definition of it . That the Essence of God is as sensibly apprehended as the Essence of his Creatures . 4. What is implyed by Knowledge . 5. The Subjectum circa quod , or Object of Philosophy . 6. The Subjectum Inhaesionis , or Subject wherein Philosophy is inherent . MAny perswade themselves , that Philosophy doth not admit a Definition , that requiring an Unity in the Definitum , or thing Defined , which is not inherent in the Nature of Philosophy , but rather a Multiplicity ; wherefore it can only be described . To the contrary , all Beings have an Unity : for ( Ens & unum convertuntur ) a Being and One are identificated : so that , whatever hath no unity , is no Being : But they granting Philosophy to be a Being , cannot deny it an Unity : and if it hath an unity , it is definible . A Being may be materially manifold , and yet formally one , and of that nature is Philosophy . Philosophy is a knowledge of Beings by their Causes , which is the Modus considerandi , or Ratio formalis of it , to wit , of Philosophy : But this is one . Beings , as they are the Materia , are many ; nevertheless their universal Form in Philosophy is but one , which is to be known by their Causes . II. The Definitions of Philosophy are variously propounded by several Authors , who disagree more in terms and words , than in the thing it self . Others again , who seeming to define the Essence of a thing , rather describe it by its Properties and Effects : some of which serving to illustrate its Nature , I shall not think amiss to produce . Among these , that of Plato is most cried up . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Philosophy is a Meditation upon death . This Meditation upon death , is that which goeth under the notion of a Platonick Extasie , which is nothing else , but a qualification requisite in a Philosopher , whereby he doth withdraw his thoughts from singular and material things , applying them to universal and immaterial beings : or whereby he inclineth his Reason to his Fancy , and diverteth his Mind from his senses : So that in this Rapture , a Philosopher hath his eyes open , and seeth not , and may be environed with Noyse , and hear not . Another Definition the said Divine Philosopher recommends , approaching somwhat nearer to its Essence . Philosophy is a likeness to God , in as much as it is possible for a man to be like to God. God is a Pattern to man in his actions according to the greatest perfection of vertue , and in speculation or knowledge of all natural and supernatural Beings , the habitual imitation of which is the true Philosophy . Damascen in his Dialect , Chap. 3. states this following Definition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Philosophy is the Art of Arts , and the Science of Sciences , and the beginning of all Arts ; all which amounts to this : Philosophy is a comprehension of all Arts and Sciences . III. Philosophy is the knowledge of all cognoscible Beings . By Knowledge , understand a Habit of knowing a thing by its Definition or Essence , that is , by its internal and external Causes ; namely , Matter , Form , and Efficient . By internal Cause , I intend a Principle through which a Being is constituted . Some beings having only a single internal Cause , as God and Angels are constituted by their Forms * without Matter , and for that reason are nominated Immaterial . Others are constituted through a double internal Principle , and from an efficient Cause ; as all Natural Beings . Some obtain a single internal Principle , and one efficient Cause ; as Angels . God only consisteth of a single internal Principle , which is his Form , which is that which he is : Hence God declares himself , I am who I am . Here may be offered an Objection , That God cannot be known by the same Ratio Formalis cognoscendi , as Naturals are , since that these are considered in a distinct manner in their Matter and Form , the existence of which is incurrent into our Senses : Wherefore the Essences of these we may perfectly apprehend . On the other side , God is not known to us , unless indistinctly , and by his Attributes , not by his Essentials . My Answer to this , is , That our Knowledge of God is no less distinct , evident , and sensible ( I term it sensible , because according to the Dogmatical Institutions of Aristotle , the Root and Evidence of our Knowledge is , and sloweth from our Senses ) than of Naturals : and to speak truth , we neither understand certainly the Essence of God , nor of his Creatures , only their Existences , and other Accidents and Modes , under which the Peripateticks imagine the Essentials of a Being to be latent : So that only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth appear unto us . Whence my Inference is , that the Ratio Formalis of knowing immaterial and material Beings is the same , whereby we know the Essences of both in an equal manner . We doubt no less of the Being of God , than of the Being of his Creatures ; because as we know these to have a Being and Essence by their sensible operations and effects ( For Omne quod est , est propter operationem ; All which is , or hath a being , is or hath it for an Operation ) so we are also certain of the being and Essence of God by his Operation and Effects upon our Senses . We know that a material Substance consisteth of Matter , because we apprehend a trinal dimension of parts in it , which is an Accident concomitant to Matter , or rather Matter it self . We are also sensible of a Form inhering in that Matter through its Qualities and distinct moving . We gather from Experience , that ( Nihil fit a seipso ) no material Essence receiveth a Being from it self ; but from an Efficient . By which three Causes a Natural Being is generated , and from them derives its Definition . In like manner do our Senses declare to us , that God's Nature is immaterial : For we cannot perceive a trinal dimension of Parts in him , only that he consisteth of a pute , single and formal Being , because we cannot but perceive his formal and spiritual Operations , and Effects upon all material Beings . Wherefore the Knowledge of God proveth no less evident to us , and in the same degree and manner of Perfection , then of Elementary and Created Substances . IV. Knowledge in the forementioned Definition doth equally imply a Practick and Theoretick Knowledge , the ground of which Division is founded upon the Matter and not the Form of Philosophy : so that according to the same sense , the understanding is called either Practick or Theoretick ; not formally , as if the Understanding were twofold in man , but because it apprehendeth an object according to its double Representation of being Practical or Theoretical . V. Subjectum circa quod , or Object of Philosophy , are all Beings comprehending real and objective Beings , Essences , and their Modes , which latter are not specifically distinct from the former ; but identificared , and considered here as real , notwithstanding partaking of a Modal Distinction ; wherefore it makes no Formal Distinction in this universal Knowledge . In the like manner are the ( Phaenomena ) appearances in Astronomy supposed and taken for real , and move the understanding as distinctly , as if they were real Beings , strictly so termed , otherwise they could not be referred to a Science . VI. The Subjectum inhaesionis , or Subject wherein Philosophy is inherent , is the Understanding . The Understanding is either Divine , Angelical , Humane or Diabolical . In God Philosophy is Archetypick ; in Angels and Men Ectypick ; in Devils neither , they apprehending and discerning all things depravately and erroneously . CHAP. III. Of Philosophers . 1. What a Philosopher is . Four Properties necessary in a Philosopher , That nothing is more hateful , and noysom than a man but half Learned . 2. The first Universities . The Rise and Number of Sects sprung from these Universities . The Fame of Socrates . 3. What Meanes Philosophers made use of to procure themselves a Repute and Fame . I. A Philosopher , or a Wise man , is a great Artist , and all-knowing : He is an Artist , in that he can direct all his Actions to a good and true end : and All-knowing , since there is nothing existent , but which he may know definitely . Wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is well derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clear ; because a Philosopher understandeth all things clearly , which condition makes up one of the three Proprieties of a Philosopher , which are , 1. To know all things . 2. To have a capacity of teaching all which he knoweth . 3. To teach and divulge his Knowledge liberally ( not for Loan , which is mercenary , and not suiting with the Dignity of a Philosopher ) and freely . Scire tuum nihil est , nisite scire hoc sciat alter . Alas thy Knowledge is scarce worth a Pin , If thou keep secret what thou hast within . Hence slow these trite Sayings , Libere Philosophandum . Amicus Socrates , Amicus Plato , sed magis Amica Veritas . Non est jurandum in verba Magistri . We are to deliver Philosophy freely , that is , with a Socratick Liberty , or without adhering strictly to Authorities of Wise men , since that all men are subject to Errours , and the contrary of many of their Assertions are found to be true , we have cause enough to doubt of all , which they have commended to our Studies , and not to be tied , as if by Oath and Slavery , to believe our Masters words in every Tittle : an Abuse equal to Popery , enjoyning all men , upon danger of their Soules perdition , not to question the least Sillable of the Dictates of their Priests . It is no less Errour , to reject all which wise men have Published , their Works testifying their immense Parts and Abilities . So that our securest course is , to walk in the middle Path , and close with the Body of Philosophers in this Saying , Socrates is my good Friend , Plato is my good Friend , but the Truth is my best Friend . To which this doth also allude , Plato is ancient , but the Truth is more ancient . To these three , I will add a fourth ; Philosophandum est , sed paucis . We are to prove our selves Philosophers in short , or in few words . This was one of the Famous Precepts of Ennius , whereby he reproved those disturbers of Learning , who through the abundance of their futil Arguments , aery words , and tedious Probo tibi's might have raised anger in Socrates himself , which disposition to nugation and pratling you cannot miss of in a man , who is but half Learned , who generally hath depravate Conceptions of most things which he meets withal . Such are they , who strive to defend and propagate most absurd and pseudodox Tenents , many of which do secretly contain Atheism : As Assertions of the Pre-existence of Souls ; Multiplicity of worlds ; the Souls being extraduce , and infinite others , which necessarily are Concomitants of these before-mentioned . In a word , Homine semidocto quid iniquius ? what is there more detestable and hateful , than a man but half Learned ? Which Apothegm may be justly transferred to a Physitian , Medico semiperito quid mortalius ? what is more mortal than a Physitian but half experienced ? II. The first Schooles of Fame , or Universities , where Philosophy was publickly and orderly teached , were two : The Italian and Ionick Schooles . The Italian or rather the Calabrian School was most renowned for Mathematicks , and Ethicks , where Pythagoras was Professor . In the Ionian School Natural Philosophy and Astronomy were most professed by Anaximander , a Scholar of Thales . The Italian University encreased in fame by breeding of Renowned Disciples : as Zeno , Democritus , Epicurus , and others . Anaximander's School was no less advanced by the Succession of Socrates , the Prince of Philosophers , and as the Oracle of Pythias stiles him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Socrates of all men the wisest . And to give him his due , he was the Ocean of all Humane and Divine Learning , out of which scattered these four Sects : Of Academicks , Cynicks , Peripateticks , and Stoicks ; of whom may justly be pronounced , that whatever Truth they had retained in their Doctrine , it was derived from Divine Socrates ; whatever Falshood they taught , was from their own Innovation , and depravate Judgment . The Academicks , so called from their abode at the Academy or University , next succeeded the doleful loss of great Socrates , whereby they were exposed to the Innovations and erroneous Opinions of Plato , an elder Scholar of Socrates . Plato having finished his Course of Philosophy by an untimely Death , put also a Period to the Sect , which his Doctrine had raised and fomented , and moved many to withdraw from the University , giving their minds to wandring , and divulging their Opinions or Dogmatical Dictates in their Travels : Among which Aristotle was most taken notice of , whose Scholars , to wit , which he had begot in his wandring , were thence called Peripateticks , or Wanderers , which name his Scholars still retained , although most of them received their Learning from him after his settlement in Lyceum , a School not far distant from Athens , or according to other , in Athens : The Scholars of greatest Note bred in Lyceum , were Theophrastus , who succeeded Aristotle , and Pyrrhon , the first Author of the Scepticks . The Cynicks were so called from their Master Cynosarges ; whose Scholars were Diogenes the Cynick , and Zeno ; whose Disciples afterwards were called Stoicks ; his Doctrine was for the most part Moral . To these may be added two Sects more , which these late years have produced , to wit , the Paracelsians and Cartesians . The Bombastin Sect derived their Name from their Master , Phil. Aur. Theophrast . Paracelsus , Bombast , born at Bohenheim , an obscure place in Germany , whose Doctrine treated most of Natural Philosophy , innovated by Principles drawn from the Fire ; hence he and his Followers are called ( Philosophi per Ignem ) Philosophers through the Fire . 2. The Rotarians , or Cartesians , a Sect of the latest standing , reaped their Discipline from Ren. Des Cartes , a Frenchman , whose Study was most Mathematical and Physical , or rather a Mixture of a Pythagorean and Democritean Philosophy . III. The principal Means which each of these Grandees made use of to procure a Repute and Fame to themselves , were , Invections against their Masters Dictates , and phantastical Proposals of their own , dasht over with a multitude of apparent Reasons , and probable Arguments , wherein they did not only shew their Ingratitude and vain Ambition , but their Dishonesty to the world , by commending Falsehoods under the shape of apparent Truths , harnessed by their subtil Fallacies . CHAP. IV. Of the Distribution of Philosophy in Parts . 1. In what manner Philosophy contains its subjected Parts . 2. How Objects move the Understanding by their first and immediate Representation . 3. That the Supreme and Immediate Division of Philosophy is in Practick and Theoretick Knowledge . 4. An Objection against the Subdivision of Practick and Theoretick Knowledge . 5. How Knowledge is subdivided . 6. That the Subdivision is adequate to all its Inferiour Parts . 7. Why Practick and Theoretick Philosophy are not treated of separately , as their Inferior Parts are . 8. That the Common Quadripartion of Philosophy is too strict . I. PHilosophy hath been defined , and considered as a totum universalissimum , comprehending all Sciences , and Arts , as a ( magis vel potius mexime universale ) more universal , or rather a most universal , containeth ( minus universalia ) less universals : or also , as in the manner of an ( totum Integrale ) entire integral Being , a Countrey consisteth of Cities , and Cities of Streets , and Streets of singular Houses , so is the entire Body of Philosophy constituted by its contained Parts . II. The distinct Motion or Habit of an Object sub ratione universali formali , to the Understanding specifieth the kinds of Knowledges , an Object moves the Understanding ( ut primum movens ) through its first Motion in a twofold respect : 1. As it is good 2. As it is pleasant and admirable . As it is good , it excites a desire and appetite to it in the Intellect : For the understanding conceiving an Object to be good , in that it judgeth the Objects Convenience , and sutableness to it self , and is naturally carried forth to that Object , by which natural motion wrought first upon the animal Spirits in the Phansie , it moves the other Spirits lodging in Nerves throughout the Body , by drawing of them to that Object which it draweth it self unto ; To which Attraction the other Spirits are naturally obedient , because they are a continuous Body , or joyned in continuity , and in the strongest coherence unto the first moving Spirits of the Phansie ; but of this more largely in its proper place . This motion of the Mind upon the Phansie , is called the Will. As it is pleasant and admirable , it moves the Understanding to its perserutation and Contemplation , in a double manner . 1. In a less universal , more concrete , and material manner , in which Representation it constitutes Physicks , or Natural Philosophy . 2. In a more universal , abstracted , and immaterial manner , which specifieth Metaphysicks . III. Whence we may gather the supreme and immediate division of Knowledge , as it is most universal , and is Philosophy it self , to be either Practick or Theoretick , because Practick and Theoretick are the first and immediate Habits or Respects of Objects , whereby they move the understanding . Practick Knowledge is , whereby the understanding is determined to Practise . Practise ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) denotech the production either of a fluent or permanent work : The production of a fluent work is called by the general name of Practise : The production of a permanent work 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the making of a work . Theoretick Knowledge is , whereby the understanding is only moved to Contemplation , and is not determined to Practise . IV. Against this partition of Knowledge may be Objected ; that Practise is not the Object of the understanding , but of the will , which by all Peripateticks is affirmed to be materially distinct from the Understanding : Wherefore Knowledge being the Object of the understanding , is only speculative , and in no wise practick . I grant the Premises , but deny the Syllogism , there being a Fallacia consequentiae hidden in it , or particularly there is more contained in the Conclusion , then was in the Premises . Wherefore I judge it strange , that they should really divide the Will from the understanding or Mind , which of its own nature is formally indivisible : So that the forementioned Objection doth not conclude any thing against my Assertion , since it infers not the will and understanding to be distinguished formally , but to differ only in matter , from which our division is prescinded . V. Practick Knowledge is divided in Logick , Moral Philosophy , and the Art of Nature , whereby she is helped , and may otherwise be called the Art of Physick in a large sence : These tripartited Parts being less universal , and less mediate , are drawn from a triple end or effect of Philosophy , determined by a triple Object . 1. The Soul. 2. The Body . 3. The Manners . The end of Philosophy upon the Soul is to help it in its Defect , consisting in its subjection to Errours , which constitutes Logick . The effect of Philosophy upon the Body is to relieve its Defects , consisting in nakedness , want of Conveniences , and subjection to Diseases . To this the Art of Physick prescribes Remedies and Helps . 3. The Effect of Philosophy upon the Manners ( which are actions produced by Soul and Body joyned in unity ) is to regulate them in their Extravagancies and Depravations , which specifieth Moral Philosophy : Note that Logick and Moral Philosophy are here taken in their largest signification . Theoretick Knowledge is divided according to the universal formality ( I mean Formality in respect to one another of the subdivided Members , and not to Philosophy it self , to which these are only material Subdivisions ) of the speculative Object ; which is threefold . 1. A Material Object inherent in material Essences , which limits it to Natural Philosophy . 2. An Immaterial Object depending from immaterial Beings , which determines it to Pneumatology . 3. An Object communicable to both , or abstracted from each , which is a Being in general as it is communicable to material and immaterial Objects , which constitutes the Subject of Metaphysicks . VI. All inferiour and less universal Knowledges must be comprehended in some one of the divided Members of Philosophy , otherwise it would be an erroneous Distribution : wherefore some of the Liberal Arts , as Arithmetick , Grammar , Rhetorick , are reduced to the Art of Logick , as it is taken in a large sense , implying a Habit of guiding Reason being defective in its Judgment , and in Elocution or Utterance . The Arts of Musick , Geometry , Astrology are comprehended in the Art of Nature , as also the Art of Physick , strictly so called , and the servile Arts , as the Art of Husbandry , of Weaving , of Warring , &c. Likewise are Oeconomicks and Politicks referred to Moral Philosophy ; Astronomy to Natural Philosophy . VII . The most universal parts of Philosophy , namely Theoretick and Practick , are treated of inclusively , as far as their Inferior Parts do contain them : So that thereby Authors save the labour of discoursing of them separately , and of repeating the same Matters in vain . Nevertheless was that Partition necessary , because through it Philosophy is contracted to its less universal Parts . VIII . The common quadripartited distribution of Philosophy is too strict , the subjected Members exceeding its extention ; for example , to what part of Philosophy will you reduce the Art of Medicine ? possibly you may refer it to Natural Philosophy , which may not be , because the one is practick , and the other speculative . The like Question may be demanded concerning all the Servile and Liberal Arts : Wherefore it was requisite to add the Art of Nature to the practick Knowledges . Pneumatology hath been abusively treated of in Metaphysicks , because its Object , namely , Spirits , is more contracted , then a Being in general ; If you answer , that it is a part dividing a Being in general , and therefore it ought to be reduced to its whole ; then by vertue of that Argument , Natural Philosophy ought to be referred to the same Science , because that is the other opposite dividing part ; for a Being in Metaphysicks is treated of , as it is abstracted from a Material and Immaterial Substance . CHAP. V. 1. What Method is requisite in the Ordering of the particular Treatises of the several Parts of Philosophy . 2. What Order is observed in the Placing of the General Parts of Philosophy . I. THe Method requisite in the Ordering of the particular Treatises of the several Parts of Philosophy is not indifferent , most preferring a Synthetick in Theoretick , and an Analytick Method in Practick Knowledges , all excluding an Arbitrary Method in matters necessary , and such are Philosophick II. The Order observed in the placing of the General Parts of Philosophy , is drawn from their Dignity , or primality of Existence . If from their Dignity , Pneumatology is the first , because of its most excellent Object . The next Metaphysicks , because of its most general Object . Moral Philosophy is the first , in respect of time , because our Will is the first Faculty we exercise next after our Production , whose first act is , to incline a Child to suck , which being subject to be immoderate in it , is learned by use and direction of its Nurse , to be better regulated in its appetite , and to know the Rule of Temperance ; Hence it is an universal saying , Disciplinae fuerunt prius in usu quam in arte , Disciplines were in use before they were in art . The Will being the first , which required the help of Prudence , and Moral Philosophy , was the only cause which moved Socrates to teach Morals first , and not because the Science of Physicks were , or seemed to be obscure , and hard to be known : for even in them he was more skilful and learned than any ever was among the Heathens . The first in Nature and respect to Knowledge , is Metaphysicks , comprehending all the others in it self . The first quoad nos , is Logick , which doth dispose our understanding for the Discipline of the other parts . Each of these Parts obtain a distinct consideration . Metaphysicks are considered as abstracted , and Immaterial , that is , most remote from Singulars ; not properly immaterial , as a Spirit , but as inherent in its less universals , and by contraction may be material . Physicks are considered as a less universal , and nearest to Singulars , which by their common habit and Representation , exhibit a common unity , which constitutes a less universal ; wherefore whatever cannot be proved by experience , that is , by our Senses , to be existent in Singulars , makes an Opinion , or Errour in the universals : So that the proof of Pneumatology , as well as of Natural Philosophy , depends from our Senses , and experience in Singulars . Wherefore every Philosopher ought to make probation of all Assertions , in whatever part of Philosophy it be , by Arguments drawn either mediately or immediately from Singulars , and especially in Natural Philosophy ; which way of Arguing produceth a Certainty and Evidence or Demonstration . Metaphysicks . The Second Book : CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Metaphysicks . 1. Of the Etymology and Synonima's of Metaphysicks . 2. The Authors Definition of Metaphysicks . That a Being is univocal to an objective and a real Being . 3. The true formal and adequate Object of Metaphysicks . 4. Wherein Metaphysicks differs from Philosophy . IT will be needless to propound any thing further concerning the antiquity , worth , and pleasure of the study of Metaphysicks , since you may justly apply the general fruits and ends of Philosophy to it in particular , wherefore I proceed to what is more requisite . I. Metaphysicks was so called from its Etymology out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 above , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Physicks , which in composition imply as much as a knowledge above Physicks , and from its transcendence it appropriates to it self the most transcendent name of the whole , namely , Wisdom , or a universal Knowledge , which it retains , although improperly ; because it is next compared in universality to Philosophy . It is called also the first Philosophy , from its nearest approximation to Philosophy , its most proper Denomination is Ontology , or a Discourse of a Being . Metaphysicks is a Knowledge of a most universal Being . Knowledge imports the unfolding of a thing by its Causes , Effects , Proprieties and Affections . By a most universal Being understand , a Being abstracted from more universal , and mediately from less universal , material and immaterial Beings , prescinded from real ( strictly so termed ) and objective Beings , or from real and modal Beings , to all which a Being in general is a Genus univocum : For were they not univocal Parts of a Being in general , they could not be treated of ( per se ) in this Science , but per accidens , which is erroneous . But suppose I granted that modal or objective Beings had their places here per accidens , to what Science are they then referred per se ? For as they are cognoscible , they come under the Notion of Philosophy , and have a distinct Unity and Essence , which must be considered per se in some part or other of Philosophy . Since then they cannot be reduced per se to any Form else , their proper place must be here . I prove that a Being in general , as it is the Subject of Metaphysicks , is a Genus univocum to an ( ens rationis ) Objective Being , and a ( Ens Reale ) real Being . All Beings are capable of being the Subject of Philosophy , so far as they are cognoscible only ; not as they are real Essences , but as they really move the understanding to their knowledge : This is evident hence , ( Quicquid recipitur , recipitur per modum recipientis , ) because knowledge in the understanding ariseth from the knowledge in the senses ; and the senses know objects by their distinct moving of the sensories ; the understanding by being moved by the sensories ; wherefore the understanding , which is the Subject of Philosophy , knoweth no things further , than it is moved by the internal and external senses . A Genus univocum is , which is equally constituted by its Species ; that is , at the same time , and in an equal manner . Univocal Species are , which constitute a Genus equally . This premised , I frame my Argument thus ; An objective Being , and a real Being do equally constitute an universal cognoscible Being . Ergo , they are univocal Parts . I confirm the Antecedent . An Objective Being doth as * really move the understanding , as a Real Being : Ergo , they are equally cognoscible Beings : So that an Objective Being is neither more or less a cognoscible being , than a Real being , and as to the understanding , they are formally one , differing only materially . If two different Essences were reduced to one Science , to wit , one per se , the other per accidens , they would constitute a formal difference in a Science , and cause a duplicity in it , which should be but one . III. The Object of this Science is a Being , as it hath a cognoscible Essence ; so that whatever hath no cognoscible being , is excluded without its denomination : Wherefore a non ens reale ( excusing the Impropriety of speech ) or that , which hath no real being or existence , may be cognoscible , provided it hath but an objective being . * But for a ( non ens objectivum ) a being , that hath no objective existence , that hath no being , and is impossible , neither can it any wise be positively considered . IV. A Being here is conceived , as it is a most universal being , and abstracted from its more and less universals ; herein it differeth from Philosophy , the formal Object of which is taken for a being as it is a most more and less universal being , prescinded from Practical and Theoretick beings , and treating of them in their most , more , and less universalities : whereas a being in Metaphysicks , is also a most universal being , abstracted from more and less universals , but treating of it only , as it is most universal . CHAP. II. Of Precision . 1. What Precision is . 2. That a real Precision is not properly a Precision . 3. That Precision constitutes a Positive and Negative . 4. The Difference of Precision . That all Precisions are formal . I. PRecision is an operation of the mind , whereby in distinguishing the Parts of a being from one another , we do apprehend them , which really cannot exist asunder , as existing separately in our minds , in such a manner , as if they were really existent out of our understandings : For example , a singular Blackness in an AEthiopian , although it cannor exist really out of that AEthiopian , yet we may conceive that blackness by it self in our minds , and the AEthiopian by himself , as if they were really and separately existent . II. Hence it followes , that properly there is no real Precision or Abstraction , as Authors generally have imagined ; for that which was really distinct from another , is so ( according to their Doctrine ) without the operation of the understanding , and therefore it is no precision ; because a precision is an operation of the mind . Where observe , that this precision superaddeth nothing to the ( Ratio formalis intelligendi ) to the understanding , but to the thing understood , or matter intelligible . Wherefore objective and modal beings are made equal objects to real beings by the forementioned precision , and move the understanding as properly as real beings . III. A Precision constitutes a Positive and a Negative : A positive unity , and a negative distinction . That same unity is not a non ens : wherefore the Negative , which is concomitant to all precisions , is not understood by us , only we judge by experience , that one being hath but one unity , and spying a being , we judge , that that being hath unity , and therefore is not a non ens . The difference arising between two real beings or essences is simpliciter called a distinction : the difference between a real being , and its Mode , or Habit , or Representation , is a formal precision : So that all precisions are formal . I call it formal , because we give it a distinct Definition , which is the Form of a being : as in an AEthiopian , we precind his blackness from his Humanity , and define it a colour , which doth concentrate our sight ; his Humanity to be a rational living substance . Which beings are formally distinct from one another , because they have distinct Definitions . IV. A Formal precision is either really modal or objectively modal . A real modal precision is whereby an accident is precinded from a real Essence . An objective modal precision is , whereby an accident is abstracted from an objective being ; an objective being is that , which doth not exist really , but in the mind only , although it is grounded upon a real being . That , which is called a formal precision of beings in the understanding , is termed a real distinction in real beings , which are not distinguisht from one another without the operation of the understanding , for it is our understanding perswades us that they are distinguisht really from one another . CHAP. III. The Manner of Precision . 1. How a more universal Being is precinded from its less universal Beings . 2. How an universal Being is equally abstracted from an ( ens Rationis ) Objective Being , and ( ens reale ) a real Being . 3. How a common Concept is precinded from a Substance and Accident . A Being in its greater universality is precinded from beings in their less universality ; when we conceive a common representation to two or more less universalities , & apprehend them united in that commonness , and distinct from each less universal , from which it was abstracted ; for example , an immaterial and material Being have each an Essence : in that , they have each an essence , they are like to another , and constitute a commonness , this commonness abstracted from each , and distinguisht from their materiality and immateriality is the formal precision of a being in its greater universality . The same Rule is also held in abstracting a common Concept from an ( ens rationis ) objective being , and a real being ; each of them having a commonness in their essence , which is , in that they move the understanding , although one existeth really without the understanding , the other only in the active understanding : the abstracting of this commonness from the objectiveness , and reality constitutes a precinded unity of an ens rationis , and an ens reale . In the like manner is a common concept precinded from an accident and substance , each of these having a commonness of moving the understanding , which abstracted from their realities , precindes a more universal unity from each . Note that the Doctrine of precision doth not properly belong to this place , which notwithstanding I thought good to insert , for to explain the specification of the Subject of Metaphysicks ; namely , how a being in its greater universality is abstracted from its lesser universalities : how it is univocal to an objective and real being ; to a substantial and accidental being ; to a material and immaterial Essence ; and summarly , how that a being precinded in the forementioned manners , and univocal to every one of them beings , is specified to the Subject of this Science . CHAP. IV. Of the Definition of a Being . 1. What the proper name of the Nature of a Being is . The improbation of several Definitions of a Being . 2. Objections against the common Definition of a Being received by most late Philosophers . 3. That there is no common Concept to a possible real Being , and an actual real Being . 4. That there is an univocal Concept to all immaterial and material , Objective and Real , Substantial and Accidental Beings . 5. The Authors Definition of a Being . That our Knowledge is comparatively as perfect as Adams was . THe Quiddity of a Being in general goeth more by the name of the Concept of a Being , that is , as it is a conceived being , or as it is an Object of our Knowledge , than the Nature and Formality of a being ; and that justly and properly , because a being is a being ( as to us ) only from being conceived by us , that is , from its cognoscibility . As the common name imposed upon the Quiddity of a Being is very proper , no less improper are the common Definitions of it , as they are rendred by most Aristotelian Commentators : Whereof some proposed this Definition : A Being is that , which is not nothing ; or ( according to others ) which is no Chimaera . The first is not so much as a Description , which is cognoscible , but nothing is not cognoscible per se , but per aliud , to wit , by a being ; if so , then a being is apprehended by a no-Being , and a no-being by a being , which runs in a blind circle , like a Horse goes round in a Mill. The latter Definition is a Description of a Real Being , and is not freed from all Objections : 1. It is described by a Negative . 2. All that , which is no Chimaera , is not a real being : for a Hircocerous is no Chimaera . But possibly by Chimaera is meant an ens rationis , in a larger sense ; which although granted , yet there are beings , which are neither strictly an objective being , neither in the same extent a real being ; such are all modal beings , which are distinguisht from a real being , as parts from their whole . II. This Definition is more generally received by most latter Philosophers . A Being is , which hath an aptitude to exist ; or to which existence is possible . This Definition is also involved in scruples and repugnances : for here a possible being is only described , and not an actual being ; wherefore it is not a general Definition of a being . Others , to clear that Objection , proposed the same Definition with a Tayle to it . A Being is , which hath an aptitude to exist , or is that , which doth exist . This is a plain division of a being existent , and possible to exist ; Where halts the Definition then ? 2. Essence is nearer to a being than Existence ; wherefore illegally defined . 3. That which hath an aptitude to exist , is no real being , because it hath no real Essence , not cognoscibility from without . 4. It is too strict : for it doth not comprehend an objective being ; wherefore we have occasion enough to doubt of the whole dispute of Smiglecius De ente rationis , since that he proceeds upon a Definition falsly supposed , and defined by existence , which is only a mode of a Being . III. There is no common concept to a possible real being , and an actual real being ; because the one is a Negative , the other a Positive , which being contrary , cannot constitute an unity , which is an effect of similitude , or commonness of Concept . A possible being is a Negative ; because it is that , which is no real being in a strict sense : For real in a large sense , is taken , for whatever doth move the Understanding . Neither can I apprehend , how a possible being may be called real , according to the ordinary acception ; which imports real to be that which doth exist without the understanding ; wherefore that which doth not exist , but only can exist , is not real . And this is past mending , notwithstanding the enlarging of it thus . Real is that , which is , or can exist without the Understanding . To define two formal Natures in one Definition , is absurd . For that which is , is one Formality , that which is not , but supposed to be in the Divine Idea , is another Formality . That these two are Contraries , is evident : because that , which is , we may perceive by our senses , that , which is not , but can be , or is in the Divine Idea , we can neither perceive by our senses , or understanding . Lastly , Possibility relates to Existence , and therefore ( if granted ) it would be but an accidental Definition , or rather a Division . IV. That there is a common and univocal Concept of God , and his cteatures , of accidents and substances , of objective and real being ( ex parte Actus ) in the understanding , is sufficiently proved , by supposing certainly , that God is as sensibly known by us , as his Creatures are , and consequently the Concept in the understanding may be univocal ; that Accidents and Substances differ modally : And , that an Objective Being is as much a being to us , as a real being ; all which hath been demonstratively proved in the precedent Chapters . Besides , the manner of Precision , which is the ground of an univocal Concept , I have so plainly and briefly set down in the two Chapters of Precision , that you have thence an easie entrance , to go through all the difficulries of Metaphysicks ( which arise from an omission of an exact Explication of Precision ) and to understand with more ease the subtilities of Suares , Arriaga and Oviedo , than they can understand themselves , and dissolve all Objections against the univocal Concept of the forementioned beings . V. A Being is that , which hath an Essence ; not that which can have an Essence ; for it hath none . To have an Essence , is to be existent ; to be existent , is to have an Essence , which Reciprocation is not the same , that hapneth to Synonima's , but to a Formality , and its propriety ; so that existence is not really distinct from Essence , but only modally . An Essence is that , whereby a being is cognoscible to be that , which it is . Where observe , that as to us , cognoscibility is necessary and formal to a being ; for a being , as to us , is no being , unless it be cognoscible . Notwithstanding this relative Essence , we do grant an absolute or fundamental Nature , whereon this relative Essence of a being is grounded . That which man never perceived by his senses , or like to any thing , which hath been perceived by him , is no being , neither objective or real . This I prove ; whatever we can say is real , can be perceived by cur senses ( or otherwise , how could we say it were real ; for saying proceeds from our Knowledge , and our Knowledge from our Senses ) and whatever is perceived by our senses , is real , that is , is existent from without . Ergo , There is no real thing , but it is perceptible by our Senses , mediately or immediately , and consequently as to us , is real from its cognoscibility . You may object , that there are many Beings existent , which an individual man cannot perceive : Ergo , by that they should not be real . I answer , That Man is taken here in the universal , for the plurality of men , and therefore I added , by our Senses ; so that whatever man in general is not capable of knowing , it is a non ens ; for otherwise , if any thing should be said to be real , and no man could perceive it , or did ever perceive it , we should say a most palpable untruth , which another would reply unto , that it was no being : because no man ever saw any such thing , or did ever hear of it . 2. According to the Supposition of the Objector , the material beings , which we may imagine to be existent without the tenth or eleventh Orb , are real ; which all confess to be imaginary , and therefore not real . It is certain , that whatever is cognoscible to man , is a being ; but whether a being may not be somthing beyond what is cognoscible , is a doubt . 2. The Subjectum in quo of cognoscibility ( viz. Man ) is differing from himself now to what he was before his Fall , and therefore he apprehending a being then further and beyond what man doth apprehend it now , seems to alter the formality of a being , which should be inalterable : Yea , let us go on and question , whether Angels do not know a thing beyond what may be perceptible to man ? If they do , then beyond all Opinion , Cognoscibility in man is not the Formality of a being . To Answer to all these , we must state , that a being is that , for which it is known to be : For it is impossible to imagine , that a being should be any thing else , as to a Rational Creature , but what it may be apprehended by him to be ; supposing a man to know certainly what a Colour , Smell or any thing else is in it self , that thing , as to , or in that man , can be nothing but what he knowes it to be : or asking a man , what such a thing is , he will answer you , it is such a thing , that is , he apprehends it so to be . Again , Suppose an Angel told you , such a thing is such ; this is no otherwise , than that he knows it to be such or such . I might almost state the same Case of God , but fearing I should offend , I rather omit it . Supposing then that that , which is cognoscible to man , is a being , I do affirm , that an infinite being , as far as it is cognoscible to man , is a Being , and is perceived by him to be a Being ; but since that being is not terminated in mans Knowledge , he cannot out of consequence but think and believe , that that being is indeterminate , or at least is more than he knows or is capable of knowing , so that this is a very palpable ground to man , to induce him to believe ( for know it he cannot , since it is beyond his Knowledge , and therefore must believe it , which is an assent beyond Knowledge ) that God is a being , because he knows him to be a being , and that he is infinite , or indeterminate , because he is not terminated within his Knowledge , and because God declares the same of himself ; wherefore it is well said , that we know God partly only , and as through a Glass . Herein is an infinite being distinguisht , and we know it to be distinguisht from a non ens , which is also ( although improperly ) termed Infinite , because we know a part of the former , but no part of the latter , and therefore we conclude the one to be somthing beyond what we know it to be , and the other to be nothing beyond what we know it not to be . Finite things , as far as they are cognoscible , are nothing beyond what they are cognoscible , and although one man may erre in his Knowledge , yet the universality of men , it is probable , do not , especially in immediately sensible Objects . In relation to the second doubt and Objection , I affirm , that man in his present state , cannot discern the Essence and Modes of a being so clearly at once , so swiftly , so certainly , and so easily as man did before his Fall , because of the depravate and contrary Habit , since befallen to man ; nevertheless his Principle of Knowledge is the same , and may through it perceive , and know the same things , and in the same degree , although with subjection to Errour , Difficulty , by length of time , Study and Experience . Wherefore if Adam knew all things as they were ( as doubtless he did ) and that cognoscibility of beings in him , were their formality , as to him , certainly the same cognoscibility must be their formality as to us . I could render this point much clearer , but this may suffice to an attentive mind , and therefore shall spend no more Time or Paper about it , deferring it until such time , which I may happily employ for the answering of such Objections , that probably others will make against it . Hence we collect one member of the division of a Being , namely a Real being , which is that , which our understanding doth apprehend to exist without , in the same manner as it doth apprehend it within . CHAP. V. Of the Formality of an Objective Being . 1. The Authors Definition of a ( Ens Rationis ) Being of the Mind , or an Objective Being . Wherein a Real Being differs and agrees with an Objective Being . 2. The Proof of the fore-given Definition . That whatever we think , when we do not think upon a Real Being , is an Objective Being . That whatever we think or can think , when we do not think upon a Real Being , is like to a Real Being . 3. Another Argument to prove the Formality of a mental being to consist in likeness to a Real Being . 4. The Division of an Objective Being . 1. THat , which a man doth apprehend to be like to what he perceives by his senses , is an ( Ens Rationis ) objective being , which is like to some one , or more real Beings . And this makes the other opposite dividing Member of a ( Ens ) Being in general . An Ens Rationis or an objective being , is that , whose essence existing in the mind only , consisteth in a likeness to a real being . That an Objective being as to us , is as much a being , as a real being , it appeares hence , because a being , like to another being , is as much cognoscible in its existence , and other modes or Accidents , as a real being , to which it may be like . It is called objective , because its essence is immediately grounded upon the passive and active Intellect , which gives it to be objective or representing : So that you may observe , that the sorce of the word objective , doth confirm the truth of my Definition , which is , that an objective being is , which represents a real being , or is like to a real being . Likeness doth not imply a single or immediate Idea in the active Intellect ; for that is only proper to real beings , but a reflexe or double Idea , or the framing of another Idea , like to the single Idea of a Real being . A being conceived to be like to a real being , is partly different from it , and partly the same with it . It is the same with it , or identificated in their superiour gender , which is a being . It is different , in that it moves the passive understanding differently from a real being , that moving the understanding by its present motion through and from it self : whereas it self moveth the passive understanding through its intelligibility or internal cognoscibility , which it hath in the active Intellect . This Intelligibility is nothing else but the same Idea of a real being , conceived again in the absence of that real being , which made that first Idea by its own present motion in the understanding : In a word , it is not else , but a Recordation of a real being ; and a real being it self is nothing else , but a being apt to move the senses by its own single and present Motion . II. I prove the fore-stated Definition of an Objective being to be adequate to its Essentials . If whatever we think or can think , be only like to a Real being , and that at such times , when we are not employed in understanding a Real being , is no real being ; that Concept must be of an Ens Rationis , or Objective being : But what ever we think , or can think , is like to a real being , and that , at such times when we are not employed in understanding a real being , is no real being ; Ergo , whatever we think , or can think to be like to a real being , and that at such times when we are not employed in understanding a real being , must be a Concept of an Ens Rationis , or Objective being . I confirm the Major Proposition , which cortaines an Argument a necessario . The Necessity flowes from a Maxime , which is that an Objective Being and real being are contradictorily opposite ; and between Contradictories there is no Mean or Medium . But of this more hereafter . I prove the Minor , which is , that all which we think , or can think is like to a real being , at such times when we are not employed in understanding a real being . Stop your ears , and shut your eyes , or compose your self to a Platonick Extasie , and try , whether you can think of one or more beings , which is , or are not like to a real being or beings ; let that thought be of a being most impossible to exist really . I am certain , I could never . You will say , that you can think of an Atlas , or a man holding the world upon his back : I grant , that an Atlas is an Ens Rationis ; but this Ens Rationis is like to a real being : Namely , the man is like to a man , the world like to a Globe ? had we never seen a Globe , or a man , we could never have thought upon them joyntly : so is a Hirco-cervus , a Goat-stagge , an objective being , representing a Goat and a Stagge . This Axiome doth also infer the same ; Nihil est in Intellectus , quin prius fuerit in sensu ; there is nothing in the understanding , but it proceeds from our senses . If then we know nothing , but that , which we receive from our sensation , and the Knowledge in the understanding is nothing , but a Representation of what is recommended to it by the Senses , that which we alwaies think , or can think , must be like , or must represent a real being ; because we perceive nothing , but what is really existent without the understanding . Here may be Objected , that then all real beings are objective beings ; because all real beings cause a Representation or Likeness to themselves in the understanding . The Solution is easie . In a large sense all real beings are objective , if objective be taken largely , for that which moveth the understanding , as Smilec . also , Disp. 1. Q. 1. well observes , Non quaecunque existentia objectiva sufficit ad Ens Rationis ; Nam etiam entia realia existunt objective in intellectu . It is not every objective existence doth suffice to constitute an objective being ; for real beings exist also objectively in the understanding . So that I say , that it is not every Likeness in the understanding specifieth an objective being , but only a mediate and reflexe Likeness , which is formed out of the immediate or direct Likeness or Idea of a real being , by abstracting another or mediate Likeness from that first likeness . The likeness of a real being is immediate , and therefore needs its own real presence to impress this likeness upon the understanding ; whereas the likeness of an Objective being is formed mediately from the first real likeness ( as I may call it ) and is abstracted , when the real Object is absent , that is , at such a time ( as I inserted above ) when we are not employed in the understanding of a real likeness . I call it a reflexe likeness , because the understanding doth abstract it by a reflexe action upon it self . Neither is that first or immediate likeness of a real being properly a likeness , but rather an Impression made by its presential action ; whereas a likeness is properly that , which is abstracted from the Impression already made by a real being , and in the absence of it , that is , when we are not employed in the understanding of a real being . So that a proper likeness is between two beings , formally different from one another . I will illustrate this by an example : Frame a Likeness upon an Impression of a real being : as of a Dog ; as long as that Impression lasteth , you cannot make a Likeness upon it ; for we can exercise but one act of the understanding faculty at once ; For one formal power exerciseth but one formal act . It is then necessary that the Impression should be finished , by the cessation of the alteration of that real being upon the Sensories ( which I call the absence of a real being , a parte rei , or the intermission of understanding a real being a parte actus Intellectus . ) The Impression being finisht by the absence of that real being , namely , of the Dog , the understanding by a reflexe and mediate Likeness upon that Impression , may by another action relate that likeness abstracted from that Impression to that same Dog again ( which action is a distinct operation of the mind , formally differing from that first action of receiving an Impression ) and so that Dog framed in the understanding is like to the first Impression of that real Dog again . Where observe , that this Likeness is not the same Impression , which that Dog made upon the Sensories , but a being abstracted in the passive understanding , by the Active , of the same likeness to that same Impression . III. Another Argument to prove the formality of an Objective being to consist in a likeness to a real being , is this . As Beasts and Men are formally distinct in their Essence , so also they are formally distinct in their formal Operations . Hence I proceed thus . The perceiving of a real being is proper to a Beast , the perceiving of an objective being is only proper unto men . Wherefore as them two operations are formally different , so are their Acts , which is the perceiving of a real being , and of a formal being , and consequently , an Objective being doth differ from a real being . These Operations being supposed to be formally different , I say , that that which makes them formally different , is the Ratio formalis of each . That which argues or makes a being to be real , is its perception by the animal Senses . This is evident , because Beasts , who do perceive and discern real beings ( for they discern Grass from water , their own Stable from another ) which they cannot perceive , but by their senses : Ergo , the perception by animal sense is the Ratio formalis of a real being . That which makes an Objective being , is that , whereby a man is distinct from a Beast , which is a power of framing likenesses by a reflexion upon the Animal perception or Impression , and is an act whereby a man is formally distinct from a Beast : For a Beast cannot frame any Likeness : Ergo , The Formality of an Objective being doth consist in a Likeness to a Real being . You may Object , that you can apprehend a being existing in your mind , to be a real being : Ergo , Whatever is thought , is not thought to be like to a real being , but somthing may be thought to be a real being . I Answer , That that , which you think to be a real being , you think it to be like to a real being , and because of that , you say it is a real being : For example , Suppose you think the Pope to be a real man , your thinking of him to be so , is nothing else , but your thinking him to be like to a man , and therefore you say he is a man. Moreover , although an objective being consisteth in a likeness to a real being , the Conclusion thence is not , that that which is an objective being , is no real being , that is , that hath no real being for its foundation : for the definition doth imply it : neither are you to conclude , that an objective being is a contradictorily opposite to a real being : that is , that an objective being doth not respond to a real being , because a real being doth not exist in that manner of conjunction , as an objective being is somtime conceived , viz. a Dog-cat is an Ens Rationis : now the apprehending of these both together , that is , one a top the other , doth not make them formally and essentially distinct from each other , supposing them to be conceived distinctly ; for that is but accidental to them , and in effect , they are conceived distinctly in the same manner , as I have declared in the Sixth Chapter . This then being granted to be accidental to an Objective being , we must necessarily suppose each of them singly ( viz. the Dog and the Cat ) existing at present only in the understanding , to be an objective being : What , will you call them beings real beings , which now , are existent only in your understanding , and cannot move your cognoscible faculty really from without at the same time , when you know them from within ? Further , supposing , that each Component of a compounded ens rationis , is an Ens Rationis ( as formally it is , for how can a whole compounded ens rationis be said to be an whole Ens Rationis , unless its parts are likewise Entia Rationis ? ( Nihil est in effectu , quin prius suerit in causis ) there is nothing contained in the effect , but what was before existent in its Causes , and such as the effect is , such must the Cause have been ) it is impossible , that you can think or conceive any such components , but which are respondable to a real being . Neither is it proper to call that being , which you have conceived in your mind , to be like to a real being , although that real being be before you , a real being , because now it is objective , and existent in the active Intellect , moving the passive Intellect actually : But in case you leave that Objective being , and reflect your senses to that same being which is before , then that being , which doth now move your sensual cognoscibility , is said to be a real being . But here you may say , that an objective being is formally different from a real being , wherefore an Objective being ought not so much as to have a power of existing really , which according to this Discourse it hath , and therefore the fore-stated Definition of an Objective is not to be allowed . I Answer , That an Objective being is formally different from a real being , and is impossible ever to be formally a real being : For , in that I assert a being to be Objective , I assert that it is not real , neither can an Objective being quatenus objective , be real , quatenus real . Lastly , Is a Mule more or less an ens rationis , because it is generated from different Species , or constituted in unity by part● of a different Species ? Certainly no. So , neither is a ( Hirco cervus ) Goat-stagge more or less an Objective being , although consisting of Parts of different Species : and as a Mule is not termed an ens reale , because it consists of different Species ; So , neither is a Hirco-cervus an ens rationis , because it consisteth of different Species . But you reply , that a Hirco-cervus is impossible to exist really . Why ? Because it doth consist of different Species . And what doth that hinder ? That it may , is plain in a Mule. Wherefore I say again , that it is impossible for a man to think a single notion , which should be impossible to exist really . But more of this elsewhere . An Objective being is twofold , Modal , and essential Objective . A modal Objective being is , which is like to a modal real Being . An essential Objective Being is , which is like to an essential real Being . What a real Modal , and real Essential Being is , we shall deliver in the next Chapter . CHAP. VI. Queries concerning a Real and an Objective Being . 1. Whether an Objective Being and a Real Being differ essentially one from the other . 2. Whether a Rose in the Winter is a Real Being . 3. If Impossibility be the Formality of an Objective Being . 4. Whether the Ratio formalis of an Objective Being consists in a conjunction of many Beings , which in that Conjunction are Impossible to exist really . 5. That an Objective Being is not existent before it is understood . A Confutation of Smigl . 6. That an Objective Being is only proper to the understanding . I. VVHether an Objective and Real being differ essentially one from the other . My Answer is affirmative : Because they are constituted by powers formally different from one another . Here may be objected , If a man hath powers in him , formally differing from one another , a man must also have two Forms . I answer again , That these formal powers are not called formal in respect of the Soul ; for in that respect they are all formally one ; but they are different from one another in respect to one another , and both different from the Soul materially , or , ex Parte Ob-jecti . II. Whether a Rose in the Winter be a real being . No doubt it is not ; for it moveth the understanding by a mediate and reflexe likeness . 2. It doth not move the understanding from without . For a Rose in the Winter is supposed impossible to be actually in the Winter ; Ergo , it hath only an Objective Being . III. If Impossibility be the Formality of an Objective being . Impossibility is twofold . 1. It is that , which cannot exist without the understanding . 2. It is that , which cannot exist in the understanding : That which hath no cognoscibility , is no being : Wherefore the latter of these is no being , and doth not appertain to this Query . The first kind of Impossibility is not the formality of an Objective being ; because Impossibility is a Negative , and therefore having no unity , cannot be the Form of a Positive . 2. State the Question thus ; Whether possibility in the understanding , which is a positive , is the formalis Ratio of an objective being : neither , For a possible Objective being is that , which can move the understanding , but doth not ; that which doth not move the understanding , hath no objective cognoscibility : Ergo , it is a non Ens Objectivum . IV. Whether the Ratio Formalis of an Objective being consists in a Conjunction of many Beings , which in that Conjunction are impossible to exist really . In no manner : because of the Reasons alleadged in the precedent Paragraph . Neither is an Objective Concept of a conjunction of many beings essentialy different from the objective concept of each single being . As one being is produced , so are two or more ; For example , as the Species of a mans head is conceived , in the like manner is the Species of a Drakes body apprehended ; as Union is conceived by apposing one as close as may be to another , from seeing of it done by real things ; so also doth the Species of Objective Union , appose the head of the man to the body of that Drake , and so it is a Man-Drake , which is a whole objective being . Its parts of production are three ; namely , The Species of a man , a Drake , and Union . This supposed , it followes , that they are essentially one : because all Parts united are essentially identificated with the whole . Lastly , It is not the Union which makes an Ens Rationis ; for that is ab extra to them Species , which are already conceived , to wit , from the understanding , which is distinct from the Object understood . As the mingling of Oyl with Water doth not formally alter the Essence of the Water , or the Water the Essence of the Oyl ; so neither doth the joyning of a mans head to a Drakes Body , formally alter their Essences ; if only joyned , that is , by contiguity ; but if united , which includes a continuity of Parts , then they are formally one . V. Whether an objective being may be existent before it is understood . If cognoscibility is the Form ( as to us ) of a real Being , much more is it essential to an objective being . That it is so , is already proved . 2. An Objective being as far as it is Objective , is not fundamentally before it is known ; and this is against Smigl . Disp. 1. q. 5. I prove it . If an Objective being , as far as it is so , was fundamentally , before it was formally , as to us : Ergo , A Being ( as to us ) is before it is ; but that is absurd : For Impossibile est , idem esse , & non esse . 2. To be fundamentally formal , and to be absolutely formal , are two forms different in essence : but it is impossible to a Being to have two essential Forms : Ergo , A Being cannot be fundamentally a Being , and an Objective Being at once . I prove the Major . To have a being in another , as upon its Basis or Foundation , is a relative Essence , which cannot exist separately without its Basis : But a Relative Essence is formally different from an Absolute Essence , which in a manner is the proper Essence of an Objective Being : Ergo , Essentially and Formally different . That the Essence of an Objective Being is absolute , I prove , That which doth formally exist without a real present foundation , is an absolute Being ; but an objective being doth exist without a real present foundation ; for it existeth when a real being is removed , and hidden from our Senses : Ergo , an objective being in a manner is an absolute formal Being . Nevertheless , as I asserted before , it is respondable to a real past foundation . An Objective being cannot be so much as known in its foundation , as it is so founded . I prove it . To know a being , and to know it to be in its foundation , are two distinct Knowledges at once . But the understanding cannot know two things at once . This Minor is a Maxim. Ergo. We may know an objective being to be , and to have its essence derived from a real being , as its foundation , but at distinct times , ●nd by distinct acts of the Intellect , and that but improperly . Had Smigl . said so , he would have escaped the forementioned inconveniencies . I prove the Conclusion . An objective being is a likeness in the understanding to a real being . Ergo its Essence is derived from thence : for had there never been a real being , there could not have been an Objective being . A real being is the foundation of an objective being : because it is referred to a real being . Neither is this properly a foundation ; because an objective being can exist without a real being ; so that a real being is rather to be supposed , as a conditio sine qua non , or a Pattern of an objective Being ; if a Pattern , then it is no foundation : for a thing abstracted from that Pattern doth exist , when the Pattern is abolisht : We may see the Picture or Representation of Alexander , although he hath long since quitted his real Being . According to this we may Metaphorically define an objective Being to be a Picture of a Real Being , painted in the Mind . The said Smigl . in the next Page , recals his Notion , and doth again affirm the contrary , with as little Proof , as the other was . Ens Rationis formaliter non potest esse nisi cognoscatur . Primo probatur in iis entibus Rationis , quae sine ullo fundamento finguntur ab Intellectu : ut Hirco-cervus . Mark , he allowes some Beings not to be inherent in a Basis , whereas before he granted , that all beings were fundamentally ; but he could not tell , whether their foundation was the understanding , or Realities from which they were abstracted . If he took the Understanding to be the Foundation of an Ens Rationis , then he confounds the foundation of a being , and the Subject of it , into one Notion ; for the understanding is properly the Subject of an Objective Being , and not its Foundation , which rather may be attributed to the real Impression , upon which an Objective Likeness is founded . Nevertheless supposing his mistakes to be true , and allowing either of these Acceptions , he contradicts himself . : For here he asserts , That an Objective Being cannot be formally , unless it is actually understood ; before he saith , that it can be fundamentally ( that is , inherent in the understanding , or else in the first Impression of a Real Being , take him either way ) in the understanding , before it is known , Can there be any thing in the understanding , but what is understood ? If there may , then the understanding is no understanding ; neither will this Excuse , in saying , that a Being is fundamentally one , and formally one ; for to be fundamental includes a Formality in a Foundation . 2. He affirms , That the Fiction of a Hirco-cervus hath no foundation , which is erroneous also : for it is grounded ( or doth properly resemble a real Buck or a Stagge ) upon a real Buck and a real Stagge . The like Contradictions are frequent throughout the whole Dispute . Whether an Objective Being is only proper to the understanding . If an Objective Being is a Being , because it is intelligible , it is necessarily only appropriated to the understanding . As for a being in the will or rational Appetite , it is ( as all desires or beings desired are ) appropriated to the understanding ; because the understanding and will are formally one , as to the Rational Faculty ; neither can the Will will any thing , unless it be first represented in the understanding . Sensitive Powers cannot frame an ens rationis , because their proper Object is a Real Being . CHAP. VII . The Manner of Forming an Objective Being . 1. That all Formations of an Ens Rationis are single . That the Second Operation of the Understanding is the same in Specie with the first . A Division of an Objective Being into Single and Complexe . 2. That a non Ens cannot be known . Two Acceptions of a Non Ens. ALL Formations of an Ens Rationis are from a single and first Operation of the understanding . Wherefore hereby I would infer , that the Speculation of the understanding upon these two Impressions upon the Phansie , is one formally and numerically ; but the acts of impressing of the understanding are many , differing only materially . 2. That the first Operation of the mind , which here I take for an Act or Impression of an Idea by the understanding upon the Phansie , is no wise formally different from another ( as the Second or Third may be ) succedent upon it . Hence I infer the Division of an objective Being into a single objective and complexe Objective Being . What they are may be collected from the Precedents . A Non Ens cannot be known , because it cannot be impressed : for it hath no Figure . We say It or That Quiddam is a Non Ens , not because we know that Quiddam which we speak of , to be a Non ens , for a quiddam and a non ens are Contradictories ; but because we conceive that quiddam not to be like to another quiddam , which we had expected it should have been like to , and therefore we say , it or that quiddam is a non ens ; so that a non ens in that signification is only a difference of one being from another ; and in this sense , we say one thing is not another , as a man is no Beast , or no bestial thing that is , is a nothing bestial ( non ens bestiale ) or not that , which doth represent a Beast . 2. A Non Ens is taken for that which hath no Resemblance to any thing real , nor consequently to any thing we can know ; for we can know nothing , but what hath a resemblance to a real being , wherefore we call a non ens that , which cannot or doth not move our sense or understanding . A non ens reale is that , which cannot or doth not move our cognoscible faculty from without . A non ens objectivum is , whatsoever cannot or doth not move our understanding from within . So that a non esse implies little more then ( quies ) rest of the understanding from Action , hapning through a not moving non-cognoscibility . CHAP. VIII . Of the Formality of a Real Being . 1. What a Real Being is according to the Author . The Derivation of res and aliquid . That it is very improper to call it a real Being . The Cause of that Denomination . 2. That the Phansie is the immediate Subject of an Ens Reale . 3. That the Understanding is only the Mediate Subject of Real Beings . A Real Being is that , which move ; the understanding from without . Res and Synonima's of a real being : For it is called Real from Res ; and aliquid from aliud quid . Let us enquire why Res and Aliquid should more be Synonima's to a being from without , then to an Objective being . Certainly Res and Aliquid rather imply a being in general , then any of its Species in particular . And it is probable , that Ens was framed out of Res , by leaving out the R , and placing N. between E and S. How absurd is it then to say Ens Reale , which is the same , as if you said Ens Ens. For Reale is nothing else but an Adjective changed out of the Substantive res . Aliquid might rather be called unumquid , and it is likely , that it was first so called , which others probably did change out of a wantonness of Speech , coveting new words , and rejecting old ones , as it is observable at present among most Nations , who frame new words every year , which although are but few in a year , yet all them yearly words , being retained in use for a hundred years , beget a great change of Speech , until at last , the whole Language seems to be changed : Wherefore in stead of unum , they prefixt ali - & made the word Aliquid . It may be you will divide its Etymology in aliud and quid , and then it will signifie the same with somthing else . However its intended signification was Something , which in English seems to be composed out of one and thing ? leaving the S out , and changing M in N. From which Premises it followes , that ( ens ab extra ) a being from without , would more properly denote the same which is intended by a Real being . And ( ens ab intra ) a being from within , might more properly denominate what is expressed by Objective : because Objective may as well be attributed to a Real being as to it . Nevertheless there may be a Reason given why res or a real being was imposed to denominate a being from without . That which man perceived first , was a being from without , and consequently did first impose the name of a thing or res upon it , which without distinction did then properly denote that being from without ; for the name of a Being from within was as then not yet conceived : wherefore that name was originally and immediately intended to denominate a being from without , and hath since been retained in use . II. The immediate Subject of an Ens reale is the Phansie . I prove it : that which doth distinguish real beings one from the other , is also the Subject of their inherence ( that is , quoad ad cognoscibilitatem ) But such is the Phansie : Ergo. I confirm the Minor : The immediate Subject must be either the understanding , or animal Phansie . But not the understanding , because Beasts , which are void of understanding , do distinguish Real Beings from one another . Ergo , The Phansie is the immediate Subject of Real beings . III. The understanding is the mediate Subject , because the understanding perceives the same real beings by mediation of the Phansie . I prove it : If the understanding cannot perceive a real being , when the Phansie is tied , which is , when a man sleeps , then the Phansie is the mediate cause of the perceiving of a real being . But the understanding cannot perceive real Beings , when the Phansie is tied . Ergo , the Phansie is the mediate cause , by whose mediation the understanding becomes the Subject ( Subjectum cognitionis ) of a Real Being . CHAP. IX . Of the Division of a Being in Universal and Singular . 1. A Being is divisible into universal and singular . 2. What an universal being is according to the Author . 3. What an universal Real being is . 4. What an universal Objective being is . 1. IN the foregoing Chapter hath been treated concerning the next Division of a Being ; now followeth the remote division of a being in Universal and Singular . This Division is communicable to each of the next divided Members : Thus a real being is either universal or singular . So again an Objective being is either universal or singular . The Proof of these Divisions you will read below . II. An universal being is a being common to two or more Singulars . Commonness here is a likeness in Idea of two or more beings . I prove the Definition . 1. That there are common Beings . If two or more singulars do move the understanding in likeness of Idea , and the understanding doth perceive two or more motions of singular Idea's to be one in likeness ( for a being must be one , and cognoscible in that unity ) then there are common or universal beings . But two or more beings move the understanding in likeness of Idea , and the understanding doth perceive two or more motions of singular Idea's to be one in likeness : Ergo there are common or universal beings . I confirm the Minor : Two Horses move the understanding in likeness of Idea ; they both having one shape & commonness in external habit , make a like Impression in the Phansie , & by that hoth are distinct to the understanding from other beings ; as from Fishes , Birds , &c. ergo , Two or more beings move in likeness of Idea . 2. There is not only a commonness required , but also an unity , or how could they be beings else ? Nam Ens & unum convertuntur . I prove that this commonness is one : If this commonness of Idea be indistinct from it self , and distinct from all others , then it hath an unity ; but this commonness is indistinct from it self , and distinct from all others . Ergo. The Concept or Impression of two shapes of Horses are indistinct from themselves ; for you find no distinction in a likeness , as far as they are like , otherwise they would not be alike . It is distinct from all others , because no other beings can represent the same likeness of Figure , and not be Horses . Ergo. III. A real universal being is , which moveth the understanding from without . I have proved , that there are common unities moving from without ; If so , Ergo , there are common real unities . Beasts discern common real beings . I prove it : A beast , as a Horse discernes an edible being from a non edible being : but edible beings and non edible beings are commonnesses : Ergo. The Minor is undoubtable ; for hold forth a stone and Hay to a Horse , he will refuse the stone , and take the Hay . You may say , a Horse doth not know Hay as an universal but as a singular . I deny that , for a Horse knowes Hay , because that Hay , which he takes now , is like in externals to the Hay , which he used to eat . 2. A Horse knows Oates from Hay ; for hold Oates and Hay to him , he will take Oats before the Hay : Now he doth not take Oates before the Hay , because they are such individual Oates , but because they are like to Oates , which he used to eat . You will reply again , that a Horse knowes Oates and Hay from a Natural Instinct . I deny that also : for had a Horse no senses , his Natural Instinct would not make him chuse Hay before a Stone . Besides , it is apparent in a Dog. Suppose a Dog were between a Rank of men , and a Rank of beasts , he would leave the beasts , and run to the men : Ergo , he knowes men from beasts : he runs to men in general , as they have all a commonness of men in them . The Reason , why the Dog runs to men , is , because a Dog having been accustomed to live with one singular man , he runs to all them men , because they are like to that singular man : Ergo it followes that a Dog knowes Resemblances . IV. There are universal objective beings . An universal Objective being is , which doth represent an universal real being in the understanding . If there were not universal real beings , how could we apprehend universal objective beings ? For Nihilest in intellectu , quin prius fuer it in sensibus . For example , man conceived in the understanding , is an universal objective being : because he represents a commonness of two or more men . If the understanding apprehends a man ; ergo there are objective universal beings : because the apprehension of a man in the understanding is an objective being : But the understanding apprehends a man : Ergo. By this Discourse I may seem to have mistaken my self in giving the Definition of an Objective , whose formality consisted in a likeness to a real being , whereas now again I assert , that the formality of an universal real being consists in a likeness between two or more Singulars , wherein then ( may you ask ) is a single objective being different from an universal real being ? I Answer , 1. In that the likeness of an objective being is formed by the understanding , but the likeness of real beings is perceived by the Phansie or common sense . 2. The likeness of an objective being is a single likeness compared by the understanding to a single real likeness , whereas the other likeness is a plural and common likeness . 3. The Likeness , which intercedes between real singular beings , is between beings of the same Rank and Gender , whereas the likeness of an objective being to a real being is between beings of different formalities ; the one existing without and moving from without ; the other existing within , and moving from within . CHAP. X. Of universal and singular Beings . 1. That there are no Platonick Idea's . That universal beings are not really different from their Singulars . Wherein an universal is distinguisht from a singular . That singulars being abolisht , universals thence abstracted , are also abolisht with them . 2. That universal Beings are formally distinct from singulars . 3. Singulars are primùm cognita . 4. Universals are notiora nobis . 1. THere are no universal beings really distinct from singular beings , as was the Opinion of Plato , in that he stated Idea's really distinct from singulars , because singular beings when they are abolisht , the universals are also abolisht in them . As for the Arguments of Plato against it , they are very futil ; whereof this is one of the primest . There are Sciences : Ergo , there are universals . I grant it , but not really distinct from their Singulars . You may reply , that Sciences are Necessary ; therefore their Subject , which are universals , must be necessary : But they cannot be Necessary , if inherent in singulars ; because Singulars are contingent . To this I answer , That if all Singulars were so contingent , as to alter their Habit and Shape , so as that they had one shape now , another tomorrow , I confess singulars would be contingent ; but singulars in their quidditative shape or habit are not changeable , so as to change all in singular from that quidditative shape . 'T is true , some singulars may be abolisht , yet as long as there are two left , the universality , which they did constitute , is not abolisht , but maintained by them two , There must be two at least , because if there was but one , it could have no commonness ; for commonness relates to another or more . Many Singulars may change in many Accidentals , as in one or more particular Moodes ; yet this doth not change the quiddity of a being , unless all Accidents together ( which I call a quidditative shape ) change in all Singulars . Since then that these changes are not observed in singulars , they are not to be counted contingent , but as necessary as their Sciences . Another Argument he proposes , is this : All singular men being abolisht , yet there is a Science of man , as he is an universal : Ergo. The Falshood of the Antecedent appears from the truth of the contrary ; to wit , that there is no Science of man , man being abolisht in all his Singulars ; for a Science is a Science as to us only : not but that there is also a science in spiritual beings , but that not concerning us farther than is revealed by the Holy Bible we consider all things besides only as to us . 2. Suppose that Fishes were all abolisht , yet you may say , there remains a knowledge of fishes in us . 'T is true , there doth remain a knowledge of fishes , but not of real fishes , but of imaginary fishes , like to those which have existed . 3. Universals , as they are Subjects of Sciences , are Entia Rationis , which do remain after the existence of real universals . II. Universal beings are formally distinct from their Singulars joyned all in one number , because they differ in their Definition . A singular being is that , which hath a single Essence . By single is to be understood incommunicability ( that is , quoad accidentia omnia collecta co , quo sunt , modo ) according to all its accidents collected in the same manner as they are ; for although their prime and most obvious Accidents are common to them of another being , as they are abstracted from Accidents less obvious ( which kind of abstraction constitutes an universal being ) yet the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all the Accidents of a singular being collected , is only proper to that singular being , and incommunicable in that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I cannot but strange at the Conceit of most Peripateticks , who take an universal being to be only a communicable and abstracted unity . This communicable unity is the Matter and Form of singulars abstracted from their individual Accidents . Pray , what Concept can you have of Matter and Form without Accidents ? What can you conceive the Matter and Form of an Ass to be without his Accidents , as hairy skin and long Eares , and singular figure of Body ? III. A Singular is primum cognitum , because we must know these first , before we can conceive an universal being . IV. A universal being is Notitu nobis , or is better known to us then a singular ; for we can discern the shape and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of an universal being , before we can know the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of its singular beings . For afar off we know that a man is a man , that is , is like to the universal being , before we know , what man he is , or know his individual Connexe of Accidents . 2. It is easier to know an universal being than a singular ; for oftentimes when we see a singular person , we doubt whether he be the same which we have seen before , yet at that time we know him certainly to be a man , and like to his universal being : besides , we do less forget an universal being , then a singular , and so consequently it is more known . The Reason why an universal being is more known to us then a singular , is because the Modes of an universal are the most eminent and evident Modes of singulars , abstracted from their more obscure and inferiour Modes . V. One singular is not enough to constitute an universal , because there can be no Resemblance abstracted from one . You may object , that the understanding may abstract an Idea from one singular , and frame another like to it within its self ; that granted , it could be no universal being , neither real or objective ; not real , because there is no resemblance of one real Idea to another , unless there be another existent ; but of an objective Idea to one real Idea : not objective , because the resemblance of Idea's are of different Natures . VI. An universal Nature is by meanes of Abstraction , as it doth also include Comparation . Smigl . in his 4th . Disp. Q. 8. proposes his Opinion of the manner of Production of an universal . Universale fit per potentiam abstractivam rerum , non cognoscitur nisi per comparativam . An universal being is constituted by an abstractive knowledge , but it is not known unless by a comparative knowledge , Wherein he asse t s that an universal being is capable of an essence before it is known . That this is not , is evident by what hath been proved in the 6th . Chapter . You may plainly observe a Contradiction in these words of his . Fit ( saith he ) per notitiam abstractivam : Ergo cognoscitur . Etenim quomodo potest universale dici fieri per notitiam , & non cognosci ? Quippe fieri per notitiam abstractivam , & cognosci abstractive , sunt idem re & nomine . Siquidem cognoscatur abstractive co ipso cognoscitur ; ergo cognoscitur eo ipso , quo sit puncto . To this he annexes a triple Principle , contributing to the production of an universal being , to wit , Negation of Abstraction of Unity , and of non-repugnance : which being stated , an universal is also stated . By Negative Abstraction is meant , an universal Nature abstracted from its singulars by predicating it negatively of the singulars . I wonder how a thing can be negatively predicated of another , and it not known . If known , ergo it is , before it is predicated of another . Therefore it is no Negative abstraction . Unity is inseparable from a Concept , for all Concepts are one , and of one ; so that that is implied in a Concept . His third Condition required a non-repugnance ; which is co-incident with the whole falshood of his imagined Universale . A non-repugnance is a Negative , and therefore is not essential to an Universale ; that being Positive . Ergo , It must rather import a positive relation to its Inferiours . Here again you have another Contradiction . First , he saith that an universal being cannot be known by a comparative knowledge . What is a comparative knowledge , but a common Nature actually and positively resembled and compared to its Inferiours ? This by the way , and now I return to my Proposition . By Abstraction is intended the Apprehension only of Commonnesses in singulars ; which Apprehension of Commonness doth per se only apprehend what is common in singulars , and thereby doth exclude the Apprehensions of Non-commonnesses : Wherefore 1. Abstraction doth per se imply a Positive , and per accidens a Negative . 2. Abstraction doth include Comparation , because Commonnesses cannot be abstracted unless compared to one another . CHAP. XI . Of the Extream Division of a Being . 1. Another Division of a Being . 2. What the greatest or most universal is . 3. What the greater universal is . 4. What a less universal is . 5. What the least universal is . 6. How the Fore-mentioned Members are otherwise called . I. AN universal being is either most universal , greater universal , less universal , or least universal . II. The greatest or most universal is , which is common to all beings ; as a transcendent being , or a being , as it is the Subject of Metaphysicks . III. A greater universal being is , that which is comparatively abstracted from less universals ; as a living being is abstracted from men , beasts , and Plants , because they have a Commonness of Idea , as far as they are living : This Commonness is abstracted from men , Beasts , and Plants , as they are less universals . IV. A less universal being is , which is abstracted from the least . V. The least universal is , which is immediately abstracted from Individuals . VI. Among Logicians the greatest universale is termed universale universalissimum , or Genus summum . A greater universal is called Genus intermedium or subalternum , or majus universale . A less universal is known to them by the Name of Species subalterna or media . The least universal is also named Species specialissima or infima . These Terms are of great use in Logick , and being proper to that Art , they are considered there in a different manner to what they are here ; wherefore I shall omit any further Discourse upon them . CHAP. XII . Of the Modes or Parts of a Being . 1. What a Mode is . Whence a Part is named a Part. Whence a Mode is termed a Mode . The Scotch Proverb verified . 2. The Number and Kinds of Modes . What an Essence or a whole being is . 3. That a Mode is the Summum Genus of all Beings , and their Parts . 4. The vulgar Doctrine of Modes rejected . 5. That a Substance is a Mode of a Being . 6. That a Mode is an univocal Gender to a Substance and an Accident . 7. That a Substance is an Accident , and all Accidents are Substances . The Difference between Subsistence and Substance . 1. IT is time I should propose somwhat touching the Modal Division of a Being , which is its partition into Modes . A Mode is that , whereby a being is incurrent into our Knowledge . I have oft told you , that a being , as to us , is a being from its cognoscibility , that is from our perceiving it to be somthing . Our Perception is either sensual or intellectual : The latter whereof is obliged to the former for all its knowledge . Wherefore a real being is a real being from its sensible cognoscibility ; and an objective being is an objective being from its intelligible cognoscibility . We know a being either in its whole or parts . The Parts are called Parts , Divisions , and Partitions ; because they are apprehended by us divisedly or parted , as they are inherent in a being ; or because they part or divide our perception , that is , move it in a distinct manner . The distinct motions , partitions and divisions of Parts are otherwise termed Modes or Manners , because they do modificate the Senses ; that is , move them in various manners . These we say are real , because we imagine them to be just so in nature , as we apprehend them to be . We must then give credit to that trite Maxim of the Northern people of this Island , who vulgarly cry out , Ouut awaa al tings ar bot nootiens . Modes are little else but the various faces of a being , through which it makes it self known to us as it were in various manners . We know a being in the whole , when we know it in all its Parts or Modes . II. As many several maners as a being doth move the senses through , so many several Modes there he . A being moves the Senses through its Unity , Truth , Goodness , Existence , Substance , Quantity , &c. Their Number you will find in the 14th . Chapt. Attributes , Accidents , Properties , and Modes are Synonima's . They are called Attributes ( a parte actus ) because our Intellect doth attribute them to the various motions of a being upon the Senses . Accidents are imposed upon a being , because they befal to it accidentally , or by chance from our understanding . Properties are so called , because they are proper to a being , and without which a being cannot consist . We cannot say , that a being is any thing else but its Modes united ; for if we say , it is something beyond them Modes , we say more then we know ; for we know a being no further then its Modes , or no further then it moves our Senses . Besides , take away unity , truth , substance , quantity and the remaining Modes from a being , what can any man imagine to be the Overplus ? even nothing . But more of this in the Next Chapter . III. Hence I gather , that a Mode in a large sense is the summum Genus of all beings , because it predicates of all beings and their Parts . It predicates of a whole being , because in a large sense it imports the manner of Representation of an entire Essence . A Mode is more or less universal , or Singular . An universal Mode is a Commonness of singular Modes . A singular Mode , is inherent in every singular being . The more and less universal Modes I have enumerated in the 14 Chap. Their Descriptions you may read in the Following Chapter . IV. The Vulgar of Philosophers state a different description of a Mode . A modal Entity or Mode ( say they ) is that , which cannot be separated through the Divine Power from that , which can be without it , in respect to which a thing is said that other thing , which is separated from it . Wherefore that , which can be separated in two Entities , but not reciprocally , is said to be a thing : and that which cannot exist without , is called a Mode . You have an Example in Matter , which is united , and in its union , through which it is united , that same Matter can through the Divine Power exist without the same Union to that individual Form , in union to another distinct Form : but that union cannot through the Divine Power exist without that very same Matter . Whence it is , that the union is said to be the Mode of Matter , and the Matter is said to be the thing in respect to that union . The same Distinction I conclude from this Doctrine to be intercedent between Action and the Agent Principle ; as also between Passion and the Patient Principle : between Subsistence and its Nature . By this they seem to suppose a real difference between a Mode and its being or Nature ; but withal they assert , that this real difference of existence is not Natural , but Supernatural . If then there is no Natural real difference between a Thing and its Mode ; Ergo , According to their own Opinion , a Mode is identificated Naturally and Really with the thing , and consequently a thing must be constituted out of the Congress of its Modes . V. I say that a Substance is a Mode of a Being . For it is evident from their own words , that it is Naturally inseparable from its Nature ; ergo , a Substance is naturally and really the same with a Nature substant or subsistent . 2. A Substance doth as much and as properly modifie its Subject as any other Mode : for by it a being appears to our sense to be subsistent or substant . 3. A Substance hath no other Subject to inhere in , then them other Modes united , but more especially it inheres in quantity : that is , a being doth become a Substant to other Accidents or Modes by meanes of its quantity : For if you take away quantity from a being , whereby shall that being become a Substant to other Modes ? 4. To subsist of it self is not the Essence of a being : For they confess that supernaturally it is separable from its Essence ; Ergo It is somwhat else , and can be nothing but a Mode . 5. A Mode is that , whereby an Essence is in part made known to us : but an Essence is in part made known to us by its subsistence or existence per se : Ergo , it is a Mode . Or thus : The Parts of an Essence are distinguished from one another by their Modes or distinct manner of Representation to sense , but a Substance is distinguished from another Mode through its distinct manner of Representation ; Ergo. 6. If a Substance agreeth in moving the Senses , in inseparability , in time or duration , with other Modes ; Ergo , it is neither more or less a Mode then they . But the Antecedence is true , Ergo the Consequence is true also . Any other Mode is as little separable from its Essence without the destruction of it as a Substance : For take away Quality or Quantity , it will destroy the Essence as much as the separation of a Substance ; the like conceive of their Quality , Duration , &c. as all other Modes are variable , so is a Substance , which may be augmented and diminished ; for a Substance sometime becomes a greater or lesser substance , from the Augmentation or diminution of Quantity . Lastly , You say that a substance is that , wherein all the Nine Accidents do inhere tanquam in Subjecto . But then tell me what that thing is wherein all the Nine Accidents do inhere ? Possibly you will say , that that wherein the Accidents are inherent is latent ; that is , is not cognoscible . But again , if it be not cognoscible , how do you know it then to be a thing ? Ergo , you speak more then you know : If so , wherein is it distinguisht from a Chimaera ? VI. A Mode is an univocal Gender to a Substance and the other Modes ; because it is equally predicated of them . VII . The Consequence of this Discourse doth infer the Division of a Being in a Substance and Accident to be erroneous ; because an Accident is affirmatively predicated of a Substance ; for a Substance is nothing else but a Notion , which accidently or by chance is attributed by us to a being . Every Mode of a being is predicable of a Substance , and a Substance of it . For every Mode is subsistent through it self , that is , it need not another to constiture its formal modality . To subsist through it self , is not to subsist through another , but every Mode subsisteth through it self , and is through it self , that which it is ; for Quality doth not owe its Subsistence to Quantity , nor Quantity to it ; but each of them subsist through themselves , and are Modes through themselves . Each singular Mode cannot subsist of it self , as needing the concurrence of all the other modes ; & therefore they subsist or depend from one another . This Dependance from one another might rather be termed Substance ( quia unum alteri substat i. e. unum alteri est fulcimento ) because the one doth stand under the other as a Pillar to uphold it . Subsistence doth more properly denote the subsistence of a Mode through it self . CHAP. XIII . Of the Attributes of a Being . 1. Why a Property is so called . 2. The Difference which Authors hold between Passion and Attribute . 3. That Passion and Attribute , as to their Names , imply the same Thing . 4. That Attributes are really the same with their Essence . That all Attributes of a Being , as they are united , are the same with their Essence or Being . 5. That the Attributes are formally distinct from one another . 6. That that , which we conceive beyond the Attributes of a Being , is nothing . 7. What an Essence is . I. A Property or Propriety of a Being is so called , because it is not the essence of a Being , but doth concomitate it , as a Proprium quarto modo , flowing from its Quiddity . These in Physicks are termed Passions , which are Properties Physically derived from their Essence , and are individually concomitants to it out of the Nature of the thing . In Metaphysicks the same are named Attributes , because they are attributed from our Understanding to a Being . II. Although Passions and Attributes do formally signifie the same thing , nevertheless have Late Authors retained a formal Distinction between them : to wit , in that Attributes are physically identificated , but formally distinguisht from their Entity ; but Passions are both Physically and formally identificated with their Entities . III. Passion and Attribute , as to their Names , are identificated , and imply the same thing ; for it is called a Passion ( a Patiendo ) from Suffering , because a Being doth suffer such a distinction from us , that is , from our Mind and Understanding . So Attribute is imposed from our understanding , because it doth attribute such a distinction from our Concept to a Being . Wherefore to be attributed unto from our understanding , and to suffer from our understanding , imply the same thing . IV. Attributes are really the same with their Essences , because they cannot exist asunder . All the Attributes of a being , as they are united , are really and formally the same with their Essences . A real Formal Distinction ariseth from a specified Concept in our minds of two or more real Entities . The understanding cannot have a formal specified Concept of two or more real Entities , unless they are really distinct , that is , move the understanding distinctly from without . Wherefore all the Attributes united , moving the understanding in the same manner as the Being or Essence it self , must be really and formally the same . That the Being it self and its Attributes move the understanding in like manner , is evident : For wherein doth a being move the understanding , but by its Attributes united ? And wherein do the Attributes united move the understanding , but by their being and Essence ? You may enquire , why then Attribute doth in its formal Concept signifie distinctly from the signification of a being ? I Answer , that a being , as to us , is an Essence composed out of the congress of all its Attributes or distinct manners of moving the understanding , which if considered separately are called Attributes , if united , a Being or Essence . V. Attributes are formally distinct from one another , because each moves the understanding in a distinct manner , which causeth a distinct Concept ; which concept ( a parte actus ) defines their Formalities or quidditative Representations distinct one from the other . Attributes are not really distinct one from the other , because they cannot exist asunder . Attributes may also be called Modes in a strict sense , as they do signifie a distinct manner of moving the understanding . VI. That which we conceive of a being beyond its Attributes , is nothing ( a non ens ) for we can neither describe or define it . VII . Hence we may conclude , that Essence ( as to us ) is a Representation of all the cognoscible Attributes of a being in unity . CHAP. XIV . Of the Kinds and Number of the Attributes of a Being . 1. Whence the Number of the Attributes of a Being is taken . 2. The Number of Attributes constituting a Being . 3. All Attributes are convertible one with the other , and each of them , and all of them in union with an Essence or Being . 4. That all the Attributes of a Being are equal in Dignity and Evidence . 5. That the Order of Doctrine concerning these Attributes is indifferent . I. THe Attributes of a Being are as many , as are requisite to make it cognoscible . II. The Conditions or Attributes concurring to the Cognoscibility of a Being are , Unity , Truth , Goodness , Existence , Subsistence , Distinction , Termination , Perfection , Necessity , Quantity , Quality , Relation , Action , Passion , Situation , Duration . These do all concur to the Cognoscibility of a Being , because one of them being defective , we cannot know a Being perfectly . III. All their Attributes are convertible one with the other , and each of them with a Being . Thus all , which is true , is good ; all what is good , is existent , &c. So all what hath Quantity is a being ; all , what hath Quality , is a being , &c. Wherefore one of these : Attributes being stated , they are all stated : and one being abolisht , they are all abolisht . IV. They are all of an equal Dignity and of the same Evidence , ( quoad Naturam & quoad nos ) If any may be said to be the Root or Foundation , it must be Unity ; for a thing must be one , before it can exist : But since there may be replied , that nothing can be one before it is existent ; there can be no ground stated . V. Neither is it any matter , which is treated of first , they being all of one Dignity and Evidence : Nevertheless , I shall observe the received Method in Discoursing on them . CHAP. XV. Of Essence and Existence . 1. That Essence and Existence are generally received for Principles . 2. That Essence is no Principle . 3. That Existence is no Principle . 4. What Existence is according to the Opinion of the Author . 5. That Existence is intentionally distinct from Essence . 6. That Essence is perfecter than Existence . 6. That Existence is formally distinct from Substance . I. ESsence and Existence are generallly received for the two Principles of a Being : But how they are Principles , and why so received , is not so generally explained . Principles are internal and original Causes ; namely , the first Causes of all the Passions and Attributes , which do concomitate their Position ; internal , because they through their presence constitute the whole . II. Internal Principles are constituted at the same time ; so ( materia secunda ) the Second Matter ( according to Arist. ) is constituted at the same moment of time , when the Form doth advene . But an Essence is an Essence ( according to the same Philosopher ) although Existence is not advened to it . Wherefore they are no constitutive Principles . You may say that Essence is like to ( Materia Prima ) the First Matter , and therefore may be like to it , in that it is a ( Principium generationis ) Principle of Generation , to which it is not improper to be before the advent of a Form : Wherefore Essence may be taken for a Principle of Generation . Suppose that granted , to wit , that it is like to Materia Prima , in that it can be without a Form , it is no consequence , that it should also be a Principle of Generation , because a Principle of Generation is changed into another thing , by the advent of a Form , as Materia prima is no longer a Materia prima at the Advent of a Form , but a Materia secunda . But as for Essence , although Existence is adjoyned to it , it remaineth essence still , and is in no wise changed . III. Existence is no Principle , by reason it is no original Cause through it self of all the Affections of a Being , but a concomitant affection of an Essence . You may object : That through Existence , all the other Passions are attributed to the Essence ; so that if an Essence was not existent , none of the other Passions could be related to it . I Answer : The same Objection may be applied to any of the restant Attributes : as , if an unity was not adjoyned to an Essence , the other Attributes could not be related to it . Wherefore all the Attributes of a being are equal one to the other , and all together are equal to the whole , which is the Essence . IV. Existence is an Attribute , whereby a Being is actually constituted . By Existence a Being is seated beyond Generation , and reduced to an Ens constitutum , vel generatum , so that Existence doth follow the Position of all the Attributes in union : or rather is , whereby the Position of all the Attributes in union is produced . Wherefore Essence without existence is only a Chimaera , and impossible to be . V. Existence is distinct from an essence ( intentionaliter ) by the operation of the mind ; because it moves the understanding in a manner different from the motion of an Essence . Actus Essentialis and Existence are Synonima's : for they denote the same thing , neither is there any distinction between them , either ex parte Objecti , or ex parte actus ; that is , really , or intentionally . Essence is perfecter then Existence ; because Essence comprehends in it Existence , and all the other Attributes . Existence is formally distinct from Substance or Subsistence , in that the latter is an Attribute constituting a being independing from another : but existence denotes only a Position of all the Attributes in union . This Question doth somwhat puzzle Oviedo , Fol. 286. Met. Cont. 2. Where he doubts wherein existence is distinct from a Substance . He is forced to Answer , that the existence of a Substance is a Substance , and the existence of an Accident is an Accident : although a little before he admits of a formal distinction between them . By this Answer it would follow that a Substance were an Accident , and an Accident a Substance ; because they agree in uno tertio incommunicabili : for existence is only communicable to a being ; ergo a Substance and Accident are one being . CHAP. XVI . Of Unity . 1. That Unity superaddes nothing Positive to a Being . 2. What Unity is . That Unity properly and per se implies a Positive ; accidently and improperly a Negative . What is formally imported by Unity . 3. That Unity is illegally divided in unum per se , and unum per accidens . I. UNity doth superadd nothing Positive to a Being . For Unity is essential to a being ; that is , it constitutes part of its Essence : Without which unity , a being is no being . Wherefore nothing can be said properly to be superadded to a being , unless a being were a being without it , and before it ; or unless it be no part of a being . II. Unity is an Attribute of a being , by which it is one in it self , and distinct from all others . To be one in it self , is to be not many , and to have but one Definition , or one Formality . A being may be divided into many , notwithstanding each of them many are one still after their Division : And if you proceed to an infinite Division ( as it were ) each Particle divided will be one still in it self , before its Division . Wherefore unity is inseparable from a Being . By one in it self , understand a positive unity , not negative : for a Negative is a Non Ens. Unity formally is not an indivision of a being in it self ; because indivision is accidental to it : For if Division be accidental to a being , Indivision must also be accidental to it . Unity doth rather include or imply an Identity of Parts to the whole . By unity a being is distinct from all others : that is , each being by its unity moveth the understanding terminatively , by which terminative motion one being is distinguisht from another being . By terminative understand a Positive , a Negative being incognoscible . III. Unity is illegally divided in unity through it self ( unum per se ) and unity by accident ( that is through another ) or unum per accidens : Because all real unities are one through themselves ; and consequently all formal unities ( that is , unities ex parte actus ) are also one through themselves . You may object , that a Heap of Corn , a House are unities per accidens . I Answer , That a Heap of Corn , as far as it is a heap , is one through it self ; because it doth represent it self by an unity : which representation is the ground of a formal unity , or unity ex parte actus . I prove it to be a formal unity , because the understanding can define it : Ergo , it is one : For whatever is definible , is one . Why cannot a heap of Corn represent an Object one in it self , as properly , as a Multitude or heap of Individual men represent an Universality ? Why cannot a House , although it consisteth of Parts , when divided from their whole ( namely from that House ) differing one from the other , constitute an unity in its Object , as justly , as an individual man , who consisteth also of Parts , when divided , different from one another ? Unity is either Numerical , Specifical , or Generical ; that is , more or less universal or singular . CHAP. XVII . Of Truth . 1. Why Truth is called transcendent . 2. What Truth is . 3. An Objection against the Definition of Truth . That a Monster is a true Being . That God although he is the remote efficient Cause of a Monster , nevertheless cannot be said to be the Cause of evil . 4. Austins Definition of Truth . 5. That Falshood is not definible . How it may be described . I. TRuth here is called Transcendent from its constituting a being in its Transcendence . II. Truth is an Attribute of a being , whereby it appeareth to us to answer its end , or to that , which it was intended for . To Answer its end consisteth in the Conformity of a being to the Pattern or Idea in the Divine Mind . All beings are created by the all-creating God for an end ; and therefore are necessarily true , because they must necessarily obey their end , as having a necessary Cause , which is Gods Ordination . III. Against the Definition of Truth , as it is Transcendent , may be Objected : That a Monster is a Being ; but a Monster is not answerable to its end ; because its end was to be perfect : therefore all beings are not true , that is , answerable to their end : To this I Answer , That a Monster is a true being , in that it answereth to its efficient and material Cause ; as in this case , a Child born without a head , is a perfect Natural living being , but is not a perfect Humane being that is , it is imperfect as to its humane body : Nevertheless it is perfect as to its Natural and vegetable being , which sufficeth . Here a further Reply may be made , that God did not only ordain beings to be perfect , as to their Natural Perfection , but also as to their vegetable , animal , and rational Perfection ; for his Ordination upon Herbs was , that they should encrease by bringing forth Seed of the same kind ; that Beasts should multiply after their own kind . To the clearing of this doubt , we are to observe , that Gods Ordination was related either to the Species , or to every individual future being , or to both . It is most probable it was to both , particularly to man , for whose sake the same extended also to other creatures . We are likewise to remember man in his twofold state , to wit , of Integrity and Deficience . Gods Ordination then upon man was , that he , and all other Animals and Vegetables for his sake , should encrease after their own kind , during mans Integrity . This Ordination upon Gods Creatures is answered and effected by Powers and Dispositions created by him in them : According to which Powers , all Creatures acted . All the Actions of man did therefore depend from his Powers ; to wit , his Propagation from his Generative Power , which again was subjected to his Phansie , and that to his will and understanding : Wherefore as long as his will and understanding did will and understand nothing , but what was perfect , his Phansie could receive no other Impression , but of Perfections , which could not cause any Errour in the Generative power , and therefore had man abided in his entire state , he nor any other Creatures could have generated Monsters . Man having through his deficience corrupted his Faculties , no wonder if their Acts are also corrupted , and their effects corrupted , and corruptible : Hence then it is beyond scruple , that Gods Ordination did immediately relate to the Powers of all Creatures , and herein are all beings true , and answerable to their end , and therefore perfect . You may urge an Inconvenience to follow this Solution ; because thereby God seems to be the original cause of Monsters or evil : for if God had conferred perfect powers upon man , man could not have changed them of himself : wherefore God must be supposed to alter them dispositions and faculties . I Answer , That God was not the original cause of this alteration , but man himself through his sin : which therefore was the first impulsive cause . 'T is certain , that God was the efficient cause of this Alteration of Powers ; yet Gods Act was not evil therein , but good and perfect , because his Justice did require it : for this change upon man was his punishment : If so , none can or will attribute the evil following a punishment of a Malefactor , to him that punisheth , or to the punishment it self , but to the Malefactor , whose Default and Crime was the cause of that evil , which befel him after his punishment . IV. Austin in the 5th . Chap. 2 Book of his Soliloquies states the Description of Truth . Truth is that , which it is ; and in the same Chapter openeth his meaning . Truth is that , which is so in it self , as it appeareth to him that perceiveth it , if he will and can perceive it . Hence do Hurtad . Disp. 7. Met. Sect. 1. and Soar . Disp. 7 : Sect. 5. infer the Nature of Truth to consist in a cognoscibility of a being to the understanding of that , which it is . This Opinion as it is obscure , so it is expos'd to doubts , if not to falshood . The truth of a man doth not consist in my knowing a man to be a man , and that he is no other thing but a man ; for that is a quidditative Concept of a man , namely to know him to be a man ; but to know a man to be that , which he was intended for , is the concept of his truth : Wherefore Soar . in the same Chapter , doth well recal himself , in asserting that truth is relative to created and increated Knowledge . Truth doth not superadd extrinsecally ( ex parte actus ) any denomination really distinct from a being , since it is concurrent to the constituting of the nature of a being : for take away truth , and you take away the essence of a being . V. Falshood is defined by most Philosophers to be that , which appears to be that , which it is not . It is strange that falshood , which is not in rerum natura , should be defined . It is not in rerum natura , because all beings are true . If it can be defined , it is a being , For nothing is definible unless it is a being ; had it been described by a Negative , then indeterminatively we might have perceived it ; as thus , Falshood is , which doth not appear to be that , which it is , or which it was intended for : I say indeterminatively , because we know a ( falsum ) falshood to be a falshood , because it doth not determinate our Concept through its truth ; so that this is a privative or accidental knowledge . CHAP. XVIII . Of Goodness . 1. What Goodness is . The Improbation of several Definitions of Goodness . 2. The Difference between Goodness and Perfection . 3. What Evil is . 4. What the absolute active End of Goodness is . 5. That Goodness is improperly divided in Essential , Accidental , and Integral Goodness . 6. How Goodness is properly divided . 7. That the Division of Good in Honest , Delectable , &c. doth belong to Ethicks . I. GOodness is an Attribute of a Being , whereby it is for an end . Many Philosophers do omit the Definition of Goodness , because they can find no distinction between Truth and Goodness . Others define it to be a convenience of a being with the Appetite ; which is erroneous , for Goodness is in a being , that is , a partial being , without the Appetite . 2. Goodness is absolute , a Convenience is relative . Timpl. Chap. 9. of his Metaph. 2 Book , defines Goodness to be an act of Good , as far as it is good ; or is a Quality , from which a being is denominated Good. This is Idem per Idem , and Obscurum per Obscurius . II. Goodness is formally distinct from Perfection , because a being , according to what it is good only , is not perfect . Wherefore Goodness is erroneously defined by some to be a Perfection . III. Evil ( Malum ) is that , which doth not appear to us to be for any End. IV. The Absolute active End of Goodness is to constitute that , which it is . The Passive is to be constitured that , which it is . V. Goodness is improperly divided into Essential , Accidental , and Integral Goodness ; because Good is that , which is essential of it self to a being , and therefore cannot be accidental , as it is opposite to Essential : It may be an Essential part , because it concurs with the rest of the Attributes to the constitution of the Essence of a Being . VI. Goodness is divisible according to the divisibility of a being , which is either Natural , Animal , or Humane . VII . The Division of Goodness into Honest , Delectable , and Profitable or Useful , doth not appertain to this Doctrine , but is referred to Ethicks . CHAP. XIX . Of Distinction . 1. The Authors Description of Distinction . That the privative sense of not being moved is a Note of Distinction , whereby the understanding distinguishes a Non Ens from an Ens. That the Positive sense of being moved in another manner , than another Ens moves the understanding , is a Note of Distinction between one Being and another . 2. How Distinction is divided . What a real Distinction is . 3. What a Modal Difference is . 4. That the vulgar Description of a real Distinction is Erroneous . 5. That the terms of a Distinction between two or more real beings are requisite both or more to exist . 6. That one term of Distinction although in existence cannot be really predicated of another not existent . Oviedo and Hurtado Examined . 7. What a formal Distinction is a parte actus , and how otherwise called . 8. What a Distinctio Rationis is . How otherwise named . I DIstinction is an Attribute , whereby a being doth terminate the understanding : Or Distinction is the termination of the cognoscent power made by the term of the cognoscibility of a being . Distinction , as it doth concomitate a Positive , is intrinsecally identificated with Unity , as it doth privatively imply a Negative , or as much as it doth imply beyond Unity , it is a Non Ens , and not cognoscible ; for example , Peter is cognoscible to me , in that I know him to be Peter : the said Peter doth terminate my cognoscible faculty by his terminated Accidents or Modes , because beyond them Accidents of Peter , I conceive either nothing , or somthing , which doth not move my understanding by its accidents , as the Accidents of Peter did : So that by not being moved in my understanding , or by being moved in another manner , I know that one being is not another , that one being is not nothing . I know that one being is not nothing , because it moves my understanding . I know that one being is not another , because it moves my understanding otherwise then another being doth ; which knowledge is called a distinction . A Distinction therefore is nothing else but a Non ulterior cognoscibilitas rei , sive ex parte Objecti , sive ex parte Actus ; or a non cognoscibilitas simpliciter . Wherefore a non ens may be properly called ex parte actus a non cognoscibilitas . Distinction here , as it is relative to a being in its transcience , is , whereby we know it not to be nothing : We know a being not to be nothing , because it moves the understanding terminatively : wherefore that , which we apprehend without , or beyond the term of the Modes of a being , is nothing . Distinction , as it is a Positive , is coincident with Unity , and is not to be referred to it as a different Mode . II. A Distinction is either Real or Modal . A Real Distinction is , whereby an entire Essence moveth the understanding differently from the entire Essence of another being . What Essence is , hath been declared at large , and thence may easily be conceived , how one Essence differeth from another . III. A Modal Difference is , whereby one Mode of an Essence moveth the understanding differently from another Mode contained in the same Essence : So that a real difference is between things and things , and a modal difference is between Modes and Modes . IV. A Real Difference is generally taken to be between two beings , which can exist asunder ; as two essences or Beings : but two Accidents or Modes of one being cannot exist asunder ; which notwithstanding are counted by them to be really different ; wherefore they must either mistake in their Definition , or in supposing two Accidents inherent in one essence , to be really distinct . Besides , this is rather a property of a real difference , and not its Description or Definition ; for were it derived from the essence of a being , it would be a Definition ; but since it is deduced from Existence , which is only a Property of a being , it is no Definition or Description . V. The Terms of a Distinction between two or more Real Beings are Requisite and Necessary both or more to exist . I prove it in this Proposition ; Bridget is not Mary : We cannot say , that Bridget is not Mary , unlesse both existent ; for the species of Bridget moving the understanding in a distinct manner , and Mary moving the Intellect in another manner , are two terms of distinction : Now how can these two terms move the understanding as two real beings , unless existent ? You may say , that although Bridget is not existent , yet she hath existed , and by that species she moves the understanding : That is impossible ; For how can Bridget move the understanding from without , and she not be existent from without ? 2. If this improper motion were granted , yet Bridget not being in existence , we cannot say , Bridget is not Mary , but we may say , Bridget was not Mary ; for is denotes a presence , and an actual existence . VI. We cannot really predicate one term of Distinction , although in existence , of another not existent : which if otherwise we do , then that term , which is not existent , is equivalent to a non ens : as is evident in this Enuntiation ; Paris is not Troy. Here Paris doth really move our understanding from without , but Troy doth not ; for it is not in rerum natura . Wherefore these two cannot be predicated really of one another . But if each considered as objective , then they may objectively be denied of one another . 2. Paris taken as a real being , and enunciated of Troy as no real being , amounts to a non ens , and is the same , as if you said , in stead of Paris is not Troy , Paris is not nothing . In the same sense is a Chimaera taken for a non ens , because it doth not move the understanding from without : as , a man is no Chimaera , that is , a man is not nothing , or a non ens . VII . Authors have involved themselves in such absurdities , and strange terms , that they do thereby render themselves and their Opinions inexplicable ; whereas there is no ordinary capacity , but may easily attain to the understanding of these Metaphysicks , which all along I have demonstrated by sense : What barbarous discourse do we find in Hurt . and Ovied . upon this very Subject ; which for to unlock , I have studied to unfold the Doctrine of Precision and Distinction , in a plainer Discourse . Oviedo makes it a great difficulty to distinguish the concept of Peter and a Horse : and no wonder , if it proveth so unto him , since he proceeds upon an obscure foundation of distinction : Neither can he light upon any at all ; For in his Met. Contr. 4. P. 1. he writes thus ; Some say , that the Objective Concept , by whose force this positive being is not another formally , doth imply a Negative : But Hurtado , and many others teach better , that the same positive essence of a being is signified in a Negative manner . I have said more of this Contr. 3. Where I have proved that or this being not to be another : as Peter not to be John , doth imply a positive Concept of a being , without importing formally any other Negative : Thus far Oviedo . Here you have the foundation of Distinction stated by the forementioned Author ; but if narrowly examined , will prove no foundation . And as to the first Opinion , which is , That the Objective Concept , &c. What force is it , which a Positive being hath , whereby it is not formally another ? This is not propounded by them , and therefore it is no Foundation . The Answer to this , I have plainly and briefly set down in the first Paragr . of this Chapt. 2. How can an objective Concept imply a Negative ? The Resolution of this is also by them omitted . The Second Opinion asserts , That the same positive Essence of a being is signified in a Negative manner . This is no ground of Distinction ; because a positive being is signified negatively : therefore it is distinct . This is Idem per Idem ; a positive being is signified negatively , therefore it is a Negative , or is distinct . Oviedo himself reaches somewhat nearer to the truth of the Matter : He saith , that for a being not to be another being , doth imply a positive concept ; and so it doth : But how , or in what manner , he omits . It is by moving the Intellect ( as I have proved before ) in a sundry manner , or by several Modes . But to return to the Resolution of the Distinction proposed : Wherein Peter is distinct from a Horse . Oviedo imagineth , that Peter is distinct from a Horse through his Unity : which doth distinguish him from another , in that it doth represent that it is not that unity . This is a Mistake ; for Peters single unity doth only make him distinct from a non ens , and not distinct from another being , unless that being moves the Intellect about the same time one after another : wherefore two unities are compared in the Intellect , which being different in their Idea , cause a distinction between themselves : For how can I deny , that one unity is not another , unless both conceived and compared to another . VIII . That , which is a Real distinction a parte objecti externi , or Rei , is named a formal distinction a parte actus : It is named formal , because the Intellect conceiveth a distinct form of each being from another , and thereby formes the Definition of it , which is nothing else but the explication of the form of a being . IX . The same , which is denominated an objective distinction a parte objecti interni , is signified a parte actus , by a ( distinctio rationis ) distinction of the mind , whereby the mind doth distinguish internal Objects otherwise , then they do exist really or without , or otherwise , then they move from without . Here I may seem to contradict my self , although I do not , in saying here , that the Intellect doth , or may understand Objects from within , different from them which move from without : and in another preceding place of this Book , I concluded , that the understanding could not understand or conceive any being from within , but what was like to beings from without . To reconcile these two places ; you are to observe , that an Objective Being may be like to a Real Being , either in some of its Modes , or in all : If in all , then the being from within is like to the whole essence of the being from without ; but if in some , then them some are unlike to the whole , in the same manner as a part is unlike to the whole . Wherefore in this , the understanding may perceive an Object from within distinctly from an Object from without . 2. The understanding cannot perceive any being , but what is like to an entire being , or one or more Modes of a being from without . 3. The understanding may also conceive some modes of one being , and some of another , which modes both united , cause a distinct objective being in that union , to what they were from without in disjunction . 4. In this example the understanding cannot perceive but what is like to Externals , for each of them modes are like to some one mode or other of beings from without , although here they are disunited , yet are united in the understanding . How modes or Objects are or may be united in the understanding , I have shewed in the 7th . Chapter of this Book . As for other divisions of Distinction may be easily collected from what is contained in the foregoing Chapter . CHAP. XX. Of Subsistence . 1. What Subsistence is . What it is to be through it self , from it self , and in it self . 2. That a Nature cannot be conservated by God without Subsistence . That the Transubstantiation of Christs Body and Bloud into Bread and Wine , according to the supposition of the Papists , is impossible . Oviedo's Argument against this Position answered . 3. The kinds of Subsistences . 4. What Termination is . 5. What Perfection is . 1. SUbsistence is an Attribute of a Being , whereby it is through it self . There are many Locutions of this Nature ; which , although they seem to be the same , yet are much different ; as , to be from it self , through it self , and in it self . To be from it self , denotes a non-dependance from any pre-existent cause : and according to this sense God is only subsistent , that is , is a Being from himself . In this Acception did Cartesius very well deny , that a Substance could not be an univocal Genus to God and his Creatures . To be through it self , expresseth a being consisting of its own parts , and not of anothers parts ; and in this sense are all beings subsistent or Substances . To be in it self , signifieth a singleness of Existence , which is to consist only of a single unity , and of no parts ; so is God said to be in himself : Did a being consist of parts , then it must be said to exist in its parts ; for it would be very improper to say , that a compound being did exist in it self : But a being consisting of no divisible parts , we are compelled to say , that it is in it self . II. A Nature cannot be conservated by God without Subsistence . It is contradictory : For take away the Subsistence of a being , you take away its parts ; for Subsistence is nothing else , but the essence of a being , through or in its Parts . This is a very necessary Tenent , for to defend this Assertion , viz. That the Subsistence of the Bread cannot be the corporal Subsistence of Christ ; and therefore it implieth a Contradiction , that Christ should be really and essentially changed in the Subsistence of Bread , and the essence of both remain . The Lutherans have stated a more probable Opinion , that Christ's Substance was united to the Substance of Bread : which is something less erroneous than the other . Oviedo strives to prove the contrary , in Contr. 6. P. 6. His Argument is this : Nature is before Subsistence in respect of causality : Therefore Nature is understood to be existent , before Subsistence is understood . I deny the Antecedence , which is palpably false ; for take away the Subsistence of a thing , and you destroy the being of it : and state a Subsistence , and you must necessarily state a being . III. Subsistence is divisible ( as all other Attributes of a Being ) in a first Subsistence , and in a second Subsistence . The first is proper to Individuals and Singulars : the Second to Universals . IV. Termination is a Property of a Being , whereby it is terminated . Termination is in all beings , in Spiritual and Natural beings : in God , and in his Creatures . Gods Termination is not to be termined , and therefore he is Infinite . A Non Ens hath no Termination , wherefore Authors say very improperly , that a Non Ens is infinite . All other beings are termined , and therefore are finite . V. Perfection is a Property of a being , whereby it is compleated with all , or in all , belonging to the Constituion of its Essence . CHAP. XXI . Of remaining modes of a Being . 1. What Quantity is . 2. What the Kinds of Quantity are . 3. What Quality is . 4. What Relation is . 5. What Action is . 6. What Passion is . 7. What Situation is . 8. What Duration is . I. QUantity is an Attribute of a Being , whereby it hath Extension of Parts . II. Quantity is either Formal and Immaterial , which is the extension of the Form , beyond which it is not , and within which it acteth : or Material , which is the Extension of a material Being . III. Quality is , whereby a being doth act ; as from a Cause . IV. Relation is , whereby one being is referred to another . V. Action is , whereby one being acteth upon another , as through a meanes . VI. Passion is , whereby one being receiveth an Act from another . VII . Situation is , whereby a being is seated in a place . A Place is , which doth contain a Being . VIII . Duration is , whereby a being continueth in its Essence . CHAP. XXII . Of Causes . 1. What a Cause is . That the Dectrine of Causes belongeth to Metaphysicks . 2. Wherein a Cause and Principle differ . 3. What an internal Cause is . What Matter is . 4. What a Form is , and how it is divided . 5. What an external cause is . I. A Cause is , whereby a Being is produced . It doth appertain to Metaphysicks to treat of Causes ; for else it would be no Science , which requires the unfolding of a being by its Causes . Ramus did much mistake himself , in denying a place to the Doctrine of Causes in this Science , and referring it altogether to Logick : 'T is true , that the Doctrine of Causes may conveniently be handled in Logick , as Arguments by which Proofes are inferred : yet as they are real , and move the understanding from without , they may not ; for Logick is conversant in Notions only , and not in Realities . II. A Cause differeth from a Principle , or is Synonimous to it , according to its various acception . In Physicks it is taken for that , whose presence doth constitute a Being ; and in that sense it is the same with an internal cause , to which a Cause in its late extent is a Genus , and consequently is of a larger signification . A Principle sometimes denotes that , whence a being hath its Essence , or Production , or whence it is known . In this sense did Aristotle take it , in the 5th . Book of his Met. Chapt. 1. Whereby he did intimate a threefold Principle ; to wit , a Principle of Constitution , Generation , and of Knowledge , or of being known . A Principle , as it is received in the forementioned sense , is of a larger signification , then a Cause . It is usually taken for a word Synonimous to a Cause . In this Acception is God said to be the Principle ( that is , the Cause ) of all Beings . III. A Cause is either Internal or External . An Internal Cause is that , which doth constitute a Being by its own Presence . An Internal Cause is twofold . 1. Matter . 2. Form. Matter is an internal cause , out of which a being is constituted . So earth is the Matter of man , because a man is constituted out of Earth . Matter is remote and mediate ; which is , out of which the nearest and immediate matter was produced or constituted ; or nearest and immediate , out of which a being is immediately constituted , For example ; The nearest matter of Glass is Ashes : the remote : is Wood , which was the Matter of Ashes . But this Distinction doth more properly belong to Logick . IV. A Form is a Cause , from which a being hath its Essence . A Form is remote or nearest . A remote form is , from which a being consisting of remote Matter , had its Form. The nearest Form is , from which the nearest Matter hath its Essence . The remote matter is either first or second . The first is , out of which the first being had its Essence . The Second is , out of which all other beings had their essence . A Form is divisible into the same kinds . The first Form was , from which the first being had its essence . The second , from which all other beings have their essence : These Divisions are rather Logical then Metaphysical . V. An external Cause is , by whose force or vertue a being is produced . The force whereby a being is produced , is from without : for a being hath no force of it self , before it is produced : therefore that force , whereby a being is produced , is necessarily from without . This Cause is only an efficient Cause . Other Divisions of Causes I do wittingly omit : because some are disagreeing with the Subject of this Treatise , and belong to another Part of Philosophy : as , to treat of the first cause , belongeth to Pneumatology : of final Causes , to Morals : Others are very suspicious . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Kinds of Causes . 1. The Number of real Causes . That a final cause is no real Cause . The Causality of Matter and Form. 2. The Division of an Efficient . 3. That an Efficient is erroneously divided in a procreating and conservating Cause . 4. That the Division of a Cause into Social and Solitary is illegal . 5. That the Division of an efficient Cause into Internal and External is absurd . 6. That all Forms are Material . 7. That there are no assistent Forms . I. THere are only three real Causes of a Being ; a Material , Formal , and Efficient Cause . Wherefore a Final cause is no real Cause . I prove it : A real Cause is , which doth really effect or produce a Being : But these are only three : Ergo. 2. A Final Cause doth not cause any effect concurring to the constitution of a being , as each of them three forementioned do : for matter causeth an effect by giving her self , out of which a being may be constituted : A Form doth produce an effect , by giving through her presence unity , & distinction from all others , to Matter . An efficient Cause effecteth by educing a Form out of the matter , and uniting it to the Matter : Which three causalities are only requisite to the production of a compleat being ; and they constituted in actu , constitute a being at the same instant : If so , what effect doth a final Cause then produce ? Certainly not any contributing to the essential constitution of a being : These three being only necessary , any other would be frustaneous . Possibly you will object , that the final Cause moveth the efficient . Suppose I grant that , it doth not infer , that it concurs to the real and essential production of a being . The causality , which it exerciseth , is in contributing per accidens to the constitution of a being : which if only so , it doth not appertain to this place ; neither can it be equally treated of with Causes , which do act per se. II. An End moveth the efficient : An efficient is either Natural or Moral . Natural efficients are moved necessarily , or act e necessitate Naturae : Hence we say , a Cause being in actu ( to wit , a Natural Cause ) its effect is likewise necessarily constituted in actu . It is not so with a final Cause ; for that may exist without producing an effect . All Natural Causes move for an end per accidens , in that they answer the Ordination of the Creator , who hath created all things for an end ; which accordingly act for the same out of Necessity of Nature . Moral Efficients are moved by an end : Yet it is not the end , which produceth the effect , but the efficient it self . You may demand , to what Science or Art it belongeth to treat of final Causes ? I answer , That they are treated of in Logick , and Moral Philosophy , but in a different manner : Logick discourseth of final Causes as Notions , thereby to direct the understanding in enquiring into the truth of things : and Ethicks treats of them , as they are dirigible to Good and Happiness . III. An Efficient Cause is erroneously divided in a procreating and conservating Cause . A procreating cause is , by whose force a being is produced . A conservating cause is , by whose vertue a being is conservated in its Essence . I prove that this Division is not real , but objective only . The dividing Members of a real division , must be really distinct from one another . But these are not really distinct , &c. Ergo. The Major is undeniable . I confirm the Minor : All beings are conservated by the same Causes , by which they were procreated : Therefore really the same . I prove the Antecedence . Nutritive causes are conservant causes . But Nutritive causes are the same with Procreative causes : Ergo. The Minor is evidenced by a Maxim : Iisdem nutrimur , quibus constamus . We are nourished by the same causes , by which we do subsist , or have our Essence . Wherefore Nutritive or Conservant Causes are really ( for by Nutriture we are conservated ) or a parte rei the same ; differing only objectively a parte actus . Here you may answer , that these Instances are of material causes , but not of Efficients . To this I reply ; That no cause can be a conservative cause , but a Material Cause . As for an Efficient cause , I prove it to be no conservating cause . That , which conservateth a being , must conservate its essence : namely , Matter and Form : but Matter and Form are conservated only internally by apposition of that , which is like to what was dissipated , or which is like to themselves . Wherefore an Efficient can be no conservating cause , because it acteth only externally or from without . A being might be conservated externally , if its impairment did befal it from without , that is , from an external Agent ; which is only accidental to it . An efficient then may Logically be called a conservative cause per Accidens . IV. An Efficient is likewise divided in solitary , and social . A solitary Efficient is , which produceth an effect alone , or without the assistance of another cause . A social cause is , which produceth an effect joyntly with another : As , two Watermen rowing in one Boat , are social causes of the moving of the Boat through the water . This Division is no less illegal then the other . I prove it : All beings act alone and in unity , as far as they are Causes ; and although two or more concur to the effect of a being , yet they two act formally , but as one , and their Ratio Agendi is one ; Ergo formally they are but one , as far as they are Causes yet in the foresaid instance , as they are men , they are two , which duplicity is accidental to a cause . The same Argument may be urged against the division of a cause in a cause perse , and a cause per Accidens , in univocal and equivocal , in universal and particular . V. An Efficient is Internal , or External . An Internal Efficient is , which produceth an effect in it self . An external Efficient is , which produceth an effect in another . This division is stranger then any of the rest : The strangeness consisteth in this , that thereby a being is capable to act upon it self , and consequently upon its like : Which if so , what can it effect , but that , which was before ? It cannot produce a distinct being , because it doth not act distinctly , but identificatively : This granted , infers , That the Soul being the internal cause of its Faculties ( as they affirm ) cannot produce any thing , but what is like to it self : Consequently , that the Faculties are identificated with the soul , and thence that a Substance is an Accident , and an Accident a Substance . 2. A Substance acting upon it self , that is , upon its ( sibi simile ) like ( for what is more like to a Substance , then it self ) produceth a distinct effect , and not its like ; which is another absurdity following the forementioned Division . I● will also follow hence , that a substance doth act immediately through it self , which is against their own Dictates . To remove this last Objection , they answer , that a Substance may , or can , and doth act immediately through it self by emanation , but can or doth not act by transmutation . They describe an emanative action to be , whereby an effect is produced immediately , without the intervent of an Accident . This description doth not distinguish Transmutation from Emanation ; for transmutation is also , whereby an effect is produced without the intervent of an Accident ; and so transmutation may be as immediate to its Agent as emanation . If there is any difference , it is this , in that emanation is an action not terminating or influent upon any other being , but in and upon it self . Transmutation is the Termination of its Influence upon another being . Pray tell me , why emanation may not be as properly called transmutation , as not ? for there is no effect , but which is different from its cause , and changed by its cause : For if it is not changed , it remaines the cause still ; Ergo Emanation is also a Transmutation . The Faculties of the Soul are said to be emanative effects ; Ergo they must be its understanding Faculty only : for this only doth not terminate in any other being , but in it self : As for the other Faculties , to wit , vital and sensitive , they are effects of the soul terminated in other beings ; Ergo These are no emanative Actions , as they affirm them to be . That , which hath the most probability of being an emanative action , and distinct from transmutation , is the understanding faculty of the Soul. Neither is this action distinct from Transmutation . That , which doth change the soul , is an Object , but the soul of it self alone doth not act or cannot act upon it self , unless it be changed by an Object ; for were there no Object , the Souls Rational Faculty would be nothing and frustraneous ; wherefore it is generally held , that Angels , when created , had also notions or species ( which are objects ) concreated with their understanding ; Ergo emanative actions are also transmutative . All matter is transient : Wherefore the division of matter in transient and immanent is erroneous . Transient matter is , out of which a being is constituted by transmutation ; so bloud is the transient matter of flesh . Immanent matter is , out of which a being is constituted without any transmutation ; as Wood is the immanent matter of a Ship. Here one part of the division is referred to a Natural Production , the other to artificial . How is this then a regular distribution , since its dividing Members ought to be of one Species or kind ? The same Improbation may be applied against the distribution of matter in sensible and intelligible ; which distinctions are accidental to matter ; and therefore may be justly omitted ; for we ought to insert nothing in a Science , but what doth essentialy relate to its Subject : Hence Aristotles Precept is , in 1 B. of the Parts of Liv. Creat . C. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we ought to divide a being by them parts , which are contained in its essence , and not by its Accidents . The division of Matter in Metaphysical and Physical may be rejected upon the same ground . These divisions , as they are objective , appertain to Logick , where only second notions are treated of , and are very useful to the directing of Reason . VI. Forms are divisible in material and immaterial . If material is understood to be that , which doth inhere in matter ( which is its most frequent and ordinary acception ; for most Philosophers take it in that sense ) then all worldly beings are material ; what being is there , but which doth inhere in Matter ? You may say , mans soul. The soul of man according to this acception , is material . But if you take immaterial for that , which can or doth exist out of matter , then there are immaterial forms . Neither can this be naturally : for a Natural Form is , which giveth an actual specification and numerication to matter : If so , how can a form give an actual Specification and numerication to matter , when it is not united to it ? I prove that the Form giveth an actual specification and numerication to matter . Forma dat esse ( i. e. Specif . & Numer . ) non posse esse materiae . A Form giveth a being , not a power of being to Matter . For matter hath the power of being from it self , and not from the Form. This is true : for most Peripateticks hold , that Potentia is essential to matter . The Soul of man , when once freed from its tye to the body ; ceases to be a Form ; but therefore doth not cease to continue a being . So that I conclude , there are immaterial beings , but no immaterial Forms . It is ridiculous to doubt , whether the Soul of man , when separated , hath an Appetite or Inclination to its Body , or to that matter , which it did once informate : because the soul in its separated estate is a compleat and perfect being , and doth not need a Body : neither is the Soul a Form in that state ; Wherefore should it then have an Appetite to its Body ? Such an Appetite would be in vain . You may answer , that it wanteth a Subject to inhere or subsist in . I grant it , and therefore it subsisteth in God. VII . A Form is improperly divided in an assistent and informating Form ; because one being is satisfied with one Form ; for had it two forms , it would be a double being . 2. That , which they intend by an assistent form , is coincident with an Efficient Cause . CHAP. XXIV . Of the Theorems of Causes . 1. That a Cause and its Effects are co-existent . 2. That there are but three Causes of every Natural Being . 3. That there is but one Cause of every Being . 4. That all Beings are constituted by one or more Causes . 5. That all Causes are really univocal . 6. That all Natural Causes act necessarily . 7. That the Soul of a Beast acteth necessarily . 8. That all Matter hath a Form. That Matter is capable of many Forms . I. A Cause and its Effect are existent at one and the same time . This Theorem is received among most Philosophers , who render it thus ; Posita Causa , ponitur Effectus . The Cause being stated , that is , reduced into action , its Effect is also stated , or produced . The Reason depends upon their relation one to the other , to whose Relata it is proper to exist at one and the same time , according to that trite Maxim , Relata mutuo sese ponunt & tollunt . Relations do constitute and abolish one another . II. There are three Causes of every Natural Being , whereof one reduced to Action supposeth the others also to be reduced to action . The Proof of this is demonstrated by the same Axiom , by which the next forementioned was inferred : III. There is but one Cause of all Beings . A Cause here is taken in a strict sense , for that , which produceth an effect essentially and really distinct from it self : In this Acception is an efficient the only cause of all Beings . Matter and Form are no Causes , according to this Interpretation , but Principles ; because they do not constitute an effect essentially different from themselves . A Cause sometime is taken in a strict sense , for that , which produceth an Effect different from it self modally ; and so there are two ; to wit , Matter and Form. Lastly , A cause , as it signifieth in a middle signification , participating of each acception , comprehends a triplicity of causes ; viz. An Efficient , Matter , and Form. IV. All beings are constituted by one or more Causes . God is of himself , and not from any other , as from an efficient cause ; and consisteth of one pure formal cause . By formal Cause , understand an immaterial being . Angels are constituted by two Causes ; namely , by an Efficient and a Form. All other Beings are constituted by more . V. All Causes are univocal . This is to be understood of Efficients only . Whatever Effect a Cause produceth , it is like to its Form , and is formal only : For it cannot generate matter , that being created . Wherefore it cannot produce any thing else , but what like to it self , and consequently produceth alwaies the same effect ; whereas an equivocal cause should produce different effects . You may demand , why it hapneth , that many effects are different , as we observe in the Sun , which by its heat , doth produce Vegetables and Animals , which are different ? I answer , that the Difference doth result from the diversity of the Matter , upon which it acteth , and not from the causality ; that being ever one and the same . The diversity of Effects is accidental to the Efficient , and therefore not to be allowed of in Sciences . VI. All Natural Causes act Necessarily . Hence derives this Maxim ; Natura nunquam errat : Nature doth never erre ; because she acts necessarily . Against this Maxim may be objected , that Nature erreth in generating a Monster . This is no Errour of Nature : It might rather be imputed an Errour , if , when it should produce a Monster , it doth not . That , which acts after the same manner at all times , doth not erre ; But Nature doth act in the same manner at all times ; Ergo she doth never erre . I prove the Minor. If she acts differently at any time , it is in a Monster : But she doth not act differently in a Monster ; as in the example forenamed , of a Dog without Legs , she doth through the Efficient cause educe a form out of the matter , which she extendeth according to the extent of the subjected matter ; the matter therefore being deficient in quantity , it is accidental to Nature , if thereby a being is not brought to the likeness of its Species . The Soul of man may be considered , either , 1. As a Natural Cause ; and so it acteth also necessarily , in giving a Being and Life to the Body : For as long as it abideth in the body , it cannot , but give Life to its Parts . 2. As it is above a Natural Cause , in that it hath a power of acting voluntarily without the Necessity or Impulse of Nature . VII . The Soul of a Beast doth act necessarily , and by Instinct of Nature . This Conclusion may seem to contradict , what is set down in the precedent Paragraph ; containing , that to act necessarily , is to act alwaies in the same manner : whereas Beasts act in sundry manners , and produce various Effects : as , sometimes they feed , other times they run , or lie down ; which are all various acts , and performed in various manners . These Acts are called spontaneous , which generally are received as differing from Natural and Voluntary , and constituting a Mean between Necessary and Contingent , although improperly ; for there is no Mean between Necessary and Contingent ; because whatever is Necessary , cannot be Contingent , and whatever is Contingent , cannot be Necessary . These Acts must be either the one , or the other . They are not contingent , for then a Beast , as a Beast , could not act necessarily . Since then it is more evident , that they act necessarily at most times , it is an invincible Argument , that they do not act contingently . This by the way ; I return to the forementioned Objection , and to reconciliate them seeming Contradictions : I say , that , 1. Nature doth act alwaies in the same manner , through the same Principles , and upon the same Object . 2. Nature doth not act alwaies in the same manner , through different Principles , and upon different Objects : For example ; Opium raises fury in a Turk , and layeth it in an European : These are different Effects , because the Objects are different . Coral is heavy and weighty from its Earth , and thence proveth obstructive in the body of man : Coral is also informated by a sublime spirit , through which it is aperitive and cordial . The difference of these effects proceeds from the difference of Principles . I apply this to the Acts of a Beast , which are different , because they proceed from different Principles : Nevertheless them Acts are alwaies the same , as far as they proceed from the same Principles , although different from one another . But as for a voluntary Principle , that acteth effects different from it self , as it is one and the same Principle . The Proprieties of voluntary are , 1. To act different Effects through one and the same Principle . 2. To have a power of suspending an Action . 3. To act with Election . The Proprieties of Naturals are , 1. To act the same Acts through the same Principle . 2. To act alwaies , and withal necessarily , without having a power of suspending its Action . 3. To act through an Impulse of Nature . A Brute doth feed from an Instinct of Nature , and therefore cannot but obey it , at the same Instant of that Instinct , provided there be food for it to feed upon . Neither can it suspend that Action for a moment , but as soon as it is impelled , it moveth towards its food . This is evident in a Dog ; if he be very hungry , and have a bone in his sight , he will move towards that bone , although you beat him never so much . A Brute moveth locally either to avoid pain , or to search for food . If a Beast move after it is filled , it moveth to avoid pain , ( and in that it answereth to the Impression of Nature , whereby all natural beings move to avoid that , which is inconvenient to them , or disagreeing with them ) which it feels in lying long , through the weight of his bones , one pressing the other , and therefore moves , to else himself , either by standing , going , or running . He goeth or runneth so long until he is pained by it ; and then to ease himself , and to avoid that pain , he lieth down again . VIII . All Matter hath a Form : because it would be nothing , if it had no Form : For from thence it is thought to receive unity ; now without unity a being is no being . All Matter hath but one essential Form ; for had it two essential Forms , it would be two Beings , and consequently no Being ; because whatever is not one , or is more then one , is no Being . The Form giveth Unity , and Distinction to the Matter . Matter is capable of many Forms successively , that is one after another : as for example ; The Matter , which is in an Herb , is capable of receiving the form of Chyle , of Bloud , and of Flesh : Or if burnt , of Ashes ; if then melted , of Glass . In like manner man receiveth first the form of a Plant , afterwards of an Animal or sensible Living Creature , lastly , of a Man. A Form doth act without intermission : For should its Action cease at any time , at the same moment would the Form cease also with it . THE DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES Of POVVER . The FIRST PART . The third Book . The Doctrine and Controversies of Power . The Third Book . CHAP. I. Of Powers , according to the Peripateticks . 1. The Opinion of the Peripateticks touching the Soules Action . That according to the same Opinion , a Substance is said not to act immediately through it self , but through superadded Powers . 2. That a Substance acteth through as many different Powers , as it produceth different Acts. 3. That the said Powers are really and formally distinct from the essence of the Soul. 4. That Powers are concreated with the Soul , and do immediately emanate from her Essence . 5. That immaterial Powers are inherent in the Soul , as in their Agent ; Material ones in the Matter , as in their Subject . 6. That Powers are distinguisht by their Acts and Objects . The Authours Intent in treating of the Faculties of the Soul. IT is an universal Truth , That all Essences which have a Being , have it for an Operation : Wherefore there is nothing idle within the Creation , but all its parts from the Center of the Earth , to the Circumference of the Heavens , are found to perform some Action or other without Intermission ; which ceasing , the essence , from whence it issued forth , ceaseth with it : When fire and Water cease from diffusion and concentration , then their being ceaseth withal . Hence it is evident , that the Soul of man , since it hath a being , performeth an operation , or Action , the which , according to the sense of the Peripatetick School , is impossible to be effected through the substance of the Soul ; their Reason being grounded upon that Dictate of their great Master , viz. No substance acteth immediately through it self , but by a superadded power . This they do illustrate by this Instance ; The Elements do not act through their Substance or Form , but through their heat , coldness , &c. which are qualities distinct from their Form and Substance . Hence doth Aristotle conclude , 1. That nothing is contrary to a Substance , but to its power and qualities : because a substance cannot act through it self . 2. That no Substance can be affirmed to be more or less a substance then another , that is , no substance can be either remitted or intended : for example , one fire cannot be said to be more a fire , then another , because it doth cast a greater heat , which proceedeth from its stronger power , and heating quality , and not from its being more a fire then another fire is : but one fire may be said to be hotter and greater then another , which happeneth ( as I hinted before ) through the intention of its quality , and access of quantity . II. A Substance being adorned with that variety of Accidents , it is probable , that Nature hath bestowed them for Action ( say they ) and not for nought . They do not only allow one power to a Substance , which might suffice , but a multitude ; yea , as many as there are varieties of acts , specifically differing from one another , effected through a Substance . This leaneth upon an Argument of theirs , thus framed : The Soul being indifferent to divers Acts , there must be somthing superadded , by which it is determined to produce certain Acts. Neither is this Opinion deficient in Authorities of Learned Philosophers , Averrhoes , Thomas Aq. Albertus magn . Hervaeus , Apollinaris , and others consenting thereunto : Dionysius also in his Book concerning divine Names teacheth , that Celestial Spirits are divisible into their Essence , Vertue or Power , and Operation . III. The said powers are not only affixt to the Souls Essence , but are also formally and really distinct from it . They are perswaded to a formal distinction ; because else we might justly be supposed to will , when we understand , and to understand , when we will ; or to tall , when we smell , and so in all others . They are moved to a real distinction , by reason that all powers in a Substance are really distinct from its Matter and Form. Weight and Lightness , which are Powers inherent in the Elements , whereby they encline to the Center , or decline from it , are not the Matter of Earth and Fire , nor their forms , and therefore they are really distinct from their Essence . IV. These Powers are concreated with the soul , and do immediately flow from her Essence . An Argument whereby to prove this , is set down by Thom. Aq. among his Quaest. Powers are accidentary forms , or Accidents properly belonging to their Subject , and concreated with it , giving it also a kind of a being : It is therefore necessary that they do arise , as Concomitants of its Essence , from that , which giveth a substantial and first being to a Subject . Zabarel de Facult . an . Lib. 1. Cap. 4. sheweth the dependance of the powers from the Soul to be , as from their efficient cause , from which they do immediately flow , not by means of a transmutation , or Physical Action , which is alwaies produced by motion . Others add , that the Soul in respect to its faculties , may be also counted a Material Cause , because it containeth her faculties in her self : and a final Cause , the faculties being allotted to her , as to their End. V. Immaterial Powers are inherent in the Soul as in their agent or fountain . Material Faculties , as the Senses , Nourishing Faculty , and the like , are inserted in the Matter ; yet so far only , as it is animated : Hence doth Aristotle call the latter , Organical Powers , from their inherence in the Organs . VI. Powers are distinguisht through their Acts and Objects , to which they tend , and by which they are moved to act . For example : Any thing that is visible , moveth the fight , and is its proper Object , which doth distinguish it from the other Senses and Powers , which are moved by other Objects . Thus far extends the Doctrine of Aristotle touching Powers , which , although consisting more in Subtilities , and Appearances , then Evidences and Realities , notwithstanding I thought meet to expose to your view , since most Modern Authors do persist in the same , and thence to take occasion to examine the Contents thereof , in these brief subsequent Positions . By the way , I must desire the Reader to remember , that the distinction of Powers from their Subject , is commonly treated of in the Doctrine of the Soul , and solely applied to it , there being not the least doubt made of it elsewhere : Wherefore I have also proposed the same as appliable to the Soul , but nevertheless shall make further enquiry into it , so far as it doth concern all Matters in general . CHAP. II. Of all the usual Acceptions of Power . 1. The Etymology of Power . The Synonima's of Power . 2. The various Acceptions of Power . 3. What a Passive Natural Power , and a Supernatural Passive or Obediential Power is . 4. Various Divisions of Power . I. THe unfolding the name is an Introduction to the knowledge of the thing it self : and therefore it will not be amiss to give you the Etymology of Power . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Power , is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I can , or have in my power : So Potentia from Possum , signifying the same . Power in English hath its original from Pouvoir in French , noting the like , viz. to can or be able . Power , Vertue , Might , Strength , and Faculty are Synonima's , or words of one Interpretation : Thus of ●ntimes we make enquiry , what Vertue , Strength , Power , or Faculty hath such or such an Herb ? that is , what can it effect ? II. The Acception of the word Power is very ambiguous . 1. Sometime it is understood passively , for a disposition , whereby a Substance is apt to receive the strength of an Agent . 2. Actively , for that , through which a being can act . 3. It s signification doth vary much , according to the Subject , which it doth respect : as , when we say a being in power , that is , a being , which is not actually , but yet may or can be . So likewise a Cause in power is , which doth not actually produce an effect , but which can produce one . Zabarel remarketh a double Acception of Power . 1. Improperly it is taken for a Power , which is joyned to its Act : Thus we say of a man , who actually walketh , that he can walk . 2. Properly it is attributed only to a Power , which doth precede its Act : Thus we say a man is a Logician , when he can be one . III. A Passive Power , as it is capable to receive a Natural Act , is called a disposition : As it may receive a Supernatural Act , that is , an Act from a Supernatural Cause , it is then named an Obediential Power . The Power which was inherent in Lots Wife of receiving the Form of a Pillar of Salt , was an Obediential Power . IV. Again those Powers are either Natural , Violent , or Neutral . A Natural Power is such , which is agreeable to its Nature ; as the power in Fire of ascending is Natural to it . A violent power is , which is disagreeing to the Nature of its Subject ; as , in fire , there is a violent Power of moving downward . A Neutral power is , which is neither the one or the other , but participates of both . Such is the power in fire of moving circularly . A Power may be understood either for a Logical power , which is nothing else , but a non-repugnance : or , for a Physical power , which is the same with a Natural disposition : or , for a Moral Power , which is nothing else but the Will. Lastly , in Metaphysicks it is that , which is presupposed to be in an actus entitativus . There is also mention made in Philosophy , of an Objective Power , which is not much different from a Non-repugnance , or a Logical Power , but expresly it is a Possibility of existing in a being , which the understanding doth give it before its Existence . Many more Additions of Power might be proffered : as , that a Power is either Created or Increated ; Accidental or Substantial ; Essential or Modal ; Material or Formal , &c. CHAP. III. Of the Nature of Power according to the Author . 1. The Analogal Concept of Power as it is common to all its Analogata . 2. Whether there be Real Powers . 3. Certain Conclusions touching Powers . 4. That all Substances act immediately through themselves . 5. That a Peripatetick Power is a Non Ens Physicum . 6. That all Powers are really Identificated with their Subject . 7. That Powers are distinguisht modally from their Subject . 8. How Powers are taken in the Abstract . 9. The Manner of the Remission and Intension of Powers . 10. The Number of the Formal Acts caused by a Singular Substance . 11. The Number of the Formal Acts caused by an Organical Substance . 12. The Solutions of several Doubts touching Powers . 13. That all Creatures have an absolute power secundum quid of acting . 14. In what sense Hippocrates and Galen apprehended powers . 1. TO make a safe Inroad into this large Channel of Acceptions of Power , without being misled through its Ambiguities , it is adviseable to pitch upon a single Mark , which we shall do , in stating a single Concept of Power , common to all these . Power , as it is opposite to an Act , is whereby a being can be that either in its Essence , or Accidents , which it is not . This is the first Imposition , and immediate signification of Power , from which all the others are deduced , and are so called , so far as they have a resemblance to this single and immediate Concept of Power . A Being is pronounced to be in power , in that it can be that , which it is not : so active power is conceived to be a Power , because it can act that , which it doth not act , &c. I said Essence , whereby I denote a substantial power ; by Accidents , I intend a power befalling either to Quantity , Quality , Relation , &c. For in all these there may a Like power be discovered . II. The first Doubt , which we must sound into , is , whether there is really or ab extra , and a parte rei , such a power as was before-mentioned . This is a Scruple , which possibly at first sight may seem ridiculous , especially to them , who take it for a piece of Learning , to receive with an undoubted assent , whatever is proposed by their Master . This supposed piece of Learning to me rather seemeth a piece of Ignorance : for never to doubt , is never to know : knowing is but a discerning truth from falshood , and how can this be performed without doubting ? Doubting exposeth truth and falshood equally to our view . Since then it is so , let no doubt seem ridiculous , for fear we become ridiculous through not doubting . But to the matter in hand : we must repeat some of our Principles . 1. That that is only real , which moveth the understanding from without . 2. That nothing moveth the understanding from without , but what is either an Essence , or Mode of an Essence . If then a power , whether of an Essence or Accident , moveth the understanding from without , it is to be accounted real , if otherwise , it is to be thought a non ens reale . This premised , I conclude , 1. A Power is not a Real Being , because a power doth not move the understanding from without . I confirm the Argument . Imagine your self to be alone , it is possible that a Ghost may appear unto you in your Solitude . This Possibility is the power of the Ghost its Existence , or apearance to you . Now I demand from you , whether the power of a Ghost's Existence moveth your understanding before it doth actually exist ? You will Answer me , Yes ; for you know , that a Ghost can exist before it doth exist . To the contrary , you cannot imagine or know , that a particular Ghost can exist , before you have seen its shape , figures , modes , or accidents ; but after it hath once appeared , then you may imagine or know , that a Ghost can exist in the same form and shape , as it did heretofore ; and that but dubiously neither . Now what followeth hence ? First , That a power doth consecute a real being ; for before you had seen that particular Ghost , you could not imagine or know that it could exist . This makes against the received Opinions of Philosophers , who say , that a Power doth precede all Acts. Here you may reply , that although you did not know the power of a being , before you did perceive its actual existence through your sense , yet this doth not infer , but that , when you do apprehend a beings actuation , you can think , that that being , which you perceive to be actuated , had a power of being actuated , or how could it otherwise be actuated ? So that your knowing or not knowing doth not cut off the real power , which doth precede its Act : and so you deny my supposition ; to wit , that a being is real through its cognoscibility from without . To rectifie your Judgements in this Particular , you are to observe , that it is not your particular knowing or not knowing of a thing , makes it real , but it is the cognoscibility from without makes a thing real , that is , its being in a capacity of moving mans understanding in general . That body which is existent without the world , is it a real body or not ? Probably you say it is : I ask you then what kind of body it is ? You tell me it is an imaginary body , or that you do not know what body it is . If then it is an imaginary body ; ergo it is no real body . Again , it is not an imaginary body , for you say it is an unknown body , How can you then imagine it ? But supposing you imagine Aristotle to be existent without the last Heaven ; Aristotle although existing there really , is but an Ens Rationis , or imaginary being as to you , because he is not cognoscible to you from without , but only from within . 2. He is cognoscible to be like to an actual real being ; ergo he is no more then an Ens Rationis . In the same manner , why should an Ens in potentia be accounted to be more real then Aristotle actually and really existing without the world ? Wherefore a being in power is no more then an Ens Rationis , and in no wise real . If a being in power were real , real beings would be infinite ; because beings in power are indeterminated , and consequently must be infinite . Lastly , I would willingly know wherein a being in power is distinguisht from a Non Ens , or nothing ? A being in power hath no Essence , neither is it definible , unless considered as an actual real and cognoscible being . A poor man is a rich man in Potentia , that is , he may be rich , but to may be rich , doth include a Non Ens , to wit , Poverty or no Riches . Besides , all beings act , but a being in potentia doth not act . Power , denoting an actual Vertue and Principle of acting , is proper and adhering to all beings . A Power in this sense is Synonimous to actual Strength & Force , or is an actual disposition , through which a being doth operate , and produce effects . It is the same with the first Acception of Zabarel . In this sense are the Forms of the Elements said to be Powers , which without doubt are actual . Nutritive and vital Powers are actual Vertues of nourishing and cherishing life . Obediential powers are actual dispositions , whereby beings are capable of receiving new forms from God , at ove or beyond their natural forms . That all Natural Powers are and must be actual , this ordinary Saying doth plainly infer ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All things , that are made by Nature or Art , must be made from that which is Actual , that is , in Actu . Against this may be Objected , That the power of seeing remaineth in a man , who is asleep , although he doth not actually see . I Answer , That that power is as much actual from within as it was before , but its Acts depending upon Objective Motions from without , are secluded by the intervent of the Eye-lids , or retraction and incrassation of the Optick Ayr : In the same manner a Candle actually burning in a dark Lanthorn , is not abolisht in its enlightning power , by the being shut in , upon which a darkness ensueth ; for the Candle burneth actually still . The Stomach is not deprived of its actual concocting power in not seeming to concoct in the defect of Victuals , for the same Principle is stirring still in the Stomach , although there is no external Object to work upon . Wherefore Scaliger , Exerc. 325. d. 4. saith well , Non enim tollitur potentia per Objecti ablationem , quia fluit ab internis Principiis essentialibus . For a Power is not removed by the removing of the Object , because it flowes from internal essential Principles . To assert , that a Power although Actual , is the Cause of an Act , and not the Essence wherein this Power is inherent , may justly be disgusted by any Natural Philosopher , who collects his Knowledge of mixt bodies by means of his Senses , and apprehends its Affections and Properties together with the body it self , and not as if they were really distinct from it : Although in Metaphysicks a distinctio Rationis , or a distinction of the mind is allowable , by which the Notions of Partial beings are totally abstracted from one another , and from their Essence : but in Physicks it is so absurd and perillous , that the assent thereunto hath missed many Physitians into a Labyrinth of Errors , which have proved very fatal and ominous to their unhappy Patients . In an ardent Feaver , where a great Heat and Inflamation broiles the tormented body of the Decumbent , a Peripatetick AEsculapius argues thus with himself : this is not the fire kindled within the Nutritive or Vital Vessels , but its power , quality , and heat inherent in that fire : whence he is perswaded to prescribe a whole Kinderken of Ptysan and Juleps , to subdue this heat , imagining all this while , that the heat and fire are two really distinct things , omitting in the mean time such helps , which might remove the burning or flaming Essence , by substracting the entire body of fire ; which done , the heat is also removed with it ; which may be performed by Evacuations , as Phlebotomy and Purges . From this same Tenent spreads another , no less erroneous , concerning Humours : Humores peccant vel Substantia , Quantitate , vel Qualitate . Humors ( say they ) become vitious either in their Substance , Quantity or Quality . Humors become vitious in their Substance , when they variate ( tota substantia ) in or through their whole substance from themselves : as , in the Plague , where the blood is changed throughout its whole substance , and become venomous , which is , when it doth in a small quantity and short time extinguish our vital Flame . Now , whether to extinguish our natural heat , doth not proceed from a power inherent in that venomous Bloud , let them confess : How then according to their own Maximes can Bloud be vicious in its substance , no substance acting immediately through it self ; for bloud ( sanguis dicitur vitiosus , quia labem partibus inurit ) is said to be vitious , when it acts by injuring the parts . It remains then , that humors according to their own Principles , cannot be vicious in their substances , but powers or qualities . 2. Humors are pronounced to be peccant , when they do through their abundance wrong the Parts in their Functions . This is contradictory to their own received Doctrine : For whereas Quantity being an Affection and Passion of Matter , can be in no wise active , because nothing ( as they say ) is contrary to it . How then can it act , since all Action is affirmed to tend to its contrary , according to this Maxim : Nihil agit in Simile . Nothing can act upon its Like . 3. It remaines , that Humors must only be peccant in their quality . Not so neither ; for then we should only have need of alterative Medicines , and Evacuations would seem to be in vain . What numerous Absurdities do scatter from this Spring of Falshood ? A part of Democritus , and Ana of Heraclitus his Philosophy , and of Socrates his Dictates ad pondus omnium , would make a better Misce for a Recipe to introduce us unto a sound Doctrine of Physick . From all which , I Argue , That Powers are neither really or formally distinct from their Subject ; and to avoid these forementioned Absurdities , I state that , 1. All Substances act through themselves , so far as they have a power of Acting . 2. All Powers are really Identificated with their Subject . 3. Powers may be distinguisht from their Subject modally , and through operation of the mind . 4. Powers are intended and remitted through the access and detraction of Degrees of the same kind : and are facilated or retarded through Habits , or the defect of them . The first Proposal containes three Assertions : 1. That all substantial Essences do ( as they term them ) act , which is evidenced through this Axiom , All which is , is for to operate . 2. That all Substances , ( or according to my Metaph. Essences ) act immediately through themselves . 3. That Substances act through themselves , so far as they have a power of acting . IV. That all Substances act immediately through themselves , popular Speeches do testifie : as , Fire burnes , a Horse runs , &c. Certainly these Actions are predicated of the Substance or Essence of Fire , or of a Horse ; not of their powers , as if they were really distinct from them ; for then they should say , the fires power burnes , a horses faculty runs . These Predications would be absurd . How can a Power ( according to the vulgar Peripatetick Acception ) be a power , and yet be said to act ( it would be a Contradiction ) since that a Power , whilst it doth act , is no more a Power , but is changed into an Act ; hence they say , that a Power and an Act are privative Opposites , so that the one cannot be Categorically predicated of the other . Here may be replied , that a Substance acts through its power ; wherefore it is not the power that acts , but the Substance . To this I Answer , that it may be granted , that a Substance acts through its power , but then it is not to be understood , so as if the Substance acted through another thing , or being , which is superadded to its Essence , as they do vulgarly conceive ; but that a Substance acts through a Power , as one of its Parts ( for as I proved , a Power is a Mode of a Substance , or one of its Parts ) and therefore it is to be counted , as if it acted through it self immediately , because the Act of the Part is attributed to the whole . So they say , a Horse runs , because he runs by meanes of some of his Parts , namely , his Legs ; nevertheless it is attributed to the whole thing . But take it how you will , that , which a Substance doth effect through one or more of its Parts , is effected immediately through it self , because its Part or Parts are it self . Wherefore if a Substance acted through its power as a being really distinct from it self , these Inconveniences would necessarily ensue . 1. That a being should exist without an Operation ; for if a Substance did not act through it self , but only through its superadded power , then it self must exist without an Operation , which thwarts that Maxim , Omne quodest , est propter Operationem . 2. Substances would be censured less noble then their Accidents ; for that which acteth , is more noble then that which acteth not . 3. An Accident then would be supposed to be the Efficient of a Substance , which contradicts another Maxim , Qualis Causa , talis Effectus . Such as the Cause is , such is its Effect . 4. It supposeth , that a Substance should be generated for an Accident , and not an Accident for a Substance ; for since that all beings are for an Operation , it remaines , that its Operation can be nothing else , but to be a Subject to an Accident . 5. Accidents are said to be superadded to a Substance ; Ergo according to their Philosophy , its power was also superadded . The antecedence and consequence are false . I prove the falsity of the Antecedence , which supposes , that a Substance is a Substance without Accidents ; and therefore they say , that Accidents are superadded . I shew the contrary , granting their Supposition , that Accidents are superadded , there must necessarily be accidents , to wit , powers , allowed to Substances , before the superaddition of other Accidents is possible : For accidents cannot be superadded , unless a substance had a power of receiving those Accidents ; but that power is an accident ; ergo a substance is not imaginable without an accident . Hence it is , that Aristotle was forced to grant a coeval power to his Materia prima . Or lastly , thus ; If a Substance acted through its power ; ergo that Power must be either an Efficient , or instrumental Cause , or a Causa sine qua non of its acts . It is irrational to state it an Efficient , because then a Power produces a Nobler thing then it self , and an Effect different from it in Specie . It cannot be appropriated to an Instrumental , because it doth not differ really and specifically from the principal Cause ; besides , an Instrumental cause is moved from its principal , but a substance ( as they say ) doth not move . Suppose I grant it to be a Causa sine qua non , then it cannot be capable of producing an univocal Effect . V. A Peripatetick power is a Non Ens Physicum ; for it hath neither Matter or Form , and therefore cannot act physically . Hence it is shifted off to an Ens Metaphysicum , and so they say , it hath an Actus Entitativus : a plain Contradiction , What , can a Potentia be an Actus ? Aristotle teaches , that a Power doth alwaies precede its act ; which I prove to be false . The Elements acted at the same moment , when they were created ; Fire was actually light , Earth weighty , &c. Possibly you reply , that their Power was obediential to God ; that is improper , for there could be no obediential , or any other Entitative Power without a Substance , or a Subject , wherein it should in here . A substance doth act so far as it hath a power of acting . By Power understand an actual virtue , or an internal and modal Principle of a Being or Essence , from which its acts do flow . This Principle is a derived and congenited disposition and limitation of a being to action , or is a being termined and disposed to act such and such acts ; for otherwise it would be indifferent to all acts . This limitation causes every being to act within its own Sphere , beyond which it cannot naturally excur to act any acts dissentaneous and improportionate to its Nature . The forementioned disposition is the same , which in Physicks is nominated the Form and Activity of a being , and is nothing else , but a certain Temperament and proportionated mixture of the Elements in a Substance , the predominance of which doth dispose the body , constituted by their Congress , to determinated acts . But of this more at large in my Physicks . VI. All Powers are really identificated with their Subject . A Power ( as I shewed before ) is that , whereby a Substance is disposed and determined to certain acts , and is nothing but the Form exalted to a certain degree . I shall make it plain by this Example of Wine or Brandy , either having a power of heating the body , as the Sectarists of Ceres and Bacchus witness , by drinking small Beer after a Deb●uch . That , which effects their heat , is the fiery parts predominating over the others , which predominance is the power disposed to that certain act . Is then fire predominating through its Access of Parts over the other constituting Elements really distinct from it self , because it is greater ? 2. The power of moving a Leg or Arm is inherent in the Spirits disposed and determined to motion : Are these Spirits , when they do not move ( for then they are counted a power of motion ) really distinct from themselves , when they do move ? You may object : If Substances act through themselves , then alterative Medicines are exhibited in vain . A Mistake ; For although I assert , that a Substance acts through it self , I do not deny , but that it alterates , moves locally , or produceth all other acts immediately through it self . VII . Powers are distinguisht from their Subject modally and by operation of the Mind . A power may be taken in a double sense , either in the concrete or abstract . 1. If in the concrete , then it is no longer to be called a Power of a being , but a powerful being ; it proving impossible to apprehend the one without the other , unless with intention to make a Chimara of it ; for if you consider them apart , to wit , a Being , and Powerful , each by themselves , you must needs imagine an Accident denoting extrinsecally , and from its first Imposition , an actual qualification of its Subject , not to denote an actual qualification , and consequently that a concrete accident is not concrete , Powerful is not powerful , and that a being is not it self . 2. In perceiving powerful separated from its being , you do apprehend power in the Abstract ( which I grant to be possible ) but not powerful in the concrete , which is repugnant ; so that in considering Powerful in the Abstract you do absurdly confound it with Power in the Abstract . VIII . Power conceived in the Abstract is taken for an universal Entity , abstracted by the Operation of the Mind from its Singulars , and in this acception it is in no manner of a Physical , but of a pure Metaphysical Consideration . Metaphysical here I understand in the same Meaning , as it was intended in by Aristotle . The same Philosopher defines Heat , Cold , Moysture , and Dryness , by first qualities , not first Powers , because ( according to his doctrine ) they were actually inherent in the Elements at the instant of their Production ; for power with him , presupposeth a non existence of the act thence flowing . Wherefore it is apparent , that powers in the concrete are not distinguisht from their Substance either really , formally * , or by any other Operation of the mind : but if by any at all , it is ratione rationante , quae absque ullo fit fundamento . Powers in the abstract are distinguisht from powers in the Concrete , in that they offer a common Mode and manner of qualifying , and accidentally specifying their Subject in the Concrete , to the Understanding , which occasioneth a Modal Distinction . Philosophers not daring to desert the Principles of Arist. and yet finding , that Natural Substances act through themselves , and not through powers really distinct from them , are constrained to assert , that a Substance acteth and is either through or in actu signato , ( which had they rendred it otherwise , to wit , that a Substance is and acts through a power , it would have been a Contradiction ; for to act , and to be in actu signato , are opposite to being in potentia , and to act through a potentia ) or in actu exercito . IX . Powers are remitted and intended by subduction and addition of parts of the same nature , as it is evident in Canary wine , which is hotter then Rhenish , because it containes more dense and united fiery Spirits . One fire is hotter then another , because its similar parts are augmented by Access of Parts of the same Nature . That Powers are facilitated and slowed , through Habits and Defects of them , is demonstrated elsewhere . X. One similar Substance acts but one Formal Act ( per se ) through it self ; and ( per accidens ) by accident , that is , through meanes of extrinsick Causes , many . The first part of this Theorem is proved by this Maxim. Una numero efficiens producit unum tantum numero effectum . One and the same Efficient can produce but one and the same Effect at one and the same time , and in one and the same manner . But a similar substance is but one Efficient : Ergo it can produce but one and the same Effect , &c. The Major is undeniable . I confirm the Assumtion . A substance is effective through its form , which being but one , must also determinate its Efficiency to one . 2. Fire is a substance : but fire hath but one power ( per se ) Ergo . I prove the Minor. That whereby the fire doth act , is its penetrable lightness ; but that is single in fire ; Ergo. You may Object , That its heating , burning , and locomotive powers are more then one . To this I Answer , That the similar parts of fire exercises but one power naturally and in its natural place , but if extrinsecally ( that is , by an Efficient from without ) united and condensed , it becomes of a burning Nature . Pray take the paines to peruse my Positions of fire in my Natural Phil. They are satisfactory to all Objections . As for its locomotive Faculty , it is the same with its rare lightness . A Second Objection may be ; Mercury is a similar substance : but Mercury hath several powers of heating , cooling , fluxing , killing the Worms , &c. 'T is true , the Effects are various , nevertheless the power , from whence they descend , is but one , which unity seems to be multiplied materially , that is , through the variety of its Objects . Mercury cooles in laxe and weak bodies , because through its thickness and density it expels the loose heat of the said laxe bodies . It heats in hot , strong , close bodies , because it is retained in such bodies , and being retained , its parts are opened by the strong heat of the said bodies , whereby the fiery hot spirits break forth , and unite themselves with the heat of such bodies , and so it becomes hotter . In like manner Fluxing and its other Effects are wrought all through one power , their difference hapning from the difference of the Object . Obj. 3. If every similar substance obtaines one power of acting , then in every dissimilar or mixt body there should be four powers , because it consisteth of four similar substances . I Answer , That the Elements , when mixed , limit their power within one temperament , and one formal power . The latter part of this Theorem is , That a substance obtaineth many powers ( per accidens h. e. in statu violento , eâdem quidem a principio , formali , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agente , nec non a causa efficienti ab extra impulsa , plane quod rei naturae contrariatur ) by accident , that is when a substance is seated in a violent state , and although acting from its formal Principle , yet it is against its first Nature , as being opposed by an External Efficient . XI . An Organical and dissimilar substance exerciseth naturally as many formal powers , as it containes similar substances in it self , really different from one another ; and but one formal power , so far as these similar substances tend to the constituting of one formal substance . All similar substances contained within the Sphere of an Organical substance tend naturally ( e naturae quadam necessitate ) and from a certain necessity of Nature ( for they could not exist separately , because then they would be imperfect ) to its Constitution . A hand is an Organical substance : In a hand are comprehended , 1. A Locomotive power , 2. A sensitive power . 3. A Nutritive Faculty . These various powers depend from the variety of similar ( scilicet ad sensum ) parts , to wit , the first from Nerves ; the second the Membranes ; the third from the vital heat : notwithstanding all of them constitute but one formal locomotive , sensitive , and vegetative power . Actus and Potentia in the Concrete are really identificated ; for Potentia denotes an actual virtue and power in a substance . This may be called actus activus , and so Anima is defined Actus by Arist . 2. It imports Action . 3. It sometime implies an Effect , otherwise called Actus passivus . It is an Actus , because it doth act through a power , which it had from its first act , a different Effect . It is Passivus , because it receives its power from that first Actus . Wherefore you must take notice , that it is not termed Actus passivus secundum Idem ad Idem , for that would imply a Contradiction . XII . From this Discourse we may easily be resolved in these Doubts . 1. Whether it be not repugnant , that any Accidental or Substantial Power should be superadded to its Subject ? Aff. 2. Whether the volitive power in the Concrete be really and formally identificated with the Soul ? Aff. 3. Whether the Soul acteth immediately through her self , and not through super added powers ? Aff. 4. Whether the augmentative power be really and formally distinct from the Nutritive power , and the Nutritive from the Generative Power ? There is a modal distinction , or a parte rei a Material one , but none Real . XIII . Besides all this , there is an Absolute Power conferred upon Gods Creatures in general , and upon man in particular . I do not mean Absolute Simpliciter ; for that were Repugnant , as I have proved in my Theol. but secundam quid . I will further explain it to you . The Power , which all Creatures have of being and acting at that present Moment , wherein they enjoy their being , and do act , is absolute , because they cannot but enjoy that same being , and act at that Moment , wherein they have a Being , and do act , Ergo it is Absolute : but not simpliciter , for were it so , then they would obtain that absolute power of being from and out of their own Nature , which we know is dependent from Gods Power ; and according to this sense none consisteth of an absolute power , but God alone , because his Nature is alone independent . It is then absolute secundum quid , because God hath ordained that , which is , to be , and that , which ever hath been , to have been , and that which shall be , to come to pass . In short , Absolute secundum quid , I take for that , which is unchangeable , as all beings and their Actions are in that sense , as I have proposed . They are unchangeable , because Gods Ordination in Creating , Giving , Forbearing , and in all other Particulars , is unchangeable . This Distinction is of that use , that many Points in Divinity cannot be resolved , but by its being applied to them . I shall content my self with the having named it , since I have Treated of it at large in another Part of my Philosophy . XIV . The Absolute ( secundum quid ) powers , which God hath conferred upon his Creatures , are by Physitians otherwise termed Faculties ; ( Facultates ) which are derived from ( a faciendo ) doing , that is , they are actual dispositions , whereby Effects are done . Hence Galen , Lib. 1. de Natur. Facult . Par. 3. Prima euim actionis ipsius potentia causa est . The first cause of an Action ( saith he ) is the power . And in another place of the same Book , he renders himself thus : Facultatum quatuor naturalium essentia in partium singularum nutriendarum temperie est : that is , The Essence of the four Natural Faculties consisteth in the temperament of the parts , that are to be nourished : which is nothing different , then if he had said , the Faculties , ( Facultates sunt temperamenta facientia ) are temperaments actually doing effects . Now it is evident , that Galen held the Temperament of bodies to be their Forms , which if so , then questionless , his Opinion tended to assert , that Powers and their Subjects were really identificated , and that all powers were actual . Moreover we shall find throughout all his Tomes , that his sense touching powers and Faculties doth e Diametro agree with what I have set down in this present Treatise . As for Hippocrates , I cannot read a word throughout all his works , but what tends against Aristotle in every Particular , forasmuch as it relate ; to our Subject . In the Conclusion , I must remember you to observe , that many Terms , as , Formal , Substance , Accident , and divers others , I have somtimes made use of in the same sense , as I have proposed them in the Foregoing Chapters , other times I have intended them in the same Acception which Philosophers vulgarly receive them in ; But herein the Sense of the Matter will easily direct you . FINIS . RELIGIO PHILOSOPHI , OR Natural Theology . The FIRST PART . The fourth Book . By Gedeon Harvey Doctor of Physick and Philosophy . LONDON , Printed by A. M. for Samuel Thomson at the Sign of the Bishops-head in St Paul's Church-yard . 1663. TO HIS Most Honoured Mother ELIZABETH HARVEY . Dear Mother , AMong those serious Admonitions , which from your singular Affection and Care , you have so oft repeated to me , This I remember hath been one of the most earnest of them , that above all I should mind things of Eternity , such as alone can make me eternally Happy . Herein I cannot but acknowledge your greatest Love , tending to invest me with the greatest Happinesse , returning you all thanks , that so great a Benefit is worthy of . Moreover to shew my entire Obedience to so important a Command , I have here drawn up a few Heads touching the Greatest Happinesse , and the Means whereby to procure it , which I do with all humility present unto you , as a Debt due to your self , in regard I have extracted the principal Rules from the Rudiments , which your constant Practice and wholesome Precepts had in my younger years infus'd in me . The cause and object , which alone can afford us this infinite Happinesse , is the Summum Bonum , whereunto we are to direct all our aim ; which that we may with successe attain unto , are the continual Prayers of Your most affectionate and obedient Sonne Gedeon Harvey . RELIGIO PHILOSOPHI , OR Natural Theology . The FIRST PART . The fourth Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Natural Theology . 1. What Theology is . 2. That Theosophy is a fitter name to signifie the same , which is here intended by Theology . That in knowing God we become Philosophers . 3. What a Habit is . 4. What it is to live happily . That there is a mean or middle way of living , which is neither living in happiness , or living in misery . 5. How Theology is divided . 6. What Natural Theology is . What Supernatural Theology is . The first Doubts of a natural man. 7. The Dignity of Theology . I. THEOLOGY is a habit of enjoying the greatest Good , and living in the greatest Happiness . This practick Science might from the eminence and transcendence of its end and object , crave a more excellent name : for Theology signifieth only a discourse of God , and expresseth a Theoretick Science , and therefore is too strict to adequate the whole and full concept of what is generally intended by Theology . This name is fitter to be imposed upon the Doctrine of God , as he is theoretically discoursed of in Pneamatology : The parts of which Doctrine might be aptly denoted by Theology , Angelology and Psychelogy : whereas this noble Science is better expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or wisdome of God , because wisdome comprehendeth an universal collection of all practick and theoretick Sciences ; all which we know by knowing God , and we know them to be in , and from God : For , do we not know , that all natural Beings are in and from God ? they are in God , because God comprehendeth and conserveth them in , and by his Power . Is not God the Pattern of our Actions ? And do we not know that our actions are good or evil , from knowing them to have some likeness to his Actions , or to be altogether different from them ? Do we not know our selves in knowing God ? wherefore without knowing God we know Nothing . In knowing God to be the first Cause , and Creator of all natural Beings , we know Natural Philosophy , and become Natural Philosophers . In discerning good from evil in our actions , by comparing them to the most perfect actions of God , we attain to Moral Philosophy : In knowing him to be the Being of Beings , we reach to the knowledge of supernatural Philosophy or Metaphysicks . This name doth in a large sense expresse Philosophy , and in a strict sense denotes Theology , as it is defined here above . The wise Apostle James seemeth to impose this very name , in that place of his Epistle * , Wisdome that is from above , is , &c. What is wisdom from above , but the wisdom of God ? II. The Genus of the Definition is a Habit , which is a rooted disposition , whereby we are inclined to operate with ease . It is not the enjoyment of one single happiness , which can make a man happy ; for one act is transitory , and is not at all durable : but it must be a rooted happiness , the possession of which doth make us happy for ever . Since we are to live for ever , we must either be rooted in happinesse , if we intend to be everlastingly happy , or else rooted in evil , whereby we continue in misery without end . III. The happinesse which we reap from this Philosophy is not an ordinary happinesse , but it is a happinesse in its highest degree and Perfection ; or it is a durable contentment accompanied with the greatest joy that is possible to be enjoyed by us in this world . On the other side , the misery which attends the habit of evil , is no lesse tormenting , dismall and dolefull , than the other is joyfull . IV. The Differentia of the Definition is , to possesse the greatest good , and to live in the greatest happinesse . All Practick Sciences do operate for an end , and therfore are to be defined by that End. To live happily is to live in contentment and joy . There seems to be a Medium between living in joy , and living in misery , which is to live for a Passe-time : For there are many , who do all things for a Passe-time ; they play at Cards , Dice and Bowls ; they discourse and all for a Passe-time : Some take Tobacco , and drink themselves drunk for to passe away the time . Certainly these can neither say , that they are affected with joy or misery , but seem to be in a neutral state . Of these doth Sallust justly give his opinion : Multi mortales dediti ventri , at que somno , indocti , incultique vitam , sicut peregrinantes tranfiere . Quibus profecto , contranaturam , corpus voluptati , anima oneri fuit . Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestumo : quoniam de utraque siletur . There are many men , who being given to their gut , and to sleep , continuing unlearned and rude , have passed away their dayes like unto Travellers . To whom indeed against nature their body was a pleasure , and their soul a burden . These mens life and death I judge alike ; for there is no notice taken of either . V. Theology is Natural or Supernatural . VI. Natural Theology is a natural habit of possessing the greatest good , and living in the greatest happinesse , that a natural man may attain unto in this world , and in the world to come . Supernatural Theology is a supernatural habit of possessing the greatest good , and living in the greatest happinesse , that a man may supernaturally attain unto in this material , and in the next spiritual world . It is not my drift to treat of supernatural Theology in this volume ; neither do I pretend more in that , than a Christian Disciple , and not as a Teacher , to which a special Call , and an extraordinary spiritual disposition must concur : but my chief design and aim is rationally to demonstrate a Natural Theology ; such , which a man through his natural gifts of reason and understanding , may reach unto , without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . The benefit which is hence expected , serveth to convince those desperate and carnal wretches from their affected Atheism ; yet must be lesse affected with it , than to be rooted and confirmed in it , In which , if otherwise they are , Reasoning will not take any effect upon them . The first doubt or query , which a natural man doth , or may propose is , Whether it is possible for him to know through his reasoning , if his soul be immortal : For saith he , if my soul is mortal , it will prove in vain to make further search after happinesse , then is or can be enjoyed in this world . The second scruple which a man ( or rather the Devil ) doth foolishly move to himself , is , Whether ( the soul now being demonstrated to him to be immortal ) there is a God : For whence can he expect any happinesse after death , but from God ? Thirdly , Whether it is possible to a Natural man by his own power , and Gods ordinary assistance or concurrence , to procure the possession of the twofold before-mentioned Summum Bonum . But , before I apply my self to the solving of these Doubts , I must explain what the greatest happinesse is , which I intend to perform briefly and clearly in the next Chapter . I need not adde many words to the illustrating of the eminence and worth of this Divine Science , since the name it self doth speak it . The eloquence of Cicero doth thus set forth the dignity of wisdom in his 2. Offic. By the immortal Gods what is there more to be desired than wisdome ? what is better to a man ? what is more worthy of a mans knowledge ? The same may be better applyed to the wisdome of God , that is , concerning God. God ( saith Austin ) is wisdome himself , through whom all things are made , and a true Philosopher is a lover of God , in that he is a lover of wisdom . If we are ignorant of God , we are no Philosophers , and through that ignorance we fall into great Errors . Lactantius in his third Book , doth expresse himself much to the same tenour , where speaking of Philosophers , he saith , It is true , they have sought for wisdome , but because they did not search after it , as they should have done , they fell further into such errors , that they were ignorant of common wisdom . CHAP. II. Of the end of Natural Theology . 1. Wherein Moral Philosophy differeth from Natural Theology ; and wherein it agreeth with it . That the Heathen Philosophers were no true Philosophers . Aristotle his dying words . Epicure his miserable Death , after so pleasant a Life . 2. A Description of the greatest Happinesse . Queries touching the greatest Happinesse . 3. Whether the greatest Happinesse is the neerest and principal end of Theology . 4. How the greatest Happinesse is otherwise called . 1. ONe or other may object against our Definition of Natural Theology , that I do confound it with Moral Philosophy . I answer , Moral Philosophy is taken in a large sense for a habit of living in the greatest happinesse here and hereafter , and then it is synonimous to Natural Theology . Or in a strict sense ; for a habit of living in the greatest happinesse only in this world : which may be tearmed an Epicurean Moral Philosophy , and is such whose object vanisheth with the expiration of the soul out of the body . This last is grounded upon a false maxime of its End ; to wit , that the greatest happinesse , which ●●● be enjoyed in this world , is essentially different from 〈…〉 , which we may enjoy hereafter . It is essentially different ; because , according to their folly , there is no happinesse to be expected any where else , but where we are at present . The falshood of this Theorem is evident : because that greatest happinesse which we enjoy in this world , is like ( but in an inferious degree ) to that , which we expect in the other . Neither is any happinesse to be parallel'd to the greatest , but which is a true Theologick happinesse : If so , then a Theologick happinesse must be our Summum Bonum . No wonder therefore if Philosophers being destitute of this Theologick habit were false Philosophers . This is the reason , why Aristotle , and other supposed Philosophers , never arrived to the possession of the greatest happinesse ; because they were ignorant of God. And is it not therefore unworthy of a Philosopher to be a slave to their Dictates ? which affected slavery , hath proved an obvious cause of the greatest errours in Church and State. How full of Anguish , fear , jealousle , and uncertainties were their souls through their not knowing the true God ? They could never enjoy any durable happinesse , as long as their minds were perplexed with them doubts . In what perplexity did Aristotle die ? even when his languishing soul pressed out these words : In doubts have I lived , and in more anguish do I die ; whither I shall go I know not ; wherefore thou Being of Beings have mercy upon me . What did the joys and pleasures of Epicure amount unto , when he was tormented with such miserable pains of the strangury , as chased his soul out of his body ? II. The greatest happinesse is , which of all things makes a man most happy . Happinesse is a concomitant of a joyfull thing , or an effect wrought by a joyfull object upon man , the reception of which makes him truly happy . Here we will first enquire , Whether the greatest happinesse is the neerest End of Natural Theology . 2. How it is otherwise called . 3. What it is . 4. Which is the subject of this habit . 5. How it is to be procured . In answer to the first : I say , that the greatest happinesse is not the neerest and principal end of Theology . I prove it : That which doth not chiefly and immediately move a man in Theology , is not the neerest and principal end : but the greatest happinesse doth not chiefly and immediately move a man in Theology : Therefore it is not the neerest and principal end of Theology . 2. It is the next end to the neerest , and an inseparable concomitant of the neerest end : I prove it , That which we do enjoy next after the possession of the habit of Natural Theology , and of the Summum Bonum , is the next end to the neerest : But we do chiefly enjoy the greatest happinesse next after the possession of the habit of Theology , and of the Summum Bonum : Therefore it is the next end to the neerest . There is none , which ever did possesse the habit of Theology , but confirms the truth and assurance of the Minor. 4. The greatest happinesse is sometime called Summum Bonum , or the greatest good from its causality ; because it doth through its presence confer the greatest happinesse upon that Subject , which it doth irradiate . Hence Austin . de Civ . Dei , lib. 8. cap. 3. Finis autem boni appellatur ; quo quisque cum pervenerit , beatus est . That is called the end of good , which maketh every man happy , that doth attain to it . Note that the greatest happinesse is only tropically named Summum Bonum , from a Metonomia causae pro effectu . CHAP. III. Of GOOD . 1. What Good is . 2. That Aristotle 's Definition of Good is erroneous . 3. Diogenes his Definition of Good. 4. The Explanation of the Definition of Good. How the several kinds of Good differ from one another . 5. What Moral Good is : what moral evil is . 6. What Theologick Good and evil is . BOnum , Good is that which doth make the subject , which doth possesse it perfect . Or Good : is that , which all Beings do incline unto , for to perfect themselves . The highest and greatest Good must then be that which makes a man most perfect and happy : or that which all men need to perfect themselves with the same perfection , which man had , when he was first created . I said , need , and not desire or incline into : because all men do not desire the Summum Bonum : for all men do not come to the knowledge of it : yet all men need it for to perfect themselves . II. There are many definitions of Good spread among Philophers : whereof some are false either in not adequating the whole definitum , or else in attributing falsities by it to the definitum or subject defined . Among these that of Aristotle is counted most authentick* : Good is that , which all things do incline unto , or covet . This definition must either agree with Good , as it is proper to all Beings , and Transcendent : or as it is restricted to rationals and animals , in which only there is an appetite and coveting : or as it is most limited to rationals only . If we take it according to the first acception , the definition is not formal , but only accidental : for it is accidental to beings as they are Good , to be coveted or be desired from another being . Neither doth it hold true in the last acception : because we desire many things , which are evil , and hurtfull to us . To this may be answered , that a being , so far as it is desired , is good , although it prove accidentally hurtfull . This answer is not satisfactory : for we do oftentimes desire things knowing them to be evil ; and therefore we do desire them as evil : for the will doth covet things as they are understood : if then the understanding doth understand them to be evil , the will must consequently will them as evil . Possibly some do reply , that the understanding doth conceive them very things , which a man afterwards doth covet , To be good , otherwise he could not desire them : For , Did he desire them as evil , then he would desire his own destruction , and be inferiour to all other creatures , which are onely bent to that , which doth perfect their nature : or you may return your answer thus ; that good is either apparent , or real and truly good ; and that the understanding doth understand all beings to be good apparently or really : or otherwise you may distinguish good , in good , which is honest , or profitable and usefull , or pleasant , and state that the understanding doth conceive all things either as they are honest , useful , or pleasant . This doth not remove all objections : as to the first ; The will of man is not restrained to a certain object as Naturals are , but is also extended to contrary objects ; to wit , to good and evil . Neither is it singly limited to contradictories , as to will evil , and to leave it , because to desist from an action is no action , and for that reason we cannot properly say , that the actions of the will are free ( quoad contradicentia tantum ) only in willing evil and ceasing from it . Secondly , Should God punish us for doing evil , when we cannot act any thing but evil , it would appear somewhat severe : for punishment is to punish a delict , and sinne , in doing that , which we should not do , and not doing that which we should do : if we should do a thing , it supposeth we can do it , otherwise it would seem absurd . No dispute , but we do and can will evil as evil , and consequently the Definition is erroneous . 2. The second Solution doth not clear the point , in supposing that the evil , which we do will , we will it not as evil , but as apparent good . This is futil : for what is apparent good , but a real evil ? A thing must either be formally evil , or formally good ; betwixt these there can be no Medium . The third is grounded upon a false distinction : because good , as it is good , doth not imply formally honesty , usefulnesse , or pleasure : neither is it universally coveted by all bodies , as it is affected with any of these accidents , but as it doth perfect them . So that a pleasant good is frequently not coveted , as a pleasant good , but as a pleasant evil , and we do know that same pleasant evil to be so , before we do will it . The same may be said concerning good , as it is usefull . Neverthelesse may good be also coveted sometime , as it is pleasant , or usefull , or honest , but these are only accidental to good . III. Diogenes the Stoick defines Good to be that , which is perfect in its own nature . Herein he confounds perfection with good , which are formally different one from the other , as I have shewed in my Metaphysicks . Besides Good is here considered as it is relative , or related to another Being , although in Metaphysicks it is treated of , as absolute to a Being . IV. Good is , whose end is to perfect that , which doth bend to it , all Beings bend to each other , because they perfect one another . By perfection understand the further constitution and conservation of a Being ; for all Beings are further constituted and conserved by other Beings . This end may prove frustraneous to many bodies , but that is not through the default of Good , but of that Body , to which it proveth frustraneous , although bent to it . Note , that it doth not follow , that all , which a Being is bent unto , is good for it , although it followeth , that all which doth perfect a Being ; is good . All Beings are essentially bent to what is good , but accidentally they bend also to what is evil . A depravate will is accidental to man , and therefore man doth accidentally covet evil . This evil although it is coveted accidentally by man , yet by his will it is desired formally , and per se. IV. There are several degrees of good , which do not differessentially from one another , but have a resemblance and proportion one to the other ; so that one can become the other , or change into the nature of the other . According to this , good is gradually distinguisht into Moral Good , and Theologick Good. V. Moral Good is , whose end is to perfectionate man , as he is in a natural state . Moral Evil is , whose end is to corrupt man , as he is in a natural state . VI. Theologick Good is , which doth perfectionate a man in a supernatural state . Theologick Evil is , which doth corrupt a man as he is in a preternatural state . Of these I purpose to treat of distinctly in the next ensuing Chapter . CHAP. IV. Of Moral Good , and Moral Evil. 1. An Explanation of the Definition of Moral Good. What is understood by a Natural State. The ambiguity of the word Natural . 2. What Moral Good it is , which doth respect the Body . What Moral Good it is , which respecteth the Soul. 3. An Explanation of the Definition of Moral Evil. That God doth not properly bend to his creatures . 4. The Distinction between these two predicates , to be Good , and to do Good. 5. How Moral Good turns to Moral Evil. 6. That Man , as he is in a neutral state , is in a middle state , between supernatural and preternatural . FIrst , It is requisite to unfold the ambiguities of the terms contained in the Definition of Moral Good. What it is to perfectionate I have already declared : It remains to amplifie , how man is understood to be in a Natural State. A Natural Being is frequently taken for a Being , which is in the same state wherein it was created or produced . A man then is said to be Natural , when he is in the same state wherein he was created . There is a two-fold Creation : 1. There is an immediate Creation of man , whom God did create immediately through himself , no other mediate effect being interposed . 2. A mediate Creation of man is , whereby he is , mediately through his Parents , created by God. Man being created by an immediate creation , as long as he continued in that nature and state , wherein he was created , was natural : but having corrupted that state through his appetite after Evil , he became counter-natural , in respect to his former state . A Natural Being is also understood for that , which continueth in the same state , wherein it is , as it is produced by a mediate creation ; and in this sense we are to apprehend it here . Here may be offered an Objection , That a Being cannot be said to be created by a mediate Creation , and yet be counter-natural . Pray observe me well here in this place : I say , that man , who is created by a mediate Creation , is counter-natural ; but I do not say that God , who created him , did create him counter-natural : for he created him Natural . Of this more at large elswhere . And to return to my purpose : Man , as he is natural according to the latter acception , doth perfectionate himself by that Moral Good , which he doth bend unto , and that same moral Good doth conservate and further constitute a man in that nature , wherein he was created by a mediate Creation . Man is sometimes taken disjunctly , for his body and soul : or else joyntly and integrally , as he doth consist of both united . II. According to the first distinction there is moral Good , which chiefly concerns the Body of man : as meat , drink and cloaths . There is also a moral Good chiefly respecting the soul : as speculative and practick objects are morally good to the soul. You may demand , how practick and speculative objects do perfectionate the soul ? I answer , That they by their objectivenesse do conservate the souls action in its goodnesse ; for had the soul no moral good object to act upon , it would be without a moral good action , which is repugnant to that Maxim , Omne quod est , est propter operationem . All which is , is for to operate . In like manner do food and cloaths conservate the Body of man in its natural state . III. Moral Evil doth corrupt a man , as he is in a Natural state , and mak●● him counter-natural , that is , worse than he is in a Natural state . I am required here to illustrate two obscurities : 1. How Moral Good can be said to be good . 2. How Moral Good turneth to Moral Evil. In reference to the first , we are to call to mind the definition of Good , which is , whose end is to perfect that , which doth bend to it . If then Moral Good obtains a virtue to perfect that , which bendeth to it , it argueth that it is good . You may reject my definition of Good : because according to it , it follows , that God is conserved by his creatures , since he is known to bend to them . In no wise , for God doth not properly bend to his creatures : because he is every where with them : But Gods creatures may be properly said to bend to him : because bending doth follow a need ; and want of conservation , which need being in all his creatures , but not in God , they do bend to their Creator . IV. To avoid falsities and errors in this nice point , it will not be amisse for you , to observe a distinction between these two predicates : to be good , and to do good . These are oftentimes confounded by many Divines , and so thereby they fall into gross errors . To be good denotes a formality of good , as it doth concur to the further constitution of a Being by its modality . To do good is an action whereby effects are produced from a good Being : Now these actions are called good , because they proceed from a good Being ; and not because they are essentially good , and constitute an essential difference from its Being . So that good actions are signs of goodnesse in a Being , and not the goodnesse it self . To do good therefore is onely to act from a good principle , and to give signs of the goodnesse of a Being . This distinction proveth very usefull and expedient to the discussing of the doubts touching Free-will . Annex to this observation , that in a large sense Moral good is taken for good , as it is defined above , and extendeth to other creatures than unto man onely , for this reason : because Moral good , as it is synonimous to a mean , and inferiour good , is become so to all , in being changed from the highest good , through the deffecting of man from his highest good , to a mean or moral good . In a strict sense , it is taken for the goodnesse of man in his actions , or manners onely . V. How doth Moral Good turn to Moral Evil ? This Question may be variously understood : First , as good importeth a natural good in the second acception , and as it denotes a goodnesse in the Being , and not in its action : in this sense moral good cannot change into moral evil , because nothing doth corrupt it self , I mean its own Being and Essence . If moral good is taken for a moral good action , then it is coincident with a true action , which is such as God doth require from us , and is conformable to that action , in which God did create us : I say in which : for all beings are created to be in action ; and not through which , because that specifieth Creation . According to this acception then are morally good actions said to be such , as are true or conformable to their Pattern . If these actions are false and difformable from their Pattern , then they become evil . These actions do proceed from a free cause , and not necessary ; for then man could never have committed any evil . The freedome of this causality consisteth in an indifferency to Good and Evil. The state of man , wheren he is at present is neutral , that is , natural , which is a state neither supernatural or preternatural . I prove it ; A supernatural state is , wherein man is most good , or consisteth of good in the highest degree . A Preternatural state is , wherein a man is at the worst , or consisteth of evil in the lowest degree : But a man in a natural state is neither most good , nor worst in evil . Therefore he must needs be in a neutral state . VI. Man , as he is in a natural state , is in a middle state , between super-natural , and preter-natural . I prove , it is a property of a Middle or Medium to participate of both extreams . But man in a natural state participates of both the others , Ergo , He is in a middle state : I confirm the Minor. The good which man doth act is not the best good , neither is the evil , which man acteth the worst evil : for the Devils act worse . Ergo , It participateth somewhat of good in the highest degree , and of evil in the worst . Or the actions , which a natural man performeth , are neither the worst or the best : Therefore it participates of each . Another property of a natural or middle state , is to have a disposition or capacity of becoming to be either of its extreams . This I prove also to be in man , as he is in this present state . Many natural men are glorified , and many are damned . Ergo , A natural man hath a disposition to either . Moral Evil doth corrupt a man , in that it partially destroyeth his perfection . Moral Evil is either an Evil of the soul or body , or of both . CHAP. V. Of Theologick Good , and Theologick Evil. 1. An Explanation of the Definition of Theologick Good. 2. An Explication of the Definition of Theologick Evil. 3. What honest , usefull and pleasant Good is . 4. What Natural , Sensible and Moral Good is . 1. THeologick Good doth perfectionate a man in a supernatural state only : For a natural man as long as he doth continue in a natural state , cannot be theologically good , or do a good act , that is theologically good . A supernatural state is , wherein a man is above his natural state , and is at his greatest perfection . II. Theologick Evil is directly contrary to Theologick Good , Neither is it possible that both these should be in one subject , there being no greater contraries , than Theologick Good , and Theologick Evil. They are most remote from one another : so that there is an infinite proportion of distance between them . Theologick Evil doth make a man worst ; he cannot be worse , than when he is theologically evil ; neither is there then any capacity or disposition remaining in him , whereby he may be changed into Good : So likewise a man , who is Theologically Good , hath no disposition to Theologick Evil. Theologick Good implieth a triple Good : 1. It imports a Theological good cause , or which doth make a man perfect in a supernatural state ; and so God is the only Theologick Good. * 2. It is taken for a Being which is theologically Good , or for a Being which is at its greatest perfection ; and so may man in his entire state be termed Theologically Good. 3. It may be understood for an action , which is Theologically Good , that is true and conformable to its pattern , and of this Good is man also capable in a supernatural state . The Theologick Good which is in God is called Good through it self , or Bonum per se. This Bonum is otherwise called Summum Bonum objectivum , or Beatitudo objectiva : But the joy which we receive from that objective happinesse , is called Beatitudo formalis . The Theologick Good , which was in all his creatures , is a Derivative Good , or Bonum per participationem . The Peripateticks divide Good in that , which is honest , usefull and pleasant . Honest Good ( Bonum bonestum ) is , which is agreeable to Right Reason ; and therefore they say , it is Desirable through it self . 2. Useful Good is that , which is desired for its usefulnesse and convenience . Pleasant Good is , which is coveted for its pleasure and delight , which it affordeth . These two are not to be desired for their own sake , but for their covenience and pleasure , which do accompany them . This Division is erroneous upon a double account , 1. Because Good doth not formally include in its formal concept any delight , usefulnesse or honesty , but onely a perfectionation . 2. The dividing members cannot be equally attributed to all the kinds of good , and therefore the distribution is illegitimate . IV. Good , according to the subject , wherein it is inherent , or according the appetite , through which it is coveted , is either Natural , Sensible or Moral . Natural Good is , which is coveted from a natural Being . The appetite , through which natural Beings do covet Good , is commonly called a natural Propensity or Inclination . Sensible Good is , which is coveted by living creatures . Their appetite is called a sensitive appetite . Moral Good is , which is coveted by man. His appetite is otherwise known by the word Will. Before I conclude this Chapter , I must intreat you to remember and take notice of the several acceptions and distinct significations of Natural , Supernatural , Counter-natural , Preter-natural , of Good , Moral Good , and Theologick Good. For you are to interpret their significations variously , otherwise you will much mistake my meaning . CHAP. VI. Of the greatest and highest Good. 1. A further illustration of the greatest Good. 2. That the highest Good is the neerest end of Natural Theology . 3. What the Summum Bonum is otherwise called . That the greatest Good is our last end . 4. The inexpressible Joy , which the soul obtains in possessing the greatest Good. 5. Two great benefits , which the soul receiveth from the Summum Bonum . I. IT was necessary for you first to know , what Good was in General , before you could conceive what the highest Good is . So then , having laid down the Doctrine of Good in short , it now remains to open to you , what the greatest Good is . The greatest Good is that , which doth make us most perfect , and that is God alone . I prove it ; There is nothing can perfectionate usmost , but God alone : Wherefore he is the onely Summum Bonum . II. The highest Good is the neerest end of Natural Theology . I prove it . That which we do immediately and neerest incline unto and covet , is the neerest end : But we do immediately and neerest covet and incline unto the Summum Bonum : Wherefore the Summum Bonum is the neerest end . I confirm the Minor We do immediately covet that , which doth perfectionate us , because it is out of necessity . The necessity appears in this ; in that we must live to God ; for without him we cannot live or exist , and consequently we cannot be perfectionated without him . Now that which is most necessary , must precede that , which is lesse necessary ; for it is possible for us to live without happinesse , and only to enjoy our being , if God had so pleased . And therefore happinesse is not absolutely necessary , but is superadded to this our appetite meerly from Gods bounty . We ought first to bend and incline to God ; because he is our Summum Bonum , and doth perfectionate us ; and not only , because he doth make us happy . In this bending to God ; we answer to our end , and are true beings . The same is also witnessed by Scripture , Prov. 16. God hath made all things for himself . III. Summum Bonum is otherwise called our last End , because it is that , in which all our good Actions seem to terminate : I prove that the greatest Good and happiness is our last End. All Trades and Professions tend to make provision for mans life . This provision , as meat and drink , &c. serveth to keep the Body in repair , that so it may continue a convenient mansion for the Soul , and serve her through its organs . The prime organs are the inward and outward Senses , which are subservient to the Soul , in advertising her of all things , which may be prejudicial to man ; and in pleasing her by conveying the objects of all external beings to her ; and commending them to her Contemplation , which doth chiefly consist in the discovery of the causes of all things . The Soul , being now brought and seated in the midst of her speculations , doth not come to any rest or satisfaction there , but still maketh way , and passeth through them , untill she arrives to the last object , and its last end , which is the farthest she can dyve . This last object is God , because he is the last end of our contemplations ; for beyond him we cannot conceive , or think any thing . It is also certain , that all beings have their end , and are terminated by it . This doth infer , that the actions of man must also have their end : The principal actions of man are them of the Soul ; to wit , his understanding . The understanding is not terminated by any material substance : for it can think and understand beyond it : neither are created immaterial substances objects , beyond which the Soul of man cannot imagine : for it doth imagine , know , and understand God : but beyond God it can imagine nothing . All Beings have their causes , them causes have other causes , these other causes at last must owe their being to one first Cause : otherwise causes would be infinite , which is repugnant . Wherefore we cannot think beyond the first Cause . IV. The Soul having sublimed her self into a most sublime thought of God , there she resteth , and admireth his great power in giving a Being to all sublunary and superlunary things . She admireth his wisdome and providence in preserving them all . She is astonisht at his infinite love towards mankind , in Breathing his Essence out of his own brest . The joy and acquiessence which the Soul findeth in the contemplation of this last End and first Cause , is so great , and unexpressible , that there is nothing in this vast World to resemble it unto , but to it self . Thus I have demonstrated how all the Actions of man tend to one last End , and Summum Bonum . V. From the Greatest Good , we receive two benefits : First , it makes us most perfect and most happy : Secondly , it terminates our faculties ; for in all other Things we can find no rest , but in the Summum Bonum only . All other things can give us no rest , because they are ordained for a further end , and subject to changes and alterations every moment ; but the Summum Bonum is the same for ever and ever . As for the happiness which doth redound from the possession of the Summum Bonum , it is a Joy and contentment beyond expression . None is capable of conceiving what it is , except they who are the possessors of it . The joy is such , that if a man hapneth to it , and is confirmed in it , he can never desert it : a moments want of it , would seem to be the greatest misery . CHAP. VII . Of the false Summum Bonum . 1. The Summum Bonum of the Epicureans unfolded and rejected . 2. That Wealth is a greater torment than a Summum Bonum . The Riches of Seneca . That we ought to follow his example . 3. That to be taken up in merry discourses is not the greatest happiness . 4. That it is not the greatest happiness to be merry twice or thrice a week at a mans country house . 5. That honour is not the greatest good . 6. That swearing is no happiness . 7. The Author's ground why he was compelled to make use of so light a style in this Chapter . 8. That all these enumerated instances are highly to be imbraced as good , but not as the greatest Good. That meat and drink are to be taken with temperance . 9. That Riches are not absolutely to be rejected . 10. That mutual converse is commendable . 11. That a constant society is necessary to man. 12. That we ought to give honour to whom honour is due . 13. That we ought not to refuse an Oath tendred by the Magistrate . THe Error and mistake of the Epicureans , cannot but startle any one , who is but irradiated with the least glimpse of the Summum Bonum . They do foolishly conceit that the greatest good and happinesse consisteth in Pleasures , that are taken by these two external senses ; of tasting , and of the tact : which pleasures primarily are gluttony , and its companion . What are these pleasures but momentany ? the enjoyment of them makes a man more restless , than he was before : A gluttons stomack is no sooner filled ; but his pleasures are past and vanished : his next wish is ; that his stomack were empty again , for to enjoy new pleasures . This vice is endemick to some people , whose custom it is , to take it for an affront , if their guests rise from the Table , before they have filled their crop twice or thrice , and discharged it as often by vomiting their lading up again , which perhaps , if it light into their neighbours lap , is only taken for an act of necessity , and an endeavour to make amends to the master of the feast : for the greatest thanks he expects , is to hear a man relate the next day , that he did not spare to make himself a Beast yesterday through his noble and liberal entertainment . A man who intends to follow the mode of these treatments , is not to call simply for ( trincken ) drink at Table ; but ( zuzauffen ) for a draught , ( rather for a traffe like hogs ; ) that is as much as he can well swallow down with an open throat , or no lesse than will swell him to that bigness , as forceth him to unbutton two or three buttons of his doublet , and so drink as long , untill all his buttons are dispatcht : and by that time they are got to their greatest happiness , which is to lie dead drunk one a top the other . Wherein , are these men different from so many hogs , lying one upon the other ? they grunt in that dead sleep like hogs . They be fowl , kick and tumble over one another like hogs : were there hogs among them , they could not distinguish themselves from those hogs . And is this then a happinesse to be a hog ? they are worse than hogs , for hogs discern one another ; but they are blind , dumb and deaf : These men are more fit to receive the Devil than happiness , like unto the herd of swine which the Devil enterd . As for the other Summum Bonum of the Epicureans , it is so far from an acquiessence and Joy , that Aristotle makes a detestation of it . Look in his Probl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . II. No lesse are they mistaken , who make their wealth their god , oftentimes not regarding how they come to it , whether by craft or overreaching of others . These misers instead of imbracing a perfect Joy , they precipitate themselves into a miserable and Tanteleon covetousnesse , being tormented with insatiable pangs after more money , thirsting with a fiery drought , not to be quencht by the pouring all the West-India mines upon them . If many in their tun-bellies , were but sensible of the torments and unquietnesse , which do accompany their Summum Bonum , they would soon desist from grapling after their tuns of gold . The experience of the great Moral Philosopher Seneca , might well perswade them to imitate his dictates of competency : for he , although his estate was computed to the value of threescore hundred thousand Pounds , as Justus Lipsius recordeth of him ; yet being sensible of the great weight in keeping of it , and tormented with burning desires to increase it , did contemn it all , being fully perswaded , that contentment was of greater worth , than all his treasure . III. In some Countreys the greatest accomplishment of a Gentleman is counted to be his breeding and good behaviour , which in France is called bonne mine , wherein the more a man can please his Madame , the braver Gentleman he is accounted : so that all their education , as their dancing , their study in pleasing discourses , tends only to delight their Ladies , and themselves : insomuch that in their confabulations with them , they imagine themselves to be possest of an unparalel happinesse : which , their having a countenance marked with smiles and joy : their Eyes sparkling with lustre : their Bodies being altogether transformed into an air : the continual gesticulations of their Bodies , and trepidation of their Voices , do abundantly testifie . The plurality of the world doth unanimously agree herein , that it is a great happiness , and no lesse contentment to passe away the time in mirth and pleasant discourses , wherein a man's mind seemeth to be much satisfied , wishing the night to be spent , that his wonted mirth might be disclosed again through the presence of the ensuing day . The whole troop of Poets seem to be sworn to bend their wits only to extoll the happinesse and joys with which this Bonum is endued , and to make it analogal to the Summum Bonum ; for may they say , here are persons taken up with a contemplation , surprized by an admiration : not only so , but they receive thence great satisfaction , and joy ; whence it appeareth , that there is some resemblance , and more than there is in any other Bonum : This is the ground , why Poets descant thus upon their gods , in feigning to be ravished by one anothers discourses , and to be stupified through amorous Joys : This they assigne upon them , as being the greatest happinesse , and therefore worthy of Gods. On the other side , this Bonum may be numbred among transitory felicities , and therefore is not the greatest : for a man here is , as it were , in a dream , wherein he phansieth multiplicity of Passages , and when he awakes , all is vanished . The like is observable in this case : we talk of sundry subjects successively , which serveth only to drive away the time , and therein it pleaseth the mind , there being nothing more tedious to it , than idlenesse . This is fickle , and alterable , satisfying the soul at one time , and not at another ; for a while only , and not for always ; we may admire one person for his discourse to day , to morrow we may admire our selves for admiring the same person yesterday . The discourse being once ended the happinesse vanisheth , and is the same with a dream : for in a dream we seem to be as joyfull in discoursing with any pleasant person , as we are , when we are awake ; but the dream being discussed , all vanisheth with it . Pray , what difference is there between a joy apprehended in a dream , and a joy perceived when one is awake ? yea oftentimes the profusion of joy is greater in a dream than when we are awake . Well may we thence proclaim , that all is vanity . IV. No small number are they , who place their greatest happines in being merry once or twice a week with their Wives at their Country-houses . All their toiling and moiling tends only to procure so much wealth , as to be thereby in a capacity of purchasing themselves a Country-house , where a man may leave ' his consort , and after a few moments absence return loaden with joy , as if newly arrived from a Japan voyage . This meeting after some hours parting doth so extreamly transport him , through the sudden spying of his female second self among the green leaves and odoriferous flowers , that he imagineth himself to be no less than an Angel admitted into a Mahomets Paradice . This may be a happinesse if prudently managed ; but to compare it to a Summum Bonum , is to make it appear a Summum Malum . Assuredly that , which a man at several times doth leave and return to : doth love and hate : doth trust and suspect : doth agree and disagree with : doth esteem and revile : doth please and displease him , is far distant from a Summum Bonum , which at all seasons and minutes is * Semper Idem . That which depends upon a man's humour , being disposed to alteration , and variety every moment , cannot be the greatest happinesse , which alone lasteth to all eternity . V. What shall I say of honour ? A gift , which is at the disposal of every bumken , and sometimes a liberal bounty of the vilest persons : for it depends upon their pleasure , whether they will confer it upon a deserving person , or not . Honour is a thing , wherewith men are often clodded , and so come to loathe it . They have so much of it sometimes , that they do not regard it at any time . Men need not to make a Summum Bonum of an air , of a shaking of a hat , of a bow , of a curtzy , of a leg , of a gaze : all this is but a flash . And what are the fruits and effects of it ? Possibly they may perceive a swelling of their mind , and a puffing up of their spirit , which may put them into a Bridegroom posture , wherein he doth more admire himself , than a Bridegroom doth his Bride . VI. Many thereare , who take a wonderfull delight in swearing ; each third word must have a S'wounds , or by God , or a God damme me for its attendance , otherwise the language would seem to be imperfect , or at least to want its natural eloquence . This interjection of speech is so much practised , that some Masters of Languages in France make it the third lesson to their scholars . A Germane newly arrived at Paris , and applying his mind to the study of that language , shewed me his third Lesson , which his master had recommended to him , to learn by heart . This piece of Doctrine did contain no lesse than thirty or five and thirty oaths ; some of which he said were of the last years invention , which his Master had particularly marked . I asked the Gentleman , how he would come to know their proper places and insertions ; he answered me , that that was the first Question , he asked his Master , who resolved him , that a little converse with the French would soon make him perfect in that businesse . O Tempora , O Mores ! What is there more abominable ! How is it possible for men so to mistake , and not know , that this is Belzebubs Rhetorick , the Devils mother Tongue , Satan's mirth . This is the only language wherein the Devils and men , Wizards and their spirits understand one another . VII . I doubt not , but by this time you are better resolved , and fully perswaded , that none of these before-mentioned instances are a Summum Bonum . And before I put a period to the enumeration of the adulterin greatest Happinesse , I must tell you my scope in having declared them by a prejudicial style , or rather a style , which may seem to partake of a lightnesse , being altogether unbecoming to my intended purpose . In reference to the first , I confesse , I have a prejudice against them , as they are falsly taken and supposed to be the greatest Happinesse , and may beguile us of the true Happinesse ; and therefore I have detected and enquired into their height and highest degree of their good , delight or happinesse ; which to perform , I was compelled to make use of such kind of flashy and light expressions . VIII . As they are good , and bear onely a representation of good , they are necessarily and highly to be imbraced : because they conduce to the enjoyment of the greatest Good , and are effects , tokens and signs of it . Meat and Drink are preservatives of man , and therefore conduce to the enjoyment of the greatest Good. They are created and ordained through the goodnesse of the greatest Good , which is an effect , token , and sign of the greatest Good. To imbrace these as Good is to imbrace them with temperance ; whose potential parts are four : 1. Abstinence , which consisteth in a moderation of eating . 2. Sobriety , which consisteth in a moderation of drinking . The other two parts are Chastity and shamefac'dnesse , which do consist in moderating the affections of man and woman towards one another . IX . Riches , as they are external good things , are not to be absolutely rejected , if moderated according to the Rules of liberality . They are the necessary means , through which all humane Policy is exercised . X. Affability , mutual converse and society , conduce much to man's edification in knowledge . Hence doth Aristotle define Man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Man is a Politick living creature . Politick is to be inclinable to a mutual conversation . Were it not , that man had the benefit of converse , he might require Methusalem's years , for to furnish himself with a competent knowledge . XI . Man , as he is alone , is a melancholly creature , and therefore needs a sutable companion to cheer him , whereby he is the better disposed for to receive a greater happinesse . The sutablenesse and delight , which he findeth in his fellow , doth fix his thoughts and his actions , and thereby diverteth him from infinite occasions of falling into evil . On the other side , men , that are single , are much inclined to wandring , and exposed thereby to all manner of temptations ; to covet illegal objects ; to act unlawfull actions , to the hazard and danger of their lives ; and above all to evil thoughts , which the Devil doth suggest to them . If every man did adhere to a sutable companion , he could hardly commit evil : I mean sins of commission : for being prepossest through the pleasing fellowship of his Consort , he could not covet any thing which was illegal : for did he covet any thing else above that which he doth enjoy , it supposeth a greater convenience in that object , which he doth covet : but since that , which he hath made choice of , is , next to the Summum Bonum , most sutable to him , he cannot let his desires slide another way . The worst actions , which men do act , are either when they are alone , or when they are in other company , and absent from their partner . When they are in other company , they are apt to be drunk , to swear , and to project base designs , which a man seldome or never doth perpetrate in the presence with his mate . Or if he did , it is an hundred to one , if her fear , modesty , or some other vertue did not prevent him . Man could seldome think evil thoughts , because his companion is supposed to divert him in proposing pleasant or usefull discourses . What woman is there , which can be inordinate in any of these fore-instanced actions , if she is suted to a mate , and adheres to his fellowship onely . 'T is true , women and men , although both joyn'd in a constant adherence , have sometimes agreed in wicked designs ; but this hapneth alwayes in a couple unsutably paired , and consequently much given to wandring ; so that they did not contract that evil habit from themselves , but from others . Had the first man and the first woman continued constantly together , it would have been a far harder task for the Devil to have deluded them : but they being separated , although but for a few moments , and either of them admitting conference with the Devil , were soon corrupted . What an easie task of Government would it be , if most men were paired so , as never to be asunder from their fellow . They could hardly assent to mischief ; or if they were bent to it , Law might sooner work upon their joint-interest , than if it were single . But take this only as by way of discourse . XII . It is necessary among men to give honour to whom it is due . and to return it with thanks , when they do deserve it . Were it only to cause a distinction of persons , in respect to civil Government , it doth imply a necessity . It is proper for us to know what honour is ; for how could we else acquit our duty in this part to God , to the supream Magistrate , or to our Parents ? XIII . We are not to be over-scrupulous in taking of an oath , provided it tend to the preservation of the Commonwealth , and that the supream Magistrate ( be it the King , Prince , or plural Magistrate ) do require it . We are obliged to it upon a double consideration : 1. Because the Magistrate doth command , or imposed it , which is obliging among all Nations . 2. Because it tends to the preservation of the whole body of the people . And this common reason doth convince to be binding . CHAP. VIII . Of the Subject of Natural Theology . 1. Man consisting of Body and Soul is the adequate subject of Natural Theology . 2. Reasons proving the Soul to be the original and principal subject of Theology . 3. That the Understanding and Will are really and formally one . The confutation of the vulgar definition of Will. A full explication of the Will , and the manner of its acting . What speculalative and practical signifie . 4. What the Will is in a large sense . 5. What the Will is in a strict sense . 6. An Explanation upon the first description of Will. 7. The Effects of the Will. Whether appetibility doth not equally imply volibility , and appetibility in a strict sense . 8. Whether mans appetite is distinct from his Will. I. THe fourth Question proposed is , Which is the Subject of Natural Theology ? By Subject I mean the Subjectum inhaesionis , wherein this habit is inherent . To answer you in general , The whole man , as he consisteth of soul and body , is the subject of Theology ; for the effects of it , to wit happinesse and joy , are as sensibly received by the body , as by the soul : for the body receiveth its essence , conservation , and bodily pleasures from it * . The soul cannot alone be properly said to be the subject , because the soul without the body is not man. II. The soul is originally and principally the subject of Theology . I say originally , because the soul is the original cause of the pleasures of the body : yea , and of its constitution : for the body was created for the soul , and not the soul for the body . The soul is the original cause of the pleasures of the body , in that the soul doth make choice of them , and applieth them to the body : for example , meat , drink , and other pleasures are applyed to the body , in that the soul makes choice of them , and conceiveth them to be pleasant to the body ; otherwise the body could not attain to them . The soul can enjoy pleasures , when the body is in paine ; but the body cannot , when the soul is in paine . The soul is the principal subject of Theology , because the greatest happinesse and good is enjoyed by it , the delights of the body not being comparable to them of the soul , The soul receiveth its pleasure by instants of time ; the body onely by succession . III. The operation , whereby the soul doth imbrace the greatest good and happinesse , is from the understanding , as it is speculative and practick , and not as it is a two-fold faculty , formally distinct through the understanding and the will ; for these are not really and essentially distinct . I prove it : if the understanding cannot understand without the will , or the will without the understanding , then they are not really and essentially distinct : because it is proper to beings , which are really and essentially distinct , to operate without each other . But the understanding cannot understand without the will ; neither can the will will without the understanding . Therefore they are not really distinct . I prove the Minor : The will is primarly a bending of the understanding to an action of the mind ; but the understanding cannot understand , unlesse it bends to that action of the mind : So neither can the understanding be bent to action , unlesse it understandeth . Wherefore the one doth imply the other . The most there is between them is a modal distinction . You may object , that it follows hence , that a man may be said to will , when he understandeth , to understand when he willeth : which predications are absurd . I answer , That it includes no absurdity at all : for a man , when he understandeth , doth will every particular act of the understanding , which he understandeth , or otherwise how could he understand ? On the other side , a man understandeth , when he willeth according to that trite saying , Ignoti nulla Cupido , That which a man doth not know , he cannot desire or will. Wherefore I argue again , that the one includeth the other , the will implyeth the understanding , and the understanding the will. Possibly you may deny my supposed definition of will , which is a bending to an action of the mind . If you refuse it , propose a better . Your opinion , it may be is to wander with the multitude , and so you commend this : The will is , through which a man by a fore-going knowledge doth covet a sutable or convenient good , and shunneth an inconvenient evil . I will first account the absurdities of this definition , and afterwards prove them to be so . First , you affirm , That there fore-goeth a knowledge before a man willeth . Secondly , That a man doth alwayes covet a convenient good . Thirdly , That a man shunneth all inconvenient evil . Fourthly , That the will alwayes either coveteth or shunneth . Fifthly , The definition containeth superfluous words , as inconvenience and convenience . Sixthly , You assert that two contrary acts proceed from one formal habit . Seventhly , This definition is a division of a habit into its acts . Eighthly , You do positively affirm , That the will is really and essentially distinct from the understanding . Many more I might deduct , but these being sufficient , I shall now direct my pen to them particularly . First , You say , That there fore-goeth a knowledge before every act of the will. Upon this I demand from you , How cometh the understanding to know ? You may answer , through her self : and what is it else , to know through ones self , but to know through ones own will ? Ergo , The will is a concomitant of the understanding , and the understanding of the will , and consequently the one doth not precede the other . Or thus , Can the understanding know against her will , or without her will ? If so , then man is no voluntary creature , in that he acteth , without a will. Secondly , You declare , That a man doth alwayes covet a convenient good . Herein you contradict your self : for before you said , that the understanding did understand a volible object without or before the will : but to understand a volible object , is to will to understand it , and yet not covet it : Therefore according to your own words , a man did not always covet through his will. 2. A man doth covet evil as evil : Wherefore he doth not alwayes covet good . The antecedence I have proved above . 3. A man doth sometime covet an inconvenientgood : for he covets Arsenick to kil himself . You will answer to this , that he doth covet it as a convenient good , for to ease him from some trouble or grief . By this solution you confound your self , in taking objective good and formal good for the same thing , which according to Aristotle are different . If so , then your answer will not hold : for the Question is concerning objective good , whereas your answer relates to a formal good . The ease , which a man findeth through the removal of trouble , is the formal good ; the Arsenick is the objective good : this presupposed , the Arsenick is good in it self , but relatively it is inconvenient to that man , for it destroyeth his essence . You may reply , That a man doth not take it to destroy his essence , but to release himself from his misery . Notwithstanding I say , he knew before he took the Ratsbane , that it would kill him ; wherefore this knowledge of inconvenience fore-going the willing of inconvenience , doth according to your own definition infer that he willed it , as inconvenient , because he fore-knew it to be inconvenient . Thirdly , I say , That a man doth not alwayes shun an inconveent evil : because he doth not shun sicknesse , when he is diseased : neither can he shun all inconveniencies ; for he falleth into many . So likewise in the fore-given instance , he cannot shun sicknesse or death , although he may wish it remote from him , but that is not shunning of it : wherefore shunning is an improper term to be used in this definition . Fourthly , You conceive , That the will alwayes doth either covet or shun . This is against most Peripateticks , who say , that the will can suspend its action , which suspension is neither coveting or shunning . Fifthly , Since that good implieth convenience , and evil inconvenience , what need you to adde convenience and inconvenience : Wherefore both must be superfluous . Sixthly , To shun evil and to covet good , are two acts formally contrary : If so , How can these flow from one habit ? Possibly you endeavour to escape the force of this Objection , in saying , that the one may proceed per se , and the other per accidens from a formal habit . If I should grant this , your definition will prove illegal , because there must nothing be inserted into a Definition , but what agreeth per se with the definitum . Seventhly , This is rather an Accidental Division of a habit into its acts : Wherefore this Division is not so much as Essential ; because it is not grounded upon the form of the Divisum . Eighthly , You conclude the will to be really and essentially different from the understanding . You make too much haste ; you should first shew , that the will and understanding are Real Beings ; and how will you do that according to your own received Doctrine of Real Beings ? which teacheth , that they onely are Real Beings , which exist , or can exist without the understanding : if so , then the understanding , for to be a real being , must exist without its self ; and is not this absurd ? Having made appear to you the falsity of the common Doctrine of Will , I come now to explain , how the understanding is made practical , and how speculative . Wherefore in the first place , Mark , what the understanding is . The understanding is the discerning , apprehending , or judging faculty of all Objects , which are objected from without , or from within . The understanding judgeth of these objects according to their distinct representation . Objects represent themselves in a two-fold manner : 1. Essentially , when the essence consisting of all its modes united is represented to the understanding . 2. Modally , which is , when one mode or more , is , or are singularly represented to the understanding . You may apprehend this better by an example . The essential representation of a Bull is , wherein you perceive him by , or in all his modes united ; particularly in perceiving him in that shape , of having such a figure , of bearing horns , of being hairy and cloven-footed , of having unity , truth and perfection , &c. But when I conceive onely one of his modes , without conceiving any of the others , that is a modal representation ; as in conceiving his horns only , or the goodnesse of every mode by it self , or the goodness of the whole essence . Observe then , these several concepts are several actions , because they are of several objects : Which difference of action is called a material difference . Again , This action is but one formally , and depends from one formal power ; so that one power can promote but one formal action : as in this instance ; The power , which my hand hath of writing , fitteth it to write several letters , as I. D. &c. the writing these several letters are distinct actions , because they differ in figure , which is a material difference : but then again , the action of writing is but one formally , flowing from one formal power of writing . So likewise a knife cutteth paper , wood , &c. the cutting of these are materially distinct actions ; but again the cutting is also but one formal action ; for a knife cutteth these through one vertue of sharpnesse , and therefore its power is but one formally . In the same manner , I say , doth the soul understand or perceive several objects ; as , in conceiving the entire essence of a Being ; or its modes in particular ; as its goodnesse , unity , &c. These are all several actions differing materially one from the other ; for the conceiving of unity is not the conceiving of Good , &c. Again , The action of understanding or conceiving is but one formally flowing from one mind , or one understanding faculty , otherwise were it double , it would require a double name . Moreover , there is but one first and formal faculty of all beings ; because all second faculties are derived from one : and what is this faculty in man , but the understanding ? Whence it appeareth , that the understanding faculty is one formally , and manifold materially : or rather to speak more properly , the understanding faculty is but one , and its acts are many . According to this last Caution , the understanding cannot be said to be speculative , or practick ; but its acts are either speculative or practick . Or thus , The understanding is formally only speculative ; I mean speculative , as it is taken in an universal , indifferent and unlimited sense . Further , The understanding is materially also speculative and practick . By speculative I mean an absolute and single habit of conceiving an Essence or Mode , without any other duplicated and relative action . * Practick is attributed to the understanding , when it acteth ( that is understandeth ) upon an essence or mode by a duplicated and relative action . A relative action of the understanding is , when it considereth , and understandeth an object relatively , or related to another object , which among the most universal attributes of a being is goodness . So that to understand a being practically , is to understand it to be good , and related through that goodnesse to another being : as when I understand an Ox to be good for plowing , carrying , &c. I consider him relatively , as related to another being : Now then , this I call a practick Act of the understanding , and from such acts is the understanding termed practical . Hence let us examine , What difference there is between these two objects being variously acted upon by us , and wherein they do agree . The difference which there is between them ariseth from themselves , and is that the one is understood not to be the other : They agree in that they were apprehended or acted upon by one faculty of the mind , or that they are objects of one and the same faculty of the mind . The distinction , which there is imagined in the faculty is none , for it is the same faculty that understandeth a thing to be good , to be true , &c. A Looking-glasse is not changed from being a Glasse , because it represents several essences and modes ; as faces , hands , or legs : so neither is the understanding different or changed , because it discerns several objects . It may be one may say , that this is not the case ; but whether this practical understanding is the will , or not , is the doubt : for the will , you may imagine , is Actually to move , or to act that , which the understanding hath conceived convenient : When a man conceiveth a thing to be good ; as in the before-mentioned instance of an Oxe to be good for the plow , it is the action of the understanding , as it is practick ; and this cannot be called the will ; but the will is , when you act that , which the understanding hath conceived expedient to be acted ; as , when you put an Oxe to plow after you have apprehended him to be good for it , doth issue from the will ; and is , as it were , a command of the soul upon the inferiour faculties to do that , which the understanding hath perceived to be practick : So that practick is that , whereby we act , and not whereby we may act . The understanding is named practick , because thence the soul may act that , which the understanding apprehendeth practick . The will is more properly termed practick , because thereby the soul doth act : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth action , which ( according to Aristotle ) is either immanent or transient : so that Praxis in a large sense , is predicated of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is vulgarly referred to a transient action ) and of Praxis , as it is strictly limited to an immanent action . To remove this Objection , you must consider these notions : 1. That the soul is a single Being , and therefore hath but one formal single power , which formal power seemeth ( but really is not ) to be different from it self , in that , in the brain it understandeth ; in the Liver it sanguificateth ; in the Muscles it moveth . These are onely external and material differences ; not formal ; for it is one and the same faculty of the soul , which moveth , understandeth , &c. 2. This Question may be taken in a double meaning : 1. Whether the will and understanding , in respect to the soul , are different faculties ? That is , Whether the soul doth understand and will by two powers differing in themselves ? This is made clear in the Discourse of Powers . 2. Whether these faculties in respect to themselves are really different : to wit , Whether to refuse or imbrace an object , which are the acts of the will ; and to judge or apprehend it to be imbraced or refused , which is the act of the practick understanding , are different acts ; and consequently proceeding from habits materially different . Now , take my answer . I say , That to will and understand an object practically , are acts really identicated , and proceed from one faculty of judgement or understanding . I prove it . To make an impression from within , upon the phansie , is an act of the intelligent faculty ; but to will and understand practically is caused by an impression from within upon the Phansie . Ergo , They are caused or proceed through one and the same act , from one and the same faculty , which is the understanding . I confirm the Assumption by this instance : When a man doth will meat : 1. He makes a practical science upon it , and judgeth it to be good or convenient for his body : Next after this , he doth judge it necessary for him ; as , to eat , when his stomack is hungry : 3. He judgeth the means , whereby to procure it , to be a local motion ; as , through which a man doth move towards his meat , and moveth it unto his stomack . 4. He judgeth , That to make a motion to an object , is by moving the spirits of the phansie towards that object , which motion excites all the other spirits , contained in the external members , to move to the same object . Lastly , To judge is to be moved by an impression of any species upon the phansie , which the Agent understanding made thereon : so that these four judgements of the understanding are impressions and motions upon , and in the phansie , which being constituted , the will is also constituted . You may then observe , That the will is not a single act , but one act composed out of many single acts , and united one to the other by a subordination . All these four motions concurring to a will are effected by one faculty , and therefore are not different . These four acts are ( as it were ) parts , which constitute a will : for one being deficient , a man cannot will , unlesse he judgeth an object to be good ; he cannot covet it , neither will he covet it , unlesse he judgeth it necessary to make up a pleasure , or to supply a need ; for there are many things , which are good , and yet we do not covet them , because we do not judge them necessary for to make up a pleasure or need . These two are to no purpose , if the apprehension of means be not framed , The understanding being now bent and inclined to an object , makes an impression upon the animal spirits lodged within the feat of the phansie : for how can the understanding otherwise judge of means , unlesse it makes an impression of them upon the phansie ? which is no sooner done , but all the members move . The Phansie is like unto the spring of a Watch , which being moved , all the wheeles are moved by it . All these acts , we see proceed from one agent intellect , and are all acts of that faculty , and why should they then be counted to be really different from one another ? IV. 1. The Will is , whereby the understanding of man is inclined to action . The will , as I have shewed , is an act of the understanding , wherefore I do define it by the understanding faculty . Note that Will here is the same with the practick underderstanding . V. 2. The Will ( in a strict sense ) is an action of the understanding upon an object , as farre as it is appetible , or inappetible . Will in the first definition is supposed to be the inclination or motion of the understanding to action : That is to any action in general ; whether to good or to evil ; to a single , or reflex action ; to one single or many actions subnected to one another . The understanding , when it doth understand , it first willeth and inclineth to that action , before it can be said to understand : if then , there be any priority imaginable between the understanding and the will ( as scarce there is ) the will must precede the understanding . But , as I said , there is none : because inclining to action , and to be in action are the same thing : neverthelesse we may suppose them to be distinguisht ratione : and a parte Rei they are distinguisht materially . Here may be objected , that that , whereby the understanding is inclined to action , is the object : for it is the object , which doth incline the understanding to action : Wherefore the object is the will , which is absurd . You have almost rightly apprehended my meaning ; it is true , that through the object the understanding is moved to action : for without an object the understanding could not act : And from the object is the understanding said to act , and receiveth the denomination of acting from it : but now , it doth not follow , that the will is the object : yet materially it is in the object ; formally in the understanding . You may furnish your self with another objection , which is , That it followeth hence , that the understanding is alwayes practick , and never speculative . To this I answer , That practick either implieth action , and a bending to action , whether the object , in which that action doth terminate , be within , or without : or the Acting and bending only to an external object , which action upon an external object is not single but many ; besides it must be also related to the goodnesse of an object : according to the former implication the understanding is alwayes practick , when it doth understand ; according to the letter it is not . VI. The second definition is more strict and limited , the will here being determined either to an appetibility ( which denotech either a convenience primarly , or a farther constitution , preservation and perfectionation , pleasure , or goodnesse in the object ; secundarily and per accidens , an evil and imperfectionation ) whereby the understanding is incited to a second and farther action ; or inappetibility . Scaliger in his Cccviith Exerc. 3. D. defineth the will very consentaneous , to what it is set down for here . The will ( saith he ) is the understanding extended to have , or to do that , which it apprehendeth . By this he consenteth , that the will and understanding are the same really . That , which he intendeth by an extended understanding , is before implyed by a farther and second action of the understanding . It is a true saying of his , That the will is the understanding extended , or judgement prolonged : for when one doth ask you , whether you will go to sleep ; first , you judge what sleep is , then you prolong your judgement in judging sleep to be necessary ; thirdly , you extend your concept , untill you conclude that you will go to sleep ; and what is this , but the understanding prolonged . By a farther Action , the will is distinct from speculation , whereby an object is conceived only by a first intention , without the consequence of any farther action : By action , I intend effection , or doing . VII . The acts of will , in a strict sense , are to imbrace , or to reject an object . The object of the will is a Being , as far as it is appetible , or unappetible . This faceth somewhat against the customary speech of Philosophers , who attribute appetite primarly to animals and naturals : and secundarily to man ; if so , then appetibility is not the ratio formalis of the object of the will , but of the appetite . So that volibility ( if such a word might be suffered ) is rather the proper object of the will. Herein are two questions contained . 1. Whether appetibility be not a word equally denoting volibility and appetibility in a restrained sense . 2. Whether man's appetite is distinct from his will. To the first I answer , That appetibility is equally attributed to man , and to other creatures : I prove it : Aristotle defined Good to be that , which all beings have an appetite unto : if so , then appetability is common to man , since that man is a Being , and hath an appetite unto Good. IX . The second doubt is somewhat more involved in bryan . Scaliger in the same Exerc. alledged in the next fore-going Paragraph , states a difference between the appetite of man , and his will. For appetites ( saith he ) are propensities to natural conveniences : with which we are born , like as with our senses : wherefore the appetite is moved either from our sense , or fancy , or memory ; from which again that power is moved , which we call the will. Wherefore the appetite is before the will , that is , before that act , whereby we will a thing . Thus farre Scaliger . If this be true , it is a Paradox , that one and the same object through one formal manner of moving should move two formal powers of one Being . How can this be ? One being hath but one formal power , whereby it is distinct from all others . So man hath but one formal power , which is his power of reasoning , through which he is distinguisht from all other beings : Wherefore the appetite of man is not distinct from his will. But Scaliger saith , That the appetite is sometime checked by the will. Ergo , They are different . The Antecedence is evident in this instance : A man doth frequently long for a thing , which his will doth contradict ; as in coveting for drink , when he hath a drowth , or in longing for sack in a feaver , the will doth not alwayes assent to it : Wherefore the will is different from them appetites , because the one can be existent without the other In answer to this I say , that these are not properly appetites , to which ( namely appetites ) a knowledge doth necessarily concur ; but they are only improperly and analogically termed appetites , because they agree with a proper appetite in having an inclination to a thing . Wherefore a proper appetite being alwayes concomitated by a knowledge , these fore-mentioned instances cannot be denominated appetites , but natural inclinations and propensities : for if a man is predicated to have an appetite for any thing , it is equivalent , as if he were predicated to have a will to a thing : Wherefore there is only one proper appetite in man , as he is man , which is his will. CHAP. IX . Of Free-will by Reason . 1. Wherein man doth most differ from Animals or Naturals . 2. To what acts the freedom of man's will , in reference to its acting , doth extend . What the freedom of will is , quoad exercitium actus , and what Libertas contradictionis is . 3. What the second kind of freedom of will importeth . 4. That the speculative understanding in the act of speculation is practick . 5. That the will is not constrained to will a good thing , although present : but hath a power of rejecting it . 6. That the will willeth evil for an evil end . That some men are worse than Devils . 7. What the will 's freedom is in specifying its acts . 8. What free-will is in reference to its faculty . 9. Velten rejected for asserting that the will is not indifferent to each contrary . That the will is indifferent to each contradictory opposite . 10. That the will is free to act , or not to act . 11. That the will is free to act upon particular objects , whether good or evil . The state of the controversie . 12. That man as he is in a natural and corrupt state hath a free-will of doing a moral good , or a moral evil act . 13. That man hath not a free-will of doing a theologick good act immediately through himself without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . 14. Man hath a free-will of doing a theologick good act with an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . That he hath a free-will of election . 15. That man , as he is in a natural state , hath a free-will , through himself , and without Gods extraordinary concurrence , to procure Gods extraordinary concurrence and assistance to him in his actions . That our being and conservation in it , and all our actions depend from the ordinary concurrence of God. Reasons , why God did not conferre upon him an absolute power of acting without his ordinary concourse . The cause of man's fall . That that which is only morally good will prove theologick evil at last . 16. Arguments to prove a free-will in man. A reconciliation of the Calvinists with the Arminians . That man hath a remnant of theologick good surviving in him . The state of the controversie . The division of it . I. THe chief respect , through which a man doth differ from Animals or Naturals , is his will , which is a free principle , through which he acteth freely , that is , without any irresistable impulse ; for there is no object , whether good or evil ; pleasant or sorrowfull , but it is left to the wils freedom , whether it will imbrace it , or reject it . II. The freedom of man's will , in reference to its act , is either a determination or assent , of man to act , or not to act : or else it is an assent to act upon a certain object , or not to act upon that certain object : o●to act upon a certain mode of an object , or not to act upon that certain mode : or to act upon the goodnesse of an object in common , or particular , or not to act upon the goodnesse of such objects : or to act upon the evil of an object in common or particular , or not to act upon the evil of rhat object ; or to act upon good , or upon evil . These are the particulars , whereunto the freedome of man's will doth extend . And first , A man hath freedom of acting , or of not acting , through his will. A man in willing to sleep , he willeth to will no more , before he hath refreshed himself by sleep . So that herein a man hath a will of acting or not acting indeterminately , which sort of willing freedome is termed , Libertas quoad exercitium actus . Such a freedom of will there is in man : for a man in willing to sleep willeth not to will , that is , not to act through his will. A man in willing not to sleep may will to will , or to continue in action of willing or understanding . This is a plain Libertas contradiction is ad actionem , & non actionem , sive ad agendum & non agendum : for it is between an ens and a non ens . III. The second kind of freedom in the will is to act upon an object : I mean a whole essence or object , as it doth consist of all its modes united : as for instance , a man may covet a whole Tree , or only a branch of it ; a whole house , or only a room . Now in coveting a whole Tree , or a whole house , he coveteth an entire essence with all its modes : or else a man may also reject a whole Tree or house ; and so rejecteth a whole essence . IV. Thirdly , The will may choose to act upon a particular mode , as the truth or quantity of an essence , &c. For it makes choice to act ( that is to apprehend or contemplate ) upon these modes particularly . Neither let it seem strange to you , that the understanding or will in contemplation should be termed willing or practick : for in that very contemplation the understanding is practick , for it doth both act and will that action . V. Fourthly , The will may act upon the goodnesse of an object in particular , or it may refuse it . Herein I do thwart some Authours , who strive to prove the contrary , to wit , that the will , when it doth act upon a good object , it cannot refuse it , but doth alwayes covet it . Others do with more caution assert , That the will of man cannot reject or refuse the most universal good ; for which purpose they quote Austin , 10. B. 20. Chap. of Confes. Were it possible ( saith he ) to ask all men at once , whether they would be happy ? they would answer without any further pa●sing upon it , they would . But suppose this were granted ( as really it is disputable , there being many in the world so wicked , that if they were invited to imbrace the true Summum Bonum , either for to bid adieu to their own spurious happinesse , or to wave their obstinate opinions , they would rather excuse themselves ; as I once heard a Jesuite cry out in a dispute , That he would sooner choose to be damned with St. Austin , then go to Heaven with a Protestant . ) Yet they need arguments to prove that a particular good may not be waved , although perceived by the understanding : How many are there , who neglect and revile many good things , such as are convenient for their souls and bodies ? Besides , this granted infers a necessity upon man's will , whereby he is cut off from not willing ; which implyes a contradiction in the will of not to be the will. VI. Fifthly , The will acteth upon the evil of an object , in that it can refuse or imbrace it , as it is evil , and as it knoweth it to be evil , without having an apprehension of any goodnesse in it . A man can hang himself , or kill another , without apprehending any thing good in it , and he can also refuse it . Since that all beings act for an end and purpose , it may be demanded , What end and purpose can a man have in coveting an evil object , as it is evil ? I answer , an evil end . The Devils covet evil , as it is evil ; for none can imagine the least good in Devils : if so , why may not men covet evil as evil , many among them being worse than Devils . It is worse to persevere in evil and wickednesse in the midst of the enjoyments of good things , than to affect evil without the least enjoyment of good ; but Atheists persevere in the greatest evil in the midst of good things ; wherefore they are to be accounted worse than Devils , who affect evil without the least enjoyment of good . VII . Lastly , A man may will either a good object or an evil one . This is an action of will , as it is free to contraries , and is called among Philosophers ( Libertas quoad specificationem actus ) a freedom of will in specifying an act , that is , an affecting an object in particular , as it is opposite to another appetible object in contrariety ; which is to will an object , as it is good , or as it is evil ; pleasant , or sorrowfull , &c. The preceding distinctions of the acts of will , proceed from her , as she is free Quoad contradictoria , or quoad exercitium actus . VIII . Hence you may know , that free-will ( Liberum arbitrium ) in reference to its faculty , is an indetermination or indifference in the will of man of acting or not acting , and of acting upon good or evil . Neverthelesse it is a controversie among Moralists : 1. Whether the will be indifferent to each opposite , which opposites are either between contradictories , as between acting , and not acting : or between contraries , as between acts upon good or evil . 2. Whether the will is free in all its acts . Vilsten . Cent. 1. Dec. 4. q. 6. states two conclusions for the resolving of these doubts . 1. Saith he , The will is not indifferent to each contrary , to wit , to good and evil . His reason is , because the will cannot covet evil as evil ; but when the will doth covet evil , it is rather forced than free , because it is an evil disposition doth compell her to it : wherfore that being against nature , it is rather to be accounted violent than free . First , He saith , The will cannot covet evil , as evil : Next he affirms , That the will can covet evil , but then she is forced . This is a manifest contradiction , that the will can covet evil , and cannot covet evil . Again , That the will should covet evil by coaction from within , is to contradict most Philosophers , whose tenent is , That the will cannot be forced from within : Besides , to grant this , would be to suppose that man did act necessarily , like unto naturals . Further , it would be very severe , should God punish us , for doing an act , when we cannot do otherwise . IX . His second Conclusion is , That the will of man is indifferent to each contradictory opposite : because she can act upon a good object in particular , and forbear . Herein he speaks the truth : but this is no more truly concluded , but it is as fallaciously opposed by others : Their Argument is ; because souls in Heaven cannot but love God , and the damned cannot but hate him : both these acting freely , it followeth that the will is not indifferent to contradictories . This infers nothing to the present dispute of man's will , only of souls in Heaven and Devils . But I passe to the second Doubt proposed , Whether the will of man is free in all her acts . Inorder to the clearing of this doubt , you are to observe it . 1. That the acts of the will are of acting , or not acting ; or of acting upon a particular object , so as to covet it , or to reject it . 2. That the act of the will after its whole assent or conclusion , is not the will it self , and therefore freedom is not to be attributed to the act , but to the power or faculty . This premised I po●● , X. 1. That the will is free to act , or not to act . If man is free to think , or not to think , he is free to will , or not to will ; because a man's thought is alwayes concomitant to his will. But a man is free to think , or not to think . Ergo , He is free to will or not to will. The Assumtion is confirmed in the second Paragraph . XI . 2. The will is free to act upon particular objects , as they are good or evil . By will I mean the will of man , as he is in a natural and corrupt state , not as he is in a supernatural or preternatural estate ; for in the first he cannot covet evil ; in the last he cannot covet good . Neither is it to be understood of man , as he was in an incorrupt state , most granting , that he could covet good and evil : But the Question is , Whether man as he is in a corrupt condition , and prone to evil , cannot do a good act , as much as the first man being prone to good did an evil act . Observe also that good is either theologick good , or moral good ; and so is evil . The Question here is concerning moral good and evil . Lastly , you are to understand here the freedom of man's will , as he acteth with the ordinary concurrence of God : and not , as he acteth , with an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . XII . Man , as he is in a natural and corrupt state , hath a free-will of doing a moral good act , or a moral evil act . What moral good and evil , and theologick good and evil is , I have already set down in the 3d , 4th and 5th Chapters . I prove this position . What ever a man doth act with the fore-knowledge of his understanding , doth proceed from his free-will : But man acteth moral evil , and moral good , with the fore-knowledge of his understanding : Ergo , Man doth act moral evil , and moral good through his free-will . I confirm the Minor : There are none that deny , that man doth moral evil with the fore-knowledge of his understanding . That man doth act a moral good act from himself without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him , it appeareth ; In that he can and doth covet meat and drink in moderation ; and in that he can and doth help the poor and needy ; and in that he can moderate his passions : all these are moral good acts . They are good acts , in that they do perfectionate man in his Essence : They are moral , in that they proceed from man's free-will , and foreknowledge . XIII . Man hath not a free-will of doing a Theologick good act immediately through himself , and without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . A Theologick good act is such , as God doth require from us , and as he first gave man a power of acting it : since then we have not such a power , as God first gave unto man of acting good : it followeth , that we cannot act such good acts through our selves , as God doth require from us . XIV . Man hath a free-will of doing a Theologick good act with an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . If God doth concur with man in his actions in an extraordinary manner , no doubt but God can and doth make them Theologically good , that is , good in the highest perfection ; and such , as he himself doth require from us . Man , being so assisted through the extraordinary assistance of God , acteth freely notwithstanding ; for it is still in his choice , whether he will do such a Theologick good act or not . When God doth assist us in an extraordinary manner , it is not without our free-will ; for we must first will and desire it with a burning desire , before God will assist us , which burning desire doth move him to assist us ; neither will God refuse us , because he is most good , and most mercifull . Now then , when this desire ceaseth in us , then Gods extraordinary assistance ceaseth with it ; if then we can forbear this desire , and continue it , we have still our free-wils . Besides , we also have a free-will of election , that is , of making choice of one good object before another . XV. 1. Man as he is in a natural state hath a free-will through himself , and without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him , to procure Gods extraordinary concurrence and assistance with and to him in his actions . The means , whereby a natural man doth appropriate it , is by fervent prayer : so that man having a free-will of procuring Gods extraordinary concurrence , hath a free-will mediately to act a Theologick good act . Before I prove the first branch of this sub-Conclusion , you are to mark , that we can do no action at all , through our selves alone , without the ordinary concurrence of God with us : for God hath not given us an absolute power of being and acting , without the concurrence of his preservating and assisting power ; if he had , he would have given all the power over us out of his hands , which is impossible and unsuitable to the King of Kings to give away all his Glory , Honour and Dominion . Again , had he done so , we should have returned the thanks due for so great a goodness , in envying and reviling of him . Wherefore it followeth , that God hath reserved a preservating and assisting power to himself , without which we cannot continue in our beings , or do any action . If the first man could have been , and acted through himself , and that without Gods assistance , he could never have died , but since that he died , and could not maintain himself in his being , and in that most perfect Essence , wherein he was created , without adhering to Gods power ; therefore he having deserted that power but for a moment , and confiding upon his own , immediately fell , and was almost utterly corrupted and lost : if then that the first man in that perfect Essence could not subsist or act through himself alone without Gods aid , much less can we in this deflected state , and weak nature , subsist or act without Gods assistance . This assistance is Gods ordinary assistance , for were it extraordinary , we should then act as perfectly as the first man did before his deficience . 2. After the probation of the necessity of Gods ordinary and extraordinary concurrence , I come now to prove , that man , being assisted with Gods ordinary power , can and doth procure Gods extraordinary concurrence . Man , as he is in a natural state * , may and doth know , that he hath still some spark of Theologick good remaining in him ; for all men can and do know naturally , that there is a God ; that there is a Law enjoyned by God upon men , as his subjects ; that that Law is perfect ; that his actions are observed and acknowledged by him to be evil and sinfull ; that through himself , without Gods extraordinary aid , he cannot act that , which God doth require from him ; that God is Almighty , good , and mercifull , and therefore God will not deny any request of good , proceeding from a spark of Theologick good , because therein man hath still something in him , through which he resembleth God , which God will not abolish , and hath tyed himself through his bountifull promises not to destroy . All these acts and knowledges proceed from a Theologick good principle , and therefore man is partly Theologically good , to whom , if he useth that natural power and means remaining in him , God will not deny a supply against his defect . The natural power and means , which a man doth naturally and ordinarily put in action to procure Gods extraordinary assistance , is his power of praying with zeal and earnestness : for a man whenever he is in danger , great need , and intollerable pain , doth naturally beg and implore help . Therefore a zealous and earnest praying is a natural power , ( which nature doth prompt us to ) and means to procure Gods extraordinary assistance . Lastly , From all this it is undoubtedly true and evident , that man through himself , and with the ordinary concurss of God with him , doth and can procure Gods extraordinary assistance , Which having procured , he hath a free-will of acting theologick good . 3. That which is only morally good , will prove theologick evil at last . A thing may properly be said to be good , although at last it changeth into evil and corruption ; for as a Tree , which is a good natural thing , changeth to an intire corruption , when it dieth : so a natural man whilest he liveth is morally good , and doth moral good acts ; but when he dieth , he becomes entirely corrupted , and altogether evil , that is , theologically evil . XVI . 4. To shut up this succinct dispute of free-will : I say , That man without free-will is no man , but a Beast : That man might justly be excused for his evil acts : for had he no principle , whereby he acted freely , but did act necessarily and by compulsion or coaction of the Divine power , he could not act evil , it being impossible to God to act evil ; or if man did act evil , it would be without a will , and therefore it could be no sinne : that man could not be termed the cause of his moral actions , but God. Many other inconveniencies and absurdities do ensue in denying this truth , which to produce will prove tedious . By this we may easily reconcile the Calvinists with the Arminians . The Calvinists may rightly say , That man through himself cannot act a good act , that is , cannot act a theological good act , with the ordinary concurrence of God only . The Arminians may with no lesse confidence assert , That man hath a free will of doing good through himself , that is , hath a means and principle resting in him , whereby he may mediately do a theologick good act through himself , and by that means may procure God's extraordinary concurrence : but the greatest controversie , probable to arise between them , in my opinion is , Whether a man hath a free-will , or a remnant of theologick good in him , whereby he may procure God's extraordinary assistance through himself ; or whether God doth stirre up that spark of Good , being moved through his own mercy , and not by what can proceed from man : for many hold , that man hath no spark of Good remaining in him , and consequently cannot be thence supposed to have a free-will to beg God's extraordinary assistance ; but it is God , who doth out of his singular goodnesse , free-will , and pleasure , towards singular men , cast , and infuse a measure of theologick good in them , through which they are made capable of having accesse to God , and of praying to him : and this they say Scripture implies by a new creation , regeneration , conversion , or the becoming of a new man. No doubt but this latter tenent is erroneous and absurd . First , They affirm , That man hath no spark of theologick good remaining in him . This is false , as hath been proved already , and shall be demonstrated more at large elsewhere . Secondly , Hereby they imply , that man doth alwayes act evil , and consequently acteth evil necessarily without a free-will : And wherein doth he then differ from a Beast ? Thirdly , Should God cast his mercy or goodnesse upon that , which is altogether evil ; it followeth , that God should love that , which is altogether evil ; but that is repugnant to God's nature , that being most good doth necessarily reject that from it , which is most evil . Fourthly , Should God stirre up that spark of Good in man , it proveth , that that Good is of no efficacy , and for no purpose , which is repugnant to common reason , concluding , that all things , which are , are for to operate , and for an end , and are not in vain : Therefore this spark of Good doth , and can operate for an end , to save it self , and glorifie God : especially being accompanied with God's ordinary concurrence , it is directly , as by a guide , led to God's extraordinary concurrence and assistance . So then , if there be a spark of theologick Good remaining in man , as without doubt there is , it is of the same Nature with that , which was in the first man before his fall , who having a free-will to good and evil , infers , that this spark must necessarily retain the same free-will to good and evil , but in an improportionable manner , since that man's will is much more habituated to evil , which doth much dead that weak remnant of good in him . It is certain , God doth equally impart his mercy and goodnesse to natural men , because they are of an equal state : Then again I object ; If so , then all men would become theologically Good , which is erroneous : Wherefore I say , God is no more good or mercifull to one natural man , than to another , and consequently there must be somewhat in men , whereby one doth move God to mercy before another ; and what is that , but that spark of Good ? Notwithstanding this inference holds good only ordinarily , and doth not infer , but that God extraordinarily may be pleased out of his free-will and pleasure to conferre bounties and mercies upon those to whom he will be bountifull and mercifull . XVI . 5. It is a simple Question to demand , Whether the will is free at that instant , when it acteth ; which is as much , as if you enquired , Whether the act of the will were free . Certainly , there can be no freedom allotted to the act or effect of an efficient : for that followeth necessarily . Posita causa ponitur effectus . The cause being stated , the effect is also stated . By the act of the will I mean the consent of the will , or the last execution of it : which is named Actus imperatus . But if the Question be understood De actu eliciendo , then no doubt , but the will is free at the same instant , when it acteth : for when would it be free else , were it not when it acteth ? This Query may be apprehended thus , Whether the will is free : that is , Whether it doth not act necessarily è suppositione . Necessitas è suppositione is , through which the will cannot act otherwise than it acteth , when it doth act . According to this supposition it doth act necessarily : Nam impossibile est idem simul esse & non esse : For it is impossible , that a thing should be , and not be at the same instant . Neverthelesse this doth not clip any whit from the freedom of man's will : for freedom of the will is properly in actum eliciendo , and in actum imperando , but not in actu elicito , vel imperato : that is , before the act is consented unto : for the will , before she consenteth to any act , can determinate it freely to either opposite . In short , the will is free in its faculty , but its acts are necessary . CHAP. X. Of Free-will from Scripture . 1. Objections from Scripture against man's free-will . 2. An Answer to the said Objections . 3. Objections proving that moral good is evil . 4. The first Objection answered . 5. The second Objection removed . 6. Some other Texts produced against free-will in man. 7. The first Text reconciled . 8. The second Objection removed . 9. Arguments deduced from faith . An answer to the said Arguments . 10. The first Argument drawn from Scripture to prove man's free-will to good and evil . 11. A second Argument proving the same , 12. A third Argument . 13. Many other Texts inferring the same . 14. Texts proving a remnant of good in man. 15. Texts proving that a natural man cannot do a theologick good act through himself , and being only assisted with the ordinary concurss of God. 16. Scriptures inferring , that a supernatural man hath no free-will to direct contraries , that is , to do theologick good and evil . An answer to some Texts produced by Bellarmin . 17. Scripture proofs concluding , that the means , whereby God's extraordinary concurrence is procured , is in man , and adheres to his free-will . 18. Whether man's actions performed with God's extraordinary assistance are to be taken for the actions of God , or of man. 19. A reconciliation of the ninth to the Romans . The unfolding of Predestination , or of God's eternal Decree . I. THe precedent Dispute touching Free-will , is not so much held among natural men , as between them , who conceive themselves to be gifted . As for the first , I have already endeavoured to satisfie them . And as for these last , they alledging sacred Texts for their opinions , plead with more force than the former : Wherefore it will not be amisse to examine their Arguments , and afterwards to produce such others , as most orthodox Divines do urge for the proof of their tenents . The first Scripture , which they seem to produce against us , is that in the Prov. 16. 9. A mans heart deviseth his way ; but the Lord directeth his steps . And in Chap. 21. 1. The Kings heart is in the hand of the Lord , as the Rivers of water : he turneth it whither soever he will. And in the next fore-going Chapter , vers . 24. Mans goings are of the Lord ; how can a man then understand his own way ? Jer. 10. 23. O Lord , I know that the way of man is not in himself , it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps . Phil. 2. 13. For it is God , which worketh in you both to will and to do , of his good pleasure . II. In answer to these , I confesse , they are most undoubted truths ; but they are so farre from making against us , that they prove part of what I stated in the fore-going Chapter . Without God , we cannot act , will , or live : that is , through our selves alone , and without God's ordinary concurrence with us : so that Solomon saith well , That man may devise his way , that is , God hath given man a power of Acting , But the Lord directeth his steps ; that is , he hath not given man so absolute a power , but that he needs God's ordinary concurrence . So St Paul : God worketh in you both to will and to do : that is , hath given us a will and an essence , through which we do act ; and God doth conservate us in that will and essence ; for without his continual influence we cannot abide in our being , or actions . But that , which they ought to prove , is , that God's concurrence with man in his actions taketh away his free-will . III. They may also oppose against the 1. subconclus . of the 1. conclus . in the ninth Chapter , to wit , that moral good is absolutely evil . Rom. 8. 7. Because the carnal mind is enmity against God , &c. But moral good is effected by them , who are carnally minded : Therefore it is enmity against God , that is absolutely evil . Rom. 14. 23. For whatsoever is not of faith is sin : But moral good is not of faith . Ergo , It is a sin or evil . Matth. 15. 9. But in vain do they worship me , teaching for Doctrines the commandments of men . But moral good acts are onely such , as the Doctrine of man teacheth : Therefore they are in vain , and evil . IV. I answer to the first , and except against the Major , which is , What ever proceeds from a carnal mind is absolutely evil . I distinguish , that evil is two-fold : 1. Evil in particular ( Malum in particulari ) which is effected from an evil individual , or particular man. 2. Evil in common ( Malum in communi ) or absolute evil , which is evil in it self , and is evil if performed by any man , whether good or evil . Take my Solution thus : What ever proceeds from a carnal minded man , is evil in particular relatively , as it proceeds from him , because it is from an evil man in particular : But this evil in particular doth not make that evil in common , that is , evil to all . For example : eating and drinking in an evil man , or what ever an evil man doth is evil : but because eating and drinking is evil in an evil man , it doth not follow that eating and drinking is evil to all , so as to extend also to good men ; now , eating and drinking , and what ever an evil man doth , is evil , because he eats and drinks unworthily and ungratefully , in not acknowledging God to be the Creator of the food , which is set before him , and in not returning thanks for it , 1 Thes. 5. 18. So that I say , whatever an evil man doth is evil , because he doth it unworthily . Hence I may deny the Minor , and say , That a moral good act , which is effected by an evil man , is evil in particular , neverthelesse it abides moral good , that is , good in common , Tit. 1. 15. Wherefore this concludes nothing against my assertion ; viz. That a natural man can do a moral good act ; that is , if he be a good natural or moral man : for it is possible to a natural man to be good and evil , and yet be natural . V. As to the second , I deny the Minor : Because moral good in a good natural man is of faith , yet not of entire faith : for he believeth that God gave him his being , and power of acting : He believeth in God , that he will supply him in all defects . Of this more elswhere . So that the Major is most true : for whatever is not of faith , is sin . All our actions must be good , that is , such as God doth require from us : But if we do not believe God or believe in him , we cannot perform such actions , as are pleasing to him : for in not believing him is to rob God of all his Attributes , of his Mercy , Goodnesse , Power , &c. therein they make God a liar ; and no wonder then , if men's actions are evil in God's sight , when they perform them without faith . The last Objection doth require little else for answer , than what was made to the first . VI. Further , there are other Texts offer'd , arguing that man hath no free-will to do good or evil . That he hath no free-will to do good is proved by the 6th Chapter of Gen. 5. vers . And God saw that the wickednesse of man was great in the earth , and that every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was onely evil continually . Gen. 8. 21. For the imagination of mans heart is evil from his youth . Rom. 7. 18. For I know that in me dwelleth no good thing . Job 15. 16. How much more abominable and filthy is man , which drinketh iniquity like water , 1 Cor. 6. 19. Eccles. 7. 20. Hence they conclude , that man doth alwayes act evil , and consequently hath no free-will to good . VII . I answer , that these Texts do not imply man in general , that is , all men , but only wicked men , or the most part of men . I prove it . Were all men implyed by these Texts , then there never were any good men : but there were many good men then , as Moses , Abraham , &c. Therefore all men are not implyed by the said Texts . 2. And particularly to the first Text : I say , that there were many men ( but they were not natural : for had they been natural they could not have been so perverse as quite to have forgotten God and to have denied him ) who were preternaturally evil : that is , confirmd Atheists , who plainly deni'd God's Essence , or Existence . No doubt these cannot doe a good act , or think a good thought ; because they act and think with an entire and absolute unbelief : Wherefore it is a certain moral saying , that none can do good without faith . Again , That man hath no free-will to evil , is inferred by that Scripture of the 7th to the Romans : For the good , that I would do , I do not ; but the evil , which I would not , that I do . Jer. 13. 23. Can the Ethiopian change his skin , or the Leopard his spots ? then may ye also do good , that are accustomed to do evil . Hence they infer , that a man acteth evil necessarily . In the first place , the Question is not of an evil action , but of a free-will to will good and evil : Wherefore the first quotation makes for us : That a man doth will good , although he doth not alwayes act it : for saith he , The good , which I would do , I do not , Here the Apostle speaks of himself , as he is a natural man , for as otherwise no question he could will good and do good . If as a natural man , then a natural man can will good , although he doth not act that good , which he willeth ; the Reason hereof the Apostle doth immediately after expresse in these words ; I find then a law , that when I would do good , evil is present with me ; and a little after : But I see another law in my members , warring against the law of my mind , &c. Which amounts to this , that man in a natural state hath a free-will to good and evil , yet much more to evil ; because the will is moved by a two-fold principle . 1. By it self , when it doth represent a certain object to it self without being moved by the inclination of the body . 2. By the inclination of the body , which is a strong appetite , which men are subjected unto through the forcible propensities of their body's : Yea oftentimes this proveth so strong , that it easily bendeth the will to its aim . Now , when the will is moved through it self without being incited by the appetite of the body , it doth and can do good , and leave it . VIII . The second Scripture proveth the impossibility of Good in Atheists , or in any without the ordinary concurss of God. IX . There may be farther urged , That a natural man naturally hath no faith , and consequently cannot do a good act . Rom. 10. 17. So then , faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the word of God : Wherefore a natural man cannot believe , because he doth not hear the word of God. I answer , That the Apostle speaks of the extraordinary means of faith , and not of the ordinary . A natural man then believeth naturally , or by ordinary means . Or thus , The word of God is either written , or imprinted in men's hearts : I say then , that in the first sense faith doth come by attending and hearkning to the word of God , which is imprinted in all men's hearts , except in Atheists , in whose hearts the Law of God is quite blotted out . Phil. 1. 29. For unto you it is given in the behalf of Christ , not onely to believe on him , &c. Ergo , Faith is not natural . I answer , That faith through Christ is given , and is supernatural ; but faith , whereby we believe there is a God , and that he is mercifull , and therefore will find a means to save us , is natural : Although we cannot actually know or believe the assigned means , whereby he will save us . Wherefore there is onely a partial faith in natural men , and not a compleat and entire faith : for they cannot believe naturally in Christ , unlesse it be given to them from God , as the Text doth evidently expresse . Many more are produced : as that of Acts 16. 14. Rom. 10. 9. Heb. 12. 2. All which may be easily answered from what hath been explained just now . X. It is time , that I should prepare to defend my own Positions with the same force , as was used by them of the contrary opinion . That there is a free-will of doing good and evil in natural men , I prove by the 1 Cor. 7. 37. Neverthelesse he , that standfast in his heart having no necessity , but hath power over his own will , and hath decreed so in his heart , that he will keep his virgin , doth well . First , the Apostle teacheth that a man doth not act necessarily ( having no necessity ) but contingently , that is , voluntarily . Secondly , That he hath a free will : What is to have a power over his will else , but to enjoy a freedom of will ; and that either in acting or not acting ; and not only so , but in acting good or evil , and quoad specificationem actus : as expresly in keeping of his virgin , which is a good act . XI . Acts 5. 4. Whiles it remained , was it not thine own ? and after it was sold , was it not in thine own power ? Here is particularly implyed a free-will of doing evil or good . Either Ananias might have given the whole price of the possession , or part . In choosing to give a part under pretext of the whole , he chose evil : or otherwise he might have chosen to give the whole , and so might have chose good ; for it was in his own power , as the Text holds forth . XII . Deut. 30. 11. For this commandment , which I command thee this day , is not hidden from thee , neither is it farre off . It is not in Heaven , nor beyond the Seas , that thou shouldest say , who shall go up for us to Heaven , and bring it to us ? or , Who shall go beyond the Seas for us , and bring it unto us , that we may hear and do it ? But ( saith Moses ) the Word is very nigh unto thee , in thy mouth , and in thy heart , that thou mayest do it . What is more plain , then that hereby is intended a free-will , which a man hath of doing good or evil . XIII . Prov. 6. 5. Deliver thy self as a Roe from the hand of the hunter , and as a bird from the hand of a fowler . This holds forth , that a man can deliver himself from evil , yet not without God's concurss . Psal. 94. 8. Understand ye brutish among the people : and ye fools , when will ye be wise ? Ergo , A natural man hath a power of understanding , if he will ; or else may refuse it . Or an ignorant man hath a will of being wiser and knowing ; or of rejecting wisdome and knowledge . Matth. 23. 37. How often would I have gathered thy children together , even as a Hen gathereth her chickens under her wings , and ye would not : Ergo , Man had a will of coming to God : for other wayes God would have called upon them in vain , which is impossible . The same may be inferred from Prov. 1. 24. Isa. 1. 19. If ye be willing and obedient ; ye shall eat the good of the Land , but if ye refuse and rebell , &c. Ergo , Man can will and refuse . Rev. 3 20. Isa. 65. 12. Eccles. 15. 14. Zech. 1 , &c. XIV . The next thing , I come to prove , is , that man hath a spark or remnant of good in him . Rom. 2. 14. For when the Gentiles , which have not the Law , do by nature the things contained in the Law : these having not the Law are a Law to themselves . Which sheweth the work of the Law written in their hearts , their conscience bearing witnesse , &c. What is here meant by doing by nature the things contained in the Law , but that a man naturally hath a remnant of Good in him ( for how could he other wayes do the things of the written Law ? ) through which he may know the Law , and doth what the Law commands , and hath a conscience bearing witnesse . This Text makes good my distinction , that there is a two-fold Law , one expressed or written ; and the other impressed in mens hearts , or the Law of nature . The same we have also in Ezek. 18. 21. Luc. 13. 5. Rom. 1. 19 , 20 , 21. Because that which may be known of God is manifest in them : for God hath shewed it unto them . What can be more clear ? XV. I do farther prove , That a natural man cannot do a Theologick good act through himself , and being onely assisted with the ordinary concurss of God. A theologick good act is , which doth fully and entirely satisfie and please God. There is also a partial theological good act , which differeth from the other in degree , and pleaseth or satisfieth God onely partially : as for instance , Moral good is a partial theologick good , because it doth incompleatly and partially agree with the will of God. Act. 11. 18. When they heard these things , they held their peace , and glorified God , saying , then hath God also to the Gentiles granted repentance unto life . 2 Cor. 7. 10. For godly sorrow worketh repentance to salvation , not to be repented of , but the sorrow of the world worketh death . Phil. 1. 6. Being confident of this very thing , that he which hath begun a good work in you , will perform it untill the day of Jesus Christ. All which allegations testifie , That man , with God's ordinary concurss only , cannot do a theologick good act . For the first Text declares , That God granteth repentance unto life to the Gentiles . The next confirmeth , That God worketh repentance to salvation . The last manifestly sheweth , That God doth begin and continue a good work in us . By good work is understood a compleat and theologick good work . If then man cannot do a theologick good act without repentance unto life or salvation , which is through God's extraordinary concurrence , he cannot do a theologick good act through himself , and by God's ordinary assistance only . Man being assisted with God's extraordinary concurrence hath a free-will of doing a theologick good act . Tit. 3. 8. This is a faithfull saying , and these things I will that thou affirm constantly , that they , which have believed in God , might be carefull to maintain good works . Here it appeareth , that to maintain good works ( which good is theologick good ) man must believe in God : and what is it else to believe in God , but to confide and hope in God's extraordinary assistance and concurss . Ephes. 2. 1. Ephes. 1. 5. XVI . I remember I asserted in the subconclusion of the first conclusion , in the ninth Chapter , that man , when assisted by God's extraordinary concurss , hath still a free-will , not to extream contraries ; but a free-will of election , that is a freedom of making choice of one good thing before another . That a supernatural man hath no free-will to extream contraries , that is , to do theologick evil and theologick good . I prove it , Heb. 6. 16 , 17 , 18. 1 John 5. 9 , 10. John 5. 24. Ephes. 1. 13 , 14. 2 Cor. 1. 21 , 22. Rom. 8. 16. John 10. 27 , 28 , 29. Matth. 24. 24. 2 Tim. 2. 19. Rom. 11. 29. Esay 42. 3. Rom. 8. 1 , 38 , 39. Phillip . 1. 6. The Texts , which are produced by Bellarmin against this position are Marc. 4. 15. Luc. 8. 13. John 15. 2. Hebr. 6. 4 , 5 , 6. Hebr. 10. 26. 2 Pet. 21 , 22. All these instances prove only that initiates , hypocrites and superficial Saints have deflected , but not that confirmed and truly profound Saints have fallen off and done the worst evil . Besides , them sins or backslidings were not theologick evils , but moral : so that , had they been confirmed Saints , it would have concluded nothing against us . A supernatural man ( supernatural is , when a man can act supernaturally through the extraordinary concurss of God , that , which a natural man cannot act naturally by the ordinary concurss of God ) hath a partial free-will to moral evil and moral good : but he doth moral evil accidentally , and moral good per se , and is more inclined to moral good , than to moral evil . Herein doth a supernatural man differ from a natural man , in that the one sinneth with a partial reluctance of his will , and accidentally through the forcible and mighty inclination or drawing of his flesh , Rom 16. 12. the other commits sin per se with his whole will , and also with a pleasure . Thus did David , Solomon , and Peter slide back , and committed moral evil ; yet it was with a partial reluctance of will , with a fear and trouble , far from doing it with a pleasure or entire will. After the same tenour are these Texts to be interpreted , Proverbs 24. 1. 1 John 1. 8. expresly Rom. 1. 32. Who knowing the judgement of God ( that they who commit such things are worthy of death ) not onely do the same , but have a pleasure in them that do them . A supernatural man hath an entire free-will of Election of doing a theological good act : for a supernatural man may pray with faith , praise God with faith , help the poor with faith , &c. All which are theologick good acts , in choosing of which a man imployeth his free-will , John 8. 31 , 32 , 36. Rom. 14. 2 , 3. XVII . After this there remaineth still to prove , that the means , whereby God's extraordinary concurrence is procured , is in man himself , and adheres to his free-will . Zech. 1. 3. Therefore say unto them , thus saith the Lord of Hosts , Turn ye unto me , saith the Lord of Hosts , and I will turn unto you . Had man not had a free-will and means in himself of procuring Gods assistance , it would have been said in vain : Turn ye unto me . But that is impossible . Ergo , A man hath a free-will and means in himself of turning unto God. To turn to God is to apply our selves to him , and to beg his extraordinary assistance ; and so I prove , that prayer is the first means , whereby we turn to God. In the first place , turning to God cannot be to believe savingly in him , or to serve God as he requireth : because we of our selves cannot believe savingly , before God doth assist us in an extraordinary manner . Therefore God by commanding us to turn to him , commandeth us to pray to him for his assistance . But this is apparent by other Scriptures , as Psal. 15. 14 , 15. Psal. 55. 23. Deut. 4. 29. Matth. 7. 7. Luke 11. 13. James 1. 5. 1 Pet. 5. 7. XVIII . Man being thus inabled by God's extraordinary concurss , the Question will be , Whether the actions , which man so performeth , are to be taken for the actions of God or of man. Divines usually say , That such actions are wrought from man , but man doth not work them of himself ; that is , man doth them actions from himself , but he doth not do them of himself alone , but by God's extraordinary assistance to him . Wherefore the actions thus effected from man are rather to be called the actions of man , than the actions of God ; because man is the neerest efficient of them actions . The sacred Texts appear to hold forth the same . Mat. 5. 16. Let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your Father which is in Heaven . Here you may observe , that good works , or actions effected from good men , are called mans good works , and not Gods. The like expression you have in 1 John 3. 3 , 10. Good actions are wrought from man , but not of man. 2 Cor. 3. 5. Not that we are sufficient of our selves to think any thing as of our selves ; but our sufficiency is of God : The Apostle saith here , That our sufficiency is of God ; that is , our power of acting is of God. Gal. 2. 20. Rom. 9. 16. So then , it is not of him that willeth , nor him that runneth , but of God that sheweth mercy . Wherefore man cannot will or do a theological good act of himself ( although he may from himself ) but of God. XIX . Before I leave this controversie , it is requisite to examine that Scripture of the ninth to the Romans , which seemeth to evert most of what hath been posed in this Chapter , vers . 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. As it is written , Jacob have I loved , but Esau have I hated . What shall we say then ? is there unrighteousnesse with God ? God forbid . For he saith to Moses , I will have mercy , on whom I will have mercy , and I will have compassion , on whom I will have compassion . So then it is not of him that willeth , nor of him that runneth , but of God that sheweth mercy . 1. Hence they may argue . If God hated Esau , then he hated also all his actions , and consequently hated his prayers : Wherefore there was no means left in Esau , whereby to procure God's extraordinary concurss . Ergo , All men have not the means in them , whereby , &c. This also proveth , that Esau had no spark of good in him , and therefore God did totally hate him ; for had he had any good in him , God could not have hated that good . 2. Jacob have I loved . Ergo , Jacob had never any evil in him : for had he had evil in him God could not have loved him . 3. The Scripture makes enquiry , Whether it is unrighteousnesse with God to hate Esau and love Jacob. Ergo , It is not severe , that God should hate one , and love another ; to damn one justly , and to save another Gratis velex gratia . 4. Moses saith , that God will have mercy on whom he will have mercy , and whom he will he hardneth . Ergo , Man hath no free-will to do good . In answer to the first inference , I deny the sequel . For it doth not follow , that God , because Esau had no good in him , or means to procure God's favour , hated Esau ; but God hated Esau for not using the means , which was in him . Rom. 2. 15. Here may be urged that God hated Esau from all eternity . Ergo , Esau could never have had the means to salvation . I deny the consequence . God hated Esau from all eternity , because he fore-knew his actions and intents from all eternity . Here may be demanded , How God can fore-know mans actions , since they are contingent ; were they necessary , he might . Let the Scripture answer you in this Rom. 9. 20. We are not to dive into God's manner of working farther , than he hath revealed to us , and nevertheless we must believe , that all things are possible to God , and that he is Elohim , Heb. 1. 3. Luc. 1. 37. Phil. 3. 21. 2 Chron. 20. 5. Matth. 19 26. Esay 9. 6. Jer. 32. 18. Gen. 17. 1. & 35. 11. Ruth 1. 20 , 21. 2 Cor. 6. 18. Revel . 1. 8. & 4. 8. 1 Tim. 6. 9. Neither is it a legal inference , that because God hated Esau ; therefore Esau had no remnant of good in him : he might have had good in him , and yet God have hated him ; not for having that good , but for not exercising it . God might also have hated Esau from all eternity for his sins and evil actions , which God foresaw from all eternity ; and yet he might have had a principle of Good in him . As for the second Argumentation , I deny the consequence : for it doth not follow that Jacob had never no evil in him , because God did love him : for God loved David , and yet it is apparent enough , that David had evil in him , Rom. 7. 24. Paul calleth himself wretched ; yet it is certain , that God loved him . God pardoneth their sins , because they are committed by them , not with an entire will , but with a reluctancy , Romans 7. 20 , 23. To the third I answer : It is no severity in God to love one and hate the other , supposing that God can fore-know all man's evil actions ; and therefore hateth him . He may also fore-know his good actions , and come to love him from all eternity : yet not because his actions are absolutely good in themselves , Luc. 17. 10. Rom. 11. 35 , 36. 1 John 1. 8. Esay 64. 6. Psal. 130. 3. but because God out of his grace and mercy doth impute his actions to him for righteousnesse , Rom. 4. 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Ephes. 2. 8 , 9. Phil. 3. 9. Col. 3. 24. 2 Tim. 1. 16. But it would be severe should God hate us from all eternity , if we should falsly suppose that God did not fore-know our actions : so that herein you conclude nothing against me . If ( in the fourth place ) God sheweth mercy to those onely , to whom he will , and hardneth their hearts , whose he pleaseth to harden : it will prove in vain to man to work good works , or to will good , neither can he will or do good without God's grace and mercy . All this I grant to be a certain truth , that we can do no good work without God's grace and mercy : and no doubt but God hath also a free-will to conferre grace and mercy on whom he pleaseth , and harden those whom he pleaseth to harden , working all things according to the counsel of his own will , Ephes. 1. 5 , 6 , 11. Revel . 4. 11. Psal. 135. 6. Psal. 33. 9. Matth. 8. 2 , 3. Neverthelesse this is no ground , why we should argue , that man hath no free-will , because God hath a free-will : we rather ought to surmise the contrary ; That man hath a free-will , because God hath a free-will , Gen. 1. 26. God doth work in us to will and to do of his good pleasure or will , Phil. 2. 13. Ergo , God's will doth not abolish our wils : but his will is , that we should have a will. But possibly you do farther urge this argument by subducting Predestination from thence , thus : If man is predestinated , Ergo , He hath no free will of doing good ; for a free-will in him would be in vain . This Text doth apparently teach God's eternal Decree , Predestination or Ordination to save some , and damn others : But for what ? for to manifest his Glory , Mercy and Justice , Acts 13. 48. And as many as were ordained to eternal life , believed , Isa. 46. 10. Mal 3. 6. Hereunto I answer , that God's Predestination is in no wise coactive ; for , were it so , then Predestination and Fate of the Stoicks would not differ : What is fate , but an irresistable and forced impulse upon man , through which he doth necessarily and unavoidably perform all his actions , and especially such , which concern his life and death , his ruine or advancement in politick affairs , his marriage , or any other extraordinary change of life ; for in all these fate was most taken notice of , and therefore more particularly attributed to them cases ; Although fate in general denoted an unchangeable and necessary ordination upon all beings . Whether this ordination was imposed by Jupiter as the Poets feigned , or caused from a necessary bending and disposing of the Heavens , and its constellations , as the Chaldeans thought , doth not much concern us in this Treatise . Cicero was not a little puzzeld in expounding , how free-will might be allowed : and yet not be repugnant to Gods fore-knowledge ; for thought he , doth God fore-know our actions , then man must act necessarily , and consequently infers the truth of Fate ; but since he could not grant a Fate over men , because he saw they acted contingently , therefore he did impiously rob God of his fore-knowledge . Hence saith Austin . de Civ . D. Lib. 5. cap. 9. Atque it a , dum vult facere liberos , fecit sacrilegos , and so since he endeavoureth to make men free-willers , he makes them commit sacriledge . As for this doubt , it is little touched upon by Christians , who certainly know , that God fore-knoweth contingent things , as contingent , and to fall out contingently : Necessary things as necessary , and to fall out necessarily , Psalm 33. 14. 1 Sam. 10. 9 , 26. Prov. 21. 1. Exod. 12. 13. Prov. 16. 33. Matth. 10. This subject is very well treated of by Anselmus in his Book of God's fore-knowledge and predestination . This by the way . And now I return to prove , that God's Predestination is in no wise coactive upon the will of man : for then the will of man would be a not willing , Voluntas esset noluntas . God is most just in predestinating man through Election , and of his grace and mercy to salvation , Eph 1. 5 , 6. and in predestinating others through reprobation , and of his justice , to damnation , 2 Cor. 13. 5. Because his predestination is founded upon his fore-knowledge : God therefore fore-knowing the evil , wherein man is enhardened , doth predestinate him to damnation . This I prove . God damneth man of his justice , and God's justice hath a particular respect to man's evil actions . Wherefore it is of God's justice , and for man's sinne , or evil actions , that he is damned . That God's justice hath a particular respect to judge and punish man with damnation for his sins , the Scripture doth evidently testifie , Luc. 12. 47 , 48. Aud that servant , which knew his Lords will , and prepared not himself , neither did according to his will , shall be beaten with many stripes . Ergo , Man is punished for not doing the Lord's will : and not because he was predestinated without God's fore-knowledge of his evil and unbelief , Matth. 11. 21. Mat. 25. 41 , 42. Here Christ pronounceth the sentence of everlasting damnation against the wicked , because they had not done his will in feeding the hungry , and cloathing the naked , Gen. 2. 17. Deut. 7. 26. Exod. 32. 33. So then , if God doth damn man onely for his trespasses and sinnes , he doth also for the same reason predestinate him to damnation . Again , Were God's predestination the sole and first moving cause of mans reprobation , then Adam could have had no free-will of remaining in the state of innocency , or of deflecting to the state of sinne ; but must necessarily and coactively have deflected to the state of depravation , because God had predestinate him to it : This assertion is impious : Ergo , God's predestination is not the first moving cause of man's reprobation . What ? should God predestinate man to damnation without fore-knowing his guilt , or without being thereunto moved through the fore-knowledge of his sinne , then these Texts would be written to no purpose . Hos. 6. 6. Ephes. 4. 22 , 23 , 24 , &c. John 3. 16 , 17 , 18. John 3. 36. Rom. 9. 22 , 23. Ezek. 33. 11. As I live , saith the Lord God , I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked , but that the wicked turn from his way and live : Turn ye , turn ye from your evil wayes ; for why will ye die , O house of Israel ? Wherefore it is not of God's purpose to damn any , unlesse being moved to it of his justice through their unbelief . Likewise the Scripture doth reveal , that predestination to life eternal is of God's grace and justice , being thereunto moved by the saith of the righteous , Mat. 9. 22. Rom. 4. 20 , 21. Ephes. 3. 12. Mat. 9. 2. Gal. 2. 20. Ephes. 2. 8 , 9. First , Summarily I say , that God's Will , Decree , and Predestination , is the efficient cause of Reprobation and Election : his grace , mercy and justice , are the moving causes : Man's unbelief and belief are the objects of this motion , in which , or upon which , and by which the fore-mentioned moving causes are moved : which objects God fore-knowing determinates mans salvation or damnation from all eternity : Wherefore we may observe , that in many places of Scripture , where predestination is held forth , that God's fore-knowledge of mans belief or unbelief doth precede . Rom. 8. 29. For whom he did fore-know he also predestinated to be conformed to the image of his Son. What can be more evident ? Secondly , Faith or good works ( for saith it self is the best of works , and the fountain of all good works ) are the means , whereby we are saved ; yet it is not faith or good works , which d● meritoriously or efficiently save us , but God is the efficient cause of our salvation . Rom. 4. 6. So likewise unbelief ( which is the worst of works , and the original of all evil works and sins ) or Atheismis the means , through which we are damned ; yet it is not that , which is the principal moving cause of our damnation , but God's justice , which doth reject and predestinate man to damnation . Rom. ● . 8. Thirdly , God's will is either absolute , whereby he can will all things ; and this is concomitant to Gods absolute power , whereby he can do all things , although they never are effected ; for if he can do them , he hath also a power of willing them , although he doth not will all them things , which he can will : or his ordained will , whereby he willeth that , which he doth will. This ordained will is unchangeable : hence God is said to have loved , because he loved : that is , when God willeth to love , he cannot but love , because he willeth it ; and therefore his will is unchangeable . God's ordained will is , that man shall be saved through his belief : and therefore cannot but save a believer , because his will endureth for ever , and is unchangeable . Wherefore I said in the first Assertion , That man's belief moved God's mercy : because God hath willed it through his ordained will ; otherwise were it not for this , what could man's belief avail in meriting salvation ? for at the best , we are but unprofitable servants , Luc. 17. 10. and so man's unbelief moveth God's justice to damne him , because God willeth justice . Wherfore I conceive that belief and unbelief are remote moving causes , as from us , by which we move God's mercy and justice : And that God's mercy and justice are moving causes as from himself . Fourthly , Man hath then a power of disposing and preparing himself partially to , and for the admission of God's extraordinary concurss , and to a conversion from the state of sinne to the state of grace ; for to what effect or end would all the reachings of Ministers serve ? All their exhortations , their labour and pains would be to no purpose . 1. They strive to bend men into a care for their salvation , by working that carnal security out of them , according to that of Acts 2. 37. & 16. 33. 2. They lay the Law of God open to men , in quickning the print of it in their hearts , which was almost deaded , and exing them to examine the course of their lives , James 1. 23 , 24 , 25. 3. The immediate effect of this search is the conviction of a mans conscience , Rom. 1. 20. & 2. 1. Rom. 11. 32. 4. This conviction of conscience bringeth them to a desperation of their salvation , they finding that ●mp●●nesse and unablenesse in themselves , Rom. 7. 9 , 11 , 13. 5. This begetteth a humiliation in their hearts , grieving for their sins , fearing the guilt , and dreading the punishment , and so they are brought to a confession of their sins , Mat. 9. 12. All these effects are produced through the insight of man into his own heart , where all men contain the moral Law , and may through the light of Nature , and God's ordinary Grace , or ordinary Call unfold it in the same sense , which the quoted Texts do expresse . CHAP. XI . Of the Command of the Will. 1. Whether the Will can be forced . 2. What elicited and imperated acts are . 3. What command the Will exerciseth over the inferiour facultin What a politick and despotick command is . 4. That the irascible and appetitive faculty are under a politick obedience to the Will. 5. That the locomotive faculty is not alwayes under a servile obedience to the will. 6. That the Will doth not command over the practick understanding . I. I Have digressed somewhat beyond my bounds in the last Chapter , in alledging Scripture to prove many fundamental assertions of this Treatise ; the which although I ought to have performed by reason onely , neverthelesse to gratifie some ( whose education teacheth them not to give credit to any reason , unlesse confirmed by Scripture ) I contracted the fore-mentioned quotations in one little space . And now to keep on my road : There remains one Question more relating to the freedome of will , which I shall first endeavour to answer , and then go on in adding what is requisite . The Question is , Whethen the will can be forced . This is a strange kind of doubt , Whether the will , when it doth not will ( for when it is forced , it doth act against its will ) be a will : However this seemeth an absurd query , if understood in so many plain words ; yet supposing that act to be forced or against the will , which is willed through the will , but with a reluctancy , and fore-knowledge of inconvenience thereon ensuing ; the Question may be conceived in a safe meaning . The will is termed forced , when it doth will through compulsion or impulsion , or through a positive or privative violence ( as others explain it ) without which it would not have willed that , which otherwayes it willed . The Question might rather be proposed thus ; Whether the will , when it is forced , is free , or acteth freely : for no doubt the will of man can be forced in all her acts , whatever Authors say to the contrary . I prove it . Man can be forced in his imperated acts . Ergo , A man can also be forced in his elicited acts , because there is no imperated act , but it derives from an elicited act ; for it is the elicited act , which commandeth the other act . Here may then be enquired , Wherein a forced elicited act differeth from an absolute free act . I answer , That both these acts proceed from the will with a consent ; but that , which the will acteth with an absolute freedom , it acteth without any remorse , and with an entire consent : That , which the will acteth , when she is forced , she acts with a remorse and partial reluctancy , for to avoid a greater inconvenience or evil ; and were it not for that , she would not have acted it . The will cannot properly be said to be forced through a privative violence , because the will doth not act at all , when she is hindred . II. The acts of the will , according to Moralists , are either elicited , or imperated . An elicited act of the will is , when she doth act within her self , by proposing the goodnesse of an object , and consenteth to the covering or rejecting of it . The imperated act of the will is , whereby she doth execute that , which she had concluded and agreed to by the elicited act , in commanding the inferiour faculties . III. The command , which the will exerciseth over the obeying faculties , is politick , or controlable . The obeying faculties are the internal and external senses , the locomotive faculty , the irascible and appetible faculty . I prove it . The internal senses obey the will from a politick obedience ; for a man willeth oft-times not to think , or to remember this or that thing , which neverthelesse doth force into his mind : Besides , the phansie worketh in a dream without being commanded by the will : Wherefore the wils command is not despotick , but politick . The external senses do not obey the will from a despotick obedience , because the will frequently cannot per se hinder them in their functions : as for instance , she cannot at all times hinder the hearing from perceiving a noise , or the sent from smelling a bad sent , &c. IV. The irascible and appetitive faculty obey the will politickly , because our natures are ofttimes prone to envy , anger , or revenge , when we would not be so . So our natures * are as oft propense to covet evil objects , which our will doth contradict . V. The locomotive faculty doth frequently refuse a servil obedience to the will ; for in wearinesses and convulsions she is rebellious and unable : Besides , the locomotive faculty being in some cases more obedient to the sensitive appetite , she obeyeth it , before she obeyeth the will. Lastly , The locomotive faculty is oftentimes at work in a dream , and at other times , when the will doth not command her ; and thence it is evident , that the locomotive faculty doth not obey the will from a despotick obedience . VI. It is absurd to affirm , That the will commandeth the practick understanding ; for it is the same thing , as if you said , That the will commanded her self , the will and practick understanding being one and the same . CHAP. XII . Of Voluntary and Involuntary . 1. That the Understanding , as it is speculative and practick , is the internal principle of the ultimate and intermediate actions . That God or Angels are improperly said to be external principles . That God is the coefficient of man's actions . How Angels , whether good or evil , Wizards and Witches concur to the specification of man's actions . 2. What a humane action is . 3. That it is absurd to assert man to do a thing ignorantly . 4. Whether evils of omission through ignorance are to be termed involuntary . 5. How humane actions are divided . I. HItherto we have declared the internal principle of man ( namely the understanding , as it is speculative and practick ) through which he acteth in order to the attaining the Summum Bonum , and arriving to his last and ultimate action , the immediate fruits of which is the greatest happinesse . Furthermore , we are not only to state the understanding to be the internal principle of our last and ultimate action , but also of all intermediate actions , and of such as are called humane , moral , or voluntary actions . We need not augment the number of internal principles , by adding Habits to them , these being supposed to alter the forestated principles accidentally only , and not essentially . How Habits ' are acquired , and how intended , remitted , and corrupted , we have set down elswhere . Neither are God or Angels properly said to be external principles , since all principles strictly are required to be internal . But God may be justly termed the coefficient of the actions of man , since God worketh in us to will and to do . Angels , whether good or evil , Wizards and Witches cannot concur efficiently to the effecting of humane actions , to which an infinite power is onely sufficient , whereas they , consisting of a limited power , are therefore render'd uncapable . They may concurre to the specification of an act , as persuasive causes in bending man's will to this or that act , by changing the phansie , in stirring up the humours and spirits of the brain , whereby it may represent objects otherwise than they are , or by presenting objects through a false image or representation , or by changing the external sensories . Whence we may observe , that it is not in the Devils power to make or force us to doe a thing against our wils , but that we may discover , resist , and refuse his deceitfull motions ; or otherwise we might be justly thought excusable ; wherefore , if we do at any time commit evil through the perswasion of an evil spirit , we must not onely accuse the wicked spirit , but our selves also . After our discourse upon the will , there remains alone to appose a word or two touching humane actions . II. Humane actions , otherwise called moral and voluntary , are such , as are effected by man , as farre as he is a man , or are produced by his will , or practick understanding . Wherefore whatever man acteth with the fore-knowledge and fore-command of his practick understanding is humane and voluntary . A voluntary action may be purely voluntary and free ; or mixt out of a Voluntas , and Noluntas , that is , willed with a reluctancy . The first acception of Voluntary , Aristotle terms voluntary strictly so called ; the latter he denominates involuntary ; but improperly . III. It is absurd to assert man to do a thing ignorantly , since it is impossible for a man to do any thing , which he doth not fore-know . Wherefore it must be an errour in the Peripateticks to affirm , that man can act an involuntarium quiddam ex ignorantia , because he acteth nothing , but what is consented unto partially , or totally by his will , which cannot will any thing ( as the Peripatetick definition holds forth ) without the foreknowledge of the understanding . Hence I conclude , that nothing is to be termed involuntary or mixtly voluntary , unlesse a man is forced to it violently , or by a cause acting from without . IV. Here may be demanded , Whether evils of omission of duties ( required by a Law ) committed by man , when he is ignorant of the said Law , are to be termed involuntary ? No certainly , for they are voluntary , in that the omission of an act is as much an act of the will as the effection of it . But whether such omissions or commissions , which a man doth will , are to be termed evil , in regard he willed them through ignorance , which had he not been ignorant of he would not have willed , is to be decided from the circumstances of such actions , and not from the imputing such actions not to be the actions of man , or not to be voluntary . Moreover I answer , That no kind of ignorance doth make an action neutral ( that is , neither good or evil ) and excusable , but an invincible ignorance . What invincible ignorance and other kinds of ignorances are , I do wittingly omit the inserting , since they are vulgarly enough known . As for such circumstances , which are required to render humane actions good or evil , I have set down in the latter end of this Book . V. The action of the will is accidentally divided in fruition and intention . Fruition is the continuated coveting and willing of an object , already before coveted and now enjoyed . Intention is a mediate coveting of means , whereby to covet an object immediately , or to arrive to the fruition of it . Intention contains in it three inferiour actions . 1. Election , whereby the practick understanding doth by a preceding deliberation covet one or more objects for a means out of many . 2. Consent , which is a further coveting of that or them objects , which it hath elected , so as to be confirmed and pleased in that election . 3. Usus , or Usance , otherwise called execution , which is the application of the means , now elected and consented unto , to a further action . CHAP. XIII . Of Natural Faith. 1. That Faith is the sole means , through which we are to attain to our greatest good . What Faith is . The Definition confirmed by Arguments deduced from reason . 2. The two-fold object of Faith. A proof from reason , that God is the Creator of man. That God and Nature are one . 3. An enquiry into the end of man's creation . 4. That man doth know the summe of God's Law through the light of Nature . A summary enumeration of the Law of God , as it is imprinted upon every man's heart . 5. Moral virtues compared with the moral Law. A comprehension of all moral virtues . I Have just now finisht my Discourse upon the subject of this Tract ; that , which fals next under our consideration , is the means , through which we are to attain to our greatest Good and happinesse . The sole means is Faith. Faith is a certain knowledge of God and the Law , and an assurance in , and of God's mercy and goodnesse . The genus proximum , and differentia proxima , are signals , that their Definitum , or thing defined is not an historical or temporary faith , or saith of miracles onely , but a justifying and glorifying faith , necessarily comprehending in it self the three other kinds , as degrees , by which the soul doth gradually ascend to an exalting faith . Among other School-Divines it goeth under the name of an explicite Faith. Fides the same with the Definitum , deriveth its denomination from fidere , a word not in use among the later Latinists , whose signification the verb confidere hath since supplied , which is to rest contented and fully satisfied : Wherefore assurance implying a certain practical knowledge freed from all doubts , and causing this rest and satisfaction , doth justly and properly deserve the place of the Genus in this Definition . The certainty , which Faith doth bring with it , depends upon the certainty and necessity of its premises , which being necessary and certain infers a certain and necessary conclusion . If God is mercifull , he will save them , that beg mercy . But God is mercifull , and I do beg mercy . Therefore God will save me . This Conclusion , as depending upon unchangeable and certain premises , holds forth , that Faith is an undoubted assurance of God's mercy , and that he will save a zealous believer . No wonder then , if Faith doth create this quietnesse , rest , and satisfaction . Austin . de Civit. Dei , lib. 19. cap. 18. tels us no lesse : To the Acadamicks all things are uncertain : but the City of God doth quite detest such kind of doubting , like madnesse : having a most certain knowledge of them things , which it comprehendeth in it's mind and reason . II. The object , about which Faith is conversant , is double : 1. God , and the Law. 2. God's infinite mercy and transcendent goodnesse . This duplicity is necessary ; because , first , we must know our present state : Secondly , how to get out of that state into a better . Our present state is made known unto us through knowing God and the Law. The way , whereby to change this state for a better , is through an assurance in God's mercy and goodnesse . A natural man , after having made enquiry , what he is , and finding , that he is a man , a Rational living creature , above all other creatures in the world , and of a most excellent and admirable essence , cannot but straight way admire and search from who , or whence , he had this noble being . Certainly although if he hath never heard of God , or attained to the knowledge of him , yet his reason will direct him to observe daily experience , which sheweth him , that every man descends from his parents , and they from their progenitours , or that man is continuated by propagation : By the same rule of experience he is also instructed , that all things in the world are finite , and have a beginning and ending : If so , then there must be one first cause , from which all Beings derive their Essence : This cause is an universal cause , by reason that all things have received their being from it : If all things are derived from this universal cause , then certainly the race of man had its beginning also thence . Some of the ruder sort may object , that all things are by nature . In answer to this , I demand , what they mean by nature ? they will reply an universal cause , which acteth most uniformly and unchangeably . Secondly , I demand through what principle all things are continued ? They say , through the same nature . Nature , say they , acteth most wisely and most providently , and hath so acted from all eternity . This is so farre from an objection against us , that it is an argument for us : For by these very words they expresse God , who is nature ( Natura naturans ) and the sole universal cause acting most uniformly , unchangeably ( secundum volunt atem ordinatam ) most wisely , providently , from all eternity , and continuating all things from the beginning , untill the ending . Let an Atheist therefore answer never so perversly concerning the first cause of all beings , yet nolens volens he doth plainly confesse , that there is a God , although under another name of Nature . III. Man knowing , that God hath created him , he cannot but wonder , for what end . For God ( thinks he ) acteth nothing in vain . He is sure , it is not for to eat , drink , and live ; for were it so , God needed not to have conferred a reasoning or understanding faculty upon him , because he could have eaten , drunk and lived without an understanding . The end therefore , for which he was created , must be that , to what his understanding makes him capable . His understanding is capable of knowing God , and his Laws , of praising , serving , obeying God , and living according to his Commandments . As for his Commandments he will find them written in his heart . IV. 1. He may easily gather , That there is but one true God , because he is Almighty , and can work all things : If then there were more Gods than one , it supposeth , that they are not almighties , but must work sociably one with the other ; or if they are almighties , that , as many as are more than one , are in vain : for one is Almighty , and can do all things ; if he can do all things , then there is nothing remaining for the others to do , who must then be in vain . But to imagine otherwise is absurd . Ergo , There is but one true God , and all the others are false gods . 2. God is a Spirit , and therefore will only be worshipped in Spirit . This was not unknown to the Heathens . Si Deus est animus , nobis ut carmina dicunt , Hic tibi praecipue sit pura mento colendus . If God a Spirit be , as most of Poets say , In purity of mind we must unto him pray . What a vain thing is it for man to worship an Image ? as if God could not perceive or know our worship without that Image ; or as if we could not know God without an Image . If we can truly make an Image of God , then God is no Spirit , but an old man , as the Papists picture him . 3. A Lord's servant seldom speaks of him , without naming of him his Lordship , or his Honour , or tho Right Honourable , and so doth reverence and homage his very name ; and no doubt , but a Lord would conceive himself much provoked , should his servant take his name in vain : much more ought man , who is the meanest servant of the Lord of Lords name his name with all reverence and humility ; for God is most highly provoked in hearing of his name taken in vain . 4. There is an ordinary manner of serving God , which ought to continue at all times in doing all things to his glory . God doth permit man to do that , which tends to his conservation ; neverthelesse at those times we ought to praise God for giving us strength and means , whereby we are preserved . There is also an extraordinary manner of serving God , when we for bear from all temporal and corporeal actions , and abide wholly in spiritual exercises for a day , a week , or a moneth . Assuredly this is acceptable to God , and therefore we ought to repeat it often . These are the duties which a man may gather are to be performed to God. But this is not all , there are other duties remaining respecting to ones self and others . Among others , some are particularly related to us , as our parents ; some in a common and general relation only , as our neighbours . 5. The Duty , which we owe to our parents , nature teacheth us , as to honour , love and obey them . 6. The Duty to our selves and others is , to do what we can to preservate our selves and our neighbours , not to injure or kill our selves or others : To do to others , as we would have other do to us . We must shun all envy , anger and hatred . 7. A man is not to defile himself or another . Modesty , unchast thoughts , carnal desires , wanton gestures are by the light of nature adjudged evil and sinfull . 8. We ought to render to every one what is his . We are not to wrong our neighbours in his goods , houses , cattel , or corn , &c. We must detest cheating , defrauding , or crafty over-reaching of our neighbours , whether by lies , false measures , else weights , or moneys , and usury , &c. 9. A false oath is unjust and injurious ; the like are slanderings , lies and backbitings , the harbouring of bad thoughts of others without a manifest cause . 10. We are not so much as to have the least desire to what is not our own , if it be to the wrong of another , unlesse we desire withall to give full satisfaction and contentment to the owner , which is only possible in unfixt and untied matters . V. I have briefly enumerated the contents of the Moral Law , according as it is engraffed upon all mens hearts . This Law is perfect and compleat , because there is no moral precept belonging to any moral virtue , but is contained herein , neither is there any vice , but is hereby checked and condemned : Wherefore I shall compare them together , to wit , moral Virtues with the moral Law. A virtue is a habit of acting good : on the other side , vice is a habit of acting evil . Virtue or vice may be termed moral or theologick according to the act , which it produceth , which is either moral good or evil , or theologick good or evil . So holinesse is a habit of acting according to the Law of God. Sin is a habit of acting contrary to the Law of God , according it is written in all mens hearts . That this Law is known to all men , it appears hence , because all men are checked by their conscience at one time or another for their sins . There are four cardinal or principal Virtues : Prudence , Justice , Temperance and Fortitude . Prudence is a habit , through which a man is directed in exercising particular virtues . It s integrant parts are three . 1. The remembrance of things past . 2. The knowledge of things present . 3. The fore-sight of things to come . Thomas Aquinas counteth eight . 1. Memory . 2. Knowledge . 3. Aptnesse to learn. 4. Cunningnesse . 5. Reason . 6. Fore-sight . 7. Circumspection . 8. Caution . The subjected parts of Prudence are four . 1. Kingly prudence , in governing his Subjects . 2. Politick prudence of the People , in obeying the Magistrate . 3. Oeconomical prudence , in governing a family . 4. Military prudence , in ruling an Army . The potential parts of prudence are three . 1. Inquiry for means . 2. Judgement concerning the means invented . 3. Command , that them things be effected , upon which judgement is past . Justice is a virtue of giving every one , what is his . It s integral parts are three . 1. To live honestly . 2. To give every one what is his . 3. To wrong no man. The subjected parts of Justice are two . 1. General Justice , through which a man deals justly with the Commonwealth . 2. Special or particular Justice , through which a man deals justly with every particular person . Special Justice is two-fold . 1. Commutative Justice , through which a man is just in his trading with others . 2. Distributive Justice , which is either recompencing every one for his good deserts ; or punishing every one for his crimes : in which there is observed a Geometrical proportion : and in commutative Justice an Arithmetical proportion Right is that , which agreeth with the Law or Justice . It is either natural , or positive : humane , or divine : Ecclesiastick , or civil : written , or not written . A Law is a rule , command , or precept of Justice containing in it , what is just , and what ought to be done . There are three conditions required to the constitution of a Law. 1. Equity . 2. Authority . 3. Promulgation , or the publishing of it . A Law is either external , or participated . The participated Law is divided in Natural , Humane , and Divine . The Humane Law is either Civil or Canonical . The Divine Law is divided into the old and new Law. Temperance is a habit of moderating the senses , particularly the senses of feeling and tasting . The integral parts are two . 1. Bashfulnesse . 2. Honesty . The potential parts are four : Continence , Clemency , Humility and Modesty . The subjected parts are Abstinence , Sobriety , Chastity , and Shamefac'dnesse . Fortitude is a virtue in attempting terrible matters . Its acts are two . 1. To uphold . 2. To go on . The integral parts of Fortitude are Magnanimity , Magnificence , Patience and Perseverance . A man must not only have a bare knowledge of God's Law , or of the moral Virtues , but also a practick knowledge , that is to know them in himself so as to practise them CHAP. XIV . Of Man's Fall , and of Atheism . 1. A rational enquiry into man's primitive estate . The maenner of man's fall . 2. Grounds , whence a man may rationally collect hopes for his restoration . 3. That Atheism is the worst of sins , and that an Atheist is unable of performing the least good act . Wherein the goodnesse of an action doth consist , 4. A Character of an Atheist . That confirmed Atheism is the onely sinne against the holy Ghost . A full Discovery of an Atheist . THe other part of the object of Faith is Gods mercy and goodnesse : how a natural man comes to find out God's mercy , I shall instantly demonstrate . Man , having compared the difficulty of the Law with his unablenesse of performing obedience to it , cannot rest satisfied or assured , unlesse relieved and assisted by these two Attributes of God : for he , being conscious of his pravity and corrupt state of nature , must imagine , that he was not so created , but good and blessed ; because the Creator is good and blessed , and being left to his free-will , knowing what was good , and what might be evil , he through a wanton curiosity and alurement of an evil spirit ( which spirits were created before man , and whose nature it hath alwayes been to tempt man and draw him into evil ; as shall be proved by reason elsewhere ) was overswayed to try evil ; one act of which , had not God through his grace prevented it , might have been valid enough to corrupt his nature in such a manner , that he would have been rendred uncapable of ever recovering his former state , or of acting a good act ; By reason that the commission of one evil act must needs have effected a privation of that habit , which he once had of working good : for they being acts proceeding from two contrary habits , the latter must have expelled the former , which would have remained unrecoverable ; because à privatione ad habitum non datur regressus . After a privation a habit cannot return : Put out your sight once , and you will never recover it . Wherefore it must have followed , that man being arrived to this depraved state of nature must have become a meer alien from God , in whose former resemblance his happinesse did consist . Furthermore , the immortal spirit , expiring out of the body in that condition , abideth eternally in absence and dissemblance from God , which two cases makes its state most wofull and dismal . Thus you may remark , that it is possible to a natural man by way of a Sorites to collect his first beatitude , deficience , guilt , and punishment . II. Is it not then a man's greatest concernment to bestir himself in this need and defect for a means of restoration ? Here may be demanded , How can a man hope for restoration , if the habit of acting good is quite extirpated , and that from a privation to a habit , there is no returning ? 2. Why may not a man have the same hopes of restoration here in this world , as well as out of it , as the Papists hold ? To the first I answer , That extirpation may be understood in a two-fold representation . 1. As it represents a total extinction and annihilation , Nihil remanente sui . 2. As it doth represent not a total , yet almost a total annihilation , there still remaining some part of the thing : thus a man saith his eye is out , when he can see but a little . It is possible for a man to be in either of these conditions : if he is in the first , questionlesse he is in a lost condition , and is uncapable of recovery , for the objected reason . The continual acting of evil produceth a total habit of evil ; wherein if a man be habituated , that small portion of the remaining good is totally extirpated : As in an Atheist , who is one , wherein the habit of Good is totally extinct , which maketh him affectately and perversly ignorant of God , and in whom the habit of evil is radicated , whereby he becometh a blasphemer against God in denying his being . III. An Atheist hath not so much virtue or power in him , as thereby to do one good action . A good action is , which doth resemble its pattern ( Bona censetur actio , quae suae ideae fuerit conformis ) and therefore must , 1. Proceed from a good principle . 2. Be imployed about a good object . 3. Be intended to a good end . A good action here taken in a moral , not physical signification , whose principle and object is right Reason and moral good : Its end is to be agreeing with a good will. So that an Atheist cannot work a good work ; his principle of Good ( to wit right Reason ) being totally depraved and corrupted ; for he in denying God denieth his right Reason , when , as I have proved in the Doctrine of Souls , right Reason cannot , but must necessarily retain an impression of God's existence , goodnesse and omnipotence , from whom she received her production : or he in denying God denieth his own being , his being consisting in a resemblance to the Image of God , the perfect pattern of his once perfect essence ; which doth argue , that his right Reason is totally extinct , and that there remaineth a plenar possession of corruption and depravation in his understanding and will , through which he judgeth of all things , otherwise than they are . And this is farther evident ; because our understanding judgeth of all things in ordination to action , all our actions are performed in ordination to our last end , which being positively denied by him , proveth the truth of the fore-stated Conclusion . The second Qualification of a good action is , That its object must be good . A mans will is carried forth to a triple object , whereof two have respect to the body , the other to the soul. Of the two respecting the body , one is desired for the conservation of the body ; the other for conservation of the species or kind . These as being Physical objects are Physically good to all natural Bodies ; for Ens & bonum convertuntur , a Being and Good are convertible . Wherefore this maxime , Omnia appetunt Bonum . All Beings covet good , and cannot covet evil , is onely to be understood of Physical good objects . The third Object relating to the soul is moral good , whose objectivenesse is only proper to rational essences . The last condition required in a good action is its direction to a good end ; which is , to God's glory and praise , to the admiration of his Wisdom , Omnipotence and all others of his Attributes . If we compare the actions of an Atheist with these three qualifications , we shall find them infinitely different , and deffective from them , they proceeding from the worst of principles , and being imployed about improportionate and bruitish objects , and directed to a wicked , malicious , and hellish end , namely to Gods greatest dishonour . IV. Summarily to give you a Character of an Atheist An Atheist is a most horrid monster ; once a man , now worse than a Brute ; a Devil in the shape of a man ; ungratefull beyond the expression of a tongue ; rigidly injurious to God and man ; a sinner beyond the worst of sinners ; a fit object for God's vengeance , and the greatest torment , that the depth of Hell and envy of Devils are able to spue out . Is there a sinne , which God , although he is infinitely mercifull , hath resolved not to pardon , it is confirmed Atheisme ; this is the only treason , which man can commit against God. The injury which he doeth unto God , is in Blaspheming his sacred Name ; robbing him of his Honour , and of all his Attributes ; and that , which doth infinitely augment his sinne , is his persistence in it after such an unexpressible indulgence . It is impossible , that all vices should lodge and center in one man : for I could never hear that any natural man was so vicious , but he had some good ( I mean good , as the vulgar calleth it ) quality in him . Many have accused such a one for being a Drunkard , another for a Robber , or a Cheat ; yet some there will be still , who you may hear say , although such a one is a Drunkard , yet he is honest , or kind , or civil , &c. or of another , although he is a Robber , yet he is no Murderer ; although a Cheat , yet he is no Drunkard : so that I say , there is no natural man so vicious , but there is something in him , which people will say is good : But an Atheist hath a nest of all vice in him ; there is not a vice so detestable or deform'd , although it be against nature , but he dares make tryal of it ; because he dreads neither God , or his Law. An Atheist will wrong , cheat , revile his own parents ; he will murder his own relations , friends , or others , if it be for his interest , or pleasure ; he will Rob , steal , defame , blaspheme , and what not ? 't is true he doth not alwayes do these acts , because he fears the Law of man , nevertheless his will is not backward , but prone to all manner of wickedness , what should hinder him ? his conscience will not , because that is deaded : but it quickneth again a little before his death , and then beginneth his rage and torment , then the Devils come about him , each busied in increasing his woe and misery , then Hell and Eternity is at hand . There are many , who seeming to judge charitably of all men , cannot be perswaded there are Atheists . In these I shall soon correct their tendernesse . There was never a subversion of a legall government , but there appeared hundreds of Atheists ; They at such times are called subtil Politicians , who finding such successe by making Scripture and Religion , or rather hypocrisie , a cloak for to cover all their wicked designs , imagin thence , that Religion and Scripture were invented for that same purpose , because it hath so well served their turns . Pray what is this but absolute atheism ? yea more than this , if they see it is for their interest , to murder an innocent person or persons , yea were it a whole Nation ; they will not stick to do it out of hand : if they stand in want of treasures , they will steal and rob it from the people , and tell them , it is for the good of the Commonwealth in general , although their intent is to make it good to themselves alone in particular . What crime is so great , but is committed at such times . There is no History that treats of Rebellion , but may be a president of Atheism . Here may be questioned , Since that an Atheist hath utterly lost his right reason , whether God cannot be moved through his goodnesse or mercy , to create a new understanding or reason in him ? The Solution of this question take out of these two subsequent conclusions . 1. There is nothing imaginable to be created , which exceed ; Gods absolute omnipotence . God as he is infinite in power , his acts are also infinite : as he is omnipotent , he is all-creating . Hath he not created Angels , men , the world , and all things therein contained ? I conclude then , that the restitution of an Atheist , is possible through God's absolute omnipotence . 2. God is infinitely perfect whose perfection is revealed to us through his most perfect attributes , which are , his omnipotence , justice , mercy , goodnesse , &c. it is certain these are all perfections in the highest degree . The concordance or agreeing of these attributes one with the other is no lesse a perfection : for should they disagree , it would be an imperfection not to be conceived in the most perfect being . This premised , I infer , That God is omnipotent according to the concordance of his attributes ; what is there but God can effect it if agreeing with his attributes ? Possibly you may object , God cannot recall a thing , which is past ; as that a man , who is now , should not have been ; or that a man , who died this day , should not have died ; or that he can not make a Devil an Angle &c. I answer , That the effecting of these acts is disagreeing with Gods attributes * namely with his unchangeable or ordained will. His ordained will is , that man should die at a certain minute , that the Devils should remain damned to all eternity , that a thing should passe without being recalled ; for should God recall his will , he would cantradict himself , and therefore such is not to be supposed . God , no question , can do greater things , and therefore his power is not to be doubted in lesser . I conclude hence , that it is disagreeing with Gods ordained will and justice to restore an Atheist , Gods profest and greatest enemy , who therefore deserveth the rigor of Gods justice ; and although God's mercy is infinite , yet it must agree with his justice . Can God's mercy extend to an Atheist , or can he have compassion with that , which is altogether evil and contrary to his nature ? No certainly , for the object of God's mercy must be good , be it never so little . An Atheist onely is a sinner against the holy Ghost , he is such whom to sanctifie is disagreeing with the nature of the holy Ghost . What shall or can the holy Ghost cast its beams upon that , which is altogether evil ? Here may be demanded , How doth the holy Spirit then manifest it self to any , since all men are sinners , and all sinners are evil ? I answer , That all men , except Atheists , have some spark of good lodging in them , upon which the holy Spirit doth work , and which it doth increase and cherish , whereby at last a man weakneth the habit of sinning . Object ▪ An Atheist may save a man from drowning , but in so doing he doth a good act . Ergo , An Atheist hath still some spark of good resting in him . I answer , That it is in no wise a good act , neither doth it proceed from a good principle , or is it directed to a good end . The ground upon which he doth it , is upon consideration , that were he in the same case , or the like , he would be glad another should do the same to him ; so that it is for his own ends ; for otherwise did he imagine , that a man's drowning might conduce to his benefit , doubtlesse he would never prevent it . The second Representation of the extirpation of a habit is , when there yet remaineth some spark of good ; which is inherent in all natural men , though in an unequal proportion , according to the prevalence of the evil habit . What soul is there so rooted in iniquity , which doth not sometimes a good act ( per se ) through it self ; and this is a sign , that there is a good disposition latent in all men . A murtherer , soon after he hath committed that hainous crime , is immediately checked through the sting and light of his conscience , reasoning that God is just , and thence dreads his wrath . Now to dread God is a good action proceeding from the instinct and remaining light of the soul , which is also a good principle , and consequently is a mark , that he is not totally evil . You may reply against the consequence , and argue , That the Devils dread and fear God ; but the Devils are unable of effecting a good act ; and therefore fear in a murtherer is not a good action . I answer , That the fear of God naked , and not cloathed with a repentance , and effluence from a good principle , doth not imply a good act , and therefore the naked fear in Devils a bateth nothing from their evil : but as to a murtherer in fearing God's justice , wisheth he had not committed the fact . Fear brings with it a great unquietnesse of mind , but a man naturally wisheth the removal of any unquietnesse of spirit , and therefore a murtherer wisheth his crime undone , with a resolution , questionlesse never to attempt the like again , which is a kind of repentance . But here you seem to charge me with a second objection , That many murtherers after so villanous an enterprise are not possest with any fear of God's justice , unquietnesse of mind , or any other kind of repentance , but persisting in their pravity and wickednesse , and affirming untill the last , that were it to do again , they should not omit the doing of it . I answer , That these wretches are in no tittle differing from Atheists , since they wilfully blot the remembrance of God and his Laws out of their consciences ; for otherwise ●● were impossible , but they must be surprised with fear . CHAP. XV. Of the Means and Manner of Man's escape and Restoration . 1. What is requisite for a man to consider in order to his escape and restitution . 2. How a man may naturally find out a means tending to his restitution . 3. The description of God's mercy . 4. The explanation of the precedent description . 5. The act , through which God's mercy doth succour a natural soul in her contention . I. IT is not enough for man to be sensible of the danger , wherein he is , but it behoveth him further to lay out for a means of escape and recovery ; wherefore it will be requisite to explain , 1. That there is a means for man's recovery . 2. How those means are to be procured . 3. The disposition of will whereby a man is to procure that means . II. Man , being awaked through the resentment of his perilous condition , makes a search ( omnibus naturaliter sui salutem molientibus . All beings naturally endeavouring their preservation , ) through a spark of that dusky light still glowing in him into all probable means , and infers from that ordinary maxime , ( Simile simili conservatur . All beings are preserved by their like ) that the soul being a Spirit , she must also expect her preservation from a spirit ; hence concludes , that the same spirit , to whom he acknowledgeth his Creation and existence , must be the onely means of his preservation and restitution . The soul having now discovered a means , she directs her next aim to a further search . How and whereby to procure the said means , she argues with her self ; God through his goodnesse hath given me a being ( Summum Bonum est sui maximè diffusivum ) And the same attribute , which moved him to confer an essence upon me , will certainly move him to preserve it from perishing , and restore it to its primitive state . This produces a hope in the soul , which is a middle passion between a certain knowledge , and an utter despair , partaking somewhat of an assurance , and as much of a Despair . During this anguish , the soul further disputes with her self , God is good , and therefore will save her ; on the other side her conscience accuseth her , in that she hath put her happinesse at a stake by offending against the goodnesse of God , and deflecting from her primitive perfection , which ( no doubt ) but God's justice will be satisfied for . God's justice is an attribute , whereby he separateth all those from his presence , that are unlike to him . The soul now in a tempest surrounded with innumerable waves of doubts and commotions of spirit , laboureth with all her strength to come to an anchor , or to make for a harbour ; here she beats against the rock of God's justice ready to founder , then beats off again to Gods goodnesse , and saves her self from danger of the first stroak ; yet the same perill being imminent upon her , she agreeth with her self to steer another course , whereby to consult her safety , at last lighteth upon an infallible Pilot God's mercy , which brings her clear off to a harbour of assurance and quietness , which is a natural faith . III. God's mercy is an attribute , through which he is moved to succour a perishing soul labouring for its own recovery . This attribute ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) according to the capacity of humane reason , is called compassion and pity . Compassion in us is an endeavouring to help a man grappling with his misery . The same compassion hath a resemblance to that , which is in God , although infinitely inferiour to it : for we spying the misery wherein a man is involved bearing down and overcoming his happinesse , do endeavour from a principle of love ( through which we incline to what ever is like to us , and reject what ever is unlike ) to support and aid him by adjoyning a force of the same nature to that , which is suppressed . But when a man is render'd altogether miserable and unsupportable , then we reject him , and our compassion towards him ceaseth , because his misery hath overcome his happinesse , or his evil hath totally expelled his good ; and so he remains in a desperate state : for instance , A man who is a going to be hanged for sacriledge , and he persisting in his crime untill the last , is desperate and quite lost , as having no good in him : now our compassion cannot be moved towards such an one , because he is totally evil , whom to pitty proveth in vain . IV. But to return to the exposition of the definition of mercy : First , I say it is an Attribute . God's Attributes are principles and perfections , whereby we conceive him ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to effect acts really distinct one from the other . They are called Attributes , because we attribute them to him , thereby to make a distinction in our understandings of the several acts , proceeding as it were from distinct powers , which really do not : for in God there is no distinction to be imagined , that supposing a composition , and a composition an imperfection : so that what ever we attribute to any of God's Attributes , is to attribute it to God himself . Nihil est in Deo quin sit ipse Deus . There is nothing in God , but what is God himself . V. The Act , which floweth from God's mercy , doth succour and strengthen the soul in this contention , by expelling the cloudinesse , which the material species and depravate appetite of the body have cast about it , whereby they draw the soul from God , and inchant her to sottish pleasures . God's mercy is distinguisht from his goodnesse , because through his goodnesse he acteth that , which is good ( totâ suâ Naturâ ) in it self , or acteth upon good having no part of evil opposing it , as to create man or the world , or to preserve man in his innocence . His mercy hath a respect to good , as it is opposed by evil ; as to redeem man is an act of God's mercy . CHAP. XVI . Of the Light and Darknesse of Man's practick understanding . 1. That Light and Darknesse are analogal to principles of good and evil . 2. Queries concerning Light and Darknesse . 3. The two kinds of Light. What the first Light is , and how it produceth the second Light. 4. What the Habit of Light is : That the first man acted without habits . How a habit is acquired . 5. That the first man acted through a natural disposition , and not through any habits . I. WE have sometimes made mention of Good and Evil , Light and Darknesse , which being in this Treadse stated the two principles of mans actions , whether good or evil , it will not be impertinent to unfold the nature of each . By the way you are to take notice , that Light is analogal to the principle of good , and darknesse to the principle of evil , which analogy containing a clear and expresse emblem of good and evil , we shall therefore the rather retaine its Analogata for to explain . II. Concerning Light and Darknesse may be inquired , 1. What Light is , or what the habit of Light is . 2. What Darknesse is , and how it is to be taken in this place . 4. How it is otherwise called . 5. How it got its first footing in man. 6. What proportion there is between the remaining Light , and this habit of Darknesse . 7. How two contrary habits can both inhere in the same subject at the same time . 8. Whether the habit of Light is a habitus per se , and the habit of Darknesse a habitus per accidens . 9 How one contrary habit doth act against the other . 10. How the one at last happens to extirpate the other . III. Light , as you may know further in the second Book , part 2. is either primitive or derivative : The first is called Lux , and through its emanative power is by some said to cause the second , otherwise named Lumen : or in English the former may be rendred a Light , the latter an Enlightning . The soul her self is the primitive Light , which irradiates or enlighteneth the whole body . This illumination is more splendid and of greater lustre in the brain and animal spirits , than in any other part , because the Lumen is reflexed through a repercussion against the arterial and membranous parts of the brain . IV. The habit of Light is nothing else , but the facility or easinesse of the first Light in actuating the second , which hapneth through a lesse opposition of the organ , and of the contrary habit of darknesse . But I shall explain my meaning more amply . The first man in the state of his integrity had no habit in him , whence his acts proceeded , but were effected through a natural disposition and principle of good , which God through his bounty had conferred upon him . This natural disposition produced its first acts as perfect , or with the same facility , as it did the following acts ; for otherwise man could not be supposed to have been created perfect . V. Hence it appears , that man at his first creation had no habit ; for a habit according to Philosophers , is ( Habitus est qualitas adventitia ad operandum cum facilitate ) an acquired quality , through which a substance is inclined to act with ease . Observe then , 1. It is an acquired quality , that is , not natural . 2. That through a habit we do operate with ease , which supposeth there was a difficulty of working before we had acquired this habit . But wherein lay the difficulty ? either in the power of acting , or in the instrument , or in the object upon which it acted . There could be no difficulty in the power , for that inhering in the substantial form is unalterable . Ergo in the instrument and object . Now then the difficulty in the instrument and object is removed by often fitting the organ to the object , and the object to the organ , and so you see a habit is acquired through many repeated acts . Wherefore the first man in his entire state needed no habit , he acting all things naturally , and with ease : His organs were all perfect , and had no resistance in them against the power , or no unfitnesse to the object ; so likewise the objects were all fitted to their several organs . CHAP. XVII . Containing rational discoveries of Mans primitive , and second estate . 1. That Man was created most perfect . A proof from reason , inferring God to be a most rational spirit . 2. That Man by means of his first and second light , understood all beings perfectly in their proper natures , as they were . 3. That the first man did not sleep during his incorrupt estate . 4. That the first man did eat and drink . 5. That the first man would have generated in the same manner , and through the same parts , as he did afterwards , but without that shame and sinfull lust . That there were no co-Adamites . The absurdity of that blasphemous opinion touching prae-Adamites . 6. That the first man was beyond danger of erring in any action proceeding from his soul. 7. A rational inquiry into the first sinne , and knowledg of the first Commandment . 8. The manner of man's fall proved by reason . His punishment for the breach of the first Commandment . 9. A further collection of man's punishment for his first sinne . That a present unavoidable temporal death was part of mans punishment , and not a present unavoidable eternal death . 10. That man after his fall was not become utterly evil . 11. An enumeration of the relicts of Good in man. TO tell you how darknesse first ceased on man , it will be necessary to examine and dive into his first creation , the state and manner of it , and hence , by way of consequence , to deduct the casualties and accidents , to which he was exposed . First , Beyond all arguments Man was created most perfect in his essence and operations , because whatever is immediatly created by God must be perfect ; the reason is , in that God is a most perfect cause , and therefore his immediate effects and acts cannot but be most perfect ; and man above all , he being created according to God's own image . You may demand how I come to know that ? I answer , that man may easily apprehend , that God is a spirit , because his substance is immediatly imperceptible through any of the external senses : were he material , his body would be perceptible through its trinal dimension of parts , neverthelesse his acts upon material objects are but mediately , every minute perceived by us through the said intermediate actions upon material objects . Secondly , We know that he is most rational and understanding , because Right Reason cannot but judg all his acts to be most Rational : on the other part , the soul knoweth her self to be a spirit , because her essence is also immediately imperceptible by any of the external senses . That she is rational needs no proof . Wherefore hence it is apparent enough , that man was created after God's image . II. The first light then , being most perfect , produced also its second light in no lesse perfection ; particularly that , which is instrumentall to its Reasoning , which made man capable of understanding all things in the world in their own nature : Besides there was no resistence or obscurity in any of the objects ; because they , being all created for the service of man , had their natures ( as it were ) writ upon their breast , so that herein they were at the command of the understanding : not only so , but his will exercised a free and despotick command over all God's creatures , whether inanimated or animated , which latter , and particularly beasts , were all of a meek and obedient nature , otherwise they could not have fitted man's occasions . III. Whether man in this state naturally slept or not , is dubious : yet it is more probable , that he did not ; because sleep ariseth from an imperfection of the Body , and wearinesse of the animal spirits , which is not to be supposed in so perfect a creature . Besides sleep would have detracted part of his happinesse , because an intermission from joy is a kind of misery ; and a total abolishment of joy is a total misery . IV. Man did eat and drink ; for otherwise many parts of his body , as his stomack , gutts , liver , spleen , kidnies , bladder , &c. would have been formed in vain . V. Man , had he continued in his primitive state , would have generated , and in the same manner through the same parts , as he did since , although without that sinfull lust and shame : The reason is , Because the sparmatick parts , or genitals would else be supposed to be superadded for no end . It is probable that Adam did not generate in his incorrupt state ; for if he had , he would have begot children ( since that through his entire perfection , he could misse of no end in any of his actions ) who not participating of original sinne would in like manner have continued their race to this day , and have remained in Paradice ; but finding , that no such Paradice can at present be discovered upon earth , and that all the best parts of the earth are known ; we may justly inferre the probability of the fore-stated conclusion . Possibly you may object , That Paradise is in another material world , as supposing every Star to be a world . I answer , That your objection is absurd , and hath no apparent foundation , as I have proved in my Physicks . The same reasons do also shew the absurdity of that blasphemous opinion touching Pra-Adamites and co-Adamites . VI. There was no action or pleasure , if immediately proceeding from the soul , wherein man could erre : because the soul , having a resemblance to the Divine Nature , had in it self no contrariety or principle of error . Neither could he sinne in the pleasures of his mind , they deriving from the contemplation of his Creator . VII . It is also certain , that God , as he is Creator and King of , and over all his creatures , did require obedience from them , whereby they should expresse their subjection , humility , and love to him : Wherefore ( no doubt ) he imposed some one commandment upon them , which would be sufficient to testifie their obedience and subjection . This command did not reach to the immediate or pure object of the soul , but necessarily to the object of the Body . The command upon the object of the body must have been aninterdiction of some one of its pleasures , to which it was inclined : otherwise had there been but little difficulty in it , it would have expressed but an indifferent observance , or love . The pleasures of the body consists mainly im●ating ; so that it is probable some edible thing was interdicted , from which man was to abstain . And although this command did immediately extend to the body , yet there being that sympathy between the soul and it , the one could easily move the other , whereby it did also mediately reach the soul also . The breach of this commandment must have threatned some punishment for to imprint a fear upon man. VIII . This punishment was imposed upon that , which should be the first inticer , which necessarily was the body through its appetitive faculty . No question but man sustained also the force of the Devil ( because we are yet minutely attached by him ) who wrought upon him in a disguise ( for had he appeared to man in his own shape , man would have shunned him ) more by cunning and stratagems , than as an open enemy ; By diverting him from thinking upon God , in drawing his understanding to a sensual object , so that he wrought first upon man's body , in proposing some pleasant object to its appetite , which did soon entice the soul's will. Wherefore Man could not have deflected from God without yeelding to this attraction of the Devil , and ceasing for a while from contemplating God , to whom had he but returned in time , it would soon have recalled him from all the allurements of the evil spirit . However man went on in hearkning to the evil spirit ; And so much the more , because it is probable , the Devil appeared to him , professing an entire friendship in proposing somewhat , which might conduce to the amendment of his condition , and pleasure of his Body . This done , the Devils work was the better half finisht . Hereupon man yeelding to the Devils persuasion , and to please his lust , soon after forfeited his happinesse : His distinct knowledge of things failed him ; his fruition of God was lost ; his bodily appetite was now more increased than ever , and thence committed the same sinne a thousand times over . All God's creatures disobeyed him ; beasts grew fierce , herbs poisonous . The Elements lost their purity , the Sun yeelded of his light and brightnesse , the starres of their virtues and influences . This great alteration immediately hereupon succeeding , he soon perceived that he had sinned , and at the same instant felt the punishment for sin : he needed no trial , for his conscience yeelded . Now let us collect what man 's punishment was for this alone first sin . IX . It was not a present , unavoidable , eternal separation from God ; for then God would have cast him into hell immediately , like he did the Devil , whose crime was unpardonable , since he aspired to have been God himself , and in whom there remained not the least spark of good , but being rendred altogether evil , there remained nothing in him worth saving . Hence by the way I confirm my former proposition , that man had a principle of good remaining in him after his fall : for otherwise God should have cast him into hell immediately . 2. It was a present , temporal , unavoidable death , namely a separation of the soul from the body ; which he soon concluded from the alteration of his body and disposition to sicknesse , through which his body at last must necessarily be brought to a temporal death : yet this temporal death did not exclude an eternal one , in case he neglected the most gracious means destained for his restitution . 3. It consisted in a partial unlikenesse to God : for before he knew all things distinctly by one operation of mind , now by many , then without errour , now subject to mistakes and errours . 4. The losse of Paradise . The seat , wherein he was first constituted , was before full of all perfections , abounding of all things for the good of man : all herbs were nourishing ; flowers fragrant ; beasts of a soft , pleasant , and delightfull nature ; the Elements in their splendour ; the Earth fruitfull ; the waters sweet ; the air clear and wholsome ; the fire pure . Soon after all was changed ; some herbs became venemous , others still reserving some goodnesse in them ; some flowers changed into a stink , others retained yet some sweet odour ; so some Beasts became wild , others remaining tame ; a part of the earth remained barren , and a part fruitfull , &c. X. Had man then become quite evil through this one act , all that , which had been subservient to him before , would now have become noxious and destructive to him . His knowledge of God was not totally blotted out , his knowledge of all other things was not quite abolisht : for he knew them still , although not with the same distinction and evidence . Since then it was so , that part of mans enjoyments were yet remaining , and that part changed into crosses , it is probable , that a part of the good in man remained , and a great part of evil entred ; for had man not retained some good in him , God would have taken all good away from him . Now after the shipwrack of man's happinesse and admission of evil , let us also examine what remained in him , that might still be termed good . 1. There remained in man after his fall a knowledge of his Creator . 2. A Reasoning faculty . 3. His body as yet in health , but disposed to sicknesse and death . 4. A place wherein to live ▪ All these Relicts were much impaired to what they were ; neverthelesse God left them for some end : namely , that they might serve man as a means for his restitution . I had almost forgot to insert among man's remains his free-will : for no question the first man had a free-will to good and evil , which it is probable remained also partially in him after his fall . CHAP. XVIII . Of the manner of the Suppression , Extinction , Predominance and Triumph of the Habit of Good. 1. The repetition of some of the principal principles of this Treatise . 2. What it is that hindreth the Habit of Good. 3. How the good Habit happens to be deaded , and overcome by the evil habit . How the good Habit happens to suppresse and vanquish the evil habit . 4. That we are apt to incline most to those things that are forbidden . 5. A proof inferring darknesse to proceed from the prevalence of the corporeal appetite . 6. Why it is , that a man must necessarily die . The ground detected upon which the Papists were induced to state a Purgatory . Their error rejected . 7. That the proportion of these two Habits is various in every individual subject . I. BY what hath been proposed in the fore-going Chapter you may now fully comprehend the nature of Darknesse or habit of evil , and how man fell into it . You may further remember , that man had no habit of Good , because nothing resisted his natural powers : wherefore it is no absurdity to assert , That man acteth now good and evil through acquired or infused habits . Moreover let me desire you to take notice , how man fell into sinne : viz. That it was through the inclination and enticement of his corporeal or sensual appetite , and that thereby his reason was not drawn aside violentè or coactivè , but inclinativè and dispositivè : that through this the body , as it were , got the upperhand of the soul , insomuch that after the soul had submitted her self once to the command of the body , she thereby forfeited her superiority : that the body after the fall being corrupted and grown lesse serviceable to the soul , it had stronger influence upon the soul than ever : That the habit of the soul is nothing else , but an easinesse of working its acts , whether good or evil ; which is attained through frequent repetitions of the same acts , and through it at last makes the organs easie , and the objects fitted . II. Where as all habits presuppose a difficulty , through which the former acts have been hindred , that , which hindreth the good habit , is the forcible drawing and prevalence of the sensual appetite , whereby it is set on and inclined to sensual acts , which for the most part prove to be evil . III. Wherefore this good habit is nothing else , but the same principle of good somwhat deaded and diverted by the sensual inclinations of the body ; for as a flaming fire may be deaded and choakt through black smokes , whereby it is hindred from flaming , and yet continue a fire , and may blaze again , were the smokes but discussed ; in fire we see , when it begins to blaze a little , by degrees it blazes more and more , untill at last it gets to a flame , which keeps its life the better , and expelleth the smoke more vigorously ; but if it begins to leave flaming , and come to blazing , and from blazing return to a deadish light , then the smoke overcometh it , and deads it again : Even so it is with the habits of the soul ; man's light keeps blazing , untill it is deaded and choakt through the dark smokes of his inordinate sensual appetite ; but if it be ventilated , and stirred up by frequent repetitions of good acts , it is vivified , and lasteth . This light , if it is once come to an intyre flame , it can never be totally darkned : possibly it may now and then remit somewhat of its lustre ; but in case this light doth only blaze a little now and then , or it may be flame a while , yet if it rise not to burn clear quite through , neverthelesse it will perish , and is to be counted for a flash . IV. It is then the inordinate appetite of the body , which smothereth up the light of the soul , because through it she is led aside by harkning altogether to its motion , and suffering the understanding and will to bend to its pleasures , and especially to such which are forbden . Nitimur in vetitum semper cupimusque negata . That , which the Law doth most from us require , Is most gain-said by our perverse desire . Herein is the habit of the soul deaded and overcome by the evil habit of the body . The soul may produce good acts although with difficulty , because she is opposed by the evil habit of the body : But the oftener those acts are repeated , the more the soul doth triumph over the body , and subdueth it under her command , yet not so as to tie up its whole force ; because the body being once corrupted cannot be redintegrated in this world , there remaining a debt to be paid ; to wit , death , which was contracted , as hath been shewed , through guilt of the first transgression . You may here enquire , Why God through his infinite mercy doth not forgive man this debt of death ? I answer , That God through his justice cannot , that requiring plenary satisfaction , otherwise God's threatnings and ordinances might be supposed to be in vain . V. From all this it appeareth , that the darknesse of the soul proceeds from the predominance of the corporeal appetite misleading the soul , and consequently that the good habit of man is per se , and the evil habit : per accidens ; for the same perfections , which the soul of the first man was indued withall , are also conferred upon every individual soul , because each of these doth immediatly emanate from God , and therefore is most perfect : Ergo , the perfection or good of every soul is inherent in her per se , and the evil , which doth assault her is per accidens ; for it is from the body . By the way let me tell you in case you doe maintain originall sinne , and assert it to be propagated through infection , you must agree in this very tenent , viz. that it is propagated through the infection of the body , which is per accidens to the soul : for it cannot be propagated through the infection of the soul ; for that was created pure and perfect : or otherwise you must affirm , that the soul is ex traduce , which is impious and atheistical . VI. The body , since it is so corrupted , must be purified , which cannot be , unlesse the soul leaveth it for a while : but as for the soul , if it deserteth the body with an assurance of , and in God's mercy and goodnesse , it needeth not to die , because it was not essentially corrupted , but accidentally ; and expiring out of the body arrives to God's presence in the same purity , and perfection , as it was indued with at her first infusion . Wherefore the Papists do most heretically mistake in arguing , that the soul for to be purified must abide a while in Purgatory . Here may be objected , If the soul remaineth good per se , and the evil be per accidens , then the soul of every wretch being dissolved from the body is entirely pure and holy ? I deny the consequence ; for as long as God's justice is not satisfied for their sin committed in the flesh , both their body and soul must necessarily be damned : but as for the soul of a regenerated man , the guilt of his sins being taken away , and God's justice satisfied in this world , the soul when dissolved from the body remaineth essentially and naturally good without any further purification . VII . The proportion , which there is between these two habits , is very various and different in most persons : for we see , that some persons their bodies and appetites are more depraved than others , and consequently their good habits more deaded , and that some have much more ado to rebuke their sensual inclinations than others . CHAP. XIX . Of Original Sinne. 1. How it is possible for two contrary Habits to inhere in one subject . 2. The absurdities , that follow this Assertion , viz. That the evil habit inheres in the soul per se. 3. In what manner the Habit of good is taken to inhere per se in the soul. 4. That God created every man theologically good . Several Objections , relating to the same assertion , answered . 5. How the soul partaketh of the guilt of Original Sinne. The opinion of the Synod of Rochel upon this matter . I. NOw we may easily explain how two contrary habits can inhere in one and the same subject . No question it is impossible two contraries should inhere both per se in one subject ; for the nature of contraries is to expell one another out of the same subject : Yet it is not repugnant but that two contrary habits may inhere both in one subject , provided the one exist in it per se , and the other per accidens , or that they be not inherent in one partial subject , although they may in the total : for it is possible for a man to be afflicted with two contrary diseases in two parts of his body , yet both are sustained by one total subject . In like manner may the evil habit be principally and originally inherent in the body , and the good habit in the soul , yet both these are contained in one man. II. Notwithstanding all this , there are some , who obstinately do affirm , that the evil habit inheres in the soul per se , but how do they prove it ? Certainly upon these suppositions . 1. That the habits may be altered , and the substance remain the same . 2. That the first man acted through habits . 3. That the good habit being removed the evil habit succeeded in its steed , and consequently that an Accident doth migrate è subjecto in subjectum . which is against their own maxims . These suppositions being all false , as hath been proved at large , cannot be a firm foundation for any conclusion whatever they have built upon them . And therefore I conclude again , 1. That in the first man there was a natural disposition of acting good , but no habit . 2. That there became two habits in man after his fall , the one of good , and the other of evil . III. That the habit of good inheres in man per se ( Quatenus actionis principium dicatur anima , inest ei habitus bonus per se , aut prout habitus sit accidens , secundum istud potest animae attributi inesse per accidens , quia ipse habitus est accidens ; quae tamen mihi est in usitata locutio . ) And the habit of evil per accidens ( Non quatenus proficiscatur ab anima tanquam à mali principio , sed duntaxat quatenus sit animae instrumentum . ) Here one may object , If an evil act proceed per se from the soul , than the evil habit is also inherent in her per se. As to this , the same I may argue from a good act , and thence infer the inherence of the good habit per se. But it is certain , that two contrary opposites ( secundum idem ad idem ) cannot exist together at the same instant in the same subject ; so that the one habit must necessarily inesse per se , and the other per accidens . Before I go farther , let me tell you once for all , when I say that the good habit is per se in man , I do not imply , that it is ex se , but è Dei gratia , è voluntate & potentia divina ordinata ; to deny this is to rob God of his honour , and is no lesse than a blasphemy : wherefore it ought to be a great caution to all men , how they assert good habits per se , or good works per se , lest they offend . IV. God creates every man theologically good , that is , God infuseth the soul theologically good into the body being good also : for otherwise God would be supposed to joyn good to evil . How could the body be evil before the advent of the soul ? If it were evil , it must be morally evil ( for there is no doubt but it was and remaineth physically good ) but that cannot be admitted , because there is no moral evil without a rational will. Good and evil is taken in a double sense : 1. Good or evil is that , which is agreeable or disagreeable with the Law of God. 2. Good or evil is , which is convenient and sutable , or inconvenient and unsutable to a being . According to the first acception , The soul is infused good into a good body , because of the reason fore-mentioned . But according to the last it is not . Here may be demanded , Whether it agreeth with God's goodnesse , to infuse a good soul into an unsutable body . I answer , That it doth not detract one title from God's goodnesse : for he hath ordained , that man should multiply and increase , and therefore hath given man a power of increasing and multiplying . The power , which man exerciseth to multiply , is through propagation of his body only , and uniting the soul to it . The body being then prepared for the souls reception , the soul at that instant is raised out of the body ( è potentia materiae receptiva ) not out of it , as è materiali principio eductivo , like unto material forms , but by the divine power , which is ever present where God hath ordained his benediction : so that God doth not withdraw his power of creating a soul , when ever a body is prepared for it , although that body is generated by the worst of men , because God hath ordained it ; for God doth create a soul , not because a wicked man hath disposed a body for the reception of it , but because of his ordained blessing to mans increase . V. The soul being united to the body , immediately partaketh of the guilt of original sinne . What original sinne is , me thinks , is not distinctly expounded by our ordinary institutionists . They say , It is a natural disposition to evil , naturally descending from Adam to all men ; it is that , which is called , The sinne dwelling in man , The Law of our members , The old man , The flesh , The body of sinne , &c. First , I demand , What sinne is ? I shall be answered , That it is a breach of God's Law. Ergo , A sinne is an act : for to break God's Law is to act against God's Law. A disposition , say they , is , whereby an agent can act . Ergo , A disposition to sinne is no sinne , because a disposition is no act , but whereby we can , or do act . So that original sinne is the first act of sinne , which the first man acted , who comprehending in him whole mankind , since all men were to descend from him , the sinne , which he acted , was also acted by whole mankind , and consequently the guilt of that sinne is imputed to every man. The habit of sinne being entered through one act , whereby we are render'd prone to evil , and commit actual sinne , or do act sinne , the same habit and disposition hath also ceased on all mankind . So that original is rather the first actual sinne , after which followed the habit of sinning ; and with the original or first sinne of man , the habit of sinning is withall communicated to mans posterity . This very sense may be dtawn from their own words , although it was against their intentions . The Synod held at Rochel in the year 1607. in the moneth of March , rendreth her self in these words , as further appears by their Confession . We believe , that whole mankind , ever since Adam , is corrupted with such an infection , as original sinne is , to wit , an original defect . And in the 11th Artie We believe , that this defect is a sinne , and is sufficient to damn whole mankind from the highest to the lowest , yea moreover the Infants in their Mothers womb . What can any body apprehend by this original defect , but an actual sin , or how could Infants be guilty of it ? CHAP. XX. Of the manner of Man's multiplication . 1. The state of the controversie . 2. That the Rational Soul is not generated , or produced by generation . That there are three kinds of productions out of nothing . 3. That the Soul is not propagated either from the Father or Mother . 4. That impious opinion concluding the Rational Soul to be generated tanquam ex traduce , confuted . 5. An Objection against the Authors opinion answered . 6. That the foetus before the advent of the Rational Soul is informated with a form analogal to a sentient form . 7. That God is the remote cause of man's generation . 8. That man doth generate man naturally and per se. 9. The opinion of Austin , Jerome , and others upon this matter . 1. I Had almost in the last Chapter fallen unawares into that intricate Controversie about man's multiplication and increase , but fore seeing the extent of it , I thought it fitter to retire my self to this Chapter , and treat of it here singly . Man consisteth of body and soul : as touching the body , there is no doubt made of it , but that it is propagated tanquam ex traduce . All the stumbling is at the rational soul , whether she be infused or propagated in like manner as the body : or I may state the Question thus , Whether the soul of man is created or produced by generation ? Conclus . The Rational Soul is not generated or produced through generation . I prove it . That which is indivisible is produced in an indivisible part of time , namely in an instant . But the Soul of man is indivisible , and therefore is produced in an instant . Again , that , which is produced in an instant , is created and not generated : Because generation doth follow alteration , which is by succession . Ergo , The Soul would not be constituted in an instant , but successively , and consequently would be corporeal . 2. If the Soul had a power of generating a Soul , it had also a power of destroying it by means contrary to those , wherby she had produced it . 3. Generatio unius est corruptio alterius , & vice versa : Ergo , Quicquid est generabile est corruptibile . The generation of one form or being is the corruption of another ; and the corruption of one is the generation of the other : Ergo , What ever is generable is corruptible , and what ever is corruptible is generable : So then when ever the soul is generated another soul or form is corrupted ; And when the soul is corrupted another form or soul is generated , which may be , as the Indians hold , the soul of an horse , or of an asse , &c. and so the soul is made material . To this possibly your answer will be , That it is so in natural productions , but not in supernatural . I ask you then , Why do you object this for an argument to prove the propagation of the soul , viz. that man ( Homo generat sibi similem ) doth generate his like , otherwise he would be inferiour to a beast . Ergo , You assert that man doth generate naturally like unto other creatures . 4. If otherwise to generate its like were a property belonging to supernatural beings , then Angels would have a power of generating other Angels , which they have not . Or if this power of generating were onely superadded to one kind of supernatural beings , namely to souls , then a soul would be more noble than an Angel. 5. There are but two wayes of producing a substance , to wit ( è materia praeexistente , vel è nihilo ) out of a preexistent matter , or out of nothing . What , is the soul produced out of a preexistent matter , as out of a potentia eductiva ? If you grant this , you expose your self to be suspected for a Plinianist , and to assert the soul to be material . Ergo , It must be created out of nothing . Now there are three kinds of productions out of nothing : 1. Enihilo termini ulterioris , sed aliquo materiae . 2. Enihilo materiae , sed aliquo termini . 3. Enihilo materiae , & nihilo termini . Here you must take terminus for forma : for what is it , that doth terminate the matter , but the form ? and so the world was created ex aliquo materia , sed nihilo termini : for it was created out of the Chaos , which was a rude matter without an ulterior forma , or terminus . After the same manner was the body of man created : for neither the Chaos , or dust , out of which man was created had an ultimate form . Neither are you to imagine here , that generation , and this kind of creation is one : for although in generation there is not that form existent in the matter , which is intended in it , yet generation is ab aliquo formae ultimae in eadem materia praeexistent is . The last kind of creation is exemplified by the creation of the Chaos , of the dust , of Angels , and of Souls . This manner of production is proper only to an infinite power : But you may demand , Why cannot God invest the soul with this power ? I answer , It is impossible to God ( Non simpliciter sed secundum quid ) and to the nature of the soul. As to God it is impossible ; because should he confer his infinite power upon man , he would make him equal to himself . 2. It is impossible to the nature of the soul ; because she being limited , cannot be unlimited or infinite at the same time . Omne quod est , idem quod est , necesse est esse . IV. Were the soul extraduce , then she would be propagated either from the Father , or Mother , or from both . Not from the Father : for then the rational soul would be inherent in the geniture at the same moment of conception , which all grant is not : then from the Mother ( as James Hostius his opinion was ) which is absurd ; for all grant that the Mother is a passive , and the Father an active principle ; besides if so , men's souls would be extreamly weak : not from both ; for then the soul would be of a mixt nature , which is no lesse absurd . Give me leave here to examine Sealiger's notion , which Sennert , Kyper , and others do assume to demonstrate the manner of the souls propagation . Seal . Exerc. 6. D. 11. An anima catelli sit pars animae patris . Cur non ? dividitur ad materiae divisionem material is anima : totaque est in sui parte , quod in plant is manifestum est . Gignit autem animam anima sui promotione , eadem sanè ratione , quemadmodum à lampadis flamma flammam excipimus , illa nihilominus integra remanente . He moveth a Question , Whether the soul of a whelp is a part of the soul of the dog that begot him : And why not ? For a material soul is divided according to the division of the matter , and she is whole in its part ; which is most evident in plants . Wherefore a soul begetteth a soul by protruding her self , much after the same manner as we kindle a flame with a flame of a lamp , the which neverthelesse remaineth entire . Here Scaliger explains the propagation of beasts and plants ; and others do impiously apply the same to the rational soul , and consequently make her material . But to the point , the rational soul cannot protrude her self in this manner , because she is indivisible : As for a flame , that protrudes its self ; because it is divisible , and communicateth a part of its self to another combustible matter , and so raiseth a flame ; but this is not so in the soul. V. After the confirmation of my opinion , it is requisite I should answer to what may be objected against it . If the soul cannot generate a soul ( may one say ) or cannot generate his like , then man is inferiour to other living creatures , which do generate their like . I answer , That man doth generate his like ( for it is apparent , that the Sonne i● like the Father ) and that in a nobler manner than animals or vegetables , who do naturally generate their like as to matter and a corruptible form ; but man doth generate the matter , and disposeth it for the reception of an incorruptible form : which done , the form is immediately united to it in instanti , not from the soul singly and originally , but from the divine power , which is alwayes concomitant to God's benediction , by which he hath through his ordained will freely tied him . self . The divine power , being then alwayes present and concomitant to the generating soul , doth , as it were , give a rational soul to the plastick faculty of the genitures , when she is ready to unite it to the body : where observe , that the generating soul is a subordinate and mediate cause of the infusion of the other rational soul. The creating power of God is the primar , principal , and immediate cause of man's rational soul , and its production . It is the primar and immediate cause of the soul , because it createth her : God of his goodnesse and blessing doth give the soul now at that instant created to the generating soul , as to a subordinate and instrumental cause . VI. By the generating soul I intend a material and divisible form , inherent in the genitures mixt out of that , which is contributed from the Father , and that other from the Mother . This form is analogal to a sensitive soul ( but notwithstanding must not be counted to be of the same species ) and doth informate the body of the Infant , untill the advent of the indivisible , immaterial , immortal , and rational soul , and then it doth acquit the name of a form , and becomes a faculty , power , and instrument to the said rational soul. VII . God is the remote cause of man's generation and production , because God doth notimmediately unite and insuse the soul into the body : for were God the next cause of uniting the soul to the body , then true enough , man could not be said to generate man ; because the introduction or eduction of the form into , or out of the mattor is the generation of the whole . Now then man is the subordinate cause of the soul and its infusion , by reason his propagature receiveth the soul , which is to be infused , from God , who is the primar and original cause of it . VIII . Conclus . 2. Man doth generate man naturally and per se , although he doth not propagate the soul from himself . I prove it . He that uniteth the form to the matter , as in this instance of uniting the soul to the body , doth produce the totum compositum , as , to generate or produce the whole man : But man uniteth the soul to the body ; therefore he generates or produces the whole man. 2. Man generateth man naturally and per se , because he hath an absolute ( secundum quid ) power of uniting the soul to the body : for otherwise he were inferiour to other creatures . This power is given him in these expressed words of Scripture ( saving my purpose ) Let man multiply : How could man multiply had he not this power ? For did God infuse the soul immediately , as Divines generally hold , man could not be said to multiply , but God. The generating soul therefore is the Causa proxima of the infusion of the soul into the body . Wherefore there are alwayes souls ready ( that are created at the same moment , when needfull ) which are given to the generating soul : otherwise were its uniting power in vain . V. It is well expressed by Austin : If the soul be seminated with the flesh , it shall also die with the flesh . And by Jerome : If the soul of man and of Beasts be ex traduce , then consequently both must be corruptible . Plato in his Dialog . Phaed. infers the soul's advent from without , as an Herculean argument to prove her immortality . Coelius Rhodoginus lib. 6. Antiq. Lect. doth wittily expresse Aristotle's meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first whereof was asserted by him to be mortal , the latter to be immortal : And if I mistake not , he seems to affirm no lesse , Lib. 2. d. gener . cap. 3. viz. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is inherent in the sperm ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a divine rice , and immortal . Well may Tho. Aquinas pronounce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon all those , that should maintain the rational soul to be extraduce , since most Heathen Philosophers did believe otherwise . What ? because those dull Lutherans had not the wit to know that original sinne was propagated through the body , therefore they must revive that Bombastin opinion , concluding the soul to be propagated likewise , for to demonstrate her to participate of the said sinne . This we have shewed with more probability already ; and therefore let us henceforth beware of so dangerous and atheistical an assertion . CHAP. XXI . Of Practick Natural Faith. 1. What a man is to consider to prevent his downfall . 2. Man's danger and folly : the Devils policy . A certain means whereby to be delivered from this imminent danger . The whole mystery and summe of man's salvation . 3. The main Question of this whole Treatise decided . 4. Scripture proofs ( accidentally proposed ) inferring implicit faith in a natural man to be justifying . 5. The general Rules of practick Faith. 6. The occasion of man's fall briefly repeated . 7. Fifteen Reasons against all passions . 8. Arguments against all bodily pleasures . 9. The military discipline of a natural man , instructing him to warre against all his enemies that oppose him in his way to his greatest happinesse . 10. The greatest and most necessary rule of this military art . A scandal taken off from Physicians . 11. Another great measure of the said Art. 12. Whence a natural man is to expect assistance in case he is weakned by his enemies . 13. Whether the soul expiring out of the body is to be an Angel , or for ever to abide without office . What the office of a separated soul is . 14. How long she is to continue in office . The consummation and description of the change of the world . The resurrection proved by reason . The description of the second Paradise concluded by reason . 15. To what objects the faculties of men , when possest of the second Paradise , will extend . That they shall remember and know one another . That they shall eat and drink , that they shall not generate , that the same person , who redeemed man from his misery , shall reign over him in Paradise . I. ARt thou not stupified , or hast thou not lost thy reason through a confirmed Atheism , then what hath been hitherto delivered may take place in thee , and gain , thee a full insight into thy past , present , and future state . On the one hand , you know your misery and pravity by comparing the course of your life with that rule , which is imprinted in your heart : On the other hand you may fadom your own strength , and since that is decayed and weakned , you may spie God ready to assist and succour you in this contention and strife against your enemies , labouring all to pull him down . But how to procure God's aid and succour , 't is that , which I am about to advise you in . In the first place consider whose enemy thou art , and ever hast been , and what associates thou art adjoyned unto ; under whose banner it is thou fightest ; to what end , or what victory it is you expect . II. As to the first , thou art God's enemy , and hast been so from the minute thou wast conceived in . The associates among whose company and number thou hast ranged and listed thy self , are Infidels , Atheists , Wretches and Devils . The Banner , under which thou marchest , and fightest , is Satans , or the Prince of Devils . The end and victory , which thou fightest for , ( were it possible ) is to throw God out of his Throne : Now , bethink thy self ; art thou not a fool , that fightest against the mighty one , who is able to destroy thee in a moment ? Art thou not blinded to fight with such associates ? Were that mote but removed out of thy eye , thou wouldst soon be astonisht at their wickednesse , and detest their company . The Banner is as a vail cast before thy eyes to keep thee ignorant of the Devils aim and craft , which tends to lead thee into utter destruction . The Design , whereunto thou hast subscribed , is the greatest piece of rebellion and treachery . Now then , is it not time for thee to flie , and make thy escape ? Yet a moment and God soundeth his alarm , and so ye are all laid in the ground , and cast into an everlasting dungeon . But whither canst thou flie , but God will pursue thee ? Thou canst not cast thy self immediately upon God : for his justice doth judge thy crime high treason , and therefore unpardonable , so that thou art condemned to execution . First , satisfie God's justice , and then submit . But how may you enquire ? Certainly , O man , if thou art to satisfie God's justice and to appease his wrath , then thou art lost , and cast away for ever , and yet since man hath sinned , man must surely expect God's wrath . Now , the means for thy escape is to cast thy self upon God's mercy , which is infinite , and therefore of an equal weight to balance his justice : and believe assuredly , that God's mercy will move his infinite-wisdome to find out some way or other , whereby to satisfie his justice . 'T is true , we have all sinned in one man , to wit , the first man ; but if God doth send one righteous man into the world , who through his perfect obedience to the Law doth intirely recover God's favour , through his sufferings doth satisfie God's justice , through his death acquit us from the guilt and punishment of , and for the first or original sinne , and he afterwards rise again from the dead , as a Conquerour of Death and sinne ; this one man's satisfaction and obedience is sufficient to blot out all men's guilt , and merit God's favour and acceptance for all men ; because as the sinne of one first man is the original cause of all our sinnes , and as his sin is imputed to us , so the satisfaction of one second man ( provided he be of the same stock , that we are of ) is enough to satisfie for the sinne of that one first man , and consequently also for the sinnes , which we have committed , through the participation of that first sinne ; and his plenar obedience , if it be imputed to us , as the first sinne was , is sufficient to compleat and perfect all our imperfect good actions , and to make them theologically good . But some may reply , That it is repugnant to man's nature , if he be of the same stock , that we are of , to undergo death and rise again , or to be born without sinne , which is requisite ; for otherwise how can he be throughly righteous ? You have great reason to doubt of this ; for it is a mystery , which doth exceed man's capacity , and is impossible for a natural man to dive into , or ever come to any particular knowledg of it , unlesse immediatly revealed by inspiration to some men , from whom it should descend to us . Neverthelesse this very thing is possible with God , and therefore we ought not to doubt of it in the least , but according to that divine saying of Solon , De Deo non est inquirendum sed credendum : We are not to enquire of God , but to believe in him , and particularly in his mercy and wisdom . This is the great mystery , ground and summe of our salvation . III. But the main Question , that may be moved here , is , Whether this implicit faith may be termed justifying , that is , Whether man in believing inclusively in God's mercy and goodnesse , as including that God is most wise , and therefore can order or appoint a means for his restoration and redemption , and that he is mercifull , and therefore will order and appoint those means of salvation to such , who earnestly desire it , and believe in him . Mark I said also Goodnesse , for that is necessary to be believed into , because although that through God's mercy we are redeemed and restored to our primitive perfection , yet it is through his goodnesse , or grace as Divines usually expresse it , that we abide with him to all eternity . To this may be answered , that it is not improbable : for , since it would be impious to affirm , that all children are damned , because they have not an actual faith , we may safely suppose , that God being infinitely mercifull will save them as farre as they have an inclinative faith , or a disposition to it : an actual faith cannot be required , because of their immaturity . If then children are saved through their inclinative faith , certainly this fore-mentioned actual faith doth counterpoize that of children . Besides , man in believing according to the state of this Question , doth his uttermost , and that from a good principle to a good end , which questionlesse God will accept of . Lastly , Men's consciences are even in this faith at rest and satisfied , and their hopes are fixed : but all this cannot be in vain . Ergo. IV. I thought it not amisse ( although beyond my purpose ) to adde a Scripture or two . Ezek. 18. 21 , 22. But if the wicked will turn from all his sins , &c. Rom. 1 19 , 20. Because that , which may be known of God is manifest in them ; for God hath shewed it unto them . For the invisible things of him , from the creation of the world , are clearly seen , being understood by the things , that are made , even his eternal power and God-head , so that they are without excuse . Is not this a plain Text , testifying , that there is a natural faith in the hearts of all men , or at least may be . Luc. 13. 3 , 5. Acts 11. 18. 2 Corinth . 7. 10. Psalm 36. 40. Prov. 26. 25. John 3. 3. Galat. 5. 6 , &c. This implicit faith is generally called faith in God , Heb. 6. 1. 2 Cor. 4. 3. and many other places . Now to believe in God is to believe in him implicitly and inclusively , that he is mercifull and wise , and therefore can and will find out a means of redemption . Lastly , What was the faith of the Patriarchs in the Old Testament , but an implicit or inclusive faith ? V. This accidentally , and now I go on to finish what belongeth to practick Faith : For observe , that Faith is either contemplative , which is a contemplation or bare knowledge of the precedent , present , and future state of man , and of a means of redintegrating his nature . 2. Or Practick , when we institute , that theory in action , which doth principally consist in applying its rules and Theorems to our selves in particular . Now Faith in general and absolutely implieth both in the same manner ; as Logick , which is a practick Science comprehends theoretick Logick and practick Logick ; the first being ordinarily called , Logica docens ; the latter Logica utens ; and so we may say Fides docens , and Fides utens . The general practick rules of Faith are these : 1. By such wayes and means , as are like to those ( in matter , but not in form ) whereby man fell into evil , man is to recover himself from it . 2. A man is to recover himself by insisting in the same way , but by contrary steps , and using the same means , but in a contrary manner . 3. This contrariety of insisting and use , is a conformity to the insisting and use of means of the first man before his defect . VI. Man fell first by omitting the contemplation of God , but for a few minutes , and by yeelding to his sensual appetite , and the perswasion of the evil spirit . Pray observe here , that the condescending of the soul to the body was not a sinne : That being necessary ; for how could man have eaten else ? But the condescending of the soul to the body to a bad end , or so , as to be taken with the pleasures of it more than with its own , was a sinne and caused his fall , because the pleasures of the body , and those of the soul are contrary , the one expelling the other ; if you take delight in the meditation of divine things , then the pleasures of the body are laid aside ; or if in them of the body , then God is put by . Again , pleasures or delights of the body , when the soul is habituated to them , turn into passions : As for instance , If a man takes delight in drinking , and often repeats that act , at last he will be besotted with a doting love upon it , so as he will scarce be content , but when he is a drinking . There are some men , whom it is no easie matter to find sober although betimes in the morning ; they drink all day , and go drunk to bed ; they awake in the morning half foxed , with their brains , yet dulled , scarce being cleared of the last nights intemperance : presently after they call for a mornings draught , and drink untill noon , then sleep all dinner ●●ne , and in the afternoon go to it again , and tipple untill night , and so drink they the whole year about ; if at any time they are reproved for it , they will answer and swear to it , when ever they leave off drinking they shall die . The like turning to passion you may observe in all other pleasures . VII . A man is to return by stepping backward out of the same wayes and means : as 1. Above all things he must bridle and constrain his passions , as love , anger , hatred , &c. for by these the soul is altogether smothered up . 2. A passion seldom ceaseth on a man , but it leaveth a cindar , so that it easily blazeth again . 3. A passion is abominable in God's sight : or nothing is more agreeing with the nature of Devils , than alwayes to be in a passion . 4. A man is no lesse justly taken for a beast , than so called in the vulgar language : as when a man is taken notice of to dote upon a thing , people compares him to an asse , and say , he is a doting asse : or when he is incensed with hatred , they say , he is as full of hatred or venom as a Serpent : or when he is inflamed with anger , they resemble him to the Devil , in saying , he is as angry as a Devil . 5. The greatest advantage , which the Devil ever takes of men , is in their passions . How many are there , that hang and murther themselves in wrath , love , sadnesse , & c ? How many are there killed through jealousie , hatred , or anger ? 6. One passion seldome ceaseth on a man without being accompanied with many other vices and sinnes ; in anger , love and hatred they are apt to lye , abuse , murther , and what not ? 7. A passionate man is by wise men accounted a fool : For it was one of the tenents of the Stoicks , That no wise man was passionate ; and a very true saying it is ; for what foolish thoughts are men suggested with that are in love , sorrow , anger , & c ? You may object , That it is wisdom to love God. I answer , That that love is no passion , because it lasteth : besides , it is a necessary property inhering in the soul , whereby it inclineth to God with all her faculties : therein she answers to her end , for which she was created , which is to love God , or to be carried forth naturally to God. Neither is a Saints hatred against the Devil a passion , but a natural aversion from him . Compassion in a wise man is no passion , for it doth not alter him , it is rather a quality analogal to it , through which he succours a man in misery . A passion is violent , and not lasting ; the fore-mentioned seeming passions are natural , and therefore lasting : So that a wise man cannot be a wise man , and yet passionate , because it perverts his reason , and detracts him from his meditations ; and if at any time a wise man happens to fall into a passion , for that time he is no longer wise , but foolish , in declining towards his passions . 8. There is no passion but what is full of pain . All passions cause a violent alteration , which doubtlesse must prove painfull . Joy , which is supposed the best of passions , is painfull , it rendring a man restlesse , and full of anguish , not knowing where to bestow himself . The like may be attributed to Fear , Love , Anger , Sorrow , Hope , &c. 9. Passions are vain , fading away , and leaving no real good behind them . A man , when his passion is over , wondreth how he could have been drawn into such a passion . One that hath been lately in love with any thing , after a while , when that love to such an object is ceased in him , admireth at himself , how he could have loved it ; and so of all the rest . 10. All passions , whether good or evil , are redoubled with sorrow and melancholly . 11. All passions are hurtfull both to soul and body : to the soul , because she thereby is taken off from her Summum Bonum : to the body , because passions do dissipate or suppresse the vital and animal spirits : whence we may observe , that a passionate man is seldom long lived . 12. A passion is a great sinne . 13. Most men are apt to shun others , that are passionate , or seem to be so . For we commonly say , I care not for such a one , because he looks like an angry , or spitefull man , or he looks like a doting fool . 14. Atheism is a collection of the habits of all passions in one man. Wherefore it is necessary for a man , who endeavoureth to live eternally in happinesse with his Creatour to wean himself from all passions whatsoever , and shun them , as being most detestable . VIII . Secondly , Pleasures of the body are to be waved and contemned as much as possible : because by these man's soul was first drawn aside : Are we not apt to shun and be a verse from any thing , that offended our bodies , or caused a sicknesse ? Much more ought we to shun that , which cast our souls into a mortal disease . Pleasures of the body consist in the enjoyment of objects coveted by our sensual appetite : but these are beyond necessity , or more than our bodies require : for instance , to eat and drink of variety , or more than our natures require , is counted a pleasure ; but that is beyond necessity : So that all pleasures are beyond necessity ; Wherefore when we say such an one eats or drinks for pleasure , that is , he eats or drinks beyond necessity , or more than his nature requires . We must then also forbear going to see idle showes or playes , for they rob our souls of her pleasure , and diverts her from contemplating her Summum Bonum . Pleasures in the fore-mentioned sense differ from passions only ( Secundum magis & minus ) more or lesse , since that each of them , if often repeated may easily turn to a passion : how detestable they are hath been shewed already . The pleasures of the body destroy both body and soul : their natural effects enervate our strength ; their moral ones damn our souls . Bodily pleasures belong only to beasts , to those of the soul to men : Let us not then be so foolish as to make an exchange . Pleasure is the Devils bait , whereby he sweetly draweth us to Hell. A bodily pleasure is also a great sinne , because thereby we do not answer the end of our Creation : Had the first man not eaten more , than his nature required , or had he abstained from variety ( both which being pleasures ) he could not have sinned ; but eating beyond necessity , he fell into a pleasure , and afterwards into a passion by repeating the same over and over again . IX . Thirdly , You must resist the Devil with all your force , who , since you are fallen back from his party , will prove no mean enemy to you ; and therefore . 1. Consider where he intends to attack you , and be sure always to have a Sentinel abroad , who may give you a timely alarm , when he approaches for to make an assault upon you . Then , as a prudent Captain you are to know your strength , and view your whole Fort ; first , where you are the weakest ; 2. wherein your greatest strength lies , that so you may alwayes be in a readinesse of relieving your Fortresse . Besides , it will be a piece of prudence in you to know whence to procure assistance , if upon occasion you should be fiercely set upon . Your greatest weaknesse is in your out-works , which are your external senses , and some of your in-works , as your sensual appetite , and internal senses . Your greatest strength consisteth in your soul , namely in her reasoning faculty and will. Your aid and assistance is God , whom you are constantly to implore for succour and relief . Consider withall your enemies weapons , wherewith he intends to encounter you : And lastly , take notice of his strict discipline and policy in managing of his affairs , and therefore how much the more ought you to bestir yourself , and look about you ? Now I will take leisure to unfold your weaknesse to all . There is never a sense , but it hath its weaknesse attending it . 1. The Eyes they are apt to be inchanted with shows and playes , and especially such as are obscene : Your Ears with immodest discourse : Your Taste with gluttony and drunkennesse : Your Sent with noxious perfumes : And lastly , your other Sense with lust . All these are great and dangerous weaknesses . Are not some people so corrupt and slavishly tied to see shows and playes , that there is n●●●r a day , but they must see either a show , or a play ; they dream of playes ; they do constantly talk of playes ; and if there was but a fine show or play to be seen , the next discourse is , what have you not seen such a show , such a rare play ? Now mark the Devils policy , there is never a tempting play or show , but the Devil sets it off either by casting a lustre upon their eyes , or a pleasantnesse upon the gestures , a splendour upon the habit , and a clangour upon the speech of the Actours : You cannot imagine how dead and simple a play would seem without the Devils vernishing of it ; and this is evident , many having seen rare playes , upon whose eyes the Devils could not work , and to them they appeared as nauseous and simple , as it proved admirable and rare to others , upon whose eyes this glosse would take . The like may be said of painted or patcht faces ; how strangely are they set off with a glosse upon some mens eyes , and how ugly they appear to others , whose eyes are uncapable of a glosse ? To these they seem like a picture , or a patcht thing made up by Art ; like to a hansome doublet with a patch upon the elbow . And is not this a pretty stratagem of the Devils ? What a harmony doth an immodest tale strike upon some mens ears ? O pray , say they , tell that once over again , it is one of the best that ever I heard ! Do you not think that the Devil gives a little touch here to , to set off this melody ? To others again it proveth a harsh discord : so that while men play thus upon the Organs , the Devil he blows the Bellows . The Pallat or Taste is as ready to be enticed as any of the others . Pray listen to a Drunkards story ; I was yesterday , saith he , at such a Tavern , and there I had my fill of the best Canary in Town , and yet my head doth not ach , a sign of its excellency ; come , let us go , and have another taste of it . Surely the Devil did not neglect his opportunity in putting his paw into the cask to set off the wine with a relish ; and when he hath caught a man in drunkennesse , how doth he serue blasphemy out of his mouth ? How doth the Devil then ride him ? leads him by the nose whither he list ; it may be directs him to a ditch , and so he is drowned ; or leaves him in a dead sleep in the high-way , and there he is robbed or murthered ; or puts a sword into his hand to kill one or other , and so he comes to the gallows , and thence home ; or sends him to a naughty house , and there he is infected with the Devils leprosie . How doth the Devil perfume womens looks to enchant mens nostrils ? or what a nitour doth he overshade their faces with to raise mens lusts ? As for the weaknesse of your appetite , it is not hidden , when you do every day feel its force and bending to evil objects : and lastly , how wickedly are mens thoughts for the most part imployed ? In all these lieth your weaknesse , and there doth the Devil most attack you . Now then the defensive part of this military Art will lie in making your sallies upon the Devil , when you ever spie him moving towards you . If your eye is enticed with any thing , shut it or look another way , go from it : and so do in the case of the other senses : For a retreat in these assaults is as honourable as a resisting . Do not willingly or wittingly runne into these temptations , for your strength is but weak at the strongest . If neverthelesse thou art ex improviso encountred by any of the fore-mentioned accidents , and that thou art forced to withstand a repulse , direct your thoughts to the Summum Bonum , and so undoubtedly you are in salvo . Remember then that thou shunnest , contemnest , and goest back from all such objects , and persist in contemplating the Summum Bonum untill the last : for since the first man fell through waving this happinesse but for a moment , thou must surely he open to thy enemies , and be devoured by them , if thou settest it aside . Think that all bodily pleasures are torments in comparison to the enjoyments of the soul. X. Fifthly , We must return to our first operation of mind , which consists mainly , as I hinted just now , in contemplating God , and admiring his Attributes either immediately , or mediately through his wonderfull works : so that what ever object we behold , meditate or discourse of , we must behold , meditate , and discourse of it , as created from God , and having a mark upon it of his Omnipotence , Wisdom and Goodnesse . If we consider our selves , as first our bodies , we cannot but remark its admirable structure and variety of organs , one subserving the other , which revealeth God's Omnipotence and Goodnesse , and cannot but be a great happinesse , if we do but reflect , that this God , who is so Omnipotent , so Wise , and so Good is our God. When one heareth that another , who is his friend , and hath a kindnesse for him , is promoted to great dignity and power , how is he rejoyced at it , because now he is assured he hath a friend in power ? but how much the more ought that man to be transported with joy , who hath God for his friend , whose friendship and power is infinite beyond expression ? Are we now so much astonisht at the formation of the body , what may we then be at the soul , by far exceeding the body ? this consideration will be enough to carry forth a man into an extasie . So likewise there is nothing existent in the world , but its nature is so admirable , that we cannot but admire God in it . Here you may take notice of the erroneous and hard opinion the vulgar harbours of those , that study Nature and natural bodies , meaning only Physicians . What do they say of them ? They study Nature so much , that they imagine that all comes by nature . What a foolish saying ? They would speak truer if they said , they study nature so little , that they imagine , that all things rise from themselves , and not from Nature . So that it is not the study of Nature , but the ignorance of it protrudes them to Atheism . I have likewise ever observed , that such , as asserted that blasphemy , were rash foolish fellows , having neither skill or learning in them . This is a more frequent ignorance among Chirurgeons , who thinking they know something , yet obstinately affect ignorance . What shall I say , are there not some among them , who have not thought it a crime to speak the greatest blasphemy of God and Christ , that tongue can expresse ? Have the same Atheists spared of spitting out their venemous treason against their supream Magistrate and Countrey , although afterwards excusing themselves by pretending it was out of policy ? The pestilence of these fellows breaks out in fiery heats , and botches in their butcherly faces . But God forbid all should be so , many of that Profession being as knowing and religious as of any others . XI . Sixthly , We are to persist herein untill we are arrived to a compleat habit , for before we have attained to it , every evil act , although we have made some progresse , sets us very much back ; yea sometimes renders us in as bad a condition , as we were in before : in the same manner as when we are a rolling up a great stone towards the top of a mountain , if we slip but a little , or do not continue in our strength and roll on , the stone tumbles down again to the bottom . Wherefore think that the least evil act , which you commit , sets you back , and may endanger you of returning to your old condition ; for as a stone inclineth naturally contrary wayes to the force of the driver , so do we naturally incline contrary wayes to the motion of the good that is yet remaining in us . Be sure then to persist and persevere in your labour , lest you do labour in vain . Let what ever you think , speak , or do , have a relation or a reflexion to God , and so you shall soon come to the top of the hill , where you shall have rest enough . XII . If you perceive your strength begins to fail , which seldome is otherwise , then pray to God , and constantly implore his aid and assistance ; for without it all our labour is labour in vain . Here you may enquire , How one may know that God will be sought by prayer ? I answer , Nature doth shew us as much ; for when ever misery doth surprize us , we do naturally , as if stirred through a necessary and forcing principle , call upon God : and what is Nature but God's intended work ? 2. It is consentaneous to the nature of misery , for that needs relief and succour , which is no other way procured , than by zealous prayer : Possibly you may suggest to your self , that it is to be got by praising God. By no means God is not pleased with any praises , but of such , as are like to him ; as for others , they are an abomination to him . Praising denotes a gladnesse or joy , which cannot he in any one , who is yet detained by his original misery . We must therefore desire God to help us in striving and resisting against all bodily pleasures and passions . I say strive ; for we must labour hard , or else God will scarce help us . And this was not unknown to the worst of Heathens , as their common saying doth witnesse , Dii laboribus omnia vendunt . The gods sell all things for labour . When now you begin to feel your misery to be lessened , then praise God with all your heart , and with all gladnesse for his Mercy and Goodnesse extended towards you ; and herein you are to abide for ever ; for as God's Mercy is without end , even so must you continue in praises without end . Lastly , Beg of God to illuminate your understanding , that you may understand all things more distinctly , thereby to admire God the more . And now you do begin somewhat to resemble the first man in all his mental operations and felicities . But the body still remaining unclean , it is necessary for the soul to leave it for a while , that it may be purified through fire , with the rest of the Elements , and so be made a fit palace to receive the soul in again . The soul needs no purification , and therefore ascendeth directly to God's bosome . So that I do much agree herein , that there is a Purgatory for the body , but none for the soul. XIII . Hereupon enquiry may be made , Whether the soul expiring out of the body , and carried to God if Good , ( or to the Devil if evil ) is to be an Angel , or to live with God for ever without any office : Or , Whether she is to be re-united to the body , when purified . It is probable , that the soul deserting the body is to be immediately an Angel , and to continue in office , untill such time , that the compleat number of souls have likewise finisht their course . I prove it . It is improbable , that the soul should desist from serving God , and professing its duty , because she was created for the same end . Secondly , Her condition would exceed that of Angels , were she exempted from all duty , these being also created for God's service : for Spirits are called Angels from their Office , which is to serve God. The word is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , denoting a messenger , which again from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I send . The Office , which the separated soul is capable of exercising , is of taking care of souls yet in the body , in helping and assisting them ; for as the Devil doth seduce us by depraving our appetites and fancies , so to the contrary do Angels enlighten our understandings , and suppress our immoderate appetites . XIV . This office they shall remain in untill the consummation of the world , at which time every soul shall be re-united to its body now purified by fire , and transformed into a splendid substance . All the Elements shall then be sublimed into a pure nature , and all other things else shall return to what they were at the time of the first man's innocency . Beasts shall receive new natures , their wild ones shall become tame and obedient to man as formerly . The poisonous herbs shall be changed again into wholsome . All flowers shall re-indue their primitive fragrancy : Summarily all men , that shall escape the terrour of that great day of judicature , shall be placed in the same state and Paradice , which the first man enjoyed , and the same Law shall be imposed upon men , as before . Man shall abide eternally in Paradise : he shall eat and drink , but he shall not generate . The great instrument and cause of man's redemption shall eternally reign over him . Here I have described man's second Paradise ; there remains only the proof of its particulars . 1. That the separated soul shall be re-united to its body is apparent , because God created her at first with a natural propensity to the body , and that she should be a perfection to it , which propensity is yet remaining in her , because God doth not recall any thing , that he doth , or hath done . This propensity is a certain sign , that God will raise up its body again otherways it would be in vain . The body ( 't is likely ) will be the same ( Quoad formam accidentalem & figuram ) according to its precedent form , shape and figure , because thereby the saved souls may know one another again , when they meet in Paradise , and rejoyce together , alwayes praising God for his mercy and goodnesse . XV. The soul being now returned to its body , must be contained by a corporeal place . This corporeal place must be a Paradise upon earth , because God did first bestow it upon man , as being agreeable to his integrity and perfection ; and of the other side , as being consentaneous to God's infinite goodnesse , through which he conferred a compleat and entire happinesse upon man. The same now remaining , to wit man's perfection and God's goodnesse , it is certain , that he will conferre the same happinesse upon man , namely Paradise ; because God in his wisdom finding it to be suitable to man then , will ordain the same again now , his wisdom being the same . If God then is pleased to conferre the same Paradise upon man , it is evident , that all the Elements shall be purified , otherwayes how could it be a fit place for to imbrace so pure a substance ? The same Law , 't is probable shall continue , because the same obedience and duty will be required from man as before . Beasts , Herbs and Flowers the second Paradise shall abound with ; because God judged it convenient before , and therefore his wisdome being unchangeable will judge the same then . He shall eat and drink , because otherwayes the fruits of Paradise , and mans nutritive organs should be in vain . He shall not generate , because the number of men will be compleated . The cause and instrument of our Redemption was an entirely righteous and effentially holy man ; yet more than a man , for it was impossible , for man alone to satisfie God's justice : since then the chief instrument of our salvation was a man , his body being of the same nature with others , must require a corporeal place : but of this little can be said , since man through his reason cannot dive unto it , neither is it revealed , unlesse obscurely . * What shall I say more to you , O , that most splendid second Paradise , abounding with innumerable springs of ineffable joys ! This is the Palace , whither the victorious Soul shall be conducted by a number of glorious Angels to the greatest of Kings , attended by myriads of Cherubims , there , in the sight of them all to receive the Laurel , and to be installed into an everlasting dignity , office , and possession . Thence she takes her place among those illustrious attendants , and sings Hymns to the melodious ear of the chief Musician . O hear their sweet noise ring , Gloria , Gloria Deo in excelsis . Te Deum laudamus in aeternum . O the harmony of their quavering wings and smooth voices ! O the glorious order in their moving ! O the splendour that encompasseth them ! O the glistering of their appearances ! O those bright Stars moving swister than the Heavens ! O the ●lustery descent of the myriads of Seraphims , then of Cberubims , and of Thrones ! O but what misery is it to be shut out from this celestial consort , and have ones brains dashed against the fiery pins , and burning stakes of Hell ? Wo the most horrible sight of that monstrous Arch-devil Satan , piercing the most tender sinews of man with his serpentine tongue , haling each limb of him with so many . Drakes heads : scruing his conscience , by trusting his eyes into that dread magnifying glasse of Hell , which serveth him to shake his shattery bones , through seeing the monstrous greatnesse of his sins . Wo that multiplying Glasse expressing the vast number of his detestable wicked deeds . Wo the fearfull thunder of those innumerable legions of wretches roaring out through the most intollerable pains of their sinews , the rigid torments and the gnawing , fretting , distracting , inflaming Gangrene of their sad consciences . Wo the everlasting pricking , pinching , convulsion , rotting of their sinews . Wo the deformity of their ulcer'd , swelled , rankled bodies . Wo the fearfull spectacle and disorder of hellish monsters ! here is a fiery Serpent , there a roaring Lion ; here stands a dreadfull Drake formed out of the body of an Atheist , there a raging Crocodile grown up out of the body of a Traitor . Wo the unexpressible innumerable torments and dreads of Hell. And this you see is the end of Good and Evil , and of this Treatise . CHAP. XXII . Comprizing a brief account of the Religion of the Heathen Philosophers . 1. Socrates his belief of God. 2. What God is according to Homer . 3. What Plato thought God to be . 4. Thales his saying of God. 5. Instances proving the Heathens to have known Gods Attributes ; particularly , That Thales believed God's Omniscience , and God's unchangeable Decrees . 6. That Socrates asserted God's Omniscience , Omnipotence , his creating of the world in time , his justice and mercy , God's Omnipresence . 7. The Articles of Plato 's Faith , 8. Aristotle 's Belief . 8. Virgil 's opinion of divine things . 10. The divine Song of Orpheus , 11. Trismegistus upon the Creation of the world . AFter the proposal of a Rational Divinity , and its evidence through humane Reason , it will not a little conduce to the proof thereof , that Heathens have through the light of Nature attained to the same . I. Socrates , who might more justly be surnamed Divine , than his Scholar Plato ( who received most of his learning from him ) constantly used to say , That the only amiable wisdome was to know and understand God and Nature ; which knowledge ( saith he ) was not be got in men , but it was called to mind ; as if he would have said , the soul must needs retain some impression from whence it was derived . He asserted also , That the supream God was the Father and maker of all things . II. Homer declared God the Father of all the gods which are created , and maker of beasts , and all other things that had no souls . By gods here he meant men , who for their excellency of wit and parts , were after their death remembred with Sacrifices , and honoured with the name of gods . Neither did men really take these for gods , but only in the same manner as Papists do their Saints ; for they were not ignorant that these had been men , and could then perform no more than men . Hence Heraclitus affirmed , That this world was not made by any of the gods or men . III. Plato his assertion was , That God of all causes was the most excellent , and the first . IV. God , saith Thales , is the most ancient of things , for he never had beginning or birth . V. Now I come to produce , that they had attained a particular knowledge of God's Attributes . Thales being demanded , whether a man might do ill and conceal it from God : no nor think it , said he . Stobaeus relates of Thales , that he being asked what was the strongest , answered Necessity , for it rules all the world . Necessity is the firm judgement and immutable power of Providence . A golden saying inverting Fate into God's unchangeable Decree . VI. Socrates his knowledge of God was after this tenour : viz. That God knoweth all things , said , done , or silently desired . That God through his care sustains all his creatures , in providing light , water and fire for them . But particularly for man , for whose service and subjection he hath ordained plants and all other creatures . That God is one , perfect in himself , giving the being and well-being of every creature ; what he is I know not , what he is not I know . That the way to true happinesse is Philosophy , whose precepts are two , to contemplate God , and to abstract the soul from corporeal sense . That God , not Chance created the world and all creatures , is evident , through the reasonable disposition of their parts , as well for use as defence , from their care to preserve themselves , and continue their kind : That he hath had a particular regard to man in his body , is no lesse apparent from the excellency thereof above others ; from the gift of speech , from the excellency of his soul in Divinations , and fore-saying dangers : That he regards particular beings , from the care of their whole kind : That he will reward such as please him , and punish others that displease him , from his power of doing it , from the belief he hath ingraffed in man : That he will do it : That he is professed by the most wise and civilized Cities and Ages : That he at once seeth all things , from the instances of the eye , which at once over-runs many miles ; and of the mind , which at once conceiveth things done in the most remote places : Lastly , That he is such , and so great , as that he at once seeth all , hears all , is every where , and orders all . Plato maintains , That God is incorporeal and an unchangeable Light. That the knowledge of God was the true wisdom , and that we are render'd like to God through our justice and holinesse . What saith Austin concerning Plato ? That his followers would have been Christians , a few words and sentences onely being changed . That the greatest happinesse consisted in knowing God , and in being like to him . But possibly you may reply , That Plato ( according to what is asserted by Justin Martyr ) had read some Books written by an inspired pen , as the Books of Moses and the Prophets . Unde Plato ( inquit ) currum volantem Jovem agere in Coelo didicit , nisi ex Prophetarum Historiis , quas evolverit ? Intellexit enim è Prophetae verbis , quae de Cherubim it a script a sunt , & gloria Dom ini ex domo exivit venitque in Cherubim , sumserunt Cherubim pennas suas , & rotae eorum cohaerebant , Dominique Dei Israel eis in Coelo coharebat gloria . Hinc profectus Plato clamat his verbis : Magnus in Coelo Jupiter currum volantem incitans ; alioquin à quo alio nisi à Mose & Prophet is haec didicisset ? Whence ( saith he ) had Plato learned that Jupiter rid in a flying Chariot , but out of the Histories of the Prophets , which he had over-lookt ? for out of the Books of the Prophets he understood all those things , that were thus written concerning the Cherubims : and the glory of the Lord went out of the house , and came to the Cherubims . The Cherubims took their feathers , and they hung together in circles , and the Glory of the Lord of Israel , did abide upon them in Heaven . Hence Plato descending cries out these words : Iupiter great in the Heavens driving his flying Chariot . Otherwise from whom should he else have learned these things , but from the Prophets ? And so Clem. Alexand. lib. 1. Strom. orat . ad Gent. speaking as it were to Plato . Leges , quaecunque verae sunt , tibi ab Hebrais suppeditatae sunt . What ever true Laws thou hast set down are supplied thee by the Hebrews . To this I answer , That it is very improbable , that Plato should have collected his Divinity out of Moses or the Prophets , their writings being in his time not yet translated out of the Hebrew . I should rather believe with others , that he had sifted his divine Notions out of Hermes Trismegistus an AEgyptian , who according to Suidas , flourished before Pharho , and was called Trismegistus , because he had through a divine inspiration written of the Trinity . And Sugul saith , that he was called Ter optimus maximus , the thrice best and greatest , because of his greatest wit , or according to others , because he was a Priest , King , and a Prophet . 'T is not only thought of Plato , that he had gathered some riddles of God from the AEgyptans , but also of Theodorus , Anaxagoras , and Pythagoras . But I continue Plato's sentences . The body being compounded is dissolved by death , the soul being simple passeth into another life , and is uncapable of corruption . The souls of men are divine , to whom , when they goe out of the body , the way of their return to Heaven is open , for whom to be best and most just is most expedient . The souls of the good after death are in a happy state , united to God in a blessed inaccessible place ; the wicked in convenient places suffer condign punishment . But to define what those places are , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Whence being demanded , what things were in the other world ? he answered , Neither was I ever there , or ever did speak with any , that came from thence . VIII . We must not forget Aristotle , who lib. 3. de anim . c. 3. closes with Homer in these Verses . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Homer agreed in the same , That the minds of mortal men were such as the Father of Gods and men did daily infuse into them . Moreover lib. 1. de anim . cap. 3. t. 65 , 66. he calleth our understanding Divine , and asserts it to be without danger of perishing . And lib. 2. de gener cap. 3. delivers his sense thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherefore it remains , that the mind alone doth advene from without , and that she alone is Divine ; for the action of the body hath not at all any communication with her action . IX . Virgil 4. Georg. wittily sets down God's ubiquity , — Deum namque ire per omnes Et terras tractusque Maris , Coelumque profundum . Hinc pecudes , armenta , viros , genus omne ferarum , Quemque sibitenues nascentem arcessere vitas . Et 6. AEneid . Principio Coelum , ac terras composque liquentes , Lucentemque Globum Lunae , Titaniaque astra . Spirit us intus alit totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem , & magno se corpore miscet . That is , For God doth go through all the earth , the tracts of the Sea , and the deep of the Heavens . Hence do beasts and men and what ever is born draw their thin breath . And in the sixth Book of his AEneids . In the beginning God created Heaven and Earth , and the melting fields , and the shining Globe of the Moon , together with the Titanian Star. A spirit doth nourish it within ( speaking of the world ) and a mind being infused through its members doth move its mole , and mingles its self with that great body . X. The admirable Poesie of that Divine Orpheus , lib. de Mundo , is worth our observation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Jupiter is the first , Jupiter is the last . Jupiter is the head , Jupiter is the middle . God made all things . Jupiter is the foundation of the earth , and of the starry heavens . Jupiter is a male , Jupiter is an immortall Nymph . Jupiter is the spirit of all things , Jupiter is the mover of the unruly fite . Jupiter is the root of the Sea. Jupiter is the Sun and the Moon . Jupiter is a King. Jupiter is the sulminating Prince of all , for he covereth all , he is a lighr to all the earth , out of his breast he doth wonderfull things . XI . Trismegistus lib. 1. Pimandr . renders himself very divinely . The mind of the divine power did in the beginning change its shape , and suddenly revealed all things , and I saw that all things were changed into a very sweet and pleasant light . And below in another place : A certain shadow fell underneath through a thwart revolution . And Serm. 3. Pimandr . The shadow was infinite in the deep : but the water and the thin spirit were in the chaos : and there slourished a holy splendour , which impelled the Elements under the sand and the moist nature , and the weighty bodies being submerst under the darkness did abide under the moist sand . Empedocles defined God a sphere , whose center is every where , and circumference no where . Vincent . in spec . hist. l. 4. c. 44. Pythagoras described God to be a mind diffused throughout the universal parts of the world , and the whole nature , out of which all living creatures that are born , do draw their life . In another place he cals him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : The soul of the universe . Heraclitus being at a certain time of the winter crept into a Cottage for to warm himself , and being enquired for by some , who were ashamed to come into so mean a place , called to them to come near ; for ( said he ) the gods are also to be found here . Athenagoras an Athenian Philosopher expresseth himself very profoundly : God ( saith he ) hath given man a judgement of reason and understanding for to know intelligible things , the Goodnesse of God , his Wisdom and Justice . ERRATA . PAg. 4. lin . 6. read of their . l. 31 wisdom it self . p. 6. l. 8. r. with those . p. 8. l. 17. r. those . l. 25. r. into good . p 13. l. 19. r. wherein . p. 15. l. 12. r. into that . l. 28. r. according to . p. 17. l. 29. r. those of the. l. 35. r. these causes p. 22. l 33. r. a man doth . p. 25. l. 32. r. impose . p. 26. l. 16. r. What is . p 32. l. 26. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 35 l 20. r. latter . p. 41. l. 34. dele it . p 63 l 32 r. and exciting . p. 71 l 18 dele it . p. 73. l. 27. r. others . l. 29. r. Immodesty . l. 35. r. ells , weights . p. 75. l. 22 r eternal . p. 90 l. 2. r. spermatick . l. ult . dele also . p. 94. l. 14. r. coactè . p. 95. l. 16. r. forbidden . p. 98. l. 11. r. attribui . FINIS . Archelogia Physica Nova . OR NEVV PRINCIPLES OF Natural Philosophy . The SECOND PART . The First Book . By GEDEON HARVEY , Dr of Phys. and Phil. Late Physitian to His Majesties Army in Flanders . LONDON , Printed by J. H. for S. Thomson , at the Bishops Head in St Pauls Church-Yard , 1663. Natural Philosophy . The SECOND PART . The First Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Natural Philosophy . 1. The Etymology and Synonima's of Natural Philosophy . 2. The Definition of Natural Philosophy . 3. An Explanation of the said Definition . 4. What a Natural Being is . 5. What a Natural Essence is . 6. What Nature is . 7. The various Acceptions of Nature . NAtural Philosophy is so called , because it treateth of Nature , and Natural Beings . It is also known by the name of Physicks , which is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nature . Aristotle in his Metaphysicks , Book 6. Chap. 1. calleth it the second Philosophy . Cicero in his Book of Divin . nameth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a Discourse of nature . II. Natural Philosophy is a Knowledge of a Natural being . III. This Definition stateth a Natural being to be the Subject of Physicks , which is somewhat restricted from a being in general , as being less universal , and therein it is distinguished from Metaphysicks , where a being is discoursed of , as a most universal Entity ; but here , as a less . Natural in the Definition doth lay a restriction upon a being , and giveth it a specifick consideration ; and therefore it proves trustraneous to add ( quatenus naturale ) as far as it is natural : for otherwise , what need would there be to appose Natural , did it not imply the same ? Or in case you omit Natural , you may define natural Philosophy to be a knowledge of a being so far as it is natural , and so it is the same again . Here you may take Astronomy to be coincident with Physicks , because it treateth of the Heavens , which are natural beings . Herein I do resolve you thus : Astronomy is not a knowledge of the Heavens ; for a knowledge doth explain a thing through its Causes and Affections : but Astronomy doth not treat of the Causes of the Heavens ; wherefore it followeth that Astronomy is not a proper Science of the Heavens . Although Astronomy containeth the Doctrine of the Motion of the Heavens , which is only an Affection or Property of the Heavens ; yet therein it doth not constitute a Science , unless in an improper , although usual signification , wherein Science is taken for any kind of Knowledge , be it of the Causes , or Affections of a thing ; be it Theoretick , or Practick ; and according to this Acception is the Art of Grammar frequently called a Science . Astronomy is a partial Science , or it is a part of the Science of Physicks , as discoursing of one of the affections of a natural being , which is the Motion of the Heavens . But since each of these partial Sciences , if treated of all in one Volume , would grow to a vast Mole , Philosophers do therefore handle them in several Books , and Treatises . IV. A Natural being is that , which consisteth of Nature , or which hath a Natural Essence . V. A Natural Essence is that , which consisteth of Natural parts ; namely , natural Matter , and natural Form. VI. Nature is a disposition of an Elementary being , whereby it doth act according to its truth . I say it is a Disposition , and therefore no power , because all dispositions are Actual . VII . Nature is variously taken . 1. For a single Essence , exempted from all Composition , according to which sense God is only called Nature ; and for to distinguish his Nature from others , he is called ( Natura Naturans ) Nature naturating ; or nature , which giveth nature to all other natures . 2. It is also taken for a derived being , which is distinctly specified by ( Natura Naturata ) Nature naturated ; or for nature , which hath obtained its nature from the naturating nature . 3. For the Quiddity and Essence of a natural being ; and according to this last acception it is to be taken here . As God alone is called Nature according to the first acception , so are Angels and Soules , that are separated from their Bodies , called in a sense common to Elementary beings , Nature . But Nature in the third signification is only appropriated to Elementary beings . I omit the mentioning many other Acceptions of Nature , because they are inclusively contained in these before-mentioned . CHAP. II. Comprehending an Explanation of the Definition of a Natural Being . 1. What is meant by disposition . 2. An Objection against the Definition of a Natural being Answered . 3. What it is to act according to Truth . 4. That the Subject of this Science is more properly named a natural Being , than a natural Body . 5. Aristotles Definition of Nature rejected by several Arguments . 6. That Nature is a property of a Natural being . 7. The difference between Nature and Art. 8. That Nature in respect to God acteth constantly for an End. 9. The Division of Nature . I Come now to explain the Definition of Nature , which Explanation is the more necessary , because through its obscurity many doubts , and mistakes might otherwise be occasioned . The Genus is a Disposition or Vertue , which you are to take here in a concrete consideration , according to the sense expressed in the Third Chapter of Powers . By vertue I intend an actual strength and power of acting , as it is inherent in a natural subject . II. Against my Definition may be Objected , That Nature its Substance : but a Disposition or Vertue is an Accident : Therefore it cannot be the right Genus . To this I Answer , That Vertue is a Property of a being , not really distinct from it , but modally only : now since we can only know a thing by its Modes , as doth appear in my Metaphysicks ; therefore beings for the understandings sake are to be explained by them , and are to be taken to be the same really with their subject . A Disposition then is the same , as if I had said a Subject , or being disposed and powerful . Through Elementary being is meant , a being constituted by the Elements ; wherein I do distinguish natural beings , as they are the subject of this Science , from the nature of Angels and separated Souls , which are immaterial , and not constituted through the Elements , as Origen did falsly suppose . III. To act according to its Truth , is to act conformably to the Divine purpose and Idea , whereby beings do act the same , and are the same , which God did purpose they should act , and intend they should be : To be the same being , is to be that , which they are , and act that , which they do act ; Where observe , that nature is the Seal and Impression of Gods Will and Omnipotence upon every being , through which they are that , which they are . Hence Nature is called the Hand of God. Hence it is also called the Order and universal Government among all natural beings , through which one being doth depend upon the other , and is useful and necessary to the other . This is evident in many moving living Creatures , as most Cattel , whose dependance and Preservation is from and through Vegetables ; as from Herbs ; their 's again is from the juyce of the earth ; and that from a mixture of all the Elements . The same subordinate use and good is also observed among all other beings in the world . Hence nature is called the strength and vertue of a being ; for their strength and vertue is nothing else but an actual disposition and propension in beings ; In this sense we say the nature of fire is to levitate , of earth to gravitate . IV. I did rather chuse to say a natural being , then a natural body , for to avoid an improperty of speech ; because a body is properly and ordinarily taken for matter ; and so we usually say , that man consisteth of a Soul and body , and that a natural being consisteth of a form and body , or matter . Neither is it a motive , rather for to say a natural body , then a natural being : because a being is of too large an extent ; for a being is restricted from that Latitude of signification by adding natural . V. After the exposition of this Definition of nature , it will not be amiss to compare that of Aristotles to it . Nature is the Principle of Motion and rest of a being , wherein it is existent through it self , and not by accident . It was the Opinion of Aristotle , that nature was a substance , and nevertheless here he seemeth to make an Accident of it ; for that , which acteth immediately through it self , is not a substance , but an Accident , because according to his dictates , a substance doth not act immediately through it self , but through its accidents ; if then a natural being acteth through its nature , that is , its Matter and Form , then nature must be an accident , and consequently matter and form are also accidents , which he did in no wise intend . 2. Suppose that nature were a substance , it would be absurd to assert , that a natural being did act through a substance of rest and motion , which doth inhere in it self ; for then there would be a penetration of bodies , and an Identification of Subsistencies . You may reply , That nature is not a substance of motion and rest , but a substantial Principle . Pray , what is a substantial Principle but a substance ? 3. It is plainly against the Principles of Aristotle , to say , that a Principle is no substance ; for Matter and Form are Principles , but these he granteth to be substances . 4. If again granted , that these are substances , and not vertues , then it must necessarily follow , that a Form being an active Principle , doth act through it self , and thence a Form is called active . It must also follow , that Matter , which is another Principle of motion , acteth efficiently withal , because motion proceedeth from an Efficient or from a Form , and wherefore is Matter then called a passive Principle ? Your Answer to this will be , that Matter is not the Principle of Motion , but of Rest. I take your Answer , but what kind of rest do you mean ? Is it a rest from local Motion , or a rest from Alteration , or Augmentation ? It must be a rest from some of these three . It cannot be a rest from local motion , because all beings are not capable of a rest from local motion : then it must be a rest from alteration , or augmentation . Neither can it be a rest from any of these ; For all beings are constantly and at all times in alteration , and consequently are either augmented , or diminished . What rest can it then be ? It is no rest from Action , for then matter could be no Principle or cause , for all causes do act . 5. How can Matter and Form , which are Principles , before their union , be substances , since that a substance is a perfect being , which doth subsist in unity through it self , and thereby is distinct from all other beings : but matter or form can neither of them subsist through themselves , or have any unity , or distinction . 6. A Form is not a Principle of rest in all natural bodies through it self , but by accident : for all bodies are through themselves continually in motion , as will further appear in its proper place . VI. Wherefore for to avoid all these Absurdities , Contradictions , and Improperties of Speech , it is necessary to assert ; 1. That Nature is a Property of a natural being , through which it acteth . 2. That a Property is really Identificated with its subject , and consequently , that Natural is not really differing from a natural body . This property denotes a propension , or actual disposition , through which the said body is rendred active . By activeness I understand whereby all is constituted , whatever is actually inherent in a being , as , Existence , Subsistence , and all its other Properties ; so that Nature or Natural in Physicks is a Property equivalent to the Modes or Attributes of Truth , and Goodness in Metaphysicks . VII . Nature differeth from Art , in that she acteth conformably to the Divine Idea or Intention , but Art acteth conformably to the intellectual Idea : Wherefore nature is infallibly immutable , constant , perpetual , & certain , because it dependeth from an infallible , immutable , constant , perpetual , and certain Cause ; but Art is fallible , changeable , inconstant , and uncertain , because it dependeth from the humane Intellect , which is fallible , changeable , inconstant , and uncertain . As man is uncapable of acting without God , so is Art incapable of effecting any thing without Nature . Nature is infinitely beyond Art : What Art is there , which can produce the great world , or any thing comparable to the little world ? Whatever excellent piece a man doth practise through Art , it is no further excellent , then it is like unto Nature ; neither can he work any thing by Art , but what hath nature for its Pattern . What is it a Limner can draw worthy of a mans sight , if natural beauties are set aside ? VIII . Whatever nature acteth , it is for an End and Use : It is for an end in respect to God , who created all things for an end ; it is for an use , in respect to one another , because all beings are useful to one another , as I have formerly demonstrated : but we cannot properly say , that all things act for an end in respect to one another , because that , which doth act for an end , is moved by that end , and doth foreknow it ; but natural beings do not foreknow their ends , neither are they moved by them . IX . Nature is either universal , or singular . An universal nature may be apprehended in a twofold sense . 1. For the Universe or whole world , containing all singular natures within it . 2. For a nature , which is in an universal being , and so you are to take it here . A Singular nature is , which is inherent in every singular and Individual being . I do willingly pass by other Observations concerning Nature in general , because I have touched many of them in my Metaphysicks . CHAP. III. Of the Principles of a Natural Being . 1. That Privation is no Principle of a Physical Generation , or of a Physical Being . That Union might be more properly termed a Principle , then Privation . 2. The Principles of a Material being stated by Pythagoras rejected . 3. That to treat of Matter and Form is more proper to Metaphysicks . 4. That the Materia Prima of Aristotle is a Non Ens. 5. That the Chaos had a Form. 6. The Authors Materia Prima . 7. That it doth not appertain to Physicks to explain the nature of the first Matter . 8. What the first Form of all natural beings is . I. IN Metaphysicks it is made known , that all created beings consist of Parts , and that no being , except God alone , is single , but all are compounded . This is also proper to a natural being , whose composition is to consist of Matter and Form. I need not tell you the diversity of Opinions among Philosophers upon this Particular , they being fully related by Aristotle , in his Physical Auscultations ; wherefore I shall only examine his , as being thought the most Authentick by modern Philosophers . The said Philosopher states three Principles , which do necessarily concur to the Production of a natural being : namely , Matter , Form and Privation . As for two of them , no doubt , but they are principles , but the third is disputable . Privation is Logical , that is , it is imaginary , and assinged to a being by a second intention of the mind , and therefore his Commentators do generally teach , that it is to be counted no other then a principle per accidens . If per accidens , it is no part of a being : if it is any thing , it is a part of Generation , for this doth immediately presuppose a privation , but a being presupposeth it mediately only , through , and by meanes of Generation . If the , call that a principle of Generation , which doth necessarily concur to the constitution of a natural being , then that should rather be termed a principle , which doth concur to it per se , as for Instance , union . Union doth necessarily and per se concur to the generation of a natural being , but privation doth only concur to it per accidens . Union is not only necessary at the moment of Generation , but also after a being is constituted ; it is that , without which a being cannot consist . So that I say , that union is infinitely more proper to be termed a principle then privation , and why did not Aristotle dream of that ● To speak properly , neither of them can be taken for a Principle of a natural being , whereby it should be constituted to be that which it is . Union is unnecessary , because unity doth imply it ; since then that all beings are metaphysically constituted by an unity , which can be also applied to Physicks , it is needless to mention union in this Science , otherwise we might aequo jure refer all the Modes of a being to it . I much strange , why Aristotle omitted the inserting Privation in Metaphysicks among the universal causes of an universal being , and why he did not as justly refer it to that part of Philosophy , as he did Matter and Form ; it being of as large an extent and universality , as either of these . Possibly you will deny it to be of an equal extent with them , or assert , that it is of no larger universality then a natural being is . Herein I deny your denial and assertion ; for it is of a larger extent then a natural body is , since it is appliable to Angels , and Devils , who must as necessarily have had a privation for a principle of Generation as Naturals , for even they were not before they were . Wherefore since he referred Angels and Devils to Metaphysicks , he ought aequo jure to have placed privation in the same Rank . The same Argument I may use against his eight Books of Physicks , there being little else contained in them but what is as common to spiritual beings as to corporeal ; as for Instance , Time , Finiteness , Motion , &c. all which are common to immaterial beings . Wherefore had Aristotle treated of these Particulars in his Physicks , Doctrine gratia , it might have deserved an excuse , but since he t●eated of , them there per se , it can be accounted no less then an Errour . II. Pythagoras taught a Trinal Number of Principles , constituting a material being . 1. A Point . 2. A Line . 3. A Superficies , or Surface . These are rather sorts and kinds of quantity , which for that reason do more properly appertain to Metaphysicks ; for besides these , there are many others concurrent to the constitution of a material being , as hath been disputed of elsewhere . Yet this is observable in this Opinion , that Pythagoras and many other wise men did collect the principles of a being , by means of their senses ; for it is in vain to talk of Essences and Forms , in such a manner as Aristotle did , which a man cannot apprehend , what they are ; and for this reason he stated three principles of a material body , because these three could be evidently perceived by sense . III. To treat of Matter and Form doth rather belong to Metaphysicks , because they are principles remote from physical bodies ; I say they are remote , because they are applied to natural bodies by means of the Elements : for natural bodies consist of Matter and Form , so far as they consist of the Elements , and the Elements are really and properly the Matter and Form of a natural being . Now , in every Science the Principia proxima are only to be treated of , for otherwise you might draw all Metaphysicks to this Tract . Aristotle did erroneously discourse of these things in Physicks , since he had treated of them in Metaphysicks . My purpose was no other then to rehearse these matters for an Introduction , and to shew the mistakes of others herein . IV. Matter in a natural being is either first or second . The first matter is , which is not produced out of any other , and therefore is termed to be ingenerable and incorruptible . The second matter is , which is produced out of the first , and is said to be generable and corruptible . Aristotle in his 1 Book of Phys. C. 9. T. 82. defineth the first matter to be the first Subject of every thing , out of which remaining , a being is generated through it self , and not by accident . The ancient Philosophers could hardly understand , what this first matter was , because of its difficulty ; wherefore Aristotle himself was forced to describe it negatively , in the 1 B. of Metaph. Ch. 3. T. 8. The first matter is that , which through it self hath neither essence , nor quantity , nor any thing of that , by which a being is determined : which is as much as if he said , I know better what it is not , then what it is ; and this kind of knowledge is common to Fools and Wise men . So that from this Description we may collect , that it is not cognoscible , since it is not determined , and consequently it is nothing . Notwithstanding Aristotle recollects himself in his Physicks , where we have the forementioned Definition set down . The first matter , saith he , is the first subject of everything : Ergo every thing is generated out of the first matter : How can that be ? Then it followeth , that every natural being , when it is dissolved , is dissolved in its first matter ; or , how can the next being be generated out of it else ? This most of his Followers do deny , affirming the contrary , viz. That a natural being through its corruption is not dissolved into the first matter . This they prove by Aristotle his own Dictates ; the corruption of one being is the generation of another . Generation , saith Aristotle , is in an instant : that is , assoon as one form goeth out , at the same instant , another enters . 2. If a being in its dissolution is dissolved into the first matter , then it must be deprived from all its Accidents : but we observe the contrary , for when a beast dieth , there still remain Accidents in that body : Ergo a being is not dissolved into the first matter . This moved Aristotle to assert the forementioned Theoremes , to wit , That Generation is in an instant , and that the corruption of one being is the generation of another , because there are Accidents remaining at the same instant , when the precedent form is expelled ; which Accidents remaining , do necessarily suppose a form , from which they are depending . All which infers , that every thing is generated out of the second matter , and not out of the first . How then can Materiaprima be said the first subject of every thing ? The other part of the Definition is , out of which a being is produced : this is no less strange then the other . How can a being be produced , and yet the first matter be remaining ? For assoon as a being is produced , the first matter is not remaining , but it is now become a second matter with Accidents , which were not in the first . V. It is more then probable , that naturally and really there is no such first matter . 1. Because all natural beings are generated out of a pre-existent Matter ; this our sense doth testifie ; as for Aristotles first matter , that hath no Existence , but an imaginary Essence only . 2. All , that which doth really exist , is a compounded being . If there is any such single matter , how do you know it ? Sense never perceived it , how can you then tell it ? Whatever doth exist , or did ever exist , it hath , or had a Form. You may say , that the Chaos existed without a Form , because a Form doth distinguish a being from all others , and giveth it unity : Now , when the Chaos existed , there was no other being , and it was rude and without form . To this , I Answer , Although there was no other being , yet this did not hinder , but that the Chaos had its numerical and positive unity , existence , determination , goodness , truth , &c. all which Accidents could not be without a Form. 'T is said , that the Chaos had no form , that is , not its formaultima , for which it was intended , notwithstanding it had its Forma prima . It remaineth then , that the materia prima is neither an objective being , nor much less a real being : It is no Objective being , because we cannot frame an object of it , or like to it . For what can we think of it ; it is confessed it hath neither Essence , or Quantity , &c. The greatest Absurdity is , that they give it no limitation , and consequently must affirm it to be infinite , which of all absurdities is the most absurd : for nothing is infinite , but God alone . Then again , to maintain that it is ingenerable and incorruptible , is impious : for God only is ingenerable , and incorruptible . VI. There is a first matter , which was produced at first , and out of which all second matters were and are generated . This first matter had also a first Form comproduced with it . A Second matter is , which is produced out of the first . The first matter is the matter of the Elements , which are four in number . You are to note here , that by the first matter is not meant a matter formally different from the second matter , but accidentally only in respect of time : It is called first , because it was first produced . VII . It doth not ( as I hinted before ) appertain to Physicks to explain abstractly what the first matter is , that being proper to Metaphysicks : Wherefore Arist. 8 Books of Phys. Auscult . deserve rather the name of Metaphysicks . That , which is requisite in this place , is to unfold the nature of the first matter , as it is a Concrete to natural Substances , & contracted to Inferiours . In Metaphysicks it is treated of as a more universal , here as a less : for Matter and Form constitute the Elements , as more Universals constitute the lesser . Again , Matter and Form derive their Essence from the Elements ; for these being abolisht , they perish likewise with them . So that without or beyond the Elements there is neither Matter , or Material Form. VIII . The first Form of a natural being is the form of the Elements ; how they further constitute the matter and form of every body , shall be demonstrated as we go on . The Elements being produced all at once , and at the same time , it followeth , that there never was any Peripatetick first matter existent without a Form ; for their form and matter were both created together : but the alledging some Principles of the Mosaick Philosophy , will soon make this case plain . 1. God created Heaven and Earth . But how ? not separately or distinctly , at several times , but united into one , and confused , at once , by one act of his Almighty Power . Moses sets down Heaven and Earth disjunctly , not because they were constituted as distinct bodies , but because Heaven and Earth were next formed out of that confused matter , as the Text doth afterwards clearly explain . We call one part of that body , which ascended , that is , expanded or moved from the Center to the Circumference , heaven , because it was heaved up from the other remaining part , which was named Earth , or as it were Tearth , from Terre in French , which again is derived from Terra , a Terendo , quia Partes suo pondere sese invicem terant . So Coelum a cernendo quod homines intuitu coelum versus cernant . This rude Substance was hit upon , doubtless by guess , by the ancient Poets , calling it Chaos , which although rude in regard to the more express Form , which it was to receive afterwards , yet it was a perfect being consisting of Matter and Form , through which it had a positive Unity , whereby it was one in it self , and distinct from nothing . It was a true being , in that it was conformable to the Divine Idea . It was no less perfect , because God created it . It was good , for it was convenient and apt to have other beings produced out of it : So that having all the Attributes of a being , it must necessarily be a perfect being , consisting of matter and form : if then the first created being , out of which all other being were afterwards created , was a perfect being , where was then the materia prima of Aristotle ? which is said to be without any Form , and nothing but a pura potentia . You cannot reply , that the Chaos was produced out of a Materia prima ; for if I grant that , then materia prima is a ( non ens ) nothing , because the Text mentions , that God created Heaven and Earth out of nothing . The Objection , which may be offered against us from Gen. 2. And the Earth was without form , is not matterial : for by form here is meant an ulterior forma , and not a Prima Forma . IX . The F●●m , which did informate the Chaos , was that , whereby it was that , which it was , namely , a Confusion of the Elements ; This confused form , or forma confusionis being expelled , there immediately succeeded a less confused , or more distinct form , arising from a partial solution and separation of the Elements : I term it distinct , because it was distinct from that first confusion ; and a more distinct form , because the Elements were yet more separated , untied , loosened , and distinct . But as for a most distinct form , whereby every Element should exist separately one from the other , and every Element have a form of it self , whereby it is , that which now it is , namely , Earth , a weighty , dense , and massie substance : Fire , a penetrable , rare , and diffusive essence , &c. Before I sound into the depth of this Mystery , give me leave to expose to your view the admirable manner of this divine Artifice . First , God created a Chaos , or a confused mixture of the Elements , in like manner to a Potter , who , having several sorts of Earth , mixes them all together into one exact mixture , afterwards he again diducts or draweth its parts from one another , and each part again after that he draweth more and more from one another , until at last it acquires that form , which he doth ultimately intend in it . So that the more he draweth it asunder , the more compleat form it receives through each several and further Diduction : So God draweth the Chaos more and more asunder , and every drawing , diduction , expansion , or opening , giveth it another and a perfecter form . After the same manner is the production of the Foetus in the Mothers Womb perfected : where there is first a Chaos or exact Confusion of Genitures , then again its parts are more and more diducted , which finisheth it with a perfect Form. I shall therefore delineate each part of the Creation accomplisht by Gods several and distinct ( as to us ) diduction , which was performed by Gods Command upon an obediential Subject , of Let there be . The effect resulting through vertue of this Command , was immediately answered by , And it was so : The Perfection and excellency of it by , And God saw that it was good . There are two forms observable in the Elements : one absolute , which is , whence the particular force , power , and vertue of each Element derives . This is essential to every Element . There is also a respective form , which doth naturally derive from the first , and is , whereby every Element doth essentially encline to the other for its Existence and Conservation ; for without each other their absolute form could not subsist ; which flowes from their truth and goodness . Neither did they ever exist singly , but were at the same time created together . These two forms are really and essentially one : but modally distinct from each other . What Finiteness , Unity , Durability , or Place are the Elements capable of single ? The earth through its Gravity would be incited to an infinite motion , so would also fire , and consequently neither could possess any place , or be of any duration : but the Earth and Water being occurred by Fire and Ayr , their Gravities are ballanced by the Lightness of these latter : and so become withal to be terminated , and to be placed ; but of this elsewhere . CHAP. IV. Of the Nature and Essence of the Elements . 1. The nearest Definition of a Natural being . 2. The Definition of an Element . That all Physical Definitions ought to be sensible . The proof of the Existence of the Elements , and of their Number . 3. An Exposition of the Definition of an Element . It s Etymology and Homonymy . 4. What Distinction the Author makes between Principle , Cause , and Element . 5. What a Natural Cause is . That the Elements are no single real beings . That they are treated of separately and singly Ratione only . 6. That there are but three Natural Causes . Their Necessity proved in Particular . 1. I Have hitherto given you the remote Definition of a natural being , and now I state one somwhat nearer to our Senses , and such as is through it self perceptible by sense . A Natural being is an Essence constituted out and through the Elements : or thus , A natural being is that , which is constituted out and by natural Causes : but none are natural causes , but Elements only ; wherefore the former Definition being the nearer , and proved by the latter somwhat more remote ; We shall rather commend it , as being perceptible by sense ; for none can deny , but that the Elements are the sole natural causes : Shew me by any of your senses what natural being there existeth in the world , but what is Elementary . Possibly this Definition may disrelish you , as being different from Aristotle's . Let me tell you , that most part of the Perepatetick Definitions in Physicks are too remote from our senses , which causeth a difficulty of apprehending them , and proves a doubtful way for to lead us into Errour . II. An Element is an internal natural Cause out and through which a natural being is essentially constituted . In Metaph. we have defined a natural being to be internally consistent of Matter and Form , which are also called Natural Causes in general , but remotely : because we cannot apprehend Matter and Form , unless by a nearer thing representing both to our senses ; as , through the Elements we know what Matter and Form is : were it not that our sight perswaded us , that a being was produced out of the Elements , we should be ignorant what Matter were ; and so the like of the Form. Here you may take notice of the difference between a Metaphysical Definition , and a Physical one ; the latter being immediately perceptible through our Senses , and abstracted from sensibles , the former being proper to reason and the mind , which doth mediately abstract its notions from these , according to that Trite Saying : Nihilest in intellectu , quin prius fuerit in sensibus . the understanding knoweth nothing but what it hath first perceived by the senses . Now I will make clear to you , that all natural beings do ( proxime ) immediately owe their essence to the four Elements . Herbs spring forth , out , or from the Earth ; but not , where there is no Water : for there it proves sandy or barren , unfit to protrude any vegetable . 2. Although earth is sufficiently moistened by attenuated water , yet unless the Sun can or doth through its Beams cast a fire to it , or by the same fire raise and excite that fire , which is latent in the earth , it remaineth nevertheless barren . Lastly , Ayr is comprehended by water attenuated , that is , Water and Ayr mixt together in such a proportion , that the tenuity of the air may render the water attenuated and fluid , that so it may be apt to penetrate through the depth of the Mixture ; for otherwise water of it self is of that thickness , that it exceeds Ice or Chrystal . Now this Ayr incrassated , or Water attenuated doth open and expand the density of the earth , makes way for the fire to enter , and at last retaines the whole mixture in a coherence and compactness . Of this more hereafter . Again , A body consists of the same Principles or Elements into which it is dissolveable ; but all natural bodies are dissolveable into the first Elements : therefore all bodies consist of the said first Elements . I shall only instance in some few examples for proof of the Minor. Milk in its dissolution is changed into Curds , which through their weight go down to the bottom , & are analogal to earth . 2. Into Butter , which containeth in it incrassated ayir and fire , for it is also inflammable , a sign of fire . Lastly , Into Whey , which is responding to attenuated water . The like is observable in Blood , dividing it self into Melancholy , expressing earth in its weight , colour , and Substance ; for drying it , it becomes perfect Sand : into Choler , agreeing with fire in its motive and alterative qualities : into pure blood , through its gluing quality or lentor , not unlike to incrassated ayr : Lastly , into Flegm or Phlegme , resembling water . Doth not the ordinary division of mans body in spirits ( impetum facientes ) humors and solid parts , demonstrate its composition or constitution out of the Elements ? For the Spirits are nothing else but fire and ayr , Humors contain most water , and the solid parts most earth . The Spagyrick Art proves the same by distillation , through which water , Spirits and Oyl ( the two latter being made up most of Fire and Ayr ) are separated from the Caput mortuum , Sal fixum , or earth and Subsidencies . 'T is true Sal , Sulphur and Mercurius are different Names , but re ipsa are the Elements : What is Sal but Earth ? Sulphur but fire and ayr ? Mercurius but water ? Hereby I have not only proved the existence of elements , but also their Number nominatim atque in specie . III. Give me leave to expound the Definition in the first place quantum ad nomen . In the word Element is considerable its Etymology , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , capio : quod element a in sese omnia capiunt mixta . It s name is likewise homonymous , in a large sense promiscuously ( convertibiliter ) denoting a Principle , or Cause . In a strict sense , it is differing from both . Eudemus , Alexander , and Thomas Aq. opiniate , that through Principle ( Principium ) is only meant an agent cause : through Cause , a formal , and final Cause : through elements , Matter . Averrhoes and Albert. by Principles intend an efficient cause : through Causes , final Causes : by elements Matter , and Form. Generally Principles are understood to be of a larger extent then Causes , and Causes then elements : So that Aristotle B. 5. of Metaph. Ch. 1. describes a Principle to be that , from whence a thing is , is made , or is known : by this you see , that a principle is of a more large signification then either of the others : but a cause is , which contributeth to the being of a thing , either by substituting it self for a Subject , as the Matter : or through actuating and giving it an essence , and its consequence , as the Form : or by determining it to an end , as the final cause . IV. The distinction , which I have made between them , is , that cause is of a larger extent , then Principles are taken in Physicks ( but in Theology a Principle is larger then it ) these denoting the internal causes of a natural being , as matter and form , but remotely , as I have already hinted : Elements point out to sensible and immediate internal causes of a natural being . V. A natural cause is , which hath a vertue of acting naturally , or which acteth according to that power which God hath conferred upon it at its first Creation : So that Van Helmont saith well in his Physic. Arist. Dist. 3. Ego vero credo , naturam jussum Dei , quo res est id quod est , & agit quod agere jussa est . But I believe , that Nature is Gods Command , through which a thing is that , which it is , and acteth that which it is commanded to act . They are Causes , to wit , internal causes or principles of a being , because they contribute themselves to the constitution of that being . I said out of which , because they are the matter of all natural beings : and through which , because they are also the Form of all the said beings . How they are or become so , you may expect to read below . The elements are described and taken singly or separately , ratione only , or ex supposito , and not realiter : for they never did exist singly ( neither could they exist so , supposing they were created in that nature , in which they were , because of their relative forms ) but confusedly in the Chaos . Aristotle nameth the bodies constituted by those mixt bodies , as if they were different from naturals : but that was only to make good the first part of his Metaphysical Physicks , and thereby to distinguish them from the others , namely his proper and elementary Physicks . VI. Three causes do concur to the production of a natural being , whereof two are internal , to wit , natural matter and form ; the other is external , namely , the Efficient . I prove the necessity of these three : first there must be a Subject or Matter , out of which a being is produced : for ( ex nihilo nihil fit ) out of nothing nothing can be produced . But I instance in some particulars ; the good wives know , that for to make a Pudding , they need Matter ( namely Flower , Eggs , &c. ) to make it out of ; or to build a House , a Mason will require Stones for his Matter , &c. Now when they have these materials , they endeavour to make somthing of them , that is , to introduce a new thing , shape or face into it , or educe a new thing out of it ( which locution is more proper then the , former , it being the efficient doth ex intrinseco quasi formam educere ) and what is that but the Form ? And lastly , Experience tels us , that ( quod nihil fit a seipso ) nothing is produced from it self , but from another , which is the Efficient : as in the building of a house , you may have stones and Morter for your matter , yet unless a Mason ( who is the Efficient ) place them together , and introduce or rather educe the form of a House , the matter will abide matter . CHAP. V. Of New Philosophy , and the Authours of it . 1. Helmontius his Arrogance and Vainglory . How , and wherein he rejects the Peripatetick Philosophy . His own Principles . 2. The Life and Death of the said Helmontius . 3. A Confutation of all his Physical Principles in particular . 4. Some few Arguments against Rerè des Cartes his Principles in general . I. I Thought fit to make a stop in my Discourse , and before I proceed any further , to propose the Opinions of others concerning the first Principles , Elements , and Constitution of natural Bodies . Baptista van Helmont impropriating the knowledge of true Philosophy and Physick to himself alone , cals Hippocrates , Galen , Aristotle , and all other wise men Fooles , and terms their Dictates figments ; but withal propounds new foundations of Philosophy and Physick , threatning a great danger to those , who did obstinately adhere to their Tenents , and promising an infinite treasure to such , as should receive his . Wherefore I shall first contractly relate his Philosophick Principles ; then examine them . Fol. 33. of his Ort. Med. Dist. 3. He reproves the heathens for falsly teaching the Number of Elements to be four : as also for asserting three Principles , to wit , Matter , Form and Privation . All things ( saith he ) are idle , empty , and dead , and therefore stand only in need of a vital and seminal Principle , which besides life , have also an order in them . He denieth the four Genders of Causes , the first matter , the causality of a form , receiving it for an effect alone . Further he states only two causes , namely Matter , and her internal Agent , Efficient , or Archeus . In the same place he terms Matter a co-agent , not a subject , which , he saith , was improperly attributed to her by Philosophers . And in Dist. 21. he denieth the congress of the four Elements , yea not of two of them , to concur to the constitution of mixt bodies . His two Causes or Principles , he cals bodies in one place , in another ( as you may read below ) he detracts it from the latter . The first of the said Principles is called ex quo , out of which , the latter , per quod , through which . Dist. 23. he concludes water to be a beginning out of which ( initium ex quo ) and the Ferment to be the seminal beginning through which , that is , Disposing , whence the Semen ( Seed ) is immediately produced in the matter , which it having acquired , becometh through it life , or the media materia ( the middle matter ) of that being , extending to the period of the thing it self , or to the last matter . Dist. 24. The Ferment is a created formal being , which is neither a Substance or Accident : but neither , in the manner of light , fire , magnal , forms , &c. created from the beginning of the world , in the places of their Monarchy , for to prepare and excite the semina ( seeds ) and to precede them . I consider the ferments to be truly and actually existing , and to be individually distinguisht through Species ( kinds . ) Wherefore the ferments are Gifts and Roots establisht from the Lord the Creator to all ages , being sufficient and durable through their continual propagation , that they might raise and make seeds proper to themselves out of the water , to wit , wherein he gave the earth a virtue of germinating , he gave it as many ferments , as there are expectations of fruits , Wherefore the ferments produce their own seeds , and not others . That is , each according to its Nature and Properties : as the Poet saith ; For nature is underneath the earth . Neither doth all ground bring forth all things : For in all places there is a certain order placed from God , a certain manner and unchangeable root of producing some determinate effects , or fruits , not only of Vegetables , but also of Minerals and Insects . For the bottomes of the earth , and its Properties differ , and that for some cause , which is connatural and coeval to that earth . This I do attribute namely to the formal ferment , that is created therein . Whence consequently several fruits bud forth , and break out of themselves in several places : whose seeds we see being carried over to other places , come forth more weakly , like to an undercast child . That which I have said concerning the ferment cast into the earth , the same you shall also find in the Ayr and the Water . The difference , which there is between the ferment and efficient , is , that the former is the remote Principle of Generation , and produceth the latter , which is the semen , which is the immediate active Principle of a thing . Here you have a Synopsis of his Philosophy , which in the progress throughout his Book , he repeats ad nauseam usque . II. When I first took a view of the Title of his Volume , which was , The Rise of Medicine , that is , The unheard of Beginnings of Physick . A new Progress of Medicine to a long Life for the revenge of Diseases , by the Author John Babtista van Helmont , Governour in Merode , Royenlorch , Oorschot , Pellines , &c. He might be Governour of himself in those places , but not of , &c. I wonder what those places signified , since the people of Brussel admired upon what his Heir liveth . This old man in his life-time was strangely melancholy , and by Fits transported into Phanatick Extasies ; questionless had he been of a Religious House , he would much have added by help of these Raptures , to the incredible Bulk of the Golden Legends ; but his Daemon turned them to Physick : He had a great Design in Christening his Son , Mercurius , to have made another Trismegistus of him : and not unlikely , for wherever he is , he is all-knowing . I was much abused by the Title of his Tract , hoping to have found a new sound Archologia ; and lighting upon ignorance of Terms , abuse of words , but a most exact Orthography , limiting almost every second word with a Comma , or a stop , as being measured by his as●matick breathing . The Fame , which he deserved from his Countrey-folkes , was equal to a famous Mountebank : The Church-yard was the surer Register of his Patients : His Arrogance and Boastings were Symptomes of his depravate conceptions : His Cruelty fell it last upon his own bowels , through which he lost his Life for the neglect of very ordinary means . This is the account I had at Brussels of his Life and Transactions , which I thought was not unworthy of my insertion in this place , thereby to disadvise some from a rash belief to his vain words , that so they might avoid the same Dangers and Cruelties upon their own and other mens Lives . III. But in reference to his Dictates : He rejects the number of four Elements , without proposing any Argument for Confutation . He denieth the existence of a first matter , also without giving proof for the contrary . Both which we have already demonstrated . The form is an effect ( saith he ) and not a cause : this argueth his misseapprehension of a cause and effect : for most Authors agree , that a cause ( in a large sense ) is , whatever produceth an effect ; now the form produceth an effect , in giving a specification to the whole . It seems he intends nothing for a cause , unless it be really distinct from its effect ( which in a strict and proper sense may be allowed ) but if granted , nevertheless he is in an Errour , for asserting Matter and the Archeus to be causes ; neither of which are really distinct from the being constituted by them . Further , it is no reason , that , because the form is an effect , therefore it can be no cause ; for all beings in respect to their own production are effects , and yet are causes of the constitution of others . All things ( saith he ) are idle , empty and dead , without a vital principle : Judge his absurdity : What are all idle , empty and dead things without a life , but a materia prima Aristotelica ? For he himself affirms , that there are but two principles , Matter and a vital Principle : yea those very words idle , empty and dead , square with these of Arist. Materia prima est nec quid , nec quale , nec quantum . He allots only two causes , Matter , and her internal efficient to the generation of a being . First , as I have proved , it is impossible for this internal efficient to be reduced in actum , unless an extrinsick efficient , be it the Sun , or some other particular efficient , excite it by contributing some of its own virtue to it . Secondly , Would not all Philosophers deride him for saying an intrinsick efficient ? since that all have consented to term an efficient extrinsick , in contradistinction to intrinsick or internal , which is ever a part of the being constituted by it , whereas an efficient is named extrinsick , because it doth not constitute a part of that being , to whose production it was concurring . Thirdly , Wherein is his Archeus or internal efficient different from a form , which he doth so much detest ? Is not this Archeus an effect also of its preceding cause ? Doth he not affirm , that this internal efficient giveth life to its matter , and what is a form , but which giveth life or a being , distinction , and specification to its matter ? Here again he saith , that Matter is a Co-agent , and before he stated , that she was idle and dead , certainly idle and dead things do not use to act , or to be agents , or co-agents . That matter is not a subject he asserts , and before and afterwards he granted , that she contained the Archeus ; What is a subject , but that which doth contain a thing ? Here again he addes a Note of distinction to his Archeus , which is to be per quod , and is not this also an inseparable Attribute of a Form ? Dist. 23. Here again he delivers a new Foolosophy , in stating water to be the sole material Principle ( although below he adjoynes earth to it ) the ferment to be the remote efficient , and the semen to be the immediate efficient : so then , now there are three Principles , yea four ; Water , Earth , and a double Archeus ; whereas before there were but two . Besides here he vaunts out with a threefold matter , a materia prima , which is a co-agent with the fermentum , or first Archeus , a materia media , a subject of the semen , or second Archeus , and a materia ultima , quickned through life it self . So now he is got beyond the number of the Peripateticks ; three distinct matters , and three internal efficients , make up just six Principles . Surely the old man was climed up into one of his Raptures . Well let us go on in making disquisition upon the 24 h. Dist. The Ferment is a created formal being : Just now there were no forms , and now the ferment or the prime Archeus is metamorphosed into a form : Where was his Memory ? It is not a Substance or Accident ( saith he ) but neither , in the manner of Light , Fire , &c. How ? neither a Substance or Accident , neither Spirit or Body : neither quid , quale , or quantum : Ergo it is nothing , but a merum figmentum . If it be in the manner of light , or fire , it is in the manner of a quality , or substance . Now I think , I may let him run on in telling out his Tale. IV. Cartesius , a great Proficient in the Mathematicks , laboured much to reduce all Philosophical conclusions to demonstrations , depending from certain Hypotheses ; but wherein they excelled the ordinary , or Peripatetick ones , either in truth , certainty , or evidence , I have hitherto not yet learned . If they may be comprehended within the limits of Demonstrations , they must be a posteriori , concluding only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of things , or their effects by improper and affinged Causes : so that the causes remaining still under a cloud , we cannot be satisfied in any such Science . 'T is true , did those forementioned suppositions appear to us as Phaenomena ( appearances ) like unto others in Astronomy , there might thence some ground be afforded , but they being mera figmenta and entiae rationis , must necessarily prove very sandy for to build real truths thereon . Neither do his suppositions cohere in all places , he admitting many supposita non supponenda , yea contradicentia , to their number . Besides to frame , think , or imagine , that God ( like unto a Potter , turning his Wheel round with a staffe , and grinding the Clay thereon into many pieces , figures and whirles ) should grind the materia prima into several pieces , whirles , figures and shapes , is no small absurdity , especially when Scripture doth so positively teach us the contrary . Would a mans mind be carried forth to such Chimaera's , furer and evidenter Principles might be proposed by the means of Numbers . But tell me what satisfaction can any one expect , from such Conclusions , as long as their Premises are not granted , but thought figments and falsities ? For it is not the effects we enquire into , but into their real and adequate causes . Doth he make any thing more plain , or doth he thereby escape all falsities ? Certainly no ; for many of those Assertions that are thence deduced , do manifestly partake of falsities and Errours ; as , 1. That the nature of a body doth not consist in weight , hardness , colour , or the like , but alone in extension . 2. He speakes a word or two only of rarefaction and condensation , and so away : I conceive the rest did surpass his Mathematical demonstrations . 3. That a corporeal substance , when it is distinguisht from its quantity , is confusedly conceived , as if it were incorporeal . 4. He disproves a vacuum by an idem per idem , thus ; there is no vacuum , because the extension of all bodies is equal to their internal and external places . The question is the same still ; viz. Whether all external places are filled up with extensions of internal places of bodies ? 5. He denies real Atomes . 6. That motion taken properly , is only to be referred to the contiguous bodies of that , which is moved ; neither is it to be referred , but to those contiguous bodies , which seem to lie still . A fundamental errour . 7. That matter is infinite , or divisible into infinite parts . 8. That the world is of an indefinite quantity . 9. That the second matter of Heaven and Earth is one and the same . 10. That all matter is really single , and obtaineth its diversity of Forms from local motion . 11. That in one body innumerable motions are possible . 12. That the Moon and the other Planets borrow their Light from the Sun. 13. That the Earth is in nothing different from a Planet , and consequently that the other Planets are inhabitable . 14. That the Moon is illuminated by the Earth . 15. He assumes most of the erroneous Opinions of Copernicus . 16. That all the parts of the earth are light . 17. That Water is convertible into Ayr. Neither are his Definitions ( if he hath set down any ) of the Elements , as of Fire , Ayr , Water , or Earth , plainer then Aristotle hath explained them : His Demonstrations are altogether remote from sense : Besides the confusedness of his method . In fine , I cannot imagine what practick use may be made of them . As for these Particulars which I have here cited against him , I shal prove their falsities in the progress of my following Discourse . CHAP. VI. Of the Material Principle of Natural Beings . 1. The Causes of the Elements . 2. That the Elements are really compounded natural beings . 3. That Matter and Quantity are really identificated . 4. What Quantity is . What its Ratio formalis is . 5. That in rebus quantis there is a maximum and a minimum Definitum . 6. Experimental Instances proving that there are actual Minima's , and that all natural beings do consist out of them . 7. The pursuit of the preceding Instances inferring a Continuum to be constituted out of actual Indivisibles . Some Geometrical Objections Answered . SOmewhat hath been heretofore stated , touching the matter and form of Natural bodies , which being remote , we must descend lower , and adde a few notes respecting the matter and form of the Elements . Wherefore remember ; I. That the elements are natural beings , and therefore consist of natural matter and form , and are constituted from an Efficient . II. The Elements arising from the conjunction of matter and form , are not to be counted single bodies in that respect , nor in any other , but as much compounded , as any other body derived from them : that is in this Phrase : Elementa sunt majora composita , ac caetera ab ipsis orta entia , quanquam haec illis censenda sunt magis composita : So that it was an errour in Aristotle to define an element by a single body , or being . They could not be thought to be single in any other respect , but in their real separate existences ; but such they never had any * , their relative form contradicting it . III. It is a property in matter to be an internal cause , which through its quantity is capable of receiving a form : So the elements were affected with a quantity , through which they received their forms . I do here strive as much as may be , to reserve that old custom of termes and phrases in Physicks , which Aristotle hath assigned to us ; but again reflecting upon the abuse and improperness of them , I am compelled to call to mind a Rule of my Metaphysicks ; to wit , that the essence of all things are but modes united : and for that reason , counting quantity a mode , I cannot make any thing else of matter , but a mode , ( I mean matter in a concrete sense ) for what is matter really , but quantity it self , they differing only ratione ? and how that ? Thus ; Quantity is only notional , or a term assinged by the understanding to a res quanta , for to explain that a thing is made out of it ; and yet that whereout the thing is made is quantity still . So form is nothing else but a notion , whereby we express the activity and quality of a thing , and beyond that activity and quality it is nothing : Wherefore observe , Quantity and Quality being the two essential , principal , and eminent modes of a natural being , and fit terms and notions , they are usually treated of distinctly in this part of Philos. under the name of matter and form . Now do not take either of them separately for a Substance , unless they be both joyned together . You may also remember , that Quantity is the only Accident allowed to matter by the Peripateticks , but this quantity not being possible to exist through it self , others did confer a forma quantitativa upon matter : for a forma they imagined it needed , because through it quantity was distinguisht from nothing ; now that which makes a distinction is the form only . Besides , what is quantity without form ? Even nothing , because without a form it is not that which it is , as further appears by the definition of a form . Since then we have proved , that matter is primarily nothing else but quantity , we shall easily make it appear , that it cannot exist without the other modes , as place , duration , &c. IV. Quantity is a mode of a being , through which it is extended , that is , through which it hath one part existing beyond the other : or thus , Quantity is the Mole , Magnitude , or Dimension of a being . That which doth immediately follow this magnitude , is the extension of parts , and that which doth follow this extension , is internal and external place , and habit , &c. I say , these affections follow one another , not really , for they are existent all at once ; but intentionally only , because the one doth represent it self to the understanding before the other . Now , when the dispute is about the Ratio formalis of quantity , whether it be divisibility , mensurability , mole , magnitude , extension of parts , &c. it is to be understood , which of them doth primarily represent it self to the mind , not which of them is re prius ; for they are really co-existent , and identificated . In Answer to the Question thus stated , I hold , that the extension of one part beyond the other , or its repletion and possession of place , is the potissima ratio quantitatis . That which we do first conceive through the perception of a res quanta , is , its repletion of place , or extension of one part beyond the other : for at the first sight of a body , we judge it to be a body , because it appeares to us to have one part extended beyond the other , or to possess a place ; this is presently after confirmed to us , because it seems to be a bulk , mole , magnitude , or to be divisible , and by that we conclude , it is no Spirit , or nothing , and ( as I said before ) because it doth replenish that place , and is commensurated by it . As for extension of parts one beyond the other , it is the same with the repletion of an internal place : which that it hath , we come to know through its repletion of an external place . Take quantity concret● for a res quanta , or res extensa sive locata , mensurata , divisibilis ; it matters not which , as long as we agree inre , although differing in nomine . V. In Quantity or rather rebus quantis , or in materialibus , there is a minimum definitum , and a maximum definitum . Wherefore all beings must be one of those , or interjacent between them : for that , which is less then minimum , is nothing ; that which is more then maximum is infinitum ; neither of which is natural . Fire , we see , if it be less , then it can abide in its least quantity , it goeth out , and becomes nothing . So whatever is less then a Sand of earth , or the least drop of water is nothing of the said Species . That which is actu greater then the world , is infinite ; neither is there any thing bigger ( quantitate materials ) then it ; ergo there is a maximum . Further , were there not a minimum , or a maximum , there must be an infinitum actuale granted , which the finiteness of all things in the world perswades us to deny . All grant quantity to have a terminus a quo and ad quem ; and what can these termini be else , but a minimo ad maximum ? If otherwise a thing be supposed ultra minimum and maximum , it is ultra terminum , and indeterminatum , or infinitum . All quantitative beings are dissolveable into their minimum quod non , as we may observe in distillations , where water is dissolved into its least vaporous drops , beyond which it vanisheth ; and in sublimations , where the subtillest and finest points of earth are carried up to the capitellum in the least parts , that nature can undergo . Fire ascending Pyramidally , first disperseth it self into its least points , after which , into nothing . The Ayr is divided into its least parts , as it is seated within the Pores of bodies . All these Instances imply parts divided into minima actualia , realia & physica : so that they are not minima potentialia , or Negationes , as Peripateticks and Nominalists do obstinately obtrude . VI. Well then , let us pursue these Instances : Water being dispersed into its least parts in the head of a Limbeck , they come to unite again into one body ; which is a manifest Argument , that a continuum is composed out of indivisibles alone ( for minima's are indivisibles , otherwise they could not be minima ) in this following manner . When the whole head of a Still , or only part of it , is so thick and close beset with vaporous points , that they come to touch one another , then they do unite into a continuum , and make up a body of water . The same is observed in subliming earth into its indivisible points , which sticking to the Capitellum of the sublimatory , do no sooner return into a Clot of earth , then these sands come to touch one another . Is not a Line also made through union of points in the same manner ? as appeares in this Example , take a round Ball and cast it upon a plane , it first toucheth the Plane upon a point , and bending further to the plain , it makes another point close to the first , and so on many more ; all which together , describe a Line upon the said plane . Numbers are notional Characters of real beings , but they do likewise contain a minimum , to wit , one ; ergo also those real beings whereunto they are applied . Is not time composed out of instants united , and motion out of ( ex impetibus ) spurts joyned to one another ? That there are instants and spurts , the Operations of Angels do confirm to us . Divide a Line into two parts by another Line , the divided Line is divided in its least part ; where again the divided particles joyned to the dividing Line is also in their least points , or indivisibles , which three points must necessarily make up a continuum : the reason is this , because that , which through its being taken away , doth take away the continuity , must also constitute that same continuity by its re-addition . Lastly , Grind any matter upon a Porphir into an Alcool , which if you grind longer , you shall sooner grind it into clods and bigger pieces then lesser ; the reason is , because nature is irritated by the violence and heat of grinding , to call the Ayr to its Assistance , which glueth its body again together . I could adde many other Experiments confirming the same ; but to avoid prol●xity , I shall omit their Insertion . We may then without danger of any further cavil , state , that Indivisibles are actually contained in their whole , since the whole is both constituted out of them , and dissolved into them at its dissolution . 2. That there is a minimum and maximum in all natural bodies , whether animated or inanimated . I cannot but strange at the stupidness of Authors , who object certain Propositions of Euclid against this kind of Doctrine , as , 1. That of 1 El. 1 Prop. Where he teacheth , that upon every right line given there may be an equilateral Triangle described : Whence they infer , that all lines are divisible into equal parts ; if so , then it contradicts the aforesaid Positions : For ( say they ) suppose a line consisted of three points , it could not be divided but in unequal points , or parts : it cannot be divided into a point and an half , because a point according to this Definition is indivisible . 2. Euclid demonstrates in the 6 B. p. 10. that a line , be it never so little , is divisible in as many parts of the same proportion , as the greatest line may be . Now then supposing a line consisting of three points , and another consisting of ten , or more , the former line is divisible into three parts only , the other in many more . Granting the truth of these Propositions , it concludes nothing against us ; for these prove against the composition of a Mathematical line out of Mathematical points , which we all know to be infinite , and in a continuum drowning each other , they cannot make up its length ; but these are only notional , and therefore we may not thence deduct any certain Rule appliable to the natura rerum : for if we should , why might we not likewise infer thence , that the world being a continuum , consists of infinite parts , and that its duration is eternal , because that being a continuum , must in the same manner consist of infinite parts : or thus , we might infer , that the numbers framed by man being infinite , all things , upon and for which they were imposed , are also infinite : but this doth not hold in naturalibus , although in conceptibus . It is certain , that man can & doth conceit millions of Notions , especially in the Mathematicks , which never have been , or shall be ( to wit , in that same manner ) in nature . Our case at present is concerning Physical points , such as have a determinate Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity , but the least . The forementioned Propositions are related to Continuities , as they contain indivisibilities potentia ; but these are contained actu in theirs . The points , which we treat of have a Magnitude and Mole , which although minima , yet apposed one to the other , constitute majora , and being augmented to the greatest number , produce a maximum . They remain divisible Mathematicè , but naturaliter indivisible . Here may be objected , if these minima are quanta , they are also divisible . I Answer , That they are divisible quoad nos , but indivisible quoad naturam : or as I said before , they are divisible Mathematicè , not naturaliter . We conceive them to be divisible , because they appear mensurable although with the least measure , they are mensurable because they are located , they are located because they have Magnitude . CHAP. VII . Of the Natural Matter and Form of the Elements . 1. That the Elements are constituted out of minima's . That they were at first created a maximum divisible into minima's . 2. That , supposing there were a materia prima Aristotelica , yet it is absurd to assert her to have a Potentia Essentialis , or Appetitus Formae . 3. That the Natural Form is not educed e Potentia materiae . 4. That the Actus of Local Motion is the Form of the Elements . 5. The manner of knowing the first constitution of the Elements . That there was a Chaos . 6. That there was conferred a distinct form upon every Element . Whether a Form is a Substance . 'T is proved that it is not . I. ANd now give me leave to apply what hath been stated in the preceding Chapter to the Elements , which as they are constituted out of Indivisibles , Points , or minima's , so they are dissolveable into the said Indivisibles . At their first Creation they were each created a Maximum . Their matter is nothing else but their concrete quantity , mole , or magnitude . Neither are we to imagine , that God did create all the minima's of the world , before he united them to one Mass , but created the whole Mass at once , divisible into indivisibilities , that so they being divided into indivisibilities might become a fit matter for mixture ; and therein he imposed an order and law upon the Elements of generation and dissolution : and without this Law , what Order is there imaginable ? II. Supposing these points coagmented into one Mass , were created before the advent of a form ( which is impossible secundum quid ) and being without any determination , figure , motion , or any thing , that descends from a form , it would be nothing differing from Aristotles materia prima : Now then I demand what Potentia essemialis , or Appetitus formae could there be rationally conceived to inhere in her ? Certainly no essential one , but obediential ; neither an Appetite to a form , for she being blind , how could she perceive a form , to covet it ? or being destitute of motion , how could she have an appetite ? since Appetite is nothing else but a natural motion , or inclination . III. Matter having brought quantity , place , habit , and duration along with her , let us further enquire what company the form hath attending it . A form , as we said before , is little else but a Mode of activity and quality : For quantity without her is nothing of her self ; it is the same that doth constitute her , and addes distinction and action to her . That , which giveth activity and quality to Matter and Quantity is an actus of Local Motion . This actus of motion is not raised out of quantity or matter , for then it would remain quantity , neither is it educed out of the disposition of matter ; for even so it could be nothing yet but matter disposed . Wherefore it is a strange saying to assert , that the form is educed out of the power of matter : Either this may be taken properly , and then it is equipollent , as if you said , the form is educed out of the matter , as she is potent , that is , as having a disposition or propension unto ; and this is impossible : or improperly , when the power of matter is taken for a being , which as yet is not , but may be ; neither can the form in this sense be educed ; for she then would be educed e nihilo , or e privatione . IV. That the actus continuus of local motion is the form of the Elements : I prove it . That , which is the first cause of all the effects acted by the Elements , must needs be their form : but such is the act of local motion . Wherefore , &c. I shall omit the proving of the Minor here in general , since I have proved it below in particular . V. The particular production of each part of the world holds forth the manner of the production of the whole , since they are all derived from one universal efficient , Nature Naturating . We observe then daily ; as for instance , in the production of Man , Beasts , Fowls , Minerals ; that these draw their first Original from a confusion of Principles of Elements , which is an assured note , or mark that the Elements of the universe were first cast into a confusion ( quia pars totius naturam aemulatur . ) 2. It is no less undoubtable , that as the activity and qualities of these fore-instanced formations were latent , and contained in their confused Elements , and gradually extracted , inacted , and exalted to their ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) perfection , through the vertue of an efficient , in like manner were the activity , and qualities , or forms of the elements latent in their Chaos , and afterwards gradually extracted , expanded , divided and exalted into their fulness by the same Nature . 3. It is hence apparent , that the Elements underwent several changes , but total , not partial ones , and therefore require a particular disquisition upon each . VI. Let us imagine many millions upon millions of minima's of quantity , or matter divided into four equal parts , whereof each is set apart to be the matter and subject of every one of the four Elements . Each of these , 't is necessary should be vivified and actuated by a distinct form , for otherwise they could not in their dissolution from the Chaos , prove apt substances for the constitution of distinct bodies . Or simply , a form is needful , or how , or by what power could they act ? But the question will be , whether this form is not an incompleat Substance , as the Philosopher states . The question , me thinks , is rather , whether it is not a Bull to name a substance incompleat ? For a substance is a substance because it is compleat , and its completion or perfection gives it a subsistence : so that were a form a substance it might subsist per se : Besides , would it not according to Aristotle make an unum per Accidens , or could it be directly referred to a Predicament , were it united to another real substance ? Neither is it sufficient to distinguish it from an Accident , because it doth constitute part of the compositum : for so doth every other accident or mode , as appears in Metaphysicks : Doth it not inhere in Subjecto per modum accidentis , or can it exist out of it ? And wherein is it then different from an Accident ? 2. It is frustraneous for the form to be a substance , since that a being through its quantity only is capable of receiving quality , and activity or vertue of acting * . A form then is a power of acting in a substance , but not a substance ; it is essential to a being , but modally only distinguisht from it , not really ; for an activity in a substance is nothing else , but an active substance . The concomitants of this activity , or form are many , as alterative qualities , colour , figure , and all determination and distinction : In a word , it renders its subject hoc aliquid . Although the form is not educed e potentia materiae , it hinders not from being educed e potestate actuali Agentis , vel efficientis , as Scaliger delivers . CHAP. VIII . Of the Absolute and Respective Form of Earth , Water , Ayr , and Fire . 1. What Form it is the Author allots to Earth . That driness is not the first quality of earth . 2. The respective form of Earth . 3. That Coldness is not the first quality of Water . That water is not moyst naturally , neither doth it moysten : What it is to moysten . Why water acuated with Spirits of Vitriol , Sulphur , or of Salt-Peter , doth moysten and abate thirst more then when it is single . 4. The form of water . What Gravity is , and what Levity . What Density is . The form of water proved . Why water disperseth it self into Drops . Why Sea-men cannot make Land upon the Cap-head , when they may upon the Top Mast-head . Why the Stars do appear sooner to those in the East-Seas , then to others in the West . 5. That water is thick but not dense . Whence it is that water is smooth . Why Ayr makes a Bubble upon the water , when it breaks forth . That the least Atoms of Ayr cannot break through the water without raising a Bubble . Why the same doth not happen to Earth , 6. That Moysture is not the first quality of Ayr , neither doth the Ayr naturally moysten any body , but to the contrary dryeth it . 7. The form of Ayr. What Tenuity is . Why Feathers , Cobwebs , and other light Bodies do expand themselves when thrown through the Ayr. Why Grease , Oyl , Wax . &c. do make Splatches when poured upon the ground . Why Gunpowder , Smoak , Breathes of living creatures , Vapours , Exhalations , Dust , &c. do diffuse themselves in that manner . Whence it is that the least breath moves and shakes the Ayr. The relative form of Ayr. Why Spirits of Wine mix easier and sooner with water , then one water with another . 8. The first quality of fire . What Rarity is . Whence it is that a Torch or Candle spreads its Beames circularly , as appears at a distance . That Fire is roof : the cause of it . Fire's Relative nature . A comparing of all the first qualities of the Elements one to the other . 1. THe Form lately mentioned may justly be surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Perfection ; because it confers a Perfection upon matter . But to return where I left : After sufficient evidence , that each of the Elements are actuated by a distinct form ; I begin first with the Earth , whose form and first quality is weight ( pondus ) with density . 1. Because through it , it performeth all its Operations and Effects . 2. The form , or first quality of a body is unremoveable ; but dense weight is unremoveable from earth ; ergo it is its form , and first quality ; whereas dryness , which is brought in competition with it by all Peripateticks , is removeable ; for earth may be moystened with water . This is an Herculean Argument , if well weighed . 3. A Privation cannot be the first quality of earth , because it is accidental to it ; but dryness is only a privation of moysture , and consequently accidental . I confirm the Minor ; had there never been any moysture , who could ever have thought of dryness ? Again , in the ordinary Ideom of speech , we say , such a thing is dry , because we feel no dampness in it : for first we feel , and gather it together to try whether we can feel any moysture ; but perceiving no moysture , or dampness , we say it is dry : Ergo , because of the privation of moysture . Further , moysture and dryness are privative opposites , because the one being removed , the other also vanishes : For take away sight , and you take away blindness ; it being improper to say a thing is blind , unless in opposition to sight . The same is appliable to dryness and moysture ; take away moysture , and then it will be improper to say dryness . Lastly , the Peripatetick description of dryness proves no less : Dryness is , whose subject is easily contained within its own bounds , but difficultly within anothers . Now unless there were water , within whose bounds it could not be contained , there could be no dryness , since that dryness is , whose subject cannot be contained unless difficultly within the bounds of water ; or Ayr either . II. All elements and each of them are actuated by a respective , or relative form , that is , their being and conservation consisteth in a relation of a dependence from each other ; for instance , the earth is inconsistent of it self ; for through its incomprehensible gravity it would move to an infinitum , which is repugnant to its truth ; so that through its pondus it inclineth to the fire ; which again through its lightness bendeth to it ; and so meeting one another , they embrace and constitute each other in their being . Well may Authors term their close and entire union a discors amicitia , or amica discordia , since their motion to each other is so fierce , and eager , that it doth as it were appear a fighting , or discord , but it tending to so mutual a good and benefit , proves the greatest friendship . But should coldness and heat be stated to be the form or first qualities of the Elements , they could not subsist one moment , because they are the greatest contraries , and therefore would not cease from their most incenst hostility ; before each were expelled from their common subject ; as we see plainly in water and fire . III. This makes way to free water from coldness , to which it is neither but a privation of heat : For suppose there were a dish of water placed without the sphear of the elements , it would be improper to say , it were either hot or cold . Neither is Moysture the first quality of water ; for water of it self ( per se ) doth not moysten any thing absolutely , that is freed from all mixture . I prove it : To moysten , is nothing else but to be thinly covered , or dasht over with water , or its vapours ; but water , when it is in its absolute state , is of so thick parts , that it is unapt to adhere to any thing . We observe that Quick-silver ( or rather quick Lead , for so it is in effect ) and melted Lead , although liquid , yet they do not moysten , because their parts are thick . By thickness I do not intend a depth of quantity , or of matter only , but such a depth of quantity that is not porous , or a crassitude , whose parts are diducted and drawn out into a continuity , and that throughout all its dimensions , and therefore through defect of tenuity doth not adhere to whatever is immerst in it : even so it is with water , which supposed in its absolute , or separated state doth by far exceed quick-Lead in thickness , and consequently is unapt for humectation : but in the state wherein it now is , which is mixed and attenuated with much fire and ayr , it doth easily adhere to whatever body , that is dipt in it . This is the reason , why water in hot Countries doth sooner quench thirst , then in cold ; or wine sooner then water ; because the watery parts are more subtilized by the indivisibilities of fire , that are dispersed through them . Now water abates drought but little , because of its crassitude . Experience tels us , that one little measure of water acuated with Spirits of Vitriol , of Sulphur , or of Salt-Peter doth moysten the body , and abate thirst in a Feaver more then a Pint of water single , because the water is subtilized by the forementioned Ingredients . But Physitians vulgarly adscribe this effect to the penetrability of the admixtures ; A blind reason : because water doth penetrate to the internals , therefore it moystens the more ; this is not all ; for suppose that water did penetrate , yet it would not moysten , because it doth not adhere to the parts , which it doth touch ; wherefore it is only to be imputed to its subtilization . All which demonstrates , that water in its purity , that is , in its absolute state , doth moysten less then Quicksilver , which is not at all . IV. The Form or first quality of water is gravity with crassitude . There is no single word I can think upon in any Language , that I know , full enough to express what I do here intend , and therefore am compelled to substitute these . I explain them thus : You must apprehend that gravity is a motion from the Circumference to the Center . Levity is a diffusion or motion from the Center to the Circumference . Now there is a gravity with density , that is , which hath density accompanying it . Density is a closeness of minima's not diducted into a continuity , but potentialiter , ( that is Logicè ) porous , and such is proper to earth . There is also a gravity with crassitude ; which is a weight , whose parts are diducted into a continuity , or I might rather express my self , whose parts do concentrate , or move from the Circumference to the Center with a continuity , that is , without any potential pores dividing its matter ; as in Quicksilver , diduct its body to the Circumference as much as you can , yet its part will concentrate with a continuity : but if you diduct earth , you will perceive its porosity , so that its body is altogether discontinuated . Water is then weighty with a crassitude . I prove it . First , that it is weighty , or that its parts move from the Circumference to the Center : Water when divided through force doth unite it self in globosity , as appears in drops , where all its parts , falling from the circumference close to their center , form a globosity . 2. Water doth not only in its divided parts concentrate , but also in its whole quantity . This is evident to them that are at sea , and approaching to the Land , they first make it from the top-mast-head ; whereas standing at the foot of it upon the Deck they cannot . The reason is , because the water being swelled up in a round figure , the top is interposed between the sight of those , that stand upon the Deck , and the Land-marks , as hils , or steeples ; but they , that are aloft , viz. upon the Yard arm , or top-mast , may easily discover them , because they stand higher then the top of the swelling of the water . The same is also remarkeable in a Bowl filled up with water to the Brim , where you may discern the water to be elevated in the middle , and proportionably descending to the Brim to constitute a round Figure . Archimedes doth most excellently infer the same by demonstration ; but since the alleadging of it would protract time , and try your patience , I do omit it . Lastly , The Stars rising and going down do plainly demonstrate the roundness of the water ; for to those that sayl in the Eastern Seas , the Stars do appear sooner then to others in the Western Ocean ; because the swelling of the water hindreth the light of the Stars rising in the East , from illuminating those in the West . The same Argument doth withal perswade us , that the earth is round , and consequently that its parts do all fall from the Outside to the Center . V. Secondly , That water hath a crassitude joyning to its gravity , sight doth declare to us ; for it is impossible to discern any porosity in water , although dropped in a magnifying Glass ; which in Sand is not . It s levor or most exact smoothness expressing its continuity , & accompanying its weight , is an undoubted mark of its crassitude , whereas roughness is alwaies a consequent of contiguity and porosity . There is not the least or subtilest spark of fire or ayr can pass the substance of water , unless it first break the water , and so make its way to get through ; this is the reason , why the least portion of ayr , when inclosed within the Intrailes of water , cannot get out , unless it first raises a bubble upon the water , which being broke , it procures its vent . Nor the least Atome of fire cannot transpire through water , unless it disrupts the water by a bubble , as we see happens , when water seeths : or disperse the water into vapours , and carry vapours and all with it . But ayr and fire do easily go through earth , because its parts being only contiguous and porous , have no obstacle to obstruct them : for sand , we see , in furnaces will suffer the greatest heat , or fire to pass through , without any disturbance of its parts . Lastly , Its respectiveness or relation doth require this form , both for its own conservation , and for others : For the earths relative form being to meet and take hold through its weight and porosity , ( this porosity is necessary for admitting the fire within its bowels ; for were it continuous , as water is , it would expel fire , and dead it ) of the fire , and by ballancing its lightness to preserve their beings mutually , it needs the assistance of water , for to inclose the fire , when it is received by the earth , and through its continuity to keep it in , otherwise it would soon break through its pores and desert it . So that you see , that water by doing the earth this courtesie , preserveth her self ; for were she not stayed likewise in her motion through the fire and ayr , she would move to an infinitum . VI. Moisture is not the first quality or form of the ayr . I prove it . Moysture ( as I said before ) is nothing else , but the adhesion of a moyst body to another , which it doth affect , or touch . Now , in this moyst body there must be a certain proportion ( or Ratio substantiae ) of quantity ; it must neither be too thick , or too thin . Water therefore in its purity is unapt to moysten , because it is too thick ; so ayr in its absolute state is too thin to adhere to any body , that it reaches unto . If ayr in its mixt nature , through which it is rendred of a far thicker consistence , is nevertheless not yet thick enough to adhere to the sides of another substance , much less in its purity . Who ever hath really perceived the moysture of Ayr ? I daily hear people say , hang such a thing up to dry in the ayr ; but yet I never heard any say , hang it up in the ayr to moysten , but wet it in the water . This drying Faculty of the ayr Peripateticks assert to be accidental to it , namely through the permixtion of exhalations with the ayr . Alas , this is like to one of their Evasions : Do we not know , that the ayr in its lowest region is rather accidentally moyst , because of its imbibition of vapours , copiously ascending with the fire or heat , tending out of the water to its element ? Is not the heat more apt to conveigh vapours , that do so narrowly enclose it , then earth , which of it self permits free egress to fire ? yea where an Ounce of Exhalations ascends , there arises a Pint of Vapours . Waving this , I state the case concerning the second Region of the Ayr , or of the top of Mountains , where according to their own judgment , neither Vapours , or ●xhalations are so much dispersed , as to be capable of drying or moystning any ex rinsick body ; even here do wet things dry quicker then below , because the ayr here is much freed from that irrigation of waterish moysture , which the vapours contribute to the lowermost Region , as impelling all extraneous vapours and exhal●tion to a body . Moreover , I will give you a reason for it . To dry is to dissipate and disperse moysture or dampishness adhering to any substance ; but the ayr being a most subtil body , doth through its subtility attenuate the water , which attenuated fals off from that body , whereunto it first hung , and is then imbibed by the ayr , which it doth afterwards detrude to its proper place . Lightness with tenuity is the form and first quality of ayr . What lightness is , I have set down before . Tenuity is a continuous exparsion and diffusion into all dimensions . As water is weighty with crassitude , so contrariwise ( as it were ) is air light with tenuity . I prove that ayr is light , because all aerial bodies , as Cobwebs , Feathers , although they are complicated , yet being cast forth into the ayr , their parts are diffused from the Center to the Circumference . Grease , Tallow , Oyl , Wax , &c. these bodies , because they do much participate of Ayr , when melted , and dropt upon the ground , do spread themselves into broad splatches , not contracting themselves like earth or water , into close round bodies , but rather contrariwise . Gunpowder , when kindled , Smoak , breathes of living Creatures , Vapours , Exhalations , Dust , &c. are all diducted from their Center to the Circumference , through the natural motion of the air inclosed within their bodies . The Ayr , if condensed ( as they say , but improperly ) is in a counter-natural state ; for then it makes use of violence ; ergo its diffusion to the Circumference is natural to it . That the air is tenuous , or confisting of thin parts expanded in continuity into all dimensions , its rupture doth signifie ; for were it contiguous , every subtil , exhalation , or wind would not move it , but might easily transpire through its porosity without concussing it ; but it being continuous , is compelled to break ; which rupture causes both its commotion , and sound . Hence it is that the least breath moves the air , and makes a sound in it . The reason why the water is moved , or at any time a sound is made in it , is , because it being continuous , is subject to ruptures , which disposeth it to both ; but neither happens to fire or earth , because they are porous , and only contiguous . Lastly , It s being and preservation is impossible without this relative form : For through it the Ayr doth moderate , balance , and is subservient to it self and other Elements . Water is weighty with crassitude , and through its so being , it compasses the earth so narrowly , that the fire is unable of striking through its continuity for to meet the earth ; wherefore Ayr being light with tenuity doth diffuse and expand the body of water , and so the fire is led to the earth by the conduct of the Ayr. Again , water being of that weight would move to an infinitum , and the lightness of fire is insufficient to stay it , because water is heavy and thick ( and therefore contrary to fire , which is light and rare ) and through that quality must necessarily expel the fire ; wherefore air is requisite for to balance its weight , and having partly the same nature with water , and partly different ( yet not contrary ) is alone capable of mixing with the water . Ayr is partly of the same nature with water , because they are both continuous , and so do thereby immediately at their first conjunction pervade each other , and come to an exact union . This I will illustrate to you by an Example . Affuse Spirits of Wine to Water , you see they will mixe exactly in a moment ; for you may presently after tast them equally at the bottom of the Glass , and at the top . Now , it is evident , that Spirits of Wine are very ayry and fiery , and therefore , because continuous , mingle instantly with the water . But fire refuseth to mixe with it , because it is contiguous and light , and altogether contrary as it were . It is different , because it moves to the Circumference , and water to the Center ; Pray observe the wisdom of Nature : this is most necessity ; for although they are both continuous , how could they mix unless the one did move to the Center , and the other from it , whereby they come to meet one another in an instant ? Did they move both to the Center , they could not mix or meet together ; for being then supposed to be of an equal weight , that , which was undermost , would remain undermost ; much in the manner of two Horses going both one pace , one before the other , about in a Mill , who will hardly meet , unless the one turnes its gate , and go contrarily to the other , and so they do immediately confront one another . Hence it is that wine mixes quicker by far with water , then one kind of water doth with another . By this you may discern the absolute necessity of these motions in the Elements , both for mixtion , and their mutual conservation . VIII . The first quality of fire is Levity with Rarity . Rarity is a subtility , or minority of parts , whereby its minima's are contiguous one to the other . Who ever doubted of the lightness of fire ; Doth not fire diffuse its heat equally from its Center to the Circumference ? Doth not the fire in a Torch cast its light circularly from its Center ? That fire abhors a continuity , we perceive by its burning ; for we see that the flames in Spirits of Wine do terminate into points , which points make a roughness , whereas were the fire continuous , its terms would be smooth , like unto those of Water and Ayr. Doth not the fire work through the smallest pores ? ergo through its contiguous points . Hence it is that fire passes , where ayr is shut out . It s relative nature is constituted by its contiguity of parts ; for through it , it is fitted for the embracing of earth ; were it continuous and light , it would shun the earth ; or if admitted into the earth , the earth would disrupt and expel it , like as it disrupts and expels Ayr. Wherefore through its porosity and contiguity it enters the earth , and the earth enters it , each opening its pores at this friendly reception : Nevertheless , supposing that contiguity had no contrariety to continuity , yet would the Ayr not be light enough to sustain the weight of the body of earth ; besides , there must be two gravities conceived for one lightness , and two or three continuities for one contiguity ; so that of absolute necessity a fourth Element must be added , that might be answering to the earths gravity and density , through its levity and rarity . That , which is light and rare , is more vibrating , and by far of greater activity and energy , then that , which is light and thin . Summarily , let us take a view of all their first qualities , and compare them together . Water and Ayr do communicate in a perfect friendship , and so doth Earth and Fire ; water and earth , ayr and water , fire and ayr , are all beholding to one another , yet not in the same respect , but divers . Water and Fire at an immediate contact are absolutely disagreeing , but mediately accompanying other Elements , prove good friends ; the same Law is between Earth and Ayr. Observe , although I have explained their forms by more words then one , yet apprehend that in their sense they move a single concept . Levity with Rarity is really distinct from Levity with Tenuity ; their operations , and manner of operating being also different ; for Levity with Rarity is more penetrating , vibrating , and of a stronger force ; and therefore Fire exceeds the Ayr in Levity . The like is to be understood of the Earth and Water : to wit , that the former is more weighty then the latter . These concur equally to the constitution of one another , of the world , and of its parts ; the one contributeth as much as the other , and therefore they are of an equal dignity , and time . CHAP. IX . Of the Beginning of the World. 1. Whence the world had its beginning . What the Chaos is . That the Chaos had a Form. A Scripture Objection Answered . That the Spirit of God moving upon the face of the waters did informate the Chaos . 2. That the Chaos consisted of the four Elements , is proved by Scripture . The Etymology of Heaven . What Moses meant by Waters above the Waters . The Derivation of the Firmament . That the Ayr is comprehended under the Notion of waters in Gen. 3. That the Elements were exactly mixt in the Chaos . That all the Elements consist of an equal number of Minima's . 4. That none but God alone can be rationally thought to be the Efficient of the Chaos . How this Action is expressed in Scripture . 5. What Creation is . Thom. Aq. his Definition of Creation disproved . Austins Observations of the Creation . 6. That God is the Authour of the Creation , proved by the Testimonies of Scripture , of Holy men , and of Philosophers . 7. An Explanation of the Definition of Creation . Whether Creation is an emanant or transient Action . Creation is either mediate , or immediate . Scotus his Errour upon this point . The Difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherein mediate Creation differs from Generation . 8. Of the Place , Magnitude , tangible Qualities , Colour , Temperament , Time , Figure , Extent in Figure , Duration , Quantity , and Number of the Chaos . THus much shall suffice concerning the Matter and Form of the Elements , as they are considered supposedly separated from each other ; but notwithstanding are the Particulars last insisted upon really in them primatio & per se. Now let us proceed . Since these Elements are perfections , and as it were forms to each other , the one being constituted , doth suppose them all to be constituted ; and but one of them being abolisht , they are all abolisht : Wherefore it is a simple question to demand , which of the Elements we could best miss , or which of them is most necessary for the preservation of life , they being all of an equal necessity ? I. The first formation of the world took its Original from the creation of a Chaos : which that it did , hath been demonstrated in one of the precedent Chapters . The Chaos is a great and vast natural body , consisting of an exact mixture of all the four Elements : It is generally explained to be a Confusion of all the Elements . Hereby confusion is not meant an imperfect mixtion ; but it is called a confusion , because it is an universal mixtion of all the Elements . The Chaos was a natural body , because it was constituted by the natural Matter and Form of all the Elements . That it had matter is little doubted of by any , all derived natural substances being thereout materiated . But a form is not so universally allowed to it ; Moses telling us in the first Chapt. of Gen. That the Earth was without form . For the reconciling of this , you must know , that a form is not alwaies taken in the same sense . A Form is somtimes taken for the compleat and last perfection of a thing ; so we say , that the confusion of genitures in matrico is rude and hath no form , that is , it hath not that compleat , further , and last perfection and shape , which is intended in it . 2ly . Form is more commonly taken for that , which giveth specification and distinction to Matter , or that , whereby a thing is that , which it is ; so as in this acception the Chaos of the Microcosmus is termed not to be without a form , neither is the Chaos of the Macrocosmus void of form ; although in the former sense it is . I prove it . The Chaos was either a thing , or nothing . It was not nothing , for the Text mentions it consisted of Heaven and Earth . Was it a thing ? ergo it must have had a form to be that thing , which it was , or to be distinguisht from nothing . It was not only distinguisht from nothing , but also from an infinitum , and from a single essence , it consisting of Heaven and Earth , which constituted both a finitum and a compositum : But all distinction derives from a form ; ergo it ha● form . Further , the Scripture doth reveal to us , that the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters , and what was the Spirit of God here , but the form of the Chaos ? Again , the Spirit of God moving upon the waters doth evidently confirm my former Assertion , namely , that the form of the Elements is nothing else , but a local moving vertue impressed by Nature , that is , God , upon their Matter . II. That the whole Clot of each Element contributed to the Matter and Form of this first created body , the same Scripture makes clear to us in enumerating them distinctly , viz. Chap. 1. 1. In the beginning God created Heaven and Earth . And the Earth was without form , and void , and darkness was upon the face of the deep ; and the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters . First , you see here is Heaven , comprehending fire and air ; for as I proved before , ayr cannot exist without fire , nor fire without air . Secondly , Both these being near companions and relations , the Text comprehends them in one : for if you observe , the Scripture doth all along in this Chapter enumerate the Elements by paires ( as it were ) under one name , because of their near affinity : So by the deep is meant Earth and Water ( strictly or properly so called ) and by waters the two fluid Elements , which are those , that before are explained to be continuous Elements . That this is the genuine Interpretation of the said divine Text , the ensuing words do clearly make it out ; for in v. 6. God saith , Let there be a Firmament in the midst of the waters , and let it divide the waters from the waters : Here the water and ayr being both alike in fluidity , and confused together , are both called water : The ayr then being light , and the water weighty , God expanding them , the ayr through its lightness heaved up from the water , and thence constituted a part of Heaven , as the Text hath it in v. 8. The water through its weight descended under the ayr , and thence it is called in v. 9. the waters under the heaven . This must necessarily be so ; for water , strictly so named , had it been heaved up , it would have been against its first nature , and been moved violently , which is improbable , since that ( nullum violentum est perpetuum ) no violent motion is lasting . The nature of air certifieth us , that it must be it , which moved above the waters under it . Lastly , The waters above the waters , strictly so termed , are called the Firmament ; from its firmness ; because they are as a deep frame , or a strong wall about the waters underneath , for to keep them together in a counterpoise , from falling to an insinitum : but it is ai● that is above the waters , and is a Firmament to them ; ergo the ayr must be comprehended under the Notion of waters . Or thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew is by the Rabbi's and Hebrews expounded , an Expansion , or thing expanded : for its Root is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to attenuate : if so , then by the waters above must be implied ayr , whose nature it is to be expanded , as I shewed before . So whether you take the word according to the interpretation of the Septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Firmament , or of the Rabbi's , Expansion , there can be nothing else intended by it but ayr . I say then , as by waters , a duplicity of Elements is implied , so by the Heavens , ayr and fire are implied : I prove it : Light is fire flaming ; but the light was drawn from the Chaos ; if from the Chaos , ergo not from the earth ; for by earth there is only meant earth single ; but from the Heaven , which imports a conjunction of Elements , viz. of Ayr and Fire . Secondly , Is light , being a flaming fire , drawn from the Heaven ; ergo there was fire , latent in it : So let this serve to answer Van Helmont his Objection , who denieth fire to be an Element , because its name is not set down in the first Chap. of Gen. neither is ayr mentioned among the Elements in so many Letters , yet it is comprehended among them . 'T is true , Fowl are called Fowl of the ayr , but what of that ? this doth not infer that ayr is an Element , because Fowl are named Fowl of the Ayr. Secondly , Earth and Water are there expressed in so many letters , ergo the Chaos was made up of all the four Elements . III. The Elements in the Chaos underwent an exact mixture ; because each being a stem and perfection to the other , they required it : for had they been unequally mixt , then that part which had not been sufficiently counterpoysed by its opposite Element , would have fallen from the whole . Hence it followeth , that they must have been of an equal extent and degree in their first vertue or quality , and not only so , but also in their quantity ; that is , they consisted all of an equal number of minima's , that so each minimum of every Element might be fitted , sustained , and perfectionated by three single minimum's of each of the other Elements . Now was there but one minimum of any of the Elements in excess above the other , it would overbalance the whole Chaos , and so make a discord , which is not to be conceived . But here may be objected , That the earth in comparison with the heavens , beares little more proportion to their circumference , then a point . I confess that the air and fire exceed the earth and water in many degrees , but again , as will be apparent below , there is never a Star which you see , yea and many more then you see , but containes a great proportion of earth and water in its body , the immense ( to our thinking ) Region of the air and fire are furnished with no small proportion of water and earth : so that numeratis numerandis , the earth and water are not wanting of a minimum less then are contained either in the fire or ayr . IV. The efficient of this greatest and universal body , is the greatest and universal cause , the Almighty God. I prove it . The action , through which this vast mole was produced , is infinite ; for that action , which takes its procession ab infinito ad terminum finitum , sive a non ente ad ens , from an infinite to a finite term , or from nothing to somthing , is to be counted infinite ; but an infinite action requireth an infinite agent ; therefore none but God , who is in all respects infinite , is to be acknowledged the sole cause , and agent of this great and miracuious effect . It was a Golden saying upon this matter of Chrysippus the Stoick , If there is any thing , that doth effect that , which man although he is indued with a reason cannot : that certainly is , greater , mightier , and wiser then man ; but he cannot make the Heavens : Wherefore , that which doth make them , excels man in Art , Counsel , and Prudence . And what saith Hermes in his Pimand ? The Maker made the universal world through his Word , and not with his Hands . Anaxagoras concluded the divine mind to be the distinguisher of the universe . It was the Saying of Orpheus , That there was but one born through himself , and that all other things were created by him . And Sophocles , There is but one true God , who made Heaven and the large earth . Aristotle , Lib. 2. De Gen. & Cor. c. 10. f. 59. asserts . God to be the Creator of this Universe . And Lib. 12. Metaph. c. 8. He attests God to be the First Cause of all other Causes . This action is in the holy texts called Creation , Gen. 1. 1. Mark 10. 6. Psal. 89. 12. Mal. 2. 10. Creation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not alwaies intended for one and the same signification ; sometimes it implying the Creation of the world , as in the Scriptures next forementioned ; other whiles it is restricted to Mankind , Mark 16. 15. Mat. 28. 19. Luke 24. 47. In other places it is applied to all created beings , Mark 13. 19. Gen. 14. 22. Job 38. 8. Prov. 20. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To create is imported by divers other Expressions . 1. By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To Form , Gen. 2. 7. Esay . 43. 7. 2. By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To make , Gen. 1. 31. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He hath establisht , Psal. 89. 12. Psal. 104. 5. Mat. 13. 35. Heb. 6. 1. 1 Pet. 1. 20. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To stretch or expand , Psal. 10. 2. Es. 42. 5. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To prepare , or dispose , Prov. 8. 27. Psal. 74. 16. V. Creation is a production of a being out of , and from nothing . Tho. gives us this Definition in Sent. 2. Dist. 1. Quest. 1. Art. 2. Creation is an emanation of an universal Being out of nothing . By an universal being , he intends a being , as it comprehends all material and immaterial beings . So that this is rather a definition of the creation of the material and immaterial world , then a definition of the Formality of Creation . 2. His Definition is defective and erroneous ; for he adds only out of nothing . This is not enough , it being possible for a thing to emanate out of nothing , and yet not be created : the immaterial operations of Angels and rational Soules emanate out of nothing , because they do not emanate out of matter , and yet they are not created , but naturally produced . 'T is true , although they emanate out of nothing , yet they emanate from something , to wit , from their immaterial Essence : and therefore they are not to be judged to be created . It is also possible for a thing to be created from nothing ( anihilo sui ) and yet out of something ; so are all beings created that are created by a mediate creation . Wherefore my Definition hath an immediate creation to its definitum . Now if you would define creation , as it doth in a large extent comprehend also a mediate creation , 't is only to substitute in the room of , and from nothing , or from nothing : thus creation is a production of a being out of , or from nothing , or from and out of neither . Austin , Lib. 11. de Civitate Dei , c. 21. commends a threefold Observation upon the Creation . 1. Who is the Efficient of it ; and that is God. 2. Whereby , or through what he proceeded to Creation ; through that he said , Let there be ; and all things were . 3. For what reason , because he is good . We read something not unlike to this in Diog. Laert. Lib. 7. The Stoicks ( saith he ) state two Principles of things , an Agent , and a Patient . Through an Agent they understood Matter ; and through a Patient , the Word of God , which did adorn that Matter . That God is the Author of the Creation , besides the reason fore-given , the Testimonies of the Sacred Bible , of holy men , and of Philosophers , do confirm it to us . Psal. 102. 25. & 147. 9. Mal. 2. 10. Es. 45. 6 , 7. Job 9. 8. Jer. 10. 12. & 51. 15. Job 26. 13. John 1. 3. Col. 1. 16. Rom. 13. 36. Rev. 4. 11. Heb. 1. 2. That creation is the production of a being out and from nothing , the Scripture doth also reveal to us . Gen. 1. Prov. 8. 24. Psal. 33. 9. John 1. 3. Rom. 4. 17. Heb. 11. 3. Austin Lib. 1. De Gen. contra Manich. Although all things are formed out of that unform matter , notwithstanding is this same matter made out of nothing . Lactan. Lib. 2. Cap. 9. Let none ask out of what matter God made so great and wonderful works ; for he hath made all things out of nothing . Neither are we to give hearing to Poets , who say , that there was a Chaos in the beginning , that is , a confusion of things , and of the Elements , and that afterwards God did divide all that Mass , and having separated every thing from the confused heap , and described them in order , he did build the world , and also adorn it . 'T is more credible , that matter was rather created by God , which God can do all things , then that the world was not made by God , because without a mind , reason , counsel , nothing can be made . Here our Author reasons against the Eternity of the Chaos , as the Poets feigned to themselves : whose Song was , That the Chaos being an immense , rude , and voyd mole , did fluctuate without any form from all eternity , and that God in time did confer a form and shape upon it , and brought it to what it is . Yet nevertheless he states a finite Chaos under the name of matter , created by God out of nothing . Hemingins teacheth us , That creation is the primar production or formation of things , whereby God the Eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , together with the Holy Spirit did produce and form Heaven and Earth , and the things therein contained , both visible and invisible , out of nothing , to the end that he might be acknowledged and worshipped . Hermes Trismegistus , Lib. 1. Pimandr . That ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , declares himself ( seemingly ) more by inspired words then acquired ones . The mind ( saith he ) of the Divine power did in the beginning change his shape , and suddenly disclosed all things , and I saw all things changed into a light , most unspeakably sweet and pleasant . And in another place , Serm. 3. Pimandr . The infinite shadow was in the deep : and the water and thin spirit were in the Chaos : and the holy splendor did flourish , which did deduct the Elements from under the sand , and moist nature , and the weighty lay drowned in darkness under the moist Sand. The same divine Mercurius , Lib. de Piet. & Phil. renders himself thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The first is God ; the second the world ; the third man : the world for man : and man for God. Another Philosopher speaks with no less Zeal and Eloquence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is an old saying , and revealed by the ancients unto all men , that all things were constituted out of God , and through God : and that no nature can be enough accomplisht to salvation , were it committed to its own tuition without Gods help . Thales being sometimes demanded , what of all things was the most beautiful ? he answered , the World ; for it is the work of God , which nothing can exceed in beauty . Plato in Tim. attested Gods Love to be the cause of the making of the world , and of the rise of all beings . Clemens Alex. said , that the Creation of the world was Gods Hand-writing , whose Leaves were three : Heaven , Earth , and the Sea. VII . The Genus of the Definition is Production ; which is either supernatural or natural . A supernatural Production is called Creation : A Natural one is termed Generation . Observe that supernatural and natural are remote differences of Creation and Generation ; wherefore I did not appose the foremost of them to our Definition , because I substituted its differentia proxima . Whether Production , by others called Efficiency , is an emanant or transient action , is controversial . Thomas , as you have read , terms it an emanation . On the other side , why should it not be conceived to be a transient action , since it doth terminare ad extra ? But then again why so ? For all transient actions do presuppose the pre-existence of their Object , which here was not . Wherefore to avoid all scruples , I conclude it ( if actively understood ) to be apprehended per modum actus emanantis ; if passively , per modum actus transeuntis . Creation is either so called strictly , and then it imports only an immediate creation , according to which sense you have it already defined : or largely , and then it is divisible into immediate or mediate Creation . An immediate Creation is the same with Creation in a strict sense , whereby a being is produced out of nothing ; neither out of a pre-existent , or co-existent matter : but a nihilo termini , i. e. formae , vel materiae : sive e nihilo privativo , vel e nihilo negativo . Wherefore I say , that this immediate Creation is no mutation , because mutation presupposeth pre-existent matter . But it may be you will side with Dun● , who for to maintain it to be a mutation , did impiously assert the thing , which was to be created , ( res creanda ) to have had its essence pre-existent in the divine mind : so that creation must be the mutation of an Essence not existing , into an Essence existing . In the first place , Scripture doth plainly contradict him . 2. He did mistake the nature of Essence and Existence , as further apppears out of my Metaphysicks . 3. It infers an absurd Definition of Creation , to wit , that it is the mutation of a being a non esse accidentali ad esse accidentale , & consequently an accident only is produced de novo , and not a Substance . 4. That the essences of things are eternal ; a great absurdity . I grant they are from all eternity , that is , from an eternal being . 5. Did God contain the essences of things in himself , it followes , that he also contained their matter in himself ; a great Blasphemy . A mediate Creation is the production of a being a nihilo termini , vel formae , sed ex aliquo materiae : a nihilo formae , supple ultima . This kind of Creation is expressed by two different words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or making , is whereby God created a being ex aliquo materiae , sed a nihilo formae ulterioris . In this sense did God create the Fishes and Fowl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or an artificial formation is , whereby God formed man also a nihilo formae ulterioris . Mediate Creation differs from Generation , through that thereby a form is introduced in an instant : hereby successively by a preceding alteration . 2. Thereby a being is constituted a nihilo formae ulterioris : hereby ab aliquo formae ultimae , tanquam a termino a quo . That is effected by the immediate causality of God , this by a mediate one . VIII . The Chaos being so equally mixed and balanced abided in one place . The place , which did contain it , was not corporeal ; because it would have been needless , since its own balance did sufficiently preserve it in its own internal place . It s magnitude was equal to the present magnitude of the world : For although through its expansion and opening , the fire and ayt were heaved up , yet they were heaved up no further then the weighty Elements descended : so that what space was left by the one , was taken up by the other : but had there been a vacuum left by any of their egressions , then indeed it must have possessed a larger place . As for the tangible quality which it had , it must needs have been soft ; because it being temperated ad pondus , could acquire no other then a temperate one , and such is soft . Colour it had none ex accidenti ; because there was no light to discern it : nevertheless that doth not hinder but that it had a fundamental colour in it self ; which must have been red , that being the only colour issuing out of a temperamentum ad pondus . Tast is also detracted from it ex accidenti , but in it self it must have been sweet for the same reason . We cannot edscribe any smell to it per se ; because being close shut , or not yet opened , none can grant that it could have affected any supposed smell , since it could not have emitted any Exhalations from it . That it had a finite time , Scripture testifieth , Gen. 1. 1. In the beginning , &c. but the beginning is a distinction , and Note of finite time ; Ergo. Reason proves no less . That which was finite in all its other modes , could not be capable of one single infinite mode : But such was the Chaos , and such is the world now ; Ergo. Whose parts are subject to a beginning and ending , its whole must also have been subject to the same : But our daily experience confirms to us , that all things are subjected to a beginning and ending ; Ergo. It s figure is round we know from the form of the Elements . Besides rotundity is a figure of the greatest , equallest , and perfectest extension ; but such is most sutable to the greatest , equallest , and perfectest body ; Ergo. The Chaos was also finite in its globosity and extent of parts . I prove it . The compleated world being finite in its globosity and extent of parts , doth necessarily infer the finiteness of the Chaos in the same particular ; because the compleated world was framed out of it . Now that the world is terminated in magnitude , the circumvolutation of the Aplane and the Planets in a finite time , to wit , in 24 hours , doth certainly demonstrate ; for were the world infinite in magnitude , they must then also require an infinite time to rowl round about it ; the contrary of which is doubted by none . Here that trite Axiom may be objected qualis causa , taelis effectus . Such as the cause is , such also is its Effect : But God is an infinite cause ; ergo his effect , namely the world must also be infinite . I answer , That this Maxim holds only in univocis , and naturalibus , but not in their opposites . 2. It is a Character of Gods infiniteness , that he can act finitely and infinitely ; for could he act only infinitely , then might he be supposed to act necessarily , which is a note of finiteness and limitation in a cause . 3. The action , whereby he effected this finite work , is infinite , as I have observed before , wherefore in this he acteth both finitely and infinitely . And since I am about answering Objections , it will not be amiss to insert some objected by Bodinus , in Theatr. Nat. and Cajetan , against the pre-existence of the Chaos before the compleated world . 1. Eccles. 18. 1. Where God is said to have created all things at once ; Ergo there was no pre-existent Chaos . I answer , that Creation here doth imply an immediate creation , through which God created the matter of all things at once . 2. They resume the words of Austin , asserting , that to God there is nothing before or after another , no past or future time , but that all things are like as it were in one moment , filling that , which hath a most perfect being . Wherefore say they , Moses did distinguish the Creation into several sections and divisions , to accomodate things created in an instant , to our capacity . I answer , That had Moses writ , that God had created all things in a moment , we could have understood him as plainly as he hath writ otherwise ; for we know that Scripture containes many harder sayings then this would have been . So that it is a great levity in them to retort the genuine sense of sacred words to their oblique brow . As for that of Austin , it hinders not , but that all things past , present , and future , are as in an instant to God , and yet to us may be past , present , and future . The Chaos is not only finite in duration and continuated quantity , but also in discrete ( as they term it ) quantity or number . It s quantity is the least and the greatest : it is the least in discrete quantity ; for there was but one Chaos . 2. But the greatest in continued quantity . The proof of these depends reciprocally from one another . The Chaos is but one , because it is the greatest ; were there then more then one Chaos , but two , three or more , or infinite , it could not be the greatest , but part of the greatest , and so the whole must be greater then the part : on the other side , it is the greatest , because it is but one . 2. Were there more then one , all the others would be created in vain , because the Chaos being the greatest , is sufficient to produce a thousand worlds ; for otherwise it could not be said to be the greatest . 3. Or thus in other terms : The Chaos is an universal quantity ; but were there more then one , it could not be universal , 4. Unity is the beginning and root of all plurality : but the Chaos is the beginning and root of all plurality of bodies ; ergo it is but one . 5. The Scripture mentions but of one Chaos , Gen. 1. 1 , 2. 6. The Chaos is eval naturally , like as the soul of man is eval , and also immortal . Eval , that is , of sempiternal duration , yet counting from a beginning . I prove it . Eccles. 12. Let the dust return to its earth , and the spirit return to God who gave it . Here the body first returns to dust , thence to earth , but not to an annihilation ; for then the Scripture would have mentioned it . Eccles. 1. 4. 2. The Chaos is to remain , were it but to retribute the matter of humane bodies , in order to their Resurrection . 3. Annihilation is the greatest defect or imperfection ; for it supposeth an imperfect Matter and Form , which cannot be imagined to be immediately created by God. 4. Goodness lasteth for ever ; but the Chaos was good , Gen. 1. 31. 1 Tim. 4. 4. Ergo. 5. Should the Chaos be annihilated , then God would have created it in vain : But that is impossible ; Ergo. CHAP. X. Of the first Division of the Chaos . 1. Why the Chaos was broken . 2. That the Chaos could never have wrought its own change through it self . The Efficient of its mutation . 3. The several Changes , which the Chaos underwent through its disruption . The manner of the said Disruption . 4. How Light was first produced out of the Chaos . What a Flame is . 5. A perfect Description of the first knock or division of the Chaos . By what means the Earth got to the Center , and how the Waters , Ayr , and Fire got above it . Why a Squib turnes into so many whirles in the Ayr. 6. The Qualifications of the first Light of the Creation . A plain demonstration proving the circular motion of the Heavens , or of the Element of Fire to be natural , and of an Eval Duration . I. IT was an Elegant Expression of Clem. Alex. Lib. 3. De Recogn . Like the shell of an Egge , although it seemeth to be beautifully made , and diligently formed , nevertheless it is necessary , that it should be broken and opened , that the Chicken may thence come forth , and that that may appear , for which the shape of the whole Egge seems to be formed : Wherefore it is also necessary , that the state of this world do pass , that so the more sublime state of the Heavenly Kingdom may appear in its brightness : The same I may aptly apply to the Chaos , that it is to be broken and opened , that so a more glorious substance may thence appear , and come forth . II. One Substance can have but one first power or vertue of acting ; and therefore the Chaos having no more , could not act any effect , but which it did act , and so had no principle of changing it self from that which it was , and consequently would have remained in that shape for ever . For this reason we must grant , that the Creative power and universal efficient wrought a mutation upon it . This mutation was gradual a perfecto ad perfectius . It was not by way of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or creation of the first manner , but of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as Moses sets down , through that he said , fiat , let there be ; and this was the Note of the mediate Creation . The manner , as we may best conceive to our selves , was by expansion , division , or opening of the Chaos . III. Through the first diduction and opening , the Fire and Ayr being light Elements , and so entirely knitted into one , must necessarily have diffused themselves above the superficial weighty Elements , these falling nearer to the Center . The fire having hereby acquired a greater liberty , and more force , by being less oppressed by the water , its contiguous parts were notwithstanding united and suppressed through the continuity of the ayr , and conveyed a great part of earth and water with them ; the ayr also could not be detracted from the universal mixture without the adherence of some water and earth ; wherefore that appeared also very thick . IV. The fire being the lightest , and of most activity towards the Circumference , must have been vented in the greatest quantity , yet not ( as I said ) without incraffated ayr , which united to the vibrating parts of the fire , were both changed into a flame : A Flame is a splendent heat ( Flamma est calidum splendens ; ) wherefore by this two new qualities were produced , to wit , heat and splendor . By ( Calidum ) heat , understand a red hot fire . ( Ignis candens ; ) Fire is named candent , quod candorem efficiat , because it begetteth a candour , that is , the brightest light . But how fire became at once through this division burning and candent , I shall distinctly evidence hereafter . The Representation of the Chaos after its first Division . V. Through this concussion the waters being also somewhat freed from the minima's of the earth , tending to the Center , were continuated a top of the earth , like unto a fleece or skin ; , for the points of the earth , which did before discontinue the water being through their more potent gravity descended , the water getting a top , must needs have acquired its continuity , which ( as you have read ●●fore ) is the first quality of water . The water therefore got above the earth , not because it is less weighty per se , but per accidens , through its continuation . The flame of the first division was yet thick and reddy , not exalted to that brightness , which afterwards it was . The heat of this division was hot in the first degree , because there was not yet so much fire drawn out as to make a greater heat . This flame I may compare to the flame of a torch or candle , which is either but newly lighted , or near upon going out ; the heats , which these flames then cast forth , are in reference to their highest state ( as it were ) but in the first degree . Their light is a dusky red . The first motion of this fire being to diffuse it self to the circumference of the ambient ayr , is there arriving , beaten back and reflected through the external surface or coat of the ayr ; not through the thickness of it ; for no doubt that was rather thinner there then below , but through its own natural motion , whereby it moves to its preservation ; for a same cannot subsist but by the help and sustenance of the ayr . It so , whither can it move ? not directly back again , retorting into it self , that being its extream contrary motion ; but rather to the sides , moving circularly about the surface of the ayr , in the same manner as fire in a rooft Furnace , where we see it first diffuseth its self directly towards the Circumference of the Furnace , and beating against the Roof of it , doth not reverberate into it self , but reflects to the sides , and so moves along circularly about the sides of the wall , which doth more evidently appear in a globous Furnace ( Fornax reverberatoria . ) The same is also manifested by the fire of kindled Gunpowder in a Squib , which thickneth the ayr by impelling the Vapours and Exhalations therein contained one upon the other , and augmenting them by its own fumes , is almost every way resisted and beaten back , whence therefore we observe it betakes it self to a circular motion : The reason is , because through a circular motion it is less resisted ; for one part of it preceding the other , doth not stop the following parts , but rather one part draweth another after it , or bears another before it , and moving alwaies round , it never meets with any other resistance ; for the one part is gone , before the other can overtake it : or what should resist it ? It is just like un to two horses going both one pace round in a Mill , the one can never be a stop to the other , but rather the one draweth the other after him , because they move both one way . Was this motion any other but circular , it would meet with resistance . This motion is , as it were , natural to the fire , and therefore is also of an eval duration ; for its nature is ever to move from the Center , which it doth in moving circularly , not primarily , but secondarily , it moving first directly to the Circumference , and thence reflecting to the sides , it creeps ( as it were ) all about the surface of the ayr , one part drawing the other after it , or pushing and thrusting it before it , or both waies . Did not the fire continue in motion , it would soon lose its flame : for the flame is continued by being united ; that which unites it , is , besides its own motion , the crassitude of the ayr , which the fire impelling one part upon the other , renders thicker , and so unites it self the more . So that in all Particulars this motion is natural to the fire , & necessarily of an eval duration , because the said motion preserves it in its being , and is its proper nature . Now were this motion the effect of heat , it must be violent , and consequently of no long duration ; for what is violent , destroyes the essence of a being . It would he violent , because heat is produced by a violent cause from without , namely the opposition of the ayr . 2. We read of no burning heat in the Mosaick Philosophy , but only of a moving spirit , which is that I call fire , or at least an effect impressed upon part of the Chaos . by which it moved to the surface ; for you read that this moving vertue was upon the face of the waters , before there was light , that is , it was drawn out from the Chaos before it could raise a flame to give light . What can be more plain ? Lastly , it was necessary that the Elements should be of an eval duration : for they were created to exist the same duration , which Adam , had he abided in his primitive state of Innocency , would have existed . By all which it appeares , that there is no other Principle , whence its eval duration is deducible , but from hence . CHAP. XI . Of the second Division of the Chaos . 1. An Enarration of Effects befalling the Elements through the second Knock. The proportion of each of the Elements in their purity to the Peregrine Elements . 2. The ground of the forementioned proportion of the Elements . 3. That fire and ayr constitute the Firmament . 4. A grand Objection answered . I. LEt us pass to the second Division , and speculate the effects of that . Through this vibration did the earth yet more concentrate , and the waters gulped also upwards equally from all parts : for ( as I said ) the Chaos was equally mixt , otherwise how could the waters equally cover the earth , as they did ? the waters being got atop , the ayr got loose in a far greater measure then it did before , which being expanded , constituted this great tract of the air , which now we breath into . This breach , although in a manner agreeable to the absolute propension of fire and ayr , could not , since they were soexactly mixed with the weighty elements , but give occasion of conveighing a greater proportion of both with them . Neither was that little remaining bowl of the great mole , whereon we now tread , destitute of all her former adherents , there still being immerst in her the same proportion of the light Elements to the weighty , as there is a proportion of weighty elements attending the separated light ones . Consider now the proportion of each to it self . 1. Although the earth doth harbour some of the other Elements in her , yet she is triumphant over them in the fourth degree , that is , there are three parts pure earth to one part of the others ; and amongst these others , that constitute a fourth part in her own bowels , it is to be conceived , that water doth transcend the ayre , and so the ayre the fire . Supposing then the earth to-consist of 64 parts , 48 thereof are pure earth , 6 1 / ● pure water , 5 1 / ● pure ayr , and 4 1 / ● fire . Hence from its predominance it is called earth , and so the like of water , ayr , and fire : to wit , water reserves 48 parts of pure water , 5 1 / ● of ayr , 5 1 / ● of earth , 5 of fire . Ayr is called ayr also from its greater predominance over the other elements , not from its purity , as if it should be all pure ayr , that is impossible . It s purity appropriates 48. water and fire each 5 ● / ● , earth 5. Fire is pure in 48. ayr in 6 1 / ● , water in 5 1 / ● , earth in 4 1 / ● . The proportion of these forementioned elements , take thus : 64 parts is the whole , three fourths of it , which are 48 , denote the proportion of each element in its purity . Then there remains 16 , which is the last fourth , signifying the proportion of the admisted elements to the principal element , as it is considered to be in its purity . Again , there is another proportion observable among the perigrine elements , as they are sharers of the last fourth , which is 16. Wherefore in earth 6 parts and a third is taken up by water , one less , to wit 5 1 / ● by ayr , and also one less , namely 4 1 / ● by the fire . In water five and a half is equally attributed to earth and air , one less ( that is , the overplus fraction of each compleat number of earth and air makes socially one more ) to fire . The last fourth or 16 of the air is supplied in five and a half by each of the ingress of fire and water , In five by fire . Fire is tied to 6 1 / ● of ayr , 5 1 / ● of water , to 4 1 / ● of earth . II. The ground and reason of this proportion is , 1. That the least predominance , whereby an element may acquire its name , must be triple , that is , thrice as many times more in quantity , then the elements affixed to it : for did an element in its purity overbalance the others but in two parts , then it could hardly retain a form , whereby its nature might be sufficiently distinguisht from the others ; if in more then in three parts it would be apparently discernable that that element was mixed ; if so , then it must also be denominated by a mixed name ; for the cause , why men generally impose a single name upon some beings , that are mixt and compounded , is , because there is so little of the extrinsick body discernable , that it doth not deserve to be named : but if discernable , then a compounded word is applied : for instance , there is none would say , that water whereinto only a few drops of wine were instilled , was wine and water , or Oinolympha : but they would nominate it water alone , because there is so little wine in it that it is not gustable ; but supposing there were so much wine mingled with water , as to make it perceptible , either by tast or smell , then no doubt they would say it was wine and water . Even so it is here ; was there more then a fourth part of extrinsick Elements admitted to a single pure element , it would be perceptible : if so , then we should not nominate the elements by a single name , but by a compound one . Now that it is not perceptible is evident ; for who can perceive water , ayr , or fire in the earth ? or who can distinguish water , earth or air in fire ? &c. Was there less then a fourth part , it would disaptate the principal element from being an ingredient in a mixture : The reason is , because there must be some parts adhering to such an element , whereby it may be received by the other : for example , had fire no ayr affixed to it ( as I have formerly noted ) it could not be received by water , but would be immediately expelled : Neither could the earth be disposed to receive fire and ayr , but by the admisture of some parts of water , some of ayr , and others of fire ; but less then a fourth of these adherents would be insufficient . That this is really in effect thus , the separation of the elements is a testimony . Distil Sea-water , and rectifie it often , but weigh it before distillation ; the residence or fixed Salt , wherein fire , ayr and earth are contained , will in little less then a 6th . or 8th . ( considering that the water , which is separated , is not so pure yet , but that it retaines some part of the perigrine elements , and that another part is dispersed through the ambient ayr ) respond to the whole body of water . Or thus ; Weigh Sea-water with distilled water , and the one shall be a sixth part heavier then the other ; then imagine that the leasts which are evaporated of the peregrine elements are the remaining parts . Lastly , the elements being four in company , it is very consentaneous to their number that each should be separated by the others in a fourth . The reason , why water constituting part of the fourth part of earth doth superate the ayr in one degree , is , because water is more agreeing , and that immediately , with earth then ayr , because of its weight . 2. Because it is nearer to the earth then the tract of ayr . Fire is least in proportion , because it is the remorest . In the supplying the fourth of water , earth and ayr are in an equal proportion , because they are equally consentaneous to water ; for earth is agreeable to it through its weight , and ayr through its continuity , and because they are also of the same propinquity to water . Fire is less in quantity then these through its remoteness : it is more then it is in earth , because it is nearer to it . Ayr containes an equal part of fire and water , by reason they are of an equal approximation , & of an equal concord with ayr , the fire agreeing to it in levity , water in continuity . Earth is in ayr in the same proportion , that fire is in water , because they are equidistant to each of their allied elements , and retain the same degree of Concord . Fire hath the same proportion of earth , which earth in its proper Region hath of fire . It is sociated to more air in one degree then water , to more water in the same degree then ayr , to more water then earth in one degree also , because their several situation is nearer to fire in one degree . III. Summarily through this Division the Firmament was establisht . The Firmament was the circumvallation of ayr and fire about the waters , which made the earth and water firm in their present situation , that is , bound them up together , and hindred them equally from all parts , from falling from the universal Center : for the ayr and fire being both light elements , do as well diffuse themselves from their own center towards the universal Center , as above it towards the imaginary vacuum : and so by this means come to sustain the mass of the weighty elements . IV. Here a grand Objection , and no less Mystery offers it self , viz. that it is improbable , that the points of earth should be of an equal number and efficacy with the other elements , which by this section are so much expanded , that their magnitude is divisible into infinite points ( as it were ) in comparison to the points of earth , and which in respect to the minima's of ayr and fire are but as one point to a million or more . To the answering of this , call to mind that the absolute form of earth is concentration through dense weight , and the form of ayr and fire diffusion from the Center ; all these absolute forms are met and balanced ( thence seem to be checkt and obtused ) by their reciprocal relative forms . Now the more these relative forms are degraded from their related form , the more they acquire of their absolute forms , and consequently greater and stronger motions . Well then , observe this great Mystery , and the hitherto yet unknown Labyrinth of the greatest Philosophers . The earth being degraded from her respective form , through that the fire and the other elements are abstracted from her , hath acquired the more of her absolute form , which is to fall to her Center : this then being her form , no wonder if she doth come to so small a quantity . The same apprehend also of water . So on the other side , fire and ayr being also as much advanced from their relative to their absolute forms , do as much diffuse from the center , as the earth and water fall to their center : so that did not fire and ayr in diffusing from their center possess as great a place , as earth and water in moving to the center possess a little place , or the earth and water possess as little a place , as the fire and ayr a great place , it would be dissonant to their natures . Besides the little place taken up by the earth and water , is as much to them , as the great place taken up by the fire and ayr ; their activity to the center is as much , as the activity of the others to the circumference . Were the earth imagined to be pure without the admixture of any of the other elements , its supposed place would yet be one fourth less , and likewise fire and ayr would in their supposed purity possess a place , yet one fourth larger : the reason is , because the fourth part of the admisted Elements to each pure Element , doth so much the more augment or diminish its quantity , which being prescinded , must necessarily either enlarge , or lessen their places . Wherefore you see , that it doth not hinder , but that the minima's of the earth and water may be equal in number & activity to the minima's of the others . Neither doth it hinder but that the earth and water being expanded by the support of the light elements ( as appears in the Chaos ) might have constituted so great a mole as the Chaos was , notwithstanding it appeares so small now : for every natural point of water was almost half as much diducted ( violently as it were ) by the thin levity of the ayr , as such a proportion of ayr is now naturally through its absolute form expanded . So likewise was the air then half as much cohibited and incrassated through its relative form by the water , as the water is now incrassated . The like conceive of fire and earth . Through these abstractions did all the temperate qualities of the Chaos cease , each element did arrive almost to its absolute nature . The greatest commerce , which they then exercised , was with each their nearest adjacent , as the fire with ayr , ayr with water and fire , water with earth and ayr , earth with water , and fire with ayr . In this Scheme you may see the apparition of the second Division , which was the third act of Creation . The fire moves circulatly , by reason of the ayr ; the ayr is cast equally over the water ; the water over the earth , both pursuing a circular course . The Representation of the Chaos after its second Division . CHAP. XII . Of the Third Division of the Chaos . 1. The effects of the Third Knock. Why earth is heavier then water . Why water is more weighty near the top then towards the bottom . Why a man when he is drowned doth not go down to the bottom of the Ocean . Why a potch'd Egge doth commonly rest it self about the middle of the water in a Skillet . Why the middle parts of Salt-water are more saltish then the upper parts . 2. Whence the earth hapned to be thrust out into great protuberancies . How the earth arrived to be disposed to germination of Plants . A vast Grove pressed into the earth . 3. The cause of the waters continual circular motion . 4. The cause of the rise of such a variety of Plants . 1. THe third Division , or the fourth act of Creation , was whereby the most universal Nature ( naturans ) did yet more purifie , and as it were clarifie the Elements , in abstracting each element from its nearer , and congregating it to a proper place of its own . These several acts of purification and exaltation are not unlike to the operations of an Alchymist in purifying a Mineral : 1. He reduceth it to a powder , and mixeth it exactly ; and so it was with the Chaos : 2. Then it is either put into a Retort , Alembick , or a Sublimatory , whereby the light parts are separated and abstracted from the heavy ones ; this hapned also in the first Division . 3. He rectifieth the light parts in repeating the former operation and exalts it to a more sublime and pure nature , and so separates the lightest parts from the light ones ; even so it was here , God did yet more separate the fire from the ayr . Touching the caput mortuum , as the earthy parts , that he dissolves in water , and afterwards to purifie it , he coagulates the earth , and so separates it from the water ; in the same manner did God here coagulate the earth , and parted it , from the waters . Further , how this is effected I shall in brief explain to you . The water through her gravity with crassitude , doth obtain a vertue in her of squeezing , which is performed by a body that is weighty and continuous : for by its weight it presseth downwards to the center , and through its continuity it impedes the body , which it presseth , from entring into its own substance , and so forceth it to give way , which is the manner of squeezing . Now was this body weighty and contiguous only , then it would be uncapable of squeezing , but would rather press another substance into its own Pores . Through this squeezing vertue is water rendred capable of collecting her own parts , by making Groves into the earth , especially being thereunto impelled by the divine Architect . But possibly you may object , that water cannot squeeze or press the earth , because the earth is weightier then it . I answer , that earth is weightier then water ( caeter is paribus ) supposing that neither is obstructed , or violently ( as it were ) detained : for instance , imagining that the mass of earth , and of water were each of them placed in Scales , no doubt but earth would be heavier , and its parts make a greater impulse to the Center , because they are single in every minimum , and not continuated one to the other , and therefore one part doth not hinder the force of the other , but rather helpeth it : As for water , her impulse is lesser , because her parts are continuated one to the other , and so are a mutual hinderance to one another : This I prove , take an hour-glass and fill it with water , never a drop shall pass through the center-hole ; the reason is evident , because although its parts are weighty , yet their continuity hinders them from stilling through , and so one part naturally cleaving to the other , doth preclude the way ; but sand you see easily passeth , because it being weighty and contiguous only , the one part giveth way to the other , and impels the same through . Wherefore , I conclude , that ( all conditions being equal ) earth is heavier then water . But the one being violently detained , may prove weightier then the other , and so water is detained by earth ; for water is impeded from concentrating through the protuberance of the mass of earth , which therefore causeth a more forcible innixe in water upon the superficial parts of the earth . I prove it , water weigheth heavier upon the top of high mountains then in the lowermost Region of the Ayr , because there it is remoter from its center . 2. Water presseth more atop then underneath , because it is more remote from the center : this is apparent by mens experience in the water ; for if they suffer themselves to sink down , they feel the greatest force to press them from the supream parts of the water , but the lower they descend to the bottom , the less force they perceive . Also there are many things , as an Egge dropt out of the shell into the water in a Skillet , and others , go no deeper then half way to the bottom ; the reason is , because the superficial parts being most remote from the center , press more forcible then the parts under them . Men when they are drowned in the Sea , do not descend so low as to reach the ground , but so far only as the superficial parts of the Sea thrusteth them ; besides there is reason for this , a mans body , although alive , must needs be less weighty then the thick water at the bottom of the Sea. I do not speak of the Seas depth near shoars , but where it is of an ordinary profundity , as in the Ocean . Dissolve Salt into water , the middle parts shall be more saltish then the superficial parts for the same reason . Besides these experiments , the understanding affords also an argument to demonstrate the same : If the natural propension of water be concentration , then the further it is remote from its center , the more it must incline to it : But the natural propension of water is concentration , ergo . II. Since then it is yielded that water is violently detained and remote from its center , no wonder if it doth squeeze the extime parts of the earth , whereby the earth giveth way in rotundity , and is protruded either into longitude or latitude . Water having formed but a small dent into the earth , a greater quantity of water must needs depress thither , and so through a continuated force , bores a greater cavern into the earth , until at last it hath perduced into her a vast grove , whereinto the body of water did retire , and so constituted the Ocean . The earth being thus impacted by the waters , must of a necessity be protruded above some part of the waters ; and hereby was the earth disposed to germination of plants , she being now exposed to the celestial Influences , and moderately irrigated and foecundated by the remaines of the water . The Representation of the Chaos after its third Division . IV. Through this division was the earth in part detected , whereby ( as I said before ) it was rendred capable of germination , or protruding plants . God did also congregate the earth , and separated her body from heterogeneous Elements , yet not so , but that there remained still some small part of them . These heterogeneous Elements ( as I may call them for doctrines sake ) were coagulated into small bodies , of divers figures . These bodies were of a different size and proportion , according to Gods intent and purpose , for to effect various and divers kinds of mixt bodies . The different proportion was , that in some there was a greater quantity of fire , in others of ayr , &c. The coagulation of these small bodies , was a close and near compaction of the elements within one small compass . Through this compaction each element was pinched in , ( as it were ) which caused the same violent detention of each ( as you have read to be in water ) necessarily augmenting the force and activity of each element ; in fire it effected a heat , which is nothing else but a greater and condensed motion of the fire ; ( look below in the Chapt. of 2d Qualit . ) in ayr it agitated a thin swelling or bubling , which proceeds from a coarctation of the ayr , whereby it is constipated in its motion towards the circumference by water moving to the center . Water again is incitated to a stronger motion through the detention of ayr swelling up against its compression . The earth is no less compelled to require her natural place , the Center , then she is opposed by the fire . Were all these violent motions ( as it were ) equal in their elements being formed also in one figure , they might continue so for ever , like as if they were all surprized by a Catoche : but being coagulated in an unequal proportion and unlike figure , they break through one another in some progress of time , and being confused in various figures , they effect also protrusions of no less variety in figures . Observe that in these commistions the elements are confused in a contrary manner then they are placed without in their entire bodies . For here the fire against its nature ( as it were ) is constituted in the center , next the ayr , then earth , and water is outermost . There the earth is the center , next to it is water , &c. Herein appeares the wisdom and providence of Nature , which although casting the Elements into a fight , yet directs & terminates them into a most perfect friendship . These coagulated bodies are called seeds , which are multiplied according to the number of the kinds thence budding . Seeds understand in a large sense , as they denominate the Rudiments and first beginnings of all mixt bodies . Otherwise Seeds are strictly attributed to living Creatures alone ; as to Plants and Animals . Although Hearbs and Plants are alone nominated by Moses to be produced through this Division , yet the seeds of Minerals , and of their recrements ( as they erroneously term them ) and of Stones were also implied , since their Creation is no where else mentioned . CHAP. XIII . Of the Fourth , Fifth , Sixth , and Seventh Division of the Chaos . 1. An Enarration of the Effects of the fourth Division . That Nature created the first bodies of every Species the greatest , is instanced in Bees , Fishes and Fowl. That all Species are derived from one individuum . That Adam was the greatest man that ever was since the Creation . What those Giants were , which the Poets faigned . 2. How the Sun and Moon were created . That a Lioness is not more vigorous then a Lion. 3. How the Stars of the Firmament were created . 4. How the durable Clouds of the Ayr were created . 5. The Effects of the fifth Division . 6. The Effects of the sixth Division . 7. The Effects of the last Division . AS there was a coagulation of the waters and earth , so God did in the same manner through the fourth Division coagulate and further purifie the Elements of fire and ayr . This coagulation was of the heterogeneous Elements , namely of part of the adjoyned 16 parts of the peregrine Elements . These being congregated , did condense and unite a great portion of fire , which condensation , through a mixture of ayr , water and earth , constituted it into a flame . Earth giveth a body to fire , and staies its light parts ; ayr and water keep in the flame : Look below , where I have particularly illustrated the generation of a flame . 1. These coagulations consisted of parts differing variously in quantity ; some greater , others less . Nature did also observe a most exact order among them : to wit , she first coagulated one greatest body , afterwards some greater bodies , lastly , many little ones . I prove this , In all kinds there is one greatest , because there is the least ; for where there is a least , there must necessarily be a greatest . Among Bees there is one , which is the greatest ; and therefore he is the Leader and King of all the rest : Among Fowl , we see the same , namely that there is one greatest in each kind of them , which all the rest follow and fly about . In a multitude of Fishes , they all swim after and about one , which is the greatest among them , &c 2. The greatest of all kinds were created at the beginning of the world , because that being the Superlative degree , and therefore excelling the others , must have been created immediately by God , he creating immediately nothing , but what is the most excellent . Since that all beings have their rise and origine from one , it is necessary , that this one should be the greatest . That all beings derive their rise and original from one , is evident , in that all beings arised from the Chaos . 2. In their several kinds ; as in man , all men took their Original from one first man Adam . God proposes among the perfectest living creatures a pattern of all the rest , which is man : Now , he being multiplied through one , although not from one man , it is not improbable that all other Species of living creatures multiplied through one . 3. We read in the first Chap. That God did first create the moving Creatures , that is one of every kind ; for otherwise Moses would have written that God immediately and primarily had created two of every kind . In v. 20. Let the waters bring forth abundantly the moving creatures , and fowles . In v. 21. He plainly expresseth that God created every living creature that moveth , that is , one of every kind , as I said before . And in the 24th . Let the earth bring forth the living creature after his kind , not living creatures after their kind . And in the 29 v. Every Herb bearing Seed , not Herbs : So that this is not to be doubted of . You may object , that in the 24th . v. It is said , that God created great Whales ; ergo more then one . I deny the Consequence ; for Whales here denotes the plurality of Species of great Fishes , to wit , Porposes Dolphins , Whales , strictly so named , &c. not the plurality of Individua in every kind . 4. Nature is uniform , and not various in acting , ergo since she created the first man single , and out of him a woman , it is apparent , that she observed the same order and manner of creating every other perfect moving creature . You may object , that according to the Antecedence , which I offer as a Maxime , man should be created in the same manner as Beasts . I Answer , If you consider him only as a moving Creature , having a sensitive soul , he was ; but if as he is man , that is , Mens , sivo Substantia spiritualis & rationalis in corpus hominis vivens & sensitivum a Natura infusa ; a Mind , or a spiritual rational substance infused by God into a living and moving body : then no doubt but the action is various , since it is in diversa actionis specie . 5. God acteth by the fewest Meanes ; but one is fewer or less then more ; ergo . If then all beings are multiplied through one , then this one must necessarily be the greatest . I prove the Consequence . You are to apprehend , that man as he is an Animal is propagated in the same manner as other Animals . Being then propagated through one , that one must have been indued with the greatest and strongest vertue of propagation , because that wasting and weakning in progress of time could not be sufficient to last out a whole race : this greatest vertue must be assixed to a proportionate subject or body , which must then be the greatest body ; for the greatest vertue cannot be contained in a less subject then the greatest body : this is evident in a great flame , which must be maintained in a great place . 2. We may remember out of History , that the nearer men lived to the first man , the greater and stronger bodies they had ; the longer they lived ; the more numerous issue they had ; and the more generous , and the less exercised in wickedness , all which proceeded from a stronger vertue and a greater body . If so , then it is not improbale , that the first man , and all the first of other kinds of Animals were the greatest , for the same reason . Besides we read in Joshua 14. 15. That Arba ( in some Bibles written Adam ) was the greatest among the Anakims . Which most Interpreters judge to be spoken of the first man Adam . But possibly you may reply , that if Adam was the greatest man , he must have been thought to be a Giant , but a Giant is monstrous : wherefore Adam was not the greatest man. I deny the Minor ; for monstrous is that , which doth degenerate from the Species , so that it makes a difference between that which is adjudged to be a Monster , and the Species ; as the abundance or defect of parts , or a deformation in some or all parts , through which its Subject is rendered different from the Species , to which it was intended ; but a great , greater , or greatest man is no more a Monster then a little , less , or least man ; because there is no difference between either in number , form or figure of parts . 'T is true , Giants have been generally received for Monsters , but then they were differing from other men , in number and figure of parts ; as the Cyclopes , a great sort of people , faigned by the Poets to have had but one eye in the midst of their Forehead , and to be Vulcans Journeymen , employed in making weapons for Jupiter . Grandeur of body , if actuated by sufficiency of vigorous spirits , is a perfection denoting strength of all the animal and vegetative faculties , fitted for long life , and propagation , which therefore must not be detracted from the first of all kinds . II. Hence I may then safely infer , that in the Firmament the greatest part of the heterogeneous elements , and a great proportion of fire were coagulated into the greatest flame , which was the Sun. Out of the courser part of the Sun , God created another great body ; next to the greatest the greatest , which was the Moon . For as Earth , Waters , and Animals were defaecated by having other bodies formed out of their courser matter , so it was also in the Element of fire . This is most obvious in Animals , whose Female was formed out of the courser part of the Male , whereby it becometh more excellent and vigorous in all its actions . This may be contradicted , in that a Lioness is taken to be more vigorous and fierce then a Lion. I Answer , that this kind of sierceness and apparent vigour is in all Females , but it is not lasting , more a spurt and shew of vigour and fierceness , then real and durable . III. These two great flames did by their hourly motion produce other great ones , which again propagated ( as it were ) lesser , and thence little ones , which were those , by us now called Stars . But of these more particularly hereafter . IV. In the Ayr the like coagulation formed the thin Clouds consisting of a great part of Ayr , incrassated through a smaller quantity of water , and punctually divided by the same proportion of fire , balanced and incorporated with the least measure of earth . These Cloudes have their continual abode in the ayr , seldom vanishing . Their Colour is blewish , arising from its incrassation through water , and incorporation with earth : for the ayr of it self is so thin , that it is insufficient to unite a light , or cause reflection , but being reduced to a thicker consistence by the co-expansion of water with it , it becomes capable of uniting , reflecting and propagating a light ; now were there no Particle of earth affixt to this mixture , the colour would be transparent , lucid , or Chrystalline , But being somewhat obtenebrated through the density of earth , is changed into a light blew , or light Sky-colour . V. Thus did the great Arcess Nature make her process in the elaboration , purification and exaltation of the Elements ; neither was she yet arrived to her ultimate intention or end , but proceeded in her scope by a more arct and pure coagulation of parts in dividing the heterogeneous parts yet more from the body of water , and so knitting them together again . This was the fifth Division , whereby God divided the purest and subtilest part of the Elements before divided and coagulated from the course and impure parts , and promoted them to an arcter coagulation ; this was , as it were , a fourth rectification of the Elements . In the water the coagulated bodies through the vivification of the Planetary influences , became Fishes : In the Ayr Fowl. VI. The Sixth Division respected the Earth , out of whose more purified and rectified parts protruded to her superficial Region , Cattel and Beasts were animated by the same Influences . Lastly , By vertue of the Seventh Division Man was created , and formed out of the most exalted Quintessence of the purest coagulalation of Earth , animated through the Benigne vivifying Beams of the Sun , after which a ( Mens , sive Spiritus , sive Lux Rationalis ) a Mind , or a rational spirit , or Light was inspired or infused from God into this most sublime Tabernacle . The Representation of the Chaos after its latter Divisions . How a Creature is vivified and animated , I shall demonstrate in its proper place . Man again was further purified and defaecated by having a woman created out of his grosser and less digested Parts . CHAP. XIV . Of the Second and Third Absolute Qualities of the Elements . 1. What is understood by Second Qualities . 2. What the Second quality of Earth is . 3. Aristotle's Definition of Density rejected . 4. The Opinions of Philosophers touching the Nature of Density . 5. The forementioned Opinions confuted . 6. The Description of Indivisibles according to Democritus disproved . That all Figures are divisible excepting a Circular Minimum . That Strength united proveth strongest in a round Figure : and why . 7. What the Second Quality of Fire is . Cardan , Averrhoes , Zimara , Aristotle , Tolet , and Zabarel their Opinions touching the Nature of Rarity confuted . 8. The Second Quality of Water . Aristotle , Joh. Grammat . Tolet , Zabarel and Barthol . their sence of Thickness and Thinness disproved . 9. What the Second Quality of Ayr is . 10. What is intended by third , fourth or fifth Qualities . An Enumeration of the said Qualities . What Obtuseness , Acuteness , Asperity , Levor , Hardness , Rigidity , Softness , Solidity , Liquidity and Lentor are , and their kinds . 1. THe Second Qualities are those , which do immediately descend , or emanate from the first without any neerer interposing . Their Number is adequated to the Number of the first qualities , and therefore are only four : because an immediate and univocal cause cannot produce more immediate and univocal Effects then one . Second qualities proceed from the Elements either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Second qualities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or per se , are such as emanate primarily from the absolute forms of the Elements . Second qualities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or per accidens , emanate primarily from the respective forms of the Elements . In the Precedent Chapters hath been indistinctly treated of the first and second qualities united into one , as really they are , but they are tow , and distinct from each other ratione , because we conceive them distinctly , and apprehend one to be the cause of the other . The reason why I did then propose the first and second qualities as one form of the Elements , is , because there I handled them as they were really inherent in their Subjects . Here my purpose is to describe them as they are successively apprehended by us one after the other . II. The first quality , power , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the earth is gravity with contiguity : the second or next quality emanating nearest thence is density ; for conceiving a thing to be weighty and contiguous in its parts , that , which we apprehend next , is density ; for if a thing is weighty , or pressing to the Center , and its parts contiguous , it cannot but be pressed very close , since its parts are contiguous whereby they give and make way to and for one another ; which closeness of parts emanating from a contiguous weight is called density . III. Aristotle describes Density to be that , whereby a substance containes much matter in small dimensions . I cannot well guess what he cals much matter ; whether he means much matter only without the intention of its form , or much matter with much of its form . The first is not possible ; for whenever matter is augmented , its form is alwaies intended with it ; and likewise the diminution of matter attendeth the remission of its form , which is evident in fire ; cast more fewel to it , and its first quality will also be intended . If he implies the last , where then consists the difference between Density and Rarity ? For dense bodies contain no more matter then rare ones ; for each their matter is adequately extended to the extension of their form . Doth a Lump of earth contain more matter then a tract of ayr of the same proportion ? No certainly , for there is as much matter in that proportion of ayr , as there is in the same of earth . Matter is that , whereout a thing is made ; but there is as much of that , whereout the ayr is made , in the ayr in the same extent of place , as there is in earth , whereout that is made . But answer me , whereby will you know , what hath much matter in a little place or dimension , and what hath little matter in a great place ? You will say , by its weight : So that whatever is weighty , that containes more matter then that which is light . Why shall a body be said to have more matter from its gravity , then another from its Levity ? Or why shall a light body have but little matter , and a weighty one much ? If a weighty body hath more matter , because it is weighty ; then it is more a body then a light body , but that is absurd . By more matter , I mean magis materia . But you answer your meaning to be major materia ; neither that ; for as I said before , the least particle of ayr hath as much , whereout it is made , as the least particle of earth : It is true , it hath not so much weight ; for it hath none , but weight is not the matter of a thing , but its form ; how then can a weighty thing be said to have much matter , because of its weight ? Wherefore let me tell you , that density doth not derive from the matter of a thing , but from its form , and that it is not the Modus solius materiae , but totius . The same may be urged against the Paripatetick Definition of Rarity , which is , whereby a body containeth little matter under great dimensions . The matter , which is to be contained under great or little dimensions , must be of that quantity as to fill its place , which rare and dense bodies do equally under the same proportion . But doubtless these Definitions cannot be defended , unless they be likewise free to defend a penetration of bodies . IV. We find a very dense contest among Philosophers about the manner of condensation and rarefaction . 1. Scotus in 4. Distinct 22. Quaest. 4. opiniates , that there are new parts of quantity produced in rarefaction , and other old ones corrupted . 2. Marsilius in his Metaph. Quest. 9. Art. 2. asserteth , that in rarefaction and condensation the whole or entire old quantity is corrupted . 3. Others to salve their Doctrine of Condensation and Rarefaction , are constrained to affirm a penetration of quantity , which they say , may naturally happen , provided it be not of all , but of some parts only . 4. Hurtado , Phys. Disput. 15. Sect. 5. Subject . 4. laies down a Principle invented by his Master , which according to his Judgment proveth an Expedient to expound the nature of Rarity and Density . There are ( saith he ) certain indivisibles contained in bodies , through the inflation or puffing up of which , bodies do acquire a greater or less place . But to avoid all inconveniences , they allow these indivisible points not to be formally only , but virtually also divisible and extensible according to place and force impelled upon them . To this Opinion doth Arriaga also subscribe , Disp. 16. Sect. 9. 5. The J●suits of Conimbrica , Lib. 1. Cap. 5. q. 17. Art. 1. state , that Rarity and Density are consistent in a certain quality , inherent in quantity , through which that quantity is contracted or extended to a greater or less space . In fine , after a long sweat , they are forced to confess ingenuously with Hurtado , that this difficulty is not to be cleared . V. The subtil Doctor runs far beyond his Byas in admitting a natural corruption in parts , and that happening almost every moment ; wherefore he is rejected by all in this particular . What the Assertors of the third Opinion have stiffely affirmed in their whole Philosophy , that they are now reduced to deny , and exposed to a probation of a penetration of quantity : which if a quantity is consistent of potential parts only , and indivisible into indivisibilities , then no question , but it will go for them ; for then it remains indisputable , that in a Line the points do all penetrate one another , and consequently must consist out of infinite potential parts . Hurtado and Arriaga do now yield to actual formal indivisibles , but yet virtually divisible : How an indivisible can be inflated , they do omit the illustration . This is most certain , that contiguous indivisibles are inextensible , and therefore may not be inflated . 2. This Inflation is violent , but there are many bodies naturally dense , as the earth , and therefore inflation being violent , is not a means tending to addensation . Besides , they pass by to express their meaning of Indivisibles , whether such as Zeno and Democritus teached , or others . VI. If they side with Democritus , they fall into a greater Errour ; for his Indivisibles were , 1. Infinite . 2. Fluctuating in a void place . 3. Of various Figures . All three most notorious contradictions : For can a thing be infinite , and yet be terminated with Figures ; a plain Contradiction . 2. Can finite bodies be produced out of infinite material Causes ? If material causes are infinite , the body constituted by them must also be infinite . Wherefore another Contradiction . 3. There is no real vacuum , but an imaginary one . 4. Can a thing be indivisible , and yet be under various figures ? There is no figure indivisible , but a round Minimum ; because all its parts are fallen equally so close to the Center , that they escape a real division thereby , although not a mental one ; but other figures , as Triangles , must of necessity be devisible ; because all figures are made out of a Circle or Rotundity , for take away the Angles of a Triangle , Quadrangle , &c. and there remaines a Circle . The reason why a round Minimum escapes division is , because there is nothing sticking out , whereupon an extrinsick Agent can take hold , because its extream imaginary parts are strongest in being equally united to the Center ; and therefore one imaginary part is so strengthned by the other , & fastened to the other , that any real division is impossible upon them ; but a triangular , or any other angular figure is divisible , because its real parts are unequally allied to the Center , whence there ariseth a strong opposition in one respect , and yet a small resistance in another ; for the angles do receive the force of an extrinsick Agent , but a round minimum shoves it off , and so makes but little resistance , and yet a great opposition ; we see that a small round Bullet shall pass where a great angular body shall not , although impelled with the same force , and do consist of the same matter : the reason is , because in a round figure there is less resistance , and the opposition is the greater , because of the union of parts . I have oft thought upon the intention of that ordinary Saying , Vis unita est fortior : Strength united is made stronger . This holds good only in a round figure ; for therein force is most united ; for all its parts are equally allied to the Center , and every part helpeth the other , and makes no resistance , but great opposition . This appears in your round short-arst Fellowes , who shall carry a greater burden , then the biggest and tallest men . I do remember that I have seen at a Sea-Village called Scheeveling in the Low-Countries , a dozen men or fewer , remove and carry a Pink of no very small burden , upon their backs from the shore into the Sea. Their strength was very improportionable to move so great a body , but the placing of themselves in a round Figure , did soon square their force to the Bulk . Three of them were placed before at one side of the bowes , three on the other side , three more on each side of the Ship , and so those twelve moved with their backs one against the other circularly , not thrusting the Ship forward or from them , for then they could not have done it ; but every man moved circularly to the Center , and against the force of his Diametrical opposite , and so lifted the fore parts of the Ship up upon their backs , which being a little raised from the ground , fell or moved forward through her own declining weight . Touching the men themselves , each of them put himself into a circular posture , applying his back against the Ship , resting his hands and arms upon his Knee , and inclining his Head and Neck towards his Breast . But this by the way . The Conimbricenses endeavour to help the matter by shifting it off to a quality inherent in quantity . Indeed I had alwaies apprehended a quality according to the Peripateticks , to have inhered in a substance , and not in quantity ; for it is absurd to assert in their Philosophy , that one Accident inheres in the other . Nevertheless they intend Matter by Quantity ; wherefore by the way you may observe , that nolentes volentes , they cannot apprehend any thing by Matter but quantity , as I have proved before . Further , to patch the cause of Density upon Quality , is a blind shifting ; for Quality is so remote a name , and there are so many qualities , that unless they indigitate to a particular sensible quality , they effect little . Their vain Groapings , Guessings and Ignorances depend upon the Cloud , which they leave upon the nature of Density and Rarity ; for did they but study the true Definition of either , it would not a little contribute to their Information . In the first place , They imagine Density to be a violent quality , whereas you see it is natural . 2. They make no distinction between Density & Thickness ; for Thickness doth in the same sense ( although improperly ) contain much matter in little Dimensions , & notwithstanding they are different : & so doth Thinness contain little matter under great Dimensions , as improperly as Rarity ; Wherein is Rarity then distinct from Thinness ? nevertheless do Authors affirm that many thin bodies are dense . The same is attested by Cardan . How then can the above-given Definition stand good ? A thing shall then contain at once much matter in small dimensions , and little matter in great dimensions , ergo a thing is thin and thick , rare , and dense at once . No question it is also an erroneous Assertion , that some thin bodies are essentially dense , or that any thick bodies are essentially rare ; neither is Tenuity or Crassitude the cause of Density ( as Scaliger doth well infer in his 283 Exerc. ) but a contiguous Gravity . VII . The first power or Form of Fire is Levity with Contiguity . The Second next slowing thence is Rarity , which is an expansion or diduction of a body that is light with Contiguity . This followeth Levity with Contiguity , because a thing which is contiguously light cannot but be diducted . Scaliger doth justly except against Cardan in Exerc. 4. You say that the reason or manner of a rare and dense body is taken from the multitude or paucity of matter . Moreover it is not the multitude , or paucity of Matter makes Density or Rarity , neither doth Density cause the multitude of matter , or Rarity the paucity of it . The Demonstration is the same for both ; because the same body may be rarified or condensed without the encrease or decrease of Matter . Averrhoes , Lib. 4. Phys. Comment . 84. doth hesitate very much in this Particular , as appeares by his contradictory affirmations ; for in that place he asserts , that Rarity and Density are contraries in quantity : Again in the next following Comment . he saith , that Rarity and Density are not of the essence of quantity . In Lib. 7. Phys. Com. 15. he affirms , Rarity and Density to be qualities : but in Lib. 1. Metaph. Com. 15. he refers them to the Predicament of Situs : and Lib. 8. Phys. Com. 77. he saith , that Rarefaction and Condensation are Local Motions . Zimara doth labour to draw all these various Dictates of Averrhoes to a good sense . When he seemed to place them in the Category of Situs ( saith he ) his intention was only to relate the Opinion of other men . In saying that Rarefaction and Condensation were in the Predicament of quantity , he meant that quantity did consecute them , but not formally ; for a greater quantity doth follow Rarity , and thence the possession of a greater place : wherefore Rarefaction is primarily and essentially an alteration , and a motion to quality , but secondarily and by consequence it is to a greater quantity , and a larger place . Tolet. Lib. 4. Phys. Cap. 9. Text 84. tels us the Opinion of Aristotle upon this intricate Point . He expounds his Judgment upon Rarefaction , which ( in short ) implies , Rarity and Density to be two contrary qualities , educed out of the power of matter , as others also are ; for when a thing is condensed or rarified , that doth not happen properly , because something is expelled , or something doth enter , or because the parts are conjoyned among themselves , or are separated by reason of a ( vacuum ) voidness ; but because such a quality , Rarity , or Density is educed out of the power of matter , so as that its Subject should be changed ; as when it is made hot or cold : for the Ancients said , that no part of a thing was changed in Rarefaction or Addensation , but that its parts came only somewhat nearer , or were removed from between themselves . However Aristotles Dictates contain nothing of this : but when a thing is rarefied or condensed , the whole and the parts too are changed by an accidental mutation , in receiving a quality educed out of the power of matter ; which is apparent , because in a rare body every part is rare ; which if Rarity hapned only through the separation of parts among themselves , the parts doubtless would remain dense , which is false , as appeares in things that are rare , and most in the Elements . A great deal ado about nothing . That which through it self is most obvious , they involve into obstruseness through their Cavils . Whether Averrhoes intended his words in that meaning , as Zimara comments , or not , ( which is more probable , because he doth not give the least hint of an indirect sense of his words , and therefore they are to be understood in their direct intention : As for Zimara his reconciliation , that alledging no reason , and since the same might be guessed of his words , although he had purposed them for a contrary signification , it doth not merit any acceptance ) is not material , either promising no truth or evidence . Tolet. rejects the Judgment of the Ancients upon this Particular , but hath not the ingenuity to add Reasons , to consute them , only from an inbred School-bending to Aristotle , saith as he is told . He declares then with the Philosopher , that in Rarefaction and Addensation the whole and parts are changed by an accidental mutation in receiving a quality educed out of matter , because in a rare body every part is rare . In the first place , his Reason is weak ; for in a rare body every part is not rare , as appeares in the ayr , which they term to be rare ; wherein many dense parts , as black Clouds , are contained , nevertheless the whole Body is called Ayr a majori . 2. Supposing that every part of the whole is rare , he infers nothing , but that every part , or the whole is rare , which is idem per idem . 2. If Rarity ( saith he ) were caused through separation of parts among themselves , the parts would remain dense . It seems by Rarity and Density he apprehends nothing else but the diminution or augmentation of quantity ; for in the same Comment . he writes thus , You must note that to be made little out of great is to be condensed , and out of little great to be rarified . Here he contradicts himself ; before he stated them qualities , now they are changed into quantities . But to his Reason . 'T is true ( as he saith ) if Rarity were caused through separation of parts in a mean body among themselves , the parts would remain dense , supposing that the light parts were separated from it . But supposing the dense parts of a mean ( that is equally consistent of dense and rare parts ) body , the remaining parts would be rare . 2. A dense body is not rarefied through any separation of its parts , or inflation of its minima's , but by the adjoyning of light and rare parts to it . I wonder what accidental change it is he means ; it must be either to quantity , and then it is the same with augmentation and diminution ; or to quality , and then it is an alteration , or a locomotive quality : but he mentions none . Supposing it to be a quality , the question is , whether this doth arise in that subject with the adherence to its primitive matter of the extrinsick Agent , or whether it doth migrate out of its own subject into another . It is not the latter ; for I have proved in my Dispute of Powers , that an Accident doth not migrate out of one Subject into another . If the first , then it is by the entring of another body between the parts that are separated , and what body is that but fire ? It is that , which through its contiguous lightness doth render a dense body rare , and so condensation is by expelling the light parts , or admitting more parts of a dense body , as of earth , which doth condensate through its contiguous gravity . Wherefore we are not forced to grant a vacuum in Rarefaction , because a body is rarefied through the supplying of the supposed voyd spaces by the presence of fire . Neither need we to assert a penetration of bodies in Condensation , since that those parts , which are supposed to be penetrated into the substance of others , are expelled . It is not then , as Tolet writes , that rarefaction is become great out of little without the apposition or detraction of a new Substance ; for were it so , then of a necessity there must be allowed a penetration of bodies in condensation , and a vacuum in Rarefaction : wherefore Scaliger saith well in his 4th . Exerc. That there can be no addensation or rarefaction ( although Rarity and Density are really in them ) in any single body . Ergo dum inter unum minimum naturale ignis puri , & minima continua circumsita nullum medium corpus intercedat , quonam igitur modo queunt esse propius ant longinquius sine intervallo , mutuave cor porum penetratione ? Wherefore since between one natural minimum of pure fire , & the surrounding continuated minima's ( which are the minima's of the ayr ) there is no middle body interposed , how then can they be nearer or further without an interval or mutual penetration of bodies ? The reason ( as I said before ) is , because without the adjunction of another body to a single one , there is no rarefaction or condensation . Observe by the way , that many of the Parepateticks make a two-fold rarity in bodies . The one they confound with a thinness , as you may read in Arist. Lab. 2. de part . Anim. Cap. 1. And Grammat . Lib. 2. de ortu & inter . Context . 8. This they refer to the Category of Quality , and doth consecute heat . The other , which is the more frequent and proper acception of Rarity ( as they say ) is , which doth not consist in a Tenuity of a substance , but in the distance of parts between one another , and so they call a sponge rare , because it hath parts distant from one another through an interposed space , not really void , which containes no body , but is filled with another thin and insensible body ; as in a Sponge , whose parts are called void , wherein notwithstanding ayr is contained . This kind of Rarity they refer to the Category of Situs . I take them in this last Acception , and demand , whether it is not the ayr , which causes that situation and distance of parts ? For the Sponge is condensed , through expressing the ayr by compression of the Sponge : If so , then it is not a single quality educed out of the power of matter , but the entring of the ayr into its pores , which doth rarifie ( as they term it ) the Sponge . Zabarel , Lib. de Calore Coelest . Cap. 3. attributes Rarity to the causality of heat , and density to Coldness . But before he had proposed an Objection , which was , that heat is produced by rarefaction and attrition : To this he strives to answer below , but finding he could not go through with it , recants , and states , That in the Elements , as they are simple , their heat doth produce Rarity , and so doth Rarity reciprocally produce heat . An absurdity , to affirm the effect to be the cause of its cause , and the cause to be the effect of it self . 2. Heat is not the cause of Rarity , because fire is the rarest of all in its own Region , and yet , as they confess , fire is not hot in its own Seat. VIII . The first quality of water is gravity with continuity : the second emanating thence is Crassitude , which is a thick consistence , exporrected through all its dimensions . You will grant me , that Crassitude proceeds from an arct and near union of parts , or from a close compression of the said parts . This compression and union derives from gravity ; this gravity being continuous , doth necessarily cause a crassitude ; for were it contiguous , it would effect a density . There is nothing , unless it be water , or waterish bodies , that is thick , as Oyles , Gums , Rozzens , fat , Tallow , are all waterish so far at they are thick , yet not without the admistion of most Ayr , Ice , Chrystal , Diamonds , and most Precious stones are waterish , and therefore thick . Choler , Pepper , the Stars , &c. are rare , because they are fiery , that is , participate more of fire , then of any other Element . Flies , Cobwebs , Clouds . &c. are thin , because they are ayery . All earthy bodies are dense ; as Minerals , Stones , &c. Now as it is necessary , that all the Elements should meet in every body , so it is necessary , that there should concomitate Rarity , Density , Tenuity and Crassitude in each mixt body . Wherefore do not think it strange that thinness and thickness should be in one body , although they are counted contraries among Authors . I cannot but admire that all Philosopers to this very day should have confounded the signification of these words , thick , dense , thin , rare , naming thick bodies dense , thin ones rare , and so reciprocally , as if they were one , whereas there is a great distinction between them . Aristotle , Johan . Grammat . Tolet , Zabarel , and many others take thinness and rarity to be the same , as also thickness and density ; whereas you may now evidently know , that they are altogether distinct , and wherein they are so . It is erroneous to say , that water is dense , or fire thick , ayr rare , &c. but water is alone thick , ayr thin , earth dense , and fire rare . Bartholin . Lib. 1. Phys. Cap. 5. defines Thickness by an adulterine cause : Thickness ( saith he ) is thought to derive from coldness and density . And a little before he described Density to be derived from coldness and thickness . Mark his thick dulness in asserting thickness to be the cause of density , and density of thickness . The cause must be prior causato natura saltem , but here neither is prior . He makes a difference in their names , but in re he concludes them to be one . IX . The first quality of Ayr is Levity with Continuity ; its second is Tenuity , which is a thin consistence of a substance ; wherefore Thinness and Thickness are ( as it were ) modi consistentiae . Heat is not the cause of tenuity in ayr , because heat is accidental to Ayr , and tenuity is essential , or at least co-essential ; but that , which is accidental and extrinsick , cannot be the cause of that , which is essential and intrinsick . The next effect we can imagine to emanate from lightness with continuity , or the greatest diduction , and yet remaining continuated , must needs be Tenuity . Besides these , there are some more qualities restant ; as Obtuseness and Acuteness , Asperity and Levor , Solidity and Liquidity , Softness and Hardness , Lentor and Friability . It is a mistake in Authors to derive the Original of these Qualities from the Elements , as they constitute a mixt body , and thence to term them Qualities of a mixt body . To the contrary , they do emanate from the Elements as they are conceived in their absolute form , as hath been proved . These Qualities you may nominate third , fourth , and fifth , according as the understanding doth apprehend the one to be before the other in Nature , although not in Time. The third qualities of the Elements are Obtuseness , Acuteness , &c. I prove it : because we apprehend them next to the second qualities ; for the understanding , in discerning these sensible qualities , is lead by the Senses as its Pilots ; now our tact or feeling being the first in esse & operari , is also imployed in distinguishing those first , second and third Qualities : and for that reason they are all called tactible or tangible qualities . The first action made by any of the Elements upon the tact is local motion , as Gravity and Levity : for feeling any Element , its weight or lightness would be the First thing we should perceive : the next would be its rarity or density . The third , acuteness or hebetude : the fourth , asperity or levor , the fifth , hardness or softness ; the sixth , solidity or liquidity ; the seventh , lentor or friability . There is a twofold Acuteness formally differing from one another : 1. An Acuteness deriving from Density . 2. An Acuteness emanating from Rarity . Acuteness is a quality whereby our tact is most divided . Obtuseness is a quality whereby our tact is least divided . Acuteness is in Fire and Earth , but in a different manner . Acuteness in fire is a rare acuteness , whereby it most divideth our tact , through its parts being contiguously diducted , or spread from the Center . The acuteness inherent in earth is a dense acuteness , whereby it divides our tact through a dense acuteness , or minima's moving through their pressing weight to the Center . Obtuseness is a quality following crassitude and tenuity , whereby its subject compresseth our tact : or divideth it less or least and in longer time . Obtuseness in ayr is a quality immediately produced by its tenuity and continuous Expansion ; for were it contiguous , it would be acute , but being continuous , one part hindreth the other from penetrating or dividing any objected body ; And so its parts acting together and equally , they effect a compression . This compression or obtuseness in the ayr is thin and subtil , and more potent then that in water , because it resisteth less , and therefore is also less opposed , and through its subtility is capable of making stronger opposition . Obtuseness in water issueth out of a thick quality , or from its continuous depressing vertue . This Obtuseness , and that in ayr , as also acuteness in fire and earth , are altogether different ( as I said before ) but through the narrowness of the Language , I am compelled to attribute each to two several beings , adding some notes of Distinction . The same understand of all the other derived Qualities . Asperity is a quality immediately consecuting Acuteness ; and Levor is a quality emanating from Hebetude or Obtuseness . Asperity ( more plainly ) is an inequality or roughness in the surface of a body ; this , experience , tels us , proceedeth from a sharpness or Acuteness . Levor is an equality of the Surface descending from Hebetude , or a continuous pressure or diduction . Asperity in fire is a rare , diffusing and vibrating asperity : that in earth is a dense , heavy contracting asperity . I prove it , our feeling certifieth us that fire is a rare , diffusing and vibrating roughness ; and so feeling earth , we feel a dense , heavy and contracting roughness . From a contiguous and dense Asperity spreades hardness : which is a quality , where by its subject is difficulty pressed down into it self . So thin Levor begetteth softness , which is a quality , whereby its subject easily giveth way into it self to pressure . Hardness in earth may properly be termed Rigidity , or a rugged hardness , because the earth doth only of all the Elements possess its center , and therefore cannot introcede into it self . That Rigidity is caused by Asperity , its ordinary Definition among Physitians doth testifie : Rigidity ( say they ) is a hardness with Asperity , or a roughness , that is from asperity . From a continuous and thick Obtuseness derives a smooth hardness , such as is conceived in Chrystal or Ice , and is alone proper to water . Softness in fire being unequal or rough , is , whereby it giveth way towards its Circumference , if pressed from without . Softness in ayr being equal and smooth , is , whereby it giveth way towards its Circumference , if pressed from without . Solidity is an effect of hardness , through which a body is consistent , that is , uncapable of flowing ; So water is a smooth solid body , because of its peculiar hardness : and earth is a rugged solid body , likewise because of its proper hardness . Liquidity is an effect of Softness , whereby a body is apt to flow , or to be diducted . In Fire it is rare and acute ; in Ayr thin and obtuse . Solidity produceth Friability , which is a quality , whereby its parts are separable From one another in minute particles ; wherefore since Solidity cannot give way by flowing , it giveth way through Friability . Lentor is a quality produced by Liquidity , and is , whereby a body is rendered deductible by reason of its continuity of Parts . We may otherwise apprehend these qualities to differ from one another secundum magis & minus thus ; Asperity is a greater Acuteness of parts : Hardness is a greater Asperity , or thick Levor : Solidity is a greater Hardness : Levor is a greater Obtuseness : Softness is a greater thin Levor : Liquidity is a greater Softness . CHAP. XV. Of the Respective Qualities of the Elements ; particularly of Fire , Earth , and Water . 1. What is meant by the Respective Qualities of the Elements . Why they are termed Second Qualities . 2. That heat is the second respective or accidental quality of fire . That fire is not burning hot within its own Region . That fire doth not burn unless it flames , is proved by an Experiment through Aq. fort . 3. That heat in fire is violently produced . The manner of the production of a Flame . What it is which we call hot , warm , or burning . How fire dissolves and consumes a body into Ashes . 4. That Heat is nothing else but a Multiplication , Condensation and Retention of the parts of fire . The degrees of Heat in fire , and how it cometh to be warm , hot , scorching hot , blistering hot , burning hot , and consuming hot . 5. A way how to try the force of fire by Scales . Why fire doth not alwaies feel hot in the Ayr. 6. Plato and Scaliger their Opinion touching heat . 7. The Parepatetick Description of Heat rejected . How fire separateth Silver from Gold , and Lead from Silver . 8. What the second respective quality of Earth is . What Cold is . The manner of operation of Cold upon our Tact. 9. The second respective quality of Water . That water cooles differently from Earth . 10. Aristotle and Zabarel their wavering Opinions touching Cold. That Earth is the primum frigidum . 1. THe . Respective Qualities of the Elements are such , as do consecute the congress of the same Elements : They are called Qualities per accidens , in respect they are supposed to befall them after their production in their absolute Form. They are withal termed Second Qualities , because they are produced by the First Qualities of the Elements in their congress . II. The Second Accidental Quality emanating from fire in its concurse to mixture is Heat . The manner of production of heat is accidental and violent : That it is accidental , is evident , because fire in its own Region ( as the Parepateticks themselves allow ) is seated beyond all degrees of heat , or at least doth not burn . It doth not burn , because it flames not ; for nothing doth burn unless it is exalted to a flame , or contains a flame within it self . A red hot Iron burneth no longer , then the flame of the fire lodgeth within its pores : nay it doth not so much as effect warmth , unless the fire , that is contained within its pores , flames a little ; but this flame is so lit●le , that it fleeth the eye-sight . If a red hot Iron burneth strongly , because it containes a great flame , and the same Iron burneth less and less , as the fire flaming diminisheth , it is a certain sign , that where its flame is extinguisht , its heat is vanished with it . Again , none ever doubted , but that in a flaming Torch there is an actual burning fire : Now tell me , when the flame is ready to go out , whither that fire goeth . Your Answer must be , that it is dispersed through the Ayr ; but then the fire being dispersed through the ayr is no more hot ; no , not warm , because it doth not flame : wherefore fire naturally and per se is not hot . I ask you again , whether there is not fire contained in Aqua fortis ? You will answer me affirmatively ; But then , doth this fire burn ? No , it doth not so much as warm your hand through a Glass . If you make the fire in the Aqua fortis flame , you will find that it shall not only warm , but also burn your hand . Powre Aqua fortis upon any Mettal , as upon the Filings of Brass , contained in a precipitating Glass , you will soon see it change into a flame , smoak , and burning heat through the Glass . That it flames , the light , which appeares within the Glass , testifieth . Possibly you may object , that Aqua fortis if powred upon cloath or your hand , will burn , and yet not flame . To this I answer , That Cloath through the subtility of its haires doth open the body of Aqua fortis , which being opened , the fire cometh forth , and it withheld by a thickned ayr adhering to the Cloath , which causeth a subtil flame , yet seldom visible , although sometimes there appeares a Glance . The like is effected by powring it upon your hand , and then we say , it doth enflame the hand , because there appeares a subtil flame : Wherefore Physitians say well , such a part is enflamed , when it burnes , because there is no burning heat without a flame . Nevertheless the fire contained within a mixt body may burn , and yet its heat may not be sensible , but then its flame is withal imperceptible : The reason is , because the thickness and density of the circumjacent Elements do hinder the penetration of heat out of that body , as also of its light . III. It is violent , by reason its production is depending upon an extrinsick and violent detention . The manner of it is thus : Fire being violently concentrated in a mixture , striveth to pass the Pores of the earth , which it doth with little difficulty ; but being arrived to a thick ayr , the fire is there detained by it , notwithstanding do the other parts yet remaining within the Pores of the earth continually and successively follow one another , and being all united and condensed ( which is violent to the fire ) they make a greater force ( for strength united is made stronger ) whereby they dilate and expand the incrassated Ayr ; this Dilatation and expansion of the Ayr by fire condensed within its belly or bladder , is that , which we call a Flame . Now how fire begetteth heat , and becometh burning , I shall instantly explain . First let me tell you what heat is . You know that we name all things according to their natures , which they manifest to us in affecting our senses : So we call that a Sound , which affecteth our Eares , and according as it doth divide our auditory spirits and nerves , we nominate it harsh or shrill , &c. Even so we name a thing hot , when it doth in a certain manner divide our tangent spirits and Membrane ; or shorter , we say a thing is hot , when it feeles hot . When our spirits are a little shaked , or moved by small and loose Particles of flames , then it seemes to be warm ; but when our tangent parts are divided by dense and forcible Particles of fire , then we say , it burns ; so that it is only a division of our tangent parts by the dividing and penetrating parts of fire , which we call burning . This division is different from a cut or incision , which is made by a dense acute body , and therefore it separates the whole part ; but through the acuteness of fire , its ayry and waterish parts only are divided contiguously , because the fire is contiguous . Now the more the parts of fire are condensed , the stronger it penetrates , divides and consumes . The reason , why burning fire doth consume or dissolve a body into ashes , is , because it breakes through the ayry and waterish parts by its great force of contiguous lightness , which parts being discontinued and expelled , the earth is left alone , because the ayry and waterish parts were the gl●w of that body . Fire doth only break through the ayry and waterish parts , because they only do resist ( as it were ) the fire ; as for the earthy minims , they do not so much resist the fire , because being contiguous , they give way to its passing . IV. Secondly , That heat is nothing else but a multiplication , condensation , & detention of igneous parts , I prove also hence : Hold your hand at a certain distance to a fire , at the first application of your hand , you will feel no heat or warmth , but having held it there a little while , you shall begin to feel warmth , and continuing your hand somewhat longer at the same distance , you will feel heat : the reason is , because at your first application , the fire not yet being sufficiently detained or condensed by your hand , you felt no warmth , but after a certain condensation and gathering of the hot parts of the fire , it begins to move and stir the ayry parts contained within the pores of your hand , and after a further condensation , it makes force , and penetrates through the ayry parts of the hand . Hence when you feel a pricking pain , then you cry it burnes ; this pricking is nothing else , but the passing of the fire through the ayry parts , and dividing it in Points and Pricks . The reason , why it doth force so through your hand , is because the ayry parts of it doth condense the parts of the fire . So that according to the multiplication , condensation and detention of the fire , warmth becometh hot ; hot , scorching hot ; scorching hot , blistering hot ; blistering hot , burning , and burning hot becometh lastly to be consuming hot ; and these are all the degrees of condensation of fire . V. I shall not think my labour lost , if I propose a way , whereby to balance and know the force of fire , and to distinguish exactly what fire giveth the greatest heat . In my Road let me tell you , that balancing is a way , whereby to know and compute the force of a thing . The balancing of weighty bodies , as of earth , earthy and waterish bodies , they call weighing , because it is the trying of the force of weight , that is , how much stronger one thing moveth to the Center then another . Upon the same ground one may as justly term the balancing of light bodies , as of fire and ayr , lighting , which is the measuring of the force of bodies from the Center . * The Scales hung perpendicular over the Fire A. B The Scales inverted . D Flatness upon the gibbous side of the Scale for to place the weights upon . From what hath been discoursed upon a reason may be drawn , why fire , that is inherent in the ayr , is not sensibly warm ; namely , because it is not enough condensed through the ambient Ayr. VI. Now that you shall not conceit that what hath been proposed is altogether my own Notion , I will adduce the judgment of Plato upon this Particular , who although hitting right upon many things , yet they were soon dasht out by the Arrogance of the Peripateticks . In the first place ( saith he in Timaeo ) let us consider for what reason fire is said to be hot , which we shall soon come to know , if we do but observe the Division and separation made by it : That it is a certain sharpness and passion is manifest almost to all ; we must consider the subtility of its Angles , the thinness of its sides , the smalness of its Particles , the swiftness of its motion , through all which it is forcible and penetrating , and that which it doth swiftly meet , it alwaies divides and dissipates : considering also the generation of its figure , that dividing our bodies through no other nature , and dividing it in smal parts doth induce that passion , which is justly called Heat . Here you see Plato hath hinted right at many things appertaining to the Notion of Heat . He saith , heat is a passion , that is ( as I said before ) that , we call heat a certain sensation , induced by the division of fiery minims . 2. You may observe , that his opinion asserts heat to be a quality migrating out of fire into the body , which it heateth ; but that it heateth by dividing and penetrating through the diffusion of its small parts . Scaliger Exerc. 12. d. 3. maintains the heat , which is in red hot Copper , not to be a quality raised in it by the fire , but to be fire in substance contained and condensed between its Pores . Arist. Lib. 2. de gener . Cap. 2. describes heat to be that , which congregates such bodies , as are of one Genus : For ( saith he ) to segregate ( which is that which they say fire doth ) is to congregate congenited bodies , and such as are of the same Genus : for it is accidental that it removes strange bodies . His Followers propose the same in other words , viz. Heat is a quality , through which homgeneous bodies are congregated , and heterogeneous disgregated . I object against this , that fire is hot ; but fire doth through liquation mix Brass and Silver together , Grease and Oyl , Wine and Water , &c. But these are not bodies of one nature ; Wherefore fire doth not alwaies disgregate heterogeneous bodies . 2. The heat of a Potters Oven congregateth Ayr , Water and Earth together ; but Ayr , Water and Earth are heterogeneous Bodies ; Ergo. 3. If heat congregates homogeneous Bodies , then the hotter a thing is , the more it must congregate homogeneous Bodies : but the Consequence is false , and therefore the Antecedence is false also . The falsity of the Consequence appeares hence , that if the body of man be hotter then its temperamentum ad justitiam requires , then it gathers and breeds heterogeneous humors in the Bloud , as Choler , and adust Melancholy . 4. The heat of the Sun raises mud and other heterogeneous bodies in the bottom of waters , and causeth them to congregate and unite with the body of the same waters . 5. Some of his Sectators demonstrate the reality of this effect of fire , in that it congregates Gold through liquation , and so separates Silver and other Metals from it . To this I answer , that the same heat having exactly mixed them before , can as well , if intended , re-unite them again , as it hath separated them . Neither is this separation any other but per accidens , although the union is per se. I prove it , It is true , at the first melting there is a kind of Separation of Silver from Gold , and of Lead from Silver : but this befalleth accidentally only ; for the Silver is separated from Gold , and Silver from Lead , because Silver being melted before Gold , and Lead before Silver , and the Gold remaining as yet unmelted , and silver also after the Liquation of Lead , they must of necessity sink down through the first melted parts of Silver and Lead , as being yet unmelted : for Silver , which is contained within the body of Gold , will be melted and attenuated within its body , before the Gold it self is scarce mollified , whose parts being now mollified , through their dense weight squeeze the Silver out of their Pores . Wherefore this separation is effected by the fire per accidens ; but augment your heat to such a degree as to melt your Gold , then cast some more Silver to it , and see whether they will not mix . I believe you will find it so . Lastly , This is not a Description of heat , but the mentioning of one of its Effects ; for heat formally is another thing . VII . The Second quality per Accidens of earth is , a punctual violent compression to the Center . As the earth doth meet the fire in its first quality , so it doth also in its second . Earth when it is violently detained from its Center , it doth punctually compress that body , which doth detain it , towards its Center . If you take up a handful of Sand from the ground , doth it not compress your hand downwards ? Likewise the pressing downwards in all bodies proceeds from the detention of earth in their bodies . Observe ; cast earth upon earth and it will hardly compress its parts any more then it was compressed before ; but a stone , or other mixt heavy body lying upon the ground presseth a hole into the ground ; yet if as much more earth , as there is contained in such a stone , were cast upon the same place , it would not make any sensible cavity or Impression : the reason is , because in a stone or mixt body the earth is violently detained , and therefore useth the greater force or compression to the Center : but earth being in its natural seat doth not . This quality may be called coldness , supposing it to be a passion wrought upon the tact by the earth punctually pressing to the Center : In this sense coldness is an absolute quality ; in another it may be taken for a privation of heat , because it seizeth upon the tact only in the absence of heat . According to the former sense doth the Poet elegantly explain the nature of Cold. — Nam penetrabile frigus adurit . For the penetrating cold doth burn . By penetrating , its compression is intended . That the cold is penetrating and pressing , none that ever hath been in Greenland will deny , wherefore in that it is an absolute quality . In the latter sense it may be taken for a privation : for it is the absence of heat , which effecteth Coldness , yet not per se , but per accidens , because as long as the heat is in a body , it doth through its motion ad extra , balance and temper the motion of cold ad iutra ; but the heat being departed , then coldness doth through its compression punctually divide the continuous parts of the body , as the ayry and waterish parts of it , and so coldness is reduced to action through the defect of heat to balance it . This we are sensible of in the Winter , at which time there being a detraction of the ambient heat , the earthy parts contained in the Ayr , do then through their weight press down upon us , and being arrived to our skin , they repel the heat , which being repelled , they joyn with the earthy parts of our Body , and so cause a greater punctual compression ; whence we soon feel a dense acuteness , thence an asperity , and thence a hardness or rigidity . When again we approach the fire , then its heat joynes with our internal heat , and expelling the extrinsick cold parts , it doth force the intrinsick ones back to the Circumference , and so we grow hot again . VIII . There is also a Compression observeable in water , but much different from that caused by earth , water compressing the tact with a continuation , and not punctually , and therefore the compression made by water is equal , thick and obtuse ; whence it is , that when we have newly washt our hands with cold water , we feel a thick levor upon them , caused by the continuous pressure of the water . The division , which produceth this cold passion in our tact , is not by separating or disjoyning its continuous parts , but by squeezing the Ayr contained within its pores , which being squeezed , impelleth also the fiery spirits seated about these Pores ; from which impulsion we feel a punctual and acute division , so that the passion raised by water doth per se only compress obtusely the continuous parts of our tact through a squeezing , and per accidens it disuniteth them punctually by impelling the fiery spirits effentially inhering in the said tangent parts ; besides , water containing some earthy points , doth by reason of them excite withal a small acute compression . Arist. Lib. 2. de ort . anim . Cap. 4. and in Lib. 1. de Meteor . Cap. 4. seemes to assert , that coldness is nothing else but a privation of heat : For ( saith he ) the two Elements ( implying water and earth ) remain cold by reason of the defect of circular motion making heat . Zabarel , Lib. 2. de qual . Elem. cap. 3. makes good my Opinion , although by guess : or at least we must say that coldness is really in it self a positive quality ( but wherein this positive quality consisteth , he knoweth not ; ) but that it ariseth from a privation of heat , and in respect of heat it may take place among privations . This tends to the same purpose as I have stated before , namely , that coldness cannot act , unless heat be absent in such a proportion , as that it may have power over it . The same is appliable to heat and the other qualities , viz. that they are privations , in regard they cannot act without the absence of their Opposites , but that they are positive , because they act sensibly in the absence of the said opposites . But what shall I think of Aristotle , who hath soon altered his opinion in Lib. 2. de Ort. & Inter. Text. 9. Cold is , that doth equally conjoyn and congregate bodies , that are of the same Gender , as well as those of a differing Gender . A plain Contradiction ; for that , which doth conjoyn and congregate bodies by condensation , must be positive , according to his own words : yet nevertheless above he asserted it to be a Privation . I wave this , and proceed in making disquisition upon his Definition ; Broath , as long as it remaines boyling hot , the fat of it is contained within it , being exactly mixed with the water ; but assoon as it cooles , it is separated and cast forth to the top ; ergo cold doth segregate heterogenea from homogenea . Earth separates her self from water , and water segregates her parts from fire and ayr ; but water and earth are cold , and yet do not congregate their own parts with others of another gender ; Ergo. 2. This is no more but the mentioning of one of its remote effects ; for they themselves grant that it produceth this effect through condensation ; ergo cold is not formally defined , but described through one of its effects . It now proves easie to us to decide that inveterated dispute concerning the primum frigidum . That , which doth most divide the tact by compression , is the primum frigidum , or the coldest ; but the earth doth most compress our tact or tangent parts ; for it doth compress the tact acutely , and water obtusely only ; ergo it is the coldest . 2. According to their own Tenents ; that , which doth most condense , is the coldest , but earth condenses most ; for it condensates her own parts into Metals and Stones ; but water , although it incrassates , yet it cannot condense bodies into that consistence which earth doth ; ergo . 3. That , which is heaviest , is the coldest ; for condensation is an effect of weight ; but earth is heaviest ; ergo . Lastly , If it be your pleasure to name Earth a frigidum in summo , and Water a frigidum in remisso ; Fire a calidum in summo sive intenso , and Ayr calidum in remisso , you may without Offence . CHAP. XVI . Of the remaining Respective Qualities of the Elements . 1. The Second Respective Quality of the Ayr. That water cannot be really and essentially attenuated . The State of the Controversie . 2. That Ayr cannot be really and essentially incrassated . Why a man whilst he is alive sinkes down into the water and is drowned , and afterwards is cast up again . That a woman is longer in sinking or drowning then a man. The great errour committed in trying of Witches by casting them into the water . 3. That a greater Condensation or Rarefaction is impossible in the Earth . 4. In what sense the Author understands and intends Rarefaction and Condensation throughout his Philosophy . 5. The third Respective quality of Fire . What Driness is . The Definition of Moysture . The third respective qualities of Water and Ayr. Aristotles Description of Moysture rejected . That water is the primum humidum . In what sense Ayr is termed dry , in what moyst . 1. THe Second Respective quality of Ayr is a continuous expression towards the Circumference , as we see in water , viz. in bubbles , within whose body ayr being contained doth express the water to the Circumference . When water is thus expressed to the Circumference , we say then , it is water attenuated or rarefied , and when ayr is contained within the body of water , so as it is not strong enough to come forth , we say it is ayr incrassated : but these are no real transmutations . For can any body imagine that ayr is really and essentially incrassated or condensed , as they call it , or that water is attenuated , or essentially changed into a thin substance by ayr ? I prove that a real incrassation of the ayr is impossible . Peripatecicks generally conceive the incrassation of the ayr to happen , when that ayr having thinly or naturally filled up a cavity , there is as much more impacted in that cavity upon the preceding ayr , as the cavity contained before : Through this impaction the former ayr must needs give way into it self for to admit that ayr , which is last entred ; wherefore , say they , there must be a penetration of bodies , whereby that former ayr doth introcede into it self . The ayr then thus introceding into it self , is called ayr incrassated . Water is attenuated when a Pint of water is diducted to a Pint and a quarter , or more , without being insufflated by the ayr or any other admitted body . So rarefaction of earth is , when the earth possessing the space of a Pistol Bullet , is diducted to the extent of space of a Musket Bullet without the admission of any other Element . Fire is supposed to be condensed in the same manner as Ayr is incrassated . This is the true and evident state of the Controversie touching Rarefaction and Condensation , Attenuation & Incrassation ; which never any among the Peripateticks did yet truly state . They supposing and taking it for granted , that such a Condensation & Rarefaction , Artenuation and Incrassation is possible , and hapneth every moment , do proceed in debating , whether a penetration of bodies be not necessary in Rarefaction and Condensation . As for insufflation , that is not to be called in question , because we stated Incrassation and Rarefaction to happen without the admittance of any other body . Wherefore proving such an Incrassation and Attenuation to be impossible and absurd , their further surmising of penetration will seem ridiculous . Supposing that a Glass were filled with pure water , all the Arts of the world could not distend it without the admission of another body , through the force of which , its parts might be divided and lifted up : Since then that water is said to be attenuated , because its parts are lifted up & diducted through Ayr and Fire retained with their body , this cannot be a natural and proper attenuation of the real parts of water , but only a violent diduction of water through the ayr which is under it . Here may be objected , That water , when it is thus lifted up and expanded , is stretcht , and through that stretching its parts are attenuated , and its quantity is increased ; because after the retching it possesseth a larger place . To this I Answer , that the encrease of quantity about the Surface is not through a single extent of water without access of other parts of water to it , but the encrease is from the access of those parts , which did possess the Center , and now are beaten away and impelled to the Surface , where arriving they must be extended in greater quantity , and possess a larger place . So that , what is encreased in the Surface is decreased from the Center , and its adjacent parts . A Chord of an Instrument is producted in length , because it is diminished in thickness , and not from a meer quality without the Access of other parts . 2. Were the natural thickness of water transmutable into thinness , then one extream contrary would be transmutable into the other ; for thinness and thickness are as much contrary as coldness and heat , or dryness and moysture ; and who ever knew the same coldness changed into heat , or the same heat into coldness ? That would be , as if one said , one and the same was both cold and hot at the same time . I guess your Reply , to wit , that through Thinness is not meant an extream Thinness , but a less Thickness only . I answer , That if a thick Element is transmutable into a less thick , then certainly through the continuance and intention of the cause of that less thickning , it might become least thick , that is , most thin : wherefore your Reply is invalid . 3. Were thickness transmutable into thinness , then every rarefaction would be a creation secundi modi , or a new generation ; because such a transmutation is a non esse , vel a nihilo sui ad esse aliquid : for thickness is a positive ( if I may be suffered to term it so ) privation and negation of thinness ; because when we affirm a thing to be thick , it is the same as if we said it is not thin . 4. Thickness is a property quarti modi of water , but a proprium quarti modi is inseparable from its Subject , and that to remain in being . II. The same Arguments prove the impossibility of incrassating Ayr , and such a supposition is so far absurd , that it is impossible and contradictory to Nature , that one Minimum more of Ayr should enter into a Cavity already filled up with it ; and the ayr would sooner break the world then admit incrassation , although but in one Minimum . If the nature of ayr is to be thin , then in taking away tenuity , you take away the nature of Ayr. And if ayr could be incrassated in one minimum , it might be incrassated to the thickness of water . Lastly , was there any such incrassation , there must of necessity a penetration of bodies be allowed ; but a penetration is impossible : ergo Incrassation also . I prove that a penetration is impossible : Suppose a hundred minima's of ayr were through penetration incrassated to fifty , and these fifty to possess but half the place which the hundred did fill up : I conclude then , that through continuance and intention of the same incrassating cause they could be reduced to one minimum ; and from one minimum to the essence of a spirit or to nothing ; for since they through penetration have lost the space of Ninety nine unities of points , through the same reason they might the easier lose the last unity , and so become spirits and thence nothing ; if there was a penetration of bodies , then the less body , into which the greater quantity is penetrated , must have the greater weight , or as great as it was under the greater quantity , or else part of its Matter and Form must be annihilated ; but bodies , that are incrassated or condensed have by much a less weight then they had before , because the light elements , which did before distend their bodies , and through that distention their force of weight was intended ( as I have shewed before ) are departed . Besides Experience speakes the same , especially in this Instance , the true reason of which was never laid down by any : a man yet living , or any other creature when alive , is much heavier , then when he is dead ; and this appeares in a man , who whilst he was alive sinks towards the bottom into the water and is drowned ; the reason is , because through the great heat , which was inherent in that man , the heavy and terrestial parts were the more detained from the Center ; they again being thus detained , moved stronger towards the center , & therfore make the body heavier during their violent detention through the great heat , which was in the said man when alive ; so that through this great weight the alive body sinkes down to the bottom : now when a man is suffocated , and the heat squeezed out of him by the thick compressing parts of the water , then he is rendered less heavy , and immediately leaves the inferiour parts of water , as being less weighty then the said profound parts . Nevertheless although the vital flame was soon extinguisht , yet there remain ayry and some fiery parts in man , which detain the earthy and waterish parts of his body ; so that although the vital fire is expelled , yet these ayry and restant fiery parts not being overcome before a certain term of dayes , in some sooner or longer , occasion that a man doth not grow lighter then the water before a prefixt time varying according to the proportion and texture of the light elements ; and then being grown lighter then the water , he swimmeth atop . Every day after a man is drowned , as the heat and ayry parts are expelled , he is more and more elevated from the ground , until he cometh to the top . A strong compact well set man is at least 8 or 9 daies in ascending , because his heat was deeper , and in greater quantity impacted into his body ; but therefore sinkes sooner to the bottom , as I have heard Seamen relate , how that some of their men falling overboard , were gone under water in the twinckling of an eye , but then they were big , lusty strong men , as they told me . On the contrary we hear , how that weak and tender women have fallen into the River , and have swom upon the water until watermen have rowed to them and taken them up ( and many weakly women that were suspected to be Witches , being cast into the water for a trial have been wickedly and wrongfully adjudged to be Witches , because they were long in sinking , and alas it is natural ) the reason was , because they were comparatively light : for their earthy parts were not so much detained , & consequently moved not so forcibly downwards , no doubt but their Coats conduced also somewhat to it . Whence I collect that an ordinary woman is almost one third longer descending to the bottom then an ordinary man , because a man from being a third stronger ( because he is a third heavier through the force of the light Elements , but I mean not through fat or corpulency ) then a woman , is conjectured to have one third more heat then a woman . In case a man or woman is drowned in the Sea where it is deep , if he be suffocated and dead before he comes to the ground , he will not reach the bottom . But to make this more clear , I will demonstrate it through another Principle , viz. the lightness of fire , and ayr ; which is , whereby they spread themselves equally from the Center to the Circumference . Now , that great heat burning within the body of man doth potently press down all the heavy parts of the body towards the Circumference . The ambient or external parts of man are the Circumference , which being so vigorously pressed , must needs be very much intended in their motion downwards : hence it is , that , when a man is in sinking , he feeles a pressing within his own body , whereby he finds himself to be violently ( as it were ) precipitated to the bottom : and add to this the violent detention of the weighty parts , and the depression of the superficial parts of the water , and judge whether all this is not enough to draw him down to the bottom . Pray now judge a little at the simplicity of the reason which the Peripateticks give for this : They say that there is a fight between mans heat and the water , and therefore the water draweth him to her innermost part , where she detaines him until his heat is overcome , and then the water casteth him up again : Others say , that mans Lungs being filled with ayr underneath after he is drowned , is lifted up by it . What groapings and absurdities ? First , They suppose that the water draweth , and that the fight is between the heat of man and the moysture ; whereas the water doth not draw , neither is the fight so much between the water and heat , as it is between the heat and earthy parts of the body , which with the natural declination of those terrestrial parts , and the assistance of the water from without doth depress a man or other living creature downwards . 2. Why a man is detained such a time and no longer or shorter before he is cast up again , they cannot conceive . 3. How man is cast up is unknown to them : it is not , because his Lungs are filled with Ayr ; for it is more probable they are stopt up with water . The reason and manner of his being cast upwards is , 1. His body is rendered less weighty by the expulsion of the heat . 2. His body is retcht out and diducted through the coldness of earth and especially of the water , and therefore is rendered lighter , for as compression and condensation is a mark of weight , so diduction and extension of lightness . Wherefore every particle of water being thicker and heavier then the extended body doth depress underneath it towards its center , and so much the more , because the dead body doth as it were detain the parts of water about it from their center : and so through this depression of the water under the Corps , it is lifted up by little and little : Besides , it is somewhat puft up with winds and vapours underneath the water , which thence do lift it up towards the Element of Ayr. The reason why a Dog , Cat , Hare , Fox , Horse and other living Creatures , are longer in being drowned , although they have more heat inherent in them , and as much earth comparatively as a man , is because their haires being light , close and divided , do sustain them : for the water being continuous , doth strive against its being divided by contiguous parts , which being light , strive also against their depression . This by the way . III. Neither is the earth subject to such a Rarefaction , or greater Condensation , because it consisteth ( as I have proved ) out of indivisible minima's . If then we should grant a rarefaction or greater condensation , we must allow the minima's of earth to be divisible : for how could they either be retcht or give way into themselves else ? and so it would be divisible and indivisible at once , which is absurd . The same Argument serves against the condensation and rarefaction of fire : But more of this in our Discourse de vacuo . IV. Condensation , Rarefaction , Attenuation and Incrassation although impossible in this sense , yet in another , are usually received , and may be allowed . Condensation in a tolerable acception is , when a rare body is united to a dense body , and because it is then ( as it were ) made one body with the dense substance , it is said to be condensed . Thus when fire is united to earth , it is said to be condensed , but through this condensation there is nothing detracted from , or added to the natural rarity of the fire . 2. Condensation is also taken for the frequent and constant following of one particle of fire upon the other . Now , you must not conceive , that the fire hereby is condensed or impacted in its rarity ; no , but that one part pusheth the other forward , and being so pusht forward one before the other , they are said to be condensed , that is following one another so close as that they just come to touch one another . Thus we say that condensed fire warmeth or heateth the hand , because many parts follow one another , and so push one another forward into the substance of the hand ; so that condensation of fire in this sense is nothing else but an approximation of the parts of fire that were dispersed before . 2. Fire burneth the hand , when its parts being condensed according to both these two acceptions are received and collected , following close upon one another , and so do burn the hand . The reason is , because as the force of earth and water is intended by violent detention , so is fire , which being violently detained by earth and water , doth move with greater force . Besides through the latter of these condensations , the parts of fire are more collected and united . The fire is violently detained , when it is detained from moving from the Center to the Circumference . Besides , according to these two latter acceptions , you are to understand condensation above , whereas I have attributed it to fire . A body is said to be rarefied , when it is affixed to a rare element ; thus they conceive earth to be rarefied , when its minima's are diffused by a portion of fire . A body is attenuated , when it is united to a thin Element ; so water is attenuated , when its parts are diducted through the renuity of Ayr. A body is said to be incrassated , when it is adjoyned to a thick Element . Thus Ayr is understood to be incrassated , when it is cloathed about with water . Remember that I have made use of these words in my foregoing Discourses according to the said Interpretations . V. The Third Relative Qualities are such as do immediately emanate from the Second . The third respective Quality of fire is Dryness . A Dryness is an expulsion of Moysture , which fire doth by forcing it to the Circumference , and dividing ad extra its continuity . Dryness in the earth is an effect of coldness , through which it divides ad intra the continuity of moysture inwards , and forceth it to the Center . Moysture is an effect of water , through which it overlaies a body with its own thick substance expanded : in ayr it is a quality , whereby it overlayes a body with its thin substance . Aristotle in stead of describing these qualities , he sets down one of their Attributes . Moysture is that , which is difficultly contained within its own bounds , and easily within others . This is openly false : for the ayr is difficultly contained within the bounds of others , insomuch that it striveth to break through with violence , and therefore is more easily contained within its own bounds . So water is easier contained within its own bounds ; for when it is poured upon the earth , it vanisheth presently , which is not a containing of it . Besides granting this Attribute to them both , it is only a mark of Moysture , and not the Description of its formality . No doubt but water is moyster then ayr , because it is more apt to cleave through its thickness , and adhere to a body then ayr , which by reason of its tenuity is not so tenacious . Wherefore it is Idleness in th●se who say that the ayr is moyster then water , although water moistneth more , because of its thickness . And as concerning the primum siccum , it belongeth to the earth , because that obtaineth greater force in detracting waterish moysture , which is the moystest . That it doth so , appeares hence , because the waterish moysture through its weight is more obedient to the impulse of earth then of fire . But if you agree to term nothing moyst but what hath a palpable Dampness ; and that drying , which removeth the said dampness , then water alone is moystning , and ayr drying , because ayr through its tenuity divides the crassitude of the water , and so disperseth it . CHAP. XVII . Of Mixtion . 1. What Mixtion is . Three Conditions required in a Mixtion . 2. Whether Mixtion and the generation of a mixt body differ really . 3. Aristotles Definition of Mixtion examined . Whether the Elements remain entire in mixt Bodies . 4. That there is no such Intension or Remission of Qualities as the Peripateticks do apprehend . The Authors sense of Remission and Intention . 5. That a Mixtion is erroneously divided into a perfect and imperfect Mixtion . HItherto we have sufficiently declared the absolute and respective Qualities of the Elements : That which I must next apply my self unto , is to enarrate the qualities befalling them joyntly in their union one with the other . I. Their union is called Mixtion , which is an union of the Elements in Minima's or Points , Observe that mixtion sometimes is taken for the union of parts , not in points , but particles , and is termed Union by Apposition ; as when you mixe Barly and Oates together into one heap . Anaxagoras , and many of the ancient Philosophers did opiniate , that Mixtion consisted only in the apposition of little parts to one body ; but Aristotle hath justly reprehended them for this Assertion , and confuted their Opinion , Lib. 2. de Gen. & Corrup . Cap. 10. Properly Mixtion is effected through an exact confusion of parts , and their union in Minima's , or the least particles : the exactness consisteth in this , that there must be an equal measure ( sive ad pondus , sive ad justitiam ) of parts . Parts are either little or great . The great are constituted out of little , and the little out of the least . In mixture ( to wit , an equal one ) are generally three condititions required : 1. A mutual contact , without which there must be a vacuum in ( misto ) a mixt body . 2. This mutual contact must be in points , whereby every point of an Element toucheth the minimum of another ; hence they say well ( mixtio fit per minima ) that mistion is caused through Minima's 3. A reaction of each of the elements , whereby the light Elements receive the weighty ones , and the continuous the contiguous ones . These three conditions are implied in my Definition by union in minima's ; for union cannot happen without a mutual contact : A mutual contact is attained unto through the first qualities of the Elements , whereby they move one to the other , and so there passeth a mutual embrace or reaction between them . II. Here the Peripateticks setting aside the reality of the thing , begin again to move a notional question : whether mixtion and the generation of a mixt body differ from one another . Doubtless there is no real difference between them ; for where the Elements are mixed , there the generation of a mixt body is accomplishr , and where there is a generation of a mixt body , there is also a mistion of the Elements . Wherefore it is a sound Definition , that mistion is the generation of a mixt body out of the Elements . Zabarel , I remember , makes an intentional difference between them , in attributing mistion to the Elements alone , because mistion hath a particular respect to the Elements , as they are apprehended through this mixture to be the termini a quo : but the generation of a mixt body hath more a respect to the terminus ad quem . This is simple ; for since that mistion is by them counted a motion , it must then equally have respect to the terminus a quo and the terminus ad quem , because there is no natural motion , but it moves a quo , and ad quem ; and besides , do they not define Generation to be a mutation from non esse to esse ? Wherefore according to their own words , generation doth equally regard the terminus a quo and ad quem ; ergo there is no distinctio rationis between them . But they reply , that mixtion is not the mixture of a mixt body , but of the Elements ; and generation is not the generation of the Elements , but of a mixt body . How sinisterly ? This is not the question , but the doubt is , whether by mixture a mixt body is not as much implyed as the Elements : Yes , for a mixture is the union of the Elements : By union understand a perduction of the Elements into an unity , that is one body ; and is not this the terminus ad quem ? III. Aristotle defineth mistion to be an union of alterated miscibles ( to wit , bodies . ) Here the word alterated is cast as a Bone among his Disciples , which each of them falleth a gnawing in interpreting it , and a knorring at it in raising altercations and cavils about it . Alteration say they , is a mutual action and passion of the Elements through their contrary qualities , through which they obtund , hebetate , refract , immutate one another , and what not ? And not understanding the nature of obtusion , refraction or immutation , but erroneously conceiving the forms of the Elements to be diminished ( by reason they think that the heat of the Elements is expelled , refracted and diminished by cold ; and so of the other Elements ) they fall a quarrelling , whether the forms of the Elements remain whole or entire in their mixtures . If any body now should ask them , what they mean by form : they would reply , that it was the first principle of motion in a body ; and if you ask them further , what that principle of motion is ; they will tell you it is hidden ; If it is hidden , I wonder how they come to know it ; ergo they tell you what a thing is , which they do not know . But to the question , I affirm that the elements remain actually and entire in their substantial forms in mixt bodies . I prove it , the substantial form of a thing is inseparable from its matter , supposing the thing to remain that which it was : for if a property is inseparable , much more is the form : Besides the form giveth a thing to be that which it is : But the elements remain elements in a mixt body ; because their qualities are sensible , not in gradu remisso , in a remiss degree , but in an intense degree ; Who ever doubted , but that earth in Gold or Lead is as weighty , and more then it is in its own Region ? for being laid upon the earth it makes a Dent into it ; ergo it is heavier . Questionless focal fire is hotter then fire in its own Region ; Oyl is moyster then ayr or water , ergo according to their own Principles these qualities , which they call first qualities , and are forced to acknowledge to be forms , are inherent in the forementioned bodies in an intense degree . As for the Refraction , Intention , Remission or Immutation of the Elements , which they take their refuge unto in declaring the reasons of Mixtion , as to a Sanctuary , are meer Notions , there being in reality no such intension or remission of the Elements , unless through access or recess of new parts . IV. But let us make a deeper search into this Nicety so much disputed upon by all Ancient and Modern Philosophers : and that which makes me the more willing to examine this scruple , is , because it hath hitherto been one of my main Principles , That an Element being violently detained is intended and corroborated in its strength and power . This is the deepest and furthest doubt that can be moved , it being concerning the most remote power , and first cause of action in the Elements . I have already taken away the difficulty touching Incrassation and Attenuation , and shewed , that the Matter of a thick Element was not really attenuated in its own substance , or increased in matter , because it possessed a larger place , although seemingly it was ; wherefore I did assume the use of those words but in an improper acception . In that place the question was about the increase of matter ; now it is concerning the increase or intention and remission of Forms or Qualities , strengths and vertues of the Elements . The same I said in relation to Condensation and Incrassation , I must apply to Intention and Remission : that properly they are to be taken for a real increment or decrement of qualities in themselves , without the detraction or addition of new parts containing the same vertue ; as if the same heat in the third degree should be supposed capable of being intended to the fourth degree without the additament of new heat . This is impossible , because of the same reasons , which were given against the possibility of a proper and real Condensation and Incrassation . 2. A quality may be said to be intended or remitted , but improperly and per Accidens ; as when a force or quality is accidentally intended ( as by a more convenient position ) and yet the quality or force is neither more or less , but the same it was : As for example , Take hold of a Hammer about the middle , and strike with it with all your strength , and take hold again of the same Hammer about the end , and strike although but with the same force , yet the last impulse shall be stronger then the first : Here you see is an accidental intension of force hapened through a more convenient position of your hands . So water , when it is violently detained , is intended in its gravity : because its expansion ( which is a more convenient position ) doth intend its motion , and yet the same strength and force of gravity was latent in the water , when it was in its natural position . Water doth alwaies affect and covet a globous figure ; now through this globosity the water is rendered disadvantageous to exert its weight , because all its parts cannot joyn together in opposing the body , which it is to depress ; but being in a Globe the undermost parts of that Globe do partly sustain the force of the uppermost and centrical parts , and the same undermost parts being interposed between the other body , and the other parts , cause that the others parts cannot come at the body . That this is so , the trial of this Experiment will soon certifie you ; weigh some long pieces of Iron or Wood in a payr of Scales , and observe the weight of them ; then divide them into less pieces , so as they may lie closer , and weigh them again , you will find that the last shall be much lighter then the first ; besides I have tried it many other waies . This Reason will also serve to illustrate the manner of intention of weight in earth , when it is violently detained . Ayr moveth stronger upwards , when its parts are more divided and expanded ; for then every particle of the ayr contributes its motion ; and so in fire . Nevertheless the same force was actually in the ayr and fire below : In this sense it is I have made use of Intention of Qualities above in the Precedent Chapter . Wherefore it appeares hence , that there is no such refraction or intention of qualities , as the Peripateticks imagine to themselves . V. A mixt body is usually divided into a body perfectly mixed , and a body imperfectly mixed , and as usually received among the Vulgar ; but whether this Division be lawful is doubted by few . An imperfectly mixed body they describe to be a body , whose mixture is constituted only by two or three elements ; a great errour , there being no body in the world , excepting the elements themselves , but their mistion consisteth of four Ingredients . This I have proved before . Others think to mend the matter by saying , that an imperfect mixed body consists of Ingredients but a little alterated , and therefore its form is not different from the element , which predominates in it . To the contrary , the Ingredients in imperfectly mixed bodies are as much alterated as there is vertue in them to alterate one another : and who will not assert the form of a Comet to be different from the form of fire , or Snow from the form of water ? &c. There is no mixed body , but it is perfectly mixed ; for if it be imperfectly mixed , it will not constitute a mixt body . 'T is true , some mixt bodies contain a fuller proportion of Elements then others , and therefore are more durable , and may be of a more perfect proportion , yet the mixture of a body , which lasteth but a moment , is as much a mistion as that , which lasteth an age , and consequently as perfect in reference to mixture . CHAP. XVIII . Of Temperament . 1. That Temperament is the form of Mixtion . That Temperament is a real and positive quality . 2. The Definition of a Temperament . Whether a Temperament is a single or manifold quality . VVhether a complexion of qualities may be called one compounded quality . 3. VVhether a Temperament be a fifth quality . A Contradiction among Physitians touching Temperament . Whether the congress of the four qualities effects but one Temperament , or more . 4. That there is no such thing as a Distemper . What a substantial Change is . 5. What an Altsration or accidental change is . That the Differences of Temperament are as many as there are Minima's of the Elements excepting four . 1. THe Form of Mistion is Temperament . I prove it . That must be the Form of Mistion which doth immediately result out of or with the union of the elements ; but a temperament doth immediately result out of or with union of the Elements ; Ergo. 2. Since there is no deperdition or refraction of the absolute forms of the Elements , that must needs be the form of Misture , which the union of those absolute forms doth immediately constitute : but that can be nothing else but a Temperament ; Ergo. 3. That is the form of Mistion , which chiefly causeth all the operations and effects produced by a mixt body ; but the chief cause of all the operations and effects of a mixt body is the temperament ; ergo . The Minor is asserted by all ingenious Physitians . Hence we may safely infer , that a temperament is not a relative only , but a positive and real quality ; for were it only a relation , its essence would wholly depend from the mind , and be little different from an Ens Rationis . II. A Temperament is the union of the forms of the Elements . By union apprehend the forms of the Elements united into one quality . The name of temperament soundeth a temperating or mixing , yet not primarily of Matters , but principally of Forms ; for none doubteth of its being a quality , or formal power . Kyper , in his Medic. contract . Lib. 1. Cap. 3. alledgeth this doubt , whether a temperament be a simple or manifold quality : but before I apply my self to the solution of it , observe that simple may either have respect to the Matter ( materia ex qua ) out of which a temperament is constituted , which are the four first qualities or forms of the Elements ; or to the form of a temperament , which is one quality resulting out of the union of its materials . Wherefore if simple be taken in the former respect , doubtless a temperament is a manifold quality ; if in the latter , it is simple . I prove it : simple in the latter respect is equipollent to unity : but a temperament is but one quality , and not manifold ; although out of many , yet united into one ; ergo a temperament is a simple quality . 2. Were a temperament formally a manifold quality , its effects would be equivocal and manifold ; but to the contrary the effects per se of a temperament are univocal and simple , the one not differing in specie from the other . The said Kyper proposes the very words of my Solution for a doubt in the next Paragraph : whether complexion of qualities may be called one compounded quality : which he determines very well : In Metaphysicks ( saith he ) there is not only allowed of an unity of simplicity , but also of an unity of composition ; wherefore it is not repugnant , that there should be an unum compositum of qualities , since there is an unum compositum of substances . III. This puts me in remembrance of another controversie , which I have formerly read in Mercat . his works , Lib. 1. Part 2. de Elem. Class . 2. Quaest. 39. whether a temperament be a fifth quality , or rather a Concord or Harmony of the four Elements ? Avicen defines it a fifth quality , to which the said Author subscribes ; but Fr. Vallesius , Lib. 1. Cap. 6. contra Med. & Phys. Fernel . and others oppose it . To decide a Controversie agitated by the greatest of Philosophers and Physitians , needs a deep inspection : Wherefore I demand what they understand by a fifth quality ? whether a quality really , or modally only differing from the four single qualities of the Elements ? 2. Whether the Authors of the contrary opinion intend by Harmony or Concord any thing distinct from the single qualities of the Elements ? There is none I find answereth to this ; which compels me to handle the Question , in supposing the one party to mean by a fifth quality , a quality really distinct , and the other by Harmony of the Elements , to intend nothing distinct from the elements being united in a proportion . A temperament is not a fifth quality really distinct from the qualities of the elements ; because a temperament cannot exist without the four qualities of the elements ; for take away but one of those qualities , and you take away the temperament . A temperament formally is not a Harmony or Concord only , because a Harmony or Agreement of the four qualities is an Accident or condition following or attending the union of qualities : Wherefore a harmony of the said qualities is an Accident or Mode differing modally from a temperament ; for when we conceive a temperament , we do not conceive a harmony , although we conceive a harmony to be a conditio sine qua non of a temperament ; because without it they could not be united . A temperament is not a proportion of the Elements , but the union of the Elements in a proportion . A temperament is a fifth quality modally distinct from the elementary single qualities , but not really ; for a temperament is the union of four qualities in one ; wherefore this one quality is the same really with the four united , although modally different . 2. A totum is modally only , and not really distinguisht from its parts united ; but a temperament is a totum , and the qualities united are the parts united ; Ergo. I cannot but strange at many Physitians , defining a temperament to be a harmony , and yet asserting the first qualities to be contrary . A Contradiction : For if the first qualities be contrary , they expel one another out of the same Subject , but if they are harmonical , they will embrace and preserve one another in their beings , which that they do , is abundantly demonstrated above . Others again assert , that a temperament doth include an union , not only of the first qualities , but also of the substances of the elements . A Dulness ! Wherein would a temperament then differ from Mistion ? Had they affirmed that mistion did imply or include a temperament , it would have been an Heroick Saying not to be expected from them . Whether from the congress of the four qualities there result two temperaments , one out of the active qualities , the other of the passive , is a further doubt objected by them . In the first place , they are deceived in distinguishing the first qualities into active and passive qualities ; because among them the one is no more active or passive then the other , they being equally active and passive . 2. It is a contradiction to define a temperament to be the four qualities united into one harmony , and afterward to conceive one harmony to be two , that is , two temperaments . IV. Properly and absolutely there is no distemperament , or intemperies , because the form of every mixt body is a temperament : Wherefore a distemperament sounds nothing else but a non-temperament , and consequently there is no distemper . I confess a mutation or change of the proportion of the Elements there may happen in a mixt body , yet notwithstanding that change the temperament remaines a temperament . If then you intend by an Intemperies nothing but such a change , it may be defined to be the alteration of the form of a mixt being . Alteration is the intention or remission of one or more of the vertues , powers or forms of the Elements as they are temperated . Intension and Remission take in the senses formerly set down . Although in a strict sense every intention or remission of a first quality in a mixt body changeth the Form of it , yet because that every change is not durable , but many are soon expelled again , through which a mixt body returnes to its former form ; wherefore such changes are only counted substantial changes , or mutations , whereby a body is so much changed , that it is irreducible to its pristine Form , and whereby it produceth Accidents altogether sensibly differing from those , that were produced by its foregoing Form : for example , when the temperament of a man is so much subverted and changed by the appulse of another temperament , that it is rendered uncapable of reduction to its former temperament or form , and the accidents produced by it are altogether sensibly differing from those that were produced by the foregoing temperament ; as when a mans Heat is subverted by the appulse of Cold , so as he is deprived thereby of Life , Sense and Motion , then his form is changed into the form of a ( Cadaver ) dead Corps : because now other accidents are produced , being altogether sensibly different from the former , and the lost Accidents are irreducible . This is a substantial change or mutation , because the entire essence of the thing is changed . V. An Accidental change or Alteration is , when the temperament of a body is so far changed , as that its Modes or Accidents appear to be sensibly changed , yet not totally , but partially , and when the change is gone no further then it is expulsible , and the former temperament reducible . I said sensibly changed , because it is not every insensible increase or decrease of any of the first qualities of a mixt body , deserveth the name of Alteration , although in a large sense it doth . It will not be amiss to give you an Instance : A man when he is feaverish , is alterated , because fire is intended more then it was in his precedent temperament , which therefore produceth a sensible burning , pains and weaknesses ; but since his old temperament is reducible , it is only to be counted an Alteration , or Accidental Change. Another distinction between a substantial change , and an Alteration is , that a body by a substantial mutation is so much changed , as that you do not know it to be the same thing it was : but an alterated body , although it is somewhat changed , yet it is not so much changed , but that you may know what it was . If there be any Infinitum in the world , none is liker to be it then the number of temperaments ; for there are as many temperaments possible , as there are Elementary Indivisibles , excepting four , to which one indivisible being added , changeth the temperament , and again another and another ( and so on , until all the indivisible be apposed ) admitted to that changeth the temperament again and again . CHAP. XIX . Of the Division of Temperaments . 1. What an equal and unequal Temperament is . That there never was but one temperament ad pondus . That Adams Body was not tempered ad pondus . That neither Gold nor any Celestial bodies are tempered ad pondus . 2. That all Temperaments ad Justitiam are constantly in changing . That there are no two bodies in the world exactly agreeing to one another in temperature . 3. The Latitude of Temperaments . How the corruption of one body ever proves the generation of another . 4. That there is no such unequal temperament as is vulgarly imagined . That there is an equal temperament is proved against the vulgar opinion . That where Forms are equal , their matters must also be equal . 5. What a Distemper is . What Galen intended by an unequal temperature . 6. VVhen a man may be termed temperate . VVhat bodies are said to be intemperate . 7. The combination of the second Qualities of the Elements in a temperature . Their Effects . I. A Temperament is divided into an equal temperament or a temperamentum ad pondus , or unequal , otherwise called by Philosophers a temperamentum ad justitiam . An equal temperament is constituted out of an equal proportion of the forms of the Elements ; and therefore it is called a temperamentum ad pondus , because it is so equally tempered , that if it were weighed , one Element would not over-balance the other . This Temperament consisteth of an Arithmetical proportion : It is otherwise called an anatick temperament . An unequal temperament is , where the elementary forms are united in an unequal proportion . It is called temperamentum ad justitiam , because there is just such a proportion of the forms of the Elements as to fit it to act such an act , or to exercise such Offices . The proportion observeable in this temperament is a Geometrical proportion , whereby one Element overtops the other , or is elevated above the other in such a degree or measure , as to produce such certain effects . Nature never appeared in more then in one temperament ad pondus , but ever after in temperaments ad justitiam , as I have shewed a little before . I have proved that the Chaos was the only temperament ad pondus , which its nature and end did require ; thereby it was rendered capable of existing in a ( vacuum ) void space , and needed no external place to contain it , because it contained it self . The body of Adam in his Innocency was not temperated ad pondus , because it would have rendered him immoveable ; for the Elements being supposed to be in an equal proportion , and counterpoysing one another , local motion must have been impossible . Celestial bodies , although of so long a duration , or Gold ( whatever Alchymists say to the contrary ) are neither tempered ad pondus , because the one could then not be heavy , or the others light . II. Since that a temperament ad justitiam ever obtaines one Element , or two , or three , predominating over the others , its force being greater then the others , doth by that means free it self daily from their detention , by which a temperament is constantly in changing , increasing in one , and decreasing in another quality : this experience tels us , viz. that every being after its first production in a sensible time undergoeth a sensible change of its Temperament , and consequently undergoeth an insensible change of temperature in an unsensible time , in such a manner that there is no body but doth at least change every minute of time in the detraction of a Minimum . Hence we are supplied with a reason , why there are not two bodies to be found exactly like unto one another in temperament , because bodies are alwaies a changing . You may object , That many substances produce effects diametrically like to one another ; ergo their temperament must be alike withal . I deny the Antecedence ; for although their Effects are alike according to their appearance to our senses , notwithstanding Reason perswades us , that there must be an insensible dissimilitude between their temperaments , and consequently between their Effects . III. The degrees of Changes , or Latitude of Temperaments in bodies are these ; 1. There is an insensible change or alteration , which our senses cannot discern ; but it is only discoverable through Reason . 2. The second degree is a sensible alteration , which is evidently discernable by sense , in that its effects are sensibly different , yet they must not be so far deviated from the wonted preceding effects , as to be judged entirely unlike to them . 3. A total change and mutation of Form , to the reception of which the two forementioned alterations are previous dispositions . This degree of change in respect to the expulsion of the preceding form is taken for a Corruption ; in regard of the subsequent form it is accounted a Generation . Hence derives this Maxime , Generatiounius est corruptio alterius : & vice versa . The Generation , of one is the corruption of another . I cannot resemble the expulsion of a form out of a body , and a reception of another into the same subject , to a better example , then to a Ship in sight to one standing on the Pierhead at Dover , but out of sight to those that are at Calice , whither the Ship is bound ; now the further this Ship sailes , the more it appeares in sight to them at Calice ; and the less to the others at Dover , until it is come quite into sight to them at Calice , and then it is quite gone out of sight from the others . Even so it is in alteration ; for as the Ship fore-instanced groweth insensibly less , and recedes from one Coast to another ; so an alteration likewise is insensible . But after a sensible time the ship appears sensibly less , and more remote , so after a sensible time an Alteration groweth sensible , and as the Ship at last after these insensible and sensible diminutions , and recesses , is suddenly quite gone out of sight and vanished , so a mix body after all these insensible and sensible alterations is suddenly changed into another form and become another substance , the former being vanished . The same is observeable in man , who altering insensibly every day in his temperament , draweth nearer and nearer to his Bed of rest , and after some years expiration , findes sensibly that he is altered in his temperament , both which alterations dispose him to his last sudden change and substantial mutation . Galens delineation of the Latitude of temperaments doth tend to the confirmation of what I have proposed : Lib. 1. de Temper . he writes thus , If a quality is exuperant , it becomes an Intemperies ; if it be yet more augmented , it turnes to a Disease ; if it be most increased , it is Death , or a substantial mutation . IV. A Temperament is vulgarly likewise divided into equal , or a temperament ad pondus ; and unequal , or a temperament ad justitiam . They define an equal temperament to be that , which is equally and exquisitely tempered : and an unequal temperament to be that , which is unequally and inexquisitely mixt . If this be their meaning of equal and unequal , then their division is illegal , because a temperament ad justitiam is as exquisitely and equally mixt as a temperament ad pondus : for Gold is tempered ad justitiam ; but none will deny that Gold is equally tempered in particles , although not in great pieces . That it is equally tempered in Particles , its equal colour , equal consistence of body , equal weight , &c. do testifie . Can any assert otherwise , but that man is equally tempered in Particles ? To the contrary , an unequal temperament is no temperament , or in the least tending to the generation of a mixt body , but to its corruption , as you shall read below . Had they by an equal temperament implied an equal proportion of the Elements equally mixt , then their Definition would have been beyond controuling . But give me leave to make somewhat a further disquisition upon their subtilities : Others state a twofold equal temperament . 1. When the elements concur in a mixt body in equal weights , and in equal mole and bigness : This temperament ( say they ) may be better faigned , and if it be found at any time , it doth not abide long , but passeth in a moment : their Reasons are , 1. Because a mixt body would rest in no place ; for if it rested upon the earth , then the earth must predominate ; if in the fire , then the sire must predominate , &c. 2. Neither could it be moved ; for if it moved downwards , the heavy elements would prevail , if upwards , the light ones . 3. The most active quality would overcome & consume the others . 4. There can be no mistion unless some of the first qualities conquer , and others be conquered . 2. When the elements concur with equal force , but not with equal mole , which temperament may also be better conceived in our mind , then imagined to be real . Those forementioned Arguments seem to disprove a possible real Temperament ad pondus , but how depravately , I shall instantly discover . 1. I affirm that a Mixtum ad pondus would rest in its own internal place , because it contains it self , neither doth it stand in need of an external place ; for only mixta ad justitiam do necessarily require a place to rest in , because they having one element prevailing over the others , which moves them to the region of that element , whereof it self is a part , where being arrived , are contained by that entire elementary body ; which is called a place , because it contains those bodies that are arrived to it . 2. Their second Argument only deducts a true inference from a true supposition ; for doubtless a body tempered ad pondus could not be moved to an external place from any internal Principle , because none had so much prevalence over the other as to move it . And for what they assert concerning the not duration of a mixtum ad pondus , is erroneous ; for an eval duration may be proved by their own words : thus , that which contains no contrary principle of motion in it self , is incorruptible , and consequently of an eval duration ; but according to their own words , such a body cannot be moved ; ergo . 3. This Argument is drawn from a false supposition ; for in a mixtum ad pondus all qualities are equally active , wherefore it is uncapable of dissolution or being overcome . 4. The last Argument is absolutely false . As to the latter part of their Distinction , it is grounded upon a supposition not to be supposed , which is , that there should be a possibility of the equality of qualities or force in a mixt body , and not of quantities . I prove the contrary , viz. that where ever there is an equality of qualities , there must also be an equality of matter . Suppose that to balance one minimum of Earth , there needs a hundred times as many , or more minima's of fire , these hundred minima's if they were deprived of their lightness or form , and that one minimum of its gravity , the remaining matter of those hundred would be no more then the matter of this one : Look below ; for according to the Philosopher himself it is the forma quantitativa that causes a quantum in Matter . All temperaments in respect to the proportion of the ingreding Elements are equal : but all temperaments in respect to the manner of mistion are not equal . Wherefore according to the manner of Mistion a temperament is divisible into equal and unequal . An equal temperament there is , whose parts are equally mixt one with the other throughout their whole substance or subject : For example , Suppose the same as before , that 100 minima's of fire were a sufficient number to balance one minimum of earth , and that a thousand Centenaries or proportions of fire were to be mixt with a thousand minima's of earth , now to make this an equal temperament , there must between every hundredth minim of fire be interposed one minim of earth , and so throughout their whole subject . But supposing that in one particle of that substance there was admixt one minim of earth between a hundred , and in another Particle but one between two or three or four hundred , this would cause an inequal temperament . An equal temperament is ( simpliciter ) called a temperament or temperature , and its intire being is called a mistum temperatum , or a temperate mixt body . V. An unequal temperament is called an Intemperies , or distemper , because it is not equally tempered ; Hence Galen writes , Lib. 2. Aphor. That an unequal temperature causes a difficulty . By an unequal temperature questionless he means an Intemperies , or Distemper . But the same Galen , Lib. de Intemper . inequ . towards the latter end , seems to acknowledge an aequalis Intemperies , in these words : But if all ones members are wholly ( tota per tota ) altered and changed , they are immediately freed from their pain : they are then seated in a difficult state . I distinguish an Intemperies into one , that is a beginning ( intemperies inchoata ) and another that is confirmed ( intemperies confirmata ; ) or into a primar and secondary distemper ; It is of a confirmed and secondary distemper that Galen speaks of here ; but all beginning & primar distempers are unequal , neither is a confirmed distemper equally mixt , but only equally spread ; for were it equally mixt , the body containing would be rendered more durable by it , as in Vinegar , where the hot adventitious parts first causing an Intemperies in wine , is afterwards equally mixt with its fixed spirits , through which its body is become more durable . VI. A man is said to be temperate , whose temperament doth dispose him to perform his Actions and Functions perfectest . This temperament is not a temperamentum ad pondus ; for through it he could not have been hot enough to have executed his natural or vital offices . Hence such a one is said to be perfecte temperatus , whose temperament ad justitiam is the perfectest , that is , executes its offices most perfectly . The heat of this temperament is a mild and gentle heat , or calor blandus . A Cholerick man is as properly said to be tempered ad justitiam , but then his temper is comparatively less perfect , and his heat more sharp ( calor acris . ) Now when a perfectly tempered man is distempered , his heat is sharp , which in a Cholerick man is temperate , but that heat is unequally mixt with the qualities of the first temperate party , and equally in the latter ; wherefore the same heat , which is counted temperate in one , is intemperate in another . Fernelius , Lib. 3. Cap. 11. excepts well against the denominating a man to be of a cholerick or Melancholy temperament , because the heat or coldness , which Choler and Melancholy do produce , is unequally mixt with out temperatures , and therefore do not constitute a temperament , but an intemperies ; wherefore it is more proper to state a man to be of a hot , cold , moist and dry temperament , or to deduct temperatures from the Elements , and denominate them according to their exuperancies , fiery , waterish , &c. It is very proper to state the temperament of Ayr to be moist and hot , or cold and moist , &c. because its various situation disposes it to mixtion with fire and water for a moist and hot temperament ; or cold and moist , if with more water and earth then fire , &c. But Aristotle spoke very improperly , when he said , that the ayr was of a moist and hot temperature , when he supposed the ayr to be simple and unmixt . Now if it was unmixt , how could it be said to be tempered ? for according to his own words , temperamentum est plurium ; a temperament consists of more then one . The Division of temperaments is manifold , 1. There is a single temperament , wherein one Element redounds above the others , and thence according to its eminence , is called fiery , waterish , ayry , or earthy : light with contiguity , light with continuity , heavy with contiguity , or heavy with continuity : rare , dense , thin or thick : hard , soft , &c. 2. A compounded temperament , when two Elements are eminent above the others in a temperament , as , fiery and waterish , fiery and ayry , fiery and earthy , earthy and waterish , earthy and ayry , ayry and waterish . 3. When three exceed the restant one . According to which a Subject is said to be waterish fiery and earthy , earthy ayry and waterish , fiery ayry and waterish , fiery ayry and earthy . In the same manner can a substance be named rare and dense , rare and thin , rare and thick , thick and thin , &c. The number of Distempers are agreeable to the number of Temperatures , which since they have been already enumerated , I shall not trouble you with the rehearsal of them . The Temperatures and Distemperaments of the parts of mans body are much different to what Authors have described them , but their particular relation appertaining to another Treatise● , I do wittingly omit their Insertion in this place . A Temperament is further divisible into an universal and particular temperament . An universal temperament is effected by the conforming of all the parts of an heterogeneous body into one temperament . A particular temperament is the temperament of every particular part in a heterogeneous body ; so a Bone is of a temperament differing from a Ligament , a Ligament from a Membrane , &c. But a Bone and a Ligament agree also in an universal temperament , viz. of the whole body . A temperament is considered either absolutely in it self , or comparatively with another , as one Species with another , according to which the Species of man is most exactly tempered , as Galen hath it , Lib. de opt . corp . constit . above all other Species . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of man is the Rule whereby to measure the vertues of Medicaments , which if they do neither cool or heat , moisten or dry , they are accounted to be temperate , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But if they alter it either in heat , coldness , &c. they are taken to be of a hot , cold , &c. temperament , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. One Individual may be compared with another in temperature , whereby one man is said to be more or less temperate , hotter or colder then another . 3. An individual is compared to it self , and so a man is said to be more temperate in one age , time of year , Climate , &c. then in another . 4. When one part is compared to another , one is adjudged to be more temperate , hotter , moyster , &c. then another : So Galen , Lib. 1. de Temper . towards the end , states the skin of a mans hand to be of an exquisite middle temperament between all sensible bodies , and the most temperate of all the parts of man. Authors propose another Division of Temperament into actual and potential ; but since I have declared my Opinion in the Dispute of Powers , I shall pass it by . VI. It will not be useless to adumbrate the Combination of the Second Qualities one with the other , and delineate their Effects . Heat is either thin or dense . A thin heat doth attenuate and mollifie ; for molliaction is an action proceeding from a subtil attenuating heat , through which it attenuates the thick Moysture , and elevates the body of earth and water , whereby it is disposed to softness : Hence it is that the inward Crums of hard stale Bread are softned by loosening its moysture , and admitting the ayry fire . A dense heat is drying and burning . A thick heat is obtuse , not penetrating , but dampish , like unto the heat of damp Hay . Cold and thin is neither a powerful or piercing cold , but gentle and meek , like unto the cool quality of a Summers Brize . Cold and dense is a piercing and potent cold , striking through the central parts of a body . A thick and dense cold is condensing , congealing , and coagulating . A dense thin Moysture doth moysten very much , because it penetrates through the pores of a body , and lodgeth it self there , whereas a single moysture is too thick to moysten or to penetrate . A rare Moysture moystens less by far , and is soon expelled . A thin Moysture moystens somewhat more then a rare moysture ; But both do mollifie . CHAP. XX. Of Alteration , Coction , Decoction , Generation , Putrefaction , and Corruption . 1. What Coction and Putrefaction is . The Difference between Putrefaction and Corruption . 2. The Authors Definition of Alteration . The effects of Alteration . 3. The Division of Alteration . 4. That the first Qualities of the Peripateticks are not intended by the acquisition of new Qualities without Matter . Wherein Alteration differs from Mixtion or Temperament . 5. The Definition of Coction . Why a man was changed much more in his Youth then when come to Maturity . 6. The Constitution of women . Which are the best and worst Constitutions in men . That heat is not the sole cause of Coction . 7. The kinds of Coction . What Maturation , Elixation and Assation are . 8. What Decoction is , and the manner of it . 9. The Definition of Putrefaction . 10. What Generation imports in a large and strict acception . Whether the Seed of a Plant or Animal is essentially distinguisht from a young Plant or new born Animal . That heat is not the sole Efficient in Generation . 11. Whether the innate heat is not indued with a power of converting adventitious heat into its own Nature . Whether the innate heat be Celestial or Elementary . 12. The Definition of Corruption . Why the innate heat becomes oft more vigorous after violent Feavers . Whether Life may be prolonged to an eval duration . What the Catochization of a Flame is . By what means many pretend to prolong Life . That the Production of Life to an eval Duration is impossible . Whether our Dayes be determined . The Ambiguity of Corruption . Whether Corruption be possible in the Elements . I. IN the precedent Chapter I have spoke at large concerning Temperaments in general , and their Divisions ; to which ought to be annext the distinctions of Intemperatures . An Intemperature * moves either to an equal temperament and generation of a mixt body , or from a temperature to corruption and dissolution of a mixt body . The former motion is called Coction , the latter Putrefaction : the end of the former is an equal and durable temperament , and the generation of a mixt body ; the end or rather terminus ad quem of the latter is a most unequal temperature ( that is , when a mixt body returnes to its first elements ; now when its several ingredients are dissolved into their several elements , then they become most unequal , because every element in its own region superates the peregrine elements in three fourths , and yet there remains a temperature , because a fourth part of the alien elements is united to each of them ) and corruption of a mixt body . The difference then between Putrefaction and Corruption is , that the one is a motion to dissolution , and the other is an entire dissolution it self . The same difference is observable between Coction and the generation of a mixt body . Alteration is a Genus to them all ; for Coction and putrefaction are Alterations in a lower degree ; but Generation and Corruption are alterations in the highest degree . II. Alteration is a motion of the Elements , through which , they move unto , into , through and from one another in a mixt body . The motion unto one another I have formerly called their mutual embracement , the manner of which you have read before . They move from one another accidentally and secondarily , after they have embraced one another so close , that the contiguous Elements break through the continuous ones . I say Alteration is a motion ; the same is attested by Galen , in his 7 Tom. of his works , fol. 14. 4. By motion understand a local motion : for the Elements change their places in alteration , and therefore a local motion . So that Alteration is a Species of local motion . Through this local motion the Elements do divide and penetrate one another , which Division through local motion doth fully comprehend the nature of Alteration . Abra de Raconis in Disput. de Corp. mixt . sect . secund . asserts , that Alteration doth not terminate into qualities of the first Spec. to wit , Habit and Disposition , because neither of them are acquired by motion . 2. He states , That Alteration doth not extend to natural faculties and powers ; because these are produced in an instant . 3. There is no Alteration concurrent to the production of figure and form : because these emanate from Matter . To the contrary , Alteration constitutes Habits and Dispositions , Natural Faculties , Form and Figure ; because all these are produced by the forms of the Elements acting through Alteration upon one another . But to Answer to his Reason : I deny the first ; for habits and dispositions are acquired through motion . 2. I dislike his second Reason also ; for they are produced in many Instants . 3. Figure and Form are in or out of Matter , but not from Matter . III. Alteration is either successive or instantaneous . It is called successive , because it is made up by many instantaneous alterations ; like as successive time is said to be successive , because it is constituted out of many instantaneous times following one another ; and nevertheless an instant is no less properly time then successive time ; for time is nothing else , but the measure of one motion by another : Even so is an instantaneous alteration no less an alteration then a successive alteration , because a successive alteration is made up by many instantaneous ones . An Alteration is called instantaneous , because it happens in the least time ; which is called an Instant . Or an instantaneous alteration is the least alteration , whereby one Element altereth ( that is , divides ) the other in one minimum . Now since the beginning of action is from a minim or the least substance , the action it self must be also the least , which among the Elements specifieth an instantaneous alteration . Alteration is to be termed continuous , when a continuous Element altereth a contiguous one ; and contiguous , when a contiguous Element altereth a continuous one . IV. Fr. Eustach . in Tract . de Elem. Quest. 11. makes a query how the Elementary contrary qualities are intended and remitted through a successive alteration . 1. He states it for a truth , that Heat , Cold , &c. do acquire new qualities in their Subject . 2. That these new Qualities are entitative perfections , whereby heat , moysture , &c. are intended . 3. The doubt is now , how this entitative perfection is possible to any of these forementioned qualities : his Opinion is , that it is through addition of new degrees of heat , cold , &c. to the former degrees of the same quality , which are procreated out of the same Subject . 1. I deny that the forementioned qualities do acquire any other quality but what they are ; mixe water with wine , and the mixture will have something of the qualities of water , and something of the wine , but no new quality that should be neither . 2. I reject his second Position as false . 3. It is erroneous that other degrees should be superadded out of the subject ; for if they are superadded , they are superadded either from the foregoing quality , or an extrinsick efficient ; they cannot be superadded through themselves ; for then a thing would be supposed to generate it self , which is absurd , because ( a seipso nihil fit ) nothing is made by it self . They cannot be superadded by another , unless it be by the same qualities , by reason the cause must be of the same nature which the effect is of ( qualis causatalis effectus ) if by the same qualities , then the same again would generate it self ; ergo they cannot be superadded , or if superadded from without , it is no new quality , but agreeing with that which is intended . Alteration is different from Mistion or a Temperament in general , because it is an action , which disposes and prepares the Elements & their Forms for mistion and temperature . The union of the Elements and Forms thus altered or disposed is a mistion and temperament . Wherefore Aristotle defines the nature of Mistion very well : Mistion is the union of Miscibles alterated . Authors usually divide alteration in perfective and corruptive , which are equivalent to Coction and Putrefaction . V. Coction is an alteration tending to a temperament ad justitiam . Suppose at the first confusion of the Elements in order to a mixtion and temperament , the fire and ayr to be unequally mixt with the others about the remote parts , but to be equally mixt with the central parts . Now Coction is nothing else but the promotion of the light Elements , which are yet latent about the Center , to an equal mixture ( secundum partes , sed non secundum totum ) with the heavy ones ; and although at present they are not so equally mixt * , yet through alteration , that is by dividing or embracing one another , the earth dividing the fire , the water the ayr , the fire again moving to the earth , and the ayr to the water , at last they become altogether entirely altered , embracing one another , which constitutes a temperament ad justitiam . They being all thus reduced to a temperament , the alteration is much abated , but still continues , although in a very small and insensible manner , which causes a stability for a while in the body so temperated : the reason of that great abatement of alteration is , because the Elements being now dispersed and divided into small parts , retain a less force , and exercise a less opposition one against another , and therefore the temperament becomes stable . Observe then that Coction is swift , because of the greatness of alteration . 2. The temperament ad justitiam is stable , and ad tempus quasi consistens . 3. Putrefaction is the swiftest , because its alteration is the swiftest , as you shall read by and by . Hence you may easily collect the reason , why a man in his youth alters or changes so much , and at his adult years is seated in a consistent temperament , and changes not for a long while , whereas a youth , we see , changes every day , or at least it is observable every Moneth ; for stay away from a known youth but a Moneth , and when you see him again , you will mark that he is altered . This every Mother can spy out after she hath been gone forth from her Child but an hour or two , and at her return , cry out , Oh how is my Child altered . The reason is , because the calidum innatum is copiously shut up within the central particles of each part , and therefore moves strongly by Alteration : Hence Authors conclude Infants to be perfused with a more copious calidum innatum then when they come to be grown up in years . The force of this ( ●●Nr●● ) promogenious heat is such , that it altereth Children almost every moment ; Hence we may know why every external alteration of Diet , Weather , or Climate doth so easily injure them ; because ( besides that ) they are much altered internally ; wherefore the least alteration from without , if durable , soon disperseth and inflames their heat , and proves a frequent cause of so numerous deaths of Children , whereas men and women their heat being now consistent , and making but small force , their flesh closer , &c. are not so much subjected to Diseases , and such sudden deaths . VI. Women die faster , that is , thicker then men , and are more disposed to sickness then they , because their innate heat and ayr do effect greater alterations upon their bodies , as having but little earth or compressing density , in comparison to men , to resist the light Elements , and moderate their irruptions ; and therefore women seldom reach to any equal or consistent temperature , but are alwaies in changing , which in them after 18 , 20 , or 24 years expiration , is particularly called breaking , because then they alter so fast , that they swiftly put a period to their dayes ; and that because their bodies being lax and porous , their innate heat shoots through in particles , and now in minima's , without which there can be no durable temperature . Were their bodies heavier and denser , the minima's of earth would divide their heat into minima's , and reduce it to a temperature . If then their innate heat doth constantly cohere in particles , and is never dirempted into minima's , it retaining in that case stronger force then otherwise it could do in minima's , it alterates their bodies continually , and so they never attain to any consistency of age . Many sexagenarian Widowers or men of threescore years of age do alter less and flower then most women do from their five and thirtieth year ; wherefore they do rather cover a wife of twenty , because she will just last as long in her Prime , or will be as fast in breaking , altering and changing her temperament , form and shape in one year , as the old man shall alter or change in three or four years ; and so they grow deformed in an equal time . Wherefore a mans consistent age may last out the beauties of two or three women one after the other : and because of this , some in their mirth have proclaimed a woman after her 35th . year to be fitter for an Hospital , then to continue a Wife . No wonder if a Woman be more fierce , furious , and of a more rash swift Judgment then a man ; for their spirits and heat moving in great troops and confluences of Particles , must needs move swift , which swiftness of motion is the cause of their sudden rages , nimble tongues , and rash wits . To the contrary , a mans heat being tempered to minima's , moves more flow , & therefore is less passionate , and of a surer Judgment . A Cholerick man with a soft and glabrous skin , is likest to a woman in temperament , and is undoubtedly tied to all manner of Passion , as Fear , Love , Anger , to Rashness of Opinion , forgetfulness , hazarding and foolish venturing , and at other times because of his Fear , is as obstinate and refractory in hazarding . He is perfectly unfortunate , of a short life , and disposed to continual alterations , fitter for nothing then to fill up a Church yard in a short space of time . A man of a cholerick and melancholy temperature with a soft skin and somewhat rough , is likewise of a short life , but somewhat longer in his course then the former . His Fancy is contrived for plotting of base and inhumane designes , his Opinion is atheistical , his heart full of cheating and murderous thoughts , he is merciless and cruel to all , his nearest relations are as great a prey to him as strangers . Among men of this Temperature is a twofold difference , the one is more cholerick then melancholy , the other more melancholy then cholerick . The colour of the first is yellowish , of the last swarty . The former exceeds the latter by far in conditions , and is correctible , but with great pains , and notwithstanding is of a detestable nature ; but as for the latter , his pravity is abominable , only fit to make a Hangman , or else is most likely to come to the Gallowes himself . The best temperature of all is a sanguine tempered with melancholy ; this portends all honesty , modesty , faithfulness , pleasingness of humour , long life , great fortunes , pregnancy of wit , ingenuity , a rare fancy for new Inventions , tenacity of Memory , a sifting Judgment , profoundness of Meditations , couragious and generous ; in fine , fit for all things . Wherefore it was a true Saying of Arist. that none could be wise , unless he was somewhat melancholy . A pure sanguine temperature is of all humours the most pleasing , lovely , perfectly innocent , of a long life , and very fortunate . I could set down here demonstrable and certain Rules whereby to know infallibly the particular Inclinations , Passions and Faculties of every person , but apprehending that the Art might be abused by the Vulgar , and that the knowledge of it might prove as prejudicial to some , as profitable to others , I judge it more convenient to preserve its rarity and admirableness by secrecy . Authors do successively attribute the causality of Coction to heat alone ; but how erroneously you may now easily judge , since that I have explained the Elements to move each according to their proportion ; as in Coction , Earth doth as much conduce to it through its contiguous and punctual motion to the Center , as the fire doth in moving to the Circumference ; wherefore the Elements are to be adjudged equal causes of Coction . VII . Thus far we have spoken concernig Coction in general , and as it may be supposed applicable singly to the Elements : What remaines , is to treat of the Species of Coction , depending upon the combination of the Elements , to wit , upon heat incrassated , heat condensed , water rarefied and attenuated , earth rarefied , &c. The Objectum circa quod of Coction is Crudity . The Species of Coction are accounted to be three : Maturation , Elixation and Assation . Maturation is a Coction performed by a thin and moderately condensed heat together with the co-action of the other Elements , whereby immaturity is overcome , and its subject perduced to maturity or a temperament ad justitiam . This kind of Coction takes place in man , who in his younger years is said to be immature , and by process of time to be perduced or come to maturity . All animals are perduced to their consistent Coction by Maturation . Maturation takes its beginning from the Center ; whence it is that the innermost flesh of Beasts is the sweetest , because it is the first , soonest and best concocted . Maturation renders a mixt body more compact and solid then it was ; because it consumes and expels the ayry & waterish parts , which being diminisht , the remainder is left more solid and compact . Through Maturation a body becomes sweeter , as we may observe in all fruits growing sweeter through Maturation , whereas they before were acerbous and austere . A body through Maturation is exalted to a greater purity . Elixation is a coction performed by a rarefied and attenuated moysture , that is an ayry and fiery water , and the co-action of the other Elements . Thus the equality of temperament in Fishes , and other waterish bodies proceeds from Elixation . Through this thin and rare moysture all the parts of a mixt body are equally laid , and through its fluor thick parts are attenuated , dense ones diducted , and rare ones condensed . Assation is a Coction effected from a dense heat acting socially with a just proportion of the other Elements . Thus hung Beef , and dryed Neats Tongues are concocted . All Metals are likewise concocted or purified by Assation . I shall not spend more words to shew the manner of the variety of Coction , since it is apparent by what hath been said before . VIII . A Decoction is an equal wasting of a concocted body , hapning through the continuation of a concocting alteration . Or otherwise it is an overdoing or an overcoction of a mixt body , through which it must necessarily be wasted , which notwithstanding remaines the same thing , or according to Aristotle , remanet idem Subjectum sensibile . But in putrefaction a body doth not only wast , but makes way also for a Dissolution , and the subject is sensibly changed . 2. Putrefaction derives from an unequal alteration , caused by an immoderate and unequal adjunction of an extrinsick , influent or adventitious quality to the least parts of one or more of the Elements . But Decoction is equal , and performed by the same causes that Coction was . Or in a word , the one is a violent and sudden motion to dissolution of the parts of a mixt body into their first Elements ; the other is a gradual , successive , flow , durable , prolonged , and natural dissolution of a mixt body into its Elements . As for the manner of Decoction , it is thus . You must conceive that in Coction the innate heat or whole temperament suffereth but little loss or dislocation , because at the formation of any body , the heat is so arctly joyned to the central parts , that although it is attenuated through the Ayr , yet firmly adhering to minima's of earth , and surrounded with minima's of water , it cannot be entirely loosned from its adherents , before it is minutely divided and spread equally through all the body . 2. The Minutes of weighty Elements arctly compassing the fire , do detain the same fire from exhaling . 3. When the Coction is perducted to its height , and the Elements are equally laid , their forcible alteration ceaseth , but nevertheless a smal alteration doth still continue , every minim yet pressing against the other , whereby the superficial heat doth by little and little exhale , * whose vacuity the nearer light parts do succeed to fill up , and afterwards those of the central parts next following . When now the heat is so much dispersed & expelled , that it is grown invalid to balance the other Elements , it is suddenly suppressed in an instant ; after which instantaneous suppression , another form succeeds at the same nick of time , and verifieth that Maxime : quod Substantia generetur in instanti , that a Substance is generated in a moment . The reason , why a form is so suddenly and in the least time expelled , and another received , is , because when the heavy superficial parts , and those next to them are freed from their light elements , they move all together with one force , which force fa●●ing suddenly and violently upon that small part of the remainder of the light Elements , doth then violently and suddenly chase and expell them . By this it appears that Decoction is natural , because it is from an intrinsick Principle . IX . Putrefaction is a violent alteration of the Elements in a mixt body from too great an irruption of an extrinsick elementary quality , which joyning with its like , overpowers the mixtum , and frees that Element from its nearest alligation to the minimal parts of the other Elements , and so do both easily overcome the mixture . Wherefore the cause of Putrefaction is an unequal temperature or distemper effected by the superaddition of an extrinsick elementary quality . The Causes in particular are four : 1. When the intrinsick earth is impowered by the adjunction of external pressing terrene minims , which overpressing the innate heat , and dividing it from the Ayr , first extinguisheth its flame , and then presseth it out from its body . This Species of Putrefaction may be called a tendence to petrification and terrification . I will give you an Example : A man who is frozen to death is properly said to have been putrified by a tendency to Terrefaction : for the external frosty Minims pressing hard upon him together with the intrinsick earth of his body , do at last extinguish his vital flame . 2ly and 3ly , when external Moysture is adunited to the internal Moysture , it doth also cause a putrefaction of that Mixtum , through over-relaxing and opening the body , whereby the light parts easily procure a vent . * This may be otherwise signified by a tendency to moulding . Those small filaments that do usually adhere to the surface of a moulded body are nothing else but a diduction of the circumjacent Moysture into length and tenuity by the egress of Fire and Ayr. The Greenness or Grayishness of the said filaments is nothing but the fire splending and glistering against the circumjacent Moysture , the refraction and reflection of which ( arising from the proportion of Crassitude or Tenuity of the body reflecting ) causes a greenish light ; and if it be more transparent , the splendor appears grayish . 4. When fire is intended by addition of new degrees of external fire , and so moves more forcibly towards the Circumference ; * its name may aptly be implied by a tendency to Combustion . I have formerly asserted that Coction was a tendency to Generation , wherefore Order and Method require from me at present , that I should illustrate the Nature of Generation and Corruption , both which in a strict sense are the termini ad quem and end of Coction and Putrefaction . X. Generation in a large sense imports the constitution or Production of a mixt being ; but since that all generated beings are in a continual motion , it is strictly attributed to the middle term , or a term of reflection , as I may call it , where the exceeding quality doth augment its force , afterwards insensibly and sensibly decreasing . Notwithstanding a mixt body at its first production is an entire mixt body , although it is not yet arrived to its full extension of parts : An Infant is as much a man as a Giant , or is as perfect a mixt body consisting of matter and form as the same Giant . Here I fall into a doubt , whether the seed of a Plant or Animal is essentially distinct from a young Sprig or Plant , or a new-born Animal . Is there any more difference between a Seed and its germined body , then between an Infant and a man ? What is a man but an Infant , thrust out into length , breadth , and depth ? And so what is a young Plant but its seed protruded into all dimensions ? We say an Infant is a man , because it bears all the Figures and Shape , and acts rudely the same actions which a man doth . Doth not the Seed within its Pellicle bear all the marks , shape , figures , and exerciseth the same actions rudely that a Plant doth ? Doth it not attract , retain , concoct and expel in the same manner as a Plant ? Is there any substance or new quality advened to it , and essentially joyned to its Minims ? To this Opinion I find Hipp. Lib. de Diat . Galen , Lib. 1. de Sem. Cap. 7. Argenter . Lib. de art . par . tit . de Temper . Zabarel , de anim . fac . ult . Cap. 11. Picolhomin . Lib. 1. Praelect . Anat. 1. Prael . Jonbert . Licet . and many others consenting . You have this Controversie discussed more at large by that painful Collector of Collections , Sennert . in his Hypom . Phys. Authors assert strongly , that nothing can be computed to the number of Efficients of generation , unless it be hot , where if they do not find a particular hot Efficient , they accur to an universal one , the Suns efficiency , or other Astral Influences . Pray , let them answer me , By what Efficient many mixt bodies , as plants , Bears and others are generated in the Winter in Greenland ? which that they are , is undoubted to many ; but supposing them to be generated in the Summer , which is colder then our coldest winter , they cannot comprehend the Suns heat for an extrinsick Efficient , because the cold doth by far exceed the heat in those Countries , as appeares by the great Islands of Ice ; wherefore the efficiency is rather to be imputed to an acute cold , which through its acute weight doth divide and spread the included heat into the parts . I do not deny but that there is an admitted Efficient in the juyce and food which they do suck in and ingest into their bodies , which here , as in all other coctions , stirs up and diducts the innate heat , and being adunited to it , strengthens and augments the same : But I pass by this to what is more plain . Ice and many bodies generated thereon , as stones , &c. are mixt bodies , and is it the heat of the Sun that doth effect these ? Ergo Cold with the other qualities are equally to be stated Efficients . XI . Before I take my leave of this Subject , I must discuss one Controversie more , whether the innate heat be not indued with a power of changing extrinsick heat being admitted within the quantity of the containing body into its own nature , and to convert it into innate heat . On the one side we might judge it impossible that so little heat , as is contained within the Seed of a Vegetable should be sufficient to perduce a Tree to that great bigness which many are of , and continue so for many years . On the other side , Authors do unanimously conclude , that the innate heat is destitute of such a vertue , and that the heat advened to it is an influent and admitted heat essentially differing from it , the one being of a celestial origin , the other of an elementary . Arist. Lib. 2. de Gener. Animal . Cap. 3. declares his Judgment upon this matter : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For in the Seed of all things there is that contained which makes them to be fruitful , to wit , that which we call heat . Neither is it fire , nor any such faculty , but a Spirit , which is contained in the Seed and in the spumous body , and the nature , which in the spirit is respondent to the Element of the Stars : And a little further he repeats his mind ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is evident that the heat in Animals is neither fire , nor any thing arising from fire . If then it is according to the mind of Arist. to state the innate heat to be Astral , and the influent heat to be elementary , there must intercede a quidditative difference between them , and consequently being of so distant natures , the one cannot beget the other . Before I conclude , it will not be amiss to enquire what they intend by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Innate heat . Galen , Lib. advers . Ly. writes , that the innate heat is a body , whence most Authors make a distinction between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , caliditas , heat , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hot ; the former importing a nude quality , the latter a body . This body is constituted out of a primogeneous ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Moysture , Celestial heat , and insited Spirits , according to which Fernel . Lib. 4. Physiol . Cap. 6. sets down this definition ; Innate heat ( calidum innatum ) is the primogeneous moysture perfused throughout all parts with an insited spirit and heat . But why ought this mixture not rather to be denominated a primogeneous moysture from the substance , then innate heat from the quality , since that a substance is counted to be more noble then an Accident ? 2. What difference is there between an insited spirit and innate heat ? Certainly none ; a spirit consisting of heat and moysture , and so doth the other : Or if you make a difference between them , you are like to fall into an errour ; for if a spirit be a compleat substance , as all Philosophers do grant , and that be united to another substance , namely a primogeneous Moysture , they must constitute a Totuns per Accidens , but none will assert the innate heat to be a totuns per Accidens ; Ergo. 3. I find a variance among them in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , connate , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , innate ; some taking them for one , others limiting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to heat , that is only proper to living creatures , and applying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to heat , that is common to all mixt bodies , and is subjected to Putrefaction , as if connate heat were not subjected to Putrefaction as well as the innate : Doth not the connate heat of man suffer putrefaction in a Hectick Feaver ? You may further read of a fourfold difference of innate heat in Argenter . his Treatise of the innate heat . 1. I conclude that the connate heat is elementary , and not astral . I prove it . There was connate heat before the Stars were created ; ergo its Original was not thence . The Antecedence is plain from Scripture , Gen. 1. for there it appeares , that Herbs , which questionless were actuated by connate heat , were created the third day ; whereas the Stars were not created before the fourth day . 2. Where the effects and operations are alike , there the causes cannot be unlike ; but the effects and operations of Astral heat are no others then of Elementary ; ergo although I granted it to be Astral , it must also be elementary . 2. Innate heat is said to be a spirit , because its rarest substance is adunited to the least bodies of the other Elements , whereby it is fortified , and becomes more potent , and is constituted a most subtil moveable body . The purest and most potent spirits are about the Center ; they next to them are not so subtil ; others yet more remote are grosser . 3. The connate heat hath a power of converting influent heat into the same nature it self is of . I prove it . Hippocrates teacheth , that the maternal bloud and the sperm are perfused with innate heat ; if then advenient bloud can be united to primogeneal bloud , ergo influent heat may be united to the innate heat , and converted into the same nature . 2. Flesh contains a part of connate heat in it , but cut off a piece of flesh , and Nature will restore it again ; if restore it again , then innate heat must be restored with it : if so , then this innate heat must be generated out of the bloud by the innate heat of the next adjacent parts . 4. Childrens teeth are regenerable , but teeth contain innate heat in them ; ergo innate heat is regenerable . 5. That , which the fore-quoted Opinion stated a putrefactible innate heat is a volatick and moveable heat , which not being subtil enough to be united to the fixt or connate heat , is protruded to the external parts , and is subjected to putrefaction ; so that in the body of man the food that is daily ingested , its subtilest part serveth to be converted into innate heat , and to be substituted into the room of the last consumed innate heat . The courser parts are converted into moving and external heats : By Heats Calida understand hot Particles . 6. How is it possible , that so little innate heat , as is contained within a Dram or two of Sperm should be sufficient to heat the body of a big man ? XII . Corruption is the dissolution of a mixt body into the Elements , or into other bodies more resembling the elements then it . The Cause of Corruption , as I said before , is the greatest putrid alteration , whereby the innate heat is violently dissolved . In Putrefaction the moving heat alone is altered , which is reducible ; but if it continues to a great putrefaction , then the innate heat suffers danger , and is yet likewise reducible ; but if the greatest putrefaction seizeth upon a body , then the innate heat is strongly putrified , and is rendered irreducible , because through it the greatest part of the innate heat is corrupted , which to expel , the remaining innate heat finds it self too impotent . But if only a less part be corrupted , and the greater abide in power , it may overcome the other , and reduce it self . Hence a reason may be given , why many men having been oft seized upon by Feavers , yet have been cured , and their innate heat is become more vigorous then ever it was , yea some live the longer for it . The reason is , because in most curable Feavers , the moving spirits alone are affected ; neither doth the Alteration reach so deep as greatly to disturb the innate heat , but oft times the body being foul , and the bloud altered by peregrine humours , the body is cleansed , and by its fermenting and expelling heat the bloud is freed from these noxious humours , after which the primogenious heat is less oppressed , and acts more naturally then before , through which life is prolonged . Here we may answer fundamentally to that so frequently ventilated doubt , whether life may be prolonged to an eval duration ? Paracelsus and many of his Sectators do maintain it affirmatively , to whom three hundred years seemed but a slight and short age , and in stead of it promising a Life of Nestor to those as would make use of his ( Arcana ) Mysterious Medicines , yea a life to endure to the Resurrection . But these are but Fables and Flashes ; for since that a man is unequally mixt , and that one Element doth overtop the other , questionless the predominant element will prove a necessary cause of the dissolution of that Mixtum ; but was a man tempered ( ad pondus ) equally , and as Galen hath it , tota per tota , his Nature would become eval , all the Elements being in him composed to an equal strength in an equal proportion . If then otherwise the radical heat and moysture do sensibly diminish , certainly old age or gray haires cannot be prevented . Possibly you may imagine a Medicine , the which having a vertue of retarding the motion of the vital heat must of necessity prolong its life in the same manner , as I have read in some Author , I cannot call to mind which , a Candle hath been preserved burning for many years without the adding of Moysture to it , by being placed in a close and cold Cave deep under ground . Here ( if true ) a flame was retarded in its motion by the constringent cold of the earth , and thereby the Tallow was saved by being but a very little dissipated through the motion of the fire . I say then , could the natural heat be retarded by such a constrictive medecine , as to catochizate it , and hinder its motion , life might be protracted to some hundreds of yeares : But again , then a man could not be suffered to eat or drink in that case , because that must necessarily stirre up the heat , which excited , if it were not then ventilated by the substracting the forementioned constrictive Medecine , whereby it might dissipate the acceding moisture , must incur into danger of extinction . But this prolongation of life pretended by Theophrast . Par. is attempted by hot Medecines , such as they say do comfort and restore the natural Balsom of man , which is so far from retarding old Age , that it rather doth accelerate it ; for if the heat is augmented , then certainly it must acquire a stronger force , whereby it procures a swifter declination , as hath been shewed . Besides , Experience confirms this to us : Many having accustomed themselves to take a Dram or two of the Bottle every Morning , viz of Aq. vit . Matt. hoping thereby to fortifie their heat , and so to prolong their years , have by that means enflamed their heat , & soon kindled it up to a corruptive fire : & to this purpose , I remember a notable Instance , which some 9 or 10 years ago I observed at Leyden , where visiting the Hospital weekly with the publick Professor of Physick , I took notice of a Patient , being a man of about 40. his Temperature cholerick , his habit of body thin and rough , his skin changed to a brownish tawny , and full of wrinkles ; his complaint was only of an universal faintness when he went ; his Urine was overcocted ; enquiry being made into the Constitution of every particular part , they were found to be like affected with an Atonia calida , or Intemperature towards heat : a further search was made into the cause of so universal a heat ; his Diet and Course of Life had been very moderate , only he confessed that by advice of a Physitian he had accustomed himself to take half an Ounce of Aq. vit . Matt. every morning for 6 years together : Here the cause was found out , namely , the over-comforting and augmenting of his vital flame , which was now become so potent , that it had penetrated all the body , and was ready to diminish and decrease every day , whence through its dayly progress it had wrought such strange effects in this man , that he although but young , appeared to be as old as a man of 70. Even almost such another Patient I saw in the Charitè Hospital at Paris . Wherefore it is evident , that by such means life is not prolonged but shortned : neither will the Oximel Squillit . of Galen , so much commended by him to keep back old Age , do any more then the forenamed Aq. vit . 1. I conclude then that old Age may be retarded , and Life prolonged , but by other means , then ever hath been derected hitherto by any man ; however Lactantius writes , that Adam used a most excellent and admirable Magistery in his Family , through which their years were much prolonged . Many describe the length of life of the Patriarchs to the same mysterious Medicine , which was successively discovered to them by Adam . I have read of Artephius , and others in the daies of old , who are said to have protracted their daies to a thousand years by help of Art , and means of using the Tincture of Gold , and sometimes the Tincture of Steel . I have also read of a Maid , who had lived for many years without eating or drinking , she was not any thing sensibly altered in all that time , but lay constantly a bed , or moved seldom , unless it were to turn her . As I think , you may find the Relation of it in Schenckius his Observ. Here you have a plain Retardation of Age by a Catochization of heat and the other qualities : for she being Phlegmatick , her radical Moysture was thereby incrassated , which incrassation kept her innate heat in the same flame for a long time , until that it was loosened by procatartick Causes . I shall speak more at large concerning the Catochization of fire in its flame below . Through the same Catochization of the Elementary qualities other inanimated bodies were likewise preserved and retarded in their Alteration , insomuch that the bodies so catochizated have not undergone the least sensible Alteration or change in hundreds of yeares . The AEgyptians had a way of preserving dead bodies three thousand yeares , as we read concerning their Mummies , in such a manner that the Corps could not suffer any sensible change in an Age , or otherwise how could they have lasted so long ? The search into their manner of Embalming leads us unto the knowledge of such a durability . They dipped close woven Linnen into a melted mixture of Gums , Rozins , Wax and Spices , in which they wrapped the Corps , rowling it sundry times close about , which afterwards they put into a thick Leaden Coffin , & shut it up in another Oaken Coffin , and placed the same in a deep , cold and dry Celler or Cave , being closely environed with dry Sand and Marble Stones . All which caused a greater condensation of the earthy parts , incrassation of the Moysture , and seisure upon the fiery and ayry parts , and a detention of the said parts in the same situation as they were seized upon : or it may be , they were a little more divided , whereby their force was somewhat clipped and stopped in their motion ; however there remained so much force as to keep the fire safe from being violently expelled by the weighty Elements ; in such a manner that there passed no opposition between them , but they were seized upon , and so derained as a man is in a Catoche , upon which ground I call it a Catochization . Did there pass any remarkable action between them , then the light parts must acquire a vent , whereby the body must necessarily change and approximate to a dissolution . 2. The greater incrossation of Moysture doth keep in the heat , and indurates the body ; for were it thin , it would mollifie and open the body , and give occasion to the egress of the intrinsick heat . 3. The shrowding of the Corps in many Folds of Gummed Linnen doth hinder the ayr from penetrating to it , which if it did , it would soften the body , and make way for the effuge of the light parts . 4. The Spices consolidating the body through their drying faculty , conduce to the detention of the heat . 5. The Coldness and Dryness of the place , and of the Coffins do contribute to the same action , and preclude the way to the ingredient Ayr. All other inanimate solid bodies are preservated and prolonged in their duration by detaining them in Quicksilver , Snow , Wax , shining Amber , Honey , Syrrups , Gummes , Oyles , wet and dry Sand. As for a burning Flame , it cannot be so rigidly detained as to have its Smoke totally kept in , which reverberating upon the heat , and joyning with the other weighty Elements , would violently expel the heat : but as I said before , the detention by condensation and incrassation must be no more , then that the smoak may pass ; yet in small flames this is not so much necessary . There is another means , whereby to prolong life by keeping the heat in a flame , and is performed through averting the heavy Elements , and attenuating and lightning them by Art ; for otherwise they would violently extinguish the flame . Wherefore by the combination of these two means , namely Catochization and aversion by way of detention , there may be an infallible Medecine compiled for the prolongation of life , and retardation of old Age. But of this more particularly in my Principles of Physick . 2. Concl. Production of life to an eval duration is impossible . Were it that the necessity of mans dissolution was independent upon an improportionate temperament of the Elements , yet Gods Decree , and Judgment would necessarily bring it upon him , Gen. 2. 17. But of the Tree of the Knowledge of good and evil , thou shalt not eat of it ; for in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die . Job in the 17th . Chap. declares the necessity and certainty of mans death , particularly in v. 5. Seeing his dayes are determined , the number of his Moneths are with thee , thou hast appointed his bounds that he cannot pass . I cannot here omit the detecting of that dull vulgar Errour and Doubt arising about these very words of Job . Their way of Argumentation is , If the life of man is determined to a year , a Moneth , Day and Minute ; ergo it will prove in vain for me to have that care of my health , and caution of hazarding my Life at Sea or at Land : In fine , there is neither Anticipation or Posticipation of Life . Man acts voluntarily , that is freely , without any necessary or fatal impulse ; wherefore one who is drowned at Sea , was not compelled to go and be drowned , but went thither freely , or might have stayed away ; if then he might have stayed away , ergo his life might have been prolonged by staying away . Or otherwise , suppose a man is diseased with a Gangreen in some one extreme part of his body : Cannot we say that this man , if he lists , may have his life prolonged by ampntating the gangrenous Member , or if he will , that he may accelerate his death in suffering it to increase and creep on ? But to Answer to the Text. Determination of Dayes is twofold . 1. Of the Natural Course of mans Life : as , suppose that the Temperament of man will last and endure ( if it run off in a Natural Course ) to a hundred and twenty yeares , some more , some less ; now this term may be said to be Gods Determination of the Dayes of man , when he hath determined that his temperament shall endure no longer then he hath made it to endure naturally . 2. There is a Determination of life before it hath run out his natural course , as when God doth manifestly cut down a man in the full strength of his years . Again there is an ordinary determination of the duration of beings , by which God hath determined , that all things shall have their natural course of being , acting and continuing . Were it not for this ordinary determination of God , he would never suffer the wicked to live , or that any Natural thing should be serviceable to them . 2. There is also an extraordinary Determination , through which God hath determined to act beyond his ordinary determination in , through , or upon things , which are ordinarily determined . This determination is secret , and called Gods hidden will. Neither doth his extraordinary determination contradict , or clip , or change his ordinary determination , but that God may or doth sometimes determinate beyond it . This premitted , I do assert , that the determination of mans dayes in the Text , is to be understood of Gods ordinary determination of the Natural Course of mans Life . I confess although God according to his ordinary determination hath determined the Natural course of mans dayes , yet he may through his extraordinary determination prolongate the same mans life to many years , and notwithstanding thereby he doth not contradict his ordinary determination ; for a man having run out his full Natural course of life , hath therein answered Gods ordinary determination , which being expired , God may , and sometimes doth supernaturally and by his extraordinary determination superadd other natural Principles , through which his life is prolonged ; thus was the life of King Hezekiah prolonged by God superadding new Principles of life , whereby his life was protracted 15 years longer ; for through Gods ordinary determination he must have died fifteen years before ; because all his natural heat was spent through his Disease , and his temperament run off : Wherefore , as the Text saith , 2 Kings 20. 1. he must have died of a necessity ; but God extraordinarily superadding a new heat , and a new life prolonged his dayes . In the same manner doth God oft-times through his extraordinary determination cut down the wicked , and shorten their dayes , Psal. 55. Look back to the 9 and 10 Chap. of my Natur. Theol. Here may be demanded , how Adam and Eves Bodies could have been of an eval duration , supposing they had remained in their Innocency , their bodies being tempered ad justitiam only , and not ad pondus . I Answer , That ( according to all probability ) their primogenial temperature was by far more perfect ( compariativè ) then ours , and therefore did not consume faster then their Natures could adunite other parts in the room of the dissipated ones ; besides that heat which was dissipated , was only part of the moveable heat ; as for their fixt heat , that was so arctly united and tempered , that its nexe was indissoluble , which through their Fall is become soluble . This Controversie is stated and handled more at large by Beverovit . Lib. de vit . term . and Gregor . Horst . Lib. 2. de Nat. human . Exerc . 4. Quest. 10 & 11. whom you may peruse at your leisure . As Generation did import a twofold signification , so doth Corruption . 1. In a large sense , it implies a natural dissolution together with the declining alteration thereunto tending . 2. Strictly it signifies a violent dissolution of a mixt body through a preceding Putrefaction . Hence those may be advertised , who do erroneously confound Putrefaction and Corruption , taking them for one . Its Species are Combustion , Petrification , Corruption by waterish moysture , and Corruption through ayry moysture . You may easily understand the natures of them by what hath been spoken before . Whether Corruption is possible to the Elements , as they are now consisting mutually mixt one with the other , is a Doubt moved by some . I Answer , that a total Corruption is impossible , a partial one happens every hour ; for we see ayry bodies , as Clouds , dissolved every day : the like happens in the Region of Fire , where fiery bodies are dissolved every day , and others again generated . In the Earth and Water some bodies are likewise corrupted , and others generated every day ; so Gold , Silver , and all other hard Metals , are sometimes violently corrupted under the earth , from an extrinsick potent and putrifying heat . CHAP. XXI . Of Light. 1. What Light is . The manner of the production of a Flame . 2. The Properties and Effects of Light. 3. That Light is an Effect or consequent of a Flame . Whence it happens that our Eyes strike fire when we hit our Foreheads against any hard Body . That Light is not a quality of fire alone . That Light is not fire rarefied . That where there is Light , there is not alwaies heat near to it . How Virginals and Organs are made to play by themselves . 4. That Light is a continuous obduction of the Air. That Light is diffused to a far extent in an instant , and how . Why the whole tract of Air is not enlightned at once . 5. The manner of the Lights working upon the Eye-sight . That sight is actuated by reception , and not by emission . 6. The reason of the difference between the extent of illumination and calefaction . That Light cannot be precipitated . 7. That Light is not the mediate cause of all the Effects produced by the Stars . That Light hath only a power of acting immediately and per se upon the optick spirits . How the Air happens to burst through a sudden great light . That a sudden great Light may blind , kill , or cast a man into an Apoplexy . 8. How Light renders all Objects visible . Why a piece of Money cast into a Basin filled with water appears bigger than it is . The causes of apparent Colours . Why a great Object appears but small to one afar off . The difference between lux and lumen . What a Beam is . What a Splendour is . That the Lights begot by the Stars , and other flames are not distinguished specie . How the Coelum Empyreum is said to be Lucid. I. VVE are now to ennumerate and unfold the remaining qualities risen from the mixture of the Elements ; such are Light , Colours , Sounds , Odors , and Sapors . We will first begin with Light , as being the excellentest among them . Light is a quality emanating from flaming fire . A flame is nothing else but incrassated Air expanded and deducted in rotundity by condensed fire , which is detained and imprisoned within the foresaid qualified Air. The difficulties requiring illustration are , 1. How the fire comes to be condensed . 2. How imprisoned . 3. Why the Air doth immediately surround it . 4. How light is propagated , and the manner of its action . As to the first : Fire I have told you will not burn unless it be condensed ; for being naturally rare , it penetrates through the incrassated Air with ease : but being condensed it doth not , because it is adjoyned to a heavy gross body ( namely , the minima's of the Earth and Water ) which doth put a stop to its pass ; but nevertheless the force of fire is stronger by reason of those adjoyned heavy minima's : For fire being violently detained by them is grown stronger . 2. Fire being to divide another thick body makes use of the compressing accuteness of Earth to divide it , which it effects by protruding those dense parts before it ; for through its single rarity it could not . 2. Fire flying out and being expulsed out of a mixt body , if it doth not meet with incrassated Air to retain it , will pass and vanish ; but hitting against incrassated Air it strives to pass ; the Air again being continuous doth maintain her continuity with all her force ; and thirdly , the fire moving circularly makes a circular dent into the mass of the said thickned Ayr , which it beats against , the advenient Ayr also striving from all parts to recover its situation , and therefore necessarily surrounding the fire . The Ayr again is also become stronger , because of its violent detention , notwithstanding the fire being the more potent doth diduct it into an oval or round Figure , in the same manner as Wind striving to pass the water doth blow it up into a bubble . Fire being thus condensed , imprisoned , and surrounded with thick ayr , and diducting the same ayr into an oval or round Figure is called a flame . II. The properties of a flame are 1. to be burning hot , 2. to be an ( lux illuminans ) illuminating light . The burning proceeds from the particles of condensed fire violently striking through the moisture of a mixt body , whereby it divides it into ashes , or a black crust tending to ashes . Before I shew the manner of emanation of Light , let us first examine , what it is we call Light * . Light is that which is visible , and renders all things about it visible . Wherefore you do mark , that Light is nothing but that , which affects and moves the eye-sight . If then I make it appear to you , whereby it is that fire doth affect the Eye-sight , therein I shew you the manner of emanation or operation of Light. You must apprehend the optick spirits to be a thin continuous body , equally interwoven through all its parts with a proportion of thin yet a little condensed fire , ( for were it not a little dense it could not heat ) so that it is very like to the ambient ayr in substance and its other qualities . 2. Supposing it to be an ayr , we must conceive it to be continuous with the ambient ayr , when the eyes are open . This premitted , I infer light to be nothing else but a continuous obduction of the Ayr caused by a flaming fire . But let me here intreat your serious intention upon what I shall discover concerning the nature of Light , it being one of the difficultest mysteries of all Philosophy , and although its effects are luminous to the Eye , yet its nature is obscure to the Understanding . The search of this moved Plato to leave Athens and set saile for Sicily to speculate those flames of the mount AEtna . Empedocles the Philosopher hazarded himself so far for to make a discovery of the nature of a flame and its light , that he left his body in the Mongibell fire for an experiment , although much beyond his purpose . It is almost known to all , how that the Learned Pliny took shipping from the promontory Misenas to be traversed to the Mount Pomponianus , whither curiosity had driven him to fathom the depths of the Vesuvian flames , but before he could feel the heat the smoak smothered him . III. First then I prove that Light is an effect of a flame . There is no flame but it causeth light , and by the light we know it is a flame ; Ergo , Light is an inseparable accident , and a propriety quartimodi of a flame , the Antecedence is undoubted ; Doth not a Candle , a Torch , a focall flame cause lights ? Or did you ever see light and doubted of the flame of it ? What is the reason , when we hit our fore-heads against any hard thing , we say there strikes a light out of our eyes ? It is , because the violence of the stroke did discontinuate the optick ayr , through which the condensed fire * did unite and diduct the intrinsick ayr , which was incrassated through the same stroke , and so made a flame , or rather a flash , which is a sudden flame , that is quickly lighted , and quickly laid . Secondly , Light is not a single quality , inhering in fire alone : for were it so , then where ever fire is , there should be light ; but to the contrary we find , that there is fire inherent in the ayr , and many other bodies , yet the ayr remains dark after the descent of the Planets . 2. Were fire naturally light , we could never be in darkness , because the vast Region of fire is so large , that it could not but illuminate thrice the extent of the ayr . Thirdly , Light is not fire rarefied and exporrected throughout all the dimensions of the ayr : for who could ever imagine , that a Candle , being so small a flame , should serve to be drawn out through the ayr , and fill it with light to the extent of six or eight Leagues ? for a Candle may be seen at Sea in a clear dark night six or eight Leagues off or further , so that it is absurd to imagine this , and unworthy of a Philosophers maintaining it . 2. It is impossible that fire could be so exactly mixt with ayr in an instant for so large an extent . 3. There is never a particle of illuminated ayr , but it is light to the full extent of the illumination , if so , then there must be a penetration of bodies . Fourthly , Light is not fire rarefied ; for were it so , then that fire which is most rarefied should be lightest , but the consequence is false , Ergo , the Antecedence also . I prove the falsity of the consequence : Fire in Brimstone , or flaming Brandy is more rare than the fire of a Candle , and yet it doth nothing near enlighten so much as the flame of a Candle . Fire most rarefied , as it is naturally , is not at all light . * Lamps have burned in Tombs for many years together , and have enlightned the same for as many years ; but it is absurd to conceive , that fire could have lasted , or been sufficient to be rarefied through the ayr for so many years ; some simply deny the possibility of it , although the same may be brought to pass at this present time . 4. Where light is there is not alwaies heat near to it ; for if the contrary were true , then an equal light must have an equal * heat ; but this is averred to be false in Greenland , where in their day-season it is as light as it is in the East-Indies , and lighter th●n it is in the Indies in the Winter , and yet the heat in the Indies is infinitely more intense than it is in Greenland ; for here it is never hot , although less cold at some times above others . Some Author makes use of a musical Instrument of Cornel. Drebbel to prove against all sense and reason that where ever Light is , there is also heat . These kind of Instruments are common enough now adaies ; they were Organs and Virginals that played by themselves ; All which ( saith the Author ) depended upon the rarefaction and condensation of some subtil body , conserved in a Cavity within the bulck of the whole Instrument : for as soon as the Sun shined , they would have motion and play their parts . And there is no doubt , but that grew out of the rarefaction of the subtil Liquor he made use of , which was dilated as soon as the ayr was warmed by the Sun beams . Was ever a wise man so much wronged as to be made to believe , that a little subtil Liquor could blow the bellows of Organs , and that the beams of the Sun should penetrate through Boards and Iron and rarefie the Liquor contained therein ; and that the interposition of a cloud should lessen the sound of the Instrument ; if so , why should not the interposition of a board rather lessen the sound ? for a boord shall keep away more heat from a thing than the interposition of a thin cloud . The business is this , there was no heat required to the motion of the said Instrument ; for had there been so , a fire made in the Room could have supplied the action of the Sun after its descension . The Instruments were made to move by a piece of Clock-work , which was placed near to the keyes ; the work it self was moved by weights hung to it , or otherwise by a thing made within it like to the spring of a Watch ; now when the wheels are almost run about , then the keyes strike feebler , and so the sound is diminished ; this he calls the interposition of a cloud ; neither is there any such rarefaction as he imagines to himself , and therefore is infinitely mistaken throughout his Book in the nature of rarefaction and condensation : Wherefore this is no proof that the Suns light is alwaies hot . 2. The same Philosopher argues , That the reason , why we do not feel the warmth of Light , is because it is not hot enough to move our tact ; for that , which moves our tact by hear , must be of the same warmth , or hotter . This is another supposed subtility of his . That , which is not warm , cannot be said to be hot , because heat is a degree above warmth ; now in case there is so little warmth in a mixt body , that the cold of earth or water doth overcome it , that body is not to be called hot , or warm , but cold ; even so it is here , in case that Light hath not so much heat as to warm , but rather cools , as we feel it enough in the Winter , it is not to be said to be hot , but cold . VVho could imagine that a Candle should heat the Ayr twenty or thirty Leagues about , its light extending about in circumference to little less ? IV. Light is a continuous obduction , or thrusting up , or puffing up of the ayr , which puffing up is , as it were , an opening to the whole body of the ayr , in the same manner almost as wind being puffed under water raises and puffs up the whole body of it to a large extent , by which the water seems to be opened throughout all its body . I say it is continuous , for were it a disruption of the ayr and not continuous , it would cause a sound . A continuous obduction is an equal drawing up or support of the ayr to the Circumference : That , which doth originally cause this obduction , is the fire condensed , which bears the ayr up equally and circularly , like as when you blow sudds up into bubbles , which likewise seems to create a light . The ayr being obducted originally about the light , its whole body is also obducted to a far extent at the very same moment : For supposing that the ayr is continuous , and that there is no such condensation ( as the Vulgar imagines ) as is effected by penetration of parts or diminution of quantity , the ayr being trust up at one place , must also be trust up all about to a certain extent : The same is manifest in water , by puffing a thick wind through a Reed underneath it , which little wind ( although unproportionate to the heavy body of water , which it raises ) puffs up all the parts of water at once , that is , in a moment ; the reason is , because the water being continuous , and nothing between it throughout all its dimensions but what is continuous , lyeth as continuately close ( which is the nearest closeness ) as can be conceived ; wherefore puffing one part up , you must necessarily at the same instant puff up all the other parts about it ; because they cannot introcede into one another . Or otherwise , the reason why so improportionate a body should suffice to bear up so heavy a body as the water , ( for a puff of wind , if it be blown deep under the water , will raise fifty pounds of water , more or less , according to its force ) is , because the wind having moved the neerest parts of water , they bear one another up continuately unto the very Surface . So it is with the ayr being puffed up by the fire , which at the same instant doth puff up all its parts about . Here you may object , If the ayr be obducted in that manner by the flame of the fire , and that it giveth way continuately throughout its whole body without an intrinsick incrassation , then the least fire must stir the whole tract of Air about it . I answer ; That the Air is partially incrassated * , and not thorowly throughout all its dimensions ; wherefore when it is so puffed up it is only obducted in its extent according to the force of the flame : and when it is so stretcht ( as it were ) through the fires obduction , it receives the force of the flame partly only , because it is contracted by expelling the extrinsick bodies contained within it , & so yields to the fires obduction . The clearer the ayr is , the greater light it makes , because it containing no extraneous bodies cannot contract it self from the obtension of the fire by expelling such bodies , but being totally continuous it is obtended so far as the said ayr is continuous * , and according to the force of the fire . The reason then , why a light is terminated , is through the contraction of the ayr , and oft times through the density of an intermediate body as of thick vapours and exhalations . According to the diminution of the flame , the ayr relaxes and so the light diminisheth . V. The cause why a dense body is uncapable of generating a light , is by reason it is contiguous , and cannot be obducted , or stretcht , as it were . I have said , That that is light which moves our eye-sight : even hence I wil sensibly prove to you , that light is nothing but a continuous obduction of ayr . Suppose that the optick spirits are for the greatest part an ayr , to which the external ayr , when the Eye-lids are open , is joyned in continuity and becomes one continuous body with the optick ayr , in a manner as when one float of water toucheth another they become continuately one . Wherefore then , when the ayr is continuously obducted , as far as where it is continuated to our optick ayr , it must necessarily also obduct and stretch the same optick ayr , because it is continuous to it . That light moves the sight by stretching the optick ayr is evident , in that when we look against the light , although its origin is far off , we feel a stretching in our eyes . 2. VVhen we have wearied our selves by seeing we complain that we feel a stretching in our eyes . In case the ayr is not obducted so far as to reach our eyes , then we do not see it ; as when a thing is out of sight , the reason , why we cannot see it , although nothing is interposed to hinder , is because its stretching doth not reach as far as our Eyes . Hence you may observe , that ( visus non fit emittendo sed recipiendo motum flammae , ) sight is not actuated through the emission of beams from our sight , but through the receiving of the motion of a flame , and more through suffering ( patiendo non agendo ) than acting . VI. The fire of a Flame is to some extent dispersed through the Ayr , and so far it heats the Ayr : nevertheless its enlightning is much further extended . The Sun , which is the greatest Flame , its heat in the Summer reaches to us in a very intense quality , its light would reach a hundred or more times further then it , were the tract of the Ayr extended to a larger quantity ; but because it is not , therefore its heat in the torrid Zone , and in the temperate ones in the Summer , reaches as far as its light , which although it doth , is not therefore to be accounted the essence of Light , as some have simply imagined . So that it was no less Mistake to believe that the Sun's light could be precipitated in a Glass , and some to have collected of it no less then two Ounces and half a day : The vertue of this Precipitate is described to penetrate into the substance of the hardest Metal . I do believe that it is very possible to precipitate such small bodies constituted out of the fiery emissions of the Sun , whose vertue cannot but be very penetrative through the predominance of fire in them ; but nevertheless it is not the light which is precipitated , but fiery substances , neither is fire the light it self , but the cause of it . Light is a property following the union of a flame with the Ayr , wherefore the Ayr is rather to be taken for the principal Subject . VII . Light is not the primar cause of all the effects produced by the Stars , but their temperament and exsuperating heat . Accidentally or privatively their remoteness and remission of heat may be a cause of coldness , and incrassation of the Ayr , and consequently of its obscurity . The light of the Sun doth not comfort the vital Spirits , neither doth it act immediately upon them at all , although through its heat it may help and excite the vital heat of some frigid temperatures . The light hath only a power of acting immediately and per se upon the Optick spirits , and through altering them , may prove a mediate cause of Vital and Animal Alterations . I prove it . If you go forth out of the dark into the light , you feel a distention , or rather an obtension of your visive spirits ; return again out of the light into the dark , and you will first perceive a relaxation , and afterwards a contraction of your sight . The mediated effect of light is a quickning of the Vital and Animal Spirits , which are moved by continuation from the obtension of the Optick Ayr. A sudden great light causes a bursting of the Air ; which happens , when the Air is so much obtended , that it can stretch no more , and then , of a necessity it must burst . A bursting is a sudden breaking of a body throughout all its dimensions and parts as it were . The air is bursted through a great lightning or a flash before a thunder , which if the same bursting do reach diametrically to the optick air of an open eye , it will certainly blind yea sometime kill a man , because the same bursting is continued unto and upon the optick spirits , and sometimes is also further continuated , that it bursteth the whole Treasure of the Animal spirits , which necessarily must effect an Apoplexy . A man coming forth suddenly out of the dark into a great light , is often struck blind , because his optick Spirits are bursted through the sudden and strong obtention ; or if it obtends the optick Air to the next lower degree , so as it may not cause a bursting , it then produceth a dazling of the sight , that is , an over-stretching of the optick spirits . VIII . How light renders all things visible is a matter worthy of Enquiry . The air being thus obtended and made visible through light , is terminated every where about by the surfaces of terminated bodies . These terminated surfaces resist the obtended air , and according to their several degrees of mixture or of fundamental light and darkness do attenuate , refract , diminish , contract or condensate the obtension . If the surface of the resisting object is continuous and weighty , it attenuates and refracts or reflects the light of the air ; and of that nature is water , for water being adunited to air in continuity , doth not only sustain the obtension of the air , but also through its reflexion obtends the obtended air yet more , and so the obtension upon the water must be greater , by reason it stops the obducted air more then any thing else ; wherefore its light is thinner , but withal greater , & makes all bodies therein contained shew greater . Besides , water containing much air in her body , suffereth also an obtension of that , whereby bodies must necessarily appear bigger then they are . The reason why a piece of Money in a Bason with water appears bigger then it is , is because the water through impregnation with peregrine air , proper thickness and continuity doth reflect , and admit much obtended air or light , which being altered by the colour of the money , doth appear much bigger , then if seen through thin air alone . Light is diminisht , because the air is condensed , so that whatever doth condense the air must diminish its light and obduction . Whatever body light appulses against , it is thereby darkned , because the body , which it strikes against , condenses the air . According to this degree of condensation , the light is gradually diminisht , and darkned ; if it be terminated in a most dense earthy body , then it appears black ; if against a body , that hath less earth , or density , it appears brown , that is to say , at the point of reflection against an Object ; and so gradually in all other . This change being wrought upon the terminating obtension by an objected body , it is repercussed to a certain distance , namely , as far as the repercutient action of that object can reach , which is as far , as until the Air doth recover its proper station . If we are far off from an Object , it appears less then it is , because its action doth diminish gradually like unto the streams of water , which about the center of action are greater , but the more remote they are , the less they grow . A Flame is called a Light ( Lux ) because it begets light . The light begot in the Air is called ( Lumen ) an Illumination . Wherefore these lights are not really distinguisht , but ratione . Neither is a flame to be called a light , unless when it doth obduct the Air ; neither is the Air to be termed a light or illumination , unless when it is obducted by a flame . Radius , a Beam is a diducted line of a flame tending directly from the Center to the Circumference . A Splendor is the intention of light by a reflection or refraction upon a thick continuous smooth body . The Lights begot by the Stars , and other flames , are not distinguisht specie , because they depend upon the same causes , namely , upon Fire and Air. Their difference consists in consistency , purity , bigness , &c. The Coelum Empyreum , or Heavens of the Angels are said to be lucid ; which may be understood tropically , or properly . If properly , possibly it hath a vertue of obducting the air like unto a flame . If tropically , lucid is equipollent to glorious . The Bodies of the risen Saints shall appear glorious and splendid , possibly because they shall be more ayry and fiery , that is flammy . CHAP. XXII . Of Colours . 1. The Authors Definition of a Colour . That Light is a Colour . Aristotles Definition of colour examined . 2. Scaligers Absurdities touching Colours and Light. 3. What colour Light is of ; and why termed a single Colour . That Light doth not efficienter render an Object visible . How a mixt Colour worketh upon the sight ; and how it is conveyed to it . 4. The Causes of the variations of Mercury in its colour through each several preparation . 5. That Colours are formally relations only to our sight . That a mixt colour is not an intentional quality . That besides the relation of colours there is an absolute foundation in their original Subjects . How the same fundamental colours act . 6. That there are no apparent colours , but all are true . 7. The Differences of colours . What colour focal fire is of . The fundamental colours of mixt bodies . 8. What reflection of light is . What refraction of colours is . Aristotles Definition of colour rejected . The Effects of a double reflection . The Reasons of the variations of Colour in Apples held over the water and Looking-glasses . The variation of Illumination by various Glasses . 9. The Division of Glasses . The cause of the variation of colour in a Prism . 10. The Nature of Refraction . Why colours are not refracted in the Eye . I. COlour is a Mode or Quality of a mixt being , through which it moves the sight : if so , then certainly Light is a Colour : For , 1. It proceeds from a mixt body . 2. It moves the sight primarly , immediately and per se. I prove it . We do distinguish light from darkness , and a light body from a dark one by our sight ; ergo it moves the sight . Probably you may deny my Definition of colour ; wherefore I shall for your further satisfaction compare it with that of Aristotle , and prove it to be consentaneous to it , differing only in Precision , ours being less universal and nearer to sense then his . Lumen ( which is equipollent to colour ) est actus perspicui quatenus perspicui . Light or rather Illumination is the act of a perspicuous body : quatenus perspicui is redundant . By actus is implied an actuation or motion . 2. By perspicuous is intended a body , that is capable of receiving or rather of reflecting light ; And is not the sight capable of receiving or reflecting light , and of being actuated by it ? Or if you will take colour for a quality , following the temperament and mistion of the Elements , the difference is not great , this being a Definition of colour as it is considered in it-self a priori ; the other described a posteriori relatively and accidentally ; for it is per accidens to it to move the sight . I cannot but reflect at Scaligers boldness , who pretending to exceed Cardan in subtility , so as he seemed to reprehend and correct him in every Distinction , but with more absurdity then he supposed Cardan to be less subtil ; and particularly about Colours and light , Exercit. CCCXXV . d. * 2. Here he infers a real and formal difference between an Accident and its Subject ; the contrary hath so plainly been demonstrated . 2. That an Accident is constituted out of a Power and Act. The falsity of which is detected in my Disp. of Pow. These Assertions are not exempted from Absurdities . 1. An Accident and a Substance being really and formally different , and owing their production to one substantial efficient , it follows that a Substance produceth effects differing from it self in specie . 2. That a Substance is an efficient of a Power and Act. Power and Act being two positive contraries , one substancial efficient is inferred to be an efficient secundum idem ad idem of two positive contraries ; for a power according to Aristotle is not a privation ; for then it were a non ens reale , but a positive . 3. Neither is Power or Substance the true matter of colour . Not the power ; for that is like to the matter : not the substance , that being the sole whole substance : Wherefore if neither power or substance be the true matter , it cannot be any real thing ; because whatever is real consists of Matter and Form : Wherefore ( saith he ) we should say that it hath a substance for its subject , wherein it is inherent ; but in it self it hath a power and act out of which it is made one in the subject , and distinct from the subject , out of which essence that property of visible is produced . A manifest contradiction : First he saith , that an Accident hath alwaies a substance for its subject , and yet in it self it hath a power and act . Assuredly none will affirm a power to be in an accident , but in the subject for to receive such an Accident ; this he alloweth himself : for an accident ( saith he ) is alwaies in a substance as its subject ; ergo it hath its essence from a subject : if then a subject giveth its essence , it giveth praecedentia and consequentia esse : it is then the power that is from the subject , as also the act ; ergo an Accident is nothing but the subject modified . 4. Constituting Principles , as Matter and Form , are required to exist at one time : but the power and act cannot exist at one time ; for assoon as the act is advened , the power is fled . If then you assert it to be a principium generationis , then the subject thus constituted doth consist of a Principle perse , and another per accidens : Besides it followes , that an accident is an actus purus ; if so , then an accident is more perfect then a man or an Angel. Wherefore it appears that a colour is nothing else but a modification of a subject , and of the same rank that other accidents are of ; besides , that colour is exempted from a power and act , and that the substance is rather to be conceived to be instructed with a power of being coloured . The subsequent distinction confirms my Interpretation of his words : For ( saith he ) light is an act of visibility : that is , it is an action upon a visible substance ; for visibility in the abstract being invisible , he ought rather to have declared how a lucid substance acted through its modality , or action upon our sense . The same Scaliger in the said Dist. asserts , that Light is neither white or whiteness . No doubt it is no whiteness ; for that he never saw existent without a body , unless it was a Spirit in his Fancy : But the question is , whether it is not white ? His Argument alledged against it is , because it cannot be seen in the Air , and doth not terminate the sight . The former condition of his Reason is simpliciter necessary : the latter is only necessary ( necessitate consequentiae ) by consequence . I reply to his Argument : 1. That light is visible in the air , as I have shewed before . 2. Light were it imaginable to inhere in an infinite subject , it would be interminate , and yet move the sight terminately ; for a man who is blinded by a thin Cataract , knowes when it is day , and when night , because the light of the Sun moveth his Optick Air , although very obtusely , and yet he neither sees the termination of the Sun , or of the Air. 3. Light is not invisible , because of the thinness of the Air ; but visible , because of its obductibility . 4. The airs intermination is falsly supposed to be the cause of its invisibility : for it is really terminate , because a being and termination in the concrete are convertible . Further it is evident , that light must be necessarily terminated both in the body , whence it is derived , and in the body wherein it is received ; notwithstanding it is not alwaies necessary for us to perceive or see the lights termination in it self ; for that we seldom do , although it is terminated in and by our sight . According to our forestated definition light is accounted a colour , but most single , that is , without any composition , or reflection . II. I call light a single colour , not absolutely , as if it were so in its own nature and constitution , but because it moves our sight singly without representing any mixt colour with it to the sight . This single motion of light is only its obtension continuated in the optick air , & is otherwise known by the name of an interminate Pellucid . * In case light be reflected and gathered in great quantity by air thickned and somewhat condensed by thin and by a little condensed clouds , it produces a thick pellucid or whiteness in the air , which continuated to the optick air , produces the same whiteness there . This we perceive when the Sun is said to shine , which it doth ever , when no thick dense clouds are interposed , & that its Raies are condensed by thin clouded air being a little condensed . That the thin shining light is whitish , is further apparent by the Peripatetick description of white . White is a colour , which doth most disperse the sight ; but so doth the Sun shining light ; ergo it is whitish . Or according to others , White is that , which containeth much light : ergo light is most white : because ( propter quod unumquodque tale est , illud magis tale est ) Light being the cause and fountain of white , must be most white in it self . III. Light ( Lumen ) is actus visibilitatis ( saith Scaliger ) that is , it renders a visible thing visible : But how ? not efficienter ( for then without light in the air there should be no fundamental colours , and every colour must be produced through light at the moment of its appulse ) but as a medium or causa sine qua non . As a medium in that it doth defer the ratio obductibilitatis of every Object to the eye . The manner of it is thus ; every mixt colour is nothing else but the degree of the alteration of the mixt objects wrought upon the air by their greater or less pinching , contracting , or deading of it : Supposing that the greatest extention of the ayr causes a pellucidness , that which gathers , contracts , or deads the ayr a little and staies its obtension is white ; that which gathereth it yet more is yellow . That which doth gather it most is black , that which gathers it less is brown , and so gradually . This gathering of the obtended ayr by the objected mixt colour is a kind of a pinching , whereby the ayr is continuately pinched , to the extent of a certain Sphaere . The ayr being pinched doth continuately pinch the optick ayr , which if it be a little pinched by an objected colour , it discerneth it to be white , or if very much it discerneth it to be black ; hence when we enter into a mourning Room hung about with black cloath we perceive a perfect pinching or contraction in our Eyes . Here may be demanded , Whence this various manner of pinching proceeds , since that pinching is caused by a solid object , if so , then the solider an object is the more it should pinch , and consequently the blacker it should be , which seems erroneous ; for Gold is of a yellow colour , which otherwise should be blackest , because it is the most solid of all bodies . I answer , That this various manner of pinching * depends upon the degrees of the gathering of light or obtended ayr . That which doth most gather or deads the ayr , being a continuous or fluid body is a dense and contiguous body ; so that the more dense that a body is , the more light it gathers , and pinches the stronger , and consequently is the deeper coloured . But that , which is continuous although very thick yet it gathers nothing near so much as a continuous body , because its continuity hinders its pass , and so the light reflects upon it and produces a splendor , whereas a contiguous body divides the ayr and giveth way for its entrance , and so it pinches , and next darkneth it . Wherefore Gold being continuous , that is , consisting of much water condensed , and ayr incrassated , reflects the light , and so produces a splendor . Now , that Gold consisteth of those moist parts ; I prove it , because Gold contains a Lentor in it , ( which is a concomitant of water and ayr , as I shewed you before ) for cast a piece of Gold into the fire , and let it lye there for some proportionate time , and being taken out you may diduct it into any form or figure , and turn or bend it any way . Since that Gold consisteth of a proportion of continuous parts , it is thereby rendred splendid , and yellow from the proportion of contiguous parts contained within it . Wherefore if you reduce Gold into a Calx , you deprive it of its splendor ; because you have taken away its continuity of parts . IV. Give me leave to demonstrate to you the reasons of all the various colours which Mercury attains to through its various preparations ; and thence you may collect the reasons of Colours befalling all other bodies , ( whether Mineral or Vegetable ) through their several preparations . Mercury is 1. splendid , because of its thick continuity of parts . 2. It s Silver-like colour derives from its paucity of contiguous parts , which it containing in that small quantity doth render it a little darker than white , and is the cause , why it is not pellucid like unto water . 3. The reason why Mercury becometh white like unto a white frost by being dissolved by Aqua Fort. is , because it is diducted and attenuated through all its dimensions , and therefore collecting and pinching the light a little only , it appears white * . 4. Mercury changeth into a yellow colour after it hath been dissolved by oyl of Vitriol , and being separated from the dissolvent by exhalation it abides white , but being cast into water it changeth yellow . The whiteness , which remains in Mercury after the evaporation of the oyl , is , the colour of the corosive salt coagulated into an attenuated body by the Mercurial vertue . The casting it into water doth deprive it of the forementioned salt , which is dissolved into water ; that , which doth remain , is the courser part of the salt incorporated with the Mercury , whose substance contains such a proportion of earth as to gather somuch of the obtended ayr and to pinch it into a yellowish colour . 5. The whiteness of Mercury sublimate corrosive , and of Mercury sublimate Dulufied derives more from the attenuated salt , than the body the Mercury . 6. The same corrosive Mercury sublimate dissolved into fair water and precipitated by oyl of Tartar changeth into a clay red ; Here you must not imagine that it is the oyl of Tartar in a drop or two doth colour the whole substance of the precipitated body ; for it self is of another colour , besides were it of the same it is improportionate to colour a whole body by a drop or two . It happens then through the deprivation of the thinner parts of the corrosive salt swimming in the water . That , which the oyl of Tartar performed in this preparation , is nothing but to free the body from its detaining spirit , which it doth by attracting it to its own body , and uniting it self with it into a small body ; the red colour depends upon the quantity of thickned earth of the precipitate . I shall not importune you with the relation of colours befalling through other preparations , since you may easily infer a reason of them from what hath been proposed concerning the variation of colours in Mercury . V. From this discourse I do further infer , 1. That the formality of colours doth mainly consist in a respectiveness and relation to our sight , and is no hing else but what man by his sight discerns it to be , for had man no sight there would be no colours , although there would be an alteration upon the ayr extended . Likewise light would not be light but ayr obtended : So that I say the Absolutum fundamentum Relationis suppositae would be there , but not ipsa relatio , because the Correlatum is defective . The like understand of sounds , sents , or tasts , which as to us are nothing but certain realities moving our animal spirits by certain respective modes , which realities moving the senses in certain modes are called such or such sensible qualities : what they may be further really in themselves we know not , because we perceive no more of them , than what we call such and such ; the others , although real , yet we suppose them to be non entia , because we do not perceive or know them . But I prove the Proposition , All positive and absolute beings perform their actions responding to their modes ; But none of these fore-mentioned qualities may be so termed sensible qualities ( to wit , colours , sounds , & unless modifying the senses . 2. That a mixt colour is not an intentional quality produced by the coloured object in the ayr , but a real quality , really inhering or effected in the ayr by the original action of a fundamental colour . What shall an intentional quality act really ? Ergo , Quiddam esset in effectu , quod prius non fuerit in causa , which contradicts that Maxime concluding the contrary . Besides , colour would be affected with two sorts of accidents , one really inherent in the object , the other in the ayr . 3. It supposeth accidents to migrate è subjecto in subjectum , which is impossible . Nevertheless Scaliger pretends to prove Light to be a quality produced in the ayr and distinct from the efficient ; that is , that Lumen is really distinguisht from Lux , if so , then Lumen could exist , when Lux is separated and removed from it ; but that cannot be , ergo there is no real distinction between them . According to the same rule we might raise a real distinction between the coloured object immediately altering the ayr , and the colour or lumen produced in the ayr from that colour being a Lux in comparison to the other . This real distinction is rejected by the same Arguments : because a colour in the ayr or a Lumen cannot exist , when the colour ( or Lux ) in the object is removed . 3. That notwithstanding the respective formality , there is a real foundation in coloured bodies , which is a certain degree of temperature , whereby they being somewhat contrary to our sense move and act , but mediately , upon its temperament . 4. That through this absolute foundation a colour doth move or act really upon the ayr , and through it upon other inanimate bodies , yet not as it is a colour , but as it is an absolute foundation or a degree of temperament . This motion is not very considerable ; for although it may move a light thin body out its place , yet it will hardly move locally a thick or dense body , wherefore it is ridiculous to opinionate , that lumen of the Stars , otherwise termed their Influences , should be the causes of so great effects upon great bodies , as are adscribed to them . VI. Colours are generally divided by the Peripateticks into two sorts , viz. into true , and apparent . True Colours are such as do really inhere in their subjects in the same manner , as they are represented to the eye . Apparent ones are those , which are not really inherent in their subjects in the same manner as they seem to be to our sight ; such are the colours of a Rainbow , or of a Peacocks feathers , or of the Sea-water : because these according to the several distances and position of the eye seem divers . The cause they impute to the light ( Lumen ) which according to its various aspects renders the said colours various : the errour of this Doctrine will appear from these Conclusions . 1. All Apparent colours are real and true colours ; as for their being real colours but few do doubt of it , because they do really move the sight . That they are true colours I prove hence : That , which is a real colour , must be a true colour , because a being and true are convertible ( ens & vernm convertuntur ; ) wherefore if it be a colour it must be a true colour , or else none ; for it doth as really and truly move the sight as that which is strictly called a true colour , or how should we see it else ? To this you reply , that you do not deny it to be true a colour in one sense , namely metaphysically ; but in another , and in respect to a true colour strictly so called , it is not true . I answer , That all the difference I find between them is , that the one is more durable or less changeable than the other , which doth not make the one more or less true than the other ; for did an apparent colour move the sight otherwaies than it doth , it would be no true colour , but it moves the senses as it is , and to most mens sight it is the same continuing its duration : For when we see a Rainbow , its colours do appear the same to all standing in the same place ; but were they not true , they would appear in one shape to one , and in another to another . As for their different appearances and shapes at several distances and positions is as well incident to those , which they call true colours , as to apparent ones ; For a Picture , where the colours are all real and true , will vary at several distances and positions . You will say , That a Picture will not vary in colour , if you look upon it from the right opposite place , where the light is cast in a due proportion . I answer , Neither will that , which you call the apparent colour of a Picture vary , keeping the same place and distance : And what difference can you then make between them ? The only difference between them is their more or less durability and changeableness which proceeds from its greater or less compactness of mixture . The colour of a Rainbow is as true a colour at that position and distance , as of any other object , it differing alone in durability ; for suppose a colour to be altered by a reduplication or over-casting of another colour in substance , but the same in appearance ; as for instance , a painted face having its natural colour hid under a painted colour , certainly you will say that the latter is only an apparent colour ; if so , wherein is the latter different from the former being a true colour ( as you call it ) but in durability ? To wit , the paint wears off , and the other abides . The same is observable in the clouds , whose lasting colour is blewish , their fading or painted colours are the rayes of the Sun incorporated with their bodies , really and truly altering their lasting colours ; nevertheless this latter is as true a colour , as the paint was upon a painted visage . VII . The differences and number of colours are various and many ; for every temperament hath a several colour attending it : But as it was not every insensible alteration of temperament , that constituted a new temperature , saving that alone , which is sensible ; so neither doth every insensible alteration of colour constitute a new colour , but only such a one as is sensible . Colours are either durable and less mixt , ( mixti è paucioribus ; non vero minus mixti ) or changeable , and more mixt , that is , with extrinsick heterogeneous bodies : So that a durable colour arises from a compact temperament of the Elements included by extrinsick bodies ; the other depends upon a less compact union of the Elements . Changeable colours are various also according to the lights reflection , or refraction , and its various incidencies upon objects which causeth them to appear either whiter or blacker , or otherwise lighter or darker . A changeable colour is sometimes accidental to a persistent colour , as appears by the fore-mentioned instance of a painted face . Colours are extreme or intermediate . Extreme ones are such , as cannot be intended or heightned in their action , as black ( I mean that , which is blackest ) cannot be heightned ; that is , it cannot be supposed to pinch and drown the light more than it doth . These extreme colours depend upon the extreme or greatest proportion of the superating Element in reference to the whole : So that in case fire is the greatest predominant , its body is white ; if the earth , its subject is black . According to this supposition there are four extreme colours , because there are four extreme proportions of the Elements : Which are these ; White , Black , Crystalline , and Pellucid . This is made known to us , 1. In that Sea-coal consisting of most earth is black . 2. A Flame consisting of most fire , is white , to wit , the Sun. 3. The Ayr consisting most of ayry parts is Pellucid . 4. Ice consisting most of waterish parts is crystalline . I will further prove this by reason : If blackness be proper to earth and earthy bodies , whiteness must be proper to fire and fiery bodies , they being opposite correspondents to one another in all qualities . The colour , which is in water and waterish bodies , is neither white or black , ergo it must be an extreme colour of it self ; for since that each Element obtains distinct extreme qualities , the same must also be in colours . Who would say that water is white or black , or partakes of any white or black from fire or earth ; wherefore Theophrastus was to be blamed for adscribing yellow to fire , and white to the three others . That , which moved him to appropriate yellow to focal fire , was , because for the most part in flaming or burning it seems yellow and reddish . To this I answer , That the colour of focal fire is not an extreme colour , because fire is not inherent in focal fire in its greatest proportion and predominance , it having much earth to obscure its extream whiteness , and so it is turned to a yellow or red , but where fire is in his greatest predominance and least counterpoised by earth , there it seems alwaies white , as appears in the colour of the Sun , and in oyl or fat cast into focal fire burning white . Here may be objected , That Snow is white ; Ergo , it should consist most of fire , which it doth not . I repeat my distinction of durable and changeable colours , and affirm that whiteness depending upon fire is deprehended only in durable and compact permixt bodies ; the other inherent in changeable subjects and thin open bodies derives more from the ingredient light entring their pores , where being a little pinched and collected appears white , so that this may be thought to be as much the colour of the condensed light as of the body , which lasteth no longer , than it is condensed by condensed water , and that being melted the colour vanisheth withall ; possibly you will turn your objection to a bone , which being white , doth not contain fire predominating in it . I answer , That a bone consists of much fire and ayr as appears in its flammability , and therefore is white . Lastly , you may object , That a Marble stone or Alabaster is white , but neither are fiery . I answer , That both do consist of a condensed and attenuated water , and not without a little rarefaction caused by the fire . Suppose that Marble were only a natural water , which as I have demonstrated is naturally thick and consistent like unto Ice , and condensed with a little earth , certainly it would be of a transparent and crystalline colour ; this Ice being yet more condensed by earth pinches and collects the light a little , and so appears white . Wherefore observe , that this white is primarily an extrinsick colour depending on the incidence of light , and not fundamental alone wrought by the internal temperature of the mixt body . So that this objection doth conclude nothing against our Assertion mentioning intrinsick colours acting from a compact mixt body . The reason why Marble and Alabaster are shining is , because their body is consistent of a continuated substance , to wit , thick water . Intermediate colours are such , as arise out of the descent of the Elements from their extreams : To wit thus , The less there is of fire , the less it is intrinsecally and fundamentally white ; the less there is of earth , the more an object diminisheth in blackness : Which degradations constitute the intermediate colours . Intermediate colours are almost infinite , but enumerating them according to the above-stated condition of Latitude of Colours ; they are vulgarly counted ten in number : 1. Yellowish , Subflavus , 2. Yellow . 3. Reddish ; Subruber . 4. Red. 5. Greenish . 6. Green. 7. Blewish . 8. Blew . 9. Brownish . 10. Brown. Red is an equal mixture of Black and White , and is the Center and middle of all colours being equally interjacent between the two extreams : so that all colours are between Red and White , and between Red and Black , as appears in the subnext scheme of colours . Before I proceed , I will commend to you a very necessary distinction of intermediate colours , which are either fundamental or extrinsick . The fundamental intermediate colours are those , that are constituted by the internally proportionated Elements in temperament , and are compactly permisted . The extrinsick colours are such as are as much imputable to the external incidence and ingredience of Light. This premitted , I say , that a fundamental Red doth only consecute a body mixed and temperated ad pondus , which was alone in the Chaos , the noblest of colours befitting so noble a body . Of those red colours which we now have , a sanguine cometh nearest to it , because it proceeds from the exactest temperature ad justitiam , which is nearest to that ad pondus . The change from this towards the extreams ( as before ) constitutes a different colour : if to water , its change is into a green , as you may observe in the bloud of hydropick bodies appearing greenish ; if to air , blewish , as you see it doth in the clouds , which is changed out of a Red Cloud being dispersed into a greater measure of air ; if to Harth , Brown : if to Fire , Yellow , which is manifest in Bloud turning to a Yellow , if predominated by fire or Choller ; to Brown if predominated by Melancholy or Earth ; to Blew if attenuated or incorporated with predominant air . Besides these , there are many others , which because approaching to some one of the forementioned , I shall not think material to relate , but refer you to Scaligers CCCXXVth . Exerc. where you have the names of most colours set down . What Splendor and the cause of it is , you know already : its opposite is a deadishness , which as splendor is effected upon a smooth and continuated body , so is this effected upon a ruggid and contiguous body . Luminous and Opake are also Opposites . The latter is distinguisht from black , in that this is taken for a fundamental colour , the other for an extrinsick privation of light . VIII . Reflection of light is the beating back or reaction of a splendid or thick body upon the obtended air , which Reflection obtending and stretching the air yet more , then it was before makes it apdear much lighter . That it is made lighter , is discerned by the eye , which is more forcibly obtended by the reflected light , which if it be much , causes a dazling in the eyes , and is nothing else but an over-retching of the optick air and Membranes , and sometimes is so great that it presses water out of the eyes . Reflection is only upon continuous bodies , as Gold , Silver , Brass , Steel , Precious Stones , Glass , and Water , &c. IX . Refraction of colours is a reflection seeming to be broke ; as when you put a Stick into the water , the colour of it seems to be broke . By an internal reflection its colour seems to be more augmented in quantity and extent of parts , then really it is . The manner of it is thus : Mark that a superficial reflection doth not augment the extent of a colour , which reflects the light ; for Gold or Crystal is not augmented in extent of colour , that is , seems not bigger then really it is by reflecting light superficially , neither do they render a colour in the air bigger then it is . 2. A double reflection is the continuation of a reflection * ; for there is also a reflection of light within the very body of an object , as you may see by a piece of Money cast into the water , or big Sands lodged sometime within the center of a Diamond or Crystal , causing a reflection although remote from the Surface ; wherefore a Colour is not well described by Arist. Lib. de Sens. & Sensil . to be the extremity of a terminated perspicuous body ; for I have told you where and how it may be visible in the intrinsick body of an Object . Notwithstanding this , Scaligers Objection , in Exerc. 325. d. 4. against colour stated to be the extremity of an Object , is invalid . His Objection is , because a Chesnut is coloured in the middle as well as in its extremity ; ergo , saith he , Colour is not the extremity . But how did he know a Chesnut to be coloured in the middle ? Questionless by seeing it cut through ; if so , then that middle cut through is now come to be the extremity , & so there appears no great subtility in his argument . Wherefore I do grant that a fundamental colour is also in the center of an opake body , but then it is no formal Colour , that is , it is not actu visible , except in the Surface * . Crystalline bodies are internally visible throughout all their parts , and do augment the extent of a colour . To augment the extent of a colour is to dilate it , or to make it less pinching upon the air , then it was without reflection : for example , an Apple seen through the air appears no bigger then it is ; but if held over the water , and its colour perceived reflected , seems much bigger : the reason is , because the colour of the Apple pincheth the air , which air thus pinched beating against the water , is reflected , that is , is beaten back again , which reflection is a greater obtension of that air so pinched , and the same obtension or stretching must needs dilate that air thus pinched , which dilation is the augmentation of the colour of the Apple . The colour of the apple impressed upon the air by its pinching seems to be rendered paler through the said reflection , because the dilatation of the air being through it made lighter , doth through that light somewhat expel the obscurity of the colour of the Apple . Here observe , that this reflection is not a single reflection , but a reflection upon a reflection , which I call double . I will more amply explain it to you : A single reflection is , which doth reflect upon the extream surface , and descends no deeper ; thus it is upon Gold or Brass . The double reflection is , when this extream superficial reflection is continued and propagated by the circumferential parts next adjacent to the extream surface , which makes the first reflection stronger , and therefore more dilatating the coloured air , which more dilatating of the coloured air makes the colour appear sensibly larger , although the colour is somewhat dilated by a single reflection , but it being insensible , we do not state it to be larger . The reason , why an Apple held over the water and seen at a certain distance obliquely from the side , appears much more enlarged then seen directly , is , because the light is reflected in a larger extent , and consequently the colour impressed upon it must be more dilated . Hence you may also be resolved , why some Looking-Glasses render ones face bigger and paler then it is . This happens through the thickness of the Glass , wherein the second reflection is continued from some depth , and therefore doth more obtend the air , and dilate its impressed colour . Thin and gibbous Glasses render a face less and swarthy , because they do less reflect the light , and rather loosen its obtension through their thinness , A little piece of a plain Looking-Glass doth represent no more of the face then its bigness will permit ; so that if it be no bigger then your eye , you will see no more in it then your eye . A gibbous or spherical Looking-Glass , be it never so little , doth represent the whole face of a man , although but obscurely . Now let us enquire into the ground and cause of these different Representations . Alhazenus and Vitellio seem to assert , that all colours are represented in a Pyramid , that is , by being equally fastigiated from their extream circumference unto a point of reflection ; and therefore they term this optick Pyramid simpliciter an optick figure , as if all colours whether radial or luminous , were represented through it . But this is contradicted by the Experiment of a plain Looking-Glass , where the figure of an Object is not at all augmented or diminisht , but reflected in an equal extent , as it is represented through a simple vision . Notwithstanding it holds true in Objects reflected upon spherick Looking-Glasses , where ( as I have proposed just now ) objects if circular , are reflected in a conical optick figure , and if lineal , their radiature is reflected in a triangular or pyramidal optick figure . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of these is vulgar enough ; but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I could never hear from any . 1. It is certain that all colours are represented through their direct Rayes , or in direct Lines . 2. These Rayes are nothing else , but the pinchings of the luminous air by the Objects . 3. These pinches being plain or sometimes bubbly are equally and plainly reflected by a plain Looking-Glass , and therefore the Object reflected seems equal to the Object when perceived by a simple vision . But in case the Object be reflected by a spherical Glass , then the central parts of it are reflected by the extream protuberance of the Glass in a sloping manner ; not plain , because the body reflecting is not plain ; for it is the reflecting body , which gives it its extent of figure , as I said before ; if it be plain , it reflects that bubble plain , that is , stretches it out to a plainness , which must be full as big as the Bubble can stretch out . But the reflecting body not being plain , but falling slopingly , the coloured air fals down with it , and is thereby contracted into a lesser extent in the same manner , as when you spread a Handkerchief upon a plain table , the Handkerchief thus extended is of a larger figure then when you cover your head with it , where its figure is contracted to a less compass , because of the declining figure of the head . IX . Robert Flud Tract . 2. Part 4. Lib. 4. sets down this division of Glasses : A Glass is either regular , or made up out of regulars . A regular Glass is plain or difform . The latter is 1. A Concave , which causes a thing to seem bigger then it is . 2. Convexe , which causes a thing to seem lesser then it is . 3 , & 4. Pyramidal and Columnal , making a thing to appear longer then it is . 5. Spherical , which causes a thing to seem broader then it is . To these difform Glasses , Cylindraick , Conical and Parabolical Glasses are to be referred . The causes of their various reflections you may easily deduce from our Discourse ; wherefore I shall spend no more time about it . The obliquated Radiatures of an Object are propagated to a certain distance and sphere , beyond which the said Object is invisible . Hence you may know why a piece of Money being placed in a Bason , and going back from it until it is out of sight , comes to your sight again , if you cause water to be powred upon it . The propagation of an Object reflected is circular , and therefore to as many as can stand about that Bason where money was placed in , the same will appear . The various Colours appearing to the eye looking through a Prism are effected through the gradual diminutions of Light passing through the depth of the said Prism , and modifying the Sand contained within the body of the Glass , the same colours do also appear to us when we see against the Light through a Glass full of water . X. But to pursue my discourse of Refraction . There must not only be a Reflection , but also a discontinuation or abruption of planeness or equality of the Body reflected , and thereby it becomes as it were , two Bodies , and is reflected also in a double Species ; but were it continued in equality , it would be expressed but as one single Species . The reason , why an inequality in one continuous body causes a refraction , is , because every protuberance contracts the Species of an object reflected upon it , and consequently must represent each of them in a several Species . Wherefore a Prism doth represent the same colours of each side of its angle , because of the Refraction of the Light arriving through the Inequality of the Angle . The ground of the other appearances of a Prism you may easily collect without any further repetition . The Sun appears as manifold in the water , as the water is rendered unequal through undulation . There is no Refraction without a Reflection ; wherefore Refraction is erroneously divided into simple and mixt , supposing simple to be a Refraction without a Reflection , which is scarce imaginable . The eye of man consisting of continuated equal crystalline parts as Membranes and Humours , doth not refract Objects reflected upon it , because of the said continuous equality , but in case any of the Humours are discontinuated by an interjacent Body , Objects appear double , because of the Refraction in the eye happening through the inequality of the said interjacent Body . A Scheme representing the Derivation of Colours . CHAP. XXIII . Of Sounds . 1. The Definition of a Sound . That the Collision of two solid Bodies is not alwaies necessary for to raise a Sound . 2. Whether a Sound be inherent in the Air , or in the body sounding . The manner of Production of a Sound . 3. Whether a Sound is propagated through the water intentionally only . That a Sound may be made and heard under water . 4. That a Sound is a real pluffing up of the Air. How a Sound is propagated through the Air ; and how far . Why a small Sound raised at one end of a Mast or Beam may be easily heard at the other end . Why the Noyse of the treading of a Troop of Horse may be heard at a far distance . 5. The difference between a Sound and a Light or Colour . That it is possible for a man to hear with his eyes , and see with his ears ; likewise for other Creatures to hear and see by means of their feeling . 6. The difference of Sounds . Why the Sound of a Bell or Drum ceaseth assoon as you touch them with your finger . Why an empty Glass causes a greater Sound then if filled with water . 7. The Reasons of Concords in Musick . 8. The Causes of the variation of Sounds . Why celestial bodies , Rain and Hail do make but little noyse in the Air. 9. How Sounds are restected . How Sounds are intended and remitted . 10. The manner of Refraction of Sounds . What an undulating Sound is . 11. How a Voyce is formed . I. SOund is a Quality , whereby a natural body moves the Hearing . This is a Formal and Relative Definition of a Sound , because we call that a Sound , which moves the auditory Spirits or internal air of our hearing . Besides this , it hath a fundamental Essence , which is nothing else but a Concussion and Conquassation of the air ; or otherwise , it is the air suddenly and violently concussed or conquassated , vibrated or rather pluft up by an extrinsick continuous body , be it hard or sof , liquid or solid , single or double , that is , between two . In the first place I might here question , whether a soft or liquid body is apt to make a Sound , since Aristotle in his 26. T. de Anim. Chap. 8. states a Sound to be the percussion or collision of two solid hard bodies , and particularly that soft bodies , as a Sponge , or wool do make no sound . Notwithstanding this Assertion of Arist. which afterwards I shall make appear to be false , I prove that liquid and soft bodies make a sound : Poure water to water , and hearken whether they make no sound ; beat one Sponge against another , and listen to their sound ; throw one Pack of woollen cloath upon the other , and hearken whether they make no sound . II. Next let us enquire whether a sound be a quality inherent in the solid bodies , or in the air . Not in the solid bodies , because they give very little sound in a small compass of air , and consequently none without air . Wherefore it must rather inhere in the air . I prove it , a sound is a Passion , but it is the air that receives this Passion ; ergo the sound is in the air . The passion is to be krutcht , pluft up , or shaked . 2. A sound sometimes is made when the air is immediately pluft up by one body , as when we make a noise by switching the air , we hear a sound is made in the air . The Definition of a sound asserts it to be a violent and sudden concussion ; for if you do concuss the air , although pent between two hard bodies , softly and retortedly , it will make no sensible sound , because the air gets out from between them , by pressing gradually upon its adjacent parts without being pluft up , or being kept in by them , and so escapes making a noyse . But when it is suddenly and violently pressed upon by one or two bodies , it is forced to pluffe up , because the adjacent air doth not give way fast enough . The air being pluft up or concussed , is continuated to the ear , by reason that one part pluffes up another , & so the parts of air lying close in continuation one upon the other , are soon pluft up & continuated to the auditory air , within the ears , which it moves likewise with the same degree and property of pluffing , as the degree of percussion was first made upon it by the property of the percutient . How air is pluft up , may easily be aprehended , viz. by two bodies suddenly & violently squeezing out the air , which was between them , by their sudden collision against one another : For instance , clap your hands hard together , & you may by the subtil feeling of your face perceive the air pluft up from between them . Or else a pluffing may also be caused by a smart impulsion of the parts of air upon one another by a Stick , Board , or any other single continuous body . The Reason of a sounds celerity and extent of motion to such an improportionable distance you may apprehend from the cause of the swiftness of the lights diffusion treated of in the foregoing Chapt. But withal mark , that Light and diffusion of colours are by far swifter then sounds , because a Flame being a most subtil and forcible body , doth much swifter obtend the air ; besides the air doth rather accur in an obtension to prevent its disruption , then recede ; whereas in making a sound the air is longer in being obtruded or pluft away from the percutients , because it retrocedes , and the force percussing doth not compass it circularly from all sides , but adversly only . Hence it is , that at a distance we see a Hatchet driven into Wood long before we hear the sound of it ; or that we see Lightning before we hear the Thunder . III. I remember , it is an ordinary doubt moved by the Peripateticks , Through what medium a sound is deferred to the hearing . Their solution is , that a sound is really deferred through the air , as through a medium , but intentionally through the water . This seems to partake of no small absurdity ; for many of them do assert , that a sound is subjectively * in the air ; if so ; then a sound would be said to be its own medium , which is absurd ; for a medium is ever intended to be a different thing from that , to which it is a medium † . Touching their Solution , it is partly false in that they affirm a sound to be intentionally only deferred through the water : But why more intentionally through the water then through the air ? I will first propose an Instance inferring water to be capable of receiving a Sound , and then enquire further into the case . Frogs croaking under the water make a Sound there , which we hear above the water ; likewise we hear the Sound of a Pole hitting against a stone under water . Certainly none will deny , but that the Sound of these is really propagated by obtruding the air through its bursting upwards ; for we see the water plainly burst or pluffe upwards a little before we hear the noyse made by a Frog , or Pole ; ergo the action of a Sound is real , as well in or through the water , as through the air . Possibly they may grant me , that the noyse made in the water is a real action , but deny the noyse made in the air and propagated through the water to be real , asserting it to be intentional only . I prove it to be reall . A great sound made in the air doth sensibly cause a streame in the water ; ergo , its action is really continued upon the water . But again , a sound being made in the air , its action is much obtused , because of the improportion between water being very thick , and air being very thin ; so that a great noise in the air will make but a little noise in the water ; and a little noise in the air will make no sensible noise in the water . But were this audible quality in the water intentional , then the least sound in the air would be perceptible in the water : But the one is false , ergo , the other is false also . That a great sound in the air is audible in the water , yet but very obtusely is testified by duckers or divers under the water ; the same is seconded by Pliny in his natural history , 10. b. 70. Chap. attributing hearing and tasting unto fishes , and relating that fishes have been called together by a certain sound to take their food . Gellius lib. 16. noct . attic . c. 19. doth also recite out of Herodotus , that Arion , being cast over-board by the Sea-men , did through the harmonical sound of his Musick draw the Dolphins to him , whereof one took him upon his back and carried him safe to a Harbor : Supposing this to be but a story , nevertheless the allusion of the famous Inventor witnesses that fishes can hear under the water . IV. Certainly few will require any proof from me , that a sound is a real concussion or pluffing of the ayr , since there is no great sound but it shakes air , houses and the earth too whereon we stand , and that sometimes to a very great distance . Some years past it hapned that the Magazine of Delf , a Town in the Low-countries , was blown up , by an accidental fire sighted upon the gunpowder , the great sound or Concussion of the ayr caused through this blast was extended to many miles , insomuch that it was very perfectly perceived at Amsterdam . The same blast forced open one of the windows of the Chamber where an Acquaintance of mine lay then at the Hague , with that violence , that its rebounding against the Wall broke most of the panes . At Dunkirk the sound raised by blowing up of two or three barrels of Gunpowder killed a boy although at some distance from it ; which accident hapned because the Concussion or pluffing of the ayr was continuated with that force , that it did in that manner violently concusse or rather disrupt the animal and vital spirits of the boys body , which in a manner are ( as I said before ) a continuous ayr intermixt with some contiguities of fire and earth . I have formerly told you , That the propagation of ayr or any quality or effect inherent and impressed in and upon the ayr reaches no further than its continuity is extending , and works only upon other continuous bodies : The reason is , because the same action is continued only upon bodies , which are of the same nature , and which receive that action in the same manner : Wherefore ayr and water being both continuous and united in continuity do receive the effects acted upon their continuities alike and in the same manner , that is to say , as far as they are both continuous , and the effects are acted upon their continuities in a like manner : Saving that the tenuity of the one , and crassitude of the other , doth hinder or facilitate , augment or diminish the said action thus continuated from one to the other . Further as much as one is deprived from its continuity by having its body intermixt with contiguous indivisibles , so much there is detracted from the intenseness of the act continuated unto it by another continuous body . Thirdly , as the various incidence of light doth alter the face of colours , so doth the various continuation of other various bodies variously qualified in their continuity by having other contiguous bodies immixt in them alter the property of the sound continued in them . Lastly , since a sound is an effect impressed upon the continuity of the ayr , nothing is more averse to it or drowns it sooner than a contiguous body . By help of these Theorems you may now resolve the node of several difficulties touching sounds . 1. Why doth earth or fire dead a sound more than water , glass , or paper ; or why is a sound propagable through water , glass , or paper , and is quite deaded by earth , in a manner that by how much earth or fire * there is contained in a body , by so much a sound is deaded by that body ; and by how much water or ayr there is contained in an intermediate body , by so much a sound is propagated further . The reason is , because a propagated sound is nothing else but the vibration of ayr continuously continued upon a continuous body , to which continuity contiguity is contrary . I will explain it to you by a conquassation of water , whereby it is concussed into streams , these streams so concussed are propagated into other more remote streams ; but if you interpose a board near the centrical streams , in will hinder the propagation of the same streams , because it doth divide the continuity of water . Even so it is with water , glass , and paper , those being continuous do propagate the ayrs quality in as much as they are continuous . But let us dive a little further into this , and question whether the continuity of the thick waterish substance of glass , and of water be the cause of the propagation of this continuity in sounds , or of the ayr admitted within the subtil invisible pores of glasse , or of both : I answer , of both , but of the one primarily and perse , of the other secundarily and per accidens . First , I prove it is of the thick waterish parts ; for a great noise , as perhaps of a Gun , will bend the glass of a window , which glass through its continuity again communicates the same impression to the adjacent ayr . In little sounds the waterish part of a glass is not moved , but the ayry parts contained within it , which propagate the same motion into the next adjacent parts : for it is improbable the motion of every small sound should move so solid a body as that of glass , unless it were the ayr contained within its subtil porosities . Likewise in water it self as it is now , the sound which is propagated through it or from it , is not alwaies the motion of water it self , but of the ayr contained within the water ; for it is also improbable that every slight sound should be sufficient to move the weighty body of water : Besides , were it not through the ayr but through the water a sound could not be propagated in so short a space . The reason , why the sound caused by a soft percussion of the ayr upon one end of a long Beam , or of a Mast , is so readily heard by another applying his ear to the other end of it , is , because that sound is propagated by the percussed ayr slyding down along the Surface of the said Beam or Mast , not because the sound is propagated through the internal continuity of the Beam or Mast ; for that were impossible for the sound to reach to the other end through so thick a body in so short a time , or by so gentle a percussion . But were the sound made by the force of a great Hammer , it is not improbable but the sound would pass through the body of it . The noise of a Troop of Horse marching over a plain hard sandy ground may be heard at a far distance , because the sound is continuately propagated by the ayr impelled along the Surface of the earth , there being no contiguous body interposed to dead its sound or interrupt its continuation ; for otherwise any length of grass or quantity of corn standing in the fields between the hearers and the horses would interrupt and dead the sound . The same reason may be applyed to resolve one , why a sound made in the ayr by one upon the water is heard from a further distance , than if made upon the land : because the earth being contiguous doth somewhat dead and interrupt the propagation of a sound ; but the water being continuous and smooth doth rather further it , because it doth slide and reflect the sound from her , and so makes it greater and swifter than otherwise it would be if propagated through the ayr alone . Water attenuated by the ayr makes a real sound to those that are under water , because it concusses the auditory ayr . V. This plussing up of ayr in a sound is distinguisht from the obtension of it by light , 1. In that in obtensions the ayr moves to the body obtending , whereas in plussing the ayr moves from the percutient . 2. A plussing is a more course action , whereas the other is much more subtil ; for they are both motions almost of the same kind differing only in tenuity and crassitude : Whence I infer , That there is no other difference between the Optick and Auditory spirits or ayr , than that the Optick ayr is by far subtiller , the other more course , both having Membranes to qualifie their Objects . Hence let us examine whether it be possible for a man to see or discern a voice or sound with his eyes , or to hear a colour . A man , who hath all his senses well qualified , if he make trial of the query will bring in his verdict for the impossibility of it . Wherefore let us propose the doubt in a more probable state , to wit , whether a man , whose Optick spirits be thick and his Membranes thin and somewhat denser is capable of perceiving and discerning a voice or sound through his sight . 2. Whether a man , whose Auditory spirits are very thin and Membrane more thick and transparent than ordinary , be capable of perceiving colours and light . I affirm it , and will make it appear to you by experience and reason . I have oft been told that the Constable of Castile his brother could perfectly discern sounds and voices by his eyes . How this came to pass I shall easily demonstrate , by considering first the disposition of his ocular Membranes and Optick spirits . The Membranes of his eyes were somewhat thin and course , not overmuch transparent , standing deep in his head . Whence this hapned I do farther explain to you ; He was deaf in such a degree , that the greatest Thunder could not be perceived by him when his Eyes were shut . This deafness arose from a total coalition of his Auditory passage , and want of a Tympanum . The matter of this Tympanum was converted by the plastick vertue in his formation to the constitution of the membranes of his Eyes , whence the said membranes appeared deadish , course , and skinny ; in short , the Tympanum of his eare was in a manner transferred to his eyes : His Optick spirits must then of a necessity be thicker or less thin than ordinary for to be proportionable to that membrane , for all parts of the body are informated with spirits proportionable to their consistency , and in effect their modus consistentiae is caused from the modus consistentiae spirituum fixorum . His eyes stood deep in his head , and so thereby framed a grove , wherein the sound was congregated . In fine his eyes , were the greater half eyes , and the less half eares . That all this is agreeable his other acts did testifie ; because his sight was imperfect , he could not see at a distance ; Objects unless they were great and lustrous could not be perfectly discerned by him ; on the other side his hearing through his eyes was by far more imperfect , a moderate sound he did not perceive ; a loud sound or voice he was alone sensible of . Since then he was capable of perceiving sounds through his eyes , no wonder if he learned his speech from thence ; for speech is nothing else but an ecchoing of a voice spoken by another and perceived by spirits disposed to receive its impression , by expressing the same impression again by the tongue in the same manner as it was impressed . Now his speech being very imperfect and unequal , did testifie that the voices perceived by his eyes were imperfect and unequal . That it is possible for an Animal to see colours with its eares is evident in a Mole , whose ears not being very deep , but its Tympanum somewhat transparent , is thereby disposed to distinguish light from darkness , and one colour from another ; that it perceives colours and light is granted by all , which it cannot do by its eyes ; for it hath none , ergo , it must be by its ears alone , which as I have shewed are disposed to seeing almost as well as to hearing . But you may object , That Authors do assign eyes to a Mole , which are imagined by them to be in some places upon their heads , where the skin seems somewhat thinner and glabrous . I answer , That this is a great mistake , for were those places distinated for their eyes they would be pervious , which they are not ; for underneath the common bone of their head is obducted . Besides this of the Mole I have heard of men , who could discern light by their ears . Let us still proceed in searching further into the niceties of founds and colours , and examine whether it be possible for an animal to perceive colours and sounds by its tact . Certainly yes ; for if its Membranes be moderately thin and transparent , and the spirits fixt in them be moderately course , questionless it will see colours by its tact . Flies , Fleas , Worms , &c. do perceive colours and light : For Flies in the day time we see they fly to and rest themselves in a definite place , without hitting against any opposite body beyond their aime : Or again , if one goes to catch a Flie , the noise which the hand makes by concussing the air in moving to her , scares the Flie and makes her slee away . The first instance is an example of a flies perceiving colours , objects , and light , which must needs be perceived by her tact , since it hath no other visible eyes , although lookt for in a magnifying glass . The last testifies its perceiving of noise by the tact , because it doth equally perceive it from all parts ; but had it ears , it would perceive it more from one part than another . The same is also apparent in Fleas , Worms , and other insects . Fishes , it is certain , hear a sound under water , but not by their ears , for they have none ; but by their eyes , which are almost equally disposed to hearing and seeing : More then this , I believe that colours and sounds are smelt and tasted by some Creatures . VI. The reason , why so many several kinds of objects are perceived by one faculty in some insects , is , because their bodies are so little , that it is impossible secundum quid that nature should have destined distinct Organs for the perceiving of each object , and therefore those several faculties are confounded into one . The difference of sounds is taken from their quantity , which is threefold : Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity . The Longitude of a sound is the duration of it . The Latitude is its sharpness and smoothness . The thickness is its Altitude and Profundity . A sound is said to be long or short from its Longitude . A long sound is a sound continued in length or in the same tone ; so holding your finger long upon the key of an Organ , makes it to be long ; if you keep down the key but a little while , it makes but a short sound . The cause of a long sound is the keeping the air in the same concussion or pluffing . Hence it is that as long as you keep your finger upon the key of a pair of Virginals the sound doth last , because you keep the air up in one and the same concussion , but as soon as you withdraw your finger , the sound vanisheth presently after ; because the cloath , which is fastned at the top of the Jack , by touching the string doth stay its concussing motion by interrupting its continuity , and by that means the ayr is quieted . The same reason resolves , why the sound of a Bell , or of a Lute string is shortned or presently deaded as soon as you touch either with your finger : Namely , because the ayr of the Bell being vibrated by a concutient its propagation is shortned and deaded by dividing its continuity , and staying the propagating sounding ayr through interposing a contiguous body , whereby the ayr is relaxed and driven back . The reason , why sounding upon one side of a Drum , the motion of that sound is prolonged to the other side , is , because the ayr is not stopt by any contiguous body , but holding your finger upon either side the sound is forthwith shortned . Why is the sound of an empty drinking Glass more prolonged , than if it were filled up with water ? because the water being thicker and heavier is not so easily percussed as the ayr . A sound is said to be smooth or harsh from its crassitude , which depends upon the levor and asperity , equality and inequality of the percutient , and upon its smartness and softness in concussing . From its profundity and Altitude a sound is termed base or course , and trebble or high , or equal and unequal ; thus they say la is high and fine ; ut course and base . Sounds are termed equal , if they are of the same profundity or altitude , and so unisons are called equal ; all other intervals of sounds are called unequal , as a Diapason , Diapente , a Diatesseron , a third , a sixt , and a second , &c. Notwithstanding this inequality and rice , there is between several tones from one to eight a concord observable , which doth very much affect and please the ear ; the cause of it hath appeared to be very abstruse to many , which in effect is obvious enough . A Diapason strikes a sweet concord , because that distance of tone doth affect the ear ; the ear is affected with it , because sounds of that distance move it in such a manner , as that the one sets off the other very much , in the same manner as four sets off a sweet taste , or as a white sets off a black , or a Summers heat of the body is set off by coming between a pair of fine cool sheets ; or as the heat & drought , hapning when a man hath made himself hot and dry by running , is much set oft by a draught of cool drink . So that you may take notice , that there 〈◊〉 extreme Concords belonging to every sense in particular ; not only so , but you may also observe intermediate Concords between their Objects ; as a black Suit is well set off by a pair of Scarlet Hose , and is pleasing to the eye ; this is a mediate concord between the extreams , namely white and black , as a Diapente is a middle concord to a Diapason . A black Suit is a concord to a Pearl-colour Stockin ; so is a Diapason a Concord to a Diatessaron . Moreover there are also Discords in Colours and Objects of other senses , as well as in sounds . As a Seventh is a discord to an Unison ; so is a pair of Brown Mill'd Hose to a black Suit , or a pair of black Hose to a Grey Suit. In fine , you may perceive as many discords and concords between the objects of all the other Senses , as between Sounds . Hence I infer , that the same Reason , why a pair of black Hose is a Discord to a light Gray suit ( for most peoples fight is disaffected with such an opposition ) or why Vinegar is a Concord to Sugar ( for the Palat is as much affected with their Concord , as the Hearing with a Concord of Sounds ) will prove satisfactory to the disquisition upon the cause of Discords and Concords between Sounds . The reason of Concords in Colours is , because such a distance or opposition of colour doth set off another ( according to that Maxime , Contraria juxta se invicem posita magis elucescunt ; ) Whereas were this distance but of one degree , it would rather detract from one another , as being defective in setting one another off . So a little sour added to much sweet makes an unpleasant tast . Likewise in Sounds an Unison and a Second make Discords , because there is too little Treble or altitude in a Second to respond to the deep Base of an Unison , and hence you may easily conceive the Grounds and Causes of all Concords and Discords . The cause of the different sounds of Trebles and Bases , is the thickness of the String or percutient vibrating the air in such a degree of obtuseness , or such a degree of thinness of the String percussing the air acutely : or thus , the Bubble which a course String plufs up must needs be thicker then that of a fine one . VIII . Sounds vary according to the qualification of the percutient in consistency , bigness and action . A percutient being thick , makes a thick Sound ; so the Base String of an Instrument makes a thick or course Sound . A thin percutient beats a thin or sharp sound ; hence a smal string sounds sharply . So that according to the greater or lesser courseness or thickness , thinness or sharpness of a percutient , the Sound is made more or less course and sharp . The rarity of a percutient or its density cause little or no noyse : if any , a very dumb one , because the air is obtruded by neither of them , but is only percolated through them . A great percutient makes a great noyse , a small one little . The percussion of a percutient being continuous , or interrupted , slow or quick , smart or feeble , raises a continuous or interrupted , slow or quick , smart or feeble Noyse . The Heavens , that is , the fiery bodies , moving with a rapid motion through or with their own Region of fire , make some noyse , but so little , that it would scarce be audible , supposing a man were near to them . They make some little noyse , because they being bodies somewhat continuous , and obtruding that little ayr , which is admitted to the fire in some measure , they must consequently make a noise , but such as is soon deaded through the contiguity of the fire . Among these Bodies , the Moon makes the greatest noyse , because its body is more continuous , & its situation is neerest to the region of the air . Supposing two celestial bodies should extraordinarily meet & dash against one another , they would make an indifferent audible noyse , because the peregrine air being thereby more pent , its obtrusion must necessarily be the greater . A Stella cadens ( or a falling Star ) yields no noyse , because the air gives way in it self as fast as the other can make way down ; but did it fall down swifter then the air could give way , then of necessity it must obtrude it , and raise a sound ; or did it fall upon air being pent by it and another Body , it would do the same with more efficacy . Clouds , Rain and Hail make a small noyse in the air , although not very sensible , because the air is loose and free , whereby it giveth way : but where ever it is pent by them and other Bodies , they raise a sound ; hence Hail and Rain make a noyse , when they shrowd the air between themselves and the earth ; hence it is also , why Streams or a Channel of water is not heard , unless where it beats smartly against it self , or against shallows of Gravel or Pebble . Focal fire glowing or any thing within it , makes no noyse in it self , unless its body being rendered more continuous in a flame is beated against the air , or the air is obtruded against it by another continuous Body ; as by a fan or wind out of Bellows . A hissing noyse is made in the air , when it is smartly percussed without being pent by any other Body , but by its own parts and the percutient . Hence it is that a Bullet shot or the switching of the air with a Switch make a hissing noise ; but their noyse is much altered , where the air is pent by it and another solid body . A quaking noise , as of an Earthquake , or the quavering upon an Instrument , proceeds from the interruption & repetition of the percussion . By how much the more the air is pent from all parts , the greater and violenter sound it makes . Hence it is , that the noise of a Gun , or of any thing bursting is of that lowdness . This also proves a cause why a soft whispering , or blast of wind makes a great sound improportionable to so soft a percussion , in a Trunk , or any other close , round long passage . Hence a Trumpet , or a Hunters Horn do make so great a noyse , and is so far propagated . IX . A sound is either reflexe or refracted . A reflexe sound is , when it is propelled against a continuous body , by which it is repulsed , or whence it doth rebound ; so that the reflection of a Sound is nothing else , but a rebounding of it from a continuous body . Sounds acquire an increase or a lowder noyse from their rebounding , in a like manner as Light is intended by its reflection . The greater this reflection is , the greater noyse it makes . The greatest Reflection is , when a Sound is reflected by a circular reflecting continuous body ; because the sound being circularly propagated , ( for a noyse made in the open air is heard round about ) is equally reflected from all parts ; and its parts do as it were reflect back again against one another , whereby the sound is majorated to its greatest intention . Hence it is that Chappels being circularly rooft reflect a great Sound , and were their Bottom also circular , the sound would be by far more intended . By the way , take notice that an Eccho is not a reflection alone of a sound , neither is it caused by it alone ; for all grant , that there is a great reflection of a Sound in Chappels , and yet there is no Eccho . All sorts of Metals formed into a Concave , as Pels , Bowls made of metal , & all sorts of drinking Glasses give a great sound ( for their tinging noise is nothing else , but a great intended reflext quaking noise ) because the percussed sound is reflext circularly within upon the connuated parts of the said Metals & Glasses : From the same reason it is , that all hollow continuated bodies , as most sorts of Instruments , viz. Virginals , Viols , Lutes , &c. make so great and improportionable a sound , to so small a percussion . A man would imagine , that the sound caused by striking of a String of an Instrument , should come all from within the Instrument , and that there were no sound at all above ; but it is otherwise : 'T is true , the greater sound is protruded from within ; nevertheless there is a sound also without , but it being the lesser , is overcome and drowned by the protrusion of the greater sound from within . This is evident in a Metal being struck or sounded in an upper Chamber , sometimes happening to make a greater sound in the next Room underneath it , ( provided that the lower Room be more concave , and that the Metal do stand upon the Boards ) but notwithstanding there is some little sound in the same Room above . As a sound is majorated by these forementioned occasions , so it may also be minorated by their contraries . Besides all this , there is also a contraction or abbreviation of a Sound , whereby the Species of a great sound is fully perceived , collected and contracted into a smal space ; and this is only possible in long hollow Passages and Pipes , and often the longer they are , the more and plainer the sound is contracted , provided that their length is not too far extending : Hence it is , why the Species of a great sound is contracted and plainly perceived by the ear , and is yet more and plainer contracted , when a man holds his hand being inverted like a Trunk before it . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of this Theorem is the same with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the contraction of a visible Object upon a Rotundity . As a remote visible Object can be rendered more visible by the help of magnifying Glasses , so can a remote audible Object be rendered more audible by majorating or contracting Instruments , as Sarabatanes , or long Trunks , &c. Refraction of a Sound is , when it is reflected upon several Cavities or continuous concaves . Wherefore every concave contracting the sound in a determinate Species , there must necessarily be as many sounds reflected and rendered , as there are perfect Cavities ; this is otherwise called the Ecchoing or resonance of Sounds . Compare this with the refraction of Light and Colours , the Reasons of both being the same . An undulating sound is an imperfect Refraction , and is when a sound is but half ecchoed or resounded , arising from the imperfection and obtuseness of the Cavity ; for the sides of a perfect Cavity are required to be acute for to divide the Sound from its next cavity , or for to make a compleat Refraction . This resonance of Sounds doth only rebound to a certain distance and determinate Sphere , within which compass if the ear be seated , it may hear the Eccho . The Sound being propagated circularly may be ecchoed all about the Circumference ; wherefore two men standing in several places may each hear a distinct and several Eccho of one and the same Sound , and according to the difference of the Situation of the Cavities , the one shall perceive the Eccho , and the other shall not . Many do imagine that the multiplicity of Resonances in Sounds is caused by an Eccho upon an Eccho ; but erroneously , it being rather to be imputed to the diversity and multiplicity of perfect Cavities ; which although it be not impossible , yet it happens very seldom . In many pillared round Churches a loud voice doth resonate by several Eccho's near upon at the same time , which if it happened through an Eccho upon an Eccho , their motion would be much slower one after the other . The same is perceptible among some Bils , whose several Vallies being perfect cavities , sometimes make a multiplicity of Eccho's . The reason , why one Eccho is frequently heard after the other , is , because of the greater remoteness of the Cavities , which greater remoteness is also the cause of the minoration of the sound . The Chappel at Pont Charenton refracts or eccho's a Sound sixteen times , which is caused through sixteen perfect Cavities constituted by the two Rowes of Pillars built of each side of the said Chappel . We read also of the seaven times answering Eccho of the Gallery of Olympia , a City in Greece , and thence was called Heptaphonos , or returning seven voyces ; which was effected through the refraction of the Sound between the Pillars . There was also a famous Eccho within Cyzecum a City of Bithynia , returning a Sound many times . Lucretius in Lib. 4. speaks of another Eccho , which multiplied a voice seven times . Sex etiam aut septem loca vidi reddere voces , Unam cum faceres . — XI . Hitherto hath been discoursed on natural Sounds , it remaines I should add a word or two touching Animal sounds or voices ; which are either inarticulate , as such as are common to Beasts and Men ; or articulate , which in their perfection are only proper to men . The articulation is nothing else but a continuated unequal Sound , being moderated in Longitude , Latitude and Profundity , through the help of the Lungs , Throat , Tongue , Pallat , Lips and Teeth : all these serve to pent and screw the air according to any intended modulation . If the throat be very hollow , and that the Uvula be wanting , the Sound reflecting against that imperfected Hollowness makes its voice hollow and loud . There cannot be any sensible eccho of the voyce within the mouth , although a perfect hollowness were supposed to be there , because there must be allowed a proportionable distance , otherwise a sound must rebound again into and against it self , whereby its ecchoing is drowned ; this is the reason , why a voyce or sound doth not eccho , when it is made too near to a perfect Cavity . We will shut up this Discourse of Audibles with the mentioning of one absurd Question generally moved by the Peripatet . viz. Whether a sound can be made in a vacuum , that is , where there is no air , they conceiving that a sound is made immediately by the percussion of two solid bodies one against the other : the Absurdity is obvious , since it hath so evidently been demonstrated that sound is nothing but a passion of the Air. CHAP. XXIV . Of Tasts , Smels and Tangibles . 1. The Definition of a Tast. The Difference between the Tasting and Hearing Faculty . The manner of a tasts Action and Passion . 2. The Differences of Tasts . Whether tasts are not communicable through a medium . 3. What a Smell is . The manner of a Sents action and passion . 4. Whether Sents be Nutritive . How many have been kept alive without Eating or Drinking . How Sents revive one in a Swoun . The distance requisite in Sents from the Faculty . That the Sent of Excrements smels sweet to a Dog. How a Dog sents a Bitch at a great distance . The manner of a Dogs winding the Sent of a Hare . That Fishes do sent by means of their Gills or Palate . 5. The causes of a sweet Smell . Why most Beasts are pleased with the Smell of a Panther . What a stinking Smell is . The other kinds of Sents . Whether the Plague gives a Smell , and whether perceptible by a man. Whether it be possible to poyson one by a Persume of Gloves , or of a Letter . 6. What the Tact is , and the manner of its sensation . 7. The differences of tangible qualities . Whether Titillation be distinguisht from the ordinary tact . Whether man hath the most exquisite tact . 8. What a tangible quality is . The causes of pleasing Tangibles . Why a Kiss feels pleasing to ones lips . That a Dog takes delight in kissing . What Pain is , and its cause of Titillation . Why ones proper feeling doth not tickle , but anothers doth . I. A Tast ( Sapor ) is a quality , whereby a mixt being moveth the tasting faculty . The tasting Faculty is inherent immediately in the fixt animal spirits , and mediately in the influent ones of the Tongue and Palat. These Spirits are in two degrees thicker then the auditory spirits , there being the olfactive spirits intercedent , differing but one degree in thickness from the said auditory spirits . The object of this faculty is required to be respondent to it in consistency ; wherefore the faculty , viz. the Spirits being dense and thick , the Objects of the tast do move the same faculty by a greater density and thickness then those of visibles and audibles . Otherwise if the Object be thinner and rarer then is requisite , it is uncapable of moving the tast ; hence it is , that we cannot tast air , or warmth proceeding from fire . That , which is thick , moves the tast by a kind of continuous compression of the spirits in the tongue : thus fair water affects the tast , which the more ayry and thin it is affects the tongue the more . Water being tempered with Spirits , makes a kind of a sharp and brisk tast ; for instance , Wine . Dense bodies move the Palat by a contiguous compression , and therefore make a more distinct and forcible tast . Summarily , tast is nothing else but the discerning of the several temperatures of mixt bodies effecting several passions in the tongue and upon its gustative faculty , which several passions are said to be several tasts . Hence it is also obvious that the quality , whereby a tast moves the gustative faculty , is nothing but its action , whereby it acteth distinctly in several Subjects , wherein a different gustable quality is inherent . Since the Gustative Spirits are deeply latent within a porous and Spongie body , nothing can move the tast , unless it be of that thinness or small quantity , as that it may pass the pores of the tongue , the passing of which subtilities waterish Moysture doth very much facilitate , which proves in stead of a Vehicle to them , and makes those passages slippery . Hence it is , that no great bodies have any tast , unless they be first attrited and diminisht by the teeth , and the more they be diminisht , the more their tast becomes perceptible . Dry bodies are not so gustable as when they are a little moistened , whereby they reserate the pores of the tongue and procure a passage to the seat of the taste . II. As many different waies as objects move the taste , or cause severall passions in it , so many different tasts there be . That , which doth only gently shake the taste , and as it were doth but tickle it , is sweet , and deriving from a temperateness , yet so as that water is abounding in it . That , which doth sensibly alterate the taste , is an intermediate sapour ; that , which doth most alterate it , so as it may not pervert the faculty , is an extream sapour . Extreme sapours depend upon the greatest predominance of each Element in a several mixt body , which being four do also constitute four extreme tastes . 1. A fiery hot taste , as in Pepper , Ginger , &c. 2. An earthy taste . 3. A waterish taste . 4. An ayry tast , not such as Theophrastus cals a fat taste , like there is in oyl . The rest are intermediate , as bitter , acerbe , acid , and salt , for that is a tast mixt out of a waterish and ayry tast . Peripateticks assert , that tastes for to move the gustable faculty are to be immediately applyed to it ; and there they assert , that tastes are only real among all the sensible qualities . But this doth not alwaies hold true ; for tasts may be communicable through a medium , ( and if the air is at any time to be allowed to be a medium , it is sometimes in tasts , and alwaies in odors ) to wit , the air , as Apothecaries do all testifie ; for when they are powdering , or a peeling of Colocynthis , its bitter taste doth very sensibly reach their tongue . III. A smell or scent is a quality or action , whereby a mixt body moves the olfactive faculty . The difference between this and the gustable faculty is none other , but that the one consists in a degree of a finer and thinner consistency of spirituous air ; and the same difference is between their objects , viz. a taste is of a thicker body than a scent , in manner that the scent is too subtil to strike the gustable faculty , and a sapour is too thick to strike the olfactive faculty ; wherefore that , which through its subtility passeth the sence of taste doth thereby reach to the sense of smelling , moving its faculty withal . It is th●n apparent ; That the objects of both these senses are the same , differing only in subtilty of body , and that they are nothing but temperaments of bodies comminuted and moving the said powers immediately , yet not so , but that the subtiler parts for to move the sense , are requisite to be separated from the courser , and more then that , each needs a Vehicle or a medium for to be carried and directed through the subtil passages to the deep latent sensory . The vehicle of tasts is water ( to which spittle and drink are equipollent , ) as being through its thickness respondable to receive so thick and course an object ; a thinner vehicle , as the air , could not receive it , because it is too thin to support it . The vehicle of scents is air , as being through its thinness proportionated to receive and convey such subtil bodies ; were this vehicle thicker , it would through its gravity expel or express bodies of that subtility , that smells are of . You may here observe the depravate Judgments of the Peripateticks concerning the mediums of sensible objects , where they ought to grant a medium as to scents and tastes , they withhold it , where they should allow no medium , there they grant it ; as to audibles and visibles . I stated temperaments of bodies to be the objects of sense , by which you are to understand the subtiller and volatick parts of substances reduced to a certain degree of temperament , and obtaining certain vertues of acting : So that hereby I do not intend any quality distinct from a substance for the objects of sense , but real bodies so qualified as to move sense ; where ( mark ) qualities are not really distinguished from their bodies , but really identificated with them in the concrete ( although in the abstract they are distinguisht ratione ; ) for what is a quality in a body else but a body qualified ? Wherefore the action performed through the quality of a body is not to be taken as if the body were one thing , and the quality another , but as one , and that action proceeds from the body qualified ; of this I have discoursed more at large in my Metaphysicks . IV. Smels do nourish no more than tastes nourish the animal spirits ; none doubts but that neither nourishes the solid or humoral parts , because of their unsutableness in consistency and temperament . Wherefore although some are said to have sustained their life for a long time through smels alone , as it is recorded of Democritus , who sustained his life three daies through the smell of hot bread , and of others , who are said to have lived many daies upon the sent of Tobacco chawed , or smoaked , yet this is not to be understood as if their parts had been really nourished , for they grew leaner and leaner ; but their life was maintained by keeping the spirits alive , which is performed by scents , that do gently stir them , as hot bread , rose water , &c. As for Tobbacco , that maintains life accidentally also , by taking away the sharpness of the hungry spirits knawing upon the stomack , and obtusing and thickning them through its sulphuriousness , and by attracting slegme to the stomack from the head and other parts , which the stomack in time of need turns into nutriment ; yet some question , whether they do not nourish the animal and vital spirits , since they are so apt to revive the spirits in faintness and other weaknesses . I grant they revive the spirits , but whether this hapneth through stirring up of the spirits , or through nourishing or increasing them may be doubted . Certainly , not by increasing of the spirits , because that smells are crude exhalations , differing from the vital and animal spirits ; wherefore they ought first to be concocted and fitted for assimulation by gradual elaborations of the Stomack , Liver , and Heart , and must be purified through the same members from their suliginous excrements . Who would say , that the spirits of Vinegar should revive through nourishing the spirits , and not through their exciting or irritating of the said spirits ? Certainly , such sharp spirits do decline from a capacity of nourishing the spirits of the brain , but nevertheless are very fit to revive by stirring and moving of them : In a like manner do pinching and rubbing of the skin revive in a swoun , not by nourishing of the spirits , but by moving and stirring of them up . Likewise crying loud into the ears , and holding a bright light to the eyes opened by force , doth as soon revive and recal swouning patients as any thing ; but assuredly the working of these is by exciting and stirring the spirits , and not by nourishing of them . The more thin the olfactive Membranes and nerves are , and the more subtil the spirituous olfactive air is , the further odours or scents are perceived : But then it is requisite , that those objects , which are to move such a sense should be more subtil , because of being proportionated to the faculty : for if they are course , they will exceed the perception of such a scent ; hence it is , that those , who excell all others in exquisiteness of scent cannot attain to the smelling a thick smell near by , unless they go so far off as that those thick exhalations by moving through the air may be grinded less , and so be the better fitted for to strike the olfactive faculty : hence it is then that a Vulture being blinded and placed suddenly in a Room where dead stinking flesh is , shall not find it through his sent , although his smelling is the most exquisite of any living creature ( according to the usual Verse : Nos aper auditu , linx visu , simia gustu , Vultur odoratu praecellit , araneatactu . A Boar in hearing , a Linx in sight , a Vulture in his smell . An Ape in taste , a Spider in feeling do us far excell . ) Because the scents being thick are not thin enough to strike his subtill smell ; but then again , he shall perceive those scents at the greatest distance , where these thick scents are so much subtiliated through the length of passage , that there he perceives them very sensibly , as being fitted to his scent . The smell of a Tallow-Chandlers shop doth little offend or move our olfactive power , when we are in the shop , yea , not at all , but at our first approach before we come near to it , the smell may direct any one thither blindfold . Neither do Dogs or Hogs smell thick scents , as of excrements or other rotten stinking smells of corrupted flesh , when they are near to them ; for did they , they would certainly abhor them ; yet it is certain they smell them at a great distance , but then that smell at a distance is not a stinking smell to them , but sweet and pleasant , for otherwise they would not be so much inticed by them ; for although such objects stunk near by , through their thick pernicious and strong motion , yet through the grinding of the air they are mollified , and their putrid temperature is laid and equalized , and their stink is quite taken away : this appears in Musk , Civet , or Ambergreece , which if held close to the Nosthrils strike as unpleasing a stink as excrements , but again how fragrant and sweet a scent do they emit at a distance ? Even so it is with the scent of Excrements to Dogs and Hogs . A Dog scents a Bitch a great way off , although lockt up , without seeing of her , and apprehends the scent under her Tayl to be no ill scent : Wherefore I say , That in many , if not in most scents , that , which smels sweet to a man , sents stinking to most beasts , and that , which sents stinking to us , smells sweet to most beasts . It will not be difficult now to give a reason , why and how a Dog winds the scent of a Hare at so great a distance ; it is , because there are some exhalations or evaporations emanated through the habit of a Hares body , and especially of her belly and inguina , inhering in the ground and in the air near about it , over which the Hare hath taken her flight , the which although they be very subtil & thin , yet they do sensibly and perfectly move the olfactive power of the Dog : this sent is as intirely pleasing to the Dog as the sight of his eagerness in pursuit pleases the Hunters , and so they are both equally inticed to the pursuit of the Hare . Fishes are said by Aristotle Lib. 4 de histor . animal . to have a smell , in that they are inticed by the smell of food cast to them into the water . I do wonder , where he found out their Organ of smelling , for my part I could never discern it , nor any body else . It is true , Fish doth perceive the taste of food through its continuous dissolution through the water by their Gills or Pallate , at a great distance ( because the particles of the food are diducted into a large extent ) which * being the more exquisite do serve them for to taste and to smell . V. That , which doth gently shake or move our olfactive air , is only that , which we call a sweet smell , and therein the sent of man is much pleased . Wherefore sents being of a different temperature , all smells do not equally please all men ; or every Creature is most pleased in different objects : So most beasts , as Theophrastus writes , are pleased with the smell of a Panther , and therefore do all follow him . Cats are delighted by the smell of a Mouse or a Rat , which she ketches in the dark more through guide of her sent , ( she having a most exquisite sent as appears by her finding the Larder , or victuals hidden in any part of the house or room ) than of her sight . Flies are delighted in the sent , or rather taste ( for they have no organ particularly destined for smells , ) of honey . That , which doth most offend and almost pervert our sent , is a stinking smell . This offence of sent is various in degrees according to the degrees of the ingrate motion of smells , and thence according to the property of those degrees , we specifie and distinguish smells , whose kinds are named by the same names that tastes are , as being consentaneous to them not only in the thing it self , but also in name : viz. they are either fiery sharp as Pepper , bitter , salt , acid or sour , acerbous , putrid , which subvert and offend the sent , and are various according to the subject , whence they are emitted , and do receive their names also thence , so we say it smels like a carrion , like excrements , like piss , like stinking fish , like rank meat ; it smells as if it were musty , &c. As several scents are offensive to man , so are beasts offended with several sents , which they do naturally flee , because they are dissentaneous to their olfactive ficulty . So Flies are offended with the smoak of Brimstone ( rathe I suppose because it choaks them ; ) Serpents with the sent of Galbanum , and Mise with the sent of an Asses claw burnt . Some people will say , That the Plague doth oft carry a sent with it not unlike to the smell of a mellow apple , or according to others like the scent of May flowers . It is certain that infected houses do smell so , because they are moist and dampish , and thence putrid , and therefore the fitter to receive the venome of pestilent air , but it is not a sent , which the Plague brings along with it , but which it finds in the house ; for I have oft smelt such scents in garden houses , which proceeded from the dampness of the boards . The Plague is so subtil a venome , that it passeth the grosseness of mans sent , and therefore cannot be smelt ; nevertheless it is sented by Dogs , Cats , Flies , and other creatures , which are so much offended by it , that they usually flee such houses . I have been in several Towns , where the Plague did rage very violently , but when ever I was occasioned to go into strange houses , I generally took notice whether there were any Dog or Cat in the house , or whether I could see any Flies about the Room , which if I did I was the better satisfied . Let me tell you , could the Plague be sented by man , the Plague would be no plague ; for as I told you , That which doth move our sent must be of a certain essential thickness , which , if concommitant to the venome of the Plague , were impossible that it should work such pernicious and potent effects , unless it were of so subtil a body , that it should flee our sent . Hence I do also infer , that it is impossible for a man to be poysoned through a sent , because if a thing be so thick as to move out sent , it is impossible it should produce such an effect in that thickness . Probably you may object , that the Italians have attained to a way of poisoning men by the smell of perfumed Gloves , or by a sent impressed upon the inside of a Letter , which if a man do open , and receive the sent of it through his nosthrils , it will certainly kill him . In the first place it is doubtful , whether they have attained to that perfection of cowardly murder through sents ; if they have not , questionless their Genius doth lead enough that way , & it is more for want of industry , knowledge , and skill , than inclination ; however it being possible enough , and supposing it to be so , I answer , That it is not the smell doth kill a man , but something , which being of that subtility that it fleeth the sent , is mixed with some perfume , wherewith the fore-mentioned gloves are perfumed : The like answer doth dissolve the objection of poyson contained within the Letter . VI. The coursest of all the senses is the Tact , or feeling faculty , to which the coursest kind of objects without any comm●nution are appropriated : So that the courser an object is the more tangible it proves : This must also be applied immediately to the organ , because no medium is course enough to carry or convey it to the sensory . Had the Peripateticks proposed that question here , which they moved concerning seeing and hearing , viz. Whether we are capable of sensation in a vacuum , they would have shewed themselves to have had some skill in the matter : But let us referre the same question to the sense of feeling , and question , Whether it be possible to feel a thing in a Vacuum . I answer affirmatively , What should hinder the Tact from feeling , supposing the object to be applyed to the sensory ? For it needs no air for its vehicle . VII . Themistius , Averrhoes , AEgidius , Jandunus , Apollinaris , Marcellus , Avicenna , Albertus Magnus , Cardan , and others do seem to state as many different kinds of feeling , as there are different objects , that do move the Tact differently , according to which rule they may allow almost infinite kinds of feeling . Their mistake is gross ; for according to the same rule , there should be as many kinds of seeing , hearing , &c. but this is absurd . The case is this : It is not every distinct act or object , which , causes a difference in the faculty , for one faculty may perceive many different kinds of objects , and yet not be multiplied in its faculty , but remain one and the same : look in my first book of Phil. and in the Metaph. where I have insisted more largely upon this point , and illustrated how a faculty may be one formally , and manifold materially . Scaliger Exerc. CCCXXXVI . d. 3. is so much taken with his Ve●ereal Titillation , that he honoureth it with the name of a sixth sense . Alas his subtillity could hardly reach to maintain the dignity of it . What ? Because it pleased his phansie , therefore it must be called a sixth sense . Or did he specifie it from the common tact , because it was proper to the Membranes of the Genitals ? then upon the same account the tact of his head is specifically distinguisht from the tact of his knee : or is it , because it is a titillation ? No certainly , for every sensible part of the body may be tickled ; but the subtiller the part is , the more exquisite , acute , and piercing the titillation is , and therefore no wonder , if those parts being circumvested with thin membranes , being of a most exquisite sense , perceive so acute and piercing a titillation . Man is generally cried up to have the most exquisite tact of all Creatures ; but why should he be said to be only excellent in feeling and not in all his other senses ? For he judges more distinctly of all sensibles , than other creatures , although he doth not perceive them at such a distance as other animals , the excellency of sensation not consisting in remoteness of its action . VIII . Tangibility then is a quality , whereby a mixt body moves the Tact. The principality of the tact consists in a thick course spiritous air , the moving of which is the raising of a feeling . It is moved by being diducted either by depression or weight , or any other thick continuous diduction : So that whatever is thin , light , or rare doth effuge the sense of the tact ; hence it is , that the air , thin vapours , exhalations , or spirits , are not immediately felt . That which doth gently stir & quaver these tangent spirits is said to feel pleasing and delightful : Hence it is that kissing seems to feel so pleasing to many , because that hapning to a thin part , being withal of an exquisite feeling , where the spirits being gently stirred and quavered by the application of other lips doth cause a delightful feeling . That this is so , is testified by most , who kiss for a delight , in that they do at that instant of the application of lips feel a creeping quaking spirit in their lips . The same delightful feeling happens also to a Dog , applying his chops to a Bitches taile . A soft object doth gently stir the tangent spirits of the extremities of the fingers , and is perfectly pleasing , and therefore many men love to handle and feel boys and girles cheeks . That , which doth so much diduct the tactile spirits as to divide and burst them , doth subvert the tact and causes a pain . As for the other differences of tangibles , they are taken from the degree and property of raising feeling in tangibles ; so we say , a thing feels heavy , light , hot , cold , moist , dry , fiery , waterish , earthy , hard , soft , rough , smooth , &c. the description of all which I do omit , as having set them down above . A gentle titillation is one of the delightful tangibles , which gentleness , if otherwise exceeding and inferring violence , doth become painful ; as appears in the French scab or manginess . Titillation sometimes insers violence , not by dividing the tangent spirits through it self and immediately , but by accident through gathering the spirits too much together through its light appulse , to which they do accur in great quantity , and oft do as it were thereby overstrain or overreatch themselves . It seldom happens , that ones proper feeling doth tickle any part of his body , as his knee , or palm of the hand : But if another do gently touch it , it tickles him : the reason is , because that , which toucheth a part must be of a certain distant temperament from the part felt , which is not in a mans own self , but in every other man ; besides ones fansie adds much to it . Natural Philosophy . The SECOND PART . The Second Book : CHAP. I. Of the Commerce of the Earth with the other Elements . 1. The Authors purpose touching his Method in the Preceding Book , and a further Explication of some terms made use of there . 2. That the Earth is the Center of the world . Copernicus his Astronomy examined . 3. The Earths Division into three Regions , and their particular extent . 4. What Bodies are generated in the third Region of the Earth ; and the manner of their Production . That the Coldness of the Earth is the principal efficient of Stones and Metals . How a Stone is generated in the Kidneyes and in the Bladder . A rare Instance of a Stone takenout of the Bladder . The generation of a Flint , Marble , Jaspis , Cornelian , Diamond , Ruby , Gold , Copper , Iron , Mercury , Silver , The places of Mines . 5. Of the transmutation of Metals . Whether Silver be transmutable into Gold. Whether Gold may be rendered potable . The Effects of the supposed Aurum potabile , and what it is . 6. Of earthy saltish Juices . The Generation of Common Salt , Salt-Gemme , Saltpeter , Allom , Salt-Armoniack and Vitriol , and of their kinds . 7. Of earthy unctious Juices , viz. Sulphur , Arsenick , Amber , Naptha , Peteroyl , Asphaltos , Oyl of Earth , Sea-coal and Jeatstone ; of their kinds and vertues . 8. Of the mean Juyces of the Earth , viz. Mercury , Antimony , Marcasita , Cobaltum , Chalcitis , Misy and Sory . Whether any of these mean Juices are to be stated Principles of Metals . I. HItherto I have discoursed of the Elements , their Production , Forms , Second and Third , Single and Mixt Qualities , with intention to have declared their Dissolution from the Chaos , and separation from one another , and therefore I did only mention so much touching their nature , as might suffice to discover the reason and causes of their effects produced by them through their dissolution . At that time and place I thought it unseasonable to demonstrate the causes of their only apparent contrary motions and effects , whereby they return to one another , and exercise a mutual commerce between each other , and seem ( but really do not ) to change into one anothers Nature , all which together , with the particular relation of each Element , as they are consisting at present , of local motion in general , and in particular of Attraction and Repuision , and of Meteors , I shall endeavour to propose to you by a sensible Demonstration . Why I judged it unseasonable to treat of these Particulars above , was because I would not oppress your Phansie with seeming contrary Notions ( but really agreeing to a hair , ) and so might have endangered the Conception , and Retention of the precedent ones , which now I may with more safety attempt , supposing you to have weighed the Reasons , and to have narrowly searcht into their meaning . Neither shall I repeat any thing of what hath been set down already , but proceed where I left off ; only since now I may with security discover my meaning of these Expressions of moving from the Center to the Circumference , and to the Center from the Circumference , both which I have hitherto made use of for to perduce you to a true apprehension of the Chaos and its dissolution . By moving from the Center to the Circumference was not intended a deserting of the proper Center of those Elements that were said so to move , but , 1. To move so from their Center as to tend and be diffused thence to the Circumference into the greatest tenuity or rarity , but not to desert their proper Center ; for then they could not move at all , because all motions are peracted upon an immoveable , which must be a Center . 2. To move from the circumference to the center , is not to desert the circumference , & be reduced by penetration into a central point ( as Mathematicians do imagine , ) but to be contracted to a Center from a circumference for to gain the greatest dense weight or weighty crassitude , like others are diffused for to gain the greatest rarity or tenuity ; and that naturally , for density or crassitude cannot be attained by any other manner then by a contraction to a Center ; and rarity and tenuity but by a diffusion from a Center . 3. Intending by moving from a Center to a Circumference to signifie a tendency to the greatest contiguous rarity or continuous levity , I do not exclude but that such light Elements in a confusion with opposite Elements as it happened in the Chaos , may also tend from a Center of Magnitude , because they are expelled by the overpowering weighty Elements expelling them from their Center , and so in this signification I have sometimes intended by moving from the Center a deserting of the Center of Magnitude , or sometimes of the universal Center . 4. None but the whole body of the Elements do tend to , or strive for the universal Center ; but particular or mixt bodies for their own particular Center , as you may read further in the Chapter of Local Motions . II. The earth is , and must necessarily be the Center of the world , or of all the other Elements , within which it is contained like the Yolk of an Egge within the White and the Shell . I prove the Proposition : If the nature of Earth be to move conically from the Circumference to its own Center through a contiguous gravity , and the nature of Air & Fire be to be equally diffused from the center through their levity ; ergo the earth must needs fall to the midst of them all , its parts tending circularly and conically to their Center . The earth being arrived to the center , it resteth quiet and unmoveable : the Reason you shall know by and by . Return back to the explanation of the manner of the dissolution of the Chaos , which cannot but demonstrate the evidence of this Point to you . Nevertheless let us consider that old Phansie of Pythagoras , Plato , Aristarchus , Seleucus , Niceta , and others upon this Matter , revived by Copernicus in the preceding Centenary , and weigh its probability . 1. He imagineth the fixed Stars and their Region to be the extremity of the world , and both to be immoveable . 2. That the Figure of that Region doth appear to us to be circular , but for what we know , our Sense may be deceived . 3. That the Sun is the Center of the aspectable world , being immoveable as to its ex ernal place ; notwithstanding since through help of the Telescopium is observed by the discerning of the motion of its Spots to change his face about ( although still remaining in the same external place ) its own Axis in 27 daies . 4. Between these two immoveables the Planets are said to move , and among them , viz. between Mars and Venus , the Earth is imagined as a Planet to move about the Sun , and to absolve her Circuit in twelve Moneths . 5. That the Moon is seated between the Earth and Venus , and is thought to move through its own particular motion about the earth between that space , which there is granted to be between her and Venus , and between her and Mars : Besides the Moon doth also move with the Earth , as if she were her Page , about the Sun , absolving her course much about the same time . In like manner are the four Stars first discovered through a Telescopium * by Galilaeus , said to follow the motion of Jupiter , and to move with it about the Sun in twelve years , there being besides another motion adscribed to them , whereby they move about the Same Jupiter between the space which is between it and Saturn , and between it and Mars ; the innermost whereof absolves its course about it in a day and a quarter ; the next in three daies and a half ; the third in three daies and four houres ; the last in sixteen daies and eight houres : besides these , they have found out by the help of the said Telescopium Stars , which are Concomitants to each Planet . 6. That the space between Saturn and the fixed stars is almost immense . That the Region of the fixed stars is immoveable , he takes for granted without giving any probable proof for it ; for which notwithstanding may be urged ( Omne mobile fit super immobili ) that all moveables do move upon an immoveable ; which if granted , doth not inferre that therefore the Region of the fixed starres must be immoveable , since he hath stated one immoveable already , namely , the Sunne ; what need is there then of more ? Further , if we do grant two universal immoveables , we must also grant two universal contrary motions ; whereof the one is moved upon one immoveable , the other upon the second ; but the universal diurnal motion of the stars we see is one and the same ; ergo but one universal immoveable is necessary . Lastly , He cannot prove it by any sense , only that it must be so , because it agrees with his supposition , and what proof is that to another ? The holy words in Eccles. do further disprove his position ; where it is said that God moved the Heavens about within the compass of his Glory . His second Position denotes him no great Naturalist . The third Position infers the Sun to be the immoveable Center of the world . 1. This doth manifestly contradict Scripture , which doth oft make mention of the Suns rising and going down : And in Isaiah 38. 8. the Sun is said to have returned ten degrees back . And in another place , Let not the Sun move against Galbaon . 2. The Sun is accounted by most , and proved by us to be a fiery body , or a flame , and therefore is uncapable of attaining to rest in a restless Region , which if it did , its flame would soon diminish through the continual rushing by of the fiery Element tearing its flames into a thousand parts , whose effects would certainly prove destructive to the whole Universe , but especially to all living Creatures . 3. Were the Sun immoveable , and enjoying its rest ; ergo that rest must either be a violent detention , or a natural rest ; not the first , because that could not be durable ; or what can there be thought potent enough to detain that vast and most powerful body of the Sun ? for that must also be sensibly demonstrated and cleared , otherwise you do nothing . Neither can it be the latter ; for were it natural , it must not only have a natural principle of rest , but also be contained in a vacuum , or else in a Region whose parts have likewise attained to a natural rest through the enjoying of their Center . It is a property of a Center to be as a point in comparison to the Circumference ; but nothing can be contracted to a point but Earth and water , as I have shewed above ; whereas according to their own confession the Sun is a vast great body , and its Beams spreading and dilating ; ergo it must be only Earth and Water . Now what sign of predominance of Earth and Water is there apparent in the Sun ? for were it so , the Sun would shew black , and give no light . The Moon is liker ( if any ) to be the Center , it consisting by far of more earth then the Sun , as her minority in body , motion and degree of brightness do testifie , Lastly , Is it not more probable that our sight should hallucinate , or be deceived in judging the Sun not to move , then in judging it to move , all Astronomical Phaenomena's being so consentaneous to this latter Judgment ? Besides , how is it possible for us to judge , whether the Sun doth move or rest , since that according to this supposition we are carried about with that swiftness ? By the same reason we may doubt of the motion of all the other Planets . The fourth Position concludes a most rapid motion of the earth . What principle of motion can the earth consist of ? Of none certainly , but of fire and air , which are admitted into her body in so improportionable a measure , that they cannot be thought to impel the earth to the least local motion . Moreover earth is of so heavy a body , that it is rendered altogether incapable of circular local motion : otherwise were the Mass of earth so prone to such a swift circular motion , certainly its parts , as terrestrial mixt bodies would retain the same inclination to the same motion , which we find to be contrary According to the Perip . & this supposition all light bodies ( ordinarily so called ) must be said to be heavy , and all heavy bodies light ; for bodies by them are counted heavy , which move downward , that is , towards the center ; ergo fire must be said to be heavy , & earth light , because the one moves upwards to its supposed universal center , & the other from it : But this is absurd , Can a point move through so vast or almost immense a Region , and with that velocity ? In all other Natural things we find that a Point of any Element hath no force or proportion to move through a span of another Element , although that point be supposed to be detained violently . Take a particle of Earth , which is no point , and let it fall out of your hand , it will hardly move down to the earth , or if it doth , it is so slow , that is hardly perceptible ; but much less would a point move . If then the earth be but as a point to so immense a Region , it cannot be supposed to move . Possible you do reply , that it is impelled by an extrinsick movent : Suppose I granted it , its motion being violent , could not be durable ; besides the proportion of a point is insinitely too little for to receive such a most swift impulse , which through its littleness it would doubtless effuge . Were the Earth a Planet or Star , it is supposed it should cast a light , which is repugnant to its Nature , through which , as I have shewed before , she is rendered dark , and is the cause of all darkness . Were this absurdity admitted , all our knowledge , which hitherto wise men have so laboured to accomplish would be in vain ; for as I said before , earth and earthy bodies must be light , fire and fiery bodies must be heavy , and enjoy their rest : water and waterish bodies must be likewise heavy , the air and ayry bodies must be weighty , and enjoy their rest ; for if the earth moves , it is certainly moved through the air , the which according to that supposition must be immoveable , because all moveables ( omne mobile sit super immobili ) are moved upon an immoveable Subject : All dark colours must be supposed light ; all Astronomical appearances , shadows , sounds , tasts , Sents and all mixt bodies must then be understood to be contrary to what really they are . Scripture is likewise plain against it , Job 26. 7. Psal. 24. 2. For he hath founded it ( namely the earth ) upon the Seas , and est ablisht it upon the flouds . Job 38. 6. Whereupon are the foundations there of ( to wit of the Earth ) fastened ? or who laid the corner stone thereof ? Psal. 104. 5. Who laid the foundations of the Earth that it should not be moved for ever . What need there more words to consute so absurd an Opinion ? But to return to my Proposition ; That the Earth must necessarily be the Center of the world . I proved it above , where I did defer the reason of its rest to this place . The earth of all the elements doth alone enjoy her rest ; because she alone doth possess a Center , whereby she enjoyes her own natural internal motion ; but suppose another element to possess the place of her center , & the Earth to cover it immediately , then doubtless the Earth would continue in external motion ( because its parts are violently detained from a center ) & press upon that body ( which doth oppose it by keeping her out of her place ) until she had removed it , which being removed , it could not be thought to be longer in external local motion , since she had recovered her natural place , unless we should absurdly imagine , that one part should move against the other for to gain a penetration of bodies . If then N. Copern . D. Origan . and others , who strive to maintain the threefold motion of the earth ( viz. of inclination and declination , its dayly and yearly motion ) had discovered , that the earth were violently detained by some other Element or body , then they might have thence demonstrated a motion ; but then this motion could have been no other , than the motion of water is about the earth , whereby the earth would have moved about its detaining body , which if it had it would have been immoveable nevertheless as to its external place , only it would have turned about , and have made several appearances of faces , or spots : in brief it would have had the same motion , which Copernicus adscribed to the Sun. Hence it is more than apparent that the earth is the Center of the world and doth enjoy her rest . The reason of its rest is so demonstrative that no rational body can deny it . I proceed . III. The earth may commodiously be divided into three regions , differing from one another in purity of body , weight , density , &c. The first Region I call the central region , because it extends nearest about the Cencer . It s Periphery is about 120. degrees , its Diameter is 38 ● / ● . This Region consists of most pure earth , and most freed from the peregrin Elements ; wherefore its weight and density , is the weightiest and most dense . It contains no mixt bodies within it self , because it is so remote that the peregrin Elements cannot move thither ; besides , that smallest proportion of peregrin Elements , which may happily be supposed to be detained in the central region is so much depressed and firmely detained by the weight of the earth , that it is impossible it should come to any head to constitute a mixt body . It s colour must be conceived to be a pure fundamental black . The second , or the middle region contains in its circumference 240 degrees ; its Latitude * is 191 / 9 degr . This region is less weighty and dense than the central , as being accompanied with a greater proportion of extraneous Elements . It harbours some mixt bodies , as imperfect stones , but no Metals . The reason of this assertion is drawn from the proportion of the Elements , which there are not enough in quantity to constitute the body of metals or perfect stones ; besides , we cannot imagine that the earth should contain any hollownesses in the second region * , which are requisite ( as I shall shew by and by ) for the generation of perfect stones and metals . IV. The third region of the earth comprehends in its circuit 360 degrees , in its Latitude ( not its compleat diameter ) 191 / 9. This last or extreme region consists of most ( that is , more than the two former regions ) extraneous Elements , because it is situated nearer to the proper regions of the said extraneous Elements , which do violently strive to enter her body ( as you shall read anon ) whereby and through which the earth , especially near to her surface is rendred of a very unequal temperature , where the extraneous Elements uniting together do raise a hollowness in the earth , and infinuate into one anothers substance or body , to which the coldness of the earth is very much conducing , thereby gathering or coagmenting the said Elements together , and impelling them into one anothers body , and then closing them firmly ; all which it performs through its coldness . Through coldness understand its compressing weighty minima's . Wherefore , do not still abide in your obstinate conceit that it is the Sun , which is the efficient cause of Minerals and Stones : For that is absurd . I prove it . That , which is the main efficient of Stones and Metals must be a contracting , condensing , and indurating substance ; but the Sun is no contracting , condensing , or indurating substance ; Ergo the Sun cannot be the efficient of Stones and Metals . The Major is undeniable . I confirm the Minor by proving the contrary , namely , that the Sun doth mollifie , because its flame is soft , and all heat is soft ; for softning is nothing else but to dispose a body to bend easily into its self if pressed from without : But earth rarefied by fire doth easily bend into it self , if pressed from without . Ergo , The Minor is evident , because whatever is throughly hot & fiery is soft , as we see in red-hot Iron , in alive flesh , and all Vegetables . So that , by how much the more heat a body hath , by so much the softer it is , provided quod caetera sint paria . Further , What heat is there under the Earth ? I confess there is more and less coldness under it , but no predominating heat . What heat can there be in Greenland , especially under the earth , and yet it is certain that many rocks and stones are generated there ? They may as well say , that fire is the efficient cause of all those Islands of Ice . Again , so much as a substance consisteth of coldness and earth , by so much it participates of hardness ; or by how much the less heat a body consisteth of , so much the lesse hardnesse it partakes of . The matter of a stone in the kidneys or in the bladder was sofe when it fluctuated within the vessals , but being detained in the kidneys its heat is diminished either through the intense heat of the Kidneys , which doth dissipate and attract the lesser heat from the matter retained in the cavity of the kidneys , through which ecess of heat the terrestrial and thick waterish parts are coagulated and are closed together through the depressing coldness of the intrinsick earth and water . The same matter being retained in kidneys of a cold temperament , doth immediately through that degree of coldness coagulate and grow hard . The stone in the bladder is generally harder than the stone in the kidneys ; because the one is of a far colder ( that is less hot ) temperament than the other . That in the kidneys is more friable , whereas the stone in the bladder is affected with a continuous firm thick waterish hardness . This I can witness by a stone being taken from a Patient by section , which that most learned and expert Physitian Dr. George Bate shewed me six or seven years ago : This stone was perduced to that hardness , that I am confident an ordinary smart stroak of a hammer could scarce break it : Yet when it was within the bladder it was far distant from such a hardness ; for a piece of the Catheter was unawares run into the body of the stone and broke in it , which was afterwards taken out with it ; but after it had been exposed a little while to the air , it grew immediately to that hardness : What could be the cause of this but the hotter parts of the stone exhaling into the air , whereby the cold parts fell closer and thereby arrived to a greater hardness ? The errour of Fernelius is obvious in that he stated the intense heat of the kidneys to be the cause of a Lithiasis ; for it happens as freqently in kidneys of a cold temperament : neither is it an ( insita renum arenosa calculosaque dispositio a parentibus contracta ) hereditary , fixt , fabulous , and calculous disposition ( as the same Author conceives , ) which doth consist in a degree of temperament of the solid parts of the kidneys ; for stones have been generated in kidneys of all kinds of temperaments : neither can it be said to be hereditary , for many a man hath been troubled with the stone , whose Issue never was so much as disposed to it ; and on the other side , many a man hath been miserably tormented with the stone or Duelech as Paracelsus terms it , whose Parents never discerned the least symptom of a stone within their bodies ; Nevertheless , as I said before , the temperature of the kidneys adds much to the accelerating of a Lithiasis . It is then certain that the greatest cause of lapidation or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is internal , depending upon the predominance of earth or coldness over the other Elements in a mixture . The Focus ( or Uterus as Van Helmont terms it , that is the place where a stone or gravel is generated ) must be a close hollow place ; wherefore nothing can arrive to this close hollow place , unless it be liquid ; for a thick or course body will be intercepted before it can reach thither . This liquid matter being now lodged within this cavity , the hot parts do exhale , because now through the hollowness of the place they have got liberty to dislate , and free themselves from the heavy terrestrial and thick aqueous parts , whereas before when they were kept close together through channels and lodges shutting close upon them the hot parts were firmly contained within and bound up . This is necessarily and certainly demonstrative , and infers , that where ever close hollownesses are groved , and that liquid matter containing terrestrial and aqueous parts in it may reach to them , there certainly stones and metals can and may be generated . By vertue of this position I shall prove and shew by and by , that stones and metals may be generated in most hollow parts of the body of man. But to persue my discourse : The hot parts being now freed from the terrestrial parts , and inhering in subtil ayry serosiries do with more ease and force procure their passage through this close and hollow prison than they made their way thither , leaving the terrestrial and aqueous parts behind them for a Ransom , which by degrees are coagulated more and more according to the expulsion of the fiery and ayry parts . Understand also the reasons of the qualification of the Focus or womb of stones and Metals . 1. It must be hollow , the reason of this is set down already . 2. It must be close ; for were it not close but open the terrestrial and aqueous matter could not be detained there , but would have as free a passage as the thin parts . Besides , closeness conduceth to keep out extrinsick heat , which otherwise would again dissolve and mollifie the work ; wherefore the hardest stones and metals are found some degrees below the Surface of the earth , and I dare confidently assert , that if metals were digged for deeper under the ground their labour would be richly answered by finding purer and better metals . 3. The coldness of these places must be a proportionable coldness ; for if the places be too cold , then the liquid parts will be detained from arriving to cast up hollownesses by being too much incrassated and condensed , whereby the energy of their rare and subtil parts is suppressed . 4. The liquid matter must also have a due proportion of the Elements whereby to constitute certain kinds of stones and metals . If the matter be thick and terrestrial not containing many subtil and rare parts , then it will generate into a course stone . The reason of the courseness is , because the terrestrial and aqueous Elements are but rudely mixed , by reason they wanted internal heat , whereby their parts might be divided into lesser particles , and so become the more concocted and harder . In case the matter be more subtil and rare , and that the course parts are united in less particles , then the said stone will according to its degree of fineness and concoction prove flinty , Marble , Jaspis , Cornelian , &c. In case there be more thick water than earth , the body thence generated becomes crystalline ; as Crystal , Diamonds , Rubies , &c. In these water doth retain almost its natural consistence , as I shall tell you immediately . In case there be an equal part of earth and water , and these well concocted and intirely mixt together , it produces Gold. If there be something more of water than earth , and they well percocted and permisted , they ingender Silver . If there be an equal proportion of water and earth , and they only rudely concocted and but half mixt , it generates Copper . If there be more earth than water , and but half mixt and concocted , it constitutes Iron . If there be more water than earth , and they but rudely mixed and rawly cocted , the effect will prove Lead , or according to the proportion of the ingredients and coction Pewter . Mercury is generated out of water being rendred fluid through much air and fire , containing withall a small part of earth . These do not only differ in proportion of materials , but also in degree of internal heat and of the temperament of their Matrix , otherwise termed a vein from its Cylindrical Figure . Gold had the strongest heat , whereby the parts were firmly united in minima's , which heat did after the performance of its office exhale by degrees ; nevertheless suppose that there was a degree of heat left : the matrix of Gold must be very close for to retain that intense heat so long until the constituting parts are well permisted and concocted . As for the external temperament of the climate , it is little material to the business , since we see that Gold , Silver , &c. are generated in cold countries as well as in hot , in moist as well as in dry . It is the internal temperament of the earth , which supplies fit matter for the generation of metals . The Matrix of Silver is less close , the matrix of Brass more open than it , and so gradually in the others . Mines or mineral veines are usually found to be in hills or mountains , because these do generally contain hollownesses , especially if they appear dry and sandy without . Those mountains are for the most part best disposed for the generation of metals , that are situated at a convenient nearness to a pure crystalline river . Easterly mountains are most to be suspected , provided the River which is not far distant from them be easterly withall . The clearness of sky is no small token . A long Bar of Iron thrust into the ground after having digged to some depth , if it changeth whitish or yellowish , gives no small suspition of Gold or Silver . A long trunk peirced likewise into the ground where suspected as deep as may be , and afterward applying the ear to it , if it renders a tinging or sibulous boyling noise , is a sign of some hidden treasure under that soile . That the generation of Metals is such as I have proposed may be demonstratively proved by sense from their colour , consistency , difficulty of liquation , from the theorems of concoction , the which since you may easily collect from what hath been hitherto discoursed upon , I shall omit any further proof . V. The present occasion doth urge me to touch somewhat upon the transmution of Metals . The difference , which there is between them you may collect from their matter , degree of coction and disposition of matrix : However there is more agreement between themselves , than there is between them and stones ; wherefore the question is , Whether Silver is transmutable into Gold. Here I propose the doubt according to its most probable appearance , there being less difference between Gold and Silver than between Gold and any of the others . I answer , That naturally it cannot be , because it is impossible that after Silver hath once acquired its form , it should be convertible into a perfecter form : Because heat is deficient , for it is exhaled ; neither was there ever at its highest internal heat enough to have concocted it into the nature of Gold ; or had there been heat enough there would have been too much water and air : The case is less probable after its constitution , specification , & individuation that it should change into another species , or another individuum . If the transmutation to a greater perfection of all other species and individua be impossible , so must this also : But the Antecedence is true , ergo the consequence likewise . I grant that it is possible to reduce it to a more imperfect and base species , that being plain in all corruptions . Wherefore I say that it seems more possible to reduce Gold into Silver , Silver into Brass or Pewter , Brass into Iron , and Iron into Mercury , by means of an artificial corruption , because the finer Metal may be thought to contain the courser as an inferiour degree , whence it is ascended ; but the finer cannot contain that in it self , which is finer than it self is . Neither can our proposed transmutation be effected by any art of man , unless he knew a means , wherby to detract such a proportion of the redundant waterish parts of the Silver , as that there might remain just as much as is required to constitute Gold ; besides the work will need a strong and vehement internal concoction , and that to a certain degree , and for a certain duration . It will require also a justly disposed matrix , all which I conceive impossible to art . They may as well strive to make a Ruby or a Diamond out of a Flint . Happily you will object , That some have converted Silver and Brass into Gold through the admission of some volatil subtil penetrative particles , which were of that force , as might be supposed to have divided the whole mass of Silver and penetrated into and through all its minima's , whereby the gross parts fell closer to one another and become perfectly concocted , so as through their consistency to represent the true weight and colour of Gold , which might really pass our censure upon a Touchstone . I answer , That it is possible to change a courser metal so , that it shall be like to Gold both in weight and superficial colour ; but then this colour will not be equable throughout all its parts , neither are the parts so digested , concocted , and closely united as they should be . In fine , this artificial Gold is no more real Gold , than an artificial Pearl is like to a true Oriental one , or a glass Diamond to a true one . At the best it is but counterfeit Gold , which immediately shall be dissolved by Aq. Fort. whereas the other will not suffer it self to be toucht by it , unless it be fortified by a rectification upon salt Armoniack . Chymical furnace hunters do strangely boast of their secrets of preparing aurum Potabile , or tincture of Gold. Others do through ignorance of the art and want of skill assert the said preparation to be impossible . Questionless were the thing of a harder nature , these laborious Vulcans would work it out ; nevertheless their arrogance and immodesty in proclaiming of the transcendent and admirable effects of it doth forfeit their modesty and wrong that noble Art. Aurum potabile ( say they ) is an universal medicine curing all diseases , restoring youth , and retarding old age , prolonging life to an eval duration ; in fine Aurum potabile is good for all things ; or rather Aurum portabile is . Here you have a great many rash and vain words , the contrary whereof I have so oft seen come to pass . I have known it to cause a dysentery through its corrosive spirits , which it retains either from its last menstrunm , or from its first Dissolvent , viz. Aqua Regia . It provokes Sweat and Urin , but withall is very offensive to the Liver and heart , because of the said adventitious spirits . That , which they call the tincture or quinta essentia of Gold is nothing but the outward rust of Gold , which the aquaregia begot upon it through its corruptive quality . In summa , the natural fixt spirits of Gold are inseparable , or at least those that are separable are corrupted by the poysonous spirits of the dissolvent . Suppose they were separable from its body without being stained , the most we can conceive of them is , that they are a subtil diaphoretick ; and then hardly comparable to others , whose nature is more consentaneous to ours , as spir . C. C. tinct . Croci . Lilium Antim . Paracelsi , &c. Besides these forementioned hard bodies the earth doth also ingender others less hard , and some soft ones , consisting of a more ayry and fiery nature . These are in like manner conceived in Matrices or wombs , differing from the others in length , exility and shape . Of these there is a double sort observable , the one being more fiery and waterish , the other more ayry and fiery . The first is saline , the other unctious . Stones and Metals being more earthy and consentaneous to the nature of earth are retained and cherished within the earth ; but the others being much distant from its nature are expelled nearer to its Surface . I shall first begin with the salin bodies . VI. There is a certain fermentation within the earth , which is nothing else but the contraction of the earth by the compression of its parts upon one another , whereby the extraneous Elements are expelled ; but since these cannot be abstracted from the body of the earth without the firm and close adherence of some earthy minima's , they do draw them along ; the proportion of which earthy minima's , and their degree of closeness of union do constitute the differences of all earthy mixed bodies . The Salin juyces are attenuated waterish bodies permixt with condensed fire , and a small proportion of earthy minima's , which do concrease by the evaporation of the greater part of air , leaving behind it water thickned naturally through its absence . Fire is closer united to these salin juyces , than it is to the unctious ones , to which air is more close united than to these . Many of these salin juyces are transparent through the predominance of water , others are of other colours according to the proportion of earth . We see that among these many concrease in an angular form , as appears in Allume , Vitriol , &c. which happens through the degrees of the airs evaporation ; for the air evaporating unequally causes such an angular induration . The air doth evaporate unequally , in that it doth sooner desert the extream parts , as being less thick and dense , & more remote from the centrical ones , which do retain the air the longest . The first evaporation leaves an acuteness for an angle , the second subtilities , is being more slow , evaporate by degrees , so causing a greater obtusion from the foresaid acuteness . The evaporation it self is caused by the weighty Elements expelling the light parts through their weight . The earthy salin juyces are principally these , Common salt , Salt gemmae , Saltpeter , Allume , Salt armoniack , and Vitriol . Common salt is nothing but the relict or residence of sea water , or of saltish fountain water being evaporated . This kind of salt contains more loose air , but less fire than others . Salt gemmae is a fossil salt digged out of the earth , and is somewhat more fiery and consistent of closer ayr than the former . Saltpeter is threefold . 1. Is drawn by coction from nitrous earth . 2. Sweats through stone walls and concreaseth upon their Surface , like unto a white frost or mould . 3. Is gathered from the rocks : This salt consisteth of more dense parts of fire pent in by close air , which again is enclosed by subtil minima's of earth . Allume comprehends five sorts . 1. Roch allom , which is drawn from Rocky stones . 2. Which is digged out of Mines . 3. Which remains after the evaporation of mineral waters . This salt is of a courser nature , consisting of more water and earth than the others . Salt armoniack is a salin juyce sweating out a certain earth of Libya , and concreased under the sands . That which we use instead of it is an artificial salt , by far of a lesser efficacy , made out of five parts of mans urine , one part of common salt , and half a part of wood soot , being boyled together and evaporated to a consistence . This sort of salt is stronger than any of the others , consisting of a dense fire closely knit with air and incorporated with a watered earth . Vitriol is known in several sorts , 1. There is Hungary or Cyprian Vitriol of a sky colour like unto a Saphir , compact like Ice , and dry . 2. Is of a greenish colour concreased in grains or crums like unto common salt , but withal or somewhat unctious . 3. White Vitriol , like unto loaf-sugar . Vitriol may justly be censured half a metal , it consisting of the same course parts , of which Iron and Copper do consist of . It contains much earth mixt with a dense fire . VII . The unctious and bituminous bodies generated and cast forth by the earth are Sulphur , Arsenick , Amber , Naptha , Peteroil , Asphaltos , Oyl of earth , Sea-coal , and Gagates or Jeat stone . Sulphur is an unctious juyce of the earth concreased within a particular matrix , and consisting of dense fire inhering in a loose incrassated air . Arsenick comprehends three sorts . 1. Is yellow , and is otherwise named Auripigmentum . 2. Being red is called Sandaracha . 3. Is singularly named Arsenick , or crystalline Arsenick , being of a whitish colour . Their body is constituted out of a most dense fire united to a thick air ; from this extreme density of fire it happens to be of that corrosive and venomous nature , that it proves an immediate poyson to man , because through its intense dense heat , it extracts , expels , and suffocates his natural heat , in which respect it is but little less corruptive and hot than focal fire . Of these three sorts Arsenick is counted the least caustick and malignant , the next Auripigmentum . Amber is known by three sorts . 1. There is that , which is particularly called Amber . 2. Is called Succinum . 3. Is whitish Amber , otherwise called Sperma Ceti . Whether there is any black Amber is doubted : Some do affirm it as having seen it . A mistake certainly , either they took Jeat , or some other substance made out of Musk , Lign . Aloes , Styrax and Ladanum for it . Grayish Amber ( otherwise called Ambergreece ) is thought to be the purest , smoothest , and of the best Sent. Succinum is of two sorts , viz. white and yellow . Spermaceti is by many deemed to be found supernatant atop the Sea , who assert it to be rather the Seed of a Whale ; if so , then it must have been generated in their Stomacks or Throats , some having found some quantity sticking in their Throats : but this doth more probably argue , that it was supernatant atop the Sea , and devoured by the Whale . But for what I know , this may be a Story , nevertheless it is certain it hath been gathered in the Indian and AEthiopian Seas near to the Shore , where Whales have scarcely ever appeared . Neither can I imagine this to be that , which ancient Physitians called the Flower of Salt , there being too great a difference between their Descriptions . Flower of Salt is described to be reddish and liquid , and to be of a detergent Nature and saltish tast , whereas the other is a white furfuraceous famess , being of an emollient Nature , and of a fat tast , and in all particulars directly contrary . Ambergreece happens to be supernatant upon the Sea , and some Fountaines too , from being communicated by the earth in bituminous and lixivious exbalations , and exalted and purified by the motion and subliming faculty of the Sea , coagulated atop through the exhaling of the hotter spirits and concreased by the ambient coldness . The Succinum or common Amber wanting that exaltation and sublimation , is found in Germany and Italy in Mines to be of an inferiour nature . It is also gathered from the Sea. The Spirits of Amber are rare and subtil , consisting of a thick ayry body . Naphtha and Peteroyl differ from Amber in consistency and greater quantity of fire and air , these being liquid and more inflammable , but in all other particulars agreeing , Peteroyl and Naptha having oft been found to lodge in liquid substances within the body of common Amber . Naptha is gathered in great quantity about Babylon , the earth there being so tempered with the peregrine Elements , that it protrudes abundance of this kind of Bitumon . Peteroyl is most frequently collected flowing out of Rocks . Asphaltus is a hard black and splendent Bitumen , like unto shining Pitch , heavy , and of a strong Sent. It is gathered swimming atop of Lakes ; in other places it is taken out of the Earth near to its Surface . The Mare mortuum in Judaea affords the best and greatest quantity . This is different from the others through its containing a greater proportion of Earth , and greater density of Fire . As Peteroyl flowes out of the Rocks , so doth Oyl of Earth out of the Earth and Hils in some parts of East-India . It is of a transparent Red , and a strong Sent like unto Peteroyl , but more pleasing . The vertues of all these Bitumens , excepting Arsenick , are praysed for their emollient , discutient , comforting the Brain , the Nerves and Membranes , thence healing wounds by comforting the calidum innatum of the said parts when wounded , and for their anodine nature , thence giving ease to the Joynts in Arthritical pains : all which they perform through a Subtil and Balsamick Spirit . Sea-coal is called by the Latinists Carbo Petrae , and Terra Ampelitis ; notwithstanding the latter name denotes a thing somewhat distinct from the former , in that it is more bituminous and less hard . The other is nothing but Earth and Sulphur concocted and conglutinated into a stonish substance , and is no where ingendred , but where the Earth is hollow , and foecundated with store of a sulphureous Bitumen . Gagates , or Jeat , is a Bitumen of a more concocted body , and more sulphureous . The Proverb speaks it to be very black . It is kindled and burnes assoon as Brimstone if toucht by fire , and gives a Bituminous Scent . It s vertue is the same with other Bitumens . VIII . Besides these , there are some other mean bodies generated within the Earth , which are neither Metals , or Saline , or unctious Juyces ; they are not so hard , nor so much concocted as Metals , neither are they so loose and rare as Saline and Unctious Bodies . They are particularly these : Mercury , Antimony , Marcasita , Cobaltum , Chalcitis , Misy and Sory . The first we have treated of above . The next is Marcasita , otherwise Bismuthum , which is a heavy , hard , brittle , whitish body , shining within with little points of Gold and Silver . It s Matter is too course to generate Gold or Silver , but is as it were the Dross of them both , and is separated from them as a Natural Excrement , which is concocted into a Body of a courser Substance . Its Spirits are more dense , and Earth is more in proportion ; Water less . This hath endued the Nature of Venom , because of its dense heat . You are not to conceive that this is only an Excrement of Gold and Silver , but that it is also a perfect body primarily generated out of the same proportion of the Elements within a proper Matrix , and therefore is to be found in Mines , where there is no sign of Gold or Silver . It is repercutient from its earth , dissolving and detergent from its dense fire , if applied externally . It s water is a very potent dissolvent of Gold and Silver . Cobaltum , otherwise called Natural Cadmia , is the courser Body or Excrement of Copper . It is weighty , and of a black colour . It s fire is extreamly dense , in such a manner , that it is thence rendered to be the strongest Poyson . It s caustick and corroding quality penetrates so violently through the Gloves and Shoes of the Diggers , that it ulcerates their hands and feet . Chalcitis , Misy and Sory differ from one another in courseness of Substance , and are oft found to grow one atop the other . Chalcitis is like Copper , and brittle ; in consistency of courseness it is between Sory , which is thinner , and Misy , which is somewhat thicker then it . Misy is of a Brass colour , glistering through its body with Sparks like Gold , growing about Chalcitis like an outermost Crust , or like Rust about Iron . Sory is a Mineral , hard and thick like to a Stone , glistering with yellowish Sparks . These three are of a causting quality , thereby burning Scars and Crusts into the Flesh ; besides they are somewhat adstringent . Misy is the strongest , and Sory is the next to it in strength . Antimony is a Mineral of a blewish colour , shining throughout its Body like Streeks of Silver , its mixture is out of course earth and dense fire , yet less dense then any of the foregoing . It s vertue is internally vomitive and purgative , externally it is discutient , detergent and adstringent . All these are natural recrements of Metals , yet not recrements alone , as I said before . Bombast and his Sectators analyze all Metals and Minerals into Sal , Sulphur , and Mercury ; as if they were all generated out of these , as their first Principles ; for say they , our Art instructs us to reduce every Metal or Mineral into each of those foresaid Principles . Either this is to be understood , that it is possible to reduce all Minerals really into Sal , Sulphur & Mercury , or into some certain more concected beings analogal to them . Generally they seem to pretend to educe real Mercury out of all Minerals ; but as for the others they are only analogal . Why should they more expect to extract real Mercury then real Salt or Sulphur ? Wherefore it will be more consisting with Reason to conclude them all equally analogal , that is like in consistency to ordinary Mercury , Sal and Sulphur , but not in effects . It is a Madness for any one to imagine , that Gold is constituted by the same Mercury , but more concocted , that is usually digged out of Mines ; and that Mercury is convertible into Gold , if thereunto intended by a strong concocting preparation . They might as well say , that Gut-Excrements were convertible into Flesh , and that flesh consisted out of the said real Excrements . The Case is thus : Mercury is by them accounted to be an Excrement of Metals , wherefore as an Excrement is a Body really different from those bodies , from which it is rejected , and in no wise convertible , unless it be some of the purest parts of it , that have escaped natures Diligence ; so neither is Mercury any part of Metals , nor convertible into them , unless it be the smallest purest parts , which had fled the earths Metalliferous quality . Possibly you will Object that Gold feeds upon Mercury , and Mercury upon it , wherefore they are convertible into one anothers Nature . I deny the Antecedence : for Gold is dissolved and destroyed by it ; as appears in Amalgamation , or dissolving Gold by the fume of Mercury , ergo it is not fed by it . Mercury effects no less in the Body of man ; for it dissolves his humid parts , yea his solid parts too , as Mercurial Salivations testifie . All which is a sufficient Argument to induce us to forbear from explaining the Causes of Natural Beings by Sal , Sulphur & Mercury . Probably you reply , That this is not the meaning of Bombast , who intended these Names only to be analogal to those things vulgarly so called . Wherefore by Mercury is understood a thin pure liquor , by Sulphur , a subtil Spirit , by Salt , the gross substance of a Body . I Answer , Either you must take these for first Principles , or for mixt bodies ; they cannot be the first , because his Mercury is constituted out of water reduced from its greatest hardness into a subtil fluor through admixture of Air and Fire : His Sulphur consists of fire condensed by Earth , and of Air ; ergo they must be mixt Bodies ; if so , they are no first Principles of Metals , because even these are reducible into more simple bodies , viz. his Mercury into thick water , a thin air , and a rare fire ; Sulphur into air , fire , &c. This I will grant them , that all Metals are dissolveable into such kinds of analogal Substances , which are not bodies less mixt , but only changed into bodies of several consistencies , viz. thick and thin , course and fine . CHAP. II. Of Stones and Earths . 1. A Description of the most Precious Stones . 2. A Description of the less Precious Stones that are engendred within Living Creatures . 3. A Description of the less Precious Stones that are engendred without the Bodies of Living Creatures : 4. An Enumeration of common stones . 5. A Disquisition upon the vertues of the forementioned stones . An Observation on the Effects of Powders composed out of Precious stones . Whether the Tincture of an Emerald is so admirable in a bloudy Flux . 6. A particular Examination of the vertues of a Bezoar stone , Piedra de Puerco , Pearles , &c. 7. The Kinds of Earth , and their Vertues . I. OUr Method hath led us to propose the Demonstration of universal Natures before that of particulars , and that of Metals before the other of imperfect Minerals and Stones , as being more excellent through their perfection of mixture ; wherefore we have next allotted this Chapter for the treatise of the particular natures of Stones . Stones are either known under the name of most Precious , less Precious , or Common . The most Precious Stones are ordinarily called Jewels , being 18 in number . 1. An Agathe . 2. An Amethist . 3. An Asterites . 4. A Beril . 5. A Carbuncle . 6. A Chalcedonie . 7. A Chrysolite . 8. A Diamond . 9. An Emerald . 10. A Jaspis . 11. An Jacinth . 12. An Onyx . 13. A Ruby . 14. A Sarda . 15. A Saphir . 16 A Sardonix . 17. A Topaze . 18. A Turcois . An Agathe is a stone of divers mixt colours , and in no wise transparent . An Asterites is a stone somewhat resembling Crystal , and within the Moon when she is at full . An Amethist is a stone of a Violet colour . A Beril is of a Sea-green colour , and sometimes is found to have other colours mixt with it . A Prase is not unlike to it , only that it is not of so deep a green , neither so hard ; for it wears away by much usage . A Carbuncle is esteemed for the most precious of all Stones , and is of a Gold or Flaming colour . It is said that there is a kind of a Carbuncle ( called a Pyrope ) to be found in the East-Indies , which shines as bright in the Night as the Sun doth in the Day . A Chalcedonie is a stone of a Purple colour . A Chrysolite is of a Golden colour , hard and transparent . A Chrysoprase is hard , and of a greenish colour . A Diamond is thought to be the hardest of all Stones . An Emerald is hard , and of a perfect green colour . A Jaspis is of a greenish colour , sported here and there with bloudy Spots . An Jacinth is of a Gold or flaming colour . Some of them decline from a Yellow to a deep Saffron red , or sometimes to a blewish colour . They are neither perspicuous or opake , but between both . An Onyx is of a brownish white , but of a dull transparency . An Opale stone is by Pliny , Lib. 37. c. 6 , accounted for the best and rarest of Stones , as participating of the rarest Colours of the rarest Stones : its fire is more subtil then of a Carbuncle , shining with a Purple of an Amethist , greenish like to the Sea-green of an Emerald , &c. A Ruby is a reddish stone . A Granate is a worser sort of Rubies . A Sarda is of a transparent fiery red colour : A Cornelian is comprehended under it . A Sardonix is composed ( as it were ) out of a Sarda and Onyx ; it is scarce transparent . A Saphire is opake , but of a clear sky or blew colour , and very hard . A Turcois is opake , and of a colour between green and blew . A Topaze is transparent , and of a colour between a grass green and a Saffron yellow : it is falsely confounded with a Chrysolite , there being a very discernable difference between them . II. The less Precious Stones are found either within the bodies of living Creatures , or without . Those that are found within the Bodies of Living Creatures are , 1. The Bezoar stone , which is found in the Belly of an Indian Goat-Stag , a Beast in some parts like to a Goat , in others to a Stag. The Stone is for the most part of a dark green , yet some are found of a yellowish , others of a Brown and Olive colour . They are brittle and friable , containing oft-times a Straw , or a small Kernel in the midst of them , about which there concreaseth a slimy matter baking to it in Blades . There are two sorts of them , viz. Oriental and Occidental . 2. A Tair of a Stag is a little Stone engendred in the corner of a Stags eye . It is very bright , smooth , round , very small and light . It s colour is yellowish , mixt with a few black streaks , and gives a strong Sent. 3. The Stones of a Goat are taken out of its Stomack or Gall. 4. There are also Stones found in the Stomack and Gall of an Oxe . 5. The German Bezoar stones are taken out of the Bellies of some Does that haunt the Alpes . 6. The Stone of an Indian Hogge , or as the Portugueses call it Piedra de Puerco , is found in the Gall of an East-India Hogge , or in the stomack of a Porcupine ; it is soft and fat to feel to , just as if you felt a piece of Castile Sope. Pearles , that are generated within the Bellies of Sea shell-fish , as of Cockles , Muscles , or Sea-Oysters . These do most gather to the Sea-shore about the Spring , where they , ( or rather the Sun through its drying faculty ) do open their shels , whereby that glutinous and clear moysture , which they had retained undigested a longtime in their Bellies , and now being freed from its ayry parts , doth congeal through compression of the remaining thick waterish substance : which , if they do happen to be engendred , when the sky is dampish and cloudy , are affected also with a cloudiness , as not being sufficiently purified through the driness and heat of the Sun and the ambient air . As long as they be under water , they are soft ; but after a short time lying in the dry air , they do soon grow hard . When they are taken out of the shell some of the Fishes flesh cleaves to them , which they usually bite off by covering them for a while with Salt. 2. The Alectory Stone is taken out of a Cocks Maw . This stone is more frequently found in Cocks , when they are in their fourth or fifth year . 3. A Bufonite is a Stone found in the head of an old Toad ; its shape is for the most part long or round . 4. A Chelidony is taken out of the Maw or Liver of a young Swallow ; its colour is a black mixt with a little red . Sometimes they breed two together , whereof the one is more blackish , the other enclines more to a red . 5. The Carp-stone is white without , and yellow within , being found in the throat of a Carp. There is also another triangular stone engendred in the head of it , besides two long stones more sticking above its eyes . 6. The Stones of a Crab , otherwise called Crabs-eyes , are white and round . 7. A Saurite is found in the Belly of a Lizzard . 8. A Limace-stone is engendred in the head of a House-Snaile . 9. The Perch-stones are taken out of the head of a Perch , near to the Back-bone . III. The less pretious stones found without the bodies of Living Creatures are , 1. The AEtites , or Eagle-stone , which is found in an Eagles Nest , and is of a light red colour . 2. Coral , which is a shrub of the Sea , being green and soft under water , but assoon as it is plucked from the bottom of the Sea , and exposed to the air , it becomes red and hard like unto a stone . Hence Ovid. Lib. 4. Metam . Nunc quoque coralliis eadem Natura remansit , Duritiem tacto capiant ut ab aere , quodque Vimen in aequore er at , fiat super aquore saxum . There are several sorts of it , viz. Red , Green , White , Yellow , Brown , Black , and of a mixt colour . Some pieces of Coral appear to be half Wood and half Stone . Crystal waxeth upon the snowie Hils ; It is oft found upon the Alpes that divide Italy from Helvetia . It s shape is hexagonal , the cause is the same with that of the angular shape of Alume . Authors are at great variance whether it is generated out of Ice . No certainly , for Ice is nothing near so clear , neither can it be purified after its concretion . It s Matter then is the subtiler and purer part of Snow concreased and congealed : for what is more crystalline and pure then the liquor of Snow , as being purified from all gross parts through its first evaporation from the waters to the Heavens , and thence precipitated pure , and freed from its greater part of terrestrial admixture ? I need not add more for to explain its generation , since it is generated in the same manner that all other stones are generated . The Haematite or Blood-stone is of an Iron colour permixt with bloudy streakes : some are more blackish , others yellowish . The Galactite , or Milk-stone is of an Ash colour . A Marble is a smooth shining stone , admitting of sundry colours . It is known by three sorts . 1. Alabaster , which is a white transparent Marble . 2. The Porphirstone , which is drawn through with red and white streakes . 3. An Ophirstone whose colour is a green , spotted with spots like unto those of a Serpent . A Sarcophage , or flesh-eating stone is of an Ash colour . It derives its name from eating mans flesh away without pain . A Lazul-stone is of a blew colour , speckt within its body with Golden specks like unto so many stars . An Armene stone is of the same colour , excepting that in stead of Golden specks , it is marked with green , blew , and blackish spots . The Themeade is a stone which driveth Iron from it , wherein it proves contrary to the attraction of the Loadstone , upon which we shall insist particularly in a Chapter by it self , as requiring a more distinct and nice search . The Nephritick stone is sent hither by the Inhabitants of Nova Hispania ; it loo●s greasie about , as if it were besmeated with Oyl . I●s colour is for the most part a light green , others are of a mixt colour . It is hought to be a kind of a Jaspis . The Judaean stone , so called because it is frequently found in Judaa , and in some parts of Silesia , being friable , and round like to an Olive , of a pale ash colour , having even streaks running down its length , as if they were artificially marked upon it . The greater of them are called Masculine , the lesser Feminine . The Leopard-stone is of a long , round and pyramidal figure , whereof some are whitish , or of an ash-colour ; others blackish , and transparent , like to Muscadine wine . IV. Common stones are either porous and spongy , or solid and compact . The first kind comprehends a Tophe , a Pumice stone , and a Sponge stone . The latter is divided into a Rock , a Rock-stone , a Flint , an Emrod , a Whetstone , a Gravel-stone , an Amianth , a Chalck-stone , a Talck-stone , a Glass-stone , a Calaminar-stone , and an Ostiocolla . A Tophe is a stone something harder then clothy Sand , and friable like to it . A Pumice stone is cavernous like to a Sponge , fit to make a thing smooth with . A Sponge stone is concreased in a Sponge , being of a whitish colour , but friable ; it is otherwise called a Cysteolithe . A Rock is vulgarly enough known , and therefore needs no description . Rock stones are great stones cut out of a Rock , wherewith they build houses . A Flint is unknown to none . An Emrod is a stone wherewith Glasiers cut Glasses into pieces . A Whetstone declares it self through its name , whose finer sort is called a Touchstone , and serves for to try Metals upon . Gravel-stones are found every where upon the sides of Rivers , and upon Hils . An Amianth is somewhat like to Feather alume , nevertheless differing from it in aptness to take fire , whereas fire will not take hold of the Amianth ; besides alume is of an adstringent tast , the other not . A Chalck-stone is , whereout they burn Lime for to build houses . A Talck-stone is only commended for a Cosmetick . The Glassestone , otherwise called Muscovy Glass , is transparent like to an ordinary glass ; and may be cut into very thin Leaves . It is of various colours , viz. white , yellow , brown , black . The Calaminar stone is of a yellow colour , or rather a yellow mixt with ash , red , or brown : It is of no great hardness . V. Pbysiologists do usually adscribe great vertues to most stones , especially to the most precious of them , possibly because they are bought at a dear Rate , and therefore they ought to respond in their internal virtues to their extrinsick value . But let us make a just disquisition upon their Natures . The Agathe is said to be good against all Venom , particularly against the Bite of a Scorpion : It makes a man wise , prudent , and eloquent . I should be loath to rely upon the vertues of an Agathe were I bit of a Scorpion , or to undertake to cure a Fool with it of his Phrensie : its strength , whereby it should produce these effects , is very ocult . Venoms admitted through the pores , are to be expelled with the strongest Diaphoreticks ; but I could never hear an Agathe commended for any such effect . To the contrary , it hinders the Cure of all poysons , because it is obstructive , unless it be exhibited in a large Dose . An Asterite comforts the Brain , and cures all its distempers . How can it , since its spirits are fixed , and do never reach the Brain ? An Amethist represses Vapours flying up from the Stomach , and hinders Drunkeness : This may be true , supposing they take a great Dose of it , and that they do not drink above a Glass or two . A Beril is good to cure a superficial wound of the eye ; but Tutia is much better . A pale Carbuncle , Chrysolite and Topaze are registred to resist venom , to comfort the heart , and to drive away Melancholy , and Lust : I suppose it will scarce work upon a Satyre . A Chalcedony is good against Melancholy , and makes a man merry ; but not comparable to a Glass of Sack. A Crysoprase is thought to be good against the trembling of the heart , and to conduce to the cure of a misty and dim sight : To the contrary , it causes a palpetation of the heart , and in a small quantity it is obstructive ; and for the sight I alwaies apprehended a green colour , as of a Beril or Emerald , to be more agreeable with it . A Diamond is praised for its vertue of removing the palpitation of the heart , and of producing Mirth : but not through any intrinsick vertue , but extrinsick value , especially to a poor mans eye . They say , that it obtundeth the attractive power of a Loadstone ; very probably that it doth , in case it is included close within the body of a great Diamond . An Emerald and an Jacinth are commended for their Alexipharmacal vertues against poyson , and for curing the falling sickness . A Jaspis , Saphir , Topaze , Onyx , Sarda & a Sardonix for chearing the heart , flopping a fluxe of bloud , preserving Chastity , and promoting travel . A Ruby and a Turcois for clearing the sight . How these kinds of Precious stones should produce these admirable effects is unknown to me . First let us enquire into the truth of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them , then of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As touching the certainty of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 falsely ascribed to them , I must evidence from my own experience that I have oft prescribed the chiefest of them , being besides artificially prepared viz. Magist. Perl . Powders composed out of Fragm . of Granates , Jacinths , Rub. &c. in extream weaknesses , and have very diligently observed their Effects . The Effects , which I perceived to flow from these immediately after the exhibition of them , were a present refocillation of the vital spirits , and as it were a more vigorous motion of the Arteries ; but then such pulses caused by the foresaid motion were very unequal , sometimes remitting , other times intending in their strength . Besides , this alteration of motion would last in some not above an hour or two at most , in others not longer then a score of Pulses , or frequently not above a Pulse two or three after the taking of it . In the next place , let us search into their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. We gather that the heart was affected by them , but how ? not primarily and immediately , ( as if some volatil spirits had been united to the Arterial spirits , and so communicated to the heart ; ) because the spirits of these kind of stones are so much fixed to their matter , that they are in a manner inseparable , although endeavoured by Chymical diligence ; that they are so , is undoubtedly true to those that have made trial of it . If the real Tincture of Coral or of Gold is so difficult , if not impossible to attain unto , much more of these , which exceeds the other by far in fixation of bodies . That the spirits of these Precious stones are so entirely fixed , their not wearing though much used , is a manifest Argument , which , if their spirits were volatil , would as much befall to them as to others . They are much of the Nature of Gold , which although you expose to the strongest heat of fire , will not yield a Minim of its weight ; if so , then we cannot imagine , that any whit of their volatil Nature should be separated by our weak heat ; if Aq. Regia is too inferiour to separate their spirits from their earth , much less our mild Ferment . But supposing an impossibility to be possible , viz. that by length of time this might be effected , yet it cannot answer to the cause of so immediate an effect ; neither must we fly to that worn out Sanctuary of ignorance Ocoult Qualities ; for it is denied to these also to act at a distance * . But to keep you nolonger in suspence , the truth of the matter is this ; the Heart , the Brain and the Liver do alwaies sympathize with the Stomack ; the one through commonness of Membranes and Nerves of the sixth pair , the other through the Branches of the Coeliacal Artery , the last through the Mesenterical and other Branches of the Vena Portae , especially in extream weaknesses . This is evident , Drink but a Glass of Wine , and immediately your vital spirits will pulsate more vigorously your Animal motion will be rendered stronger , and your Veins will swell upon it . Wherefore the Stomach being much relaxed in most weaknesses , and filled with Damps and Vapours , and sometimes partaking of a Malignancy , doth through the same Relaxation by continuation relaxe the Arteries , Nerves and Veines inserted into her body , whence their spirits are necessarily rendered feeble and moist . Now then , the Stomack being somewhat cleared of these moist evaporations , doth recover a little strength , which in like manner the foresaid Channels and Spirits do immediately grow sensible of : which if so , the case is plain ; to wit , that the benefit , which the noble parts receive , doth derive from the depression of these damps , through the weight of those precious Powders ; the same sinking to the bottom to conglomerate and contract the stomach , by which contraction they expel the aforesaid Vapours . Exhibite any weighty Powders , as of Coral , Crystal , Bole Armen , &c. they will refocillate the Spirits , and prove as suddenly cordial ( although ex accidenti ) as others of the most precious Carbuncles , or Magistery of Pearl ; which is an undoubted sign , that it is nothing else but their dense weight whereby they operate those Effects . Neither must you infer hence that I assert , that all weighty bodies are cordial ; no , but only such as are densely weighty , and have no noxious quality accompanying of them ; provided also their weight be not so excessive , as to overpress the stomach . By all this it appears , how far Jewels may be said to be Cordial ; as for any other effects that are adscribed to them , they are fictitious and deceitful . You may Object , that the Tincture or rather Magistery of Emeralds is commended for its miraculous vertue of stopping a Looseness . I Answer , That it is not the Emerald , which is the sole cause of this Effect , but its being impregnated with Spirits and volatil Salt of Urine , which being very detergent , and almost as adstringent as Alume , do principally work that Miracle , as you call it ; for digest its Powder with any other Menstruum , and its Operation will vary : Or abstract the Tinctures of any other Stone or Mineral Earth , ( provided they partake of no noxious quality ) with the same Menstruum of Spir of Urin , and you will assuredly find the vertue to be the same . Thus much touching their Intrinsick vertue : As for their External Effects , they are more certain and evident . 1. They do clarifie the sight through their Lustre and splendor , by obtending the optick air . They do cheer the visive spirits by moving them gently , and as it were quavering upon them through their flashes and glisterings of Light. This is very true ; for when you look suddenly upon a great Jewel , the sparkling of it will immediately quicken your eye-spirits , and as it were by consent cheer you . The same effect we do plainly perceive in our selves , when wecome suddenly out of a dark Room into the Sun-shiny Light ; wherefore I say the production of stones are ordained by God for to remain entire , and to please the eye by being lookt upon , and not to be broken into pieces and spoiled , when they are become scarce worth a Bodel , whereas before their value was of a great price . Before I leave this Subject , I will only insert a word touching the cause of their glistering and splendor . A Carbuncle , and particularly a Pyrope is alone said to shine in the dark , although Sennert . in his Phys. doth ignorantly deny it . The cause of its actual light in the dark is an actual flame kindled within the body of the stone , and there remaining Catochizated , whose Light is further intended by a Reflection upon the thick waterish parts of the stone , and glisters through its refraction by angles adherent to the matter and dividing the intrinsick Light. The same , to wit , reflection and refraction , is also the cause of the shining and glistering light of the other most precious stones . VI. Among the less precious stones , the Bezoar , or as the Persians call it , Pa Zahar * , a word compounded out of Pa against , and Zahar , Venom ; that is , a stone against all kinds of Venom or Poysons . But we here in these parts have a way of commending a thing far above what it is esteemed beyond Sea , and Quack-like , of extolling it against all putrid and malignant Feavers , the Plague , Small Pox , Measles , malignant Dysenteries , and what not ? There are many of these Goat-Stags in Persia * , which are fed in Fields near a place called Stabanon , two or three daies journey from Laza , a great City of that Countrey . These Fields protrude a great quantity of an Herb very like to Saffron or Hermodactyls , whereon those Beasts do feed , out of the subsidence and faeces of whose juyce remaining in the stomach , the foresaid stone concreaseth , which doth very miserably torment their bodies : But if the same beasts seed upon other mountainous herbs , this stone doth happen to dissolve , and comes away from them in small pieces . Now , that a stone engendred out of an unwholsom and poysonous herb should work such Miracles , doth by far exceed the Extent of my Belief . Moreover Physitians are very conscientious in dispensing the dose of it , imagining that 5 or 6 Graines must be sufficient to expel all Malignancy out of the humoral Vessels through a great sweat ; but I have taken a whole Scruple of it my self , to try its vertues , and found it only to lye heavy at my stomach , and that was all . Besides I have several times prescribed it to Patients , in whom I never could observe the least Effect of it . Supposing this stone were exalted to such faculties , there is scarce one amongst a hundred is right ; for those Mahometical Cheats have a Trick of adulterating them , and so thrusting two or three one after another down a Goats throat , they soon after kill him , and take the same stones out before witness , who shall swear they are true ones ; for they saw them taken out . The Tair of a Stagge doth expel sweat extreamly , and may be used against poysons and all contagious Diseases . Horstius commends it besides to facilitate hard Labour in Women . The German Bezoar stone is fained to excel in the same faculties that were adscribed to the Oriental Bezoars . Piedra de puerco some six or seven years ago had acquired a fame , through the false imposition of a knavish Jew , of excelling all other stones in vertue , insomuch that there was no disease , but would give way to it . This Jew sought all the means imaginable to set out the vertues of the said stone , that so he might intice some one or other to buy it from him at a high price . It fell out ( as the learned Dr. Bate related to me ) accidentally , that he came to one Mr. M. N. house , whose wife had some hours before taken a vomit ( I suppose it was a Dose of the Infus . of Croc. Metal . ) against a double intenmittent tertian ; The last vomit made her very sick , as usually it doth : The Jew imagining her to be in an Agony , ready to give up the Ghost , called in great haste for a glass of Wine and infused his stone in it for a moment or two , then gave it to the Patient , perswading her it would stay her vomiting ( which had then already stayed of it self ; for the operation begun to tend downwards ) and infallibly cure her of the ague . She drunk it off and her vomiting staid , ( as I told you of it self ) and her sickness ceased withall , because the vomit had done working ; her Ague left her because she had discharged the continent cause of the disease by her vomiting . Immediately this stone was cried up for curing a woman like to die , and for taking away her Paroxisms or fits in an instant . Soon after one bade him a hundred pounds for the stone , but as soon again slited it , when he heard the case stated by a Physitian . Even so is the Vulgar through the forwardness of their belief cheated and deceived every day by every Quacks Medicine , among whom some pay dear enough , and oft purchase it with no less than the loss of their lives . This stone is good for nothing else but for curing the yellow Jaundise , and particularly against the Cholera or Cholerick passion , which is very frequent amongst the East-indians , who usually take the infusion of this stone to appease it . Pearls are accounted for the greatest cordial in the extreamest weaknesses , and to have an alexipharmacal vertue against all putrefaction , Venome , and the Plague , and to chear the mind ; all this is to be apprehended no otherwise than I have described the same properties to be imputable to the most precious stones . The Alectorite is thought to encrease courage , raise lust , and quench a great drought , if a man do but carry it about him : but this is fabulous . A Bufonite is praised for a present Antidote against all poysons , insomuch that some do assert it to change its colour when ever a venemous draught is present . Casp. Bauhin . doth discourse very superstitiously upon this , the Bezoar , and other stones , and adds ( I doubt ) something more of his own than ever he tried , nevertheless I should be loath to confide upon it . A Chelidony is said to cure Convulsion fits in Children if only worn about their neck ; but it is hard to be believed . The two long stones and the throat stone of a Carp cure convulsion fits ; the triangular stone extends its vertue against the Collick . Crabs eyes are cooling , drying , detergent , discutient , break the stone of the kidneys , dissolve bloud bruised within the body , and are good in a Plurisie , Ptysick , and in the Collick . Besides , they are used to cleanse the Teeth . A Sourite is said to be an Antidote against all poysons . A Limace stone is used against the Ptysick , and consumption of the Lungs . Perch stones are taken to break the stone of the kidneys , and to cleanse the reines ; externally they use them for dentifrices and the drying of wounds . The Eagle stone is by some believed to further labour , if tyed to the thigh , and staies it , if tyed to the arm . * Coral is cooling , drying , and adstringent : It comforts the Heart , Stomack , and Liver ; it púrifieth the bloud , and is good against all kind of malignant Feavers , the Plague and Poyson ; it chears the mind , ( but that is doubtful , ) stops a Gonorrhoea , Menstrua , and all loosenesses ; it prevents Convulsion fits in Children ; outwardly it heals Ulcers , and brings them to a Cicatrix ; it dries up the rheumes of the eyes . Paracelsus doth madly use it for an Amulet to prevent being bewitcht , or ridden by devils , Lightnings , Frights , Convulsion fits , Melancholly , and Poysons . Crystall is adstringent , good against any looseness , or abundance of flowers in women ; it is further commended for conducing to the abundant increase of milk ; it breaks the Stone , and dissipates any tartarous matter ; whence it is used against the gout . The Bloud stone is of a cooling , drying , and restringent nature ; it stops the spitting of bloud , and binds the belly in a bloudy Flux , or looseness ; externally it cures the ulcers and rheumes of the eyes ; it consolidates the ulcers of the Lungs . The Galactite comforteth the Infant in the Mothers belly , increases milk , and externally cures Ulcers and Rheumes of the eyes . The Marble stone is only used for building , and to cut Statues out of it . The Ophite internally breaks the stone of the kidneys ; if tyed to the body , it cures the Head-ach , and preserves the body from the Plague : there are Cups made out of it , whose liquor infused in them they say expels Venome , cures all Agues and Consumptions . The stone warmed and applied outwardly cures the Chollick , Pleurifie , Gout , Stone : all this is but fabulous . The Lazul stone purges Meiancholly , hence cures all melancholy diseases , viz. a Quartan , Falling-sickness , Apoplexy , all diseases of the Spleen . It is hung about Childrens necks for to prevent fights , and to strengthen their sight ; women wear it about them to prevent miscarriages . An Armene stone is commended for the same vertues against the same diseases , but is counted more efficacious . The Nephritick stone breaks the stone of the kidneys if only tied to the arm ; this seems to be dubious . The Judaean stone is said to provoke Urin instantly , and to break the stone of the kidneys . The Leopard stone is used for the same intent . A Tophe is of little or no use in Physick . A Pumoise is cooling , drying , and adstringent ; it gently mundifies Ulcers , and particularly those of the eyes , and perduces them to a cicatrice ; it serveth besides for a Dentrifice . A Spunge stone is used against the stone of the kidneys , and against the Kings evil . A Rock stone serves only for building . A Flint is the great preserver of fire ; it provokes urin above all other things if oft heated red hot and quenched in white Wine . An Emrald is of little use in Physick , except in Chymistry ; its tincture precipitates and fixes Mercury in a moment . The Glasiers make use of it to cut Glass with it . The Amianth resisteth witchcraft ; externally it is detergent and cures the Itch ; internally , if dissolved with a little sugar in Aqua vitae , it cures women of the Whites . A Chalck stone is fiery , and knawing , and in length of time burns a crust . The Ostiocolla is internally and externally used for to conglutinate broken bones . Talck we have spoken of before . The Glass stone doth whiten womens faces , and maketh them look smooth . A Calaminar stone is drying , detergent , adstringent , sarcotick and cicatrizing . VII . Before I close this mineralogy , I will but name the kinds of mineral earths : viz. terra sigillata ( so called because it is usually selled , ) which is either Turkish , being sealed with Turkish characters , and is sold to us for Terra lemnia ; or of Maltha , sealed with the stamp of that Island ; or German , which comprehends two kinds ; the one being of a clayish colour is found about Triga , a Town in Silesia , prepared and sealed with their seal ; the other is of three colours , White , Ash , and Red , and sent from a place in Wetteraw , known by the name of Terra Wetteracensis , or Lubaicensis . All these earths are drying and restringent , resisting putrefaction , dissolving bruised bloud , moving sweat , and Cordial . These vertues depend upon a subtil spirit , which is permixt through the said earths . Bole armene is a red kind of earth , brought hither from Armenia ; it is also found about Wittenberg in Germany . It is drying and adstringent ; hence stops all fluxes of bloud , loosenesses , womens menstrua , and expels putrefactions . Marle is a kind of fat earth , inclosed within great stones : internally it dissolves bruised bloud ; externally , it proves adstringent , sarcotick , and cicatrizing . Red Chalck is commonly known ; it is adstringent and emplastick . Oaker is much of the same nature . Red Chalck is detergent and adstringent . Jappan earth is of a purple colour , here and there speckt with white specks , and of an austere taste ; it is commended for drying up Catarrhes , and strengthning the brain , if held in ones mouth . Tripolis is a kind of earth of a deep yellow , good for nothing but to scoure brass Kettels . Dioscorides and Galen do make mention of other earths , as Terra Samia , Melia , Terrachia , Cimolia , Selinusia , Eretria , Pnigitis , and Ampelitis , but their vertues being much inferiour to those foregoing , they are little taken notice of by Physitians of this Age. Among these earths we must not forget that whereout Porcelaine Dishes are made : there are three sorts of it , The one is of a transparent green colour , like to a Jaspis or an Emerald , yielding to neither in price or beauty , and is alone to be bought in Bengala , Guzurate , Decan , but at an extraordinary rate . The other is of a transparent white colour , like to Crystal , and is artificially made up out of a certain paste in the Island Carge , near the mouth of the Euphrates . The paste consists out of Oyster shels , and Egg-shells of some birds , called by the Inhabitants Teze , and Beyde & of many others , which being stampt and mingled with some other materials are buried under ground , where they are to lye forty , fifty , or sixty years long ; Parents shewing their Children where such a mixture was laid , who at the time of its perfection and maturity do take it out and make Dishes or Pots of it . The third sort is of a Pearl colour , but somewhat more dusky , and is made out of a certain white earth in the great Province of China , which being well cleansed , sifted , mingled , stampt , and duly prepared , serveth them to make Pots and Dishes out of . For a Corollary I will insert my sense upon Libavius his mineral flesh , which he in his Singular . part . 1. fol. 252. infers to be very possible . I shall add but one Argument : Earth we observe ( supposing it to be somewhat below its Surface ( destroyes and consumes all kinds of flesh , as appears in dead bodies buried . How then can she be thought to conceive apt matter for such a vital substance ? For living creatures are generated no where , but where the heat of the Sun may reach in such a measure , as to stir up , mollifie , and vivifie the substance conceived . Nevertheless near the Surface the aforesaid flesh is generable , as appears in many square Worms whose shape and form is in nothing differing from the supposed mineral Mole . Theophrastus lib. de lapid . describes mineral Ivory , and bones ; but you must not imagine these to be distinguisht from stones , supposing them to be generated below the Surface of the earth ; However I will grant you , that real bones are generated near to the Surface budding out like sprigs ; for in Thuringia the same are oft found sticking out of the earth : And Linscot in his voyage to the East Indies tell us that the Inhabitants of Goa cast the horns of beasts killed for provision into a certain place within a mile or two from the Town , where they soon take root and spread themselves into branches . CHAP. III. Of the Loadstone . 1. The various names of the Loadstone , and its kinds . 2. The Physical Essence of the Loadstone . 3. An enumeration of its Properties . 4. The demonstration of the first Mechanick property of the Loadstone . 5. The demonstration of the other Mechanical properties . 6. Of its nautical property . What is intended by the Poles of the Loadstone . 7. The division of the Loadstone into Circles . 8. An enumeration of the nautical properties of the Magnete . 9. A demonstration of the said nautical properties . 10. The cause of the deviation of the Compass Needle . 11. An Objection answered . 12. Cartesius his Doctrine examined touching the Loadstone . 13. The fabulous property of the Loadstone . I. THe Loadstone is otherwise called a Magnete from the first Inventor thereof Magnes , a driver of Cattel , who garding his heard upon the Mount Ida , felt his slip-shoes , being fastned with Iron pegs , to stick fast to the ground , and his driving staffe , which was pegged at the bottom with an Iron peg , to stick first likewise , whereat he was much astonisht , but searching narrowly into the cause he found they were a sort of stones that held him . The Greeks named this stone Sideritis , which Pliny , lib. 36. C. 16. derives from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Iron ; and not without a just ground , it having a vertue of attracting Iron to it . Others knew it by the name of Lapis Heraclius , not derived from Hercules , or Heraclius the supposed Inventor , but from Heraclia a City of Lydia , where the best were found in great number . The Germans call it ein seilstein , or a sail-stone , because the Mariners sail by it . This stone changes its name by the places , where it is usually found . 1. The Magnesian Loadstone is engendred about the City Magnesia . 2. An Alexandrian Loadstone is taken up about Alexandria . 3. It is found in Echio , in Boeotia . 4. The worst of them , being spungy and loose , are found near the Cape Verlychi in Natolia . 5. The best are those of AEthiopia , being the blewet , heavier , and drawing Iron stronger . Taisnierius supposing them to grow in the bottom of the AEthiopian Sea , relates an odd story , that some Ships crossing the AEthiopian Sea , and bearing near to the Promontories should have been drawn to the bottom of the Sea , by some Loadstones taking hold of their Iron Pins . II. Before we apply our selves to the enumeration of the properties of the Loadstone , let us in the first place search into its internal principles . The Loadstone is ( as it were ) imperfect Iron , but not so neer resembling it as Iron resembles Steel . It is between a Stone and a Metal , and therefore in a manner is not perfectly concocted . It s material principle is a loose earth rarefied by dense fire and incrassated air , being unequally mixt * and tempered . It s forma ultima is sometimes a compleat Metal like to Iron , other times like to a hard reddish blew stone . Both these have been found by many , not knowing what to make of them , which in all probability were concocted Loadstones . That they were Loadstones is evidenced by the remaining vertues , although but very weak of attracting Iron . It s body being throughout porous ( that is loose and not very solid , ) its intrinsick parts must of necessity partake of a certain figure as all porous bodies do , although in some more , in others less . Iron it self ( as also a Lyzzard stone ) consists of intrinsick parts Cuspidally or Pyramidally formed , that is with streaks transcurring as it were into Pyramidal points . In Alume likewise we see its parts are Hexagonal ; in Crystal the same ; and so in all bodies , although it is not alwaies visible , however appearing in our present subject . The cause you know is from the manner of exhalation & proruption of the ayry and fiery parts , that have left it , and minutely do still leave it . Between these triangular pointings we do imagine insensible cavities or pores , through which those emanations do continually pass , and by whose figure they are directed to their passages outward ; those I say are continuous and very potent . III. Now we have declared enough to demonstrate most of its properties , which I shall instantly enumerate . They are either Mechanical , Nautical , Medicinal , or fabulous . It s Mechanical property is of attracting Iron : Nautical , of inclining or moving towards the North Pole , and thereby of directing Mariners in steering their course , of which more anon ; Medicinal , of adstriction and strenching blood . AEtius lib. 2. tetrabl . cap. 25. gives us this account of its medicinal vertues : The Magnete or Herculean stone hath the same vertues which a blood stone hath : They say that it doth asswage the pains of the Gout in the feet and in the wrist , if held in the hand . This is fabulous , but if applied being mixt with other ingredients in a plaster , it doth really give ease in some kinds of Gouts . Serapio , lib. de simpl . part . 2. cap. 384. commends the Magnete for curing wounds , befaln by a venomous weapon ; it is to be powdered and mixt with other Oyntments and applied to the part affected ; besides , the Patient is for some daies to take a Dose of it internally untill the venom is purged away by stool . Parey lib. 7. Chir. cap. 15 attributes a very memorable cure of a bursted belly to it . Fabr. Hildan . Cent. 5. Observ. Chir. 31. obs . rehearses a famous cure luckily done by it by the advice of his Wife ( at a dead lift I suppose ) upon a Merchant , who was tormented with a miserable pain in one of his eyes caused by a little piece of steel that was accidentally peirced into it . All kind of Anonynes were applied , but to no purpose , at last the Loadstone was thought upon , which he caused to be held near to the eye , whereby it was soon drawn out . The fabulous properties of this stone are of losing its attractive vertue by the apposition of a Diamond ; of curing wounds at a distance , for which purpose it is added to Bombasts sympathetical oyntment ; and of preserving youth , for which end they say the King of Zeylan causes his victuals to be dressed in Magnete Dishes . I return to its Mechanical property , about which Authors are very various , some , as Nicander , Pliny , Anton. Mercat . lib. 2. de occult . prop. cap. 1. Matthiol . in Dios. lib. 5. cap. 105. Encel. de re Metal . lib. 3. cap. 8. fabr . Hildan . in the late quoted observ . asserting it to attract Iron at one end , and to repel it at another . Others affirming the contrary , viz. That it attracts Iron from all parts , but by several impulses as it were , moving in several Figures , some being direct , others oblique . It is true in an oblique motion the Steel at the first impulse seems to recede , because of its changing its position towards the Loadstone ; besides this change the Steel also varies according to its diverse position towards the stone ; we need not confirm the truth of this by arguments , the experiment it self ( viz. placing small pieces of filings of Steel round about the stone ) , will g●ve you a further proof of it . Wherefore these forementioned Authors imagining the North part of this stone to be alone properly the Loadstone , accused Pliny of an errour for affirming the Theamede stone to reject Iron , which they affirmed was no other but the South part of the Magnete : Whether the Theamedes doth repel Iron or no , I know not , only thus much I know , that the description of it is altogether differing from that of the Loadstone ; neither can I believe that Pliny , being so well versed in stones , should so easily mistake in this . Letting this pass , it is certain : 1. That in the North hemisphere it doth attract Iron most at its North part , and more directly ; at the other sides its attractive vertue upon Iron is less potent and draws more oblique . 2. One Loadstone doth not draw the other , unless the one be more concocted than the other , and then it doth . 3. That a Loadstone capped with Steel attracts more vigorously than when naked . 4. That it draweth Iron stronger at some places than at others ; at some seasons than at others . 5. That it attracts Steel more potently than Iron . 6. That it doth also attract Copper although but weakly . 7. That its Mechanick and nautical vertue is communicable to Iron . 8. That the Magnete loseth its vertue by rust ; by lying open in the air ; by moisture ; by lying near to hot Spices , as the Indian Mariners , who transport Pepper and other Spices , do testifie ; by fire ; by being touched with the juyce of Garlick or Onions . That in length of time its vertue doth intirely exhale , leaving only a course rusty stone behind it . 9. That a Loadstone being intersected by a section almost perpendicularly incident upon the supposed axeltree of the said stone , and its pieces placed one against the other , so that the faces of each section may constitute a side of an acute angle , terminated by a common point of their South or North Pole , doth attract Iron more potently by far than otherwise . IV. I should now begin to demonstrate the first effect of the Loadstone through its proper cause , but before I can arrive to its solution , it will be requisite for you to know what is ordinarily meant by its North part . The said Part is otherwise by Authors termed the North Pole of the Loadstone , because it doth look or lye towards the North Pole of the Heavens ; or of the Earth , because it tends downwards withall . Poles are ( vulgarly ) described to be the two extremities of an ( axis ) axeltree , about which a Globe or Wheel moves round . If so , then properly a Loadstone cannot be said to have either Axis or Poles , because according to the vulgar opinion it doth not move round . Wherefore the former denomination is improperly attributed to it , viz. the extreme central point of its tendency towards the Arctick Pole is termed the North Pole of the stone , and the opposite extremity is called the South Pole of it . Next remember out of the Ch. of Coct . that all bodies in their decoction do run off their temperament through streams or small mixtures of the Elements gradually deserting the decocting bodies , and taking their egress or fuming through their pores . These pores * tend most from the transcurrent Axis towards the North. That its pores tend most towards the North is evident by its intrinsick parts within ( as you may see when it is cut through ) running variously intorted towards the North in streaks ; these streaks are distinguisht from one another through interjacent porosities , otherwise they would be continuously one . That the Loadstone emits fumes , is testified from its looseness and inequality of mixture : For all parts , ( as I have shewed before , ) that are unequally mixt , suffer a discontinuation of their mixture , because one Element being predominant , and having its force united through the said unequal mixture , must needs make way for its effumation , and afterwards break through by egressing fumes : but such is the Loadstone . Ergo. 2. That these fumes or effluvia do effumate through their Northerly pores , the experiment it self doth confirm to us ; For we see that they attract Steel most at the North side † ; besides , they usually rub the cross wires of Sea-Compasses at the North side , as being most effumous there . Thus much for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and part of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now for the manner of its attraction ; and here it is disputed whether the Loadstone attracts Iron , or Iron the Loadstone . Hereunto I answer , That neither the Loadstone doth properly attract Iron , or Iron it : However since Iron is moved toward the Loadstone ( but accidentally ) by means of his effluvia or steames , therefore the Loadstone is said to draw Iron to it . 2. Iron doth ( improperly ) move it self to the Loadstone , being incited to the same motion through the steames of the Loadstone entring through its pores into its substance . The streams of the Loadstone are through their particular form and external shape or figure fitted to enter into the pores of Iron , which are in like manner fitted to receive the streams of the Loadstone ; they being admitted do reserate the substance of Iron , or through their specifick penetrability do free the volatil parts of that Iron from the fixt ones , whence they do immediately through their fiery principle dilate and diffuse themselves towards that part of the Circumference , where they feel the continual effumations of the Loadstone yet more to unite them , which reeking out , and being further diducted by a continuation of succeeding parts , do draw the course parts along with it , as being still continuatly united to them . Or plainer , the said fumes of the Loadstone having entered the pores of Iron do immediately loosen the spirits of the Iron , which being dilated and united to the fumes of the Loadstone must needs covet a greater place , the want of which causeth them both to spout out at those holes , which are most patent ; which must necessarily be those , through which the Magnetical fumes entered . This sudden spouting out must cause an attraction of the Iron , because the extrinsick air doth suddenly enter its pores on the opposite side , for to recover a place within the Iron which it had lost without by being driven back out of its place by the prorupting fumes : This sudden irruption of the air on the opposite side drives the Iron forwards to that place whence it was first repelled : This you will the better understand if you compare it with our discourse set down in the Chapter of Local motion , and of a Vacuum . These steams of the Iron do effumate through all the pores , where the vertue of the Loadstone hath touched it , especially at the Center of opposition to the stone , whence they breaking out in great quantity , do draw the body of Iron directly towards the Loadstone : But if the objected Iron be defended by being besmeared with Oil or any other greasie substance , or by being dipt into water , it puts by and obtuses the Fumes of Loadstone . That the Loadstone doth effuse Fumes from it , is further made known to us , 1. Through its inequality of mixture and looseness of Substance , as I hinted before . 2. Either it must act , that is , attract at a distance , or else operate through steams ; it cannot at a distance , that being only proper to supernatural Agents , and denied to all natural ones ; ergo the last . 3. If you burn it , it will cast a visible blew sulphurecus smoaky Flame . 4. It is not the Iron doth primarily effuse steams towards the Loadstone , because it is more compact , and less exhalable . Hence Scaliger might now have resolved his Doubt , whether the Loadstone drew Iron , or Iron it . Why these Fumes do exhale most towards the North , we have told you already . Do not let it seem strange to you , that the emanations of this stone should reserate the mixture and Temperament of Iron ; it being common to many other bodies , although Authors are not pleased to take notice of it . The fumes of Mercury do open the body of Gold. The heat of the Sun opens the body of water , and attracts Vapours thence . Amber through its Emissives attracts Dust , Paper , &c. But of these elsewhere . Why the stone moves steel variously according to its diverse position happens through the variety and obliquity of its Pores variously and obliquely directing its steames , and variously withal entring the Pores of the objected Steel . V. The Reason of the second Property is , because two Loadstones being alike in mixture of body , and in Effumations cannot act upon one another ; for all actions are upon Contraries . But in case the one be more concocted then the other , and in some wise dissembling in their mixtures , then doubtless the one will act upon the other , and the more concocted will attract the less . The cause of the third is , that the Emanations of the Loadstone being appelled and harboured in an extraneous body , as that of Steel , do with more ease and in greater smoakes ( as I have said before ) exhale out of it , and consequently attract Iron stronger , and work with a greater Bent towards the Northern Pole. Besides steel collects all the egressing steames of the stone , which being concentrated in the body of the said steel , and consequently received in greater quantity , must prove more forcible . The solution of the fourth is containned in the first . The Reason of the fifth is , because steel is purified from its grosser parts , which did before somewhat hinder the ingress of the Influence of the Loadstone , and cohibite the Effluvia of the affected body . Sixthly , It attracts Copper or Brass , because of the likeness of its Pores and mixture to Iron , whence it doth aptly receive the Energy of the Loadstone . The Reason of the Seventh may be drawn from the Third . 8. The Magnete happens to lose its strength through Rust , because its decoction is thereby stayed , and its temperament subverted . Moysture , and its being exposed to the air do lessen its vertue , because the latter doth so much disperse its emanations , and accelerate its decoction ; the former dissolves its temperament . Spices weaken its attraction , because through their heat they disperse and discontinuate the emanating spirits ; the like may be said of the juyce of Garlick and Onions . Mercury doth also destroy the temperament of the stone . It s vertue happens at last to relinquish it , through the natural course of Decoction . The Reason of the Eighth is , because the emanations do in that position easily joyn together , slowing in like course and figure from their bodies . Many more Conclusions might be deduced from the Experiments of the Loadstone , whose solution may easily be stated from what hath been already proposed . VI. It s Nautical Vertue is the great wonder of Nature to all Naturalists , to whom the Cause is no less stupendious . This Property is , whereby one part of the stone moveth towards the South , the other to the North. Bodintu , Lib. 2. Theat . Nat. proposeth an Experiment relating to this Property , somewhat different to what others have observed : An Iron Needle ( saith he ) being gently rubbed against that part of the Magnete , where it lookt towards the North , whill● it stuck to the Rock , and placed in a Balance , doth place that extremity , which was rubbed against the stone , towards the North. The same vertue it exerciseth towards the South , if the Needle be rubbed against the South part of the Loadstone . Neither is the strength of the Magnete less in its Eastern and Western part , although the stone cannot turn it self towards the Regions of the world , yet the Iron Needle can . What we have said cannot be understood unless it be experimented ; for if you lay a piece of the Magnete upon a Board swimming in the water , and lay that side of the Magnete which looked towards the South before it was removed out of its natural Seat , against the side of another Loadstone , which before it was cut out , lookt likewise towards the South , then will the swimming stone flee to the other side of the Vessel in the water : If you should turn the North part of the Magnete , to the South part of the other Magnete swimming in the water , the swimming part would suddenly come near and through a wonderful consent be both joyned to one another although the wood of the Vessel be between : The same will also happen if you put an Iron Needle into a Glass full of water being run through a piece of a Reed , and hold a piece of a Magnete in your other hand , one side of the Magnete will attract the Needle , the other will repel it . Thus far Bodinus . The last Property of attraction doth not appertain to this place , the cause of which may nevertheless be made clear to you by what is foregoing . The former touching its Vergency , is observable , if it be true ; but I doubt he hath not made tryal of it : Besides , none else do make mention of it , which were it real , they would not omit the Observation . That , which may next be disputed upon , is , whether the Loadstone turns to the South , or North Pole of the earth , or to the said Poles of the Heavens , or to neither . In the first place , I wonder what they intend by a North and South Pole of the Earth . Those that agree to Copernicus , hold that they are the extream points of the Axeltree whereon the Earth doth move : Others , who deny Earth a motion , affirm them to be those points of the Earth that are responding to the Poles of the Heavens , that is , which do lie perpendicularly or diametrically under the said Poles . The former Opinion states the Poles of the Earth different from those of the Heavens . Among the latter , some have consented to believe the Poles of the Earth to be where the extremities of the Compass-Needles do diametrically point to the arctick and antarctick Poles ; that is , where the length of the Needle is according to a right Line coincident with the imaginary axletree of the Poles of the world . The onely place of coincidence is concluded to be near the tenth degree beyond the Fortunate Islands ( but that is false , since the same coincidence is also observed in other places , ) from whence for that reason most do continue their mensuration of the Earths Longitude . But grant , the Poles of the Earth be at the points forementioned , why shall we apprehend the Loadstone rather to move towards the Poles of the Earth then of the Heavens . What ? the Earth say they , attracts the points of the Loadstone to her Poles : An Absurdity , why should not the Earth through the same principle of attraction draw other terrestrial bodies to it ? or what is it they intend by a principle of attraction ? I had thought that among the wandering Philosophers nothing but Fire and Air had been attractive . Moreover , did the Magnete alwaies incline towards the Poles of the Earth then it must be exempted from all deviation , which it is not ; for in divers Meridians it hath divers respects to the Poles of the World , and consequently to those of the Earth . In Nova Zembla it deflects 17 degrees towards the East . In Norway 16. About Neurenburgh 10. So in the Southwest Climates its deviation is no less various . Wherefore after all this we must be constrained to assert the Magnete not to incline directly either to the South or North Pole of the Heavens or of the Earth , although , as I said before , its Vergency is towards the North and South . The points of the Magnets Vergency are directly tending to the Poles of the Air : That is , The Poles of the Loadstone are directly coincident with those of the Air. You see its Poles are primarily neither perpendicular to those of the Heavens or of the Earth : Ergo its Poles do appropriate a particular situation . But before I prove their seat , it will not be improper to prefer the probation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their Poles . The emanations of the Loadstone move circularly ; ergo they must have real Poles or immoveable points , for a Body is uncapable of a circular motion in all its parts . A real Axis is no less necessary : It being impossible to conceive two extream immoveable points in a globous body without being fastned or continuated to other fixt points , ( which must likewise remain void of the same circular motion ) and so on from one extream point to the opposite extream point . That the steames of the said stone affect a circular motion is evident , in that the continuous effluvia of all bodies convert themselves into a like motion . Doth not the thick smoak of Coales , of Gunpowder , of Boyling water , in fine of all things in the World turn themselves round in the open air ? What is it you can cast up into the air but it will incline to a circular motion ? Do not those little Atoms , that are seen by us in the Rayes of the shining Sun ( the same which some Author is pleased to term light it self , probably because the Sun through its reflection and refraction upon them engrosses its light , so as to render them , to be light glistering bodies to the eye , ) make choice of a turning and winding motion ? Which if so , what reason is there to move us to detract the said motion from the continuous steames of the Heraclian stone ? Authors I remember , as Gilbert , Cabeus , Kircher , and others are accustomed to pronounce the Loadstone to contain a collection of all the properties of the Earth in her , and reciprocally the Earth to partake of the qualifications of the Loadstone , but without reason : Nevertheless I may justly set down that the Loadstone is enricht with all the dignities and vertues of Fire and Air ; For as Fire and Air attract , move circularly , are diffused to the periphery , even so doth this stone . Here we may equally imagine Poles , Axis , Polar Circles , AEquator , Meridian , Horizon , a common and proper motion , &c. VII . I shall begin with its Poles , whose Axis in most places interfects the Axis of the fiery Heavens into oblique angles , which in some Climates happen to be more or less obtuse , or acute , except that about the tenth degree beyond the Fortunate Islands , and in some few other Meridians its Axis and Poles are coincident with those of the Firmament . The stone may be justly compared to a Planet , which as it doth in some stations of the Heaven seem to be eccentrical , in others concentrical , so this may be termed eccentrick or concentrick , or rather conpolar and expolar . It s greatest expolarity or declination from the Poles of the Firmament is by Mariners deprehended to be extended to seventeen degrees . Dr. Gilbert makes them up 23. that is within 30 min. equal to the greatest declination of the Poles of the Zodiack , but he omits the proof . It s Center is the body of the stone , about which the steames move round , like the Wings of a Mill do rowl about their Axeltree . It s polar circles may be conceived to be those , that describe the distance of the Poles of the stone from those of the Firmament and of the Air. The AEquator is the middle circle imagined to divide the Orbe of the steams into two equal parts , viz. of North and South . It acquires a new Meridian in as many places as its Poles vary in their declination or ascension . It s Horizon is the Circle equally dividing its upper Hemisphaere from the lower . Next we will propose certain Theoremes of the Compass Needle . 1. The Mariners Needle , if gently rubbed against the Magnete throughout its length , and especially about both the points , doth imitate the nature of it , particularly of attraction , and of inclining towards the North and South . 2. If the Needle be touched throughout its whole length it doth tend Northwards and Southwards with more force than if only rubbed at one end or point . 3. The Needle being only touched at the South end will only in the Meridional plage incline towards the South ; and if at the North point , it inclineth to the North in the Septentrional parts . 4. The Needle being rubbed about the middle doth incline towards the North and South although very weakly and slowly . IX . These Theorems , together with the foregoing ones , we shall instantly endeavour to demonstrate . You must observe , that the motion of the emanating fumes of the Magnete is from East to West , and from West to East , and consequently its Poles or immoveable points must be North and South , as you may more plainly understand by this Scheme , where a is mark for the South Pole of the streames , and b for the North , γ for East , and δ for the West . That the Magnete moves circularly in the manner aforesaid is evidenced by its circular attraction ; for small pieces of Steel being placed about it are all obliquely attracted and forced to it , and not directly ; which is an undoubted sign of the stones circular motion . 2. These Effluvia issuing forth in great fumes are through a superabundance protruded into small bodies of steames , which through an overforcing impulse of the air , do as it were reverberate & move back again , but circularly towards the stone , ( like as we see thick smoaks do in a Chimney ) still reserving their naturall motion from East to West . Wherefore it is through their circular motion that Steel is impelled to them obliquely , and through their reverberating impulse it is forced directly to the body of the Loadstone . Likewise the extreme part of the Compass Needle , being impregnated with the steames of the Magnete , which in the foresaid manner affecting a circular motion from East to West make choice of the extreme point of the Needle N , for one of its Poles , viz. its North Pole , which necessarily must remain immoveable and look towards the North , supposing its motion to be from East to West . But if those steames were rowled from South to North as Cartesius imagined , then the Needle would constantly be shaken by a motion tending upwards and downwards , which it is not . To the contrary we see , that the said Needle is very inclinable to move Eastward and Westward , if but lightly toucht because of the steams moving from East to West , and from VVest to East ; for the motion of the Needle excited by a conquassation moves circularly in raising it self and moving towards the East , and thence depressing it self and returning to the VVest . 3. How can it be rationally conceived , that these steames should rowl from South to North since they cannot move the Needle that waies , it being fastned at the middle ? 4. Hence you may be resolved , why the Needle being only toucht at one extremity doth tend Northwards with a greater force ; because its rowling requiring a freedom of circulating Eastward and Westward , fixes the point Northerly , as being one of its Poles . Besides this motion obversing about its extremity urgeth a greater force upon the whole Needle , because there it and all other bodies ( viz. at the extremity ) are the weakest and least potent to resist . Likewise the same Needle being affricted at its Southerly part in Southern Regions Verges to the South ( because of the Southern Pole of the air , ) as that of the North point to the North in Northerly Countries , because of its imitating the North Pole of the air . But if touched about the middle its Vergency is the same , although with less force , because the weight of the Needle doth most resist the impulse of the Magnetical effluvia at its centrical parts . Next for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wit , through what it is , that the Magnete together with the nautical Steel do accline to the South and North Pole. Here take notice that the steames of our stone , consisting of predominating fire and air , do therefore also imitate the nature of both : Wherefore it being natural to fire and air , if detained from their Center , to continue a circular motion , and to move upon two Poles of North and South about an Axeltree from East to West , and from West to East , it cannot but it must also be the nature of all steams as being likewise detained from their Center to affect the same motion and in the same manner : For fire and air flowing from East to West like the Ocean , which hath also made choice of the same motion , do carry all igneous and aierial bodies along with them , as the said Ocean bears all swimming bodies with it . That fire and air obtain such a motion we shall in the ensuing Chapters evidently demonstrate . These Herculean steames are also assisted by the protrusion of the flowing ambient air , because they being continuous and cohering do give way to the airs propulsion : For if they were contiguous and their particles dishering , they would scarce be moved by the air , but would break through . So that it is more than probable , that the steames move with the air Eastward , Besides , those Miasmata being aerial do of their own nature strive for rest against the earth , which causeth them to move circularly . Lastly , we are to evidence how the air may be assisting in moving the steames back from East to West about the Needle ; for the air doth in our Hemisphaere continue a westward floud ; but this is easie enough . All flowing bodies do whirl , when appelling against a body that lyeth or standeth in their way : As for instance , where you hold your finger in a flowing water or River , there the water whirles or moves round about your finger ; or where there are heaps of gravel or sand lying in the water , there you see the like effect : Even so it is with the air , which being alwaies in a floud , doth whirl about any weighty body , that lyeth or standeth in its way : Wherefore then the floud of the air hitting against the weighty Iron of the Needle lying in its way doth turn and whirl round about it , and so doth withal impel the Chalibeat and Magnetical steames to the same course , whereunto they do also of their own nature seem to incline . Moreover , Iron wrought into a thin long shape , and insisting moveably and lightly upon an immoveable sustaining point doth inclinatively turn its extremities towards the arctick and antartick Poles of the Air : The reason is , because its steames are led with the stream of the air , which ever tending from East to West doth convey the steames of Iron ( although but weakly , because they do not emanate very copiously from it ) westward , and consequently its Poles must then necessarily be coincident with those of the air . A Needle swimming in the water ( but then it must be still and thin ) doth obvert it self to the same Poles ; the reason is evident . Supposing that those steams did cease , and were quite exhaled , nevertheless would a long piece of Steel , insisting lightly upon a sustaining immoveable point be caused to stick out its Poles North and South , because the air moving in a great , swift , and full steame enters the pores of the steel , and drives it cross or long waies , just as we see in a River , which carrieth a boat or any long piece of wood ( as a Mast ) being adrift , athwart or with its cross sides against the stream , and points its ends to the borders of the said River , which being ( as it were ) immoveable in respect to the cross drift of the Mast are instead of its Poles . X. There wants yet the inserting of the cause of the deviation of the Mariners Needle : Which being accidental to it , happens through terrestrial and aqueous bodies condensing and incrassating the air * , whereby they do somewhat stop and retard the airs swift course only in its lowermost Region , which being retarded there makes an obliquity in its stream , since the other part of the air flowing in the second and third Region is forced to leave the lowermost streams a little behind , which makes the Essluvia of the Needle and Loadstone choose another Pole. So then about the Fortunate Islands the lower Region keeps touch with the others and therefore is conpolar , rendring the Essluvia of the Stone and Needle likewise conpolar . The reason is , because the air being very thin there , is not thick enough to retain any gross bodies , such as might hinder its course . Besides , that Climate being temperate and but little infested with heat is not so much obnoxious to the imbibition of Vapours or exhalations ; neither is it subjected to receive any dense minimas falling down from the Coelestial Poles , which do likewise retard the inferiour Region of the air . Under the Line , and within some degrees of it the air is likewise retarded by being discontinuated below through the torrid minimas raining down from the Heavens and reflecting there , whereby it is compelled to be expolar in a degree two or three , whence also the Needle varies in the same number of degrees . About Neurenburgh the air in its lower Region is retarded bear 10 degrees , and consequently differs in the distance of its Poles from those of the 2d & 3d Region in 10 degrees . In Nova Zembla 17. and very probably the further Mariners steer to the Northward the more degrees they find their Compass Needle to linger , because the more remote they go from the universal flame * , the more they find the air condensed and incrassated with earthy and waterish minima's , whereby it is flowed in its fluor . And doubtless directly under the Poles of the Heavens the inferiour Region of the Air is altogether immoveable , and consequently its Poles must likewise be admitted to be at the same places . Further , these deviations of the Needle do signifie the Altitude and declination of the Poles of the air , which altitudes and declinations are to be conceived nothing else but the degrees of the Airs retardation and acceleration in the inferiour Region , or the degrees which the superiour Regions of the air exceed the lowest in swiftness of motion , which various excess of Degrees seems to us to make choice of sundry Poles , but in effect doth not , it hapning through nothing but through the airs addensation . Against what I have here proposed may be objected , That although granting such a motion to the universal tract of the air , yet it is dubitable , whether the air being separated from its whole body , and included within the limits of a Compass box doth continue the same motion ; for water contained in a Porringer , and seperated from its elementary body doth cease imitating the course of the great Ocean ; likewise Pools and other standing waters desert that actual motion , which , if united to the Ocean , they would reserve . Hereunto I give my answer , 1. That water in a Porringer , Poole , or Lake striving no longer for a Center , ( for it enjoyes one there ) doth not move downwards of it self , or is thence circularly reflected as water is , when it is deprived from its Center ; wherefore that motion downwards , which is in the water in a Porringer , Lake , or Pool , is not caused intrinsecally through a bent for a center , but by an extrinsick impulse of the air striving downwards for it center , and meeting with thick water , which it cannot easily pass , it bends and forceth the stronger upon it , that so it may give way . But the air in a Compass box is still detained from its center , especially by the intercurrent emanations of the Needle , about whose * extremity both air and Magnetical steames move circularly together , as upon one of the Poles . More than all this , the air within the Box is still continuated to the whole tract of the air , whereby it is assisted and furthered in its circular motion : Whereas water is discontinuated from its intire body . But you may instance , That the Box together with the glass atop doth interrupt the continuation of the air within the Compass from its Elementary body without ; or if that did not , certainly the whole Compass Box being thrust deep under water would , and nevertheless the Needle would point South and North. I answer , That a thousand glasses or boxes would scarce be sufficient to hinder the communication of the air , since they are all pervious : Yet I cannot but grant that the water may ; which if it doth , it doth only diminish the strength of the Needles Vergency , but doth not quite abolish it ; unless the air within begins to be incrassated by water entring in vapours , and then its circular motion and consequently the Needles Vergency is quite lost and abolished . Wherefore I conclude , That the air in the Box , although under water doth continue in a circular motion ( because of its detention from a center , ) untill it is incrassated by water . XII . But before I come too near to the conclusion of this Chapter , let me take the leasure to balance what Cartesius sets down upon this matter . After the enumeration of the properties of the Magnete , he observes that there are striated particles , that are sent down from the South part of Heaven , and bowed quite into another kind of shape , different from those that rain down from the North ; whence it is that the one cannot enter into those Channels and passages , which the other can . He further observes , that the South particles do pass directly from their seat through the midst of the earth , and when passed return back again with the air that is cast about the earth , because the passages through which they pass are such , that they cannot return back again through the same . The like is to be understood of those particles , that press through the earth from the North. In the mean time as many new parts as there do alwaies come on from the South and North part of the Heavens , so many there do return or fall back through the East and West parts of the Heavens , or else are dispersed in their journey , and lose their Figures , not in passing the middle Region of the earth , because there their passages are made fit for them , through which they flow very swiftly without any hinderance , but in returning through the air , water , and other bodies of the outward earth , wherein they find no such passages , they are moved with much more difficulty , and do constantly meet with particles of the second and third Element , by which they labouring to expel them are sometimes diminisht . Now in case these striated particles hit against the Loadstone lying in its natural position , then they find a clear passage and go through , because ( he saith ) a Loadstone is pervious in the same manner as the earth is , and therefore calleth the Earth also a Magnete . The Poles of the Loadstone he states to be the middle points of its passages on both ends . That , which is the middle point between those passages , that are disposed to receive the particles descending from the North part of the Heavens , is the North Pole , and its opposite point is the South Pole. But when the striated particles , that come from the Poles of the Earth , hit against the passages of the Magnete lying athwart , then they do by that force , which they have of persevering in their motion according to right Lines , impell it untill they have reduced it to its natural position , and so they effect that its South Pole ( provided it be not detained by any external force , ) turns towards the North Pole of the Earth , and its North Pole towards the South Pole of the Earth : Because those particles that tend from the North Pole of the Earth through the air to the South , came first from the South part of the Heavens through the midst of the earth , and the others that return to the North , came from the North. Here you have the chief of the forementioned Authors fansie upon the demonstration of the properties of the Loadstone . In the first place , how can any one probably conceive , that there are striated parts sent down from Heaven ; for consider the immense distance , ( which he agrees to ) the interposition of thick clouds filled up with dense exhalations , and the continuous depth of the air . Is not the air potent enough to dissolve all bodies contained within its bowels , doth it not dissolve the thick frozen clouds into snow , hail , and thick rain ? Doth it not dissolve the coagulated exhalations of the earth , that are so tenacious ? Much more those striated parts , which he himself confesses are dissipated at their return through the force of the ambient air , & that in so short a time & passage . Why should these striated particles descend more from the polar Regions of the Heavens , than from the East and West parts ? Are not the Poles of the Heavens immoveable , of the least efficacy ? Are not those parts of the Firmament alwaies discerned to be clearest , and most freed from obscure bodies ? Is not the North and South air so much condensed and congealed , that it is impossible for it to give passage to such subtil bodies as the pores of the Magnet do require ? I say impossible to subtil bodies , because they need force to press through ; and so much the more , because they are discontinuated . But had our Author asserted them to rain down from the East and West parts , where the air is thinnest , and less nebulous , and where the Coelestial bodies exercise their greatest influences , it would have deserved a freer reception ; but then his Chimera would have been rendred monstrous , and unfit to explain the reasons of the Magnetical vertues . The south streaks ( saith he ) are intorted in a form different from those of the North : whence had he that news ? what ? Because one Pole of the Magnete inclineth to the North , and the other to the South , therefore these streaks must needs be sent down from the North and South : Is this a Mathematical Demonstration to conclude the cause ( and a false one too ) by the effect ? A notion by far inferiour to those of the wanderers , and that which adds to this absurdity is to imagine that these streaks should retain their shape notwithstanding their continual and long grinding against the air in their descent , and not change their shape a hundred times over . Doth not a cloud , which must be supposed to be of a firmer consistency than those particles , make choice of a new shape every moment ? But how much the more these small tender bodies ? And that which is most absurd is , to propose that such a vast number or troops of these particles should arrive hither into our North Hemisphere from the South so obliquely without changing their shape ; further he supposeth them to come bearing down directly through the Earth , and through the Magnete , which is impossible , unless it be in a right sphaere ; whereas we here are situated in a very oblique sphere , and consequently the Magnet is also obliquely seated here , wherefore it is requisite that these streakes should alwaies beat against the Magnet in these Regions obliquely , and change their shape very oft . But how monstrous is it to maintain these particles to flie through the Diameter of the Earth and water , being bodies most dense , close , & thick in many places shutting out fire and air , being substances by a Million of degrees exceeding Des-Cartes in subtility ; or how is it possible they should pass the most Icy and deep thick body of water ? well , and yet through all this difficulty they should retain their shape ; this is an absurdum absurdissimorum absurdissimum . The earth is pervious in such a manner as to fit the shape of the Coelestial streakes : and were it so , certainly it moving about the Sun according to his assent must change its passages and so thwart the entrance of the Coelestial subtilities . As for the passages of the Magnete , we grant them to be numerously seminated through its body , but their shape is quite different . My time doth even weary me in making disquisition upon so dishering and monstrous a Chimera ; I should easier give credit to Rablais his Pantagruel , or the Fables of AEsope , than to so obtuse a phantasm . XIII . There remains yet a word or two touching the fabulous property of this Stone , which you have described by Famianus de Strada , Libavius and others , viz. that two Loadstones , although at a great distance , do so sympathize with one another , that they move at one anothers passive impulsion , and that towards the same place ; as , for two friends residing in different Countries , and intending to signifie their meaning or desires to each other , they are only to make use of two steel needles , of an equal size , & to rub them both against the same side of the Magnete , and afterwards to place them in a Compass Box , and so turning either of the Needles to any Point of the Compass , the other is thought to obey to the same motion , whereby they come to know one anothers meaning , as having mutually at their last meeting agreed to impose a certain signification upon each point of the said Compass . Hence they deduce a Magnetical ( or like to it ) sympathy in curing of wounds , a sympathy in the affinity of bloud , a sympathy between the guts and their excrements , between superlunary & sublunary bodies , between men and men , men and beasts , men and parts of beasts , men and plants , beasts and beasts , beasts and plants , some natural bodies and others : So that whereas formerly Philosophers used to excuse their ignorance by occult qualities , now having worn them out they accur to Magnetical sympathies . There is not a Surgeon or Apothecary so ignorant , but he will as cunningly find out a cause , whereby to explain the most abstruse effect of nature , and instantly tell you such or such an effect happens through a Magnetical sympathy , as the most learned Mr. Doctor . But is this the great advancement of Learning and Philosophy , which our Age doth so much boast of ? Is it not rather a grand piece of impudence to propose such absurdities , and much more to give credit to them ? If Loadstones are subjected to such a necessary sympathy , then one Magnet being retracted to a certain point of the Compass , all must yield to the same point . But the consequence is ridiculous , ergo the Antecedence is no less . 2. This sympathy is either communicable through means of the air , or through it self without any intermediate body , and consequently a natural action must agere in distans : not the first ; for it is impossible , that its steames should be conveighed to such a distance in their full vigour ; not the second , that sounding absurd in the ears of all Naturalists . The other kind of sympathies I intend to treat of elsewhere . CHAP. IV. Of Life , and living Bodies . 1. What Life is . 2. The Form of Life . Why Vegetables are generated no where but near to the Surface of the Earth . 3. The properties of a Vital Form. 4. The definiton of Nutrition , and the manner of it . Whether food is required to be like to the dissipated parts . 5. What Accretion is , and the manner of it . 6. The manner of the generation of a Plant. 7. The manner of the germination of a Plant. A delineation of all the parts of a Plant. 8. What the Propagation of a Plant is , and the manner of it . 1. HItherto we have proposed to you the nature of Earths , Minerals , and Stones , which are the lowest degree of natural bodies , and therefore do most of all resemble their predominating Element in nature and properties ; the next degree to this is , wherein Vegetables or Plants are constituted , and through whose prerogative a more noble Essence and dignities are allotted to them , consisting in Life , Accretion , and Propagation . The life of a Plant is its singular nature , through which it is nourished and accreased , and doth propagate . As Generation and Corruption in a strict sense are only appropriated to in animated naturals , so are Life and Death restrained to animated ones ; namely , to Plants , Animals , and Men. Peripateticks seem to observe a twofold difference of life , viz. Substantial and Accidental . The former is taken for the principle of the vital operations ; The latter for the actions of life , as Nutrition , Accretion and Propagation . We here intend neither abstractly , but define the life of a Plant concretely , that is a living body , substance or plant , to be a being composed out of a Physical matter , specified by a distinct form from pure naturals , and through its Essence to be qualified to nourish it self , accrease , and to generate : Wherefore Aristotles Followers do justly condemn Cardan . lib. 7. de subtil . and Cornel. Valer. Cap. 44. instit . Phys. for maintaining life it self to be an action , that is a quality or property really distinct from its subject ; But withall stumble into no small an inconvenience in defining it to be an Actus , which is no otherwise distinguished from an action than a concrete from an abstract : So that in inserting actus they must mean an ( substantia agens ) acting substance , which if so , then an accident is not really distinguisht from a substance , and a substance must be conceived to act immediately through her self . Aristotle lib. de respir. describes life to be the permansion or abiding of the vegetable foul with the heat . From which that of Scaliger , exercit . 202. sect . 5. is little different : Life is the union of the soul with the body . Here the Philosopher appears only to describe life to be a duration , which is but an accident ; neither doth Scaliger's union signifie any thing more . 2. They distinguish the soul really from the heat and body , which in the same sense are identificated . The matter and form of life , of a living substance , or a Plant , are originally the matter and form of the Elements . That the matter of living substances is Elementary , there are few or none among the wandring Philosophers but will assert it with me , yet as for their form their great Master hath obliged them to deny it to be Elementary , and to state it to be of no baser a rice than Coelestial . Give me leave here to make inquiry , what it is they imply for a form : Is it the vegetable soul , which Aristotle makes mention of in his definition of life ? Or is it the soul together with the heat , wherein it is detained , which is accounted of an extract equally noble with her ? Be it how it will , the soul is really distinguisht by them from the matter and from the Celestial heat ( here they take heat in a sense common with Physicians , for Calidum innatum , that is heat residing it the radical moisture ) its subject , and acknowledged for a form . So likewise the heat ( Calidum innatum ) is diversified from the matter and from the soul , wherefore it is neither matter or form , What then ? Their confession owns it to be a body Celestial , and therefore no Elementary matter . Were I tied to defend their tenents I should answer that there was a twofold matter to be conceived in every living body , the one Celestial , and the other Elementary : But then again one might justly reply , That beings are not to be multiplied beyond necessity . They do answer for themselves , That it is to be imagined a tye ( vinculum ) whereby the soul is tied to the body . So then according to this Doctrine of theirs I should understand the vegetable soul to be immaterial , and of the same nature in respect to its rice and immortality with the rational soul ; for even that is in like manner tied to the body by means of the Calidum innatum , and are both apprehended by Aristotle to be Celestial , of no mixt body , and really differing from their matter : If so , the vegetable soul must be received for immortal as being subject to no corruption or dissolution because it is Celestial and consequently a single Essence , without any composition , and to which no sublunary agent can be contrary . But again , how can it be a single essence since it is divisible , and therefore consisteth of a quantitative extension , and is a totum integrale ? Such is their Philosophy , full of contradictions and errours . In the next place I would willingly know , how this innate heat together with its primogenial moisture may properly be termed Celestial , since it is not freed from corruption and dissolution , whereas all Celestial bodies are exempted from dissolution , and therefore the Philosopher takes them for eternal ? Are not coldness and dryness as much necessary per se for life , as heat and moisture ? Are heat and moisture sole agents without coldness or dryness , or are fire and water sufficient principles for actuating life ? In no wise , for as you have read , they are uncapable of existing in one subject unless accompanied by air and earth . II. Wherefore I say , That the form of life is spirits or subtilities of the Elements united in mixtion and a just temperament . Spirits are derived from the word spiro , I breathe , as being bodies no less subtil than a breath . Their constitution is out of the best concocted , temperated , and nearest united parts of the Elements , in which parts the Elements embracing one another so arctly , minutely and intimately , do of a necessity separate themselves from the courser parts of the mixture , and so become moveable through the said course parts ; they acquire withal a great force through the predominancy of fire condensed by earthy minim's , and glued together by incrassated air . The force and agility in motion of the influent Spirits depends upon the compression of the weighty parts of the body , depressing the said spirits out of their places ( because they hinder the weighty parts from their center , ) which being through their incrassated air naturally gendred glib and slippery do the easier yield to slip out and in from one place to another . The efficient of spirits is the universal external heat , viz. The Celestial heat , mainly proceeding from the greater mixt bodies contained within the heavens : For although the peregrin Element's contained within the earth are capable enough of uniting themselves , and constituting a mixt body through their proper form , yet they remain unable of uniting themselves so arctly , as thereby to become spiritous and constitute a living substance ; wherefore they do stand in need of the external efficiency of the Celestial bodies , which through their subtil heat do accelerate their most intimate union , in uniting the internal heat ( before dispersed through the parts of a body ) to a center , whereunto they could not reach without the arct and firm adherence of some incrassated aerial and terrestrial parts , which here are yet more closely united into one , and refined from their grosser parts . Hence it is , that Vegetables are no where generated but where a sufficient influence may arrive from the Celestial bodies ; and for this reason , the earth at a certain depth doth not harbour any living Creature , as any Vermine , or Plants , but only near to its Surface . The qualification or gradual distinction of this heat partially effects the difference of living bodies ; for to such a Vegetable , only such a degree and qualification of Celestial heat is requisite , and to another another : and withal observe that this efficient heat doth not become formal , neither doth it unite it self to the intrinsick heat of a Plant , but exhales after the execution of its office ; The reason is , because it is in many particulars unlike to the internal spirit of a Vegetable , and therefore being unfit to be united to it must consequently after the performance of its function expire . The spirits predominating in fire reside in an incrassated air , the which being continuated throughout the whole matter is the immediate subject , whereby the spirits are likewise extended throughout the same body , and are ( although mediately ) rendred continuous . III. The properties of a vegetative form are to be moveable , forcible , actually warm , mollifying , attractive , recentive , concocting , expulsive , nutritive , accretive , and plastick . The two former I have touched just before : Touching the third , I say those spirits are actually warm , but not sensible to our touch , because their heat is of a lower degree than ours ; however we feel they are less cold ( for in comparison to our warmth they are cold ) than pure naturals , as Earths , Stones , or Metals . This befalls through their fire condensed , in such a degree and manner , that it kindles the least flame , whose greatest effect is but the remissest warmth . How fire mollifieth I have formerly shewed : Besides , that which adds much to this is the incrassated air , whence its parts are rendred tenacious and cohering . Living spirits are attractive , but how ? Not as Novices have hitherto imagined through the fires egress and appulsion to a portable body , and thence returning as it were loaden with a burden : But through dissipating and feeding upon its incrassated air , which diminishing , other air ready prepared touching it succeeds and bends into its room , being impregnated with some parts of the exhaling fire , which it imports along with it . This new advening incrassated air you must conceive contains also some earthy minima's and condensed fire ready to take flame , through which it moves much stronger inwards . That air strives thus to enter into the cavities left by a precedent air , I shall make good to you in its proper place . Spirits are retentive through continuing their accidental attraction , & by means of their courser parts , which being extensive and tenacious are by the succeding air blown up into the middle parts , where swelling must needs constrict the upper and lower filaments or containing parts . They exercise their concocting vertue upon the succeeding ayry moisture , by melting its body , which done its purer parts succeeds the dissipated thickned air , because it is compressed upwards through the constriction of the weighty Elements . The grosser parts being left behind , as not being subtil enough to follow their finer , are expelled by the exhaling heat , which being somewhat condensed and corporeal is forced to drive the excrementitious parts of the incrassated air before it , before it can procure its egress , which is the manner of the spirits exercising their expulsive faculty : Here we need no musculs , nor alwaies right , oblique or transverse Fibres , or what not , to attract , retain , concoct , and expell ? For what use could the vital flame of a tree make of them , since they cannot be extended and contracted into requisite shapes . The truth of all this I will confirm to you by the burning of a Candle , where you may in like manner observe one and the same flame attracting , concocting , retaining , and expelling its nutriment or incrassated air , namely , the Tallow , and doubtless Vegetables are not differing from these in exercising the same faculties . The flame of a Candle doth attract the Tallow not by right fibres , or by fiery parts egressing and returning with their load ; for that is contrary to the nature of fire , whereby it is diffused from its center , but the unctious parts adhering to the Cotton , and retained within those smal villi of it , which being dissipated , the nearest adjacent parts of the Tallow do naturally succeed , not to avoid a vacuum , but because their parts are continuated , which so being , one part attracts the other ; besides those adjacent unctious parts being expanded are diffused by their ambient air compressing for a center into the cavities between the Cotton , where they are retained . These retained parts are concocted , that is dissolved by liquefaction , where only the subtiler and purer parts succeed the dissipated preceding ones , through means of the beforesaid compressing air ; the courser parts are elevated and expelled by the expiring fire into the form of smoaks . The same may be instanced to you in the burning of spirits of Wine , wherein the same particulars are observable . Here I do with purpose leave out the principal part of this notion , whereby to demonstrate the motion of food to the parts , because I have reserved it ( God willing ) for another Volume . IV. By these four actions nutrition is performed , which sounds nothing else but the conservation or maintenance of the vital form to wit , the spirits or vital flames in their matter , or being , by supplying them with new parts against the defect of the dissipated ones . In this definition you have set down the in ernal active principle of nutrition , viz. the vital form , spirits , or living flames , which according to your pleasure you may term Anima vegetativa , in contradistinction to anima naturalis , so that anima here is synonymous to a form or internal active principle : The subjective internal principle is the matter : the end , or rather the bent is to conservate the form in her matter ; the action and means whereby , is generally by supplying it with new parts , particularly by attracting food or aliment , retaining , concocting it , and expelling the excrements . As for the food , It is required it should be aerial and igneous , or like to the parts that are to be nourished ; hence they say Simile simili conservatur ; Like is preserved by like : Here may be objected the relation of the King of Cambaia his Son , who was fed with poysonous meats , in a manner that when he was grown up , his bloud or rather his skin was so intirely stayned with poyson , that flies sucking it immediatly swelled and dyed : And of a Girl , that was sent by an Indian King to Alexander for a gift , which being fed and brought up with poison killed the King alone by her looks . The History of Mithridates King of Pontus is universally known , and of the Ducks of the same Country , that feed altogether upon poyson . The inference hence is , that poyson although unlike to the vital spirits ( which at most times it doth usually destroy , ) yet sometimes becomes a food to them . I answer , that it is no wise unlike to them , because it doth nourish them ; possibly at its first eating , it might be unlike , and therefore it then making them sick was rejected by their natures ; but they by degrees accustoming themselves to it , their spirits were gradually assimilated to it , and also brought to be poysonous , as appears by the History of the King of Cambaia his Son , and of the forementioned Girl . Hence it follows , that pure Elements are insufficient for food , as likewise all other substances , that are not igneous and aerial , or such as are unapt of being converted into a flame . This resolves us that the Chameleon doth not live upon air , nor the Aquarels upon water , nor Toads upon Earth , nor Salamanders upon fire . V. Accretion is an action of life , through which a living body is intended in form , and extended in matter . This action is performed by the same form , and the same nutriment , but the former growing more vigorous becomes through that degree of intention of vigour yet more vigorous , and the latter being more and more dissipated through the gradual intention of heat doth likewise gradually increase through a greater accesse of nutriment , than was dissipated . This instance may serve to make a further illustration of it to you : Focal fire doth accrease in form , ( that is , intense heat ) and in matter or extension of its quantitative parts by greater apposition of fewel ; This fewel at its first apposition to the fire is not yet attracted or become a fit nutriment for it , before it succeeds the incrassated air by a continuation , and through an impulse of the ambient air , and then being attracted it is concocted , and its aerial parts are gradually adjoyned to the former air , where its formal parts , to wit its latent fire being adunited to the form of the former fire doth accrease the former fire and form , which accretion must necessarily attract yet more nutriment , which nutriment acceding doth each time increase its form and matter . Even so it is with Plants attracting much nutriment , the which the gradual increasing of their form and matter doth dispose to a greater attraction , which again a greater supply of formal & material parts do necessarily consecute . But seeing that all Plants do accrease no further than to a determinate quantity of formal and material parts , it will not prove amiss to give the reason of it , which we shall do hereafter . In order to a further explanation of this definition let us first shew you the Homonymia of accretion . 1. It is taken for an augmentation of number in naturals , animals or others : Thus a heap of Corn , of Beasts , or of Men is said to be augmented , because it is increased by access of a greater number of individuals of the same species . 2. It is strictly appropriated to the augmentation of an Element through the apposition of another Element , or of its own , namely to rarefaction ; For example , Water is said to be accreased , when it is rarefied ( according to my intention attenuated ) by the apposition of air . 3. It is understood , for an accrease proper to living creatures , that is such , as is performed through an introsusception ( as they vulgarly term it ) of nutriment , whereby a body is increased throughout all dimensions . 4. Erroneously , for an accretion by adgeneration or apposition ; so fire is said to accrease by apposition of fewel ; but this kind of accretion is the same with that caused through rarefaction . 5. Philosophers intend it sometimes for an increase of vertue or perfection in a body , as of heat in a fire , or cold in a frost , whence they term it a vertual accretion . 6. For the accretion of material parts only , or of the Mole or body of a thing , wherefore it is vulgarly agreed to call it a dimensive accretion . To distinguish accretion , as it is treated of here , you are to apprehend it for the accrease of a Vegetable in matter and form , or as they term it both for a dimensive and virtual accretion . Accretion is otherwise called auction , or augmentation , which notwithstanding in a proper sense do differ from one another in largeness and strictness of signification . Auction is common to all the forementioned kinds of accretion . Augmentation is restricted to that , which happens through apposition , but Accretion is only proper to living substances , or to such as is performed by an introreception of Elementary parts , and whereby they are extended into all dimensions . Accretion comprehends in it all the kinds of motion , viz. alteration , auction , and Local motion : A Vegetable is increased virtually or in its qualities , and likewise the nutritive actions are performed by alteration : That it is related to auction the name and definition it self doth convince . Local motion is likewise necessary for the effecting of Accretion , because by its means the aliment is attracted to the central parts of a living substance . By the precedents we may easily be resolved , whether a vegetable accreaseth through a penetration of Dimensions , or by the admission of a Vacuum . I answer through neither , but by the giving way of the parts , and their being extended by the succeeding aliment : Notwithstanding you may reply the doubt to remain the same still ; for the succeeding nutriment is either received in a full body , or in an empty or void one : If in the former , then a penetration of dimensions must be allowed , if in the other a vacuum must be admitted . I answer , That in one sense the nutriment is received in a vacuum , that is void of such nutriment as is to be next received , but not in a vacuum simpliciter , for it is replenisht with vapours , or air , or excrements , which are protruded by the advent of the nutriment , and so it is received in pleno . 2. Whether Augmentation be effected through extension of parts , or pulsion . I answer through both ; The first is requisite , because without it Accretion is impossible , since thereby a body is extended into all dimensions ; Neither can the second be wanted , since the succeeding parts may be conceived to impel one another forward , and the formost of them to propel the preceding nutriment . VI. The first and last of a Plant is its first generation , and its last propagation . By the first generation I intend the first rice and production of a Plant out of the Earth without being derived by propagation from any preceding Vegetable , or in one word its sementation . Although by course of my method I ought to have treated of this before , yet knowing that the premitted notions would add much to the explanation of this matter , it did prevail with me to subjoyn this to them . The earth we spy to be the universal Mother of all Vegetables , being within her self divided into several wombs , within which she is apt to conceive divers genitures or seeds , and retaining he fame untill their perfection , she then casts them forth from her . I shall first make observation upon the Wombs of the Earth , next upon her Conception , then upon the Protrusion of her Foetus . The Surface of the Earth is divided into numerous Wombs of various Figures , and various dispositions of temperament , bigness , &c. The Wombs of the Earth that are destined for Vegetables , are small and narrow Cavities , formed by the transcursions of exhalations and vapours , though their passage impressing that variety of Figures . These formed are actuated with a prolifick heat ( Calidum ) consisting out of part of the heat of the through passed subtilities , and part of the influent heat . The Cavities graven within are left rough , and close , filled up with air , or other thin substances , as vapours ; these must needs be rough , because where ever we see the Earth excavated , it alwaies appears rough , which contributes much to the conception and retention of the seed or geniture , and so doth its closeness . These Wombs do not remain long ventous , without being gravidated with some spermatick matter , which is constituted out of the most subtil and active parts or spirits of passing exhalations , being so arctly knit and united into a subtil temperament of their Elements , that they might be termed volatil bodies , actuated most by fire and air . These spirits or volatil bodies cannot divagate without meeting with some moisture , which doth unite them and cohibite them into one body ; nevertheless they continue in making their way untill they arrive to some Cavity , where they may be harboured ( or else they may be stayed by so much moisture as may force them through their intumescence to raise a womb where they meet , ) where being arrived they are immediately cherished and further actuated , united , and condensed by the close and cold temperature of the womb . This actuation conceives a flame , because through it the fire happens to be united , and thence dilated by the incrassated air , whose immediate effect is a flame ; now being come to a flame they attract nutriment out from their matrix in the same manner as was set down before . The spiritous parts of this advening nutriment is united to the central parts of the flame , which it doth increase ; it s other parts that are more humorous and less defecated are concreased by the lesser heat of the extreme parts , or a heat lessened through the greater force of the extrinsick cold . That which is worthy of inquiry here is , Why the heat or vital flame strives to maintain the central parts ; moreover , this seems to thwart what I have inserted before , viz. That it is the nature of fire to be diffused from the center . 2. Whence it is occasioned , that the weighty parts , as the dense and humoral ones are expelled to the Circumference . For solution of the first you are to call to mind , that the Elements in that stare , wherein they are at present , do war one against the other for the Center , which if each did possess , this motion would cease in them ; the fire then being now in possession of the Center contracts it self , and strives to maintain its place ; nevertheless it doth not forbear diffusing its parts circularly to the circumference , because through its natural rarity it is obliged to extend it self to a certain sphere . The reason of the second is , Because the igneous and ayry parts being united into a flame and into a greater force do over-power the other Elements and impell them to the Periphery , where they being strengthned by the ambient coldness of the Matrix are stayed , and do concrease into a thick skin ; by this also the internal flame is prevented from dissipating its life , and the better fitted to elaborate its design , which is to work it self into shapes of small bodies , of several Figures , and of various Properties , and in those shapes to diffuse each within a proportion of other Elements likewise variously tempered . And so you have in brief a perfect delineation of the Earths conception and formation of Seeds , whose spirits being now beset with thick dense parts are catochizated , that is , the flame is maintained in such a posture which it had , when it had just accomplisht the plasis of the internal organical parts ; or in some the flame may be extinguisht through the near oppression by heavy parts , which * afterwards being stirred and fortified by an extrinsick heat relaxing its parts returns to a flame . Whence it happens , that seeds may be kept several months , yea years , without protruding their parts , but being committed to the ground , especially where the mild heat of the heavens doth penetrate , perfused also with a moderate moysture , do soon after come to a germination . The same may be effected by any other mild heat , like we see that many seeds are perduced to a growth before the spring of the year in warm chests , or in dunged ground ; Eggs are frequently harched by the heat of an Athanor , or by being placed between two Cushions stuft with hot dungs ; Silk-worms Eggs are likewise brought to life by childrens heat , being carried for two or three weeks between their shirts and wascoats , all which instances testifie that the heat of the Sun is no more then Elementary , since other Elementary heats agree with it in its noblest efficience , which is of actuating and exciting life within the genitures of living bodies ; possibly it may somewhat exceed them as being more universal , equal , less opposed , and consequently more vigorous and subtil . The time , when the Earth is most marked with Matrices , is in the Spring and Fall , because the astral heat is then so tempered , that it doth gently attract great quantity of exhalations and humours ; neither is it long after before they conceive , the influences of the Stars being then pregnant in subtilizing and raising seminal matter . The cause of the variety of Seeds and Plants thence resulting I have set down above , and withall why it is that ( Non omnis fert omnia tellus ) every kind of Earth doth not produce all kinds of herbs ; but why herbs of the hottest nature are sometime conceived within the body of water might be further examined . In order to the solution of this Probleme , you must note that the seeds of such herbs as do bud forth out of the water , were not first conceived within the water as water , but where it was somewhat condensed by Earth , as usually it is towards the sides , where those Plants do most shew themselves ; for water in other places , where it is fluid , is uncapable of receiving the impression of a womb , excepting only where it is rendred tenacious and consistent through its qualification with glutinous or clayish earth . And this shall serve for a reason to shew , that herbs germinate out of water , although they are not conceived within it * . The ground , why the hottest herbs , as Brooklime , Watercresses , Water crowfoot , &c. are generated in the water , is , in that the spirits informating those Plants are subtil and rare , easily escaping their detention by any terrestrial matrix , as not being close enough by reason of its contiguity of parts ; but water , be the spirits never so subtil or rare , is sufficient to retain , stay , congregate , and impell them to a more dense union ( whence it is that such substances prove very acre and igneous to the pallat ) by reason of its continuous weight . Next let us enumerate the properties of a vegetable Seed . 1. Is , to be an abridgment of a greater body , or in a small quantity to comprehend the rudiments of a greater substance , so that there is no similar or organical part of a germinated plant , but which was rudimentally contained within its seed . 2. To be included within one or more pellicles . 3. To lye ( as it were ) dead for a certain time . 4. To need an efficient for the kindling of its life , whence it is , that the Earth was uncapable of protruding any plants before the Heavens were separated from the Earth , through whose efficiency , to wit their heat , living substances were produced . 5. To need an internal matrix for its production and germination , which is not alwaies necessary for the seeds of animals , as appears in the Eggs of Fowl and Silk-worms . 6. Only to be qualified with a nutritive , accretive , and propagative vertue . 7. To consist intrinsecally of a farinaceous matter . VII . The germination of a plant is its motion out of the Seed to the same compleat constitution of a Being or Essence , which it hath at its perfection . Motion in this definition comprehends the same kinds of motion , which Accretion was said to do , and withall is specified by its terminus a quo the seed , and a terminus ad quem a perfect living being , that is a being responding to the goodness and truth of its formal and material parts . A Plant at its perfection generally consists of divers parts , whereof some are said to be similar , others dissimilar : The former are such as do partake of one matter , and one partial form , and are destined for one single action , use , or end as they call it . The latter are distinct from one another in matter , Partial form , action , or use ; whence they are also termed organical , because two or more dissimilar parts being conjoyned prove a convenient organ for performing a compounded action . The similar parts are either fluid or consistent ; The first , being otherwise known by the name of liquid , are succulent , or lachrymal : The succulent ones are unctious or balsamick fluidities , contained within the venal porosities of Vegetables for their nutriment . That their fluidities are unctious appears by the breaking of a Vegetable and squeezing its juyce out , which doth manifest it self to be glutinous between ones fingers . The venal porosities are discovered by the humours pressed out of a discontinuated plant , and appearing to proceed out of the o●●ices of long exill channels . The colours of these juyces are various , some delighting in a milky colour as Tithymal ; Others in a dark yellow , ( as Celandine , ) waterish ( as a Vine , ) purple , green , and many others , which do all depend upon the diversity of temperament and degree of concoction . Lachrymal humours are fluidities proceeding out the pores of a plant through a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or transudation * , pressed out either through the abundance of nutriment contained within the channels , or expelled by means of irritating external heat ; among these some are more aqueous , concreasing afterwards into a gumme , others like Pitch changing into Rozin . The consistent or solid parts are either the fleshy or fibrous parts of a plant . The fleshy ones are the parenchymous substances of a plant . By parenchymous understand parts , which being fleshy and of an equal consistency are extended equally into all dimensions . Fibrous parts are like strings diducted into length , and seminated through the parenchymous ones for the firmness of the body , and retention of nutriment . These are most right ones , some few oblique , and as few transverse . The Medullar substance is a similar part , being spungy , concreased within the innermost places of a plant out of a peculiar matter . The rind or bark is a similar part concreased out of the grossest part of the material principle of a plant . Dissimilar parts comprehend the root , trunck and boughs or branches . The root of a plant is the part defixed within the earth , consisting most of fibrous parts , little flesh , and a rind , and destined for to attract and prepare the nutriment for the whole plant . The trunck is the middle body of the plant between the root and the boughs , formed most out of flesh , some fibres , a vein of marrow , and a bark . The boughs are the body divided into many dissimilar substances of the same kind . Sprigs are the same with boughs , and differ only from them as Diminutives . The excrescent or abounding parts of a plant are the Leaves , Flowers , and Fruits . A Leafe is an abounding dissimilar part of a plant , consisting of a loose and moist flesh , and tender sinewes , strings or fibres produced out of the courser and less concocted part of the abounding nutriment of a Vegetable . A Flower is an excrescent dissimilar part , consisting of a smooth fine flesh , subtil fibres , and a thin pellicle , formed out of the siner and better concocted part of the abounding nutriment of a plant . Fruits are excrescent dissimilar parts , containing stones or kernels , gores , flesh , and a skin , some , although but few , having fibres . The excrements of Plants are either thick or thin : The thick adhere to the bark , and are worn off by the wind , rain , air , or are propelled by the succeeding excrements , which force the preceding to fall off . These are called the moss of a tree , whereof some is dry , sticking fast to the bark like bran , other is moister , 〈◊〉 and villous ; the thin expires and vanisheth through the air . Recremental or deforming parts are Knobs , Nodes , and Warts . Knobs are hard recremental parts of a tree , some sticking out in the bigness of a head , or fist , some greater , others less ; some being latent are also various in their extensions ; others having a cavity within the knob , others not . Nodes are plain hardnesses of a plant , and usually orbicular . Warts are likewise swelling hard recremental parts differing from knobs only in smalness . Thus far of the integral parts of a plant , which I thought necessary to premit , and thence to take occasion to explain their particular germination out of the seed , which continued in its matrix , or dimitted into another doth soon after either receive its flame a new by having its body opened , whereby the fiery parts return to an union , and being diducted by an incrassated air , return to a vital flame , which the celestial efficient , together with the internal disposition of the Matrix , being perfused with a gentle and piercing moisture , and indued with a sharp heat do concur unto by relaxing , mollifying , rarefying , and attenuating the intrinsick parts of the seed . 1. The seed is relaxed by a thin piercing humour , or in short by incrassated air , whereby the close parts are diducted , the heavy ones lifted up and balanced by other light ones ; between every diduction or space between two diducted parts the flame doth vegetate and assume nutriment , being every where diffused throughout those spaces . The flame it self in the mean time inheres radically in the consistent parts like the flame of a Candle in its Wieck or Cotton , into whose pores it attracts nutriment : Whence these flames being of an unequal and various intention , and their subjects of an unequal and various extension , do each according to their intention intend themselves and extend their subjects into a dayly accretion of parts , whereby in time they arrive to their just and definite magnitude , which is stented by the extream expansion of their Radical or Spermatick solid parts , and greatest intention of the spermatick spirits : For the spermatick matter or the seed it self is of that nature , that being very close tyed through its spirits . and radical moisture , and withall intertext with terrestrial minima's is capable of degrees of extension and rarefaction , until it appells to the highest degree ; within those degrees of extension and rarefaction it takes in gradually other matter , both solid , spiritous , and humorous , whereby it discovers its gradual accretion ; not unlike to Gunpowder , which within its bowels contains much fire densely united , but oppressed and hindered from flaming through the salin parts ; yet being stirred , excited , and somewhat freed from its said oppression , so as to reach to a flame , it acereaseth in body and flame by the access of the ambient air being permixt with a proportion of fire , which it draweth in for nutriment , untill it hath reached to the height of accretion . Whence you may plainly gather , 1. That the total vertue of Accretion lyeth hidden in the spermatick substance . 2. That the accretion of living parts happens through increasing their flame and extending their solid substance , and by being united to the radicall ones . This observation containes the greatest secresie of the art of Medicine , and is the sole basis of most of the Theoremes therein expressed , and withall detects a fundamental errour of Galen , whose tenet distinguisheth the influent heat essentially from the innate heat , whereas the former is nothing else but the flame of the latter increased by spirits lately advened and united to it by the last concocted nutriment . But of this more expressely in my Archelogia Iatrica . Notwithstanding I shall continue the history of Accretion in each part : Through the fore-mentioned expansion , rarefaction , and intumescence , the circumduced pellicles , being two in number , differing from one another only in crassitude , are gradually distended , untill at last all the parts being perfectly formed by the mechanick or plastick spirits in the manner beforesaid , break their Membranes first ( naturally ) at the top next towards the Surface of the Earth , but counter-naturally at the sides . The cause of this first eruption through the top depends upon the swifter and more forcible turgency of the light Elements tending upwards ; besides , upon the upper parts being more rarefied and attenuated through their greater nearness to the influential heat . The Root erupts soon after its having pierced through the membranes by means of its weight strengthned by course heat , groweth downwards , and spreads into branches , like the upper parts grow upwards spreading likewise into boughs : These are more rare and thin , as consisting of a thinner and rarer flame , and of a thin ( yet solid ) sperm , which according to the capacity of the same principles now mentioned do form themselves into boughs and leaves , attracting every day nourishment proportionable to what was dissipated . The Root doth in the same manner accrease by attracting weighty nutriment , being impregnated with a dense heat , and therefore can clime no higher ; but as for that which is more rare and thin , it ascends higher or lower according to its proportion of tenuity and rarity . The similar parts are accreased out of the more humorous parts of the attracted nutriment ; the solid ones out of the grosser parts of it . The barke is accreased out of the grossest reliques of the Aliment ; the fibres out of the grosser ; the fleshy parts out of a mean substance , between gross and subtill , solid and liquid ; the medullar once out of the more unctious and rare parts ; the boughs out of nutriment somewhat more subtil and rare than that of the middle body or trunck . The redounding parts draw matter for their accretion fro●e cav● more waterish parts of the plant abounding in her , which 〈…〉 contain a remnant of all the similar & dissimilar parts of the whole . That these are abounding parts , their appearance only at such times when a plant is not alone filled but over-filled with nutriment doth restifie , which usually hapneth in the Spring , Summer , and Autumn . Leaves do germinate , when the said matter is less concocted however supplied in great abundance ; whence it is , that they make choice of a green colour , and are expanded into Latitude . Flowers appear , when the said matter is somewhat more concocted , and are only protruded out of the better and subtiller part of it , whence many of them become odoriferous . Fruits are engendred out of the same subtil matter being yet more concocted , whence it is that most do take their beginning from a subtility for to acquire a crassitude , ( according to this trite one substantiae coctione evadunt crassiores ) whose more terrestrial part falling through its weight to the center concreaseth into a kernel or stone , whereupon the other parts do fasten as upon a foundation , increasing dayly by apposition of new matter . The recremental parts I call so , because they are generated out of the greater part of such matters as ought to be excerned , but containing some alimentary ones are retained and agglutinated , whence they chance to be somewhat like and dislike to the other parts . Plants are variously divided , 1. Into three species , viz. an herb , which is a Plant , some consisting of a root only ; others of a root stalk , and leaves , whereof some comprehend ( Fruges & Olera ) Corn and Potherbs . 2. A shrub is a plant fastned to the ground by a root , and spreading into many boughs without a trunck . 3. A tree is a Plant obtaining a root , trunk and boughs . In respect to their place of conception some are said to be terrestrial , others aqueous ; some wild , others Garden Plants : According to their bigness , some great , others small . And in regard of their fructification , some fruitfull , others barren ; or to their germination , some to bud forth sooner , others latter . For instance the Turnip , Basil , and Lettuce , shew themselves within three or sour daies , others in five or six daies , as a Gourd , the Beete , &c. some in eight daies , as the Orach ; Some in ten , as the Cabbage ; 〈…〉 in twenty daies , as Leeks ; Parsly in forty or fifty ; Piony 〈…〉 scarce less than within a year : Many other diffe●… taken from their Colour , Figure , &c. I do wittingly omit . The propagation of a Plant is , whereby it doth generate its like in specie through semination . This is the last function , that a Plant exerciseth ; for it must be nourisht and accreased to a just magnitude before it can attain to this most perfect and compleat action . Semination is the means whereby it performeth the same , and is a Plants bringing forth of seed ; this name in the English otherwise soundeth a seeding . Seed is the abridgment of an intire Plant , whereby it doth multiply it self into many of the same kind . But the great question will be , whence it is , that a Plant obtaineth this power , and what Seed properly is . Here you are to observe , that Seed is twofold . 1. It is that , which is casually ( as it may seem to us ) constituted within the Earth through the concourse of the Elements into one body being particularly so temperated , as to be disposed to germinate into a Plant. Of this I have spoken sufficiently before , where it appears that it precedes the constitution of a Plant , whereas the other whereof I am to treat at present , doth consecute a preceding Plant , and is generated by it . Seed in this second acception is a dissimilar substance , consisting of the rudiments of all the parts of a Plant , that are to liken the propagatrix ( or from which it was propagated ) in specie . The manner of semination is thus : A Plant having already disburdened it self of its fulness or abundance of nutriment by casting forth Leaves , Flowers , and Fruits , there is still a remnant of abundance of the best nutriment , which a Plant being now exalted to its vigour in its operations through the preceding Spring and Summers heat doth concoct to the highest degree , and a just consistency , wherein the spirits are united with the solid parts so as it may be requisite for them to become Seed , each part of the propagating Plant discharging its abundance that waies , where the passage is most free , which is towards the top , whereunto the external heat , being attractive , seems also to contribute : downwards it cannot tend , because the passage is stopt by nutriment , that is impelled upwards from the root . The said abundancies meeting in one cavity or passage towards the top of the stalk of an herb or branch of a tree unite into one , where the contiguous parts consisting most of a vital heat possess themselves of the center , impelling the continuous ones to the Circumference , which tye them all close into one , and are as it were a firmament about them , their extream parts concreasing into pellicles . This union is confuse , that is , each dissimilar part is not mixed with the other , but only glued and tyed , ( because their arct composition * doth impede it , ) in a confuse manner , that is no distinct shape , figure , form , or exact order : These they acquire within their spermatick cavities , but after conception in a womb , where their body being soon loosened , then each dissimilar part through its degree and proportion of levity and gravity falls naturally into its own ranke and order . Besides this natural manner of propagation , there is another artificial one practised among Gardeners , by planting a sprig of a tree into the ground , or ingraffing of it into another tree between the wood and the bark , whereof the former groweth up to a tree , the latter spreads it self into boughs and branches . The s●me is also effected by thrusting some roots into the earth , as a Liquorish or Lilly root : Or by planting some kind of leaves into the ground , as of Indian figgs or Opuntia . This hapneth by reason those forementioned Plants are indued with very extensible spermatick parts and copious innate spirits , each bough being sufficient to accrease to a tree , were it near enough to the earth to attract proportionable nutriment , but being remote must be satisfied and increase according to the quantity of access of aliment . 2. Each sprig of most trees , as also the foresaid roots and leaves containing the rudiments of all the dissimilar parts , which the whole doth , doth accrease into other parts , viz. roots , trunck and branches by the qualification of the aliment : The courser accreasing about the lower part into a root , the mean into a trunck , the finer into branches . Nevertheless this is observable , that trees propagated out of sprigs are nothing near so fruitful , or so long lived as those from the Seed . After a Plant hath done her endeavour in producing fruits and seeds , she decreaseth , some yielding yearly , others monthly and dayly of their magnitude , vigour , and nitorous complexion , shrinking by degrees by reason of the wasting of the spermatick matter and innate spirits , untill at last they naturally die through extream driness and coldness , or rather through an entire dissolution of their temperament . Counternaturally a plant is further exposed to many diseases , and a violent death distinguisht into two sorts , the one hapning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby a plant is frozen to death ; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through an immoderate extrinsick heat , extracting , dissipating , and consuming the innate spirits of a Plant. Either of these may befall a part or a branch alone of a tree , and then a part of it is alone said to be dead . CHAP. V. Of the particular differences of Plants . 1. The differences of Roots and their vertues . 2. The differences of Flowers . 3. The differences of Leaves . 4. The three cordial Vegetables . 5. The three Cephalick Vegetables . 6. The three Hepatick Vegetables . 7. The three Splenick Vegetables . 8. The three Pulmonick Vegetables . 9. The three Stomachick Vegetables . 10. The three Lithontriptick Vegetables . 11. The three Uterin Vegetables . 12. The three Arthritick Vegetables . 13. The specificks for the parts destined for the continuation of the species . 14. The description of some rare Plants . 1. ROots differ in Figure , some being long and round , others round like a Ball , some straight , bowed , flat , others like to some fruit or other ; so a Parsly root resembles a Pear , the root of Kingspeare an Acorn , the root of Anemone and of Cypress an Olive ; besides infinite other varieties of Figure . 2. In number ; Grass , Asaraback , white Masterwort , Hemionitis , insist upon many roots ; Aloes upon one , the Mandrake , Sword-flagg , most of the kinds of Satyrion upon two , Nightshade upon three or four ; Vervain , Mallow , and grass of Parnassus upon five or six ; the greater Celandine upon one , divided below into many . 3. In colour , some being red , purple , white , black , yellow ; others of various colours . 4. In inconsistency , some choosing a hard root , as the greater Centaury , Chim , &c. Others a soft one , as Alexander ; some again are hollow in their root , as Pistolochia ; others being unequal or knobby , as Polypody , sweet garden flag , Flowerdeluce . 5. In taste , some are sweet , as Liquorish ; others bitter , as Birthwort : Others bitter at ones first tasting of it , and afterwards changing into a sweet taste , as the root of Cachou . 6. Some are big , as the roots of a Caper shrub , Mandrake , wild Cowcumber , Briony ; others small , as the roots of Grass , Asarabacca , &c. Stalks do likewise alter : 1. In figure ; some being round , others consisting of two angles , as Daffodile ; some being Triangular , as Cypress ; Quadrangular , as Horehound ; Pentagonal , Hexagonal , as Trifole , purple Willow weed ; some are nodous , as some Indian Canes , Soap-wort , Carnations , &c. others are hollow as Canes , and Elder . 2. In number ; so Oreosolinum , and most Trees , usually emit but one . Alica a kind of wheat gourts sprouts out three or four stalks . Rie six or seven from one root . Deadly Nightshade ten or twelve . 3. In colours ; some are red , black , white , green , &c. others speckt , some are glabrous , others clad with a wool , as Rose Campion . II. Flowers differ in their Leaves , some being round , as the flowers of Woodbine ; others bent in , as those of a Flowerdeluce ; the leaves of the flowers of smooth Bindweed are set round in a circle , resembling a clock ; The flowers of Lions mouth are like to a gaping Lions mouth ; some resemble a Cone , a Navil , a Ball , as Bowlwort flowers . The flowers of Foxglove are like to a womans Thimble ; Many flowers resemble a Butter-fly , &c. Some grow from the stalk , root , or top ; some grow single , and others double , four , five , or six , or a heap together , as Wall-flowers : other differences are commonly known , as their colour , consistency , smoothness , &c. The differences of Seeds and Fruits are as many as of Roots , Stalks and Flowers , which since you may easily gather thence , I shall save my labour of rehearsing them . III. Leaves differ , 1. In colour : Bramble leaves and those of some kinds of Blites are of various colours in their leaves : The leaves of Horehound , Campion , and Mullein are gray with a kind of wool atop of them . The leaves of Lamium verum have a long spot in the middle of them : The leaves of Othonna and St. Johns-wort are bored through with holes like to a five : Some are hard , as some kind of Grass and Ditch Dock ; others harsh , as wild Cowcumber leaves ; others tender , as Celandine ; others feel fat , as Bears-breech , Purslane ; some are glibe and smooth , as Mandrake and Bears-breech ; others curling , as some sorts of Cabbage . 2. In shape ; some being round and long , as some sorts of Housleek ; Venus Navel , Monywort , Trefoile , &c. are round ; Nettles , Coltsfoot , &c. are angulous or dented about their extremities . The leaves of Venus Novel and of wild Teasel are hollow . Grass leaves , Flower-de-luce , and Sword-flag are pointed : Leaves vary much in their incisures , some being deeper , as those of Radish leaves , Licebane , Bucks-horn , Plantain , Red Poppy , Vervain ; others more shallow , as those of Nettles . Hercules wound-wort is markt only with five incisures ; others have few or none . 3. In number : The Unifoil is contented with one leafe , the Satyrion with two , the Tulip with three ; Herba Paris and Tetraphylon with four : Other Plants are full of leaves , as Thime , Asparagus ; others are bare . Besides , some come forth after the flower , as the Peach-leaves . Others come out before the flowers : Some come forth soon , others late ; some in one month , others in another , viz. Asarabacca , Asparagus , Chast tree leaves , ground-Ivy , Violet leaves , Willow leaves , in the month of March : Common Avens , Barbery leaves , Colts-foot , Lettuce , Plantaine , Scurvy-grass , Sorrel , petty Sorrel , Saxifrage , yellow Violets , in April . Agrimony , Bears-breech , Borrage , Bugloss , Betony , Celandine , Fumitory , Germander , Marigold , Purslane , Rosemary , Self-heal , Wormwood , Southernwood , in May. Camomile , Succory , Endive , Fennil , Marsh-Mallow , Melilot , Mercury , Piony , Rue , Sage , water-Lilly , water-Germander , in June . Bay leaves , Lavender , Lovage , Mallow , Mugwort , Marjerom , Garden-Cresses , Strawberry leaves , Savin , Thime , Tansie , Vervain , are in their prime in July . Burnet , Baume , Card. Bened. Elder , Eyebright , Mullein , Oake leaves , in August . Angelica , Butter-burre , Cypress , Cumfry , Cinquefoile , Ellicampane , Ellebor , Polypody , Solomons seal , Valerian , in September . Because we will not be deficient in what may appertain to Natural Philosophy , we shall insert a short description of the choicest Herbs , appropriating three to every principal , and less principal part of the body . IV. The three Cordials are , 1. Baume is cordial beyond all Vegetables , excelling in faintnesses and extream weaknesses , particularly in fainting fits proceeding from an uterin suffocation , and is a singular herb in most uterin distempers . In Melancholy , Convulsion fits , and an Apoplexy it is admirable . 2. As the foregoing Vegetable is so much commended in cold distempers of the heart , so is a Pome Citron in hot diseases , cherishing the heart beyond expression when beset with fiery smoaks in an ardent Feaver , resisting putrefaction , defending the heart from all malignancy and poyson . 3. Goats Rue is a most famous Cordial , Alexipharmacal resisting and expelling all poysons , Pestilential Malignancies , and of an unparallel vertue in sported Feavers , Small-Pox , Measels , Convufsion fits of Children , and the Worms . V. The three Cephalicks are , 1. Male Piony all Ages have observed to be stupendious in curing distempers of the Brain , particularly the Falling-sickness in men women and children , chronical head-aches ; melancholy of the brain , frights of Children , palsie , Night-mare : It is of a moderate sharp heat and driness , and somewhat adstrictive . 2. Garden Rue hath been in great esteem among the greatest of Physitians for its admirable effects upon Epileptick , Apoplectick and Paralytick brains ; and for curing inveterate head-aches it is incomparable ; It is very hot and dry , sharp , attenuating and discutient , and flourisheth in June . 3. Sage we may admire for its rare properties upon all moist brains , in curing Catarrhes , Palsies , a lost Memory , dulness of the Understanding , and quickning all the senses to admiration , being in its prime in July . VI. The Hepaticks are , 1. Agrimony is the strength , life , and preservation of the Liver , removes its obstructions , engenders the purest bloud , cures all Dropsies , and any kind of bad habit of body ; it is moderately hot and dry , subtil , apertive , detergent and subadstringent . 2. Succory Nature particularly created for the Liver , and indued it with the greatest vertue of preserving and comforting its sanguification , opening obstructions , and of curing all its distempers . It is moderately cool and dry , detergent , and attenuating . 3. Fumitory never failes of removing all obstructions of the Liver , purifying the bloud from its dross and melancholy , curing the Itch , Scurvy , and yellow Jaundise , and comforting the Liver through a specifick property ; it is gently hot and dry , detergent , and attenuating . VII . The Spleneticks are , 1. Polypody is the great specifick against all splenetick distempers , as obstructions , scurvies , black Jaundise , Hypochondriac Melancholy . It is hot and dry , mundifying and gently purgative . 2. The Bark of the Caper shrub being dry and hot , bitter , attenuating and somewhat adstringent , doth thence exert its most noble faculties against all splenetick distempers , particularly against Hypochondriack melancholy , the Scurvy , and all obstructions of the Spleen . 3. Spleen-wort is dignified with that name from the certainty and excellency of its effects in all the forementioned diseases of the Spleen . It is moderately hot and dry , aperitive and detergent , and is in its prime in September . VIII . The Pulmonicks are , 1. Coltsfoot is a most singular simple in helping expectoration , thence curing all Coughs , Ptisicks , and all other difficulties of breathing . It is gently hot and dry , and somewhat sharp . 2. Ellicampane is very effectual in all difficulties of Respiration , Coughs , and comforts the Lungs . It is very hot and dry , cutting , sharp , and detergent . 3. Red Poppy is the sole cold Pulmonick , whose vertue is more then admirable in a Pleurisie . IX The Stomachicks are , 1. Roman Wormwood was never doubted to cure weaknesses of the stomach , and to cleanse it from all its slimy and tartarous dregs . It is very hot and dry , bitter and adstringent . 2. Ze●doary is very hot , dry and adstringent , thence proves a most excellent specifick to strengthen the stomach . 3. Cinamon is commended beyond all Spices for a most excellent comforter of the stomach . X. The Nephriticks are , 1. Saxifrage : The great benefit which Nephritick Patients have received hence occasioned the imposition of its name sounding an undoubted breaker of the Stone , being the quickest and most forcible diuretick of all Vegetables , whence it doth much conduce in all obstructions of the Kidneys , and stoppages of urine . It is very hot , dry , and attenuating ; and is an April herb . 2. Winter-Cherry berries are of most subtil parts in a moderate cold and dry temperament , and are purposely selected by Nature for those Nephritick Patients that are of a hot temperament , breaking the stone in the Kidneys most powerfully , and expelling Urine with no less force . They are most effectual in August . 3. Marsh-Mallow is an herb of a third sort of Nephrocatharticks , being moderately moist , hot , emollient , discutient , mitigating all pains of the Kidneyes , and abating the sharpness of Urine : Even this Vegetable is in nothing inferiour to either of the foregoing , effecting the same effects through its dissolving moisture . XI . The Uterin specificks are , 1. Dictamnus Cretius , or Dittany of Candia is a most excellent Uterin Vegetable , comforting the complexion of the Matrix , reserating its greatest obstructions , expelling all excrementitious humours through facilitating the menstrua , producing withal a swift and easie Labour in Women , and is admirable in forcing a dead Child out of the Matrix : Besides , it is much conducing in all Hysterick suffocations , being very hot and dry , and penetrating . 2. Mugwort is hot and dry , aperitive , and discutient ; cleanseth the Matrix , and excels in the same vertue that Dittany doth . 3. Fetherfew is very hot , dry , penetrating , and aperitive , yielding to neither of the precedents in vertues : It is most efficacious in June . XII . The Arthriticks are , 1. Sassafras . If there be ever a Neuritick under the Canopy of the Heavens it is the Bark of the root of this tree , strengthning weak joynts , and relaxt sinews , drying up Catarrhs beyond all belief , and in the Gout it is miraculous , being hot , dry , aromatick , sudorifick , discutient , and aperitive . 2. Ground Pine is a certain and most efficacious Neuritick , and admirable in curing the Gout : It is very dry and hot , aperitive and cutting . 3. Germander although the last of the three is not therefore inferiour to the first , but agreeing in the same vertues and qualities with it . Both these latter are in their greatest strength in July . XIII . Lastly , to please all parties I shall beyond my purpose recommend three of the most approved Vegetables to help the languor of the parts destined for the preservation of the species . The first is Dog stones , being of a moist and hot temperament , comforting those parts to admiration , and rendring either Sex very lusty . The second is Green Ginger , which is only fit to be eaten by those that are of a frigid temperature , whom it will soon put into a contrary passion . The third is Rocket , an herb whose seed is potent enough to change the coldest temperament into a Satyrs lasciviousness . If now your mind tends to the contempt of this beastiality , then certainly spirit or sugar of Saturn will put you into another kind of devotion , and better sute with your temper . Here I have proposed to you a select number of Simples , sufficient to cure most internal diseases , that are incident to the body of man , whereby you may be guided out of those dangers accompanying the making choice of them out of that infinite number of Vegetables , whose vertues you must be forced to take upon other mens words , oft disagreeing with the expected effects : Wherefore know that each of these ( excepting the latter four , ) I have experienced many and many times upon several bodies , not only so , but have had them formerly in my travels recommended to me by the eminentest of Physitians abroad as the greatest and most certain vegetable specificks . XIV . For a Corollary take the description of some rare Plants . The Parisatico , alias Singady , or the mournful tree groweth only at Goa , Malacca , and some few other places ; in shape it resembles a Pium-tree ; it doth within half an hour after the Suns going down shew it self white all over with most pleasant and fragrant flowers , Like to those of an Orange tree , whereas at the Suns going down there was not one to be seen upon it . These flowers stick fast all night untill the rising of the Sun , and then they do all fall off , but towards the Evening others are spread forth again , and so this continues all the year long . Arvore de Rays , or the root tree , is an East-Indian shrub growing up to a certain height , and spreading it self into branches , from whose top roots do grow down into the earth , whence they spring out again into other shrubs of the former height , which again at their top emit other roots downwards in a manner , that in some space of time this shrub spreading it self near half an English mile round becomes an intire For●est formed ( as it were ) out of one continuous Tree . The herb Sentida , or sensitive Plant may be a pattern of chastity to all ; the which if you do only touch or cast a little sand upon it , its leaves do immediately retract and shut themselves up , and do open no sooner again , than your finger or what you have cast upon them is withdrawn . The she Palm-trees it is observed do not yield any fruit unless planted near to a male Palm tree , to which they seem all to incline having their boughs more extended towards it at that side than at any other , whence the AEthiopians do usually plant them so , that the wind may carry steams from the Male to the Female ; but in case the male tree be taken away from between the others , they become barren and give over bringing forth fruit . The fruits of the Indian Palm tree are called Coquos , being filled within with water ; the wight within is very tender and soft , and tastes like to an Artichoke , but after a longer maturation groweth harder , and eats like a Haselhut . The water , which each of them contains in the measure of a pint or two , is very clear and pleasant to drink . This tree contains materials for a whole Ship : Its wood being light and spongy they cut into planck , which they tie together with cords that are drawn off from the said Coquos ; The sails are made out of the leaves , which the Indians call Olas . It is reported , that there is a tree in Java Major , whose innermost marrow is Iron , being very thin , and running through the whole length of the tree : Its fruit is likewise as hard as Iron . In the Island of Tylos there are Cotten trees , whose gourds being of the bigness of Quinces are found to be full of Cotten when they break through over-ripeness . There is a tree in the Island Cimbubon , whose twigs being fallen down to the ground do move themselves forwards as if they crept , having two small legs of each side ; and if they be toucht they creep back . CHAP. VI. Of Water in order to her Commerce with the other Elements . 1. The Etymology of Water . That Water naturally is hard and consistent , and not fluid . 2. The Division of Water . 3. What a Lake is . The strange vertues of some Lakes . 4. What a Fountain is . The wonderful properties of some Fountains . 5. Of Physical Wells . 6. Of Baths . 7. Of Rivers and their rare properties . 8. Of the chief Straits of the Sea. 1. VVAter seems to be derived from washing , from its use , because people make use of it to wash their foul things with . So leau in French from Laver to wash , and Wasser in High Dutch from Waschen denoting the same . Aqua in the Latine was imposed upon it for to express its excellency , and its absolute necessity for the preservation of humane life . Aqua dieitur quasi a qua vivamus , nutriamur , & a qua nobis plurima supersint commoda : Pisces nobis alit , navium vehiculo inservit , quibus non pauca nobis afferuntur necessaria , ignisque est pardomitrix , terram foecundans , aeremque spirabilem nobis reddens . Formerly we have discoursed of Water and its form absolutely considered , now we are to apply it as it relates to the other Elements and is the proper cause of her Commerce with them . Water although appearing fluid , yet naturally , that is absolutely conceived by it self is void of all fluor , but partakes of the greatest weight , hardness , crassitude , smoothness , and consistency that is imaginable . I prove it , Water the more it is remote from the intense heat of the Sun the more heavy , thick , hard , smooth , and consistent it is : Have you not Mountains of Ice of great weight , thickness , &c. in Greenland in the Summer , much more in the Winter , yet more directly under the Poles , and most of all if apprehended absolute by it self , and deprived from extrinsick air and fire , when we cannot but judge it to be of the greatest weight , thickness , and consistency that is apprehensible ? The Scripture seems to attest the same , Job 38. And the waters are hid as with a stone , and the face of the deep is frozen ; By the deep here is meant the Chaos , ergo the waters were naturally at their first creation thick and hard . Lastly , As there are two fluid Elements , viz. fire and air : So it is also necessary , that they should be balanced and met with two opposite consistent ones , namely , Earth and Water . The first being contiguous and hard responds to fire ; the other being continuous and hard responds to air being continuous and soft . Whence we may safely conclude , that it is the advent of the fire together with the air that renders the water thus thin and fluid , as we see it is . II. How Water first gained such a body together as the Sea is , our exposition of the worlds creation will advise you . The Sea is the greatest collection of water ; by the Latinists it is called Mare , from Meare to go or to flow , and not from amarum , or the word Marath among the Caldeans signifying bitter , as some have thought ; so it is likewise called Oceanus , the Ocean from Ocior amnis , a swift current . It procures various distinctions from its beating against several shores ; from those of the East and West India it is surnamed the East and West Indian Ocean ; of the Mount Atlas the Atlantick Ocean ; from those of Sarmatia , the Sarmatick Ocean ; near Madagascar the rough Sea , from the quicksands that are frequently thereabout ; of Spain and Brittain , the Spanish and Brittish Ocean , &c. And from the Plage whence it doth flow it is called the East , West , South , or North Ocean . The same spreads it self into many particular Seas , or great Bayes , whereof these are the more principal . 1. The Mediterranean Sea , so named , because it flows through the middle of two great parts of the Earth , viz. between a great part of Europe , Africa , and Asia : Or more particularly between Spain , France , Italy , Dalmatia , Greece , and Natolia of the one side , and AEgypt and Barbary of the other . Where it toucheth the Spanish coast it is called the Iberick sea ; and more forward the French Balearick * ; Ligustick near Genoa , Tyrrhenian or Tuscan ; about Sicily Sardinian , Sicilian , Adriatick , Cretick , Libyan , Phoenicean , Cyprian , Syriack sea , &c. its mouth is called the Straits . 2. Pontus Euxinus , the Euxian sea , otherwise named the black sea or Mare Majus , whose mouth is called the Hellespont from its narrowness , its throat Propontis and the Thracian Bosphor , so called from bos an Oxe , as if an Oxe were too big to pass through that narrowness . 3. The Arabian and Persian sea . 4. The Gangetican sea , so named from the river Ganges , which is disburdened into it . 5. The Red sea , deriving that name not from the colour of the Sea , but of the red sand , over which it floweth . The Baltick * Sea , alias the Sinus Coddanus , or Suevick Sea , from the Suevi , a Nation that formerly inhabited those coasts ; at the mouth it is called the Sound flowing 150 leagues far between Denmark , Finland , Sueden , Prussia , Liefland , Pomerania , and Saxony . The pacifick sea is so called from the gentleness of the waves ; or the South sea , because it lyeth to the Southward of the Line , limited by the coasts of Asia , America , and terra Australis , or the Country of Megallan . III. A Lake is a great and perennal collection of water cirrounded by the Earth , whereby it is cut off from the Sea ; It is distinguisht from a Pool , in that the one is perennal , the other is apt to be dryed up sometime by the heat of the Sun and driness of the earth , and to be filled up again with rain : Some of these being famous for their extent , others for their admirable qualities I shall willingly insert . 1. The greatest Lake in the Universe is the Caspian sea in Asia , otherwise called the great sea , the Albanian , Hircanian , Pontick , Tartarian Sea , the Sea of Sala , Bachu , Abachu , Terbestan , or Giorgian . It diffuseth it self into three Bayes or Gulph , viz. near the Mouth into the Hircanian , on the right side into the Caspian , and on the left side into the Scytick Gulph . It bears the name of a Sea very improperly , since it is incompassed by the Earth : Nevertheless it is saltish and full of fish . 2. The Lake Asphaltites in Judaea , ( otherwise called the dead Sea from its immobility , because as Corn. Tacit. relates that scarce any wind be it never so violent is strong enough to lift it up into Waves ) is noted for sustaining weighty bodies ( especially if anointed with Alume water ) that are cast into it , in a manner that a man his hands and legs being tyed and cast into it shall swim ; it breeds no fish nor any other living creatures . The Lake of the lesser Armenia , and the Lake Aposcidamus in Africa , and of Sicily are almost of the same strength . On the contrary the Lake Avernum in Campania and that of AEthiopia are unable to sustain the weight of a leaf fallen into them from a tree ; and according to Pliny , there is no fowl that flies over them , but falleth dead into them . There is a Lake near Lerna , and another in Portugal , which are so attractive and depressing , that they do immediately draw and press down to the bottom whatever is cast into them , in such a manner , that a man having thrust his hand into either , must use force to draw it out again . Pomponius Mela , and Solinus make mention of a Lake in AEthiopia , which to the eye appearing crystalline , and sweet to the pallat , doth so besmear those that bath in it , as if they had been duckt into a bath of oyl . In the west of the Isle of Iseland travellers have discovered a great Lake , fumous & very cold , in a short space changing whatever is cast into it into a stonish or rockish body : a stick being thrust right up into the bottom , that part which is under water is in two daies changed into an Iron substance , the other above remaining what it was . Hect. Boeth . writes of another in Ireland , which after some months renders that part of a stick that is thrust into the ground Iron ; the other part that is under water fliuty , the upper part above the water continuing wood . In Thrace it is said there is a Lake , whose water proves mortal to any that do drink of it , or do bath therein . Many of the Troglodites have forfeited their reason for venturing to taste of the water of a pernicious Lake in that Country . The Lake Clitorius effects sobriety in men , and excites them to a hatred against Wine and Drunkenness . The Lake Gerasa in the Country of the Gadarens , whereinto the Herd of Swine , animated with those dispossessed devils , ( of whom we read in Luk. 8. 33. ) violently ran down , is at present so venomous , that it causes the hair and nails of all those to come off , that have at any time drank of it . The Lake Laumond in Scotland , imbracing thirty Islands breeds fish without finnes , and is cast sometimes into a most raging tempest , although there be little or no wind stirring : One of those Islands is said to fluctuate up and down in her . The Lakes of Chirchen in China is said to change Iron into Copper . Scotland is noted for a Lake , whereof the one half yieldeth to be hardned by the frost , the other maintaining her fluidity the whole Winter . So likewise in Norway , although Saturn is felt to be very furious there , yet many Lakes lye open all the Winter . The like is observable in a Lake near New Castle , which in some part refuseth concretion , although in the coldest weather . There is a Lake near Nidrossa , whose waters atop are extreamly cold , but the mud near the bottom is constantly boyling hot , insomuch that if you tye an Egg to a string and let it sink down to the bottom , you may soon draw it up ready boyled . Not far from Jensu , a City in China , is a Lake , which is very cold in the Summer , and scalding hot in the Winter : The same is said of the Lake Jen near Chinchen in the same Country . The waters of the Lake Anien , at first feel extream cold , but after a little while they begin to feel warm ; they also generate stones out of any matter received from without . The Lake of Vadimon shews it self sometimes suddenly very turbulent , without giving any manifest token of the cause of it . The same is said of the Lake of Geneve or Lausanne . Italy is dignified with one of the most famous Lakes in the world called Benaco ; its plaisance is supplied by a sight of Olive trees , growing upon its borders , and beautified about the sides with gardens planted with Citron and Pomgranate trees , fertilized with rare fish , having its water so bright and clear , that you may plainly see the bottom through it , except in the middle , where it is almost not to be fathomed ; but notwithstanding so fair a complexion in good weather , yet appears much more humourous in foul , in such a manner that it doth then cast it self into raging high waves , whereby it proves no less dangerous and dreadful than a tempestuous sea . The Lake Larius , by the Hetrusces styled the Prince of Lakes , is much swelled in its belly through the swallowing up of the River Abda , alias Abdua , tumbling down from the Rhetian Alpes through the Valley Voltilena , Boaring with a swift stream through the said standing water , which gives it passage without the least commotion of its body , neither permits it self to be mingled with those rapid and most limpid streams : The said River persisting in its Velocity breaks out again near Leuk a Village . In like manner doth the River Rhene stream through the Lake Acronius , and the River Danow through part of the Surian Sea. Hispaniola is watered with a great Lake named by the Inhabitants Haneygaban , into which many great Rivers are disburdened , and to the admiration of many is nothing engrossed , although visibly venting no part of what it hath imbibed : The same is observed of the Caspian sea , receiving the copious evacuations of the Rivers Volga , Janick , Abiamu , Chesel , and many others . Lucerna a Town in Switzerland is situated near to a Lake , whereinto a stone or piece of wood being cast doth set it into so vehement a commotion that it fluctuates upwards in roaring waves , and surmounting its borders happens somtimes to cause an inundation of the next adjacent fields ; wherefore for the prevention of such inconveniencies it is decreed by the Magistrate , that none shall offer to cast any thing into it upon a severe penalty . The Inhabitants impure the foresaid exestuation to the pernicious infection , which the Lake received from the pestilent Carcass of that hellish Judge Pontius Pilate , who after his banishment was thought to have drowned himself therein , whence it is , that they vulgarly call it Pilat's Pool . There is a Lake not unlike to this upon the Mount Tidalu near Chaoking in China , whereinto if one throws a stone or any other heavy thing , he will immediately hear a roaring noise like thunder , and soon after the sky about it grows gloomy and casts down rain . In Carniola near the chief City Laubach every year about the Autumn there appears a Pool between some mountains , about a league and half in compass , and abounding with fish , none apprehending whence this quantity of moisture should derive , and towards the Spring it begins to dry up , after which the ground is copiously fertilized , and is haunted with a number of Deer . IV. A Fountain or Spring is a pereunal eruption of water out of the Earth . The differences of these is no less various , than of Lakes ; to wit , in quantity , quality , motion , and situation . Furthermore some are artificial , others natural . We shall only instance the admirable properties of some of the latter . Aristotle writes of a Fountain in Thrace ( whereunto another in Arcadia named Styx , as also one in Sarmatia , and that of Armenia , Lydia , and Sicilia , are like in vertue ) which casteth the drinkers of it into a mortal Syncope ; breeding fish working the same effect upon those that eat them . The waters of the Founts of Valentia in Spain , Wolchenstein , Trecha , the Kingdom of Crobus upon the Alpes , Berosus , and of Manglo in China , are all deleterious , corrosive , and extreamly venomous . Boeotia spouts out two springs , whereof the one called Lethe effects forgetfulness , the other cures it . The water of the Fountain in the Island Cea , ( as Pliny relates , ) being drank dulleth a mans understanding and makes him sottish . The Fountain of Susa in Persia loosens the teeth , and causeth them to fall out ; Pliny speaks also of another in Germany on the other side of the Rhene effecting the same . A draught of the water of Lyncistis filleth a mans brain and makes him drunk . The Fountain of Arania , a part of Arcadia , makes one loath Wine . Isidorus and Solinus write of two Fountains , whereof the one procures fruitfulness in women , the other barrenness . The Garamants make mention of a Fountain among them , called the fountain of the Sun , whose extream coldness in the day renders it importable , and in the night is so excessive hot , that it proves scalding . Aristotle relates of the Fountain Elusine , which naturally being quiet and clear , is affected with the noise of any musical Instrument , in a manner , that at its sound it is apt to sieth and run over as if it were for joy . Baptista Fulgosius affirms to have seen a Fountain , which appears very clear and still to one walking about it , and looking therein without speaking ; but if speaking , although but a few words , it is immediately put into a commotion and siething , appearing very turbulent . The same Author makes mention of another in France , which being for the most part of a very cold nature doth nevertheless not fail of casting flaming fire from it . There is a fountain in Illyrium , that like fire burns into ashes whatever is cast into it . Epyrus and Cyrenaica are noted for Fountains , which in the morning and evening feel warm , at noon hot , and in the night scalding . The same is said of the Fountain Ammonius . For Springs to be cool in the summer , and warm in the Winter is not extraordinary . In Arcadia springs a certain fountain out of the mountains , whose water is so extream and piercing cold , that no golden or silver vessel is capable to hold it , but is forced into pieces by it ; nevertheless it suffers it self to be contained in a Mules Hoof. Not far off from the Danow there is a Fountain surnamed the Fountain of the Holy Cross , which sometimes casts out abundant streams of perfect bloud very useful for the curing of sundry diseases . A fountain in the Island Tenedo doth during the Summer alwaies overflow from three in the night to six in the morning . There are three Fountaines in Cantabria , that sink dry in twelve hours , and fill up again in the same space of time . The fountain Cyane among the Syracusans , as also another in Hungaria increase and decrease with the course of the Moon . The same is said of the fountain of Hucune in China . The fountain of Jupiter in Dodan is said to sink and rise thrice of a day . Another in Epirus doth begin to ebb in the morning , is dry at noon , fills up again towards the Evening , and at midnight is risen to that fulness that it runs over . There is a fountain near Weenen generating stones out of any thing that is cast into it . Many waters , as they drop from the hills , concrease into stones as soon as they arrive to their rest ; and these drops being multiplied concrease at last into pillars of stone . The Fountains of Herbogia , Veroniuns in France , Zepusium in Dacia do all breed great abundance of stones out of and within themselves . Fulgosius speaks of another in England of the same nature . The water of Sibaris causeth sneezing if drank ; those of Clitumnus in Umbria , Cappadocia , and of Cesiphus in Boeotia make the hair of the Cattel that drink of it grow waite , but that in Arabia ( as Aristotle doth arrest ) changeth them into a reddish colour . Theophrastus , writing of the Fountain Lycos , reports it to be of the same property that Oylis of , and to burn in a Lamp , although within the Well appearing limpid . But that which is more admirable , we observe in the Church History of Euseb. whom Paulus Orosius , and Eutropius do second , viz. That near upon the Incarnation of our blessed Saviour , in the Reign of Caesar Octavianus , there brake out a Fountain in a Tavern at Rome , floating a whole day with abundant streams of pure Oyl . Isidorus and Solinus in his Polyhistor . make observation of a Fountain , whereon those , that were to depose their Oath , were to lay their hand , whose eyes in case they had forsworn themselves were withered , and brought to a blindness . Had God pleased that such a fountain might have appeared near the Hals , it is to be feared that an honest man could hardly walk the streets without being affronted by a blind man. One of the same Authors doth also witness of Jacobs Fountain in Idumaea , that every three months it groweth troubled and becomes red and green , afterwards returning to its primitive clearness . Likewise it is said of a fountain in Cherronesus that it sieths and ferments once a year , purging it self of all filth and uncleanness . The same is observed of many other fountains . From the likeness of the subject I shall take occasion to appose a word or two touching the properties of some eminent Wells and Baths , differing in little else from fountains , than that these spout out of the earth with a great force and in greater abundance . IV. Near to this City there are three Wells much cryed up for the cure of diseases , whereof two are purging by stool and urine , viz. Barnet and Ipsum Wells ; The other of Tunbridge is only diuretick or moving urin . Of the two first the latter is counted the stronger , both being much approved for the curing all chronicall diseases ; particularly a Tertian Ague , obstructions of the mesaraick vessels , of the Liver and Spleen , crudities of the stomach , the yellow Jaundise , and Catarrhs . That of Tunbridge is more profitable in Quartanes , inveterate Head-aches , Dropsies , Gouts , Hypochondriack Melancholy , black Jaundise , Melancholy of the brain , Leprosie , Cancers , malignant and inveterate Ulcers , Kings Evil , Convulsion sits , sits of the Mother , stoppage of Courses , VVhites , Phtisicks , Palpitation of the heart , stoppage of the Kidneys and Bladder , the Gravel and Stone , the Impostume of the Kidneys , of the Mesentery , of the Liver and Spleen . But as for those that are troubled with the French Leprosie , let them beware from these waters as from poyson ; for there is nothing in the world that sets those virulent humours more into rage and fury than Mineral waters . Next to these the Spaw waters are very famous , divided into four several Wells , viz. Savenier , opening at the foot of a hillock three miles from Spaw , its faculty is most diuretick and somewhat Eccoprotick . 2. Pouhont bursts out in the middle of the Village , and agreeth much in vertue with that of Savenier , excepting that it is somewhat more eccoprotick . They are both much coveted for their pleasing sharpness of taste . 3. Geronster is distent from Spaw near three miles , but is much less in esteem than others , because of its unpleasing nauseous sharp taste , causing a disturbance of the brain , stomach , bladder , and guts . 4. Tonnelet retains some faculties like to the before mentioned , but much inferiour to them in strength . V. Baths are hot Wells : hence in Latine they are called Thermae ( hot ) scil●aquae , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hot . This Island affords some inferiour to none : Especially those in Somersetshire , whose fame hath deserved the name of Baths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Town , where they erupt out of the earth . They are 1. Cross-bath , pouring out in a mild temperate heat . 2. Hot bath , being about two hundred foot distant from the former , and differing from the other in intenseness of heat , whence also it derives its name . 3. Kings bath , which is near to the Cathedral , and is less hot than the Hot bath , but hotter than the Cross bath . Their vertues are excellent in curing of most chronical diseases incident to the joynts and sinews ; as Gouts , Lamenesses , Numnesses , Palsies , hard nodes and cold tumours of the joynts , Rickets in children , &c. they dry up the superfluous moisture in dropsies , expel gross humours by sweat , and by that means curing inve●erate headaches , aches of the Limbs ; they procure womens courses , consume their Whites , cure the Green-sickness and many other diseases . VI. A River is a collection of waters descending from a Fountain , and streaming through a tract of the earth towards the Sea , whereof some are long , others short , broad or narrow , deep or shallow , swift or slow , straight or winding ; some ebbing and flowing , as the Thames , Elb , Mase , Seyne , &c. others for the most part following one course , &c. Most of the River Waters about the Alpes , if usually drank of are apt to breed a great swelling in the throat , called by Physitians Bronchocele . Vitruvius affirms the same of a River called Silar , changing the roots , leaves , and boughs of the trees that grow on its banks side into stones . Pliny adduces another of the same property , whereunto the River near Laodicea , and those of the Country of Barcia in Hungary may be adjoyned . About the borders of Norway , near a Castle called New Castle , flowes a River , whose streams seem blackish , breeding also fish of the same colour . Philostratus , in his book de vita Apoll. recites a Fountain , wherein if a forsworn person doth wash his hands or feet , he is soon infected with a shameful leprosie . Diodorus the Sicilian makes mention of another of the same nature . The water of the River of Jordan doth still retain its great fame among the Papists of working Miracles : Pilgrims do oft bring quantity of it along with them thence , obtesting that it is impossible it should fail curing Dropsies , Consumptions , malignant Ulcers , Kings Evil , Barrenness , in fine all diseases that surpass cure by Art. It renders the face beautiful and nitourous , and for cuting spots and deforming rednesses of the face it is taken notice of by most women in Spain , France , and Italy . The East Indians do adscribe the same vertues to the River Ganges , which they do believe with such an assurance , that as soon as ever they fall dangerously sick , they cause themselves to be carried to the River side , where they sit under a Hutt with their legs half way in the water so long untill they are either dead , or perfectly cured ; and if they die they leave in their last will that their cinders may be cast into the same River , for to be purified ( I suppose ) against their Resurrection . The AEgyptians used to take their prognostica ions of sundry important things from the River Nilus , which if it failed overflowing their Country , portended barrenness , and consequently Famine , and oft times a Pestilential disease , and sometime change of Government . Thus its inundation was deficient two years together before the death of Antonius and Cleopatra ; the same hapned also before the great Famine and change of Government under Claudins . On the other side , if the said River happen to overflow beyond its usual limits , it proves likewise an occasion of barrenness , because the length of time , before the Country can return to a just driness through the decrescence of the water , is protracted beyond the Season of Sowing . Usually and naturally ( as I may so say ) the Nile overflowes once a year , being forty daies in increasing , arriveth to its height ( which is unto 16 cubits ) about the seventeenth day of June , and is forty daies more after that in decreasing . The Countrey being much fatned by this inundation produces great abundance of pasture , corn , and other fruits . The increase , height , and decrease of the Nile they know from the observation of a Pit made out of one stone , whose water increases and decreases with the Nile . This River doth also dispose women for conception , whence it is ordinary with them to multiply by twins , and three at one birth : Moreover it is a very healthfull water preserving the body in a good disposition , and curing many diseases . Notwithstanding the subtility of the water and heat of the climate , yet it never emits vapours , whence it is that there falls no rain in that Country . The same is also attributed to the River Boristhenes and the Anouros in Thessalia , viz. not to rick or to occasion the air to be nebulous . The River Ganges is likewise apt sometimes to exceed its bounds , through which inundation the Country is very much fertilized . The River Arrius of Florence , the Danow , the Eridanus or Padus , the Tiberis , and the Athesis of Verona , have oft caused a submersion of the neighbouring fields . VIII . The chief straits * or narrownesses of the sea are , 1. The straits of Gibraltar , where the Sea floats through betwixt the two pillars of Hercules , viz. The two Promontories of Calpe and Abila , and divides Spain from Fez ; it is otherwise called the straits of Caliz from the Island Caliz , near adjacent to it . It s breadth is about seven Leagues . 2. The straits of Anjan passing from the outermost western parts of America to the Eastern Coasts of Tartary . It is very probable that some of the posterity of Sem crossed these straits to inhabite the West-Indies , where they are since multiplied into those several nations . 3. The straits of Magallan , so called from him that first passed them ; but since they have found another way into the Pacifick Sea more commodious to sail through , called the straits of Le maire . 4. The straits of Davis towards Greenland . 5. The straits of Nassow or Waigats near Nova Zembla . The Mediterranean is pinched by these straits : 1. The Sicili●n straits . 2. The Tuscan straits between Sardinia and Corsica . 3. The Calydonian straits . 4. The straits of Euripus between Achaia and Euboea . 5. The straits of the Hellespont . 6. The Thracian straits . 7. The Cimmerian or Meotian straits . 8. The straits of Cilicia or Caramania between Cilicia and Cyprus . A Gulph is an arm of the Sea , or the Sea broken into the Earth in the form of an Arm. The principal Gulphs of the Oriental Ocean are : 1. The great Gulph passing betwixt Maugi and India extra Gangem . 2. The Gangetican Gulph streaming between the Golden Chersonesus and India intra Gangem . 3. The Persian Gulph . 4. The Gulph of Arabia , or the red or Eruthrean Sea deriving its name from the red Sands over which it floats , or according to Q. Curtius from the King Eristhra . 5. The Gulph of Canthus . 6. The Gulph of Barbary , or Progloatis , or di Melinde . The principal Gulphs of the Western Ocean : 1. The Sarmatian Gulph . 2. The Granduican Gulph , or white Sea. 3. The Gulph of Mexico . 4. The Bay of Biscay . The Mediterranean Sea is chiefly dispersed into these Gulphs : 1. The Gulph of France reaching Marseilles . 2. The Adriatick or Venetian Gulph . 3. The Ionian Gulph floating towards Epirus and Macedonia . 4. The Corinthian Gulph , alias the Crisean or Alcionian Sea. 5. The Gulph of Naples . 6. The Pamphilian or Issican Gulph . 7. The Thermacian or Thessalonian Gulph . 8. The Argolick Gulph . 9. The black Gulph . CHAP. VII . Of the Circulation of the Ocean . 1. That the disburdening of the Eastern Rivers into the Ocean is not the cause of its Circulation ; neither are the Sun or Moon the principal causes of this motion . 2. The periodical course of the Ocean . The causes of the high and low waters of the Ocean . 3. How it is possible that the Ocean should move so swiftly as in 24 hours and somewhat more to flow about the terrestrial Globe . 4. A further Explanation of the causes of the intumescence and detumescence of the Ocean . The causes of the anticipation of the floud of the Ocean . 5. That the Suns intense heat in the torrid Zone is a potent adjuvant cause of the Oceans Circulation , and likewise the minima's descending from the Moon and the Polar Regions . I. HAving in one of the Chapt. of the precedent Book posed a demonstrative and evident ground of the universal course of the great Ocean , and the straitness of that Chapt. not permitting the finishing of the fabrick intended by us upon it : Therefore this present plain shall serve for to compleat the delineation thereof , but encountring with some rocky stones thereon , it is requisite they should be rowled aside , before the said Atlantick waves may procure a necessary assent of the true cause of their dayly circular floating . The conceit of some Philosophers hath induced them to state the copious irreption of many large and deep Rivers into the Eoan Sea for the principal cause of its circulation , the which tumefying its body do thereby press it westward . This solution seems void of all reason , the evacuation of the presupposed Rivers having no proportion to the replenishing of so extended a body as the Ocean , scarce of a Lake or an inland Sea , as we have observed of the lake Haneygaban , and the Euxian Sea. Besides many great Rivers disburdening themselves into the Occiduan Sea might upon the same ground return the course of the Ocean Eastward . But imagine it was so , why should not the said tumefaction rather incline the sea westward , than further eastward ? Others rejecting the former opinion have in their fansie groven the ground , whereon the sea beats , deeper and deeper towards the west , and so the ground being situated higher in the East , shelving down gradually to the west , the sea doth through its natural gravity rowl it self to the deeper & lower Plane ; but then the eastern waters being arrived to the west , how shall they return to the east again for to continue the said motion ? Wherefore this opinion may take its place among the Castles in the air . Shall we then ascribe the cause of this motion to the rarefaction of the sea through the beams of the Sun , which as it is successively rarefied doth swell and press its preceding parts forward ? As touching the Moon she cannot come into consideration here , as being rather noted for condensation than rarefaction . First , I deny that the Sun doth any whit rarifie the Eastern Ocean ; because according to their Tenent the rarefaction of the sea happens through the commotion of the subsidencies and terrestrial exhalations contained within the bowels of the sea and scattered through its substance , whereby it becomes tumefied , which I grant in case the Sun casts its beams obliquely into the depth of the Ocean ; but I prove the contrary , supposing the Sun doth cast its beams directly into the Eastern waters . In AEgypt it seldom rains , because the Sun casting its beams directly into the waters doth through the same degree of heat , through which it might raise vapours , dissolve them again , likewise in the East Ocean the Sun subtilizing the waters doth doubtless through its heat commove exhalations and subsidencies , but the waters being through the same heat attenuated are rendred uncapable of sustaining those terrestrial bodies , wherefore they sinking deeper to the ground rather cause a detumescence of the sea . I have alwaies observed that waters swell more through the cold than heat , and that inundations happen for the most part after a frost ; besides it is obvious that Rivers are much tumefied when they are frozen , and that by reason of the foresaid tumefaction inundations happen more frequently in the winter than at any other time of the year . Des-Cartes imagineth the compression of the Moon ( together with the Earths motion about her own Axis ) to be the cause of the waters circular motion , pressing it from East to West , and the variation of this pressure to depend upon the various removal of the Moon from the Center of the Earth effecting the anticipation and various celerity of the waters motion : So that where the Earth is obverted to the face of the Moon there the waters must be at their lowest , being pressed towards the next quarter of the Surface , where they are at their highest , whence they are carried about through the Earths proper motion , &c. 1. I deny his supposition of the Earths motion , as being fabulous , which we have confuted elsewhere . He might as well assert , that there be as many Neptunes under water moving it circularly , as Aristotle stated intelligencies to drive the Heavens , for even this he might excuse by saying it was but an Assumption to prove a Phaenomenon of the water . 2. What needs he to affirm a tumour of the water ? for since he assumes the Earth to move circularly , we cannot but grant that the water must also move with it as constituting one Globe together . 5. Why doth he in vain reassume in the 55 Sect. that out-worn Doctr. of Aristotle touching the Moons driving of the water , which argues him to be very unconstant with himself ? 4. His stating the air to be so complicable and soft a body renders it very unfit for compressing and driving so vast and weighty a body as the Ocean . 5. Can any one rationally or probably conceive , that the Sun , much less the Moon , being so remore , and whose forcible effects are so little felt by sublunary bodies , should be capable of driving so deep , so large , and so heavy a body as the Ocean , which is as powerful to resist through its extream gravity , as all the Celestial bodies are potent to move through their extream lightness ? What , because the Ocean and the Moon move one way , therefore the one must either follow or move the other ? What , can a passion so durable and constant , and so equal depend upon a violent cause ? Since then such phansies are ridiculous , and not to be proposed by any Philosopher , let us now proceed in the unfolding of so difficult and admirable a matter as the course of the Ocean , which we have formerly demonstrated to flow about the earth once in 12 hours and somewhat more . II. Moreover , besides this single motion making a sharper inspection into the drift of the Ocean , it will appear to us to absolve a compounded periodical course in a perfixt time , namely , in 15 daies , which space may be called a marinal or nautical month . The meaning hereof is , imagining a part of the Ocean to flow circularly from a certain point , or more plainly , a Bowle to rowl circularly under water over the bottom of the Sea along with the course of the Ocean , from any noted point , that the same part of the Ocean or Bowl shall in the space of 15 natural daies * arrive to the same point , and exactly at the same time begin its next periodical course thence , when it departed from that term the month before . Nevertheless the Ocean doth not omit its single course in fluctuating about the Earth in somewhat more than twelve hours , but then it doth not dayly arrive to the supposed point of a compounded periodical course at the same minute , when the latter ( viz. the compounded ) begins its progress . Expresly , the great Ocean through its diurnal course flows the length of 348 degrees about from East to West , performing also the same circuit through its nocturnal course : That is , every twelve AEquinoctial hours it absolves 348 degrees of the terrestrial AEquator : Wherefore for to flow 360 degrees it requires 24 24 / 2● minutes of an hour above the foresaid twelve hours : that is , the Ocean flows about the terrestrial AEquator in twelve hours , and 24 14 / 2● minutes , absolving every hour 29 degrees . * How this swiftness is possible to the Ocean we shall make further declaration of it anon . Besides a single diurnal , and a periodical compounded monthly motion , another must also be added , which I call an augmentative motion , through which the Ocean doth gradually accrease every high water to some certain cubits ; of which more fully hereafter . Since that time is nothing but a measure of motion , and that one time is made known to us by another , it is thence occasioned that we come to know the time of the Ocean by comparing it with the time of the Moon and of the Sun , as being general marks whereby to calculate the seasons of the Ocean . This premised it states a ground & reason of the measure of this great Sea , viz. That it is usually high water in the Ocean under the AEquinoctial and Ecliptick , as also upon the shores of the same at six in the morning and evening , when the Moon is in opposition to , or conjunction with the Sun , and at the same hours about the Moons quarters the waters there are at their lowest . On the other side , it is as common among Mariners to measure the motion of the Sun and Moon by the Tides or motions of the Seas , they being exquisitely skill'd in discerning the hour of the day and night , or the season of the several aspects of the Moon by the said tides ; Wherefore it may be thought as equal a consequence that the Moon in her motion depends upon the course of the Ocean as pressing the air through her tumefaction , which again doth impel the Moon forward , as that the Moon should tumefie the air , and thereby impel the waters forward : But I pass by this as ridiculous . Although the Ocean keeps so constant and exact a rule and measure in its course , as likewise the Sun and Moon , yet we must not therefore conceive the one to depend upon the other , because two great marks of their time ( that is one of either , viz. The greatest height of waters and the greatest aspect of the Moon ) are concurring in one day , that rather happening , because the Ocean began its course at that instant , when the Moon after her creation being placed in opposition to the Sun began hers . But possibly you will propose this instance to evince that the highest water doth depend upon the greatest compression of the Moon , because when she is at her Full , she may cause some compression and commotion of air and water , she then being in her greatest strength , and situated in Perigaeo of her eccentrical Aspect , and therefore nearest to the water , and so may add somewhat to the enhightning of its stream . I answer , That it is a mistake to apprehend the Moon to be nearest at the Full , most Astronomers asserting her rather to be remotest then , and to be nearest when she is in her quarters : Ergo according to that rule the highest waters should happen at the Moons quarters , and the lowest at the Full of the Moon : Or otherwise , how can the Moon further the said motion , when she is upon the extremity of her decrease , her rayes drowned by those of the Sun , and she in Apogaeo deferentis ? Certainly , none can be so obtuse as to maintain her in that capacity to have a power of compressing the air , when she being most remote the air doth most enjoy its freedom ; yet nevertheless some are so obstinate to assert , that the greatest altitude of the Sea because it hapneth then , doth likewise depend upon the compression of the Moon . What is more constant , certain , periodical , and equal than the course of the Sea ? Whereas the Moon is vulgarly maintained to be subjected to anomalies ; then in this part of the Heavens , then in another ; now in Apogaeo , perigaeo , concentrical , excentrical , then swift , slow , &c. if so , then a constant and equal effect cannot consecute the efficience of an unequal cause . III. Against our discourse touching the diurnal course of the Ocean might be objected , That it seems very improbable , that the Sea should move so swift , as in a little more than 12 hours to overflow the whole terrestrial Globe ; whereas a ship through the advantage of her sails and a prosperous wind and weather , being supposed to out-run the Tide , can scarce accomplish that course in a Twelvemonth . Hereunto I reply , that the water takes the beginning of her motion from underneath ; for as I have formerly proved , that the formal cause of the waters perennal motion is her gravity , which bearing down upon the Earth for to gaine the Center , is resisted by her , and nevertheless continuing in its motion is necessarily shoven there * to the side ; and so the same hapning to the succeeding parts are all impelled through a natural principle of gravity sidewards , like unto an Arrow being shot against a stone wall , and there resisted , is shoven down the side . VVhence it is apparent , that the waters take beginning of their motion underneath not far from the ground , where being pressed by the great weight of many hundred fathoms of water lying upon them , must needs cause a very swift course of waters removing underneath and withdrawing from that of the Surface , which is prevented of a swift motion , because it sinks down to that place whence the subjected parts do withdraw themselves ; which gives us a reason , why the superficial parts of the Sea do not flow by many degrees so swift as the subjected ones . Nevertheless some small motion is visible upon the Surface , which may accelerate or retardate the course of a ship , but not comparable to the waters in the deep . This instance will further certifie you touching the truth of the matter before said ; a flat-bottomed Kettel filled up with water , having a hole at the bottom near to the side of the said Kettel doth emit the water underneath spouting out with a very great swiftness through the hole , whereas the water upon the Surface moveth but very slowly towards the side near the hole , because the water moving so swiftly underneath doth cause that atop to sink upon it which prevents its swift motion towards the side , and that which causeth the water underneath to spout so violently out of the hole is the weight of the water atop pressing violently and forcibly downwards . This occasions me to call to memory that apposite Phrase of the Dutch sea-men , who instead of saying the water ebbs , say Het water sackt , that is , the water sinks , as if they would signifie the water to move from underneath . The Ocean then originally and primarily moving from underneath in a very swift current , as the forementioned instance may easily confirm to us , hath not that extent to overrun there , which we might conceive it would have atop , but is above the half shortened in its periphery through its depth , and consequently through the deep excavation or extenuation of the Earth : Wherefore observe , 1. That the Ocean underneath doth well absolve so many degrees as we have writ down before , but then they are much abbreviated and lessened in comparison to those degrees , whereby the superficial circumference of the water is measured . 2. I say , that the Ocean absolves the foresaid course of 348 in 12 equal hours only in its lower parts ; But as touching its superficial ones it is certain they are slow , absolving the same compass in no shorter time than six months , which may be named a Marinal year . This slow progress is evidenced to us by the slow drift of a piece of wood floating in the Ocean . 3. Although the superficial parts of the Ocean do not slow with so rapid a course , yet it hinders not , but that they may tumefie as they do throughout their whole circuit about the Earth in the space of 12 hours . 4. Since it must necessarily follow , that where the water tumefieth in one place , it must sink in another , therefore the water tumefying once every 12 hours in the East 6 houres long , ( in which space it arriveth to its height ) it must sink as much in the VVest , because that moisture , which causeth the intumescence in the East , doth slow underneath from the VVest . By the same rule the Eastern Ocean must also sink 6 hours in every 12 for to cause a tumefaction in the VVest : VVhence it is , that every 6 hours we perceive a change of the Tide in the Ocean . 5. VVe are not to perswade our selves , that the Eastern floud is occasioned by water returning from the VVest , and the western floud through the refluxe of the same water from the East , because the Ocean doth continually pass from east to west by way of the South , not returning the same way through the South from west to east , as appeareth by the quick Voyages of those , who setting sail with a good wind and weather from Spain towards the West-Indies do usually make land in three or four weeks , whereas returning from thence can scarce recover Spain , although having the wind very favourable , in less than three or four months . Likewise a voyage from Moabar in the Indies to Madagascar , otherwise called St. Laurences Island , may be accomplisht in 20 daies , but from Madagascar to Moabar scarce in less time ( although with a very prosperous wind ) than three months : In the same manner one may much sooner make a voyage from this Island to Spaine , lying hence more eastward , than from Spain back again hither , or in sailing from Alicant ( a City of Spaine , situated upon the Mediterranean Coast ) towards Palestina , they usually make less speed than in returning . All which are undoubted marks of the perennal course of the Ocean from East to west . VVherefore Philosophers have been misled in imposing the names of Fluxus and Refluxus upon the course of the Ocean as if returning the same way it went. I have taken notice , that as the Dutch used a fit word for to denote the Ebb , so the French have imposed another no less elegant upon the floud , viz. La Montè de la Marè , or the rising of the Sea , exactly squaring with our foregoing discourse : Thus when it is floud they usually say , Lamarè il monte , that is , the Sea rises . The Latinists call it AEstus Maris , or heat of the Sea , because when the Sea begins to be filled with hot exhalations , it is wonted to be hot , through which it swelleth , ( like hot bloud flushing into our faces and glowing causeth a puffing up and a rising ) whence it is impelled to flow some part of it one way , and another another way , which caused the floud , observed through the rising of the waters upon the shores : These exhalations being dissipated , the Sea beginning to cool withdraws it self again into its former compass , and leaving the shores puts them in mind of the Ebb. But this dictate being proved to be absurd doth justly advise us to reject the forementioned name . 6. VVe need not to doubt being fully informed of this Doctrine , but that every floud brings in new water , that of the last Ebb flowing forwards with the course of the Sea towards the accomplishment of its annual period . 7. Let none be offended at us for granting an internall cause of the Seas motion against Scalig. Exer. 52. asserting the Sea to be an Animal in case it should be moved from an internal cause ; were this a Paradox , we must then believe that the Air , Fire , Heavens , and Stars are Animals , they all moving through an intrinsick principle . IV. My method doth now lead me to demonstrate the several Phoenomena's of the Ocean by their proper causes . 1. The Ocean flowing from East to West cannot be thought to be the sole cause of the diurnal intumescence and detumescence of the Sea , since it may be supposed to slow equally over an equal ground : Wherefore a second cause must concur , to wit , an unequal ground , or an unequal grove , through which it passeth . The waters being through the second division of the Creation separated from the Earth , which then lay in an equal round figure under the waters , these consequently equally covering it in the same figure , were afterwards through the third division collected into one place , where they must have pressed their great weighty body into two great universal groves * , whereupon the Earth must necessarily be pressed up into two great universal eminences , which are divided from one another through the said waters , and consequently constitute two great Islands , viz. of the New world or America , and the Old world , or Asia , Africa , and Europa . The Sea after this working through its great weight deeper and deeper into the Earth must necessarily thereby have formed many other deep and great cavities within the sald universal groves . The Earth , through whose recess or giving way , the said other Cavities were impressed must needs have been compressed to some other part : not towards the center , because the Earth was so very densely beset there , that it was impossible it should give way : Ergo towards the Surface , where it was moulded and compressed up into all those great mountains , which we see every where about the Sea-shores , and into all those great Banks and Rocks which Sea-men do meet withall every where ; yea , some being stuffed up a great way from the shore , as witness many Ships that have run aground in the Atlantick Ocean above 60 , 80 , or 100 Leagues from the shore ; likewise a great banke lying off the Cape of St. Austin , and extended near 70 Leagues long . Lastly , A great part of the receding earth was cast up into great and small Islands , especially those numerous ones in the East and West Indies . Let us then suppose those said small Isles , together with the great ones of the East Indies to be accompanied with great and large banks or shelves , whereof some are visible , others not ; This supposition must needs force another from us , viz. That the waters passing from West , by the North to the East , are retarded and partly stopt by the said Isles , shelves or banks : In the mean time during this retardation and partial stoppage , the waters flowing from East by the South to West do decurre , decrease , and evacuate themselves unto the west grove , untill such a degree , that they are run off as low as possible , at which time the other * is at its highest , and then they overflow the borders of the Eastern shelves , and free themselves from the retention of the Isles , by which means the Eastern grove begins to fill and encrease , whose swift decurrence of waters being stopt and retarded by the Western borders and banks fils up until high water . This discourse may seem strange to you since the waters are never visibly stopt by any shelves or banks , these alwaies lying covered ; but were it so that they proved a stoppage , it must be imagined they should lye dry . Hereunto I answer . That supposing the waters to move from underneath , they arriving at a deep grove must needs be retarded through its shelving sides , as being against their natural inclination to move upwards . This retardation of the water on the bottom of the grove must necessarily cause the waters atop to swell and become turgid or tumide , ever framing a round figure atop , which is a certain sign denoting the grove to be of a parabolical figure . This tumefaction the Ancients did abusively term an exestuation , as if proceeding from a fermentation within the water . The water underneath being depressed on the bottom of the grove according to its greatest capacity , and having withall elevated the waters atop to their greatest height , doth now begin to strive to clime up the shelves of the grove , being thereunto moved through its own force continuated against the Earth , but reflected by the same upwards , and propelled by the succeding parts of the water , as also compressed and squeezed by the greatest weight of the waters atop lying upon them , which compressing is much augmented by the great force of the air and fire bearing against the water and earth for to gain the Center : Whence the waters do now begin to flow over the banks of the said shelves , making a tumefaction and gradually a high water wherever it comes , and so evacuating it self out of one great grove into another happens to cause a low and high water in the Ocean . Hence now you may easily collect the reasons and causes of these several properties befalling the Ocean in its diurnal course . 1. Every twelve hours there appears a rising of water in either of the universal groves * , viz. South and North grove continuating the space of 6 hours , because the bottom of either grove is 6 hours in filling out of the one into the other . Likewise every 12 hours the Ocean falls for 6 hours , because its water beneath is so long in evacuating it self . 2. The beginning of the swelling of the Ocean is ever slow for two hours ; much quicker the next two ; for one hour before the last is quickest of all : and the last moves in an equal velocity with the latter of the two first ; it is at its slowest a little before the pinch of high water & at dead low water . The beginning is slow , because that part , which causeth the beginning of the tumefaction of the water , is weakest as being most remote from the central parts , and employing its greatest force in making way and mounting over the shelves loseth its strength , which it recovers when it is backt by the body or central parts of the water following it , and so promoting its course with a greater swiftness : And being with its whole body arrived to the bottom of the grove it doth as it were rest there for to recover its strength , which doth occasion its greatest slowness , the same consequently causing the greatest diminution of motion at low water in the other grove . 3. High and low water of the Ocean is retarded every natural day near three quarters of an hour , that is 34 ●4 / 2● minutes of an hour in every single period or 12 hours , because it accomplisheth but 348 degrees of the terrestrial AEquator in every 12 hours , which doth want 12 degrees of its compleat circuit , and before it can absolve those 12 degrees through the beginning of a new period , there passeth 24 24 / 29 minutes of an hour , which gives us the true reason of the Oceans retardation every day near three quarters of an hour . This course lingring every natural day so many minutes , doth in 30 periods or 15 daies stay back full 360 degrees , being the total circumference of its circuit , and so , as it were , absolves a compounded period through its retardation in 15 daies , which space agreeing with the time of the Moons middle motion between her conjunction and opposition , no wonder , if the Ocean also agrees to be at its height at a prefixt and constant time , alwaies being one and the same , when the Moon her aspect is New or Full. 4. The Ocean happens to be augmented or elevated higher than ordinary every Full or New Moon , because every thirtieth or middle period , ( which ever falls accidentally , but not as if only depending upon the Moon , as upon her New or Full Aspect ) it hath acquired its greatest force of flowing , whereby it drives before it and carrieth along with it a greater confluence of water than at any other season . This intension of course it procures gradually more and more every period , untill at last it comes to its highest , after which in like manner it decreases again , untill it is descended to its least remission , which is upon every thirtieth circuit coincident for the most part with the Moons quarters ; that is , the Ocean at its high water is in comparison to the high waters of the other precedent or following courses at the lowest , when the Moon appears in her quarters , because the force of the Oceans course is then most remitted . Here we may observe the beginning of this intending or periodical compounded course to be , when the Ocean moves with the least force , causing the lowest high water , and the highest low water , which frequently happens near to the Moons quarters , whose middle is marked by the Moons Full and New Aspect , being when it flows with the greatest force causing the highest high waters , and the lowest low waters , and tends towards its ending , when it remits from its height and intends in lowness . This augmentation and diminution may be resembled to the fermentation of Wine or Beer , swelling gradually untill its height , and thence decreasing again . Touching the beginning and ending of the Seas single diurnal circuit , if we consider it simpliciter , it hath none , because it is ever in motion , as never being eased by a total rest ; but if agreeing to state the beginning , where the Ocean is slowest in its course , and thence tending to a swifter motion , then the Proposition is resolveable : And according to this Supposition , the beginning and ending must be moveable , differing every single course near 11 degrees ; This by the way : Returning to explain the cause of the gradual augmentation of water , and intention of force , I am to remember you of the great proportion of the Oceans peregrin Elements consisting of most Earth , then Air , and lastly fire , of whose close coherence with the waters , their saltness is an undoubted argument : These salin particles violently detaining the waters from recovering the center , must necessarily add force to the gravity of the waters , and consequently in intending their force they must also augment them in quantity , because the more force the waters use , the more in quantity they bear along with them . The detention of the said salin particles being at their beginning of no great strength , or in no great quantity , do therefore cause no great intention of the Oceans force , but every single period piercing gradually by rarefaction upon the waters , must necessarily also augment their tumefaction gradually higher and higher every day , untill at last being arrived to their height of penetration , which ordinarily happens in 15 circuits , the Ocean is likewise elevated unto its height . Some of these salin particles , being penetrated through the body of the waters , are gradually depressed to the ground through their own disposition , and the weight of the Ocean , others being attrited and confused through their passive motion against the water , and the decess of their heaviest particles do more and more gradually desist from their violent detention , every circuit , returning to the bottom , and so the Ocean doth also gradually every day incline nearer and nearer to its natural force and detumescence of its water , untill it is returned to its own proper course , at which season its force and intumescence are equally at their lowest . During this space those subsiding particles begin again to be expanded , rarefied and attenuated , because of the grinding of the water against them , and through the expansion of the aerial and igneous parts adunited to them do bear up again : The others elevated atop beginning to concentrate through the conquiescence of the Sea , are ready to be compressed downwards both which gradually striving a reciprocal meeting do in the foregoing manner gradually reunite the force and augmentation of the Water . V. Here we cannot but admit the Suns intense hear , every day beating down the torrid Zone , to be a great instrumental and adjuvant cause to the stirring of the aforesaid salin particles : But this continuing in one measure , equality , and station in respect to the torrid Zone all the year long cannot in any wise be thought the principal cause of a motion varying twice every day . Likewise the Moon being beset with a great quantity of dampish and heavy particles , doth every day spread down some of those particles , whereby the Ocean is also gradually filled more & more every day : And like as these said particles are most apt to rain down , the nearer the Moon doth appropinquate to the Ecliptick , because the air enjoyeth a greater subtility there from the rarefaction of the Sun ; hence it is , that the Moon frees her self most of these heavy concomitants near her Conjunction and at her apposition : So they are most apt to ascend the further the Moon is declined from the Ecliptick , as happens in her quarters , when for that reason the waters are also at their lowest . That these two Lights are accidental causes of the intention of the Oceans force and daily augmentation of its waters is plain enough , and their mutual concurrence to the effecting of the same effect we have confirmed beyond all doubting , whereby the absurdity of the Moons compression proposed by Des-Cartes , and so disagreeing with his own position of the nature of the air , is likewise set before you . The Moon near her Conjunction makes very high waters , because conversing with the hot rayes of the Sun sends down a great number of the foresaid bodies , and not because she is impregnated with the light of the Sun , whereby she should be grown more potent to excite vapours and exhalations : This is ridiculous , for we find other bodies to be swelled near that time not only through exhalations raised out of themselves , but particularly through particles demitted by the conveyance of the air into their pores . The like happens , although in a weaker manner , when the Moon is in her full Aspect , because of her nearer approximation to the Ecliptick : But much more in a Lunar Eclipse , because she is then found directly in the Ecliptick . And most of all , yea twice higher than ordinary at the Full Moon of March and September , because the Sun being then in the AEquinoxial , and most directly over the torrid Zone , under which the greatest body of the Ocean floats , and the Moon in the same way near the Ecliptick , must needs joyntly cause a vast decidence of the forenamed bodies intending and augmenting the waters . Or to declare the matter plainer to you : The continuation of the Seas Motion forward is not only depending upon the pulsion of succeeding parts bending by refraction naturally forward , but also by a kind of attraction or suction of preceding parts , thus : Suppose the Earth to be excavated into certain great cavities , like to great pipes , whereof of those that are formed from the East towards the West by the South the furthermost are alwaies deeper and longer than those , which are nearest to the East ; Likewise conceive such Cavities framed in the same proportion to one another from West back again to the East by the North ; Now I say , that the deepest and furthermost cavity must alwaies attract the water out of the shallower and lesser , in the same manner , as the longer pipe of a sucker ( a Siphon as some do call it ) must attract all the moisture of the shorter , because the parts of water being continuous , and consequently cleaving to one another , the lesser part must follow and yield to the greater , the which through its crastitude being pressed forwards must also draw the lesser part after : Since then the water is no sooner arrived into one cavity but is thence drawn into another , hence it is that this tumefaction of waters is not sensible to us in the Ocean . The number of these cavities we must suppose to be fifteen on each half of the terrestrial Globe ; because the Sea doth in every periodical compounded course make thirty stations , or so many tumefactions , by which it must needs work it self into so many cavities . This supposed , it doth infer another assumption , viz. That since the Ocean moves over so many borders or shelves of cavities , it must necessarily move in Bores : A Bore ( or more properly a Bare ) is a tumefaction of water underneath moving very swift , and elevating the waters atop into a tumefaction proportionable to it underneath : An example of Bores you have in the River of Seyne , and many other Rivers , where great shallows obstruct the floud of the waters underneath : But of this more hereafter . The Ocean then moving in a great bore must raise a tumefaction , wherever it passeth : This tumefaction being originally in the middle parts causes the floud by sending a proportion of waters ( falling through their gravity from the top to the sides as being lower situated ) to the coasts on both sides which it passeth . Hence we may collect that where ever the borders of the foresaid cavities do respect the Coasts , there the Inhabitants must have a swise appulse of the floud . The Ebbe is nothing else but the waters returning from the sides to the middle parts , being left lower through the recess of the Oceans bore or tumefaction : but this by the way . It is most certain , that the Western Ocean directs its waves towards the East ; but whence this continual course of water is supplied may justly be doubted , and although the Eastern Ocean doth constantly flow towards the West , yet how and where Mar del Nort meets with Mar del Zur remains to be made to appear . Their visible communication through the straits of Magallan , or of Le maire , or the straites of Martin Forbisher , and of Anjan , cannot be imagined to conduce any thing considerable towards the presupposed evacuation ; that of Magallan little exceeding a League in breadth , or above 10 or 12 fathom in depth , besides the many turnings and windings and length of near 110 or 120 Leagues hindering any considerable course of water : The others not much surpassing these either in breadth or depth seem to conduce as little . But to make the course clear beyond all dispute the West-Indian Earth is boared through deep underneath by the former compression of the Ocean , through which immense perforation the great bore of the Sea enjoys a free passage , and rowles along under the Peruvian Ocean . By means of this vast perforation the Indian Earth is much elevated , and in most places hath acquired the full height , which it obtaineth being clome up atop the Sea by many Leagues , whence it is that the Land by far overlooking the Ocean doth appear to Mariners three or fourscore Leagues off at Sea. CHAP. VIII . Of the course of the Sea towards the polar Coasts . 1. What the Libration of the Ocean is . That the Tides are not occasioned by Libration . The Navil of the World. Whence the Seas move towards the North Polar . Why the Ebb is stronger in the Narrow Seas than the Floud ; and why the Floud is stronger than the Ebb in the Ocean . Why the Irish Seas are sorough . 2. Why the Baltick Sea is not subjected to Tides . The rice of the East Sea or Sinus Codanus . 3. The cause of the bore in the River of Seyne . 4. The causes of the courses of the Mediterranean . The rice of this Sea. I. HItherto we have followed the main course of the Ocean Westward : In the next place let us cast an eye towards the Northern coasts , where we shall meet the Sea rowling contrarily , now from the South to the North , then from the North back again towards the South . This contrariety must not perswade us , although authorized with Scaligers subtility , that the Sea is an Animal , neither need we to lay hold upon that notion of the Libration of the universal waters for to salve this doubt : However I will not think it much to tell you the meaning of it . The Libration of the Ocean is the projection of its parts from the Center to the Circumference through a diurnal fermentation raised by the torrid rayes of the Sun , or according to Libavius his droling , through a diurnal-egurgitation of water out of a bottomless pit of the Ocean ( called its navil ) and projected toward its extream parts . As this kind of spouting should be the cause of the floud , so its returning back into the Earths tun belly , or the cessation of the foresaid fermentation should be the cause of the Oceans reflux from the said parts , be they Northern or Southern , &c. The exposition it self of this subject will evert its supposed reality , for if such a fermentation were granted , the Ocean must at one and the same time move to all the points of the Compass , and at the same time return from the same points to the Center ; But what expert Mariner is there that will not testifie otherwise ? And where is this Center ? Possibly in the torrid Zone between Madagascar and Los Romeros , where a very strong tide is generally observed , but not moving Eastward and Westward at one time ; if so no Ship could pass without yielding her self to the bottom . Neither can Libavius his fansie be admitted , because such a Gurges spouting out would cast Ships from it at one time into all parts with an unimaginable force , and likewise would attract Ships from those parts back again with no less force and swallow them down into her belly . That these properties would necessarily accompany such a vast Whirl-Pool is proved by that dangerous Whirl-Pool in the North sea near the coasts of Norway , by Mariners called the Navil of the world , through its egurgitation casting Ships to a great distance from it , and through its ingurgitation drawing them from the same distance into her throat . These Hypotheses insisting upon no sparke of appearance , we are forced to make choice of our precedent one , whereby to demonstrate the different flowing and ebbing of these narrow Seas towards and from the Septentrional Polar . There be few but knows , that the Narrow Seas undergo a gradual tumefaction & a rowling up of their waters , being withal very swift , and arriving successively from one coast to another ; as also a successive detumescence and decurrence of the said waters . Now the reason why these waters do not accompany the Ocean from the East towards the West , is their shallowness and inclosure between narrow borders : For the bore of the Ocean coming rowling down the AEthiopian Ocean towards Mar del Nort is discontinued ( as it were ) in its depth through the shallow bottom of the polar Seas , and therefore doth only give them a cast or throw in passing : For the bore arriving and swelling gradually doth through that gradual swelling squeeze the shallow polar seas towards the Poles in passing by notwithstanding continuing its course Westward : The bore being passed the Ocean beginneth to wax detumescent , whereby the shallow waters being deserted of the squeezing Ocean do return into the Ocean . The universal intumescence passing twice every naturall day doth cause a double change of the polar Tides in the same time . That swiftness , which befalls our Tides in these parts , is likewise caused through the shallowness of waters , which are necessarily impelled swifter forward , than if they being imagined to be deep , where consequently waters being in a great confluence more weighty must move slower . Hence we may learn the reason , why the tide in some places doth move swifter than in others , namely , because the Sea is more shallow there , and therefore Ships arriving near the shore make a greater benefit of the Tide , than far from it . The Floud is commonly weaker and slower , near the shores , and within the compass of these narrow Seas ; but the Ebb is stronger and swifter , because the waters do clime upwards being forced against their natural impulse , and therefore resist more potently , but returning do descend fortified with their own natural inclination into places detumefied , and therefore meeting with no resistence . On the contrary , in the middle of the Ocean the floud or rather intumescence is stronger and swifter than the ebb or detumescence , because the universal bore , which is the cause of the floud or intumescence of the water doth cause a greater impulse of the water atop through her presence than when she is quite passed ; Hence it is that Ships sailing from East-India Westward do over run a larger tract in one six houres of the intumescence , than the other six of detumescence . Those Seas , which are derived directly northerly from the Ocean do suffer a greater commotion of tides than others , than are indirectly thence descending . Hence it is , that the Irish Seas being directly opposite from the North to the Ocean do undergo more violent Tides than others , because they receive the squeezing or impulse of the Ocean directly upon them , whereas in the Channel , North sea , and the Bay of Biscay , the waters do perform their Tides more moderately , because they floating under the North , the Oceans universal impulse is much mitigated by the defence of the Promontories of France , England , and Spain . That , which doth further augment the violence of Tides in the Irish Seas is the shallowness of the water , and the meeting of Tides , viz. First they receive the impulse of the Ocean directly from the Southwest , passing between the West of England and the East of Ireland towards the North ; then the same Ocean continuing its impulse against the west Coasts of Ireland , the Sea sets about the Northwest Cape of Ireland , towards the VVest of Scotland , and the stronger , because it is refracted , and , as it were , somewhat pinched by the shallowness of the Hebrides and other Islands ; Through this thwart setting off of the Tide it meets with the Tide passing through between England and Ireland , which it beats back , and that more forcibly towards the latter end of the Floud . The Tides then meeting here and reflecting must necessarily cause very rough Seas ; besides this , the German Seas seem to set off somewhat towards the Northwest of Scotland , where meeting with the Irish Sea do much intend the aforesaid roughness . This also causes the duplication of Tides in several parts of the Irish Seas . It will not be unprofitable to observe the streams of the Tides , where Sea-men do state a general rule , viz. That the Tide sets off athwart , wherever it beats against a great Promontory : Hence it is , that throughout the Channel the Tide sets off athwart in many places from the French Coast towards the English , where the Land sticks out in great nooks : As from the great Promontory of France in the mouth of the Channel , and from that which is opposite to the Isle of Wight , and from before Calis , &c. II. The Promontories do very much weaken the Tides , and clip them off from waters streaming in the No theast ; whence it is , that there is no Tide in the East or Baltick Seas ; besides : 1. Because the Tide of the German Sea is clipt off by the peninsule of Denmark or Jutland and the narrowness of the Sound . 2. The course of the German Sea is the easier kept off , because it floats to the Northward , whereas the Baltick Sea opens into it from the East . Hence it is also , that a great part of these Seas consists of fresh waters , because the North Sea is not disburdened into it . Touching the first production of this Sea , ( to wit the East Sea ) it is very probable that it derived its rice from a great Lake , risen in the deepest and broadest place of the said Sea , which by continuance of pressure hath bored through that large tract vvhich novv is : That this is so I prove . 1. Had the German Ocean b●red this Cavern , then a greater part of it vvould have been salt , and heavy like unto the same . 2. It would then have been more deep than it is , and have had a greater opening ; vvherefore it must needs have had its beginning from a Lake , and for that reason is very improperly called a Sea , more justly deserving the name of a Sinus or Gulph . III. In many places the Sea is taken notice to rise to the height of a Pike , as before the River of Seyne , vvhose rising they vulgarly call the Bare , or bore , taking its beginning vvith the advent of the Floud , and aftervvards overflovving a great length of that River as far as Roan in a great height , but gradually diminishing . The cause of this is to be attributed to the depth of a Cavern encompassed by shelves and banks , wherein the Sea is collected and stayed until such time that it doth gather it self into a bare , whereby it lifteth it self up and climbs up the banks , and being attended with the same force , whereby it did elevate it self , is protracted as far as Roan . Here again we have an evident testimony of the Seas moving underneath , confirming what I have proposed touching the universal Bore . If the waters here took their beginning of motion from their superficial parts , then a bare were impossible to arise here , because the waters are free and in no wise stopt in their motion atop ; Ergo being stopt underneath it is undoubted , that the waters take their beginning of motion thence . The same bares you have here and there in the Seas , which occasion the oversetting of many a Ship , or the casting of them upon rocks and shelves , which they could not escape , because of the violence of the same bores . This bare is seldom visibly perceived in the Seas , because it seems to be drowned by the waves , nevertheless in many places it is . The cause of the breaking of the Sea upon banks you may easily know out of the precedents . IV. The Mediterranean Sea undergoeth an intumescence and detumescence , although not very strong or swift ; the reason of the latter is , because it being situated Easterly escapes the strength of the course of the Ocean flowing westwards : Only , the Ocean through its continual passing by doth continually impell the waters of the straits of Gibraltar or the Pillars of Hercules inwards . This impulse of the waters inwards is much stronger at the intumescence of the Ocean , but weak at the detumescence , nevertheless the current of the Sea runs constantly inwards , because of the constant diurnal course of the Ocean from East to VVest ; so that this constant current into the Pillars of Hercules is an Herculean argument , confirming the constant diurnal motion of the Ocean . That , which causeth the floud or intumescence here , is the Ocean impelling the Sea strongly underneath at its intumescence : The cause of the detumescence is the water falling from underneath the Mediterranean into the universal Cavern , because of the detumescence of the Ocean . Moreover , observe the property of the ebbing and flowing of this Sea : Through the intumescence the water is impelled Eastward , as well near the shores as in the middle : Through the detumescence or waters falling from underneath the waters of the shores do fall towards the central or middle parts of that Sea , yet somewhat westward , because the Sea doth fall from underneath westward ; and notwithstanding the detumescence doth the middle of the Mediterranean float constantly inwards , although but weakly , because of the aforesaid impulse . Hence it appears that the Mediterranean is an exact emblem of all the motions befalling the Ocean . Touching its original it is certain , that the Ocean did not form its Cavern through its constant motion ; because were it so , that Sea would be largest at its mouth , as having withstood the first violence of the Ocean . 2. Because it is situated out of the reach of the course of the Ocean floating alwaies westward . 3. VVhere this Sea communicates with the Ocean , it seems rather to be its ending than the mouth of its narrowness , and it is very probable that near the creation the extremity of Spain and the Kingdom of Fez joyned in an Istmus , which since through violence of the Ocean and the pressure of the Mediterranean is bored through . The rice then of this Sea must be adscribed to the peregrin Element of water breaking out of the Earth through the concussion of the third Division , which afterwards was contained within a great rent or Sinus of the Earth : Neither did the Euxian Sea derive its original from the Mediterranean , because of the narrowness of the Channel , through which they have access to each other : But this with most great Lakes of the World , as the Maotis , Haneygaban , &c. were formed through accidental protrusions of the peregrin Element of water , as you shall read in the next Chapter . Among the various courses of the Sea we must not forget the inserting the causes of currents , whose waters although communicating with the Ocean , do notwithstanding make choice of a distinct motion , varying withall at certain seasons : Thus Mariners observe a strong current from Cabo Delgado towards the Cape of Good Hope streaming Southwest : and another floating westward from Cabo das correntes to the River Aguada of Boapaz . Near Aguada de San Bras the current runs towards the Land. The cause is the different position and degree of depth of their Cavity , which varying from that of the Ocean do suffer their waters to be squeezed to a different course : Neither must any imagine that the wind is the principal cause of these currents , and much less of the universal Tides of the Ocean , because the stronger the wind blowes against them , the stronger they float against the wind . CHAP. IX . Of Inundations . 1. Of the rice of the great Gulphs of the Ocean . The causes of Inundations . That the Deluge mentioned in Genesis was not universal . The explanation of the Text. 2. The manner of the Deluge . That it was not occasioned through the overfilling of the Ocean . 3. That there hapned very great Deluges since ; when and where . 4. The effects of the first Deluge . 5. Inland Inundations . 1. THe Ocean and others of its Arms , through their continual violence against the Earth do in time bore great Caverns into her body , whence the great Gulphs of Bengala , Persia , Arabia , Mexico , most great Bayes and straits took their beginning , and no wonder since they were moulded by the strong stream of the Ocean floating westward . Neither is the Ocean satisfied of the Earth for possessing the Center ( for which they have both an equal claim ) in making such assaults upon her , but is still striving to enter and begin new irruptions into her , whereby it oft grows victorious of some of her Plains , as appears by those frequent inundations sustained in England , ( particularly , that of Somersetshire , extending to 20 miles in length , and 15 in breadth , whose fury had drowned several Towns , and swallowed up many hundreds of men , some making their escape upon deales and pieces of Timber of Houses , that were washt away ; Rabbets fled their lodges and got atop Sheeps backs swimming as long as they could for their lives : Corn and straw floated up and down in abundance , being filled with Rats and Mice endeavouring their escape , besides a great number of dead creatures that were seen adrift ) Holland , many places of Asia , Africa , &c. Among these none was ever more furious , than the Deluge hapning in the year of the Creation 1656 , mentioned in the seventh Chapter of Genesis , whose eminence above the Earth reached to 15 Cubits , destroying all living Creatures ( except some few only ) that had thitherto fed upon the fruits of the ground . I must not forget here to rectifie Peoples judgments perswading themselves that this Inundation should have been universal . I grant it was universal in two respects : 1. To all the Earth that was inhabited by the Patriarchs and their Tribes . 2. In respect to the universal damage and loss ; for it had destroyed all that was upon Earth , excepting those that were miraculously preserved for the preservation and use of the race of Man. But pray can any one rationally conceive , that the height of 15 Cubits of water above those hills of Asia should have exceeded the tops of all the mountains of the world ? What proportion is there between those hills & 15 Cubits , and the Peak of Taeneriffe , the Mount Venpi in Queticheu , or Jekin in Chingutu , or Kesing , Mung , Hocang , Juntay , Loyang , Kiming , ( where they are nine daies in getting up to the top ) Funghoan , being all Mountains of China reaching higher than the lower clouds ; The Olympas , Athos , or those high Mountains upon the West-Indian Coasts ? No more than there is between a man and a steeple . Or is it probable that forty daies rain should drown the whole World , when a whole six months rain falling every Winter upon the East-Indies scarce increaseth the intumescence of the Ocean . But observe the scope of the Scripture , Gen. 7. 18. And the waters prevailed greatly , and were greatly increased upon the earth , &c. Here the divine Text seemeth to intend nothing further than a great prevailing and increase of the waters , which could effect little more than a partial Inundation ; for otherwise to have caused an universal one , none less than the greatest prevailing and increase of waters would have sufficed . Wherefore the words of ver . 19. viz. And all the Hills , that were under the whole heaven , were covered , are to be understood only of all the hills , that were covered by the whole heaven described by their Horizon : And still in the popular speech , when we say the whole heaven , we mean no more than the Horizon , that is as far as we can see round about us . II. Next let us consider the manner of this great Deluge . 1. It was not caused through the irruption of the Ocean into the earth , because then the said Deluge would have been extreamly sudden , viz. in six hours time the floud must have brought in the waters , and it must have left a large Gulph , where it brake in : Neither was the Sea high enough to have made such an assault . 2. The beginning of it was taken as the Text holds forth , v. 11 , 12. From the breaking up of the fountains of the great deep , and the opening of the windows of heaven , and the violent rain : These sudden impetuous tempests must needs have caused a great astonishment and anguish upon those who had so justly deserved . The breaking up of the Fountains were the bursting of the peregrin Elements , contained within the bowels of the earth , especially of water , air and fire out of the great deep , that is the vast Mediterranean Sea , by men of that Age called and accounted the great deep . The great occasion of this bursting out of the waters were 1. The heavy innixe of earth in the shallows of the Mediterranean pressing the waters underneath from its Center . 2. The air and fire forced through the earth of the said shallows to pass to their own Element . 3. The tearing winds sent down through the opening of the windows of heaven , which piercing the pores of the earth contributed not a little to the stirring up of the air and fire contained within the earth , and to the vibration of the terrestrial Mass. 4. The impetuous showers of rain breaking down and dividing the earth . Through this tempest the waters of the Mediterranean got above the earth , and a great proportion of the tract of air brake into the earth , having so fair an opportunity as at the nick of bursting to get nearer to the Center : But being inclosed by water & separated from its Element was by the potent compression of the said water forced to return , whereby the waters must necessarily be much tumefied , listed up , and cast out of their mole , whence they were constrained to float over the earth : but the air being most returned , the rain restrained , and the winds directed to pass over the earth , the waters setled and retired into their Cavern leaving the earth very much disposed to germination of plants ; and so the stopping up of the Fountains of the deep and the windows of heaven was accomplished . III. Not many years after there hapned another deluge somewhat less than the former , caused through the bursting up of those waters , that now constitute the Mare majus or Euxiun Sea , and the Lake Maeotis . Some hundred years after another deluge came upon Persia and Tartary by the bursting up of the Hircanian or Caspian Sea. The West-Indians have successively retained in their memory a great Inundation , which they imagine was universal , came upon them through the bursting up of the Lake Haneygaban , or Perime in Guiana . Through these before-mentioned deluges a great part of the Island Cea , half of the Town Tyndarida in Sicily , Acarnania ( being drowned in the Gulph of Ambracia ) and Achaia in the Gulph of Corinsh , and other great Countries must have been swallowed up and laid even with the bottom of the said waters ; as likewise hapned to Pyrrha , Antissa , Elice , Bura , and many other places : others must have appeared through the thrusting up of that Land , in whose stead the waters succeeded . This occasioned the new appearances of Delos and Rhodus , of Nea situated between Lemnus and the Hollespont ; of Abone , Thera , Therasia , Hiera , and Anaphe . IV. Through the said discontinued and unequal bursting up of the waters and breaking of the land , Sicily was separated from Italy , Cyprus from Syria , Besby from Bithynia , Atlas and Macria from Euboea , Euboea from Boeotia , Leucosta from the Sirenian Promontory , and many other Islands comprehended within the Mediterranean from the Continent : Likewise have many Sea port Towns in Europe been separated from the Continent , as witness many Ships that have run a ground upon their steeples and houses : Thus in the year 1421 many Towns and Villages of Holland and Freezland were swallovved up by the Sea ; and the Sea-men to this day are forced to take notice vvhere such and such of their Tovvns vvere drovvned , for fear of inhabiting them again . The vvaters through their pressing vveight do sometimes decline from one place , vvhich they then leave dry , to another , vvhere they have moulded a deeper Cavern ; by such an occasion vvere the Islands of Antissa left dry , and so united to the Continent of Lesbos , Zephyrius to Halicarnassus , Ethuso to Mindus , Dromiscon and Peres to Miletus , Narthecusa to the Parthenian Promontory ; Hybanda , Epidaurus , Magnesia , and Oricon to the Continent : The same hath arrived to many other places ; namely that some part of a shore hath been deserted through the Seas declination , ( as hapned to the Country about Ambracia , Ephesus , the Plain of Arabia , and above Memphis as far as the AEthiopian Mountains , having been all over covered by the Sea ) in such a manner , that Ships vvhich had been cast avvay upon the sands near to that shore vvere after some hundreds of years found some miles off from the Sea , deeply covered vvith earth by length of time , cast upon them partly from the adjacent hills by the vvind ; and partly by the heaving up of the sand through the seas diurnal Tides . Hence vve may easily knovv , vvhence that Mast came , that vvas found vvith a Pulley to it sticking out of the top of one of the steep hills of Spitsberg in Greenland near vvhere they usually fish for Whales . Before I go further I must convince those of their mistake , that state Earthquakes the occasion of the disappearance of some Islands , and appearance of others , formed through the violent and unequal bursting up of earth . 1. Let them take notice that Earthquakes are fresh enough in mens memories in the West-Indies , and those great ones too , yet they never , or very seldom have protruded any Islands there ; neither is their eruption large enough for to compass such an effect . 2. Earthquakes happen most through the Earths belching up of wind , that hapned to be inclosed vvithin her belly , but it is impossible that a wind should drown a Country , or raise an Island : Possibly you may reply , That together with a wind there oft bursteth out a floud of water . I grant it , and what is this else but a Deluge ? Thus many Towns and Villages in Holland and Friesland have been formerly swallowed up by such deluges , as their great Lakes are still testimonies of ; and to my apprehension all that Country must necessarily be subjected to such deluges , since it swims upon the water . Touching Inland Inundations , as that which befell Friesland in the year 1218 , where near 100000 persons were buried in the water ; and that of Holland and Zealand in the Reign of Charles the fifth Emperour of Germany , in the year 1531. and several times since , as that of the last year , when a great part of the Country all about Gorcum was seized upon by Inland waters . Their causes are to be attributed to torrents streaming down out of the melted snow , as also to the swelling of the Inland waters , through receiving a great quantity of frosty minima's , pouring down from the North in a cold Winter . The River of Nile proves yearly extravagant in AEgypt for two months and ten daies , because being situated very low it is obliged to receive the superfluity of water falling from above out of severall great Rivers and Lakes , as the Lakes Zembre , Saslan , Nuba , and the Rivers Cabella , Tagazi , Ancona , Coror , and many others , besides the water which it draweth from the hills and other grounds . These Rivers and Lakes do constantly swell every year by reason of the great rains , that fall there at certain times of the year . Besides the heat of the Sun exercising its power very vigorously near the latter end of May , doth very much subtilize and rarefie those waters , whereby they are rendred more fluid , penetrating and copious ; and lastly the Sun conversing in the northern declination doth impell the Ocean stronger against the Northern shores , whereby the waters are also much increased . Hence it is , that the waters of the Nile are so subtill , that they deceive the air in carrying of them up in vapours , viz. because they are so subtilly strained : No wonder then if they prove so healthy . The same causes are appli●ble to the excessive increase of the Rivers Ganges , Padus , Arrius , Danow , Tiber and Athesis . CHAP. X. Of the causes of the before-mentioned properties of Lakes . 1. Whence the Lake Asphaltites is so strong for sustaining of weighty bodies , and why it breeds no Fish. The cause of qualities contrary to these in other Lakes . The cause of the effects of the Lake Lerna . 2. Whence the vertues of the Lake Eaug , of Thrace , Gerasa , the Lake among the Troglodites , Clitorius , Laumond , Vadimon , and Benaco are derived . 3. Whence the properties of the Lake Larius , Pilats Pool , and the Lake of Laubach emanate . I. VVHat the cause of those effects of the Lake Asphaltites should be , the name seems to contain , viz. The water glued together by an incrassated air and condensed fire , constituting the body of a certain Bitumen , called Asphaltos , whence the said Lake doth also derive its name : It is uncapable of breeding fish , because through its sulphureous thickness it suffocates all vitall flames . On the contrary the Lakes Avernum ( although deep 360 fathom ) and that of AEthiopia are so much subtilized through the passing of rarefied air , that they are uncapable of sustaining the least weight . Touching their pernicious quality to fowl , it must be attributed to the venomous spirits permixt with that rarefied air , infecting the whole Element of air as far as it covers them . The Lake Lorna and the other in Portugal cause their effects through the permixture of a quantity of crude nitrous bodies , which prove very depressing . That Lake of AEthiopia is unctious through the admixture of incrassated air . II. The Lake Eaug in Ireland acquires a sideropoetick vertue under water from the imbibition of crude Aluminous juyces , by means of their indurating and constrictive vertue changing wood sticking in the mud into an Iron-like substance ; that part which is under water into a stone-like substance , because of the diminution of the said Aluminous Juyces , which through their weight are more copious in the mud ; the part of the wood that sticks out of the water remains wood , as being beyond the reach of the said heavy juyces . The Lakes of Thrace and Gerasa prove pernicious through admixture of crude arsenical exhalations . The Lake among the Troglodites being Mercurial is infestuous to the brain . The Lake Clitorius through its nitrosity disturbs the stomach , and attracts a great quantity of moisture to it , and infecting it with an offensive quality , causes a loathing of all Liquors . The sudden tempests befalling the Lake Laumond and Vadimon are caused through winds breaking out of the earth through the water . Lakes resist induration by frost through igneous expirations pervading them . The Lake Benacus shews its fury , when its internal winds are excited by external ones , causing a Concussion and a Rage in the water , like unto an aguish body , which is disposed to a shaking fit by every sharp wind raising the sharp winds within . III. The River Abda passeth freely through the Lake Larius without any commotion of its body , because the waters of the Lake through their extream crassitude are depressed downwards , and so are constituted atop in a rigid posture , whereas the River is impelled forwards , and very little downwards : But were it to flow through a shallow water , whose quantity doth not bear any proportion to receive the pressure of the air downwards against the earth , they would soon communicate in streams . 2. The waters of a Lake differ much in crassitude and density from those of a River , and therefore do exclude its streams . The Lake Haneygaban doth not visibly disburden it self of those waters , but thrusting Caverns underneath into the earth , raises all those hills through the intumescence of the said waters , that are near to her , out of which some Rivers do take their rice . Pilats Pool is stirred into a vehement fermentation by flinging any pressing body into it ; because thereby those heterogeneous mineral juyces ( viz. Vitriolat and Sulphureous substances ) are raised , mixt together , and brought to a fermentation and working : Through this fermentation the water swells and exceeds its borders ; but the water being clarified the commotion ceaseth . Neither needs any one wonder , that so small a matter should be the cause of so great an exestuation , since one part of the water doth stir up the other , and so successively the whole pool comes to be stirred . Pools owe their rice to great rains or torrents , which sometime do slow visibly over the meadows , or through Rivers causing inundations : Sometimes through Caverns of the Earth , as that near Laubach . CHAP. XI . Of the rice of Fountains , Rivers and Hills . 1. That Fountains are not supplied by rain . 2. Aristotles opinion touching the rice of Fountains examined . 3. The Authors assertion concerning the rice of Fountains . The rice of many principal Fountains of the world . 4. Why Holland is not mountainous . 5. That the first deluge was not the cause of Hills . 6. Whence that great quantity of water contained within the bowels of the Earth is derived . 7. Whence it is that most shores are Mountainous . Why the Island Ferro is not irrigated with any Rivers . Why the earth is depressed under the torrid Zone , and elevated towards the polars . The cause of the multitude of Hills in some Countries and scarcity in others . 8. How it is possible for the Sea to penetrate into the bowels of the earth . I. THe opinion of Fountains , scattering out of the earth and supplied by waters rained down and collected within Caverns of the earth , as it hath vulgarly taken place among many , so it is very suspitious ; experience tells us , that many perennal Fountains spring forth out of sandy and every where about dry Mountains , whereunto notwithstanding but little is contributed by the moisture of the heavens , since the rain falleth but seldom , ( as in AEgypt , and other places , ) and the Sun is very hot , the Country very dry , insomuch that did the rain fall in twice that quantity , it would scarce be sufficient to irrigate the soile , much less of supplying moisture for Fountains . 2. Many Fountains draw their water very deep , near a hundred foot , yea two or three hundred deep out of the earth : Whereas rain seldom penetrates deeper into the earth than ten or eleven foot . 3. Some Fountains break forth out of Rocky Mountains , which are uncapable of imbibing rain : Ergo their rice and continuation are not from rain . II. The opinion of Aristotle is much more absurd , asserting subterraneous air converted into water to be the cause of Springs , since we have formerly made it appear , that the conversion of air into water is impossible ; or were it not , it would seem very irrational to suppose the earth to be so hollow as to be capable of containing such an infinite quantity of air , as to continuate the course of a Fountain ; because a great quantity of air condensed ( as they call it ) would produce but little more than a drop * . III. 1. In brief Fountains owe their beginning and continuation to great quantities of water collected within great Caverns of the earth . This the diggers of Mines confirm to us , who sometime through digging too deep meet with great and sudden burstings out of waters , which oft do prove perennal . Such mischances have hapned not once in the Coal-pits near Newcastle , to the drowning of many a man. Moreover there are no great hills , but which rest upon great gulphs of water underneath them , insomuch that a hill is nothing else but the raising of the earth through a great gulph of water lodging underneath it . Hence it is that hills are generally the store-houses of Rivers , and their sides or tops their Springs . How many slouds of water are there discovered to break out of the sides of several great hills in Kent , Surrey , and innumerous other places of the world ? Whence should those pregnant Pewter Mines in Cornwal , or Lead Mines in Derbishire , and all other Mines in the world be supplied with a sufficient quantity of water for their matter , were it not that the hills afforded it out of their Caverns ? Whereout should all those vast stony and rocky Mountains of the Universe consist , but out of water derived from the Earths bowels ? Whence should those great perennal Rivers , that spout forth from under the Alpes and Peruvian Mountains take their rice , but from those gulphs of water , whereby they are raised to that height ? Whence should all the water of those great Lakes upon hills arrive ? As that between the middle of the three tops of the hill Taihu in China , whose depth was yet never fathomed ; and that upon the Mount Jenkin near the City So , being of no less depth , and near a quarter of a Mile in compass ; likewise that of Tieuchi near Mien ; that deep Lake upon the Mount Tienlu called the Lake of the Drake , because it is so horrible through its depth and commotion , that if any should cast a stone into it , it would render a great noise like unto a thunder : besides many others in Europe ; as those in Ireland , &c. In fine , do not all the greatest Rivers of the world , viz. Ganges , Nilus , Senaga , Nuba , Tana , Nieper , Morava , Garumna , Thames , &c. yea , and all others spout out of hills , or are they not derived from Lakes ? Lakes usually are environned by a Plain , because those waters , which should thrust up hills about them are collected in an open Cavern . Notwithstanding are the same waters of Lakes through the ait's pressure forced underneath into the earth , where at some distance they do cast up hils , for to disburden the earth , whereat they spout out Rivers ; for a Lake is uncapable of it self to spout out a River , because being situated low wants force to spout it out from it , whereas waters , that are protruded and continually impacted and crusht very thick or close into Caverns of hills , do by a renitency press against the earth above and below , and swallow up the air contained within the said Caverns into their substance , and the earth doth reciprocally press against them ; but the air being thin , smooth and glib , is at last violently protruded by both their gravities , which erupting with a great force and discontinuation of the earth , doth make way upwards for the water to be pressed out the easier by the earth with such a force , as may square to the protruding of a long River : Wherefore it is necessary , that Rivers should derive either immediately or mediately from hills : Thus immediately the Rhein springs forth out of the Mount Adula aliás Vogel ; The Danow out of a Mount within the black wood some 6 Leagues off from Tubingen ; The Necker out of another near the same Town ; The Garona out of one of the Perinean Mountains ; The Jaxartes out of the Sogdian Mountains , as Ptolomy names them ; The Dnieper out of some Mountains near Dnieperco ; The River of Jordan out of two Issues of the Mount Lebanon , viz. Jor and Dan , both which meeting communicate in one name of Jordan ; The River Euphrates out of the Mount standing in the midst of the Garden of Eden ; The Boetis in Spain , out of the Mount Orespeda near Castao ; The Anien out of the Mountains among the Trebani ; the Zepusium out of some Mountain in Poland ; and so a million of others . Mediately , The River of Nile descends out of some Hills , that draw their water out of the Lake Zembre . The River Niger salies vigorously out of some hills near the Lake Borno , whose Caverns are filled the length of threescore Leagues under ground by streams flowing out of a Lake between Guidan and Vangue : The River Nuba out of Mountains deriving their water from the Lake Nuba , and in like manner many others . Touching narrow short Rivers , that flow from their head downwards to a low place , they may draw their rice immediately from a Lake , because they need not that vigour of impulse . IV. Holland and Zealand although very rich in water , yet are poo● in Mountains , because their ground is so much thorow soakt and masht with water , that being changed into a mud , it would sooner break into crums , than be raised up into hills . Wherefore the name of Holland was very aptly imposed upon that Countrey , since that underneath it is hollow , filled up only with water , the ground swimming atop it in the forme of clay or mud , they having little or no sandy ground within their dikes or bankes . Hence it appears , that towards the constitution of a Hill these conditions must be required . 1. A great quantity of water must be bored underneath the Earth ; for a small quantity would prove invalid to lift it up . 2. They must form their Cavern very deep ; for near the Surface they would sooner break through than raise the earth . 3. The ground under which they bore must be very dense , dry and sandy for to keep in the water ; for were it moist or loose , it would not rise , but sooner break : Besides , this density and sandiness of the earth doth serve to concentrate and conclomerate the earth into one body , whereby it is gradually raised and lifted up . From this discourse observe , why hills are sandy and dry , although containing such a bulk of water underneath them , viz. because of the closeness or density of the minima's or sands of the earth compelling the water under them . 2. The reason why all hills do not emit fountains of water , is because the water is lodged very deep under them , or because of the extream density of their terrestrial minima's . V. This cannot but confute that improbable opinion , asserting hills to be formed through the violence of the waters after the Deluge , carrying great pieces of the earth along with them in returning to their receptacle : another reason against this is , because great torrents , tumbling down with a tempestuous fury , and causing an Inundation or Deluge wherever they touch , scarce leave any sign of inequality of the earth behind them . 2. Here may then be demanded from them , how and whence those hills before or after the Deluge of Noah , or of Og●ges , or Deucaleon ( it is the same ) received their formation ? Hills there were before ; for besides the Bible , Josephus , Abydenus , Berosus and others make mention of a very high hill in Armenia major called Barin , by others Chardaeus , whereupon a pious man should have saved himself in an Ark. So Ovid speaks of the Mount Parnassus , whose height should have preserved Deucaleon with his wife Pyrrha from the rage of the Deluge . Others to save the matter have conceited the Stars to have attracted lumps out of the earth , and so raised them into hills ; but this opinion is so absurd , that it needs no confutation . The Vulgar observing most hills to be sandy do beyond all reproof believe , that they are nothing else but congestions of sand or earth , heaped up by the winds . I shall not think it much to insert their judgment touching a very high hill in Holland situated a mile off from the Hague towards Shiveling , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called the High Clift , which about a hundred years ago , they say was of that height that one might have washt his hand in the clouds upon the top of it , but now is diminisht to one third , to what it was , and I my self can remember that it was much higher than now it is . The cause of this diminution they adscribe to the winds , blowing down the sands , out of which they say all those small hills , that are about it , were formed . But to rectifie their apprehensions ; who can rationally judge , that winds are forcible enough to remove hills of that weight and bigness , or that winds should be strong enough to heap up such a Mountain ? Any one would sooner imagine the winds to blow them down : If then winds have not the power to raise a Mountain , certainly they are too weak to pull one down . Or thus , If winds be so powerful , why did they not blow down such hils before they came to that height ? 2. Hills in many Islands of the West-Indies are raised much higher , where the winds are much more out ragious : Wherefore the cause of the diminution of the fore-mentioned High Clift must be adscribed to the removal of the water underneath ( whereby the hill doth gradually sink and grow lesser , ) and boring further into several places about hath raised those other hills . VI. But since hills are so numerous , Lakes and Rivers not scarce , a disquisition must be made , whence and how such a vast quantity of water doth redound within the bowels of the earth . The peregrin Element of water within the earth bears no proportion of affording a competent moisture towards the casting up of so many monstrous Mountains , or scattering such large perennal Fountains and Rivers , or of depressing the Surface of the earth by such vast Lakes : Wherefore I say nothing appears full enough to effuse such dimensions of water but the Ocean alone , whose belly being oppressed with an inexhaustible plenitude is constantly irritated to vomit up its superfluities into the weaker and lower parts of the earth . Reason will incline us to this truth : that must be the original of waters , whereinto they are disburdened ( for otherwise if the Sea did retain all those waters evacuated by Rivers , it would manifestly increase , but since it doth not , it is an argument that the Sea expels as much as it receives ; ) but that is the Ocean , Ergo. 2. Many Lakes , Fountains and Rivers , although remote from the lips of the Sea , do notwithstanding participate of the flowing and ebbing thereof , as that Fountain in the Island Gades , another near Burdeaux , &c. ergo the sea doth press water thither . 3. The divine words of Solomon confirm the same to us , Eccl. 1. 7. Unto the Place from whence the Rivers come , thither do they return again , but that is into the Sea , Ergo. 4. The ancient Church-men do also subscribe to this , viz. Isidor , lib. 3. de Orig. Cap. 20. Basil. Hom. 4. Hex . Jerom upon Eccles. 1. Damasc. lib. 2. de sid . orth . c. 9. Hugo de S. Vict. upon Gen. Dionys. upon Prov. 8. &c. The manner of the Seas conveyance or passage to the innermost parts of the earth is by screwing , pressing , and penetrating through the lowermost parts ; for there the Sea is most potent , exercising its weight refracted to the sides , whereas atop it is too weak , or were it strong enough , it would break forth before it had passed any considerable way . Besides its own weight the saltness of the Sea doth very much conduce to the intending of its force ; for those salin particles are apt to undergo a dividing and cutting pressure . VII . Places , that are bordering upon the Sea , are alwaies and every where cast up into high hills or mountains , because they receive the first impulse of the Sea waters pressing underneath ; Hence it is , that every where about , the Coasts are encompassed by hills . Mountains are oft higher and greater within the Land than near the Sea , because they are raised by the meeting of great quantities of water impelled from two Seas ; So the Alpes are cast up by the water impelled from the Venetian Gulph of the one side , and the Tyrrhenian Sea of the other , both meeting under them . The Peak of Teneriffe is thrust up to the height of threescore miles through casting up all that ground , into whose room a great depth of water is succeeded undermining it all about . The Island Ferro is not irrigated atop with any fluent moisture , as Lake , River , or Springs ( except only with the abundant droppings of a tree drawing moisture from a great depth , or by collecting the dew of the air , which sufficeth to quench the thirst of all the Inhabitants and their Cattel ; ) because consisting throughout of high Mountains , their sand lying very close deep , and heavy , doth detain the water underneath them . The earth is much more depressed under the torrid Zone , and as much more raised towards the Poles , because the Ocean being gathered into a vast body under the forementioned Zone depresseth all the land under it and near to it with one collected and united force of weight towards the Poles , which doth undoubtedly assure me that under both Poles Artick and Antartick the firm land doth stick out far above the waters : And questionless Greenland is protracted quite throughout the Northern polar Region . The Mountain Serra Leona in AEthiopia bearing up to the height of the clouds ( wherewith the top is alwaies beset , ) although raised within the torrid Zone , is suffulted by a great gulph collected through the meeting of two or more parts of the Sea under ground ; And whole Africa seems to be inflated into high mountains from the limits of AEgypt until the farthest part of the Atlantick mountain through communication of Lakes , which again arise out of the concourse of waters propelled from the Mediterranean , Eruthrean , AEthiopian , and Atlantick Seas . Arabia is likewise lofty through hills vaunting upon waters immitted from the Persian and Arabian Gulphs . Muscovia and Lithuania are for the greater part Champian Countries , because their soil is too much soakt for to be raised up into hills . 2. By reason of the multiplicity of Lakes and Rivers , through which the subterraneous waters are vented . Sweden , Norway , Scania are very abundantly watered with Lakes and Rivers ; the Sea upon those Coasts exceeds in depth the length of Ships Cables : The reason is because those waters are very much intended in their pressure downwards through the vast number of cold and frosty minima's raining down from the North Pole. VIII . Before I digress from the subject of this Chapter I am only to shew you the possibility of Marin waters their pressure out from the depth of the Ocean in to the innermost parts of the earth . This I shall easily accomplish in mentioning , that the force of fresh waters within the land have moulded through the ground the length of many Leagues ; if so , the same is much more possible to salt water . The River Niger bores through a heavy , dense and deep ground the length of 60 miles , before it evacuates it self into the Lake Borno . The River Nuba doth likewise force a Cavern many miles long into the earth . The Spaniards vaunt excessively of a long Bridge , whereon ten thousand Goats and Sheep reap their pasture , and is nothing else but the passing of the River Anas ( alias Guadiana ) the dimension of 8 or 9 Leagues underground , beginning to disappear near Medelina . The Tigris runs her self under ground on one side of the mount Taurus , and comes up again on the other side , and beyond the Lake Thorpes hides it self again within the earth 18 miles further . Camden in his Britannia makes observation of the River Mole in Surrey diving under ground near white hill , and appearing again a mile or two thence near Letherhed bridge . Historians tell us that the Alphaeus floats secretly under ground as far as Sicily , where with its appearance makes choice of a new name , viz. Arethusa , famous for gulping up of offals , that had been cast into the Alphaeus at the Olimpick Games usual every fifth year . The Danow runs some miles under ground , before it flows into the Sava . Upon the top of the mount Stella is a certain Lake near 12 Leagues distant from the Sea , which oft vomits up wracks of Ships , that were cast away at Sea. CHAP. XII . Of the causes of the effects produced by Fountains . 1. Whence some Fountains are deleterious ; The cause of the effect of the Fountain Lethe , of Cea , Lincystis , Arania ; The causes of foecundation and of rendring barren of other Fountains ; The causes of the properties of the Fountain of the Sun , of the Eleusinian waters , of the Fountains of Illyrium , Epyrus , Cyreniaca , Arcadia , the Holy Cross , Sibaris , Lycos , of the unctious Fountain of Rome , and Jacobs Fountain . 2. The causes of the effects of Ipsum and Barnet Wells . 3. Whence the vertues of the Spaw waters are derived . 4. Of the formal causes of Baths . 1. THe Fountains of Thrace , Arcadia , Sarmatia , Armenia , Lydia , and Sicilia are deleterious through the permixtion of crude arsernical juyces , transpiring out of the earth . The same causes operate the same effects in the Founts of Wolchenstein , Valentia , Berosus , &c. The Lethe of Boeotia owes its effects to crude Mercurial vapours immixt within its substance : Another in the same Countrey produceth a contrary effect through a succinous exhalation . The Fountains of Cea and Susae differ little in causality from the Lethe . The Lincystis inebriates the brain through repletion by sulphurous exhalations . The Fountain of Arania makes use of crude nitrous juyces for the accomplishing of its effects . The Fountain , which Solinus affirms to conduce to foecundity , must be a thorowly attenuated and well concocted water , like to that of the Nile . The other opposite to this in operation must be very Saturnal . A sulphureous Nitre , or a mixture of Sulphur and Nitre into one close juyce , dispersed through the waters of the Fountain of the Sun among the Garamantes , renders them very cold in the day time , because the Nitre then predominating condenseth and incrassates the waters , the more because its sulphureous parts , which do otherwise rarefie them , are through the Suns beams extracted , disunited , and dispersed : Whereas in the night season the sulphureous parts , ben●g united through the condensing cold of the night and condensation of the nitrous particles , turn into an internal flame , causing that fervent heat . The Eleusinian waters are irritated to a fermentation of heterogeneous mineral juyces through the percussion of the air by a sharp musical string , whereby through continuation the waters are likewise percussed and its contenta stirred . In the same manner is the next related fountain cast into an exestuation through the shrill acute vibrating and penetrating percussion of the air by the lips , whereas the walking about stirring the air but obtusely cannot effect such a penetrative or acute motion . The Fountain of Illyrium contains secret Vitriolat sulphureous flames within its substance , whereby it proves so consuming . The Fountains of Epyrus and Cyreniaca vary in heat , by reason of the greater or lesser dispersing and rarefying , or uniting and condensing of their sulphureous flames . Springs remain cool in the Summer through the rarefaction of their fiery spirits exhaling and passing out of the ground in the Summer ; they produce a small warmth through the condensation of their igneous particles in the Winter . That Fountain of Arcadia exerciseth such a penetrable concentrating force upon Gold and Silver through the quantity and strength of its nitrous spirits , which are only obtused by a Mules hoof , through the Lentor and obtuseness of its body , and therefore may easily be contained in it . The Fountain of the Holy Cross appears red through the admixture of red bole . The overflowing of Fountains for a certain space depends upon the pressure of a greater quantity of water thither , which in the Summer time may prove more copious through the attenuation of the water and rarefaction of the earth . The reason of their detumescence after their repletion is the waters further impression towards other parts , or repression thither whence they came , through the expiration of the air flatuosities out the mouths of the Fount , whence the earths gravity depresseth them back again . Those that increase and decrease with the course of the Moon , or rather of the Ocean , vary through the change of the universal Tides , of which hath been sufficiently treated above . Touching the Lithopoetick vertue of waters , it is much agreeing with that of the earth , of which above . The Sibaris causeth sneezing through its acre and vitriolat spirits . Some waters are apt to change the temperament of the body into a cold or phlegmatick disposition causing the hair of Cattel to be protruded with a faire colour ; others into a cholerick habit , causing the hair to be of a reddish colour . The Fountain Lycos is unctious , and therefore serveth to burn in a Lamp. Whether to adscribe the egurgitation of that oyly Spring , discovered near the Incarnation of our Saviour , to the collection of unctious exhalations permisted with water , or to a miracle , both being possible , I leave to the inclination of your belief : But the disclosing of a false swearer ( if there be a Fountain of that vertue ) is an extraordinary impression of God upon the waters . Jacobs Fountain changeth in colour and motion through the fermentation of various heteregeneous bodies contained within it . II. Wells are distinguished from Fountains , in that the former do oft appear in a plain or valley , as the foot of a hill , & are subject to fill up and after to be dried up again ; Neither do they spout out water with a force like unto Fountains . Ipsum and Barnet Wells operate their effects through a thick Chalchantous or Vitriolat juyce , which through its sulphureous particles irritates the belly to excretion , and through its subtiller spirits to urine . By the way you must not imagine that their admixture is right and true Vitriol ; for in distillation by the colour of the subsidence it doth appear otherwise : Neither is the taste a perfect vitriolat taste , or their operation so nauseous as Vitriol dissolved in water . Besides those juyces are indisposed to concretion into Vitriol , since these are more sulphureous and less digested : Nevertheless they are somwhat like to Vitriol in taste , operation , and grayness of colour , as being nearest to green . Although the main effect is adscribed to a Vitriolat like juyce , it hinders not but that some Ferrugineous and Aluminous juyces may be commixt with them . Tunbridge waters are impregnated with a thin chalchantous spirit , wherby they are usually pierced through with the urine , except in some delicate fine bodies , whose bellies partake likewise of their effect . III. Among the Spaw waters as Pouhont and Savenier agree in vertue with those of Tunbridge so likewise in their causes ; And Geronster with Ipsum . Nevertheless Hendricus van Heer doth not forbear , lib. de Acid. Spadan . cap. 5. imputing their effects to red Chalck , which he found , together with some Oker and a little Vitriol , upon the bottom of the body of the Still after distillation of the waters . I wonder how he guessed those substances so readily , which had nothing in them like to the said bodies but their colour . Besides the red chalck he named the mother of Iron : A wise saying . In effect those subsidences were nothing else but the caput mortuum of the forementioned chalchantous juyces , whose subtiller parts being abstracted and exhaled left the courser insipid , like to what the caput mortuum of Vitriol useth to be . But pray who ever knew ●ed Chalck or Oket to be eccoprotick or diuretick ? Particularly he found Geronster to leave dregs , which being cast upon a red hot Iron would not yield to liquefaction ; Ergo it must be steel he concluded . Neither would his Oker or Chalk have melted presently , because they were deprived of their Sulphur . But will the infusion of Steel purge by stool and urine like those waters ? Certainly no. Ergo their purgative ingredient must have been a crude chalchantous juyce . Fallopius beyond him attests to have found Alume , Salt , green Vitriol , Plaister , Marble and chalk in those waters , which they cal Physical waters : a meer guess , these partaking in nothing but colour , and scarce that , with the forenamed Minerals . Doubtless nature had never intended them for such bodies . Touching the commistions of these juyces with the waters , they do immediately mix with them as soon as they are exhaled out of the earth , which had they been intended for those pretended kind of Minerals , nature would have lockt them up in a matrix . IV. Baths derive their natures from the actual hidden flames of a thick and dense sulphureous and chalky matter , the proportion of which do cause a greater or lesser ebullition . The waters of the Rivers descending out of the Alpes breed such congestions under the throat through a permixture of coagulating and incrassating particles , to wit , of nitrous juyces . Touching the other properties of Rivers we have already treated of them , and therefore judge their repetition needless . CHAP. XIII . Of the various Tastes , Smells , Congelation and Choice of Water . 1. Various tastes of several Lakes , Fountain and River waters . 2. The divers sents of waters . 3. The causes of the said tastes . That the saltness of the Sea is not generated by the broyling heat of the Sun. The Authors opinion . 4. The causes of the sents of Waters . 5. What Ice is , the cause of it , and manner of its generation . Why some Countries are less exposed to frosts than others that are nearer to the Line . 6. The differences of frosts . Why a frost doth usually begin and end with the change of the Moon . 7. The original or rice of frosty minims . Why fresh waters are aptest to be frozen . How it is possible for the Sea to be frozen . 8. What waters are the best and the worst : the reasons of their excellency and badness . I. VVAter besides its own natural taste , of which we have spoken above , is distinguished by the variety of adventicious tasts , viz. some are sharp and sowre , as the Savenier , Tunbridge waters , and those near Gopingen in Suevia and others near Lyncestus in Macedonia . Others are of a sweet taste as the water of the River Himera in Sicily ; Those of the River Liparis have a fat taste . Some waters in the Isles Andros , Naxos , and Paphlagonia do taste like wine . The waters of the Fountain Campeius are bitter , and flowing into the river Hipanis in Pontus infects it with the same taste . There are other fountains between the Nile and the red Sea that agree with the former in taste , likewise those of Silicia near Corycius . The pit waters of Galniceus are acerbous . The salt taste of waters is unknown to none since the Ocean is pregnant enough with it . Some inland Lakes and Fountains are of the same taste , viz. Three in Sicilia , the Concanican , Agrigentinian Lakes , and another near Gela. There is another called Myrtuntius of the same relish between Leucades and the Ambracian Gulph . The Taus in Phrygia , Thopetis in Babylonia , Asphaltites in Judaea , Sputa in Media Atropacia , Mantianus in Armenia , one in Cyprus near Citium , another between Laodicea and Apamia , two in Bactria , another near the Lake Moeotis , and that of Yaogan , Forrien , besides many more are all of a saltish taste . Touching Fountains there is one in Narbone exceeding the Sea in saltness . There are six more of the same taste near the Adriatick gulph , where it bends towards Aquileia ; besides several other salt pits in Italy , Illyris , Cappadocia , &c. II. Waters vary no less in their sent : Some stinking , as the Lake between Laodicea and Apamia , the Fountain among the Phalisci , another near Leuca in Calabria , and those rivulets near the Lake Asphaltites , &c. Others give a sweet sent as the Fountain of Cabara in Mesopotamia . The Pit Methone in Peloponesus smells like a Salve . III. Next let me make address to the causes of these qualities : A sharp taste is derived from those acute and Vitriolate particles immixt in the water . A sweet taste is produced in water through an exact aerial mixtion or percoction with it . The waters of Paphlagonia afford a vinous taste through the admixture of tartareous exhalations , or such as are like to the mixture of Tartar of wine . Bitterness flows from adust terrestrial particles admixt to waters . Aluminous exhalations dispersed through water render it acerbous . The saltness of the Sea and other Inland waters is communicated to them from the admixture of saltish particles exhaling out of the mud . Touching the generation of salt and its mixtion I have inserted my opinion above , I shall here only have a word or two with those that state the Sun the efficient cause of the said saltish particles , broyling and aduring those exhalations contained with the body of the waters ; whence they assert the superficial parts of the Sea to be more saltish than the lower parts of it , because the Suns heat is more vigorous there . If the broyling Sun be the efficient , whence is it then that some Lakes and Fountains are very salt , where the Sun doth not cast its aduring beams ? 2. It is very improbable , that so vast a number of saltish partiticles should be generated in the torrid Zone , ( where the Sun doth only broyle ) as to infect the waters within the polars , that are so remote thence : How then is it , that the waters prove as saltish there , where the cold is as potent as the heat elsewhere , as in Greenland ? Or absurdly supposing the Sea to be so far communicative of its savour , why doth it not obtain a power of changing those sweet waters , which it is constrained to harbour within it self ? As those , which Columbus relates to have found in the American Sea , near to the road of the Drakes head : Moreover he attests to have sailed through fresh water a hundred and four Leagues far in the North Sea. Pliny , lib. 2. c. 103. affirms the same , viz. to have discovered fresh water near Aradus in the Mediterranean , and others by the Chaledonian Islands . And in lib. 6. c. 17. he reports that Alexander Magnus had drank a draught of Sea water that was fresh , and that Pompey when he was employed against Mithridates should have tasted of the same . 3. The Ocean being alwaies in such an agitation cannot be a fit matrix to concrease or unite such mixtures . 4. The broyling Sun doth rather render salt waters , fresh as hath been experienced among Seamen by exposing pails of Sea water upon the deck to the torrid Sun under the Line , which after a while standing do become much fresher . An open heat doubtless sooner dissolves a mixture than it generates one ; for boyl Sea-water long upon the fire , and it will grow fresh ; or distill it , and you will find the same effect . Beyond all scruple these saltish particles must be united into such mixtures out of earth proportioned to the other Elements in a close place or matrix ( yet not so close as to concrease them into a fixed subterraneous body or mineral ) whose coldness doth adact , impact , and bind the said Elements into an union and mixture , which through defect of an entire closeness do soon exhale or transpire . In a word , the saltness of the Sea is generated within its mud , whose closeness impacts and coagulates the exhalations of the earth into salin particles , whence they are soon disturbed through the motion of the Sea , and the attracting heat of the Sun. Hence it is , that old mud , clay , and such like bodies prove generally saltish , so that the Sun adds little excepting in the stirring up of the said exhalations . And touching the foregoing instance of the waters greater saltness atop than below , it is fictitious ; for the Sea is much fuller of salt below than above , because of its weight . Nevertheless the Sea doth taste more saltish atop than below , because the subtiller parts of the Salt are attracted or forced by the heat of the Sun towards the top , which meeting there are apt to strike the tongue more piercing than otherwaies . But whence these fresh waters do burst up into the Sea is worth our inquiry : To resolve you , you must know that the earth in many places under water is raised up into hills , or shallows analogal to them , whose earth atop lying very close doth hinder the water above it from passing , especially in the Northern Climate , where the Sea is somewhat thicker than under the Line : but is nevertheless bursted through propulsion of the waters underneath , which evacuated into the body of the Sea do cause that extent of fresh water without suffering themselves to be infected with the Saltness of the Sea , because the Sea-water is so thick and closs , that it excepts the fresh water from making an irruption into its continuity : Hence it is , that the River of the Amazons , besides many others although irrupting into the Sea many Leagues far , yet is maintained impolluted and fresh . But why those salin particles should be generated near to those fresh springs , and not close about them may seem strange : It is because one ground is muddy and disposed to generate salt , the other about the said spring is sandy , dry * ( as it were ) and close , and not at all masht through as mud is . The Sea-water deposeth its saltness in being percolated through the earth suffering the subtiller parts alone of the waters to pass , but keeping back the grosser and salin ones . IV. Sents are materiated out of the subtiller parts of the matter effecting tastes ; wherefore all waters , that are discernable by tastes , emit their subtiller parts for sents ; but of this abundantly before , whither I must direct my Reader . V. Ice is water congealed , or incrassated , indurated , or rather reduced to its natural state . That which congeales the water or reduces it to its natural state is the absence or expulsion of those Elements , that render it fluid , viz. fire and air . These are expelled by frosty minima's falling down from the Poles , and compressing or squeezing them both out of the body of water , whence it is also that all waters swell through the frost , viz. through their repletion with the said minima's . These are nothing but Unites or points of earth adunited to so many unites of water freed within their body from all air and fire , and detruded from the Polars towards the earth , whither they are vigorously forced down in a very close order into the Surface of the waters , where arriving they press out the air and fire , which being expelled , the superficial parts of the water cleave naturally to one another about those frosty minima's . The first beginning of a frost is taken from the first decidence of frosty minima's , which in their passing cause a vehement compression , and lighting upon our tact make us give them the name of cold ( because they compress our external parts with a smart continuous compression ; ) thence falling upon the water ( if in a smal quantity only ) do thicken it a little , if in a greater do forcibly expel the air and fire , which being expelled a concretion of the water near its Surface must naturally follow . If now it grows no colder , and that these minima's fall in no greater quantity , the Ice continues at a stand ; but if otherwise , then it proceeds to a greater induration and a larger concretion : And the deeper the waters do thicken , the more acute the cold must be , or the greater quantity of acute and dense minima's must follow for to further and continuate the said concretion , because unless they are acuter than the former , they will not be minute enough to pass the small porosities remaining in the Surface of the Ice . Ice swimmeth atop the water , as long as it freezeth , not because it is less weighty , ( for it is heavier ; ) but because its continuity and concretion together with the support of the air tending from the ground of the waters towards its own Element do detain it . When it thawes the Ice sinks down , because it is somewhat discontinued and melted , and by reason of the same proportion of air descending and bearing down upon it , that was ascended before . Notwithstanding the thaw people do oft complain of a great cold two or three daies after , and especially in their feet , which is nothing else but the same frosty minima's repassing out of the earth and water towards the Element of air for to give way to the melting entring air and fire . The frosty minima's that begin to fall with a red Evening sky denoting the clearness of the air and passage , do oft bring a furious cold with them , because finding no obstruction they fall very densely and acutely upon us ; but those , that fall through a cloudy air seldom cause violent colds , because they are partly detained by the same clouds : Hence it is , that most Countries , that are beset with water ( as Islands , peninsuls , &c. ) and thence attain to a nebulous air , are warmer , than other Countries although the former be remoter from the Ecliptick than these , because their clouds obstruct and detain a part of the frosty minima's , and break the rest in their motion downwards : Whence it is also that England is less cold in the Winter than most parts of France or Germany , although both are of a less Northern declination than it . The same clouds do likewise in the Summer break the violence of the fiery minima's descending , whence it is also less hot here than in the forementioned places , no wonder then , if Geographers do so much extoll this Island for the temperature of its Climate . VI. This language is supplied with a very apt distinction of frosts , viz. a black frost , a gray , and a white frost . The first of these is felt to be of the greatest fury , insomuch that if it proveth for any time lasting , it deads the roots of young plants and old trees , kills all Vermine , and penetrates through the very periostium of Animals , and depth of Rivers . It derives its violence from the extream number of the descending frosty minima's , whose density makes the Skies even look black again . A gray frost is between a black and white one , consisting likewise of a dense proportion of descending minima's . A white frost is the incrassation of vapours in the lowermost region of the air . Among these a black frost is of the least continuance , because the frosty minima's tumbling down in such vast quantities are soon purged out of the air . Here may be inquired , why a frost usually begins and ends with the change of the Moon . For solving of this , you must observe ; that the causes of the decidence are , 1. Their great number . 2. Their congregating or congress . Touching the first , unless their number is proportionable to bore and press * through the clouds and resistance of the air , they are uncapable of descension for to cause a congelation : and although their number be great and dispersed , they are nevertheless retained through the over-powering of the clouds : Wherefore it is necessary a great quantity should be united into heaps , and so make their way through . To these principal causes add this adjuvant one , viz. The compression of the Moon , she at her changes driving the frosty minima's more forcibly towards the Poles , through which impulsion they are withal thrusted one upon the other and united into a body , whence it is that they at those times do oft take their beginning of decidence . Again the Moon near the same terms impelling the clouds and thick air thither doth prove as frequent an occasion of dispersing those frosty minima's , especially if much diminished of their body through preceding decidencies . Moreover these frosty minima's , although they are sometimes broken & dispersed in their decidence through the said impulses , yet sometimes they do recover a body , and make a new irruption downwards : And thence it is , that oft times a frost holds for a day or two , then thaws for as long , and afterwards returns to freezing again . VII . In the next place I am to set down the original and rice of these frosty minima's . You may easily apprehend , that the Sun in the Torrid Zone and somewhat in the temperate one doth dayly raise a vast number and quantity of vapours * , ( consisting of most water , then air , next fire and earth ) which through the diurnal motion of the air , are carried along from East to West . And through daily successions of new vapours they are compelled to detrude their preceding ones towards the Poles , whither they seem most to tend through the disposition of water and earth contained within those vapours , and the greater force of the heavens driving them towards the Poles as the weaker places , ( for there motion is least observed , ) where being arrived , are by the privative coldness of that Region assisted to free themselves of the fire and air ; the water now cleaving to the earth and divided into millions upon millions of minima's make up a dense body , whence through the depression of the air they are devolved down to the earth . Waters , that are least in motion , less fiery and aerial , are most disposed to concretion : Hence fresh waters are aptest to be frozen : Whereas the Sea is seldom reduced to concretion , because of its continual motion expelling the frosty minima's as fast as they are received , or precipating them to the bottom , or by melting their body through the fiery salin and aerial particles contained within it . Notwithstanding is the Sea reduced to concretion in some Climates , viz. within the Polars , where you have the Oceanus Glacialis or Icy Ocean , whose Ice is in some places 60 or 80 fathom deep , in others reaching from the bottom of the Sea to the top ; insomuch that the tops of many of those Icy mountains stick out as far above the Surface of the liquid Sea , as the same Sea is deep underneath : The properties of that Ice is to be clear and transparent like glass . Herodotus doth likewise make mention of the freezing of the Bosphorus , so Beda lib. de natur . rer . c. 9. writes , that within a daies sail from the Isle Tyle towards the North the Sea is frozen . Olans Magn. tells us of the Gothiek Sea being frozen : But this hapneth , because the Sea thereabout may be deprived of its saltness , ( yea some assert , that those mountains of Ice are most fresh water concreased ) which being precipitated to the bottom through the density of the frosty minima's constantly descending like showers under the Pole , the remaining Surface of fresh water is soon congealed . Before I close this Paragraph , I shall only adde the cause of a strange passion befalling the Glacial Sea , where sometimes of a sudden and in a moment a whole mountain of Ice is melted away , causing a dangerous current , subverting or carrying away many a ship , and yet the frost continueth : The cause of this is not the broyling and melting heat of the Sun , for the Sun is never so kind there , but the union of those fiery salin particles , precipitated ( as we told you above ) by the frosty minims down into the mud , whence working or bursting with an united condensed force upwards do occasion such sudden degelations . VIII . Lastly , Waters in respect of wholsomness differ very much in excellency and choice : Spring water , and those of Rivers are commended above others of Pools , Lakes , and Pit waters , because these latter through their standing still contract a muddiness and filth out of the earth , and sometimes noxious particles co gulated out of exhalations transpiring out the said mud ; besides that they are disposed to putrefactions through the abundance of peregrin bodies , protruding venomous herbs , and generating Toads , Frogs , Leeches , Snails , Eeles , and other filthy Insects . Snow waters are no less noxious than the former , because of their crudity , nitrosity , and thickness . Waters gathered and kept in a Leaden Cistern through Leaden or Tin spouts are crude and windy , because they descend out of the cold region of the air ; Moreover as Galen doth well except , they contract a pernicious quality from the Lead . Wherefore Fountain or River waters carry the bell before them all ; but which of these two excells the other we must next distinguish . Fountain waters , as they spring out of the mountains , are yet filled with wind and earthy minima's , and therefore must yield to River waters , I mean such as are derived from a Fountain : In these the waters through their rapid streams depose those earthy crude and windy bodies , which they brought along with them out of the Fountains Cavern , and are attenuated and clarified through the Sun beams , and lastly depose their dregs into the earth through being strained through its dense and clear sands . And among these there is a great difference ; those that take their rice from a standing water or a Lake , and flow through a muddy ground are much inferiour to many fountain waters . But others , that stream rapidly from a bright fountain and take their course through a pure sandy or gravelly ground , and meet the East , Sun are the best . River waters in hot Countries , where the air is clear , are preferred before others in cold Climats : Hence Rivers of a Continent take place , before those of an Iland , because the latter is generally beset with a nubilous air , filling the said waters with mud , and keeping off the rayes of the Sun from concocting them : Wherefore River waters in the Southeast parts of France are esteemed before any in England ; those of the Southeast parts of Spain before others of the same Continent , where the River Tago is much extolled for its wholsomeness of water ; In Persia the Choaspis affords the best waters ; In India the Ganges , &c. The Rivers of Thames affords the best water in England , but further up towards the Woodmongers Gallows & Oxford ; not about London where the ground is muddy , besides that it is infected by the Tides flowing out of the Sea with many saltish particles , dirt , dung , carkasses , &c. There must also notice be taken of the rice of a River , viz. That it do not spring out of a Mine ; and of the Countries through which it passeth , whether Chalky , Gravelly , or Clayish . Insumma waters , that are the lightest , thinnest , clearest and most limpid , of no strong tangue , but of a sweet & pleasing rellish , are the best . The weight of waters is known by weighing one with the other in Scales : By letting them run through a small sieve or thick close linnen : their tenuity is known by dropping them upon a Looking-glass , whereof that which drops the least drops and makes the greatest splatch is the subtillest ; by distillation , boyling , dissolving Salt or Soape in them ; by their shaking , smalness , and number of streams ; by the swimming of a piece of wood in them , viz. that wherein it smimmeth deepest is the lightest and thinnest , &c. CHAP. XIV . Of the commerce of the air with the other Elements . 1. How the air moves downwards . What motions the Elements would exercise supposing they enjoyed their Center . Why the Air doth not easily toss the terraqueous Globe out of its place . How the Air is capable of two contrary motions . 2. That the Air moves continually from East through the South to West , and thence back again to the East through the North. 3. An objection against the airs circular motion answered . 4. The Poles of the Air. 5. The proportion of Air to Fire ; its distinction into three profundities . 1. AIr is a debtor for its name to aer in Latine , which again to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to lift up , because it was lifted up ( as it were ) from the Chaos . How it was freed from the oppression of the weighty Elements I formerly declared . The remainder is to treate briefly of its commerce with the neighbouring Elements , viz. with Earth , Water , and Fire . Daily observations make appear to us , that a cavity is no sooner ready to open within the Earth or Water , but the Air is as ready to strive to enter , not only for to fill up that vacuity , but out of an eagerness , strife , and necessity for to gain a Center for its whole body : For how can any body enjoy rest without being sustained by a foundation ? That , which is alone apt for such a work , is the Center , which is a Basis , upon which all its parts do rest . I prove it : The parts of a body being met about the Center , cannot use any force or violence against one another , because they are of one nature , and therefore agree in the same effect : Which is of resting about a Center . Hence it is , That the air ( besides its own interest being streightned atop through the fires inclination also for to recover its Center ) doth so much infest , pierce , attenuate , and divide all bodies , that lye in the way to its Center ; and that so vast a proportion of air is entered into the body of water , as from a solidity to reduce it to a perfect fluor : And although the body of air ( as I have stated before ) is of that softness , yet through succession of its parts and want of vacuities , whereinto to convey it self , it cannot yield to any compression into it self , but being successively backt by its own parts and those of fire , is capable of working the same effects , which the hardest body can . But now supposing the air to have accomplisht its aime , let us inquire what motion it would then exercise ? Certainly of it self no other but it s continuous lightness , whereby it would maintain its parts diffused from its own center into the greatest tenuity imaginable . Likewise the other Elements would exercise no other action , but the maintenance of their bodies in the greatest density , crassitude , or rarity , and that through the use of their formal contiguous weight , continuous weight , & contiguous levity ; and as the earth through her concentration would not leave the Circumference , although tending hence thither ; so neither would the light Elements desert their Center although moving thence hither . Wherefore let me advertize you in time not to mistake my former definitions of Levity , or Gravity , implying the former to move from its Center to the Circumference ; that to move here from the Center is not to leave it ; but to move thence as from a Basis : But now the air being dispossest of its genuine Center is forced to make use of a violent Center , situated about the extream parts of the earth and water , and thence its parts do take their original to the circumference , not leaving their force in the mean while of pressing violently downwards . Here may be inquired , why the air , seeming so far powerful above the earth and water ( both in extent of compass and energy or activity of parts ) that its extream subtility should seem more than potent enough to pervade & dispossess that small clot of water and earth , doth not become victorious . I resolve you ; The energy of the air is much refracted through having its Center ( upon which all its strength doth consist ) divided into that dimension , which the Circumference of earth and water do make ; or otherwise it would soon toss that small footbal out of its place , and make no more of it than the Heavens may seem to do of the Moon . So fire , although a great part is flaming and burning , hath not the power of invading the earth ( as many do imagine it would do , were the Heavens all a burning fire ) because it is much more refracted in its Center through the Surface of the air : Do we not see that a Durgain is able to wrastle with a great Giant , because his low stature doth put him in a capacity of taking the other about the middle , where he easily lifts him from his Basis or Center . But possibly it may seem strange to you , that the air should exercise two contrary motions , one upwards , and another downwards . 2. You may likewise demand , how fire can apply any force to earth or water , since it is extended into its greatest rarity , and possesses a place full large enough to contain its body , and consequently is not violently detained . To the first I answer , That naturally a thing cannot obtain two contrary motions , but violently it may . As to the second , This violence is caused here below . 1. Through the incrassation of the air , that is , water ascending and mingling with the body of air doth force so much of it to strive for another place , as it hath taken up of the air , which since it cannot procure upwards is forced to effect downwards upon the earth and water , and make a violent irruption upon them . 2. The air being essentially thin in the second Region as well as it is above , must of necessity press down upon the incrassated air , because all its parts being to take their suffulsion and Basis from somewhere , ( which it doth from the hither extremity of the air ) and not proving strong enough to sustain such a force must necessarily depress into the water and earth , where neither of these finding themselves strong enough about their surface , do necessarily yield and give way to the air pressing downwards for a Basis. The same contrary motion is apparent in a man , who is to lift some weight from the ground upwards : First he must move all his strength towards his feet , which is the Center , whereupon this weight must be sustained and lifted up from ; then doth he reflect all his strength upon that Basis upwards , where we observe his center to make a hole into the earth , because it is not firm enough to sustain his pressure ; even so it is with the twofold motion of air , which you may easily apply to this in every particular . II. The airs innixe being shoved off or refracted through the repercussion of the weighty Elements chooses to turn round , that is to bear to the sides , rather than to retort into it self : And that which irritates this with no obtuse spur is the fire , forcing circularly upon the air . 2. The universal waters flowing from East to West is no small cause of directing of the airs motion towards the same aime , because the air reflecting against the waters flowing from underneath must needs be shoved off thither whither the water flowes : I prove it ; cast a ball from the shore upon a piece of Timber , driving down a rapid River , its refracted motion will tend towards the drift of the said River . 3. The fire moving from East to West , and forcing upon the air must beyond all scruple prescribe the air a road in its motion . In the next place I prove that the air is agitated in a circular motion . 1. If waters that are thick are impelled to a circular motion , much more air , whose fluidity and coherence is much more disposed to a circular motion . 2. Fire is a contiguous body , but that moves circularly ; ergo air much more , because it is continuous . 3. The uppermost clouds are alwaies observed to move circularly , ergo the air , that doth contain them . 4. Comets ( whereof some are seated near to the extremity of the supream Region of the air ) do move circularly , ergo the air must also move circularly . III. Against the airs circular motion may be objected , that the clouds swimming in the air like a ship in the water , are carried about with the air ; but the said clouds do move variously , sometimes Eastward , Southward , or Northward , & c. Ergo the air is also various in its motions . I answer , 1. That the clouds only near the Polars are various in their motion , which variety is only befalling the inferiour clouds : Herein it bears a resemblance to the motion of water near the Polars varying ( although but accidentally ) from the course of the Ocean . Besides that there is a difference in motion between the superiour middle and inferiour clouds is manifest by the Moons light about her quarters , disclosing the inferiour clouds to move one way and those above another way . 2. The clouds do oft stream against the tide of the air , as you shall read by and by . 3. The clouds in the torrid Zone , namely the superiour ones , are very uniform in their motion , constantly floating from East to West . IV. The air taking its beginning of circular motion underneath about the Center , the Globe constituted by the weighty Elements must needs be thought to be its Axletree whereupon it moves : Its Poles must be corresponding to the North and South extremities of the said Globe , which together with the Axis are doubtless immoveable , and consequently must only be apprehended in the earth , because that alone is immoveable . Here observe , that the air in the torrid Zone moves swiftest , because it is equidistant from its Poles , and hath the most space to accomplish : Where it is near the Poles its motion is of the least vigour , and nearest seems to be immoveable . V. The proportion of the Element of air to the Element of fire is the same as water is to earth : Because air is the same in its respective nature comparatively to fire , that water is to earth ; for as water is a continuous heavy body immediately superadded to earth , being of a contiguous weight , so is air a continuous light substance annext to fire being of a contiguous levity ; wherefore then the same reason infers air to have the same proportion to fire , that water hath to earth . Hence we must conclude that the profundity of the tract of air is much larger than it is stated by vulgar Astronomists , and the profundity of fire much less than it is computed by the same phantasticks ; Otherwise it would seem an improportion and disorder in the Elements , not to be supposed . The profundity of the air we may aptly distinguish into three equal Sections or Regions . 1. The first or supream is constituted by air most infested by fire . 2. The middle Region is , where the air is lightest and thinnest , and enjoys its greater purity . 3. The third Region comprehends those thick visible clouds . I will begin with the description of the first Region : As far as the uppermost Region of water is attenuated by the air , so far ( considering the diversity of proportion ) is the air also rarefied by fire ; and as the air doth press down to the bottom of the waters , even so doth the fire in it strive for the Center to the extream depth of air , but is much more in proportion in the supream Region . The middle Region is purest in her own parts because of the equidistance from her neighbouring Elements , but is nevertheless somewhat nubilous . The lower Region is as much incrassated with clouds or vapours concreased , and reduced from its extream tenuity , as the waters are attenuated and reduced from their extream crassitude to that degree of Attenuation through air ; Because those parts of water , whose places are replenisht with others of air , must recede into the air for to place themselves somewhere . Against this discourse Nonius lib. de crep . Alhazen . lib. 3. perspect . Vitell. li. 10. Pr. 60. and others may seem to set themselves , as appears by their demonstrations although obscure enough , inferring the tract of air not to exceed 25 Leagues in profundity , because Comets being generated in the air , and keeping their station there , do seldom or never clime up higher . But on the contrary , will they assert the Maculae or spots of the Moon , ( which doubtless are aerial and near to the supream region of the air , ) and other clouds that seem not to be far distant from the Moon , to be no higher than 25 Leagues ? An absurdity . Neither are Comets so near , some appearing but little lower than the Moon , some higher , others in the same degree of Altitude ; so that Comets if any while durable are not seated in the air , but in the Region of fire , because they move from East to West with the same swiftness that other lucid bodies do , that are contained in the fiery Region . CHAP. XV. Of the production of Clouds . 1. What a cloud is , how generated , its difference . How a Rainbow is produced . Whether there appeared any Rainbows before the Floud . 2. The generation of Rain . 3. How Snow and Hail are engendred . 4. The manner of generation of Winds . 5. The difference of winds . Of Monzones , Provincial winds , general winds , &c. Of the kinds of storms and their causes . What a mist and a dew are . I. Nubes a cloud is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to swim , because a cloud seems to swim in the air . A Cloud is an aerial body engendred out of air incrassated by water , and somewhat condensed by earth . Its kinds are very various differing in mixture , magnitude , equality , colour , situation , and motion . Some appear disrupted , discontinuated ; others intire , uniform ; Some are great , others small ; some even , flat , hollow , unequal ; others are black , red , blew , brown , luminous , dark ; others of various colours reflecting Rainbows ; Some are situated in the North , South , &c. Others move uniformly , difformly , swift , slow , Eastward , Westward , &c. Their generation is thus ; the air and fire irrupting incessantly into the earth and water are after their arrival thither shut in and cut off from their bodies , and being violently compressed from all sides , are forced by the over-powring of the weighty Elements to return to their former region , whereunto they after some contention do yield , yet not without carrying away a measure of water and earth , closely adhering to them . These retroceding particles , as they come out , give entrance to other air attempting an irruption with its body , whereby * they are elevated continually untill they are arrived to that part of the Region of the air , where it is least infested with the fiery Element ; Here the air finding it self strongest and least oppressed with bodies discontinuating its substance , doth press those heterogeneous bodies together into clouds through its vertue of moving to an union , and not through its coldness , for air of it self where it doth in any wise enjoy its purity is estranged from cold , and is naturally rather inclined to warmth . The reason , why clouds are less apt to concrease where the Sun hath power , is , because the parts of the air there are weakned through the rarefaction and discontinuation by torrid minima's . These clouds according to their mixture vary in continuation , viz. some are thicker and more concreased than others , which through their greater renixe are propelled from the others of a less renitency . Clouds containing much earth , and thence rendred dense , appear black ; if they are much expanded , according to their diduction , they refract the light variously , appearing red , white , blew , &c. The clouds through their gradual proportion of renitency being disrupted and sinking gradually under one another ; refract the light of the Sun according to their graduall situation , seeming to be illuminated with several and gradual colours , ( whose appearance is called a Rainbow : ) viz. The lower being more thick and dense than the rest refract the light blackish ; that above it , being less dense , brownish ; that above this , purple or greenish ; the other reddish , yellowish , &c. A Rainbow is not seen by us , unless we be interposed between the Sun and the Clouds reflecting and refracting , that is we must stand on that side of the clouds that is irradiated . In Thomas's Island the Moon doth sometimes cause a light kind of a Rainbow after a rain . Touching the figure of a Rainbow , it is semicircular , because the air is expanded in a circular figure , and moved circularly towards us . Many do make a scruple , whether there ever appeared any Rainbow before the Floud , gathering their ground of doubting from Gen. 9. 13. I do set my Bow in the cloud , and it shall be for a token of a Covenant between me and the earth . Hereunto I answer , That these words do not seem to make out any thing else , but that God did assume the Bow for a sign , rather implying that the Heavens had been disposed to the susception of Rainbows from the Creation : For even then were the Heavens filled up with clouds fit for the reflection of such a light . That a Morning Rainbow doth portend wet , and an Evening one fair weather is vulgarly reported , which nevertheless is very uncertain : For the most part it either doth precede rain or follow it ; The reason is , because the forementioned gradual declination and incrassation doth cause a rain . Rain is the decidence of clouds in drops . Clouds although incrassated and condensed , gathered and compressed by the ambient air striving to be freed of them , yet cannot be expelled , and protruded all at once , because their extent is too large , and their circumference obtuse , whence they are unfit to be protruded at once , unless they were most condensed into an acute or cutting Surface ; Why they cannot be compressed into a less compass and a greater acuteness is , because of a great quantity of air contained within them . Touching their diruption into drops , it is to be imputed to the external compression of the clouds , squeezing the internal air into particles , which as they burst out do each protrude a drop of rain : Or thus , Suppose the clouds at such times to be puft up with bubbles of internal air , and the diruption of each bubble to send down a drop of rain . Oft times with rain a great wind blows down along with it , which is nothing else but the air pent within the said clouds and bursting out of them . A windiness doth oft hold up the rain , because it shatters and disperses the parts of the said dense clouds , wherby their consistency is broken . Rains are very frequent in the Autumn and the Winter , because the Sun casting its rayes obliquely towards those Countries , where the seasons of the year are manifestly observed , doth raise a greater abundance of vapours more than it can dissolve or disperse ; besides , a great number of clouds are sent from other places , where the Sun doth through its Summer heat raise such a great quantity of vapours , which meeting and being impacted upon one another and etruded cause great rains at those times of the year . The Moon hath also great power in dissolving a cloud into rain , for she sending down and impelling great abundance of dense weighty minims doth very much further the descent of drops . Frosty minims exercise a strong vertue in stifning the air , whereby it is rendred more firm to contain the clouds , and hinder their precipitation , besides they do also disperse the clouds through their effective crassitude ; Whence it is , that it rains so seldom in frosty weather : But as soon as the thow is begun likely the clouds meet and fall down in a rain ; Which if sometimes pouring down in great showers is called a Nimbus : if in small drops , but descending close is called an Imber . The cause of this difference depends upon the density of the clouds , and the proportion of air pent within them . Those rainy clouds do sometimes contain a great quantity of earthy minims , which meeting , are through a petrisick vertue changed into stones , raining down at the dissolution of the said clouds . Other contents consisting of reddish or whitish exhalations drawn up from the earth may give such a red or white tincture to the clouds , which when dispersed into rain may appear bloudy , or milky . Frog or Fish-spawns have sometimes been attracted up into the air , being inclosed within vapours , where within the matrix of a close cloud they have been vivified , and afterwards rained down again . A Nebula is a small thin cloud generated in the lower Region of the air out of thin vapours : The reason , why those vapours ascended no higher , is , because they were concreased in the lower parts of the lower Region of the air , through the force of the air in the night , being rendred potent through the absence of the Suns discontinuating raies . A mist is the incrassation of vapours contained in the lowermost parts of the air . The dew is the decidence of drops from subtil vapours concreased through the privative coldness of nocturnal air . III. Snow is the decidence of clouds in flocks , whose production depends upon the concrescence of drops by frosty minima's and their attenuation through aerial particles , whence they are soft and do reflect the light whitish . It usually falls after a degelation , when the congealed clouds are somewhat loosened . It dissolves or melts through deserting the frosty minima's . Hail is the decidence of drops in hard small quadrangular bodies : Their congelation is also occasioned through the detention of frosty minima's within the drops of water : Their hardness is from a less commixture of air , whence the water doth the more enjoy her own crassitude and hardness . IV. Wind is a violent eruption of incrassated air pent within the clouds , puffing , disrupting and taring the Element of air asunder . Hence when it blows hard the vulgar renders it , that there is a taring wind abroad . That it is a puffing and disruption is sensibly perceived , since the aerial Element is divided , and being continuous it is subjected to no other violent separation of parts but to a disruption . If so , that which doth disrupt or puffe up certainly can be no other but a continuous body ; Because a contiguous one would pass with a single perforation of parts , as the rain , fire , &c. whereas a disruption and puffing is continuous . What can this disrupting body be ? It is not water ; for that would be perceived by its weight . Ergo , it must be incrassated air . 2. The air puffed is continuated unto the earth : For we feel its puffing effects , in that we perceive it to cause a light compression or a puffe upon our faces . 3. That it is oft a disruption of the air , our face and lips do testifie , being subjected to be cut and cloven in windy weather . 4. The causality of winds may not be imputed to exhalations , as Aristotle and his Peripateticks did strangely imagine , because those are never so cohering and continuous as to cause continuous disruptions or puffings throughout a whole Zone . Besides exhalations according to the Philosopher are described to be sulphureous , hot and dry : whereas black cold winds in the Winter and wet winds in September are quite opposite , and have no sign of sulphur or heat . Winds according to the forementioned supposition should be most frequent and highest in the torrid Zone , and that when the Sun is in the AEquinox , which falls out quite contrary . Lastly , VVho would be so simple as to conceive , that such a vast proportion of exhalations should be excited as to continuate wind a whole half year or longer together , as Monzones , provincial , and Etesian winds , & c ? Neither are winds generated out of vapours , as most do now adaies believe ; Because then all winds would be moist , whereas most winds are drying . Neither will the grosseness of vapours permit themselves to pass with such a fury , violence and incomprehensible swiftness , Ergo nothing but air a little incrassated can quadrate to the subtility , fierceness , swiftness , and long continuation of winds . The manner of their generation is thus . In the clouds ( being as I said before water incorporated with air ) each Element striveth for the Center within them , viz. The air by sinking down , and water by pressing downwards : Air having the advantage ( if inclosed in a great proportion ) through its tenuity recovers the central parts ; water unites in continuation all about , the air now being slipt away ; but the air without , sinking all about upon the besieging water , especially from above ( because the whole Element of air sinks downwards ) adds no small force to its pressure , whereby it is enabled to squeeze out the inclosed air ( being somewhat incrassated , and thence rendred unlike to the ambient air ; for otherwaies they would unite , and so its force would be stayed , ) with a violence into the extrinsick air * , through which it taires it to some extent , and aftervvards puffs it up further , not unlike to the wind squeezed out of bellows , or a bladder . A Fan raises a wind by puffing the air . An AEolipile doth evidently confirm to us the foresaid discourse of generation of winds : I shall first describe it , then subnect the manner of using of it . An AEolipile is a hollovv ball made of Brass ( or any other matter that may resist the fire ) whereinto a little hole is pierced . This laid to the fire and heated is cast into a bowl of water , of which it draws in some part : This done , the hole is to be stopped very close , and the ball afterwards laid to the fire untill it grows hot , then unstop it , and it will emit a durable wind , considering the proportion of the water ; for a half quarter of a pint of water will suffice to maintain a wind for an hour long . This instance tells us , that wind is nothing else but air incrassated , or a little water attenuated by much air , squeezed out by the compression of the extrinsick air entring with the fire through the Pores of the Ball. The difference between the eruption of incrassated air detruding rain , and that which causeth winds , is that the former is much thicker than the latter , less in proportion , and more dispersed in particles between the thick and dense clouds ; the latter is less incrassated , more in proportion and cohering . Air incrassated and vapours differ in consistency Secundum magis & minus . V. The differences of winds are taken either from their duration and type , whence they are said to continue long or short , to be typical or erratick . The former are again distinguisht into Trade winds , Provincial winds , Etesian winds , Land winds , and General winds . Trade winds or Monzons are winds blowing one way for six months together , and another way the other six months . They are called Trade winds , because they serve to carry Ships up to and fro the Indian Coasts for to trade , or to make trading voyages , as they are usually termed : They ordinarily meet with them in the Channel of Mozambique in the month of August , whence they make their voyage to Goa , Cochin or other places of the East Indies in thirty daies ; In March and April the wind begins to serve them to return from the Indies to the said Channel . Provincial winds are such as do particularly perstate a Country and do not exceed beyond the length of it . Thus the West-North-west wind , according to Seneca his relation , lib. 5. nat . quaest . cap. 17. is proper to Calabria , Tataegis to Pamphylia , Atabulus to Apulia , North Northwest to Narbone in France , West Northwest to Athens , a West wind to this Island for the greater part of the year ; an East wind to Portugal during the Summer , &c. To these common winds are opposites , such as perslate a whole Zone or Climate at any time of the year . Annual winds are such , as do return at certain times of the year , and last for a certain term of daies . These are observed to be three . 1. The Ornithean , ( so called from birds ) or Chelidonian ( from Swallows ) or Rose winds are westerly winds , which usually begin to blow ( but calmly ) at the first appearance of certain birds , as Storkes or Swallows , or the budding of Roses . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or forerunners are North Northwest winds blowing for the space of eight daies before the appearance of the Dog Star. They are called forerunners , because they precede the Etesian winds . 3. The Etesian or annual winds ( derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a year ) are North Northwest winds blowing forty daies every year , beginning two daies after the appearance of the Dog-Star : They usually rise about three a clock in the day , and are laid again at night . Land winds are such , as blow from the land at a certain season of the day or night , and are opposite to those that blow from the Sea : They are otherwise by the Portugeses named Terreinhos , as those from the Seaward Viracons . They meet with both upon the Coasts of Guiny , Congo and Coramandel . General winds are those , that blow one way throughout the greater part of the year ; Thus off the Cape of Good Hope a Southerly wind is general , and thence Westward towards Brasil between 28 and 8 deg . South Lat. a South Southeast and Southeast wind is general . To these you may add the fiery winds , which the Spaniards call Bochornos , derived from Boca de Horno , i. e. the hot steam of an Oven . Common winds are distinguished into Cardinal and collateral winds . The former are such as blow from the principal corners of the world , viz. East , blowing from the rising of the AEquinoctial ; West , blowing from the going down of the AEquator ; North , erupting from the arctick Pole ; and South , deriving from the Meridies . The latter are such as erupt from those parts of the Horizon , that are interposed between the four principal corners , their number is 32 , viz. Next to East towards the South you have East and by South , East Southeast , Southeast and by East , Southeast , Southeast and by South , South Southeast , South and by East . Between South and West are inserted South & by West , South Southwest , Southwest and by South , Southwest , Southwest and by West , West Southwest , West and by South . From West to North are accounted West and by North , West Northwest , Northwest and by West , Northwest , Northwest and by North , North Northwest , North and by West . Between North and East do blow North and by East , North Northeast , Northeast and by North , Northeast , Northeast and by East , East Northeast , East and by North. Among these collaterals the Northeast , Northwest , Southeast , and Southwest are termed principal collateral winds . From their temperature winds are distinguisht into cold and dry , as the Northern and Western winds , above all the North Northeast in the Winter ; or in warm and moist winds , viz. The Southern and Easterly winds , and beyond the others the South Southeast in the Summer . A west Southwest wind is for the most part moist , damp , rainy , cloudy , and sometimes tempestuous . North Northwest winds are stormy , cold , bringing oft Snow and Hail along with them . A South wind is unwholsome , putrid , pestilential , rainy , hot in the Summer , raising thunder and lightning , and makes a thick cloudy sky . The South Southwest wind in the Summer is temperate and warm , moist , and sometimes a concomitant to thunder . The South Southeast wind is moist and warm . Touching the wholsomness of winds , those that are of a warm and dry temperature are the wholsomest and the pleasantest , because they attenuate , clarifie , and rarefie the air , disposing it to the ventilation and quickning of our vital and animal spirits . Next to these cold and dry winds are the wholsomest , because they purge and serenate the air , descend from a pure and clear corner , void of all putrid and pestilential vapours . Next , those that are simply cool or warm come into plea. All moist winds are feaverish , putrid , and sometimes pestilential , causing catarrhes and rheumes , stirring all the excrementitious humours in the body . Very cold winds are better than the next foregoing , yet do oft cause a constipation of the pores and of the belly : But let us take in the opinion of Hippocrates upon winds , lib. 3. Apho. 17. Now what concerns the dayly winds , the North Northeast ones do render bodies solid and firm , and fit for motion , and well coloured . They sharpen the hearing , but yet they dry the guts , moreover they bite the eyes . And if any one hath been troubled before with a pain in his breast , they make it sharper . But the Southern ones do quite dissolve bodies , and render them moister , besides they occasion dulness of hearing , and heaviness of the head and darkish meagrims , moreover they cause a difficulty of motion both to the eyes and to the whole body , and do moisten the guts . VVinds do also vary much in wholsomness according to the Climates or places which they pass through : For if they are infected with putrid vapours and exhalations arising from dead carkaffes after a field battel , stinking caves , corrupted pooles , &c. their remperament is soon changed , although blowing from the East or North. VVinds blow equally or unequally , continuately or interrupted , high , stormy , or a moderate gale , or a small brife . Some winds rise in the day and are laid again or decrease at night , as the North winds : Others are laid in the day and rise in the night , as the South winds . The North winds raign on the Land , the South at Sea. Now concerning their causes . Trade winds are generated out of eruptions of incrassated air , bursting through even and continuated clouds , situated in the middle , or at least the upper part of the inferiour region of the air ; for only there clouds are diducted in continuation , out of whose various spouts the winds are continuated for six months : viz. Out of the North , North Northeast or Northeast side of the clouds of the South Hemisphere blowing to the North , North Northwest , or Northwest , whilst the Sun is passing through the North from Aries to Libra ; and out of the South , South Southwest , or Southwest side of the clouds of the North Hemisphere , blowing to the South , South Southeast , or Southeast , whillt the Sun is measuring that tract from Libra to Aries through the South . The cause of the copious elevation of vapours uniting into clouds in the South Hemisphere during the Suns peragration through the North must be imputed to the Suns oblique rayes raising a vast measure of vapours out of the Oriental and Occidental Ocean , which excited are beyond the sphere of the Suns direct rayes , whereby they might otherwise be dissolved . 2. Or because they are most apt to be gathered and concreased in a Region that is privatively cold , through the continuation of the air forcing the vapours more potently together . So likewise the Sun conversing in the Northern declination of the Ecliptick occasions ventous clouds in the South Hemisphere through the same efficiency . Next we shall tell you why , the Sun existing in the North declination of the Ecliptick , the winds burst out from the South . 1. Namely , because that side of the clouds , which is obverted to the Sun , is discontinuated by the Suns rarefaction , or fiery minims demitted from him . 2. Because the air is strongest in its compression from the Polar side , as being less discontinuated by the fiery minims , and inforced by the cold minims from the pole wards . Likewise for the same reason the winds burst out from the North , when the Sun is seated in the opposite Hemisphere . This is observable in those Monzons , that near the AEquinoxes they blow but little or not at all , because the Sun through its burning rayes , which he spreads , when he is perpendiculan over the middle of the torrid Zone doth so much rarifie the air , that it is rendred unfit for the concretion of clouds : But the further the Sun declines , the more high & strong those winds grow , and are at their strongest , when the Sun is near his remotest declination , because through his greater remoteness the air is aptest for concretion . 2. Those winds blow stronger in the night than in the day : Because the internal air of the clouds is then strongest squeezed and least dispersed through the Suns heat . 3. The Monzones that blow from the South blow usually stronger , and somewhat longer than the others , because the Sun being then got into the arctick declination is now obliquely imminent upon the waters , and therefore raises the greater quantity of vapours : VVhereas on the other side a greater part of its oblique rayes are taken up by the Land. 4. They are oft intended by the Moons demission of weighty minima's upon them . The common winds are deprehended in the temperate and rigid Zones . The East winds blow , when a cloud opens at its VVest side in the East ; the North wind blows , when it is vented at the South side in the North , &c. The winds , if any thing durable must spout out of great long clouds , otherwise they would soon be emptied , besides clouds through the commotion of the air do succeed one another , and are united , when the former is suckt out as it vvere . Sometimes the vvind seems to come dovvn from over our heads , because a cloud is opened there : More frequently from the finitor , because clouds do most usually meet in union thereabout . Sometimes the vvindes blovv from the North and South at once , because tvvo clouds in those Regions are a venting . Sometimes besides the continuation of a durable vvind , there breaks out suddenly another vvind upon us by a blast ; because there is a cloud breaks out underneath those great ones , that cause the durable vvind . Provincial vvinds are occasioned through bursting out of those clouds , that surround the respective Provinces . For example , If a Country is apt to be most beset vvith clouds on its North sides , then Northerly winds vvill prove its Provincials . Annual vvinds are caused through the particular aspects of the Sun at such a time of the year , raising vapours tovvards such a plage or corner , and rarefying their clouds at such a side . Winds accidentally and violently are most of them coole and dry , because bursting out with a force , they must necessarily cause a compression upon objected bodies , and through their tenuity must rub off the dampness from the same bodies : Yet some winds prove more particularly very cold and dry , because many earthy minims , that are incorporated with the imprisoned air , break forth along with them , causing a strong punctual compression or acute cold : Hence North winds happen to partake so much of coldness , because they are incorporated with many terrestrial minima's transmitted from the Polars . North Northeast winds in winter feel very pinching and nipping cold , yea numming , because of the commixture of frosty minims with their air . South winds are moist , because their production depends upon clouds transmitted from the Meridies , whose body is very damp and waterish ; they are hot besides , because they have been smitten with the Suns torrid rayes . These are noxious and pernicious , because through their warm moisture communicated to the ambient air they move , relaxe , swell , and dissolve all the humours of the body , whence there must necessarily arise an exestuation or fermentation of the bloud . By the way let me tell you the reason , why many clouds move against the stream of the air : Because their winds bursting on the contrary side draw them , like fire bursting out of a squib draweth the same after it . Winds blow equally through their equal eruption , high through their greater union and force directed outward , and being augmented by the violent detention of the ambient cloud . Some winds rise in the night , because the internal breath of their clouds is now united through a privative and positive coldness . Others are intended by the help of the dissolving Sun ; for the cloud being too close outwardly , and the inward breath not very strong , needed the rarefaction of the Sun. Hence Northern winds are raised in the day , because the faces of the clouds are objected directly against the heat of the Sun : Whereas South winds are laid in the day , because the Sun rarefying the back parts of their clouds attracts their breath backwards , and disperseth it . Tempestuous winds are distinguisht by five names . 1. Ecnephias , ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the clouds ) or an Oricane , which is a sudden and most impetuous wind bursting out directly from above out of the sky , and breaking in upon the Sea and Ships , cause it to rise into mountainous waves , and these oft to be overset , if their sails be up ; wherefore Mariners in the East * and VVest Indian Ocean as soon as they spy a small cloud in the heavens seemingly not much bigger than the top of ones hat , take in their Sails immediately , or if at anchor they are forced to cut their Cables and expose themselves to the free waves of the Sea for to prevent foundring . The cause of so sudden a fury is questionless a great quantity of incrassated air , admitted to condensed fire , pent in hard within the stiff clouds , and so setting force against force , the air and condensed fire are forced with one violence to break through the thick clouds , which although strongly striving to keep themselves in continuation , yet at last choose to give way , and to suffer some parts of them to be gathered into a small cloud , whereupon that furious AEolus soon puts the whole Climate into a commotion , scattering withall a spout of hot water , kindled through the great sight , rotting whatever it touches , especially wollen cloaths , and breeding worms . 2. Turbo , Typhon , ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to beat ) or a violent whirlwind is caused through the same condensed fire and incrassated air violently bursting out of several spouts , whose circular refraction meeting upon the Surface of the water or land , oft carries a Ship sheer out of the water , or any other moveable bodies from the land . I have oft been told of Ships , that have been lifted out of the water and cast upon the shore by such winds as these * , but how true I know not , although it seems probable enough . 3. Praester , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I kindle , is a surious wind caused through the violent eruption of exhalations , or a condensed fire kindled within the clouds , and incrassated air , which doth not only ruinate houses and trees , but oft burns them down to the ground , and puts the Sea into a boyling heat . 4. Exhydria is a vehement bursting out of wind attended with a great shower of rain and hail . But none of these violent winds prove lasting , because the flatuosity contained within the clouds , erupting in so great a measure , must soon be exhausted , whereas were it evacuated in a less proportion , they must necessarily prove more durable . Among all the winds none delights more in the greatest and longest furies and storms , than the South Southwest in the winter , because it derives from the Meridies , or torrid Zone , where vapours are drawn up in very great measures , and that constantly , because of the Suns continual torrid beams , and the multitude of waters underneath . It is reported , that in the Northern Countries winds are sometimes so furious , that they cast horse and man down to the ground ; and in Tartary the winds blow so violently , though in the Summer , that there is no travelling at such times . Likewise about China and Japan tempests are out ragious beyond belief . Tercera one of the Azores or Flemish Islands , suffers such violences from winds , that the bars of Iron that are fastned to the houses , although of the thickness of an arm or two , are grinded away to the smalness of wier , and holes are eaten into the Rocks about the said Island of the bigness of a horse through such tempestuous winds . 5. Statarian winds rage commonly every Fryday in the Indies , insomuch that Ships are provided with an Anchor more on that day ; on the Sunday it groweth calm again . It will not be amiss to add the cause of the variation of winds perceived by Ships that are in sight of one another , and why the wind at Sea differs oft a point or two from the wind at Land : viz. Because the wind bursting out low doth reflect against the tumour of the Sea interjected between the two ships , or against the Promontories and Hills of the Lands reflecting the wind , some larger , others narrower . The Seas grow oft very turbulent and incensed : 1. Through the eruption of winds descending from above and piercing through their body , which they raise into high waves by their swelling , and strife of passing . 2. The said winds do raise other winds and flatuosities within the body of waters , partly out of their own substance , and partly out of their mud . The Sea is much more disposed to disturbations in some places than others : As off the Cape of Good Hope , likewise between China and Japan , where Sea-men oft are forced to pawn their ships and lives to the Ocean . CHAP. XVI . Of Earthquakes , together with their Effects , and some strange instances of them . 1. What an Earthquake is . The manner of its generation . The Coucomitants thereof . 2. The kinds and differences of Earthquakes . 3. The proof of the generation of Earthquakes . 4. Their Effects upon the air . I. SInce we have lately discoursed upon eruptions of incrassated air out of the clouds , we shall next insert a few words touching the eruption of incrassated air out of the Earth , whose egress causeth that , which we call an Earthquake , and is nothing else but the trembling of the earth , ordinarily following or preceding the bursting thereof , through subterraneous winds vio ently breaking forth . The manner of its production is thus : A proportion of air and water being lodged in a Cavern underground is further attenuated into subterraneous clouds , thence into vapours , and thence into incrassated air through fiery minims entring and penetrating through the pores of the Earth , whereupon the earth pressing strongly suffers a diruption , in the same manner , as we see a bottle filled with water being close stopt and exposed to the fire is broke through the force of incrassated air , or attenuated and rarefied water within . Whence we observe these concomitants to be necessary in an Earthquake . 1. A strange great noise . 2. A trembling of the Earth . 3. A great blast . 4. A spouting out of water . 5. Sometimes an unequal discontinuation and excavation of the Earth . 6. Sometimes a flame . II. The kinds of Earthquakes are taken , 1. from their effects and manner of motion ; some causing a shaking or quaking of the earth , ( named by some an Inclination , by Aristotle a Tremor , ) through which houses , walls , or other buildings are weakened in their foundation , and thence are occasioned to fall down ; thus many Cities of Asia , in the fifth year of Tiberius , of Bithynia near the extream passion of our Saviour ; the City Nyssena , Bâle , and particularly Ferrarae a City in Italy were demolished : this last was surprized on Martins day in the year 1570 , beginning about ten a clock at night with most terrible sounds , as if the City had been battered with great pieces of Ordnance ; next a very horrible shaking or trembling followed , raising all the Citizens out of their beds , putting them to their beads , pouring out their prayers thrice louder than ordinary , and forcing them to quit the City and to behold the ruine of their houses in the fields ; The Palace of the Duke and other great buildings yielded to this violence ; many were frighted out of their lives , others killed through these prodigious accidents , not ceasing before the next day at night . No less were the Citizens of Constantinople amazed by those most raging Earthquakes , in nothing less terrible than the former , described by Agath . lib. 5. de la guerre Gothique ; The strange kinds of noises , sounds , thunder , whistling , howling , cracking , that were then perceived , are incredible . Campania in the time of the Consulship of L. Cornelius and Q. Minutius , was infested with a trembling for many daies together . Many do write of such Earthquakes as these , that lasted a month , a year , some two years , but by fits I suppose . In Parthia above two thousand Villages have been demolished by Earthquakes ; besides many others in Sicily in the 16th year of Charles the fifth , in the month of April ; In October of the 18th year of his Reign another hapned near Puteoli in Campania . Others have been observed only to cause a single elevation or puffing up of the Earth , afterwards sinking down again without the appearance of any other violence , and are by Aristotle named Pulses . By these the earth and houses upon it have been lifted up to a great height , and sunke down again without the displacing of one single stone : Thus the houses of a Town in Switzerland called Friburg were twice at several times lifted up in the year 1509 , once in the night , the other time in the day . By the same accident some houses about Burdeaux , in the year 1545 , in the month of August were lifted up , and sunke down again into their former places . Others cause a bursting and excavation of the earth , swallowing up its whole Surface where it bursted , with the Houses , Men , and Cattle upon it ; as when a part of the Island Lango or Coos ( famous for being the Country of Hippocrates ) was swallowed up , at which time the Inhabitants were not a little amazed by an incredible thunder and fury of its commotion . Camden gives a relation of a very stupendious Earthquake , that befel the east part of Herefordshire in the year 1575 in March , where the earth and a rocky hill ( called Marcley hill ) was removed to a far distance thence with the Trees and all the Sheep that were upon it . Some other Trees were cast out of the ground , whereof many fell flat upon the ground , others hapned to fall into the seams of the Hill , and closed as fast , as if they had taken their first root there . The hole which this eruption made was at least 40 foot wide , and 80 yards long , lasting from Saturday in the Evening untill Munday at noon . Likewise a whole Town was swallowed up in the Island AEnaria , another in Thrace , one in Phaeuicia beyond Sidon , and another in Eubaea . Others protrude a great piece of earth and cast it up into a kind of mountain , but a very uneven one , as for instance the mount Modernus near the Lake Avernus : This sort is called Egestion . Some cast forth a flame withall , as hapned in the Mount Vesevus , alias the Mount of Somma in Campania , and the Mongibell in Sicily . Earthquakes have sometimes removed two opposite fields and placed them in one anothers room , as those two fields in Italy where the Marrucini were seated in the Reign of Nero. For Rivers to burst out , as the River Ladon in Arcadia did ; and others to be stopt up by earth cast into them by such accidents is very possible . Oft times Earthquakes make way for Deluges , which may be also incident upon the earth at the bottom of the Sea or near to the shore ; or may happen to the same places without a deluge , whereby the waters have been swallowed up and Ships left dry upon the shore ; as that which hapned in the time of Theodosius ; or that vvhen M. Antonius and P. Dolabella vvere Consuls , leaving great heaps of fish dry upon the sands . In the Reign of Emanuel there vvas a very great Earthquake perceived about Lisbon , Scalabis , and other Tovvns of Portugal , vvhereby the vvaters of the River Tajo vvere so much diffused , that the bottom appeared dry . There is another kind of Earthquake called Arietation , vvhen tvvo subterraneous vvinds vibrate against one another : Sometimes this hapned vvithout any dammage , there being some earth betvveen to hinder their conflict ; other times meeting in cavernous places have subverted mountains and all that vvas upon them ; as those mountains near Modena , vvhich Pliny , lib. 2. Cap. 83. relates to have been bursted against one another vvith a very hideous noise , subverting many Villages , and swallowing up a number of Cattel ; yea whole Countries and Armies have been devoured by these kinds of accidents . 2. From their duration , some lasting a day , a week , a month , &c. 3. From their violence some inferring little or no dammage , others being contented with nothing less than ruine . 4. From the sounds that accompany them , being various , as I have related before . 5. From their places : Some more frequently infesting Islands , others the Continent : Thus Sicily , AEnaria , Lucara , the Moluccas Islands , Tyrus , Eubaea , Phrygia , Caria , Lydia , Italy , and many Countries in the West-Indies have very oft been molested by Earthquakes . Cold Countries , as the Septentrional ones , or others that are very hot , as AEgypt , are very seldom invaded by them . 6. From their efficient , some being extraordinarily raised by the Almighty out of his wrath for to punish the sons of men for their sins ; an instance of this we have in 2 Kings 22. Likewise that , which hapned about the time of the Passion of Christ , supposed by many , as Didymus , and others , to have been universall , and to have shaken the whole Earth ; but since Ecclesiastick Historians make no mention of it , none is bound to give credit to the foresaid Supposition : However beyond all dispute it was a very great one , if not the greatest that ever the earth underwent . Neither is Paulus Oros , to be thought more authentick , relating lib. 7. hist. Cap. 32. an universal Earthquake in the time of Valentinianus , since the holy Scripture and Reason do tell us , that the Earth is altogether immoveable . 7. From the consequents , viz. Some after the earths eruptions are followed by vehement winds , emptying out of her ; others by hot boyling waters ; others again by damps and stinking sents ; also by vomiting up of stones , clots of earth and other strange bodies . 8. From their extent , some reaching farther , others nearer : Thus there hapned an Earthquake in the year 1577 , on the 18th day of September , that began from Colmar in Switzerland , and reached as far as Bern , being near upon 60 miles distant , &c. III. Now it is requisite , I should proffer proof for the forementioned causes of Earthquakes . 1. I prove that they are caused by winds ; because they alone are of a capable force to burst out suddenly through the earth . 2. Because winds bursting out of the earth do alwaies precede and consecute Earthquakes ; whence we may certainly collect , when waters in Pits and Rivers begin to be turgid and continually raised into a great number of bubbles , that an Earthquake is near at hand , as appeared by the swelling and bubling of the River Po a little before the before alledged harthquake of Ferrara . 2. That these winds are principally raised out of peregrin water collected within a Cavern of the earth is evident by the great spouting out of water , that doth follow the eruption . 3. It is further made evident in a bottle half filled with water and exposed to the fire , which doth also make good to us , that the Sun through its fiery minims doth press in a great proportion of air into those subterraneous waters , whereby they are attenuated ; whence those waters , that are cast forth presently after the diruption , are also rendred boyling hot ; so that Countries remote from the energy of the Sun are seated beyond danger of having winds generated within their bowels ; however subterraneous fires may supply the office of the Suns beams in attenuating the waters into winds by impelling air into them , whence it is that near the mount Hecla in Iseland concussions and arietations happen frequently . Earthquakes are disposed to eruption in the night season as much as in the day ; because as the erupting force of the internal winds is intended by the Suns rarefaction , so is the compressing vertue of the Earth intensed by the more potent sinking down of the air in the night , being freed from the discontinuating fiery minims , and by the decidence of the weighty minims inherent in the Air. The Spring and Autumn are Seasons of the year qualified for the attenuating and rarefying of the peregrin waters , whence also they prove most frequent near those times . Why Hills and hilly Countries are subject to tremors and concussions , and other moist ones , as Holland and Zealand , less , may easily be understood from our discourse upon the generation of Hills . IV. That Earthquakes portend Famine , Pestilential Feavers , and other contagious diseases is believed by most Grave Authors , but whence such a putrefaction causing the said distempers should arrive to the air cannot vvell be deduced from their assigning exhalations to be the causes of Earthquakes , since they hold them to be hot and dry , being qualities according to the Peripateticks resisting and expelling putrefaction beyond any ; wherefore it will be most agreeable to hold with us , that it is derived from those moist damps and vapours , that are the material causes of the disrupting winds . CHAP. XVII . Of fiery Meteors in the Air. 1. Of the generation of a Fools fire , a Licking fire , Helens fire , Pollux and Castor , a Flying Drake , a burning Candle , a perpendicular fire , a skipping Goat , flying sparks , and a burning flame . 2. Of the generation of Thunder , Fulguration and Fulmination , and of their effects . Of a thunder stone . 3. Of Comets . Of their production . I. THose vapours , that are elevated into the air , oft contain no small proportion of sulphureous particles within them , which if concreasing through their own positive coldness , and privative coldness of the night , into a low cloud ( Nebula ) in the lowermost parts of the lower Region , do compress those sulphureous particles ( otherwise termed exhalations , and distinguisht from vapours , because in these water and air are predominant , in the others condensed fire and incrassated air ) towards the Center , where uniting are converted into a flame by extending the incrassated air through their condensed fire . This flame possibly appears like unto a Candle , playing and moving to and fro the air , and thence is also called a fools fire , or Ignis Fatuus , seu erraticus , because it proves sometimes an occasion of leading Travellers that are belated out of their Road ; for by their coming near to it the air is propelled , which again protrudes the flame forwards , and so by continuing to follow it , imagining the same to be some Candle in a Town or Village , are oft misled into a ditch or hole : Or if they go from it , when they are once come near , the light will follow them , because in receding , they make a cavity , which the next succeeding air accurs to fill up . The generation of these lights is more frequent near muddy Pools , Church-yards , and other putrid places , that abound with such sulphureous bodies . The said sulphureous parts , if being of a less density , condensed and united by the dense wool of a mans cloathes , or hair , or the hairs of a Horse or Oxe and the foresaid coldnesses , it takes fire at the forementioned places , but flames so subtilly , that it is uncapable of burning : This sort of Meteor is called an Ignis lambens , a licking fire , because it slakes then here then there , like to spirits of Wine flaming . Helens fire ( sidus Helenae ) so called , because as Helen occasioned the ruine of Greece and Asia , so this kind of flaming fire , adhering to the shrowds or Yards of a Ship , is usually a messenger of the Ships perishing . If this flame appears double , it is distinguisht by a double name of Castor and Pollux , which are generally construed to bring good tidings of fair weather . But these kinds of prognostications are very uncertain : They may precede storms , and may appear without the consequence of tempests : For there is no necessity for either . This generation depends upon exhalations condensed and united between the Ropes and the Masts , or the Yards . A flying Drake ( Draco volans ) is a flame appearing by night in the lowest Region of the air with a broad belly a small head and tail like unto a Drake : Its matter is the same with the former , differing in quantity alone and figure , so framed through the figure of its containing cloud . In the upper part of the lower Region of the air are produced , 1. A falling Star , representing a Star falling down from the Heavens . 2. A burning Lance , expressing the Image of a flaming Lance. 3. A burning Candle ( fax . ) 4. A Perpendicular fire , or fiery pillar , ( trabs seu ignis perpendicularis , seu pyramis ) representing a flaming beam , or pillar . 5. A flaming Arrow ( bolis . ) 6. A skipping Goat ( Caprasaltans ) is a flame more long than broad , glistering , and flaking about its sides , and variously agitated in the air like the skipping of a Goat . 7. Flying sparks , moving through the air like the sparks of a Furnace . 8. Flamma ardens seu stipulae ardentes , or a great burning fire , suddenly flaming in the air like those fires , that are kindled out of a great heap of straw . All these depend upon a grosser material cause , being somewhat more condensed and united than the former , through a greater privative coldness , and therefore they are also more durable . A falling Star obtains its production near the permanent clouds , and being somewhat weighty through earthy minims , and rarefying the air through its heat breaks through * and falls down lower , untill it is arrived to a thicker cloud , where nevertheless it doth not abide long in its flame . The others procure their figure from their proportion of mixture , and shape of the ambient cloud . II. Thunder is a great rebounding noise in the air , caused through the violent bursting out of incrassated air and condensed fire , being suddenly kindled into a flame * ; the manner & cause of this eruption you may easily collect from the manner of the eruption of winds . How a sound is produced I have set down before . The differences of Thunders are various : Some are only murmuring without a multiplication of sounds , caused through a less proportion of fire and air , bursting through a less dense and thick cloud . Others raise a great cracking noise , hapning through the acuteness of the sound , smartly dividing the air and clouds , wherever it reaches . Lastly , some are great hollow sounds variously multiplied , hapning through the reflection and refraction of other dense and thick clouds driving in the way . Besides these there might be accounted many more differences of Thunders , raised through the proportion of air and fire that burst out , and the various mixtures of clouds . Fulguration or a flashing is fire condensed , raised into a flame through incrassated air within a cloud , and breaking out from it . This scarce effects any great noise , because of its subtility , although in some it doth . Fulmination or Lightning differs from the former only in intention , in that it is much more forcible , reaching to the ground , and piercing into it and other terrestrial thick dense bodies , and is more augmented in matter . It is ordinarily a concomitant of Thunder , both being produced at once , although not perceived by us together , we seeing the Lightning before we hear the Thunder , because a visible object is much swifter communicated to the eye than a sound to the ear , as appears in spying a man a far off chopping of wood , we seeing His Axe go down before we hear the noise ; the reason of this I have inserted above . A Lightning is either vibrating , and is next to Fulguration in intention , passing more subtilly : Or discutient , consisting somewhat of a denser fire , and causing a greater Thunder . 3. Or burning , consisting of the densest fire , causing the greatest Thunder , and oft melting a Sword in the Scabberd or Moneys in a Bag , and the Scabberd and Bag remaining undamaged : The reason is , because the rarity of these gave a free passage to the Lightning , whereas the crassitude and density of the others did stay and unite the passing aduting flame . Strong men and beasts are oft killed through an aduring Lightning , whereas women and children do escape ; because the bodies of these latter being laxe and porous suffer the said flame to pass without any great resistance , whereas the crassitude of the other bodies do unite and collect it , through which their vital heat is quite dispersed , having no other apparent sign either within or without their bodies of so sudden an alteration . Wolfgang Meverer , in his Com. Meteor . p. 140. makes mention of a man being suddenly seized upon on the way between Leipsich and Torga , and lifted up into the skies by a lightning , never appearing again to any ; Wine hath sometimes been bound up together with a thin skin through the like accident , the cask being broke asunder : This doubtless depended upon the incrassation and condensation of the external parts of the Wine , through the compressing force of the Lightning , impelling the aerial and igneous parts to the Center . Wine thus affected becomes very noxious and poysonous through the infection of the Celestial sulphur . I must not forget to insert a word or two touching Thunder stones , differing in hardness and figure , some being Pyramidal , others Globous , Oval , or like to a wedge , &c. Touching their generation Authors are much at variance . Sennert . opiniates , that they are generated upon the Earth , through the great heat of the Lightning melting , and afterwards concreasing the sands into a very hard stone . A gross mistake : 1. These stones are observed to fall down from the Heavens after a thunder with such an acute pressing weight , that they are forced ( according to Pliny , lib. 2. c. 55. ) five foot deep into the earth , according to others 9 yards , and some would have them press to the Center of the Earth , but that is ridiculous . 2. A stone of that hardness is not generated in so short a time . 3. These stones must then be supposed to be generated without a matrix . But to the matter : They are generated within very dense and thick clouds , whose denser and thicker part is sequestred into a closer seat for a womb , where after some time it concreases into a stone : And lastly its greatest hardness is accomplisht through the intense heat of the fire united within the same clouds , and happens to fall down through the great concussion and disruption caused by a Thunder . III. To these Igneous Meteors a Comet is likewise to be referred , touching whose seat and production a deal of dispute is made : But before I direct my Pen to those particulars , it will not be amiss first to set down its description : A Comet or blazing Star is a fiery Meteor ( that is a mixt body of no long duration sublimed into the air , ) generated out of some dense fiery and thick airy parts contained within the clouds of the second region of the air . It chuseth a difference from its figure , colour , time , motion , duration and place , whence some are globous , beset round with fiery hairs , and therefore are called Cometae criniti : Or others seem to be barded ; whence they , are termed Cometae barbati : Or others again appear with a tail , and for that reason are named Cometae caudati . Some appear in a light golden or yellow flame , others redish , bloudy , dusky , red , &c. Some are moved slowly , others swiftly , some are moved more regularly than others . Some appear in the Spring , others more frequently in the Autumn , rarely in the Summer , more rarely in the Winter : Some are of a weekly , or monthly duration , others remain six months in sight . Commonly they keep their station without the tropicks , and but rarely some do appear within the Tropicks . But in reference to their place of production , many believe their seat to be in the Elementary Region , viz. The upper Region of the air , that is according to their meaning , near the Concave of the Moon , where the actual flame of the Stars may the better kindle them , judging the coldness of the second Region to be very unapt for the generation of these bodies . Others again allott the Celestial Plage for their reception : And among these Anaxagoras and Democritus thought them to be the appearance of several Planets united in company and in their lights . Pythagoras , asserted them to be Planets ( but none of the seven Common ones ) that had remained hidden all this while under the beams of the Sun , and through their digress from him came now into sight , in the same manner as oft befals to Mercury . The first opinion owned by the Peripateticks doth somewhat thwart their own Tenents . 1. They asserted that the kindling of all the preceding fiery Meteors was occasioned through the intense coldness of the air in the second Region , effecting a violent commotion upon exhalations contained within its jurisdiction , whereby they were inflamed or took fire , and that in the night , because its season doth superadd somewhat to the cold : Whereas here they contradict themselves and maintain the second Region to be too cold for to kindle a flame . 2. There they proclaime the Solar or other intense heat to discusse and disperse the exhalations in the torrid Zone , and therefore fiery Meteors appear seldom there ; here nothing but a flaming actual heat will do it . What inconstancies are these ? 3. Can any one probably imagine , that such great heaps and mountains of exhalations , as the great Mole of a Comet requires at that distance , should be attracted to the highest Region of the air ? It is a question , whether the whole Earth can afford so much sulphureous matter , were it all exhausted . Or if she could , would that intense coldness ( as they imagine ) of the second Region of the air , or those thick dense clouds of the lower Region give passage to such numerous and thick passengers ? Or do you not think , that they would be sooner discussed through the intense heat of the upper Region , than concrease into a body ? Neither can Astronomers with their Telescopes discern in them such a propinquity to the fiery Region or Moon , but to the contrary a very great distance . As for Democritus his opinion , it is scarce worth the time to confute it ; but let me confirm my own . I say they are generated in the second Region of the air ; not that second Region , which the Peripateticks have chalckt out , but the middle between the lower and upper Region , where those stiff and permanent clouds are swimming ; not beginning from the tops of the mountains , but from the tops of the Erratick clouds . The said permanent clouds move with the body of the air from East to West , and so do the Comets * . 2. The permanent clouds are alone capable of condensing and uniting those subtil exhalations , that are escaped the thick dense clouds of the inferiour Region , into a compact flame , durable for a certain term of daies , weeks , or months , according to the seat of that Region , and the quantity of exhalations . Neither is this flame apt to spend it self much , because it is ( as it were ) partially catochizated through the privative coldness of the air and positive coldness of its clouds . 2. It is supplied with pure incrassated air , not infected with many dense terrestrial or thick waterish particles . Touching its hairs , they are nothing else but the light of its flame illustrating or obtending the air contained within those clouds in so many streaks ; for it cannot obtend it equally all about , because it is permixt with water , whose crassitude will not bear obtension , wherefore it divides the water or vapours into small or narrow lanes obtending the air between them . Now if the water or clouds are equally pliable all about it , it appears hairy all about its Circumference ; if the fore-part of the cloud be somewhat dense , and thence indisposed to give way , but resists , and only the back-part be pliable it formes streaks backwards seeming like a tail , and so according to the pliableness of the air it flashes out in figures . If you are free to understand by a Comet any new appearing Star , descending from its former seat , or lately generated , I must agree with you , that these are only seated in the lower fiery Region , some below or above the Moon ; and in this acception I have made use of the name of Comets in some of the preceding Chapters . Authors in treating of Comets seldom forget the inserting their predictions , which are 1. Storms . 2. Great drinesses . 3. Tempestuous Seas . 4. Earthquakes . 5. Great alterations to befall a Country by the death of their King or Prince . All the former are no more frequently consequents of Comets , than of all other fiery Meteors , because with those great stores of vapours and exhalations , there cannot but be a great proportion of slatuosities attracted , whose bursting out proves the efficient of the now mentioned effects . But as for the last , there can little reason be given for it , saving only that such a constitution of air causeth commotions of humours , and thence may cause diseases in general , but why it should light more upon such great personages than others , is beyond all guess , & therefore the truth of it is suspicious . Likewise the fabulous presages of other fiery Meteors may be placed in the same rank of dubiousness . CHAP. XVIII . Of the term Antiperistasis and a Vacuum . 1. Whether there be such a thing as an Antiperistasis . 2. Whether a Vacuum be impossible ; and why . 3. Experiments inferring a Vacuum answered . 4. Whether a Vacuum can be effected by an Angelical , or by the Divine Power . 5. Whether Local Motion be possible in a Vacuum . A threefold sense of the doubt proposed . In what sense Local Motion is possible in a Vacuum , in what not . 1. I Could not conveniently without interruption of my Subject insist before upon the examining that term of the Schools , so oft assumed by them to expound the manner of generation of the fiery Meteors , viz. Antiperistasis , being described to be the intension of heat or cold in bodies , caused through the cohibition , repulsion or reflection of their own vertues by their contraries , without the addition of any new formal parts , or retention of their steams . Thus many Wells are cool in the Summer and warm in the Winter ; and exhalations grow hotter in the cold region of the air , because of the Antiperistasis of the ambient cold against their heat , and of their heat again against the external cold ; in effect it is nothing but the condensation ( if such a term may be improperly used ) or rather union of the qualities of the Elements by the resistance and collecting of their vertues by their opposites . But since the collection or uniting these qualities depends upon the condensation or incrassation of their substances , there is no need of introducing another frustraneous notion . But suppose an Antiperistasis or intension of qualities without the condensation of their substances were granted , how do fiery Meteors become flames ? Never a word of this . And when flames , why do they cause a disruption of the air in a Thunder ? Because ( say they ) of avoiding a penetration of bodies : A good one , what fear is there of a penetration of bodies , when there is only an intension of qualities through an Antiperistasis , without an augmentation of bodies ? Possibly they will take their refuge to a contrary assertion , and tell me , that the foresaid disruption happens , because of avoiding a Vacuum . This is just like them to run from one extremity to another : But how a Vacuum ? Because the flame pent close within consumes , or hath consumed or expelled its ambient air , which done , there must needs follow a Vacuum , if Nature did not prevent it , by causing the extrinsick air to break in , or the internal to break out for anguish . This is improbable ; for the Vacuum may be filled up by the concentration of the ambient clouds . Since I am accidentally here fallen into the discourse of a Vacuum , I will think it worth my labour to inquire , whether such a thing be naturally possible within the Circumference of the Universe . I do not mean an imaginary Vacuum without the heavens , neither a space void of any gross body , although filled up only with air , but a place or external Surface freed from air , or any other body . For answer , I assert a Vacuum to be repugnant to nature , because the nature of the Elements is to move towards one another , with the greatest force imaginable , through their respective forms , because of their own preservation : Hence the Elements would sooner change into a confusion , than be debarred from one minimum , without having its space filled up with another . Wherefore it is not enough to assert ( as usually they do ) that there is no Vacuum possible in Nature , because she doth so much abhor it , as if Nature was an Animal sensible of any hurt , and why doth she abhor ? that they know not . However some state the cause of her abhorrence to be Natures providence , in ordering that sublunar bodies through mediation of interposed bodies should be disposed to receive the Celestial influences , which a Vacuum would otherwise eclipse from them ? How frivilous ! As if a moments partial vacuity , ( which could through its being violent not prove lasting ) should hinder a communication of the Elements , or as if the said influences could not be transmitted to sublunars by mediation of bodies , that limit the said supposed vacuity . Arriaga holds it to be for to prevent a penetration of bodies : That is idem per idem ; for one might as well demand , why Nature doth so much abhor a penetration of bodies , and be answered , because of avoiding a Vacuum . Vasquez a Jesuit is of opinion , that Nature can never attain to a Vacuum , because every body is impowered with an attractive vertue , attracting the next body that is contiguous to it , in such a manner that no body can be stirred , except it attracts its next adherent with it ; Oh how grosly ! Doth fire attract water , or earth air ? They all apprehend attraction to be violent , and notwithstanding they affirm Nature to abhor a Vacuum naturally , and how can this hang together ? III. Arguments for the proof of a Vacuum , many are offered , but none of any strength , however for your satisfaction I will propose some few . 1. A Bason filled up with ashes contains as much water poured into it , as if the same Vessel were void ; ergo there must either be allowed a penetration of bodies , or a pre-existent Vacuum : But so antiquity hath found the Antecedence , Ergo the consequence must be admitted . I must needs assert this ancient experiment to be an ancient falshood ; for a bason filled with ashes will scarce contain four fifths of the water , that it will do , when it is empty : As for the water that is imbibed by the ashes , it possesses the spaces left by the air , contained before between the particles of the said ashes , and now thence expelled . 2. Warm water stopt close in a bottle doth possess more room , than when being set in a cold place it is concreased into an Ice : Ergo there must be some void space left within the bottle . I answer , That the supposed vacuity is filled up with frosty minims , whose presence expelling the air and fire from between the Pores of the water , doth withall reduce it to a smaller body , as being before insufflated with air and fire : But when the same frosty minims do return , then the air and fire do fill up their vacuities again , by insufflating the body of water through their succession . 3. An AEolipile being filled up with water and air , doth notwithstanding slow as much fire , as will cause its wind to blaze a whole hour or longer according to the bigness of it : Ergo there must have been a Vacuum contained within the wind bale , or else we must admit a penetration of bodies by condensation . I answer , That neither is necessary ; for the advenient fire expels so much of the contained air as its presence doth take up , & diducts the body of the AEolipile somwhat into a larger continent , wherein a greater part of fire may be contained than there is air expelled . Pecquet in his Exper. Nov. Anat. hath endeavoured to borrow all experiments possible for to divide the Universe with a Vacuum , and so to abolish the Natures of the Elements . I shall only propose the first , which he hath from Monsieur Roberval , Professor of the Mathematicks at Paris , and is alone performed by a glass blown in the form of a bolts head , open below and atop at its capacity , where it contains an empty bladder , that is usually taken out of a Carpes belly , being tied close with a thread , as likewise the top of the capacity with a Sows bladder : This done it is filled up to the brim of the orifice of the neck with Mercury , which being close stopped with ones finger is immitted into a vessel half filled with Mercury , and thrust deep into it , where the finger is to be withdrawn : Hereupon follows the descent of the Mercury as low as half way the Pipe , and the bladder is puft up . Hence he deduces a Vacuum between the rarefied parts of the air , blowing up the bladder contained within the empty capacity . What a gross mistake is this ! First , He must know , as I shall prove by and by , that it is the air that presseth the Mercury down ; for whatever is moved Locally is moved by an extrinsick agent . Secondly , He doth against reason and experience state the rarefaction of some air : But whence came that air ? There was none , whilst it was filled up with the Mercury ; ergo it must have pierced through the pores of the Glass ; If so , what needs he admit only a smal quantity , which he supposeth to be rarefied after its ingress by an elaterick vertue , since a greater may as easily pass ? and why then a Vacuum ? Wherefore I say he must necessarily grant some air to pass the pores for to blow up the bladder : besides I prove , that it is easie for the air to pass through the pores of Glass ; because we see , light doth easily pass the thickest Glass ; but light is the air illuminated or obtended , as I have proved before , ergo . That Glass is pierced through with subtil pores is evident a little before it beginneth to concrease or indurate after its melting * Moreover we see , that the liquor it self of Aquà Fort. being poured upon the filing of Brass , penetrates through the pores of a thick precipitating Glass : The same is observed about the Glass at the ●ffusion of oyl of Vitriol to oyl of Tartar ; but air is much more subtil than these Liquors . Do we not observe the air to press by the spurring of fire through glasses of the greatest thickness ? For expose a thick glass of water to the fire , and you may observe it to be raised into millions of bubbles , when it begins to siethe , which is nothing else but the air forced through the pores of the Glass by the fire : In fine there is nothing that is imperforated by pores , except water and air in their absolute state . I omit the rest of his borrowed experiments , and shall only insert two words touching the conclusion , inferred from the pomping of the air out of a large round Glass Receiver , ( in that manner as you have it proposed by Casper Scott , ) which they conclude must afterwards remain void ; on the contrary it is rather more filled by air , attracted from without , and impacted so closs , that the pores of the glass seem to be filled and insufflated with it , as appears by the venting of the Receiver so pomped into a vessel of cold water , where it causeth a very great commotion and siething by the air bursting out ; certainly this is different from pomping the Receiver empty : or thus , they may pretend a Vacuum , because there is more air attracted into the Receiver than it contained before ; ergo there must either a penetration of bodies be allowed , or a Vacuum . To this I need propose no other answer for solution , than what I gave for the solution of the eruption of air out of an AEolipile . How or in what manner air is attracted into the said Receiver by this Magdenburg experiment , you shall read in the next Chapter . As for other Arguments they being as vacuous as Vacuum it self I shall neglect the mentioning of them . IV. But the Jesuitical Philosophers do further propose to themselves , whether a Vacuum could not be effected by an Angelical power , or if not by Angels , whether by the Divine Power . This is as like them as if it were spit out of their mouths : Those vile Impostors and the devils Saints will name God Almighty , and notwithstanding to his face doubt of his power in so mean a thing as a Vacuum is ; what , if God can destroy the Elements intirely , cannot he displace them partially ? Angels I confess cannot effect it naturally and ordinarily , although extraordinarily being virtuated with an extraordinary power from God they may . V. Next they rommage , whether Local Motion be possible in a Vacuum ; and if it be , whether it must not happen in an instant . I shall not weary my self to produce their opinions , but only appose what reason doth direct me . But let us first state the question right : The Problem may be understood in a threefold sense . 1. Whether a Local Motion be possible in a Vacuum as through a Medium , through which a body being locally moved passeth , taking its beginning of progress from without the said Vacuum . 2. Whether a body can take its beginning of motion outwards from a Vacuum . 3. Whether a spiritual substance obtains the power of moving it self locally in a Vacuum , or through it , without taking its first impulse from against a body , whence through reflection it might pass through . This premitted , I answer that according to the first intention a Vacuum is capable of giving a passage to a body locally moving through it , provided it takes its progress from without upon an immoveable center . I prove it , Air , Fire , and the other Elements move through a Vacuum ; for otherwise did they move through another body , it would infer a penetration of bodies : If then the Elements obtain such a power , ergo consequently their mixt bodies . 2. This Maxim Omne mobile sit super immobili . i. e. All moveables move upon an immoveable body , is alone to be understood of the foundation of motion , viz. That all moveables must move from an immoveable Center , that is , take their beginning thence , either by impulse , reflection , refraction , or continuated protrusion . 3. That Motion , whereby a moveable passeth through a Vacuum , is continuated upon its own Center , or upon another body instead of a Center ; for all motions must take their beginning upon an immoveable , or at least upon that which is not inclined to the same motion , in the same swiftness that the body , which moves upon it doth . 4. A single body can neither press through , not move ( that is out of its place , ) locally in a Vacuum , because it enjoying its Center , and not being violently detained , would rest upon that Center . 5. Neither can a mixt body move locally , that is , change its ubi in a Vacuum , because the reason of a bodies changing of its ubi is the impulsion of another body , striving for its center upon it : For example , water moves upwards , because the air striving for its Center protrudes it out of its seat upwards , as hath been mentioned ; air being compressed within the body of water is moved out of it , because of the waters compression downwards , whereby it is squeezed upwards ; But not through its own motion . Now in a Vacuum there is no external body to strive or to impell upon it . 6. A body would not cease to move locally internally , because of the violent detentions of the Elements contained within , pressing one another away from the Center . 7. Suppose there were a confusion of the four Elements as big as a fist cast without the Universe , they would change their internal places , as the Elements changed theirs in the Chaos , viz. The weighty Elements being less in extent would sooner gain the Center , than the others , and as for the rest they would move in the same manner , as the Elements move here , but of this more in the next Chapter : And now you may easily comprehend that the present world doth not at all change it s Ubi , but is immoveably fixed , although continually changing its internal places . 8. Angels , if conceited to be pure spirits may move in and through a Vacuum , but if apprehended to be of a circumscriptive quantity , they cannot . CHAP. XIX . Of Physical Motion . 1. What a Physical Motion is ; The kinds of it ; The definition of Alteration , Local Motion , and quantitative motions . The subdivision of Local Motion . 2. That all alterative and quantitative motions are direct . 3. That all externall motions are violent . 4. That all weighty mixt bodies , being removed from their Element , are disposed to be detruded downwards from without ; but do not move from any internal inclination or appetite they have to their universal Center . 5. The causes of swiftness and slowness of external Local Motion . 6. That light bodies are disposed to be moved upwards . 7. That ayry bodies , being seated in the fiery Region , are disposed to be moved downwards . 1. THe same reason , that perswaded me to treate of a Vacuum and Antiperistasis in the preceding Chapter , is also a motive why I deferred the Treatise of Physical motions hither . Physical motions are so called in opposition to Hyperphysical or Metaphysical , and are proper to natural bodies . A Physical motion then is a change of a natural body in any one or more of its Physical modes , or in all : A change is a ( transitus ) passing from that which is not to that which is to be : Whence we may plainly collect the differences of it to be as many , as it may vary in its Modes , and intirely in its Essence : viz. Physical motion is either to quantity , quality , action , passion , relation , situation , duration , to a new Essence , &c. and particularly to a greater or less quantity , to colour , figure , heat , coldness , &c. This infers , that there are many more universal differences or kinds of motion than Aristotle stated : However I shall only insist upon these three , as being most taken notice of : viz. Alteration , which is a change of a quality of a Physical being : External Local motion , which is a change of the external place wherein a natural being is seated : And Auction and Diminution , which are changes of the quantity of a natural being . Alteration ( as I said before in the Chapter of Coct . ) is nothing else , but the change of internal places of the Elements in a mixt body : Thus a body grows hot , when the intrinsick fire of a mixt body begins to be more united and condensed ; and is nothing else but the change of internal places , which by this fire were dispersed , and now are reduced in o a lesser number , or into places more united and less remote . So a mixt body happens to grow colder , when the earthy minims within it change their places , and are reduced to nearer places , and so grow more piercing to the center ; apprehend the same of the other qualities . External Local Motion is either understood in a large sense , as it comprehends alteration or change of internal places , or as it denotes a single internal motion from an internal place to an internal place , and in this acception we have made use of the word above in assigning the forms of the Elements ; or strictly it is restrained to external Local Motion , which is the change of an external place in natural bodies : That is , whereby natural bodies are moved out of one external place into another . The universal Elements naturally and strictly are not subjected to Local Motion , since their change of place is only internal , to wit , within one another : Whereas external Local motion is restricted to the change of an external place , however we may improperly or in a large sence conceive them to move locally . Neither are the Elements capable of auction or diminution , because their quantity and forms are definite ; wherefore they are only apt to undergo alteration , or change of their internal places , like we have hitherto demonstrated . Mixt bodies are disposed to the change of their external and internal places : Of their internal it is apparent , since they are never exempted from alteration ; their external is no less obvious . Auction or Diminution are changes of the Elements in a mixt body both of internal and external places : That is , do comprehend a local motion and alteration . The subdivisions of these three are various ; but for brevities sake we shall here only appose that of external Local motion : Which is either direct , reflex , or circular . A direct motion tends singly from one point to another in a right line . A reflex motion is either strictly so called , and is whereby a moveable is reflected or beaten back towards the point ( either perpendicularly or obliquely ) whence it first moved ; or refracted , ( as they vulgarly term it ) whereby a moveable is moved in an oblique Line to a terminus ad quem . A Circular motion is an oblique motion into a circle : This is either singly circular , whereby a motion is contorted into one circle ; or manifold and reflected , whereby it is either spirally , or vortically ( that is , like a whirl-pool ) contorted into many circles ; each inferiour circle being reflected into a greater superiour one , or each superiour greater circle being reflected into somewhat a lesser inferiour circle . Lastly , Motion is either swift , slow , or mean : The first is , which in a short time doth absolve a long space ; The next , which in a long time absolves but a short space : A mean motion is , which in a long or short time absolves a mean motion . These definitions and divisions premitted we shall next adscribe some useful Theorems . II. All alterative and quantitative motions are absolutely and per se primarily direct : That the primar and natural motions of the Elements are direct , their definitions testifie ; For since they do each primarily move from their Center to the Circumference , or from the Circumference to the Center , and that all motions from the Center to the Circumference , and from the Circumference to the Center are direct , it must necessarily follow , that those said motions primarily adscribed to them are direct . 2. All external Local motions proper to mixt bodies being moved with an Element , that enjoys its Center are direct , because such bodies being moved by the said presupposed Element must be directed to the same term , that the Element is , which as hath been proved is likewise direct . III. All external Local Motions are violent , or moved by an extrinsick movent : That is , no natural body , whether mixt or simple , can or doth move it self locally . * I prove it : external Local Motion is caused by expulsion ; but all expulsions ( as the name it self doth import ) are caused by an external principle , expelling the body , that doth disrupt or dispossess it of its place : Ergo. I confirm the Minor : what , can a body be said to expel it self ? Expulsion is caused by the body injured , but that is the discontinuated and external body only ; Ergo. 2. The body expelled enjoys a center ; ergo it cannot move for one , since all motions are for a center . 3. External Local Motion is caused by compression , but a natural body cannot compress it self : Ergo. Possibly you may say , that a body may compress the extraneous body , and so lift it self up : No , for if so , then it is rather lifted up by the renitency of the extraneous body . But how is a natural body capable of compressing an extrinsick body ? What ? By rarefaction ; well , if so , a body cannot rarefie it self : Possibly you will suppose a vertual rarefaction proceeding from the internal form of a body , and such a quality is not in rerum natura . 4. The name it self makes the same inference : viz. External Local motion is a change of external place ; ergo the vertue changing must proceed from without or externally ; because it is impossible , that an internal power should reach beyond its sphere of activity , which extends no further than its internal body or matter . All bodies do naturally covet rest from external Local motion ; ergo the same external motion must be violent , or from without . Doth earth ( that is in particles ) ever move Locally out of its place ? No , but is attracted or forced upwards ( as in exhalations ) by extrinsick efficients , as external air and fire : In summa all instances in the world do confirm to us , that external Local Motion is from without . But I instance in particulars : A Bullet being swallowed down by any living Creature is detruded downwards and evacuated by stool ; but if thrust down its throat , when it is dead , resteth in the body ; ergo it is the depressing vertue of that living Creature doth extrinsecally move it locally , since when it is dead the bullet is not affected by any such motion . IV. All weighty mixt bodies , being removed from their Element , are disposed to be detruded downwards from without ; but do not move from any internal inclination they have to their universal center . I prove the latter part ; because all bodies can obtain but one motion for their preservation ; but that is of moving to their own center , whither , whence and whereupon they move ; Ergo. The Minor is confirmed , by that we see , that water and earth in an extraneous Element , as in the air or fire , do move to their own particular center , as appears in drops of rain , that fall down from the air . Doth not Mercury move directly to its own center , although it be never so many times divided ? Do not air and fire erupt out of the water in a round bubble ? Ergo their motion was from their own center , as appears by their rotundity . Doth noth a flame in a candle strive to maintain its center ? I shall add one argument more : A part retains the nature of the whole , which in a weighty body is of moving to its own center , ergo all weighty bodies do primarily move to their own center : Amputate any member of a living Creature , and you will find it to shrink immediately into a rotundity , or towards its own center ; whereas had it any inclination or appetite to that body whence it was prescinded , it would remain in the same shape and form it was cut off , for so it would be aptest to be reunited . If then all weighty bodies do primarily move to their own center , how can they then existing in the air move or have an inclination of moving down to the earth , since they in moving to their own particular center do manifestly move from her ? Ergo there can be no such thing as an appetite or inclination in mixt bodies to an universal center , when separated from it ; although when united , they have a particular respect to it as a part hath to the whole . Next I prove the first branch of the Conclusion , viz. That all weighty mixt bodies being seated without their Element , are disposed to be moved downwards . Downwards , quasi to it ( namely to the center ) wards , or into it wards . Upwards quasi outwards , that is , from the Center to the Circumference : Likewise the German Synonyma's confirms this Etymology , viz. Nach beneden ( or downwards , ) quasi Nach binnen or inne , that is into wards : Or nach boven ( upwards ) quasi butenwarts , and that quasi ouswarts or outwards . Whence we may learn , that in every particular mixt body there is as properly a downwards , and an upwards , as in the universal body : So then the fore-stated downwards is to be understood to the earthwards , ( that is to the terraqueous Globe ) and upwards from the earthwards . I say they are disposed to be moved downwards , because they cannot move themselves thither , but concur to that motion only by their disposition . V. This disposition is nothing else but the renitency or stubbornness of the weighty mixt body discontinuating the air or fire , and resisting their motion to the center-wards ; the intension and remission of the said renitency depends upon the greater or lesser density or crassitude ; whence it is also , that some bodies are moved swifter downwards , because they consist of a greater density * , sustaining a more violent impulse of the air , which were they less dense , would be moved slower , because of a less renitency . 2. Or thus , the air being discontinuated by an interposed weighty mixt body doth primarily strive from all parts to a reunion by its expansive vertue , especially from above , because of its greater strength there , as being less discontinuated and weakened by exhalations and vapours ; whence the greatest force descending doth also direct the impulsion downwards . Wherefore a weighty body , as Mercury or any other Mineral , is moved much swifter downwards or ( according to the ordinary Ideom of speech ) weighs much heavier , on the top of high hills , than below . But you shall read more in the next Chapt. VI. All light bodies being seated in a weighty Element are disposed to be moved upwards , whence it is that subterraneous air is oft forced upwards by the earths compressing vertue : Likewise a piece of Cork depressed under water is by the waters gravity closing underneath ( in the same manner as we have explained it in the 2. Part. the 1. Book . Chap. 16. 2. Par. ) squeezed upwards , without any intrinsick propensity ; for otherwise the same Cork being also disposed to be pressed downwards in the air must be supposed to have two internal propensities , which is absurd . A flame burning in the ayry Regions is forced upwards by its disposition of levity , tenuity and rarity : Thus ; The air sinding it self injured by the discontinuating flame presses upon her and strives from all sides to squeeze her away ; The flame being over-powered is forced to slip or slide away , whether its disposition may best yield ; downwards it cannot tend , because there it is resisted by the courser air infested with weighty peregrin Elements ; Ergo upwards , because there it finds the way most open to give free passage to its light rarity and tenuity : On the contrary , a weighty body , because of its density and crassitude , finds the passage clearer downwards , by reason it is most driven from the tenuity of the air atop : but supposing the air to enjoy its center doubtless those weighty bodies , would be cast forth upwards to the Circumference . VII .. Ayry bodies , that are seated in a fiery Element , are moved downwards , because the rarity of the fire , sinking downwards for a center , doth impell them also thither , whose disposition being continuous and thin are the better disposed to slide away from the fire ( compressing them all about ) downwards , because upwards the said bodies striving to maintain their particular Centers would be more discontinuated , where the force of fire must also be strongest : Whence you may observe , that weighty bodies and light bodies are both moved to one terminus ad quem in the fiery regions . Touching the causes of refraction and reflection you shall read them in the next Chapter . Hence a great part of the first Book of the second Part , will be rendred much plainer , which I did forbear to illustrate further , because of avoiding needless repetitions , intending to treat of these by themselves , viz. why water or any other weighty body , being violently detained , is much intended in its strength ; or why water is more depressing atop , or when it is most remote from her Center than underneath , namely because of the depression of the air , adding much to the drowning of a man , as we have mentioned in 12th . and 16th . Chapters , and so many other passages . CHAP. XX. Of Attraction , Expulsion , Projection , Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent Motion . 1. How air is attracted by a water-spout or Siphon . 2. The manner of another kind of Attraction by a sucking Leather . 3. How two flat Marble stones clapt close together draw one another up . 4. How a Wine-Coopers Pipe attracts Wine out of a Cask . 5. How sucking with ones mouth attracts water . 6. How a Sucker attracts the water . 7. The manner of Attraction by Filtration . 8. The manner of Electrical attraction . 9. How fire and fiery bodies are said to attract . 10. What Projection is , and the manner of it . 11. What Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent motion are . 1. I Thought fit to subject these remaining kinds of motion to the preceding , and to treat of them in a distinct Chapter : viz. Attraction , Expulsion , Projection , Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent motion . I shall only insist upon some particular kinds of attraction . What Attraction is , the name doth explain . How air is attracted by water , and water properly by air , hath been proposed in the foregoing Chapters ; Attraction is further evident . 1. In a Siphon or water-spout , wherewith they usually cast up water for to quench a fire . Here the water is attracted by the drawing up of the Sucker ; not through a bending for to avoid a Vacuum ; but through the natural cohesion in continuancy of the air to the Sucker or aerial parts contained within the Sucker : Now the air doth cohere more strongly , because there is no body to discontinue it within the Siphon , but is rather assisted in a continuated cohesion by the continuity of the sides of the Siphon and of the Sucker . Or otherwise if the air did strive to separate , how could it ? For suppose it should be discontinuated from the Sucker , then through that discontinuation there must be some certain void space effected : if so , then that air , which did before fill up that void space , must have been withdrawn into some other place , or else it must through penetration have sunk into its own substance ; besides the air that was expelled up vards must have penetrated into its own body by condensation , or into the body of the water , all which is impossible , since a penetration of bodies is an annihilation . But here inquiry may be made , whether it is the continuated cohesion of the air with the water causes the succession of the water upon the air ; or whether the air , which through haling up of the Sucker is expelled upwards out of the Siphon , doth for to procure a place protrude the air cohering about the external sides of the Siphon downwards into the water , through whose insufflation the water is propelled upwards into the Siphon . I answer both waies ; for it is impossible , that such a great weight of water should ascend so easily with so little a force as the attraction of the Sucker , unless it were assisted by the strong force of the air pomped out , out of a necessity and impossibility of shrinking pressing down , and protruding the water upwards . That this is so , the external circular pressure and dent , which we see about the outsides of the water about the lower end of the Siphon , and the internal pussing up of the water within the Siphon do testifie . II. Another kind of Attraction not unlike to this is observable in boyes their sucking Leathers , being wetted and clapt flat upon a stone , and afterwards drawn up with a packthread fastned in it attracts the stone with it . The cause is alone the continuous cohesion of the water to the stone , defending it self from the disruption of the air , the which as soon as breaking through occasions the separation of the Leather from the stone . III. Two smooth flat equal Marble stones clapt close one upon the other , the uppermost attracts the lowermost , if equally lifted up from their Center , by a ring fastned to it , because of the air through its continuity sticking fast to the lowermost and the undermost stones ; but if disrupted through an unequal lifting the lowermost stone falls . In the same manner doth a plain board cast upon the water attract it into a Rising , when lifted up by the central part . IV. A Wine-Coopers Pipe attracts Wine out of the bung-hole of a Cask : The Pipe is somewhat long , and narrower towards the bottom and the top , but wider in the middle , which thrust open at both ends into a Cask full of Wine through the Bung-hole , and afterwards applying one 's Thum close to the hole atop may attract a competent quantity of Wine out of the Vessel , which with the opening of the upper hole runs out again . But methinks that this and the forementioned attractions might rather be termed cohesions or detensions , since that which doth attract is the extrinsick attractor , viz. ones arm . The cause of its attraction is the immission of the Pipe into the Cask , to a certain depth , where the air being excluded from it and closed with your Thumb , you will find a drawing or sucking to your Thumb , which is nothing else but the weight of the Wine pressed downwards , and notwithstanding cleaving fast to the continuity of your Thumb , which being continuous and obtuse doth sustain the liquor continuated to it ; whereas were it subtil , that it could give way as the free air , it would not be contained so . But suppose you thrusted a Beaker with the mouth downwards under water , and stopt a small hole made on the bottom of it with your Thumb , the water would not keep in there , because the air would enter underneath , through which the parts of the water would be disunited , and so desert the supposed cohesion of parts : why the Wine descends at the opening of the upper hole , is through the impulse of the air entring . V. The sucking of water through a Reed by the mouth is effected , by causing a flat closs cohesion of your Tongue and lips with the continuous parts of water or air ; for what is contiguous cannot be suckt ( unless by means of its inherency in continuous bodies , ) because its parts are unapt to cohere . To all these kinds of cohesions or adhesions the closeness of sides of those external bodies , that cohere together through the internal cohesion of air , doth mainly contribute by keeping off the discontinuating air ; as the closeness of the sucking leather sticking , of the two Marble stones , of the sides of the Wine-Coopers Pipe , of the Lips in sucking , &c. VI. A Sucker , otherwise called a Siphon , being a Pipe consisting of two arms of an unequal length , meeting in a curvilineal Angle , attracts water out of a Vessel untill it be all run out , provided it be set running by sucking the water down to the lowermost part of the longer arm , being placed without the said Vessel . This instance gives us a plain demonstration , that attraction is caused by the means of the cohesion of continuous parts to other continuous ones , especially if separated through a close Cane from dividing bodies ( as the air ) and by the same cause kept close together ; for water as I said before , will alwaies through its weight and continuity cohere and keep close to its next central parts , and never separates unless through a disunion by the air or other bodies . Hence it is also , that water is easily led to any height * , if impelled by any force through a close Pipe , or by a Sucker . But why water contained within the shorter arm should yield to water contained within the longer may justly be doubted : The reason is , because the water contained within the longer Pipe being more in quantity is heavier than the other , and therefore prevails , and is more disposed for to be pressed downwards : But then you might reply , That the water of the shorter Pipe is assisted in weight by the other proportion contained within the capacity of the Vessel . I answer , That the water of the shorter arm is impelled forward through the pressure of the said water contained within the capacity of the Vessel : But not through its own gravity pressing downward towards the Center of the world ; for every proportion of water ( as I said before ) retaining the nature of their universal Element only strives for to maintain its own center , and therefore water if enjoying a center within its own Circumference , wherever it be , doth not press or weigh , but strives to maintain its nature in rest : But that , which doth cause a force upon water downwards in the Vessel , is the strong sinking down of the air tending downwards for its Center : For otherwise water in a Vessel would contain it self in a round figure , which it cannot , because it is reduced to a flatness by the sinking air . VII . Attraction by Filtration is performed by causing one end of a piece of Flannell or other wollen cloath to hang into any Liquor over the brim of the containing Vessel , and the other end into an empty one , whereby the light parts of the water ascend up the cloath , and distill into the other Vessel . This is effected by separating the thick parts of water and rarefying it through the labels subtil fibres , whence the other heavy parts of the water by descending downwards and being pressed by the air do over-press its subtiler and aerial parts upwards , the grosser and heavier remaining behind . By this it appears , that Filtration and other kinds of Attraction already mentioned are not so much Attractions as violent Expulsions . As the water of a Sucker will not run out unless the longer arm exceeds the depth of the water in length , so neither will water attracted by a filter distill down into the empty vessel , unless the distilling Label be lower than the water contained within the other Vessel for the same reason . VIII . Attraction effected by Amber or other Bituminous bodies , otherwise called Electrical attraction , depends on emanations or continuous steams emitted from Amber ( especially if rubbed ) consisting of incrassated air and fire , being impelled circularly untill where they are gathered by a continuous body , which if light do return with those emanations upwards ; for the said emanations being diducted , expansive and light , are by the weighty ( comparativè ) vapourous air of this lower Region striving to keep their nearness to the center squeezed and propelled upwards , which commonly tends to the emitting body , because the greater quantity of those steams are gathered perpendicularly under the said emitting body , and so do return the same way . Hence observe , That Amber doth not attract so potently on the top of high Mountains , because its steams , being weightier than the air is there , do spread themselves further , whereby they are deprived of a return : Neither will Amber attract in a thick vapourous air , because its steams are detained from dispersion . IX . Fire and fiery bodies , as Onions , Soap , &c. are said to attract ; but improperly , because their attraction is nothing else but an expulsion of those bodies , which they are imagined to attract ; For instance : Fire is said to attract water , air , &c. This is nothing else but fire piercing into the substance of water or air , whereby it doth expel them into those places , which it leaves , or which are near to it : Hence vapours are seldom attracted , or rather expelled into the places where fire doth continually pass , as directly under the AEquator , because it fills those places with its own presence , but are reflected towards the sides as towards the North and South Pole , whose spaces are not filled up with its torrid rayes . Now judge a little of that most barbarous practice among Physitians in applying Reddishes , Salt , leaven , yea Epispastick Plasters to the Wrists and Feet of Feaverish Patients : What rage , what torments are poor men put to , how are their Feavers , Paraphrensies exacerbated through their diabolical practice ? These things do not attract without piercing into a mans Veins and Arteries , and through their greater force of heat and violence do protrude the less heat of the body , and by a short stay do put the whole body into a consuming fire ; How many men have I seen murthered in that manner ? 'T is true in malignant and Pestilential Feavers they have their use , but not in single putrid ones . Now by what hath been proposed in this Paragraph we may easily apprehend the manner of all water-works , and of raising water higher than its source , as that which is performed by the invention of Archimedes through a brazen or leaden Serpent , or by wheels impelling water into Pipes , &c. Hence we may also conceive the manner of the attraction , or rather expulsion of the degrees of water in a Thermometer , or invention to measure the degrees of heat and cold , and the differences of them in several Rooms , Towns , Seasons of the year , &c. The Instrument is nothing but a long glass Pipe , towards the end somewhat turning up , being left open for to poure in any liquor , which according to the rarefaction or condensation of the air contained within the Pipe above will either ascend or descend in so many more or less degrees , as the air is altered by rarefaction through the heat of the ambient air , or condensation through the cold minims of earth within the said ambient air compressing the water more or less through its increase of quantity . Touching the Magdenburg Invention ; the air is attracted outwards in the same manner , as we have explained the attraction of water by a water-spout , namely by a continuation , cohesion , and adhesion to the Sucker : The air attracted out of the capacity of the Receiver doth also through the same means attract air and fire , inhering in the rarefied and attenuated water without in the koop ; that again in the koop attracts air from without for to fill up its spaces , which is as ready to press in , because that air , which was pumped out of the capacity , wants room without . This succession of air is continuated by pumping , untill the air within is quite filled up with the incrassated air attracted from without , whose thickness will not suffer it self to be pumped out any longer ; so that , as the air within begins to be incrassated , so the pumping without falls harder and harder . Towards the latter end there seems to be a forcible retraction of the Sucker making a great noise through its return , because the capacity of the Receiver being replenisht to the very pores of the glass , which being rendred somewhat flexible through the passing and tumefying of the incrassated and rarefied air , afterwards beginning to condense through greater access of fire , is violently through the great external force of the pumping somewhat forced to bend or yield inwards , whose renitency and force to return retracts the Sucker through continuation and cohesion of the incrassated air . Next we are to pursue the manner of acceleration of weighty bodies downwards . It is certain that a natural mixt weighty body , falling directly down from atop without interruption to the bottom , doth acquire a greater celerity the further it recedes from the beginning of its descent ; because the lower or farther it descends through propulsion of the superiour air , the more and the greater body ( viz. of air under it ) it compresses , which for to prevent the penetration of its own body is the more and violenter irritated to run round about the descending weighty body for to recover the place left by the said body , where arriving doth as it were rebound against the superiour parts of the air , which doth very much intend the celerity of the said bodies motion , and the same gradually increasing doth also gradually accelerate the descending body the further it falls . Some are of opinion , that the acceleration of descending bodies is caused by Atoms falling down from the Celestial Orbs , which as they do more and more encrease by being retained by the descending body , do likewise more and more accelerate its descent . This can scarce be , because those Atoms , reflecting and returning from the Surface of the Terrestrial Globe , are in greater number underneath the body than above ; ergo according to that manner of reasoning a body falling from on high should rather be gradually retarded . 3. A body should also fall swifter in the Winter than in the Summer , in cold Countries than in hot , because those Atoms are most numerous there ; but the contrary is true . Ergo no true consequence . In like manner do light bodies acquire a greater swiftness in ascending , the higher they are propelled , whence it is that Fowl flying high move much swifter than below . Retardation is caused through causes opposite to these now mentioned . X. Projection is , whereby a body is moved swifter by the forcible impulse of the Projector , than it would do otherwise . Thus an Arrow is swiftly moved out of a Bow , or a stone being cast out of the hand ; because of the force of the impulse of the Projector . The cause of the intention of this impulse is the great swiftness of the said impulse * at the beginning , whereby the air is swiftly propelled before , whose most swift return about the sides of the body projected causes the continuation of the swiftness of the first impulse , but gradually diminishing by how much the further it recedes from the beginning . A ball projected out of a Canon is propelled with that swiftness , because of the swiftness of the first smart impulse . The truth of the foresaid reason and manner is apparent in shooting a pole through the water , where we may see the water at the farther end raised into a tumor , which running * about the sides to the other end causeth its propulsion : Whence it is also that when there appears no more of the tumor of the water before the pole , its motion doth instantly cease . XI . Disruption or bursting is a sudden separation of the parts of a body through a violent force moving from within . This we see happens oft in Canons , when over-charged ; or in bottels filled with water being frozen in the Winter , o. Wine in the Summer being close stopt : The cause of these latter must be imputed to frosty or fiery minims , entring through the pores of the bottels in greater quantity than their capacity can take in , and disrupting them for to avoid a penetration of bodies . Bodies are oft said to burst through driness , ( as Instruments , &c. ) but very improperly , since it is the fiery or frosty minims entring their pores and filling their capacities , and afterwards disrupting them because of avoiding a penetration of bodies : So Instrument-strings are apt to break in moist weather , because their continuation is disrupted through penetration of moist bodies into their pores . Undulation is a motion , whereby a body is moved to and fro , like to water shaken in a basin , or to the motion of a Bell. The cause is likewise adscribed to the first motion of the Impulsor , which being terminated at the end of its return is beat back through the direct descent of the air impelling it , by reason it lieth athwart . Recurrent motion being but little different from this , I shall therefore say no more of it . The cause of reflection is the return of the impulse impressed upon the air or water ( both being media deferentia ) perpendicularly or obliquely upwards from a hard and plane reflecting body : Of refraction , the cause is the shuving off of the impulse downwards by the shelving sides of an angular hard body . CHAP. XXI . Of Fire , being an Introduction to a New Astronomy . 1. The Fires division into three Regions . 2. The qualification of the inferiour Region . What the Sun is . What his torrid Rayes are , and how generated . 3. How the other Planets were generated . 4. How the fixed Stars were generated . 5. A further explanation of the Stars their Ventilation . That there are many Stars within the Planetary Region that are invisible . Of the appearance of new Stars or Comets . Of the Galaxia or Milk-way . 6. That the fiery Regions are much attenuated . I. THe ground of the fires tending downwards you may easily collect from what I have set down touching the waters and airs commerce with the other Elements . It s profundity we may likewise divide into three Regions ; The first whereof containing the Planetary bodies , the next the fixed Stars , and the third consisting most of purefire . II. The inferiour Region , through its nearer approximation to the air and its immersion into it , is cast into a subtil flame , whose subtility doth effuge our sight and Tact. The Sun is a great body generated out of the peregrin Elements contained in the inferiour igneous Region , consisting most of condensed fire and incrassated air , extended and blown up into the greatest flame , and conglomerated within the greatest fiery cloud . These igneous clouds are like to the windy clouds of the air , which as they do daily blast down wind upon the earth , so do these cast fiery rayes , among which that , which surrounds the Sun , doth vendicate the greatest power to it selfe . The manner of casting of its fiery rayes is the same with that of winds : viz. The Region of fire forceth up * every day or continually a great quantity of air , somewhat incrassated and condensed , into its own sphere through its descending force striving for a Center : This incrassated and condensed air is impelled violently into the body of the Stars by other subtil flames , as being more forcible to drive the said adventitious matter from them , because their parts are so closely ingaged , that they can scarce slow a minim without a penetration . Wherefore they must necessarily be impelled gradually into the bodies of the Stars , because these are mixt bodies , that give way so much in themselves by expelling fiery or torrid minima's down into the air , as to be capacious enough of receiving so many airy particles , as the Elementary fire doth force up every moment . But before I proceed in unfolding the manner of the Celestial mixt bodies their ventilations ; I must insist somewhat further upon their constitution . III. The Celestial mixt bodies are not only like to clouds in their daily and minutely ventilations , but also in their constitutions : viz. The inferiour ones ( as the Planets ) are constituted out of the courser and more mixt matter of the finer cloudy air in the inferiour Region of the Element of fire , like the clouds of the inferiour Region of air are constituted out of the courser part of vapours . Their coagulation is effected through the force of the fiery Element crushing their matter from below upwards , and again is repelled back from the superiour parts of the said fiery Elements , because through its being pressed up are scanted of room , and therefore do press downwards not only for room , but also because of reuniting where they are divided by the said coagulated bodies . Now it may easily appear to you . 1. Whence that rotundity , or rather globosity , doth arrive to them , viz. because they are circularly crusht . 2. Because the air and fire of the said Planets do naturally spread themselves equally from the Center to the Circumference , whence a circular figure must needs follow . Also , 3. That Stars are nothing else but the thicker and denser part of the Heavens , coagulated into fiery mixt bodies ; to wit , flames . 3. That as they do decrease by Ventilation every day , so they do also increase by the introsusception of new aerial particles . 4. That they must necessarily be very durable , because of the duration of their causes : For as the great force of the inferiour parts of the igneous Heavens never desist from striving for the Center , and do every day cast up great proportions of aerial matter , so do the superiour parts never cease from compressing them into the bodies of the other condensed flames being disposed ( as I said before ) through their ventilation to receive them . 2. Because the aerial parts , being got into the Center of the flames , cease from all external Local motion , striving only to maintain their Center in rest . IV. Fixed Stars are generated out of the subtiler parts of the forementioned aerial evaporations , * , being through their less resisting gravity ( redounding from water & earth in them ) rendred capable of being screwed up higher to the second Region , where they are coagulated through the same motions of the Heavens that Planetary clouds are . These are responding to the permanent clouds of the second Region of the air , which as they are spread into more large extended bodies , wherein many knobs seem to be unequally coagulated through the unequal proportion of the mixture of the vapours , even so are these evaporations coagulated into long large bodies , within which again other coagulations are effected , of unequal proportions , rising like so many knobs of various magnitudes , which constitute the fixed Stars , well deserving the Epithete of being fixed or fastned in those vast igneous clouds . We diduct hence : 1. That the fixed Stars are smaller than the Planets , because their matter is the overplus of the Planets . 2. That they were formed after the Planets , because their matter must be arrived to the first Region , before the subtiler parts could appel to the second Region for the matter of others . 3. That the difference between the loose and fixed Stars is no other , than that these latter consist of a more compact flame than the others , and thence we may also collect them to be more durable . V. But to make pursuit of the manner of ventilation of the Stars : The fiery minims striking down vehemently upon them , because they are screwed up more and more by the continual access of new coagulations impelled into the said Stars , must necessarily be intended in their force upon them for to recover their place and continuation : These then striking from all sides through those Celestial mixt bodies do expell , shake down , and effuse * continually great showers of those torrid minims consisting of condensed fire , which are accelerated likewise in their descent through the depression of the air . These as they pass do heat the air , especially in the lower Region , because of the density of the clouds and air staying their beams . And 2. Because of their reflection from the earth . These fiery showers do scarce reach any farther than the temperate Zones : Where they rain down perpendicularly there they leave marks of their heat ; where obliquely , there of warmth only ; but the air within the Polars is not sensible of so much as their warmth . These showers do fall down sometimes in a greater confluence than others , whence they cast a greater heat , which happens through their meeting and being united with more aerial matter or igneous clouds , or else through want of shelter under dense clouds in the air ; or thirdly by uniting their showers with those of other Planets . Hence we may observe , That the Sun is the hottest body in the Heavens , and therefore the loosest and the softest . 2. That the Moon and the other Stars consist of a less soft consistency . 3. That the fixed Stars , as they do heat but little , so they dissolve but little , and therefore must be of a yet less soft consistency . 4. That the fiery clouds being supposed globous , and therefore profound , do harbour many invisible lights ; whereof some do happen sometimes to be detruded out of their seat downwards ( that is towards the earth ) through the continuated and exuperant force of the superiour parts of the Element of fire : This is seldom observed but in the lower Region of the fire , because that Element doth use its greatest force there , as being near to the place of strife for its Center , and most pincht there by the obtruded igneous clouds . These new appearing Lights do sometimes keep within sight for eight or ten Months , some longer , others shorter , and afterwards disappear again , whence they come under the notion of Comets , agreeing in nothing with them except in their disappearing after a certain times lustre . The cause of their disappearance I impute to the bearing up of the air upwards by the inferiour fiery rayes , and carrying those dislocated Stars out of sight again , where they are included within a dense igneous cloud . 5. New Stars are oft generated within the bulk of the foresaid clouds , whose smalness and close inclusion doth render them invisible ; Others again are dissolved through being over-powered by the force of the fiery Element . 6. The Galaxia or milky-way is nothing but a great number of small dusky lights or inequalities coagulated out of the grosser part of the peregrin Elements of the lower igneous Region . VI. Lastly , Like as you see that the Element of water , which naturally consisteth of the greatest thickness , is reduced to that tenuity through such a great proportion of air , and that the air is from the greatest tenuity incrassated through such a quantity of water and earth into clouds throughout its whole body , even the same we must imagine of fire ; viz. that it is reduced from the greatest rarity to a condensation and attenuation into large igneous clouds * throughout its body , through the vast admixture of air somewhat incrassated and condensed . These clouds in the lower Region are diducted and separated into many thick and profound ones ; in the second Region into those of a great tenuity , but more cohering . Thus we have briefly exposed to your view the commerce of fire with the other Elements , and for your better understanding have caused this Scheme to be inserted , where you have the universal flames striking downwards for a Center , whereas after the first knock it flamed upwards in the Chaos ; because it moved from its own Center . The proportions of fire and air to both the other Elements , although not very exactly cut according to my Copy , yet comes near to it . The Stars are there represented according to their several Regions wherein they are seated . The motion of the heavens is likewise there exhibited as we have demonstrated it in the preceding Paragraphs ; All which , with many others insisted upon in this and the subsequent Chapter , you have here plainly proposed . CHAP. XXII . Of the Motion of the Element of fire . 1. Where the Poles of the Heavens are . 2. The Opinions of Ptolomy and Tycho rejected . 3. That the Planets move freely and loosely , and why the fixed Stars are moved so uniformly . 4. The Suns retrograde motion unfolded , and the cause of it . 5. How the Ecliptick , AEquator , and the Zodiack were first found out . 6. The manner of the fiery Heavens their ventilation . 7. Whence it is , that the Sun moves swifter through the Austrinal Mediety , and slower through the Boreal . How the Sun happens to measure a larger fiery Tract at some seasons in the same time than at others . 8. Whence the difference of the Suns greatest declination in the time of Hipparchus , Ptolomy , and of this our age happens . 9. An undoubted and exact way of Calculating the natural end of the World. The manner of the Worlds dissolution ; The same proved also by the holy Scriptures . The prevention of a Calumny . I. I have formerly discoursed upon the motion of the Heavens from East to West , assigning the violent detention from their Center for the cause of it , I shall repeat nothing more of it than put you in mind that nothing can move circularly except upon two immoveable points , which are therefore named the Poles from sustaining their body . The immobility , which we observe in this our Hemisphere near the Bear Stars , perswades us to take it for the North or Arctick Pole , to which the South or Antartick Pole is opposite , visible only in the other Hemisphere . Between these the Heavens move from East to West , and where they measure most space , there they mark out the AEquinoctial Line , a greater Circle imagined or described by us to be in the Heavens equidistant from each Pole , that is , elevated above either of them 90 degrees . II. Touching the motion of the Stars let us enquire , whether according to Ptolomy they are affixed to Orbs , and move along with them , or whether they move free and loose like Fish in the water , as Tycho Brahe conceived . It is strange to consider how the Ancients oft assumed false suppositions , builded for many Ages upon them , and retained them as Oracles : All this doubtless befell them through neglect of making further search and triall into their realities . What stupid fixions did they harbour touching the solidity of the Orbs , excusing the defect of their noise by their remoteness , imagining their harmony to be most pleasant to any Ear that could hear it . Their variety ( were they not excused by being imaginary only ) would exceed all probability of belief : Some they imagine to be Concentrical or Excentrical , which latter are either greater Excentrical , or lesser excentrical , alias Epicycles . Some again are both Concentrical & Excentrical , and others are Concentrical within a Concentrical . Some are deferring , others equalizing , and what not for to drive away their time ? In summa they were at least 80 in number . Certainly no natural Philosopher can be adduced to believe these kinds of Fictions , knowing those bodies assigned for Orbs to be soft , and therefore unfit to cohere in so many Sections . But Brahe's dream is much more disagreeing , since it is impossible , that such loose bodies could move in such an exact and equal order , as the fixed Stars do ; for otherwise were they loose , as Planets are , they would move as variously and disorderly as they . III. Wherefore I conclude , 1. That the Planets , particularly the Sun and Moon do move freely and loose , being included within great fiery clouds , because their motions are very different one from the other , which otherwise could not be , supposing they were affixed to Orbs. 2. The fixed Stars cohere in large igneous clouds linked together , out of whose bodies they are constituted , and with them they are also moved : This their equal and regular motion makes clear to us . But I will take the pains to explain their motion to you more particularly , and begin with the Sun. IV. The Sun we observe appears once in 24 hours to all the Inhabitants of the torfid and temperate Zones , being moved from East to West . I suppose you to remember and assume that maxime so oft repeated , viz. That no body whether mixt or single hath a power of moving it self locally to an external place , although from an external place it may , so long as it obtaineth an internal Center . Whence I conclude , That the Sun doth not move through himself from East to West , but is carried along with the fiery Heavens , as a cloud with the air , or Ship with the flowing Ocean , and so they both happen to measure almost an equal space in an equal time , saving in one degree of time and space every day of a Tropical year , consisting of 360 Solar daies ; which depends upon some resistency or renitency the Sun hath to external Local Motion or vection , like we observe in a Ship driving with the stream , yet not so fast as the stream , because there is some resistance in the Ship : whence it is apparent that the Sun is moved forward every natural day only 359 degrees , which occasioneth the Suns staying back one degree every day , whereby in 360 daies it must necessarily stay back the Circumference of the whole fiery Heavens ; and hence it is , that the Sun doth appear to us every day one degree sooner or latter , as you may apprehend it . This staying back or retrograde motion Astronomers are pleased to call the proper motion of the Sun , whereby he moves through himself through the succession of the Signs , or against the motion of the Primum mobile ; which is absurd , for then he must needs be an Animal ; because only Animals can move to an external place through themselves . This Retrogradation of the Sun is naturally directed from West towards East , but through the unequal access of cloudy fire dayly driven up from one of the Poles spouting out strong showers of condensed fire , is shoven and driven every day somewhat to the side , viz. Northerly , when the said fiery clouds are impelled from the South side , which lasteth as long as untill that tract hath vented its burden , and cast it down towards the other side , and impelled the Sun to his greatest Northern declination , and by that time the Northern Hemisphere is so much filled with fiery clouds , that it is necessitated to vent it self through casting its condensed fire towards the South , whereby the Sun is impelled again to the other side . The way , described through the Suns being thus shoven from one side to the other , and yet gradually staying back from West to East , is called the Ecliptick , whose greatest declination towards either side North or South is distant from the AEquator 23½ degrees . V. The Ancients observing the daily and monthly staying back of the Sun , in that he appeared now in such a declination or amplitude , a month after 30 degrees further , and the next month as many further , and so on , untill they had found out the Romb of the Sun , viz. The Ecliptick , phansied another Line much broader than this directly above among the stars of the Firmament , apprehending them all along that road , ( to wit , through the Septentrional and Meridional declination , ) so many as would constitute a twelfth part of the Ecliptick , to be like to some living creature or other , that so they might know them again ; Hence they imagined one twelfth part of those Stars to be situated in such a position as to be like unto a Ram , wherefore they did all agree to name it Aries ; the Stars next following this twelfth part to be like a Bull , whence they called that Taurus ; and so on with the rest . Afterwards this whole Road was called by the name of Zodiack , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a living creature , as if they would have termed it a circle of living Creatures , that is like to them . So you see they did not pass through any great difficulty to make these observations and describe all the Circles of the heavens ; for after they had once found out one Pole , they must needs have concluded there must be another : Then they cold not but observe the firmament moving between these Poles ; next that the middle must be the greatest course , and therefore a rule and measure of all other Phanomena's , which for that reason they called the AEquator or Equinoctial : Now having found out these three great marks for their guide , namely the Pole , Equinoctial , and the Zodiack , the other circles and observations of the motions of the Planets were easily made . This by the way . VI. Before I go on any further , I will prove , that such a vast measure of fiery winds blows down from each of the Polar Regions for six months together . It is certain , That a great proportion of fiery clouds is cast from the middle or Equinoctial of the fiery Heavens towards the Poles , because there they are the strongest , as appears by their strong and swift motion , measuring more way by far there than about the Polars , wherefore the greatest part of those fiery clouds must necessarily be detruded towards the Polars , as being the weaker parts of the heavens , and therefore the apter for their reception . These clouds being obtruded thither in great quantities are compressed by the force of the Superiour heavens , whereby the condensed fiery minims break forth in great showers , which blowing constantly for six months do alwaies blow the Sun from them towards the opposite side . 2. If clouds of the air are most detruded towards their Polars , and blow thence constantly for a long season * , as Mariners tell us they do ; Ergo the same must happen in the fiery Region , since the efficient causes and materials are corresponding . 3. The fiery Region pressing strongly about the middle parts must needs cast up most air towards the Polars . 4. Before there can be an eruption of these fiery clouds , there must a certain abundance or proportion be collected , through whose over possession and exceeding swelling they may sooner give way to burst out ; and then being opened they continue their fiery winds for six months , and by that time they are quite evacuated . In the mean time the other Polar side is a filling , and is just grown swell'd enough for to burst out against the other is exhausted . Here may be objected , That whilst one Pole is evacuating , it should attract all the matter from the other Pole , because it gives way , whereas the other cannot . I answer , That those fiery clouds through their giving way are still daily somewhat supplied by the continual casting up of the heavens ; for otherwise their ventilation could hardly be so lasting ; but however that * is sooner evacuated than the clouds can be shut up again , so that the ventilation lasteth untill all its contained matter is expelled . 2. It is impossible that the air should be attracted from the opposite side , since the greatest force of the middle parts of the inferionr Region is between , which screweth the matter up equally towards each Pole. VII . The Suns deficient motion ( that is , when he is accidentally moved through the succession of the Constellations of the Zodiack , ) if compared to himself is observed to be regular ; that is , in comparing one tropical or deficient course with another both do agree in the measure of space , being over-runned in an equal time , viz. of 360 Solar daies ; and in an equal Velocity , moving in the same swiftness through the same Constellations in one year , that he doth in another . But if the particular motions of one defective or tropical course be referred to others of the same annual motion , we shall find that the Sun is more potently withheld under the Meridional Signs than under the Septentrional ones : That is , moves swifter through the Austral Mediety in the Winter , consuming but 178 daies 21 hours and 12 minut . in that peragration , and flower through the Boreal Signs in the Summer , spending 186 daies 8 hours 12 minutes ( computing with the Vulgar 365 daies 5 hours , 49 min. 16 sec. in the year , ) so that the difference is 7 daies and 11 hours . 2. The Sun appears sometimes at some seasons of the year higher then at others , that is , sometimes nearer to us , and other times farther from us ; or otherwise the Sun is at the highest and farthest in the Summer in the month of June , being then in Cancer , and at the lowest or nearest in the moneth of December , being then in Capricorn . VIII . The greatest declination of the Sun hath formerly in the daies of Hipparchus & Ptolomy been observed to be of 23 deg . 52 mi. which according to Copernicus his observation is reduced to 30 min. by others since to 28. The cause is evident , and is to be imputed to the Suns , or rather the fiery Regions gaining upon the inferiour Elements ; namely , the water gains upon the earth , and diducts her mole , the air gains upon them both and insufflates their bodies , and lastly the fire gains upon the air , through which means it must necessarily incline nearer to the Center of the Earth , which approximation must cause a diminution of the Suns declination : For instance , suppose the Sun in Hipparchus his time to have been at the height of o , being then in his greatest declination from the Equinoctial a b ; if then since through the fiery Regions having gained upon the other Elements , the Sun is descended from o to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being there nearer to the Center of the Earth , his greatest declination in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must needs be less to ε than it is from o to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . IX . Hence we may easily collect the duration of the World thus : If the fiery Region hath gained from the time or years of Ptolomy to Copernicus so many minutes of the other Elements , in how many years will the fire gain the restant minutes ? This being found out by the rule of proportion will resolve us , when the World shall be returned again into a confusion or Chaos ; so that you may observe , as at the beginning of the world the weighty Elements did gradually expell , and at last over-power the light ones , so the light ones do now gradually gain upon the weighty ones , and at last will again over-power them : and so you have a description of the long year consisting of 20 thousand Solar Circuits , gaining near a degree every 68 years , but towards the latter end will prevail much more , because the nearer they incline the more forcibly they will make way . And so you see all things are like to return to what they were , viz. The immortal souls of men to God , and the Universe in o the same Chaos ; which as I said formerly will abide a Chaos to all Eternity , unless God do divide it again into a new World , and raise new Bodies for the Souls that have of long been in being . At the latter end of this descent you shall have Christ descending in the greatest Triumph , Glory , and Splendor , appearing in a body brighter than the Sun : Here must needs happen a very great noise and thunder , when the Elements do with the greatest force clash against one another , which cannot but then strike the greatest amazement and anguish into the Ears of the Wicked . This Doctrine may prove a plain Paraphrase upon those mysteries mentioned in the Revelation of St. John : For instance Chap. 9. v. 1 , 2. where a Star is described to fall down from heaven , namely the Sun ; opening the bottomless pit and raising a smoak , viz through his burning and consuming rayes , &c. No wonder if mens fancies are so strongly missed in constructing the obscurities of the late quoted Book of Divine Predictions ; some imagining a plenary abolition of the Elements , others their conversion into a hell for the damned ; some thence deducting Christs Personal Reign before the consummation of the World , others judging quite contrary ; what strange phanatick deductions and constructions do some Spirits suggest to themselves , expecting every moment a subversion of the world ! and alas God hath ordained the World to run out its natural course , which doubtless He will in no wise contradict ; and how long that is like to last may be infallibly proposed from what I have here stated , where we cannot but note that all those depravate conceptions do derive from mens ignorance in Philosophy and Nature , Gods great work . But me thinks I see some ready to condemn me for stating assertions touching things of the Divine Purpose , and such as God hath reserved within himself ; and therefore none ought to dive into those secret Counsels . I answer , That we are to make a search into all things as far as our parts will bear us out in , and we are commanded so to do ; because we may the more admire God in all his Attributes . 2. God hath given a man power of searching into all intelligible things , and therefore ought to make the greatest use of it he can . 3. It is impossible for man , so much as to make an attempt to search into Gods Secrets , because God hath limited him with a finite power : So that there is little fear that any should search into any such mysteries . But this by the way . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Magnitude and distance of the Sun and Moon , and the motion of the other Planets . 1. That the Magnitude of the Sun hath not been probably , much loss certainly , stated by any . The Arguments , vulgarly proffered for the proof of the Suns Magnitude , rejected . 2. That the Sun might be capable enough of illuminating the World were he much lesser than the terraqueous Globe than I suppose him to be . 3. That the shadow of the Earth is to some extent Cylindrical . 4. That the Sun existing in the AEquator doth at once illuminate the whole Hemisphere of the Earth . 5. Concerning the diminution or increase of the shadow of the Earth within the Polars , together with the cause of the Prolongation and Abbreviation of the daies . That the Sun is much bigger than he appears to be . 6. What the spots of the Sun and Moon are , and their causes . 7. That the Arguments , proposed by Astronomers for rendring the Moon lesser than the Earth , and proving the distance of the Sun , are invalid . 8. That the Moon is by far lesser than the Earth . 9. Several Phaenomena's of the Moon demonstrated . 10. Concerning the motion of Venus and Mercury . 11. Of the motion of the fixed Stars , and their Scintillation . 1. THe body of the Sun is by far exceeded in mole and bigness by the weighty Globe ; but before I insist upon the proof of this , I will repeat the Arguments produced by those , who assert the Sun to be many times bigger than the said Globe . In the first place I must take notice of the great variance , which there is between those great Coryphaeans in Astronomy touching the Magnitude of Stars , many of them differing from each other in their compute 10 , 12 , or more Diameters of the Earth , which is accounted but a slight disagreeance . Now if these Grandees are disagreeing from one another in so many thousand Leagues in defining the Magnitude of a Star , what shall we judge of their most certain ( as they pretend ) demonstrations ? 2. Let us examine their Instruments , whereby they aspire to fathom the body of a Star ; such are an Astrolabe , Semicircle , Quadrant , &c. These being divided according to the proportion of 360 degr . contained in a Celestial Orb , are well enough fitted to explain the number of such degrees , but then the difficulty remains the same still , viz. What proportion a degree of Longitude in the Heavens bears to any certain known Longitude of the Earth . Neither are they wanting in this , asserting a degree of Longitude of the Solar Orb to be equal to 15 German Leagues ; because the Sun doth remove the shadow of 15 Leagues from the Earth through the progress of each degree . But suppose this were granted , it followeth that a degree of Longitude of the Solar Orb is equal to a degree of Longitude of the Firmament ; because the Firmament doth likewise make 15 Leagues by its gradual progress , or how could it absolve its diurnal circuit in 24 hours ? but this is false : So neither doth the Sun's removal of the shadow from the Earth infer the said proportion ; because the Sun ( according to their Supposition , ) far exceeding the earth in bigness , cannot describe a true and equal Longitude of its progress upon the Earth , but only his light being terminated by the Earth is alone denoted to vary its termination so many Leagues by moving one degree . 3. If Astronomers do vary so much from one another in assigning the Earths Longitude , whereunto we are so near , we have greater reason to suspect their conclusions of the Stars their mensuration ( which are so remote from us ) to be void of all foundation . Aristotle pronounced the Circumference of the Terrestrial Globe to contain 50000 miles , assigning 1388 / 9 miles to every degree . Hipparchus allowed 34625 miles responding in 96 ●● / 7● miles to every degree . Eratosthenes stated 31500 miles , allowing 87½ miles to a degree . Ptolomy granted 22500. Alphraganus 204000. Fernelius 24514. Others who have sailed about it state 190010 miles for the Circumference of the Earth . Judge what a vast difference there is between them ! 4. Another Argument proposed by them is , because the Suns absence or opposition to us effects a conical shadow or darkness ; Ergo the Sun must be greater than the Earth . But how can the shadow be conical , since it drowns the Moon ( whose Diameter according to their own confession contains a 39th part of the Diameter of the earth ) which extends to a greater largeness than a Conical Figure should do ? 2. Were the shadow of the Earth Cylindrical , then they would confess the Sun to be of an equal bigness with the earth ; but that , they say , it is not ; ergo . I deny the Minor , and prove the contrary . The Sun existing in either of the equinoctial points makes day and night equal the whole earth over ; ergo the shadow of the earth must be columnal , because the obverted surface of the earth doth clip or stop the light from the other opposite surface to the extent of half the globe . Wherefore the terraqueous shadow of the one side of the earth , being equal to the light of the other side , must needs be columnal . And although this columnal shadow is not extended further than above half way to the Region of the fierie element , where it begineth to be contracted and gradually diminisht , yet that hinders not , but that the said shadow may be columnal to some certain extent . If now the said shadow were conical , then the Sun at once must illustrate more then the mediety of the Globe , and consequently the nights would be shorter then the daies , although under the Line at the season of the AEquinoxe ; but that is false ; ergo . Again , were the Sun greater than the Earth , ergo its heat would be communicated in an equal violence upon all the parts of it ; for why should it not as much powr out showers of heat conically , as you say it doth its light ? Here you cannot accur to excuse your self by the distance or remoteness of the Sun , thence contracting its heat ; for then it must likewise contract its light . 3. They assert , supposing the shadow of the Earth to be conical , that therefore the Sun must be necessarily greater . But for what reason ? Not because the Sun is greater , but because the light is larger : wherefore the largeness of the light doth not conclude any thing touching the bigness of the Sun. I not the light of a Candle or Touch much larger than its flame ? Is not the same Candle apt to overcast an Object much bigger than it self with light that shall exceed its mediety ? and consequently the shadow of such a body must be conical . Whence it is , that a body ten thousand times less than the air , is capable of illuminating its whole tract , because a body of that proportion is big enough to obtend the air throughout its whole depth . But if you should imagine with the Peripateticks , that light is efficiently produced by the lucid substance of the Sun ( I know not how , ) then indeed the body of the Sun must be many times bigger than the earth , because the Lumen would be but just of the same extent with the Lux. But I need not to answer to this , since the contrary hath been plainly proved . After all this , I state , II. 1. That the Sun , were he so much lesser than the terraqueous globe , than I suppose he is , would be big enough to illuminate its whole Hemisphere at once ; for if the light of a Candle doth illuminate the air thirty leagues round , much more would the Sun the whole Hemisphere , whose substance is by far more pure , lucid , and bigger in that proportion in comparison with the aerial region , then a focal light being of an impure , dark substance , is in comparison to the Circumference of 30 Leagues . III. 2. The shadow of the earth is to some extent cylindrical . I prove it ; Is not the shadow of a man standing in the Sun cylindrical to some extent ? Is not the shadow of a Pen or other small body , being held at some distance * before a Candle ( whose Lux is bigger than the body objected ) cylindrical to some extent ? Besides , as I proved above , it is evident in the Equinoxes : The reason is , because a dense body doth obscure and dead the light as far as it is dense ; now the earth being dense all about the entire Horizon , no wonder if it doth dead and obscure the Suns light to the extent of its Hemisphere . IV. 3. The Sun existing in the Equinoctial , doth at once illuminate the whole Hemisphere of the earth from one Pole to the other . If the Sun existing in the Meridian , is seen at once by those under the torrid Zone from the Ascension of the AEquator , that are 90 degrees off Eastward , and as many Westward from its Descension ; then the Sun must also be seen as many degr . off to the Southward as to the Northward , that is to each Pole , because the Sun being globous , doth obtend the air equally about to all the parts of the Compass . But the Sun in the Meridian is seen at one time by those that are 90 degr . Eastward or Westward ; ergo . V. 4. By so many degrees as the Sun declineth to the North , by so many degrees doth a perfect shadow or darkness cover the South polar Earth ; and the like conceive of the South Declination . 5. The Suns gradual declination causes a prolongation or abbreviation of its diurnal light and shadow , or the equality and inequality of the daies and nights . 6. The Sun is much greater than he appeares to be , because the clouds and depth of the air do diminish its species , in the manner of a great fire appearing but like a small spark at a great distance . Astronomers are not only forward in prescribing the bigness of the Stars , but also their distances ; And how is that possible , since they cannot sensibly demonstrate the Diameter of the World , or define any certain extent in the Heavens for to compare another Terrestrial length unto ? neither can they ever find out an exact account of any length upon the Earth responding to a degree of any of the Orbs of Heaven : If so , what do all their observations touching the Stars Paralaxis amount unto ? VI. The body of the Sun is usually expressed as resembling a mans face , whose Marks and Signatures are nothing else but certain protuberancies and spots ; The like is apparent in the Moons face . These protuberancies are nothing but inequalities of their cloudy bodies appearing like unto clouds in the air , thicker or more compact in one place , and thinner and looser in another . The Telescopium or Prospective Glass discerns those spots to be moveable : and not unlikely , since they , being the external parts of those gross and looser clouds , are apt to be displaced and change their situation through the obtrusion befalling them by the most rapid motion of the Heavens . These do sometimes increase and accrease either through dispersion or apposition of new clouds floating here and there in the Planets their way as they move , which oft causes a distinction of their bigger or lesser appearance at some times than at others . VII . The Moon is by all Astronomers believed to be less than the terrestrial globe , because the shadow of the eclipse of the Sun is much too little to obtenebrate all the Earth . But supposing the Sun to be of so inapparent a bigness and distance from the Earth as the vulgar of Astronomers do receive him to be of , and the Moon to be of a far greater distance from the Earth than she is , certainly the shadow , which she would cast must be much less than her body , although it were forty times bigger than it is , because the Sun being greater than she must according to the ordinary Doctrine of shadows only suffer her to cast a conical shadow , whose extreme point not reaching to the Earth , or if it did , could not be a certain token , whence to draw the proportion or distance of Stars . Wherefore according to their own principles , the Moon may be conceived to exceed the Earth far in bigness , since they cannot attain to any probable account of the distances of the Stars . 2. We must also suppose the Moon to be a lucid body , ( although yielding to the Sun in that particular ) and therefore to illuminate the Earth somewhat ; for otherwise in every total perfect Eclipse it would prove as dark as pitch ; if so , what ground doth there remain to take measure of her shadow , since her light , ( or shadow , that is a lesser light in comparison to that of the Sun ) doth according to our rule of light extend to a far greater bigness than her self is ? Whence it appears , that for all their Mathematical Demonstrations the Moon may be bigger or lesser than the Earth . VIII . However the Moon is by far lesser than the Earth ; because of its small light , which it casteth , and other reasons produced from the minorating of the Sun , which do likewise conclude the Moon to be lesser than the Sun , but bigger than any of the other Stars . The Moon is the lowest of all the Stars ; because she is the least lucid of any , and consequently must be most terrestrial and aqueous , through which principles she must doubtless yield to be lowest depressed by the fiery Region , in that manner as I have formerly setdown . 2. Because she moves the quickest ( or in another sense the slowest , as you may read before ) through the Zodiack , which must needs suppose the Circumference of her Circuit to be the least . 3. Because she cannot be seen , unless at a nearer distance than the others may . IX . The Moon through her diurnal course from East to . West absolves no more than 346 deg . 49 min. 24 sec. 58 third . 52 four . 38 fif . that is , is so much retarded * , or is moved so much slower than the fiery Region : So that in 27 daies , 7 hours , 43 min. 5 sec. 8 th . she is retarded 360 deg . or the extent of a whole Circle . She is in the same manner , as we have proposed concerning the Sun , shoved from North to South , and from South back to North a degree and some minutes every day , her greatest declination being 28. deg . 30 min. and her greatest Latitude 5 degrees . But you must not apprehend , although I say , that the Moon is removed from the Ecliptick 5 deg . that therefore she is seated 5 degrees beyond the Sun , notwithstanding her greatest digression from the Ecliptick , yet she is and appears nearer to the Equinoctial bbbb than he : Suppose one standing upon the surface of the Earth any where between m and p ; I say that the Moon existing in the Merid. eq ; and in her greatest Latitude near e , viz. from the Ecliptick , is and appears nearer to the Equinoctial bbbb , than the Sun doth in o , because the Line from o to b is longer , than from the Center of the Moon near e o b. Whence you may conceive , that the Moon is nearer to the Lquinoctial , although seated beyond the Ecliptick . 2. That the degrees of the Orb of the Moon are so much less proportionally , as the Orb of the Moon is less than the Orb of the Sun. But to pursue the Moons Motion into Latitude : Star-Gazers do observe her to appear sometimes higher and lowe in her Perigao and Apogaeo ; Not because of her Epicycle , but because of the Aspect of the Sun , which doth sometimes reflect its light stronger upon her , and so makes her to seem higher * , besides the medium of the air being by means of that Aspect so attenuated † , it must needs produce a prolongation of the object , like to a thin Glass representing the object to be much farther distant than it is . As the said attenuation renders an object more distant , so it renders it also less , whence it is that the Moon appears lesser in her pro longation . That the moveth swifter sometimes than other times is likewise a meer appearance , hapning through the extension and prolongation of the object and Medium : So on the contrary the incrassation of the air through the remoteness of the Sun causeth the Moon to seem to move slower , and to be bigger and nearer ; as when she is in her Perigaeo . The same hapneth , when we see through a thick Glass , or in looking upon an object through the water , seeming nearer and bigger , and to move slower . I am not to describe you here the meaning of Solar and Lunar Eclipses , alone the cause of their variation : viz. depending upon the difference of declination in the Sun , and of declination and latitude in the Moon ; for he being constantly in making his progress cannot be ever met or overtaken by the Moon at the same place and time . I shall spend no more time in discoursing upon the motion of the three superiour Planets , since their motion and manner of it may easily be apprehended by what hath been proposed . XI . What concerns the constant , equal , and ranked motion of the fixed Stars , it is to be attributed to the cohesion or linking of those equal large clouds of the second Region of fire , wherein the said Lights are fixed , moving them equally and constantly in that fixation . Their Scintillation is nothing else but their flames quavering upon the obtended air , hapning through their recurrent motion , or quavering accurss to one another . AN APPENDIX Of Problems resolved by our Principles . CHAP. I. Problems relating to the Earth . 1. Why two weighty bodies are not moved downwards in parallel Lines . 2. Why a great Stone is more difficultly moved on the top of a high hill than below . 3. VVhy a pair of Scales is easier moved empty than ballanced . 4. VVhence it is that a man may carry a greater weight upon a VVheel-barrow than upon his back . 5. VVhy a weighty body is easier thrust forward with a Pole , than immediately by ones arms : besides 5 other Probl. more . 6. VVhy a stick thrust into a hole if bended is apt to be broke near the hole . VVhat the cause of the relaxation of a bowed stick is . 7. VVhether Gold doth attract Mercury . 8. VVhy the herb of the Sun , vulgarly called Chrysanthemum Peruvianum , obverteth its leaves and flowers to the Sun wheresoever he be . 9. VVhy the Laurel is seldom or never struoken by Lightning . I. WHy are not two or more weights depressed down to the Earth in parallel lines , but in flead thereof come nearer and nearer to one another the lower they descend ? II. It is confirmed by many trials , that a great stone is more difficultly moved on the plain of the top of a high hill , than on the plain of a low level ground ; And that a great mass of any Mineral may be easier rouled out of its place deep in the Mines by one , than by three or four on the Surface of the earth . You demand the reason . I answer , That the air being more forcible ( as we have shewed before ) on the tops of hills , doth more potently depresse the stone against the plain of the hill , and so detains it there ; no wonder then if it prove so slow in motion . Likewise is the air of a greater energy on the Surface than deep under the earth , where it is discontinuated by weighty minims forced out of the earths bowels in expelling the perigrin air , whose contiguous depression ( to wit of the air , being discontinuated by the said weighty minims ) doth also contribute much to the rouling of a Mineral , because we roul a weighty body by depressing it against the ground , in which action our force is not only strengthned , but the weighty body is also impelled forward ( but by refraction ) by the aid of the said weighty minims . Here you may reply , That the air doth also depress the body downwards , and consequently detain it . I answer , ( Besides what I have stated in the solution of the six Problems at the 3 Art. ) that as far as the air is continuous , and so depresseth a body , it doth detain it within its continuity , but being rendred contiguous by the discontinuating weighty minims grants passage to any impelled body . The first part of the Solution is apparent in drawing any weighty body under water through it , where you may perceive a very forcible detention by reason of the continuity of the parts of the water ; the latter in drawing it through fire . What concerns Dr. Gilberts Magnetick Effluvia , & Monsieur Gassendy his rigid Cords or Hooks , which are by some borrowed to explain the differences of intention of Gravity , are sutil , since they are only pulled out of their Phanfies without any probable proof for either . III. The precedent Solution may also be applied to this Problem , viz. Why a pair of Scales are easier moved being empty , than when balanced by equal weights . IV. Whence is it , that a man may carry a greater weight upon a Wheelbarrow than upon his back ? I answer , Because in carrying a weight upon a Wheelbarrow he only thrusts it forward , and is assisted by the contiguous pressure of the air , qualified as we have proposed in the 2 Problem . 2. Because the Wheel being circular is easily propelled . A circular body is easier propelled , because it is thrust forward upon single points , which it is certain yield obedience with the least resistance to the force impelling . 3. Because of the reason of the fift Problem . V. A man impelling a weighty body from him , shall easier impel it by making use of a Pole to thrust it forwards , than if he tumbled it along with his arms only ; whence it is , that they usually affix a long Iron handle to those great rouling stones , that are used in Gardens for to even the ground . 2. One shall cast a stone further with a sling , than without it . 3. Likewise a stroke given with a hammer with a long handle , is much more forcible , than if made by one with a short handle ; or striking with a long handled hammer , the stroke shall be of a greater force if held by the farther end of it , than if otherwise taken hold nearer to the hammer . 4. A cuff given with a swing of ones arm , makes by far a greater impression than a thump . 5. A stick is easier broken upon ones knee the farther the hands are removed from it * ; and the harder , the nearer they are applied . 6. The longer an Oar is , the swifter the vection of the Boat is , although impelled with the same force that a shorter may be . All these being Problematically proposed are resolved by one and the same answer : viz. Supposing the air to press so potently downwards , I say , that it being shoven and elevated before at the body propelled , ( supposing it also to be continuous , and consequently not complicable , that is contiguously introceding , as I have told you before , ) is forced to rise up , and to sink down again behind at the place , out of which it was propelled but the instant before , where through that violent and most swift descent and refraction against the body of the Propulsor and of the backward air , must needs shove hard between the body propelled , and the propulsor , and backward air , and so by that means must add a great force to the impulse of the said weighty body . This premitted I say , 2. That the more or the greater body of air is moved by the greater or longer impelled body , the stronger , swifter , and easier the said greater or longer body must be impelled . Hence we must also deduce the reason , why a body being already in motion , is easier moved forwards , than one that is at rest . 3. I say that a Globous Body is easiest impelled , because the Air meeting with no resistance or stay by Angles , slides quicker over it , and consequently driveth the faster : besides an angular Body having many plain sides , ( breaking the force of the Air , ) doth not force the air so much as a globous body , that inverting the air quite contrary into a circular Figure upwards , ( whereas naturally it striveth in a circular Figure downwards , ) whereby the Air is much irritated and intended in its force . Why an angular Body resisteth an impulse stronger , is , because the Air in depressing downwards takes faster hold of it in pressing upon its Plane , being thereby and its angles hindred or cut off from sliding off , as appears in the quadrangular stone exhibited in this apposed Scheme , where you may plainly see the difference of the figures of the air in its elevation by bodies of various figures . Here may be objected against these subconclusions , that the air , were it of that force , as to superadd so much to the impulsor and impulse , would evidently press down the loose Coat of the driver , and be plainly felt by him . Touching the force of the air , no doubt but it is very great , according to the commotion and irritation thereof , as appears in expelling the flame out of a Gun ; in bursting thick Glass bottels , &c. 2. It doth not press down the loose garments of the impulsor , because they are supported by air underneath , and being very pervious , and therefore not resisting gives passage to their meeting . 3. It s force is not felt , because it is equal and presseth the propulsor forward with a gradual , equal and smooth force . VI. Why is a Stick being thrust some part of it into a Hole apter to be broke near the Hole , if bended , than any where else ? I Answer , that through the bending of the Stick , the moveable parts of it , viz. the air , water and fire that are perfused within throughout its Pores , are compressed towards the other end , where being stopt through the compression of the sides of the Hole , do tumefie the Stick there , whereby together with the continuation of the force bending it is disrupted . The said Spirits recurring in a Stick bowed only , and not broken , cause the relaxation of the inflexion , forcing the solid parts of the Stick into their pristine position by their return . VII . Whether Gold doth attract Mercury ? Answ. The Vulgar imagineth it to be so ; because a piece of Gold being held in a Patients Mouth , that is a salivating , or lately hath salivated by Mercurials , is changed white through its attracting the Mercury . But how should it attract ; by its Volatick Spirits possibly ? No certainly ; for the whole Rabble of Chymical Vulcans finds its Spirits to be fixed beyond those of all other Bodies . How then ? Not by acting a distanti ; Ergo it is fallacious , that Gold attracts Mercury , and more probable , that the spirits of Mercury being ordinarily termed fugitive , cannot be coagulated or collected , but by the densest body , whence it is that only Gold doth collect and coagulate its spirits about its Surface . VIII . Why doth the Herb of the Sun vulgarly called Chrysantemum Peruvianum , or Crowfoot of Peru , ( because its Leaves and Flowers resemble those of our Crowfoot ) turn the faces of its Leaves and Flowers about with the Sun ? Answ. Because the Sun through its igneous Beames doth rarefie that side of the Leaves and Flowers which is obverted to it , whereby he doth expel their continuous streames , whose egress doth attract or incline them that way whither they are expelled , in the same manner as we have explained the Attraction of the Loadstone . IX . Why is the Laurel seldom or never struck by Lightning ? Answ. Because it is circumvested with a thick slimy Moysture , which doth easily shove or slide off the Glance of a Lightning . CHAP. II. Containing Problemes relating to Water . 1. Why is red hot Iron rendered harder by being quencht in cold water ? 2. Whence is it there fals a kind of small Rain every day at noon under the AEquinoctial Region ? 3. How Glass is made . 4. Whence it is that so great a Mole as a Ship yields to be turned by so small a thing as her Rudder . 5. What the cause of a Ships swimming upon the water is . 6. Whether all hard waterish bodies are freed from fire . I. VVHy is red hot Iron rendered harder by being quencht in cold water ? Answ. Because the water doth suddenly pierce into the Pores of iron , being now open , and violently expel the fire and air , ( both which , as we have shewed in B. 1. Part 2. are the sole Causes of the softness of a body , ) and being expelled , leave the same indurated by the weighty Elements pressing more forcibly and harder to their Center . II. Whence is it , that there fals a kind of small Rain every day from 11 or 12 of the Clock to 2 or 3 in the Afternoon , under the AEquinoctial Region ? Answ. The Sun at his Rising and Descending , doth through his oblique Rayes excite a multitude of small vapours , which through the privative coldness of the air in the night are concreased into small clouds , but reduced into drops of rain through the Suns rarefaction or fiery minims when he is perpendicularly imminent upon them . III. How is Glass made ? Answ. The matter of ordinary Glass is generally known to be Ashes , or Chalck burnt out of stones , or both . The Venice Glasses , differing from others in clearness and transparency , are made out of chalck burnt out of stones , which they fetch from Pavia by the River Ficinum , and the ashes of the weed Kall , growing in the deserts of Arabia between Alexandria and Rossetta , which the Arabians make use of for fuell . In the first Book , second Part , I have told you , how a body was reduced into ashes through the expulsion of its thinner glutinous moisture by the vibrating fiery minims . The same fire being intended doth through its greater violence enter , mollifie , diduct , and thence melt and equallize the courser thick remaining glutinous moisture by its own presence together with the air , which it imports along with it , whereby the Terrestial minims , that were before clotted , are exactly and equally spread throughout the foresaid thick glutinous moisture . The fire and air being only admitted from without , & not incorporated with the said bodies through want of a matrix , & because they being in that extream overpowring quantity , that they may as easily free themselves from the said body , as they entered , are expelled again as soon as they are exposed to the cold ambient air , and so desert the body , leaving it glib , smooth , continuously hard , friable , rigid , and transparent . So that it appears hence , that Glass is nothing but water reduced nearer to its absolute nature , ( which we have shewed is hard and clear , ) by freeing it from the thin glutinous moisture ( or air and fire incorporated with a small proportion of water ) through barning its first subject into ashes , and afterwards by uniting , diducting , and equallizing its own parts contained in the ashes . By the forementioned thick or course glutinous moisture I intend a mixture of much water incorporated with a little earth , and least air and fire . That Glass is water nearer reduced to its absolute nature I shall prove by its properties . 1. That glib smoothness of Glass depends upon the continuity of the parts of water , necessarily accompanied by a glib smoothness , because it doth not consist of any contiguous rough minims . 2. It is continuously hard , because water of her absolute nature is continuously hard . 3. It is friable , because the water is throughout divided by the minims of earth , which render it so brittle and rigid ; whereas were it all water , it would be harder than any stone : It is transparent , because it is but little condensed by earth , whose condensation renders all bodies obscure . 2. Because it is luminous , that is , apt to receive the lumen from any lucid body , as being throughout porous , through which it is rendred capable of harbouring the obtended air . Glass is distinguisht from Crystallin hardness and transparency , because this latter appropriates more of water in her absolute state , and less of earth . IV. Whence is it , that so great a mole as a Ship yields so readily in turning or winding to so small a thing as a Rudder ? This Problem will make plain , that an impulse is intended by a medium , or deferens . A Ship swimming in the water , and being impelled by the wind or a board-hook , raiseth the water into a tumour before at her bowes , which is violently impelled , what by the air lifted up by the tumour , what by her own bent to recover that place behind at the stern , whence it was first propelled , ( and where you shall alwaies observe a hollowness in the water , proportionable to her rising before , ) and therefore , as you may see , runs swiftly about both the sides , and meeting in both the streams abaft doth propel the Ship forward by a reflection ; and this you may also perceive in taking notice of that most eager meeting of the streams of water from both sides behind at the Rudder , which being removed to either side , viz. To Star-boord , or Lar-boord side , directs the Ship towards the sides ; because the force of the water in returning doth beat hard against that side of the Rudder , which is obverted to her , as resisting most and collecting her force is shoved towards the opposite side of the Stern , whereby her head comes too to the other side ; whence we may plainly observe , that a Ship doth not begin to turn before , but alwaies abaft . This I prove , A Ship hitting her breech against the ground at Sea usually striketh abaft , because she draweth more water there than before ; now the shoving of the Helm to the other side brings her off immediately , and brings her head too ; which is a certain sign , that a Ship is moved from abaft , and begins first to turn there . If it is so , it is beyond doubting , that the force of the water is forcible behind beyond imagination , and thence adding that intention to the impulse . V. What is the cause of the swimming of a Board or Ship upon the water ? Because the water being continuously thick coheres together and will not suffer her self to be divided , whereby they happen to be lifted up by the water . VI. Whether all hard waterish bodies are freed from fire ? No , For although a slame is extinguisht by them , yet that hinders not , but that fire may be contained within them in particles , and close shut up between their pores ; This appears in Crystal , which being smartly struck by another hard body , doth emit sparks of slaming fire from it , like unto a Flint . So neither is Ice it self bare within its pores of some small particles of fire . CHAP. III. Comprizing Problems touching the Air. 1. Whether Air be weighty . 2. Whether a Bladder blown up with wind be heavier than when empty . 3. Why water contained in a beer glass , being turned round with ones hand , doth turn contrary against the motion of the Glass . 4. Why a breath being blown with a close mouth doth feel cool , and efflated with a diducted mouth feel warm . 5. Why an armed point of an Arrow groweth hot in being shot through the air . 6. Why Beer or Wine will not run out of the Cask without opening a hole atop . 7. What difference there is between an Oricane and a Travada . 8. Whether it be true that Winds may be hired from Witches or Wizards in Iseland . 9. Why is it quieter in the night than in the day ? I. VVHether Air be weighty ? Answ. Air considered as enjoying its Center , is light and doth not participate of any weight , since it would only move from the Center to the Circumference , and ever force extraneous bodies upwards ; Ergo Air absolutely conceived is only light . 2. Air in its present state is also weighty ( but accidentally only , and not essentially , ) because of its sinking downwards towards the Center . II. Whether a Bladder blown up with wind be heavier than when empty ? Answ. There hath been trial made of this ( to wit , of the weight of a bladder blown up by Bellows atop of a high hill ) in a pair of Scales , and it was found that an empty bladder weighed heavier than one filled with wind ; the same is also deprehended by casting them both into the water , where we shall find the empty bladder first to be equal with the Surface of the water , and afterwards to sink down a little , whereas the windy one swimmeth atop . The cause is , by reason a bladder extended by the air within is supported by it , and being rendred more porous and subtil through its obduction the air doth easily pass without any resistance , and therefore doth not depress it so much as an empty bladder , which through its corrugation and lesser diduction is more dense , and therefore receiving the depressing force of the air much stronger , besides being more acute , is apter for to cut through the inferiour air ; whereas a bladder blown up is obtuse and doth as it were swim in the air : But if a bladder be blown up with ones breath , then doubtless it will prove heavier than an empty one , because of the vaporous or heavy waterish air contained within . III. Why doth the water , contained in a beer glass being turned round with your hand , turn contrary against the motion of the glass ; the same is observed in rouling a barrel full of water , where the liquor turns contrary against the barrel ? Ans. The water is here detained flat , or held fast by the air sinking down , whence it is , that the water seems to move against the motion of the Vessel , being glib , or slippery and smooth , and therefore not detaining the vessel in its motion . IV. Why doth a breath being blown with a close mouth feel cool , and efflated with a diducted mouth feel warm ? Answ. Because the breath or incrassated air of a close mouth is more united and longer continuated , whereby it doth vigorously puffe the ambient air , whose compression felt , causes cold , as I have explained it in Book 1. Part 2. Now through the union of the incrassated air that is efflated , the hot minims of the breath are deeply and equally impressed into the substance of the vaporous air , whence their vertue is also suppressed ; but in breathing of the said air out of an open mouth the fiery minims do come forth in troops unequally and but superficially mixt in or supported by the said incrassated air , whence they abide energick ; besides the air being but little puffed makes little or no compression : Hence you may also collect a reason , why the air doth refrigrate being agitated with a Fan. V. Why doth an armed point of an Arrow grow hot in being shot through the air ? Answ. Because its body and pores are somewhat opened by the air grinding against it , whereby its fiery parts procure an occasion of being unired and condensed . This doth also resolve us , why a Knife being smartly whetted emits sparks of fire ; or why a Flint being struck hard against a piece of Steel doth likewise sparkle fire from it , viz. because its solid parts are opened and disjoyned through the concussion , whereby the fiery minims happen to be united and condensed . Likewise many cold bodies by being chawed or contrited do afterwards grow hot . VI. Why will not Beer or Wine run out of the Cask without opening a hole atop ? Answ. Because of the continuous adhesion , or cohesion of the continuous parts of the liquor to the continuous parts of the Cask ; but as soon as it is averruncated , divided , and impelled downwards by the air entring at the upper hole , it runs freely out of the Tap. That it is the air entring atop which presseth out the liquor is apparent by the cavity atop , which the fore-impulse of the air entring causeth . VII . What difference is there between an Oricane and a Travada . Answ. An Oricane is usually much more violent , and therefore also much less lasting , bursting down circularly from all parts like to a Whirlwind . A Travada is more lasting and less violent , and erupts directly down , from one tract , and in no wise circularly , which as it oft rages upon the Seas off the shores of Coramandel , Manicongo , Guiny , &c. so the former is more frequent in the West-Indian Climates . VIII . Whether it be true , that Winds may be hired from Witches or Wizzards in Iseland ? Answ. It is certain , that the Winds blow very variously and manifold about that Island , insomuch that it is not rare to see Ships sailing several courses at once , all of them being equally favoured by a good wind . The cause of this being vulgarly not known , hath occasioned people to brand the old men and women there with Witchcraft , whom the roughness of the air may cause to look rugged like the devils correspondents , selling the winds by retail . The causes of this variety are great winds , erupting oft out of several holes of the earth about the Island , especially about the Mount Hecla , which many believe to be the mouth of hell , because of those prodigious thunders and murmurings of winds that are perceived thereabout . IX . Why is it quieter in the night than in the day ? Answ. Because in the day the air being fluid and continuous is agitated into waves by the Suns fiery beams , whose bodies clashing together cause a small noise in the day , which the night season is freed of . CHAP. IV. Containing Problems touching the fire . 1. Why doth water cast upon unquencht chalk or lime become boyling . 2. Why doth common salt make a cracking noise , when cast into the fire . 3. Who were the first inventers of Gunpowder . 4. VVhat are the Ingredients of Gunpowder . 5. VVhence arrives all that flaming fire , that followeth the kindling of Gunpowder . 6. Whence is it that Gunpowder being kindled in Guns erupts with that force and violence ? I. VVHy doth water cast upon unquencht chalk or lime become boyling ? Answ. Because fire in lime is detained or imprisoned within a thick glutinous moisture , which being attenuated through the thinner moisture of water , is forced to suffer the igneous parts before dispersed and imprisoned to unite , whence being condensed and incompassed by a thin glutinous air is changed into a hidden flame , whereby the water is rendred boyling hot . II. Why doth common salt make a cracking noise , when cast into the fire ? Answ. Because the flaming fire exufflating the spirituous air of the salt within its body , doth also force it to burst out , the report whereof is not unlike to a cracking noise . III. Who were the first inventers of Gunpowder ? Answ. In the first place touching the dispute , whether the invention of it is to be adscribed to the Chineses or the Europeans , it is very probable , the Chineses were the first Authors of Gunpowder , because they were found practising upon it at the same time that it was first invented in Europe . Next , who was the Author of it among the Europeans is uncertain , but certain , that he was a German , whose name some would call Berthold Swarts a Monck of Friburg , said to have found it out accidentally , by leaving a mixture of Saltpeter and Sulphur in a Mortar , covered with a stone , whereinto a spark of the candle lighting by chance , forced the stone up with no small report ; from this he was also supposed to have taken the fabrick of a Gun. IV. What are the ingredients of Gunpowder ? Answ. Its materials are ordinarily Saltpeter , Sulphur , and dust of Charcoal : All which being very igneous do very much intend one anothers force in blowing up a fire . V. Whence arrives all that flaming fire , that followeth the kindling of Gunpowder ? Ans. The Saltpeter , which is the chiefest of the ingredients , consisting of very weighty dense and waterish parts , contains a great proportion of fiery minims within its body , but dispersed through those weighty parts and suppressed by them ; these being somewhat diducted and opened through the rarefying and expanding vertue of an external actual flaming fire , give occasion to the fiery minims interwoven with incrassated air to unite , and through the compression of the weighty parts to be condensed , whence erupting into the air doth attract other fire latent ( or rather is forced to it by the accurss of the ambient air ) and dispersed throughout the air , whereby its flame is much amplified and continuated ; for it seemeth very improbable , that so much fire should have been latent in the Gunpowder as the flame requires . 2. The dilatation of the said erupting flame is also attenuated by the accurss of the air , expanding the thick and course erupting flame gradually into a thinner larger flame ; whence it is that the flame near where the Powder was kindled appears dusky red , and further off light and flashy . VI. Whence is it , that Gunpowder being kindled in Guns erupts with that force and violence ? Answ. The Powder being kindled into a flame at the Touch-hole , divides or discontinuates the air more than any other body imaginable , whereunto the air accurrs from all parts , especially from above , with the greatest velocity and force , for to expell the flame , which being propagated further , partly by its own force , partly by the intrusion of the air , causeth a more violent discontinuation of air within being pent up , whereunto again a greater power of air accedes from without and attenuates the flame within , whereby together with the compression of the sides of the Gun , and the great access of air from without the flame is violently expelled , effecting a great report through its disrupting and pluffing of the air . Here observe , 1. How the flame is augmented within the Gun ; not by a vertual rarefaction , as if the parts of the Gunpowder could be augmented without access of other matter from without ; for that would suppose either a Vacuum , and a new creation of parts , or a penetration , and an annihilation of foregoing parts . Wherefore , I say , it is augmented by attracting fire out of the acceding air ; and secondly , by being attenuated and diducted into a large flame by the parts of the irrupting air . 2. That it is the air entring at the touch-hole , that doth expell the flame , is evident . 1. Because the air is shut out before by the bullet and tow . 2. The touch-hole being stopt at the next instant after the Powder begins to kindle , the flame is immediately suppressed and extinguisht , or at least bursleth up behind . Whence it doth appear , that it is the air entring doth attenuate ( vulgarly termed rarefie ) and expand the flame , which the advenient fire doth augment ; and that the said air doth expell the flame out at the muzzel . 3. That the air doth make use of the weighty minims of the salt-peter in compressing and expelling the flame outwards . 4. Why is a hot glass bursted by casting a drop of cold water upon it ? Answ. Because the fiery minims contained within its pores are condensed and violently compressed by the gravity of the water , whereby they are forced to disrupt the glass . Why doth a woodden Arrow , being shot out of a Gun , pierce deeper than an Iron one ? Answ. Because the woodden one gives way into it self , or shrinks as it makes a hole , whence being rendred lesser passeth the easier through : whereas an Iron one is stubborn , and is rather somewhat flatned against the body aimed at , whence being rendred more obtuse and bigger at the point , is hindred in penetrating . Labore & constantia . Soli Deo triuni gloria & honos in Saecula Saeculorum , AMEN . Errata . PAge 9. line 12. dele that . p. 11. l. 3. read into . p. 21. l. 20. after Pellines , &c. must be inserted those words below , beginning l. 30. I was much abused , &c. ending at l. 34. at breathing . p. 35. l. 14. r. Fire is rough . p. 44. in marg . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fundo . p. 135. l. 25. r. a man couragious . p. 144. l. 13. r. Medicine . p. 145. l. 28. r. procatarctick . p. 148. l. 4. r. it s naturall . p. 167. l. 18. r. the lumina . p. 170. l. 21. for are r. is . p. 191. l. 26. r. Cyzicum . p. 194. l. 15. r. in oyl , for that is a tast mixt out of a waterish and ayry tast . The rest are intermediate , as bitter , acerbe , acid , and salt . p. 196. l. 12. r. assimilation . p. 197. l. 1 , 3. r. Lynx . l. 12. r. very near . p. 198. l. 5. r. Fish. l. 9. r. do . l. 20. r. A Cat is delighted . p. 230. l. 21. r. An Opale . p. 238. l. 19. r. White Chalck . p. 330. l. 6 , 9. r. rise . p. 331 l. 36. r. Perinaean . p. 343. l. 31. r. within . p. 350. l. 16. r. River . p. 363. l. 23. r. 28. p. 398. l. 34. r. doth . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43008-e22630 Hence Ovid , Ingenuas didicisse sideliter artes , Emollit mores , nec sinit esse feros * Take form in a large sense , as it doth imply an Essence or entire Being . Notes for div A43008-e25640 * By really understand effectively & properly . * So a possible being , which is a non ens reale may be concelved to be an ens rationis . By Figure understand ; the Habit of Modes in one essence Notes for div A43008-e37960 Aver . Met. 7. c. 3. Tho. A. p. 1. q. 77. 1. Art. c. 1. Herv . qual . 1. q 9. Apol. de an . q 7. Thom. p. 1. q. 77. Art. 6. That is . a parte actus . * That is , by a formal reality , or such , as any other operation of the mind might adjudge to be formally real , or to respond from without to that distinct formality , which it conceiveth from within . Notes for div A43008-e41750 * Chap. 3. v. 17. and Chap. 1. v. 5. Lib. 1. cap. 1. Ethie . * Luc. 8. None is good but God alone * L a. Ty. * Namely from Theology , that is , from its neerest , end , or Summum Bonum . * Mark that practick here imports practick strictly so called , and poetick . * For even then he is assisted with God's ordinary power . * Not as we are like unto men , but rather unto beasts . * Take Attributes here in a large sense Col. 1. 12 , 13. Col. 1. 26 , 27. * A description of the second Paradise you may also read in Isa. 65. 17 , 18 , 19 , &c. and in the next ensuing Chapter . 2 Pet. 3. 13 and in the 21 , and 22 Chapter of the Revelat . Stob. Serm. 109. Xen. Mem. 1 , 4. Plat. dc Repub. l. 6. Lib. de Relig . c. 9. Phaed. Just. Mart. or at . Paraenet . ad Gent. Plat. Phaed. Cicer. do amic . Plat. Phaed. Lactant. l. 1. c. 5. Arist. l. de par . animal . c. 5. Notes for div A43008-e61510 Arist. Met. b. 6. c. 1. Text. 1. * That is , intirely separated existences . That is , beyond its points it is nothing . * That is , an actual vertue , or continuated act . Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fundo , sive consundo . * That is , an inequality of the elements in respect to parts or the whole , whereby the central parts are perfused with more hear or spirits then the circumferential ones , but notwithstanding the mixture is equal in particles . * That is , in the whole , yet in parts , or if not in parts , they are in particles . * Or rather is expressed by the overpowering gravity of the weighty clements , as you may read below in the Chap. of Vacuum . * Or rather are the easier expelled by the down pres●ing earth . * Hereby the earthy & waterish parts are divided from the light ones and cast aside ; hence it is that we spy such a clodding together of waterish & earthy particles , and their separation from the light humours in bloud drawn from a feaverish patient . * By taking advice from our sense . * That is the spirits dispersed through the optick ayr . * That is lucid . * That is equal in proportion . * To wit extrinsecally by peregrin water . * That is homogeneously continuous . * Compare the quoted place , other wise you will scarce apprehend the sense of these consequences . * Because it is represented without being terminated by any mixt colour . * By pinching here do not understand a greater obtension , but rather a relaxing or withdrawing from , or a contraction of the light , and drawing of it from the sight by being relaxed , drowned , & deaded by a dense weighty body . * Or rather by coagulating the white salt of the Aq. Fort. * Or a reflection continuated . * Namely of an opake body . * That is inheres in the air like an accident in its substance . † Whereas an accident and its substance are not really different , as hath been proved in my Metaph * That is fire not converted into a flame . * viz. The pallate and gills . Notes for div A43008-e96870 * Or a perspective-Glass first invented some 40 or 50 years ago by Jacobus Metius of Alcmaer , although accidentally by holding one piece of glass before another to his eye , whereof the nearest was somewhat thicker thē the other . * To wit , from the extreme circumference of the second region , to the circumference of the first . * Because of its depressing weight . * viz. To operate presently from the stomack upon the heart , as soon as the medicament is swallowed down . * The beast it self wherin it is found they call Pazan . * And in the Island Vacquas , near the mouth of the Gulph of cambain , likewise in the Country of Pan near Malacca . * I have wittingly omitted the inferring the Draconite , as being dubious whether any such be in nature . * In the iense ex pressed in the Chapt. of temp . * Suppose them to be transversly contorted inclining from East to West , & most to terminate obliquely into the poles , especially the North Pole in its North Hemisphere . † That is in the North Hemisphere * To wit most in its lower region . * To wit , the Sun. * Namely , of the Needle . * To wit , the latent fire into which the extinguisht flame was dissolved . * Except where it is condensed . * Or by incision * Of each dissimilar part in particular . * From the Buleares Ilands , to wit , Majorca & Minorca . * From Baltheus a Belt , because it environeth Sconen like a Belt. * These should have have been inserted in the preceding Chap. * Or 30 single periods . * Hence you may collect the cause of the retardation of the tide every day . * Namely at the bottom underneath : ergo the waters must also begin to move from underneath * viz. The east & west grove . * Namely the west grove . * Take notice by the way , that by Grove I do not intend any thing like to a Grove of trees , as the word is derived from growing ; but a cavern , as the same word is derived from Groven or to grave into the earth . * For one drop of water in an AEolipile is attenuated into a great blast of wind or air as the vulgar may call it : Ergo , &c. * That is underneath some what what remote from the reach of the water atop . * Or rather to be bo●ed or pr●fied through . * And likewise the air about the Poles irrupting into the water as you may read in the next Chapter . * To wit , by the crushing of the air tending downwards . * Add hereunto the rarefying beams of the Sun , intending the force of the internal air towards the circumference , in the same manner as you shall read it to be intended within the Earth in the next Chapter . * These are very frequent off the Cape de bona Esper. where Sailers term them Travadas . * Namely , off the short of Cuba and Hispaniola . * Or rather is detruded . * Like Gun powder suddenly taking fire , & causing a violent noise , when discharged out of a gun , or any other close hollow body . * Except they be descended so low , as to find themselves seated within the upper erratick clouds . * Besides it appears plainly in a Thermometer . * To wit externally . * Besides acutenesse , as we have observed in the 1 B. 2 Par. as a concomitant of Density , whereby a weighty body is also the better disposed to cut through the inferiour part of the air , when pressed from the superiour . * As in fountains that are led over a mountain , or in Machins that raise the water higher than its source . * To wit , impressed upon the air by the Projector . * Namely , for to recover its place and to avoid a penetration of bodies . * In the same manner as we have described the air to force up water in vapours . * To wit , being incorporated with fire . * Compare the generation of winds hereunto , for the manner is the same of both . * That is , is bound up by the continuous tenuity of the air . * Witness the ●…sones . * viz. the adventitious matter : * Otherwise if held near to it , it is conical . * viz. as there are restant deg . from 346 deg . 49 min. &c. to 360 degr . * That is , remoter . † But accidentally , by expelling those vapours that incrassate it . Notes for div A43008-e134850 * To wit , from the knee . 
A61244	----	Mathematical collections and translations ... by Thomas Salusbury, Esq. Salusbury, Thomas. 1661 Approx. 1974 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 348 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61244 Wing S517 ESTC R19153 13053967 ocm 13053967 96976 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61244) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96976) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 115:17 or 185:1) Mathematical collections and translations ... by Thomas Salusbury, Esq. Salusbury, Thomas. 2 v. : ill. Printed by William Leybourn, London : 1661. Half title: Mathematical collections and translations: in two tomes. For complete contents of v. 1 of this ed. see NUC pre-1956 imprints. This item appears at reel 185:1 as Wing G166 (number cancelled in Wing 2nd ed., "part of S517"). Includes indexes. Imperfect: vol. 2, pt. 2 lacking. The work was published in two volumes, 1661-1665. It is rarely found complete, as most of the copies of vol. 2 were destroyed in the great fire of London. First 81 p. of vol. 2, pt. 1 illegible on film. Reproduction of originals in Yale University Library and Trinity College Library, Cambridge, England. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Science -- Early works to 1800. Bible and science. Stream measurements. Reclamation of land. Solar system -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion MATHEMATICAL Collections and Translations : In two TOMES . THE SYSTEME OF THE WORLD : IN FOUR DIALOGUES , Wherein the Two GRAND SYSTEMES OF PTOLOMY and COPERNICUS are largely discoursed of : And the REASONS , both Phylosophical and Physical , as well on the one side as the other , impartially and indefinitely propounded : By GALILEUS GALILEUS LINCEUS , A Gentleman of FLORENCE : Extraordinary Professor of the Mathematicks in the UNIVERSITY of PISA ; and Chief Mathematician to the GRAND DUKE of TVSCANY . Englished from the Original Italian Copy , by THOMAS SALUSBURY . ALCINOUS , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . SENECA , Inter nullos magis quam inter PHILOSOPHOS esse debet aequa LIBERTAS . LONDON , Printed by WILLIAM LEYBOURNE MDCLXI . To the most Serene Grand DUKE OF TUSCANY . THough the difference between Men and other living Creatures be very great , yet happly he that should say that he could shew little less between Man and Man would not speak more than he might prove . What proportion doth one bear to a thousand ? and yet it is a common Proverb , One Man is worth a thousand , when as a thousand are not worth one . This difference hath dependence upon the different abilities of their Intellectuals ; which I reduce to the being , or not being a Philosopher ; in regard that Philosophy as being the proper food of such as live by it , distinguisheth a Man from the common Essence of the Vulgar in a more or less honourable degree according to the variety of that diet . In this sence he that hath the highest looks , is of highest quality ; and the turning over of the great Volume of Nature , which is the proper Object of Philosophy is the way to make one look high : in which Book , although whatsoever we read , as being the Work of Almighty God , is therefore most proportionate ; yet notwithstanding that is more absolute and noble wherein we more plainly deserne his art and skill . The Constitution of the Vnivers , among all Physical points that fall within Humane Comprehension , may , in my opinion , be preferred to the Precedency : for if that in regard of universal extent it excell all others , it ought as the Rule and Standard of the rest to goe before them in Nobility . Now if ever any persons might challenge to be signally distinguished for Intellectuals from other men , Ptolomey and Copernicus were they that have had the honour to see farthest into , and discourse most profoundly of the World 's Systeme . About the Works of which famous Men these Dialous being chiefly conversant , I conceived it my duty to Dedicate them only to Your Highness . For laying all the weight upon these two , whom I hold to be the Ablest Wits that have left us their Works upon these Subjects ; to avoid a Solecisme in Manners , I was obliged to address them to Him , who with me , is the Greatest of all Men , from whom they can receive either Glory or Patrociny . And if these two persons have so farre illuminated my Understanding as that this my Book may in a great part be confessed to belong to them , well may it also be acknowledged to belong to Your Highness , unto whose Bounteous Magnificence I owe the time and leasure I had to write it , as also unto Your Powerful Assistance , ( never weary of honouring me ) the means that at length I have had to publish it . May Your Highness therefore be pleased to accept of it according to Your accustomed Goodness ; and if any thing shall be found therein , that may be subservient towards the information or satisfaction of those that are Lovers of Truth ; let them acknowledge it to be due to Your Self , who are so expert in doing good , that Your Happy Dominion cannot shew the man that is concerned in any of those general Calamities that disturb the World ; so that Praying for Your Prosperity , and continuance in this Your Pious and Laudable Custome , I humbly kiss Your Hands ; Your Most Serene Highnesses Most Humble and most devoted Servant and Subject GALILEO GALILEI . To the Noble and most perfectly Accomplished Sr. JOHN DENHAM Knight of the Noble Order of the BATH , And Surveyor General of his Maties Works , &c. SIR , I Humbly begge your Pardon for bringing this Book under your Protection . Were it a VVork of my own , or I any thing but the Translatour , I should master my Thoughts to a meaner Dedication ; But being a Collection of some of the greatest Masters in the VVorld , and never made English till now , I conceived I might sooner procure their VVelcome to a person so eminent for Noble Candor , as well as for all those Intellectual Excellencies wherewith Your Rich Soul is known to be furnished . I resolv'd to be as kind to this Book as I could , and seriously considering which way to effect it , I at last concluded to prefix Your Name , whom His Majesty and all his Subjects , ( who have a higher Sense and Judgement of Excellent Parts ) know best able to defend my Imperfections . And yet I confess there 's one thing makes against me , which is your eminent Integrity and great Affection to Truth , whereby my Lapses in a VVork of this Nature might justly despair of Shelter , but that the Excellency of Your Native Candor strives for Predominancy over all Your great Abilities . For 't is all-most impossible to think what Your Matchless VVit is not able to Conquer , would Your known Modesty but give leave : therefore Galileus , Kepler , and those other Worthies in Learning are now brought before You in English Habit , having chang'd their Latine , Italian and French , whereby they were almost Strangers to our Nation , unless to such as You , who so perfectly master the Originals . I know you have so much and great imployment for His Majesty , and his good Subjects that I shall not robb you of another Minutes loss ; besides the liberty of subscribing my Self ; SIR , Your Honours Most Humble and Most obedient Servant THOMAS SALUSBURY . MATHEMATICAL COLLECTIONS AND TRANSLATIONS : THE FIRST TOME . IN TWO PARTS . THE FIRST PART ; Containing , I. GALILEUS GALILEUS His SYSTEM of the WORLD . II. GALILEUS His EPISTLE to the GRAND DUTCHESSE MOTHER concerning the Authority of Holy SCRIPTURE in Philosophical Controversies . III. JOHANNES KEPLERUS His Reconcilings of SCRIPTURE Texts , &c. IV. DIDACUS à STUNICA His Reconcilings of SCRIPTURE Texts , &c. V. P. A. FOSCARINUS His Epistle to Father FANTONUS , reconciling the Authority of SCRIPTURE , and Judgments of Divines alledged against this SYSTEM . By THOMAS SALUSBURY , Esq. LONDON , Printed by WILLIAM LEYBOURN , MDCLXI . MATHEMATICAL COLLECTIONS AND TRANSLATIONS . THE FIRST TOME . THE FIRST PART ; Containing , I. GALILEUS GALILEUS , His SYSTEME of the World. II. GALILEUS , his EPISTLE to the GRAND DUTCHESSE Mother concerning the Authority of Sacred SCRIPTURE in Phylosophical Controversies . III. JOHANNES KEPLERUS , his Reconcilings of SCRIPTURE Texts , &c. IV. DIDACUS a STUNICA , his Reconcilings of SCRIPTURE Texts , &c. V. P. A. FOSCARINUS , his Epistle to Father FANTONUS , reconciling the Authority of Sacred SCRIPTURE , and Judgments of Divines alledged against , &c. By THOMAS SALUSBURY , Esq. LONDON , Printed by WILLIAM LEYBOURNE , MDCLXI . READER , MAthematical Learning ( to speak nothing touching the necessity & delight thereof ; hath bin so sparingly imparted to our Countrymen in their native English , especially the nobler and sublimer part , that in Compliance with the Solicitations of several of my noble and learned Friends , and the Inclinations of such as are Mathematically disposed , more especially those , who either want Time or Patience to look into the vulgar and unstudied Languages , I did adventure upon this Work of Collecting & Translating from amongst the excellent Pieces that are so abounding in the Italian and French Tongues , some of those that my own observation and the intimation of Friends were most usefull and desired , and with all most wanting in their Own. I was , indeed , at first seriously Conscious , and am now , by experience , fully convinced how disproportionate the weight of the Enterprize is to the weakness of the Vndertaker , but yet the Passion I ever had to be subservient to my Friends and Compatriots in their Inquisition after these Sublime Studies , and a Patience which I owe to the Flegme that is predominant in my Constitution , joyned with a nine-years conversence in these Languages , as also an unhappy and long Vacation that the persecutions of the late Tyrants gave me from more advantagious employments so prevailed with me , that I resolved to improve even my very Confinement to serve those Friends , whom , as the Times then stood , I could not see . The Book being for Subject and Design intended chiefly for Gentlemen , I have bin as careless of using a studied Pedantry in my Style ; as careful in contriving a pleasant and beautiful Impression . And when I had considered the hazard , and computed the charge of the undertaking , I found it to exceed the ability of a private Purse , especially of mine , that had bin so lately emptied by the hand of violent enemies , and perfidious friends ; not to make mention here of the Sums that a Loyal Reflexion upon my Princes Affairs had at the same time drawn from me ; and judg'd that the most safe , easy , and reasonable way was to invite those Persons who had appeared desirous of the Book , to be contributary to their own Contentment , by subscribing towards the charge of this Publication . And for the better management of the Work , I joyned to my self a Printer , whose Genius having rendered him Mathematical , and my overtures of profit having interessed his diligence , I was induced to promise my self a more than common Assistance from him : and at his door I with reason lay all miscarriages that concerns his Profession in the Business . In this Work I found more than ordinary Encouragement from that publick spirited Person the Reverend and Learned Dr. Thomas Barlow , Provost of Queens Colledge Oxford , and Margaret Professor in that Vniversity , as also from those two able Mathematicians and my Reall Friends Major Miles Symner , and Mr. Robert Wood of Trinity Colledge Dublin , and some few others whose Modesty hath expresly enjoin'd me a concealment of their Names . Well , at length I have got to the end of my first Stage ; and if I have not rid Post , let my excuse be that my long stay for my Warrant caused me to set out late ; and being ill mounted , and in a road full of rubbs , I could not with any safety go faster ; but hope to get it up in the next Stage , for in that I intend to shift my Horses . The names of those Authors and Treatices which I judged would most grace our Language , and gratify Students , are particularly exprest in the General Title of the two Tomes . Distinct Tomes they are as consisting of several Pieces : Collections I call them , because they have bin so published , disperst , and worn out of Print , that they very rarely meet in one hand : and Translations I own them to be , as not pretending to any thing more than the disposure and conversion of them : those Tracts only excepted which compose the second Part of the second Tome . The first Book which offers it self to your view in this Tome is that singular and unimitable Piece of Reason and Demonstration the Systeme of Galileo . The subject of it is a new and Noble p●rt of Astronomy , to wit the Doctrine and Hypothesis of the Mobility of the Earth and the Stability of the Sun ; the History whereof I shall hereafter give you at large in the Life of that famous Man. Only this by the by ; that the Reader may not wonder why these Dialogues found so various entertainment in Italy ( for he cannot but have heard that though they have been with all veneration valued , read & applauded by the Iudicious , yet they were with much detestation persecuted , suppressed & exploded by the Superstitious ) I am to tell him that our Author having assigned his intimate Friends Salviati and Sagredo the more successfull Parts of the Challenger , and Moderater , he made the famous Commentator Simplicius to personate the Peripatetick . The Book coming out , and Pope Urban the VIII . taking his Honour to be concern'd as having in his private Capacity bin very positive in declaiming against the Samian Philosophy , and now ( as he supposed ) being ill delt with by Galileo who had summed up all his Arguments , and put them into the mouth of Simplicius ; his Holiness thereupon conceived an implacable Displeasure against our Author , and thinking no other revenge sufficient , he employed his Apostolical Authority , and deals with the Consistory to condemn him and proscribe his Book as Heretical ; prostituting the Censure of the Church to his private revenge . This was Galileo's fortune in Italy : but had I not reason to hope that the English will be more hospitable , on the account of that Principle which induceth them to be civil to ( I say not to dote on ) Strangers , I should fear to be charged with imprudence for appearing an Interpreter to that great Philosopher . And in this confidence I shall forbear to make any large Exordium concerning him or his Book : & the rather in regard that such kind of Gauderies become not the Gravity of the Subject ; as also knowing how much ( coming from me ) they must fall short of the Merits of it , or him : but principally because I court only persons of Judgement & Candor , that can distinguish between a Native Beauty , and spurious Vernish . This only let me premise , though more to excuse my weakness in the menaging , than to insinuate my ability in accomplishing this so arduous a Task , that these profound Dialogues have bin found so uneasy to Translate , that neither affectation of Novelty could induce the French , nor the Translating humour perswade the Germans to undertake them . This difficulty , as I conceived , was charged either upon the Intricacy of this manner of Writing , or upon the singular Elegance in the stile of Galileo , or else upon the miscarriage of the unfortunate Mathias Berneggeius who first attempted to turn them into Latine for the benefit of the Learned World. I shall not presume to Censure the Censure which the Church of Rome past upon this Doctrine and its Assertors . But , on the contrary , my Author having bin indefinite in his discourse , I shall forbear to exasperate , and attempt to reconcile such persons to this Hypothesis as devout esteem for Holy Scripture , and dutifull Respect to Canonical Injunctions hath made to stand off from this Opinion : and therefore for their sakes I have at the end of the Dialogues by way of supplement added an Epistle of Galileo to Her Most Serene Highness Christina Lotharinga the Grand Dutchesse Mother of Tuscany ; as also certain Abstracts of John Kepler , Mathematician to two Emperours , and Didacus à Stunica a famous Divine of Salamanca , with an Epistle of Paulo Antonio Foscarini a learned Carmelite of Naples , that shew the Authority of Sacred Scripture in determining of Philosophical and Natural Controversies : hoping that the ingenious & impartial Reader will meet with full satisfaction in the same . And least what I have spoken of the prohibiting of these Pieces by the Inquisition may deterre any scrupulous person from reading of them , I have purposely inserted the Imprimatur by which that Office licenced them . And for a larger account of the Book or Author , I refer you to the Relation of his Life , which shall bring up the Reare in the Second Tome . What remains of this , is that Excellent Discourse of D. Benedetto Castelli Abbate di San Benedetto Aloysio , concerning the Mensuration of Running Waters , with other Treatises of that Learned Prelate , & of the Superintendent Corsini . Some may alledge , and I doe confess that I promised to publish the Life of Galileo in this place : But the great miscarriages of Letters from some Friends in Italy and else where , to whom I am a Debtor for several Remarques , & from whom I daily expect yet greater Helps concerning the History of that famous Personage : these disappointments , I say , joyned with the undeniable Request of some Friends , who were impatient to see Castelli in English , together with a consideration of the disproportionate Bulk that would otherwise have bin betwixt the two Volumes , perswaded me to this exchange . This deviation from my Promise I hope is Venial , and for the expiating of it I plead Supererrogation : having in each Tome made so large Aditions ( though to my great expense ) that they make neer a third part more than I stood by promise bound to Publish . That this is so will appear by comparing the Contents I here prefix with the Advertisment I formerly Printed . For not to mention those Epitomes of Kepler and à Stunica , the whole second and following Books of Castelli , were not come to my hands at the time of my penning that Paper ; yet knowing how imperfect the Volume would be without them , they being partly a supplement to the Theoremes and Problemes which the Abbot had formerly Printed , and partly experiments that had procured him and his Doctrine a very great Reputation , knowing this I say , I apprehended a necessity of publishing them with the rest : and hope that if you think not the service I have done therein worth your acknowledgement , you will yet at least account the encrease of my expence a sufficient extenuation of the Trespass that those Additions have forced me to commit upon your Patience in point of Time. As for the second Tome , I have only this to assure the Generous Readers ; 1 that I am very confident I shall be much more punctual in publishing that , than ( for the reasons above related . ) I was able to be in setting forth this : 2 that they shall not be abused in advancing of their moneys , ( as hath bin used in the like case ) by selling the remaining Copyes at an under rate ; and 3 that I have a very great care that no disesteem may by my means arise unto this way of publishing Books , for that it is of excellent use in ushering Great and Costly Volumes into the World. To say nothing of the disadvantages of Translations in general , this of mine doubtless is not without it's Errours , and oversights : but those of the Printer discounted , I hope the rest may be allowed me upon the score of Human Imbecilitie . The truth is , I have assumed the Liberty to note the Mistakes in the Florid Version of Berneggerus in the Margent , not so much to reproach him , as to convince those who told me that they accounted my pains needless , having his Latine Translation by them . The like they said of the whole two Tomes : but they thereby caused me to question their Understanding or Veracity . For some of the Books were yet never extant : As for instance ; the Mechanicks of Monsieur Des Cartes , a Manuscript which I found amongst the many other Rarities that enrich the well-chosen Library of my Learned and Worthy Friend Dr. Charles Scarburgh ; the Experiments of Gravity , and the Life of Galileo , both my own : Others were included in Volumes of great price , or so dispersed that they were not to be purchased for any money ; as those of Kepler , à Stunica , Archimedes , Tartaglia , and the Mechanicks of Galileo : And the remainder , though easyer to procure , were harder to be understood ; as Tartaglia his notes on Archimedes , Torricellio his Doctrine of Projects , Galileo his Epistle to the Dutchesse of Tuscany , and above all his Dialogues de Motu ; ( never till now done into any Language ) which were so intermixt of Latine and Italian , that the difficulty of the Stile , joyned with the intricatnesse of the Subject rendered them Unpleasant , if not wholly Vnintelligible , to such as were not absolute Masters of both the Tongues . To conclude ; according to the entertainment that you please to afford these Collections , I shall be encouraged to proceed with the Publication of a large Body of Hydrography ; declaring the History , Art , Lawes , and Apendages of that Princely Study of Navigation , wherein I have omitted nothing of note that can be found either in Dudley , Fournier , Aurigarius , Nonius , Snellus , Marsennus , Baysius , Morisetus , Blondus , Wagoner , abroad , or learnt amongst our Mariners at home , touching the Office of an Admiral , Commander , Pilot , Modellist , Shipwright , Gunner , &c. But order requiring that I should discharge my first Obligation before I contract a second ; I shall detein you no longer in the Portall , but put you into possession of the Premises , Novemb. 20. 1661. T. S. THE AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION . Judicious Reader , THere was published some years since in Rome a salutiferous Edict , that , for the obviating of the dangerous Scandals of the present Age , imposed a seasonable Silence upon the Pythagorean Opinion of the Mobility of the Earth . There want not such as unadvisedly affirm , that that Decree was not the production of a sober Scrutiny , but of an illinformed Passion ; & one may hear some mutter that Consultors altogether ignorant of Astronomical Observations ought not to clipp the Wings of Speculative Wits with rash Prohibitions . My zeale cannot keep silence when I hear these inconsiderate complaints . I thought fit , as being thoroughly acquainted with that prudent Determination , to appear openly upon the Theatre of the World as a Witness of the naked Truth . I was at that time in Rome ; and had not only the audiences , but applauds of the most Eminent Prelates of that Court ; nor was that Decree Published without Previous Notice given me thereof . Therefore it is my resolution in the present case to give Foraign Nations to see , that this point is as well understood in Italy , and particularly in Rome , as Transalpine Diligence can imagine it to be : and collecting together all the proper Speculations that concern the Copernican Systeme , to let them know , that the notice of all preceded the Censure of the Roman Court ; and that there proceed from this Climate not only Doctrines for the health of the Soul , but also ingenious Discoveries for the recreating of the Mind . To this end I have personated the Copernican in this Discourse ; proceeding upon an Hypothesis purely Mathematical ; striving by all artificial wayes to represent it Superiour , not to that of the Immobility of the Earth absolutely , but according as it is mentioned by some , that retein no more , but the name of Peripateticks , and are content , without going farther , to adore Shadows , not philosophizing with requisit caution , but with the sole remembrance of four Principles , but badly understood . We shall treat of three principall heads . First I will endeavour to shew that all Experiments that can be made upon the Earth are insufficient means to conclude it's Mobility , but are indifferently applicable to the Earth moveable or immoveable : and I hope that on this occasion we shall discover many observable passages unknown to the Ancients . Secondly we will examine the Coelestiall Phoenomena that make for the Copernican Hypothesis , as if it were to prove absolutely victorious ; adding by the way certain new Observations , which yet serve only for the Astronomical Facility , not for Natural Necessity . In the third place I will propose an ingenuous Fancy . I remember that I have said many years since , that the unknown Probleme of the Tide might receive some light , admitting the Earths Motion . This Position of mine passing from one to another had found charitable Fathers that adopted it for the Issue of their own wit. Now , because no stranger may ever appear that defending himself with our armes , shall charge us with want of caution in so principal an Accident , I have thought good to lay down those probabilities that would render it credible , admitting that the Earth did move . I hope , that by these Considerations the World will come to know , that if other Nations have Navigated more than we , we have not studied less than they ; & that our returning to assert the Earths Stability , and to take the contrary only for a Mathematical Capriccio , proceeds not from inadvertency of what others have thought thereof , but ( had we no other inducements ) from those Reasons that Pi●ty , Religion , the Knowledge of the Divine Omnipotency , and a consciousness of the incapacity of mans Vnderstanding dictate unto us . With all I conceived it very proper to express these conceits by way of Dialogue , which , as not being bound up to the riggid observance of Mathematical Laws , gives place also to Digressions that are sometimes no less curious than the principal Argument . I chanced to be several years since , at several times , in the Stupendious Citty of Venice , where I conversed with Signore Giovan Francesco Sagredo of a Noble Extraction , and piercing wit. There came thither from Florence at the same time Signore Filippo Salviati , whose least glory was the Eminence of his Blood , and Magnificence of his Estate : a sublime Wit that fed not more hungerly upon any pleasure than on elevated Speculations . In the company of these two I often discoursed of these matters before a certain Peripatetick Philosopher who seemed to have no geater obstacle in understanding of the Truth , than the Fame he had acquired by Aristotelical Interpretations . Now , seeing that inexorable Death hath deprived Venice and Florence of those two great Lights in the very Meridian of their years , I did resolve , as far as my poor ability would permit , to perpetuate their lives to their honour in these leaves , bringing them in as Interlocutors in the present Controversy . Nor shall the Honest Peripatetick want his place , to whom for his excessive affection towards the Commentaries of Simplicius , I thought fit , without mentioning his own Name , to leave that of the Author he so much respected . Let those two great Souls , ever venerable to my heart , please to accept this publick Monument of my never-dying Love ; and let the remembrance of their Eloquence assist me in delivering to Posterity the Considerations that I have promised . There casually happened ( as was usuall ) several discourses at times between these Gentlemen , the which had rather inflamed than satisfied in their wits the thirst they had to be learning ; whereupon they took a discreet resolution to meet together for certain dayes , in which all other business set aside , they might betake themselves more methodically to contemplate the Wonders of God in Heaven , and in the Earth : the place appointed for their meeting being in the Palace of the Noble Sagredo , after the due , but very short complements ; Signore Salviati began in this manner . The CONTENTS of the FIRST TOME . PART THE FIRST . Treatise I. GALILEUS GALILEUS , his SYSTEME of the WORLD : in Four DIALOGUES . II. HIS EPISTLE to her SERENE HIGHNESSE CHRISTIANA LOTHERINGA GRAND DUTCHESSE of TUSCANY , touching the Ancient and Modern DOCTRINE of HOLY FATHERS , and JUDICIOUS DIVINES , concerning the AUTHORITY of SACRED SCRIPTURE in PHYLOSOPHICAL CONTROVERSIES . III. JOHANNES KEPLERUS , his RECONCILINGS of TEXTS of SACRED SCRIPTURE that seem to oppose the DOCTRINE of the EARTHS MOBILITY : abstracted from his INTRODUCTION unto his LEARNED COMMENTARIES upon the PLANET MARS . IV. DIDACUS A STUNICA , a learned SPANISH DIVINE , his RECONCILINGS of the said DOCTRINE with the TEXTS of SACRED SCRIPTURE ; abstracted from his COMMENTARIE upon JOB . V. PAULU● ANTONIUS FOSCARINUS , a CARMELITE , his EPISTLE to SEBASTIANUS FANTONUS , the GENERAL of his ORDER , concerning the PYTHAGOREAN and COPERNICAN OPINION of the MOBILITY OF THE EARTH , and STABILITY OF THE SUN ; and of the NEW SYSTEME or CONSTITUTION of the WORLD : in which he reconcileth the TEXTS OF SACRED SCRIPTURE , and ASSERTIONS of DIVINES , commonly alledged against this OPINION . A Table of the most observable Persons and Matters mentioned in the First Part. PART THE SECOND . I. D. BENEDICTUS CASTELLUS , ABBOT OF S. BENEDICTUS ALOYSIUS , his DISCOURSE of the MENSURATION OF RUNNING WATERS : The First BOOK . II. HIS LETTER to GALILEUS , representing the state of the Lake of PERUGIA in TUSCANY . III. HIS GEOMETRICAL DEMONSTRATIONS of the MEASURE of RUNNING WATERS . IV. HIS DISCOURSE of the MENSURATION OF RUNNING WATERS : The Second BOOK . V. HIS CONSIDERATIONS concerning the LAKE OF VENICE . In two DISCOURSES . VI. HIS RULE for computing the quantity of MUD and SAND that LAND-FLOODS bring down to , and leave in the LAKE of VENICE . VII . HIS LETTER to Father FRANCESCO DI S. GIVSEPPE , wherein , at the instance of PRINCE LEOPALDO , he delivereth his judgment concerning the turning FIUME MORTO ( a River near PISA in TUSCANY ) into the SEA , and into the River SEARCHIO . VIII . HIS second LETTER in answer to certain OBJECTIONS proposed , and DIFFICULTIES observed by SIGNORE BARTOLOTTI , in that affair of the DIVERSION of FIUME MORTO . IX . HIS CONSIDERATION upon the DRAINING of the PONTINE FENNS in CALABRIA . X. HIS CONSIDERATION upon the DRAINING of the TERRITORIES of BOLOGNA , FERRARA , and ROMAGNA . XI . HIS LETTER to D. FERRANTE CESARINI , applying his DOCTRINE to the MENSURATION of the LENGTH , and DISTRIBUTION of the QUANTITY of the WATERS of RIVERS , SPRINGS , AQUEDUCTS , &c. XII . D. CORSINUS , SUPERINTENDENT of the GENERAL DRAINS , and PRESIDENT of ROMAGNA , his RELATION of the state of the VVATERS in the TERRITORIES of BOLOGNA and FERRARA . A Table of the most observable Persons and Matters mentioned in the Second Part. The CONTENTS of the SECOND TOME . PART THE FIRST . Treatise I. GALILEUS GALILEUS , his MATHEMATICAL DISCOURSES and DEMONSTRATIOMS touching two NEVV SCIENCES , pertaining to the MECHANICKS , and LOCAL MOTION : with an APPENDIX of the CENTRE of GRAVITY of some SOLIDS in Four DIALOGUES . II. HIS MECHANICKS ; a New PEICE . III. RHENATUS DES CARTES , his MECHANICKS ; translated from his FRENCH MANUSCRIPT ; a New PEICE . IV. ARCHIMEDES , his Tract DE INSIDENTIBUS HUMIDO ; with the NOTES and DEMONSTRASIONS of NICOLAUS TARTALEUS , in Two BOOKS . V. GALILEUS his DISCOURSE of the things that move in or upon the WATER . VI. NICOLAUS TARTALEUS his INVENTIONS for DIVING UNDER WATER , RAISING OF SHIPS SUNK , &c. in Two BOOKS . PART THE SECOND . I. EVANGELISTA TORRICELLIUS , his DOCTRINE OF PROJECTS , and TABLES of the RANGES of GREAT GUNNS of all sorts ; wherein he detects sundry ERRORS in GUNNERY : An EPITOME . II. T. S. his EXPERIMENTS of the COMPARATIVE GRAVITY OF BODIES in the AIRE and WATER . III. GALILEUS GALILEUS , his LIFE : in Five BOOKS , BOOK I. Containing Five Chapters . Chap. 1. His Country . 2. His Parents and Extraction . 3. His time of Birth . 4. His first Education . 5. His Masters . II. Containing Three Chapters . Chap. 1. His judgment in several Learnings . 2. His Opinions and Doctrine . 3. His Auditors and Scholars . III. Containing Four Chapters . Chap. 1. His behaviour in Civil Affairs . 2. His manner of Living . 3. His morall Virtues . 4. His misfortunes and troubles . IV. Containing Four Chapters . Chap. 1. His person described . 2. His Will and Death . 3. His Inventions . 4. His Writings . 5. His Dialogues of the Systeme in particular , containing Nine Sections . Section 1. Of Astronomy in General ; its Definition , Praise , Original . 2. Of Astronomers : a Chronological Catalogue of the most famous of them . 3. Of the Doctrine of the Earths Mobility , &c. its Antiquity , and Progresse from Pythagoras to the time of Copernicus . 4. Of the Followers of Copernicus , unto the time of Galileus . 5. Of the severall Systemes amongst Astronomers . 6. Of the Allegations against the Copern . Systeme , in 77 Arguments taken out of Ricciolo , with Answers to them . 7. Of the Allegations for the Copern . Systeme in 50 Arguments . 8. Of the Scriptures Authorities produced against and for the Earths mobility . 9. The Conclusion of the whole Chapter . V. Containing Four Chapters . Chap. 1. His Patrons , Friends , and Emulators . 2. Authors judgments of him . 3. Authors that have writ for , or against him . 4. A Conclusion in certain Reflections upon his whole Life . A Table of the whole Second TOME . GALILAEUS Galilaeus Lyncaeus , HIS SYSTEME OF THE WORLD . The First Dialogue . INTERLOCVTORS . SALVIATUS , SAGREDUS , and SIMPLICIUS . SALVIATUS . IT was our yesterdayes resolution , and agreement , that we should to day discourse the most distinctly , and particularly we could possible , of the natural reasons , and their efficacy that have been hitherto alledged on the one or other part , by the maintainers of the Positions , Aristotelian , and Ptolomaique ; and by the followers of the Copernican Systeme : And because Copernicus placing the Earth among the moveable Bodies of Heaven , comes to constitute a Globe for the fame like to a Planet ; it would be good that we began our disputation with the examination of what , and how great the energy of the Peripateticks arguments is , when they demonstrate , that this Hypothesis is impossible : Since that it is necessary to introduce in Nature , substances different betwixt themselves , that is , the Coelestial , and Elementary ; that impassible and immortal , this alterable and corruptible . Which argument Aristotle handleth in his book De Coelo , insinuating it first , by some discourses dependent on certain general assumptions , and afterwards confirming it with experiments and perticular demonstrations : following the same method , I will propound , and freely speak my judgement , submitting my self to your censure , and particularly to Simplicius , a Stout Champion and contender for the Aristotelian Doctrine . And the first Step of the Peripatetick arguments is that , where Aristotle proveth the integrity and perfection of the World , telling us , that it is not a simple line , nor a bare superficies , but a body adorned with Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity ; and because there are no more dimensions but these three ; The World having them , hath all , and having all , is to be concluded perfect . And again , that by simple length , that magnitude is constituted , which is called a Line , to which adding breadth , there is framed the Superficies , and yet further adding the altitude or profoundity , there results the Body , and after these three dimensions there is no passing farther , so that in these three the integrity , and to so speak , totality is terminated , which I might but with justice have required Aristotle to have proved to me by necessary consequences , the rather in regard he was able to do it very plainly , and speedily . SIMPL. What say you to the excellent demonstrations in the 2. 3. and 4. Texts , after the definition of Continual ? have you it not first there proved , that there is no more but three dimensions , for that those three are all things , and that they are every where ? And is not this confirmed by the Doctrine and Authority of the Pythagorians , who say that all things are determined by three , beginning , middle , and end , which is the number of All ? And where leave you that reason , namely , that as it were by the law of Nature , this number is used in the sacrifices of the Gods ? And why being so dictated by nature , do we atribute to those things that are three , and not to lesse , the title of all ? why of two is it said both , and not all , unless they be three ? And all this Doctrine you have in the second Text. Afterwards in the third , Ad pleniorem scientiam , we read that All , the Whole , and Perfect , are formally one and the same ; and that therefore onely the Body , amongst magnitudes is perfect : because it is determined by three , which is All , and being divisible three manner of waies , it is every way divisible ; but of the others , some are dividible in one manner , and some in two , because according to the number affixed , they have their division and continuity , and thus one magnitude is continuate one way , another two , a third , namely the Body , every way . Moreover in the fourth Text ; doth he not after some other Doctrines , prove it by another demonstration ? Scilicet , That no transition is made but according to some defect ( and so there is a transition or passing from the line to the superficies , because the line is defective in breadth ) and that it is impossible for the perfect to want any thing , it being every way so ; therefore there is no transition from the Solid or Body to any other magnitude . Now think you not that by all these places he hath sufficiently proved , how that there 's no going beyond the three dimensions , Length , Breadth , and Thickness , and that therefore the body or solid , which hath them all , is perfect ? SALV . To tell you true , I think not my self bound by all these reasons to grant any more but onely this , That that which hath beginning , middle , and end , may , and ought to be called perfect : But that then , because beginning , middle , and end , are Three , the number Three is a perfect number , and hath a faculty of conferring Perfection on those things that have the same , I find no inducement to grant ; neither do I understand , nor believe that , for example , of feet , the number three is more perfect then four or two , nor do I conceive the number four to be any imperfection to the Elements : and that they would be more perfect if they were three . Better therefore it had been to have left these subtleties to the Rhetoricians , and to have proved his intent , by necessary demonstration ; for so it behoves to do in demonstrative sciences . SIMPL. You seem to scorn these reasons , and yet it is all the Doctrine of the Pythagorians , who attribute so much to numbers ; and you that be a Mathematician , and believe many opinions in the Pythagorick Philosophy , seem now to contemn their Mysteries . SALV . That the Pythagorians had the science of numbers in high esteem , and that Plato himself admired humane understanding , and thought that it pertook of Divinity , for that it understood the nature of numbers , I know very well , nor should I be far from being of the same opinion : But that the Mysteries for which Pythagoras and his sect , had the Science of numbers in such veneration , are the follies that abound in the mouths and writings of the vulgar , I no waies credit : but rather because I know that they , to the end admirable things might not be exposed to the contempt , and scorne of the vulgar , censured as sacrilegious , the publishing of the abstruce properties of Numbers , and incommensurable and irrational quantities , by them investigated ; and divulged , that he who discovered them , was tormented in the other World : I believe that some one of them to deter the common sort , and free himself from their inquisitiveness , told them that the mysteries of numbers were those trifles , which afterwards did so spread amongst the vulgar ; and this with a discretion and subtlety resembling that of the prudent young man , that to be freed from the importunity of his inquisitive Mother or Wife , I know not whether , who pressed him to impart the secrets of the Senate , contrived that story , which afterwards brought her and many other women to be derided and laught at by the same Senate . SIMPL. I will not be of the number of those who are over curious about the Pythagorick mysteries ; but adhering to the point in hand ; I reply , that the reasons produced by Aristotle to prove the dimensions to be no more than three , seem to me concludent , and I believe , That had there been any more evident demonstrations thereof , Aristotle would not have omitted them . SAGR. Put in at least , if he had known , or remembred any more . But you Salviatus would do me a great pleasure to alledge unto me some arguments that may be evident , and clear enough for me to comprehend . SALV . I will ; and they shall be such as are not onely to be apprehended by you , but even by Simplicius himself : nor onely to be comprehended , but are also already known , although haply unobserved ; and for the more easie understanding thereof , we will take this Pen and Ink , which I see already prepared for such occasions , and describe a few figures . And first we will note [ Fig. 1. at the end of this Dialog . ] these two points AB , and draw from the one to the other the curved lines , ACB , and ADB , and the right line AB , I demand of you which of them , in your mind , is that which determines the distance between the terms AB , & why ? SAGR. I should say the right line , and not the crooked , as well because the right is shorter , as because it is one , sole , and determinate , whereas the others are infinit , unequal , and longer ; and my determination is grounded upon that , That it is one , and certain . SALV . We have then the right line to determine the length between the two terms ; let us add another right line and parallel to AB , which let be CD , [ Fig. 2. ] so that there is put between them a superficies , of which I desire you to assign me the breadth , therefore departing from the point A , tell me how , and which way you will go , to end in the line CD , and so to point me out the breadth comprehended between those lines ; let me know whether you will terminate it according to the quantity of the curved line AE , or the right line AF , or any other . SIMPL. According to the right AF , and not according to the crooked , that being already excluded from such an use . SAGR. But I would take neither of them , seeing the right line AF runs obliquely ; But would draw a line , perpendicular to C D , for this should seem to me the shortest , and the properest of infinite that are greater , and unequal to one another , which may be produced from the term A to any other part of the opposite line CD . SALV . Your choice , and the reason you bring for it in my judgment is most excellent ; so that by this time we have proved that the first dimension is determined by a right line , the second namely the breadth with another line right also , and not onely right , but withall , at right-angles to the other that determineth the length , and thus we have the two dimensions of length and breadth , definite and certain . But were you to bound or terminate a height , as for example , how high this Roof is from the pavement , that we tread on , being that from any point in the Roof , we may draw infinite lines , both curved , and right , and all of diverse lengths to infinite points of the pavement , which of all these lines would you make use of ? SAGR. I would fasten a line to the Seeling , and with a plummet that should hang at it , would let it freely distend it self till it should reach well near to the pavement , and the length of such a thread being the streightest and shortest of all the lines , that could possibly be drawn from the same point to the pavement , I would say was the true height of this Room . SALV . Very well , And when from the point noted in the pavement by this pendent thread ( taking the pavement to be levell and not declining ) you should produce two other right lines , one for the length , and the other for the breadth of the superficies of the said pavement , what angles should they make with the said thread ? SAGR. They would doubtless meet at right angles , the said lines falling perpendicular , and the pavement being very plain and levell . SALV . Therefore if you assign any point , for the term from whence to begin your measure ; and from thence do draw a right line , as the terminator of the first measure , namely of the length , it will follow of necessity , that that which is to design out the largeness or breadth , toucheth the first at right-angles , and that that which is to denote the altitude , which is the third dimension , going from the same point formeth also with the other two , not oblique but right angles , and thus by the three perpendiculars , as by three lines , one , certain , and as short as is possible , you have the three dimensions AB length , AC breadth , and AD height ; and because , clear it is , that there cannot concurre any more lines in the said point , so as to make therewith right-angles , and the dimensions ought to be determined by the sole right lines , which make between themselves right-angles ; therefore the dimensions are no more but three , and that which hath three hath all , and that which hath all , is divisible on all sides , and that which is so , is perfect , &c. SIMPL. And who saith that I cannot draw other lines ? why may not I protract another line underneath , unto the point A , that may be perpendicular to the rest ? SALV . You can doubtless , at one and the same point , make no more than three right lines concurre , that constitute right angles between themselves . SAGR. I see what Simplicius means , namely , that should the said DA be prolonged downward , then by that means there might be drawn two others , but they would be the same with the first three , differing onely in this , that whereas now they onely touch , then they would intersect , but not produce new dimensions . SIMPL. I will not say that this your argument may not be concludent ; but yet this I say with Aristotle , that in things natural it is not alwaies necessary , to bring Mathematical demonstrations . SAGR. Grant that it were so where such proofs cannot be had , yet if this case admit of them , why do not you use them ? But it would be good we spent no more words on this particular , for I think that Salviatus will yield , both to Aristotle , and you , without farther demonstration , that the World is a body , and perfect , yea most perfect , as being the greatest work of God. SALV . So really it is , therefore leaving the general contemplation of the whole , let us descend to the consideration of its parts , which Aristotle , in his first division , makes two , and they very different and almost contrary to one another ; namely the Coelestial , and Elementary : that ingenerable , incorruptible , unalterable , unpassible , &c. and this exposed to a continual alteration , mutation , &c. Which difference , as from its original principle , he derives from the diversity of local motions , and in this method he proceeds . Leaving the sensible , if I may so speak , and retiring into the Ideal world , he begins Architectonically to consider that nature being the principle of motion , it followeth that natural bodies be indued with local motion . Next he declares local motion to be of three kinds , namely , circular , right , and mixt of right and circular : and the two first he calleth simple , for that of all lines the circular , and right are onely simple ; and here somewhat restraining himself , he defineth anew , of simple motions , one to be circular , namely that which is made about the medium , and the other namely the right , upwards , and downwards ; upwards , that which moveth from the medium ; downwards , that which goeth towards the medium . And from hence he infers , as he may by and necessary consequence , that all simple motions are confined to these three kinds , namely , to the medium , from the medium , and about the medium ; the which corresponds saith he , with what hath been said before of a body , that it also is perfected by three things , and so is its motion . Having confirmed these motions , he proceeds saying , that of natural bodies some being simple , and some composed of them ( and he calleth simple bodies those , that have a principle of motion from nature , as the Fire and Earth ) it follows that simple motions belong to simple bodies , and mixt to the compound ; yet in such sort , that the compounded incline to the part predominant in the composition . SAGR. Pray you hold a little Salviatus , for I find so many doubts to spring up on all sides in this discourse , that I shall be constrained , either to communicate them if I would attentively hearken to what you shall add , or to take off my attention from the things spoken , if I would remember objections . SALV . I will very willingly stay , for that I also run the same hazard , and am ready at every step to lose my self whilst I sail between Rocks , and boisterous Waves , that make me , as they say , to lose my Compass ; therefore before I make them more , propound your difficulties . SAGR. You and Aristotle together would at first take me a little out of the sensible World , to tell me of the Architecture , wherewith it ought to be fabricated ; and very appositly begin to tell me , that a natural body is by nature moveable , nature being ( as elsewhere it is defined ) the principle of motion . But here I am somewhat doubtfull why Aristotle said not that of natural bodies , some are moveable by nature , and others immoveable , for that in the definition , nature is said to be the principle of Motion , and Rest ; for if natural bodies have all a principle of motion , either he might have omitted the mention of Rest , in the definition of nature : or not have introduced such a definition in this place . Next , as to the declaration of what Aristotle intends by simple motions , and how by Spaces he determines them , calling those simple , that are made by simple lines , which are onely the right , and circular , I entertain it willingly ; nor do I desire to tenter the instance of the Helix , about the Cylinder ; which in that it is in every part like to it self , might seemingly be numbred among simple lines . But herein I cannot concurre , that he should so restrain simple motions ( whilst he seems to go about to repeat the same definition in other words ) as to call one of them the motion about the medium , the others Sursum & Deorsum , namely upwards and downward ; which terms are not to be used , out of the World fabricated , but imply it not onely made , but already inhabited by us ; for if the right motion be simple , by the simplicity of the right line , and if the simple motion be natural , it is made on every side , to wit , upwards , downwards , backwards , forwards , to the right , to the left , and if any other way can be imagined , provided it be straight , it shall agree to any simple natural body ; or if not so , then the supposion of Aristotle is defective . It appears moreover that Aristotle hinteth but one circular motion alone to be in the World , and consequently but one onely Center , to which alone the motions of upwards and downwards , refer . All which are apparent proofs , that Aristotles aim is , to make white black , and to accommodate Architecture to the building , and not to modle the building according to the precepts of Arthitecture : for if I should say that Nature in Universal may have a thousand Circular Motions , and by consequence a thousand Centers , there would be also a thousand motions upwards , and downwards . Again he makes as hath been said , a simple motion , and a mixt motion , calling simple , the circular and right ; and mixt , the compound of them two : of natural bodies he calls some simple ( namely those that have a natural principle to simple motion ) and others compound : and simple motions he attributes to simple bodies , and the compounded to the compound ; but by compound motion he doth no longer understand the mixt of right and circular , which may be in the World ; but introduceth a mixt motion as impossible , as it is impossible to mixe opposite motions made in the same right line , so as to produce from them a motion partly upwards , partly downwards ; and , to moderate such an absurdity , and impossibility , he asserts that such mixt bodies move according to the simple part predominant : which necessitates others to say , that even the motion made by the same right line is sometimes simple , and sometimes also compound : so that the simplicity of the motion , is no longer dependent onely on the simplicity of the line . SIMPL. How ? Is it not difference sufficient , that the simple and absolute are more swift than that which proceeds from predominion ? and how much faster doth a piece of pure Earth descend , than a piece of Wood ? SAGR. Well , Simplicius ; But put case the simplicity for this cause was changed , besides that there would be a hundred thousand mixt motions , you would not be able to determine the simple ; nay farther , if the greater or lesse velocity be able to alter the simplicity of the motion , no simple body should move with a simple motion ; since that in all natural right motions , the velocity is ever encreasing , and by consequence still changing the simplicity , which as it is simplicity , ought of consequence to be immutable , and that which more importeth , you charge Aristotle with another thing , that in the definition of motions compounded , he hath not made mention of tardity nor velocity , which you now insert for a necessary and essential point . Again you can draw no advantage from this rule , for that there will be amongst the mixt bodies some , ( and that not a few ) that will move swiftly , and others more slowly than the simple ; as for example , Lead , and Wood , in comparison of earth ; and therefore amongst these motions , which call you the simple , and which the mixt ? SIMPL. I would call that simple motion , which is made by a simple body , and mixt , that of a compound body . SAGR. Very well , and yet Simplicius a little before you said , that the simple , and compound motions , discovered which were mixt , and which were simple bodies ; now you will have me by simple and mixt bodies , come to know which is the simple , and which is the compound motion : an excellent way to keep us ignorant , both of motions and bodies . Moreover , you have also a little above declared , how that a greater velocity did not suffice , but you seek a third condition for the definement of simple motion , for which Aristotle contented himself with one alone , namely , of the simplicity of the Space , or Medium : But now according to you , the simple motion , shall be that which is made upon a simple line , with a certain determinate velocity , by a body simply moveable . Now be it as you please , and let us return to Aristotle , who defineth the mixt motion to be that compounded of the right , and circular , but produceth not any body , which naturally moveth with such a motion . SALV . I come again to Aristotle , who having very well , and Methodically begun his discourse , but having a greater aim to rest at , and hit a marke , predesigned in his minde , then that to which his method lead him , digressing from the purpose , he comes to assert , as a thing known and manifest , that as to the motions directly upwards or downwards , they naturally agree to Fire , and Earth ; and that therefore it is necessary , that besides these bodies , which are neer unto us , there must be in nature another , to which the circular motion may agree : which shall be so much the more excellent by how much the circular motion is more perfect , then the streight , but how much more pefect that is than this , he determines from the greatness of the circular lines perfection above the right line ; calling that perfect , and this imperfect ; imperfect , because if infinite it wanteth a termination , and end : and if it be finite , there is yet something beyond which it may be prolonged . This is the basis , ground work , and master-stone of all the Fabrick of the Aristotelian World , upon which they superstruct all their other properties , of neither heavy nor light , of ingenerable incorruptible , exemption from all motions , some onely the local , &c. And all these passions he affirmeth to be proper to a simple body that is moved circularly ; and the contrary qualities of gravity , levity , corruptibility , &c. he assigns to bodies naturally moveable in a streight line , for that if we have already discovered defects in the foundation , we may rationally question what soever may farther built thereon . I deny not , that this which Aristotle hitherto hath introduced , with a general discourse dependent upon universal primary principles , hath been since in process of time , re-inforced with particular reasons , and experiments ; all which it would be necessary distinctly to consider and weigh ; but because what hath been said hitherto presents to such as consider the same many and no small difficulties , ( and yet it would be necessary , that the primary principles and fundamentals , were certain , firm , and established , that so they might with more confidence be built upon ) it would not be amiss , before we farther multiply doubts , to see if haply ( as I conjecture ) betaking our selves to other waies , we may not light upon a more direct and secure method ; and with better considered principles of Architecture lay our primary fundamentals . Therefore suspending for the present the method of Aristotle , ( which we will re-assume again in its proper place , and particularly examine ; ) I say , that in the things hitherto affirmed by him , I agree with him , and admit that the World is a body enjoying all dimensions , and therefore most perfect ; and I add , that as such , it is necessarily most ordinate , that is , having parts between themselves , with exquisite and most perfect order disposed ; which assumption I think is not to be denied , neither by you or any other . SIMPL. Who can deny it ? the first particular ( of the worlds dimensions ) is taken from Aristotle himself , and its denomination of ordinate seems onely to be assumed from the order which it most exactly keeps . SALV . This principle then established , one may immediately conclude , that if the entire parts of the World should be by their nature moveable , it is impossible that their motions should be right , or other than circular ; and the reason is sufficiently easie , and manifest ; for that whatsoever moveth with a right motion , changeth place ; and continuing to move , doth by degrees more and more remove from the term from whence it departed , and from all the places thorow which it successively passed ; and if such motion naturally suited with it , then it was not at the beginning in its proper place ; and so the parts of the World were not disposed with perfect order . But we suppose them to be perfectly ordinate , therefore as such , it is impossible that they should by nature change place , and consequently move in a right motion . Again , the right motion being by nature infinite , for that the right line is infinite and indeterminate , it is impossible that any moveable can have a natural principle of moving in a right line ; namely toward the place whither it is impossible to arrive , there being no prae-finite term ; and nature , as Aristotle himself saith well , never attempts to do that which can never be done , nor essaies to move whither it is impossible to arrive . And if any one should yet object , that albeit the right line , and consequently the motion by it is producible in infinitum , that is to say , is interminate ; yet nevertheless Nature , as one may say , arbitrarily hath assigned them some terms , and given natural instincts to its natural bodies to move unto the same ; I will reply , that this might perhaps be fabled to have come to pass in the first Chaos ▪ where indistinct matter 's confusedly and inordinately wandered ; to regulate which , Nature very appositely made use of right motions , by which , like as the well-constituted , moving , disorder themselves , so were they which were before depravedly disposed by this motion ranged in order : but after their exquisite distribution and collocation , it is impossible that there should remain natural inclinations in them of longer moving in a right motion , from which now would ensue their removal from their proper and natural place , that is to say , their disordination ; we may therefore say that the right motion serves to conduct the matter to erect the work ; but once erected , that it is to rest immoveable , or if moveable , to move it self onely circularly . Unless we will say with Plato , that these mundane bodies , after they had been made and finished , were for a certain time moved by their Maker , in a right motion , but that after their attainment to certain and determinate places , they were revolved one by one in Spheres , passing from the right to the circular motion , wherein they have been ever since kept and maintained . A sublime conceipt , and worthy indeed of Plato : upon which , I remember to have heard our common friend the * Lyncean Academick discourse in this manner , if I have not forgot it . Every body for any reason constituted in a state of rest , but which is by nature moveable , being set at liberty doth move ; provided withal , that it have an inclination to some particular place ; for should it stand indifferently affected to all , it would remain in its rest , not having greater inducement to move one way than another . From the having of this inclination necessarily proceeds , that it in its moving shall continually increase its acceleration , and beginning with a most slow motion , it shall not acquire any degree of velocity , before it shall have passed thorow all the degrees of less velocity , or greater tardity : for passing from the state of quiet ( which is the infinite degree of tardity of motion ) there is no reason by which it should enter into such a determinate degree of velocity , before it shall have entred into a less , and into yet a less , before it entred into that : but rather it stands with reason , to pass first by those degrees nearest to that from which it departed , and from those to the more remote ; but the degree from whence the moveable began to move , is that of extreme tardity , namely of rest . Now this acceleration of motion is never made , but when the moveable in moving acquireth it ; nor is its acquist other than an approaching to the place desired , to wit , whither its natural inclination attracts it , and thither it tendeth by the shortest way ; namely , by a right line . We may upon good grounds therefore say , That Nature , to confer upon a moveable first constituted in rest a determinate velocity , useth to make it move according to a certain time and space with a right motion . This presupposed , let us imagine God to have created the Orb v. g. of Jupiter , on which he had determined to confer such a certain velocity , which it ought afterwards to retain perpetually uniform ; we may with Plato say , that he gave it at the beginning a right and accelerate motion , and that it afterwards being arrived to that intended degree of velocity , he converted its right , into a circular motion , the velocity of which came afterwards naturally to be uniform . SAGR. I hearken to this Discourse with great delight ; and I believe the content I take therein will be greater , when you have satisfied me in a doubt : that is , ( which I do not very well comprehend ) how it of necessity ensues , that a moveable departing from its rest , and entring into a motion to which it had a natural inclination , it passeth thorow all the precedent degrees of tardity , comprehended between any assigned degree of velocity , and the state of rest , which degrees are infinite ? so that Nature was not able to confer them upon the body of Jupiter , his circular motion being instantly created with such and such velocity . SALV . I neither did , nor dare say , that it was impossible for God or Nature to confer that velocity which you speak of , immediately ; but this I say , that de facto she did not do it ; so that the doing it would be a work extra-natural , and by consequence miraculous SAGR. Then you believe , that a stone leaving its rest , and entring into its natural motion towards the centre of the Earth , passeth thorow all the degrees of tardity inferiour to any degree of velocity ? SALV . I do believe it , nay am certain of it ; and so certain , that I am able to make you also very well satisfied with the truth thereof . SAGR. Though by all this daies discourse I should gain no more but such a knowledge , I should think my time very well bestowed . SALV . By what I collect from our discourse , a great part of your scruple lieth in that it should in a time , and that very short , pass thorow those infinite degrees of tardity precedent to any velocity , acquired by the moveable in that time : and therefore before we go any farther , I will seek to remove this difficulty , which shall be an easie task ; for I reply , that the moveable passeth by the aforesaid degrees , but the passage is made without staying in any of them ; so that the passage requiring but one sole instant of time , and every small time containing infinite instants , we shall not want enough of them to assign its own to each of the infinite degrees of tardity ; although the time were never so short . SAGR. Hither to I apprehend you ; nevertheless it is very much that that Ball shot from a Cannon ( for such I conceive the cadent moveable ) which yet we see to fall with such a precipice , that in less than ten pulses it will pass two hundred yards of altitude ; should in its motion be 〈…〉 joyned with so small a degree of velocity , that , should 〈…〉 to have moved at that rate without farther 〈…〉 it would not have past the same in a day . SALV . You may say , nor 〈…〉 , nor in ten , no nor in a thousand ; as I will endeavour 〈…〉 you , and also happily without your contradiction , to some 〈◊〉 simple questions that I will propound to you . Therefore tell me if you make any question of granting that , that that ball in descending goeth increasing its impetus and velocity . SAGR. I am most certain it doth . SALV . And if I should say that the impetus acquired in any place of its motion , is so much , that it would suffice to re-carry it to that place from which it came , would you grant it ? SAGR. I should consent to it without contradiction , provided alwaies , that it might imploy without impediment its whole impetus in that sole work of re-conducting it self , or another equal to it , to that self-same height as it would do , in case the Earth were bored thorow the centre , and the Bullet fell a thousand yards from the said centre , for I verily believe it would pass beyond the centre , ascending as much as it had descended ; and this I see plainly in the experiment of a plummet hanging at a line , which removed from the perpendicular , which is its state of rest , and afterwards let go , falleth towards the said perpendicular , and goes as far beyond it ; or onely so much less , as the opposition of the air , and line , or other accidents have hindred it . The like I see in the water , which descending thorow a pipe , re-mounts as much as it had descended . SALV . You argue very well . And for that I know you will not scruple to grant that the acquist of the impetus is by means of the receding from the term whence the moveable departed , and its approach to the centre , whither it motion tendeth ; will you stick to yeeld , that two equal moveables , though descending by divers lines , without any impediment , acquire equal impetus , provided that the approaches to the centre be equal ? SAGR. I do not very well understand the question . SALV . I will express it better by drawing a Figure : therefore I will suppose the line AB [ in Fig. 3. ] parallel to the Horizon , and upon the point B , I will erect a perpendicular BC ; and after that I adde this slaunt line CA. Understanding now the line CA to be an inclining plain exquisitely polished , and hard , upon which descendeth a ball perfectly round and of very hard matter , and such another I suppose freely to descend by the perpendicular CB : will you now confess that the impetus of that which descends by the plain CA , being arrived to the point A , may be equal to the impetus acquired by the other in the point B , after the descent by the perpendicular CB ? SAGR. I resolutely believe so : for in effect they have both the same proximity to the centre , and by that , which I have already granted , their impetuosities would be equally sufficient to re-carry them to the same height . SALV . Tell me now what you believe the same ball would do put upon the Horizontal plane AB ? SAGR. It would lie still , the said plane having no declination . SALV . But on the inclining plane CA it would descend , but with a gentler motion than by the perpendicular CB ? SAGR. I may confidently answer in the affirmative , it seeming to me necessary that the motion by the perpendicular CB should be more swift , than by the inclining plane CA ; yet nevertheless , if this be , how can the Cadent by the inclination arrived to the point A , have as much impetus , that is , the same degree of velocity , that the Cadent by the perpendicular shall have in the point B ? these two Propositions seem contradictory . SALV . Then you would think it much more false , should I say , that the velocity of the Cadents by the perpendicular , and inclination , are absolutely equal : and yet this is a Proposition most true , as is also this that the Cadent moveth more swiftly by the perpendicular , than by the inclination . SAGR. These Propositions to my ears sound very harsh : and I believe to yours Simplicius ? SIMPL. I have the same sense of them . SALV . I conceit you jest with me , pretending not to comprehend what you know better than my self : therefore tell me Simplicius , when you imagine a moveable more swift than another , what conceit do you fancy in your mind ? SIMPL. I fancie one to pass in the same time a greater space than the other , or to move equal spaces , but in lesser time . SALV . Very well : and for moveables equally swift , what 's your conceit of them ? SIMPL. I fancie that they pass equal spaces in equal times . SALV . And have you no other conceit thereof than this ? SIMPL. This I think to be the proper definition of equal motions . SAGR. We will add moreover this other : and call that equal velocity , when the spaces passed have the same proportion , as the times wherein they are past , and it is a more universal definition . SALV . It is so : for it comprehendeth the equal spaces past in equal times , and also the unequal past in times unequal , but proportionate to those spaces . Take now the same Figure , and applying the conceipt that you had of the more hastie motion , tell me why you think the velocity of the Cadent by CB , is greater than the velocity of the Descendent by CA ? SIMPL. I think so ; because in the same time that the Cadent shall pass all CB , the Descendent shall pass in CA , a part less than CB. SALV . True ; and thus it is proved , that the moveable moves more swiftly by the perpendicular , than by the inclination . Now consider , if in this same Figure one may any way evince the other conceipt , and finde that the moveables were equally swift by both the lines CA and CB. SIMPL. I see no such thing ; nay rather it seems to contradict what was said before . SALV . And what say you , Sagredus ? I would not teach you what you knew before , and that of which but just now you produced me the definition . SAGR. The definition I gave you , was , that moveables may be called equally swift , when the spaces passed are proportional to the times in which they passed ; therefore to apply the definition to the present case , it will be requisite , that the time of descent by CA , to the time of falling by CB , should have the same proportion that the line CA hath to the line CB ; but I understand not how that can be , for that the motion by CB is swifter than by CA. SALV . And yet you must of necessity know it . Tell me a little , do not these motions go continually accelerating ? SAGR. They do ; but more in the perpendicular than in the inclination . SALV . But this acceleration in the perpendicular , is it yet notwithstanding such in comparison of that of the inclined , that two equal parts being taken in any place of the said perpendicular and inclining lines , the motion in the parts of the perpendicular is alwaies more swift , than in the part of the inclination ? SAGR. I say not so : but I could take a space in the inclination , in which the velocity shall be far greater than in the like space taken in the perpendicular ; and this shall be , if the space in the perpendicular should be taken near to the end C , and in the inclination , far from it . SALV . You see then , that the Proposition which saith , that the motion by the perpendicular is more swift than by the inclination , holds not true universally , but onely of the motions , which begin from the extremity , namely from the point of rest : without which restriction , the Proposition would be so deficient , that its very direct contrary might be true ; namely , that the motion in the inclining plane is swifter than in the perpendicular : for it is certain , that in the said inclination , we may take a space past by the moveable in less time , than the like space past in the perpendicular . Now because the motion in the inclination is in some places more , in some less , than in the perpendicular ; therefore in some places of the inclination , the time of motion of the moveable , shall have a greater proportion to the time of the motion of the moveable , by some places of the perpendicular , than the space passed , to the space passed : and in other places , the proportion of the time to the time , shall be less than that of the space to the space . As for example : two moveables departing from their quiescence , namely , from the point C , one by the perpendicular CB , [ in Fig. 4. ] and the other by the inclination CA , in the time that , in the perpendicular , the moveable shall have past all CB , the other shall have past CT lesser . And therefore the time by CT , to the time by CB ( which is equal ) shall have a greater proportion than the line CT to CB , being that the same to the less , hath a greater proportion than to the greater . And on the contrary , if in CA , prolonged as much as is requisite , one should take a part equal to CB , but past in a shorter time ; the time in the inclination shall have a less proportion to the time in the perpendicular , than the space to the space . If therefore in the inclination and perpendicular , we may suppose such spaces and velocities , that the proportion between the said spaces be greater and less than the proportion of the times ; we may easily grant , that there are also spaces , by which the times of the motions retain the same proportion as the spaces . SAGR. I am already freed from my greatest doubt , and conceive that to be not onely possible , but necessary , which I but now thought a contradiction : but nevertheless I understand not as yet , that this whereof we now are speaking , is one of these possible or necessary cases ; so as that it should be true , that the time of descent by CA , to the time of the fall by CB , hath the same proportion that the line CA hath to CB ; whence it may without contradiction be affirmed , that the velocity by the inclination CA , and by the perpendicular CB , are equal . SALV . Content your self for this time , that I have removed your incredulity ; but for the knowledge of this , expect it at some other time , namely , when you shall see the matters concerning local motion demonstrated by our Academick ; at which time you shall find it proved , that in the time that the one moveable falls all the space CB , the other descendeth by CA as far as the point T , in which falls the perpendicular drawn from the point B : and to find where the same Cadent by the perpendicular would be when the other arriveth at the point A , draw from A the perpendicular unto CA , continuing it , and CB unto the interfection , and that shall be the point sought . Whereby you see how it is true , that the motion by CB is swifter than by the inclination CA ( supposing the term C for the beginning of the motions compared ) because the line CB is greater than CT , and the other from C unto the intersection of the perpendicular drawn from A , unto the line CA , is greater than CA , and therefore the motion by it is swifter than by CA. But when we compare the motion made by all CA , not with all the motion made in the same time by the perpendicular continued , but with that made in part of the time , by the sole part CB , it hinders not , that the motion by CA , continuing to descend beyond , may arrive to A in such a time as is in proportion to the other time , as the line CA is to the line CB. Now returning to our first purpose ; which was to shew , that the grave moveable leaving its quiescence , passeth descending by all the degrees of tardity , precedent to any whatsoever degree of velocity that it acquireth , re-assuming the same Figure which we used before , let us remember that we did agree , that the Descendent by the inclination CA , and the Cadent by the perpendicular CB , were found to have acquired equal degrees of velocity in the terms B and A : now to proceed , I suppose you will not scruple to grant , that upon another plane less steep than AC ; as for example , AD [ in Fig. 5. ] the motion of the descendent would be yet more flow than in the plane AC . So that it is not any whit dubitable , but that there may be planes so little elevated above the Horizon AB , that the moveable , namely the same ball , in any the longest time may reach the point A , which being to move by the plane AB , an infinite time would not suffice : and the motion is made always more slowly , by how much the declination is less . It must be therefore confest , that there may be a point taken upon the term B , so near to the said B , that drawing from thence to the point A a plane , the ball would not pass it in a whole year . It is requisite next for you to know , that the impetus , namely the degree of velocity the ball is found to have acquired when it arriveth at the point A , is such , that should it continue to move with this self-same degree uniformly , that is to say , without accelerating or retarding ; in as much more time as it was in coming by the inclining plane , it would pass double the space of the plane inclined : namely ( for example ) if the ball had past the plane DA in an hour , continuing to move uniformly with that degree of velocity which it is found to have in its arriving at the term A , it shall pass in an hour a space double the length DA ; and because ( as we have said ) the degrees of velocity acquired in the points B and A , by the moveables that depart from any point taken in the perpendicular CB , and that descend , the one by the inclined plane , the other by the said perpendicular , are always equal : therefore the cadent by the perpendicular may depart from a term so near to B , that the degree of velocity acquired in B , would not suffice ( still maintaining the same ) to conduct the moveable by a space double the length of the plane inclined in a year , nor in ten , no nor in a hundred . We may therefore conclude , that if it be true , that according to the ordinary course of nature a moveable , all external and accidental impediments removed , moves upon an inclining plane with greater and greater tardity , according as the inclination shall be less ; so that in the end the tardity comes to be infinite , which is , when the inclination concludeth in , and joyneth to the horizontal plane ; and if it be true likewise , that the degree of velocity acquired in some point of the inclined plane , is equal to that degree of velocity which is found to be in the moveable that descends by the perpendicular , in the point cut by a parallel to the Horizon , which passeth by that point of the inclining plane ; it must of necessity be granted , that the cadent departing from rest , passeth thorow all the infinite degrees of tardity , and that consequently , to acquire a determinate degree of velocity , it is necessary that it move first by right lines , descending by a short or long space , according as the velocity to be acquired , ought to be either less or greater , and according as the plane on which it descendeth is more or less inclined ; so that a plane may be given with so small inclination , that to acquire in it the assigned degree of velocity , it must first move in a very great space , and take a very long time ; whereupon in the horizontal plane , any how little soever velocity , would never be naturally acquired , since that the moveable in this case will never move : but the motion by the horizontal line , which is neither declined or inclined , is a circular motion about the centre : therefore the circular motion is never acquired naturally , without the right motion precede it ; but being once acquired , it will continue perpetually with uniform velocity . I could with other discourses evince and demonstrate the same truth , but I will not by so great a digression interrupt our principal argument : but rather will return to it upon some other occasion ; especially since we not assumed the same , not to serve for a necessary demonstration , but to adorn a Platonick Conceit ; to which I will add another particular observation of our Academick , which hath in it something of admirable . Let us suppose amongst the decrees of the divine Architect , a purpose of creating in the World these Globes , which we behold continually moving round , and of assigning the centre of their conversions ; and that in it he had placed the Sun immoveable , and had afterwards made all the said Globes in the same place , and with the intended inclinations of moving towards the Centre , till they had acquired those degrees of velocity , which at first seemed good to the same Divine Minde ; the which being acquired , we lastly suppose that they were turned round , each in his Sphere retaining the said acquired velocity : it is now demanded , in what altitude and distance from the Sun the place was where the said Orbs were primarily created ; and whether it be possible that they might all be created in the same place ? To make this investigation , we must take from the most skilfull Astronomers the magnitude of the Spheres in which the Planets revolve , and likewise the time of their revolutions : from which two cognitions is gathered how much ( for example ) Jupiter is swifter than Saturne ; and being found ( as indeed it is ) that Jupiter moves more swiftly , it is requisite , that departing from the same altitude , Jupiter be descended more than Saturne , as we really know it is , its Orbe being inferiour to that of Saturne . But by proceeding forwards , from the proportions of the two velocities of Jupiter and Saturne , and from the distance between their Orbs , and from the proportion of acceleration of natural motion , one may finde in what altitude and distance from the centre of their revolutions , was the place from whence they first departed . This found out , and agreed upon , it is to be sought , whether Mars descending from thence to his Orb , the magnitude of the Orb , and the velocity of the motion , agree with that which is found by calculation ; and let the like be done of the Earth , of Venus , and of Mercury ; the greatness of which Spheres , and the velocity of their motions , agree so nearly to what computation gives , that it is very admirable . SAGR. I have hearkened to this conceit with extreme delight ; and , but that I believe the making of these calculations truly would be a long and painfull task , and perhaps too hard for me to comprehend , I would make a trial of them . SALV . The operation indeed is long and difficult ; nor could I be certain to finde it so readily ; therefore we shall refer it to another time , and for the present we will return to our first proposal , going on there where we made digression ; which , if I well remember , was about the proving the motion by a right line of no use , in the ordinate parts of the World ; and we did proceed to say , that it was not so in circular motions , of which that which is made by the moveable in it self , still retains it in the same place , and that which carrieth the moveable by the circumference of a circle about its fixed centre , neither puts it self , nor those about it in disorder ; for that such a motion primarily is finite and terminate ( though not yet finished and determined ) but there is no point in the circumference , that is not the first and last term in the circulation ; and continuing it in the circumference assigned it , it leaveth all the rest , within and without that , free for the use of others , without ever impeding or disordering them . This being a motion that makes the moveable continually leave , and continually arrive at the end ; it alone therefore can primarily be uniform ; for that acceleration of motion is made in the moveable , when it goeth towards the term , to which it hath inclination ; and the retardation happens by the repugnance that it hath to leave and part from the same term ; and because in circular motion , the moveable continually leaves the natural term , and continually moveth towards the same , therefor , in it , the repugnance and inclination are always of equal force : from which equality results a velocity , neither retarded nor accelerated , i. e. an uniformity in motion . From this conformity , and from the being terminate , may follow the perpetual continuation by successively reiterating the circulations ; which in an undeterminated line , and in a motion continually retarded or accelerated , cannot naturally be . I say , naturally ; because the right motion which is retarded , is the violent , which cannot be perpetual ; and the accelerate arriveth necessarily at the term , if one there be ; and if there be none , it cannot be moved to it , because nature moves not whether it is impossible to attain . I conclude therefore , that the circular motion can onely naturally consist with natural bodies , parts of the universe , and constituted in an excellent disposure ; and that the right , at the most that can be said for it , is assigned by nature to its bodies , and their parts , at such time as they shall be out of their proper places , constituted in a depraved disposition , and for that cause needing to be redu●●d by the shortest way to their natural state . Hence , me thinks , it may rationally be concluded , that for maintenance of perfect order amongst the parts of the World , it is necessary to say , that moveables are moveable onely circularly ; and if there be any that move not circularly , these of necessity are immoveable : there being nothing but rest and circular motion apt to the conservation of order . And I do not a little wonder with my self , that Aristotle , who held that the Terrestrial globe was placed in the centre of the World , and there remained immoveable , should not say , that of natural bodies some are moveable by nature , and others immoveable ; especially having before defined Nature , to be the principle of Motion and Rest. SIMPL. Aristotle , though of a very perspicacious wit , would not strain it further than needed : holding in all his argumentations , that sensible experiments were to be preferred before any reasons founded upon strength of wit , and said those which should deny the testimony of sense deserved to be punished with the loss of that sense ; now who is so blind , that sees not the parts of the Earth and Water to move , as being grave , naturally downwards , namely ; towards the centre of the Universe , assigned by nature her self for the end and term of right motion deorsùm ; and doth not likewise see the Fire and Air to move right upwards towards the Concave of the Lunar Orb , as to the natural end of motion sursùm ? And this being so manifestly seen , and we being certain , that eadem est ratio totius & partium , why may we not assert it for a true and manifest proposition , that the natural motion of the Earth is the right motion ad medium , and that of the Fire , the right à medio ? SALV . The most that you can pretend from this your Discourse , were it granted to be true , is that , like as the parts of the Earth removed from the whole , namely , from the place where they naturally rest , that is in short reduced to a depraved and disordered disposure , return to their place spontaneously , and therefore naturally in a right motion , ( it being granted , that eadem sit ratio totius & partium ) so it may be inferred , that the Terrestrial Globe removed violently from the place assigned it by nature , it would return by a right line . This , as I have said , is the most that can be granted you , and that onely for want of examination ; but he that shall with exactness revise these things , will first deny , that the parts of the Earth , in returning to its whole , move in a right line , and not by a circular or mixt ; and really you would have enough to do to demonstrate the contrary , as you shall plainly see in the answers to the particular reasons and experiments alledged by Ptolomey and Aristotle . Secondly , If another should say that the parts of the Earth , go not in their motion towards the Centre of the World , but to unite with its Whole , and that for that reason they naturally incline towards the centre of the Terrestrial Globe , by which inclination they conspire to form and preserve it , what other All , or what other Centre would you find for the World , to which the whole Terrene Globe , being thence removed , would seek to return , that so the reason of the Whole might be like to that of its parts ? It may be added , That neither Aristotle , nor you can ever prove , that the Earth de facto is in the centre of the Universe ; but if any Centre may be assigned to the Universe , we shall rather find the Sun placed in it , as by the sequel you shall understand . Now , like as from the consentaneous conspiration of all the parts of the Earth to form its whole , doth follow , that they with equal inclination concurr thither from all parts ; and to unite themselves as much as is possible together , they there spherically adapt themselves ; why may we not believe that the Sun , Moon , and other mundane Bodies , be also of a round figure , not by other than a concordant instinct , and natural concourse of all the parts composing them ? Of which , if any , at any time , by any violence were separated from the whole , is it not reasonable to think , that they would spontaneously and by natural instinct return ? and in this manner to infer , that the right motion agreeth with all mundane bodies alike . SIMPL. Certainly , if you in this manner deny not onely the Principles of Sciences , but manifest Experience , and the Senses themselves , you can never be convinced or removed from any opinion which you once conceit , therefore I will choose rather to be silent ( for , contra negantes principia non est disputandum ) than contend with you . And insisting on the things alledged by you even now ( since you question so much as whether grave moveables have a right motion or no ) how can you ever rationally deny , that the parts of the Earth ; or , if you will , that ponderous matters descend towards the Centre , with a right motion ; whenas , if from a very high Tower , whose walls are very upright and perpendicular , you let them fall , they shall descend gliding and sliding by the Tower to the Earth , exactly in that very place where a plummet would fall , being hanged by a line fastned above , just there , whence the said weights were let fall ? is not this a more than evident argument of the motions being right , and towards the Centre ? In the second place you call in doubt , whether the parts of the Earth are moved , as Aristotle affirms , towards the Centre of the World ; as if he had not rationally demonstrated it by contrary motions , whilst he thus argueth ; The motion of heavie bodies is contrary to that of the light : but the motion of the light is manifest to be directly upwards , namely , towards the circumference of the World , therefore the motion of the heavie is directly towards the Centre of the World : and it happens per accidens , that it be towards the centre of the Earth , for that this striveth to be united to that . The seeking in the next place , what a part of the Globe of the Sun or Moon would do , were it separated from its whole , is vanity ; because that thereby that is sought , which would be the consequence of an impossibility ; in regard that , as Aristotle also demonstrates , the coelestial bodies are impassible , impenetrable , and infrangible ; so that such a case can never happen : and though it should , and that the separated part should return to its whole , it would not return as grave or light , for that the same Aristotle proveth , that the Coelestial Bodies are neither heavie nor light . SALV . With what reason I doubt , whether grave bodies move by a right and perpendicular line , you shall hear , as I said before , when I shall examine this particular argument . Touching the second point , I wonder that you should need to discover the Paralogism of Aristotle , being of it self so manifest ; and that you perceive not , that Aristotle supposeth that which is in question : therefore take notice . SIMPL. Pray Salviatus speak with more respect of Aristotle : for who can you ever perswade , that he who was the first , only , and admirable explainer of the Syllogistick forms of demonstration , of Elenchs , of the manner of discovering Sophisms , Paralogisms , and in short , of all the parts of Logick , should afterwards so notoriously equivocate in imposing that for known , which is in question ? It would be better , my Masters , first perfectly to understand him , and then to try , if you have a minde , to oppose him . SALV . Simplicius , we are here familiarly discoursing among our selves , to investigate some truth ; I shall not be displeased that you discover my errors ; and if I do not follow the mind of Aristotle , freely reprehend me , and I shall take it in good part . Onely give me leave to expound my doubts , and to reply something to your last words , telling you , that Logick , as it is well understood , is the Organe with which we philosophate ; but as it may be possible , that an Artist may be excellent in making Organs , but unlearned in playing on them , thus he might be a great Logician , but unexpert in making use of Logick ; like as we have many that theorically understand the whole Art of Poetry , and yet are unfortunate in composing but meer four Verses ; others enjoy all the precepts of Vinci * , and yet know not how to paint a Stoole . The playing on the Organs is not taught by them who know how to make Organs , but by him that knows how to play on them : Poetry is learnt by continual reading of Poets : Limning is learnt by continual painting and designing : Demonstration from the reading of Books full of demonstrations , which are the Mathematical onely , and not the Logical . Now returning to our purpose , I say , that that which Aristotle seeth of the motion of light bodies , is the departing of the Fire from any part of the Superficies of the Terrestrial Globe , and directly retreating from it , mounting upwards ; and this indeed is to move towards a circumference greater than that of the Earth ; yea , the same Aristotle makes it to move to the concave of the Moon , but that this circumference is that of the World , or concentrick to it , so that to move towards this , is a moving towards that of the World , that he cannot affirm , unless he supposeth , That the Centre of the Earth , from which we see these light ascendent bodies to depart , be the same with the Centre of the World ; which is as much as to say , that the terrestrial Globe is constituted in the midst of the World : which is yet that of which we were in doubt , and which Aristotle intended to prove . And do you say that this is not a manifest Paralogism ? SAGR. This Argument of Aristotle appeared to me deficient also , and non-concludent for another respect ; though it were granted , that that Circumference , to which the Fire directly moveth , be that which includeth the World : for that in a circle , not onely the centre , but any other point being taken , every moveable which departing thence , shall move in a right line , and towards any whatsoever part , shall without any doubt go towards the circumference , and continuing the motion , shall also arrive thither ; so that we may truly say , that it moveth towards the circumference : but yet it doth not follow , that that which moveth by the same line with a contrary motion , would go towards the centre , unless when the point taken were the centre it self , or that the motion were made by that onely line , which produced from the point assigned , passeth thorow the centre . So that to say , that Fire moving in a right line , goeth towards the circumference of the World , therefore the parts of the Earth which by the same lines move with a contrary motion , go towards the centre of the World , concludeth not , unless then when it is presupposed , that the lines of the Fire prolonged pass by the centre of the World ; and because we know certainly of them , that they pass by the centre of the Terrestrial Globe ( being perpendicular to its superficies , and not inclined ) therefore to conclude , it must be supposed , that the centre of the Earth is the same with the centre of the World ; or at least , that the parts of the Fire and Earth descend not , save onely by one sole line which passeth by the centre of the World. Which nevertheless is false , and repugnant to experience , which sheweth us , that the parts of Fire , not by one line onely , but by infinite , produced from the centre of the Earth towards all the parts of the World , ascend always by lines perpendicular to the Superficies of the Terrestrial Globe . SALV . You do very ingeniously lead Aristotle to the same inconvenience , Sagredus , shewing his manifest equivoke ; but withal you add another inconsistency . We see the Earth to be spherical , and therefore are certain that it hath its centre , to which we see all its parts are moved ; for so we must say , whilst their motions are all perpendicular to the Superficies of the Earth ; we mean , that as they move to the centre of the Earth , they move to their Whole , and to their Universal Mother : and we are still farther so free , that we will suffer our selves to be perswaded , that their natural instinct is , not to go towards the centre of the Earth , but towards that of the Universe ; which we know not where to find , or whether it be or no ; and were it granted to be , it is but an imaginary point , and a nothing without any quality . As to what Simplicius said last , that the contending whether the parts of the Sun , Moon , or other coelestial Body , separated from their Whole , should naturally return to it , is a vanity , for that the case is impossible ; it being clear by the Demonstrations of Aristotle , that the coelestial Bodies are impassible , impenetrable , unpartable , &c. I answer , that none of the conditions , whereby Aristotle distinguisheth the Coelestial Bodies from Elementary , hath other foundation than what he deduceth from the diversity of the natural motion of those and these ; insomuch that it being denied , that the circular motion is peculiar to Coelestial Bodies , and affirmed , that it is agreeable to all Bodies naturally moveable , it is behoofull upon necessary consequence to say , either that the attributes of generable , or ingenerable , alterable , or unalterable , partable , or unpartable , &c. equally and commonly agree with all worldly bodies , namely , as well to the Coelestial as to the Elementary ; or that Aristotle hath badly and erroneously deduced those from the circular motion , which he hath assigned to Coelestial Bodies . SIMPL. This manner of argumentation tends to the subversion of all Natural Philosophy , and to the disorder and subversion of Heaven and Earth , and the whole Universe ; but I believe the Fundamentals of the Peripateticks are such , that we need not fear that new Sciences can be erected upon their ruines . SALV . Take no thought in this place for Heaven or the Earth , neither fear their subversion , or the ruine of Philosophy . As to Heaven , your fears are vain for that which you your self hold unalterable and impassible ; as for the Earth , we strive to enoble and perfect it , whilst we make it like to the Coelestial Bodies , and as it were place it in Heaven , whence your Philosophers have exiled it . Philosophy it self cannot but receive benefit from our Disputes , for if our conceptions prove true , new Discoveries will be made ; if false , the first Doctrine will be more confirmed . Rather bestow your care upon some Philosophers , and help and defend them ; for as to the Science it self , it cannot but improve . And that we may return to our purpose , be pleased freely to produce what presents it self to you in confirmation of that great difference which Aristotle puts between the Coelestial Bodies , and the Elementary parts of the World , in making those ingenerable , incorruptible , unalterable , &c. and this corruptible , alterable , &c. SIMPL. I see not yet any need that Aristotle hath of help , standing as he doth stoutly and strongly on his feet ; yea not being yet assaulted , much less foiled by you . And what ward will you choose in this combate for this first blow ? Aristotle writeth , that whatever is generated , is made out of a contrary in some subject , and likewise is corrupted in some certain subject from a contrary into a contrary ; so that ( observe ) corruption and generation is never but onely in contraries ; If therefore to a Coelestial Body no contrary can be assigned , for that to the circular motion no other motion is contrary , then Nature hath done very well to make that exempt from contraries , which was to be ingenerable and incorruptible , This fundamental first confirmed , it immediately followeth of consequence , that it is inaugmentable , inalterable , impassible , and finally eternal , and a proportionate habitation to the immortal Deities , conformable to the opinion even of all men that have any conceit of the Gods. He afterwards confirmeth the same by sense ; in regard , that in all times past , according to memory or tradition , we see nothing removed , according to the whole outward Heaven , nor any of its proper parts . Next , as to the circular motion , that no other is contrary to it , Aristotle proveth many ways ; but without reciting them all , it is sufficiently demonstrated , since simple motions are but three , to the medium , from the medium , and about the medium , of which the two right , sursum and deorsum , are manifestly contrary ; and because one onely hath onely one for contrary , therefore there rests no other motion which may be contrary to the circular . You see the subtle and most concluding discourse of Aristotle , whereby he proveth the incorruptibility of Heaven . SALV . This is nothing more , save the pure progress of Aristotle , by me hinted before ; wherein , besides that I affirm , that the motion which you attribute to the Coelestial Bodies agreeth also to the Earth , its illation proves nothing . I tell you therefore , that that circular motion which you assign to Coelestial Bodies , suiteth also to the Earth , from which , supposing that the rest of your discourse were concludent , will follow one of these three things , as I told you a little before , and shall repeat ; namely , either that the Earth it self is also ingenerable , and incorruptible , as the Coelestial bodies ; or that the Coelestial bodies are , like as the Elementary generable , alterable &c. or that this difference of motion hath nothing to do with Generation and Corruption . The discourse of Aristotle , and yours also contain many Propositions not to be lightly admitted , and the better to examine them , it will be convenient to reduce them to the most abstracted and distinct that can be possible ; and excuse me Sagredus , if haply with some tediousness you hear me oft repeat the same things , and fancie that you see me reassume my argument in the publick circle of Disputations . You say Generation and Corruption are onely made where there are contraries ; contraries are onely amongst simple natural bodies , moveable with contrary motions ; contrary motions are onely those which are made by a right line between contrary terms ; and these are onely two , that is to say , from the medium , and towards the medium ; and such motions belong to no other natural bodies , but to the Earth , the Fire , and the other two Elements : therefore Generation and Corruption is onely amongst the Elements . And because the third simple motion , namely , the circular about the medium , hath no contrary , ( for that the other two are contraries , and one onely , hath but onely one contrary ) therefore that natural body with which such motion agreeth , wants a contrary ; and having no contrary is ingenerable and incorruptible , &c. Because where there is no contrariety , there is no generation or corruption , &c. But such motion agreeth onely with the Coelestial bodies ; therefore onely these are ingenerable , incorruptible , &c. And to begin , I think it a more easie thing , and sooner done to resolve , whether the Earth ( a most vast Body , and for its vicinity to us , most tractable ) moveth with a speedy motion , such as its revolution about its own axis in twenty four hours would be , than it is to understand and resolve , whether Generation and Corruption ariseth from contrariety , or else whether there be such things as generation , corruption and contrariety in nature . And if you , Simplicius , can tell me what method Nature observes in working , when she in a very short time begets an infinite number of flies from a little vapour of the Must of wine , and can shew me which are there the contraries you speak of , what it is that corrupteth , and how ; I should think you would do more than I can ; for I profess I cannot comprehend these things . Besides , I would very gladly understand how , and why these corruptive contraries are so favourable to Daws , and so cruel to Doves ; so indulgent to Stags , and so hasty to Horses , that they do grant to them many more years of life , that is , of incorruptibility , than weeks to these . Peaches and Olives are planted in the same soil , exposed to the same heat and cold , to the same wind and rains , and , in a word , to the same contrarieties ; and yet those decay in a short time , and these live many hundred years . Furthermore , I never was thorowly satisfied about this substantial transmutation ( still keeping within pure natural bounds ) whereby a matter becometh so transform'd , that it should be necessarily said to be destroy'd , so that nothing remaineth of its first being , and that another body quite differing there-from should be thence produced ; and if I fancy to my self a body under one aspect , and by and by under another very different , I cannot think it impossible but that it may happen by a simple transposition of parts , without corrupting or ingendring any thing a-new ; for we see such kinds of Metamorphoses dayly : so that to return to my purpose , I answer you , that inasmuch as you go about to perswade me that the Earth can not move circularly by way of corruptibility and generability , you have undertook a much harder task than I , that with arguments more difficult indeed , but no less concluding , will prove the contrary . SAGR. Pardon me , Salviatus , if I interrupt your discourse , which , as it delights me much , for that I also am gravel'd with the same doubts ; so I fear that you can never conclude the same , without altogether digressing from your chief design : therefore if it be permitted to proceed in our first argument , I should think that it were convenient to remit this question of generation and corruption to another distinct and single conference ; as also , if it shall please you and Simplicius , we may do by other particular questions which may fall in the way of our discourse ; which I will keep in my mind to propose , and exactly discuss them some other time . Now as for the present , since you say , that if Aristotle deny circular motion to the Earth in common with other bodies Coelestial , it thence will follow , that the same which befalleth the Earth , as to its being generable , alterable , &c. will hold also of Heaven , let us enquire no further if there be such things in nature , as generation and corruption , or not ; but let us return to enquire what the Globe of the Earth doth . SIMPL. I cannot suffer my ears to hear it question'd , whether generation and corruption be in rerum naturâ , it being a thing which we have continually before our eyes , and whereof Aristotle hath written two whole Books . But if you go about to deny the Principles of Sciences , and question things most manifest , who knows not , but that you may prove what you will , and maintain any Paradox ? And if you do not dayly see herbs , plants , animals to generate and corrupt , what is it that you do see ? Also , do you not continually behold contrarieties contend together , and the Earth change into Water , the Water turn to Air , the Air into Fire , and again the Air to condense into Clouds , Rains , Hails and Storms ? SAGR. Yes , we see these things indeed , and therefore will grant you the discourse of Aristotle , as to this part of generation and corruption made by contraries ; but if I shall conclude by virtue of the same propositions which are granted to Aristotle , that the Coelestial bodies themselves are also generable and corruptible , aswell as the Elementary , what will you say then ? SIMPL. I will say you have done that which is impossible to be done . SAGR. Go to ; tell me , Simplicius , are not these affections contrary to one another ? SIMPL. Which ? SAGR. Why these ; Alterable , unalterable ; passible , * impassible ; generable , ingenerable ; corruptible , incorruptible ? SIMPL. They are most contrary . SAGR. Well then , if this be true , and it be also granted , that Coelestial Bodies are ingenerable and incorruptible ; I prove that of necessity Coelestial Bodies must be generable and corruptible . SIMPL. This must needs be a Sophism . SAGR. Hear my Argument , and then censure and resolve it . Coelestial Bodies , for that they are ingenerable and incorruptible , have in Nature their contraries , which are those Bodies that be generable and corruptible ; but where there is contrariety , there is also generation and corruption ; therefore Coelestial Bodies are generable and corruptible . SIMPL. Did I not say it could be no other than a Sophism ? This is one of those forked Arguments called Soritae : like that of the Cretan , who said that all Cretans were lyars ; but he as being a Cretan , had told a lye , in saying that the Cretans were lyars ; it followed therefore , that the Cretans were no lyars , and consequently that he , as being a Cretan , had spoke truth : And yet in saying the Cretans were lyars , he had said true , and comprehending himself as a Cretan , he must consequently be a lyar . And thus in these kinds of Sophisms a man may dwell to eternity , and never come to any conclusion . SAGR. You have hitherto censured it , it remaineth now that you answer it , shewing the fallacie . SIMPL. As to the resolving of it , and finding out its fallacie , do you not in the first place see a manifest contradiction in it ? Coelestial Bodies are ingenerable and incorruptible ; Ergo , Coelestial Bodies are generable and corruptible . And again , the contrariety is not betwixt the Coelestial Bodies , but betwixt the Elements , which have the contrariety of the Motions , sursùm and deorsùm , and of levity and gravity ; But the Heavens which move circularly , to which motion no other motion is contrary , want contrariety , and therefore they are incorruptible . SAGR. Fair and softly , Simplicius ; this contrariety whereby you say some simple Bodies become corruptible , resides it in the same Body which is corrupted , or else hath it relation to some other ? I say , if , for example , humidity by which a piece of Earth is corrupted , resides it in the same Earth or in some other bodie , which must either be the Air or Water ? I believe you will grant , that like as the Motions upwards and downwards , and gravity and levity , which you make the first contraries , cannot be in the same Subject , so neither can moist and dry , hot and cold : you must therefore consequently acknowledg that when a bodie corrupteth , it is occasioned by some quality residing in another contrary to its own : therefore to make the Coelestial Body become corruptible , it sufficeth that there are in Nature , bodies that have a contrariety to that Coelestial body ; and such are the Elements , if it be true that corruptibility be contrary to incorruptibility . SIMPL. This sufficeth not , Sir ; The Elements alter and corrupt , because they are intermixed , and are joyn'd to one another , and so may exercise their contrariety ; but Coelestial bodies are separated from the Elements , by which they are not so much as toucht , though indeed they have an influence upon the Elements . It is requisite , if you will prove generation and corruption in Coelestial bodies , that you shew , that there resides contrarieties between them . SAGR. See how I will find those contrarieties between them . The first fountain from whence you derive the contrariety of the Elements , is the contrariety of their motions upwards and downwards : it therefore is necessary that those Principles be in like manner contraries to each other , upon which those motions depend : and because that is moveable upwards by lightness , and this downwards by gravity , it is necessary that lightness and gravity are contrary to each other : no less are we to believe those other Principles to be contraries , which are the causes that this is heavy , and that light : but by your own confession , levity and gravity follow as consequents of rarity and density ; therefore rarity and density shall be contraries : the which conditions or affections are so amply found in Coelestial bodies , that you esteem the stars to be onely more dense parts of their Heaven : and if this be so , it followeth that the density of the stars exceeds that of the rest of Heaven , by almost infinite degrees : which is manifest , in that Heaven is infinitely transparent , and the stars extremely opacous ; and for that there are there above no other qualities , but more and less density and rarity , which may be causes of the greater or less transparency . There being then such contrariety between the Coelestial bodies , it is necessary that they also be generable and corruptible , in the same manner as the Elementary bodies are ; or else that contrariety is not the cause of corruptibility , &c. SIMPL. There is no necessity either of one or the other , for that density and rarity in Coelestial bodies , are not contraries to each other , as in Elementary bodies ; for that they depend not on the primary qualities , cold and heat , which are contraries ; but on the more or less matter in proportion to quantity : now much and little , speak onely a relative opposition , that is , the least of oppositions , and which hath nothing to do with generation and corruption . SAGR. Therefore affirming , that density and rarity , which amongst the Elements should be the cause of gravity and levity , which may be the causes of contrary motions sursum and deors●●m , on which , again , dependeth the contrarieties for generation and corruption ; it sufficeth not that they be those densnesses and rarenesses which under the same quantity , or ( if you will ) mass contain much or little matter , but it is necessary that they be densnesses and rarenesses caused by the primary qualities , hot and cold , otherwise they would operate nothing at all : but if this be so , Aristotle hath deceived us , for that he should have told it us at first , and so have left written that those simple bodies are generable and corruptible , that are moveable with simple motions upwards and downwards , dependent on levity and gravity , caused by rarity and density , made by much or little matter , by reason of heat and cold ; and not to have staid at the simple motion sursum and deorsùm : for I assure you that to the making of bodies heavy or light , whereby they come to be moved with contrary motions , any kind of density and rarity sufficeth , whether it proceed from heat and cold , or what else you please ; for heat and cold have nothing to do in this affair : and you shall upon experiment find , that a red iron , which you must grant to have heat , weigheth as much , and moves in the same manner as when it is cold . But to overpass this also , how know you but that Coelestial rarity and density depend on heat and cold ? SIMPL. I know it , because those qualities are not amongst Coelestial bodies , which are neither hot nor cold . SALV . I see we are again going about to engulph our selves in a bottomless ocean , where there is no getting to shore ; for this is a Navigation without Compass , Stars , or Rudder : so that it will follow either that we be forced to pass from Shelf to Shelf , or run on ground , or to sail continually in danger of being lost . Therefore , if according to your advice we shall proceed in our main design , we must of necessity for the present overpass this general consideration , whether direct motion be necessary in Nature , and agree with some bodies ; and come to the particular demonstrations , observations and experiments ; propounding in the first place all those that have been hitherto alledged by Aristotle , Ptolomey , and others , to prove the stability of the Earth , endeavouring in the next place to answer them : and producing in the last place , those , by which others may be perswaded , that the Earth is no less than the Moon , or any other Planet to be numbered amongst natural bodies that move circularly . SAGR. I shall the more willingly incline to this , in that I am better satisfied with your Architectonical and general discourse , than with that of Aristotle , for yours convinceth me without the least scruple , and the other at every step crosseth my way with some block . And I see no reason why Simplicius should not be presently satisfied with the Argument you alledg , to prove that there can be no such thing in nature as a motion by a right line , if we do but presuppose that the parts of the Universe are disposed in an excellent constitution and perfect order . SALV . Stay a little , good Sagredus , for just now a way comes into my mind , how I may give Simplicius satisfaction , provided that he will not be so strictly wedded to every expression of Aristotle , as to hold it heresie to recede in any thing from him . Nor is there any question to be made , but that if we grant the excellent disposition and perfect order of the parts of the Universe , as to local scituation , that then there is no other but the circular motion , and rest ; for as to the motion by a right line , I see not how it can be of use for any thing , but to reduce to their natural constitution , some integral bodies , that by some accident were remov'd and separated from their whole , as we said above . Let us now consider the whole Terrestrial Globe , and enquire the best we can , whether it , and the other Mundane bodies are to conserve themselves in their perfect and natural disposition . It is necessary to say , 〈◊〉 that it rests and keeps perpetually immoveable in its place ; or else that continuing always in its place , it revolves in its self ; or that it turneth about a Centre , moving by the circumference of a circle . Of which accidents , both Aristotle and Ptolomey , and all their followers say , that it hath ever observed , and shall continually keep the first , that is , a perpetual rest in the same place . Now , why , I pray you , ought they not to have said , that its natural affection is to rest immoveable , rather than to make natural unto it the motion * downwards , with which motion it never did or shall move ? And as to the motion by a right line , they must grant us that Nature maketh use of it to reduce the small parts of the Earth , Water , Air , Fire , and every other integral Mundane body to their Whole , when any of them by chance are separated , and so transported out of their proper place ; if also haply , some circular motion might not be found to be more convenient to make this restitution . In my judgment , this primary position answers much better , even according to Aristotles own method , to all the other consequences , than to attribute the straight motion to be an intrinsick and natural principle of the Elements . Which is manifest , for that if I aske the Peripatetick , if , being of opinion that Coelestial bodies are incorruptibe and eternal , he believeth that the Terrestial Globe is not so , but corruptible and mortal , so that there shall come a time , when the Sun and Moon and other Stars , continuing their beings and operations , the Earth shall not be found in the World , but shall with the rest of the Elements be destroyed and annihilated , I am certain that he would answer me , no : therefore generation and corruption is in the parts and not in the whole ; and in the parts very small and superficial , which are , as it were , incensible in comparison of the whole masse . And because Aristotle deduceth generation and corruption from the contrariety of streight motions , let us remit such motions to the parts , which onely change and decay , and to the whole Globe and Sphere of the Elements , let us ascribe either the circular motion , or a perpetual consistance in its proper place : the only affections apt for perpetuation , and maintaining of perfect order . This which is spoken of the Earth , may be said with the same reason of Fire , and of the greatest part of the Air ; to which Elements , the Peripateticks are forced to ascribe for intrinsical and natural , a motion wherewith they were never yet moved , nor never shall be ; and to call that motion preternatural to them , wherewith , if they move at all , they do and ever shall move . This I say , because they assign to the Air and Fire the motion upwards , wherewith those Elements were never moved , but only some parts of them , and those were so moved onely in order to the recovery of their perfect constitution , when they were out of their natural places ; and on the contrary they call the circular motion preternatural to them , though they are thereby incessantly moved : forgeting , as it seemeth , what Aristotle oft inculcateth , that nothing violent can be permanent . SIMPL. To all these we have very pertinent answers , which I for this time omit , that we may come to the more particular reasons , and sensible experiments , which ought in conclusion to be opposed , as Aristotle saith well , to whatever humane reason can present us with . SAGR. What hath been spoken hitherto , serves to clear up unto us which of the two general discourses carrieth with it most of probability , I mean that of Aristotle , which would perswade us , that the sublunary bodies are by nature generable , and corruptible , &c. and therefore most different from the essence of Coelestial bodies , which are impassible , ingenerable , incorruptible , &c. drawn from the diversity of simple motions ; or else this of Salviatus , who supposing the integral parts of the World to be disposed in a perfect constitution , excludes by necessary consequence the right or straight motion of simple natural bodies , as being of no use in nature , and esteems the Earth it self also to be one of the Coelestial bodies adorn'd with all the prerogatives that agree with them ; which last discourse is hitherto much more likely , in my judgment , than that other . Therefore resolve , Simplicius , to produce all the particular reasons , experiments and observations , as well Natural as Astronomical , that may serve to perswade us that the Earth differeth from the Coelestial bodies , is immoveable , and situated in the Centre of the World , and what ever else excludes its moving like to the Planets , as Jupiter or the Moon , &c. And Salviatus will be pleased to be so civil as to answer to them one by one . SIMPL. See here for a begining , two most convincing Arguments to demonstrate the Earth to be most different from the Coelestial bodies . First , the bodies that are generable , corruptible , alterable , &c. are quite different from those that are ingenerable , incorruptible , unalterable , &c. But the Earth is generable , corruptible , alterable , &c. and the Coelestial bodies ingenerable , incorruptible , unalterable , &c. Therefore the Earth is quite different from the Coelestial bodies . SAGR. By your first Argument you spread the Table with the same Viands , which but just now with much adoe were voided . SIMPL. Hold a little , Sir , and take the rest along with you , and then tell me if this be not different from what you had before . In the former , the Minor was proved à priori , & now you see it proved à posteriori : Judg then if it be the same . I prove the Minor , therefore ( the Major being most manifest ) by sensible experience , which 〈…〉 that in the Earth there are made continual generations , corruptions , alterations , &c. which neither our senses , nor the traditions or memories of our Ancestors , ever saw an instance of in Heaven ; therefore Heaven is unalterable , &c. and the Earth alterable , &c. and therefore different from Heaven . I take my second Argument from a principal and essential accident , and it is this . That body which is by its nature obscure and deprived of light , is divers from the luminous and shining bodies ; but the Earth is obscure and void of light , and the Coelestial bodies splendid , and full of light ; Ergo , &c. Answer to these Arguments first , that we may not heap up too many , and then I will alledge others . SALV . As to the first , the stresse whereof you lay upon experience , I desire that you would a little more distinctly produce me the alteration which you see made in the Earth , and not in Heaven ; upon which you call the Earth alterable , and the Heavens not so . SIMPL. I see in the Earth , plants and animals continually generating and decaying ; winds , rains , tempests , storms arising ; and in a word , the aspect of the Earth to be perpetually metamorphosing ; none of which mutations are to be discern'd in the Coelestial bodies ; the constitution and figuration of which is most punctually conformable to that they ever were time out of mind ; without the generation of any thing that is new , or corruption of any thing that was old . SALV . But if you content your self with these visible , or to say better , seen experiments , you must consequently account China and America Coelestial bodies , for doubtlesse you never be held in them these alterations which you see here in Italy , and that therefore according to your apprehension they are inalterable . SIMPL. Though I never did see these alterations sensibly in those places , the relations of them are not to be questioned ; besides that , cum eadem sit ratio totius , & partium , those Countreys being a part of the Earth , as well as ours , they must of necessity be alterable as these are . SALV . And why have you not , without being put to believe other mens relations , examined and observed those alterations with your own eyes ? SIMPL. Because those places , besides that they are not exposed to our eyes , are so remote , that our sight cannot reach to comprehend therein such like mutations . SALV . See now , how you have unawares discovered the fallacy of your Argument ; for , if you say that the alterations that are seen on the Earth neer at hand , cannot , by reason of the too great distance , be seen in America , much lesse can you see them in the Moon , which is so many hundred times more remote : And if you believe the alterations in Mexico upon the report of those that come from thence , what intelligence have you from the Moon , to assure you that there is no such alterations in it ? Therefore , from your not seeing any alterations in Heaven , whereas , if there were any such , you could not see them by reason of their too great distance , and from your not having intelligence thereof , in regard that it cannot be had , you ought not to argue , that there are no such alterations ; howbeit , from the seeing and observing of them on Earth , you well argue that therein such there are . SIMPL. I will shew so great mutations that have befaln on the Earth ; that if any such had happened in the Moon , they might very well have been observed here below . We find in very antient records , that heretofore at the Streights of Gibraltar , the two great Mountains Abila , and Calpen , were continued together by certain other lesse Mountains , which there gave check to the Ocean : but those Hills , being by some cause or other separated , and a way being opened for the Sea to break in , it made such an inundation , that it gave occasion to the calling of it since the Mid-land Sea : the greatness whereof considered , and the divers aspects the surfaces of the Water and Earth then made , had it been beheld afar off , there is no doubt but so great a change might have been discerned by one that was then in the Moon ; as also to us inhabitants of the Earth , the like alterations would be perceived in the Moon ; but we find not in antiquity , that ever there was such a thing seen ; therefore we have no cause to say , that any of the Coelestial bodies are alterable , &c. SALV . That so great alterations have hapned in the Moon , I dare not say , but for all that , I am not yet certain but that such changes might occur ; and because such a mutation could onely represent unto us some kind of variation between the more clear , and more obscure parts of the Moon , I know not whether we have had on Earth observant Selenographers , who have for any considerable number of years , instructed us with so exact Selenography , as that we should confidently conclude , that there hath no such change hapned in the face of the Moon ; of the figuration of which I find no more particular description , than the saying of some , that it represents an humane face ; of others , that it is like the muzle of a Lyon ; and of others , that it is Cain with a bundle of thorns on his back : therefore , to say Heaven is unalterable , because that in the Moon , or other Coelestial bodies , no such alterations are seen , as discover themselves on Earth , is a bad illation , and concludeth nothing . SAGR. And there is another odd kind of scruple in this Argument of Simplicius , running in my mind , which I would gladly have answered ; therefore I demand of him , whether the Earth before the Mediterranian inundation was generable and corruptible , or else began then so to be ? SIMPL. It was doubtless generable and corruptible also before that time ; but that was so vast a mutation , that it might have been observed as far as the Moon . SAGR. Go to ; if the Earth was generable and corruptible before that Inundation , why may not the Moon be so likewise without such a change ? Or why should that be necessary in the Moon , which importeth nothing on Earth ? SALV . It is a shrewd question : But I am doubtfull that Simplicius a little altereth the Text of Aristotle , and the other Peripateticks , who say , they hold the Heavens unalterable , for that they see therein no one star generate or corrupt , which is probably a less part of Heaven , than a City is of the Earth , and yet innumerable of these have been destroyed , so as that no mark of them hath remain'd . SAGR. I verily believed otherwise , and conceited that Simplicius dissembled this exposition of the Text , that he might not charge his Master and Consectators , with a notion more absurd than the former . And what a folly it is to say the Coelestial part is unalterable , because no stars do generate or corrupt therein ? What then ? hath any one seen a Terrestrial Globe corrupt , and another regenerate in its place ? And yet is it not on all hands granted by Philosophers , that there are very few stars in Heaven less than the Earth , but very many that are much bigger ? So that for a star in Heaven to corrupt , would be no less than if the whole Terrestrial Globe should be destroy'd . Therefore , if for the true proof of generation and corruption in the Universe , it be necessary that so vast bodies as a star , must corrupt and regenerate , you may satisfie your self and cease your opinion ; for I assure you , that you shall never see the Terrestrial Globe or any other integral body of the World , to corrupt or decay so , that having been beheld by us for so many years past , they should so dissolve , as not to leave any footsteps of them . SALV . But to give Simplicius yet fuller satisfaction , and to reclaim him , if possible , from his error ; I affirm , that we have in our age new accidents and observations , and such , that I question not in the least , but if Aristotle were now alive , they would make him change his opinion ; which may be easily collected from the very manner of his discoursing : For when he writeth that he esteemeth the Heavens inalterable , &c. because no new thing was seen to be begot therein , or any old to be dissolved , he seems implicitely to hint unto us , that when he should see any such accident , he would hold the contrary : and 〈◊〉 , as indeed it is meet , sensible experiments to natural reason : for had he not made any reckoning of the senses , he would not then from the not seeing of any sensible mutation , have argued immutability . SIMPL. Aristotle deduceth his principal Argument à priori , shewing the necessity of the inalterability of Heaven by natural , manifest and clear principles ; and then stablisheth the same à posteriori , by sense , and the traditions of the antients . SALV . This you speak of is the Method he hath observed in delivering his Doctrine , but I do not bethink it yet to be that wherewith he invented it ; for I do believe for certain , that he first procured by help of the senses , such experiments and observations as he could , to assure him as much as it was possible , of the conclusion , and that he afterwards sought out the means how to demonstrate it : For this is the usual course in demonstrative Sciences , and the reason thereof is , because when the conclusion is true , by help of resolutive Method , one may hit upon some proposition before demonstrated , or come to some principle known per se ; but if the conclusion be false , a man may proceed in infinitum , and never meet with any truth already known ; but very oft he shall meet with some impossibility or manifest absurdity Nor need you question but that Pythagoras along time before he found the demonstration for which he offered the Hecatomb , had been certain , that the square of the side subtending the right angle in a rectangle triangle , was equal to the square of the other two sides : and the certainty of the conclusion conduced not a little to the investigating of the demonstration , understanding me alwayes to mean in demonstrative Sciences . But what ever was the method of Aristotle , and whether his arguing à priori preceded sense à posteriori , or the contrary ; it sufficeth that the same Aristotle preferreth ( as hath been oft said ) sensible experiments before all discourses ; besides , as to the Arguments à priori their force hath been already examined . Now returning to my purposed matter , I say , that the things in our times discovered in the Heavens , are , and have been such , that they may give absolute satisfaction to all Philosophers ; forasmuch as in the particular bodies , and in the universal expansion of Heaven , there have been , and are continually , seen just such accidents as we call generations and corruptions , being that excellent Astronomers have observed many Comets generated and dissolved in parts higher than the Lunar Orb , besides the two new Stars , Anno 1572 , and Anno 1604 , without contradiction much higher than all the Planets ; and in the face of the Sun it self , by help of the Telescope , certain dense and obscure substances , in semblance very like to the foggs about the Earth , are seen to be produced and dissolved ; and many of these are so vast , that they far exceed not only the Mediterranian Streight , but all Affrica and Asia also . Now if Aristotle had seen these things , what think you he would have said , and done Simplicius ? SIMPL. I know not what Aristotle would have done or said , that was the great Master of all the Sciences , but yet I know in part , what his Sectators do and say , and ought to do and say , unlesse they would deprive themselves of their guide , leader , and Prince in Philosophy . As to the Comets , are not those Modern Astronomers , who would make them Coelestial , convinced by the * Anti-Tycho , yea , and overcome with their own weapons , I mean by way of Paralaxes and Calculations , every way tryed , concluding at the last in favour of Aristotle , that they are all Elementary ? And this being overthrown , which was as it were their foundation , have these Novellists any thing more wherewith to maintain their assertion ? SALV . Hold a little , good Simplicius , this modern Author , what saith he to the new Stars , Anno 1572 , and 1604 , and to the Solar spots ? for as to the Comets , I for my own particular little care to make them generated under or above the Moon ; nor did I ever put much stresse on the loquacity of Tycho ; nor am I hard to believe that their matter is Elementary , and that they may elevate ( sublimate ) themselves at their pleasure , without meeting with any obstacle from the impenetrability of the Peripatetick Heaven , which I hold to be far more thin , yielding , and subtil than our Air ; and as to the calculations of the Parallaxes , first , the uncertainty whether Comets are subject to such accidents , and next , the inconstancy of the observations , upon which the computations are made , make me equally suspect both those opinions : and the rather , for that I see him you call Anti-Tycho , sometimes stretch to his purpose , or else reject those observations which interfere with his design . SIMPL. As to the new Stars , Anti-Tycho extricates himself finely in three or four words ; saying , That those modern new Stars are no certain parts of the Coelestial bodies , and that the adversaries , if they will prove alteration and generation in those superior bodies , must shew some mutations that have been made in the Stars described so many ages past , of which there is no doubt but that they be Coelestial bodies , which they can never be able to do : Next , as to those matters which some affirm , to generate and dissipate in the face of the Sun , he makes no mention thereof ; wherefore I conclude , that he believed them fictious , or the illusions of the Tube , or at most , some petty effects caused by the Air , and in brief , any thing rather than matters Coelestial . SALV . But you , Simplicius , what answer could you give to the opposition of these importunate spots which are started up to disturb the Heavens , and more than that , the Peripatetick Philosophy ? It cannot be but that you , who are so resolute a Champion of it , have found some reply or solution for the same , of which you ought not to deprive us . SIMPL. I have heard sundry opinions about this particular . One saith : They are Stars which in their proper Orbs , like as Venus and Mercury , revolve about the Sun , and in passing under it , represent themselves to us obscure ; and for that they are many , they oft happen to aggregate their parts together , and afterwards seperate again . Others believe them to be äerial impressions ; others , the illusions of the chrystals ; and others , other things : But I incline to think , yea am verily perswaded , That they are an aggregate of many several opacous bodies , as it were casually concurrent among themselves . And therefore we often see , that in one of those spots one may number ten or more such small bodies , which are of irregular figures , and seem to us like flakes of snow , or flocks of wooll , or moaths flying : they vary fire amongst themselves , and one while sever , another while meet , and most of all beneath the Sun , about which , as about their Centre , they continually move . But yet , must we not therefore grant , that they are generated or dissolved , but that at sometimes they are hid behind the body of the Sun , and at other times , though remote from it , yet are they not seen for the vicinity of the immeasurable light of the Sun ; in regard that in the eccentrick Orb of the Sun , there is constituted , as it were , an Onion , composed of many folds one within another , each of which , being * studded with certain small spots , doth move ; and albeit their motion at first seemeth inconstant and irregular , yet neverthelesse , it is said at last , to be observed that the very same spots , as before , do within a determinate time return again . This seemeth to me the fittest answer that hath been found to assigne a reason of that same appearance , and withal to maintain the incorruptability and ingenerability of the Heavens ; and if this doth not suffice ; there wants not more elevated wits , which will give you other more convincing . SALV . If this of which we dispute , were some point of Law , or other part of the Studies called Humanity , wherein there is neither truth nor falshood , if we will give sufficient credit to the acutenesse of the wit , readinesse of answers , and the general practice of Writers , then he who most aboundeth in these , makes his reason more probable and plausible ; but in Natural Sciences , the conclusions of which are true and necessary , and wherewith the judgment of men hath nothing to do , one is to be more cautious how he goeth abou● to maintain any thing that is false ; for a man but of an ordinary wit , if it be his good fortune to be of the right side , may lay a thousand Demosthenes and a thousand Aristotles at his feet . Therefore reject those hopes and conceits , wherewith you flatter your self , that there can be any men so much more learned , read , and versed in Authors , than we , that in despite of nature , they should be able to make that become true , which is false . And seeing that of all the opinions that have been hitherto alledged touching the essence of these Solar spots , this instanced in by you , is in your judgment the truest , it followeth ( if this be so ) that all the rest are false ; and to deliver you from this also , which doubtlesse is a most false Chimaera , over-passing infinite other improbabilities that are therein , I shall propose against it onely two experiments ; one is , that many of those spots are seen to arise in the midst of the Solar ring , and many likewise to dissolve and vanish at a great distance from the circumference of the Sun ; a necessary Argument that they generate and dissolve ; for if without generating or corrrupting , they should appear there by onely local motion , they would all be seen to enter , and pass out by extreme circumference . The other observation to such as are not situate in the lowest degree of ignorance in Perspective , by the mutation of the appearing figures , and by the apparent mutations of the velocity of motion is necessarily concluding , that the spots are contiguous to the body of the Sun , and that touching its superficies , they move either with it or upon it , and that they in no wise move in circles remote from the same . The motion proves it , which towards the circumference of the Solar Circle , appeareth very slow , and towards the midst , more swift ; the figures of the spots confirmeth it , which towards the circumference appear exceeding narrow in comparison of that which they seem to be in the parts nearer the middle ; and this because in the midst they are seen in their full luster , and as they truly be ; and towards the circumference by reason of the convexity of the globous superficies , they seem more compress'd : And both these diminutions of figure and motion , to such as know how to observe and calculate them exactly , precisely answer to that which should appear , the spots being contiguous to the Sun , and differ irreconcileably from a motion in circles remote , though but for smal intervalls from the body of the Sun ; as hath been diffusely demonstrated by our * Friend , in his Letters about the Solar spots , to Marcus Velserus . It may be gathered from the same mutation of figure , that none of them are stars , or other bodies of spherical figure ; for that amongst all figures the sphere never appeareth compressed , nor can ever be represented but onely perfectly round ; and thus in case any particular spot were a round body , as all the stars are held to be , the said roundness would as well appear in the midst of the Solar ring , as when the spot is near the extreme : whereas , it s so great compression , and shewing its self so small towards the extreme , and contrariwise , spatious and large towards the middle , assureth us , that these spots are flat plates of small thickness or depth , in comparison of their length and breadth . Lastly , whereas you say that the spots after their determinate periods are observed to return to their former aspect , believe it not , Simplicius , for he that told you so , will deceive you ; and that I speak the truth , you may observe them to be hid in the face of the Sun far from the circumference ; nor hath your Observator told you a word of that compression , which necessarily argueth them to be contiguous to the Sun. That which he tells you of the return of the said spots , is nothing else but what is read in the forementioned Letters , namely , that some of them may sometimes so happen that are of so long a duration , that they cannot be dissipated by one sole conversion about the Sun , which is accomplished in less than a moneth . SIMPL. I , for my part , have not made either so long , or so exact observations , as to enable me to boast my self Master of the Quod est of this matter : but I will more accurately consider the same , and make tryal my self for my own satisfaction , whether I can reconcile that which experience shews us , with that which Aristotle teacheth us ; for it 's a certain Maxim , that two Truths cannot be contrary to one another . SALV . If you would reconcile that which sense shewed you , with the solider Doctrines of Aristotle , you will find no great difficulty in the undertaking ; and that so it is , doth not Aristotle say , that one cannot treat confidently of the things of Heaven , by reason of their great remoteness ? SIMPL. He expresly saith so . SALV . And doth he not likewise affirm , that we ought to prefer that which sense demonstrates , before all Arguments , though in appearance never so well grounded ? and saith he not this without the least doubt or haesitation ? SIMPL. He doth so . SALV . Why then , the second of these propositions , which are both the doctrine of Aristotle , that saith , that sense is to take place of Logick , is a doctrine much more solid and undoubted , than that other which holdeth the Heavens to be unalterable ; and therefore you shall argue more Aristotelically , saying , the Heavens are alterable , for that so my sense telleth me , than if you should say , the Heavens are ualterable , for that Logick so perswaded Aristotle . Furthermore , we may discourse of Coelestial matters much better than Aristotle ; because , he confessing the knowledg thereof to be difficult to him , by reason of their remoteness from the senses , he thereby acknowledgeth , that one to whom the senses can better represent the same , may philosophate upon them with more certainty . Now we by help of the Telescope , are brought thirty or forty times nearer to the Heavens , than ever Aristotle came ; so that we may discover in them an hundred things , which he could not see , and amongst the rest , these spots in the Sun , which were to him absolutely invisible ; therefore we may discourse of the Heavens and Sun , with more certainty than Aristolte . SAGR. I see into the heart of Simplicius , and know that he is much moved at the strength of these so convincing Arguments ; but on the other side , when he considereth the great authority which Aristotle hath won with all men , and remembreth the great number of famous Interpreters , which have made it their business to explain his sense ; and seeth other Sciences , so necessary and profitable to the publick , to build a great part of their esteem and reputation on the credit of Aristotle he is much puzzled and perplexed : and methinks I hear him say , To whom then should we repair for the decision of our controversies , if Aristotle were removed from the chair ? What other Author should we follow in the Schools , Academies and Studies ? What Philosopher hath writ all the parts of Natural Philosophy , and that so methodically without omitting so much as one single conclusion ? Shall we then overthrow that Fabrick under which so many passengers find shelter ? Shall we destroy that Asylum , that Prytaneum , wherein so many Students meet with commodious harbour , where without exposing themselves to the injuries of the air , with the onely turning over of a few leaves , one may learn all the secrets of Nature ? Shall we dismantle that fort in which we are safe from all hostile assaults ? But I pitie him no more than I do that Gentleman who with great expence of time and treasure , and the help of many hundred artists , erects a very sumptuous Pallace , and afterwards beholds it ready to fall , by reason of the bad foundation ; but being extremely unwilling to see the Walls stript which are adorned with so many beautifull Pictures ; or to suffer the columns to fall , that uphold the stately Galleries ; or the gilded roofs , chimney-pieces , the freizes , the cornishes of marble , with so much cost erected , to be ruined ; goeth about with girders , props , shoars , butterasses , to prevent their subversion . SALV . But alass , Simplicius as yet fears no such fall , and I would undertake to secure him from that mischief at a far less charge . There is no danger that so great a multitude of subtle and wise Philosophers , should suffer themselves to be Hector'd by one or two , who make a little blustering ; nay , they will rather , without ever turning the points of their pens against them , by their silence onely render them the object of universal scorn and contempt . It is a fond conceit for any one to think to introduce new Philosophy , by reproving this or that Author : it will be first necessary to new-mold the brains of men , and make them apt to distinguish truth from falshood . A thing which onely God can do . But from one discourse to another whither are we stray'd ? your memory must help to guide me into the way again . SIMPL. I remember very well where we left . We were upon the answer of Anti-Tycho , to the objections against the immutability of the Heavens , among which you inserted this of the Solar spots , not spoke of by him ; and I believe you intended to examine his answer to the instance of the New Stars . SALV . Now I remember the rest , and to proceed , Methinks there are some things in the answer to Anti-Tycho , worthy of reprehension . And first , if the two New Stars , which he can do no less than place in the uppermost parts of the Heavens , and which were of a long duration , but finally vanished , give him no obstruction in maintaining the inalterability of Heaven , in that they were not certain parts thereof , nor mutations made in the antient Stars , why doth he set himself so vigorously and earnestly against the Comets , to banish them by all ways from the Coelestial Regions ? Was it not enough that he could say of them the same which he spoke of the New stars ? to wit , that in regard they were no certain parts of Heaven , nor mutations made in any of the Stars , they could no wise prejudice either Heaven , or the Doctrine of Aristotle ? Secondly , I am not very well satisfied of his meaning ; when he saith that the alterations that should be granted to be made in the Stars , would be destructive to the prerogative of Heaven ; namely , its incorruptibility , &c. and this , because the Stars are Coelestial substances , as is manifest by the consent of every one ; and yet is nothing troubled that the same alterations should be made * without the Stars in the rest of the Coelestial expansion . Doth he think that Heaven is no Coelestial substance ? I , for my part , did believe that the Stars were called Coelestial bodies , by reason that they were in Heaven , or for that they were made of the substance of Heaven ; and yet I thought that Heaven was more Coelestial than they ; in like sort , as nothing can be said to be more Terrestrial , or more fiery than the Earth or Fire themselves . And again , in that he never made any mention of the Solar spots , which have been evidently demonstrated to be produced , and dissolved , and to be neer the Sun , and to turn either with , or about the same , I have reason to think that this Author probably did write more for others pleasure , than for his own satisfaction ; and this I affirm , forasmuch as he having shewn himself to be skilful in the Mathematicks , it is impossible but that he should have been convinced by Demonstrations , that those substances are of necessity contiguous with the body of the Sun , and are so great generations and corruptions , that none comparable to them , ever happen in the Earth : And if such , so many , and so frequent be made in the very Globe of the Sun , which may with reason be held one of the noblest parts of Heaven , what should make us think that others may not happen in the other Orbs. SAGR. I cannot without great admiration , nay more , denial of my understanding , hear it to be attributed to natural bodies , for a great honour and perfection that they are * impassible , immutable , inalterable , &c. And on the contrary , to hear it to be esteemed a great imperfection to be alterable , generable , mutable , &c. It is my opinion that the Earth is very noble and admirable , by reason of so many and so different alterations , mutations , generations , &c. which are incessantly made therein ; and if without being subject to any alteration , it had been all one vast heap of sand , or a masse of Jasper , or that in the time of the Deluge , the waters freezing which covered it , it had continued an immense Globe of Christal , wherein nothing had ever grown , altered , or changed , I should have esteemed it a lump of no benefit to the World , full of idlenesse , and in a word superfluous , and as if it had never been in nature ; and should make the same difference in it , as between a living and dead creature : The like I say of the Moon , Jupiter , and all the other Globes of the World. But the more I dive into the consideration of the vanity of popular discourses , the more empty and simple I find them . And what greater folly can there be imagined , than to call Jems , Silver and Gold pretious ; and Earth and dirt vile ? For do not these persons consider , that if there should be as great a scarcity of Earth , as there is of Jewels and pretious metals , there would be no Prince , but would gladly give a heap of Diamonds and Rubies , and many Wedges of Gold , to purchase onely so much Earth as should suffice to plant a Gessemine in a little pot , or to set therein a China Orange , that he might see it sprout , grow up , and bring forth so goodly leaves , so odiriferous flowers , and so delicate fruit ? It is therefore scarcity and plenty that make things esteemed and contemned by the vulgar ; who will say that same is a most beautiful Diamond , for that it resembleth a cleer water , and yet will not part with it for ten Tun of water : These men that so extol incorruptibility , inalterability , &c. speak thus I believe out of the great desire they have to live long , and for fear of death ; not considering , that if men had been immortal , they should have had nothing to do in the World. These deserve to meet with a Medusa's head , that would transform them into Statues of Dimond and Jasper , that so they might become more perfect than they are . SALV . And it may be such a Metamorphosis would not be altogether unprofitable to them ; for I am of opinion that it is better not to discourse at all , than to argue erroniously . SIMPL. There is not the least question to be made , but that the Earth is much more perfect , being as it is alterable , mutable , &c. than if it had been a masse of stone ; yea although it were one entire Diamond , most hard and impassile . But look how much these qualifications enoble the Earth , they render the Heavenly bodies again on the other side so much the more imperfect , in which , such conditions would be superfluous ; in regard that the Coelestial bodies , namely , the Sun , Moon , and the other Stars , which are ordained for no other use but to serve the Earth , need no other qualities for attaining of that end , save onely those of light and motion . SAGR. How ? Will you affirm that nature hath produced and designed so many vast perfect and noble Coelestial bodies , impassible , immortal , and divine , to no other use but to serve the passible , frail , and mortal Earth ? to serve that which you call the drosse of the World , and sink of all uncleannesse ? To what purpose were the Coelestial bodies made immortal , &c. to serve a frail , &c. Take away this subserviency to the Earth , and the innumerable multitude of Coelestial bodies become wholly unuseful , and superfluous , since they neither have nor can have any mutual operation betwixt themselves ; because they are all unalterable , immutable , impassible : For if , for Example , the Moon be impassible , what influence can the Sun or any other Star have upon her ? it would doubtlesse have far lesse effect upon her , than that of one who would with his looks or imagination , lignifie a piece of Gold. Moreover , it seemeth to me , that whilst the Coelestial bodies concurre to the generation and alteration of the Earth , they themselves are also of necessity alterable ; for otherwise I cannot understand how the application of the Sun or Moon to the Earth , to effect production , should be any other than to lay a marble Statue by a Womans side , and from that conjunction to expect children . SIMPL. Corruptibility , alteration , mutation , &c. are not in the whole Terrestrial Globe , which as to its whole , is no lesse eternal than the Sun or Moon , but it is generable and corruptible as to its external parts ; but yet it is also true that likewise in them generation and corruption are perpetual , and as such require the heavenly eternal operations ; and therefore it is necessary that the Coelestial bodies be eternal . SAGR. All this is right ; but if the corruptibility of the superficial parts of the Earth be nowise prejudicial to the eternity of its whole Globe , yea , if their being generable , corruptible , alterable , &c. gain them great ornament and perfection ; why cannot , and ought not you to admit alteration , generation , &c. likewise in the external parts of the Coelestial Globes , adding to them ornament , without taking from them perfection , or bereaving them of action ; yea rather encreasing their effects , by granting not onely that they all operate on the Earth , but that they mutually operate upon each other , and the Earth also upon them all ? SIMPL. This cannot be , because the generations , mutations , &c. which we should suppose v. g. in the Moon ; would be vain and uselesse , & natura nihil frustra facit . SAGR. And why should they be vain and uselesse ? SIMPL. Because we cleerly see , and feel with our hands , that all generations , corruptions , &c. made in the Earth , are all either mediately or immediately directed to the use , convenience , and benefit of man ; for the use of man are horses brought forth , for the feeding of horses , the Earth produceth grasse , and the Clouds water it ; for the use and nourishment of man , herbs , corn , fruits , beasts , birds , fishes , are brought forth ; and in sum , if we should one by one dilligently examine and resolve all these things , we should find the end to which they are all directed , to be the necessity , use , convenience , and delight of man. Now of what use could the generations which we suppose to be made in the Moon or other Planets , ever be to mankind ? unlesse you should say that there were also men in the Moon , that might enjoy the benefit thereof ; a conceit either fabulous or impious . SAGR. That in the Moon or other Planets , there are generated either herbs , or plants , or animals , like to ours , or that there are rains , winds , or thunders there , as about the Earth , I neither know , nor believe , and much lesse , that it is inhabited by men : but yet I understand not , because there are not generated things like to ours , that therefore it necessarily followeth , that no alteration is wrought therein , or that there may not be other things that change , generate , and dissolve , which are not onely different from ours , but exceedingly beyond our imagination , and in a word , not to be thought of by us . And if , as I am certain , that one born and brought up in a spatious Forrest , amongst beasts and birds , and that hath no knowledg at all of the Element of Water , could never come to imagine another World to be in Nature , different from the Eatth , full of living creatures , which without legs or wings swiftly move , and not upon the surface onely , as beasts do upon the Earth , but in the very bowels thereof ; and not onely move , but also stay themselves and cease to move at their pleasure , which birds cannot do in the air ; and that moreover men live therein , and build Palaces and Cities , and have so great convenience in travailing , that without the least trouble , they can go with their Family , House , and whole Cities , to places far remote , like as I say , I am certain , such a person , though of never so piercing an imagination , could never fancy to himself Fishes , the Ocean , Ships , Fleets , Armado's at Sea ; thus , and much more easily , may it happn , that in the Moon , remote from us by so great a space , and of a substance perchance very different from the Earth , there may be matters , and operations , not only wide off , but altogether beyond all our imaginations , as being such as have no resemblance to ours , and therefore wholly inexcogitable , in regard , that what we imagine to our selves , must necessarily be either a thing already seen , or a composition of things , or parts of things seen at another time ; for such are the Chimaera's . Centaurs , &c. SALV . I have very often let my fancy ruminate upon these speculations , and in the end , have thought that I had found some things that neither are nor can be in the Moon ; but yet I have not found therein any of those which I believe are , and may be there , save onely in a very general acceptation , namely , things that adorn it by operating , moving and living ; and perhaps in a way very different from ours ; beholding and admiring the greatness and beauty of the World , and of its Maker and Ruler , and with continual Encomiums singing his prayses ; and in summe ( which is that which I intend ) doing what sacred Writers so frequently affirm , to wit , all the creatures making it their perpetual imployment to laud God. SAGR. These are the things , which speaking in general terms , may be there ; but I would gladly hear you instance in such as you believe neither are nor can be there ; which perchance may be more particularly named . SALV . Take notice Sagredus that this will be the third time that we have unawares by running from one thing to another , lost our principal subject ; and if we continue these digressions , it will be long ere we come to a conclusion of our discourse ; therefore I should judg it better to remit this , as also such other points , to be decided on a particular occasion . SAGR. Since we are now got into the Moon , if you please , let us dispatch such things as concern her , that so we be not forced to such another tedious journey . SALV . It shall be as you would have it . And to begin with things more general , I believe that the Lunar Globe is far different from the Terrestrial , though in some things they agree . I will recount first their resemblances , and next their differences . The Moon is manifestly like to the Earth in figure , which undoubtedly is spherical , as may be necessarily concluded from the aspect of its surface , which is perfectly Orbicular , and the manner of its receiving the light of the Sun , from which , if its surface were flat , it would come to be all in one and the same time illuminated , and likewise again in another instant of time obscured , and not those parts first , which are situate towards the Sun , and the rest successively , so that in its opposition , and not till then , its whole apparent circumference is enlightned ; which would happen quite contrary , if the visible surface were concave ; namely , the illumination would begin from the parts opposite or averse to the Sun. Secondly she is as the Earth , in her self obscure and opacous , by which opacity it is enabled to receive , and reflect the light of the Sun ; which were it not so , it could not do . Thirdly , I hold its matter to be most dense and solid as the Earth is , which I clearly argue from the unevenness of its superficies in most places , by means of the many eminencies and cavities discovered therein by help of the Telescope : of which eminencies there are many all over it , directly resembling our most sharp and craggy mountains , of which you shall there perceive some extend and run in ledges of an hundred miles long ; others are contracted into rounder forms ; and there are also many craggy , solitary , steep and cliffy rocks . But that of which there are frequentest appearances , are certain Banks ( I use this word , because I cannot thing of another that better expresseth them ) pretty high raised , which environ and inclose fields of several bignesses , and from sundry figures , but for the most part circular ; many of which have in the midst a mount raised pretty high , and some few are replenished with a matter somewhat obscure , to wit , like to the great spots discerned by the bare eye , and these are of the greatest magnitude ; the number moreover of those that are lesser and lesser is very great , and yet almost all circular . Fourthly , like as the surface of our Globe is distinguished into two principal parts , namely , into the Terrestrial and Aquatick : so in the Lunar surface we discern a great distinction of some great fields more resplendant , and some less : whose aspect makes me believe , that that of the Earth would seem very like it , beheld by any one from the Moon , or any other the like distance , to be illuminated by the Sun : and the surface of the sea would appear more obscure , and that of the Earth more bright . Fifthly , like as we from the Earth behold the Moon , one while all illuminated , another while half ; sometimes more , sometimes less ; sometimes horned , sometimes wholly invisibly ; namely , when its just under the Sun beams ; so that the parts which look towards the Earth are dark : Thus in every respect , one standing in the Moon would see the illumination of the Earths surface by the Sun , with the same periods to an hair , and under the same changes of figures . Sixtly , — SAGR. Stay a little , Salviatus ; That the illumination of the Earth , as to the several figures , would represent it self to a person placed in the Moon , like in all things to that which we discover in the Moon , I understand very well , but yet I cannot conceive how it shall appear to be done in the same period ; seeing that that which the Suns illumination doth in the Lunar superficies in a month , it doth in the Terrestrial in twenty four hours . SALV . It s true , the effect of the Sun about the illuminating these two bodies , and replenishing with its splendor their whole surfaces , is dispatch'd in the Earth in a Natural day , and in the Moon in a Month ; but the variation of the figures in which the illuminated parts of the Terrestrial superficies appear beheld from the Moon , depends not on this alone , but on the divers aspects which the Moon is still changing with the Sun ; so that , if for instance , the Moon punctually followed the motion of the Sun , and stood , for example , always in a direct line between it and the Earth , in that aspect which we call Conjunction , it looking always to the same Hemisphere of the Earth which the Sun looks unto , she would behold the same all light : as on the contrary , if it should always stay in Opposition to the Sun , it would never behold the Earth , of which the dark part would be continually turn'd towards the Moon , and therefore invisible . But when the Moon is in Quadrature of the Sun , that half of the Terrestrial Hemisphere exposed to the sight of the Moon which is towards the Sun , is luminous ; and the other towards the contrary is obscure : and therefore the illuminated part of the Earth would represent it self to the Moon in a semi-circular figure . SAGR. I clearly perceive all this , and understand very well , that the Moon departing from its Opposition to the Sun , where it saw no part of the illumination of the Terrestrial superficies , and approaching day by day nearer the Sun , she begins by little and little to discover some part of the face of the illuminated Earth ; and that which appeareth of it shall resemble a thin sickle , in regard the figure of the Earth is round : and the Moon thus acquiring by its motion day by day greater proximity to the Sun , successively discovers more and more of the Terrestrial Hemisphere enlightned , so that at the Quadrature there is just half of it visible , insomuch that we may see the other part of her : continuing next to proceed towards the Conjunction , it successively discovers more and more of its surface to be illuminated , and in fine , at the time of Conjunction seeth the whole Hemisphere enlightned . And in short , I very well conceive , that what befalls the Inhabitants of the Earth , in beholding the changes of the Moon , would happen to him that from the Moon should observe the Earth ; but in a contrary order , namely , that when the Moon is to us at her full , and in Opposition to the Sun , then the Earth would be in Conjunction with the Sun , and wholly obscure and invisible ; on the contrary , that position which is to us a Conjunction of the Moon with the Sun , and for that cause a Moon silent and unseen , would be there an Opposition of the Earth to the Sun , and , to so speak , Full Earth , to wit , all enlightned . And lastly , look what part of the Lunar surface appears to us from time to time illuminated , so much of the Earth in the same time shall you behold from the Moon to be obscured : and look how much of the Moon is to us deprived of light , so much of the Earth is to the Moon illuminated . In one thing yet these mutual operations in my judgment seem to differ , and it is , that it being supposed , and not granted , that some one being placed in the Moon to observe the Earth , he would every day see the whole Terrestrial superficies , by means of the Moons going about the Earth in twenty four or twenty five hours ; but we never see but half of the Moon , since it revolves not in it self , as it must do to be seen in every part of it . SALV . So that this , befals not contrarily , namely , that her revolving in her self , is the cause that we see not the other half of her , for so it would be necessary it should be , if she had the Epicycle . But what other difference have you behind , to exchange for this which you have named ? SAGR. Let me see ; Well for the present I cannot think of any other . SALV . And what if the Earth ( as you have well noted ) seeth no more than half the Moon , whereas from the Moon one may see all the Earth ; and on the contrary , all the Earth seeth the Moon , and but onely half of it seeth the Earth ? For the inhabitants , to so speak , of the superior Hemisphere of the Moon , which is to us invisible , are deprived of the sight of the Earth : and these haply are the Anti●thones . But here I remember a particular accident , newly observed by our Academian , in the Moon , from whch are gathered two necessary consequences ; one is , that we see somewhat more than half of the Moon ; and the other is , that the motion of the Moon hath exact concentricity with the Earth : and thus he finds the Phoenomenon and observation . When the Moon hath a correspondence and natural sympathy with the Earth , towards which it hath its aspect in such a determinate part , it is necessary that the right line which conjoyns their centers , do passe ever by the same point of the Moons superficies ; so that , who so shall from the center of the Earth behold the same , shall alwayes see the same Discus or Face of the Moon punctually determined by one and the same circumference ; But if a man be placed upon the Terrestrial surface , the ray which from his eye passeth to the centre of the Lunar Globe , will not pass by the same point of its superficies , by which the line passeth that is drawn from the centre of the Earth to that of the Moon , save onely when it is vertical to him : but the Moon being placed in the East , or in the West , the point of incidence of the visual ray , is higher than that of the line which conjoyns the centres ; and therefore the observer may discern some part of the Lunar Hemisphere towards the upper circumference , and alike part of the other is invisible : they are discernable and undiscernable , in respect of the Hemisphere beheld from the true centre of the Earth : and because the part of the Moons circumference , which is superiour in its rising , is nethermost in its setting ; therefore the difference of the said superiour and inferiour our parts must needs be very observable ; certain spots and other notable things in those parts , being one while discernable , and another while not . A like variation may also be observed towards the North and South extremities of the same Discus ( or Surface ) according as the Moons position is in its greatest North or South Latitude ; For , if it be North , some of its parts towards the North are hid , and some of those parts towards the South are discovered , and so on the contrary . Now that these consequences are really true , is verified by the Telescope , for there be in the Moon two remarkable spots , one of which , when the Moon is in the meridian , is situate to the Northwest , and the other is almost diametrically opposite unto it ; and the first of these is visible even without the Telescope ; but the other is not . That towards the Northwest is a reasonable great spot of oval figure , separated from the other great ones ; the opposite one is lesse , and also severed from the biggest , and situate in a very cleer field ; in both these we may manifestly discern the foresaid variations , and see them one after another ; now neer the edge or limb of the Lunar Discus , and anon remote , with so great difference that the distance betwixt the Northwest and the circumference of the Discus is more than twice as great at one time , as at the other ; and as to the second spot ( because it is neerer to the circumference ) such mutation importeth more , than twice so much in the former . Hence its manifest , that the Moon , as if it were drawn by a magnetick vertue , constantly beholds the Terrestrial Globe with one and the same aspect , never deviating from the same . SAGR. Oh! when will there be an end put to the new observations and discoveries of this admirable Instrument ? SALV . If this succeed according to the progresse of other great inventions , it is to be hoped , that in processe of time , one may arrive to the sight of things , to us at present not to be imagined . But returning to our first discourse , I say for the sixth resemblance betwixt the Moon and Earth , that as the Moon for a great part of time , supplies the want of the Suns light , and makes the nights , by the reflection of its own , reasonable clear ; so the Earth , in recompence , affordeth it when it stands in most need , by reflecting the Solar rayes , a very cleer illumination , and so much , in my opinion , greater than that which cometh from her to us , by how much the superficies of the Earth is greater than that of the Moon . SAGR. Hold there , Salviatus hold there , and permit me the pleasure of relating to you , how at this first hint I have penetrated the cause of an accident , which I have a thousand times thought upon , but could never find out . You would say , that the imperfect light which is seen in the Moon , especially when it is horned , comes from the reflection of the light of the Sun on the Supersicies of the Earth and Sea ; and that light is more clear , by how much the horns are lesse , for then the luminous part of the Earth , beheld by the Moon , is greater , according to that which was a little before proved ; to wit , that the luminous part of the Earth , exposed to the Moon , is alway as great as the obscure part of the Moon , that is visible to the Earth ; whereupon , at such time as the Moon is sharp-forked , and consequently its tenebrous part great , great also is the illuminated part of the Earth beheld from the Moon , and its reflection of light so much the more potent . SALV . This is exactly the same with what I was about to say . In a word , it is a great pleasure to speak with persons judicious and apprehensive , and the rather to me , for that whilest others converse and discourse touching Axiomatical truths , I have many times creeping into my brain such arduous Paradoxes , that though I have a thousand times rehearsed this which you at the very first , have of your self apprehended , yet could I never beat it into mens brains . SIMPL. If you mean by your not being able to perswade them to it , that you could not make them understand the same , I much wonder thereat , and am very confident that if they did not understand it by your demonstration ( your way of expression , being , in my judgment , very plain ) they would very hardly have apprehended it upon the explication of any other man ; but if you mean you have not perswaded them , so as to make them believe it , I wonder not , in the least , at this ; for I confesse my self to be one of those who understand your discourses , but am not satisfied therewith ; for there are in this , and some of the other six congruities , or resemblances , many difficulties , which I shall instance in , when you have gone through them all . SALV . The desire I have to find out any truth , in the acquist whereof the objections of intelligent persons ( such as your self ) may much assist me , will cause me to be very brief in dispatching that which remains . For a seventh conformity , take their reciprocal responsion as well to injuries , as favours ; whereby the Moon , which very often in the height of its illumination , by the interposure of the Earth betwixt it and the Sun , is deprived of light , and eclipsed , doth by way of revenge , in like manner , interpose it self between the Earth and the Sun , and with its shadow obscureth the Earth ; and although the revenge be not answerable to the injury , for that the Moon often continueth , and that for a reasonable long time , wholly immersed in the Earths shadow , but never was the Earth wholly , nor for any long time , eclipsed by the Moon ; yet , neverthelesse , having respect to the smalnesse of the body of this , in comparision to the magnitude of the other , it cannot be denied but that the will and as it were valour of this , is very great . Thus much for their congruities or resemblances . It should next follow that we discourse touching their disparity ; but because Simplicius will favour us with his objections against the former , its necessary that we hear and examine them , before we proceed any farther . SAGR. And the rather , because it is to be supposed that Simplicius will not any wayes oppose the disparities , and incongruities betwixt the Earth and Moon , since that he accounts their substances extremely different . SIMPL. Amongst the resemblances by you recited , in the parallel you make betwixt the Earth and Moon , I find that I can admit none confidently save onely the first , and two others ; I grant the first , namely , the spherical figure ; howbeit , even in this there is some kind of difference , for that I hold that of the Moon to be very smooth and even , as a looking-glasse , whereas , we find and feel this of the Earth to be extraordinary montuous and rugged ; but this belonging to the inequality of superficies , it shall be anon considered , in another of those Resemblances by you alledged ; I shall therefore reserve what I have to say thereof , till I come to the consideration of that . Of what you affirm next , that the Moon seemeth , as you say in your second Resemblance , opacous and obscure in its self , like the Earth ; I admit not any more than the first attribute of opacity , of which the Eclipses of the Sun assure me . For were the Moon transparent , the air in the total obscuration of the Sun , would not become so duskish , as at such a time it is , but by means of the transparency of the body of the Moon , a refracted light would passe through it , as we see it doth through the thickest clouds . But as to the obscurity , I believe not that the Moon is wholly deprived of light , as the Earth ; nay , that clarity which is seen in the remainder ot its Discus , over and the above the small crescent enlightened by the Sun , I repute to be its proper and natural light , and not a reflection of the Earth , which I esteem unable , by reason of its asperity ( cragginesse ) and obscurity , to reflect the raies of the Sun. In the third Parallel I assent unto you in one part , and dissent in another : I agree in judging the body of the Moon to be most solid and hard , like the Earth , yea much more ; for if from Aristotle we receive that the Heavens are impenetrable , and the Stars the most dense parts of Heaven , it must necessarily follow , that they are most solid and most impenetrable . SAGR. What excellent matter would the Heavens afford us for to make Pallaces of , if we could procure a substance so hard and so transparent ? SALV . Rather how improper , for being by its transparence , wholly invisible , a man would not be able without stumbling at the thresholds , and breaking his head against the Walls , to pass from room to room . SAGR. This danger would not befall him , if it be true , as some Peripateticks say , that it is intangible : and if one cannot touch it , much less can it hurt him . SALV . This would not serve the turn , for though the matter of the Heavens cannot be touch , as wanting tangible qualities : yet may it easily touch the elementary bodies ; and to offend us it is as sufficient that it strike us , nay worse , than if we should strike it . But let us leave these Pallaces , or , to say better , these Castles in the air , and not interrupt Simplicius . SIMPL. The question which you have so casually started , is one of the most difficulty that is disputed in Philosophy ; and I have on that subject most excellent conceits of a very learned Doctor of Padoua , but it is not now time to enter upon them . Therefore returning to our purpose , I say that the Moon , in my opinion , is much more solid than the Earth , but do not infer the same , as you do , from the cragginess and montuousity of its superficies ; but rather from the contrary , namely , from its aptitude to receive ( as we see it experimented in the hardest stones ) a polish and lustre exceeding that of the smoothest glass , for such necessarily must its superficies be , to render it apt to make so lively reflection of the Suns rays . And for those appearances which you mention , of Mountains , Cliffs , Hills , Valleys , &c. they are all illusions : and I have been present at certain publick disputes , where I have heard it strongly maintained against these introducers of novelties , that such appearances proceed from nothing else , but from the unequal distribution of the opacous and perspicuous parts , of which the Moon is inwardly and outwardly composed : as we see it often fall out in chrystal , amber , and many other precious stones of perfect lustre ; in which by reason of the opacity of some parts , and the transparency of others , there doth appear several concavities and prominencies . In the fourth resemblance , I grant , that the superficies of Terrestrial Globe beheld from afar , would make two different appearances , namely , one more clear , the other more dark ; but I believe that such diversity would succeed quite contrary to what you say ; that is , I hold that the surface of the water would appear lucid , because that it is smooth and transparent ; and that of the Earth would appear obscure , by reason of its opacity and scabrosity , ill accommodated for reflecting the light of the Sun. Concerning the fifth comparison , I grant it wholly , and am able , in case the Earth did shine as the Moon , to show the same to any one that should from thence above behold it , represented by figures answerable to those which we see in the Moon : I comprehend also , how the period of its illumination and variation of figure , would be monthly , albeit the Sun revolves round about it in twenty four hours : and lastly , I do not scruple to admit , that the half onely of the Moon seeth all the Earth , and that all the Earth seeth but onely half of the Moon . For what remains , I repute it most false , that the Moon can receive light from the Earth , which is most obscure , opacous , and utterly unapt to reflect the Suns light , as the Moon doth reflect it to us : and as I have said , I hold that that light which we see in the remainder of the Moons face ( the splendid crescents subducted ) by the illumination , is the proper and natural light of the Moon , and no easie matter would induce me to believe otherwise . The seventh , touching the mutual Eclipses , may be also admitted ; howbeit that is wont to be called the eclipse of the Sun , which you are pleased to phrase the eclipse of the Earth . And this is what I have at this time to say in opposition to your seven congruities or resemblances , to which objections , if you are minded to make any reply , I shall willingly hear you . SALV . If I have well apprehended what you have answered , it seems to me , that there still remains in controversie between us , certain conditions , which I made common betwixt the Moon & Earth , and they are these ; You esteem the Moon to be smooth and polisht , as a Looking-glass , and as such , able to reflect the Suns light ; and contrarily , the Earth , by reason of its montuosity , unable to make such reflection : You yield the Moon to be solid and hard , and that you argue from its being smooth and polite , and not from its being montuous ; and for its appearing montuous , you assign as the cause , that it consists of parts more and less opacous and perspicuous . And lastly , you esteem that secondary light , to be proper to the Moon , and not reflected from the Earth ; howbeit you seem not to deny the sea , as being of a smooth surface , some kind of reflection . As to the convincing you of that error , that the reflection of the Moon is made , as it were , like that of a Looking-glass , I have small hope , whilst I see , that what hath been read in the * Saggiator and in the Solar Letters of our Common Friend , hath profited nothing in your judgment , if haply you have attentively read what he hath there written on this subject . SIMPL. I have perused the same so superficially , according to the small time of leasure allowed me from more solid studies ; therefore , if you think you can , either by repeating some of those reasons , or by alledging others , resolve me these doubts , I will hearken to them attentively . SALV . I will tell you what comes into my mind upon the instant , and its possible it may be a commixtion of my own conceipts , and those which I have sometime read in the fore-said Books , by which I well remember , that I was then perfectly satisfied , although the conclusions , at first sight seem'd unto me strange Paradoxes . We enquire Simplicius , whether to the making a reflection of light , like that which we receive from the Moon , it be necessary that the superficies from whence the reflection commeth , be so smooth and polite , as the face of a Looking-Glasse , or whether a superficies not smooth or polisht , but rough and uneven , be more apt for such a purpose . Now supposing two reflections should come unto us , one more bright , the other lesse , from two superficies opposite unto us , I demand of you , which of the two superficies you think would represent it self to our sight , to be the clearest , and which the obscurest . SIMPL. I am very confident , that that same , which most forcibly reflected the light upon me , would shew its self in its aspect the clearer , and the other darker . SALV . Be pleased to take that Glasse which hangs on yonder Wall , and let us go out into the Court-yard . Come Sagredus . Now hang the glasse yonder , against that same Wall , on which the Sun shines , and now let us with-draw our selves into the shade . See yonder two superficies beaten by the Sun , namely , the Wall and the Glasse . Tell me now which appears clearest unto you , that of the Wall or that of the Glasse ? Why do you not answer me ? SAGR. I leave the reply to Simplicius , who made the question ; but I , for my own part , am perswaded upon this small beginning of the experiment , that the Moon must be of a very unpolisht surface . SALV . What say you Simplicius , if you were to depaint that Wall , and that Glasse fastened unto it , where would you use your darkest colours , in designing the Wall , or else in painting the Looking-Glasse . SIMPL. Much the darker in depainting the Glasse . SALV . Now if from the superficies , which represents it self more clear , there proceedeth a more powerful reflection of light , the Wall will more forcibly reflect the raies of the Sun , than the Glasse . SIMPL. Very well , Sir , have you ever a better experiment than this ? you have placed us where the Glasses doth not reverberate upon us ; but come along with me a little this way ; how , will you not stir ? SAGR. You perhaps seek the place of the reflection , which the Glasse maketh . SIMPL. I do so . SAGR. Why look you , there it is upon the opposite Wall , just as big as the Glasse , and little lesse bright than if the Sun had directly shined upon it . SIMPL. Come hither therefore , and see from hence the surface of the Glasse , and tell me whether you think it more obscure than that of the Wall. SAGR. Look on it your self , for I have no mind at this time , to dazle my eyes ; and I know very well , without seeing it , that it there appears as splendid and bright as the Sun it self , or little lesse . SIMPL. What say you therefore , is the reflection of a Glasse lesse powerful than that of a Wall ? I see , that in this opposite Wall , where the reflection of the other illuminated Wall comes , together with that of the Glasse , this of the Glasse is much clearer ; and I see likewise , that , from this place where I stand , the glasse it self appears with much more lustre than the Wall. SALV . You have prevented me with your subtlety ; for I stood in need of this very observation to demonstrate what remains . You see then the difference which happens betwixt the two reflections made by the two superficies of the Wall and Glasse , percu●t in the self-same manner , by the rayes of the Sun ; and you see , how the reflection which comes from the Wall , diffuseth it self towards all the parts opposite to it , but that of the Glasse goeth towards one part onely , not at all bigger than the Glasse it self : you see likewise , how the superficies of the Wall , beheld from what part soever , alwayes shews it self of one and the same cleernesse , and every way , much clearer than that of the Glasse , excepting only in that little place , on which the Glasses reflection reverberates , for from thence indeed the Glasse appears much more lucid than the Wall. By these so sensible , and palpable experiments , my thinks one may soon come to know , whether the reflection which the Moon sends upon us , proceed as from a Glasse , or else , as from a Wall , that is , from a smooth superficies , or a rugged . SAGR. If I were in the Moon it self , I think I could not with my hands more plainly feel the unevennesse of its superficies , than I do now perceive it , by apprehending your discourse . The Moon beheld in any posture , in respect of the Sun and us , sheweth us its superficies , touch't by the Suns rayes , alwayes equally clear ; an effect , which answers to an hair that of the Wall , which beheld from what place soever , appeareth equally bright , and differeth from the Glasse , which from one place onely appeareth lucid , and from all others obscure . Moreover , the light which cometh to me from the reflection of the Wall , is tollerable , and weak , in comparison of that of the Glasse , which is little lesse forcible and offensive to the sight , than that primary and direct light of the Sun. And thus without trouble do we behold the face of the Moon ; which were it as a Glasse , it appearing to us by reason of its vicinity , as big as the Sun it self , its splendor would be absolutely intollerable , and would seem as if we beheld another Sun. SALV . Ascribe not , I beseech you Sagredus , more to my demonstration , than it produceth . I will oppose you with an instance , which I see not well how you can easily resolve . You insist upon it as a grand difference between the Moon and Glasse , that it emits its reflection towards all parts equally , as doth the Wall ; whereas the Glasse casts it upon one onely determinate place ; and from hence you conclude the Moon to be like to the Wall , and not to the Glasse : But I must tell you , that that same Glasse casts its reflection on one place onely , because its surface is flat , and the reflex rayes being to depart at angles equal to those of the rayes of incidence , it must follow that from a plane or flat superficies , they do depart unitedly towards the same place ; but in regard that the superficies of the Moon is not plain , but spherical , and the incident rayes upon such a superficies , being to reflect themselves at angles equal to those of the incidence towards all parts , by means of the infinity of the inclinations which compose the spherical superficies , therefore the Moon may send forth its reflection every way ; and there is no necessity for its repercussion upon one place onely , as that Glasse which is flat . SIMPL. This is one of the very same objections , which I intended to have made against him . SAGR. If this be one , you had need have more of them ; yet I tell you , that as to this first , it seems to me to make more against you , than for you . SIMPL. You have pronounced as a thing manifest , that the reflection made by that Wall , is as cleer and lucid as that which the Moon sends forth , and I esteem it nothing in comparison thereto . For , in this businesse of the illumination , its requisite to respect , and to distinguish the Sphere of Activity and who questions but the Coelestial bodies have greater Spheres of activity , than these our elementary , frail , and mortal ones ? and that Wall , finally , what else is it but a little obscure Earth , unapt to shine ? ; SAGR. And here also I believe , that you very much deceive your felf . But I come to the first objection moved by Salviatus ; and I consider , that to make a body appear unto us luminous , it sufficeth not that the rayes of the illuminating body fall upon it , but it is moreover requisite that the reflex rayes arrive to our eye ; as is manifestly seen in the example of that Glasse , upon which , without question , the illuminating rayes of the Sun do come ; yet neverthelesse , it appears not to us bright and shining , unlesse we set our eye in that particular place , where the reflection arriveth . Now let us consider what would succeed , were the glasse of a spherical figure ; for without doubt , we should find , that of the reflection made by the whole surface illuminated , that to be but a very small part , which arriveth to the eye of a particular beholder ; by reason that that is but an incosiderable particle of the whole spherical superficies , the inclination of which casts the ray to the particular place of the eye ; whence the part of the spherical superficies , which shews it self shining to the eye , must needs be very small ; all the rest being represented obscure . So that were the Moon smooth , as a Looking-glasse , a very small part would be seen by any particular eye to be illustrated by the Sun , although its whole Hemisphere were exposed to the Suns rayes ; and the rest would appear to the eye of the beholder as not illuminated , and therefore invisible ; and finally , the whole Moon would be likewise invisible , for so much as that particle , whence the reflection should come , by reason of its smalnesse and remotenesse , would be lost . And as it would be invisible to the eye , so would it not afford any light ; for it is altogether impossible , that a bright body should take away our darknesse by its splendor , and we not to see it . SALV . Stay good Sagredus , for I see some emotions in the face and eyes of Simplicius , which are to me as indices that he is not either very apprehensive of , or satisfied with this which you , with admirable proof , and absolute truth have spoken . And yet I now call to mind , that I can by another experiment remove all scruple . I have seen above in a Chamber , a great spherical Looking-glasse ; let us send for it hither , and whilest it is in bringing , let Simplicius return to consider , how great the clarity is which cometh to the Wall here , under the penthouse , from the reflection of the flat glasse . SIMPL. I see it is little lesse shining , than if the Sun had directly beat upon it . SALV . So indeed it is . Now tell me , if taking away that small flat glasse , we should put that great spherical one in the same place , what effect ( think you ) would its reflection have upon the same Wall ? SIMPL. I believe that it would eject upon it a far greater and more diffused light . SALV . But if the illumination should be nothing , or so small , that you would scarse discern it , what would you say then ? SIMPL. When I have seen the effect , I will bethink my self of an answer . SALV . See here is the glasse , which I would have to be placed close to the other . But first let us go yonder towards the reflection of that flat one , and attentively observe its clarity ; see how bright it is here where it shines , and how distinctly one may discern these small unevennesses in the Wall. SIMPL. I have seen and very well observed the same , now place the other glasse by the side of the first . SALV . See where it is . It was placed there assoon as you began to look upon the Walls small unevennesses , and you perceived it not , so great was the encrease of the light all over the rest of the Wall. Now take away the flat glasse . Behold now all reflection removed , though the great convex glasse still remaineth . Remove this also , and place it there again if you please , and you shall see no alteration of light in all the Wall. See here then demonstrated to sense , that the reflection of the Sun , made upon a spherical convex glasse , doth not sensibly illuminate the places neer unto it . Now what say you to this experiment ? SIMPL. I am afraid that there may be some Leigerdemain , used in this affair ; yet in beholding that glasse I see it dart forth a great splendor , which dazleth my eyes ; and that which imports most of all , I see it from what place soever I look upon it ; and I see it go changing situation upon the superficies of the glasse , which way soever I place my self to look upon it ; a necessary argument , that the light is livelily reflected towards every side , and consequently , as strongly upon all that Wall , as upon my eye . SALV . Now you see how cautiously and reservedly you ought to proceed in lending your assent to that , which discourse alone representeth to you . There is no doubt but that this which you say , carrieth with it probability enough , yet you may see , how sensible experience proves the contrary . SIMPL. How then doth this come to pass ? SALV . I will deliver you my thoughts thereof , but I cannot tell how you may be pleas'd therewith . And first , that lively splendor which you see upon the glass , and which you think occupieth a good part thereof , is nothing near so great , nay is very exceeding small ; but its liveliness occasioneth in your eye , ( by means of the reflection made on the humidity of the extream parts of the eye-brows , which distendeth upon the pupil ) an adventitious irradiation , like to that blaze which we think we see about the flame of a candle placed at some distance ; or if you will , you may resemble it to the adventitious splendor of a star ; for if you should compare the small body v. g. of the Canicula , seen in the day time with the Telescope , when it is seen without such irradiation , with the same seen by night by the eye it self , you will doubtless comprehend that being irradiated , it appeareth above a thousand times bigger than the naked and real body : and a like or greater augmentation doth the image of the Sun make , which you see in that glass . I say greater , for that it is more lively than the star , as is manifest from our being able to behold the star with much less offence , than this reflection of the glass . The reverberation therefore which is to dispere it self all over this wall , cometh from a small part of that glass , and that which even now came from the whole flat glass dispersed and restrain'd it self to a very small part of the said wall . What wonder is it then , that the first reflection very lively illuminates , and that this other is almost imperceptible ? SIMPL. I find my self more perplexed than ever , and there presents it self unto me the other difficulty , how it can be that that wall , being of a matter so obscure , and of a superficies so unpolish'd , should be able to dart from it greater light , than a glass very smooth and polite . SALV . Greater light it is not , but more universal ; for as to the degree of brightness , you see that the reflection of that small flat glass , where it beamed forth yonder under the shadow of the penthouse , illuminateth very much ; and the rest of the wall which receiveth the reflection of the wall on which the glass is placed , is not in any great measure illuminated , as was the small part on which the reflection of the glass fell . And if you would understand the whole of this business , you must consider that the superficies of that wall 's being rough , is the same as if it were composed of innumerable small superficies , disposed according to innumerable diversities of inclinations : amongst which it necessarily happens , that there are many disposed to send forth their reflex rays from them into such a place , many others into another : and in sum , there is not any place to which there comes not very many rays , reflected from very many small superficies , dispersed throughout the whole superficies of the rugged body , upon which the rays of the Sun fall . From which it necessarily followeth , That upon any , whatsoever , part of any superficies , opposed to that which receiveth the primary incident rays , there is produced reflex rays , and consequently illumination . There doth also follow thereupon , That the same body upon which the illuminating rays fall , beheld from whatsoever place , appeareth all illuminated and shining : and therefore the Moon , as being of a superficies rugged and not smooth , beameth forth the light of the Sun on every side , and to all beholders appeareth equally lucid . But if the surface of it , being spherical , were also smooth as a glass , it would become wholly invisible ; forasmuch as that small part , from which the image of the Sun should be reflected unto the eye of a particular person , by reason of its great distance would be invisible , as I have said before . SIMPL. I am very apprehensive of your discourse ; yet methinks I am able to resolve the same with very little trouble ; and easily to maintain , that the Moon is rotund and polite , and that it reflects the Suns light unto us in manner of a glass ; nor therefore ought the image of the Sun to be seen in the middle of it , forasmuch as the species of the Sun it self admits not its small figure to be seen at so great a distance , but the light produced by the Sun may help us to conceive that it illuminateth the whole Lunar Body : a like effect we may see in a plate gilded and well pollish'd , which touch't by a luminous body , appeareth to him that beholds it at some distance to be all shining ; and onely near at hand one may discover in the middle of it the small image of the luminous body . SALV . Ingenuously confessing my dullness of apprehension , I must tell you , that I understand not any thing of this your discourse , save onely what concerns the gilt plate : and if you permit me to speak freely , I have a great conceit that you also understand not the same , but have learnt by heart those words written by some one out of a desire of contradiction , and to shew himself more intelligent than his adversary ; but it must be to those , which to appear also more wise , applaud that which they do not understand , and entertain a greater conceit of persons , the less they are by them understood : and the writer himself may be one of those ( of which there are many ) who write what they do not understand , and consequently understand not what they write . Therefore , omitting the rest , I reply , as to the gilt plate , that if it be flat and not very big , it may appear at a distance very bright , whilst a great light beameth upon it , but yet it must be when the eye is in a determinate line , namely in that of the reflex rays : and it will appear the more shining , if it were v. g. of silver , by means of its being burnished , and apt through the great density of the metal , to receive a perfect polish . And though its superficies , being very well brightned , were not exactly plain , but should have various inclinations , yet then also would its splendor be seen many ways ; namely , from as many places as the various reflections , made by the several superficies , do reach : for therefore are Diamonds ground to many sides , that so their pleasing lustre might be beheld from many places . But if the Plate were very big , though it should be all plain , yet would it not at a distance appear all over shining : and the better to express my self , Let us suppose a very large gilt plate exposed to the Sun , it will shew to an eye far distant , the image of the Sun , to occupy no more but a certain part of the said plate ; to wit , that from whence the reflection of the incident solar rays come : but it is true that by the vivacity of the light , the said image will appear fringed about with many rays , and so will seem to occupie a far greater part of the plate , than really it doth . And to shew that this is true , when you have noted the particular place of the plate from whence the reflection cometh , and conceived likewise how great the shining place appeared to you , cover the greater part of that same space , leaving it only visible about the midst ; and all this shall not any whit diminish the apparent splendor to one that beholds it from afar ; but you shall see it largely dispers'd upon the cloth or other matter , wherewith you covered it . If therefore any one , by seeing from a good distance a small gilt plate to be all over shining , should imagine that the same would also even in a plate as broad as the Moon , he is no less deceived , than if he should believe the Moon to be no bigger than the bottom of a tub . If again the plate were turn'd into a spherical superficies , the reflection would be seen strong in but one sole particle of it ; but yet by reason of its liveliness , it will appear fringed about with many glittering rays : the rest of the Ball would appear according as it was burnished ; and this also onely then when it was not very much polished , for should it be perfectly brightned , it would appear obscure . An example of this we have dayly before our eyes in silver vessels , which whilst they are only boyl'd in the Argol and Salt , they are all as white as snow , and do not reflect any image ; but if they be in any part burnish'd , they become in that place presently obscure : and in them one may see the representation of any thing as in Looking-glasses . And that chanto obscurity , proceeds from nothing else but the smoothing and plaining of a fine grain , which made the superficies of the silver rough , and yet such , as that it reflected the light into all parts , whereby it seemed from all parts equally illuminated : which small unevennesses , when they come to be exquisitely plained by the burnish , so that the reflection of the rays of incidence are all directed unto one determinate place ; then , from that same place , the burnish'd part shall shew much more bright and shining than the rest which is onely whitened by boyling ; but from all other places it looks very obscure . And note , that the diversity of sights of looking upon burnish'd superficies , occasioneth such difference in appearances , that to imitate and represent in picture , v. g. a polish'd Cuirace , one must couple black plains with white , one sideways to the other , in those parts of the arms where the light falleth equally . SAGR. If therefore these great Philosophers would acquiese in granting , that the Moon , Venus and the other Planets , were not of so bright and smooth a surface as a Looking-glass , but wanted some small matter of it , namely , were as a silver plate , onely boyled white , but not burnished ; would this yet suffice to the making of it visible , and apt for darting forth the light of the Sun ? SALV . It would suffice in part ; but would not give a light so strong , as it doth being mountainous , and in sum , full of eminencies and great cavities . But these Philosophers will never yield it to be lesse polite than a glasse ; but far more , if more it can be imagined ; for they esteeming that to perfect bodies perfect figures are most sutable ; it is necessary , that the sphericity of those Coelestial Globes be most exact ; besides , that if they should grant me some inequality , though never so small , I would not scruple to take any other greater ; for that such perfection consisting in indivisibles , an hair doth as much detract from its perfection as a mountain . SAGR. Here I meet with two difficulties , one is to know the reason why the greater inequality of superficies maketh the stronger reflection of light ; the other is , why these Peripatetick Gentlemen are for this exact figure . SALV . I will answer to the first ; and leave to Simplicius the care of making reply to the second . You must know therefore , that the same superficies happen to be by the same light more or less illuminated , according as the rayes of illumination fall upon them more or lesse obliquely ; so that the greatest illumination is where the rayes are perpendicular . And see , how I will prove it to your sense . I bend this paper , so , that one part of it makes an angle upon the other : and exposing both these parts to the reflection of the light of that opposite Wall , you see how this side which receiveth the rayes obliquely , is lesse shining than this other , where the reflection fals at right angles ; and observe , that as I by degrees receive the illumination more obliquely , it groweth weaker . SAGR. I see the effect , but comprehend not the cause . SALV . If you thought upon it but a minute of an hour , you would find it ; but that I may not waste the time , see a kind of demonstration thereof in Fig. 7. SAGR. The bare sight of this Figure hath fully satisfied me , therefore proceed . SIMPL. Pray you let me hear you out , for I am not of so quick an apprehension . SALV . Fancie to your self , that all the paralel lines , which you see to depart from the terms A. B. are the rays which fall upon the line C. D. at right angles : then incline the said C. D. till it hang as D. O. now do not you see that a great part of those rays which peirce C. D. pass by without touching D. O? If therefore D. O. be illuminated by fewer rays , it is very reasonable , that the light received by it be more weak . Let us return now to the Moon , which being of a spherical figure , if its superficies were smooth , as this paper , the parts of its hemisphere illuminated by the Sun , which are towards its extremity , would receive much less light , than the middle parts ; the rays falling upon them most obliquely , and upon these at right angles ; whereupon at the time of full Moon , when we see almost its whole Hemisphere illuminated , the parts towards the midst , would shew themselves to us with more splendor , than those others towards the circumference : which is not so in effect . Now the face of the Moon being represented to me full of indifferent high mountains , do not you see how their tops and continuate ridges , being elevated above the convexity of the perfect spherical superficies , come to be exposed to the view of the Sun , and accommodated to receive its rays much less obliquely , and consequently to appear as luminous as the rest ? SAGR. All this I well perceive : and if there are such mountains , its true , the Sun will dart upon them much more directly than it would do upon the inclination of a polite superficies : but it is also true , that betwixt those mountains all the valleys would become obscure , by reason of the vast shadows , which in that time would be cast from the mountains , whereas the parts towards the middle , though full of valleys and hills , by reason they have the Sun elevated , would appear without shadow , and therefore more lucid by far than the extreme parts , which are no less diffused with shadow than light , and yet we can perceive no such difference . SIMPL. I was ruminating upon the like difficulty . SALV . How much readier is Simplicius to apprehend the objections which favour the opinions of Aristotle , than their solutions ? I have a kind of suspition , that he strives also sometimes to dissemble them ; and in the present case , he being of himself able to hit upon the doubt , which yet is very ingenious , I cannot believe but that he also was advis'd of the answer ; wherefore I will attempt to wrest the same ( as they say ) out of his mouth . Therefore tell me , Simplicius , do you think there can be any shadow , where the rays of the Sun do shine ? SIMPL. I believe , nay I am certain that there cannot ; for that it being the grand luminary , which with its rays driveth away darkness , it is impossible any tenebrosity should remain where it cometh ; moreover , we have the definition , that Tenebrae sunt privatio luminis . SALV . Therefore the Sun , beholding the Earth , Moon or other opacous body , never seeth any of its shady parts , it not having any other eyes to see with , save its rays , the conveyers of light : and consequently , one standing in the Sun would never see any thing of umbrage , forasmuch as his visive rays would ever go accompanied with those illuminating beams of the Sun. SIMPL. This is true , without any contradiction . SALV . But when the Moon is opposite to the Sun , what difference is there between the tract of the rayes of your sight , and that motion which the Suns rayes make ? SIMPL. Now I understand you ; for you would say , that the rayes of the sight and those of the Sun , moving by the same lines , we cannot perceive any of the obscure valleys of the Moon . Be pleased to change this your opinion , that I have either simulation or dissimulation in me ; for I protest unto you , as I am a Gentleman , that I did not guesse at this solution , nor should I have thought upon it , without your help , or without long study . SAGR. The resolutions , which between you two have been alledged touching this last doubt , hath , to speak the truth , satisfied me also . But at the same time this consideration of the visible rayes accompanying the rayes of the Sun , hath begotten in me another scruple , about the other part , but I know not whether I can expresse it right , or no : for it but just now comming into my mind , I have not yet methodized it to my mind : but let us see if we can , all together , make it intelligible . There is no question , but that the parts towards the circumference of that polish't , but not burnish't Hemisphere , which is illuminated by the Sun , receiving the rayes obliquely , receive much fewer thereof , than the middlemost parts , which receive them directly . And its possible , that a tract or space of v. g. twenty degrees in breadth , and which is towards the extremity of the Hemisphere , may not receive more rays than another towards the middle parts , of but four degree broad : so that that doubtless will be much more obscure than this ; and such it will appear to whoever shall behold them both in the face , or ( as I may say ) in their full magnitude . But if the eye of the beholder were constituted in such a place , that the breadth of the twenty degrees of the obscure space , appeared not to it longer than one of four degrees , placed in the midst of the Hemisphere , I hold it not impossible for it to appear to the said beholder equally clear and lucid with the other ; because , finally , between two equal angles , to wit , of four degrees apiece , there come to the eye the reflections of two equal numbers of rayes : namely , those which are reflected from the middlemost space , four degrees in breadth , and those reflected from the other of twenty degrees , but seen by compression , under the quantity of four degrees : and such a situation shall the eye obtain , when it is placed between the said Hemisphere , and the body which illuminates it ; for then the sight and rayes move in the same lines . It seemeth not impossible therefore , but that the Moon may be of a very equal superficies ; and that neverthelesse , it may appear when it is at the full , no less light in the extremities , than in the middle parts . SALV . The doubt is ingenious and worthy of consideration ; and as it but just now came into your mind unawares , so I will like wise answer with what first comes into my thoughts , and it may happily fall out , that by thinking more upon it , I may stumble upon a better reply . But before , that I labyrinth my self any farther , it would be necessary , that we assure our selves by some experiment , whether your objection prove in effect , what it seemeth to conclude in appearance ; and therefore taking once more the same paper , and making it to incline , by bending a little part thereof upon the remainder , let us try whether exposing it to the Sun , so that the rayes of light fall upon the lesser part directly , and upon the other obliquely ; this which receiveth the rayes directly appeareth more lucid ; and see here by manifest experience , that it is notably more clear . Now if your objection be conclusive , it will follow , that stooping with our eye so , that in beholding the other greater part , less illuminated , in compression or fore-shortning , it appear unto us no bigger than the other , more shining ; and that consequently , it be not beheld at a greater angle than that ; it will necessarily ensue , I say , that its light be encreased , so that it do seem to us as bright as the other . See how I behold , and look upon it so obliquely , that it appeareth to me narrower than the other ; but yet , notwithstanding its obscurity , doth not to my perceiving , at all grow clearer . Try now if the same succeed to you . SAGR. I have look't upon it , and though I have stooped with my eye , yet cannot I see the said superficies encrease in light or clarity ; nay me thinks it rather grows more dusky . SALV . We are hitherto confident of the invalidity of the objection ; In the next place , as to the solution , I believe , that , by reason the Superficies of this paper is little lesse than smooth , the rayes are very few , which be reflected towards the point of incidence , in comparison of the multitude , which are reflected towards the opposite parts ; and that of those few more and more are lost , the nearer the visive rayes approach to those lucid rayes of incidence ; and because it is not the incident rayes , but those which are reflected to the eye , that make the object appear luminous ; therefore , in stooping the eye , there is more lost than got , as you your self confesse to have seen in looking upon the obscurer part of the paper . SAGR. I rest satisfied with this experiment and reason : It remains now , that Simplicius answer to my other question , and tell me what moves the Peripateticks to require this so exact rotundity in the Coelestial bodies . SIMPL. The Coelestial bodies being ingenerable , inalterable , impassible , immortal , &c. they must needs be absolutely perfect ; and their being absolute perfect , necessarily implies that there is in them all kinds of perfection ; and consequently , that their figure be also perfect , that is to say , spherical ; and absolutely and perfectly spherical , and not rough and irregular . SALV . And this incorruptibility , from whence do you prove it ? SIMPL. Immediately by its freedom from contraries , and mediately , by its simple circular motion . SALV . So that ; by what I gather from your discourse , in making the essence of the Coelestial bodies to be incorruptible , inalterable , &c , there is no need of rotundity as a cause , or requisite ; for if this should cause inalterability , we might at our pleasure make wood , wax , and other Elementary matters , incorruptible , by reducing them to a spherical figure . SIMPL. And is it not manifest that a ball of Wood will better and longer be preserved , than an oblong , or other angular figure , made of a like quantity of the same wood . SALV . This is most certain , but yet it doth not of corruptible become incorruptible , but still remains corruptible , though of a much longer duration . Therefore you must note , that a thing corruptible , is capable of being more or lesse such , and we may properly say this is lesse corruptible than that ; as for example , the Jasper , than the Pietra Sirena ; but incorruptibility admits not of more , or lesse , so as that it may be said this is more incorruptible than that , if both be incorruptible and eternal . The diversity of figure therefore cannot operate : save onely in matters capable of more or lesse duration ; but in the eternal , which cannot be other than equally eternal , the operation of figure ceaseth . And therefore , since the Coelestial matter is not incorruptible by figure , but otherwayes no man needs to be so solicitous for this perfect sphericity ; for if the matter be incorruptible , let it have what figure it will , it shall be alwayes such . SAGR. But I am considering another thing , and say , that if we should grant the spherical figure a faculty of conferring incorruptibility , all bodies of whatsoever figure , would be incorruptible ; forasmuch as if the rotund body be incorruptible , corruptibility would then subsist in those parts which alter the perfect rotundity ; as for instance , there is in a Die a body perfectly round , and , as such , incorruptible ; therefore it remaineth that those angles be corruptible which cover and hide the rotundity ; so that the most that could happen , would be , that those angles , and ( to so speak ) excrescencies , would corrupt . But if we proceed to a more inward consideration , that in those parts also towards the angles , there are comprised other lesser bals of the same matter ; and therefore they also , as being round , must be also incorruptible ; and likewise in the remainders , which environ these eight lesser Spheres , a man may understand that there are others : so that in the end , resolving the whole Die into innumerable balls , it must necessarily be granted incorruptible . And the same discourse and resolution may be made in all other figures . SALV . Your method in making the conclusion , for if v. g. a round Chrystal were , by reason of its figure , incorruptible ; namely , received from thence a faculy of resisting all internal and external alterations , we should not find , that the joyning to it other Chrystal , and reducing it v. g. into a Cube , would any whit alter it within , or without ; so as that it would thereupon become lesse apt to resist the new ambient , made of the same matter , than it was to resist the other , of a matter different ; and especially , if it be true , that corruption is generated by contraries , as Aristotle saith ; and with what can you enclose that ball of Crystal , that is lesse contrary to it , than Crystal it self ? But we are not aware how time flies away ; and it will be too late before we come to an end of our dispute , if we should make so long discourses , upon every particular ; besides our memories are so confounded in the multiplicity of notions , that I can very hardly recal to mind the Propotsiions , which I proposed in order to Simplicius , for our consideration . SIMPL. I very well remember them : And as to this particular question of the montuosity of the Moon , there yet remains unanswered that which I have alledged , as the cause , ( and which may very well serve for a solution ) of that Phaenomenon , saying , that it is an illusion proceeding from the parts of the Moon , being unequally opacous , and perspicuous . SAGR. Even now , when Simplicius ascribed the apparent Protnberancies or unevennesses of the Moon ( according to the opinion of a certain Peripatetick his friend ) to the diversly opacous , and perspicuous parts of the said Moon , conformable to which the like illusions are seen in Crystal , and Jems of divers kinds , I bethought my self of a matter much more commodious for the representing such effects ; which is such , that I verily believe , that that Philosopher would give any price for it ; and it is the mother of Pearl , which is wrought into divers figures , and though it be brought to an extreme evennesse , yet it seemeth to the eye in several parts , so variously hollow and knotty , that we can scarce credit our feeling of their evennesse . SALV . This invention is truly ingenious ; and that which hath not been done already , may be done in time to come ; and if there have been produced other Jems , and Crystals , which have nothing to do with the illusions of the mother of Pearl , these may be produced also ; in the mean time , that I may not prevent any one , I will suppresse the answer which might be given , and onely for this time betake my self to satisfie the objections brought by Simplicius . I say therefore , that this reason of yours is too general , and as you apply it not to all the appearances one by one ; which are seen in the Moon , and for which my self and others are induced to hold it mountainous , I believe you will not find any one that will be satisfied with such a doctrine ; nor can I think , that either you , or the Author himself , find in it any greater quietude , than in any other thing wide from the purpose . Of the very many several appearances which are seen night by night in the course of Moon , you cannot imitate so much as one , by making a Ball at your choice , more or less opacous and perspicuous , and that is of a polite superficies ; whereas on the contrary , one may make Balls of any solid matter whatsoever , that is not transparent , which onely with eminencies and cavities , and by receiving the illumination several ways , shall represent the same appearances and mutations to an hair , which from hour to hour are discovered in the Moon . In them you shall see the ledges of Hills exposed to the Suns light , to be very shining , and after them the projections of their shadows very obscure ; you shall see them greater and less , according as the said eminencies shall be more or less distant from the confines which distinguish the parts of the Moon illuminated , from the obscure : you shall see the same term and confine , not equally distended , as it would be if the Ball were polish'd , but craggie and rugged . You shall see beyond the same term , in the dark parts of the Moon many bright prominencies , and distinct from the rest of the illuminations : you shall see the shadows aforesaid , according as the illumination gradually riseth , to deminish by degrees , till they wholly disappear ; nor are there any of them to be seen when the whole Hemisphere is enlightned . Again on the contrary , in the lights passage towards the other Hemisphere of the Moon , you shall again observe the same eminencies that were marked , and you shall see the projections of their shadows to be made a contrary way , and to decrease by degrees : of which things , once more I say , you cannot shew me so much as one in yours that are opacous and perspicuous . SAGR. One of them certainly he may imitate , namely , that of the Full-Moon , when by reason of its being all illuminated , there is not to be seen either shadow , or other thing , which receiveth any alteration from its eminencies and cavities . But I beseech you , Salviatus , let us spend no more time on this Argument , for a person that hath had but the patience to make observation of but one or two Lunations , and is not satisfied with this most sensible truth , may well be adjudged void of all judgment ; and upon such why should we throw away our time and breath in vain ? SIMPL. I must confess I have not made the observations , for that I never had so much curiosity , or the Instruments proper for the business ; but I will not fail to do it . In the mean time , we may leave this question in suspense , and pass to that point which follows , producing the motives inducing you to think that the Earth may reflect the light of the Sun no less forceably than the Moon , for it seems to me so obscure and opacous , that I judg such an effect altogether impossible . SALV . The cause for which you repute the Earth unapt for illumination , may rather evince the contrary : And would it not be strange , Simplicius , if I should apprehend your discourses better than you your self ? SIMPL. Whether I argue well or ill , it may be , that you may better understand the same than I ; but be it ill or well that I discourse , I shall never believe that you can penetrate what I mean better than I my self . SALV . Well , I will make you believe the same presently . Tell me a little , when the Moon is near the Full , so that it may be seen by day , and also at midnight , at what do you think it more splendid , by day or by night ? SIMPL. By night , without all comparison . And methinks the Moon resembleth that pillar of Clouds and pillar of Fire , which guided the Israelites ; which at the presence of the Sun , appeared like a Cloud , but in the night was very glorious . Thus I have by day observed the Moon amidst certain small Clouds , just as if one of them had been coloured white , but by night it shines with much splendor . SALV . So that if you had never happened to see the Moon , save onely in the day time , you would not have thought it more shining than one of those Clouds . SIMPL. I verily believe I should not . SALV . Tell me now ; do you believe that the Moon is really more shining in the night than day , or that by some accident it seemeth so ? SIMPL. I am of opinion , that it resplends in it self as much in the day as night , but that its light appears greater by night , because we behold it in the dark mantle of Heaven ; and in the day time , the whole Atmosphere being very clear , so that she little exceedeth it in lustre , she seems to us much less bright . SALV . Now tell me ; have you ever at midnight seen the Terrestrial Globe illuminated by the Sun ? SIMPL. This seemeth to me a question not to be ask'd , unless in jest , or of some person known to be altogether void of sense . SALV . No , no ; I esteem you to be a very rational man , and do ask the question seriously ; and therefore answer me : and if afterwards you shall think that I speak impertinently , I will be content to be the senseless man : for he is much more a fool who interrogates simply , than he to whom the question is put . SIMPL. If then you do not think me altogether simple , take it for granted that I have answered you already , and said , that it is impossible , that one that is upon the Earth , as we are , should see by night that part of the Earth where it is day , namely , that is illuminated by the Sun. SALV . Therefore you have never seen the Earth enlightned , save onely by day ; but you see the Moon to shine also in the dead of night . And this is the cause , Simplicius , which makes you believe that the Earth doth not shine like the Moon ; but if you could see the Earth illuminated , whilst you were in some dark place , like our night , you would see it shine brighter than the Moon . Now if you desire that the comparison may proceed well , you must compare the light of the Earth , with that of the Moon seen in the day time , and not with the same by night : for it is not in our power to see the Earth illuminated , save onely in the day . Is it not so ? SIMPL. So it ought to be . SALV . And forasmuch as you your self have already confessed to have seen the Moon by day among some little white Clouds , and very nearly , as to its aspect , resembling one of them ; you did thereby grant , that those Clouds , which yet are Elementary matters , are as apt to receive illumination , as the Moon , yea more , if you will but call to mind that you have sometimes seen some Clouds of vast greatness , and as perfect white as the Snow ; and there is no question , but that if such a Cloud could be continued so luminous in the deep of night , it would illuminate the places near about it , more than an hundred Moons . If therefore we were assured that the Earth is illuminated by the Sun , like one of those Clouds , it would be undubitable , but that it would be no less shining than the Moon . But of this there is no question to be made , in regard we see those very Clouds in the absence of the Sun , to remain by night , as obscure as the Earth : and that which is more , there is not any one of us , but hath seen many times some such Clouds low , and far off , and questioned whether they were Clouds or Mountains : an evident sign that the Mountains are no less luminous than those Clouds . SAGR. But what needs more discourse ? See yonder the Moon is risen , and more than half of it illuminated ; see there that wall , on which the Sun shineth ; retire a little this way , so that you see the Moon sideways with the wall : look now ; which of them shews more lucid ? Do not you see , that if there is any advantage , the wall hath it ? The Sun shineth on that wall ; from thence it is reverberated upon the wall of the Hall , from thence it 's reflected upon that chamber , so that it falls on it at the third reflection : and I am very certain , that there is in that place more light , than if the Moons light had directly faln upon it . SIMPL. But this I cannot believe ; for the illumination of the Moon , especially when it is at the full , is very great . SAGR. It seemeth great by reason of the circumjacent dark places ; but absolutely it is not much , and is less than that of the twilight half an hour after the Sun is set ; which is manifest , because you see not the shadows of the bodies illuminated by the Moon till then , to begin to be distinguished on the Earth . Whether , again , that third reflection upon that chamber , illuminates more than the first of the Moon , may be known by going thether , and reading a Book , and afterwards standing there in the night by the Moons light , which will shew by which of them lights one may read more or less plainly , but I believe without further tryal , that one should see less distinctly by this later . SALV . Now , Simplicius , ( if haply you be satisfied ) you may conceive , as you your self know very well , that the Earth doth shine no less than the Moon ; and the only remembring you of some things , which you knew of your self , and learn'd not of me , hath assured you thereof : for I taught you not that the Moon shews lighter by night than by day , but you understood it of your self ; as also you could tell me that a little Cloud appeareth as lucid as the Moon : you knew also , that the illumination of the Earth cannot be seen by night ; and in a word , you knew all this , without knowing that you knew it . So that you have no reason to be scrupulous of granting , that the dark part of the Earth may illuminate the dark part of the Moon , with no less a light than that wherewith the Moon illuminates the obscurities of the night , yea rather so much the greater , inasmuch as the Earth is forty times bigger than the Moon . SIMPL. I must confess that I did believe , that that secondary light had been the natural light of the Moon . SALV . And this also you know of your self , and perceive not that you know it . Tell me , do not you know without teaching , that the Moon shews it self more bright by night than by day , in respect of the obscurity of the space of the ambient ? and confequently , do you not know in genere , that every bright body shews the clearer , by how much the ambient is obscurer ? SIMPL. This I know very well . SALV . When the Moon is horned , and that secondary light seemeth to you very bright , is it not ever nigh the Sun , and consequently , in the light of the crepusculum , ( twilight ? ) SIMPL. It is so ; and I have oftentimes wish'd that the Air would grow thicker , that I might be able to see that same light more plainly ; but it ever disappeared before dark night . SALV . You know then very certainly , that in the depth of night , that light would be more conspicuous . SIMPL. I do so ; and also more than that , if one could but take away the great light of the crescent illuminated by the Sun , the presence of which much obscureth the other lesser . SALV . Why , doth it not sometimes come to pass , that one may in a very dark night see the whole face of the Moon , without being at all illuminated by the Sun ? SIMPL. I know not whether this ever happeneth , save onely in the total Ecclipses of the Moon . SALV . Why , at that time this its light would appear very clear , being in a most obscure medium , and not darkned by the clarity of the luminous crescents : but in that position , how light did it appear to you ? SIMPL. I have sometimes seen it of the colour of brass , and a little whitish ; but at other times it hath been so obscure , that I have wholly lost the sight of it . SALV . How then can that light be so natural , which you see so cleer in the close of the twilight , notwithstanding the impediment of the great and contiguous splendor of the crescents ; and which again , in the more obscure time of night , all other light removed , appears not at all ? SIMPL. I have heard of some that believed that same light to be participated to these crescents from the other Stars , and in particular from Venus , the Moons neighbour . SALV . And this likewise is a vanity ; because in the time of its total obscuration , it ought to appear more shining than ever ; for you cannot say , that the shadow of the Earth intercepts the sight of Venus , or the other Stars . But to say true , it is not at that instant wholly deprived thereof , for that the Terrestrial Hemisphere , which in that time looketh towards the Moon , is that where it is night , that is , an intire privation of the light of the Sun. And if you but diligently observe , you will very sensibly perceive , that like as the Moon , when it is sharp-horned , doth give very little light to the Earth ; and according as in her the parts illuminated by the Suns light do encrease : so likewise the splendor to our seeming encreaseth , which from her is reflected towards us ; thus the Moon , whilst it is sharp-forked , and that by being between the Sun and the Earth , it discovereth a very great part of the Terrestrial Hemisphere illuminated , appeareth very clear : and departing from the Sun , and passing towards the * Quadrature , you may see the said light by degrees to grow dim ; and after the Quadrature , the same appears very weak , because it continually loseth more and more of the view of the luminous part of the Earth : and yet it should succeed quite contrary , if that light were its own , or communicated to it from the Stars ; for then we should see it in the depth of night , and in so very dark an ambient . SIMPL. Stay a little ; for I just now remember , that I have read in a little modern tract , full of many novelties ; That this secondary light is not derived from the Stars , nor innate in the Moon , and least of all communicated by the Earth , but that it is received from the same illumination of the Sun , which , the substance of the Lunar Globe being somewhat transparent , penetrateth thorow all its body ; but more livelily illuminateth the superficies of the Hemisphere exposed to the rays of the Sun ▪ and its profundity imbuing , and ( as I may say ) swallowing that light , after the manner of a cloud or chrystal , transmits it , and renders it visibly lucid . And this ( if I remember aright ) he proveth by Authority , Experience and Reason ; citing Cleomedes , Vitellion , Macrobius , and a certain other modern Author : and adding , That it is seen by experience to shine most in the days nearest the Conjunction , that is , when it is horned , and is chiefly bright about its limb . And he farther writes , That in the Solar Ecclipses , when it is under the Discus of the Sun , it may be seen translucid , and more especially towards its utmost Circle . And in the next place , for Arguments , as I think , he saith , That it not being able to derive that light either from the Earth , or from the Stars , or from it self , it necessarily follows , that it cometh from the Sun. Besides that , if you do but grant this supposition , one may easily give convenient reasons for all the particulars that occur . For the reason why that secundary light shews more lively towards the outmost limb , is , the shortness of the space that the Suns rays hath to penetrate , in regard that of the lines which pass through a circle , the greatest is that which passeth through the centre , and of the rest , those which are farthest from it , are always less than those that are nearer . From the same principle , he saith , may be shewn why the said light doth not much diminish . And lastly , by this way the cause is assigned whence it comes , that that same more shining circle about the utmost edge of the Moon , is seen at the time of the Solar Ecclipse , in that part which lyeth just under the Discus of the Sun , but not in that which is beside the Discus : which happeneth because the rays of the Sun pass directly to our eye , through the parts of the Moon underneath : but as for the parts which are besides it , they fall besides the eye . SALV . If this Philosopher had been the first Author of this opinion , I would not wonder that he should be so affectionate to it , as to have received it for truth ; but borrowing it from others , I cannot find any reason sufficient to excuse him for not perceiving it● fallacies ; and especially after he had heard the true cause of that effect , and had it in his power to satisfie himself by a thousand experiments , and manifest circumstances , that the same proceeded from the reflection of the Earth , and from nothing else : and the more this speculation makes something to be desired , in the judgment of this Author , and of all those who give no credit to it : so much the more doth their not having understood and remembred it , excuse those more recess Antients , who , I am very certain , did they now understand it , would without the least repugnance admit thereof . And if I may freely tell you what I think , I cannot believe but that this Modern doth in his heart believe it ; but I rather think , that the conceit he should not be the first Author thereof , did a little move him to endeavour to suppresse it , or to disparage it at least amongst the simple , whose number we know to be very great ; and many there are , who much more affect the numerous applauds of the people , than the approbation of a few not vulgar judgments . SAGR. Hold good Salviatus , for me thinks , I see that you go not the way to hit the true mark in this your discourse , for these that * confound all propriety , know also how to make themselves Authors of others Inventions , provided they be not so stale , and publick in the Schools and Market-places , as that they are more then notorious to every one . SALV . Ha! well aimed , you blame me for roving from the point in hand ; but what have you to do with Schools and Markets ? Is it not all one whether opinions and inventions be new to men , or the men new to them ? If you * contend about the esteem of the Founders of Sciences , which in all times do start up , you may make your self their inventor , even to the Alphabet it self , and so gain admiration amongst that illiterate rabble ; and though in processe of time your craft should be perceived , that would but little prejudice your designe ; for that others would succeed them in maintaining the number of your fautors ; but let us return to prove to Simplicius the invalidity of the reasons of his modern Author , in which there are several falsities , inconsequencies , and incredible Paradoxes . And first , it is false that this secondary light is clearer about the utmost limb than in the middle parts , so as to form , as it were , a ring or circle more bright than the rest of its space or contence . True it is , indeed , that looking on the Moon at the time of twilight , at first sight there is the resemblance of such a circle , but by an illusion arising from the diversity of confines that bound the Moons Discus , which are confused by means of this secondary light ; forasmuch as on the part towards the Sun it is bounded by the lucid horns of the Moon , and on the other part , its confining term is the obscure tract of the twilight ; whose relation makes us think the candor of the Moons Discus to be so much the clearer ; the which happens to be obfuscated in the opposite part , by the greater clarity of the crescents ; but if this modern Author had essaied to make an interposition between the eye and the primary splendor , by the ridg of some house , or some other screen , so as to have left visible only the grose of the Moon , the horns excluded , he might have seen it all alike luminous . SIMPL , I think , now I remember , that he writes of his making use of such another Artifice , to hide from us the false lucidum . SALV . Oh! how is this ( as I believed ) inadvertency of his , changed into a lie , bordering on rashnesse ; for that every one may frequently make proof of the contrary . That in the next place , at the Suns Eclipse , the Moons Discus is seen otherwayes than by privation , I much doubt , and specially when the Eclipse is not total , as those must necessarily have been , which were observed by the Author ; but if also he should have discovered somewhat of light , this contradicts not , rather favoureth our opinion ; for that at such a time , the whole Terrestrial Hemisphere illuminated by the Sun , is opposite to the Moon , so that although the Moons shadow doth obscure a part thereof , yet this is very small in comparison of that which remains illuminated . That which he farther adds , that in this case , the part of the limb , lying under the Sun , doth appear very lucid , but that which lyeth besides it , not so ; and that to proceed from the coming of the solar rayes directly through that part to the eye , but not through this , is really one of those fopperies , which discover the other fictions , of him which relates them : For if it be requisite to the making a secondary light visible in the lunar Discus , that the rayes of the Sun came directly through it to our eyes , doth not this pitiful Philosopher perceive , that we should never see this same secondary light , save onely at the Eclipse of the Sun ? And if a part onely of the Moon , far lesse than half a degree , by being remote from the Suns Discus , can deflect or deviate the rayes of the Sun , so that they arrive not at our eye ; what shall it do when it is distant twenty or thirty degrees , as it is at its first apparition ? and what course shall the rayes of the Sun keep , which are to passe thorow the body of the Moon , that they may find out our eye ? This man doth go successively considering what things ought to be , that they may serve his purpose , but doth not gradually proceed , accommodating his conceits to the things , as really they are . As for instance , to make the light of the Sun capable to penetrate the substance of the Moon , he makes her in part diaphanous , as is v. g. the transparence of a cloud , or crystal : but I know not what he would think of such a transparency , in case the solar rayes were to passe a depth of clouds of above two thousand miles ; but let it be supposed that he should boldly answer , that might well be in the Coelestial , which are quite other things from these our Elementary , impure , and feculent bodies ; and let us convict his error by such wayes , as admit him no reply , or ( to say better ) subter-fuge . If he will maintain , that the substance of the Moon is diaphanous , he must say that it is so , whilest that the rayes of the Sun are to penetrate its whole profundity , that is , more than two thousand miles ; but that if you oppose unto them onely one mile , or lesse , they should no more penetrate that , than they penetrate one of our mountains . SAGR. You put me in mind of a man , who would have sold me a secret how to correspond , by means of a certain sympathy of magnetick needles , with one , that should be two or three thousand miles distant ; and I telling him , that I would willingly buy the same , but that I desired first to see the experiment thereof , and that it did suffice me to make it , I being in one Chamber , and he in the next , he answered me , that in so small a distance one could not so well perceive the operation ; whereupon I turn'd him going , telling him , that I had no mind , at that time , to take a journey unto Grand Cairo , or to Muscovy , to make the experiment ; but that , if he would go himself , I would perform the other part , staying in Venice . But let us hear whither the deduction of our Author tendeth , and what necessity there is , that he must grant the matter of the Moon to be most perforable by the rayes of the Sun , in a depth of two thousand miles , but more opacous than one of our mountains , in a thicknesse of one mile onely . SALV . The very mountains of the Moon themselves are a proof thereof , which percussed on one side of the Sun , do cast on the contrary side very dark shadows , terminate , and more distinct by much , than the shadows of ours ; but had these mountains been diaphanous , we could never have come to the knowledg of any unevennesse in the superficies of the Moon , not have seen those luminous montuosities distinguished by the terms which separate the lucid parts from the dark : much lesse , should we see this same term so distinct , if it were true , that the Suns light did penetrate the whole thicknesse of the Moon ; yea rather , according to the Authors own words , we should of necessity discern the passage , and confine , between the part of the Sun seen , and the part not seen , to be very confused , and mixt with light and darknesse ; for that that matter which admits the passage of the Suns rayes thorow a space of two thousand miles , must needs be so transparent , that it would very weakly resist them in a hundredth , or lesser part of that thicknesse ; neverthelesse , the term which separateth the part illuminated from the obscure , is incident , and as distinct , as white is distinct from black ; and especially where the Section passeth through the part of the Moon , that is naturally more clear and montanous ; but where the old spots do part , which are certain plains , that by means of their spherical inclination , receive the rayes of the Sun obliquely , there the term is not so distinct , by reason of the more dimme illumination . That , lastly , which he saith , how that the secondary light doth not diminish and languish , according as the Moon encreaseth , but conserveth it self continually in the same efficacy ; is most false ; nay it is hardly seen in the quadrature , when , on the contrary , it should appear more splendid , and be visible after the crepusculum in the dark of night . Let us conclude therefore , that the Earths reflection is very strong upon the Moon ; and that , which you ought more to esteem , we may deduce from thence another admirable congruity between the Moon and Earth ; namely , that if it be true , the Planets operate upon the Earth by their motion and light , the Earth may probably be no lesse potent in operating reciprocally upon them with the same light , and peradventure , motion also . And though it should not move , yet may it retain the same operation ; because , as it hath been proved already , the action of the light is the self same , I mean of the light of the Sun reflected ; and motion doth nothing , save only vary the aspects , which fall out in the same manner , whether we make the Earth move , and the Sun stand still , or the contrary . SIMPL. None of the Philosophers are found to have said , that these inferiour bodies operate on the Coelestial , nay , Aristotle affirmes the direct contrary . SALV . Aristotle and the rest , who knew not that the Earth and Moon mutually illuminated each other , are to be excused ; but they would justly deserve our censure , if whilest they desire that we should grant and believe with them , that the Moon operateth upon the Earth with light , they should deny to us , who have taught them that the Earth illuminates the Moon , the operation the Earth hath on the Moon . SIMPL. In short , I find in my self a great unwillingnesse to admit this commerce , which you would perswade me to be betwixt the Earth and Moon , placing it , as we say , amongst the number of the Stars ; for if there were nothing else , the great separation and distance between it and the Coelestial bodies , doth in my opinion necessarily conclude a vast disparity between them . SALV . See Simplicius what an inveterate affection and radicated opinion can do , since it is so powerful , that it makes you think that those very things favour you , which you produce against your self . For if separation and distance are accidents sufficient to perswade with you a great diversity of natures , it must follow that proximity and contiguity import similitude . Now how much more neerer is the Moon to the Earth , than to any other of the Coelestial Orbs ? You must acknowledg therefore , according to your own concession ( and you shall have other Philosophers bear you company ) that there is a very great affinity betwixt the Earth and Moon . Now let us proceed , and see whether any thing remains to be considered , touching those objections which you made against the resemblances that are between these two bodies . SIMPL. It rests , that we say something touching the solidity of the Moon , which I argued from its being exquisite smooth and polite , and you from its montuosity . There is another scruple also comes into my mind , from an opinion which I have , that the Seas reflection ought by the equality of its surface , to be rendered stronger than that of the Earth , whose superficies is so rough and opacous . SALV . As to the first objection ; I say , that like as among the parts of the Earth , which all by their gravity strive to approach the nearest they can possible to the center , some of them alwayes are more remote from it than the rest , as the mountains more than the valleys , and that by reason of their solidity and firmnesse ( for if they were of fluid , they would be even ) so the seeing some parts of the Moon to be elevated above the sphericity of the lower parts , argueth their hardnesse ; for it is probable that the matter of the Moon is reduced into a spherical form by the harmonious conspiration of all its parts to the same sentense . Touching the second doubt , my thinks that the particulars already observed to happen in the Looking-glasses , may very well assure us , that the reflection of light comming from the Sea , is far weaker than that which cometh from Land ; understanding it alwayes of the universal reflection ; for as to that particular , on which the water being calm , casteth upon a determinate place , there is no doubt , but that he who shall stand in that place , shall see a very great reflection in the water , but every way else he shall see the surface of the Water more obscure than that of the Land ; and to prove it to your senses , let us go into yonder Hall , and power forth a little water upon the Pavement . Tell me now , doth not this wet brick shew more dull than the other dry ones ? Doubtlesse it doth , and will so appear , from what place soever you behold it , except one onely , and this is that way which the light cometh , that entereth in at yonder window ; go backwards therefore by a little and a little . SIMPL. Here I see the west part shine more than all the rest of the pavement , and I see that it so hapneth , because the reflection of the light which entereth in at the window , cometh towards me . SALV . That moisture hath done no more but filled those little cavities which are in the brick with water , and reduced its superficies to an exact evenesse ; whereupon the reflex rayes issue unitedly towards one and the same place ; but the rest of the pavement which is dry , hath its protuberances , that is , an innumerable variety of inclinations in its smallest particles ; whereupon the reflections of the light scatter towards all parts , but more weakly than if they had gone all united together ; and therefore , the same sheweth almost all alike , beheld several wayes , but far lesse clear than the moistned brick . I conclude therefore , that the surface of the Sea , beheld from the Moon , in like manner , as it would appear most equal , ( the Islands and Rocks deducted ) so it would shew lesse clear than that of the Earth , which is montanous and uneven . And but that I would not seem , as the saying is , to harp too much on one string , I could tell you that I have observed in the Moon that secondary light which I told you came to her from the reflection of the Terrestrial Globe , to be notably more clear two or three dayes before the conjunction , than after , that is , when we see it before break of day in the East , than when it is seen at night after Sun-set in the West ; of which difference the cause is , that the Terrestrial Hemisphere , which looks towards the Eastern Moon , hath little Sea , and much Land , to wit , all Asia , whereas , when it is in the West , it beholds very great Seas , that is , the whole Atlantick Ocean as far as America : An Argument sufficiently probable that the surface of the water appears lesse splendid than that of the Earth . SIMPL. So that perhaps you believe , those great spots discovered in the face of the Moon , to be Seas , and the other clearer parts to be Land , or some such thing ? SALV . This which you ask me , is the beginning of those incongruities which I esteem to be between the Moon and the Earth , out of which it is time to dis-ingage our selves , for we have stayed too long in the Moon . I say therefore , that if there were in nature but one way onely , to make two superficies illustrated by the Sun , to appear one more clear than the other , and that this were by the being of the one Earth , and the other Water ; it would be necessary to say that the surface of the Moon were part earthy and part aquatick ; but because we know many wayes to produce the same effect ( and others there may be which we know not of ; ) therefore I dare not affirm the Moon to consist of one thing more than another : It hath been seen already that a silver plate boiled , being toucht with the Burnisher , becometh of white obscure ; that the moist part of the Earth shews more obscure than the dry ; that in the tops of Hills , the woody parts appear more gloomy than the naked and barren ; which hapneth because there falleth very much shadow among the Trees , but the open places are illuminated all over by the Sun. And this mixtion of shadow hath such operation , that in tufted velvet , the silk which is cut , is of a far darker colour than that which is not cut , by means of the shadows diffused betwixt thred and thred , and a plain velvet shews much blacker than a Taffata , made of the same silk . So that if there were in the Moon things which should look like great Woods , their aspect might represent unto us the spots which we discover ; alike difference would be occasioned , if there were Seas in her : and lastly , nothing hindreth , but that those spots may really be of an obscurer colour than the rest ; for thus the snow makes the mountains shew brighter . That which is plainly observed in the Moon is , that its most obscure parts are all plains , with few rises and bancks in them ; though some there be ; the rest which is of a brighter colour , is all full of rocks , mountains , hillocks of spherical and other figures ; and in particular , round about the spots are very great ledges of mountains . That the spots be plain superficies , we have assured proof , in that we see , how that the term which distinguisheth the part illuminated from the obscure , in crossing the spots makes the intersection even , but in the clear parts it shews all craggy and shagged . But I know not as yet whether this evennesse of superficies may be sufficient of it self alone , to make the obscurity appear , and I rather think not . Besides , I account the Moon exceeding different from the Earth ; for although I imagine to my self that those are not idle and dead Regions , yet I affirm not , that there are in them motion and life , much less that there are bred plants , animals or other things like to ours ; but , if such there be , they should nevertheless be very different , and remote from our imagination . And I am induced so to think , because in the first place , I esteem that the matter of the Lunar Globe consists not of Earth and Water ; and this alone sufficeth to take away the generations and alterations resembling ours : but now supposing that there were in the Moon , Water and Earth , yet would they not produce plants and animals like to ours ; and this for two principal reasons : The first is , that unto our productions there are required so many variable aspects of the Sun , that without them they would all miscarry : now the habitudes of the Sun towards the Earth are far different from those towards the Moon . We as to the diurnal illumination , have , in the greater part of the Earth , every twenty four hours part day , and part night , which effect in the Moon is monethly : and that annual declination and elevation of the Sun in the Zodiack , by which it produceth diversity of Seasons , and inequality of dayes and nights , are finished in the Moon in a moneth ; and whereas the Sun to us riseth and declineth so much , that from the greatest to the least altitude , there is a difference of almost 47 degrees , for so much is the distance from one to the other Tropick ; this is in the Moon but ten degrees only , or little more ; namely , as much as the greatest Latitudes of the Dragon on each side the Ecliptick . Now consider what effect the Sun would have in the torrid Zone , should it continually for fifteen dayes together beam forth its Rayes upon it ; which without all question would destroy plants , herbs , and living creatures : and if it should chance that there were any production , it would be of herbs , plants , and creatures very different from those which are now there . Secondly , I verily believe that in the Moon there are no rains , for if Clouds should gather in any part thereof , as they do about the Earth , they would thereupon hide from our sight some of those things , which we with the Telescope behold in the Moon , and in a word , would some way or other change its Phaenomenon , an effect which I could never by long and diligent observations discover ; but alwayes beheld it in a even and pure serenity . SAGR. To this may be answered , either that there might be great mists , or that it might rain in the time of their night , that is , when the Sun doth not illuminate it . SALV . If other passages did but assure us , that there were generations in it like to ours , and that there was onely wanting the concourse of rains , we might find out this , or some other temperament to serve instead thereof , as it happens in Egypt by the inundation of Nile : but not meeting with any accident , which corresponds with ours , of many that have been sought out for the production of the like effects , we need not trouble our selves to introduce one alone ; and that also , not because we have certain observation of it , but for a bare non-repugnance that we find therein . Moreover , if I was demanded what my first apprehension , and pure natural reason dictated to me concerning the production of things like or unlike there above , I would alwayes reply , that they are most different , and to us altogether unimaginable , for so me thinks the riches of Nature , and the omnipotence of our Creator and Governour , do require . SAGR. I ever accounted extraordinary madnesse that of those , who would make humane comprehension the measure of what nature hath a power or knowledge to effect ; whereas on the contrary there is not any the least effect in Nature , which can be fully understood by the most speculative wits in the world . This their so vain presumption of knowing all , can take beginning from nothing , unlesse from their never having known any thing ; for if one hath but once onely experienced the perfect knowledg of one onely thing , and but truly tasted what it is to know , he shall perceive that of infinite other conclusions , he understands not so much as one . SALV . Your discourse is very concluding ; in confirmation of which we have the example of those who understand , or have known some thing , which the more knowing they are , the more they know , and freely confesse that they know little ; nay , the wisest man in all Greece , and for such pronounced by the Oracle , openly professed to know that he knew nothing . SIMPL. It must be granted therefore , either that Socrates or that the Oracle it self was a lyar , that declaring him to be most wise , and he confessing that he knew himself to be most ignorant . SALV . Neither one nor the other doth follow , for that both the assertions may be true . The Oracle adjudged Socrates the wisest of all men , whose knowledg is limited ; Socrates acknowledgeth that he knew nothing in relation to absolute wisdome , which is infinite ; and because of infinite , much is the same part , as is little , and as is nothing ( for to arrive v. g. to the infinite number , it is all one to accumulate thousands , tens , or ciphers , ) therefore Socrates well perceived his wisdom to be nothing , in comparison of the infinite knowledg which he wanted . But yet , because there is some knowledg found amongst men , and this not equally shared to all , Socrates might have a greater share thereof than others , and therefore verified the answer of the Oracle . SAGR. I think I very well understand this particular amongst men , Simplicius there is a power of operating , but not equally dispensed to all ; and it is without question , that the power of an Emperor is far greater than that of a private person ; but , both this and that are nothing in comparison of the Divine Omnipotence . Amongst men , there are some that better understand Agriculture than many others ; but the knowledg of planting a Vine in a trench , what hath it to do with the knowledg of making it to sprout forth , to attract nourishment , to select this good part from that other , for to make thereof leaves , another to make sprouts , another to make grapes , another to make raisins , another to make the huskes of them , which are the works of most wise Nature ? This is one only particular act of the innumerable , which Nature doth , and in it alone is discovered an infinite wisdom , so that Divine Wisdom may be concluded to be infinitely infinite . SALV . Take hereof another example . Do we not say that the judicious discovering of a most lovely Statua in a piece of Marble , hath sublimated the wit of Buonarruotti far above the vulgar wits of other men ? And yet this work is onely the imitation of a meer aptitude and disposition of exteriour and superficial members of an immoveable man ; but what is it in comparison of a man made by nature , composed of as many exteriour and interiour members , of so many muscles , tendons , nerves , bones , which serve to so many and sundry motions ? but what shall we say of the senses , and of the powers of the soul , and lastly , of the understanding ? May we not say , and that with reason , that the structure of a Statue fals far short of the formation of a living man , yea more of a contemptible worm ? SAGR. And what difference think you , was there betwixt the Dove of Architas , and one made by Nature ? SIMPL. Either I am none of these knowing men , or else there is a manifest contradiction in this your discourse . You account understanding amongst the greatest ( if you make it not the chief of the ) Encomiums ascribed to man made by Nature , and a little before you said with Socrates , that he had no knowledg at all ; therefore you must say , that neither did Nature understand how to make an understanding that understandeth . SALV . You argue very cunningly , but to reply to your objection I must have recourse to a Philosophical distinction , and say that the understanding is to be taken too ways , that is intensivè , or extensivè ; and that extensivè , that is , as to the multitude of intelligibles , which are infinite , the understanding of man is as nothing , though he should understand a thousand propositions ; for that a thousand , in respect of infinity is but as a cypher : but taking the understanding intensive , ( in as much as that term imports ) intensively , that is , perfectly some propositions , I say , that humane wisdom understandeth some propositions so perfectly , and is as absolutely certain thereof , as Nature her self ; and such are the pure Mathematical sciences , to wit , Geometry and Arithmetick : in which Divine Wisdom knows infinite more propositions , because it knows them all ; but I believe that the knowledge of those few comprehended by humane understanding , equalleth the divine , as to the certainty objectivè , for that it arriveth to comprehend the necessity thereof , than which there can be no greater certainty . SIMPL. This seemeth to me a very bold and rash expression . SALV . These are common notions , and far from all umbrage of temerity , or boldness , and detract not in the least from the Majesty of divine wisdom ; as it nothing diminisheth the omnipotence thereof to say , that God cannot make what is once done , to be undone : but I doubt , Simplicius , that your scruple ariseth from an opinion you have , that my words are somewhat equivocal ; therefore the better to express my self I say , that as to the truth , of which Mathematical demonstrations give us the knowledge , it is the same , which the divine wisdom knoweth ; but this I must grant you , that the manner whereby God knoweth the infinite propositions , of which we understand some few , is highly more excellent than ours , which proceedeth by ratiocination , and passeth from conclusion to conclusion , whereas his is done at one single thought or intuition ; and whereas we , for example , to attain the knowledg of some passion of the Circle , which hath infinite , beginning from one of the most simple , and taking that for its definition , do proceed with argumentation to another , and from that to a third , and then to a fourth , &c. the Divine Wisdom , by the apprehension of its essence comprehends , without temporary raciocination , all these infinite passions ; which notwithstanding , are in effect virtually comprised in the definitions of all things ; and , to conclude , as being infinite , perhaps are but one alone in their nature , and in the Divine Mind ; the which neither is wholly unknown to humane understanding , but onely be-clouded with thick and grosse mists ; which come in part to be dissipated and clarified , when we are made Masters of any conclusions , firmly demonstrated , and so perfectly made ours , as that we can speedily run through them ; for in sum , what other , is that proposition , that the square of the side subtending the right angle in any triangle , is equal to the squares of the other two , which include it , but onely the Paralellograms being upon common bases , and between parallels equal amongst themselves ? and this , lastly , is it not the same , as to say that those two superficies are equal , of which equal parts applyed to equal parts , possesse equal place ? Now these inferences , which our intellect apprehendeth with time and a gradual motion , the Divine Wisdom , like light , penetrateth in an instant , which is the same as to say , hath them alwayes present : I conclude therefore , that our understanding , both as to the manner and the multitude of the things comprehended by us , is infinitely surpast by the Divine Wisdom ; but yet I do not so vilifie it , as to repute it absolutely nothing ; yea rather , when I consider how many and how great misteries men have understood , discovered , and contrived , I very plainly know and understand the mind of man to be one of the works , yea one of the most excellent works of God. SAGR. I have oft times considered with my self , in pursuance of that which you speak of , how great the wit of man is ; and whil'st I run thorow such and so many admirable inventions found out by him , as well in the Arts , as Sciences ; and again reflecting upon my own wit , so far from promising me the discovery of any thing new , that I despair of comprehending what is already discovered , confounded with wonder , and surprised with desperation , I account my self little lesse than miserable . If I behold a Statue of some excellent Master , I say with my self ; When wilt thou know how to chizzle away the refuse of a piece of Marble , and discover so lovely a figure , as lyeth hid therein ? When wilt thou mix and spread so many different colours upon a Cloth , or Wall , and represent therewith all visible objects , like a Michael Angelo , a Raphaello , or a Tizvano ? If I behold what inventions men have in comparting Musical intervals , in establishing Precepts and Rules for the management thereof with admirable delight to the ear : When shall I cease my astonishment ? What shall I say of such and so various Instruments of that Art ? The reading of excellent Poets , with what admiration doth it swell any one that attentively considereth the invention of conceits , and their explanation ? What shall we say of Architecture ? What of Navigation ? But , above all other stupendious inventions , what sublimity of mind was that in him , that imagined to himself to find out a way to communicate his most secret thoughts to any other person , though very far distant from him either in time , or place , speaking with those that are in the India's ; speaking to those that are not yet born , nor shall be this thousand , or ten thousand years ? and with how much facility ? but by the various collocation of * twenty little letters upon a paper ? Let this be the Seal of all the admirable inventions of man , and the close of our Discourse for this day : For the warmer hours being past , I suppose that Salviatus hath a desire to go and take the air in his Gondelo ; but too morrow we will both wait upon you , to continue the Discourses we have begun , &c. GALILAEUS Galilaeus Lyncaeus , HIS SYSTEME OF THE WORLD . The Second Dialogue . INTERLOCVTORS . SALVIATUS , SAGREDUS , and SIMPLICIUS . SALV . THe yester-dayes diversions which led us out of the path of our principal discourse , were such and so many , that I know not how I can without your assistance recover the track in which I am to proceed . SAGR. I wonder not , that you , who have your fancy charged and laden with both what hath been , and is to be spoken , do find your self in some confusion ; but I , who as being onely an Auditor , have nothing to burthen my memory withal , but such things as I have heard , may haply by a succinct rehearsal of them , recover the first thred of our Discourse . As far therefore as my memory serves me , the sum of yester-dayes conferences were an examination of the Principles of Ptolomy and Copernicus , and which of their opinions is the more probable and rational ; that , which affirmeth the substance of the Coelestial bodies to be ingenerable , incorruptible , unalterable , impassible , and in a word , exempt from all kind of change , save that of local , and therefore to be a fifth essence , quite different from this of our Elementary bodies , which are generable , corruptible , alterable , &c. or else the other , which taking away such deformity from the parts of the World , holdeth the Earth to enjoy the same perfections as the other integral bodies of the universe ; and esteemeth it a moveable and erratick Globe , no lesse than the Moon , Jupiter , Venus , or any other Planet : And lastly , maketh many particular parallels betwixt the Earth and Moon ; and more with the Moon , than with any other Planet ; haply by reason we have greater and more certain notice of it , as being lesse distant from us . And having , lastly , concluded this second opinion to have more of probability with it than the first , I should think it best in the subsequent discourses to begin to examine whether the Earth be esteemed immoveable , as it hath been till now believed by most men , or else moveable , as some ancient Philosophers held , and others of not very recesse times , were of opinion ; and if it be moveable , to enquire of what kind its motion may be ? SALV . I see already what way I am to take ; but before we offer to proceed any farther , I am to say something to you touching those last words which you spake , how that the opinion which holds the Earth to be endued with the same conditions that the Coelestial bodies enjoy , seems to be more true than the contrary ; for that I affirmed no such thing , nor would I have any of the Propositions in controversie , be made to speak to any definitive sense : but I onely intended to produce on either part , those reasons and answers , arguments and solutions , which have been hitherto thought upon by others , together with certain others , which I have stumbled upon in my long searching thereinto , alwayes remitting the decision thereof to the judgment of others . SAGR. I was unawares transported by my own sense of the thing ; and believing that others ought to judg as I did , I made that conclusion universal , which should have been particular ; and therefore confesse I have erred , and the rather , in that I know not what Simplicius his judgment is in this particular . SIMPL. I must confesse , that I have been ruminating all this night of what past yesterday , and to say the truth , I meet therein with many acute , new , aud plausible notions ; yet nevertheless , I find my self over-perswaded by the authority of so many great Writers , and in particular — &c. I see you shake your head Sagredus , and smile to your self , as if I had uttered some great absurdity . SAGR. I not onely smile , but to tell you true , am ready to burst with holding in my self from laughing outright , for you have put me in mind of a very pretty passage , that I was a witnesse of , not many years since , together with some others of my worthy friends , which I could yet name unto you . SALV . It would be well that you told us what it was , that so Simplicius may not still think that he gave you the occasion of laughter . SAGR. I am content . I found one day , at home in his house , at Venice , a famous Phisician , to whom some flockt for their studies , and others out of curiosity , sometimes came thither to see certain Anatomies diffected by the hand of a no lesse learned , than careful and experienced Anatomist . It chanced upon that day , when I was there , that he was in search of the original and rise of the Nerves , about which there is a famous controversie between the Galenists and Peripateticks ; and the Anatomist shewing , how that the great number of Nerves departing from the Brain , as their root , and passing by the nape of the Neck , distend themselves afterwards along by the Back-bone , and branch themselves thorow all the Body ; and that a very small filament , as fine as a thred went to the Heart ; he turned to a Gentleman whom he knew to be a Peripatetick Philosopher , and for whose sake he had with extraordinary exactnesse , discovered and proved every thing , and demanded of him , if he was at length satisfied and perswaded that the original of the Nerves proceeded from the Brain , and not from the Heart ? To which the Philosopher , after he had stood musing a while , answered ; you have made me to see this businesse so plainly and sensibly , that did not the Text of Aristotle assert the contrary , which positively affirmeth the Nerves to proceed from the Heart , I should be constrained to confesse your opinion to be true . SIMPL. I would have you know my Masters , that this controversie about the original of the Nerves is not yet so proved and decided , as some may perhaps perswade themselves . SAGR. Nor questionlesse ever shall it be , if it find such like contradictors ; but that which you say , doth not at all lessen the extravagance of the answer of that Peripatetick , who against such sensible experience produced not other experiments , or reasons of Aristotle , but his bare authority and pure ipse dixit . SIMPL. Aristotle had not gained so great authority , but for the force of his Demonstrations , and the profoundnesse of his arguments ; but it is requisite that we understand him , and not onely understand him , but have so great familiarity with his Books , that we form a perfect Idea thereof in our minds , so as that every saying of his may be alwayes as it were , present in our memory for he did not write to the vulgar , nor is he obliged to spin out his Sillogismes with the trivial method of disputes ; nay rather , using a freedome , he hath sometimes placed the proof of one Proposition amongst Texts , which seem to treat of quite another point ; and therefore it is requisite to be master of all that vast Idea , and to learn how to connect this passage with that , and to combine this Text with another far remote from it ; for it is not to be questioned but that he who hath thus studied him , knows how to gather from his Books the demonstrations of every knowable deduction , for that they contein all things . SAGR. But good Simplicius , like as the things scattered here and there in Aristotle , give you no trouble in collecting them , but that you perswade your self to be able by comparing and connecting several small sentences to extract thence the juice of some desired conclusion , so this , which you and other egregious Philosophers do with the Text of Aristotle , I could do by the verses of Virgil , or of Ovid , composing thereof * Centones , and therewith explaining all the affairs of men , and secrets of Nature . But what talk I of Virgil , or any other Poet ? I have a little Book much shorter than Aristotle and Ovid , in which are conteined all the Sciences , and with very little study , one may gather out of it a most perfect Idea , and this is the Alphabet ; and there is no doubt but that he who knows how to couple and dispose aright this and that vowel , with those , or those other consonants , may gather thence the infallible answers to all doubts , and deduce from them the principles of all Sciences and Arts , just in the same manner as the Painter from divers simple colours , laid severally upon his Pallate , proceedeth by mixing a little of this and a little of that , with a little of a third , to represent to the life men , plants , buildings , birds , fishes , and in a word , counterfeiting what ever object is visible , though there be not on the Pallate all the while , either eyes , or feathers , or fins , or leaves , or stones . Nay , farther , it is necessary , that none of the things to be imitated , or any part of them , be actually among colours , if you would be able therewith to represent all things ; for should there be amongst them v. gr . feathers , these would serve to represent nothing save birds , and plumed creatures . SALV . And there are certain Gentlemen yet living , and in health , who were present , when a Doctor , that was Professor in a famous Academy , hearing the description of the Telescope , by him not seen as then , said , that the invention was taken from Aristotle , and causing his works to be fetch 't , he turned to a place where the Philosopher gives the reason , whence it commeth , that from the bottom of a very deep Well , one may see the stars in Heaven , at noon day ; and , addressing himself to the company , see here , saith he , the Well , which representeth the Tube , see here the gross vapours , from whence is taken the invention of the Crystals , and see here lastly the sight fortified by the passage of the rays through a diaphanous , but more dense and obscure medium . SAGR. This is a way to comprehend all things knowable , much like to that wherewith a piece of marble conteineth in it one , yea , a thousand very beautiful Statua's , but the difficulty lieth in being able to discover them ; or we may say , that it is like to the prophesies of Abbot Joachim , or the answers of the Heathen Oracles , which are not to be understood , till after the things fore-told are come to passe . SALV . And why do you not adde the predictions of the Genethliacks , which are with like cleernesse seen after the event , in their Horoscopes , or , if you will , Configurations of the Heavens . SAGR. In this manner the Chymists find , being led by their melancholly humour , that all the sublimest wits of the World have writ of nothing else in reality , than of the way to make Gold ; but , that they might transmit the secret to posterity without discovering it to the vulgar , they contrived some one way , and some another how to conceal the same under several maskes ; and it would make one merry to hear their comments upon the ancient Poets , finding out the important misteries , which lie hid under their Fables ; and the signification of the Loves of the Moon , and her descending to the Earth for Endimion ; her displeasure against Acteon , and what was meant by Jupiters turning himself into a showre of Gold ; and into flames of fire ; and what great secrets of Art are conteined in that Mercury the Interpreter ; in those thefts of Pluto ; and in those Branches of Gold. SIMPL. I believe , and in part know , that there want not in the World very extravagant heads , the vanities of whom ought not to redound to the prejudice of Aristotle , of whom my thinks you speak sometimes with too little respect , and the onely antiquity and bare name that he hath acquired in the opinions of so many famous men , should suffice to render him honourable with all that professe themselves learned . SALV . You state not the matter rightly , Simplicius ; There are some of his followers that fear before they are in danger , who give us occasion , or , to say better , would give us cause to esteem him lesse , should we consent to applaud their Capricio's . And you , pray you tell me , are you for your part so simple , as not to know that had Aristotle been present , to have heard the Doctor that would have made him Author of the Telescope , he would have been much more displeased with him , than with those , who laught at the Doctor and his Comments ? Do you question whether Aristotle , had he but seen the novelties discovered in Heaven , would not have changed his opinion , amended his Books , and embraced the more sensible Doctrine ; rejecting those silly Gulls , which too scrupulously go about to defend what ever he hath said ; not considering , that if Aristotle were such a one as they fancy him to themselves , he would be a man of an untractable wit , an obstinate mind , a barbarous soul , a stubborn will , that accounting all men else but as silly sheep , would have his Oracles preferred before the Senses , Experience , and Nature her self ? They are the Sectators of Aristotle that have given him this Authority , and not he that hath usurped or taken it upon him ; and because it is more easie for a man to sculk under anothers shield than to shew himself openly , they tremble , and are affraid to stir one step from him ; and rather than they will admit some alterations in the Heaven of Aristotle , they will impertinently deny those they behold in the Heaven of Nature . SAGR. These kind of Drolleries put me in mind of that Statuary which having reduced a great piece of Marble to the Image of an Hercules , or a thundring Jupiter , I know not whether , and given it with admirable Art such a vivacity and threatning fury , that it moved terror in as many as beheld it ; he himself began also to be affraid thereof , though all its sprightfulnesse , and life was his own workmanship ; and his affrightment was such , that he had no longer the courage to affront it with his Chizzels and Mallet . SALV . I have many times wondered how these nice maintainers of what ever fell from Aristotle , are not aware how great a prejudice they are to his reputation and credit ; and how that the more they go about to encrease his Authority , the more they diminish it ; for whilest I see them obstinate in their attempts to maintain those Propositions which I palpably discover to be manifestly false ; and in their desires to perswade me that so to do , is the part of a Philosopher ; and that Aristotle himself would do the same , it much abates in me of the opinion that he hath rightly philosophated about other conclusions , to me more abstruse : for if I could see them concede and change opinion in a manifest truth , I would believe , that in those in which they should persist , they may have some solid demonstrations to me unknown , and unheard of . SAGR. Or when they should be made to see that they have hazarded too much of their own and Aristotle's repuatation in confessing , that they had not understood this or that conclusion found out by some other man ; would it not be a less evil for them to seek for it amongst his Texts , by laying many of them together , according to the art intimated to us by Simplicius ? for if his works contain all things knowable , it must follow also that they may be therein discovered . SALV . Good Sagredus , make no jest of this advice , which me thinks you rehearse in too Ironical a way ; for it is not long since that a very eminent Philosopher having composed a Book de animà , wherein , citing the opinion of Aristotle , about its being or not being immortal , he alledged many Texts , ( not any of those heretofore quoted by Alexander ab Alexandro : for in those he said , that Aristotle had not so much as treated of that matter , much less determined any thing pertaining to the same , but others ) by himself found out in other more abstruse places , which tended to an erroneous sense : and being advised , that he would find it an hard matter to get a Licence from the Inquisitors , he writ back unto his friend , that he would notwithstanding , with all expedition procure the same , for that if no other obstacle should interpose , he would not much scruple to change the Doctrine of Aristotle , and with other expositions , and other Texts to maintain the contrary opinion , which yet should be also agreeable to the sense of Aristotle . SAGR. Oh most profound Doctor , this ! that can command me that I stir not a step from Aristotle , but will himself lead him by the nose , and make him speak as he pleaseth . See how much it importeth to learn to take Time by the Fore-top . Nor is it seasonable to have to do with Hercules , whil'st he is enraged , and amongst the Furies , but when he is telling merry tales amongst the Meonion Damosels . Ah , unheard of sordidnesse of servile souls ! to make themselves willing slaves to other mens opinions ; to receive them for inviolable Decrees , to engage themselves to seem satisfied and convinced by arguments , of such efficacy , and so manifestly concludent , that they themselves cannot certainly resolve whether they were really writ to that purpose , or serve to prove that assumption in hand , or the contrary . But , which is a greater madnesse , they are at variance amongst themselves , whether the Author himself hath held the affirmative part , or the negative . What is this , but to make an Oracle of a Log , and to run to that for answers , to fear that , to reverence and adore that ? SIMPL. But in case we should recede from Aristotle , who have we to be our Guid in Philosophy ? Name you some Author . SALV . We need a Guid in unknown and uncouth wayes , but in champion places , and open plains , the blind only stand in need of a Leader ; and for such , it is better that they stay at home . But he that hath eyes in his head , and in his mind , him should a man choose for his Guid. Yet mistake me not , thinking that I speak this , for that I am against hearing of Aristotle ; for on the contrary , I commend the reading , and diligently studying of him ; and onely blame the servile giving ones self up a slave unto him , so , as blindly to subscribe to what ever he delivers , and without search of any farther reason thereof , to receive the same for an inviolable decree . Which is an abuse , that carrieth with it another great inconvenience , to wit , that others will no longer take pains to understand the validity of his Demonstrations . And what is more shameful , than in the middest of publique disputes , whilest one person is treating of demonstrable conclusions , to hear another interpose with a passage of Aristotle , and not seldome writ to quite another purpose , and with that to stop the mouth of his opponent ? But if you will continue to study in this manner , I would have you lay aside the name of Philosophers ; and call your selves either Historians or Doctors of Memory , for it is not fit , that those who never philosophate , should usurp the honourable title of Philosophers . But it is best for us to return to shore , and not lanch farther into a boundlesse Gulph , out of which we shall not be able to get before night . Therefore Simplicius , come either with arguments and demonstrations of your own , or of Aristotle , and bring us no more Texts and naked authorities , for our disputes are about the Sensible World , and not one of Paper . And forasmuch as in our discourses yesterday , we retriev'd the Earth from darknesse , and exposed it to the open skie , shewing , that the attempt to enumerate it amongst those which we call Coelestial bodies , was not a position so foil'd , and vanquish't , as that it had no life left in it ; it followeth next , that we proceed to examine what probability there is for holding of it fixt , and wholly immoveable , scilicet as to its entire Globe , what likelihood there is for making it moveable with some motion , and of what kind that may be . And forasmuch as in this same question I am ambiguous , and Simplicius is resolute , as likewise Aristotle for the opinion of its immobility , he shall one by one produce the arguments in favour of their opinion , and I will alledge the answers and reasons on the contrary part ; and next Sagredus shall tell us his thoughts , and to which side he finds himself inclined . SAGR. Content ; provided alwayes that I may reserve the liberty to my self of alledging what pure natural reason shall sometimes dictate to me . SALV . Nay more , it is rhat which I particularly beg of you ; for , amongst the more easie , and , to so speak , material considerations , I believe there are but few of them that have been omitted by Writers , so that onely some of the more subtle , and remote can be desired , or wanting ; and to investigate these , what other ingenuity can be more fit than that of the most acute and piercing wit of Sagredus ? SAGR. I am what ever pleaseth Salviatus , but I pray you , let us not sally out into another kind of digression complemental ; for at this time I am a Philosopher , and in the Schools , not in the Court. SALV . Let our contemplation begin therefore with this consideration , that whatsoever motion may be ascribed to the Earth , it is necessary that it be to us , ( as inhabitants upon it , and consequently partakers of the same ) altogether imperceptible , and as if it were not at all , so long as we have regard onely to terrestrial things ; but yet it is on the contrary , as necessary that the same motion do seem common to all other bodies , and visible objects , that being separated from the Earth , participate not of the same . So that the true method to find whether any kind of motion may be ascribed to the Earth , and that found , to know what it is , is to consider and observe if in bodies separated from the Earth , one may discover any appearance of motion , which equally suiteth to all the rest ; for a motion that is onely seen , v. gr . in the Moon , and that hath nothing to do with Venus or Jupiter , or any other Stars , cannot any way belong to the Earth , or to any other save the Moon alone . Now there is a most general and grand motion above all others , and it is that by which the Sun , the Moon , the other Planets , and the Fixed Stars , and in a word , the whole Universe , the Earth onely excepted , appeareth in our thinking to move from the East towards the West , in the space of twenty four hours ; and this , as to this first appearance , hath no obstacle to hinder it , that it may not belong to the Earth alone , as well as to all the World besides , the Earth excepted ; for the same aspects will appear in the one position , as in the other . Hence it is that Aristotle and Ptolomy , as having hit upon this consideration , in going about to prove the Earth to be immoveable , argue not against any other than this Diurnal Motion ; save onely that Aristotle hinteth something in obscure terms against another Motion ascribed to it by an Ancient , of which we shall speak in its place . SAGR. I very well perceive the necessity of your illation : but I meet with a doubt which I know not how to free my self from , and this it is , That Copernicus assigning to the Earth another motion beside the Diurnal , which , according to the rule even now laid down , ought to be to us , as to appearance , imperceptible in the Earth , but visible in all the rest of the World ; me thinks I may necessarily infer , either that he hath manifestly erred in assigning the Earth a motion , to which there appears not a general correspondence in Heaven ; or else that if there be such a congruity therein , Ptolomy on the other hand hath been deficient in not confuting this , as he hath done the other . SALV . You have good cause for your doubt : and when we come to treat of the other Motion , you shall see how far Copernicus excelled Ptolomey in clearness and sublimity of wit , in that he saw what the other did not , I mean the admirable harmony wherein that Motion agreed with all the other Coelestial Bodies . But for the present we will suspend this particular , and return to our first consideration ; touching which I will proceed to propose ( begining with things more general ) those reasons which seem to favour the mobility of the Earth , and then wait the answers which Simplicius shall make thereto . And first , if we consider onely the immense magnitude of the Starry Sphere , compared to the smalness of the Terrestrial Globe , contained therein so many millions of times ; and moreover weigh the velocity of the motion which must in a day and night make an entire revolution thereof , I cannot perswade my self , that there is any man who believes it more reasonable and credible , that the Coelestial Sphere turneth round , and the Terrestrial Globe stands still . SAGR. If from the universality of effects , which may in nature have dependence upon such like motions , there should indifferently follow all the same consequences to an hair , aswell in one Hypothesis as in the other ; yet I for my part , as to my first and general apprehension , would esteem , that he which should hold it more rational to make the whole Universe move , and thereby to salve the Earths mobility , is more unreasonable than he that being got to the top of your Turret , should desire , to the end onely that he might behold the City , and the Fields about it , that the whole Country might turn round , that so he might not be put to the trouble to stir his head . And yet doubtless the advantages would be many and great which the Copernican Hypothesis is attended with , above those of the Ptolomaique , which in my opinion resembleth , nay surpasseth that other folly ; so that all this makes me think that far more probable than this . But haply Aristotle Ptolomey , and Simplicius may find the advantages of their Systeme , which they would do well to communicate to us also , if any such there be ; or else declare to me , that there neither are or can be any such things . SALV . For my part , as I have not been able , as much as I have thought upon it , to find any diversity therein ; so I think I have found , that no such diversity can be in them : in so much that I esteem it to no purpose to seek farther after it . Therefore observe : Motion is so far Motion , and as Motion operateth , by how far it hath relation to things which want Motion : but in those things which all equally partake thereof it hath nothing to do , and is as if it never were . And thus the Merchandises with which a ship is laden , so far move , by how far leaving London , they pass by France , Spain , Italy , and sail to Aleppo , which London , France , Spain &c. stand still , not moving with the ship : but as to the Chests , Bales and other Parcels , wherewith the ship is stow'd and and laden , and in respect of the ship it self , the Motion from London to Syria is as much as nothing ; and nothing-altereth the relation which is between them : and this , because it is common to all , and is participated by all alike : and of the Cargo which is in the ship , if a Bale were romag'd from a Chest but one inch onely , this alone would be in that Cargo , a greater Motion in respect of the Chest , than the whole Voyage of above three thousand miles , made by them as they were stived together . SIMPL. This Doctrine is good , sound , and altogether Peripatetick . SALV . I hold it to be much more antient : and suspect that Aristotle in receiving it from some good School , did not fully understand it , and that therefore , having delivered it with some alteration , it hath been an occasion of confusion amongst those , who would defend whatever he saith . And when he writ , that whatsoever moveth , doth move upon something immoveable , I suppose that he equivocated , and meant , that whatever moveth , moveth in respect to something immoveable ; which proposition admitteth no doubt , and the other many . SAGR. Pray you make no digression , but proceed in the dissertation you began . SALV . It being therefore manifest , that the motion which is common to many moveables , is idle , and as it were , null as to the relation of those moveables between themselves , because that among themselves they have made no change : and that it is operative onely in the relation that those moveables have to other things , which want that motion , among which the habitude is changed : and we having divided the Universe into two parts , one of which is necessarily moveable , and the other immoveable ; for the obtaining of whatsoever may depend upon , or be required from such a motion , it may as well be done by making the Earth alone , as by making all the rest of the World to move : for that the operation of such a motion consists in nothing else , save in the relation or habitude which is between the Coelestial Bodies , and the Earth , the which relation is all that is changed . Now if for the obtaining of the same effect ad unguem , it be all one whether the Earth alone moveth , the rest of the Universe standing still ; or that , the Earth onely standing still , the whole Universe moveth with one and the same motion ; who would believe , that Nature ( which by common consent , doth not that by many things , which may be done by few ) hath chosen to make an innumerable number of most vast bodies move , and that with an unconceivable velocity , to perform that , which might be done by the moderate motion of one alone about its own Centre ? SIMPL. I do not well understand , how this grand motion signifieth nothing as to the Sun , as to the Moon , as to the other Planets , and as to the innumerable multitude of fixed stars : or why you should say that it is to no purpose for the Sun to pass from one Meridian to another ; to rise above this Horizon , to set beneath that other ; to make it one while day , another while night : the like variations are made by the Moon , the other Planets , and the fixed stars themselves . SALV . All these alterations instanced by you , are nothing , save onely in relation to the Earth : and that this is true , do but imagine the Earth to move , and there will be no such thing in the World as the rising or setting of the Sun or Moon , nor Horizons , nor Meridians , nor days , nor nights ; nor , in a word , will such a motion cause any mutation between the Moon and Sun , or any other star whatsoever , whether fixed or erratick ; but all these changes have relation to the Earth : which all do yet in sum import no other than as if the Sun should shew it self now to China , anon to Persia , then to Egypt , Greece , France , Spain , America , &c. and the like holdeth in the Moon , and the rest of the Coelestial Bodies : which self same effect falls out exactly in the same manner , if , without troubling so great a part of the Universe , the Terrestrial Globe be made to revolve in it self . But we will augment the difficulty by the addition of this other , which is a very great one , namely , that if you will ascribe this Great Motion to Heaven , you must of necessity make it contrary to the particular motion of all the Orbs of the Planets , each of which without controversie hath its peculiar motion from the West towards the East , and this but very easie and moderate : and then you make them to be hurried to the contrary part , i. e. from East to West , by this most furious diurnal motion : whereas , on the contrary , making the Earth to move in it self , the contrariety of motions is taken away , and the onely motion from West to East is accommodated to all appearances , and exactly satisfieth every Phoenomenon . SIMPL. As to the contrariety of Motions it would import little , for Aristotle demonstrateth , that circular motions , are not contrary to one another ; and that theirs cannot be truly called contrariety . SALV . Doth Aristotle demonstrate this , or doth he not rather barely affirm it , as serving to some certain design of his ? If contraries be those things , that destroy one another , as he himself affirmeth , I do not see how two moveables that encounter each other in a circular line , should lesse prejudice one another , than if they interfered in a right line . SAGR. Hold a little , I pray you . Tell me Simplicius , when two Knights encounter each other , tilting in open field , or when two whole Squadrons , or two Fleets at Sea , make up to grapple , and are broken and sunk , do you call these encounters contrary to one another ? SIMPL. Yes , we say they are contrary . SAGR. How then , is there no contrariety in circular motions . These motions , being made upon the superficies of the Earth or Water , which are , as you know , spherical , come to be circular . Can you tell , Simplicius , which those circular motions be , that are not contrary to each other ? They are ( if I mistake not ) those of two circles , which touching one another without , one thereof being turn'd round , naturally maketh the other move the contrary * way ; but if one of them shall be within the other , it is impossible that their motion being made towards different points , they should not justle one another . SALV . But be they contrary , or not contrary , these are but alterations of words ; and I know , that upon the matter , it would be far more proper and agreeable with Nature , if we could salve all with one motion onely , than to introduce two that are ( if you will not call them contrary ) opposite ; yet do I not censure this introduction ( of contrary motions ) as impossible ; nor pretend I from the denial thereof , to inferre a necessary Demonstration , but onely a greater probability , of the other . A third reason which maketh the Ptolomaique Hypothesis lesse probable is , that it most unreasonably confoundeth the order , which we assuredly see to be amongst those Coelestial Bodies , the circumgyration of which is not questionable , but most certain . And that Order is , that according as an Orb is greater , it finisheth its revolution in a longer time , and the lesser , in shorter . And thus Saturn describing a greater Circle than all the other Planets , compleateth the same in thirty yeares : Jupiter finisheth his ; that is lesse , in twelve years : Mars in two : The Moon runneth thorow hers , so much lesse than the rest , in a Moneth onely . Nor do we lesse sensibly see that of the Medicean Stars , which is nearest to Jupiter , to make its revolution in a very short time , that is , in four and forty hours , or thereabouts , the next to that in three dayes and an half , the third in seven dayes , and the most remote in sixteen . And this rate holdeth well enough , nor will it at all alter , whilest we assign the motion of 24 hours to the Terrestrial Globe , for it to move round its own center in that time ; but if you would have the Earth immoveable , it is necessary , that when you have past from the short period of the Moon , to the others successively bigger , until you come to that of Mars in two years , and from thence to that of the bigger Sphere of Jupiter in twelve years , and from this to the other yet bigger of Saturn , whose period is of thirty years , it is necessary , I say , that you passe to another Sphere incomparably greater still than that , and make this to accomplish an entire revolution in twenty four hours . And this yet is the least disorder that can follow . For if any one should passe from the Sphere of Saturn to the Starry Orb , and make it so much bigger than that of Saturn , as proportion would require , in respect of its very slow motion , of many thousands of years , then it must needs be a Salt much more absurd , to skip from this to another bigger , and to make it convertible in twenty four hours . But the motion of the Earth being granted , the order of the periods will be exactly observed , and from the very slow Sphere of Saturn , we come to the fixed Stars , which are wholly immoveable , and so avoid a fourth difficulty , which we must of necessity admit , if the Starry Sphere be supposed moveable , and that is the immense disparity between the motions of those stars themselves ; of which some would come to move most swiftly in most vast circles , others most slowly in circles very small , according as those or these should be found nearer , or more remote from the Poles ; which still is accompanied with an inconvenience , as well because we see those , of whose motion there is no question to be made , to move all in very immense circles ; as also , because it seems to be an act done with no good consideration , to constitute bodies , that are designed to move circularly , at immense distances from the centre , and afterwards to make them move in very small circles . And not onely the magnitudes of the circles , and consequently the velocity of the motions of these Stars , shall be most different from the circles and motions of those others , but ( which shall be the fifth inconvenience ) the self-same Stars shall successively vary its circles and velocities : For that those , which two thousand years since were in the Equinoctial , and consequently did with their motion describe very vast circles , being in our dayes many degrees distant from thence , must of necessity become more slow of motion , and be reduced to move in lesser circles , and it is not altogether impossible but that a time may come , in which some of them which in aforetime had continually moved , shall be reduced by uniting with the Pole , to a state of rest , and then after some time of cessation , shall return to their motion again ; whereas the other Stars , touching whose motion none stand in doubt , do all describe , as hath been said , the great circle of their Orb , and in that maintain themselves without any variation . The absurdity is farther enlarged ( which let be the sixth inconvenience ) to him that more seriously examineth the thing , in that no thought can comprehend what ought to be the solidity of that immense Sphere , whose depth so stedfastly holdeth fast such a multitude of Stars , which without ever changing site among themselves , are with so much concord carried about , with so great disparity of motions . Or else , supposing the Heavens to be fluid , as we are with more reason to believe , so as that every Star wandereth to and fro in it , by wayes of its own , what rules shall regulate their motions , and to what purpose , so , as that being beheld from the Earth , they appear as if they were made by one onely Sphere ? It is my opinion , that they might so much more easily do that , and in a more commodious manner , by being constituted immoveable , than by being made errant , by how much more facile it is to number the quarries in the Pavement of a Piazza , than the rout of boyes which run up and down upon them . And lastly , which is the seventh instance , if we attribute the Diurnal Motion to the highest Heaven , it must be constituted of such a force and efficacy , as to carry along with it the innumerable multitude of fixed Stars , Bodies all of vast magnitude , and far bigger than the Earth ; and moreover all the Spheres of the Planets ; notwithstanding that both these and those of their own nature move the contrary way . And besides all this , it must be granted , that also the Element of Fire , and the greater part of the Air , are likewise forcibly hurried along with the rest , and that the sole little Globe of the Earth pertinaciously stands still , and unmoved against such an impulse ; a thing , which in my thinking , is very difficult ; nor can I see how the Earth , a pendent body , and equilibrated upon its centre , exposed indifferently to either motion or rest , and environed with a liquid ambient , should not yield also as the rest , and be carried about . But we find none of these obstacles in making the Earth to move ; a small body , and insensible , compared to the Universe , and therefore unable to offer it any violence . SAGR. I find my fancy disturbed with certain conjectures so confusedly sprung from your later discourses ; that , if I would be enabled to apply my self with atention to what followeth , I must of necessity attempt whether I can better methodize them , and gather thence their true construction , if haply any can be made of them ; and peradventure , the proceeding by interrogations may help me the more easily to expresse my self . Therefore I demand first of Simplicius , whether he believeth , that divers motions may naturally agree to one and the same moveable body , or else that it be requisite its natural and proper motion be onely one . SIMPL. To one single moveable , there can naturally agree but one sole motion , and no more ; the rest all happen accidentally and by participation ; like as to him that walketh upon the Deck of a Ship , his proper motion is that of his walk , his motion by participation that which carrieth him to his Port , whither he would never with his walking have arrived , if the Ship with its motion had not wafted him thither . SAGR. Tell me secondly . That motion , which is communicated to any moveable by participation , whilest it moveth by it self , with another motion different from the participated , is it necessary , that it do reside in some certain subject by it self , or else can it subsist in nature alone , without other support . SIMPL. Aristotle giveth you an answer to all these questions , and tels you , that as of one sole moveable the motion is but one ; so of one sole motion the moveable is but one ; and consequently , that without the inherence in its subject , no motion can either subsist , or be imagined . SAGR. I would have you tell me in the third place , whether you beblieve that the Moon and the other Planets and Coelestial bodies , have their proper motions , and what they are . SIMPL. They have so , and they be those according to which they run through the Zodiack , the Moon in a Moneth , the Sun in a Year , Mars in two , the Starry Sphere in those so many thousand . And these are their proper , or natural motions . SAGR. But that motion wherewith I see the fixed Stars , and with them all the Planets go unitedly from East to West , and return round to the East again in twenty four hours , how doth it agree with them ? SIMPL. It suiteth with them by participation . SAGR. This then resides not in them , and not residing in them , nor being able to subsist without some subject in which it is resident , it must of force be the proper and natural motion of some other Sphere . SIMPL. For this purpose Astronomers , and Philosophers have found another high Sphere , above all the rest , without Stars , to which Natural agreeth the Diurnal Motion ; and this they call the Primum mobile ; the which carrieth along with it all the inferiour Spheres , contributing and imparting its motion to them . SAGR. But when , without introducing other Spheres unknown and hugely vast , without other motions or communicated raptures , with leaving to each Sphere its sole and simple motion , without intermixing contrary motions , but making all turn one way , as it is necessary that they do , depending all upon one sole principle , all things proceed orderly , and correspond with most perfect harmony , why do we reject this Phoenomenon , and give our assent to those prodigious and laborious conditions ? SIMPL. The difficulty lyeth in finding out this so natural and expeditous way . SAGR. In my judgment this is found . Make the Earth the Primum mobile , that is , make it turn round its own axis in twenty four hours , and towards the same point with all the other Spheres ; and without participating this same motion to any other Planet or Star , all shall have their risings , settings , and in a word , all their other appearances . SIMPL. The business is , to be able to make the Earth move without a thousand inconveniences . SALV . All the inconveniences shall be removed as fast as you propound them : and the things spoken hitherto are onely the primary and more general inducements which give us to believe that the diurnal conversion may not altogether without probability be applyed to the Earth , rather than to all the rest of the Universe : the which inducements I impose not upon you as inviolable Axioms , but as hints , which carry with them somewhat of likelihood . And in regard I know very well , that one sole experiment , or concludent demonstration , produced on the contrary part , sufficeth to batter to the ground these and a thousand other probable Arguments ; therefore it is not fit to stay here , but proceed forwards and hear what Simplicius answereth , and what greater probabilities , or stronger arguments he alledgeth on the contrary . SIMPL. I will first say something in general upon all these considerations together , and then I will descend to some particulars . It seems that you universally bottom all you say upon the greater simplicity and facility of producing the same effects , whilst you hold , that as to the causing of them , the motion of the Earth alone , serveth as well as that of all the rest of the World , the Earth deducted : but as to the operations , you esteem that much easier than this . To which I reply , that I am also of the same opinion , so long as I regard my own not onely finite , but feeble power ; but having a respect to the strength of the Mover , which is infinite , it s no lesse easie to move the Universe , than the Earth , yea than a straw . And if his power be infinite , why should he not rather exercise a greater part thereof than a lesse ? Therefore , I hold that your discourse in general is not convincing . SALV . If I had at any time said , that the Universe moved not for want of power in the Mover , I should have erred , and your reproof would have been seasonable ; and I grant you , that to an infinite power , it is as easie to move an hundred thousand , as one . But that which I did say , concerns not the Mover , but onely hath respect to the Moveables ; and in them , not onely to their resistance , which doubtlesse is lesser in the Earth , than in the Universe ; but to the many other particulars , but even now considered . As to what you say in the next place , that of an infinite power it is better to exercise a great part than a small : I answer , that of infinite one part is not greater than another , since both are infinite ; nor can it be said , that of the infinite number , an hundred thousand is a greater part than two , though that be fifty thousand times greater than this ; and if to the moving of the Universe there be required a finite power , though very great in comparison of that which sufficeth to move the Earth onely ; yet is there not implied therein a greater part of the infinite power , nor is that part lesse infinite which remaineth unimploy'd . So that to apply unto a particular effect , a little more , or a little lesse power , importeth nothing ; besides that the operation of such vertue , hath not for its bound or end the Diurnal Motion onely ; but there are several other motions in the World , which we know of , and many others there may be , that are to us unknown . Therefore if we respect the Moveables , and granting it as out of question , that it is a shorter and easier way to move the Earth , than the Universe ; and moreover , having an eye to the so many other abreviations , and facilities that onely this way are to be obtained , an infallible Maxime of Aristotle , which he teacheth us , that , frustra fit per plura , quod potest fieri per pauciora , rendereth it more probable that the Diurnal Motion belongs to the Earth alone , than to the Universe , the Earth subducted . SIMPL. In reciting that Axiom , you have omitted a small clause , which importeth as much as all the rest , especially in our case , that is to say , the words aequè bene . It is requisite therefore to examine whether this Hypothesis doth equally well satisfie in all particulars , as the other . SALV . The knowledg whether both these positions do aequè bene , satisfie , may be comprehended from the particular examination of the appearances which they are to satisfie ; for hitherto we have discoursed , and will continue to argue ex hypothesi , namely , supposing , that as to the satisfaction of the appearances , both the assumptions are equally accomodated . As to the clause which you say was omitted by me , I have more reason to suspect that it was superfluously inserted by you . For the expression aequè bene , is a relative that necessarily requireth two terms at least , for a thing cannot have relation to its self , nor do we say , v. gr . rest to be equally good , as rest . And because , when we say , that is done in vain by many means , which may be done with fewer , we mean , that that which is to be done , ought to be the same thing , not two different ones ; and because the same thing cannot be said to be done as well as its self ; therefore , the addition of the Phrase aequè bene is superfluous , and a relation , that hath but one term onely . SAGR. Unlesse you will have the same befal us , as did yesterday , let us return to our matter in hand ; and let Simplicius begin to produce those difficulties that seem in his opinion , to thwart this new disposition of the World. SIMPL. That disposition is not new , but very old ; and that you may see it is so , Aristotle confuteth it ; and his confutations are these : First if the Earth moveth either in it self about its own Centre , or in an Excentrick Circle , it is necessary that that same motion be violent ; for it is not its natural motion , for if it were , each of its parts would partake thereof ; but each of them moveth in a right line towards its Centre . It being therefore violent and pteternatural , it could never be perpetual : But the order of the World is perpetual . Therefore , &c. Secondly , all the other moveables that move circularly , seem to * stay behind , and to move with more than one motion , the Prmum Mobile excepted : Whence it would be necessary that the Earth also do move with two motions ; and if that should be so , it would inevitably follow , that mutations should be made in the Fixed Stars , the which none do perceive ; nay without any variation , the same Stars alwayes rise from towards the same places , and in the same places do set . Thirdly , the motion of the parts is the same with that of the whole , and naturally tendeth towards the Centre of the Universe ; and for the same cause rest , being arrived thither . He thereupon moves the question whether the motion of the parts hath a tendency to centre of the Universe , or to the centre of the Earth ; and concludeth that it goeth by proper instinct to the centre of the Universe , and per accidence to that of the Earth ; of which point we largely discoursed yesterday . He lastly confirmeth the same with a fourth argument taken from the experiment of grave bodies , which faling from on high , descend perpendicularly unto the Earths surface ; and in the same manner Projections shot perpendicularly upwards , do by the same lines return perpendicularly down again , though they were shot to a very great height . All which arguments necessarily prove their motion to be towards the Centre of the Earth , which without moving at all waits for , and receiveth them . He intimateth in the last place that the Astronomers alledg other reasons in confirmation of the same conclusions , I mean of the Earths being in the Centre of the Universe , and immoveable ; and instanceth onely in one of them , to wit , that all the Phaenomena or appearances that are seen in the motions of the Stars , perfectly agree with the position of the Earth in the Centre ; which would not be so , were the Earth seated otherwise . The rest produced by Ptolomy and the other Astronomers , I can give you now if you please , or after you have spoken what you have to say in answer to these of Aristotle . SALV . The arguments which are brought upon this occasion are of two kinds : some have respect to the accidents Terrestrial , without any relation to the Stars , and others are taken from the Phaenomena and observations of things Coelestial . The arguments of Aristotle are for the most part taken from things neer at hand , and he leaveth the others to Astronomers ; and therefore it is the best way , if you like of it , to examine these taken from experiments touching the Earth , and then proceed to those of the other kind . And because Ptolomy , Tycho , and the other Astronomers and Philosophers , besides the arguments of Aristotle by them assumed , confirmed , and made good , do produce certain others ; we will put them all together , that so we may not answer twice to the same , or the like objections . Therefore Simplicius , choose whether you will recite them your self , or cause me to ease you of this task , for I am ready to serve you . SIMPL. It is better that you quote them , because , as having taken more pains in the study of them , you can produce them with more readinesse , and in greater number . SALV . All , for the strongest reason , alledge that of grave bodies , which falling downwards from on high , move by a right line , that is perpendicular to the surface of the Earth , an argument which is held undeniably to prove that the Earth is immoveable : for in case it should have the diurnal motion , a Tower , from the top of which a stone is let fall , being carried along by the conversion of the Earth , in the time that the stone spends in falling , would be transported many hundred yards Eastward , and so far distant from the Towers foot would the stone come to ground . The which effect they back with another experiment ; to wit , by letting a bullet of lead fall from the round top of a Ship , that lieth at anchor , and observing the mark it makes where it lights , which they find to be neer the * partners of the Mast ; but if the same bullet be let fall from the same place when the ship is under sail , it shall light as far from the former place , as the ship hath run in the time of the leads descent ; and this for no other reason , than because the natural motion of the ball being at liberty is by a right line towards the centre of the Earth . They fortifie this argument with the experiment of a projection shot on high at a very great distance ; as for example , a ball sent out of a Cannon , erected perpendicular to the horizon , the which spendeth so much time in ascending and falling , that in our parallel the Cannon and we both should be carried by the Earth many miles towards the East , so that the ball in its return could never come neer the Peece , but would fall as far West , as the Earth had run East . They againe adde a third , and very evident experiment , scilicet , that shooting a bullet point blank ( or as Gunners say , neither above nor under metal ) out of a Culverin towards the East , and afterwards another , with the same charge , and at the same elevation or disport towards the West , the range towards the West should be very much greater then the other towards the East : for that whil'st the ball goeth Westward , and the Peece is carried along by the Earth Eastward , the ball will fall from the Peece as far distant as is the aggregate of the two motions , one made by it self towards the West , and the other by the Peece carried about by the Earth towards the East ; and on the contrary , from the range of the ball shot Eastward you are to substract the space the Peece moved , being carried after it . Now suppose , for example , that the range of the ball shot West were five miles , and that the Earth in the same parallel and in the time of the Bals ranging should remove three miles , the Ball in this case would fall eight miles distant from the Culverin , namely , it s own five Westward , and the Culverins three miles Eastward : but the range of the shot towards the East would be but two miles long , for so much is the remainder , after you have substracted from the five miles of the range , the three miles which the Peece had moved towards the same part . But experience sheweth the Ranges to be equal , therefore the Culverin , and consequently the Earth are immoveable . And the stability of the Earth is no lesse confirmed by two other shots made North and South ; for they would never hit the mark , but the Ranges would be alwayes wide , or towards the West , by meanes of the remove the mark would make , being carried along with the Earth towards the East , whil'st the ball is flying . And not onely shots made by the Meridians , but also those aimed East or West would prove uncertain ; for those aim'd East would be too high , and those directed West too low , although they were shot point blank , as I said . For the Range of the Ball in both the shots being made by the Tangent , that is , by a line parallel to the Horizon , and being that in the diurnal motion , if it be of the Earth , the Horizon goeth continually descending towards the East , and rising from the West ( therefore the Oriental Stars seem to rise , and the Occidental to decline ) so that the Oriental mark would descend below the aime , and thereupon the shot would fly too high , and the ascending of the Western mark would make the shot aimed that way range too low ; so that the Peece would never carry true towards any point ; and for that experience telleth us the contrary , it is requisite to say , that the Earth is immoveable . SIMPL. These are solid reasons , and such as I believe no man can answer . SALV . Perhaps they are new to you ? SIMPL. Really they are ; and now I see with how many admirable experiments Nature is pleased to favour us , wherewith to assist us in the knowledge of the Truth . Oh! how exactly one truth agreeth with another , and all conspire to render each other inexpugnable ! SAGR. What pity it is that Guns were not used in Aristotles age , he would with help of them have easily battered down ignorance , and spoke without haesitation of these mundane points . SALV . I am very glad that these reasons are new unto you , that so you may not rest in the opinion of the major part of Peripateticks , who believe , that if any one forsakes the Doctrine of Aristotle , it is because they did not understand or rightly apprehend his demonstrations . But you may expect to hear of other Novelties , and you shall see the followers of this new Systeme produce against themselves observations , experiences , and reasons of farre greater force than those alledged by Aristotle , Ptolomy , and other opposers of the same conclusions , and by this means you shall come to ascertain your self that they were not induced through want of knowledge or expetience to follow that opinion . SAGR. It is requisite that upon this occasion I relate unto you some accidents that befell me , so soon as I first began to hear speak of this new doctrine . Being very young , and having scarcely finished my course of Philosophy , which I left off , as being set upon other employments , there chanced to come into these parts a certain Foreigner of Rostock , whose name , as I remember , was Christianus Vurstitius , a follower of Copernicus , who in an Academy made two or three Lectures upon this point , to whom many flock't as Auditors ; but I thinking they went more for the novelty of the subject than otherwise , did not go to hear him : for I had concluded with my self that that opinion could be no other than a solemn madnesse . And questioning some of those who had been there , I perceived they all made a jest thereof , execpt one , who told me that the businesse was not altogether to be laugh't at , and because this man was reputed by me to be very intelligent and wary , I repented that I was not there , and began from that time forward as oft as I met with any one of the Copernican perswasion , to demand of them , if they had been alwayes of the same judgment ; and of as many as I examined , I found not so much as one , who told me not that he had been a long time of the contrary opinion , but to have changed it for this , as convinced by the strength of the reasons proving the same : and afterwards questioning them , one by one , to see whether they were well possest of the reasons of the other side , I found them all to be very ready and perfect in them ; so that I could not truly say , that they had took up this opinion out of ignorance , vanity , or to shew the acutenesse of their wits . On the contrary , of as many of the Peripateticks and Ptolomeans as I have asked ( and out of curiosity I have talked with many ) what pains they had taken in the Book of Copernicus , I found very few that had so much as superficially perused it ; but of those whom , I thought , had understood the same , not one ; and moreover , I have enquired amongst the followers of the Peripatetick Doctrine , if ever any of them had held the contrary opinion , and likewise found none that had . Whereupon considering that there was no man who followed the opinion of Copernicus , that had not been first on the contrary side , and that was not very well acquainted with the reasons of Aristotle and Ptolomy ; and , on the contrary , that there is not one of the followers of Ptolomy that had ever been of the judgment of Copernicus , and had left that , to imbrace this of Aristotle , considering , I say , these things , I began to think , that one , who leaveth an opinion imbued with his milk , and followed by very many , to take up another owned by very few , and denied by all the Schools , and that really seems a very great Paradox , must needs have been moved , not to say forced , by more powerful reasons . For this cause , I am become very curious to dive , as they say , into the bottom of this businesse , and account it my great good fortune that I have met you two , from whom I may without any trouble , hear all that hath been , and , haply , can be said on this argument , assuring my self that the strength of your reasons will resolve all scruples , and bring me to a certainty in this subject . SIMPL. But it s possible your opinion and hopes may be disappointed , and that you may find your selves more at a losse in the end than you was at first . SAGR. I am very confident that this can in no wise befal me . SIMPL. And why not ? I have a manifest example in my self , that the farther I go , the more I am confounded . SAGR. This is a sign that those reasons that hitherto seemed concluding unto you , and assured you in the truth of your opinion , begin to change countenance in your mind , and to let you by degrees , if not imbrace , at least look towards the contrary tenent ; but I , that have been hitherto indifferent , do greatly hope to acquire rest and satisfaction by our future discourses , and you will not deny but I may , if you please but to hear what perswadeth me to this expectation . SIMPL. I will gladly hearken to the same , and should be no lesse glad that the like effect might be wrought in me . SAGR. Favour me therefore with answering to what I shall ask you . And first , tell me , Simplicius , is not the conclusion , which we seek the truth of , Whether we ought to hold with Aristotle and Ptolomy , that the Earth onely abiding without motion in the Centre of the Universe , the Coelestial bodies all move , or else , Whether the Starry Sphere and the Sun standing still in the Centre , the Earth is without the same , and owner of all those motions that in our seeming belong to the Sun and fixed Stars ? SIMPL. These are the conclusions which are in dispute . SAGR. And these two conclusions , are they not of such a nature , that one of them must necessarily be true , and the other false ? SIMPL. They are so . We are in a Dilemma , one part of which must of necessity be true , and the other untrue ; for between Motion and Rest , which are contradictories , there cannot be instanced a third , so as that one cannot say the Earth moves not , nor stands still ; the Sun and Stars do not move , and yet stand not still . SAGR. The Earth , the Sun , and Stars , what things are they in nature ? are they petite things not worth our notice , or grand and worthy of consideration ? SIMPL. They are principal , noble , integral bodies of the Universe , most vast and considerable . SAGR. And Motion , and Rest , what accidents are they in Nature ? SIMPL. So great and principal , that Nature her self is defined by them . SAGR. So that moving eternally , and the being wholly immoveable are two conditions very considerable in Nature , and indicate very great diversity ; and especially when ascribed to the principal bodies of the Universe , from which can ensue none but very different events . SIMPL. Yea doubtlesse . SAGR. Now answer me to another point . Do you believe that in Logick , Rhethorick , the Physicks , Metaphysicks , Mathematicks , and finally , in the universa●ity of Disputations there are arguments sufficient to perswade and demonstrate to a person the fallacious , no lesse then the true conclusions ? SIMPL. No Sir ; rather I am very confident and certain , that for the proving of a true and necessary conclusion , there are in nature not onely one , but many very powerfull demonstrations : and that one may discusse and handle the same divers and sundry wayes , without ever falling into any absurdity ; and that the more any Sophist would disturb and muddy it , the more clear would its certainty appear : And that on the contrary to make a false position passe for true , and to perswade the belief thereof , there cannot be any thing produced but fallacies , Sophisms , Paralogismes , Equivocations , and Discourses vain , inconsistant , and full of repugnances and contradictions . SAGR. Now if eternal motion , and eternal rest be so principal accidents of Nature , and so different , that there can depend on them only most different consequences , and especially when applyed to the Sun , and to the Earth , so vast and famous bodies of the Universe ; and it being , moreover , impossible , that one of two contradictory Propositions , should not be true , and the other false ; and that for proof of the false one , any thing can be produced but fallacies ; but the true one being perswadeable by all kind of concluding and demonstrative arguments , why should you think that he , of you two , who shall be so fortunate as to maintain the true Proposition ought not to perswade me ? You must suppose me to be of a stupid wit , perverse judgment , dull mind and intellect , and of a blind reason , that I should not be able to distinguish light from darknesse , jewels from coals , or truth from falshood . SIMPL. I tell you now , and have told you upon other occasions , that the best Master to teach us how to discern Sophismes , Paralogismes , and other fallacies , was Aristotle , who in this particular can never be deceived . SAGR. You insist upon Aristotle , who cannot speak . Yet I tell you , that if Aristotle were here , he would either yield himself to be perswaded by us , or refuting our arguments , convince us by better of his own . And you your self , when you heard the experiments of the Suns related , did you not acknowledg and admire them , and confesse them more concludent than those of Aristotle ? Yet neverthelesse I cannot perceive that Salviatus , who hath produced them , examined them , and with exquisite care scan'd them , doth confesse himself perswaded by them ; no nor by others of greater force , which he intimated that he was about to give us an account of . And I know not on what grounds you should censure Nature , as one that for many Ages hath been lazie , and forgetful to produce speculative wits ; and that knoweth not how to make more such , unlesse they be such kind of men as slavishly giving up their judgments to Aristotle , do understand with his brain , and resent with his senses . But let us hear the residue of those reasons which favour his opinion , that we may thereupon proceed to speak to them ; comparing and weighing them in the ballance of impartiality . SALV . Before I proceed any farther , I must tell Sagredus , that in these our Disputations , I personate the Copernican , and imitate him , as if I were his Zany ; but what hath been effected in my private thoughts by these arguments which I seem to alledg in his favour , I would not have you to judg by what I say , whil'st I am in the heat of acting my part in the Fable ; but after I have laid by my disguise , for you may chance to find me different from what you see me upon the Stage . Now let us go on . Ptolomy and his followers produce another experiment like to that of the Projections , and it is of things that being separated from the Earth , continue a good space of time in the Air , such as are the Clouds , Birds of flight ; and as of them it cannot be said that they are rapt or transparted by the Earth , having no adhesion thereto , it seems not possible , that they should be able to keep pace with the velocity thereof ; nay it should rather seem to us , that they all swiftly move towards the West : And if being carried about by the Earth , passe our parallel in twenty four hours , which yet is at least sixteen thousand miles , how can Birds follow such a course or revolution ? Whereas on the contrary , we see them fly as well towards the East , as towards the West , or any other part , without any sensible difference . Moreover , if when we run a Horse at his speed , we feel the air beat vehemently against our face , what an impetuous blast ought we perpetually to feel from the East , being carried with so rapid a course against the wind ? and yet no such effect is perceived . Take another very ingenious argument inferred from the following experiment . The circular motion hath a faculty to extrude and dissipate from its Centre the parts of the moving body , whensoever either the motion is not very slow , or those parts are not very well fastened together ; and therefore , if v. g. we should turn one of those great wheels very fast about , wherein one or more men walking , crane up very great weights , as the huge massie stone , used by the Callander for pressing of Cloaths ; or the fraighted Barks which being haled on shore , are hoisted out of one river into another ; in case the parts of that same Wheel so swiftly turn'd round , be not very well joyn'd and pin'd together , they would all be shattered to pieces ; and though many stones or other ponderous substances , should be very fast bound to its outward Rimme , yet could they not resist the impetuosity , which with great violence would hurl them every way far from the Wheel , and consequently from its Centre . So that if the Earth did move with such and so much greater velocity , what gravity , what tenacity of lime or plaister would keep together Stones , Buildings , and whole Cities , that they should not be tost into the Air by so precipitous a motion ? And both men and beasts , which are not fastened to the Earth , how could they resist so great an impetus ? Whereas , on the other side , we see both these , and far lesse resistances of pebles , sands , leaves rest quietly on the Earth , and to return to it in falling , though with a very slow motion . See here , Simplicius , the most potent arguments , taken , to so speak , from things Terrestrial ; there remain those of the other kind , namely , such as have relation to the appearances of Heaven , which reasons , to confesse the truth , tend more to prove the Earth to be in the centre of the Universe , and consequently , to deprive it of the annual motion about the same , ascribed unto it by Copernicus . Which arguments , as being of somewhat a different nature , may be produced , after we have examined the strength of these already propounded . SAGR. What say you Simplicius ? do you think that Salviatus is Master of , and knoweth how to unfold the Ptolomean and Aristotelian arguments ? Or do you think that any Peripatetick is equally verst in the Copernican demonstrations ? SIMPL. Were it not for the high esteem , that the past discourses have begot in me of the learning of Salviatus , and of the acutenesse of Sagredus , I would by their good leave have gone my way without staying for their answers ; it seeming to me a thing impossible , that so palpable experiments should be contradicted ; and would , without hearing them farther , confirm my self in my old perswasion ; for though I should be made to see that it was erroneous , its being upheld by so many probable reasons , would render it excuseable . And if these are fallacies , what true demonstrations were ever so fair ? SAGR. Yet its good that we hear the responsions of Salviatus ; which if they be true , must of necessity be more fair , and that by infinite degrees ; and those must be deformed , yea most deformed , if the Metaphysical Axiome hold , That true and fair are one and the same thing ; as also false and deformed . Therefore Salviatus let 's no longer lose time . SALV . The first Argument alledged by Simplicius , if I well remember it , was this . The Earth cannot move circularly , because such motion would be violent to the same , and therefore not perpetual : that it is violent , the reason was : Because , that had it been natural , its parts would likewise naturally move round , which is impossible , for that it is natural for the parts thereof to move with a right motion downwards . To this my reply is , that I could gladly wish , that Aristotle had more cleerly exprest himself , where he said ; That its parts would likewise move circularly ; for this moving circularly is to be understood two wayes , one is , that every particle or atome separated from its Whole would move circularly about its particular centre , describing its small Circulets ; the other is , that the whole Globe moving about its centre in twenty four hours , the parts also would turn about the same centre in four and twenty hours . The first would be no lesse an impertinency , than if one should say , that every part of the circumference of a Circle ought to be a Circle ; or because that the Earth is Spherical , that therefore every part thereof be a Globe , for so doth the Axiome require : Eadem est ratio totius , & partium . But if he took it in the other sense , to wit , that the parts in imitation of the Whole should move naturally round the Centre of the whole Globe in twenty four hours , I say , that they do so ; and it concerns you , instead of Aristotle , to prove that they do not . SIMPL. This is proved by Aristotle in the same place , when he saith , that the natural motion of the parts is the right motion downwards to the centre of the Universe ; so that the circular motion cannot naturally agree therewith . SALV . But do not you see , that those very words carry in them a confutation of this solution ? SIMPL. How ? and where ? SALV . Doth not he say that the circular motion of the Earth would be violent ? and therefore not eternal ? and that this is absurd , for that the order of the World is eternal ? SIMPL. He saith so . SALV . But if that which is violent cannot be eternal , then by conversion , that which cannot be eternal , cannot be natural : but the motion of the Earth downwards cannot be otherwise eternal ; therefore much lesse can it be natural : nor can any other motion be natural to it , save onely that which is eternal . But if we make the Earth move with a circular motion , this may be eternal to it , and to its parts , and therefore natural . SIMPL. The right motion is most natural to the parts of the Earth , and is to them eternal ; nor shall it ever happen that they move not with a right motion ; alwayes provided that the impediments be removed . SALV . You equivocate Simplicius ; and I will try to free you from the equivoke . Tell me , therefore , do you think that a Ship which should sail from the Strait of Gibralter towards Palestina can eternally move towards that Coast ? keeping alwayes an equal course ? SIMPL. No doubtlesse . SALV . And why not ? SIMPL. Because that Voyage is bounded and terminated between the Herculean Pillars , and the shore of the Holy-land ; and the distance being limited , it is past in a finite time , unlesse one by returning back should with a contrary motion begin the same Voyage anew ; but this would be an interrupted and no continued motion . SALV . Very true . But the Navigation from the Strait of Magalanes by the Pacifick Ocean , the Moluccha's , the Cape di buona Speranza , and from thence by the same Strait , and then again by the Pacifick Ocean , &c. do you believe that it may be perpetuated ? SIMPL. It may ; for this being a circumgyration , which returneth about its self , with infinite replications , it may be perpetuated without any interruption . SALV . A Ship then may in this Voyage continue sailing eternally . SIMPL. It may , in case the Ship were incorruptible , but the Ship decaying , the Navigation must of necessity come to an end . SALV . But in the Mediterrane , though the Vessel were incorruptible , yet could she not sail perpetually towards Palestina , that Voyage being determined . Two things then are required , to the end a moveable may without intermission move perpetually ; the one is , that the motion may of its own nature be indeterminate and infinite ; the other , that the moveable be likewise incorruptible and eternal . SIMPL. All this is necessary . SALV . Therefore you may see how of your own accord you have confessed it impossible that any moveable should move eternally in a right line , in regard that right motion , whether it be upwards , or downwards , is by you your self bounded by the circumference and centre ; so that if a Moveable , as suppose the Earth be eternal , yet forasmuch as the right motion is not of its own nature eternall , but most * terminate , it cannot naturally suit with the Earth . Nay , as was said * yesterday , Aristotle himself is constrained to make the Terrestrial Globe eternally immoveable . When again you say , that the parts of the Earth evermore move downwards , all impediments being removed , you egregiously equivocate ; for then , on the other side they must be impeded , contraried , and forced , if you would have them move ; for , when they are once fallen to the ground , they must be violently thrown upwards , that they may a second time fall ; and as to the impediments , these only hinder its arrival at the centre ; but if there were a Well , that did passe thorow and beyond the centre , yet would not a cold of Earth passe beyond it , unlesse inasmuch as being transported by its impetus , it should passe the same to return thither again , and in the end there to rest . As therefore to the defending , that the motion by a right line doth or can agree naturally neither to the Earth , nor to any other moveable , whil'st the Universe retaineth its perfect order , I would have you take no further paines about it , but ( unlesse you will grant them the circular motion ) your best way will be to defend and maintain their immobility . SIMPL. As to their immoveablenesse , the arguments of Aristotle , and moreover those alledged by your self seem in my opinion necessarily to conclude the same , as yet ; and I conceive it will be a hard matter to refute them . SALV . Come we therefore to the second Argument , which was , That those bodies , which we are assured do move circularly , have more than one motion , unlesse it be the Primum Mobile ; and therefore , if the Earth did move circularly , it ought to have two motions ; from which alterations would follow in the rising and setting of the Fixed Stars : Which effect is not perceived to ensue . Therefore , &c. The most proper and genuine answer to this Allegation is contained in the Argument it self ; and even Aristotle puts it in our mouths , which it is impossible , Simplicius , that you should not have seen . SIMPL. I neither have seen it , nor do I yet apprehend it . SALV . This cannot be , sure , the thing is so very plain . SIMPL. I will with your leave , cast an eye upon the Text. SAGR. We will command the Text to be brought forthwith . SIMPL. I alwayes carry it about with me : See here it is , and I know the place perfectly well , which is in lib. 2. De Coelo , cap. 16. Here it is , Text 97. Preterea omnia , quae feruntur latione circulari subdeficere videntur , ac moveri pluribus una latione , praeter primam Sphaeram ; quare & Terram necessariam est , sive circa medium , sive in medio posita feratur , duabus moveri lationibus . Si autem hoc acciderit , necessariam est fieri mutationes , ac conversiones fixorum astrorum . Hoc autem non videtur fieri , sed semper eadem , apud eadem loca ipsius , & oriuntur , & occidunt . [ In English thus : ] Furthermore all that are carried with circular motion , seem to * foreslow , and to move with more than one motion , except the first Sphere ; wherefore it is necessary that the Earth move with two motions , whether it be carried about the * middle , or placed in the middle . But if it be so , there would of necessity be alterations and conversions made amongst the fixed Stars . But no such thing is seen to be done , but the same Star doth alwayes rise and set in the same place . In all this I find not any falacy , and my thinks the argument is very forcible . SALV . And this new reading of the place hath confirmed me in the fallacy of the Sillogisme , and moreover , discovered another falsity . Therefore observe . The Positions , or if you will , Conclusions , which Aristotle endeavours to oppose , are two ; one is that of those , who placing the Earth in the midst of the World , do make it move in it self about its own centre . The other is of those , who constituting it far from the middle , do make it revolve with a circular motion about the middle of the Universe . And both these Positions he conjointly impugneth with one and the same argument . Now I affirm that he is out in both the one and the other impugnation ; and that his error against the first Position is an Equivoke or Paralogisme ; and his mistake touching the second is a false consequence . Let us begin with the first Assertion , which constituteth the Earth in the midst of the World , and maketh it move in it self about its own centre ; and let us confront it with the objection of Aristotle ; saying , All moveables , that move circularly , seem to * foreslow , and more with more than one Byas , except the first Sphere ( that is the primum mobile ) therefore the Earth moving about its own centre , being placed in the middle , must of necessity have two byasse , and foreslow . But if this were so , it would follow , that there should be a variation in the rising and setting of the fixed Stars , which we do not perceive to be done : Therefore the Earth doth not move , &c. Here is the Paralogisme , and to discover it , I will argue with Aristotle in this manner . Thou saist , oh Aristotle , that the Earth placed in the middle of the World , cannot move in it self ( i. e. upon its own axis ) for then it would be requisite to allow it two byasses ; so that , if it should not be necessary to allow it more than one Byas onely , thou wouldest not then hold it impossible for it to move onely with that one ; for thou would'st unnecessarily have confined the impossibility to the plurality of byasses , if in case it had no more but one , yet it could not move with that . And because that of all the moveables in the World , thou makest but one alone to move with one sole byas ; and all the rest with more than one ; and this same moveable thou affirmest to be the first Sphere , namely , that by which all the fixed and erratick Stars seem harmoniously to move from East to West , if in case the Earth may be that first Sphere , that by moving with one byas onely , may make the Stars appear to move from East to West , thou wilt not deny them it : But he that affirmeth , that the Earth being placed in the midst of the World , moveth about its own Axis , ascribes unto it no other motion , save that by which all the Stars appear to move from East to West ; and so it cometh to be that first Sphere , which thou thy self acknowledgest to move with but one byas onely . It is therefore necessary , oh Aristotle , if thou wilt conclude any thing , that thou demonstrate , that the Earth being placed in the midst of the World , cannot move with so much as one byas onely ; or else , that much lesse can the first Sphere have one sole motion ; for otherwise thou doest in thy very Sillogisme both commit the falacy , and detect it , denying , and at that very time proving the same thing . I come now to the second Position , namely , of those who placing the Earth far from the midst of the Universe , make it moveable about the same ; that is , make it a Planet and erratick Star ; against which the argument is directed , and as to form is concludent , but faileth in matter . For it being granted , that the Earth doth in that manner move , and that with two byasses , yet doth it not necessarily follow that though it were so , it should make alterations in the risings and settings of the fixed Stars , as I shall in its proper place declare . And here I could gladly excuse Aristotle ; rather I could highly applaud him for having light upon the most subtil argument that could be produced against the Copernican Hypothesis ; and if the objection be ingenious , and to outward appearance most powerful , you may see how much more acute and ingenious the solution must be , and not to be found by a wit lesse piercing than that of Copernicus ; and again from the difficulty in understanding it , you may argue the so much greater difficulty in finding it . But let us for the present suspend our answer , which you shall understand in due time and place , after we have repeated the objection of Aristotle , and that in his favour , much strengthened . Now passe we to Aristotles third Argument , touching which we need give no farther reply , it having been sufficiently answered betwixt the discourses of yesterday and to day : In as much as he urgeth , that the motion of grave bodies is naturally by a right line to the centre ; and then enquireth , whether to the centre of the Earth , or to that of the Universe , and concludeth that they tend naturally to the centre of the Universe , but accidentally to that of the Earth . Therefore we may proceed to the fourth , upon which its requisite that we stay some time , by reason it is founded upon that experiment , from whence the greater part of the remaining arguments derive all their strength . Aristotle saith therefore , that it is a most convincing argument of the Earths immobility , to see that projections thrown or shot upright , return perpendicularly by the same line unto the same place from whence they were shot or thrown . And this holdeth true , although the motion be of a very great height ; which could never come to passe , did the Earth move : for in the time that the projected body is moving upwards and downwards in a state of separation from the Earth , the place from whence the motion of the projection began , would be past , by means of the Earths revolution , a great way towards the East , and look how great that space was , so far from that place would the projected body in its descent come to the ground . So that hither may be referred the argument taken from a bullet shot from a Canon directly upwards ; as also that other used by Aristotle and Ptolomy , of the grave bodies that falling from on high , are observed to descend by a direct and perpendicular line to the surface of the Earth . Now that I may begin to unite these knots , I demand of Simplicius that in case one should deny to Ptolomy and Aristotle that weights in falling freely from on high , descend by a right and perpendicular line , that is , directly to the centre , what means he would use to prove it ? SIMPL. The means of the senses ; the which assureth us , that that Tower or other altitude , is upright and perpendicular , and sheweth us that that stone , or other grave body , doth slide along the Wall , without inclining a hairs breadth to one side or another , and light at the foot thereof just under the place from whence it was let fall . SALV . But if it should happen that the Terrestrial Globe did move round , and consequently carry the Tower also along with it , and that the stone did then also grate and slide along the side of the Tower , what must its motion be then ? SIMPL. In this case we may rather say its motions : for it would have one wherewith to descend from the top of the Tower to the bottom , and should necessarily have another to follow the course of the said Tower. SALV . So that its motion should be compounded of two , to wit , of that wherewith it measureth the Tower , and of that other wherewith it followeth the same : From which composition would follow , that the stone would no longer describe that simple right and perpendicular line , but one transverse , and perhaps not streight . SIMPL. I can say nothing of its non-rectitude , but this I know very well , that it would of necessity be transverse , and different from the other directly perpendicular , which it doth describe , the Earth standing still . SALV . You see then , that upon the meer observing the falling stone to glide along the Tower , you cannot certainly affirm that it describeth a line which is streight and perpendicular , unless you first suppose that the Earth standeth still . SIMPL. True ; for if the Earth should move , the stones motion would be transverse , and not perpendicular . SALV . Behold then the Paralogism of Aristotle and Ptolomey to be evident and manifest , and discovered by you your self , wherein that is supposed for known , which is intended to be demonstrated . SIMPL. How can that be ? To me it appeareth that the Syllogism is rightly demonstrated without petitionem principii . SALV . You shall see how it is ; answer me a little . Doth he not lay down the conclusion as unknown ? SIMPL. Unknown ; why otherwise the demonstrating it would be superfluous . SALV . But the middle term , ought not that to be known ? SIMPL. It s necessary that it should ; for otherwise it would be a proving ignotum per aequè ignotum . SALV . Our conclusion which is to be proved , and which is unknown , is it not the stability of the Earth ? SIMPL. It is the same . SALV . The middle term , which ought to be known , is it not the streight and perpendicular descent of the stone ? SIMPL. It is so . SALV . But was it not just now concluded , that we can have no certain knowledg whether that same shall be direct and perpendicular , unless we first know that the Earth stands still ? Therefore in your Syllogism the certainty of the middle term is assumed from the uncertainty of the conclusion . You may see then , what and how great the Paralogism is . SAGR. I would , in favour of Simplicius , defend Aristotle if it were possible , or at least better satisfie my self concerning the strength of your illation . You say , that the seeing the stone rake along the Tower , is not sufficient to assure us , that its motion is perpendicular ( which is the middle term of the Syllogism ) unless it be presupposed , that the Earth standeth still , which is the conclusion to be proved : For that if the Tower did move together with the Earth , and the stone did slide along the same , the motion of the stone would be transverse , and not perpendicular . But I shall answer , that should the Tower move , it would be impossible that the stone should fail gliding along the side of it ; and therefore from its falling in that manner the stability of the Earth is inferred . SIMPL. It is so ; for if you would have the stone in descending to grate upon the Tower , though it were carried round by the Earth , you must allow the stone two natural motions , to wit , the straight motion towards the Centre , and the circular about the Centre , the which is impossible . SALV . Aristotles defense then consisteth in the impossibilitie , or at least in his esteeming it an impossibility , that the stone should move with a motion mixt of right and circular : for if he did not hold it impossible that the stone could move to the Centre , and about the Centre at once , he must have understood , that it might come to pass that the cadent stone might in its descent , race the Tower as well when it moved as when it stood still ; and consequently he must have perceived , that from this grating nothing could be inferred touching the mobility or immobility of the Earth . But this doth not any way excuse Aristotle ; aswell because he ought to have exprest it , if he had had such a conceit , it being so material a part of his Argument ; as also because it can neither be said that such an effect is impossible , nor that Aristotle did esteem it so . The first cannot be affirmed , for that by and by I shall shew that it is not onely possible , but necessary : nor much less can the second be averred , for that Aristotle himself granteth fire to move naturally upwards in a right line , and to move about with the diurnal motion , imparted by Heaven to the whole Element of Fire , and the greater part of the Air : If therefore he held it not impossible to mix the right motion upwards , with the circular communicated to the Fire and Air from the concave of the Moon , much less ought he to account impossible the mixture of the right motion downwards of the stone , with the circular which we presuppose natural to the whole Terrestrial Globe , of which the stone is a part . SIMPL. I see no such thing : for if the element of Fire revolve round together with the Air , it is a very easie , yea a necessary thing , that a spark of fire which from the Earth mounts upwards , in passing thorow the moving air , should receive the same motion , being a body so thin , light , and easie to be moved : but that a very heavy stone , or a Canon bullet , that descendeth from on high , and that is at liberty to move whither it will , should suffer it self to be transported either by the air or any other thing , is altogether incredible . Besides that , we have the Experiment , which is so proper to our purpose , of the stone let fall from the round top of the Mast of a ship , which when the ship lyeth still , falleth at the Partners of the Mast ; but when the ship saileth , falls so far distant from that place , by how far the ship in the time of the stones falling had run forward ; which will not be a few fathoms , when the ships course is swift . SALV . There is a great disparity between the case of the Ship and that of the Earth , if the Terrestrial Globe be supposed to have a diurnal motion . For it is a thing very manifest , that the motion of the Ship , as it is not natural to it , so the motion of all those things that are in it is accidental , whence it is no wonder that the stone which was retained in the round top , being left at liberty , descendeth downwards without any obligation to follow the motion of the Ship. But the diurnal conversion is ascribed to the Terrestrial Globe for its proper and natural motion , and consequently , it is so to all the parts of the said Globe ; and , as being impress'd by nature , is indelible in them ; and therefore that stone that is on the top of the Tower hath an intrinsick inclination of revolving about the Centre of its Whole in twenty four hours , and this same natrual instinct it exerciseth eternally , be it placed in any state whatsoever . And to be assured of the truth of this , you have no more to do but to alter an antiquated impression made in your mind ; and to say , Like as in that I hitherto holding it to be the property of the Terrestrial Globe to rest immoveable about its Centre , did never doubt or question but that all whatsoever particles thereof do also naturally remain in the same state of rest : So it is reason , in case the Terrestrial Globe did move round by natural instinct in twenty four hours , that the intrinsick and natural inclination of all its parts should also be , not to stand still , but to follow the same revolution . And thus without running into any inconvenience , one may conclude , that in regard the motion conferred by the force of * Oars on the Ship , and by it on all the things that are contained within her , is not natural but forreign , it is very reasonable that that stone , it being separated from the ship , do reduce its self to its natural disposure , and return to exercise its pure simple instinct given it by nature . To this I add , that it 's necessary , that at least that part of the Air which is beneath the greater heights of mountains , should be transported and carried round by the roughness of the Earths surface ; or that , as being mixt with many Vapours , and terrene Exhalations , it do naturally follow the diurnal motion , which occurreth not in the Air about the ship rowed by Oars : So that your arguing from the ship to the Tower hath not the force of an illation ; because that stone which falls from the round top of the Mast , entereth into a medium , which is unconcern'd in the motion of the ship : but that which departeth from the top of the Tower , finds a medium that hath a motion in common with the whole Terrestrial Globe ; so that without being hindred , rather being assisted by the motion of the air , it may follow the universal course of the Earth . SIMPL. I cannot conceive that the air can imprint in a very great stone , or in a gross Globe of Wood or Ball of Lead , as suppose of two hundred weight , the motion wherewith its self is moved , and which it doth perhaps communicate to feathers , snow , and other very light things : nay , I see that a weight of that nature , being exposed to any the most impetuous wind , is not thereby removed an inch from its place ; now consider with your self whether the air will carry it along therewith . SALV . There is great difference between your experiment and our case . You introduce the wind blowing against that stone , supposed in a state of rest , and we expose to the air , which already moveth , the stone which doth also move with the same velocity ; so that the air is not to conferr a new motion upon it , but onely to maintain , or to speak better , not to hinder the motion already acquired : you would drive the stone with a strange and preternatural motion , and we desire to conserve it in its natural . If you would produce a more pertinent experiment , you should say , that it is observed , if not with the eye of the forehead , yet with that of the mind , what would evene , if an eagle that is carried by the course of the wind , should let a stone fall from its talons ; which , in regard that at its being let go , it went along with the wind , and after it was let fall it entered into a medium that moved with equal velocity , I am very confident that it would not be seen to descend in its fall perpendicularly , but that following the course of the wind , and adding thereto that of its particular gravity , it would move with a transverse motion . SIMPL. But it would first be known how such an experiment may be made ; and then one might judg according to the event . In the mean time the effect of the ship doth hitherto incline to favour our opinion . SALV . Well said you hitherto , for perhaps it may anon change countenance . And that I may no longer hold you in suspense , tell me , Simplicius , do you really believe , that the Experiment of the ship squares so very well with our purpose , as that it ought to be believed , that that which we see happen in it , ought also to evene in the Terrestrial Globe ? SIMPL. As yet I am of that opinion ; and though you have alledged some small disparities , I do not think them of so great moment , as that they should make me change my judgment . SALV . I rather desire that you would continue therein , and hold for certain , that the effect of the Earth would exactly answer that of the ship : provided , that when it shall appear prejudicial to your cause , you would not be humorous and alter your thoughts . You may haply say , Forasmuch as when the ship stands still , the stone falls at the foot of the Mast , and when she is under sail , it lights far from thence , that therefore by conversion , from the stones falling at the foot is argued the ships standing still , and from its falling far from thence is argued her moving ; and because that which occurreth to the ship , ought likewise to befall the Earth : that therefore from the falling of the stone at the foot of the Tower is necessarily inferred the immobility of the Terrestrial Globe . Is not this your argumentation ? SIMPL. It is , and reduced into that conciseness , as that it is become most easie to be apprehended . SALV . Now tell me ; if the stone let fall from the Round-top , when the ship is in a swift course , should fall exactly in the same place of the ship , in which it falleth when the ship is at anchor , what service would these experiments do you , in order to the ascertaining whether the vessel doth stand still or move ? SIMPL. Just none : Like as , for exemple , from the beating of the pulse one cannot know whether a person be asleep or awake , seeing that the pulse beateth after the same manner in sleeping as in waking . SALV . Very well . Have you ever tryed the experiment of the Ship ? SIMPL. I have not ; but yet I believe that those Authors which alledg the same , have accurately observed it ; besides that the cause of the disparity is so manifestly known , that it admits of no question . SALV . That it is possible that those Authors instance in it , without having made tryal of it , you your self are a good testimony , that without having examined it , alledg it as certain , and in a credulous way remit it to their authority ; as it is now not onely possible , but very probable that they likewise did ; I mean , did remit the same to their Predecessors , without ever arriving at one that had made the experiment : for whoever shall examine the same , shall find the event succeed quite contrary to what hath been written of it : that is , he shall see the stone fall at all times in the same place of the Ship , whether it stand still , or move with any whatsoever velocity . So that the same holding true in the Earth , as in the Ship , one cannot from the stones falling perpendicularly at the foot of the Tower , conclude any thing touching the motion or rest of the Earth . SIMPL. If you should refer me to any other means than to experience , I verily believe our Disputations would not come to an end in haste ; for this seemeth to me a thing so remote from all humane reason , as that it leaveth not the least place for credulity or probability . SALV . And yet it hath left place in me for both . SIMPL. How is this ? You have not made an hundred , no nor one proof thereof , and do you so confidently affirm it for true ? I for my part will return to my incredulity , and to the confidence I had that the Experiment hath been tried by the principal Authors who made use thereof , and that the event succeeded as they affirm . SALV . I am assured that the effect will ensue as I tell you ; for so it is necessary that it should : and I farther add , that you know your self that it cannot fall out otherwise , however you feign or seem to feign that you know it not . Yet I am so good at taming of wits , that I will make you confess the same whether you will or no. But Sagredus stands very mute , and yet , if I mistake not , I saw him make an offer to speak somewhat . SAGR. I had an intent to say something , but to tell you true , I know not what it was ; for the curiosity that you have moved in me , by promising that you would force Simplicius to discover the knowledg which he would conceal from us , hath made me to depose all other thoughts : therefore I pray you to make good your vaunt . SALV . Provided that Simplicius do consent to reply to what I shall ask him , I will not fail to do it . SIMPL. I will answer what I know , assured that I shall not be much put to it , for that of those things which I hold to be false , I think nothing can be known , in regard that Science respecteth truths and not falshoods . SALV . I desire not that you should say or reply , that you know any thing , save that which you most assuredly know . Therefore tell me ; If you had here a flat superficies as polite as a Looking-glass , and of a substance as hard as steel , and that it were not paralel to the Horizon , but somewhat inclining , and that upon it you did put a Ball perfectly spherical , and of a substance grave and hard , as suppose of brass ; what think you it would do being let go ? do not you believe ( as for my part I do ) that it would lie still ? SIMPL. If that superficies were inclining ? SALV . Yes ; for so I have already supposed . SIMPL. I cannot conceive how it should lie still : nay , I am confident that it would move towards the declivity with much propensness . SALV . Take good heed what you say , Simplicius , for I am confident that it would lie still in what ever place you should lay it . SIMPL. So long as you make use of such suppositions , Salvictus , I shall cease to wonder if you inferr most absurd conclusions . SALV . Are you assured , then , that it would freely move towards the declivity ? SIMPL. Who doubts it ? SALV . And this you verily believe , not because I told you so , ( for I endeavoured to perswade you to think the contrary ) but of your self , and upon your natural judgment . SIMPL. Now I see what you would be at ; you spoke not this as really believing the same ; but to try me , and to wrest matter out of my own mouth wherewith to condemn me . SALV . You are in the right . And how long would that Ball move , and with what velocity ? But take notice that I instanced in a Ball exactly round , and a plain exquisitely polished , that all external and accidental impediments might be taken away . And so would I have you remove all obstructions caused by the Airs resistance to division , and all other casual obstacles , if any other there can be . SIMPL. I very well understand your meaning , and as to your demand , I answer , that the Ball would continue to move in infinitum , if the inclination of the plain should so long last , and continually with an accelerating motion ; for such is the nature of ponderous moveables , that vires acquirant eundo : and the greater the declivity was , the greater the velocity would be . SALV . But if one should require that that Ball should move upwards on that same superficies , do you believe that it would so do ? SIMPL. Not spontaneously ; but being drawn , or violently thrown , it may . SALV . And in case it were thrust forward by the impression of some violent impetus from without , what and how great would its motion be ? SIMPL. The motion would go continually decreasing and retarding , as being contrary to nature ; and would be longer or shorter , according to the greater or less impulse , and according to the greater or less acclivity . SALV . It seems , then , that hitherto you have explained to me the accidents of a moveable upon two different Planes ; and that in the inclining plane , the grave moveable doth spontaneously descend , and goeth continually accelerating , and that to retain it in rest , force must be used therein : but that on the ascending plane , there is required a force to thrust it forward , and also to stay it in rest , and that the motion impressed goeth continually diminishing , till that in the end it cometh to nothing . You say yet farther , that in both the one and the other case , there do arise differences from the planes having a greater or less declivity or acclivity ; so that the greater inclination is attended with the greater velocity ; and contrariwise , upon the ascending plane , the same moveable thrown with the same force , moveth a greater distance , by how much the elevation is less . Now tell me , what would befall the same moveable upon a superficies that had neither acclivity nor declivity ? SIMPL. Here you must give me a little time to consider of an answer . There being no declivity , there can be no natural inclination to motion : and there being no acclivity , there can be no resistance to being moved ; so that there would arise an indifference between propension and resistance of motion ; therefore , methinks it ought naturally to stand still . But I had forgot my self : it was but even now that Sagredus gave me to understand that it would so do . SALV . So I think , provided one did lay it down gently : but if it had an impetus given it towards any part , what would follow ? SIMP . There would follow , that it should move towards that part . SALV . But with what kind of motion ? with the continually accelerated , as in declining planes ; or with the successively retarded , as in those ascending . SIMP . I cannot tell how to discover any cause of acceleration , or retardation , there being no declivity or acclivity . SALV . Well : but if there be no cause of retardation , much less ought there to be any cause of rest . How long therefore would you have the moveable to move ? SIMP . As long as that superficies , neither inclined nor declined shall last . SALV . Therefore if such a space were interminate , the motion upon the same would likewise have no termination , that is , would be perpetual . SIMP . I think so , if so be the moveable be of a matter durable . SALV . That hath been already supposed , when it was said , that all external and accidental impediments were removed , and the brittlenesse of the moveable in this our case , is one of those impediments accidental . Tell me now , what do you think is the cause that that same Ball moveth spontaneously upon the inclining plane , and not without violence upon the erected ? SIMP . Because the inclination of grave bodies is to move towards the centre of the Earth , and onely by violence upwards towards the circumference ; and the inclining superficies is that which acquireth vicinity to the centre , and the ascending one , remotenesse . SALV . Therefore a superficies , which should be neither declining nor ascending , ought in all its parts to be equally distant from the centre . But is there any such superficies in the World ? SIMP . There is no want thereof : Such is our Terrestrial Globe , if it were more even , and not as it is rough and montainous ; but you have that of the Water , at such time as it is calm and still . SALV . Then a ship which moveth in a calm at Sea , is one of those moveables , which run along one of those superficies that are neither declining nor ascending , and therefore disposed , in case all obstacles external and accidental were removed , to move with the impulse once imparted incessantly and uniformly . SIMPL. It should seem to be so . SALV . And that stone which is on the round top , doth not it move , as being together with the ship carried about by the circumference of a Circle about the Centre ; and therefore consequently by a motion in it indelible , if all extern obstacles be removed ? And is not this motion as swift as that of the ship . SIMPL. Hitherto all is well . But what followeth ? SALV . Then in good time recant , I pray you , that your last conclusion , if you are satisfied with the truth of all the premises . SIMPL. By my last conclusion , you mean , That that same stone moving with a motion indelibly impressed upon it , is not to leave , nay rather is to follow the ship , and in the end to light in the self same place , where it falleth when the ship lyeth still ; and so I also grant it would do , in case there were no outward impediments that might disturb the stones motion , after its being let go , the which impediments are two , the one is the moveables inability to break through the air with its meer impetus onely , it being deprived of that of the strength of Oars , of which it had been partaker , as part of the ship , at the time that it was upon the Mast ; the other is the new motion of descent , which also must needs be an hinderance of that other progressive motion . SALV . As to the impediment of the Air , I do not deny it you ; and if the thing falling were a light matter , as a feather , or a lock of wool , the retardation would be very great , but in an heavy stone is very exceeding small . And you your self but even now did say , that the force of the most impetuous wind sufficeth not to stir a great stone from its place ; now do but consider what the calmer air is able to do , being encountred by a stone no more swift than the whole ship . Neverthelesse , as I said before , I do allow you this small effect , that may depend upon such an impediment ; like as I know , that you will grant to me , that if the air should move with the same velocity that the ship and stone hath , then the impediment would be nothing at all . As to the other of the additional motion downwards ; in the first place it is manifest , that these two , I mean the circular , about the centre , and the streight , towards the centre , are not contraries , or destructive to one another , or incompatible . Because that as to the moveable , it hath no repugnance at all to such motions , for you your self have already confest the repugnance to be against the motion which removeth from the centre , and the inclination to be towards the motion which approacheth to the centre . Whence it doth of necessity follow , that the moveable hath neither repugnance , nor propension to the motion which neither approacheth , nor goeth from the centre , nor consequently is there any cause for the diminishing in it the faculty impressed . And forasmuch as the moving cause is not one alone , which it hath attained by the new operation of retardation ; but that they are two , distinct from each other , of which , the gravity attends only to the drawing of the moveable towards the centre , and the vertue impress't to the conducting it about the centre , there remaineth no occasion of impediment . SIMPL. Your argumentation , to give you your due , is very probable ; but in reality it is invelloped with certain intricacies , that are not easie to be extricated . You have all along built upon a supposition , which the Peripatetick Schools will not easily grant you , as being directly contrary to Aristotle , and it is to take for known and manifest , That the project separated from the projicient , continueth the motion by vertue impressed on it by the said projicient , which vertue impressed is a thing as much detested in Peripatetick Philosophy , as the passage of any accident from one subject into another . Which doctrine doth hold , as I believe it is well known unto you , that the project is carried by the medium , which in our case happeneth to be the Air. And therefore if that stone let fall from the round top , ought to follow the motion of the ship , that effect should be ascribed to the Air , and not to the vertue impressed . But you presuppose that the Air doth not follow the motion of the ship , but is tranquil . Moreover , he that letteth it fall , is not to throw it , or to give it impetus with his arm , but ought barely to open his hand and let it go ; and by this means , the stone , neither through the vertue impressed by the projicient , nor through the help of the Air , shall be able to follow the ships motion , and therefore shall be left behind . SALV . I think then that you would say , that if the stone be not thrown by the arm of that person , it is no longer a projection . SIMPL. It cannot be properly called a motion of projection . SALV . So then that which Aristotle speaks of the motion , the moveable , and the mover of the projects , hath nothing to do with the businesse in hand ; and if it concern not our purpose , why do you alledg the same ? SIMP . I produce it on the oceasion of that impressed vertue , named and introduced by you , which having no being in the World , can be of no force ; for non-entium nullae sunt operationes ; and therefore not onely of projected , but of all other preternatural motions , the moving cause ought to be ascribed to the medium , of which there hath been no due consideration had ; and therefore all that hath been said hitherto is to no purpose . SALV . Go to now , in good time . But tell me , seeing that your instance is wholly grounded upon the nullity of the vertue impressed , if I shall demonstrate to you , that the medium hath nothing to do in the continuation of projects , after they are separated from the projicient , will you admit of the impressed vertue , or will you make another attempt to overthrow it ? SIMP . The operation of the medium being removed , I see not how one can have recourse to any thing else save the faculty impressed by the mover . SALV . It would be well , for the removing , as much as is possible , the occasions of multiplying contentions , that you would explain with as much distinctnesse as may be , what is that operation of the medium in continuing the motion of the project . SIMP . The projicient hath the stone in his hand , and with force and violence throws his arm , with which jactation the stone doth not move so much as the circumambient Air ; so that when the stone at its being forsaken by the hand , findeth it self in the Air , which at the same time moveth with impetousity , it is thereby born away ; for , if the air did not operate , the stone would fall at the foot of the projicient or thrower . SALV . And was you so credulous , as to suffer your self to be perswaded to believe these fopperies , so long as you had your senses about you to confute them , and to understand the truth thereof ? Therefore tell me , that great stone , and that Canon bullet , which but onely laid upon a table , did continue immoveable against the most impetuous winds , according as you a little before did affirm , if it had been a ball of cork or other light stuffe , think you that the wind would have removed it from its place ? SIMP . Yes , and I am assured that it would have blown it quite away , and with so much more velocity , by how much the matter was lighter , for upon this reason we see the clouds to be transported with a velocity equal to that of the wind that drives them . SALV . And what is the Wind ? SIMP . The Wind is defined to be nothing else but air moved . SALV . Then the moved air doth carry light things more swiftly , and to a greater distance , then it doth heavy . SIMP . Yes certainly . SALV . But if you were to throw with your arm a stone , and a lock of cotton wool , which would move swiftest and farthest ? SIMP . The stone by much ; nay the wool would fall at my feet . SALV . But , if that which moveth the projected substance , after it is delivered from the hand , be no other than the air moved by the arm , and the moved air do more easily bear away light than grave matters , how cometh it that the project of wool flieth not farther , and swifter than that of stone ? Certainly it argueth that the stone hath some other impulse besides the motion of the air . Furthermore , if two strings of equal length did hang at yonder beam , and at the end of one there was fastened a bullet of lead , and a ball of cotton wool at the other , and both were carried to an equal distance from the perpendicular , and then let go ; it is not to be doubted , but that both the one and the other would move towards the perpendicular , and that being carried by their own impetus , they would go a certain space beyond it , and afterwards return thither again . But which of these two pendent Globes do you think , would continue longest in motion , before that it would come to rest in its perpendicularity ? SIMP . The ball of lead would swing to and again many times , and that of wool but two or three at the most . SALV . So that the impetus and that mobility whatsoever is the cause thereof , would conserve its self longer in grave substances , than light ; I proceed now to another particular , and demand of you , why the air doth not carry away that Lemon which is upon that same Table ? SIMP . Because that the air it self is not moved SALV . It is requisite then , that the projicient do confer motion on the Air , with which it afterward moveth the project . But if such a motion cannot be impressed [ i. e. imparted ] it being impossible to make an accident passe out of one subject into another , how can it passe from the arm into the Air ? Will you say that the Air is not a subject different from the arm ? SIMP . To this it is answered that the Air , in regard it is neither heavy nor light in its own Region , is disposed with facility to receive every impulse , and also to retain the same . SALV . But if those penduli even now named , did prove unto us , that the moveable , the lesse it had of gravity , the lesse apt it was to conserve its motion , how can it be that the Air which in the Air hath no gravity at all , doth of it self alone retain the motion acquired ? I believe , and know that you by this time are of the same opinion , that the arm doth not sooner return to rest , than doth the circumambient Air. Let 's go into the Chamber , and with a towel let us agitate the Air as much as we can , and then holding the cloth still , let a little candle be brought , that was lighted in the next room , or in the same place let a leaf of beaten Gold be left at liberty to flie any way , and you shall by the calm vagation of them be assured that the Air is immediately reduced to tranquilty . I could alledg many other experiments to the same purpose , but if one of these should not suffice , I should think your folly altogether incurable . SAGR. When an arrow is shot against the Wind , how incredible a thing is it , that that same small filament of air , impelled by the bow-string , should in despite of fate go along with the arrow ? But I would willingly know another particular of Aristotle , to which I intreat Simplicius would vouchsafe me an answer . Supposing that with the same Bow there were shot two arrows , one just after the usual manner , and the other side-wayes , placing it long-wayes upon the Bow-string , and then letting it flie , I would know which of them would go farthest . Favour me , I pray you with an answer , though the question may seem to you rather ridiculous than otherwise ; and excuse me , for that I , who am , as you see , rather blockish , than not , can reach no higher with my speculative faculty . SIMPL. I have never seen an arrow shot in that manner , yet neverthelesse I believe , that it would not flie side-long , the twentieth part of the space that it goeth end-wayes . SAGR. And for that I am of the same opinion , hence it is , that I have a doubt risen in me , whether Aristotle doth not contradict experience . For as to experience , if I lay two arrows upon this Table , in a time vvhen a strong Wind blovveth , one tovvards the course of the wind , and the other sidelong , the wind will quickly carry away this later , and leave the other where it was ; and the same to my seeming , ought to happen , if the Doctrine of Aristotle were true , of those two shot out of a Bow : forasmuch as the arrow shot sideways is driven by a great quantity of Air , moved by the bowstring , to wit by as much as the said string is long , whereas the other arrow receiveth no greater a quantity of air , than the small circle of the strings thickness . And I cannot imagine what may be the reason of such a difference , but would fain know the same . SIMP . The cause seemeth to me sufficiently manifest ; and it is , because the arrow shot endways , hath but a little quantity of air to penetrate , and the other is to make its way through a quantity as great as its whole length . SALV . Then it seems the arrows shot , are to penetrate the air ? but if the air goeth along with them , yea , is that which carrieth them , what penetration can they make therein ? Do you not see that , in this case , the arrow would of necessity move with greater velocity than the air ? and this greater velocity , what doth confer it on the arrow ? Will you say the air giveth them a velocity greater than its own ? Know then , Simplicius , that the business proceeds quite contrary to that which Aristotle saith , and that the medium conferreth the motion on the project , is as false , as it is true , that it is the onely thing which procureth its obstruction ; and having known this , you shall understand without finding any thing whereof to make question , that if the air be really moved , it doth much better carry the dart along with it longways , than endways , for that the air which impelleth it in that posture , is much , and in this very little . But shooting with the Bow , forasmuch as the air stands still , the transverse arrow , being to force its passage through much air , comes to be much impeded , and the other that was nock't easily overcometh the obstruction of the small quantity of air , which opposeth it self thereto . SALV . How many Propositions have I observed in Aristotle , ( meaning still in Natural Philosophy ) that are not onely false , but false in such sort , that its diametrical contrary is true , as it happens in this case . But pursuing the point in hand , I think that Simplicius is perswaded , that , from seeing the stone always to fall in the same place , he cannot conjecture either the motion or stability of the Ship : and if what hath been hitherto spoken , should not suffice , there is the Experiment of the medium which may thorowly assure us thereof ; in which experiment , the most that could be seen would be , that the cadent moveable might be left behind , if it were light , and that the air did not follow the motion of the ship : but in case the air should move with equal velocity , no imaginable diversity could be found either in this , or any other experiment whatsoever , as I am anon to tell you . Now if in this case there appeareth no difference at all , what can be pretended to be seen in the stone falling from the top of the Tower , where the motion in gyration is not adventitious , and accidental , but natural and eternal ; and where the air exactly followeth the motion of the Tower , and the Tower that of the Terrestrial Globe ? have you any thing else to say , Simplicius , upon this particular ? SIMP . No more but this , that I see not the mobility of the Earth as yet proved . SALV . Nor have I any intention at this time , but onely to shew , that nothing can be concluded from the experiments alledged by our adversaries for convincing Arguments : as I think I shall prove the others to be . SAGR. I beseech you , Salviatus , before you proceed any farther , to permit me to start certain questions , which have been rouling in my fancy all the while that you with so much patience and equanimity , was minutely explaining to Simplicius the experiment of the Ship. SALV . We are here met with a purpose to dispute , and it 's fit that every one should move the difficulties that he mets withall ; for this is the way to come to the knowledg of the truth . Therefore speak freely . SAGR. If it be true , that the impetus wherewith the ship moves , doth remain indelibly impress'd in the stone , after it is let fall from the Mast ; and if it be farther true , that this motion brings no impediment or retardment to the motion directly downwards , natural to the stone : it 's necessary , that there do an effect ensue of a very wonderful nature . Let a Ship be supposed to stand still , and let the time of the falling of a stone from the Masts Round-top to the ground , be two beats of the pulse ; let the Ship afterwards be under sail , and let the same stone depart from the same place , and it , according to what hath been premised , shall still take up the time of two pulses in its fall , in which time the ship will have run , suppose , twenty yards ; so that the true motion of the stone will be a transverse line , considerably longer than the first straight and perpendicular line , which is the length of the * Mast , and yet nevertheless the * stone will have past it in the same time . Let it be farther supposed , that the Ships motion is much more accelerated , so that the stone in falling shall be to pass a transverse line much longer than the other ; and in sum , increasing the Ships velocity as much as you will , the falling stone shall describe its transverse lines still longer and longer , and yet shall pass them all in those self same two pulses . And in this fashion , if a Canon were level'd on the top of a Tower , and shots were made therewith point blank , that is , paralel to the Horizon , let the Piece have a greater or less charge , so as that the ball may fall sometimes a thousand yards distant , sometimes four thousand , sometimes six , sometimes ten , &c. and all these shots shall curry or finish their ranges in times equal to each other , and every one equal to the time which the ball would take to pass from the mouth of the Piece to the ground , being left , without other impulse , to fall simply downwards in a perpendicular line . Now it seems a very admirable thing , that in the same short time of its falling perpendicularly down to the ground , from the height of , suppose , an hundred yards , the same ball , being thrust violently out of the Piece by the Fire , should be able to pass one while four hundred , another while a thousand , another while four , another while ten thousand yards , so as that the said ball in all shots made point blank , always continueth an equal time in the air . SALV . The consideration for its novelty is very pretty , and if the effect be true , very admirable : and of the truth thereof , I make no question : and were it not for the accidental impediment of the air , I verily believe , that , if at the time of the balls going out of the Piece , another were let fall from the same height directly downwards , they would both come to the ground at the same instant , though that should have curried ten thousand miles in its range , and this but an hundred onely : presupposing the surface of the Earth to be equal , which to be assured of , the experiment may be made upon some lake . As for the impediment which might come from the air , it would consist in retarding the extreme swift motion of the shot . Now , if you think fit , we will proceed to the solution of the other Objections , seeing that Simplicius ( as far as I can see ) is convinc'd of the nullity of this first , taken from things falling from on high downwards . SIMP . I find not all my scruples removed , but it may be the fault is my own , as not being of so easie and quick an apprehension as Sagredus . And it seems to me , that if this motion , of which the stone did partake whilst it was on the Round-top of the Ships Mast , be , as you say , to conserve it self indelibly in the said stone , even after it is separated from the Ship , it would follow , that likewise in case any one , riding a horse that was upon his speed , should let a bowl drop out of his hand , that bowl being fallen to the ground would continue its motion and follow the horses steps , without tarrying behind him : the which effect , I believe , is not to be seen , unless when he that is upon the horse should throw it with violence that way towards which he runneth ; but otherwise , I believe it will stay on the ground in the same place where it fell . SALV . I believe that you very much deceive your self , and am certain , that experience will shew you the contrary , and that the ball being once arrived at the ground , will run together with the horse , not staying behind him , unless so far as the asperity and unevenness of the Earth shall hinder it . And the reason seems to me very manifest : for if you , standing still , throw the said ball along the ground , do you think it would not continue its motion even after you had delivered it out of your hand ? and that for so much a greater space , by how much the superficies were more smooth , so that v. g. upon ice it would run a great way ? SIMP . There is no doubt of it , if I give it impetus with my arm ; but in the other case it is supposed , that he who is upon the horse , onely drops it out of his hand . SALV . So I desire that it should be : but when you throw it with your arm , what other remaineth to the ball being once gone out of your hand , than the motion received from your arm , which motion being conserved in the boul , it doth continue to carry it forward ? Now , what doth it import , that that impetus be conferred on the ball rather from the arm than from the horse ? Whilst you were on horseback , did not your hand , and consequently the ball run as fast as the horse it self ? Doubtless it did : therefore in onely opening of the hand , the ball departs with the motion already coceived , not from your arm , by your particular motion , but from the motion dependant on the said horse , which cometh to be communicated to you , to your arm , to your hand , and lastly to the ball . Nay , I will tell you farther , that if the rider upon his speed fling the ball with his arm to the part contrary to the course , it shall , after it is fallen to the ground , sometimes ( albeit thrown to the contrary part ) follow the course of the horse , and sometimes lie still on the ground ; and shall onely move contrary to the said course , when the motion received from the arm , shall exceed that of the carrier in velocity . And it is a vanity , that of some , who say that a horseman is able to cast a javelin thorow the air , that way which the horse runs , and with the horse to follow and overtake the same ; and lastly , to catch it again . It is , I say , a vanity , for that to make the project return into the hand , it is requisite to cast it upwards , in the same manner as if you stood still . For , let the carrier be never so swift , provided it be uniform , and the project not over-light , it shall always fall back again into the hand of the projicient , though never so high thrown . SAGR. By this Doctrine I come to know some Problems very curious upon this subject of projections ; the first of which must seem very strange to Simplicius . And the Problem is this ; I affirm it to be possible , that the ball being barely dropt or let fall , by one that any way runneth very swiftly , being arrived at the Earth , doth not onely follow the course of that person , but doth much out go him . Which Problem is connexed with this , that the moveable being thrown by the projicient above the plane of the Horizon , may acquire new velocity , greater by far than that confer'd upon it by the projicient . The which effect I have with admiration observed , in looking upon those who use the sport of tops , which , so soon as they are set out of the hand , are seen to move in the air with a certain velocity , the which they afterwards much encrease at their coming to the ground ; and if whipping them , they rub at any uneven place that makes them skip on high , they are seen to move very slowly through the air , and falling again to the Earth , they still come to move with a greater velocity : But that which is yet more strange , I have farther observed , that they not onely turn always more swiftly on the ground , than in the air , but of two spaces both upon the Earth , sometimes a motion in the second space is more swift than in the first . Now what would Simplicius say to this ? SIMP . He would say in the first place , that he had never made such an observation . Secondly , he would say , that he did not believe the same . He would say again , in the third place , that if you could assure him thereof , and demonstratively convince him of the same , he would account you a great Daemon . SAGR. I hope then that it is one of the Socratick , not infernal ones . But that I may make you understand this particular , you must know , that if a person apprehend not a truth of himself , it is impossible that others should make him understand it : I may indeed instruct you in those things which are neither true nor false ; but the true , that is , the necessary , namely , such as it is impossible should be otherwise , every common capacity either comprehendeth them of himself , or else it is impossible he should ever know them . And of this opinion I am confident is Salviatus also : and therefore I tell you , that the reasons of the present Problems are known by you , but it may be , not apprehended . SIMP . Let us , for the present , pass by that controversie , and permit me to plead ignorance of these things you speak of , and try whether you can make me capable of understanding these Problems . SAGR. This first dependeth upon another , which is , Whence cometh it , that setting a top with the lash , it runneth farther , and consequently with greater force , than when it s set with the fingers ? SIMP . Aristotle also makes certain Problems about these kinds of projects . SALV . He doth so ; and very ingenious they are : particularly , That , Whence it cometh to pass that round tops run better than the square ? SAGR. And cannot you , Simplicius , give a reason for this , without others prompting you ? SIMP . Very good , I can so ; but leave your jeering . SAGR. In like manner you do know the reason of this other 〈◊〉 . Tell me therefore ; know you that a thing which moveth , being impeded stands still ? SIMP . I know it doth , if the impediment be so great as to suffice . SAGR. Do you know , that moving upon the Earth is a greater impediment to the moveable , than moving in the air , the Earth being rough and hard , and the air soft and yielding ? SIMP . And knowing this , I know that the top will turn faster in the air , than on the ground , so that my knowledg is quite contrary to what you think it . SAGR. Fair and softly , Simplicius . You know that in the parts of a moveable , that turneth about its centre , there are found motions towards all sides ; so that some ascend , others descend ; some go forwards , others backwards ? SIMP . I know it , and Aristotle taught me the same . SAGR. And with what demonstration , I pray you ? SIMP . With that of sense . SAGR. Aristotle , then , hath made you see that which without him you would not have seen ? Did he ever lend you his eyes ? You would say , that Aristotle hath told , advertised , remembered you of the same ; and not taught you it . When then a top , without changing place , turns round , ( or in the childrens phrase , sleepeth ) not paralel , but erect to the Horizon , some of its parts ascend , and the opposite descend ; the superiour go one way , the inferiour another . Fancie now to your self , a top , that without changing place , swiftly turns round in that manner , and stands suspended in the air , and that in that manner turning , it be let fall to the Earth perpendicularly , do you believe , that when it is arrived at the ground , it will continue to turn round in the same manner , without changing place , as before ? SIMP . No , Sir. SAGR. What will it do then ? SIMP . It will run along the ground very fast . SAGR. And towards what part ? SIMP . Towards that , whither its * reeling carrieth it . SAGR. In its reeling there are parts , that is the uppermost , which do move contrary to the inferiour ; therefore you must instance which it shall obey : for as to the parts ascending and descending , the one kind will not yield to the other ; nor will they all go downwards , being hindered by the Earth , nor upwards as being heavy . SIMP . The top will run reeling along the floor towards that part whither its upper parts encline it . SAGR. And why not whither the contrary parts tend , namely , those which touch the ground ? SIMP . Because those upon the ground happen to be impeded by the roughness of the touch , that is , by the floors unevenness ; but the superiour , which are in the tenuous and flexible air , are hindred very little , if at all ; and therefore the top will obey their inclination . SAGR. So that that taction , if I may so say , of the neither parts on the floor , is the cause that they stay , and onely the upper parts spring the top forward . SALV . And therefore , if the top should fall upon the ice , or other very smooth superficies , it would not so well run forward , but might peradventure continue to revolve in it self , ( or sleep ) without acquiring any progressive motion . SAGR. It is an easie thing for it so to do ; but yet nevertheless , it would not so speedily come to sleep , as when it falleth on a superficies somewhat rugged . But tell me , Simplicius , when the top-turning round about it self , in that manner , is let fall , why doth it not move forwards in the air , as it doth afterwards when it is upon the ground ? SIMP . Because having air above it , and beneath , neither those parts , nor these have any where to touch , and not having more occasion to go forward than backward , it falls perpendicularly . SAGR. So then the onely reeling about its self , without other impetus , can drive the top forward , being arrived at the ground , very nimbly . Now proceed we to what remains . That lash , which the driver tyeth to his Top-stick , and with which , winding it about the top , he sets it ( i. e. makes it go ) what effect hath it on the said top ? SIMP . It constrains it to turn round upon its toe , that so it may free it self from the Top-lash . SAGR. So then , when the top arriveth at the ground , it cometh all the way turning about its self , by means of the lash . Hath it not reason then to move in it self more swiftly upon the ground , than it did whilst it was in the air ? SIMP . Yes doubtless ; for in the air it had no other impulse than that of the arm of the projicient ; and if it had also the reeling , this ( as hath been said ) in the air drives it not forward at all ▪ but arriving at the floor , to the motion of the arm is added the progression of the reeling , whereby the velocity is redoubled . And I know already very well , that the top skipping from the ground , its velocity will deminish , because the help of its circulation is wanting ; and returning to the Earth will get it again , and by that means move again faster , than in the air . It onely rests for me to understand , whether in this second motion on the Earth it move more swiftly , than in the first ; for then it would move in infinitum , alwayes accelerating . SAGR. I did not absolutely affirm , that this second motion is more swift than the first ; but that it may happen so to be sometimes . SIMP . This is that , which I apprehend not , and which I desire to know . SAGR. And this also you know of your self . Therefore tell me : When you let the top fall out of your hand , without making it turn round ( i. e. setting it ) what will it do at its coming to the ground ? SIMP . Nothing , but there lie still . SAGR. May it not chance , that in its fall to the ground it may acquire a motion ? Think better on it . SIMP . Unlesse we let it fall upon some inclining stone , as children do playing at * Chiosa , and that falling side-wayes upon the same , it do acquire the motion of turning round upon its toe , wherewith it afterwards continueth to move progressively on the floor , I know not in what other manner it can do any thing but lie still where it falleth . SAGR. You see then that in some case it may acquire a new revolution . When then the top jerked up from the ground , falleth down again , why may it not casually hit upon the declivity of some stone fixed in the floor , and that hath an inclination that way towards which it moveth , and acquiring by that slip a new whirle over and above that conferred by the lash , why may it not redouble its motion , and make it swifter than it was at its first lighting upon the ground ? SIMP . Now I see that the same may easily happen . And I am thinking that if the top should turn the contrary way , in arriving at the ground , it would work a contrary effect , that is , the motion of the accidental whirl would retard that of the projicient . SAGR. And it would sometimes wholly retard and stop it , in case the revolution of the top were very swift . And from hence ariseth the resolution of that slight , which the more skilful Tennis Players use to their advantage ; that is , to gull their adversary by cutting ( for so is their Phrase ) the Ball ; which is , to return it with a side Rachet , in such a manner , that it doth thereby acquire a motion by it self contrary to the projected motion , and so by that means , at its coming to the ground , the rebound , which if the ball did not turn in that manner , would be towards the adversary , giving him the usual time to tosse it back again , doth fail , and the ball runs tripping along the ground , or rebounds lesse than usual , and breaketh the time of the return . Hence it is that you see , those who play at * Stool-ball , when they play in a stony way , or a place full of holes and rubs that make the ball trip an hundred several wayes , never suffering it to come neer the mark , to avoid them all , they do not trundle the ball upon the ground , but throw it , as if they were to pitch a quait . But because in throwing the ball , it issueth out of the hand with some roling conferred by the fingers , when ever the hand is under the ball , as it is most commonly held ; whereupon the ball in its lighting on the ground neer to the mark , between the motion of the projicient and that of the roling , would run a great way from the same : To make the ball stay , they hold it artificially , with their hand uppermost , and it undermost , which in its delivery hath a contrary twirl or roling conferred upon it by the fingers , by means whereof in its coming to the ground neer the mark it stays there , or runs very very little forwards . But to return to our principal problem which gave occasion for starting these others ; I say it is possible that a person carried very swiftly , may let a ball drop out of his hand , that being come to the Earth , shall not onely follow his motion , but also out-go it , moving with a greater velocity . And to see such an effect , I desire that the course may be that of a Chariot , to which on the out-side let a declining board be fastened ; so as that the neither part may be towards the horses , and the upper towards the hind Wheel . Now , if in the Chariots full career , a man within it , let a ball fall gliding along the declivity of that board , it shall in roling downward acquire a particular vertigo or turning , the which added to the motion impressed by the Chariot , will carrie the ball along the ground much faster than the Chariot . And if one accommodate another declining board over against it , the motion of the Chariot may be qualified so , that the ball , gliding downwards along the board , in its coming to the ground shall rest immoveable , and also shall sometimes run the contrary way to the Chariot . But we are strayed too far from the purpose , therefore if Simplicius be satisfied with the resolution of the first arg●ment against the Earths mobility , taken from things falling perpendicularly , we may passe to the rest . SALV . The digressions made hitherto , are not so alienated from the matter in hand , as that one can say they are wholly strangers to it . Besides these argumentations depend on those things that start up in the fancy not of one person , but of three , that we are : And moreover we discourse for our pleasure , nor are we obliged to that strictnesse of one who ex professo treateth methodically of an argument , with an intent to publish the same . I will not consent that our Poem should be so confined to that unity , as not to leave us fields open for Epsody's , which every smalll connection should suffice to introduce ; but with almost as much liberry as if we were met to tell stories , it shall be lawful for me to speak , what ever your discourse brings into mymind . SAGR. I like this motion very well ; and since we are at this liberty , let me take leave , before we passe any farther to ask of you Salviatus , whether you did ever consider what that line may be that is described by the grave moveable naturally falling down from the top of a Tower ; and if you have reflected on it , be pleased to tell me what you think thereof . SALV . I have sometimes considered of it , and make no question , that if one could be certain of the nature of that motion wherewith the grave body descendeth to approach the centre of the Terrestrial Globe , mixing it self afterwards with the common circular motion of the diurnal conversion ; it might be exactly found what kind of line that is , that the centre of gravity of the moveable describeth in those two motions . SAGR. Touching the simple motion towards the centre dependent on the gravity , I think that one may confidently , without error , believe that it is by a right line , as it would be , were the Earth immoveable . SALV . As to this particular , we may not onely believe it , but experience rendereth us certain of the same . SAGR. But how doth experience assure us thereof , if we never see any motions but such as are composed of the two , circular and descending . SALV . Nay rather Sagredus we onely see the simple motion of descent ; since that other circular one common to the Earth , the Tower and our selves remains imperceptible , and as if it never were , and there remaineth perceptible to us that of the stone , onely not participated by us , and for this , sense demonstrateth that it is by a right line , ever parallel to the said Tower , which is built upright and perpendicular upon the Terrestrial surface . SAGR. You are in the right ; and this was but too plainly demonstrated to me even now , seeing that I could not remember so easie a thing ; but this being so manifest , what more is it that you say you desire , for understanding the nature of this motion downwards ? SALV . It sufficeth not to know that it is streight , but its requisite to know whether it be uniform , or irregular ; that is , whether it maintain alwayes one and the same velocity , or else goeth retarding or accelerating . SAGR. It is already clear , that it goeth continually accellerating . SALV . Neither doth this suffice , but its requisite to know according to what proportion such accelleration is made ; a Problem , that I believe was never hitherto understood by any Philosopher or Mathematician ; although Philosophers , and particularly the Peripateticks , have writ great and entire Volumes , touching motion . SIMP . Philosophers principally busie themselves about universals ; they find the definitions and more common symptomes , omitting certain subtilties and niceties , which are rather curiosities to the Mathematicians . And Aristotle did content himself to define excellently what motion was in general ; and of the local , to shew the principal qualities , to wit , that one is natural , another violent ; one is simple , another compound ; one is equal , another accellerate ; and concerning the accelerate , contents himself to give the reason of acceleration , remitting the finding out of the proportion of such acceleration , and other particular accidents to the Mechanitian , or other inferiour Artist . SAGR. Very well Simplicius . But you Salviatus , when you descend sometimes from the Throne of Peripatetick Majesty , have you ever thrown away any of your hours in studying to find this proportion of the acceleration of the motion of descending grave bodies ? SALV . There was no need that I should study for it , in regard that the Academick our common friend , heretofore shewed me a Treatise of his * De Motu , where this , and many other accidents were demonstrated . But it would be too great a digression , if for this particular , we should interrupt our present discourse , ( which yet it self is also no better than a digression ) and make as the Saying is , a Comedy within a Comedy . SAGR. I am content to excuse you from this narration for the present , provided that this may be one of the Propositions reserved to be examined amongst the rest in another particular meeting , for that the knowledg thereof is by me very much desired ; and in the mean time let us return to the line described by the grave body in its fall from the top of the Tower to its base . SALV . If the right motion towards the centre of the Earth was uniforme , the circular towards the East being also uniforme , you would see composed of them both a motion by a spiral line , of that kind with those defined by Archimedes in his Book De Spiralibus ; which are , when a point moveth uniformly upon a right line , whilest that line in the mean time turneth uniformly about one of its extreme points fixed , as the centre of his gyration . But because the right motion of grave bodies falling , is continually accelerated , it is necessary , that the line resulting of the composition of the two motions do go alwayes receding with greater and greater proportion from the circumference of that circle , which the centre of the stones gravity would have designed , if it had alwayes staid upon the Tower ; it followeth of necessity that this recession at the first be but little , yea very small , yea , more , as small as can be imagined , seeing that the descending grave body departing from rest , that is , from the privation of motion , towards the bottom and entring into the right motion downwards , it must needs passe through all the degrees of tardity , that are betwixt rest , and any assigned velocity ; the which degrees are infinite ; as already hath been at large discoursed and proved . It being supposed therefore , that the progresse of the acceleration being after this manner , and it being moreover true , that the descending grave body goeth to terminate in the centre of the Earth , it is necessary that the line of its mixt motion be such , that it go continually receding with greater and greater proportion from the top of the Tower , or to speak more properly , from the circumference of the circle described by the top of the Tower , by means of the Earths conversion ; but that such recessions be lesser and lesser in infinitum ; by how much the moveable finds it self to be lesse and lesse removed from the first term where it rested . Moreover it is necessary , that this line of the compounded motion do go to terminate in the centre of the Earth . Now having presupposed these two things , I come to describe about the centre A [ in Fig. 1. of this second Dialogue ; ] with the semidiameter AB , the circle BI , representing to me the Terrestrial Globe , and prolonging the semidiameter AB to C , I have described the height of the Tower BC ; the which being carried about by the Earth along the circumference BI , describeth with its top the arch CD : Dividing , in the next place , the line CA in the middle at E ; upon the centre E , at the distance EC , I describe the semicircle CIA : In which , I now affirm , that it is very probable that a stone falling from the top of the Tower C , doth move , with a motion mixt of the circular , which is in common , and of its peculiar right motion . If therefore in the circumference CD , certain equal parts CF , FG , GH , HL , be marked , and from the points F , G , H , L , right lines be drawn towards the centre A , the parts of them intercepted between the two circumferences CD and BI , shall represent unto us the same Tower CB , transported by the Terrestrial Globe towards DI ; in which lines the points where they come to be intersected by the arch of the semicircle CI , are the places by which from time to time the falling stone doth passe ; which points go continually with greater and greater proportion receding from the top of the Tower. And this is the cause vvhy the right motion made along the side of the Tower apeareth to us more and more accelerate . It appeareth also , how by reason of the infinite acutenesse of the contact of those two circles DC , CI , the recession of the cadent moveable from the circumference CFD ; namely , from the top of the Tower , is towards the beginning extream small , which is as much as if one said its motion downwards is very slow , and more and more slow in infinitum , according to its vicinity to the term C , that is to the state of rest . And lastly it is seen how in the end this same motion goeth to terminate in the centre of the Earth A. SAGR. I understand all this very well , nor can I perswade my self that the falling moveable doth describe with the centre of its gravity any other line , but such an one as this . SALV . But stay a little Sagredus , for I am to acquaint you also with three Observations of mine , that its possible will not displease you . The first of which is , that if we do well consider , the moveable moveth not really with any more than onely one motion simply circular , as when being placed upon the Tower , it moved with one single and circular motion . The second is yet more pleasant ; for , it moveth neither more nor lesse then if it had staid continually upon the Tower , being that to the arches CF , FG , GH , &c. that it would have passed continuing alwayes upon the Tower , the arches of the circumference CI are exactly equal , answering under the same CF , FG , GH , &c. Whence followeth the third wonder , That the true and real motion of the stone is never accelerated , but alwayes even and uniforme , since that all the equal arches noted in the circumference CD , and their respondent ones marked in the circumference CI , are past in equal times ; so that we are left at liberty to seek new causes of acceleration , or of other motions , seeing that the moveable , as well standing upon the Tower , as descending thence , alwayes moveth in the same fashion , that is , circularly , with the same velocity , and with the same uniformity . Now tell me what you think of this my fantastical conjecture . SAGR. I must tell you , that I cannot with words sufficiently expresse how admirable it seemeth to me ; and for vvhat at present offereth it self to my understanding , I cannot think that the business happeneth otherwise ; and vvould to God that all the demonstrations of Philosophers were but half so probable as this . However for my perfect satisfaction I would gladly hear how you prove those arches to be equal . SALV . The demonstration is most easie . Suppose to your self a line drawn from I to E. And the Semidiameter of the circle CD , that is , the line CA , being double the Semidiameter CE of the circle CI , the circumference shall be double to the circumference , and every arch of the greater circle double to every like arch of the lesser ; and consequently , the half of the arch of the greater circle , equal to the whole arch of the lesse . And because the angle CEI made in the centre E of the lesser circle , and which insisteth upon the arch CI , is double the angle CAD , made in the centre A of the greater circle , to which the arch CD subtendeth ; therefore the arch CD is half of the arch of the greater circle like to the arch CI , and therefore the two arches CD and CI are equal ; and in the same manner we may demonstrate of all their parts . But that the business , as to the motion of descending grave bodies , proceedeth exactly thus , I will not at this time affirm ; but this I will say , that if the line described by the cadent moveable be not exactly the same with this , it doth extream neerly resemble the same . SAGR. But I , Salviatus , am just now considering another particular very admirable ; and this it is ; That admitting these considerations , the right motion doth go wholly * mounting , and that Nature never makes use thereof , since that , even that that use , which was from the beginning granted to it , which was of reducing the parts of integral bodies to their place , when they were separated from their whole , and therefore constituted in a depraved disposition , is taken from it , and assigned to the circular motion . SALV . This would necessarily follow , if it were concluded that the Terrestrial Globe moveth circularly ; a thing , which I pretend not to be done , but have onely hitherto attempted , as I shall still , to examine the strength of those reasons , which have been alledged by Philosophers to prove the immobility of the Earth , of which this first taken from things falling perpendicularly , hath begat the doubts , that have been mentioned ; which I know not of what force they may have seemed to Simplicius ; and therefore before I passe to the examination of the remaining arguments , it would be convenient that he produce what he hath to reply to the contrary . SIMP . As to this first , I confesse indeed that I have heard sundry pretty notions , which I never thought upon before , and in regard they are new unto me , I cannot have answers so ready for them , but this argument taken ●rom things falling perpendicularly , I esteem it not one of the strongest proofs of the mobility of the Earth ; and I know not what may happen touching the shots of great Guns , especially those aimed contrary to the diurnal motion . SAGR. The flying of the birds as much puzzleth me as the objection of the Gun-shot , and all the other experiments above alledged . For these birds which at their pleasure flie forwards and backwards , and wind to and again in a thousand fashions , and , which more importeth , lie whole hours upon the wing , these I say do not a little pose me , nor do I see , how amongst so many circumgyrations , they should not lose the motion of the Earth , and how they should be able to keep pace with so great a velocity as that which they so far exceed with their flight . SALV . To speak the truth , your scruple is not without reason , and its possible Copernicus himself could not find an answer for it , that was to himself entirely satisfactory ; and therefore haply past it over in silence ; albeit he was , indeed , very brief in examining the other allegations of his adversaries , I believe through his height of wit , placed on greater aud sublimer contemplations , like as Lions are not much moved at the barking of little Dogs . We will therefore reserve the instance of birds to the last place , and for the present , see if we can give Simplicius satisfaction in the others , by shewing him in our wonted manner , that he himself hath their answers at hand , though upon first thoughts he doth not discover them . And to begin with the shots made at randome , with the self same piece , powder , and ball , the one towards the East , the other towards the West ( if the diurnal conversion belonged to the Earth ) ought to be much longer than that towards the East . SIMP . I am moved so to think ; because in the shot made towards the East , the ball whil'st it is out of the piece , is followed by the said piece , the which being carried round by the Earth , runneth also with much velocity towards the same part , whereupon the fall of the ball to the ground , cometh to be but little distant from the piece . On the contrary in the shot towards the West , before that the ball falleth to the ground , the piece is retired very far towards the East , by which means the space between the ball and the piece , that is Range , will appear longer than the other , by how much the piece , that is the Earth , had run in the time that both the bals were in the air . SALV . I could wish , that we did know some way to make an experiment corresponding to the motion of these projects , as that of the ship doth to the motion of things perpendicularly falling from on high ; and I am thinking how it may be done . SAGR. I believe , that it would be a very opposite proof , to take an open Chariot , and to accomodate therein a * Stock-bow at half elevation , to the end the flight may prove the greatest that my be , and whil'st the horses shall run , to shoot first towards the part whither you drive , and then another backwards towards the contrary part , causing some one to mark diligently where the Chariot was in that moment ●f time when the shaft came to the ground , as well in the one shot as in the other : for thus you may see exactly how much one shaft flew farther than the other . SIMP . In my thoughts this experiment is very proper : and I do not doubt but that the flight , that is , the space between the shaft and the place where the chariot was at the shafts fall , will be less by much when one shooteth towards the chariots course , than when one shooteth the contrary way . For an example , let the flight of it self be three hundred yards , and the course of the chariot in the time whilst the shaft stayeth in the air , an hundred yards , therefore shooting towards the course , of the three hundred yards of the flight , the chariot will have gone one hundred ; so then at the shafts coming to the ground , the space between it and the chariot , shall be but two hundred yards onely ; but on the contrary , in the other shoot , the chariot running contrary to the shaft , when the shaft shall have passed its three hundred yards , and the chariot it s other hundred the contrary way , the distance interposing shall be found to be four hundred yards . SALV . Is there any way to shoot so that these flights may be equal ? SIMP . I know no other way , unless by making the chariot to stand still . SALV . This we know ; but I mean when the chariot runneth in full carreer . SIMP . In that case you are to draw the Bow higher in shooting forwards , and to slack it in shooting the contrary way . SALV . Then you see that there is one way more . But how much is the bow to be drawn , and how much slackened ? SIMP . In our case , where we have supposed that the bow carried three hundred yards , it would be requisite to draw it so , as that it might carry four hundred , and in the other to slacken it so , as that it might carry no more than two hundred . For so each of the flights would be but three hundred in relation to the chariot , the which , with its course of an hundred yards which it substracts from the shoot of four hundred , and addeth to that of two hundred , would reduce them both to three hundred . SALV . But what effect hath the greater or less intensness of the bow upon the shaft ? SIMP . The stiffer bow carrieth it with greater velocity , and the weaker with less ; and the same shaft flieth so much farther at one time than another , with how much greater velocity it goeth out of the tiller at one time , than another . SALV . So that to make the shaft shot either way , to flie at equal distance from the running chariot , it is requisite , that if in the first shoot of the precedent example , it goeth out of the tiller with v. g. four degrees of velocity , that then in the other shoot it depart but with two onely : but if the same bow be used , it always receiveth thence three degrees . SIMP . It doth so ; and for this reason , shooting with the same bow in the chariots course , the shoots cannot be equal . SALV . I had forgot to ask , with what velocity it is supposed in this particular experiment , that the chariot runneth . SIMP . The velocity of the chariot must be supposed to be one degree in comparison to that of the bow , which is three , SALV . Very right , for so computation gives it . But tell me , when the chariot moveth , doth not all things in the same move with the same velocity ? SIMP . Yes doubtless . SALV . Then so doth the shaft also , and the bow , and the string , upon which the shaft is nock't . SIMP . They do so . SALV . Why then , in discharging the shaft towards the course of the chariot , the bow impresseth its three degrees of velocity on a shaft that had one degree of velocity before , by means of the chariot which transported it so fast towards that part ; so that in its going off it hath four degrees of velocity . On the contrary , in the other shoot , the same bow conferreth its same three degrees of velocity on a shaft that moveth the contrary way , with one degree ; so that in its departing from the bow-string , it hath no more left but onely two degrees of velocity . But you your self have already said , that the way to make the shoots equal , is to cause that the shaft be let flie the first time with four degrees of velocity , and the second time with two . Therefore without changing the bow , the very course of the chariot is that which adjusteth the flights , and the experiment doth so represent them to any one who is not either wilfully or naturally incapable of reason . Now apply this discourse to Gunnery , and you shall find , that whether the Earth move or stand still , the shots made with the same force , will always curry equal ranges , to what part soever aimed . The error of Aristotle , Ptolomey , Tycho , your self , and all the rest , is grounded upon that fixed and strong persuasion , that the Earth standeth still , which you have not judgment nor power to depose , no not when you have a desire to argue of that which would ensue , presupposing the Earth to move . And thus , in the other argument , not considering that whil'st the stone is upon the Tower , it doth , as to moving or not moving , the same that the Terrestrial Globe doth , because you have concluded with your self , that the Earth stands still , you always discourse touching the fall of the stone , as if it were to depart from rest : whereas it behooveth to say , that if the Earth standeth still , the stone departeth from rest , and descendeth perpendicularly ; but if the Earth do move , the stone likewise moveth with like velocity , nor doth it depart from rest , but from a motion equal to that of the Earth , wherewith it intermixeth the supervenient motion of descent , and of those two composeth a third which is transversal or side-ways . SIMP . But for Gods sake , if it move transversly , how is it that I behold it to move directly and perpendicularly ? This is no better than the denial of manifest sense ; and if we may not believe sense , at what other door shall we enter into disquisitions of Philosophy ? SALV . In respect to the Earth , to the Tower , and to our selves , which all as one piece move with the diurnal motion together with the stone , the diurnal motion is as if it never had been , and becometh insensible , imperceptible , and without any action at all ; and the onely motion which we can perceive , is that of which we partake not , that is the descent gliding along the side of the Tower : You are not the first that hath felt great repugnance in apprehending this non-operating of motion upon things to which it is common . SAGR. Now I do remember a certain conceipt , that came one day into my fancy , whilst I sailed in my voyage to Aleppo , whither I went Consul for our Countrey , and possibly it may be of some use , for explaining this nullity of operation of common motion , and being as if it never were to all the partakers thereof . And if it stand with the good liking of Simplicius , I will reason with him upon that which then I thought of by my self alone . SIMP . The novelty of the things which I hear , makes me not so much a patient , as a greedy and curious auditor : therefore go on . SAGR. If the neb of a writing pen , that I carried along with me in the ship , through all my navigation from Venice to * Scanderon , had had a facultie of leaving visible marks of its whole voyage , what signs , what marks , what lines would it have left ? SIMP . It would have left a line distended from Venice thither , not perfectly streight , or to say better , distended in a perfect arch of a circle , but in some places more , in some less curved , according as the vessel had gone more or less fluctuating ; but this its inflecting in some places a fathom or two to the right hand or to the left , upwards or downwards , in a length of many hundred miles , would have brought but little alteration to the intire tract of the line , so that it would have been hardly sensible ; and without any considerable error , might have been called the part of a perfect arch . SAGR. So that the true and most exact motion of the neb of my pen would have also been an arch of a perfect circle , if the vessels motion , the fluctuation of the billows ceasing , had been calm and tranquill . And if I had continually held that per in my hand , and had onely moved it sometimes an inch or two this way or that way , what alteration should I have made in that its principal , and very long tract or stroke ? SIMP . Less than that which the declining in several places from absolute rectitude , but the quantity of a flea's eye makes in a right line of a thousand yards long . SAGR. If a Painter , then , at our launching from the Port , had began to design upon a paper with that pen , and continued his work till he came to Scanderon , he would have been able to have taken by its motion a perfect draught of all those figures perfectly interwoven and shadowed on several sides with countreys , buildings , living creatures , and other things ; albeit all the true , real , and essential motion traced out by the neb of that pen , would have been no other than a very long , but simple line : and as to the proper operation of the Painter , he would have delineated the same to an hair , if the ship had stood still . That therefore of the huge long motion of the pen there doth remain no other marks , than those tracks drawn upon the paper , the reason thereof is because the grand motion from Venice to Scanderon , was common to the paper , the pen , and all that which was in the ship : but the petty motions forwards and backwards , to the right , to the left , communicated by the fingers of the Painter unto the pen , and not to the paper , as being peculiar thereunto , might leave marks of it self upon the paper , which did not move with that motion . Thus it is likewise true , that the Earth moving , the motion of the stone in descending downwards , was really a long tract of many hundreds and thousands of yards , and if it could have been able to have delineated in a calm air , or other superficies , the track of its course , it would have left behind an huge long transverse line . But that part of all this motion which is common to the stone , the Tower , and our selves , is imperceptible to us , and as if it had never been , and that part onely remaineth observable , of which neither the Tower nor we are partakers , which is in fine , that wherewith the stone falling measureth the Tower. SALV . A most witty conceipt to clear up this point , which was not a little difficult to many capacities . Now if Simplicius will make no farther reply , we may pass to the other experiments , the unfolding of which will receive no small facility from the things already declared . SIMP . I have nothing more to say : and I was well-nigh transported with that delineation , and with thinking how those strokes drawn so many ways , hither , thither , upwards , downwards , forwards , backwards , and interwoven with thousands of turnings , are not essentially or really other , than small pieces of one sole line drawn all one way , and the same without any other alteration save the declining the direct rectitude , sometimes a very insensible matter towards one side or another , and the pens moving its neb one while softer , another while slower , but with very small inequality . And I think that it would in the same manner write a letter , and that those frollike penmen , who to shew their command of hand , without taking their pen from the paper in one sole stroke , with infinite turnings draw a pleasant knot , if they were in a boat that did tide it along swiftly they would convert the whole motion of the pen , which in reality is but one sole line , drawn all towards one and the same part , and very little curved , or declining from perfect rectitude , into a knot or flourish . And I am much pleased that Sagredus hath helped me to this conceit : therefore let us go on , for the hope of meeting with more of them , will make me the stricter in my attention . SAGR. If you have a curiosity to hear such like subtilties , which occurr not thus to every one , you will find no want of them , especially in this particular of Navigation ; and do you not think that a witty conceit which I met with likewise in the same voyage , when I observed that the mast of the ship , without either breaking or bending , had made a greater voyage with its round-top , that is with its top-gallant , than with its foot ; for the round top being more distant from the centre of the Earth than the foot is , it had described the arch of a circle bigger than the circle by which the foot had passed . SIMP . And thus when a man walketh he goeth farther with his head than with his feet . SAGR. You have found out the matter your self by help of your own mother-vvit : But let us not interrupt Salviatus . SALV . It pleaseth me to see Simplicius hovv he sootheth up himself in this conceit , if happly it be his ovvn , and that he hath not borrovved it from a certain little pamphlet of conclusions , vvhere there are a great many more such fancies no less pleasant & vvitty . It follovveth that vve speak of the peice of Ordinance mounted perpendicular to the Horizon , that is , of a shot tovvards our vertical point , and to conclude , of the return of the ball by the same line unto the same peice , though that in the long time vvhich it is separated from the peice , the earth hath transported it many miles tovvards the East ; novv it seemeth , that the ball ought to fall a like distance from the peice tovvards the West ; the vvhich doth not happen : therefore the peice vvithout having been moved did stay expecting the same . The ansvver is the same vvith that of the stone falling from the Tovver ; and all the fallacy , and equivocation consisteth in supposing still for true , that vvhich is in question ; for the Opponent hath it still fixed in his conceit that the ball departs from its rest , being discharged by the fire from the piece ; and the departing from the state of rest , cannot be , unlesse the immobility of the Terrestrial Globe be presupposed , which is the conclusion of that was in dispute ; Therefore , I reply , that those who make the Earth moveable , answer , that the piece , and the ball that is in it , partake of the same motion with the Earth ; nay that they have this together with her from nature ; and that therefore the ball departs in no other manner from its quiescence , but conjoyned with its motion about the centre , the which by its projection upwards , is neither taken away , nor hindered ; and in this manner following , the universal motion of the Earth towards the East , it alwayes keepeth perpendicular over the said piece , as well in its rise as in its return . And the same you see to ensue , in making the experiment in a ship with a bullet shot upwards perpendicularly with a Crosse-bow , which returneth to the same place whether the ship doth move , or stand still . SAGR. This satisfieth very well to all ; but because that I have seen that Simplicius taketh pleasure with certain subtilties to puzzle his companions , I will demand of him whether , supposing for this time that the Earth standeth still , and the piece erected upon it perpendicularly , directed to our Zenith , he do at all question that to be the true perpendicular shot , and that the ball in departing , and in its return is to go by the same right line , still supposing all external and accidental impediments to be removed ? SIMP . I understand that the matter ought to succeed exactly in that manner . SAGR. But if the piece were placed , not prependicularly , but inclining towards some place , what would the motion of the ball be ? Would it go haply , as in the other shot , by the perpendicular line , and return again by the same ? SIMP . It would not so do ; but issuing out of the piece , it would pursue its motion by a right line which prolongeth the erect perpendicularity of the concave cylinder of the piece , unlesse so far as its own vveight vvould make it decline from that erection towards the Earth . SAGR. So that the mounture of the cylinder is the regulator of the motion of the ball , nor doth it , or would it move out of that line , if its own gravity did not make it decline downwards . And therefore placing the cylinder perpendicularly , and shooting the ball upwards , it returneth by the same right line downvvards ; because the motion of the ball dependent on its gravity is downward , by the same perpendicular . The journey therefore of the ball out of the piece , continueth or prolongeth the rectitude or perpendicularity of that small part of the said journey , vvhich it made vvithin the said piece ; is it not so ? SIMP . So it is , in my opinion . SAGR. Now imagine the cylinder to be erected , and that the Earth doth revolve about vvith a diurnal motion , carrying the piece along vvith it , tell me vvhat shall be the motion of the ball vvithin the cylinder , having given fire ? SIMP . It shall be a streight and perpendicular motion , the cylinder being erected perpendicularly . SAGR. Consider vvell vvhat you say : for I believe that it vvill not be perpendicular . It vvould indeed be perpendicular , if the Earth stood still , for so the ball vvould have no other motion but that proceeding from the fire . But in case the Earth turns round , the ball that is in the piece , hath likewise a diurnal motion , so that there being added to the same the impulse of the fire , it moveth from the breech of the piece to the muzzle with two motions , from the composition whereof it cometh to passe that the motion made by the centre of the balls gravity is an inclining line . And for your clearer understanding the same , let the piece AC [ in Fig. 2. ] be erected , and in it the ball B ; it is manifest , that the piece standing immoveable , and fire being given to it , the ball will make its way out by the mouth A , and with its centre , passing thorow the the piece , shall have described the perpendicular line BA , and it shall pursue that rectitude when it is out of the piece , moving toward the Zenith . But in case the Earth should move round , and consequently carry the piece along with it , in the time that the ball driven out of the piece shall move along the cylinder , the piece being carried by the Earth , shall passe into the situation DE , and the ball B , in going off , would be at the cornish D , and the motion of the bals centre , would have been according to the line BD , no longer perpendicular , but inclining towards the East ; and the ball ( as hath been concluded ) being to continue its motion through the air , according to the direction of the motion made in the piece , the said motion shall continue on according to the inclination of the line BD , and so shall no longer be perpendicular , but inclined towards the East , to which part the piece doth also move ; whereupon the ball may follow the motion of the Earth , and of the piece . Now Simplicius , you see it demonstrated , that the Range which you took to be perpendicular , is not so . SIMP . I do not very well understand this business ; do you , Salviatus ? SALV . I apprehend it in part ; but I have a certain kind of scruple , which I wish I knew how to express . It seems to me , that according to what hath been said , if the Piece be erected perpendicular , and the Earth do move , the ball would not be to fall , as Aristotle and Tycho will have it , far from the Piece towards the West , nor as you would have it , upon the Piece , but rather far distant towards the East . For according to your explanation , it would have two motions , the which would with one consent carry it thitherward , to wit , the common motion of the Earth , which carrieth the Piece and the ball from CA towards ED ; and the fire which carrieth it by the inclined line BD , both motions towards the East , and therefore they are superiour to the motion of the Earth . SAGR. Not so , Sir. The motion which carrieth the ball towards the East , cometh all from the Earth , and the fire hath no part at all therein : the motion which mounteth the ball upwards , is wholly of fire , wherewith the Earth hath nothing to do . And that it is so , if you give not fire , the ball will never go out of the Piece , nor yet rise upwards a hairs breadth ; as also if you make the Earth immoveable , and give fire , the ball without any inclination shall go perpendicularly upwards . The ball therefore having two motions , one upwards , and the other in gyration , of both which the transverse line BD is compounded , the impulse upward is wholly of fire , the circular cometh wholly from the Earth , and is equal to the Earths motion : and being equal to it , the ball maintaineth it self all the way directly over the mouth of the Piece , and at last falleth back into the same : and because it always observeth the erection of the Piece , it appeareth also continually over the head of him that is near the Piece , and therefore it appeareth to mount exactly perpendicular towards our Zenith , or vertical point . SIMP . I have yet one doubt more remaining , and it is , that in regard the motion of the ball is very swift in the Piece , it seems not possible , that in that moment of time the transposition of the Piece from CA to AD should confer such an inclination upon the transverse line CD , that by means thereof , the ball when it cometh afterwards into the air should be able to follow the course of the Earth . SAGR. You err upon many accounts ; and first , the inclination of the transverse line CD , I believe it is much greater than you take it to be , for I verily think that the velocity of the Earths motion , not onely under the Equinoctial , but in our paralel also , is greater than that of the ball whilst it moveth in the Piece ; so that the interval CE would be absolutely much bigger than the whole length of the Piece , and the inclination of the transverse line consequently bigger than half a right angle : but be the velocity of the Earth more , or be it less , in comparison of the velocity of the fire , this imports nothing ; for if the velocity of the Earth be small , and consequently the inclination of the transverse line be little also ; there is then also need but of little inclination to make the ball suspend it self in its range directly over the Piece . And in a word , if you do but attentively consider , you will comprehend , that the motion of the Earth in transferring the Piece along with it from CA to ED , conferreth upon the transverse line CD , so much of little or great inclination , as is required to adjust the range to its perpendicularity . But you err , secondly , in that you referr the faculty of carrying the ball along with the Earth to the impulse of the fire , and you run into the same error , into which Salviatus , but even now seemed to have fallen ; for the faculty of following the motion of the Earth , is the primary and perpetual motion , indelibly and inseparably imparted to the said ball , as to a thing terrestrial , and that of its own nature doth and ever shall possess the same . SALV . Let us yield , Simplicius , for the business is just as he saith . And now from this discourse let us come to understand the reason of a Venatorian Problem , of those Fowlers who with their guns shoot a bird flying ; and because I did imagine , that in regard the bird flieth a great pace , therefore they should aim their shot far from the bird , anticipating its flight for a certain space , and more or less according to its velocity and the distance of the bird , that so the bullet hasting directly to the mark aimed at , it might come to arrive at the self same time in the same point with its motion , and the bird with its flight , and by that means one to encounter the other : and asking one of them , if their practise was not so to do ; He told me , no ; but that the slight was very easie and certain , and that they took aim just in the same manner as if they had shot at a bird that did sit still ; that is , they made the flying bird their mark , and by moving their fowling-piece they followed her , keeping their aim still full upon her , till such time as they let fly , and in this manner shot her as they did others sitting still . It is necessary therefore that that motion , though slow , which the fowling-piece maketh in turning and following after the flight of the bird do communicate it self to the bullet also , and that it be joyned with that of the fire ; so that the ball hath from the fire the motion directly upwards , and from the concave Cylinder of the barrel the declination according to the flight of the Bird , just as was said before of the shot of a Canon ; where the ball receiveth from the fire a virtue of mounting upwards towards the Zenith , and from the motion of the Earth its winding towards the East , and of both maketh a compound motion that followeth the course of the Earth , and that to the beholder seemeth onely to go directly upwards , and return again downwards by the same line . The holding therefore of the gun continually directed towards the mark , maketh the shoot hit right , and that you may keep your gun directed to the mark , in case the mark stands still , you must also hold your gun still ; and if the mark shall move , the gun must be kept upon the mark by moving . And upon this dependeth the proper answer to the other argument taken from the shot of a Canon , at the mark placed towards the South or North : wherein is alledged , that if the Earth should move , the shots would all range Westward of the mark , because that in the time whilst the ball , being forc'd out of the Piece , goeth through the air to the mark , the said mark being carried toward the East , would leave the ball to the Westward . I answer therefore , demanding whether if the Canon be aimed true at the mark , and permitted so to continue , it will constantly hit the said mark , whether the Earth move or stand still ? It must be replied , that the aim altereth not at all , for if the mark doth stand still , the Piece also doth stand still , and if it , being transported by the Earths motion , doth move , the Piece doth also move at the same rate , and , the aim maintained , the shot proveth always true , as by what hath been said above , is manifest . SAGR. Stay a little , I entreat you , Salviatus , till I have propounded a certain conceit touching these shooters of birds flying , whose proceeding I believe to be the same which you relate , and believe the effect of hitting the bird doth likewise follow : but yet I cannot think that act altogether conformable to this of shooting in great Guns , which ought to hit as well when the piece and mark moveth , as when they both stand still ; and these , in my opinion , are the particulars in which they disagree . In shooting with a great Gun both it and the mark move with equal velocity , being both transported by the motion of the Terrestrial Globe : and albeit sometimes the piece being planted more towards the Pole , than the mark , and consequently its motion being somewhat flower than the motion of the mark , as being made in a lesser circle , such a difference is insensible , at that little distance of the piece from the mark : but in the shot of the Fowler the motion of the Fowling-piece wherewith it goeth following the bird , is very slow in comparison of the flight of the said bird ; whence me thinks it should follow , that that small motion which the turning of the Birding-piece conferreth on the bullet that is within it , cannot , when it is once gone forth of it , multiply it self in the air , untill it come to equal the velocity of the birds flight , so as that the said bullet should always keep direct upon it : nay , me thinketh the bird would anticipate it and leave it behind . Let me add , that in this act , the air through which the bullet is to pass , partaketh not of the motion of the bird : whereas in the case of the Canon , both it , the mark , and the intermediate air , do equally partake of the common diurnal motion . So that the true cause of the Marks-man his hitting the mark , as it should seem , moreover and besides the following the birds flight with the piece , is his somewhat anticipating it , taking his aim before it ; as also his shooting ( as I believe ) not with one bullet , but with many small balls ( called shot ) the which scattering in the air possess a great space ; and also the extreme velocity wherewith these shot , being discharged from the Gun , go towards the bird . SALV . See how far the winged wit of Sagredus anticipateth , and out-goeth the dulness of mine ; which perhaps would have light upon these disparities , but not without long studie . Now turning to the matter in hand , there do remain to be considered by us the shots at point blank , towards the East and towards the West ; the first of which , if the Earth did move , would always happen to be too high above the mark , and the second too low ; forasmuch as the parts of the Earth Eastward , by reason of the diurnal motion , do continually descend beneath the tangent paralel to the Horizon , whereupon the Eastern stars to us appear to ascend ; and on the contrary , the parts Westward do more and more ascend , whereupon the Western stars do in our seeming descend : and therefore the ranges which are leveled according to the said tangent at the Oriental mark , ( which whilst the ball passeth along by the tangent descendeth ) should prove too high , and the Occidental too low by means of the elevation of the mark , whilst the ball passeth along the tangent . The answer is like to the rest : for as the Eastern mark goeth continually descending , by reason of the Earths motion , under a tangent that continueth immoveable ; so likewise the piece for the same reason goeth continually inclining , and with its mounture pursuing the said mark : by which means the shot proveth true . But here I think it a convenient opportunity to give notice of certain concessions , which are granted perhaps over liberally by the followers of Copernicus unto their Adversaries : I mean of yielding to them certain experiments for sure and certain , which yet the Adversaries themselves had never made tryal of : as for example , that of things falling from the round-top of a ship whilst it is in motion , and many others ; amongst which I verily believe , that this of experimenting whether the shot made by a Canon towards the East proveth too high , and the Western shot too low , is one : and because I believe that they have never made tryal thereof , I desire that they would tell me what difference they think ought to happen between the said shots , supposing the Earth moveable , or supposing it moveable ; and let Simplicius for this time answer for them . SIMP . I will not undertake to answer so confidently as another more intelligent perhaps might do ; but shall speak what thus upon the sudden I think they would reply ; which is in effect the same with that which hath been said already , namely , that in case the Earth should move , the shots made Eastward would prove too high , &c. the ball , as it is probable , being to move along the tangent . SALV . But if I should say , that so it falleth out upon triall , how would you censure me ? SIMP . It is necessary to proceed to experiments for the proving of it . SALV . But do you think , that there is to be found a Gunner so skilful , as to hit the mark at every shoot , in a distance of v.g. five hundred paces ? SIMP . No Sir ; nay I believe that there is no one , how good a marks-man soever that would promise to come within a pace of the mark , SALV . How can we then , with shots so uncertain , assure our selves of that which is in dispute ? SIMP . We may be assured thereof two wayes ; one , by making many shots ; the other , because in respect of the great velocity of the Earths motion , the deviation from the mark would in my opinion be very great . SALV . Very great , that is more than one pace ; in regard that the varying so much , yea and more , is granted to happen ordinarily even in the Earths mobility . SIMP . I verily believe the variation from the mark would be more than so . SALV . Now I desire that for our satisfaction we do make thus in grosse a slight calculation , if you consent thereto , which will stand us in stead likewise ( if the computation succeed as I expect ) for a warning how we do in other occurrences suffer our selves , as the saying is , to be taken with the enemies shouts , and surrender up our belief to what ever first presents it self to our fancy . And now to give all advantages to the Peripateticks and Tychonicks , let us suppose our selves to be under the Equinoctial , there to shoot a piece of Ordinance point blank Eastwards at a mark five hundred paces off . First , let us see thus ( as I said ) in a level , what time the shot after it is gone out of the Piece taketh to arrive at the mark ; which we know to be very little , and is certainly no more than that wherein a travailer walketh two steps , which also is less than the second of a minute of an hour ; for supposing that the travailer walketh three miles in an hour , which are nine thousand paces , being that an hour containes three thousand , six hundred second minutes , the travailer walketh two steps and an half in a second , a second therefore is more than the time of the balls motion . And for that the diurnal revolution is twenty four hours , the Western horizon riseth fifteen degrees in an hour , that is , fifteen first minutes of a degree , in one first minute of an hour ; that is , fifteen seconds of a degree , in one second of an hour ; and because one second is the time of the shot , therefore in this time the Western horizon riseth fifteen seconds of a degree , and so much likewise the mark ; and therefore fifteen seconds of that circle , whose semidiameter is five hundred paces ( for so much the distance of the mark from the Piece was supposed . ) Now let us look in the table of Arches and Chords ( see here is Copernicus his book ) what part is the chord of fifteen seconds of the semidiameter , that is , five hundred paces . Here you see the chord ( or subtense ) of a first minute to be less than thirty of those parts , of which the semidiameter is an hundred thousand . Therefore the chord of a second minute shall be less then half of one of those parts , that is less than one of those parts , of which the semidiameter is two hundred thousand ; and therefore the chord of fifteen conds shall be less than fifteen of those same two hundred thousand parts ; but that which is less than a fifteen parts of two hundred thousand , is also more than that which is four centesmes of five hundred ; therefore the ascent of the mark in the time of the balls motion is lesse than four centesmes , that is , than one twenty fifth part of a pace ; it shall be therefore b about two inches : And so much consequently shall be the variation of each Western shot , the Earth being supposed to have a diurnal motion . Now if I shall tell you , that this variation ( I mean of falling two inches short of what they would do in case the Earth did not move ) upon triall doth happen in all shots , how will you convince me Simplicius , shewing me by an experiment that it is not so ? Do you not see that it is impossible to confute me , unless you first find out a way to shoot at a mark with so much exactnesse , as never to misse an hairs bredth ? For whilst the ranges of great shot consist of different numbers of paces , as de facto they do , I will affirm that in each of those variations there is contained that of two inches caused by the motion of the Earth . SAGR. Pardon me , Salviatus , you are too liberal . For I would tell the Peripateticks , that though every shot should hit the very centre of the mark , that should not in the least disprove the motion of the Earth . For the Gunners are so constantly imployed in levelling the sight and gun to the mark , as that they can hit the same , notwithstanding the motion of the Earth . And I say , that if the Earth should stand still , the shots would not prove true ; but the Occidental would be too low , and the Oriental too high : now let Simplicius disprove me if he can . SALV . This is a subtilty worthy of Sagredus : But whether this variation be to be observed in the motion , or in the rest of the Earth , it must needs be very small , it must needs be swallowed up in those very great ones which sundry accidents continually produce . And all this hath been spoken and granted on good grounds to Simplicius , and only with●n intent to advertise him how much it importeth to be cautious in granting many experiments for true to those who never had tried them , but only eagerly alledged them just as they ought to be for the serving their purpose : This is spoken , I say , by way of surplussage and Corollary to Simplicius , for the real truth is , that as concerning these shots , the same ought exactly to befall aswell in the motion as in the rest of the Terrestrial Globe ; as likewise it will happen in all the other experiments that either have been or can be produced , which have at first blush so much semblance of truth , as the antiquated opinion of the Earths motion hath of equivocation . SAGR. As for my part I am fully satisfied , and very well understand that who so shall imprint in his fancy this general community of the diurnal conversion amongst all things Terrestrial , to all which it naturally agreeth , aswell as in the old conceit of its rest about the centre , shall doubtlesse discern the fallacy and equivoke which made the arguments produced seem eoncluding . There yet remains in me some haesitancy ( as I have hinted before ) touching the flight of birds ; the which having as it were an animate faculty of moving at their pleasure with a thousand motions , and to stay long in the Air separated from the Earth , and therein with most irregular windings to go fluttering to and again , I cannot conceive how amongst so great a confusion of motions , they should be able to retain the first commune motion ; and in what manner , having once made any stay behind , they can get it up again , and overtake the same with flying , and keep pace with the Towers and trees which hurry with so precipitant a course towards the East ; I say so precipitant , for in the great circle of the Globe it is little lesse than a thousand miles an hour , whereof the flight of the swallow I believe makes not fifty . SALV . If the birds were to keep pace with the course of the trees by help of their wings , they would of necessity flie very fast ; and if they were deprived of the universal conversion , they would lag as far behind ; and their flight would seem as furious towards the West , and to him that could discern the same , it would much exceed the flight of an arrow ; but I think we could not be able to perceive it , no more than we see a Canon bullet , whil'st driven by the fury of the fire , it flieth through the Air : But the truth is that the proper motion of birds , I mean of their flight , hath nothing to do with the universal motion , to which it is neither an help , nor an hinderance ; and that which maintaineth the said motion unaltered in the birds , is the Air it self , thorough which they flie , which naturally follovving the Vertigo of the Earth , like as it carrieth the clouds along with it , so it transporteth birds and every thing else which is pendent in the same ; in so much that as to the businesse of keeping pace vvith the Earth , the birds need take no care thereof , but for that work might sleep perpetually . SAGR. That the Air can carry the clouds along with it , as being matters easie for their lightnesse to be moved and deprived of all other contrary inclination , yea more , as being matters that partake also of the conditions and properties of the Earth ; I comprehend without any difficulty ; but that birds , which as having life , may move with a motion quite contrary to the diurnal , once having surceased the said motion , the Air should restore them to it , seems to me a little strange , and the rather for that they are solid and weighty bodies ; and withal , we see ; as hath been said , stones and other grave bodies to lie unmoved against the impetus of the air ; and when they suffer themselves to be overcome thereby , they never acquire so much velocity as the wind which carrieth them . SALV . We ascribe not so little force , Sagredus , to the moved Air , which is able to move and bear before it ships full fraught , to tear up trees by the roots , and overthrow Towers when it moveth swiftly ; and yet we cannot say that the motion of the Air in these violent operations is neer so violent , as that of the diurnal revolution . SIMP . You see then that the moved Air may also cotinue the motion of projects , according to the Doctrine of Aristotle ; and it seemed to me very strange that he should have erred in this particular . SALV . It may without doubt , in case it could continue it self , but lik as when the wind ceasing neither ships go on , nor trees are blown down , so the motion in the Air not continuing after the stone is gone out of the hand , and the Air ceasing to move , it followeth that it must be something else besides the Air that maketh the projects to move . SIMP . But how upon the winds being laid , doth the ship cease to move ? Nay you may see that when the wind is down , and the sails furl'd , the vessel continueth to run whole miles . SALV . But this maketh against your self Simplicius , for that the wind being laid that filling the sails drove on the ship , yet neverthelesse doth it without help of the medium continue its course . SIMP . It might be said that the water was the medium which carried forward the ship , and maintain'd it in motion . SALV . It might indeed be so affirmed , if you would speak quite contrary to truth ; for the truth is , that the water , by reason of its great resistance to the division made by the hull of the ship , doth with great noise resist the same ; nor doth it permit it of a great while to acquire that velocity which the wind would confer upon it , were the obstacle of the water removed . Perhaps Simplicius you have never considered with what fury the water besets a bark , whil'st it forceth its way through a standing water by help of Oars or Sails : for if you had ever minded that effect , you would not now have produced such an absurdity . And I am thinking that you have hitherto been one of those who to find out how such things succeed , and to come to the knowledg of natural effects , do not betake themselves to a Ship , a Crosse-bow , or a piece of Ordinance , but retire into their studies , and turn over Indexes and Tables to see whether Aristotle hath spoken any thing thereof , and being assured of the true sense of the Text , neither desire nor care for knowing any more . SAGR. This is a great felicity , and they are to be much envied for it . For if knowledg be desired by all , and if to be wise , be to think ones self so , they enjoy a very great happinesse , for that they may perswade themselves that they know and understand all things , in soorn of those who knowing , that they understand not what these think they understand , and consequently seeking that they know not the very least particle of what is knowable , kill themselves with waking and studying , and consume their days in experiments and observations . But pray you let us return to our birds ; touching which you have said , that the Air being moved with great velocity , might restore unto them that part of the diurnal motion which amongst the windings of their flight they might have lost ; to which I reply , that the agitated Air seemeth unable to confer on a solid and grave body , so great a velocity as its own : And because that of the Air is as great as that of the Earth , I cannot think that the Air is able to make good the losse of the birds retardation in flight . SALV . Your discourse hath in it much of probability , and to stick at trivial doubts is not for an acute wit ; yet neverthelesse the probability being removed , I believed that it hath not a jot more force than the others already considered and resolved . SAGR. It is most certain that if it be not necessarily concludent , its efficacy must needs be just nothing at all , for it is onely when the conclusion is necessary that the opponent hath nothing to alledg on the contrary . SALV . Your making a greater scruple of this than of the other instances dependeth , if I mistake not , upon the birds being animated , and thereby enabled to use their strength at pleasure against the primary motion in-bred in terrene bodies : like as for example , we see them whil'st they are alive to fly upwards , a thing altogether impossible for them to do as they are grave bodies ; whereas being dead they can onely fall downwards ; and therefore you hold that the reasons that are of force in all the kinds of projects above named , cannot take place in birds : Now this is very true ; and because it is so , Sagredus , that doth not appear to be done in those projects , which we see the birds to do . For if from the top of a Tower you let fall a dead bird and a live one , the dead bird shall do the same that a stone doth , that is , it shall first follow the general motion diurnal , and then the motion of descent , as grave ; but if the bird let fall , be a live , what shall hinder it , ( there ever remaining in it the diurnal motion ) from soaring by help of its wings to what place of the Horizon it shall please ? and this new motion , as being peculiar to the bird , and not participated by us , must of necessity be visible to us ; and if it be moved by help of its wings towards the West , what shall hinder it from returning with a like help of its wings unto the Tower. And , because , in the last place , the bird swending its flight towards the West was no other than a withdrawing from the diurnal motion , ( which hath , suppose ten degrees of velocity ) one degree onely , there did thereupon remain to the bird whil'st it was in its flight nine degrees of velocity , and so soon as it did alight upon the the Earth , the ten common degrees returned to it , to which , by flying towards the East it might adde one , and with those eleven overtake the Tower. And in short , if we well consider , and more narrowly examine the effects of the flight of birds , they differ from the projects shot or thrown to any part of the World in nothing , save onely that the projects are moved by an external projicient , and the birds by an internal principle . And here for a final proof of the nullity of all the experiments before illedged , I conceive it now a time and place convenient to demonstrate a way how to make an exact trial of them all . Shut your self up with some friend in the grand Cabbin between the decks of some large Ship , and there procure gnats , flies , and such other small winged creatures : get also a great tub ( or other vessel ) full of water , and within it put certain fishes ; let also a certain bottle be hung up , which drop by drop letteth forth its water into another bottle placed underneath , having a narrow neck : and , the Ship lying still , observe diligently how those small winged animals fly with like velocity towards all parts of the Cabin ; how the fishes swim indifferently towards all sides ; and how the distilling drops all fall into the bottle placed underneath . And casting any thing towards your friend , you need not throw it with more force one way then another , provided the distances be equal : and leaping , as the saying is , with your feet closed , you will reach as far one way as another . Having observed all these particulars , though no man doubteth that so long as the vessel stands still , they ought to succeed in this manner ; make the Ship to move with what velocity you please ; for ( so long as the motion is uniforme , and not fluctuating this way and that way ) you shall not discern any the least alteration in all the forenamed effects ; nor can you gather by any of them whether the Ship doth move or stand still . In leaping you shall reach as far upon the floor , as before ; nor for that the Ship moveth shall you make a greater leap towards the poop than towards the prow ; howbeit in the time that you staid in the Air , the floor under your feet shall have run the contrary way to that of your jump ; and throwing any thing to your companion you shall not need to cast it with more strength that it may reach him , if he shall be towards the prow , and you towards the poop , then if you stood in a contrary situation ; the drops shall all distill as before into the inferiour bottle , and not so much as one shall fall towards the poop , albeit whil'st the drop is in the Air , the Ship shall have run many feet ; the Fishes in their water shall not swim with more trouble towards the fore-part , than towards the hinder part of the tub ; but shall with equal velocity make to the bait placed on any side of the tub ; and lastly , the flies and gnats shall continue their flight indifferently towards all parts ; nor shall they ever happen to be driven together towards the side of the Cabbin next the prow , as if they were wearied with following the swift course of the Ship , from which through their suspension in the Air , they had been long separated ; and if burning a few graines of incense you make a little smoke , you shall see it ascend on high , and there in manner of a cloud suspend it self , and move indifferently , not inclining more to one side than another : and of this correspondence of effects the cause is for that the Ships motion is common to all the things contained in it , and to the Air also ; I mean if those things be shut up in the Cabbin : but in case those things were above deck in the open Air , and not obliged to follow the course of the Ship , differences more or lesse notable would be observed in some of the fore-named effects , and there is no doubt but that the smoke would stay behind as much as the Air it self ; the flies also , and the gnats being hindered by the Air would not be able to follow the motion of the Ship , if they were separated at any distance from it . But keeping neer thereto , because the Ship it self as being an unfractuous Fabrick , carrieth along with it part of its neerest Air , they would follow the said Ship without any pains or difficulty . And for the like reason we see sometimes in riding post , that the troublesome flies and * hornets do follow the horses flying sometimes to one , sometimes to another part of the body , but in the falling drops the difference would be very small ; and in the salts , and projections of grave bodies altogether imperceptible . SAGR. Though it came not into my thoughts to make triall of these observations , when I was at Sea , yet am I confident that they will succeed in the same manner , as you have related ; in confirmation of which I remember that being in my Cabbin I have asked an hundred times whether the Ship moved or stood still ; and sometimes I have imagined that it moved one way , when it steered quite another way . I am therefore as hitherto satisfied and convinced of the nullity of all those experiments that have been produced in proof of the negative part . There now remains the objection founded upon that which experience shews us , namely , that a swift Vertigo or whirling about hath a faculty to extrude and disperse the matters adherent to the machine that turns round ; whereupon many were of opinion , and Ptolomy amongst the rest , that if the Earth should turn round with so great velocity , the stones and creatures upon it should be tost into the Skie , and that there could not be a morter strong enough to fasten buildings so to their foundations , but that they would likewise suffer a like extrusion . SALV . Before I come to answer this objection , I cannot but take notice of that which I have an hundred times observed , and not without laughter , to come into the minds of most men so soon as ever they hear mention made of this motion of the Earth , which is believed by them so fixt and immoveable , that they not only never doubted of that rest , but have ever strongly believed that all other men aswell as they , have held it to be created immoveable , and so to have continued through all succeeding ages : and being setled in this perswasion , they stand amazed to hear that any one should grant it motion , as if , after that he had held it to be immoveable , he had fondly thought it to commence its motion then ( and not till then ) when Pythagoras ( or whoever else was the first hinter of its mobility ) said that it did move . Now that such a foolish conceit ( I mean of thinking that those who admit the motion of the Earth , have first thought it to stand still from its creation , untill the time of Pythagoras , and have onely made it moveable after that Pythagoras esteemed it so ) findeth a place in the mindes of the vulgar , and men of shallow capacities , I do not much wonder ; but that such persons as Aristotle and Ptolomy should also run into this childish mistake , is to my thinking a more admirable and unpardonable folly . SAGR. You believe then , Salviatus , that Ptolomy thought , that in his Disputation he was to maintain the stability of the Earth against such persons , as granting it to have been immoveable , untill the time of Pythagoras , did affirm it to have been but then made moveable , when the said Pythagoras ascribed unto it motion . SALV . We can think no other , if we do but consider the way he taketh to confute their assertion ; the confutation of which consists in the demolition of buildings , and the tossing of stones , living creatures and men themselves up into the Air. And because such overthrows and extrusions cannot be made upon buildings and men , which were not before on the Earth , nor can men be placed , nor buildings erected upon the Earth , unlesse when it standeth still ; hence therefore it is cleer , that Ptolomy argueth against those , who having granted the stability of the Earth for some time , that is , so long as living creatures , stones , and Masons were able to abide there , and to build Palaces and Cities , make it afterwards precipitately moveable to the overthrow and destructiof Edifices , and living creatures , &c. For if he had undertook to dispute against such as had ascribed that revolution to the Earth from its first creation , he would have confuted them by saying , that if the Earth had alwayes moved , there could never have been placed upon it either men or stones ; much less could buildings have been erected , or Cities founded , &c. SIMP . I do not well conceive these Aristotelick and Ptolomaick inconveniences . SALV . Ptolomey either argueth against those who have esteemed the Earth always moveable ; or against such as have held that it stood for some time still , and hath since been set on moving . If against the first , he ought to say , that the Earth did not always move , for that then there would never have been men , animals , or edifices on the Earth , its vertigo not permitting them to stay thereon . But in that he arguing , saith that the Earth doth not move , because that beasts , men , and houses before plac'd on the Earth would precipitate , he supposeth the Earth to have been once in such a state , as that it did admit men and beasts to stay , and build thereon ; the which draweth on the consequence , that it did for some time stand still , to wit , was apt for the abode of animals and erection of buildings . Do you now conceive what I would say ? SIMP . I do , and I do not : but this little importeth to the merit of the cause ; nor can a small mistake of Ptolomey , committed through inadvertencie be sufficient to move the Earth , when it is immoveable . But omitting cavils , let us come to the substance of the argument , which to me seems unanswerable . SALV . And I , Simplicius , will drive it home , and re-inforce it , by shewing yet more sensibly , that it is true that grave bodies turn'd with velocity about a settled centre , do acquire an impetus of moving , and receding to a distance from that centre , even then when they are in a state of having a propension of moving naturally to the same . Tie a bottle that hath water in it , to the end of a cord , and holding the other end fast in your hand , and making the cord and your arm the semi-diameter , and the knitting of the shoulder the centre , swing the bottle very fast about , so as that it may describe the circumference of a circle , which , whether it be parallel to the Horizon , or perpendicular to it , or any way inclined , it shall in all cases follow , that the water will not fall out of the bottle : nay , he that shall swing it , shall find the cord always draw , and strive to go farther from the shoulder . And if you bore a hole in the bottom of the bottle , you shall see the water spout forth no less upwards into the skie , than laterally , and downwards to the Earth ; and if instead of water , you shall put little pebble stones into the bottle , and swing it in the same manner , you shall find that they will strive in the like manner against the cord . And lastly , we see boys throw stones a great way , by swinging round a piece of a stick , at the end of which the stone is let into a slit ( which stick is called by them a sling ; ) all which are arguments of the truth of the conclusion , to wit , that the vertigo or swing conferreth upon the moveable , a motion towards the circumference , in case the motion be swift : and therefore if the Earth revolve about its own centre , the motion of the superficies , and especially towards the great circle , as being incomparably more swift than those before named , ought to extrude all things up into the air . SIMP . The Argument seemeth to me very well proved and inforced ; and I believe it would be an hard matter to answer and overthrow it . SALV . It s solution dependeth upon certain notions no less known and believed by you , than by my self : but because they come not into your mind , therefore it is that you perceive not the answer ; wherefore , without telling you it ( for that you know the same already ) I shall with onely assisting your memory , make you to refute this argument . SIMP . I have often thought of your way of arguing , which hath made me almost think that you lean to that opinion of Plato , Quòd nostrum scire sit quoddam reminisci ; therefore I intreat you to free me from this doubt , by letting me know your judgment . SALV . What I think of the opinion of Plato , you may gather from my words and actions . I have already in the precedent conferences expresly declared my self more than once ; I will pursue the same style in the present case , which may hereafter serve you for an example , thereby the more easily to gather what my opinion is touching the attainment of knowledg , when a time shall offer upon some other day : but I would not have Sagred●s offended at this digression . SAGR. I am rather very much pleased with it , for that I remember that when I studied Logick , I could never comprehend that so much cry'd up and most potent demonstration of Aristotle . SALV . Let us go on therefore ; and let Simplicius , tell me what that motion is which the stone maketh that is held fast in the slit of the sling , when the boy swings it about to throw it a great way ? SIMP . The motion of the stone , so long as it is in the slit , is circular , that is , moveth by the arch of a circle , whose stedfast centre is the knitting of the shoulder , and its semi-diameter the arm and stick . SALV . And when the stone leaveth the sling , what is its motion ? Doth it continue to follow its former circle , or doth it go by another line ? SIMP . It will continue no longer to swing round , for then it would not go farther from the arm of the projicient , whereas we see it go a great way off . SALV . With what motion doth it move then ? SIMP . Give me a little time to think thereof ; For I have never considered it before . SALV . Hark hither , Sagredus ; this is the Quoddam reminisci in a subject well understood . You have paused a great while , Simplicius . SIMP . As far as I can see , the motion received in going out of the sling , can be no other than by a right line ; nay , it must necessarily be so , if we speak of the pure adventitious impetus . I was a little puzled to see it make an arch , but because that arch bended all the way upwards , and no other way , I conceive that that incurvation cometh from the gravity of the stone , vvhich naturally dravveth it dovvnvvards . The impressed impetus , I say , vvithout respecting the natural , is by a right line . SALV . But by what right line ? Because infinite , and towards every side may be produced from the slit of the sling , and from the point of the stones separation from the sling . SIMP . It moveth by that line which goeth directly from the motion which the stone made in the sling . SALV . The motion of the stone whilst it was in the slit , you have affirmed already to be circular ; now circularity opposeth directness , there not being in the circular line any part that is direct or streight . SIMP . I mean not that the projected motion is direct in respect of the whole circle , but in reference to that ultimate point , where the circular motion determineth . I know what I would say , but do not well know how to express my self . SALV . And I also perceive that you understand the business , but that you have not the proper terms , wherewith to express the same . Now these I can easily teach you ; teach you , that is , as to the words , but not as to the truths , which are things . And that you may plainly see that you know the thing I ask you , and onely want language to express it , tell me , when you shoot a bullet out of a gun , towards what part is it , that it s acquired impetus carrieth it ? SIMP . It s acquired impetus carrieth it in a right line , which continueth the rectitude of the barrel , that is , which inclineth neither to the right hand nor to the left , nor upwards nor downwards . SALV . Which in short is asmuch as to say , it maketh no angle with the line of streight motion made by the sling . SIMP . So I would have said . SALV . If then the line of the projects motion be to continue without making an angle upon the circular line described by it , whilst it was with the projicient ; and if from this circular motion it ought to pass to the right motion , what ought this right line to be ? SIMP . It must needs be that which toucheth the circle in the point of separation , for that all others , in my opinion , being prolonged would intersect the circumference , and by that means make some angle therewith . SALV . You have argued very well , and shewn your self half a Geometrician . Keep in mind therefore , that your true opinion is exprest in these words , namely , That the project acquireth an impetus of moving by the Tangent , the arch described by the motion of the projicient , in the point of the said projects separation from the projicient . SIMP . I understand you very well , and this is that which I would say . SALV . Of a right line which toucheth a circle , which of its points is the nearest to the centre of that circle ? SIMP . That of the contact without doubt : for that is in the circumference of a circle , and the rest without : and the points of the circumference are all equidistant from the centre . SALV . Therefore a moveable departing from the contact , and moving by the streight Tangent , goeth continually farther and farther from the contact , and also from the centre of the circle . SIMP . It doth so doubtless . SALV . Now if you have kept in mind the propositions , which you have told me , lay them together , and tell me what you gather from them . SIMP . I think I am not so forgetful , but that I do remember them . From the things premised I gather that the project swiftly swinged round by the projicient , in its separating from it , doth retain an impetus of continuing its motion by the right line , which toucheth the circle described by the motion of the projicient in the point of separation , by which motion the project goeth continually receding from the centre of the circle described by the motion of the projicient . SALV . You know then by this time the reason why grave bodies sticking to the rim of a wheele , swiftly moved , are extruded and thrown beyond the circumference to yet a farther distance from the centre . SIMP . I think I understand this very well ; but this new knowledg rather increaseth than lesseneth my incredulity that the Earth can turn round with so great velocity , without extruding up into the sky , stones , animals , &c. SALV . In the same manner that you have understood all this , you shall , nay you do understand the rest : and with recollecting your self , you may remember the same without the help of others : but that we may lose no time , I will help your memory therein . You do already know of your self , that the circular motion of the projicient impresseth on the project an impetus of moving ( when they come to separate ) by the right Tangent , the circle of the motion in the point of separation , and continuing along by the same the motion ever goeth receding farther and farther from the projicient : and you have said , that the project would continue to move along by that right line , if there were not by its proper weight an inclination of descent added unto it ; from which the incurvation of the line of motion is derived . It seems moreover that you knew of your self , that this incurvation always bended towards the centre of the Earth , for thither do all grave bodies tend . Now I proceed a little farther , and ask you , whether the moveable after its separation , in continuing the right motion goeth always equally receding from the centre , or if you will , from the circumference of that circle , of which the precedent motion was a part ; which is as much as to say , Whether a moveable , that forsaking the point of a Tangent , and moving along by the said Tangent , doth equally recede from the point of contact , and from the circumference of the circle ? SIMP . No , Sir : for the Tangent near to the point of contact , recedeth very little from the circumference , wherewith it keepeth a very narrow angle , but in its going farther and farther off , the distance always encreaseth with a greater proportion ; so that in a circle that should have v. g. ten yards of diameter , a point of the Tangent that was distant from the contact but two palms , would be three or four times as far distant from the circumference of the circle , as a point that was distant from the contaction one palm , and the point that was distant half a palm , I likewise believe would fearse recede the fourth part of the distance of the second : so that within an inch or two of the contact , the separation of the Tangent from the circumference is scarse discernable . SALV . So that the recession of the project from the circumference of the precedent circular motion is very small in the begining ? SIMP . Almost insensible . SALV . Now tell me a little ; the project , which from the motion of the projicient receiveth an impetus of moving along the Tangent in a right line , and that would keep unto the same , did not its own weight depress it downwards , how long is it after the separation , ere it begin to decline downwards . SIMP . I believe that it beginneth presently ; for it not having any thing to uphold it , its proper gravity cannot but operate . SALV . So that , if that same stone , which being extruded from that wheel turn'd about very fast , had as great a natural propension of moving towards the centre of the said wheel , as it hath to move towards the centre of the Earth , it would be an easie matter for it to return unto the wheel , or rather not to depart from it ; in regard that upon the begining of the separation , the recession being so small , by reason of the infinite acuteness of the angle of contact , every very little of inclination that draweth it back towards the centre of the wheel , would be sufficient to retain it upon the rim or circumference . SIMP . I question not , but that if one suppose that which neither is , nor can be , to wit , that the inclination of those grave bodies was to go towards the centre of the wheel , they would never come to be extruded or shaken off . SALV . But I neither do , nor need to suppose that which is not ; for I will not deny but that the stones are extruded . Yet I speak this by way of supposition , to the end that you might grant me the rest . Now fancy to your self , that the Earth is that great wheel , which moved with so great velocity is to extrude the stones . You could tell me very well even now , that the motion of projection ought to be by that right line which toucheth the Earth in the point of separation : and this Tangent , how doth it notably recede from the superficies of the Terrestrial Globe ? SIMP . I believe , that in a thousand yards , it will not recede from the Earth an inch . SALV . And did you not say , that the project being drawn by its own weight , declineth from the Tangent towards the centre of the Earth ? SIMP . I said so , and also confesse the rest : and do now plainly understand that the stone will not separate from the Earth , for that its recession in the beginning would be such , and so small , that it is a thousand times exceeded by the inclination which the stone hath to move towards the centre of the Earth , which centre in this case is also the centre of the wheel . And indeed it must be confessed that the stones , the living creatures , and the other grave bodies cannot be extruded ; but here again the lighter things beget in me a new doubt , they having but a very weak propension of descent towards the centre ; so that there being wanting in them that faculty of withdrawing from the superficies , I see not , but that they may be extruded ; and you know the rule , that ad destruendum sufficit unum . SAVL . We will also give you satisfaction in this . Tell me therefore in the first place , what you understand by light matters , that is , whether you thereby mean things really so light , as that they go upvvards , or else not absolutely light , but of so small gravity , that though they descend downwards , it is but very slowly ; for if you mean the absolutely light , I will be readier than your self to admit their extrusion . SIMP . I speak of the other sort , such as are feathers , wool , cotton , and the like ; to lift up which every small force sufficeth : yet neverthelesse we see they rest on the Earth very quietly . SALV . This pen , as it hath a natural propension to descend towards the superficies of the Earth , though it be very small , yet I must tell you that it sufficeth to keep it from mounting upwards : and this again is not unknown to you your self ; therefore tell me if the pen were extruded by the Vertigo of the Earth , by what line would it move ? SIMP . By the tangent in the point of separation . SALV . And when it should be to return , and re-unite it self to the Earth , by what line would it then move ? SIMP . By that which goeth from it to the centre of the Earth . SALV . So then here falls under our consideration two motions ; one the motion of projection , which beginneth from the point of contact , and proceedeth along the tangent ; and the other the motion of inclination downwards , which beginneth from the project it self , and goeth by the secant towards the centre ; and if you desire that the projection follow , it is necessary that the impetus by the tangent overcome the inclination by the secant : is it not so ? SIMP . So it seemeth to me . SALV . But what is it that you think necessary in the motion of the projicient , to make that it may prevail over that inclination , from which ensueth the separation and elongation of the pen from the Earth ? SIMP . I cannot tell . SALV . How , do you not know that ? The moveable is here the same , that is , the same pen ; now how can the same moveable superate and exceed it self in motion ? SIMP . I do not see how it can overcome or yield to it self in motion , unlesse by moving one while faster , and another while slower . SALV . You see then , that you do know it . If therefore the projection of the pen ought to follow , and its motion by the tangent be to overcome its motion by the secant , what is it requisite that their velocities should be ? SIMP . It is requisite that the motion by the tangent be greater than that other by the secant . But wretch that I am ! Is it not only many thousand times greater than the descending motion of the pen , but than that of the stone ? And yet like a simple fellow I had suffered my self to be perswaded , that stones could not be extruded by the revolution of the Earth . I do therefore revoke my former sentence , and say , that if the Earth should move , stones , Elephants , Towers , and whole Cities would of necessity be tost up into the Air ; and because that that doth not evene , I conclude that the Earth doth not move . SALV . Softly Simplicius , you go on so fast , that I begin to be more afraid for you , than for the pen. Rest a little , and observe what I am going to speap . If for the reteining of the stone or pen annexed to the Earths surface it were necessary that its motion of descent were greater , or as much as the motion made by the tangent ; you would have had reason to say , that it ought of necessity to move as fast , or faster by the secant downwards , than by the tangent Eastwards : But did not you tell me even now , that a thousand yards of distance by the tangent from the contact , do remove hardly an inch from the circumference ? It is not sufficient therefore that the motion by the tangent , which is the same with that of the diurnall Vertigo , ( or hasty revolution ) be simply more swift than the motion by the secant , which is the same with that of the pen in descending ; but it is requisite that the same be so much more swift as that the time which sufficeth for the pen to move v. g. a thousand yards by the tangent , be insufficient for it to move one sole inch by the secant . The which I tell you shall never be , though you should make that motion never so swift , and this never so slow . SIMP . And why might not that by the tangent be so swift , as not to give the pen time to return to the surface of the Earth ? SALV . Try whether you can state the case in proper termes , and I will give you an answer . Tell me therefore , how much do you think sufficeth to make that motion swifter than this ? SIMP . I will say for example , that if that motion by the tangent were a million of times swifter than this by the secant , the pen , yea , and the stone also would come to be extruded . SALV . You say so , and say that which is false , onely for want , not of Logick , Physicks , or Metaphysicks , but of Geometry ; for if you did but understand its first elements , you would know , that from the centre of a circle a right line may be drawn to meet the tangent , which intersecteth it in such a manner , that the part of the tangent between the contact and the secant , may be one , two , or three millions of times greater than that part of the secant which lieth between the tangent and the circumference , and that the neerer and neerer the secant shall be to the contact , this proportion shall grow greater and greater in infinitum ; so that it need not be feared , though the vertigo be swift , and the motion downwards slow , that the pen or other lighter matter can begin to rise upwards , for that the inclination downwards always exceedeth the velocity of the projection . SAGR. I do not perfectly apprehend this businesse . SALV . I will give you a most universal yet very easie demonstration thereof . Let a proportion be given between BA [ in Fig. 3. ] and C : And let BA be greater than C at pleasure . And let there be described a circle , whose centre is D. From which it is required to draw a secant , in such manner , that the tangent may be in proportion to the said secant , as BA to C. Let AI be supposed a third proportional to BA and C. And as BI is to IA , so let the diameter FE be to EG ; and from the point G , let there be drawn the tangent GH . I say that all this is done as was required ; and as BA is to C , so is HG to GE. And in regard that as BI is to IA , so is FE to EG ; therefore by composition , as BA is to AI ; so shall FG be to GE. And because C is the middle proportion between BA and AI ; and GH is a middle term between FG and GE ; therefore , as BA is to C , so shall FG be to GH ; that is HG to GE , which was to be demonstrated . SAGR. I apprehend this demonstration ; yet neverthelesse , I am not left wholly without haesitation ; for I find certain confused scruples role to and again in my mind , which like thick and dark clouds , permit me not to discern the cleernesse and necessity of the conclusion with that perspicuity , which is usual in Mathematical Demonstrations . And that which I stick at is this . It is true that the spaces between the tangent and the circumference do gradually diminish in infinitum towards the contact ; but it is also true on the contrary , that the propension of the moveable to descending groweth less & less in it , the nearer it is to the first term of its descent ; that is , to the state of rest ; as is manifest from that which you declare unto us , demonstrating that the descending grave body departing from rest , ought to passe thorow all the degrees of tardity comprehended between the said rest , & any assigned degree of velocity , the which grow less and in infinitum . To which may be added , that the said velocity and propension to motion , doth for another reason diminish to infinity ; and it is because the gravity of the said moveable may infinitely diminish . So that the causes which diminish the propension of ascending , and consequently favour the projection , are two ; that is , the levity of the moveable , and its vicinity to the state of rest ; both which are augmentable in infinit . and these two on the contrary being to contract but with one sole cause of making the projection , I cannot conceive how it alone , although it also do admit of infinite augmentation , should be able to remain invincible against the union & confederacy of the others , which are two , and are in like manner capable of infinite augmentation . SALV . This is a doubt worthy of Sagredus ; and to explain it so as that we may more cleerly apprehend it , for that you say that you your self have but a confused Idea of it , we will distinguish of the same by reducing it into figure ; which may also perhaps afford us some ease in resolving the same . Let us therefore [ in Fig. 4. ] draw a perpendicular line towards the centre , and let it be AC , and to it at right angles let there be drawn the Horizontal line AB , upon which the motion of the projection ought to be made ; now the project would continue to move along the same with an even motion , if so be its gravity did not incline it downwards . Let us suppose from the point A a right line to be drawn , that may make any angle at pleasure with the line AB ; which let be AE , and upon AB let us mark some equal spaces AF , FH , HK , and from them let us let fall the perpendiculars FG , HI , KL , as far as AE . And because , as already hath been said , the descending grave body departing from rest , goeth from time to time acquiring a greater degrees of velocity , according as the said time doth successively encrease ; we may conceive the spaces AF , FH , HK , to represent unto us equal times ; and the perpendiculars FG , HI , KL , degrees of velocity acquired in the said times ; so that the degree of velocity acquired in the whole time AK , is as the line KL , in respect to the degree HI , acquired in the time AH , and the degree FG in the time AF ; the which degrees KL , HI , FG , are ( as is manifest ) the same in proportion , as the times KA , HA , FA , and if other perpendiculars were drawn from the points marked at pleasure in the line FA , one might successively find degrees lesse and lesse in infinitum , proceeding towards the point A , representing the first instant of time , and the first state of rest . And this retreat towards A , representeth the first propension to the motion of descent , diminished in infinitum by the approach of the moveable to the first state of rest , which approximation is augmentable in infinitum . Now let us find the other diminution of velocity , which likewise may proceed to infinity , by the diminution of the gravity of the moveable , and this shall be represented by drawing other lines from the point A , which contein angles lesse than the angle BAE , which would be this line AD , the which intersecting the parallels KL , HI , FG , in the points M , N , and O , represent unto us the degrees FO , HN , KM , acquired in the times AF , AH , AK , lesse than the other degrees FG , HI , KL , acquired in the same times ; but these latter by a moveable more ponderous , and those other by a moveable more light . And it is manifest , that by the retreat of the line EA towards AB , contracting the angle EAB ( the which may be done in infinitum , like as the gravity may in infinitum be diminished ) the velocity of the cadent moveable may in like manner be diminished in infinitum , and so consequently the cause that impeded the projection ; and therefore my thinks that the union of these two reasons against the projection , diminished to infinity , cannot be any impediment to the said projection . And couching the whole argument in its shortest terms , we will say , that by contracting the angle EAB , the degrees of velocity LK , IH , GF , are diminished ; and moreover by the retreat of the parallels KL , HI , FG , towards the angle A , the same degrees are again diminished ; and both these diminutions extend to infinity : Therefore the velocity of the motion of descent may very well diminish so much , ( it admitting of a twofold diminution in infinitum ) as that it may not suffice to restore the moveable to the circumference of the wheel , and thereupon may occasion the projection to be hindered and wholly obviated . Again on the contrary , to impede the projection , it is necessary that the spaces by which the project is to descend for the reuniting it self to the Wheel , be made so short and close together , that though the descent of the moveable be retarded , yea more , diminished in infinitum , yet it sufficeth to reconduct it thither : and therefore it would be requisite , that you find out a diminution of the said spaces , not only produced to infinity , but to such an infinity , as that it may superate the double infinity that is made in the diminution of the velocity of the descending moveable . But how can a magnitude be diminished more than another , which hath a twofold diminution in infinitum ? Now let Simplicius observe how hard it is to philosophate well in nature , without Geometry . The degrees of velocity diminished in infinitum , as well by the diminution of the gravity of the moveable , as by the approxination to the first term of the motion , that is , to the state of rest , are alwayes determinate , and answer in proportion to the parallels comprehended between two right lines that concur in an angle , like to the angle BAE , or BAD , or any other infinitely more acute , alwayes provided it be rectilineall . But the diminution of the spaces thorow which the moveable is to be conducted along the circumference of the wheel , is proportionate to another kind of diminution , comprehended between lines that contain an angle infinitely more narrow and acute , than any rectilineal angle , how acute soever , which is that in our present case . Let any point be taken in the perpendicular AC , and making it the centre , describe at the distance CA , an arch AMP , the which shall intersect the parallels that determine the degrees of velocity , though they be very minute , and comprehended within a most acute rectilineal angle ; of which parallels the parts that lie between the arch and the tangent AB , are the quantities of the spaces , and of the returns upon the wheel , alwayes lesser ( and with greater proportion lesser , by how much neerer they approach to the contact ) than the said parallels of which they are parts . The parallels comprehended between the right lines in retiring towards the angle diminish alwayes at the same rate , as v. g. AH being divided in two equal parts in F , the parallel HI shall be double to FG , and sub-dividing FA , in two equal parts , the parallel produced from the point of the division shall be the half of FG ; and continuing the sub-division in infinitum , the subsequent parallels shall be alwayes half of the next preceding ; but it doth not so fall out in the lines intercepted between the tangent and the circumference of the circle : For if the same sub-division be made in FA ; and supposing for example , that the parallel which cometh from the point H , were double unto that which commeth from F , this shall be more then double to the next following , and c●●●inually the neerer we come towards the contact A , we shall fi●● the precedent lines contein the next following three , four , ten , an hundred , a thousand , an hundred thousand , an hundred millions of times , and more in infinitum . The brevity therefore of such lines is so reduced , that it far exceeds what is requisite to make the project , though never so light , return , nay more , continue unremoveable upon the circumference . SAGR. I very well comprehend the whole discourse , and upon what it layeth all its stresse , yet neverthelesse methinks that he that would take pains to pursue it , might yet start some further questions , by saying , that of those two causes which render the descent of the moveable slower and slower in infinitum , it is manifest , that that which dependeth on the vicinity to the first term of the descent , increaseth alwayes in the same proportion , like as the parallels alwayes retain the same proportion to each other , &c. but that the diminution of the same velocity , dependent on the diminution of the gravity of the moveable ( which vvas the second cause ) doth also observe the same proportion , doth not so plainly appear , And vvho shall assure us that it doth not proceed according to the proportion of the lines intercepted between the secant , and the circumference ; or vvhether vvith a greater proportion ? SALV . I have assumed for a truth , that the velocities of moveables descending naturally , vvill follovv the proportion of their gravities , with the favour of Simplicius , and of Aristotle , who doth in many places affirm the same , as a proposition manifest : You , in favour of my adversary , bring the same into question , and say that its possible that the velocity increaseth with greater proportion , yea and greater in infinitum than that of the gravity ; so that all that hath been said falleth to the ground : For maintaining whereof , I say , that the proportion of the velocities is much lesse than that of the gravities ; and thereby I do not onely support but confirme the premises . And for proof of this I appeal unto experience , which will shew us , that a grave body , howbeit thirty or fourty times bigger then another ; as for example , a ball of lead , and another of sugar , will not move much more than twice as fast . Now if the projection would not be made , albeit the velocity of the cadent body should diminish according to the proportion of the gravity , much lesse would it be made so long as the velocity is but little diminished , by abating much from the gravity . But yet supposing that the velocity diminisheth with a proportion much greater than that wherewith the gravity decreaseth , nay though it were the self-same wherewith those parallels conteined between the tangent and circumference do decrease , yet cannot I see any necessity why I should grant the projection of matters of never so great levity ; yea I farther averre , that there could no such projection follow , meaning alwayes of matters not properly and absolutely light , that is , void of all gravity , and that of their own natures move upwards , but that descend very slowly , and have very small gravity . And that which moveth me so to think is , that the diminution of gravity , made according to the proportion of the parallels between the tangent and the circumference , hath for its ultimate and highest term the nullity of weight , as those parallels have for their last term of their diminution the contact it self , which is an indivisible point : Now gravity never diminisheth so far as to its last term , for then the moveable would cease to be grave ; but yet the space of the reversion of the project to the circumference is reduced to the ultimate minuity , which is when the moveable resteth upon the circumference in the very point of contact ; so as that to return thither it hath no need of space : and therefore let the propension to the motion of descent be never so small , yet is it alwayes more than sufficient to reconduct the moveable to the circumference , from which it is distant but its least space , that is , nothing at all . SAGR. Your discourse , I must confess , is very accurate ; and yet no less concluding than it is ingenuous ; and it must be granted that to go about to handle natural questions , without Geometry , is to attempt an impossibility . SALV . But Simplicius will not say so ; and yet I do not think that he is one of those Peripateticks that disswade their Disciples from studying the Mathematicks , as Sciences that vitiate the reason , and render it lesse apt for contemplation . SIMP . I would not do so much wrong to Plato , but yet I may truly say with Aristotle , that he too much lost himself in , and too much doted upon that his Geometry : for that in conclusion these Mathematical subtilties Salviatus are true in abstract , but applied to sensible and Physical matter , they hold not good . For the Mathematicians will very well demonstrate for example , that Sphaera tangit planum in puncto ; a position like to that in dispute , but when one cometh to the matter , things succeed quite another way . And so I may say of these angles of contact , and these proportions ; which all evaporate into Air , when they are applied to things material and sensible . SALV . You do not think then , that the tangent toucheth the superficies of the terrestrial Globe in one point only ? SIMP . No , not in one sole point ; but I believe that a right line goeth many tens and hundreds of yards touching the surface not onely of the Earth , but of the water , before it separate from the same . SALV . But if I grant you this , do not you perceive that it maketh so much the more against your cause ? For if it be supposed that the tangent was separated from the terrestrial superficies , yet it hath been however demonstrated that by reason of the great acuity of the angle of contingence ( if happily it may be call'd an angle ) the project would not separate from the same ; how much lesse cause of separation would it have , if that angle should be wholly closed , and the superficies and the tangent become all one ? Perceive you not that the Projection would do the same thing upon the surface of the Earth , which is asmuch as to say , it would do just nothing at all ? You see then the power of truth , which while you strive to oppose it , your own assaults themselves uphold and defend it . But in regard that you have retracted this errour , I would be loth to leave you in that other which you hold , namely , that a material Sphere doth not touch a plain in one sole point : and I could wish some few hours conversation with some persons conversant in Geometry , might make you a little more intelligent amongst those who know nothing thereof . Now to shew you how great their errour is who say , that a Sphere v. g. of brasse , doth not touch a plain v. g. of steel in one sole point , Tell me what conceipt you would entertain of one that should constantly aver , that the Sphere is not truly a Sphere . SIMP . I would esteem him wholly devoid of reason . SALV . He is in the same case who saith that the material Sphere doth not touch a plain , also material , in one onely point ; for to say this is the same , as to affirm that the Sphere is not a Sphere . And that this is true , tell me in what it is that you constitute the Sphere to consist , that is , what it is that maketh the Sphere differ from all other solid bodies . SIMP . I believe that the essence of a Sphere consisteth in having all the right lines produced from its centre to the circumference , equal . SALV . So that , if those lines should not be equal , that same solidity would be no longer a sphere ? SIMP . True. SALV . Go to ; tell me whether you believe that amongst the many lines that may be drawn between two points , there may be more than one right line onely . SIMP . There can be but one . SALV . But yet you understand that this onely right line shall again of necessity be the shortest of them all ? SIMP . I know it , and also have a demonstration thereof , produced by a great Peripatetick Philosopher , and as I take it , if my memory do not deceive me , he alledgeth it by way of reprehending Archimedes , that supposeth it as known , when it may be demonstrated . SALV . This must needs be a great Mathematician , that knew how to demonstrate that which Archimedes neither did , nor could demonstrate . And if you remember his demonstration , I would gladly hear it : for I remember very well , that Archimedes in his Books , de Sphaer● & Cylindro , placeth this Proposition amongst the Postulata ; and I verily believe that he thought it demonstrated . SIMP . I think I shall remember it , for it is very easie and short . SALV . The disgrace of Archimedes , and the honour of this Philosopher shall be so much the greater . SIMP . I will describe the Figure of it . Between the points A and B , [ in Fig. 5. ] draw the right line AB , and the curve line ACB , of which we will prove the right to be the shorter : and the proof is this ; take a point in the curve-line , which let be C , and draw two other lines , AC and CB , which two lines together , are longer than the sole line AB , for so demonstrateth Euclid . But the curve-line ACB , is greater than the two right-lines AC , and CB ; therefore , à fortiori , the curve-line ACB , is much greater than the right line AB , which was to be demonstrated . SALV . I do not think that if one should ransack all the Paralogisms of the world , there could be found one more commodious than this , to give an example of the most solemn fallacy of all fallacies , namely , than that which proveth ignotum per ignotius . SIMP . How so ? SALV . Do you ask me how so ? The unknown conclusion which you desire to prove , is it not , that the curved line ACB , is longer than the right line AB ; the middle term which is taken for known , is that the curve-line ACB , is greater than the two lines AC and CB , the which are known to be greater than AB ; And if it be unknown whether the curve-line be greater than the single right-line AB , shall it not be much more unknown whether it be greater than the two right lines AC & CB , which are known to be greater than the sole line AB , & yet you assume it as known ? SIMP . I do not yet very well perceive wherein lyeth the fallacy . SALV . As the two right lines are greater than AB , ( as may be known by Euclid ) and in as much as the curve line is longer than the two right lines AC and BC , shall it not not be much greater than the sole right line AB ? SIMP . It shall so . SALV . That the curve-line ACB , is greater than the right line AB , is the conclusion more known than the middle term , which is , that the same curve-line is greater than the two right-lines AC and CB. Now when the middle term is less known than the conclusion , it is called a proving ignotum per ignotius . But to return to our purpose , it is sufficient that you know the right line to be the shortest of all the lines that can be drawn between two points . And as to the principal conclusion , you say , that the material sphere doth not touch the sphere in one sole point . What then is its contact ? SIMP . It shall be a part of its superficies . SALV . And the contact likewise of another sphere equal to the first , shall be also a like particle of its superficies ? SIMP . There is no reason vvhy it should be othervvise . SALV . Then the tvvo spheres vvhich touch each other , shall touch vvith the tvvo same particles of a superficies , for each of them agreeing to one and the same plane , they must of necessity agree in like manner to each other . Imagine now that the two spheres [ in Fig. 6. ] whose centres are A and B , do touch one another : and let their centres be conjoyned by the right line AB , which passeth through the contact . It passeth thorow the point C , and another point in the contact being taken as D , conjoyn the two right lines AD and BD , so as that they make the triangle ADB ; of which the two sides AD and DB shall be equal to the other one ACB , both those and this containing two semidiameters , which by the definition of the sphere are all equal : and thus the right line AB , drawn between the two centres A and B , shall not be the shortest of all , the two lines AD and DB being equal to it : which by your own concession is absurd . SIMP . This demonstration holdeth in the abstracted , but not in the material spheres . SALV . Instance then wherein the fallacy of my argument consisteth , if as you say it is not concluding in the material spheres , but holdeth good in the immaterial and abstracted . SIMP . The material spheres are subject to many accidents , which the immaterial are free from . And because it cannot be , that a sphere of metal passing along a plane , it s own weight should not so depress it , as that the plain should yield somewhat , or that the sphere it self should not in the contact admit of some impression . Moreover , it is very hard for that plane to be perfect , if for nothing else , yet at least for that its matter is porous : and perhaps it will be no less difficult to find a sphere so perfect , as that it hath all the lines from the centre to the superficies , exactly equal . SALV . I very readily grant you all this that you have said ; but it is very much beside our purpose : for whilst you go about to shew me that a material sphere toucheth not a material plane in one point alone , you make use of a sphere that is not a sphere , and of a plane that is not a plane ; for that , according to what you say , either these things cannot be found in the world , or if they may be found , they are spoiled in applying them to work the effect . It had been therefore a less evil , for you to have granted the conclusion , but conditionally , to wit , that if there could be made of matter a sphere and a plane that were and could continue perfect , they would touch in one sole point , and then to have denied that any such could be made . SIMP . I believe that the proposition of Philosophers is to be understood in this sense ; for it is not to be doubted , but that the imperfection of the matter , maketh the matters taken in concrete , to disagree with those taken in abstract . SALV . What , do they not agree ? Why , that which you your self say at this instant , proveth that they punctually agree . SIMP . How can that be ? SALV . Do you not say , that through the imperfection of the matter , that body which ought to be perfectly spherical , and that plane which ought to be perfectly level , do not prove to be the same in concrete , as they are imagined to be in abstract ? SIMP . This I do affirm . SALV . Then when ever in concrete you do apply a material Sphere to a material plane , you apply an imperfect Sphere to an imperfect plane , & these you say do not touch only in one point . But I must tell you , that even in abstract an immaterial Sphere , that is , not a perfect Sphere , may touch an immaterial plane , that is , not a perfect plane , not in one point , but with part of its superficies , so that hitherto that which falleth out in concrete , doth in like manner hold true in abstract . And it would be a new thing that the computations and rates made in abstract numbers , should not afterwards answer to the Coines of Gold and Silver , and to the merchandizes in concrete . But do you know Simplicius , how this commeth to passe ? Like as to make that the computations agree with the Sugars , the Silks , the Wools , it is necessary that the accomptant reckon his tares of chests , bags , and such other things ▪ So when the Geometricall Philosopher would observe in concrete the effects demonstrated in abstract , he must defalke the impediments of the matter , and if he know how to do that , I do assure you , the things shall jump no lesse exactly , than Arithmetical computations . The errours therefore lyeth neither in abstract , nor in concrete , nor in Geometry , nor in Physicks , but in the Calculator , that knoweth not how to adjust his accompts . Therefore if you had a perfect Sphere and plane , though they were material , you need not doubt but that they would touch onely in one point . And if such a Sphere was and is impossible to be procured , it was much besides the purpose to say , Quod Sphaera aenea non tangit in puncto . Furthermore , if I grant you Simplicius , that in matter a figure cannot be procured that is perfectly spherical , or perfectly level : Do you think there may be had two materiall bodies , whose superficies in some part , and in some sort are incurvated as irregularly as can be desired ? SIMP . Of these I believe that there is no want . SALV . If such there be , then they also will touch in one sole point ; for this contact in but one point alone is not the sole and peculiar priviledge of the perfect Sphere and perfect plane . Nay , he that should prosecute this point with more subtil contemplations would finde that it is much harder to procure two bodies that touch with part of their s●perficies , than with one point onely . For if two superficies be required to combine well together , it is necessary either , that they be both exactly plane , or that if one be convex , the other be concave ; but in such a manner concave , that the concavity do exactly answer to the convexity of the other : the which conditions are much harder to be found , in regard of their too narrow determination , than those others , which in their casuall latitude are infinite . SIMP . You believe then , that two stones , or two pieces of Iron taken at chance , and put together , do for the most part touch in one sole point ? SALV . In casual encounters , I do not think they do ; as well because for the most part there will be some small yielding filth upon them , as because that no diligence is used in applying them without striking one another ; and every small matter sufficeth to make the one superficies yield somewhat to the other ; so that they interchangeably , at least in some small particle , receive figure from the impression of each other . But in case their superficies were very terse and polite , and that they were both laid upon a table , that so one might not presse upon the other , and gently put towards one another , I question not , but that they might be brought to the simple contact in one onely point . SAGR. It is requisite , with your permission , that I propound a certain scruple of mine , which came into my minde , whil'st I heard proposed by Simplicius , the impossibility of finding a materiall and solid body , that is , perfectly of a Spherical figure , and whil'st I saw Salviatus in a certain manner , not gainsaying , to give his consent thereto ; therefore I would know , whether there would be the same difficulty in forming a solid of some other figure , that is , to expresse my self better , whether there is more difficulty in reducing a piece of Marble into the figure of a perfect Sphere , than into a perfect Pyramid , or into a perfect Horse , or into a perfect Grasse-hopper ? SALV . To this I will make you the first answer : and in the first place , I will acquit my self of the assent which you think I gave to Simplicius , which was only for a time ; for I had it also in my thoughts , before I intended to enter upon any other matter , to speak that , which , it may be , is the same , or very like to that which you are about to say ; And answering to your first question , I say , that if any figure can be given to a Solid , the Spherical is the easiest of all others , as it is likewise the most simple , and holdeth the same place amongst solid figures , as the Circle holdeth amongst the superficial . The description of which Circle , as being more easie than all the rest , hath alone been judged by Mathematicians worthy to be put amongst the * postulata belonging to the description of all other figures . And the formation of the Sphere is so very easie , that if in a plain plate of hard metal you take an empty or hollow circle , within which any Solid goeth casually revolving that was before but grosly rounded , it shall , without any other artifice be reduced to a Spherical figure , as perfect as is possible for it to be ; provided , that that same Solid be not lesse than the Sphere that would passe thorow that Circle . And that which is yet more worthy of our consideration is , that within the self-same incavity one may form Spheres of several magnitudes . But what is required to the making of an Horse , or ( as you say ) of a Grass-hopper , I leave to you to judge , who know that there are but few statuaries in the world able to undertake such a piece of work . And I think that herein Simplicius will not dissent from me . SIMP . I know not whether I do at all dissent from you ; my opinion is this , that none of the afore-named figures can be perfectly obteined ; but for the approaching as neer as is possible to the most perfect degree , I believe that it is incomparably more easie to reduce the Solid into a Spherical figure , than into the shape of an Horse , or Grasse-hopper ? SAGR. And this greater difficulty , wherein think you doth it depend ? SIMP . Like as the great facility in forming the Sphere ariseth from its absolute simplicity and uniformity so the great irregularity rendereth the construction of all other figures difficult . SAGR. Therefore the irregularity being the cause of the difficulty , than the figure of a stone broken with an hammer by chance , shall be one of the figures that are difficult to be introduced , it being perhaps more irregular than that of the horse ? SIMP . So it should be . SAGR. But tell me ; that figure what ever it is which the stone hath , hath it the same in perfection , or no ? SIMP . What it hath , it hath so perfectly , that nothing can be more exact . SAGR. Then , if of figures that are irregular , and consequently hard to be procured , there are yet infinite which are most perfectly obteined , with what reason can it be said , that the most simple , and consequently the most easie of all , is impossible to be procured ? SALV . Gentlemen , with your favour , I may say that we have sallied out into a dispute not much more worth than the wool of a goat ; and whereas our argumentations should continually be conversant about serious and weighty points , we consume our time in frivolous and impertinent wranglings . Let us call to minde , I pray you , that the search of the worlds constitution , is one of the greatest and noblest Problems that are in nature ; and so much the greater , inasmuch as it is directed to the resolving of that other ; to wit , of the cause of the Seas ebbing and flowing , enquired into by all the famous men , that have hitherto been in the world , and possibly found out by none of them . Therefore if we have nothing more remaining for the full confutation of the argument taken from the Earths vertigo , which was the last , alledged to prove its immobility upon its own centre , let us passe to the examination of those things that are alledged for , and against the Annual Motion . SAGR. I would not have you , Salviatus , measure our wits by the scale of yours : you , who use to be continually busied about the sublimest contemplations , esteem those notions frivolous and below you , which we think matters worthy of our profoundest thoughts : yet sometimes for our satisfaction do not disdain to stoop so low as to give way a little to our curiosity . As to the refutation of the last argument , taken from the extrusions of the diurnal vertigo , far less than what hath been said , would have given me satisfaction : and yet the things superfluously spoken , seemed to me so ingenious , that they have been so far from wearying my fancy , as that they have , by reason of their novelty , entertained me all along with so great delight , that I know not how to desire greater : Therefore , if you have any other speculation to add , produce it , for I , as to my own particular , shall gladly hearken to it . SALV . I have always taken great delight in those things which I have had the fortune to discover , and next to that , which is my chief content , I find great pleasure in imparting them to some friends , that apprehendeth and seemeth to like them : Now , in regard you are one of these , slacking a little the reins of my ambition , which is much pleased when I shew my self more perspicacious , than some other that hath the reputation of a sharp sight , I will for a full and true measure of the past dispute , produce another fallacy of the Sectators of Ptolomey and Aristotle , which I take from the argument alledged . SAGR. See how greedily I wait to hear it . SALV . We have hitherto over-passed , and granted to Ptolomey , as an effect indubitable , that the extrusion of the stone proceeding from the velocity of the wheel turn'd round upon its centre , the cause of the said extrusion encreaseth in proportion , as the velocity of the vertigo ( or whirling ) is augmented : from whence it was inferred , that the velocity of the Earth's vertigo being very much greater than that of any machin whatsoever , that we can make to turn round artificially ; the extrusion of stones , of animals , &c. would consequently be far more violent . Now , I observe that there is a great fallacy in this discourse , in that we do compare these velocities indifferently and absolutely to one another . It 's true , that if I compare the velocities of the same wheel , or of two wheels equal to each other , that which shall be more swiftly turn'd round , shall extrude the stone with greater violence ; and the velocity encreasing , the cause of the projection shall likewise encrease : but when the velocity is augmented , not by encreasing the velocity in the same wheel , which would be by causing it to make a greater number of revolutions in equal times ; but by encreasing the diameter , and making the wheel greater , so as that the conversion taking up the same time in the lesser wheel , as in the greater , the velocity is greater onely in the bigger wheel , for that its circumference is bigger ; there is no man that thinketh that the cause of the extrusion in the great wheel will encrease according to the proportion of the velocity of its circumference , to the velocity of the circumference of the other lesser wheel ; for that this is most false , as by a most expeditious experiment I shall thus grosly declare : We may sling a stone with a stick of a yard long , farther than we can do with a stick six yards long , though the motion of the end of the long stick , that is of the stone placed in the slit thereof , were more than double as swift as the motion of the end of the other shorter stick , as it would be if the velocities were such that the lesser stick should turn thrice round in the time whilst the greater is making one onely conversion . SAGR. This which you tell me , Salviatus , must , I see , needs succeed in this very manner ; but I do not so readily apprehend the cause why equal velocities should not operate equally in extruding projects , but that of the lesser wheel much more than the other of the greater wheel ; therefore I intreat you to tell me how this cometh to pass ? SIMP . Herein , Sagredus , you seem to differ much from your self , for that you were wont to penetrate all things in an instant , and now you have overlook'd a fallacy couched in the experiment of the stick , which I my self have been able to discover : and this is the different manner of operating , in making the projection one while with the short sling and another while with the long one , for if you will have the stone fly out of the slit , you need not continue its motion uniformly , but at such time as it is at the swiftest , you are to stay your arm , and stop the velocity of the stick ; whereupon the stone which was in its swiftest motion , flyeth out , and moveth with impetuosity : but now that stop cannot be made in the great stick , which by reason of its length and flexibility , doth not entirely obey the check of the arm , but continueth to accompany the stone for some space , and holdeth it in with so much less force , and not as if you had with a stiff sling sent it going with a jerk : for if both the sticks or slings should be check'd by one and the same obstacle , I do believe they would fly aswell out of the one , as out of the other , howbeit their motions were equally swift . SAGR. With the permission of Salviatus , I will answer something to Simplicius , in regard he hath addressed himself to me ; and I say , that in his discourse there is somewhat good and somewhat bad : good , because it is almost all true ; bad , because it doth not agree with our case : Truth is , that when that which carrieth the stones with velocity , shall meet with a check that is immoveable , they shall fly out with great impetuosity : the same effect following in that case , which we see dayly to fall out in a boat that running a swift course , runs a-ground , or meets with some sudden stop , for all those in the boat , being surprized , stumble forwards , and fall towards the part whither the boat steered . And in case the Earth should meet with such a check , as should be able to resist and arrest its vertigo , then indeed I do believe that not onely beasts , buildings and cities , but mountains , lakes and seas would overturn , and the globe it self would go near to shake in pieces ; but nothing of all this concerns our present purpose , for we speak of what may follow to the motion of the Earth , it being turn'd round uniformly , and quietly about its own centre , howbeit with a great velocity . That likewise which you say of the slings , is true in part ; but was not alledged by Salviatus , as a thing that punctually agreed with the matter whereof we treat , but onely , as an example , for so in gross it may prompt us in the more accurate consideration of that point , whether , the velocity increasing at any rate , the cause of the projection doth increase at the same rate : so that v. g. if a wheel of ten yards diameter , moving in such a manner that a point of its circumference will pass an hundred yards in a minute of an hour , and so hath an impetus able to extrude a stone , that same impetus shall be increased an hundred thousand times in a wheel of a million of yards diameter ; the which Salviatus denieth , and I incline to his opinion ; but not knowing the reason thereof , I have requested it of him , and stand impatiently expecting it . SALV . I am ready to give you the best satisfaction , that my abilities will give leave : And though in my first discourse you thought that I had enquired into things estranged from our purpose , yet neverthelesse I believe that in the sequel of the dispute , you will find that they do not prove so . Therefore let Sagredus tell me wherein he hath observed that the resistance of any moveable to motion doth consist . SAGR. I see not for the present that the moveable hath any internal resistance to motion , unlesse it be its natural inclination and propension to the contrary motion , as in grave bodies , that have a propension to the motion downwards , the resistance is to the motion upwards ; and I said an internal resistance , because of this , I think , it is you intend to speak , and not of the external resistances , which are many and accidental . SALV . It is that indeed I mean , and your nimblenesse of wit hath been too hard for my craftinesse , but if I have been too short in asking the question , I doubt whether Sagredus hath been full enough in his answer to satisfie the demand ; and whether there be not in the moveable , besides the natural inclination to the contrary term , another intrinsick and natural quality , which maketh it averse to motion . Therefore tell me again ; do you not think that the inclination v. g. of grave bodies to move downwards , is equal to the resistance of the same to the motion of projection upwards ? SAGR. I believe that it is exactly the same . And for this reason I see that two equal weights being put into a ballance , they do stand still in equilibrium , the gravity of the one resisting its being raised by the gravity wherewith the other pressing downwards would raise it . SALV . Very well ; so that if you would have one raise up the other , you must encrease the weight of that which depresseth , or lessen the weight of the other . But if the resistance to ascending motion cunsist onely in gravity , how cometh it to passe , that in ballances of unequal arms , to wit in the * Stiliard , a weight sometimes of an hundred pounds , with its pression downwards , doth not suffice to raise up on of four pounds ; that shall counterpoise with it , nay this of four , descending shall raise up that of an hundred ; for such is the effect of the pendant weight upon the weight which vve vvould vveigh ? If the resistance to motion resideth onely in the gravity , hovv can the arm with its vveight of four pounds onely , resist the vveight of a sack of wool , or bale of silk , vvhich shall be eight hundred , or a thousand vveight ; yea more , hovv can it overcome the sack vvith its moment , and raise it up ? It must therefore be confest Sagredus , that here it maketh use of some other resistance , and other force , besides that of simple gravity . SAGR. It must needs be so ; therefore tell me vvhat this second virtue should be . SALV . It is that vvhich vvas not in the ballance of equal arms ; you see then vvhat variety there is in the Stiliard ; and upon this doubtlesse dependeth the cause of the nevv effect . SAGR. I think that your putting me to it a second time , hath made me remember something that may be to the purpose . In both these beams the business is done by the weight , and by the motion ; in the ballance , the motions are equal , and therefore the one weight must exceed it in gravity before it can move it ; in the stiliard , the lesser weight will not move the greater , unless when this latter moveth little , as being hung at a lesser distance , and the other much , as hanging at a greater distance from the lacquet or cock . It is necessary therefore to conclude , that the lesser weight overcometh the resistance of the greater , by moving much , whilst the other is moved but little . SALV . Which is as much as to say , that the velocity of the moveable less grave , compensateth the gravity of the moveable more grave and less swift . SAGR. But do you think that the velocity doth fully make good the gravity ? that is , that the moment and force of a moveable of v. g. four pounds weight , is as great as that of one of an hundred weight , whensoever that the first hath an hundred degrees of velocity , and the later but four onely ? SALV . Yes doubtless , as I am able by many experiments to demonstrate : but for the present , let this onely of the stiliard suffice : in which you see that the light end of the beam is then able to sustain and equilibrate the great Wool-sack , when its distance from the centre , upon which the stiliard resteth and turneth , shall so much exceed the lesser distance , by how much the absolute gravity of the Wool-sack exceedeth that of the pendent weight . And we see nothing that can cause this insufficiencie in the great sack of Wool , to raise with its weight the pendent weight so much less grave , save the disparity of the motions which the one and the other should make , whilst that the Wool-sack by descending but one inch onely , will raise the pendent weight an hundred inches : ( supposing that the sack did weigh an hundred times as much , and that the distance of the small weight from the centre of the beam were an hundred times greater , than the distance between the said centre and the point of the sacks suspension . ) And again , the pendent weight its moving the space of an hundred inches , in the time that the sack moveth but one inch onely , is the same as to say , that the velocity of the motion of the little pendent weight , is an hundred times greater than the velocity of the motion of the sack . Now fix it in your belief , as a true and manifest axiom , that the resistance which proceedeth from the velocity of motion , compensateth that which dependeth on the gravity of another moveable : So that consequently , a moveable of one pound , that moveth with an hundred degrees of velocity , doth as much resist all obstruction , as another moveable of an hundred weight , whose velocity is but one degree onely . And two equal moveables will equally resist their being moved , if that they shall be moved with equal velocity : but if one be to be moved more swiftly than the other , it shall make greater resistance , according to the greater velocity that shall be conferred on it . These things being premised , let us proceed to the explanation of our Problem ; and for the better understanding of things , let us make a short Scheme thereof . Let two unequal wheels be described about this centre A , [ in Fig. 7. ] and let the circumference of the lesser be BG , and of the greater CEH , and let the semidiameter ABC , be perpendicular to the Horizon ; and by the points B and C , let us draw the right lined Tangents BF and CD ; and in the arches BG and CE , take two equal parts BG and CE : and let the two wheels be supposed to be turn'd round upon their centres with equal velocities , so as that two moveables , which suppose for example to be two stones placed in the points B and C , come to be carried along the circumferences BG and CE , with equal velocities ; so that in the same time that the stone B shall have run the arch BG , the stone C will have past the arch CE. I say now , that the whirl or vertigo of the lesser wheel is much more potent to make the projection of the stone B , than the vertigo of the bigger wheel to make that of the stone C. Therefore the projection , as we have already declared , being to be made along the tangent , when the stones B and C are to separate from their wheel , and to begin the motion of projection from the points B and C , then shall they be extruded by the impetus conceived from the vertigo by ( or along ) the tangents BF and CD . The two stones therefore have equal impetuosities of running along the tangents BF and CD , and would run along the same , if they were not turn'd aside by some other force : is it not so Sagredus ? SAGR. In my opinion the businesse is as you say . SALV . But what force , think you , should that be which averts the stones from moving by the tangents , along which they are certainly driven by the impetus of the vertigo . SAGR. It is either their own gravity , or else some glutinous matter that holdeth them fast and close to the wheels . SALV . But for the diverting of a moveable from the motion to which nature inciteth it , is there not required greater or lesser force , according as the deviation is intended to be greater or lesser ? that is , according as the said moveable in its deviation hath a greater or lesser space to move in the same time ? SAGR. Yes certainly : for it was concluded even now , that to make a moveable to move ; the movent vertue must be increased in proportion to the velocity wherewith it is to move . SALV . Now consider , that for the deviating the stone upon the lesse wheel from the motion of projection , which it would make by the tangent BF , and for the holding of it fast to the wheel , it is required , that its own gravity draw it back the whole length of the secant FG , or of the perpendicular raised from the point G , to the line BF , whereas in the greater wheel the retraction needs to be no more than the secant DE , or the perpendicular let fall from the tangent DC to the point E , lesse by much than FG , and alwayes lesser and lesser according as the wheel is made bigger . And forasmuch as these retractions ( as I may call them ) are required to be made in equal times , that is , whil'st the wheels passe the two equal arches BG and CE , that of the stone B , that is , the retraction FG ought to be more swift than the other DE ; and therefore much greater force will be required for holding fast the stone B to its little wheel , than for the holding the stone C to its great one , which is as much as to say , that such a small thing will impede the extrusion in the great wheel , as will not at all hinder it in the little one . It is manifest therefore that the more the wheel augmenteth , the more the cause of the projection diminisheth . SAGR. From this which I now understand , by help of your minute dissertation , I am induced to think , that I am able to satisfie my judgment in a very few words . For equal impetus being impressed on both the stones that move along the tangents , by the equal velocity of the two wheels , we see the great circumference , by means of its small deviation from the tangent , to go seconding , as it were , and in a fair way refraining in the stone the appetite , if I may so say , of separating from the circumference ; so that any small retention , either of its own inclination , or of some glutination sufficeth to hold it fast to the wheel . Which , again , is not able to work the like effect in the little wheel , which but little prosecuting the direction of the tangent , seeketh with too much eagernesse to hold fast the stone ; and the restriction and glutination not being stronger than that which holdeth the other stone fast to the greater wheel , it * breaks loose , and runneth along the tangent . Therefore I do not only finde that all those have erred , who have believed the cause of the projection to increase according to the augmentation of the vertigo's velocity ; but I am further thinking , that the projection diminishing in the inlarging of the wheel , so long as the same velocity is reteined in those wheels ; it may possibly be true , that he that would make the great wheel extrude things like the little one , would be forced to increase them as much in velocity ; as they increase in diameter , which he might do , by making them to finish their conversions in equal times ; and thus we may conclude , that the Earths revolution or vertigo would be no more able to extrude stones , than any little wheel that goeth so slowly , as that it maketh but one turn in twenty four hours . SALV . We will enquire no further into this point for the present : let it suffice that we have abundantly ( if I deceive not my self ) demonstrated the invalidity of the argument , which at first sight seemed very concluding , and was so held by very famous men : and I shall think my time and words well bestowed , if I have but gained some belief in the opinion of Simplicius , I will not say of the Earths mobility , but only that the opinion of those that believe it , is not so ridiculous and fond , as the rout of vulgar Philosophers esteem it . SIMP . The answers hitherto produced against the arguments brought against this Diurnal Revolution of the Earth taken from grave bodies falling from the top of a Tower , and from projections made perpendicularly upwards , or according to any inclination sidewayes towards the East , West , North , South , &c. have somewhat abated in me the antiquated incredulity I had conceived against that opinion : but other greater doubts run in my mind at this very instant , which I know not in the least how to free my self of , and haply you your self will not be able to resolve them ; nay , it s possible you may not have heard them , for they are very modern . And these are the objections of two Authours , that ex professo write against Copernicus . Some of which are read in a little Tract of natural conclusions ; The rest are by a great both Philosopher and Mathematician , inserted in a Treatise which he hath written in favour of Aristotle , and his opinion touching the inalterability of the Heavens , where he proveth , that not onely the Comets , but also the new stars , namely , that anno 1572. in Cassiopeia , and that anno 1604. in Sagittarius were not above the Spheres of the Planets , but absolutely beneath the concave of the Moon in the Elementary Sphere , and this he demonstrateth against Tycho , Kepler , and many other Astronomical Observators , and beateth them at their own weapon ; to wit , the Doctrine of Parallaxes . If you like thereof , I will give you the reasons of both these Authours , for I have read them more than once , with attention ; and you may examine their strength , and give your opinion thereon . SALV . In regard that our principal end is to bring upon the stage , and to consider what ever hath been said for , or against the two Systemes , Ptolomaick , and Copernican , it is not good to omit any thing that hath been written on this subject . SIMP . I will begin therefore with the objections which I finde in the Treatise of Conclusions , and afterwards proceed to the rest . In the first place then , he bestoweth much paines in calculating exactly how many miles an hour a point of the terrestrial Globe situate under the Equinoctial , goeth , and how many miles are past by other points situate in other parallels : and not being content with finding out such motions in horary times , he findeth them also in a minute of an hour ; and not contenting himself with a minute , he findes them also in a second minute ; yea more , he goeth on to shew plainly , how many miles a Cannon bullet would go in the same time , being placed in the concave of the Lunar Orb , supposing it also as big as Copernicus himself representeth it , to take away all subterfuges from his adversary . And having made this most ingenious and exquisite supputation , he sheweth , that a grave body falling from thence above would consume more than six dayes in attaining to the centre of the Earth , to which all grave bodies naturally move . Now if by the absolute Divine Power , or by some Angel , a very great Cannon bullet were carried up thither , and placed in our Zenith or vertical point , and from thence let go at liberty , it is in his , and also in my opinion , a most incredible thing that it , in descending downwards , should all the way maintain it self in our vertical line , continuing to turn round with the Earth , about its centre , for so many dayes , describing under the Equinoctial a Spiral line in the plain of the great circle it self ; and under other Parallels , Spiral lines about Cones , and under the Poles falling by a simple right line . He , in the next place , stablisheth and confirmeth this great improbability by proving , in the way of interrogations , many difficulties impossible to be removed by the followers of Copernicus ; and they are , if I do well remember — . SALV . Take up a little , good Simplicius , and do not load me with so many novelties at once : I have but a bad memory , and therefore I must not go too fast . And in regard it cometh into my minde , that I once undertook to calculate how long time such a grave body falling from the concave of the Moon , would be in passing to the centre of the Earth , and that I think I remember that the time would not be so long ; it would be fit that you shew us by what rule this Author made his calculation . SIMP . He hath done it by proving his intent à fortiori , a sufficient advantage for his adversaries , supposing that the velocity of the body falling along the vertical line , towards the centre of the Earth , were equal to the velocity of its circular motion , which it made in the grand circle of the concave of the Lunar Orb. Which by equation would come to passe in an hour , twelve thousand six hundred German miles , a thing which indeed savours of impossibility : Yet neverthelesse , to shew his abundant caution , and to give all advantages to his adversaries , he supposeth it for true , and concludeth , that the time of the fall ought however to be more than six dayes . SALV . And is this the sum of his method ? And doth he by this demonstration prove the time of the fall to be above six dayes ? SAGR. Me thinks that he hath behaved himself too modestly , for that having it in the power of his will to give what velocity he pleased to such a descending body , and might aswell have made it six moneths , nay , six years in falling to the Earth , he is content with six dayes . But , good Salviatus , sharpen my appetite a little , by telling me in what manner you made your computation , in regard you say , that you have heretofore cast it up : for I am confident that if the question had not required some ingenuity in working it , you would never have applied your minde unto it . SALV . It is not enough , Sagredus , that the subjects be noble and great , but the businesse consists in handling it nobly . And who knoweth not , that in the dissection of the members of a beast , there may be discovered infinite wonders of provident and prudent Nature ; and yet for one , that the Anatomist dissects , the butcher cuts up a thousand . Thus I , who am now seeking how to satisfie your demand , cannot tell with which of the two shapes I had best to appear on the Stage ; but yet , taking heart from the example of Simplicius , his Authour , I will , without more delays , give you an account ( if I have not forgot ) how I proceeded . But before I go any further , I must not omit to tell you , that I much fear that Simplicius hath not faithfully related the manner how this his Authour found , that the Cannon bullet in coming from the concave of the Moon to the centre of the Earth , would spend more than six dayes : for if he had supposed that its velocity in descending was equal to that of the concave ( as Simplicius saith he doth suppose ) he would have shewn himself ignorant of the first , and more simple principles of Geometry ; yea , I admire that Simplicius , in admitting the supposition which he speaketh of , doth not see the monstrous absurdity that is couched in it . SIMP . It s possible that I may have erred in relating it ; but that I see any fallacy in it , I am sure is not true . SALV . Perhaps I did not rightly apprehend that which you said , Do you not say , that this Authour maketh the velocity of the bullet in descending equall to that which it had in turning round , being in the concave of the Moon , and that comming down with the same velocity , it would reach to the centre in six dayes ? SIMP . So , as I think , he writeth . SALV . And do not you pe●ceive a shamefull errour therein ? But questionlesse you dissemble it : For it cannot be , but that you should know that the semidiameter of the Circle is lesse than the sixth part of the circumference ; and that consequently , the time in which the moveable shall passe the semidiameter , shall be lesse than the sixth part of the time ; in which , being moved with the same velocity , it would passe the circumference ; and that therefore the bullet descending with the velocity , wherewith it moved in the concave , will arrive in lesse than four hours at the centre , supposing that in the concave one revolution should be consummate in twenty four hours , as he must of necessity have supposed it , for to keep it all the way in the same vertical line . SIMP . Now I thorowly perceive the mistake : but yet I would not lay it upon him undeservedly , for it 's possible that I may have erred in rehearsing his Argument , and to avoid running into the same mistakes for the future , I could wish I had his Book ; and if you had any body to send for it , I would take it for a great favour . SAGR. You shall not want a Lacquey that will runne for it with all speed : and he shall do it presently , without losing any time ; in the mean time Salviatus may please to oblige us with his computation . SIMP . If he go , he shall finde it lie open upon my Desk , together with that of the other Author , who also argueth against Copernicus . SAGR. We will make him bring that also for the more certainty : and in the interim Salviatus shall make his calculation : I have dispatch't away a messenger . SALV . Above all things it must be considered , that the motion of descending grave bodies is not uniform , but departing from rest they go continually accelerating : An effect known and observed by all men , unlesse it be by the forementioned modern Authour , who not speaking of acceleration , maketh it even and uniforme . But this general notion is of no avail , if it be not known according to what proportion this increase of velocity is made ; a conclusion that hath been until our times unknown to all Philosophers ; and was first found out & demonstrated by the * Academick , our common friend , who in some of his * writings not yet published , but in familiarity shewn to me , and some others of his acquaintance he proveth , how that the acceleration of the right motion of grave bodies , is made according to the numbers uneven beginning ab unitate , that is , any number of equal times being assigned , if in the first time the moveable departing from rest shall have passed such a certain space , as for example , an ell , in the second time it shall have passed three ells , in the third five , in the fourth seven , and so progressively , according to the following odd numbers ; which in short is the same , as if I should say , that the spaces passed by the moveable departing from its rest , are unto each other in proportion double to the proportion of the times , in which those spaces are measured ; or we will say , that the spaces passed are to each other , as the squares of their times . SAGR. This is truly admirable : and do you say that there is a Mathematical demonstration for it ? SALV . Yes , purely Mathematical ; and not onely for this , but for many other very admirable passions , pertaining to natural motions , and to projects also , all invented , and demonstrated by Our Friend , and I have seen and considered them all to my very great content and admiration , seeing a new compleat Doctrine to spring up touching a subject , upon which have been written hundreds of Volumes ; and yet not so much as one of the infinite admirable conclusions that those his writings contain , hath ever been observed , or understood by any one , before Our Friend made them out . SAGR. You make me lose the desire I had to understand more in our disputes in hand , onely that I may hear some of those demonstrations which you speak of ; therefore either give them me presently , or at least promise me upon your word , to appoint a particular conference concerning them , at which Simplicius also may be present , if he shall have a mind to hear the passions and accidents of the primary effect in Nature . SIMP . I shall undoubtedly be much pleased therewith , though indeed , as to what concerneth Natural Philosophy , I do not think that it is necessary to descend unto minute particularities , a general knowledg of the definition of motion , and of the distinction of natural and violent , even and accelerate , and the like , sufficing : For if this were not sufficient , I do not think that Aristotle would have omitted to have taught us what ever more was necessary . SALV . It may be so . But let us not lose more time about this , which I promise to spend half a day apart in , for your satisfaction ; nay , now I remember , I did promise you once before to satisfie you herein . Returning therefore to our begun calculation of the time , wherein the grave cadent body would pass from the concave of the Moon to the centre of the earth , that we may not proceed arbitrarily and at randon , but with a Logical method , we will first attempt to ascertain our selves by experiments often repeated , in how long time a ball v. g. of Iron descendeth to the Earth from an altitude of an hundred yards . SAGR. Let us therefore take a ball of such a determinate weight , and let it be the same wherewith we intend to make the computation of the time of descent from the Moon . SALV . This is not material , for that a ball of one , of ten , of an hundred , of a thousand pounds , will all measure the same hundred yards in the same time . SIMP . But this I cannot believe , nor much less doth Aristotle think so , who writeth , that the velocities of descending grave bodies , are in the same proportion to one another , as their gravities . SALV . If you will admit this for true , you must believe also , that two balls of the same matter , being let fall in the same moment , one of an hundred pounds , and another of one , from an altitude of an hundred yards , the great one arriveth at the ground , before the other is descended but one yard onely : Now bring your fancy , if you can , to imagine , that you see the great ball got to the ground , when the little one is still within less than a yard of the top of the Tower. SAGR. That this proposition is most false , I make no doubt in the world ; but yet that yours is absolutely true , I cannot well assure my self : nevertheless , I believe it , seeing that you so resolutely affirm it ; which I am sure you would not do , if you had not certain experience , or some clear demonstration thereof . SALV . I have both : and when we shall handle the business of motions apart , I will communicate them : in the interim , that we may have no more occasions of interrupting our discourse , we will suppose , that we are to make our computation upon a ball of Iron of an hundred a pounds , the which by reiterated experiments descendeth from the altitude of an hundred b yards , in five second-minutes of an hour . And because , as we have said , the spaces that are measured by the cadent moveable , increase in double proportion ; that is , according to the squares of the times , being that the time of one first-minute is duodecuple to the time of five seconds , if we multiply the hundred yards by the square of 12 , that is by 144 , we shall have 14400 , which shall be the number of yards that the same moveable shall pass in one first-minute of an hour : and following the same rule because one hour is 60 minutes , multiplying 14400 , the number of yards past in one minute , by the square of 60 , that is , by 3600 , there shall come forth 51840000 , the number of yards to be passed in an hour , which make 17280 miles . And desiring to know the space that the said ball would pass in 4 hours , let us multiply 17280 by 16 , ( which is the square of 4 ) and the product will be 276480 miles : which number is much greater than the distance from the Lunar concave to the centre of the Earth , which is but 196000 miles , making the distance of the concave 56 semidiameters of the Earth , as that modern Author doth ; and the semidiameter of the Earth 3500 miles , of 3000 * Braces to a † mile , which are our Italian miles . Therefore , Simplicius , that space from the concave of the Moon to the centre of the Earth , which your Accomptant said could not be passed under more than six days , you see that ( computing by experience , and not upon the fingers ends ) that it shall be passed in much less than four hours ; and making the computation exact , it shall be passed by the moveable in 3 hours , 22 min. prim . and 4 seconds . SAGR. I beseech you , dear Sir , do not defraud me of this exact calculation , for it must needs be very excellent . SALV . So indeed it is : therefore having ( as I have said ) by diligent tryal observed , that such a moveable passeth in its descent , the height of 100 yards in 5 seconds of an hour , we will say , if 100 yards are passed in 5 seconds ; in how many seconds shall 588000000 yards ( for so many are in 56 diameters of the Earth ) be passed ? The rule for this work is , that the third number must be multiplied by the square of the second , of which doth come 14700000000 , which ought to be divided by the first , that is , by 100 , and the root square of the quotient , that is , 12124 is the number sought , namely 12124 min. secun . of an hour , which are 3 hours , 22 min. prim . and 4 seconds . SAGR. I have seen the working , but I know nothing of the reason for so working , nor do I now think it a time to ask it . SALV . Yet I will give it , though you do not ask it , because it is very easie . Let us mark these three numbers with the Letters A first , B second , C third . A and C are the numbers of the spaces , B is the number of the time ; the fourth number is sought , of the time also . And because we know , that look what proportion the space A , hath to the spuace C , the same proportion shall the square of the time B have to the sqare of the time , which is sought . 100. 5. 588000000. A B C 25 1 14700000000 35956 10 22 241 60 12124 202 3 2422 24240 Therefore by the Golden Rule , let the number C be multiplied by the square of the number B , and let the product be divided by the number A , and the quotient shall be the square of the number sought , and its square root shall be the number it self that is sought . Now you see how easie it is to be understood . SAGR. So are all truths , when once they are found out , but the difficulty lyeth in finding them I very well apprehend it , and kindly thank you . And if there remain any other curiosity touching this point , I pray you let us hear it ; for if I may speak my mind , I will with the favour of Simplicius , that from your discourses I alwayes learn some new motion , but from those of his Philosophers , I do not remember that I have learn't any thing of moment . SALV . There might be much more said touching these local motions ; but according to agreement , we will reserve it to a particular conference ; and for the present I will speak something touching the Author named by Simplicius , who thinketh he hath given a great advantage to the adverse party in granting that , that Canon bullet in falling from the concave of the Moon may descend with a velocity equal to the velocity wherewith it would turn round , staying there above , and moving along with the diurnal conversion . Now I tell him , that that same ball falling from the concave unto the centre , will acquire a degree of velocity much more than double the velocity of the diurnal motion of the Lunar concave ; and this I will make out by solid and not impertinent suppositions . You must know therefore that the grave body falling and acquiring all the way new velocity according to the proportion already mentioned , hath in any whatsoever place of the line of its motion such a degree of velocity , that if it should continue to move therewith , uniformly without farther encreasing it ; in another time like to that of its descent , it would passe a space double to that passed in the line of the precedent motion of descent . And thus for example , if that ball in coming from the concave of the Moon to its centre hath spent three hours , 22 min. prim . and 4 seconds , I say , that being arrived at the centre , it shall find it self constituted in such a degree of velocity , that if with that , without farther encreasing it , it should continue to move uniformly , it would in other 3 hours , 22 min. prim . and 4 seconds , passe double that space , namely as much as the whole diameter of the Lunar Orb ; and because from the Moons concave to the centre are 196000 miles , which the ball passeth in 3 hours 22 prim . min. and 4 seconds , therefore ( according to what hath been said ) the ball continuing to move with the velocity which it is found to have in its arrival at the centre , it would passe in other 3 hours 22 min. prim . and 4 seconds , a space double to that , namely 392000 miles ; but the same continuing in the concave of the Moon , which is in circuit 1232000 miles , and moving therewith in a diurnal motion , it would make in the same time , that is in 3 hours 22 min. prim . and 4 seconds , 172880 miles , which are fewer by many than the half of the 392000 miles . You see then that the motion in the concave is not as the modern Author saith , that is , of a velocity impossible for the falling ball to partake of , &c. SAGR. The discourse would pass for current , and would give me full satisfaction , if that particular was but salved , of the moving of the moveable by a double space to that passed in falling in another time equal to that of the descent , in case it doth continue to move uniformly with the greatest degree of velocity acquired in descending . A proposition which you also once before supposed as true , but never demonstrated . SALV . This is one of the demonstrations of Our Friend , and you shall see it in due time ; but for the present , I will with some conjectures ( not teach you any thing that is new , but ) remember you of a certain contrary opinion , and shew you , that it may haply so be . A bullet of lead hanging in a long and fine thread fastened to the roof , if we remove it far from perpendicularity , and then let it go , have you not observed that , it declining , will pass freely , and well near as far to the other side of the perpendicular ? SAGR. I have observed it very well , and find ( especially if the plummet be of any considerable weight ) that it riseth so little less than it descended , so that I have sometimes thought , that the ascending arch is equal to that descending , and thereupon made it a question whether the vibrations might not perpetuate themselves ; and I believe that they might , if that it were possible to remove the impediment of the Air , which resisting penetration , doth some small matter retard and impede the motion of the pendulum , though indeed that impediment is but small : in favour of which opinion the great number of vibrations that are made before the moveable wholly ceaseth to move , seems to plead . SALV . The motion would not be perpetual , Sagredus , although the impediment of the Air were totally removed , because there is another much more abstruse . SAGR. And what is that ? as for my part I can think of no other ? SALV . You will be pleased when you hear it , but I shall not tell it you till anon : in the mean time , let us proceed . I have proposed the observation of this Pendulum , to the intent , that you should understand , that the impetus acquired in the descending arch , where the motion is natural , is of it self able to drive the said ball with a violent motion , as far on the other side in the like ascending arch ; if so , I say , of it self , all external impediments being removed : I believe also that every one takes it for granted , that as in the descending arch the velocity all the way increaseth , till it come to the lowest point , or its perpendicularity ; so from this point , by the other ascending arch , it all the way diminisheth , untill it come to its extreme and highest point : and diminishing with the same proportions , wherewith it did before increase , so that the dgrees of the velocities in the points equidistant from the point of perpendicularity , are equal to each other . Hence it seemeth to me ( arguing with all due modesty ) that I might easily be induced to believe , that if the Terrestrial Globe were bored thorow the centre , a Canon bullet descending through that Well , would acquire by that time it came to the centre , such an impulse of velocity , that , it having passed beyond the centre , would spring it upwards the other way , as great a space , as that was wherewith it had descended , all the way beyond the centre diminishing the velocity with decreasements like to the increasements acquired in the descent : and the time spent in this second motion of ascent , I believe , would be equal to the time of descent . Now if the moveable by diminishing that its greatest degree of velocity which it had in the centre , successively until it come to total extinction , do carry the moveable in such a time such a certain space , as it had gone in such a like quantity of time , by the acquist of velocity from the total privation of it until it came to that its greatest degree ; it seemeth very reasonable , that if it should move always with the said greatest degree of velocity it would pass , in such another quantity of time , both those spaces : For if we do but in our mind successively divide those velocities into rising and falling degrees , as v. g. these numbers in the margine ; so that the first sort unto 10 be supposed the increasing velocities , and the others unto one 1 , be the increasing ; and let those of the time of the descent , and the others of the time of the ascent being added all together , make as many , as if one of the two sums of them had been all of the greatest degrees , and therefore the whole space passed by all the degrees of the increasing velocities , and decreasing , ( which put together is the whole diameter ) ought to be equal to the space passed by the greatest velocities , that are in number half the aggregate of the increasing and decreasing velocities . I know that I have but obscurely expressed my self , and I wish I may be understood . SAGR. I think I understand you very well ; and also that I can in a few words shew , that I do understand you . You had a mind to say , that the motion begining from rest , and all the way increasing the velocity with equal augmentations , such as are those of continuate numbers beginning at 1 , rather at 0 , which representeth the state of rest , disposed as in the margine : and continued at pleasure , so as that the least degree may be 0 , and the greatest v. g. 5 , all these degrees of velocity wherewith the moveable is moved , make the sum of 15 ; but if the moveable should move with as many degrees in number as these are , and each of them equal to the biggest , which is 5 , the aggregate of all these last velocities would be double to the others , namely 30. And therefore the moveable moving with a like time , but with uniform velocity , which is that of the highest degree 5 , ought to pass a space double to that which it passeth in the accelerate time , which beginneth at the state of rest . SALV . According to your quick and piercing way of apprehending things , you have explained the whole business with more plainness than I my self ; and put me also in mind of adding something more : for in the accelerate motion , the augmentation being continual , you cannot divide the degrees of velocity , which continually increase , into any determinate number , because changing every moment , they are evermore infinite . Therefore we shall be the better able to exemplifie our intentions by describing a Triangle , which let be this ABC , [ in Fig. 8. ] taking in the side AC , as many equal parts as we please , AD , DE , EF , FG , and drawing by the points D , E , F , G , right lines parallel to the 〈◊〉 BC. Now let us imagine the parts marked in the line AC , to be equal times , and let the parallels drawn by the points D , E , F , G , represent unto us the degrees of velocity accelerated , and increasing equally in equal times ; and let the Point A be the state of rest , from which the moveable departing , hath v. g. in the time AD , acquired the degree of velocity DH , in the second time we will suppose , that it hath increased the velocity from DH , as far as to EI , and so supposing it to have grown greater in the succeeding times , according to the increase of the lines FK , GL , &c. but because the acceleration is made continually from moment to moment , and not disjunctly from one certain part of time to another ; the point A being put for the lowest moment of velocity , that is , for the state of rest , and AD for the first instant of time following ; it is manifest , that before the acquist of the degree of velocity DH , made in the time AD , the moveable must have past by infinite other lesser and lesser degrees gained in the infinite instants that are in the time DA , answering the infinite points that are in the line DA ; therefore to represent unto us the infinite degrees of velocity that precede the degree DH , it is necessary to imagine infinite lines successively lesser and lesser , which are supposed to be drawn by the infinite points of the line DA , and parallels to DH , the which infinite lines represent unto us the superficies of the Triangle AHD , and thus we may imagine any space passed by the moveable , with a motion which begining at rest , goeth uniformly accelerating , to have spent and made use of infinite degrees of velocity , increasing according to the infinite lines that begining from the point A , are supposed to be drawn parallel to the line HD , and to the rest IE , KF , LG , the motion continuing as far as one will. Now let us compleat the whole Parallelogram AMBC , and let us prolong as far as to the side thereof BM , not onely the Parallels marked in the Triangle , but those infinite others imagined to be drawn from all the points of the side AC ; and like as BC , was the greatest of those infinite parallels of the Triangle , representing unto us the greatest degree of velocity acquired by the moveable in the accelerate motion , and the whole superficies of the said Triangle , was the mass and sum of the whole velocity , wherewith in the time AC it passed such a certain space , so the parallelogram is now a mass and aggregate of a like number of degrees of velocity , but each equal to the greatest BC , the which mass of velocities will be double to the mass of the increasing velocities in the Triangle , like as the said Parallelogram is double to the Triangle : and therefore if the moveable , that falling did make use of the accelerated degrees of velocity , answering to the triangle ABC , hath passed in such a time such a space , it is very reasonable and probable , that making use of the uniform velocities answering to the parallelogram , it shall passe with an even motion in the same time a space double to that passed by the accelerate motion . SAGR. I am entirely satisfied . And if you call this a probable Discourse , what shall the necessary demonstrations be ? I wish that in the whole body of common Philosophy , I could find one that was but thus concludent . SIMP . It is not necessary in natural Philosophy to seek exquisite Mathematical evidence . SAGR. But this point of motion , is it not a natural question ? and yet I cannot find that Aristotle hath demonstrated any the least accident of it . But let us no longer divert our intended Theme , nor do you fail , I pray you Salviatus , to tell me that which you hinted to me to be the cause of the Pendulum's quiescence , besides the resistance of the Medium ro penetration . SALV . Tell me ; of two penduli hanging at unequal distances , doth not that which is fastned to the longer threed make its vibrations more seldome ? SAGR. Yes , if they be moved to equall distances from their perpendicularity . SALV . This greater or lesse elongation importeth nothing at all , for the same pendulum alwayes maketh its reciprocations in equall times , be they longer or shorter , that is , though the pendulum be little or much removed from its perpendicularity , and if they are not absolutely equal , they are insensibly different , as experience may shew you : and though they were very unequal , yet would they not discountenance , but favour our cause . Therefore let us draw the perpendicular AB [ in Fig. 9. ] and hang from the point A , upon the threed AC , a plummet C , and another upon the same threed also , which let be E , and the threed AC , being removed from its perpendicularity , and then letting go the plummets C and E , they shall move by the arches CBD , EGF , and the plummet E , as hanging at a lesser distance , and withall , as ( by what you said ) lesse removed , will return back again faster , and make its vibrations more frequent than the plummet C , and therefore shall hinder the said plummet C , from running so much farther towards the term D , as it would do , if it were free : and thus the plummet E bringing unto it in every vibration continuall impediment , it shall finally reduce it to quiescence . Now the same threed , ( raking away the middle plummet ) is a composition of many grave penduli , that is , each of its parts is such a pendulum fastned neerer and neerer to the point A , and therefore disposed to make it , vibrations successively more and more frequent ; and consequently is able to bring a continual impediment to the plummet C ; and for a proof that this is so , if we do but observe the thread AC , we shall see it distended not directly , but in an arch ; and if instead of the thread we take a chain , we shall discern the effect more perfectly ; and especially removing the gravity C , to a considerable distance from the perpendicular AB , for that the chain being composed of many loose particles , and each of them of some weight , the arches AEC , and AFD , will appear notably incurvated . By reason therefore , that the parts of the chain , according as they are neerer to the point A , desire to make their vibrations more frequent , they permit not the lower parts of the said chain to swing so far as naturally they would : and by continual detracting from the vibrations of the plummet C , they finally make it cease to move , although the impediment of the air might be removed . SAGR. The books are now come ; here take them Simplicius , and find the place you are in doubt of . SIMP . See , here it is where he beginneth to argue against the diurnal motion of the Earth , he having first confuted the annual . Motus terrae annuus asserere Copernicanos cogit conversionem ejusdem quotidianam ; alias idem terrae Hemisphaerium continenter ad Solem esset conversum obumbrato semper averso . [ In English thus : ] The annual motion of the Earth doth compell the Copernicans to assert the daily conversion thereof ; otherwise the same Hemisphere of the Earth would be continually turned towards the Sun , the shady side being always averse . And so one half of the Earth would never come to see the Sun. SALV . I find at the very first sight , that this man hath not rightly apprehended the Copernican Hypothesis , for if he had but taken notice how he alwayes makes the Axis of the terrestrial Globe perpetually parallel to it self , he would not have said , that one half of the Earth would never see the Sun , but that the year would be one entire natural day , that is , that thorow all parts of the Earth there would be six moneths day , and six moneths night , as it now befalleth to the inhabitants under the Pole , but let this mistake be forgiven him , and let us come to what remaineth . SIMP . It followeth , Hanc autem gyrationem Terrae impossibilem esse sic demonstramus . Which speaks in English thus : That this gyration of the Earth is impossible we thus demonstrate . That which ensueth is the declaration of the following figure , wherein is delineated many descending grave bodies , and ascending light bodies , and birds that fly to and again in the air , &c. SAGR. Let us see them , I pray you . Oh! what fine figures , what birds , what balls , and what other pretty things are here ? SIMP . These are balls which come from the concave of the Moon . SAGR. and what is this ? SIMP . This is a kind of Shell-fish , which here at Venice they call buovoli ; and this also came from the Moons concave . SAGR. Indeed , it seems then , that the Moon hath a great power over these Oyster-fishes , which we call * armed sishes . SIMP . And this is that calculation , which I mentioned ▪ of this Journey in a natural day , in an hour , in a first minute , and in a second , which a point of the Earth would make placed under the Equinoctial , and also in the parallel of 48 gr . And then followeth this , which I doubted I had committed some mistake in reciting , therefore let us read it . His positis , necesse est , terra circulariter mota , omnia ex aëre eidem , &c. Quod si hasce pilas aequales ponemus pondere , magnitudine , gravitate , & in concavo Sphaerae Lunaris positas libero descensui permittamus , si motum deorsum aequemus celeritate motui circum , ( quod tamen secus est , cum pila A , &c. ) elabentur minimum ( ut multum cedamus adversariis ) dies sex : quo tempore sexies circa terram , &c. [ In English thus . ] These things being supposed , it is necessary , the Earth being circularly moved , that all things from the air to the same , &c. So that if we suppose these balls to be equal in magnitude and gravity , and being placed in the concave of the Lunar Sphere , we permit them a free descent , and if we make the motion downwards equal in velocity to the motion about , ( which nevertheless is otherwise , if the ball A , &c. ) they shall be falling at least ( that we may grant much to our adversaries ) six dayes ; in which time they shall be turned six times about the Earth , &c. SALV . You have but too faithfully cited the argument of this person . From hence you may collect Simplicius , with what caution they ought to proceed , who would give themselves up to believe others in those things , which perhaps they do not believe themselves . For me thinks it a thing impossible , but that this Author was advised , that he did design to himself a circle , whose diameter ( which amongst Mathematicians , is lesse than one third part of the circumference ) is above 72 times bigger than it self : an errour that affirmeth that to be considerably more than 200 which is lesse than one . SAGR. It may be , that these Mathematical proportions , which are true in abstract , being once applied in concrete to Physical and Elementary circles , do not so exactly agree : And yet , I think , that the Cooper , to find the semidiameter of the bottom , which he is to fit to the Cask , doth make use of the rule of Mathematicians in abstract , although such bottomes be things meerly material , and concrete ▪ therefore let Simplicius plead in excuse of this Author ; and whether he thinks that the Physicks can differ so very much from the Mathematicks . SIMP . The substractions are in my opinion insufficient to salve this difference , which is so extreamly too great to be reconciled : and in this case I have no more to say but that , Quandoque bonus dormilet Homerus . But supposing the calculation of * Salviatus to be more exact , and that the time of the descent of the ball were no more than three hours ; yet me thinks , that coming from the concave of the Moon , which is so great a distance off , it would be an admirable thing , that it should have an instinct of maintaining it self all the way over the self-same point of the Earth , over which it did hang in its departure thence , and not rather be left a very great way behind . SALV . The effect may be admirable , and not admirable , but natural and ordinary , according as the things precedent may fall out . For if the ball ( according to the Authors suppositions ) whilst it staid in the concave of the Moon , had the circular motion of twenty four hours together with the Earth , and with the rest of the things contained within the said Concave ; that very vertue which made it turn round before its descent , will continue it in the same motion in its descending . And so far it is from not keeping pace with the motion of the Earth , and from staying behind , that it is more likely to out-go it ; being that in its approaches to the Earth , the motion of gyration is to be made with circles continually lesser and lesser ; so that the ball retaining in it self that self-same velocity which it had in the concave , it ought to anticipate , as I have said , the vertigo or conversion of the Earth . But if the ball in the concave did want that circulation , it is not obliged in descending to maintain it self perpendicularly over that point of the Earth , which was just under it when the descent began . Nor will. Copernicus , or any of his followers affirm the same . SIMP . But the Author maketh an objection , as you see , demanding on what principle this circular motion of grave and light bodies , doth depend : that is , whether upon an internal or an external principle . SALV . Keeping to the Probleme of which we speak , I say , that that very principle which made the ball turn round , whil'st it was in the Lunar concave , is the same that maintaineth also the circulation in the descent : yet I leave the Author at liberty to make it internal or external at his pleasure . SIMP . The Author proveth , that it can neither be inward nor outward . SALV . And I will say then , that the ball in the concave did not move , and so he shall not be bound to shew how that in descending it continueth all the way vertically over one point , for that it will not do any such thing . SIMP . Very well ; But if grave bodies , and light can have no principle , either internal or external of moving circularly , than neither can the terrestrial Globe move with a circular motion : and thus you have the intent of the Author . SALV . I did not say , that the Earth had no principle , either interne , or externe to the motion of gyration , but I say , that I do not know which of the two it hath ; and yet my not knowing it hath not a power to deprive it of the same ; but if this Author can tell by what principle other mundane bodies are moved round , of whose motion there is no doubt ; I say , that that which maketh the Earth to move , is a vertue , like to that , by which Mars and Jupiter are moved , and wherewith he believes that the starry Sphere it self also doth move ; and if he will but assure me , who is the mover of one of these moveables , I will undertake to be able to tell him who maketh the Earth to move . Nay more ; I will undertake to do the same , if he can but tell me , who moveth the parts of the Earth downwards . SIMP . The cause of this is most manifest , and every one knows that it is gravity . SALV . You are out , Simplicius , you should say , that every one knowes , that it is called Gravity : but I do not question you about the name , but the essence of the thing , of which essence you know not a tittle more than you know the essence of the mover of the stars in gyration ; unlesse it be the name that hath been put to this , and made familiar , and domestical , by the many experiences which we see thereof every hour in the day , : but not as if we really understand any more , what principle or vertue that is which moveth a stone downwards , than we know who moveth it upwards , when it is separated from the projicient , or who moveth the Moon round , except ( as I have said ) onely the name , which more particularly and properly we have assigned to the motion of descent , namely , Gravity ; whereas for the cause of circular motion , in more general termes , we assign the Vertue impressed , and call the same an Intelligence , either assisting , or informing ; and to infinite other motions we ascribe Nature for their cause . SIMP . It is my opinion , that this Author asketh far lesse than that , to which you deny to make answer ; for he doth not ask what is nominally and particularly the principle that moveth grave and light bodies circularly , but whatsoever it be , he desireth to know , whether you think it intrinsecal , or extrinsecal : For howbeit , v. gr . I do not know , what kind of thing that gravity is , by which the Earth descendeth ; yet I know that it is an intern principle , seeing that if it be not hindered , it moveth spontaneously : and on the contrary , I know that the principle which moveth it upwards , is external ; although that I do not know , what thing that vertue is , impressed on it by the projicient . SALV . Into how many questions must we excurre , if we would decide all the difficulties , which successively have dependance one upon another ! You call that an external ( and you also call it a preternatural and violent ) principle , which moveth the grave project upwards ; but its possible that it may be no lesse interne and natural , than that which moveth it downwards ; it may peradventure be called external and violent , so long as the moveable is joyned to the projicient ; but being separated , what external thing remaineth for a mover of the arrow , or ball ? In summe , it must necessarliy be granted , that that vertue which carrieth such a moveable upwards , is no lesse interne , than that which moveth it downwards ; and I think the motion of grave bodies ascending by the impetus conceived , to be altogether as natural , as the motion of descent depending on gravity . SIMP . I will never grant this ; for the motion of descent hath its principle internal , natural , and perpetual , and the motion of ascent hath its principle externe , violent , and finite . SALV . If you refuse to grant me , that the principles of the motions of grave bodies downwards and upwards , are equally internal and natural ; what would you do , if I should say , that they may also be the same in number ? SIMP . I leave it to you to judge . SALV . But I desire you your self to be the Judge : Therefore tell me , Do you believe that in the same natural body , there may reside interne principles , that are contrary to one another ? SIMP . I do verily believe there cannot . SALV . What do you think to be the natural inclination of Earth , of Lead , of Gold , and in sum , of the most ponderous matters ; that is , to what motion do you believe that their interne principle draweth them ? SIMP . To that towards the centre of things grave , that is , to the centre of the Universe , and of the Earth , whither , if they be not hindered , it will carry them . SALV . So that , if the Terrestrial Globe were bored thorow , and a Well made that should passe through the centre of it , a Cannon bullet being let fall into the same , as being moved by a natural and intrinsick principle , would passe to the centre ; and it would make all this motion spontaneously , and by intrinsick principle , is it not so ? SIMP . So I verily believe . SALV . But when it is arrived at the centre , do you think that it will passe any further , or else that there it would immediately stand still , and move no further ? SIMP . I believe that it would continue to move a great way further . SALV . But this motion beyond the centre , would it not be upwards , and according to your assertion preternatural , and violent ? And yet on what other principle do you make it to depend , but only upon the self same , which did carry the ball to the centre , and which you called intrinsecal , and natural ? Finde , if you can , another external projicient , that overtaketh it again to drive it upwards . And this that hath been said of the motion thorow the centre , is also seen by us here above ; for the interne impetus of a grave body falling along a declining superficies , if the said superficies be reflected the other way , it shall carry it , without a jot interrupting the motion , also upwards . A ball of lead that hangeth by a thread , being removed from its perpendicularity , descendeth spontaneously , as being drawn by its internal inclination , and without any interposure of rest , passeth beyond the lowest point of perpendicularity : and without any additional mover , moveth upwards . I know that you will not deny , but that the principle of grave bodies that moveth them downwards , is no less natural , and intrinsecal , than that principle of light bodies , vvhich moveth them upwards : so that I propose to your consideration a ball of lead , vvhich descending through the Air from a great altitude , and so moving by an intern principle , and comming to a depth of vvater , continueth its descent , and without any other externe mover , submergeth a great vvay ; and yet the motion of descent in the vvater is preternatural unto it ; but yet nevertheless dependeth on a principle that is internal , and not external to the ball . You see it demonstrated then , that a moveable may be moved by one and the same internal principle , with contrary motions . SIMP . I believe there are solutions to all these objections , though for the present I do not remember them ; but however it be , the Author continueth to demand , on what principle this circular motion of grave and light bodies dependeth ; that is , whether on a principle internal , or external ; and proceeding forvvards , sheweth , that it can be neither on the one , nor on the other , saying ; Si ab externo ; Deusne illum excitat per continuum miraculum ? an verò Angelus , an aër ? Et hunc quidem multi assignant . Sed contra — [ In English thus ] If from an externe principle ; Whether God doth not excite it by a continued Miracle ? or an Angel , or the Air ? And indeed many do assign this . But on the contrary — . SALV . Trouble not your self to read his argument ; for I am none of those who ascribe that principle to the ambient air . As to the Miracle , or an Angel , I should rather incline to this side ; for that which taketh beginning from a Divine Miracle , or from an Angelical operation ; as for instance , the transportation of a Cannon ball or bullet into the concave of the Moon , doth in all probability depend on the vertue of the same principle for performing the rest . But , as to the Air , it serveth my turn , that it doth not hinder the circular motion of the moveables , which we did suppose to move thorow it . And to prove that , it sufficeth ( nor is more required ) that it moveth with the same motion , and finisheth its circulations with the same velocity , that the Terrestrial Globe doth . SIMP . And he likewise makes his opposition to this also ; demanding who carrieth the air about , Nature , or Violence ? And proveth , that it cannot be Nature , alledging that that is contrary to truth , experience , and to Copernicus himself . SALV . It is not contrary to Copernicus in the least , who writeth no such thing ; and this Author ascribes these things to him with two excessive courtesie . It 's true , he saith , and for my part I think he saith well , that the part of the air neer to the Earth , being rather a terrestrial evaporation , may have the same nature , and naturally follow its motion ; or , as being contiguous to it , may follow it in the same manner , as the Peripateticks say , that the superiour part of it , and the Element of fire , follow the motion of the Lunar Concave , so that it lyeth upon them to declare , whether that motion be natural , or violent . SIMP . The Author will reply , that if Copernicus maketh only the inferiour part of the Air to move , and supposeth the upper part thereof to want the said motion , he cannot give a reason , how that quiet air can be able to carry those grave bodies along with it , and make them keep pace with the motion of the Earth . SALV . Copernicus will say , that this natural propension of the elementary bodies to follow the motion of the Earth , hath a limited Sphere , out of which such a natural inclination would cease ; besides that , as I have said , the Air is not that which carrieth the moveables along with it ; which being separated from the Earth , do follow its motion ; so that all the objections come to nothing , which this Author produceth to prove , that the Air cannot cause such effects . SIMP . To shew therefore , that that cannot be , it will be necessary to say , that such like effects depend on an interne principle , against which position , oboriuntur difficillimae , immò inextricabiles quaestiones secundae , of which sort are these that follow . Principium illud internum vel est accidens , vel substantia . Si primum ; quale nam illud ? nam qualitas locomotiva circum , hactenus nulla videtur agni●a . ( In English thus : ) Contrary to which position there do arise most difficult , yea inextricable second questions , such as these ; That intern principle is either an accident , or a substance . If the first ; what manner of accident is it ? For a locomotive quality about the centre , seemeth to be hitherto acknowledged by none . SALV . How , is there no such thing acknowledged ? Is it not known to us , that all these elementary matters move round , together with the Earth ? You see how this Author supposeth for true , that which is in question . SIMP . He saith , that we do not see the same ; and me thinks , he hath therein reason on his side . SALV . We see it not , because we turn round together with them . SIMP . Hear his other Argument . Quae etiam si esset , quomodò tamen inveniretur in rebus tam contrariis ? in igne , ut in aquâ ; in aëre , ut in terra ; in viventibus , ut in animà carentibus ? [ in English thus : ] Which although it were , yet how could it be found in things so contrary ? in the fire , as in the water ? in the air , as in the earth ? in living creatures , as in things wanting life ? SALV . Supposing for this time , that water and fire are contraries ; as also the air and earth ; ( of which yet much may be said ) the most that could follow from thence would be , that those motions cannot be common to them , that are contrary to one another : so that v. g. the motion upwards , which naturally agreeth to fire , cannot agree to water ; but that , like as it is by nature contrary to fire : so to it that motion suiteth , which is contrary to the motion of fire , which shall be the motion deorsum ; but the circular motion , which is not contrary either to the motion sursum , or to the motion deorsum , but may mix with both , as Aristotle himself affirmeth , why may it not equally suit with grave bodies and with light ? The motions in the next place , which cannot be common to things alive , and dead , are those which depend on the soul : but those which belong to the body , in as much as it is elementary , and consequently participateth of the qualities of the elements , why may not they be common as well to the dead corps , as to the living body ? And therefore , if the circular motion be proper to the elements , it ought to be common to the mixt bodies also . SAGR. It must needs be , that this Author holdeth , that a dead cat , falling from a window , it is not possible that a live cat also could fall ; it not being a thing convenient , that a carcase should partake of the qualities which suit with things alive . SALV . Therefore the discourse of this Author concludeth nothing against one that should affirm , that the principle of the circular motions of grave and light bodies is an intern accident : I know not how he may prove , that it cannot be a substance . SIMP . He brings many Arguments against this . The first of which is in these words : Si secundum ( nempè , si dicas tale principium esse substantiam ) illud est aut materia , aut forma , aut compositum . Sed repugnant iterum tot diversae rerum naturae , quales sunt aves , limaces , saxa , sagittae , nives , fumi , grandines , pisces , &c. quae tamen omnia specie & genere differentia , moverentur à naturà suâ circulariter , ipsa naturis diversissima , &c. [ In English thus ] If the second , ( that is , if you shall say that this principle is a substance ) it is either matter , or form , or a compound of both . But such diverse natures of things are again repugnant , such as are birds , snails , stones , darts , snows , smoaks , hails , fishes , &c. all which notwithstanding their differences in species and kind , are moved of their own nature circularly , they being of their natures most different , &c. SALV . If these things before named are of diverse natures , and things of diverse natures cannot have a motion in common , it must follow , if you would give satisfaction to all , that you are to think of , more than two motions onely of upwards and downwards : and if there must be one for the arrows , another for the snails , another for the stones , and another for fishes ; then are you to bethink your self of worms , topazes and mushrums , which are not less different in nature from one another , than snow and hail . SIMP . It seems that you make a jest of these Arguments . SALV . No indeed , Simplicius , but it hath been already answered above , to wit , that if one motion , whether downwards or upwards , can agree with all those things afore named , a circular motion may no less agree with them : and as you are a Peripatetick , do not you put a greater difference between an elementary comet and a celestial star , than between a fish and a bird ? and yet both those move circularly . Now propose your second Argument . SIMP . Si terra staret per voluntatem Dei , rotaréntne caetera , an non ? si hoc , falsum est à naturâ gyrare ; si illud , redeunt priores quaestiones . Et sanè mirum esset , quòd Gavia pisciculo , Alauda nidulo suo , & corvus limaci , petraque , etiam volans , imminere non posset . [ Which I thus render : ] If the Earth be supposed to stand still by the will of God , should the rest of bodies turn round or no ? If not , then it 's false that they are revolved by nature ; if the other , the former questions will return upon us . And truly it would be strange that the Sea-pie should not be able to hover over the small fish , the Lark over her nest , and the Crow over the snail and rock , though flying . SALV . I would answer for my self in general terms , that if it were appointed by the will of God , that the Earth should cease from its diurnal revolution , those birds would do what ever should please the same Divine will. But if this Author desire a more particular answer , I should tell him , that they would do quite contrary to what they do now , if whilst they , being separated from the Earth , do bear themselves up in the air , the Terrestrial Globe by the will of God , should all on a sudden be put upon a precipitate motion ; it concerneth this Author now to ascertain us what would in this case succeed . SAGR. I pray you , Salviatus , at my request to grant to this Author , that the Earth standing still by the will of God , the other things , separated from it , would continue to turn round of their own natural motion , and let us hear what impossibilities or inconveniences would follow : for I , as to my own particular , do not see how there can be greater disorders , than these produced by the Author himself , that is , that Larks , though they should flie , could not be able to hover over their nests , nor Crows over snails , or rocks : from whence would follow , that Crows must suffer for want of snails , and young Larks must die of hunger , and cold , not being able to be fed or sheltered by the wings of the old ones . This is all the ruine that I can conceive would follow , supposing the Authors speech to be true . Do you see , Simplicius , if greater inconveniences would happen ? SIMP . I know not how to discover greater ; but it is very credible , that the Author besides these , discovered other disorders in Nature , which perhaps in reverend respect of her , he was not willing to instance in . Therefore let us proceed to the third Objection . Insuper quî fit , ut istae res tam variae tantùm moveantur ab Occasu in Ortum , parallelae ad Aequatorem ? ut semper moveantur , nunquam quiescant ? [ which speaks to this sense : ] Moreover , how comes it to pass that these things , so diverse , are onely moved from the West towards the East , parallel to the Aequinoctial ? that they always move , and never rest ? SALV . They move from West to East parallel to the Aequinoctial without ceasing , in the same manner as you believe the fixed stars to move from East to West , parallel to the Aequinoctial , without ever resting . SIMP . Quarè , quò sunt altiores , celeriùs ; quò humiliores , tardiùs ? ( i. e. ) Why are the higher the swifter , and the lower the ●lower ? SALV . Because that in a Sphere or circle , that turns about upon its own centre , the remoter parts describe greater circuits , and the parts nearer at hand describe lesser in the same time . SIMP . Quare , quae Aequinoctiali propriores , in majori ; quae remotiores , in minori circulo feruntur ? [ scilicet : ] Why are those near the Aequinoctial carried about in a greater circle , and those which are remote in a lesser ? SALV . To imitate the starry Sphere , in which those nearest to the Aequinoctial , move in greater circles , than the more remote . SIMP . Quarè Pila eadem sub Aequinoctiali tota circa centrum terrae , ambitu maximo , celeritate incredibili ; sub Polo verò circa centrum proprium , gyro nullo , tarditate supremà volveretur ? [ That is : ] Why is the same ball under the Aequinoctial wholly turned round the centre of the Earth in the greatest circumference , with an incredible celerity ; but under the Pole about its own centre , in no circuite , but with the ultimate degree of tardity ? SALV . To imitate the stars of the Firmament , that would do the like if they had the diurnal motion . SIMP . Quare eadem res , pila v. g. plumbea , si semel terram circuivit , descripto circulo maximo , eandem ubique non circummigret secundùm circulum maximum , sed translata extra Aequinoctialem in circulis minoribus agetur ? [ Which speaketh thus : ] Why doth not the same thing , as for example , a ball of lead turn round every where according to the same great circle , if once describing a great circle , it hath incompassed the Earth , but being removed from the Aequinoctial , doth move in lesser circles ? SALV . Because so would , nay , according to the doctrine of Ptolomey , so have some fixed stars done , which once were very near the Aequinoctial , and described very vast circles , and now that they are farther off , describe lesser . SAGR. If I could now but keep in mind all these fine notions , I should think that I had made a great purchase ; I must needs intreat you , Simplicius , to lend me this Book , for there cannot chuse but be a sea of rare and ingenious matters contained in it . SIMP . I will present you with it . SAGR. Not so , Sir ; I would not deprive you of it : but are the Queries yet at an end ? SIMP . No Sir ; hearken therefore . Si latio circularis gravibus & levibus est naturalis , qualis est ea quae fit secundùm lineam rectam ? Nam si naturalis , quomodo & is motus qui circum est , naturalis est , cùm specie differat à recto ? Si violentus , quî fit , ut missile ignitum sursum evolans scintillosum caput sursùm à terrâ , non autem circum volvatur , &c. [ Which take in our idiom : ] If a circular lation is natural to heavy and light things , what is that which is made according to a right line ? For if it be natural , how then is that motion which is about the centre natural , seeing it differs in species from a right motion ? If it be violent , how is it that a fiery dart flying upwards , sparkling over our heads at a distance from the Earth , but not turning about , &c. SALV . It hath been said already very often , that the circular motion is natural to the whole , and to its parts , whilst they are in perfect disposure , and the right is to reduce to order the parts disordered ; though indeed it is better to say , that neither the parts ordered or disordered ever move with a right motion , but with one mixed , which might as well be averred meerly circular : but to us but one part onely of this motion is visible and observable , that is , the part of the right , the other part of the circular being imperceptible to us , because we partake thereof . And this answers to the rays which move upwards , and round about , but we cannot distinguish their circular motion , for that , with that we our selves move also . But I believe that this Author never thought of this mixture ; for you may see that he resolutely saith , that the rays go directly upwards , and not at all in gyration . SIMP . Quare centrum sphaere delapsae sub Aequatore spiram describit in ejus plano : sub aliis parallelis spiram describit in cono ? sub Polo descendit in axe lineam gyralem , decurrens in superficie cylindricâ consignatam ? ( In English to this purpose : ) Why doth the centre of a falling Globe under the Aequinoctial describe a spiral line in the plane of the Aequator ; and in other parallels a spiral about a Cone ; and under the Pole descend in the axis describing a gyral line , running in a Cylindrical Superficie ? SALV . Because of the lines drawn from the Centre to the circumference of the sphere , which are those by which graves descend , that which terminates in the Aequinoctial designeth a circle , and those that terminate in other parallels describe conical superficies ; now the axis describeth nothing at all , but continueth in its own being . And if I may give you my judgment freely , I will say , that I cannot draw from all these Queries , any sense that interfereth with the motion of the Earth ; for if I demand of this Author , ( granting him that the Earth doth not move ) what would follow in all these particulars , supposing that it do move , as Copernicus will have it ; I am very confident , that he would say that all these effects would happen , that he hath objected , as inconveniences to disprove its mobility : so that in this mans opinion necessary consequences are accounted absurdities : but I beseech you , if there be any more , dispatch them , and free us speedily from this wearisom task . SIMP . In this which follows he opposes Copernicus & his Sectators , who affirm , that the motion of the parts separated from their whole , is onely to unite themselves to their whole ; but that the moving circularly along with the vertigenous diurnal revolution is absolutely natural : against which he objecteth , saying , that according to these mens opinion ; Si tota terra , unà cum aquà in nihilum redigeretur , nulla grando aut pluvia è nube decideret , sed naturalater tantùm circumferetur , neque ignis ullus , aut igneum ascenderet , cùm illorum non improbabili sententià ignis nullus sit suprà . [ Which I translate to this sense : ] If the whole Earth , together with the Water were reduced into nothing , no hail or rain would fall from the clouds , but would be onely naturally carried round ; neither any fire or fiery thing would ascend , seeing to these that men it is no improbable opinion that there is no fire above . SALV . The providence of this Philosopher is admirable , and worthy of great applause ; for he is not content to provide for things that might happen , the course of Nature continuing , but will shew hic care in what may follow from those things that he very well knows shall never come to pass . I will grant him therefore , ( that I may get som pretty passages out of him ) that if the Earth and Water should be reduced to nothing , there would be no more hails or rains , nor would igneal matters ascend any longer upwards , but would continually turn round : what will follow ? what will the Philosopher say then ? SIMP . The objection is in the words which immediately follow ; here they are : Quibus tamen experientia & ratio adversatur . Which nevertheless ( saith he ) is contrary to experience and reason . SALV . Now I must yield , seeing he hath so great an advantage of me as experience , of which I am unprovided . For as yet I never had the fortune to see the Terrestrial Globe and the element of Water turn'd to nothing , so as to have been able to observe what the hail and water did in that little Chaos . But he perhaps tells us for our instruction what they did . SIMP . No , he doth not . SALV . I would give any thing to change a word or two with this person , to ask him , whether when this Globe vanished , it carried away with it the common centre of gravity , as I believe it did ; in which case , I think that the hail and water would remain insensate and stupid amongst the clouds , without knowing what to do with themselves . It might be also , that attracted by that great void Vacuum , left by the Earths absenting , all the ambients would be rarified , and particularly , the air , which is extreme easily drawn , and would run thither with very great haste to fill it up . And perhaps the more solid and material bodies , as birds , ( for there would in all probability be many of them scattered up and down in the air ) would retire more towards the centre of the great vacant sphere ; ( for it seemeth very reasonable , that substances that under small bulk contain much matter , should have narrower places assigned them , leaving the more spacious to the more ra●ified ) and there being dead of hunger , and resolved into Earth , would form a new little Globe , with that little water , which at that time was among the clouds . It might be also , that those matters as not beholding the light , would not perceive the Earths departure , but like blind things , would descend according to their usual custom to the centre , whither they would now go , if that globe did not hinder them . And lastly , that I may give this Philosopher a less irresolute answer , I do tell him , that I know as much of what would follow upon the annihilation of the Terrestrial Globe , as he would have done that was to have followed in and about the same , before it was created . And because I am certain he will say , that he would never have been able to have known any of all those things which experience alone hath made him knowing in , he ought not to deny me pardon , and to excuse me if I know not that which he knows , touching what would ensue upon the annihilation of the said Globe : for that I want that experience which he hath . Let us hear if he have any thing else to say . SIMP . There remains this figure , which represents the Terrestrial Globe with a great cavity about its centre , full of air ; and to shew that Graves move not downwards to unite with the Terrestrial Globe , as Copernicus saith , he constituteth this stone in the centre ; and demandeth , it being left at liberty , what it would do ; and he placeth another in the space of this great vacuum , and asketh the same question . Saying , as to the first : Lapis in centro constitutus , aut ascendet ad terram in punctum aliquod , aut non . Si secundum ; falsum est , partes ob solam sejunctionem à toto , ad illud moveri . Si primum ; omnis ratio & experientia renititur , neque gravia in suae gravitatis centro conquiescent . Item si suspensus lapis , liberatus decidat in centrum , separabit se à toto , contra Copernicum : si pendeat , refragatur omnis experientia , cùm videamus integros fornices corruere . ( Wherein he saith : ) The stone placed in the centre , either ascendeth to the Earth in some point , or no. If the second , it is false that the parts separated from the whole , move unto it . If the first ; it contradicteth all reason and experience , nor doth the grave body rest in the centre of its gravity . And if the stone being suspended in the air , be let go , do descend to the centre , it will separate from its vvhole , contrary to Copernicus : if it do hang in the air , it contradicteth all experience : since we see whole Vaults to fall dovvn . SALV . I vvill ansvver , though vvith great disadvantage to my self , seeing I have to do vvith one vvho hath seen by experience , vvhat these stones do in this great Cave : a thing , vvhich for my part I have not seen ; and vvill say , that things grave have an existence before the common centre of gravity : so that it is not one centre alone , vvhich is no other than indivisible point , and therefore of no efficacie , that can attract unto it grave matters ; but that those matters conspiring naturally to unite , form to themselves a common centre , which is that about which parts of equal moment consist : so that I hold , that if the great aggregate of grave bodies vvere gathered all into any one place , the small parts that vvere separated from their vvhole , vvould follovv the same , and if they vvere not hindered , vvould penetrate vvherever they should find parts less grave than themselves : but coming vvhere they should meet vvith matters more grave , they vvould descend no farther . And therefore I hold , that in the Cave full of air , the vvhole Vault vvould press , and violently rest it self onely upon that air , in case its hardness could not be overcome and broken by its gravity ; but loose stones , I believe , would descend to the centre , and not swim above in the air : nor may it be said , that they move not to their whole , though they move whither all the parts of the whole would transfer themselves , if all impediments were removed . SIMP . That which remaineth , is a certain Errour which he observeth in a Disciple of Copernicus , who making the Earth to move with an annual motion , and a diurnal , in the same manner as the Cart-wheel moveth upon the circle of the Earth , and in it self , did constitute the Terrestrial Globe too great , or the great Orb too little ; for that 365 revolutions of the Aequinoctial , are less by far than the circumference of the great Orb. SALV . Take notice that you mistake , and tell us the direct contrary to what must needs be written in that Book ; for you should say , that that same Copernican Author did constitute the Terrestrial Globe too little , and the great Orb too big ; and not the Terrestrial Globe too big , and the annual too little . SIMP . The mistake is not mine ; see here the words of the Book . Non videt , quòd vel circulum annuum aequo minorem , vel orbem terreum justo multò fabricet majorem . ( In English thus : ) He seeth not , that he either maketh the annual circle equal to the less , or the Terrestrial Orb much too big . SALV . I cannot tell whether the first Author erred or no , since the Author of this Tractate doth not name him ; but the error of this Book is certain and unpardonable , whether that follower of Copernicus erred or not erred ; for that your Author passeth by so material an error , without either detecting or correcting it . But let him be forgiven this fault , as an error rather of inadvertencie , than of any thing else : Farthermore , were it not , that I am already wearied and tired with talking and spending so much time with very little profit , in these frivolous janglings and altercations , I could shew , that it is not impossible for a circle , though no bigger than a Cart-wheel , with making not 365 , but lesse than 20 revolutions , to describe and measure the circumference , not onely of the grand Orb , but of one a thousand times greater ; and this I s●y to shew , that there do not want far greater subtilties , than this wherewith your Author goeth about to detect the errour of Copernicus : but I pray you , let us breath a little , that so we may proceed to the other Philosopher , that opposeth of the same Copernicus . SAGR. To confesse the truth , I stand as much in need of respite as either of you ; though I have onely wearied my eares : and were it not that I hope to hear more ingenious things from this other Author , I question whether I should not go my ways , to take the air in my * Pleasure-boat . SIMP . I believe that you will hear things of greater moment ; for this is a most accomplished Philosopher , and a great Mathematician , and hath confuted Tycho in the businesse of the Comets , and new Stars . * SALV . Perhaps he is the same with the Author of the Book , called Anti-Tycho ? SIMP . He is the very same : but the confutation of the new Stars is not in his Anti-Tycho , onely so far as he proveth , that they were not prejudicial to the inalterability and ingenerability of the Heavens , as I told you before ; but after he had published his Anti-Tycho , having found out , by help of the Parallaxes , a way to demonstrate , that they also are things elementary , and contained within the concave of the Moon , he hath writ this other Book , de tribus novis Stellis , &c. and therein also inserted the Arguments against Copernicus : I have already shewn you what he hath written touching these new Stars in his Anti-Tycho , where he denied not , but that they were in the Heavens ; but he proved , that their production altered not the inalterability of the Heavens , and that he did , with a Discourse purely philosophical , in the same manner as you have already heard . And I then forgot to tell you , how that he afterwards did finde out a way to remove them out of the Heavens ; for he proceeding in this confutation , by way of computations and parallaxes , matters little or nothing at all understood by me , I did not mention them to you , but have bent all my studies upon these arguments against the motion of the Earth , which are purely natural . SALV . I understand you very well : and it will be convenient after we have heard what he hath to say against Copernicus , that we hear , or see at least the manner wherewith he , by way of Parallaxes , proveth those new stars to be elementary , which so many famous Astronomers constitute to be all very high , and amongst the stars of the Firmament ; and as this Author accomplisheth such an enterprize of pulling the new stars out of heaven , and placing them in the elementary Sphere , he shall be worthy to be highly exalted , and transferred himself amongst the stars , or at least , that his name be by fame etern●●ed amongst them . Yet before we enter upon this , let us hear what he alledgeth against the opinion of Copernicus , and do you begin to recite his Arguments . SIMP . It will not be necessary that we read them ad verbum , because they are very prolix ; but I , as you may see , in reading them several times attentively , have marked in the margine those words , wherein the strength of his arguments lie , and it will suffice to read them . The first Argument beginneth here . Et primo , si opinio Copernici recipiatur , Criterium naturalis Philosophiae , ni prorsus tollatur , vehementer sal●em labefactari videtur . [ In our Idiom thus ] And first , if Copernicus his opinion be imbraced , the Criterium of natural Philosophy will be , if not wholly subverted , yet at least extreamly shaken . Which , according to the opinion of all the sects of Philosophers requireth , that Sense and Experience be our guides in philosophating : But in the Copernican position the Senses are greatly deluded , whil'st that they visibly discover neer at hand in a pure Medium , the gravest bodies to descend perpendicularly downwards , never deviating a single hairs breadth from rectitude ; and yet according to the opinion of Copernicus , the sight in so manifest a thing is deceived , and that motion is not reall straight , but mixt of right and circular . SALV . This is the first argument , that Aristotle , Ptolomy , and all their followers do produce ; to vvhich we have abundantly answered , and shewn the Paralogisme , and with sufficient plainnesse proved , that the motion in common to us and other moveables , is , as if there were no such thing ; but because true conclusions meet with a thousand accidents , that confirme them , I vvill , with the favour of this Philosopher , adde something more ; and you Simplicius personating him , answer me to vvhat I shall ask you : And first tell me , vvhat effect hath that stone upon you , which falling from the top of the Tower , is the cause that you perceive that motion ; for if its fall doth operate upon you neither more nor lesse , than its standing still on the Towers top , you doubtlesse could not discern its descent , or distinguish its moving from its lying still . SIMP . I comprehend its moving , in relation to the Tower , for that I see it one while just against such a mark in the said Tower , and another while against another lower , and so successively , till that at last I perceive it arrived at the ground . SALV . Then if that stone were let fall from the tallons of an Eagle flying , and should descend thorow the simple invisible Air , and you had no other object visible and stable , wherewith to make comparisons to that , you could not perceive its motion ? SIMP . No , nor the stone it self ; for if I would see it , when it is at the highest , I must raise up my head , and as it descendeth , I must hold it lower and lower , and in a word , must continually move either that , or my eyes , following the motion of the said stone . SALV . You have novv rightly answered : you knovv then that the stone lyeth still , vvhen without moving your eye , you alwayes see it before you ; and you know that it moveth , when for the keeping it in sight , you must move the organ of sight , the eye . So then vvhen ever without moving your eye , you continually behold an object in the self same aspect , you do alvvays judge it immoveable . SIMP . I think it must needs be so . SALV . Novv fancy your self to be in a ship , and to have fixed your eye on the point of the Sail-yard : Do you think , that because the ship moveth very fast , you must move your eye , to keep your sight alvvayes upon the point of the Sail-yard , and to follow its motion ? SIMP . I am certain , that I should need to make no change at all ; and that not only in the sight ; but if I had aimed a Musket at it , I should never have need , let the ship move how it vvill , to stir it an hairs breadth to keep it full upon the same . SALV . And this happens because the motion , which the Ship conferreth on the Sail-yard , it conferreth also upon you , and upon your eye ; so that you need not stir it a jot to behold the top of the Sail-yard : and consequently , it vvill seem to you immoveaable . Now this Discourse being applied to the revolution of the Earth , and to the stone placed in the top of the Tower , in which you cannot discern any motion , because that you have that motion vvhich is necessary for the following of it , in common with it from the Earth ; so that you need not move your eye . When again there is conferred upon it the motion of descent , which is its particular motion , and not yours , and that it is intermixed with the circular , that part of the circular which is common to the stone , and to the eye , continueth to be imperceptible , and the right onely is perceived , for that to the perception of it , you must follow it with your eye , looking lower and lower . I wish for the undeceiving of this Philosopher , that I could advise him , that some time or other going by water , he would carry along with him a Vessel of reasonable depth full of water , and prepare a ball of wax , or other matter that would descend very slowly to the bottome , so that in a minute of an hour , it would scarce sink a yard ; and that rowing the boat as fast as could be , so that in a minute of an hour it should run above an hundred yards , he would let the ball submerge into the water , & freely descend , & diligently observe its motion . If he would but do thus , he should see , first , that it would go in a direct line towards that point of the bottom of the vessel , whither it would tend , if the boat should stand still ; & to his eye , and in relation to the vessel , that motion would appear most straight and perpendicular , and yet he could not say , but that it would be composed of the right motion downwards , and of the circular about the element of water . And if these things befall in matters not natural , and in things that we may experiment in their state of rest ; & then again in the contrary state of motion , and yet as to appearance no diversity at all is discovered , & that they seem to deceive our sense what can we distinguish touching the Earth , which hath been perpetually in the same constitution , as to motion and rest ? And in what time can we experiment whether any difference is discernable amongst these accidents of local motion , in its diverse states of motion and rest , if it eternally indureth in but one onely of them ? SAGR. These Discourses have somewhat whetted my stomack , which those fishes , and snails had in part nauseated ; and the former made me call to minde the correction of an errour , that hath so much appearance of truth , that I know not whether one of a thousand would refuse to admit it as unquestionable . And it was this , that sailing into Syria , and carrying with me a very good Telescope , that had been bestowed on me by our Common Friend , who not many dayes before had invented , I proposed to the Mariners , that it would be of great benefit in Navigation to make use of it upon the round top of a ship , to discover and kenne Vessels afar off . The benefit was approved , but there was objected the difficulty of using it , by reason of the Ships continual fluctuation ; and especially on the round top , where the agitation is so much greater , and that it would be better for any one that would make use thereof to stand at the Partners upon the upper Deck , where the tossing is lesse than in any other place of the Ship. I ( for I will not conceal my errour ) concurred in the same opinion , and for that time said no more : nor can I tell you by what hints I was moved to return to ruminate with my self upon this businesse , and in the end came to discover my simplicity ( although excusable ) in admitting that for true , which is most false ; false I say , that the great agitation of the basket or round top , in comparison of the small one below , at the partners of the Mast , should render the use of the Telescope more difficult in finding out the object . SALV . I should have accompanied the Mariners , and your self at the beginning . SIMP . And so should I have done , and still do : nor can I believe , if I should think of it an hundred years , that I could understand it otherwise . SAGR. I may then , it seems , for once prove a Master to you both . And because the proceeding by interrogatories doth in my opinion much dilucidate things , besides the pleasure which it affords of confounding our companion , forcing from him that which he thought he knew not , I will make use of that artifice . And first , I suppose that the Ship , Gally , or other Vessel , which we would discover , is a great way off , that is , four , six , ten , or twenty * miles , for that to kenne those neer at hand there is no need of these Glasses : & consequently , the Telescope may at such a distance of four or six miles conveniently discover the whole Vessel , & a muchgreater bulk . Now I demand what for species , & how many for number are the motions that are made upon the round top , depending on the fluctuation of the Ship. SALV . We will suppose that the Ship goeth towards the East . First , in a calme Sea , it would have no other motion than this of progression , but adding the undulation of the Waves , there shall result thence one , which alternately hoysting and lowering the poop and prow , maketh the round top , to lean forwards and backwards ; other waves driving the vessel sidewayes , bow the Mast to the Starboard and Larboard ; others , may bring the ship somewhat abovt , and bear her away by the Misne from East , one while towards the * Northeast , another while toward the Southeast ; others bearing her up by the Carine may make her onely to rise , and fall ; and in sum , these motions are for species two , one that changeth the direction of the Telescope angularly , the other lineally , without changing angle , that is , alwayes keeping the tube of the Instrument parallel to its self . SAGR. Tell me , in the next place , if we , having first directed the Telescope yonder away towards the Tower of * Burano , six miles from hence , do turn it angularly to the right hand , or to the left , or else upwards or downwards , but a * straws breadth , what effect shall it have upon us touching the finding out of the said tower ? SALV . It would make us immediately lose sight of it , for such a declination , though small here , may import there hundreds and thousands of yards . SAGR. But if without changing the angle , keeping the tube alwayes parallel to it self , we should transfer it ten or twelve yards farther off to the right or left hand , upwards or downwards , what alteration would it make as to the Tower ? SALV . The change would be absolutely undiscernable ; for that the spaces here and there being contained between parallel rayes , the mutations made here and there , ought to be equal , and because the space which the Instrument discovers yonder , is capable of many of those Towers ; therefore we shall not lose sight of it . SAGR. Returning now to the Ship , we may undoubtedly affirm , that the Telescope moving to the right or left , upwards , or downwards , and also forwards or backwards ten or fifteen fathom ; keeping it all the while parallel to its self , the visive ray cannot stray from the point observed in the object , more than those fifteen fathom ; and because in a distance of eight or ten miles , the Instrument takes in a much greater space than the Gally or other Vessel kenn'd ; therefore that small mutation shall not make me lose sight of her . The impediment therefore , and the cause of losing the object cannot befall us , unlesse upon the mutation made angularly ; since that Telescopes transportation higher or lower , to the right , or to the left , by the agitation of the ship , cannot import any great number of fathomes . Now suppose that you had two Telescopes fixed , one at the Partners close by the Deck , and the other at the round top , nay at the main top , or main top-gallant top , where you hang forth the Pennon or streamer , and that they be both directed to the Vessel that is ten miles off , tell me , whether you believe that any agitation of the ship , & inclination of the Mast , can make greater changes , as to the angle , in the higher tube , than in the lower ? One wave arising , the prow will make the main top give back fifteen or twenty fathom more than the foot of the Mast , and it shall carry the upper tube along with it so greata space , & the lower it may be not a palm ; but the angle shall change in one Instrument aswell as in the other ; and likewise a side-billow shall bear the higher tube an hundred times as far to the Larboard or Starboard , as it will the other below ; but the angles change not at all , or else alter both alike . But the mutation to the right hand or left , forwards or backwards , upwards or downwards , bringeth no sensible impediment in the kenning of objects remote , though the alteration of the angle maketh great change therein ; Therefore it must of necessity be confessed , that the use of the Telescope on the round top is no more difficult than upon the Deck at the Partners ; seeing that the angular mutations are alike in both places . SALV . How much circumspection is there to be used in affirming or denying a proposition ? I say again , thar hearing it resolutely affirmed , that there is a greater motion made on the Masts top , than at its partners , every one will perswade himself , that the use of the Telescope is much more difficult above than below . And thus also I will excuse those Philosophers , who grow impatient and fly out into passion against such as will not grant them , that that Cannon bullet which they cleerly see to fall in a right line perpendicularly , doth absolutely move in that manner ; but will have its motion to be by an arch , and also very much inclined and transversal : but let us leave them in these labyrinths , and let us hear the other objections , that our Author in hand brings against Copernicus . SIMP . The Author goeth on to demonstrate that in the Doctrine of Copernicus , it is requisite to deny the Senses , and the greatest Sensations , as for instance it would be , if we that feel the respirations of a gentle gale , should not feel the impulse of a perpetual winde that beateth upon us with a velocity that runs more than 2529 miles an hour , for so much is the space that the centre of the Earth in its annual motion passeth in an hour upon the circumference of the grand Orb , as he diligently calculates ; and because , as he saith , by the judgment of Copernicus , Cum terra movetur circumpositus aër , motus tamen ejus , velocior licet ac rapidior celerrimo quocunque vento , à nobis non sentiretur , sed summa tum tranquilitas reputaretur , nisi alius motus accederet . Quid est verò decipi sensum , nisi haec esset deceptio ? [ Which I make to speak to this sense . ] The circumposed air is moved with the Earth , yet its motion , although more speedy and rapid than the swiftest wind whatsoever , would not be perceived by us , but then would be thought a great tranquillity , unlesse some other motion should happen ; what then is the deception of the sense , if this be not ? SALV . It must needs be that this Philosopher thinketh , that that Earth which Copernicus maketh to turn round , together with the ambient air along the circumference of the great Orb , is not that whereon we inhabit , but some other separated from this ; for that this of ours carrieth us also along with it with the same velocity , as also the circumjacent air : And what beating of the air can we feel , when we fly vvith equal speed from that vvhich should accost us ? This Gentleman forgot , that vve no less than the Earth and air are carried about , and that consequently vve are alvvays touch'd by one and the same part of the air , vvhich yet doth not make us feel it . SIMP . But I rather think that he did not so think ; hear the vvords vvhich immediatey follovv . Praeterea nos quoque rotamur ex circumductione terrae &c. SALV . Now I can no longer help nor excuse him ; do you plead for him and bring him off , Simplicius . SIMP . I cannot thus upon the sudden think of an excuse that pleaseth me . SALV . Go to ; take this whole night to think on it , and defend him to morrow ; in the mean time let us hear some other of his objections . SIMP . He prosecuteth the same Objection , shewing , that in the way of Copernicus , a man must deny his own senses . For that this principle whereby we turn round with the Earth , either is intrinsick to us , or external ; that is , a rapture of that Earth ; and if it be this second , we not feeling any such rapture , it must be confessed that the sense of feeling , doth not feel its own object touching it , nor its impression on the sensible part : but if the principle be intrinsecal , we shall not perceive a local motion that is derived from our selves , and we shall never discover a propension perpetually annexed to our selves . SALV . So that the instance of this Philosopher lays its stress upon this , that whether the principle by which we move round with the Earth be either extern , or intern , yet however we must perceive it , and not perceiving it , it is neither the one nor the other , and therefore we move not , nor consequently the Earth . Now I say , that it may be both ways , and yet we not perceive the same . And that it may be external , the experiment of the boat superabundantly satisfieth me ; I say , superabundantly , because it being in our power at all times to make it move , and also to make it stand still , and with great exactness to make observation , whether by some diversity that may be comprehended by the sense of feeling , we can come to know whether it moveth or no , seeing that as yet no such science is obtained : Will it then be any matter of wonder , if the same accident is unknown to us on the Earth , the which may have carried us about perpetually , and we , without our being ever able to experiment its rest ? You , Simplicius , as I believe , have gone by boat many times to Padoua , and if you will confess the truth , you never felt in your self the participation of that motion , unless when the boat running a-ground , or encountring some obstacle , did stop , and that you with the other Passengers being taken on a sudden , were with danger over-set . It would be necessary that the Terrestrial Globe should meet with some rub that might arrest it , for I assure you , that then you would discern the impulse residing in you , when it should toss you up towards the Stars . It 's true , that by the other senses , but yet assisted by Reason , you may perceive the motion of the boat , that is , with the sight , in that you see the trees and buildings placed on the shoar , which being separated from the boat , seem to move the contrary way . But if you would by such an experiment receive intire satisfaction in this business of the Terrestrial motion , look on the stars , which upon this reason seem to move the contrary way . As to the wondering that we should not feel such a principle , supposing it to be internal , is a less reasonable conceit ; for if we do not feel such a one , that cometh to us from without , and that frequently goeth away , with what reason can we expect to feel it , if it immutably and continually resides in us ? Now let us see what you have farther to allege on this argument . SIMP . Take this short exclamation . Ex hac itaque opinione necesse est diffidere nostris sensibus , ut penitùs fallacibus vel stupidis in sensilibus , etiam conjunctissimis , dijudicandis . Quam ergò veritatem sperare possumus à facultate adeò fallaci ortum trahentem ? [ Which I render thus : ] From this opinion likewise , we must of necessity suspect our own senses , as wholly fallible , or stupid in judging of sensible things even very near at hand . What truth therefore can we hope for , to be derived from so deceiveable a faculty ? SALV . But I desire not to deduce precepts more profitable , or more certain , learning to be more circumspect and less confident about that which at first blush is represented to us by the senses , which may easily deceive us . And I would not have this Author trouble himself in attempting to make us comprehend by sense , that this motion of descending Graves is simply right , and of no other kind ; nor let him exclaim that a thing so clear , manifest , and obvious should be brought in question ; for in so doing , he maketh others believe , that he thinketh those that deny that motion to be absolutely streight , but rather circular , the stone did sensibly see it to move in an arch , seeing that he inviteth their senses more than their Reason , to judg of that effect : which is not true , Simplicius , for like as I , that am indifferent in all these opinions , and onely in the manner of a Comedian , personate Copernicus in these our representations , have never seen , nor thought that I have seen that stone fall otherwise than perpendicularly , so I believe , that to the eyes of all others it seemed to do the same . Better it is therefore , that deposing that appearance in which all agree , we make use of our Reason , either to confirm the reality of that , or to discover its fallacy . SAGR. If I could any time meet with this Philosopher , who yet me thinks is more sublime than the rest of the followers of the same doctrines , I would in token of my affection put him in mind of an accident which he hath doubtless very often beheld ; from which , with great conformity to that which we now discourse of , it may be collected how easily one may be deceived by the bare appearance , or , if you will , representation of the sense . And the accident is , the Moons seeming to follow those that walk the streets in the night , with a pace equal to theirs , whilst they see it go gliding along the Roofs of houses , upon which it sheweth just like a cat , that really running along the ridges of houses , leaveth them behind . An appearance that , did not reason interpose , would but too manifestly delude the sight . SIMP . Indeed there want not experiments that render us certain of the fallacy of the meer senses ; therefore suspending such sensations for the present , let us hear the Arguments that follow which are taken , as he saith , ex rerum natura . The first of which is , that the Earth cannot of its own nature move with three motions very different ; or otherwise we must deny many manifest Axioms . The first whereof is , that Omnis effectus dependeat ab aliquâ causà ; [ i. e. ] that every effect dependeth on some cause . The second , that Nulla res seipsam producat ; [ i. e. ] that nothing produceth it self : from whence it follows , that it is not possible that the move and moved should be totally the same thing : And this is manifest , not onely in things that are moved by an extrinsick mover ; but it is gathered also from the principles propounded , that the same holdeth true in the natural motion dependent on an intrinsick principle ; otherwise , being that the mover , as a mover , is the cause , and the thing moved , as moved , is the effect , the same thing would totally be both the cause and effect . Therefore a body doth not move its whole self , that is , so as that all moveth , and all is moved ; but its necessary in the thing moved to distinguish in some manner the efficient principle of the motion , and that which with that motion is moved . The third Axiom is , that in rebus quae sensui subjiciuntur , unum , quatenus unum , unam solam rem producat ; i. e. That in things subject to the senses , one , as it is one , produceth but onely one thing : That is , the soul in animals produceth its true divers operations , as the sight , the hearing , the smell , generation , &c. but all these with several instruments . And in short , in things sensible , the diversity of operations , is observed to derive it self from the diversity that is in the cause . Now if we put all these Axioms together , it will be a thing very manifest , that one simple body , as is the Earth , cannot of its own nature move at the same time with three motions , very divers : For by the foregoing suppositions , all moveth not its self all ; it is necessary therefore to distinguish in it three principles of its three motions ; otherwise one and the same principle would produce many motions ; but if it contein in it three principles of natural motions , besides the part moved , it shall not be a simple body , but compounded of three principle movers , and of the part moved . If therefore the Earth be a simple body , it shall not move with three motions ; nay more , it will not move with any of those which Copernicus ascribeth to it , it being to move but with one alone , for that it is manifest , by the reasons of Aristotle , that it moveth to its centre , as its parts do shew , which descend at right angles to the Earths Spherical Surface . SALV . Many things might be said , and considered touching the connection of this argument ; but in regard that we can resolve it in few words , I will not at this time without need inlarge upon it ; and so much the rather , because the same Author hath furnished me with an answer , when he saith that from one sole prinple in animals , there are produced divers operations ; so that for the present my answer shall be , that in the same manner the Earth from one onely principle deriveth several operations . SIMP . But this answer will not at all satisfie the Author who makes the objection , yea , it is totally overthrown by that which immediately after he addeth for a greater confirmation of his argument , as you shall hear . He re-inforceth his argument , I say , with another Axiome , which is this ; That natura in rebus necessariis nec deficiat , nec abundat : i. e. That nature in things necessary is neither defective , nor superfluous . This is obvious to the observers of natural things , and chiefly of animals , in which , because they are to move with many motions , Nature hath made many flexures , and hath thereunto commodiously knitted the parts for motion , as to the knees , to the hips , for the inabling of living creatures to go , and run at their pleasure . Moreover in man he hath framed many flexions , and joynts , in the elbow , and hand , to enable them to perform many motions . From these things the argument is taken against the threefold motion of the Earth . [ Either the Body , that is one , and continuate , without any manner of knittings or flexions , can exercise divers motions , or cannot : If it can without them , then in vain hath nature framed the flexures in animals ; which is contrary to the Axiome : but if it cannot without them , then the Earth , one body , and continuate , and deprived of flexures , and joynts , cannot of its own nature move with plurality of motions . ] You see now how craftily he falls upon your answer , as if he had foreseen it . SALV . Are you serious , or do you jest ? SIMP . I speak it with the best judgment I have . SALV . You must therefore see that you have as fortunate an hand in defending the reply of this Philosopher , against some other rejoynders made to him ; therefore answer for him , I pray you , seeing we cannot have him here . You first admit it for true , that Nature hath made the joynts , flexures , and knuckles of living creatures , to the intent that they might move with sundry and divers motions ; and I deny this proposition ; and say , that these flexions are made , that the animal may move one , or more of its parts , the rest remaining immoved : and I say , that as to the species and differences of motions those are of one kind alone , to wit , all circular , and for this cause you see all the ends of the moveable bones to be convex or concave , and of these some are spherical , as are those that are to move every way , as in the shoulder-joynt , the arme of the Ensigne doth , in displaying the Colours , and that of the Falconer in bringing his Hawk to the lure ; and such is the flexure of the elbow , upon which the hand turns round , in boring with an augure : others are circular onely one way , and as it were cylindrical , which serve for the members that bend onely in one fashion , as the joynts of the fingers one above another , &c. But without more particular inductions , one only general discourse may make this truth understood ; and this is , that of a solid body that moveth , one of its extreams standing still without chanching place , the motion must needs be circular , and no other : and because in the living creatures moving , one of its members doth not separate from the other its conterminal , therefore that motion is of necessity circular . SIMP . How can this be ? For I see the animal move with an hundred motions that are not circular , and very different from one another , as to run , to skip , to climbe , to descend , to swim , and many others . SALV . T is well : but these are secondary motions , depending on the preceding motions of the joynts and flexures . Upon the plying of the legs to the knees , and the thighs to the hips , which are circular motions of the parts , is produced , as consequents , the skip , or running , which are motions of the whole body , and these may possibly not be circular . Now because one part of the terrestrial Globe is not required to move upon another part immoveable , but that the motion is to be of the whole body , there is no need in it of flexures . SIMP . This ( will the aduersary rejoyn ) might be , if the motion were but one alone , but they being three , and those very different from each other , it is not possible that they should concur in an * articulate body . SALV . I verily believe that this would be the answer of the Philosopher . Against which I make opposition another way ; and ask you , whether you think that by way of joynts and flexures one may adapt the terrestrial Globe to the participation of three different circular motions ? Do you not answer me ? Seeing you are speechlesse , I will undertake to answer for the Philosopher , who would absolutely reply that they might ; for that otherwise it would have been superfluous , and besides the purpose to have proposed to consideration , that nature maketh the flexions , to the end , the moveable may move with different motions ; and that therefore the terrestrial Globe having no flexures , it cannot have those three motions which are ascribed to it . For if he had thought , that neither by help of flexures , it could be rendered apt for such motions , he would have freely affirmed , that the Globe could not move with three motions . Now granting this , I intreat you , and by you , if it were possible , that Philosopher , Author of the Argument , to be so courteous as to teach me in what manner those flexures should be accommodated , so that those three motions might commodiously be excercised ; and I grant you four or six moneths time to think of an answer . As to me , it seemeth that one principle onely may cause a plurality of motions in the Terrestrial Globe , just in the same manner that , as I told you before , one onely principle with the help of various instruments produceth sundry and divers motions in living creatures . And as to the flexures there is no need of them , the motions being of the whole , and not of some particular parts ; and because they are to be circular , the meer spherical figure is the most perfect articulation or flection that can be desired . SIMP . The most that ought to be granted upon this , would be , that it may hold true in one single motion , but in three different motions , in my opinion , and that of the Author , it is impossible ; as he going on , prosecuting the objection , writes in the following words . Let us suppose , with Copernicus , that the Earth moveth of its own faculty , and upon an intrinsick principle from West to East in the plane of the Ecliptick ; and again , that it also by an intrinsick principle revolveth about its centre , from East to West ; and for a third motion , that it of its own inclination deflecteth from North to South , and so back again . It being a continuate body , and not knit together with joints and flections , our fancy and our judgment will never be able to comprehend , that one and the same natural and indistinct principle , that is , that one and the same propension , should actuate it at the same instant with different , and as it were of contrary motions . I cannot believe that any one would say such a thing , unlesse he had undertook to maintain this position right or wrong . SALV . Stay a little ; and find me out this place in the Book . Fingamus modo cum Copernico , terram aliqua suâ vi , & ab indito principio impelli ab Occasu ad Ortum in Eclipticae plano ; tum rursus revolvi ab indito etiam principio , circa suimet centrum , ab Ortu in Occasum ; tertio deflecti rursus suopte nutu à septentrione in Austrum , & vicissim . I had thought , Simplicius , that you might have erred in reciting the words of the Author , but now I see that he , and that very grossely , deceiveth himself ; and to my grief , I find that he hath set himself to oppose a position , which he hath not well understood ; for these are not the motions which Copernicus assignes to the Earth . Where doth he find that Copernicus maketh the annual motion by the Ecliptick contrary to the motion about its own centre ? It must needs be that he never read his Book , which in an hundred places , and in the very first Chapters affirmeth those motions to be both towards the same parts , that is from West to East . But without others telling him , ought he not of himself to comprehend , that attributing to the Earth the motions that are taken , one of them from the Sun , and the other from the primum mobile , they must of necessity both move one and the same way . SIMP . Take heed that you do not erre your self , and Copernicus also . The Diurnal motion of the primum mobile , is it not from East to West ? And the annual motion of the Sun through the Ecliptick , is it not on the contrary from West to East ? How then can you make these motions being conferred on the Earth , of contraries to become consistents ? SAGR. Certainly , Simplicius hath discovered to us the original cause of error of this Philosopher ; and in all probability he would have said the very same . SALV . Now if it be in our power , let us at least recover Simplicius from this errour , who seeing the Stars in their rising to appear above the Oriental Horizon , will make it no difficult thing to understand , that in case that motion should not belong to the Stars , it would be necessary to confesse , that the Horizon , with a contrary motion would go down ; and that consequently the Earth would reoolve in it self a contrary way to that wherewith the Stars seem to move , that is from West to East , which is according to the order of the Signes of the Zodiack . As , in the next place , to the other motion , the Sun being fixed in the centre of the Zodiack , and the Earth moveable about its circumference , to make the Sun seem unto us to move about the said Zodiack , according to the order of the Signes , it is necessary , that the Earth move according to the same order , to the end that the Sun may seem to us to possesse alwayes that degree in the Zodiack , that is opposite to the degree in which we find the Earth ; and thus the Earth running , verbi gratia , through Aries , the Sun will appear to run thorow Libra ; and the Earth passing thorow the signe Taurus , the Sun will passe thorow Scorpio , and so the Earth going thorow Gemini , the Sun seemeth to go thorow Sagittarius ; but this is moving both the same way , that is according to the order of the signes ; as also was the revolution of the Earth about its own centre . SIMP . I understand you very well , and know not what to alledge in excuse of so grosse an error . SALV . And yet , Simplicius , there is one yet worse then this ; and it is , that he makes the Earth move by the diurnal motion about its own centre from East to West ; and perceives not that if this were so , the motion of twenty four hours appropriated by him to the Universe , would , in our seeming , proceed from West to East ; the quite contrary to that which we behold . SIMP . Oh strange ! Why I , that have scarce seen the first elements of the Sphere , would not , I am confident , have erred so horribly . SALV . Judg now what pains this Antagonist may be thought to have taken in the Books of Copernicus , if he absolutely invert the sense of this grand and principal Hypothesis , upon which is founded the whole summe of those things wherein Copernicus SAGR. I have twice or thrice observed in the discourses of this Authour , that to prove that a thing is so , or so , he still alledgeth , that in that manner it is conformable with our understanding ; or that otherwise we should never be able to conceive of it ; or that the Criterium of Philosophy would be overthrown . As if that nature had first made mens brains , and then disposed all things in conformity to the capacity of their intellects . But I incline rather to think that Nature first made the things themselves , as she best liked , and afterwards framed the reason of men capable of conceiving ( though not without great pains ) some part of her secrets . SALV . I am of the same opinion . But tell me , Simplicius , which are these different natures , to which , contrary to experience and reason , Copernicus assignes the same motions and operations . SIMP . They are these . The Water , the Air , ( which doubtlesse are Natures different from the Earth ) and all things that are in those elements comprised , shall each of them have those three motions , which Copernicus pretends to be in the Terrestriall Globe ; and my Authour proceedeth to demonstrate Geometrically , that , according to the Copernican Doctrine , a cloud that is suspended in the Air , and that hangeth a long time over our heads without changing place , must of necessity have all those three motions that belong to the Terrestrial Globe . The demonstration is this , which you may read your self , for I cannot repeat it without book . SALV . I shall not stand reading of it , nay I think it an impertinency in him to have inserted it , for I am certain , that no Copernican will deny the same . Therefore admitting him what he would demonstrate , let us speak to the objection , which in my judgment hath no great strength to conclude any thing contrary to the Copernican Hypothesis , seeing that it derogates nothing from those motions , and those operations , whereby we come to the knowledge of the natures , &c. Answer me , I pray you , Simplicius : Those accidents wherein some things exactly concur , can they serve to inform us of the different natures of those things ? SIMP . No Sir : nay rather the contrary , for from the idendity of operations and of accidents nothing can be inferred , but an idendity of natures . SALV . So that the different natures of the Water , Earth , Air , and other things conteined in these Elements , is not by you argued from those operations , wherein all these Elements and their affixes agree , but from other operations ; is it so ? SIMP . The very same . SALV . So that he who should leave in the Elements all those motions , operations , and other accidents , by which their natures are distinguished , would not deprive us of the power of coming to the knowledge of them ; although he should remove those operations , in which they unitedly concur , and which for that reason are of no use for the distinguishing of those natures . SIMP . I think your dissertation to be very good . SALV . But that the Earth , Water , Air , are of a nature equally constituted immoveable about the centre , is it not the opinion of your self , Aristotle , Prolomy , and all their sectators ? SIMP . It s on all hands granted as an undeniable truth . SALV . Then from this common natural condition of quiescence about the centre , there is no argument drawn of the different natures of these Elements , and things elementary , but that knowledge must be collected from other qualities not common ; and therefore whoso should deprive the Elements of this common rest only , and should leave unto them all their other operations , would not in the least block up the way that leadeth to the knowledge of their essences . But Copernicus depriveth them onely of this common rest , and changeth the same into a common motion , leaving them gravity , levity , the motions upwards , downwards , slower , faster , rarity , density , the qualities of hot , cold , dry , moist , and in a word , all things besides . Therefore such an absurdity , as this Authour imagineth to himself , is no Copernican position ; nor doth the concurrence in an identity of motion import any more or less , than the concurrence in an identity of rest about the diversifying , or not diversifying of natures . Now tell us , if there be any argument to the contrary . SIMP . There followeth a fourth objection , taken from a natural observation , which is , That bodies of the same kind , have motions that agree in kinde , or else they agree in rest . But by the Copernican Hypothesis , bodies that agree in kinde , and are most semblable to one another , would be very discrepant , yea diametrically repugnant as to motion ; for that Stars so like to one another , would be neverthelesse so unlike in motion , as that six Planets would perpetually turn round ; but the Sun and all the fixeed Stars would stand perpetually immoveable . SALV . The forme of the argument appeareth good ; but yet I believe that the application or matter is defective : and if the Authour will but persist in his assumption , the consequence shall make directly against him . The Argument runs thus ; Amongst mundane bodies , six there are that do perpetually move , and they are the six Planets ; of the rest , that is , of the Earth , Sun , and fixed Stars , it is disputable which of them moveth , and which stands still , it being necessary , that if the Earth stand still , the Sun and fixed Stars do move ; and it being also possible , that the Sun and fixed Stars may stand immoveable , in case the Earth should move : the matter of fact in dispute is , to which of them we may with most convenience ascribe motion , and to which rest . Natural reason dictates , that motion ought to be assigned to the bodies , which in kind and essence most agree with those bodies which do undoubtedly move , and rest to those which most dissent from them ; and in regard that an eternal rest and perpetual motion are most different , it is manifest , that the nature of the body always moveable ought to be most different from the body alwayes stable . Therefore , in regard that we are dubious of motion and rest , let us enquire , whether by the help of some other eminent affection , we may discover , which most agreeth with the bodies certainly moveable , either the Earth , or the Sun and fixed Stars . But see how Nature , in favour of our necessity and desire , presents us with two eminent qualities , and no less different than motion and rest , and they are light and darkness , to wit , the being by nature most bright , and the being obscure , and wholly deprived of light : the bodies therefore adorned with an internal and eternal splendour , are most different in essence from those deprived of light : The Earth is deprived of light , the Sun is most splendid in it self , and so are the fixed Stars . The six Planets do absolutely want light , as the Earth ; therefore their essence agreeth with the Earth , and differeth from the Sun and fixed Stars . Therefore is the Earth moveable , immoveable the Sunne and Starry Sphere . SIMP . But the Authour will not grant , that the six Planets are tenebrose , and by that negative will he abide . Or he will argue the great conformity of nature between the six Planets , and the Sun , and Fixed Stars ; and the disparity between them and the Earth from other conditions than from tenebrosity and light ; yea , now I remember in the fifth objection , which followeth , he layeth down the vast difference between the Earth and the Coelestial Bodies , in which he writeth , That the Copernican Hypothesis would make great confusion and perturbation in the Systeme of the Vniverse , and amongst its parts : As for instance , amongst Coebodies that are immutable and incorruptible , according to Aristotle , Tycho , and others ; amongst bodies , I say , of such nobility , by the confession of every one , and Copernicus himself , who affirmeth them to be ordinate , and disposed in a perfect constitution , and removeth from them all inconstancy of vertue amongst , these bodies , I say once more , so pure , that is to say , amongst Venus , Mars , &c. to place the very sink of all corruptible matters , to wit , the Earth , Water , Air , and all mixt bodies . But how much properer a distribution , and more with nature , yea with God himself , the Architect , is it , to sequester the pure from the impute , the mortal from the immortal , as other Schools teach ; which tell us that these impure and frail matters are contained within the angust concave of the Lunar Orb , above which with uninterrupted Series the things Celestial distend themselves . SALV . It 's true that the Copernican Systeme introduceth distraction in the universe of Aristotle ; but we speak of our own Universe , that is true and real . Again if this Author will infer the disparity of essence between the Earth and Celestial bodies from the incorruptibility of them , and the corruptibility of it in the method of Aristotle , from which disparity he concludeth motion to belong to the Sun and fixed Stars , and the immobility of the Earth , he will flatter himself with a Paralogisme , supposing that which is in question ; for Aristotle inferreth the incorruptibility of Celestial bodies from motion , which is in dispute , whether it belongeth to them or to the Earth . Of the vanity of these Rhetorical Illations enough hath been spoken . And what can be more fond , than to say , that the Earth and Elements are banished and sequestred from the Celestial Spheres , and confined within the Lunar Orb ? Is , not then the Moons Orb one of the Celestial Spheres , and according to consent comprised in the middle of all the rest ? It s a new way to separate the pure from the impure , and the sick from the sound , to assigne the infected quarters in the heart of the City : I had thought that the * Pest-house ought to have been removed as far off as was possible . Copernicus admireth the disposition of the parts of the Universe , for that God hath constituted the grand Lamp , which is to give light all over his Temple in the centre of it , and not on one side . And as to the Earths being betwixt Venus and Mars , we will but hint the same ; and do you , in favour of this Author , trie to remove it thence . But let us not * mix these Rhetorical Flowers with solid Demonstrations , rather let us leave them to the Orators , or if you will to the Poets , who know how in their drolling way to exalt by their prayses things most sordid , yea and sometimes most pernicious . And if any thing else remain , let us dispatch it , as we have done the rest . SIMP . There is the sixth and last argument ; wherein he maketh it a very improbale thing . [ That a corruptible and dissipable body should move with a perpetual and regular motion ; and this be confirmeth with the example of living creatures , which moving with a motion natural to them , yet grow weary , and have need of repose to restore their strength . ] But what hath this motion to do with that of the Earth , that in comparision to theirs is immense ? Besides , to make it move with three motions that run and draw several wayes : Who would ever assert such Paradoxes , unlesse he had sworn to be their defender ? Nor doth that avail in this case , which Copernicus alledgeth , that by reason this motion is natural to the Earth and not violent , it worketh contrary effects to violent motions ; and that those things dissolve and cannot long subsist , to which impulse is conferred , but those so made by nature do continue in their perfect disposure ; this answer sufficeth not , I say , for it is overthrown by that of ours . For the animal is a natural body , and not made by art , and its motion is natural , deriving it self from the soul , that is , from an intrinsick principle ; and that motion is violent , whose beginning is without , and on which the thing moved conferreth nothing ; however , if the animal continueth its motion any long time , it grows weary , and also dyeth , if it obstinately strive to persist therein . You see then that in nature we meet on all sides with notions contrary to the Copernican Hypothesis , and none in favour of it . And for that I have nothing more wherein to take the part of this Opponent , hear what he produceth against Keplerus ( with whom he disputeth ) upon that argument , which the said Kepler bringeth against those who think it an inconvenient , nay impossible thing , to augment the Starry Sphere immensely , as the Copernican Hypothesis requireth . Kepler therefore instanceth , saying : Difficilius est , accidens praeter modulum subjecti intendere , quàm subjectum sine accidente augere . Copernicus ergo verisimilius facit , qui auget Orbem Stellarum fixarum absque motu , quam Ptolomaeus , qui anget motum fixarum immensâ velocitate . [ Which makes this English. ] It s harder to stretch the accident beyond the model of the subject than to augment the subject without the accident . Copernicus hath more probability on his side , who encreaseth the Orb of the fixed Stars without motion , than Ptolomy who augmenteth the motion of the fixed Stars to an immense degree of velocity . Which objection the Author answereth , wondering how much Kepler deceived himself , in saying , that in the Ptolomaick Hypothesis the motion encreaseth beyond the model of the subject , for in his judgment it doth not encrease , save onely in conformity to the model , and that according to its encreasement , the velocity of the motion is augmented . Which he proveth by supposing a machine to be framed , that maketh one revolution in twenty four hours , which motion shall be called most slow ; afterwards supposing its semidiameter to be prolonged , as far as to the distance of the Sun , its extreme will equal the velocity of the Sun ; and it being continued out unto the Starry Sphere , it will equal the velocity of the fixed Stars , though in the circumference of the machine it be very slow . Now applying this consideration of the machine to the Starry Sphere , let us imagine any point in its semidiameter , as neer to the centre as is the semidiameter of the machine ; the same motion that in the Starry Sphere is exceeding swift , shall in that point be exceeding slow ; But the great magnitude of the body is that which maketh it of exceeding slow , to become exceeding swift , although it continueth still the same , and thus the velocity encreaseth , not beyond the model of the subject , but rather according to it , and to its magnitude ; very differently from the imagination of Kepler . SALV . I do not believe that this Author hath entertained so mean and poor a conceit of Kepler , as to perswade himself that he did not understand , that the highest term of a line drawn from the centre unto the Starry Sphere , moveth more swiftly than a point of the same line taken within a yard or two of the centre . And therefore of necessity he must have conceived and comprehended that the mind and intention of Kepler was to have said , that it is lesse inconvenient to encrease an immoveable body to an extraordinary magnitude , than to ascribe an extraordinary velocity to a body , though very bigge , having regard to the model , that is to the gauge , and to the example of other natural bodies ; in which we see , that the distance from the centre encreasing , the velocity diminisheth ; that is , that the periods of their circulations take up longer times . But in rest which is not capable of augmentation or diminution , the grandure or smalnesse of the body maketh no difference . So that if the answer of the Author would be directed against the argument of Kepler , it is necessary , that that Author doth hold , that to the movent principle it s one and the same to move in the same time a body very small , or very immense , in regard that the augmentation of velocity inseparably attends the augmentation of the masse . But this again is contrary to the Architectonical rule of nature , which doth in the lesser Spheres , as we see in the Planets , and most sensibly in the Medicean Stars , observe to make the lesser Orbs to circulate in shorter times : Whence the time of Saturns revolution is longer than all the times of the other lesser Spheres , it being thirty years ; now the passing from this to a Sphere very much bigger , and to make it move in 24. hours , may very well be said to exceed the rules of the model . So that if we would but attentively consider it , the Authors answer opposeth not the intent and sense of the argument , but the expressing and manner of delivering of it ; where again the Author is injurious , and cannot deny but that he artificially dissembled his understanding of the words , that he might charge Kepler with grosse ignorance ; but the imposture was so very dull and obvions , that he could not with all his craft alter the opinion which Kepler hath begot of his Doctrine in the minds of all the Learned . As in the next place , to the instance against the perpetual motion of the Earth , taken from the impossibility of its moving long without wearinesse , in regard that living creatures themselves , which yet move naturally , and from an intern principle , do grow weary , and have need of rest to relax and refresh their members — SAGR. Methinks I hear Kepler answer him to that , that there are some kinde of animals which refresh themselves after wearinesse , by rowling on the Earth ; and that therefore there is no need to fear that the Terrestrial Globe should tire , nay it may be reasonably affirmed , that it enjoyeth a perpetual & most tranquil repose , keeping it self in an eternal rowling . SALV . You are too tart and Satyrical , Sagredus : but let us lay aside jests , whilst we are treating of serious things . SAGR. Excuse me , Salviatus , this that I say is not so absolutely besides the business , as you perhaps make it ; for a motion that serveth instead of rest , and removeth weariness from a body tired with travail , may much more easily serve to prevent the coming of that weariness , like as preventive remedies are more easie than curative . And I hold for certain , that if the motion of animals should proceed in the same manner as this that is ascribed to the Earth , they would never grow weary ; Seeing that the weariness of the living creature , deriveth it self , in my opinion , from the imployment of but one part alone in the moving of its self , and all the rest of the body ; as v. g. in walking , the thighs and the legs onely are imployed for carrying themselves and all the rest : on the contrary , you see the motion of the heart to be as it were indefatigable , because it moveth it self alone . Besides , I know not how true it may be , that the motion of the animal is natural , and not rather violent : nay , I believe that one may truly say , that the soul naturally moveth the members of an animal with a motion preternatural , for if the motion upwards is preternatural to grave bodies , the lifting up of the legs , and the thighs , which are grave bodies , in walking , cannot be done without violence , and therefore not without labour to the mover . The climbing upwards by a ladder carrieth the grave body contrary to its natural inclination upwards , from whence followeth weariness , by reason of the bodies natural aversness to that motion : but in moving a moveable with a motion , to which it hath no aversion , what lassitude , what diminution of vertue and strength need we fear in the mover ? and how should the forces waste , where they are not at all imployed ? SIMP . They are the contrary motions wherewith the Earth is pretended to move , against which the Authour produceth his argument . SAGR. It hath been said already , that they are no wise contraries , and that herein the Authour is extteamly deceived , so that the whole strength of the argument recoileth upon the Opponent himself , whilst he will make the First Mover to hurry along with it all the inferiour Spheres , contrary to the motion which they themselves at the same time exercise . It belongs therefore to the Primum Mobile to grow weary , which besides the moving of its self is made to carry so many other Spheres , and which also strive against it with a contrary motion . So that the ultimate conclusion that the Authour inferred , saying , that discoursing of the effects of Nature , a man alwayes meets with things that favour the opinion of Aristotle and Ptolomy , and never any one that doth not interfer with Copernicus , stands in need of great consideration ; and it is better to say , that one of these two Hypotheses being true , and the other necessarily false , it is impossible that a man should ever be able to finde any argument , experience , or right reason , in favour of that which is false , like as to the truth none of these things can be repugnant . Vast difference , therefore , must needs be found between the reasons and arguments produced by the one and other party , for and against these two opinions , the force of which I leave you your self to judge of , Simplicius . SALV . But you , Sagredus , being transported by the velocity of your wit , have taken my words out of my mouth , whilst I was about to say something , touching this last argument of the Author ; and although you have more then sufficiently refuted him , yet neverthelesse I will adde somewhat , which then ran in my minde . He proposeth it as a thing very unlikely , that a body dissipable and corruptible , as the Earth , should perpetually move with a regular motion , especially for that we see living creatures in the end to grow weary , and to stand in need of rest : and the improbability is increased , in that the said motion is required to be of velocity incomparable and immense , in respect to that of animals . Now , I cannot see why the velocity of the Earth should , at present , trouble it ; so long as that of the starry Sphere so very much bigger doth not occasion in it any disturbance more considerable , than that which the velocity of a machine , that in 24 hours maketh but one sole revolution , produceth in the same . If the being of the velocity of the Earths conversion , according to the model of that machine , inferreth things of no greater moment than that , let the Author cease to fear the Earths growing weary ; for that not one of the most feeble and slow-pac't animals , no not a Chamaeleon would tire in moving no more than * four or five yards in 24 hours ; but if he please to consider the velocity to be no longer , in relation to the model of the machine , but absolutely , and inasmuch as the moveable in 24 hours is to pass a very great space , he ought to shew himself so much more reserved in granting it to the starry Sphere , which with a velocity incomparably greater than that of the Earth is to carry along with it a thousand bodies , each much bigger than the Terrestrial Globe . Here it remains for us to see the proofs , whereby the Authour concludes the new stars Anno 1572. and Anno 1604. to be sublunary , and not coelestial , as the Astronomers of those times were generally perswaded ; an enterprize very great certainly ; but I have considered , that it will be better , in regard the Book is new and long , by reason of its many calculations , that between this evening and to morrow morning I make them as plain as I can , and so meeting you again to morrow to continue our wonted conferences , give you a brief of what I shall observe therein ; and if we have time left , we will say something of the Annual motion ascribed to the Earth . In the mean time , if either of you , and Simplicius in particular , hath any thing to say more , touching what relates to the Diurnal motion , at large examined by me , we have a little time still left to treat thereof . SIMP . I have no more to say , unlesse it be this , that the discourses that this day have falne under our debate , have appeared to me fraught with very acute and ingenious notions , alledged on Copernicus his side , in confirmation of the motion of the Earth , but yet I find not my self perswaded to believe it ; for in short , the things that have been said conclude no more but this , that the reasons for the stability of the Earth are not necessary ; but all the while no demonstration hath been produced on the other side , that doth necessarily convince and prove its mobility . SALV . I never undertook , Simplicius , to remove you from that your opinion ; much less dare I presume to determine definitively in this controversie : it onely was , and still shall be in the ensuing disputations my intent , to make it appear to you , that those who have thought that most swift motion of 24 hours doth belong to the Earth alone , and not to the Universe , the Earth onely excluded , were not induced to believe , that so it might and ought to do out of any blind perswasion ; but that they did very well see , try , and examine the reasons on the contrary side , and also not slightly answer them . With the same intention , if it stand with your liking , and that of Sagredus , we may passe to the consideration of that other motion ; first , by Aristarchus Samius , and afterwards by Nicholaus Copernicus ascribed to the said Terrestrial Globe , which is , as , I believe , you have heretofore heard , made under the Zodiack within the space of a year about the Sun , immoveably placed in the centre of the said Zodiack . SIMP . The disquisition is so great , and so noble , that I shall gladly hearken to the discussion thereof , perswading my self that I shall hear what ever can be said of that matter . And I will afterwards by my self , according to my usual custome , make more deliberate reflexions upon what hath been , and is to be spoken ; and if I should gain no more but this , it will be no small benefit that I shall be able to discourse more Logically . SAGR. Therefore , that we may no further weary Salviatus , we will put a period to the disputations of this day , and reassume our conference to morrow in the usual manner , with hope to hear very pleasing novelties . SIMP . I will leave with you the Book De stellis novis , and carry back this of the Conclusions , to see what is written therein against the Annual motion , which are to be the arguments of our discourse to morrow . Place this Plate at the end of the Second Dialogue . GALILAEUS Galilaeus Lyncaeus , HIS SYSTEME OF THE WORLD . The Third Dialogue . INTERLOCVTORS . SALVIATUS , SAGREDUS , and SIMPLICIUS . SAGR. THe great desire wherewith I have expected your coming , that I might hear the novel conceits touching the annual conversion of this our Globe , hath made me think the houres of the last night , and those of this morning very tedious , although I spent them not idly , but lying awake I imployed a good part thereof in ruminating upon our yesterdayes discourses , weighing the reasons alledged by both parties , in favour of the two contrary Hypotheses , that of Aristotle and Ptolomy , and this of Aristarchus , and Copernicus . And really methinks , that which ever of these parties have been deceived , they are worthy of excuse , so specious and valid in appearance are the reasons that may have perswaded them either way ; though neverthelesse we do for the most part close with those produced by the grave Authours first above mentioned . But albeit that the Peripatetick Hypothesis , by reason of its antiquity , hath had many followers and fautors , and the other very few ; first , for its obscurity , and next , for its novelty , yet methinks I discover amongst those many , and particularly amongst the modernes some , who for the support of the opinion by them esteemed true , have introduced other reasons sufficiently childish , I could say ridiculous . SALV . I have met with the like , and so much worse than yours , that I blush to rehearse them , not so much to spare the fame of their Authours , the names of whom might be perpetually concealed , as because I am ashamed so much to stain the honour of mankinde . In observing of these men , I have found that some there are who preposterously reasoning , first stablish the conclusion in their fancy , and ( either because it is their own , or else belongs to a person whom they much confide in ) so firmly imprint it in their opinions , that it is altogether impossible ever wholly to efface it : and those reasons which they themselves stumble upon , or which they hear others to alledge in confirmation of the conceit entertained , though never so simple and insipid , instantly find credit and applause with them : but on the contrary , those which are brought against their opinion , though ingenuous and concluding , they receive not only with nauseating , but with disdain and bitter indignation , yea , you shall have one of these so inraged , as that he will not be backward to try all wayes to suppress and silence their adversaries : and of this I my self have had some experience . SAGR. Indeed these men deduce not the conclusion from the premises , nor confirme them with reasons , but accomodate , or to say better , discommodate and distort the premises and arguments to make them speak in favour of their pre-assumed and pertinacious conclusions . It is not good therefore to contract familiarity with these men ; and the rather , for that their conversation is not only unpleasant , but also dangerous . Yet let us continue our conference with Simplicius however , whom I have known this long while for a man of great ingenuity ; and altogether void of malice : besides he is well verst in the Peripatetick Doctrine ; so that I may assure my self , that what shall not fall within the reach of his reason for the support of the Aristotelian Hypothesis , will not easily be found out by others . But see yonder he comes , quite out of winde , whose company we have so long desired : we were just now speaking against the small hast you made to come to us . SIMP . You must not blame me , but Neptune , for this my long stay ; which in the ebbe of this mornings tide hath in a manner drain'd away the waters , for the Gondola that brought me , being entered not far from hence into a certain Channel , wanting depth , where I was stranded , and forced to stay there more than a full hour , in expecting the return of the tide : and there waiting in this manner , without being able to get out of the boat , which on a sudden ran a ground , I observed a certain accident , which to me seemed very strange ; and it was this , that in the waters ebbing I saw it retreat very fast by several small rivolets , the ouze being in many places discovered , and whilst I stood looking upon this effect , I saw this motion in an instant to cease , and without a minutes interval the same water to begin to return back again , and the tide from ebbing to become young flood , without standing still a moment : an effect that as long as I have dwelt in Venice , I never took notice of before . SAGR. It is very much , that you should be left thus on ground , amongst small Channels ; in which rivolets , as having very little declivity , the rising or falling of the main sea , the thickness onely of a paper is sufficient to make the water to ebbe and flow for good long spaces of time : like as in some creeks of the Sea , its flowing four or six * yards onely , maketh the water to overflow the adjacent Marshes for some hundreds and thousands of * acres . SIMP . This I know very well , but I should have thought , that between the ultimate terme of ebbing , and the first beginnng to flow , there should have interposed some considerable interval of rest . SAGR. This will appear unto you , if you cast your eye upon the bank or piles , where these mutations are made perpendicularly , but not that there is any real time of cessation . SIMP . I did think , that because these two motions were contrary , there ought to be in the midst between them some kind of rest ; conformable to the Doctrine of Aristotle , which demonstrates that in puncto regressus mediat quies . SAGR. I very well remember this place : but I bear in minde also , that when I read Philosophy , I was not thorowly satisfied with Aristotles demonstration ; but that I had many experiments on the contrary , which I could still rehearse unto you , but I am unwilling to sally out into any other digressions , we being met here to discourse of the proposed mattes , if it be possible , without these excursions wherewith we have interrupted our disputes in those dayes that are past . SIMP . And yet we may with convenience , if not-interrupt them , at least prolong them very much , for returning yesterday home , I set my self to read the Tractate of Conclusions , where I find Demonstrations against this annual motion ascribed to the Earth , very solid ; and because I would not trust my memory with the punctual relation of them , I have brought back the Book along with me . SAGR. You have done very well ; but if we would re-assume our Disputations according to yesterdayes appointment , it is requisite that we first hear what account Salviatus hath to give us of the Book , De stellis novis , and then without interruption we may proceed to the Annual motion . Now what say you , Salviatus touching those stars ? Are they really pull'd down from Heaven to these lower regions , by vertue of that Authours calculations , whom Simplicius mentioneth ? SALV . I set my self last night to peruse his proceedings , and I have this morning had another view of him , to see whether that which he seemed over night to affirm , were really his sense , or my dreams and phantastical nocturnal imaginations ; and in the close found to my great grief that those things were really written and printed , which for the reputation-sake of this Philosopher I was unwilling to believe . It is in my judgment impossible , but that he should perceive the vanity of his undertaking , aswell because it is too apert , as because I remember , that I have heard him mentioned with applause by the Academick our Friend : it seemeth to me also to be a thing very unlikely , that in complacency to others , he should be induced to set so low a value upon his reputation , as to give consent to the publication of a work , for which he could expect no other than the censure of the Learned . SAGR. Yea , but you know , that those will be much fewer than one for an hundred , compared to those that shall celebrate and extoll him above the greatest wits that are , or ever have been in the world : He is one that hath mentioned the Peripatetick inalterability of Heaven against a troop of Astronomers , and that to their greater disgrace hath foiled them at their own weapons : and what do you think four or five in a Countrey that discern his triflings , can do against the innumerable multitude , that , not being able to discover or comprehend them , suffer themselves to be taken with words , and so much more applaud him , by how much the lesse they understand him ? You may adde also , that those few who understand , scorn to give an answer to papers so trivial and unconcludent ; and that upon very good reasons , because to the intelligent there is no need thereof , and to those that do not understand , it is but labour lost . SALV . The most deserved punishment of their demerits would certainly be silence , if there were not other reasons , for which it is haply no lesse than necessary to resent their timerity : one of which is , that we Italians thereby incur the censure of Illiterates , and attract the laughter of Forreigners ; and especially to such who are separated from our Religion ; and I could shew you many of those of no small eminency , who scoff at our Academick , and the many Mathematicians that are in Italic , for suffering the follies of such a * Fabler against Astronomers to come into the light , and to be openly maintained without contradiction ; but this also might be dispensed with , in respect of the other greater occasions of laughter , wherewith we may confront them depending on the dissimulation of the intelligent , touching the follies of these opponents of the Doctrines that they well enough understand . SAGR. I desire not a greater proof of those mens petulancy , and the infelicity of a Copernican , subject to be opposed by such as understand not so much as the very first positions , upon which he undertakes the quarrel . SALV . You will be no lesse astonished at their method in confuting the Astronomers , who affirm the new Stars to be superiour to the Orbs of the Planets ; and peradventure in the † Firmament it self . SAGR. But how could you in so short a time examine all this Book , which is so great a Volume , and must needs contain very many demonstrations ? SALV . I have confined my self to these his first confutations , in which with twelve demonstrations founded upon the observations of twelve Astronomers , ( who all held , that the Star , Anno 1572. which appeared in Cassiopeia , was in the Firmament ) he proveth it on the contrary , to be beneath the Moon , conferring , two by two , the meridian altitudes , proceeding in the method that you shall understand by and by . And because , I think , that in the examination of this his first progression , I have discovered in this Authour a great unlikelihood of his ability to conclude any thing against the Astronomers , in favour of the Peripatetick Philosophers , and that their opinion is more and more concludently confirmed , I could not apply my self with the like patience in examining his other methods , but have given a very slight glance upon them , and am certain , that the defect that is in these first impugnations , is likewise in the rest . And as you shall see , by experience , very few words will suffice to confute this whole Book , though compiled with so great a number of laborious calculations , as here you see . Therefore observe my proceedings . This Authour undertaketh , as I say , to wound his adversaries with their own weapons , i. e. a great number of observations made by themselves , to wit , by twelve or thirteen Authours in number , and upon part of them he makes his supputations , and concludeth those stars to have been below the Moon . Now because the proceeding by interrogatories very much pleaseth me , in regard the Authour himself is not here , let Simplicius answer me to the questions that I shall ask him , as he thinks he himself would , if he were present . And presupposing that we speak of the foresaid Star , of Anno 1572. appearing in Cassiopeia , tell me , Simplicius , whether you believe that it might be in the same time placed in divers places , that is , amongst the Elements , aud also amongst the planetary Orbs , and also above these amongst the fixed Stars , and yet again infinitely more high . SIMP . There is no doubt , but that it ought to be confessed that it is but in one only place , and at one sole and determinate distance from the Earth . SALV . Therefore if the observations made by the Astronomers were exact , and the calculations made by this Author were not erroneous , it were easie from all those and all these to recollect the same distances alwayes to an hair , is not this true ? SIMP . My reason hitherto tells me that so it must needs be ; nor do I believe that the Author would contradict it . SALV . But when of many and many computations that have been made , there should not be so much as two onely that prove true , what would you think of them ? SIMP . I would think that they were all false , either through the fault of the computist , or through the defect of the observators , and at the most that could be said , I would say , that but onely one of them and no more was true ; but as yet I know not which to choose . SALV . Would you then from false fundamentals deduce and establish a doubtful conclusion for true ? Certainly no. Now the calculations of this Author are such , that no one of them agrees with another , you may see then what credit is to be given to them . SIMP . Indeed , if it be so , this is a notable failing . SAGR. But by the way I have a mind to help Simplicius , and the Author by telling Salviatus , that his arguments would hold good if the Author had undertook to go about to find out exactly the distance of the Star from the Earth , which I do not think to be his intention ; but onely to demonstrate that from those observations he collected that the Star was sublunary . So that if from those observations , and from all the computations made thereon , the height of the Star be alwayes collected to be lesse than that of the Moon , it serves the Authors turn to convince all those Astronomers of most impardonable ignorance , that through the defect either of Geometry or Arithmetick , have not known how to draw true conclusions from their own observations themselves . SALV . It will be convenient therefore that I turn my self to you , Sagredus , who so cunningly aphold the Doctrine of this Author . And to see whether I can make Simplicius , though not very expert in calculations , and demonstrations to apprehend the inconclusivenesse at least of the demonstrations of this Author , first proposed to consideration , and how both he , and all the Astronomers with whom he contendeth , do agree that the new Star had not any motion of its own , and onely went round with the diurnal motion of the primum mobile ; but dissent about the placing of it , the one party putting it in the Celestial Region , that is above the Moon , and haply above the fixed Stars , and the other judging it to be neer to the Earth , that is , under the concave of the Lunar Orb. And because the situation of the new star , of which we speak , was towards the North , and at no very great distance from the Pole , so that to us Septentrionals , it did never set , it was an easie matter with Astronomical instruments to have taken its several meridian altitudes , as well its smallest under the Pole , as its greatest above the same ; from the comparing of which altitudes , made in several places of the Earth , situate at different distances from the North , that is , different from one another in relation to polar altitudes , the stars distance might be inferred : For if it was in the Firmament amongst the other fixed stars , its meridian altitudes taken in divers elevations of the pole , ought necessarily to differ from each other with the same variations that are found amongst those elevations themselves ; that is , for example , if the elevation of the star above the horizon was 30 degrees , taken in the place where the polar altitude was v. gr . 45 degrees , the elevation of the same star ought to have been encreased 4 or 5 degrees in those more Northernly places where the pole was higher by the said 4 or 5 degrees . But if the stars distance from the Earth was but very little , in comparison of that of the Firmament ; its meridian altitudes ought approaching to the North to encrease considerably more than the polar altitudes ; and by that greater encrease , that is , by the excesse of the encrease of the stars elevation , above the encrease of the polar elevation ( which is called the difference of Parallaxes ) is readily calculated with a cleer and sure method , the stars distance from the centre of the Earth . Now this Author taketh the observations made by thirteen Astronomers in sundry elevations of the pole , and conferring a part of them at his pleasure , he computeth by twelve collations the new stars height to have been alwayes beneath the Moon ; but this he adventures to do in hopes to find so grosse ignorance in all those , into whose hands his book might come , that to speak the truth , it hath turn'd my stomack ; and I wait to see how those other Astronomers , and particularly Kepler , against whom this Author principally inveigheth , can contein themselves in silence , for he doth not use to hold his tongue on such occasions ; unlesse he did possibly think the enterprize too much below him . Now to give you to understand the same , I have upon this paper transcribed the conclusions that he inferreth from his twelve indagations ; the first of which is upon the two observations : Of Maurolicus and Hainzelius , from which the Star is collected to have been distant from the centre lesse than 3 semidiameters of the Earth , the difference of Parallaxes being 4 gr . 42 m. 30 sec. 3 semid . 2. And is calculated on the observations of Hainzelius , with Parall . of 8. m. 30 sec. and its distance from the centre is computed to be more than 25 semid . 3. And upon the observations of Tycho and Hainzelius , with Parall . of 10 m. and the distance of the centre is collected to be little lesse than 19 semid . 4. And upon the observations of Tycho and the Landgrave , with Parall . of 14 m. the distance from the centre is made to be about 10 semid . 5. And upon the observations of Hainzelius and Gemma , with Parall . of 42 m. 30 sec. whereby the distance is gathered to be about 4 semid . 6. And upon the observations of the Landgrave and Camerarius , with Parall . of 8 m. the distance is concluded to be about 4 semid . 7. And upon the observations of Tycho and Hagecius , with Parall . of 6 m. and the distance is made 31 semid . 8. And upon the observations of Hagecius and Vrsinus with Parall . of 43 m. and the stars distance from the superficies of the Earth is rendred 1 / 2 semid . 9. And upon the observations of Landgravius and Buschius , with Parall . of 15 m. and the distance from the superficies of the Earth is by supputation 1 / 48 semid . 10. And upon the observations of Maurolice and Munocius , with Parall . of 4 m. 30 sec. and the compnted distance from the Earths surface is 1 / 5 semid . 11. And upon the observations of Munocius and Gemma , with Parall . of 55 m. and the distance from the centre is rendred 13 semid . 12. And upon the observations of Munosius and Vrsinus with Parall . of 1 gr . 36 m. and the distance from the centre cometh forth lesse than 7 semid . These are twelve indagations made by the Author at his election , amongst many which , as he saith , might be made by combining the observations of these thirteen observators . The which twelve we may believe to be the most favourable to prove his intention . SAGR. I would know whether amongst the so many other indagations pretermitted by the Author , there were not some that made against him , that is , from which calculating one might find the new star to have been above the Moon , as at the very first sight I think we may reasonably question ; in regard I see these already produced to be so different from one another , that some of them give me the distance of the said star from the Earth , 4 , 6 , 10 , 100 , a thousand , and an hundred thousand times bigger one than another ; so that I may well suspect that amongst those that he did not calculate , there was some one in fauour of the adverse party . And I guesse this to be the more probable , for that I cannot conceive that those Astronomers the observators could want the knowledg and practice of rhese computations , which I think do not depend upon the abstrucest things in the World. And indeed it will seem to me a thing more than miraculous , if whilst in these twelve investigations onely , there are some that make the star to be distant from the Earth but a few miles , and others that make it to be but a very fmall matter below the Moon , there are none to be found that in favour of the contrary part do make it so much as twenty yards above the Lunar Orb. And that which shall be yet again more extravagant , that all those Astronomers should have been so blind as not to have discovered that their so apparent mistake . SALV . Begin now to prepare your ears to hear with infinite admiration to what excesses of confidence of ones own authority and others folly , the desire of contradicting and shewing ones self wiser than others , transports a man. Amongst the indagations omitted by the Author , there are such to be found as make the new star not onely above the Moon , but above the fixed stars also . And these are not a few , but the greater part , as you shall see in this other paper , where I have set them down . SAGR. But what saith the Author to these ? It may be he did not think of them ? SALV . He hath thought of them but too much : but saith , that the observations upon which the calculations make the star to be infinitely remote , are erroneous , and that they cannot be combined to one another . SIMP . But this seemeth to me a very lame evasion ; for the adverse party may with as much reason reply , that those are erroneous wherewith he collecteth the star to have been in the Elementary Region . SALV . Oh Simplicius , if I could but make you comprehend the craft , though no great craftinesse of this Author , I should make you to wonder , and also to be angry to see how that he palliating his sagacity with the vail of the simplicity of your self ; and the rest of meer Philosophers , would insinuate himself into your good opinion , by tickling your ears , and swelling your ambition , pretending to have convinced and silenced these petty Astronomers , who went about to assault the impregnable inalterability of the Peripatetick Heaven , and which is more , to have foild and conquered them with their own arms . I will try with all my ability to do the same ; and in the mean time let Sagredus take it in good part , if Simplicius and I try his patience , perhaps a little too much , whilst that with a superfluous circumlocution ( superfluous I say to his most nimble apprehension ) I go about to make out a thing , which it is not convenient should be hid and unknown unto him . SAGR. I shall not onely without wearinesse , but also with much delight hearken to your discourses ; and so ought all Peripatetick Philosophers , to the end they may know how much they are oblieged to this their Protector . SALV . Tell me , Simplicius , whether you do well comprehend , how , the new star being placed in the meridian circle yonder towards the North , the same to one that from the South should go towards the North , would seem to rise higher and higher above the Horizon , as much as the Pole , although it should have been scituate amongst the fixed stars ; but , that in case it were considerably lower , that is nearer to the Earth , it would appear to ascend more than the said pole , and still more by how much its vicinity was greater ? SIMP . I think that I do very well conceive the same ; in token whereof I will try if I can make a mathematical Scheme of it , and in this great circle [ in Fig. 1. of this Dialogue . ] I will marke the pole P ; and in these two lower circles I will note two stars beheld from one place on the Earth , which let be A ; and let the two stars be these B and C , beheld in the same line ABC , which line I prolong till it meet with a fixed star in D. And then walking along the Earth , till I come to the term E , the two stars will appear to me separated from the fixed star D , and advanced neerer to the pole P , and the lower star B more , which will appear to me in G , and the star C lesse , which will appear to me in F , but the fixed star D will have kept the same distance from the Pole. SALV . I see that you understand the businesse very well . I believe that you do likewise comprehend , that , in regard the star B is lower than C , the angle which is made by the rayes of the sight , which departing from the two places A and E , meet in C , to wit , this angle ACE , is more narrow , or if we will say more acute than the angle constituted in B , by the rayes AB and EB . SIMP . This I likewise understand very well . SALV . And also , the Earth beine very little and almost insensible , in respect of the Firmament ( or Starry Sphere ; ) and consequently the space AE , paced on the Earth , being very small in comparison of the immense length of the lines EG and EF , passing from the Earth unto the Firmament , you thereby collect that the star C might rise and ascend so much and so much above the Earth , that the angle therein made by the rayes which depart from the said stationary points A and E , might become most acute , and as it were absolutely null and insensible . SIMP . And this also is most manifest to sense . SALV . Now you know Simplicius that Astronomers and Mathematicians have found infallible rules by way of Geometry and Arithmetick , to be able by help of the quantity of these angles B and C , and of their differences , with the additional knowledg of the distance of the two places A and E , to find to a foot the remotenesse of sublime bodies ; provided alwayes that the aforesaid distance , and angles be exactly taken . SIMP . So that if the Rules dependent on Geometry and Astronomy be true , all the fallacies and errours that might be met with in attempting to investigate those altitudes of new Stars or Comets , or other things must of necessity depend on the distance AE , and on the angles B and C , not well measured . And thus all those differences which are found in these twelve workings depend , not on the defects of the rules of the Calculations , but on the errours committed in finding out those angles , and those distances , by means of the Instrumental Observations . SALV . True ; and of this there is no doubt to be made . Now it is necessary that you observe intensely , how in removing the Star from B to C , whereupon the angle alwayes grows more acute , the ray EBG goeth farther and farther off from the ray ABD in the part beneath the angle , as you may see in the line ECF , whose inferiour part EC is more remote from the part AC , than is the part EB , but it can never happen , that by any whatsoever immense recession , the lines AD and EF should totally sever from each other , they being finally to go and conjoyn in the Star : and onely this may be said , that they would separate , and reduce themselves to parallels , if so be the recession should be infinite , which case is not to be supposed . But because ( observe well ) the distance of the Firmament , in relation to the smallnesse of the Earth , as hath been said , is to be accounted , as if it were infinite ; therefore the angle conteined betwixt the two rayes , that being drawn from the points A and E , go to determine in a fixed Star , is esteemed nothing , and those rayes held to be two parallel lines ; and therefore it is concluded , that then only may the New Star be affirmed to have been in the Firmament , when from the collating of the Observations made in divers places , the said angle is , by calculation , gathered to be insensible , and the lines , as it were , parallels . But if the angle be of a considerable quantity , the New Star must of necessity be lower than those fixed ; and also than the Moon , in case the angle ABE should be greater than that which would be made in the Moons centre . SIMP . Then the remotenesse of the Moon is not so great , that a like angle should be * insensible in her ? SALV . No Sir ; nay it is sensible , not onely in the Moon , but in the Sun also . SIMP . But if this be so , it 's possible that the said angle may be observed in the New Star , without necessitating it to be inferiour to the Sun , aswell as to the Moon . SALV . This may very well be , yea , and is in the present case , as you shall see in due place ; that is , when I shall have made plain the way , in such manner that you also , though not very perfect in Astronomical calculations , may clearly see , and , as it were , with your hands feel how that this Author had it more in his eye to write in complacency of the Peripateticks , by palliating and dissembling sundry things , than to establish the truth , by producing them with naked sincerity : therefore let us proceed forwards . By the things hitherto spoken , I suppose that you comprehend very well how that the distance of the new Star can never be made so immense , that the angle so often named shall wholly disappear , and that the two rayes of the Observators at the places A and E , shall become altogether parallels : and you may consequently comprehend to the full , that if the calculations should collect from the observations , that that angle was totally null , or that the lines were truly parallels , we should be certain that the observations were at least in some small particular erroneous : But , if the calculations should give us the said lines to be separated not only to equidistance , that is , so as to be parallel , but to have past beyond that terme , and to be dilated more above than below , then must it be resolutely concluded , that the observations were made with lesse accuratenesse , and in a word , to be erroneous ; as leading us to a manifest impossibility . In the next place , you must believe me , and suppose it for true , that two right lines which depart from two points marked upon another right line , are then wider above than below , when the angles included between them upon that right line are greater than two right angles ; and if these angles should be equal to two right angles , the lines would be parallels ; but if they were less than two right angles , the lines would be concurrent , and being continued out would undoubtedly intersect the triangle . SIMP . Without taking it upon trust from you , I know the same ; and am not so very naked of Geometry , as not to know a Proposition , which I have had occasion of reading very often in Aristotle , that is , that the three angles of all triangles are equall to two right angles : so that if I take in my Figure the triangle ABE , it being supposed that the line EA is right ; I very well conceive , that its three angles A , E , B , are equal to two right angles ; and that consequently the two angles E and A are lesse than two right angles , so much as is the angle B. Whereupon widening the lines AB and EB ( still keeping them from moving out of the points A and E ) untill that the angle conteined by them towards the parts B , disappear , the two angles beneath shall be equal to two right angles , and those lines shall be reduced to parallels : and if one should proceed to enlarge them yet more , the angles at the points E and A would become greater than two right angles . SALV . You are an Archimedes , and have freed me from the expence of more words in declaring to you , that whensoever the calculations make the two angles A and E to be greater than two right angles , the observations without more adoe will prove erroneous . This is that which I had a desire that you should perfectly understand , and which I doubted that I was not able so to make out , as that a meer Peripatetick Philosopher might attain to the certain knowledg thereof . Now let us go on to what remains . And re-assuming that which even now you granted me , namely , that the new star could not possibly be in many places , but in one alone , when ever the supputations made upon the observations of these Astronomers do not assign it the same place , its necessary that it be an errour in the observations , that is , either in taking the altitudes of the pole , or in taking the elevations of the star , or in the one or other working . Now for that in the many workings made with the combinations two by two , there are very few of the observations that do agree to place the star in the same situation ; therefore these few onely may happily be the non-erroneous , but the others are all absolutely false . SAGR. It will be necessary then to give more credit to these few alone , than to all the rest together , and because you say , that these which accord are very few , and I amongst these 12 , do find two that so accord , which both make the distance of the star from the centre of the Earth 4 semidiameters , which are these , the fifth and sixth , therefore it is more probable that the new star was elementary , than celestial . SALV . You mistake the point ; for if you note well it was not written , that the distance was exactly 4 semidiameters , but about 4 semidiameters ; and yet you shall see that those two distances differed from each other many hundreds of miles . Here they are ; you see that this fifth , which is 13389 Italian miles , exceeds the sixth , which is 13100 miles , by almost 300 miles . SAGR. Which then are those few that agree in placing the star in the same situation ? SALV . They are , to the disgrace of this Author five workings , which all place it in the firmament , as you shall see in this note , where I have set down many other combinations . But I will grant the Author more than peradventure he would demand of me , which is in sum , that in each combination of the observations there is some error ; which I believe to be absolutely necessary ; for the observations being four in number that serve for one working , that is , two different altitudes of the Pole , and two different elevations of the star , made by different obfervers , in different places , with different instruments , who ever hath any small knowledg of this art , will say , that amongst all the four , it is impossible but there will be some error ; and especially since we see that in taking but one onely altitude of the Pole , with the same instrument , in the same place , by the same observer , that hath repeated the observation a thousand times , there will still be a titubation of one , or sometimes of many minutes , as in this same book you may see in several places . These things presupposed , I ask you Simplicius whether you believe that this Authour held these thirteen observators for wise , understanding and expert men in using those instruments , or else for inexpert , and bunglers ? SIMP . It must needs be that he esteemed them very acute and intelligent ; for if he had thought them unskilful in the businesse , he might have omitted his sixth book as inconclusive , as being founded upon suppositions very erroneous ; and might take us for excessively simple , if he should think he could with their inexpertnesse perswade us to believe a false position of his for truth . SALV . Therefore these observators being such , and that yet notwithstanding they did erre , and so consequently needed correction , that so one might from their observations infer the best hints that may be ; it is convenient that we apply unto them the least and neerest emendations and corrections that may be ; so that they do but suffice to reduce the observations from impossibility to possibility ; so as v. gr . if one may but correct a manifest errour , and an apparent impossibility of one of their observations by the addition or substraction of two or three minutes , and with that amendment to reduce it to possibility , a man ought not to essay to adjust it by the addition or substraction of fifteen , twenty , or fifty . SIMP . I think the Author would not deny this : for granting that they are expert and judicious men , it ought to be thought that they did rather erre little than much . SALV . Observe again ; The places where the new Star is placed , are some of them manifestly impossible , and others possible . Absolutely impossible it is , that it should be an infinite space superiour to the fixed Stars , for there is no such place in the world ; and if there were , the Star there scituate would have been imperceptible to us : it is also impossible that it should go creeping along the superficies of the Earth ; and much lesse that it should be within the said Terrestrial Globe . Places possible are these that be in controversie , it not interferring vvith our understanding , that a visible object in the likenesse of a Star might be aswell above the Moon , as below it . Now whilst one goeth about to compute by the way of Observations and Calculations made with the utmost certainty that humane diligence can attain unto what its place was , it is found that the greatest part of those Calculations make it more than infinitely superiour to the Firmament , others make it very neer to the surface of the Earth , and some also under the same ; and of the rest , which place it in situations not impossible , none of them agree with each other ; insomuch that it must be confessed , hat all those observations are necessarily false ; so that if we would nevertheless collect some fruit from so many laborious calculations , we must have recourse to the corrections , amending all the observations . SIMP . But the Authour will say , that of the observations that assign to the Star impossible places , there ought no account to be made , as being extreamly erroneous and false ; and those onely ought to be accepted , that constitute it in places not impossible : and amongst these a man ought to seek , by help of the most probable , and most numerous concurrences , not if the particular and exact situation , that is , its true distance from the centre of the Earth , at least , whether it was amongst the Elements , or else amongst the Coelestial bodies . SALV . The discourse which you now make , is the self same that the Author made , in favour of his cause , but with too unreasonable a disadvantage to his adversaries ; and this is that principal point that hath made me excessively to wonder at the too great confidence that he expressed to have , no less of his own authority , than of the blindness and inadvertency of the Astronomers ; in favour of whom I will speak , and you shall answer for the Author . And first , I ask you , whether the Astronomers , in observing with their Instruments , and seeking v. gr . how great the elevation of a Star is above the Horizon , may deviate from the truth , aswell in making it too great , as too little ; that is , may erroneously compute , that it is sometime higher than the truth , and sometimes lower ; or else whether the errour must needs be alwayes of one kinde , to wit , that erring they alwayes make it too much , and never too little , or alwayes too little , and never too much ? SIMP . I doubt not , but that it is as easie to commit an errour the one way , as the other . SALV . I believe the Author would answer the same . Now of these two kinds of errours , which are contraries , and into which the observators of the new star may equally have fallen , applied to calculations , one sort will make the star higher , and the other lower than really it is . And because we have already agreed , that all the observations are false ; upon what ground would this Author have us to accept those for most congruous with the truth , that shew the star to have been near at hand , than the others that shew it excessively remote ? SIMP . By what I have , as yet , collected of the Authors mind , I see not that he doth refuse those observations , and indagations that might make the star more remote than the Moon , and also than the Sun , but only those that make it remote ( as you your self have said ) more than an infinite distance ; the which distance , because you also do refuse it as impossible , he also passeth over , as being convicted of infinite falshood ; as also those observations are of impossibility . Methinks , therefore , that if you would convince the Author , you ought to produce supputations , more exact , or more in number , or of more diligent observers , which constitute the star in such and such a distance above the Moon , or above the Sun , and to be brief , in a place possible for it to be in , like as he produceth these twelve , which all place the star beneath the Moon in places that have a being in the world , and where it is possible for it to be . SALV . But Simplicius yours and the Authors Equivocation lyeth in this , yours in one respect , and the Authors in another ; I discover by your speech that you have formed a conceit to your self , that the exorbitancies that are commited in the establishing the distance of the Star do encrease successively , according to the proportion of the errors that are made by the Instrument , in taking the observations , and that by conversion , from the greatness of the exorbitancies , may be argued the greatnesse of the error ; and that thereforefore hearing it to be infered from such an observation , that the distance of the star is infinite , it is necessary , that the errour in observing was infinite , and therefore not to be amended , and as such to be refused ; but the businesse doth not succeed in that manner , my Simplicius , and I excuse you for not having comprehended the matter as it is , in regard of your small experience in such affairs ; but yet cannot I under that cloak palliate the error of the Author , who dissembling the knowledge of this which he did perswade himself that we in good earnest did not understand , hath hoped to make use of our ignorance , to gain the better credit to his Doctrine , among the multitude of illiterate men . Therefore for an advertisement to those who are more credulous then intelligent , and to recover you from error , know that its possible ( and that for the most part it will come to passe ) that an observation , that giveth you the star v. gr . at the distance of Saturn , by the adition or substraction of but one sole minute from the elevation taken with the instrument , shall make it to become infinitely distant ; and therefore of possible , impossible , and by conversion , those calculations which being grounded upon those observations , make the star infinitely remote , may possibly oftentimes with the addition or subduction of one sole minute , reduce it to a possible scituation : and this which I say of a minute , may also happen in the correction of half a minute , a sixth part , and less . Now fix it well in your mind , that in the highest distances , that is v. g. the height of Saturn , or that of the fixed Stars , very small errors made by the Observator , with the instrument , render the scituation determinate and possible , infinite & impossible . This doth not so evene in the sublunary distances , and near the earth , where it may happen that the observation by which the Star is collected to be remote v. g. 4. Semidiameters terrestrial , may encrease or diminish , not onely one minute but ten , and an hundred , and many more , without being rendred by the calculation either infinitely remote , or so much as superior to the Moon . You may hence comprehend that the greatnesse of the error ( to so speak ) instrumental , are not to be valued by the event of the calculation , but by the quantity it self of degrees and minutes numbred upon the instrument , and these observations are to be called more just or less erroneous , which with the addition or substraction of fewer minutes , restore the star to a possible situation ; and amongst the possible places , the true one may be believed to have been that , about which a greater number of distances concurre upon calculating the more exact observations . SIMP . I do not very well apprehend this which you say : nor can I of my self conceive how it can be , that in greater distances , greater exorbitancies can arise from the errour of one minute only , than in the smaller from ten or an hundred ; and therefore would gladly understand the same . SALV . You shall see it , if not Theorically , yet at least Practically , by this short assumption , that I have made of all the combinations , and of part of the workings pretermitted by the Author , which I have calculated upon this same paper . SAGR. You must then from yesterday , till now , which yet is not above eighteen hours , have done nothing but compute , without taking either food or sleep . SALV . I have refreshed my self both those wayes ; but truth is , make these supputations with great brevity ; and , if I may speak the truth , I have much admired , that this Author goeth so farre about , and introduceth so many computations no wise necessary to the question in dispute . And for a full knowledge of this , and also to the end it may soon be seen , how that from the observations of the Astronomers , whereof this Author makes use , it is more probably gathered , that the new star might have been above the Moon , and also above all the Planets , yea amongst the fixed stars , and yet higher still than they , I have transcribed upon this paper all the observations set down by the said Authour , which were made by thirteen Astronomers , wherein are noted the Polar altitude , and the altitudes of the star in the meridian , aswell the lesser under the Pole , as the greater and higher , and they are these . Tycho .   gr . m.   Altitude of the Pole 55 58   Altitude of the Star 84 00 the greatest .   27 57 the least . And these are , according to the first paper : but according to the second , the greatest is — 27 45   Hainzelius .   gr . m. sec. Altitude of the Pole 48 22   Altitude of the Star 76 34     76 33 45   76 35     20 09 40   20 09 30   20 09 20 Peucerus and Sculerus .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 51 54 Altitude of the Star 79 56   23 33 Landgravius .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 51 18 Altitude of the Star 79 30 Camerarius .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 52 24 Altitude of the Star 80 30   80 27   80 26   24 28   24 20   24 17 Hagecius   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 48 22 Altitude of the Star 20 15 Maurolycus .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 38 30 Altitude of the Star 62 00 Munocius .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 39 30 Altitude of the star 67 30   11 30 Vrsinus .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 49 24 Altitude of the star 79 00   22 00 Reinholdus .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 51 18 Altitude of the star 79 30   23 02 Buchius .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 51 10 Altitude of the star 79 20   22 40 Gemma .   gr . m. Altitude of the pole 50 50 Altitude of the star 79 45 Now to see my whole proceeding , we may begin from these calculations , which are four , omitted by the Author , perhaps because they make against him , in regard they place the star above the moon by many semidiameters of the Earth . The first of which is this , computed upon the observations of the Landgrave of Hassia , and Tycho ; which are , even by the Authors concession , two of the most exact observers : and in this first , I will declare the order that I hold in the working ; which shall serve for all the rest , in that they are all made by the same rule , not varying in any thing , save in the quantity of the given summes , that is , in the number of the degrees of the Poles altitude , and of the new Stars elevation above the Horizon , the distance of which from the centre of the Earth , in proportion to the semidiameter of the terrestrial Globe is sought , touching which it nothing imports in this case , to know how many miles that semidiameter conteineth ; whereupon the resolving that , and the distance of places where the observations were made , as this Author doth , is but time and labour lost ; nor do I know why he hath made the same , and especially why at the last he goeth about to reduce the miles found , into semidiameters of the Terrestrial Globe . SIMP . Perhaps he doth this to finde with such small measures , and with their fractions the distance of the Star terminated to three or four inches ; for we that do not understand your rules of Arithmetick , are stupified in hearing your conclusions ; as for instance , whilst we read ; Therefore the new Star or Comet was distant from the Earths centre three hundred seventy and three thousand eight hundred and seven miles ; and moreover , two hundred and eleven , four thousand ninety sevenths 373807 21● / 4097 , and upon these precise punctualities , wherein you take notice of such small matters , we do conceive it to be impossible , that you , who in our calculations keep an account of an inch , can at the close deceive us so much as an hundred miles . SALV . This your reason and excuse would passe for currant , if in a distance of thousands of miles , a yard over or under were of any great moment , and if the suppositions that we take for true , were so certain , as that they could assure us of producing an indubitable truth in the conclusion ; but here you see in the twelve workings of the Author , the distances of the Star , which from them one may conclude to have been different from each other , ( and therefore wide of the truth ) for many hundreds and thousands of miles : now whilst that I am more than certain , that that which I seek must needs differ from the truth by hundreds of miles , to what purppse is it to be so curious in our calculations , for fear of missing the quantity of an inch ? But let us proceed , at last , to the working , which I resolve in this manner . Tycho , as may be seen in that same note observed the star in the polar altitude of 55 degrees and 58 mi. pri . And the polar altitude of the Landgrave was 51 degrees and 18 mi. pri . The altitude of the star in the Meridian taken by Tycho was 27 degrees 45 mi. pri . The Landgrave found its altitude 23 degrees 3 mi. pri . The which altitudes are these noted here , as you see .     gr . m.   gr . m. Tycho . Pole 55 58 * 27 45 Landgr . Pole 51 18 * 23 3 This done , substract the lesse from the greater , and there remains these differences here underneath .   gr . m.   4 40   4 42 Parall .   2 Where the difference of the poles altitudes 4 gr . 4 mi. pr. is lesse than the difference of the altitudes of the Star 4 gr . 42 mi. pr. and therefore we have the difference of parallaxes , 0 gr . 2 mi. pri . These things being found , take the Authours own figure [ Fig. 2. ] in which the point B is the station of the Landgrave , D the station of Tycho , C the place of the star , A the centre of the Earth , ABE the vertical line of the Landgrave , ADF of Tycho , and the angle BCD the difference of Parallaxes . And because the angle BAD , conteined between the vertical lines , is equal to the difference of the Polar altitudes , it shall be 4gr . 40m . which I note here apart ; and I finde the chord of it by the Table of Arches and Chords , and set it down neer unto it , which is 8142 parts , of which the semidiameter AB is 100000. Next , I finde the angle BDC with ease , for the half of the angle BAD , which is 2gr . 20 m. added to a right angle , giveth the angle BDF 92gr . 20 m. to which adding the angle CDF , which is the distance from the vertical point of the greatest altitude of the Star , which here is 62 gr . 15 m. it giveth us the quantity of the angle BDC , 154 grad . 45 min. the which I set down together with its Sine , taken out of the Table , which is 42657 , and under this I note the angle of the Parallax BCD 0 gr . 2 m. with its Sine 58. And because in the Triangle BCD , the side DB is to the side BC ; as the sine of the opposite angle BCD , to the sine of the opposite angle BDC : therefore , if the line BD were 58. BC would be 42657. And because the Chord DB is 8142. of those parts whereof the semidiameter BA is 100000. and we seek to know how many of those parts is BC ; therefore we will say , by the Golden Rule , if when BD is 58. BG is 42657. in case the said DB were 8142. how much would BC be ? I multiply the second term by the third , and the product is 347313294. which ought to be divided by the first , namely , by 58. and the quotient shall be the number of the parts of the line BC , whereof the semidiameter AB is 100000. And to know how many semidiameters BA , the said line BC doth contein , it will be necessary anew to divide the said quotient so found by 100000. and we shall have the number of semidiameters conteined in BC. Now the number 347313294. divided by 58. giveth 5988160¼ . as here you may see . And this divided by 100000. the product is 59 88160 / 100000 But we may much abbreviate the operation , dividing the first quotient found , that is , 347313294. by the product of the multiplication of the two numbers 58. and 100000. that is , And this way also there will come forth 59 5113294 / 5●00●●● And so many semidiameters are contained in the line BC , to which one being added for the line AB , we shall have little lesse than 61. semidiameters for the two lines ABC ; and therefore the right distance from the centre A , to the Star C , shall be more than 60. semidiameters , and therefore it is superiour to the Moon , according to Ptolomy , more than 27. semidiameters , and according to Copernicus , more than 8. supposing that the distance of the Moon from the centre of the Earth by Copernicus his account is what the Author maketh it , 52 semidiameters . With this same working , I find by the observations of Camerarius , and of Munosius , that the Star was situate in that same distance , to wit , somewhat more than 60. semidiameters . These are the observations , and these following next after them the calculations . The next working is made upon two observations of Tycho , and of Munosius , from which the Star is calculated to be distant from the Centre of the Earth 478 Semidiameters and more . These workings following make the Star remote from the Centre , more than 358 Semidiameters . From this other working the star is found to be distant from the centre more than 716. semidiameters . These as you see are five workings which place the star very much above the Moon . And here I desire you to consider upon that particular , which even now I told you , namely , that in great distances , the mutations , or if you please corrections , of a very few minutes , removeth the star a very great way farther off . As for example , in the first of these workings , where the calculation made the star 60. semidiameters remote from the centre , with the Parallax of 2. minutes ; he that would maintain that it was in the Firmament , is to correct in the observations but onely two minutes , nay lesse , for then the Parallax ceaseth , or becommeth so small , that it removeth the star to an immense distance , which by all is received to be the Firmament . In the second indagation , or working , the correction of lesse than 4 m. prim . d th the same . In the third , and fourth , like as in the first , two minutes onely mount the star even above the Firmament . In the last preceding , a quarter of a minute , that is 15. seconds , gives us the same . But it doth not so occur in the sublunary altitudes ; for if you fancy to your self what distance you most like , and go about to correct the workings made by the Authour , and adjust them so as that they all answer in the same determinate distance , you will find how much greater corrections they do require . SAGR. It cannot but help us in our fuller understanding of things , to see some examples of this which you speak of . SALV . Do you assign any whatsoever determinate sublunary distance at pleasure in which to constitute the star , for with small ado we may assertain our selves whether corrections like to these , which we see do suffice to reduce it amongst the fixed stars , will reduce it to the place by you assigned . SAGR. To take a distance that may favour the Authour , we will suppose it to be that which is the greatest of all those found by him in his 12 workings ; for whilst it is in controversie between him and Astronomers , and that they affirm the star to have been superiour to the Moon , and he that it was inferiour , very small space that he proveth it to have been lower , giveth him the victory . SALV . Let us therefore take the seventh working wrought upon the observations of Tycho and Thaddaeus Hagecius , by which the Authour found the star to have been distant from the centre 32. semidiameters , which situation is most favourable to his purpose ; and to give him all advantages , let us moreover place it in the distance most disfavouring the Astronomers , which is to situate it above the Firmament . That therefore being supposed , let us seek in the next place what corrections it would be necessary to apply to his other 11 workings . And let us begin at the first calculated upon the observations of Hainzelius and Mauroice ; in which the Authour findeth the distance from the centre about 3. semidiameters with the Parallax of 4 gr . 42 m. 30. sec. Let us see whether by withdrawing it 20. minutes onely , it will rise to the height of 32. semidiameters : See the short and true operation . Multiply the sine of the angle BDC , by the sine of the chord BD , and divide the product , the five last figures being cut off by the sine of the Parallax , and the quotient will be 28. semidiameters , and an half , so that though you make a correction of 4 gr . 22 min. 30 sec. taken from 4 gr . 42 min. 30 sec. it shall not elevate the star to the altitude of 32. semidiameters , which correction for Simplicius his understanding it , is of 262. minutes , and an half . In the second operation made upon the observations of Hainzelius , and Sculerus , with the Parallax of 0 gr . 8 min. 30 sec. the star is found in the height of 25. semidiameters or thereabouts , as may be seen in the subsequent working . And bringing back the Parallax 0 gr . 8 m. 30 sec. to 7 gr . 7 m. whose sine is 204 , the star elevateth to 30 semidiameters or thereabouts ; therefore the correction of 0 gr . 1 mi. 30 sec. doth not suffice . Now let us see what correction is requisite for the third working made upon the observations of Hainzelius and Tycho , which rendereth the star about 19 semidiameters high , with the Parallax of 10 m. pri . The usual angles and their sines , and chord found by the Authour , are these next following ; and they remove the star ( as also in the Authours working ) 19 semidiameters from the centre of the Earth . It is necessary therefore for the raising of it , to diminish the Parallax according to the Rule which he likewise observeth in the ninth working . Let us therefore suppose the Parallax to be 6 m. prim . whose sine is 175 , and the division being made , there is found likewise lesse than 31 semidiameters for the stars distance . And therefore the correction of 4 min. prim . is too little to serve the Authours purpose . Let us come to the fourth working , and the rest with the same rule , and with the chords and sines found out by the Authour himself ; in this the Parallax is 14 m. prim . and the height found lesse than 10 semidiameters , and diminishing the Parallax from 14 min. to 4 min. yet neverthelesse you see that the star doth not elevate full 31 semidiameters . Therefore 10 min. in 14 min. doth not suffice . In the fifth operation of the Authour we have the sines and the chord as you see , and the Parallax is 0 gr . 42 m. 30 sec. which rendereth the height of the star about 4 semidiameters , and correcting the Parallax , with reducing it from 0 gr . 42 m. 30 sec. to 0 gr . 5 m. onely , doth not suffice to raise it to so much as 28 semidiameters , the correction therefore of 0 gr . 37 m. 30 sec. is too little . In the sixth operation the chord , the sines and Parallax are as followeth , and the star is found to be about 4. semidiameters ; let us see whether it will be reduced , abating the Parallax from 8 m. to 1 m. onely ; Here is the operation , and the star raised but to 27. semidiameters or thereabout ; therefore the correction of 7 m. in 8 m. doth not suffice . In the eighth operation the chord , the sines , and the Parallax , as you see , are these ensuing , and hence the Authour calculates the height of the star to be 1. semidiameter and an half , with the Parallax of 43. min. which reduced to 1 min. yet notwithstanding giveth the star lesse remote than 24. semidiameters , the correction therefore of 42. min. is not enough . Let us now see the ninth . Here is the chord , the sines and the Parallax which is 15 m. From whence the Authour calculates the distance of the star from the superficies of the Earth to be lesse than a * seven and forteith part of a semidiameter , but this is an errour in the calculation , for it cometh forth truly , as we shall see here below , more than a fifth : See here the quotient is ●90 / 4●● , which is more than one fifth . That which the Authour presently after subjoyns in way of amending the observations , that is , that it sufficeth not to reduce the difference of Parallax , neither to a minute , nor yet to the eighth part of a minute is true . But I say , that neither will the tenth part of a minute reduce the height of the star to 32. semidiameters ; for the sine of the tenth part of a minute , that is of six seconds , is 3 ; by which if we according to our Rule should divide 90. or we may say , if we should divide 9058672. by 300000. the quotient will be 30 58671 / 100000 , that is little more than 30. semidiameters and an half . The tenth giveth the altitude of the star one fifth of a semidiameter , with these angles , sines , and Parallax , that is , 4 gr . 30 m. which I see that being reduced from 4 gr . 30 min. to 2 min. yet neverthelesse it elevates not the star to 29. semidiameters . The eleventh rendereth the star to the Authour remote about 13. semidiameters , with the Parallax of 55. min. let us see , reducing it to 20 min. whether it will exalt the star : See here the calculation elevates it to little lesse than 33. semidiameters , the correction therefore is little lesse than 35. min. in 55. min. The twelfth with the Parallax of 1. gr . 36. min. maketh the star lesse high than 6. semidiameters , reducing the Parallax to 20 min. it carrieth the star to lesse than 30. semidiameters distance , therefore the correction of 1 gr . 16. min. sufficeth not . These are the Corrections of the Parallaxes of the ten workings of the Author , to reduce the Star to the altitude of 32 Semidiameters . gr . m. sec.   gr . m. sec. 04 22 30 in 04 42 30 00 04 00 in 00 10 00 00 10 00 in 00 14 00 00 37 00 in 00 42 30 00 07 00 in 00 18 00 00 42 00 in 00 43 00 00 14 50 in 00 15 00 04 28 00 in 04 30 00 00 35 00 in 00 55 00 01 16 00 in 01 36 00 From hence we see , that to reduce the Star to 32. Semidiameters in altitude , it is requisite from the sum of the Parallaxes 836. to subtract 756. and to reduce them to 80. nor yet doth that correction suffice . Here we see also , ( as I have noted even now ) that should the Authour consent to assign the distance of 32. Semidiameters for the true height of the Star , the correction of those his 10. workings , ( I say 10. because the second being very high , is reduced to the height of 32. Semidiameters , with 2. minutes correction ) to make them all to restore the said Star to that distance , would require such a reduction of Parallaxes , that amongst the whole number of substractions they should make more than 756 m. pr. whereas in the 5. calculated by me , which do place the Star above the Moon , to correct them in such sort , as to constitute it in the Firmament , the correction onely of 10. minutes , and one fourth sufficeth . Now adde to these , other 5. workings , that place the Star precisely in the Firmament , without need of any correction at all , and we shall have ten workings or indagations that agree to place it in the Firmament , with the correction onely of 5. of them ( as hath been seen ) but 10. m. and 15 sec. Whereas for the correction of those 10. of the Authour , to reduce them to the altitude of 32. semidiameters , there will need the emendations of 756 minutes in 836. that is , there must from the summe 836 be substracted 756. if you would have the Star elevated to the altitude of 32. semidiameters , and yet that correction doth not fully serve . The workings that immediately without any correction free the Star from Parallaxes , and therefore place it in the Firmament , and that also in the remotest parts of it , and in a word , as high as the Pole it self , are these 5. noted here .     gr . m.   gr . m. Camerar . Polar altit . 52 24 Altit . of the Star 80 26 Peucerus 51 54 79 56     0 30   0 30     gr . m.   gr . m. Landgrav . Polar altit . 51 18 Altit . of the Star 79 30 Hainzel . 48 22 76 34     2 56   2 56     gr . m.   gr . m. Tycho Polar altit . 55 58 Altit . of the Star 84 00 Peucerus 51 54 79 56     4 4   4 4   gr . m.   gr . m. Reinhold . Polar altit . 51 18 Altit . of the Star 79 30 Hainzel . 48 22 36 34     2 56   2 56     gr . m.   gr . m. Camerar . Polar altit . 52 24 Altit . of the Star 24 17 Hagecius 48 22 20 15     4 2   4 2 Of the remaining combinations that might be made of the Observations of all these Astronomers , those that make the Stars sublime to an infinite distance , are many in number , namely , about 30. more than those who give the Star , by calculation , to be below the Moon ; and because ( as it was agreed upon between us ) it is to be believed that the Observators have erred rather little than much , it is a manifest thing that the corrections to be applied to the Observaations , which make the star of an infinite altitude , to reduce it lower , do sooner , and with lesser amendment place it in the Firmament , than beneath the Moon ; so that all these applaud the opinion of those who put it amongst the fixed Stars . You may adde , that the corrections required for those emendations , are much lesser than those , by which the Star from an unlikely proximity may be removed to the height more favourable for this Authour , as by the foregoing examples hath been seen ; amongst which impossible proximities , there are three that seem to remove the Star from the Earths centre , a lesse distance than one Semidiameter , making it , as it were , to turn round under ground , and these are those combinations , wherein the Polar altitude of one of the Observators being greater than the Polar altitude of the other , the elevation of the Star taken by the first , is lesser than the elation of the Star taken by the latter . The first of these is this of the Landgrave with Gemma , where the Polar altitude of the Landgrave 51 gr . 18 min. is greater than the Polar altitude of Gemma , which is 50 gr . 50 m. But the altitude of the Star of the Landgrave 79 gr . 30 min. is lesser than that of the Star , of Gemma 79 gr . 45 min.     gr . m.   gr . m. Landgrave Polar altit . 51 18 Altit . of the Star 79 30 Gemma 50 50 79 45 The other two are these below .     gr . m.   gr . m. Buschius . Polar Altitude 51 10 Altit . of the Star 79 20 Gemma . 50 50 79 45 Reinholdus . Polar Altitude 51 18 Altit . of the Star 79 30 Gemma . 50 50 79 45 From what I have hitherto demonstrated , you may guesse how much this first way of finding out the distance of the Star , and proving it sublunary introduced by the Authour , maketh against himself , and how much more probably and clearly the distance thereof is collected to have been amongst the more remote fixed Stars . SIMP . As to this particular , I think that the inefficacy of the Authors demonstrations is very plainly discovered ; But I see that all this was comprised in but a few leaves of his Book , and it may be , that some other of his Arguments are more conclusive then these first . SALV . Rather they must needs be lesse valid , if we will take those that lead the way for a proof of the rest : For ( as it is clear ) the uncertainty and inconclusivenesse of those , is manifestly observed to derive it self from the errours committed in the instrumental observations , upon which the Polar Altitude , and height of the Star was thought to have been justly taken , all in effect having easily erred ; And yet to find the Altitude of the Pole , Astronomers have had Ages of time to apply themselves to it , at their leasure : and the Meridian Altitudes of the Star are easier to be observed , as being most terminate , and yielding the Observator some time to continue the same , in regard they change not sensibly , in a short time , as those do that are remote from the Meridian . And if this be so , as it is most certain , what credit shall we give to Calculations founded upon Observations more numerous , more difficult to be wrought , more momentary in variation , and we may add , with Instruments more incommodious and erroneous ? Upon a slight perusal of the ensuing demonstrations , I see that the Computations are made upon Altitudes of the Star taken in different Vertical Circles , which are called by the Arabick name , Azimuths ; in which observations moveable instruments are made use of , not only in the Vertical Circles , but in the Horizon also , at the same time ; insomuch that it is requisite in the same moment that the altitude is taken , to have observed , in the Horizon , the distance of the Virtical point in which the Star is , from the Meridian ; Moreover , after a considerable interval of time , the operation must be repeated , and exact account kept of the time that passed , trusting either to Dials , or to other observations of the Stars . Such an Olio of Observations doth he set befo●● you , comparing them with such another made by another observer in another place with another different instrument , and at another time ; and from this the Authour seeks to collect what would have been , the Elevations of the Star , and Horizontal Latitudes happened in the time and hour of the other first observations , and upon such a coaequation he in the end grounds his account . Now I refer it to you , what credit is to be given to that which is deduced from such like workings . Moreover , I doubt not in the least , but that if any one would torture himself with such tedious computations , he would find , as in those aforegoing , that there were more that would favour the adverse party , than the Authour : But I think it not worth the while to take so much pains in a thing , which is not , amongst those primary ones , by us understood . SAGR. I am of your Opinion in this particular : But this businesse being environed with so many intricacies , uncertainties , and errours , upon what confidence have so many Astronomers positively pronounced the new Star to have been so high ? SALV . Upon two sorts of observations most plain , most easie , and most certain ; one only of which is more than sufficient to assure us , that it was scituate in the Firmament , or at least by a great distance superiour to the Moon . One of which is taken from the equality , or little differing inequality of its distances from the Pole , aswell whilst it was in the lowest part of the Meridian , as when it was in the uppermost : The other is its having perpetually kept the same distances from certain of the fixed Stars , adjacent to it , and particularly from the eleventh of Cassiopea , no more remote from it than one degree and an half ; from which two particulars is undoubtedly inferred , either the absolute want of Parallax , or such a smalnesse thereof , that it doth assure us with very expeditious Calculations of its great distance from the Earth . SAGR. But these things , were they not known to this Author ? and if he saw them , what doth he say unto them ? SALV . We are wont to say , of one that having no reply that is able to cover his fault , produceth frivolous excuses , cerca di attaccarsi alle funi del cielo , [ He strives to take hold of the Cords of Heaven ; ] but this Authour runs , not to the Cords , but to the Spiders Web of Heaven ; as you shall plainly see in our examination of these two particulars even now hinted . And first , that which sheweth us the Polar distances of the Observators one by one , I have noted down in these brief Calculations ; For a full understanding of which , I ought first to advertise you , that when ever the new Star , or other Phaenomenon is near to the earth , turning with a Diurnal motion about the Pole , it will seem to be farther off from the said Pole , whilst it is in the lower part of the Meridian , then whilst it is above , as in this Figure [ being fig. third of this Dial. ] may be seen . In which the point T. denotes the centre of the Earth ; O. the place of the Observator ; the Arch VPC the Firmament ; P. the Pole. The Phaenomenon , [ or appearance ] moving along the Circle FS . is seen one while under the Pole by the Ray OFC. and another while above , according to the Ray OSD . so that the places seen in the Firmament are D. and C. but the true places in respect of the Centre T , are B , and A , equidistant from the Pole. Where it is manifest that the apparent place of the Phaenomenon S , that is the point D , is nearer to the Pole than the other apparent place C , seen along the Line or Ray OFC , which is the first thing to be noted . In the second place you must note that the exces of the apparent inferiour distance from the Pole , over and above the apparent superiour distance from the said Pole , is greater than the Inferiour Parallax of the Phaenomenon , that is , I say , that the excesse of the Arch CP , ( the apparent inferior distance ) over and above the Arch PD , ( the apparent superior distance ) is greater then the Arch CA , ( that is the inferiour Paralax . ) Which is easily proved ; for the Arch CP . more exceedeth PD , then PB ; PB , being bigger than PD , but PB . is equal to PA , and the excesse of CP , above PA , is the arch , CA , therefore the excesse of the arch CP above the arch PD , is greater than the arch CA , which is the parallax of the Phaenomenon placed in F , which was to be demonstrated . And to give all advantages to the Author , let us suppose that the parallax of the star in F , is the whole excesse of the arch CP ( that is of the inferiour distance from the pole ) above the arch PD ( the inferiour distance . ) I proceed in the next place to examine that which the observations of all Astronomers cited by the Authour giveth us , amongst which , there is not one that maketh not against himself and his purpose . And let us begin with these of Buschius , who findeth the stars distance from the pole , when it was superiour , to be 28 gr . 10 m. and the inferiour to be 28 gr . 30 m. so that the excesse is 0 gr . 20 m. which let us take ( in favour of the Author ) as if it all were the parallax of the star in F , that is the angle TFO . Then the distance from the Vertex [ or Zenith ] that is the arch CV , is 67 gr . 20 m. These two things being found , prolong the line CO , and from it let fall the perpendicular TI , and let us consider the triangle TOI , of which the angle I is right angle , and the angle IOT known , as being vertical to the angle VOC , the distance of the star from the Vertex , Moreover in the triangle TIF , which is also rectangular , there is known the angle F , taken by the parallax . Then note in some place apart the two angles IOT and I FT , and of them take the sines , which are here set down to them , as you seen . And because in the triangle IOT , the sine TI is 92276. of those parts , whereof the whole sine TO is 100000 ; and moreover in the triangle I FT , the sine TI is 582. of those parts , whereof the whole sine TF is 100000 , to find how many TF is of those parts , whereof TO is 100000 ; we will say by the Rule of three : If TI be 582. TF is an 100000. but if T I were 92276. how much would T F be . Let us multiply 92276. by 100000. and the product will be 9227600000. and this must be divided by 582. and the quotient will be 15854982. and so many shall there be in TF of those parts , of which there are in TO an 100000. So that if it were required to know how many lines TO , are in TF , we would divide 15854982 by 100000. and there will come forth 158. and very near an half ; and so many diameters shall be the distance of the star F , from the centre T , and to abreviate the operation , we seeing , that the product of the multiplication of 92276. by 100000 , ought to be divided first by 582 , and then the quotient of that division by 100000. we may without multiplying 92276. by 100000. and with one onely division of the sine 92276. by the sine 582. soon obtain the same solution , as may be seen there below ; where 92276. divided by 582. giveth us the said 158 1 / 2 , or thereabouts . Let us bear in mind therefore , that the onely division of the sine TI , as the sine of the angle TOI by the sine TI , as the sine of the angle I FT , giveth us the distance sought TF , in so many diameters TO . See next that which the observations of Peucerus giveth us , in which the inferiour distance from the Pole is 28 gr . 21 m. and the superiour 28 gr . 2 m. the difference 0 gr . 19 m. and the distance from the vertical point 66 gr . 27 m. from which particulars is gathered the stars distance from the centre almost 166 semediameters . Here take what Tycho his observation holdeth forth to us , interpreted with greatest favour to the adversary ; to wit , the inferiour distance from the pole is 28 gr . 13 m. and the superiour 28 gr . 2 m. omit●ing the difference which is 0 gr . 11 m. as if all were one Parallax ; the distance from the vertical point 62 gr . 15 m. Behold here below the operation , and the distance of the star from the centre found to be 976 9 / 16 semidiameters . The observation of Reinholdus , which is the next ensuing , giveth us the distance of the Star from the Centre 793. Semidiameters . From the following observation of the Landgrave , the distance of the Star from the Centre is made to be 1057 , Semidiameters . Two of the most favourable observations for the Authour being taken from Camerarius , the distance of the Star from the Centre is found to be 3143 Semidiameters . The Observation of Munosius giveth no Parallax , and therefore rendreth the new Star amongst the highest of the fixed . That of Hainzelius makes it infinitely remote , but with the correction of an half min. prim . placeth it amongst the fixed Stars . And the same is collected from Vrsinus , with the correction of 12. min. prim . The other Astronomers have not give us the distance above and below the Pole , so that nothing can be concluded from them . By this time you see , that all the observations of all these men conspire against the Author , in placing the Star in the Heavenly and highest Regions . SAGR. But what defence hath he for himself against so manifest contradictions ? SALV . He betakes himself to one of those weak threads which I speak of ; saying that the Parallaxes come to be lessened by means of the refractions , which opperating contrarily sublimate the Phaenomenon , whereas the Parallaxes abase it . Now of what little stead this lamentable refuge is , judge by this , that in case that effect of the refractions were of such an efficacy , as that which not long time since some Astronomers have introduced , the most that they could work touching the elevating a Phaeuomenon above the Horizon more than truth , when it is before hand 23. or 24. Degrees high , would be the lessening its Parallax about 3. minutes , the which abatement is too small to pull down the Star below the Moon , and in some cases is lesse than the advantage given him by us in admitting that the excesse of the inferiour distance from the Pole above the Superiour , is all Parallax , the which advantage is far more clear and palpable than the effect of Refracton , of the greatnesse of which I stand in doubt , and not without reason . But besides , I demand of the Author , whether he thinks that those Astronomers , of whose observations he maketh use , had knowledge of these effects of Refractions , and considered the same , or no ; if they did know and consider them , it is reasonable to think that the , kept account of them in assigning the true Elevation of the Star , making in those degrees of Attitude discovered with the Instruments , such abatements as were convenient on the account of the alterations made by the Refractions ; insomuch that the distances by them delivered , were in the end those corrected and exact , and not the apparent and false ones . But if he think that those Authors made no reflection upon the said Refractions , it must be confessed , that they had in like manner erred in determining all those things which cannot be perfectly adjusted without allowance for the Refractions ; amongst which things one is the precise investigation of the Polar Altitudes , which are commonly taken from the two Meridian Altitudes of some of the fixed Stars that are constantly visible , which Altitudes will come to be altered by Refraction in the same manner , just as those of the new Star ; so that the Polar Altitude that is deduced from them , will prove to be defective , and to partake of the self same want which this Author assigns to the Altitudes ascribed to the new Star , to wit , both that and these will be with equal falshood placed higher than really they are . But any such errour , as far as concerns our present businesse , doth no prejudce at all : For we not needing to know any more , but onely the difference between the two distances of the new Star from the Pole at such time as it was inferiour and superiour , it is evident that such distances would be the same , taking the alteration of Refraction commonly for the Star and for the Pole , or for them when commonly amended . The Authors Argument would indeed have had some strength , though very small , if he had assured us that the Altitude of the Pole had been once precisely assigned , and corrected from the errour depending on refraction , from which again the Astronomers had not kept themselves in assigning the altitudes of the new Star ; but he hath not ascertained us of that , nor perhaps could he have done , nor haply , ( and this is more probable ) was that caution wanting in the Observators . SAGR. This argument is in my judgment sufficiently answered ; therefore tell me how he dis-ingageth himself in the next place from that particular of the Stars having constantly kept the same distance from the fixed Stars circumjacent to it . SALV . He betakes himself , in like manner , to two threads , yet more unable to uphold him than the former : one of which is likewise fastened to refraction , but so much less firmly , in that he saith , that refraction operating upon the new Star , and sublimating it higher than its true situation , maketh the seeming distances untain to be distinguished from the true , when compared to the circumposed fixed Stars that environ it . Nor can I sufficiently admire how he can dissemble his knowing how that the same refraction will work alike upon the new Star , as upon the antient one its neighbour , elevating both equally , so as that such a like accident altereth not the space betwixt them . His other subterfuge is yet more unhappy , and carryeth with it much of ridiculous , it being founded upon the errour that may arise in the instrumental operation it self ; whilst that the Observator not being able to constitute the centre of the eyes pupil in the centre of the Sextant ( an Instrument imployed in observing the distance between two Stars ) but holding it elevated above that centre , as much as the said pupil is distant from I know not what bone of the cheek , against which the end of the Instrument resteth , there is formed in the eye an angle more acute than that which is made by the sides of the Instrument ; which angle of rayes differeth also from it self , at such time as a man looketh upon Stars , not much elevated above the Horizon , and the same being afterwards placed at a great height ; that angle , saith he , is made different , while the Instrument goeth ascending , the head standing still : but if in mounting the Instrument , the neck should bend backwards , and the head go rising , together with the Instrument , the angle would then continue the same . So that the Authours answer supposeth that the Observators in using the Instrument have not raised the head , as they ought to have done ; a thing which hath nothing of likelihood in it . But granting that so it had been , I leave you to judge what difference can be between two acute angles of two equicrural triangles , the sides of one of which triangles are each four [ Italian ] Braces [ i. e. about three English yards ] and those of the other , four braces within the quantity of the diameter of a Pea ; for the differences cannot be absolutely greater between the length of the two visive rayes , whilst the line is drawn perpendicularly from the centre of the pupil , upon the plain of the Rule of the Sextant ( which line is no bigger than the breath of the thumb ) and the length of the same rayes , whilst elevating the Sextant , without raising the head together with it , that same line no longer falleth perpendicularly upon the said plane , but inclineth , making the angle towards the circumference something acute . But wholly to free this Authour from these unhappy lies , let him know , ( in regard it appears that he is not very skilful in the use of Astronomicall Instruments ) that in the sides of the Sextant or Quadrant there are placed two * Sights , one in the centre , and the other at the other at the opposite end , which are raised an inch or more above the plane of the Rule ; and through the tops of those sights the ray of the eye is made to passe , which eye likewise is held an hands breadth or two , or it may be more , from the Instrument ; so that neither the pupil , nor any bone of the cheek , nor of the whole body toucheth or stayeth it self upon the Instrument , nor much lesse is the Instrument upheld or mounted in the armes , especially if it be one of those great ones , as is usual , which weighing tens , hundreds , and also thousands of pounds , are placed upon very strong feet or frames : so that the whole objection vanisheth . These are the subterfuges of this Authour , which , though they were all of steel , would not secure him the hundredth part of a minute ; and with these he conceits to make us believe , that he hath compensated that difference , which importeth more than an hundred minutes ; I mean , that of the not observing a notable difference in the distances between one of the fixed stars , and the new star in in any of their circulations ; which , had it been neer to the Moon , it ought to have been very conspicuous to the meer sight , without any Instrument , especially comparing it with the eleventh of Cassiopeia , its neighbour , within 1 gr . 30 m. which ought to have varied from it more than two diameters of the moon , as the more intelligent Astronomers of those times do well note . SAGR. Methinks I see that unfortunate Husbandman , who after all his expected crops , have been beaten down and destroyed by a storm , goeth up and down with a languishing and down-cast look , gleaning up every small ear that would not suffice to keep a chicken alive one sole day . SALV . Truly , this Authour came out too slenderly provided with armes against the assailants of the Heavens inalterability , and with too brittle a chain attempted to pull down the new star of Cassiopeia from the highest Regions , to these so low and elementary . And for that I think that we have sufficiently demonstrated the vast difference that is between the arguments of those Astronomers , and of this their Antagonist , it will be convenient that we leave this particular , and return to our principal matter ; in which there presents it self to our consideration the annual motion commonly ascribed to the Sun , but by Aristarchus Samius first of all , and after by Copernicus taken from the Sun , and transferred upon the Earth ; against which Hypothesis , methinks I see Simplicius to come strongly provided , and particularly with the sword and buckler of the little Treatise of Conclusions , or Disquisitions Mathematical , the oppugnations of which it would be good to begin to produce . SIMP . I will , if you so please , reserve them to the last , as those that are of latest invention . SALV . It will therefore be necessary , that in conformity to the method hitherto observed , you do orderly , one by one , propound the arguments , on the contrary , aswell of Aristotle , as of the other ancients , which shall be my task also , that so nothing may escape our strict consideration and examination ; and likewise Sagredus , with the vivacity of his wit , shall interpose his thoughts , as he shall finde himself inclined . SAGR. I will do it with my wonted freedome ; and your commands shall oblige you to excuse me in so doing . SALV . The favour will challenge thanks , and not an excuse . But now let Simplicius begin to propose those doubts which disswade him from believing that the Earth , in like manner , as the other planets , may move round about a fixed centre . SIMP . The first and greatest difficulty is the repugnance and incompatibility that is between being in the centre , and being far from it ; for if the Terrestrial Globe were to move in a year by the circumference of a circle , that is , under the Zodiack , it is impossible that it should , at the same time , be in the centre of the Zodiack ; but that the Earth is in the said centre Aristotle , Ptolomy , and others have many wayes proved . SALV . You very well argue , and there is no question but that one that would make the Earth to move in the circumference of a circle , must first of necessity prove , that it is not in the centre of that same circle ; it now followeth , that we enquire , whether the Earth be , or be not in that centre , about which , I say , that it turneth , and you say that it is fixed ; and before we speak of this , it is likewise necessary that we declare our selves , whether you and I have both the same conceit of this centre , or no. Therefore tell me , what and where is this your intended centre ? SIMP . When I speak of the centre , I mean that of the Universe , that of the World , that of the Starry Sphere . SALV . Although I might very rationally put it in dispute , whether there be any such centre in nature , or no ; being that neither you nor any one else hath ever proved , whether the World be finite and figurate , or else infinite and interminate ; yet nevertheless granting you , for the present , that it is finite , and of a terminate Spherical Figure , and that thereupon it hath its centre ; it will be requisite to see how credible it is that the Earth , and not rather some other body , doth possesse the said centre . SIMP . That the world is finite , terminate , and spherical , Aristotle proveth with an hundred demonstrations . SALV . All which in the end are reduced to one alone , and that one to none at all ; for if I deny his assumption , to wit , that the Universe is moveable , all his demonstrations come to nothing , for he onely proveth the Universe to be finite and terminate , for that it is moveable . But that we may not multiply disputes , let it be granted for once , that the World is finite , spherical , and hath its centre . And seeing that that centre and figure is argued from its mobility , it will , without doubt , be very reasonable , if from the circular motions of mundane bodies we proceed to the particular investigation of that centres proper place : Nay Aristotle himself hath argued and determined in the same manner , making that same to be the centre of the Universe about which all the Coelelestial Spheres revolve , and in which he beleived the Terrestrial Globe to have been placed . Now tell me Simplicius , if Aristotle should be constrained by evident experience to alter in part this his disposure and order of the Universe , and confesse himself to have been deceived in one of these two propositions , namely , either in placing the Earth in the centre , or in saying , that the Coelestial Spheres do move about that centre , which of the two confessions think you would he choose ? SIMP . I believe , that if it should so fall out , the Peripateticks . SALV . I do not ask the Peripateticks , I demand of Aristotle , for as to those , I know very well what they would reply ; they , as observant and humble vassals of Aristotle , would deny all the experiments and all the observations in the World , nay , would also refuse to see them , that they might not be forced to acknowledg them , and would say that the World stands as Aristotle writeth , and not as nature will have it , for depriving them of the shield of his Authority , with what do you think they would appear in the field ? Tell me therefore what you are perswaded Aristotle himself would do in the case . SIMP . To tell you the truth , I know not how to resolve which of the two inconveniences is to be esteemed the lesser . SALV . Apply not I pray you this term of inconvenience to a thing which possibly may of necessity be so . It was an inconvenience to place the Earth in the centre of the Coelestial revolutions ; but seeing you know not to which part he would incline , I esteeming him to be a man of great judgment , let us examine which of the two choices is the more rational , and that we will hold that Aristotle would have received . Reassuming therefore our discourse from the beginning , we suppose with the good liking of Aristotle , that the World ( of the magnitude of which we have no sensible notice beyond the fixed stars ) as being of a spherical figure ; and moveth circularly , hath necessarily , and in respect of its figure a centre ; and we being moreover certain , that within the starry Sphere there are many Orbs , the one within another , with their stars , which likewise do move circulary , it is in dispute whether it is most reasonable to believe and to say that these conteined Orbs do move round the said centre of the World , or else about some other centre far remote from that ? Tell me now Simplicius what you think concerning this particular . SIMP . If we could stay upon this onely supposition , and that we were sure that we might encounter nothing else that might disturb us , I would say that it were much more reasonable to affirm that the Orb containing , and the parts contained , do all move about one common centre , than about divers . SALV . Now if it were true that the centre of the World is the same about which the Orbs of mundane bodies , that is to say , of the Planets , move , it is most certain that it is not the Earth , but the Sun rather that is fixed in the centre of the World. So that as to this first simple and general apprehension , the middle place belongeth to the Sun , and the Earth is as far remote from the centre , as it is from that same Sun. SIMP . But from whence do you argue that not the Earth , but the Sun is in the centre of the Planetary revolutions ? SALV . I infer the same from most evident , and therefore necessarily concludent observations , of which the most palpable to exclude the Earth from the said centre , and to place the Sun therein , are , the seeing all the Planets one while neerer and another while farther off from the Earth with so great differences , that for example , Venus when it is at the farthest , is six times more remote from us , than when it is neerest , and Mars riseth almost eight times as high at one time as at another . See therefore whether Aristotle was not somewhat mistaken in thinking that it was at all times equidistant from us . SIMP . What in the next place are the tokens that their motions are about the Sun ? SALV . It is argued in the three superiour planets Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn , in that we find them alwayes neerest to the Earth when they are in opposition to the Sun , and farthest off when they are towards the conjunction , and this approximatian and recession importeth thus much that Mars neer at hand , appeareth very neer 60 times greater than when it is remote . As to Venus in the next place , and to Mercury , we are certain that they revolve about the Sun , in that they never move far from him , and in that we see them one while above and another while below it , as the mutations of figure in Venus necessarily argueth . To●ching the Moon it is certain , that she cannot in any way seperate from the Earth , for the reasons that shall be more distinctly alledged hereafter . SAGR. I expect that I shall hear more admirable things that depend upon this annual motion of the Earth , than were those dependant upon the diurnal revolution . SALV . You do not therein erre : For as to the operation of the diurnal motion upon the Celestial bodies , it neither was , nor can be other , than to make the Universe seem to run precipitately the contrary way ; but this annual motion intermixing with the particular motions of all the planets , produceth very many extravagancies , which have disarmed and non-plust all the greatest Scholars in the World. But returning to our first general apprehensions , I reply that the centre of the Celestial conversions of the ●ive planets Saturn , Jupiter , Mars , Venus and Mercury , is the Sun ; and shall be likewise the centre of the motion of the Earth , if we do but succeed in our attempt of placing it in Heaven . And as for the Moon , this hath a circular motion about the Earth , from which ( as I said before ) it can by no means alienate it self , but yet doth it not cease to go about the Sun together with the Ear●h in an annual motion . SIMP . I do not as yet very well apprehend this structure , but it may be , that with making a few draughts thereof , one may better and more easily discourse concerning the same . SALV . T is very true : yea for your greater satisfaction and admiration together , I desire you , that you would take the pains to draw the same ; and to see that although you think you do not apprehend it , yet you very perfectly understand it ; And onely by answering to my interrogations you shall designe it punctually . Take therefore a sheet of paper and Compasses ; And let this white paper be the immense expansion of the Universe ; in which you are to distribute and dispose its parts in order , according as reason shall direct you . And first , in regard that without my instruction you verily believe that the Earth is placed in this Universe , therefore note a point at pleasure , about which you intend it to to be placed , and mark it with some characters . SIMP . Let this mark A be the place of the Terrestrial Globe . SALV . Very well . I know secondly , that you understand perfectly that the said Earth is not within the body of the Sun , nor so much as contiguous to it , but distant for some space from the same , and therefore assign to the Sun what other place you best like , as remote from the Earth as you please , and mark this in like manner . SIMP . Here it is done : Let the place of the Solar body be O. SALV . These two being constituted , I desire that we may think of accomodating the body of Venus in such a manner that its state and motion may agree with what sensible experiments do shew us ; and therefore recall to mind that which either by the past discourses , or your own observations you have learnt to befal that star , and afterwards assign unto it that state which you think agreeth with the same . SIMP . Supposing those Phaenomena expressed by you , and which I have likewise read in the little treatise of Conclusions , to be true , namely , that that star never recedes from the Sun beyond such a determinate space of 40 degrees or thereabouts , so as that it never cometh either to apposition with the Sun , or so much as to quadrature , or yet to the sextile aspect ; and more than that , supposing that it sheweth at one time almost 40 times greater than at another ; namely , very great , when being retrograde , it goeth to the vespertine conjnnction of the Sun , and very small when with a motion straight forwards , it goeth to the matutine conjunction ; and moreover it being true , that when it appeareth bigge it shews with a corniculate figure , and when it appeareth little , it seems perfectly round , these appearances , I say , being true , I do not see how one can choose but affirm the said star to revolve in a circle about the Sun , for that the said circle cannot in any wise be said to encompasse or to contain the Earth within it , nor to be inferiour to the Sun , that is between it and the Earth , nor yet superiour to the Sun. That circle cannot incompasse the Earth , because Venus would then sometimes come to opposition with the Sun ; it cannot be inferiour , for then Venus in both its conjunctions with the Sun would seem horned ; nor can it be superiour , for then it would alwayes appear round , and never cornicular ; and therefore for receit of it I will draw the circle CH , about the Sun , without encompassing the Earth . SALV . Having placed Venus , it is requisite that you think of Mercury , which , as you know , alwayes keeping about the Sun , doth recede lesse distance from it than Venus ; therefore consider with your self , what place is most convenient to assign it . SIMP . It is not to be questioned , but that this Planet imitating Venus , the most commodious place for it will be , a lesser circle within this of Venus , in like manner about the Sun , being that of its greatest vicinity to the Sun , an argument , an evidence sufficiently proving the vigour of its illumination , above that of Venus , and of the other Planets , we may therefore upon these considerations draw its Circle , marking it with the Characters BG . SALV . But Mars , Where shall we place it ? SIMP . Mars , Because it comes to an opposition with the Sun , its Circle must of necessity encompass the Earth ; But I see that it must necessarily encompass the Sun also , for coming to conjunction with the Sun , if it did not move over it , but were below it , it would appear horned , as Venus and the Moon ; but it shews alwayes round , and therefore it is necessary , that it no less includeth the Sun within its circle than the Earth . And because I remember that you did say , that when it is in opposition with the Sun , it seems 60 times bigger than when it is in the conjunction , me thinks that a Circle about the Centre of the Sun , and that taketh in the earth , will very well agree with these Phaenomena , which I do note and mark DI , where Mars in the point D , is near to the earth , and opposite to the Sun ; but when it is in the point I , it is at Conjuction with the Sun , but very far from the Earth . And because the same appearances are observed in Jupiter and Saturn , although with much lesser difference in Jupiter than in Mars , and with yet lesse in Saturn than in Jupiter ; me thinks I understand that we should very commodiously salve all the Phaenomena of these two Planets , with two Circles , in like manner , drawn about the Sun , and this first for Jupiter , marking it EL , and another above that for Saturn marked FM . SALV . You have behaved your self bravely hitherto . And because ( as you see ) the approach and recession of the three Superiour Planets is measured with double the distance between the Earth and Sun , this maketh greater difference in Mars than in Jupiter , the Circle DI , of Mars , being lesser than the Circle EL , of Jupiter , and likewise because this EL , is lesse than this Circle FM , of Saturn , the said difference is also yet lesser in Saturn than in Jupiter , and that punctually answereth the Phaenomena . It remains now that you assign a place to the Moon . SIMP . Following the same Method ( which seems to me very conclusive ) in regard we see that the Moon cometh to conjunction and opposition with the Sun , it is necessary to say , that its circle encompasseth the Earth , but yet doth it not follow , that it must environ the Sun , for then at that time towards its conjunction , it would not seem horned , but alwayes round and full of Light. Moreover it could never make , as it often doth , the Eclipse of the Sun , by interposing betwixt it and us ; It is necessary therefore to assign it a circle about the Earth , which should be this NP , so that being constituted in P , it will appear from the Earth A , to be in conjunction with the Sun , and placed in N , it appeareth opposite to the Sun , and in that position it may fall under the Earths shadow , and be obscured . SALV . Now , Simplicius , what shall we do with the fixed stars ? Shall we suppose them scattered through the immense abisses of the Universe , at different distances , from any one determinate point ; or else placed in a superficies spherically distended about a centre of its own , so that each of them may be equidistant from the said centre ? SIMP . I would rather take a middle way ; and would assign them an Orb described about a determinate centre and comprized within two spherical superficies , to wit , one very high , and concave , and the other lower , and convex , betwixt which I would constitute the innumerable multitude of stars , but yet at divers altitudes , and this might be called the Sphere of the Universe , conteining within it the Orbs of the planets already by us described . SALV . But now we have all this while , Simplicius , disposed the mundane bodies exactly , according to the order of Copernicus , and we have done it with your hand ; and moreover to each of them you have assigned peculiar motions of their own , except to the Sun , the Earth , and starry Sphere ; and to Mercury with Venus , you have ascribed the circular motion about the Sun , without encompassing the Earth ; about the same Sun you make the three superiour Planets Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn , to move , comprehending the Earth within their circles . The Moon in the next place can move in no other manner than about the Earth , without taking in the Sun , and in all these motions you agree also with the same Copernicus . There remains now three things to be decided between the Sun , the Earth , and fixed stars , namely , Rest , which seemeth to belong to the Earth ; the annual motion under the Zodiack , which appeareth to pertain to the Sun ; and the diurnal motion , which seems to belong to the Starry Sphere , and to be by that imparted to all the rest of the Universe , the Earth excepted , And it being true that all the Orbs of the Planets , I mean of Mercury , Venus , Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn , do move about the Sun as their centre ; rest seemeth with so much more reason to belong to the said Sun , than to the Earth , in as much as in a moveable Sphere , it is more reasonable that the centre stand still , than any other place remote from the said centre ; to the Earth therefore , which is constituted in the midst of moveable parts of the Universe , I mean between Venus and Mars , one of which maketh its revolution in nine moneths , and the other in two years , may the motion of a year very commodiously be assigned , leaving rest to the Sun. And if that be so , it followeth of necessary consequence , that likewise the diurnal motion belongeth to the Earth ; for , if the Sun standing still , the Earth should not revolve about its self , but have onely the annual motion about the Sun , our year would be no other than one day and one night , that is six moneths of day , and six moneths of night , as hath already been said . You may consider withal how commodiously the precipitate motion of 24 hours is taken away from the Universe , and the fixed stars that are so many Suns , are made in conformity to our Sun to enjoy a perpetual rest . You see moreover what facility one meets with in this rough draught to render the reason of so great appearances in the Celestial bodies . SAGR. I very well perceive that facility , but as you from this simplicity collect great probabilities for the truth of that System , others haply could make thence contrary deductions ; doubting , not without reason , why that same being the ancient Systeme of Pythagoreans , and so well accommodated to the Phaenomena , hath in the succession of so many thousand years had so few followers , and hath been even by Aristotle himself refuted , and since that Copernicus himself hath had no better fortune . SALV . If you had at any time been assaulted , as I have been , many and many a time , with the relation of such kind of frivolous reasons , as serve to make the vulgar contumacious , and difficult to be perswaded to hearken , ( I will not say to consent ) to this novelty , I believe that you wonder at the paucity of those who are followers of that opinion would be much diminished . But small regard in my judgement , ought to be had of such thick sculs , as think it a most convincing proof to confirm , and steadfastly settle them in the belief of the earths immobility , to see that if this day they cannot Dine at Constantinople , nor Sup in Jappan , that then the Earth as being a most grave body cannot clamber above the Sun , and then slide headlong down again ; Of such as these I say , whose number is infinite , we need not make any reckoning , nor need we to record their foolieries , or to strive to gain to our side as our partakers in subul and sublime opinions , men in whose definition the kind onely is concerned , and the difference is wanting . Moreover , what ground do you think you could be able to gain , with all the demonstrations of the World upon brains so stupid , as are not able of themselves to know their down right follies ? But my admiration , Sagredus , is very different from yours , you wonder that so few are followers of the Pythagorean Opinion ; and I am amazed how there could be any yet left till now that do embrace and follow it : Nor can I sufficiently admire the eminencie of those mens wits that have received and held it to be true , and with the sprightlinesse of their judgements offered such violence to their own sences , as that they have been able to prefer that which their reason dictated to them , to that which sensible experiments represented most manifestly on the contrary . That the reasons against the Diurnal virtiginous revolution of the Earth by you already examined , do carry great probability with them , we have already seen ; as also that the Ptolomaicks , and Aristotelicks , with all their Sectators did receive them for true , is indeed a very great argument of their efficacie ; but those experiments which apertly contradict the annual motion , are of yet so much more manifestly repugnant , that ( I say it again ) I cannot find any bounds for my admiration , how that reason was able in Aristarchus and Copernicus , to commit such a rape upon their Sences , as in despight thereof , to make her self mistress of their credulity . SAGR. Are we then to have still more of these strong oppositions against this annual motion ? SALV . We are , and they be so evident and sensible , that if a sence more sublime and excellent than those common and vulgar , did not take part with reason , I much fear , that I also should have been much more averse to the Copernican Systeem than I have been since the time that a clearer lamp than ordinary hath enlightned me . SAGR. Now therefore Salviatus , let us come to joyn battail for every word that is spent on any thing else , I take to be cast away . SALV . I am ready to serve you . You have already seen me draw the form of the Copernican Systeme ; against the truth of which Mars himself , in the first place , makes an hot charge ; who , in case it were true , that its distances from the earth should so much vary , as that from the least distance to the greatest , there were twice as much differences , as from the earth to the Sun ; it would be necessary , that when it is nearest unto us , its discus would shew more than 60. times bigger than it seems , when it is farthest from us ; nevertheless that diversity of apparent magnitude is not to be seen , nay in its opposition with the Sun , when its nearest to the Earth , it doth not shew so much as quadruple and quintuple in bigness , to what it is , when towards the conjunction it cometh to be occulted under the Suns rayes . Another and greater difficulty doth Venus exhibit ; For if revolving about the Sun , as Copernicus affirmeth , it were one while above , & another while below the same , receding and approaching to us so much as the Diameter of the circle described would be , at such time as it should be below the Sun , and nearest to us , its discus would shew little less than 40 times bigger than when it is above the Sun , near to its other conjunction ; yet neverthelesse , the difference is almost imperceptible Let us add another difficulty , that in case the body of Venus be of it self dark , and onely shineth as the Moon , by the illumination of the Sun , which seemeth most reasonable ; it would shew forked or horned at such time as it is under the Sun , as the Moon doth when she is in like manner near the Sun ; an accident that is not to be discovered in her . Whereupon Copernicus affirmeth , that either she is light of her self , or else that her substance is of such a nature , that it can imbue the Solar light , and transmit the same through all its whole depth , so as to be able to appear to us alwayes shining ; and in this manner Copernicus excuseth the not changing figure in Venus : but of her small variation of Magnitude , he maketh no mention at all ; and much less of Mars than was needful ; I believe as being unable so well as he desired to salve a Phaenomenon so contrary to his Hypothesis , and yet being convinced by so many other occurrences and reasons he maintained , and held the same Hypothesis to be true . Besides these things , to make the Planets , together with the Earth , to move above the Sun as the Centre of their conversions , and the Moon onely to break that order , and to have a motion by it self about the earth ; and to make both her , the Earth , and the whole Elementary Sphere , to move all together about the Sun in a year , this seemeth to pervert the order of this Systeme , which rendreth it unlikely and false . These are those difficulties that make me wonder how Aristarchus and Copernicus , who must needs have observed them , not having been able for all that to salve them , have yet notwithstanding by other admirable occurrences been induced to conside so much in that which reason dictated to them , as that they have considently affirmed that the structure of the Universe could have no other figure than that which they designed to themselves . There are also several other very serious and curious doubts , not so easie to be resolved by the middle sort of wits , but yet penetrated and declared by Coperninus , which we shall defer till by and by , after we have answered to other objections that seem to make against this opinion . Now coming to the declarations and answers to those three before named grand Objections , I say , that the two first not onely contradict not the Copernican Systeme , but greatly and absolutely favour it ; For both Mars and Venus seems unequal to themselves , according to the proportions assigned ; and Venus under the Sun seemeth horned , and goeth changing figures in it self exactly like the Moon . SAGR. But how came this to be concealed from Copernicus , and revealed to you ? SALV . These things cannot be comprehended , save onely by the sense of seeing , the which by nature was not granted to man so perfect , as that it was able to attain to the discovery of such differences ; nay even the very instrument of sight is an impediment to it self : But since that it hath pleased God in our age to vouchsafe to humane ingenuity , so admirable an invention of perfecting our sight , by multiplying it four , six , ten , twenty , thirty , and fourty times , infinite objects , that either by reason of their distance , or for their extream smallnesse were invisible unto us , have by help of the Telescope been rendered visible . SAGR. But Venus and Mars are none of the objects invisible for their distance or smallnesse , yea , we do discern them with our bare natural sight ; why then do we not distinguish the differences of their magnitudes and figures ? SALV . In this , the impediment of our very eye it self hath a great share , as but even now I hinted , by which the resplendent and remote objects are not represented to us simple and pure ; but gives them us fringed with strange and adventitious rayes , so long and dense , that their naked body sheweth to us agrandized , ten twenty , an hundred , yea a thousand times more than it would appear , if the capillitious rayes were taken away . SAGR. Now I remember that I have read something on this subject , I know not whether in the Solar Letters , or in the Saggiatore of our common Friend , but it would be very good , aswell for recalling it into my memory , as for the information of Simplicius , who it may be never saw those writings , that you would declare unto us more distinctly how this businesse stands , the knowledge whereof I think to be very necessary for the assisting of us to understand that of which we now speak . SIMP . I must confesse that all that which Salviatus hath spoken is new unto me , for truth is , I never have had the curiosity to read those Books , nor have I hitherto given any great credit to the Telescope newly introduced ; rather treading in the steps of other Peripatetick Philosophers my companions , I have thought those things to be fallacies and delusions of the Chrystals , which others have so much admired for stupendious operations : and therefore if I have hitherto been in an errour , I shall be glad to be freed from it , and allured by these novelties already heard from you , I shall the more attentively hearken to the rest . SALV . The confidence that these men have in their own apprehensivenesse , is no less unreasonable than the small esteem they have of the judgment of others : yet it s much that should esteem themselves able to judge better of such an instrument , without ever having made trial of it , than those who have made , and daily do make a thousand experiments of the same : But I pray you , let us leave this kind of pertinacious men , whom we cannot so much as tax without doing them too great honour . And returning to our purpose , I say , that resplendent objects , whether it is that their light doth refract on the humidity that is upon the pupils , or that it doth reflect on the edges of the eye-browes , diffusing its reflex rayes upon the said pupils , or whether it is for some other reason , they do appear to our eye , as if they were environ'd with new rayes , and therefore much bigger than their bodies would represent themselves to us , were they divested of those irradiations . And this aggrandizement is made with a greater and greater proportion , by how much those lucid objects are lesser and lesser ; in the same manner for all the world , as if we should suppose that the augmentation of shining locks were v. g. four inches , which addition being made about a circle that hath four inches diameter would increase its appearance to nine times its former bignesse : but — SIMP . I believe you would have said three times ; for adding four inches to this side , and four inches to that side of the diameter of a circle , which is likewise four inches , its quantity is thereby tripled , and not made nine times bigger . SALV . A little more Geometry would do well , Simplicius . True it is , that the diameter is tripled , but the superficies , which is that of which we speak , increaseth nine times : for you must know , Simplicius , that the superficies of circles are to one another , as the squares of their diameters ; and a circle that hath four inches diameter is to another that hath twelve , as the square of four to the square of twelve ; that is , as 16. is to 144. and therefore it shall be increased nine times , and not three ; this , by way of advertisement to Simplicius . And proceeding forwards , if we should add the said irradiation of four inches to a circle that hath but two inches of diameter onely , the diameter of the irradiation or Garland would be ten inches , and the superficial content of the circle would be the area of the naked body , as 100. to 4. for those are the squares of 10. and of 2. the agrandizement would therefore be 25. times so much ; and lastly , the four inches of hair or fringe , added to a small circle of an inch in diameter , the same would be increased 81. times ; and so continually the augmentations are made with a proportion greater and greater , according as the real objects that increase , are lesser and lesser . SAGR. The doubt which puzzled Simplicius never troubled me , but certain other things indeed there are , of which I desire a more distinct understanding ; and in particular , I would know upon what ground you affirm that the said agrandizement is alwayes equal in all visible objects . SALV . I have already declared the same in part , when I said , that onely lucid objects so increased , and not the obscure ; now I adde what remaines , that of the resplendent objects those that are of a more bright light , make the reflection greater and more resplendent upon our pupil ; whereupon they seem to augment much more than the lesse lucid : and that I may no more inlarge my self upon this particular , come we to that which the true Mistris of Astronomy , Experience , teacheth us . Let us this evening , when the air is very obscure , observe the star of Jupiter ; we shall see it very glittering , and very great ; let us afterwards look through a tube , or else through a small trunk , which clutching the hand close , and accosting it to the eye , we lean between the palm of the hands and the fingers , or else by an hole made with a small needle in a paper ; and we shall see the said star divested of its beams , but so small , that we shall judge it lesse , even than a sixtieth part of its great glittering light seen with the eye at liberty : we may afterwards behold the Dog-stars beautiful and bigger than any of the other fixed stars , which seemeth to the bare eye no great matter lesse than Jupiter ; but taking from it , as before , the irradiation , its Discus will shew so little , that it will not be thought the twentieth part of that of Jupiter , nay , he that hath not very good eyes , will very hardly discern it ; from whence it may be rationally inferred , that the said star , as having a much more lively light than Jupiter , maketh its irradiation greater than Jupiter doth his . In the next place , as to the irradiation of the Sun and Moon , it is as nothing , by means of their magnitude , which possesseth of it self alone so great a space in our eye , that it leaveth no place for the adventitious rayes ; so that their faces seem close clipt , and terminate . We may assure our selves of the same truth by another experiment which I have often made triall of ; we may assure ourselves , I say , that bodies shining with most lively light do irradiate , or beam forth rayes more by far than those that are of a more languishing light . I have many times seen Jupiter and Venus together twenty or thirty degrees distant from the Sun , and the air being very dark , Venus appeared eight or ten times bigger than Jupiter , being both beheld by the eye at liberty ; but being beheld afterwards with the Telescope , the Discus of Jupiter discovered it self to be four or more times greater than that of Venus , but the vivacity of the splendour of Venus was incomparably bigger than the languishing light of Jupiter ; which was only because of Jupiters being far from the Sun , and from us ; and Venus neer to us , and to the Sun. These things premised , it will not be difficult to comprehend , how Mars , when it is in opposition to the Sun , and therefore neerer to the Earth by seven times , and more , than it is towards the conjunction , cometh to appear scarce four or five times bigger in that state than in this , when as it should appear more than fifty times so much ; of which the only irradiation is the cause ; for if we divest it of the adventitious rayes , we shall find it exactly augmented with the due proportion : but to take away the capillitious border , the Telescope is the best and only means , which inlarging its Discus nine hundred or a thousand times , makes it to be seen naked and terminate , as that of the Moon , and different from it self in the two positions , according to its due proportions to an hair . Again , as to Venus , that in its vespertine conjunction , when it is below the Sun , ought to shew almost fourty times bigger than in the other matutine conjunction , and yet doth not appear so much as doubled ; it happeneth , besides the effect of the irradiation , that it is horned ; and its crescents , besides that they are sharp , they do receive the Suns light obliquely , and therefore emit but a faint splendour ; so that as being little and weak , its irradiation becometh the lesse ample and vivacious , than when it appeareth to us with its Hemisphere all shining : but now the Telescope manifestly shews its hornes to have been as terminate and distinct as those of the Moon , and appear , as it were , with a great circle , and in a proportion those well neer fourty times greater than its same Discus , at such time as it is superiour to the Sun in its ultimate matutine apparition . SAGR. Oh , Nicholas Copernicus , how great would have been thy joy to have seen this part of thy Systeme , confirmed with so manifest experiments ! SALV . T is true . But how much lesse the fame of his sublime wit amongst the intelligent ? when as it is seen , as I also said before , that he did constantly continue to affirm ( being perswaded thereto by reason ) that which sensible experiments seemed to contradict ; for I cannot cease to wonder that he should constantly persist in saying , that Venus revolveth about the Sun , and is more than six times farther from us at one time , than at another ; and also seemeth to be alwayes of an equal bigness , although it ought to shew forty times bigger when nearest to us , than when farthest off . SAGR. But in Jupiter , Saturn and Mercury , I believe that the differences of their apparent magnitudes , should seem punctually to answer to their different distances . SALV . In the two Superiour ones , I have made precise observation yearly for this twenty two years last past : In Mercury there can be no observation of moment made , by reason it suffers not it self to be seen , save onely in its greatest dig●ssieons from the Sun , in which its distances from the earth are insensibly unequal , and those differences consequently not to be observed ; as also its mutations of figures which must absolutely happen in it , as in Venus . And if we do see it , it must of necessity appear in form of a Semicircle , as Venus likewise doth in her greatest digressions ; but its discns is so very small , and its splendor so very great , by reason of its vicinity to the Sun , that the virtue of the Telescope doth not suffice to clip its tresses or adventitious rayes , so as to make them appear shaved round about . It remains , that we remove that which seemed a great inconvenience in the motion of the Earth , namely that all the Planets moving about the Sun , it alone , not solitary as the rest , but in company with the Moon , and the whole Elementary Sphear , should move round about the Sun in a year ; and that the said Moon withal should move every moneth about the earth . Here it is necessary once again to exclaim and extol the admirable perspicacity of Copernicus , and withal to condole his misfortune , in that he is not now alive in our dayes , when for removing of the seeming absurdity of the Earth and Moons motion in consort we see Jupiter , as if it were another Earth , not in consort with the Moon , but accompanied by four Moons to rovolve about the Sun in 12. years together , with what ever things the Orbs of the four Medicaean Stars can contain within them . SALV . Why do you call the four jovial Planets , Moons ? SAGR. Such they would seem to be to one that standing in Jupiter should behold them ; for they are of themselves dark , and receive their light from the Sun , which is manifest from their being eclipsed , when they enter into the cone of Jupiters shadow : and because onely those their Hemispheres , that look towards the Sun are illuminated , to us that are without their Orbs , and nearer to the Sun , they seem alwayes lucid , but to one that should be in Jupiter , they would shew all illuminated , at such time as they were in the upper parts of their circles ; but in the parts inferiour , that is between Jupiter and the Sun , they would from Jupiter be observed to be horned ; and in a word they would , to the observators standing in Jupiter , make the self same changes of Figure , that to us upon the Earth , the Moon doth make . You see now how these three things , which at first seemed dissonant , do admirably accord with the Copernican Systeme . Here also by the way may Simplicius see , with what probability one may conclude , that the Sun and not the Earth , is in the Centre of the Planetary conversions . And since the Earth is now placed amongst mundane Bodies , that undoubtedly move about the Sun , to wit , above Mercury and Venus , and below Saturn , Jupiter , and Mars ; shall it not be in like manner probable , and perhaps necessary to grant , that it also moveth round ? SIMP . These accidents are so notable and conspicuous , that it is not possible , but that Ptolomy and others his Sectators , should have had knowledge of them , and having so , it is likewise necessary , that they have found a way to render reasons of such , and so sensible appearances that were sufficient , and also congruous and probable , seeing that they have for so long a time been received by such numbers of learned men . SALV . You argue very well ; but you know that the principal scope of Astronomers , is to render only reason for the appearances in the Caelestial Bodies , and to them , and to the motions of the Stars , to accomodate such structures and compositions of Circles , that the motions following those calculations , answer to the said appearances , little scrupling to admit of some exorbitances , that indeed upon other accounts they would much stick at . And Copernicus himself writes , that he had in his first studies restored the Science of Astronomy upon the very suppositions of Ptolomy , and in such manner corrected the motions of the Planets , that the computations did very exactly agree with the Phaenomena , and the Phaenomena with the supputations , in case that he took the Planets severally one by one . But he addeth , that in going about to put together all the structures of the particular Fabricks , there resulted thence a Monster and Chimaera , composed of members most disproportionate to one another , and altogether incompatible ; So that although it satisfied an Astronomer meerly Arithmetical , yet did it not afford satisfaction or content to the Astronomer Phylosophical . And because he very well understood , that if one might salve the Caelestial appearances with false assumptions in nature , it might with much more ease be done by true suppositions , he set himself diligently to search whether any amongst the antient men of fame , had ascribed to the World any other structure , than that commonly received by Ptolomy ; and finding that some Pythagoreans had in particular assigned the Diurnal conversion to the Earth , and others the annual motion also , he began to compare the appearances , and particularities of the Planets motions , with these two new suppositions , all which things jumpt exactly with his purpose ; and seeing the whole correspond , with admirable facility to its parts , he imbraced this new Systeme , and it took up his rest . SIMP . But what great exorbitancies are there in the Ptolomaick Systeme , for which there are not greater to be found in this of Copernicus ? SALV . In the Ptolomaick Hypothesis there are diseases , and in the Copernican their cures . And first will not all the Sects of Phylosophers , account it a great inconvenience , that a body naturally moveable in circumgyration , should move irregularly upon its own Centre , and regularly upon another point ? And yet there are such deformed motions as these in the Ptolomaean Hypothesis , but in the Copernican all move evenly about their own Centres . In the Ptolomaick , it is necessary to assign to the Caelestial bodies , contrary motions , and to make them all to move , from East to West , and at the same time , from West to East ; But in the Copernican , all the Caelestial revolutions are towards one onely way , from West to East . But what shall we say of the apparent motion of the Planets , so irregular , that they not only go one while swift , and another while slow , but sometimes wholly seace to move ; and then after a long time return back again ? To salve which appearances Ptolomie introduceth very great Epicicles , accommodating them one by one to each Planet , with some rules of incongruous motions , which are all with one single motion of the Earth taken away . And would not you , Simplicius , call it a great absurditie , if in the Ptolomaick Hypothesis , in which the particular Planets , have their peculiar Orbs assigned them one above another , one must be frequently forced to say , that Mars , constituted above the Sphaere of the Sun , doth so descend , that breaking the Solar Orb , it goeth under it , and approacheth nearer to the Earth , than to the Body of the Sun , and by and by immeasurably ascendeth above the same ? And yet this , and other exorbitancies are remedied by the sole and single annual motion of the Earth . SAGR. I would gladly be bettter informed how these stations , and retrograde and direct motions , which did ever seem to me great improbalities , do accord in this Copernican Systeme . SALV . You see , Gentlemen , with what facility and simplicity the annual motion , were it appertaining to the Earth , is accommodated to render a reason of the apparent exorbitances , that are observed in the motions of the five Planets , Saturn , Jupiter , Mars , Venus and Mercury , taking them all away , and reducing them to equal and regular motions . And of this admirable effect , Nicholas Copernicus , hath been the first that hath made the reason plain unto us . But of another effect , no lesse admirable than this , and that with a knot , perhaps more difficult to unknit , bindeth the wit of man , to admit this annual conversion , and to leave it to our Terrestrial Globe ; a new and unthought of conjecture ariseth from the Sun it self , which sheweth that it is unwilling to be singular in shifting , of this attestation of so eminent a conclusion , rather as a testimony beyond all exception , it hath desired to be heard apart . Hearken then to this great and new wonder . The first discoverer and observer of the Solar spots , as also of all the other Coelestial novelties , was our Academick Lincaeus ; and he discovered them anno 1610. being at that time Reader of the Mathematicks , in the Colledge of Padua , and there , and in Venice , he discoursed thereof with several persons , of which some are yet living : And the year following , he shewed them in Rome to many great personages , as he relates in the first of his Letters to Marcus Velserus , * Sheriffe of Augusta . He was the first that against the opinions of the too timorous and too jealous assertors of the Heavens inalterability , affirmed those spots to be matters , that in short times were produced and dissolved : for as to place , they were contiguous to the body of the Sun , and revolved about the same ; or else being carried about by the said Solar body , which revolveth in it selfe about its own Centre , in the space almost of a moneth , do finish their course in that time ; which motion he judged at first to have been made by the Sun about an Axis erected upon the plane of the Ecliptick ; in regard that the arches described by the said spots upon the Discus of the Sun appear unto our eye right lines , and parallels to the plane of the Ecliptick : which therefore come to be altered , in part , with some accidental , wandring , and irregular motions , to which they are subject , and whereby tumultuarily , and without any order they successively change situations amongst themselves , one while crouding close together , another while dissevering , and some dividing themselves into many and very much changing figures , which , for the most part , are very unusual . And albeit those so inconstant mutations did somewhat alter the primary periodick course of the said spots , yet did they not alter the opinion of our friend , so as to make him believe , that they were any essential and fixed cause of those deviations , but he continued to hold , that all the apparent alterations derived themselves from those accidental mutations : in like manner , just as it would happen to one that should from far distant Regions observe the motion of our Clouds ; which would be discovered to move with a most swift , great , and constant motion , carried round by the diurnal Vertigo of the Earth ( if haply that motion belong to the same ) in twenty four hours , by circles parallel to the Equinoctial , but yet altered , in part , by the accidental motions caused by the winds , which drive them , at all adventures , towards different quarters of the World. While this was in agitation , it came to pass that Velserus sent him two Letters , written by a certain person , under the feigned name of * Apelles , upon the subject of these Spots , requesting him , with importunity , to declare his thoughts freely upon those Letters , and withall to let him know what his opinion was touching the essence of those spots ; which his request he satisfied in 3 Letters , shewing first of all howvain the conjectures of Apelles were ; & discovering , secondly , his own opinions ; withal foretelling to him , that Apelles would undoubtedly be better advised in time , and turn to his opinion , as it afterwards came to pass . And because that our Academian ( as it was also the judgment of many others that were intelligent in Natures secrets ) thought he had in those three Letters investigated and demonstrated , if not all that could be desired , or required by humane curiosity , at least all that could be attained by humane reason in such a matter , he , for some time ( being bufied in other studies ) intermitted his continual observations , and onely in complacency to some friend , joyned with him , in making now and then an abrupt observation : till that he , and after some years , we , being then at my * Country-seat , met with one of the solitary Solar spots very big , and thick , invited withal by a clear and constant serenity of the Heavens , he , at my request , made observations of the whole progresse of the said spot , carefully marking upon a sheet of paper the places that it was in every day at the time of the Suns coming into the Meridian ; and we having found that its course was not in a right line , but somewhat incurvated , we came to resolve , at last , to make other observations from time to time ; to which undertaking we were strongly induced by a conceit , that accidentally came into the minde of my Guest , which he imparted to me in these or the like words . In my opinion , Philip , there is a way opened to a business of very great consequence . For if the Axis about which the Sun turneth be not erect perpendicularly to the plane of the Ecliptick , but is inclined upon the same , as its crooked course , but even now observed , makes me believe , we shall be able to make such conjectures of the states of the Sun and Earth , as neither so solid or so rational have been hitherto deduced from any other accident whatsoever . I being awakened at so great a promise , importun'd him to make a free discovery of his conceit unto me . And he continued his discourse to this purpose . If the Earths motion were along the Ecliptique about the Sun ; and the Sun were constituted in the centre of the said Ecliptick , and therein revolved in its self , not about the Axis of the said Ecliptique ( which would be the Axis of the Earths annual motion ) but upon one inclined , it must needs follow , that strange changes will represent themselves to us in the apparent motions of the Solar spots , although the said Axis of the Sun should be supposed to persist perpetually and immutably in the same inclination , and in one and the same direction towards the self-same point of the Universe . Therefore the Terrestrial Globe in the annual motion moving round it , it will first follow , that to us , carried about by the same , the courses of the spots shall sometimes seem to be made in right lines , but this only twice a year , and at all other times shall appear to be made by arches insensibly incurvated . Secondly , the curvity of those arches for one half of the year , will shew inclined the contrary way to what they will appear in the other half ; that is , for six moneths the convexity of the arches shall be towards the upper part of the Solar Discus , and for the other six moneths towards the inferiour . Thirdly , the spots beginning to appear , and ( if I may so speak ) to rise to our eye from the left side of the Solar Discus , and going to hide themselves and to set in the right side , the Oriental termes , that is , of their first appearings for six moneths , shall be lower than the opposite termes of their occultations ; and for other six moneths it shall happen contrarily , to wit , that the said spots rising from more elevated points , and from them descending , they shall , in their courses , go and hide themselves in lower points ; and onely for two dayes in all the year shall those termes of risings and settings be equilibrated : after which freely beginning by small degrees the inclination of the courses of the spots , and day by day growing bigger , in three moneths , it shall arrive at its greatest obliquity , and from thence beginning to diminish , in such another time it shall reduce it self to the other Aequilibrium . It shall happen , for a fourth wonder , that the course of the greatest obliquity shall be the same with the course made by the right line , and in the day of the Libration the arch of the course shall seem more than ever incurvated . Again , in the other times , according as the pendency shall successively diminish , and make it approach towards the Aequilibrium , the incurvation of the arches of the courses on the contrary shall , by degrees , increase . SAGR. I confesse , Salviatus , that to interrupt you in your Discourse is ill manners , but I esteem it no lesse rudeness to permit you to run on any farther in words , whilst they are , as the saying is , cast into the air : for , to speak freely , I know not how to form any distinct conceit of so much as one of these conclusions , that you have pronounced ; but because , as I thus generally and confusedly apprehend them , they hold forth things of admirable consequence , I would gladly , some way or other , be made to understand the same . SALV . The same that befalls you , befell me also , whilst my Guest transported me with bare words ; who afterwards assisted my capacity , by describing the businesse upon a material Instrument , which was no other than a simple Sphere , making use of some of its circles , but to a different purpose from that , to which they are commonly applied . Now I will supply the defect of the Sphere , by drawing the same upon a piece of paper , as need shall require . And to represent the first accident by me propounded , which was , that the courses or journeys of the spots , twice a year , and no more , might be seen to be made in right lines , let us suppose this point O [ in Fig. 4. ] to be the centre of the grand Orb , or , if you will , of the Ecliptick , and likewise also of the Globe of the Sun it self ; of which , by reason of the great distance that is between it and the Earth , we that live upon the Earth , may suppose that we see the one half : we will therefore describe this circle ABCD about the said centre O , which representeth unto us the extream term that divideth and separates the Hemisphere of the Sun that is apparent to us , from the other that is occult . And because that our eye , no lesse than the centre of the Earth , is understood to be in the plane of the Ecliptick , in which is likewise the centre of the Sun , therefore , if we should fancy to our selves the body of the Sun to be cut thorow by the said plane , the section will appear to our eye a right line , which let be BOD , and upon that a perpendicular being let fall AOC , it shall be the Axis of the said Ecliptick , and of the annual motion of the Terrestrial Globe . Let us next suppose the Solar body ( without changing centre ) to revolve in it self , not about the Axis AOC ( which is the erect Axis upon the plane of the Ecliptick ) but about one somewhat inclined , which let be this EOI , the which fixed and unchangeable Axis maintaineth it self perpetually in the same inclination and direction towards the same points of the Firmament , and of the Universe . And because , in the revolutions of the Solar Globe , each point of its superficies ( the Poles excepted ) describeth the circumference of a circle , either bigger or lesser , according as it is more or lesse remote from the said Poles , let us take the point F , equally distant from them , and draw the diameter FOG , which shall be perpendicular to the Axis EI , and shall be the diameter of the grand circle described about the Poles EI. Supposing not that the Earth , and we with her be in such a place of the Ecliptick , that the Hemisphere of the Sun to us apparent is determin'd or bounded by the circle ABCD , which passing ( as it alwayes doth ) by the Poles AC , passeth also by EI. It is manifest , that the grand circle , whose diameter is FG , shall be erect to the circle ABCD , to which the ray that from our eye falleth upon the centre O , is perpendicular ; so that the said ray falleth upon the plane of the circle , whose diameter is FG , and therefore its circumference will appear to us a right line , and the self same with FG , whereupon if there should be in the point F , a spot , it comming afterwards to be carried about by the Solar conversion , would , upon the surface of the Sun , trace out the circumference of that circle , which seems to us a right line . It s course or passage will therefore seem straight . And straight also will the motion of the other spots appear , which in the said revolution shall describe lesser circles , as being all parallel to the greater , and to our eye placed at an immense distance from them . Now , if you do but consider , how that after the Earth shall in six moneths have run thorow half the grand Orb , and shall be situate opposite to that Hemisphere of the Sun , which is now occult unto us , so as that the boundary of the part that then shall be seen , may be the self same ABCD , which also shall passe by the Poles EI ; you shall understand that the same will evene in the courses of the spots , as before , to wit , that all will appear to be made by right lines . But because that that accident takes not place , save onely when the teminator or boundary passeth by the Poles EI , and the said terminator from moment to moment , by meanes of the Earths annual motion , continually altereth , therefore its passage by the fixed Poles EI , shall be momentary , and consequently momentary shall be the time , in which the motions of those spots shall appear straight . From what hath been hitherto spoken one may comprehend also how that the apparition and beginning of the motion of the spots from the part F , proceeding towards G , their passages or courses are from the left hand , ascending towards the right ; but the Earth being placed in the part diametrically opposite the appearance of the spots about G , shall still be to the left hand of the beholder , but the passage shall be descending towards the right hand F. Let us now describe the Earth to be situate one fourth part farther distant from its present state , and let us draw , as in the other figure , the terminator ABCD , [ as in Fig. 5. ] and the Axis , as before AC , by which the plane of our Meridian would passe , in which plane should also be the Axis of the Suns revolution , with its Poles , one towards us , that is , in the apparent Hemisphere , which Pole we will represent by the point E , and the other shall fall in the occult Hemisphere , and I mark it I. Inclining therefore the Axis EI , with the superiour part E , towards us , the great circle described by the Suns conversion , shall be this BFDG , whose half by us seen , namely BFD , shall no longer seem unto us a right line , by reason the Poles EI are not in the circumference ABCD , but shall appear incurvated , and with its convexity towards the inferiour part C. And it is manifest , that the same will appear in all the lesser circles parallel to the same BFD . It is to be understood also , that when the Earth shall be diametrically opposite to this state , so that it seeth the other Hemisphere of the Sun , which now is hid , it shall of the said great circle behold the part DGB incurved , with its convexity towards the superiour part A ; and the courses of the spots in these constitutions shall be first , by the arch BFD , and afterwards by the other DGB , and the first apparitions and ultimate occultations made about the points B and D , shall be equilibrated , and not those that are more or lesse elevated than these . But if we constitute the Earth in such a place of the Ecliptick , that neither the boundary ABCD , nor the Meridian AC , passeth by the Poles of the Axis EI , as I will shew you anon , drawing this other Figure [ viz. Fig. 6. ] wherein the apparent or visible Pole E falleth between the arch of the terminator AB , and the section of the Meridian AC ; the diameter of the great circle shall be FOG , and the apparent semicircle FNG , and the occult semicircle GSF , the one incurvated with its convexity N towards the inferiour part , and the other also bending with its convexity S towards the upper part of the Sun. The ingressions and exitions of the spots , that is , the termes F and G shall not be librated , as the two others B and D ; but F shall be lower , and G higher : but yet with lesser difference than in the first Figure . The arch also FNG shall be incurvated , but not so much as the precedent BFD ; so that in this position the passages or motions of the spots shall be ascendent from the left side F , towards the right G , and shall be made by curved lines . And imagining the Earth to be constituted in the position diametrically opposite ; so that the Hemisphere of the Sun , which was before the occult , may be the apparent , and terminated by the same boundary ABCD , it will be manifestly discerned , that the course of the spots shall be by the arch GSF , beginning from the upper point G , which shall then be likewise from the left hand of the beholder , and going to determine , descending towards the right , in the point F. What I have hitherto said , being understood , I believe that there remains no difficulty in conceiving how from the passing of the terminator of the Solar Hemispheres by the Poles of the Suns conversion , or neer or far from the same , do arise all the differences in the apparent courses of the spots ; so that by how much the more those Poles shall be remote from the said terminator , by so much the more shall those courses be incurvated , and lesse oblique ; whereupon at the same distance , that is , when those Poles are in the section of the Meridian , the incurvation is reduced to the greatest , but the obliquity to the least , that is to Aequilibrium , as the second of these three last figures [ viz. Fig. 5. ] demonstrateth . On the contrary , when the Poles are in the terminator , as the first of these three figures [ viz. Fig. 4. ] sheweth the inclination is at the greatest , but the incurvation at the least , and reduced to rectitude . The terminator departing from the Poles , the curvity begins to grow sensible , the obliquity all the way encreasing , and the inclination growing lesser . These are those admirable and extravagant mutations , that my Guest told me would from time to time appear in the progresses of the Solar spots , if so be it should be true that the annual motion belonged to the Earth , and that the Sun being constituted in the centre of the Ecliptick , were revolved in it self upon an Axis , not erect , but inclined to the Plane of the said Ecliptick . SAGR. I do now very well apprehend these consequences , and believe that they will be better imprinted in my fancy , when I shall come to reflect upon them , accommodating a Globe to those inclinations , and then beholding them from several places . It now remains that you tell us what followed afterwards touching the event of these imaginary consequences . SALV . It came to passe thereupon , that continuing many several moneths to make most accurate observations , noting down with great exactnesse the courses or transitions of sundry spots at divers times of the year , we found the events punctually to correspond to the predictions . SAGR. Simplicius , if this which Salviatus saith be true ; ( nor can we distrust him upon his word ) the Ptolomeans and Aristoteleans had need of solid arguments , strong conjectures , and well grounded experiments to counterpoise an objection of so much weight , and to support their opinion from its final overthrow . SIMP . Fair and softly good Sir , for haply you may not yet be got ▪ so far as you perswade your self you are gone . And though I am not an absolute master of the subject of that narration given us by Salviatus ; yet do I not find that my Logick , whilst I have a regard to form , teacheth me , that that kind of argumentation affords me any necessary reason to conclude in favour of the Copernican Hypothesis , that is , of the stability of the Sun in the centre of the Zodiack , and of the mobility of the Earth under its circumference . For although it be true , that the said conversion of the Sun , and cirnition of the Earth being granted , there be a necessity of discerning such and such strange extravagancies as these in the spots of the Sun , yet doth it not follow that arguing per conversum , from finding such like unusual accidents in the Sun , one must of necssity conclude the Earth to move by the circumference , and the Sun to be placed in the centre of the Zodiack . For who shall assertain me that the like irregularities may not as well be visible in the Sun , it being moveable by the Ecliptick , to the inhabitants of the Earth , it being also immoveable in the centre of the same ? Unlesse you demonstrate to me , that there can be no reason given for that appearance , when the Sun is made moveable , and the Earth stable , I will not alter my opinion and belief that the Sun moveth , and the Earth standeth still . SAGR. Simplicius behaveth himself very bravely , and argueth very subtilly in defence of the cause of Aristotle and Ptolomy ; and if I may speak the truth , mythinks that the conversation of Salviatus , though it have been but of small continuance , hath much farthered him in discoursing silogistically . An effect which I know to be wrought in others as well as him . But as to finding and judging whether competent reason may be rendered of the apparent exorbitancies and irregularities in the motions of the spots , supposing the Earth to be immoveable , and the Sun moveable , I shall expect that Salviatus manifest his opinion to us , for it is very probable that he he hath considered of the same , and collected together whatever may be said upon the point . SALV . I have often thought thereon , and also discoursed thereof with my Friend and Guest afore-named ; and touching what is to be produced by Philosophers and Astronomers , in defence of the ancient Systeme , we are on one hand certain , certain I say , that the true and pure Peripateticks laughing at such as employ themselves in such , to their thinking , insipid fooleries , will censure all these Phaenomena to be vain illusions of the Christals ; and in this manner will with little trouble free themselves from the obligation of studying any more upon the same . Again , as to the Astronomical Philosophers , after we have with some diligence weighed that which may be alledged as a mean between those two others , we have not been able to find out an answer that sufficeth to satisfie at once the course of the spots , and the discourse of the Mind . I will explain unto you so much as I remember thereof , that so you may judge thereon as seems best unto you . Supposing that the apparent motions of the Solar spots are the same with those that have been above declared , and supposing the Earth to be immoveable in the centre of the Ecliptick , in whose circumference let the center of the Sun be placed ; it is necessary that of all the differences that are seen in those motions , the causes do reside in the motions that are in the body of the Sun : Which in the first place must necessarily revolve in it self ( i. e. about its own axis ) carrying the spots along therewith ; which spots have been supposed , yea and proved to adhere to the Solar superficies . It must secondly be confest , that the Axis of the Solar conversion is not parallel to the Axis of the Ecliptick , that is as much as to say , that it is not perpendicularly erected upon the Plane of the Ecliptick , because if it were so , the courses and exitions of those spots would seem to be made by right lines parallel to the Ecliptick . The said Axis therefore is inclining , in regard the said courses are for the most part made by curve lines . It will be necessary in the third place to grant that the inclination of this Axis is not fixed , and continually extended towards one and the same point of the Universe , but rather that it doth alwayes from moment to moment go changing its direction ; for if the pendency should always look towards the self same point , the courses of the spots would never change appearance ; but appearing at one time either right or curved , bending upwards or downwards , ascending or descending , they would appear the same at all times . It is therefore necessary to say , that the said Axis is convertible ; and is sometimes found to be in the Plane of the circle that is extreme , terminate , or of the visible Hemisphere , I mean at such time as the courses of the spots seem to be made in right lines , and more than ever pendent , which happeneth twice a year ; and at other times found to be in the Plane of the Meridian of the Observator , in such sort that one of its Poles falleth in the visible Hemisphere of the Sun , and the other in the occult ; and both of them remote from the extreme points , or we may say , from the poles of another Axis of the Sun , which is parallel to the Axis of the Ecliptick ; ( which second Axis must necessarily be assigned to the Solar Globe ) remote , I say , as far as the inclination of the Axis of the revolution of the spots doth import ; and moreover that the Pole falling in the apparent Hemisphere , is one while in the superiour , another while in the inferiour part thereof ; for that it must be so , the courses themselves do manifestly evince at such time as they are equilibrated , and in their greatest curvity , one while with their convexity towards the upper part , and another while towards the lower part of the Solar Discus . And because those positions are in continuall alteration , making the inclinations and incurvations now greater , now lesser , and sometimes reduce themselves , the first sort to perfect libration , and the second to perfect perpendicularity , it is necessary to assert that the self same Axis of the monethly revolution of the spots hath a particular revolution of its own , whereby its Poles describe two circles about the Poles of another Axis , which for that reason ought ( as I have said ) to be assigned to the Sun , the semidiameter of which circles answereth to the quantity of the inclination of the said Axis . And it is necessary , that the time of its Period be a year ; for that such is the time in which all the appearances and differences in the courses of the spots do return . And that the revolution of this Axis , is made about the Poles of the other Axis parallel to that of the Ecliptick , & not about other points , the greatest inclinations and greatest incurvations , which are always of the same bigness , do clearly prove . So that finally , to maintain the Earth fixed in the centre , it will be necessary to assign to the Sun , two motions about its own centre , upon two several Axes , one of which finisheth its conversion in a year , and the other in lesse than a moneth ; which assumption seemeth , to my understanding , very hard , and almost impossible ; and this dependeth on the necessity of ascribing to the said Solar body two other motions about the Earth upon different Axes , describing with one the Ecliptick in a year , and with the other forming spirals , or circles parallel to the Equinoctial one every day : whereupon that third motion which ought to be assigned to the Solar Clobe about its own centre ( I mean not that almost monethly , which carrieth the spots about , but I speak of that other which ought to passe thorow the Axis and Poles of this monethly one ) ought not , for any reason that I see , to finish its Period rather in a year , as depending on the annual motion by the Ecliptick , than in twenty four hours , as depending on the diurnal motion upon the Poles of the Equinoctial . I know , that what I now speak is very obscure , but I shall make it plain unto you , when we come to speak of the third motion annual , assigned by Copernicus , to the Earth . Now if these four motions , so incongruous with each other , ( all which it would be necessary to assign to the self same body of the Sun ) may be reduced to one sole and simple motion , assigned the Sun upon an Axis that never changeth position , and that without innovating any thing in the motions for so many other causes assigned to the Terrestrial Globe , may so easily salve so many extravagant appearances in the motions of the Solar spots , it seemeth really that such an Hypothesis ought not to be rejected . This , Simplicius , is all that came into the minds of our friend , and my self , that could be alledged in explanation of this Phaenomenon by the Copernicans , and by the Ptolomaeans , in defence of their opinions . Do you inferre from thence what your judgment perswades you . SIMP . I acknowledge my self unable to interpose in so important a decision : And , as to my particular thoughts , I will stand neutral ; and yet neverthelesse I hope that a time will come , when our minds being illumin'd by more lofty contemplations than these our humane reasonings , we shall be awakened and freed from that mist which now is so great an hinderance to our sight . SAGR. Excellent and pious is the counsel taken by Simplicius , and worthy to be entertained and followed by all , as that which being derived from the highest wisdome and supreamest authority , may onely , with security be received . But yet so far as humane reason is permitted to penetrate , confining my self within the bounds of conjectures , and probable reasons , I will say a little more resolutely than Simplicius doth , that amongst all the ingenuous subtilties I ever heard , I have never met with any thing of greater admiration to my intellect , nor that hath more absolutely captivated my judgment , ( alwayes excepting pure Geometrical and Arithmetical Demonstrations ) than these two conjectures taken , the one from the stations and retrogradations of the five Planets , and the other from these irregularities of the motions of the Solar spots : and because they seem to me so easily and clearly to assign the true reason of so extravagant appearances , shewing as if they were but one sole simple motion , mixed with so many others , simple likewise , but different from each other , without introducing any difficulty , rather with obviating those that accompany the other Hypothesis ; I am thinking that I may rationally conclude , that those who contumaciously withstand this Doctrine , either never heard , or never understood , these so convincing arguments . SALV . I will not ascribe unto them the title either of convincing , or non-convincing ; in regard my intention is not , as I have several times told you , to resolve any thing upon so high a question , but onely to propose those natural and Astronomicall reasons , which , for the one and other Systeme , may be produced by me , leaving the determination to others ; which determination cannot at last , but be very manifest : for one of the two positions being of necessity to be true , and the other of necessity to be false , it is a thing impossible that ( alwayes confining our selves within the limits of humane doctrine ) the reasons alledged for the true Hypothesis should not manifest themselves as concludent as those for the contrary vain and ineffectual . SAGR. It will be time therefore , that we hear the objections of the little Book of * Conclusions , or Disquisitions which Simplicius did bring with him . SIMP . Here is the Book , and this is the place where the Author first briefly describeth the Systeme of the world , according to the Hypothesis of Copernicus , saying , Terram igitur unà cum Luna , totoque hoc elementari mundo Copernicus , &c. SALV . Forbear a little , Simplicius , for methinks that this Authour , in this first entrance , shews himself to be but very ill verst in the Hypothesis which he goeth about to confute , in regard , he saith that Copernicus maketh the Earth , together with the Moon , to describe the * grand Orb in a year moving from East to West ; a thing that as it is false and impossible , so was it never affirmed by Copernicus , who rather maketh it to move the contrary way , I mean from West to East , that is , according to the order of the Signes ; whereupon we come to think the same to be the annual motion of the Sun , constituted immoveable in the centre of the Zodiack . See the too adventurous confidence of this man ; to undertake the confutation of anothers Doctrine , and yet to be ignorant of the primary fundamentals ; upon which his adversary layeth the greatest and most important part of all the Fabrick . This is a bad beginning to gain himself credit with his Reader ; but let us go on . SIMP . Having explained the Universal Systeme , he beginneth to propound his objections against this annual motion : and the first are these , which he citeth Ironically , and in derision of Copernicus , and of his followers , writing that in this phantastical Hypothesis of the World one must necessarily maintain very grosse absurdities ; namely , that the Sun , Venus , and Mercury are below the Earth ; and that grave matters go naturally upwards , and the light downwards ; and that Christ , our Lord and Redeemer , ascended into Hell , and descended into Heaven , when he approached towards the Sun , and that when Joshuah commanded the Sun to stand still , the Earth stood still , or the Sun moved a contrary way to that of the Earth ; and that when the Sun is in Cancer , the Earth runneth through Capricorn ; and that the Hyemal ( or Winter ) Signes make the Summer , and the Aestival Winter ; and that the Stars do not rise and set to the Earth , but the Earth to the Stars ; and that the East beginneth in the West , and the West in the East ; and , in a word , that almost the whole course of the World is inverted . SALV . Every thing pleaseth me , except it be his having intermixed places out of the sacred Scriptures ( alwayes venerable , and to be rever'd ) amongst these , but two scurrilous fooleries , and attempting to wound with holy Weapons , those who Philosophating in jest , and for divertisement , neither affirm nor deny , but , some presupposals and positions being assumed , do familiarly argue . SIMP . Truth is , he hath displeased me also , and that not a little ; and especially , by adding presently after that , howbeit , the Copernichists answer , though but very impertinently to these and such like other reasons , yet can they not reconcile nor answer those things that follow . SALV . This is worse than all the rest ; for he pretendeth to have things more efficacious and concludent than the Authorities of the sacred Leaves ; But I pray you , let us reverence them , and passe on to natural and humane reasons : and yet if he give us amongst his natural arguments , things of no more solidity , than those hitherto alleadged , we may wholly decline this undertaking , for I as to my own parricular , do not think it fit to spend words in answering such trifling impertinencies . And as to what he saith , that the Copernicans answer to these objections , it is most false , nor may it be thought , that any man should set him self to wast his time so unprofitably . SIMP . I concur with you in the same judgement ; therefore let us hear the other instances that he brings , as much stronger . And observe here , how he with very exact computations concludeth , that if the grand Orb of the Earth , or the ecliptick , in which Copernicus maketh it to run in a year round the Sun , should be as it were , insensible , in respect of the immensitie of the Starry Sphaere , according as the said Copernicus , saith it is to be supposed , it would be necessary to grant and confirm , that the fixed Stars were remote from us , an unconceivable distance , and that the lesser of them , were bigger than the whole grand Orb aforesaid , and some other much bigger than the whole Sphaere of Saturn ; Masses certainly too excessively vast , unimaginable , and incredible . SALV . I have heretofore seen such another objection brought by Tycho against Copernicus , and this is not the first time that I have discovered the fallacy , or , to say better , the fallacies of this Argumemtation , founded upon a most false Hypothesis , and upon a Proposition of the said Copernicus , understood by his adversaries , with too punctual a nicity , according to the practise of those pleaders , who finding the flaw to be in the very merit of their cause , keep to some one word , fallen unawares from the contrary partie , and fly out into loud and tedious descants upon that . But for your better information ; Copernicus having declared those admirable consequences which are derived from the Earths annual motion , to the other Planets , that is to say , of the * directions and retrogradations of the three uppermost in particular ; he subjoyneth , that this apparent mutation ( which is discerned more in Mars than in Jupiter , by reason Jupiter is more remote , and yet lesse in Saturn , by reason it is more remote than Jupiter ) in the fixed Stars , did remain imperceptible , by reason of their immense remotenesse from us , in comparison of the distances of Jupiter or Saturn . Here the Adversaries of this opinion rise up , and supposing that fore-named imperceptibility of Copernicus , as if it had been taken by him , for a real and absolute thing of nothing , and adding , that a fixed Star of one of the lesser magnitudes , is notwithstanding perceptible , seeing that it cometh under the sence of seeing , they go on to calculate with the intervention of other false assumptions , and concluding that it is necessary by the Copernican Doctrine , to admit , that a fixed Star is much bigger than the whole grand Orb. Now to discover the vanity of this their whole proceeding , I shall shew that a fixed Star of the sixth magnitude , being supposed to be no bigger than the Sun , one may thence conclude with true demonstrations , that the distance of the said fixed Stars from us , cometh to be so great , that the annual motion of the Earth , which causeth so great and notable variations in the Planets , appears scarce observable in them ; and at the same time , I will distinctly shew the gross fallacies , in the assumptions of Copernicus his Adversaries . And first of all , I suppose with the said Copernicus , and also with his opposers , that the Semidiameter of the grand Orb , which is the distance of the Earth from the Sun , containeth 1208 Semidiameters of the said Earth . Secondly , I premise with the allowance aforesaid , and of truth , that the * apparent diameter of the Sun in its mean distance , to be about half a degree , that is , 30. min. prim . which are 1800. seconds , that is , 108000. thirds . And because the apparent Diameter of a fixed Star of the first magnitude , is no more than 5. seconds , that is , 300. thirds , and the Diameter of a fixed Star of the sixth magnitude , 50. thirds , ( and herein is the greatest errour of the Anti-Copernicans ) Therefore the Diameter of the Sun , containeth the Diameter of a fixed Star of the sixth magnitude 2160. times . And therefore if a fixed Star of the sixth magnitude , were supposed to be really equal to the Sun , and not bigger , which is the same as to say , if the Sun were so far removed , that its Diameter should seem to be one of the 2160. parts of what it now appeareth , its distance ought of necessity to be 2160. times greater than now in effect it is , which is as much as to say , that the distance of the fixed Stars of the sixth magnitude , is 2160. Semidiameters of the grand Orb. And because the distance of the Sun from the Earth , contains by common consent 1208. Semidiameters of the said Earth , and the distance of the fixed Stars ( as hath been said ) 2160. Semediameters of the grand Orb , therefore the Semidiameter of the Earth is much greater ( that is almost double ) in comparison of the grand Orb , than the Semidiameter of the grand Orb , in relation to the distance of the Starry Sphaere ; and therefore the variation of aspect in the fixed Stars , caused by the Diameter of the grand Orb , can be but little more observable , than that which is observed in the Sun , occasioned by the Semidiameter of the Earth . SAGR. This is a great fall for the first step . SALV . It is doubtlesse an errour ; for a fixed Star of the sixth magnitude , which by the computation of this Authour , ought , for the upholding the proposition of Copernicus , to be as big as the whole grand Orb , onely by supposing it equal to the Sun , which Sun is lesse by far , than the hundred and six millionth part of the said grand Orb , maketh the starry Sphaere so great and high as sufficeth to overthrow the instance brought against the said Copernicus . SAGR. Favour me with this computation . SALV . The supputation is easie and short . The Diameter of the Sun , is eleven semidiameters of the Earth , and the Diameter of the grand Orb , contains 2416. of those same semidiameters , by the ascent of both parties ; so that the Diameter of the said Orb , contains the Suns Diameter 220. times very near . And because the Spheres are to one another , as the Cubes of their Diameters , let us make the Cube of 220. which is 106480000. and we shall have the grand Orb , an hundred and six millions , four hundred and eighty thousand times bigger than the Sun , to which grand Orb , a star of the sixth magnitude , ought to be equal , according to the assertion of this Authour . SAGR. The errour then of these men , consisteth in being extreamly mistaken , in taking the apparent Diameter of the fixed Stars . SALV . This is one , but not the onely errour of them ; and indeed , I do very much admire how so many Astronomers , and those very famous , as are Alfagranus , Albategnus , Tebizius , and much more modernly the Tycho's and Clavins's , and in sum , all the predecessors of our Academian , should have been so grosly mistaken , in determining the magnitudes of all the Stars , as well fixed as moveable , the two Luminaries excepted out of that number ; and that they have not taken any heed to the adventitious irradiations that deceitfully represent them an hundred and more times bigger , than when they are beheld , without those capillious rayes , nor can this their inadvertency be excused , in regard that it was in their power to have beheld them at their pleasure without those tresses , which is done , by looking upon them at their first appearance in the evening , or their last occultation in the comming on of day ; and if none of the rest , yet Venus , which oft times is seen at noon day , so small , that one must sharpen the sight in discerning it ; and again , in the following night , seemeth a great flake of light , might advertise them of their fallacy ; for I will not believe that they thought the true Discus to be that which is seen in the obscurest darknesses , and not that which is discerned in the luminous Medium : for our lights , which seen by night afar off appear great , and neer at hand shew their true lustre to be terminate and small , might have easily have made them cautious ; nay , if I may freely speak my thoughts , I absolutely believe that none of them , no not Tycho himself , so accurate in handling Astronomical Instruments , and that so great and accurate , without sparing very great cost in their construction , did ever go about to take and measure the apparent diameter of any Star , the Sun and Moon excepted ; but I think , that arbitrarily , and as we say , with the eye , some one of the more antient of them pronounced the thing to be so and so , and that all that followed him afterwards , without more ado , kept close to what the first had said ; for if any one of them had applied himself to have made some new proof of the same , he would doubtlesse have discovered the fraud . SAGR. But if they wanted the Telescope , and you have already said , that our Friend with that same Instrument came to the knowledge of the truth , they ought to be excused , and not accused of ignorance . SALV . This would hold good , if without the Telescope the businesse could not be effected . It s true , that this Instrument by shewing the Discus of the Star naked , and magnified an hundred or a thousand times , rendereth the operation much more easie , but the same thing may be done , although not altogether so exactly , without the Instrument , and I have many times done the same , and my method therein was this . I have caused a rope to be hanged towards some Star , and I have made use of the Constellation , called the Harp , which riseth between the North and * North-east , and then by going towards , and from the said rope , interposed between me and the Star , I have found the place from whence the thicknesse of the rope hath just hid the Star from me : this done , I have taken the distance from the eye to the rope , which was one of the sides including the angle that was composed in the eye , and * which insisteth upon the thicknesse of the rope , and which is like , yea the same with the angle in the Starry Sphere , that insisteth upon the diameter of the Star , and by the proportion of the ropes thicknesse to the distance from the eye to the rope , by the table of Arches and Chords , I have immediately found the quantity of the angle ; using all the while the wonted caution that is observed in taking angles so acute , not to forme the concourse of the visive rayes in the centre of the eye , where they are onely refracted , but beyond the eye , where really the pupils greatnesse maketh them to concur . SAGR. I apprehend this your cautelous procedure , albeit I have a kind of haesitancy touching the same , but that which most puzzleth me is , that in this operation , if it be made in the dark of night , methinks that you measure the diameter of the irradiated Discus , and not the true and naked face of the Star. SALV . Not so , Sir , for the rope in covering the naked body of the Star , taketh away the rayes , which belong not to it , but to our eye , of which it is deprived so soon as the true Discus thereof is hid ; and in making the observation , you shall see , how unexpectedly a little cord will cover that reasonable big body of light , which seemed impossible to be hid , unlesse it were with a much broader Screene : to measure , in the next place , and exactly to find out , how many of those thicknesses of the rope interpose in the distance between the said rope and the eye , I take not onely one diameter of the rope , but laying many pieces of the same together upon a Table , so that they touch , I take with a pair of Compasses the whole space occupied by fifteen , or twenty of them , and with that measure I commensurate the distance before with another smaller cord taken from the rope to the concourse of the visive rayes . And with this sufficiently-exact operation I finde the apparent diameter of a fixed Star of the first magnitude , commonly esteemed to be 2 min. pri . and also 3 min. prim . by Tycho in his Astronomical Letters , cap. 167. to be no more than 5 seconds , which is one of the 24. or 36. parts of what they have held it : see now upon what grosse errours their Doctrines are founded . SAGR. I see and comprehend this very well , but before we passe any further , I would propound the doubt that ariseth in me in the finding the concourse [ or intersection ] of the visual rayes beyond the eye , when observation is made of objects comprehended between very acute angles ; and my scruple proceeds from thinking , that the said concourse may be sometimes more remote , and sometimes lesse ; and this not so much , by meanes of the greater or lesser magnitude of the object that is beheld , as because that in observing objects of the same bignesse , it seems to me that the concourse of the rayes , for certain other respects ought to be made more and lesse remote from the eye . SALV . I see already , whither the apprehension of Sagredus , a most diligent observer of Natures secrets , tendeth ; and I would lay any wager , that amongst the thousands that have observed Cats to contract and inlarge the pupils of their eyes very much , there are not two , nor haply one that hath observed the like effect to be wrought by the pupils of men in seeing , whilst the medium is much or little illumin'd , and that in the open light the circlet of the pupil diminisheth considerably : so that in looking upon the face or Discus of the Sun , it is reduced to a smallnesse lesser than a grain of * Panick , and in beholding objects that do not shine , and are in a lesse luminous medium , it is inlarged to the bignesse of a Lintel or more ; and in summe this expansion and contraction differeth in more than decuple proportion : From whence it is manifest , that when the pupil is much dilated , it is necessary that the angle of the rayes concourse be more remote from the eye ; which happeneth in beholding objects little luminated . This is a Doctrine which Sagredus hath , just now , given me the hint of , whereby , if we were to make a very exact observation , and of great consequence , we are advertized to make the observation of that concourse in the act of the same , or just such another operation ; but in this our case , wherein we are to shew the errour of Astronomers , this accuratenesse is not necessary : for though we should , in favour of the contrary party , suppose the said concourse to be made upon the pupil it self , it would import little , their mistake being so great . I am not certain , Sagredus , that this would have been your objection . SAGR. It is the very same , and I am glad that it was not altogether without reason , as your concurrence in the same assureth me ; but yet upon this occasion I would willingly hear what way may be taken to finde out the distance of the concourse of the visual rayes . SALV . The method is very easie , and this it is , I take two long * labels of paper , one black , and the other white , and make the black half as broad as the white ; then I stick up the white against a wall , and far from that I place the other upon a stick , or other support , at a distance of fifteen or twenty yards , and receding from this , second another such a space in the same right line , it is very manifest , that at the said distance the right lines will concur , that departing from the termes of the breadth of the white piece , shall passe close by the edges of the other label placed in the mid-way ; whence it followeth , that in case the eye were placed in the point of the said concourse or intersection , the black slip of paper in the midst would precisely hide the opposite blank , if the sight were made in one onely point ; but if we should find , that the edges of the white cartel appear discovered , it shall be a necessary argument that the visual rayes do not issue from one sole point . And to make the white label to be hid by the black , it will be requisite to draw neerer with the eye : Therefore , having approached so neer , that the intermediate label covereth the other , and noted how much the required approximation was , the quantity of that approach shall be the certain measure , how much the true concourse of the visive rayes , is remote from the eye in the said operation , and we shall moreover have the diameter of the pupil , or of that circlet from whence the visive rayes proceed : for it shall be to the breadth of the black paper , as is the distance from the concourse of the lines , that are produced by the edges of the papers to the place where the eye standeth , when it first seeth the remote paper to be hid by the intermediate one , as that distance is , I say , to the distance that is between those two papers . And therefore when we would , with exactnesse , measure the apparent diameter of a Star , having made the observation in manner , as aforesaid , it would be necessary to compare the diameter of the rope to the diameter of the pupil ; and having found v. g. the diameter of the rope to be quadruple to that of the pupil , and the distance of the eye from the rope to be , for example , thirty yards , we would say , that the true concourse of the lines produced from the ends or extremities of the diameter of the star , by the extremities of the diameter of the rope , doth fall out to be fourty yards remote from the said rope , for so we shall have observed , as we ought , the proportion between the distance of the rope from the concourse of the said lines , and the distance from the said concourse to the place of the eye , which ought to be the same that is between the diameter of the rope , and diameter of the pupil . SAGR. I have perfectly understood the whole businesse , and therefore let us hear what Simplicius hath to alledge in defence of the Anti-Copernicans . SIMP . Albeit that grand and altogether incredible inconvenience insisted upon by these adversaries of Copernicus be much moderated and abated by the discourse of Salviatus , yet do I not think it weakened so , as that it hath not strength enough left to foil this same opinion . For , if I have rightly apprehended the chief and ultimate conclusion , in case , the stars of the sixth magnitude were supposed to be as big as the Sun , ( which yet I can hardly think ) yet it would still be true , that the grand Orb [ or Ecliptick ] would occasion a mutation and variation in the starry Sphere , like to that which the semidiameter of the Earth produceth in the Sun , which yet is observable ; so that neither that , no nor a lesse mutation being discerned in the fixed Stars , methinks that by this means the annual motion of the Earth is destroyed and overthrown . SALV . You might very well so conclude , Simplicius , if we had nothing else to say in behalf of Copernicus : but we have many things to alledge that yet have not been mentioned ; and as to that your reply , nothing hindereth , but that we may suppose the distance of the fixed Stars to be yet much greater than that which hath been allowed them , and you your self , and whoever else will not derogate from the propositions admitted by Piolomy's sectators , must needs grant it as a thing most requisite to suppose the Starry Sphere to be very much bigger yet than that which even now we said that it ought to be esteemed . For all Astronomers agreeing in this , that the cause of the greater tardity of the Revolutions of the Planets is , the majority of their Spheres , and that therefore Saturn is more slow than Jupiter , and Jupiter than the Sun , for that the first is to describe a greater circle than the second , and that than this later , &c. confidering that Saturn v. g. the altitude of whose Orb is nine times higher than that of the Sun , and that for that cause the time of one Revolution of Saturn , is thirty times longer than that of a conversion of the Sun , in regard that according to the Doctrine of Ptolomy , one conversion of the starry Sphere is finished in 36000. years , whereas that of Saturn is consummate in thirty , and that of the Sun in one , arguing with a like proportion , and saying , if the Orb of Saturn , by reason it is nine times bigger than that of the Sun , revolves in a time thirty times longer , by conversion , how great ought that Orb to be , which revolves 36000. times more slowly ? it shall be found that the distance of the starry Sphere ought to be 10800 semidiameters of the grand Orb , which should be full five times bigger than that , which even now we computed it to be , in case that a fixed Star of the sixth magnitude were equal to the Sun. Now see how much lesser yet ; upon this account , the variation occasioned in the said Stars , by the annual motion of the Earth , ought to appear . And if at the same rate we would argue the distance of the starry Sphere from Jupiter , and from Mars , that would give it us to be 15000. and this 27000 semidiameters of the grand Orb , to wit , the first seven , and the second twelve times bigger than what the magnitude of the fixed Star , supposed equal to the Sun , did make it . SIMP . Methinks that to this might be answered , that the motion of the starry Sphere hath , since Ptolomy , been observed not to be so slow as he accounted it ; yea , if I mistake not , I have heard that Copernicus himself made the Observation . SALV . You say very well ; but you alledge nothing in that which may favour the cause of the Ptolomaeans in the least , who did never yet reject the motion of 36000. years in the starry Sphere , for that the said tardity would make it too vast and immense . For if that the said immensity was not to be supposed in Nature , they ought before now to to have denied a conversion so slow as that it could not with good proportion adapt it self , save onely to a Sphere of monstrous magnitude . SAGR. Pray you , Salviatus , let us lose no more time in proceeding , by the way of these proportions with people that are apt to admit things most dis-proportionate ; so that its impossible to win any thing upon them this way : and what more disproportionate proportion can be imagined than that which these men swallow down , and admit , in that writing , that there cannot be a more convenient way to dispose the Coelestial Spheres , in order , than to regulate them by the differences of the times of their periods , placing from one degree to another the more slow above the more swift , when they have constituted the Starry Sphere higher than the rest , as being the slowest , they frame another higher still than that , and consequently greater , and make it revolve in twenty four hours , whilst the next below , it moves not round under 36000. years ? SALV . I could wish , Simplicius , that suspending for a time the affection rhat you bear to the followers of your opinion , you would sincerely tell me , whether you think that they do in their minds comprehend that magnitude , which they reject afterwards as uncapable for its immensity to be ascribed to the Universe . For I , as to my own part , think that they do not ; But believe , that like as in the apprehension of numbers , when once a man begins to passe those millions of millions , the imagination is confounded , and can no longer form a conceipt of the same , so it happens also in comprehending immense magnitudes and distances ; so that there intervenes to the comprehension an effect like to that which befalleth the sense ; For whilest that in a serene night I look towards the Stars , I judge , according to sense , that their distance is but a few miles , and that the fixed Stars are not a jot more remote than Jupiter or Saturn , nay than the Moon . But without more ado , consider the controversies that have past between the Astronomers and Peripatetick Philosophers , upon occasion of the new Stars of Cassiopeia and of Sagittary , the Astronomers placing them amongst the fixed Stars , and the Philosophers believing them to be below the Moon . So unable is our sense to distinguish great distances from the greatest , though these be in reality many thousand times greater than those . In a word , I ask of thee , O foolish man ! Doth thy imagination comprehend that vast magnitude of the Universe , wh●ch thou afterwards judgest to be too immense ? If thou comprehendest it ; wilt thou hold that thy apprehension extendeth it self farther than the Divine Power ? wilt thou say , that thou canst imagine greater things than those which God can bring to passe ? But if thou apprehendest it not , why wilt thou passe thy verdict upon things beyond thy comprehension ? SIMP . All this is very well , nor can it be denied , but that Heaven may in greatnesse surpasse our imagination , as also that God might have created it thousands of times vaster than now it is ; but we ought not to grant any thing to have been made in vain , and to be idle in the Universe . Now , in that we see this admirable order of the Planets , disposed about the Earth in distances proportionate for producing their effects for our advantage , to what purpose is it to interpose afterwards between the sublime Orb of Saturn and the starry Sphere , a vast vacancy , without any star that is superfluous , and to no purpose ? To what end ? For whose profit and advantage ? SALV . Methinks we arrogate too much to our selves , Simplicius , whilst we will have it , that the onely care of us , is the adaequate work , and bound , beyond which the Divine Wisdome and Power doth , or disposeth of nothing . But I will not consent , that we should so much shorten its hand , but desire that we may content our selves with an assurance that God and Nature are so imployed in the governing of humane affairs , that they could not more apply themselves thereto , although they had no other care than onely that of mankind ; and this , I think , I am able to make out by a most pertinent and most noble example , taken from the operation of the Suns light , which whilest it attracteth these vapours , or scorcheth that plant , it attracteth , it scorcheth them , as if it had no more to do ; yea , in ripening that bunch of grapes , nay that one single grape , it doth apply it self so , that it could not be more intense , if the sum of all its business had been the only maturation of that grape . Now if this grape receiveth all that it is possible for it to receive from the Sun , not suffering the least injury by the Suns production of a thousand other effects at the same time ; it would be either envy or folly to blame that grape , if it should think or wish that the Sun would onely appropriate its rayes to its advantage . I am confident that nothing is omitted by the Divine Providence , of what concernes the government of humane affairs ; but that there may not be other things in the Universe , that depend upon the same infinite Wisdome , I cannot , of my self , by what my reason holds forth to me , bring my self to believe . However , if it were not so , yet should I not forbear to believe the reasons laid before me by some more sublime intelligence . In the mean time , if one should tell me , that an immense space interposed between the Orbs of the Planets and the Starry Sphere , deprived of stars and idle , would be vain and uselesse , as likewise that so great an immensity for receipt of the fixed stars , as exceeds our utmost comprehension would be superfluous , I would reply , that it is rashnesse to go about to make our shallow reason judg of the Works of God , and to call vain and superfluous , whatsoever thing in the Universe is not subservient to us . SAGR. Say rather , and I believe you would say better , that we know not what is subservient to us ; and I hold it one of the greatest vanities , yea follies , that can be in the World , to say , because I know not of what use Jupiter or Saturn are to me , that therefore these Planets are superfluous , yea more , that there are no such things in rerum natura ; when as , oh foolish man ! I know not so much as to what purpose the arteries , the gristles , the spleen , the gall do serve ; nay I should not know that I have a gall , spleen , or kidneys , if in many desected Corps , they were not shewn unto me ; and then onely shall I be able to know what the spleen worketh in me , when it comes to be taken from me . To be able to know what this or that Coelestial body worketh in me ( seeing you will have it that all their influences direct themselves to us ) it would be requisite to remove that body for some time ; and then whatsoever effect I should find wanting in me , I would say that it depended on that star . Moreover , who will presume to say that the space which they call too vast and uselesse between Saturn and the fixed stars , is void of other mundane bodies ? Must it be so , because we do not see them ? Then the four Medicean Planets , and the companions of Saturn came first into Heaven , when we began to see them , and not before ? And by this rule the innumerable other fixed stars had no existence before that men did look on them ? and the cloudy constellations called Nebulosae were at first only white flakes , but afterwards with the Telescope we made them to become constellations of many lucid and bright stars . Oh presumptious , rather oh rash ignorance of man ! SALV . It 's to no purpose Sagredus , to sally out any more into these unprofitable exaggerations : Let us pursue our intended designe of examining the validity of the reasons alledged on either side , without determining any thing , remitting the judgment thereof when we have done , to such as are more knowing . Returning therefore to our natural and humane disquisitions , I say , that great , little , immense , small , &c. are not absolute , but relative terms , so that the self same thing compared with divers others , may one while be called immense , and another while imperceptible , not to say small . This being so , I demand in relation to what the Starry Sphere of Copernicus may be called over vast . In my judgment it cannot be compared , or said to be such , unlesse it be in relation to some other thing of the same kind ; now let us take the very least of the same kind , which shall be the Lunar Orb ; and if the Starry Orb may be so censured to be too big in respect to that of the Moon , every other magnitude that with like or greater proportion exceedeth another of the same kind , ought to be adjudged too vast , and for the same reason to be denied that they are to be found in the World ; and thus an Elephant , and a Whale , shall without more ado be condemned for Chymaera's , and Poetical fictions , because that the one as being too vast in relation to an Ant , which is a Terrestrial animal , and the other in respect to the * Gudgeon , which is a Fish , and are certainly seen to be in rerum natura , would be too immeasurable ; for without all dispute , the Elephant and Whale exceed the Ant and Gudgeon in a much greater proportion than the Starry Sphere doth that of the Moon , although we should fancy the said Sphere to be as big as the Copernican Systeme maketh it . Moreover , how hugely big is the Sphere of Jupiter , or that of Saturn , designed for a receptacle but for one single star ; and that very small in comparison of one of the fixed ? Certainly if we should assign to every one of the fixed stars for its receptacle so great a part of the Worlds space , it would be necessary to make the Orb wherein such innumerable multitudes of them reside , very many thousands of times bigger than that which serveth the purpose of Copernicus . Besides , do not you call a fixed star very small , I mean even one of the most apparent , and not one of those which shun our sight ; and do we not call them so in respect of the vast space circumfused ? Now if the whole Starry Sphere were one entire lucid body ; who is there , that doth not know that in an infinite space there might be assigned a distance so great , as that the said lucid Sphere might from thence shew as little , yea lesse than a fixed star , now appeareth beheld from the Earth ? From thence therefore we should then judg that self same thing to be little , which now from hence we esteem to be immeasurably great . SAGR. Great in my judgment , is the folly of those who would have had God to have made the World more proportinal to the narrow capacities of their reason , than to his immense , rather infinite power . SIMP . All this that you say is very true ; but that upon which the adversary makes a scruple , is , to grant that a fixed star should be not onely equal to , but so much bigger than the Sun ; when as they both are particular bodies situate within the Starry Orb : And indeed in my opinion this Authour very pertinently questioneth and asketh : To what end , and for whose sake are such huge machines made ? Were they produced for the Earth , for an inconsiderable point ? And why so remote ? To the end they might seem so very small , and might have no influence at all upon the Earth ? To what purpose is such a needlesse monstrous * immensity between them and Saturn ? All those assertions fall to the ground that are not upheld by probable reasons . SALV . I conceive by the questions which this person asketh , that one may collect , that in case the Heavens , the Stars , and the quantity of their distances and magnitudes which he hath hitherto held , be let alone , ( although he never certainly fancied to himself any conceivable magnitude thereof ) he perfectly discerns and comprehends the benefits that flow from thence to the Earth , which is no longer an inconsiderable thing ; nor are they any longer so remote as to appeare so very small , but big enough to be able to operate on the Earth ; and that the distance between them and Saturn is very well proportioned , and that he , for all these things , hath very probable reasons ; of which I would gladly have heard some one : but being that in these few words he confounds and contradicts himself , it maketh me think that he is very poor and ill furnished with those probable reasons , and that those which he calls reasons , are rather fallacies , or dreams of an over-weening fancy . For I ask of him , whether these Celestial bodies truly operate on the Earth , and whether for the working of those effects they were produced of such and such magnitudes , and disposed at such and such distances , or else whether they have nothing at all to do with Terrene mattets . If they have nothing to do with the Earth ; it is a great folly for us that are Earth-born , to offer to make our selves arbitrators of their magnitudes , and regulators of their local dispositions , seeing that we are altogether ignorant of their whole businesse and concerns ; but if he shall say that they do operate , and that they are directed to this end , he doth affirm the same thing which a little before he denied , and praiseth that which even now he condemned , in that he said , that the Celestial bodies situate so far remote as that they appear very small , cannot have any influence at all upon the Earth . But , good Sir , in the Starry Sphere pre-established at its present distance , and which you did acknowledg to be in your judgment , well proportioned to have an influence upon these Terrene bodies , many stars appear very small , and an hundred times as many more are wholly invisible unto us ( which is an appearing yet lesse than very small ) therefore it is necessary that ( contradicting your self ) you do now deny their operation upon the Earth ; or else that ( still contradicting your self ) you grant that their appearing very small doth not in the least lessen their influence ; or else that ( and this shall be a more sincere and modest concession ) you acknowledg and freely confesse , that our passing judgment upon their magnitudes and distances is a vanity , not to say presumption or rashnesse . SIMP . Truth is , I my self did also , in reading this passage perceive the manifest contradiction , in saying , that the Stars ( if one may so speak ) of Copernicus appearing so very small , could not operate on the Earth , and not perceiving that he had granted an influence upon the Earth to those of Ptolomy , and his sectators , which appear not only very small , but are , for the most part , very invisible . SALV . But I proceed to another consideration : What is the reason , doth he say , why the stars appear so little ? Is it haply , because they seem so to us ? Doth not he know , that this commeth from the Instrument that we imploy in beholding them , to wit , from our eye ? And that this is true , by changing Instrument , we shall see them bigger and bigger , as much as we will. And who knows but that to the Earth , which beholdeth them without eyes , they may not shew very great , and such as in reality they are ? But it 's time that , omitting these trifles , we come to things of more moment ; and therefore I having already demonstrated these two things : First , how far off the Firmament ought to be placed to make , that the grand Orb causeth no greater difference than that which the Terrestrial Orb occasioneth in the remotenesse of the Sun ; And next , how likewise to make that a star of the Firmament appear to us of the same bignesse , as now we see it , it is not necessary to suppose it bigger than the Sun ; I would know whether Tycho , or any of his adherents hath ever attempted to find out , by any means , whether any appearance be to be discovered in the starry Sphere , upon which one may the more resolutely deny or admit the annual motion of the Earth . SAGR. I would answer for them , that there is not , no nor is there any need there should ; seeing that it is Copernicus himself that saith , that no such diversity is there : and they , arguing ad hominem , admit him the same ; and upon this assumption they demonstrate the improbability that followeth thereupon , namely , that it would be necessary to make the Sphere so immense , that a fixed star , to appear unto us as great as it now seems , ought of necessity to be of so immense a magnitude , as that it would exceed the bignesse of the whole grand Orb , a thing , which notwithstanding , as they say , is altogether incredible . SALV . I am of the same judgment , and verily believe that they argue contra hominem , studying more to defend another man , than desiring to come to the knowledge of the truth . And I do not only believe , that none of them ever applied themselves to make any such observation , but I am also uncertain , whether any of them do know what alteration the Earths annual motion ought to produce in the fixed stars , in case the starry Sphere were not so far distant , as that in them the said diversity , by reason of its minuity dis-appeareth ; for their surceasing that inquisition , and referring themselves to the meer assertion of Copernicus , may very well serve to convict a man , but not to acquit him of the fact : For its possible that such a diversity may be , and yet not have been sought for ; or that either by reason of its minuity , or for want of exact Instruments it was not discovered by Copernicus ; for though it were so , this would not be the first thing , that he either for want of Instruments , or for some other defect hath not known ; and yet he proceeding upon other solid and rational conjectures , affirmeth that , which the things by him not discovered do seem to contradict : for , as hath been said already , without the Telescope , neither could Mars be discerned to increase 60. times ; nor Venus 40. more in that than in this position ; yea , their differences appear much lesse than really they are and yet neverthelesse it is certainly discovered at length , that those mutations are the same , to an hair that the Copernican Systeme required . Now it would be very well , if with the greatest accuratenesse possible one should enquire whether such a mutation as ought to be discoverable in the fixed stars , supposing the annual motion of the Earth , would be observed really and in effect , a thing which I verily believe hath never as yet been done by any ; done , said I ? no , nor haply ( as I said before ) by many well understood how it ought to be done . Nor speak I this at randome , for I have heretofore seen a certain Manuscript of one of these Anti-Copernicans , which said , that there would necessarily follow , in case that opinion were true , a continual rising and falling of the Pole from six moneths to six moneths , according as the Earth in such a time , by such a space as is the diameter of the grand Orb , retireth one while towards the North , and another while towards the South ; and yet it seemed to him reasonable , yea necessary , that we , following the Earth , when we were towards the North should have the Pole more elevated than when we are towards the South . In this very error did one fall that was otherwise a very skilful Mathematician , & a follower of Copernic . as Tycho relateth in his * Progymnasma . pag. 684. which said , that he had observed the Polar altitude to vary , and to differ in Summer from what it is in Winter : and because Tycho denieth the merit of the cause , but findeth no fault with the method of it ; that is , denieth that there is any mutation to be seen in the altitude of the Pole , but doth not blame the inquisition , for not being adapted to the finding of what is sought , he thereby sheweth , that he also esteeemed the Polar altitude varied , or not varied every six moneths , to be a good testimony to disprove or inferre the annual motion of the Earth . SIMP . In truth , Salviatus , my opinion also tells me , that the same must necessarily ensue : for I do not think that you will deny me , but that if we walk only 60. miles towards the North , the Pole will rise unto us a degree higher , and that if we move 60. miles farther Northwards , the Pole will be elevated to us a degree more , &c. Now if the approaching or receding 60. miles onely , make so notable a change in the Polar altitudes , what alteration would follow , if the Earth and we with it , should be transported , I will not say 60. miles , but 60. thousand miles that way . SALV . It would follow ( if it should proceed in the same proportion ) that the Pole shall be elevated a thousand degrees . See , Simplicius , what a long rooted opinion can do . Yea , by reason you have fixed it in your mind for so many years , that it is Heaven , that revolveth in twenty four hours , and not the Earth , and that consequently the Poles of that Revolution are in Heaven , and not in the Terrestrial Globe , cannot now , in an hours time shake off this habituated conceipt , and take up the contrary , fancying to your self , that the Earth is that which moveth , only for so long time as may suffice to conceive of what would follow , thereupon should that lye be a truth . If the Earth Simplicius , be that which moveth in its self in twenty four hours , in it are the Poles , in it is the Axis , in it is the Equinoctial , that is , the grand Circle , described by the point , equidistant from the Poles , in it are the infinite Parallels bigger and lesser described by the points of the superficies more and lesse distant from the Poles , in it are all these things , and not in the starry Sphere , which , as being immoveable , wants them all , and can only by the imagination be conceived to be therein , prolonging the Axis of the Earth so far , till that determining , it shall mark out two points placed right over our Poles , and the plane of the Equinoctial being extended , it shall describe in Heaven a circle like it self . Now if the true Axis , the true Poles , the true Equinoctial , do not change in the Earth so long as you continue in the same place of the Earth , and though the Earth be transported , as you do please , yet you shall not change your habitude either to the Poles , or to the circles , or to any other Earthly thing ; and this because , that that transposition being common to you and to all Terrestrial things ; and that motion where it is common , is as if it never were ; and as you change not habitude to the Terrestrial Poles ( habitude I say , whether that they rise , or descend ) so neither shall you change position to the Poles imagined in Heaven ; alwayes provided that by Celestial Poles we understand ( as hath been already defined ) those two points that come to be marked out by the prolongation of the Terrestrial Axis unto that length . T is true those points in Heaven do change , when the Earths transportment is made after such a manner , that its Axis cometh to passe by other and other points of the immoveable Celestial Sphere , but our habitude thereunto changeth not , so as that the second should be more elevated to us than the first . If any one will have one of the points of the Firmament , which do answer to the Poles of the Earth to ascend , and the other to descend , he must walk along the Earth towards the one , receding from the other , for the transportment of the Earth , and with it us our selves , ( as I told you before ) operates nothing at all . SAGR. Permit me , I beseech you Salviatus , to make this a little more clear by an example , which although grosse , is acommodated to this purpose . Suppose your self , Simplicius , to be aboard a Ship , and that standing in the Poope , or Hin-deck ; you have directed a Quadrant , or some other Astronomical Instrument , towards the top of the Top-gallant-Mast , as if you would take its height , which suppose it were v. gr . 40. degrees , there is no doubt , but that if you walk along the * Hatches towards the Mast 25. or 30. paces ; and then again direct the said Instrument to the same Top-Gallant-Top . You shall find its elevation to be greater , and to be encreased v. gr . 10. degrees ; but if instead of walking those 25. or 30. paces towards the Mast , you stand still at the Sterne , and make the whole Ship to move thitherwards , do you believe that by reason of the 25. or 30. paces that it had past , the elevation of the Top-Gallant-Top would shew 10. degrees encreased ? SIMP . I believe and know that it would not gain an hairs breadth in the passing of 30. paces , nor of a thousand , no nor of an hundred thousand miles ; but yet I believe withal that looking through the sights at the Top and Top-Gallant , if I should find a fixed Star that was in the same elevation , I believe I say , that , holding still the Quadrant , after I had sailed towards the star 60. miles , the eye would meet with the top of the said Mast , as before , but not with the star , which would be elevated to me one degree . SAGR. Then you do not think that the sight would fall upon that point of the Starry Sphere , that answereth to the direction of the Top-Gallant Top ? SIMP . No : For the point would be changed , and would be beneath the star first observed . SAGR. You are in the right . Now like as that which in this example answereth to the elevation of the Top-Gallant-Top , is not the star , but the point of the Firmament that lyeth in a right line with the eye , and the said top of the Mast , so in the case exemplified , that which in the Firmament answers to the Pole of the Earth , is not a star , or other fixed thing in the Firmament ; but is that point in which the Axis of the Earth continued streight out , till it cometh thither doth determine , which point is not fixed , but obeyeth the mutations that the Pole of the Earth doth make . And therefore Tycho , or who ever else that did alledg this objection , ought to have said that upon that same motion of the Earth , were it true , one might observe some difference in the elevation and depression ( not of the Pole , but ) of some fixed star toward that part which answereth to our Pole. SIMP . I already very well understand the mistake by them committed ; but yet therefore ( which to me seems very great ) of the argument brought on the contrary is not lessened , supposing relation to be had to the variation of the stars , and not of the Pole ; for if the moving of the Ship but 60. miles , make a fixed star rise to me one degree , shall I not find alike , yea and very much greater mutation , if the Ship should sail towards the said star for so much space as is the Diameter of the Grand Orb , which you affirm to be double the distance that is between the Earth and Sun ? SAGR. Herein Simplicius , there is another fallacy , which , truth is , you understand , but do not upon the sudden think of the same , but I will try to bring it to your remembrance : Tell me therefore ; if when after you have directed the Quadrant to a fixed star , and found v. g. its elevation to be 40. degrees , you should without stirring from the place , incline the side of the Quadrant , so as that the star might remain elevated above that direction , would you thereupon say that the star had acquired greater elevation ? SIMP . Certainly no : For the mutation was made in the Instrument and not in the Observer , that did change place , moving towards the same . SAGR. But if you sail or walk along the surface of the Terrestrial Globe , will you say that there is no alteration made in the said Quadrant , but that the same elevation is still retained in respect of the Heavens , so long as you your self do not incline it , but let it stand at its first constitution ? SIMP . Give me leave to think of it . I would say without more ado , that it would not retain the same , in regard the progresse I make is not in plano , but about the circumference of the Terrestrial Globe , which at every step changeth inclination in respect to Heaven , and consequently maketh the same change in the Instrument which is erected upon the same . SAGR. You say very well : And you know withal , that by how much the bigger that circle shall be upon which you move , so many more miles you are to walk , to make the said star to rise that same degree higher ; and that finally if the motion towards the star should be in a right line , you ought to move yet farther , than if it were about the circumference of never so great a circle ? SALV . True : For in short the circumference of an infinite circle , and a right line are the same thing . SAGR. But this I do not understand , nor as I believe , doth Simplicius apprehend the same ; and it must needs be concealed from us under some mistery , for we know that Salviatus never speaks at random , nor proposeth any Paradox , which doth not break forth into some conceit , not trivial in the least . Therefore in due time and place I will put you in mind to demonstrate this , that the right line is the same with the circumference of an infinite circle , but at present I am unwilling that we should interrupt the discourse in hand . Returning then to the case , I propose to the consideration of Simplicius , how the accession and recession that the Earth makes from the said fixed star which is neer the Pole can be made as it were by a right line , for such is the Diameter of the Grand Orb , so that the attempting to regulate the elevation and depression of the Polar star by the motion along the said Diameter , as if it were by the motion about the little circle of the Earth , is a great argument of but little judgment . SIMP . But we continue still unsatisfied , in regard that the said small mutation that should be therein , would not be discerned ; and if this be null , then must the annual motion about the Grand Orb ascribed to the Earth , be null also . SAGR. Here now I give Salviatus leave to go on , who as I believe will not overpasse the elevation and depression of the Polar star or any other of those that are fixed as null , although not discovered by any one , and affirmed by Copernicus himself to be , I will not say null , but unobservable by reason of its minuity . SALV . I have already said above , that I do not think that any one did ever set himself to observe , whether in different times of the year there is any mutation to be seen in the fixed stars , that may have a dependance on the annual motion of the Earth , and added withal , that I doubted least haply some might never have understood what those mutations are , and amongst what stars they should be discerned ; therefore it would be necessary that we in the next place narrowly examine this particular . My having onely found written in general terms that the annual motion of the Earth about the Grand Orb , ought not to be admitted , because it is not probable but that by means of the same there would be discoverd some apparent mutation in the fixed stars , and not hearing say what those apparent mutations ought to be in particular , and in what stars , maketh me very reasonably to infer that they who rely upon that general position , have not understood , no nor possibly endeavoured to understand , how the businesse of these mutations goeth , nor what things those are which they say ought to be seen . And to this judgment I am the rather induced ; knowing that the annual motion ascribed by Copernicus to the Earth , if it should appear sensible in the Starry Sphere , is not to make apparent mutations equal in respect to all the stars , but those appearances ought to be made in some greater , in others lesser , and in others yet lesser ; and lastly , in others absolutely nothing at all , by reason of the vast magnitude that the circle of this annual motion is supposed to be of . As for the mutations that should b● seen , they are of two kinds , one is the said stars changing apparent magnitude , and the other their variation of altitudes in the Meridian . Upon which necessarily followeth the mutation of risings and settings , and of their distances from the Zenith , &c. SAGR. Methinks I see preparing for me such a skean of these revolutions , that I wish it may never be my task to dis-intangle them , for to confesse my infirmity to Salviatus , I have sometimes thought thereon , but could never find the * Lay-band of it , and I speak not so much of this which pertains to the fixed stars , as of another more terrible labour which you bring to my remembrance by maintaining these Meridian Altitudes , Ortive Latitudes and distances from the Vertex , &c. And that which puzzleth my brains , ariseth from what I am now about to tell you . Copernicus supposeth the Starry Sphere immoveable , and the Sun in the centre thereof immoveable also . Therefore every mutation which seemeth unto us to be made in the Sun or in the fixed stars , must of necessity befall the Earth and be ous . But the Sun riseth and declineth in our Meridian by a very great arch of almost 47. degrees , and by arches yet greater and greatet , varieth its Ortive and Occidual Latitudes in the oblique Horizons . Now how can the Earth ever incline and elevate so notably to the Sun , and nothing at all to the fixed stars , or so little , that it is not to be perceived ? This is that knot which could never get thorow my * Loom-Combe ; and if you shall untie it , I shall hold you for more than an Alexander . SALV . These are scruples worthy of the ingenuity of Sagredus , and this doubt is so intricate , that even Copernicus himself almost despaired of being able to explain the same , so as to render it intelligible , which we see as well by his own confession of its obscurity , as also by his , at two several times , taking two different wayes to make it out . And , I ingenuously confesse that I understood not his explanation , till such time as another method more plain and manifest , had rendred it intelligible ; and yet neither was that done without a long and laborious application of my thoughts to the same . SIMP . Aristotle saw the same scruple , and makes use thereof to oppose certain of the Ancients , who held that the Earth was a Planet ; against whom he argueth , that if it were so , it would follow that it also , as the rest of the Planets , should have a plurality of motions , from whence would follow these variations in the risings and settings of the fixed stars , and likewise in the Meridian Altitudes . And in regard that he propoundeth the difficulty , and doth not answer it , it must needs be , if not impossible , at least very difficult to be resolved . SALV . The stresse and strength of the knot rendereth the solution thereof more commendable and admirable ; but I do not promise you the same at this time , and pray you to dispense with me therein till too morrow , and for the present we will go considering and explaining those mutations and differences that by means of the annual motion ought to be discerned in the fixed stars , like as even now we said , for the explication whereof certain preparatory points offer themselves , which may facilitate the answer to the grand objection . Now reassuming the two motions ascribed to the Earth ( two I say , for the third is no motion , as in its place I will declare ) that is the annual and diurnal , the first is to be understood to be made by the centre of the Earth in or about the circumference of the grand Orb , that is of a very great circle described in the plain of the fixed and immutable Ecliptick ; the other , namely the diurnal , is made by the Globe of the Earth in it self about its own centre , and own Axis , not erect , but inclined to the Plane of the Ecliptick , with the inclination of 23. degrees and an half , or thereabouts , the which inclination is maintained all the year about , and that which ought especially to be observed , is alwayes situate towards the same point of Heaven : in so much that the Axis of the diurnal motion doth alwayes remain parallel to it self ; so that if we imagine that same Axis to be continued out until it reach the fixed stars , whilst the centre of the Earth is encircling the whole Ecliptick in a year , the said Axis describeth the superficies of an oblique Cylinder , which hath for one of its bases the said annual circle , and for the other a like circle imaginarily described by its extremity , or , ( if you will ) Pole , amongst the fixed stars . And this same cylinder is oblique to the Plane of the Ecliptick , according to the inclination of the Axis that describeth it , which we have said to be 23 degrees and an half , the which continuing perpetually the same ( save onely , that in many thousands of years it maketh some very small mutation , which nothing importeth in our present businesse ) causeth that the Terrestrial Globe doth never more incline or elevate , but still conserveth the same state without mutation . From whence ensueth , that as to what pertaineth to the mutations to be observed in the fixed stars dependant on the sole annual motion , the same shall happen to any point whatsoever of the Earths surface , as befalleth unto the centre of the Earth it self ; and therefore in the present explanations we will make use of the centre , as if it were any whatsoever point of the superficies . And for a more facile understanding of the whole , let us design the same in lineal figures : And first of all let us describe in the Plane of the Ecliptick the circle ANBO [ in Fig. 7. ] and let us understand the points A and B , to be the extreams towards the North and South ; that is , the beginning of [ or entrance into ] Cancer or Capricorn , and let us prolong the Diameter AB , indeterminately by D and C towards the Starry Sphere . I say now in the first place , that none of the fixed stars placed in the Ecliptick , shall ever vary elevation , by reason of any whatsoever mutation made by the Earth along the said Plane of the Ecliptick , but shall alwayes appear in the same superficies , although the Earth shall approach and recede as great a space as is that of the diameter of the Grand Orb , as may plainly be seen in the said figure . For whether the Earth be in the point A or in B , the star C alwayes appeareth in the same line ABC ; although the distance BC , be lesse than AC , by the whole diameter AB . The most therefore that can be discovered in the star C , and in any other placed in the Ecliptick , is the augmented or diminished apparent magnitude , by reason of the approximation or recession of the Earth . SAGR. Stay a while I pray you , for I meet with a certain scruple , which much troubleth me , and it is this : That the star C may be seen by the same line ABC , as wel when the Earth is in A , as when it is in B , I understand very well , as also furthermore I apprehend that the same would happen in all the points of the line AB , so long as the Earth should passe from A to B by the said line ; but it passing thither , as is to be supposed , by the arch ANB , it is manifest that when it shall be in the point N , and in any other except those two A and B , the said star shall no longer be observed in the line AB ; but in others . So that , if the appearing under several lines ought to cause apparent mutations , some difference must needs appear in this case . Nay more , I will speak it with that Philosophical freedom , which ought to be allowed amongst Philosophick friends , methinks that you , contradicting your self , deny that now , which but even now to our admiration , you proved to be really true , and considerable ; I mean that which happeneth in the Planets , and particularly in the three superiour ones , that being constantly in the Ecliptick , or very near unto it , do not onely shew themselves one while near unto us , and another while remote , but so deformed in their regular motions , that they seem sometimes immoveable , and sometimes many degrees retrograde ; and all upon no other occasion than the annual motion of the Earth . SALV . Though by a thousand accidents I have been heretofore assured of the wittinesse of Sagredus , yet I had a desire by this one experiment more to ascertain me of what I may expect from his ingenuity , and all this for my own interest , for in case my Propositions stand but proof against the hammer and furnace of his judgment , I shall be confident that they will abide the * test of all Touch-stones . I say therefore that I had purposely dissembled this objection , but yet not with any intent to deceive you , and to put any falshood upon you , as it might have happened if the objection by me disguised , and by you over-lookt , had been the same in effect as it seemed to be in appearance , that is , really valid and conclusive ; but it is not so ; nay I rather suspect that to try me , you make as if you did not see its nullity . But I will herein be too hard for you , and force from your tongue , that which you would so artificially conceal ; and therefore tell me , what that thing should be , whereby you come to know the station and retrogradation of the Planets , which is derived from the annual motion , aud which is so great , that at least some foot-steps of such an effect ought to appear in the stars of the Ecliptick ? SAGR. This demand of yours containeth two questions , to which it is necessary that I make reply ; the first relates to the imputation which you lay upon me of a Dissembler ; the other concerneth that which may appear in the stars , &c. As to the first , I will say with your permission , that it is not true , that I have dissembled my knowing the nullity of that objection ; and to assure you of the same , I now tell you that I very well understand the nullity thereof . SALV . But yet I do not understand how it can be , that you spake not friendly , when you said you did not know that same fallacy which you now confesse that you know very well . SAGR. The very confession of knowing it may assure you that I did not dissemble , when I said that I did not understand it ; for if I had had a mind , and would dissemble , who could hinder me from continuing in the same simulation , and denying still that I understand the fallacy ? I say therefore that I understood not the same , at that time , but that I do now at this present apprehend it , for that you have prompted my intellect , first by telling me resolutely that it is null , and then by beginning to question me so at large what thing that might be , whereby I might come to know the station and retrogradation of the Planets ; and because this is known by comparing them with the fixed stars , in relation to which , they are seen to vary their motions , one while towards the West , and another towards the East , and sometimes to abide immoveable ; and because there is not any thing above the Starry Sphere , immensely more remote from us , and visible unto us , wherewith we may compare our fixed stars , therefore we cannot discover in the fixed stars any foot-steps of what appeareth to us in the Planets . This I believe is the substance of that which you would force from me . SALV . It is so , with the addition moreover of your admirable ingenuity ; and if with half a word I did open your eyes , you by the like have remembred me that it is not altogether impossible , but that sometime or other something observable may be found amongst the fixed stars , by which it may be gathered wherein the annual conversion resides , so as that they also no lesse than the Planets and Sun it self , may appear in judgment to bear witnesse of that motion , in favour of the Earth ; for I do not think that the sta●s are spread in a spherical superficies equally remote from a common centre , but hold , that their distances from us are so various , that some of them may be twice and thrice as remote as others ; so that if with the Telescope one should observe a very small star neer to one of the bigger , and which therefore was very exceeding high , it might happen , that some sensible mutation might fall out between them , correspondent to that of the superiour Planets . And so much shall serve to have spoken at this time touching the stars placed in the Ecliptick . Let us now come to the fixed stars , placed out of the Ecliptick , and let us suppose a great circle erect upon [ i. e. at right angles to ] the Plane of the * same ; and let it , for example , be a circle that in the Starry Sphere answers to the Solstitial Colure , and let us mark it CEH [ in Fig. 8. ] which shall happen to be withal a Meridian , and in it we will take a star without the Ecliptick , which let be E. Now this star will indeed vary its elevation upon the Earths motion ; for from the Earth in A it shall be seen according to the ray AE , with the elevation of the angle EAC ; but from the Earth placed in B , it shall be seen according to the ray BE , with the elevation of the angle EBC , bigger than the other EAC , that being extern , and this intern and opposite in the triangle EAB , the distance therefore of the star E from the Ecliptick , shall appear changed ; and likewise its altitude in the Meridian shall become greater in the position B , than in the place A , according as the angle EBC exceeds the angle EAC , which excesse is the quantity of the angle AEB : For in the triangle EAB , the side AB being continued to C , the exteriour angle EBC ( as being equal to the two interiour and opposite E and A ) exceedeth the said angle A , by the quantity of the angle E. And if we should take another star in the same Meridian , more remote from the Ecliptick , as for instance the star H , the diversity in it shall be greater by being observed from the two stations A and B , according as the angle AHB is greater than the other E ; which angle shall encrease continually according as the observed star shall be farther and farther from the Ecliptick , till that at last the greatest mutation will appear in that star that should be placed in the very Pole of the Ecliptick . As for a full understanding thereof we thus demonstrate . Suppose the diameter of the Grand Orb to be AB , whose centre [ in the same Figure ] is G , and let it be supposed to be continued out as far as the Starry Sphere in the points D and C , and from the centre G let there be erected the Axis of the Ecliptick GF , prolonged till it arrive at the said Sphere , in which a Meridian DFC is supposed to be described , that shall be perpendicular to the Plane of the Ecliptick ; and in the arch FC any points H and E , are imagined to be taken , as places of fixed stars : Let the lines FA , FB , AH , HG , HB , AE , GE , BE , be conjoyned . And let the angle of difference , or , if you will , the Parallax of the star placed in the Pole F , be AFB , and let that of the star placed in H , be the angle AHB , and let that of the star in E , be the angle AEB . I say , that the angle of difference of the Polar star F , is the greatest , and that of the rest , those that are nearer to the greatest are bigger than the more remote ; that is to say , that the angle F is bigger than the angle H , and this bigger than the angle E. Now about the triangle FAB , let us suppose a circle to be described . And because the angle F is acute , ( by reason that its base AB is lesse than the diameter DC , of the semicircle DFC ) it shall be placed in the greater portion of the circumscribed circle cut by the base AB . And because the said AB is divided in the midst , and at right angles by FG , the centre of the circumscribed circle shall be in the line FG , which let be the point I ; and because that of such lines as are drawn from the point G , which is not the centre , unto the circumference of the circumscribed circle , the biggest is that which passeth by the centre , GF shall be bigger than any other that is drawn from the point G , to the circumference of the said circle ; and therefore that circumference will cut the line GH ( which is equal to the line GF ) and cutting GH , it will also cut AH . Let it cut it in L , and conjoyn the line LB . These two angles , therefore , AFB and ALB shall be equal , as being in the same portion of the circle circumscribed . But ALB external , is bigger than the internal H ; therefore the angle F is bigger than the angle H. And by the same method we might demonstrate the angle H to be bigger than the angle E , because that of the circle described about the triangle AHB , the centre is in the perpendicular GF , to which the line GH is nearer than the line GE , and therefore the circumference of it cutteth GE , and also AE , whereupon the proposition is manifest . We will conclude from hence , that the difference of appearance , ( which with the proper term of art , we might call the Parallax of the fixed stars ) is greater , or lesse , according as the Stars observed are more or lesse adjacent to the Pole of the Ecliptick , so that , in conclusion of those Stars that are in the Ecliptick it self , the said diversity is reduced to nothing . In the next place , as to the Earths accession by that motion to , or recession from the Stars , it appeareth to , and recedeth from those that are in the Ecliptick , the quantity of the whole diameter of the grand Orb , as we did see even now , but that accession or recession to , or from the stars about the Pole of the Ecliptick , is almost nothing ; and in going to and from others , this difference groweth greater , according as they are neerer to the Ecliptick . We may , in the third place , know , that the said difference of Aspect groweth greater or lesser , according as the Star observed shall be neerer to us , or farther from us . For if we draw another Meridian , lesse distant from the Earth ; as for example , this DFI [ in Fig. 7. ] a Star placed in F , and seen by the same ray AFE , the Earth being in A , would , in case it should be observed from the Earth in B , appear according to the ray BF , and would make the angle of difference , namely , BFA , bigger than the former AEB , being the exteriour angle of the triangle BFE . SAGR. With great delight , and also benefit have I heard your discourse ; and that I may be certain , whether I have rightly understood the same , I shall give you the summe of the Conclusions in a few words . As I take it , you have explained to us the different appearances , that by means of the Earths annual motion , may be by us observed in the fixed stars to be of two kinds : The one is , that of their apparent magnitudes varied , according as we , transported by the Earth , approach or recede from the same : The other ( which likewise dependeth on the same accession and recession ) their appearing unto us in the same Meridian , one while more elevated , and another while lesse . Moreover , you tell us ( and I understand it very well ) that the one and other of these mutations are not made alike in all the stars , but in some greater , and in others lesser , and in others not at all . The accession and recession whereby the same star ought to appear , one while bigger , and another while lesser , is insensible , and almost nothing in the stars neer unto the pole of the Ecliptick , but is greatest in the stars placed in the Ecliptick it self , and indifferent in the intermediate : the contrary happens in the other difference , that is , the elevation or depression of the stars placed in the Ecliptick is nothing at all , greatest in those neerest to the Pole of the said Ecliptick , and indifferent in the intermediate . Besides , both these differences are more sensible in the Stars neerest to us , in the more remote lesse sensible , and in those that are very far distant wholly disappear . This is , as to what concerns my self ; it remaineth now , as I conceive , that something be said for the satisfaction of Simplicius , who , as I believe , will not easily be made to over-passe those differences , as insensible that are derived from a motion of the Earth so vast , and from a mutation that transports the Earth into places twice as far distant from us as the Sun. SIMP . Truth is , to speak freely , I am very loth to confesse , that the distance of the fixed Stars ought to be such , that in them the fore-mentioned differences should be wholly imperceptible . SALV . Do not throw your self into absolute despair , Simplicius , for there may perhaps yet some qualification be found for your difficulties . And first , that the apparent magnitude of the stars is not seen to make any sensible alteration , ought not to be judged by you a thing improbable , in regard you see the guesses of men in this particular to be so grossely erroneous , especially in looking upon splendid objects ; and you your self beholding v. g. a lighted Torch at the distance of 200 paces , if it approach nearer to you 3. or 4. yards , do you think that it will shew any whit encreased in magnitude ? I for my part should not perceive it certainly , although it should approach 20. or 30. yards nearer ; nay it hath sometimes happened that in seeing such a light at that distance I know not how to resolve whether it came towards me , or retreated from me , when as it did in reality approach nearer to me . But what need I speak of this ? If the self same accession and recession ( I speak of a distance twice as great as that from the Sun to us ) in the star of Saturn is almost totally imperceptible , and in Jupiter not very observable , what shall we think of the fixed stars , which I believe you will not scruple to place twice as far off as Saturn ? In Mars , which for that it is nearer to us — SIMP . Pray Sir , put your self to no farther trouble in this particular , for I already conceive that what hath been spoken touching the unaltered apparent magnitude of the fixed stars may very well come to passe , but what shall we say of the other difficulty that proceeds from not perceiving any variation in the mutation of aspect ? SALV . We will say that which peradventure may satisfie you also in this particular . And to make short , would you not be satisfied if there should be discovered in the stars face mutations that you think ought to be discovered , in case the annual motion belonged to the Earth ? SIMP . I should so doubtlesse , as to what concerns this particular . SALV . I could wish you would say that in case such a difference were discovered , nothing more would remain behind , that might render the mobility of the Earth questionable . But although yet that should not sensibly appear ▪ yet is not its mobility removed , nor its immobility necessarily proved , it being possible , ( as Copernicus affirmeth ) that the immense distance of the Starry Sphere rendereth such very small Phaenomena unobservable ; the which as already hath been said , may possibly not have been hitherto so much as sought for , or if sought for , yet not sought for in such a way as they ought , to wit , with that exactnesse which to so minute a punctuality would be necessary ; which exactnesse is very difficult to obtain , as well by reason of the deficiency of Astronomical Instruments , subject to many alterations , as also through the fault of those that manage them with less diligence then is requisite . A necessary argument how little credit is to be given to those observations may be deduced from the differences which we find amongst Astronomers in assigning the places , I will not say , of the new Stars or Comets , but of the fixed stars themselves , even to the altitudes of the very Poles , in which , most an end , they are found to differ from one another many minutes . And to speak the truth , who can in a Quadrant , or Sextant , that at most shall have its side * 3. or 4. yards long , ascertain himself in the incidence of the perpendicular , or in the direction of the sights , not to erre two or three minutes , which in its circumference shall not amount to the breadth of a grain of * Mylet ? Besides that , it is almost impossible , that the Instrument should be made , and kept with absolute exactnesse . Ptolomey sheweth his distrust of a Spherical Instrument composed by Archimedes hismelf to take the Suns ingression into the Aequinoctial . SIMP . But if the Instruments be so suspitious , and the observations so dubious , how can we ever come to any certainty of things , or free our selves from mistakes ? I have heard strange things of the Instruments of Tycho made with extraordinary cost , and of his singular diligence in observations . SALV . All this I grant you ; but neither one nor other of these is sufficient to ascertain us in a businesse of this importance . I desire that we may make use of Instruments greater by far , and by far certainer than those of Tycho , made with a very small charge ; the sides of which are of 4. 6. 20. 30. and 50. miles , so as that a degree is a mile broad , a minute prim . 50 * yards , a second but little lesse than a yard , and in short we may without a farthing expence procure them of what bignesse we please . I being in a Countrey Seat of mine near to Florence , did plainly observe the Suns arrival at , and departure from the Summer Solstice , whilst one Evening at the time of its going down it appeared upon the top of a Rock on the Mountains of Pietrapana , about 60. miles from thence , leaving discovered of it a small streak or filament ▪ towards the North , whose breadth was not the hundredth part of its Diameter ; and the following Evening at the like setting , it shew'd such another part of it , but notably more small , a necessary argument , that it had begun to recede from the Tropick ; and the regression of the Sun from the first to the second observation , doth not import doubtlesse a second minute in the East . The observation made afterwards with an exquisite Telescope , and that multiplyeth the Discus of the Sun more than a thousand times , would prove easie , and with all delightful . Now with such an Instrument as this , I would have observations to be made in the fixed stars , making use of some of those wherein the mutation ought to appear more conspicuous , such as are ( as hath already been declared ) the more remote from the Ecliptick , amongst which the Harp a very great star , and near to the Pole of the Ecliptick , would be very proper in Countries far North , proceeding according to the manner that I shall shew by and by , but in the use of another star ; and I have already fancied to my self a place very well adapted for such an observation . The place is an open Plane , upon which towards the North there riseth a very eminent Mountain , in the apex or top whereof is built a little Chappel , situate East and West , so as that the ridg of its Roof may intersect at right angles , the meridian of some building standing in the Plane . I will place a beam parallel to the said ridg , or top of the Roof , and distant from it a yard or thereabouts . This being placed , I will seek in the Plain the place from whence one of the stars of Charls's Waine , in passing by the Meridian , cometh to hide it self behind the beam so placed , or in case the beam should not be so big as to hide the star , I will finde a station where one may see the said beam to cut the said star into two equal parts ; an effect that with an * exquisite Telescope may be perfectly discerned . And if in the place where the said accident is discovered , there were some building , it will be the more commodious ; but if not , I will cause a Pole to be stuck very fast in the ground , with some standing mark to direct where to place the eye anew , when ever I have a mind to repeat the observation . The first of which observations I will make about the Summer Solstice , to continue afterwards from Moneth to Moneth , or when I shall so please , to the other Solstice ; with which observation one may discover the elevation and depression of the star , though it be very small . And if in that operation it shall happen , that any mutation shall discover it self , what and how great benefit will it bring to Astronomy ? Seeing that thereby , besides our being assured of the annual motion , we may come to know the grandure and distance of the same star . SAGR. I very well comprehend your whole proceedings ; and the operation seems to me so easie , and so commodious for the purpose , that it may very rationally be thought , that either Copernicus himself , or some other Astronomer had made trial of it . SALV . But I judg the quite contrary , for it is not probable , that if any one had experimented it , he would not have mentioned the event , whether it fell out in favour of this , or that opinion ; besides that , no man that I can find , either for this , or any other end , did ever go about to make such an Observation ; which also without an exact Telescope could but badly be effected . SIMP . I am fully satisfied with what you say . But seeing that it is a great while to night , if you desire that I shall passe the same quietly , let it not be a trouble to you to explain unto us those Problems , the declaration whereof you did even now request might be deferred until too morrow . Be pleased to grant us your promised indulgence , and , laying aside all other discourses , proceed to shew us , that the motions which Copernicus assigns to the Earth being taken for granted , and supposing the Sun and fixed stars immoveable , there may follow the same accidents touching the elevations and depressions of the Sun , touching the mutations of the Seasons , and the inequality of dayes and nights , &c. in the self same manner , just as they are with facility apprehended in the Ptolomaick Systeme . SALV . I neither ought , nor can deny any thing that Sagredus shall request : And the delay by me desired was to no other end , save only that I might have time once again to methodize those prefatory points , in my fancy , that serve for a large and plain declaration of the manner how the forenamed accidents follow , as well in the Copernican position , as in the Ptolomaick : nay , with much greater facility and simplicity in that than in this . Whence one may manifestly conceive that Hypothesis to be as easie to be effected by nature , as difficult to be apprehended by the understanding : yet neverthelesse , I hope by making use of another kind of explanation , than that used by Copernicus , to render likewise the apprehending of it somewhat lesse obscure . Which that I may do , I will propose certain suppositions of themselves known and manifest , and they shall be these that follow . First , I suppose that the Earth is a spherical body , turning round upon its own Axis and Poles , and that each point assigned in its superficies , describeth the circumference of a circle , greater or lesser , according as the point assigned shall be neerer or farther from the Poles : And that of these circles the greatest is that which is described by a point equidistant from the said Poles ; and all these circles are parallel to each other ; and Parallels we will call them . Secondly , The Earth being of a Spherical Figure , and of an opacous substance , it is continually illuminated by the Sun , according to the half of its surface , the other half remaining obscure , and the boundary that distinguisheth the illuminated part from the dark being a grand circle , we will call that circle the terminator of the light . Thirdly , If the Circle that is terminator of the light should passe by the Poles of the Earth , it would cut ( being a grand and principal circle ) all the parallels into equal parts ; but not passing by the Poles , it would cut them all in parts unequal , except only the circle in the middle , which , as being a grand circle will be cut into equal parts . Fourthly , The Earth turning round upon its own Poles , the quantities of dayes and nights are termined by the arches of the Parallels , intersected by the circle , that is , the terminator of the light , and the arch that is scituate in the illuminated Hemisphere prescribeth the length of the day , and the remainer is the quantity of the night . These things being presupposed , for the more clear understanding of that which remaines to be said , we will lay it down in a Figure . And first , we will draw the circumference of a circle , that shall represent unto us that of the grand Orb described in the plain of the Ecliptick , and this we will divide into four equal parts with the two diameters Capricorn Cancer , and Libra Aries , which , at the same time , shall represent unto us the four Cardinal points , that is , the two Solstices , and the two Equinoctials ; and in the centre of that circle we will place the Sun O , fixed and immoveable . SAGR. To me , as far as concerneth sense , there appeareth no small difference betwixt the simplicity and facility of operating effects by the means assigned in this new constitution , and the multiplicity , confusion , and difficulty , that is found in the ancient and commonly received Hypothesis . For if the Universe were disposed according to this multiplicity , it would be necessary to renounce many Maximes in Philosophy commonly received by Philosophers , as for instance , That Nature doth not multiply things without necessity ; and , That She makes use of the most facile and simple means in producing her effects ; and , That She doth nothing in vain , and the like . I do confesse that I never heard any thing more admirable than this , nor can I believe that Humane Understanding ever penetrated a more sublime speculation . I know not what Simplicius may think of it . SIMP . These ( if I may speak my judgment freely ) do seem to me some of those Geometrical subtilties which Aristotle finds fault with in Plato , when he accuseth him that by his too much studying of Geometry he forsook solid Philosophy ; and I have known and heard very great Peripatetick Philosophers to disswade their Scholars from the Study of the Mathematicks , as those that render the wit cavilous , and unable to philosophate well ; an Institute diametrically contrary to that of Plato , who admitted one to Philosophy , unlesse he was first well entered in Geometry . SALV . I commend the policy of these your Peripateticks , in dehorting their Disciples from the Study of Geometry , for that there is not art more commodious for detecting their fallacies ; but see how they differ from the Mathematical Philosophers , who much more willingly converse with those that are well verst in the commune Peripatetick Philosophy , than with those that are destitute of that knowledg , who for want thereof cannot distinguish between doctrine and doctrine . But passing by this , tell me I beseech you , what are those extravagancies and those too affected subtilties that make you think this Copernican Systeme the lesse plausible ? SIMP . To tell you true , I do not very well know ; perhaps , because I have not so much as learnt the reasons that are by Ptolomy produced , of those effects , I mean of those stations , retrogradations , accessions , recessions of the Planets ; lengthenings and shortnings of dayes , changes of seasons , &c. But omitting the consequences that depend on the first suppositions , I find in the suppositions themselves no small difficulties ; which suppositions , if once they be overthrown , they draw along with them the ruine of the whole fabrick . Now forasmuch as because the whole module of Copernicus seemeth in my opinion to be built upon infirm foundations , in that it relyeth upon the mobility of the earth , if this should happen to be disproved , there would be no need of farther dispute . And to disprove this , the Axiom of Aristotle is in my judgement most sufficient , That of one simple body , one sole simple motion can be natural : but here in this case , to the Earth , a simple body , there are assigned 3. if not 4. motions , and all very different from each other . For besides the right motion , as a grave body towards its centre , which cannot be denied it , there is assigned to it a circular motion in a great circle about the Sun in a year , and a vertiginous conversion about its own centre in twenty four hours . And that in the next place which is more exorbitant , & which happly for that reason you pass over in silence , there is ascribed to it another revolution about its own centre , contrary to the former of twenty four hours , and which finisheth its period in a year . In this my understanding apprehendeth a very great contradiction . SALV . As to the motion of descent , it hath already been concluded not to belong to the Terrestrial Globe which did never move with any such motion , nor never shall do ; but is ( if there be such a thing ) that propension of its parts to reunite themselves to their whole . As , in the next place , to the Annual motion , and the Diurnal , these being both made towards one way , are very compatible , in the same manner just as if we should let a Ball trundle downwards upon a declining superficies , it would in its descent along the same spontaneously revolve in it self . As to the third motion assigned it by Copernicus , namely about it self in a year , onely to keep its Axis inclined and directed towards the same part of the Firmament , I will tell you a thing worthy of great consideration : namely ut tantum abest ( although it be made contrary to the other annual ) it is so far from having any repugnance or difficulty in it , that naturally and without any moving cause , it agreeth to any whatsoever suspended and librated body , which if it shall be carried round in the circumference of a circle , immediate of it self , it acquireth a conversion about its own centre , contrary to that which carrieth it about , and of such velocity , that they both finish one revolution in the same time precisely . You may see this admirable , and to our purpose accommodate experience , if putting in a Bason of water a Ball that will swim ; and holding the Bason in your hand , you turn round upon your toe , for you shall immediatly see the Ball begin to revolve in it self with a motion , contrary to that of the Bason , and it shall finish its revolution , when that of the Bason it shall finish . Now what other is the Earth than a pensil Globe librated in tenuous and yielding aire , which being carried about in a year along the circumference of a great circle , must needs acquire , without any other mover , a revolution about its own centre , annual , and yet contrary to the other motion in like manner annual ? You shall see this effect I say , but if afterwards you more narrowly consider it , you shall find this to be no real thing , but a meer appearance ; and that which you think to be a revolution in it self , you will find to be a not moving at all , but a continuing altogether immoveable in respect of all that which without you , and without the vessel is immoveable : for if in that Ball you shall make some mark , and consider to what part of the Room where you are , or of the Field , or of Heaven it is situate , you shall see that mark in yours , and the vessels revolution to look alwayes towards that same part ; but comparing it to the vessel and to your self that are moveable , it will appear to go altering its direction , and with a motion contrary to yours , and that of the vessel , to go seeking all the points of its circumgyration ; so that with more reason you and the bason may be said to turn round the immoveable Ball , than that it moveth round in the bason . In the same manner the Earth suspended and librated in the circumference of the Grand Orbe , and scituate in such sort that one of its notes , as for example , its North Pole , looketh towards such a Star or other part of the Firmament , it always keepeth directed towards the same , although carried round by the annual motion about the circumference of the said Grand Orbe . This alone is sufficient to make the Wonder cease , and to remove all difficulties . But what will Simplicius say , if to this non-indigence of the co-operating cause we should adde an admirable intrinsick vertue ●f the Terrestrial Globe , of looking with its determinate parts towards determinate parts of the Firmament , I speak of the Magnetick vertue constantly participated by any whatsoever piece of Loade-stone . And if every minute particle of that S●one have in it such a vertue , who will question but that the same more powerfully resides in this whole Terrestrial Globe , abounding in that Magnetick matter , and which happily it self , as to its internal and primary substance , is nothing else but a huge masse of Loade-stone . SIMP . Then you are one of those it seems that hold the Magnetick Phylosophy William * Gilbert . SALV . I am for certain , and think that all those that have seriously read his Book , and tried his experiments , will bear me company therein ; nor should I despair , that what hath befallen me in this case , might possibly happen to you also , if so be a curiosity , like to mine , and a notice that infinite things in Nature are still conceal'd from the wits of mankind , by delivering you from being captivated by this or that particular writer in natural things , should but slacken the reines of your Reason , and mollifie the contumacy and tenaceousnesse of your sense ; so as that they would not refuse to hearken sometimes to novelties never before spoken of . But ( permit me to use this phrase ) the pusillanimity of vulgar Wits is come to that passe , that not only like blind men , they make a gift , nay tribute of their own assent to whatsoever they find written by those Authours , which in the infancy of their Studies were laid before them , as authentick by their Tutors , but refuse to hear ( not to say examine ) any new Proposition or Probleme , although it not only never hath been confuted , but not so much as examined or considered by their Authours . Amongst which , one is this , of investigating what is the true , proper , primary , interne , and general matter and substance of this our Terrestrial Globe ; For although it never came into the mind either of Aristotle , or of any one else , before William Gilbert to think that it might be a Magnet , so far are Aristotle and the rest from confuting this opinion , yet neverthelesse I have met with many , that at the very first mention of it , as a Horse at his own shadow , have start back , and refused to discourse thereof , and censured the conceipt for a vain Chymaera , yea , for a solemn madnesse : and its possible the Book of Gilbert had never come to my hands , if a Peripatetick Philosopher , of great fame , as I believe , to free his Library from its contagion , had not given it me . SIMP . I , who ingenuously confesse my self to be one of those vulgar Wits , and never till within these few dayes that I have been admitted to a share in your conferences , could I pretend to have in the least withdrawn from those trite and popular paths , yet , for all that , I think I have advantaged my self so much , as that I could without much trouble or difficulty , master the roughnesses of these novel and fantastical opinions . SALV . If that which Gilbert writeth be true , then is it no opinion , but the subject of Science ; nor is it new , but as antient as the Earth it self ; nor can it ( being true ) be rugged or difficult , but plain and easie ; and when you please I shall make you feel the same in your hand , for that you of your self fancy it to be a Ghost , and stand in fear of that which hath nothing in it of dreadfull , like as a little child doth fear the Hobgoblin , without knowing any more of it , save the name ; as that which besides the name is nothing . SIMP . I should be glad to be informed , and reclaimed from an errour . SALV . Answer me then to the questions that I shall ask you . And first of all , Tell me whether you believe , that this our Globe , which we inhabit and call Earth , consisteth of one sole and simple matter , or else that it is an aggregate of matters different from each other . SIMP . I see it to be composed of substances and bodies very different ; and first , for the greatest parts of the composition , I see the Water and the Earth , which extreamly differ from one another . SALV . Let us , for this once , lay aside the Seas and other Waters , and let us consider the solid parts , and tell me , if you think them one and the same thing , or else different . SIMP . As to appearance , I see that they are different things , there being very great heaps of unfruitful sands , and others of fruitful soiles ; There are infinite sharp and steril mountains , full of hard stones and quarries of several kinds , as Porphyre , Alablaster , Jasper , and a thousand other kinds of Marbles : There are vast Minerals of so many kinds of metals ; and in a word , such varieties of matters , that a whole day would not suffice only to enumerate them . SALV . Now of all these different matters , do you think , that in the composition of this grand masse , there do concur portions , or else that amongst them all there is one part that far exceeds the rest , and is as it were the matter and substance of the immense lump ? SIMP . I believe that the Stones , Marbles , Metals , Gems , and the so many other several matters are as it were Jewels , and exteriour and superficial Ornaments of the primary Globe , which in grosse , as I believe , doth without compare exceed all these things put together . SALV . And this principal and vast masse , of which those things above named are as it were excressences and ornaments , of what matter do you think that it is composed ? SIMP . I think that it is the simple , or lesse impure element of Earth . SALV . But what do you understand by Earth ? Is it haply that which is dispersed all over the fields , which is broke up with Mattocks and Ploughs , wherein we sowe corne , and plant fruits , and in which great boscages grow up , without the help of culture , and which is , in a word , the habitation of all animals , and the womb of all vegetables ? SIMP . T is this that I would affirm to be the substance of this our Globe . SALV . But in this you do , in my judgment , affirm that which is not right : for this Earth which is broke up , is sowed , and is fertile , is but one part , and that very small of the surface of the Globe , which doth not go very deep , yea , its depth is very small , in comparison of the distance to the centre : and experience sheweth us , that one shall not dig very low , but one shall finde matters very different from this exteriour scurf , more solid , and not good for the production of vegetables . Besides the interne parts , as being compressed by very huge weights that lie upon them , are , in all probability , slived , and made as hard as any hard rock . One may adde to this , that fecundity would be in vain conferred upon those matters which never were designed to bear fruit , but to rest eternally buried in the profound and dark abysses of the Earth . SIMP . But who shall assure us , that the parts more inward and near to the centre are unfruitful ? They also may , perhaps , have their productions of things unknown to us ? SALV . You may aswell be assured thereof , as any man else , as being very capable to comprehend , that if the integral bodies of the Universe be produced onely for the benefit of Mankind , this above all the rest ought to be destin'd to the sole conveniences of us its inhabitants . But what benefit can we draw from matters so hid and remote from us , as that we shall never be able to make use of them ? Therefore the interne substance of this our Globe cannot be a matter frangible , dissipable , and non-coherent , like this superficial part which we call * EARTH : but it must , of necessity , be a most dense and solid body , and in a word , a most hard stone . And , if it ought to be so , what reason is there that should make you more scrupulous to believe that it is a Loadstone than a Porphiry , a Jasper , or other hard Marble ? Happily if Gilbert had written , that this Globe is all compounded within of * Pietra Serena , or of Chalcedon , the paradox woul● have seemed to you lesse exorbitant ? SIMP . That the parts of this Globe more intern are more compressed , and so more slived together and solid , and more and more so , according as they lie lower , I do grant , and so likewise doth Aristotle , but that they degenerate and become other than Earth , of the same sort with this of the superficial parts , I see nothing that obliegeth me to believe . SALV . I undertook not this discourse with an intent to prove demonstratively that the primary and real substance of this our Globe is Load-stone ; but onely to shew that no reason could be given why one should be more unwilling to grant that it is of Load-stone , than of some other matter . And if you will but seriously consider , you shall find that it is not improbable , that one sole , pure , and arbitrary name , hath moved men to think that it consists of Earth ; and that is their having made use commonly from the beginning of this word Earth , as well to signifie that matter which is plowed and sowed , as to name this our Globe . The denomination of which if it had been taken from stone , as that it might as well have been taken from that as from the Earth ; the saying that its primary substance was stone , would doubtlesse have found no scruple or opposition in any man. And is so much the more probable , in that I verily believe , that if one could but pare off the scurf of this great Globe , taking away but one full thousand or two thousand yards ; and afterwards seperate the Stones from the Earth , the accumulation of the stones would be very much biger than that of the fertile Mould . But as for the reasons which concludently prove de facto , that is our Globe is a Magnet , I have mentioned none of them , nor is this a time to alledg them , and the rather , for that to your benefit you may read them in Gilbert ; onely to encourage you to the perusal of them , I will set before you , in a similitude of my own , the method that he observed in his Philosophy . I know you understand very well how much the knowledg of the accidents is subservient to the investigation of the substance and essence of things ; therefore I desire that you would take pains to informe your self well of many accidents and properties that are found in the Magnet , and in no other stone , or body ; as for instance of attracting Iron , of conferring upon it by its sole presence the same virtue , of communicating likewise to it the property of looking towards the Poles , as it also doth it self ; and moreover endeavour to know by trial , that it containeth in it a virtue of conferring upon the magnetick needle not onely the direction under a Meridian towards the Poles , with an Horizontal motion , ( a property a long time ago known ) but a new found accident , of declining ( being ballanced under the Meridian before marked upon a little spherical Magnet ) of declining I say to determinate marks more or lesse , according as that needle is held nearer or farther from the Pole , till that upon the Pole it self it erecteth perpendicularly , whereas in the middle parts it is parallel to the Axis . Furthermore procure a proof to be made , whether the virtue of attracting Iron , residing much more vigorously about the Poles , than about the middle parts , this force be not notably more vigorous in one Pole than in the other , and that in all pieces of Magnet ; the stronger of which Poles is that which looketh towards the South . Observe , in the next place , that in a little Magnet this South and more vigorous Pole , becometh weaker , when ever it is to take up an iron in presence of the North Pole of another much bigger Magnet : and not to make any tedious discourse of it , assertain your self , by experience , of these and many other properties described by Gilbert , which are all so peculiar to the Magnet , as that none of them agree with any other matter . Tell me now , Simplicius , if there were laid before you a thousand pieces of several matters , but all covered and concealed in a cloth , under which it is hid , and you were required , without uncovering them , 〈…〉 a guesse , by external signes , at the matter of each of them , and that in making trial , you should hit upon one that should openly shew it self to have all the properties by you already acknowledged to reside onely in the Magnet , and in no other matter , what judgment would you make of the essence of such a body ? Would you say , that it might be a piece of Ebony , or Alablaster , o● Tin. SIMP . I would say , without the least haesitation , that it was a piece of Load-stone . SALV . If it be so , say resolutely , that under this cover and scurf of Earth , stones , metals , water , &c. there is hid a great Magnet , forasmuch as about the same there may be seen by any one that will heedfully observe the same , all those very accidents that agree with a true and visible Globe of Magnet ; but if no more were to be seen than that of the Declinatory Needle , which being carried about the Earth , more and more inclineth , as it approacheth to the North Pole , and declineth lesse towards the Equinoctial , under which it finally is brought to an Aequilibrium , it might serve to perswade even the most scrupulous judgment . I forbear to mention that other admirable effect , which is sensibly observed in every piece of Magnet , of which , to us inhabitants of the Northern Hemisphere , the Meridional Pole of the said Magnet is more vigorous than the other ; and the difference is found greater , by how much one recedeth from the Equinoctial ; and under the Equinoctial both the parts are of equal strength , but notably weaker . But , in the Meridional Regions , far distant from the Equinoctial , it changeth nature , and that part which to us was more weak , acquireth more strength than the other : and all this I confer with that which we see to be done by a small piece of Magnet , in the presence of a great one , the vertue of which superating the lesser , maketh it to become obedient to it , and according as it is held , either on this or on that side the Equinoctial of the great one , maketh the self same mutations , which I have said are made by every Magnet , carried on this side , or that side of the Equinoctiall of the Earth . SAGR. I was perswaded , at the very first reading of the Book of Gilbertus ; and having met with a most excellent piece of Magnet , I , for a long time , made many Observations , and all worthy of extream wonder ; but above all , that seemeth to me very stupendious of increasing the faculty of taking up Iron so much by arming it , like as the said Authour teacheth ; and with arming that piece of mine , I multiplied its force in octuple proportion ; and whereas unarmed it scarce took up nine ounces of Iron , it being armed did take up above six pounds : And , it may be , you have seen this Loadstone in the * Gallery of your Most Serene Grand Duke ( to whom I presented it ) upholding two little Anchors of Iron . SALV . I saw it many times , and with great admiration , till that a little piece of the like stone gave me greater cause of wonder , that is in the keeping of our Academick , which being no more than of six ounces weight , and sustaining , when unarmed , hardly two ounces , doth , when armed , take up 160. ounces , so as that it is of 80. times more force armed than unarmed , and takes up a weight 26. times greater than its own ; a much greater wonder than Gilbert could ever meet with , who writeth , that he could never get any Loadstone that could reach to take up four times its own weight . SAGR. In my opinion , this Stone offers to the wit of man a large Field to Phylosophate in ; and I have many times thought with my self , how it can be that it conferreth on that Iron , which armeth it , a strength so superiour to its own ; and finally , I finde nothing that giveth me satisfaction herein ; nor do I find any thing extraordinary in that which Gilbert writes about this particular ; I know not whether the same may have befallen you . SALV . I extreamly praise , admire , and envy this Authour , for that a conceit so stupendious should come into his minde , touching a thing handled by infinite sublime wits , and hit upon by none of them : I think him moreover worthy of extraordinary applause for the many new and true Observations that he made , to the disgrace of so many fabulous Authours , that write not only what they do not know , but what ever they hear spoken by the foolish vulgar , never seeking to assure themselves of the same by experience , perhaps , because they are unwilling to diminish the bulk of their Books . That which I could have desired in Gilbert , is , that he had been a little greater Mathematician , and particularly well grounded in Geometry , the practice whereof would have rendered him less resolute in accepting those reasons for true Demonstrations , which he produceth for true causes of the true conclusions observed by himself . Which reasons ( freely speaking ) do not knit and bind so fast , as those undoubtedly ought to do , in that of natural , necessary , and lasting conclusions may be alledged . And I doubt not , but that in processe of time this new Science will be perfected with new observations , and , which is more , with true and necessary Demonstrations . Nor ought the glory of the first Inventor to be thereby diminished ; nor do I lesse esteem , but rather more admire , the Inventor of the Harp ( although it may be supposed that the Instrument at first was but rudely framed , and more rudely fingered ) than an hundred other Artists , that in the insuing Ages reduced that profession to great perfection . And methinks , that Antiquity had very good reason to enumerate the first Inventors of the Noble Arts amongst the Gods ; seeing that the common wits have so little curiosity , and are so little regardful of rare and elegant things , that though they see and hear them exercitated by the exquisite professors of them , yet are they not thereby perswaded to a desire of learning them . Now judge , whether Capacities of this kind would ever have attempted to have found out the making of the Harp , or the invention of Musick , upon the hint of the whistling noise of the dry sinews of a Tortois , or from the striking of four Hammers . The application to great inventions moved by small hints , and the thinking that under a primary and childish appearance admirable Arts may lie hid , is not the part of a trivial , but of a super-humane spirit . Now answering to your demands , I say , that I also have long thought upon what might possibly be the cause of this so tenacious and potent union , that we see to be made between the one Iron that armeth the Magnet , and the other that conjoyns it self unto it . And first , we are certain , that the vertue and strength of the stone doth not augment by being armed , for it neither attracts at greater distance , nor doth it hold an Iron the faster , if between it , and the arming or cap , a very fine paper , or a leaf of beaten gold , be interposed ; nay , with that interposition , the naked stone takes up more Iron than the armed . There is therefore no alteration in the vertue , and yet there is an innovation in the effect . And because its necessary , that a new effect have a new cause , if it be inquired what novelty is introduced in the act of taking up with the cap or arming , there is no mutation to be discovered , but in the different contact ; for whereas before Iron toucht Loadstone , now Iron toucheth Iron . Therefore it is necessary to conclude , that the diversity of contacts is the cause of the diversity of effects . And for the difference of contacts it cannot , as I see , be derived from any thing else , save from that the substance of the Iron is of parts more subtil , more pure , and more compacted than those of the Magnet , which are more grosse , impure , and rare . From whence it followeth , that the superficies of two Irons that are to touch , by being exquisitely plained , filed , and burnished , do so exactly conjoyn , that all the infinite points of the one meet with the infinite points of the other ; so that the filaments , if I may so say , that collegate the two Irons , are many more than those that collegate the Magnet to the Iron , by reason that the substance of the Magnet is more porous , and lesse compact , which maketh that all the points and filaments of the Loadstone do not close with that which it unites unto . In the next place , that the substance of Iron ( especially the well refined , as namely , the purest steel ) is of parts much more dense , subtil , and pure than the matter of the Loadstone , is seen , in that one may bring its edge to an extraordinary sharpnesse , such as is that of the Rasor , which can never be in any great measure effected in a piece of Magnet . Then , as for the impurity of the Magnet , and its being mixed with other qualities of stone , it is first sensibly discovered by the colour of some little spots , for the most part white ; and next by presenting a needle to it , hanging in a thread , which upon those stonynesses cannot find repose , but being attracted by the parts circumfused , seemeth to fly from * those , and to leap upon the Magnet contiguous to them : and as some of those Heterogeneal parts are for their magnitude very visible , so we may believe , that there are others , in great abundance , which , for their smallnesse , are imperceptible , that are disseminated throughout the whole masse . That which I say , ( namely , that the multitude of contacts that are made between Iron and Iron , is the cause of the so solid conjunction ) is confirmed by an experiment , which is this , that if we present the sharpned point of a needle to the cap of a Magnet , it will stick no faster to it , than to the same stone unarmed : which can proceed from no other cause , than from the equality of the contacts that are both of one sole point . But what then ? Let a * Needle be taken and placed upon a Magnet , so that one of its extremities hang somewhat over , and to that present a Nail ; to which the Needle will instantly cleave , insomuch that withdrawing the Nail , the Needle will stand in suspense , and with its two ends touching the Magnet and the Iron ; and withdrawing the Nail yet a little further , the Needle will forsake the Magnet ; provided that the eye of the Needle be towards the Nail , and the point towards the Magnet ; but if the eye be towards the Loadstone , in withdrawing the Nail the Needle will cleave to the Magnet ; and this , in my judgment , for no other reason , save onely that the Needle , by reason it is bigger towards the eye , toucheth in much more points than its sharp point doth . SAGR. Your whole discourse hath been in my judgment very concluding , and this experiment of the Needle hath made me think it little inferiour to a Mathematical Demonstration ; and I ingenuously confesse , that in all the Magnetick Philosophy , I never heard or read any thing , that with such strong reasons gave account of its so many admirable accidents , of which , if the causes were with the same perspicuity laid open , I know not what sweeter food our Intellects could desire . SALV . In seeking the reasons of conclusions unknown unto us , it is requisite to have the good fortune to direct the discourse from the very beginning towards the way of truth ; in which if any one walk , it will easily happen , that one shall meet with several other Propositions known to be true , either by disputes or experiments , from the certainty of which the truth of ours acquireth strength and evidence ; as it did in every respect happen to me in the present Probleme , for being desirous to assure my self , by some other accident , whether the reason of the Proposition , by me found , were true ; namely , whether the substance of the Magnet were really much lesse continuate than that of Iron or of Steel , I made the Artists that work in the Gallery of my Lord the Grand Duke , to smooth one side of that piece of Magnet , which formerly was yours , and then to polish and burnish it ; upon which to my satisfaction I found what I desired . For I discovered many specks of colour different from the rest , but as splendid and bright , as any of the harder sort of stones ; the rest of the Magnet was polite , but to the tact onely , not being in the least splendid ; but rather as if it were smeered over with foot ; and this was the substance of the Load-stone , and the shining part was the fragments of other stones intermixt therewith , as was sensibly made known by presenting the face thereof to filings of Iron , the which in great number leapt to the Load-stone , but not so much as one grain did stick to the said spots , which were many , some as big as the fourth part of the nail of a mans finger , others somewhat lesser , the least of all very many , and those that were scarce visible almost innumerable . So that I did assure my self , that my conjecture was true , when I first thought that the substance of the Magnet was not close and compact , but porous , or to say better , spongy ; but with this difference , that whereas the sponge in its cavities and little cels conteineth Air or Water , the Magnet hath its pores full of hard and heavy stone , as appears by the exquisite lustre which those specks receive . Whereupon , as I have said from the beginning , applying the surface of the Iron to the superficies of the Magnet the minute particles of the Iron , though perhaps more continuate than these of any other body ( as its shining more than any other matter doth shew ) do not all , nay but very few of them incounter pure Magnet ; and the contacts being few , the union is but weak . But because the cap of the Load-stone , besides the contact of a great part of its superficies , invests its self also with the virtue of the parts adjoyning , although they touch not ; that side of it being exactly smoothed to which the other face , in like manner well polisht of the Iron to be attracted , is applyed , the contract is made by innumerable minute particles , if not haply by the infinite points of both the superficies , whereupon the union becometh very strong . This observation of smoothing the surfaces of the Irons that are to touch , came not into the thoughts of Gilbert , for he makes the Irons convex , so that their contact is very small ; and thereupon it cometh to passe that the tenacity , wherewith those Irons conjoyn , is much lesser . SAGR. I am , as I told you before , little lesse satisfied with this reason , that if it were a pure Geometrical Demonstration ; and because we speak of a Physical Problem , I believe that also Simplicius will find himself satisfied as far as natural science admits , in which he knows that Geometrical evidence is not to be required . SIMP . I think indeed , that Salviatus with a fine circumlocution hath so manifestly displayed the cause of this effect , that any indifferent wit , though not verst in the Sciences , may apprehend the same ; but we , confining our selves to the terms of Art , reduce the cause of these and other the like natural effects to Sympathy , which is a certain agreemet and mutual appetite which ariseth between things that are semblable to one another in qualities ; as likewise on the contrary that hatred & enmity for which other things shun & abhor one another we call Antipathy . SAGR. And thus with these two words men come to render reasons of a great number of accidents and effects which we see not without admiration to be produced in nature . But this kind of philosophating seems to me to have great sympathy with a certain way of Painting that a Friend of mine used , who writ upon the Tele or Canvasse in chalk , here I will have the Fountain with Diana and her Nimphs , there certain Hariers , in this corner I will have a Hunts-man with the Head of a Stag , the rest shall be Lanes , Woods , and Hills ; and left the remainder for the Painter to set forth with Colours ; and thus he perswaded himself that he had painted the Story of Acteon , when as he had contributed thereto nothing of his own more than the names . But whether are we wandred with so long a digression , contrary to our former resolutions ? I have almost forgot what the point was that we were upon when we fell into this magnetick discourse ▪ and yet I had something in my mind that I intended to have spoken upon that subject . SALV . We were about to demonstrate that third motion ascribed by Copernicus to the Earth to be no motion but a quiescence and maintaining of it self immutably directed with its determinate parts towards the same & determinate parts of the Universe , that is a perpetual conservation of the Axis of its diurnal revolution parallel to it self , and looking towards such and such fixed stars ; which most constant position we said did naturally agree with every librated body suspended in a fluid and yielding medium , which although carried about , yet did it not change directionin respect of things external , but onely seemed to revolve in its self , in respect of that which carryed it round , and to the vessel in which it was transported . And then we added to this simple and natural accident the magnetick virtue , whereby the self Terrestrial Globe might so much the more constantly keep it immutable , — SAGR. Now I remember the whole businesse ; and that which then came into my minde , & which I would have intimated , was a certain consideration touching the scruple and objection of Simplicius , which he propounded against the mobility of the Earth , taken from the multiplicity of motions , impossible to be assigned to a simple body , of which but one sole and simple motion , according to the doctrine of Aristotle , can be natural ; and that which I would have proposed to consideration , was the Magnet , to which we manifestly see three motions naturally to agree : one towards the centre of the Earth , as a Grave ; the second is the circular Horizontal Motion , whereby it restores and conserves its Axis towards determinate parts of the Universe ; and the third is this , newly discovered by Gilbert , of inclining its Axis , being in the plane of a Meridian towards the surface of the Earth , and this more and lesse , according as it shall be distant from the Equinoctial , under which it is parallel to the Axis of the Earth . Besides these three , it is not perhaps improbable , but that it may have a fourth , of revolving upon its own Axis , in case it were librated and suspended in the air or other fluid and yielding Medium , so that all external and accidental impediments were removed , and this opinion Gilbert himself seemeth also to applaud . So that , Simplicius , you see how tottering the Axiome of Aristotle is . SIMP . This doth ●ot only not make against the Maxime , but not so much as look towards it : for that he speaketh of a simple body , and of that which may naturally consist therewith ; but you propose that which befalleth a mixt body ; nor do you tell us of any thing that is new to the doctrine of Aristotle , for that he likewise granteth to mixt bodies compound motions by — SAGR. Stay a little , Simplicius , & answer me to the questions I shall ask you . You say that the Load-stone is no simple body , now I desire you to tell me what those simple bodies are , that mingle in composing the Load-stone . SIMP . I know not how to tell you th' ingredients nor simples precisely , but it sufficeth that they are things elementary . SALV . So much sufficeth me also . And of these simple elementary bodies , what are the natural motions ? SIMP . They are the two right and simple motions , sursum and deorsum . SAGR. Tell me in the next place ? Do you believe that the motion , that shall remain natural to that same mixed body , should be one that may result from the composition of the two simple natural motions of the simple bodies compounding , or that it may be a motion impossible to be composed of them . SIMP . I believe that it shall move with the motion resulting from the composition of the motions of the simple bodies compounding , and that with a motion impossible to be composed of these , it is impossible that it should move . SAGR. But , Simplicius , with two right and simple motions , you shall never be able to compose a circular motion , such as are the two , or three circular motions that the magnet hath : you see then into what absurdities evil grounded Principles , or , to say better , the ill-inferred consequences of good Principles carry a man ; for you are now forced to say , that the Magnet is a mixture compounded of substances elementary and coelestial , if you will maintain that the straight motion is a peculiar to the Elements , and the circular to the coelestial bodies . Therefore if you will more safely argue , you must say , that of the integral bodies of the Universe , those that are by nature moveable , do all move circularly , and that therefore the Magnet , as a part of the true primary , and integral substance of our Globe , pertaketh of the same qualities with it . And take notice of this your fallacy , in calling the Magnet a mixt body , and the Terrestrial Globe a simple body , which is sensibly perceived to be a thousand times more compound : for , besides that it containeth an hundred an hundred matters , exceeding different from one another , it containeth great abundance of this which you call mixt , I mean of the Load-stone . This seems to me just as if one should call bread a mixt body , and * Pannada a simple body , in which there is put no small quantity of bread , besides many other things edible . This seemeth to me a very admirable thing , amongst others of the Peripateticks , who grant ( nor can it be denied ) that our Terrestrial Globe is , de facto , a compound of infinite different matters ; and grant farther that of compound bodies the motion ought to be compound : now the motions that admit of composition are the right and circular : For the two right motions , as being contrary , are incompatible together , they affirm , that the pure Element of Earth is no where to be found ; they confesse , that it never hath been moved with a local motion ; and yet they will introduce in Nature that body which is not to be found , and make it move with that motion which it never exercised , nor never shall do , and to that body which hath , and ever had a being , they deny that motion , which before they granted , ought naturally to agree therewith . SALV . I beseech you , Sagredus , let us not weary our selves any more about these particulars , and the rather , because you know that our purpose was not to determine resolutely , or to accept for true , this or that opinion , but only to propose for our divertisement such reasons , and answers as may be alledged on the one side , or on the other ; and Simplicius maketh this answer , in defence of his Peripateticks , therefore let us leave the judgment in suspense , and remit the determination into the hands of such as are more known than we . And because I think that we have , with sufficient prolixity , in these three dayes , discoursed upon the Systeme of the Universe , it will now be seasonable , that we proceed to the grand accident , from whence our Disputations took beginning , I mean , of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , the cause whereof may , in all probability , be referred to the motion of the Earth . But that , if you so please , we will reserve till to morrow . In the mean time , that I may not forget it , I will speak to one particular , to which I could have wished , that Gilbert had not lent an ear ; I mean that of admitting , that in case a little Sphere of Loadstone might be exactly librated , it would revolve in it self ; because there is no reason why it should do so ; For if the whole Terrestrial Globe hath a natural faculty of revolving about its own centre in twenty four hours , and that all its parts ought to have the same , I mean , that faculty of turning round together with their whole , about its centre in twenty four hours ; they already have the same in effect , whilst that , being upon the Earth , they turn round along with it : And the assigning them a revolution about their particular centres , would be to ascribe unto them a second motion much different from the first : for so they would have two , namely , the revolving in twenty four hours about the centre of their whole ; and the turning about their own : now this second is arbitrary , nor is there any reason for the introducing of it : If by plucking away a piece of Loadstone from the whole natural masse , it were deprived of the faculty of following it , as it did , whilst it was united thereto , so that it is thereby deprived of the revolution about the universal centre of the Terrestrial Globe , it might haply , with somewhat greater probability be thought by some , that the said Magnet was to appropriate to it self a new conversion about its particular centre ; but if it do no lesse , when separated , than when conjoyned , continue always to pursue its first , eternal , and natural course , to what purpose should we go about to obtrude upon it another new one ? SAGR. I understand you very well , and this puts me in mind of a Discourse very like to this for the vanity of it , falling from certain Writers upon the Sphere , and I think , if I well remember , amongst others from Sacrobosco , who , to shew how the Element of Water , doth , together with the Earth , make a compleat Spherical Figure , and so between them both compose this our Globe , writeth , that the seeing the small * particles of water shape themselves into rotundity , as in the drops , and in the dew daily apparent upon the leaves of several herbs , is a strong argument ; and because , according to the trite Axiome , there is the same reason for the whole , as for the parts , the parts affecting that same figure , it is necessary that the same is proper to the whole Element : and truth is , methinks it is a great oversight that these men should not perceive so apparent a vanity , and consider that if their argument had run right , it would have followed , that not only the small drops , but that any whatsoever greater quantity of water separated from the whole Element , should be reduced into a Globe : Which is not seen to happen ; though indeed the Senses may see , and the Understanding perceive that the Element of Water loving to form it self into a Spherical Figure about the common centre of gravity , to which all grave bodies tend ( that is , the centre of the Terrestrial Globe ) it therein is followed by all its parts , according to the Axiome ; so that all the surfaces of Seas , Lakes , Pools , and in a word , of all the parts of Waters conteined in vessels , distend themselves into a Spherical Figure , but that Figure is an arch of that Sphere that hath for its centre the centre of the Terrestrial Globe , and do not make particular Spheres of themselves . SALV . The errour indeed is childish ; and if it had been onely the single mistake of Sacrobosco , I would easily have allowed him in it ; but to pardon it also to his Commentators , and to other famous men , and even to Ptolomy himselfe ; this I cannot do , without blushing for their reputation . But it is high time to take leave , it now being very late , and we being to meet again to morrow , at the usual hour , to bring all the foregoing Discourses to a final conclusion . Place this Plate at the end of the third Dialogue GALILAEUS Gailaeus Lyncaeus , HIS SYSTEME OF THE WORLD . The Fourth Dialogue . INTERLOCVTORS . SALVIATUS , SAGREDUS , & SIMPLICIUS . SAGR. I know not whether your return to our accustomed conferences hath really been later than usual , or whether the desire of hearing the thoughts of Salviatus , touching a matter so curious , hath made me think it so : But I have tarried a long hour at this window , expecting every moment when the Gondola would appear that I sent to fetch you . SALV . I verily believe that your imagination more than our tarriance hath prolonged the time : and to make no longer demurre , it would be well , if without interposing more words , we came to the matter it self ; and did shew , that nature hath permitted ( whether the business in rei veritate be so , or else to play and sport with our Fancies ) hath , I say , hath permitted that the motions for every other respect , except to resolve the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , assigned long since to the earth , should be found now at last to answer exactly to the cause thereof ; and , as it were , with mutual a emulation , the said ebbing and flowing to appear in confirmation of the Terrestrial motion : the judices whereof have hitherto been taken from the coelestial Phaenomena , in regard that of those things that happen on Earth , not any one was of force to prove one opinion more than another , as we already have at large proved , by shewing that all the terrene occurrences upon which the stability of the Earth and mobility of the Sun and Firmament is commonly inferred , are to seem to us performed in the same manner , though we supposed the mobility of the Earth , and the immobility of them . The Element of Water onely , as being most vast , and which is not annexed and concatenated to the Terrestrial Globe as all its other solid parts are ; yea , rather which by reason of its fluidity remaineth apart sui juris , and free , is to be ranked amongst those sublunary things , from which we may collect some hinte and intimation of what the Earth doth in relation to motion and rest . After I had many and many a time examined with my self the effects and accidents , partly seen and partly understood from others , that are to be observed in the motions of waters : and moreover read and heard the great vanities produced by many , as the causes of those accidents , I have been induced upon no slight reasons to omit these two conclusions ( having made withal the necessary presupposals ) that in case the terrestrial Globe be immoveable , the flux and reflux of the Sea cannot be natural ; and that , in case those motions be conferred upon the said Globe , which have been long since assigned to it , it is necessary that the Sea be subject to ebbing and flowing , according to all that which we observe to happen in the same . SAGR. The Proposition is very considerable , as well for it self as for what followeth upon the same by way of consequence , so that I shall the more intensly hearken to the explanation and confirmation of it . SALV . Because in natural questions , of which number this which we have in hand is one , the knowledge of the effects is a means to guide us to the investigation and discovery of the causes , and without which we should walk in the dark , nay with more uncertainty , for that we know not whither we would go , whereas the blind , at least , know where they desire to arrive ; therefore first of all it is necessary to know the effects whereof we enquire the causes : of which effects you , Sagredus , ought more abundantly and more certainly to be informed than I am , as one , that besides your being born , and having , for a long time , dwelt in Venice , where the Tides are very notable for their greatnesse , have also sailed into Syria , and , as an ingenuous and apprehensive wit , must needs have made many Observations upon this subject : whereas I , that could onely for a time , and that very short , observe what happened in these extream parts of the Adriatick Gulph , and in our Seas below about the Tyrrhene shores , must needs take many things upon the relation of others , who , for the most part , not very well agreeing , and consequently being very uncertain , contribute more of confusion than confirmation to our speculations . Neverthelesse , from those that we are sure of , and which are the principal , I think I am able to attain to the true and primary causes ; not that I pretend to be able to produce all the proper and adequate reasons of those effects that are new unto me , and which consequently I could never have thought upon . And that which I have to say , I propose only , as a key that openeth the door to a path never yet trodden by any , in certain hope , that some wits more speculative than mine , will make a further progresse herin , and penetrate much farther than I shall have done in this my first Discovery : And although that in other Seas , remote from us , there may ●appen several accidents , which do not happen in our Mediterranean Sea , yet doth not this invalidate the reason and cause that I shall produce , if so be that it verifie and fully resolve the accidents which evene in our Sea : for that in conclusion there can be but one true and primary cause of the effects that are of the same kind . I will relate unto you , therefore , the effects that I know to be true , and assigne the causes thereof that I think to be true , and you also , Gentlemen , shall produce such others as are known to you , besides mine , and then we will try whether the cause , by me alledged , may satisfie them also . I therefore affirm the periods that are observed in the fluxes and refluxes of the Sea-waters to be three : the first and principal is this great and most obvious one ; namely , the diurnal , according to which the intervals of some hours with the waters flow and ebbe ; and these intervals are , for the most part , in the Mediterrane from six hours to six hours , or thereabouts , that is , they for six hours flow , and for six hours ebbe . The second period is monethly , and it seemes to take its origen from the motion of the Moon , not that it introduceth other motions , but only altereth the greatnesse of those before mentioned , with a notable difference , according as it shall wax or wane , or come to the Quadrature with the Sun. The third Period is annual , and is seen to depend on the Sunne , and onely altereth the diurnal motions , by making them different in the times of the Solstices , as to greatnesse , from what they are in the Equinoxes . We will speak ( in the first place , of the diurnal motion , as being the principal , and upon which the Moon and Sun seem to exercise their power secondarily , in their monethly and annual alterations . Three differences are observable in these horary mutations ; for in some places the waters rise and fall , without making any progressive motion ; in others , without rising or falling they run one while towards the East , and recur another while towards the West ; and in others they vary the heights and course also , as happeneth here in Venice , where the Tides in coming in rise , and in going out fall ; and this they do in the extermities of the lengths of Gulphs that distend from West to East , and terminate in open shores , up along which shores the Tide at time of flood hath room to extend it self : but if the course of the Tide were intercepted by Cliffes and Banks of great height and steepnesse , there it will flow and ebbe without any progressive motion . Again , it runs to and again , without changing height in the middle parts of the Mediterrane , as notably happeneth in the * Faro de Messina , between Scylla and Carybdis , where the Currents , by reason of the narrownesse of the Channel , are very swift ; but in the more open Seas , and about the Isles that stand farther into the Mediterranean Sea , as the Baleares , Corsica , Sardignia , * Elba , Sicily towards the Affrican Coasts , Malta , * Candia , &c. the changes of watermark are very small ; but the currents indeed are very notable , and especially when the Sea is pent between Islands , or between them and the Continent . Now these onely true and certain effects , were there no more to be observed , do , in my judgment , very probably perswade any man , that will contain himself within the bounds of natural causes , to grant the mobility of the Earth : for to make the vessel ( as it may be called ) of the Mediterrane stand still , and to make the water contained therein to do , as it doth , exceeds my imagination , and perhaps every mans else , who will but pierce beyond the rinde in these kind of inquiries . SIMP . These accidents , Salviatus , begin not now , they are most ancient , and have been observed by very many , and several have attempted to assigne , some one , some another cause for the same : and there dwelleth not many miles from hence a famous Peripatetick , that alledgeth a cause for the same newly fished out of a certain Text of Aristotle , not well understood by his Expositors , from which Text he collecteth , that the true cause of these motions doth only proceed from the different profundities of Seas 〈…〉 waters of greatest depth being greater in abundance , and therefore more grave , drive back the Waters of lesse depth , which being afterwards raised , desire to descend , and from this continual colluctation or contest proceeds the ebbing and flowing . Again those that referre the same to the Moon are many , saying that she hath particular Domination over the Water ; and at last a certain Prelate hath published a little Treatise , wher●in he saith that the Moon wandering too and fro in the Heavens attracteth and draweth towards it a Masse of Water , which goeth continually following it , so that it is full Sea alwayes in that part which lyeth under the Moon ; and because , that though she be under the Horizon , yet neverthelesse the Tide returneth , he saith that no more can be said for the salving of that particular , save onely , that the Moon doth not onely naturally retain this faculty in her self ; but in this case hath power to confer it upon that degree of the Zodiack that is opposite unto it . Others , as I believe you know , do say that the Moon is able with her temperate heat to rarefie the Water , which being rarefied , doth thereupon flow . Nor hath there been wanting some that — SAGR. I pray you Simplicius let us hear no more of them , for I do not think it is worth the while to wast time in relating them , or to spend our breath in confuting them ; and for your part , if you gave your assent to any of these or the like foole●ies , you did a great injury to your judgment , which neverthelesse I acknowledg to be very piercing . SALV . But I that am a little more flegmatick than you , Sagredus , will spend a few words in favour of Simplicius , if haply he thinks that any probability is to be found in those things that he hath related . I say therefore : The Waters , Simplicius , that have their exteriour superficies higher , repel those that are inferiour to them , and lower ; but so do not those Waters that are of greatest profundity ; and the higher having once driven back the lower , they in a short time grow quiet and * level . This your Peripatetick must needs be of an opinion , that all the Lakes in the World that are in a calme , and that all the Seas where the ebbing and flowing is insensible , are level in their bottoms ; but I was so simple , that I perswaded my self that had we no other plummet to sound with , the Isles that advance so high above Water , had been a sufficient evidence of the unevennesse of their bottomes . To that Prelate I could say that the Moon runneth every day along the whole Mediterrane , and yet its Waters do not rise thereupon , save onely in the very extream bounds of it Eastward , and here to us at Venice . And for those that make the Moons temperate heat able to make the Water swell , bid them put fire under a Kettle full of Water , and hold their right hand therein till that the Water by reason of the heat do rise but one sole inch , and then let them take it out , and write off the tumefaction of the Sea. Or at least desire them to shew you how the Moon doth to rarefie a certain part of the Waters , and not the remainder ; as for instance , these here of Venice , and not those of Ancona , Naples , Genova : the truth is Poetick Wits are of two kinds , some are ready and apt to invent Fables , and others disposed and inclined to believe them . SIMP . I believe that no man believeth Fables , so long as he knows them to be so ; and of the opinions concerning the causes of ebbing and flowing , which are many , because I know that of one single effect there is but one single cause that is true and primary , I understand very well , and am certain that but one alone at the most can be true , and for all the rest I am sure that they are fabulous , and false ; and its possible that the true one may not be among those that have been hitherto produced ; nay I verily believe that it is not , for it would be very strange that the truth should have so little light , as that it should not be visible amongst the umbrages of so many falshoods . But this I shall say with the liberty that is permitted amongst us , that the introduction of the Earths motion , and the making it the cause of the ebbing and flowing of Tides , seemeth to me as yet a conjecture no lesse fabulous than the rest of those that I have heard ; and if there should not be proposed to me reasons more conformable to natural matters , I would without any more ado proceed to believe this to be a supernatural effect , and therefore miraculous , and unsearchable to the understandings of men , as infinite others there are , that immediately depend on the Omnipotent hand of God. SAGR. You argue very prudently , and according to the Doctrine of Aristotle , who you know in the beginning of his mechanical questions referreth those things to a Miracle , the causes whereof are occult . But that the cause of the ebbing and flowing is one of those that are not to be found out , I believe you have no greater proof than onely that you see , that amongst all those that have hitherto been produced for true causes thereof , there is not one wherewith , working by what artifice you will , we are able to represent such an effect ; in regard that neither with the light of the Moon nor of the Sun , nor with temperate heats , nor with different profundities , shall one ever artificially make the Water conteined in an immoveable Vessel to run one way or another , and to ebbe and flow in one place , and not in another . But if without any other artifice , but with the onely moving of the Vessel , I am able punctually to represent all those mutations that are observed in the Sea Water , why will you refuse this reason and run to a Miracle ? SIMP . I will run to a Miracle still , if you do not with some other natural causes , besides that of the motion of the Vessels of the Sea-water disswade me from it ; for I know that those Vessels move not , in regard that all the entire Terrestrial Globe is naturally immoveable . SALV . But do not you think , that the Terrestrial Globe might supernaturally , that is , by the absolute power of God , be made moveable ? SIMP . Who doubts it ? SALV . Then Simplicius , seeing that to make the flux and reflux of the Sea , it is necessary to introduce a Miracle , let us suppose the Earth to move miraculously , upon the motion of which the Sea moveth naturally : and this effect shall be also the more simple , and I may say natural , amongst the miraculous operations , in that the making a Globe to move round , of which kind we see many others to move , is lesse difficult than to make an immense masse of water go forwards and backwards , in one place more swiftly , and in another lesse , and to rise and fall in some places more ; in some lesse , and in some not at all : and to work all these different effects in one and the same Vessel that containeth it : besides , that these are several Miracles , and that is but one onely . And here it may be added , that the Miracle of making the water to move is accompanied with another , namely , the holding of the Earth stedfast against impetuosities of the water , able to make it swage sometimes one way , and sometimes another , if it were not miraculously kept to rights . SAGR. God Simplicius , let us for the present suspend our judgement about sentencing the new opinion to be vain that Salviatus is about to explicate unto us , nor let us so hastily flye out into passion like the scolding overgrown Haggs : and as for the Miracle , we may as well recurre to it when we have done hearing the Discourses contained within the bounds of natural causes : though to speak freely , all the Works of nature , or rather of God , are in my judgement miraculous . SALV . And I am of the same opinion ; nor doth my saying , that the motion of the Earth is the Natural cause of the ebbing and flowing , hinder , but that the said motion of the Earth may be miraculous . Now reassuming our Argument , I apply , and once again affirm , that it hath been hitherto unknown how it might be that the Waters contained in our Mediterranean Straights should make those motions , as we see it doth , if so be the said Straight , or containing Vessel were immoveable . And that which makes the difficulty , and rendreth this matter inextricable , are the things which I am about to speak of , and which are daily observed . Therefore lend me your attention . We are here in Venice , where at this time the Waters are low , the Sea calm , the Air tranquil ; suppose it to be young flood , and that in the term of five or six hours the water do rise ten * hand breadths and more ; that rise is not made by the first water , which was said to be rarefied , but it is done by the accession of new Water : Water of the same sort with the former , of the same brackishness , of the same density , of the same weight : Ships , Simplicius , float therein as in the former , without drawing an hairs breadth more water ; a Barrel of this second doth not weigh one single grain more or less than such another quantity of the other , and retaineth the same coldness without the least alteration : And it is , in a word , Water newly and visibly entred by the Channels and Mouth of the † Lio. Consider now , how and from whence it came thither . Are there happly hereabouts any Gulphs or Whirle-pools in the bottom of the Sea , by which the Earth drinketh in and spueth out the Water , breathing as it were a great and monstruous Whale ? But if this be so , how comes it that the Water doth not flow in the space of six hours in Ancona , in * Ragusa , in Corfu , where the Tide is very small , and happly unobservable ? Who will invent a way to pour new Water into an immoveable Vessel , and to make that it rise onely in one determinate part of it , and in other places not ? Will you say , that this new Water is borrowed from the Ocean , being brought in by the Straight of Gibraltar ? This will not remove the doubt aforesaid , but will beget a greater . And first tell me what ought to be the current of that Water , that entering at the Straights mouth , is carried in six hours to the remotest Creeks of the Mediterrane , at a distance of two or three thousand Miles , and that returneth the same space again in a like time at its going back ? What would Ships do that lye out at Sea ? What would become of those that should be in the Straights-mough in a continual precipice of a vast accumulation of Waters , that entering in at a Channel but eight Miles broad , is to give admittance to so much Water as in six hours over-floweth a tract of many hundred Miles broad , & thousands in length ? What Tygre , what Falcon runneth or flyeth with so much swiftness ? With the swiftness , I say , of above 400 Miles an hour . The currents run ( nor can it be denied ) the long-wayes of the Gulph , but so slowly , as that a Boat with Oars will out-go them , though indeed not without defalking for their wanderings . Moreover , if this Water come in at the Straight , the other doubt yet remaineth , namely , how it cometh to flow here so high in a place so remote , without first rising a like or greater height in the parts more adjacent ? In a word , I cannot think that either obstinacy , or sharpness of wit can ever find an answer to these Objections , nor consequently to maintain the stability of the Earth against them , keeping within the bounds of Nature . SAGR. I have all the while perfectly apprehended you in this ; and I stand greedily attending to hear in what manner these wonders may occur without obstruction from the motion already assigned to the Earth . SALV . These effects being to ensue in consequence of the motions that naturally agree with the Earth , it is necessary that they not onely meet with no impediment or obstacle , but that they do follow easily , & not onely that they follow with facility , but with necessity , so as that it is impossible that it should succeed otherwise , for such is the property & condition of things natural & true . Having therefore shewen the impossibility of rendring a reason of the motions discerned in the Waters , & at the same time to maintain the immobility of the vessel that containeth them we may proceed to enquire , whether the mobility of the Container may produce the required effect , in the manner that it is observed to evene . Two kinds of motions may be conferred upon a Vessel , whereby the Water therein contained , may acquire a faculty of fluctuating in it , one while towards one side , and another while towards another ; and there one while to ebbe , and another while to flow . The first is , when first one , and then another of those sides is declined , for then the Water running towards the inclining side , will alternately be higher and lower , sometimes on one side , and sometimes on another . But because that this rising and abating is no other than a recession and accession to the centre of the Earth , such a motion cannot be ascribed to the Cavities of the said Earth , that are the Vessels which contain the Waters ; the parts of which Vessel cannot by any whatsoever motion assigned to the Earth , be made to approach or recede from the centre of the same : The other sort of motion is , when the Vessel moveth ( without inclining in the least ) with a progressive motion , not uniform , but that changeth velocity , by sometimes accellerating , and other times retarding : from which disparity it would follow , that the VVater contained in the Vessel its true , but not fixed fast to it , as its other solid parts , but by reason of its fluidity , as if it were separated and at liberty , and not obliged to follow all the mutations of its Container , in the retardation of the Vessel , it keeping part of the impetus before conceived , would run towards the the preceding part , whereupon it would of necessity come to rise ; and on the contrary , if new velocity should be added to the Vessel , with retaining parts of its tardity , staying somewhat behind , before it could habituate it self to the new impetus , it would hang back towards the following part , where it would come to rise something . The which effects we may plainly declare and make out to the Sense by the example of one of those same Barks yonder , which continually come from * Lizza-Fusina , laden with fresh water , for the service of the City . Let us therefore fancy one of those Barks , to come from thence with moderate velocity along the Lake , carrying the water gently , of which it is full : and then either by running a ground , or by some other impediment that it shall meet with , let it be notably retarded . The water therein contained shall not , by that means , lose , as the Bark doth , its pre-conceived impetus , but retaining the same , shall run forwards towards the prow , where it shall rise notably , falling as much a stern . But if , on the contrary , the said Bark , in the midst of its smooth course , shall have a new velocity , with notable augmentation added to it , the water contained before it can habituate it self thereto , continuing in its tardity , shall stay behinde , namely a stern , where of consequence it shall mount , and abate for the same at the prow . This effect is undoubted and manifest , and may hourly be experimented ; in which I desire that for the present three particulars may be noted . The first is , that to make the water to rise on one side of the vessel , there is no need of new water , nor that it run thither , forsaking the other side . The second is , that the water in the middle doth not rise or fall notably , unlesse the course of the Bark were not before that very swift , and the shock or other arrest that held it exceeding strong and sudden , in which case its possible , that not only all the water might run forwards , but that the greater part thereof might issue forth of the Bark : and the same also would ensue , whilst that being under sail in a smooth course , a most violent impetus should , upon an instant , overtake it : But when to its calme motion there is added a moderate retardation or incitation , the middle parts ( as I said ) unobservedly rise and fall : and the other parts , according as they are neerer to the middle , rise the lesse ; and the more remote , more . The third is , that whereas the parts about the midst do make little alteration in rising and falling , in respect of the waters of the sides ; on the contrary , they run forwards and backwards very much , in comparison of the extreams . Now , my Masters , that which the Bark doth , in respect of the water by it contained , and that which the water contained doth , in respect of the Bark its container , is the self-same , to an hair , with that which the Mediterranean Vessel doth , in respect of the waters in it contained , and that which the waters contained do , in respect of the Mediterranean Vessel their container . It followeth now that we demonstrate how , and in what manner it is true , that the Mediterrane , and all the other Straits ; and in a word , all the parts of the Earth do all move , with a motion notably uneven , though no motion that is not regular and uniforme , is thereby assigned to all the said Globe taken collectively . SIMP . This Proposition , at first sight to me , that am neither Geometrician nor Astronomer , hath the appearance of a very great Paradox ; and if it should be true , that the motion of the whole , being regular , that of the parts , which are all united to their whole , may be irregular , the Paradox will overthrow the Axiome that affirmeth , Eandem esse rationem totius & partium . SALV . I will demonstrate my Paradox , and leave it to your care , Simplicius , to defend the Axiome from it , or else to reconcile them ; and my demonstration shall be short and familiar , depending on the things largely handled in our precedent conferences , without introducing the least syllable , in favour of the flux and reflux . We have said , that the motions assigned to the Terrestrial Globe are two , the first Annual , made by its centre about the circumference of the Grand Orb , under the Ecliptick , according to the order of the Signes , that is , from West to East ; the other made by the said Globe revolving about its own centre in twenty four hours ; and this likewise from West to East : though about an Axis somewhat inclined , and not equidistant from that of the Annual conversion . From the mixture of these two motions , each of it self uniform , I say , that there doth result an uneven and deformed motion in the parts of the Earth . Which , that it may the more easily be understood , I will explain , by drawing a Scheme thereof . And first , about the centre A [ in Fig. 1. of this Dialogue ] I will describe the circumference of the Grand Orb B C , in which any point being taken , as B , about it as a centre we will describe this lesser circle D E F G , representing the Terrestrial Globe ; the which we will suppose to run thorow the whole circumference of the Grand Orb , with its centre B , from the West towards the East , that is , from the part B towards C ; and moreover we will suppose the Terrestrial Globe to turn about its own centre B likewise from West to East , that is , according to the succession of the points D E F G , in the space of twenty four hours . But here we ought carefully to note , that a circle turning round upon its own centre , each part of it must , at different times , move with contrary motions : the which is manifest , considering that whilst the parts of the circumference , about the point D move to the left hand , that is , towards E , the opposite parts that are about F , approach to the right hand , that is , towards G ; so that when the parts D shall be in F , their motion shall be contrary to what it was before . when it was in D. Furthermore , the same time that the parts E descend , if I may so speak , towards F , those in G ascend towards D. It being therefore presupposed , that there are such contrarieties of motions in the parts of the Terrestrial Surface , whilst it turneth round upon its own centre , it is necessary , that in conjoyning this Diurnal Motion , with the other Annual , there do result an absolute motion for the parts of the said Terrestrial Superficies , one while very accelerate , and another while as slow again . The which is manifest , considering first the parts about D , the absolute motion of which shall be extream swift , as that which proceedeth from two motions made both one way , namely , towards the left hand ; the first of which is part of the Annual Motion , common to all the parts of the Globe , the other is that of the said point D. , carried likewise to the left , by the Diurnal Revolution ; so that , in this case , the Diurnal motion increaseth and accelerateth the Annual . The contrary to which happeneth in the opposite part F , which , whilst it is by the common annual motion carried , together with the whole Globe , towards the left , it happeneth to be carried by the Diurnal conversion also towards the right : so that the Diurnal motion by that means detracteth from the Annual , whereupon the absolute motion , resulting from the composition of both the other , is much retarded . Again , about the points E and G , the absolute motion becometh in a manner equal to the simple Annual one , in regard that little or nothing increaseth or diminisheth it , as not tending either to the left hand , or to the right , but downwards and upwards . We will conclude therefore , that like as it is true , that the motion of the whole Globe , and of each of its parts , would be equal and uniforme , in case they did move with one single motion , whether it were the meer Annual , or the single Diurnal Revolution , so it is requisite , that mixing those two motions together , there do result thence for the parts of the said Globe irregular motions , one while accelerated , and another while retarded , by means of the additions or substractions of the Diurnal conversion from the annual circulation . So that , if it be true ( and most true it is , as experience proves ) that the acceleration and retardation of the motion of the Vessel , makes water contained therein to run to and again the long wayes of it , and to rise and fall in its extreames , who will make scruple of granting , that the said effect may , nay ought to succeed in the Sea-waters , contained within their Vessels , subject to such like alterations , and especially in those that distend themselves long-wayes from West to East , which is the course that the motion of those same Vessels steereth ? Now this is the most potent and primary cause of the ebbing and flowing , without the which no such effect would ensue . But because the particular accidents are many and various , that in several places and times are observed , which must of necessity have dependance on other different concomitant causes , although they ought all to have connexion with the primary ; therefore it is convenient that we propound and examine the several accidents that may be the causes of such different effects . The first of which is , that when ever the water , by means of a notable retardation or acceleration of the motion of the Vessel , its container , shall have acquired a cause of running towards this or that extream , and shall be raised in the one , and abated in the other , it shall not neverthelesse continue , for any time in that state , when once the primary cause is ceased : but by vertue of its own gravity and natural inclination to level and grow , even it shall speedily return backwards of its own accord , and , as being grave and fluid , shall not only move towards Aequilibrium ; but being impelled by its own impetus , shall go beyond it , rising in the part , where before it was lowest ; nor shall it stay here , but returning backwards anew , with more reiterated reciprocations of its undulations , it shall give us to know , that it will not from a velocity of motion , once conceived , reduce it self , in an instant , to the privation thereof , and to the state of rest , but will successively , by decreasing a little and a little , reduce it self unto the same , just in the same manner as we see a weight hanging at a cord , after it hath been once removed from its state of rest , that is , from its perpendicularity , of its own accord , to return thither and settle it self , but not till such time as it shall have often past to one side , and to the other , with its reciprocall vibrations . The second accident to be observed is , that the before-declared reciprocations of motion come to be made and repeated with greater or lesser frequency , that is , under shorter or longer times , according to the different lengths of the Vessels containing the waters ; so that in the shorter spaces the reciprocations are more frequent , and in the longer more rare : just as in the former example of pendent bodies , the vibrations of those that are hanged to longer cords are seen to be lesse frequent , than those of them that hang at shorter strings . And here , for a third observation , it is to be noted , that not onely the greater or lesser length of the Vessel is a cause that the water maketh its reciprocations under different times ; but the greater or lesser profundity worketh the same effect . And it happeneth , that of waters contained in receptacles of equall length , but of unequal depth , that which shall be the deepest , maketh its undulations under shorter times , and the reciprocations of the shallower waters are lesse frequent . Fourthly , there are two effects worthy to be noted , and diligently observed , which the water worketh in those its vibrations ; the one is its rising and falling alternately towards the one and other extremity ; the other is its moving and running , to so speak , Horizontally forwards and backwards . Which two different motions differently reside in divers parts of the Water : for its extream parts are those which most eminently rise and fall ; those in the middle never absolutely moving upwards , and downwards ; of the rest successively those that are neerest to the extreams rise and fall proportionally more than the remote : but on the contrary , touching the other progressive motion forwards and backwards , the middle parts move notably , going and returning , and the waters that are in the extream parts gain no ground at all ; save onely in case that in their rising they overflow their banks , and break forth of their first channel and receptacle ; but where there is the obstacle of banks to keep them in , they onely rise and fall ; which yet hindereth not the waters in the middle from fluctuating to and again ; which likewise the other parts do in proportion , undulating more or lesse , according as they are neerer or more remote from the middle . The fifth particular accident ought the more attentively to be considered , in that it is impossible to represent the effect thereof by an experiment or example ; and the accident is this . In the vessels by us framed with art , and moved , as the above-named Bark , one while more , and another while lesse swiftly , the acceleration and retardation is imparted in the same manner to all the vessel , and to every part of it ; so that whilst v. g. the Bark forbeareth to move , the parts precedent retard no more than the subsequent , but all equally partake of the same retardment ; and the self-same holds true of the acceleration , namely , that conferring on the Bark a new cause of greater velocity , the Prow and Poop both accelerate in one and the same manner . But in huge great vessels , such as are the very long bottomes of Seas , albeit they also are no other than certain cavities made in the solidity of the Terrestrial Globe , it alwayes admirably happeneth , that their extreams do not unitedly equall , and at the same moments of time increase and diminish their motion , but it happeneth that when one of its extreames hath , by vertue of the commixtion of the two Motions , Diurnal , and Annual , greatly retarded its velocity , the other extream is animated with an extream swift motion . Which for the better understanding of it we will explain , reassuming a Scheme like to the former ; in which if we do but suppose a tract of Sea to be long , v. g. a fourth part , as is the arch B C [ in Fig. 2. ] because the parts B are , as hath been already declared , very swift in motion , by reason of the union of the two motions diurnal and annual , towards one and the same way , but the part C at the same time is retarded in its motion , as being deprived of the progression dependant on the diurnal motion : If we suppose , I say , a tract of Sea as long as the arch B C , we have already seen , that its extreams shall move in the same time with great inequality . And extreamly different would the velocities of a tract of Sea be that is in length a semicircle , and placed in the position B C D , in regard that the extream B would be in a most accelerate motion , and the other D , in a most slow one ; and the intermediate parts towards C , would be in a moderate motion . And according as the said tracts of Sea shall be shorter , they shall lesse participate of this extravagant accident , of being in some hours of the day with their parts diversly affected by velocity and tardity of motion . So that , if , as in the first case , we see by experience that the acceleration and retardation , though equally imparted to all the parts of the conteining Vessel , is the cause that the water contained fluctuates too and again , what may we think would happen in a Vessel so admirably disposed , that retardation and acceleration of motion is very unequally contributed to its parts ? Certainly we must needs grant that greater and more wonderful causes of the commotions in the Water ought to be looked for . And though it may seem impossible to some , that in artificial Machines and Vessels we should be able to experiment the effects of such an accident ; yet neverthelesse it is not absolutely impossible to be done ; and I have by me the model of an Engine , in which the effect of these admirable commixtions of motions may be particularly observed . But as to what concerns our present purpose , that which you may have hitherto comprehended with your imagination may suffice . SAGR. I for my own particular very well conceive that this admirable accident ought necessarily to evene in the Straights of Seas , and especially in those that distend themselves for a great length from VVest to East ; namely according to the course of the motions of the Terrestrial Globe ; and as it is in a certain manner unthought of , and without a president among the motions possible to be made by us , so it is not hard for me to believe , that effects may be derived from the same , which are not to be imitated by our artificial experiments . SALV . These things being declared , it is time that we proceed to examine the particular accidents , which , together with their diversities , are observed by experience in the ebbing and flowing of the waters . And first we need not think it hard to guesse whence it happeneth , that in Lakes , Pooles , and also in the lesser Seas there is no notable flux and reflux ; the which hath two very solid reasons . The one is , that by reason of the shortnesse of the Vessel , in its acquiring in several hours of the day several degrees of velocity , they are with very little difference acquired by all its parts ; for as well the precedent as the subsequent , that is to say , both the Eastern and VVestern parts , do accelerate and retard almost in the same manner ; and withal making that alteration by little and little , and not by giving the motion of the conteining Vessel a sudden check , and retardment , or a sudden and great impulse or acceleration ; both it and all its parts , come to be gently and equally impressed with the same degrees of velocity ; from which uniformity it followeth , that also the conteined water with but small resistance and opposition , receiveth the same impressions , and by consequence doth give but very obscure signes of its rising or falling , or of its running towards one part or another . The which effect is likewise manifestly to be seen in the little artificial Vessels , wherein the contained water doth receive the self same impressions of velocity ; when ever the acceleration and retardation is made by gentle and uniform proportion . But in the Straights and Bays that for a great length distend themselves from East to West , the acceleration and retardation is more notable and more uneven , for that one of its extreams shall be much retarded in motion , and the other shall at the same time move very swiftly : The reciprocal libration or levelling of the water proceeding from the impetus that it had conceived from the motion of its container . The which libration , as hath been noted , hath its undulations very frequent in small Vessels ; from whence ensues , that though there do reside in the Terrestrial motions the cause of conferring on the waters a motion onely from twelve hours to twelve hours , for that the motion of the conteining Vessels do extreamly accelerate and extreamly retard but once every day , and no more ; yet neverthelesse this same second cause depending on the gravity of the water which striveth to reduce it self to equilibration , and that according to the shortnesse of the Vessel hath its reciprocations of one , two , three , or more hours , this intermixing with the first , which also it self in small Vessels is very little , it becommeth upon the whole altogether insensible . For the primary cause , which hath the periods of twelve hours , having not made and end of imprinting the precedent commotion , it is overtaken and opposed by the other second , dependant on the waters own weight , which according to the brevity and profundity of the Vessel , hath the time of its undulations of one , two , three , four , or more hours ; and this contending with the other former one , disturbeth and removeth it , not permitting it to come to the height , no nor to the half of its motion ; and by this contestation the evidence of the ebbing and flowing is wholly annihilated , or at least very much obscured . I passe by the continual alteration of the air , which disquieting the water , permits us not to come to a certainty , whether any , though but small , encrease or abatement of half an inch , or losse , do reside in the Straights , or receptacles of water not above a degree or two in length . I come in the second place to resolve the question , why , there not residing any vertue in the primary principle of commoving the waters , save onely every twelve hours , that is to say , once by the greatest velocity , and once by the greatest tardity of motion ; the ebbings and flowings should yet neverthelesse appear to be every six hours . To which is answered , that this determination cannot any wayes be taken from the primary cause onely ; but there is a necessity of introducing the secondary causes , as namely the greater or lesse length of the Vessels , and the greater or lesse depth of the waters in them conteined . Which causes although they have not any operation in the motions of the waters , those operations belonging to the sole primary cause , without which no ebbing or flowing would happen , yet neverthelesse they have a principal share in determining the times or periods of the reciprocations , and herein their influence is so powerful , that the primary cause must of force give way unto them . The period of six hours therefore is no more proper or natural than those of other intervals of times , though indeed its the most observed , as agreeing with our Mediterrane , which was the onely Sea that for many Ages was navigated : though neither is that period observed in all its parts ; for that in some more angust places , such as are the Hellespont , and the Aegean Sea , the periods are much shorter , and also very divers amongst themselves ; for which diversities , and their causes incomprehensible to Aristotle , some say , that after he had a long time observed it upon some cliffes of Negropont , being brought to desperation , he threw himself into the adjoyning Euripus , and voluntarily drowned himself . In the third place we have the reason ready at hand , whence it commeth to passe , that some Seas , although very long , as is the Red Sea , are almost altogether exempt from Tides , which happeneth because their length extendeth not from East to West , but rather transversly from the Southeast to the Northwest ; but the motions of the Earth going from West to East ; the impulses of the water , by that means , alwayes happen to fall in the Meridians , and do not move from parallel to parallel ; insomuch that in the Seas that extend themselves athwart towards the Poles , and that the contrary way are narrow , there is no cause of ebbing and flowing , save onely by the participation of another Sea , wherewith it hath communication , that is subject to great commotions . In the fourth place we shall very easily find out the reason why the fluxes and refluxes are greatest , as to the waters rising and falling in the utmost extremities of Gulphs , and least in the intermediate parts ; as daily experience sheweth here in Venice , lying in the farther end of the Adriatick Sea , where that difference commonly amounts to five or six feet ; but in the places of the Mediterrane , far distant from the extreams , that mutation is very small , as in the Isles of Corsica and Sardinnia , and in the Strands of Rome and Ligorne , where it exceeds not half a foot ; we shall understand also , why on the contrary , where the risings and fallings are small , the courses and recourses are great : I say it is an easie thing to understand the causes of these accidents , seeing that we meet with many manifest occurrences of the same nature in every kind of Vessel by us artificially composed , in which the same effects are observed naturally to follow upon our moving it unevenly , that is , one while faster , and another while flower . Moreover , considering in the fifth place , that the same quantity of Water being moved , though but gently , in a spatious Channel , comming afterwards to go through a narrow passage , will of necessity run , with great violence , we shall not finde it hard to comprehend the cause of the great Currents that are made in the narrow Channel that separateth Calabria from Sicilia : for that all the Waters that , by the spaciousnesse of the Isle , and by the Ionick Gulph , happens to be pent in the Eastern part of the Sea , though it do in that , by reason of its largeness , gently descend towards the West , yet neverthelesse , in that it is pent up in the Bosphorus , it floweth with great violence between Scilla and Caribdis , and maketh a great agitation . Like to which , and much greater , is said to be betwixt Africa and the great Isle of St. Lorenzo , where the Waters of the two vast Seas , Indian and Ethiopick , that lie round it , must needs be straightned into a lesse Channel between the said Isle and the Ethiopian Coast. And the Currents must needs be very great in the Straights of Megallanes , which joyne together the vast Oceans of Ethiopia , and Del Zur , called also the Pacifick Sea. It follows now , in the sixth place , that to render a reason of some more abstruse and incredible accidents , which are observed upon this occasion , we make a considerable reflection upon the two principal causes of ebbings and flowings , afterwards compounding and mixing them together . The first and simplest of which is ( as hath often been said ) the determinate acceleration and retardation of the parts of the Earth , from whence the Waters have a determinate period put to their decursions towards the East , and return towards the West , in the time of twenty four hours . The other is that which dependeth on the proper gravity of the Water , which being once commoved by the primary cause , seeketh , in the next place , to reduce it self to Aequilibrium , with iterated reciprocations ; which are not determined by one sole and prefixed time ; but have as many varieties of times as are the different lengths and profundities of the receptacles , and Straights of Seas ; and by what dependeth on this second principle , they would ebbe and flow , some in one hour , others in two , in four , in six , in eight , in ten , &c. Now if we begin to put together the first cause , which hath its set Period from twelve hours to twelve hours , with some one of the secondary , that hath its Period verb. grat . from five hours to five hours , it would come to passe , that at sometimes the primary cause and secondary would accord to make impulses both one the same way ; and in this concurrency , and ( as one may call it ) unanimous conspiration the flowings shall be great . At other times it happening that the primary impulse doth , in a certain manner , oppose that which the secondary Period would make , and in this contest one of the Principles being taken away , that which the other would give , will weaken the commotion of the Waters , and the Sea will return to a very tranquil State , and almost immoveable . And at other times , according as the two aforesaid Principles shall neither altogether contest , nor altogether concur , there shall be other kinds of alterations made in the increase and diminution of the ebbing and flowing . It may likewise fall out that two Seas , considerably great and which communicate by some narrow Channel , may chance to have , by reason of the mixtion of the two Principles of motion , one cause to flow at the time that the other hath cause to move a contrary way ; in which case in the Channel , whereby they disimbogue themselves into each other , there do extraordinary conturbations insue , with opposite and vortick motions , and most dangerous boilings and breakings , as frequent relations and experiences do assure us . From such like discordant motions , dependent not onely on the different positions and longitudes , but very much also upon the different profundities of the Seas , which have the said intercourse there do happen at sometimes different commotions in the Waters , irregular , and that can be reduced to no rules of observation , the reasons of which have much troubled , and alwayes do trouble Mariners , for that they meet with them without seeing either impulse of winds , or other eminent aereal alteration that might occasion the same ; of which disturbance of the Air we ought to make great account in other accidents , and to take it for a third and accidental cause , able to alter very much the observation of the effects depending on the secondary and more essential causes . And it is not to be doubted , but that impetuous windes , continuing to blow , for example , from the East , they shall retein the Waters and prohibit the reflux or ebbing ; whereupon the second and third reply of the flux or tide overtaking the former , at the hours prefixed , they will swell very high ; and being thus born up for some dayes , by the strength of the Winds , they shall rise more than usual , making extraordinary inundations . We ought also , ( and this shall serve for a seventh Probleme ) to take notice of another cause of motion dependant on the great abundance of the Waters of great Rivers that discharge themselves into Seas of no great capacity , whereupon in the Straits or Bosphori that communicate with those Seas , the Waters are seen to run always one way : as it happeneth in the Thracian Bosphorus below Constantinople , where the water alwayes runneth from the Black-Sea , towards the Propontis : For in the said Black-Sea by reason of its shortnesse , the principal causes of ebbing and flowing are but of small force . But , on the contrary , very great Rivers falling into the same , those huge defluxions of water being to passe and disgorge themselves by the the straight , the * course is there very notable and alwayes towards the South . Where moreover we ought to take notice , that the said Straight or Channel , albeit very narrow , is not subject to perturbations , as the Straight of Scilla and Carybdis ; for that that hath the Black-Sea above towards the North , and the Propontis , the Aegean , and the Mediterranean Seas joyned unto it , though by a long tract towards the South ; but now , as we have observed , the Seas , though of never so great length , lying North and South , are not much subject to ebbings and flowings ; but because the Sicilian Straight is situate between the parts of the Mediterrane distended for a long tract or distance from West to East , that is , according to the course of the fluxes and refluxes ; therefore in this the agitations are very great ; and would be much more violent between Hercules Pillars , in case the Straight of Gibraltar did open lesse ; and those of the Straight of Magellanes are reported to be extraordinary violent . This is what , for the present , cometh into my mind to say unto you about the causes of this first period diurnal of the Tide , and its various accidents , touching which , if you have any thing to offer , you may let us hear it , that so we may afterwards proceed to the other two periods , monethly and annual . SIMP . In my opinion , it cannot be denied , but that your discourse carrieth with it much of probability , arguing , as we say , ex suppositione , namely , granting that the Earth moveth with the two motions assigned it by Copernicus : but if that motion be disproved , all that you have said is vain , and insignificant : and for the disproval of that Hypothesis , it is very manifestly hinted by your Discourse it self . You , with the supposition of the two Terrestrial motions , give a reason of the ebbing and flowing ; and then again , arguing circularly , from the ebbing and flowing , draw the reason and confirmation of those very motions ; and so proceeding to a more specious Discourse , you say that the Water , as being a fluid body , and not tenaciously annexed to the Earth , is not constrained punctually to obey every of its motions , from which you afterwards infer its ebbing and flowing , Now I , according to your own method , argue the quite contrary , and say ; the Air is much more tenuous , and fluid than the Water , and lesse annexed to the Earths superficies , to which the Water , if it be for nothing else , yet by reason of its gravity that presseth down upon the same more than the light Air , adhereth ; therefore the Air is much obliged to follow the motions of the Earth : and therefore were it so , that the Earth did move in that manner , we the inhabitants of it , and carried round with like velocity by it , ought perpetually to feel a Winde from the East that beateth upon us with intolerable force . And that so it ought to fall out , quotidian experience assureth us : for if with onely riding post , at the speed of eight or ten miles an hour in the tranquil Air , the incountering of it with our face seemeth to us a Winde that doth not lightly blow upon us , what should we expect from our rapid course of 800. or a thousand miles an hour , against the Air , that is , free from that motion ? And yet , notwithstanding we cannot perceive any thing of that nature . SALV . To this objection that hath much of likelihood in it , I reply , that its true , the Air is of greater tenuity and levity ; and , by reason of its levity , lesse adherent to the Earth than Water so much more grave and * bulky ; but yet the consequence is false that you infer from these qualities ; namely , that upon account of that its levity , tenuity , and lesse adherence to the Earth , it should be more exempt than the Water from following the Terrestrial Motions ; so as that to us , who absolutely pertake of of them , the said exemption should be sensible and manifest ; nay , it happeneth quite contrary ; for , if you well remember , the cause of the ebbing and flowing of the Water assigned by us , consisteth in the Waters not following the unevennesse of the motion of its Vessel , but retaining the impetus conceived before , without diminishing or increasing it according to the precise rate of its diminishing or increasing in its Vessel . Because therefore that in the conservation and retention of the impetus before conceived , the disobedience to a new augmentation or diminution of motion consisteth , that moveable that shall be most apt for such a retention , shall be also most commodious to demonstrate the effect that followeth in consequence of that retention . Now how much the Water is disposed to maintain such a conceived agitation ; though the causes cease that impress the same , the experience of the Seas extreamly disturbed by impetuous Winds sheweth us ; the Billows of which , though the Air be grown calm , and the Wind laid , for a long time after continue in motion : As the Sacred Poet pleasantly sings , Qual l'alto Egeo , &c. — And that long continuing rough after a storm , dependeth on the gravity of the water : For , as I have elsewhere said , light bodies are much easier to be moved than the more grave , but yet are so much the less apt to conserve the motion imparted , when once the moving cause ceaseth . Whence it comes that the Aire , as being of it self very light and thin , is easily mov'd by any very small force , yet it is withall very unable to hold on its motion , the Mover once ceasing . Therefore , as to the Aire which environs the Terrestrial Globe , I would fay , that by reason of its adherence , it is no lesse carried about therewith then the Water ; and especially that part which is contained in its vessels ; which vessels are the valleys enclosed with Mountains . And we may with much more reason affirm that this same part of the Air is carried round , and born forwards by the rugged parts of the Earth , than that the higher is whirl'd about by the motion of the Heavens , as ye Peripateticks maintain . What hath been hitherto spoken , seems to me a sufficient answer to the allegation of Simplitius ; yet nevertheless with a new instance and solution , founded upon an admirable experiment , I will superabundantly satisfie him , and confirm to Sagredus the mobility of the Earth . I have told you that the Air , and in particular that part of it which ascendeth not above the tops of the highest Mountains , is carried round by the uneven parts of the Earths surface : from whence it should seem , that it must of consequence come to passe , that in case the superficies of the Earth were not uneven , but smooth and plain , no cause would remain for drawing the Air along with it , or at least for revolving it with so much uniformity . Now the surface of this our Globe , is not all craggy and rugged , but there are exceeding great tracts very even , to wit , the surfaces of very vast Seas , which being also far remote from the continuate ledges of Mountains which environ it , seem to have no faculty of carrying the super-ambient Air along therewith : and not carrying it about , we may perceive what will of consequence ensue in those places . SIMP . I was about to propose the very same difficulty , which I think is of great validity . SALV . You say very well Simplicius , for from the not finding in the Air that which of consequence would follow , did this our Globe move round ; you argue its immoveablenesse . But in case that this which you think ought of necessary consequence to be found , be indeed by experience proved to be so ; will you accept it for a sufficient testimony and an argument for the mobility of the said Globe ? SIMP . In this case it is not requisite to argue with me alone , for if it should so fall out , and that I could not comprehend the cause thereof , yet haply it might be known by others . SALV . So that by playing with you , a man shall never get , but be alwayes on the losing hand ; and therefore it would be better to give over : Nevertheless , that we may not cheat our third man we will play on . We said even now , and with some addition we reitterate it , that the Ayr as if it were a thin and fluid body , and not solidly conjoyned with the Earth , seem'd not to be necessitated to obey its motion ; unlesse so far as the cragginess of the terrestrial superficies , transports and carries with it a part thereof contigious thereunto ; which doth not by any great space exceed the greatest altitude of Mountains : the which portion of Air ought to be so much less repugnant to the terrestrial conversion , by how much it is repleat with vapours , fumes , and exhalations , matters all participating of terrene qualities , and consequently apt of their own nature to the same motions . But where there are wanting the causes of motion , that is , where the surface of the Globe hath great levels , and where there is less mixture of the terrene vapours , there the cause whereby the ambient Air is constrained to give entire obedience to the terrestrial conversion will cease in part ; so that in such places , whilst the Earth revolveth towards the East , there will be continually a wind perceived which will beat upon us , blowing from the East towards the West : and such gales will be the more sensible , where the revolution of the Globe is most swift ; which will be in places more remote from the Poles , and approaching to the greatest Circle of the diurnal conversion . But now de facto experience much confirmeth this Phylosophical argumentation ; for in the spatious Seas , and in their parts most remote from Land , and situate under the Torrid Zone , that is bounded by the Tropicks , where there are none of those same terrestrial evaporations , we finde a perpetual gale move from the East with so constant a blast , that ships by favour thereof sail prosperously to the West-India's . And from the same coasting along the Mexican shore , they with the same felicity pass the Pacifick Ocean towards the India's ; which to us are East , but to them are West . Whereas on the contrary the Course from thence towards the East is difficult and uncertain , and not to be made by the same Rhumb , but must vere more to Land-ward , to recover other Winds , which we may call accidentary and tumultuary , produced from other Principles , as those that inhabit the continent find by experience . Of which productions of Winds , the Causes are many and different , which shall not at this time be mentioned . And these accidentary Winds are those which blow indifferently from all parts of the Earth , and make rough the Seas remote from the Equinoctial , and environed by the rugged Surface of the Earth ; which is as much as to say environ'd with those perturbations of Air , that confound that primary Gale. The which , in case these accidental impediments were removed , would be continually felt , and especially upon the Sea. Now see how the effect of the Water and Air seem wonderfully to accord with the Celestial observations , to confirm the mobility of our Terrestrial Globe . SAGR. I also for a final close will relate to you one particular , which as I believe is unknown unto you , and which likewise may serve to confirm the same conclusion : You Salviatus alledged , That Accident which Sailers meet with between the Tropicks ; I mean that perpetual Gale of Winde that beats upon them from the East , of which I have an account from those that have many times made the Voyage : And moreover ( which is very observable ) I understand that the Mariners do not call it a Wind , but by another * name , which I do not now remember , taken haply from its so fixed and constant Tenor ; which when they have met with , they tie up their shrouds and other cordage belonging to the Sails , and without any more need of touching them , though they be in a sleep , they can continue their course . Now this constant Trade-wind was known to be such by its continual blowing without interruptions ; for if it were interrupted by other Windes , it would not have been acknowledged for a singular Effect , and different from the rest : from which I will infer , That it may be that also our Mediterranean Sea doth partake of the like accident ; but it is not observed , as being frequently altered by the confluence of other windes . And this I say , not without good grounds , yea upon very probable conjectures whch came unto my knowledge , from that which tendred it self to my notice on occasion of the voyage that I made into Syria , going Consul for this Nation to Aleppo , and this it is : That keeping a particular account and memorial of the dayes of the departure and arrival of the Ships in the Ports of Alexandria , of Alexandretta , and this of Venice ; in comparing sundry of them , which I did for my curiosity , I found that in exactness of account the returns hither , that is the voiages from East to West along the Mediterrane , are made in less time then the contrary courses by 25. in the Hundred : So that we see that one with another , the Eastern windes are stronger then the Western . SALV . I am very glad I know this particular , which doth not a little make for the confirmation of the Earths mobility . And although it may be alledged , That all the Water of the Mediterrane runs perpetually towards the Straits-mouth , as being to disimbogue into the Ocean , the waters of as many Rivers , as do discharge themselves into the same ; I do not think that that current can be so great , as to be able of it self alone to make so notable a difference : which is also manifest by observing that the water in the Pharo of Sicily runneth back again no less towards the East , than it runneth forwards towards the West . SAGR. I , that have not as Simplicius , an inclination to satisfie any one besides my self , am satisfied with what hath been said as to this first particular : Therefore Salviatus , when you think it sit to proceed forward , I am prepared to hear you . SALV . I shall do as you command me , but yet I would fain hear the opinion also of Simplicius , from whose judgement I can argue how much I may promise to my self touching these discourses from the Peripatetick Schools , if ever they should come to their ears . SIMP . I desire not that my opinion should serve or stand for a measure , whereby you should judge of others thoughts ; for as I have often said , I am inconsiderable in these kinde of studies , and such things may come into the mindes of those that are entered into the deepest passages of Philosophy , as I could never think of ; as having ( according to the Proverb ) scarce kist her Maid : yet nevertheless , to give you my sudden thoughts , I shall tell you , That of those effects by you recounted , and particularly the last , there may in my judgement very sufficient Reasons be given without the Earths mobility , by the mobility of the Heavens onely ; never introducing any novelty more , than the inversion of that which you your self propose unto us . It hath been received by the Peripatetick Schools , that the Element of Fire , and also a great part of the Aire is carried about according to the Diurnal conversion from East to West , by the contact of the Concave of the Lunar Orb , as by the Vessel their container . Now without going out of your track , I will that we determine the Quantity of the Aire which partaketh of that motion to distend so low as to the Tops of the highest Hills , and that likewise they would reach to the Earth , if those Mountains did not impede them , which agreeth with what you say : For as you affirm , the Air , which is invironed by ledges of Mountains , to be carried about by the asperity of the moveable Earth ; we on the contrary say , That the whole Element of Air is carried about by the motion of Heaven , that part only excepted which lyeth below those bodies , which is hindred by the asperity of the immoveable Earth . And whereas you said , That in case that asperity should be removed , the Air would also cease to be whirld about ; we may say , That the said asperity being removed , the whole Aire would continue its motion . Whereupon , because the surfaces of spacious Seas are smooth , and even ; the Airs motion shall continue upon those , alwaies blowing from the East : And this is more sensibly perceived in Climates lying under the Line , and within the Tropicks , where the motion of Heaven is swifter ; and like as that Celestial motion is able to bear before it all the Air that is at liberty , so we may very rationally affirm that it contributeth the same motion to the Water moveable , as being fluid and not connected to the immobility of the Earth : And with so much the more confidence may we affirm the same , in that by your confession , that motion ought to be very small in resect of the efficient Cause ; which begirting in a natural day the whole Terrestrial Globe , passeth many hundreds of miles an hour , and especially towards the Equinoctial ; whereas in the currents of the open Sea , it moveth but very few miles an hour . And thus the voiages towards the West shall come to be commodious and expeditious , not onely by reason of the perpetual Eastern Gale , but of the course also of the Waters ; from which course also perhaps the Ebbing and Flowing may come , by reason of the different scituation of the Terrestrial Shores : against which the Water coming to beat , may also return backwards with a contrary motion , like as experience sheweth us in the course of Rivers ; for according as the Water in the unevenness of the Banks , meeteth with some parts that stand out , or make with their Meanders some Reach or Bay , here the Water turneth again , and is seen to retreat back a considerable space . Upon this I hold , That of those effects from which you argue the Earths mobility , and alledge it as a cause of them , there may be assigned a cause sufficiently valid , retaining the Earth stedfast , and restoring the mobility of Heaven . SALV . It cannot be denied , but that your discourse is ingenious , & hath much of probability , I mean probability in appearance , but not in reality & existence : It consisteth of two parts : In the first it assignes a reason of the continual motion of the Eastern Winde , and also of a like motion in the Water . In the second , It would draw from the same Sourse the cause of the Ebbing and Flowing . The first part hath ( as I have said ) some appearance of probability , but yet extreamly less then that which we take from the Terrestrial motion . The second is not onely wholly improbable , but altogether impossible and false . And coming to the first , whereas it is said that the Concave of the Moon carrieth about the element of Fire , and the whole Air , even to the tops of the higher Mountains . I answer first , that it is dubious whether there be any element of Fire : But suppose there be , it is much doubted of the Orbe of the Moon , as also of all the rest ; that is , Whether there be any such solid bodies and vast , or elss , Whether beyond the Air there be extended a continuate expansion of a substance of much more tenuity and purity than our Air , up and down which the Planets go wandring , as now at last a good part of those very Phylosophers begin to think : But be it in this or in that manner , there is no reason for which the Fire , by a simple contract to a superficies , which you your self grant to be smooth and terse , should be according to its whole depth carried round in a motion different from its natural inclination ; as hath been defusely proved , and with sensible reasons demonstrated by † Il Saggiatore : Besides the other improbability of the said motions transfusing it self from the subtilest Fire throughout the Air , much more dense ; and from that also again to the Water . But that a body of rugged and mountainous surface , by revolving in it self , should carry with it the Air contiguous to it , and against which its promontaries beat , is not onely probable but necessary , and experience thereof may be daily seen ; though without seeing it , I believe that there is no judgement that doubts thereof . As to the other part , supposing that the motion of Heaven did carry round the Air , and also the Water ; yet would that motion for all that have nothing to do with the Ebbing and Flowing . For being that from one onely and uniform cause , there can follow but one sole and uniform effect ; that which should be discovered in the Water , would be a continuate and uniform course from East to West ; and in that a Sea onely , which running compass environeth the whole Globe . But in determinate Seas , such as is the Mediterrane shut up in the East , there could be no such motion . For if its Water might be driven by the course of Heaven towards the West , it would have been dry many ages since : Besides that our Water runneth not onely towards the West , But returneth backwards towards the East , and that in ordinal Periods : And whereas you say by the example of Rivers , that though the course of the Sea were Originally that onely from East to West , yet nevertheless the different Position of the Shores may make part of the Water regurgitate , and return backwards : I grant it you , but it is necessary that you take notice my Simplicius , that where the Water upon that account returneth backwards , it doth so there perpetually ; and where it runneth straight forwards , it runneth there alwayes in the same manner ; for so the example of the Rivers shewes you . But in the case of the ebbing and flowing , you must finde and give us some reason why it doth in the self same place run one while one way , and another while another ; Effects that being contrary & irregular , can never be deduced from any uniform and constant Cause : And this Argument , that overthrows the Hypothesis of the motion contributed to the Sea from the Heavens diurnal motion , doth also confute that Position of those who would admit the sole diurnal motion of the Earth , and believe that they are able with that alone to give a reason of the Flux and Reflux : Of which effect since it is irregular , the cause must of necessity be irregular and alterable . SIMP . I have nothing to reply , neither of my own , by reason of the weakness of my understanding ; nor of that of others , for that the Opinion is so new : But I could believe that if it were spread amongst the Schools , there would not want Phylosophers able to oppose it . SAGR. Expect such an occasion ; and we in the mean time if it seem good to Salviatus , will proceed forward . SALV . All that which hath been said hitherto , pertaineth to the diurnal period of the ebbing and flowing ; of which we have in the first place demonstrated in general the primary and universal Cause , without which , no such effect would follow : Afterw●●ds passing to the particular Accidents , various , and in a certain sort irregular , that are observed therein : We have handled the secondary and concommitant Causes upon which they depend . Now follow the two other Periods , Monethly , and Annual , which do not bring with them new and different Accidents , other than those already considered in the diurnal Period ; but they operate on the same Accidents , by rendring them greater and lesser in several parts of the Lunar Moneth , and in several times of the Solar Year ; as if that the Moon and Sun did each conceive it self apart in operating and producing of those Effects ; a thing that totally clasheth with my understanding , which seeing how that this of Seas is a local and sensible motion , made in an immense mass of Water , it cannot be brought to subscribe to Lights , to temperate Heats , to predominacies by occult Qualities , and to such like vain Imaginations , that are so far from being , or being possible to be Causes of the Tide ; that on the contrary , the Tide is the cause of them , that is , of bringing them into the brains more apt for loquacity and ostentation , than for the speculation and discovering of the more abstruse secrets of Nature ; which kind of people , before they can be brought to pronounce that wise , ingenious , and modest sentence , I know it not , suffer to escape from their mouths and pens all manner of extravagancies . And the onely observing , that the same Moon , and the same Sun operate not with their light with their motion , with great heat , or with temperate , on the lesser reeeptacl●s of Water , but that to effect their flowing by heat , they must be reduced to little lesse than boiling , and in short , we not being able artificially to imitate any way the motions of the Tide , save only by the motion of the Vessel , ought it not to satisfie every one , that all the other things alledged , as causes of those effects , are vaine fancies , and altogether estranged from the Truth . I say , therefore , that if it be true , that of one effect there is but one sole primary cause , and that between the cause and effect , there is a firm and constant connection ; it is necessary that whensoever there is seen a firm and constant alteration in the effect , there be a firm and constant alteration in the cause . And because the alterations that happen in the ebbing and flowing in several parts of the Year and Moneths , have their periods firm and constant , it is necessary to say , that a regular alteration in those same times happeneth in the primary cause of the ebbings and flowings . And as for the alteration that in those times happens in the ebbings and flowings consisteth onely in their greatness ; that is , in the Waters rising and falling more or lesse , and in running with greater or lesse impetus ; therefore it is necessary , that that which is the primary cause of the ebbing and flowing , doth in those same determinate times increase and diminish its force . But we have already concluded upon the inequality and irregularity of the motion of the Vessels containing the Water to be the primary cause of the ebbings and flowings . Therefore it is necessary , that that irregularity , from time to time , correspondently grow more irregular , that is , grow greater and lesser . Now it is requisite , that we call to minde , that the irregularity , that is , the different velocity of the motions of the Vessels , to wit , of the parts of the Terrestrial Superficies , dependeth on their moving with a compound motion , resulting from the commixtion of the two motions , Annual and Diurnal , proper to the whole Terrestrial Globe ; of which the Diurnal conversion , by one while adding to , and another while substracting from , the Annual motion , is that which produceth the irregularity in the compound motion ; so that , in the additions and substractions , that the Diurnal revolution maketh from the Annual motion , consisteth the original cause of the irregular motion of the Vessels , and consequently of the Ebbing and Flowing : insomuch that if these additions and substractions should alwayes proceed in the same proportion , in respect of the Annual motion , the cause of the Ebbing and Flowing would indeed continue , but yet so as that they would perpetually return in the self same manner : But we are to finde out the cause of making the same Ebbings and Flowings in divers times greater and lesser : Therefore we must ( if we will retain the identity of the cause ) find the alteration in these additions and substractions , that make them more & less potent , in producing those effects which depend thereupon . But I see not how that potency and impotence can be introduced , unlesse by making the same additions and substractions , one while greater , and another while lesser ; so that the acceleration and the retardment of the compound motion , may be made , sometimes in greater , and sometimes in lesser proportion . SAGR. I feel my self very gently led , as it were , by the hand , and though I finde no rubs in the way , yet neverthelesse , like a blind man , I see not whether your Clue leadeth me , nor can I imagine where such a Journey will end . SALV . Though there be a great difference between my slow pac't Philosophy , and your more nimble Reason , yet neverthelesse , in this particular which we are now upon , I do not much wonder , if the apprehensivenesse of your wit be a little obscured by the dark and thick mist that hides the mark , at which we aime : and that which lesseneth my admiration is , the remembrance of the many hours , many dayes , yea more , many nights that I have consumed in this contemplation , and of the many times that , despairing to bring it to a period , I have , for an incouragement of my self , indeavoured to believe , by the example of the unfortunate Orlando , that that might not possibly be true , which yet the testimony of so many credible men set before my eyes : wonder not , therefore , if this once , contrary to your custome , you do not foresee what I intend : and if you will needs admire , I believe that the event , as far as I can judge unexpected , will make you cease your wonderment . SAGR. I thank God , that he did not permit that desperation of yours to end in the Exit that is fabled of the miserable Orlando , nor in that which haply is no lesse fabulously related of Aristotle , , that so neither my self nor others should be deprived of the discovery of a thing , as abstruse as it was desirable : I beseech you , therefore , to satisfie my eager appetite as soon as you can . SALV . I am ready to serve you : We were upon an inquiry in what manner the additions and substractions of the Terrestriall conversion from the Annual motion , could be made , one while in a greater , and another while in a lesser proportion ; which diversity , and no other thing , could be assigned for the cause of the alterations , Monethly and Annual , that are seen in the greatnesse of the Ebbings and Flowings . I will now consider how this proportion of the additions and substractions of the Diurnal Revolution , and Annual motion may grow greater and lesser three several wayes . One is by increasing and diminishing the velocity of the Annual motion , retaining the additions and substractions made by the Diurnal conversion in the same greatnesse , because the Annual motion being about three times greater , that is , more velocious than the Diurnal motion ( considered likewise in the Grand Circle ) if we increase it anew , the additions and substractions of the Diurnal motion will occasion lesse alteration therein : but , on the other side , making it more slow , it will be altered in greater proportion , by that same diurnal motion , just as the adding or substracting four degrees of velocity from one that moveth with twenty degrees , altereth his course lesse , than those very four degrees would do , added or substracted from one that should move onely with ten degrees . The second way would be , by making the additions and substractions greater and lesser , retaining the annual motion in the same velocity ; which is as easie to be understood , as it is manifest , that a velocity v. gr . of 20 degr . is more altered by the addition or substraction of 10. deg . than by the addition or substraction of 4. The third way would be , in case these two were joyned together , diminishing the annual motion , & increasing the diurnal additions and substractions . Hitherto , as you see , it was no hard matter to attain , but yet it proved to me very hard to find by what means this might be effected in Nature . Yet in the end , I finde that she doth admirably make use thereof , and in wayes almost incredible : I mean , admirable and incredible to us , but not to her , who worketh even those very things , which , to our capacity , are of infinite wonder , with extraordinary facility and simplicity : and that which it is hard for us to understand , is easie for her to effect . Now to proceed , having shewn that the proportion between the additions and substractions of the Diurnal conversion and Annual motion may be made greater and lesser , two wayes , ( and I say two , because the third is comprized in the two first ) I adde , that Nature maketh use of them both : and farthermore , I subjoyn , that if she did make use but of one alone , it would be necessary to take away one of the two Periodical alterations . That of the Monethly Period would cease , if the annual motion should not alter . And in case the additions and substractions of the diurnal revolution should continually be equal , the alterations of the annual Period would fail . SAGR. It seems then , that the Monethly alteration of ebbings and flowings dependeth on the alteration of the annual motion of the Earth ? And the annual alteration of those ebbings and flowings do , it seems , depend on the additions and substractions of the diurnal conversion ? And here now I finde my self worse puzzled than before , and more out of hope of being able to comprehend how this intricacy may be , which is more inextricable , in my judgment , than the Gordian knot . And I envy Simplicius , from whose silence I argue that he doth apprehend the whole businesse , and is acquit of that confusion which greatly puzzleth my brains . SIMP . I believe verily , Sagredus , that you are put to a a stand ; and I believe that I know also the cause of your confusion , which , if I mistake not , riseth from your understanding part of those particulars but even now alledged by Salviatus , and but a part . It is true likewise that I find my self free from the like confusion ; but not for that cause as you think , to wit , because I apprehend the whole , nay it happens upon the quite contrary account ; namely , from my not comprehending any thing , and confusion is in the plurality of things , and not in nothing . SAGR. You see Salviatus , how a few checks given to Simplicius in the dayes preceding , have rendered him gentle , and brought him from the capriol to the amble . But I beseech you without farther delay , put us both out of suspence . SALV . I will endeavour it to the utmost of my harsh way of expressing my self , the obtusenesse of which , the acutenesse of your wit shall supply . The accidents of which we are to enquire the causes are two : The first respecteth the varieties that happen in the ebbings and flowings in the Monethly Period ; and the othr relateth to the Annual . We will first speak of the Monethly , and then treat of the Annual ; and it is convenient that we resolve them all according to the Fundamentals and Hypothesis already laid down , without introducing any novelty either in Astronomy , or in the Universe , in favour of the ebbings and flowings ; therefore let us demonstrate that of all the several accidents in them observed , the causes reside in the things already known , and received for true and undoubted . I say therefore , that it is a truly natural , yea necessary thing , that one and the same moveable made to move round by the same moving virtue in a longer time , do make its course by a greater circle , rather than by a lesser ; and this is a truth received by all , and confirmed by all experiments , of which we will produce a few . In the wheel-clocks , and particularly in the great ones , to moderate the time , the Artificers that make them accomodate a certain voluble staffe horozontally , and at each end of it they fasten two Weights of Lead , and when the time goeth too slow , by the onely removing those Leads a little nearer to the centre of the staffe , they render its vibrations more frequent ; and on the contrary to retard it , it is but drawing those Weights more towards the ends ; for so the vibrations are made more seldome , and consequently the intervals of the hours are prolonged . Here the movent vertue is the same , namely the counterpoise , the moveables are those same Weights of lead , and their vibrations are more frequent when they are neerer to the centre , that is , when they move by lesser circles . Hanging equal Weights at unequal cords , and being removed from their perpendicularity , letting them go ; we shall see those that are pendent at the shorter cords , to make their vibrations under shorter times , as those that move by lesser circles . Again , let such a kind of Weight be fastened to a cord , which cord let play upon a staple fastened in the Seeling , and do you hold the other end of the cord in your hand , and having given the motion to the pendent Weight , whilst it is making its vibrations , pull the end of the cord that you hold in your hand , so that the Weight may rise higher and higher : In its rising you shall see the frequency of its vibrations encrease , in regard that they are made successively by lesser and lesser circies . And here I desire you to take notice of two particulars worthy to be observed . One is that the vibrations of one of those plummets are made with such a necessity under such determinate times , that it is altogether impossible to cause them to be made under other times , unlesse it be by prolonging , or abreviating the cord ; of which you may also at this very instant ascertain your selves by experience , tying a stone to a pack-threed , and holding the other end in your hand , trying whether you can ever by any artifice be able to swing it this way and that way in other than one determinate time , unlesse by lengthening of shortening the string , which you will find to be absolutely impossible . The other particular truly admirable is , that the self same pendulum makes its vibrations with one and the same frequency , or very little , and as it were insensibly different , whether they be made by very great , or very small arches of the self-same circumference . I mean that whether we remove the pendulum from perpendicularity one , two , or three degrees onely , or whether we remove it 70. 80. nay to an entire quadrant , it being let go , will in the one case and in the other make its vibrations with the same frequency , as well the former where it is to move by an arch of but four or six degrees , as the second , where it is to passe arches of 160. or more degrees . Which may the better be seen , by hanging two weights at two strings of equal length , and then removing them from perpendicularity , one a little way , and the other very far ; the which being set at liberty , will go & return under the same times , the one by arches very small , & the other by very great ones , from whence followeth the conclusion of an admirable Problem ; which is , That a Quadrant of a Circle being given ( take a little diagram of the same , [ in Fig. 3. ] ) as for instance : AB erect to the Horizon , so as that it rest upon the plain touching in the point B. and an Arch being made with a Hoop well plained and smoothed in the concave part , bending it according to the curvity of the Circumference ADB . So that a Bullet very round and smooth may freely run to and again within it ( the rim of a Sieve is very proper for the experiment ) I say , that the Bullet being put in any what ever place , neer or far from the lowest term B. As for instance , putting it in the point C , or here in D , or in E ; and then let go , it will in equal times , or insensibly different arrive at the term B , departing from C , or from D , or from E , or from whatever other place ; an accident truly wonderfull . We may add another accident no less strange than this , which is , That moreover by all the cords drawn from the point B to the points C , D , E ; and to any other whatsoever , taken not onely in the Quadrant BA , but in all the whole circumference of the Circle the said moveable shall descend in times absolutely equal ; insomuch that it shall be no longer in descending by the whole Diameter erect perpendicularly upon the point B , then it shall in descending by B. C. although it do sublend but one sole degree , or a lesser Arch. Let us add the other wonder , which is , That the motions of the falling bodies made by the Arches of the Quadrant AB ; are made in shorter times than those that are made by the cords of those same Arches ; so that the swiftest motion , and made by a moveable in the shortest time , to arrive from the point A , to the term B , shall be that which is made , not by the right line A , B , ( although it be the shortest of all those that can de drawn between the points A. B. ) but by the circumference ADB . And any point being taken in the said Arch ; as for example : The point D. and two cords drawn AD , and D. B. the moveable departing from the qoint A , shall in a less time come to B , moving by the two cords AD and DB. than by the sole cord A , B. But the shortest of all the times shall be that of the fall by the Arch ADB . And the self same accidents are to be understood of all the other lesser Arches taken from the lowermost term B. upwards . SAGR. No more , no more ; for you so confund and fill me with Wonders , and distract my thoughts so many several wayes , that I fear I shall have but a small part of it left free and disingaged , to apply to the principal matter that is treated of , and which of it self is but even too obscure and intricate : So that I intreat you to vouchsafe me , having once dispatcht the business of the ebbings and flowings , to do this honour to my house ( and yours ) some other dayes , and to discourse upon the so many other Problems that we have left in suspence ; and which perhaps are no less curious and admirable , than this that hath been discussed these dayes past , and that now ought to draw to a conclusion . SALV . I shall be ready to serve you , but we must make more than one or two Sessions ; if besides the other questions reserved to be handled apart , we would discusse those many that pertain to the local motion , as well of natural moveables , as of the rejected : an Argument largely treated of by our Lyncean Accademick . But turning to our first purpose , where we were about to declare , That the bodies moving circularly by a movent virtue , which continually remaineth the same , the times of the circulation were prefixt and determined , and impossible to be made longer or shorter , having given examples , and produced experiments thereof , sensible , and feasible , we may confirm the same truth by the experiences of the Celestial motions of the Planets ; in which we see the same rule observed ; for those that move by greater Circles , confirm longer times in passing them . A most pertinent observation of this we have from the Medicaean Planets , which in short times make their revolutions about Jupiter : Insomuch that it is not to be questioned , nay we may hold it for sure and certain , that if for example , the Moon continuing to be moved by the same movent faculty , should retire by little and little in lesser Circles , it would acquire a power of abreviating the times of its Periods , according to that Pendulum , of which in the course of its vibrations , we by degrees shortned the cord , that is contracted the Semidiameter of the circumferences by it passed . Know now that this that I have alledged an example of it in the Moon , is seen and verified essentially in fact . Let us call to mind , that it hath been already concluded by us , together with Copernicus , That it is not possible to separate the Moon from the Earth , about which it without dispute revolveth in a Moneth : Let us remember also that the Terrestrial Globe , accompanyed alwayes by the Moon , goeth along the circumference of the Grand Orb about the Sun in a year , in which time the Moon revolveth about the Earth almost thirteen times ; from which revolution it followeth , that the said Moon sometimes is found near the Sun ; that is , when it is between the Sun and the Earth , and sometimes much more remote , that is , when the Earth is situate between the Moon and Sun ; neer , in a word , at the time of its conjunction and change ; remote , in its Full and Opposition ; and the greatest vicinity differ the quantity of the Diameter of the Lunar Orb. Now if it be true that the virtue which moveth the Earth and Moon , about the Sun , be alwayes maintained in the same vigour ; and if it be true that the same moveable moved by the same virtue , but in circles unequal , do in shorter times passe like arches of lesser circles , it must needs be granted , that the Moon when it is at a lesse distance from the Sun , that is in the time of conjunction , passeth greater arches of the Grand Orb , than when it is at a greater distance , that is in its Opppsition and Full. And this Lunar inequality must of necessity be imparted to the Earth also ; for if we shall suppose a right line produced from the centre of the Sun by the centre of the Terrestrial Globe , and prolonged as far as the Orb of the Moon , this shall be the semidiameter of the Grand Orb , in which the Earth , in case it were alone , would move uniformly , but if in the same semidiameter we should place another body to be carried about , placing it one while between the Earth and Sun , and another while beyond the Earth , at a greater distance from the Sun , it is necessary , that in this second case the motion common to both , according to the circumference of the great Orb by means of the distance of the Moon , do prove a little slower than in the other case , when the Moon is between the Earth and Sun , that is at a lesser distance . So that in this businesse the very same happeneth that befals in the time of the clock ; that lead which is placed one while farther from the centre , to make the vibrations of the staffe or ballance lesse frequent , and another while nearer , to make them thicker , representing the Moon . Hence it may be manifest , that the annual motion of the Earth in the Grand Orb , and under the Ecliptick , is not uniform , and that its irregularity proceedeth from the Moon , and hath its Monethly Periods and Returns . And because it hath been concluded , that the Monethly and Annual Periodick alterations of the ebbings and flowings , cannot be deduced from any other cause than from the altered proportion between the annual motion and the additions and substractions of the diurnal conversion ; and that those alterations might be made two wayes , that is by altering the annual motion , keeping the quantity of the additions unaltered , or by changing of the bignesse of these , reteining the uniformity of annual motion . We have already found the first of these , depending on the irregularity of the annual motion occasioned by the Moon , and which hath its Monethly Periods . It is therefore necessary , that upon that account the ebbings and flowings have a Monethly Period in which they do grow greater and lesser . Now you see that the cause of the Monethly Period resideth in the annual motion ; and withal you see how much the Moon is concerned in this business , and how it is therewith interrupted apart , without having any thing to do with either , with Seas or Waters . SAGR. If one that never had seen any kinde of Stairs or Lader , were shewed a very high Tower , and asked if ever he hoped to climb to the top of it , I verily believe that he would answer he did not , not conceiving how one should come thither any way except by flying ; but shewing him a stone of but a foot high , and asking him whether he thought he could get to the top of that , I am certain that he would answer he could ; and farther , that he would not deny , but that it was not onely one , but ten , twenty , and an hundred times easier to climb that : But now if he should be shewed the Stairs , by means whereof , with the facility by him granted , it is possible to get thither , whither he a little before had affirmed it was impossible to ascend , I do think that laughing at himself he would confess his dulness of apprehension . Thus , Salviatus , have you step by step so gently lead me , that , not without wonder , I finde that I am got with small pains to that height which I despaired of arriving at . 'T is true ; that the Stair-case having been dark , I did not perceive that I was got nearer to , or arrived at the top , till that coming into the open Air I discovered a great Sea , and spacious Country : And as in ascending one step , there is no labour ; so each of your propositions by it self seemed to me so plain , that thinking I heard but little or nothing that was new unto me , I conceived that my benefit thereby had been little or none at all : Whereupon I was the more amazed at the unexpected exit of this discourse , that hath guided me to the knowledge of a thing which I held impossible to be demonstrated . One doubt onely remains , from which I desire to be freed , and this it is ; Whether that if the motion of the Earth together with that of the Moon under the Zodiack are irregular motions , those irregularities ought to have been observed and taken notice of by Astronomers , which I do not know that they are : Therefore I pray you , who are better acquainted with these things than I , to free me from this doubt , and tell me how the ●ase stands . SALV . You ask a rational question , and answering to the Objection , I say ; That although Astronomy in the courses of many ages hath made a great progress in discovering the constitution and motions of the Celestial bodies , yet is it not hitherto arrived at that height , but that very many things remain undecided , and haply many others also undiscovered . It is to be supposed that the first observers of Heaven knew no more but one motion common to all the Stars , as is this diurnal one : yet I believe that in few dayes they perceived that the Moon was inconstant in keeping company with the other Stars ; but yet withal , that many years past , before that they distinguished all the Planets : And in particular , I conceit that Saturn by its slowness , and Mercury by reason of its seldom appearing , were the last that were observed to be wandring and errant . It is to be thought that many more years run out before the statio●s and retrogradations of the three superiour Planets were known , as also their approximations and recessions from the Earth , necessary occasions of introducing the Eccentrix and Epicicles , things unknown even to Aristotle , for that he makes no mention thereof . Mercury , and Venus , with their admirable apparitions ; how long did they keep Astronomers in suspence , before that they could resolve ( not to speak of any other of their qualities ) upon their situation ? Insomuch that the very order onely of the Mundane bodies , and the integral structure of the parts of the Universe by us known , hath been doubted of untill the time of Copernicus , who hath at last given us notice of the true constitution , and real systeme , according to which those parts are disposed ; so that at length we are certain that Mercury , Venus , and the other Planets do revolve about the Sun ; and that the Moon revolveth about the Earth . But how each Planet governeth it self in its particular revolution , and how precisely the structure of its Orb is framed ; which is that which is vulgarly called the Theory of the Planets , we cannot as yet undoubtedly resolve . Mars , that hath so much puzled our Modern Astronomers , is a proof of this : And to the Moon her self there have been assigned several Theories , after that the said Copernicus had much altered it from that of Ptolomy . And to descend to our particular case , that is to say , to the apparent motion of the Sun and Moon ; touching the former , there hath been observed a certain great irregularity , whereby it passeth the two semicircles of the Ecliptick , divided by the points of the Equinoxes in very different times ; in passing one of which , it spendeth about nine dayes more than in passing the other ; a difference , as you see , very great and notable . But if in passing small arches , such for example as are the twelve Signs , he maintain a most regular motion , or else proceed with paces , one while a little more swift , and another more slow , as it is necessary that it do , in case the annual motion belong to the Sun onely in appearance , but in reality to the Earth in company with the Moon , it is what hath not hitherto been observed , nor it may be , sought . Touching the Moon in the next place , whose restitutions have been principally lookt into an account of the Eclipses , for which it is sufficient to have an exact knowledge of its motion about the Earth , it hath not been likewise with a perfect curiosity inquired , what it● course is thorow the particular arches of the Zodiack . That therefore the Earth and Moon in running through the Zodiack , that is round the Grand Orb , do somewhat accellerate at the Moons change , and retard at its full , ought not to be doubted ; for that the said difference is not manifest , which cometh to be unobserved upon two accounts ; First , Because it hath not been lookt for . Secondly , Because that its possible it may not be very great . Nor is there any need that it should be great , for the producing the effect that we see in the alteration of the greatness of ebbings and flowings . For not onely those alterations , but the Tides themselves are but small matters in respect of the grandure of the subjects on which they work ; albeit that to us , and to our littleness they seem great . For the addition or subduction of one degree of velocity where there are naturally 700 , or 1000 , can be called no great alteration , either in that which conferreth it , or in that Which receiveth it : the Water of our Mediterrane carried about by the diurnal revolution , maketh about 700 miles an hour , ( which is the motion common to the Earth and to it , and therefore not perceptible to us ) & that which we sensibly discern to be made in the streams or currents , is not at the rate of full one mile an hour , ( I speak of the main Seas , and not of the Straights ) and this is that which altereth the first , naturall , and grand motion ; and this motion is very great in respect of us , and of Ships : for a Vessel that in a standing Water by the help of Oares can make v. g. three miles an hour , in that same current will row twice as far with the stream as against it : A notable difference in the motion of the Boat , though but very small in the motion of the Sea , which is altered but its seven hundredth part . The like I say of its rising , and falling one , two , or three feet ; and scarcely four or five in the utmost bounds of a streight , two thousand , or more miles long , and where there are depths of hundreds of feet ; this alteration is much less than if in one of the Boats that bring us fresh Water , the said Water upon the arrest of the Boat should rise at the Prow the thickness of a leaf . I conclude therefore that very small alterations in respect of the immense greatness , and extraordinary velocity of the Seas , is sufficient to make therein great mutations in relation to our smallness , and to our accidents . SAGR. I am fully satisfied as to this particular ; it remains to declare unto us how those additions and substractions derived from the diurnal Vertigo are made one while greater , and another while lesser ; from which alterations you hinted that the annual period of the augmentations and diminutions of the ebbings and flowings did depend . SALV . I will use my utmost endeavours to render my self intelligible , but the difficulty of the accident it self , and the great attention of mind requisite for the comprehending of it , constrains me to be obscure . The unequalities of the additions and substractions , that the diurnal motion maketh to or from the annual dependeth upon the inclination of the Axis of the diurnal motion upon the plane of the Grand Orb , or , if you please , of the Ecliptick ; by means of which inclination the Equinoctial intersecteth the said Ecliptick , remaining inclined and oblique upon the same according to the said inclination of Axis . And the quantity of the additions importeth as much as the whole diameter of the said Equinoctial , the Earths centre being at the same time in the Solstitial points ; but being out of them it importeth lesse and lesse , according as the said centre successively approacheth to the points of the Equinoxes , where those additions are lesser than in any other places . This is the whole businesse , but wrapt up in the obscurity that you see . SAGR. Rather in that which I do no not see ; for hitherto I comprehend nothing at all . SALV . I have already foretold it . Neverthelesse we will try whether by drawing a Diagram thereof , we can give some small light to the same ; though indeed it might better be set forth by solid bodies than by bare Schemes ; yet we will help our selves with Perspective and fore-shortning . Let us draw therefore , as before , the circumference of the Grand Orb , [ as in Fig. 4. ] in which the point A is understood to be one of the Solstitials , and the diameter AP the common Section of the Solstitial Colure , and of the plane of the Grand Orb or Ecliptick ; and in that same point A let us suppose the centre of the Terrestrial Globe to be placed , the Axis of which CAB , inclined upon the Plane of the Grand Orb , falleth on the plane of the said Colure that passeth thorow both the Axis of the Equinoctial , and of the Ecliptick . And for to prevent confusion , let us only draw the Equinoctial circle , marking it with these characters DGEF , the common section of which , with the plane of the grand Orb , let be the line DE , so that half of the said Equinoctial DFE will remain inclined below the plane of the Grand Orb , and the other half DGE elevated above . Let now the Revolution of the said Equinoctial be made , according to the order of the points DGEF , and the motion of the centre from A towards E. And because the centre of the Earth being in A , the Axis CB ( which is erect upon the diameter of the Equinoctial DE ) falleth , as hath been said , in the Solstitial Colure , the common Section of which and of the Grand Orb , is the diameter PA , the said line PA shall be perpendicular to the same DE , by reason that the Colure is erect upon the grand Orb ; and therefore the said DE , shall be the Tangent of the grand Orb in the point A. So that in this Position the motion of the Centre by the arch AE ; that is , of one degree every day differeth very little ; yea , is as if it were made by the Tangent DAE . And because by means of the diurnal motion the point D , carried about by G , unto E , encreaseth the motion of the Centre moved almost in the same line DE , as much as the whole diameter DE amounts unto ; and on the other side diminisheth as much , moving about the other semicircle EFD . The additions and subductions in this place therefore , that is in the time of the solstice , shall be measured by the whole diameter DE. Let us in the next place enquire , Whether they be of the same bigness in the times of the Equinoxes ; and transporting the Centre of the Earth to the point I , distant a Quadrant of a Circle from the point A. Let us suppose the said Equinoctial to be GEFD , its common section with the grand Orb DE , the Axis with the same inclination CB ; but the Tangent of the grand Orb in the point I shall be no longer DE , but another which shall cut that at right Angles ; and let it be this marked HIL , according to which the motion of the Centre I , shall make its progress , proceeding along the circumference of this grand Orb. Now in this state the Additions and Substractions are no longer measured by the diameter DE , as before was done ; because that diameter not distending it self according to the line of the annual motion HL , rather cutting it at right angles , those terms DE , do neither add nor substract any thing ; but the Additions and Substractons are to be taken from that diameter that falleth in the plane that is errect upon the plane of the grand Orb , and that intersects it according to the line HL ; which diameter in this case shall be this GF and the Adjective , if I may so say , shall be that made by the point G , about the semicircle GEF , and the Ablative shall be the rest made by the other semicircle FDG . Now this diameter , as not being in the same line HL of the annual motion , but rather cutting it , as we see in the point I , the term G being elevated above , and E depressed below the plane of the grand Orb , doth not determine the Additions and Substractions according to its whole length , but the quantity of those first ought to be taken from the part of the line HL , that is intercepted between the perpendiculars drawn upon it from the terms GF ; namely , these two GS , and FV : So that the measure of the additions is the line SV lesser then GF , or then DE ; which was the measure of the additions in the Solstice A. And so successively , according as the centre of the Earth shall be constituted in other points of the Quadrant AI , drawing the Tangents in the said points , and the perpendiculars upon the same falling from the terms of the diameters of the Equinoctial drawn from the errect planes by the said Tangents to the plane of the grand Orb ; the parts of the said Tangents ( which shall continually be lesser towards the Equinoctials , and greater towards the Solstices ) shall give us the quantities of the additions and substractions . How much in the next place the least additions differ from the greatest , is easie to be known , because there is the same difference betwixt them , as between the whole Axis or Diameter of the Sphere , and the part thereof that lyeth between the Polar-Circles ; the which is less than the whole diameter by very near a twelfth part , supposing yet that we speak of the additions and substractions made in the Equinoctial ; but in the other Parallels they are lesser , according as their diameters do diminish . This is all that I have to say upon this Argument , and all perhaps that can fall under the comprehension of our knowledge , which , as you well know , may not entertain any conclusions , save onely those that are firm and constant , such as are the three kinds of Periods of the ebbings and flowings ; for that they depend on causes that are invariabl● , simple , and eternal . But because that secondary and particular causes , able to make many alterations , intermix with these that are the primary and universal ; and these secondary causes being part of them inconstant , and not to be observed ; as for example , The alteration of Winds , and part ( though terminate and fixed ) unobserved for their multiplicity , as are the lengths of the Straights , their various inclinations towards this or that part , the so many and so different depths of the Waters , who shall be able , unless after very long observations , and very certain relations , to frame so expeditious Histories thereof , as that they may serve for Hypotheses , and certain suppositions to such as will by their combinations give adequate reasons of all the appearances , and as I may say , Anomalie , and particular irregularities that may be discovered in the motions of the Waters ? I will content my self with advertising you , that the accidental causes are in nature , and are able to produce many alterations ; for the more minute observations , I remit them to be made by those that frequent several Seas : and onely by way of a conclusion to this our conference , I will propose to be considered , how that the precise times of the fluxes and refluxes do not onely happen to be altered by the length of Straights , and by the difference of depths ; but I believe that a notable alteration may also proceed from the comparing together of sundry tarcts of Sea , different in greatness ; and in position , or , if you will , inclination ; which difference happeneth exactly here in the Adriatick Gulph , lesse by far than the rest of the Mediterrane , and placed in so different an inclination , that whereas that hath its bounds that incloseth it on the Eastern part , as are the Coasts of Syria , this is shut up in its more Westerly part : and because the ebbings and flowings are much greater towards the extremities , yea , because the Seas risings and fallings are there onely greatest , it may probably happen that the times of Flood at Venice may be the time of low Water in the other Sea , which , as being much greater , and distended more directly from West to East , cometh in a certain sort to have dominion over the Adriatick : and therefore it would be no wonder , in case the effects depending on the primary causes , should not hold true in the times that they ought , and that correspond to the periods in the Adriatick , as it doth in the rest of the Mediterrane . But these Particularities require long Observations , which I neither have made as yet , nor shall I ever be able to make the same for the future . SAGR. You have , in my opinion , done enough in opening us the way to so lofty a speculation , of which , if you had given us no more than that first general Proposition that seemeth to me to admit of no reply , where you declare very rationally , that the Vessels containing the Sea-waters continuing stedfast , it would be impossible , according to the common course of Nature , that those motions should follow in them which we see do follow ; and that , on the other side , granting the motions ascribed , for other respects , by Copernicus to the Terrestrial Globe , these same alterations ought to ensue in the Seas , if I say you had told us no more , this alone in my judgment , so far exceeds the vanities introduced by so many others , that my meer looking on them makes me nauseate them , and I very much admire , that among men of sublime wit , of which nevertheless there are not a few , not one hath ever considered the incompatibility that is between the reciprocal motion of the Water contained , and the immobility of the Vessel containing , which contradiction seemeth to me now so manifest . SALV . It is more to be admired , that it having come into the thoughts of some to refer the cause of the Tide to the motion of the Earth , therein shewing a more than common apprehension , they should , in afterwards driving home the motion close with no side ; and all , because they did not see that one simple and uniform motion , as v. gr . the sole diurnal motion of the Terrestrial Globe , doth not suffice , but that there is required an uneven motion , one while accelerated , and another while retarded : for when the motion of the Vessels are uniforme , the waters contained will habituate themselves thereto , without ever making any alteration . To say also ( as it is related of an ancient Mathematician ) that the motion of the Earth meeting with the motion of the Lunar Orb , the concurrence of them occasioneth the Ebbing and Flowing , is an absolute vanity , not onely because it is not exprest , nor seen how it should so happen , but the falsity is obvious , for that the Revolution of the Earth is not contrary to the motion of the Moon , but is towards the same way . So that all that hath been hitherto said , and imagined by others , is , in my judgment , altogether invalid . But amongst all the famous men that have philosophated upon this admirable effect of Nature , I more wonder at Kepler than any of the rest , who being of a free and piercing wit , and having the motion ascribed to the Earth , before him , hath for all that given his ear and assent to the Moons predominancy over the Water , and to occult properties , and such like trifles . SAGR. I am of opinion , that to these more spaculative persons the same happened , that at present befalls me , namely , the not understanding the intricate commixtion of the three Periods Annual , Monethly , and Diurnal ; And how their causes should seem to depend on the Sun , and on the Moon , without the Suns or Moons having any thing to do with the Water ; a businesse , for the full understanding of which I stand in need of a little longer time to consider thereof , which the novelty and difficulty of it hath hitherto hindred me from doing : but I despair not , but that when I return in my solitude and silence to ruminate that which remaineth in my fancy , not very well digested , I shall make it my own . We have now , from these four dayes Discourse , great attestations , in favour of the Copernican Systeme , amongst which these three taken : the first , from the Stations and Retrogradations of the Planets , and from their approaches , and recessions from the Earth ; the second , from the Suns revolving in it self , and from what is observed in its spots ; the third , from the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea do shew very rational and concluding . SALV . To which also haply , in short , one might adde a fourth , and peradventure a fifth ; a fourth , I say , taken from the fixed stars , seeing that in them , upon exact observations , those minute mutations appear , that Copernicus thought to have been insensible . There starts up , at this instant , a fifth novelty , from which one may argue mobility in the Terrestrial Globe , by means of that which the most Illustrious Signore Caesare , of the noble Family of the Marsilii of Bologna , and a Lyncean Academick , discovereth with much ingenuity , who in a very learned Tract of his , sheweth very particularly how that he had observed a continual mutation , though very slow in the Meridian line , of which Treatise , at length , with amazement , perused by me , I hope he will communicate Copies to all those that are Students of Natures Wonders . SAGR. This is not the first time that I have heard speak of the exquisite Learning of this Gentleman , and of his shewing himself a zealous Patron of all the Learned , and if this , or any other of his Works shall come to appear in publique , we may be aforehand assured , that they will be received , as things of great value . SALV . Now because it is time to put an end to our Discourses , it remaineth , that I intreat you , that if , at more leasure going over the things again that have been alledged you meet with any doubts , or scruples not well resolved , you will excuse my oversight , as well for the novelty of the Notion , as for the weaknesse of my wit , as also for the grandure of the Subject , as also finally , because I do not , nor have pretended to that assent from others , which I my self do not give to this conceit , which I could very easily grant to be a Chymaera , and a meer paradox ; and you Sagredus , although in the Discourses past you have many times , with great applause , declared , that you were pleased with some of my conjectures , yet do I believe , that that was in part more occasioned by the novelty than by the certainty of them , but much more by your courtesie , which did think and desire , by its assent , to procure me that content which we naturally use to take in the approbation and applause of our own matters : and as your civility hath obliged me to you ; so am I also pleased with the ingenuity of Simplicius . Nay , his constancy in maintaining the Doctrine of his Master , with so much strength & undauntedness , hath made me much to love him . And as I am to give you thanks , Sagredus , for your courteous affection ; so of Simplicius , I ask pardon , if I have sometimes moved him with my too bold and resolute speaking : and let him be assured that I have not done the same out of any inducement of sinister affection , but onely to give him occasion to set before us more lofty fancies that might make me the more knowing . SIMP . There is no reason why you should make all these excuses , that are needlesse , and especially to me , that being accustomed to be at Conferences and publique Disputes , have an hundred times seen the Disputants not onely to grow hot and angry at one another , but likewise to break forth into injurious words , and sometimes to come very neer to blows . As for the past Discourses , and particulatly in this last , of the reason of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , I do not , to speak the truth , very well apprehend the same , but by that slight Idea , what ever it be , that I have formed thereof to my self , I confesse that your conceit seemeth to me far more ingenuous than any of all those that I ever heard besides , but yet neverthelesse I esteem it not true and concluding : but keeping alwayes before the eyes of my mind a solid Doctrine that I have learn't from a most learned and ingenuous person , and with which it is necessary to sit down ; I know that both you being asked , Whether God , by his infinite Power and Wisdome might confer upon the Element of Water the reciprocal motion which we observe in the same in any other way , than by making the containing Vessel to move ; I know , I say , that you will answer , that he might , and knew how to have done the same many wayes , and those unimaginable to our shallow understanding : upon which I forthwith conclude , that this being granted , it would be an extravagant boldnesse for any one to goe about to limit and confine the Divine Power and Wisdome to some one particular conjecture of his own . SALV . This of yours is admirable , and truly Angelical Doctrine , to which very exactly that other accords , in like manner divine , which whilst it giveth us leave to dispute , touching the constitution of the World , addeth withall ( perhaps to the end , that the exercise of the minds of men might neither be discouraged , nor made bold ) that we cannot find out the works made by his hands . Let therefore the Disquisition permitted and ordain'd us by God , assist us in the knowing , and so much more admiring his greatnesse , by how much lesse we finde our selves too dull to penetrate the profound Abysses of his infinite Wisdome . SAGR. And this may serve for a final close of our four dayes Disputations , after which , if it seem good to Salviatus , to take some time to rest himself , our curiosity must , of necessity , grant him the same , yet upon condition , that when it is lesse incommodious for him , he will return and satisfie my desire in particular concerning the Problemes that remain to be discust , and that I have set down to be propounded at one or two other Conferences , according to our agreement : and above all , I shall very impatiently wait to hear the Elements of the new Science of our Academick about the natural and violent local Motions . And in the mean time , we may , according to our custome , spend an hour in taking the Air in the Gondola that waiteth for us . FINIS . Place this Plate at the end of the fourth Dialogue A TABLE Of the most Observable PERSONS and MATTERS Mentioned in the FIRST PART of The First Tome . A ABSTACT . THings are exactly the same in Abstract , as in Concrete . 185 AIRE . The part of the Aire inferiour to the Higher Mountains doth follow the Motion of the Earth . 124 The motion of the Aire apt to carry with it light things , but not heavy . 124 The Aire alwayes touching us with the same part of it , cannot make us feel it . 228 It is more reasonable that the Aire be commoved by the rugged surface of the Earth , than by the Celestial Motion . 400 It is demonstrated , inverting the Argument , that the perpetual Motion of the Aire from East to West , commeth from the Motion of Heaven . 403 ANIMALS . Animals , Vide , The Motion of Animals . The cause of the Wearinesse that attends the Motion of Animals . 244 APOLLONIUS . Apollonius and Copernicus demonstrate the Retrogradations of Venus and Mercury . 311 Arguing , Arguments , & Argumentations Some in Arguing fix in their minds the Conclusion believed by them , and then adapt their Reasons to that . 250 One single Experiment or sound Demonstration , overthroweth all Arguments meerly probable . 105 A pleasant Example shewing the invalidity of some Phisical Argumentations . 363 ARISTARCHUS . Reason and Discourse in Aristarchus and Copernicus prevailed over manifest Sense . 301 ARISTOTLE . Aristotle maketh the World perfect , because it hath the Threefold Dimension . 2 Arist. his Demonstrations to prove the Worlds Dimensions to be three , and no more . 2 Aristotle his Definition of Nature either imperfect or unseasonable . 7 Aristotle accomodates the Rules of Architecture to the Frame of the World , and not the Frame to the Rules . 8 Aristotle cannot equivocate , being the Inventer of Logick . 23 Aristotle his Paralogisme in proving the Earth to be in the centre of the World. 24 Arist. Paralogisme another way discovered . 24 Aristotle his Discourse to prove the Incorruptibility of Heaven . 26 Aristotle proveth that Circular Motion hath no Contrary . 26 Aristotle defective in assigning the Causes , why the Elements are Generable and Corruptible . 31 Aristotle would change his opinion , did he see the Novelties of our Age. 37 Arist. preferres Sense before Ratiocination . 42 Aristotle affirmeth the Heavens alterable , rather then otherwise , by his Doctrine . 42 Requisites to fit a man to Philosophate well in the way of Aristotle . 92 Some of Aristotles Sectators impaire his Reputation , in going about to enhanse it . 93 The servile Spirit of some of Arist. followers . 95 Too close an adherence to Aristotle is blameable . 95 Aristotle and Ptolomy argue against the Diurnal Motion ascribed to the Earth . 97 A Proposition that Aristotle filched from the Ancients , and somewhat altered . 99 Aristotle his Arguments for the Earths Quiescence and Immobility . 107 Aristotle were he alive , would either refute his Adversaries Arguments , or else would alter his Opinion . 113 Aristotles first Argument against the Earths Motion , is defective in two things . 121 The Paralogisme of Aristotle and Ptolomy in supposing that for known , which is in question . 121 Aristotle admitteth that the Fire moveth directly upwards by Nature , and round about , by Participation . 122 Aristotle and Ptolomy seem to confute the Earths Mobility against those who think that it , having along time stood still , began to move in the time of Pythagoras . 168 Aristotle his errour in affirming falling Grave Bodies to move according to the proportion of their gravities . 199 Aristotle his Demonstrations to prove the Earth is finite , are all nullified , by denying it to be moveable . 294 Aristotle maketh that Point to be the Centre of the Universe , about which all the Celestial Spheres do revolve 294 A question is put , if Arist. were forced to receive one of two Propositions , that make against his Doctrine , which he would admit . 294 Aristotle his Argument against the Ancients , who held that the Earth was a Planet . 344 Aristotle taxeth Plato of being over-studious of Geometry . 361 Aristotle h●ldeth those Effects to be miraculous , of which the Causes are unknown . 384 ASTRONOMERS . Astronomers confuted by Anti-Tycho . 38 The principal Scope of Astronomers is to give a reason of Appearances and Phaenomena . 308 Astronomers all agree that the greater Magnitudes of the Orbes is the cause of the tardity in their Conversions . 331 Astronomers perhaps have not known what Appearances ought to follow , upon the Annual Motion of the Earth . 338 Astronomers having omitted to instance what alterations those are , that may be derived from the Annual Motion of the Earth , do thereby testifie that they never rightly understood the same . 343 ASTRONOMICAL . Astronomical Observations wrested by Anti-Tycho to his own purpose . 39 Astronomical Instruments are very subject to errour . 262 ASTRONOMY . Astronomy restored by Copernicus upon the Suppositions of Ptolomy 308 Many things may remain as yet unobserved in Astronomy 415 AUCUPATORIAN . An Aucupatorian Problem for shooting of Birds flying . 157 AXIOME , or Axiomes . In the Axiome , Frustra fit per plura , &c. the addition of aequae bene is super fluous . 106 Three Axiomes that are supposed manifest . 230 Certain Axiomes commonly admitted by all Philosophers . 361 B BODY and Bodies . Contraries that corrupt , reside not in the same Body that corrupteth . 30 GRAVE BODY ; If the Celestial Globe were perforated , a Grave Body descending by that Bore , would passe and ascend as far beyond the Centre , as it did descend . 203 The motion of Grave Bodies , Vide Motion . The Accelleration of Grave Bodies that descend naturally , increaseth from moment to moment . 205 We know no more who moveth Grave Bodies downwards , than who moveth the Stars round ; nor know we any thing of these Courses , more than the Names imposed on them by our selves . 210 The great Masse of Grave Bodies being transferred out of their Place , the seperated parts would follow that Masse . 221 PENSILE BODY ; Every Pensile Body carried round in the Circumference of a Circle , acquireth of it self a Motion in it self contrary to the same . 362 CELESTIAL BODIES neither heavy nor light according to Aristotle . 23 Celestial Bodies are Generable and Corruptible because they are Ingenerable and Incorruptible . 29 Amongst Celest. Bodies there is no contrariety . 29 Celestial Bodies touch , but are not touched by the Elements . 30 Rarity and Density in Celestial Bodies , different from Rarity and Density in the Elements . 30 Celestial Bodies designed to serve the Earth , need no more but Motion and Light. 45 Celestial Bodies want an interchangeable Operation on each other . 46 Celestial Bodies alterable in their externe parts . 46 Perfect Sphericity why ascribed to Celestial Bodies by Peripateticks . 69 All Celestial Bodies have Gravity and Levity . 493 ELEMENTARY BODIES ; Their propension to follow the Earth , hath a limited Sphere of Activity . 213 LIGHT BODIES easier to be moved than heavy , but lesse apt to conserve the Motion . 400 LUMINOUS BODIES ; Bodies naturally Luminous are different from those that are by nature Obscure . 34 The reason why Luminous Bodies appear so much the more enlarged , by how much they are lesser . 304 Manifest Experience shews that the more Luminous Bodies do much more irradiate than the lesse Lucid. 306 SIMPLE BODYES have but one Simple Motion that agreeth with them . 494 SPHERICAL BODIES ; In Spherical Bodies Deorsum is the Centre , and Sursum the Cirference . 479 BONES . The ends of the Bones are rotund , and why . 232 BUONARRUOTTI . Buonarruotti a Statuary of admirable ingenuity . 86 C CANON . A shameful Errour in the Argument taken from the Canon-Bullets falling from the Moons Concave . 197 An exact Computation of the fall of the Canon-Bullet from the Moons Concave , to the Centre of the Earth . 198 CELESTIAL Celestial Substances that be Vnalterable , and Elementary that be Alterable , necessary in the opinion of Aristotle . 2 CENTRE . The Sun more probably in the Centre of the Vniverse , than the Earth . 22 Natural inclination of all the Globes of the World to go to their Centre . 22 Grave Bodies may more rationally be affirmed to tend towards the Centre of the Earth , than of the Vniverse . 25 CHYMISTS . Chymists interpret the Fables of Poets to be Secrets for making of Gold. 93 CIRCLE , and Circular . It is not impossible with the Circumference of a small Circle few times revolved , to measure and describe a line bigger than any great Circle whatsoever . 222 The Circular Line perfect , according to Aristotle , and the Right imperfect , and why . 9 CLARAMONTIUS . The Paralogisme of Claramontius . 241 The Argument of Claramontius recoileth upon himself . 245 The Method observed by Claramontius in consuting Astronomers , and by Salviatus in refuting him . 253 CLOUDS . Clouds no lesse apt than the Moon to be illuminated by the Sun. 73 CONCLUSION and Conclusions . The certainty of the Conclusion helpeth by a resolutive Method to finde the Demonstration . 37 The Book of Conclusio●s , frequently mentioned , was writ by Christopher Scheiner a Jesuit . 195 , & 323. CONTRARIES . Contraries that corrupt , reside not in the same Body that corrupteth . 30 COPERNICAN . Answers to the three first Objections against the Copernican System . 303 The Copernican System difficul to be understood , but easie to be effected . 354 A plain Scheme representing the Copernican Systeme and its consequences . 354 The proscribing of the Copernican Doctrine , after so long a Tolleration , and now that it is more than ever followed , studied and confirmed , would be an affront to Truth . 444 The Copern . System admirably agreeth with the Miracle of Joshuah in the Literal Sense . 456 If Divines would admit of the Copernican System , they might soon find out Expositions for all Scriptures that seem to make against it . 459 The Copernican System rejected by many , out of a devout respect to Scripture Authorities . 461 The Copernican System more plainly asserted in Scripture than the Ptolomaick . 469 COPERNICANS . Copernicans are not moved through ignorance of the Arguments on the Adverse part . 110 Copernicans were all first against that Opinion , but the Peripateticks were never on the other side . 110 Copernicans too freely admit certain Propositions for true , which are doubtful . 159 He that will be a Copernican must deny his Senses . 228 A Great Mathematician made a Copernican , by looking into that Doctrine , with a purpose to confute it . 443 COPERNICUS . Copernicus esteemeth the Earth a Globe , like to a Planet . 1 Objections of two Moderne Authours [ Scheiner and Claramontius ] against Copernicus . 195 Copernicus his Opinion overthrows the Criterium of Phylosophers . 223 A grosse Errour in the Opposer of Copernicus , and wherein it appears . 234 , 235 , & 236 A subtle and withal simple Argument against Copernicus . 234 Copernicus his Opponent had but little studied him , as appears by another grosse Errour . 235 It s questioned whither he understood the third Motion assigned to the Earth by Copern . 236 Copernicus erroneously assignes the same Operations to different Natures . 238 A declaration of the improbability of Copernicus his Opinion . 301 Reason and Discourse in Copernicus and Aristarchus prevailed over Sense . 301 Copernicus speaketh nothing of the small Variation of Bignesse in Venus and Mars . 302 Copernicus perswaded by Reasons contrary to Sensible Experiments . 306 Copernicus restored Astronomy upon the Suppositions of Ptolomy . 308 What moved Copernicus to establish his Systeme . 308 It s a great argument in favour of Copernicus , that he obviates the Stations and Retrogradations of the Motions of the Planets . 309 Instances Ironically propounded by Scheiner against Copernicus . 323 Copernicus understood not some things for want of Instruments . 338 The grand difficulty in Copernicus his Doctrine , is that which concerns the Phaenomena of the Sun and fixed Stars . 343 Copernicus the Restorer of the Pythagorean Hypothesis , and the Occasion of it . 429 Copernicus founded not his Doctrine on Reasons depending on Scripture , wherein he might have mistaken their Sense , but upon Natural Conclusions and Astronomical and Geometrical Demonstrations . 431 CORRUPTIBLE , and Corruptibility . The perfection of Figure operates in Corruptible Bodies , but not in Eternal . 69 The Disparagers of Corruptibility ought to be turned into Statua's . 37 Corruptibility admits of more and lesse , so doth not Incorruptibility . 69 COUNCILS . The Councils refuse to impose Natural Conclusions as matters of Faith. 450 D DIAMONDS . Diamonds ground to divers sides , and why . 63 DIDACUS . Didacus à Stunica reconcileth Texts of Scripture with the Copernican Hypothesis . 468 DEFINITIONS . Definitions contain virtually all the Passions of the things defined . 87 E EARTH . The Earth Spherical by the Conspiration of its parts to go to its Centre . 21 It is easier to prove the Earth to move , than that Corruptibility is made by Contraries . 27 The Earth very Noble , by reason of the Mutations made therein . 45 The Earth unprofitable and full of Idlenesse , its Alterations being taken away . 45 The Earth more Noble than Gold and Jewels . 45 The Celestial Bodies designed to serve the Earth , need no more but Motion and Light. 45 The Generations and Mutations that are in the Earth , are all for the Good of Man. 47 From the Earth we see more than half the Lunar Globe . 51 Seven Resemblances between the Earth and Moon . 48 to 53 The Earth unable to reflect the Suns Rays . 54 The Earth may reciprocally operate on Celestial Bodies with its Light. 80 Affinity between the Earth and Moon , by reason of their Vicinity . 81 The Motions of the Earth imperceptible to its Inhabitants . 97 The Earth can have no other Motions than those which to us appear commune to all the rest of the Vniverse , the Earth excepted . 97 The Diurnal Motion seemeth commune to all the Vniverse , the Earth onely excepted . 97 Aristotle and Ptolomy argue against the Earths Diurnal Motion . 97 The Diurnal Motion of the Earth . Vide Diurnal Motion . Seven Arguments to prove the Diurnal Motion On to belong to the Earth . 99 to 103 The Earth a pendent Body , and equilibrated in a fluid Medium , seems unable to resist the Rapture of the Diurnal Motion . 103 Two kinds of Arguments against the Earths Motion . 108 Arguments of Aristotle , Ptolomy , Tycho , and other persons , against the Earths Motion . 107 & 108 The first Argument against the Earths Motion taken from Grave Bodies falling from on high to the Ground . 108 Which Argument is confirmed by the Experiment of a Body let fall from the Round-top of a Ships Mast. 108 The second Argument taken from a Project shot very high . 108 The third Argument taken from the Shot of a Canon towards the East , and towards the West . 108 This Argument is confirmed by two Shots towards the North and South , and two others towards the 〈…〉 West . 109 The fourth Argument taken from the Clouds and from Birds . 113 A fifth Argument taken from the Aire which we feel beat upon us when we run an Horse at full speed . 114 A sixth Argument taken from the whirling of Circular Bodies , which hath a faculty to extrude and dissipate . 114 The Answer to Aristotles first Argument . 115 The Answer to the second Argument . 117 The Answer to the third Argument . 120 to 150 An Instance of the Diurnal Motion of the Earth , taken from the Shot of a Piece of Ordinance perpendicularly , and the Answers to the same , shewing the Equivoke . 153 , 154 The Answer to the Argument of the Shots of Canons made towards the North and South . 158 The Answer to the Argument taken from the Shots at point blank towards the East and West . 159 The Answer to the Argument of the flying of Birds contrary to the Motion of the Earth . 165 An Experiment by which alone is shewn the Nullity of all the Arguments produced against the Motion of the Earth . 165 The Stupidity of some that think the Earth began to move , when Pythagoras began to affirme that it did so . 167 A Geometrical Demonstration to prove the Impossibility of Extrusion , by means of the Earths Vertigo , in Answer to the sixth Argument . 176 Granting the Diurnal Vertigo of the Earth , and that by some sudden Stop or Obstacle it were Arrested , Houses , Mountains themselves , and perhaps the whole Globe , would be shaken in pieces . 190 Other Argument of two Modern Authours [ Scheiner and. Claramontius ] against the Copernican Hypothesis of the Earths Motion . 195 The first Objection of the Modern Authour [ Scheiner ] in his Book of Conclusions . 195 The Argument of [ Claramontius ] against the Earths Motion , taken from things falling perpendicularly , another way answered . 223 The Earths Motion collected from the Stars . 229 Argumeuts against the Earths Motion , taken ex rerum natura . 230 A Simple Body as the Earth , cannot move with three several Motions . 231 The Earth cannot move with any of the Motions assigned it by Copernicus . 231 Answers to the Arguments against the Earths Motion , token ex rerum natura . 231 Four Axiomes against the Motion ▪ of the Earth . 230 to 232 One onely Principle might cause a Plurality of Motions in the Earth . 233 The same Argument against the Plurality of Motions in the Earth , answered by Examples of the like Motions in other Celestial Bodies . 236 A fourth Argument [ of Claramontius ] against the Copernican Hypothesis of the Earths Mobility . 239 From the Earths obscurity , and the splendor of the fixed Stars , it is argued that it is moveable , and they immoveable . 239 A fifth Argument [ of Claramontius ] against the Copernican Hypothesis of the Earths Mobility . 240 Another difference between the Earth and Celestial Bodies , taken from Purity and impurity . 240 It seems a Solecisme , to affirme that the Earth is not in Heaven . 241 Granting to the Earth the Annual , it must of necessity also have the Diurnal Motion assigned to it . 300 Discourses more than childish , that serve to keep Fools in the Opinion of the Earths Stability . 301 The Difficulties removed that arise from the Earths moving about the Sun , not solitarily , but in consort with the Moon . 307 The Axis of the Earth continueth alwayes parallel to it self , and describeth a Cylindraical Superficies , inclining to the Orb. 344 The Orb of the Earth never inclineth , but is immutably the same . 345 The Earth approacheth or recedeth from the fixed Stars of the Ecliptick the quantity of the Grand Orb. 349 If in the fixed Stars one should discover any Mutation , the Motion of the Earth would be undeniable . 351 Necessary Propositions for the better conceiving of the Consequences of the Earths Motion . 354 An admirable Accident depending on the not-inclining of the Earths Axis . 358 Four several Motions assigned to the Earth . 362 The third Motion ascribed to the Earth , is rather a resting immoveable . 363 An admirable interne vertue [ or faculty ] of the Earths Globe , to behold alwayes the same part of Heaven . 363 Nature , as i● sport , maketh the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea to prove the Earths Mobility . 379 All Terrene Effects indifferently confirm the Motion or Rest of the Earth , except the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. 380 The Cavities of the Earth cannot approach or recede from the Centre of the same . 387 The Hypothesis of the Earths Mobility taken in favour of the Ebbing and Flowing opposed . 399 The Answers to those Objections made against the Earths Motion . 399 The Revolution of the Earth confirmed by a new Argument taken from the Aire . 400 The vaporous parts of the Earth partake of its Motions . 400 Another observation taken from the Ayr , in confirmation of the motion of the Earth . 402 A Reason of the continual Motion of the Air and Water may be given by making the Earth moveable , rather then by making it immoveable . 405 The Earths Mobility held by sundry great Philosophers amongst the Antients . 437 & 468 The Fathers agree not in expounding the Texts of Scripture that are alledged against the Earths Mobility . 450 The Earth Mobility defended by many amongst the Modern Writers . 478 The Earth shall stand still after the Day of Judgement . 480 The Earth is another Moon or Star. 486 The Earths several Motions , according to Copernicus . 491 The Earth secundum totum is Immutable , though not Immoveable . 491 The Earths Natural Place . 492 The Earths Centre keepeth her in her Natural Place . 493 The Earth , in what Sense it may absolutely be said to be in the lowest part of the World. 496 EBBING and Ebbings . The first general Conclusion of the impossibility of Ebbing and Flowing the Immobility of the Terrestrial Globe being granted . 380 The Periods of Ebbings and Flowings , Diurnal , Monethly , and Annual . 381 Varieties that happen in the Diurnal Period of the Ebbings and Flowings . 382 The Causes of Ebbings and Flowings alledged by a Modern Phylosopher . 382 The Cause of the Ebbing and Flowing ascribed to the Moon by a certain Prelate . 383 The Cause of the Ebbing , &c. referred by Hyeronimus Borrius and other Peripateticks , to the temperate heat of the Moon . 383 Answers to the Vanities alledged as Causes of the Ebbing and Flowing . 383 It s proved impossible that there should naturally be any Ebbing and Flowing , the Earth being immoveable . 386 The most potent and primary Cause of the Ebbing and Flowing . 390 Sundry accidents that happen in the Ebbings and Flowings . 391 Reasons renewed of the particular Accidents observed in the Ebbings and Flowings . 393 Second Causes why in several Seas and Lakes there are no Ebbings and Flowings . 394 The Reason why the Ebbings and Flowings for the most part , are every Six Hours . 395 The Cause why some Seas though very long , suffer no Ebbing and Flowing . 395 Ebbings and Flowings , why greatest in the Extremities of Gulphs , and least in the middle parts . 396 A Discussion of some more Abstruce Accidents observed in the Ebbing and Flowing . 396 The Ebbing and Flowing may depend on the Diurnal Motion of Heaven . 404 The Ebbing and Flowing cannot depend on the Motion of Heaven . 405 The Causes of the Periods of the Ebbings and Flowings Monethly and Annual , at large assigned 407 The Monethly and Annual alterations of the Ebbings and Flowings , can depend on nothing , save on the alteration of the Additions and Subtractions of the Diurnal Period from the Annual . 408 Three wayes of altering the proportion of the Additions of the Diurnal Revolution , to the Annual Motion of the Ebbing and Flowing . 409 Ebbings and Flowings are petty things , in comparison of the vastnesse of the Seas , and the Velocity of the Motion of the Terrestrial Globe . 417 EFFECT and Effects . Of a new Effect its necessary that the Cause be likewise new . 370 The Knowledge of the Effects contribute to the investigation of the Causes . 380 True and Natural Effects follow without difficulty . 387 Alterations in the Effects argue alteration in the Cause . 407 ELEMENTS , and their Motions , Vide MOTION . ENCYCLOPEDIA . Subtilties sufficiently insipid , ironically spoken , and taken from a certain Encyclopedia . 153 EXPERIMENTS . Sensible Experiments are to be preferred before Humane Argumentations . 21 , 33 , 42. It is good to be very cautious in admitting Experiments for true , to those that never tryed them . 162 Experiments and Arguments against the Earths Motion , seem so far concluding , as they lye under Equivokes 162 The Authority of Sensible Experiments and necessary Demonstrations in deciding of Physical Controversies . 436 EYE . The Circle of the Pupil of the Eye contracteth and enlargeth . 329 How to finde the distance of the Rays Concourse from the Pupil of the Eye . 329 F FAITH . Faith more infallible than either Sense or Reason . 475 FIRE . Fire moveth directly upwards by Nature , and round about by Participation , according to Aristotle . 122 It is improbable that the Element of Fire should be carried round by the Concave of the Moon . 405 FIGURE and Figures . Figure is not the Cause of Incorruptibility , but of Longer Duration . 66 The perfection of Figure appeareth in Corruptible Bodies , but not in the Eternal . 69 If the Spherical Figure conferred Eternity , all things would be Eternal . 69 It is more difficult to finde Figures that touch in a part of their Surface , then in one sole point . 185 The Circular Figure placed amongst the Postulata of Mathematicians . 186 Irregular Figures and Formes difficult to be introduced . 187 Superficial figures increase in proportion double to their Lines . 304 FLEXURES . The necessity and use of Flexures in Animals , for varying of their Motions . 232 FOSCARINI . Foscarini his Reconciling of Scripture Texts with the Copernican Hypothesis . 473 G GENERABILITY . Generability and Corruptibility are onely amongst Contraries , according to Arist. 26 Generability and Alterability are greater perfections in Mundane Bodies , then the Contrary Qualities . 44 GEOMETRICAL , and Geometry . Geometrical Demonstrations of the Triple Dimension . 4 Geometrical Exactnesse needlesse in Physical Proofs . 6 Aristotle taxeth Plato for being too studious of Geometry . 334 Peripatetick Phylosophers condemne the Study of Geometry , and why . 461 GILBERT . The Magnetick Phylosophy of Will-Gilbert . 364 The Method of Gilbert in his Philosophy . 367 GLOBE . Our Globe would have been called Stone , instead of Earth , if that name had been given it in the beginning . 367 GOD. God and Nature do employ themselves in caring for Men , as if they minded nothing else . 333 An Example of Gods care of Man-kind , taken from the Sun. 333 God hath given all things an inviolable Law to observe . 4● GREAT . Great and Small , Immense , &c. are Relative Terms . 334 GRAVITY . Grave ; Vide Body . Gravity and Levity , Rarity and Density , are contrary qualities . 30 Things Grave had being before the Common Centre of Gravity . 221 Gravity and Levity of Bodies defined . 493 GUN and Gunnery . The Reason why a Gun should seem to carry farther towards the West than towards the East . 148 The Revolution of the Earth supposed , the Ball in the Gun erected perpendicularly , doth not move by a perpendicular , but an inclined Line . 155 It is ingenuously demonstrated , that , the Earths Motion supposed , the Shot of Great Guns ought to vary no more than in its Rest. 161 The Experiment of a Running Chariot to find out the difference of Ranges in Gunnery . 148 A Computation in Gunnery , how much the Ranges of Great Shot ought to vary from the Mark , the Earths Motion being Granted . 160 H HEAVEN . Heaven an Habitation for the Immortal Gods. 26 Heavens Immutability evident to Sense . 26 Heaven Immutable , because there never was any Mutation seen in it . 34 One cannot ( saith Aristotle ) speak confidently of Heaven , by reason of its great distance . 42 The substance of the Heavens impenetrable , according to Aristotle . 54 The Substance of Heaven Intangible . 55 Many things may be in Heaven , that are Invisible to us . 334 There are more Documents in the Open Book of Heaven , than Vulgar Wits are able to Penetrate . 444 Heaven and Earth ever mutually opposed to each other . 480 Which are really the Greater Lights in Heaven , and which the lesser . 484 Heaven is not composed of a fifth Essence , differing from the Matter of inferiour Bodies . 494 Heaven is no Solid or Dense Body , but Rare . 494 Christ at his Incarnation truly descended from Heaven , and at his Ascension truly ascended into Heaven . 496 Of the First , Second and Third Heaven . 497 Heaven in the Sense of Copernicus , is the same with the most tenuous Aether , but different from Paradice , which excells all the Heavens . 499 HELL . Hell is in the Centre of the Earth , not of the World. 480 HELIX . The Helix about the Cylinder may be said to be a Simple Line . 7 HYPOTHESIS . The true Hypothesis may dispatch its Revolutions in a shorter time in lesser Circles , than in greater , the which is proved by two Examples . 410 I JEST . A Jest put upon one that offered to sell a certain Secret of holding Correspondence at a Thousand Miles distance . 79 A Jest of a certain Statuary . 94 IMPOSSIBILITY and Impossibilities . Nature attempts not Impossibilities . 10 To seek what would follow upon an Impossibility is Folly. 22 INCORRUPTIBILITY . Incorruptibility esteemed by the Vulgar , out of their fear of Death . 45 INFINITY . Of Infinity the Parts are not one greater than another , although they are comparatively unequal . 106 INSTRUMENT and Instruments . Instruments Astronomical very subject to Errour . 262 Copernicus understood not some things for want of Instruments . 338 A proof of the small credit that is to be given to Astronomical Instruments in Minute Observations . 351 Ptolomy did not confide in an Instrument made by Archimedes . 352 Instruments of Tycho made with great Expence . 352 What Instruments are most apt for exact Observations . 352 INVENTORS . The First Inventors and Observers of things ought to be admired . 370 JOSHUAH . The Miracle of Joshuah in commanding the Sun to stand still , contradicts the Ptolomaick System . 456 Joshuahs Miracle admirably agreeth with the Pythagorick Systeme . 457 IRON . It s proved that Iron consists of parts more subtil , pure and compact than the Magnet . 370 JUPITER . Jupiter and Saturn do encompasse the Earth , and the Sun. 258 Jupiter augments lesse by Irradiation , than the Dog-Star . 305 K KEPLER . The Argument of Kepler in favour of Copernicus . 242 An Explanation of the true Sense of Kepler , and his Defence . 243 The feigned Answer of Kepler couched in an Artificial Irony . 244 Kepler is , with respect , blamed . 422 Keplers reconciling of Scripture Texts whith the Copernican Hypothesis . 461 KNOW , &c. The having a perfect Knowledge of nothing , maketh some beleeve they understand all things . 84 Gods manner of Knowing different from that of Man. 87 The great Felicity for which they are to be envied , who perswade themselves that they Know every thing . 164 Our Knowledge is a kind of Reminiscence , according to Plato . 169 L LIGHT . Light reflected from the Earth into the Moon . 52 The Reflex Light of uneven Bodies is more universal than that of the smooth , and why . 62 The more rough Superficies make greater Reflection of Light than the lesse rough . 65 Perpendicular Rays of Light illuminate more than the Oblique , and why . 65 The more Oblique Rays of Light illuminate lesse , and why , 65 Light or Luminous Bodies appear the brighter in an Obscure Ambient . 74 LINE . The Right Line and Circumference of an infinite Circle are the same thing . 342 LAWYERS . Contentious Lawyers that are retained in an ill Cause , keep close to some expression fallen from the adverse party at unawares . 324 LOOKING-GLASSES . Flat Looking-Glasses cast forth their Reflection towards but one place , but the Spherical every way . 39 LYNCEAN . The Lyncean Academick the first Discoverer of the Solar spots , and all the other Celestial Novelties . 312 The History of his proceedings for a long time , about the Observation of the Solar Spots . 312 M MAGNET . Many properties in the Magnet . 367 The Magnet armed takes up more Iron , than when unarmed . 369 The true cause of the Multiplication of Vertue in the Magnet , by means of the Arming . 370 A sensible proof of the Impurity of the Magnet . 371 The several Natural Motions of the Magnet . 374 Philosophers are forced to confesse that the Magnet is compounded of Celestial Substances , and of Elementary . 375 The Error of those who call the Magnet a mixt Body , and the Terrestrial Globe , a simple Body . 375 An improbable Effect admired by Gilbertus in the Magnet . 376 MAGNETICK Philosophy . The Magnetick Philosophy of William Gilbert . 364 MAGNITUDE . The Magnitude of the Orbs and the Velocity of the Motions of Planets answer proportionably , as if descended from the same place . 19 Immense Magnitudes and Numbers are incomprehensible by our Vnderstandings . 332 MARS . Mars necessarily includeth within its Orb the Earth , and also the Sun. 298 Mars at its Opposition to the Sun , seems sixty times bigger than towards the Conjunction . 298 Mars makes an hot assault upon the Copernican Systeme . 302 MARSILIUS . Signor Caesar Marsilius observeth the Meridian to be moveable . 422 MEDICEAN . The time of the Medicean Planets conversions . 101 The Medicean Planets are as it were four Moons about Jupiter . 307 MEDITERRAN . Mediterranean Sea made by the Seperation of Abila and Calpen . 35 The Voyages in the Mediterran from East to West are made in shorter times than from West to East . 403 MERCURY . The Revolution of Mercury concluded to be about the Sun , within the Orb of Venus . 298 Mercury admitteth not of clear Observations . 307 MOON . The Moon hath no Generation of things , like as we have , nor is it inhabited by Men. 47 In the Moon may be a Generation of things different from ours . 47 There may be Substances in the Moon , very different from ours . 48 The first resemblance between the Moon and Earth , which is that of Figure , is proved , by their manner of being illuminated by the Sun. 48 The second resemblance is the Moons being Opacous , as the Earth . 48 The third resemblance is the Moons being Dense and Mountainous as the Earth . 49 The fourth resemblance is the Moons being distinguished into two different parts for Clarity and Obscurity , as the Terrestrial Globe into Sea and Land. 49 The fifth resemblance is Mutation of Figures in the Earth , like those of the Moon , and made with the same Periods . 49 All the Earth seeth halfe onely of the Moon , and halfe onely of the Moon seeth all the Earth 51 Two Spots in the Moon , by which it is perceived that She hath respect to the Centre of the Earth in her Motion . 52 Light reflected from the Earth into the Moon . 52 The sixth resemblance is that the Earth and Moon interchangeably illuminate . 53 The seventh resemblance is that the Earth and Moon interchangeably Ecclipse . 53 The Secondary Clarity of the Moon esteemed to be its Native Light. 54 The Surface of the Moon more sleek then any Looking-Glasse . 55 The eminencies and Cavities in the Moon , are illusions of its Opacous and Perspicuous parts . 55 The Moons Surface is sharp , as is largely proved . 57 The Moon , if it it were sleek like a Spherical Looking-Glasse , would be invisible . 60 & 62 The apparent Vnevennesses of the Moons Surface aptly represented by Mother of Pearl . 70 The apparent Vnevennesses of the Moon cannot be imitated by way of more and lesse Opacity , and Perspicuity 71 The various Aspects of the Moon imitable by any Opacous matter . 71 Sundry Phaenomena from whence the Moons Montuosity is argued . 71 The Moon appears brighter by night , than by day . 72 The Moon beheld in the day time , is like to a little Cloud . 72 Clouds are no lesse apt than the Moon to be illuminated by the Sun. 73 A Wall illuminated by the Sun , compared to the Moon , shines no lesse than it . 73 The third reflection of a Wall illuminates more than the first of the Moon . 74 The Light of the Moon weaker than that of the Twy-light . 74 The secondary Light of the Moon caused by the Sun , according to some . 76 The secondary Light of the Moon appears in form of a Ring , i. e. bright in the extreme Circumference , and not in the midst , and why . 77 The secondary Light of the Moon , how it is to be observed . 78 The Moons Discus in a Solar Eclipse can be seen onely by Privation . 78 Solidity of the Moons Globe argued from its being Mountainous . 81 The secondary Light of the Moon clearer before the Conjunction than after . 82 The obscurer parts of the Moon are Plains , and the more bright Mountains . 83 Long Ledges of Mountains about the Spots of the Moon . 83 There are not generated in the Moon things like to ours , but if there be any Productions , they are very different . 83 The Moon not composed of Water and Earth . 83 Those Aspects of the Sun necessary for our Productions , are not so in the Moon . 83 Natural Dayes in the Moon are of a Moneth long . 84 To the Moon the Sun declineth with a difference of ten Degrees , and to the Earth of Forty seven Degrees . 84 There are no Rains in the Moon . 84 The Moon cannot seperate from the Earth . 295 The Moons Orbe environeth the Earth , but not the Sun. 299 The Moon much disturbeth the Order of the other Planets . 362 The Moons Motion principally sought in the Account of Eclipses . 416 The Moon is an Aethereal Earth . 492 MOTION and Motions . Motion of Projects . Vide Projects . The Conditions and Attributes which differ the Celestial and Elementary Bodies depend on the Motions assigned them by Aristotle . 25 Peripateticks improperly assign those Motions to the Elements for Natural with which they never were moved , and those for Preternatural with which they alwayes move . 33 Motion , as to the things that move thereby , is as if it never were , and so farre operates , as it relates to things depr●ved of Motion . 98 Motion cannot be made without its moveable Subject . 104 Motion and Rest principal Accidents in Nature . 112 Two things necessary for the perpetuating of a Motion ; an unlimited Space , and an incorruptible Moveable . 117 Disparity in the Motions of a Stone falling from the Round Top of a Ship , and from the Top of a Tower. 123 The Motion of grave Pendula might be perpetuated , impediments being removed . 203 Whence the Motion of a Cadent Body is collected . 224 The Motion of the Eye argueth the Motion of the Body looked on . 224 Different Motions depending on the Fluctuation of the Ship. 226 Our Motion may be either interne , or externe , and yet we never perceive or feel it . 229 The Motion of a Boat insensible to those that are within it , as to the Sense of Feeling . 229 The Motion of a Boat sensible to Sight joyned with Reason . 229 A simple Body , as the Earth , cannot move with three several Motions . 231 Motion and Rest are more different than Right Motion and Circular . 237 One may more rationally ascribe to the Earth two intern Principles to the Right and Circular Motion , than two to Motion and Rest. 237 The diversity of Motions helpeth us to know the Diversity of Natures . 237 Bodies of the same kind , have Motions that agree in kinde . 239 The greatnesse and smallnesse of the Body make a difference in Motion and not in Rest. 243 Every pensile and librated Body carried round in the Circumference of a Circle acquireth of it self a Motion in it self equal to the same . 362 Two sorts of Motion in the containing Vessel may make the containing Water to rise and fall . 387 An Accident in the Earths Motion impossible to be imitated . 392 ABSOLUTE MOTION : Things said to move according to certain of their parts , and not according to their whole , may not be said to move with an Absolute Motion , but per accidens . 491 ANIMAL MOTION : The Diversity of the Motions of Animals , depend on their Flexures . 232 The Flexures in Animals are not made for varying of their Motions . 232 The Motions of Animals are of one sort . 232 The Motions of Animals are all Circular . 233 Secondary Motion of Animals dependent on the first . 233 Animals would not grow weary of their Motion , proceeding as that which is assigned to the Terrestrial Globe . 244 The Cause of the wearinesse that attends the Motion of Animals . 244 The Motion of an Animal is rather to be called Violent than Natural . 244 ANNUAL MOTION : The Annual Motion of the Earth must cause a constant and strong Winde . 228 The Errour of the Antagonist of Copernicus is manifest , in that he declareth that the Annual and Diurnal Motion belonging to the Earth , are both one way , and not contrary . 235 The Annual Motion of the Earth mixing with the Motions of the other Planets , produce extravagant Appearances . 296 Rest , Annual Motion , and the Diurnal , ought to be distributed betwixt the Sun , Earth , and Firmament . 300 Granting to the Earth the Annual , it must of necessity have the Diurnal Motion assigned to it . 300 The sole Annual Motion of the Earth , causeth great inequality in the Motions of the Planets . 310 A Demonstration of the inequalities of the three superiour Planets dependent on the Annual Motion of the Earth . 310 The Annual Motion of the Earth most apt to render a reason of the Exorbitance of the five Planets . 312 Argument of Tycho against the Annual Motion , from the invariable Elevation of the Pole. 338 Vpon the Annual Motion of the Earth , alteration may ensue in some Fixed Stars , not in the Pole. 341 The Parallogisme of those who believe that in the Annual Motion great alterations are to be made about the Elevation of the Fixed Stars , is confuted . 341 Enquiry is made what mutations , and in what Stars , are to be discovered by means of the Earths Annual Motion . 342 Astronomers having omitted to instance what alterations those are that may be derived from the Annual Motion of the Earth , do thereby testifie that they never rightly understood the same . 343 The Annual Motion made by the Centre of the Earth under the Ecliptick , and the Diurnal Motion made by the Earth about its own Centre . 344 Objections against the Earths Annual Motion taken from the Fixed Stars placed in the Ecliptick 345 An Indice or Observation in the Fixed Stars like to that which is seen in the Planets , is an Argument of the Earths Annual Motion . 347 The Suns Annual Motion how it cometh to passe , according to Copernicus . 355 The Annual and Diurnal Motion are consistent in the Earth . 362 Three wayes of altering the proportion of the Additions of the Diurnal Revolution to the Annual Motion . 409 The Earths Annual Motion thorow the Ecliptick unequal , by reason of the Moons Motion . 413 The Causes of the inequality of the Additions and Substractions of the Diurnal Conversion from the Annual Motion . 418 CIRCULAR MOTION : Circular and Right Motion are simple , as proceeding in simple Lines . 6 The Circular Motion is never acquired Naturally , unlesse Right Motion precede it . 18 Circular Motion perpetually uniforme . 18 In the Circular Motion every point in the Circumference is the beginning and end . 20 Circular Motion onely is Uniforme . 20 Circular Motion may be continued perpetually . 20 Circular Motion onely and Rest are apt to conserve Order . 20 To the Circular Motion no other Motion is contrary . 26 Circular Motions are not contrary , according to Aristotle . 100 The Motion of the Parts of the ●arth returning to their Whole , may be Circular . 237 The Velocity in the Circular Motion encreaseth according to the encrease of the Diameter of the Circle . 242 Circular Motion is truly simple and perpetual . 495 Circular Motion belongeth to the Whole Body , and the Right to its Parts . 496 Circular and Right Motion are coincident , and may consist together in the same Body . 496 COMMON MOTION : A notable Instance of Sagredus , to shew the non-operating of Common Motion . 151 An Experiment that sheweth how the Common Motion is imperceptible . 224 The concurrence of the Elements in a Common Motion imports no more than their concurrence in a Common Rest. 239 Common Motion is as if it never were . 223 , 340 COMPRESSIVE MOTION : Compressive Motion is proper to Gravity , Extensive to Levity . 49● CONTRARY MOTIONS : An Experiment which plainly shews that two Contrary Motions may agree in the same Moveable . 363 The parts of a Circle regularly moved about its own Centre , move in diverse times with Contrary Motions . 389 DESCENDING MOTION : The Inclination of Grave Bodies to the Motion of Descent , is equal to their resistance to the Motion of Ascent . 191 The Spaces past in the Descending Motion of the falling Grave Body , are as the Squares of their times . 198 The Motion of Descent belongs not to the Terrestrial Globe , but to its parts . 362 DIVRNAL MOTION : The Diurnal Motion seemeth Commune to all the Vniverse , the Earth onely excepted . 97 Diurnal Motion why it should more probably belong to the Earth than to the Rest of the Vniverse . 98 The first Discourse to prove that the Diurnal Motion belongs to the Earth . 99 The Diurnal Motion causeth no Mutation among Celestial Bodies , but all changes have relation to the Earth . 100 A second Confirmation that the Diurnal Motion belongs to the Earth . 100 A third Confirmation that the Diurnal Motion belongs to the Earth . 101 A fourth , fifth , and sixth Confirmation that the Diurnal Motion belongs to the Earth . 102 A seventh Confirmation that the Diurnal Motion belongs to the Earth . 103 If the Diurnal Motion should alter , the Annual Period would cease . 409 LOCAL MOTION : Local Motion of three kinds , Right , Circular , and Mixt. 6 An entire and new Science of our Academick [ Galileo ] concerning Local Motion . 198 MIXT MOTION : Of Mixt Motion we see not the part that is Circular , because we pertake thereof . 218 Aristotle granteth a Mixt Motion to Mixt Bodies . 375 The Motion of Mixt Bodies ought to be such as may result from the Composition of the Motions of the simple Bodies compounding . 375 NATVRAL MOTION : Accelleration of the Natural Motion of Graves is made according to the Odd Numbers beginning at Vnity . 198 Natural Motion changeth into that which is Preter-Natural and Violent . 212 PROGRESSIVE MOTION : The Progressive Motion may make the Water in a Vessel to run to and fro . 387 RIGHT MOTION : Sometimes Simple , and sometimes Mixt , according to Aristotle . 8 Right Motion impossible in the World exactly Ordinate . 10 Right Motion Naturally Infinite . 10 Right Motion Naturally Impossible . 10 Right Motion might possibly have been in the First Chaos . 11 Right Motion is useful to reduce into Order things out of Order . 11 Right Motion cannot naturally be Perpetual . 20 Right Motion assigned to Natural Bodies , to reduce them to perfect Order , when removed from their Places . 20 Right Motion of Grave Bodies manifest to Sense . 22 Right Motion with more reason ascribed to the Parts , than to the whole Elements . 33 Right Motion cannot be Eternal , and consequently cannot be Natural to the Earth . 117 Right Motion seemeth to be wholly excluded in Nature . 147 With two Right Motions one cannot compose Circular Motions . 375 Right Motion belongeth to imperfect Bodies , and that are out of their Natural Places . 495 Right Motion is not Simple . 495 Right Motion is ever mixt with the Circular . 495 SIMPLE MOTION peculiar onely to Simple Bodies . 494 TERRESTRIAL MOTION collected from the Stars . 229 The Parts of the Terrestrial Globe accelerate and retard in their Motion . 388 One single Terrestrial Motion sufficeth not to produce the Ebbing and Flowing . 421 UNEVEN MOTION may make the Water in a Vessel to Run to and fro . 387 The Mixture of the two Motions Annual and Diurnal , causeth the unevennesse in the Motion of the parts of the Terrestrial Clobe . 390 MOVE . It s questionable whether descending Bodies Move in a Right Line . 21 Aristotles Argument to prove the Grave Bodies Move with an inclination to arrive at the Centre . 22 Grave Bodies Move towards the Centre of the Centre of the Earth per Accidens . 22 Things forsaking the place which was natural to them by Creation , are said to Move violently , and naturally tend to return back to the same . 492 MOVEABLE , &c. A Moveable being in the state of Rest shall not move unlesse it have an inclination to some particular Place . 11 The Moveable accellerates its Motion in going towards the Place whither it hath an inclination . 11 The Moveable departing from Rest goeth thorow all the Degrees of Tardity . 11 The Moveable doth not accelerate save only as it approacheth near to its terme of Rest. 12 To introduce in a Moveable a certain Degree of Velocity , Nature made it to move in a Right Line . 12 The Moveable departing from Rest passeth through all the Degrees of Velocity without staying in any . 13 The Grave Moveable descending , acquireth Impetus sufficient to re-carry it to the like height . 13 The Impetus of Moveables equally approaching to the Centre are equal . 14 Vpon an Horizontal Plaine the Moveable lyeth still . 14 A single Moveable hath but one only Natural Motion , and all the rest are by participation . 103 A Line described by a Moveable in its Natural Descent , the Motion of the Earth about its own Centre being presupposed , would probably be the Circumference of a Circle . 145 A Moveable falling from the top of a Tower moveth in the Circumference of a Circle . 146 A Moveable falling from a Tower moveth neither more nor lesse , then if it had staid alwayes there . 146 A Moveable falling from a Tower moveth with an Vniforme not an Accelerate Motion . 146 The Cadent Moveable , if it fall with a Degree of Velocity acquired in a like time with an Vniform Motion , it shall passe a space double to that passed with the Accelerate Motion . 202 Admirable Problems of Moveables descending by the Quadrant of a Circle , and those descending by all the Chords of the whole Circle . 412 MUNDANE . Mundane Bodies were moved in the beginning in a Right Line , and afterwards circularly , according of Plato . 11 N NATURAL . That which is Violent cannot be Eternall , and that which is Eternal cannot be Natural . 116 NATURE , and Natures . Nature attempts not things impossible to be effected . 10 Nature never doth that by many things which may be done by a few . 99 Nature first made things as she pleased , and afterwards capacitated Mans understanding for conceiving of them . 238 From Common Accidents one cannot know different Natures . 238 Natures Order is to make the lesse Orbes to Circulate in shorter times , and the bigger in longer . 243 That which to us is hard to be understood , is with Nature easie to be effected . 403 Nature keeping within the bounds assigned her , little careth that her Methods of opperating fall within the reach of Humane Capacity . 433 Natures Actions no less admirably discover God to us than Scripture Dictions . 434 NERVES . The Original of the Nerves according to Aristotle , and according to Physitians . 91 The ridiculous Answer of a Phylosopher determining the Original of the Nerves . 91 O OBJECTS . Objects , the more Vigorous they are in Light , the more they do seem to encrease . 305 That Remote Objects appear so small is the Defect of the Eye , as is demonstrated . 337 In Objects far Remote and Luminous , a small accession or recession is imperceptible . 350 OPINIONS . It 's all one , whether Opinions are new to Men , or Men new to Opinions . 77 ORBE , and Orbes . The greater Orbes make their Conversions in greater times . 101 & 331 It 's more rational , that the Orbe containing and the Parts contained do move all about one Centre , than about divers . 295 P PASSIONS . Infinite Passions are perhaps but one onely . 87 PENDULUM , and Pendula . Pendula might have a perpetual Motion , impediments being removed . 203 The Pendulum hanging at a longer thread maketh its Vibrations more seldome than the Pendulum hanging at a shorter . 206 The Vibrations of the same Pendulum are made with the same frequency , whether they be small or great . 206 The cause which impedeth the Pendulum , and reduceth it to rest . 206 The thread or Chain to which the Pendulum is fastened maketh an Arch , and doth not stretch it self straight out in its Vibrations . 207 Two particular notable Accidents in the Pendula and their Vibrations . 411 PERIPATETICK , &c. Peripatetick Phylosophy unchangeable . 42 A brave resolution of a certain Peripatetick Philosopher to prove the Right Line to be the shortest of all Lines . 182 The Paralogisme of the said Peripatetick who proveth Ignotum per ignotius . 183 The Discourses of Peripateticks full of Errors and Contradictions . 376 The Peripateticks persecuted Galileo out of envy to his happy Discoveries in Phylosophy . 427 The Peripateticks in defect of Reasons repair to Scripture for Arguments against their Adversaries . 429 PHYLOSOPHERS . It is not just , that those who never Phylosophate , should usurp the title of Phylosophers . 96 PHYLOSOPHY . The Disputes and Contradictions of Phylosophers may conduce to the benefit of Phylosophy . 25 A cunning way to gather Phylosophy out of any Book whatsoever . 92 PLANETS . The approximation and recession of the three superiour Planets importeth double the Suns distance . 299 The difference of the Planets apparent Magnitude lesse in Saturn than in Jupiter , and lesse in Jupiter than in Mars , and why . 299 The Station , Direction , and Retrogradation of the Planets is known in relation to the fixed Stars . 347 The particular Structures of the Orbes of the Planets not yet well resolved . 416 The Planets places may more certainly be assigned by this Doctrine , than by that of Ptolomies great Almagest . 469 PLATO . Plato held , that Humane understanding pertook of Divinity , because it understood Numbers . 3 Plato his Aenigma , and the Interpretation of it . 498 POLE. The invariable Elevation of the Pole urged as an Argument against the Annual Motion . 338 An Example to prove that the Altitude of the Pole ought not to vary by means of the Earths Annual Motion . 340 POWER . Of an infinite Power one would think a greater part should rather be imployed than a lesser . 105 PRINCIPLES . By denying Principles in Sciences , any Paradox may be maintained . 28 Contrary Principles cannot naturally reside in the same Subject . 211 PROJECT , &c. The Project , according to Aristotle , is not moved by virtue impressed , but by the Medium . 130 Operation of the Medium in continuing the Motion of the Project . 131 Many Experiments and Reasons against the Motions of Projects assigned by Aristotle . 132 The Medium doth impede and not conferre the Motion of Projects . 134 An admirable accident in the Motion of Projects . 135 Sundry curious Problems touching the Motion of Projects . 137 Projects continue their Motion by a Right Line that follows the direction of the Motion made together with the Projicient , whilst they were conjoyned therewith . 154 The Motion impressed by the Projicient is onely in a Right Line . 170 The Project moveth by the Tangent of the Circle of the Motion preceeding in the instant of Seperation . 172 A Grave Project assoon as it is seperated from the Projicient , beginneth to decline . 173 The Cause of the Projection encreaseth not according to the Proportion of Velocity encreased by making the Wheel bigger . 189 The Virtue which carrieth Grave Projects upwards , is no lesse Natural to them than the Gravity which moveth them downwards . 211 PTOLOMY , &c. Inconveniences that are in the System of Ptolomy . 309 Ptolomies System full of defects . 476 The Learned both of elder and later times dissatisfied with the Ptolomaick System . 477 PYTHAGORAS , &c. Pythagorick Mistery of Numbers fabulous . 3 Pythagoras offered an Hecatombe for a Geometrical Demonstration which he found . 38 Pythagoras and many other Ancients enumerated , that held the Earths Mobility . 437 & 468 R RAYS . Shining Objects seem fringed and environed with adventitious Rays . 304 REST. Rest. Vide Motion . Rest the Infinite degree of Tardity . 11 RETROGRADATIONS . Retrogradations more frequent in Saturn , lesse frequent in Jupiter , and yet lesse in Mars , and why . 311 The Retrogradations of Venus and Mercury demonstrated by Apollonius and Copernicus . 311 S SATURN . Saturn for its slownesse , and Mercury for its late appearing , were amongst those that were last observed . 416 SCARCITY . Scarcity and Plenty enhanse and debase the price of all things . 43 SCHEINER . Christopher Scheiner the Jesuit his Book of Conclusions confuted . 78 & 195 , & seq . & 323 A Canon Bullet would spend more than six dayes in falling from the Concave of the Moon to the Center of the Earth , according to Scheiner . 195 Christopher Scheiner his Book entituled Apelles post Tabulam censured , and disproved . 313 The Objections of Scheiner by way of Interrogation . 336 Answers to the Interrogations of Scheiner . 336 Questions put to Scheiner , by which the weaknesse of his is made appear . 336 SCIENCES . In Natural Sciences the Art of Oratory is of no use . 40 In Natural Sciences it is not necessary to seek Mathematical evidence . 206 SCRIPTURE , &c. The Caution we are to use in determining the Sense of Scripture in difficult points of Phylosophy . 427 Scripture studiously condescendeth to the apprehension of the Vulgar . 432 In dicussing of Natural Questions , we ought not to begin at Scripture , but at Sensible Experiments and Necessary Demonstrations . 433 The intent of Scripture is by its Authority to recommend those Truths to our beliefe , which being un-intelligible , could no other wayes be rendered credible . 434 Scripture Authority to be preferred , even in Natural Controversies to such Sciences as are not confined to a Demonstrative Method . 434 The Pen-men of Scripture , though read in Astronomy , intentionally forbear to teach us any thing of the Nature of the Stars . 435 The Spirit had no intent at the Writing of the Scripture , to teach us whether the Earth moveth or standeth still , as nothing concerning our Salvation . 436 Inconveniencies that arise from licentious usurping of Scripture , to stuffe out Books that treat of Nat. Arguments . 438 The Literal Sense of Scripture joyned with the universal consent of the Fathers , is to be received without farther dispute . 444 A Text of Scripture ought no lesse diligently to be reconciled with a Demonstrated Proposition in Philosophy , than with another Text of Scripture sounding to a contrary Sense . 446 Demonstrated Truth ought to assist the Commentator in finding the true Sense of Scripture . 446 It was necessary by way of condescension to Vulgar Capacities , that the Scripture should speak of the Rest and Motion of the Sun and Earth in the same manner that it doth . 447 Not onely the Incapacity of the Vulgar , but the Current Opinion of those times , made the Sacred Writers of the Scripture to accommodate themselves to Popular Esteem more than Truth . 447 The Scripture had much more reason to affirm the Sun Moveable , and the Earth Immoveable , than otherwise . 448 Circumspection of the Fathers about imposing positive Senses on Doubtful Texts of Scripture . 451 T is Cowardice makes the Anti-Copernican fly to Scripture Authorities , thinking thereby to affright their Adversaries . 455 Scripture speaks in Vulgar and Common Points after the manner of Men. 462 The intent of Scripture is to be observed in Places that seem to affirme the Earths Stability . 464 Scripture Authorities that seem to affirm the Motion of the Sun and Stability of the Earth , divided into six Classes . 478 Six Maximes to be observed in Expounding Dark Texts of Scripture . 481 Scripture Texts speaking of things inconvenient to be understood in their Literal Sense , are to be interpreted one of the four wayes named . 81 Why the Sacred Scripture accommodates it self to the Sense of the Vulgar . 487 SEA. The Seas Surface would shew at a distance more obscure than the Land. 49 The Seas Reflection of Light much weaker than that of the Earth . 81 The Isles are tokens of the unevennesse of the Bottoms of Seas . 383 SELEUCUS . Opinion of Seleucus the Mathematician censured . 422 SENSE . He who denieth Sense , deserves to be deprived of it . 21 Sense sheweth that things Grave move ad Medium , and the Light to the Concave . 21 It is not probable that God who gave us our Senses , would have us lay them aside , and look for other Proofs for such Natural Points as Sense sets before our Eyes . 434 Sense and Reason lesse certain than Faith. 475 SILVER . Silver burnished appears much more obscure than the unburnished , and why . 64 SIMPLICIUS . Simplicius his Declamation . 43 SOCRATES . The Answer of the Oracle true in judging Socrates the Wisest of his time . 85 SORITES . The Forked Sylogisme called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 29 SPEAKING . We cannot abstract our manner of Speaking from our Sense of Seeing . 461 SPHERE . The Motion of 24 hours ascribed to the Highest Sphere , disorders the Period of the Inferiour . 102 The Sphere although Material , toucheth the Material Plane but in one point onely . 182 The Definition of the Sphere . 182 A Demonstration that the Sphere toucheth the Plane but in one point . 183 Why the Sphere in abstract toucheth the Plane onely in one point , and not the Material in Concrete . 184 Contact in a Single Point is not peculiar to the perfect Sphere onely , but belongeth to all Curved Figures . 185 In a Moveable Sphere it seemeth more reasonable that its Centre be stable , than any of its parts . 300 SPHERE of Activity . The Sphere of Activity greater in Celestial Bodies than in Elimentary . 59 STARRY SPHERE . Wearinesse more to be feared in the Starry Sphere than in the Terrestrial Globe . 245 By the proportion of Jupiter and of Mars , the Starry Sphere is found to be yet more remote . 331 Vanity of those mens discourse , who argue the Starry Sphere to be too vast in the Copernican Hypothesis . 335 The whole Starry Sphere beheld from a great distance , might appear as small as one single Star. 335 SPHERICAL . The Spherical Figure is easier to be made than any other . 186 Spherical Figures of sundry Magnitudes , may be made with one sole Instrument . 187 SPIRIT . The Spirit had no intent to teach us whether the Earth moveth or standeth still , as nothing concerning our Salvation . 436 SOLAR SPOTS . Spots generate and dissolve in the face of the Sun. 38 Sundry Opinions touching the Solar Spots . 39 An Argument that necessarily proveth the Solar Spots to generate and dissolve . 40 A conclusive Demonstration to prove that the Spots are contiguous to the Body of the Sun. 41 The Motion of the Spots towards the Circumcumference of the Sun appears slow . 41 The Figure of the Spots towards the Circumference of the Suns Discus , appear narrow , and why . 41 The Solar Spots are not Spherical , but flat , like thin plates . 41 The History of the proceedings of the Academian for a long time about the Observation of the Solar Spots . 312 A conceit that suddenly came into the mind of our Academian concerning the great consequence that followeth upon the Motion of the Solar Spots . 314 Extravagant Mutations to be observed in the Motions of the Solar Spots foreseen by the Academick , in case the Earth had the Annual Motion . 314 The first Accident to be observed in the Motion of the Solar Spots , and consequently all the rest , explained . 315 The events being observed were answerable to the Predictions touching these Spots . 318 Though the Annual Motion assigned to the Earth , answereth to the Phaenomena of the Solar Spots , yet doth it not follow by conversion , that from the Phaenomena of the Spots one may inferre the Annual Motion to belong to the Earth . 319 The Pure Peripatetick Philosophers will laugh at the Spots and their Phaenomena , as the Illusions of the Christals in the Telescope . 319 The Solar Spots of Galileo . 494 STAR and Stars . The Stars infinitely surpasse the rest of Heaven in Density . 30 It is no lesse impossible for a Star to corrupt , than the whole Terrestrial Globe . 37 New Stars discovered in Heaven . 38 The small Body of a Star fringed about with Rays , appeareth very much bigger than plain , naked , and in its native Clarity . 61 An easie Experiment that sheweth the encrease in the Stars , by means of the Adventitious Rays . 305 A Star of the Sixth Magnitude supposed by Tycho and Scheiner an hundred and six Millions of times bigger than needs . 326 A common errour of all Astronomers touching the Magnitude of the Stars . 326 Venus rendereth the Errour of Astronomers in determining the Magnitudes of Stars inexcuseable . 326 A way to measure the the apparent Diameter of a Star. 327 By depriving Heaven of some Star , one might come to know what influence it hath upon us . 334 Enquiry is made what Mutations , and in what Stars , is to be made by means of the Annual Motion of the Earth . 342 The Stars neerer to us make greater diversities than the more remote . 349 FIXED STARS . Great disparity amongst the Motions of the Particular Fixed Stars if their Sphere be moveable . 102 The Motions of the Fixed Stars would accelerate and retard in several times , if the Starry were moveable . 102 The Probable Situation of the Fixed Stars . 299 Supposing the Annual Motion of the Earth , it followeth that one Fixed Star is bigger than the whole Grand Orbe . 324 The apparent diversity of Motion in the Planets , is insensible in the Fixed Stars . 325 Supposing that a Fixed Star of the First Magnitude is no bigger than the Sun , the diversity which is so great in the Planets , is almost insensible in the Fixed Stars . 325 The Diameter of a Fixed Star of the First Magnitude , and one of the Sixth . 325 The distance of a Fixed Star of the First Magnitude , the Star being supposed to be equal to the Sun. 326 In the Fixed Stars the diversity of Aspect caused by the Grand Orb , is little more than that caused by the Earth in the Sun. 326 The Computation of the Magnitude of the Fixed Stars in respect of the Grand Orbe . 326 The Apparent Diameter of a Fixed Star of the First Magnitude , not more than five Seconds . 328 By another Supposition taken from Astronomers , the distance of the Fixed Stars is calculated to be 10800 Semidiameters of the Great Orbe . 331 The place assigned to a Fixed Star is much lesse than that of Planet . 335 The Mutations of the Fixed Stars ought to be in some greater , in others lesser , and in others nothing at all . 343 The grand Difficulty in Copernicus his Doctrine , is that which concerns the Phaenomena of the Sun and Fixed Stars . 343 The Fixed Stars in the Ecliptick never Elevate nor Descend , on account of the Annual Motion , but yet approach and recede . 345 The Fixed Stars without the Ecliptick elevate more or lesse , according to their distance from the Ecliptick . 347 The Epilogue to the Phaenomena of the Fixed Stars caused by the Annual Motion of the Earth . 349 A place accommodated for the Observation of the Fixed Stars , as to what concerns the Annual Motion of the Earth . 352 NEW STAR . The greatest and least Elevation of the New Star differ not from each other , more than the Polar Altitudes , the said Star being in the Firmament . 255 STEEL . Steel Burnished , beheld from one place appears very bright , and from another , very obscure . 64 STONE . The Stone falling from the Mast of a Ship lights in the same place , whether the Ship move or stands still . 126 STRENGTH . The Strength diminisheth not , were it not employed . 244 SUN . The Sun more probably in the Centre of the Universe than the Earth . 21 Observations from whence it is collected that the Sun and not the Earth , is in the Centre of the Celestial Revolutions . 295 The Sun and Moon encrease little by Irradiation . 305 The Sun it self testifieth the Annual Motion to belong to the Earth . 312 If the Earth be immoveable in the Centre of the Zodiack , there must be ascribed to the Sun four several Motions , as is declared at length . 320 The distance of the Sun conteineth twelve hundred and eight Semidiameters of the Earth . 325 The Diameter of the Sun half a Degree . 325 The Apparent Diameter of the Sun how much it is bigger than that of a Fixed Star. 325 An Example of Gods care of Mankind , taken from the Sun. 333 An exquisite Observation of the approach and departure of the Sun from the Summer Solstice . 352 The Sun passeth one half of the Zodiack nine dayes sooner than the other . 416 The Miracle in Joshuah of the Suns standing still answers not to the intent of lengthening the day , but on the contrary excellently agreeth with the Copernican Systeme . 456 The Sun without change of place revolveth upon its own Centre in the space of a Moneth . 457 The Nobility of the Sun as being the Fountain of Light , Heart of the World , and Principle of Motion . 457 The Suns standing still in Joshuah explained by Kepler . 462 The Sun found to be neerer to us than in times past , by five thousand Miles . 469 The Sun , Moon , and Stars , are one and the same thing . 485 Why the Sun to our thinking moveth , and not the Earth . 486 How the Sun is said to rise and set by extrinsick denomination . 489 The Sun is the King , Heart , and Lamp of the World. 497 SYMPATHY . Sympathy and Antipathy , terms introduced by Phylosophers , the more easily to give a reason of many Natural Effects . 373 SYSTEM of Copernicus . The Copernican System once admitted for true , Expositions might be found out for all those Scriptures than that seem to make against it . 459 Didacus à Stunica held that the Scripture may be best expounded by the Copernican System . 468 SYSTEM of Vniverse . The System of the Universe designed from the Appearances . 296 The System of the Universe might probably have been intended to have been represented by the Golden Candlestick . 500 The System represented likewise by the Apple in Paradice . 501 T TELESCOPE . The Telescope enableth us to discourse better of Celestial Matters than Aristotle himself . 42 Invention of the Telescope taken from Aristotle . 92 An ingenious Consideration about using of the Telescope with as much facility on the Round-top of the Mast of a Ship , as on the Deck . 225 The Mutations made in the Telescope , depending on the Agitation of the Ship. 226 The Operations of the Telescope accounted Fallacies by the Peripateticks . 304 & 319 The Telescope is the best means to take away the Irradiations of the Stars . 306 The Telescope hath much contributed to the Restauration of Astronomy . 476 THEOLOGY . Theology the Queen of the Sciences , and wherein her Prerogative consists . 44 THINGS . Some Things are of that nature , that their parts may seperate from one another , and from their whole , others not . 492 Things are simply denominated in comparison of all or the greatest number of things of that kinde . 496 THREE . The Number Three celebrated amongst the Pythagoreans . 2 TIDE . The Tide and the Mobility of the Earth mutually confirm each other . 380 Tyde . Vide Ebbing and Flowing . TRUE . True and Fair are one and the same , as also False and Deformed . 115 For proof of True Conclusions , many solid Arguments may be produced , but to prove a false one , none . 112. 245 TRUTH , and Truths . Untruths cannot be Demonstrated as Truths are . 112 The Truth sometimes gains strength by Contradiction . 181 Truth hath not so little light as not to be discovered amongst the Umbrages of Falshoods . 384 TYCHO . The Argument of Tycho grounded upon a false Hypothesis . 324 Tycho and his Followers never attempted to see whether there were any Phaenomena in the Firmament for or against the Annual Motion . 337 Tycho and others argue against the Annual Motion , from the invariable Elevation of the Pole. 338 V VELOCITY . Vniform Velocity sutable with Circular Motion . 12 Nature doth not immediately conferre a determinate degree of Velocity , although She could . 12 The Velocity by the inclining plane equal to the Velocity by the Perpendicular , and the Motion by the Perpendicular swifter than by the inclining plane . 14 Velocities are said to be equal , when the Spaces passed are proportionate to their times . 15 The greater Velocity exactly compensates the greater Gravity . 192 VENUS . The Mutation of Figure in Venus argueth its Motion to be about the Sun. 295 Venus very great towards the Vespertine Conjunction , and very small towards the Matutine . 297 Venus necessarily proved to move about the Sun. 298 The Phaenomena of Venus appear contrary to the System of Copernicus . 302 Another Difficulty raised by Venus against Copernicus . 302 Venus according to Copernicus either lucid in it self , or a transparent substance . 302 The Reason why Venus and Mars do not appear to vary Magnitude so much as is requisite . 303 A second Reason of the small apparent encrease of Venus . 306 Venus renders the Errour of Astronomers in determining the Magnitude of Stars inexcuseable . 327 VESSEL . Of the Motion of Water in a Vessel . Vide Water . UNDERSTAND , &c. Man Understandeth very much intensive , but little extensive . 86 Humane Uuderstanding operates by Ratiocination . 87 UNIVERSE . The Constitution of the Uuiverse is one of the Noblest Problems a Man can study . 187 The Centre of the Universe according to Aristotle is that Polnt about which the Celestial Spheres do revolve . 294 Which ought to be accounted the Sphere of the Universe . 299 It is a great rashnesse to censure that to be superfluous in the Universe which we do not perceive to be made for us . 334 VURSTITIUS . Christianus Vurstitius read certain Lectures touching the Opinion of Copernicus , and what happened thereupon . 110 W WATER . He that had not heard of the Element of Water , could never fancie to himself Ships and Fishes . 47 An Experiment to prove the Reflection of Water less bright than that of the Land. 81 The Motion of the Water in Ebbing and Flowing , not interrupted by Rest. 251 The vain Argumentation of some , to prove the Element of Water to be of a Spherical Superficies . 377 The Progressive and uneven Motion makes the Water in a Vessel to run to and fro . 387 The Several Motions in the conteining Vessel , may make the conteined Water to rise and fall . 387 The Water raised in one end of the Vessel returneth it self to Aequilibrium . 391 In the shorter Vessels the Undulations of Waters are more frequent . 391 The greater profundity maketh the Undulations of Water the more frequent . 391 Why in narrow places the Course of the Waters is swifter than in larger . 396 The cause why in some narrow Chanels , we see the Sea - Waters run alwayes one way . 398 The Water more apt to conserve an Impetus conceived than the Air. 400 The Motion of the Water dependeth on the Motion of Heaven . 404 WEIGHTS . It s questionable whether Descending Weights move in a Right Line . 21 WEST . The Course to the West India's easie , the return difficult . 402 WINDE . Constant Gales of Winde within the Tropicks blow towards the West . 402 Windes from the Land , make rough the Seas . 402 WISDOME Divine . Divine Wisdome infinitely infinite . 85 The Discourses which Humane Reason makes in time , the Divine Wisdom resolveth in a Moment , that is hath them alwayes present . 87 WIT. The Wit of Man admirably acute . 87 The Pusilanimity of Popular Wits . 364 Poetick Wits of two kinds . 384 WORLD . World. Vide Universe . The Worlds parts are according to Aristotle two , Celestial and Elementary , contrary to each other . 6 The World supposed by the Authour [ Galileo ] to be perfectly Ordinate . 10 The Sensible World. 96 It hath not been hitherto proved by any whether the World be finite or infinite . 293 If the Centre of the World be the same with that about which the Planets move , the Sun and not the Earth is placed in it . 295 WRITING . Some Write what they understand not , and therefore understand not what they Write . 63 The Invention of Writing Stupendious above all others . 88 Y YEAR . The Years beginning and ending , which Ptolomy and his Followers could never positively assign , is exactly determined by the Copernican Hypothesis . 469 THE END OF THE TABLE . THE Ancient and Modern DOCTRINE OF Holy Fathers , AND Iudicious Divines , CONCERNING The rash citation of the Testimony of SACRED SCRIPTURE , in Conclusions meerly Natural , and that may be proved by Sensible Experiments , and Necessary Demonstrations . Written , some years since , to Gratifie The most SERENE CHRISTINA LOTHARINGA , Arch-Dutchess of TVSCANY ; By GALILAEO GALILAEI , A Gentleman of Florence , and Chief Philosopher and Mathematician to His most Serene Highness the Grand DVKE . And now rendred into English from the Italian , BY THOMAS SALUSBURY . Naturam Rerum invenire , difficile ; & ubi inveneris , indicare in vulgus , nefas . Plato . LONDON , Printed by WILLIAM LEYBOURN , 1661. TO Her most Serene HIGHNES THE Gran Duchess Mother . SOme years since , as Your most Serene Highness well knoweth , I did discover many particulars in Heaven that had been unseen and unheard of untill this our Age ; which , as well for their novelty , as for certain consequences which depend upon them , clashing with some Physical Propositions commonly received by the Schools , did stir up against me no small number of such as professed the vulgar Philosophy in the Universities ; as if I had with my own hand newly placed these things in Heaven to obscure and disturb Nature and the Sciences : who forgetting that the multitude of Truths contribute , and concur to the investigation , augmentation , and establishment of the Arts , and not to their diminution , and destruction ; and at the same time shewing themselves more affectionate to their own Opinions , than to Truth , went about to deny , and to disprove those Novelties ; of which their very sense , had they but pleased to have intentsly beheld them , would have rendered them thorowly assured . And to this purpose they alledged sundry things , and published certain Papers fraughted with vain discourses ; and which was a more gross errour , interwoven with the attestations of the Sacred Scriptures , taken from places by them not rightly understood , and which did not any thing concern the point for which they were produced Into which errour perhaps they would not have run , if they had but been advertised of a most profitable Document which S. Augustine giveth us , concerning our proceeding warily , in making positive determinations in points that are obscure and hard to be understood by the meer help of ratiocination ; where treating ( as we ) of a certain natural conclusion concerning Celestial Bodies , he thus writes : a But now having evermore a respect to the moderation of pious Gravity , we ought to believe nothing unadvisedly in a doubtful point ; lest we conceive a prejudice against that , in favour to our Errour , which Truth hereafter may discover to be no wise contrary to the Sacred Books either of the Old or New Testament . It hath since come to pass , that Time hath by degrees discovered to every one the truths before by me indicated : and together with the truth of the fact , a discovery hath been made of the difference of humours between those who simply and without passion did refuse to admit such like Phaenomena for true , and those who to their incredulity had added some discomposed affection : For as those who were better grounded in the Science of Astronomy , and Natural Philosophy , became satisfied upon my first intimation of the news ; so all those who stood not in the Negative , or in doubt for any other reason , but because it was an unlookt-for-Novelty , and because they had not an occasion of seeing a sensible experiment thereof , did by degrees come to satisfie themselves : But those , who besides the love they bore to to their first Errour , have I know not what imaginary interess to render them disaffected ; not so much towards the things , as towards the Author of them , not being able any longer to deny them , conceal themselves under an obstinate silence ; and being exasperated more than ever by that whereby those others were satisfied and convinced , they divert their thoughts to other projects , and seek to prejudice me some other wayes : of whom I profess that I would make no more account than I have done of those who heretofore have contradicted me ( at whom I alwaies laugh , as being assured of the issue that the business is to have ) but that I see that those new Calumnies and Persecutions do not determine in our greater or lesser Learning ( in which I will scarce pretend to any thing ) but extend so far as to attempt to asperse me with Crimes which ought to be , and are more abhorred by me than Death it self : Nor ought I to content my self that they are known to be unjust by those onely who know me and them , but by all men whatsoever . They persisting therefore in their first Resolution , Of ruining me and whatsoever is mine , by all imaginable waies ; and knowing how that I in my Studies of Astronomy and Philosophy hold , as to the World 's Systeme , That the Sun , without changing place , is situate in the Centre of the Conversion of the Celestial Orbes ; and that the Earth , convertible about its own Axis , moveth it self about the Sun : And moreover understanding , that I proceed to maintain this Position , not onely by refuting the Reasons of Ptolomy and Aristotle , but by producing many on the contrary ; and in particular , some Physical pertaining to Natural Effects , the causes of which perhaps can be by no other way assigned ; and others Astronomical depending upon many circumstances and encounters of new Discoveries in Heaven , which manifestly confute the Ptolomaick Systeme , and admirably agree with and confirm this other Hypothesis : and possibly being ashamed to see the known truth of other Positions by me asserted , different from those that have been commonly received ; and therefore distrusting their defence so long as they should continue in the Field of Philosophy : for th●se respects , I say , they have resolved to try whether they could make a Shield for the fallacies of their Arguments of the Mantle of a feigned Religion , and of the Authority of the Sacred Scriptures , applyed by them with little judgment to the confutation of such Reasons of mine as they had neither understood , nor so much as heard . And first , they have indeavoured , as much as in them lay , to divulge an opiniou thorow the Universe , that those Propositions are contrary to the Holy Letters , and consequently Damnable and Heretical : And thereupon perceiving , that for the most part , the inclination of Mans Nature is more prone to imbrace those enterprizes , whereby his Neighbour may , although unjustly , be oppressed , than those from whence he may receive just incouragement ; it was no hard matter to find those Complices , who for such ( that is , for Damnable and Heretical ) did from their Pulpits with unwonted confidence preach it , with but an unmerciful and less considerate injury , not only to this Doctrine , and to its followers , but to all Mathematicks and Mathematicians together . Hereupon assuming greater confidence , and vainly hoping that that Seed which first took root in their unsound mindes , might spread its branches , and ascend towards Heaven , they went scattering rumours up and down among the People , That it would , ere long be condemned by Supreme Authority : and knowing that such a Censure would supplant not onely these two Conclusions of the VVorlds Systeme , but would make all other Astronomical and Physical Observations that have correspondence and necessary connection therewith to become damnable , to facilitate the business they seek all they can to make this opinion ( at least among the vulgar ) to seem new , and peculiar to my self , not owning to know that Nicholas Copernicus was its Authour , or rather Restorer and Confirmer : a person who was not only a Catholick , but a Priest , Canonick , and so esteemed , that there being a Dispute in the Lateran Council , under Leo X. touching the correction of the Ecclesiastick Calender , he was sent for to Rome from the remotest parts of Germany , for to assist in this Reformation , which for that time was left imperfect , onely because as then the true measure of the Year and Lunar Moneth was not exactly known : whereupon it was given him in charge by the Bishop of Sempronia , at that time Super-intendent in that Affair , to search with reiterated studies and pains for greater light and certainty , touching those Coelestial Motions . Upon which , with a labour truly Atlantick and with his admirable Wit , setting himself again to that Study , he made such a progress in these Sciences , and reduced the knowledge of the Coelestial Motions to such exactnesse , that he gained the title of an Excellent Astronomer . And , according unto his Doctrine , not only the Calendar hath been since regulated , but the Tables of all the Motions of the Planets have also been calculated : and having reduced the said Doctrine into six Books , he published them to the World at the instance of the Cardinal of Capua , and of the Bishop of Culma . And in regard that he had re-assumed this so laborious an enterprize by the order of The Pope ; he dedicated his Book De Revolutionibus Coelestibus to His Successour , namely Paul III. which , being then also Printed , hath been received by The Holy Church , and read and studied by all the World , without any the least umbrage of scruple that hath ever been conceived at his Doctrine ; The which , whilst it is now proved by manifest Experiments and necessary Demonstrations to have been well grounded , there want not persons that , though they never saw that same Book intercept the reward of those many Labours to its Authour , by causing him to be censured and pronounced an Heretick ; and this , only to satisfie a particular displeasure conceived , without any cause , against another man , that hath no other interest in Copernicus , but only as he is an approver of his Doctrine . Now in regard of these false aspersions , which they so unjustly seek to throw upon me , I have thought it necessary for my justification before the World ( of whose judgment in matters of Religion and Reputation I ought to make great esteem ) to discourse concerning those Particulars , which these men produce to scandalize and subvert this Opinion , and in a word , to condemn it , not only as false , but also as Heretical ; continually making an Hipocritical Zeal for Religion their shield ; going about moreover to interest the Sacred Scriptures in the Dispute , and to make them in a certain sense Ministers of their deceiptful purposes : and farthermore desiring , if I mistake not , contrary to the intention of them , and of the Holy Fathers to extend ( that I may not say abuse ) their Authority , so as that even in Conclusions meerly Natural , and not de Fide , they would have us altogether leave Sense and Demonstrative Reasons , for some place of Scripture which sometimes under the apparent words may contain a different sense . Now I hope to shew with how much greater Piety and Religious Zeal I proceed , than they do , in that I propose not , that the Book of Copernicus is not to be condemned , but that it is not to be condemned , as they would have it ; without understanding it , hearing it , or so much as seeing it ; and especially he being an Author that never treateth of matters of Religion or Faith ; nor by Reasons any way depending on the Authority of Sacred Scriptures whereupon he may have erroniously interpreted them ; but alwaies insists upon Natural Conclusions belonging to the Celestial Motions , handled with Astronomical and Geometrical Demonstrations . Not that he had not a respect to the places of the Sacred Leaves , but because he knew very well that his said Doctrine being demonstrated , it could not contradict the Scriptures , rightly , and according to their true meaning understood . And therefore in the end of his Epistle Dedicatory , speaking to The Pope , he saith thus ; c If there should chance to be any Mataeologists , who though ignorant in all the Mathematicks , yet pretending a skill in those Learnings , should dare , upon the authority of some place of Scripture wrested to their purpose , to condemn and censure this my Hypothesis , I value them not , but shall slight their inconsiderate Judgement . For it is not unknown , that Lactantius ( otherwise a Famous Author , though mean Mathematician ) writeth very childishly touching the Form of the Earth , when he scoffs at those who affirm the Earth to be in Form of a Globe . So that it ought not to seem strange to the Ingenious , if any such should likewise now deride us . The Mathematicks are written for Mathematitians , to whom ( if I deceive not my self ) these Labours of mine shall seem to add something , as also to the Common-weale of the Church , whose Government is now in the hands of Your Holiness . And of this kinde do these appear to be who indeavour to perswade that Copernicus may be condemned before his Book is read ; and to make the World believe that it is not onely lawfull but commendable so to do , produce certain Authorities of the Scripture , of Divines , and of Councils ; which as they are by me had in reverence , and held of Supream Authority , insomuch that I should esteem it high temerity for any one to contradict them whilst they are used according to the In stitutes of Holy Church , so I believe that it is no errour to speak , so long as one hath reason to suspect that a person hath a desire , for some concern of his own , to produce and alledge them , to purposes different from those that are in the most Sacred intention of The Holy Church . Therefore I not onely protest ( and my sincerity shall manifest it self ) that I intend to submit my self freely to renounce those errors , into which , through ignorance ▪ I may run in this Discourse of matters pertaining to Religion ; but I farther declare , that I desire not in these matters to engage dispute with any one , although it should be in points that are disputable : for my end tendeth onely to this , That if in these considerations , besides my own profession , amongst the errours that may be in them , there be any thing apt to give others an hint of some Notion beneficial to the Holy Church , touching the determining about the Copernican Systeme , it may be taken and improved as shall seem best to my Superiours : If not , let my Book be torn and burnt ; for that I do neither intend , nor pretend to gain to my self any fruit from my writings , that is not Pious and Catholick . And moreover , although that many of the things that I observe have been spoken in my own hearing , yet I shall freely admit and grant to those that spake them , that they never said them , if so they please , but confess that I might have been mistaken : And therefore what I say , let it be supposed to be spoken not by them , but by those which were of this opinion . The motive therefore that they produce to condemn the Opinion of the Mobility of the Earth , and Stability of the Sun , is , that reading in the Sacred Leaves , in many places , that the Sun moveth , that the Earth standeth still ; and the Scripture not being capable of lying , or erring , it followeth upon necessary consequence , that the Position of those is Erronious and Heretical , who maintain that the Sun of it self is immoveable , and the Earth moveable . Touching this Reason I think it fit in the first place , to consider , That it is both piously spoken , and prudently affirmed , That the Sacred Scripture can never lye , when ever its true meaning is understood : Which I believe none will deny to be many times very abstruce , and very different from that which the bare sound of the words signifieth . Whence it cometh to pass , that if ever any one should constantly confine himself to the naked Grammatical Sence , he might , erring himself , make not only Contradictions and Propositions remote from Truth to appear in the Scriptures , but also gross Heresies and Blasphemies : For that we should be forced to assign to God feet , and hands , and eyes , yea more corporal and humane affections , as of Anger , of Repentance , of Hatred , nay , and sometimes the Forgetting of things past , and Ignorance of those to come : Which Propositions , like as ( so the Holy Ghost affirmeth ) they were in that manner pronounced by the Sacred Scriptures , that they might be accommodated to the Capacity of the Vulgar , who are very rude and unlearned ; so likewise , for the sakes of those that deserve to be distinguished from the Vulgar , it is necessary that grave and skilful Expositors produce the true senses of them , and shew the particular Reasons why they are dictated under such and such words . And this is a Doctrine so true and common amongst Divines , that it would be superfluous to produce any attestation thereof . Hence me thinks I may with much more reason conclude , that the same holy Writ , when ever it hath had occasion to pronounce any natural Conclusion , and especially , any of those which are more abstruce , and difficult to be understood , hath not failed to observe this Rule , that so it might not cause confusion in the mindes of those very people , and render them the more contumacious against the Doctrines that were more sublimely mysterious : For ( like as we have said , and as it plainly appeareth ) out of the sole respect of condescending to Popular Capacity , the Scripture hath not scrupled to shadow over most principal and fundamental Truths , attributing , even to God himself , qualities extreamly remote from , and contrary unto his Essence . Who would positively affirm that the Scripture , laying aside that respect , in speaking but occasionally of the Earth , of the Water , of the Sun , or of any other Creature , hath chosen to confine it self , with all rigour , within the bare and narrow literal sense of the words ? And especially , in mentioning of those Creatures , things not at all concerning the primary Institution of the same Sacred Volume , to wit , the Service of God , and the salvation of Souls , and in things infinitely beyond the apprehension of the Vulgar ? This therefore being granted , methinks that in the Discussion of Natural Problemes , we ought not to begin at the authority of places of Scripture ; but at Sensible Experiments and Necessary Demonstrations : For , from the Divine Word , the Sacred Scripture and Nature did both alike proceed ; the first , as the Holy Ghosts Inspiration ; the second , as the most observant Executrix of Gods Commands : And moreover it being convenient in the Scriptures ( by way of condescension to the understanding of all men ) to speak many things different , in appearance ; and so far as concernes the naked signification of the words , from absolute truth : But on the contrary , Nature being inexorable and immutable , and never passing the bounds of the Laws assigned her , as one that nothing careth whether her abstruse reasons and methods of operating be , or be not exposed to the Capacity of Men ; I conceive that that , concerning Natural Effects , which either Sensible Experience sets before our eyes , or Necessary Demonstrations do prove unto us , ought not , upon any account , to be called into question , much less condemned upon the testimony of Texts of Scripture , which may , under their words , couch Senses seemingly contrary thereto ; In regard that every Expression of Scripture is not tied to so strict conditions , as every Effect of Nature : Nor doth God less admirably discover himself unto us in Nature's Actions , than in the Scriptures Sacred Dictions . Which peradventure Tertullian intended to express in those words : c We conclude , God is known ; first , by Nature , and then again more particularly known by Doctrine : by Nature , in his Works ; by Doctrine , in his Word preached . But I will not hence affirm , but that we ought to have an extraordinary esteem for the Places of Sacred Scripture , nay , being come to a certainty in any Natural Conclusions , we ought to make use of them , as most apposite helps to the true Exposition of the same Scriptures , and to the investigation of those Senses which are necessarily conteined in them , as most true , and concordant with the Truths demonstrated . This maketh me to suppose , that the Authority of the Sacred Volumes was intended principally to perswade men to the belief of those Articles and Propositions , which , by reason they surpass all humane discourse , could not by any other Science , or by any other means be made credible , than by the Mouth of the Holy Spirit it self . Besides that , even in those Propositions , which are not de Fide , the Authority of the same Sacred Leaves ought to be preferred to the Authority of all Humane Sciences that are not written in a Demonstrative Method , but either with bare Narrations , or else with probable Reasons ; and this I hold to be so far convenient and necessary , by how far the said Divine Wisdome surpasseth all humane Judgment and Conjecture . But that that self same God who hath indued us with Senses , Discourse , and Understanding hath intended , laying aside the use of these , to give the knowledg of those things by other means , which we may attain by these , so as that even in those Natural Conclusions , which either by Sensible Experiments or Necessary Demonstrations are set before our eyes , or our Understanding , we ought to deny Sense and Reason , I do not conceive that I am bound to believe it ; and especially in those Sciences , of which but a small part , and that divided into Conclusions is to be found in the Scripture : Such as , for instance , is that of Astronomy , of which there is so small a part in Holy Writ , that it doth not so much as name any of the Planets , except the Sun and the Moon , and once or twice onely Venus under the name of Lucifer . For if the Holy Writers had had any intention to perswade People to believe the Dispositions and Motions of the Coelestial Bodies ; and that consequently we are still to derive that knowledge from the Sacred Books they would not , in my opinion , have spoken so little thereof , that it is as much as nothing , in comparison of the infinite admirable Conclusions , which in that Science are comprized and demonstrated . Nay , that the Authours of the Holy Volumes did not only not pretend to teach us the Constitutions and Motions of the Heavens and Stars , their Figures , Magnitudes , and Distances , but that intentionally ( albeit that all these things were very well known unto them ) they forbore to speak of them , is the opinion of the Most Holy & Most Learned Fathers : and in S. Augustine we read the following words . c It is likewise commonly asked , of what Form and Figure we may believe Heaven to be , according to the Scriptures : For many contend much about those matters , which the greater prudence of our Authors hath forborn to speak of , as nothing furthering their Learners in relation to a blessed life ; and , ( which is the chiefest thing ) taking up much of that time which should be spent in holy exercises . For what is it to me whether Heaven , as a Sphere , doth on all sides environ the Earth , a Mass ballanced in the middle of the World ; or whether like a Dish it doth onely cover or overcast the same ? But because belief of Scripture is urged for that cause , which we have oft mentioned , that is , That none through ignorance of Divine Phrases , when they shall find any thing of this nature in , or hear any thing cited out of our Bibles which may seem to oppose manifest Conclusions , should be induced to suspect their truth , when they admonish , relate , & deliver more profitable matters Briefly be it spoken , touching the Figure of Heaven , that our Authors knew the truth : But the H. Spirit would not , that men should learn what is profitable to none for salvation . And the same intentional silence of these sacred Penmen in determining what is to be believed of these accidents of the Celestial Bodies , is again hinted to us by the same Father in the ensuing 10. Chapter upon the Question , Whether we are to believe that Heaven moveth , or standeth still , in these words : d There are some of the Brethren that start a question concerning the motion of Heaven , Whether it be fixed , or moved : For if it be moved ( say they ) how is it a Firmament ? If it stand still , how do these Stars which are held to be fixed go round from East to West , the more Northern performing shorter Circuits near the Pole ; so that Heaven , if there be another Pole , to us unknown , may seem to revolve upon some other Axis ; but if there be not another Pole , it may be thought to move as a Discus ? To whom I reply , that these points require many subtil and profound Reasons , for the making out whether they be really so , or no ; the undertakeing and discussing of which is neither consistent with my leasure , nor their duty , vvhom I desire to instruct in the necessary matters more directly conducing to their salvation , and to the benefit of The Holy Church . From which ( that we may come nearer to our particular case ) it necessarily followeth , that the Holy Ghost not having intended to teach us , whether Heaven moveth or standeth still ; nor whether its Figure be in Form of a Sphere , or of a Discus , or distended in Planum : Nor whether the Earth be contained in the Centre of it , or on one side ; he hath much less had an intention to assure us of other Conclusions of the same kinde , and in such a manner , connected to these already named , that without the dedermination of them , one can neither affirm one or the other part ; which are , The determining of the Motion and Rest of the said Earth , and of the Sun. And if the same Holy Spirit hath purposely pretermitted to teach us those Propositions , as nothing concerning his intention , that is , our salvation ; how can it be affirmed , that the holding of one part rather than the other , should be so necessary , as that it is de Fide , and the other erronious ? Can an Opinion be Heretical , and yet nothing concerning the salvation of souls ? Or can it be said that the Holy Ghost purposed not to teach us a thing that concerned our salvation ? I might here insert the Opinion of an Ecclesiastical * Person , raised to the degree of Eminentissimo , to wit , That the intention of the Holy Ghost , is to teach us how we shall go to Heaven , and not how Heaven goeth . But let us return to consider how much necessary Demonstrations , and sensible Experiments ought to be esteemed in Natural Conclusions ; and of what Authority Holy and Learned Divines have accounted them , from whom amongst an hundred other attestations , we have these that follow : e We must also carefully heed and altogether avoid in handling the Doctrine of Moses , to avouch or speak any thing affirmatively and confidently which contradicteth the manifest Experiments and Reasons of Philosophy , or other Sciences . For since all Truth is agreeable to Truth , the Truth of Holy Writ cannot be contrary to the solid Reasons and Experiments of Humane Learning . And in St. Augustine we read : f If any one shall object the Authority of Sacred Writ , against clear and manifest Reason , he that doth so , knows not what he undertakes : For he objects against the Truth , not the sense of the Scripture ( which is beyond his comprehension ) but rather his own ; not what is in it , but what , finding it in himself , he fancyed to be in it . This granted , and it being true , ( as hath been said ) that two Truths cannot be contrary to each other , it is the office of a Judicious Expositor to study to finde the true Senses of Sacred Texts , which undoubtedly shall accord with those Natural Conclusions , of which manifest Sense and Necessary Demonstrations had before made us sure and certain . Yea , in regard that the Scriptures ( as hath been said ) for the Reasons alledged , admit in many places Expositions far from the Sense of the words ; and moreover , we not being able to affirm , that all Interpreters speak by Divine Inspiration ; For ( if it were so ) then there would be no difference between them about the Senses of the same places ; I should think that it would be an act of great prudence to make it unlawful for any one to usurp Texts of Scripture , and as it were to force them to maintain this or that Naturall Conclusion for truth , of which Sence , & Demonstrative , and necessary Reasons may one time or other assure us the contrary . For who will prescribe bounds to the Wits of men ? Who will assert that all that is sensible and knowable in the World is already discovered and known ? Will not they that in other points disagree with us , confess this ( and it is a great truth ) that Eaquae scimus , sint minima pars corum quae ignoramus ? That those Truths which we know , are very few , in comparison of those which we know not ? Nay more , if we have it from the Mouth of the Holy Ghost , that Deus tradidit Mundum disputationi eorum , ut non inveniat homo opus , quod operatus est Deus ab initio ad finem : One ought not , as I conceive , to stop the way to free Philosophating , touching the things of the World , and of Nature , as if that they were already certainly found , and all manifest : nor ought it to be counted rashness , if one do not sit down satisfied with the opinions now become as it were commune ; nor ought any persons to be displeased , if others do not hold , in natural Disputes to that opinion which best pleaseth them ; and especially touching Problems that have , for thousands of years , been controverted amongst the greatest Philosophers , as is the Stability of the Sun , and Mobility of the Earth , an opinion held by Pythagoras , and by his whole Sect ; by Heraclides Ponticus , who was of the same opininion ; by Phylolaus , the Master of Plato ; and by Plato himself , as Aristotle relateth , and of which Plutarch writeth in the life of Numa , that the said Plato , when he was grown old , said , It is a most absurd thing to think otherwise : The same was believed by Aristarchus Samius , as we have it in Archimedes ; and probably by Archimedes himself ; by Nicetas the Philosopher , upon the testimony of Scicero , and by many others . And this opinion hath , finally , been amplified , and with many Observations and Demonstrations confirmed by Nicholaus Copernicus . And Seneca , a most eminent Philosopher , in his Book De Cometis , advertizeth us that we ought , with great diligence , seek for an assured knowledge , whether it be Heaven , or the Earth , in which the Diurnal Conversion resides . And for this cause , it would probably be prudent and profitable counsel , if besides the Articles which concern our Salvation , and the establishment of our Faith ( against the stability of which there is no fear that any valid and solid Doctrine can ever rise up ) men would not aggregate and heap up more , without necessity : And if it be so , it would certainly be a preposterous thing to introduce such Articles at the request of persons who , besides that we know not that they speak by inspiration of Divine Grace , we plainly see that there might be wished in them the understanding which would be necessary first to enable them to comprehend , and then to discuss the Demonstrations wherewith the subtiler Sciences proceed in confirming such like Conclusions . Nay , more I should say , ( were it lawful to speak my judgment freely on this Argument ) that it would haply more suit with the Decorum and Majesty of those Sacred Volumes , if care were taken that every shallow and vulgar Writer might not authorize his Books ( which are not seldome grounded upon foolish fancies ) by inserting into them Places of Holy Scripture , interpreted , or rather distorted to Senses as remote from the right meaning of the said Scripture , as they are neer to derirision , who not without ostentation flourish out their Writings therewith . Examples of such like abuses there might many be produced , but for this time I will confine my self to two , not much besides these matters of Astronomy : One of which , is that of those Pamphlets which were published against the Medicean Planets , of which I had the fortune to make the discovery ; against the existence of which there were brought many places of Sacred Scripture : Now , that all the World seeth them to be Planets , I would gladly hear with what new interpretations those very Antagonists do expound the Scripture , and excuse their own simplicity . The other example is of him who but very lately hath Printed against Astronomers and Philosophers , that the Moon doth not receive its light from the Sun , but is of its own nature resplendent : which imagination he in the close confirmeth , or , to say better , perswadeth himself that he confirmeth by sundry Texts of Scripture , which he thinks cannot be reconciled unlesse his opinion should be true and necessary . Neverthelesse , the Moon of it self is Tenebrose , and yet it is no lesse lucid than the Splendor of the Sun. Hence it is manifest , that these kinde of Authors , in regard they did not dive into the true Sence of the Scriptures , would ( in case their authority were of any great moment ) have imposed a necessity upon others to believe such Conclusions for true as were repugnant to manifest Reason , and to Sense . Which abuse Deus avertat , that it do not gain Countenance and Authority ; for if it should , it would in a short time be necessary to proscribe and inhibit all the Contemplative Sciences . For being that by nature the number of such as are very unapt to understand perfectly both the Sacred Scriptures , and the other Sciences is much greater than that of the skilfull and intelligent ; those of the first sort superficially running over the Scriptures , would arrogate to themselves an Authority of decreeing upon all the Questions in Nature , by vertue of some Word by them misunderstood , and produced by the Sacred Pen-men to another purpose : Nor would the small number of the Intelligent be able to repress the furious Torrent of those men , who would finde so many the more followers , in that the gaining the reputation of Wise men without pains or Study , is far more grateful to humane Nature , than the consuming our selves with restless contemplations about the most painfull Arts. Therefore we ought to return infinite thanks to Almighty God , who of his Goodness freeth us from this fear , in that he depriveth such kinde of persons of all Authority and , reposeth the Consulting , Resolving , and Decreeing upon so important Determinations in the extraordinary Wisdom and Candor of most Sacred Fathers ; and in the Supream Authority of those , who being guided by his Holy Spirit , cannot but determin Holily : So ordering things , that of the levity of those other men , there is no account made . This kinde of men are those , as I believe , against whom , not without Reason , Grave , and Holy Writers do so much inveigh ; and of whom in particular S. Hierom writeth : g This ( Scilicet the Sacred Scripture ) the talking old woman , the doting old man , the talkative Sophister , all venture upon , lacerate , teach , and that before they have learnt it . Others induced by Pride , diving into hard words , Philosophate amongst Women , touching the Holy Scriptures . Others ( Oh shameful ! ) Learn of Women what they teach to Men ; and , as if this were nothing , in a certain facility of words , I may say of confidence , expound to others what they understand not themselves . I forbear to speak of those of my own Profession , who , if after Humane Learning they chance to attain to the Holy Scriptures , and tickle the ears of the people with affected and Studied expressions , they affirm that all they say , is to be entertained as the Law of God ; and not stooping to learn what the Prophets and Apostles held , they force incongruous testimonies to their own Sense : As if it were the genuine , and not corrupt way of teaching to deprave Sentences , and Wrest the Scripture according to their own singular and contradictory humour . I will not rank among these same secular Writers any Theologists , whom I repute to be men of profound Learning , and sober Manners , and therefore hold them in great esteem and veneration : Yet I cannot deny but that I have a certain scruple in my mind , and consequently am desirous to have it removed , whilst I hear that they pretend to a power of constraining others by Authority of the Scriptures to follow that opinion in Natural Disputations , which they think most agreeth with the Texts of that : Holding withall , that they are not bound to answer the Reasons and Experiments on the contrary : In Explication and Confirmation of which their judgement they say , That Theologie being the Queen of all the Sciences , she ought not upon any account to stoop to accomodate her self to the Positions of the rest , less worthy , and inferior to her : But that they ought to refer themselves to her ( as to their Supream Emperess ) and change and alter their Conclusions , according to Theological Statutes and Decrees . And they further add , That if in the inferior Science there should be any Conclusion certain by vertue of Demonstrations or experiments , to which there is found in Scripture another Conclusion repugnant ; the very Professors of that Science ought of themselves to resolve their Demonstrations , and discover the falacies of their own Experiments , without repairing to Theologers and Textuaries , it not suiting ( as hath been said ) with the dignity of Theologie to stoop to the investigation of the falacies of the inferior Sciences : But it sufficeth her , to determine the truth of the Conclusion with her absolute Authority , and by her infallibility . And then the Natural Conclusions in which they say that we ought to bide by the meer Authority of the Scripture , without glossing , or expounding it to Senses different from the Words , they affirm to be Those of which the Scripture speaketh alwaies in the same manner ; and the Holy Fathers all receive , and expound to the same Sense . Now as to these Determinations , I have had occasion to consider some particulars ( which I will purpose ) for that I was made cautious thereof , by those who understand more than I in these businesses , and to whose judgements I alwaies submit my self . And first I could say , that there might possibly a certain kinde of equivocation interpose , in that they do not distinguish the preheminences whereby Sacred Theologie meriteth the Title of Queen . For it might be called so , either because that that which is taught by all the other Sciences , is found to be comprized and demonstrated in it , but with more excellent means , and with more sublime Learning ; in like manner , as for example ; The Rules of measuring of Land , & of Accountantship are much more excellently contained in the Arithmatick and Geometry of Euclid , than in the Practises of Surveyours and Accomptants : Or because the Subject about which Theologie is conversant , excelleth in Dignity all the other Subjects , that are the Matters of other Sciences : As also because its Documents are divulged by nobler waies . That the Title and Authority of Queen belongeth to Theologie in the first Sense , I think that no Theologers will affirm , that have but any in-sight into the other Sciences ; of which there are none ( as I believe ) that will say that Geometry , Astronomy Musick , and Medicine are much more excellently and exactly contained in the Sacred Volumes , than in the Books of Archimedes , in Ptolomy , in Boetius , and in Galen . Therefore it is probable that the Regal Preheminence is given her upon the second account , namely , By reason of the Subject , and the admirable communicating of the Divine Revelations in those Conclusions which by other means could not be conceived by men , and which chiefly concern the acquist of eternal Beatitude . Now if Theologie being conversant about the loftiest Divine Contemplation , and residing for Dignity in the Regal Throne of the Sciences , ( whereby she becometh of highest Authority ) descendeth not to the more mean and humble Speculations of the inferior Sciences : Nay ; ( as hath been declared above ) hath no regard to them , as not concerning Beatitude ; the Professors thereof ought not to arrogate to themselves the Authority to determin of Controversies in those Professions which have been neither practised nor studied by them . For this would be as if an Absolute Prince , knowing that he might freely command , and cause himself to be obeyed , should ( being neither Phisitian nor Architect ) undertake to administer Medicines , and erect Buildings after his own fashion , to the great endangering af the lives of the poor Patients , and to the manifest destruction of the Edifices . Again , to command the very Professors of Astronomy , that they of themselves see to the confuting of their own Observations and Demonstrations , as those that can be no other but Falacies and Sophismes , is to enjoyn a thing beyond all possibility of doing : For it is not onely to command them that they do not see that which they see , and that they do not understand that which they understand ; but that in seeking , they finde the contrary of that which they happen to meet with . Therefore before that this is to be done , it would be necessary that they were shewed the way how to make the Powers of the Soul to command one another , and the inferior the Superior ; so that the imagination and will might , and should believe contrary to what the Intellect understands : I still mean in Propositions purely Natural , and which are not de Fide , and not in the Supernatural , which are de Fide. I would entreat these Wise and Prudent Fathers , that they would withal diligence consider the difference that is between Opinable and Demonstrative Doctrines : To the end , that well weighing in their minds with what force Necessary Illations oblige , they might the better ascertain themselves , that it is not in the Power of the Professors of Demonstrative Sciences to change their Opinions at pleasure , and apply themselves one while to one side , and another while to another ; and that there is a great difference between commanding a Methametitian or a Philosopher , and the disposing of a Lawyer or a Merchant ; and that the demonstrated Conclusions touching the things of Nature and of the Heavens cannot be changed with the same facility , as the Opinions are touching what is lawful or not in a Contract , Bargain , or Bill of Exchange . This difference was well understood by the Learned and Holy Fathers , as their having been at great pains to confute many Arguments , or to say better , many Philosophical Fallacies , doth prove unto us ; and as may expresly be read in some of them , and particularly we have in S. Augustine the following words : g This is to be held for an undoubted Truth , That we may be confident , that whatever the Sages of this World have demonstrated touching Natural Points , is no waies contrary to our Bibles : And in case they teach any thing in their Books that is contrary to the Holy Scriptures , we may without any scruple conclude it to be most false ; And according to our ability let us make the same appear : And let us so keep the Faith of our Lord , in whom are hidden all the Treasures of Wisdom ; that we be neither seduced with the Loquacity of false Philosophy , nor scared by the superstition of a counterfeit Religion . From which words , I conceive that I may collect this Doctrine , namely , That in the Books of the Wise of this World , there are contained some Natural truths that are solidly demonstrated , and others again that are barely taught ; and that as to the first sort , it is the Office of wise Divines to shew that they are not contrary to the Sacred Scriptures ; As to the rest , taught , but not necessarily demonstrated , if they shall contain any thing contrary to the Sacred Leaves , it ought to be held undoubtedly false , and such it ought by all possible waies to be demonstrated . If therefore Natural Conclusions veritably demonstrated , are not to be postposed to the Places of Scripture , but that it ought to be shewn how those Places do not interfer with the said Conclusions ; then it s necessary before a Physical Proposition be condemned , to shew that it is not necessarily demonstrated ; and this is to be done not by them who hold it to be true , but by those who judge it to be false . And this seemeth very reasonable , and agreeable to Nature ; that is to say , that they may much more easily find the fallacies in a Discourse , who believe it to be false , than those who account it true and concludent . Nay , in this particular it will come to passe , that the followers of this opinion , the more that they shall turn over Books , examine the Arguments , repeat the Observations , and compare the Experiments , the more shall they be confirmed in this belief . And your Highness knoweth what happened to the late Mathematick Professor in the University of Pisa , Who betook himself in his old age to look into the Doctrine of Copernicus , with hope that he might be able solidly to confute it ( for that he held it so far to be false , as that he had never studied it ) but it was his fortune , that as soon as he had understood the grounds , proceedings , and demonstrations of Copernicus , he found himself to be perswaded , and of an opposer became his most confident Defender . I might also nominate other * Mathematicians , who being moved by my last Discoveries , have confessed it necessary to change the formerly received Constitution of the World , it not being able by any means to subsist any longer . If for the banishing this Opinion and Hypothesis out of the World , it were enough to stop the mouth of one alone , as it may be they perswade themselves who measuring others judgements by their own , think it impossible that this Doctrine should be able to subsist and finde any followers , this would be very easie to be done , but the business standeth otherwise : For to execute such a determination , it would be necessary to prohibite not onely the Book of Copernicus , and the Writings of the other Authors that follow the same opinion , but to interdict the whole Science of Astronomy ; and which is more , to forbid men looking towards Heaven , that so they might not see Mars and Venus at one time neer to the Earth , and at another farther off , with such a difference that the latter is found to be fourty times , and the former sixty times bigger in surface at one time than at another ; and to the end , that the same Venus might not be discovered to be one while round , and another while forked , with most subtil hornes : and many other sensible Observations which can never by any means be reconciled to the Ptolomaick Systeme , but are unanswerable Arguments for the Copernican . But the prohibiting of Copernicus his Book , now that by many new Observations , and by the application of many of the Learned to the reading of him , his Hypothesis and Doctrine doth every day appear to be more true , having admitted and tolerated it for so many years , whilst he was lesse followed , studied , and confirmed , would seem , in my judgment , an affront to Truth , and a seeking the more to obscure and suppresse her , the more she sheweth her self clear and perspicuous . The abolishing and censuring , not of the whole Book , but onely so much of it as concerns this particular opinion of the Earths Mobility , would , if I mistake not , be a greater detriment to souls , it being an occasion of great scandal , to see a Position proved , and to see it afterwards made an Heresie to believe it . The prohibiting of the whole Science , what other would it be but an open contempt of an hundred Texts of the Holy Scriptures , which teach us , That the Glory , and the Greatnesse of Almighty God is admirably discerned in all his Works , and divinely read in the Open Book of Heaven ? Nor let any one think that the Lecture of the lofty conceits that are written in those Leaves finish in only beholding the Splendour of the Sun , and of the Stars , and their rising and setting , ( which is the term to which the eyes of bruits and of the vulgar reach ) but there are couched in them mysteries so profound , and conceipts so sublime , that the vigils , labours , and studies of an hundred and an hundred acute Wits , have not yet been able thorowly to dive into them after the continual disquisition of some thousands of years . But let the Unlearned believe , that like as that which their eyes discern in beholding the aspect of a humane body , is very little in comparison of the stupendious Artifices , which an exquisite and curious Anatomist or Philosopher finds in the same when he is searching for the use of so many Muscles , Tendons , Nerves , and Bones ; and examining the Offices of the Heart , and of the other principal Members , seeking the seat of the vital Faculties , noting and observing the admirable structures of the Instruments of the Senses , and , without ever making an end of satisfying his curiosity and wonder , contemplating the Receptacles of the Imagination , of the Memory , and of the Understanding ; So that which represents it self to the meer sight , is as nothing in comparison and proportion to the strange Wonders , that by help of long and accurate Observations the Wit of Learned Men discovereth in Heaven . And this is the substance of what I had to consider touching this particular . In the next place , as to those that adde , That those Natural Propositions of which the Scripture still speaks in one constant tenour , and which the Fathers all unanimously receive in the same sense , ought to be accepted according to the naked and literal sense of the Words , without glosses and interpretations ; and received and held for most certain and true ; and that consequently the Mobility of the Sun , and Stability of the Earth , as being such , are de Fide to be held for true , and the contrary opinion to be deemed Heretical . I shall propose to consideration , in the first place , That of Natural Propositions , some there are , of which all humane Science and Discourse can furnish us only with some plausible opinion , and probable conjecture rather than with any certain and demonstrative knowledge ; as for example , whether the Stars be animated : Others there are , of which we have , or may confidently believe that we may have , by Experiments , long Observations , and Necessary Demonstrations an undubitable assurance ; as for instance , whether the Earth and Heavens move , or not ; whether the Heavens are Spherical , or otherwise . As to the first sort , I doubt not in the least , that if humane Ratiocinations cannot reach them , and that consequently there is no Science to be had of them , but only an Opinion or Belief , we ought fully and absolutely to comply with the meer Verbal Sense of the Scripture : But as to the other Positions , I should think ( as hath been said above ) That we are first to ascertain our selves of the fact it self , which will assist us in finding out the true senses of the Scriptures ; which shall most certainly be found to accord with the fact demonstrated , for two truths can never contradict each other . And this I take to be a Doctrine orthodox and undoubted , for that I finde it written in Saint Augustine , who speaking to our point of the Figure of Heaven , and what it is to be believed to be , in regard that which Astronomers affirm concerning it seemeth to be , contrary to the Scripture , ( they holding it to be rotund , and the Scripture calling it as it were a * Curtain , determineth that we are not at all to regard that the Scripture contradicts Astronomers ; but to believe its Authority , if that which they say shall be false , and founded only on the conjectures of humane infirmity : but if that which which they affirm be proved by indubitable Reasons , this Holy Father doth not say , that the Astronomers are to be enjoyned , that they themselves resolving and renouncing their Demonstrations do declare their Conclusion to be false , but saith , that it ought to be demonstrated , That what is said in Scripture of a Curtain is not contrary to their true Demonstrations . These are his words : h But some object ; How doth it appear , that the saying in our Bibles , Who stretcheth out the Heaven as a Curtain , maketh not against those who maintain the Heavens to be in figure of a Sphere ? Let it be so , if that be false which they affirme : For that is truth which is spoke by Divine Authority , rather than that which proceeds from Humane Infirmity . But if peradventure they should be able to prove their Position by such Experiments as puts it out of question , it is to be proved , that vvhat is said in Scripture concerning a Curtain , doth in no vvise contradict their manifest Reasons . He proceedeth afterwards to admonish us that we ought to be no less careful and observant in reconciling a Text of Scripture with a demonstrated Natural Proposition , than w●th another Text of Scripture which should sound to a contrary Sense . Nay methinks that the circumspection of this Saint is worthy to be admired and imitated , who even in obscure Conclusions , and of which we may assure our selves that we can have no knowledge or Science by humane demonstration , is very reserved in determining what is to be believed , as we see by that which he writeth in the end of his second Book , de Genesi ad Litteram , speaking , whether the Stars are to be believed animate : i Which particular , although ( at present ) it cannot easily be comprehended , yet I suppose in our farther Progress of handling the Scriptures , we may meet with some more pertinent places , upon which it will be permitted us ( if not to determin any thing for certain , yet ) to suggest somewhat concerning this matter , according to the dictates of Sacred Authority . But novv , the moderation of pious gravity being alwaies observed , vve ought to receive nothing rashly in a doubtful point , least perhaps vve reject that out of respect to our Errour , vvhich hereafter Truth may discover , to be in no vvise repugnant to the Sacred Volumes of the Old and Nevv Testament . By this and other places ( if I deceive not my self ) the intent of the Holy Fathers appeareth to be , That in Natural questions , and which are not de Fide , it is first to be considered , whether they be indubitably demonstrated , or by sensible Experiments known ; or whether such a knowledge and demonstration is to be had ; which having obtained , and it being the gift of God , it ought to be applyed to find out the true Sences of the Sacred Pages in those places , which in appearance might seem to speak to a contrary meaning : Which will unquestionably be pierced into by Prudent Divines , together with the occasions that moved the Holy Ghost , ( for our exercise , or for some other reason to me unknown ) to veil it self sometimes under words of different significations . As to the other point , Of our regarding the Primary Scope of those Sacred Volumes , I cannot think that their having spoken alwaies in the same tenour , doth any thing at all disturb this Rule . For if it hath been the Scope of the Scripture by way of condescention to the capacity of the Vulgar at any time , to express a Proposition in words , that bear a sense different from the Essence of the said Proposition ; why might it not have observed the same , and for the same respect , as often as it had occasion to speak of the same thing ? Nay I conceive , that to have done otherwise , would but have encreased the confusion , and diminished the credit that these Sacred Records ought to have amongst the Common People . Again , that touching the Rest and Motion of the Sun and Earth , it was necessary , for accommodation ▪ to Popular Capacity , to assert that which the Litteral sense of the Scripture importeth , experience plainly proveth : For that even to our dayes people far less rude , do continue in the same Opinion upon Reasons , that if they were well weighed and examined , would be found to be extream trivial , and upon Experiments , either wholly false , or altogether besides the purpose . Nor is it worth while to go about to remove them from it , they being incapable of the contrary Reasons that depend upon too exquisite Observations , and too subtil Demonstrations , grounded upon Abstractions , which , for the comprehending of them , require too strong an Imagination . Whereupon , although that the Stability of Heaveu , and Motion of the Earth should be more than certain and demonstrated to the Wise ; yet nevertheless it would be necessary , for the conservation of credit amongst the Vulgar , to affirm the contrary : For that of a thousand ordinary men , that come to be questioned concerning these particulars , its probab●e that there will not be found so much as one that will not answer that he thinketh , and so certainly he doth , that the Sun moveth , and the Earth standeth still . But yet none ought to take this common Popular Assent to be any Argument of the truth of that which is affirmed : For if we should examine these very men touching the grounds and motives by which they are induced to believe in that manner ; and on the other side should hear what Experiments and Demonstrations perswade those few others to believe the contrary , we should finde these latter to be moved by most solid Reasons , and the former by simple appearances , and vain and ridiculous occurrences . That therefore it was necessary to assign Motion to the Sun , and Rest to the earth , lest the shallow capacity of the Vulgar should be confounded , amused , and rendred obstinate and contumacious , in giving credit to the principal Articles , and which are absolutely de fide , it is sufficiently obvious . And if it was necessary so to do , it is not at all to be wondred at , that it was with extraordinary Wisdom so done , in the Divine Scriptures . But I will alledge further , That not onely a respect to the Incapacity of the Vulgar , but the current Opinion of those times made the Sacred Writers , in the points that were not necessary to salvation , to accommodate themselves more to the received use , than to the true Essence of things : Of which S. Hierom treating , writeth : k As if many things were not spoken in the Holy Scriptures according to the judgement of those times in which they were acted , and not according to that which truth contained . And elsewhere , the same Saint : l It is the custome for the Pen-men of Scripture , to deliver their Judgments in many things , according to the common received opinion that their times had of them . And * S. Thomas Aquinas in Job upon those words , Qui extendit Aquilonem super vacuum , & appendit Terram super nihilum : Noteth that the Scripture calleth that space Vacuum and Nihilum , which imbraceth and invironeth the Earth , and which we know , not to be empty , bat filled with Air , Neverthelesse , saith he , The Scripture to comply with the apprehension of the Vulgar , who think that in that same space there is nothing , calleth it Vacuum and Nihilum . Here the words of S. Thomas , Quod de superiori Haemisphaerio Coeli nihil nobis apparet , nisi spatium aëre plenum , quod vulgares homines reputant Vacuum ; loquitur enim secundum existimationem vulgarium hominum , prout est mos in Sacra Scriptura . Now from this Place I think one may very Logically argue , That the Sacred Scripture for the same respect had much more reason to phrase the Sun moveable , and the Earth immoveable . For if we should try the capacity of the Common People , we should find them much more unapt to be perswaded of the stability of the Sun , and Motion of the Earth , than that the space that environeth it is full of Air. Therefore if the sacred Authors , in this point , which had not so much difficulty to be beat into the capacity of the Vulgar , have notwithstanding forborn to attempt perswading them unto it , it must needs seem very reasonable that in other Propositions much more abstruse they have observed the same stile . Nay Copernicus himself , knowing what power an antiquated custome and way of conceiving things become familiar to us from our infancy hath in our Fancy , that he might not increase confusion and difficulty in our apprehensions , after he had first demonstrated , That the Motions which appear to us to belong to the Sun , or to the Firmament , are really in the Earth ; in proceeding afterwards to reduce them into Tables , and to apply them to use , he calleth them the Motions of the Sun , and of the Heaven that is above the Planets ; expresly terming them the Rising and Setting of the Sun and Stars ; and mutations in the obliquity of the Zodiack , and variations in the points of the Equinoxes , the Middle Motion , Anomalia , Prosthaphaeresis of the Sun ; and such other things ; which do in reality belong to the Earth : But because being joyned to it , and consequently having a share in every of its motions , we cannot immediately discern them in her , but are forced to refer them to the Celestial Bodies in which they appear ; therefore we call them as if they were made there , where they seem to us to be made . Whence it is to be noted how nenessary it is to accommodate our discourse to our old and accustomed manner of understanding . That , in the next place , the common consent of Fathers , in receiving a Natural Proposition of Scripture , all in the same sense ought to Authorize it so far , as to make it become a matter of Faith to believe it to be * so , I should think that it ought at most to be understood of those Conclusions onely , which have been by the said Fathers discussed , and sifted with all possible diligence , and debated on the one side , and on the other , and all things in the end concurring to disprove the one , and prove the other . But the Mobility of the Earth , and Stability of the Sun , are not of this kinde ; For , that the said Opinion was in those times totally buried , and never brought amongst the Questions of the Schools , and not considered , much less followed by any one : So that it is to be believed that it never so much as entered into the thought of the Fathers to dispute it , the Places of Scripture , their own Opinion , and the assent of men having all concurred in the same judgement , without the contradiction of any one , so far as we can finde . Besides , it is not enough to say that the Fathers all admit the stability of the Earth , &c. Therefore to believe it is a matter of Faith : But its necessary to prove that they have condemned the contrary Opinion : For I may affirm and bide by this , That their not having occasion to make satisfaction upon the same , and to discuss it , hath made them to omit and admit it , onely as current , but not as resolved and proved . And I think I have very good Reason for what I say ; For either the Fathers did make reflection upon this Conclusion as controverted , or not : If not , then they could determin nothing concerning it , no not in their private thoughts ; and their incogitance doth not oblige us to receive those Precepts which they have not , so much as in their intentions enjoyned . But if they did reflect and consider thereon , they would long since have condemned it , if they had judged it erroneous ; which we do not find that they have done . Nay , after that some Divines have began to consider it , we find that they have not deem'd it erroneous ; as we read in the Commentaries of Didacus a Stunica upon Job , in Cap. 9 , v. 6. on the words , Qui commovet Terram de loco suo , &c. Where he at large discourseth upon the Copernican Hypothesis , and concludeth , That the Mobility of the Earth , is not contrary to Scripture . Withal , I may justly question the truth of that determination , namely , That the Church enjoyneth us to hold such like Natural Conclusions as matters of Faith , onely because they bear the stamp of an unanimous Interpretation of all the Fathers : And I do suppose that it may possibly be , that those who hold in this manner , might possibly have gone about in favour of their own Opinion , to have amplified the Decretal of the Councils ; which I cannot finde in this case to prohibit any other , save onely , Perverting to Senses contrary to that of Holy Church , or of the concurrent consent of Fathers , those places , and those onely that do pertain either to Faith or Manners , or concern our edification in the Doctrine of Christianity : And thus speaks the Council of Trent . Sess. 4. But the Mobility or Stability of the Earth , or of the Sun , are not matters of Faith , nor contrary to Manners , nor is there any one , that for the stablishing of this Opinion , will pervert places of Scripture in opposition to the Holy Church , or to the Fathers : Nay , Those who have writ of this Doctrine , did never make use of Texts of Scripture ; that they might leave it still in the breasts of Grave and Prudent Divines to interpret the said Places , according to their true meaning . And how far the Decrees of Councills do comply with the Holy Fathers in these particulars , may be sufficiently manifest , in that they are so far from enjoyning to receive such like Natural Conclusions for matters of Faith , or from censuring the contrary Opinions as erronious ; that rather respecting the Primitive and primary intention of the Holy Church , they do adjudge it unprofitable to be busied in examining the truth thereof . Let your Highness be pleased to hear once again what S. Augustine answers to to those Brethren who put the Question , Whether it be true that Heaven moveth , or standeth still ? * To these I answer , That Points of this nature require a curious and profound examination , that it may truly appear whether they be true or false ; a work inconsistent with my leasure to undertake or go thorow with , nor is it any way necessary for those , whom we desire to inform of things that more nearly concern their own salvation and The Churches Benefit . But yet although in Natural Propositions we were to take the resolution of condemning or admitting them from Texts of Scripture unanimously expounded in the same Sense by all the Fathers , yet do I not see how this Rule can hold in our Case ; for that upon the same Places we read several Expositions in the Fathers ; m Dionysius Areopagita saying , That the Primum Mobile , and not the Sun stand still . Saint Augustine is of the same Opinion ; n All the Celestial Bodies were immoveable . And with them concurreth Abulensis . But which is more , amongst the Jewish Authors ( whom Josephus applauds ) some have held , o That The Sun did not really stand still , but seemed so to do , during the short time in which Israel gave the overthrow to their Enemies . So for the Miracle in the time of Hezekiah , Paulus Burgensis is of opinion that it was not wrought on the Sun , but on the Diall . But that , in short , it is necessary to Glosse and Interpret the words of the Text in Joshua , when ever the Worlds Systeme is in dispute , I shall shew anon . Now finally , granting to these Gentlemen more than they demand , to wit , That we are wholly to acquiesce in the judgment of Judicious Divines , and that in regard that such a particular Disquisition is not found to have been made by the Ancient Fathers , it may be undertaken by the Sages of our Age , who having first heard the Experiments , Observations , Reasons , and Demonstrations of Philosophers and Astronomers , on the one side , and on the other ( seeing that the Controversie is about Natural Problems , and Necessary Dilemma's , and which cannot possibly be otherwise than in one of the two manners in controversie ) they may with competent certainty determine what Divine Inspirations shall dictate to them . But that without minutely examining and discussing all the Reasons on both sides ; and without ever comming to any certainty of the truth of the Case , such a Resolution should be taken , Is not to be hoped from those who do not stick to hazzard the Majesty and Dignity of the Sacred Scripture , in defending the reputation of their vain Fancies ; Nor to be feared from those who make it their whole businesse , to examine with all intensness , what the Grounds of this Doctrine are ; and that only in an Holy Zeal for Truth , the Sacred Scriptures , and for the Majesty , Dignity , and Authority , in which every Christian should indeavour to have them maintained . Which Dignity , who seeth not that it is with greater Zeal desired and procured by those who , absolutely submitting themselves to the Holy Church , desire , not that this , or that opinion may be prohibited , but onely that such things may be proposed to consideration , as may the more ascertain her in the safest choice , than by those who being blinded by their particular Interest , or stimulated by malitious suggestions , preach that she should , without more ado , thunder out Curses , for that she had power so to do : Not considering that all that may be done is not alwayes convenient to be done . The Holy Fathers of old were not of this opinion , but rather knowing of how great prejudice , and how much against the primary intent of the Catholick Church , it would be to go about from Texts of Scripture to decide Natural Conclusions , touching which , either Experiments or necessary Demonstrations , might in time to come evince the contrary , of that which the naked sense of the Words soundeth , they have not only proceeded with great circumspection , but have left the following Precepts for the instruction of others . p In points obscure and remote from our Sight , if we come to read any thing out of Sacred Writ , that , with a Salvo to the Faith that we have imbued , may correspond with several constructions , let us not so farre throw our selves upon any of them with a precipitous obstinacy , as that if , perhaps the Truth being more diligently search't into , it should justly fall to the ground , we might fall together with it : and so shew that we contend not for the sense of Divine Scriptures , but our own , in that we would have that which is our own to be the sense of Scriptures , vvhen as vve should rather desire the Scriptures meaning to be ours . He goeth on , and a little after teacheth us , that no Proposition can be against the Faith , unlesse first it be demonstrated false ; saying , q T is not all the while contrary to Faith , until it be disproved by most certain Truth , which if it should so be , the Holy Scripture affirm'd it not , but Humane Ignorance supposed it . Whereby we see that the senses which we impose on Texts of Scripture , would be false , when ever they should disagree with Truths demonstrated . And therefore we ought , by help of demonstrated Truth , to seek the undoubted sense of Scripture : and not according to the sound of the words , that may seem true to our weaknesse , to go about , as it were , to force Nature , and to deny Experiments and Necessary Demonstrations . Let Your Highnesse be pleased to observe farther , with how great circumspection this Holy Man proceedeth , before he affirmeth any Interpretation of Scripture to be sure , and in such wise certain , as that it need not fear the encounter of any difficulty that may procure it disturbance , for not contenting himself that some sense of Scripture agreeth with some Demonstration , he subjoynes . r But if right Reason shall demonstrate this to be true , yet is it questionable whether in these words of Sacred Scripture the Pen-man would have this to be understood , or somewhat else , no lesse true . And in case the Context of his Words shall prove that he intended not this , yet will not that which he would have to be understood be therefore false , but most true , aad that which is more profitable to be knovvn . But that which increaseth our wonder concerning the circumspection , wherewith this Pious Author proceedeth , is , that not trusting to his observing , that both Demonstrative Reasons , and the sense that the words of Scripture and the rest of the Context both precedent and subsequent , do conspire to prove the same thing , he addeth the following words . s But if the Context do not hold forth any thing that may disprove this to be the Authors Sense , it yet remains to enquire , Whether the other may not be intended also . And not yet resolving to accept of one Sense , or reject another , but thinking that he could never use sufficient caution , he proceedeth : t But if so be we finde that the other may be also meant , it vvill be doubted which of them he would have to stand ; or which in probability he may be thought to aim at , if the true circumstances on both sides be weighed . And lastly , intending to render a Reason of this his Rule , by shewing us to what perils those men expose the Scriptures , and the Church ; who , more respecting the support of their own errours , than the Scriptures Dignity , would stretch its Authority beyond the Bounds which it prescribeth to it self , he subjoyns the ensuing words , which of themselves alone might suffice to repress and moderate the excessive liberty , which some think that they may assume to themselves : u For it many times falls out , that a Christian may not so fully understand a Point concerning the Earth , Heaven , and the rest of this Worlds Elements ; the Motion , Conversion , Magnitude , and Distances of the Stars , the certain defects of the Sun and Moon , the Revolutions of Years and Times , the Nature of Animals , Fruits , Stones , and other things of like nature , as to defend the same by right Reason , or make it out by Experiments . But it s too great an absurdity , yea most pernicious , and chiefly to be avoided , to let an Infidel finde a Christian so stupid , that he should argue these matters ; as if they were according to Christian Doctrine ; and make him ( as the Proverb saith ) scarce able to contain his laughter , seeing him so far from the Mark. Nor is the matter so much that one in an errour should be laught at , but that our Authors should be thought by them that are without , to be of the same Opinion , and to the great prejudice of those , whose salvation we wait for , sensured and rejected as unlearned . For when they shal confute any one of the Christians in that matter , vvhich they themselvs thorovvly understand , and shall thereupon express their light esteem of our Books ; hovv shall these Volumes be believed touching the Resurrection of the Dead , the Hope of eternal Life , and the Kingdom of Heaven ; vvhen , as to these Points vvhich admit of present Demonstration , or undoubted Reasons , they conceive them to be falsly vvritten . And how much the truly Wise and Prudent Fathers are displeased with these men , who in defence of Propositions which they do not understand , do apply , and in a certain sense pawn Texts of Scripture , and afterwards go on to encrease their first Errour , by producing other places less understood than the former . The same Saint declareth in the expressions following : y What trouble and sorrow weak undertakers bring upon their knowing Brethren , is not to be expressed ; since vvhen they begin to be told and convinced of their false and unsound Opinion , by those vvho have no respect for the Authority of our Scriptures , in defence of vvhat through a fond Temerity , and most manifest falsity , they have urged ; they fall to citing the said Sacred Books for proof of it , or else repeat many vvords by heart out of them , vvhich they conceive to make for their purpose ; not knovving either what they say , or vvhereof they affirm . In the number of these we may , as I conceive , account those , who , being either unwilling or unable to understand the Demonstrations and Experiments , wherewith the Author and followers of this Opinion do confirm it , run upon all occasions to the Scriptures , not considering that the more they cite them , and the more they persist in affirming that they are very clear , and do admit no other senses , save those which they force upon them , the greater injury they do to the Dignity of them ( if we allowed that their judgments were of any great Authority ) in case that the Truth coming to be manifestly known to the contrary , should occasion any confusion , at least to those who are separated from the Holy Church ; of whom yet she is very solicitous , and like a tender Mother , desirous to recover them again into her Lap Your Highness therefore may see how praeposterously those Persons proceed , who in Natural Disputations do range Texts of Scripture in the Front for their Arguments ; and such Texts too many times , as are but superficially understood by them . But if these men do verily think , & absolutely believe that they have the true sence of Such a particular place of Scripture , it must needs follow of consequence , that they do likewise hold for , certain , that they have found the absolute truth of that Natural Conclusion , which they intend to dispute : And that withal , they do know that they have a great advantage of their Adversary , whose Lot it is to defend the part that is false ; in regard that he who maintaineth the Truth , may have many sensible experiments , and many necessary Demonstrations on his side ; whereas his Antagonist can make use of no other than deceitful appearances , Paralogisms and Sophisms . Now if they keeping within natural bounds , & producing no other Weapons but those of Philosophy , pretend however , to have so much advantage of their Enemy ; why do they afterwards in coming to engage , presently betake themselves to a Weapon inevitable & dreadful to terrifie their Opponent with the sole beholding of it ? But if I may speak the truth , I believe that they are the first that are affrighted , and that perceiving themselves unable to bear up against the assaults of theit Adversary , go about to find out ways how to keep them far enough off , forbidding unto them the use of the Reason which the Divine Bounty had vouchsafed them , & abusing the most equitable Authority of sacred Scripture , which rightly understood and applyed , can never , according to the common Maxime of Divines , oppose the Manifest Experiments , or Necessary Demonstrations . But these mens running to the Scriptures for a Cloak to their inability to comprehend , not to say resolve the Reasons alledged against them , ought ( if I be not mistaken ) to stand them in no stead : the Opinion which they oppose having never as yet been condemned by Holy Church . So that if they would proceed with Candor , they should either by silence confess themselves unable to handle such like points , or first consider that it is not in the power of them or others , but onely in that of the Pope , and of Sacred Councils to censure a Position to be Erroneous : But that it is left to their freedome to dispute concerning its falsity . And thereupon , knowing that it is impossible that a Proposition should at the same time be True and Heretical ; they ought , I say , to imploy themselves in that work which is most proper to them , namely , in demonstrating the falsity thereof : whereby they may see how needlesse the prohibiting of it is , its falshood being once discovered , for that none would follow it : or the Prohibition would be safe , and without all danger of Scandal . Therefore first let these men apply themselves to examine the Arguments of Copernicus and others ; and leave the condemning of them for Erroneous and Heretical to whom it belongeth : But yet let them not hope ever to finde such rash and precipitous Determinations in the Wary and Holy Fathers , or in the absolute Wisdome of him that cannot erre , as those into which they suffer themselves to be hurried by some particular Affection or Interest of their own . In these and such other Positions , which are not directly de Fide , certainly no man doubts but His Holiness hath alwayes an absolute power of Admitting or Condemning them , but it is not in the power of any Creature to make them to be true or false , otherwise than of their own nature , and de facto they are . Therefore it is in my judgment more discretion to assure us first of the necessary and immutable Truth of the Fact , ( over which none hath power ) than without that certainty by condemning one part to deprive ones self of that authority of freedome to elect , making those Determinations to become necessary , which at present are indifferent and arbitrary , and rest in the will of Supreme Authority . And in a word , if it be not possible that a Conclusion should be declared Heretical , whilst we are not certain , but that it may be true , their pains are in vain who pretend to condemn the Mobility of the Earth and Stability of the Sun , unlesse they have first demonstrated it to be impossible and false . It remaineth now , that we consider whether it be true , that the Place in Joshuah may be taken without altering the pure signification of the words : and how it can be that the Sun , obeying the command of Joshuah , which was , That it should stand still , the day might thereupon be much lengthened . Which businesse , if the Celestial Motions be taken according to the Ptolomaick Systeme , can never any wayes happen , for that the Sun moving thorow the Ecliptick , according to the order of the Signes , which is from East to West ( which is that which maketh Day and Night ) it is a thing manifest , that the Sun ceasing its true and proper Motion , the day would become shorter and not longer ; and that on the contrary , the way to lengthen it would be to hasten and velocitate the Suns motion ; insomuch that to cause the Sun to stay above the Horizon for some time , in one and the same place , without declining towards the West , it would be necessary to accelerate its motion in such a manner as that it might seem equal to that of the Primum Mobile , which would be an accelerating it about three hundred and sixty times more than ordinary . If therefore Joshuah had had an intention that his words should be taken in their pure and proper signification , he would have bid the Sun to have accelerated its Motion so , that the Rapture of the Primum Mobile might not carry it to the West : but because his words were heard by people which haply knew no other Celestial Motion , save this grand and common one , from East to West , stooping to their Capacity , and having no intention to teach them the Constitution of the Spheres , but only that they should perceive the greatness of the Miracle wrought , in the lengthening of the Day , he spoke according to their apprehension . Possibly this Consideration moved Dionysius Areopagita to say that in this Miracle the Primum Mobile stood still , and this stopping , all the Celestial Spheres did of consequence stay : of which opinion is S. Augustine himself , and Abulensis at large confirmeth it . Yea , that Joshua's intention was , that the whole Systeme of the Celestial Spheres should stand still , is collected from the command he gave at the same time to the Moon , although that it had nothing to do in the lengthening of the day ; and under the injunction laid upon the Moon , we are to understand the Orbes of all the other Planets , passed over in silence here , as also in all other places of the Sacred Scriptures ; the intention of which , was not to teach us the Astronomical Sciences . I suppose therefore , ( if I be not deceived ) that it is very plain , that if we allow the Ptolemaick Systeme , we must of necessity interpret the words to some sense different from their strict signification . Which Interpretation ( being admonished by the most usefull precepts of S. Augustine ) I will not affirm to be of necessity this above-mentioned , since that some other man may haply think of some other more proper , and more agreeable Sense . But now , if this same passage may be understood in the Copernican Systeme , to agree better with what we read in Joshuah , with the help of another Observation by me newly shewen in the Body of the Sun ; I will propound it to consideration , speaking alwaies with those safe Reserves ; That I am not so affectionate to my own inventions , as to prefer them before those of other men , and to believe that better and more agreeable to the intention of the Sacred Volumes cannot be produced . Supposing therefore in the first place , that in the Miracle of Joshuah , the whole Systeme of the Celestial Revolutions stood still , according to the judgement of the afore-named Authors : And this is the rather to be admitted , to the end , that by the staying of one alone , all the Constitutions might not be confounded , and a great disorder needlesly introduced in the whole course of Nature : I come in the second place to consider how the Solar Body , although stable in one constant place , doth nevertheless revolve in it self , making an entire Conversion in the space of a Month , or thereabouts ; as I conceive I have solidly demonstrated in my Letters Delle Machie Solari : Which motion we sensibly see to be in the upper part of its Globe , inclined towards the South ; and thence towards the lower part , to encline towards the North , just in the same manner as all the other Orbs of the Planets do . Thirdly , If we respect the Nobility of the Sun , and his being the Fountain of Light , by which , ( as I necessarily demonstrate ) not onely the Moon and Earth , but all the other Planets ( all in the same manner dark of themselves ) become illuminated ; I conceive that it will be no unlogicall Illation to say , That it , as the Grand Minister of Nature , and in a certain sense the Soul and Heart of the World , infuseth into the other Bodies which environ it ; not onely Light , but Motion also ; by revolving * in it self : So that in the same manner that the motion of the Heart of an Animal ceasing , all the other motions of its Members would cease ; so , the Conversion of the Sun ceasing , 〈◊〉 Conversions of all the Planets would stand still . And though I could produce the testimonies of many grave Writers to prove the admirable power and influence of the Sun , I will content my self with one sole place of Holy Dionisius Areopagita in his Book de Divinis Nominibus ; who thus writes of the Sun : * His Light gathereth and converts all things to himself , which are seen , moved , illustrated , wax hot , and ( in a word ) those things which are preserved by his splendor : Wherefore the Sun is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for that he collecteth and gathereth together all things dispersed . And a little after of the Sun again he adds ; * If this Sun which we see , as touching the Essences and Qualities of those things which fall vvithin our Sense , being very many and different ; yet if he vvho is one , and equally bestovves his Light , doth renew , nourish , defend , perfect , divide , conjoyn , cherish , make fruitfull , encrease , change , fix , produce , move , and fashion all living creatures : And every thing in this Vniverse at this Pleasure , is partaker of one and the same Sun ; and the causes of many things which participate of him , are equally auticipated in him : Certainly by greater reason ; &c. The Sun therefore being the Fountain of Light and , Principle of Motion , God intending , that at the Command of Joshua , all the World 's Systeme , should continue many hours in the same state , it sufficeth to make the Sun stand still , upon whose stay ( all the other Conversions ceasing ) the Earth , the Moon , the Sun did abide in the same Constitution as before , as likewise all the other Planets : Nor in all that time did the Day decline towards Night , but it was miraculously prolonged : And in this manner , upon the standing still of the Sun , without altering , or in the least disturbing the other Aspects and mutual Positions of the Stars , the Day might be lengthned on Earth ; which exactly agreeth with the Litteral sense of the Sacred Text. But that of which , if I be not mistaken , we are to make no small account , is , That by help of this Copernican Hypothesis , we have the Litteral , apert , and Natural Sense of another particular that we read of in the same Miracle ; which is , That the Sun stood still in Medio Caeli : Upon which passage grave Divines raise many questions , in regard it seemeth very probable , That when Joshuah desired the lengthning of the Day , the Sun was near setting , and not in the Meridian ; for if it had been in the Meridian , it being then about the Summer Solstice , and consequently the dayes being at the longest , it doth not seem likely that it was necessary to pray for the lengthning of the day , to prosecute Victory in a Battail , the space of seven hours and more , which remained to Night , being sufficient for that purpose . Upon which Grave Divines have been induced to think that the Sun was near setting : And so the words themselves seem to sound , saying , Ne movearis Sol , ne movearis . For if it had been in the Meridian , either it had been needless to have asked a Mircale , or it would have been sufficient to have onely praid for some retardment . Of this opinion is Cajetan , to which subscribeth Magaglianes , confirming it by saying , that Joshua had that very day done so many other things before his commanding the Sun , as were not possibly to be dispatch't in half a day . Whereupon they are forced to read the Words in Medio Coeli ( to confess the truth ) with a little harshness , saying that they import no more than this : That the Sun stood still , being in our Hemisphere , that is , above the Horizon . But ( if I do not erre ) we shall avoid that and all other harsh expositions , if according to the Copernican Systeme we place the Sun in the midst , that is , in the Centre of the Coelestial Orbes , and of the Planetary Conversions , as it is most requisite to do . For supposing any hour of the day ( either Noon , or any other , as you shall please neerer to the Evening ) the Day was lengthened , and all the Coelestial Revolutions stayed by the Suns standing still , In the midst , that is , in the Centre of Heaven , where it resides : A Sense so much the more accomodate to the Letter ( besides what hath been said already ) in that , if the Text had desired to have affirmed the Suns Rest to have been caused at Noon-day , the proper expression of it had been to say , It stood still at Noon-day , or in the Meridian Circle , and not in the midst of Heaven : In regard that the true and only Middle of a Spherical Body ( as is Heaven ) is the Centre . Again , as to other places of Scripture , which seem contrary to this position , I do not doubt but that if it were acknowledged for True and Demonstrated those very Divines who so long as they repute it false , hold those places incapable of Expositions that agree with it would finde such Interpretations for them , as should very well suit therewith ; and especially if to the knowledge of Divine Learning they would but adde some knowledge of the Astronomical Sciences : And as at present , whilst they deem it false they think they meet in Scripture only with such places as make against it , if they shall but once have entertained another conceipt thereof , they would meet peradventure as many others that accord with it , and haply would judge , that the Holy Church doth very appositly teach , That God placed the Sun in the Centre of Heaven , and that thereupon by revolving it in it self , after the manner of a Wheel , He contributed the ordinary Courses to the Moon and other Erratick Stars , whilst that she Sings , Coeli Deus sanctissime , Qui lucidum Centrum Poli , Candore pingis igneo , Augens decoro lumine , Quarto die , qui flammeam Solis rotam constituens Lunae ministras ordinem , Vagosque cursus Syderum . They might say , that the Name of Firmament very well agreeth , ad literam , to the Starry Sphere , and to all that which is above the Planetary Conversions ; which according to this Hypothesis is altogether firme and immoveable . Ad litteram ( the Earth moving circularly ) they might understand its Poles , where it 's said , Nec dum Terram fecerat , & flumina , & Cardines Orbis Terrae , Which Cardines or * Hinges seem to be ascribed to the Earth in vain , if it be not to turn upon them . FINIS . AN ABSTRACT OF THE Learned Treatise OF JOHANNIS KEPLERUS , The Emperours Mathematician : ENTITULED His Introduction upon MARS : IT must be confessed , that there are very many who are devoted to Holinesse , that dissent from the Judgment of Copernicus , fearing to give the Lye to the Holy Ghost speaking in the Scriptures , if they should say , that the Earth moveth , and the Sun stands still . But let such consider , that since we judge of very many , and those the most principal things by the Sense of Seeing , it is impossible that we should alienate our Speech from this Sense of our Eyes . Therefore many things daily occur , of which we speak according to the Sense of Sight , when as we certainly know that the things themselves are otherwise . An Example whereof we have in that Verse of Virgil ; Provehimur portu , Terraeque urbesque recedunt . So when we come forth of the narrow straight of some Valley , we say that a large Field discovereth it self . So Christ to Peter , Duc in altum ; [ Lanch forth into the Deep , or on high , ] as if the Sea were higher than its Shores ; For so it seemeth to the Eye , but the Opticks shew the cause of this fallacy . Yet Christ useth the most received Speech , although it proceed from this delusion of the Eyes . Thus we conceive of the Rising and Setting of the Stars , that is to say , of their Ascension and Descension ; when at the same time that we affirm the Sun riseth , others say , that it goeth down . See my Optices Astronomiae , cap. 10. fol. 327. So in like manner , the Ptolomaicks affirm , that the Planets stand still , when for some dayes together they seem to be fixed , although they believe them at that very time to be moved in a direct line , either downwards to , or upwards from the Earth . Thus the Writers of all Nations use the word Solstitium , and yet they deny that the Sun doth really stand still . Likewise there will never any man be so devoted to Copernicus , but he will say , the Sun entereth into Cancer and Leo , although he granteth that the Earth enters Capricorn or Aquarius : And so in other cases of the like nature . But now the Sacred Scriptures , speaking to men of vulgar matters ( in which they were not intended to instruct men ) after the manner of men , that so they might be understood by men , do use such Expressions as are granted by all , thereby to insinuate other things more Mysterious and Divine . What wonder is it then , if the Scripture speaks according to mans apprehension , at such time when the Truth of things doth dissent from the Conception that all men , whether Learned or Unlearned have of them ? Who knows not that it is a Poetical allusion , Psal. 19. where , whilst under the similitude of the Sun , the Course of the Gospel , as also the Peregrination of our Lord Christ in this World , undertaken for our sakes , is described , The Sun is said to come forth of his Tabernacle of the Horizon , as a Bridegroom out of his Chamber , rejoycing as a Giant to run a Race ? Which Virgil thus imitates ; Tithono croceum linquens Aurora cubile : For the first Poets were amongst the Jews . The Psalmist knew that the Sun went not forth of the Horizon , as out of its Tabernacle , & yet it seemeth to the Eye so to do : Nor did he believe , that the Sun moved , for that it appeared to his sight so to do . And yet he saith both , for that both were so to his seeming . Neither is it to be adjudged false in either Sense : for the perception of the Eyes hath its verity , fit for the more secret purpose of the Psalmist in shadowing forth the current passage of the Gospel , as also the Peregrination of the Son of God. Joshua likewise mentioneth the Vallies on or in , which the Sun and Moon moved , for that they appeared to him at Jordan so to do : And yet both these Pen-men may obtain their ends . David , ( and with him Syracides ) the magnificence of God being made known , which caused these things to be in this manner represented to sight , or otherwise , the mystical meaning , by means of these Visibles being discerned : And Joshua , in that the Sun , as to his Sense of Seeing , staid a whole day in the midst of Heaven , whereas at the same time to others it lay hid under the Earth . But incogitant persons onely look upon the contrariety of the words , The Sun stood still , that is , The Earth stood still ; not considering that this contradiction is confined within the limits of the Opticks and Astronomy : For which cause it is not outwardly exposed to the notice and use of men : Nor will they understand that the onely thing Joshuah prayed for , was that the Mountains might not intercept the Sun from him ; which request he expressed in words , that suited with his Ocular Sense : Besides it had been very unseasonable at that time to think of Astronomy , or the Errours in Sight ; for if any one should have told him that the Sun could not really move upon the Valley of Ajalon , but onely in relation to Sense , would not Joshuah have replyed , that his desire was that the day might be prolonged , so it were by any means whatsoever ? In like manner would he have answered if any one had started a question about the Suns Mobility , and the Earths Motion . But God easily understood by Joshuahs words what he asked for , and by arresting the Earths Motion , made the Sun in his apprehension seem to stand still . For the summ of Joshuahs Prayer amounts to no more but this , that it might thus appear to him , let it in the mean time be what it would of it self . For that it s so seeming , was not in vain and ridiculous , but accompanied with the desired effect . But read the tenth Chap. of my Book , that treats of the Optick part of Astronomy , where thou shalt finde the Reasons why the Sun doth in this manner seem to all mens thinking to be moved , and not the Earth ; as namely , because the Sun appeareth small , and the Earth bigg . Again , the Motion of the Sun is not discerned by the eye , by reason of his seeming tardity , but by ratiocination onely ; in that after some time it varieth not its proximity to such and such Mountains . Therefore it is impossible that Reason , unless it be first instructed , should frame to it self any other apprehension , than that the Earth with Heavens Arch placed over it , is as it were a great House , in which , being immoveable , the Sun like a Bird flying in the Air , passeth in so small a Species out of one Climate into another . Which imagination of all Man-kinde being thus , gave the first line in the Sacred Leaves : In the beginning ( saith Moses ) God created the Heaven and the Earth ; * for that these two are most obvious to the eye . As if Moses should have said thus to Man ; This whole Mundane Fabrick which thou seest , lucid above , and dark , and of a vast extent beneath , wherein thou hast thy being , and with which thou art covered , was created by God. In another place Man is questioned ; Whether he can finde out the height of Heaven above , or depth of the Earth beneath : for that each of them appeareth to men of ordinary capacity , to have equally an infinite extent . And yet no man that is in his right mind will by these words circumscribe and bound the diligence of Astronomers , whether in demonstrating the most contemptible Minuity of the Earth , in comparison of Heaven , or in searching out Astronomical Distances : Since those words speak not of the Rational , but real Dimention ; which to a Humane Body , whilst confin'd to the Earth , and breathing in the open Air , is altogether impossible . Read the whole 38. Chapter of Job , and compare it with those Points which are disputed in Astronomy , and Physiologie . If any one do alledge from Psal. 24. That * The Earth is founded upon the Seas , to the end that he may thence infer some new Principle in Philosophy , absurd to hear ; as , That the Earth doth float upon the Waters ; may it not truly be told him , That he ought not to meddle with the Holy Spirit , nor to bring him with contempt into the School of Physiologie . For the Psalmist in that place means nothing else but that which men fore-know , and daily see by experience ; namely , That the Earth ( being lifted up after the separation of the Waters ) doth swim between the Grand Oceans , and float about the Sea. Nor is it strange that the expression should be the same where the Israelites sing , * That they sate on the River of Babylon ; that is , by the River side . or on the Banks of Euphrates and Tygris . If any one receive this Reading without scruple , why not the other ; that so in those same Texts which are wont to be alledged against the Motion of the Earth , we may in like manner turn our eyes from Natural Philosophy , to the scope and intent of Scripture . One Generation passeth away , ( saith Ecclesiastes ) and another Generation cometh : But the Earth abideth for ever . * As if Solomon did here dispute with Astronomers , and not rather put men in minde of their Mutability ; whenas the Earth , Mankindes habitation , doth alwaies remain the same : The Suns Motion doth continually return into what it was at first : The Wind is acted in a Circle , and returns in the same manner : The Rivers flow from their Fountains into the Sea , and return again from thence unto their Fountains : To conclude , The Men of this Age dying , others are born in their room ; the Fable of Life is ever the same ; there is nothing new under the Sun. Here is no reference to any Physical Opinion . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Moral of a thing in it self manifest , and seen by the eyes of all , but little regarded : T is that therefore which Solomon doth inculcate . For who knows not that the Earth is alwaies the same ? Who sees not that the Sun dotharise from the East ; That the Rivers continually run into the Sea ; That the vicissitudes of the Windes return into their primitive State ; That some men succeed others ? But who considereth that the self-same Scene of Life is ever acting , by different persons ; and that nothing is new in humane affairs ? Therefore Solomon instancing in those things which all men see , doth put men in minde of that which many thorowly know , but too slightly consider . But the 104. Psalm is thought by some to contain a Discourse altogether Physical , in regard it onely concerns Natural Philosophy . Now God is there said , To have laid the Foundations of the Earth , that it should not be removed for ever . But here also the Psalmist is far from the Speculation of Physical Causes : For he doth wholly acquiesce in the Greatnesse of God , who did all these things , and sings an Hymne to God the Maker of them , in which he runneth over the World in order , as it appeared to his eyes . And if you well consider this Psalme , it is a Paraphrase upon the six dayes work of the Creation : For as in it the three first dayes were spent in the Separation of Regions ; the first of Light from the exteriour Darkness ; the second , of the Waters from the Waters , by the interposition of the Firmament ; the third , of the Sea from Land ; when also the Earth was cloathed with Herbage and Plants : And the three last dayes were spent in the filling the Regions thus distinguished ; the fourth , of Heaven ; the fifth , of the Seas and Aire ; the sixth , of the Earth : So here in this Psalme there are so many distinct parts proportionable to the Analogy of the six dayes Works . For in Verse 2. he cloaths and covereth the Creator with Light ( the first of Creatures , and work of the first day ) as with a Garment . The second part beginneth at Verse 3. and treats of the Waters above the Heavens , the extent of Heaven and of Meteors ( which the Psalmist seemeth to intend by the Waters above ) as namely of Clouds , Winds , Whirl-winds , Lightnings . The third part begins at Verse 6. and doth celebrate the Earth as the foundation of all those things which he here considereth . For he referreth all things to the Earth , and to those Animals which inhabit it , for that in the judgment of Sight the two principal parts of the World are Heaven and Earth . He therefore here observeth that the Earth after so many Ages hath not faltered , tired , or decayed ; when as notwithstanding no man hath yet discovered upon what it is founded . He goeth not about to teach men what they do not know , but putteth them in minde of what they neglect , to wit , the Greatnesse and Power of God in creating so huge a Mass so firm and stedfast . If an Astronomer should teach that the Earth is placed among the Planets , he overthroweth not what the Psalmist here saith , nor doth he contradict Common Experience ; for it is true notwithstanding , that the Earth , the Structure of God its Architect , doth not decay ( as our Buildings are wont to do ) by age , or consume by wormes , nor sway and leane to this or that side ; that the Seats and Nests of Living Creatures are not molested ; that the Mountains and Shores stand immoveable against the violence of the Winds and Waves , as they were at the beginning . But the Psalmist addeth a most Elegant Hypothesis of the Separation of the Waters from the Continent or Main-land , and adorns it with the production of Fountains , and the benefits that Springs and Rocks exhibit to Birds and Beasts . Nor doth he omit the apparelling the Earths Surface , mentioned by Moses amongst the works of the third Day , but more sublimely describeth it in his Case in expressions infused from Divine Inspiration ; and flourisheth out the commemoration of the many commodities which redound from that Exornation for the Nourishment and Comfort of Man , and * Covert of Beasts . The fourth part begins at Verse 20. celebrating the fourth dayes work , viz. The Sun and Moon , but chiefly the commodiousnesse of those things , which in their Seasons befall to all Living Creatures and to Man ; this being the subject matter of his Discourse : So that it plainly appeareth he acted not the part of an Astronomer . For if he had , he would not then have omitted to mention the five Planets , than whose moiton nothing is more admirable , nothing more excellent , nothing that can more evidently set forth the Wisdome of the Creator amongst the Learned . The fifth part begins , Verse 25. with the fifth Dayes work . And it stores the Seas with Fishes , and covers them with Ships . The sixth part is more obscurely hinted at , Verse 28. and alludeth to the Land-Creatures that were created the sixth day . And lastly , he declareth the goodnesse of God in general , who daily createth and preserveth all things ? So that whatever he said of the World is in relation to Living Creatures ; He speaks of nothing but what is granted on all hands ; for that it was his intent to extol things known , and not to dive into hidden matters , but to invite men to contemplate the Benefits that redound unto them from the works of each of these dayes . And I do also beseech my Reader , not forgetting the Divine Goodnesse conferred on Mankind ; the consideration of which the Psalmist doth chiefly urge , that when he returneth from the Temple , and enters into the School of Astronomy , he would with me praise and admire the Wisdome and Greatnesse of the Creator , which I discover to him by a more narrow explication of the Worlds Form , the Disquisition of Causes , and Detection of the Errours of Sight : And so he will not onely extoll the Bounty of God in the preservation of Living Creatures of all kindes , and establishment of the Earth ; but even in its Motion also , which is so strange ; so admirable , he will acknowledge the Wisdome of the Creator . But he who is so stupid as not to comprehend the Science of Astronomy , or so weak and scrupulous as to think it an offence of Piety to adhere to Copernicus , him I advise , that leaving the Study of Astronomy , and censuring the opinions of Philosophers at pleasure , he betake himself to his own concerns , and that desisting from further pursuit of these intricate Studies , he keep at home and manure his own Ground ; and with those Eyes wherewith alone he seeth , being elevated towards this to be admired Heaven , let him pour forth his whole heart in thanks and praises to God the Creator ; and assure himself that he shall therein perform as much Worship to God , as the Astronomer , on whom God hath bestowed this Gift , that though he seeth more clearly with the Eye of his Understanding ; yet whatever he hath attained to , he is both able and willing to extoll his God above it . And thus much concerning the Authority of Sacred Scripture . Now as touching the opinions of the Saints about these Natural Points . I answer in one word , That in Theology the weight of Authority , but in Philosophy the weight of Reason is to be considered . Therefore Sacred was Lactantius , who denyed the Earths rotundity ; Sacred was Augustine , who granted the Earth to be round , but denyed the Antipodes ; Sacred is the * Liturgy of our Moderns , who admit the smallnesse of the Earth , but deny its Motion : But to me more sacred than all these is Truth , who with respect to the Doctors of the Church , do demonstrate from Philosophy that the Earth is both round , circumhabited by Antipodes , of a most contemptible smalnesse , and in a word , that it is ranked amongst the Planets . AN ABSTRACT OF Some passages in the Commentaries of Didacus à Stunica , OF SALAMANCA Upon JOB : The Toledo Edition , Printed by JOHN RODERICK , Anno 1584 , in Quarto , Pag. 205. & seqq . on these Words , Chap. 9. Verse 6. Who shaketh the Earth out of her place , and the Pillars thereof Tremble . THe Sacred Pen-man here sets down another effect whereby God sheweth his Almighty Power , joyned with infinite Wisdom . Which place , though it must be confessed very difficult to understand , might be greatly cleared by the Opinion of the Pythagorians , who hold the Earth to be moved of its own Nature , and that the Motion of the Stars can no other way be ascertained , they being so extreamly different in tardity and velocity . Of which judgement was Philolaus , and Heraclides Ponticus , as Plutarch relateth in his Book De Placitis Philosophorum : Who were followed by Numa Pompilius , and , which I more regard , The Divine Plato in his old age ; insomuch that he affirmed that it was most absurd to think otherwise , as the same Plutarch tells us in his * Numa . And Hypocrates in his Book De Flatibus , calleth the Air 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. The Earths Chariot . But in this our Age , Copernicus doth demonstrate the courses of the Blanets to be according to this Opinion . Nor is it to be doubted but that the Planets Places may be more exactly and certainly assigned by his Doctrine , than by Ptolomies Great Almogest or Systeme , or the Opinions of any others . For its manifest , that Ptolomy could never describe either the Motion of the Equinoxes , or assign the certain and positive beginning of the Year : the which he ingeniously confesseth in Lib. 3. De Almagest . Magnum . Ch. 2. and which he leaveth to be discovered in after times by those Astronomers , who coming into the World much later than he , might be able to invent some way to make more accurate observations . And although the * Alphonsines & Thebith Ben Core have attempted to explain them ; yet it appeareth that they have done as much as nothing . For the Positions of the Alphonsines disagree amongst themselves , as Ricius proveth . And although the Reason of Thebith be more acute , and that thereby he determined the certain beginning of the year , ( being that which Ptolomy sought for ) yet it is now clear , that the Progressions of the Equinoxes are much longer than he conceived they could be . Moreover , the Sun is found to be much nearer to us than it was held to be in times past , by above fourty thousand * Stadia , or furlongs . The Cause and Reason of whose Motion , neither Ptolomy nor any other Astrologers could ever comprehend : And yet the Reasons of these things are most plainly explained and demonstrated by Copernicus from the Motion of the Earth , with which he sheweth that all the other Phaenomena of the Universe do more aptly accord . Which opinion of his is not in the least contradicted by what Solomon saith in * Ecclesiastes : But the Earth abideth for ever . For that Text signifieth no more but this , That although the succession of Ages , and generations of Men on Earth , be various ; yet the Earth it self is still one and the same , and continueth without any sensible alteration ; For the words run thus : One Generation passeth away , and another Generation cometh ; but the Earth abideth for ever . So that it hath no coherence with its Context , ( as Philosophers shew ) if it be expounded to speak of the Earths immobility . And although in this Chapter Ecclesiastes , and in many others , Holy Writ ascribes Motion to the Sun , which Copernicus will have to stand fixed in the Centre of the Universe ; yet it makes nothing against his Position . For the Motion that belongs to the Earth , is by way of speech assigned to the Sun , even by Copernicus himself , and those who are his followers , so that the Revolution of the Earth is often by them phrased , The Revolution of the Sun. To conclude , No place can be produced out of Holy Scripture , which so clearly speaks the Earths Immobility , as this doth its Mobility . Therefore this Text , of which we have spoken , is easily reconciled to this Opinion . And to set forth the Wonderful power and Wisdome of God , who can indue and actuate the Frame of the Whole Earth ( it being of a monstrous weight by Nature ) with Motion , this our Divine pen-man addeth ; And the pillars thereof tremble : As if he would teach us , from the Doctrine laid down , that it is moved from its Foundations . AN EPISTLE Of the Reverend Father PAOLO ANTONIO FOSCARINI , A CARMELITE ; Concerning The PYTHAGORIAN and COPERNICAN Opinion OF The Mobility of the EARTH , AND Stability of the SVN ; AND Of the New Systeme or Constituion OF THE WORLD . IN WHICH , The Authorities of SACRED SCRIPTVRE , and ASSERTIONS of DIVINES , commonly alledged against this Opinion , are Reconciled . WRITTEN To the most Reverend FATHER , SEBASTIANO FANTONI , General of the Order of CARMELITES . Englished from the Original , BY THOMAS SALVSBVRIE . So quis indiget sapientia , postulet à Deo. Jacobi . 1. versu . 5. Optaevi , & datus est mihi sensus . Sapientiae 7. versu . 7. LONDON , Printed by WILLIAM LEYBOVRN , MDCLXI . To the Most Reverend Father SEBASTIANO FANTONI , General of the Order of CARMELITES . IN obedience to the command of the Noble Signore Vincenzo Carraffa , a Neapolitan , and Knight of S. John of Jerusalem , ( a person , to speak the truth , of so great Merit , that in him Nobility of Birth , Affability of Manners , Universal knowledge of Arts and things , Piety and Vertue do all contend for preheminence ) I resolved with my self to undertake the Defence of the Writings of the New , or rather Renewed , and from the Dust of Oblivion ( in which it hath long lain hid ) lately Revived Opinion , Of the Mobility of the Earth , and Stability of the Sun , in times past found out first by Pythagoras , and at last reduced into Practice by Copernicus ; who likewise hath deduced the Position of the Systeme and Constitution of the World and its parts from that Hypothesis : on which Subject I have formerly writ to You , Most Reverend Sir : But in regard I am bound for Rome to preach there by your Command ; and since this Speculation may seem more proper for another Treatise , to wit , a Volume of Cosmography , which I am in hand with , and which I am daily busie about , that it may come forth in company with my Compendium of the Liberal Arts , which I have already finished , rather than now to discuss it by it self , I thought to forbear , imparting what I have done for the present ; Yet I was desirous to give , in the mean time , a brief account of this my Determination , and to shew You , Most Reverend Father , ( to whom I owe all my indeavours , and my very self ) the Foundations on which this Opinion may be grounded , least , whilst otherwise it is favoured with much probability , it be found in reality to be extreamly repugnant ( as at first sight it seems ) not onely to Physical Reasons , and Common Principles received on all hands ( which cannot do so much harm ) but also ( which would be of far worse consequence ) to many Authorities of sacred Scripture : Upon which account many at their first looking into it , explode it as the most fond Paradox and Monstrous Capriccio that ever was heard of . Which thing proceeds only from an antiquated and long confirmed Custome , which hath so hardened men in , and habituated them to Vulgar , Plausible , and for that cause by all men ( aswell learned as unlearned ) Approved Opinions , that they cannot be removed one step from them : So great is the force of Custome ( which not unfitly is stiled a second Nature ) prevailing over the whole World , that touching things men are rather pleased with , delighted in , and desirous of those , which , though evil and obnoxious , are by use made familiar to them , than such , wherewith , though better , they are not accustomed and acquainted . So in like manner , and that chiefly , in Opinions , which when once they are rooted in the Mind , men start at , and reject all others whatsoever ; not only those that are contrary to , but even all that ever so little disagree with or vary from theirs , as harsh to the Ear , discoloured to the Eye , unpleasant to the Smell , nauseous to the Tast , rough to the Touch. And no wonder : For Physical Truths are ordinarily judged and considered by men , not according to their Essence , but according to the prescript of some one whose description or definition of them gaines him Authority amongst the vulgar . Which authority nevertheless ( since 't is no more than humane ) ought not to be so esteemed , as that that which doth manifestly appear to the contrary , whether from better Reasons lately found out , or from Sense it self , should for its sake be contemned and slighted ; Nor is Posterity so to be confined , but that it may , and dares , not only proceed farther , but also bring to light better and truer Experiments than those which have been delivered to us by the Ancients . For the Genius's of the Antients , as in Inventions they did not much surpass the Wits of our times ; so for the perfecting of Inventions this Age of ours seems not only to equal , but far to excell former Ages ; Knowledge , whether in the Liberal or Mechanical Arts , daily growing to a greater height . Which Assertion might be easily proved , were it not that in so clear a case , there would be more danger of obscuring , than hopes of illustrating it with any farther light . But ( that I may not wholly be silent in this point ) have not the several Experiments of Moderns , in many things , stopped the mouth of Venerable Antiquity , and proved many of their greattest and weightiest Opinions , to be vain and false ? The Doctrine of the Antipodes by many of the Antients of approved Wisdome and Learning was held a Paradox no less absurd than this Our Opinion of the Earths Motion may seem to be ; as likewise that of the Habitablenesse of the Torrid Zone : Of these Opinions , the first was accounted unpossible by many , but the latter was absolutely denyed by the unanimous consent of all : But later Authors ( to the great felicity and perpetual Glory of their Age ) have , not so much by Authority , as by accurate diligence and indefatigable study to finde out the truth , proved them both to be undoubtedly true . Thus I affirm that the Antients were deceived , and that in too lightly challenging Credid and Authority for their Inventions , they discovered too much folly . Here for brevities sake I pass by many Dreams lately detected , both of Aristotle and other of the antient Philosophers ; who in all likelihood if they had dived into the Observations of Modern Writers , and understood their Reasons , would , by changing their judgements , have given them the precedency , and would have subscribed to their manifest Truth . Hereby we see that we are not to have so high a respect for the A●tiens , that whatever they assert should be taken upon trust , and that Faith should be given to their sayings , as if they were Oracles and Truths sent down from Heaven . But yet ( which indeed is chiefly to be regarded in these matters ) if any thing be found out that is repugnant to Divine Authority , or to the Sacred Leaves , that were dictated by the Holy Ghost , and by His Inspiration expounded by the Holy Doctors of the Church , in this case not onely Humane reason , but even Sense it self is to submitt : which , though by all manner of weighty Conditions and circumstances it should hold forth any thing contrary to Divine Authority , ( which indeed is so plain , that there is no way left to evade the right understanding of it ) yet is it to be rejected ; and we must conclude our selves deceived by it , and believe that that is not true which Sense and Reason represents unto us : For , however we judge of things , we have , both in this and all other cases , a more certain knowledge , which proceeds from Divine Faith ; as S. Peter hath most excellently exprest it : Who though with his Senses he saw , and perceived the Glory of our Lord in his Transfiguration , and heard his words manifesting his great Power , yet nevertheless all these things compared with the Light of Faith , he adds : * We have also a more sure word of Prophecy , &c. Wherefore since this Opinion of Pythagoras and Copernicus hath entred upon the Stage of the World in so strange a Dress , and at the first appearance ( besides the rest ) doth seem to oppose sundry Authorities of Sacred Scripture , it hath ( this being granted ) been justly rejected of all men as a meer absurdity . But yet because the common Systeme of the World devised by Ptolomy hath hitherto satisfied none of the Learned , hereupon a suspition is risen up amongst all , even Ptolemy's followers themselves , that there must be some other Systeme , which is more true than this of Ptolemy ; For although the Phaenomena of Celestial Bodys may seem to be generally resolved by this Hypothesis , yet they are found to be involved with many difficulties , and referred to many devices ; as namely , of Orbes of sundry Forms and Figures , Epicicles , Equations , Differences , Excentricks , and innumerable such like fancies and Chymaera's which savour of the Ens Rationis of Logicians , rather than of any Realem Essentiam . Of which kinde is that of the Rapid Motion , than which I finde not any thing that can be more weakly grounded , and more easily controverted and disproved : And such is that conceit of the * Heaven void of Stars , moving the inferior Heavens or Orbes : All which are introduced upon occasion of the variety of the Motions of Celestial Bodyes , which seemed impossible , by any other way , to be reduced to any certain and determinate Rule . So that the Assertors of that common Opinion , freely confess , that in describing the Worlds Systeme , they cannot as yet discover , or teach the true Hypothesis thereof : But that their endeavours are onely to finde out , amongst many things , what is most agreeable with truth , and may , upon better and more accomodate Reasons , answer the Celestial Phaenomena . Since that , the Telescope ( an Optick Invention ) hath been found out , by help of which , many remarkable things in the Heavens , most worthy to be known , and till then unthought of , were discovered by manifest sensation ; as for instance , That the Moon is Mountainous ; Venus and Saturn Tricorporeal ; and Jupiter Quadricorporeal : Likewise that in the Via Lactea , in the Pleiades , and in the Stars called Nobulosae there are many Stars , and those of the greatest Magnitude which are by turns adjacent to one another ; and in the end it hath discovered to us , new fixed Stars , new planets , and new Worlds . And by this same Instrument it appears very probable , that Venus and Mercury do not move properly about the Earth , but rather about the Sun ; and that the Moon alone moveth about the Earth . What therefore can be inferred from hence , but that the Sun doth stand immovable in the Centre , and that the Earth , with the other Celestial Orbes , is circumvolved about it ? Wherefore by this and many other Reasons it appears , That the Opinion of Pythagoras and Copernicus doth not disagree with Astronomical and Cosmographical Principles ; yea , that it carryeth with it a great likelihood and probability of Truth : Whereas amongst the so many several Opinions , that deviate from the common Systeme , and devise others , such as were those of Plato , Calippus , Eudoxus ; and since them of Averroe , * Cardanus , Fracastorius , and others both Antient and Modern , there is not one found that is more facile , more regularly ahd determinately , accommodated to the Phaenomena and Motions of the Heavens , without Epicycles , Excentrix , Homocentricks Deferents , and the supputation of the Rapid Motion . And this Hypothesis hath been asserted for true , not onely by Pythagoras , and , after him , by Copernicus , but by many famous men , as namely , Heraclitus , and Ecphantus , Pythagoreans , all the Disciples of that Sect , Miceta of Syracuse , Martianus Capella , and many more . Amongst whom , those ( as we have said ) that have attempted the finding out of New Systemes ( for they refused both this of Pythagoras , and that of Ptolemy ) are numberless : who yet notwithstanding allowed this Opinion of Pythagoras to carry with it much probability , and indirectly confirmed it ; inasmuch as that they rejected the common one as imperfect , defective , and attended with many contradictions and difficulties . Amongst these may be numbered Father * Clavius , a most learned Jesuite ; who , although he refutes the Systeme of Pythagoras , yet acknowledgeth the Levity of the common Systeme , and he ingeniously confesseth , that for the removal of difficulties , in which the common Systeme will not serve the turn , Astronomers are forced to enquire after another Systeme , to the discovery of which , he doth very earnestly exhort them . Now can there a better or more commodious Hypothesis be devised , than this of Copernicus , ? For this Cause many Modern Authors are induced to approve of , and follow it : but with much haesitancy , and fear , in regard that it seemeth in their Opinion so to contradict the Holy Scriptures , as that it cannot possibly be reconciled to them . Which is the Reason that this Opinion hath been long supprest , and is now entertained by men in a modest manner , ad as it were with a veiled Face ; according to that advice of the Poet : Judicium populi nunquam contempseris unus , Ne nullis placeas , dum vis contemnere multos . Upon consideration of which , ( out of my very great love towards the Sciences , and my ardent desire to see the encrease and perfection of them , and the Light of Truth freed from all Errours and Obscurities ) I began to argue with my self touching this Point after this manner : This Opinion of the Pythagoreans is either true , or false ; If false , it ought not to be mentioned , and deserves not to be divulged : If true , it matters not , though it contradict all , as well Philosophers as Astronomers : And though for its establishment and reducement to use a new Philosophy and Astronomy , ( founded upon new Principles and Hypothese ) should be constituted : For the Authority of Sacred Scripture will not oppose it ; neither doth one Truth contradict another . If therefore the Opinion of Pythagoras be true , without doubt God hath disposed and dictated the words of of Holy Writ in such a manner , that they may admit an apt sense and reconciliation with that Hypothesis . Being moved by these Reasons , and the probability of the said Opinion , I thought good to try whether Texts of Sacred Scripture might be expounded according to Theological and Physical Principles , and might be reconciled to it , so that ( in regard that hitherto it hath been held probable ) it may in after times , coming without scruple to be acknowledged for true , advance it self , and appear in publick with an uncovered Face , without any mans prohibition , and may lawfully and freely hold a Sacred intelligence with Holy Truth , so earnestly cove●ed and commended by good Men. Which designe , having hitherto been undertaken by none that I know , wil , I am perswaded , be very acceptable to the Studious of these Learnings , especially to the most Learned Galilaeo Galilaei , chief Mathematician to the most Serene Grand Duke of Tuscany , and John Kepler , chief Mathematician to his Sacred and invincible Majesty , the Emperour , and to all that Illustrious , and much to be commended Accademy of the Lynceans ; whom , if I mistake not , are all of this Opinion . Although I doubt not but they , and many other Learned Men might easily have found out these or the like Reconciliations of Scriptural expressions ; to whom nevertheless I have thought fit ( in respect of that profession which I have undertaken , upon the faith of my soul , and the propensity that I have towards Truth ) to offer that of the Poet , Nullius addictus jurare in verba Magistri . And in testimony of my esteem to them and all the Learned , to communicate these my thoughts ; confidently assuring my self that they will accept them , with a Candor equal to that wherewith I have written them . Therefore to come to the business : All Authorities of Divine Writ which seem to oppose this Opinion , are reducible to six Classes : The first is of those that affirm the Earth to stand still , and not to move : as Psal. 92. He framed the round World so sure , that it cannot be moved : Also Psal. 104. Who laid the Foundations of the Earth , that it should not be removed for ever : And Ecclesiastes 1. But the Earth abideth for ever : And others of the like sense . The second is of those which attest the Sun to move , and Revolve about the Earth ; as Psal. 19. b In them hath he set a Tabernacle for the Sun , which cometh forth as a Bridegroom out of his chamber , and rejoyceth as a Gyant to run his Course . It cometh forth from the uttermost part of the Heaven , and runneth about unto the end of it again ; and there is nothing hid from the heat thereof . And Ecclesiast . 1. The Sun riseth , and the Sun goeth down , and hasteth to the place where he arose : it goeth towards the South , and turneth about unto the North. Whereupon the Suns Retrogradation is mentioned as a Miracle , Isaiah 38. The Sun returned ten degrees . And Ecclesiasticus 48. In his time the Sun went backward , and lengthened the life of the King. And for this reason it is related for a Miracle , in the Book of Joshuah , that at the Prayers of that great Captain the Sun stood still , its motion being forbidden it , by him : Josh. 10. Sun stand thou still upon Gibeon . Now if the Sun should stand still , and the Earth move about it , its station at that time was no Miracle ; and if Joshuah had intended , that the light of the day should have been prolonged by the Suns splendour , he would not have said , Sun stand thou still , but rather Earth stand thou still . The third Classis is of those Authorities which say , that Heaven is above , and the Earth beneath ; of which sort is that place of Joel , chap. 2. cited by S. Peter , in Acts. 2. I will shew wonders in Heaven above , and signes in the Earth beneath , with others of the like purport . Hereupon Christ at his Incarnation is said to come down from Heaven ; and after his Resurrection to have ascended up into heaven . But if the Earth should move about the Sun , it would be , as one may say , in Heaven , and consequently would rather be above Heaven than beneath it . And this is confirmed ; For that the Opinion which placeth the Sun in the Centre , doth likewise place Mercury above the Sun , and Venus above Mercury ; and the Earth above Venus , together with the Moon , which revolves about the Earth , and therefore the Earth , together with the Moon , is placed in the third Heaven . If therefore in Spherical Bodies , as in the World , beneath signifies no more than to be neer to the centre , and above , than to approach the Circumference , it must needs follow , that for making good of Theological Positions concerning the Ascension and Descension of Christ , the Earth is to be placed in the centre , and the Sun , with the other Heavens in the Circumference ; and not according to Copernicus , whose Hypothesis inverts this Order : with which one cannot see how the true Ascension and Descension can be consistent . The fourth Classis is of those Authorities which make Hell to be in the Centre of the World , which is the Common Opinion of Divines , and confirmed by this Reason , That since Hell ( taken in its strict denomination ) ought to be in the lowest part of the World , and since that in a Sphere there is no part lower then the Centre , Hell shall be , as it were , in the Centre of the World , which being of a Spherical Figure , it must follow , that Hell is either in the Sun ( forasmuch as it is supposed by this Hypothesis to be in the Centre of the World ) or else supposing that Hell is in the Centre of the Earth , if the Earth should move about the Sun , it would necessarily ensue , that Hell , together with the Earth , is in Heaven , and with it revolveth about the third Heaven ; than which nothing more absurd can be said or imagined . The fifth Classis , is of those Authorities which alwayes oppose Heaven to the Earth , and so again the Earth to Heaven ; as if there were the same relation betwixt them , with that of the Centre to the Circumference , and of the Circumference to the Centre . But if the Earth were in Heaven , it should be on one side thereof , and would not stand in the Middle , and consequently there would be no such relation betwixt them ; which nevertheless do , not only in Sacred Writ , but even in Common Speech , ever and every where answer to each other with a mutual Opposition . Whence that of Genes . 1. In the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth : and Psal. 115. The Heaven , even the Heavens are the Lords ; but the Earth hath he given to the Children of men● : and our Saviour in that Prayer which he prescribeth to us , Matth. 6. Thy will be done in Earth , as it is in Heaven : and S. Paul , 1 Corinth . 15. The first man is of the Earth , earthy ; the second man is of Heaven , heavenly : and Coloss. 1. By him were all things created that are in Heaven , and that are in Earth : and again , Having made peace through the Blood of his Crosse for all things , whether they be things in Earth or things in Heaven : and Chap. 3. Set your affections on things above , not on things on the Earth ; with innumerable other such like places . Since therefore these two Bodies are alwayes mutually opposed to each other , and Heaven , without all doubt , referreth to the Circumference , it must of necessity follow , that the Earth is to be adjudged the place of the Centre . The sixth and last Classis is of those Authorities , which ( being rather of Fathers and Divines , than of the Sacred Scripture ) say , That the Sun , after the day of Judgment shall stand immoveable in the East , and the Moon in the West . Which Station , if the Pythagorick Opinion hold true , ought rather to be ascribed to the Earth , than to the Sun ; for if it be true , that the Earth doth now move about the Sun , it is necessary that after the day of Judgment it should stand immoveable . And truth is , if it must subsist without motion in one constant place , there is no reason why it should rather stand in one site of that Place than in another , or why it should rather turn one part of it than another to the Sun , if so be that every of its parts without distinction , which i● destitute of the Suns light , cannot choose but be dismal , and much worse affected than that part which is illuminated . Hence also would arise many other absurdities besides these . These are the Classes , &c. from which great assaults are made against the structure of the Pythagorick Systeme ; yet by that time I shall have first laid down six Maximes or Principles , as impregnable Bulwarks erected against them , it will be easie to batter them , and to defend the Hypothesis of Pythagoras from being attaqued by them . Which before I propound , I do pro●ess ( with that Humility and Modesty which becometh a Christian , and a person in Religious Orders ) that I do with reverence submit what I am about to speak to the Judgment of Holy Church . Nor have I undertaken to write these things out of any inducements of Temerity , or Ambition , but out of Charity and a Desire to be auxiliary to my neighbour in his inquisition after Truth . And there is nothing in all this Controversie maintained by me ( that expect to be better instructed by those who profess these Studies ) which I shall not retract , if any persons shall by solid Reasons & reiterated Experiments , prove some other Hypothesis to be more probable ; but yet , until such time as they shall decide the Point , I shall labour all I can for its support . My first and chiefest Maxime is this ; When any thing is attributed in Holy Writ , to God , or to a Creature , that 's not beseeming to , or incommensurate with them , it must of necessity be received and expounded one , or more of the four following wayes ; First , it may be said to agree with them Metaphorically , and Proportionally , or by Similitude . Secondly , According to our manner of Considering , Apprehending , Conceiving , Vnderstanding , Knowing , &c. Thirdly , according to the Opinion of the Vulgar , and the Common way of Speaking : to which Vulgar Speech the Holy Ghost doth very often with much study accomodate it self . Fourthly , In respect of our selves , and for that he makes himself like unto us . Of each of these wayes there are these examples : God doth not walk , since he is Infinite and Immoveable ; He hath no Bodily Members , since he is a Pure Act ; and consequently is void of all Passion of Minde ; and yet in Sacred Scripture , Gen. 3. vers . 8. it is said , He walked in the cool of the day : and Job 22. vers . 14. it is said , He walketh in the * Circuit of Heaven : and in many other places coming , departing , making hast is ascribed to God ; and likewise Bodily parts , as Eyes , Ears , Lips , Face , Voice , Countenance , Hands , Feet , Bow●● , Garments , Arms ; as also many Passions , such as Anger , Sorrow , Repentance , and the like . What shall we say therefore ? Without doubt such like Attributes agree with God ( to use the Schoolmens words Metaphorically , Proportionally , and by Similitude : And touching Passions , it may be said , that God condescendeth to represent himself after that manner : as for instance , The Lord is angry ; i. e. He revealeth himself as one that is angry : He grieved ; i. e. He revealeth himself , as one that is sorrowful : It repented him that he had made man ; i. e. He seemed as one that repented . And indeed all these things are Comparativè ad nos , and in respect of us . So God is said to be in Heaven , to move in time , to shew himself , to hide himself , to observe and mark our steps ; to seek us , to stand at the door , to knock at the door ; not that he can be contained in a bodily place , nor that he is really moved , nor in time ; nor that humane manners or customes can agree with him , save only according to our manner of Apprehension : This Conception of ours orderly distinguisheth these Attributes in him one from another , when , notwithstanding , they are one and the same with him : This Apprehension of ours divideth also his actions into several times , which , neverthelesse , for the most part , are produced in one and the same instant : And this , to conclude , alwayes apprehendeth those things with some defect , which , notwithstanding are in God most perfect . For this reas●n doth the Sacred Scripture express it self according to the Vulgar Opinion , whilst it ascribes to the Earth Ends and Foundations , which yet it hath not ; to the Sea a Depth not to be fathomed ; to Death ( which is a Privation , and consequently a Non-entity ) it appropriates Actions , Motion , Passions , and other such like Accidents , of all which it is deprived , as also Epithites and Adjuncts , which really cannot suit with it : Is not the bitternesse of Death past ? 1 Sam. 15. 32. Let death come upon them , Psal 6. He hath prepared the Instruments of Death , Psal. 7. 14. Thou raisest me from the gates of Death , Psal. 84. In the midst of the shadow of Death , Psal. 23. Love is strong as Death , Cant. 8. 9. The First-Born of Death . Job 18. 13. Destruction and Death say , &c. Job 28. 22. And who knows not that the whole History of the rich Glutton doth consist of the like phrases of Vulgar Speech ? So Ecclesiasticus , Chap. 27. vers . 11. The godly man abideth in wisdome , as the Sun ; but a fool changeth as the Moon ; and yet the Moon according to the real truth of the matter no wayes changeth , but abides the same for ever , as Astronomers demonstrate , one half thereof remaining alwayes lucid , and the other alwayes opacous . Not at any time doth this state vary in it , unlesse in respect of us , and according to the opinion of the Vulgar . Hence it is cleer , that the holy Scripture speaks according to the common form of speech used amongst the unlearned , and according to the appearance of things , and not according to their true Existence . In like manner Genes . 1. in the description of the Creation of all things , the Light is said to be made first of all , and yet it followeth in the Text , And the Evening and the Morning made the first day : and a little after the several Acts of the Creation are distinguished and assigned to several days , and concerning each of them it is said in the Text , And the Evening and the Morning made the second day ; and then the third day , the fourth day , &c. Hence many doubts arise , all which I shall propound according to the common Systeme , that it may appear even from the Hypothesis of that Systeme , that the sacred Scripture sometimes , for the avoyding of emergent difficulties , is to be understood in a vulgar sense and meaning , and in respect of us , and not according to the nature of things . Which distinction even Aristotle himself seemeth to have hinted , when he saith , * Some things are more intelligible to us ; others by nature , or secundum se. First therefore ; If the light were made before heaven , then it rolled about without heaven to the making of the distinction of Day and Night . Now this is contrary to the very doctrine of these men , who affirm that no Coelestial Body can be moved unlesse per accidens , and by the motion of Heaven , and as a knot in a board at the motion of the board . Again , if it be said , that the Light was created at the same time with Heaven , and began to be moved with Heaven , another doubt ariseth , that likewise opposeth the foresaid common Hypothesis : For it being said , that Day and Night , Morning and Evening were made , that same is either in respect of the Universe , or onely in respect of the Earth and us . If so be that the Sun turning round ( according to the Hypothesis of the Common Systeme ) doth not cause the Night and Day , but only to opacous Bodies which are destitute of all other light , but that of the Sun , whilst in their half part ( which is their Hemisphaere ) and no more , ( for that the Suns light passeth over but one half of an opacous Body , unless a very small matter more in those of lesser bulk ) they are illuminated by the Suns aspect , the other half remaining dark and tenebrose , by reason of a shadow proceeding from its own Body . Therefore the distinction of dayes by the light of heaven , according to the description of them in the sacred Scriptures , must not be understood absolutely , and secundum se , and Nature her self ; but in respect of the Earth , and of us its inhabitants , and consequently secundum nos . 'T is not therefore new , nor unusual in sacred Scripture to speak of things secundum nos , and only in respect of us , and secundum apparentiam ; but not secundum se , and rei naturam , or Absolutely and Simply . And if any one would understand these Days of sacred Scripture , not only secundum nos , but also secundum naturam , as circulations of Coelestial Light returning to the self same point from whence it did at first proceed ; so as that there needs no respect to be had to Night or to * Darknesse , for which sole reason we are fain to imbrace the Interpretation of sacred Scripture secundum nos ; In opposition to this we may thus argue : If the sacred Scripture be understood to speak absolutely , of iterated and successive circulations of light , and not respectu nostri , as if these words Evening and Morning had never been inserted , which in their natural acceptation denote the Suns habitude to us and to the Earth : For that the Morning is that time when the Sun begins to wax light , and to rise above the Horizon in the East , and become visible in our Hemisphaere , and Evening is the time in which the Sun declines in the West , and approacheth with its light neerer to the other opposite Horizon and Hemisphaere , which is contiguous to this of ours . But the word Day is a Co-relative to the word Night . From hence therefore it evidently appeareth , that these three words Evening , Morning , and Day , cannot be understood of a Circulation of Light secundum se , and absolutè , but only secundum nos , and respectu nostri ; and in that sense indeed the Morning and Evening do make the Night and Day , In like manner , Gen. 1. 16. it is said , God made two great Lights ; the greater Light to rule the Day , and the lesser Light to rule the Night , and the Stars . Where both in the Proposition and in the specification of it , things are spoken which are very disagreeing with Coelestial Bodies . Therefore those words are in that place to be interpreted according to the foresaid Rules ; namely , according to the third and fourth ; so that they may be said to be understood according to the sense of the vulgar , and the common way of speaking , which is all one , as if we should say , secundum apparentiam , and secundum nos , vel respectu nostri . For first , it is said in the Proposition , And God made two great Lights ; meaning by them the Sun and Moon , whereas according to the truth of the matter these are not the Greater Lights ; For although the Sun may be reckoned amongst the Greater , the Moon may not be so , unless in respect of us . Because amongst those that are absolutely the Greater , and a little lesser than the Sun ( nay in a manner equal to it ) and far bigger than the Moon , we may with great reason enumerate Saturn , or some of the Fixed Stars of the first Magnitude , such as Canopus , ( otherwise called Arcanar ) in the end of a River ; or the Little Dog in the mouth of the Great Dog ; or the Foot of Orion , called Rigel , or his Right shoulder , or any other of that Magnitude . Therefore the two great Lights are to be understood in respect of us , and according to vulgar estimation , and not according to the true and reall existence of such Bodies . Secondly , in the specification of the Proposition it is said , The greater Light to rule the Day ; hereby denoting the Sun ; in which the verbal sense of Scripture agreeth with the Truth of the Thing ; For that the Sun is the Greatest of all Luminaries , and Globes . But that which followeth immediately after , And the lesser Light to rule the Night , meaning the Moon , cannot be taken in the true and real sense of the words : For the Moon is not the lesser Light , but Mercury ; which is not only much lesser than the Moon , but also than any other Star. And if , again , it be said , That the Holy Text doth not speak of the Stars , but onely of the Luminaries , for that presently after they are mentioned apart , And the Stars ; and that what we say is true touching the comparison of the Stars amongst themselves , but not in respect ▪ of the Luminaries , namely , the Sun and Moon : This reply doth discover a man to be utterly ignorant in these Studies , and such who having not the least smattering in them , doth conceive an absurd and erroneous Opinion of the Coelestial Bodies . For the Moon and Sun , considered in themselves , and as they appear to us , if they should be a far greater distance from us , than indeed they are , would be no other , nor would appear to us otherwise than Stars , as the rest do in the Firmament . But Great Luminaries they neither are , nor seem to be , save only in respect of us : And so , on the other side , the Stars , as to themselves , are no other than so many Suns and so many Moons ; yet are so far remote from us , that by reason of their distance they appear thus small , and dim of light , as we behold them . For the greater and lesser distance of heavenly Bodies ( caeteris paribus ) doth augment and diminish their appearance both as to Magnitude and Light. And therefore the words which follow in that place of Genesis , And the Stars ( as distinguishing the Stars from the Sun and Moon ) are to be taken in no other acceptation than that which we have spoken of , namely , according to the sense of the Vulgar , and the common manner of speech . For indeed , according to the truth of the matter , all Coelestial Bodies , being shining Globes , are of a vast bigness , to which if we should be so neer as we are to the Moon , they would seem to us of as great , yea a greater magnitude than the Moon : As likewise on the contrary , if we were as far distant from the Sun and Moon , as we are from them , both Moon and Sun would shew but as stars to us . And yet the splendor of the Sun would doubtless be greater intensivè than that of any other star . For , although it should be granted that some stars ( as those of the Fixed that twinkle ) do shine of themselves , aud by their own nature , as the Sun , that derives not its light from others ( which yet remains undecided and doubtful ) and borrow not their light from the Sun ; Nevertheless since the brightness of none of the stars may be compared with the Suns splendour , which was created by God first , and before all other Luminaries , in the highest kind of Light , it would therefore notwithstanding follow , that none of those stars , although placed in the same proximity to us with the Sun , and therefore appearing to us of the same Magnitude as the Sun , can bestow upon us so much Light as we receive from the Sun : As on the contrary , the Sun , at the same remotenesse from us as they are , would indeed , as to its Magnitude , appear to us as one of those stars , but of a splendour much more intense than that of theirs . So that , now , the Earth is nothing else but another Moon or star , and so would it appear to us , if we should behold it from a convenient distance on high . And in it might be observed ( in that variety of Light and Darkness which the Sun produceth in it by making Day and Night ) the same difference of Aspects that are seen in the Moon , and such as are observed in tricorporate Venus ; in like manner also 't is very probable that the same might be discerned in other Planets , which shine by no light of their own , but by one borrowed from the Sun. What ever therefore may touching these matters be delivered in the sacred Leaves or the common speech of men , dissenting from the real truth , it ought ( as we have said before ) absolutely to be received and understood secundum vulgi sententiam , & communem loquendi & concipiendi stylum . And so , to return to our purpose , if , all this considered , the Pythagorian opinion be true , it will be easie , according to the same Rule , to reconcile the authority of sacred Scriptures with it , however they seem to oppose it , and in particular those of the first and second Classis , scilicet by my first Maxime : For that in those places the holy Records speak according to our manner of understanding , and according to that which appeareth in respect of us ; For thus it is with those Bodies , in comparison of us , and as they are described by the vulgar and commune way of humane Discourse ; So that the Earth appears as if it were standing still and immoveable , and the Sun , as if it were circumambient about her . And so the Holy Scripture is used in the Commune and Vulgar way of speaking ; because in respect of our sight , the Earth seems rather to stand fixed in the Centre , and the Sun to circumvolve about it , than otherwise : as it happens to those that are putting off from the Banks of a River to whom the shore seems to move backwards , and go from them : but they do not perceive ( which yet is the truth ) that they themselves go forwards . Which fallacy of our sight is noted , and the Reason thereof assigned by the Opticks ; upon wich , as being strange to , and besides my purpose , I will not stay ) and on this account is Aeneas brought in by Virgil , saying ; Provehimur portu , terraeque urbesque recedunt . But it will not be amiss to consider why the sacred Scripture doth so studiously comply with the opinions of the Vulgar , and why it doth not rather accurately instruct men in the truth of the matters , and the secrets of Nature . The Reason is , first , the benignity of Divine Wisdome , whereby it sweetly accomodates it self to all things , in proportion to their Capacity and Nature . Whence in Natural Sciences , it useth natural and necessary causes , but in Liberal Arts it worketh liberally , upon Generous Persons after a sublime and lofty manner ; upon the Common People , familiarly and humbly ; upon the Skilful , learnedly ; upon the Simple , vulgarly ; and so on every one , according to his condition and quality . Secondly , because it is not its Intention to fill our mindes in this life with vain and various curiosities , which might occasion our doubt and suspense . For the truth is , a He that increaseth knowledge , increaseth sorrow . Moreover it did not only permit , but even decree , that the World should be very much busied in Controversies and Disputations , and that it should be imployed about the uncertainty of things ; according to that saying of Ecclesiastes b He hath set the World in their heart ; so that no man can find out the work that God maketh from the beginning unto the end . And touching those doubts , God will not permit that they shall be discovered to us before the end of the World : c At which time he will bring to light the hidden things of darknesse : But Gods onely scope in the sacred Scripture is to teach men those things which conduce to the attainment of Eternal Life ; which having obtained , d We shall see him face to face : e and shall be like him , for we shall see him as he is . Then shall he clearly à Priori make known unto us all those Curiosities , and Dogmatical Questions , which in this life , f in which we see through a Glasse darkly , could be known by us but imperfectly and à postetiori , and that not without much pains and study . For this cause the Wisdome of God , revealed to us in the sacred Leaves , is not stiled Wisdome absolutely , but g Saving Wisdome ; It s onely end being to lead us to salvation . And S. Paul preaching to the Corinthians , saith ; h I determined to know nothing among you , save Jesus Christ , and him crucified : whereas notwithstanding he was thorowly instructed , and profoundly learned in all humane Sciences ; but making no account of these things he professeth that it was his desire to teach them no more but the way to Heaven . Hence is that which God speaketh to us by Isaiah , i Ego Dominus Deus , docens te utilia [ I am the Lord thy God which teacheth thee profitable things : ] Where the Glossary addeth , non subtilia [ not subtilties . ] for God neither taught us , Whether the Materia Prima of Heaven , and the Elements be the same ; nor Whether Continual be composed of Indivisibles , or whether it be divisible in infinitum ; nor , whether the Elements are formally mixt ; nor how many the Coelestial Spheres , and their Orbs are ; Whether there be Epicycles or Eccentricks ; nor the Vertues of Plants and Stones ; nor the Nature of Animals ; nor the Motion and Influence of the Planets ; nor the Order of the Universe ; nor the Wonders of Minerals , and universal Nature : but only [ utilia : ] things profitable , to wit , his Holy Law ordained to the end , that we being put into possession of Blessedness , might at length be made capable of all perfect knowledge , and the vision of the whole Order and admirable Harmony , as also the Sympathy and Antipathy of the Universe and its parts , in his Word , wherein all those things shall most clearly and distinctly , then , appear to us , which mean while , in this life , he hath remitted ( as far as its ability reacheth ) to humane search and enquiry : But it was not his purpose to determine any thing , directly or indirectly , touching the truth of them . Because as the knowledge thereof would little or nothing profit Us , but might in some cases prove prejudicial ; so the ignorance thereof can doubtless be no detriment , but may in some cases be very beneficial to us . And therefore by his most admirable Wisdome it comes to pass , that though all things in this World are dubious , uncertain , wavering , and perplexed ; yet his Holy Faith alone is most certain ; and although the opinions about Philosophical and Doctrinal points be divers , there is in the Church but one Truth of Faith and Salvation . Which Faith , as necessary to Salvation , is so ordered by Divine Providence , that it might not only be indubitable , but also unshaken , sure , immutable , and manifest to all men : the infallible Rule of which he hath appointed the Holy Church , that is washed with his precious Blood , and governed by his Holy Spirit , to whom belongs our Sanctification , as being his work . This therefore is the Reason why God would have Speculative Questions , which nothing conduce to our Salvation and Edification , and why the Holy Ghost hath very often condescended to Vulgar Opinions and Capacities , and hath discovered nothing that is singular or hidden to us , besides those things that pertain to Salvation . So that consequently it is clear by what hath been said , how and why nothing of certainty can be evinced from the foresaid Authorities to the determining of Controversies of this Nature ; as also with what Reason from this first Axiome the Objections of the first and second Classe are easily answered , as also any other Authority of sacred Scripture produced against the Pythagorian and Copernican Systeme so long as by other proofs it is true . And the Authorities of the second Classe in particular by this same Maxime , Of the ordinary manner of apprehending things as they appear to us , and after the common way of speaking , may be thus reconciled and expounded ; namely , Oftentimes an Agent is commonly , and not improperly said to move , ( though it have no motion ) not because it doth indeed move , but by extrinsick denomination , because receiving its influence and action at the motion of the Subject ; the Form and Quality infused to the Subject by the said Agent doth likewise move . As for example , a Fire burning in a Chimney is an immoveable Agent , before which a man opprest with cold sits to warm himself who being warmed on one side , turns the other to the Fire , that he may be warmed on that side also , and so in like manner he holds every part to the Fire successively , till his whole body be warmed . 'T is clear , that although the Fire do not move , yet at the Motion of the Subject , to wit the Man , who receiveth the heat and action of the Fire , the Form and Quality of its Heat doth move singulatim , & per partes , round about the mans body , and alwayes seeketh out a new place : and so , though the Fire do not move , yet by reason of its effect , it is said to go round all the parts of the Mans body , and to warm it , not indeed by a true and real motion of the Fire it self , since it is supposed ( and that not untruly ) not to move , but by the motion to which the Body is excited , out of a desire of receiving the heat of the Fire in each of its parts . The same may be applied to the Illumination impressed successively on the parts of any Globe , which moves Orbicularly at the aspect of a shining immoveable Light. And in the same manner may the Sun be said to rise and set , and to move above the Earth , although in reality he doth not move , nor suffer any mutation ; that is to say , Inasmuch as his Light ( which effect is the Form and Quality proceeding from him , as the Agent , to the Earth as the Subject ) doth sensibly glide forwards , by reason of the Orbicular motion of the Earth ; and doth alwayes betake it self to some new place of her surface ; upon which ground he is truly said ( secundum vulgarem sermonem ) to move above , and revolve about the Earth : Not that the Sun doth move , ( for by this Opinion we affirm the Earth to move , that it may receive the Sun one while in one , another while in another part of it ) but that at the motion of the Earth her self a contrary way , the Quality diffused into her , and impressed upon her by the Sun , namely the Light of the Day is moved , which riseth in one part of her , and sets in another contrary to that , according to the nature and condition of her motion ; And for this reason the Sun it self by consequence is said to rise and set , ( which notwithstanding ex Hypothesi stands immoveable ) and that no otherwise then per donominationem extrinsecam , as hath been said . After this manner the command of Joshuah , Sun stand thou still , and the Miracle of the Suns cessation of Motion wrought by him , may be so understood , as that not the Solar Body properly , but the Suns splendour upon the Earth stood still ; so that not the Sun it self , ( being of it self before that time immoveable ) but the Earth that receiveth its splendour , stayed her Motion ; which , as she incessantly pursuing her ordinary Motion towards the East , * called up the Light of the Sun in the West , so standing still , the Suns light imprest upon it likewise stood still . After the same manner proportionally is that Text of Isaiah explained , touching the Suns going ten degrees backward upon the Dial of Ahaz . So ( which may serve for another Example ) the Hand being moved about the flame of a burning Candle that stand● still , the Light moveth on the Hand , that is to say , the said Hand is illustrated now in one part , anon in another , when as the Candle it self all the while removes not out of its place : whereupon per denominationem extrinsecam , the said Light may be affirmed to rise and set upon the Hand , namely , by the sole motion of the said Hand , the Candle it self never moving all the while . And let this suffice for the explanation of my first Principle or Maxime , which by reason of its difficulty and extraordinary weight required some prolixity in the handling of it . My second Maxime is this , Things both Spiritual and Corporeal , Durable and Corruptible , Moveable and Immoveable , have received from God a perpetual , unchangeable , and inviolable Law , constituting the Essence and Nature of every one of them : according to which Law all of them in their own Nature persisting in a certain Order and Constancy , and observing the same perpetual Course , may deservedly be stiled most Stable and Determinate . Thus Fortune ( than which there is nothing in the World more inconstant or fickle ) is said to be constant and unalterable in her continual volubility , vicissitude , and inconstancy , which was the occasion of that Verse , Et semper constans in levitate sua est . And thus the motion of Heaven ( which by the constan Law of Nature ought to be perpetual ) may be said to be immutable and immoveable , and the Heavens themselves to be immoveably moved , and Terrene things to be immutably changed , because those never cease moving , nor these changing . By this Principle or Maxime all difficulties belonging to the first Classis are cleared , by which the Earth is said to be stable and immoveable , that is , by understanding this one thing , That the Earth , as to its own Nature , though it include in it self a local Motion , and that threefold , according to the opinion of Copernicus ( scilicet Diurnal , with which it revolveth about its own Centre ; Annual , by which it moveth through the twelve Signes of the Zodiack , and the motion of Inclination , by which its Axis is alwayes opposed to the same part of the World ) as also other Species of Mutation , such as Generation and Corruption , Accretion and Diminution , and Alteration of divers kinds ; yet in all these she is stable & constant , never deviating from that Order which God hath appointed her , but moveth continually , constantly and immutably , according to the six before named Species of Motion . My third Maxime shall be this ; When a thing is moved according to some part of it , and not according to its whole , it cannot be said to be simply & absolutely moved , but only per accidens , for that stability taken simply & absolutly do rather accord with the same . As for example , if a Barrel or other measure of Water be taken out of the Sea , and transferred to another place , the Sea may not therefore absolutely & simply be said to be removed from place to place , but only per accidens , and secundum quid , that is , according to a part of it , but rather ( to speak simply ) we should say that the Sea cannot be carried or moved out of its proper place , , though as to its parts it be moved , and transferred to & again . This Maxime is manifest of it self , and by it may the Authorities be explained which seem to make for the immobility of the Earth in this manner ; namely , The Earth per se & absolutè considered as to its Whole , is not mutable , seeing it is neither generated nor corrupted neither increased nor diminished ; neither is it altered secundum totum , but only secundum partes . Now it plainly appears , that this is the genuine and true Sense of what is ascribed to it out of Ecclesiastes , cap. 1. v. 4. One Generation passeth away , and another Generation cometh , but the Earth abideth for ever : as if he should say ; although the Earth , according to its parts , doth generate and corrupt , and is liable to the vicissitudes of Generation and corruption , yet in reference to its Whole it never generateth nor Corrupteth , but abideth immutable for ever : Like as a Ship , which though it be mended one while in the Sail-yard , another while in the Stern , and afterwards in other parts it yet remains the same Ship as it was at first . But t is to be advertized , that that Scripture doth not speak of a Local Motion , but of Mutations of another nature ; as in the very substance , quantity or quality of the Earth it self . But if it be said , that it is to be understood of a Local Motion , then it may be explained by the insuing Maxime , that is to say , a respect being had to the natural Place assigned it in the Universe , as shall be shewed by and by . The fourth Axiome is this ; That every Corporeal thing , moveable or immoveable from its very first Creation , is alotted its proper and natural place ; and being drawn or removed from thence , its motion is violent , and it hath a natural tendency to move back thither again : also that nothing can be moved from its natural place , secundum Totum ; For most great and dreadful mischiefs would follow from that perturbation of things in the Universe . Therefore neither the whole Earth , nor the whole Water , nor the whole Air can secundum totum be driuen or forced out of their proper place , site , or Systeme in the Universe , in respect of the order and disposition of other mundane Bodies . And thus there is no Star ( though Erratick ) Orb or Sphere that can desert its natural place , although it may otherwise have some kind of motion . Therefore all things , how moveable soever , are notwithstanding said to be stable and immoveable in their proper place , according to the foresaid sense , i.e. secundum totum ; For nothing hinders , but that secundum partes they may some waymove ; which motion shall not be natural , but violent . Therefore the Earth , although it should be moveable , yet it might be said to be immoveable , according to the precedent Maxime , for that its neither moved in a right Motion nor out of the Course assigned it in its Creation for the standing Rule of its motion ; but keep within its own site , being placed in that which is called the Grand Orb , above Venus , and beneath Mars , and being in the middle betwixt these ( which according to the common opinion is the Suns place ) it equally and continually moveth about the Sun , and the two other intermediate Planets , namely Venus and Mercury , and hath the Moon ( which is another Earth , but Aetherial , as Macrobius after some of the ancient Philosophers , will have it ) about it self . From whence , inasmuch as she persisteth uniformly in her Course , and never at any time departeth from it , she may be said to be stable and immoveable : and in the same sense Heaven likewise , with all the Elements , may be said to be immoveable . The fifth Maxime followeth , being little different from the former . Amongst the things created by God , some are of such a nature , that their parts may be ab invicem , or by turns , separated from themselves , and dis-joyned from their Whole ; others may not , at least , taken collectively : now those are perishable , but these perpetual . The Earth therefore since it is reckoned amongst those things that are permanent , as hath been said already , hath its parts , not dissipable , nor ab invicem , separable from its Centre ( whereby its true and proper place is assigned it ) and from its whole , taken collectively : because according to its whole it is always preserved , compact , united , and cohaerent in it self , nor can its parts be seperated from the Centre , or from one another , unless it may so fall out per accidens , and violently in some of its parts ; which afterwards , the obstacle being removed , return to their Natural Station spontaneously , and without any impulse . In this Sense therefore the Earth is said to be Immoveable , and Immutable : yea even the Sea , Aire , Heaven , and any other thing ( although otherwise moveable ) so long as its parts are not dissipable and seperable , may be said to be Immoveable , at last taken collectively . This Principle or Maxim differeth from the precedent only in that this referrs to the parts in order to Place , and this , in order to the Whole . From this Speculation another Secret is discovered . For hence it is manifest wherein the proper and genuine formality of the Gravity aad Levity of Bodyes consisteth ; a point which is not so clearly held forth , nor so undeniably explained by the Peripatetick Phylosophy . Gravity therefore is nothing else according to the Principles of this new Opinion , than a certain power and appetite of the Parts to rejoyn with their Whole , and there to rest as in their proper place . Which Faculty or Disposition is by Divine Providence bestowed not only on the Earth , and Terrene Bodies , but , as is believed , on Coelestial Bodies also , namely the Sun , Moon , and Stars ; all whose parts are by this Impulsion connected , and conserved together , cleaving closely to each other , and on all sides pressing towards their Centre , until they come to rest there . From which Concourse and Compression a Sphaerical and Orbicular Figure of the Caelestial Orbes is produced , wherein by this occult Quality naturally incident to each of them they of themselves subsist , and are alwayes preserved . But Levity is the Extrusion and Exclusion of a more tenuose and thin Body from the Commerce of one more Solid and dense , that is Heterogeneal to it , by vertue of Heat . Whereupon , as the Motion of Grave Bodies is Compressive , so the Motion of Light Bodies is Extensive : For it s the propperty of Heat to dilate and rarify those things to which it doth apply , conjoine and communicate it self . And for this reason we find Levity and Gravity not only in respect of this our Terestrial Globe , and the Bodies adjacent to it , but also in respect of those Bodies which are said to be in the Heavens , in which those parts which by reason of their proclivity make towards their Centre are Grave , and those that incline to the Circumference Light. And so in the Sun , Moon , and Starrs , there are parts as well Grave as Light. And consequently Heaven it self that so Noble Body , and of a fifth Essence , shall not be constituted of a Matter different from that of the Elements , being free from all Mutation in it's Substance , Quantity , and Quality : Nor so admirable and excellent as Aristotle would make us to believe ; nor yet a solid Body , and impermeable ; and much lesse ( as the generality of men verily believe ) of an impenetrable and most obdurate Density : but in it ( as this Opinion will have it ) Comets may be generated ; and the Sun it self , as t is probable , exhaling or attracting sundry vapours to the surface of its Body , may perhaps produce those Spots which were observed to be so various , and irregular in its Discus : of which Galilaeus in a perticular * Treatise hath most excellently and most accurately spoken ; insomuch , that though it were not besides my present purpose , yet it is convenient that I forbear to speak any thing touching those matters , least I should seem to do that which he hath done before me : But now if there be found in the Sacred Scriptures any Authority contrary to these things , it may be salved by the foresaid Arguments Analogically applyed . And furthermore it may be said , that that Solidity is to be so understood , as that it admits of no vacuum , cleft , or penetration from whence the least vacuity might proceed . For the truth is , as that cannot be admitted in bodily Creatures , so it is likewise repugnant to Heaven it self , being indeed a Body of its own Nature the most Rare of all others , * and tenuose beyond all Humane Conception , and happly hath the same proportion to the Aire , as the Aire to the Water . It is clear also from these Principles how false these words of Aristotle are , that : Of one simple Body , there is one simple Motion ; and this is of two kindes , Right and Circular : the Right is twofold , from the medium , and to the medium ; the first of Light Bodyes , as the Aire and Fire : the second of Grave Bodyes , as the Water and Earth : the Circular , which is about the medium , belongeth to Heaven , which is neither Grave nor Light : For all this Philosophy is now forsaken , and of it self grown into dis-esteem ; for though it be received for an unquestionable truth in this new Opinion , that to a simple body appertains one only simple Motion , * yet it granteth no Motion but what is Circular , by which alone a simple body is conserved in its naturall Place , and subsists in its Unity , and is properly said to move in loco [ in a place : ] whereby it comes to pass that a Body for this reason doth continue to move in it self , [ or about its own axis ; ] and although it have a Motion , yet it abideth still in the same place , as if it were perpetually immoveable . But right Motion , which is properly ad locum , [ to a place ] can be ascribed only to those things which are out of their naturall place , being far from union with one another , and from unity with their whole , yea that are seperated and divided from it : Which being that it is contrary to the Nature and forme of the Universe , it necessarily followeth , that right Motion doth in short sute with those things which are destitute of that perfection , that according to their proper Nature belongeth to them , and which by this same right Motion they labour to obtaine , untill they are redintigrated with their Whole , and with one another , and restored to their Naturall place ; in which at the length , having obtained their perfection , they settle and remaine immoveable . Therefore in right Motions there can be no Uniformity , nor simplicity ; for that they vary by reason of the uncertaine Levity or Gravity of their respective Bodyes : for which cause they do not persevere in the same Velocity or Tardity to the end which they had in the beginning . Hence we see that those things whose weight maketh them tend downwards , do descend at first with a slow Motion ; but afterwards , as they approach neerer and neerer to the Centre , they precipitate more and more swiftly . And on the otherside , those things which by reason of their lightness are carryed upwards ( as this our Terrestriall fire , which is nothing else but a smoak that burneth , and is inkindled into a flame ) are no sooner ascended on high , but , in almost the self-same moment , they fly and vanish out of sight ; by reason of the rare-faction and extension , that they as soon as they acquire , are freed from those bonds which violently and against their own Nature kept them under , and deteined them here below . For which reason , it is very apparent , that no Right Motion can be called Simple , not only in regard that ( as hath been said ) it is not * even and uniforme , but also because it is mixt with the Circular , which lurketh in the Right by an occult consent , scilicet by reason of the Natural affection of the Parts to conforme unto their Whole . For when the Whole moveth Circularly , it is requisite likewith that the Parts , to the end that they may be united to their Whole , ( howbeit per accidens they are sometimes moved with a Right Motion ) do move ( though not so apparently ) with a Circular Motion , as doth their Whole . And thus at length we have envinced that Circular Motion only is Simple , Uniform and * Aequable , and of the same tenor [ or rate ] for that it is never destitute of its interne Cause : whereas on the contrary , Right Motion , ( which pertains to things both Heavy and Light ) hath a Cause that is imperfect and deficient , yea that ariseth from Defect it self , and that tendeth to , and seeketh after nothing else but the end and termination of it self : in regard that Grave and Light Bodies , when once they have attained their proper and Natural Place , do desist from that Motion to which they were incited by Levity and Gravity . Therefore : since Circular Motion is proper to the Whole , and Right Motion to the Parts , these differences are not rightly referred to Motion , so as to call one Motion Right , another Circular , as if they were not consistent with one another : For they may be both together , and that Naturally , in the same Body ; no lesse than it is equally Natural for a Man to participate of Sense and Reason , seeing that these differences are not directly opposite to one another . Hereupon Rest and Immobility only are opposed to Motion ; and not one Species of Motion to another . And for the other differences à medio , ad medium , and circa medium , they are distinguished not really , but only formally , as the Point , Line and Superficies , none of which can be without the other two , or without a Body . Hence it appears , that in as much as this Phylosophy differs from that of Aristotle , so in like manner doth this New Cosmographical System vary from the Common one , that hath been hitherto received . But this by the way , upon occasion of explaining the Fifth Maxim : For as to the truth or falshood of these foregoing Positions ( although I conceive them very probable ) I am resolved to determine nothing at present , neither shall I make any farther enquiry into them . The Sixth and Last Maxim is this . Every thing is Simply denominated such as it is in comparison of all things , or of many things which make the greater number of that kinde , but not in respect of a few which make but the lesser part of them . As , for instance , a Vessel shall not be called absolutely Great because it is so whilst it is compared with two or three others : but it shall be said to be great absolutely , and will be so , if it exceed in magnitude all indivials , or the greater part of them . Nor again shall a Man be said to be absolutely Big , because he is bigger than a Pigmey ; nor yet absolutely Little , because lesse than a Gyant : but he shall be termed absolutely Big or Little in comparison of the ordinary Stature of the greater part of Men. Thus the Earth cannot absolutely be said to be High or Low for that it is found to be so in respect of some small part of the Universe ; nor again shall it be absolutely affirmed to be High , being compared to the Centre of the World , or some few parts of the Universe , more near to the said Centre , as is the Sun , Mercury or Venus : but it shall receive its absolute denomination according as it shall be found to be in comparison of the greater number of the Spheres and Bodies of the Universe . The Earth therefore , in comparison of the whole Circuit of the Eighth Sphaere which includeth all Corporeal Creatures , and in comparison of Jupiter , Mars , and Saturn together with the Moon , and much more in comparison of other Bodies , ( if any such there be ) above the Eighth Sphere and especially the Empyrial Heaven , may be truly said to be in the lowest place of the World , and almost in the Centre of it ; nor can it he said to be above any of them , except the Sun , Mercury and Venus : So that one may apply unto it the name of an Infime and Low , but not a Supreme or Middle Body . And so to come down from Heaven , especially the Empyrian , to it ( as it is accepted in the Descent of Christ from Heaven to his Holy Incarnation ) and from it to go up to Heaven ( as in Christs return to Heaven in his Glorious Ascention ) is truly and properly to Descend from the Circumference to the Centre , and to ascend from the parts which are nearest to the Centre of the World to its utmost Circumference . This Maxim therefore may easily and according to truth explain Theologicall Propositions : and this is so much the more confirmed , in that ( as I have observed ) almost all Texts of Sacred Scripture which oppose the Earth to Heaven , are most conveniently and aptly understood of the Empyrial Heaven ( being the Highest of all the Heavens , and Spiritual in respect of its end ) but not of the inferiour or intermediate Heavens , which are a Corporeal , and were framed for the benefit of Corporeal Creatures : and thus when in the Plural Number Heavens are mentioned , then all the Heavens promiscuously and without distinction are to be understood , as well the Empyrian it self as the Inferiour Heavens . And this Exposition indeed any man ( that doth but take notice of it ) may find to be most true . And so for this Reason the Third Heaveu into which St. Paul was wrapt up , by this Maxim may be taken for the Empyrean : if for the the First Heaven we understand that immense Space of Erratick and Moveable Bodies illuminated by the Sun , in which are comprehended the Planets , as also the Earth moveable , and the Sun immoveable , Who like a King upon his August Tribunal , sits with venerable Majesty immoveable and constant in Centre of all the Sphaeres , and , with his Divine Beames , doth bountifully exhilerate all Coelestial Bodies that stand in need of his vital Light , for which they cravingly wander about him ; and doth liberally and on every side comfort and illustrate the Theatre of the whole World , and all its parts , even the very least , like an immortal and perpetual Lamp of high and unspeakable value . The Second Heaven shall be the Starry Heaven , commonly called the Eighth Sphaere , or the Firmament , wherein are all the Fixed Starrs , which according to this Opinion of Pythagoras , is ( like as the Sun and Centre ) void of all Motion , the Centre and utmost Circumference mutually agreeing with each other in Immobility . And the Third shall be the Empyrean Heaven , that is the Seat of the Blessed . And in this manner we may come to explain and understand that admirable Secret , and profound Mystery aenigmatically revealed by Plato to Dionysius of Syracuse : a All things are about the King of all things , Second things about the second , and Third things about the Third : For that God being the Centre of Spiritual things , the Sun , of Corporeal , Christ , of those that are Mixt , or made up of both , things do doubtlesse depend of that of these three Centres that is most correspondent and proportionable to them , and the Centre is ever adjudged to be the nobler and worthier place : and therefore in Animals the Heart , in Vegitables the Pith or Kernell wherein the Seed lyeth that conserveth their perpetuity , and virtually includes the whole Plant , are in the Midst , and in the Centre : and thus much shall suffice to have hinted at , since there may another occasion offer it self for a larger Explication of these things . By this Maxim the Authorities and Arguments of the Third Fourth and Fifth Classes are resolved . It may be added withall , that even the Sun , Mercury and Venus ( that is to say in respect of the Earth ) are to be thought aboue , and not beneath the Earth it self , although in respect of the Universe , yea and also absolutely , they are below . The reason is , because in respect of the Earth they alwayes appear above its Surface : and although they do not environe it , yet by the Motion of the said Earth they behold one while one part , another while another part of its Circumference . Since therefore those things which in a Sphaerical Body are nearer to the Circumference and more remote from the Cenrre are said to be above , but those that are next adjoyning to the Centre are said to be below ; it clearly followeth that whilst the Sun , Mercury and Venus are not only turned towards the Surface and Circumference of the said Earth , but are at a very great distance without it , successively turned about it , and every way have a view of it , and are very far remote from its Centre , they may , in respect of the said Earth , be said to be above it ; as also on the other side , the E●ath in respect of them may be said to be beneath : howbeit on the contrary , in respect of the Universe , the Earth in reality is much higher than they . And thus is salved the Authority of Ecclesiastes in many places , expressing those things that are , or are done on the Earth in these words , Which are done , or which are under the Sun , * And in the same manner those words are reduced to their true Sense wherein it is said , That we are under the Sun , and under the Moon , whereupon Terrene things are expressed by the name of Sublunary . The Sixth Classis threatneth a difficulty which is common as well to this of Copernicus , as to the Vulgar Opinion ; so that they are both alike concerned in the solution of it : But so far as it opposeth that of Copernicus , its answer is easy from the First Maxim. But that which is added in the Fourth Classe , That it followeth from this Opinion , that Hell ( for that it is included by the Earth , as is commonly held ) doth move circularly about the Sun , and in Heaven , and that so Hell it self will be found to be in Heaven ; discovers , in my judgment , nothing but Ignorance and Calumny , that insinuate the belief of their Arguments rather by a corrupt sense of the Words , than by solid Reasons taken from the bosome of the Nature of things . For in this place Heaven is no wise to be taken for Paradice , nor according to the Sense of Common Opinion , but ( as hath been said above ) according to the Copernican Hypothesis , for the subtilest and Purest Aire , far more tenuous and rare than this of ours ; whereupon the Solid Bodies of the Stars , Moon , and Earth , in their Circular and Ordinary Motions , do passe thorow it , ( the Sphaere of Fire being by this Opinion taken away . ) And as according to the Common Opinion it was no absurdity to say , That Hell being demerged in the Centre of the Earth and of the World it self , hath Heaven and Paradice above and below it , yea and on all sides of it , and that it is in the middle of all the Coelestial Bodies ( as if it were posited in a more unworthy place ) so , neither in this will it be deemed an Error , if from the other System , which differeth not much from the Vulgar one , those or the like things follow as do in that . For both in that of Copernicus , and the Vulgar Hypothesis , Hell is supposed to be placed amongst the very dreggs of the Elements , and in the Centre of the Earth it self , for the confinement and punishment of the damned . Therefore we ought not for want of Reasons to trifle away time in vain and impertinent strife about words , since their true Sense is clouded then with no obscurity , and in regard that it is very clear to any man indued with a refined Intellect , and that hath but an indifferent judgment in the Liberal Arts , and especially in the Mathematicks , that the same , or not very different Consequences do flow from both these Opinions . By these Maxims and their Interpretations it appears , that the Pythagorick and Copernican Opinion is so probable , that its possible it may exceed even the Ptolemaick in probability ; and since there may be deduced from it a most ordinate Systeme , and a more admirable and mysterious Hypothesis of the World than from that of Ptolomy : the Authorities of Sacred Scripture and Theological Tenents in the mean while not opposing it , being opportunely and appositely ( as I have shown how they may be ) reconciled with it : And since that by it not only the Phoenomena of all the Coelestial Bodies are most readily ●alved , but also many Natural Reasons are discovered , which could not otherwise , ( but with extream difficulty ) have been found out : And since it , last of all , doth open a more easy way into Astronomy and Phylosophy , and rejecteth all those superfluous and imaginary inventions produced by Astronomers to the end only , that they might be able by them to render a reason of the so many and so various Motions of the Coelestial Orbs. And who knows , but that in that admirable composure of the Candlestick which was to be placed in the Tabernacle of God , he might out of his extraordinary love to us have been pleased to shaddow forth unto us the Systeme of the Universe , and more especially of the Planets ? a Thou shalt make a Candlestick of pure Gold , ( saith the Text ; ) of beaten work shall it be made : his Shaft , and his Branches , his Bowls , his Knops , and his Flowers b shall be of the same . Here are five things described , the Shaft of the Candlestick in the midle , the Branches on the sides , the Bowls , the Knops and the Flowers . And since there can be no more Shafts but one , the Branches are immediatly described in these c words : Six Branches shall come out of the sides of i● : three Branches out of the one side , and three Branches out of the other side : Happly these six Branches may point out to us six d Heavens , which are moved about the Sun in this order ; Saturn , the slowest and most remote of all , finisheth his course about the Sun thorrow all the twelve Signes of the Zodiack in thirty Years : Jupiter , being nearer than he , in twelve Years : Mars , being yet nearer than him , in two Years : The Earth , which is still nearer than he , doth perform the same Revolution , together with the Orbe of the Moon , in the space of a Year , that is in Twelve Months : Venus , which is yet nearer than all these , in e 9 Months : And last of all Mercury , whose vicinity to the Sun is the greatest of all , accomplisheth its whole conversion about the Sun in eighty Dayes . After the description of the six Branches , the sacred Text proceeds to the description of the Bowls , the Knops , and the Flowers , saying , f Three Bowls made like unto Almonds , with a Knop and a Flower in one Branch ; and three Bowls made like Almonds in the other Branch , with a Knop and a Flower : this shall be the work of the six Branches that come out of the Shaft . And in the Candlestick sball be four Bowls made like unto Almonds , with their Knops and their Flowers : there shall be a knop under two branches of the same , and a Knop under two Branches of the same , and a Knop under two Branches of the same ; which together are six Branches , proceeding from one Shaft . The truth is , the shallownesse of my understanding cannot fathome the depth of all the Mysteries that are couched in this most wise disposure of things : neverthelesse being amazed , and transported with admiration , I will say ; Who knows but that those three Bowls like unto Almonds to be represented on each of the Branches of the Candlestick may signifie those Globes which are apter ( as is this our Earth ) for the receiving than emitting of Influences ? Perhaps also they denote those Globes of late discovered by the help of the Optick Telescope , which participate with Saturn , Jupiter , Venus , and possibly also with the other Planets ? Who knows likewise , but that there may be some occult proportion between these Globes and those Mysterious Knops and Lilies insinuated unto us in the sacred Scriptures ? But this shall here suffice to bound humane Presumption , and to teach us to exspect with an Harpocratick silence from Time , the Indice of Truth , a discovery of these Mysteries : g Solomon made ten Candlesticks by the same Patern of Moses , which he placed , five on one hand and five on another , in the Temple erected by him in honour of the most High God ; which very thing doth also , without all question , contain most abstruse significations . Moreover , that Apple of the Knowledg of Good and Evil prohibited our first Parents by God is not without a Mystery ; which some say was an Indian Figg . In which these things are to be observed : First , That it is replete with many Kernels , every one of which hath a particular Centre . Secondly , Though of it self it be hard and solid , yet about its Circumference it is of a more rare and tenuouse substance ; herein resembling the Earth , which though in its Centre , and those parts which are nearest to it , it be stony , Metallick , and compact , yet the nearer one approacheth to the Circumference , its parts are seen to be the more rare and tenuouse : and withall it hath another body , more rare than its own , namely the Water , above which there is yet another , more subtil than all the rest of inferiour Bodyes , that is to say , the Aire , The same Representation with that of the Indian Figg is held forth to us by the Malum Punicum , or Pomegranate , with its innumerable polycentrick Stones or Kernels , all which in the parts more remote from their Centre , and nearer approaching towards the Circumference , are of a substance so subtil and rare , that being but lightly compressed , they in a manner wholly convert into a most tenuose Liquor or juice : Of which fruit it pleased Divine Wisdom to make mention , and ordained that its Figure should be imbroidered and wrought with a needle in the sacerdotal Garment of Aaron : h Beneath ( saith God ) upon the hem of it thou shalt make Pomegranates of blew , and of purple , and of scarlet , round about the border thereof ; and Bells of gold between them round about : a golden bell and a pomegranate , a golden bell and a pomegranate , upon the hem of the Robe round about . And that this was a Mystical Representation of the Worlds Effigies , is averred by Solomon , saying ; i For in the long k Garment that he had on was the l whole World ; and in the foure rows of the stones was the Glory of the Fathers graven , and thy Majesty in the Diadem of his Head. The same likewise is signified to us by the Grape , and in like manner by all other Fruits ; but especially the Figg , Grape , and Pomegranate : whence these three are almost alwayes placed together in the Sacred Scriptures . So Numb . 20. the People of Israel complain against Moses and Aaron : m Wherefore have you made us to come up out of Egypt , to bring us into this evil place , where there can grow no Seed , neither is there either Figgs , or Vines , or Pomegranates ? Intimating that these kinds of Fruits were preferred by them for their excellency before all others . And in Joel n The Vine is dryed up , and the Figg-tree languisheth , the Pomegranate-tree , the Palm-tree also , and the Apple-tree , even all the Trees of the field are withered ; because joy is withered away from the Sons of Men. Likewise in Haggai : o Is the seed yet in the Bud ? and hath as yet the Vine and the Fig-tree , and the Pomegranate , and the Olive-tree brought forth ? In like manner in Deuteronomie the Land of Promise is commended to be p A Land of Wheat , and Barly , and Vines in which grow , Figg-trees , and Pomegranates , and Olive-trees , &c. And in the Structure of the Temple undertaken by Solomon upon Divine Inspiration the q Chapiters of the Pillars were adorned with several rowes of Pomegranates : which particular is mentioned , not in one but many places of Holy Writ . Yea and sometimes accidentally and occasionally the Holy hath Ghost aenigmatically represented this most admirable and Most Wise Structure of the World , the Order of the Heavens , and the disposure of Creatures Spiritual and Corporeal by Emblems , Parables , and Figures , least they should be as it were dazled and blinded , by the refulgent splendor of so excellent an Object . Hence we see , that in these Doctrinal & Dubious Points we may discourse in such manner by help of the Holy Scripture as is meet for the understanding of the Prophets ; which seeing they are very obscure , they shall be fully understood , and may be aptly applyed only then when they shall be fulfilled , and not before : So also when once the true Systeme of the Universe is found out , then , and no● till then , the meaning of these Figures , and Aenigma's shall be made known unto us : Thus before the coming of the Son of God had discovered unto us the Mystery of the Holy Trinity , none were able to comprehend or imagine what was concealed under those words ; r In Principio creavit Elohim Coelum & Terram : for that they did not see how the Noun Plural Elohim ( which is as much as to say Dij , [ Gods ] should be joyned with the Verb Singular , Creavit : But the Mystery of the Unity of Essence and Trinity of Persons in God being revealed , it was presently known , that the Singular Number , Creavit , had reference to the Unity of Essence , ( in regard that the Works of the Trinity ad extra are indivisible ) and the Plural , Elohi● , to the Persons . Who , I pray , in elder times could have found out this Mystery ? And thus the Name of God is thrice repeated in Psal. 67. s God , even our God shall blesse us , God shall blesse us , &c. Which at first might seem a Pleonasme , and superfluous repetition ; but afterwards it was evident that David did there set out the Benedictions of several Persons implyed , to wit , the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost . Innumerable Examples of the like kind may be found in the Sacred Leaves . Therefore , to conclude , I will say with * David , Psal. 92. Oh Lord how glorious are thy Works ! thy thoughts are very deep : an unwiseman knoweth not , and a fool doth not understand these things . These are the particulars that I have thought fit to offer , as a Divine , concerning the not-improbable Opinion of the Mobility of the Earth and Stability of the Sun : which I hope will be acceptable to you , Reverend Sir , out of the love and diligence wherewith you persue Virtue and Learning . But ( to the end that you may also receive an account of my other Studies ) I hope very shortly to publish in Print my Second Tome * Of the Institutions of all Learnings , which shall containe all the Liberall Arts , as I have already signified in that Syntax , and Spicimen by me heretofore put forth , and published under your Name . The other five following Tomes by me promised ( which shall treat of Phylosophy and Theology ) are not altogether so forward , nevertheless they will be speedily finished . In the mean time there will come forth my Book Concerning * Oracles , now finished , together with a Treatise * Of Artificial Divination . And for a pledge thereof , I send you at this time annexed to this Epistle a Tract * Concerning Natural Cosmological Divination , or of Natural Prognosticks , and Presages of the Changes of Weather , and other things which fall within the compasse of Nature . God grant you all Happinesse . NAPLES , from the Covent of the Carmelites , Jan. 6. 1615. Most Reverend Sir Your Most Humble Servant PAOLO ANTONIO FOSCARINI . FINIS . Imprimatur , P. ANT. GHIBERT , Vic. Gen. JOANNES LONGUS Can. & Cur. Archiep. Neap. THEOL . Vidit . MATHEMATICAL COLLECTIONS AND TRANSLATIONS : THE SECOND TOME . THE SECOND PART ; Containing , I. D. BENEDICTUS CASTELLUS , his DISCOURSE of the MENSURATION of RUNNING WATERS . II. His Geometrical DEMONSTRATIONS of the Measure of RUNNING WATERS . III. His LETTERS and CONSIDERATIONS touching the Draining of FENNS , Diversions of RIVERS , &c. IV. D. CORSINUS , His RELATION of the state of the Inundations , &c. in the Territories of BOLOGNA , and FERRARA . By THOMAS SALUSBURY , Esq. LONDON , Printed by WILLIAM LEYBOURNE , MDCLXI . OF THE MENSURATION OF RUNNING WATERS . An Excellent Piece Written in ITALIAN BY DON BENEDETTO CASTELLI , Abbot of St. BENEDETTO ALOYSIO , and Professour of the Mathematicks to Pope URBAN VIII . in ROME . Englished from the Third and best Edition , with the addition of a Second Book not before extant : By THOMAS SALUSBURY . LONDON , Printed by WILLIAM LEYBOURN , 1661. THE AUTHOURS EPISTLE TO Pope VRBAN VIII . I Lay at the Feet of your Holinesse these my Considerations concerning the MENSURATION OF RUNNING WATERS : Wherein if I shall have succeeded , being a matter so difficult and unhandled by Writers both Ancient Modern , the discovery of any thing of truth hath been the Effect of Your Holinesses Command ; and if through inability I have missed the Mark , the same Command will serve me for an Excuse with Men of better Judgment , and more especially with Your Holinesse , to whom I humbly prostrate my self , and kisse Your Sacred Feet . From ROME . Your Holinesses Most humble Servant BENEDETTO . A Monk of Cassino . AN ACCOUNT OF THE Authour and Work. DON BENEDETTO CASTELLI , the famous Authour of these ensuing Discourses of the Mensuration of Running Waters , is descended from the Worshipful FAMILY of the CASTELLII , and took his first breath near to the lake THRASIMENVS , ( where Hanibal gave a fatal overthrow to the Roman Legions ) in that sweet and fertile part of happy ITALY , called the Territory of PERUGIA , a branch of the Dukedome of TUSCANY , which at present submitteth to the Jurisdiction of the Church , as being a part of St. PETER'S Patrimony . His Parents , who were more zealous of the good of his Soul than observant of the Propension of his Genius , dedicated him ( according to the Devotion of that Country ) to the Service of the Church ; and entered him into the Flourishing Order of Black-Friers , called from the place Moncks of Monte Casino , and from the Founder Benedictines . Nature , that She might consummate the Profusion of her Favours upon him , sent him into the World in an Age that was so ennobled and illuminated with Eminent Scholars in all Kinds of Literature , that hardly any Century since the Creation can boast the like . § . In particular , the SCIENCES MATHEMATICAL had then got that Fame and Esteem in the Learned World , that all men of Spirit or Quality became either Students in , or Patrons of those Sublime Knowledges . On this occasion the Curiosity of our AUTHOUR being awakened , his Active Wit could not endure to be any longer confined to the Slavish Tuition of Hermetical Pedagogues ; but in concurrence with the Genius of the Age , he also betook himself to those most Generous and Liberal Studies . His helps in this his design were so many , and so extraordinary , that had his Inclination been weaker , or his Apprehension lesser , he could hardly have failed attaining more than a Common Eminency in these Sciences . For besides the Deluge of Learned and Vseful Books , which the Presse at that time sent forth from all parts of EUROPE , he had the good Fortune to fall into the Acquaintance , and under the Instruction of the most Demonstrative and most Familiar Man in the World , the Famous GALILEO : whose successe being no lesse upon this his Pupil than upon the rest of those Illustrious and Ingenious Persons that resorted from all parts to sit under his Admirable Lectures , he in a short time attained to that Name in the Mathematicks , that he was invited to ROME , Complemented , and Preferred by his then Holinesse the Eighth URBAN , upon his very first Accession to the Papacy , which was in the Year 1623. § . This Pope being moved with a Paternal Providence for the Concerns of his Subjects in that part of ITALY about BOLOGNA , FERRARA , and COMMACHIO , lying between the Rivers of PO and RENO , which is part of Lo Stato della Chiesa , or the Church Patrimony , appoints this our CASTELLI in the Year 1625 , to accompany the Right Honourable Monsignore CORSINI ( a most observant and intelligent person in these affaires , and at that time Superintendent of the General Draines , and President of ROMAGNA ) in the Grand Visitation which he was then ordered to make concerning the disorders occasioned by the Waters of those parts . § . CASTELLI , having now an Opportunity to employ , yea more , to improve such Notions as he had imbued from the Lectures of his Excellent MASTER , falls to his work with all industry : and in the time that his Occasions detained him in ROMAGNA he perfected the First Book of this his Discourse concerning the Mensuration of Running Waters . He confesseth that he had some years before applyed himself to this part of Practical Geometry , and from several Observations collected part of that Doctrine which at this time he put into Method , and which had procured him the Repute of so much Skill that he began to be Courted by sundry Princes , and great Prelates . In particular about the beginning of the Year 1623. and before his Invitation to ROME he was employed by Prince Ferdinando I , Grand Duke of TUSCANY , to remedy the Disorders which at that time happened in the Valley of PISA in the Meadows that lye upon the Banks of Serchio and Fiume Morto : and in the presence of the Grand Duke , Grand Dutchesse Mother , the Commissioners of Sewers , and sundry other Persons in a few hours he made so great a progresse in that affair , as gave his Most Serene Highnesse high satisfaction , and gained himself much Honour . § . No sooner had he in his fore-mentioned Voiage to ROMAGNA ( which was but few Moneths after , in the same Year ) committed his Conceptions to paper , but he communicated them to certain of his Friends . In which number we finde Signore Giampoli Secretary of the Popes Private Affaires ; whom in the beginning of the First Book he gratefully acknowledgeth to have been contributary , in his Purse , towards defraying the charge of Experiments , and in his Person , towards the debating and compleating of Arguments upon this Subject . Some few years after the Importunity of Friends , and the Zeal he had for the Publique Good prevailed with him to present the World with his First Discourse , accompanied with a Treatise of the Geometrical Demonstrations of his whole Doctrine . What Reception it found with the Judicious must needs be imagined by any one that hath observed how Novelty and Facility in conjunction with Verity make a Charm of irresistable Operation . § . New it was , for that no man before him had ever attempted to Demonstrate all the three Dimensions , to wit , the Length , Breadth and Profundity , of this Fluid and Current Element . And he detecteth such grosse Errours in those few that had untertook to write upon the Subject ( of which he instanceth in Frontinus and Fontana , as those that include the rest ) and delivereth such singular and unheard of Paradoxes ( for so they sound in Vulgar Eares ) as cannot but procure unspeakable delight to his Reader . § . Easie it is likewise and True ; and that upon so Familiar Experiments and Manifest Demonstrations , that I have oft questioned with my self which merited the greater wonder , he , for discovering , or all men that handled the Argument before him for not discovering a Doctrine of such strange Facility and Infallibility . But yet as if our Authour designed to oblige the whole World to him by so excellent a Present , he selects a Subject that he knew would be carressed by all persons of Nobler Souls , upon the accounts afore-named , and by all Mankind in General , as gratifying them in their much adored Idol Utility . And to render his Art the more profitable , he reduceth the lofty , and easie to-be-mistaken Speculations of the Theory , into certain and facile Directions for Practice ; teaching us how to prevent and repaire the Breaches of Seas , and Inundations of Rivers ; to draine and recover Fenns and Marches ; to divert , conveigh and distribute Waters for the Flowing and Stercoration of Grounds , strengthening of Fortifications , serving of Aquaducts , preserving of Health ( by cleansing Streets , and scowring Sewers ) and maintaining of Commerse ( by defending Bridges , cleering Rivers , and opening Pores and Channels ) with innumerable other Benefits of the like nature . And , that I may omit no circumstance that may recommend my Authour , the Fortune of this his Treatise hath been such , that as if he intended a Plus ultra by it , or as if all men despaired to out-do it , or lastly , as if CASTELLI hath been so great a Master that none have presumed to take Pencil in hand for the finishing of what he Pourfoild , this small Tract like the Arabian Phoenix ( of which it is said Unica semper Avis ) did for several years together continue single in the World , till that to verifie it to be truly Phoenician , it renewed its Age by undergoing a second Impression . And as if this did not make out the Immortal vertue of it , it hath had Anno 1660 a third Circulation , and risen in this last Edition as it were from the Vrne of its Authour ; and that so improved by the Addition of a second part , that it promiseth to perpetuate his Merits to all Posterity . To be brief , the meer Fame of this Work resounded the Honourable Name of CASTELLI into all the Corners of Italy , I may say of Europe ; insomuch , that , in hopes to reap great benefit by his Art , the respective Grandees of the adjacent Countries courted his Judgment and Advice about their Draining of Fenns , Diversion of Rivers , Evacuation of Ports , Preventing of Inundations , &c. So that every Summer he made one or more of these Journies or Visitations . Particularly , the Senate of Venice consulted him about their Lake ; to whom he delivered his Opinion in May 1641. and upon farther thoughts he presented them with another Paper of Considerations the 20 December following . Prince LEOPOLDO of TUSCANY likewise requested his Advice in the beginning of the ensuing year 1642 , which occasioned his Letter to Father Francesco di San Giuseppe , bearing date February 1 , To which Signore Bartolotti opposing , he writes a second Letter , directed to one of the Commissioners of Sewers , vindicating his former , and refuting Bartolotti , both which I here give you . § . The Preferments which his Merits recommended him unto , were first to be Abbot of Cassino , from which he was removed Anno 1640 , or thereabouts , unto the Abbey of Santo Benedetto Aloysio ; and much about the same time preferred to the Dignity of Chief Mathematician to his grand Patron Pope URBAN VIII . and Publique Professour of Mathematicks in the Vniversity of ROME . § . Here a Stop was put to the Carier of his Fortunes , and being fuller of Honour than of Years , was by Death , the Importunate Intrerupter of Generous Designs , prevented in doing that farther Good which the World had good reason to promise it self from so Profound and Industrious a Personage , leaving many Friends and Disciples of all Degrees and Qualities to lament his losse , and honour his Memory . § . His singular Virtues and Abilities had gained him the Friendship of very many ; as to instance in some , he had contracted strict Amity with Monsignore Maffei Barberino a Florentine , Praefect of the Publique Wayes , and afterwards Pope with the Name of URBAN VIII . as was said before ; with the above-named Monsignore Corsini Superintendant of the General Draines : with Monsignore Piccolomini Arch-Bishop of Siena : with Cardinal Serra : with Cardinal Caponi , who hath studied much and writ well upon this Subject ; and with Cardinal Gaetano who frequently consulted with him in his design of Draining the Fenns of ROMAGNA . Moreover Prince LEOPOLDO , and his Brother the Grand Duke had very great kindnesse for him ; which speaks no small attractions in him , considering him as a favourite of the Family of Barberini , between whom and the House of Medeci there is an inveterate Fewd . Amongst persons of a lower Quality he acknowledgeth Signore Ciampoli the Popes Secretary , Sig. Ferrante Cesarini , Sig. Giovanni Basadonna Senator of Venice ; and I find mentioned Sig. Lana , Sig. Albano , Padre Serafino , Pad . Francesco de San. Giuseppe , and many others . § . The Works in which he will survive to all succeeding Ages are first His solid and sober Confutation of the Arguments of Signore Lodovico dell Columbo , and Signore Vincentio di Gratia against the Tract of Galileo Delle cose che stanno sopra Aqua , wherein he vindicates bis said Master with a Gratitude that Tutors very rarely reap from the pains they take in Cultivating their Pupils . This Apology was first Printed Anno 1615. and was a second time published , as also those of his Antagonists , amongst the Works of GALILEO , set forth by the Learned Viviani 1656. He hath likewise writ several other curious Pieces , as I am informed by the most Courteous Carolo Manolessi of Bologna ; amongst others an excellent Treatise concerning Colours , which he putteth me in hopes to see printed very speedily . And last of all these Discourses and Reflections upon the Mensuration of Running Waters , with the addition of a Second Book , three Epistles , and four Considerations upon the same Argument , which conduce much to Illustrate his Doctrine and Facilitate the Practice of it ; and which with a Relation of Monsignore Corsini , make the second part of my First Tome . § . I might here sally forth into the Citation of sundry Authours of Good Account , that have transmitted his Character to Posterity , but shall confine my self to onely two ; the one is of his Master , the other of his Scholar ; than whom there cannot be two more competent Judges of his Accomplishments . To begin with his Master , the Quick-sighted , and truly Lyncean GALILEO , who speaking of his Abilities in Astronomy saith a Che la felicità del suo ingegno non la fà bisognosa dell ' opera suo . And again , submitting a certain Demonstration , which he intended to divulge , to the Judgment of this our Abbot , he writes to him in this manner : b Questo lo comunico a V. S. per lettera prima che ad alcun altro , con attenderne principalmente il parer suo , e doppo quello de' nostri Amici discosti , conpensiero d' invia●ne poi altre Copie ad altri Amici d'Italia , e di Francia , quando io ne venga da lei consigliato : e qui pregandola a farci parte d' alcuna delle sue peregrine speculationi ; con sincerissimo affetto , &c. And the most acute Mathematician Signore Evangelista Terricelli , late Professour to the Grand Duke in immediate Succession after GALILEO , maketh this Honourable and Grateful Mention of him , and his Book : c Omitto magnum illum nutantis Maris motum ; Praetereo etiam omnem Fluminum , Aquarumque Currentium tum mensurum , tum usum , quarum omnis doctrina reperta primum fuit ab Abbate BENEDICTO CASTELLIO Preceptore meo . Scripsit ille Scientiam suam , & illam non solum demonstratione , verum etiam opere confirmavit , maxima cum Principum & populorum utilitate , majore cum admiratione Phylosophorum . Extat illius Liber , vere aureus . § . I have onely two particulars more to offer the English Reader : The one concerns the Book , and it is this , That after the general Aprobation it hath had in Italy , I cannot but think it deserveth the same Civil Entertainment with us , in regard that it cometh with no lesse Novelty , Facility , Verity , and Utility to us than to those whom the Authour favoured with the Original . Our Rivers and Sewers through Publique Distractions and Private Incroachments are in great disorder , as those Channels for iustance which formerly were Navigable unto the very Walls of York and Salisbury , &c : Our Ports are choaked and obstructed by Shelfes and Setlements : Our Fenns do in a great part lie waste and unimproved : Now all these may be ( and , as I find by the Confession of some whose Practises upon the Copy of the First Book onely of our Authour hath got them both Money and Reputation , in part have been ) remedied by the Ways and Means he here sets down . The truth is the Argument hath been past over with an Vniversal Silence ; so that to this day I have not seen any thing that hath been written Demonstratively and with Mathematical Certainty concerning the same , save onely what this Learned Prelate hath delivered of his Own Invention in these Treatises : who yet hath so fully and plainly handled the Whole Doctrine , that I may affirm his Work to be every way absolute . It must be confest the Demonstration of the Second Proposition of the Second Book did not well please the Authour , and had he lived he would have supplyed that defect , but being prevented by Death , the Reader must content himself with the Mechanical Proof that he giveth you of the truth of so Excellent a Conclusion . § . The other particular that I am to offer is , that out of my desire to contribute what lyeth in me to the compleating of this Piece for English Practice , I have exeeded my promise not onely in giving you the Second and following Books which were not extant at the time of tendring my Overtures , but also in that I have added ● Map or Plat of all the Rivers , Lakes , Fenns , &c. mentioned thorow out the Work. And if I have not kept touch in point of Time , let it be considered that I am the Translator and not the Printer . To conclude , according to your acceptance of these my endeavours , you may expect some other Tracts of no lesse Profit and Delight . Farewell . T. S. ERRATA of the second PART of the first TOME . In PREFACE , read Ferdinando II. ibid. l'Aqua . PAGE 2. LINE 26 , for must read much . P. 3. l. 22 , r. and let . l. 25. r. water , from l. 41. r. Tappe , ( as every where else ) . Page 4. l. 18. r cords . Page 6. l. 9. r. acquire , or . Page 9. l. 1. r. irreperable . P. 10. l. 13. r. dissimboguement . For Page 17. r. P. 15. P. 15. l. 27 , r. in . l. 36 , r. is as . l. 38 , r. Panaro . P. 17. l. 12 , Giulto . l. 17. r. Measurers . l. 25 , r. measured it , . r. necessarily . P. 23. l. 19. r. for help . for Page 31. r. P. 32. P. 24. l. 14 , r. to . l. 17 , r. namly , of the. l. 23 , r. easie . P. 25. l. 38. r. Cock. p. 29. l. 7. r. lasted , . p. 31. l. 32. r. So● . p. 41. l. 20. r. to the line . p. 48. l. 19. r. us the * . id . Figure false p. 52. l. 30 , and 31. for Theorem r. Proposition . p. 53. l. 29. r. again . p. 57. l. 19 , r. same if . l. 44. r. bodily . p. 58. l. 9. r. gathering . l. 40. omit ; . p. 60. l. 2. omit , if . p. 65. l. 1. r. tide dele ; . p. 66. l. 35. r. Stoppage of . p. 68. l. 12 , for Lords the r. Lords . l. ult . for they r. it . p. 69. l. 14. r. to one . id . carried dele to . p. 71. l. 20 , r. and that . l. 25 , r. Braces ; it . l. 29. r. Braces . l. 44 , r the Bre●t . p. 72. l. 23. r. Serene Highnesse . p. 73. l. 24 , r. deliberation : . l. 26 , for summe r. Moddel . l. 40. r. Months . p. 79. l. 18. r. that into . p. 82. l. 22. dele ; . p. 85. l. 9 , 10. dele a free drame . p. 88. l. 5. r. Palmes . p. 89. l. 8. r. Princes . p. 92. l. 3. r. Discourses . p. 93. l. 31. r. Tautologie . p. 94. l. 9. r. miracle ; . p. 97. l. 13. r. weighty . p. 101. l. 21. r. Marrara . p. 107. l. 28 , r. Patrimony . l. 40 , r. above . p. 111. l. 16. r. said . For p. 432. r. p. 114. p. 114. l. 35. r. of 200. l. 41. r. closed . p. 115. l. 29. r. constant ; . OF THE MENSURATION OF Running Waters ▪ LIB . I. WHat , and of how great moment the consideration of Motion is in natural things , is so manifest , that the Prince of Peripateticks pronounced that in his Schools now much used Sentence : Ignorato motu , ignoratur natura . Thence it is that true Philosophers have so travailed in the contemplation of the Celestial motions , and in the speculation of the motions of Animals , that they have arrived to a wonderful height and sublimity of understanding . Under the same Science of Motion is comprehended all that which is written by Mechanitians concerning Engines moving of themselves , Machins moving by the force of Air , and those which serve to move weights and immense magnitudes with small force . There appertaineth to the Science of Motion all that which hath been written of the alteration not onely of Bodies , but of our Minds also ; and in sum , this ample matter of Motion is so extended and dilated , that there are few things which fall under mans notice , which are not conjoyned with Motion , or at least depending thereupon , or to the knowledge thereof directed ; and of almost every of them , there hath been written and composed by sublime wits , learned Treatises and Instructions . And because that in the years past I had occasion by Order of our Lord Pope Vrban 8. to apply my thoughts to the motion of the Waters of Rivers , ( a matter difficult , most important , and little handled by others ) having concerning the same observed some particulars not well observed , or considered till now , but of great moment both in publick and private affairs ; I have thought good to publish them , to the end that ingenious spirits might have occasion to discusse more exactly then hitherto hath been done , so necessary and profitable a matter , and to supply also my defects in this short and difficult Tractate . Difficult I say , for the truth is , these knowledges , though of things next our senses , are sometimes more abstruce and hidden , then the knowledge of things more remote ; and much better , and with greater exquisitness are known the motions of the Planets , and Periods of the Stars , than those of Rivers and Seas : As that singular light of Philosophie of our times , and my Master Signore Galileo Galilei wisely observeth in his Book concerning the Solar spots . And to proceed with a due order in Sciences , I will take some suppositions and cognitions sufficiently clear ; from which I will afterwards proceed to the deducing of the principal conclusions . But to the end that what I have written at the end of this discourse in a demonstrative and Geometrical method , may also be understood of those which never have applyed their thoughts to the study of Geometry ; I have endeavoured to explain my conceit by an example , and with the consideration of the natural things themselves , must after the same order in which I began to doubt in this matter ; and have placed this particular Treatise here in the beginning , adverting nevertheless , that he who desires more full and absolute solidity of Reasons , may overpass this prefatory discourse , and onely consider what is treated of in the demonstrations placed towards the end , and return afterwards to the consideration of the things collected in the Corollaries and Appendices ; which demonstrations notwithstanding , may be pretermitted by him that hath not seen at least the first six Books of the Elements of Euclid ; so that he diligently observeth that which followeth . I say therefore , that having in times past , on divers occasions heard speak of the measures of the waters of Rivers , and Fountains , saying , such a River is two or three thousand feet of water ; such a spring-water is twenty , thirty , or forty inches , &c. Although in such manner I have found all to treat thereof in word and writing , without variety , and as we are wont to say , constanti sermone , yea even Artists and Ingeneers , as if it were a thing that admitted not of any doubt , yet howsoever I remained still infolded in such an obscurity , that I well knew I understood nothing at all , of that which others pretended full and clearly to understand . And my doubt arose from my frequent observation of many Trenches and Channels , which carry water to turn Mills , in which Trenches , and Channels , the water being measured , was found pretty deep ; but if afterwards the same water was measured in the fall it made to turn the Wheel of the Mill , it was much lesse , not amounting often to the tenth part , nor sometimes to the twentieth , insomuch , that the same running water came to be one while more , another while less in measure , in divers parts of its Channel ; and for that reason this vulgar manner of measuring running Waters , as indeterminate and uncertain , was by me justly suspected , the measure being to be determinate , and the same . And here I freely confesse that I had singular help to resolve this difficulty from the excellent & accurate way of discoursing , as in allother matters , so also in this , of the Right Honourable and Truly Noble Signior Ciampoli , Secretary of the Popes secret affairs . Who moreover , not sparing ●or the costs of the same , generously gave me occasion a few years past to try by exact experiments that which past concerning this particular . And to explain all more clearly with an example ; we suppose a Vessel filled with Water , as for instance a Butt , which is kept full , though still water runneth out , and the Water run out by two Taps equal of bignesse , one put in the bottom of the Vessel , and the other in the upper part ; it is manifest that in the time wherein from the upper part shall issue a determinate measure of water from the inferiour part there shall issue four , five , and many more of the same measures , according to the difference of the height of the Taps , and the distance of the upper Tap from the Superficies and level of the water of the Vessel : and all this will alwayes follow , though , as hath been said , the Taps be equal , and the water in discharging keep the said Taps alwayes full . Where first we note , that , although the measure of the Taps be equal , neverthelesse there issueth from them in equal times unequal quantities of water , And if we should more attentively consider this businesse , we should find , that the water by the lower Tap , runneth and passeth with much greater velocity , then it doth by the upper , whatever is the reason . If therefore we would have such a quantity of Water discharge from the upper tap , as would discharge from the neather in the same time , it is plain , that either the upper Taps must be multiplyed in such sort , that so many more Taps in number be placed above than below , as the neather tap shall be more swift than the upper , or the upper Tap made so much bigger than the nether , by how much that beneath shall be more swift than that above ; and so then in equal times , the same quantity of Water shall discharge from the upper , as doth fromth●e neather part . I will declare my self by another example . If we should imagine , that two cords or lines of equal thickness , be drawn through two holes of equal bore ; but so that the first pass with quadruple velocity to the second : It is manifest , that if in a determinate time , we shall by the first bore have drawn four Ells of the line , in the same time , by the second hole we shall have drawn but one Ell of cord onely ; and if by the first there passe twelve Ells , then through the second there shall passe onely three Ells ; and in short the quantity of cord shall have the same proportion to the cord , that the volocity hath to the velocity . And therefore we desiring to compensate the tardity of the second cord , and maintaining the same tardity to draw through the second hole as much cord as through the first , it will be necessary to draw through the second bore four ends of cord ; so that the thickness of all the cords by the second hole , have the same proportion to the thickness of the cord which passeth onely by the first , as the velocity of the cord by the first hole hath reciprocally to the velocity of the cod●s by the second hole . And thus its clear , that when there is drawn through two holes equal quantity of cords in equal time , but with unequal velocity , it will be necessary , that the thickness of all the four cords shall have the same reciprocal proportion to the thickness of the swifter cord , that the velocity of the swifter cord hath to the velocity of the slower . The which is verified likewise in the fluid Element of Water . And to the end that this principal fundamental be well understood , I will also note a certain observation made my me in the Art of Wyer-drawing , or spinning Gold , Silver , Brass , and Iron , and it is this ; That such Artificers desiring more and more to disgrosse and subtillize the said Metals , having wound about a Rocket or Barrel , the thread of the Metal , they place the Rocket in a frame upon a stedfast Axis , in such sort that the Rocket may turn about in it self ; then making one end of the thread to passe by force through a Plate of Steel pierced with divers holes , greater and lesser , as need requireth , fastning the same end of the thread to another Rocket , they wind up the thread , which passing through a bore less than the thicknesse of the thread , is of force constrained to disgrosse and subtillize . Now that which is intensly to be observed in this business , is this , That the parts of the thread before the hole , are of such a thicknesse , but the parts of the same thread after it is passed the hole , are of a lesser thicknesse : and yet neverthelesse the masse and weight of the thread which is drawn forth , is ever equal to the masse and weight of the thread which is winded up . But if we should well consider the matter , we should finde , that the thicker the thread before the hole is , than the thread passed the hole , the greater reciprocally is the velocity of the parts of the thread passed the hole , than the volocity of the parts before the hole : Insomuch that if verbi gratia the thicknesse of the thread before the hole , were double to the thicknesse after the hole , in such case the velocity of the parts of the thread passed the hole , should be double to the velocity of the parts of the thread before the hole ; and thus the thicknesse compensates the velocity , and the velocity compensates the thicknesse . So that the same occurreth in the solid Metals of Gold , Silver , Brass , Iron , &c. that eveneth also in the fluid Element of Water , and other liquids , namely , That the velocity beareth the same proportion to the velocity , that the thicknesse of the Metal , or Water , hath to the thicknesse . And therefore granting this discourse , we may say , that as often as two Taps with different velocity discharge equal quantities of Water in equal times , it will be necessary that the Tap lesse swift be so much greater , and larger , than the Tap more swift , by how much the swifter superates in velocity the slower ; and to pronounce the Proposition in more proper terms , we say ; That if two Taps of unequal velocity , discharge in equal times equal quantities of Water , the greatnesse of the first shall be to the greatnesse of the second , in reciprocal proportion , as the velocity of the second to the velocity of the first . As for example , if the first Tap shall be ten times swifter than the second Tap , it will be necessary , that the second be ten times bigger and larger than the first ; and in such case the Taps shall discharge equall quantities of water in equal times ; and this is the principal and most important point , which ought to be kept alwayes in minde , for that on it well understood depend many things profitable , and worthy of our knowledge . Now applying all that hath been said neerer to our purpose , I consider , that it being most true , that in divers parts of the same River or Current of running water , there doth always passe equal quantity of Water in equal time ( which thing is also demonstrated in our first Proposition ) and it being also true , that in divers parts the same River may have various and different velocity ; it follows of necessary consequence , that where the River hath lesse velocity , it shall be of greater measure , and in those parts , in which it hath greater velocity , it shall be of lesse measure ; and in sum , the velocity of several parts of the said River , shall have eternally reciprocall and like proportion with their measures . This principle and fundamental well established , that the same Current of Water changeth measure , according to its varying of velocity ; that is , lessening the measure , when the velocity encreaseth , and encreasing the measure , when the velocity decreaseth ; I passe to the consideration of many particular accidents in this admirable matter , and all depending on this sole Proposition , the sense of which I have oft repeated , that it might be well understood . COROLLARIE I. ANd first , we hence conclude , that the same Streams of a Torrent , namely , those streams which carry equal quantity of Water in equal times , make not the same depths or measures in the River , in which they enter , unlesse when in the entrance into the River they acquire ; or to say better , keep the same velocity ; because if the velocicities acquired in the River shall be different , also the measures shall be diverse ; and consequently the depths , as is demonstrated . COROLLARIE II. ANd because successively , as the River is more and more full , it is constituted ordinarily in greater & greater velocity : hence it is that the same streams of the Torrent , that enter into the River , make lesse and lesse depths , as the River grows more and more full ; since that also the Waters of the Torrent being entered into the River , go acquiring greater and greater velocities , and therefore diminish in measure and height . COROLLARIE III. WE observe also , that while the main River is shallow , if there fall but a gentle rain , it suddenly much increaseth and riseth ; but when the River is already swelled , though there fall again another new violent shower , yet it increaseth not at the same rate as before , proportionably to the rain which fell : which thing we may affirm particularly to depend on this , that in the first case , while the River is low , it is found also very slow , and therefore the little water which entereth into it , passeth and runs with little velocity , and consequently occupieth a great measure : But when the River is once augmented , by new water being also made more swift , it causeth the great Flood of water which falleth , to bear a lesse measure , and not to make such a depth . COROLLARIE IV. FRom the things demonstrated is manifest also , that whilst a Torrent entereth into a River , at the time of Ebbe , then the Torrent moveth with such a certain velocity , what ever it be , passing by its extreamest parts , wherewith it communicateth with the River ; in which parts , the Torrent being measured , shall have such a certain measure : but the River swelling and rising , also those parts of the Torrent augment in greatnesse and measure , though the Torrent , in that instant , dis-imbogue no more water than it did before : so that the River being swelled , we are to consider two mouths of the same Torrent , one lesse before the rising , the other greater after the rising , which mouths discharge equal quantities of water in equal times ; therefore the velocity by the lesser mouth shall be greater than the velocity by the greater mouth ; and thus the Torrent shall be retarded from its ordinary course . COROLLARIE V. FRom which operation of Nature proceedeth another effect worthy of consideration ; and it is , that the course of the water retarding , as hath been said in those ultimate parts of the Torrent , if it shall happen that the Torrent grow torbid and muddy , and its streame be retarded in such a degree , that it is not able to carry away those minute grains of Earth , which compose the muddinesse ; in this case the Torrent shall clear away the mud , and carry away the Sand at the bottome of its own Chanel , in the extream parts of its mouth , which raised and voided Sand , shall again afterwards be carried away , when the River abating , the Torrent shall return to move with its primitive velocity . COROLLARIE VI. WHilst it is demonstrated , that the same water hath different measures in its Chanel or course , according as it varieth in velocity ; so that the measure of the water is alwayes greater , where the velocity is lesser ; and on the contrary , the measure lesser , where the velocity is greater : from hence we may most elegantly render the reason of the usual Proverb , Take heed of the still waters : For that if we consider the self same water of a River in those parts , wherein it is less swift , and thence called still or smooth water , it shall be , of necessity , of greater measure than in those parts , in which it is more swift , and therefore ordinarily shall be also more deep and dangerous for passengers ; whence it is well said , Take heed of the still Waters ; and this saying hath been since applied to things moral . COROLLARIE VII . LIkewise , from the things demonstrated may be concluded , that the windes , which stop a River , and blowing against the Current , retard its course and ordinary velocity shall necessarily amplifie the measure of the same River , and consequently shall be , in great part , causes ; or we may say , potent con-causes of making the extraordinary inundations which Rivers use to make . And it s most certain , that as often as a strong and continual wind shall blow against the Current of a River , and shall reduce the water of the River to such tardity of motion , that in the time wherein before it run five miles , it now moveth but one , such a River will increase to five times the measure , though there should not be added any other quantity of water ; which thing indeed hath in it something of strange , but it is most certain , for that look what proportion the waters velocity before the winde , hath to the velocity after the winde , and sueh reciprocally is the measure of the same water after the winde , to the measure before the winde ; and because it hath been supposed in our case that the velocity is diminished to a fifth part , therefore the measure shall be increased five times more than that , which it was before . COROLLARIE VIII . WE have also probable the cause of the inundations of Tyber , which befel at Rome , in the time of Alexander the Sixth , & of Clement the Seventh ; which innundations came in a serene time , and without great thaws of the Snows ; which therefore much puzzled the wits of those times . But we may with much probability affirm , That the River rose to such a height and excrescence , by the retardation of the Waters dependant on the boistrous and constant Winds , that blew in those times , as is noted in the memorials . COROLLARIE . IX . IT being most manifest , that by the great abundance of Water the Torrents may increase , and of themselves alone exorbitantly swell the River ; and having demonstrated that also without new Water , but onely by the notable retardment the River riseth and increaseth in measure , in proportion as the velocity decreaseth : hence it is apparent , that each of these causes being able of it self , and separate from the other to swell the River ; when it shall happen that both these two causes conspire the augmentation of the River , in such a case there must follow very great and irrepable innundations . COROLLARIE X. FRom what hath been demonstrated , we may with facility resolve the doubt which hath troubled , and still poseth the most diligent , but incautelous observers of Rivers , who measuring the Streams and Torrents which fall into another River ; as those for instance , which enter into the Po , or those which fall into Tiber ; and having summed the total of these measures , and conferring the measures of the Rivers and Brooks , which fall into Tiber , with the measure of Tiber , and the measures of those which disimbogue into Po , with the measure of Po , they find them not equal , as , it seems to them , they ought to be , and this is because they have not well noted the most important point of the variation of velocity , and how that it is the most potent cause of wonderfully altering the measures of running Waters ; but we most facilly resolving the doubt , may say that these Waters diminish the measure , being once entered the principal Channel , because they increase in velocity . COROLLARIE XI . THrough the ignorance of the force of the velocity of the Water , in altering its measure , & augmenting it when the velocity diminisheth ; and diminishing it when the velocity augmenteth : The Architect Giovanni Fontana , endeavoured to measure , and and to cause to be measured by his Nephew , all the Brooks and Rivers which discharged their Waters into Tiber , at the time of the Innundation ; which happened at Rome in the year 1598 , and published a small Treatise thereof , wherein he summeth up the measures of the extraordinary Water which fell into Tiber , and made account that it was about five hundred Ells more than ordinary ; and in the end of that Treatise concludeth , that to remove the Innundation wholly from Rome , it would be necessary to make two other Channels , equal to that at present , and that lesse would not suffice ; and finding afterwards that the whole Stream passed under the Bridge Quattro-Capi , ( the Arch whereof is of a far less measure then five hundred Ells ) concludeth , that under the said Bridge past a hundred fifty one Ells of Water compressed , ( I have set down the precise term of comprest Water , written by Fontana ) wherein I finde many errors . The first of which is to think that the measures of these Waters compressed in the Channels of those Brooks and Rivers , should maintain themselves the same in Tiber , which by his leave , is most false , when ever those waters reduced into Tiber , retain not the same velocity which they had in the place in which Fontana and his Nephew measured them : And all this is manifest from the things which we have above explained ; for , if the Waters reduced into Tiber increase in velocity , they decrease in measure ; and if they decrease in velocity , they increase in measure . Secondly , I consider that the measures of those Brooks and Rivers , which enter into Tiber at the time of Innundation , are not between themselves really the same , when their velocities are not equal , though they have the same names of Ells and Feet ; for that its possible that a disinboguement of ten Ells requadrated ( to speak in the phrase of Fontana ) of one of those Brooks , might discharge into Tiber at the time of Innundation , four , ten , and twenty times less Water , than another mouth equal to the first in greatness , as would occur when the first mouth were four , ten , or twenty times less swift than the second . Whereupon , whilst Fontana summes up the Ells and Feet of the measures of those Brooks and Rivers into a total aggregate , he commits the same error with him , which would add into one summe diverse moneys of diverse values , and diverse places , but that had the same name ; as if one should say ten Crowns of Roman money , four Crowns of Gold , thirteen Crowns of Florence , five Crowns of Venice , and eight Crowns of Mantua , should make the same summe with forty Crowns of Gold , or forty Crowns of Mantua . Thirdly , It might happen that some River or Current in the parts nearer Rome , in the time of its flowing , did not send forth more Water than ordinary ; and however , it s a thing very clear , that whilst the stream came from the superior parts , that same Brook or River would be augmented in measure , as hath been noted in the fourth Corollary ; in such sort , that Fontana might have inculcated , and noted that same River or Current as concurring to the Innundation , although it were therein altogether unconcerned . Moreover , in the fourth place we must note , That it might so fall out , that such a River not onely was uninteressed in the Innundation , though augmented in measure , but it might I say happen , that it was instrumental to the asswaging the Innundation , by augmenting in the measure of its own Channel ; which matter is sufficiently evident ; for if it be supposed that the River in the time of flood , had not had of it self , and from its proper springs more Water than ordinary , it s a thing certain , that the Water of Tiber rising and increasing ; also that River , to level it self with the Water of Tiber , would have retained some of its Waters in its own Chanel , without discharging them into Tyber , or else would have ingorged and swallowed ( if I may so say ) some of the water of Tyber ; and in this case , at the time of Inundation , lesse abundance of water would have come to Rome , and yet neverthelesse the measure of that River would have been increased . Fifthly , Fontana deceiveth himself , when he concludeth , that to remove the Inundation from Rome , it would be necessary to make two other Chanels of Rivers , that were as large as that , which is the present one , and that less would not suffice , which , I say , is a fallacy : and to convince him easily of his errour , it sufficeth to say , that all the Streams being passed under the Bridge Quattro-Capi , as he himself attests , a Channel would suffice only of the capacity of the said Bridge , provided that the water there might run with the same velocity , as it did under the Bridge at the time of Inundation ; and on the contrary , twenty Currents of capacity equal to the present one , would not suffice , if the water should run with twenty times less velocity , than it made at the time of the Inundation . Sixthly , to me it seemeth a great weaknesse to say , that there should passe under the Bridge Quattro-Capi , an hundred fifty one ells of water compressed ; for that I do not understand that water is like Cotton or Wool , which matters may be prest and trod , as it happeneth also to the air , which receiveth compression in such sort , that after that in some certain place a quantity of air shall be reduced to its natural constitution ; and having taken up all the said place , yet neverthelesse compressing the first Air with force and violence , it is reduced into far less room , and will admit four or six times as much air , as before , as is experimentally * seen in the Wind-Gun , invented in our dayes by M. Vincenzo Vincenti of Vrbin , which property of the Air of admitting condensation , is also seen in the portable Fountains of the same M. Vincenzo : which Fountains spirt the Water on high , by force of the Air compressed , which whilst it seeks to reduce its self to its natural constitution , in the dilation causeth that violence . But the water can never , for any thing I know , crowd , or press so , as that if before the compression it held or possest a place , being in its natural constitution , I believe not , I say , that it is possible , by pressing and crowding to make it possess less room , for if it were possible to compress the Water , and make it to occupy a less place , it would thence follow , that two Vessels of equal measure , but of unequal height , should be of unequal capacity , and that should hold more water which was higher ; also a Cylinder , or other Vessel more high than broad , would containe more water erected , than being laid along ; for that being erected , the water put therein would be more pressed and crowded . And therefore , in our case , according to our principles we will say , that the water of that Stream passeth all under the said Bridge Quattro-Capi , for that being there most swift , it ought of consequence to be less in measure . And here one may see , into how many errours a man may run through ignorance of a true and real Principle , which once known and well understood , takes away all mists of doubting , and easily resolveth all difficulties . COROLLARIE . XII . THrough the same inadvertency of not regarding the variation of velocity in the same Current , there are committed by Ingineers and Learned men , errours of very great moment ( and I could thereof produce examples , but for good reasons I pass them over in silence ) when they think , and propose , by deriving new Channels from great Rivers , to diminish the measure of the water in the River , and to diminish it proportionally , according to the measure of the Water which they make to pass through the Channel , as making v. g. a Channel fifty foot broad , in which the derived water is to run waste , ten foot deep , they think they have diminished the measure of the Water in the River five hundred feet , which thing doth not indeed so fall out ; and the reason is plain ; for that the Chanel being derived , the rest of the main River , diminisheth in velocity , and therefore retains a greater measure than it had at first before the derivation of the Chanel ; and moreover , if the Chanel being derived , it shall not conserve the same velocity which it had at first in the main River , but shall diminish it , it will be necessary , that it hath a greater measure than it had before in the River ; and therefore to accompt aright , there shall not be so much water derived into the Channel , as shall diminish the River , according to the quantity of the water in the Channel , as is pretended . COROLLARIE XIII . THis same consideration giveth me occasion to discover a most ordinary errour , observed by me in the businesse of the water of Ferara , when I was in those parts , in service of the most Reverend and Illustrious Monsignor Corsini ; the sublime wit of whom hath been a very great help to me in these contemplations ; it s very true , I have been much perplexed , whether I should commit this particular to paper , or passe it over in silence , for that I have ever doubted , that the opinion so common and moreover confirmed with a most manifest experiment , may not onely make this my conjecture to be esteemed far from true , but also to discredit with the World the rest of this my Treatise : Neverthelesse I have at last resolved not to be wanting to my self , and to truth in a matter of it self , and for other consequences most important ; nor doth it seem to me requisite in difficult matters , such as these we have in hand , to resigne our selves to the common opinion , since it would be very strange if the multitude in such matters should hit on the truth , nor ought that to be held difficult , in which even the vulgar do know the truth and right ; besides that I hope morever to prove all in such sort , that persons of solid judgment , shall rest fully perswaded , so that they but keep in mind the principal ground and foundation of all this Treatise ; and though that which I will propose , be a particular , as I have said , pertaining onely to the interests of Ferara ; yet neverthelesse from this particular Doctrine well understood , good judgement may be made of other the like cases in general . I say then , for greater perspecuity , and better understanding of the whole , That about thirteen miles above Ferara , near to Stellata , the main of Po , branching it self into two parts , with one of its Arms it cometh close to Ferara , retaining the name of the Po of Ferara ; and here again it divideth it self into two other branches , and that which continueth on the right hand , is called the Po of Argenta , and of Primaro ; and that on the left the Po of Volana . But for that the bed of the Po of Ferara being heretofore augmented and raised , it followeth that it resteth wholly deprived of the Water of the great Po , except in the time of its greater swelling ; for in that case , this Po of Ferara being restrained with a Bank near to Bondeno , would come also in the overflowings of the main Po , to be free from its Waters : But the Lords of Ferara are wont at such time as the Po threateneth to break out , to cut the bank ; by which cutting , there disgorgeth such a Torrent of Water , that it is observed , that the main Po in the space of some few hours abateth near a foot , and all persons that I have spoken with hitherto , moved by this experiment , think that it is of great profit and benefit to keep ready this Vent , and to make use of it in the time of its fullnesse . And indeed , the thing considered simply , and at the first appearance , it seemeth that none can think otherwise ; the rather , for that many examining the matter narrowly , measure that body of Water which runneth by the Channel , or Bed of the Po of Ferara , and make account , that the body of the Water of the great Po , is diminished the quantity of the body of the Water which runneth by the Po of Ferara . But if we well remember what hath been said in the beginning of the Treatise , and how much the variety of the velocities of the said Water importeth , and the knowledge of them is necessary to conclude the true quantity of the running Water , we shall finde it manifest , that the benefit of this Vent is far lesse than it is generally thought : And mereover , we shall finde , if I deceive not my self , that there follow from thence so many mischiefs , that I could greatly incline to believe , that it were more to the purpose wholly to stop it up , than to maintain it open : yet I am not so wedded to my opinion , but that I am ready to change my judgement upon strength of better reasons ; especially of one that shall have first well understood the beginning of this my discourse , which I frequently inculcate , because it s absolutely impossible without this advertisement to treat of these matters , and not commit very great errours . I propose therefore to consideration , that although it be true , that whilst the water of the main Po is at its greatest height , the Bank and Dam then cut of the Po of Ferara , and the superior waters having a very great fall into the Channel of Ferara , they precipitate into the same with great violence and velocity , and with the same in the beginning , or little lesse , they run towards the Po of Volana , and of Argenta on the sea coasts ; yet after the space of some few hours , the Po of Ferara being full , and the superior Waters not finding so great a diclivity there , as they had at the beginning of the cutting , they fall not into the same with the former velocity , but with far lesse , and thereby a great deal lesse Water begins to issue from the great Po ; and if we diligently compare the velocity at the first cutting , with the velocity of the Water after the cutting made , and when the Po of Ferara shall be full of Water , we shall finde perhaps that to be fifteen or twenty times greater than this , and consequently the Water which issues from the great Po , that first impetuosity being past , shall be onely the fifteenth or twentieth part of that which issued at the beginning ; and therefore the Waters of the main Po will return in a small time almost to the first height . And here I will pray those who rest not wholly satisfied with what hath been said , that for the love of truth , and the common good , they would please to make diligent observation whether in the time of great Floods , the said Bank or Dam at Bondeno is cut , and that in few hours the main Po diminisheth , as hath been said about a foot in its height ; that they would observe I say , whether , a day or two being past , the Waters of the main Po return almost to their first height ; for if this should follow , it would be very clear , that the benefit which resulteth from this diversion or Vent , is not so great as is universally presumed ; I say , it is not so great as is presumed ; because , though it be granted for true , that the Waters of the main Po , abate at the beginning of the Vent , yet this benefit happens to be but temporary and for a few hours : If the rising of Po , and the dangers of breaking forth were of short duration , as it ordinarily befalleth in the overflowings of Torrents , in such a case the profit of the Vent would be of some esteem : But because the swellings of Po continue for thirty , or sometimes for forty dayes , therefore the gain which results from the Vent proveth to be inconsiderable . It remaineth now to consider the notable harms which follow the said Sluice or Vent , that so reflection being made , and the profit and the detriment compared , one may rightly judge , and choose that which shall be most convenient . The first prejudice therefore which ariseth from this Vent or Sluice , is ; That the Channels of Ferara , Primaro , and Volana filling with Water , all those parts from Bondeno to the Sea side are allarmed and endangered thereby . Secondly , The Waters of the Po of Primaro having free ingresse into the upper Valleys , they fill them to the great damage of the Fields adjacent , and obstruct the course of the ordinary Trenches in the same Valleys ; insomuch that all the care , cost , and labour about the draining , and freeing the upper Valleys from Water , would also become vain and ineffectual . Thirdly , I consider that these Waters of the Po of Ferara being passed downwards towards the Sea , at the time that the main Po was in its greater excrescences and heights , it is manifest by experience , that when the great Po diminisheth , then these Waters passed by the Po of Ferara begin to retard in their course , and finally come to turn the current upwards towards Stellata , resting first iu the intermediate time , almost fixed and standing , and therefore deposing the muddinesse , they fill up the Channel of the River or Current of Ferara . Fourthly and lastly , There followeth from this same diversion another notable damage , and it is like to that which followeth the breaches made by Rivers ; near to which breaches in the lower parts , namely below the breach , there is begot in the Channel of the River , a certain ridge or shelf , that is , the bottom of the River is raised , as is sufficiently manifest by experience ; and thus just in the same manner cutting the Bank at Bondeno , there is at it were a breach made , from which followeth the rising in the lower parts of the main Po , being past the mouth of Pamaro ; which thing , how pernitious it is , let any one judge that understandeth these matters . And therefore both for the small benefit , and so many harms that ensue from maintaining this diversion , I should think it were more sound advice to keep that Bank alwaies whole at Bondeno , or in any other convenient place , and not to permit that the Water of the Grand Po should ever come near to Ferara . COROLLARIE XIV . IN the Grand Rivers , which fall into the Sea , as here in Italy Po , Adige , * And Arno , which are armed with Banks against their excrescencies , it s observed that far from the Sea , they need Banks of a notable height ; which height goeth afterwards by degrees diminishing , the more it approacheth to the Sea-coasts : in such sort , that the Po , distant from the Sea about fifty or sixty miles at Ferara , shall have Banks that be above twenty feet higher than the ordinary Water-marks ; but ten or twelve miles from the Sea , the Banks are not twelve feet higher than the said ordinary Water-marks , though the breadth of the River be the same , so that the excrescence of the same Innundation happens to be far greater in measure remote from the Sea , then near ; and yet it should seem , that the same quantity of Water passing by every place , the River should need to have the same altitude of Banks in all places : But we by our Principles and fundamentals may be able to render the reason of that effect , and say ; That that excesse of quantity of Water , above the ordinary Water , goeth alwaies acquiring greater velocity ; the nearer it approacheth the Sea , and therefore decreaseth in measure , and consequently in height . And this perhaps might have been the cause in great part , why the Tyber in the Innundation Anno 1578. issued not forth of its Channel below Rome towards the Sea. COROLLARIE XV. FRom the same Doctrine may be rendred a most manifest reason why the falling Waters go lessening in their descent , so that the same falling Water , measured at the beginning of its fall , is greater , and bigger , and afterwards by degrees lesseneth in measure the more it is remote from the beginning of the fall . Which dependeth on no other , than on the acquisition , which it successively makes of greater velocity ; it being a most familiar conclusion among Philosophers , that grave bodies falling , the more they remove from the beginning of their motion , the more they acquire of swiftnesse ; and therefore the Water , as a grave body , falling , gradually velocitates , and therefore decreaseth in measure , and lesseneth . COROLLARIE XVI . ANd on the contrary , the spirtings of a Fountain of Water , which spring on high , work a contrary effect ; namely in the beginning they are small , and afterwards become greater and bigge ; and the reason is most manifest , because in the beginning they are very swift , and afterwards gradually relent their impetuosity , and motion , so that in the beginning of the excursion that they make , they ought to be small , and afterwards to grow bigger , as in the effect is seen . APPENDIX . I. INto the errour of not considering how much the different velocities of the same running water in several places of its current , are able to change the measure of the same water , and to make it greater , or lesse , I think , if I be not deceived , that Ginlio Frontino a noble antient Writer , may have faln in the Second Book which he writ , of the Aqueducts of the City of Rome : Whilst finding the measure of the Water * Commentariis lesse than it was in erogatione 1263. Quinaries , he thought that so much difference might proceed from the negligence of the Measures ; and when afterwards with his own industry he measured the same water at the beginning of the Aqueducts , finding it neer 10000. Quinaries bigger than it was in Commentariis he judged , that the overplus was imbeziled by Ministers and Partakers ; which in part might be so , for it is but too true , that the publique is almost alwayes defrauded ; yet neverthelesse , I verily believe withal , that besides the frauds of these Officers , the velocities of the water in the place wherein Frontino measured , it might be different from those velocities , which are found in other places before measured by others ; and therefore the measures of the waters might , yea ought necessarily to be different , it having been by us demonstrated , that the measures of the same running water have reciprocal proportion to their velocities . Which Frontino not well considering , and finding the water in Commentariis 12755. Quinaries in erogatione 14018 , and in his own measure ad capita ductuum , at the head of the fountain 22755. Quinaries , or thereabouts , he thought , that in all these places there past different quantities of water ; namely , greater at the fountain head then that which was in Erogatione , and this he judged greater than that which was in Commentariis . APPENDIX II. A Like mistake chanced lately in the Aqueduct of Acqua-Paola , which Water should be 2000 Inches , and so many effectively ought to be allowed ; and it hath been given in so to be by the Signors of Bracciano to the Apostolick-Chamber ; and there was a measure thereof made at the beginning of the Aqueduct ; which measure proved afterwards much lesse and short , considered and taken in Rome , and thence followed discontents and great disorders , and all because this property of Running-Waters , of increasing in measure , where the velocity decreased ; and of diminishing in measure , where the velocity augmented , was not lookt into . APPENDIX III. A Like errour , in my judgement , hath been committed by all those learned men , which to prevent the diversion of the Reno of Bologna into Po by the Channels , through which it at present runneth , judged , that the Reno being in its greater excrescence about 2000. feet , and the Po being near 1000. feet broad , they judged , I say , that letting the Reno into Po , it would have raised the Water of Po two feet ; from which rise , they concluded afterwards most exorbitant disorders , either of extraordinary Inundations , or else of immense and intolerable expences to the people in raising the Banks of Po and Reno , and with such like weaknesses , often vainly disturbed the minds of the persons concerned : But now from the things demonstrared , it is manifest , That the measure of the Reno in Reno , would be different from the measure of Reno in Po ; in case that the velocity of the Reno in Po , should differ from the velocity of Reno in Reno , as is more exactly determined in the fourth Proposition . APPENDIX IV. NO less likewise are those Ingeneers and Artists deceived , that have affirmed , That letting the Reno into Po , there would be no rise at all in the Water of Po : For the truth is , That letting Reno into Po , there would alwaies be a rising ; but sometimes greater , sometimes lesse , as the Po shall have a swifter or slower Current ; so that if the Po shall be constituted in a great velocity , the rise will be very small ; and if the said Po shall be slow in its course , then the rise will be notable . APPENDIX V. ANd here it will not be besides the purpose to advertise , That the measures , partments , and distributions of the Waters of Fountains , cannot be made exactly , unless there be considered , besides the measure , the velocity also of the Water ; which particular not being thorowly observed , is the cause of continual miscariages in such like affairs . APPENDIX VI. LIke consideration ought to be had with the greater diligence , for that an errour therein is more prejudicial ; I say , ought to be had by those which part and divide VVaters ; for the watering of fields , as is done in the Territories of Brescia , Bergama , Crema , Pavia , Lodigiano , Cremona , and other places : For if they have not regard to the most important point of the variation of the velocity of the VVater , but onely to the bare Vulgar measure , there will alwaies very great disorders and prejudices ensue to the persons concerned . APPENDIX VII . IT seemeth that one may observe , that whilst the Water runneth along a Channel , Current , or Conduit , its velocity is retarded , withheld , and impeded by its touching the Bank or side of the said Channel or Current ; which , as immoveable , not following the motion of the VVater , interrupteth its velocity : From which particular , being true , as I believe it to be most true , and from our considerations , we have an occasion of discovering a very nice mistake , into which those commonly fall who divide the VVaters of Fountains . VVhich division is wont to be , by what I have seen here in Rome , performed two wayes ; The first of which is with the measures of like figures , as Circles , or Squares , having cut through a Plate of metal several Circles or Squares , one of half an inch , another of one inch , another of two , of three , of four , &c. with which they afterwards adjust the Cocks to dispence the VVaters . The other manner of dividing the VVaters of Fountains , is with rectangle paralellograms , of the same height , but of different Bases , in such sort likewise , that one paralellogram be of half an inch , another of one , two , three , &c. In which manner of measuring and dividing the Water , it should seem that the Cocks being placed in one and the same plain , equidistant from the level , or superior superficies of the water of the Well ; and the said measures being most exactly made , the VVater ought consequently also to be equally divided , and parted according to the proportion of the measures . But if we well consider every particular , we shall finde , that the Cocks , as they successively are greater , discharge alwaies more VVater than the just quantity , in comparison of the lesser ; that is , to speak more properly , The VVater which passeth through the greater Cock , hath alwaies a greater proportion to that which passeth through the lesser , than the greater Cock hath to the lesser . All which I will declare by an example . The like errour occurreth also in the other manner of measuring the VVater of a Fountain , as may easily be collected from what hath been said and observed above . APPENDIX VIII . THe same contemplation discovereth the errour of those Architects , who being to erect a Bridge of sundry Arches over a River , consider the ordinary breadth of the River ; which being v. g. fourty fathom , and the Bridge being to consist of four Arches , it sufficeth them , that the breadth of all the four Arches taken together , be fourty fathom ; not considering that in the ordinary Channel of the River , the Water hath onely two impediments which retard its velocity ; namely , the touching and gliding along the two sides or shores of the River : but the same water in passing under the Bridge , in our case meeteth with eight of the same impediments , bearing , and thrusting upon two sides of each Arch ( to omit the impediment of the bottom , for that it is the same in the River , and under the Bridge ) from which inadvertency sometimes follow very great disorders , as quotidian practice shews us . APPENDIX IX . IT is also worthy to consider the great and admirable benefit that those fields receive , which are wont to drink up the Rain-water with difficulty , through the height of the water in the principal Ditches , in which case the careful Husbandman cutteth away the reeds and rushes in the Ditches , through which the waters pass ; whereupon may be presently seen , so soon as the reeds and rushes are cut , a notable Ebb in the level of the water in the Ditches , insomuch that sometimes it is observed , that the water is abated after the said cutting a third and more , of what it was before the cutting . The which effect seemingly might depend on this , That , before those weeds took up room in the Ditch , and for that cause the water kept a higher level , and the said Plants being afterwards cut and removed , the water came to abate , possessing the place that before was occupied by the weeds . Which opinion , though probable , and at first sight satisfactory , is nevertheless insufficient to give the total reason of that notable abatement which hath been spoken of : But it is necessary to have recourse to our consideration of the velocity in the course of the water , the chiefest and true cause of the variation of the measure of the same Running-Water● ; for , that multitudes of reeds , weeds , and plants dispersed through the current of the Ditch , do chance notably to retard the course of the water , and therefore the measure of the water increaseth ; and those impediments removed , the same water gaineth velocity , and therefore decreaseth in measure , and consequently in height . And perhaps this point well understood , may be of great profit to the fields adjacent to the Pontine Fens , and I doubt not but if the River Ninfa , and the other principal Brooks of those Territories were kept well cleansed from weeds , their waters would be at a lower level , and consequently the drains of the fields would run into them more readily ; it being alwayes to be held for undoubted , that the measure of the water before the cleansing , hath the same proportion to the measure after cleansing , that the velocity after the cleansing hath to the velocity before the cleansing : And be cause those weeds being cleansed away , the course ef the water notably increaseth , it is therefore necessary that the said water abate in measure , and become lower . APPENDIX X. WE having above observed some errors that are committed in distributing the waters of Fountains , and those that serve to water fields ; it seemeth now fit , by way of a close to this discourse , to advertise by what means these divisions may be made justly and without error . I therefore think that one might two several wayes exquisitly divide the water of Fountains ; The first would be by diligently examining , First , how much water the whole Fountain dischargeth in a determinate time , as for instance : ow many Barrels , or Tuns it carrieth in a set time ; and in case you are afterwards to distribute the water , distribute it at the rate of so many Barrels or Tuns , in that same time ; and in this case the participants would have their punctual shares : Nor could it ever happen to send out more water , than is reckoned to be in the principal Fountain ; as befel Giulio Frontino , and as also it frequently happeneth in the Modern Aqueducts , to the publick and private detriment . The other way of dividing the same waters of a Fountain , is also sufficiently exact and easie , and may be , by having one onely size for the Cock or Pipe , as suppose of an inch , or of half an inch ; and when the case requireth to dispence two , three , and more inches , take so many Cocks of the said measure as do evacuate the water , which is to be emitted ; and if we are to make use onely of one greater Cock , we being to place one to discharge for example four inches ; and having the former sole measure of an inch , we must make a Cock that is bigger , its true , than the Cock of one inch ; but not simply in a quadruple proportion , for that it would discharge more than just so much water , as hath been said above ; but we ought to examine diligently how much water the little Cock emitteth in an hour ; and then enlarge , and contract the greater Cock , so , that it may discharge four times as much water as the lesser in the same time ; and by this means we shall avoid the disorder hinted in the seventh Appendix . It would be necessary nevertheless , to accomodate the Cocks of the Cistern so , that the level of the water in the Cistern may alwayes rest at one determinate mark above the Cock , otherwise the Cocks will emit sometimes greater , and sometimes lesse abundance of water : And because it may be that the same water of the Fountain may be sometimes more abundant , sometimes less ; in such case it will be necessary to adjust the Cistern so , that the excess above the ordinary water , discharge into the publick Fountains , that so the particular participants may have alwayes the same abundance of water . APPENDIX XI . MUch more difficult is the division of the waters which serve to water the fields , it not being possible to observe so commodiously , what quantity of water the whole Ditch sends forth in one determinate time , as may be done in Fountains : Yet nevertheless , if the second proposition by us a little below demonstrated , be well understood , there may be thence taken a very safe and just way to distribute such waters . The Proposition therefore by us demonstrated is this : If there be two Sections , ( namely two mouths of Rivers ) the quantity of the water which passeth by the first , hath a proportion to that which passeth by the second , compounded of the proportions of the first Section to the second , and of the velocity through the first , to the velocity through the second : As I will declare for example by help of practice , that I may be understood by all , in a matter so important . Let the two mouths of the Rivers be A , and B , and let the mouth A be in measure and content thirty two feet , and the mouth B , eight feet . Here you must take notice , that it is not alwayes true , that the Water which passeth by A , hath the same proportion to that which passeth by B , that the mouth A hath to the mouth B ; but onely when the velocityes by each of those passages are equal : But if the velocityes shall be unequal , it may be that the said mouths may emit equal quantity of Water in equal times , though their measure be unequal ; and it may be also , that the bigger doth discharge a greater quantity of Water : And lastly , it may be , that the less mouth dischargeth more Water than the greater ; and all this is manifest by the things noted in the beginning of this discourse , and by the said second Proposition . Now to examine the proportion of the Water that passeth by one Ditch , to that which passeth by another , that this being known , the same Waters and mouths of Ditches may be then adjusted ; we are to keep account not onely of the greatness of the mouths or passages of the Water , but of the velocity also ; which we will do , by first finding two numbers that have the same proportion between themselves , as have the mouths , which are the numbers 32 and 8 in our example : Then this being done , let the velocity of the Water by the passages A and B , be examined ( which may be done keeping account what space a piece of Wood , or other body that swimmeth , is carried by the stream in one determinate time ; as for instance in 50 pulses ) and then work by the golden Rule , as the velocity by A , is to the velocity by B , so is the number 8 , to another number , which is 4. It is clear by what is demonstrated in the said second Proposition , that the quantity of water , which passeth by the mouth A , shall have the same proportion of that which passeth by the mouth B , that 8 hath to 1. Such proportion being composed of the proportions of 32 to 8 , and of 8 to 4 ; namely , to the greatness of the mouth A , to the greatness of the mouth B , and of the velocity in A , to the velocity in B. This being done , we must then contract the mouth which dischargeth more then its just quantity of water , or enlarge the other which dischargeth less , as shal be most commodious in practice , which to him that hath understood this little that hath been delivered , will be very afie . APPENDIX XII . THese opperations about Water , as I have hitherto on sundry occasions observed , are involved in so many difficulties , and such a multiplicity of most extravagant accidents , that it is no marvel if continually many , and very important errours be therein committed by many , and even by Ingeneers themselves , and Learned-men ; and because many times they concern not onely the publique , but private interests : Hence it is , that it not onely belongeth to Artists to treat thereof , but very oft even the vulgar themselves pretend to give their judgement therein : And I have been troubled many times with a necessity of treating , not onely with those , which either by practice , or particular study , understood somewhat in these matters ; but also with people wholly void of those notions , which are necessary for one that would on good grounds discourse about this particular ; and thus many times have met with more difficulty in the thick skulls of men , than in precipitious Torrents , and vast Fennes . And in particular , I had occasion some years past to go see the Cave or Emissary of the Lake of Perugia , made many years agon by Braccio Fortobraccio , but for that it was with great ruines by Time decayed , and rendred unuseful , it was repaired with industry truly heroicall and admirable , by Monsignor Maffei Barherino , then Prefect for the Wayes , and now Pope . And being necessitated , that I might be able to walk in the Cave , and for other causes , I let down the Sluices of the said Cave , at the mouth of the Lake : No sooner were they stopt , but a great many of the people of the Towns and Villages coasting upon the Lake flocking thither , began to make grievous complaints , that if those Sluices were kept shut , not onely the Lake would want its due Vent , but also the parts adjacent to the Lake would be over flown to their very great detriment . And because at first appearance their motion seemed very reasonable , I found my self hard put to it , seeing no way to perswade such a multitude , that the prejudice which they pretended I should do them by keeping the Sluices shut for two dayes , was absolutely insensible ; and that by keeping them open , the Lake did not ebb in the same time so much as the thickness of a sheet of Paper : And therefore I was necessitated to make use of the authority I had , and so followed my business as cause required , without any regard to that Rabble tumultuously assembled . Now when I am not working with Mattock or Spade , but with the Pen and Discourse , I intend to demonstrate clearly to those that are capable of reason , and that have well understood the ground of this my Treatise , that the fear was altogether vain which those people conceited . And therefore I say , that the Emissary or Sluice of the Lake of Perugia , standing in the same manner as at present , and the water passing thorow it with the same velocity as now ; to examine how much the Lake may abate in two days space , we ought to consider , what proportion the superficies of the whole Lake hath to the measure of the Section of the Emissary , and afterwards to infer , that the velocity of the water by the Emissary or Sluice , shall have the same proportion to the abatement of the Lake , and to prove thorowly and clearly this discourse , I intend to demonstrate the following Proposition . That which hath been demonstrated in the Vessel , falls out exactly also in our Lake of Perugia , and its Emissary ; and because the immensity of the superficies of the Lake is in proportion to the superficies of the Emissary or Sluice , as many millions to one , as may be easily calculated ; it is manifest , that such abatement shall be imperceptible , and almost nothing , in two dayes space , nay in four or six : and all this will be true , when we suppose that for that time there entreth no other Water into the Lake from Ditches or Rivolets , which falling into the Lake would render such abatement yet less . Now we see , that it 's necessary to examine such abatements and risings , with excellent reasons , or at least , with accurate experiments , before we resolve and conclude any thing ; and how farre the vulgar are distant from a right judgement in such matters . APPENDIX XIII . FOR greater confirmation of all this which I have said , I will instance in another like case , which also I met with heretofore , wherein , for that the business was not rightly understood , many disorders , vast expences , and considerable mischiefs have followed . There was heretofore an Emissary or Sluice made to drain the Waters , which from Rains , Springs , and Rivolets fall into a Lake ; to the end , the shores adjoyning on the Lake , should be free from the overflowing of the Waters ; but because perhaps the enterprize was not well managed and carried on , it fell out , that the Fields adjacent to the said Chanel could not drain , but continued under water ; to which disorders a present remedy hath been used , namely , in a time convenient to stop up the Sluice , by meanes of certain Floodgates kept on purpose for that end ; and thus abating the Level of the Water in the Emissary , in the space of three or four dayes , the Fields have been haply drained . But on the other part , the proprietors bordering on the Lake opposed this , grievously complaining , that whilst the Floodgates are shut , and the course of the Water of the Sluice hindered , the Lake overflowes the Lands adjacent , by meanes of the Rivers that fell into it , to their very great damage ; and so continuing their suits , they got more of vexation than satisfaction . Now , being asked my opinion herein , I judged it requisite ( since the point in controversie was about the rising and falling of the Lake ) that the said abatement , when the Floodgates are open , and increase when they are shut should be exactly measured , and told them , that it might be easily done at a time when no extraordinary Waters fell into the Lake , neither of Rain , or otherwise ; and the Lake was undisturbed by winds that might drive the Water to any side , by planting neer to an Islet , which is about the middle of the Lake , a thick post , on which should be made the marks of the Lakes rising and falling for two or three dayes . I would not , at that time , pawn , or resolutely declare , my judgment , in regard I might be , by divers accidents misled . But this I told them , that ( by what I have demonstrated , and particularly that which I have said above touching the Lake of Perugia ) I inclined greatly to think , that these risings and fallings would prove imperceptible , and inconsiderable ; and therefore , that in case experience should make good my reason , it would be to no purpose for them to continue disputing and wrangling , which causeth , ( according to the Proverb ) A great deal of cry , but produceth not much Wool. Lastly , it importing very much to know what a Rain continued for many dayes can do in raising these Lakes , I will here insert the Copy of a Letter , which I writ formerly to Signior Galilaeo Galilaei , chief Philosopher to the Grand Duke of Tuscany , wherein I have delivered one of my conceits in this businesse , and it may be , by this Letter , I may , more strongly , confirm what I have said above . The Copy of a Letter to Signore GALILAEO GALILAEI , Chief Philosopher to the most Serene Great Duke of TVSCANY . Worthy and most Excellent SIR , IN satisfaction of my promise , in my former Letters of representing unto you some of my Considerations made upon the Lake Thrasimeno , I say , That in times past , being in Perugia , where we held our General Convention , having understood that the Lake Thrasimeno , by the great drought of many Moneths was much abated , It came into my head , to go privately and see this novelty , both for my particular satisfaction , as also that I might be able to relate the whole to my Patrons , upon the certitude of my own sight of the place . And so being come to the Emissary of the Lake , I found that the Level of the Lakes surface was ebbed about five Roman Palmes of its wonted watermark , insomuch that it was lower than the transome of the mouth of the Emissary , by the length of — this described line , and therefore no Water issued out of the Lake , to the great prejudice of all the places and villages circumjacent , in regard that the Water which used to run from the said Lake turned 22 Mills , which not going , necessitated the inhabitants of those parts to go a dayes journey and more , to grinde upon the Tiber. Being returned to Perugia , there followed a Rain , not very great , but constant , and even , which lasted for the space of eight hours , or thereabouts ; and it came into my thoughts to examine , being in Perugia , how much the Lake was increased and raised by this Rain , supposing ( as it was probable enough ) that the Rain had been universal over all the Lake ; and like to that which fell in Perugia , and to this purpose I took a Glasse formed like a Cylinder , about a palme high , and half a palme broad ; and having put in water sufficient to cover the bottome of the Glasse , I noted diligently the mark of the height of the Water in the Glasse , and afterwards exposed it to the open weather , to receive the Raine-water , which fell into it ; and I let it stand for the space of an hour ; and having observed that in that time the Water was risen in the Vessel the height of the following line — , I considered that if I had exposed to the same rain such other vessels equal to that , the Water would have risen in them all according to that measure : And thereupon concluded , that also in all the whole extent of the Lake , it was necessary the Water should be raised in the space of an hour the same measure . Yet here I considered two difficulties that might disturb and altar such an effect , or at least render it inobserveable , which afterwards well weighed , and resolved , left me ( as I will tell you anon ) in the conclusion the more confirmed ; that the Lake ought to be increased in the space of eight hours , that the rain lasted eight times that measure . And whilst I again exposed the Glass to repeat the experiment , there came unto me an Ingeneer to talk with me touching certain affairs of our Monastary of Perugia , and discoursing with him , I shewed him the Glass out at my Chamber-window , exposed in a Court-yard ; and communicated to him my fancy , relating unto him all that I had done . But I soon perceived that this brave fellow conceited me to be but of a dull brain , for he smiling said unto me ; Sir , you deceive your self : I am of opinion that the Lake will not be increased by this rain , so much as the thicknesse of * Julio . Hearing him pronounce this his opinion with freeness and confidence , I urged him to give me some reason for what he said , assuring him , that I would change my judgement , when I saw the strength of his Arguments : To which he answered , that he had been very conversant about the Lake , and was every day upon it , and was well assured that it was not at all increased . And importuning him further , that he would give me some reason for his so thinking , he proposed to my consideration the great drought passed , and that that same rain was nothing for the great parching : To which I answered , I believe Sir that the surface of the Lake , on which the rain had fallen was moistned ; and therefore saw not how its drought , which was nothing at all , could have drunk up any part of the rain . For all this he persisting in his conceit , without yielding in the least to my allegation ; he granted in the end ( I believe in civility to me ) that my reason was plausible and good , but that in practise it could not hold . At last to clear up all , I made one be called , and sent him to the mouth of the Emissary of the Lake , with order to bring me an exact account , how he found the water of the Lake , in respect of the Transome of the Sluice . Now here , Signore Galilaeo , I would not have you think that I had brought the matter in hand to concern me in my honour ; but believe me ( and there are witnesses of the same still living ) that my messenger returning in the evening to Perugia , he brought me word , that the water of the Lake began to run through the Cave ; and that it was risen almost a fingers breadth above the Transome : Insomuch , that adding this measure , to that of the lowness of the surface of the Lake , beneath the Transome before the rain , it was manifest that the rising of the Lake caused by the rain , was to a hair those four fingers breadth that I had judged it to be . Two dayes after I had another bout with the Ingeneer , and related to him the whole business , to which he knew not what to answer . Now the two difficulties which I thought of , able to impede my conclusion , were these following : first , I considered that it might be , that the Wind blowing from the side where the Sluice stood , to the Lake-ward ; the mole and mass of the Water of the Lake might be driven to the contrary shore ; on which the Water rising , it might be fallen at the mouth of the Emissary , and so the observation might be much obscured . But this difficulty wholly vanished by reason of the Aires great tranquility ; which it kept at that time , for no Wind was stirring on any side , neither whilst it rained , nor afterwards . The second difficulty which put the rising in doubt , was , That having observed in Florence , and elsewhere , those Ponds into which the rain-water , falling from the house , is conveyed through the Common-shores : And that they are not thereby ever filled , but that they swallow all that abundance of water , that runs into them by those conveyances which serve them with water ; insomuch that those conveyances which in time of drought maintain the Pond , when there come new abundance of water into the Pond , they drink it up , and swallow it : A like effect might also fall out in the Lake , in which there being many veins ( as it is very likely ) that maintain and feed the Lake ; these veins might imbibe the new addition of the Rain-water , and so by that means annull the rising ; or else diminish it in such sort , as to render it inobservable . But this difficulty was easily resolved by considering my Treatise of the measure of Running-Waters ; forasmuch as having demonstrated , that the abatement of a Lake beareth the reciprocal proportion to the velocity of the Emissary , which the measure of the Section of the Emissary of the Lake , hath to the measure of the surface of the Lake : making the calculation and account , though in gross ; by supposing that its veins were sufficiently large , and that the velocity in them were notable in drinking up the water of the Lake ; yet I found nevertheless , that many weeks and moneths would be spent in drinking up the new-come abundance of water by the rain , so that I rested sure , that the rising would ensue , as in effect it did . And because many of accurate judgement , have again caused me to question this rising , setting before me , that the Earth being parched by the great drought , that had so long continued , it might be , that that Bank of Earth which environed the brink of the Lake , being dry , and imbibing great abundance of Water from the increasing Lake , would not suffer it to increase in height : I say therefore , that if we would rightly consider this doubt here proposed , we should , in the very consideration of it , see it resolved ; for , it being supposed that that list or border of Banks which was to be occupied by the increase of the Lake , be a Brace in breadth quite round the Lake , and that by reason of its dryness it sucks in water , and that by that means this proportion of water co-operates not in raising of the Lake : It is absolutely necessary on the other hand , that we consider , That the Circuit of the water of the Lake being thirty miles , as it s commonly held , that is to say , Ninety thousand Braces of Florence in compass ; and therefore admitting for true , that each Brace of this Bank drink two quarts of water , and that for the spreading it require three quarts more , we shall finde , that the whole agregate of this portion of water , which is not imployed in the raising of the Lake , will be four hundred and fifty thousand Quarts of water ; and supposing that the Lake be sixty square miles , three thousand Braces long , we shall finde , that to dispence the water possest by the Bank about the Lake , above the total surface of the Lake , it ought to be spread so thin , that one sole quart of water may over-spread ten thousand square Braces of surface : such a thinness , as must much exceed that of a leaf of beaten Gold , and also less than that skin of water which covers the Bubbles of it : and such would that be , which those men would have substracted from the rising of the Lake : But again , in the space of a quarter of an hour at the beginning of the rain , all that Bank is soaked by the said rain , so that we need not for the moistning of it , imploy a drop of that water which falleth into the Lake . Besides we have not brought to account that abundance of water which runs in time of rain into the Lake , from the steepness of the adjacent Hills and Mountains ; which would be enough to supply all our occasions : So that , neither ought we for this reason to question our pretended rising . And this is what hath fallen in my way touching the consideration of the Thrasimenian Lake . After which , perhaps somewhat rashly , wandring beyond my bounds , I proceeded to another contemplation , which I will relate to you , hoping that you will receive it , as collected with these cautions requisite in such like affairs ; wherein we ought not too positively to affirm any thing of our own heads for certain , but ought to submit all to the sound and secure deliberation of the Holy Mother-Church , as I do this of mine , and all others ; most ready to change my judgement , and conform my self alwaies to the deliberations of my Superiors . Continuing therefore my above-said conceit about the rising of the water in the glass tried before , it came into my minde , that the forementioned rain having been very gentle , it might well be , that if there should have faln a Rain fifty , an hundred , or a thousand times greater than this , and much more intense ( which would insue as oft as those falling drops were four , five or ten times bigger than those of the above-mentioned rain , keeping the same number ) in such a case its manifest , that in the space of an hour the Water would rise in our Glass , two , three , and perhaps more Yards or Braces ; and consequently , if such a Raine should fall upon a Lake , that the said Lake would rise , according to the same rate : And likewise , if such a Rain were universall , over the whole Terrestriall Globe , it would necessarily , in the space of an hour , make a rising of two , or three braces round about the said Globe . And because we have from Sacred Records , that in the time of the Deluge , it rained fourty dayes and fourty nights ; namely , for the space of 960 houres ; its clear , that if the said Rain had been ten times bigger than ours at Perugia , the rising of the Waters above the Terrestrial Globe would reach and pass a mile higher than the tops of the Hills and Mountains that are upon the superficies of the Earth ; and they also would concur to increase the rise . And therefore I conclude , that the rise of the Waters of the Deluge have a rational congruity with natural Discourses , of which I know very well that the eternal truths of the Divine leaves have no need ; but however I think so clear an agreement is worthy of our consideration , which gives us occasion to adore and admire the greatnesse of God in his mighty Works , in that we are sometimes able , in some sort , to measure them by the short Standard of our Reason . Many Lessons also may be deduced from the same Doctrine , which I passe by , for that every man of himself may easily know them , having once stablished this Maxime ; That it is not possible to pronounce any thing , of a certainty , touching the quantity of Running Waters , by considering only the single vulgar measure of the Water without the velocity ; and so on the contrary , he that computes only the velocity , without the measure , shall commit very great errours ; for treating of the measure of Running Waters , it is necessary , the water being a body , in handling its quantity , to consider in it all the three dimensions of breadth , depth , and length : the two first dimensions are observed by all in the common manner , and ordinary way of measuring Running Waters ; but the third dimension of length is omitted ; and haply such an oversight is committed , by reason the length of Running Water is reputed in some sense infinite , in that it never ceaseth to move away , and as infinite is judged incomprehensible ; and such as that there is no exact knowledge to be had thereof ; & so there comes to be no account made thereof ; but if we should make strict reflection upon our consideration of the velocity of Water , we should find , that keeping account of the same , there is a reckoning also made of the length ; forasmuch as whilst we say , the Water of such a Spring runs with the velocity of passing a thousand or two thousand paces an hour : this in substance is no other than if we had said , such a Fountain dischargeth in an hour a Water of a thousand or two thousand paces long . So that , albeit the total length of Running water be incomprehensible , as being infinite , yet neverthelesse it s rendered intelligible by parts in its velocity . And so much sufficeth to have hinted about this matter , hoping to impart on some other occasion other more accurate Observations in this affair . LAVS DEO . GEOMETRICAL DEMONSTRATIONS OF THE MEASURE OF Running Waters . BY D. BENEDETTO CASTELLI , Abbot of CASSINA , and Mathematician to P. VRBAN . VIII . DEDICATED To the most Illustrious , and most Excellent Prince DON THADDEO BARBERINI , PRINCE OF PALESTRINA , AND GENERAL of the HOLY CHURCH . LONDON , Printed Anno Domini , MDCLXI . OF THE MENSURATION OF Running Waters . SUPPOSITION I. LEt it be supposed , that the banks of the Rivers of which we speak be erected perpendicular to the plane of the upper superficies of the River . SUPPOSITION II. WE suppose that the plane of the bottome of the River , of which we speak is at right angles with the banks . SUPPOSITION III. IT is to be supposed , that we speak of Rivers , when they are at ebbe , in that state of shallownesse , or at flowing ; in that state of deepnesse , and not in their transition from the ebbe to the flowing or from the flowing to the ebbe . Declaration of Termes . FIRST . IF a River shall be cut by a Plane at right angles to the surface of the water of the River , and to the banks of the River , that same dividing Plane we call the Section of the River ; and this Section , by the Suppositions above , shall be a right angled Parallelogram . SECOND . WE call those Sections equally Swift , by which the water runs with equal velocity ; and more swift and less swift that Section of another , by which the water runs with greater or lesse velocity . AXIOME I. SEctions equal , and equally swift , discharge equal quantities of Water in equal times . AXIOME II. SEctions equally swift , and that discharge equal quantity of Water , in equal time , shall be equal . AXIOME III. SEctions equal , and that discharge equal quantities of Water in equal times , shall be equally swift . AXIOME IV. WHen Sections are unequal , but equally swift , the quantity of the Water that passeth through the first Section , shall have the same proportion to the quantity that passeth through the Second , that the first Section hath to the second Section . Which is manifest , because the velocity being the same , the difference of the Water that passeth shall be according to the difference of the Sections . AXIOME V. IF the Sections shall be equal , and of unequal velocity , the quantity of the Water that passeth through the first , shall have the same proportion to that which passeth through the second , that the velocity of the first Section , shall have to the velocity of the second Section . Which also is manifest , because the Sections being equal , the difference of the Water which passeth , dependeth on the velocity . PETITION . A Section of a River being given , we may suppose another equal to the given , of different breadth , height , and velocity . PROPOSITION I. The Sections of the same River discharge equal quantities of Water in equal times , although the Sections themselves he unequal . LEt the two Sections be A and B , in the River C , running from A , towards B ; I say , that they discharge equal quantity of Water in equal times ; for if greater quantity of Water should pass through A , than passeth through B , it would follow that the Water in the intermediate space of the River C , would increase continually , which is manifestly false , but if more Water should issue through the Section B , than entreth at the Section A , the Water in the intermediate space C , would grow continually less , and alwaies ebb , which is likewise false ; therefore the quantity of Water that passeth through the Section B , is equal to the quantity of Water which passeth through the Section A , and therefore the Sections of the same River discharge , &c. Which was to be demonstrated . PROPOSITION II. In two Sections of Rivers , the quantity of the Water which passeth by one Section , is to that which passeth by the second , in a Proportion compounded of the proportions of the first Section to the second , and of the velocitie through the first , to the velocitie of the second . LEt A , and B be two Sections of a River ; I say , that the quantity of Water which passeth through A , is to that which passeth through B , in a proportion compounded of the proportions of the first Section A , to the Section B ; and of the velocity through A , to the velocity through B : Let a Section be supposed equal to the Section A , in magnitude ; but of velocity equal to the Section B , and let it be G ; and as the Section A is to the Section B , so let the line F be to the line D ; and as the velocity A , is to the velocity by B , so let the line D be to the line R : Therefore the Water which passeth thorow A , shall be to that which passeth through G ( in regard the Sections A and G are of equal bigness , but of unequal velocity ) as the velocity through A , to the velocity through G ; But as the velocity through A , is to the velocity through G , so is the velocity through A , to the velocity through B ; namely , as the line D , to the line R : therefore the quantity of the Water which passe the through A , shall be to the quantity which passeth through G , as the line D is to the line R ; but the quantity which passeth through G , is to that which passeth through B , ( in regard the Sections C , and B , are equally swift ) as the Section G to the Section B ; that is , as the Section A , to the Section B ; that is , as the line F , to the line D : Therefore by the equal and perturbed proportionality , the quantity of the Water which passeth through A , hath the same proportion to that which passeth through B , that the line F hath to the line R ; but F to R , hath a proportion compounded of the proportions of F to D , and of D to R ; that is , of the Section A to the Section B ; and of the velocity through A , to the velocity through B : Therefore also the quantity of Water which passeth through the Section A , shall have a proportion to that which passeth through the Section B , compounded of the proportions of the Section A , to the Section B , and of the velocity through A , to the velocity through B : And therefore in two Sections of Rivers , the quantity of Water which passeth by the first , &c. which was to be demonstrated . COROLLARIE . THe same followeth , though the quantity of the Water which passeth through the Section A , be equal to the quantity of Water which passeth through the Section B , as is manifest by the same demonstration . PROPOSITION III. In two Sections unequal , through which pass equal quantities of Water in equal times , the Sections have to one another , reciprocal proportion to their velocitie . LEt the two unequal Sections , by which pass equal quantities of Water in equal times be A , the greater ; and B , the lesser : I say , that the Section A , shall have the same Proportion to the Section B , that reciprocally the velocity through B , hath to the velocity through A ; for supposing that as the Water that passeth through A , is to that which passeth through B , so is the line E to the line F : therefore the quantity of water which passeth through A , being equal to that which passeth through B , the line E shall also be equal to the line F : Supposing moreover , That as the Section A , is to the Section B , so is the line F , to the line G ; and because the quantity of water which passeth through the Section A , is to that which passeth through the Section B , in a proportion composed of the proportions of the Section A , to the Section B , and of the velocity through A , to the velocity through B ; therefore the line E , shall be the line to F , in a proportion compounded of the same proportions ; namely , of the proportion of the Section A , to the Section B , and of the velocity through A , to the velocity through B ; but the line E , hath to the line G , the proportion of the Section A , to the Section B , therefore the proportion remaining of the line G , to the line F , shall be the proportion of the velocity through A , to the velocity through B ; therefore also the line G , shall be to the line E , as the velocity by A , to the velocity by B : And conversly , the velocity through B , shall be to the velocity through A , as the line E , to the line G ; that is to say , as the Section A , to the Section B , and therefore in two Sections , &c. which was to be demonstrated . COROLLARIE . HEnce it is manifest , that Sections of the same River ( which are no other than the vulgar measures of the River ) have betwixt themselves reciprocal proportions to their velocities ; for in the first Proposition we have demonstrated that the Sections of the same River , discharge equal quantities of Water in equal times ; therefore , by what hath now been demonstrated the Sections of the same River shall have reciprocal proportion to their velocities ; And therefore the same running water changeth measure , when it changeth velocity ; namely , increaseth the measure , when it decreaseth the velocity , and decreaseth the measure , when it increaseth the velocity . On which principally depends all that which hath been said above in the Discourse , and observed in the Corollaries and Appendixes ; and therefore is worthy to be well understood and heeded . PROPOSITION IV. If a River fall into another River , the height of the first in its own Chanel shall be to the height that it shall make in the second Chanel , in a proportion compounded of the proportions of the breadth of the Chanel of the second , to the breadth of the Chanel of the first , and of the velocitie acquired in the Chanel of the second , to that which it had in its proper and first Chanel . LEt the River AB , whose height is AC , and breadth CB , that is , whose Section is ACB ; let it enter , I say , into another River as broad as the line EF , and let it therein make the rise or height DE , that is to say , let it have its Section in the River whereinto it falls DEF ; I say , that the height AC hath to the height DE the proportion compounded of the proportions of the breadth EF , to the breadth CB , and of the velocity through DF , to the velocity through AB . Let us suppose the Section G , equal in velocity to the Section AB , and in breadth equal to EF , which carrieth a quantity of Water equal to that which the Section AB carrieth , in equal times , and consequently , equal to that which DF carrieth . Moreover , as the breadth EF is to the breadth CB , so let the line H be to the line I ; and as the velocity of DF is to the velocity of AB , so let the line I be to the Line L ; because therefore the two Sections AB and G are equally swift , and discharge equal quantity of Water in equal times , they shall be equal Sections ; and therefore the height of AB to the height of G , shall be as the breadth of G , to the breadth of AB , that is , as EF to CB , that is , as the line H to the line I : but because the Water which passeth through G , is equal to that which passeth through DEF , therefore the Section G , to the Section DEF , shall have the reciprocal proportion of the velocity through DEF , to the velocity through G ; but also the height of G , is to the height DE , as the Section G , to the Section DEF : Therefore the height of G , is to the height DE , as the velocity through DEF , is to the velocity through G ; that is , as the velocity through DEF , is to the velocity through AB ; That is , finally , as the line I , to the line L ; Therefore , by equal proportion , the height of AB , that is , AC , shall be to the height DE ; as H to L , that is , compounded of the proportions of the breadth EF , to the breadth CB , and of the velocity through DF , to the velocity through AB : So that if a River fall into another River , &c. which was to be demonstrated . PROPOSITION V. If a River discharge a certain quantitie of Water in a certain time ; and after that there come into it a Flood , the quantity of Water which is discharged in as much time at the Flood , is to that which was discharged before , whilst the River was low , in a proportion compounded of the proportions of the velocity of the Flood , to the velocity of the first Water , and of the height of the Flood , to the height of the first Water . SUppose a River , which whilst it is low , runs by the Section AF ; and after a Flood cometh into the same , and runneth through the Section DF , I say , that the quantity of the Water which is discharged through DF , is to that which is discharged through AF , in a proportion compounded of the proportions of the velocity through DF , to the velocity through AF , and of the height DB , to the height AB ; As the velocity through DF is to the velocity through AF , so let the line R , to the line S ; and as the height DB is to the height AB , so let the line S , to the line T ; and let us suppose a Section LMN , equal to DF in height and breadth ; that is LM equal to DB , and MN equal to BF ; but let it be in velocity equal to the Section AF , therefore the quantity of Water which runneth through DF , shall be to that which runneth through LN , as the velocity through DF , is to the velocity through LN , that is , to the velocity through AF ; and the line R being to the line S , as the velocity through DF , to the velocity through AF ; therefore the quantity which runneth through DF , to that which runneth through LN , shall have the proportion of R to S ; but the quantity which runneth through LN , to that which runneth through AF , ( the Sections being equally swift ) shall be in proportion as the Section LN , to the Section AF ; that is , as DB , to AB ; that is as the line S , to the line T : Therefore by equal proportion , the quantity of the water which runneth through DF , shall be in proportion to that which runneth through AF , as R is to T ; that is , compounded of the proportions of the height DB , to the height AB , and of the velocity through DF , to the velocity through AF ; and therefore if a River discharge a certain quantity , &c. which was to be demonstrated . ANNOTATION . THe same might have been demonstrated by the second Proposition above demonstrated , as is manifest . PROPOSITION VI. If two equal streams of the same Torrent , fall into a River at divers times , the heights made in the River by the Torrent , shall have between themselves the reciprocal proportion of the velocities acquired in the River . LEt A and B , be was equal streams of the same Torrent , which falling into a River at divers times , make the heights CD , and FG ; that is the stream A , maketh the height CD , and the stream B , maketh the height FG ; that is , Let their Sections in the River , into which they are fallen , be CE , and FH ; I say , that the height CD , shall be to the height FG , in reciprocal proportion , as the velocity through FH , to the velocity through CE ; for the quantity of water which passeth through A , being equal to the quantity which passeth through B , in equal times ; also the quantity which passeth through CE , shall be equal to that which passeth through FH : And therefore the proportion that the Section CE , hath to the Section FH ; shall be the same that the velocity through FH , hath to the velocity through CE ; But the Section CE , is to the Section FH , as CD , to FG , by reason they are of the same breadth : Therefore CD , shall be to FG , in reciprocal proportion , as the velocity through FH , is to the velocity through CE , and therefore if two equal streams of the same Torrent , &c. which was to be demonstrated . OF THE MENSURATION OF Running Waters . Lib. II. HAving , in the close of my Treatise of the Mensuration of Running Waters promised to declare upon another occasion other particulars more obscure , and of very great concern upon the same argument : I now do perform my promise on the occasion that I had the past year 1641. to propound my thoughts touching the state of the Lake of Venice , a business certainly most important , as being the concernment of that most noble and most admirable City ; and indeed of all Italy , yea of all Europe , Asia , & Africa ; & one may truly say of all the whole World. And being to proceed according to the method necessary in Sciences , I wil propose , in the first place certain Definitions of those Terms whereof we are to make use in our Discourse : and then , laying down certain Principles we will demonstrate some Problemes and Theoremes necessary for the understanding of those things which we are to deliver ; and moreover , recounting sundry cases that have happened , we will prove by practice , of what utility this contemplation of the Measure of Running Waters is in the more important affairs both Publique and Private . DEFINITION I. TWo Rivers are said to move with equal velocity , when in equal times they passe spaces of equal length . DEFINITION II. RIvers are said to move with like velocity , when their proportional parts do move alike , that is , the upper parts alike to the upper , and the lower to the lower ; so that if the upper part of one River shall be more swift than the upper part of another ; then also the lower part of the former shall be more swift than the part correspondent to it in the second , proportionally . DEFINITION III. TO measure a River , or running Water , is in our sense to finde out how many determinate measures , or weights of Water in a given time passeth through the River , or Channel of the Water that is to be measured . DEFINITION IV. IF a Machine be made either of Brick , or of Stone , or of Wood , so composed that two sides of the said Machine be placed at right angles upon the ends of a third side , that is supposed to be placed in the bottom of a River , parallel to the Horizon , in such a manner , that all the water which runneth through the said River , passeth thorow the said Machine : And if all the water coming to be diverted that runneth through the said River , the upper superficies of that third side placed in the bottom do remain uncovered and dry , and that the dead water be not above it ; This same Machine shall be called by us * REGULATOR : And that third side of the Machine which standeth Horizontally is called the bottom of the Regulator ; and the other two sides , are called the banks of the Regulator ; as is seen in this first Figure : ABCD , shall be the Regulator ; BC the bottom ; and the other two sides AB , and CD are its banks . DEFINITION V. BY the quick height , we mean the Perpendicular from the upper superficie of the River , unto the upper superficies of the bottom of the Regulator ; as in the foregoing Figure the line . GH . DEFINITION VI. IF the water of a River be supposed to be marked by three sides of a Regulator , that Rightangled Parallelogram comprehended between the banks of the Regulator , and the bottom , and the superficies of the Water is called a Section of the River . ANNOTATION . HEre it is to be noted , that the River it self may have sundry and divers heights , in several parts of its Chanel , by reason of the various velocities of the water , and its measures ; as hath been demonstrated in the first book . SUPPOSITION I. IT is supposed , that the Rivers equal in breadth , and quick height , that have the same inclination of bed or bottom , ought also to have equal velocities , the accidental impediments being removed that are dispersed throughout the course of the water , and abstracting also from the external windes , which may velocitate , and retard the course of the water of the River . SUPPOSITION II. LEt us suppose also , that if there be two Rivers that are in their beds of equal length , and of the same inclination , but of quick heights unequal , they ought to move with like velocity , according to the sense explained in the second definition . SUPPOSITION III. BEcause it will often be requisite to measure the time exactly in the following Problems , we take that to be an excellent way to measure the time , which was shewed me many years since by Signore Galilaeo Galilaei , which is as followeth . A string is to be taken three Roman feet long , to the end of which a Bullet of Lead is to be hanged , of about two or three ounces ; and holding it by the other end , the Plummet is to be removed from its perpendicularity a Palm , more or less , and then let go , which will make many swings to and again , passing and repassing the Perpendicular , before that it stay in the same : Now it being required to measure the time that is spent in any whatsoever operation , those vibrations are to be numbred , that are made whilst the work lasteth ; and they shall be so many second minutes of an hour , if so be , that the string be three Roman feet long , but in shorter strings , the vibrations are more frequent , and in longer , less frequent ; and all this still followeth , whether the Plummet be little or much removed from its Perpendicularity , or whether the weight of the Lead be greater or lesser . These things being pre-supposed , we will lay down some familiar Problems , from which we shall pass to the Notions and questions more subtil and curious ; which will also prove profitable , and not to be sleighted in this business of Waters . PROPOSITION I. PROBLEME I. A Chanel of Running-Water being given , the breadth of which passing through a Regulator , is three Palms ; and the height one Palm , little more or less , to measure what water passeth through the Regulator in a time given . FIrst , we are to dam up the Chanel ; so that there pass not any water below the Dam ; then we must place in the side of the Chanel , in the parts above the Regulator three , or four , or five Bent-pipes , or Syphons , according to the quantity of the water that runneth along the Chanel ; in such sort , as that they may drink up , or draw out of the Chanel all the water that the Chanel beareth ( and then shall we know that the Syphons drink up all the water , when we see that the water at the Dam doth neither rise higher , nor abate , but alwaies keepeth in the same Level . ) These things being prepared , taking the Instrument to measure the time , we will examine the quantity of the water that issueth by one of those Syphons in the space of twenty vibrations , and the like will we do one by one with the other Syphons ; and then collecting the whole summe , we will say , that so much is the water that passeth and runneth thorow the Regulator or Chanel ( the Dam being taken away ) in the space of twenty second minutes of an hour ; and calculating , we may easily reduce it to hours , dayes , months , and years : And it hath fallen to my turn to measure this way the waters of Mills and Fountains , and I have been well assured of its exactness , by often repeating the same work . CONSIDERATION . ANd this method must be made use of in measuring the waters , that we are to bring into Conducts , and carry into Cities and Castles , for Fountains ; and that we may be able afterwards to divide and share them to particular persons justly ; which will prevent infinite suits and controversies that every day happen in these matters . PROPOSITION II. THEOREM . I. If a River moving with such a certain velocitie through its Regulator , shall have a given quick height , and afterwards by new water shall increase to be double , it shall also increase double in velocitie . LEt the quick height of a River in the Regulator ABCD , be the perpendicular FB , and afterwards , by new water that is added to the River , let the water be supposed to be raised to G , so that GB may be double to EB . I say , that all the water GC shall be double in velocity to that of EC : For the water GF , having for its bed the bottom EF , equally inclined as the bed BC , and its quick height GE being equal to the quick height EC , and having the same breadth BC , it shall have of it self a velocity equal to the velocity of the first water FC : but because , besides its own motion , which is imparted to it by the motion of the water EC , it hath also over and above its own motion , the motion of EC . And because the two waters GC , and EC , are alike in velocity , by the third Supposition ; therefore the whole water GC shall be double in velocity to the water EC ; which was that which we were to demonstrate . This demonstration is not here inserted , as perfect , the Authour having by several letters to his friends confessed himself unsatisfied therewith ; and that he intended not to publish the Theorem without a more solid demonstration , which he was in hope to light upon . But being overtaken by Death , he could not give the finishing touch either to this , or to the rest of the second Book . In consideration of which , it seemed good to the Publisher of the same , rather to omit it , than to do any thing contrary to the mind of the Authour . And this he hints , by way of advertisement , to those that have Manuscript Copies of this Book , with the said demonstration . For this time let the Reader content himself with the knowledge of so ingenious and profitable a Conclusion ; of the truth of which he may , with small expence and much pleasure , be assured by means of the experiment to be made in the same manner , with that which is laid down in the second Corollary of the fourth Theorem of this , with its Table , and the use thereof annexed . COROLLARIE HEnce it followeth , that when a River increaseth in quick height by the addition of new water , it also increaseth in velocity ; so that the velocity hath the same proportion to the velocity that the quick height hath to the quick height ; as may be demonstrated in the same manner . PROPOS . III. PROBLEME II. A Chanel of Water being given whose breadth exceeds not twenty Palms , or thereabouts and whose quick height is less than five Palms , to measure the quantity of the Water that runneth thorow the Chanel in a time given . PLace in the Chanel a Regulator , and observe the quick height in the said Regulator ; then let the water be turned away from the Chanel by a Chanellet of three or four Palms in breadth , or thereabouts : And that being done , measure the quantity of the water which passeth thorow the said Chanellet , as hath been taught in the second Proposition ; and at the same time observe exactly how much the quick height shall be abated in the greater Chanel , by means of the diversion of the Chanellet ; and all these particulars being performed , multiply the quick height of the greater Chanel into it self , and likewise multiply into it self the lesser height of the said bigger Chanel , and the lesser square being taken , from the greater , the remainder shall have the same proportion to the whole greater square , as the water of the Chanellet diverted , hath to the water of the bigger Chanel : And because the water of the Chanellet is known by the Method said down in the first Theorem , and the terms of the Theorem being also known , the quantity of the water which runneth thorow the bigger Chanel , shall be also known by the Golden Rule , which was that that was desired to be known . We will explain the whole business by an example . Let a Chanel be , for example , 15 Palms broad , its quick height before its diversion by the Chanellet shall be supposed to be 24 inches ; but after the diversion , let the quick height of the Chanel be onely 22 inches . Therefore the greater height to the lesser , is as the number 11. to 12. But the square of 11. is 121 , and the square of 12. is 144 , the difference between the said lesser square and the greater is 23. Therefore the diverted water , is to the whole water , as 23. to 144 : which is well near as 1 to 6● : and that is the proportion that the quantity of the water which runneth through the Chanellet shall have , to all the water that runneth thorow the great Chanel . Now if we should finde by the Rule mentioned above in the first Proposition , that the quantity of the water that runneth through the Chanellet , is v. g. an hundred Barrels , in the space of 15 second minutes of an hour , it is manifest , that the water which runneth through the great Chanel in the said time of 35 min. sec. shall be about 600 Barrels . The same operation performed another way . ANd because very often in applying the Theory to Practice it happeneth , that all the necessary particulars in the Theory cannot so easily be put in execution ; therefore we will here add another way of performing the same Problem , if it should chance to happen that the Chanellet could not commodiously be diverted from the great Chanel , but that it were easier for the water of another smaller Chanel to be brought into the greater Chanel ; which water of the smaller Chanel might be easily measured , as hath been shewen in the first Probleme ; or in case that there did fall into a greater Chanel , a lesser Chanel that might be diverted and measured . Therefore I say in the first case , If we would measure the quantity of the water that runneth in a certain time thorow the greater Chanel , into which another lesser Chanel that is measurable may be brought , we must first exactly measure the Chanellet , and then observe the quick height of the greater Chanel , before the introduction of the lesser ; and having brought in the said Chanellet , we must agnin find the proportion that the water of the Chanellet hath to all the water of the great Chanel ; for these terms of the proportion being known , as also the quantity of the water of the Chanellet , we shall also come to know the quantity of the water that runneth thorow the great Chanel . It is likewise manifest , that we shall obtain our intent , if the case were that there entered into the great Chanel , another lesser Chanel that was measurable , and that might be diverted . CONSIDERATION . IT would be necessary to make use of this Doctrine in the distribution of the waters that are imploy'd to overflow the fields , as is used in the Brescian , Cremonese , Bergamase , Lodigian , Milanese , territories , and many other places , where very great suits and differences arise , which not being to be determined with intelligible reasons , come oftentimes to be decided , by force of armes ; and instead of flowing their Grounds with Waters , they cruelly flow them with the shedding of humane blood , impiously inverting the course of Peace and Justice , sowing such disorders and feuds , as that they are sometimes accompanied with the ruine of whole Cities , or else unprofitably charge them with vain , and sometimes prejudicial expences . PROPOS . IV. THEOR. II. If a River increase in quick height , the quantitie of Water which the River dischargeth after the increase , hath the Proportion compounded of the Proportions of the Quick height to the Quick height , and of the velocity to the velocity . LEt there be a River , which whilst it is low , runneth thorow the Regulator DF , with the Quick height AB , and afterwards let a Flood come ; and then let it run with the height DB , I say , that the quantity of the Water that is discharged through DF , to that which dischargeth through AF , hath the proportion compounded of the proportions of the velocity through DF to the velocity through AF , and of the height DB to the height AB . As the velocity through DF is to the velocity through AF , so let the line R be to the line S ; and as the height DB is to the height AB ; so let the line S be to the line T. And let a Section be supposed LMN equal to the Section DF in height and length , but let it be in velocity equal to the Section AF. Therefore the quantity of the Water that runneth through DF to that which runneth through LN , shall be as the velocity through DF , to the velocity of LN , that is , to the velocity through LN , that is , to the velocity through AF. therefore the quantity of Water which runneth through DF , to that which passeth through LN , shall have the proportion that R hath to S ; but the quantity of the Water that runneth through LN , to that which runneth through AF ; ( the Sections being equally swift ) shall have the proportion that the Section LN hath to the Section AF , that is , that the height BD hath to the height BA , that is , that S hath to T. Therefore , by equal proportion , the quantity of the Water which runneth by DF , to that which runneth by AF , shall have the proportion of R to T , that is , shall be compounded of the proportions of the height DB , to the height AB ; and of the velocity through DF , to the velocity through AF. And therefore if a River increase in quick height , the quantity of the Water that runneth after the increase , to that which runneth before the increase , hath the proportion compounded , &c. Which was to be demonstrated . COROLLARIE I. HEnce it followeth , that we having shewn , that the quantity of the Water which runneth , whilst the River is high , to that which ran , whilst it was low , hath the proportion compounded of the velocity to the velocity , and of the height to the height . And it having been demonstrated , that the velocity to the velocity is as the height to the height ; it followeth , I say , that the quantity of the Water that runneth , whilst the River is high , to that which runneth , whilst it is low , hath duplicate proportion of the height to the height , that is , the proportion that the squares of the heights have . COROLLARIE II. VPon which things dependeth the reason of that which I have said , in my second Consideration , that if by the diversion of59. of the Water that entereth by the Rivers into the Moor or Fen , the Water be abated such a measure , that same shall be only one third of its whole height ; but moreover diverting the 49 , it shall abate two other thirds , a most principal point ; and such , that it s not having been well understood , hath caused very great disorders , and there would now , more than ever , follow extream dammage , if one should put in execution the diversion of the Sile and other Rivers ; and it is manifest , that in the same manner , wherewith it hath been demonstrated , that the quantity of the Water increasing quadruple , the height would increase onely double , and the quantity increasing nonuple , the height increaseth triple ; so that , by adding to units all the odde numbers , according to their Series , the heights increase according to the natural progression of all the numbers , from units . As for example , there passing thorow a Regulator such a certain quantity of Water in one time ; adding three of those measures , the quick height is two of those parts , which at first was one ; and continuing to adde five of those said measures , the height is three of those parts which at first were one ; and thus adding seven , and then nine , and then 11. and then 13 , &c. the heights shall be 4. then 5 , then 6. then 7 , &c. And for the greater facility of the Work , we have described the following Table , of which we will declare the use : The Table is divided into three Series or Progressions of Numbers : the first Series containeth all the Numbers in the Natural Progression , beginning at a Unit , and is called the Series of the Heights ; the second containeth all the odde numbers , beginning at an unit , and is called the Series of the Additions : the third containeth all the square numbers , beginning at an unit , and is called the Series of Quantity . Heights . 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Additions . 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 Quantities . 1 4 9 16 25 36 49 64 81 100 121 The use of the afore-mentioned Table . FIrst , if we suppose the whole quick height of a River of Running Water to be divided into any number of equal parts , at pleasure , and would abate the same one fift , by means of a division ; let there be found in the Table in the Series of heights the number 5. the denominator of the part which the River is to abate , and take the number that is immediately under it in the row of Additions , which is 9. which let be substracted from the number 25. placed underneath the same in the row of Quantities , the remainder 16. signifieth that of the 25. parts of Water that ran in the River , whilst it was 5 measures high , there do onely run 16. parts ; so that to make it abate ⅕ it is necessary to take 925 from the Water that the whole River did carry ; so that with substracting somewhat more than one third of the Water of the River , it is abated but only one fift . 2. And thus , in the second place , if on the contrary , one would know how much water is to be added to the said River to make it increase one fift more in height , so as that it may run in the Regulator 6. of those parts high ; of which it ran before but 5. let 6 be found in the row of heights , and let the number 11. standing under the same be taken and added to the number 25. that is placed under the number 9. in the Additions , and 5. in the heights , and you shall have 36 ; which is the quantity of the water that runneth with the height of the River , when it is high 6 of those parts , whereof it was before but 5. 3. But if it should be desired , to know how much water it is requisite to add to make the River rise so , as that it may run in height 8. of those parts of which before it ran but 5 ; one ought to take the sum of the number of the Series of Additions standing under 8. 7. and 6 , which are 15. 13. and 11. that is , 39. and this shall be the summe that must be added to 25 : So that to make the River to run 8. of those parts in height , of which it before did run 5 , it will be necessary to add 39. of those parts , of which the River before was 25. 4. Likewise the same Table giveth the quantity of water that runneth from time to time through a River , that increaseth by the addition of new water to the same in one ▪ of its heights , the quantity of its water be known . As for example : If we knew that the River in one minute of an hour dischargeth 2500. of those measures of water , and runneth in height 5. parts in the Regulator , and afterwards should see that it runneth 8 Palms high , finding in the row of quantity the number placed under 8. which is 64. we would say that the River heightned , carrieth of water 64. of those parts whereof it carried before but 25 ; and because before it carried 2500. measures , by the Golden Rule we will say , that the River carrieth 6400. of those measures , of which before it carried 2500. In this progress of Nature , is one thing really curious , and that at first sight seemeth to be somewhat Paradoxal , that we proceeding ordinately in the diversions and additions , with additions and diversions so unequal , the abatings do notwithstanding alwaies prove equal , and so do the risings : And who would ever think that a River in height , v. g. 10. Palms , running and carrying an hundred measures in a minute of an hour , is to abate but one Palm , onely by the diversion of 19. of those measures ; and then again , that the business cometh to that pass , that it abateth likewise a Palm by the diversion of three onely of those measures , nay , by the diversion of but one measure ? and yet it is most certain : And this truth meets with so manifest proofs in experience , that it is very admirable ! And for the full satisfaction of those , who not being able to comprehend subtil demonstrations , desire to be clearly inform'd by the matters of fact , and to see with their bobily eyes , and touch with their hands , what their understanding and reason cannot reach unto : I will hear add another very easie way to reduce all to an experiment , the which may be made in little , in great , or in very great ; of which I make use frequently , to the admiration of such as see it . I prepared an hundred Siphons , or , if you will , bowed Pipes , all equal ; and placed them at the brim of a Vessel , wherein the water is kept at one and the same level ( whether all the Syphons work , or but a certain number of them ) the mouths by which the water issueth being all placed in the same level , parallel to the Horizon ; but lower in level than the water in the Vessel ; and gathered all the water falling from the Syphons into another Vessel standing lower than the former , I made it to run away thorow a Chanel , in such manner inclined , that wanting water from the Syphons , the said Chanel remained quite dry . And this done , I measured the quick ▪ height of the Chanel with care , and afterwards divided it exactly into 10 equal parts , and causing 19. of those Syphons to be taken away , so that the Chanel did not run water , save onely with 81 of those Syphons , I again observed the quick height of the water in the same site observed before , and found that its height was diminished precisely the tenth part of all its first height ; and thus continuing to take away 17. other Syphons , the height was likewise diminished 1 / 10 of all its first quick height ; and trying to take away 15. Syphons , then 13 , then 11 , then 9 , then 7 , then 5 , and then 3. alwaies in these diversions , made in order as hath been said , there ensued still an abatement of 1 / 10 of the whole height . And here was one thing worthy of observation , that the water encreasing in [ or through ] the Chanel , its quick height was different in different sites of the Chanel , that is still lesser , the more one approached to the Out-let ; notwithstanding which the abatement followed in all places proportionably , that is in all its sites the first part of the height of that site diminished : And moreover the water issued from the Chanel , and dilated into a broader course , from which likewise having divers Out-lets and Mouths ; yet nevertheless in that breadth also the quick heights successively varied and altered in the same proportions . Nor did I here desist my observation , but the water being diminished , that issued from the Syphons , and there being but one of them left that discharged water ; I observed the quick height that it made in the above-said sites , ( the which was likewise 1 / 10 of all the first height ) there being added to the water of that Syphon , the water of three other Syphons ; so that all the water was of 4 Syphons , and consequently quadruple to the first Syphon ; but the quick height was onely double , and adding five Siphons , the quick height became triple , and with adding seven Syphons , the height increased quadruple ; and so by adding of 9. it increased quintuple , and by adding of 11. it increased sextuple , and by adding of 13. it increased septuple , and by adding of 15. octuple , and by adding of 17. nonuple , and lastly by adding 19. Syphons ; so that all the water was centuple to the water of one Syphon , yet nevertheless the quick height of all this water was onely decuple to the first height conjoyned by the water that issued from one onely Syphon . For the more clear understanding of all which , I have made the following Figure ; in which we have the mouth A , that maintaineth the water of the Vessel BC in the same level ; though it continually run ; to the brim of the Vessel are put 25. Syphons ( and there may be many more ) divided into 5 Classes , DEFGH , and the first D , are of one onely Syphon ; the second E , of three Syphons ; the third F , of five ; the fourth G , of 7 ; the fifth H , of 9 ; and one may suppose the sixth of 11 , the seventh of 13 Syphons , and so of the other Classes , all containing in consequent odd numbers successively ( we are content to represent in the Figure no more but the five forenamed Classes to avoid confusion ) the gathered water DEFGH , which runneth thorow the Chanel IKL , and falleth into the out-let MNOP ; and so much sufficeth for the explanation of this experiment . PROPOS . V. PROB. III. Any River of any bigness , if being given to examine the quantity of the Water that runneth thorow the River in a time assigned . BY what we have said already in the two preceding Problems , we may also resolve this that we have now before us ; and it is done , by diverting in the first place from the great River a good big measurable Chanel , as is taught in the second Probleme , and observing the abatement of the River , caused by the diversion of the Chanel ; and finding the proportion that the Water of the Chanel hath to that of the River , then let the Water of the Chanel be measured by the second Probleme , and work as above , and you shall have your desire . CONSIDERATION . I. ANd although it seemeth as if it might prove difficult , and almost impossible to make use of the Regulator number , if one be about to measure the water of some great River , and consequently would be impossible , or at least very difficult to reduce the Theory of the first Probleme into practice : Yet nevertheless , I could say that such great conceits of measuring the water of a great River , are not to come into the minds of any but great Personages , and potent Princes ; of whom it is expected for their extraordinary concerns , that they will make these kinde of enquiries ; as if here in Italy it should be of the Rivers Tyber , Velino , Chiana , Arno , Serchio , Adice , in which it seemeth really difficult to apply the Regulator , to finde exactly the quick height of the River : But because in such like cases sometimes it would turn to account to be at some charge , to come to the exact and true knowledge of the quantity of water which that River carrieth , by knowledge whereof , other greater disbursments might afterwards be avoided , that would oft times be made in vain ; and prevent the disgusts , which sometimes happen amongst Princes : Upon this ground I think it will be well to shew also the way how to make use of the Regulator in these great Rivers ; in which if we will but open our eyes , we shall meet with good ones , and those made without great cost or labour , which will serve our turn . For upon such like Rivers there are Wears , or Lockes made , to cause the Waters to rise , and to turn them for the service of Mills , or the like . Now in these Cases it is sufficient , that one erect upon the two extreames of the Weare two Pilasters either of Wood or Brick , which with the bottome of the Weare do compose our Regulator , wherewith we may make our desired operation , yea the Chanel it self diverted shall serve , without making any other diversion or union . And in brief , if the businesses be but managed by a judicious person , there may wayes and helps be made use of , according to occasion , of which it would be too tedious to speak , and therefore this little that hath been hinted shall suffice . CONSIDERATION II. FRom , what hath been declared , if it shall be well understood , may be deduced many benefits and conveniences , not onely in dividing of Running Waters for infinite uses that they are put to in turning of Corne-Mills , Paper-Mills , Gins , Powder-Mills , Rice-Mills , Iron-Mills , Oil-Mills , Sawing-Mills , Mirtle-Mills , Felling-Mills , Fulling-Mills , Silk-Mills , and such other Machines ; but also in ordering Navigable Chanels , diverting Rivers and Chanels of Waters , or terminating and limiting the sizes of Pipes for Fountains : In all which affairs there are great errours co●●●●●ed , to the losse of much expence , the Chanels and Pipes that are made , sometimes not being sufficient to carry the designed Waters , and sometimes they are made bigger than is necessary ; which disorders shall be avoided , if the Engineer be advised of the things abovesaid : and in case that to these Notions there be added the knowledge of Philosophy and Mathematicks , agreeable to the sublime Discoveries of Signore Galilaeo , and the further improvement thereof by Signore Evangelista Torricelli , Mathematician to the Grand Duke of Tuscany , who hath subtilly and admirably handled this whole businesse of Motion , one shall then come to the knowledge of particular notions of great curiosity in the Theoricks , and of extraordinary benefit in the Practicks that daily occur in these businesses . And to shew , in effect , of what utility these Notions are , I have thought fit to insert , in this place , the Considerations by me made upon the Lake of Venice , and to represent , at large , by the experience of the last year 1641. the most Serene Erizzo , then Duke of the said Republique . Being therefore at Venice , in the year aforesaid , I was requested by the most Illustrious and most Excellent Signore Giovanni Basadonna , a Senatour of great worth and merit , that I would ingenuously deliver my opinion touching the state of the Lake of Venice ; and after I had discoursed with his Honour several times , in the end I had order to set down the whole businesse in writing , who having afterwards read it privately , the said Signore imparted the same , with like privacy , to the most Serene PRINCE , and I received order to represent the same to the full Colledge , as accordingly I did in the Moneth of May , the same year , and it was as followeth . CONSIDERATIONS Concerning the LAKE OF VENICE BY D. BENEDETTO CASTELLI , Abbot of S. Benedetto Aloysio , Mathematician to Pope VRBAN VIII . and Professor in ROME . CONSIDERATION I. THough the principal cause be but one onely , that in my judgment threatneth irreparable ruine to the Lake of Venice , in the present state in which it now stands ; Yet neverthelesse , I think that two Heads may be considered . And this Consideration may peradventure serve us for to facilitate and explain the opportune remedies , though not to render the state of things absolutely unchangeable and eternal : an enterprize impossible , and especially in that which having had some beginning , ought likewise necessarily to have its end ; or at least to prevent the danger for many hundreds of years ; and possibly it may , in the mean time , by the mutation it self be brought into a better condition . I say therefore , that the present disorder may be considered under two Heads ; One is the very notable discovery of Land that is observed at the time of low Water , the which , besides the obstructing of Navigation in the Lake and also in the Chanels , doth likewise threaten another mischief and disorder worthy of very particular consideration , which is , That the Sun drying up that mudde , especially in the times of hot Summers , doth raise thence the putrified and pernicious vapours , fogs , and exhalations that infect the Air , and may render the City unhabitable . The second Head is the great Stoppage that daily is growing in the Ports , especially of Venice , at Malamoco ; concerning which matters I will hint certain general points , and then will proceed to the more particular and important affairs . And first , I say , that I hold it altogether impossible to effect any thing , though never so profitable , which doth not bring with it some mischief ; and therefore the good and the hurt ought to be very well weighed , and then the lesse harmful part to be imbraced . Secondly , I propose to consideration , that the so notable discovery of Earth & Mud , hath not been long observed , as I understand , from old persons that can remember passages for fifty years past ; which thing being true , as to me it seemeth most true , it should appear that it could not but be good to reduce matters to that passe that they were at formerly , ( laying aside all affection or passion that self-flattering minds have entertained for their own conceits ) or at least it shall be necessary speedily to consult the whole . Thirdly , I hold that it is necessary to weigh , whether from the foresaid discovery of Land , it followeth , that onely the Earth riseth , as it is commonly thought by all , without dispute ; or whether the Waters are abated and faln away ; or else whether it proceedeth from both the one and other cause . And here it would be seasonable to enquire , what share the said causes may have , each considered apart in the foresaid effect . For , in the first case , if the Earth have been raised , it would be necessary to consider of taking it down , and removing it : But if the Waters have failed or abated , I believe that it would be extreamly necessary to restore and raise them : And if both these reasons have conspired in this effect , it will be necessary to remedy them each apart . And I do , for my part , think , that the so notable appearance of Shelves at the time of low Water , proceeds principally from the decrease and abatement of the Waters , which may confidently be affirmed to need no other proof , in regard that the Brent hath been actually diverted which did formerly discharge its Water into the Lake . As to the other point of the great Stoppage of Ports , I hold , that all proceedeth from the violence of the Sea , which being sometimes disturbed by windes , especially at the time of the waters flowing , doth continually raise from its bottome immense heaps of sand , carrying them by the tide ; and force of the waves into the Lake ; it not having on its part any sttength of current that may raise and carry them away , they sink to the bottom , and so they choke up the Ports . And that this effect happeneth in this manner , we have most frequent experiences thereof along the Sea-coasts : And I have observed in Tuscany on the Roman-shores , and in the Kingdom of of Naples , that when a river falleth into the Sea , there is alwaies seen in the Sea it self , at the place of the rivers out-let , the resemblance , as it were , of an half-Moon , or a great shelf of settled sand under water , much higher then the rest of the shore , and it is called in Tuscany , il Cavallo ; and here in Venice , lo Scanto : the which cometh to be cut by the current of the river , one while on the right side , another while on the left , and sometimes in the midst , according as the Wind sits . And a like effect I have observed in certain little Rillets of water , along the Lake of Bolsena ; with no other difference , save that of small and great . Now who so well considereth this effect , plainly seeth that it proceeds from no other , than from the contrariety of the stream of the River , to the impetus of the Sea-waves ; seeing that great abundance of sand which the Sea continually throws upon the shore , cometh to be driven into the Sea by the stream of the river ; and in that place where those two impediments meet with equal force , the sand setleth under water , and thereupon is made that same Shelf or Cavallo ; the which if the river carry water , and that any considerable store , it shall be thereby cut and broken ; one while in one place , and another while in another ; as hath been said , according as the Wind blows : And through that Chanel it is that Vessels fall down into the Sea , and again make to the river , as into a Port. But if the Water of the river shall not be continual or shall be weak , in that case the force of the Sea-Wind shall drive such a quantity of sand into the mouth of the Port , and of the river , as shall wholly choak it up . And hereupon there are seen along the Sea-side , very many Lakes and Meers , which at certain times of the year abound with waters , and the Lakes bear down that enclosure , and run into the Sea. Now it is necessary to make the like reflections on our Ports of Venice , Malamocco , Bondolo , and Chiozza ; which in a certain sense are no other than Creeks , mouths , and openings of the shore that parts the Lake from the main Sea ; and therefore I hold that if the Waters in the Lake were plentiful , they would have strength to scowr the mouths of the Ports thorowly , & with great force ; but the Water in the Lake failing , the Sea will without any opposal , bring such a drift of sand into the Ports ; that if it doth not wholly choke them up , it shall render them at least unprofitable , and impossible for Barks and great Vessels . Many other considerations might be propounded concerning these two heads of the stoppage of the Ports , and of the appearance of the Ouze and Mud in the Lakes , but so much shall suffice us to have hinted , to make way for discoursing of the operations about the oportune remedies . Yet before that I propound my opinion , I say , That I know very well that my proposal , at first sight , will seem absurd and inconvenient ; and therefore , as such , will perhaps be rejected by the most : and so much the rather , for that it will prove directly contrary to what hath hitherto been , and as I hear , is intended to be done : And I am not so wedded to my opinions , but that I do consider what others may judge thereof : But be it as it will , I am obliged to speak my thoughts freely , and that being done , I will leave it to wiser men than my s●lf ; when they shall have well considered my reasons , to judge and deliberate of the quid agendum : And if the sentence shall go against me , I appeal to the most equitable and inexorable Tribunal of Nature , who not caring in the least to please either one party or another , will be alwaies a punctual and inviolable executrix of her eternal Decrees , against which neither humane deliberations , nor our vain desires , shall ever have power to rebell . I added by word of mouth that which followeth . Though your Highness interest your self in this Noble Colledge , and cause it to be confirmed in the * Senate by universal Vote , that the Winds do not blow , that the Sea doth not fluctuate , that the Rivers do not run ; yet shall the Winds be alwaies deaf , the Sea shall be constant in its inconstancy , and the Rivers most obstinate : And these shall be my Judges , and to their determination I refer my self . By what hath been said , in my opinion , that is made very clear and manifest , which in the beginning of this discourse I glanced at ; namely , That the whole disorder , although it be divided into two heads , into the discovery of the Mud , and of the stoppage Ports , yet nevertheless , by the application of one onely remedy , and that in my esteem very easie , the whole shall be removed : And this it is ; That there be restored into the Lake as much Water as can be possible , and in particular from the upper parts of Venice , taking care that the Water be as free from Mud as is possible . And that this is the true and real remedy of the precedent disorders , is manifest : For in the passage that this Water shall make thorow the Lakes , it shall of it self by degrees clear the Chanels in sundry parts of them , according to the currents that it shall successively acquire , and in this manner being dispersed thorow the Lake , it shall maintain the waters in the same , and in the Chanels much higher , as I shall prove hereafter ; a thing that will make Navigation commodious ; and that , which moreover is of great moment in our businesse ; those Shelves of Mud which now discover themselves at the time of Low-Waters shall be alwayes covered , so that the putrefaction of the Air shall also be remedied . And lastly , this abundance of Water being alwayes to discharge it self into the Sea by the Ports , I do not doubt , but that their bottomes will be scoured . And that these effects must follow , Nature her self seemeth to perswade , there remaining onely one great doubt , whether that abundance of Water that shall be brought into the Lake may be really sufficient to make the Waters rise so much as to keep the Shelves covered , and to facilitate Navigation , which ought to be at least half a * Brace , or thereabouts . And indeed it seemeth at first sight to be impossible , that the sole Water of the * Brent let into the Lake , and dispersed over the same , can occasion so notable an height of water ; and the more to confirm the difficulties , one might say , reducing the reason to calculation , that in case the Brent were 40. Braces broad , and two and an half high , and the breadth of the Lake were 20000. Braces , it would seem necessary that the height of the water of the Brent dilated and distended thorow the Lake would be but onely 1 / 100 of a Brace in height , which is imperceptible , and would be of no avail to our purpose ; nay more , it being very certain that the Brent runneth very muddy and foul , this would occasion very great mischief , filling and contracting the Lake , and for that reason this remedy ought , as pernicious , to be totally excluded and condemned . I here confesse that I am surprized at the forme of the Argument , as if I were in a certain manner convinced , that I dare not adventure to say more , or open my mouth in this matter ; but the strength it self of the Argument , as being founded upon the means of Geometrical and Arithmetical Calculation , hath opened me the way to discover a very crafty fraud that is couched in the same Argument , which fraud I will make out to any one that hath but any insight in Geometry and Arithmetick . And as it is impossible , that such an argument should be produced by any but such as have tasted of these , in such affairs , most profitable , and most necessary Sciences ; so do not I pretend to make my self understood , save onely by such , to whom I will evince so clearly , as that more it cannot be desired , the errour and fraud wherein those Ancients and Moderns have been , and alwayes are intangled , that have in any way yet handled this matter of considering the Measure and Quantity of the Waters that move . And so great is the esteem that I have for that which I am now about to say touching this particular , that I am content that all the rest of my Discourse be rejected ; provided , that that be perfectly understood , which I am hereafter to propose , I holding and knowing it to be a main Principle , upon which all that is founded that can be said either well or handsomely on this particular . The other Discourses may have an appearance of being probable , but this hits the mark as full as can be desired , arriving at the highest degree of certainty . I have , seventeen years since , as I represented to the most Serene Prince , and to the Right Honourable the President of the Lords the Commissioners of the * Sewers , written a Treatise of the Measure of the waters that move , in which I Geometrically demonstrate and declare this businesse , and they who shall have well understood the ground of my Discourse , will rest fully satisfied with that which I am now about to propose : But that all may become rhe more easie , I will more briefly explicate and declare so much thereof as I have demonstrated in the Discourse , which will suffice for our purpose : And if that should not be enough , we have alwayes the experiment of a very easie and cheap way to clear up the whole businesse . And moreover I will take the boldnesse to affirm , that in case there should not for the present any deliberation be made concerning this affair , according to my opinion ; yet neverthelesse it will be , at some time or other ; or if it be not , things will grow worse and worse . For more clear understanding , therefore , it ought to be known , that it being required , as it is generally used , to measure the waters of a River , its breadth and its depth is taken , and these two dimensions being multiplied together , the product is affirmed to be the quantity of that River : As for example , if a River shall be 100. feet broad , and 20. feet high , it will be said , that that River is 2000 feet of Water , and so if a Ditch shall be 15. feet broad , and 5. feet high , this same Ditch will be affirmed to be 75. feet of Water : And this manner of measuring Running Water hath been used by the Ancients , and by Moderns , with no other difference , save onely that some have made use of the Foot , others of the Palme , others of the Brace , and others of other measures . Now because that in observing these Waters that move , I frequently found , that the same Water of the same River was in some sites of its Chanel pretty big , and in others much lesse , not arriving in some places to the twentieth , nor to the hundreth part of that which it is seen to be in other places ; therefore this vulgar way of measuring the Waters that move , for that they did not give me a certain and stable measure and quantity of Water , began deservedly to be suspected by me , as difficult and defective , being alwayes various , and the measure , on the contrary , being to be alwayes determinate , and the same ; it is therefore written , that Pondus & Pondus , Mensura & Mensura , utrumque abominabile est apud Deum , Exod. I considered that in the Territory of Brescia , my native Countrey , and in other places , where Waters are divided to overflow the Grounds , by the like way of measuring them , there were committed grievous and most important errours , to the great prejudice of the Publique and of Private persons , neither they that sell , nor they that buy understanding the true quantity of that which is sold and bought : In regard that the same square measure , as is accustomed in those parts , assigned one particular person , carried to sometimes above twice or thrice as much water , as did the same square measure assigned to another . Which thing proveth to be the same inconvenience , as if the measure wherewith Wine and Oil is bought and sold , should hold twice or thrice as much Wine or Oil at one time as at another . Now this Consideration invited my minde and curiosity to the finding out of the true measure of Running Waters . And in the end , by occasion of a most important businesse that I was imployed in some years since , with great intensenesse of minde , and with the sure direction of Geometry , I have discovered the mistake , which was , that we being upon the businesse of taking the measure of the Waters that move , do make use of two dimensions onely , namely , breadth and depth , keeping no account of the length . And yet the Water being , though running , a Body , it is necessary in forming a conceit of its quantity , in relation to another , to keep account of all the three Dimensions , that is of length , breadth , and depth . Here an objection hath been put to me , in behalf of the ordinary way of measuring Running Waters , in opposition to what I have above considered and proposed : and I was told , It s true , that in measuring a Body that stands still , one ought to take all the three Dimensions ; but in measuring a Body that continually moveth , as the Water , the case is not the same : For the length is not to be had , the length of the water that moveth being infinite , as never finishing its running ; and consequently is incomprehensible by humane understanding , and therefore with reason , nay upon necessity it cometh to be omitted . In answer to this , I say , that in the abovesaid Discourse , two things are to be considered distinctly ; First , whether it be possible to frame any conceit of the quantity of the Body of the Water with two Dimensions onely . And secondly , whether this length be to be found . As to the first , I am very certain that no man , let him be never so great a Wit , can never promise to frame a conceit of the quantity of the Body of Water , without the third Dimension of length : and hereupon I return to affirm , that the vulgar Rule of measuring Running water is vain and erroneous . This point being agreed on , I come to the second , which is , Whether the third Dimension of length may be measured . And I say , that if one would know the whole length of the water of a Fountain or River , thereby to come to know the quantity of all the Water , it would prove an impossible enterprize , nay the knowing of it would not be useful . But if one would know how much water a Fountain , or a River carrieth in a determinate time of an hour , of a day , or of a moneth , &c. I say , that it is a very possible and profitable enquiry , by reason of the innumerable benefits that may be derived thence , it much importing to know how much Water a Chanel carrieth in a time given ; and I have demonstrated the same above in the beginning of this Book ; and of this we stand in need in the businesse of the Lake , that so we may be able to determine how much shall be the height of the Brent , when it is spread all over the Lake : For the three dimensions of a Body being given , the Body is known ; and the quantity of a Body being given , if you have but two dimensions , the third shall be known . And thus diving farther and farther into this Consideration , I found that the Velocity of the course of the water may be an hundred times greater or lesser in one part of its Chanel than in another . And therefore although there should be two mouths of Waters equal in bignesse ; yet nevertheless it might come to passe , that one might discharge an hundred or a thousand times more water than another : and this would be , if the water in one of the mouths should run with an hundred or a thousand times greater velocity , than the other ; for that it would be the same as to say , that the swifter was an hundred or a thousand times longer , than the slower : and in this manner I discovered that to keep account of the velocity , was the keeping account of the Length . And therefore it is manifest , that when two Mouths discharge the same quantity of Water in an equal velocity , it is necessary that the less swift Mouth be so much bigger than the more swift ; as the more swift exceedeth in velocity the less swift ; as for example . In case two Rivers should carry equal quantity of water in equal times , but that one of them should be four times more swift than the other , the more slow should of necessity be four times more large . And because the same River in any part thereof alwaies dischargeth the same quantity of Water in equal times ( as is demonstrated in the first Proposition of the first Book * of the measure of Running Waters ; ) but yet doth not run thorowout with the same velocity : Hence it is , that the vulgar measures of the said River , in divers parts of its Chanel , are alwaies divers ; insomuch , that if a River passing through its chanel had such velocity , that it ran 100 Braces in the 1 / 1 / 60 of an hour-and afterwards the said River should be reduced to so much tardity of motion , as that in the same time it should not run more than one Brace , it would be necessary that that same River should become 100. times bigger in that place where it was retarded ; I mean , 100. times bigger than it was in the place where it was swifter . And let it be kept well in mind , that this point rightly understood , will clear the understanding to discover very many accidents worthy to be known . But for this time let it suffice , that we have onely declared that which makes for our purpose , referring apprehensive and studious Wits to the perusal of my aforenamed Treatise ; for therein he shall finde profit and delight both together . Now applying all to our principal intent , I say , That by what hath been declared it is manifest , that if the Brent were 40. Braces broad , and 2 1 / 2 high , in some one part of its Chanel , that afterwards the same Water of the Brent falling into the Lake , and passing thorow the same to the Sea , it should lose so much of its velocity , that it should run but one Brace , in the time wherein whilst it was in its Chanel at the place aforesaid , it ran 100. Braces . It would be absolutely necessary , that increasing in measure , it should become an hundred times * thicker ; and therefore if we should suppose that the Lake were 20000. Braces , the Brent that already hath been supposed in its Chanel 100. Braces , being brought into the Lake , should be 100. times 100. Brates ; that is , shall be 10000. Braces in thickness , and consequently shall be in height half a Brace ; that is , 100 / 200 of a Brace , and not 1●● / 200 of a Brace , as was concluded in the Argument . Now one may see into what a gross errour of 99. in 100. one may fall through the not well understanding the true quantity of Running Water , which being well understood , doth open a direct way to our judging aright in this most considerable affair . And therefore admitting that wich hath been demonstrated , I say , that I would ( if it did concern me ) greatly encline to consult upon the returning of the Brent again into the Lake : For it being most evident , that the Brent in the Chanel of its mouth , is much swifter than the Brent being brought into the Lake , it will certainly follow thereupon , that the thickness of the Water of Brent in the Lake , shall be so much greater than that of Brent in Brent , by how much the Bront in Brent is swifter than thh Brent in the Lake . 1. From which operation doth follow in the first place , that the Lake being filled and increased by these Waters , shall be more Navigable , and passible , than at present we see it to be . 2. By the current of these Waters , the Chanels will be scoured , and will be kept clean from time to time . 3. There will not appear at the times of low-waters so many Shelves , and such heaps of Mud , as do now appear . 4. The Ayr will become more wholesom , for that it shall not be so infected by putrid vapours exhaled by the Sun , so long as the Miery Ouze shall be covered by the Waters . 5. Lastly , in the current of these advantagious Waters , , which must issue out of the Lake into the Sea , besides those of the Tyde , the Ports will be kept scoured , and clear : And this is as much as I shall offer for the present , touching this weighty buisiness ; alwaies submitting my self to sounder judgements . Of the above-said Writing I presented a Copy at Venice , at a full Colledge , in which I read it all , and it was hearkned to with very great attention ; and at last I presented it to the Duke , and left some Copies thereof with sundry Senators , and went my way , promising with all intenseness to apply my pains with reiterated studies in the publick service ; and if any other things should come into my minde , I promised to declare them sincerely , and so took leave of His serenity , and that Noble Council . When I was returned to Rome , this business night and day continually running in my mind , I hapned to think of another admirable and most important conceit , which with effectual reasons , confirmed by exact operations , I with the Divine assistance , made clear and manifest ; and though the thing at first sight seemed to me a most extravagant Paradox , yet notwithstanding , having satisfied my self of the whole business , I sent it in writing to the most Illustrious and most Noble Signore Gio. Basadonna ; who after he had well considered my Paper , carried it to the Council ; and after that those Lords had for many months maturely considered thereon , they in the end resolved to suspend the execution of the diversion which they had before consulted to make of the River Sile , and of four other Rivers , which also fall into the Lake ; a thing by me blamed in this second Paper , as most prejudicial , and harmful . The writing spake as followeth . CONSIDERATIONS Concerning the LAKE OF VENICE . CONSIDERATION II. IF the discoursing well about the truth of things , Most Serene Prince , were as the carrying of Burdens , in which we see that an hundred Horses carry a greater weight than one Horse onely ; it would seem that one might make more account of the opinion of many men , than of one alone ; But because that discoursing more resembleth running , than carrying Burdens , in which we see that one Barb alone runneth faster than an hundred heavy-heel'd Jades ; therefore I have ever more esteemed one Conclusion well managed , and well considered by one understanding man , although alone , than the common and Vulgar opinions ; especially , when they concern abstruce and arduous points : Nay in such cases the opinions moulded and framed by the most ignorant and stupid Vulgar , have been ever suspected by me as false , for that it would be a great wonder if in difficult matters a common capacity should hit upon that which is handsom , good , and true . Hence I have , and do hold in very great veneration the summe of the Government of the most Serene , and eternal Republick of Venice ; which although , as being in nature a Common-wealth , it ought to be governed by the greater part ; yet nevertheless , in arduous affairs , it is alwaies directed by the Grave Judgement of few , and not judged blindly by the Plebeian Rout. T is true , that he that propoundeth Propositions far above the reach of common capacity , runneth a great hazard of being very often condemned without further Process , or knowledge of the Cause ; but yet for all that , the truth is not to be deserted in most weighty affairs , but ought rather to be explained in due place and time with all possible perspicuity ; that so being well understood , and considered , it may come afterwards for the Common good to be embraced . This which I speak in general , hath often been my fortune in very many particulars , not onely when I have kept within the bounds of meer speculation , but also when I have chanced to descend to Practice , and to Operations : and your Highness knoweth very well what befel me the last Summer 1641. when in obedience to your Soveraign Command , I did in full Colledge represent my thoughts touching the state of the Lake of Venice ; for there not being such wanting , who without so much as vouchsafing to understand me , but having onely had an inkling , and bad apprehension of my opinion , fell furiously upon me , and by violent means both with the Pen and Press , full of Gall , did abuse me in reward of the readiness that I had exprest to obey and serve them : But I was above measure encouraged and pleased , to see that those few who vouchsafed to hear me , were all either thorowly perswaded that my opinion was well grounded , or at least suspended their prudent verdict to more mature deliberation . And though at the first bout I chanced to propose a thing that was totally contrary to the most received and antiquated opinion , and to the resolutions and consulations taken above an hundred years ago : Moved by these things , and to satisfie also to the promise that I had made of tendering unto them what should farther offer it self unto me touching the same business ; I have resolved to present to the Throne of your Highness , another Consideration of no less importance , which perhaps at first sight will appear a stranger Paradox ; but yet brought to the Test and Touch-stone of experience , it shall prove most clear and evident . If it shall be accounted of , so that it succeedeth to the benefit of your Highness , I shall have obtained my desire and intent : And if not , I shall have satisfied my self , and shall not have been wanting to the Obligation of your most faithful Servant , and native subject . That which I propounded in the Mouths pass , touching the most important business of the Lake , though it did onely expresly concern the point of the diversion of the Mouth of the Lake , already made and put in execution ; yet it may be understood and applyed also to the diversion under debate , to be made of the other five Rivers , and of the Sile in particular . Now touching this , I had the fortune to offer an admirable accident that we meet with when we come to the effect , which I verily believe will be an utter ruine to the Lake of Venice . I say therefore , that by diverting these five Rivers that remain , although their water that they discharge for the present into the Lake is not all taken together 4 / 5 parts of what the Brent alone did carry , yet neverthelesse the abatement of the water of the Lake which shall ensue upon this last diversion of four parts , which was the whole water , shall prove double to that which hath happened by the diversion of Brent onely , although that the Brent alone carried five parts of that water , of which the Rivers that are to be diverted carry four : A wonder really great , and altogether unlikely ; for the reducing all this Proposition to be understood , is as if we should say , that there being given us three Rivers , of which the first dischargeth five parts , the second three , and the third one , and that from the diversion of the first , there did follow such a certain abatement or fall ; from the taking away of the second there ought to follow also so much more abatement ; And lastly , from the withdrawing of the third the water ought to fall so much more , which is wholly impossible : And yet it is most certain , and besides the demonstration that perswades me to it , which I shall explain in due time , I can set before your eyes such an experiment as is not to be denied by any one , although obstinate : and I will make it plainly seen and felt , that by taking away only four parts of the five , which shall have been taken away , the abatement proveth double to the abatement ensuing upon the diverting first of the five onely ; which thing being true , as most certainly it is , it will give us to understand how pernicious this diversion of five Rivers is like to prove , if it shall be put in execution . By this little that I have hinted , and the much that I could say , let your Highnesse gather with what circumspection this businesse ought to be managed , and with how great skill he ought to be furnished who would behave himself well in these difficult affairs . I have not at this time explained the demonstration , nor have I so much as propounded the way to make the Experiment , that I am able to make in confirmation of what I have said , that so by some one or others mis-apprehending the Demonstration , and maiming the Experiment , the truth may not happen to shine with lesse clarity than it doth , when all mists of difficulty are removed : and if so be , no account should be made of the Reasons by me alledged , and that men should shut their eyes against the Experiments that without cost or charge may be made , I do declare and protest that there shall follow very great dammages to the Fields of the main Land , and extraordinary summes shall be expended to no purpose . The Lake undoubtedly will become almost dry , and will prove impassible for Navigation , with a manifest danger of corrupting the Air : And in the last place there will unavoidably ensue the choaking and stoppage of the Ports of Venice . Upon the 20th . of December , 1641. I imparted this my second Confideration to the most Excellent Signore Basadonna , presenting him with a Copy thereof amongst other Writings , which I have thought good to insert , although they seem not to belong directly to our businesse of the Lake . The way to examine the MUD and SAND that entereth and remaineth in the LAKE of VENICE . To the most Excellent SIGNORE GIO. BASADONNA . TWo very considerable Objections have been made against my opinion concerning the Lake of Venice : One was that , of which I have spoken at large in my first Consideration , namely , that the Brents having been taken out of the Lake , cannot have been the occasion of the notable fall of the Waters in the Lake , as I pretend , and consequently , that the turning Brent into the Lake would be no considerable remedy , in regard that the water of Brent , and the great expansion of the Lake over which the water of Brent is to diffuse and spread being considered , it is found that the rise proveth insensible . The second Objection was , that the Brent is very muddy , and therefore if it should fall muddy into the Lake , the Sand would sink and fill up the same . Touching the first Query , enough hath been said in my first Consideration , where I have plainly discovered the deceipt of the Argument , and shewn its fallacy ; It remaineth now to examine the second : to which in the first place I say , that one of the first things that I proposed in this affair was , that I held it impossible to do any act , though never so beneficial , that was not also accompanied by some inconvenience and mischief ; and therefore we are to consider well the profit , and the losse and prejudice ; and they both being weighed , we shall be able to choose the lesser evil : Secondly , I admit it to be most true , that Brent is at some times muddy , but it is also true , that for the greater part of the year it is not muddy . Thirdly , I do not see nor understand what strength this objection hath , being taken so at large , and in general ; and methinks that it is not enough to say , that the Brent runneth muddy , and to assert that it deposeth its Muddinesse in the Lake , but we ought moreover to proceed to particulars , and shew how much this Mud is , and in what time this choaking up of the Ports may be effected . For the Reasons are but too apparent and particular , that conclude the ruine of the Lake , and that in a very short time , ( for mention is made of dayes ) the Waters diversion being made , and moreover we have the circumstance of an Experiment , the state of things being observed to have grown worse since the said diversion . And I have demonstrated , that in case the Diversion of the Sile and the other Rivers should be put in execution , the Lake would in a few dayes become almost dry ; and the Ports would be lost , with other mischievous consequences . But on the other side , although that we did grant the choaking of them , we may very probably say , that it will not happen , save onely in the succession of many and many Centuries of years . Nor can I think it prudent counsel to take a resolution and imbrace a Designe now , to obtain a benefit very uncertain , and more than that , which only shall concern those who are to come very many Ages after us , and thereby bring a certain inconvenience upon our selves , and upon our children that are now alive and present . Let it be alledged therefore , ( although I hold it false ) that by the diversions of the Rivers the Lake may be kept in good condition for several years to come . But I say confidently , and hope to demonstrate it ; That the Diversions will bring the Lake , even in our dayes , to be almost dry , and at least will leave so little water in it , that it shall cease to be Navigable , and the Ports shall most infallibly be choaked up . I will therefore say upon experience , in answer to this Objection , that it is very necessary first well to discourse , and rationally to particularize and ascertain the best that may be this point of the quantity of this sinking Mud or Sand. Now I fear I shall make my self ridiculous to those , who measuring the things of Nature with the shallownesse of their brains do think that it is absolutely impossible to make this enquiry , and will say unto me , Quis mensus est pugillo aquas , & terram palmo ponderavit ? Yet nevertheless I will propound a way whereby , at least in gross , one may find out the same . Take a Vessel of Cylindrical Figure , holding two barrels of water , or thereabouts ; and then fill it with the water of Brent , at its Mouth or Fall into the Lake ; but in the Lake at the time that the Brent runneth muddy , and after it hath begun to run muddy for eight or ten hours , to give the mud time to go as far as S. Nicolo , to issue into the Sea ; and at the same time take another Vessel , like , and equal to the first , and fill it with the water of the Lake towards S. Nicolo , ( but take notice that this operation ought to be made at the time when the waters go out , and when the Sea is calm ) and then , when the waters shall have setled in the aforesaid Vessels , take out the clear water , and consider the quantity of Sand that remains behind , and let it be set down , or kept in mind : And I am easily induced to think , that that shall be a greater quantity of Sand which shall be left in the first Vessel , than that left in the second Vessel . Afterwards when the Brent shall come to be clear , let both the operations be repeated , and observe the quantity of Sand in the aforesaid Vessels ; for if the Sand in the first Vessel should be most , it would be a sign , that in the revolution of a year the Brent would depose Sand in the Lake : And in this manner one may calculate to a small matter what proportion the Sand that entreth into the Lake , hath to that which remains : And by that proportion one may judge how expedient it shall be for publick benefit . And if at several times of the year you carefully repeat the same operations , or rather observations , you would come to a more exact knowledge in this business : And it would be good to make the said operations at those times , when the Lake is disturbed by strong high Winds , and made muddy by its own Mud , raised by the commotion of the Waters . This notion would give us great light , if the same observations should be made towards the Mouth of Lio , at such time as the waters flow and ebb , in calm seasons ; for so one should come to know whether the waters of the Lake are more thick at the going out , than at the entrance . I have propounded the foregoing way of measuring Sands and Mud , to shew that we are not so generally , and inconsiderately to pronounce any sentence , but proceed to stricter inquiries , and then deliberate what shall be most expedient to be done . Others may propose more exquisite examinations , but this shall serve me for the present . I will add onely , that if any one had greater curiosity ( it would be profitable to have it ) in investigating more exactly the quantity of the Water that entereth into the Lake , by the means that I have shewen in the beginning of this Book : When he shall have found the proportion of the quantity of water to the quantity of Sand or Mud , he shall come to know how much Sand the Brent shall leave in the Lake in the space of a year . But to perform these things , there are required persons of discretion , and fidelity , and that are imployed by publick Order ; for there would thence result eminent benefit and profit . Here are wanting LETTERS from several persons . To the Reverend Father , Francesco di S. GIUSEPPE . IN execution of the command that you laid upon me in your former Letters , by order from the most Serene , my Lord , Prince Leopold ; that I should speak my judgement concerning the disimboguement of the River called Fiume morto , whether it ought to be let into the Sea , or into Serchio ; I say , that I chanced 18. years since to be present , when the said Mouth was opened into the Sea , and that of Serchio stopt ; which work was done to remedy the great Innundation that was made in all that Country , and Plain of Pisa , that lyeth between the River Arno , and the Mountains of S. Giuliano , and the River Serchio ; which Plain continued long under water , insomuch that not onely in the Winter , but also for a great part of the Summer , those fields were overflowed ; and when that the Mouth of Fiume morto was effectually opened into the Sea , the place was presently freed from the waters . and drained , to the great satisfaction of the Owners of those Grounds . And here I judge it worth your notice , that for the generality of those that possess estates in those parts , they desired that the Mouth of Fiume morto might stand open to the Sea , and those who would have it open into Serchio , are persons that have no other concernment there , save the hopes of gaining by having the dispose of Commissions , and the like , &c , But for the more plain understanding of that which is to be said , it must be known , That the resolution of opening the said Mouth into Serchio , was taken in the time of the Great Duke Ferdinando the first , upon the same motives that are at this time again proposed , as your Letters tell me , Since that , it manifestly appearing , that Fiume morto had , and hath its Mouth open to the Sea , the Plain hath been kept dry ; and it being also true , that the fury of the South , and South-West-Winds carryed such abundance of sand into the Mouth , or Out-let of Fiume morto , that it wholly stopt it up : especially when the waters on Pisa side were low and shallow , And they think , that turning the Lake of Fiume morto into Serchio , and the Serchio maintaining continually its own Mouth with the force of its waters open to the Sea , and consequently also Fiume morto , they would have had the Out-let clear and open ; and in this manner they think , that the Plain of Pisa would have been freed from the waters . The business passeth for current , at first sight ; but experience proveth the contrary , and Reason confirmeth the same : For the height of the water of those Plains , was regulated by the height of the waters in the Mouth of Fiume morto ; that is , The waters at the Mouth being high , the waters also do rise in the fields ; and when the waters at the Mouth are low , the waters of the fields do likewise abate : Nor is it enough to say , That the Out-let or Vent of Fiume morto is continual , but it must be very low : Now if Fiume morto did determine in Serchio , it is manifest that it would determine high ; for Serchio terminating in the Sea , when ever it more and more aboundeth with water , and riseth , it is necessary that also Fiume morto hath its level higher , and consequently shall keep the waters in the Plains higher . Nay , it hath happened sometimes ( and I speak it upon my own sight ) that Fiume morto hath reversed its course upwards towards Pisa ; which case will ever happen , whensoever the Pisan waters chance to be lower than the level of those of Serchio ; for in that case the waters of Serchio return back upon the Plains thorow Fiume morto in such sort , that the Muddinesses , and the Serchio have been observed to be carried by this return as farr as the Walls of Pisa ; and then before such time as so great waters can be asswaged , which come in with great fury , and go out by little and little , there do pass very many days , and moneths , nay sometimes one being never able to find the waters of Serchio , when at the shallowest , so low as the Sea in level ; ( which is the lowest place of the waters ) it thence doth follow , that the waters of Fiume morto should never at any time of the year , so long as they determine in Serchio , be so low , as they come to be when the same Fiume morto determineth in the Sea. T is true indeed , that the Mouth of Fiume morto , opened into the Sea , is subject to the inconvenience of being stopt up by the force of Winds : But in this case , it is necessary to take some pains in opening it ; which may easily be done , by cutting that Sand a little which stayeth in the Mouth , after that the Wind is laid ; and it is enough if you make a Trench little more than two Palms in breadth ; for the water once beginning to run into it , it will in a few hours carry that Sand away with it , and there will ensue a deep and broad Trench that will drain away all the water of the Plains in very little time . And I have found by practice , that there having been a great quantity of Sand driven back , by the fury of the South-West-Wind , into the Mouth of Fiume morto , I having caused the little gutter to be made in the Morning , somewhat before Noon , a Mouth hath been opened of 40. Braces wide , and notably deep , insomuch that the water , which before had incommoded all the Champian ran away in less than three dayes , and left the Country free and dry , to the admiration of all men . There was present upon the place , at this business , on the same day that I opened the Mouth , the most Serene great Duke , the most Serene Arch-Dutchess Mother , all the Commissioners of Sewers , with many other Persons and Peasants of those parts ; and they all saw very well , that it was never possible that a little Bark of eight Oars , which was come from Legorn to wait upon the great Duke , should ever be able to master the Current , and to make up into Fiume morto ; and his Highness , who came with an intent to cause the said Mouth towards the Sea to be stopt ; and that into Serchio to be opened , changed his judgement , giving order that it should be left open towards the Sea , as it was done . And if at this day it shall return into Serchio , I am very certain that it will be necessary to open it again into the Sea. And there was also charge and order given to a person appointed for the purpose , that he should take care to open the said Mouth , as hath been said upon occasion . And thus things have succeeded very well unto this very time . But from the middle of October , until this first of February , there having continued high South , and South-West-Winds , with frequent and abundant Rains ; it is no wonder that some innundation hath happened ; but yet I will affirm , that greater mischiefs would have followed , if the Mouth had been opened into Serchio . This which I have hitherto said , is very clear and intelligible to all such as have but competent insight , and indifferent skill in these affairs . But that which I am now about to propose farther , will , I am very certain , be understood by your self , but it will seem strange and unlikely to many others . The point is , that I say , That by raising the level of Fiume morto , one half Brace , onely at its Mouth , ( it will penipenitrate into Serchio farther than it would into the Sea ) it shall cause the waters to rise three , or perhaps more Braces upon the fields towards Pisa , and still more by degrees as they shall recede farther from the Sea-side ; and thus there will follow very great Innundations , and considerable mischiefs . And to know that this is true , you are to take notice of an accident , which I give warning of in my discourse of the Measure of Running Waters : where also I give the reason thereof , * Coroll . 14. The accident is this , That there coming a Land-Flood , for example , into Arno , which maketh it to rise above its ordinary Mouth within Pisa , or a little above or below the City six or seven Braces ; this same height becometh alwaies lesser and lesser , the more we approach towards the Sea-side ; insomuch , that near to the Sea the said River shall be raised hardly half a Brace : Whence it followeth of necessary consequence , that should I again be at the Sea-side , and knowing nothing of what hapneth , should see the River Arno raised by the accession of a Land-flood , one third of a Brace ; I could certainly infer , that the same River was raised in Pisa those same six or seven Braces . And that which I say of Arno , is true of all Rivers that fall into the Sea. Which thing being true , it is necessary to make great account of every small rising , that Fiume morto maketh towards the Sea-side by falling into Serchio . For although the rising of Fiume morto , by being to disgorge its Waters into Serchio , towards the Sea , were onely a quarter of a Brace ; we might very well be sure , that farr from the Sea , about Pisa , and upon those fields the rise shall be much greater , and shall become two or three Braces : And because the Countrey lyeth low , that same ●ise will cause a continual Innundation of the Plains , like as it did before ; I caused the Mouth to be opened into the Sea. And therefore I conclude that the Mouth of Fiume morto , ought by no means to be opened into Serchio ; but ought to be continued into the Sea , using all diligence to keep it open after the manner aforesaid , so soon as ever the Wind shall be laid . And if they shall do otherwise , I confidently affirm , that there will daily follow greater damages ; not onely in the Plains , but also in the wholesomness of the Air ; as hath been seen in times past . And again , It ought with all care to be procured , that no waters do by any means run or fall from the Trench of Libra , into the Plain of Pisa , for these Waters being to discharge into Fiume morto , they maintain it much higher than is imagined , according to that which I have demonstrated in my consideration upon the state of the Lake of Venice . I have said but little , but I speak to you , who understandeth much , and I submit all to the most refined judgment of our most Serene Prince Leopold , whose hands I beseech you in all humility to kiss in my name , and implore the continuance of his Princely favour to me ; and so desiring your prayers to God for me , I take my leave . Rome 1. Feb. 1642. Your most affectionate Servant , D. BENEDETTO CASTELLI . The answer to a Letter written by BARTOLOTTI , touching the difficultyes observed . The former part of the Letter is omitted , and the discourse beginneth at the first Head. ANd first I say , Whereas I suppose that the level of the Serchio is higher than that of Fiume morto ; this is most true , at such time as the waters of Fiume morto are discharged into the Sea ; but I did never say that things could never be brought to that pass , as that the level of Fiume morto should be higher than Serchio : and so I grant that it will follow , that the waters of Fiume morto shall go into Serchio , and it s very possible , that the Drain of Fiume morto into Serchio may be continuate ; and I farther grant , that its possible , that the Serchio doth never disgorge thorow Fiume morto towards Pisa ; Nay , I will yet farther grant that it might have happened , that Fiume morto might have had such a fall into Serchio , as would have sufficed to have turned Mills : But then I add withall , that the Plains of Pisa , and the City it self must be a meer Lake . 2. Signore Bartolotti saith confidently , that when the Sea swelleth by the South-West , or other Winds , the level of Serchio in the place marked A in the Platt , distant about 200. Braces , riseth very little : But that Fiume morto in D , and in E , many miles more up into Land riseth very much , and that certain Fishermen confirm this , and shew him the signes of the rising of the Water . I grant it to be very true , and I have seen it with my own eyes : But this cometh to pass , when the Mouth of Fiume morto is stopt up by the Sea ; as I shall shew by and by . And this rising near the Sea-side , is of no considerable prejudice to the fields . And this is as much as I find to be true in the assertion of Signore Bartolotti , ( without his confirming it by any other proof ; as indeed it needs none ) That the level of Fiume morto riseth in E , and many miles farther upwards it riseth much ; nor did I ever affirm the contrary . 3. Concerning the difficulty of opening the Mouth of Fiume morto into the Sea , that which Il Castellano saith is most certain ; namely , That at the entrance upon the opening of the Mouth , it is necessary to make a deep Trench : But I say , that at that time it is difficult to open it , unless upon great occasions ; for that the difficulty proceedeth from the waters of Fiume morto being low , and the fields drained . 4. As to the particular of the Causes that you tell me men press so much unto the most Serene Grand Duke , and to the Prince , I have not much to say , because it is not my profession ; nor have I considered of the same : Yet I believe , that when the Prince and his Highnesse see the benefit of his People and Subjects in one scale of the Ballance , and the accomodation of Huntsmen in the other , his Highnesse will incline to the profit of his subjects ; such have I alwayes found his Clemency and Noblenesse of minde . But if I were to put in my vote upon this businesse , I would say , that the points of Spears , and the mouths of Guns ; the yelping of Dogs , the wilynesse of Huntsmen , who run thorow and narrowly search all those Woods , Thickets and Heathes , are the true destroyers of Bucks and Boares , and not a little Salt-water , which setleth at last in some low places , and spreadeth not very far . Yet neverthelesse , I will not enter upon any such point , but confine my self solely to the businesse before me . 5. That Experiment of joyning together the water of Fiume morto , and that of Serchio by a little trench to see what advantage the Level E hath upon the Level I , doth not give me full satisfaction , taken so particularly , for it may come to passe , that sometimes E may be higher , and sometimes A lower , and I do not question but that when Serchio is low , and Fiume morto full of Water , the level of Fiume morto will be higher than that of Serchio . But Serchio being full , and Fiume morto scant of Water , the contrary will follow , if the Mouth shall be opened to the Sea. And here it should seem to me , that it ought to be considered , that there is as much advantage from E to the Sea through the little Trench opened anew into Serchio , as from E to the Sea by the Mouth of Fiume morto . But the difficulty ( which is that we are to regard in our case ) is , that the course of the Waters thorow the Trench is three times longer than the course of the Mouth of Fiume morto , as appeareth by the Draught or Plat which you sent me , which I know to be very exactly drawn , for that the situation of those places are fresh in my memory . Here I must give notice , that the waters of Fiume morto determining thorow the Trench in Serchio ( the waters of which Fiume morto are , for certain , never so low as the Sea ) their pendency or declivity shall , for two causes , be lesse than the pendency of those waters through the Mouth towards the Sea , that is , because of the length of the line through the Trench , and because of the height of their entrance into Serchio , a thing which is of very great import in discharging the waters which come suddenly , as he shall plainly see , who shall have understood my Book of the Measure of Running Waters ▪ And this was the Reason why all the Countrey did grow dry upon the opening of the Mouth into the Sea. And here I propose to consideration that which the Peasants about Pisa relate , namely , That the Water in the Fields doth no considerable harm by continuing there five or six , yea , or eight dayes . And therefore the work of the Countrey is to open the Mouth of Fiume morto , in such manner , that the Water being come , they may have the Trench free and ready , when that the Water cometh it may have a free drain , and may not stay there above eight or nine dayes , for then the overflowings become hurtful . It is to be desired also , that if any Proposition is produced touching these affairs , it might be propounded the most distinctly that may be possible , and not consist in generals , especially when the Dispute is of the risings , of velocity , of tardity , of much and little water ; things that are all to be specified by measures . 6. Your Letter saith , in the next place , that Signore Bartolotti confesseth , that if the Mouth of the Fiume morto might alwayes be kept open , it would be better to let it continue as it is : the which , that I may not yield to him in courtesie , I confesse , for the keeping it stopt on all sides would be a thing most pernicious . But admitting of his confession I again reply , that Fiume morto ought not to be let into Serchio , but immediately into the Sea ; because although sometimes the Mouth to seawards be stopt up , yet for all that , the raising of the Bank above the Plains ( which is all the businesse of importance ) shall be ever lesser , if we make use of the Mouth leading to the Sea , than using that of Serchio . 7. I will not omit to mention a kinde of scruple that I have concerning the position of Sign . Bartolotti , that is , where he saith that the two Mouths A and D are equal to the like Mouths into the Sea ; Now it seems to me , that the Mouth A of Fiume morto into Serchio is absolutely within Serchio , nor can it be made lower , and is regulated by the height of Serchio : But the Mouth of Fiume morto terminates , and ought to be understood to terminate in the Sea it self , the lowest place . And this I believe was very well perceived by Sig. Bartolotti , but I cannot tell why he past it over without declaring it : and we see not that the Mouth D falleth far from the Sea , which Mouth ought to be let into the Sea it self , and so the advantage of the Mouth into the Sea more clearly appeareth . 8. That which Sig. Bartolotti addeth , that when it is high Waters , at such time as the Waters are out , and when Winds choak up Fiume morto , they not only retard it , but return the course of the Waters upwards very leasurely , perswadeth me more readily to believe that Sig. Bartolotti knoweth very well , that the Mouth of Fiume morto let into Serchio is hurtful : for by this he acknowledgeth that the Mouth towards the Sea doth in such sort drain the Countrey of the Waters , as that they become very low ; and therefore upon every little impetus the waters turn their course : And from the motions , being exceeding slow , is inferred , that the abundance of Sea-water that cometh into Fiume morto , is so much as is believed , and as Sig. Bartolotti affirmeth . 9. After that Sig. Bartolotti hath said what he promiseth above , namely , that when the Windes blowing strongly do stop up Fiume morto , and not onely retard but turn the course upwards , the time being Rainy , and the Mouth of Fiume morto shut up , the Waves of the Sea passe over the Bank of Fiume morto ; at that time , saith Signore Bartolotti , the Champain shall know the benefit of Fiume morto discharged into Serchio , and the mouth A shall stand alwayes open ; and Fiume morto may alwayes constantly run out , as also the Rains and Rain-waters , although the hurtful Tempest should last many dayes , &c. And I reply , that all the Art consists in this ; for the benefit of those Fields doth not depend on , or consist in saying , that Fiume morto is alwayes open , and Fiume morto draineth continually ; But all the businesse of profit lyeth and consisteth in maintaining the Waters low in those Plaines , and those Ditches , which shall never be effected whilst the World stands , if you let Fiume morto into Serchio ; but yet it may , by opening the mouth into the Sea : and so much reason and nature proveth , and ( which importeth ) Experience confirmeth . 10. In the tenth place I come to consider the answer that was made to another Proposition in the Letter which I writ to Father Francesco , which prudently of it self alone might serve to clear this whole businesse . I said in my Letter , That great account is to be made of every small rising and ebbing of the Waters neer to the Sea in Fiume morto , for that these risings and fallings , although that they be small neer to the Sea-side , yet neverthelesse , they operate and are accompanied by notable risings and fallings within Land , and far from the Sea-side , and I have declared by an example of Arno , in which a Land-flood falling , that made it increase above its ordinary height within Pisa six or seven Braces , that this height of the same Flood becometh still lesser , the neerer we approach to the Sea-coasts . Nor shall the said River be raised hardly half a Brace ; whereupon it necessrily followeth , that if I should return to the Sea-side , and not knowing any think of that which happeneth at Pisa , and seeing the River Arno raised by a Land-flood half a Brace , I might confidently affirm the said River to be raised in Pisa those six or seven Braces , &c. From such like accidents I conclude in the same Letter , that it is necessary to make great account of every little rise that Fiume morto shall make towards the Sea. Now cometh Bartolotti ( and perhaps because I knew not how to express my self better , understandeth not my Proposition ) and speaketh that which indeed is true , but yet besides our case : Nor have I ever said the contrary ; and withall doth not apply it to his purpose . Nay I say , that if he had well applyed it , this alone had been able to have made him change his opinion . And because he saith , that I said , that it is true , when the abatement proceedeth from some cause above , as namely by Rain , or opening of Lakes ; But when the cause is from below , that is , by some stop , as for instance some Fishers Wears or Locks ; or some impediment remote from the Sea , although at the Level it shall rise some Braces where the impediment is , yet that rising shall go upwards ; and here he finisheth his Discourse , and concludeth not any thing more . To which I say first , that I have also said the same in the Proposition , namely , that a Flood coming ( which maketh Arno to rise in Pisa six or seven Braces ( which I take to be a superiour cause whether it be Rain or the opening of Lakes , as best pleaseth Bartolotti ) in such a case I say , and in no other ( for towards the Sea-coasts it shall not cause a rising of full half a Brace ; and therefore seeing Arno at the Sea-side to be raised by a Flood , whether of Rain , or of opening of Lakes half a Brace ) it may be inferred , that at Pisa it shall be raised those six or seven Braces ; which variety , well considered , explaineth all this affair in favour of my opinion : For the rising that is made by the impediment placed below , of Fishing Weares and Locks , operateth at the beginning , raising the Waters that are neer to the impediment ; and afterwards less and less , as we retire upwards from the impediment : provided yet that we speak not of a Flood that commeth by accession , but onely of the ordinary Water impeded . But there being a new accession , as in our case , then the Water of the Flood , I say , shall make a greater rising in the parts superiour , far from the impediment ; and these impediments shall come to be those that shall overflow the Plains , as happened eighteen or nineteen years ago , before the opening of Fiume morto into the Sea , The same will certainly follow , if Fiume morto be let into Serchio . Here I could alledge a very pretty case that befell me in la * Campagna di Roma , neer to the Sea-side . where I drained a Bog or Fen , of the nature of the Waters of Pisa , and I succeeded in the enterprize , the Waters in their site towards the Sea abating only three Palmes , and yet in the Fen they fell more than fifteen Palmes . But the businesse would be long , and not so easily to be declared , and I am certain that Sig. Bartolotti having considered this , would alter his judgment , and withall would know that remitting that impediment anew , which I had left for lesse than three ●almes towards the Sea , the Waters in the Fen would return with the first Floods and Raines to the same height as before , as likewise Fiume morto will do if it shall be let again into Serchio . Here I intreat your Honour to do me the favour to importune P. Francesco in my behalf , that he would be pleased to deelare my meaning in the aforesaid Letter to Sig. Bartolotti , for I hope that if he will understand this point , he will be no longer so tenacious in his opinion . Next that these Lords in the Commission of Sewers , with the Right Honourable the Marquesse of S. Angelo , and your Honour do approve of my judgment , doth very much rejoyce me ; but because that I know that they do it not in design to complement me , but onely to serve his Highness our Grand Duke , I freely profess that I will pretend no farther obligations from them therein , than I account my self to owe to those whose opinions are contrary to mine , for that I know that they have the same end . The definitive sentence of this whole business is , that they give these Plains , these Draines , and these Waters farre fetcht appellations . 11. As to the quantity of the Water that Fiume morto dischargeth into the Sea , there are very great disputes about it , and I have been present at some of them . But let your Honour believe me , that as this is not continual , but only during a few dayes , so it will never be of any great prejudice to these Fields ; and if your Lordship would be ascertained thereof , you may please to go to Fiume morto at about a mile's distance from the Sea , in the time of these strong Windes , and observe the current from thence upwards , for you shall finde it extream slow , and consequently will know that the quantity of the Water that is repuls'd is very small . And this seems to be contradicted by the rule of Risings proceeding from causes below , which occasion no considerable alteration far from the Sea. I am necessitated to go to morrow out of Rome with his Eminence Cardinal Gaetano about certain affairs touching Waters , therefore I shall not farther inlarge , but for a close to this tedious Discourse , I conclude in few words , that Fiume morto is by no means to be let into Serchio , nor are there any means intermediate courses to be taken , for they will alwayes be prejudicial ; but Fiume morto is to be discharged immediately into the Sea. When it is stopt up by the fury of the Sea-waves , I affirm that it is a sign that there is no need of opening it ; and if there be any occasion to open it , it is easily done . As for the rest your Lordship may please to keep account of all the particulars that occur , for the memory of things past is our Tutresse in those that are to come . If occasion shall offer , I intreat you to bow humbly in my name to His Highness the Grand Duke , and the most Serene Prince Leopold ; and to attend the service of Their Highnesses , for you serve ●rinces of extraordinary merit ; And to whom I my self am also exceedingly obliged . In the controversies that arise respect the pious end of speaking the Truth , for then every thing will succeed happily . I kiss the hands of Padre Francesco , of Sig. Bartolotti , and of your Lordship . Rome , 14. March 1642. Your Honours most Obliged Servant D. BENEDETTO CASTELLI . Vpon this occasion I will here insert a Discourse that I made upon the Draining and improvement of the Pontine Fens , for that I think that whatsoever may be done well and to purpose in this matter hath absolute dependance on the perfect knowledge of that so important Proposition , by me demonstrated and explained in my Treatise of the Mensuration of Running Waters , namely , That the same water of a River doth continually change Measures , according as it altereth and changeth the velocity of its course ; so that the measure of the thicknesse of a River in one Site , to the measure of the same River in another Site , hath the same proportion reciprocally that the velocity in this site hath to the velocity in the first site . And this is a Truth so constant and unchangeable , that it altereth not in the least point on any occurrences of the Water that change : and being well understood , it openeth the way to the knowledge of sundry advertisements in these matters , which are all resolved by this sole Principle ; and from it are derived very considerable benefits ; and without these it is impossible to do any thing with absolute perfection ▪ A CONSIDERATION Upon the DRAINING OF THE Pontine Fenns . BY D. BENEDETTO CASTELLI , Abbot of S. BENEDETTO ALOISIO , and Professor of the Mathematicks to P. Vrban VIII . in the University of ROME . CONSIDERATION III. AMongst the enterprizes by me esteemed , if not absolutely impossible , , at least exceeding difficult , one was that famous one of Draining the Pontine Fenns ; and therefore I was thorowly resolved never to apply my minde thereunto , although by my Patrons I should be commanded to the same : accounting that it was an occasion rather of losing reputation by the miscarriage of the attempt , than of gaining fame by reducing things to a better pass then they now are at . Yet nevertheless , having of late years observed the place , and sailed through those Chanels , and those Waters ; after I had made some reflection thereupon , I thought that the enterprize was not so difficult as I had at first conceited it to be ; and I am the more confirmed in this opinion , upon the inducement of that which I have written Geometrically in my Treatise of the Mensuration of Running Waters ; so that talking with several persons , I adventured to affirm , in discoures , that this improvement might possibly be brought into a good estate . Now I have resolved to set down my thoughts in writing , and to honour this my Paper with the Noble Name of your Lordship , to render it the more credible and conspi●uous at the first view , if it should chance that the Subject I treat of , were not of such moment ▪ as that it did deserve to be valued for any other reason . Pardon me , Sir , if I have been too bold , and continue me in the number of your Servants . The enterprize of Draining a great part of the Territories of the Pontine Fenns , hath been undertaken both in the time of the antient Romans , and last of all , in our days ; yea in the late times by Sixtus V. I do not doubt in the least , but that it will be possible yet to reduce things to a very good pass ; and if I be not mistaken , with a very small charge in comparison of the profit that would be received from those rich Grounds . This improvement was of great expence in the time of Sixtus Quintus , but by reason the thing was not rightly understood , there were made many Drains ; a great part of which were unprofitable and vain : and amongst so many operations , there hapned some to be made that succeeded , as was desired ; but not being understood , they were held in no account ; and thus the business being neglected , the waters are returned into the same state as they were at first , before the improvement . Here I have by familiar discourses with my friends , explained this enterprize undertaken by Sixtus V. and haply also by some more antient , with the example of the Fable of Orilo , in Ariosto . This Monster was made up with such enchantment , that men fought with him alwayes in vain ; for though in the Combate he were cut in pieces , those divided Members presently re-united , and returned to the fight more fierce then ever . But the Paladine Astolfo coming to undertake him , after a long dispute , at the end he cut his head sheer off from the shoulders at one blow ; and nimbly alighting from his Horse , took the Monstrous head , and mounting again , as he rid away he fell to shave the Pole of that Monster , and so he lost the Lock of Hair , in which alone the enchantment lay ; and then the horrible Head in an instant manifested signs of death , and the trunk which ran , seeking to reunite to it anew , gave the last gasp , and in this manner the enchantment ended . The Book of Fate served admirably to the Paladine , whereby he came to understand that Charm ; for by shaving his whole head , the enchanted hairs came to be cut off amongst the rest : In the same manner , I say , that it hath sometimes happened in Draining those Fields ; for that amongst so many tryals as have been made , that also was light upon , on which the improvement and remedy to the disorder did depend . And to us my fore-named Treatise shall serve for a Rule , which being well understood , shall make us to know wherein consisteth , and whereon dependeth this miscarriage , and consequently it will be easie to apply thereunto a seasonable remedy . Another head to which these harms may be reduced , but proceeding from the same Root , which hath a great part in this disorder , is the impediment of those Wears in the River which are made by heightning the bed of the same , for placing of fishing-nets ; of which Piscaries I reckoned above ten , when I made a voyage thorow those waters to Sandolo . And these Fishing-Wears are such impediments , that some one of them makes the water of the River in the upper part to rise half a Palm , and sometimes a whole Palm , and more ; so that when they are all gathered together , these impediments amount to more than seven , or possibly than eight Palms . There concurreth for a third most Potent Cause of the waters continuing high in the evacuating , or Draining Chanel , and consequently on the Plains ; The great abundance of water that issueth from Fiume Sisto , the waters of which do not keep within its Banks when they are abundant ; but encreasing above its Chanel , they unite with those of the Evacuator , and dispersing thorow the Fens are raised with great prejudice , and much greater than is conceived , according to what hath been demonstrated in the Second Consideration upon the Lake of Venice . Nor is it to any purpose to say , that if we should measure all the Waters that disimbogue from Fiume Sisto , and gather them into one summe , we should not finde them to be such , as that they shall be able to make the Waters of the Fens to increase , by reason of the great expansion of them , over which that body of water is to distend : for to this instance we answer with that which we have given notice of in the First Consideration touching the Lake of Venice , treating of the abatement that is caused by the Brent let into the Lake . And moreover , if I shall adde thereto that which I write in the Second Consideration , it will be very apparent how greatly harmfull and prejudicial these excursions of Waters from Fiume Sisto may be , which are not kept under , and confined within the River : Therefore , proceeding to the provisions , and operations that are to be accounted Principall , I reduce them to three Heads . In the first place it is necessary to throw down those Weares , and to take the Pisciaries quite away , observing a Maxime , in my judgment , infallible , that Fishing and Sowing are two things that can never consist together ; Fishing being on the Water , and Sowing on land . Secondly , it will be necessary to cut under Water in the bottome of the River those Weeds and Plants that grow and increase in the River , and leave them to be carried into the Sea by the Stream ; for by this means these Reeds shall not spring up and distend along the bottome of the River , by means of the Beasts treading upon them ; And the same ought to be done often , and with care , and must not be delaied till the mischief increase , and the Champain Grounds be drowned , but one ought to order matters so , as that they may not drown . And I will affirm , that otherwise this principal point would become a most considerable inconvenience . Thirdly , it is necessary to make good the Banks of Fiume Sisto on the left hand , and to procure that those Waters may run in the Chanel , and not break forth . And it is to be noted , that it is not enough to do one or two of those things , but we are to put them all in execution ; for omitting any thing , the whole machine will be out of tune , and spoiled . But proceeding with due care , you shall not only Drain the Pontine Fens , but by means of this last particular the Current of Fiume Sisto shall scowr its own Chanel of its self , even to the carrying part of it away : and haply with this abundance of water that it shall bear , the Mouth della Torre may be opened , and kept open into the Sea. And it would , last of all , be of admirable benefit to cleanse Fiume Sisto from many Trees and Bushes wherewith it is overgrown . And with this I conclude , that the Improvement or Drain possible to be made consisteth in these three particulars . First , in taking away the Fishing Weares , leaving the Course of the Waters free . Secondly , in keeping the Principal Rivers clear from Weeds and Plants . Thirdly , in keeping the water of Fiume Sisto in its own Chanel . All which are things that may be done with very little charge , and to the manifest benefit of the whole Country , and to the rendering the Air wholsomer in all those Places adjoyning to the Pontine Fens . A CONSIDERATION Upon the DRAINING Of the Territories of Bologna , Ferrara , AND Romagna . BY D. BENEDETTO CASTELLI , Abbot of S. BENEDETTO ALOISIO , Mathematician to P. Vrban VIII . and Professor in the University of ROME . THe weghty businesse of the Draining of the Territories of Bologna , Ferrara , and Romagna having been punctually handled and declared in writing from the excellent memory of the Right Honourable and Noble Monsignore Corsini , who was heretofore Deputed Commissary General , and Visitor of those Waters ; I am not able to make such another Discourse upon the same Subject , but will only say somewhat for farther confirmation of that which I have said in this Book upon the Lake of Venice , upon the Pontine Fens , and upon the Draining of those Plains of Pisa , lying between the Rivers Arno and Serchio ; whereby it is manifest , that in all the aforementioned Cases , and in the present one that we are in hand with , there have , in times past , very grosse Errours been committed , through the not having ever well understood the true measure of Running waters ; and here it is to be noted , that the businesse is , that in Venice , the diversion of the waters of the Lake , by diverting the Brent was debated , and in part executed , without consideration had how great abatement of water might follow i● the Lake , if the Brent were diverted , as I have shewn in the first Consideration upon this particular , from which act there hath insued very bad consequences , not only the difficulty of Navigation , but it hath infected the wholsomnesse of the Air , and caused the stoppage of the Ports of Venice . And on the contrary , the same inadvertency of not considering what rising of the Water the Reno , and other Rivers being opened into the Valleys of Bologna and Ferrara , might cause in the said Valleys , is the certain cause that so many rich and fertile Fields are drowned under water , converting the happy habitations and dwellings of men into miserable receptacles for Fishes : Things which doubtlesse would never have happened , if those Rivers had been kept at their height , and Reno had been turn'd into Main-Po , and the other Rivers into that of Argenta , and of Volano . Now there having sufficient been spoken by the above-named Monsig . Corsini in his Relation , I will only adde one conceit of my own , which after the Rivers should be regulated , as hath been said , I verily believe would be of extraordinary profit , I much doubt indeed that I shall finde it a hard matter to perswade men to be of my mind , but yet nevertheless I will not question , but that those , at least , who shall have understood what I have said and demonstrated concerning the manners and proportions , according to which the abatements and risings of Running waters proceed , that are made by the Diversions and Introductions of VVaters , will apprehend that my conjecture is grounded upon Reason . And although I descend not to the exactnesse of particulars , I will open the way to others , who having observed the requisite Rules of considering the quantity of the waters that are introduced , or that happen to be diverted , shall be able with punctuality to examine the whole businesse , and then resolve on that which shall be expedient to be done . Reflecting therefore upon the first Proposition , that the Risings of a Running Water made by the accession of new water into the River , are to one another , as the Square-Roots of the quantity of the water that runneth ; and consequently , that the same cometh to pass in the Diversions : Insomuch , that a River running in height one such a certain measure , to make it encrease double in height , the water is to be encreased to three times as much as it ran before ; so that when the water shall be quadruple , the height shall be double ; and if the water were centuple , the height would be decuple onely , and so from one quantity to another : And on the contrary , in the Diversions ; If of the 100. parts of water that run thorow a River , there shall be diverted 19 / 1●● , the height of the River diminisheth onely 1 / 10 , and continuing to divert 17 / 100 , the height of the River abateth likewise 1 / 10 , and so proceeding to divert 15 / 100 and then 13 / 100 , and then 11 / 100 , and then 9 / 100 , and then 7 / 100 , and then 5 / 100 , and then 3 / 106 , alwaies by each of these diversions , the height of the Running Water diminisheth the tenth part : although that the diversions be so unequal . Reflecting I say upon this infallible Truth , I have had a conceit , that though the Reno and other Rivers were diverted from the Valleyes , and there was onely left the Chanel of Navigation , which was onely the 1 / 20 part of the whole water that falleth into the Valleys ; yet nevertheless , the water in those same Valleyes would retain a tenth part of that height that became conjoyned by the concourse of all the Rivers : And therefore I should think that it were the best resolution to maintain the Chanel of Navigation ( if it were possible ) continuate unto the Po of Ferrara , and from thence to carry it into the Po of Volano ; for besides that it would be of very great ease in the Navigation of Bologna , and Ferrara , the said water would render the Po of Volano navigable as far as to the very Walls of Ferrara , and consequently the Navigation would be continuate from Bologna to the Sea-side . But to manage this enterprize well , it is necessary to measure the quantity of the Water that the Rivers discharge into the Valleys , and that which the Chanel of Navigation carryeth , in manner as I have demonstrated at the beginning of this Book ; for this once known , we shall also come to know , how profitable this diversion of the Chanel of Navigation from the Valleys is like to prove ; which yet would still be unprofitable , if so be that all the Rivers that discharge their waters into the Valleys , should not first be Drained , according to what hath been above advertised . Abbot CASTELLI , in the present consideration referring himself to the Relation of Monsig . Corsini , grounded upon the Observations and Precepts of the said Abbot ; as is seen in the present Discourse . I thought it convenient for the compleating of the Work of our Authour , upon these subjects , to insert it in this place . A Relation of the Waters in the Territories of Bologna and Ferrara . BY The Right Honourable and Illustrious , Monsignore CORSINI , a Native of Tuscany , Superintendent of the general DRAINS , and President of Romagna . THe Rheno , and other Brooks of Romagna , were by the advice of P. Agostino Spernazzati the Jesuite , towards the latter end of the time of Pope Clement VIII . notwithstanding the opposition of the Bolognesi , and others concerned therein , diverted from their Chanels , for the more commodious cleansing of the Po of Ferrara , and of its two Branches of Primaro , and Volano ; in order to the introducing the water of the Main-Po into them , to the end that their wonted Torrents being restored , they might carry the Muddy-water thence into the Sea , and restore to the City the Navigation which was last , as is manifest by the Brief of the said Pope Clement , directed to the Cardinal San Clemence , bearing date the 22. of August , 1604. The work of the said cleansing , and introducing of the said Po , either as being such in it self , or by the contention of the Cardinal Legates then in these parts ; and the jarrings that hapned betwixt them , proved so difficult , that after the expence of vast summs in the space of 21. years , there hath been nothing done , save the rendring of it the more difficult to be effected . Interim , the Torrents with their waters , both muddy and clear , have damaged the Grounds lying on the right hand of the Po of Argenta , and the Rheno those on its Banks ; of which I will speak in the first place , as of that which is of greater importance , and from which the principal cause of the mischiefs that result from the rest doth proceed . This Rheno having overflowed the * Tennency of Sanmartina , in circumference about fourteen miles given it before , and part of that of Cominale given it afterwards , as it were , for a receptacle ; from whence , having deposed the matter of its muddiness , it issued clear by the Mouths of Masi , and of Lievaloro , into the Po of Primaro , and of Volano ; did break down the encompassing Bank or Dam towards S. Martino , and that of its new Chanel on the right hand neer to Torre del Fondo . By the breaches on this side it streamed out in great abundance from the upper part of Cominale , and in the parts about Raveda , Pioggio , Caprara , Ghiare di Reno , Sant ' Agostino , San Prospero , San Vincenzo , and others , and made them to become incultivable : it made also those places above but little fruitful , by reason of the impediments that their Draines received , finding the Conveyances called Riolo and Scorsuro , not only filled by la Motta and la Belletta , but that they turned backwards of themselves . But by the Mouths in the inclosing Bank or Dam at Borgo di S. Martino issuing with violence , it first gave obstruction to the ancient Navigation of la Torre della Fossa , and afterwards to the moderne of the mouth of Masi , so that at present the Commerce between Bologna and Ferrara is lost , nor can it ever be in any durable way renewed , whilst that this exceeds its due bounds , and what ever moneys shall be imployed about the same shall be without any equivalent benefit , and to the manifest and notable prejudice of the * Apostolick Chamber . Thence passing into the Valley of Marzara , it swelleth higher , not only by the rising of the water , but by the raising of the bottome , by reason of the matter sunk thither after Land-floods , and dilateth so , that it covereth all the Meadows thereabouts , nor doth it receive with the wonted facility the Drains of the upper Grounds , of which the next unto it lying under the waters that return upwards by the Conveyances , and the more remote , not finding a passage for Rain-waters that settle , become either altogether unprofitable or little better . From this Valley , by the Trench or Ditch of Marzara , or of la Duca by la Buova , or mouth of Castaldo de Rossi , and by the new passage it falleth into the Po of Argenta , which being to receive it clear , that so it may sink farther therein , and receiving it muddy , because it hath acquired a quicker course , there will arise a very contrary effect . Here therefore the superficies of the water keeping high , until it come to the Sea , hindereth the Valleys of Ravenna , where the River Senio , those of San Bernardino where Santerno was turned , those of Buon ' acquisto , and those of Marmorto , where the Idice , Quaderna , Sellero fall in , from swallowing and taking in their Waters by their usual In-lets , yet many times , as I my self have seen in the Visitation , they drink them up plentifully , whereupon , being conjoyned with the muddinesse of those Rivers that fall into the same , they swell , and dilate , and overflow some grounds , and deprive others of their Drains in like manner as hath been said of that of Marrara , insomuch that from the Point of S. Giorgio , as far as S. Alberto all those that are between the Valleys and Po are spoiled , of those that are between Valley and Valley many are in a very bad condition , and those that are some considerable space above not a little damnified . In fine , by raising the bottom or sand of the Valleys , and the bed of Reno , and the too great repletion of the Po of Primaro with waters , the Valleys of Comacchio ( on which side the Banks are very bad ) and * Polesine di S. Grorgio are threatned with a danger , that may in time , if it be not remedied , become irreparable , and at present feeleth the incommodity of the Waters , which penetrating thorow the pores of the Earth do spring up in the same , which they call Purlings , which is all likely to redound to the prejudice of Ferrara , so noble a City of Italy , and so important to the Ecclesiastick State. Which particulars all appear to be attested under the hand of a Notary in the Visitation which I made upon the command of His Holinesse , and are withall known to be true by the * Ferraresi themselves , of whom ( besides the request of the Bolognesi ) the greater part beg compassion with sundry Memorials , and remedies , aswell for the mischiefs past , as also for those in time to come , from which I hold it a duty of Conscience , and of Charity to deliver them . Pope Clement judged , that the sufficient means to effect this was the said Introduction of the Main Po into the Chanel of Ferrara ; a resolution truly Heroical , and of no lesse beauty than benefit to that City , of which I speak not at present , because I think that there is need of a readier and more accomodate remedy . So that I see not how any other thing can be so much considerable as the removal of Reno , omitting for this time to speak of * inclosing it from Valley to Valley untill it come to the Sea , as the Dukes of Ferrara did design , forasmuch as all those Ferraresi that have interest in the Polesine di S. Giorgio , and on the right hand of the Po of Argenta do not desire it , and do , but too openly , protest against it ; and because that before the Chanel were made as far as the Sea , many hundreds of years would be spent , and yet would not remedy the dammages of those who now are agrieved , but would much increase them , in regard the Valleys would continue submerged , the Drains stopped , and the other Brooks obstructed , which would of necessity drown not a few Lands that lie between Valley and Valley ; and in fine , in regard it hath not from San Martina to the Sea for a space of fifty miles a greater fall then 19 , 8 , 6 , feet , it would want that force which they themselves who propound this project do require it to have , that so it may not depose the matter of the muddiness when it is intended to be let into Volana . So that making the Line of the bottome neer to Vigarano , it would rise to those prodigious termes that they do make bigger , and they may thence expect those mischiefs , for which they will not admit of introducing it into the said Po of Volana . Amongst the wayes therefore that I have thought of for effecting that same remotion , and which I have caused to be viewed by skilful men that have taken a level thereof , ( with the assistance of the venerable Father , D. Benedetto Castelli of Casina , a man of much fidelity and honesty , and no less expert in such like affairs touching waters , than perfect in the Mathematick Disciplines ) two onely , the rest being either too tedious , or too dangerous to the City , have seemed to me worthy , and one of them also more than the other , to offer to your Lordship . The one is to remit it into the Chanel of Volana , thorow which it goeth of its own accord to the Sea. The other is to turn it into Main-Po at Stellata , for , as at other times it hath done , it will carry it to the Sea happily . As to what concerns the making choice of the first way , that which seemeth to perswade us to it is , that we therein do nothing that is new , in that it is but restored to the place whence it was removed in the year 1522. in the time of Pope Adrian , by an agreement made in way of contract , between Alfonso , Duke of Ferrara , and the Bolognesi ; and that it was diverted for reasons , that are either out of date , or else have been too long time deferred . In like manner the facility wherewith it may be effected , letting it run into the divided Po , whereby it will be turned to Ferrara , or else carrying it by Torre del Fondo , to the mouth of Masi , and from thence thorow the Trench made by the Ferraresi , along by Panaro , where also finding an ample Bed , and high and thick Banks , that will serve at other times for it , and for the waters of Po , there may a great expence be spared . That what ever its Fall be , it would maintain the same , not having other Rivers , which with their Floods can hinder it ; and that running confined between good Banks , without doubt it would not leave la Motto by the way ; but especially , that it would be sufficient if it came to Codigoro , where being assisted by the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , it would run no hazard of having its Chanel filled up from thence downwards . That there might thence many benefits be derived to the City , by means of the Running Waters , and also no mean Navigation might be expected . On the contrary it is objected , That it is not convenient to think of returning this Torrent into the divided Po , by reason of the peril that would thence redound to this City . And that going by Torre del Fondo , through Sanmartina to the Mouth de Masi by the Chappel of Vigarano unto the Sea , it is by this way 70. miles ; nor is the Fall greater than 26. 5. 6. Feet , so that it would come to fall but 4. inches & an half , or thereabouts in a mile ; whereas the common opinion of the skilfull ( to the end that the Torrents may not depose their sand that they bring with them in Land-Floods ) requireth the twenty fourth part of the hundredth part of their whole length , which in our case , accounting according to the measure of these places , is 16. inches a * mile ; whereupon the sinking of the Mud and Sand would most certainly follow , and so an immense heightning of the Line of the Bottom , and consequently a necessity of raising the Banks , the impossibility of maintaining them , the danger of breaches and decayes , things very prejudicial to the Islets of this City , and of San Giorgio , the obstruction of the Drains , which from the Tower of Tienne downwards , fall into the said Chanel ; to wit , those of the Sluices of Goro , and the Drains , of the Meadows of Ferrara : And moreover , the damages that would arise unto the said Islet of S. Giorgio , and the Valleys of Comachio , by the waters that should enter into the Goro or Dam of the Mills of Belriguardo , thorow the Trenches of Quadrea , which cannot be stopt , because they belong to the Duke of Modena , who hath right of diverting the waters of that place at his pleasure to the work of turning Mills . The greater part of which Objections , others pretend to prove frivolous , by saying , that its running there till at the last it was turned another way , is a sign that it had made such an elevation of the Line , of its Bed as it required ; denying that it needeth so great a declivity as is mentioned above ; and that for the future it would rise no more . That the said Dra●ns and Ditches did empty into the same , whilst Po was there ; so that they must needs be more able to do so when onely Reno runs that way . That there would no Breaches follow , or if they did , they would be onely of the water of Reno , which in few hours might be taken away ( in those parts they call damming up of Breaches , and mending the Bank , taking away the Breaches ) and it s a question whether they would procure more inconvenience than benefit , for that its Mud and Sand might in many places , by filling them up , occasion a seasonable improvement . Now omitting to discourse of the solidity of the reasons on the oneside , or on the other , I will produce those that move me to suspend my allowance of this design . The first is , that although I dare not subscribe to the opinion of those that require 16. inches Declivity in a mile to Reno , to prevent its deposing of Mud ; yet would I not be the Author that should make a trial of it with so much hazard , for having to satisfie my self in some particulars caused a Level to be taken of the Rivers L'amone , Senio , and Santerno , by Bernardino Aleotti , we found that they have more Declivity by much than Artists require , as also the Reno hath from la Botta de Ghislieri to the Chappel of Vigarano , for in the space of four miles its Bottom-Line falleth five feet and five inches . So that I hold it greater prudence to depend upon that example , than to go contrary to a common opinion , especially since , that the effects caused by Reno it self do confirm me in the same , for when it was forsaken by the Po , after a few years , either because it had choaked up its Chanel with Sand , or because it s too long journey did increase it , it also naturally turned aside , and took the way of the said Po towards Stellata . Nay , in those very years that it did run that way , it only began ( as relations say ) to make Breaches , an evident sign that it doth depose Sand , and raise its Bed ; which agreeth with the testimony of some that were examined in the Visitation of the Publique Notary , who found great benefit by having Running Water , and some kind of passage for Boats , and yet nevertheless affirm that it for want of Running Water had made too high Stoppages and Shelfes of Sand ; so that if it should be restored to the Course that it forsook , I much fear that after a short time , if not suddenly , it would leave it a-again . The second I take from the observation of what happened to Panaro , when with so great applause of the Feraresi , it was brought by Cardinal Serra into the said Chanel of Volana ; for that notwithstanding that it had Running Waters in much greater abundance than Reno ; yet in the time that it continued in that Chanel it raised its Bed well neer five feet , as is to be seen below the Sluice made by Cardinal Capponi to his new Chanel ; yea , the said Cardinal Serra who desired that this his undertaking should appear to have been of no danger nor damage , was constrained at its Overflowings , to give it Vent into Sanmartina , that it might not break in upon , and prejudice the City ; which danger I should more fear from Reno , in regard it carrieth a greater abundance of Water and Sand. Thirdly , I am much troubled ( in the uncertainty of the success of the affair ) at the great expence thereto required ; For in regard I do not approve of letting it in , neer to the Fortresse , for many respects , and carrying it by la Torre del Fondo to the Mouth de Masi , it will take up eight miles of double Banks , a thing not easie to be procured , by reason that the Grounds lie under Water ; but from the Mouth de Masi unto Codigoro , it would also be necessary to make new Scowrings of the Chanel ; to the end , that the Water approaching ( by wearing and carrying away the Earth on both shores , might make a Bed sufficient for its Body , the depth made for Panaro not serving the turn , as I conceive ; and if it should suffice , when could the people of Ferrara hope to be re-imbursed and satisfied for the charge thereof ? Fourthly , it serves as an Argument with me , to see that the very individual persons concerned in the Remotion or Diversion of the said Torrent , namely , the Bolognesi do not incline unto it , and that the whole City of Ferrara , even those very persons who at present receive damage by it , cannot indure to hear thereof . The reason that induceth these last named to be so averse thereto , is , either because that this undertaking will render the introduction of the Water of Main-Po more difficult ; or because they fear the danger thereof ; The others decline the Project , either for that they know that Reno cannot long continue in that Course , or because they fear that it is too much exposed to those mens revengeful Cutting of it who do not desire it should ; and if a man have any other wayes , he ought , in my opinion , to forbear that , which to such as stand in need of its Removal , is lesse satisfactory , and to such as oppose it , more prejudicial . To conclude , I exceedingly honour the judgment of Cardinal Capponi , who having to his Natural Ability and Prudence added a particular Study , Observation , and Experience of these Waters for the space of three years together , doth not think that Reno can go by Volana ; to which agreeth the opinion of Cardinal S. Marcello , Legate of this City , of whom , for his exquisite understanding , we ought to make great account . But if ever this should be resolved on , it would be materially necessary to unite the Quick and Running Waters of the little Chanel of Cento , of the Chanel Navilio , of Guazzaloca , and at its very beginning those of Dardagna , which at present , is one of the Springs or Heads of Panaro , that so they might assist it in carrying its Sand , and the matter of its Muddiness into the Sea ; and then there would not fail to be a greater evacuation and scowring ; but withall the Proprietors in the Islet of San Giorgio and of Ferrara must prepare themselves to indure the inconveniences of Purlings or Sewings of the Water from the River thorow the Boggy Ground thereabouts . I should more easily incline therefore to carry it into Main-Po at Stellata , for the Reasons that Cardinal Capponi most ingeniously enumerates in a short , but well-grounded Tract of his : not because that indeed it would not both by Purlings and by Breaches occasion some inconvenience ; especially , in the beginning : but because I hold this for the incomodities of it , to be a far less evil than any of the rest ; and because that by this means there is no occasion given to them of Ferrara , to explain that they are deprived of the hope of ever seeing the Po again under the Walls of their City : To whom , where it may be done , it is but reason that satisfaction should be given . It is certain that Po was placed by Nature in the midst of this great Valley made by the Appennine Hills , and by the Alps , to carry , as the Master-Drain to the Sea , that is the grand receptacle of all Waters ; those particular streams which descend from them . That the Reno by all Geographers , Strabo , Pliny , Solimas , Mella , and others is enumerated among the Rivers that fall into the said Po. That although Po should of it self change its course , yet would Reno go to look it out , if the works erected by humane industry did not obstruct its passage ; so that it neither is , nor ought to seem strange , if one for the greater common good should turn it into the same . Now at Stellata it may go several waies into Po , as appeareth by the levels that were taken by my Order ; of all which I should best like the turning of it to la Botta de' Ghislieri , carrying it above Bondeno to the Church of Gambarone , or a little higher or lower , as shall be judged least prejudicial , when it cometh to the execution , and this for two principal reasons : The one because that then it will run along by the confines of the Church P●trimony , without separating Ferrara from the rest of it ; The other is , Because the Line is shorter , and consequently the fall greater ; for that in a space of ten miles and one third , it falleth twenty six feet , more by much than is required by Artists ; and would go by places where it could do but little hurt , notwithstanding that the persons interressed study to amplifie it incredibly . On the contrary , there are but onely two objections that are worthy to be examined ; One , That the Drains and Ditches of S. Bianca , of the Chanel of Cento , and of Burana , and all those others that enter into Po , do hinder this diversion of Reno , by the encreasing of the waters in the Po. The other is that Po rising about the Transom of the Pilaster-Sluice , very near 20 feet , the Reno would have no fall into the same ; whereupon it would rise to a terrible height , at which it would not be possible to make , or keep the Banks made , so that it would break out and drown the Meadowes , and cause mischiefs , and damages unspeakable and irreparable ; as is evident by the experiment made upon Panaro , which being confined between Banks , that it might go into Po , this not being neither in its greatest excrescense , it broke out into the territories of Final , and of Ferrara . And though that might be done , it would thereupon ensue , that there being let into the Chanel of Po , 2800. square feet of water ( for so much we account those of Reno and Panaro , taken together in their greatest heights ) the superficies of it would rise at least four feet , insomuch that either it would be requisite to raise its Banks all the way unto the Sea , to the same height , which the treasures of the Indies would not suffice to effect ; or else there would be a necessity of enduring excessive Breaches . To these two Heads are the Arguments reduced , which are largely amplified against our opinion ; and I shall answer first to the last , as most material . I say therefore , that there are three cases to be considered : First , Po high , and Reno low . Secondly , Reno high , and Po low . Thirdly , Reno and Po both high together . As to the first and second , there is no difficulty in them ; for if Po shall not be at its greatest height , Reno shall ever have a fall into it , and there shall need no humane Artifice about the Banks : And if Reno shall be low , Po shall regurgitate and flow up into the Chanel of it ; and also from thence no inconvenience shall follow . The third remains , from which there are expected many mischiefs ; but it is a most undoubted truth , that the excrescencies of Reno , as coming from the adjacent Appennines and Rains , are to continue but seven , or eight hours at most , and so would never , or very rarely happen to be at the same time with those of Po , caused by the melting of the snowes of the Alps , at least 400. miles distance from thence . But because it sometimes may happen , I reply , that when it cometh to pass , Reno shall not go into Po , but it shall have allowed it one or two Vents ; namely , into the Chanel of Ferrara , as it hath ever had ; and into Sanmartina , where it runneth at present , and wherewith there is no doubt , but that the persons concerned will be well pleased , it being a great benefit to them , to have the water over-flow their grounds once every four or five years , instead of seeing it anoy them continually . Yea , the Vent may be regulated , reserving for it the Chanel in which Reno at present runneth ; and instead of turning it by a Dam at la Betta de Ghislieri , perhaps , to turn it by help of strong Sluices , that may upon all occasions be opened and shut . And for my part , I do not question but that the Proprietors themselves in Sanmartina would make a Chanel for it ; which receiving , and confining it in the time of the Vents , might carry the Sand into the Po of Primaro : Nor need there thence be feared any stoppage by Mud and Sand , since that it is supposed that there will but very seldom be any necessity of using it ; so that time would be allowed , upon occasion , to scowr and cleanse it . And in this manner all those Prodigies vanish that are raised with so much fear from the enterance of the Water of Reno swelled into Po , when it is high , to which there needeth no other answer ; yet neverthelesse we do not take that quantity of Water , that is carried by Reno , and by Panaro , to be so great as is affirmed : For that P. D. Benedetto Castelli hath no lesse accutely than accurately observed the measures of this kind , noting that the breadth and depth of a River is not enough to resolve the question truly , but that there is respect to be had to the velocity of the Waters , and the term of time , things hitherto not considered by the Skilful in these affairs ; and therefore they are not able to say what quantity of Waters the said Rivers carry , nor to conclude of the risings that will follow thereupon . Nay , it is most certain , that if all the Rivers that fall into Po , which are above thirty , should rise at the rate that these compute Reno to do , and hundred feet of Banks would not suffice , and yet they have far fewer : So that this confirmes the Rule of R. P. D. Benedetto , namely , that the proportion of the height of the Water of Reno in Reno to the height of the Water of Reno in Po , is compounded of the proportion of the breadth of the Chanel of Po to that of Reno , and of the velocity of the Water of Reno in Po to the vel●city of the Water of Reno in Reno ; a manifest argument that there cannot in it , by this new augmentation of Waters follow any alteration that necessitates the raising of its Banks , as appeareth by the example of Pavaro , which hath been so far from swelling Po , that it hath rather asswaged it , for it hath carried away many Shelfs and many Islets that had grown in its Bed , for want of Waters sufficient to bear away the matter of Land-floods in so broad a Chanel ; and as is learnt by the trial made by us in Panaro with the Water of Burana ; for erecting in the River standing marks , and shutting the said Sluice , we could see no sensible abatement , nor much less after we had opened it sensible increasment ; by which we judge that the same is to succeed to Po , by letting in of Reno , Burana having greater proportion to Panaro than Reno to Po , considering the state of those Rivers in which the Observation was made . So that there is no longer any occasion for those great raisings of Banks , and the danger of the ruptures as well of Reno as of Po do vanish , as also the fear lest that the Sluices which empty into Po should receive obstruction : which if they should , yet it would be over in a few hours . And as to the Breaches of Panaro which happened in 1623. I know not why , seeing that it is confessed that the Po was not , at that time , at its height , one should rather charge it with the crime , than quit it thereof . The truth is , that the Bank was not made of proof , since that the same now continueth whole and good , and Panaro doth not break out ; nay , there was , when it brake more than a foot and half of its Banks above the Water , and to spare ; but it broke thorow by a Moles working ; or by the hole of a Water-Rat , or some such vermine ; and by occasion of the badness of the said Banks , as I finde by the testimony of some witnesses examined by my command , that I might know the truth thereof . Nor can I here forbear to say , that it would be better , if in such matters men were more candid and sincere . But to secure our selves neverthelesse , to the utmost of our power , from such like Breaches which may happen at the first , by reason of the newnesse of the Banks , I presuppose that from Po unto the place whence Reno is cut , there ought to be a high and thick Fence made with its Banks , so that there would be no cause to fear any whatsoever accessions of Water , although that concurrence of three Rivers , which was by some more ingeniously aggravated than faithfully stated by that which was said above were true ; to whom I think not my self bound to make any farther reply , neither to those who say that Po will ascend upwards into Reno , since that these are the same persons who would introduce a small branch of the said Po into the Chanel of Ferrara , that so it may conveigh to the Sea , not Reno onely , but also all the other Brooks of which we complained ; and because that withal it is impossible , that a River so capacious as Po should be incommoded by a Torrent , that , as I may say , hath no proportion to it . I come now to the businesse of the Ditches and Draines ; and as to the Conveyance of Burana ; it hath heretofore been debated to turn it into Main-Po , so that in this case it will receive no harm , and though it were not removed , yet would it by a Trench under ground pursue the course that it now holdeth , and also would be able to dis-imbogue again into the said new Chanel of Reno , which conforming to the superficies of the Water of Po , would continue at a lower level than that which Panara had when it came to Ferrara , into which Burana did neverthelesse empty it self for some time . The Conveyance or Drain of Santa Bianca , and the little Chanel of Cento may also empty themselves by two subterranean Trenches , without any prejudice where they run at present , or without any more works of that nature , they may be turned into the said new Chanel , although with somewhat more of inconvenience ; and withall , the Chanel of Ferrara , left dry , would be a sufficient receptacle for any other Sewer or Drain whatsoever , that should remain there . All which Operations might be brought to perfection with 150. thousand Crowns , well and faithfully laid out ; which summ the Bolognesi will not be unwilling to provide ; besides that those Ferraresi ought to contribute to it , who shall partake of the benefit . Let me be permitted in this place to propose a thing which I have thought of , and which peradventure might occasion two benefits at once , although it be not wholly new . It was in the time of Pope Paul V. propounded by one Crescenzio an Ingineer , to cut the Main-Po , above le Papozze ; and having made a sufficient evacuation to derive the water thereof into the Po of Adriano , and so to procure it to be Navigable , which was not at that time effected , either by reason of the oppositions of those , whose possessions were to be cut thorow , or by reason of the great sum of money that was necessary for the effecting of it : But in viewing those Rivers , we have observed , that the sedge cutting might easily be made below le Papozze , in digging thorow the Bank called Santa Maria , & drawing a Trench of the bigness that skilful Artists shall judge meet unto the Po * of Ariano , below the Secche of the said S. Maria ; which as being a work of not above 160. Perches in length , would be finished with onely 12000. Crowns . First ; it is to be believed , that the waters running that way , would nor fail to open that Mouth into the Sea , which at present is almost choakt up by the Shelf of Sand , which the new Mouth of Ponto Virro hath brought thither ; and that it would again bring into use the Port Gero , and its Navigation . And haply experience might teach us , that the superficies of Po might come to fall by this asswagement of Water , so that the accession of Reno would questionless make no rising in it : Whereupon , if it should so fall out , those Princes would have no reason to complain ; who seem to question , lest by this new accession of water into Po , the Sluices might be endangered . Which I thought not fit to omit to represent to your Lordship ; not , that I propose it to you as a thing absolutely certain , but that you might , if you so pleased , lay it before persons whose judgements are approved in these affairs . I return now from where I degrest , and affirm it as indubitable , that Reno neither can , nor ought to continue longer where it at this day is ; and that it cannot go into any other place but that , whither Cardinal Capponi designed to carry it , and which at present pleaseth me better than any other ; or into Volana , whence it was taken away ; the vigilance of Men being able to obviate part of those mischiefs , which it may do there . But from its Removal , besides the alleviation of the harm which by it self is caused , there would also result the diminution of that which is occasioned by the other Brooks , to the right hand of the Po of Argenta ; forasmuch as the said Po wanting all the water of Reno , it would of necessity come to ebb in such manner , that the Valleys would have a greater Fall into the same , and consequently it would take in , and swallow greater abundance of water ; and by this means the Ditches and Draines of the Up-Lands would likewise more easily Fall into them ; especially if the scouring of Zenzalino were brought to perfection , by which the waters of Marrara would fall into Marmorta : And if also that of Bastia were enlarged , and finished , by which there might enter as much water into the said Po of Argenta , as is taken from it by the removal of Reno ; although that by that meanes the water of the Valleys would asswage double : Nor would the people of Argenta , the Isles of S. Giorgio , and Comacchio have any cause to complain ; for that there would not be given to them more water than was taken away : Nay sometimes whereas they had Muddy waters , they would have clear ; nor need they to fear any rising : And furthermore , by this means a very great quantity of ground would be restored to culture ; For the effecting of all which , the summ of 50. thousand Crowns would go very far , and would serve the turn at present touching those Brooks , carrying them a little farther in the mean time , to fill up the greater cavities of the Valleys , that we might not enter upon a vaster and harder work , that would bring with it the difficulties of other operations , and so would hinder the benefit which these people expect from the paternal charity of His Holiness . TO The Right Honourable , MONSIGNORE D. Ferrante Cesarini . MY Treatise of the MENSURATION of RUNNING WATERS , Right Honourable , and most Noble Sir , hath not a greater Prerogative than its having been the production of the command of Pope Vrban VIII . when His Holiness was pleased to enjoyn me to go with Monsignore Corsini , in the Visitation that was imposed upon him in the year 1625. of the Waters of Ferrara , Bologna , Romagna , and Romagnola ; for that , on that occasion applying my whole Study to my service and duty , I published in that Treatise some particulars till then not rightly understood and considered ( that I knew ) by any one ; although they be in themselves most important , and of extraordinary consequence . Yet I must render thanks to Your Lordship for the honour you have done to that my Tract ; but wish withal , that your Esteem of it may not prejudice the universal Esteem that the World hath of Your Honour most refined judgement . As to that Point which I touch upon in the Conclusion , namely , That the consideration of the Velocity of Running Water supplyeth the consideration of the * Length omitted in the common way of measuring Running Waters ; Your Lordship having commanded me that in favour of Practise , and for the perfect discovery of the disorder that commonly happeneth now adayes in the distribution of the Waters of Fountains , I should demonstrate that the knowledge of the Velocity serveth for the finding of the Length : I have thought fit to satisfie your Command by relating a Fable ; which , if I do not deceive my self , will make out to us the truth thereof ; insomuch that the rest of my Treatise shall thereby also become more manifest and intelligible , even to those who finde therein some kinde of obscurity . In the dayes of yore , before that the admirable Art of Weaving was in use , there was found in Persia a vast and unvaluable Treasure , which consisted in an huge multitude of pieces of Ermesin , or Damask , I know not whether ; which , as I take it , amounted to near two thousand pieces ; which were of such a nature , that though their Breadth and Thickness were finite and determinate , as they use to be at this day ; yet nevertheless , their Length was in a certain sense infinite , for that those two thousand pieces , day and night without ceasing , issued out with their ends at such a rate , that of each piece there issued 100. Ells a day , from a deep and dark Cave , consecrated by the Superstition of those people , to the fabulous Arachne . In those innocent and early times ( I take it to have been , in that so much applauded and desired Golden age ) it was left to the liberty of any one , to cut off of those pieces what quantity they pleased without any difficulty : But that felicity decaying and degenerating , which was altogether ignorant of Meum and Tuum ; terms certainly most pernicious , the Original of all evils , and cause of all discords ; there were by those people strong and vigilant Guards placed upon the Cave , who resolved to make merchandize of the Stuffes ; and in this manner they began to set a price upon that inestimable Treasure , selling the propriety in those pieces to divers Merchants ; to some they sold a right in one , to some in two , and to some in more . But that which was the worst of all , There was found out by the insatiable avarice of these men crafty inventions to deceive the Merchants also ; who came to buy the aforesaid commodity , and to make themselves Masters , some of one some of two , and some of more ends of those pieces of stuff ; and in particular , there were certain ingenuous Machines placed in the more secret places of the Cave , with which at the pleasure of the Guards , they did retard the velocity of those Stuffs , in their issuing out of the Cave ; insomuch , that he who ought to have had 100. Ells of Stuff in a day , had not above 50 , and he who should hav● had 400 , enjoyed the benefit of 50. onely ; and so all the rest were defrauded of their Rights , the surplusage being sold , appropriated , and shared at the will of the corrupt Officers : So that the business was without all order or justice , insomuch that the Goddess Arachne being displeased at those people , deprived every one of their benefit , and with a dreadful Earthquake for ever closing the mouth of the Cave , in punishment of so much impiety and malice : Nor did it avail them to excuse themselves , by saying that they allowed the Buyer the Breadth and Thickness bargained for ; and that of the Length , which was infinite , there could no account be kept : For the wise and prudent Priest of the Sacred Grotto answered , That the deceit lay in the length , which they were defrauded of , in that the velocity of the stuffe was retarded , as it issued out of the Cave : and although the total length of the Piece was infinite , for that it never ceased coming forth , and so was not to be computed ; yet nevertheless its length considered , part by part , as it came out of the Cave , and was bargained for , continued still finite , and might be one while greater , and another while lesser , according as the Piece was constituted in greater or lesser velocity ; and he added withall , that exact Justice required , that when they sold a piece of stuff , and the propriety or dominion therein , they ought not only to have ascertained the breadth and thicknesse of the Piece , but also to have determined the length , determining its velocity . The same disorder and confusion , that was represented in the Fable , doth come to passe in the History of the Distribution of the Waters of Conduits and Fountains , seeing that they are sold and bought , having regard only to the two Dimensions , I mean of Breadth and Height of the Mouth that dischargeth the Water ; and to remedy such an inconvenience , it is necessary to determine the length in the velocity ; for never shall we be able to make a guesse at the quantity of the Body of Running VVater , with the two Dimensions only of Breadth and Height , without Length . And to the end , that the whole business may be reduced to a most easie practice , by which the waters of Aqueducts may be bought and sold justly , and with measures alwayes exact and constant . First , the quantity of the Water ought diligently to be examined , which the whole principal * Pipe dischargeth in a time certain , as for instance , in an hour , in half an hour , or in a lesse interval of time , ( for knowing which I have a most exact and easie Rule ) and finding that the whole principal pipe dischargeth v. g. a thousand Tuns of Water in the space of one or more hours , in selling of this water , it ought not to be uttered by the ordinary and false measure , but the distribution is to be made with agreement to give and maintain to the buyer ten or twenty , or a greater number of Tuns , as the bargain shall be made , in the space of an hour , or of some other set and determinate time . And here I adde , that if I were to undertake to make such an adjustment , I would make use of a way to divide and measure the time with such accuratenesse , that the space of an hour should be divided into four , six , or eight thousand parts without the least errour ; which Rule was taught me by my Master Sign . Galilaeo Galilaei , Chief Philosopher to the most Serene Grand Duke of Tuscany . And this way will serve easily and admirably to our purpose and occasion ; so that we shall thereby be able to know how many Quarts of Water an Aqueduct will discharge in a given time of hours , moneths , or years . And in this manner we may constitute a Cock that shall discharge a certain and determinate quantity of water in a time given . And because daily experience shews us , that the Springs of Aqueducts do not maintain them alwayes equally high , and full of Water , but that sometimes they increase , and sometimes decrease , which accident might possibly procure some difficulty in our distribution : Therefore , to the end that all manner of scruple may be removed , I conceive that it would be convenient to provide a Cistern , according to the occasion , into which there might alwayes fall one certain quantity of water , which should not be greater than that which the principal pipe dischargeth in times of drought , when the Springs are bare of water , that so in this Cistern the water might alwayes keep at one constant height . Then to the Cistern so prepared we are to fasten the Cocks of particular persons , to whom the Water is sold by the Reverend Apostolique Chamber , according to what hath been observed before ; and that quantity of Water which remaineth over and above , is to be discharged into another Cistern , in which the Cocks of the Waters for publick services , and of those which people buy upon particular occasions are to be placed . And when the businesse shall have been brought to this passe , there will likewise a remedy be found to the so many disorders that continually happen ; of which , for brevity sake , I will instance in but four only , which concern both publique and private benefit , as being , in my judgment , the most enormous and intolerable . The first inconvenience is , that in the common way of measuring , dispensing , and selling the Waters of Aqueducts , it is not understood , neither by the Buyer nor Seller , what the quantity truly is that is bought and sold ; nor could I ever meet with any either Engineer or Architect , or Artist , or other that was able to decypher to me , what one , or two , or ten inches of water was . But by our above declared Rule , for dispensing the Waters of Aqueducts we may very easily know the true quantity of Water that is bought or sold , as that it is so many Tuns an hour , so many a day , so many in a year , &c. The second disorder that happeneth , at present , in the distribution of Aqueducts is , that as the businesse is now governed , it lieth in the power of a sordid Mason to take unjustly from one , and give undeservedly to another more or lesse Water than belongeth to them of right : And I have seen it done , of my own experience . But in our way of measuring and distributing Waters , there can no fraud be committed ; and putting the case that they should be committed , it s an easie matter to know it , and amend it , by repairing to the Tribunal appointed . Thirdly , it happens very often , ( and we have examples thereof both antient and modern ) that in dispensing the Water after the common and vulgar way ; there is sometimes more Water dispended than there is in the Register , in which there will be registred , as they say , two hundred inches ( for example ) and there will be dispensed two hundred and fifty inches , or more . Which passage happened in the time of Nerva the Emperour , as Giulio Frontano writes , in his 2. Book , De Aquaductibus Vrbis Romae , where he observeth that they had in Commentariis 12755. Quinaries of Water ; and found that they dispensed 14018. Quinaries . And the like Errour hath continued , and is in use also modernly until our times . But if our Rule shall be observed , we shall incur no such disorder , nay there will alwayes be given to every one his share , according to the holy end of exact justice , which dat unicuique quod suum est . As on the contrary , it is manifest , that His Divine Majesty hateth and abominateth Pondus & pondus , Mensura & mensura , as the Holy Ghost speaketh by the mouth of Solomon in the Proverbs , Chap. 20. Pondus & Pondus , Mensura & Mensura , utrumque abominabile est apud Deum . And therefore who is it that seeth not that the way of dividing and measuring of VVaters , commonly used , is expresly against the Law of God. Since that thereby the same measure is made sometimes greater , and sometimes lesser ; A disorder so enormous and execrable , that I shall take the boldness to say , that for this sole respect it ought to be condemned and prohibited likewise by human Law , which should Enact that in this business there should be imployed either this our Rule , or some other that is more exquisite and practicable , whereby the measure might keep one constant and determinate tenor , as we make it , and not , as it is now , to make Pondus & Pondus , Mensura & Mensura . And this is all that I had to offer to your most Illustrious Lordship , in obedience to your commands , reserving to my self the giving of a more exact account of this my invention , when the occasion shall offer , of reducing to practice so holy , just , and necessary a reformation of the Measure of Running Waters and of Aqueducts in particular : which Rule may also be of great benefit in the division of the greater Waters to over-flow Grounds , and for other uses : I humbly bow , Your Most Devoted , and Most Obliged Servant , D. Benedetto Castelli , Abb. Casin . FINIS . A TABLE Of the most observable matters in this Treatise of the MENSURATION of RUNNING WATERS . A ABatements of a River in different and unequal Diversions , is alwaies equal , which is proved with 100. Syphons . Page 75 Arno River when it riseth upon a Land-Flood near the Sea one third of a Brace , it riseth about Pisa 6. or 7. Braces . 82 B Banks near to the Sea lower , than far from thence . Corollary XIV . 16 Brent River diverted from the Lake of Venice , and its effects . 64 Brent supposed insufficient to remedy the inconveniences of the Lake , and the falsity of that supposition . 67 Brent , and its benefits in the Lake . 70 Its Deposition of Sand in the Lake , how great it is . 78 , 79 Bridges over Rivers , and how they are to be made . Appendix VIII . 20 Burana River , its rising , and falling in Panaro . 110 C Castelli applyed himself to this Study by Order of Urban VIII . 2 Chanel of Navigation in the Valleys of Bologna , and its inconveniences . 99 Carried into the Po of Ferrara , and its benefits ibid. Ciampoli a lover of these Observations of Waters . 3 D Difficulty of this business of Measuring Waters . 2 Disorders that happen in the distribution of the Waters of Aqueducts , and their remedies . 113 Distribution of the Waters of Fountains , and Aqueducts . Appendix X. 22 Distribution of Water to over-flow Grounds . Appendix XI . 23 , 69 , 70 Diversion of Reno and other Brooks of Romagna , advised by P. Spernazzati to what end it was . 100 Drains and Ditches , the benefit they receive by cutting away the Weeds and Reeds . Appendix IX . 21 Drains and Sewers obstructed , in the Diversion of Reno into Main Po , and a remedy for the same . 110 E Engineers unvers'd in the matter of Waters . 2 Erour found in the common way of Measuring Running Waters : 68 , 69 Errour inderiving the Water of Acqua Paola . Appendix II. 17 , 18 Errour of Bartolotti . 86 , 87 Errours of Engineers in the Derivation of Chenels . Corollary XII . 12 Errour of Engineers in Measuring of Reno in Po. Appendix III. ibid. Errour of other Engineers , contrary to the precedent . Appendix IV. ibid. Errour of Giovanni Fontana in Measuring Waters . Corollary XI . 9 Errour of Giulio Frontino in Measuring the Waters of Aqueducts . Appendix . I. 17 Errours committed in cutting the Bank at Bondeno , in the swellings of Po : Corollary XIII . 81 F Fenns Pontine , Drained by Pope Sixtus Quintus , with vast expence . 92 The ruine and miscarriage thereof . 93 Tardity of the principal Chanel that Drains them , cause of the Drowning . ibid. They are obstructed by the Fishing-Wears , which swell the River . 94 Waters of Fiume Sisto , which flow in great abundance into the Evacuator of the said Fenns . 94 , 95 Remedies to the disorders of those Fenns . 95 , 96 Fontana Giovanni , his errours in Measuring Waters . Corollary XI . 9 Fiume Morto , whether it ought to fall into the Sea , or into Serchio , 79 Let into Serchio and its inconveniences . 79 , 80 The dangerous rising of its Waters , when to be expected . 81 Its inconveniences when it is higher in level than Serchio , and why it riseth most On the Sea-coasts , at such time at the Winds make the Sea to swell . 83 G Galilaeo Galilaei , honourably mentioned . Page 2 , 28 His Rules for measuring the time . 49 H Height , vide Quick Heights different , made by the same stream of a Brook or Torrent , according to the divers Velocities in the entrance of the River . Corollary I. 6 Heights different , made by the Torrent in the River , according to the different heights of the River . Corollary II. ibid. K Knowledge of Motion how much it importeth . 1 L Lake of Perugia , and , he Observation made on it . Appendix XII . 42 Lake of Thrasimenus and Considerations upon it , a Letter written to Sig. Galilaeo Galilaei . 28 Lake of Venice , and Considerations upon it . 63 , 73 Low Waters which let the bottom of it be discovered . 64 The stoppage and choaking of the Ports , a main cause of the disorders of the Lake , and the grand remedy to those disorders what it is . 66 Lakes and Meers along the Sea-ccosts , and the causes thereof . 65 Length of Waters , how it is to be Measured . 70 M Measure and Distributions of Waters . Appendix V. 18 Measure of Rivers that fall into others difficult . Coroll . X. 9 Measure of the Running Water of a Chanel of an height known by a Regulator of a Measure given , in a time assigned . Proposition I. Problem I. 50 Measure of the Water of any River , of any greatness , in a time given . Proposition V. Problem III. 60 Measure that shewes how much Water a River dischargeth in a time given . 48 Mole-holes , Motion the principal subject of Philosophy . 1 Mud. Vide Sand. N Navigation from Bologna to Ferrara , is become impossible , till such time as Reno be diverted . 101 Navigation in the Lake of Venice endangered , and how restored . 65 , 70 P Perpendicularity of the Banks of the River , to the upper superficies of it . 37 Perpendicularity of the Banks to the bottom . 37 Perugia . Vide Lake . Pontine . Vide Fenns . Ports of Venice , Malamocco , Bondolo , and Chiozza , choaked up for w●nt of Water in the Lake . 65 Proportions of unequal Sections of equal Velocity , and of equal Sections of unequal Velocity . Axiome IV. and V. 38 Proportions of equal and unequal quantities of Water , which pass by the Sections of different Rivers . Proposition II. 39 Proportions of unequal Sections that in equal times discharge equal quantities of Water . Proposition III. 41 Proportion wherewith one River falling into another , varieth in height . Proposition IV. 44 Proportion of the Water discharged by a River in the time of Flood , to the Water discharged in an equal time by the said River , before or after the Flood . Proposition V. 44 Proportion of the Heights made by two equal Brooks or Streams falling into the same River . Proposition VI. 45 Proportion of the Water which a River dischargeth encreasing in Quick-height by the addition of new Water , to that which it dischargeth after the encrease is made . Proposition IV. Theor. II. 54 Proportion of a River when high●● to it self when low . Coroll . I. 55 Q Quantity of Running Waters is never certain , if with the Vulgar way of Measuring them , their Velocities be not considered . 32 Quantities of Waters which are discharged by a River , answer in equality to the Velocities and times in which they are discharged . Axiome I , II , III. 38 Quick-Height of a River , what it is . Definition V. 48 R Reason of the Proverb , Take heed of the still Waters . Coroll . VI. 7 Reasons of Monsignore Corsini against the diversion of Reno into the Po of Volano . 105 Reasons of Cardinal Capponi and Monsig . Corsini , for the turning of Reno into Main Po. 106 Two objections on the contrary , and answers to them . 104 & 105 What ought to be the proportion of the Heights of Reno in Reno , and of Reno in Po. 110 Regulator what it is . Definition IV. 48 Relation of the Waters of Bologna and Ferrara , by Monsignore Corsini 100 Reno in the Valleys , and its bad effects . 100 , 101 Two wayes to divert it . 103 The facility and utility of those wayes . Ibid. The difficulties objected . 104 Reply to Bartolotti touching the dangers of turning Eiume Morto into Serchio . 83 Retardment of the course of a River caused by its Banks . Appendix VII . 19 Risings made by Flood-Gates but small . Appendix XIII . 26 Rivers that are shallow swell much upon small showers , such as are deep rise but little upon great Floods . Corollary III. 6 Rivers the higher they are , the swifter . Ibid. Rivers the higher they are , the lesse they encrease upon Floods . 49 Rivers when they are to have equal and when like Velocity . Ibid. Rivers in falling into the Sea , form a Shelf of Sand called Cavallo . 65 Five Rivers to be diverted from the Lake of Venice , and the inconveniences that would ensue thereupon . 74 , 75 A River of Quick-height , and Velocity in its Regulator being given , if the Height , be redoubled by new Water , it redoubleth also in Velocity . Proposition II. Theorem I. 51 Keepeth the proportion of the heights , to the Velocities . Corollary 52 S Sand and Mud that entereth into the Lake of Venice , and the way to examine it . 76 Seas agitated and driven by the Winds stop up the Ports . 64 , 65 Sections of a River what they are . Definition I. 37 Sections equally swift what they are . Definition II. Ibid. Sections of a River being given , to conceive others equal to them , of different breadth , height and Velocity . Petition . 38 Sections of the same River , and their Proportions to their Velocities . Coroll . I. 42 Sections of a River discharge in any whatsoever place of the said River , equal quantities of Water in equal times . Proposition I. 39 Sile River what mischiefes it threatneth , diverted from the Lake . 74 Spirtings of Waters grow bigger the higher they go . Coroll . XVI . 16 Streams of Rivers how they encrease and vary . Coroll . I. 6 Streams retarded , and the effects thereof . Coroll . IX . 8 T Table of the Heights , Additions , and Quantities of Waters , and its use . 56 Thrasimenus . Vide Lake . Time how it s measured in these Operations of the Waters . 49 Torrents encrease at the encreasing of a River , though they carry no more Water than before Coroll . IV. 6 Torrents when they depose and carry away the Sand. Coroll . V. 7 Torrents and their effects in a River . 6 , 7 Torrents that fall into the Valleys , or into Po of Valano , and their mischiefs prevented , by the diverting of Reno into Main Po. 100 Tyber and the causes of its inundations . Coroll . VIII . 8 V Valleys of Bologna and Ferrara , their inundations and disorders , whence they proceed . 97 Velocity of the Water shewn by several Examples . 3 Its proportion to the Measure . 5 Velocities equal , what they are . 47 Velocities like , what they are . 47 , 48 Velocities of Water known , how they help us in finding the Lengths . 113 A Fable to explain the truth thereof . Ibid. Venice . Vide Lake . Vse of the Regulator in measuring great Rivers . Consideration I. 60 W Waters falling , why they disgross . Coroll . XVI . 16 Waters , how the Length of them is Measured . 70 Waters that are imployed to flow Grounds , how they are to be distributed . 19 , 53 , 54 Waters to be carryed in Pipes , to serve Aquaducts and Conduits , how they are to be Measured . 15 , 116 Way to know the rising of Lakes by Raines . 28 Way of the Vulgar to Measure the VVaters of Rivers . 68 Wind Gun , and Portable Fountain of Vincenzo Vincenti of Urbin . 11 Windes contrary , retard , and make Rivers encrease . Coroll . VII . 8 The END of the TABLE of the Second Part of the First TOME . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61244-e3120 Copernicus reputeth the Earth a Globe like to a Planet . Coelestial substances that are in alterable and Elementary that be alterable , art necessary in the opinion of Aristotle . Aristotle maketh the World perfect , because it hath the threefold demension . Aristotles demonstrations ▪ to prove the dimensions to be three and no more . The number three celebrated amongst the Pythagorians Omne , Totum & Perfectum . Or Solid . Plato held that humane understanding partook of divinity , because it understood numbers . The Mystery of Pythagorick numbers fabulous . De Papyrio p●aetextato , Gellius 1. 2. 3. A Geometrical demonstration of the triple dimension . In physical proofs ●e●metrical exactness is not necessary . Parts of the world are two , according to Aristotle , Coelestial and Elementary contrary to one another . Local motion of three kinds , right , circular , & mixt . Circular , and streight motions are simple , as proceeding by simple lines . Ad medium , à 〈◊〉 , & circa medium . The definition of Nature , either imperfect , or unseasonable , produced by Aristotle . The Helix about the Cylinder may be said to be a simple line . Aristotle accommodates the rules of Architecture to the frame of the World , and not the frame to the rules . Right motion sometimes simple , and sometimes mixt according to Arist. The circular line perfect , according to Aristotle , and but the right imperfect , and why . The world is supposed by the Author to be perfectly ordinate . Streight motion impossible in the world exactly ordinate . Right motion nature infinite . Motion by a right line naturally impossible . Nature attempts not things impossible to be effected . Right motion might perhaps be in th● first Chaos . Right motion is commodious to range in order , things out of order . Mundane bodies moved in the beginning in a right line , and afterwards circularly , according to Plato . * Thus doth he cover●ly and modestly stile himselfe throughout this work . A moveable being in a state of rest , shall not move unless it have an inclination to some particular place . The moveable accelerates its motion , going towards the place whither it hath an inclination . The moveable passing from rest , goeth thorow all the degrees of tardity . Rest the infinite degree of tardity . The moveable doth not accelerate , save only as it approacheth nearer to us term . Nature , to introduce in the moveable a certain degree of velocity , made it move in a right line . Vniform velocity convenient to the circular motion . Betwixt rest , and any assigned degree of velocity , infinite degrees of less velocity interpose . Nature doth not immediately confer a determinate degree of velocity , howbeit she could . The moveable departing from rest passeth thorow all degrees of velocity without staying in any . The ponderous mover descending acquireth impetus sufficient to recarry it to the like height . The impetuosity of moveables equally approaching to the centre , are equal . Vpon an horizontall plane the moveable lieth still . The velocity by the inclining plane equal to the velocity by the perpendicular , and the motion by the perpendicular swifter than by the inclination . Velocities are said to be equal , when the spaces passed are proportionate to their time . The circular motion is never acquired naturally , without right motion precede it . Circular motion perpetually uniform . The magnitude of the Orbs , and the velocity of the motion of the Planets , answer proportionably , as if descended from the same place . Finite and terminate circular motions disorder not the parts of the World. In the circular motion , every point in the circumference is the begining and end . Circular motion onely is uniform . Circular motion may be continued perpetually . Right motion cannot naturally be perpetual . Right motion assigned to natural bodies , to reduce them to perfect order , when removed from their places . Rest onely , and circular motion are apt to conserve order . Sensible experiments are to be preferred before humane argumentations . He who denies sense , deserves to be deprived of it . Sense sheweth that things grave move to the medium , and the light to the concave . It is questionable whether descending weights move in a right line . The Earth sperical by the conspiration of its parts to its Centre . The Sun more probably in the centre of the Vniverse , than the Earth . Natural inclination of the parts of all the globes of the World to go to their centre . The right motion of grave bodies manifest to sense . Arguments of Aristotle , to prove that grave bodies move with an inclination to arrive at the centre of the Vniverse . Heavie bodies move towards the centre of the Earth per accidens . To seek what would follow upon an impossibility , is folly . Coelestial bodies neither heavie nor light , according to Aristotle . Aristotle cannot equivocate , being the inventer of Logick . * A famous Italian Painter . Paralogism of Aristotle , in proving the Earth to be in the Centre of the World. The Paralogisme of Aristotle another way discovered . Grave bodies may more rationally be affirmed to tend to the Centre of the Earth , than of the Vniverse . The conditions and attributes which differ the coelestial bodies from Elementary , depend on the motions assigned them by Arist. The disputes and contradictions of Philosophers may conduce to the benefit of Philosophy . Aristotles discourse to prove the incorruptibility of Heaven . Generation & corruption is onely amongst contraries , according to Arist. To the circular motion no other motion is contrary . Heaven an habitation for the immortal Gods. Immutability of Heaven evident to sense . He proveth that the circular motion hath no contrary . It s easier to prove the Earth to move , than that corruption is made by contraries . Bare transposition of parts may represent bodies under diverse asp●cts . By denying Principles in the Sciences , any Paradox may be maintained . * Or , Impatible . Coelestial Bodies are generable and corruptible , because they are ingenerable and incorruptible . The forked Syllogism cal'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Amongst Coelestial Bodies there is no contrariety . Contraries which are the causes of corruption , reside not in the same body that corrupteth ▪ Coelestial Bodies touch , but are not touched by the Elements . Gravity & levity , rarity and density , are contrary qualities . The stars infinitely surpass the substance of the rest of Heaven in density . Rarity & density in Coelestial bodies , is different from the rarity & density of the elements . Aristotle defective in assigning the causes why the elements are generable & corruptible . Arist. & Ptolomey make the Terrestrial Globe immoveable . It is better to say , that the Terrestrial Globe naturally resteth , than that it moveth directly downwards . * The word is , all' ingiù , which the Latine version rendreth sursùm , which is quite contrary to the Authors sense . Right Motion with more reason attributed to the parts , than to the whole Elements . The Peripateticks improperly assign those motions to the Elements for Natural , with which they never were moved , and those for Preternatural with which they alwayes are moved . Sensible experiments to be preferred to humane Arguments . Heaven immutable , because there never was any mutation seen in it . Bodies naturally lucid , are different from those which are by nature obscure . The Mediterranian Sea made by the separation of Abila and Calpen . It s no less impossible for a star to corrupt , than for the whole Terrestrial Globe . Aristotle would change his opinion , did he see the novelties of our age . The certainty of the conclusion helpeth by a resolutive method to find the demonstration . Pythagoras offered an Hecatomb for a Geometrical demonstration which he found . New stars discovered in Heaven . Spots generate and dissolve in the face of the Sun. Solar spots are bigger than all Asia and Affrick . * Astronomers confuted by Anti-Tycho . Anti-Tycho wresteth Astronomical observations to his own purpose . Sundry opinions touching the Solar spots . * The Original saith [ tempestata si muove ] which the Latine Translation , ( mistaking Tempestata , a word in Heraldry , for Tempestato , ) rendereth [ incitata movetur ] which signifieth a violent transportmeut , as in a storm , that of a Ship. In natural Sciences , the art of Oratory is of no force . An Argument that necessarily proveth the Solar spots to generate and dissolve . A conclusive demonstration , that the spots are contiguous to the body of the Sun. The motion of the spots towards the circumference of the Sun appears slow . The figure of the spots appears narrow towards the circumference of the Suns discus , & why . * Under this word Friend , as also that of Academick , & Common Friend , Galilaeus modestly conceals himself throughout these Dialogues . The Solar spots are not spherical , but flat like thin plates . One cannot ( saith Aristotle ) speak confidently of Heaven , by reason of its great distance . Aristotle prefers sense before ratiocination . It s a doctrine more agreeing with Aristotle , to say the Heavens are alterable , than that which affirms them inalterable . We may by help of the Telescope discourse better of coelestical matters , than Aristot. himself . The Declamation● of Simplicius . Peripatetick Philosophy unchangeable . * Extra Stellas . Generability and alteration is a greater perfection in the Worlds bodies than the contrary qualities . * Impatible . The Earth very noble , by reason of the many mutations made therein . The Earth unprofitable and full of idlenesse , its alterations taken away The Earth more noble than Gold and Jewels . Scarcity and plenty enhanse and debase the price of things . Incorruptibility esteemed by the vulgar out of their fear of death . The disparagers of corruptibility deserve to be turned into Statua's . The Coelestial bodies designed to serve the Earth , need no more but motion and light . Celestial bodies want an interchangeable operation upon each other . Alterability , &c. are not in the whole Terrestrial Globe , but in some of its parts . Coelestial bodies alterable in their outward parts . The generations & mutations happening in the Earth , are all for the good of Man. The Moon hath no generatings of things , like as we have , nor is it inhabited by men . In the Moon may be a generation of things different from ours . He that had not heard of the Element of Water , could never fancy to himself Ships and Fishes . There may be substances in the Moon very different from ours . The First resemblance between the Moon and Earth ; which is that of figure ; is proved by the manner of being illuminated by the Sun. The Second conformity is the Moons being opacous as the Earth . 〈…〉 Moon is 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 as the Earth . Fourthly , The Moon is distinguished into two different parts for clarity and obscurity , as the Terrestrial Globe into Sea and Land. The surface of the Sea would shew at a distance more obscure than that of the Earth . Fiftly , Mutation of figures in the Earth , like to those of the Moon , and made with the same periods . All the Earth seeth half onely of the Moon , & the half onely of the Moon seeth all the Earth . From the Earth we see more than half the Lunar Globe . Two spots in the Moon , by which it is perceived that she hath respect to the centre of the Earth in her motion . Sixthly , The Earth and Moon interchangeably do illuminate . Light reflected from the Earth into the Moon . Seventhly , The Earth and Moon do mutually eclipse . The second clarity of the Moon esteemed to be its native light . The Earth unable to reflect the Suns raies . The substance of the Heavens impenetrable , according to Aristotle . The substance of Heaven intangible . The superficies of the Moon more sleek than any Looking-glass . The eminencies and cavities in the Moon are illusions of its opacous and perspicuous parts . * Il Saggiatore , & Lettere Solari , two Treatises of Galilaeus . It is proved at large that the Moons surface is sharp . Flat Looking-glasses cast forth the reflection towards but one place , but the spherical every way . The sphere of Activity greater in the Coelestial bodies than in Elementary . The Moon if it were smooth , like a spherical glasse , would be invisible . The small body of the stars fringed round about with rays , appeareth very much bigger than plain and naked , and in its native clarity The reflex light of uneven bodies , is more universal than that of the smooth , & why . The Moon , if it were smooth and sle●k , would be invisible . Some write what they understand not , and therefore understand not what they write . Diamonds ground to divers sides , & why . Silver 〈◊〉 wished appears ma●e obscu●e , 〈◊〉 the not burnished , & why . Burnish'd Steel 〈◊〉 from one 〈…〉 very 〈…〉 from 〈◊〉 , very obscure . The more rough superficies make greater reflection of light , than the less rough . Perpendicular rays illuminate more than the oblique , and why . The more oblique Rayes illuminate less , and why . Perfect 〈◊〉 why ascribed is Coelestial bodies , by the Peripateticks . The Figure is not the cause of incorruptibili●r , but of longer duration . Corruptibility admits of more or lesse ; so doth not incorruptibili●y . The perfection of figure , operateth in corruptible bodies , but not in the eternal . If the spherical figure conferreth eternity , all bodies would be eternal . Mother of Pearl accommodated to imitate the apparent unevennesses of the Moons surface . The apparent unevennesses of the Moon cannot be imitated by way of more and less opacity & perspicuity . The various aspects of the Moon , imitable with any opacous matter . Various appearances from which the Moons montuosity is argued . The Moon appears brighter by night than by day . The Moon beheld in the day time , is like to a little cloud . Clouds are no less apt than the Moon to be illuminated by the Sun. A wall illuminated by the Sun , compared to the Moon shineth no less than it . The third reflection of a Wall illuminates more than the first of the Moon . The light of the Moon weaker than that of the twilight . Lum nous bodies appear the brighter in an obscurer ambient . * By the Moons two Quadratures you are to understand its first and last quarters , as Astrologers call them ▪ The secondary light of the Moon caused by the Sun , according to some . * Tendono le parete al commune . It s all one whether opinions be new to men , or men new to opinions . * Contestare falsly rendered in the Latine Translation contentare . The secondary light of the Mo●n appears in form of a Ring , that is to say , bright in the extreme circumference , and not ●n the midst , and why ▪ The way to observe the secondary light of the Moon . The Moons Discus in a solar Eclipse can be seen onely by privation . The Author of the Book of conclusions , accommodates the things to his purposes , and not his purposes to the things . A jest put upon one that would sell a certain secret for holding correspondency with a person a thousand miles off . The Earth may reciprocally operate upon Coelestial bodies , with its light . Affinity between the Earth & Moon in respect of their vicinity . Solidity of the Lunar Globe argued from its being montainous . The Seas reflection of light much weaker than that of the Earth . An experimen● to prove the reflection of the Water lesse clear than that of the Land. The secondary light of the Moon clearer before the conjunction , than after . The obscurer parts of the Moon are plains , and the more bright mountainous . Long ledges of mountains about the spots of the Moon . There are not generated in the Moon things like to ours , but if there be any productions , they are very different . The Moon not composed of Water and Earth . Those aspects of the Sun necessary for our generations , are not so in the Moon . Natural dayes in the Moon are of a Moneth long . To the Moon the Sun ascendeth and declineth with a difference of ten degrees , and to the Earth of forty seven degrees . There are no rains in the Moon . The having a perfect knowledg of nothing , maketh some believe they understand all things . The answer of the Oracle true in judging Socrates the wisest of his time . Divine Wisdom infinitely infinite . Buonarruotti , a statuary of admirable ingenitity . Man understandeth very well intensivè , but little extensivè . G●ds manner of knowing different from that of men . Humane understanding done by raciocination . Definitions contein virtually all the passions of the things defined . Infinite Passions are perhaps but one onely . The discourses which humane reason makes in a certain time , the Divine Wisdom resolveth in a moment ; that is , hath them alwayes present . The wit of man admirably acute . The invention of writing stupendious above all others . * For of so many only the Italian Alphabet consists . The original of the Nerves according to Aristotle , and according to Phisicians . The ridiculous answer of a Philosopher , determining the original of the Nerves . Requisites to fit a man to philosophate well after the manner of Aristotle . A cunning way to gather Philosophy out of any book whatsoever . * A word signifying works composed of many fragments of verses collected out of the Poets . Invention of the Telescope taken from Aristotle . Chymists interpret the Fables of the Poets to be secrets for making of Gold. Some of Aristotles Sectators impare the reputation of their Master , in going about to enhanse it . A ridiculous passage of a certain Statuary . A brave resolution of a certain Peripatetick Philosopher . The servile spirit of some of Aristotles followers . Too close adhering to Aristotle is blameable . It is not just , that those who never philosophate , should ●surp the title of Philosophers . The Sensible World. The motions of the Earth are imperceptible to its inhabitants . The Earth can have no other motions , than those which to us appear commune to all the rest of the Vniverse , the Earth excepted . The Diurnal Motion , seemeth commune to all the Vniverse , save onely the Earth excepted . Aristotle and Ptolomy argue against the Diurnal Motion attributed to the Earth . Why the diurnal motion more probably should belong to the Earth , than to the rest of the Vniverse . Motion , as to the things that equally move thereby , is as if it never were , & so far operates as it hath relation to things deprived of motion . A proposition taken by Aristotle from the Antients , but somewhat altered by him . The first discourse to prove that the diurnal motion belongs to the Earth . Nature never doth that by many things , which may be done by a few . The diurnal motion causeth no mutation amongst the Coelestial Bodies , but all changes have relation to the Earth . A second confirmation that the diurnal motion belongs to the Earth . Circular motions are not contrary , according to Aristotle . * As you see in a Mill , wherein the implicated cogs set the wheels on moving . A third confirmation of the same Doctrine . The greater Orbs make their conversions in greater times . The times of the Medicean Planets conversions . The motion of 24 hours ascribed to the highest Sphere disorders the period of the inferiour . The fourth Confirmation . Great disparity amongst the motions of the particular fixed stars , if their Sphere be moveable . The fifth Confirmation . The motions of the fixed stars would accelerate and grow slow in divers times , if the starry Sphere were moueable . The sixth Confirmation . The Seventh Confirmation . The Earth a pendent Body , and equilibrated in a fluid Medium seems unable to resist the rapture of the Diurnal Motion . A single moveable hath but onely one natural motion , and all the rest are by participation . Motion cannot be made without its moveable subject . One single experiment , or sound demonstration batereth down all arguments meerly probable . Of an infinite power one would think a greater part should rather be imploy'd than a lesse . Of infinity , one part is no bigger than another , although they are comparatively unequal . In the Axiome Frustra fit per plura , &c. the addition of aeque benè , is superfluous . Aristotles Arguments for the Earths quiessence . * Resti● indietz● , which is meant here of that motion which a bowl makes when is born by its by as to one side or other , and so hindered in its direct motion . ● Two kindes of Arguments touching the Earths motion or rest . Arguments of Ptolomy and Tycho , and other persons , over and above those of Aristotle . The first argument taken from grave bodies falling from on high to the ground . Which is confirmed by the experiment of a body let fall from the round top of a Ship. * That is , at the foot of the Mast , upon the upper deck . The second argument taken from a Projection shot very high . The third argument taken from the shots of a Cannon , towards the East , and towards the West ▪ This argument is confirmed by two shots towards the South and towards the North. And it is likewise confirmed by two shots towards the East , and towards the West . Copernicus his followers are not moved through ignorance of the arguments on the other part . Christianus Vurstitius read certain Lectures touching the opinion of Copernicus , & what ensued thereupon . The followers of Copernicus were all first against that opinion , but the Sectators of Aristotle & Ptolomy , were never of the other side . Motion and rest principal accidents in nature . Vntruths cannot be demonstrated , as Truths are . For proof of true conclusions , many solid arguments may be produced , but to prove a falsity , none . Aristotle would either refute his adversaries arguments , or would alter his opinion . An argument taken from the Clouds , and from Birds . An argument taken from the air which we feel to beat upon us when we run a Horse at full speed . An argument taken from the whirling of circular motion , which hath a faculty to extrude and dissipate . True and fair are one and the same , as also false and deformed . The answer t● Aristotles first argument . That which is violent , cannot be eternal , and that which cannot be eternal , cannot be natural . Two things requisite to the end a motion may perpetuate it self ; an unlimited space , and an incorruptible moveable . Right motion cannot be eternal , and consequently cannot be natural to the Earth . * Terminatissimo . * By this expression he every where means the preceding Dialogue , or Giornata . The answer to the second argument . * Subdeficere . * Or Centre . Aristotles argument against the Earth● motion , is defective in two things * The same word which a little a●●ve I tendred stay behind , as a bowle when it meets with ●ul●s . The answer to the third argument . The answer to the fourth argument . Th● Paralogism of Aristotle and Ptolomey in supposing that for known , which is in question . Aristotle admitteth that the Fire moveth directly upwards by nature , and round abent by participation . The disparity between the fall of a stone from the round top of a ship , and from the top of a tower . * That you may not suspect my translation , or wonder what Oars have to do with a ship , you are to know that the Author intends the Gallies used in the Mediterrane . The part of the Air inferiour to the higher mountains doth follow the motion of the Earth . The motion of the Air apt to carry with it light things but not heavy . The stone falling from the Mast of a ship lights in the same place , whether the ship doth move or ly still . The project according to Aristotle , is not moved by vertue impressed , but by the medium . Operation of the medium in continuing the motion of the project . Many experiments , and reasons against the cause of the motion of projects , assigned by Aristotle . The medium doth impede and not confer the motion of projects . An admirable accident in the motion of projects . * By the length of the mast he means the distance between the upperdeck and Round-top . * La palla . Sundry curious Problems , touching the motions of projects . * Vert●gine . * A Game in Italy , which is , to glide bullets down an inclining stone , &c. * A Game in Italy , wherein they strive who shall trundle or throw a wooden bowle neerest to an assigned mark . * This is that excellent tract which we give the first place in our second Volume . The line described by a moveable in its natural descent , the motion of the Earth about its own centre being presupposed , would probably be the circumference of a circle . A moveable falling from the top of the Tower , moveth in the circumference of a circle . It moveth neither more nor lesse , than if it had staid alwayes there . It moveth with an uniform , not an accelerate motion . Right motion seemeth wholly excluded in nature . * Vadia del tutto a monte , rendered in the Latine omnino pessum eat . The reason why a Gun should seem to carry farther towards the West than towards the East . The experiment of a running chariot to find out the difference of Ranges . * Balestrone da bolzoni . The solution of the argument taken from great-Guns shot towards the East & West . A notable case of Sagredus , to shew the non-operating of common motion . * Alessandretta . Subtilties sufficiently insipid , ironically , spoken and taken from a certain Encyclopaedia . An instance against the deurnal motion of the earth , taken from the shot of a Peece of Ordinance perpendicularly . The answer to the objection , shewing the equivoke . Another answer to the same objection . Projects continue their motion by the right line that followeth the direction of the motion , made together with the proficient , whil'st they were conjoin'd therewith . The revolution of the Earth supposed , the ball in the piece erected perpendicularly , doth not move by a perpendicular , but an inclined line . The manner how Fowlers shoot birds flying . The answer to the objection tak●n from the shots of great Guns ma●e towards the North and South . The answer to the Argument taken from the shots at point blanck towards the East & West . The followers of Copernicus too freely admit certain propositions for true , which are very doubtfull . A Computation how much the ranges of great shot ought to vary from the marke , the Earths motion being granted . a That is , in plainer termes the fraction 15 / 200000 , is more than the fraction 4 / 50000 , for dividing the denominators by their ●ominators , and the first produceth 13333 1 / 3 , the other but 12500. b It shall be neer 2 2 / 5 inches , accounting the pace to be Geometrical , containing 5 foot . It is demonstrated with great subtilty , that the Earths motion supposed , Canon shot ought not to vary more than in rest . It is requisite to be very cautious in admitting experim●nts for true , to those who never tried them . Experiments and arguments against the Earths motion seem so far concluding , as they lie hid under equivokes . The great felicity for which they are much to be envied who perswade themselves that they know every thing . The answer to the argument taken from the flight of birds contrary to the motion of the Earth . An experiment with which alone is shewn the nullity of all the objections produced against the motion of the Earth . * Tafaris , horse-flyes . The stupidity of some that think the Earth to have begun to move , when Pythagoras began to affirme that it did so . Aristotle and Ptolomy seem to confute the mobility of the Earth against those who thought that it having a long time stood still , did begin to move in the time of Pythagoras Our knowledg is a kind of reminiscence according to Plato . Th● motion impressed by the projicient is onely by a right line . The project moveth by the Tangent of the circle of the motion precedent in the point of separation . A grave project , as s●on as it is separated from the projicient begineth to decline . A geometrical demonstration to prove the impossibility of extrusion by means of the terrestrial vertigo . The truth sometimes gaines strength by contradiction . The sphere although material , toucheth the material plane but in one point onely . The definition of the sphere . The demonstration of a Peripatetick ▪ to prove the right line to be t●e shortest of all lines . The Paralogism of the same Peripatetick ▪ which proveth ignotum per ignotius . A demonstration that the sphere toucheth the plane but in one point . Why the sphere in abstract , toucheth the plane onely in one point , and not the material in concrete . Things are exactly the same in abstract as in concrete . Contact in a single point is not peculiar to the perfect Spheres onely , but belongeth to all curved figures . It is more difficult to find Figures that touch with a part of their surface , than in one sole point . The Sphericall Figure is easier to be made than any other . The circular Figure only is placed amongst the postulat● of Mathematicians . * Demands or Petitions . Sphericall Figures of sundry magnitudes may be made with one onely instrument . Irregular forms difficult to be introduced . The constitution of the Vniverse is one of the most noble Problems . The cause of the projection increaseth not according to the proportion of the velocity , increased by making the wheel bigger . Gran●i●g the diurnal vertigo of the Earth , & that by some sudden stop or obstacle it were arrested , houses , mountains themselves , and perhaps the whole Globe would be shake ●n pieces . The inclination of grave bodies to the motion downwards , is equal to their resistance to the motion upwards . * A portable ballance wherewith market-people weigh their commodities , giving it gravity by removing the weight farther from the cock : call'd by the Latines , Campana trutina . The greater velocity exactly compensates the greater gravity . * Strappar la cavezza , is to break the bridle . Other objections of two modern Authors against Copernicus . The first objection of the modern Author of the little tract of Conclusions . A Cannon bullet would spend more than six days in falling from the Concave of the Moon to the centre of the Earth , according to the opinion of that modern Author of the Conclusions . A shamefull errour in the Argument taken from the bullets falling out of the Moons concave . An exact compute of the time of the fall of the Canon bullet from the Moons concave to the Earths centre . * The Author . * By these Writings , he every where meanes his Dialogues , De motu , which I promise to give you in my second Volume . Acceleration of the natural motion of grave bodies is made according to the odde numbers beginning at unity . The spaces past by the falling grave body are as the squares of their times . An intire and new Science of the Academick concerning local motion . The error of Aristotle in affirming , falling grave bodies to move according to the proportion of their gravities . a Note that these Calculations are made in Italian weights and measu●es . And 100 pounds Haverdupoise make 1●1 l. Florentine . And 100 Engl●● 〈◊〉 makes 150● 〈◊〉 Florent . so that the brace or yard of our Author is 1 / 4 of our yard . b Note that these Calculations are made in Italian weights and measures . And 100 pounds Haverdupoise make 1●1 l. Florentine . And 100 Engl●● 〈◊〉 makes 150● 〈◊〉 Florent . so that the brace or yard of our Author is 1 / 4 of our yard . * The Italian measure which I commonly transl●te yards . † The Italian m●le is 〈◊〉 of our mile . The falling moveable if it move with a degree of velocity acquired in a like time with an uniform motion , it shall pass a space double to that passed with the accelerated motion . The motion of grave penduli might be perpetuated , impediments being removed . If the Terrestrial Globe were perforated , a grave body descending by that bore , would pass and ascend as far beyond the centre , as it did descend . The acceleration of grave bodies naturally descendent , increaseth from moment to moment . In natural Sciences it is not necessary to seek Mathematicall evidence . The pendulum hanging at a longer th●eed , maketh its vibrations more seldome than the pendulum hanging at a shorter threed . The vibrations of the same pendulum are made with the same frequency , whether they be small or great . The cause which impedeth the pendulum and reduceth it to rest . The thread or chain to which a pendulum is fastned , maketh an arch , and doth not stretch it selfe streight out in its vibrations . * Pesci armai , or armati . * Not Sagredus , as the Latine hath it . We know 〈◊〉 more who moveth grave b●dus downwards ; than who moveth the Stars round , nor kn●w we any thing of these cause● , more than the names imposed on them by us . The vertue which carrieth grave projects upwards , is no lesse natural to them , than the gravity which moveth them downwards . Contrary principles cannot naturally reside in the same subject . The natural motion changeth it selfe into that which is called preternatural and violent . The propension of elementary bodies to follow the Earth , hath a limited Sphere of activity . Of the mixt motion we see not the part that is circular , because we partake thereof . Things grave are before the centre of gravity . The great ma● of grave bodies being transfe●red cut of their place , the separated parts would follow that 〈◊〉 . It is not impo●sible with the circumference of a small 〈◊〉 for times ●●volved to measure and describ●● 〈…〉 great circle whatsoever . * Go●d● la. * The ●ame of the Author is Scipio Claramontius . The opinion of Copernicus overthrows the Criterium of Philosophy Common motion is , as if it never were . The argument taken from things falling perpendicularly , another way confuted . Where ●e motion of 〈◊〉 body is collected . The motion of the eye argueth the motion of the ob●ect looked on . An experiment that 〈◊〉 how the common motion is imperc●ptible . An ingenuous consideration about the possibility of using the Telescope with as much facility on the round top of the Mast of a ship , as on the Deck . * I deviate here from the strict Sea Diallect , which denominates all distances by Leagues . Different motions depending on the fluctuation of the Ship. * Greco , which the Latine Translator according to his usual carelessenesse ( to call it no worse ) translates Corum Ventum , the Northwest Wind ; for Ventum Libanotum . Two mutations made in the Telescope , depending on the agitation of the Ship. * This is a Castle six Italian miles from Venice Northwards . * Vn nero d' ugna , the black or paring of a nail . The annual motion of the 〈…〉 a perpetual and strong winde . The air alwayes touching us with the same part of it cannot make us feel it . He that will follow Copernicus , must deny his senses . Our motion may be either 〈…〉 or extern● , and yet we never perceive or feel it . The motion of a Boat insensible to those that are with in it , as to the sense of feeling . The boats motion is perceptible to the sight joyn'd with reason . The terrestrial motion collected from the stars . Arguments against the Earths motion taken , ex rerum natura . Three Axioms that are supposed manifest . A simple body at the Earth , cannot move with three several motions . The Earth cannot move with any of the motions assigned it by Copernicus . Answers to the arguments contrary to the Earths motion , taken ex rerum natura . A fourth Axiome against the motion of the Earth Flexures necessary in animals for the diversity of their motions . Another argument against the threefold motion of the Earth . The Flexures in animals are not made for the diversity of motions . The motions of animals are of one sort . The ends of the bones are all rotund . It is demonstrated , that the ends of the bones are of necessity to be rotund . The motions of animals are all circular . Secondary motions of animals dependent on the first . The Terrestriall Globe hath noe need of flexures . * Without joynts It is desired to know , by means of what flexures and joynts the Terrestrial Globe might move with three diverse motions . One only principle may cause a plurality of motions in the Earth . A grosse error of the opposer of Copernicus . A subtil and withal simple argument against Copernicus . 〈…〉 By another 〈◊〉 error it is seen that the Autagonist had but little studied Copernicus . Never first 〈…〉 of them . Copernicus erroneously assigneth the same operations to different natures From commune accidents one cannot know different natures . The concurrence of the Elements in a common motion importeth no more or lesse , than their concurrence in a common rest . A fourth argument against Copernicus . Bodies of the same kinde have motions that agree in kinde . From the Earths obscurity , and the splendour of the Sun , and fixed Stars , is argued , that it is moveable , and they immoveable . A fifth argument against Copernicus . Another difference between the Earth and the Coelestial bodies , taken from purity & impurity . Copernicus introduceth confusion in the Universe of Aristotle . The Paralogisme of the Author of Anti-Tycho . It seemeth a folly to affirm the Earth to be without the Heavens . * Lazeretto . * Intrecciare , to twine flowers in a garland . A sixth argument against Copernicus , taken from animals , who have need of rest ▪ though their motion be natural . An argument from Kepler in favour of Copernicus . The Author of the Anti-Tycho opposeth Kepler . The velocity of the circular motion increaseth , according to the encrease of the diameter of the circle . An explanation of the true sense of Kepler and his ●●fence . The greatnesse and smalnesse of the body make a differeuce in motion and not in rest . The order of nature is to make the lesser Orbs to circulate in shorter times , and the bigger in longer times . The feigned answer of Kepler covered with an artificial Irony . Animals would not grow weary of their motion , proceeding as that which is assigned to the terrestrial Globe . The cause of the wearinesse of animals . The motion of an animal is rather to be called violent than natural . The strength diminisheth not , where it is not imployed . The argument of Chramontius , 〈◊〉 upon himself . True Propositions meet with many conclusive arguments , so do not the false . * Cinque 〈◊〉 se● braccia Fiorentini . Weariness more to be feared in the starry Sphere than in the terrestriall Globe . Some in arguing first fix in their minds the conclusion beleeved by them , and then adapt their reasons to that . The motion of the water in ebbing and flowing not interrupted by rest . * Pertiche venetiani . * Pertiche venetiani . * 〈◊〉 . † He taketh 〈◊〉 Firmament 〈◊〉 the S●arry Sphere , and not as we vulg●●ly receive the word . The method observed by Clar. in confuting the Astronomers , and by Salviatus in confuting him . The greatest and least elevations of the new star differ not from each other more than the polar altitudes , the said star being in the Firmnment . * 〈◊〉 . Astronomical Instruments are very subject to errour . * Here the Latine version is erroneous , making it a fortieth part of , &c. * Traguardi . In hath not been hitherto proved by any , whether the World be finite or infinite . The Demonstrations of Aristotle to p●ove that the Vniverse is finite , are all nullified by denying it to be moveable . Aristotle makes that point to be the centre of the Universe about which all the Celestial Spheres do revolve . A question is put , in case that if Aristotle were forced to receive one of two propositions that make against his doctrine , which he would admit . It s more rational that the Orb containing , and the parts contained , do move all about one centre , than u●on divers . If the centre of the World be the 〈…〉 that about which the planets move , the Sun and not the Earth is placed in it . Observations from whence it is collected that the Sun and not the Earth is in the centre of the Celestial revolutions . The mutation of figure in Venus argueth its motion to be about the Sun. The Moon cannot seperate from the Earth . The annual motion of the Earth mixing with the motions of the other Planets produce extravagant appearances . The Systeme of the Universe designed from the appearances . Venus very great towards the respective conjunction and very small towards the maintine . Venus necessarily proved to move about the Sun. The revolution of Mercury concluded to be about the Sun , within the Orb of Venus . Mars necessarily includeth within its Orb the Earth , and also the Sun. Mars at its opposition to the Sun shews to be sixty times bigger than towards the conjunction . Jupiter and Saturn do likewise encompasse the Earth , and the Sun. The approximation and recession of the three superiour Planets , importeth double the Suns distance . The difference of the apparent magnitude lesse in Saturn , than in Jupiter , and● Jupiter than in Mars , and why . The Moons Orb invironeth the Earth , but not the Sun. The probable situation of the fixed stars . Which ought to be accounted the sphere of the Vniverse . Rest , the annual motion and the diurnal ought to be distributed betwixt the Sun , Earth , and Firmament . In a moveable sphere , it seemeth more reasonable that its centre be stable , than any other of its parts . Granting to the Earth the annual , it must of necessity also have the diurnal motion assigned to it . Discourses more than childish , serve to keep fools in the opinion of the Earths stability . A declaration of the improbability of Copernicus his opinion . Reasons and discourse in Aristarcus and Copernicus prevailed over manifest sence . Mars makes an hot assaults upon the Coper●●can Systeme . The Phaenomena of Venus appear contrary to the Systeme of Copernicus . Another difficulty raised by Venus against Copernicus . Venus , according to Copernicus , either lucid in it self , or else of a transparent substance . Copernicus speaketh nothing of the small variation of bigness in Venus and in Mars . The moon much disturbeth the order of the other Planets . Answers to the three first objections against the Copernican , Systeme . The reason whence it happens that Venus and Mars do not appear to vary magnitude so much as is requisite . The operations of the Telescope accounted fallacies by the Peripateticks . Shining objects seem environed with adventitious rayes . The reason why luminous bodies appear enlarged much the more , by how much they are lesser . Superficial figures encreasing proportion double to their lines . Objects the more vigorous they are in light , the more they do seem to increase . An easie experiment that sheweth the increase in the stars , by means of the adventitious rays . Jupiter augments lesse than the Dog-star . The Sun and Moon increase little . It is seen by manifest experience , that the more splendid bodies do much more irradiate than the lesse lucid . The Telescope is the best means to take away the irradiations of the Stars . Another second reason of the small apparent increase of Venus . Copernicus perswaded by reasons contrary to sensible experiments . Mercury admitteth not of clear observations . The difficulties removed that arise from the Earths moving about the Sun , not solitarily , but in consort with the Moon . The Medicean Stars areas it were four Moons about Jupiter . The Principal scope of Astronomers , is to give a reason of appearances . Copernicus restored Astronomy upon the suppositions of Ptolomy . What moved Copernicus to establish his Systeme . Inconveniencies that are in the Systeme of Ptolomy . The annual motion of the Earth most apt to render a reason of the exorbitances of the five Planets . The Sun it self testifieth the annual motion to belong to the Earth . The Lyncaean Academick the first discoverer of the Solar spots , and all the other celestial novelties . The history of the proceedings of the Academian for a long time about the observation of the Solar spots . * Duumviro . * This Authors true name is Christopher Scheinerus a Jesuit , and his Book here meant is intituled , Apelles post tabulam . * La mia villa delle S●lue . A conceipt that came suddenly into the minde of the Academian Lyncaeus concerning the great consequence that followed upon the motion of the Solar spots . Extravagant mutations to be observed in the motions of the spots , foreseen by the Academick , in case the Earth had the annual motion . The first Accident to be observed in the motion of the Solar spots ; and consequently all the rest explained . The events being observed , were answerable to the predictions . Though the annual motion assigned to the Earth answerth to the Phaenomena of the solar spots , yet doth it not follow by conversion that from the Phaenomena of the spots one may inf●r the annual motion to belong to the Earth . The Pure Peripatetick Philosophers will laugh at the spots and their Phaenomena , as illusions of the Chrystals in the Telescope . If the Earth be immoveable in the centre of the Zodiack , there must be ascribed to the Sun four several motions , as is declared at length . * I should have told you , that the true name of this concealed Authour is Christopher Scheinerus , and its title Disquisitiones Mathematica . * i. e. the Ecliptick Instances of a certain Book Ironically propounded against Copernicus . Supposing the annual motion to belong to the Earth , it followeth , that one fixed Star , is bigger than the whole grand Orb. Tycho his Argument grounded upon a false Hypothesis . Litigious Lawyers that are extertained in an ill cause , keep close to s●me ex●ression fallen from the adverse party at unawares . * Or progressions . The apparent diversity of motion in the Planets , is insensible in the fixed Stars . Supposing that a fixed Star of the sixth magnitude is no bigger than the Sun , the diversitie which is so great in the Planets , in the fixed Stars is almost insensible . The distance of the Sun , containeth 1208 Semid . of the Earth . * The Diameter of the Sun , half a degree . The Diameter of a fixed Star , of the first magnitude , and of one of the sixth . The apparent Diameter of the Sun , how much it is bigger than that of a fixed star . The distance of a fixed star of the sixth magnitude , how much it is , the star being supposed to be equal to the Sun. In the fixed stars the diversitie of aspect , caused by the grand Orb , is little more then that caused by the Earth in the Sun. A star of the sixth magnitude , supposed by Tycho and the Authour of the Book of Conclusions , an hundred and six milions of times bigger than needs . The computation of the magnitude of the fixed Stars , in respect to the grand Orb. A common errour of all the Astronomers , touching the magnitude of the stars . Venus renders the errour of Astronomers in determining the magnitudes of stars inexcusable . A way to measure the apparent diameter of a star . * Rendred in Latine Corum , that is to say , North-west . * i. e. Is subtended by . The diameter of a fixed star of the first magnitude not more than five sec. min. The circle of the pupil of the eye enlargeth and contracteth . * Panicum , a small grain like to Mill , I take it to be the same with that called Bird Seed . * Strisce . How to find the distance of the rays concourse from the pupil . All Astronomers agree that the greater magnitudes of the Orbes is the cause of the tardity of the conversions . By another supposition taken from Astronomers , the distance of the fixed Stars is calculated to be 10800 semidiameters of the grand Orb. By the proportion of Jupiter and of Mars , the starry Sphere is found to be yet more remo●e . Imme●se magnitudes and numbers are incomprehensible by our understanding . God & Nature do imploy themselves in caring for men , as if they minded nothing else . An example of Gods care of mankind taken from the Sun. It is great rashnesse to censure that to be superfluous in h●ll verse , which we do not perceive to be made for us . By depriving Heaven of some star , one might come to know what influence it hath upon us . Many things may be in Heaven , that are invisible to us . Great , small , immense , &c. are relative terms . Vanity of those mens discourse who judg the starry sphere too vast in the Copernican Hypothesis . * Spelloncola , which is here put for the l●ast of Fishes . The space assigned to a fixed star , is much lesse than that of a Planet . A star is called in respect of the space that environs it . The whole starry sphere behold from a great distance might appear as small as one single star . Instances of the Authour of the Conclusions by way of interogation . * Or Gulph . Answers to the interrogatories of the said Authour . The Authour of the Conclusions confound and contradicts himself in his interrogations . Interrogatories put to the Authour of the Conclusions , by which the weaknesse of his is made appear . That remote objects appeare so small , is the defect of the eye , as is demonstrated . Tycho nor his followers ever attempted to see whether there are any appearances in the Firmament for or against the annual m●tion . Astronomers , perhaps , have not known what appearances ought to follow upon the annual motion of the Earth . Copernicus understood not some things for want of Instruments . Tycho and others argue against the annual motion , from the invariable elevation of the Pole. * Christophorus Rothmannus . Motion 〈◊〉 it is common is as if it never were . An example fitted to prove that the altitude of the Pole ought not to vary by means of the Earths annual motion . * Corsia , the bank or bench on which slaves sit in a Gally . Upon the annual motion of the Earth , alteration may ensue in some fixed star , not in the Pole. The equivoke of those who believe that in the annual motion great mutations are to be made about the elevation of a fixed star , is confuted . The right line , and circumference of an infinite circle , are the same thing . Enquiry is made what mutations , & in what stars , are to be discovered , by means of the annual motion of the Earth . Astronomers having omitted to instance what alterations those are that may be derived from the annual motion of the Earth , do thereby testifie that they never rightly understood the same . The mutations of the fixed stars ought to be in some greater , in others lesser , and in others nothing at all . * Bandola that end of a skeen wherewith housewives fasten their hankes of yarn , thread or silk . The grand difficulty in Copernicus his Doctrine , is that which concerns the Phaenomena of the Sun and fixed stars . * Pettine , it is the stay in a Weavets Loom , that permitteth no knot or snarle to passe it , called by them the Combe of the Loom . Aristotles argument against the Ancients , who held that the Earth was a Planet . The annual motion made by the centre of the Earth under the Ecliptick and the diurnal motion made by the Earth about its own centre . The axis of the Earth continueth alwayes parallel to it self , and describeth a Cylindraical superficies , inclining to the grand Orb. The Orb of the Earth never inclineth , but is immutably the same . The fixed stars placed in the Ecliptick never elevate nor descend , on account of the annual motion , but yet approach and recede . Objections against the Earths annual motion taken from the fixed stars placed in the Ecliptick . * Or will prove of good alloy . The station , direction and retrogradation of the Planets is known , in relation to the fixed stars . An Indice is the fixed stars like to that which is 〈◊〉 in the Plane●s , is an argument of the Earths annual motion . The fixed stars without the Ecliptick elevate and descend more or lesse , according to their distance from the said Ecliptick ▪ * i. e. of the Ecliptick . The Earth approacheth or recedeth from the fixed stars of the Ecliptick , the quantity of the Diameter of the Grand Orb. The stars nearer to us make greater differences than the more remote . The Epilogue of the Phaenomena of the fixed stars caused by the annual motion of the Earth . In objects far remote , and luminous , a small approach or recession is imperceptible . If in the fixed stars one should discover any annual mutation , the motion of the Earth would be undeniable . It is proved what small credit is to be given to Astronomical Instruments in minute observations . * Braccia Italian . * Or Mi● . Ptolomy did not trust to an Instrument made by Archimedes . Instruments of Tycho made with great expence . What Instruments are apt for most exact observation . * Italian braces . An exquisite observation of the approach and departure of the Sun from the Summer Solstice . A place accommodated for the observation of the fixed stars , as to what concers the annual motion of the Earth . The Copernican Systeme difficult to be understood , but easie to be effected . Necessary prepositions for the better conceiving of the consequences of the Earths motion . A plain Scheme representing the Copernican Hypothesis , and its consequences . Axiomes commonly admitted by all Philosophers . Aristotle taxeth Plato for being too studious of Geometry . Peripatetick Philosophers condemn the Study of Geometry , and why . Four several motions assigned to the Earth . The motion of descent belongs not to the terrestrial Globe , but to its parts . The annual and diurnal motion are compatible in the Earth . Every pensil and librated , body carryed round in the circumference of a circle , acquireth of it self a motion in it self contrary to that . An Experiment which sensibly shews that two contrary motions may naturally agree in the same moveable . The third motion ascribed to the Earth is rather a resting immoveable . An admirable intern vertue of the terrestrial Globe of alwayes beholding the same part of Heaven . The terrestrial Globe made of Loade-stone . * An eminent Doctor of Physick , our Countreyman , born at Colchester , and famous for this his learned Treatise , published about 60 years since at London , The Magnetick Philosophy of William Gilbert . The Pusillanimity of Popular Wits . The Terrestrial Globe composed of sundry matters . The interne parts of the terrestrial Globe must of necessity be solid . * Or MOULD . * Of which with the Latin translatour , I must once more professe my self ignorant . Our Globe would have been called stone , in stead of Earth , of that name had been giuen it in the beginning . The method of Gilbert in his Philosophy . Many properties in the Magnet . 〈…〉 The Magnet armed takes up much more Iron , than when armed . * Or Closet of rarities . The first observers and inventers of things ought to be admired . The true cause of the multiplication of vertue in the Magnet , by means of the arming . Of a new effect its necessary that the cause be likewise new . It is proved , that Iron consists of parts more subtil , pure , and compact than the magnet . A sensible proof of the impurity of the Magnet . * The Author hereby meaneth that the stone doth not all consist of magnetick matter , but that the whiter specks being weak , those other parts of the Loadstone of a more dark & constant colour , contain all that vertue wherewith bodies are attracted . * A common sewing needle . Sympathy and Antipathy , terms used by Philosophers to give a reason easily of many natural effests ▪ A pleasant example declaring the invalidity of some Phylosophical argumentations . The several natural motions of the Magnet . Aristole grants a compound motion to mixt bodies . The motion of mixt bodies ought to be such as may result from the composition of the motions of the simple bodies compounding . With two right motions one cannot compose circular motions . Philosophers are forced to confesse that the Magnet is compounded of coelestial substances , and of elementary . The errour of those who call the Magnet a mixt body , and the terrestrial Globe a simble body . * Ogliopotrida a Spanish dish of many ingredients boild together . The Discourses of Peripateticks , full of errours and contradictions . An improbable effect admired by Gilbertus in the Loadstone . The vain argumentation of some to prove the Element of Water to be of a Spherical superficies . Nature in sport maketh the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , to approve the Earth● mobility . The tide , and mobility of the Earth mutually confirm each other . All terrene effects , indifferently confirm the motion or rest of the Earth , except the ebbing and flowing of the Sea. The first general conclusion of the impossibility of the ebbing and flowing the immobility of the terrestrial Globe being granted . The knowledge of the effests contributes to the investigation of the causes . Three Periods of ebbings and flowings , diurnal , monethly , and annual . Varieties that ●appen in the diur●●● period . * A Strair , so called . * Or Ilva . * Or Crets . The cause of the ebbing and flowing alledged by a certain modern Philosopher . The cause of the ebbing and flowing ascribed to the Moon by a certain Prelate . Hieronymus Borrius and other Peripateticks refer it to the temperate heat of the Moon , Answers to the vanities alledged as causes of the ebbing and flowing . * Or rather smooth . The Isles are tokens of the unevennesse of the bottomes of Seas . Poetick wits of two kinds . Truth hath not so little light as not to be discovered amidst the umbrages of falshoods . Aristotle holdeth those effects to be miraculous , of which the causes are unknown . It is proved impossible that there should naturally be any ebbing and flowing , the Earth being immoveable . * Palms . † Lio is a fair Port in the Venetian Gulph , lying N. E. from the City . True and natural effects follow without difficulty . Two sorts of motions of the containing Vessel , may make the contained water to rise and fall . The Cavities of the Earth cannot approach or go farther from the centre of the same . The progpessive and uneven motion may make the water contained in a Vessel to run to and fro . * A Town lying S. E. of Venice The parts of the terrestrial Globe accelerate and regard in their motion . Demonstrations how the parts of the terrestriall Globe accelerate and retard . The parts of a Circle regularly moved about its own centre move in divers times with contrary motions . The mixture of the two motions annnal and diurnal , causeth the inequality in the motion of the parts of the terrestrial Globe . The most potent and primary cause of the ebbing and flowing . Sundry accidents that happen in the ebbings & flowings The first accident . The Water raised in one end of the Vessel returneth of its self to Aequilibrium . In the shorter Vessels the undulations of waters are more frequent . The greater profundity maketh the undulations of waters more frequent . Water riseth & falleth in the extream parts of the Vessel , and runneth to and fro in the midst . An accident of the Earths motions impossible to be reduced to practice by art . Reasons renewed of the particnlar accidents observed in the ebbings and flowings . Second causes why in small Seas and in Lakes there are no ebbings and flowings . The reason given , why the ebbings and flowings , for the most part , are every six hours . The cause why some Seas , though very long , suffer no ebbing and flowing . Ebbings and flowings why greatest in the extremities of Gulphs , and least in the middle parts . Why in narrow places the course of the waters is more swift than in larger . A discussion of 〈…〉 ●abstruce 〈…〉 obse●ved 〈…〉 ebbing and ●●●wing . The cause why , in some narrow Channels , we see the Sea-waters run alwayes one way . * Or current . The Hypothesis of the Earths mobility taken in favour of the Tide , opposed . The answer to the objections made against the motion of the Terrestrial Globe . * Corpulenta The Water more apt to conserve an impetus conceived , then the Air. Light bodies easier to be moved than heavy , but less apt to conserve the motion . It s more rational that the Air be commoved by the rugged surface of the Earth ▪ than by the Celestial motion . The revolution of the Earth confirmed by a new argument taken from the Air. The vaporous parts of the earth , partake of its motions . Constant gales within the Tropicks blow towards the VVest . The course to the VVest - India's easie , the return difficult . Winds from Land make rough the Seas . Another observation taken from the Air in confirmation of the motion of the Earth . * Which Wind with our English Mariners is called the Trade-wind . The voiages in the Mediterrane from East to West are made in shorter times than from West to East . It is demonstrated inverting the argument , that the perpetual motion of the Air from East to West cometh from the motion of Heaven ▪ It is demonstrated inverting the argument , that the perpetual motion of the Air from East to VVest , cometh from the motion of Heaven . The motion of the VVater dependeth on the motion of Heaven . The flux and reflux may depend on the diurnal motion of Heaven . A reason of the continual motion of the Air and VVater may be given , making the Earth moveable , then by making it immoveable . It s improbable that the element of Fire should be carried round by the Concave of the Moon . † A Treatise of our Author formerly cited . The Ebbing and Flowing cannot depend on the motion of Heaven . The alterations in the effects argue alteration in the cause . The causes as large assigned of the Periods Monethly and Annual of the ebbings and flowings . The monethly and annual alterations of the tide can depend upon nothing , save on the alteration of the additions & substractions of the diurnal period from the annual . Three wayes of altering the proportion of the additions of the diurnal Revolution to the annual motion . That which to us is hard to be understood , is with Nature easie to be effected . If the Diurnal motion should not alter , the annual Period would cease The true Hypothesis may dispatch its revolutions in a shorter time , in lesser circles than in greater ; the which is proved by two examples . The first example . The second example . Two particular notable accidents in the penduli and their vibrations . Admirable Problems of moveables descending by the Quadrant of a Circle , and of those descending by all the cords of the whole Circle . The Earths annual motion by the Ecliptick , unequal by means of the Moons motion , Many things may remain as yet unobserved in Astronomy . Saturn for its slowness , and Mercury for its rareness of appearing were amongst those that were last observed . Particular structures of the Orbs of the Planets not yet well resolved . The Sun passeth one half of the Zodiack nine days sooner than the other . The Moons motion principally sought in the account of Eclipses . Ebbings and flowings are petty things in comparison of the vastness of Seas and of the velocity of the motion of the Terrestrial Globe . The causes of the inequality of the additions and substractions of the diurnal conversion from the annual motion . One single motion of the terrestrial Globe sufficeth not to produce the Ebbing & Flowing The opinion of Seleucus the Mathematician censured . Kepler is with respect blamed . Sig. Caesare Marsilius observeth the Meridian to be moveable . Notes for div A61244-e110790 a Nunc autem servatâ semper moderatione praegravitatis , nihil credere de re observá temerè debemus , 〈◊〉 forie , quod postea veritas p●●efecerit , quamvis Libris Sanctis , sive Testamen● Vetris , sive Novi , nullo modó esse possit adversum , tamen propter amorem nostri erroris , oderimus . Lib. 2. Genesi ad Literam in fine . c Si fortasscerunt Mataeologi qui cum omnum Mathematicum ignari sint , tamen de ●is judicium assumunt , propter aliquem locum Scripturae , malè ad suum propositum , detortum , ausi fuerint hoc meum institutum repre●endere ac insectari , illos nihil moror , adeò ut etiam illorum judicium , tanquam temerarium contemnam . Non enim obscurum est , Lactantium , celelebrem alioqui Scriptorem , sed Mathematicum parvum , admodum pueriliter de forma Terrae loqui , cùm deridet eos , qui Terram , Glob● formam habere prodiderunt . Itaque non debet mirum videri studiosis , si qui tales , nos etiam ridebunt . Mathemata Mathematicis scribuntur ; quibus & hi nostri labores , ( si me non fallit opinio ) videbuntur etiam Reipublicae Ecclesiasticae conducere aliquid , cujus Principatum Tua Sanctitas nunc ten●● . c Not definimus , Deum , primò N●tura cognoscendum ; Deinde , Doctrina recognescendum : Natura ex operibus ; Doctrina ex p●aedicationibus . Tertul. adver . Marcion . lib. 1. cap. 18. c Quaeri etiam solet , quae forma & figura Caeli credenda sit secundum Scripturas nostras : Multi enim multum disputant de iis ribus , quas majori prudentia nostri Autores omiserunt , ad beatam vitam non profuturas discentibus , & occupaentes ( quod prius est ) multum prolixa● , & rebus salubribus impendenda temporum spatiae . Quid enim ad ●e pertinet , utrum Caelum , sicut Sphaera , undique concludat Terram , in media Mundi ●ole libratam ; an eam ex una parte desuper , velut discus , operiat ? Sed quia● de Fide agitur Scripturarum , propter illam causam , quam non semel commemoravimus , Ne scilicet quisquam eloquia divina non intelligens , cum de his rebus tale aliquid vel invenerit in Libris Nostris , vel ex illis audiverit , quod perceptis assertionibus adversari videatur , nullo modo eis , cetera utilia monentibus , vel narrantibus , vel prae●●●ntiantibus , credat : Breviter discendum est , de figura Caeli , hoc scisse Autores nostros , quod veritas habet : Sed Spiritum Dei , qui per ipsos loquebatur , noluisse ista docere homines , nulli ad salutem profutura . D. August . Lib. 2. De Gen. ad literam , Cap. 9. Idem etiam legitur apud Petrum Lombardum Magistrum Sententiarum . d De Moit● etiam Caeli , nonnulli fra●tres quaestionem movent , utrum stet , an moveatur ; quia● si ●●●vetur , inquiunt , quomodo Firmamentum est ? Si autem stat , quomodo Sydera quae in ipso fixa creduntur , ab Oriente in Occidentem circūeunt , , Septentrionalibus breviores gyros juxta cardinem peragentibus ; ut Caelum , si est alius nobis occulius cardo , ex alio vertice , sicut Sphaera ; si autem nullus alius cardo est , vel uti discus rotari videatur ? Quibus respondeo , Multum subtilibus & laboriosis rationibus ista perquiri , ut vere percipiaetur , utrum ita , an non ita sit , quibus ineundis atque tractandis nec mihi jam tempus est , nec illis esse debet , quos ad salutem suam , è Sanctae Ecclesiae necessaria utilitate cupimus informari : * Card. Baronius . Spiritui sancto mentem fuisse , nos docere , quomodo ad Caelum eatur : non autem , quomodo Caelum gradiatur . Cardinal . Bar. e Illud etiam diligenter cavendum , & omnino fugiendum est , ne in tractanda Mosis Doctrina , quicquam affirmate & asseveranter sentiamus & dicamus , quod repugnet manifestis experimentis & rationibus Philosophiae , vel aliarum Disciplinarum . Namque cum Verum omne semper cum Vero congruat , non potest Veritas Sacrarum Litterarum , Veris Rationibus & Experimentis Humanarum Doctrinarum esse contraria . Peter . in Gen. circa Principium . f Si manifestae certaeque Rationi , velut sanctarum Litterarum objicitur autoriritas , non intelligit , qui hoc facit ; & non Scriptura sensum ( ad quem penetrare non potuit ) sed suum potius objicit veritati : nec ●d quod in ea , sed quod in seipso velut pro ea invenit , opponit . Epist. 7. ad Marcellinum . Ecclesiast . cap. 3. g Hanc ( Scilicet Sacram cripturam ) garrula anus , banc delirus sen●x , hanc Sophista verbosus , hanc universi praesumunt , lacerant , docent , antequant dis●ant . Alij , adducto supercilio , grandia verba trutinantes , ●nter mulierculas , de Sacris Lit●eris Philosophantur . Alij discunt , proh pudor ! à faeminis , quod viros docens , & ne parum hoc sit , quadam facilitate verborum , 〈◊〉 audaciâ , edisserunt aliis , quod ipsi non intelligunt . Taceo de mei similibus , qui si forte ad Scripturas Sanctas , post siculares litteras venerint , & sermone composito , aurem populi mulserint ; quicquid dixerint , hoc legem Des putant : nec scire dignantur , quid Prophetae , quid Apostoli senserint , sed ad sensum suum , incongrua apta●●●●stimonia : Quasi grande sit , & non vit ●ocissimum docendi genus , depravare sententias , & ad voluntatem suam Scripturamtrahere repugnantem . Jeron . Epist. ad Paul. 103. g Hoc indubitanter tenendum est , ut quicquid Sapientes hujus Mundi , de Natura rerum veraciter demonstrare potuerint , ostendamus , nostris libris non esse contrarium : quicquid autem illi , in suis voluminibus , contrarium Sacris Litteris docent , sine ulla dubitatione credamus , id falsissimum esse , & quoquo modo possumus , etiam ostendamus ; atque ita teneamus Fidem Domini nostri , in quasunt absconditi omnes thesauri Sapientiae , ut neque falsae Philosophiae loquacitate seducamur , neque simulata Religionis superstitione terreamur . Gen. as Litteram . lib I. Cap. 25 . * P. Clavius the Jesuite . * Pelle , a Skin in the Original , but in our Bibles a Curtain . h Sed ait aliquis , quomodo non est contrarium iis , qui figuram Sphaerae Coelo tribunt , quod scriptum est in Libris Nostris , Qui extendit Coelum , sicut pellem ? Sit sanè contraritem , si falsum est , quod illi dicunt : hoc enim verum est , qu●d Divina dicit authoritas , potius quam illud , qu●d humana infirmitas conjicit . Sea si forte illud talibus illi documentis probare potuerint , ut dubitari inde non debeat ; demonstrandum est , hoc quod apud nos est de Pelle dictum , veris illis rationibus non esse contrarium . i Quod licet in praesenti facile non possit comprehendi ; arbitror tamen , in processu tractandarum Scripturarum , opportuniora loca posse occurrere , ubi nobis de hac re , secundum Sancta auctoritatis Litteras , etsi non ost endere certum aliquid , tamen credere licebit . Nunc autem , servatâ semper modoratione piae gravitatis , nihil credere dere obscura temere debemus ; ne fortè , quod postea veritas patefecerit , quamvis Libris Sanctis , sive Testamenti veteris , sive , novi nullo modo esse possit aeeversum , tamen propter amorem nostri erroris , oderimus . Id. D Aug. in Gen. ad Litteram , lib. 1. in sine . k Quasi non mu●tain Scripturis Sanctis dicantur juxta opinionem illius temporis quo gesta referunt , & non juxta quod rei veritas contenebat . D. Hiero. in c. 28. Jerem. l Consuetudinis Scripturarum est , ut opinionem multarum rerum sic narret Historicus , quomodo eo tempore ab omnibus credebatur . In cap. 13. Matth. * D. Thomas , in cap. 26. Job . v. 7. * Namely , according to the Litteral Sense . Concil . Trid. Sess. 4. * His resp●ndeo , mul●um subuliter , & laboriosis rationibus , ista perquiri , ut vere percipiatur , utrum ita , an non ita sit : quibus ineundis atque tractandis , nec mihi jam , tem●us est , nec illis esse debet , quos ad salutem suam , Sanctae Ecclesiae necessariam utilitatem cupimus informari . m Non solem , sed Primum Mobile immotum constitisse : Dionis . Areop . n Omnia corpora Caelestia , immota substitisse : o Solem revera non substitisse immotum , sed probrevi tempore , intra quod Israelitae , hostes suos fuderunt , id ita visumesse . Isa. Cap. 38. p In rebus obscuris , at que à nostris oculis remotissimis , siqua inde scripta etiam divina legerimus , quae possint salva fide , qua●imbuimur , aliis atque aliis parere sententiis , in nullam earum nos praecipiti affirmatione ita projiciamus , ut si forte diligentiùs discussa veritas eā recte labefactaverit , corr●amus : non pro sententia Divinarum Scripturarum , sed pro nostra ita dimicantes , ut eam velimus Scriturarum esse , quae nostra est , cum potius cam quae Scripturarum est , nostram esse velle debeamus . Divus Augustin . in Gen. ad Litteram , lib. 2. c. 18. & seq . q Tam diu non est extra fidem , donec Veritate certissima refellatur . Quod si factum fuerit , non hoc habebat Divina Scriptura , sed hoc senserat humana Ignorantia . Ibid. r Si autem hoc verum esse vera ratio demonstraverit , adhuc incertum erit , utrum hoc in illis verbis Sanctorum Librorum , Scriptor sentiri voluerit , an aliquid aliud non minus verum . Quod s●caetra contextio sermonis non hoc eum voluisse probaverit , non ideo falsum erit aliud , quod ipse intelligi voluit , sed & verum , & quod utilius cognoscatur . s Si autem contextio Scripturae , hoc voluiss intelligi Scriptorem , non repugnaverit , adhuc restabit quaerere , utrum & aliud non potuerit . t Quod si & aliud potuisse invenerimus , incertum erit ; quidnam eorum ille voluerit : aut utrumque voluisse non inconvenienter creditur , si utriusque sententiae certa circumstantia sufragatur . u Plerumque enim accidit , ut aliquid de Terra , de Celo , de ceteris hujus mundi elementis , de motu , conversione , vel etiam magnitudine & intervallis Syderum , de certis defectibus Solis , & Lunae , de eircuitibus annorum & temporum ; de Naturis animalium , fruticum , lapidum , atque hujusmodi ceteris , etiam non Christianus ita noverit , ut cirtissima ratione vel experientiâ teneat . Turpe autem est nimis & perniciosum , ac maxime cavendum , ut Christianum de his rebus quasi secundum Christianas litteras loquentem , ita delirare quilibet infidelis audiat , ut , quem admodum dicitur , toto Caelo errare conspiciens , risūtenere vix possit : & non tam molestum est , quod errans homo derideretur , sed quod auctores nostri , ab tis qui foris sunt , talia sensisse creduntur , & cum magno exitio corim , de quorum salute satagimus , tanquam indocti reprehenduntur atque respuuntur . Cum enim quemquam de numero Christianorum eai●re , quam ipsi optime norunt , deprehenderint , & vanam sententiam suam de nostris libris asserent ; quo pacto illis Libris credituri sunt , de Resurrectione Mortuorum , & de spe vitae eternae , Regnoque Celorum ; quando de his rebus quas jam experiri , vel indubitatis rationibus percipere potuerunt , fallaciter putaverint esse conscriptos . y Quid enim molestiae , tristiaeque ingerant prudentibus fratribus , tenerar●j praesumpiores , satis dici non potest , cum , si quando de falsa & prava opinione sua reprehendi & convinci caeperint , ab iis qui nostrorum librorum auctoritate , & apertissima falsitate dixerunt , eosdnm libros Sanctos , unde id probent , proferre conantur ; vel etiam memoriter , quae ad testimonium v●lere arbitrantur , multa inde verba pronunciant , non intelligentes , neque quae loquuntur , neque de quibus affirmant . If this passage seem harsh , the Reader must remember that I do but Translate . * 〈…〉 On it s own Axis . * Lux ejus colligit , convertitque ad se omnia , quae videntur , quae moventur , quae illustrantur , quae calescunt , & uno nomine ea , quae ab ejus splendore continentur . Itaque Sol 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur , quod omnia congreget , colligatque dispersa . * Si enim Sol hic quem videmus , eorum quae sub sensum cadunt , essentias & qualitates , quaeque multa sint ac dissimiles , tamen ipse qui unus est , aequaliterque lumen fundit , renovat , alit , tuetur , perficit , dividit , conjungit , fovet , faecunda reddit , auget , mutat , firmat edit , movet , vitaliaque facit omnia : & unaquaque res hujus universitatis , pro captu suo , unius atque ejusdem Solis est particeps , causasque multorum , quae participent , in se aequabiliter anticipatas habet , certe majori raticne , &c. Solem stetisse , dum adhuc in Hemisphaerio nostro , supra scilicet Horizontem existeret . Cajetan in loco . * Or Poles . Notes for div A61244-e114270 * Gen. Chp. 〈◊〉 v. 1. * Psal. 24. 2. * Psal. 137. 1. * Chap. 1. v. 4 , to 9. Psal. 104. v. 5. * Shelter . * Officium Notes for div A61244-e115190 * In vita ejus . * Followers of that Learned Kings Hypothesis . * That is 5000 miles ; eight of these making an Italian . or English mile of a 1000. paces every pac● containing 5. Feet . * Chap. 1. v. 4. The Motion of the Earth , not against Scripture . Notes for div A61244-e115640 Faith is more certain , than either Sense or Reason . * 2 Pet. 1. 19. * Or Primum Mobile . * Cardan de rerum va●iet . Lib. 1. Cap. 1. * P. Clavius in ultima suor . Operum editione . The Author first Theologically d●fende●h the ●arths M●bility , approved by ●ary of the Moderns . b Or In Sole posuit tabernaculum suum , according to the Translation our Author followeth . In Sphericall Bodies , Deorsum is the Centre , and Sursum the Circumference . Hell is in the centre of the Earth , not of the World. Heaven and Eart● are always 〈◊〉 opposed to each other . After the day of Judgment the Earth shall stand immoveable . * Circa Cardines Coeli . Luke 16. Alia sunt notiora nobis , alia , notiora natura , vel secundum se , Arist . lib. 1. Phys. * Aut ad Umbram Which are really the great Lights in Heaven . The Sun , Moon , and Stars are one & the same thing . The Earth is another Moon or Star. Why the Sunne seemeth to us to move , & not the Earth . Aeneid . 3. a Eccles. c. 1. v. ult . b Chap. 3. v. 11. c 1 Cor. c. 4. v. 5. d 1 Cor. c. 13. v. 12. e 1 John c. 3. v. 2. f 1 Cor. c. 13. v. 12. g Ecclesiast . 15. 3. h 1 Cor. c. 2. v. 2. i Isa. c. 48. v. 17. 1 Thess. 4. Joshua c. 10. ver . 12. * expected . Isa. c. 38. v. 8. ● Several Motions of the Earth according to Copernicus . The Earth Secundum Totum is Immutable , though not Immovable . The Earth cannot Secundum Totum , remove out of its Natural Place . The Natural Place of the Earth . The Moon is an Aetherial Body . The Earths Centre keepeth it in its Natural Place . Gravity and Levity of Bodies , what it is . All Coelestial Bodies have Gravity and Levity . Compressive Motion , proper to Gravity ; the Extensive , to Levity . Heaven is not composed of a fift Essence differing from the matter of inferior Bodies . Nor yet a Solid or dense Body but Rare . * Delle Macchie solarj . * Vnius Corporis simplicis , unus est motus simplex , et huic dua species , Rectus & Circularis : Rectus duplex à medio , & ad medium ; primus levium , ut Aeris & Ignis : secundus gravium , ut Aquae & Terra : Circularis , quiest circa medium competit Coelo , quod neque est grave , neque leve . Arist. de Coelo . Lib. 1. * Vide Copernicum de Revolutionibus Coelest . Simple Motion peculiar to only Simple Bodies . Right Motion belongeth to Imperfect Bodies , and that are out of their natural Places . Right Motion cannot be Simple . Right Motion is ever mixt with the Circular . * aequabilis . * Even . Circular Motion is truly Simple and Perpetual . Circular Motion belongeth to the Whole Body , and the Right to its parts . Circular and Right Motion coincedent , and may consist together in the same Body . The Earth in 〈◊〉 sense it may 〈…〉 be said 〈…〉 the lowest 〈◊〉 of the World. Christ in his Incarnation truly descended from Heaven , and in his Asce●sion truly ascended into Heaven . 2 Cor. c. 12. v. 3. Whether in the body or out of the body , I cannot tell , The Sun is King , Heart and Lamp of the World himself being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolutely independent . ) The Aenigma of Plato . a Circa omni●m Regem sunt omnia . & Secunda circa Secundum , et Tertia circa Tertium : Vide Theodo . de Graec. affect . curat . lib. 2. S●euch . lib. de Parennj . Philoso . Eccles. c. 1. 2. 3. and almost thoout . * Quod fiunt , vel sunt sub sole . Heaven according to Copernicus is the same with the most ▪ tenuous Aether ; but different from Paradice , which surpasseth all the Heavens . a Exod. 25. 31. b My Authour following the vulgar Translation , which hath an Eligance in some things beyond ours , cites the words thus , Facies Candelabrum ductile de auro mundissimo , Hastile ejus , & Calamos , & Sphaerulas , ac Lilia , ex ipso procedentia . c verse 12. d or Spheres . e Though our Authour speaketh here positively of nine Months , &c. Fathers are not agreed about the period of this planet , nor that of Mercury , as you may see at large in Ricciolus , Almagest . nov . Tom. 1. part 1. l. 7. sect . 3. cha . 11. num . 11. page 627. where he maketh Venus to consummate her Revolution in neer 225 dayes , or 7 / 12 Mon. and Mercury in about 88 dayes , or 3 Months : in which he followeth Kepl. in Epitome Astronom . p. 760. f vers . 33 , 34. g 1 Kings c. 7. v. 49. 2 Chron. c. 4. vers . 7. h Exod. 28. 33 , 34 , & 39. v. 24 , 25 , 26. i Sap. c. 18. v. 24. k Exod. c. 28. v. 6 , 9 , 17 , 36. l Or , totus Orbis Terrarum , as the vulgar Translation hath it . m Numb . c. 20. v. 5. n Joel c. 1. v. 12. o Hagg. c. 2. v. 19. p Deut. c. 8. v. 8. q 1 Kings c 7. v. 20. & 2 Kings c. 25. v. 17. & 2 Chro. c. 3. v. 15 , 16. &c. 4. v. 12. 13. & Jerem. c. 52. v. 21 , 22. r Gen. c. 1. v. 1. s Psal. 67. v. 6 ▪ 7. * Psal. 9 ▪ . v. 5 , 6. * Institutionum omnium Doctr●narum . * De Oraculis . * De Divinati●-ne artificiosa . * De Divinati●-ne Naturali Cosmologica . Notes for div A61244-e121830 a Nella continuatione dell Nuntio siderio . b L●ttera al P. Abba●● D. B. Castelli D'A●cetro ; li. 3. Decemb. 16 9. c De Motu Aquan● . ●ib . 2. Prop. 37. p. 191. Notes for div A61244-e124130 * And as is at large demonstrated by that most excellent and Honourable personage Mr. Boile in the industrious experiment of his Pneumatical Engine . * Artesia . * Commentarius beareth many senses , but in this place signifieth a certain Register of the quantities of the Waters in the several publique Aquiducts of Rome ; which word I find frequently used in the Law-books of antient Civilians : And by errogation we are to understand the distribution or delivering out of those stores of Water . * A Coyn of Pope Julius worth six pence . Notes for div A61244-e127560 * Or Sluice . Notes for div A61244-e130280 * In Pregadi , a particular Council , the Senators of which have great Authority . * A Venice Brace is 11 / 16 of our yard . * A River of that name . * I. Savii dell ' Acque , a particular Council that take care of the Lakes and other Aquatick affairs . * He here intends the Demonstrations following , at the end of the first Book * Deeper . * Lib. 1. * The Countrey or Province lying round the City heretofore called Latium ▪ * Or Lordship . * The Popes Exchequer . * Polesine is a plat of Ground almost surrounded with Bogs or waters , like an Island * People of Ferrara . * In Chanels made by hand . * The inch of these places is somewhat bigger than ours . * Of Adriano . * Larghezza , but misprinted .